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I shared that concern. On the other hand, almost every ally I consulted-even staunch advocates of confronting Saddam like Prime Minister John Howard of Australia-told me a UN resolution was essential to win public support in their countries. Colin agreed. The day before I left for Crawford, I asked him to meet with me privately in the Treaty Room. Colin was more passionate than I had seen him at any NSC meeting. He told me a UN resolution was the only way to get any support from the rest of the world. He went on to say that if we did take out Saddam, the military strike would be the easy part. Then, as Colin put it, America would "own" Iraq. We would be responsible for helping a fractured country rebuild. I listened carefully and shared Colin's concern. It was another reason I hoped that diplomacy would work. That summer, the possibility of war had become an all-consuming news story in Washington. Reporters asked frequently whether I had a war plan on my desk. On August 15, I opened the Wall Street Journal to find a column by Brent Scowcroft , Dad's national security adviser. It was headlined "Don't Attack Saddam." Brent argued that war with Iraq would distract from the war on terror and could unleash "an Armageddon in the Middle East." His conclusion was that we should "be pressing the United Nations Security Council to insist on an effective no-notice inspection regime for Iraq." ? Delivering the speech was a surreal experience. The delegates sat silent, almost frozen in place. It was like speaking to a wax museum. The response outside the chamber was encouraging. Allies thanked me for respecting the UN and accepting their advice to seek a resolution. Many at home appreciated that I had challenged the UN. An editorial in the Washington Post read: "If the United Nations remains passive in the face of this long-standing and fl agrant violation of its authority in a matter involving weapons of mass destruction, it certainly will risk the irrelevance of which Mr. Bush warned."