MY DEAR SIR:--My former business partner, Mr. Frederic Kidder, ofBoston, has forwarded to me a letter he has recently received fromhis brother, Edward Kidder, of Wilmington, in which (Edward Kidder)says that he has had an interview with you in which you expressed ananxiety for any peace compatible with honor; that you regard slaveryas already dead, and the establishment of the Confederacy ashopeless; and that you should exert all your influence to bring aboutany reunion that would admit the South on terms of perfect equalitywith the North.

On receipt of this letter I lost no time in laying it before thePresident of the United States) who expressed great gratification athearing such sentiments from you, one of the most influential andhonored of the Southern governors, and he desires me to say that hefully shares your anxiety for the restoration of peace between theStates and for a reunion of all the States on the basis of theabolition of slavery--the bone we are fighting over--and the fullreinstatement of every Confederate citizen in all the rights ofcitizenship in our common country. These points conceded, thePresident authorizes me to say that he will be glad to receiveovertures from any man, or body of men, who have authority to controlthe armies of the Confederacy; and that he and the United StatesCongress will be found very liberal on all collateral points that maycome up in the settlement.

His views on the collateral points that may naturally arise, thePresident desires me to say he will communicate to you through me ifyou should suggest the personal interview that Mr. Edward Kidderrecommends in his letter to his brother. In that case you willplease forward to me, through Mr. Kidder, your official permit, asGovernor of North Carolina, to enter and leave the State, and toremain in it in safety during the pendency of these negotiations,which, I suppose, should be conducted in entire secrecy until theyassume an official character. With high consideration, I am,

Sincerely yours,

JAMES R. GILMORE.

[Indorsement.]This letter has been written in my presence, has been read by me, andhas my entire approval.A.L.

PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING, JULY 15, 1863BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications andprayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army and navyof the United States victories on land and on the sea so signal andso effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for augmentedconfidence that the Union of these States will be maintained, theirConstitution preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanentlyrestored. But these victories have been accorded not withoutsacrifices of life, limb, health, and liberty, incurred by brave,loyal, and patriotic citizens. Domestic affliction in every part ofthe country follows in the train of these fearful bereavements. Itis meet and right to recognize and confess the presence of theAlmighty Father, and the power of His hand equally in these triumphsand in these sorrows.

Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday, the 6th dayof August next, to be observed as a day for national thanksgiving,praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of the United States toassemble on that occasion in their customary places of worship, and,in the forms approved by their own consciences, render the homage dueto the Divine Majesty for the wonderful things He has done in thenation's behalf, and invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit tosubdue the anger which has produced and so long sustained a needlessand cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guidethe counsels of the Government with wisdom adequate to so great anational emergency, and to visit with tender care and consolationthroughout the length and breadth of our land all those who, throughthe vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, and sieges have been,brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and finally to lead thewhole nation through the paths of repentance and submission to theDivine Will back to the perfect enjoyment of union and fraternalpeace.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the sealof the United States to be affixed.

Done. at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, in theyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and ofthe independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.

Many persons are telegraphing me from California, begging me for thepeace of the State to suspend the military enforcement of the writ ofpossession in the Almaden case, while you are the single one whourges the contrary. You know I would like to oblige you, but itseems to me my duty in this case is the other way.

Your despatch of yesterday received. Lee was already across theriver when you sent it. I would give much to be relieved of theimpression that Meade, Couch, Smith, and all since the battle atGettysburg, have striven only to get Lee over the river withoutanother fight. Please tell me, if you know, who was the one corpscommander who was for fighting in the council of war on Sunday night.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. O. BROADHEAD.

WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 15, 1863.

J. O. BROADHEAD, St. Louis, Mo.:

The effect on political position of McKee's arrest will not berelieved any by its not having been made with that purpose.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL LANE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 17 1863.

HON. S. H. LANE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Governor Carney has not asked to [have] General Bluntremoved, or interfered with, in his military operations. He hasasked that he, the Governor, be allowed to commission officers fortroops raised in Kansas, as other governors of loyal States do; and Ithink he is right in this.

He has asked that General Blunt shall not take persons charged withcivil crimes out of the hands of the courts and turn them over tomobs to be hung; and I think he is right in this also. He has askedthat General Ewing's department be extended to include all Kansas;and I have not determined whether this is right or not.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON.

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 18, 1863.

GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis:

What do you remember about the case of John O. Brown, convicted ofmutinous conduct and sentenced to death? What do you desire aboutit?

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR PARKER

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON

July 20, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY JOEL PARKER, Governor of New Jersey.

DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th has been received, and considered by theSecretary of War and myself. I was pained to be informed thismorning by the Provost-Marshal-General that New Jersey is now behindtwelve thousand, irrespective of the draft. I did not have time toascertain by what rules this was made out; and I shall be very gladif it shall, by any means, prove to be incorrect. He also tells methat eight thousand will be about the quota of New Jersey on thefirst draft; and the Secretary of War says the first draft in thatState would not be made for some time in any event. As every manobtained otherwise lessens the draft so much, and this may supersedeit altogether, I hope you will push forward your volunteer regimentsas fast as possible.

It is a very delicate matter to postpone the draft in one State,because of the argument it furnishes others to have postponementalso. If we could have a reason in one case which would be good ifpresented in all cases, we could act upon it.

I will thank you, therefore, to inform me, if you can, by what day,at the earliest, you can promise to have ready to be mustered intothe United States service the eight thousand men.

If you can make a reliable promise (I mean one which you can rely onyourself) of this sort, it will be of great value, if the day is nottoo remote.

I beg you to be assured I wish to avoid the difficulties you dread asmuch as yourself.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN

TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C.JULY 20, 1863

MAJOR GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD.

MY DEAR GENERAL:--I have received and read your letter of the 14th ofJuly.

I think the suggestion you make, of discontinuing proceedings againstMr. McKee, a very proper one. While I admit that there is anapparent impropriety in the publication of the letter mentioned,without my consent or yours, it is still a case where no evil couldresult, and which I am entirely willing to overlook.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD

WASHINGTON, D.C. JULY 22, 1863

MAJOR GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. Louis, Mo.:

The following despatch has been placed in my hands. Please look tothe subject of it.

LEXINGTON, Mo., JULY 21, 1863HON. S C. POMEROY:Under Orders No.63 the sheriff is arresting slaves of rebels insideour lines, and returning them in great numbers. Can he do it?Answer. GOULD.

A. LINCOLN

TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,JULY 24, 1863.

HON. POSTMASTER-GENERAL

SIR:-Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in two casesof postmasterships sought for widows whose husbands have fallen inthe battles of this war. These cases occurring on the same daybrought me to reflect more attentively than I had before done, as towhat is fairly due from us herein the dispensing of patronage towardthe men who, by fighting our battles, bear the chief burden ofserving our country. My conclusion is that, other claims andqualifications being equal, they have the better right and this isespecially applicable to the disabled and the soldier, deceasedsoldier's family.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN

TO SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 25, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

SIR:--Certain matters have come to my notice, and considered by me,which induce me to believe that it will conduce to the publicinterest for you to add to the general instructions given to ournaval commanders in relation to contraband trade propositionssubstantially as follows, to wit:

First. You will avoid the reality, and as far as possible theappearance, of using any neutral port to watch neutral vessels andthen to dart out and seize them on their departure.

NOTE.--Complaint is made that this has been practiced at the port ofSt Thomas, which practice, if it exists, is disapproved and mustcease.

Second. You will not in any case detain the crew of a capturedneutral vessel or any other subject of a neutral power on board suchvessel, as prisoners of war or otherwise, except the small numbernecessary as witnesses in the prize court.

NOTE.-The practice here forbidden is also charged to exist, which, iftrue, is disapproved and must cease.

My dear sir, it is not intended to be insinuated that you have beenremiss in the performance of the arduous and responsible duties ofyour department, which, I take pleasure in affirming, has in yourhands been conducted with admirable success. Yet, while yoursubordinates are almost of necessity brought into angry collisionwith the subjects of foreign states, the representatives of thosestates and yourself do not come into immediate contact for thepurpose of keeping the peace, in spite of such collisions. At thatpoint there is an ultimate and heavy responsibility upon me.

What I propose is in strict accordance with international law, and istherefore unobjectionable; whilst, if it does no other good, it willcontribute to sustain a considerable portion of the present Britishministry in their places, who, if displaced, are sure to be replacedby others more unfavorable to us.

Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

LETTER TO GOVERNOR PARKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

July 25, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR JOEL PARKER.

SIR:--Yours of the 21st is received, and I have taken time andconsidered and discussed the subject with the Secretary of War andProvost-Marshal General, in order, if possible, to make you a morefavorable answer than I finally find myself able to do.

It is a vital point with us to not have a special stipulation withthe governor of any one State, because it would breed trouble inmany, if not all, other States; and my idea was when I wrote you, asit still is, to get a point of time to which we could wait, on thereason that we were not ready ourselves to proceed, and which mightenable you to raise the quota of your State, in whole, or in largepart, without the draft. The points of time you fix are much fartheroff than I had hoped. We might have got along in the way I haveindicated for twenty, or possibly thirty, days. As it stands, thebest I can say is that every volunteer you will present us withinthirty days from this date, fit and ready to be mustered into theUnited States service, on the usual terms, shall be pro tanto anabatement of your quota of the draft. That quota I can now state ateight thousand seven hundred and eighty-three (8783). No draft fromNew Jersey, other than for the above quota, will be made before anadditional draft, common to [all] the States, shall be required; andI may add that if we get well through with this draft, I entertain astrong hope that any further one may never be needed. Thisexpression of hope, however, must not be construed into a promise.

As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it would require sucha waste of labor already done, and such an additional amount of it,and such a loss of time, as to make it, I fear, inadmissible.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--Since writing the above, getting additional information, I amenabled to say that the draft may be made in subdistricts, as theenrolment has been made, or is in process of making. This willamount practically to drafting by townships, as the enrollmentsubdistricts are generally about the extent of townships.A.L.

To GENERAL G. G. MEADE.(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 27, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:

I have not thrown General Hooker away; and therefore I would like toknow whether it would be agreeable to you, all things considered, forhim to take a corps under you, if he himself is willing to do so.Write me in perfect freedom, with the assurance that I will notsubject you to any embarrassment by making your letter or itscontents known to any one. I wish to know your wishes before Idecide whether to break the subject to him. Do not lean a hair'sbreadth against your own feelings, or your judgment of the publicservice, on the idea of gratifying me.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. B. BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 27, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

Let me explain. In General Grant's first despatch after the fall ofVicksburg, he said, among other things, he would send the Ninth Corpsto you. Thinking it would be pleasant to you, I asked the Secretaryof War to telegraph you the news. For some reasons never mentionedto us by General Grant, they have not been sent, though we have seenoutside intimations that they took part in the expedition againstJackson. General Grant is a copious worker and fighter, but a verymeager writer or telegrapher. No doubt he changed his purpose inregard to the Ninth Corps for some sufficient reason, but hasforgotten to notify us of it.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,July 29, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

Seeing General Meade's despatch of yesterday to yourself causes me tofear that he supposes the Government here is demanding of him tobring on a general engagement with Lee as soon as possible. I amclaiming no such thing of him. In fact, my judgment is against it;which judgment, of course, I will yield if yours and his are thecontrary. If he could not safely engage Lee at Williamsport, itseems absurd to suppose he can safely engage him now, when he hasscarcely more than two thirds of the force he had at Williamsport,while it must be that Lee has been reinforced. True, I desiredGeneral Meade to pursue Lee across the Potomac, hoping, as has provedtrue, that he would thereby clear the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,and get some advantages by harassing him on his retreat. These beingpast, I am unwilling he should now get into a general engagement onthe impression that we here are pressing him, and I shall be glad foryou to so inform him, unless your own judgment is against it.

Yours truly,A. LINCOLN.

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.

TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 29, 1863

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

SIR:--Can we not renew the effort to organize a force to go towestern Texas?

Please consult with the general-in-chief on the subject.

If the Governor of New Jersey shall furnish any new regiments, mightnot they be put into such an expedition? Please think of it.

I believe no local object is now more desirable.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

ORDER OF RETALIATION.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 30, 1863.

It is the duty of every government to give protection to itscitizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially tothose who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. Thelaw of nations and the usages and customs of war, as carried on bycivilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatmentof prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave anycaptured person, on account of his color and for no offense againstthe laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against thecivilization of the age.

The Government of the United States will give the same protection toall its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any onebecause of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliationupon the enemy's prisoners in our possession.

It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United Stateskilled in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall beexecuted; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold intoslavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the publicworks, and continued at such labor until the other shall be releasedand receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,July 31, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL HURLBUT:

Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that yourresignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that anactive command has been assigned you by General Grant. The Secretaryof War and General Halleck are very partial to you, as you know Ialso am. We all wish you to reconsider the question of resigning;not that we would wish to retain you greatly against your wish andinterest, but that your decision may be at least a very well-considered one.

I understand that Senator [William K.] Sebastian, of Arkansas, thinksof offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the Senate,and not I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. Still Ishould feel great interest in the question. It may be so presentedas to be one of the very greatest national importance; and it may beotherwise so presented as to be of no more than temporary personalconsequence to him.

The Emancipation Proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it isvalid in law, and will be so held by the courts. I think I shall notretract or repudiate it. Those who shall have tasted actual freedomI believe can never be slaves or quasi-slaves again. For the rest, Ibelieve some plan substantially being gradual emancipation would bebetter for both white and black. The Missouri plan recentlyadopted, I do not object to on account of the time for ending theinstitution; but I am sorry the beginning should have been postponedfor seven years, leaving all that time to agitate for the repeal ofthe whole thing. It should begin at once, giving at least thenew-born a vested interest in freedom which could not be taken away.If Senator Sebastian could come with something of this sort fromArkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his case; and Ibelieve a single individual will have scarcely done the world sogreat a service. See him if you can, and read this to him; butcharge him not to make it public for the present. Write me again.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM FROM GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.ALBANY, August 1, 1863. Recvd 2 P.M.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send youa communication I am preparing.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR

WASHINGTON, D.C., August 1, 1863. 4 P.M.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, Albany, N.Y.:

By what day may I expect your communication to reach me? Are youanxious about any part except the city and vicinity?

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER (or whoever may be in command of the militarydepartment with headquarters at Fort Monroe, Va.):

If Dr. Wright, on trial at Norfolk, has been or shall be convicted,send me a transcript of his trial and conviction, and do not letexecution be done upon him until my further order.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 5,1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:

While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, itis quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter.I would be glad for her to make a new constitution, recognizing theemancipation proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those partsof the State to which the proclamation does not apply. And while sheis at it, I think it would not be objectionable for her to adopt somepractical system by which the two races could gradually livethemselves out of their old relation to each other, and both come outbetter prepared for the new. Education for young blacks should beincluded in the plan. After all, the power or element of "contract"may be sufficient for this probationary period, and by its simplicityand flexibility may be the better.

As an antislavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation whichproslavery men do not have but even they have strong enough reason tothus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and tothus perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes throughwhich we are now passing.

Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking aregistry, with a view to the election of a constitutional conventionin Louisiana. This, to me, appears proper. If such convention wereto ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say toyou. I think the thing should be pushed forward, so that, ifpossible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of Congress.

For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract theemancipation proclamation: nor, as executive, ever return to slaveryany person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by anyof the acts of Congress.

If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seatswill depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not uponthe President.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 7, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York:

Your communication of the 3rd instant has been received andattentively considered.

I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request,because, among other reasons, time is too important.

By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelvedistricts represented fall into two classes of eight and fourrespectively. The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these twoclasses is certainly very striking, being the difference between anaverage of 2200 in one class and 4864 in the other. Assuming thatthe districts are equal one to another in entire population, asrequired by the plan on which they were made, this disparity is suchas to require attention. Much of it, however, I suppose will beaccounted for by the fact that so many more persons fit for soldiersare in the city than are in the country who have too recently arrivedfrom other parts of the United States and from Europe to be eitherincluded in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862. Still,making due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it asan entirely sufficient explanation of the great disparity.

I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing,however, at first from each of the four districts--to wit, theSecond, Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth--only, 2200 being the average quotaof the other class. After this drawing, these four districts, andalso the Seventeenth and Twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled; and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every stepof the process. Any deficiency which may appear by the new enrolmentwill be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing duecredit for volunteers who may be obtained from these districtsrespectively during the interval; and at all points, so far asconsistent with practical convenience, due credits shall be given forvolunteers, and your Excellency shall be notified of the time fixedfor commencing the draft in each district.

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States SupremeCourt, or of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of thedraft law. In fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtainingof it. But I cannot consent to lose the time while it is beingobtained. We are contending with an enemy who, as I understand,drives every able-bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very muchas a butcher drives bullocks into the slaughter-pen. No time iswasted, no argument is used. This produces an army which will soonturn upon our now victorious soldiers already in the field, if theyshall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It produces anarmy with a rapidity not to be matched on our side if we first wastetime to re-experiment with the volunteer system, already deemed byCongress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to beinadequate; and then more time to obtain a court decision as towhether a law is constitutional, which requires a part of those notnow in the service to go to the aid of those who are already in it;and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we getthose who are to go in the precisely legal proportion to those whoare not to go. My purpose is to be in my action just andconstitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important dutywith which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the freeprinciples of our common country.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON,August 9, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL GRANT:

I see by a despatch of yours that you incline quite strongly towardan expedition against Mobile. This would appear tempting to me also,were it not that in view of recent events in Mexico I am greatlyimpressed with the importance of re-establishing the nationalauthority in western Texas as soon as possible. I am not making anorder, however; that I leave, for the present at least, to thegeneral-in-chief.

A word upon another subject: General Thomas has gone again to theMississippi Valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I haveno reason to doubt that you are doing what you reasonably can uponthe same subject. I believe it is a resource which if vigorouslyapplied now will soon close the contest. It works doubly, weakeningthe enemy and strengthening us. We were not fully ripe for it untilthe river was opened. Now, I think at least one hundred thousand canand ought to be rapidly organized along its shores, relieving allwhite troops to serve elsewhere. Mr. Dana understands you asbelieving that the Emancipation Proclamation has helped some in yourmilitary operations. I am very glad if this is so.

Did you receive a short letter from me dated the 13th of July?

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 10, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Yours of the 1st was received two days ago. I think you must haveinferred more than General Halleck has intended, as to anydissatisfaction of mine with you. I am sure you, as a reasonableman, would not have been wounded could you have heard all my wordsand seen all my thoughts in regard to you. I have not abated in mykind feeling for and confidence in you. I have seen most of yourdespatches to General Halleck--probably all of them. After Grantinvested Vicksburg I was very anxious lest Johnston should overwhelmhim from the outside, and when it appeared certain that part ofBragg's force had gone and was going to Johnston, it did seem to meit was exactly the proper time for you to attack Bragg with whatforce he had left. In all kindness let me say it so seems to me yet.Finding from your despatches to General Halleck that your judgmentwas different, and being very anxious for Grant, I, on one occasion,told General Halleck I thought he should direct you to decide at onceto immediately attack Bragg or to stand on the defensive and sendpart of your force to Grant. He replied he had already so directedin substance. Soon after, despatches from Grant abated my anxietyfor him, and in proportion abated my anxiety about any movement ofyours. When afterward, however, I saw a despatch of yours arguingthat the right time for you to attack Bragg was not before, but wouldbe after, the fall of Vicksburg, it impressed me very strangely, andI think I so stated to the Secretary of War and General Halleck. Itseemed no other than the proposition that you could better fightBragg when Johnston should be at liberty to return and assist himthan you could before he could so return to his assistance.

Since Grant has been entirely relieved by the fall of Vicksburg, bywhich Johnston is also relieved, it has seemed to me that your chancefor a stroke has been considerably diminished, and I have not beenpressing you directly or indirectly. True, I am very anxious forEast Tennessee to be occupied by us; but I see and appreciate thedifficulties you mention. The question occurs, Can the thing be doneat all? Does preparation advance at all? Do you not consumesupplies as fast as you get them forward? Have you more animals to-day than you had at the battle of Stone's River? And yet have notmore been furnished you since then than your entire present stock? Iask the same questions as to your mounted force.

Do not misunderstand: I am not casting blame upon you; I rather thinkby great exertion you can get to East Tennessee; but a very importantquestion is, Can you stay there? I make no order in the case--that Ileave to General Halleck and yourself.

And now be assured once more that I think of you in all kindness andconfidence, and that I am not watching you with an evil eye.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON,August 11.1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR,Governor of New York:

Yours of the 8th, with Judge-Advocate-Genera1 Waterbury's report, wasreceived to-day.

Asking you to remember that I consider time as being very important,both to the general cause of the country and to the soldiers in thefield, I beg to remind you that I waited, at your request, from the1st until the 6th inst., to receive your communication dated the 3d.In view of its great length, and the known time and apparent caretaken in its preparation, I did not doubt that it contained your fullcase as you desired to present it. It contained the figures fortwelve districts, omitting the other nineteen, as I suppose, becauseyou found nothing to complain of as to them. I answered accordingly.In doing so I laid down the principle to which I purpose adhering,which is to proceed with the draft, at the same time employinginfallible means to avoid any great wrong. With the communicationreceived to-day you send figures for twenty-eight districts,including the twelve sent before, and still omitting three, for whichI suppose the enrolments are not yet received. In looking over thefuller list of twenty-eight districts, I find that the quotas forsixteen of them are above 2000 and below 2700, while, of the rest,six are above 2700 and six are below 2000. Applying the principleto these new facts, the Fifth and Seventh districts must be added tothe four in which the quotas have already been reduced to 2200 forthe first draft; and with these four others just be added to those tobe re-enrolled. The correct case will then stand: the quotas of theSecond, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth districts fixed at2200 for the first draft. The Provost-Marshal-General informs methat the drawing is already completed in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth,Eighteenth, Twenty-second, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth districts. Inthe others, except the three outstanding, the drawing will be madeupon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft, the Second,Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth,Twenty-first, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirty-first will beenrolled for the purpose and in the manner stated in my letter of the7th inst. The same principle will be applied to the now outstandingdistricts when they shall come in. No part of my former letter isrepudiated by reason of not being restated in this, or for any othercause.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL J. A. McCLERNAND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLERNAND.

MY DEAR SIR:--Our friend William G. Greene has just presented a kindletter in regard to yourself, addressed to me by our other friendsYates, Hatch, and Dubois.

I doubt whether your present position is more painful to you than tomyself. Grateful for the patriotic stand so early taken by you inthis life-and-death struggle of the nation, I have done whatever hasappeared practicable to advance you and the public interest together. No charges, with a view to a trial, have been preferred against youby any one; nor do I suppose any will be. All there is, so far as Ihave heard, is General Grant's statement of his reasons for relievingyou. And even this I have not seen or sought to see; because it is acase, as appears to me, in which I could do nothing without doingharm. General Grant and yourself have been conspicuous in our mostimportant successes; and for me to interfere and thus magnify abreach between you could not but be of evil effect. Better leave itwhere the law of the case has placed it. For me to force you backupon General Grant would be forcing him to resign. I cannot give youa new command, because we have no forces except such as already havecommanders.

I am constantly pressed by those who scold before they think, orwithout thinking at all, to give commands respectively to Fremont,McClellan, Butler, Sigel, Curtis, Hunter, Hooker, and perhaps others,when, all else out of the way, I have no commands to give them. Thisis now your case; which, as I have said, pains me not less than itdoes you. My belief is that the permanent estimate of what a generaldoes in the field is fixed by the "cloud of witnesses" who have beenwith him in the field, and that, relying on these, he who has theright needs not to fear.

Your friend as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, AUGUST 16, 1863.

GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, New York:

Your despatch of this morning is just received, and I fear I do notperfectly understand it.

My view of the principle is that every soldier obtained voluntarilyleaves one less to be obtained by draft. The only difficulty is inapplying the principle properly. Looking to time, as heretofore, Iam unwilling to give up a drafted man now, even for the certainty,much less for the mere chance, of getting a volunteer hereafter.Again, after the draft in any district, would it not make trouble totake any drafted man out and put a volunteer in--for how shall it bedetermined which drafted man is to have the privilege of thus goingout, to the exclusion of all the others? And even before the draftin any district the quota must be fixed; and the draft must bepostponed indefinitely if every time a volunteer is offered theofficers must stop and reconstruct the quota. At least I fear theremight be this difficulty; but, at all events, let credits forvolunteers be given up to the last moment which will not produceconfusion or delay. That the principle of giving credits forvolunteers shall be applied by districts seems fair and proper,though I do not know how far by present statistics it is practicable.When for any cause a fair credit is not given at one time, it shouldbe given as soon thereafter as practicable. My purpose is to be justand fair, and yet to not lose time.

A. LINCOLN

To J. H. HACKETT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTONAugust 17, 1863.

JAMES H. HACKETT, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR:--Months ago I should have acknowledged the receipt ofyour book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg yourpardon for not having done so.

For one of my age I have seen very little of the drama. The firstpresentation of Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter orspring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I trulycan, I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakespeare's playsI have never read, while others I have gone over perhaps asfrequently as any un-professional reader. Among the latter are Lear,Richard III., Henry VIII., Hamlet, and especially Macbeth. I thinknothing equals Macbeth. It is wonderful.

Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the soliloquy inHamlet commencing "Oh, my offense is rank," surpasses that commencing"To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. Ishould like to hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richard III.Will you not soon visit Washington again? If you do, please call andlet me make your personal acquaintance.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN

TO F. F. LOWE.

WASHINGTON, D. C.,August 17, 1863.

HON. P. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:

There seems to be considerable misunderstanding about the recentmovement to take possession of the "New Almaden" mine. It has noreference to any other mine or mines.

In regard to mines and miners generally, no change of policy by theGovernment has been decided on, or even thought of, so far as I know.

The "New Almaden" mine was peculiar in this: that its occupantsclaimed to be the legal owners of it on a Mexican grant, and wentinto court on that claim. The case found its way into the SupremeCourt of the United States, and last term, in and by that court, theclaim of the occupants was decided to be utterly fraudulent.Thereupon it was considered the duty of the Government by theSecretary of the Interior, the Attorney-General, and myself to takepossession of the premises; and the Attorney-General carefully madeout the writ and I signed it. It was not obtained surreptitiously,although I suppose General Halleck thought it had been, when hetelegraphed, simply because he thought possession was about beingtaken by a military order, while he knew no such order had passedthrough his hands as general-in-chief.

The writ was suspended, upon urgent representations from California,simply to keep the peace. It never had any direct or indirectreference to any mine, place, or person, except the "New Almaden"mine and the persons connected with it.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 21, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

At this late moment I am appealed to in behalf of William Thompson ofCompany K, Third Maryland Volunteers, in Twelfth Army Corps, said tobe at Kelly's Ford, under sentence to be shot to-day as a deserter.He is represented to me to be very young, with symptoms of insanity.Please postpone the execution till further order.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 22, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Please send me if you can a transcript of the record in the case ofMcQuin and Bell, convicted of murder by a military commission. Itelegraphed General Strong for it, but he does not answer.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO MRS. GRIMSLEY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 24, 1863.

MRS. ELIZABETH J. GRIMSLEY, Springfield, Ill.:

I mail the papers to you to-day appointing Johnny to the Navalschool.

A. LINCOLN

TO CRITICS OF EMANCIPATION

To J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 26, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting ofunconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois, onthe 3d day of September, has been received. It would be veryagreeable for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home, but Icannot just now be absent from here so long as a visit there wouldrequire.

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotionto the Union, and I am sure that my old political friends will thankme for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those othernoble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false tothe nation's life.

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say:You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But howcan we obtain it? There are but three conceivable ways:

First--to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am tryingto do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If youare not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am againstthis. Are you for it? If you are you should say so plainly. If youare not for force nor yet for dissolution, there only remains someimaginable compromise.

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of theUnion is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly oppositebelief. The strength of the rebellion is its military, its army.That army dominates all the country and all the people within itsrange. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range,in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present;because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their sideof a compromise, if one were made with them.

To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of theNorth get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromiseembracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can thatcompromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade'sarmy can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, canultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise towhich the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affectthat army. In an effort at such compromise we would waste time,which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that would beall.

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those whocontrol the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from thedomination of that army by the success of our own army. Now allow meto assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, orfrom any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peacecompromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges andinsinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And Ipromise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, itshall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freelyacknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to thebond of service, the United States Constitution, and that, as such, Iam responsible to them.

But, to be plain: You are dissatisfied with me about the negro.Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myselfupon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free,while you, I suppose, do not. Yet, I have neither adopted norproposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view,provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensatedemancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buynegroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, exceptin such way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Unionexclusively by other means.

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have itretracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. Ithink the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law ofwar in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, thatslaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any questionthat by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may betaken when needed? And is it not needed whenever it helps us andhurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' propertywhen they cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it fromthe enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to helpthemselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded asbarbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre ofvanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female.

But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If itis not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot beretracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some ofyou profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for theUnion, why better after the retraction than before the issue? Therewas more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellionbefore the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days ofwhich passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unlessaverted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The warhas certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of theproclamation as before.

I know, as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some ofthe commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our mostimportant victories, believe the emancipation policy and the use ofcolored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to therebellion, and that at least one of those important successes couldnot have been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers.

Among the commanders who hold these views are some who have never hadany affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with "RepublicanParty politics," but who hold them purely as military opinions. Isubmit their opinions are entitled to some weight against theobjections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks areunwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in goodfaith.You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seemwilling to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then,exclusively, to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purposeto aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conqueredall resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continuefighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare you will notfight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for theUnion, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy,to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Doyou think differently? I thought that whatever negroes can be got todo as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do insaving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes,like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything forus if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for usthey must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise offreedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept.

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed tothe sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly tothem. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone,and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too,in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On the spot,their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. Thejob was a great national one, and let none be slighted who bore anhonorable part in it And while those who have cleared the greatriver may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to saythat anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam,Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor mustUncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins theyhave been present; not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and therapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever theground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks.Thanks to all. For the great Republic--for the principle it lives byand keeps alive--for man's vast future--thanks to all.

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will comesoon, and come to stay, and so come as to be worth the keeping in allfuture time. It will then have been proved that among freemen therecan be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and thatthey who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay thecost. And there will be some black men who can remember that withsilent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poisedbayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation;while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that withmalignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it.

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Letus be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubtingthat a just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightfulresult.

MY DEAR CONKLING:--I cannot leave here now. Herewith is a letterinstead. You are one of the best public readers. I have but onesuggestion--read it very slowly. And now God bless you, and all goodUnion men.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.,August 26, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WARSIR:-In my correspondence with Governor Seymour in relation to thedraft, I have said to him, substantially, that credits shall be givenfor volunteers up to the latest moment, before drawing in anydistrict, that can be done without producing confusion or delay. Inorder to do this, let our mustering officers in New York andelsewhere be at, once instructed that whenever they muster into ourservice any number of volunteers, to at once make return to the WarDepartment, both by telegraph and mail, the date of the muster, thenumber mustered, and the Congressional or enrolment district ordistricts, of their residences, giving the numbers separately foreach district. Keep these returns diligently posted, and by themgive full credit on the quotas, if possible, on the last day beforethe draft begins in any district.

Again, I have informed Governor Seymour that he shall be notified ofthe time when the draft is to commence in each district in his State.This is equally proper for all the States. In order to carry it out,I propose that so soon as the day for commencing the draft in anydistrict is definitely determined, the governor of the State,including the district, be notified thereof, both by telegraph andmail, in form about as follows:

You are notified that the draft will commence in the___________________________________district, at _________ on the ___________day _____________ 1863, at ________ A.M. of said day.

Please acknowledge receipt of this by telegraph and mail. ____________________________ ____________________________

This notice may be given by the Provost-Marshal-General here, thesub-provost-marshal-generals in the States, or perhaps by thedistrict provost-marshals.

Whenever we shall have so far proceeded in New York as to make there-enrolment specially promised there practicable, I wish that alsoto go forward, and I wish Governor Seymour notified of it; so that ifhe choose, he can place agents of his with ours to see the workfairly done.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.,August 27. 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR,

Governor of New York:

Yours of the 21st, with exhibits, was received on the 24th.

In the midst of pressing duties I have been unable to answer itsooner. In the meantime the Provost Marshal-General has had accessto yours, and has addressed a communication in relation to it to theSecretary of War, a copy of which communication I herewith enclose toyou.

Independently of this, I addressed a letter on the same subject tothe Secretary of War, a copy of which I also enclose to you. TheSecretary has sent my letter to the Provost-Marshal General, withdirection that he adopt and follow the course therein pointed out.It will, of course, overrule any conflicting view of theProvost-Marshal-General, if there be such.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

P. S.-I do not mean to say that if the Provost-Marshal-General canfind it practicable to give credits by subdistricts, I overrule himin that. On the contrary, I shall be glad of it; but I will not takethe risk of over-burdening him by ordering him to do it. A. L.

Abraham Lincoln

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 27, 1863 8.30 P. M.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. LOUIS:

I have just received the despatch which follows, from two veryinfluential citizens of Kansas, whose names I omit. The severe blowthey have received naturally enough makes them intemperate evenwithout there being any just cause for blame. Please do your utmostto give them future security and to punish their invaders.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,August 27, 1863 9 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

Walter, Rionese, Folancy, Lai, and Kuhn appealed to me for mercy,without giving any ground for it whatever. I understand these arevery flagrant cases, and that you deem their punishment as beingindispensable to the service. If I am not mistaken in this, pleaselet them know at once that their appeal is denied.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO F. C. SHERMAN AND J. S. HAYES.

WASHINGTON, August 27, 1863.

F. C. SHERMAN, Mayor, J. S. HAVES, Comptroller,Chicago, Ill.:

Yours of the 24th, in relation to the draft, is received. It seemsto me the Government here will be overwhelmed if it undertakes toconduct these matters with the authorities of cities and counties.They must be conducted with the governors of States, who will, ofcourse, represent their cities and counties. Meanwhile you need notbe uneasy until you again hear from here.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, August 28, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Fort Monroe, Va. :

Please notify, if you can, Senator Bowden, Mr. Segar, and Mr.Chandler, all or any of them, that I now have the record in Dr.Wright's case, and am ready to hear them. When you shall have gotthe notice to them, please let me know.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CRAWFORD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 28, 1863.

GENERAL CRAWFORD, Rappahannock Station, Va.:

I regret that I cannot be present to witness the presentation of asword by the gallant Pennsylvania Reserve Corps to one so worthy toreceive it as General Meade.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO L. SWETT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 29, 1863.

HON. L. SWETT, San Francisco, Cal.:If the Government's rights are reserved, the Government will besatisfied, and at all events it will consider.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.August 29, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Manchester, N. H.:

All quite well. Fort Sumter is certainly battered down and utterlyuseless to the enemy, and it is believed here, but not entirelycertain, that both Sumter and Fort Wagner are occupied by our forces.It is also certain that General Gilmore has thrown some shot into thecity of Charleston.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 31, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING, Springfield, Ill.:

In my letter of the 26th insert between the sentence ending "sincethe issue of the Emancipation Proclamation as before" and the next,commencing "You say you will not fight, etc.," what follows below mysignature hereto.

A. LINCOLN.

"I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some ofthe commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our mostimportant successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use ofcolored troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to therebellion, and that at least one of those important successes couldnot have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of blacksoldiers. Among the commanders holding these views are some who havenever had any affinity with what is called abolitionism, or withRepublican party politics, but who hold them purely as militaryopinions. I submit these opinions as being entitled to some weightagainst the objections, often urged, that emancipation and arming theblacks are unwise as military measures and were not adopted as suchin good faith.

TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,August 31, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Yours of the 22d was received yesterday. When I wrote you before, Idid not intend, nor do I now, to engage in an argument with you onmilitary questions. You had informed me you were impressed throughGeneral Halleck that I was dissatisfied with you, and I could notbluntly deny that I was without unjustly implicating him. Itherefore concluded to tell you the plain truth, being satisfied thematter would thus appear much smaller than it would if seen by mereglimpses. I repeat that my appreciation of you has not abated. Ican never forget whilst I remember anything, that about the end oflast year and the beginning of this, you gave us a hard-earnedvictory, which, had there been a defeat instead, the nation couldhardly have lived over. Neither can I forget the check you soopportunely gave to a dangerous sentiment which was spreading in theNorth.

Yours, as ever,

A. LINCOLN

TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

August 31, 1863

It is not improbable that retaliation for the recent great outrage atLawrence, in Kansas, may extend to indiscriminate slaughter on theMissouri border, unless averted by very judicious action. I shall beobliged if the general-in-chief can make any suggestions to GeneralSchofield upon the subject.

A. LINCOLN.

POLITICAL MOTIVATED MISQUOTATION IN NEWSPAPER

TELEGRAM TO J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 3, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING, Springfield, Ill.:

I am mortified this morning to find the letter to you botched up inthe Eastern papers, telegraphed from Chicago. How did this happen?

A. LINCOLN.

ORDER CONCERNING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,September 4, 1863.

Ordered, That the executive order dated November 21, 1862,prohibiting the exportation from the United States of arms,ammunition, or munitions of war, under which the commandants ofdepartments were, by order of the Secretary of War dated May 13,1863, directed to prohibit the purchase and sale, for exportationfrom the United States, of all horses and mules within theirrespective commands, and to take and appropriate for the use of theUnited States any horses, mules, and live stock designed forexportation, be so far modified that any arms heretofore importedinto the United States may be re-exported to the place of originalshipment, and that any live stock raised in any State or Territorybounded by the Pacific Ocean may be exported from, any port of suchState or Territory.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. SEGAR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C..September 5, 1863.

HON. JOSEPH SEGAR, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I have just seen your despatch to the Secretary of War, who isabsent. I also send a despatch from Major Hayner of the 3d showingthat he had notice of my order, and stating that the people werejubilant over it, as a victory over the Government extorted by fear,and that he had already collected about $4000 of the money. If hehas proceeded since, I shall hold him accountable for his contumacy.On the contrary, no dollar shall be refunded by my order until itshall appear that my act in the case has been accepted in the rightspirit.

A. LINCOLN

TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. D. C.September 6, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Manchester, Vt.:

All well and no news except that General Burnside has Knoxville, Ten.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON,September 6, 1863. 6 P.M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Bedford, Pa.:

Burnside has Kingston and Knoxville, and drove the enemy across theriver at Loudon, the enemy destroying the bridge there; captured somestores and one or two trains; very little fighting; few wounded andnone killed. No other news of consequence.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO F. C. SHERMAN AND J. S. HAYES.

WASHINGTON, September 7, 1863.

Yours of August 29 just received. I suppose it was intended byCongress that this government should execute the act in questionwithout dependence upon any other government, State, city, or county.It is, however, within the range of practical convenience to conferwith the governments of States, while it is quite beyond that rangeto have correspondence on the subject with counties and cities. Theyare too numerous. As instances, I have corresponded with GovernorSeymour, but Not with Mayor Opdyke; with Governor Curtin, but notwith Mayor Henry.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 8, 1863. 9.30

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.:

Despatch of yesterday just received. I shall try to find the paperyou mention and carefully consider it. In the meantime let me urgethat you do your utmost to get every man you can, black and white,under arms at the very earliest moment, to guard roads, bridges, andtrains, allowing all the better trained soldiers to go forward toRosecrans. Of course I mean for you to act in co-operation with andnot independently of, the military authorities.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 9, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

It would be a generous thing to give General Wheaton a leave ofabsence for ten or fifteen days, and if you can do so without injuryto the service, please do it.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL WHEATON.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 10, 1863.

GENERAL WHEATON, Army of Potomac:

Yesterday at the instance of Mr. Blair, senator, I telegraphedGeneral Meade asking him to grant you a leave of absence, to which hereplied that you had not applied for such leave, and that you canhave it when you do apply. I suppose it is proper for you to knowthis.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,SEPTEMBER, 11, 1863

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--All Tennessee is now clear of armed insurrectionists.You need not to be reminded that it is the nick of time forreinaugurating a loyal State government. Not a moment should belost. You and the co-operating friends there can better judge of theways and means than can be judged by any here. I only offer a fewsuggestions. The reinauguration must not be such as to give controlof the State and its representation in Congress to the enemies of theUnion, driving its friends there into political exile. The wholestruggle for Tennessee will have been profitless to both State andnation if it so ends that Governor Johnson is put down and GovernorHarris put up. It must not be so. You must have it otherwise. Letthe reconstruction be the work of such men only as can be trusted forthe Union. Exclude all others, and trust that your government soorganized will be recognized here as being the one of republican formto be guaranteed to the State, and to be protected against invasionand domestic violence. It is something on the question of time toremember that it cannot be known who is next to occupy the position Inow hold, nor what he will do. I see that you have declared in favorof emancipation in Tennessee, for which may God bless you. Getemancipation into your new State government constitution and therewill be no such word as fail for your cause. The raising of coloredtroops, I think, will greatly help every way.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cumberland Gap:

Yours received. A thousand thanks for the late successes you havegiven us. We cannot allow you to resign until things shall be alittle more settled in East Tennessee. If then, purely on your ownaccount, you wish to resign, we will not further refuse you.

A. LINCOLN

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

It is represented to me that Thomas Edds, in your army, is undersentence of death for desertion, to be executed next Monday. It isalso said his supposed desertion is comprised in an absencecommencing with his falling behind last winter, being captured andparoled by the enemy, and then going home. If this be near thetruth, please suspend the execution till further order and send inthe record of the trial.

A. LINCOLN

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEAD, Warrenton, Va.:

The name is "Thomas Edds" not "Eddies" as in your despatch. Thepapers left with me do not designate the regiment to which hebelongs. The man who gave me the papers, I do not know how to findagain. He only told me that Edds is in the Army of the Potomac, andthat he fell out of the ranks during Burnside's mud march lastwinter. If I get further information I will telegraph again.

A. LINCOLN

TELEGRAM TO H. H. SCOTT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 13, 1863.

Dr. WILLIAM H. H. SCOTT, Danville, Ill.:

Your niece, Mrs. Kate Sharp, can now have no difficulty in going toKnoxville, Tenn., as that place is within our military lines.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. G. BLAINE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,September 25, 1863.

J. G. BLAINE, Augusta, Me.:Thanks both for the good news you send and for the sending of it.

A. LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,SEPTEMBER 15, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the Constitution of the United States has ordained that theprivilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unlesswhen, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety mayrequire it; and:

Whereas a rebellion was existing on the third day of March, 1863,which rebellion is still existing; and:

Whereas by a statute which was approved on that day it was enacted bythe Senate and House of Representatives of the United States inCongress assembled that during the present insurrection the Presidentof the United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety mayrequire, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeascorpus in any case throughout the United States or any part thereof;and:

Whereas, in the judgment of the President, the public safety doesrequire that the privilege of the said writ shall new be suspendedthroughout the United States in the cases where, by the authority ofthe President of the United States, military, naval, and civilofficers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons undertheir command or in their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies,or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamenenrolled or drafted or mustered or enlisted in or belonging to theland or naval forces of the United States, or as deserters therefrom,or otherwise amenable to military law or the rules and articles ofwar or the rules or regulations prescribed for the military or navalservices by authority of the President of the United States, or forresisting a draft, or for any other offense against the military ornaval service

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may concern that theprivilege of the writ of habeas corpus is suspended throughout theUnited States in the several cases before mentioned, and that thissuspension will continue throughout the duration of the saidrebellion or until this proclamation shall, by a subsequent one to beissued by the President of the United States, be modified or revoked.And I do hereby require all magistrates, attorneys, and other civilofficers within the United States and all officers and others in themilitary and naval services of the United States to take distinctnotice of this suspension and to give it full effect, and allcitizens of the United States to conduct and govern themselvesaccordingly and in conformity with the Constitution of the UnitedStates and the laws of Congress in such case made and provided.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the sealof the United States to be affixed, this fifteenth day of September,A.D. 1863, and of the independence of the United States of Americathe eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:WILLIAM H. SEWARD,Secretary of State.

TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,September 13, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

If I did not misunderstand General Meade's last despatch, he postsyou on facts as well as he can, and desires your views and those ofthe Government as to what he shall do. My opinion is that he shouldmove upon Lee at once in manner of general attack, leaving todevelopments whether he will make it a real attack. I think thiswould develop Lee's real condition and purposes better than thecavalry alone can do. Of course my opinion is not to control you andGeneral Meade.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO MRS. SPEED.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1862.

MRS. J. F. SPEED, Louisville, Ky.:

Mr. Holman will not be jostled from his place with my knowledge andconsent.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 16, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

Is Albert Jones of Company K, Third Maryland Volunteers, to be shoton Friday next? If so please state to me the general features of thecase.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

Major Haynor left here several days ago under a promise to put downin writing, in detail, the facts in relation to the misconduct of thepeople on the eastern shore of Virginia. He has not returned.Please send him over.