THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Karl Rove finds out about
this, he won't let me out again. (Laughter.)

Thank you very much for that warm welcome and, David, let me thank you
for the introduction. And let me thank the AIPAC board of directors and
the members from all across America for the opportunity to be here
today.

I have many friends in the hall and I especially want to acknowledge
Sallai Meridor, Israel's ambassador to the U.S. (Applause.) And, of
course, Tzipi Livni, Israel's foreign minister. (Applause.)

I also want to recognize the many students who have come from across the
country, even some I'm told from Wyoming. Welcome to Washington. It's
great to see you all here. (Applause.)

We're here today as citizens from different parts of the country,
diverse backgrounds, many professions and various political
affiliations. Yet we find unity and strength in the values of liberty
and equality and our belief in democracy and the rule of law and in our
devotion to the security of America's friend, the state of Israel.
(Applause.)

As members of AIPAC, you play a vital role in making the strategic and
moral case for America's friendship with Israel. I commend AIPAC for
the fine work you do, not just at this annual event but every day of the
year. It's good to be in your company, and I bring warm regards from
the President of the United States, George W. Bush. (Applause.)

As most of you know, the President is traveling in Latin America this
week, solidifying our friendships in that region and promoting an agenda
of democracy, economic progress and security. He asked me to convey to
this gathering his great appreciation for your efforts, his strong
support for Israel, and his firm commitment to peace in the Holy Land,
built on a foundation of security, not surrender. (Applause.)

The President has been clear and forthright about his vision of two
democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace.
He remains committed to the achievement of that vision, nor has he
compromised the basic principles he has stated from the very beginning:
Peace requires a Palestinian government that recognizes Israel's right
to exist, accepts the validity of past agreements and renounces violence
and terrorism totally and completely. (Applause.)

Progress in the cause of security and long-term peace never comes
easily. Yet the United States and Israel persevere in that cause. We
understand, as Ariel Sharon put it, the right and responsibility of
every democracy, if it wishes to survive, to protect itself and its
values. Doing so requires moral clarity, the courage of our
convictions, a willingness to act when action is necessary, and a
refusal to submit to any form of intimidation, ever. (Applause.)

These qualities are a credit to the American and the Israeli people.
And these qualities are tested every day as we wage the war on terror.
Israelis know this because rockets are shot at them and three Israeli
soldiers are now being held hostage, two by Hezbollah, one by Hamas,
even as we meet here today.

We are the prime targets of a terror movement that is global in nature
and, yes, global in its ambitions. The leaders of this movement speak
openly and specifically of building a totalitarian empire covering the
Middle East, extending into Europe and reaching across to the islands of
Indonesia, one that would impose a narrow, radical vision of Islam that
rejects tolerance, suppresses dissent, brutalizes women and has one of
its foremost objectives the destruction of Israel. Their creed is
extreme and backward looking, yet their methods are modern and
sophisticated. The terrorists use the Internet to spread propaganda, to
find new recruits, and they're employing every other tool of
communication and finance to carry out their plans.

It's odd to think of ideologues out of the Dark Ages having a modern
media strategy, but the fact is they do. They take videos of their
attacks and put them up on the Internet to get them broadcast on
television. They send messages and images by e-mail and tell their
followers to spread the word. They wage war by stealth and murder,
disregarding the rules of warfare and rejoicing in the death of the
innocent.

And not even the instinct of self-preservation is a restraint. The
terrorists value death the same way you and I value life. Civilized,
decent societies will never fully understand the kind of mindset that
drives men to strap on bombs or fly airplanes into buildings, all for
the purpose of killing unsuspecting men, women and children who they
have never met and who have done them no wrong. But that is the very
kind of blind, prideful hatred we're up against.

And their aim, ultimately, is to acquire the means to match that hatred
and to use chemical, biological or nuclear weapons to impose their will
by unspeakable violence or blackmail.

An enemy that operates in the shadows and views the entire world as a
battlefield is not one we can fight with strategies used in other wars.
An enemy with fantasies of martyrdom is not going to sit down at a table
for negotiations. Nor can we fight to a standoff -- (applause). Nor
can we fight to a standoff, hoping that some form of containment or
deterrence will protect our people. The only option for our security
and survival is to go on the offensive, facing the threat directly,
patiently and systematically, until the enemy is destroyed. (Applause.)

The war on terror is more than a contest of arms and more than a test of
will, it is also a battle of ideas. We know now to a certainty that
when people across the Middle East are denied freedom, that is a direct
strategic concern of all free nations. By taking the side of moderates,
reformers and advocates for democracy, by providing an alternative to
hateful ideologies, we improve the chances for a lasting peace and we
advance our own security interests.

In the last two years, we have seen hopeful changes as men and women
showed their desire to live in freedom. And we have seen the enemy's
fierce reaction. In 2005, the people of Lebanon proclaimed the Cedar
Revolution and drove out their Syrian occupiers. (Applause.) That same
year, the people of Afghanistan elected a parliament. And in Iraq,
citizens voted in three national elections, turning out in the millions
to defy killers and car bombers and to elect a government that serves
under the most progressive constitution in the Arab world.

In 2006, freedom's enemies struck back with new tactics and greater
fury. In Lebanon, Hezbollah terrorists who are supported by Iran and
Syria, attacked Israel, killing Israelis and sending rockets into
civilian areas and have since worked to undermine Lebanon's
democratically elected government. Also in 2006, Taliban and al Qaeda
fighters in Afghanistan waged a new offensive against Afghanistan and
NATO forces. In Iraq, Sunni and Shia extremists engaged in escalating
sectarian struggle that continues to this day.

Our duty is to face all of these challenges with resolve and we are
doing so. In Afghanistan, where I visited just a few weeks ago,
American and NATO forces are preparing a spring offensive against
Taliban and al Qaeda fighters. In Iraq, our goal remains a democratic
nation that upholds the rule of law, respects the rights of its people,
provides them security and is an ally in the war on terror. But for
this to happen, the elected government in Iraq needs the space and the
time to work on reconciliation goals, and it's hard to do that without
basic security in Baghdad.

Our coalition is pursuing a new strategy that brings in reinforcements
to help Iraqi forces secure the capital so that nation can move forward
and the political process can turn toward reconciliation. A few weeks
ago, the new coalition commander, General Dave Petraeus, arrived in the
Iraq theater. He sent a written message to his soldiers and, with your
forbearance, I'd like to quote from it at length.

"The enemies of Iraq," he said, "will shrink at no act however barbaric.
They will do all that they can to shake the confidence of the people and
to convince the world that this effort is doomed. We must not
underestimate them. Together with our Iraqi partners, we must defeat
those who oppose the new Iraq. We cannot allow mass murderers to hold
the initiative. We must strike them relentlessly. We and our Iraqi
partners must set the terms of the struggle, not our enemies. And,
together, we must prevail." As we meet -- (applause).

As we meet, ladies and gentlemen, General Petraeus and his troops are in
the midst of some extremely tough, intense and dangerous work. The
President and I have been briefed on their progress. These American
soldiers represent the best that is in our country. They are well
trained and professional, their morale is high, they are giving this
mission everything they've got and they are doing an absolutely
brilliant job. (Applause.)

It's always the case in wartime that the heaviest duties fall on the men
and women of the military. The ones doing the fighting never lose their
focus on their mission or on what is at stake in this war, and neither
should the rest of us. Five-and-a-half years have passed since the
attacks of September 11, 2001, and the loss that morning of nearly 3,000
Americans inside the United States. As we get farther away from 9/11, I
believe there's a temptation to forget the urgency of the task that came
to us that day and the comprehensive approach that's required to protect
this country against an enemy that moves and acts on multiple fronts.

In fact, five-and-a-half years into the struggle, we find ourselves
having to confront a series of myths about the war on terror, myths that
are often repeated and deserve to be refuted.

The most common myth is that Iraq has nothing to do with the global war
on terror. Opponents of our military action there have called Iraq a
diversion from the real conflict, a distraction from the business of
fighting and defeating bin Laden and the al Qaeda network. We hear this
over and over again, not as an argument but as an assertion meant to
close off argument.

Yet the critics conveniently disregard the words of bin Laden himself.
The most serious issue today for the whole world, he has said, is this
third world war that is raging in Iraq. He calls it a destiny between
infidelity and Islam. He said the whole world is watching this war and
that it will end in victory and glory or misery and humiliation. And in
words directed at the American people, bin Laden declares, "The war is
for you or for us to win. If we win it, it means your defeat and
disgrace forever."

This leader of al Qaeda has referred to Baghdad as the capital of the
Caliphate. He has also said, and I quote, "Success in Baghdad will be
success for the United States. Failure in Iraq is the failure of the
United States. Their defeat in Iraq will mean defeat in all their
wars."

Obviously, the terrorists have no illusion about the importance of the
struggle in Iraq. They have not called it a distraction or a diversion
from their war against the United States. They know it is a central
front in that war and it's where they've chosen to make a stand. Our
Marines are fighting al Qaeda terrorists today in Anbar province. U.S.
and Iraqi forces recently killed al Qaeda terrorists in Baghdad who were
responsible for numerous car bomb attacks. Iraq's relevance to the war
on terror simply could not be more plain.

Here at home, that makes one thing above all very clear. If you support
the war on terror, then it only makes sense to support it where the
terrorists are fighting us. (Applause.)

The second myth is the most transparent. And that is the notion that
one can support the troops without giving them the tools and
reinforcements needed to carry out their mission. Twisted logic is not
exactly a new phenomenon in Washington. But last month, it did reach
new heights. At a hearing at the Senate Armed Services Committee,
Senator John McCain put the following question to General Petraeus,
suppose we send you over to your new job, only we tell you that you
cannot have any additional troops. Can you get your job done? General
Petraeus replied, "No, sir."

Yet within his days of his confirmation by a unanimous vote in the
Senate -- I repeat, a unanimous vote of confidence in General Petraeus
-- a large group of senators tried to pass a resolution opposing the
reinforcements he said were necessary. And, of course, the House of
Representatives did pass such a resolution. As President Bush said,
this may be the first time in history that a Congress voted to send a
new commander into battle and then voted to oppose the plan he said was
necessary in winning that battle. It was not a proud episode in the
history of the United States Congress.

The resolution that passed was not binding, only a statement of
feelings. Yet other threats have been made that would hamper the war
effort and interfere with the operational authority of the President and
with our military commanders. These, too, are counterproductive and
send exactly the wrong message. When members of Congress pursue an
anti-war strategy that's been called slow bleed, they're not supporting
the troops, they are undermining them. And when members of Congress
speak not of victory, but of time limits -- (applause) -- when members
speak not of victory but of time limits, deadlines or other arbitrary
measures, they're telling the enemy simply to watch the clock and wait
us out. (Applause.)

Congress does, of course, play a critical role in the defense of the
nation and the conduct of a war. That role is defined and limited by
the Constitution. After all, the military answers to one
commander-in-chief in the White House, not 535 commanders-in-chief on
Capitol Hill. (Applause.)

Congress does have the purse strings. And very soon, both houses will
have to vote on a piece of legislation that is binding, a bill to
provide emergency funding for the troops. And I sincerely hope the
discussion this time will be about winning in Iraq. (Applause.)

Anyone can say they support the troops and we should take them at their
word. But the proof will come when it's time to provide the money. We
expect the House and Senate to meet the needs of our military and the
generals leading the troops in battle on time and in full measure.

There is a third myth about the war on terror, and this one is also the
most dangerous. Some apparently believe that getting out of Iraq before
the job is done will actually strengthen America's hand in the fight
against terrorists. This myth is dangerous because it represents a full
validation of the al Qaeda strategy. The terrorists don't expect to
beat us in a standup fight. They never have. They're not likely to
try. The only way we can win is if we lose our nerve and abandon our
mission and the terrorists do believe that they can force that outcome.

Time after time, they have predicted that the American people do not
have the stomach for a long-term fight. They cite the cases of Beirut
in the 1980s and Somalia in the '90s. These examples, they believe,
show that we are weak and decadent and that if we're hit hard enough,
we'll pack it in and retreat. The result would be even greater danger
to the United States because, if the terrorists conclude that attacks
will change the behavior of a nation, they will attack that nation again
and again. (Applause.)

Believing they can break our will, they will become more audacious in
their tactics, ever more determined to strike and kill our citizens,
ever more bold in their ambitions of conquest and empire.

And that leads me to the fourth and the cruelest myth of all and that is
the false hope that we can abandon the effort in Iraq without serious
consequences to the broader Middle East. I stand here today as a strong
supporter of Israel and Israel has never had a better friend in the
White House than George Bush. (Applause.)

Friends owe it to friends to be as candid as possible. So let me say
that a precipitous American withdrawal from Iraq would be a disaster for
the United States and the entire Middle East. It's not hard to imagine
what could occur if our coalition withdrew before Iraqis could defend
themselves. Moderates would be crushed, Shiite extremists backed by
Iran could be in an all-out war with Sunni extremists led by al Qaeda
and remnants of the old Saddam regime. As this battle unfolded, Sunni
governments might feel compelled to back Sunni extremists in order to
counter growing Iranian influence, widening the conflict into a regional
war.

If Sunni extremists prevailed, al Qaeda and its allies would recreate
the safe haven they lost in Afghanistan, except now with the oil wealth
to pursue weapons of mass destruction and underwrite their terrorist
designs, including their pledge to destroy Israel.

If Iran's allies prevailed, the regime and Teheran's own designs for the
Middle East would be advanced and the threat to our friends in the
region would only be magnified.

My friends, it is simply not consistent for anyone to demand aggressive
action against the menace posed by the Iranian regime while, at the same
time acquiescing in a retreat from Iraq that would leave our worst
enemies dramatically emboldened and Israel's best friend, the United
States, dangerously weakened. (Applause.)

We must consider as well just what a precipitous withdrawal would mean
to our other efforts in the war on terror and to our interests in the
broader Middle East. Having tasted victory in Iraq, jihadists would
look abroad for new missions. Many would head for Afghanistan to fight
alongside the Taliban. Others would set out for capitals across the
Middle East, spreading more discord as they eliminate dissenters and
work to undermine moderate governments. Still others would find their
targets and victims in other countries on other continents.

What would it say to the world if we left high and dry those millions of
people who have counted on the United States to keep its commitments?
And what would it say to leaders like President Karzai and President
Musharraf who risk their lives every day as fearless allies in the war
on terror?

Commentators enjoy pointing out mistakes through the perceptive power of
hindsight. But the biggest mistake of all can be seen in advance. A
sudden withdrawal of our coalition would dissipate much of the effort
that's gone into fighting the global war on terror and result in chaos
and mounting danger. And for the sake of our own security, we will not
stand by and let it happen. (Applause.)

Five-and-a-half years ago, the President told the Congress and the
country that we had entered a new kind of war, one that would require
patience and resolve, and that would influence the policies of this
government far into the future. The fact that we have succeeded in
stopping another attack on our homeland does not mean our country won't
be hit in the future. But the record is testimony, not to good luck,
but to urgent, competent action by a lot of very skilled men and women
and to a series of tough decisions by a President who never forgets his
first job is to protect the people of this country. (Applause.)

It would be easier, no doubt, to avoid controversy by following snapshot
polls or catering to elite opinion or seeking political refuge in
comfortable myths. President Bush understands, as Ronald Reagan did,
that if history teaches anything, it teaches self-delusion in the face
of unpleasant facts is folly.

Either we are serious about fighting the war on terror or we are not.
Either we persevere despite difficulty or we turn our backs on our
friends, our commitments and our ideals. I, for one, have never had
more confidence in the outcome because America is the kind of country
that fights for freedom and because, at this very hour, our soldiers are
engaging the enemy on the field of battle. (Applause.)

One of the great examples of leadership in our world is that of Ariel
Sharon, a man of courage and a man of peace, who remains in our
thoughts. (Applause.) In his last speech at the United Nations, Prime
Minister Sharon said, his great passion in life was "manual labor,
sowing and harvesting the pastures, the flock and the cattle." "If the
circumstances had not demanded it," he said, "he would not have become a
soldier but rather a farmer, an agriculturalist." But life had other
plans for this Israeli patriot, and he did his duty until the very
ending of his strength.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the circumstances have demanded much of this great
nation, but we are more than equal to the test. America is a good and
an honorable country. (Applause.) We serve a cause that is right and a
cause that gives hope to the oppressed in every corner of this earth.
We are defended by some of the bravest citizens this nation has ever
produced. We are in a war that was begun on the enemy's terms. We are
fighting that war on our own terms, and we will prevail. (Applause.)