Monday, April 12, 2010

The Nuremberg Tribunal, as Seen From Above

I believe I've developed a logical progression that provide a piece of evidence for an extremely difficult thesis. You've heard of the attacks of September 11th described as "the big lie," haven't you? Well get ready, you haven't heard the half of it.

I propose that the European Jewish holocaust from the 1930's and 40's may be an entirely false and fabricated psychological operation, a war department public relations scam, and a fraud with an agenda, but without a grain of truth. For if the Jewish holocaust is unreal, the real holocausts---like the murder of 20,000 Poles at the hands of the Soviet Bolshevik secret police---would receive no attention and no justice.

To proceed, I'll offer three pieces of evidence.

I'm sure everybody is familiar with the plane crash a few days ago that killed the president of Poland, along with his wife, and many of their politically connected colleagues. They were in flight to attend the 70th anniversary memorial of the murder of 20,000 of their fellow Polish leaders in a grave genocidal massacre at the hands of Soviet Bolshevik secret police and prison guards.

There has been some confusion over the years about who actually killed the Polish prisoners---with the Germans and Russians blaming each other. That trick was possible because the Germans had invaded Russia and taken control of the burial site in September 1941---holding it until the Russians recaptured it in September, 1943. But it was in April of 1943 when Germany announced to the world they had uncovered thousands of bodies laying in mass graves. They brought in doctors, forensic witnesses, and other observers from a dozen different countries to document the disinterring.

The Polish had been imprisoned by the Soviet authorities in late 1939, and their families hadn't heard a word, or gotten any mail after May of 1940---later it turned out their death warrants had been signed on May 5, 1940---so it's likely the killing began then. American and British officials just disavowed any knowledge of the event.

The most important fact I want you to keep in mind here is that it was the Germans who notified the world of the genocide, holding press conferences, and bringing in doctors and professional forensics experts to make a careful record of the manifest results that were found. Two American military officers were released from German P.O.W. camps in order that first-hand word could be brought back to Washington. The Soviet's only tactic was to just place the blame elsewhere, like the messagers.

The second piece of evidence I offer is that despite the Soviets ultimately accepting responsibility for the killings decades later, in 1946, the victorious Allies still tried to pin blame for this Polish genocide on the German Nazis, as if they didn't know any better. During the famously cathartic Nuremberg trials, the Germans were already being charged with the genocide of European Jewry anyway, so why not clean up 20,000 more wrongful deaths?

In his 1993 Western Illinois University, Department of History master's thesis, 'The Katyn Massacre: A Assessment of Its Significance As A Public and Historical Issue in the United States and Great Britain, 1940-1993,' Louis Robert Coatney

"In the following year, 1946, the Soviets attempted to raise Katyn as a Nazi war crimes issue at Nuremberg. The Soviets formally charged the Nazis with the Katyn Massacre and put it on the agenda for prosecution. They may have assumed, after the apparent acquiescence of the West on the matter of Katyn during the war, that the court would be inclined to support the Soviet position regarding this episode.

"In any case, a Nuremberg finding of German guilt for Katyn would thereby make the Western powers officially subscribe to the lie. As Sir Owen O'Malley had foreseen, the Katyn episode at Nuremberg did indeed become a particular embarrassment, especially for the Western Allies who were actually claiming to believe in the humanitarian ideals for which violation the Nazi war criminals were being prosecuted.

"The Nuremberg war crimes trials, with their condemnation of mass murder and other totalitarian and/or criminal misdeeds had been intended to be a moral cornerstone of the postwar world. However, Katyn would reemphasize the trials' one-sided nature and leave an inescapable impression of hypocrisy. The handling of Katyn made evident the fact that the trials certainly did not uphold the ideal of "justice for all." Hermann Goering and Rudolf Hess removed their headphones in disgust and many of the other Nazi war criminals laughed in derision as the judicial triumvirate (which included a Soviet prosecutor, General Rudenko) solemnly intoned against the German defendants for planning military aggression against Poland in 1939--which they had indeed done, with the active collaboration of their Soviet cosignators to the 1939 Stalin- Hitler Pact.

"A leading witness for the Soviet case was Dr. (M.D.) Markov from Bulgaria, who had served on the German-sponsored "International Commission" which had investigated Katyn. Since the Soviet takeover of Bulgaria, Dr. Markov had recanted his previous opinion that the Soviets were guilty of Katyn. Coincidentally, the death sentence which had been decreed for Dr. Markov by the Soviet-backed Bulgarian government was suspended. At Nuremberg, Dr. Markov claimed his earlier statements indicating Soviet responsibility for the crime had been made under Nazi coercion.

"The German defense attorney produced testimony from other members of the German commission that their findings had not been made under German intimidation. Even more embarrassing for the Allies, there voluntarily appeared at Nuremberg Colonel Ahrens, the former commander of the German communications unit--the 537th Signal Regiment--accused of performing the Katyn Massacre by the Soviets. He quickly and convincingly denied the Soviet charges of his guilt, proving that he was not commanding the unit or even in the area at the time of the killings alleged by the Soviets. When the Soviets then tried to accuse his predecessor, Colonel Bedenk, that gentleman also promptly appeared to deny and refute his guilt with equal alacrity. The only alternative to the Germans being guilty for Katyn was embarrassingly obvious, and, significantly, Katyn was omitted from the list of Nazi war crimes in the final Nuremberg judgment. Nonetheless, the 1946 Facts on File coverage of the issue of Katyn at Nuremberg only described the Bulgarian
Dr. Markov's pro-Soviet testimony."

The United States Congress undertook an investigation of this little matter of genocide, and on December 22, 1952, it issued a blistering final summation, 'House Report 2505, 82nd Congress Concerning The Katyn Forest Massacre,' which became commonly known by the name of its chairman, as the 'Madden Report.'

In the report, Madden takes on Justice Jackson, the chief United States prosecutor at the Nuremberg Trials, who had been the United States Attorney General in 1940 and 1941, when he got named to the U.S. Supreme Court, where he served until 1954,. He took a leave of absence in 1945 and 1946 to serve as the chief of counsel for the prosecution of Nazi war criminals. He has the distinction of being the last Supreme Court justice appointed to the bench who did not graduate from any law school. Madden has Jackson as saying

That he had received no instructions or information concerning the Katyn massacre. When asked to explain how the Katyn affair happened to come on the agenda of the Nuremberg trials under the indictment of Herman Goring, he stated that the Soviets were responsible for drawing indictments on war crimes committed in Eastern Europe. Mr. Justice Jackson stated as follows:

"To the United States was allocated the over-all conspiracy to incite and wage a war of aggression. The British were assigned the violation of specific treaties and crimes on the high seas. Violations of the laws of war and crimes against humanity were divided on a geographical basis. The French undertook crimes in Western Europe, and the Soviet prosecution was assigned the duty of preparing and presenting evidence of crimes in Eastern Europe--an area largely in Soviet occupation, and to much of which the others of us had no access. The geographical area thus assigned to the Soviet representatives included Katyn Wood and Poland as well, but at that time it was not known that the Katyn massacre would be involved."

When asked by the committee if he had received the various reports then in the files of the State Department and Army Intelligence (G-21, Mr. Justice Jackson testified that he had not. When asked by the committee what he would have done if he had received these reports, he replied as follows:

"Of course, any information would have been helpful. If we had had information of that kind, I cannot pass on whether this would have been adequate, but if we had had adequate information of Russian guilt, we would not have consented at all to have the charge against the Nazis. It would have strengthened our hand in keeping it out immensely and probably would have resulted in the Soviets not making the accusation."

Before this committee was formed, many allegations were made that Americans on Mr. Jackson’s staff at Nuremberg assisted the Soviets in the preparation of this case on Katyn against the Nazis. The committee desired to clarify this point and specifically asked Mr. Jackson this question, and he denied that any member of his staff participated in the preparation of the Katyn indictment. The committee viewed with interest Mr. Justice Jackson’s statement in his testimony which is as follows:

"This history will show that, if it is now deemed possible to establish responsibility for the Katyn murders, nothing that was decided by the Nuremberg Tribunal or contended for by the American prosecution will stand in your way."

What Jackson is saying is, since the prosecution of the Nazi's for the crime of the Katyn genocide had to be aborted publicly mid trial because of the ridicule it generated, that no injustice befell any defendant. They were all to be ultimately convicted and executed on other evidence, right? Here is Jackson intoning his opening remarks

"When I say that we do not ask for convictions unless we prove crime, I do not mean mere technical or incidental transgression of international conventions. We charge guilt on planned and intended conduct that involves moral as well as legal wrong. And we do not mean conduct that is a natural and human, even if illegal cutting of corners, such as many of us might well have committed had we been in the defendants' positions. It is not because the yielded to the normal frailties of human beings that we accuse them. It is their abnormal and inhuman conduct which brings them to this bar.
"We will not ask you to convict these men on the testimony of their foes. There is no count in the Indictment that cannot be proved by books and records. The Germans were always meticulous record keepers, and these defendants had their share of the Teutonic passion for thoroughness in putting things on paper. Nor were they without vanity. They arranged frequently to be photographed in action. We will show you their own films. You will see their own conduct and hear their own voices as these defendants re-enact for you. from the screen, some of the events in the course of the conspiracy.
"We would also make clear that we have no purpose to incriminate the whole German people. We know that the Party was not put in power by a majority of the German vote. We know it came to power by an evil alliance between the most extreme of the Nazi revolutionists, the most unrestrained of the German reactionaries and the most aggressive of the German militarists."

The "the various reports then in the files of the State Department and Army Intelligence" that the Committee asked Jackson about, which he said he never saw, were the several of which, they either disappeared, got lost, or were mislaid. In other words, the evidence contained within them were so categorically imperative, they required suppression in order to steer another course. Lou Coatney tells us

"At the governmental plane, a secret memorandum by British Ambassador to Poland O'Malley, describing the overwhelming evidence of Soviet guilt, was circulated to the American and British leaders. O'Malley forecast the moral dilemma that continued Anglo-American cooperation in the Soviet coverup and counter-accusation campaign (that the *Germans* had done it) would have on the Allies' "moral crusade" against the Nazis and on any postwar war crimes trials. (In fact, in 1946 Goring & Co. broke into derisive guffaws when they heard themselves solemnly accused at Nuremberg--by their former partners in crime, the Soviets, among others--of planning and waging aggressive war. Moreover, the Soviet-led attempt to convict the Germans of Katyn at Nuremberg led to a very public, embarrassing, and significant dropping of that charge."

While Madden's committee reported that

"General Bissell himself admitted to the committee that had the Van Wet report been publicized in 1945, when agreements for creating a United Nations organization reached at Yalta were being carried out in San Francisco, Soviet Russia might never have taken a seat in this international He admitted the report was explosive and came at a time when the United States was still trying to get a commitment from the Soviets to enter the Japanese war. General Bissell contradicted his own theory when he told the committee that the Van Vliet report couldn’t have been sent to the Secretary of the Army “because it had nothing to do with the prosecution of the war at that time.” This committee was dismayed to learn that the United States Assistant Chief of Staff, Army Intelligence (G-21, was considering political significance of the Van Wet document, which should have been treated objectively from a strictly Military Intelligence stand- point."

Can you appreciate what is being said here? That the provability of the Soviet Union's guilt and responsibility for the war crime of genocide was so unassailable, that deliberate injustices were necessitated in order to sit the powerful, yet still rogue, nation into its permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council.

Lastly, the crime of Katyn has gone unpunished for 70 years.

The nation-state that reveals the genocide gets charged with the genocide. That was the true war crime: the breaking of an unbreakable etiquette of evil. I would begin to guess that the holocaust of European Jewry is as ephemeral and translucent an entity as were the planes, the victims, and the heroes of September 11th. When they say "big lie" they mean really, really big.

3 comments:

Thank you for this article. I could follow the writing quite well, even though English is my fifth language.

What I find in poor taste, however, is that I have been taught to feel guilty for the massacre in Katyn, among others, by my teachers and the media. The first time I read about Katyn (the Soviet version) was when I was a kid, in a children's book (no joke), and I have felt so disgusted about being German ever since (even though I am only half German).

And while so far nobody was able to come up with one piece of paper by the so precise Germans with all their record keeping that proves the Führerbefehl to exterminate all Jews, the Stalin's Fackelmännerbefehl (Torch men order), which the Soviet Union dismissed as a myth for over 60 years, has been finally admitted as real.

So, the crimes against civilians in Eastern Europe blamed on the Nazis were actually committed by partisans and the Red Army -- dressed up in German uniforms. That, and the fact the soap, paperweight, lampshade, and shrunken head stories I believed in for decades were nothing but wartime propaganda, have destroyed my trust in anything the German, Russian, or Allied media are telling me.