Millions of workers flood Rome in the largest demonstration ever seen in Italy

It is simply impossible to estimate the real size of the demonstration which flooded the whole centre of Rome
on Saturday March 23, but it is likely that the figure was close to three million people.
There were six different sections marching from different points and converging on the centre of Rome, in the Circus
Maximus. This day will not be easily forgotten.

"They say we are alone. Well, this means we will be alone…but together
with millions of workers." These were the words of a shop steward during
the last congress of the Cgil [the biggest of the three main trade union
federations, historically linked to the Communist Party] and they were fully
confirmed by last Saturday's massive demonstration in Rome.

It is simply impossible to estimate the real size of the demonstration which
flooded the whole centre of Rome. The police figures of 700,000 are clearly a
gross underestimation. The Cgil gave the figure of three million, and almost
everyone agrees that it was at least 2 million strong. Whatever the exact
figures may be, the facts are as follows: six different sections (marching from
different points and converging on the centre of Rome) made up the
demonstration, covering a total of about 30 kilometres, and 60 trains, 9,000
coaches and two ships from Sardinia brought the marchers to Rome.
"Everything that can move is going to Rome," were the words of one
trade union official in Milan a few days before the demonstration. "We are
going to Switzerland, Austria and Slovenia to find some more coaches to
hire." The Circus Maximus was absolutely full, with a tailback of one mile
stretching beyond it. There was even a sizable part of the demonstration which
never actually got to the end.

This day will not be easily forgotten. The reaction of the government and the
bosses is quite telling. After having tried to dismiss the turnout ("just
half a million" said a right wing MP), they are attacking the workers and
the Cgil as terrorists, trying to portray the assassination of Marco Biagi by
the Red Brigades as a consequence of the workers' struggles. Here are some gems:

The scenario which is now opening up is still uncertain. As we reported
earlier, the government is trying to divide the trade unions and to come to a
separate agreement with the Cisl [historically the "Christian" and
more moderate trade union federation]. However, the success of the demonstration
clearly puts strong pressure on these unions too. The three union federations
(Cgil, Cisl and Uil) have now started talks with a view to calling the
forthcoming general strike jointly (whereas before the Cgil was going alone);
meanwhile, Cofferati (general secretary of the Cgil) has stated that until an
agreement is reached with the others the Cgil is sticking to the date of April
5.

The possibility of overthrowing the government is clearly present. Behind the
facade of strength and intransigence, the ruling class is divided on this
growing conflict, and so are the parties that make up the right wing coalition
government.

The main problem is, as always, a problem of leadership. Cofferati has now
conquered a leading role in the opposition. All the other forces who oppose
Berlusconi are for the time being compelled to follow the Cgil and support it in
words, including those bourgeois parties who are in reality very much closer to
the Confindustria [Italian bosses' union] than to the Cgil. But as the conflict
widens and become deeper, the sharp political and social polarisation taking
place will have its effects on all parties, and divisions and even splits will
be on the agenda.

While this movement is developing, the Prc (Partito della rifondazione
comunista) is holding its local congresses (the national congress will be held
on April 4-7). It is a real paradox that the Party's national secretary,
Bertinotti, is stubbornly refusing to call for the overthrow of the government.
Just a few day before the demonstration, Bertinotti said that "it would be
a gross mistake if we said that this struggle is against the government; it's a
trade union struggle, to which we must give support together with the other
opposition parties." This position amounts to an obliteration of the role
of the communists in the workers' movement. Our party runs a big risk of just
becoming a mere number in a list of organisations, supporting a struggle which,
despite its enormous size, is still led and controlled by the social-democratic
bureaucracy at the head of the Cgil, a force whose aim is mainly to keep the
movement in safe channels and certainly not to lead it towards an all-out
offensive against the bosses and their government.

This tail-ending of the "movement" is nothing new for the Prc and
for Bertinotti in particular. The same attitude was adopted last year regarding
the anti-globalisation movement, and if we go back to 1994, when the first
Berlusconi government was overthrown by a massive wave of strikes we see that
the same mistake was committed then. At that time, Bertinotti said that
communists had to restrain themselves and not criticize the trade union leaders
insofar as they were calling the strikes. This attitude allowed the trade union
leaders to derail the movement and to bring it to a halt, channelling the
struggle towards the class collaboration embodied by the centre-left coalition.

The left wing of the Prc, which we are part of, is engaged in a sharp
struggle to reaffirm the basic ideas and methods of Marxism, starting with the
idea that the first task of a communist party is to struggle for influence and
hegemony in every working class movement and struggle, and to defend the
communist perspective as the only answer to the ever increasing contradictions
of the capitalist system.

At the moment the mood prevailing in the working class is one of trust in the
leaders, especially of the Cgil, who they see as fighters who are doing what has
to be done. There is also a strong urge for left unity which puts an objective
pressure on the Prc. What is needed now is a skilful combination of active
participation in the struggle, political explanation and friendly criticism of
all the shortcomings of the Cgil leaders. This is necessary if the party is to
avoid isolation and mistakes of both a sectarian and opportunist nature.

The upsurge of class struggle will put every party and tendency to a severe
test. The events are fully confirming our previous perspectives, and we are
confident that the ideas and methods of Marxism will be able to get a wider
basis in the new generation which is now coming on to the scene.

Claudio Bellotti,

(Member of the National Executive Committee of Rifondazione Comunista and
also of the Editorial Board of FalceMartello)