Montgomery's death meant the
loss to America of more than Canada. It probably prolonged the war; it
left New York open to the enemy, and for eight long years through that
open gateway the armed legions of
the enemy passed, keeping the upper part of the province in a
constant state of war. Had Montgomery succeeded, the Canadians would
probably have joined their fellow-colonists, in the attractive hope of
liberty. Had Quebec been taken the Burgoyne operations might never have
been attempted. had the frontier been in the hands of Americans the
Tories of Tryon County would never have attempted their bloody work in
conjunction with the Iroquois. The whole course of the Revolution might
have been changed had the course of one bullet been deflected. However,
'tws not to be. Fortune joined with the elements in blasting the
chances of American on that fateful day of 1775 before Quebec.

The chivalrous Carleton paid especial honor to the remains of his
gallant vis a vis. The body of General Montgomery was taken
within the city and interred with all the ceremonious respect that his
heroism and reputation inspired. Ramsay, the first Revolution historian,
writes: "Few men have ever fallen in battle so much regretted by
both sides as General Montgomery. His many amiable qualities had
procured him an uncommon share of private affection, and his great
abilities an equal proportion of public esteem. Being a sincere lover of
liberty, he had engaged in the American cause from principle; and
quitted the enjoyment of an easy fortune, and the highest domestic
felicity, to take an active share in the fatigues and dangers of a war
instituted for the defense of the community of which he was an adopted
member. His well known character was almost equally esteemed by the
friends and foes of the side which he had espoused. In America, he was
celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind; in Great Britain as
a misguided good man, sacrificing to what he supposed to be the right of
his country. His name was mentioned in Parliament with singular respect.
Some of the most powerful speakers in that illustrious assembly
displayed their eloquence in sounding his praise and lamenting his fate.
Those, in particular, who had been his fellow soldiers in the late war,
expatiated on his many virtues. The minister himself acknowledged his
worth, while he reprobated the cause for which he fell. He concluded an
involuntary panegyric by saying: 'Curse on his virtues, they have undone
his country.'" #14

For forty-two years Montgomery's remains lay where they had been
interred by Carleton in Quebec. Then they were exhumed for removal to
New York City. "The return of Montgomery to New York borne in state
down the Hudson, past the balcony where his devoted wife stood to honor
whim, is one of the beautiful traditions of the war." "At
length" wrote the widow, a Livingston, "they came by, with all
that remained of a loved husband, who left me in the bloom of manhood, a
perfect being. Alas! how did he return?" He had left her with the
comforting thought that "you will never have to blush for your
Montgomery." He

had been true to his word; he had achieved an immortal name; yet, as
his widow wrote of the manner of his return: "However gratifying to
my heart . . . . . .to my feelings every pang I felt was renewed. The
pomp with which it was conducted added to my woe; when the steamboat
passed with slow and solemn movement, stopping before my house, the
troop sunder arms, the dead march from the muffled drum, the mournful
music, the splendid coffin canopied with crepe and crown with plumes,
you may conceive my anguish. I cannot describe it." #15 General
Montgomery's monument in St. Paul's churchyard in the heart of New York
City "is a perpetual reminder to the thongs that pass and re-pass
on lower Broadway that success lies not in getting but in giving."

Until April, 1776, colonel Arnold retained command of the forces
defeated before Quebec. Then, with the arrival of reinforcements under
General Wooster, the siege was renewed. Several attempts to force an
entrance were made, but the defense was equal to the emergency; and upon
the approach of General Burgoyne early in May, the Americans had to
retreat hastily. British soldiers were now pouring into Canada, and the
retreat became a flight. Carleton pursued the American forces, capturing
many guns, most of the stores, and many of the sick. It was necessary to
evacuate Montreal, and retire into New York State along the Great
Warpath. Thus, the daring invasion of Canada came to a disastrous end.
The campaign had been well conceived and the generalship had been good.
Frederick the Great indeed praised the generalship of the dead
Montgomery, but like many other military operations of that war and the
next, it was doomed to failure because of a fundamental weakness of the
American army--the dislike of Americans of the restrains imposed by
military discipline.

How difficult were the tasks of Washington and other colonial
generals during the first years of the war! Divided command could never
being full success. Military maneuvers call for unquestioning obedience
to the command in the directing hand; but each militiaman was a
freelance--captain of his own body as well as of his soul; years were to
pass before the average colonial soldier realized that incoming or going
as he pleased, he was imperiling the case for which he had taken up
arms. Washington once said: "The militia come in, you cannot tell
how; go you cannot tell where; consume you provisions; exhaust your
stores; and leave you at last at a critical moment." #16 The
Canadian campaign was a painful object-lesson. Montgomery and Arnold,
when they most needed man-power before Quebec, found themselves in
command of less than half the number of soldiers they had once had, and
many of those were prostrated by sickness. However, this condition had
to be borne, and the American leaders had to thankful that in general,
the efforts

of the British general were not vigorous. "Nothing but the
supineness or folly of the enemy could have saved us," admitted
Washington himself in 1780. The American militiamen were valiant and
generally enthusiastic; yet without discipline they were inferior to the
British regular. Fortunately the British troops were not always
strenuously used, otherwise the rebellion might have been suppressed
before Washington had at his back American regular soldiers who would
act at the word of command. Of the English generals Carleton seemed to
be the most capable. It is said that "had he been given command in
place of Sir William Howe he would in all probability have suppressed
the rebellion and captured Washington in the winter of his
discontentment and wretchedness at Valley Forge." Not until the
Revolution was near its close did Washington have at his disposal a
well-trained continental army of long term soldiers--well-disciplined
veterans equal t the British regular, responsive to the national
commanders, and possessed of stronger morale than the American
militiamen showed. Until that time Washington had to made the most of
what militia units came and went.

When he realized that the Quebec failure opened New York to attack,
when he recognized that British success in that province might crush the
centre of colonial resistance, Washington hastened to meet the danger.
New York was indeed in danger, threatened from within as well as from
the sea, and from the north. A British warship in the harbor was still
the executive mansion of Governor Tryon, who was still an influence, or
becoming more evident; and in the north and west of the province civil
war seemed imminent, a war in which the Tories would have at their side
the Iroquois we well as the Canadians. New York City had been denuded of
militia, to make up Montgomery's Canadian force. The English might have
occupied it almost without bloodshed in the last months of 1775. Early
in January, 1776, however, Washington heard that Sir Henry Clinton had
departed from Boston with an expeditionary force. He surmised the their
destination was New York, and he immediately made plans to forestall
them. General Charles Lee was then in Connecticut. Washington ordered
him to proceed "with such volunteers as he could quickly assemble
on his march and pout the city of New York in the best posture of
defense which the season and circumstances would admit of." Lee
made himself somewhat unpopular in New York City by carrying out these
orders of the national commander too literally. New Yorkers did not like
to think that men of Connecticut should take possession of their own
city. When the occupation was first suggested, the provincial congress
had protested, and criticism had come even from members of the
Continental Congress. Nevertheless, Lee, at the head of

1,500 Connecticut troops reached New York on February 4th.
On that very day, Clinton's fleet anchored off Sandy Hook. It was an
exciting day for the inhabitants. One New Yorker, writing to a friend
regarding it, said: "Although it was Sabbath, it threw the whole
city in such a convulsion as it never knew before. All that day and all
night were their carts going, and boats loading, and women and children
crying, and distressed voices heard in the roads in the dead of night.
Clinton came here; but to his great surprise found that he could not put
his foot on shore. He expressed much concern at seeing so much distress
on his account; he declared his juvenile love for this place brought him
here, and was pleased to send for the mayor to desire he would acquaint
the people he only came on a visit."

Clinton soon departed southward but Lee could not rest until he had
made the city capable of defense. He did not stand upon ceremony, or pay
scrupulous heed to municipal rights; he applied himself to his military
tasks, and soon put the city "in the best posture of defense."
He honeycombed the city with barricades, and girdled the island with
earthworks. With Lee's coming, the local political situation
crystallized. Earlier the Committee of One Hundred had tolerated the
presence of Crown functionaries, ever hoping that the differences
between the Crown and the Colonies would be compromised without further
bloodshed. The dual government could no longer be tolerated. All civil
authority, indeed, was subordinated to the military in the metropolis;
"thenceforth, for eight years, New York was to be ruled by tap of
drum."

In March, the British under Howe evacuated Boston, sailing for
Halifax, Nova Scotia. Washington was therefore able to study more
closely the military situation in other fields. He sent Putnam to New
York on April 4th, to supersede Lee, whom he ordered to
Charlestown, whither Clinton had gone. Washington transferred his own
headquarters to New York ten days later. New York was again to take
place as the "Flanders:" of the colonies, the
"cockpit" of America's fighting ship. On march 14, the
Continental Congress had voted 8,000 men for the defense of the city,
and New Jersey and Connecticut had been asked to hold their militia
ready for service in New York "to be paid when on duty as
Continental troops." Curfew was established by Putnam, who also
ordered that communication "with the ministerial fleets"
(Governor Tryon's) must cease. The civil authorities business themselves
with matters of war munitions, while the military commanders south to
instill in the militia a readier recognition of the need of obedience to
commands they did not succeed very well; militiamen had minds of their
own; they were soldiers of initiative; when they passed a Tory home they
would "levy tribute." These farmer soldiers had no patience
with drills, parades, fatigue duty, guard details. "they came to
fight, not to pace up

Page 960

And down a cowpath with no enemy in sight." So imbued one
gallant band of "Connecticut Light Horse," 500 strong,
manifested more then usually dignified individualism. It was time to
make an example. So they were sent--with their fowling pieces--back to
their native heath, where they would possibly be happier in shooting
game than in "playing the game" as Washington wish it to be
played.

The task of the commander-in-chief was by no means enviable or easy.
It is said that "at no other time, perhaps, was Washington more
severely tried than during the occupation of New York in the spring and
summer of 1776." To confront "untrained husbandmen,"
armed "with fowling-pieces or scythe-blades," and clothed
principally in "the armor of righteousness." This was
discouraging enough in itself, but to be hindered by a somewhat
bewildered populace, many of whom hardly yet knew whether they eve
wanted liberty that would cost them so much to gain, must have been
disheartening we well as exasperating to those who were fighting for
them. Again the pettiness of the provincial legislators who were
indifferent to matters that pertained to other colonies must have
distressed those patriots of national vision. Washington had cause to
complain to the National Congress, also. That at any moment Washington
might find his military plans thwarted "by the well-meant measures
of a congress of lawyers in session one hundred miles away" (at
Philadelphia) was another of the difficulties that came more poignantly
to him than to any other general officer, probably. However, a
thoughtful Providence had endowed him with the power to bear all and
keep on. He was no longer a stranger to despondency, but his
determination was even steadier than his outward serenity , which was
inspiring.

Every possible expedient that was available and could strengthen the
defense was used. Brass field pieces, fourteen pounders, were cast, as
well as iron twenty-four pounders. Small powder factories were
established, and the manufacture of small arms was busily followed. The
British warship "Asia" dropped down the bay, and the defenders
of the city patrolled New York waters in small boats, to prevent the
enemy within from communicating with British warships in the bay. The
Committee headed by John Jay arrest Oliver DeLancey and other leading
citizens of Tory affiliation "for conspiring with Tryon and seeking
to enlist men for the King's Army," and many of the aristocrats of
the metropolis had to suffer the indignity of being ridden on rails
through the streets.

Two weeks after his arrival in New York Washington's forced in the
metropolitan area numbered 10,235 officers and men, "of whom 8,301
were reported present for duty." Whether they actually were
present, no one can say, bearing in mind how uncertain an element were
the militiamen at that time; but even two months later the Continental
Army

possessed only 6,921 firelocks and 5,142 bayonets; so even this
number of troops could not operate satisfactorily. There were other
militiamen available, or at least likely to rally, but New York was not
the only position likely to be attacked.

The Canadian situation became ominous in May, and it was necessary
top keep a close watch upon the Iroquois. Johnstown, the seat of the
Johnson family, has been the interior seat of loyalism. In January,
1776, an expedition had been despatched to Johnstown, and 300 armed
Scotch Highlanders found there were captured. Sit John Johnson, son of
the deceased "frontier baron" was given parole, but the
situation became so dangerous very soon that General Schuyler, in May
,1776, ordered Colonel Dayton, who was then returning with his regiment
from Canada, to go to Johnstown and arrest Sir John Johnson. The latter,
however, received word of it, and "with a large number of his
tenants fled through the forest to Montreal." There he was made
colonel of the Royal Greens. Another of his family comes conspicuously
into war record--his cousin, Guy Johnson. He escaped with Joseph Brant,
a Mohawk chieftain whose native name was "Thayendenega." The
two went to England in 1776, but both returned to Canada, and were very
troublesome border enemies of the Americans during the war, through
Brant does not seem to have been the "evil genius" who
conceived all the "massacres" attributed to him. It seems that
the Johnson influence was the main factor that drew four of the six
Iroquois nations into alliance with England in 1776. Another reason was
the clashing of a band of patriot with a Tory body at Schoharie. Some
Mohawks were with the latter, and in the fight a Mohawk chieftain,
"Neckus" was slain.

With the Canadians expedition ending in confusion, and the Iroquois
country in a ferment, the situation in northern and western New York
brought anxious moments to Washington in the early summer of 1776. The
Canadian governor, Carleton, was following the retreating Americans
closely, and was likely to eat into the heart of New York. At the same
time Washington had to keep vigilant watch of Howe's large army, which
was daily expected in New York waters. At the end of May, he wrote to
Schuyler: "We expect a very bloody summer at New York and Canada,
as it is there, I presume, that the great efforts of the enemy will be
aimed.: He adds: "I am sorry to say that we are not either in men
or arms prepared for it." He did not then know the worst as to the
Canadian situation. Major-General Thomas had superseded Wooster early in
May, and although during the winter Arnold's force in Canada had been
reinforced to the extent of 3,000 men, only 1,000 were in the field when
Thomas arrived on May 2d. So General Thomas resolved to retreat from
Quebec at once. He was followed by Carleton's force, now considerably
reinforced. The retreat continued to the Sorel--"a

retched march of a disorganized, disheartened, half-starved and
rapidly decreasing force." Small-pox had broken out among them, and
on June 2d General Thomas died of it. Sullivan arrived at the Sorel four
days later to succeed Thomas. He brought a strong force of militia, and
was over-confident. Ignorant of the condition of the army, he wrote to
Washington that he could "put a new face upon conditions
here." Sullivan at once approved a forward movement to Three
rivers, assigning 2,000 men to General Thompson, and colonels Wayne,
Maxwell and Irvine for the purpose. This force joined that of Colonel
St. Clair at Nicolet, and on the 7th the combined force
crossed the rover to Point du Lac. Next morning they found the Canadians
before them with a force three times as large. Advance was impossible,
and 150 of the Americans failed to regain their boats. Returning to the
Sorel, Sullivan then ordered a general retreat to Ticonderoga and Crown
Point. The Canadian expedition thus ended in June, with the British
holding all positions above Isle aux Noix, and the Americans busily
strengthening their defenses on Lake chaplain in anticipation of
invasion.

On the 29th of the same month the long-expected British
fleet arrived off Sandy Hook. By July 2d there had gathered in the lower
and upper bays "such a fleet as those waters had never known
before." In all, there were 130 ships, among them "stately
ships of the line, fierce frigates, and saucy tenders, guarding
ponderous transports." Sir William Howe came with vanguard of 9,000
soldiers, most of when were veterans from the home stations. Howe was
welcomed by governor Tryon, who still held viceregal state and some
governmental influence on the warship "Asia." He still
contrived to keep in touch with provincial affairs through the medium of
the Tories, who abounded on Long Island. Howe was welcomed too by
"many gentlemen, fast friends of government." From them the
English general gained the fullest information of the state of the
rebels." This information, as well as the visible evidences that
American forces were on Long Island, caused Howe to abandon his original
intention of making that island his base. Instead, on July 2d, he landed
on Staten Island, from which the American forces has been withdrawn. In
"Will Hick's Mansion House" General Howe established his
headquarters, his troops debarking on the island also.

New York bays were a "forest of masts," and the forest grew
steadily denser. Sit Peter Parker's fleet of ten warships, somewhat
battered, and thirty-five transports came into the bay bringing 3,000
somewhat dejected troops of Sir Henry Clinton's command from their quite
distressing clash with Moultrie before Charlestown. Very soon another
fleet from England hove into sight. Admiral Lord Howe, elder brother of
the commanding general, was in command; his fleet had convoyed more
British soldiers and some Hessians across the Atlantic. Finally, on
August 12th, the main body of the Hessian troops reached New
York waters. With

their coming, the fleet of enemy ships that the anxious Americans saw
riding at anchor in the upper and lower bays constituted "the
mightiest force that England had ever sent to sea--52 large ships of
war, 27 armed sloops and cutters, 400 transports, and 31,625
soldiers."

Washington had anticipated "a very bloody summer," but even
he probably was surprised that the English fleet had been able to
concentrate such a formidable army and navy in New York. Of course, the
Canadian danger to the English had passed, and Howe could divert to new
York waters troops that might otherwise have been assigned to the
frontier defense. Still, Washington's estimates of the forces against
him had been probably much exceeded, for he could not oppose them with
forces of even equal size, notwithstanding that it was generally
recognized that poorly-armed militia could not successfully oppose a
regular army of equal size.

A year earlier, few Americans had believed it possible that England
could raise such a force fro such a purpose. In England in 1775, there
had been a strong underlying opposition to the war. Then lord Camden had
expressed his opinion, based on observation, "that the merchants,
tradesmen, and common people were generally opposed to a war,"
though he was ready to admit that "the landed interests supported
the government." A volunteer army could not be raised even among
the landed interests. The people were the essential element in such
plans; and the King's ministers were forced to recognize the apparent
apathy of the people. Indeed, they used t to justify their at in
employing foreign troops to fight England's battles. The feeble response
in England to the call to arms had made it necessary to weaken the
garrisons of outlying possessions so as to bring home regiments to
war-strength; but this expedient had increased the home strength by only
2,300 men, whereas the King's plans called for 40,000 soldiers and
22,000 sailors to put down "by the most decisive exertions"
the rebellion in America. The suggestion that England was wealthy, and
that foreign mercenaries had, in the past, fought many of Europe's
battles, inclined King George to believe that Holland might be attracted
by the proposition. An autograph letter to the States General of Holland
carried King George's request for permission to use Holland's Scot
brigade in America. He was refused, the answer indicating that Holland
did not view the rebellion through English glasses. "Our troops,
said the Baron Van der Capellen, "would be employed toward
suppressing what some please do call a rebellion in the American
colonies; for which purpose I would rather see janissaries hired then
soldiers of a free state. Such a measure must appear superlatively
detestable to me, who think the Americans worthy of every man's esteem,
and look on them as a brave people, defending, in a becoming manly and
religious manner, those rights which as men they derive from God, not
from the Legislature of Great Britain."

An appeal to Russia for troops might have succeeded, had not other
European powers, both openly and secretly, opposed the movement. The
truth was that, except in the petty German States of little political
power, Europe's sympathy was not with England. France was probably
quickened by the hope that England's troubles might bring her some
gain--perhaps a return of new France. Frederick of Prussia was
disinclined to consider England's "perplexing" affair. He had
no colonies, and therefore no experience in colonial administration,
though, as a soldier, he thought that if England intended
"conciliation," some of her measures were "too
rough"; and "if subjection, too gentle." An English
physician, who travelled through the principal cities of the continent
in 1775, wrote from Vienna: "At present, the inhabitants of the
Continent seem as impatient as those of Great Britain for new from the
other side of the Atlantic; but with this difference, that here they are
all of one mind--all praying for success to the American, and rejoicing
in every piece of bad fortune which happens to out Army." #17
However, the petty German princes of Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, Hanau, and
other States, would not disturb the balance of power in Europe
appreciably, whichever way one or more of them acted; and as most of
them were of somewhat extravagant habits and slender purse, and
moreover, had autocratic power over their people, the English King's
ministers saw that they might find the needed man-power there. To those
markets, Sir Joseph Yorke accordingly went. Colonel William Fawcett
followed later, to princes for such subjects as were seized and forced
into the service of Britain. These officers were to all intents the only
volunteers; the Hessian rank and file were pressed into service. Even
King George had some compunction in resorting to such a method of
increasing the English army. "To give," he said, "German
officers authority to raise recruits for me is, in plain English,
neither more nor less than to become a manstealer, which I cannot look
upon as a very honorable occupation." Still, injustice to King
George, it should be said that his was not the controlling voice; much
of the execration heaped upon him should be shifted from his shoulders
on to those of his ministers. True, George III was more assertive then
the Earlier Georges, but at the best, he was merely a
"constitutional King"--a figure-head, whose opinion would not
outweigh that of Parliament and Cabinet. So recruiting offices were
opened in the petty German States, and the princes thereof began to fill
their pockets with English gold. They had so many other personal needs
for the head money that not enough was left to properly clothe the
conscripted subjects. The Hessians were short of shoes and stockings,
and were without overcoats and some other apparel, when they were
assembled in England

in the early months of 1776. However, by the time they reached
America the Hessians were most presentably attired, though their broad
leather belts were probably stronger then their resolution. So enlisted,
what could induce such soldiers to fight well, except in self-defense?
They might develop a degree of ferocity in returning blow for blow, but
in desperate fighting they could not be expected to show the dogged
heroism that patriotism along could instill. However, England's armies
in all absorbed 29,166 German soldiers, more than half of them coming
from Hesse-Cassel. Of this number 11,853 were destined never to return
to their native State.

Of course, by the time the brothers Howe reached New York, the
Americans had positively taken their stand for independence.
Reconciliation was not longer possible. The Declaration of Independence
had been drafted. On the very day that General Howe had landed on Staten
island, the Continental Congress had adopted a resolution which read:
"That these United Colonies are, and of right out to be, free and
independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the
State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." The
delegates from New York had not been authorized to vote for the
Declaration, but the Congress of that province, having doubted whether
the people had vested in it the necessary authority to vote for
independence, had already given way to another; and this new Congress, a
week or so later, in the face of the enemy, was to fearlessly align New
York with the other independent States. Admiral Lord Howe was no doubt
aware of these political happenings; yet he thought that his great
armada would make his task of reconciliation somewhat easy. Certainly,
force was strong argument. Furthermore, he was inclined to believe that
demonstration of force would make the use of it unnecessary. Why shed
the blood of his own countrymen, colonial and insular, unnecessarily?
With even two or three of his ships he could destroy most of New York.
Washington's "rabble" could not resist the immense land force
that England had gathered. Lord Howe, indeed, could not think of the
colonial force as an army; he was not disposed to accord the
American general any military status whatsoever. The bearer handed the
letter to two American officers, Adjutant-General Reed and
Lieutenant-Colonel Webb; but when Webb noticed that it was addressed to George
Washington, Esq., they refused to even receive it, Reed remarking:
"We have not person in our army with that address." The return
of his letter unopened must have shaken the confidence of the would-be
mediator. Nevertheless, on July 20th, Lord Howe tried again,
consenting now to address Washington as a general officer. The British
emissary was now courteously received by Washington, who however pointed
out that as Lord Howe was not empowered

to acknowledge American independence, negotiations were futile, for
peace on any other basis was impossible; the colonies had taken their
stand, and the issue now lay with the armed forces. Lord Howe would not
be denied, however; he tried his powers of persuasion upon Franklin,
whom he had entertained in his London home; but Franklin replied with
such sting that, it is said, Lord Howe turned away with tears in his
eyes.

The History of New York State,
Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1927