This video, recorded December 27, 2012 by a B’Tselem volunteer, documents a Jewish settler attempting to convince Palestinian farmers, he is the rightful owner of their land using a logic only some people can appreciate. The conversation is taking place after an Israeli High Court decision resulting from a petition filed by the Palestinian owners demanding access to their land which has been obstructed for years.

This is privately owned agricultural land belonging to villagers of Yasuf, located in the Salfit region in the heart of the West Bank. Yasuf land is almost completely surrounded by illegal settlements and outposts, including the radical settlement of Tapuach, site of a Kahanist yeshiva. Yasuf villagers have suffered violent attacks for years and the farmers have been denied access to thousands of dunams of their land since 2001.

First the farmers were violently evicted from their land by settlers, who then placed “an embankment and stones” blocking the access road. Later, without any legal authorization, the military abetted the settlers by placing a gate across the road. ‘Tapuach West’ is an illegal outpost near Tapuach, and it’s the road between the settlement and the outpost cutting off Yasuf farmer’s access.

12 Palestinian land owners from the village filed a petition with Israel’s High Court demanding access to their land in 2010. They were represented by Yesh Din. The outcome of that hearing, last November, resulted in this decision:

Deputy President Justice Naor added: “There is a difference between recognizing and tolerating (an illegal situation – H.A.). If the land owners cannot access their land, that is a situation we cannot tolerate. The balance here derives first of all from the starting point, that they are entitled to reach their lands,” said Naor. “If there are lawbreakers, it is the duty of the military commander to deal with them. His job is to ensure their access, and if there are lawbreakers he must deal with them. If anyone uses violence the State must confront them.It is the State’s job to maintain order.” Ahead of the hearing the State announced that the military commander had recently, following the petition, issued a closed military zone order for a large part of the area to which access requires military coordination. Therefore, a decision was made at the end of the hearing that the petitioners and representatives of the army and the settlement would visit the site together and examine the actual restrictions on access. The sides were asked to submit to the court within 60 days their updated positions about the points of contention there remain afterwards, if any.

Yossi Gurvitz writing for Yesh Din , explains more context in a report of another recent “”price tag” pogrom” against the village on February 18th.

This morning a “price tag” pogrom took place in the Palestinian village of Yasouf. If the name Yasouf is vaguely familiar to you, this is probably because in 2009, it became the target of the most famous price tag attack: the burning of its mosque. It’s worth mentioning the response of the Shomron local council at the time (Hebrew): it called the attack an “act of madmen or a provocation,” piously adding that it hoped the police would find those responsible. That was two years prior to Shahar Ginossar of Yediot Ahronot reporting that the Shomron local council created the policy of “price tag” and even funded it. The “price tag” people are the military arm of the settlement establishment, the hoodlums used when violence and plausible deniability are necessary. “Price tag” attacks have become so common that they’re barely reported; they used to make headlines, but this morning the attack in Yasouf merited barely a newsflash.

The choice of Yasouf as a repeat target of “price tag” attacks becomes more understandable, when you realize that the village is now fighting against the taking over of its lands by settlers, who do so aided and abetted by the IDF. The village dares to fight for its rights, so it gets a small dose of terror, as a reminder of the price of messing not only with the military arm of the government of Israel, but also with the military arm of the settler movement, which is far more ruthless.

In December 2010, the villagers petitioned the High Court of Justice, represented by attorneys Michael Sfard, Shlomi Zecharia, Avishar Lev and Muhammad Shqayer of Yesh Din’s legal team. The petition was against the army and the civil administration, demanding the villagers receive access to their lands. Since early 2001, the army prevented the villagers from accessing thousands of dunams of its lands. Later, “Tapuach west” was established on some of those lands,an outpost illegal even according to the government of Israel. “Tapuach west” blocked the villagers’ access to their lands, as did the road paved illegally, between Tapuach- a settlement created by Kahane supporters and its outpost- “Tapuach West”. The local council responsible both for the settlement and the outpost? Why, it’s the Shomron local council.

At first, the settlers prevented the villagers from reaching their lands with the usual violence, and then the army got involved, and erected a gate which is never open, thus turning what was a lawless land grab into something semi-official. Later, the army declared much of the territory a closed military zone, thus officially preventing the villagers – not the invading settlers – from reaching what is, without any legal contest, their land, from which they live.

Some two years after the petition was filed, in November 2012, it was first debated by the court – hey, it’s just some Palestinians robbed of their livelihood, what’s the rush? – a hearing during which the justices were sharply critical of the behavior of the army and civil administration. Justice Naor said that “The balance here derives first of all from the starting point, that they are entitled to reach their lands. If there are lawbreakers, it is the duty of the military commander to deal with them. His job is to ensure their access, and if there are lawbreakers he must deal with them. If anyone uses violence the State must confront them. It is the State’s job to maintain order.”

So, until the government enforces order – which it is loath to do when Jews are involved – the terrorists residing in the Shomron local council will try to make it clear to the petitioners that they are messing with the wrong people. Luckily, the petitioners refuse to bend. To the poor record of law enforcement officials in defending the Palestinians in the occupied territories from the theft of their lands and violence against them – which, again, is basically all the army is allowed to do there, legally – we can add their pathetic inability to capture the “price tag” pogromchiks. Their proven record of inaptitude has already led the local residents to tell us that they are unwilling to press charges, since the treatment of their complaints is a bad joke and the process is a waste of their time.

In that regard, the terrorists – with the quiet support, both by action and inaction, of the IDF, the Shin Beth and the police – have already won.

This morning a “price tag” pogrom took place in the Palestinian village of Yasouf. If the name Yasouf is vaguely familiar to you, this is probably because in 2009, it became the target of the most famous price tag attack: the burning of its mosque [Ed note: this attack]. It’s worth mentioning the response of the Shomron local council at the time (Hebrew): it called the attack an “act of madmen or a provocation,” piously adding that it hoped the police would find those responsible. That was two years prior to Shahar Ginossar of Yediot Ahronot reporting that the Shomron local council created the policy of “price tag” and even funded it. The “price tag” people are the military arm of the settlement establishment, the hoodlums used when violence and plausible deniability are necessary. “Price tag” attacks have become so common that they’re barely reported; they used to make headlines, but this morning the attack in Yasouf merited barely a newsflash.The choice of Yasouf as a repeat target of “price tag” attacks becomes more understandable, when you realize that the village is now fighting against the taking over of its lands by settlers, who do so aided and abetted by the IDF. The village dares to fight for its rights, so it gets a small dose of terror, as a reminder of the price of messing not only with the military arm of the government of Israel, but also with the military arm of the settler movement, which is far more ruthless.In December 2010, the villagers petitioned the High Court of Justice, represented by attorneys Michael Sfard, Shlomi Zecharia, Avishar Lev and Muhammad Shqayer of Yesh Din’s legal team. The petition was against the army and the civil administration, demanding the villagers receive access to their lands. Since early 2001, the army prevented the villagers from accessing thousands of dunams of its lands. Later, “Tapuach west” was established on some of those lands,an outpost illegal even according to the government of Israel. “Tapuach west” blocked the villagers’ access to their lands, as did the road paved illegally, between Tapuach- a settlement created by Kahane supporters and its outpost- “Tapuach West”. The local council responsible both for the settlement and the outpost? Why, it’s the Shomron local council.At first, the settlers prevented the villagers from reaching their lands with the usual violence, and then the army got involved, and erected a gate which is never open, thus turning what was a lawless land grab into something semi-official. Later, the army declared much of the territory a closed military zone, thus officially preventing the villagers – not the invading settlers – from reaching what is, without any legal contest, their land, from which they live.Some two years after the petition was filed, in November 2012, it was first debated by the court – hey, it’s just some Palestinians robbed of their livelihood, what’s the rush? – a hearing during which the justices were sharply critical of the behavior of the army and civil administration. Justice Naor said that “The balance here derives first of all from the starting point, that they are entitled to reach their lands. If there are lawbreakers, it is the duty of the military commander to deal with them. His job is to ensure their access, and if there are lawbreakers he must deal with them. If anyone uses violence the State must confront them. It is the State’s job to maintain order.”So, until the government enforces order – which it is loath to do when Jews are involved – the terrorists residing in the Shomron local council will try to make it clear to the petitioners that they are messing with the wrong people. Luckily, the petitioners refuse to bend. To the poor record of law enforcement officials in defending the Palestinians in the occupied territories from the theft of their lands and violence against them – which, again, is basically all the army is allowed to do there, legally – we can add their pathetic inability to capture the “price tag” pogromchiks. Their proven record of inaptitude has already led the local residents to tell us that they are unwilling to press charges, since the treatment of their complaints is a bad joke and the process is a waste of their time.In that regard, the terrorists – with the quiet support, both by action and inaction, of the IDF, the Shin Beth and the police – have already won.

I’m wondering if perhaps the discussion taking place in the video last December was as a result of the decision, at the behest of the court, to “visit the site together”?

Now, you listen to me. Soon the Messiah will come. He’ll be here any minute. You understand this well. It’s also written in the Koran. When the Messiah comes, you’ll be our slaves.

Wrap your head around that.

River toSeaUprooted PalestinianThe views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!