5 OD REDAKCJI EDITORIAL Czy istnieje idealna etyka zrównowaŝonego rozwoju? Is there a best ethic of sustainable development? Paul T. Durbin Emeritus Professor, Philosophy Department and Center for Energy and Environmental Policy, University of Delaware; W ciągu ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat, w literaturze na temat rozwoju środowiska naturalnego dominował termin zrównowaŝonego rozwoju. ZrównowaŜenie ma wiele interpretacji (patrz Cuello and Durbin 1995), i zapewne istnieją juŝ setki definicji terminu zrównowaŝenie lub zrównowaŝony rozwój. Autor kaŝdej z nich niewątpliwie sądzi, Ŝe to właśnie jego definicja jest tą najlepszą, lecz Ŝaden z nich nie spróbował zapoznać się ze wszystkimi definicjami, a potem zaproponować jej ostatecznej wersji. Właśnie tak zrobił Cesar Cuello Nieto. Skupiając się na jego pracy, będę mógł przedstawić kwestię odpowiedzialności społecznej wobec środowiska naturalnego oraz idei zrównowaŝonego rozwoju w ogóle. Aby sformułować ostateczną definicję zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, Cuello wybrał najlepsze elementy z tych juŝ istniejących i scalił je w jedną holistyczną definicję (jako zespół działań najbardziej odpowiednich do osiągnięcia zrównowaŝenia). Według Cuello, najlepszym podejściem jest Zintegrowana, holistyczna koncepcja zrównowaŝenia, łącząca w sobie wszelkie relacje społeczne, relacje człowiek-natura oraz całą nadbudowę aksjologiczną i ideologiczną, na której taka koncepcja by się opierała. Cuello przedstawia teŝ listę podstawowych zasad, które według niego będą stanowiły poparcie dla takiej holistycznej koncepcji. Według Cuello Nieto, aby zrównowaŝony rozwój mógł mieć miejsce, muszą zostać spełnione następujące warunki: 1. interakcja i koordynacja wszystkich czynników w okolicy, regionie lub kraju, 2. redystrybucja majątku, 3. redefinicja relacji człowiek - natura, 4. równość międzypokoleniowa, 5. redystrybucja bogactw naturalnych oraz moŝliwości rozwoju, 6. poszanowanie zdolności natury do regeneracji, 7. samowystarczalność społeczeństwa, 8. dialektalna jedność teorii i praktyki Over the past couple of decades, the literature on development and the environment has been dominated by a new slogan, "sustainable development." Sustainability has many interpretations (see Cuello and Durbin, 1995), and by now there must be hundreds of definitions of sustainability or sustainable development. The author of each one surely believes that his or hers is the best, but not many authors have attempted to survey all the definitions and then propose his as the best of the best. That is exactly what Cesar Cuello Nieto has done. Focusing here on his work will allow me to draw some social responsibility conclusions about environmental ethics and the environmental movement generally. To come up with his best of all definitionsafter summarizing all the rest - Cuello (1997) has picked out the best features of the others and combined them into a holistic definition (as a framework for a best course of action to achieve sustainability). Cuello says the best approach is "an integrated, holistic conception of sustainability capable of incorporating within a single vision all of the social relations, the humans-to-nature relationships, and the entire axiological and ideological superstructure that supports such a vision." Cuello recognizes that, "A holistic vision implies fundamental changes at all levels of social, economic, political, and cultural structures; that is, it requires a fundamental re-structuring of presentday society." Cuello further lays out a set of basic principles that he thinks will support a holistic vision. (He does warn us not to take them as absolutes.) For sustainable development to take place, Cuello says, there must be: 1. interaction and coordination among all of the agents in a locality, region, or country; 2. a redistribution of wealth; 3. a redefinition of the relationship between human beings and nature; 4. intergenerational equity; 5. a redistribution of global wealth and opportunities;

6 6 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), 5-14 Źródłem inspiracji dla Cuello są dzieła Hansa Jonasa, dla którego monopol człowieka na etyczny szacunek narusza jego prawie-monopolistyczna władza nad resztą świata (patrz Impertive of Responsibility, 1984). To prowadzi Jonasa do twierdzenia, Ŝe "Odpowiedzialność stała się podstawowym imperatywem współczesnej cywilizacji i powinna być nieodzownym kryterium oceny działalności człowieka, łącznie z działaniami prowadzącymi do rozwoju". Zwykle patrzę z nieufnością na fundacjonalistyczne podejścia do tematu etyki, ale na potrzeby tego artykułu, jestem gotowy stanąć w obronie następującej tezy: istnieje interpretacja pojęcia zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, która zapewni nam ogólną formułę na uzyskanie optymalnej strategii zrównowaŝenia (ale tylko jeŝeli załoŝymy, Ŝe kaŝde jej praktyczne wykorzystanie będzie zupełnie inne, z niezmienną lokalizacją). Reinterpretacja idealnej etyki zrównowaŝonego rozwoju Moja formuła rozpoczyna się od wytycznej, podobnej do pierwszego warunku zaproponowanego przez Cuello: zaangaŝować wszystkie znaczące grupy interesu zainteresowane konkretnym projektem rozwoju (zainteresowanie oznacza tu równieŝ sprzeciw wobec takiego projektu) i spróbować nakłonić je do współpracy najpierw rozwiązać kwestie róŝnicy zdań, następnie poprzeć, zmodyfikować lub zablokować (w zaleŝności od przypadku) omawiany projekt rozwoju. Z faktu, Ŝe prawie zawsze konsensus w takich przypadkach jest niemoŝliwy do osiągnięcia, wynika kolejny warunek naleŝy starać się zadowolić jak największą liczbę grup interesu, oraz mieć plan na to, w jaki sposób postąpić z tymi grupami, których ostateczne zdanie będzie róŝnić się od większości. (jest to ogólna interpretacja tego, co proponuje William James w ksiąŝce pt.: The Moral Philosopher and the Moral Life, 1997). Ta formuła nie rozpoczęła by się od nadrzędnej, według Cuello, zasady odpowiedzialności. Być moŝe dobrze jest zakładać, Ŝe wszystkie strony sporu będą działały odpowiedzialnie, przynajmniej w kwestii są stanowiska członków poszczególnych grup interesu. Ale przynajmniej niektórzy uczestnicy realnego sporu w o konkretne projekty rozwoju prawie zawsze działają nieodpowiedzialnie, i fakt ten powinien być brany pod uwagę podczas rozstrzygania kwestii demokratycznej kontroli nad takimi projektami. Nie powinniśmy teŝ pozwolić, aby kolejna zasada, proponowana przez Cuello jego definicja holistycznego zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, zawierająca w sobie wszelkie jego aspekty i grupy interesu stanęła na drodze konkretnych działań dąŝących do osiągnięcia zrównowaŝenia. 6. nature's capacity for regeneration must be respected; 7. communities must be self-sufficient; and 8. there must be a dialectical uniting of theory and practice. Cuello finds his source of inspiration in the writings of Hans Jonas, for whom "the monopoly of humans on ethical regard is breached precisely with their acquiring a near-monopolistic power over the rest of life" (see The Imperative of Responsibility, 1984). This leads Jonas to claim that, "Responsibility has become the fundamental imperative in modern civilization, and it should be an unavoidable criterion to assess and evaluate human actions, including, in a special way, development activities." In general, I am leery of any and all foundationalist approaches to ethics, but for purposes of this paper I am willing to defend this thesis: There is a way to interpret "best sustainability ethic" that can provide a general formula for an optimum sustainability strategy (though only if we recognize that each real-world implementation will be radically different, unalterably localized). Reinterpreting "best sustainability ethic" My formula begins with a guideline similar to Cuello's first principle: namely, to involve all the major groups with an interest in a particular development project (any interest, including total opposition to it) and attempt to get them to work together, first, to settle disagreements and then to support, modify, or block (as the case may be) the development in question. Since consensus can almost never be reached on such issues, a corollary guideline is to seek to please as many interest groups as possible and to have a concrete plan for dealing fairly with those who end up with views different from the majority. (Broadly interpreting William James, this is what he proposes in "The Moral Philosopher and the Moral Life," 1897.) The formula would not begin with Cuello's overarching principle of responsibility. It is probably good to hope that all the actors will act responsibly at least as the members of each interest group see things. But at least some parties to any real-life dispute over a particular development project are almost certain to act irresponsibly, and that likelihood should always play a part in considerations of democratic control of a particular development project. Nor should we let Cuello's other overarching principle his definition of holistic sustainability as incorporating all aspects and all actors in a situation get in the way of particular efforts to achieve sustainability. Every development project with which I am familiar has had some parties to the dispute often major parties who simply refuse to play the game of democratic

7 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), W kaŝdym projekcie rozwoju, którego szczegóły są mi znane, brały udział, często waŝne, grupy, które nie chciały brać udziału w rozmowach opartych na zasadach demokratycznych negocjacji. Zarówno jak w przypadku mniejszych grup, które przegrywają w zmaganiach o wypracowanie konsensusu, i wobec takich "renegatów" musimy postępować uczciwie. Wypróbowanym przepisem na poraŝkę jest czekać aŝ wszystkie strony sporu będą usatysfakcjonowane. Oprócz dwóch zasad oponowanych przez Cuello - aby włączyć do demokratycznych rozmów jak największą liczbę grup interesu; oraz aby postępować uczciwie zarówno z tymi grupami, które doznają niepowodzenia w trakcie negocjacji, jak i z tymi, które nie chcą grać fair pozostałe moŝna przyjąć za uŝyteczne wytyczne (choć nigdy jako zasady absolutne). KaŜdy projekt rozwoju, aby prowadził do zrównowaŝenia, powinien: dotyczyć ludzi ubogich (w szczególności ubogich robotników i ich rodziny), którzy w demokratycznym procesie są traktowani na równej stopie (nawet jeśli redystrybucja majątku światowego nie jest moŝliwa na krótszą metę), brać pod uwagę przyszłe pokolenia, w szczególności potomków pierwszych uczestników projektu, ale równieŝ te, których efekty projektu dotkną bezpośrednio lub pośrednio w najbliŝszej przyszłości, definiować pojęcie relacji człowiek-natura w sposób, który będzie odpowiednio uwzględniał zachodzenie zjawisk naturalnych, uwzględniać naukowe dane dotyczące moŝliwości regeneracji środowiska naturalnego na obszarze objętym przez projekt, uwzględniać związki między poszczególnymi projektami, realizowanymi w róŝnych środowiskach, tj. regionach, krajach, przy współpracy 2 państw, propagować samowystarczalność społeczeństw, zawsze łączyć teorie z praktyką a praktykę z teorią Takie wytyczne zawsze powinny być traktowane nie jako imperatywy kategoryczne, lecz jako praktyczne wskazówki, których nauczyliśmy w poprzednich projektach rozwoju, postrzeganych do tej pory jako zrównowaŝone. Takie przekształcenie ogólnych zasad etycznych w wytyczne, które mogą się okazać pomocne w konkretnych (i na poziomie lokalnym) staraniach mających na celu rozwiązywanie problemów społecznych, pokrywa się z załoŝeniami etyki Pragmatyzmu Amerykańskiego (patrz John Dewey, Reconstruction in Philosophy, 1948; The Quest for Certainty ", 1929; oraz Liberalizm and Social Action, 1935; George Herbert Mead Scientific Method and Moral Sciences, 1964). negotiation. Like minorities who end up losing out in consensus-building efforts, these renegade groups must be dealt with, and fairly. Waiting for all parties to be satisfied is a sure plan for failure. Beyond the basic guideline of including as many interest groups as possible in democratic decisions -- and fair treatment of those who lose out in consensus building, as well as those who refuse to play fair most of Cuello's other principles can be turned into useful guidelines (though never absolute principles or duties). Any particular development project, if it is to be sustainable, should: include poor people (especially poor workers and their families) within the democratic process on an equal footing (even if a major redistribution of wealth is not possible in the short run); include consideration for future generations -- specifically, the offspring and heirs of those directly involved, but also others (and other things) directly or indirectly impacted within the foreseeable future; define the relationship between humans and non-human nature in a way that allows due consideration for natural phenomena in every case; heed scientific evidence about natural capacities for regeneration in the ecological niche involved; consider the relationship(s) between the particular development project and others elsewhere: in the region or nation, in international compacts or alliances, in the global economy (without ignoring the possibility of not choosing to be a part of that) and, including within this, issues of unjust disparities between rich and poor parts of the international community; encourage self-sufficiency of communities; and always link theory to practice and practice to theory. In every case, guidelines should be viewed not as categorical imperatives but as useful lessons learned from prior experience with development initiatives that have (at least up until now) been perceived as sustainable. This sort of transformation of general ethical principles into guidelines that may prove helpful in concrete (and local) efforts at social problem solving is in line with the general orientation of the ethics of American Pragmatism. (See John Dewey's Reconstruction in Philosophy, 2d ed., 1948; The Quest for Certainty, 1929; and Liberalism and Social Action, 1935; as well as George Herbert Mead's "Scientific Method and the Moral Sciences," 1964.) And it depends, not on abstract theorizing, but on prior successful ventures. (One example in the USA would be the de facto moratorium on nuclear power plants, which has been at least partly the result of the efforts of a great

8 8 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), 5-14 Polega ono równieŝ nie na abstrakcyjnym teoryzowaniu, ale na pomyślnie przeprowadzonych wcześniej projektach ( np.: zahamowanie programu rozwoju elektrowni atomowych w USA dzięki, przy najmniej częściowo, protestom licznej grupy przeciwników energii atomowej). Cuello działał wcześniej w Costa Rica w celu wypracowania bardziej zrównowaŝonego planu ratowania tamtejszych wspaniałych lasów; teraz robi to samo w swojej rodzinnej Dominikanie. Pytania i odpowiedzi Przeciwko moim wytycznym moŝna zapewne wysunąć tyle zastrzeŝeń, co przeciwko zasadom Cuello. W tej części skupię się na czterech takich zastrzeŝeniach, lub zarzutach, i postaram się odpowiedzieć na kaŝdy z nich. Zarzut pierwszy Tolerancja dla odmiennych punktów widzenia, która jest podstawą moich wytycznych, jak i zasad Cuello, to przepis na klęskę, gdzie chęć zysku zamyka drogę do zrównowaŝenia. Jest to z pewnością kwestia, z którą trzeba się liczyć, a dla filozofów relatywizm to odwieczny problem (patrz Krausz Relativism 1989). Istotną tutaj wersją antyrelatywizmu jest krytyka czystej tolerancji, propagowana przez radykalnych krytyków liberalizmu w ostatnich dziesięcioleciach (patrz Wolff, More i Marcuse A critique of Pure Tolerance, 1965). David Norton, mój nieŝyjący juŝ kolega, był autorem jednej z najostrzejszych debat na ten temat (patrz Imagination, Understanding and the Virtue of Liberality 1995). Argumentacja Nortona jest zawiła i nie łatwo ją streścić, ale jej podstawowe załoŝenie podziela dziś zapewne wielu ludzi. We współczesnym świecie, główne zagroŝenia dla ludzkości wojna i terroryzm, jak w Kosovie lub na Bliskim Wschodzie; wyczerpanie zasobów naturalnych i zagroŝenia dla środowiska naturalnego, które były powodem rozpoczęcia dialogu na temat zrównowaŝenia mają globalne skutki i ich rozwiązanie wymaga międzynarodowej współpracy. Jak mówi Norton: " dyplomatyczne tylko uznanie problemu i tolerancja róŝnic, nawet jeśli poparte chęcią wspólnych działań, nie wystarczą. Według Nortona, lekarstwem na brak tolerancji jest cnota szczodrości pielęgnowana od najmłodszych lat umiejętność patrzenia na róŝne sprawy z perspektywy innych ludzi. Norton wierzy, Ŝe nie stoi ona na przeszkodzie, aby moŝna było przyjąć twarde stanowisko w dialogu; Ŝe nie przeczy ona poświęceniu, które prowadziłoby do przezwycięŝenia róŝnicy zdań między poszczególnymi grupami interesu. many anti-nuclear activists.) Cuello worked earlier in Costa Rica trying to help that country's admirable forest conservation efforts to become more sustainable; now he is back at work in his native Dominican Republic doing the same things. Issues and answers. It is probably the case that as many objections can be raised against my guidelines as against Cuello's principles. I will here address four issues (or complaints) and attempt to respond to each in turn. First objection: The tolerance of all viewpoints that is at the core of my guidelines (and of Cuello's principles) is a recipe for disaster, opening the door for the most powerful interests to thwart sustainability efforts at every turn. This is surely an issue to be reckoned with, and, for philosophers, relativism remains a perennial issue. (See Krausz, ed., Relativism, 1989) The particular version of antirelativism that is relevant here is the "critique of pure tolerance" lament heard from radical critics of liberalism in recent decades. (See Wolff, Moore, and Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance, 1965.) A late colleague of mine, David Norton, made one of the strongest cases for this critique in the recent past. (See his Imagination, Understanding, and the Virtue of Liberality, 1995.) Norton's argument is complex and difficult to summarize, but his basic assumption would probably be shared by a great many people today. In the contemporary world, the main problems that threaten humankind -- war and terrorism, as in Kosovo or the Middle East; famine and genocide in parts of Africa; depletion of natural resources and the threats to the natural environment that have called forth a rhetoric of sustainability all of these problems have global impacts and require for their solutions (if any are possible) collaboration at the international level. And (Norton says) "merely diplomatic" recognition and tolerance of differences even if supplemented by a call for collaborative action is not enough. What Norton offers as a remedy for ineffective tolerance is his "virtue of liberality" the cultivation, from childhood on, of the habit of seeing issues from other people's perspectives. Norton believes that this is not inconsistent with taking strong stands, with the sort of commitment that could lead to overriding the objections of others even after one has seen their point of view and has done so from their perspective. I believe this is good advice, but I am afraid that it could be too idealistic; it will surely take a long time, in any case, for educational systems to begin to encourage the virtue of liberality.

9 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), Według mnie, jest to dobra rada, ale niestety zbyt idealistyczna. Poza tym, rozwijanie "cnoty szczodrości" przez system edukacyjny będzie z pewnością procesem długotrwałym. Na krótszą metę i w przypadku lokalnych konfliktów na tle tego, czy dany projekt jest rzeczywiście zrównowaŝony, metoda lokalnej polityki postępowej, zaproponowana przez Johna Dewey a (patrz Liberalism and Social Action, 1935), ma większe szanse powodzenia. Norton twierdzi, Ŝe Dewey był promotorem właściwej edukacji postępowej, ale zanim przyniesie ona zamierzone rezultaty, zalecał demokratyczne działania polityczne (łącznie z działaniami, które prowadziłyby do odpowiednich zmian w systemie edukacji). Zatem w odpowiedzi na pierwszy zarzut, co do mojej zmodyfikowanej definicji zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, jest twierdzenie, Ŝe tolerancja dla róŝnorodnych stanowisk wcale nie musi prowadzić do braku działań lub, co gorsza, do oddania inicjatywy w ręce międzynarodowej machiny prorozwojowej. Zwykle jesteśmy w stanie przyzwyczaić się do patrzenia na róŝne sprawy z perspektywy innych ludzi. Krnąbrność moŝna w pewnym stopniu ujarzmić, jeŝeli wystarczająca liczba ludzi będzie w stanie napiętnować ją jako oznakę zaniedbania lokalnych mieszkańców lub lokalnego środowiska naturalnego, a w niektórych przypadkach, jako oznakę imperialistycznego wyzysku. Zarzut drugi Nawet jeśli lokalny konsensus jest moŝliwy i będzie prowadził do ujawnienia tych grup interesu, które w rzeczywistości nie są zainteresowane osiągnięciem zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, gospodarka międzynarodowa ma pewne cechy, które umoŝliwią zwycięstwo duŝych deweloperów, i to nie tylko na dłuŝszą metę. Siła kapitału międzynarodowego moŝe prowadzić do wygranej deweloperów nad chęcią osiągnięcia zrównowaŝenia, równieŝ na krótką metę. Jest to neo-marksistowska krytyka zrównowaŝenia prezentowana przez Michaela Redclifta (patrz jego Sustainable Development; exploring the Contradictions 1987, teŝ nowsze prace. Podobny rodzaj krytyki amerykańskich pragmatystów prezentuje Feffer w The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism, 1993). Jak kaŝde znane mi marksistowskie podejście do pragmatyki, tak i to zakłada, Ŝe lokalny sukces jest moŝliwy pod warunkiem, Ŝe siła międzynarodowego kapitału nie jest przez nic hamowana. Stawiając juŝ wcześniej czoło temu zarzutowi (patrz Social Responsibility in Science, Technology and Medicine, 1992), przyznałem, Ŝe istnieją tu równieŝ problemy strukturalne. In the short run, and in local conflicts over whether a particular development project is truly sustainable, John Dewey's approach (see especially Liberalism and Social Action, 1935), of local progressive politicking, is more likely to work. As Norton recognizes, Dewey was also an advocate of the right kind of progressive education, but in the interim, before it can be implemented, he advocated democratic political action (including the political action needed to reform the education system). So my answer to the first objection to my modified version of Cuello's approach is that tolerance of diverse views need not lead to inaction or, worse, to ceding the field to the overwhelming power of international pro-development forces. People can, generally, habituate themselves to see things from others' points of view. Total recalcitrants in a conflict can be brought into line, to some degree, if enough other parties can bring them-selves to brand the recalcitrants as neglectful of local workers or of the local environment in some cases even branding them as imperialist exploiters or environmental outlaws. Second objection: Even if local consensus is possible, however, and even if it can lead to the isolation of some major bad actors, there are structural features of the international economy that guarantee the victory of the big developers -- and not just in the long run. The power of international capital can lead to the developers' victory over sustainability efforts even in the short run. This is the neo- Marxist sustainability critique of Michael Redclift. (See his Sustainable Development: Exploring the Contradictions, 1987, and more recent works; the same sort of critique of the American Pragmatists' ventures into social action has been made in Feffer's The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism, 1993.) And, like any Marxist approach with which I am familiar, this critique assumes that no true local success is possible as long as the worldwide power of international capital is not thwarted. When I have faced this objection elsewhere (see my Social Responsibility in Science, Technology, and Medicine, 1992), I have conceded that the structural problem exists. One does not need to accept the entire Marxist theoretical apparatus of inevitable struggle between the exploiting owner class and the exploited working classes, of the economic substructure determining the social, cultural, and political superstructure to recognize that big capitalist developers almost always manage to win out over local resistance to development. Nonetheless, it is possible, at the local level and with concerted democratic action, to deflect the economic power of international capital. If I were involved in a local development dispute, I would try to involve as many local activists on

11 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), warunki zrównowaŝenia, nadal działał ze szkodą dla lokalnego ekosystemu, zwłaszcza, jeŝeli w wyniku wcześniejszych działania rozwojowych lokalni mieszkańcy doświadczyli przeludnienia i manipulacji. Lecz wcale nie musi tak być. JeŜeli ustanowione zostały lokalne procedury demokratyczne, łącznie z polityka dającą równe prawa robotnikom i ich rodzinom, którzy wcześniej byli uciskani, będą one otwarte na ewentualne modyfikacje w razie pojawienia się problemów. (Nie znam Ŝadnych prac naukowych, które popierały by tę optymistyczną ocenę, i fakt ten osłabia moja argumentację. Jednak jest to akt wiary w opozycję amerykańskich pragmatystów wobec przekonania, Ŝe jeŝeli przeciętni obywatele są wolni od jarzma represyjnych ideologii, szybko nauczą sie oni jak działać demokratycznie i altruistycznie. Miałbym tylko nadzieję, Ŝe ich altruizm oznaczać będzie obronę ekologicznej niszy, w której Ŝyją) Odpowiedź czwarta (na zarzut krytyków anty-zrównowaŝenia) Tutaj poddałbym się głównemu impetowi tego zarzutu. Rozwój (kaŝdy jego rodzaj) zaleŝy od ideologii postępu, która kłóci się z konserwatywnymi nastrojami większości, jeśli nie wszystkich, współczesnych kultur (gdzie "nowoczesność" oznacza stosunek do rozwoju, a nie okres czasu). Jest To typowa cecha charakterystyczna dla współczesnych kultur (patrz Berger i współpracownicy The Homeless Mind, 1973; oraz Pyramids of Sacrifice, 1974). Jednak nie musi to oznaczać, Ŝe kaŝdy lokalny projekt rozwoju na obszarze zamieszkanym przez ludność rdzenną, musi koniecznie natrafić na sprzeciw z jej strony. A to z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, ludność rdzenna moŝe być włączona do procesu demokratycznego; twierdzi się, Ŝe specyficzny rodzaj demokracji wśród niektórych kultur plemiennych sprawia, Ŝe łatwo dostosowują się one do współczesnych procesów demokratycznych (np. Nelson Mandela, niegdyś wódz plemienny, został wybrany głową państwa). A tam, gdzie ludność rdzenna stała się częścią demokratycznego społeczeństwa typu zachodniego ( przykładem mogą być rdzenni amerykanie na niektórych obszarach Kanady i USA), nauczyła się ona iść na ustępstwa dla dobra większości, z którą Ŝyją w zgodzie. Po drugie, antropologia dostarcza nam dowodów na to, Ŝe społeczności plemienne na przestrzeni wieków nauczyły się czerpać z innych kultur, bez konieczności uznania ich za zagraŝające ich własnym tradycjom. To często prowadziło do pełnej asymilacji obu kultur i w rezultacie to zanikania tradycyjnych wierzeń. Dokładnie to samo mogło by mieć miejsce na obszarze, gdzie realizowany jest projekt zrównowaŝonego rozwoju. Ale jeŝeli ludność rdzenna z tego obszaru zostanie learn rapidly to act democratically and altruistically. What I would hope is that their altruism would extend to the protection of the ecological niche where they live.) Fourth answer (to radical antisustainability critics): Here I would begin by conceding the main thrust of the objection. Development - any kind of development - depends upon an ideology of progress that is at odds with the conservative attitudes of many, if not most, premodern cultures (where "modernity" refers to attitude toward development rather than time period). This is the usual defining characteristic of pre-modern cultures (see Berger and colleagues, The Homeless Mind, 1973, and Pyramids of Sacrifice, 1974). However, this need not mean that every local development project in an area that contains groups of indigenous peoples must inevitably run into opposition from them. And this for two reasons. First, indigenous groups can be involved in the democratic process; indeed, some people have argued that the special kind of democracy found in some tribal cultures makes them easily adaptable to the processes of modern democratic systems. (As one example, they cite Nelson Mandela, once a tribal chief, then the elected head of state in South Africa.) And where indigenous cultures are to some degree incorporated within a larger democratic society of the Western sort (examples might include Native Americans in some Canadian territories and in the Pacific Northwest in the USA), they have learned to make concessions for a common good that treats them fairly. Second, there seems to be some evidence in historical anthropology that tribal cultures throughout history have been successful in borrowing new tools from surrounding cultures, without seeing this as hostile to their traditional cultural myths and rituals. Admittedly, over time, this has often led to complete assimilation within broader cultures, and to eventual loss of traditional myths or religions. And this clearly could happen in an area where sustainable development is tried out. But if the indigenous people involved carry out their borrowings, and become assimilated, within a democratic process especially one in which they received their fair share of the proceeds of sustainable development we ought not to deny them that opportunity in the name of the sanctity of indigenous culture. To do so, it seems to me, would be to doom indigenous cultures, reducing them to romantically revered museum show pieces. Summarizing my answers, here is what I would conclude: (1) Agreement among parties to local sustainable development projects is certainly not out of the question - even agreement on labeling some parties as outlaws or criminals. (2) Economic imperialists hiding behind a growth-is-good-for-all

12 12 Paul. T. Durbin/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), 5-14 wchłonięta kulturowo w drodze procesów demokratycznych w szczególności takich, dzięki którym czerpie ona korzyści płynące ze zrównowaŝonego rozwoju nie powinniśmy pozbawiać jej tej moŝliwości w imię nietykalności kultury rdzennych mieszkańców. Wydaje mi się, Ŝe czyniąc to, skazali byśmy te kultury na zagładę, ograniczając je do muzealnych ekspozycji. Podsumowując, następujące wnioski nasuwają się z powyŝszych odpowiedzi: 1) porozumienie grup interesu w kwestii projektów zrównowaŝonego rozwoju nie jest wykluczone, łącznie z porozumieniem, co do napiętnowania niektórych z tych grup jako przestępcze; 2) gospodarczy imperialiści ukrywający się za sloganem Postęp jest dobry dla wszystkich mogą być wyizolowani, i zwalczani w celu dociągnięcia ich od niekontrolowanej pogoni za zyskiem 3) lokalne demokracje mają potencjał nie dający jednak Ŝadnej gwarancji aby uporać się z zagroŝeniami środowiska naturalnego, kiedy i o ile, pojawią się one w wyniku realizacji projektu zrównowaŝonego rozwoju 4) społeczności rdzenne nie powinny być automatycznie traktowane jako przeszkoda dla lokalnych projektów zrównowaŝonego rozwoju Wnioski Podzieliwszy się z czytelnikiem moimi uwagami, chciałbym upewnić się, Ŝe moja krytyka pracy Cesara Cuello (czy teŝ, pośrednio, krytyka innych autorów, których poglądom Cuello zarzuca niepełność) jest dobrze zrozumiana. Pozostaje sceptycznie nastawiony wobec fundacjonalistycznych poglądów na wszelkiego rodzaju etykę, łącznie z ogólnie rozumianą etyką zrównowaŝonego rozwoju oraz holistycznym modelem proponowanym przez Cuello. Jednak w przypadku Cuello, jak i innych teoretyków zrównowaŝonego rozwoju, sama definicja zrównowaŝenia to nie wszystko; wielu zwolenników tej idei powaŝnie przyczyniło się do promowania zrównowaŝenia. Cuello nie jest tu wyjątkiem. W swojej ksiąŝce, w której proponuje swoja holistyczną koncepcję, szczegółowo omówił przykład Półwyspu Osa na Kostaryce, gdzie pewne czynniki podkopały wysiłki czynione w celu zrównowaŝonego zarządzania tamtejszymi wspaniałymi lasami deszczowymi, jak teŝ innymi elementami lokalnego ekosystemu. Cuello wymienia je jeden po drugim: długotrwałe wydobycie złota z rzek; uporczywość ze strony władz rządowych i organizacji pozarządowych w dąŝeniu do wdraŝania tradycyjnych projektów slogan can be isolated, made to fight on other fronts that distract them from unchecked rapaciousness. (3) Local democracies have the potential - but no guarantee beyond that to deal with environmental problems when and if they arise in the wake of sustainable development projects and (4) indigenous cultures ought not to be automatically relegated to the status of obstacles to local sustainable development projects. Conclusion Having said all of this, I want to make sure I am not misundertstood about my critique of Cesar Cuello's work (or, indirectly, my critique of those others he accuses of having only partial views). I remain skeptical about foundationalist approaches to ethics of any sort - including foundationalist approaches to the ethics of sustainability in general as well as Cuello's holistic model. However, in his case and in the case of others, a definition of sustainability is not everything; many advocates of sustainabile development have done excellent work in attempting to promote sustainability in particular cases. Cuello is no exception to this rule. In the booklength thesis in which he proposes his holistic definition, he also discusses in detail the particular case of the Osa Peninsula in Costa Rica, where a number of factors undercut efforts aimed at sustainable management of magnificent rainforests, as well as other features of the local ecosystem. Cuello ticks them off one by one: persistent gold mining in the rivers; continued insistence on traditional development initiatives by both government agencies and non-governmental organizations that have traditionally favored development; factional and turf differences among these agencies; technicist or expertocratic attitudes on their part, especially a general disdain for the beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge of the local campesinos; continued intrusions of foreign capital, not only aimed at expanding lumber or pulp production, but more recently supporting an ecotourism that benefits foreign investors more than local communities; foreign-based agricultural development based on chemical fertilizers and pesticides; and so on. After summarizing these and other antisustainable forces, Cuello lays out a specific strategy for dealing with each of them. He does refer back, at almost every point, to his holistic definition; but the real focus, in each case, is on practical, down-to-earth solutions for the problems at the local level. In practice, then, Cuello is much more pragmatic than his holistic definition might lead us to expect. And it is this pragmatism that I would like to foster - with respect to Cuello's proposals but also more generally.

15 PROBLEMY EKOROZWOJU PROBLEMS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 2008, vol. 3, No 2, str Od zrównowaŝonego rozwoju do zarządzania zrównowaŝonym eko-socjalnym systemem. From sustainable development to management of sustainable ecosocial systems Johann Baumgärtner Institute of Agricultural Entomology, University of Milan, Milan Italy Abstract The essay briefly refers to the etymology of sustainability and to its current use in the development of nations, agriculture and ecology. In absence of a singular consensual definition, we are advised to try as best we can to make use of the concept in development efforts. In agriculture, sustainable agroecosystems are designed and implemented to overcome the limitations of the industrialized agriculture with respect to the resource base. In ecosocial system study and management, sustainability characterizes the state of the system. The concepts of ecological, economic and social sustainability as well as capitals, health, integrity and resilience appear to allow different but complementary assessments from different perspectives. Ecological, economic and social sustainability are used to study the response of an African agropastoral system to livestock health improvement. Economic and social sustainability appear to increase, but the progress is not sustained by the changes in ecological sustainability. To improve their livelihood, the agropastoralists are advised to implement rules for the prevention of overgrazing and undertake reproductive health measures in an effort to navigate, in a balanced way, the ecosocial system in ecological, economic and social dimensions. Keywords: ecological, economic and social sustainability, livestock health improvement, ecosocial system response, ecosocial system navigation Introduction Since long times human faced the problem of utilizing natural resources without depleting the basis from which they originate. Under European conditions, for example, the principles of alpine agriculture date back to pre-roman Rhaetic times (Altieri M. 1991), and there are indications that the implementation of maximum stocking rates for alpine pastures has a long history. Possibly by trial and error, alpine communities learned that the application of strict rules with respect to stocking rates is a prerequisite for erosion control and continuous exploitation of high alpine environments. In fact, alpine communities are among the agricultural systems with a long history of existence in balance with the natural environment and therefore, contributed to the identification of design principles common to long enduring agricultural systems (Anonymous, 1987). In a subsequent section of this essay we will learn that a developing agropastoral community in Ethiopia, East Africa, also faces the problem of restricting stocking rates to prevent overgrazing possibly under more difficult conditions than the ones faced by alpine communities in the past. In forestry, an administrator of the town of Reichenhall defined in 1661 the rule for an eternal forest where the amount of yearly harvested wood should not exceed the amount of regrowth per year. In the 18 th century, this practice was qualified in Germany as sustainable use of forests, and the harvestable wood appeared as sustainable yield in the English language (www.wikipedia.com). In the past decades, the term sustainable has been increasingly used to qualify resource management systems and their exploitation, while the term sustainability is often referred to when characterizing the state of a system. Both terms have been used in different contexts and served as a basis for the report of the Club of Rome (Baumgärtner J., at al,2007), for the Brundtland

16 16 Johann Baumgärtner/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008),15-19 report of the United Nations (Becker C.D., Ostrom E., 1995), for the declaration of the Rio de Janeiro conference on development, for the recommendations on the re-orientation of Agriculture (Berkes F., Colding J., Folke C., 2002), and for the overall objectives for ecological system management defined by the Ecological Society of America (Carlman I., 2005). These are just few of many possible examples that show the predominant position that the term occupies in modern debates on the needs of human societies in relation to nature sustaining them. In this essay, we will briefly look at the use of the term in the development of nations, agriculture and ecology. Thereafter, a case study will show the important contribution of sustainability assessment to the development of an agropastoral community. Sustainability in theory Sustainable development The Brundtland Commission of the United Nations used sustainable as an adjective to qualify development. Accordingly, sustainable development meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (Becker C.D., Ostrom E., 1995). In 1992, the Rio de Janeiro conference committed many countries to environmental restoration, preservation and social development and declared sustainable development as a guiding principle for the development of nations. In spite of its reconciliatory potential, it has failed in practice to resolve enduring conflicts because there apppears to be no consensus on what sustainability means (Christensen N.L., at all. 1996). This problem is illustrated by more than 70 translations into the German language and by the interpretation given by different contributors to the wikipedia encyclopedia (www.wikipedia.com) to sustainable development. For example, the contributor to the Italian version of the wikipedia encyclopedia includes the preservation of the heritage in sustainable development. He might have thought of the words of the Austrian artist Hundertwasser who reportedly wrote that we lose the future if we don t honor the past and that we are unable to grow if we destroy our roots (Comiskey J.A., at al, 1999.). For the contributor to the French version, sustainable development implies equal rights to share resources (space component) and preservation of resources for future generations (time component). According to him and to the Spanish contributor, the consilience of ecological, social and economic preoccupations are the pillars of sustainable development. It has been argued that we should abandon our search for a singular, consensual definition of sustainability, but try as best we can to make progress in the absence of consensus (Christensen N.L., 1996). This is done here by using sustainability to characterize the state of agricultural and ecological-social systems rather than processes and using it to put the development of an agropastoral system in Ethiopia on the three pillars specified above for assessing the state of the system with respect to improvement of the people s livelihood. Sustainable agroecosystems Agriculture has developed in response to the needs of the society since its beginnings years ago (Cuperus G.W., at all 2004) These needs have contributed to a gradual intensification of agriculture over centuries. During the 1960s, at least in the Western World, this process of intensification has gathered momentum (Cuperus G.W., at all 2004) and profoundly changed farms and landscapes with negative consequences. Today there is a growing concern that modern agriculture destroys its own resource base, probably because of intensive use of external inputs displacing many natural biological and ecological processes and functions in ecosystems (Czeresnia D., 1997). In response to drawbacks resulting from the unilateral reliance on synthetic pesticides, for example, Integrated Pest Management (IPM) schemes were designed and implemented (Daily G.C., 1997). In the past decade, the IPM concept was extended into dimensions of space (crop arrangement), time (rotation), objects for management (crop specific rather than species specific programs) and actors involved (from growers to extensionists and policy makers) (Dent D., 1995). This development bridged the gap between organic agriculture and agricultural production forms relying on intensive chemical inputs and paved the road to a more holistic way of studying and managing agroecosystems with sustainability as a major objective (Flint M.L., van den Bosch R., 1981). According to M. Altieri, University of California, Berkeley, sustainability is the capacity of an agroecosystem to maintain the production through time, facing ecological limitations and long term socio-ecomomic pressures (Berkes F., at all. 2002). S.E. Gliessman, University of California, Santa Cruz, uses sustainable to qualify agroecosystems and promotes sustainable agroecosystems that maintain the resource base upon which they depend, rely on minimum artificial inputs from outside the farm system, manages pests and diseases through internal regulating mechanisms and are able to recover from the disturbances caused by cultivation and harvest (Getachew T., 2006). In his view, agroecology corrects the direction taken by traditional agronomy that focused on individual crop plant or animal and neglected the complementary study of whole agroecosystems in its attempt to deal with complex issues of farm productivity and viability. The central priority in whole-system management is creating a more complex, diverse agroecosystem, because only one with high diversity has the potential for beneficial

17 Johann Baumgärtner/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), interactions. To evaluate sustainability, he uses unmanaged systems and traditional agroecosystems as reference points and proposes measures of agricultural sustainability including the assessment of soil health, a productivity index and ecological as well as social conditions to be approached. An agroecological approach should take a cultural perspective as it expands to include humans and their impacts on the agricultural environment (Getachew T., at al, 2006). Sustainability enhancement in ecosocial systems In modern ecology, sustained yield, in simplified way, is the yield per unit time being equal to productivity per unit time (Gilioli G., Baumgärtner J., 2007). Ecologists are aware of the limitations. i.e. the method does not take into account the dynamics of the system and focuses on a single biological unit that is managed for maximum economic return, rather than as a component of a larger ecological system (Gilioli G., Baumgärtner J., 2007). This may be seen as an ecosystem that provides services to mankind as described by G.C. Daily, Stanford University, Palo Alto; the services are conditions and processes through which natural ecosystems, and the species that make them up, sustain and fulfill human life (Gliessman S.R., 2000). Importantly, the services are not restricted to the provision of goods but also to the provision of life supporting and life fulfilling services as well as to the preservation of options (Gliessman S.R., 2000). S. E. Jørgensen, University of Copenhagen, defined ecosystem as a biotic and functional system or unit, which is able to sustain life and includes all biological and non-biological variables in that unit; spatial and temporal scales are not specified a priori, but are entirely based upon the objectives of the ecosystem study (Czeresnia D., 1997). To emphasize the presence of humans in eocosystems, D. Waltner-Toews, University of Guelph, Ontario, and coworkers introduced the term ecosocial and emphasized that ecosocial systems are complex (Goodland R., 1995). In their view, humans are no longer seen as external managers of systems but become their integral components. A complex system can be distinguished from a simple one by a number of attributes including nonlinearity, uncertainty, emergence, scale and self-organization that limit our ability to predict their dynamics (Gutierrez A.P, at al., in prep.; Czeresnia D., 1997). Among the objectives for ecosocial system management are the enhancement of sustainability (Carlman I., 2005), the augmentation of ecological, economic and social capital (Gutierrez A.P., Regev U., 2005) and the enhancement of resilience, i.e. the capacity of the system to experience shocks while retaining essentially the same function, structure, feedbacks, and therefore identity (Herren H.R., at al, 2007). R. Goodland, formerly environmental advisor to the World Bank Group, Washington DC, distinguished ecological (environmental), economic and social sustainability. Ecological sustainability refers to the biophysical limitations of the environment in that humans live and supplies the conditions for social sustainability to be approached. Social sustainability refers to the cohesion of the community that is achieved by systematic community participation and strong civil society. Economic sustainability refers to the maintenance of capital that has been used by accountants since the Middle Ages to enable merchant traders to know how much of their sales receipt they and their families could consume without reducing their ability to continue trading (Gutierrez A.P., Regev U., 2005). Adaptive management is a key strategy for moving ecosocial systems in ecological, economic and social dimensions and enables us to deal with complex systems and their unpredictable dynamics (Holling C.S., 1978, Jørgensen S.E., 2002). Adaptive management is a systematic and cyclic process for continually improving management policies and practices (tactics, strategies) based on lessons learnt from operational activities (Koblet R., 1965). In a continuous process of monitoring, monitoring data analysis and decision support ecologists can participate in ecosocial system development (Jørgensen S.E., 2002). The results of their studies are not directly communicated to end users but incorporated into a facilitation process, where a facilitator assists the people in meeting their management objectives (Kogan M., at al, 1999). In this development process, referred to as navigation (Meadows D.H., at al., 1972), the voyage becomes more important than meeting predefined long-term objectives. The interpretation of indicators and the development and use of models provide the bases for obtaining insight into the dynamics of ecosocial systems. A.P. Gutierrez, University of California, Berkeley, and U. Regev, Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva, developed a model that allows the analysis of the trajectory of the system in the phase space permitting an evaluation of resilience and other properties (Owen S., 2003). This model can be viewed as conceptual meta tool that permits the analysis of eco-social change and its consequence, and places the observed change in the context of interpretive dimensions (Röling N.G., 1995). With this property, the tool may become helpful to evaluate sustainable development projects carried out at international research canters (Röling N.G., 1995). Sustainability in praxis The object under study and management of interest to this essay is an agropastoral community named Luke in Southwestern Ethiopia. The overall aim of our project was to improve the livelihood of the people who suffer from multiple constraints including diseases and limited as well as insecure food supply, and are living in absolute poverty

18 18 Johann Baumgärtner/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), DISEASE PREVALENCE and LOG [TSETSE CATCHES +1] 0,75 0,5 0,25 no data available no data available low catches TIME [MONTHS AFTER AUGUST 1995] Sector Categories Variable CATTLE HUSBANDRY LAND USE SOCIO- ECONOMICS population production reproduction area of Luke human food cattle food population education income total number of cattle number of oxen milk [l day -1 cow -1 ] calving rate [year -1 cow -1 ] total area area ploughed [ha] area of pastures [ha] stocking rate number of households number of residents number of schools school children per household school attendance income per household per month % 15.6 USD % 60 USD % 148 USD (Jørgensen S.E., 2002). We presumed that the removal or mitigation of health constraints would pave the road to sustainable development as defined in the aforementioned Brundtland report. In close collaboration with my colleagues A.P. Gutierrez and G. Gilioli, University of Reggio Calabria, Gallina, Reggio Calabria, we evaluated the project and its implications from the perspectives of sustainability enhancement and changes in capitals as well as resilience (Jørgensen S.E., 2002, Röling N.G., 1995, Smith R.L., Smith T.M., 2001). This view was supported by the villagers who readily identified arthropod-transmitted diseases of people (malaria) and livestock (trypanosomiasis) as key constraints. Since they give priority to cattle health over human health, we provided assistance for developing and implementing an adaptive disease management system relying on odour baited traps to monitor and control tsetse vectors and drugs administered to infected cattle. The trap technology was selected because it was considered as a control strategy that is acceptable from ecological, economic and social standpoints (Walker B., 2004). The Figure shows that the project suppressed tsetse vectors and was highly successful in improving animal health, expressed in disease prevalence (Waltner-Toews D., at al, 2003). During project execution, we occasionally monitored some ecological, economic and social variables. The data clearly show that the intervention (cause) not only resulted in animal health improvement but also in multiple and unpredictable responses as expected from a complex system. For example, the productivity of animal husbandry greatly improved, the availability of oxen permitted a substantial increase in the area under cultivation, and cattle numbers increased due to increased calving rates, decreased cattle mortality and purchase of animals (Waltner-Toews

19 Johann Baumgärtner/Problemy Ekorozwoju nr 2 (2008), D., at al, 2003). Moreover, the change from a predominantly pastoral to an agropastoral system increased ecosystem biodiversity that basically has the potential to contributing to enhancing sustainability and improve ecosystem service provision. However, the number of animals per unit area of pastures reached the levels far beyond the recommended stocking rates (Waltner-Toews D., at al, 2003). Consequently, the capacity of the resource base (pasture) to sustain the cattle decreased as has the sustainability of the agricultural system according to S.E. Gliessman s definition (Getachew T., at al, 2006). This trend is further aggravated by intensive land cultivation for human food production without undertaking adequate measures to enhance soil fertility. From the standpoint of ecosystem service provision (Gliessman S.R., 2000), the shift towards agricultural development may have eroded the capacity of the ecosystem to provide life support to the Luke community. The Table also shows that an assessment of the effects of the intervention should go beyond animal health and agriculture. We observe an increase in income and investments into animal husbandry (purchase of cattle) and a school. Both investments may reflect an enhancement of economic sustainability. Trap maintenance and service for tsetse monitoring and control, drug administration and management of a school require a more complex social organization and a more cohesive society than was present at the beginning of the project. This change is seen as an increase in social sustainability. However, we also expect a decrease in the fertility of cultivated land and a decreasing capacity of the pastures to provide food for the cattle. In other words, the depletion rates are higher than the rate at which renewable substitutes can be created. Hence, there is a decrease in ecological sustainability. We are afraid that the ecological system is unable to sustain the increasing human population and that there will be serious consequences for the livelihood of the people. The results appear to confirm R. Goodland s assertion that ecological sustainability is the basis for social sustainability and support our recommendation to seek sustainability enhancement through a balanced move in ecological, economic and social dimensions (Jørgensen S.E., 2002). A further analysis of ecosocial system responses indicates that the assessment of sustainability provides useful albeit limited insight into the structure and functioning of the system. Possibly, an assessment of system health and integrity could be useful but has not been done so far. The complementary assessment of ecological, economic and social capitals, however, provides additional insight (Jørgensen S.E., 2002). Possibly, the ecosocial system has become more vulnerable to disturbances such as drought indicating a decrease in resilience with serious consequences for an increasing human population. The concepts of ecological, economic and social sustainability as well as capitals, health, integrity and resilience appear to allow different but complementary assessments from different perspectives. Hence, the system navigation principle (Meadows D.H., at al., 1972., Gutierrez A.P, at al, in prep.) should be used in an adaptive management framework that continuously tests and evaluates systems against several complementary characteristics. The ecosocial variables appearing on the Table may be seen as indicators that allow the assessment of the ecosocial system as done in the previous paragraphs. The bioeconomic model (Owen S., 2003) further improves the insight into ecosococial system evolution, structure and dynamics and provides decision support for the corrections of actions undertaken to navigate the ecosocial system. Specifically, the bioecomic model is able to explain changes in sustainability and other ecosocial system characteristics and stresses the need to seek societal rather than competitive solutions (Owen S., 2003, Röling N.G., 1995). In other words, the Luke community may follow the example of alpine farmers referred to at the beginning of the essay and implement strict rules for stocking rates. They are also advised to undertake reproductive health measures in their attempt to navigate the ecosocial system in ecological, economic and social dimension for improving the livelihood of the people and achieving sustainable development. References 1. ALTIERI M., Agroecologia. Prospettive per una Nuova Agricoltura. Franco Muzzio, Padova, Italy. 2. ANONYMOUS, Our Common Future. United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. 3. BAUMGÄRTNER J., GILIOLI G., GETACHEW TIKUBET, GUTIERREZ A.P., Eco-social analysis of an East African agro-pastoral system: management of tsetse and bovine trypanosomiasis. Ecological Economics (in press). 4. BECKER C.D., OSTROM E., Human ecology and resource sustainability: the importance of institutional diversity. Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics: 26: BERKES F., COLDING J., FOLKE C., eds Navigating Social-ecological Systems: Building Resilience for Complexity and Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK. 6. CARLMAN I., The role of sustainability and planning adaptivity. Ambio 34:

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