UNHCHR grills Ethiopia on anti-terror law

This week, the Human Rights Committee of the U.N. High
Commissioner for Human Rights reviewed Ethiopia's compliance with the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, including its press freedom record. Peppered
with questions about an indefensible record of abuse--jailing the second largest number of journalists
in Africa and leading the continent in Internet
censorship--representatives of the Ethiopian government responded
with cursory talking points and bold denials in contradiction of the facts.

Several committee members raised concerns about Ethiopia's
detention of several journalists on suspicion of terrorism, which is broadly
defined in the country's far-reaching
antiterrorism law. (CPJ research shows a total of six journalists are being
held.) "When we get reports that journalists get themselves arrested on grounds
of violation of this particular proclamation, when seeking to enter the Ogaden
or, even perhaps more recently, when engaging in Internet blogs purporting to
criticize potential contributory responsibility of the government to the
current drought," said Sir Niger Rodley, "there
does seem to be real problems of sweep and scope in that legislation." Under
the law, journalists risk lengthy prison sentences if the government deems
their work favorable to groups and causes labeled as terrorists, including
armed rebellions and banned opposition party Ginbot 7.

The government's high-profile imprisonment of Johan Persson
and Martin Schibbye, two Swedish journalists arrested
in eastern Ethiopia while covering the activities of the separatist Ogaden National
Liberation Front, which the government designated as a terrorist group, drew a
lot of questions, particularly from committee member Krister
Thelin. After being repeatedly pressed about the fate of the
journalists and details of the legal procedures following their arrests, a flustered
Ambassador Fisseha Yimer Aboye, head of the Ethiopian delegation, told the
committee that no further information would be provided. Rodley pressed the delegation
to explain the legal procedures surrounding the arrests of two other
journalists, Woubshet Taye and Reeyot
Alemu, on suspicions of terrorism.

Christine Chanet, another committee member, told the Ethiopian delegation: "It's a very
vague definition that you have of terrorism. It seems the definition of
terrorism is too vague, which allows the criminalization of acts that are not
really acts of terrorism." Chanet described the Ethiopian anti-terrorism
legislation as "an issue of particular concern" because it "opened the door" to
potential violations of rights under the International Covenant.

Then came the Ethiopian response. "Now, the fact that we
have an anti-terrorist law, I can't see how that could have a chilling effect
on the media because the United Kingdom has an anti-terror law. I don't think
that has any chilling effect on the British reporters," said Genenew Assefa, a
senior political advisor with the Ethiopian Office of Government Communication
Affairs. "The mere fact that we have such laws does not necessarily imply that
it would somehow curtail our liberties that are guaranteed under our
constitution."

Assefa added: "From the outset, my government and I share
the view that without an independent media, citizens cannot make informed
decisions." In fact, the May 1991 words of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi reflected this thinking as Zenawi, then a victorious guerrilla
leader, chased from power the brutal Marxist Derg junta. "Now is the beginning
of a new chapter. It is an era of unfettered freedom," Zenawi promised
Ethiopians. In 1992, a new law allowed for a free
press for the first time in the nation's history.

Then, Assefa lashed words of contempt at Ethiopia's
independent private press. "Unfortunately, for a good 10 years, in our
democratic experience, the media did not, the private media that is, did not
play such a role. There were serious problems of inaccuracy, irresponsibility,
and shared naked political advocacy," he said. "For 10 years, my government
tolerated this because it was the beginning democracy."

In fact it was far from "tolerance." In 1994, the Committee
to Protect Journalists reported that "for the second year running, Ethiopia
held more journalists in prison than any other country in Africa." A March 1995 CPJ report noted that while the ruling
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had "substantially increased press freedom and improved the
human rights situation shortly after coming to power," the government had also "detained,
imprisoned, and fined dozens of journalists" to silence critical reporting.

Referring to the more than 20 Amharic-language newspapers that
authorities shut in 2005 for editorials criticizing the government's brutal
crackdown on post-election protests, Assefa said he challenged the committee members
review the papers' headlines. "They would not be tolerated to operate in any
democratic country," he asserted. "Citizens were not being informed. They were
being almost forced to rise up and tear up the system."

In fact, during the protracted politicized trials of 15
editors of the Amharic press, Ethiopian public prosecutors failed
in their attempt to link newspapers
headlines and editorials, strident as they were, to any violence, obtaining
convictions
only after the journalists waived defense and pleaded guilty to anti-state
charges in
anticipation of a conditional pardons.

With videos
of the sessions available on the Internet, Committee Vice Chairman Yuji
Iwasawa expressed concern about Ethiopia possibly preventing
domestic Web users from accessing the recordings. "We have allegations that the
broadcasting of Voice
of America and Deutsche
Welle is jammed in Ethiopia. Let's hope that our webcast is available in
Ethiopia to the viewers, not only the live webcast but the video archives."

Mohamed Keita is advocacy coordinator for CPJ's Africa Program. Keita has written about independent journalism and development in sub-Saharan Africa for publications including The New York Times and Africa Review, and has appeared on NPR, the BBC, Al-Jazeera, and Radio France Internationale. Keita has also given presentations on press freedom at the World Bank, U.S. State Department, and universities. Follow him on Twitter: @africamedia_CPJ.

Comments

Dear CPJ,

Thank you for highlighting the lies, distortions and brutality being visited on the people of Ethiopia. CPJ has been among the few and courageous voices to consistently speak up against the muzzling of the press and people in this much suffering country

Dear CPJ,
Here is what Assefa [above], ruling minority political adviser, said in defense of shutting down papers and imprisoning journalists:

"Referring to the more than 20 Amharic-language newspapers that authorities shut in 2005 for editorials criticizing the government's brutal crackdown on post-election protests, Assefa said he challenged the committee members review the papers' headlines. "They would not be tolerated to operate in any democratic country," he asserted. "Citizens were not being informed. They were being almost forced to rise up and tear up the system."

Here is what I suggest you do. Have the papers' headlines translated into English and you will find the adviser is telling you lies to get out of a tight corner. Such lies are now state policy and there is no one to hold the prime minister and his advisers accountable. Keep up the good work.

Excellent. Well observed. It surprises me that politicians/lawyers of the Ethiopian regime can utter the words of human right and correctness while in the back-door they do their things. I would say if there were neutral Ethiopian journalists,human rights lawyers and activists at that meeting which was dominated by the ruling party's envoys, the grilling would have looked way different. Until that day, when all the miseries of that nation fully perish,freedom of speech gets full respect, the unrelenting advocacy of truth lovers will always shine and be recorded in the books of history.
merci

It is a tragedy to see the country is represented by street tugs. It reflects on the true nature of the regime that has been fooling the international community for too long.

Genenew Assafa has never had a regular job in his life. He was a cab driver in Washington area until he return home looking for a better life. How he ended up to be a senior adviser for Berket Simon who is not any better than him is a mystery.

The country is in the hand of hoodlums, paid cadres and riffraff seeking fame. The regime needs them as much as they need it. It is a matter of time all of them will face raw justice for their crimes.