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The impeachment process and historic crisis of the PT (Workers’ Party)

A new stage in the class struggle has opened in Brazil. The country is
living through the deepest economic and social crisis in its history.
Together with this, a massive political crisis has arisen. This flows
from the undemocratic manoeuvres of the traditional right and big
capital against workers’ rights. At the same time, it is the product of
the total failure of the conciliatory model of “class collaboration”
adopted by the PT (Workers’ Party) in its 13 years in government.

Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff of the PT was removed from her post
on 12 May by the Federal Senate. In her place, the former Vice
President, Michel Temer, of the PMDB (The Brazilian Democratic Movement
Party), has taken over. The removal of Dilma took place a few days after
the Chamber of Deputies voted by a clear majority to open the process to
impeach the President.

At the time of both votes, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate were
being presided over by parliamentarians who are personally implicated in
corruption scandals. Eduardo Cunha (PMDB), president of the Chamber of
Deputies, had his mandate as a Deputy removed by the Federal Supreme
Tribunal, only a few days after the vote to initiate impeachment
proceedings against Dilma Rousseff.

Under the formal procedure, Dilma Rousseff will remain removed from
office for 180 days before the Senate takes a final decision on her
impeachment. The results of the first vote already makes clear that this
decision will not be reversed by the conservative, right-wing and
extremely corrupt Federal Senate.

The fall of Dilma Rousseff was the result of a change in the political
position of some of the traditional parties of the Brazilian right-wing,
supported and egged on by the most important sections of big capital.
For years many of these parties gave the PT government its majority in
the National Congress.

Until the end of last year, the economic and political elite expected
that Dilma Rousseff would be able to carry out the attacks and
counter-reforms against the rights of the working class that they
demanded to get the country out of its economic crisis. They preferred,
if possible, to avoid the turbulence and upheavals that resulted from
the forced removal of the President.

Dilma Rousseff’s position was also to promote a neo-liberal agenda.
This is exactly the opposite of what she defended in the 2014 elections,
when she defeated by a narrow margin the right-wing candidate Aécio
Neves of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party). She wanted to buy
the support of the elite for her remaining in the Presidency.

However, the weakness of Dilma’s government proved to be too much given
the severity of the situation. The worsening of the economic crisis,
where growing unemployment, has already passed 10 million, together with
the adoption of recessionary fiscal adjustment policies and attacks on
workers’ rights, made Dilma one the most unpopular Presidents in the
history of Brazil.

In this context “Operation Car Wash” (Operacion Lava Jato)
investigating corruption scandals, particularly involving government
figures from the PT, featured by the Judge, Sérgio Moro and his
prosecutors running the Operation, had an explosive effect on public
opinion.

The economic crisis, the government cuts and the corruption scandals
meant that Dilma lost support amongst every section of society. The
passive dissatisfaction which existed in society allowed the right-wing
to step in and mobilise big sections of the middle class in
demonstrations of hundreds of thousands. These were the first mass
demonstrations that the right has been able to organise in decades in
Brazil.

Given these factors, Dilma’s government did not have the strength to
apply the anti-working class polices expected by the big sections of the
ruling class. Mainly from the beginning of this year, the central
nucleus of big capital - the largest private banks and the Sao Paulo
State Industrial Federation (FIESP) - decided to take to the road of
impeachment without giving any importance to the legal requirements
needed.

Every conceivable type of undemocratic manoeuvres was used, including
totally spurious practices by the corrupt President of the chamber of
Deputies, to guarantee the right result. The formal charge made against
Dilma Rousseff - the crime she was responsible for to justify
impeachment - was her involvement in corrupt schemes, presiding over
excessively public costs and hiding how these were shown up in the
accounts.

The PT’s record in office

Up until the last moment, Dilma Rousseff tried to convince the big
capitalists that her government would be capable of implementing the
neo-liberal policies they were demanding. Some of the last measures
adopted by the government before it fell consisted of big attacks on
some sections of the working class.

This included opening up the economy to foreign companies for oil
exploration and renegotiations of the state debts, which included brutal
cuts, privatisations and attacks. It was also the case with the
“anti-terrorism” law, which has opened the way for the criminalisation
of social movements.

Significantly, one of the last decrees of Dilma as President was to open
a hydro-electrical plant in Belo Monte, in Amazonia. This is nothing
short of a monument to the destruction of some of the most important
environments in the country and was a brutal attack on the indigenous
peoples of the region.

Despite this, big demonstrations against impeachment took place, mainly
driven the by view that a state coup was underway, which represented an
attack on democracy.

The PT used this and exaggerated its rhetoric to try and compensate for
the fact that it was virtually impossible to defend the Rousseff
government’s record in office. At the same time, the undemocratic
manoeuvres utilised to remove the government are leaving a serious
precedent which can open the road to harsher, anti-democratic attacks on
the rights of the working class and oppressed peoples.

When former PT President, Lula, the principle leader of the PT and one
of the main historic leaders of the workers’ movement in Brazil, was
threatened with imprisonment there was a certain radicalisation, more in
rhetoric, of the leaders of the PT and social movements under its
control, like the trade union federation, CUT (Central Única dos
Trabalhadores - Unified Workers’ Central).

Lula publicly declared that it was the end of the “peace and love”
approach he had previously adopted. A wave of enthusiasm for the
historic struggles swept the thousands of older activists and reflected
the historic social roots of the PT. However, this only lasted a few
days. At the mass demonstration in Sao Paulo, on the 18 March, Lula
provoked a wave of anti-climax when he announced he would join Dilma’s
government as a minister to “re-negotiate a new pact” with the PMDB (the
party of Eduardo Cuhna and of the Vice President Michel Temer - now the
President - to stop the impeachment process in the Congress).

Despite the mass demonstrations against “the coup”, the governments of
Dilma, Lula and the PT show they are incapable of taking this struggle
through to a conclusion. This would mean adopting a programme completely
opposed to the policies implemented by Dilma’s government, even if
Dilma’s impeachment was rejected by the congress.

The main obstacle to fight against the right-wing and its undemocratic
manoeuvres was the character of Dilma’s government and the PT leadership.

There are important sections of the working class that historically saw
PT and Lula as a historic political reference point and they are now
drawing conclusions and see them as being incapable of leading a
struggle against the right-wing. These workers want an end of the policy
of class conciliation that has led to a defeat for the working class.

Temer Government adopts hardline neo-liberal policy

One of the factors that led a section of the capitalist class in Brazil
to maintain Dilma in power, until the end of last year, was the fact
that Michel Temer has no social base. The conditions for him to head a
stable government are minimal. Temer was always less popular than Dilma.
His name is linked to corruption and he is under investigation by
“Operation car wash”.

For this reason, some sections of the ruling class defended a position
demanding the resignation of both the President and Vice President,
elected in 2014, due to financial irregularities in the election
campaign. This would result in new elections, opening the opportunity
for the election of a new President with a wider base of support to
carry out the programme of counter reforms the ruling class demands.

This option of new elections can be used in an extreme situation, such
as the collapse of the Temer government. At the moment, the Brazilian
ruling class, in its entirety, along with US imperialism, has put all
its cards on Temer’s government hoping it will be able to carry out the
deep attacks that the ruling class, as a whole, wants to implement.

The fact that Temer has no social base and has no pretensions to stand
in the elections in 2018 is not necessarily a problem for the ruling
class. In a certain sense, it is the opposite. The ruling class, at this
stage, does not want a government that is going to mediate between the
class conflicts that are developing. They used the PT for that. What
they want now is a strong hand to apply the tough attacks which the
gravity of the crisis demands for them, from their class standpoint. For
this reason, Temer can count on the support of the ruling class.

The first days of the Temer government were marked by an avalanche of
policy announcements, i.e. new attacks against the living conditions of
the working class and poor. The short term plan is to carry out massive
counter-reforms, which is already underway. Measures that will finish
compulsory financing of health and education, at federal level, will
allow drastic cuts to be carried through. The Ministry of Health
announced that universal access to the public health system as a state
obligation will be reviewed, as it was in Greece.

There will be a revision of policies to tackle working conditions that
are analogous to slavery, which is something that still exists in parts
of Brazil. There will be the opening of a new cycle of privatisations -
measures proposed by the new government which mean a concrete step
backwards for the working class.

The government also announced the cancellation of projects to build
10,000 social houses, which have already begun. This will directly
affect the social movements that forced this concession from the
previous government.

Following the Machiavellian doctrine of “apply the worst only once”, the
government is trying to carry through the most that it can with its
counter reformist programme and attacks in the first few months in
power. The problem is the reaction of people is already explosive. The
instability and sharpness of the conflicts will increase in the coming
days and weeks.

Struggles from start of Temer’s government

In contrast to the 1990s neo-liberal Latin America governments, such as
Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s in Brazil, there is no popular support for
the proposed measures, such as privatisation or dilution of the public
sector. The new governments of the right in Latin America are assuming
power due to the weakness and lack of alternative offered by the
“centre-left” governments. They are forming governments which will be
extremely unstable.

Michel Temer is already facing daily demonstrations, some spontaneous,
denouncing the legitimacy of the attacks he has already announced.

On the first day of Temer’s government, 12 May, the Frente Povo Sem
Medo, headed by the movement of homeless workers - MTST - called an
assembly of thousands in Sao Paulo, under the slogan: “Temer, Never!
Take to the streets to fight for our rights!” This was followed by
demonstrations in all the states over the following days.

Youth, including school students, occupied schools recently and are
taking to the streets. They are becoming more and more politicised in
the struggle against Temer. Workers in the public sector are already in
struggle in various states against cuts being implemented at state
level, such as the education workers strike, in Rio do Janeiro. Soon
such cuts will also confront federal government employees.

See the video below of students protesting the massive education cuts in
Sao Paulo:

The abolition of the Ministry of Culture by the new government will
result in an explosion of struggle by artists, intellectuals and big
sections of the youth. The offices of the now closed-down Ministry of
Culture are occupied by student artists.

The video below shows musicians performing a special opera in the
occupied government buildings.

The seriousness of the situation is such that it cannot be excluded that
the trade union federation, CUT, and other union federations, after
years of doing nothing, will be compelled to call a general strike
against Temer’s policies.

The slogan of the day to unify all these mobilisation is “fora Temer”
(‘Temer Out!’) The CUT and those organisation closest to the PT, are
insisting on the demand “stop the coup” with the indirect implication
that the return of Dilma is on the horizon.

However, many other organisations are calling for new elections arising
from the ‘Temer Out’ struggle. They also call for new presidential
elections and a general election for the whole Congress.

The problem is that the political system established in the 1988
Constitution is fixed and does not really offer even the minimal
conditions for an electoral challenge from the point of view of the
socialist left. For this reason, there is a debate around the idea of
demanding a Constituent Assembly but only to reform the political system.

PSOL and the left

PSOL (Party of socialism and Liberty) has increased its authority
greatly during this crisis as a result of the position it adopted during
the impeachment process against Dilma Rousseff. It re-iterated its
opposition from the left to the Dilma government. It attacked the
policies of Dilma but its members of Congress correctly voted against
Dilma’s impeachment in the chamber of Deputies and Senate.

Although in many situations PSOL public figures could have
differentiated themselves more from the PT, PSOL is likely to gain
greatly during the local elections in October. However, there is a risk
that it will then form alliances with the PT, which would be incorrect.

Despite all the weaknesses shown by the PT leadership, the mobilisations
against impeachment allowed a certain opportunity for the PT to present
a new image of itself as a more combative party. However, this does not
represent any real change in the policy or character of the PT.

It is essential to build an alternative socialist left to the PT. If
this is not done, it may allow the vacuum which exists to be occupied by
another political force which will not be able to take the struggle
against Temer forward to a victory. The PT’s idea is to build an
alliance with other “left” parties or centre left parties and some
social movements. They hope to do this through the Frente Brasil
Popular, with the aim of Lula contesting the Presidential elections in
2018.

However it is the building of a socialist left front and workers uniting
the parties and social movements that did not participate in the PT
governments, that is crucial in the struggle for a socialist left
alternative.

Other sectors of the socialist left, ending up being isolated from the
recent processes and struggles. The PSTU, for example, adopted the
slogan, “Fuera Todos” (“Out with them all”), including Dilma Rousseff.
In doing so, they failed to differentiate themselves from the right that
strove for the impeachment of Dilma. The PSTU do no see that the
impeachment of Dilma has changed the situation and opened the prospect
of even more attacks against the working class. Their priority was to
criticise and attack parties and movements that, while not supporting
Dilma, joined the struggle against the right-wing attempts at
impeachment.

One of the consequences of this policy was the isolation of
CSP-Conlutas, a trade union organisation led by the PSTU. It has great
potential for growth but has now failed to advance and taken steps back,
due to this policy. The PSTU has suffered many splits and is going
through an intense debate over its leadership’s policies.

A new stage of class struggle has opened up. These conflicts will create
the opportunities for the building of a new socialist left, stronger
than PT-Lulaism. The LSR (CWI Brazil) is fighting for the building of
such an alternative.

LSR (‘Freedom, Socialism and Revolution’ - CWI Brazil) says:

Out with Temer and his programme of attacks on the workers and the
mass of people

Not a moment’s ceasefire for this illegitimate government

No fiscal adjustment, no PLP257, no counter-reforms attacking pensions
or workers’ rights and no attacks on workers and masses

For a revolution in the political system; for general elections
organised on a genuine democratic basis

For a Constituent Assembly of the people to establish a revolution of
the political system

Build a general strike to defeat the right and to defend out rights

For a national assembly of workers, organised from below

For an anti-capitalist and socialist solution to the crisis

Defend all jobs, wages and public services

Audit and suspension of payment of the public debt

Nationalisation of the key sectors of the economy and planning under
the democratic control and management of working people

For a Front of the socialist left and the workers

For a united struggle of PSOL,PSTU, PCB, MTST,CSP-Conlutas,
Intersidical and other social movements