Organizing The United States
Government
For Outer Space: 1957-1958by Eilene Galloway
Aerospace Pioneer/NASA Advisory Committee
On The International Space
Station

Reconsidering Sputnik: Forty Years Since The Soviet
Sputnik Symposium sponsored by the NASA Office of Policy & Plans; National Air & Space Museum;
George Washington University Space Policy Institute and Kenan Institute for Advanced
Russian Studies at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC on September 30-October 1, 1997

Defining the problem

The dramatic orbiting of the first Sputnik
by the Soviet Union on October 4, 1957 was like a spark that ignited and speeded
the process of developing the exploration and peaceful uses of outer space on
a continuing and larger scale. People throughout the world were astonished by
this phenomenal opening of outer space as a new environment, and surprised that
the Soviet Union was first to accomplish this feat. But the news struck Capitol
Hill like a thunderbolt because thrusting the 184-pound satellite into outer space
was evidence of the capability of launching intercontinental ballistic missiles,
and therefore instantly perceived as a crisis for the U.S. national defense. This
perception was reinforced on November 3, 1957 when a second Sputnik weighing 1,120
pounds began circling the earth. The U.S. was still working on the civilian scientific
Vanguard satellite of 3.25 pounds.

There was instantaneous reaction by the Senate
Armed Services Committee. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, Chairman of the Preparedness
Investigating Subcommittee, brought forceful leadership to this challenge [1]
, and on November 25, 1957 began the basic investigation of the nation's resources
for achieving a superior space program. The "Inquiry into Satellite and Missile
Programs"[2] called upon experts representing government and industry,
science and technology, education, military, and civilian fields of knowledge.
These hearings continued through November and December and into January 1958,
recording 2,476 pages of the facts essential for understanding the total situation
as a basis for planning the future. The hearings were conducted in an emergency
atmosphere of deep concern with the status of U.S. national defense.

An understanding of the comprehensive nature
of the task was revealed by the testimony of scientists and engineers. Instead
of fearing rockets as weapons, they hailed them as advanced technology for producing
many benefits for mankind. Thus the problem that required solution was two-dimensional:
to preserve outer space for peaceful exploration and uses, and prevent its becoming
a new arena for warfare. This situation was a classic case of presenting a choice
between good and evil.

It became apparent that organization of the
resources required for a space program would need to take the following factors
into account: (1) satellites are inextricably international as they orbit over
national boundary lines in 90 minutes or less; (2) all spacecraft require communications
to send and receive information from the earth; (3) a network of tracking stations
is essential and requires international agreements; (4) the geostationary orbit
used for global communications has been declared a "limited natural resource",
already organized by the International Telecommunication Union; (5) nations must
guard against pollution, contamination of the Earth and outer space, including
celestial bodies; (6) provision must be made for protecting the health and safety
of astronauts; (7) measures must be taken to cope with interference from space
debris; (8) space vehicles can operate and produce benefits only when they comply
with the specific rules of space technology and science; and (9) space exploration
is expensive but large projects can promote patterns of international cooperation.

As the configuration of the total problem took
shape during the Preparedness Hearings, major issues arose. What should be the
roles of military and civilian organizations? How should national and international
aspects be administered? How should the Congress be organized to handle space
legislation?

On November 21, 1957 the Rocket and Research
Panel submitted a proposal for creating a National Space Establishment, an independent
civilian agency separated from the military and funded on a long-term basis. A
similar proposal had been sent to President Eisenhower by the American Rocket
Society on October 14, 1957, only ten days after the Sputnik launching. The two
proposals were combined and on January 4, 1958 the Congress was urged to establish
a new civilian space agency authorized to conduct manned and unmanned space missions,
consider a permanent base on the moon, flights to Mars and Venus, and develop
a variety of peaceful uses. Scientists and engineers promised international leadership
on this "endless frontier" and identified benefits which could be expected from
space activities: [3]

There will be a rich and continuing
harvest of important practical applications as the work proceeds. Some of these
can already be foreseen-- reliable short-term and long-term meteorological forecasts,
with all the agricultural and commercial advantages that these imply; rapid, long-range
radio communications of great capacity and reliability; aids to navigation and
to long-range surveying; television relays; new medical and biological knowledge.
And so forth. And these will be only the beginning. Many of these applications
will be of military value; but their greater value will be to the civilian community
at large.

The subcommittee concluded that the satellite
was not yet a weapon, the Soviet Union had led the world into outer space, and
it was now essential for the United States to make a tremendous effort to organize
the resources for achieving preeminence in space. A finding was that the "same
forces, the same knowledge, and the same technology which are producing ballistic
missiles can also produce instruments of peace and universal cooperation": communications,
meteorology, navigation and remote sensing. The responsibilities of the Subcommittee
were limited to defense and it was necessary to create a special committee to
handle the civilian aspects of space legislation.[4]

Investigation by House and Senate Committees

On February 6, 1958, the Senate established
the Special Committee on Space and Astronautics with Senator Lyndon B. Johnson
as chairman. Membership on the committee was determined by the concern of existing
committees with the variety of subjects involved in space applications that could
cut across their jurisdictions. To solve what could become a complicated legislative
problem, action had to be taken to avoid dispersal of the legislative process
within the Congress, fix responsibility, and give outer space matters the highest
priority.

In the House of Representatives a similar "blue
ribbon" Committee on Astronautics and Space Exploration was created on March 5,
1958 with the Majority Leader, Hon. John W. McCormack as Chairman.

While these committees were considering how
to organize the Executive branch, Congress moved swiftly to pass interim legislation
to speed U.S. space development. The Secretary of Defense was authorized to engage
in advanced research projects leading to the creation of the Advanced Research
Projects Agency (ARPA), and for one year to be responsible for space projects
as designated by the President [5]. The Supplemental Military Construction Authorization Act
provided $10 million in transfer authority to the Secretary of Defense for advanced
research.[6]

Among the organizations in a unique position
to furnish basic information and advise on planning for the future development
of space activities were the National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics (NACA),
the International Geophysical Year (IGY) coordinated by the International Council
of Scientific Unions (ICSU), and the Department of State on U.S. foreign policy
for arms control.

Congress established the National Advisory
Committee on Aeronautics (NACA) on March 3, 1915 as an independent agency reporting
to the president. NACA was given authority to "supervise and direct the scientific
study of the problems of flight, with a view to their practical solutions...and
to direct and conduct research and experiments in aeronautics."[7] Research included missiles and manned aircraft; rocket
research was concerned with engines for space and ballistic missions. Although
a small agency with limited funds, NACA was successful with its expert staff in
relations with the Department of Defense and as a link between the government
and the aviation industry.[8]

The International Geophysical Year (IGY) was
established by the international scientific community from July 1, 1957 to December
31, 1958 for scientific research of the world's total environment: the Earth,
oceans, atmosphere, and outer space. This 18-month "year" was a period of peak
sunspot activity favorable for interdisciplinary research. Two such studies had
been made in what was termed polar Years in 1882-1883 and 1932-1933. Since that
time, advances in communications and aviation technology had produced new tools
for in depth research and 67 nations took part in the IGY which was organized
by scientific disciplines, national committees, governmental sponsorship, and
international coordination.[9]

In February 1953, the U.S. National Committee
for the IGY was created by the National Academy of Sciences-National Research
Council, the scientific U.S. organization that adheres to the International Council
of Scientific Unions. The role of the government in administering U.S. contributions
to the IGY was undertaken by the National Science Foundation, which received an
appropriation from Congress of $43,500,000 for IGY research. Additional financial
and logistical support came from other government agencies involved with geophysical
projects, e.g., the Department of Defense, Weather Bureau, Bureau of Standards,
and Coast and Geodetic Survey. The linkage between the scientific community and
the government was effectively managed, both nationally and internationally, by
organizations with clear policy objectives, implementing programs, and adequate
funding.[10]

The United States and the Soviet Union each
made a commitment to launch a satellite during the IGY. The U.S. decision was
announced by the White House on July 29, 1955:[11]

...the President has approved plans
by this country for going ahead with the launching of small, unmanned earth-circling
satellites as part of the United States participation in the International Geophysical
Year...This program will, for the first time in history, enable scientists throughout
the world to make sustained observations in the regions beyond the earth's atmosphere.

Three days later, on August 2, 1955, the Chairman
of the USSR Academy of Sciences, L.I. Sedov, stated, during a press conference
at the International Congress of Astronautics, that the Soviet Union planned to
launch a satellite. This announcement was confirmed by the Soviet national committee
for the IGY which described the scientific mission as measurement of atmospheric
pressure and temperature, cosmic rays, micrometeorites, the geomagnetic field
and solar radiation.[12]

U.S. Arms Control Policy in the United Nations

U.S. policy on preventing rockets from being
used as weapons in outer space, and limiting the new environment to peaceful uses,
was being pursued in the United Nations and in diplomatic channels with the Soviet
Union. In a memorandum to the United Nations on January 12, 1957, the U.S. called
attention to the development of rockets and that it was "clear that if this advance
into the unknown was to be a blessing rather then a curse, the efforts of all
nations in the field need to be brought within the purview of a reliable armaments
control system." On July 22, 1957, Secretary of State Dulles emphasized the opportunity
to formulate in advance a system for ensuring beneficial scientific uses rather
then destructive weapons.[13]

On November 14, 1957, the UN General Assembly
passed Resolution 1148 (XII) calling for study of "an inspection system designed
to ensure that sending objects through outer space shall be exclusively for peaceful
and beneficial purposes." On January 12, 1958, President Eisenhower wrote Soviet
Premier Bulganin proposing "that we agree that outer space be used for peaceful
purposes...Let us this time, and in time, make the right choice, the peaceful
choice.[14]

By the time the Congressional committees began
deliberations on future U.S. organization for space activities, the high priority
objective had become peaceful purposes for the benefit of all mankind.

National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958

While the House and Senate committees had been
investigating the impact of Sputnik on the United States and the future for space
development, analytical studies were underway in the Executive Branch. The President's
Special Assistant for Science and Technology and the Science Advisory Committee
combined their assessments with those of the Department of Defense, Department
of State, the Bureau of the Budget and the National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics
as a basis for recommendations on legislative proposals.[15]
On April 2, 1958, President Eisenhower sent his message to the Congress with draft
legislation [16] which was referred to the House Select Committee on
Astronautics and Space Exploration and the Senate Special Committee on Space and
Astronautics. There was agreement by the committees with three main issues: that
a new civilian space agency be created; that NACA should be the nucleus for transfer
to the new agency; and that the Department of Defense should have jurisdiction
over projects primarily associated with military requirements. However, as legislative
inquiries progressed, it became apparent that there were differences between the
Congress and the Executive Branch on some of the major problems of organization
that required solution.

The draft proposal assumed that all agencies
would cooperate without overall coordination; NASA was to have an internal advisory
board which met infrequently and had no authority over other agencies with space
and space-related programs and budgets. If a question arose as to whether an activity
was military or civilian, it was proposed that NASA "may act in cooperation with,
or on behalf of, the Department of Defense." Although the draft preamble provided
that NASA should cooperate with nations and groups of nations, there was no provision
implementing this objective in the draft bill.[17]

The House Committee favored solution of the
problem of overall coordination by civilian/military liaison committees of cooperation
at the staff level with disputes settled by the President. The House Committee
also recommended an internal Aeronautics and Space Advisory Committee of 17 distinguished
members to advise the president. The Senate Committee, however, realized that
the total U.S. space program involved coordination of a number of agencies, and
recommended a National Aeronautics and Space Board. This was changed by the Conference
Committee to the National Aeronautics and Space Council whose function was to
advise the President on the following duties: to survey all significant aeronautical
and space activities, develop a comprehensive program, allocate responsibility,
ensure effective cooperation and resolve differences. The Council was provided
with a small staff.[18] The objective of Congress was
to ensure that all U.S. space activities would be handled at the highest Presidential
level. The bill as finally enacted required the President to send Congress an
annual report.

Both House and Senate Committees emphasized
the necessity for international space cooperation. On January 14, 1958, Senator
Johnson called for world leadership by the United States in the new dimension
offered by space exploration:[19]

We should, certainly, make provisions
for inviting together the scientists of other nations to work in concert on projects
to extend the frontiers of man and to find solutions to the troubles of this earth...it
would be appropriate and fitting for our Nation to demonstrate its initiative
before the United Nations by inviting all member nations to join in this adventure
into outer space together.

On May 13, 1958, Congressman McCormick introduced
a House Concurrent Resolution calling for the Peaceful Exploration of Outer Space
and expressing the sense of the Congress-- [20]

That the United States should seek
through the United Nations or such means as may be most appropriate an international
agreement providing for joint exploration of outer space and establishing a method
by which disputes which arose in the future in relation to outer space will be
solved by legal, peaceful methods, rather than by resort to violence.

The Concurrent Resolution was passed by the
House on June 2, 1958 and by the Senate on July 23, 1958.

Emphasis on international space cooperation
was further provided in the NASA Act by the Declaration of Policy and Purpose:

The Congress hereby declares that it
is the policy of the United States that activities in space should be devoted
to peaceful purposes for the benefit of all mankind. (Sec. 102(a)).

Furthermore, the aeronautical and space activities
shall be conducted so as to contribute materially to--

Cooperation by the United States with
other nations and groups of nations in work done pursuant to this Act and in the
peaceful application of the results thereof. (Sec.2 (c) (7)).

Section 205 of the Act provides for international
cooperation:

The Administration, under the foreign
policy guidance of the President, may engage in a program of international cooperation
in work done pursuant to this Act, and in the peaceful application of the results
thereof, pursuant to agreements made by the President with the advise and consent
of the Senate.

When President Eisenhower signed the NASA Act
on July 29, 1958, he stated that:[21]

I regard this section merely as recognizing
that international treaties may be made in this field, and as not precluding,
in appropriate cases, less formal arrangements for cooperation. To construe the
section otherwise would raise substantial constitutional questions.

When the Senate Committee issued its Final
Report, it recommended that the:

Congress should be kept informed of
progress being made in studies undertaken by the United Nations Ad hoc Committee
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space...Particular attention should be paid to preserving
and extending the patterns of cooperation which were formed during the International
Geophysical Year...the special committee commends the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration for establishing an Office of International Cooperation...and
recognizes the need of the Administration to provide for various types of cooperation
as approved by the President.[22]

Thus the way was open for NASA to engage in
many kinds of scientific bilateral and multilateral projects with other nations,
leading to hundreds of projects with over 100 nations and international organizations.

Senator Johnson was determined that outer space
activities receive continuing priority at all governmental decision levels. On
August 21, 1958, two appropriation bills, one on military construction and the
other on supplemental appropriations, were amended to provide for an annual authorization
of funds for NASA. The requirement was at first temporary but became a permanent
feature of the legislative process for NASA's activities: [23]

Notwithstanding the provision of any
other law, no appropriation may be made to the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration unless previously authorized by legislation hereafter enacted by
the Congress.

The work of the Senate and House Special and
Select Committees ended with the passage of the NASA Act and it was necessary
to consider how Congress should be organized for jurisdiction over future space
legislation. Four options were examined: (1) to create a new joint committee;
(2) to divide jurisdiction among existing committees; (3) to refer space legislation
to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy; and (4) to create new standing committees
in the House and Senate. The fourth option was chosen and the House Committee
on Science and Astronautics was established on July 21, 1958. The Senate created
the Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences on July 24, 1958. This action
was unusual and underscored the intent of Congress that all space activities must
receive specific unified attention according to the bicameral system.

The United States and United Nations

In little more then a month after creating
NASA with the strong statement of U.S. policy in favor of international cooperation,
President Eisenhower asked the United Nations General Assembly to include on its
agenda a draft U.S. resolution calling for the establishment of an Ad hoc Committee
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. This committee was to report on United Nations'
resources and organizations which could advance cooperation among nations to avoid
national rivalries and preserve outer space for peaceful uses; including identification
of legal problems that might arise. The resolution advocated continuation on a
permanent basis of the scientific research being carried on by the International
Geophysical Year.

President Eisenhower invited Senator Lyndon
B. Johnson to address the United Nations and lend his influence for adoption of
the U.S. resolution. This occasion, when the president sent a plane to Texas to
fly Senator Johnson to the United Nations, is a dramatic event in American history,
demonstrating the unity of the government when the Republican President joined
with the Democratic leader of the Senate for international action on a critical
U.S. foreign policy.

On November 17, 1958, Senator Johnson urged
the United Nations to adopt the U.S. proposal for the Ad hoc committee:

...if nations proceed unilaterally,
then their penetrations into space become only extensions of their national policies
on Earth. What their policies on Earth inspire--whether trust or fear--so their
accomplishments in outer space will inspire also...Today outer space is free.
It is unscarred by conflict. No nation holds a concession there. It must remain
this way...We know the gains of cooperation. We know the losses of failure to
cooperate. If we fail now to apply the lessons we have learned or even if we delay
their application, we know that the advances into space may only mean adding a
new dimension to warfare. If, however, we proceed along the orderly course of
full cooperation, we shall by the very fact of cooperation make the most substantial
contribution yet made toward perfecting peace...

Nineteen other nations joined the United States
in sponsoring the resolution 1348 (XIII) which passed the General Assembly on
December 13, 1958. Membership on the 18-nation Ad hoc Committee was chosen on
the basis of those most advanced in space technology and other nations representing
fair geographical distribution. The U.S.S.R. (joined by Czechoslovakia, Poland,
India and the United Arab Republic) would not participate because of opposition
to majority voting. This hurdle was overcome, however, when agreement was reached
on making decisions by consensus.

On December 12, 1959, the General Assembly
adopted Resolution 1472 (XIV) creating the permanent United Nations Committee
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) whose membership has now grown to
61 nations. COPUOS established two subcommittees: the Scientific and Technical
Subcommittee analyzes and reports on technical subjects which are then taken up
by the Legal Subcommittee. This is the organization and process by which five
space treaties have been formulated. The Conference on Security and Cooperation
in Europe made a useful definition of the consensus process:[25]

Consensus shall be understood to mean
the absence of any objection expressed by a representative and submitted by him
as constituting an obstacle to the taking of the decision in question.

After attending many sessions of COPUOS and
the Legal Subcommittee, this author observed:[26]

It is evident that consensus is a highly
desirable way of achieving international accord because (1) the process of seeking
agreement continues with patients and is not cut off suddenly by a vote which
may defeat what might have come to fruition had more time been taken with the
give and take process of consensus; (2) the situation may be such that a majority
vote could not result in the adoption of a course of action, particularly if implementation
of the decision in terms of funding, personnel and technological expertise, depended
upon nations which had voted against the measure; and (3) group solidarity in
decision making ensures maximum compliance in establishing and maintaining an
activity of general benefit. There is also a positive psychological effect when
members of a group feel together with sympathy for differing viewpoints, motivated
by a desire to bring about harmony in their collective judgement. If a member
has not objected, a proposal can be adopted but this unspoken consent should not
be interpreted as negativism; there is a positive willingness to settle the issue
in question.

The creation of COPUOS as a permanent space
organization within the United Nations advanced the movement toward international
space cooperation for protecting outer space from conflicts. The method of establishing
the facts of operational space technology as a basis for formulating legal principles,
and the process by which consensus was obtained on decisions by political representatives
strengthened compliance with essential guidelines. The United Nations became the
forum for coalescing action at a critical time in history. Strong agreement on
the objective of maintaining outer space for beneficial uses kept nations negotiating
with patience until their disagreements were overcome. Within this UN context
which the United States worked with dedicated leadership to establish, the UN
COPUOS formulated the basic Treaty on Principles governing the Activities of States
in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and other Celestial
Bodies [27], now ratified by 92 nations which comply
with its science/technology oriented guidelines. From the provisions of this treaty,
and to keep abreast of changing conditions of space science and technology, four
more treaties have been spun off: the Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts, the
return of Astronauts and the Return of Objects Launched into Outer Space, [28] Convention on International Liability for Damage
Caused by Space Objects, [29] Convention on Registration
of Objects Launched into Outer Space, [30] and the Agreement Governing the Activities of States
on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies. [31]

In addition, Principles were adopted on four
subjects: The Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States
in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, with outstanding U.S. leadership, was
adopted in 1963; the Principles Governing the Use by States of Artificial Earth
Satellites for International Direct Television Broadcasting in 1982; Principles
Relating to Remote Sensing of the Earth from Space in 1986; and Principles Relevant
to the Use of Nuclear Power Sources in Outer Space in 1992.

All the UN-formulated space treaties have gained
acceptance and compliance except the Moon Agreement which was opened for signature
on December 18, 1979 but in 18 years has been ratified, and is in force only,
for nine States: Australia, Austria, Chile, Mexico, Morocco, The Netherlands,
Pakistan, Philippines, and Uruguay. No space-faring nation has ratified this Agreement,
largely because of its provision that the Moon is the "common heritage of mankind"
linked to criteria to establish an international regime when its natural resources
are about to become exploitable. It is evident that the perception of the problem
and its matching solutions, needs to be updated in accordance with advances made
in space science and technology as well as changing economic and political factors.

During the past 40 years we have been successful
in extending international law into outer space, and to such an extent that we
have created a special branch of space law. We do not need a police force to ensure
compliance with these ratified legal provisions because they have been shaped
to conform with the operational imperatives of space technology. And it should
be noted that U.S. ratified space treaties have become the supreme law of the
land according to the U.S. constitution.

On December 31, 1958 the Senate Special Committee
on Space and Astronautics published "Space Law: A Symposium" which was an expression
of continuing concern with legal guidelines for orderly conditions in outer space.
[32] From time to time this publication is updated
by the Senate Committee responsible for authorizing space activities.

Conclusions

If the Vanguard had been orbited before the
Sputnik, we would not have been able to establish a coordinated national and international
framework for developing the beneficial uses of outer space as quickly and successfully
as we did; instead, we might have drifted into a period of instability without
decisiveness on creating the conditions essential for maintaining outer space
for peaceful uses. Vanguard first would have been an historical event hailed by
engineers and scientists as tools for their projects, and it would have made front
page news, but it would not have electrified the world; the U.S. public, in particular,
would have taken for granted that we would be first in rocketry; and most of all,
it would not have aroused the fear of orbiting Soviet weapons that galvanized
political decision makers to take immediate action for achieving U.S. preeminence
in outer space. Had the second Sputnik of 1,120 pounds been orbited after Vanguard,
it would have aroused fear of those responsible for U.S. national defense, but
information falling on the public in pieces over a period of time would not have
had the same psychological impact on all groups simultaneously as happened with
the timing of Sputnik.

The Sputnik was launched at exactly the right
time, when space rocketry was in its earliest stages, to alert nations to the
necessity for containing this global mechanism within the bounds of civilization.
By striking such a complete lightning blow, the Sputnik had a unifying effect,
drawing together all the societal elements needed for finding ways to establish
conditions to ensure peace and prevent war in this pristine environment. Groups
that were working separately on space missions, national defense, arms control,
and within national and international organizations, immediately fused on one
objective: to maintain outer space as a dependable, orderly place for beneficial
pursuits. They were strengthened by the nature of space science and technology
which produces benefits only when operating under normal conditions. No one wanted
any disruption of space communications, which became a multi-billion dollar industry,
weather predictions which saved lives and property, disaster relief, and the many
practical uses of remote sensing.

The quickened pace of political action in 1957-1958
launched a regime that preempted outer space for the peaceful exploration and
uses that we have enjoyed for 40 years.

In 1957 the United States had all the resources
needed for developing a superior space program.

First, there was a thriving aviation industry
ready to expand into aerospace.

Second, the National Advisory Committee on
Aeronautics (NACA), a government agency already working on problems of flight
and outer space, could be expanded into a new civilian space agency. NACA already
had excellent relations with the Department of Defense and the aviation industry,
and there was agreement that the Department of Defense could not develop all the
civilian applications but needed jurisdiction over military space matters.

Third, the International Geophysical Year was
organized by scientists an engineers working on outer space projects, and with
a strong U.S. contingent.

Fourth, political leadership rocketed immediately
on the day after Sputnik was launched. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson began planning
for the full-scale investigation "Inquiry into Satellite and Missile Programs"
which began in November 1957. He had the full support of the Chairman of the Senate
Armed Services Committee, Senator Richard B. Russell. Senator Johnson was a driving
force for speeding U.S. space objectives. On January 31, 1958, the U.S. orbited
Explorer 1, the satellite whose data led to the significant discovery of the Van
Allen radiation belts.

Fifth, there was harmony between the Executive
and Legislative Branches of the government; between the Republican President and
the Democratic Congress on national and international space objectives.

Sixth, to implement space policies, organizations
were quickly formed in the Executive Branch by dividing civilian and military
uses and providing overall coordination; in the Congress with new standing committees;
and in the United Nations by establishing the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of
Outer Space. National and international organizations expanded to use space technology
to improve functions they were already performing, i.e., the International Telecommunications
Union (ITU), the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), and their counterparts
in national governments.

During four decades of space development, some
institutions made changes in their organization charts, but the general framework
for achieving overall goals continued. Such changes are not unique to outer space
and often occur because different managers like to alternate between centralization
and decentralization practices.

As long as rules and regulations are effectively
coordinated with scientific and technical facts, we can expect to maintain peaceful
non-violent conditions. Difficulties could develop, however, if special groups
were allowed to promote political and economic philosophies which ignore physical
facts.

We have succeeded in expanding international
law into outer space so that a new branch of international space law has been
formed. Space law is remarkably self-enforcing because engineers and scientists
have contributed to its formation by specifying the conditions they must have
in order to operate and communicate between the Earth and outer space.

2. Inquiry into Satellite and Missile Programs. Hearings
before the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee of the Senate Armed Services
Committee. 85th Congress, First and Second Sessions. Part I, November, December
1957; Part 2, January 1958; Part 3, February, April, July 1958. 2,476 p.

8. NACA Research into Space. House Select Committee
on Astronautics and Space Exploration. Hearings on H.R. 11881, 85th Congress,
2nd Session. April 1958: 404-410. See also, Resume of NACA Space Research Contributing
to the United States International Geophysical Year Program: 457-458.

9. Historical Background and International Organization
of the International Geophysical Year. Hearings before the Senate Special Committee
on Space and Astronautics on S. 3609, National Aeronautics and Space Act. 85th
Congress, 2nd Session, Part 1. May 1958: 132-136.

10. Sullivan, Walter, Assault on the Unknown: the International
Geophysical Year. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1961: 27. See also, Annals of the International
Geophysical Year. Vol. II. London, New York, Pergamon Press, 1959: 258-260.

11. Department of State Bulletin, August 8, 1955:
218.

12. The US Rocket-Satellite Program for the IGY, a
talk given on Nov. 9, 1955 by H. E. Newell, Jr. Third meeting of the Comite Special
de l'Annee Geophysique Internationale (CSAGI) Brussels. Annals of the International
Geophysical Year. London, Pergamon Press, 1959. Vol IIA,: 267-271. Also, CSAGI
Conference on Rocket and Satellite Observations. Report by Dr. Joseph Kaplan,
Chairman of the US National Committee for the IGY. September 11, 1956. Ibid.,
300-310.

16. Hearings before the House Select Committee on
Astronautics and Space Exploration, 85th Congress, Second Session. on H.R. 11881.
April-May 1958 1542 p. See also, The Problems of Congress in Formulating Outer
Space Legislation on pp. 5-10.

Hearings before the Senate Special Committee on Space and Astronautics, 85th
Congress, Second Session on S. 3609. Parts 1 and 2, May 1958. 412 p.

17. Final Report of the Senate Special Committee
on Space and Astronautics. Pursuant to S. Res. 256 of the 85th Congress. 86th
Congress, First Session, Senate Report No. 100. March 11, 1959. 76 p.

18. Conference Report on the National Aeronautics
and Space Act of 1958. House of Representatives, 85th Congress, Second Session,
Report No. 2166. July 15, 1958. 25 p. All the changes are listed in this report.

19. Address by Senator Johnson before a meeting
of the Columbia Broadcasting System Affiliates, Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D.C.
January 14, 1958.

20. Final Report, Op cit., p. 17.

21. White House Press Release, July 29, 1958.

22. Final Report, Ibid., pp. 28-31.

23. Public Law 86-45, Section 4, June 15, 1959
(73 Stat. 75, 422-460.) See also, National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958,
as amended, and Related Legislation; Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and
Transportation, 95th Congress 2nd Session. Committee print. December 1978. 185
p. See also Eilene Galloway: The United States Congress and Space Law in Annals
of the Air and Space Law Institute, McGill University, Vol. III, Montreal, Canada,
1978: 395-407.

25. A history of the Ad hoc committee on the Peaceful
Uses of Outer Space and events leading to the creation of the permanent Committee
will be found in International Cooperation and Organization for Outer Space. Staff
report for the Senate Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences. Senate Doc.
No. 46, 89th Congress, First Session; 183-193 (1965). See also Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe, Final Act 6. Rules of Procedure (69) 4, August 1, 1975.