The Colored Patriots of the American
Revolution,
With Sketches of Several Distinguished Colored Persons:
To Which Is Added a Brief Survey of the Condition And Prospects
of
Colored Americans:
Electronic Edition.

Nell, William Cooper

Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities
supported the electronic publication of this title.

Call number E 269 N3 N4
(Winston-Salem State University)

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THE
COLORED PATRIOTS
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION,
WITH SKETCHES OF SEVERAL
DISTINGUISHED COLORED PERSONS:
TO WHICH IS ADDED A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE
Condition and Prospects of Colored Americans.

WM. C. NELL.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY ROBERT F. WALLCUT.
1855.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year
eighteen hundred and fifty-five,
By WILLIAM C. NELL,
In the Clerk's office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts.
BOSTON:
J. B. YERRINTON AND SON,
PRINTERS.

CHAPTER VI. NEW YORK. Negro Plot--Debate in the
State Convention of 1821 on the Franchise of Colored
Citizens--New York Colored Soldiery--Military
Convention in Syracuse, 1854--Extract from a Speech
of H. Garnet--Cyrus Clarke's victory at the ballot-box--J. M.
Whitfield--Statistical and other facts . . . . .
145-159

INTRODUCTION.

THE colored race have
been generally considered by their
enemies, and sometimes even by their friends, as deficient in energy
and courage. Their virtues have been supposed to be principally
negative ones. This little collection of interesting incidents, made by
a colored man, will redeem the character of the race from this
misconception, and show how much injustice there may often be in
a generally admitted idea.

In considering the
services of the Colored Patriots of the
Revolution, we are to reflect upon them as far more magnanimous,
because rendered to a nation which did not acknowledge them as
citizens and equals, and in whose interests and prosperity they had
less at stake. It was not for their own land they fought, not even
for a land which had adopted them, but
for a land which had enslaved them, and whose laws,
even in freedom, oftener oppressed than protected.
Bravery, under such circumstances, has a peculiar
beauty and merit.

It is to be hoped that the reading of these sketches will give new
self-respect and confidence to the race here represented. Let them
emulate the noble deeds and sentiments of their ancestors,
and feel that the dark skin can never be a badge of disgrace, while it has
been ennobled by such examples.

And their white brothers in reading may remember, that generosity, disinterested
courage and bravery, are of not particular race and complexion,
and that the image of the Heavenly Father may be reflected alike by all.
Each record of worth in this oppressed and despised should be pondered,
for it is by many such that the cruel and unjust public sentiment,
which has so long proscribed them, may be reversed, and full opportunities
given them to take rank among the nations of the earth.

INTRODUCTION TO PAMPHLET EDITION.

The following pages are an effort to stem the tide of prejudice
against the colored race. The white man despises the colored
man, and has come to think him fit only for the menial drudgery to
which the majority of the race has been so long doomed. "This
prejudice was never reasoned up and will never be reasoned down."
It must be lived down. In a land where wealth is the basis of reputation,
the colored man must prove his sagacity and enterprise by
successful trade or speculation. To show his capacity for mental
culture, he must BE, not merely claim the right to be, a scholar.
Professional eminence is peculiarly the result of practice and long
experience. The colored people, therefore, owe it to each other
and to their race to extend liberal encouragement to colored lawyers,
physicians, and teachers--as well as to mechanics and artisans
of all kinds. Let no individual despair. Not to name the living,
let me hold up the example of one whose career deserves to be
often spoken of, as complete proof that a colored man can rise to
social respect and the highest employment and usefulness, in spite
not only of the prejudice that crushes his race, but of the heaviest
personal burthens. Dr. DAVID RUGGLES, poor, blind, and an invalid,
founded a well-known Water-Cure Establishment in the town
where I write, erected expensive buildings, won honorable distinction
as a most successful and skillful practitioner, secured the warm
regard and esteem of this community, and left a name embalmed in
the hearts of many who feel that they owe life to his eminent skill
and careful practice. Black though he was, his aid was sought
sometimes by those numbered among the Pro-Slavery class. To be
sure, his is but a single instance, and I know it required preeminent
ability to make a way up to light through the overwhelming
mass of prejudice and contempt. But it is these rare cases of strong
will and eminent endowment,--always sure to make the world

feel them whether it will or no,--that will finally wring from a
contemptuous community the reluctant confession of the colored
man's equality.

I ask, therefore, the reader's patronage of the following sheets on
several grounds; first, as an encouragement to the author, Mr. NELL,
to pursue a subject which well deserves illustration on other points
beside those on which he has labored; secondly, to scatter
broadly as possible the facts here collected, as instances of the colored man's
success--a record of the genius he has shown, and the
services he has rendered society in the higher departments of exertion;
thirdly to encourage such men as RUGGLES to
perseverance, by showing a generous appreciation of their labors, and a cordial
sympathy in their trials.

Some things set down here go to prove colored men patriotic
though denied a country:--and all show a wish, on their part,
prove themselves men, in a land whose laws refuse to recognise their
manhood. If the reader shall, sometimes, blush to find that, in the days
of our country's weakness, we remembered their power to help or
harm us, and availed ourselves gladly of their gone services, while
we have, since, used our strength only to crush them the more
completely, let him resolve henceforth to do them justice himself
and claim it for them of others. If any shall be convinced by these
facts, that they need only a free path to show the same capacity
and reap the same rewards as other races, open every door to their
efforts, and hasten the day when to be black shall not, almost
necessarily, doom a man to poverty and the most menial drudgery.
There is touching eloquence, as well as something of Spartan
brevity, in the appeal of a well-known colored man, Rev. PETER
WILLIAMS, of New York:--"We are NATIVES Of this country: we ask
only to be treated as well as FOREIGNERS. Not a few of our fathers
suffered and bled to purchase its independence; we ask only to be
treated as well as those who fought against it. We
have toiled to cultivate it, and to raise it to its present prosperous
condition; we ask only to share equal privileges with those
who come from distant lands to enjoy the fruits of our labor."

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

IN the month of July, 1847, the eloquent Bard of Freedom, JOHN
G. WHITTIER, contributed to the National Era a statement of facts
relative to the Military Services of Colored Americans in the
Revolution of 1776, and the War of 1812. Being a member of the
Society of Friends, he disclaimed any eulogy upon the shedding of
blood, even in the cause of acknowledged justice, but, says he,
"when we see a whole nation doing honor to the
memories of one class of
its defenders, to the total neglect of another class, who had the
misfortune to be of darker complexion, we cannot forego the
satisfaction of inviting notice to certain historical facts, which, for
the last half century, have been quietly elbowed aside, as no more
deserving of a place in patriotic recollection, than the descendants
of the men, to whom the facts in question relate, have to a place in
a Fourth of July procession, [in the nation's estimation.] Of the
services and sufferings of the Colored Soldiers of the Revolution, no
attempt has, to our knowledge, been made to preserve a record.
They have had no historian. With here and there an exception,
they have all passed away, and only some faint traditions linger
among their descendants. Yet enough is known to show that the free
colored men of the United States bore their full proportion of the
sacrifices and trials of the Revolutionary War."

In my attempt, then, to rescue from oblivion the name and fame
of those who, though "tinged with the hated stain," yet had warm
hearts and active hands in the "times that tried men's souls," I
will first gratefully tender him my thanks for the service his
compilation has afforded me, and my acknowledgments also to
other individuals who have kindly contributed facts for this work.
Imperfect as these pages may prove, to prepare even these,
journeys have been made to confer with the living, and even
pilgrimages to grave-yards, to save all that may still be gleaned
from their fast disappearing records.

There is now an institution of learning in the State of New York,
(Central College,) where the chair of Professorship in Belles Lettres

has been filled by three colored young men, CHARLES L.
REASON, WILLIAM G. ALLEN, and GEORGE B. VASHON, each
of whom has worn the Professor's mantle gracefully, giving proof
of good scholarship and manly character.

These men, as teachers, especially in Colleges open to all, irrespective
of accidental differences, are doing a mighty work in
uprooting prejudice. The influences thus generated are already felt.
Many a young white man or woman who, in early life, has imbibed
wrong notions of the colored man's inferiority, is taught a new
lesson by the colored Professors at McGrawville; and they leave its
honored walls with thanksgiving in their hearts for their conversion
from pro-slavery heathenism to the Gospel of Christian Freedom,
and are thus prepared to go forth as pioneers in the cause of Human
Brotherhood.

But the Orator's voice and Author's pen have both been eloquent
in detailing the merits of Colored American, in these various
ramifications of society, while a combination of circumstances has
veiled from the public eye a narration of those military services
which are generally conceded as passports to the honorable and
lasting notice of Americans.*

* In 1852, Dr. M. R. DELANY published a work with special reference
to condition of the colored people in the United States.

I was born on Beacon Hill, and from early childhood, have loved
to visit the Eastern wing of the State House, and read the four
stones taken from the monument that once towered from its
summit. One contains the following inscription:--

"Americans, while from this eminence scenes of luxuriant
fertility, of flourishing commerce, and the abodes of social happiness,
meet your view, forget not those who by their exertions have secured
to you these blessings."

These words became indelibly impressed upon my mind, and have
contributed their share in the production of this book, which, like
the labors of "Old Mortality," rendered immortal by the genius of
Scott, I humbly trust will deepen in the heart and conscience of this
nation the sense of justice, that will ere long manifest itself in deeds
worthy a people who, "free themselves," should be "foremost to
make free."

OMISSION.

The following brief account of the organization of a colored
military company in Boston, accidentally omitted from the body of
this work, is inserted here, (though somewhat out of place,) as a
matter too important to be overlooked in a book of this character:--

The "Massasoit Guards," a military company originating among
some of the colored citizens of Boston, having been refused a loan
of State arms, have equipped themselves in preparation for
volunteer service. They do not wish to be considered a caste
company, and hence invite to their ranks any citizens of good
moral character who may wish to enrol their names.

Many query, "Why call themselves 'Massasoit Guards?' why
not 'Attucks' Guards,' after one of their own race, and the first
martyr of American Independence, on the 5th of March, 1770?

Perhaps, as the name of Attucks has been already appropriated by
colored military companies in New York and Cincinnati, they
accepted Massasoit as their patron saint. He was one of those Indian
chiefs, who, in early colonial times, proved himself signally friendly
to the interests of the Old Bay State. Their pride of loyalty may
have prompted the choice, though we believe a better selection
could have been made. Still, if they are satisfied, the preferences of
others are superfluous.

We earnestly hope they will revive the efforts for erasing the
word white from the military clause in the statute-book, for, until
that is accomplished, their manhood and citizenship are under
proscription.

ERRATA.

Page 19, in the sentence from Mr. Parker, read Crispus for Christopher.

the memory of CRISPUS ATTUCKS, the first martyr in the
Boston Massacre of March 5th, 1770:--

To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the
State of Massachusetts, in General Court assembled:

The undersigned, citizens of Boston, respectfully ask that an
appropriation of fifteen hundred dollars may be made by your Honorable
Body, for a monument to be erected to the memory of CRISPUS ATTUCKS,
the first martyr of the American Revolution.

This petition was referred to the Committee on Military
Affairs, who granted a bearing to the petitioners, in whose
behalf appeared Wendell Phillips, Esq., and William C.
Nell, but finally submitted an adverse report, on the ground
that a boy, Christopher Snyder, was previously killed. Admitting
this fact, (which was the result of a very different
scene from that in which Attucks fell,) it does not offset the
claims of Attucks, and those who made the 5th of March
famous in our annals the day which history selects as the
dawn of the American Revolution.

Botta's History, and Hewes's Reminiscences (the tea party
survivor), establish the fact that the colored man, ATTUCKS,

Botta, in speaking of the scenes of the 5th of March,
says:--"The people were greatly exasperated. The multitude
ran towards King street, crying, 'Let us drive out
these ribalds; they have no business here!' The rioters
rushed furiously towards the Custom House; they approached
the sentinel, crying, 'Kill him, kill him!' They
assaulted him with snowballs, pieces of ice, and whatever
they could lay their hands upon. The guard were then
called, and, in marching to the Custom House, they
encountered," continues Botta, "a band of the populace,
led by a mulatto named ATTUCKS, who brandished their
clubs, and pelted them with snowballs. The maledictions,
the imprecations, the execrations of the multitude, were
horrible. In the midst of a torrent of invective from every
quarter, the military were challenged to fire. The populace
advanced to the points of their bayonets. The soldiers appeared
like statues; the cries, the howlings, the menaces,
the violent din of bells still sounding the alarm, increased
the confusion and the horrors of these moments; at length,
the mulatto and twelve of his companions, pressing forward,
environed the soldiers, and striking their muskets with their
clubs, cried to the multitude: 'Be not afraid; they dare
not fire: why do you hesitate, why do you not kill them,
why not crush them at once?' The mulatto lifted his arm
against Capt. Preston, and having turned one of the muskets,
he seized the bayonet with his left hand, as if he intended

to execute his threat. At this moment, confused cries were
heard: 'The wretches dare not fire!' Firing succeeds.
ATTUCKS is slain. The other discharges follow. Three
were killed, five severely wounded, and several others
slightly."

ATTUCKS had formed the patriots in Dock Square, from
whence they marched up King street, passing through the
street up to the main guard, in order to make the attack.

ATTUCKS was killed by Montgomery, one of Capt. Preston's
soldiers. He had been foremost in resisting, and was
first slain. As proof of a front engagement, he received
two balls, one in each breast.

John Adams, counsel for the soldiers, admitted that Attucks
appeared to have undertaken to be the hero of the
night, and to lead the people. He and Caldwell, not being
residents of Boston, were both buried from Faneuil Hall.
The citizens generally participated in the solemnities.

The Boston Transcript of March 7, 1851, published an
anonymous communication, disparaging the whole affair;
denouncing CRISPUS ATTUCKS as a very firebrand of disorder
and sedition, the most conspicuous, inflammatory, and uproarious
of the misguided populace, and who, if he had not
fallen a martyr, would richly have deserved hanging as an
incendiary.* If the leader, ATTUCKS, deserved the epithets
above applied, is it not a legitimate inference, that the citizens
who followed on are included, and hence should swing
in his company on the gallows? If the leader and his patriot

* The Transcript of March 5th, 1855, honorably alludes to CRISPUS ATTUCKS.

band were misguided, the distinguished orators who, in
after days, commemorated the 5th of March, must, indeed,
have been misguided, and with them, the masses who were
inspired by their eloquence; for John Hancock, in 1774,
invokes the injured shades of Maverick, Gray, Caldwell,
ATTUCKS, Carr; and Judge Dawes, in 1775, thus alludes to
the band of "misguided incendiaries":--"The provocation
of that night must be numbered among the master-springs
which gave the first motion to a vast machinery,--a noble
and comprehensive system of national independence."

Ramsay's History of the American Revolution, Vol. I.,
p. 22, says--"The anniversary of the 5th of March was
observed with great solemnity; eloquent orators were successively
employed to preserve the remembrance of it fresh
in the mind. On these occasions, the blessings of liberty,
the horrors of slavery, and the danger of a standing
army, were presented to the public view. These annual
orations administered fuel to the fire of liberty, and kept it
burning with an irresistible flame."

The 5th of March continued to be celebrated for the
above reasons, until the Anniversary of the Declaration of
American Independence was substituted in its place; and
its orators were expected to honor the feelings and principles
of the former as having given birth to the latter.

On the 5th of March, 1776, Washington repaired to the
intrenchments. "Remember," said he, "it is the 5th of
March, and avenge the death of your brethren!"

the American Revolution, we should not take counsel from
the Tories of that or the present day, but rather heed the
approving eulogy of Lovell, Hancock, and Warren.

Welcome, then, be every taunt that such correspondents
may fling at ATTUCKS and his company, as the best evidence
of their merits and their strong claim upon our gratitude!
Envy and the foe do not labor to traduce any but
prominent champions of a cause.

The rejection of the petition was to be expected, if we
accept the axiom that a colored man never gets justice done
him in the United States, except by mistake. The petitioners only
asked for justice, and that the name of CRISPUS
ATTUCKS might be honored as a grateful country honors
other gallant Americans.

And yet, let it be recorded, the same session of the Legislature
which had refused the ATTUCKS monument, granted
one to ISAAC DAVIS, of Concord. Both were promoters of
the American Revolution, but one was white, the other
was black; and this is the only solution to the problem why
justice was not fairly meted out.

In April, 1851, Thomas Sims, a fugitive slave from
Georgia, was returned to bondage from the city of Boston,
and on Friday, June 2d, 1854, Anthony Burns, a fugitive
from Virginia, was dragged back to slavery,--both marching
over the very ground that ATTUCKS trod. Among the
allusions to the man, and the associations clustering around
King street of the past and State street of the present, the
following are selected. The first is from a speech of the

"The conquering of our New England prejudices in favor of
liberty 'does not pay.' It 'does not pay,' I submit, to plat our fellow-citizens
under practical martial law; to beat the drum in our
streets; to clothe our temples of justice in chains, and to creep
along, by the light of the morning star, over the ground wet with
the blood of CRISPUS ATTUCKS, the noble colored man, who fell in
King street before the muskets of tyranny, away in the dawn
of our Revolution; creep by Faneuil Hall, silent and dark; by
the Green Dragon, where that noble mechanic, Paul Revere,
once mustered the sons of liberty; within sight of Bunker Hill,
where was first unfurled the glorious banner of our country; creep
along, with funeral pace, bearing a brother, a man made in the
image of God, not to the grave,--O, that were merciful, for in the
grave there is no work and no device, and the voice of a master
never comes,--but back to the degradation of a slavery which kills
out of a living body an immortal soul. O, where is the man now,
who took part in that mournful transaction, who would wish, looking
back upon it, to avow it!"

"Thousands of agitated people came out to see the preacher
[Burns] led off to slavery, over the spot where Hancock stood and
ATTUCKS fell."*

* Worcester Spy.

"And at high 'change, over the spot where, on the 5th of March,
1770, fell the first victim in the Boston Massacre,--where the negro
blood of CHRISTOPHER ATTUCKS stained the ground,--over that
spot, Boston authorities carried a citizen of Massachusetts to Alexandria
as a slave."**

"A short distance from that sacred edifice, [Faneuil Hall,] and
between it and the Court House, where the disgusting rites of sacrificing
a human being to slavery were lately performed, was the
spot which was first moistened with American blood in resisting
slavery, and among the first victims was a colored person."*

* Hon. CHARLES SUMNER'S Speech in Congress, June 28,1854.

"Nearly all those who had watched the trial of poor Burns, who
heard his doom, saw the slave-guard march from the Court House,
that had been closed so long, through State street, swept as if by a
pestilence, down to the vessel that, under our flag, bore him out of
the Bay the Pilgrims entered, into captivity, would rather have
looked on a funeral procession, rather have heard the rattling of
British guns again . . . . . Sad, shocking, was the sight of the
harmless, innocent victim of all that mighty machinery, as he
passed down Queen's street and King's street, all hung in mourning.
Better to have seen the halter and the coffin for a criminal
again paraded through our streets, than the cutlasses and the cannon
for him. As he went down to the dock into which the tea was
thrown, the spirits that lingered about the spots he passed vanished
and fled, whilst dire and frightful images arose in their place."**

Speech of CHARLES M. ELLIS, (one of Burns' counsel,) July, 1854.

HENRY HILL, a colored man, and a Revolutionary Soldier,
died in Chilicothe, on the 12th of August, 1833, aged
eighty years. He was buried with the honors of war,--a
singular tribute of respect to the memory of a colored man,
but no doubt richly merited in this case. Henry, I should
infer from an obituary notice in the Chilicothe Advertiser,
was at the battle of Lexington, Brandywine, Monmouth,
Princeton, and Yorktown.

Swett, in his "Sketches of Bunker Hill Battle," alludes to the
presence of a colored man in that fight. He says:--
"Major Pitcairn caused the first effusion of blood at Lexington.
In that battle, his horse was shot under him, while he was
separated from his troops. With presence of mind, he feigned
himself slain; his pistols were taken from his holsters, and he
was left for dead, when he seized the opportunity, and escaped.
He appeared at Bunker Hill, and, says the historian, 'Among
those who mounted the works was the gallant Major Pitcairn,
who exultingly cried out, "The day is ours!" when a black
soldier named SALEM shot him through, and he fell. His
agonized son received him in his arms, and tenderly bore him to
the boats.' A contribution was made in the army for the colored
soldier, and he was presented to Washington as having
performed this feat."*

*In some engravings of the battle, this colored soldier occupies a prominent
position; but in more recent editions, his figure is non est inventus.
A significant, but inglorious omission. On some bills, however, of the
Monumental Bank, Charlestown, and Freeman's Bank, Boston, his
presence is manifest.

Besides SALEM, there were quite a number of colored
soldiers at Bunker Hill. Among them, TITUS COBURN,
ALEXANDER AMES, and BARZILAI LEW, all of Andover;
and also CATO HOWE, of Plymouth,--each of whom received
a pension. Lew was a fifer. His daughter, Mrs. Dalton, now lives
within a few rods of the battle field.

SEYMOUR BURR was a slave in Connecticut, to a brother of
Col. Aaron Burr, from whom he derived his name. Though
treated with much favor by his master, his heart

yearned for liberty, and he seized an occasion to induce
several of his fellow slaves to escape in a boat, intending to
join the British, that they might become freemen; but being
pursued by their owners, armed with the implements of
death, they were compelled to surrender.

Burr's master, contrary to his expectation, did not inflict
corporeal punishment, but reminded him of the kindness
with which he had been treated, and asked what inducement
he could have for leaving him. Burr replied, that he wanted
his liberty. His owner finally proposed, that if he would
give him the bounty money, he might join the American
army, and at the end of the war be his own man. Burr,
willing to make any sacrifice for his liberty, consented, and
served faithfully during the campaign, attached to the Seventh
Regiment, commanded by Colonel, afterwards Governor
Brooks, of Medford. He was present at the siege of
Fort Catskill, and endured much suffering from starvation
and cold. After some skirmishing, the army was relieved
by the arrival of Gen. Washington, who, as witnessed by
him, shed tears of joy on finding them unexpectedly safe.

Burr married one of the Punkapog tribe of Indians, and
settled in Canton, Mass. He received a pension from Government.
His widow died in 1852, aged over one hundred
years.

JEREMY JONAH served in the same Regiment, (Col.
Brooks's,) at the same time with Seymour Burr. The two
veterans used to make merry together in recounting their
military adventures, especially the drill on one occasion,

when Jonah stumbled over a stone heap; for which he was
severely caned by the Colonel. He drew a pension.

LEMUEL BURR, (grandson of Seymour,) a resident of
Boston, often speaks of their reminiscences of DEBORAH
GANNETT. In confirmation of this part of their history, I
give the following extract from the Resolves of the General
court of Massachusetts during the session of 1791:--

XXIII.--Resolve on the petition of DEBORAH GANNETT, granting
her £34 for services in the Continental Army. January 20,1792.

On the petition of DEBORAH GANNETT, praying for compensation
for services performed in the late army of the United States:

Whereas, it appears to this Court that the said DEBORAH GANNETT
enlisted, under the name of Robert Shurtliff, in Capt. Webb's company,
in the 4th Massachusetts Regiment, on May 20th, 1782, and
did actually perform the duty of a soldier, in the late army of the
United States, to the 23d day of October, 1783, for which she has
received no compensation; and, whereas, it further appears that the
said Deborah exhibited an extraordinary instance of female heroism,
by discharging the duties of a faithful gallant soldier, and at the
same time preserving the virtue and chastity of her sex unsuspected
and unblemished, and was discharged from the service with a fair
and honorable character; therefore,

Resolved, That the Treasurer of this Commonwealth be, and he
hereby is, directed to issue his note to the said Deborah for the sum
of thirty four pounds, bearing interest from Oct. 23, 1783.

Joshua B. Smith has stated to me that he was present at
a company of distinguished Massachusetts men, when the
conversation turned upon the exploits of Revolutionary
times; and that the late Judge Story related an incident of

a colored Artillerist who, while having charge of a cannon
with a white fellow soldier, was wounded in one arm. He
immediately turned to his comrade, and proposed changing
his position, exclaiming that he had yet one arm left with
which he could render some service to his country. The
change proved fatal to the heroic soldier, for another shot
from the enemy killed him upon the spot. Judge Story
furnished other incidents of the bravery of colored soldiers,
adding, that he had often thought them and their descendants
too much neglected, considering the part they had
sustained in the wars; and he regretted that he did not, in
early life, gather the facts into a shape for general information.

The late Governor Eustis, of Massachusetts, the pride and
boast of the Democracy of the East, himself an active participant
in the war, and therefore a most competent witness,
states that the free colored soldiers entered the ranks with
the whites. The time of those who were slaves was purchased
of their masters, and they were induced to enter the
service in consequence of a law of Congress, by which, on
condition of their serving in the ranks during the war, they
were made freemen. This hope of liberty inspired them
with fresh courage to oppose their breasts to the Hessian
bayonet at Red Bank, and enabled them to endure with
fortitude the cold and famine of Valley Forge.

At the close of the Revolutionary War, John Hancock
presented the colored company, called "the Bucks of
America," with an appropriate banner, bearing his initials,

as a tribute to their courage and devotion throughout the
struggle. The "Bucks," under the command of Colonel
Middleton, were invited to a collation in a neighboring
town, and, en route, were requested to halt in front of the
Hancock Mansion, in Beacon street, where the Governor
and his son united in the above presentation.

LYDIA MARIA CHILD gives the following sketch of Col.
MIDDLETON, commander of the "Bucks":--

"Col. Middleton was not a very good specimen of the
colored man. He was an old horse-breaker, who owned a
house that he inhabited at the head of Belknap street. He
was greatly respected by his own people, and his house was
thronged with company. His morals were questioned,--
he was passionate, intemperate, and profane. We lived
opposite to him for five years; during all this time, my
father treated this old negro with uniform kindness. He
had a natural compassion for the ignorant and the oppressed,
and I never knew him fail to lift his hat to this old
neighbor, and audibly say, with much suavity, 'How do you
do, Col. Middleton?' or 'Good morning, colonel.' My
father would listen to the dissonant sounds that came from
an old violin that the colonel played on every summer's
evening, and was greatly amused at his power in subduing
mettlesome colts. He would walk over and compliment
the colonel on his skill in his hazardous employment, and
the colonel would, when thus praised, urge the untamed
animal to some fearful caper, to show off his own bold

daring. Our negroes, for many years, were allowed peaceably
to celebrate the abolition of the slave trade; but it
became a frolic with the white boys to deride them on this
day, and finally, they determined to drive them, on these
occasions, from the Common. The colored people became
greatly incensed by this mockery of their festival, and this
infringement of their liberty, and a rumor reached us, on
one of these anniversaries, that they were determined to
resist the whites, and were going armed, with this intention.
About three o'clock in the afternoon, a shout of a beginning
fray reached us. Soon, terrified children and women ran
down Belknap street, pursued by white boys, who enjoyed
their fright. The sounds of battle approached; clubs and
brickbats were flying in all directions. At this crisis, Col.
Middleton opened his door, armed with a loaded musket,
and, in a loud voice, shrieked death to the first white who
should approach. Hundreds of human beings, white and
black, were pouring down the street, the blacks making but
a feeble resistance, the odds in numbers and spirit being
against them. Col. Middleton's voice could be heard above
every other, urging his party to turn and resist to the last.
His appearance was terrific, his musket was levelled, ready
to sacrifice the first white man that came within its range.
The colored party, shamed by his reproaches, and fired by
his example, rallied, and made a short show of resistance.
Capt. Winslow Lewis and my father determined to try and
quell this tumult. Capt. Lewis valiantly grappled with the

ringleaders of the whites, and my father coolly surveyed
the scene from his own door, and instantly determined what
to do. He calmly approached Col. Middleton, who called
to him to stop, or he was a dead man! I can see my
father at this distance of time, and never can forget the
feelings his family expressed, as they saw him still approach
this armed man. He put aside his musket, and,
with his countenance all serenity, said a few soothing words
to the colonel, who burst into tears, put up his musket, and,
with great emotion, exclaimed, loud enough for us to hear
across the street, 'I will do it for you, for you have always
been kind to me,' and retired into his own house, and shut
his door upon the scene."

When a boy, living in West Boston, I was familiar with
the person of "Big Dick," and have heard the following
account of him (which is taken from the Boston Patriot)
confirmed. It is not wholly out of place in this collection.
"RICHARD SEAVERS," said that journal, a few days after his
decease, "was a man of mighty mould." A short time
previous to his death, be measured six feet five inches in
height, and attracted much attention when seen in the street.
He was born in Salem, or vicinity, and when about sixteen
years old, went to England, where he entered the British
navy. When the war of 1812 broke out, be would not
fight against his country, gave himself up as an American
citizen, and was made a prisoner of war.

"A surgeon on board an American privateer, who experienced
the tender mercies of the British Government in

Dartmoor prison, during the War of 1812, makes honorable
mention of "King Dick," as be was there called:--

" 'There are about four hundred and fifty negroes in prison No.
4, and this assemblage of blacks affords many curious anecdotes,
and much matter for speculation. These blacks have a ruler among
them, whom they call King Dick. He is by far the largest, and, I
suspect, the strongest man in the prison. He is six feet five inches
in height, and proportionably large. This black Hercules commands
respect, and his subjects tremble in his presence. He goes
the rounds every day, and visits every berth to see if they are all
kept clean. When he goes the rounds, he puts on a large bearskin
cap, and carries in his hand a huge club. If any of his men are
dirty, drunken, or grossly negligent, he threatens them with a
beating; and if they are saucy, they are sure to receive one. They
have several times conspired against him, and attempted to dethrone
him, but he has always conquered the rebels. One night, several
attacked him, while asleep in his hammock; he sprang up and
seized the smallest of them by his feet, and thumped another with
him. The poor negro who had thus been made a beetle of was
carried next day to the hospital, sadly bruised, and provokingly
laughed at. This ruler of the blacks, this King Richard IV.; is a
man of good understanding, and he exercises it to a good purpose.
If any one of his color cheats, defrauds, or steals from his comrades,
he is sure to be punished for it.' "

CHARLES BOWLES, (says his biographer, Rev. John W.
Lewis,) "was born in Boston, 1761. His father was an
African; his mother was a daughter of the celebrated Col.
Morgan, who was distinguished as an officer in the Rifle
Corps of the American army, during the revolutionary
struggle for independence. At the early age of twelve, he

was placed in the family of a Tory; but his young heart
did not fancy his new situation, for at the tender age of
fourteen, we find him serving in the colonial army, in the
capacity of waiter to an officer. He remained in this situation
for two years, and then enlisted,--a mere boy,--in
the American army, to risk his life in defence of the holy
cause of liberty. He served during the entire war, after
which he went to New Hampshire, and engaged in agricultural
pursuits. He succeeded in drawing a pension, became
a Baptist preacher, and died March 16, 1843, aged 82."

PRIMUS HALL, a native Bostonian, was the son of Prince
Hall, founder of the Masonic Lodge of that name in Boston.
Primus Hall was long known to the citizens as a soap-boiler.
Besides his revolutionary services, be was among
those who, in the war of 1812, repaired to Castle Island, in
Boston Harbor, to assist in building fortifications.

The following anecdote of Primus is extracted from
Godey's Lady's Book for June, 1849, to which it was communicated
by Rev. HENRY F. HARRINGTON:--

"Throughout the Revolutionary War, PRIMUS HALL was
the body servant of Col. PICKERING, of Massachusetts. He
was free and communicative, and, delighted to sit down with
an interested listener and pour out those stores of absorbing
and exciting anecdotes with which his memory was stored.

"It is well known that there was no officer in the whole
American army whose memory was dearer to WASHINGTON,
and whose counsel was more esteemed by him, than that of
the honest and patriotic Col. PICKERING. He was on intimate

terms with him, and unbosomed himself to him with
as little reserve as, perhaps, to any confidant in the army.
Whenever he was stationed within such a distance as to
admit of it, he passed many hours with the Colonel, consulting
him upon anticipated measures, and delighting in his
reciprocated friendship.

"WASHINGTON was, therefore, often brought into contact
with the servant of Col. PICKERING, the departed PRIMUS.
An opportunity was afforded to the negro to note him,
under circumstances very different from those in which he
is usually brought before the public, and which possess,
therefore, a striking charm. I remember two of these anecdotes
from the mouth of PRIMUS. One of them is very
slight, indeed, yet so peculiar as to be replete with interest.
The authenticity of both may be fully relied upon.

"WASHINGTON once came to Col. PICKERING'S quarters,
and found him absent.

" 'It is no matter,' said he to PRIMUS 'I am greatly in
need of exercise. You must help me to get some before
your master returns.'

Under WASHINGTON'S directions, the negro busied himself
in some simple preparations. A stake was driven into
the ground about breast high, a rope tied to it, and then
PRIMUS was desired to stand at some distance and hold it
horizontally extended. The boys, the country over, are
familiar with this plan of getting sport. With true boyish
zest, WASHINGTON ran forwards and backwards for some
time, jumping over the rope as he came and went, until he
expressed himself satisfied with the 'exercise.'

"Repeatedly afterwards, when a favorable opportunity
offered, he would say--'Come, PRIMUS, I am in need of
exercise;' whereat the negro would drive down the stake,
and WASHINGTON would jump over the rope until he had
exerted himself to his content.

"On the second occasion, the great General was engaged
in earnest consultation with Col. PICKERING in his tent until
after the night had fairly set in. Head-quarters were at a
considerable distance, and WASHINGTON signified his preference
to staying with the Colonel over night, provided he
had a spare blanket and straw.

"O, yes,' said PRIMUS, who was appealed to; 'plenty
of straw and blankets--plenty.'

"Upon this assurance, WASHINGTON continued his conference
with, the Colonel until it was time to retire to rest.
Two humble beds were spread, side by side, in the tent,
and the officers laid themselves down, while PRIMUS seemed
to be busy with duties that required his attention before he
himself could sleep. He worked, or appeared to work,
until the breathing of the prostrate gentlemen satisfied him
that they were sleeping; and then, seating himself upon a
box or stool, he leaned his head on his hands to obtain such
repose as so inconvenient a position would allow. In the
middle of the night, WASHINGTON awoke. He looked about,
and descried the negro as he sat. He gazed at him awhile,
and then spoke.

"WASHINGTON rose up in his bed, 'PRIMUS,' said he,
'what did you mean by saying that you had blankets and
straw enough? Here you have given up your blanket and
straw to me, that I may sleep comfortably, while you are
obliged to sit through the night.'

" 'It's nothing, General,' said PRIMUS. 'It's nothing.
I'm well enough. Don't trouble yourself about me, General,
but go to sleep again. No matter about me. I sleep
very good.'

" 'But it is matter--it is matter,' said WASHINGTON,
earnestly. 'I cannot do it, PRIMUS. If either is to sit up,
I will. But I think there is no need of either sitting up.
The blanket is wide enough for two. Come and lie down
here with me.'

" 'O, no, General!' said PRIMUS, starting, and protesting
against the proposition. 'No; let me sit here. I'll do
very well on the stool.'

" 'I say, come and lie down here!' said WASHINGTON,
authoritatively. 'There is room for both, and I insist upon
it!'

He threw open the blanket as be spoke, and moved to
one side of the straw. PRIMUS professes to have been exceedingly
shocked at the idea of lying under the same
covering with the commander-in-chief, but his tone was so
resolute and determined that he could not hesitate. He
prepared himself, therefore, and laid himself down by
WASHINGTON, and on the same straw, and under the same
blanket, the General and the negro servant slept until
morning."

JAMES EASTON, of Bridgewater, was one who participated
in the erection of the fortifications on Dorchester
Heights, under command of Washington, which the next
morning so greatly surprised the British soldiers then encamped
in Boston.

Mr. Easton was a manufacturing blacksmith, and his
forge and nail factory, where were also made edge tools
and anchors, was extensively known, for its superiority of
workmanship. Much of the iron work for the Tremont
Theatre and Boston Marine Railway was executed under
his supervision. Mr. Easton was self-educated. When a
young man, stipulating for work, he always provided for
chances of evening study. He was welcome to the
business circles of Boston as a man of strict integrity,
and the many who resorted to him for advice in complicated
matters styled him "the Black Lawyer." His sons,
Caleb, Joshua, Sylvanus, and Hosea, inherited his mechanical
genius and mental ability.

The family were victims, however, to the spirit of color-phobia,
then rampant in New England, and were persecuted
even to the dragging out of some of the family from the
Orthodox Church, in which, on its enlargement, a porch had
been erected, exclusively for colored people. After this
disgraceful occurrence, the Easton's left the church. They
afterwards purchased a pew in the Baptist church at
Stoughton Corner, which excited a great deal of indignation.
Not succeeding in their attempt to have the bargain
cancelled, the people tarred the pew. The next Sunday,

the family carried seats in the waggon. The pew was then
pulled down; but the family sat in the aisle. These indignities
were continued until the separation of the family.

HOSEA EASTON published a Treatise on the Intellectual
Condition of the Colored People, in which was shown the
heart of a philanthropist and the head of a philosopher. His
work did great execution among those who proclaim the
innate inferiority of colored men. Here is a chapter from
his experience:--

"I, as an individual, have had a sufficient opportunity to know
something about prejudice and its destructive effects. At an early
period of my life, I was extensively engaged in mechanism, associated
with a number of other colored men, of master spirits and
great minds. The enterprise was followed for about twenty years
perseveringly, in direct opposition to public sentiment and the tide
of popular prejudice. So intent were the parties in carrying out the
principles of intelligent, active freemen, that they sacrificed every
thought of comfort and ease to the object. The most rigid economy
was adhered to, at home and abroad. A regular school was established
for the youth, connected with the factory; the rules of
morality were supported with surprising assiduity, and ardent
spirits found no place in the establishment. After the expenditure
of this vast amount of labor and time, together with many thousands
of dollars, the enterprise ended in a total failure. By reason
of the repeated surges of the tide of prejudice, the establishment,
like a ship in a boisterous hurricane at sea, went beneath the
waves,-- richly laden, well manned and well managed, sank to rise
no more. It fell, and with it fell the hearts of several of its projectors
in despair, and their bodies into their graves."

QUACK MATRICK, of Stoughton Corner, was a regular
Revolutionary soldier, and drew a pension.

JOB LEWIS, of Lancaster, (formerly a slave,) enlisted for
two terms of three years each; and a third time for the
remainder of the war. He died in November, 1797. His
Son, JOEL W. LEWIS, when a boy, was very persevering in
study, and as he depended mainly upon himself, when away
from a brief country school term, busied himself for seven
weeks in solving one complicated lesson in arithmetic.
Mr. Lewis is now proprietor of an extensive blacksmithing
establishment in Boston, where he gives employment to
several white and colored mechanics.

PRINCE RICHARDS, of East Bridgewater, was a pensioned
Revolutionary soldier. While a slave, he learned to write
with a charred stick; thus evincing a burning desire to improve,
even against the command of his self-styled owner.

PHILIP ANDREWS, a colored man, was drowned in Ludlow,
on the 30th of May, 1842. He was over eighty years
of age. He was the servant of a captain of the British
army, in the Revolution, and, at the age of sixteen, deserted
to the American army, and has remained in this country
ever since.

JACK GROVE, of Portland, while steward of a brig, sailing
from the West Indies to Portland, in 1812, was taken by a
French vessel, whose commander placed a guard on board.
Jack urged his commander to make an effort to retake
the vessel, but the captain saw no hope. Says Jack, "Captain
McLellan, I can take her, if you will let me go ahead."

The captain checked him, warning him not to lisp such a
word,--there was danger in it; but Jack, disappointed
though not daunted, rallied the men on his own hook.
Captain McLellan and the rest, inspired by his example,
finally joined them, and the attempt resulted in victory.
They weighed anchor, and took the vessel into Portland.
The owners of the brig offered Jack fifty hogsheads of
molasses for his valor and patriotism, but Jack demanded
one half of the brig, which being denied him, he commenced
a suit, engaging two Boston lawyers in his behalf.
I have not been able to learn how the case was decided, if,
indeed, a decision has yet been made.

BOSSON WRIGHT resided in Massachusetts upwards of
eighty years, and could well remember when the British
burned the town of Portland. He assisted in building two
of the Forts, and parted with two of his companions on their
way to join the American army. He was a tax-payer for
more than fifty years.

Bosson said that one Mayberry, a slave from Gorham,
saw a British sailor in the act of setting fire to the old
Parish church, (now the First Parish in Portland,) when he
(Mayberry) seized him, and carried him before the leading
men, who, being Tories, ordered the sailor's discharge.

Being one afternoon on a sailing excursion down Portland
harbor, Bosson directed attention to the Fort as not being
properly located, indicating the spot which he would have
selected. Some years after, when President Munroe visited
the Eastern States, the same observation was made by him,

One of his acquaintances, a colored soldier at the Battle
of Saratoga, walked up, quite elated, to Cornwallis, after
his surrender, saying:--"You used to be named Cornwallis,
but it is Corn-wallis no longer; it must now be Cob-wallis,
for General Washington has shelled off all the corn."

COLONIAL REMINISCENCES.

Extract from the Speech of Hon. CHARLES SUMNER, of Massachusetts,
in reply to Senator Butler, of South Carolina, in the
Senate of the United States, June, 28, 1854.

"Sir, slavery never flourished in Massachusetts; nor did it
ever prevail there at any time, even in early colonial days,
to such a degree as to be a distinctive feature in her powerful
civilization. Her few slaves were merely for a term of
years, or for life. If, in point of fact, their issue was, sometimes
held in bondage, it was never by sanction, of any
statute law of Colony or Commonwealth. (Lanesboro' vs.
Westfield, 16 Mass., 73.) In all her annals, no person was
ever born a slave on the soil of Massachusetts. This of
itself is a response to, the imputation of the Senator.

as 1646, shows her sensibility on this subject. A Boston
ship had brought home two negroes, seized on the coast of
Guinea. Thus spoke Massachusetts:--

" 'The General Court, conceiving themselves bound by the first
opportunity to bear witness against the heinous and crying sin of
man-stealing, also, to prescribe such timely redress for what is past,
and such a law for the future as may sufficiently deter all those belonging
to us to have to do in such vile and most odious conduct, justly
abhorred of all good and just men, do order that the negro interpreter,
with others unlawfully taken, be, by the first opportunity, at
the charge of the country, for the present, sent to his native country
of Guinea, and a letter with him of the indignation of the Court
thereabout and justice thereof.' "

"The Colony that could issue this noble decree was inconsistent
with itself, when it allowed its rocky face to be
pressed by the footsteps of a single slave. But a righteous
public opinion earnestly and constantly set its face against
slavery. As early as 1701, a vote was entered upon the
records of Boston to the following effect:--'The Representatives
are desired to promote the encouraging the bringing
of white servants, and to put a period to negroes being
slaves.' Perhaps, in all history, this is the earliest testimony
from any official body against negro slavery, and I
thank God that it came from Boston, my native town. In
1705, a heavy duty was imposed upon every negro imported
into the province; in 1712, the importation of Indians as
servants or slaves was strictly forbidden, but the general

subject of slavery attracted little attention till the beginning
of the controversy which ended in the Revolution, when
the rights of the blacks were blended by all true patriots
with those of the whites. Sparing all unnecessary details,
suffice it to say, that, as early as 1769, one of the courts of
Massachusetts, anticipating, by several years, the renowned
judgment in Somersett's case, established within its jurisdiction
the principle of emancipation; and under its touch of
magic power, changed a slave into a freeman. Similar
decisions followed in other places."

An author, who signs himself "Old Style Freeman,"
says that "the contest commenced in 1761, in the town of
Boston, in the old court-house, in the masterly speech of
James Otis against the writs of assistance. He boldly
asserted the rights, not only of the white, but of the black
man . . . . Our colonial charters make no difference
between black and white colonists.

"Massachusetts passed resolutions, in 1764, in which the
rights of all the colonists were declared, without respect to
mark or color, and James Otis, under the sanction of the
House of Representatives, published his work on the Rights
of the British Colonies, in which it was 'declared that all the
colonists are, by the law of nature, 'freeborn, as, indeed, all
men are, white or black; nor can any logical inference
in aid of slavery,' said Otis, 'be drawn from a flat nose or
a long or short face.' "

the General Court, which was read, and referred to the
next session:--

PETITION OF SLAVES IN BOSTON.

PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

To His Excellency, Thomas Hutchinson, Esq., Governor:--

To the Honorable, His Majesty's Council, and to the Honorable
House of Representatives, in general court assembled at Boston, the
6th day of January, 1773:--The humble petition of many slaves
living in the town of Boston, and other towns in the province, is
this, namely:--

That Your Excellency and Honors, and the Honorable the Representatives,
would be pleased to take their unhappy state and condition
under your wise and just consideration.

We desire to bless God, who loves mankind, who sent his Son to
die for their salvation, and who is no respecter of persons, that he
hath lately put it into the hearts of multitudes, on both sides of the
water, to bear our burthens, some of whom are men of great note
and influence, who have pleaded our cause with arguments, which
we hope will have their weight with this Honorable Court.

We presume not to dictate to Your Excellency and Honors, being
willing to rest our cause on your humanity and justice, yet
would beg leave to say a word or two on the subject.

Although some of the negroes are vicious, (who, doubtless, may
be punished and restrained by the same laws which are in force
against others of the King's subjects,) there are many others of a
quite different character, and who, if made free, would soon be able,
as well as willing, to bear a part in the public charges. Many of
them, of good natural parts, are discreet, sober, honest and industrious;
and may it not be said of many, that they are virtuous and
religious, although their condition is in itself so unfriendly to religion,

and every moral virtue, except patience? How many of that
number have there been, and now are, in this province, who had
every day of their lives embittered with this most intolerable reflection,
that, let their behavior be what it will, neither they nor their
children, to all generations, shall ever be able to do or to possess
and enjoy any thing--no, not even life itself--but in a manner as
the beasts that perish!

We have no property! we have no wives! we have no children!
we have no city! no country! But we have a Father in heaven,
and we are determined, as far as his grace shall enable us, and as far
as our degraded condition and contemptuous life will admit, to keep
all his commandments; especially will we be obedient to our masters,
so long as God, in his sovereign providence, shall suffer us to
be holden in bondage.

It would be impudent, if not presumptuous, in us to suggest to
Your Excellency and Honors, any law or laws proper to be made in
relation to our unhappy state, which, although our greatest unhappiness,
is not our fault; and this gives us great encouragement to
pray and hope for such relief as is consistent with your wisdom,
justice and goodness.

We think ourselves very happy, that we may thus address the
great and general court of this province, which great and good
court is to us the best judge, under God, of what is wise, just and
good.

We humbly beg leave to add but this one thing more: we pray
for such relief only, which by no possibility can ever be productive
of the least wrong or injury to our masters, but to us will be as life
from the dead.

In January, 1774, a bill was brought in, which passed all
the forms in the two Houses, and was laid before Governor
Hutchinson for his approval, March 8th. The negroes

had deputed a committee respectfully to solicit the Governor's
consent; but he told them that his instructions
forbade. His successor, General Gage, gave them the
same answer, when they waited on him.

The blacks had better success in the judicial court. A
pamphlet containing the case of a negro who had accompanied
his master from the West Indies to England, and
had there sued for and obtained his freedom, was reprinted
here, and this encouraged several others to sue their masters
for their freedom, and recompense for their services.

The first trial of this kind was in 1770. James, a servant
of Richard Lechmere, of Cambridge, brought an action
against his master for detaining him in bondage. The
negroes collected money among themselves to carry on the
suit and the verdict was in favor of the plaintiff. Other suits
were instituted between that time and the Revolution, and
the juries invariably gave their verdicts in favor of liberty.

During the Revolutionary War, public opinion was so
strongly in favor of the abolition of slavery, that, in some of
the country towns, votes were passed in town meetings that
they would have no slaves among them; and that they
would not exact of the masters any bonds for the maintenance
of liberated blacks, should they become incapable of
supporting themselves. A liberty-loving antiquarian copied
the following from the Suffolk Probate Record, and published
it in the Boston Liberator, February, 1847:--

"Know all men by these presents, that I, Jonathan Tackson, of
Newburyport, in the county of Essex, gentleman, in consideration

of the impropriety I feel, and have long felt, in beholding any
person in constant bondage,--more especially at a time when my
country is so warmly contending for the liberty every man ought to
enjoy,--and having sometime since promised my negro man
Pomp, that I would give him his freedom, and in further consideration
of five shillings, paid me by said Pomp, I do hereby liberate,
manumit, and set him free; and I do hereby remise and release
unto said Pomp, all demands of whatever nature I have against
said Pomp.

"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this
nineteenth June, 1776.

"JONATHAN JACKSON. [Seal.]

"Witness--MARY COBURN, WILLIAM NOYES."

It only remains to say a word respecting the two parties
to the foregoing instrument.

JONATHAN JACKSON, Of Newburyport, we well remember
to have heard spoken of, in our younger days, by honored
lips, as a most upright and thorough gentleman of the old
school, possessing talents and character of the first standing.
He was the first Collector of the Port of Boston,
under Washington's administration, and was Treasurer of
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for many years, and
died in 1810. A tribute to his memory and his worth, said
to be from the pen of the late John Lowell, appeared in
the Columbian Centinel, March 10, 1810. His immediate
descendants have long resided in this city, are extensively
known, and as widely and justly honored.

and soon after enlisted in the army, as POMP
JACKSON, served through the whole war of the Revolution,
and obtained an honorable discharge at its termination. He
afterwards settled in Andover, near a pond still known as
"Pomp's Pond," where some of his descendants yet live.
In this case of emancipation, it appears, instead of "cutting
his master's throat," he only slashed the throats of his
country's enemies.

Rev. Charles Lowell, in a letter to the Boston Courier,
May 17, 1847, says:--"I well remember, myself, when I
was a boy at Andover Academy, being often told by an
intelligent old black man, who sold buns, that my father was
the friend of the blacks, and the cause of their being freed,
or something to that effect, and that I often had a bun or
two extra on that account. I may further state, that in
October, 1773, an action was brought against Richard
Greenleaf, of Newburyport, by Cæsar (Hendrick), a colored
man, whom he claimed as his slave, for holding him in
bondage. He laid the damages at fifty pounds. The
counsel for the plaintiff, in whose favor the jury brought in
their verdict, and awarded him eighteen pounds, damages
and costs, was John Lowell, Esq., afterwards Judge Lowell."*

* Coffin's History of Newbury, p. 339.

From the archives in the State House, I have gleaned
many petitions and resolves of Revolutionary times, on
questions concerning the rights of Massachusetts colored
citizens, some of which I have deemed of sufficient historical
value to be recorded in this volume.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION TO REDEEM TWO SLAVES.

I find the following Resolution on the records of the
House of Representatives, Sept. 13, 1776. The Council
concurred, Sept. 16, 1776:--

Whereas, this House is credibly informed that two negro men,
lately brought into this State as prisoners taken on the high seas,
are advertised to be sold at Salem, the 17th inst., by public auction,--

Resolved, That the selling and enslaving the human species is a
direct violation of the natural rights alike vested in all men by their
Creator, and utterly inconsistent with the avowed principles on
which this and the other United States have carried their struggles
on for liberty, even to the last appeal; and therefore, that all persons
concerned with the said negroes be, and they hereby are, forbidden
to sell them, or in any manner to treat them otherway than is already
ordered for the treatment of prisoners of war taken in the
same vessel, or others in the like employ, and if any sale of the said
negroes shall be made, it hereby is declared null and void.

AN ACT FOR PREVENTING THE PRACTICE OF HOLDING PERSONS
AS SLAVES--A. D. 1777.

Whereas, the practice of holding Africans and the children born
of them, or any other persons, in slavery, is unjustifiable in a civil
government, at a time when they are asserting their natural freedom;
wherefore, for preventing such a practice for the future, and
establishing to every person residing within the State the invaluable
blessing of liberty,--

Be it enacted, by the Council and House of Representatives, in
General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same,--That

all persons, whether black or other complexion, above 21 years of
age, now held in slavery, shall, from and after the--day of--next,
be free from any subjection to any master or mistress, who have
claimed their servitude by right of purchase, heirship, free gift or
otherwise, and they are hereby entitled to all the freedom, rights,
privileges and immunities that do, or ought to of right, belong to
any of the subjects of this State, any usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.

And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all written
deeds, bargains, sales or conveyances, or contracts, without writing,
whatsover, for conveying or transferring any property in any person,
or to the service and labor of any person whatsoever, of more than
twenty-one years of age, to a third person, except by order, of some
court of record for some crime that has been, or hereafter shall be,
made, or by their own voluntary contract for a term not exceeding
seven years, shall be and hereby are declared null and void.

And, whereas, divers persons now have in their service negroes,
mulattoes, or others who have been deemed their slaves or property,
and who are now incapable of earning their living by reason of age
or infirmities, and may be desirous of continuing in the service of
their masters or mistresses,--be it therefore enacted, by the authority
aforesaid, that whatever negro or mulatto, who shall be desirous
of continuing in the service of his master or mistress, and
shall voluntarily declare the same before two justices of the county in which
said master or mistress resides, shall have a right to continue in the
service, and to a maintenance from their master or mistress, and if
they are incapable of earning their living, shall be supported by the
said master or mistress, or their heirs, during the lives of said servants,
any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding.

Provided, nevertheless, that nothing in this act shall be understood
to prevent any master of a vessel or other person from bringing
into this State any persons, not Africans, from any other part of the

world, except the United States of America, and selling their service
for a term of time not exceeding five years, if 21 years of age, or,
if under 21, not exceeding the time when he or she so brought into
the State shall be 26 years of age, to pay for and in consideration of
the transportation and other charges said master of vessel or other
person may have been at, agreeable to contracts made with the persons
so transported, or their parents or guardians in their behalf,
before they are brought from their own country.

SECOND PETITION OF MASSACHUSETTS SLAVES.

The petition of a great number of negroes, who are detained in a
state of slavery in the very bowels of a free and Christian country,
humbly showing,--

That your petitioners apprehend that they have, in common with
all other men, a natural and inalienable right to that freedom, which
the great Parent of the universe hath bestowed equally on an mankind,
and which they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement
whatever. But they were unjustly dragged by the cruel hand
of power from their dearest friends, and some of them even torn
from the embraces of their tender parents,--from a populous,
pleasant and plentiful country, and in violation of the laws of nature
and of nations, and in defiance of all the tender feelings of humanity,
brought hither to be sold like beasts of burthen, and, like
them, condemned to slavery for life--among a people possessing
the mild religion of Jesus--a people not insensible of the sweets of
national freedom, nor without a spirit to resent the unjust endeavors
of others to reduce them to a state of bondage and subjection.

that of your petitioners, deprived of every social privilege, of every
thing requisite to render life even tolerable, is far -worse than nonexistence.

In imitation of the laudable example of the good people of these
States, your petitioners have long and patiently waited the event of
petition after petition, by them presented to the legislative body of
this State, and cannot but with grief reflect that their success has
been but too similar.

They cannot but express their astonishment that it has never
been considered, that every principle from which America has acted,
in the course of her unhappy difficulties with Great Britain, bears
stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your humble petitioners.
They therefore humbly beseech Your Honors to give their
petition its due weight and consideration, and cause an act of the
legislature to be passed, whereby they may be restored to the enjoyment
of that freedom, which is the natural right of all men, and
their children (who were born in this land of liberty) may not be
held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty-one years. So
may the inhabitants of this State (no longer chargeable with the
inconsistency of acting themselves the part which they condemn
and oppose in others) be prospered in their glorious struggles for
liberty, and have those blessings secured to them by Heaven, of
which benevolent minds cannot wish to deprive their fellow-men.

In 1778, Lieut. THOMAS KENCH presented a petition to
the Legislature, asking for the appointment of a colored
regiment. The Legislature responded thus:--

STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY:

The Committee of both Houses upon the letter of THOMAS
KENCH, with other papers accompanying it, have attended to that
service, and report--

That there be one regiment of volunteers raised, as soon as possible,
to serve during the war, to consist of the same number of
officers and privates as those of a continental regiment;--That one
sergeant in each company, and every higher officer in said regiment,
shall be white men, and that all the other sergeants, inferior officers
and privates shall be negroes, mulattoes, or Indians.

At a later date, Lieut. KENCH addressed the following
letter to the Council:--

To the Honorable Council:

The letter I wrote before I heard of the disturbance with Col.
Seaver, Mr. Spear, and a number of other gentlemen, concerning
the freedom of negroes, in Congress, street. It is, a pity that riots
should be committed on the occasion, as it is, justified that negroes
should have their freedom, and none among, us be held as slaves,
as freedom and liberty is the grand controversy that we are contending
for, and I trust, under the smiles of Divine Providence, we shall
obtain it, if all our minds can be united; and putting the negroes
into the service will prevent much uneasiness, and give more satisfaction
to those that are offended at the thoughts of their servants
being free.

I will not enlarge, for fear I should give offence, but subscribe
myself,

FORMATION OF A COLORED REGIMENT IN RHODE ISLAND.

STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, IN GENERAL
ASSEMBLY. February Session, 1778.

Whereas, for the preservation of the rights and liberties of the
United States, it is necessary that the whole power of Government
should be exerted in recruiting the Continental battalions; and,
whereas, His Excellency, General Washington, hath inclosed to
this State a proposal made to him by Brigadier General Varnum, to
enlist into the two battalions raising by this State such slaves as
should be willing to enter into the service; and, whereas, history
affords us frequent precedents of the wisest, the freest and bravest
nations having liberated their slaves and enlisted them as soldiers
to fight in defence of their country; and also, whereas, the enemy
have, with great force, taken possession of the capital and of a great
part of this State, and this State is obliged to raise a very considerable number of troops for its own immediate defence, whereby it is
in a manner rendered impossible for this State to furnish recruits
for the said two battalions without adopting the said measures so
recommended,--

It is Voted and Resolved, That every able-bodied negro, mulatto,
or Indian man-slave in this State may enlist into either of the said
two battalions, to serve daring the continuance of the present war
with Great Britain;--That every slave so enlisting shall be entitled
to and receive all the bounties, wages and encouragements allowed
by the Continental Congress to any soldiers enlisting into this
service.

It is further Voted and Resolved, That every slave so enlisting
shall, upon his passing muster by Col. Christopher Greene, be
immediately discharged from the service of his master or mistress, and
be absolutely free, as though he had never been incumbered with
any kind of servitude or slavery. And in case such slave shall, by
sickness or otherwise, be rendered unable to maintain himself, he

shall not be chargeable to his master or mistress, but shall be supported
at the expense of the State.

And, whereas, slaves have been by the laws deemed the property
of their owners, and therefore compensation ought to be made to the
owners for the loss of their service,--

It is further Voted and Resolved, That there be allowed and paid
by this State to the owners, for every such slave so enlisting, a
sum according to his worth, at a price not exceeding one hundred
and twenty pounds for the most valuable slave, and in proportion
for a slave of less value,--provided the owner of said slave shall deliver
up to the officer who shall enlist him the clothes of the said
slave, or otherwise he shall not be entitled to said sum.

And for settling and ascertaining the value of such slaves,
it is further Voted and Resolved, That a committee of five shall be
appointed, to wit,--one from each county, any three of whom to be
a quorum,--to examine the slaves who shall be so enlisted, after
they shall have passed muster, and to set a price upon each slave,
according to his value as aforesaid.

It is further Voted and Resolved, That upon any able-bodied negro,
mulatto or Indian slave enlisting as aforesaid, the officer who shall
so enlist him, after he has passed muster as aforesaid, shall deliver a
certificate thereof to the master or mistress of said negro, mulatto,
or Indian slave, which shall discharge him from the service of said
master or mistress.

It is further Voted and Resolved, That the committee who shall estimate
the value of the slave aforesaid, shall give a certificate of the
sum at which he may be valued to the owner of said slave, and the
general treasurer of this State is hereby empowered and directed to
give unto the owner of said slave his promissory note for the sum
of money at which he shall be valued as aforesaid, payable on demand,
with interest,--which shall be paid with the money from
Congress.

In 1782, a female slave named BELINDA presented a
petition to the Legislature, in which she says:--"Although
I have been servant to a Colonel forty years, my labors
have not procured me any comfort. I have not yet enjoyed
the benefits of creation. With my poor daughter, I fear I
shall pass the remainder of my days in slavery and misery.
For her and myself, I beg freedom."*

*American Museum Collection.

MUM BETT.

I extract the following account of this remarkable woman
from an Address delivered in Stockbridge, Mass., February,
1831, by THEODORE SEDGWICK, Esq., a son of Judge Sedgwick,
who had the honor of judicially pronouncing the doom
of slavery in Massachusetts, under her Bill of Rights:--

"We have arrived, by imperceptible degrees, to a point
of elevation from which we look down and around, with a
sense of superiority, as if the height had been attained by
our unaided efforts, and without remembering or regarding
the means whereby we ascended. We despise the abject
African, because he does not at once leap up to the ascent
upon which we have been placed by circumstances, which
we could no more control than he could have controlled his
destiny.

"We should look at the subject in a different aspect.
We should make all allowances for the different condition
of the Africans and ourselves; give them credit for what

they have done, and not reproach them for not doing what
they had no means of doing. They have the same principle
of buoyancy with ourselves, and the instant that the
weight which depresses their level in society is taken off,
they will rise and occupy the space which is left vacant for
them.

"Such has been my acquaintance with individuals of this
race, that I regard the pretence of original and natural superiority
in the whites, very much as I regard the tales of
ancient fables, setting forth the superior bodily strength of
heroes. But for the care of one of this calumniated race, I
should not now, probably, be living to give this testimony.

"A very slight sketch of the history of the person to whom
I refer may serve to illustrate this argument. Elizabeth
Freeman (known afterwards by the name of Mum Bett)
was born a slave, and lived in that condition thirty or forty
years. She first lived in Claverac, Columbia county, in the
State of New York, in the family of a Mr. Hogeboom. She
was purchased at an early age by Col. Ashley, of Sheffield,
in the county of Berkshire, in the now Commonwealth of
Massachusetts. In both these States, and I believe every
where in the Northern States, slavery existed in a very
mitigated form. This is not so much to be ascribed to the
superior humanity of the people, as to the circumstances of
the case. The slaves were comparatively few. Society,
except, perhaps, in the capitals, was in a state nearly primitive.
The slaves were precluded from the table in but few
families. Their masters and mistresses wrought with the

slaves. A great degree of familiarity necessarily resulted
from this mode of life. Slavery in New York and New
England was so marked, that but a slight difference could
be perceived in the condition of slaves and hired servants.
The character of the slaves was moulded accordingly.
Sales were very rare. The same feeling which induces a
father to retain a child in his family, or at least under his
control, disinclined him from parting with his slave. There
was little distinction of rank in the country. The younger
slaves not only ate and drank, but played with the children.
They thus became familiar companions with each other.
The black women were cooks and nurses, and, as such, assisted
by their mistresses. There was no great difference
between the fare or clothing of black and white laborers.

"In this state of familiar intercourse, instances of cruelty
were uncommon, and the minds of the slaves were not so
much subdued but that they caused a degree of indignation
not much less than if committed upon a freeman.

"Under this condition of society, while Mum Bett resided
in the family of Col. Ashley, she received a severe wound
in a generous attempt to shield her sister. Her mistress, in
a fit of passion, resorted to a degree and mode of violence
very uncommon in this country: she struck at the weak and
timid girl with a heated kitchen shovel; Mum Bett interposed
her arm, and received the blow; and she bore the honorable
scar it left to the day of her death. The spirit of Mum Bett
had not been broken down by ill usage--she resented the
insult and outrage as a white person would have done. She

left the house, and neither commands nor entreaties could
induce her to return. Her master, Col. Ashley, resorted to
the law to regain possession of his slave. This was shortly
after the adoption of the Constitution of Massachusetts. The
case was tried at Great Barrington. Mum Bett was declared
free; it being, I believe, the first instance (or among
the first instances) of the practical application of the declaration
in the Massachusetts Bill of Rights, that 'all men
are born free and equal.'

The late Judge Sedgwick had the principal agency in
her deliverance. She attached herself to his family as a
servant. In that station she remained for many years, and
was never entirely disconnected from his family.

"She was married when young; her husband died soon
after, in the continental service of the Revolutionary War,
leaving her with one child. During the residue of her life,
she remained a widow. She died in December, 1829, at a
very advanced age. She supposed herself to be nearly a
hundred years old.

"If there could be a practical refutation of the imagined
natural superiority of our race to hers, the life and character
of this woman would afford that refutation. She knew her
station, and perfectly observed its decorum; yet she had
nothing of the submissive or the subdued character, which
succumbs to superior force, and is the usual result of the
state of slavery. On the contrary, without ever claiming
superiority, she uniformly, in every case, obtained an ascendency
over all those with whom she was associated in

service. Her spirit of fidelity to her employers was such as
has never been surpassed. This was exemplified in her
whole life. I can convey an idea of it only by the relation
of a single incident.

"The house of Mr. Sedgwick, in this town, (Stockbridge,)
was attacked by a body of insurgents, during the Shay's
war, so well remembered in this vicinity. Mr. Sedgwick
was then absent in Boston, and Mum Bett was the only
guardian of the house. She assured the party that Mr.
Sedgwick was absent, but suffered them to search the house
to find him, which they did, by feeling under the beds and
other places of concealment, with the points of their bayonets.
She did not attempt to resist, by direct force, the
rifling of property, which was one of the objects of the
insurgents. She, however, assumed a degree of authority;
told the plunderers that they 'dare not strike a woman,'
and attended them in their exploring the house, to prevent
wanton destruction. She escorted them into the cellar with
a large kitchen shovel in her hand, which she intimated that
she would use in case of necessity. One of the party broke
off the neck of a bottle of porter. She told him that if he or
his companions desired to drink porter, she would fetch a
corkscrew, and draw a cork, and they might drink like gentlemen;
but that, if the neck of another bottle should be
broken, she would lay the man that broke it flat with her
shovel. Upon tasting the liquor, the party decided that
'if gentlemen loved such cursed bitter stuff, they might
keep it.'

'Understanding, from the conversation of the party, that
they intended to take with them, in their retreat, a very fine
gray mare that was in the stable, which she had been in the
riding, she left the house and went directly to the
stable. Before the rioters were apprised of her intention,
she led the animal to a gate that opened upon the street,
stripped off the halter, and, by a blow with it, incited the
mare to a degree of speed that soon put her out of danger
from the pursuit of the marauders.

"Even in her humble station, she had, when occasion
required it, an air of command which conferred a degree of
dignity, and gave her an ascendency over those of her rank,
which is very unusual in persons of any rank or color. Her
determined and resolute character, which enabled her to
limit the ravages of a Shay's mob, was manifested in her conduct
and deportment, during her whole life. She claimed no
distinction; but it was yielded to her from her superior
experience, energy, skill, and sagacity. In her sphere, she
had no superior, nor any equal. In the latter part of her
life, she was much employed as a nurse. Here she had no
competitor. I believe she never lost a child, when she had
the care of its mother, at its birth. When a child, wailing
in the arms of its mother, heard her steps on the stairway,
or approaching the door, it ceased to cry.

"This woman, by her extreme industry and economy,
supported a large family of grand-children and great-grand-children.
She could neither read nor write; yet her conversation
was instructive, and her society was much sought.

She received many visits at her own house, and very frequently
received and accepted invitations to pass considerble
intervals of time in the families of her friends. Her
death, notwithstanding her great age, was deeply lamented.

"Having known this woman as familiarly as I knew
either of my parents, I cannot believe in the moral or physical
inferiority of the race to which she belonged. The
degradation of the African must have been otherwise caused
than by natural inferiority. Civilization has made slow
progress in every portion of the earth; where it has made
progress, it proceeds in an accelerated ratio."

In 1795, Judge Tucker, of Virginia, propounded to Rev.
Dr. Belknap, of Massachusetts, eleven queries respecting
the slavery and emancipation of negroes in Massachusetts,
which were answered by Dr. Belknap in a very intelligent
manner. The queries and replies may be found in the
fourth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical
Society. In one of his letters, Dr. Belknap says:--
"The present Constitution of Massachusetts was established
in 1780. The first article of the Declaration of Rights
asserts that 'all men are born free and equal.' This was
inserted not merely as a moral or political truth, but with a
particular view to establish the liberation of the negroes on
a general principle, and so it was understood by the people
at large: but some doubted whether this was sufficient.
Many of the blacks, taking advantage of the public opinion
and of this general assertion in the Bill of Rights, asked

their freedom and obtained it. Others took it without leave.
In 1781, at the Court in Worcester County, an indictment
was found against a white man for assaulting, beating and
imprisoning a black. He was tried at the Supreme Judicial
Court in 1783. His defence was that the black (Walker)
was his slave, and that the beating, &c., was the necessary
restraint and correction by the master.

"The judges and jury were of opinion that he had no right
to beat or imprison him. He was found guilty, and fined
forty shillings. This decision was a mortal wound to slavery
in Massachusetts."

There is no specific record of the Abolition of slavery in
Massachusetts; and, of course, different versions are given
concerning it. John Quincy Adams, in reply to a question
put by J. C. Spencer, stated that "a note had been given
for the price of a slave in 1787. This note was sued, and
the Court ruled that the maker had received no consideration,
as man could not be sold. From that time forward, slavery
died in the Old Bay State."

I find, in Dr. Belknap's letters, the following account of
an early kidnapping enterprise in the city of Boston. The
kidnappers were not so successful as others of a more
recent date, since they do not seem to have had the State
authorities on their side. "In the month of February,
1788," says Dr. Belknap, "just after the adoption of
the present Federal Constitution by the Convention of
Massachusetts, a most flagrant violation of the laws of society

and humanity was perpetrated in Boston, by one
Avery, of Connecticut. By the assistance of another infamous
fellow, he decoyed three unsuspecting black men on
board a vessel, which he had chartered, and sent them
down into the hold to work. Whilst they were there employed,
the vessel came to sail and went to sea, having been
previously cleared out for Martinice.

"As soon as this infamous transaction was known, Governor
Hancock and M. L. Etombe, the French consul, wrote
letters to the governors of all the islands in the West Indies,
in favor of the decoyed blacks. The public indignation being
greatly excited against the actors in this affair, and
against others who had been concerned in the traffic of
slaves, it was thought proper to take advantage of the ferment,
and bring good out of evil.

"The three blacks who were decoyed were offered for
sale at the Danish island of St. Bartholomew. They told
their story publicly, which coming to the ears of the governor,
he prevented the sale. A Mr. Atherton, of the
island, generously became bound for their good behavior
for six months, in which time letters came, informing of
their case, and they were permitted to return.

"They arrived in Boston on the 20th of July following;
and it was a day of jubilee, not only among their countrymen,
but among, all the friends of justice and humanity."

Extract from a charge delivered to the African Lodge, June 24th,
1797, at Menotomy, (now West Cambridge,) Mass., by the
Right Worshipful PRINCE HALL.

"Beloved Brethren of the African Lodge:

"It is now five years since I delivered a charge to you on
some parts and points of masonry. As one branch or superstructure
of the foundation, I endeavored to show you
the duty of a mason to a mason, and of charity and love to all
mankind, as the work and image of the great God and the
Father of the human race. I shall now attempt to show you
that it is our duty to sympathise with our fellow-men under
their troubles, and with the families of our brethren who are
gone, we hope, to the Grand Lodge above.

"We are to have sympathy," said he, "but this, after
all, is not to be confined to parties or colors, nor to towns or
states, nor to a kingdom, but to the kingdoms of the whole
earth, over whom Christ the King is head and grand master
for all in distress.

"Among these numerous sons and daughters of distress,
let us see our friends and brethren; and first let us see them
dragged from their native country, by the iron hand of tyranny
and oppression, from their dear friends and connections,
with weeping eyes and aching hearts, to a strange land,
and among, a strange people, whose tender mercies are cruel,
--and there to bear the iron yoke of slavery and cruelty,
till death, as a friend, shall relieve them. And must not
the unhappy condition of these, our fellow-men, draw forth

our hearty prayers and wishes for their deliverance from
those merchants and traders, whose characters you have described
in Revelations xviii. 11-13? And who knows but
these same sort of traders may, in a short time, in like manner
bewail the loss of the African traffic, to their shame
and confusion? The day dawns now in some of the West
India Islands. God can and will change their condition and
their hearts, too, and let Boston and the world know that He
hath no respect of persons, and that that bulwark of envy,
pride, scorn and contempt, which is so visible in some, shall
fall.

"Jethro, an Ethiopian, gave instructions to his son-in-law,
Moses, in establishing government. Exodus xviii. 22-24.
Thus, Moses was not ashamed to be instructed by a
black man. Philip was not ashamed to take a seat beside
the Ethiopian Eunuch, and to instruct him in the gospel.
The Grand Master Solomon was not ashamed to hold conference
with the Queen of Sheba. Our Grand Master Solomon
did not divide the living child, whatever he might do
with the dead one; neither did he pretend to make a law
to forbid the parties from having free intercourse with one
another, without the fear of censure, or be turned out of
the synagogue.

Now, my brethren, nothing is stable; all things are
changeable. Let us seek those things which are sure and
steadfast, and let us pray God that, while we remain here,
he would give us the grace of patience, and strength to bear
up under all our troubles, which, at this day, God knows, we

have our share of. Patience, I say; for were we not possessed
of a great measure of it, we could not bear up under the
daily insults we meet with in the streets of Boston, much
more on public days of recreation. How, at such times,
are we shamefully abused, and that to such a degree, that
we may truly be said to carry our lives in our hands, and
the arrows of death are flying about our heads. Helpless
women have their clothes torn from their backs. . . . And
by whom are these disgraceful and abusive actions committed?
Not by the men born and bred in Boston,--they
are better bred; but by a mob or horde of shameless,
low-lived, envious, spiteful persons--some of them, not
long since, servants in gentlemen's kitchens, scouring
knives, horse-tenders, chaise-drivers. I was told by a gentleman
who saw the filthy behavior in the Common, that, in
all places he had been in, he never saw so cruel behavior
in all his life; and that a slave in the West Indies, on Sundays,
or holidays, enjoys himself and friends without molestation.
Not only this man, but many in town, who have
seen their behavior to us, and that, without provocation,
twenty or thirty cowards have fallen upon one man. (O,
the patience of the blacks!) 'T is not for want of courage in
you, for they know that they do not face you man for man
but in a mob, which we despise, and would rather suffer
wrong than to do wrong, to the disturbance of the community,
and the disgrace of our reputation; for every good citizen
doth honor to the laws of the State where he resides.

many other abuses we at present are laboring under,--for
the darkest hour is just before the break of day. My brethren,
let us remember what a dark day it was with our African
brethren, six years ago, in the French West Indies.
Nothing but the snap of the whip was heard, from morning
to evening. Hanging, breaking on the wheel, burning, and
all manner of tortures, were inflicted on those unhappy people.
But, blessed be God, the scene is changed. They
now confess that God hath no respect of persons, and,
therefore, receive them as their friends, and treat them as
brothers. Thus doth Ethiopia stretch forth her hand from
slavery, to freedom and equality."

About this time, the celebrated Prince Sanders was teaching
in Boston. He subsequently prepared a compilation of
Haytien documents, and presented, December 11, 1818, to
the American Convention, a memorial for the abolition of
slavery, and improving the condition of the African race.

PHILLIS WHEATLY.

PHILLIS WHEATLY was a native of Africa, and was
brought to this country in the year 1761, and sold as a
slave. She was purchased by Mr. John Wheatly, a respectable
citizen of Boston. This gentleman, at the time
of the purchase, was already the owner of several slaves;
but the females in his possession were getting something
beyond the active periods of life, and Mrs. Wheatly wished
to obtain a young negress, with the view of training her up

under her own eye, that she might, by, gentle usage, secure
to herself a faithful domestic in her old age. She visited
the slave-market, that she might make a personal selection
form the group of unfortunates for sale. There she found
several robust, healthy females, exhibited at the same time
with Phillis, who was of a slender frame, and evidently suffering
from change of climate. She was, however, the
choice of the lady, who acknowledged herself influenced to
this decision by the humble and modest demeanor, and the
interesting features, of the little stranger.

The poor, naked child (for she had no other covering
than a quantity of dirty carpet about her, like a "fillibeg")
was taken home in the chaise of her mistress, and comfortably
attired. She is supposed to have been about seven
years old, at this time, from the circumstance of shedding
her front teeth. She soon gave indications of uncommon
intelligence, and was frequently seen endeavoring to make
letters upon the wall with a piece of chalk or charcoal.

A daughter of Mrs. Wheatly, not long after the child's
first introduction to the family, undertook to learn her to
read and write; and, while she astonished her instructress
by her rapid progress, she won the good-will of her kind
mistress by her amiable disposition and the propriety of her
behavior. She was not devoted to menial occupations, as
was at first intended; nor was she allowed to associate with
the other domestics of the family, who were of her own
color and condition, but was kept constantly about the person
of her mistress.

She does not seem to have preserved any remembrance
of the place of her nativity, or of her parents, excepting
the simple circumstance, that her mother poured out water
before the sun at its rising--in reference, no doubt, to an
ancient African custom.

As Phillis increased in years, the development of her
mind realized the promise of her childhood; and she soon
attracted the attention of the literati of the day, many of
whom furnished her with books. These enabled her to
make considerable progress in belles-lettres; but such
gratification seems only to have increased her thirst after
knowledge, as is the case with most gifted minds, not misled by
vanity; and we soon find her endeavoring to roaster the
Latin tongue.

She was now frequently visited by clergymen, and other
individuals of high standing in society; but, notwithstanding
the attention she received, and the distinction with which
she was treated, she never for a moment lost sight of that
modest, unassuming demeanor, which first won the heart of
her mistress in the slave-market. Indeed, we consider the
strongest proof of her worth to have been the earnest affection
of this excellent woman, who admitted her to her own board.
Phillis ate of her bread, and drank of her cup, and was to
her as a daughter; for she returned her affection with unbounded
gratitude, and was so devoted to her interests as
to have no will in opposition to that of her benefactress.

In 1770, at the age of sixteen, Phillis was received as a
member of the church worshipping in the Old South Meeting

House, then under the pastoral charge of the Rev. Dr.
Sewall. She became an ornament to her profession; for
she possessed that meekness of spirit, which, in the language
of inspiration, is said to be above all price. She was
very gentle-tempered, extremely affectionate, and altogether
free from that most despicable foible, which might naturally
have been her besetting sin,--literary vanity.

The little poem, commencing,

" 'T was mercy brought me from
my heathen land,"
will be found to be a beautiful expression of her religious
sentiments, and a noble vindication of the claims of her
race. We can hardly suppose any one, reflecting by
whom it was written--an African and a slave--to read
it, without emotions both of regret and admiration.

Phillis never indulged her muse in any fits of sullenness
or caprice. She was at all times accessible. If any one
requested her to write upon any particular subject or event,
she immediately set herself to the task, and produced something
upon the given theme. This is probably the reason
why so many of her pieces are funeral poems, many of
them, no doubt, being written at the request of friends.
Still, the variety of her compositions affords sufficient proof
of the versatility of her genius. We find her, at one time,
occupied in contemplation of an event affecting the condition
of a whole people, and pouring forth her thoughts in a
lofty strain. Then the song sinks to the soft tones of sympathy,
in the affliction occasioned by domestic bereavement.

Again, we see her seeking inspiration from the sacred volume,
or from the tomes of heathen lore; now excited by
the beauties of art, and now hymning the praises of Nature
to "Nature's God." On one occasion, we notice her--a
girl of but fourteen years--recognizing a political event,
and endeavoring to express the grateful loyalty of subjects
to their rightful king--not as one, indeed, who had been
trained to note the events of nations, by a course of historical
studies, but one whose habits, taste and opinions, were
peculiarly her own; for in Phillis, we have an example of
originality of no ordinary character. She was allowed, and
even encouraged, to follow the leading of her own genius;
but nothing was forced upon her, nothing suggested or
placed before her as a lure; her literary efforts were altogether
the natural workings of her own mind.

There is another circumstance respecting her habits of
composition which peculiarly claims our attention. She
did not seem to have the power of retaining the creations
of her own fancy, for a long time, in her own mind. If,
during the vigil of a wakeful night, she amused herself by
weaving a tale, she knew nothing of it in the morning--it
had vanished in the land of dreams. Her kind mistress indulged
her with a light, and, in the cold season, with a fire,
in her apartment, during the night. The light was placed
upon a table at her bedside, with writing materials, that, if
any thing occurred to her after she had retired, she might,
without rising or taking cold, secure the swift-wing fancy
ere it fled.

By comparing the accounts we have of Phillis's progress
with the dates of her earliest poems, we find that she must
have commenced her career as an authoress as soon as she
could write a legible hand, and without being acquainted
with the rules of composition. Indeed, we very much doubt
if she ever had any grammatical instruction, or any knowledge
of the structure or idiom of the English language, except
what she imbibed from the perusal of the best English
writers, and from mingling in polite circles, where, fortunately,
she was encouraged to converse freely with the wise
and the learned.

We gather, from her writings, that she was acquainted
with astronomy, ancient and modern geography, and ancient
history: and that she was well versed in the scriptures
of the Old and New Testament. She discovered a decided
taste for the stories of Heathen Mythology, and Pope's Homer
seems to have been a great favorite with her.

The reader is already aware of the delicate constitution
and frail health of Phillis. During the winter of 1773, the
indications of disease had so much increased, that her
physician advised a sea voyage. This was earnestly seconded
by her friends; and a son of Mr. and Mrs. Wheatly,
being about to make a voyage to England, to arrange a
mercantile correspondence, it was settled that Phillis should
accompany him, and she accordingly embarked in the summer
of the same year.

She was at this time but nineteen years old, and was at
the highest point of her short and brilliant career. It is

with emotions of sorrow that we approach the strange and
splendid scenes which were now about to open upon her--
to be succeeded by grief and desolation.

Phillis was well received in England, and was presented
to Lady Huntingdon, Lord Dartmouth, Mr. Thornton, and
many other individuals of distinction; but, says our informant,
"not all the attention she received, nor all the honors
that were heaped upon her, had the slightest influence upon
her temper or deportment. She was still the same single-hearted,
unsophisticated being."

During her stay in England, her poems were given to the
world., dedicated to the Countess of Huntingdon, and embellished
with an engraving, which is said to have been a striking
representation of the original. It is supposed that one
of these impressions was forwarded to her mistress, as soon
as they were struck off; for a grand niece of Mrs. Wheatly
informs us that, during the absence of Phillis, she one day
called upon her relative, who immediately directed her attention
to a picture over the fire-place, exclaiming,--"See!
look at my Phillis! Does she not seem as though she would
speak to me?"

Phillis arrived in London so late in the season, that the
great mart of fashion was deserted. She was, therefore,
urgently pressed, by her distinguished friends, to remain
until the Court returned to St. James, that she might be
presented to the young monarch, George III. She would
probably have consented to this arrangement, had not letters
from America informed her of the declining health of

her mistress, who entreated her to return, that she might
once more behold her beloved protegé. Phillis waited not
a second bidding, but immediately reëmbarked for that once
happy home, soon after made desolate by the death of her
affectionate mistress.

She soon after received an offer of marriage from a respectable
colored man, of Boston, The name of this individual
was Peters. He kept a grocery in Court street, and
was a man of handsome person. He wore a wig, carried a
cane, and quite acted out "the gentleman." In an evil
hour, he was accepted; and, though he was a man of talents
and information,--writing with fluency and propriety,
and, at one period, reading law,--he proved utterly unworthy
of the distinguished woman who honored him by her
alliance.*

*For this account of PHILLIS WHEATLY, I am principally indebted to a
compilation from the original memoir published by Mr. George W. Light,
and understood to have been written by Miss M. M. Odell.

The following letter, written by General Washington in
reply to a communication sent to him by Phillis, will be
read with the deepest interest. The letter may be found
in Spark's Life of Washington.

CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Feb. 28, 1776.

Miss PHILLIS--

Your favor of the 26th of October did not reach my hands till
the middle of December. Time enough, you will say, to have
given an answer ere this. Granted. But a variety of important
occurrences, continually interposing to distract the mind and withdraw
the attention, I hope will apologize for the delay, and plead

my excuse for the seeming, but not real, neglect. I thank you
most sincerely for your polite notice of me, in the elegant lines you
enclosed: and, however undeserving I may be of such encomium,
and panegyric, the style and manner exhibit a striking proof of
your poetical talents; in honor of which, and as a tribute justly due
to you, I would have published the poem, had I not been apprehensive
that, while I only meant to give the world this new
instance of your genius, I might have incurred the imputation of
vanity. This, and nothing else, determined me not to give it place
in the public prints.

If you should ever come to Cambridge, or near head-quarters, I
should be happy to see a person so favored by the Muses, and to
whom Nature has been so liberal and beneficent in her dispensations.

I am, with great respect, your obedient, humble servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

As a preface to the edition of Miss Wheatly's poems
published in Boston about 1770, I find this card from the
publisher:--

TO THE PUBLIC.

As it has been repeatedly suggested to the publisher, by persons
who have seen the manuscript, that numbers would be ready to
suspect they were not really the writings of PHILLIS, he has procured
the following attestation, from the most respectable characters
in Boston, that none might have the least ground for disputing their
Original.

We whose Names are under-written, do assure the World, that
the Poems specified in the following page were (as we verily
believe) written by PHILLIS, a young Negro Girl, who was, but a

few years since, brought, an uncultivated Barbarian, from Africa,
and has ever since been, and now is, under the disadvantage of
serving as a Slave in a family in this town. She has been examined
by some of the best judges, and is thought qualified to write them.

PAUL CUFFE.

PAUL CUFFE'S father was a native of Africa, whence, at
an early age, he was dragged by the unfeeling hand of
avarice from his home and connections; torn from the
parental roof and every thing in this world that was near
and dear to him; transported over the wide and trackless
ocean, many thousand miles from the land of his birth, to be
for ever consigned to rigorous and cruel bondage:

"To increase a stranger's treasures,
O'er the raging billows borne."

He was purchased as a slave by a person named Slocum,
residing in Massachusetts, one of the United States of North
America, by whom he was kept in slavery a considerable

portion of his life; and there is no reason to doubt, had it
not been for his laudable enterprise, aided by great perseverance,
he would have worn out his life in perpetual bondage,
and ended his days, like many of his degraded and
unjustly oppressed fellow-countrymen, under the galling
yoke of fetters and chains, or the smart inflicted by the whip
of the unrelenting driver. Being possessed, however, of a
mind far superior to his degraded and unhappy condition,
he was always diligent in his master's business, and proved
himself in numerous instances faithful to his interests; so
that, by unremitting industry and economy, he was enabled,
after a considerable length of time, under the blessing of a
kind Providence, to procure the means for purchasing his
personal liberty, of which he had been deprived, as already
stated, in very early life.

According to the custom of the country into which he
was transported, Cuffe also received the name of Slocum,
as expressing to whom he belonged; though it appears in
after life he was known by the name of John Cuffe. Soon
after the happy period in which Cuffe effected his emancipation,
and succeeded in releasing himself from the bonds
of slavery and unjust oppression, he became acquainted
with Ruth Moses, an honorable woman, descended from one
of the Indian tribes residing in Massachusetts.

Cuffe's acquaintance with Ruth Moses ended in their taking
each other in marriage; and continuing in his praise-worthy
habits of industry and frugality, be was enabled,
soon after this occurrence, to purchase a farm of 100 acres

of land, in Westport, Massachusetts. Cuffe and Ruth continued
to live happily together, and brought up a family of
ten children--four sons, and six daughters. Three of the
former, David, Jonathan and John, were farmers in the
neighborhood of Westport, filled respectable stations in society,
and were endowed with good intellectual capacities.
They all married well, and gave their children a good education.

Cuffe died in 1745, leaving behind him a considerable
property in land, the fruits of his industry.

PAUL, the youngest son of Cuffe, and the interesting subject
of the present memoir, was born on Cutterhunker, one
of the Elizabeth Islands, near New Bedford, in the year
1759; so that, when his father died, he was about fourteen
years of age, at which time he had learned but little more
than the letters of the alphabet. The land which his father
had left behind him proving unproductive, afforded but little
provision for the numerous family; so that the care of supporting
his mother and sisters devolved jointly upon himself
and his brothers. Thus he labored under great disadvantages,
being deprived of the means and opportunity for acquiring
even the rudiments of a good education. He was
not, however, easily to be discouraged, and found opportunities
of improving himself in various ways, and cultivating
his mind. Having never received the benefits of an education,
the knowledge he possessed was obtained entirely by
his own indefatigable exertions, and the little assistance
which he occasionally received from persons who were

friendly disposed towards him. Aided by these means, he
soon learned to read and write, and he also attained to a
considerable proficiency in arithmetic, and skill in navigation;
and we may form some estimate of the natural talent
with which he was endowed for the speedy reception of
learning, from the fact that, with the assistance of a friend,
he acquired such a knowledge of the latter science, in the
short space of two weeks, as enabled him to command the
vessel, in the voyages which he subsequently made to
England, to Russia, to Africa, and to the West Indies, as
well as to several different ports in the southern section of
the United States.

It has already been stated that his three brothers were respectable
farmers in the neighborhood of Westport. The
mind of Paul, however, was early inclined to the pursuits of
commerce. Conceiving that they furnished to industry more
ample rewards than agriculture, and conscious that he possessed
qualities which, under proper culture, would enable
him to pursue commercial employments with prospects of
success, he entered, at the age of sixteen, as a common hand,
on board of a vessel destined to the Bay of Mexico, on a
whaling expedition. His second voyage was to the West
Indies; but on his third, which was during the American
war, about the year 1776, he was captured by a British
ship. After three months' detention as a prisoner at New
York, he was permitted to return home to Westport, where,
owing to the unfortunate continuance of hostilities, he spent
about two years in agricultural pursuits. During this interval,

Paul and his brother, John Cuffe, were called on by the
collector of the district in which they resided for the payment
of a personal tax. It appeared to them that, by the
laws and the Constitution of Massachusetts, taxation and the
whole rights of citizenship were united. If the laws demanded
of them the payment of personal taxes, the same
laws must necessarily and constitutionally invest them with
the rights of representing, and being represented, in the
State Legislature. But they had never been considered as
entitled to the privilege of voting at elections, or of being
elected to places of trust and honor. Under these circumstances,
they refused to comply. The collector resorted to
the force of the laws; and after many delays and vexations,
Paul and his brother deemed it most prudent to silence the
suit by payment of the demands, which were only small.
But they resolved, if it were possible, to obtain the rights
which they believed to be connected with taxation. In pursuance
of this resolution, they presented a respectful petition
to the State Legislature, which met with a warm and almost
indignant opposition from some in authority. A considerable
majority, however, perceiving the propriety and justness
of the petition, were favorable to the object, and, with an
honorable magnanimity, in defiance of the prejudice of the
times, a law was enacted by them, rendering all free persons
of color liable to taxation, according to the ratio established
for white men, and granting them all the privileges belonging
to other citizens. This was a day equally honorable to
the petitioners and to the Legislature; a day in which justice

and humanity triumphed over prejudice and oppression;
and a day which ought to be gratefully remembered
by every person of color within the boundaries of Massachusetts,
and the names of John and Paul Cuffe should always be
united with its recollection.

Paul, being at this time about twenty years of age, thought
himself sufficiently skilled to enter into business on his own
account, and laid before his brother David a plan for opening
a commercial intercourse with the State of Connecticut.
His brother was pleased with the prospect, and they built
an open boat and proceeded to sea.

They encountered such numerous and untoward discomfitures,
as would have caused the courage of most persons
to fail. But Paul's dispositions were not of that yielding nature.
He possessed that inflexible spirit of perseverance
and firmness of mind, which entitled him to a more
successful issue of his endeavors and he believed that, while
be maintained integrity of heart and conduct, he might
humbly hope for the protection of Providence. Under
these impressions, he prepared for another voyage. In his
open boat, with a small cargo, he again directed his course
towards the island of Nantucket. The weather was favorable,
and he arrived in safety at the destined port, and disposed
of his little cargo to advantage. The profits of this
voyage, by strengthening the confidence of his friends, enabled
him further to enlarge his plans, and by a steady perseverance,
he was at length enabled, under Divine assistance,
to overcome obstacles apparently insurmountable.

Having become master of a small covered vessel, of
about twelve tons burthen, he hired a person to assist him
as a seaman, and made many advantageous voyages to different
parts of the State of Connecticut; and, when about
twenty-five years of age, he married a native of the country,
and a descendant of the same tribe to which his mother
belonged. For some time after his marriage, he attended
chiefly to his agricultural concerns; but from an increase of
family, he at length deemed it necessary to pursue his commercial
undertakings more extensively than he had before
done. He arranged his affairs for a new expedition, and
hired a small house on Westport river, to which he removed
his family. A vessel of eighteen tons was now procured,
in which he sailed to the banks of St. George, in quest of
codfish, and returned home with a valuable cargo. This
important adventure was the foundation of an extensive and
profitable fishing establishment from Westport river, which
continued for a considerable time, and was the source of an
honest and comfortable living to many of the inhabitants of
that district.

At this period, Paul formed a connection with his brother-in-law,
Michael Wainer, who had several sons well qualified
for the sea service, four of whom, subsequently, laudably
filled responsible situations as captains and first mates. A
vessel of twenty-five tons was built, and in two voyages to
the Straits of Bellisle and Newfoundland, he met with such
success as enabled him, in conjunction with another person,

to build a vessel of forty-two tons burthen, in which he made
several profitable voyages.

Paul had experienced the many disadvantages of his very
limited education, and he resolved, as far as it was practicable,
to relieve his children from similar embarrassments.
The neighborhood had neither a tutor nor a school for the
instruction of youth, though many of the citizens were desirous
that such an institution should be established. About
1797, Paul proposed convening a meeting of the inhabitants,
for the purpose of making such arrangements as
should accomplish the desired object, the great utility and
necessity of which was undeniable. The collision of opinion,
however, respecting mode and place, occasioned the
meeting to separate without arriving at any conclusion.
Several meetings of the same nature were held, but all were
alike unsuccessful in their issue. Perceiving that all efforts
to procure a union of sentiment were fruitless, Paul,
by no means disheartened, set himself to work in earnest,
and had a suitable house built on his own ground, and entirely
at his own expense, which he freely offered for the
use of the public, without requiring any pecuniary remuneration,
feeling himself fully compensated in the satisfaction
he derived in seeing it occupied for so useful and excellent
a purpose; and the school was opened to all who
pleased to send their children.

How gratifying to humanity is this anecdote! and who,
that justly appreciates human character, would not prefer
Paul Cuffe, the offspring of an African slave, to the proudest

About this time, Paul proceeded on a whaling voyage to
the Straits of Bellisle, where he met with four other vessels,
completely equipped with boats and harpoons, for
capturing whales. Paul discovered that he had not made
proper preparations for the business, having only ten hands
on board, and two boats, one of which was old and almost
useless. When the masters of the other vessels discovered
his situation, they refused to comply with the customary
practices adopted on such voyages, and refused to mate
with his crew. In this emergency, Paul resolved to prosecute
his undertaking alone, till, at length, the other masters
thought it most prudent to accede to the usual practice, apprehending
his crew, by their ignorance, might alarm and
drive the whales from their reach, and thus defeat the object
of their voyage. During the season, they took seven
whales. The circumstances which had taken place roused
the ambition of Paul and his crew; they were diligent and
enterprising, and had the honor of killing six of the seven
whales, two of which fell by Paul's own hands.

He returned home in due season, heavily freighted with
oil and bone, and arrived in the autumn of 1793, being then
about his thirty-fourth year. He went to Philadelphia to
dispose of his cargo, and found his pecuniary circumstances
were by this time in a flourishing train. When in Philadelphia,
he purchased iron necessary for bolts, and other work
suitable for a schooner of sixty or seventy tons, and, soon

after his return to Westport, the keel for a new vessel was
laid. In 1795, his schooner, of sixty tons burthen, was
launched, and called "The Ranger."

He also possessed two small fishing boats; but his money
was exhausted, and the cargo of his new vessel would require
a considerable sum beyond his present stock. He
now sold his two boats, and was enabled to place on board
his schooner a cargo valued at two thousand dollars; with
this he sailed to Norfolk, on the Chesapeake Bay, and there
learned, that a very plentiful crop of Indian corn had been
gathered that year on the eastern shore of Maryland, and
that he could procure a schooner-load, for a low price, at
Vienna, on the Nantcoke river. Thither he sailed, but, on
his arrival, the people were filled with astonishment and
alarm. A vessel, owned and commanded by a black man,
and manned with a crew of the same complexion, was unprecedented
and surprising.

The white inhabitants were struck with apprehensions of
the injurious effects which such circumstance would have
on the minds of their slaves, suspecting that he wished secretly
to kindle the spirit of rebellion, and excite a destructive
revolt among them. Under these notions, several persons
associated themselves, for the purpose of preventing
Paul from entering his vessel or remaining among them.
On examination, his papers proved to be correct, and the
custom-house officers could not legally refuse the entry of
his vessel. Paul combined prudence with resolution; and,
on this occasion, conducted himself with candor, modesty,

and firmness; and his crew behaved, not only inoffensively,
but with a conciliating propriety, In a few days, the inimical
association vanished, and the inhabitants treated him
and his crew with respect, and even kindness. Many of
the principal people visited his vessel, and, in consequence
of the pressing invitation of one of them, Paul dined with
his family in the town.

During the year 1797, after his return home, he purchased
the house in which his family resided, and the adjoining
farm. For the latter, including improvements, he
paid $3500, and placed it under the management of
his brother, who, as before stated, was a farmer.

By judicious plans, and diligence in their execution, Paul
gradually increased his property, (one farm covered a hundred acres,)
and by the integrity and consistency of his conduct,
he gained the esteem and regard of his fellow-citizens.
In the year 1800, he, was concerned in one-half of the expenses
of building and equipping a brig of 162 tons burthen.
One fourth belonged to his brother, and the other fourth was
owned by persons not related to his family. The brig was
commanded by Thomas Wainer, Paul Cuffe's nephew,
whose talents and character were perfectly adapted to such
a situation.

The ship "Alpha," of 268 tons, carpenter's measure, of
which Paul owned three fourths, was built in 1806. Of
this vessel, he was the commander; the rest of the crew
consisting of seven men of color. The ship performed a

voyage, under his command, from Wilmington to Savannah
thence to Gottenburg, and thence to Philadelphia.
After Paul's return, in 1806, the brig "Traveller," of
109 tons burthen, was built at Westport, of one half of
which he was the owner. After this period, being extensively
engaged in his mercantile and agricultural pursuits
he resided at Westport.

In his person, Paul Cuffe was tall, well-formed, and athletic;
his deportment conciliating, yet dignified and prepossessing;
his countenance blending gravity with modesty and
sweetness, and firmness with gentleness and humanity; in
speech and habit, plain and unostentatious. His whole exterior
indicated a man of respectability and piety, and such
would a stranger have supposed him to be at first view.
His prudence, strengthened by parental care and example,
was, no doubt, a safeguard to him in his youth, when exposed
to the dissolute company which unavoidably attends
a seafaring life; whilst the religion of Jesus Christ, influencing
his mind, under the secret guidance of the Holy
Spirit of Truth, in silent reflection, added, in advancing
manhood, to the brightness of his character, and instituted
or confirmed his disposition to practical good.

He became fully convinced of the principles of truth, as
held by the Society of Friends, and, uniting himself in membership
with them, it pleased the great Head of the Church,
in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge,
who respecteth not the persons of men, in his own due time,

to entrust him with a gift in the ministry, which he frequently
exercised, to the comfort and edification of his friends
and brethren.

When he was prevented from going abroad, as, usual, in
the pursuit of his business, on account of the rigors of the
winter, he often devoted a considerable portion of his time in
teaching navigation to his own sons, and to the young men
in the neighborhood in which he resided. And even on
his voyages, when opportunities occurred, he employed himself
in imparting a knowledge of this invaluable science to
those under him, so that he had the honor of training up,
both amongst the white and colored population, a considerable
number of skilful navigators.

He was careful to maintain a strict integrity and uprightness
in all his transactions in trade, and, believing himself
to be accountable to God for the mode of using and acquiring
his possessions, he was at all times willing, and conceived
it to be his bounden duty, as a humble follower of a crucified
Lord, to sacrifice his private interests, rather than engage in
any enterprise, however lawful in the eyes of the world, or
however profitable, that might have a tendency, in the smallest
degree, either directly or indirectly, to injure his fellowmen.
On these grounds, he would not deal in intoxicating
liquors, or in slaves, though he might have done either,
without violating the laws of his country, and with great
prospects of pecuniary gain.

He turned his attention to the British settlement at Sierra
Leone, being induced to believe, from various communications

he had received from Europe and other sources, that
his endeavors to contribute to its welfare, and to that of his
fellow-men, might not be ineffectual. On examination, he
found his affairs were in so prosperous and flourishing a
state as to warrant the undertaking; and, being fully convinced
that he was called upon to appropriate a portion of
what he had freely received from the hands of an ever
bountiful Providence, to the benefit of his unhappy race, he
embarked, in the commencement of 1811, in his own brig
"Traveller," manned entirely by persons of color, his
nephew, Thomas Wainer, being the captain. After a passage
of about two months, they arrived at Sierra Leone,
where Paul remained about the same length of time, during
which interval he made himself acquainted with the real
state and condition of the colony. He had frequent conversations
with the Governor and principal inhabitants, during
which opportunities he suggested several important improvements.
Amongst other things, he recommended the formation
of a society, for the purpose of promoting the interests
of its members and the colonists in general; which measure
was immediately acceded to and adopted, and the society
named, "The Friendly Society of Sierra Leone," composed
principally of respectable men of color.

Paul Cuffe terminated his labors and his life, which he
departed in peace, the 7th of the 9th mo., 1817, being then
in the fifty-ninth year of his age.*

* I am indebted for this account of PAUL CUFFE to the Address of Rev. Peter
Williams, delivered in 1812, and since published in the Liverpool Mercury.

Joseph Congdon, Esq., of New Bedford, has kindly obtained
for me the following valuable documents, bearing on
PAUL CUFFF'S exertions in behalf of equal suffrage:--

To the Honorable
Council and House of Representatives, in General
Court assembled, for the State of the Massachusetts Bay, in New
England:

The petition of several poor negroes and mulattoes, who are
inhabitants of the town of Dartmouth, humbly showeth,--

That we being chiefly of the African extract, and by reason of
long bondage and hard slavery, we have been deprived of enjoying
the profits of our labor or the advantage of inheriting estates from
our parents, as our neighbors the white people do, having some of
us not long enjoyed our own freedom; yet of late, contrary to the
invariable custom and practice of the country, we have been, and
now are, taxed both in our polls and that small pittance of estate
which, through much hard labor and industry, we have got
together to sustain ourselves and families withall. We apprehend
it, therefore, to be hard usage, and will doubtless (if continued)
reduce us to a state of beggary, whereby we shall become a burthen
to others, if not timely prevented by the interposition of your justice
and your power.

Your petitioners further show, that we apprehend ourselves to be
aggrieved, in that, while we are not allowed the privilege of freemen
of the State, having no vote or influence in the election of those
that tax us, yet many of our colour (as is well known) have cheerfully
entered the field of battle in the defence of the common cause,
and that (as we conceive) against a similar exertion of power (in
regard to taxation), too well known to need a recital in this place.

We most humbly request, therefore, that you would take our
unhappy case into your serious consideration, and, in your wisdom
and power, grant us relief from taxation, while under our present

"This is the copy of the petition which we did deliver
unto the Honorable Council and House, for relief from
taxation in the days of our distress. But we received
none. JOHN CUFFE."

There is also a copy of the petition, with the date,
"January 22d, 1781," not signed, by which it would appear
that they intended to renew their application to the government
for relief.

[From the Records of Dartmouth, May 10, 1780]

"The town [Dartmouth] took in consideration the form of Government, &c.

"The Committee recommend that in the 4th article,
25th page, the words 'sui juris and that pays a poll tax, except
such who, from their respective offices and age, are exempted by
law,' be added after the words, 'every male person'; and to
expunge the following clause in said article, namely,--'having a
Page 89

freehold estate within the same town of the annual income of three
pounds, or any estate of the value of sixty pounds,'--for the following
reason: such qualification appears to your Committee to
be inconsistent with the liberty we are contending for, so long,
especially, as any subject, who is not a qualified voter, is obliged
to pay a poll tax.

"(Signed,) EDWARD POPE, Chairman.

"The report was accepted by an unanimous vote of one hundred
and fifty persons present."

Extract from the Town Warrant of Dartmouth, dated February 20,
1781:

"To choose an agent or agents to defend an action against John
and Paul Cuff, at the next Court to be holden at Taunton."

At the meeting, March 8, 1781,--"The Honorable Walter
Spooner, Esquire, chosen agent, in behalf of the town, to make
answer to John and Paul Cuff at the next Inferior Court to be held
at Taunton."

"A REQUEST.

"To the Selectmen of the Town of Dartmouth, Greeting:

"We the subscribers, your humble petitioners, desire that you
would, in your capacity, put a stroke in your next warrant for calling
a town meeting, so that it may legally be laid before said town,
by way of vote, to know the mind of said town, whether all free
negroes and mulattoes shall have the same privileges in this said
Town of Dartmouth as the white people have, respecting places of
profit, choosing of officers, and the like, together with all other
privileges in all cases that shall or may happen or be brought in this
our said Town of Dartmouth. We, your petitioners, as in duty
bound, shall ever pray.

"A true copy of the request which John Cuffe and Paul Cuffe
delivered unto the Selectmen of the Town of Dartmouth, for to
have all free negroes and mulattoes to be entered equally with the
white people, or to have relief granted us jointly from taxation, &c.

"Given under my hand,

JOHN
CUFFE."

"DARTMOUTH, June 11, 1781.

"Then received of John Cuffe, eight pounds twelve shillings
silver money, in full for all John Cuffe's and Paul Cuffe's Rates,
until this date; also, for all my Court charges. Received by me,

"RICHARD COLLENS, Constable."

"John and
Paul Cuff, of Dartmouth, Dr., to Elijah Dean, of Taunton,--

To summoning the assessors of Dartmouth to Taunton
Court, 21. £140

[On the back.]

"Rec'd of John Cuff twenty-four shillings, being the contents of
the within acc't, in behalf of Elijah Dean.

"(Signed) EDWARD
POPE."

It was ascertained by these proceedings, that taxes must
be paid, the receipts being forwarded; and this case, although
no action followed in Court, settled the right of the
colored man to the elective franchise in the State of Massachusetts.

RICHARD JOHNSON, who married a daughter of Paul Cuffe,
resided at New Bedford nearly fifty years. In early life,
he was engaged as a mariner, and filled every capacity,
from a cabin boy to a captain.

During the war of 1812, he was taken prisoner, but was
released, after having been confined six months.

He was distinguished for prudence and sagacity in his
business operations, and, despite the obstacles that prejudice
against color so constantly strewed in his path, he succeeded
in his mercantile affairs, accumulated a competency, and
retired from business several years since.

Mr. Johnson was always ready to extend the hand of relief
to his enslaved countrymen, and no one was more
ready to assist, according to his ability, in the elevation of
his people.

He was one of the earliest friends of Mr. Garrison; a
subscriber to his paper, from the time the first number was
issued in Baltimore, and for several years an efficient agent
for the Liberator; and very active in circulating Mr. Garrison's
"Thoughts on Colonization," in 1832. In all the
vicissitudes through which the anti-slavery cause has been
called to pass, Mr. J. always maintained a straight-forward,
consistent course, firmly adhering to the pioneer who first
sounded the alarm.

He died in peace, February 15, 1853, aged seventy-seven;
and the funeral service of himself and wife (whose
death preceded his one day) was numerously attended by
New Bedford citizens.

RICHARD POTTER.

On the Northern New Hampshire Railroad, some thirty
miles from Concord, in the town of Andover, is a station

called Potter's Place. This little village derives its name
from RICHARD POTTER, the celebrated Ventriloquist and
Professor of Legerdemain. Within twenty rods of the
track stands a neat white, one-story building, with two
projecting wings, all of Grecian architecture. From this
extends, south-westerly, a fine expanse of level meadow.
This house, and the adjacent two hundred acres, were owned
by RICHARD POTTER. There once stood, on pillars before
the house, two graven images, taken from Lord Timothy
Dexter's place, in Newburyport. Potter built the house and
cultivated the farm, which were estimated in the days of Potter,
and long before the railroad was built, to be worth
$5000. This Potter owned in fee simple, unincumbered,
the fruits of his successful illusions, optical and auricular.

Potter was a colored man, half-way between fair and
black. He for a long time monopolized the market for
such wares as sleight of hand, and "laborious speaking
from the stomach." Says one writer in the Boston Traveller,
of November 6, 1851:--

"We well remember how our astonished eyes first beheld
his debut upon the stage,--a portentous-looking magician
from India. And then to see him perform; eat tow,
spit fire, and draw form his mouth yards and
yards of ribbon, all made out of tow; far down in his crop
to hear him command an egg to all over him, from head to foot,
from foot to head, etc., etc. And then his comic songs!
Donning another attire, he would hobble around the stage,
an old woman; and the old woman would tell over her

various troubles, in successive stanzas, always concluding
with the cheerful refrain--'Howsever, I keep up a pretty
good heart.' "

Richard was born in the town of Hopkinton, Mass., and,
when quite a boy, was prevailed upon to engage himself in
the service of Samuel Dillaway, Esq., of Boston,--a relative
of the family being on a wedding tour to that pleasant
town. After being 'brought up' by Mr. Dillaway,
he became a valued and esteemed servant in the family
of Rev. Daniel Oliver, of Boston; and in his kitchen,
he studied out the theory and began the practice of legerdemain.
Mr. Oliver's son, late Adjutant General of Massachusetts,
often alludes to the winter evening amusements afforded
to the children at home by the tricks and pranks of Potter.

He, who was so successful in these, his first efforts, and
so able to set up business on his own account, could not
long be retained as a servant. He followed his vocation,
ever after, till death arrested him in his course. Columbian
Hall, and Concert Hall, in the olden time, were the prominent
places, in Boston, for Potter's levees.

Potter was temperate, steady, attentive to his business,
and his business was his delight. He took as much pleasure
in pleasing others, as others did in being pleased. I
have never heard a lisp against his character for honesty
and fair dealing. He was once the victim of persecution
from a Mr. Fitch, who had him arrested as a juggler. Potter
plead his own case, and secured an equittal.

In Memory of
RICHARD POTTER,
THE CELEBRATED VENTRILOQUIST,
Who died
Sept. 20, 1835,
Aged 52 years.

THE MARSHPEE INDIANS.

The Marshpee Indians also did noble service in our revolutionary
struggle. During the discussion of the subject of
the militia laws before the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention
of 1853, it was stated that the practice of excluding
colored men from the militia did not exist previous to the
United States Militia Law of 1792, which first introduced
the word "white"; and in confirmation of this statement,
the following interesting fact in our own State history was
mentioned. During the War of the Revolution, when the
county of Barnstable was required to raise a regiment of
four hundred men in the Continental army, the Indian district
of Marshpee, in that county, furnished twenty-seven
colored soldiers, who fought in the battles, and all but one
of them perished, and he died a pensioner a few years
ago. At that time, (1776,) Marshpee had a population of
three hundred and twenty-seven colored persons, of whom
fourteen were negroes married to Indian women. There
were sixty-four married couples and thirty-three widows on

the plantation; so that, in proportion to adult male population, Marshpee
furnished a larger quota for that regiment
than any white town in the county. A census taken after
the Revolutionary War, showed that there were seventy-three
colored widows in Marshpee, whose husbands had
been slain or died in the service of their country during
that war.

And yet, the Legislature of Massachusetts, in 1788-89,
treated these Indians with extreme rigor, by abolishing their
charter--under which, in 1763, they had been incorporated
into a district, with right to choose their selectmen--and
putting them under guardians, who had power to take all
their lands and income, and treat the proprietors as paupers.
Under these laws, the Indians could make no contract and
hold no property, and the overseers could take all their
earnings, bind out their children without their parents' consent;
and, still further, by a subsequent act, these overseers,
from whose decision there was no appeal, could sell
the proprietors, male or female adults, to service, for three
years at a term, and renew it at pleasure.

These laws, and worse, against these poor Indians, who
all the time were sole owners of ten thousand acres of land,
were continued in force until 1834, when, principally by the
efforts of Benj. F. Hallett, Esq., as their counsel, in exposing
their injustice, the system was broken up, and the district
of Marshpee was incorporated under free laws, and the
property divided among the proprietors in fee. They are
now a very prosperous and thriving community, deserving

In 1783, Parson Holly presented a memorial to the Legislature,
in behalf of the seventy-three widows whose
husbands had died in their country's service.

PATRIOTS OF THE OLDEN TIME.

The wife of Samuel Adams, of revolutionary celebrity,
one day informed her husband that a friend had made her
a present of a female slave. Mr. Adams replied, in a very
decided manner, "She may come, but not as a slave; for a
slave cannot breathe in my house. If she comes, she,
must come free." The woman took up her abode with the
family of this champion of liberty; and there she lived free
and died free.

LOYALTY OF AN AFRICAN BENEVOLENT SOCIETY.

Some of the colored citizens, in 1796, instituted at Boston
the African Society. Its objects were benevolent ones, as

set forth in the preamble, which also expressed its loyalty
as follows:--"Behaving ourselves, at the same time, as
true and faithful citizens of the commonwealth in which we
live, and that we take no one into the Society who shall
commit any injustice or outrage against the laws of their
country."

ISAAC WOODLAND.

The following obituary of one who will be long remembered
in Boston is inserted here as connected with the associations
of by-gone days.

ISAAC WOODLAND was a native of Maryland, but many
years since, he adopted for his home the State of Massachusetts.
His life here was marked with an active zeal for the
fugitive from Southern bondage. His money was always
generously appropriated for their aid and comfort. At one
of the meetings in Belknap Street Church, when the question
whether Boston jail should longer confine George Latimer
as a slave was the theme of discussion in every gathering, I
well remember Isaac Woodland walking up the aisle, and placing
upon the table a handful of silver, with the remark that he had
more shot in the locker, if by that means the man could be kept
from slavery. In the olden time, when the abolitionists of Boston
celebrated the 14th of July, commemorative of the abolition of
slavery in the State, (the day was not historical, for no special
act of emancipation had taken place, but the grateful heart of the
colored man thus wished to signalize the fact that slavery had
departed from the old Bay State,) in their processions, his
towering and manly form was always the observed of all
observers. And when that was superseded by the glorious First
of August, the Jubilee of British West India Emancipation, no
one name was more sure of appointment as Marshal than

His occupation was that of grain inspector, and by his
application and integrity in business, he won the respect
and patronage of a large circle of Boston merchants.

He was genial and mirthful, fond of children and friends,
but yet had that in him which, when roused in defence of his
race, was not easily subdued. This last trait was fully
illustrated in an encounter on one of the wharves, several years
since, between a party of white and colored laborers,
when, but for his prowess and Herculean strength, the fate of his
companions would have been much worse than the event
proved. He was "in war a tiger chafed by the hunter's spear; but
in peace, more gentle than the unweaned lamb."
His death took place in Boston, May 24, 1853, aged 68.

EPITAPHS ON SLAVES.

The following celebrated epitaph from the old burial ground
of Concord, Mass., although it has been often published,
will bear to be reprinted here. It is understood to have
been written by Daniel Bliss, Esq., a lawyer at Concord, before
the Revolutionary War. He was the son of a
minister of that place, whose name and history occupy a large
space in the ecclesiastical annals of the town. This single
production will secure to its author for ever the credit of taste,
ingenuity, and an enlightened moral sense;

and proves that sound abolition sentiments were cherished
then as strongly as at the present day.

GOD
Wills us free.
MAN
Wills us slaves
I will as God wills.
God's will be done.
Here lies the body of John Jack, a native of Africa,
who died March, 1773, aged about 60 years.
Though born in a land of slaves,
He was born free.
Though he lived in a land of liberty,
He lived a slave;
Till, by his honest, though stolen labors,
He acquired the source of Slavery,
Which gave him his freedom.
Though not long before
Death, the grand tyrant,
Gave him his final emancipation,
And set him upon a footing with kings.
Tho' a slave to vice,
He practiced those virtues
Without which, kings are but slaves.

The following inscription is taken from a gravestone in
a burying-ground in the town of North Attleboro', Mass.,
near what was formerly called "Hatch's Tavern." It is an
interesting memento of what the state of things was in this
commonwealth seventy years ago. The testimony thus
borne to the goodness of "Cæsar's" heart certainly reflects

but little credit on the person who could make him or keep
him a slave.

"Here lies the best of slaves,
Now turning into dust;
Cæsar, the Ethiopian, craves,
A place among the just.
His faithful soul is fled,
To realms of heavenly light,
And, by the blood that Jesus shed,
Is changed from black to white.
Jan. 15th he quitted the stage,
In the 77th year of his age,
1780."

THE EQUAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT.

A number of the chivalric portion of the colored Bostonians,
having taken the initiatory steps for a military company,
petitioned the Legislature, in the year 1852, for a
charter, the claims of which were advocated by Charles
Lenox Remond and Robert Morris, Esqs.; but, like the
Attucks petitioners, they, too, "had leave to withdraw." In
February, 1853, the subject was again presented to the Constitutional
Convention, and Robert Morris, Esq., before a committee
of that body, alluded to an old law of the Massachusetts
colony, which called upon all negroes, inhabitants of

the colony, of the age of sixteen and upwards, to make
their appearance in case of alarm, armed and equipped, in
connection with the regularly enrolled militia company, under
a penalty of twenty shillings. And they always did
appear, and performed efficient service. He further remarked,
that a charter had been lately granted to an Irish
company, and said that the colored citizens, who are native
born, desired the same rights which were given to our adopted
brethren. "We do not want," said he, "a step-mother
in the case, who will butter the bread for one, and sand it
for another. We hunger and thirst for prosperity and advancement,
and, so far as in your power lies, we wish you
to do all you can to aid us in our endeavors. We wish you
to make us feel that we are of some use and advantage, in
this our day and generation."

William J. Watkins, Esq., concluded an able argument
as follows:--

"We love Massachusetts; if she reciprocates that love,
let her show forth her love by her works. Let her throw
around us the mantle of her protection, and then, O Massachusetts,
if we forget thee, "may our right hand forget its
cunning, and our tongue cleave to the roof of our mouth."

Yes! let the old Bay State treat us as men, and she shall
elicit our undying, indissoluble attachment; and neither
height, nor depth, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things
present, nor things to come, shall ever be able to alienate
our affection from her. We will be with her in the sixth
trouble, and in the seventh; we will neither leave nor forsake

her. Amid the angry howling of the tempest, as well as
in the cheering sunshine, we shall be ever found, a faithful
few, indomitable, unterrified, who know their friends to love
them with that affection which nought but the destroying angel
can annihilate.

"Again, grant us this petition, and it will induce in us a
determination to surmount every obstacle calculated to impede
our progress; to rise higher, and higher, and HIGHER,
until we scale the Mount of Heaven, and look down, from
our lofty and commanding position, upon our revilers and
persecutors. Yes, sir; it will incite us to renewed diligence,
and cause our arid desert to rejoice and blossom as
the rose. It will inspire us with confidence, and encourage
us to hope, amid the almost tangible darkness that envelopes
us. We care not for the hoarse, rough thunder's voice, nor
the lightning's lurid gleamings, if we are yet to be a people;
if we are yet to behold the superstructure of our liberties
consummated amid paeans of thanksgiving, and shouts from
millions, redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled."

Sixty-five colored citizens of Boston petitioned the Massachusetts
Constitutional Convention, in June, 1853,--
"That the Constitution be so amended as to remove the
disabilities of colored citizens from holding military commissions
and serving in the militia."

man's equality. The following are extract is from the speech
of Hon. Henry Wilson, in support of his amendment, viz.:

"Resolved, That no distinction shall ever hereafter be made, in
organizing the volunteer militia of the Commonwealth, by reason of
color or race."

"If it be true," said Mr. Wilson, that our 'volunteer system'
is 'not contemplated by the laws of the United States,'
--that it is the creature of Massachusetts law--that 'no
reference in the law is made to color'--that the 'officers'
authorized 'to grant petitions for raising companies' have
'control and authority' over the 'whole subject'--and that
they may grant petitions for companies without distinction
of color,--then it is in accordance with the ideas, and sentiments
of the people, to declare in the fundamental law of
the Commonwealth, that in the organization of these volunteer
companies, no distinction on account of color or race shall
ever be made by those 'officers' having 'control and authority
over the whole subject.' This is my proposition--nothing
more, nothing less. If our voluntary militia system is the
creature of local law, purely a Massachusetts system, 'not
contemplated by the laws of the United States,' no distinction
on account of race or color should be allowed. The
Constitution of this Commonwealth knows no distinction of
color or race. A colored man may fill any office in the
gift of the people. A colored man may be the 'Supreme
Executive Magistrate' of Massachusetts, and 'Commander-in-chief
of the army and navy, and of the military forces of

the State by sea and land,' and he 'shall have full power
from time to time to train, instruct, exercise, and govern
the militia,' and 'to lead and conduct them, and with them
to encounter, repel, resist, expel and pursue,' 'and also to
kill, slay and destroy' the invading enemies of the Commonwealth.
If a colored man may be by the Constitution
'Captain General and Commander-in-chief and Admiral'
of the Commonwealth, should he be denied admission into
the ranks of her volunteer militia? The colored men of
Massachusetts have been denied admission into the volunteer
militia, although the Committee tell us that 'no reference
is made by law to color or race.' If 'officers,' who
are authorized by law 'to grant petitions for companies,'
and who have 'control and authority over the whole subject,'
have made distinctions on account of color or race,
when 'no reference is made to color' in the laws, then
they should be compelled by constitutional authority to
abandon the position they have without law assumed, and to
carry out the idea which pervades our Constitution, that all
men, of every race, are equal before the laws of this Commonwealth.
The democratic idea of the equality before
the law of all men, no matter where they were born or from
what race they sprung, is the sentiment of the people.

"This right, claimed by the colored men of Massachusetts,
to become members of the volunteer militia, is of little
practical importance to them or to the public. They feel
the exclusion as an indignity to their race. If we have the
power to remove that unjust exclusion, we are false to the

principles and ideas upon which our Constitution is founded,
if we do not do so. If we have not the power, or if its exercise
would bring us in conflict with the laws of the United
States, which we acknowledge to be the supreme laws of
the land, we must submit to the necessity imposed upon us,
and bow to what we cannot control. I have said, Sir, that
the question was of little practical importance, whether the
right of the colored men of Massachusetts to become members
of the volunteer militia was admitted or not. To them,
it can be of little practical value, although they have wives,
children and homes, and a country, to defend. To the country,
it is of little practical importance. We are strong and
powerful now, able to drive into the ocean any power on earth
that should step with hostile foot upon the soil of the Republic.
But it was not always so. In our days of weakness,
the men of this wronged race gave their blood freely for the
defence and liberties of the country.

"The first victim of the Boston massacre, on the 5th of
March, 1770, which made the fires of resistance burn more
intensely, was a colored man. Hundreds of colored men
entered the ranks and fought bravely on all the fields of the
Revolution. Graydon, of Pennsylvania, in his Memoirs,
informs us that many of the Southern officers disliked the
New England regiments, because so many colored men
were in their ranks. When the country has required their
blood in days of trial and conflict, they have given it freely,
and we have accepted it; but in times of peace, when their
blood is not needed, we spurn and trample them under foot.

I have no part in this great wrong to a race. Wherever and
whenever we have the power to do it, I would give to all
men, of every clime and race, of every faith and creed,
freedom and equality before the law. My voice and my
vote shall ever be given for the equality of all the children
of men before the laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
and the United States."

The petition was received, referred, and finally rejected,
on the ground that it could not be granted without bringing
Massachusetts into conflict with the United States Constitution
and the laws of the land.

On the last day of the Convention, the following petition
was presented by the Hon. E. L. Keyes, of Dedham:--

To the
Convention for revising and amending the Constitution of Massachusetts:

The undersigned, acknowledged citizens of this Commonwealth,
(notwithstanding their complexional differences,) and therefore
citizens of the United States, with the feeling and spirit
becoming freemen, and with the deepest solicitude, respectfully
submit--

That having petitioned your honorable body for such a modification
of the laws as that no able-bodied male citizen shall be forbidden
or prevented from serving, or holding office or commission, in
the militia, on account of his color, their petition was duly referred
and considered, but not granted, and therefore they are still a proscribed
and injured class. The reason assigned for the rejection of
their request, in the report submitted by the Committee to whom
the subject was referred, was, "that this Convention cannot incorporate
into the Constitution of Massachusetts any provision which

shall conflict with THE LAWS of the United States." In the course
of the debate that ensued upon this report, the Attorney General
of Massachusetts [Hon. Rufus Choate] said,--"You caw raise no
colored regiment, or part of a regiment, that shall be of the militia
of the United States--none whatever. . . . It is certain that, if
they were to go upon parade, and to win Bunker Hills, yet they
never can be part of the militia of the United States. . . . Nay,
more; he did not see how he could do any thing for this colored
race, by putting them in one of the high places of the Commonwealth,
with weapons in their hands, and allow our glorious banner
to throw around them all the pomp and parade and condition of
war; the color cleaves to them there, and on parade is only the more
conspicuous."

Another distinguished member of the Convention [Hon. Benj.
F. Hallett] said,--"If Massachusetts should send a colored commander-in-chief
at the head of her militia, the United States would
not recognise his authority, and would at once supersede him."

Your petitioners feel bound to protest, (in behalf of the colored
citizens of Massachusetts,) that all such opinions and declarations
constitute--

(1) A denial of their equality as citizens of this Commonwealth,
and are clearly at variance with the Constitution of this State,
which knows nothing of the complexion of the people, and which
asserts [Art. I.] that "all men are born free and EQUAL, and have
certain natural, essential and inalienable rights; among which
may be reckoned the right of enjoying and DEFENDING their lives
and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing and protecting property;
in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness."
It would be absurd to say that the General Government, or that
Congress, has the constitutional right to declare, if it think proper,
that the white citizen of Massachusetts shall not be enrolled in the
militia of the country; and it is not to be supposed, for a moment,

that, if such a proscriptive edict were to be issued, it would be
tamely submitted to. It is, surely, just as great an absurdity, just
as glaring an insult, to assume that colored citizens may be legally
excluded from the national militia.

(2) In the Constitution of the United States, not a sentence or
a syllable can be found, recognising any distinctions among the
citizens of the States, collectively or individually, but they are all
placed on the same equality. Article IV., Section 2d, declares--
"The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several States." It is not possible
to make a more unequivocal recognition of the equality of all citizens;
and, therefore, whatever contravenes or denies it, in the
shape of legislation, is manifestly unconstitutional. Whatever may
have been the compromises of the Constitution, in regard to those
held in bondage as chattel slaves, none were ever made, or proposed,
respecting the rights and liberties of citizens.

(3) It is true that, by the United States Constitution, Congress
is empowered "to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining
the militia"; it is also true, that Congress, in "organizing" the
militia, has authorised none but "white" citizens to be enrolled
therein; nevertheless, it is not less true, that the law of Congress,
making this unnatural distinction, is, in this particular, unconstitutional,
and therefore ought to exert no controlling force over the
legislation of any of the States. To organize the militia of the
country is one thing; to dishonor and outrage a portion of the citizens,
on any ground, is a very different thing. To do the former,
Congress is clothed with ample constitutional authority; to accomplish
the latter, it has no power to legislate, and resort must be had,
and has been had, to usurpation and tyranny.

Your petitioners, therefore, earnestly entreat the Convention, by
every consideration of justice and righteousness, not to adjourn
without asserting and vindicating the entire fitness and equal right

of the colored citizens of Massachusetts to be enrolled in the
national militia; or, if this be not granted, then they respectfully
ask that this protest may be placed on the records of the Convention,
and published with the official proceedings, that the stigma
may not rest upon their memories of having tamely acquiesced in a
proscription, equally at war with the American Constitution, the
Massachusetts Bill of Rights, and the claims of human nature.

This petition having been read, it was ordered to be
entered upon the records, by a vote of 97 to 66; but subsequently,
on motion of Mr. Stetson, of Braintree, the vote
was reconsidered.

Hon. B. F. Hallett, for Wilbraham, upon a question of
privilege, spoke at some length in defence of his action in
the matter, and in favor of reconsideration, which, under
the previous question, was carried--97 to 57; and, on
motion of Mr. Bird, of Walpole, the whole question was
laid on the table without dissent. This final action was
highly discreditable to the Convention; for the petitioners,

having been virtually excluded from the pale of American
citizenship by that body, had a right at least to have their
protest against such an exclusion placed on the records of
the Convention; nor was there a sentence or word in their
petition uncalled for or offensively used.

The limits of this work will not allow of an elaborate or
statistical report of the present condition of the colored
Americans, though very much that is encouraging is at the
compiler's disposal. It will be found that, throughout the
book, references are made to representative cases of individual
enterprise and genius, sufficient, it is presumed, to
convey a general idea of the improvements daily developed
by that class, which has commonly been stigmatized as incapable
of mental and social elevation.

So far as Massachusetts is concerned, it is safe to say
that, in many respects, her record is one to be proud of.
Her colored citizens (in all but the militia clause in the
Constitution) stand, before the law, on an equality with the
whites. Her public schools are accessible to all, irrespective
of complexion,--prophetic of the day, soon, I hope, to
be ushered in, when the mechanic's shop and the merchant's
counting-room will be alike ready to extend to them
equal facilities with those of another and more favored race.

New Bedford occupies a very prominent position in all
that contributes to the prosperity of the colored American,
in general intelligence, business, enterprise, and public spirit;
much of which is justly attributable to the impetus given
by Paul Cuffe's efforts for the. franchise. Some of his descendants

yet live in New Bedford. The colored voters
there hold the balance of power, and hence exert a potent
on election day. The faithful Friends, or Quakers,
have always borne such a testimony at New Bedford,
as materially to have aided the progress of the colored citizens.

Worcester can boast, among her colored mechanics, Wm.
H. Brown, whose well-established reputation as an upholsterer
reflects great credit upon the large firm in Boston
with whom he served a faithful apprenticeship.

Salem, Springfield, and Lowell, together with many
smaller localities, have good and true colored men among
their inhabitants, sustaining creditable business relations,
and the owners of real estate in a fair proportion with their
white fellow-citizens.

Boston compares favorably, in this respect, with larger
cities in the United States. Several causes have combined
to retard the progress of colored mechanics; but these are
being removed, and, in a few years, the results will be
manifest. Business and professional men are continually
increasing. In addition to the mechanical, artistical, and
professional colored men in Boston, elsewhere mentioned,
it may be noted, that the two most popular gymnasium galleries
are in the proprietorship of J. B. Bailey and Peyton
Stewart; the prince of caterers is J. B. Smith; a dentist
highly recommended is J. S. Rock; a young artist in crayon
portraits is winning his way to excellence and reputation;
and other equally meritorious aspirants,--women included,

--are soaring to those heights that challenge the ambition
of earth's gifted children. Real estate to the value
of, at least, $200,000, is in the. hands of our colored citizens.
During the struggle for equal school rights, many of
the largest tax payers removed into the neighboring towns,
and withdrew their investments from Boston real estate.

American colorphobia is never more rampant towards its
victims, than when one would avail himself of the facilities
for mental improvement, in common with the more favored
dominant party,--as if his complexion was, indeed, prima
facie evidence that he was an intruder within the sacred
portals of knowledge. In Boston, the so-called "Athens of
America," large audiences have been thrown almost into
spasms by the presence of one colored man in their
midst; and, on one occasion, (in the writer's experience,) a
mob grossly insulted a gentleman and two ladies, who
did not happen to exhibit the Anglo-Saxon (constitutional)
complexion.

But, within a few years past, this spirit of caste has lost
much of its virulence, owing somewhat to the efforts put
forth by the colored people themselves. For ten years, they
sustained the Adelphic Union Library Association, and were
generally fortunate in securing the most talented and distinguished
gentlemen as lecturers. Though proscribed
themselves, they removed from the colored locality, opened
a hall in the central part of the city, and magnanimously invited
all to avail themselves of its benefits. A number of
white young men associated themselves with this Society,

and participated in several public elocutionary exhibitions;
and their lecture-room was usually visited by representatives
from all classes of the community, which has had a tendency
to excite something of a reciprocal feeling on the part of
other association's,--now extending itself through all the
ramifications of society; so that the presence of colored
persons at popular lectures is now a matter of common occurrence,
and excites scarcely any notice or remark. This
agreeable state of things superseded the necessity of an
exclusive organization, though social literary clubs, mostly
composed of colored members, have continued to exist.

In New Bedford, a deserved rebuke was administered to
colorphobia, which grew out of an attempt to prescribe colored
patrons of the Lyceum from the privileges heretofore
shared by them in common with others. This persecution
aroused the indignation of those ever-to-be-honored
friends of equal rights, CHARLES SUMNER and RALPH WALDO
EMERSON. They were both announced to lecture, but, on
learning the proceedings, they immediately recalled their
engagements, rather than sanction, by their presence on the
rostrum, such an outrage on the rights of man. This noble
deed was not without its effect, and, as a legitimate consequence,
prompted the freemen of New Bedford to establish
an independent Lyceum, where men, irrespective of accidental
differences, could freely assemble, and have dispensed
to them the precious stores of knowledge. Various
circumstances combined to create an impetus in favor of the
free Lyceum, which completely superseded the other, and
thus a victory was achieved in humanity's behalf

A similar triumph, in many respects, was also won in
Lynn, where opposition was manifested to a Lyceum lecture
by Charles Lenox Remond. A majority united in the
formation of another institution, thus proving that, where
there is a will, a way can always be found for united hearts
to bear a faithful and effective testimony against proscription
and tyranny.

Since then, Samuel R. Ward, Frederick Douglass, and
other distinguished colored lecturers, have been welcomed
to Lyceum platforms in different parts of the country.

To Raynal, who expressed surprise that America had not
produced any celebrated man, Jefferson replied,--"When
we shall have existed as a nation as long as the Greeks before
they had a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, or the French
a Racine, there will be room for inquiry;" and I would
say, Let the evil spirit of American pro-slavery and prejudice
only remove its feet from the neck of its outraged victims,
and if improvement be not made commensurate with
the means afforded, then,--but not till then,--will we admit
the truth of the gratuitous assertion, that the Author of
the universe has stamped upon the brow of the colored
American a mark of inferiority.

This feeling must have moved C. V. Caples, a colored
teacher, when he uttered the following eloquent words at an
early Anti-Slavery Convention in Boston:--"I am pained,"
said he, "when I think of the condition of colored men in
the United States. My blood is as warm as yours, Mr. President,
or that of any patriot; and when I behold the finger

of scorn pointed at my brethren, and the curled lip, my soul
weeps. I think, there may be thus insulted one possessing
the highest attributes of man; a mind, perhaps, that, if
trained like other minds, might lead to great deeds,--some
Cincinnatus, capable of influencing the destinies of a nation,
a Hampden, to inspire patriotism, or a Milton, 'pregnant
with celestial fire.' "

The colored man's friends are constantly claiming for
him an equality of privileges, based on his nativity, loyalty,
and the immutable law of God. There have been those,
however, sometimes found deficient in a trying hour. Such
"fallings from grace" doubtless occur in the ranks of every
reform; for all who profess are not always fully imbued
with the principle, thereby losing opportunities of squaring
their practice with their preaching. To those colored
friends, however, who constantly harp upon real or supposed
derelictions of white Abolitionists, it is but seasonable
to hint, that some of their own number are very indifferent
to practical Anti-Slavery, and that, at the South, there are
black, as well as white, slaveholders,--a fact teaching humility
to both classes, while, at the same time, it proves the
identity of both with the human family. These Anti-Slavery
tests are presented in the every-day routine of business and
social life, and ofttimes prove severe trials, except to those
of the genuine radical stamp. All reformers owe it to their
high calling to be consistent; not to place their light under
a bushel but to let its rays be conspicuous, as a direct
means of influencing public sentiment.

A few years since, when the State of Massachusetts was
agitated, from Cape Cod to Berkshire, with the exclusion of
colored passengers from equal railroad privileges, many
an instance occurred where Abolitionists wholly identified
themselves with the proscribed,--"remembering those in
bonds as bound with them;" and, on some occasions, encountering
peril of life and limb, and sharing indignities
equally with those whose sin was the "texture of hair and
hue of the skin."

It is with the most grateful emotions that I would here
record the names of WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON and WENDELL
PHILLIPS, both of whom, on separate occasions, remonstrated
against the colonization of colored friends from
the cars, and, in the crisis, exiled themselves to the "Jim-Crow
car," rather than remain in comfort with the oppressor.
Such exhibitions of fidelity to principle were not lost
upon their fellow-passengers.

There is abundant reason to believe that these and-similar
incidents, in connection with the eloquent appeals of
CHARLES LENOX REMOND and other Anti-Slavery lecturers,
were instrumental in removing all odious restrictions from
the Eastern Railroad; and, at this day, who ventures to exclude
a colored passenger, in this section of country? The
idea has been consigned to the tomb of the capulets, from
whence we do not anticipate a resurrection. Until within a
few years, the Boston Directory had a Liberia department
for persons of color; but it luckily fell into the hands of an
Anti-Slavery man, GEORGE ADAMS, Esq., who, to his honor

be it remembered, abolished this inglorious distinction, inserted
the names of colored citizens among "the rest of
mankind," and, to this day, no orb has been so eccentric
as to wander from its sphere in consequence thereof. "So
shines a good deed in a naughty world." Live the true life,
speak the true word, and God will bless the effort.

There is a sun-dial in Italy, with the inscription, "I mark
only the hours that shine,"--inculcating the lesson, that
though this life is not all happy and beautiful, yet we
should not dwell always upon the darker portion of the picture,
but remember to look also upon the bright side. What
a satisfaction to the proscribed colored American is the fact,
that, in this slavery-cursed land, there are those true hearts
ready to accord the rights and privileges to others so prized
by themselves; that, in the highways and byways of life,
on the railroad car and in the steamboat, in the lyceum
and college, in the street, the store, and the parlor, a noble
band is found, united in purpose, uncompromising in principle,
fearless in action, whose examples are like specks of
verdure amidst universal barrenness,--as scattered lights
amidst thick and prevailing darkness.

CHAPTER II.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

JUDE HALL--LEGISLATIVE POSTPONEMENT OF
EMANCIPATION--LAST SLAVE IN NEW HAMPSHIRE--SENATOR
MORRILL'S TRIBUTE
TO A COLORED CITIZEN.

JUDE HALL was born at Exeter, N. H., and was a soldier
in the Revolutionary War, under General Poor. He served
faithfully eight years, and fought in most all the battles,
beginning at Bunker Hill. He was called a great soldier,
and was known in New Hampshire to the day of his death
by the name of "Old Rock."

Singular to relate, three of his sons have been kidnapped
at different times, and reduced to slavery. James was put
on board a New Orleans vessel; Aaron was stolen from
Providence, in 1807; William went to sea in the bark
Hannibal, from Newburyport, and was sold in the West
Indies, from whence he escaped after ten years of slavery,
and sailed as captain of a collier from Newcastle to London.

The anecdote of the slave of Gen. Sullivan, of New
Hampshire, is well known. When his master told him
that they were on the point of starting for the army, to
fight for liberty, he shrewdly suggested, that it would be a

great satisfaction to know that he was indeed going to fight
for his liberty. Struck with the reasonableness and justice
of this suggestion, Gen. S. at once gave him his freedom.

It is not very surprising, that in the time of the Revolutionary
War, when so much was said of freedom, equality,
and the rights of man, the poor African should think that
he had some rights, and should seek that freedom which
others valued so highly. There were slaves then, even in
New Hampshire, and their owners, like the Egyptians of
old, and the Carolinians now, were unwilling to "let them
go." Here is an extract from the Journal of New Hampshire,
touching this matter, showing how justice and humanity
were postponed, as repentance often is, to a more
convenient opportunity:--

"JUNE 9, 1780. Agreeable to order of the day, the petition of
Negro Brewster and others, negro slaves, praying to be set free
from slavery, being read, considered, and argued by counsel for
petitioners before this House, it appears that at this time this House
is not ripe for a determination in this matter. Therefore, ordered,
That the further consideration of the matter be postponed till a
more convenient opportunity."

Senator Morrill, of New Hampshire, in his speech at
Washington, in 1820, on the Missouri question, alluded to a
colored man in his own State, by the name of CHESWELL,
who, with his family, were respectable in point of property,
ability, and character. He held some of the first offices of
the town in which he resided, was appointed Justice of the
Peace for the county, and was perfectly competent to perform

all the duties of his various offices in the most prompt,
accurate, and acceptable manner.

"In New Hampshire," says Dr. Belknap, in 1795, "those
blacks who enlisted into the army for three years, were
entitled to the same bounty as the whites. This bounty
their masters received as the price of their liberty, and then
delivered up their bills of sale, and gave them a certificate
of manumission. Several of these bills and certificates
were deposited in my hands; and those who survived the
three years' service were free."*

Massachusetts Historical Collection, Vol. IV., p. 203.

New Hampshire papers of a quite recent date record the
death, at Hanover, of Mrs. JANE E. WENTWORTH, a colored
woman, at the age of three score and ten. Graduates at
Dartmouth will recollect her as Aunt Jenny, the wash-woman,
and nurse in sickness. Her parents were slaves,
kidnapped when very young, and came by inheritance in
possession of the family of Mrs. House, of Hanover. They
were subsequently sold to a gentleman in Salem, N. H.,
where they remained until they were emancipated by the
laws of the State. Jenny was born in Hanover, in 1777,
was sold with her parents, and upon becoming free, she
married Charles Wentworth, a slave of Gov. Wentworth.
They then removed to Hanover, where they remained till
their death. Jenny outlived her husband several years, and
was one of the last of the African race who in our early
history were held in bondage in New England.

CHAPTER III.

VERMONT.

AUGUST 16th, 1777, the Green Mountain Boys, aided by
troops from New Hampshire, and some few from Berkshire
County, Massachusetts, under the command of Gen.
Stark, captured the left wing of the British army near Bennington.
As soon as arrangements could be made, after
the prisoners were all collected,--something more than
seven hundred,--they were tied to a rope, one on each
side. The rope not being long enough, Gen. Stark called
for more; when Mrs. Robinson, wife of Hon. Moses Robinson,
said to the General, "I will take down the last bedstead
in the house, and present the rope to you, on one condition.
When the prisoners are all tied to the rope, you shall permit
my negro man to harness up my old mare, and hitch
the rope to the whiffletree, mount the mare, and conduct
the British and tory prisoners out of town." The General
willingly accepted Mrs. Robinson's proposition. The negro
mounted the mare, and thus conducted the left wing of the
British army into Massachusetts, on their way to Boston.

Gen. Schuyler writes from Saratoga, July 23, 1777, to
the President of Massachusetts Bay, "That of the few
continental troops we have had to the Northward, one third
part is composed of men too far advanced in years for field
service, of boys, or rather, children, and, mortifying barely
to mention, of negroes."

The General also addressed a similar letter to John Hancock,
and again to the Provincial Congress, in which he
stated that the foregoing were facts which were altogether
incontrovertible.

LEMUEL HAYNES was born in Hartford, Conn., July 18,
1753. His father was an African, his mother, white. It
was his good fortune to fall into kind hands, and he enjoyed
excellent advantages of education, both before and after the
Revolution. He ultimately became a ripe scholar, and, in
1804, received the honorary degree of A. M. from Middlebury
College, Vt. After completing a theological course of
study, he preached in various places in Connecticut, until
the year 1788, when he made a permanent settlement in
West Rutland, Vt., and remained there thirty years, being
one of the most popular preachers in the State.

In 1805, Mr. Haynes preached his noted sermon from
Gen. iii. 4, the fame of which, and his discussion with the
venerable Hosea Ballou, was world-wide.

He was no less distinguished for his patriotism than for
his theological attainments. He enlisted as a minute man
in 1774, and became connected with the American army.
After the battle of Lexington, in 1775, be joined the army

at Roxbury. Two years after, he was a volunteer in the
expedition to Ticonderoga, to stop the inroads of Burgoyne's
Northern army. His neighbors and friends often heard him
describe his sufferings while engaged in that campaign.

His social qualities were of a high order. He was a
somewhat eccentric man, very musical, and full of wit and
anecdote, but serious and reverent when the occasion demanded.
He was a kind neighbor and a warm friend. He
lived to the age of 81, dying on the 28th of September,
1833.

The opinion of Judge Harrington, of Vermont, in the
case of a person claimed as a fugitive slave, is probably
familiar to most Abolitionists. In answer to some inquiries
with regard to the particulars of the case, by Hon. Samuel
E. Sewall, of Massachusetts, the Hon. Dorastus Wooster, of
Middlebury, Vt., says:--

"The transaction to which you allude is somewhat an
ancient one. The case occurred before my time; but I
have the history of it from the lips of an eye-witness, who
was present at the time,--the Hon. Horatio Seymour,
formerly a Senator from this State in Congress. There
was a person of color in Middlebury, who was claimed as a
slave by his master, from the State of New York. He was
brought before two Justices of the Peace, and they decided
to surrender him. Loyal Case, Esq., counsel for the slave,
brought him up, on a habeas corpus, to the Supreme Court,
then in session, for his liberation. The master brought forward
documentary and other evidence to show his title to

the slave. Judge Harrington, who was then on the bench,
gave the opinion of the Court. He said that the evidence
of title was good, as far as it went, but the chain had some
of its links broken. The evidence did not go far enough.
If the master could show a bill of sale, or grant, from the
Almighty, then his title to him would be complete: otherwise,
it would not. And as he had not shown such evidence,
the Court refused to surrender him, and discharged
him. This is the opinion of the Court, as delivered by
Judge Harrington, as well as can be recollected after such
a lapse of time. The transaction took place about the year
1807. Judge Harrington is now dead. He possessed a
powerful mind, not fond of technicalities: had a strong
sense of justice, and was a great friend to liberty."

Two points in this case merit particular attention:--

1. The decision was made only about seventeen years
after the Constitution of the United States went into operation.

2. It was the solemn and deliberate decision of the
Supreme Court of Vermont, not the opinion of Judge Harrington
alone. As such, it becomes of great weight as a
legal authority, and should be cited whenever a person,
claimed as a fugitive slave, is brought before any Court.

CHAPTER IV.

RHODE ISLAND.

ADMISSION OF HON. TRISTAM
BURGES--DEFENCE OF RED BANK--ARREST
OF MAJOR GENERAL PRESCOTT BY PRINCE--COLORED
REGIMENT OF RHODE ISLAND--SPEECH OF DR. HARRIS--LOYALTY
DURING THE DORR REBELLION.

Tim Hon. Tristam Burges, of Rhode Island, in a speech
in Congress, January, 1828, said:--"At the commencement
of the Revolutionary War, Rhode Island had a number of slaves.
A regiment of them were enlisted into the
Continental service, and no braver men met the enemy
in battle; but not one of them was permitted to be a soldier
until he had first been made a freeman."

"In Rhode Island," says Governor Eustis, in his able
speech against slavery in Missouri, 12th December, 1820,
"the blacks formed an entire regiment, and they discharged
their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defence of
Red Bank, in which the black regiment bore a part, is
among the proofs of their valor." In this contest, it will be
recollected that four hundred men met and repulsed, after a
terrible and sanguinary struggle, fifteen hundred Hessian
troops, headed by Count Donop. The glory of the defence

of Red Bank, which has been pronounced one of the most
heroic actions of the war, belongs in reality to black men;
yet who now hears them spoken of in connection with it?
Among the traits which distinguished the black regiment,
was devotion to their officers. In the attack made upon the
American lines, near Croton river, on the 13th of May,
1781, Colonel Greene, the commander of the regiment,
was cut down and mortally wounded but the sabres of the
enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful
guard of blacks, who hovered over him to protect him,
and every one of whom was killed.

Lieu tenant-Colonel Barton, of the Rhode Island militia,
planned a bold exploit for the purpose of surprising and
taking Major-General Prescott, the commanding officer of
the royal army at Newport. Taking with him, in the night,
about forty men, in two boats, with ours muffled, he had the
address to elude the vigilance of the ships of war and guard
boats, and, having arrived undiscovered at the General's
quarters, they were taken for the sentinels, and the General
was not alarmed till his captors were at the door of his lodging
chamber, which was fast closed. A negro man, named
Prince, instantly thrust his head through the panel door
and seized the victim while in bed. The General's aid-decamp
leaped from a window undressed, and attempted to
escape, but was taken, and, with the General, brought off
in safety.*

I have received from Mr. George E. Willis, of Providence,
the following list of names, as among the colored
soldiers in the Rhode Island Regiment during the Revolutionary
War:--

SCIPIO BROWN,

PRINCE VAUGHN,

GUY WATSON,

PRIMUS RHODES,

PRINCE GREENE,

HENRY TABOR,

REUBEN ROBERTS,

CÆSAR POWER,

THOMAS BROWN,

SAMSON HAZZARD,

RICHARD RHODES,

CUFF GREENE,

CATO GREENE,

PRINCE JENKS,

PHILO PHILLIPS,

YORK CHAMPLIN,

ICHABOD NORTHUP.

RICHARD COZZENS, a fifer in the Rhode Island Regiment,
was born in Africa, and died in Providence. in 1829.

In this connection, the following extracts from an address
delivered, in 1842, before the Congregational and
Presbyterian Anti-Slavery Society, at Francestown, N. H.,
by Dr. HARRIS, a Revolutionary veteran, will be read with
great interest:--

"I sympathize deeply," said Dr. Harris, "in the objects
of this Society. I fought, my hearers, for the liberty which
you enjoy. It surprises me that every man does not rally
at the sound of liberty, and array himself with those who
are laboring to abolish slavery in our country. The very
mention of it warms the blood in my veins, and, old as I
am, makes me feel something of the spirit and impulses of
'76.

"Then liberty meant something. Then, liberty, independence,
freedom, were in every man's mouth. They were
the sounds at which they rallied, and under which they
fought and bled. They were the words which encouraged
and cheered them through their hunger, and nakedness, and
fatigue, in cold and in heat. The word slavery then filled
their hearts with horror. They fought because they would
not be slaves. Those whom liberty has cost nothing, do
not know how to prize it.

"I served in the Revolution, in General Washington's
army, three years under one enlistment. I have stood in
battle, where balls, like hail, were flying all around me.
The man standing next to me was shot by my side--his
blood spouted upon my clothes, which I wore for weeks.
My nearest blood, except that which runs in my veins, was
shed for liberty. My only brother was shot dead instantly
in the Revolution. Liberty is dear to my heart--I cannot
endure the thought, that my countrymen should be slaves.

"When stationed in the State of Rhode Island, the regiment
to which I belonged was once ordered to what was
called a flanking position,--that is, upon a place which the
enemy must pass in order to come round in our rear, to
drive us from the fort. This pass was every thing, both to
them and to us; of course, it was a post of imminent danger.
They attacked us with great fury, but were repulsed. They
reinforced, and attacked us again, with more vigor and determination,
and again were repulsed. Again they reinforced,
and attacked us the third time, with the most desperate courage
and resolution, but a third time were repulsed. The

contest was fearful. Our position was hotly disputed and as hotly
maintained.

"But I have another object in view in stating these facts. I would
not be trumpeting my own acts; the only reason why I have named
myself in connection with this transaction is, to show that I know
whereof I affirm. There was a black regiment in the same situation.
Yes, a regiment of negroes, fighting for our liberty and
independence,--not a white man among them but the officers,--
stationed in this same dangerous and responsible position. Had they
been unfaithful, or given way before the enemy, all would have been
lost. Three times in succession were they attacked, with most
desperate valor and fury, by well disciplined and veteran troops,
and three times did they successfully repel the assault, and thus
preserve our army from capture. They fought through the war. They
were brave, hardy troops. They helped to gain our liberty and
independence.

"Now, the war is over, our freedom is gained--what is to be
done with these colored soldiers, who have shed their best blood in
its defence? Must they be sent off out of the country, because they
are black? or must they be sent back into slavery, now they have
risked their lives and shed their blood to secure the freedom of their
masters? I ask, what became of these noble colored soldiers?
Many of them, I fear, were taken back to the South, and doomed to
the fetter and the chain.

"And why is it, that the colored inhabitants of our nation, born in
this country, and entitled to all the rights of freemen, are held in
slavery? Why, but because they are

black? I have often thought, that, should God see fit, by a
miracle, to change their color, straighten their hair, and
give their features and complexion the appearance of the
whites, slavery would not continue a year. No, you would
then go and abolish it with the sword, if it were not speedily
done without. But is it a suitable cause for making men slaves,
because God has given them such a color, such hair and such
features, as he saw fit?"

During the Dorr excitement, the colored population of Rhode
Island received high encomiums from the papers of the State for
their conduct. The New York Courier and Enquirer said:--"The
colored people of Rhode Island deserve the good opinion and kind
feeling of every citizen of the State, for their conduct during the
recent troublous times in Providence. They promptly volunteered
their services for any duty to which they might be useful in
maintaining law and order. Upwards of a hundred of them
organized themselves for the purpose of acting as a city guard for
the protection of the city, and to extinguish fires, in case of their
occurrence, while the citizens were absent on military duty. The
fathers of these people were distinguished for their patriotism and
bravery in the war of the Revolution, and the Rhode Island colored
regiment fought, on one occasion, until half their number were slain.
There was not a regiment in the service which did more soldierly
duty, or showed itself more devotedly patriotic."

A colored military company, called the "National Guard," has
recently been formed in Providence, using, by special grant, the
State arms.

HON. CALVIN GODDARD, of Connecticut, states that in the
little circle of his residence, he was instrumental in securing,
under the Act of 1818, the pensions of nineteen colored soldiers.
"I cannot," he says, "refrain from mentioning one black man,
PRIMUS BABCOCK, who proudly presented to me an honorable
discharge from service during the war, dated, at the close of it,
wholly in the handwriting of George Washington. Nor can I forget
the expression of his feelings, when informed, after his discharge
had been sent to the War Department, that it could not be
returned. At his request, it was written for, as he seemed inclined
to spurn the pension and reclaim the discharge."

There is a touching anecdote related of Baron Steuben, on the
occasion of the disbandment of the American army. A black
soldier, with his wounds unheated, utterly destitute, stood on the
wharf, just as a vessel bound for his distant

home was getting under weigh. The poor fellow
gazed at the vessel with tears in his eyes, and gave himself
up to despair. The warm-hearted foreigner witnessed
his emotion, and, inquiring into the cause of it, took his
last dollar from his purse, and gave it to him, while tears
of sympathy trickled down his cheeks. Overwhelmed
with gratitude, the poor wounded soldier hailed the sloop,
and was received on board. As it moved out from the
wharf, he cried back to his noble friend on shore, "God
Almighty bless you, master Baron!"

During the Revolutionary War, and after the sufferings
of a protracted contest had rendered it difficult to procure
recruits for the army, the Colony of Connecticut adopted the
expedient of forming a corps of colored soldiers. A battalion of
blacks was soon enlisted, and, throughout the war, conducted
themselves with fidelity and efficiency. The late General
Humphreys, then a Captain, commanded a company of this corps.
It is said that some objections were made, on the part of officers, to
accepting the command of the colored troops. In this exigency,
Capt. Humphreys, who was attached to the family of Gen.
Washington, volunteered his services. His patriotism was
rewarded, and his fellow officers were afterwards as desirous to
obtain appointments in that corps as they had previously been to
avoid them.

The following extract from the pay roll of the second company,
fourth regiment, of the Connecticut line of the

* See the
annexed fac simile of the original certificate of BAKER'S discharge.

The Hartford Review for Sept., 1839, gives the following
account of a colored man by the name of HAMET, then living in
Middletown, who was formerly owned by Washington:--"Hamet
is, according to his own account, nearly

one hundred years old. He draws a pension for his services in the
Revolutionary War, and manufactures toy drums for his support. He
has a white wife and one child. His hair is white with age, and hangs
matted together in masses over his shoulders. His height is about
four feet six inches. He retains a perfect recollection of his massa,
and missus Washington, and has several remembrancers of them.
Among these, there is a lock of the General's hair, and his (the
General's) service sword. He converses in three or four different
languages,--the French, Spanish and German, besides his native
African tongue."

A clergyman in Connecticut, during the Revolutionary War,
manifested, on all occasions, his zeal in the cause of freedom and
his country, but, at the same time, held in bondage a colored man
named Jack. To contend for liberty, and hold the poor African in
slavery, was, according to Jack's conception of right and wrong,
a manifest inconsistency. Under this impression, and anxious to
obtain that liberty which is the inherent and natural right of man,
Jack went to his master one day, and addressed him in the
following language:-- "Master, I observe you alway keep
preaching about liberty and praying for liberty, and I love to hear
you, sir, for liberty be a good thing. You preach well and you pray
well; but one thing you remember, master,--Poor Jack is not free yet."
Struck with the propriety and force of Jack's admonition, the clergyman,
after a momentary pause, told Jack if he would behave well in his service
for one year longer, he should be free.

Jack fulfilled the condition, obtained his freedom, and became a
man of some property and respectability.*

* Book of American Anecdotes.

EBENEZER HILLS died at Vienna, New York, August, 1849,
aged one hundred and ten. He was born a slave, in Stonington,
Connecticut, and became free when twenty-eight years of age.
He served through the Revolutionary War, and was at the battles
of Saratoga and Stillwater, and was present at the surrender of
Burgoyne.

In a letter to the author, Parker Pillsbury, of New Hampshire,
says:--"The names of the two brave men of color, who fell, with
Ledyard, at the storming of Fort Griswold, were LAMBO
LATHAM and JORDAN FREEMAN. All the names of the slain,
at that time, are inscribed on a marble tablet, wrought into the
monument--the names of the colored soldiers last,--and not
only last, but a blank space is left between them and the whites; in
genuine keeping with the "Negro Pew" distinction--setting them
not only below all others, but by themselves, even after that. And
it is difficult to say why. They were not last in the fight. When
Major Montgomery, one of the leaders in the expedition against
the Americans, was lifted upon the walls of the fort by his soldiers,
flourishing his sword and calling on them to follow him, JORDAN
FREEMAN received him on the point of a pike, and pinned him
dead to the earth. [ Vide Hist. Collections of Connecticut.]
And the name of JORDAN FREEMAN stands away down, last on
the list of heroes,--perhaps the greatest hero of them all."

The seventy-second anniversary of the memorable tragedy
at Groton Heights, in 1781, was celebrated by the people
of New London and vicinity, on Wednesday, September 7,
1853. Of the address of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop on
that occasion, the New York Express says:--

"It was beautifully eloquent and appropriate. His father was born in
New London, and his ancestors for a century and a half had lived there.
The very name of Groton came from Groton Manor in England, an estate
once owned by the Winthrops. The names of New London and the
Thames originated in a natural love for the great metropolis of the old
world and the river which passed by, for these were once in the
neighborhood of the homes of those who planted some of the earliest
colonies in America. Mr. W. pictured the events of the 6th of
September, the bravery of the volunteers, the shocking murders, the dead
and surviving, the sufferings of Ledyard, the revolutionary struggle, and all in
letters of gold. His address charmed alike the lettered and unlettered
among his hearers, and that is the test of true eloquence."

The orator's omission to make a brief allusion, even, to the two
colored soldiers, called out the following tribute from William
Anderson, of New London, Connecticut:--

"I stood," he says, "on the heights of Groton, a few days since,
listening to the praises of the white heroes, from the lips of Hon.
R. C. Winthrop, W. I. Hammersley, Esq., Gov. Seymour, and
others. I saw there, on the battle-ground, the descendants of the
gallant Ledyard, (or, rather, the connections,) with those of the
Averys, the Lathams, the Perkinses, the Baileys, and others, in the

full enjoyment of that liberty so dearly bought by their
ancestors. I was glad that they were free, and living out
their God-given rights. My mind became excited with the
scene; but, on reflection, my excitement was calmed down by the
sober thought of an unpleasant reality, and you will ask, why was
I sad? Well, as Shakspeare says, 'I will to you a tale unfold'; and,
while you bear with me in the recital, I know your sympathies will
attend me in the sequel.

"September 6th, 1781, New London was taken by the British, under
the command of that traitor, Arnold. The small band composing the
garrison retreated to the fort opposite, in the town of Groton, and there
resolved either to gain a victory or die for their country. The latter pledge
was faithfully redeemed, and by none more gallantly than the two colored men;
and, if the survivors of that day's carnage tell truly, they fought like tigers, and
were butchered after the gates were burst open. One of these
men was the brother of my grandmother, by the name of Lambert, but
called Lambo,--since chiselled on the marble monument by the American classic appellation of 'Sambo.' The name of the other man was Jordan Freeman. Lambert
was living with a gentleman in Groton, by the name of Latham, so, of course, he
was called Lambert Latham, Mr. Latham and Lambert, on the day of the massacre,
were work in a field, at a distance, from the house. On hearing the alarm upon the
approach of the enemy, Mr. Latham started for home, leaving Lambert to drive
the team up to the house. On arriving at the house, Lambert was told

that Mr. Latham had gone up to the fort. Lambert took the cattle
from the team, and, making all secure, started for the point
of defence, where he arrived before the British began the attack.
And here let me say, my dear friend, that there was not any negro
pew in that fort, although there was some praying as well as
fighting. But there they stood, side by side, and shoulder to shoulder,
and, after a few rounds of firing, each man's visage was so blackened
by the smoke of powder, that Lambert and Jordan had but little to boast
of on the score of color.

"The assault on the part of the British was a deadly one, and
manfully resisted by the Americans, even to the clubbing of their
muskets after their ammunition was expended; but finally, the little
garrison was overcome, and, on the entrance of the enemy, the
British officer inquired, "Who commands this fort?" The gallant
Ledyard replied, "I once did; you do now,"--at the same time
handing his sword, which was immediately run through his body to
the hilt by the officer. This was the commencement of an
unparalleled slaughter. Lambert, being near Col. Ledyard when he
was slain, retaliated upon the officer by thrusting his bayonet
through his body. Lambert, in return, received from the enemy
thirty-three bayonet wounds, and thus fell, nobly avenging the
death of his commander.

These facts were given me on the spot, at the time of the
laying of the corner-stone, by two veterans who were present at
the battle. And now I would ask, has Connecticut done her duty
towards us, while she permits foreigners to

exercise the right of suffrage,--yes, even those who were fighting
against us in the last war,--while we, "native, and to the manner
born," are not allowed to peep into the ballot-box? Among the many
great orators at Groton Heights, the last 6th of September, I heard
not the first word spoken of our forefathers' valor, or of our present
disenfranchisement.

"My dear friend, I well remember the last war between this country
and Great Britain. I was then a mere schoolboy. The school where I
went was also attended by several hundred boys; and, one day, we
were all marshalled out, and under drum and fife, marched down to
help construct a battery, near the water's edge, below the mouth of
the harbor; and proudly did we feel, that we little fellows could do
something for our country, if nothing more than lugging a small turf,
or carrying wooden pins for securing the turf. I have often thought of
that day's work and of its close, as being so truly in keeping with past
and present usage. At the close of the day, we returned to town,
treading time to the music, with the promise that we should receive
some food--of which we had not tasted any since morning. But, alas!
The proverb was verified in that case, "that the last should be
first,"--for, on arriving at the house, the
order was given to open ranks, and
those in the rear, being the men, passed up the ranks, filling the house,
to the exclusion of the boys, who returned home to a late supper,
thinking of ardor, patriotism, and hunger; but nevertheless, ready for
another tramp, if called on."

in 1849, to devise means to secure the elective franchise, denied to seven
thousand of their number. A gentleman present gives the following
incident:--"A young man, Mr. WEST, of Bridgeport, spoke with a great
deal of energy, and with a clear and pleasant tone of voice, which many
a lawyer, statesman, or clergyman, might covet, nobly vindicating the rights
of the brethren. He said that the bones of the colored man had bleached
on every battle-field where American valor had contended for national
independence. Side by side with the white man, the black man stood
and struggled to the last for the inheritance with the white men now enjoy,
but deny to us. His father was a soldier slave, and his master said to him,
when the liberty of the country was achieved, 'Stephen, we will do
something for you.' But what have they ever done for Stephen, or for
Stephen's posterity? This orator is evidently a young man of high
promise, and better capable of voting intelligently than half of the
white men who would deny him a freeman's privilege."

At the Troy Convention, held October, 1847, Rev. Amos G. Beman
gave vent to his feelings in a most eloquent speech on the pro-slavery
results of the colored suffrage question, in his native State, Connecticut,
remarking that nine-tenths of the Irish residents in Connecticut voted
against the colored American; and, though he had loved Ireland, revered
her great men, sympathized with her present and past afflictions, and
some of her blood flowed in his veins, he could not forego administering
the burning rebuke which he believed

due for their recreancy to the cause of human rights, and to the
men who had never done harm to them. He alluded to the
conversion of Judge Daggett, which has been graphically
delineated by another writer, as follows:--

"While the black laws of Connecticut were in force, Chief
Justice Daggett decided that we were not citizens of the
United States, and that the colored people there had no claims
to the privileges of American citizens. But time rolled on; he had
become acquainted with the intelligent and enterprising colored
citizens of that State; he had finished his term and retired. But a
few years ago, when the question was before the people of
Connecticut--Shall the colored people of the State have the right to
vote?--while his fellow-citizens were voting, three to one, in the
negative, the old gentleman, from his retirement, stepped forth, in
his white-topped boots, with his silver locks of eighty winters
flowing beneath his venerable brim; leaning upon his staff, he
walked to the polls, amid popular excitement, and voted in the
affirmative." Not a few great men, on the bench, at the bar, or in
the pulpit, have undergone similar changes. These changes will
multiply, under the influence of the praiseworthy exertions of her
gallant, but proscribed, colored citizens, encouraged by the good
and true around them. In the struggle for enfranchisement, victory,
at no distant day, is destined to perch upon their banners.

In addition to what Mr. Phillips has said of DAVID RUGGLES,
in earlier pages of this book, the following reminiscences of that
gifted son of Connecticut are worthy to be recorded here.

August 1st, 1841, a complimentary soiree was given to Mr.
Ruggles in Boston, at which he made a speech, in the course of
which he said:--

"I have had the pleasure of helping six hundred persons in their
flight from bonds. In this, I have tried to do my duty, and mean still
to persevere, until the last fetter shall be broken, and the last sigh
heard from the lips of a slave. But give the praise to Him who
sustains us all, who holds up the heart of the laborer in the rice
swamp, and cheers him when, by the twinkling of the North Star,
he finds his way to liberty. Six hundred in three years I have saved;
had it been in one year, I should have been nearer my duty,
nearer the duty of every American, when he reflects that it was
the blood of colored men, as well as whites, which crimsoned the
battle-fields of Bunker Hill and the rest, in the struggle to sustain
the principles embodied in our Declaration of Independence."

Mr. Ruggles, for a brief period, successfully edited the Mirror
of Liberty. He died in 1849, and highly eulogistic notices of him
appeared in the Boston Liberator and the Chronotype, the
editors of these papers having long been conversant with the
trials, perseverance and martyrdom of this "brave soldier in the
battle of life."

Rev. J. C. BEMAN gives the following account of the origin of
his name. He says that when his father was presented with
manumission papers, he was asked what name he had selected,
and replied that he had always loathed slavery, and wanted to be a
man; hence he adopted the name, Be-man.

At the Colored Men's Convention held at Hartford, in October,
1854, Rev. A. G. BEMAN, of New Haven, made a report on the
condition and prospects of the colored people of that city and
county. He contrasted their present position with what it was
twenty years ago. Then, not a man of them could enter his
habitation and say, "This is mine"; not a single church, nor the
shadow of any school or other place for the education of their
children, was in existence or prospect. To have looked for the
strictly temperate, moral and religious, had been as fruitless as
to search for hailstones in boiling water. Now, there are about
two hundred thousand dollars' worth of real estate, besides
bank and railroad stock, four Methodist churches, one Congregational,
one Episcopal, and one Baptist, and a Literary Society with a
Circulating Library, in possession of the colored people of New
Haven city. There are four schools in full and prosperous operation.
How can any man, said Mr. B., who has lived in the midst of the one
thousand and upwards colored people of New Haven, and witnessed
the progress they have made in spite of almost every obstacle, publicly
say, as the Hon. H. Olmstead has done, in his report on Colonization
to the Legislature of 1851, that "the colored men in this State are dying
out, their hopes crushed, their manhood gone"?

EPITAPH FROM THE LIBERTY
STREET BURIAL GROUND, MIDDLETOWN.

In Memory of
JENNY,
Servant to the Rev, Enoch Huntington, and Wife Of Mark Winthrop,
Who died April 28, 1784.
The day of her death she was Mr. Huntington's Property.

CHAPTER VI.

NEW YORK.

NEGRO PLOT--DEBATE IN THE STATE CONVENTION
OF 1821 ON THE FRANCHISE OF COLORED
CITIZENS--NEW YORK COLORED SOLDIERY--MILITARY
CONVENTION IN SYRACUSE, 1854--EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF H. H. GARNET--CYRUS
CLARKE'S VICTORY AT THE BALLOT BOX--J. M.
WHITFIELD--STATISTICAL AND OTHER FACTS.

As early as 1712, there had been an insurrection of the
slaves in New York, and the recollection of this, and a general
distrust of the negro population, rendered the citizen
of that city peculiarly suspicious of their movements; and
when, in 1741, the cry was raised of a "negro plot," there
ensued a scene of confusion and alarm, of folly, frenzy
and injustice, which scarcely has a parallel in this, or any
other, country. It happened that a Spanish vessel, partly
manned with negroes, had previously been brought into
New York as a prize, and that all the men had been condemned
as slaves, in the Court of Admiralty, and were sold
at vendue. Now, these men had the impudence to say
notwithstanding they were black, that they had been free
men in their own country, and to grumble at their hard
usage in being sold for slaves. One of them had been

bought by the owner of a house in which fire had been
discovered, and a cry was raised among the people--"The
Spanish negroes!"--"Take up the Spanish negroes!"
They were immediately incarcerated, and, a fire occurring
in the afternoon of the same day, the rumor became general,
that the slaves, in a body, were concerned in these wicked
attempts to burn the city.

The negroes were brought to trial, May 29, 1741. The
principal evidence against them was one Mary Burton, the
common informer, who was rewarded by the sum of one hundred
dollars from the city authorities. She continued to implicate parties,
until the "people of consequence" began to be annoyed by her,
when the prosecutions became unpopular, and the excitement
subsided. There was some evidence against them from negroes,
as, by a law of the colony, the evidence of slaves was competent
against each other, though not allowed to be used against white men.
The prisoners had no counsel, while the Attorney General, assisted
by two members of the bar, appeared against them. The evidence
had little consistency, and was extremely loose and general. The
arguments of the lawyers were chiefly declamatory respecting the
horrible plot, of the existence of which, however, no sufficient
evidence was introduced. "The monstrous ingratitude of the black
tribe (was the language of one of them in addressing the jury) is
what exceedingly aggravated their guilt; their slavery among us is
generally softened with great indulgence." The prisoners were
immediately convicted, and were sentenced by the Court, in a

brutal address, (which is singularly indicative of the general
excitement on the subject,) to be burnt to death. "You, abject
wretches," said the Judge, "the outcast of the nations of the
earth, are treated here with tenderness and humanity"! The
prisoners protested their innocence, and utterly denied any
knowledge of any plot whatever; but, when they were taken out
to execution, the poor creatures were much terrified; and, when
chained to the stake, and the executioner was ready to apply the
torch, they admitted all that was required of them. An attempt
was then made to procure a reprieve; but a great multitude had
assembled to witness the executions, and the excitement was so
great, that it was considered impossible to return the prisoners to
prison; they were, accordingly, burned at the stake.

John Ury, the son of a former Secretary of the South Sea
Company, a non-juring clergyman, and a man of education,
was convicted, on the evidence of Mary Burton, though
denying all knowledge of any plot, or even of the witnesses who
testified against him.

After his execution, a day of thanksgiving to Almighty God was
observed by public command, for the delivery from the late
execrable conspiracy. But the public mind was at rest for a short
time only. A few negroes in Queen's county, on Long Island,
having formed themselves into a military company for amusement
on the Christmas holidays, a letter was written to the authorities
there by the Attorney General, and the slaves were severely
chastised for this daring piece of insolence. The cry of a new plot
was immediately

raised, which resulted in the execution of other slaves. The whole
number of persons taken into custody was over one hundred and
fifty. Of these, four white persons were hanged; eleven negroes
were burnt, eighteen were hanged, and fifty were sold, principally
in the West Indies.

Thus ended the famous "Negro Plot" of New York. Upon a
review of the evidence, as reported by one who had implicit faith in
the existence of a conspiracy, we have no difficulty in pronouncing
the whole thing to have been a complete delusion--the natural result
of the condition of society at that day. This opinion is confirmed by
Bancroft, United States historian, and Dunlap, in the History of
New York.*

* Chandler's State Trials.

Dr. Clarke, in the Convention which revised the Constitution
of New York, in 1821, speaking of the colored inhabitants
of the State, said:--My honorable colleague has told
us, that, as the colored people are not required to contribute
to the protection or defence of the State, they are not entitled
to an equal participation in the privileges of its citizens.
But, Sir, whose fault is this? Have they ever refused to
do military duty when called upon? It is haughtily asked,
who will stand in the ranks shoulder to shoulder with a negro?
I answer, no one, in time of peace; no one, when your musters
and trainings are looked upon as mere pastimes; no one, when
your militia will shoulder their muskets and march to their
trainings with as much unconcern as they would go to a
sumptuous entertainment or a splendid ball. But, Sir, when

the hour of danger approaches, your 'white' militia are just as
willing that the man of color Should be set up as a mark to be
shot at by the enemy, as to be set up themselves. In the War of
the Revolution, these people helped to fight your battles by land
and by sea. Some of your States were glad to turn out corps of
colored men, and to stand 'shoulder to shoulder' with them.

"In your late war, they contributed largely towards some of your
most splendid victories. On Lakes Erie and Champlain, where your
fleets triumphed over a foe superior in numbers and engines of
death, they were manned, in a large proportion, with men of color.
And, in this very House, in the fall of 1814, a bill passed, receiving
the a probation of all the branches of your government, authorising
the Governor to accept the services of a corps of two thousand free
people of color. Sir, these were times which tried men's souls. In
these times, it was no sporting matter to bear arms. These were
times, when a man who shouldered his musket, did not know but
he bared his bosom to receive a death wound from the enemy,
ere he laid it aside; and, in these times, these people were found
as ready and as willing to volunteer in your service as any other.
They were not compelled to go; they were not drafted. No; your
pride had placed them beyond your compulsory power. But there
was no necessity for its exercise; they were volunteers; yes, Sir,
volunteers to defend that very country from the inroads and
ravages of a ruthless and vindictive foe, which had treated them
with insult, degradation, and slavery.

"Volunteers are the best of soldiers. Give me the men, whatever
be their complexion, that willingly volunteer, and not those who
are compelled to turn out. Such men do not fight from necessity,
nor from mercenary motives, but from principle."

Said Martindale, of New York, in Congress, 22d of January,
1828:--"Slaves, or negroes who had been slaves, were enlisted as
soldiers in the War of the Revolution; and I myself saw a battalion
of them, as fine martial-looking men as I ever saw, attached to
the Northern army, in the last war, on its march from Plattsburg to
Sackett's Harbor."

During the Revolutionary War, the Legislature of New York passed
an Act granting freedom to all slaves who should serve in the army
for three years, or until regularly discharged. (See 2 Kent's Com., p. 255.)

The poor requital for the colored man's valor was forcibly alluded
to by Henry H. Garnet at the anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
in New York city, May, 1840. "It is with pride," said he, "that
I remember, that in the earliest attempts to establish democracy in this hemisphere,
colored men stood by the side of your fathers, and shared
with them the toils of the Revolution. When Freedom, that had been
chased over half the world, at last thought she had here found a shelter,
and held out her hands for protection, the tearful eye of the colored man,
in many instances, gazed with pity upon her tattered garments, and ran
to her relief. Many fell in her defence, and the grateful soil received them
affectionately into its bosom.

No monumental piles distinguish their 'dreamless beds'; scarcely an
inch on the page of history has been appropriated to their memory;
yet truth will give them a share of the fame that was reaped upon the
fields of Lexington and Bunker Hill; truth will affirm that they
participated in the immortal honor that adorned the brow of the illustrious
Washington."

I am indebted to Rev. Theodore Parker, of Boston, for the following
historical sketch of the New York colored soldiery:--

"Not long ago, while the excavations for the vaults of the great
retail dry goods store of New York were going on, a gentleman
from Boston noticed a large quantity of human bones thrown up by
the workmen. Every body knows the African countenance: the
skulls also bore unmistakable marks of the race they belonged to.
They were shovelled up with the earth which they had rested in,
carted off and emptied into the sea to fill up a chasm, and make
the foundation of a warehouse.

"On inquiry, the Bostonian learned that these were the bones of
colored American soldiers, who fell in the disastrous battles of
Long Island, in 1776, and of such as died of the wounds then
received. At that day, as at this, spite of the declaration that 'all
men are created equal,' the prejudice against the colored man was
intensely strong. The black and the white had fought against the
same enemy, under the same banner, contending for the same
'unalienable right' to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
The same shot with promiscuous slaughter had

mowed down Africans and Americans. But in the grave, they
must be divided. On the battle-field, the blacks and whites had
mixed their bravery and their blood, but their ashes must not
mingle in the bosom of their common mother. The white Saxon,
exclusive and haughty even in his burial, must have his place of
rest proudly apart from the grave of the African he had once enslaved.

"Now, after seventy-five years have passed by, the bones of
these forgotten victims of the Revolution are shovelled up by Irish
laborers, carted off, and shot into the sea, as the rubbish of the
town. Had they been white men's relics, how would they have
been honored with sumptuous burial anew, and the purchased
prayers and preaching of Christian divines! Now, they are the
rubbish of the street!

"True, they were the bones of Revolutionary soldiers,--but they
were black men; and shall a city that kidnaps its citizens, honor a
negro with a grave? What boots it that he fought for our freedom;
that he bled for our liberty; that he died for you and me? Does the
'nigger' deserve a tomb? Ask the American State--the American
Church!

Three quarters of a century have passed by since the retreat
from Long Island. What a change since then! From the
Washington of that day to the world's Washington of this, what a
change! In America, what alterations! What a change in England!
The Briton has emancipated every bondman; slavery no longer
burns his soil on either Continent, the East or West. America has a
population of slaves greater than the people of all England in the
reign

of Elizabeth. Under the pavement of Broadway, beneath the walls
of the Bazaar, there still lie the bones of the colored martyrs to
American Independence. Dandies of either sex swarm gaily over
the threshhold, heedless of the dead African, contemptuous of the
living. And while these faithful bones were getting shovelled up
and carted to the sea, there was a great slave-hunt in New York:
a man was kidnapped and carried off to bondage by the citizens, at
the instigation of politicians, and to the sacramental delight of 'divines.'

"Happy are the dead Africans, whom British shot mowed down!
They did not live to see a man kidnapped in the city which their
blood helped free."

Within a recent period, several military companies have been
formed in New York city, exclusively of colored men. They have
been organized, in part, through the exertions of Captains Simmons
and Hawkins, and are designated as the "Hannibal Guards," the
"Free Soil Guards," and the "Attucks Guards." The New York
Tribune says of one of these companies, in announcing their
parade, "They looked like men, handled their arms like men, and,
should occasion demand, we presume would fight like men."

At the New York State Convention of the Soldiers of 1812, held
at Syracuse, June 21, 1854, the following resolutions were
adopted:--

Resolved, That in view of the resulting benefits to the nation at large,
and in view of the dangers and hardships encountered by the soldiers of
the war of 1812,--in view of the state of our finances,

and especially in view of the fact that the soldiers of that war are now
aged and rapidly dropping away,--and in view of the precedent
established by Congress in reference to the soldiers of the Revolutionary
War,--all officers and soldiers in the war of 1812, now living, and the
widows of such as are deceased, should be provided for by a liberal
annuity, to be continued during their natural lives, and that such
provisions should extend to and include both the Indian and African
race, for services either on sea or land, who enlisted or served in that
war, and who joined with the white man in defending our rights and
maintaining our independence.

Resolved, That we cordially invite the coöperation of the officers and
soldiers of the war of 1812, in all the other States of the Union; that they
be respectfully and earnestly requested to hold similar Conventions in
their own States, to call upon their respective Legislatures to instruct
their members in Congress to make just and ample provision, by grants of
land and annuities, for the officers and soldiers of 1812, and for the
widows of such as are deceased; and that without distinction of race or color.

LEWIS and MILTON CLARKE several years since made their
escape from Kentucky slavery, and have distinguished themselves
by their public advocacy of human rights. Their father was a Scotchman,
who came to this country in time to be in the earliest scenes of the
American Revolution. He was at the battle of Bunker Hill, and
continued in the army to the close of the war. When his children
were about being sold at auction, the venerable father, though
debilitated from the effects of the wounds received in the war, was nevertheless
roused by this outrage upon his rights and upon those of his children.
"He had never

expected," he said, "when fighting for the liberties of this country,
to see his own wife and children sold in it to the highest bidder."
But what were the entreaties of an agonized old man in the sight
of eight or ten hungry heirs?

CYRUS CLARKE, brother to Lewis and Milton, became a
resident of Hamilton Village, N. Y., and, possessing all the
necessary qualifications of white men to vote, went to the polls and
presented his ballot, when he was challenged, and told that, being a
colored man, he could not vote unless possessed of two hundred
and fifty dollars' worth of real estate. Clark replied to the
challenger, "I am as white as you, and don't you vote?" Friends
and foes warmly contested what constituted a colored man under
the New York statute. The officers finally came to the conclusion
that to be a colored man, an individual must be at least one half
blood African. Mr. Clarke, the Kentucky slave, then voted, he
being nearly full white.

It is believed that the debate on the military services of colored
men had great influence in obtaining for them the right of suffrage;
though it must also be recorded, that colored citizens were
ungenerously made subject to a property qualification of two
hundred and fifty dollars. Plutus must be highly esteemed where
his rod can change even a negro into a man. If two hundred and
fifty dollars will perform this miracle, what would it require to
elevate a monkey to the enviable distinction? The friends of
freedom are now attempting to remove this restriction, and we feel
assured the right will triumph in the Empire State.

In Watkins, Schuyler county, on the 13th of August, 1855, a
colored man (John D. Berry, Esq.) was chosen to sit as a juror in
a criminal trial, and the citizens appeared very well satisfied.

JAMES M. WHITFIELD, the colored poet, is a resident of
Buffalo. His time is almost constantly occupied in his business as
a hair-dresser, and he writes in such intervals of leisure as he is
able to realize. He is uneducated,--not entirely, but substantially; his
genius is native and uncultivated, and yet his verse possesses
much of the finish of experienced authorship. The following is an
extract from poem by him on the Fourth of July:

"Another year has passed away,
And brings again the glorious day,
When Freedom from her slumber woke,
And broke the British tyrant's yoke--
Unfurled her standard to the air,
In gorgeous beauty, bright and fair--
Pealed forth the sound of war's alarms,
And called her patriot sons to arms!

May those great truths which they maintained
Through years of deadly strife and toil,
Be by their children well sustained,
Till slavery ceases on our soil!"

I have taken great pleasure in visiting, in New York city, the
Apothecary's Hall of Dr. J. M'Cune Smith, and also hat of
Philip J. White. (Since then, several accomplished

colored physicians have been added to the list.) I found Drs.
Smith and White practical men, conducting their business and
preparing medicines with as much readiness and skill as any other
disciples of Galen and Hippocrates. I was also introduced to a
colored carpenter,--not a practical one, but a master workman,
and contractor for buildings.

Among the enterprising Albanians, may be mentioned William
H. Topp, a merchant tailor, and a perfect gentleman, winning
golden opinions from all who, in the course of business or
otherwise, become acquainted with him. His store, in Broadway,
will not suffer by comparison with the best in any of the Atlantic
cities. He has long been interested in the ways and means of
elevating his oppressed brethren, and, in their hearts' best
affections, evidently stands a-Topp of the fraternity.

It is a fault, with many colored men, that they do not aim at
perfection in a knowledge of their business, whereas, they should
all aim for the highest pinnacle of merit. As a friend once said to a
musical aspirant, "You should strive to be something more than a
superficial scraper of catgut." Policy and principle alike demand
this at the hands of colored Americans.

From an elaborate and very encouraging statistical report,
embracing the real estate owned by the colored citizens of New
York, the amount invested by them in business enterprises, and
their general prosperity, as a class, prepared by Dr. J. M'Cune
Smith, I copy the following statements.

The Colored Home and Orphan Asylum contain all the
colored poor, dependent on public support, with a very few
exceptions. In New York city, the colored population to
the white, fairly estimated, is as one to twenty-five; hence,
the colored population of that city is twenty-seven per centum
less burdensome, than is the white population, to the
poor fund. And this happy state of things has arisen, in
part, from the fact, that the former class have mutual benefit
societies, with a cash capital of $30,000, from which
they take care of their sick and bury their dead.

The sending of children to school is a fair test of the intelligence
of a people. During the year 1850, there were 3,393
colored children in attendance in common schools, in New York
city, which is nearly the same proportion as there were white
children attending the same class of schools.

In reviewing these facts, it must be borne in mind, that but one
quarter of a century has elapsed since a large portion of the
colored population of New York has been freed from slavery;
and that, during the earlier portion of this time, the very possession
of the newly-gotten freedom had in it an enjoyment so full and
perfect, that the getting of money became a secondary
consideration, to say nothing of the dependent and thriftless habits
which slavery had engendered. Nor should it be forgotten, that,
during the same fourth of a century, we have borne the brunt of
competition with a flood of emigrants from the old world; for
nearly all such emigrants were immediate and direct competitors

in our callings, having on their side the odds of complexional
sympathy and political influence, from the moment their
landing upon our shores.

The following business card is inserted for its historical
significance, having a two-fold application to the purposes
of this book. This example supersedes the necessity of exclusive
colored action, and, at the same time, is an exhibition of practical
anti-slavery. May such instances speedily multiplied!

ONE of the partners (Mr. WILLIAMS) is a COLORED MAN, has been
connected with the CROCKERY TRADE of New York for twenty years,
and for several years has conducted the business on his own account.
A leading object in establishing the present firm, both by the parties
themselves and their friends and advisers, having been to contribute to
the SOCIAL ELEVATION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE, they feel
warranted in making an appeal for patronage, as they now do, to all
that class of merchants throughout the country who sympathise with
the object now expressed, and who would gladly avail themselves
of so direct a method and so favorable an opportunity to subserve it.
We hope to see all such in our establishment, and we express the
confidence that the favors bestowed upon us by our friends will be
the interest of themselves as well as us.

CHAPTER VII.

NEW JERSEY.

THE Burlington Gazette gives the following account of an aged
colored resident of that city, which will be read with much interest:--

"The attention of many of our citizens has, doubtless, been
arrested by the appearance of an old colored man, who might
have been seen, sitting in front of his residence, in East Union
street, respectfully raising his hat to those who might be passing
by. His attenuated frame, his silvered head, his feeble movements,
combine to prove that he is very aged; and yet, comparatively
few are aware that he is among the survivors of the gallant army
who fought for the liberties of our country, 'in the days which tried
men's souls.'

"On Monday last, we stopped to speak to him, and asked him
how old he was. He asked the day of the month, and, upon being
told that it was the 24th of May, replied, with trembling lips, 'I am
very old--I am a hundred years old to-day.'

"His name is OLIVER CROMWELL, and he says that he
was born at the Black Horse, (now Columbus,) in this

county, in the family of John Hutchin. He enlisted in company
commanded by Capt. Lowery, attached to the Second New
Jersey Regiment, under the command of Col. Israel Shreve. He
was at the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine,
Monmouth, and Yorktown, at which latter place, he told us, he
saw the last man killed. Although his faculties are failing, yet he
relates many interesting reminiscences the Revolution. He was
with the army at the retreat of the Delaware, on the memorable
crossing of the 25th of December, 1776, and relates the story of
the battles on the succeeding days with enthusiasm. He gives the
details of the march from Trenton to Princeton, and told us, with
much humor, that they 'knocked the British about lively' at the latter
place. He was also at the battle of Springfield, and says that he saw
the house burning in which Mrs. Caldwell was shot, at Connecticut
Farms."

I further learn, that Cromwell was brought up a farmer, having
served his time with Thomas Hutchins, Esq., his maternal uncle.
He was, for six years and nine months, under the immediate
command of Washington, whom he loved affectionately. "His
discharge," (says Dr. M'Cune Smith,) "at the close of the war, was
in Washington's own hand-writing, of which he was very proud,
often speaking of it. He received, annually, ninety-six dollars pension.
He lived a long and honorable life. Had he been of a little lighter
complexion, (he was just half white,) every newspaper in the land
would have been eloquent in praise of many virtues." He left three
sons and three daughters;

had fourteen children who reached the age of maturity--seven
sons and seven daughters. He saw his grand-children to the third
generation. He was a man of strong natural powers--never chewed
tobacco nor drank a glass of ardent spirit. He died, in the town of
his birth, January 24th, 1853, and now sleeps in the church-yard of
the Broad street Methodist Church.

"SAMUEL CHARLTON," says Mr. McDougal, "was born in
the State of New Jersey, a slave, in the family of Mr. M., who
owned, also, other members belonging to his family--all residing
in the English neighborhood. During the progress of the war, he was
placed by his master, (as a substitute for himself,) in the army then
in New Jersey, as a teamster in the baggage train. He was in active
service at the battle of Monmouth, not only witnessing, but
taking a part in, the struggle of that day. He was, also, in several
other engagements in different sections of that part of the State.
He was a great admirer of General Washington, and was, at one
time, attached to his baggage train, and received the General's
commendation for his courage and devotion to the cause of liberty.
Mr. Charlton was about fifteen or seventeen years of age when
placed in the army, for which his master rewarded him with a
silver dollar. At the expiration of his time, he returned to his
master, to serve again in bondage, after having toiled, fought and
bled for liberty, in common with the regular soldiery. Mr. M., at
his death, by will, liberated his slaves, and provided a pension for
Charlton, to be paid during his lifetime. Mr.

Charlton then, with his wife, took up his residence in New York
city, with his son, Charles Charlton. He died twelve years since,
being about eighty years of age. He and his partner were both
honored and worthy members of the Dutch Reformed Church.

"An old colored woman," says the Stamford Advocate,
"familiarly known as HAGAR, died in this village, on Saturday last.
Her age is not exactly known, but, from the most reliable data at
our command, we infer that she must have been upward of a
hundred years old. She was born a slave, in Newark, New Jersey,
and was brought to Stamford when she was five or six years old,
and lived here until the day of her death. A lady, Mrs. Knapp, now
living, aged ninety-six years, remembers that Hagar used to carry
her when a child. Assuming that Mrs. Knapp must have been three
years old at the time to which her recollection extends, and that
Hagar must have been thirteen to be charged with the care of
children, it will make her, at the time of her death, one hundred and
six years old. Another circumstance confirms this view of the case.
During the Revolutionary War, Hagar was a cook in Weed's
Tavern, and her husband, George Dykins, was hostler in the same
establishment. Hagar used to relate, that she once cooked a dinner
for General Washington, when he stopped at the tavern, on his
way to Cambridge, Massachusetts, the head-quarters of the
American army, in June, 1775. On the same occasion, Washington
presented to her husband a silver dollar for his name's sake.
Supposing Hagar to have been twenty-seven at that

time, it would make her age one hundred and six, as is the case of
the first supposition. In all probability, this is very nearly her age."

The Newark Eagle published, some time ago, the following
account of a consistent celebration of the Fourth of July, in
Woodbridge:--

"We have recently had an interview with a person who was
present at the first abolition meeting ever held in the United States.
It took place in the township of Woodbridge, County of Middlesex,
in this State, on the Fourth of July, 1783, being the first anniversary
of our Independence, after the close of the Revolutionary War.
Great preparations had been made--an ox was roasted, and an
immense number had assembled on the memorable occasion. A
platform was erected, just above the heads of the spectators, and,
at a given signal, Dr. Bloomfield, father of the late Governor
Bloomfield, of this State, mounted the platform, followed by his
fourteen slaves, male and female, seven taking their stations on his
right hand, and seven on his left. Being thus arranged, he advanced
somewhat in front of his slaves, and addressed the multitude on the
subject of slavery and its evils, and, in conclusion, pointing to those
on his right and left, 'As a nation,' said he, 'we are free and
independent,--all men are created equal, and why should these,
my fellow citizens, my equals, be held in bondage? From this day,
they are emancipated; and I here declare them free, and absolved
from all servitude to me or my posterity.' Then, calling up before him
one somewhat advanced

in years--'Hector,' said the Doctor, 'whenever you
become too old or infirm to support yourself, you are entitled to
your maintenance from me or my property. How long do you
suppose it will be before you will require that maintenance?'
Hector held up his left hand, and, with his right, drew a line across
the middle joints of his fingers, saying--'Never, never, massa, so
long as any of these fingers remain below these joints.' Then,
turning to the audience, the Doctor remarked,--'There,
fellow-citizens, you see that liberty is as dear to the man of color as to
you or me.' The air now rung with shouts of applause, and thus the
scene ended.

"Dr. Bloomfield immediately procured for Hector, either by
purchase or setting off from his own farm, three acres of land, and
built him a small house, where he resided and cultivated his little
farm until the day of his death;* and it was a common remark
with the neighbors, that Hector's hay, when he took it to Amboy to
sell, would always command a better price than their own."**

* "This took place within the last nine years, near
Metuchin, in New Jersey, at the
advanced age of 105 years. An interesting fact is connected with this gift of freedom
and land. The son of Hector inherited it, and his widow now resides on it.
The freed slaves generally took care of and supported themselves."

**
New Jersey disfranchises twenty-two thousand of her colored
population.

* Abridged from a eulogy on his life and character, delivered at Bethel Church,
Philadelphia, March 30,1842, by ROBERT PURVIS.

JAMES FORTEN was born on the second day of September, 1766,
and died on the Ides of March, 1842. He was the son of Thomas
Forten, who died when James was but seven years old. His
mother survived long after he had reached the years of maturity.
In early life, he was marked for great sprightliness and energy of
character, a generous disposition, and indomitable courage, always
frank, kind, courteous, and disinterested. In the year 1775, he left
school, being then about nine years of age, having received a very
limited education (and he never went to school afterwards) from
that early, devoted, and worldwide known philanthropist,
ANTHONY BENEZET. He was then employed at a grocery
store and at home, when his

mother, yielding to the earnest and unceasing solicitations of her
son, whose young heart fired with the enthusiasm and feeling of
the patriots and revolutionists of that day, with the firmness and
devotion of a Roman matron, but with a heart then truly deemed
American, gave the boy of her promise, the child of her heart and
her hopes, to his country; upon the altar of its liberties she laid the
apple of her eye, the jewel of her soul.

In 1780, then in his fourteenth year, he embarked board the "Royal Louis," Stephen Decatur, Senr., Commander, in the capacity of
"powder-boy." Scarce waft from his native shore, and perilled
upon the dark blue sea than he found himself amid the roar of
cannon, the smoke of blood, the dying and the dead. Their ship was
so brought into action with an English vessel, the Lawrence, which,
after a severe fight, in which great loss was sustain on both sides, and
leaving every man wounded on board the "Louis" but himself, they
succeeded in capturing, and brought her into port amid the loud
huzzas and acclamations of the crowds that assembled upon the
occasion. Forten, sharing largely in the feeling which so brilliant a
victory had inspired, with fresh courage, and an unquenchable devotion
to the interests of his native land, soon reëmbarked in the same vessel.
In this cruise, however, they were unfortunate; for, falling in with three
of the enemy's vessels,--the Amphyon, Nymph, and Pomona,--they
were forced to strike their colors, and become prisoners of war. It was
at this juncture that his mind was harassed with the

most painful forebodings, from a knowledge of the fact that rarely,
if ever, were prisoners of his complexion exchanged; they were
sent to the West Indies, and there doomed to a life of slavery. But
his destiny, by a kind Providence, was otherwise. He was placed
on board the Amphyon, Captain Beasly, who, struck with his open
and honest countenance, made him the companion of his son.
During one of those dull and monotonous periods which frequently
occur on ship-board, young Beasly and Forten were engaged in a
game at marbles, when, with signal dexterity and skill, the marbles
were upon every trial successively displaced by the unerring hand
of Forten. This excited the surprise and admiration of his young
companion, who, hastening to his father, called his attention to it.
Upon being questioned as to the truth of the matter, and assuring
the Captain that nothing was easier for him to accomplish, the
marbles were again placed in the ring, and in rapid succession he
redeemed his word.

A fresh and deeper interest was from that moment taken in his
behalf. Captain Beasly proffered him a passage to England,
tempted him with the allurements of wealth, under the patronage
of his son, who was heir to a large estate there, the advantages of
a good education, and freedom, equality and happiness, for ever.
"No, No!," was the invariable reply; "I am here a prisoner for the
liberties of my country; I never, NEVER, shall prove a traitor
to her interests!" What sentiment more exalted! What patriotism
more lofty, devoted, and self-sacrificing! Indeed,

with him, the feeling was, "America, with all thy faults, I love
thee still"; for, with a full knowledge of the wrongs and outrages
which she was then inflicting upon his brethren and by the
"ties of consanguinity and of wrong," we see this by the
persecuted and valiant son of hers, in the very darkest hour of his
existence, when hope seemed to have departed from him, when
the horrors of a hopeless West India slavery, with its whips for his
shrinking flesh, and its chains for hi free-born soul could only be
dissipated by severing that tie, which, by the strongest cords of
love, bound him to his native land, we see him standing up in the
spirit of martyrdom, with a constancy of affection, and an
invincibility of purpose, for the honor of his country, that place him
above the noblest of the C'sars, and entitle him to a monument
towering above that which a Bonaparte erected at the Place
Vendome. Beasly, having failed in inducing him to go to England,
soon had him consigned to that floating and pestilential hell, the
frigate "Old Jersey,"--giving him, however, as a token of his
regard and friendship, a letter to the Commander of the prison-ship,
highly commendatory of him, and also requesting that Forten
should not be forgotten on the list of exchanges. Thus (as he
frequently remarked in after life) did a game of marbles save him
from a life of West India servitude. In the mean while, his
mother, at home, was in a state of mind bordering upon distraction,
having learned that her son had been shot from the foretop of the
Royal Louis; but her mind was relieved, after he had been absent
nearly eight months, by his appearing in person.

To return. While on board the "Old Jersey," amid the privations
and horrors incident to that receiving ship of disease and death,
no less than three thousand five hundred persons died; and,
according to a statement of Edwards, eleven thousand in all
perished, while she remained the receptacle of the American
prisoners. And here we have an instance to record of the most
thrilling and stupendous exhibition of his generous and benevolent
heart. Amid all that would make escape from his confinement
desirable, when disease the most loathsome, death the most
horrible, was around him, he was willing to and did endure all.
He stifled the longings of his heart for the enjoyments of home,
and for the embraces of his widowed and adored mother; yes,
at a time when, if ever, self would lay in contribution every
feeling of the heart, and every avenue of a generous out-going
spirit be smothered, when the instincts and impulses of nature
would unerringly covet in the closest scrutiny and watchfulness its own
interests, JAMES FORTEN, in the ardor of his own high-toned
beneficence, performed an act, which, in my humble opinion, is
unexcelled, perhaps without a parallel, in the annals of our country's
history. It was this: An officer of the American navy was about to be
exchanged for a British prisoner, when the thoughtful mind of Forten
conceived the idea of an easy escape for himself in the officer's chest;
but, when about to avail himself of this opportunity, a fellow-prisoner,
a youth, his junior in years, his companion and associate in suffering,
was thought of. He immediately urged upon him to avail himself of the

chances of an escape so easy. The offer was accepted, and
Forten had the satisfaction of assisting in taking down the "chest
of old clothes," as it was then called, from the side of the prison
ship. The individual thus fortunately rescued was Captain Daniel
Brewton,--the present incumbent in the Stewardship at the
Lazaretto. I will read the certificate of Mr. Brewton in regard to
this matter:--

"I do hereby certify, that James
Forten was one who participated in the
Revolution, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-six, and was a prisoner on board of the prison-ship, 'Old Jersey'
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty, with me.

(Signed,) DANIEL BREWTON."

PHILADELPHIA, March 15th, 1837. Acknowledged before Alderman

J. W. PALMER.

It was my great privilege to see, but a short time ago, this
venerable and grateful friend of JAMES FORTEN; to hear from
his own lips a strict confirmation of the facts stated, as well as to
witness the solemn scene which ensued, in his taking for the last
time the hand of his dying benefactor. The old man's tears fell like
rain; his stifled utterance marked the deep emotions of his almost
bursting heart. Sad and dejected, with feelings that made him more
ready to die than to live, he silently retired, stayed with the hope
that they would soon meet in a better and a happier world.

After remaining seven months a prisoner on board this ship,
young Forten obtained his release, and, without shoes

upon his feet, (until he reached Trenton, where he was generously
supplied,) arrived home in a wretchedly bad condition, having,
among other evidences of great hardships endured, his hair nearly
entirely worn from his head. He remained but a short time at home,
when, in company with his brother-in-law, he sailed, in the ship
Commerce, for London. He arrived there at a period of the
greatest excitement. The great struggle between liberty and
slavery had already been settled by the decision in the noted case
of Somersett, when it was decreed, that the moment a slave trod
the soil of Britain, "no matter in what language his doom may
have been pronounced,--no matter what complexion incompatible
with freedom an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon
him,--no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been
cloven down,--no matter with what solemnities he may have been
devoted upon the altar of slavery, the first moment he touches the
sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust;
his body swells beyond the measure of his chains that burst from
around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled,
by the irresistible Genius of Universal Emancipation."

But the accursed slave trade was still glutting in the blood and
sinews of Afric's helpless children, and that mighty man, that
prince of philanthropists, GRANVILLE SHARPE, was
directing his benevolent efforts to its overthrow. At this time, the
Christian feeling had awakened up an indignant nation to a
determination for its destruction; and no

small interest was taken in the discussions, both in and out of
Parliament, by our deceased friend. It was among the many
pleasing reminiscences of his life to refer to those scenes, so
strikingly analogous to the trials and persecution of the friends of
freedom here, and the hypocritical sophisms of their opponents.
After remaining in London about a year, he returned home, and
was apprenticed, with hi own consent, to Mr. Robert Bridges,
sail-maker. He was not long at his trade, when his great skill, energy,
diligence, and good conduct, commended him to his master, who,
neither discriminating nor appreciating a man by the mere color of
the skin in which he may be born, served his own interest in doing
an act commensurate to the merits of young Forten, in promoting
him foreman in his business. This was in his twentieth year. He
continued in this capacity until 1798, when, upon the retirement of
Mr. Bridges, he assumed the entire control and responsibility of the
establishment. Having formed for himself a reputation for
capability and industry, he found it no difficult task to secure the
friendship of those, who, perceiving qualities it him which ever
adorn and beautify the human character gave him their
countenance and patronage; for although it was by the force of his
own unassisted genius and energy of character that he rose above
those depressing influences which have ever operated against
those

yet he was indebted to some few stanch friends, of whose
encouragement and kindness he was ever wont to speak in terms
of gratitude. He continued, with great consistency of conduct, in
prosecuting his business, offering up, on the altar of filial and
fraternal regard, the first fruits of his labor, in purchasing a house
for his mother and widowed sister, which sheltered the one until
the period of her death, and now affords protection and support to
the other in her declining years. With undiminished vigor of mind
and body, enjoying the very best of health, he continued to give
personal attention to his business until confined to his house from
that disease, which, in a few months, proved fatal to him. It was
during the long period of his active business life that he acquired
that reputation, which ever remained unclouded, shedding abroad
in its own, clear sky the brightest and noblest qualities of the
human heart; so courteous, polished and gentlemanly in his
manners,--so intelligent, social, and interesting,--so honest, just
and true in his dealings,--so kind and benevolent in his actions,--
so noble and lofty in his bearing,--that none knew him but to admire,
to speak of him but in praise. He lived but to cherish those noble
properties of his soul, and those exalted principles of action, which
ever prompted him to deeds of benevolence, patriotism and honor.
Perhaps one of the strongest traits in his character was that of
benevolence. With him, it was no occasional or fitful impulse, but
a living principle of action. Wherever suffering humanity presented
itself, a glow of generous and brotherly sympathy was

excited in his heart; and not bestowing nor graduating his gifts by
the mere color of the skin, his open hand was ever ready to
administer to the wants of all. Nor was this feeling confined to
the giving of his worldly substance. No danger could appal him, no
hindrance prevent, even at the greatest personal risk, in relieving
from danger and death his fellow-man. No less than seven persons
were at different times rescued from drowning by his promptness,
energy and benevolence. From the Humane Society he obtained
this certificate:--

"The Managers of the Humane
Society of Philadelphia, entertaining
a grateful sense of the benevolent and successful exertions of JAMES FORTEN
in rescuing, at the imminent hazard of his life, four persons
from drowning in the river Delaware at different times, to wit: one on
the--day, 11th mo., 1805; a second on the--day of 1st mo., 1807; a
third on the--day of 4th mo., 1810; and on the--day of 4th mo., 1821,
present this Honorary Certificate as a testimony of their approbation of
his meritorious conduct.

By order of the Managers,

JOSEPH CRUKESHANK, President.

PHILADELPHIA, Fifth mo., 9th, 1821."

Of his patriotism, who doubts? He gave the best evidence of
his love for his country by consecrating his life, in "the times that
tried men's souls," to her liberties; and when urged by an honorable
gentleman to petition his government for a pension, he promptly
declined, saying, "I was a volunteer, sir." In the last war, when an
invasion was threatened by the British upon our city, he was found,

with twenty of his journeymen, and with hundreds of his
persecuted and oppressed brethren, throwing up the redoubts
on the west bank of the Schuylkill. Indeed, his interest was so
strong in any matter connected with his country, that we would
sometimes express our surprise at this. He would reply, "that he
had drawn the spirit of her free institutions from his mother's
breast, and that he had fought for her independence." With all this,
however, his sensitive mind was but too truly pained at her
ingratitude, in the wrongs she continued to inflict upon her
unoffending and unfortunate children; believing, as he often
expressed it, that she would bring down the vengeance of Heaven
upon her, and quoting the fearful lines of Jefferson, "I tremble for my
country when I remember that God is just, and that his justice will
not sleep for ever." Perhaps no instance gave greater poignancy to
his feelings than the late atrocious act of the miscalled Reform
Convention. For this State, his attachments were peculiar and
strong. Here he was born,--his ancestors were residents for
upwards of one hundred and seventy years. He had paid a large
amount of taxes, and contributed to almost every institution which
adorned and beautified this large city. Here had lived a Franklin,
Rush, Rawle, Wistar, Vaux, Parrish, and Shipley, the very brightest
ornaments of Christian love and philanthropy. Yet no recollection
of their principles, no regard for the true policy of this State, or for
justice, humanity, or God, could stay the ruthless arms of those
marauders upon human liberty from striking down the rights of
forty thousand of her tax-paying citizens.

In the year 1800, Mr. Forten addressed a letter to Hon. George
Thatcher, in reference to the law of Congress '93, authorising
the seizure of fugitive slaves. The letter was intended as an
acknowledgment for Mr. Thacher's advocacy of the petition of
Mr. Forten and others, remonstrating against the iniquitous law.

In the year 1817, this good man's principles were put the test.
Having, at this time, an extended influence, a being prominent in
the eyes of the community as a man of singular probity and worth,
extorting, even from the jaundiced heart of prejudice, involuntary
respect, he was marked by the enemies of freedom, and every
device, which the scheme of colonization could invent, was attempted
to blind and mislead him. It was about this time, that this
society of innate wickedness, mantled in the cloak benevolence,
came stalking over the land, so specious and whining in its tone, so
soft and insinuating in its low breathings, that many were
deceived. But the discriminating mind of JAMES FORTEN penetrated
the veil that covered deformed and damning features. The
clique of clerical wolves, who had besieged him in tones of
flattery, assuring him that he would become the Lord Mansfield
of their "Heaven-born republic" on the. western coast of Africa,
was told, in the simplicity of truth, but with sarcasm the more
cutting because unaffected, "That he would rather remain as
James Forten, sail-maker, in Philadelphia, than enjoy the highest
offices in the gift of their society." The matter, however, did not
rest here with him. He foresaw

what would be the evil tendencies and effects of this infamous
institution, and the necessity of frustrating the designs of the
leagued spirits of this dark crusade against the rapidly
improving condition of his people, and of incorporating, at once
and for ever, the idea in the public mind, that we were fixtures in
this our native country,--"that here we were born, here we would
live, and here die." With this view, and having the coöperation of
some of the most intelligent of his brethren, among whom were
our sterling and inflexible friend to human rights, Robert Douglass,
Senr., the good-hearted Absalom Jones, and last, though not least,
the founder of your church, that extraordinary man, the Rt. Rev.
Bishop Allen, a meeting was called in this church, in the month of
January, 1817. The house, upon the occasion, was literally
crammed. Mr. Forten presided as chairman, and a beautiful
preamble and resolutions, which had been previously prepared,
went down, in an unanimous vote, as the death-knell to
colonization. Of these resolutions, two were from the pen of Mr.
Forten.

His hand was promptly extended to that pure Christian and
exalted philanthropist, WILLIAM, LLOYD GARRISON. He
saw in him all those qualities necessary as a leader in the great
enterprise; and, in his own language, considered him as a chosen
instrument, in the Divine hand, to accomplish the great work of
the abolition of American slavery. Indeed, such was his
confidence (and justly so) in the principles

of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and of the men and
women who advocated them, that nothing was ever more painful
to his feelings, nothing sooner excited his indignation, than the
attempt to cast reproach upon them. The course pursued by Mr.
Garrison he ever thought conformable to the true anti-slavery
principles; and those principles, founded upon the immutability of
eternal truth, had thrown around him, and all others who acted with
him, the influences of its divinity. Hence, no difficulties nor
dangers have intimidated them,--they have gone on, conquering and
to conquer. In no restricted sense, but in its proper signification and
application, he was a friend to human rights. The doctrine of
"Woman's Rights," as it is called, found in him a zealous friend. He
believed that those doctrines would be acknowledged universally,
because, as he would say, we live in an enlightened age,--an age
which tolerates a free expression of opinion, and leaves the mind to
the guidance of its own inwardly revealing light, to the enjoyment
of its own individuality; and, setting aside the dogmas and creeds
of established usage and custom, unshackles the immortal mind,
leaving it free and independent, as it was designed by its bountiful
Creator. Yet, while truth, bright, eternal truth, is rising in all the
gorgeousness of her transcendental supremacy, there are those
who, not more egregiously than pertinaciously, cling to their
blindness, their infatuation, meanness, and despotism. But woman
is not a mere dependant upon man. The relation is perfectly
reciprocal. God has given to both man and

woman the same intellectual capacities, and made them subjects
alike to the same moral government. He was a man of religion,
but no bigot; the last survivor of the founders of St. Thomas's
Episcopal Church, and its most liberal patron and friend; and,
though connected with this institution for more than fifty years--in close
communion with its ordinances for many years back,--he ever
valued the spirit of Christianity, exemplified in
the character of men, as being of infinitely more importance than a
mere unity in doctrinal views and creeds. As a business man,
none were more honest and fair--no overreaching, misrepresentations,
or deceiving; and, as a remarkable fact in his history, as well as
a lesson to others, he never had, as I have often heard him declare,
been guilty of that genteel kind of swindling, which all sorts of
professedly good people practice, under the gloss of the name of
note-shaving.

Temperate in habits, and, more especially, an enemy to all
intoxicating drinks, having never taken a glass of ardent
spirit in his life, nor permitted its introduction into the premises
among those he employed, he was a ready advocate of the
blessed cause of temperance, and of all other great moral
enterprises which are now so rife in our land. He was a member
and the presiding officer of the American Moral Reform
Society, from its origin to the time of his death. In a word,
whatever was right, useful and patriotic, secured in him a friend,
advocate and patron. In the social relations, he was the most
affectionate of husbands, and the most indulgent of parents; as a
friend, unwavering and steadfast in his attachments.

He was a model, not, as some flippant scribbler asserts, for
what are called "colored men," but for all men. His example will
ever be worthy of emulation, his virtues never forgotten in the
community in which he lived.

Three or four thousand persons, it was believed, attended the
funeral of Mr. Forten, one half of whom were white.

Among other reminiscences connected with the Revolution,
Mr. Forten often alluded to the part taken by colored men in the
war. He saw the regiments from Rhode Island, Connecticut and
Massachusetts, when they marched through Philadelphia, to meet
Cornwallis, who was then overrunning the South, and said that one
or two companies of colored men were attached to each. The
vessels of war of that period were all, to a greater or less extent,
manned by colored men. On board the Royal Louis, in which Mr.
Forten enlisted, there were twenty colored seamen; the Alliance,
of thirty-six guns, Commodore Barry, the Trumbull, of thirty-two
guns, Captain Nicholson, and the ships South Carolina,
Confederacy, and Randolph, were all manned, in part, by colored
men.

Indian Agent under General Jackson, and retained his office under
President Van Buren. Being a colored child, though the offspring
of a white man of standing, there was probably no other care
taken of his education than is usual for one of his class in the United
States, under such circumstances. But John continued to grow a
boy of observation, and, as was inseparable from his nature, to be
"interested in whatever was interesting to man."

In 1812, during the struggle in which Europe was engaged to
avert the danger threatened by the usurpation of Napoleon, and the
disturbance of the amicable relations which, for a time, had
seemed to exist between the United States and Great Britain,
young Vashon, being now twenty years of age, and full of that
curiosity which the ardor and romance of youth so naturally
inspires, without even the poor consolation, as the only hope for
an escape with life or liberty, that he was an acknowledged American
citizen, embarked as a common seaman and soldier on board of the old
war ship "Revenge," destined to cruise through the West Indies and on
the coast of South America. In an engagement on the coast of Brazil,
Mr. Vashon, with others, was made prisoner of war by the English.
Among his fellow-prisoners was young Henry Bears, now Major
Henry Bears, a prominent and affluent old citizen of Pittsburg, Pa.,
to whom any reference may be made concerning this statement.
The prisoners were all released on exchange. On Mr. Vashon's return
to Virginia, he settled in Fredericksburg, from whence he removed to
Dumfries, and subsequently

to Leesburg. While a resident of the latter place, he
volunteered in the land service, at a time when the colored people
of that neighborhood were called upon to aid in the defence of
their country, and prevent the British fleet from ascending the
Potomac.

In 1822, he left Leesburg, with his family, (an amiable wife and
two children,) and resided in Carlisle, Penn., for seven years. Here
he was much respected as a useful member of the community; he
was the proprietor of a public saloon, a place of general resort and
accommodation for the students of Dickinson College, and the first
gentlemen of the town; an extensive livery stable was also a part
of the establishment.

He was not content with having served his country, but was
desirous of becoming especially useful to his brethren. In 1823, but
one year subsequent to his settlement in the town, he assisted in
the formation of a mutual improvement association, and was
immediately chosen Treasurer, in coöperation with his friend and
very useful fellow-citizen, John Peck, as President. This institution
was known as the "Lay Benevolent Society."

In 1829, he removed, with his family, (which now had an
addition of a son,) to Pittsburg, Pa. Here, also, Mr. Vashon
made himself much respected in the community, and quite useful
among his brethren. The first public baths in Pittsburg, and
probably the first public baths for ladies established west of the
mountains, were the result of his exertions. He was among the
first to promote the assembling

of colored men in National Conventions; and was a prominent
advocate of the equality of the white and colored races, always
claiming to be an American,--a name which he appeared to
love but little less than that of liberty, which it seemed to imply.

Immediately after the National Convention of Colored Men had
been field in Philadelphia, Garrison's "Thoughts on Colonization"
made its appearance, for which Mr. Vashon was appointed by the
author an agent. Through his influence, and that of the book itself,
the late Robert Bruce, D. D., then President of the University of
Western Pennsylvania, and several other prominent citizens of
Pittsburg, formerly earnest advocates of the Colonization Society,
were happily converted to anti-slavery views. Mr. Vashon
was also a faithful agent for the Liberator in the same district.

In 1833, the first Anti-Slavery Society west of the mountains
was organized by him in the front parlor of his homestead. He
also promoted the formation of an Educational Institution, and
was its first President. Through his efforts, the handsome sum of
twelve hundred dollars was contributed in its support, he himself
giving, at one time, fifty dollars from his own purse. In 1834, he
was elected President of a Temperance Society, and also of a
Moral Reform Society, as a testimony to his devoted and
assiduous labors in behalf of those movements.

In 1835, being in Boston when the infuriated mob attacked
Mr. Garrison, dragging him like a felon through

the streets, Mr. Vashon was an eye-witness to the terrible
scene, which was heart-rending beyond his ability ever
afterwards to express, as, of all living men, JOHN B. VASHON
loved WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON most; and this feeling of
affection toward him continued, for aught that is known, till the
day of his death. When the mob passed along Washington street,
shouting and yelling like madmen the apprehensions of Mr.
Vashon became fearfully aroused. Presently there approached a
group which appeared even more infuriated than the rest, and he
beheld, in the midst of this furious throng, Garrison himself, with a
rope round his neck, led on like a beast to the slaughter. He had
been on the field of battle, had faced the cannon's mouth, seen its
lightnings flash and heard its thunders roar, but such a sight as this
was more than the old citizen-soldier could bear, without giving vent
to a flood of tears.

The next day, the old soldier, who had helped to preserve his
country's liberty on the plighted faith of security to his own, but
who had lived to witness freedom of speech and of the press
stricken down by mob violence, and life itself in jeopardy, because
that liberty was asked for him and his, with spirits crushed and
faltering hopes, called to administer a word of consolation to the
bold and courageous young advocate of immediate and universal
emancipation. Mr. Garrison subsequently thus referred to this
circumstance in his paper:--"On the day of the riot in Boston, he
dined at my house, and the next morning called to see me in prison,
bringing with him a new hat for me, in the place of

one that was cut by the knives of the 'men of property and
standing from all parts of the city.' " In this, he proved a "ministering
angel" to the philanthropist in time of trouble.

Mr. Vashon was zealous in promoting the education of his children.
One daughter was sent to the excellent Female Academy of Miss
Sarah M. Douglass, in Philadelphia, and his son to the Oberlin
Collegiate Institute, where he graduated with the first honors of his
class, and delivered the valedictory. He subsequently studied in the
law office of the late Hon. Walter Forward, ex-Secretary of the U. S.
Treasury, and more recently Presiding Judge in the Western District of Pennsylvania.

A circumstance well worthy of record took place during the
exemplary efforts of this good old American patriot in preparing
his children to fill useful positions in society. During the collegiate
course of his son, (his daughter having previously finished her
education,) a change in his circumstances induced a friend to
propose recalling his son George from college.

"I will never do it!" was the positive reply.

"How can you do otherwise? you must live," said his adviser.

"I will stint my market basket," rejoined the old gentleman.

"Yes, but you can't do without eating," continued his friend.

"No, but I can eat less, and economise by selecting cheaper
articles of food," replied the devoted father.

"That will do well enough to talk about, friend Vashon, but
when it comes to the test, that's another thing."

"Friend J.," replied the old gentleman, with feeling, "as God is
my judge, I will live on potatoes and herring, and see the last
piece of furniture sold out of my house, before my son shall be
left without an education. When he come from that school, he
will have finished his education."

Finding that it was in vain to attempt to advise so contrary to
his feelings and designs, his friend left him. His son did return,
indeed, a scholar of the highest order, and is now Professor of
Belles Lettres in Central College, McGrawville, N. Y. When he
applied for admission to the bar, it was granted, after a successful
examination in open Court in New York city.

Mr. Vashon was one of the Vice Presidents of the National
Convention of Colored Men, held at Rochester, July, 1853, and
was subsequently chosen a member of the Pennsylvania State
Council. On the 8th of January, 1854, National Convention of the
old soldiers of 1812 was held in the city of Philadelphia. This
gathering of veterans aroused the military fire in the old man's
breast, and, never having received a pension, nor government
lands, for his services, he determined on taking his seat, as a soldier
delegate, among the defenders of his country. He was amply
supplied with letters and certificates from distinguished gentlemen
in his adopted city. In the best of spirits and hopes, he set out on his
mission to the State Council and the Military Convention. He had
proceeded as far as the depot,

when, (he was of corpulent person,) resting on his trunk for
relief from his fatigue, Death, that untiring, but ever certain
messenger, unexpectedly summoned him home to his fathers.

Thus departed the good old citizen-soldier, clothed in the vesture of
peace and war. In the language of one of his friends, in an editorial
column, "he fell with his harness on, and died in the last act of
service to his brethren, and in obedience to the summons of his
country, in the person of one of her delegated warriors."

MAJOR JEFFREY.

Among the brave blacks who fought in the battle for American
liberty was one whose name stands at the head of this brief
notice. Major Jeffrey was a Tennesseean, and, during the campaign
of Major-General Andrew Jackson in Mobile, filled the place of
"regular" among the soldiers. In the charge made by General Stump
against the enemy, the Americans were repulsed and thrown into
disorder,--Major Stump being forced to retire, in a manner by no
means desirable, under the circumstances. Major Jeffrey, who was
but a common soldier, seeing the condition of his comrades, and
comprehending the disastrous results about to befall them, rushed
forward, mounted a horse, took command of the troops, and, by an
heroic effort, rallied them to the charge,--completely routing the
enemy, who left the Americans masters of the field. He at once

received from the General the title of "Major," though he could
not, according to the American policy, so commission him. To the
day of his death, he was known by that title in Nashville, where he
resided, and the circumstances which entitled him to it were
constantly the subject of popular conversation.

Major Jeffrey was highly respected by the whites generally,
and revered, in his own neighborhood, by all the colored people
who knew him.

A few years ago, receiving an indignity from a common ruffian,
he was forced to strike him in self-defence; for which act, in
accordance with the laws of slavery in that, as well as in many
other of the slave States, he was compelled to receive, on his
naked person, nine and thirty lashes with a raw hide! This, at
the age of seventy odd, after the distinguished services rendered
his country,--probably when the white ruffian for whom he was
tortured was unable to raise an arm in its defence,--was more than
he could bear; it broke his heart, and he sank to rise no more, till
summoned by the blast of the last trumpet to stand on the battle-field
of the general resurrection.

JOHNSON AND DAVIS.

The names of these brave heroes, JOHNSON and DAVIS, have no
where appeared in American history, though, in reality, a part of
the history of the times in which they lived.

The Pittsburg Dispatch, a daily independent paper, of December
19, 1854, has the following notice of them:--

"We are indebted to a friend for a copy of the Pittsburg
Mercury, of March 9, 1814--nearly forty-one years old. The
paper was in its second year, published by John M. Snowden, Esq.
Pittsburg was then a borough. The war between England and this
country was raging, and the paper is chiefly filled with reports of
land and naval operations. General Hull's trial for the surrender
of Detroit was then pending. The frigate President had just
returned from a cruise, in which she had run past the blockading
fleet, succeeded in destroying a number of English merchant
vessels, and rescued the American schooner Comet, which had
been captured by the enemy; the privateer Governor Tompkins
had also returned home, after escaping from an English frigate,
from which she had 'caught a tartar,' having mistaken her
for a merchantman. The only persons killed on board the General
Tompkins were two colored seamen, JOHN JOHNSON and
JOHN DAVIS, of whom Captain Shaler makes this mention:--

"The name of one of my poor fellows who was killed ought to be
registered in the books of Fame, and remembered with reverence as
long as bravery is considered a virtue. He was a black man by the name
of JOHN JOHNSON. A twenty-four pound shot struck him in the hip,
and took away all the lower part; of his body. In this state, the poor, brave
fellow lay on the deck, and several times exclaimed to his shipmates, "Fire away,
my boys!--No haul a color down!"

and was struck in much the same way. He fell near me, and several
times requested to be thrown overboard, saying he was only in the way
of others. While America has such tars, she has little to fear from the
tyrants of Europe.' "

On the capture of Washington by the British forces, it was
judged expedient to fortify, without delay, the principal towns and
cities exposed to similar attacks. The Vigilance Committee of
Philadelphia waited upon three of the principal colored citizens,
namely, JAMES FORTEN, BISHOP ALLEN, and ABSALOM JONES,
soliciting the aid of the people of color in erecting suitable
defences for the city. Accordingly, two thousand five hundred
colored men assembled in the State House yard, and from thence
marched to Gray's ferry where they labored for two days, almost
without intermission. Their labors were so faithful and efficient,
that a vote of thanks was tendered them by the Committee. A
battalion of colored troops was at the same time organized in the
city, under an officer of the United States army; and they were
on the point of marching to the frontier, when peace was
proclaimed.

In a letter written during the week of the mob against the
colored people, August, 1842, Henry C. Wright, says:--

"A colored man, whom I visited in the hospital, called to see
me to-day. He had just got out, and looked very pitiful. His head
was bent down; he said he could not erect it, his neck was so
injured. He is a very intelligent man, and can read and write. His
name is CHARLES BLACK and he resides in Lombard street.
He was at home, with

his little boy, unconscious of what was transpiring without.
Suddenly, the mob rushed into his room, dragged him down
stairs, and beat him so unmercifully, that he would have
been killed, had not some humane individuals interposed,
and prevented further violence. He was an impressed seaman
on board an English sixty-four gun-ship, in the beginning of the
war of 1812. When he heard of the war, he refused to fight
against his country, although he had nine hundred dollars prize-money
coming to him from the ship. He was, therefore placed in irons,
and kept a prisoner on board some time, and then sent to the well-known
Dartmoor prison. He was exchanged, and shipped for France. Shortly
afterwards, he was taken and sent back to Dartmoor--was exchanged
a second time, and succeeded in reaching the United States. He
soon joined the fleet on Lake Champlain, under M'Donough; was
with him in the celebrated battle which gave honor (?) to the
American arms. He was wounded, but never received a pension.
His father was in the battle of Bunker Hill, and his grandfather
fought in the old French War."

JAMES DERHAM, originally a slave in Philadelphia, was
transferred by his master to a physician, who gave him a
subordinate employment as preparer of drugs. During the American
War, he was sold by this physician to a surgeon, and by the surgeon
to Robert Dove, of New Orleans. Learned in the languages, he
speaks with facility English, French and Spanish. In 1778, at the age
of twenty-one, he became the most distinguished physician at New
Orleans.

"I conversed with him on medicine,", says Dr. Rush, "and found
him very learned. I thought I could give him information
concerning the treatment of diseases, but I learned more from
him than he could expect from me."

WILLIAM BURLEIGH was a soldier in the war of 1812, and
fought in the battle of North Point. He was recognised by the
proper authorities, and participated in the Anniversary of
Veterans, celebrated at Philadelphia, December, 1853.

A digression from the military services of colored men
those rendered voluntarily, by the same despised and persecuted
class, in a time of pestilence, seems to me warrantable in this
connection.

In the autumn of 1793, the yellow fever broke out in
Philadelphia with peculiar malignity. The insolent and
unnatural distinctions of caste were overturned, and the
colored people were solicited, in the public papers, to come
forward and assist the perishing sick. The same mouth
which had gloried against them in prosperity, in its
overwhelming adversity implored their assistance. The colored
people of Philadelphia nobly responded. The then Mayor Matthew
Clarkson, received their deputation with respect, and commended
their course. They appointed ABSALOM JONES and WILLIAM
GRAY to superintend the operations, the Mayor advertising the
public that, by applying to them, aid could be obtained. This took
place about September. Soon afterwards, the sickness increased
so dreadfully,

that it became next to impossible to remove the corpses.
The colored people volunteered this painful and dangerous
duty--did it extensively, and hired help in doing it. Dr. Rush
instructed the two superintendents in the proper precautions and
measures to be used.

A sick white man crept to his chamber window, and entreated the
passers-by to bring him a drink of water. Several white men passed
but hurried on. A foreigner came up--paused--was afraid to supply
with this own hands, but stood and offered eight dollars to whomsoever
would. At length, a poor black man appeared; he heard--stopped--
ran for water--took it to the sick man; and then stayed by to nurse him,
steadily and mildly refusing all pecuniary compensation.

SARAH BOSS, a poor black widow, was active in voluntary
and benevolent services.

A poor black man, named SAMPSON, went constantly from
house to house, giving assistance every where gratuitously, until
he was seized with the fever and died.

MARY SCOTT, a woman of color, attended Mr. Richard
Mason and his son so kindly and disinterestedly, that the
widow, Mrs. R. Mason, settled an annuity of six pounds upon
her for life.

An elderly black nurse, going about most diligently and
affectionately, when asked what pay she wished, used to say, "A
dinner, massa, some cold winter's day."

A young, black woman was offered any price, if she would
attend a white merchant and his wife. She would take no

money, but went, saying that, if she went from holy love, she
might hope to be preserved, but not if she went for money. She
was seized with the fever, but recovered.

A black man, riding through the streets, saw a white man push a
white woman out of the house. The woman staggered forward,
fell in the gutter, and was too weak to rise. The black man
dismounted, and took her gently to the hospital at Bush-Hill.

ABSALOM JONES and WILLIAM GRAY, the colored superintendents,
say,--"A white man threatened to shoot us if we passed by his house with
a corpse. We buried him three days afterwards."

About twenty times as many black nurses as white were thus
employed during the sickness.

The following certificate was subsequently given by the Mayor:--

"Having, during the prevalence of the late malignant disorder, had
almost daily opportunities of seeing the conduct of ABSALOM JONES and
RICHARD ALLEN, and the people employed by them to bury the dead, I
with cheerfulness give this testimony of my approbation of their
proceedings, as far as the same came under my notice. Their diligence,
attention, and decency of deportment, afforded me, at the time, much
satisfaction.

(Signed,) MATTHEW CLARKSON, Mayor.

PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 23, 1794."

Some years since, a singular incident occurred in one of the
courts of Philadelphia. When the Sheriff was calling over the
names of the jury, he summoned, among others, "George Jones."

"Here, Sir," answered a voice from the crowd, and a colored
man came forth and took his seat in the jury-box.

"Here is some mistake," said the Sheriff.

"No mistake at all," replied the juror. "Here is your summons;
my name has been regularly drawn, and is on the jury list."

The Judge interfered,--"You may retire," said he.

"I'd rather not, Sir. I am willing to perform my duty."

Here was a dilemma. There was nothing in the law to exclude
a colored man from the jury box, and the Court was at a loss
what to do. At length, the juryman was challenged by one of the
parties, and had to leave the box.

This is, perhaps, the only instance of such an error though it
might be supposed that it would be of frequent, occurrence.

The devotion and services of colored Pennsylvanians have
been rewarded by the exclusion of fifty-two thousand of their
number from the ballot-box. An effort, however, has been
recently commenced for restoring to them the franchise, which,
we trust, will soon be successful.

In a very neatly printed pamphlet, prepared by a Committee of
the Colored Citizens of Philadelphia, asking for the same right of
suffrage they enjoyed for forty-seven years prior to the adoption
of the present Constitution, in 1838, it is stated, that they number
30,000 persons in Philadelphia; that they possess $2,685,693 of
real and personal estate; and have paid $9,766.42 for taxes during
the past year, and $392,7792.27 for house, water, and ground rent.

Frederick Douglass, in his paper, says of the people of color in
Philadelphia, and of the State at large:--

"They buy and sell property, own lumber yards, (two of the most
extensive, if not the largest, lumber merchants in the State are colored
men,) and till the soil: there are mechanics, professional men, and artists,
among them; they are developing, not only their identity, but their
equality, with the whites."

We rejoice (says the National Era) in these assurance of
the success of the partial freedom enjoyed by the negro race in
Pennsylvania, and sincerely hope that every man of them may
continue true and steadfast in the judicious defence of their cause,
until the justice shall be accorded to industry, intelligence, and
wealth, that has been withheld from poverty and ignorance.

CHAPTER IX.

DELAWARE.

PRINCE WHIPPLE, THE COLORED
SOLDIER AT THE CROSSING OF THE
DELAWARE--PROSCRIPTIVE LAW.

In the engravings of Washington crossing the Delaware on the
evening previous to the battle of Trenton, Dec. 25, 1779, a colored
soldier is seen, on horseback, quite prominent, near the Commander-in-Chief,
--the same figure that, in other sketches, is seen pulling the stroke
oar in that memorable crossing. This colored soldier was PRINCE WHIPPLE,
body-guard to Gen. Whipple, of New Hampshire, who was
Aid to General Washington.

PRINCE WHIPPLE was born at Amabou, Africa, of comparatively
wealthy parents. When about ten years of age, he was sent by them, in
company with a cousin, to America, to be educated. An elder brother
had returned four years before, and his parents were anxious that their
other child should receive the same benefits. The captain who brought
the two boys over proved a treacherous villain, and carried them to
Baltimore, where he exposed them for sale, and they were both purchased
by Portsmouth men, Prince falling to Gen. Whipple. He was emancipated
during the war, was much esteemed, and was once entrusted

by the General with a large sum of money to carry from Salem to
Portsmouth. He was attacked on the road, near Newburyport, by
two ruffians; one he struck with a loaded whip, the other he shot,
and succeeded in arriving home in safety.

Prince was beloved by all who knew him. He was the "Caleb
Quotem" of Portsmouth, where. he died at the age of thirty-two,
leaving a widow and children. Their descendants now reside in that
place, one being married to Dr. Isaac H. Snowden, son of Rev.
Samuel Snowden, of Boston.

Delaware is yet disgraced by a statute forbidding the
immigration of free colored persons. Even her own native-born
colored citizens, on absenting themselves, cannot return to the
State without being liable to fines and imprisonment. A colored
man from Columbia, Penn., some six years since, going
into the State, was informed against, and fined by a magistrate fifty
dollars, after he had been some time in prison. That noble friend
of humanity, THOMAS GARRETT, paid his fine and costs,--about
eighty-six dollars, (a portion of which was contributed, in
Pennsylvania.) The facts were published, when the magistrate
sued Mr. Garrett for libel, and he was bound over in the sum of
one thousand dollars. The magistrate committed an act of dishonesty,
left his family and the State several years to avoid prosecution, and
finally his friends obtained a pardon from the Governor, and he
returned, and was reappointed magistrate. Mr. Garrett, fearing that,
as he

had once absented himself, he might do so again, had him bound
over in the sum of five hundred dollars to prosecute the charge;
but Mr. Garrett has not been troubled on the subject since.

I learn from Mr. Garrett that three arrests have since been
made in Newcastle county, but the law was so odious, that the
magistrates, fearing their credit would be injured, released the men
on their own recognizance, and they left the State. Judge Booth
states that a colored girl, in order to obtain better wages, left her
parents in Sussex and crossed over to Jersey, where she remained
two years. Her mother was then taken ill, and she returned home
to nurse her. After she died, before the funeral, some fiend in
human shape informed against her. The magistrate issued the
writ, and the constable served it before the corpse left the house.
Such was the indignation of the neighborhood, however,
(slaveholders though they were,) that the informer and constable
would have been mobbed if they had not desisted from their
attempt. The girl remained at her father's house unmolested.

CHAPTER X.

MARYLAND.

A CORRESPONDENT of the New Orleans Picayune gives the
following account of THOMAS SAVOY, a "Negro Veteran," as
he was called:--

"Few persons, we think, have travelled in Texas, who have
not heard of THOMAS SAVOY, alias Black Tom, alias the Special
Citizen of Baxar county. He was by trade barber, but by inclination
a soldier, and his history is intimately connected with the warlike
part of that of Texas. He was much fonder, too, of the company of
white men than of that of persons of his own color. Tom was native
of Maryland, then a citizen of Washington, D. C., then a resident of
Mississippi, whence he emigrated to Texas at the beginning of
the Revolution, with a company of Mississippi volunteers, his
razor in his pocket, and gun on his shoulder. They joined Gen. Houston
shortly after the battle of San Jacinto, but Black Tom's subsequent
conduct as a soldier elicited the praise of his hard-fighting comrades and
superior officers. The year 1839 was, distinguished in Texan
annals by the expedition under Jordan

to Saltillo, to assist the treacherous Canales in his armed Federalist
attempt against the Mexican Anti-Federalists. He betrayed his little
band of Texan allies, but they their gallant leader gave the united
Federalists and the State Rights Mexican army two its thorough
consecutive drubbings as they ever received, and then returned
leisurely home without interruption. Black Tom was one of Jordan's
men, and if he had little occasion or time to use his razor, he made up
for it by a skilful handling of his offensive weapons. In 1842, Gen. Woll
invaded Texas with a Mexican army, and got a good beating at the
battle of Salado. Tom was in the midst of it, and was wounded. He
participated in several subsequent conflicts with the Indians, fighting
bravely as usual. He followed his old Texan comrades under Taylor's
banner, and hurried along with them into battle at Monterey. He was
also in the memorable struggle of Buena Vista. Black Tom then returned
to Texas with the Kentucky volunteers, and after that, San Antonio
became his head-quarters. He was, of course, a general favorite, and
lived like a lord; but the wandering spirit that ten years in Texas had
made second nature with him, would now and then break out, and
Black Tom would be missing. The next thing heard of him, he was
at a frontier post, or far up in the Indian country, in the midst of
danger. On the 15th of July, 1853, the body of a man was found
two miles west of San Antonio. A coroner's inquest was held, and
a verdict returned of 'Came to his death from cause unknown.'
The body was that of old Tom!"

THOMAS HOLLEN, of Dorset county, Maryland, was in the
Revolutionary War, attached to the regiment of Col. Charles
Gouldsbury, and was wounded by a musket ball in the calf of his leg.
He died in 1816, aged seventy-two, at the town of Blackwood, N. J.,
and was buried in the Snowhill church-yard, east of Woodbury. He had
an uncle who fought by his side in the same war. Rev. James Hollen, of
the African M. E. Church, is a nephew Thomas Hollen.

JOHN MOORE was skipper of the sloop Roebuck, one hundred
and ten tons, which was captured in Chesapeake Bay, between
Spry and Poole's Islands, by the British seventy-four Dragon. He
was placed on board the brig Bashaw, when, provoked by
insolent treatment, he struck an officer with the tiller, for which he
was detained prison at Halifax for eighteen months. The sloop
and cargo were confiscated. Mr. Moore now resides in Newport,
R. I.

BENJAMIN BANNEKER.

BENJAMIN BANNEKER was born in Baltimore county, near
the village of Ellicott's Mills, in the year 1732. His father was a
native African, and his mother the child natives of Africa; so
that, to no admixture of the blood the white man was he
indebted for his peculiar and extraordinary abilities. His father
was a slave when he married but his wife, who was a free
woman, and possessed of great

energy and industry, very soon afterwards purchased his
freedom. Banneker's mother was named Morton before her
marriage, and belonged to a family remarkable for its
intelligence. When upwards of seventy, she was still very
active; and it is remembered of her, that at this advanced
age, she made nothing of catching her chickens, when wanted,
by running them down. A nephew of hers, Greenbury Morton,
was a person of note, notwithstanding his complexion. Prior to
1809, free people of color, possessed of a certain property
qualification, voted in Maryland. In that year, a law was passed,
restricting the right of voting to free white males. Morton was
ignorant of the law till he offered to vote at the polls in Baltimore
county; and it is said, that, when his vote was refused, he addressed
the crowd in a strain of pure and impassioned eloquence, which
kept the audience, that the election had assembled, the breathless
attention while he spoke.

When Benjamin was old enough, he was employed to assist
his parents in their labor. This was at an early age, when his
destiny seemed nothing better than that of a child of poor and
ignorant free negroes, occupying a few acres of land, in a remote
and thinly peopled neighborhood; a destiny which, certainly, at this
day, is not of very brilliant promise, and which, at the time in question,
must been gloomy enough. In the intervals of toil, and when he
was approaching, or had attained, manhood, he was scent to
an obscure and distant country school, which he attended until he
had acquired a knowledge of reading and writing,

and had advanced in arithmetic as far as Double Position. In all
matters, beyond these rudiments of learning, he was his own
instructor. On leaving school, he was obliged to labor for years,
almost uninterruptedly, for his support. But his memory being
retentive, he lost nothing of the little education he had acquired.
On the contrary, although utterly destitute of books, he amplified
and improved his stock of arithmetical knowledge by the operation
of his mind alone. He was an acute observer of every thing that he
saw, or which took place around him in the natural world, and he
sought with avidity information from all sources of what was going
forward in society; so that he became gradually possessed of a fund
of general knowledge which it was difficult to find among those, even,
who were far more favored by opportunity and circumstances than he
was. At first, his information was a subject of remark and wonder
among his illiterate neighbors only; but, by degrees, the reputation
of it spread through a wider circle; and Benjamin Banneker, still a
young man, came to be thought of as one, who could not only
perform all the operations of mental arithmetic with extraordinary
facility, but exercise a sound and discriminating judgment upon men
and things. It was at this time, when he was about thirty years of
age, that he contrived and made a clock, which proved an excellent
time-piece. He had seen a watch, but not a clock--such an article
not yet having found its way into the quiet and secluded valley in
which he lived. The watch was, therefore, his model. It took him a
good while to accomplish

this feat; his great difficulty, as he often used to say, being to
make the hour, minute, and second hands, correspond in their
motions. But the clock was finished at last, and raised still higher
the credit of Banneker in his neighborhood as an ingenious man,
as well as a good arithmetician.

As already stated, the basis of Banneker's arithmetical
knowledge was obtained from the school book in which he had
advanced as far as Double Position; but, in 1787, Mr. George
Ellicott lent him Mayer's Tables, Ferguson's Astronomy, and
Leadbeater's Lunar Tables. Along with these books were some
astronomical instruments. Mr. Ellicott was accidentally prevented
from giving Banneker any information as to the use of either books
or instruments at the time he lent them; but, before he again met
him, (and the interval was a brief one,) Banneker was independent
of any instruction, and was already absorbed in the contemplation
of the new world which was thus opened to his view. From this
time, the study of astronomy became the great object of his life,
and, for a season, he almost disappeared from the sight of his
neighbors.

Very soon after the possession of the books already mentioned
had drawn Banneker's attention to astronomy, he determined to
compile an almanac, that being the most familiar use that
occurred to him of the information he had acquired. Of the labor
of the work, few of those can form an estimate, who would at this
day commence such a task with all the assistance afforded by
accurate tables and well digested rules. Banneker had no such aid;
and it is narrated

as a well-known fact, that he commenced and had advanced
far in the preparation of the logarithms necessary for his
purpose, when he was furnished with a set of table by Mr.
George Ellicott. About this time, he began the record of his
calculations, which is still in existence, and is left with the society
for examination.

The first almanac which Banneker prepared, fit for publication,
was for the year 1792. By this time, his acquirements
had become generally known, and among others who took an
interest in him was James McHenry, Esq. Mr. McHenry wrote a
letter to Goddard & Angell, then the almanac publishers in
Baltimore, which was probably the means of procuring the
publication of the first almanac.

In their editorial notice, Messrs. Goddard & Angell say
"They feel gratified in the opportunity of presenting to the public,
through their press, what must be considered as an extraordinary
effort of genius; a complete and accurate Ephemeris for the year 1792,
calculated by a sable descendant of Africa," &c. And they further say
"That they flatter themselves that a philanthropic public, in this
enlightened era, will be induced to give their patronage and support to
this work, not only on account of its intrinsic merits, (it having met the
approbation of several of the most distinguished astronomers of
America, particularly the celebrated Mr. Rittenhouse,) but from
similar motives to those which induced the editors to give this
calculation the preference,--the ardent desire of drawing modest
merit from obscurity, and controverting the long-established
illiberal prejudice against the blacks."

The motives alluded to by Goddard & Angell, in the extracts
just quoted, of doing justice to the intellect of the colored race,
were a prominent object with Banneker himself; and the only
occasions when he overstepped a modesty which was his
peculiar characteristic, were, when he could, by so doing,
"controvert the long-established illiberal prejudice against the
blacks." We find him, therefore, sending a copy of his first almanac
to Mr. Jefferson, the Secretary of State under General
Washington, with an excellent letter, to which Mr. Jefferson made
the following reply:--

PHILADELPHIA,
Aug. 31, 1791.

Sir,--I thank you sincerely for your letter of the 19th instant,
and for the almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do
to see such proofs as you exhibit, that Nature has given to our black
brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men, and that
the appearance of a want of them is owing only to the degraded
condition of their existence, both in Africa and America. I can
add, with truth, that no one wishes more ardently to see a good
system commenced for raising the condition, both of their body and
mind, to what it ought to be, as fast as the imbecility of their present
existence, and other circumstances which cannot be neglected,
will admit. I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to
Monsieur de Condorcet, Secretary of the Academy of Sciences, at
Paris, and members of the Philanthropic Society, because I considered
it a document to which your whole color had a right, for their
justification against the doubts which have been entertained of
them.

When he published his first almanac, Banneker was fifty-nine
years old, and had high respect paid to him by all the scientific men
of the country, as one whose color did not prevent his belonging to
the same class, as far as intellect went, with themselves. After the
adoption of the Constitution in 1789, commissioners were
appointed to run the lines of the District of Columbia, the ten miles
square now occupied by the seat of government, and then called
the "Federal Territory." The commissioners invited Banneker to
be present at the runnings, and treated him with much consideration.

Banneker continued to calculate and publish his almanacs until
1802, and the folio already referred to and now before the society,
contains the calculations clearly copied, and the figures used by
him in his work. The hand-writing, it will be seen, is very good, and
remarkably distinct, having a practised look, although evidently
that of an old man, who makes his letters and figures slowly and
carefully. His letter to Mr. Jefferson gives a very good idea of his
style of composition, and his ability as a writer. The title of the
almanac is here transcribed at length, as a matter of curious
interest at this latter day. If it claims little of the art and elegance
and wit of the almanacs of Punch or of Hood, it is, nevertheless,
considering its history, a far more surprising production.

"Benjamin Banneker's Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, and Maryland
Almanac and Ephemeris, for the year of our Lord 1792, being Bissextile
or leap year, and the sixteenth year of American

Independence, which commenced July 4, 1776: containing the motions
of the Sun and Moon, the true places and aspects of the Planets, the
rising and setting of the Sun, and the rising, setting, and southing, place
and age of the Moon, &c. The Lunations, Conjunctions, Eclipses, Judgment
of the Weather, Festivals, and remarkable days."

In 1804, Banneker died, in the seventy-second year of his age,
and his remains are deposited, without a stone to mark the spot,
near the dwelling which he occupied during his life-time.

During the whole of his long life, he lived respectably and much
esteemed by all who became acquainted with him, but more
especially by those who could fully appreciate his genius and the
extent of his acquirements. Although his mode of life was regular
and extremely retired, living alone, having never married,--cooking
his own victuals and washing his own clothes, and scarcely ever
being absent from home,--yet there was nothing misanthropic in
his character; for a gentleman who knew him, thus speaks of him:--
"I recollect him well. He was a brave looking, pleasant man, with
something very noble in his appearance. His mind was evidently
much engrossed in his calculations; but he was glad always to
receive the visits which we often paid to him." Another of Mr.
Ellicott's correspondents writes as follows:--"When I was a boy, I
became very much interested in him, (Banneker,) as his manners
were those of a perfect gentleman; kind, generous, hospitable,
humane, dignified and pleasing, abounding in information on all the
various subjects and incidents of the day; very

modest and unassuming, and delighting in society at his own
house. I have seen him frequently. His head was covered with a
thick suit of white hair, which gave him a very venerable and
dignified appearance. His dress was uniformly of superfine drab
broadcloth, made in the old style of a plain coat, with a straight
collar and long waistcoat, and a broad-brimmed hat. His color
was not jet black, but decidedly negro. In size and personal
appearance, the statue of Franklin, at the Library in Philadelphia,
as seer from the street, is a perfect likeness of him."

The foregoing account of Mr. Banneker is taken from a
Memoir read before the Historical Society of Maryland, by
JOHN H. B. LATROBE, which was undoubtedly published to
serve the purposes of the American Colonization Society. Rev.
JOHN T. RAYMOND, a distinguished colored Baptist clergyman,
issued an edition of the pamphlet, in the pre face to which he
says:--"I have snatched it from their [the Colonizationists] foul
purpose, in order to produce a contrary effect. Our people are now
too wise to be entangled in their meshes."

FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.

Maryland has not only produced gifted colored men but has
contributed a fair proportion of women who have proved good
their claim to equality. FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS, born in
Baltimore, has contended with a thousand disadvantages from
early life, and though now a young woman, is actively engaged, on
her own responsibility, as

an Anti-Slavery lecturer in the Eastern States. She has published a
small volume of poems, which certainly are very creditable to her,
both in a literary and moral point of view, and indicate the possession of
a talent, which, if carefully cultivated, and properly encouraged, cannot
fail to secure for herself a poetic reputation, and to deepen the interest
already so extensively felt in the liberation and enfranchisement of the
entire colored race.

I make the following brief extracts from her book, which is entitled,
"Poems and Miscellaneous Writings, by Frances Ellen Watkins."

ELIZA HARRIS.

Like a fawn from the arrow, startled and wild,
A woman swept by us, bearing a child;
In her eye was the night of a settled despair,
And her brow was o'ershaded with anguish and care.

She was nearing the river,--in reaching the brink,
She heeded no danger, she paused not to think
For she is a mother,--her child is a slave,--
And she'll give him his freedom, or find him a grave!

But she's free!--yes, free from the land where the slave
From the hand of oppression must rest in the grave;
Where bondage and torture, where scourges and chains,
Have placed on our banner indelible stains.

The bloodhounds have raised the scent of her way;
The hunter is rifled and foiled of his prey;
Fierce jargon and cursing, with clanking of chains,
Make sounds of strange discord on Liberty's plains.

With the rapture of love and fullness of bliss,
She placed on his brow a mother's fond kiss:--
Oh! poverty, danger and death she can brave,
For the child of her love is no longer a slave!

CHRISTIANITY.

Christianity is a system claiming God for its author and the welfare of
man for its object. It is a system so uniform, exalted and pure, that the
loftiest intellects have acknowledged its influence, and acquiesced in the
justness of its claims. Genius has bent from his erratic course to gather
fire from her altars, and pathos from the agony of Gethsemane and the
sufferings of Calvary. Philosophy and science have paused amid their
speculative researches and wondrous revelations, to gain wisdom from
her teachings and knowledge from her precepts. Poetry has culled her
fairest flowers and wreathed her softest, to bind her Author's "bleeding
brow." Music has strung her sweetest lyres and breathed her noblest
strains to celebrate his fame; whilst Learning has bent from her lofty
heights to bow at the lowly cross. The constant friend of man, she has
stood by him in his hour of greatest need. She has cheered the prisoner
in his cell, and strengthened the martyr at the stake. She has nerved the
frail and shrinking heart of woman for high and holy deeds. The worn and
weary have rested their fainting heads upon her bosom, and gathered
strength from her words and courage from her counsels. She has been the
staff of decrepit age, and the joy of manhood in its strength. She has bent
over the form of lovely childhood, and suffered it to have a place in the
Redeemer's arms. She has stood by the bed of the dying, and unveiled the
glories of eternal life; gilding the darkness of the tomb with the glory of
the resurrection.

CHAPTER XI.

VIRGINIA.

THE LAST OF BRADDOCK'S MEN--PATRIOTIC
SLAVE GIRL--BENJAMIN MORRIS--CONSISTENCY OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO--SIMON LEE--MAJOR MITCHELL'S SLAVE--GENERAL WASHINGTON'S DESIRE TO EMANCIPATE SLAVES--HON. A. P. UPSHUR'S TRIBUTE TO DAVID RICH--TRIBUTE TO WASHINGTON BY THE EMANCIPATED-AGED SLAVE OF WASHINGTON--INSURRECTION AT SOUTHAMPTON--VIRGINIA
MAROONS IN THE DISMAL SWAMP.

THE Lancaster (Ohio) Gazette, February, 1849, announces the
death, at that place, of SAMUEL JENKINS, a colored man, aged
115 years. He was a slave of Capt. Breadwater, in Fairfax
county, Virginia, in 1771, and participated in the memorable
Campaign of Gen. Braddock.

ISHMAEL TITUS (says the Springfield Republican) died in
Williamstown, Mass., January 27th, 1855, at the extraordinary
age of 109 or 110 years. He was born a slave in Virginia, and
when Gen. Braddock set out on his ill-fated expedition, the master
of Ishmael was employed by the Commissary to transport
subsistence stores for the army; and, as the wagon was heavily
loaded, an additional horse was added to the team, and the boy
Ishmael was placed on this third horse as rider; and in that
capacity, he followed the army to the scene of its disaster. Like
most of the

slaves, he had no distinct knowledge of his age; but, judging from
his recollection of the event, and his own story, he must have been
nine or ten years old at the time. His mental faculties were
remarkably active for a person of his years, and after the lapse of
nearly a century, he was wont to recount the striking impression
made upon his young mind by the red coats of the British soldiers,
which he supposed were "colored with blood,"--unfortunately too
true in this instance.

He ran away from his master, and went into the vicinity of
Springfield, Mass., about the close of the Revolution, and was
then, apparently, thirty-eight or forty years of age. His story has
always been consistent, and no one in that place has ever doubted
its correctness. His mind seemed more than a match for his body,
and physical infirmities crept upon him, until he seemed to realize
all the evils which afflicted "Uncle Ned," and, like him, it is to be
hoped that he has received his reward.

Hiram Wilson says that an extremely aged woman lives at the
Grand River settlement, Canada, who was a slave girl in Virginia
at the time of the French and Indian War of 1755. At the time of
the Revolutionary War, she was employed in running bullets for
the Americans. Her patriotism was but miserably rewarded, for
she was held as a slave till she was about eighty years of age,
when she fled to Canada for freedom, where, under monarchical
institutions and laws, she is protected in her old age. No one can
reasonably rebuke her, for the utterance of an earnest "God save
the Queen!"

The Legislature of Virginia, in 1783, emancipated several
slaves who had fought in the Revolutionary War, and
the example was followed by some individuals, who wished
to exhibit a consistency of conduct rare even in those early
days of our country's history. The Baltimore papers of
September 8th, 1790, make mention of the fact that Hon.
General Gates, before taking his departure, will, his lady,
for their new and elegant seat on the banks of the East
River, summoned his numerous family and slaves about
him, and, amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave
them their freedom; and, what was still better, made provision
that their liberty should be a blessing to them.

Sometimes, for other than national services, the colored man's
worth is appreciated by men who claim the right to own their
brother-men, as is seen in the following clause from the Will of
A. P. Upsher, a member of President Tyler's Cabinet:--

"3. I emancipate, and set free, my servant, DAVID RICH, and direct
my executors to give him one hundred dollars. I recommend him, in
the strongest manner, to the respect, esteem and confidence of any
community in which he may happen to live. He has been my slave for
twenty-four years, during which time he has been trusted to every
extent, and in every respect. My confidence in him has been
unbounded; his relation to myself and family has always been such as
to afford him daily opportunities to deceive and injure us, and yet he
has never been detected in a serious fault, nor even in an intentional
breach of the decorums of his station. His intelligence is of a high order,
his integrity above all suspicion, and his sense of right and propriety
always correct, and even delicate

and refined. I feel that he is justly entitled to carry this
certificate from me into the new relations which he now must
form. It is due to his long and most faithful services, and to the
sincere and steady friendship which I bear him. In the
uninterrupted and confidential intercourse of twenty-four years, I
have never given, nor had occasion to give him, an unpleasant
word. I know no man who has fewer faults, or more excellencies,
than he."

Throughout this work will be found allusions to several colored
persons, bond and free, who were either servants or slaves of
General Washington, or through some other relation, were led
to cherish grateful and pleasant memories of the treatment they
received from him. Some he manumitted, others he specially
rewarded for deeds of valor and integrity of conduct; and, though
he did not emancipate the majority of his own slaves until after the
decease of Lady Washington, there yet seemed a constant
struggle of his better nature to do that which, neglected, has left

--"Posterity's sad eye to run
Along one line, with slaves and Washington."

In a letter written by General Washington to Tobias Lear, in
England, in 1794, he assigns the following reasons for
empowering Mr. Lear to sell a portion of his landed estate:--

"I have no scruple in disclosing to you, that my motives to these
sales are to reduce my income, be it more or less, to specialities,--
that the remainder of my days may thereby be more tranquil and

free from care, and that I may be enabled, knowing what my
dependence is, to do as much good as my resources will admit; for
although, in the estimation of the world, I possess a good and clear
estate, yet so unproductive is it, that I am oftentimes ashamed to refuse aid
which I cannot afford unless I sell part of it to answer this purpose.
Besides these, I have another motive, which makes me earnestly wish
for these things--it is, indeed, more powerful than all the rest--namely,
to liberate a certain species of property which I possess, very repugnantly to
my own feelings, but which imperious necessity compels, until I can substitute
some other expedient by which expenses not in my power to
avoid, however well disposed I may be to do it, can be defrayed."

In Washington's Will, special provision is made for his "mulatto man
William, calling himself William Lee," granting him his immediate
freedom, an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life, or
support, if he preferred (being incapable of walking or any active
employment) to remain with the family. "This I give him," says
Washington, "as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me,
and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary War."

The colored soldiers, and others, who were objects of his
solicitude, were found North and South, wherever marched the
Continental army. From among those in Virginia, the few
following cases have been preserved.

The Detroit Tribune, August 10th, 1851, says:--"A short time
since, we chronicled the death of a negro who had reached the
venerable age of one hundred years. It may not be known to
many of our readers, that there is now living, near this city, in the
enjoyment of good health

and the frugal comforts of life, a negro, who is nearly, or quite, a
century old. His name is BENJAMIN MORRIS, and he is residing
on the Charles Moran farm, where he has a life lease, and where, by
the aid of a few friends, he tills enough ground to earn for himself a
plain but comfortable subsistence. His life has been quite eventful.
He was born at Snowhill, in Virginia. His master's name was Bob
Scofield, as he says, using, probably, the familiar term by which
he was known throughout the neighborhood in which he resided.
He lived with Scofield until after the Revolutionary War. During
the war, he was engaged to drive a baggage wagon; and so well
did his behavior please General Washington, who happened to
notice him, that his master, at the close of the war, gave him his
freedom, at the request of that great and good man. His deed of
manumission he has now,--of a truth, the 'palladium of his liberties'
in this negro-hunting age and country. From Virginia, Morris went to
Cuba, where he stayed but a short time, returning to this country and
settling, at Louisville, Ky. Thence he came to Detroit, in time to witness
the surrender of Hull, and the closing acts of the war of 1812 upon the frontier.
Since then, he has been engaged in labor of various kinds,
supporting himself and wife in comfortable circumstances. About three
years ago, she died, and he has since lived alone in a little cottage on the Moran
farm. He is a member, we believe, of the First Baptist Church of
this city, from the members of which he receives such little aids, from
time to time, as he needs. He is still quite erect

and vigorous, and able to labor a good deal. He walks down to
church nearly every Sabbath and returns, a total distance of nearly
six miles. We trust the old man is to live many years yet in comfort
and peace, to reap the reward of his services to our country, small
though they may have been, at a time when the weakest forces told
on a country's destinies hanging in equipoise."

A correspondent of the Alexandria (D. C.) Gazette, writing
from Fairfax County, Va., November 14, 1835, says:--

Upon a recent visit to the tomb of Washington,. I was much
gratified by the alterations and improvements around it. Eleven
colored men were industriously employed in levelling the earth
and turfing around the sepulchre. There was an earnest expression
of feeling about them, that induced me to inquire if they belonged to
the respected lady of the mansion. They stated that they were a few
of the many slaves freed by George Washington, and they had offered
their services upon this last melancholy occasion, as the only return in
their power to make to the remains of the man who had been more
than a father to them; and they should continue their labors so long as
any thing should be pointed out for them to do. I was so interested in
this conduct, that I inquired their several names, and the following
were given me:--Joseph Smith, Sambo Anderson, William Anderson,
his son, Berkley Clark, George Lear, Dick Jasper, Morris Jasper, Levi
Richardson, Joe Richardson, Wm. Moss, Wm. Hays, and Nancy
Squander, cooking for the men.

That there were exceptions to this community of grateful
hearts may be learned from an incident mentioned by James T.
Woodbury, Esq., brother of Hon. Levi Woodbury, who, when
delivering lectures on the subject of slavery, not unfrequently
adverts to the circumstances which first drew his attention to the
subject. During his stay in the capital of the United States, he had
a wish to visit the tomb of Washington. He was attended by an
aged negro, whose business it had been for many years to guide
travellers to that consecrated spot. This old man was formerly
the slave of General Washington. Mr. Woodbury asked him if he
had any children. "I have had a large family," he replied. "And are
they living?" inquired the gentleman. The voice of the aged father
trembled with emotion, and the tears started to his eyes, as he
answered:--"I don't know whether they are alive or dead.
They were all sold away from me, and I don't know what became
of them. I am alone in the world, without a child to bring me a cup
of water in my old age." Mr. Woodbury looked on the infirm and solitary
being with feelings of deep compassion. "And this," thought he, "is the
fate of slaves, even when owned by so good man as General Washington!
Who would not be an Abolitionist?"

In October, 1854, there came to the house of Isaac and Amy
Post, in Rochester, as if by instinct to those whose names are
synonymous with aid and comfort to all earth's suffering children,
an aged colored man, leaning upon his staff,--his clothes poor
and ragged,--who represented

himself as the son of General Washington's serving man, and that
he was fleeing to Canada. Mrs. Angelina J. Knox says, in
reference to this case:--"He was born at Mt. Vernon, on the
plantation on which the 'father of our country' had lived. His
father was a servant of George Washington. Years passed on;
his heart pleaded that its pulsations might beat in a land of
freedom, and many attempts had he made, but in vain, to be free.
Once he was taken in a rice swamp, where he had fled for refuge;
the blood hounds scented him, and brought him back to his master.
Major Mitchell, of the United States army, had burned into his
forehead the letter M., that thus he might be identified as Mitchell's
slave. I asked him if his master was a Christian. To which he replied,
with a satirical expression,--'Pious? I guess he was pious! He Free
Mason, too,--my last master--O, he biggest Christian! He 'pears pious.
Ha he big man--he 'tempt shoot me, 'cause I won't take off coat, him to
whip me. Gun all ready shoot me--I take off coat--he get rope, tie me
to hang me--I kitched him, pulled him down, and ran away. Dat is de
last of him I ever saw. I pretty tired sleeping in bush. I want to
get to Canada--dat's all I want. I want to see my boy dare--dat is
what I want. I want to get out dis country. Dey say dat money is
de root of all evil; but I hab no money, and go pretty hungry
sometimes. Colored folks sometimes 'tray us. Ye aint going to
send me back, are ye?'Poor old man--no! no! I will not send you
back. But what is the Christianity of this republic doing, but
sending you back

to bondage? What would the Church do with this old man, with
branded brow, who is now looking with a distrustful eye upon
every person with whom he meets? O, my country, with extended
wings, would that thy protection could overshadow the branded,
bleeding fugitive! But, no! True is it, that if this fugitive should
stand on the spot where Warren fell--should he clasp the
monument on Bunker's Hill--should he flee to the home of John
Hancock--even there, the slaveholder may claim him as his chattel
slave. Let us, then, shed no more tears at the tomb of Washington
at Mt. Vernon--let us no more boast of liberty--let us break every
yoke, and let the oppressed go free!"

SIMON LEE, the grandfather of William Wells Brown, on his
mother's side, was a slave in Virginia, and served in the War of
the Revolution; and, although honorably discharged with the other
Virginia troops, at the close of the war, he was sent back to his
master, where he spent the remainder of his life toiling on a
tobacco plantation. Such is the want of justice toward the colored
American, that, after serving in his country's struggles for
freedom, he is doomed to fill the grave of a slave!

THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.

NATHANIEL TURNER was born Oct. 2d, 1800. In his
childhood, from some circumstances, his mother and others said,
in his presence, that he would surely be a prophet, as

the Lord had shown him things that happened before his
birth. This remark made a deep impression upon his mind, and
affected all his subsequent conduct. He learned to read with
such facility, that he had no recollection whatever of learning
the alphabet, and he grew up a prodigy reverenced among his
fellows. He was never addicted to stealing, or known to have a
dollar in his life, to swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. He
studiously wrapped himself in mystery, and devoted his hours to
fasting and prayer, and communion with the spirit. He had a vision,
and saw white spirits and black spirits engaged in battle, and the sun
was darkened, the thunder rolled in the heavens, and blood flowed in
streams, and he heard a voice, saying "Such is your luck; such you are
called to see; and let it come rough or smooth, you must bear it." While
laboring in the fields, he discovered drops of blood on the corn, as though
it were dew from heaven, and found on the leaves in the woods characters
and numbers, with the forms of men, in different attitudes, portrayed in
blood.

From his confession, I extract the following:--

"And on the appearance of the sign, [the eclipse of the sun in
February, 1831,] I should arise and prepare myself, and slay my enemies
with their own weapons.... I communicated the great work I had to do
to four in whom I had the greatest confidence, (Henry, Hark, Nelson
and Sam). It was intended by us to have begun the work of death on the
4th of July last."

The Richmond Whig of October 31, 1831 in giving an account of Turner's
capture, says,--"He is a shrewd, intelligent

fellow; he insists strongly upon the revelations which he
received, as he understood them, urging him on and pointing to this
enterprise. He denied that any except himself and five or six
others knew any thing of it. He does not hesitate to say that, even
now, he thinks he was right, and if his time were to go over again,
he must necessarily act in the same way."

A correspondent of the same paper says,--"Nat had for some
time thought closely on this subject, for I have in my possession
some papers given up by his wife, under the lash."

"We learn," says the Petersburg Intelligencer, "that the
fanatical murderer, Nat Turner, was executed, according to his
sentence, at Jerusalem, on Friday last, about one o'clock. He
exhibited the utmost composure throughout the whole ceremony,
and although assured that he might, if he thought proper, address
the immense crowd assembled on the occasion, declined availing
himself of the privilege, and told the Sheriff, in a firm voice, that he
was ready. Not a limb nor a muscle was observed to move."

Upwards of one hundred slaves were slaughtered in the
Southampton tragedy,--many of them in cold blood, while walking
in the streets,--and about sixty white persons. Some of the alleged
conspirators had their noses and ears cut off, the flesh of their
checks cut out, their jaws broken asunder, and, in that condition,
they were set up as marks to be shot at. The whites burnt one
with red hot irons, cut off his ears and nose, stabbed him, cut his
ham-strings, stuck him like a hog, and at last cut off his head, and
spiked it to the whipping-post.

The following fact was narrated by the Rev. M. B. Cox, late
Missionary to Liberia, soon after the event occurred.
Immediately after the insurrection, a slaveholder went into the
woods in quest of some of the insurgents, accompanied by a
faithful slave, who had been the means of saving his life in the
time of massacre. When they had been some time in the woods,
the slave handed his musket to his master, informing him, at the
same time, that he could not live a slave any longer, and requesting
him either to set him free or shoot him on the spot. The master took
the gun from the hands of the slave, levelled it at his breast, and shot
the faithful negro through the heart.

Dr. Rice, of Virginia, published a sermon, in 1823, predicting
very exactly the Southampton insurrection. He says:--"Without
pretending to be a prophet, I venture to predict, if ever that horrid
event should take place which is anticipated and greatly dreaded
by many among us, some crisp-haired prophet, some pretender to
inspiration, will be the ringleader as well as the instigator of the
act."

MADISON WASHINGTON.

An American slaver, named the Creole, well manned and
provided in every respect, and equipped for carrying slaves,
sailed from Virginia to New Orleans, on the 30th October, 1841,
with a cargo of one hundred and thirty-five slaves. When eight days
out, a portion of the slaves, under the direction of one of their number,
named MADISON

WASHINGTON, succeeded, after a slight struggle, in gaining
command of the vessel. The sagacity, bravery and humanity of this
man do honor to his name; and, but for his complexion, would excite
universal admiration. Of the twelve white men employed on board the
well-manned slaver, only one fell a victim to their atrocious business.
This man, after discharging his musket at the negroes, rushed forward
with a handspike, which, in the darkness of, the evening, they mistook
for another musket; he was stabbed with a bowie knife wrested from the
captain. Two of the sailor were wounded, and their wounds were dressed
by the negroes. The captain was also injured, and he was put into the forehold,
and his wounds dressed; and his wife, child and niece were unmolested. It
does not appear that the blacks committed a single act of robbery, or treated
their captives with the slightest unnecessary harshness; and they declared,
at the time, that all they had done was for their freedom. The vessel was
carried into Nassau, and the British authorities at that place refused to
consign the liberated slaves again to bondage, or even to surrender the
"mutineers and murderers" to perish on Southern gibbets.

quite into North Carolina, contains a large colony of negroes, who
originally obtained their freedom by the grace of God and their own
determined energy, instead of consent of their owners, or by the help
of the Colonization Society. How long this colony has existed, what
is its amount of population, what portion of the colonists are now fugitives,
and what the descendants of fugitives, are questions not easily determined;
nor can we readily avail ourselves of the better knowledge undoubtedly
existing in the vicinity of this colony, by reason of the decided objections
of those best enabled to gratify our curiosity--to some extent,
at least--to furnishing any information whatever, lest it might be used by
Abolitionists
for their purposes,--as one of them frankly said when questioned about
the matter. Nevertheless, some facts, or, at least, an approximation towards
the truth of them, are known respecting this singular community of blacks,
who have won their freedom, and established themselves securely in the
midst of the largest slaveholding State of the South; for, from this extensive
Swamp, they are very seldom, if now at all, reclaimed. The chivalry of Virginia,
so far as I know, have never yet ventured on a slave-hunt in the Dismal Swamp
nor is it, probably, in the power of that State to capture or expel these fugitives
from it. This may appear extravagant; but when it is known how long a much
less numerous band of Indians held the everglades of Florida against the
forces of the United States, and how much blood and treasure it cost to
expel them finally, we may find a sufficient excuse for

the forbearance of the "Ancient Dominion" towards this
Community of fugitives domiciliated in their midst.

From the character of the population, it is reasonable to
infer that the United States Marshal has never charged himself
with the duty of taking the census of the Swamp; and we can
only estimate the amount of population, by such circumstances
as may serve to indicate it. Of these, perhaps the trade existing
between the city of Norfolk and the Swamp may furnish the best
element of computation. This trade between the Swamp merchants
and the fugitives is wholly contraband, and would subject the white
participants to fearful penalties, if they could only be enforced; for,
throughout the slave States, it is an offence, by law, of the gravest
character, to have any dealings whatever with runaway negroes. But,
"You no catch 'em, you no hab em," is emphatically true in the Dismal
Swamp, where trader and runaway are alike beyond the reach of Virginia
law. An intelligent merchant, of near thirty years' business in Norfolk, has
estimated the value of slave property lost in the Swamp, at one and a half
million dollars. This city of refuge, in the midst of society, has endured from
generation to generation, and is likely to continue until slavery is abolished
throughout the land. A curious anomaly this community certainly presents;
and its history and destiny are alike suggestive of curiosity and interest.

That there are those at the South who desire the abolition of
slavery, the following extract from a speech of P. A.

Bolling, Esq., in the House of Delegates, in Virginia, 1832 will
show:--

"Mr. Speaker, it is in vain for gentlemen to deny the fact,--the
feelings of society are fast becoming adverse to slavery. The moral
causes which produce that feeling are on the march, and will
march on, until the groans of slavery are heard no more in this else
happy land. Look over world's wide page! see the rapid progress of
liberal feelings! see the shackles falling from nations who have writhed
under the galling yoke of slavery! Liberty is going over the whole earth,
hand-in-hand with Christianity. The ancient temples of slavery, rendered
venerable a by their antiquity, are crumbling into dust; ancient prejudices
are fleeing before the light of truth,--are dissipated by its rays, as the
idle vapor by the bright sun. The noble sentiment--

" 'Then let us pray, that come it may,
As come it will, for a' that,
That man to man, the world o'er,
Shall brothers be, for a' that'
is rapidly spreading. The day-star of human liberty has risen above
the dark horizon of slavery, and will continue its bright career until
it smiles alike on all men."

The Richmond Enquirer advocates the erection of a monument to
the memory of PETER FRANCISCO, a colored man, born a
slave in Virginia, but emancipated at the commencement of the
Revolution, and enlisted as a soldier. He served all through the war,
and was subsequently Sergeant-at-Arms of the Virginia Legislature.

CHAPTER XII.

NORTH CAROLINA.

DAVID WALKER--JONATHAN
OVERTON--DELPH WILLIAMSON--GEO. M.
HORTON.

DAVID WALKER was born in Wilmington, North Carolina
September 28, 1785. His mother was a free woman but his father
was a slave. His innate hatred to slavery was early developed.
When yet a boy, he declared that the slaveholding South was not
the place for him, and, receiving his mother's blessing, he turned
his back upon North Carolina, and, after many trials, reached
Boston Mass., where he took up his permanent residence.

He applied himself to study, in order to contribute some thing
to the cause of humanity. In 1827, he entered into the clothing
business, in Brattle street; married in 1828 and in 1829, published
his "APPEAL," which, as Henry H. Garnet truly says, "produced
more commotion among slaveholders than any volume of its size that
was ever issued from the American press. They saw that it was
bold attack upon their idolatry, and that, too, by a black man, who
once lived among them. It was merely a smooth stone which this
David took up, yet it terrified a host of Goliahs. The Governor of
Georgia wrote to the Hon. Harrison Gray Otis, then Mayor of
Boston, requesting him

to suppress the "Appeal." His Honor replied to Southern censor,
that he had no power nor disposition to hinder Mr. Walker
from pursuing a lawful course in utterance of his thoughts."

Mr. Walker died in Bridge street, in 1830, aged thirty-four. His
son, Edward Garrison Walker, now resides in Charlestown,
Mass., with his mother, Mrs. Dewson. Mr. Walker was a faithful
member of the Methodist Church in Boston, whose pastor was
the venerable Father Snowden.

JONATHAN OVERTON, (says the Edenton Whig,) a colored
man, and a soldier of the Revolution, died at this place, at the
advanced age of one hundred and years. The deceased served
under Washington, and at the battle of Yorktown, besides other
less important engagements. He was deservedly held in great
respect by our citizens; for, apart from the feeling of veneration
which every American must entertain for the scanty remnant of
Revolutionary heroes, of which death is fast depriving us the
deceased was personally worthy of the esteem and consideration
of our community. He has lived among us longer than the ordinary
period allotted to human life, and always sustained a character for
honesty, industry, and integrity. It is not always that the eulogies or
epitaphs of persons, in much more exalted positions than his, contain
much truth as does this brief tribute to the humble and patriotic negro.
We learn that several gentlemen have made arrangements to have the
burial accompanied by every mark of respect.

The Wilmington Journal states that there is an old negro in the
county of Sampson, belonging to a Mr. Williamson, he was one
hundred and fourteen years old on the last Fourth of July. He has
been recently visited by a correspondent of the Journal, who
states that he found him cheerful and in fine health, and busily
engaged in making himself a pair of pants--without spectacles--
he being a tailor by trade. His first master, Archibald Bell, died about
ninety-eight years ago, at which time Delph was thirteen years of
age. He remembers seeing Lord Cornwallis and his army, as well
as other persons and things of note in those early days. He was
taken prisoner near the residence of William Fryer. He saw the
Tories kill John Thompson--he (Thompson) lingering some three
days. The old fellow lives by himself, not another soul being near
him. He is a sort of doctor, and travels as much as fifty miles to see
sick persons, and many persons visit him for medical aid. He cooks,
washes, milks, and makes his own clothes, in a very independent
manner. He is four feet high, and weighs one hundred and five
pounds. His present owner, Mr. Williamson, is seventy-four, and
therefore an old man to the rest of the world, but quite a youth in
comparison to Delph. There is little reason for doubting the old
negro's age, of which he himself is confident, besides having been
known in Sampson from time immemorial almost.

The following is a portion of an "Explanation" which
prefaces a volume of poems by GEORGE M. HORTON, a

North Carolina slave. The volume was published by Mr. Gales,
formerly of North Carolina, but afterwards of the firm of Gales &
Seaton, Washington, D. C., who also wrote the "Explanation."
Mr. Gales is no Abolitionist and would not be likely, therefore, to
exaggerate the talents and character of an African slave:--

"GEORGE, who is the author of the following poetical effusions,
is a slave, the property of Mr. James Horton, of Chatham county,
North Carolina. He has been in the habit, some years past, of
producing poetical pieces, sometimes on suggested subjects, to
such persons as would write them while he dictated. Several
compositions of his have already appeared in the Raleigh
Register. Some have made the way into Boston newspapers,
and have evoked expressions of approbation and surprise. Many
persons have now become much interested in the promotion of
his prospect, some of whom are elevated in office and literary
attainments. None will imagine it possible, that pieces produced as
these have been, should be free from blemish in composition or
taste. The author is now thirty-two years of age, and has always
labored in the field on his master's farm, promiscuously with the
few others which Mr. Horton owns, in circumstances of the
greatest possible simplicity. His master says he knew nothing of his
poetry, but as he heard of it from others. George knows how to
read, and is now learning to write. All his pieces are written down by
others; and his reading, which is done at night, and at the usual
intervals allowed to slaves, has been much employed

on poetry, such as he could procure, this being the species of
composition most interesting to him. It is thought best to print his
productions without correction, that the mind of the reader may
be in no uncertainty as to the originality and genuineness of
every part. We shall conclude this account of George, with an
assurance that he has ever been faithful, honest and industrious
slave. That his heart has felt deeply and sensitively in this lowest
possible condition of human nature, will easily be believed, and is
impressive confirmed by one of his stanzas:--

"Come, melting Pity, from afar,
And break this vast enormous bar,
Between a wretch and thee;
Purchase a few short days of time,
And bid a vassal soar sublime,
On wings of Liberty."

THE celebrated Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his speech
on the Missouri question, and in defence of slave representation of
the South, made the following admissions:--

"At the commencement of our Revolutionary struggle with
Great Britain, all the States had this class of people. The New
England States had numbers of them; the Northern and Middle
States had still more, although less than the Southern. They all
entered into the great contest with similar views. Like brethren,
they contended for the benefit of the whole, leaving to each the
right to pursue its happiness in its own way. They thus nobly
toiled and bled together, really like brethren. And it is a
remarkable fact that, notwithstanding, in the course of the
Revolution, Southern States were continually overrun by the
British, and every negro in them had an opportunity of running

away, yet few did. They then were, as they still are, as valuable a
part of our population to the Union as any other equal number of
inhabitants. They were in numerous instances the pioneers, and
in all, the laborers of your armies. To their hands were owing the
erection of the greatest part of the fortifications raised for the
protection of our country. Fort Moultrie gave, at an early period of
the inexperience and untried valor of our citizens, immortality to
American arms. And in the Northern States, numerous bodies of
them were enrolled, and fought, side-by-side with the whites, the
battles of the Revolution."

The Charleston Standard and Mercury, of July, 1854
furnishes these facts:--

"CAPTAIN WILLIAMSON, a free man of color, died in this
city, on Friday, the 7th instant, at the extraordinary age of one
hundred and thirteen years. He was a native of Saint Paul's Parish,
and came out of the estate of Mr. William Williamson, a successful
merchant of Charleston. Out of this estate, also, came 'Good Old
Jacob,' who died a few months since, at the age of one hundred
and two years, and whose death was noticed in our papers. When
Jacob's obituary notice was read to the Captain, 'Why,' said the old
man, 'I used to carry him about in my arms when he was a child.'

"Mr. Williamson, before the Revolution, had removed to his
country seat near Wallis Bridge, about fifteen miles from
Charleston. There CAPTAIN WILLIAMSON had charge of his
master's large garden of fifty acres, with its fish-pond,

shrubbery, and splendid collection of native and exotic plants. The
Captain was always a faithful servant, devoted to the service of his
master, and afterwards to his mistress who went to England, and
there died. She left him free, together with his children. Of these
he had fourteen, whom only one survives. For many years, he
superintended the farms and gardens of several persons on
Charles Neck. He was remarkably intelligent and faithful, and was
universally respected by his employers and their neighbors. During
the war of the Revolution, he assisted in throwing up the lines for
the defence of the city, and was an ardent lover of his country. In
further proof of which, we refer Dr. Johnson's reminiscences of
the Revolution, where the Captain received honorable notice. There,
amongst other instances of his fidelity, it is recorded that, during
the troublesome times following the Revolution, he brought mistress
a large sum of money due to her for rent, from the Sister's ferry,
on the Savannah. For this, he was rewarded by her with a set of
silver waistcoat buttons, which he kept and exhibited with
'commendable pride' to visitors of the present generation. By his
industry, he accumulated a sufficiency for the comfortable support
of himself and his wife, who survives him, and is upwards eighty
years of age. For upwards of fifty years, he been a humble and
consistent member of the Circular Church. He was charitable and
kind to the poor, and willing to assist in every benevolent object.
He was highly esteemed by the whites, and respected by his own
color, by

members of both of whom he was followed to his last resting
place, on Saturday evening."

The following interesting account of the trial and execution of a
colored man, (said to have been one of the defenders of Fort
Moultrie,) which took place at Charleston in the year 1817, must
excite the feelings of every benevolent heart against the ruthless
prejudices engendered by the foul and leporous stain of slavery. A
man belonging to a merchant ship having died, apparently in
consequence of poison being mixed with the dinner served up to
the ship's company, the cook and cabin boy were suspected;
because they were, on account of their occupations, the only
persons on board who did not partake of the mess,--the effects of
which appeared the moment it was tasted.

As the offence was committed on the high seas, the cook,
though a negro, became entitled to a jury, and, with the cabin boy,
was put upon his trial. The boy, who was a fine-looking lad, was
readily acquitted. The man was then tried. He was of low stature,
ill-shapen, and with a strongly-marked and repulsive countenance.
The evidence against him was--first, that he was cook, and,
therefore, who else could have poisoned the mess? It was,
however, overlooked, that two of the crew had absconded since
the ship came into port. Secondly, he had been heard to utter
expressions of ill-humor before he went on board. That part of the
testimony was, indeed, suppressed, which went to explain these
expressions. The real proof, no doubt, was written in the color of
his skin, and in the harsh and rugged lines of his face. He was
found guilty.

Mr. Crafts, Jr., a member of the Charleston bar, and an honor
to his profession, who, from motives of humanity, had undertaken
his defence, did not think that a man ought to die on account of the
color of his skin--although prejudice, with jaundiced eyes, might
see nothing but crime and infamy stamped upon it; and moved for
a new trial, on the ground of partial and insufficient evidence. But
the Judge, who had urged his condemnation with a vindictive
countenance, entrenched himself in forms, and found that the law
gave him no power on the side of mercy. Mr. C. then forwarded a
representation of the case to the President of the United States,
through one of the Senators of the State; but the Senator treated
with levity the idea of interesting himself in behalf of the life of a
negro. He was, therefore, left to his dungeon and the executioner.

Thus situated, he did not, however, forsake himself; and it was
now, when prejudice, and a rigor bordering on persecution, had
spent their last arrow on him, that he modestly, but firmly,
assumed his proper character,--to vindicate not only his own
innocence, but the moral equality of his race, and those mental
energies, which the white man's pride would deny to the blackness
of his skin. Maintaining an undeviating tranquillity, he conversed
with ease and cheerfulness, whenever his benevolent counsel,
who continued his kind attentions to the last, visited his cell. "I was
present (says Lieutenant Hall, from whose travels this account
extracted,) on one of these occasions, and observed his tone and
manner; he was neither sullen nor desperate, but quiet

and resigned,--suggesting whatever occurred to him on
the circumstances of his own case, with as much calmness as if
he had been uninterested in the event. Yet, as if he deemed it a
duty to omit none of the means placed within his reach for
vindicating his innocence, he paid the most profound attention to
the exhortations of a Methodist preacher, who, for conscience's sake,
visited those who were in prison; and, having his spirit strengthened
with religion, on the morning of his execution, before he was led
out, he requested permission to address a few words of advice to
the companions of his captivity. "I have observed much in them," he
added, "which requires to be amended, and the advice of a man in my
situation may be respected." A circle was accordingly formed in his
cell, in which he placed himself, and addressed them at some length,
with a sober and collected earnestness of manner, on the profligacy
which he had noticed in their behavior while they had been
fellow-prisoners--recommending to them the rules of conduct
prescribed in that religion in which he now found his support and
consolation.

If we regard the quality and condition of the actors only, there is,
assuredly, an astonishing difference between this scene, and the
parting of Socrates with his friends and disciples. Should we,
however, put away from our thoughts such differences as are
merely accidental, and seize that point of coincidence which is
most interesting and important, namely--the triumph of mental
energy over death and unmerited disgrace--the negro will not
appear wholly

unworthy of a comparison with the sage of Athens. The latter
occupied an exalted station in the public eye. Although
persecuted, even unto death and ignominy, by a band of triumphant
and ruthless despots, he was surround in his last moments by his
faithful friends and disciples whose talents and affection he
might safely trust the vindication of his fame, and the unsullied
purity of his memory. He felt that the hour of his glory must come,
and that it would not pass away. The negro had none of these
aids; he was a man friendless and despised; the sympathies of society
were locked up against him; he was to suffer for an odious crime
by an ignominious death; the consciousness of his innocence
was confined to his own bosom, there, probably, to sleep for ever;
to the rest of mankind he wretched criminal--an object,
perhaps, of contempt and detestation, even to the guilty
companions of his prison. He had no philosophy with which
to reason down the misgivings which may be supposed to
precede a violent and ignominious dissolution of life; he could
make no appeal to posterity to reverse an unjust judgment.
To have borne all this patiently would have been much; he
bore it as a hero and a Christian.

Having ended his discourse, he was conducted to the scaffold,
where, having calmly viewed the crowd collected to witness his
fate, he requested leave to address them. Obtaining permission,
he stepped firmly to the edge of the scaffold, and, having
commanded silence by his gestures,--"You are come," said he,
"to be spectators of my sufferings;

you are mistaken; there is not a person in this crowd but
suffers more than I do. I am cheerful and contented;
for I am innocent," He then observed, that he truly forgave all
those who had taken any part in his condemnation, and believed
that they acted conscientiously, from the evidence before them,
and disclaimed all idea of imputing guilt to any one. He then turned
to his counsel, who, with feelings which honored humanity, had
attended him to the scaffold. "To you, Sir," said he, "I am,
indeed, most grateful. Had you been my son, you could not have
acted by me more kindly;" and observing his tears,
he continued,--"This,
Sir, distresses me beyond any thing I have felt yet. I entreat
that you will feel no distress on my account. I am happy."
Then, praying Heaven to reward his benevolence, he took leave of
him, and signified his readiness to die; but requested that he might
be excused from having his eyes bandaged, wishing, with an
excusable pride, to give this last proof of the unshaken firmness
with which innocence can meet death. He, however, submitted, on
this point, to the representations of the Sheriff, and expired without
the quivering of a muscle.*

* American Anecdotes.

Rev. Theodore Parker gives the following anecdote of a
Massachusetts sea-captain. He commanded a small brig, which
plied between Carolina and the Gulf States. "One day, at Charleston,"
said he, " 'a man came and brought to me an old negro slave. He
was very old, and had fought in the Revolution, and been very
distinguished

for bravery and other soldierly qualities. If he had not been a
negro, he would have become a Captain, at least, perhaps a
Colonel. But, in his age, his master found no use for him,
and said that he could not afford to keep him. He asked me to take
the Revolutionary soldier, carry him South and sell him. I
carried him," said the man, "to Mobile, and tried to get as good
and kind a master for him as I could, for I didn't like to sell a
man that had fought for his country. I sold the old Revolutionary
soldier for a hundred dollars to a citizen of Mobile, who
raised poultry, and he set him to attend a hen-coop." I suppose
the South Carolina master drew the pension till the soldier died.
"Why did you do such a thing?" said my friend, who was an
Anti-Slavery man. "If I didn't do it," he replied, "I never
could get a
bale of cotton, nor a box sugar, nor any thing, to carry from or
to any Southern port.

JEHU JONES was proprietor of a celebrated hotel in the city
of Charleston, situated on Broad street, next to aristocratic St.
Michael's church, one of the most public places in the city. He
was a fine, portly looking man, active, enterprising, intelligent,
honest to the letter,--one whose integrity and responsibility were
never doubted. He lived in every way like a white man. His
house was unquestionably the best in the city, and had a wide-spread
reputation. Few persons of note ever visited Charleston without
putting up at Jones's, Where they found not the comforts of a
private house, but a table spread every luxury the country
afforded.

Mr. Jones maintained the popularity of his house many years,
rearing a beautiful, intelligent and interesting family, and
accumulating forty thousand dollars or more. The most interesting
portion of his family were three daughters, the eldest of whom
married a gentleman who subsequently removed to New York,
where he engaged in a respectable and lucrative business.

Mr. Jones often exerted his influence and contributed his means
to redeem persons from slavery. For several years, he carried on
an extensive fashionable tailoring establishment, and among his
customers were the wealthiest citizens of Charleston. He had a
large number of apprentices, among whom was my father,
(William G. Nell,) who served seven years and six months.

Jehu, a son of Mr. Jones, visited the North, and was not allowed
to return home. The details of this case are similar to hundreds of
others, and prove that the right of locomotion is denied in the South
to free colored persons from the North, even though they are
native-born Southerners. The following extract from South
Carolina State Documents is conclusive evidence on this point:--

"Our first and great object is, to prevent the
interchange of sentiment between
our domestic negroes, whether bond or free, and negroes who
reside abroad, or
who have left our State. To do this, it becomes imperative to
establish a law
prohibiting free negroes from coming into the State, and
those, in the State
from going, under penalty of imprisonment and fine if they
return."

This principle strikes down the rights of citizens of other
States. Though free-born myself, and unable to trace my
genealogy back to slavery, yet I am prohibited from visiting
my father's relatives in a Southern city, except at the risk of pains
and penalties. Why should not my rights citizen of the Old Bay
State be as sacred under the Palmetto Banner as those of any
other man, white though he be?

Colored seamen from the free States, and also from British dominions
and elsewhere, continue to be removed from vessels and imprisoned,
though for many years efforts have been put forth by the several powers
to abolish the restriction.

Complexional distinctions, growing out of the institution of
slavery, exist, to a great and unhappy extent, even among
colored people; and as the Jews and Samaritans of Scripture
had no dealings one with another, so in Charleston, as in many
other Southern cities, social intercourse and intermarriages occur
only as exceptions among the two prominent shades of
complexion. In 1810, a Society was in operation in the city of
Charleston, of which my father was a member, composed, as set
forth in its Constitution, of "free brown men only." Its objects
were benevolent; its name, the Humane and Friendly Society;
but yet, at the dictation of the spirit of pro-slavery, it was
thoroughly proscriptive in its character. This tree of caste,
though rooted in the South, shades many cities of the North with
its baneful branches; but, through the dissemination of more liberal
principles, its influence daily diminishes.

Mr. Duncan, a rich slaveholder in South Carolina, was one
evening indulging in a reverie after reading the History of the
Norman Conquest, when a dark mulatto opened the door, and,
making a servile reverence, said, in wheedling tones, "Would
massa be so good as to giv' a pass to go to Methodist meeting?"
Being an indulgent master, he granted the permission to him and
several others, only bidding them not to stay out all night. Some
time after, when no response was heard to his repeated bell-ringing,
it occurred to him that he had given every one of his slaves a
pass to go to the Methodist meeting. This was instantly followed
by the remembrance, that the same thing had occurred a
few days before. Having purchased a complete suit of negro
clothes, and a black mask well-fitted to his face, he awaited the
next request for a pass to a Methodist meeting, when, assuming the
disguise, he hurried after the party. And here, in this lone sanctuary
of Nature's primeval majesty, were assembled many hundreds of
swart figures, some seated in thoughtful attitudes, others scattered in
moving groups, eagerly talking together. He observed that each one, as
he entered, prostrated himself till his forehead touched the ground, and
rising, placed his finger on his mouth. Imitating this signal, he
passed in with the throng, and seated himself behind the glare of
the torches. For

some time, he could make out no connected meaning amid the
confused buzz of voices, and half-suppressed snatches of
songs. But, at last, a tall man mounted the stump of a decayed
tree, nearly in the centre, of the area, and requested silence.

"When we had our last meeting," said he, "I suppose most all of
you know, that we all concluded it was best for to join the British,
if so be we could get a good chance. But we didn't all agree
about our masters. Some thought we should never be able to
keep our freedom, without we killed our masters in the first place;
others didn't like the thoughts of that; so we agreed to have
another meeting to talk about it. And now, boys, if the British
land here in Caroliny, What shall we do with our masters?"

He stepped down, and a tall, sinewy mulatto stepped into his
place, exclaiming, with fierce gestures, "Ravish wives and
daughters before their eyes, as they have done to us. Hunt them
with hounds, as they have hunted us, Shoot them down with rifles,
as they have shot us. Throw their carcasses to the crows, they
have fattened on our bones; and then let the Devil take them
where they never rake up fire o' nights. Who talks of mercy
to our masters?

"I do," said an aged black man, who rose up before the fiery
youth, tottering as he leaned both hands on oaken staff. "I do,
--because the blessed Jesus always talked of mercy. I know
we have been fed like hogs, and shot at like wild beasts. Myself
found the body of my likeliest boy under the tree where buckra
rifles reached him. But, thanks to

the blessed Jesus, I feel it in my poor old heart to forgive them. I
have been a member of a Methodist church these thirty years;
and I've heard many preachers, white and black; and they all tell
me Jesus said, Do good to them that do evil to you, and pray for
them that spite you. Now, I say, let us love our enemies; let us
pray for them; and when our masters flog us, and sell our
pickaninnies, let us break out singing--

"'You may beat upon my body,
But you cannot harm my soul;
I shall join the forty thousand by and by.

"You may sell my children to Georgy,
But you cannot harm their soul;
They will join the forty thousand by and by.

"Come, slave-trader, come in too;
The Lord's got a pardon here for you;
You shall join the forty thousand by and by.'
"That's the way to glorify the Lord."

Scarcely had the cracked voice ceased the tremulous chant in
which these words were uttered, when a loud altercation
commenced; some crying out vehemently for the blood of the
white men, others maintaining that the old man's doctrine was
right. The aged black remained leaning on his staff, and mildly
replied to every outburst of fury, "But Jesus said, do good for
evil." Loud rose the din of excited voices, and the disguised
slaveholder shrank deeper into the shadow.

In the midst of the confusion, an athletic, gracefully
proportioned young man sprang upon the stump, and, throwing
off his coarse cotton garment, slowly turned round and round
before the assembled multitude. Immediately, all was hushed;
for the light of a dozen torches, eagerly held by fierce, revengeful
comrades, showed his back and shoulders deeply gashed by the whip,
and still oozing blood. In the midst of that deep silence, he stopped
abruptly, and with stern brevity exclaimed, "Boys! shall we not
murder our masters?"

"Would you murder all?" inquired a timid voice at his right hand.
"They don't all cruellize their slaves."

"There's Mr. Campbell," pleaded another; "he
never had one
of his boys flogged in his life. You wouldn't murder him, would
you?"

"And I wouldn't murder my master," said one
of Mr. Duncan's slaves,
"and I'd fight any body that set out to murder him. I an't a going to
work for him for nothing any longer, if I can help it; but he shan't be
murdered, for he's a good master."

"Call him a good master, if ye like!" said the bleeding youth,
with a bitter sneer in his look and tone. "I curse the word. The
white men tell us God made them our masters; I say, it was the
Devil. When they don't cut up the backs that bear their burdens,
when they throw us

enough of the grain we have raised to keep us strong for another
harvest, when they forbear to shoot the limbs that toil to make
them rich, they are fools who call them good masters. Why should
they sleep on soft beds, under silken curtains, while we, whose
labor bought it all, lie on the floor at the threshhold, or miserably
coiled up in the dirt of our own cabins? Why should I clothe my
master in broadcloth and fine linen, when he knows, and I know,
that he is my own brother? and I, meanwhile, have only this
coarse rag to cover my aching shoulders?" He kicked the garment
scornfully, and added, "Down on your knees, if ye like, and thank
them that ye are not flogged and shot. Of me they'll learn another
lesson!"

Mr. Duncan recognised in the speaker the reputed son of one of
his friends, lately deceased; one of that numerous class which
Southern vice is thoughtlessly raising up, to be its future scourge
and terror.

The high, bold forehead, and flashing eye, indicated an intellect
too active and daring for servitude; while his fluent speech and
appropriate language betrayed the fact that his highly educated
parent, from some remains of instinctive feeling, had kept him
near his own person during his life-time, and thus formed his
conversation on another model than the rude jargon of slaves.

His poor, ignorant listeners stood spell-bound by the
magic of superior mind, and at first it seemed as if he
might carry the whole meeting in favor of his views. But
the aged man, leaning on his oaken staff, still mildly spoke

of the meek and blessed Jesus, and the docility of African
temperament responded to his gentle words.

After various scenes of fiery indignation, gentle expostulation,
and boisterous mirth, it was finally decided, by a considerable
majority, that in case the British landed, they would take their
freedom without murdering their masters; not a few, however,
went away in a wrathful mood, muttering curses deep.

With thankfulness to Heaven, Mr. Duncan again found
himself in the open field, alone with the stars. Their glorious
beauty seemed to him, that night, clothed in new and awful power.
Groups of shrubbery took to themselves startling forms; and the
sound of the wind among the trees was like the unsheathing of
swords. Again he recurred to Saxon history, and remembered
how he had thought that troubled must be the sleep of those who
rule a conquered people.

"And these Robin floods and Wat Tylers were my Saxon
ancestors," thought he. "Who shall so balance
effects and causes,
as to decide what portion of my present freedom sprung from their
seemingly defeated efforts? Was the place I saw to-night, in such
wild and fearful beauty, like the haunts of the Saxon Robin floods?
Was the spirit that gleamed forth there as brave as theirs? And who
shall calculate what even such hopeless endeavors do for the future
freedom of their race?"

These cogitations did not, so far as I ever heard, lead to the
emancipation of his bondmen; but they did prevent his

revealing a secret, which would have brought hundreds to
an immediate and violent death. After a painful conflict between
contending feelings and duties, he contented himself with
advising the magistrates to forbid all meetings whatsoever among
colored people, until the war was ended.

He visited Boston several years after, and told the story to a
gentleman, who often repeated it in the circle of his friends. In
brief outline it reached my ears. I have adopted fictitious names,
because I have forgotten the real ones.

PROJECTED INSURRECTION IN
CHARLESTON.

During the Revolutionary War, Captain Veazie, of Charleston,
was engaged in supplying the French in St. Domingo with slaves
from St. Thomas. In the year 1781, he purchased DENMARK, a
boy of about fourteen years of age, and afterwards brought him to
Charleston, where he proved, for twenty years, a faithful slave. In
1800, DENMARK drew a prize of $1500 in the lottery, and
purchased his freedom from his master for $600. From that period
until the time of his arrest, he worked as a carpenter, and was
distinguished for his great strength and activity, and was always
looked up to by those of his own color with awe and respect.

In 1822, DENMARK VEAZIE formed a plan for the liberation
of his fellow-men from bondage. In the whole history of
human efforts to overthrow slavery, a more complicated and
tremendous plan was never formed. A part of the

plan matured was, that on Sunday night, the 16th of June,
a force would cross from James' Island and land on South
Bay, and march up and seize the Arsenal and guard-house;
another body, at the same time, would seize the Arsenal on the
Neck; and a third would rendezvous in the vicinity the mills of
Denmark's master. They would then sweep through the town with
fire and sword, not permitting a single white soul to escape.

The sum of this intelligence was laid before the Governor,
who, convening the officers of the militia, took such
measures as were deemed the best adapted to the approaching
exigency of Sunday night. On the 16th, at 10 o'clock at night, the
military companies, which were placed under the command of
Col. R. Y. Hayne, were ordered to rendezvous for guard.

The conspirators, finding the whole town encompassed, at
10 o'clock, by the most vigilant patrols, did not dare show
themselves, whatever might have been their plans. In the progress
of the subsequent investigation, it was distinctly in proof, that but
for these military demonstrations, the effort would unquestionably
have been made; that a meeting took place on Sunday afternoon,
the 16th, at 4 o'clock, of several of the ringleaders, at Denmark
Veazie's for the purpose of making their preliminary arrangements
and that early in the morning of Sunday, Denmark despatched a
courier to order down some country negroes from Goose Creek,
which courier had endeavored in vain get out of town.

The conspirators, it was ascertained, had held meetings for four
years, without being betrayed. The leaders were careful to
instruct their followers not to mention their plans to "those waiting
men who received presents of old coats, &c., from their
masters," as such slaves would be likely to betray them.

DENMARK VEAZIE was betrayed by the treachery of his
own people, and died a martyr to freedom. The slave who gave
information of the projected insurrection was purchased by the
Legislature, who hold out to other slaves the strongest possible
motives to do likewise in similar cases, by giving him his freedom.

The number of blacks arrested was one hundred and thirty-one.
Of these, thirty-five were executed, forty-one acquitted, and the
rest sentenced to be transported. Many a brave hero fell; but
History, faithful to her high trust, will engrave the name of
DENMARK VEAZIE on the same monument with Moses,
Hampden, Tell, Bruce, Wallace, Toussaint, Lafayette, and
Washington.

WM. G. NELL was steward on board the ship Gen. Gadsden,
when she made good her escape from the British brig
Recruit, July 28th, 1812. They put into Boston, where my father
took up his abode.

A few days after the escape, the two captains were at the
"Indian Queen Tavern," in Bromfield street. The British captain
was relating the particulars of the chase, when the Yankee
captain (overhearing) acknowledged himself as the one who had
given John Bull the slip.

CHAPTER XIV.

GEORGIA.

MASSACRE AT BLOUNT'S FORT--MONSIEUR
DE BORDEAUX--SLAVE
FREED BY THE LEGISLATURE.

ON the West side of the Apalachicola River, (says the Hon.
Joshua R. Giddings, in a narrative from which this account is
taken,) some forty miles below the line of Georgia, are yet found
the ruins of what was once called "Blount's Fort." Its ramparts
are now covered with a dense growth of underbrush and small
trees. You may yet trace its bastions, curtains, and magazine.
At this time, the country adjacent presents the appearance of an
unbroken wilderness, and the whole scene is one of gloomy
solitude, associated, as it is, with one of the most cruel massacres
which ever disgraced the American arms.

The fort had originally been erected by civilized troops, and,
when abandoned by its occupants at the close of the war, in 1815,
it was taken possession of by the refugees from Georgia. But little
is yet known of that persecuted people; their history can only be
found in the national archives at Washington. They had been held
as slaves the State referred to; but, during the Revolution, they
caught the spirit of liberty,--at that time so prevalent

throughout our land,--and fled from their oppressors, and found
an asylum among the aborigines living in Florida.

During forty years, they had effectually eluded or resisted all
attempts to reënslave them. They were true to themselves, to the
instinctive love of liberty which is planted in every human heart.
Most of them had been born amidst perils, reared in the forests,
and taught from their childhood to hate the oppressors of their
race. Most of those who had been personally held in degrading
servitude, whose backs had been scarred by the lash of the savage
overseer, had passed to that spirit land, where clanking of chains is
not heard, where slavery is not known. Some few of that class yet
remained. Their grey hairs and feeble limbs, however, indicated
that they, too, must soon pass away. Of the three hundred and
eleven persons residing in "Blount's Fort," not more than twenty
had been actually held in servitude. The others were descended
from slave parents, who fled from Georgia, and, according to the
laws of the slave States, were liable to suffer the same outrage to
which their ancestors had been subjected.

The slaveholders, finding they could not themselves obtain
possession of their intended victims, called on the President of the
United States for assistance to perpetrate the crime of enslaving
their fellow-men.

General Jackson, Commander of the Southern Military District,
directed Lieutenant-Colonel Clinch to perform the barbarous task.
I was at one time personally acquainted with that officer, and
know the impulses of his generous nature

and can readily account for the failure of his expedition. He
marched to the fort, made the necessary reconnoisance,
and returned, making report that "the fortification was not
accessible by land."

Orders were then issued to Commodore Patterson, directing
him to carry out the orders of the Secretary of War.
He, at that time, commanded the American flotilla lying in
"Mobile Bay," and instantly issued an order to Lieutenant Loomis
to ascend the Apalachicola River with two boats, "to seize the
people in Blount's Fort, deliver them to their owners, and destroy
the fort."

On the morning of the 17th of September, 1816, a spectator
might have seen several individuals standing upon the walls
of that fortress, watching with intense interest the approach of
two small vessels that were slowly ascending the river under full
spread canvass, by the aid of a light southern breeze. They were
in sight at early dawn, but it was ten o'clock when they furled their
sails and cast anchor opposite the fort, and some four or five
hundred yards distant from it.

A boat was lowered, and soon a midshipman and twelve men
were observed making for the shore. They were met at the
water's edge by some half-dozen of the principal men in the fort,
and their errand demanded.

The young officer told them he was sent to make a demand
of the fort, and its inmates were to be given up to the
"slaveholders, then on board the gun-boat, who claimed
them as fugitive slaves!" The demand was instantly

rejected, and the midshipman and his men returned to the gun-boats,
and informed Lieutenant Loomis of the answer he had received.

As the colored men entered the fort, they related to their
companions the demand that had been made. Great was
the consternation manifested by the females, and even a
portion of the sterner sex began to be distressed at their
situation. This was observed by an old patriarch, who had
drank the bitter cup of servitude--one who bore on his
person the visible marks of the thong, as well as, the brand
of his master upon his shoulder. He saw his friends falter, and he
spoke cheerfully to them. He assured them that they were safe
from the cannon-shot of the enemy--that there were not men
enough on board to storm their fort; and, finally, closed with the
emphatic declaration, "Give me liberty, or give me death!" This
saying was repeated by many agonized fathers and mothers on
that bloody day.

A cannonade was soon commenced upon the fort, but
without much apparent effect. The shots were harmless;
they penetrated the earth of which the walls were composed,
and were there buried without further injury. Some
two hours were thus spent, without injuring any person in
the fort. They then commenced throwing bombs. The
bursting of these shells had more effect; there was no shelter
from these fatal messengers. Mothers gathered their little
ones around them, and pressed their babes more closely to
their bosoms, as one explosion after another warned them
of their imminent danger. By these explosions, some were

occasionally wounded, and a few killed, until, at length, the
shrieks of the wounded and the groans of the dying were
heard in various parts of the fortress.

Do you ask why those mothers and children were
butchered in cold blood? I answer, they were slain for
adhering to the doctrine that "all men are endowed by their Creator
with the inalienable right to enjoy life and liberty." Holding to
this doctrine of Hancock and Jefferson, the power of the nation
was arrayed against them, and our army employed to deprive
them of life.

The bombardment was continued some hours with but little
effect, so far as the assailants could discover. They
manifested no disposition to surrender. The day was passing
away. Lieutenant Loomis called a council of officers, and
put to them the question, "what further shall be done?" An
under officer suggested the propriety of firing "hot shot at the
magazine." The proposition was agreed to. The furnaces were
heated, balls were prepared, and the cannonade was resumed.
The occupants of the fort felt relieved by the change. They
could hear the deep humming sound of the cannon balls, to
which they had become accustomed in the early part of
the day, and some made themselves merry at the supposed folly
of their assailants. They knew not that the shot were heated, and
were, therefore, unconscious of the danger which threatened
them.

Suddenly, a startling phenomenon presented itself to their
astonished view. The heavy embankment and timbers
protecting the magazine appeared to rise from the earth, and

the next instant the dreadful explosion overwhelmed them, and
the next found two hundred and seventy parents and children
in the immediate presence of God, making their appeal for
retributive justice upon the government which had murdered
them, and the freemen of the North who sustained such
unutterable crime.*

*That is the number officially reported by the
officer in command. Vide Executive
Document of the 13th Congress.

Many were crushed by the falling earth and timbers; many
were entirely buried in the ruins. Some were horribly mangled
by the fragments of timber and the explosion of charged shells
that were in the magazine. Limbs were torn from the bodies to
which they had been attached; mothers and babes lay beside
each other, wrapped in that sleep which knows no waking.
The sun had set, and the twilight of evening was
closing around, when some sixty sailors, under the
officer second in command, landed, and, without opposition,
entered the fort. The veteran soldiers, accustomed to blood and
carnage, were horror-stricken as they viewed the scene before
them. They were accompanied, however, by some twenty
slaveholders, all anxious for their prey. These paid little
attention to the dead and dying, but anxiously seized upon the
living, and, fastening the fetters upon their limbs, hurried them
from the fort, and instantly commenced their return toward the
frontier of Georgia. Some fifteen persons in the fort survived the
terrible explosion, and they now sleep in servile graves, or
moan and weep in bondage.

The officer in command of the party, with his men, returned
to the boats as soon as the slaveholders were fairly in
possession of their victims. The sailors appeared gloomy and
thoughtful as they returned to their vessels. The anchors were
weighed, the sails unfurled, and both vessels hurried from the
scene of butchery as rapidly as they were able. After the
officers had retired to their cabins, the rough-featured sailors
gathered before the mast, and loud and bitter were the curses
they uttered against slavery, and against those officers of
government who had thus constrained them to murder women
and helpless children, merely for their love of liberty.

But the dead remained unburied; and the next day, the
vultures were feeding upon the carcasses of young men and
young women, whose hearts on the previous morning had
beaten high with expectation. Their bones have been bleached in
the sun for thirty-seven years, and may yet be seen scattered
among the ruins of that ancient fortification.

Twenty-two years have elapsed, and a Representative in
Congress, from one of the free States, reported a bill, giving to
the perpetrators of these murders a gratuity of five thousand
dollars from the public treasury, as a token of the gratitude
which the people of the nation felt for the soldierly and gallant
manner in which the crime was committed toward them. The
bill passed both Houses of Congress, was approved by the
President, and now stands upon the records of the third session
of the Twenty-Fifth Congress.

public documents which repose in the alcoves of our national
library. But no historian has been willing to collect and publish
them, in consequence of the deep disgrace which they reflect
upon the American arms, and upon those who then controlled
the government.

The Savannah Republican of February, 1855, makes the
following mention of a venerable colored patriarch:-

"MONSIEUR DE BORDEAUX is a native of St. Domingo.
He left that island when about thirty or thirty-five years
old, during our Revolutionary War, in company with many
French volunteers, and was present at the siege of Savannah,
in 1779. He did not play the part of a mere 'looker-on
in Venice,' but took part in the struggle, and received a
severe and dangerous wound in the hip, which rendered
him a cripple for life. He was near Pulaski when he was
wounded, and saw the gallant Pole fall. The old man can
satisfy the curious, probably, as to where Pulaski died, and
what disposition was made of his venerable remains. After
the war, Monsieur de Bordeaux returned to St. Domingo.
He left the island again, however, during the insurrection,
and by a profitable mistake of the captain of the vessel in
which he took passage, he was a second time landed at
Savannah, where he spent many years with his friend, the late
Daniel Leons, of this city. Some fifty or sixty years since
he removed to South Carolina, where he has resided ever
since.

years of age; still, he retains a distinct recollection of his
vernacular tongue, the French, and possesses all the vivacity of
that nation, no one ever having seen him depressed in spirits. He
has ever enjoyed the highest character for integrity and truth."

A few years since, a slave, at great hazard, saved the State
House at Milledgeville, when in flames. The Legislature
purchased him of his master for $1800, and set him free,--thus
showing their appreciation of the value of liberty, even to the
mind of a slave.

CHAPTER XV.

KENTUCKY.

HENRY BOYD--LEWIS HAYDEN--THE
HEROIC AND GENEROUS
KENTUCKY SLAVE.

HENRY BOYD* was born a slave in Kentucky. Of imposing
stature, well-knit muscles, and the countenance of one of
Nature's noblemen, at the age of eighteen, he had so far won
the confidence of his master, that he not only consented to
sell him the right and title to his freedom, but gave him his
own time to earn the money. With a general pass from
his master, Henry made his way to the Kanawha salt works,
celebrated as the place where Senator Ewing, of Ohio,
chopped out his education with his axe! And there, too,
with his axe, did Henry Boyd chop out his liberty. By
performing double labor, he got double wages. In the
daytime, he swung his axe upon the wood, and for half the night,
he tended the boiling salt kettles, sleeping the other half by
their side. After having accumulated a sufficient sum, he
returned to his master, and paid it over for his freedom. He
next applied himself to learn the trade of a carpenter and
joiner. Such was his readiness to acquire the use of tools,
that he soon qualified himself to receive the wages of a

* This account is taken from the lips of a friend who resided in Cincinnati, and had good
opportunity to know the facts.

journeyman. In Kentucky, prejudice does not forbid master
mechanics to teach colored men their trades.

He now resolved to quit the dominions of slavery, and try his
fortunes in a free State, and accordingly directed his steps to the
city of Cincinnati. The journey reduced his purse to the last
quarter of a dollar; but, with his tools on his back, and a set of
muscles that well knew how to use them, he entered the city
with a light heart. Little did he dream of the reception he was to
meet. There was work enough to be done in his line, but no
master-workman would employ ploy "a nigger." Day after day
did Henry Boyd offer his services from shop to shop, but as
often was he repelled, generally with insult, and once with a
kick. At last, he found the shop of an Englishman, too recently
arrived to understand the grand peculiarity of American feeling.
This man put a plane into his hand, and asked him to make
proof man of his skill. "This is in bad order," said Boyd, and with that he
gave the instrument certain nice professional knocks with the
hammer till he brought it to suit his practised eye.
"Enough," said the Englishman, "I see you can use tools."
Boyd, however, proceeded to dress a board in a very able and
workmanlike manner, while the journeymen from a long line of
benches gathered round, with looks that bespoke a deep
personal interest in the matter. "You may go to work," said the
master of the shop, right glad to employ so good a workman.
The words had no sooner left his mouth, than his American
journeymen, unbottoning their aprons, called, as one man, for
the settlement of their wages.

"It means that we will not work with a nigger," replied the
journeymen.

"But he is a first-rate workman."

"But we won't stay in the same shop with a nigger. We are
not in the habit of working with niggers."

"Then I will build a shanty outside, and he shall work in that."

"No, no; we won't work for a boss who employs niggers. Pay
us up, and we'll be off."

The poor master of the shop turned, with a despairing look,
to Boyd--"You see how it is, my friend, my workmen will all
leave me. I am sorry for it, but I can't hire you."

Even at this repulse, our adventurer did not despair. There
might still be mechanics, in the outskirts of the city, who had
too few journeymen to be bound by their prejudices. His quarter
of a dollar had long since disappeared; but, by carrying a
traveller's trunk or turning his hand to any chance job, he
contrived to exist till he had made application to every carpenter
and joiner in the city and its suburbs. Not one would
employ him. By this time, the iron of prejudice, more galling
than any thing he had ever known of slavery, had entered his
soul. He walked down the river's bank below the city, and,
throwing himself upon the ground, gave way to an agony of
despair. He had found himself the object of universal contempt;
his

plans were all frustrated, his hopes dashed, and his dear
bought freedom made of no effect! By such trials, weak minds
are prostrated in abject and slavish servility, stronger ones are
made the enemies and depredators of society, and it is only the
highest class of moral heroes that come off like gold from the
furnace. Of this class, however, was HENRY BOYD. Recovering
from his dejection, he surveyed the brawny muscles that strung
his herculean limbs. A new design rushed into his mind, a new
resolution filled his heart. He sprang upon his feet, and walked
firmly and rapidly towards the city, doubtless with aspirations
that might have fitted the words of the poet--

The first object which attracted his "eagle eye," on reaching
the city, was one of the huge river boats, laden with pig-iron,
drawn up to the landing. The captain of this craft was just
inquiring of the merchant who owned its contents for a hand to
assist in unloading it. "I am the very fellow for you," said
Boyd, stripping off his coat, rolling up his sleeves, and laying
hold of the work. "Yes, sure enough, that is the very fellow for
you," said the merchant. The resolution and alacrity of Boyd
interested him exceedingly, and during the four or five days
whilst a flotilla of boats were discharging their cargoes of
pig-iron with unaccustomed despatch, he became familiar with his
history, with the exception of all that pertained to his trade,
which Boyd

thought proper to keep to himself. In consequence, our adventurer
next found himself promoted to the portership of the
merchant's store, a post which he filled to great satisfaction.
He had a hand and a head for every thing, and an occasion was
not long wanting to prove it. A joiner was engaged to erect a
counter, but failing by a drunken frolic, the merchant was
disappointed and vexed. Rather in passion than in earnest,
he turned to his faithful porter--"Here, Henry, you can do
almost any thing, why can't you do this job?" "Perhaps I could,
Sir, if I had my tools and the stuff," was the reply. "Your tools!"
exclaimed the merchant, in surprise, for till now he knew
nothing of his trade. Boyd explained that he had learned the
trade of a carpenter and joiner, and had no objection to try the
job. The merchant handed him the money, and told him to make
as good a counter as he could. The work was done with such
promptitude, judgment and finish, that his employer broke off a
contract for the erection of a large frame warehouse, which he
was about closing with the same mechanic who had
disappointed him in the matter of the counter, and gave the job
to Henry. The money was furnished, and Boyd was left to
procure the materials and boss the job at his own discretion. This
he found no difficulty in doing; and what is remarkable,
among the numerous journeymen whom he employed, were
some of the very men who took off their aprons at his
appearance in the Englishman's shop! The merchant was so
much pleased wit his new warehouse, that he proceeded to set
up the intelligent

builder in the exercise of his trade in the city. Thus
HENRY BOYD found himself raised at once almost beyond the
reach of the prejudice which had well-nigh crushed him. He built
houses and accumulated property. White journeymen
and apprentices were glad to be in his employment, and to sit at
his table. He is now a wealthy mechanic, living in his own house
in Cincinnati, and his enemies who have tried to supplant him
have as good reason as his friends to know that he is a man of
sound judgment and a most vigorous intellect.

LEWIS HAYDEN, once a slave in Kentucky, but now a free man
in Boston, Mass., in his extensive business and social relations,
commands the respect of an increasing circle in the community.

WM. H. CHANNING, in a sketch entitled, "A Day in
Kentucky," says:

"I wish to relate what was told me by one of the daughters
of Judge K., as we walked over the estate.

" 'It all looks bright, and peaceful, and happy, does it not?'
said she, as, standing on a little knoll under a group of hickory
trees, she pointed over the wide fields to the family mansion
and the cluster of slave huts, at whose doors the children, in
swarms, were playing, with the noisy glee of the African. 'But,'
she continued, after a gloomy pause, 'to us, who know what
slavery is, this peace is the green corruption of a
stagnant pool,--the peace of death.

O! worse, far worse! It is the yawning grave of
humanity. Do you see that spreading beech yonder, just on the
edge of the hemp field, where the ditch runs? It was there that
my brother Frank received the blow on the forehead, of which
you observed, perhaps, the scar. I will tell you about it. It was
his duty, at that time, to keep the nightly watch; for you know,'
she said, turning to me with a smile of bitter irony, 'that we have
to be guardians to these poor friends, who love us so as never to
leave us.' Well, Frank kept the nightly watch. Armed to the teeth,
with a dark lantern, he passed once or twice, or oftener, round
the plantation. One stormy night, some two years since, he had
reached that spot, when suddenly he heard a crackling sound
through the hemp stalks. He cloaked his lantern, drew a pistol,
and stepped behind the tree. In a moment, a man, with stealthy
tread, approached the ditch, which is the boundary of the farm
on that side. Frank flashed the light upon him. It was his own
favorite slave, Ned;--of the same age with himself--almost a
foster brother, for his mother was Frank's nurse; his fellow
rambler in the woods, his play-fellow through early years.
Hunting, fishing, swimming, nutting, taming horses, every sport
had been shared by them. Frank loved that man, and Ned, I
believe in my heart, loved him. He was high spirited and manly,
though a negro; strong, bold, and somewhat passionate; and, as
we found out afterwards, he had been struck that day by the
overseer. It was a dreadful meeting. "Ned," said my brother,
"turn back! I cannot in

honor let you go. I am my father's watchman. You pass that
ditch only over my body. Come! turn back. You know I am
your friend; we are all your friends." "Master Frank,"
answered the noble fellow,--for he was so, though he almost
killed my brother,--"Master Frank! God knows I would die for
you, but, I forewarn you, I will not be taken. That wretch shall
never lay his hand on me again. Let me pass, I beseech you! let
me pass." Frank stood firm. Again Ned besought him in vain. He then
turned to leap aside. Frank cried, "Beware I shall fire;" and, quick as
thought, Ned struck him a stunning blow.
He fell, utterly insensible. And what did that man do? Did he
leap the ditch and fly? No! he took my bleeding
brother on his shoulders, he carried him to the nearest slave-hut,
roused the inmates, set him erect by the door, and then, and not
till then, made his escape. Time enough elapsed before Frank
could come to himself, and be carried to the house, and my
father waked, for Ned to get clear off; the darkness, too, and the
storm, favored him. He was gone; and I do believe we were all
glad. Frank never blamed him. How could he? In the same case,
would he not have done the same? Well, two months passed
away, when, early one morning, the overseer found Ned asleep
under some bushes, and brought him to the house. I will tell you
where he had been afterwards; but see the cunning of the
creature, a cunning and deceit that we sow in all slaves, and
therefore ought to reap. He knelt to my father, and said, "Pardon,
master! pardon! I have tried

free bread, and it is not good. No friends for the poor slave among
the mean white folks over the river, and so I have come back to
you, master." My father did not have him punished, but ordered
him to be bound with ropes and left in an empty room. The day
passed,--two or three days, indeed,--and Ned was still bound.
Meanwhile, the overseer threatened him with being sent down
the river. You know what that means, don't you? It means, sent
to sweat and starve, and die by inches, in the sugar-fields of
Louisiana. Ned caught the alarm. By connivance of some one, he
got a knife, and, when all was still, cut his ropes, and cautiously
made his way out of the house. It was a stormy night,--his
tracks were plain, but he could not help it. He ran to the
neighboring plantation yonder, where his wife lived, and gave his
peculiar whistle under her window. She was awake, and heard
him. Poor soul I dare say she had hardly slept, from anxiety, for
the two months after he ran away. She raised the window. "Jump
down!" whispered Ned; "jump down, just as you are; wait not a
second." She jumped, and, catching her in his arms, they escaped
together.

" 'Next morning, pursuit was made from
both plantations; not
that my father wished Ned to be taken, but our neighbor was
not willing to lose the woman, who was a house servant, and
very valuable. The pursuers, however, were deceived by the
tracks, which were half buried up, and chilled and blinded by
the storm, which was uncommonly severe for this part of the
world, and at night gave up the

hunt. We heard no more of them till last summer, when,
travelling through Canada, whom should we find, as servant at a
hotel in Prescott, but this rascal Ned. At first, he was shy and
grave, and affected perfect ignorance. But it was always a saying
of my father's, "If a nigger has sense enough to run off, and get
safely out of the States, he must be a smart fellow, and has sense
enough, too, to take care of himself, and he shall be free and
welcome;" and Ned soon saw that we were his friends, and told
us his adventures. It seems, that when he first escaped, he made
his way good to Canada; but no sooner did he feel himself safe,
than the thought of his wife in slavery so overcame him, that he
instantly resolved to return, at all risks, and free her too. Night
and day, he travelled back, till he reached our plantation, when,
utterly overcome with fatigue and hunger, he fell asleep and was
taken. Then, as I have told you, he "played possum," as the
negroes say, till he caught the hint of being sent away, when he
again escaped. And now see how a kind Providence aided those
poor creatures. Would you believe it? The men who pursued
them came to the very barn into which they had crept for
concealment when the day broke; they trod, over and over again,
upon their bodies, which were covered by the heaps of straw and
hay; they cursed and swore, and consulted together, and vowed
to take them, at the very ears of their victims; and yet they were
kept safe. As soon as it was night, they set off again, through the
snow, and hid themselves a second day in a wood, half frozen
and famished.

The third night they reached the Ohio, by good fortune found a
boat, paddled themselves over, and were safe. Friends forwarded
them to Canada; and, when we saw them, they were as happy as
people could be, with every, prospect of success. And now,' said
the beautiful girl, drawing herself up to her full height and folding
her arms, 'I know not what you may think, for some of you
Northerners seem to me, with all deference, to have the spirit of
slaves yourselves; but, Kentuckian as I am, and on this slave
soil, I dare to say it, Ned is a hero,--a hero, whom, if he had
lived in the good old days of Greece, would have had his deeds
immortalized in the strains of some Homer.'

The conversation of this spirited woman gave rise to some
thoughts, which I will briefly state, for the benefit of those dull
folks, who are too lazy to crack a nut and pick out the kernel.

"1. All slaveholders are riot insensible to the great outrages
daily committed by slavery upon justice and affection, nor
indifferent to the welfare of those whom they know to be
brethren. There are pure-hearted men and women at the South,
deserving our respect, our sympathy, counsel, aid, and prayers.

"2. If a Northern man relishes contempt and insult, he can
find it, in any quantity and intensity, by professing to be an
admirer of their 'peculiar domestic institutions' at the South.
Southerners rarely believe such professions, and are apt to think
him who makes them a hypocrite, or, if

they suppose him sincere, to despise him for a mean-spirited,
stupid booby.

"3. If, even under slavery, the African race exhibits such
heroic and lovely traits, would they not be noble men, if bound
to their white fellow-freemen by the triple bond of gratitude, and
mutual confidence, and generous emulation?"

CHAPTER XVI.

OHIO.

CLEVELAND MEETING--DR.
PENNINGTON--EXTRACTS FROM ORATION
OF WILLIAM H. DAY--BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF
BUCKEYE PROGRESS.

THE colored citizens of Ohio held a Mass Convention at
Cleveland, September 9th, 1852. I cull the following
incidents and tributes, as peculiarly appropriate to a military
history of Colored Americans.

At sunrise, a salute was fired in the public square, in honor of
the day, by the "Cleveland Light Artillery," and another at nine
o'clock, as the procession formed, of which the orator of the day
subsequently said :--"They are the first thunders of artillery
that ever awoke the echoes of these hills in honor of the colored
people. But they shall not be the last."

Rev. Dr. J. W. C. Pennington delivered a speech, of which Mr.
Howland, a colored phonographic reporter, says,--"The
Doctor took the stand and delighted the Convention with a
short, brilliant and instructive address on the history of the
past, and the part which the colored people have taken in the
struggles of this nation for independence, and its various wars
since its achievement."

feature in the ceremonials of this jubilee was the address of our
fellow-citizen, Mr. William H. Day, a performance worthy of its
great purpose, and, therefore, most creditable to the author. Not
often have we heard an address listened to with so absorbing an
attention, nor observed an audience to be more deeply moved,
than was Mr. Day's, by some parts of that address. After
noticing the day, the 9th of September, which had been selected
for their jubilation, and illustrating its preeminent suitableness to
the occasion, by happy references to many illustrious events of
which it was the anniversary, Mr. Day addressed himself to an
able vindication of the claims of his race, in this country, to an
equal participation in the exercise and enjoyment of those
American rights which large numbers of that race, in common
with the men of fairer complexion, had fought, suffered, and died
to establish. Behind the orator sat seven or eight veteran colored
men. Mr. D.'s apostrophe to those veterans was as touching as
admirable, and produced a profound sensation."

Happily, it is in our power to furnish extracts from the
speech thus referred to, as follows:--

" 'Of the services and sufferings of the colored soldiers of the
Revolution,' says one writer, 'no attempt has, to our knowledge,
been made to preserve a record.' This is mainly true. Their
history is not written. It lies upon the soil watered with their
blood: who shall gather it? It rests with their bones in the
charnel-house: who shall exhume it? Their bodies, wrapped in
sacks, have dropped from

the decks where trod a Decatur and a Barry, in a calm and
silence, broken only by the voice of the man of God--'We
commit this body to the deep;' and the plunge and the ripples
passing, the sea has closed over their memory for ever. Ah! we
have waited on shore and have seen the circle of that ripple. We
know, at least, where they went down;
and so much, to-day, we come to record.

"We have had in Ohio, until very recently, and if they are
living, have here now, a few colored men who have thus
connected us with the past. I have been told, recently, of one in
the Southern portion of the State.

"Another, of whom we all know, has resided, for many
years, near Urbana, Champaigne county. He was invited
to, and expected at, this meeting. FATHER STANUP* (as he is
familiarly called) has lived to a good old age. He has been
afflicted with recent sickness, and it may have prostrated
him permanently. The frosts of a hundred winters will
shrivel any oak; the blasts of a century will try any vitality.
The aged soldier must soon die. O! that liberty, for
which he fought, be bequeathed to his descendants! The
realization of that idea would smooth his dying pillow,
and make the transit from this to another sphere a pleasant
passage. I am credibly informed, that the age of Mr.
Stanup is one hundred and nine; that he was with General
Washington; and that his position, in this respect, has been
recognised by officers of the Government."

*A correspondent of the National Era says of Mr. Stanup, that he witnessed
most of the battles of that era, was wounded at the battle of Stony Point, and
was left for dead on the field of conflict. The scars from wounds then received he
bears upon his person still, not without evident consciousness that they are
regarded "honorable scars," as his details denote clearly enough. He is a member
of the Baptist church, which he joined eighty years ago; and yet he talks, with
the aid of a vivid recollection, seemingly, of his conversion, and his baptism in the
Potomac, while "blessing the Lord" for it. His character has not belied his early
profession,--it having been markedly exemplary.

He has certainly not disregarded, during his long life, the scriptural injunction
to increase and multiply and replenish the earth, for he is the father of THIRTY-THREE
children, by two wives only. The youngest of these is now about twenty years of
age.--W.C.N.

"So much for the Revolution. I could add other facts
bearing upon this particular, but do not deem it necessary.
We have adduced proof sufficient to show any American who
breasted the tide of death sweeping over this country in '76. We
hold it up, that men who have denied its truth may observe, that
the ignorant may be enlightened, and that white Americans may
be divested of excuse for basing their exclusive liberty upon the
deeds of their fathers. We, to-day, advance with them to the
same impartial tribunal, and demand, that if the reason be good in
the one case, it be made to apply in the other.

"In May, 1812, the American people again engaged in
conflict with Great Britain.

"The naval engagements of that war are, perhaps,
unsurpassed by any other; and that on the 11th of September,
on Lake Champlain, of that war perhaps the most brilliant of
any. Hear what the Common Council of New York city said of
that battle to Commodore Macdonough. I read from a
newspaper of 1815:--

"'Having approached the chair, his Honor, the Mayor, addressed the
Commodore as follow:--"When our northern frontier was

invaded by a powerful army, when the heroes who have immortalized themselves
on the Niagara were pressed by a superior force, when the capital of the nation
was overrun by hostile bands, when the most important city of the South was
attacked by the enemy, and when he threatened to lay waste our maritime towns
with fire and sword,--at a period so inauspicious and gloomy, when all but
those who fully understand and duly appreciate the firmness and resources of
the American character began to despair of the Republic, you were the first who
changed the fortune of our arms, and who dispelled the dark cloud that hung
over our country. With a force greatly inferior, you met the enemy, vaunting of
his superior strength, and confident of victory; you crushed his proud
expectations, you conquered him; and the embattled hosts which were ready to
penetrate into the heart of our country, fled in dismay and confusion.
* * * *

" 'As long as illustrious events shall. be embodied in history, so long will
the victory on Lake Champlain, obtained under your auspices, command the
respect of mankind. And when you, and all who hear me, shall be numbered
among the dead, those who succeed us, to the most extended line of remote
antiquity, will cherish with exultation those great achievements which are
indissolubly connected with the prosperity and glory of America.--Special
Meeting of Common Council, Jan. 7th, 1815.

"To colored men, I remark, as much as to any others,
belongs the honor of that battle."

[Mr. Day here exhibited a copy of an old newspaper, the
organ of the Government, dated Jan. 12th, 1815, containing the
only full account given any where of the names and equipment
of the six larger vessels and the ten galleys, and added--]

"I recollect something of one of the men on board the
row-galley Viper. That man enlisted under Commodore
Macdonough, was apportioned to a row-galley, stood like a
man at his post in the thickest of the fight, and where the
blood of his fellows literally washed the deck. The honor-marks
of that battle he carried to his grave. He sleeps in a secluded graveyard,
yet not entirely unhonored by those for whom he perilled
all. I hold in my hand 'a List of Acts passed by the Thirteenth
Congress at its third session,' the first of which is a series of
'Resolutions, expressive of the sense of Congress of the gallant
conduct of Captain Thomas Macdonough, the officers, seamen,
marines, and infantry serving as marines, on board the United
States squadron on Lake Champlain.'

"This same man was shortly afterward drafted to go to the
Mediterranean with Commodore Bainbridge's Relief Squadron.*
Says Dr. Frost, in his History,--'Commodore Bainbridge
proceeded, according to his instructions, to exhibit his force, now
consisting of seventeen sail, before Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli,
and to make arrangements for the security of American
commerce in the Mediterranean. Having settled all for the honor
and interests of his country, he returned to the United States.'
So, according to Dr. Frost, colored men have been of service,
where 'the security of American commerce,' and 'the honor and
interests of the country' were concerned. The colored marine to

*The colored marine here referred to Is Mr. JOHN DAY,
father of Mr. WILLIAM
H. DAY.--W.C.N.

whom I have referred received an honorable discharge,
March 16th, 1816."

On the platform on this occasion were Mr. JOHN JULIUS,
who served under General Jackson at New Orleans; Mr.
JOHN BOYER VASHON, who has since deceased, who was
in the Jersey prison-ship; and Mr. L. C. FLEWELLEN, who
enlisted in Georgia. Mr. Day also alluded to Mr. ROBERT
VAN VRANKEN, who marched, in 1815, to Plattsburg; and
several others, now residing in the West, whose names escape us,
were also mentioned. Mr. Day, in concluding, remarked:--

"I have purposely omitted mention of other matters. I
have necessarily been mainly historical. We needed to
set forth these facts in form.... I think we have demonstrated
this point, that if colored people are among your
Pompeys, and Cuffees, and Uncle Toms, they are also among
your heroes. They have been on Lakes Erie and
Champlain, upon the Mediterranean, in Florida with the Creeks,
at Schuylkill, at Hickory Ground, at New Orleans,
at Horse Shoe Bend, and at Pensacola. The presence of some of
them here to-day is a living rebuke to this land."

Addressing the large crowd of white citizens present,
Mr. Day said,--"We can be, as we have always been, faithful
subjects, powerful allies, as the documents read here to-day
prove: an enemy in your midst, we would be more powerful
still. We ask for liberty; liberty here--liberty on the Chalmette
Plains--liberty wherever floats the American flag: We demand for
the sons of the men

who fought for you, equal privileges. We bring to you, to-day,
the tears of our fathers,--each tear is a volume, and speaks to
you. To you, then, we appeal. We point you to their blood,
sprinkled upon your door-posts in your political midnight, that
the Destroying Angel might pass over. We take you to their
sepulchres, to see the bond of honor between you and them kept,
on their part, faithfully,--even until death."

A colored military company has been formed in Cincinnati,
--pronounced by competent judges to be well manned, well
officered and well drilled. They have chosen the appropriate
historic name of "Attucks Guards." July 25th, 1855, Miss Mary
A. Darnes, in behalf of an association of ladies, presented the
company with a flag. Among the sentiments expressed by her
were the following:--

"Should the love of liberty and your country ever demand your
services, may you, in imitation of that noble patriot whose name
you bear, promptly respond to the call, and fight to the last for the
great and noble principles of liberty and justice, to the glory of
your fathers and the land of your birth.

"The time is not far distant when the slave must be free; if not by
moral and intellectual means, it must be done by the sword.
Remember, Gentlemen, should duty call, it will be yours to obey,
and strike to the last for freedom or the grave.

"But God forbid that you should be called upon to witness our
peaceful homes involved in war. May our eyes never behold this
flag in any conflict; let the quiet breeze ever play among its folds,
and the fullest peace dwell among you!"

In the State of Ohio, the average property owned by white
citizens is $5.90; that of the colored citizens, $6.71. Net
property of colored people in Cincinnati, $800,000; in the State
of Ohio, $5,000,000. In Cincinnati, among the colored citizens,
are to be found three bank tellers, a superior artist in landscape
painting--who has visited Rome to perfect his education; besides
carpenters, cabinetmakers, stucco-workers, hotel-keepers,
shop-keepers, nine daguerreotype artists,--the gallery kept by Mr.
Ball (a colored man) being acknowledged the best in the Western
country. In Cleveland, a city institution has employed a
colored librarian, William H. Day, Esq.

CHAPTER XVII.

LOUISIANA.

PROCLAMATIONS OF GENERAL
JACKSON--FREE COLORED
VETERANS--BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS--JORDAN B. NOBLE, THE
DRUMMER--JOHN JULIUS--EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH
OF HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP--COTTON BALE
BARRICADE--GEN. PACKENHAM--ANTHONY
GILL--DOCUMENTARY
FACTS--MIXED POPULATION OF
NEW ORLEANS.

IN 1814, when New Orleans was in danger, and the proud and
criminal distinctions of caste were again demolished by one of
those emergencies in which Nature puts to silence, for the
moment, the base partialities of art, the free colored people were
called into the field in common with the whites; and the
importance of their services was thus acknowledged by General
Jackson:--

return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable
government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned
to rally around the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear
in existence.

"Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish
you to engage in her cause without remunerating you for the
services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by
false representations--your love of honor would cause you to
despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. With the
sincerity of a soldier, and in the language of truth, I address you.

"To every noble-hearted free man of color, volunteering to serve
during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there
will be paid the same bounty, in money and lands, now received by
the white soldiers of the United States, namely--one hundred and
twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of
land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be
entitled to the same monthly pay, daily rations, and clothes,
furnished to any American soldier.

"On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major-General
commanding will select officers for your government, from your
white fellow-citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be
appointed from among yourselves.

"Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers.
You will not, by being associated with white men, in the same
corps, be exposed to improper comparisons, or unjust sarcasm. As a
distinct independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of
glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of
your countrymen.

"To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety
to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have
communicated my wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is
fully informed

as to the manner of enrollments, and will give you every necessary
information on the subject of this address.

ANDREW JACKSON,
Major-General Commanding.

The second proclamation is one of the highest complicated
compliments ever paid by a military chief to his soldiers.

December 18, 1814, General Jackson issued, in the French
language, the following address to his colored members of his
army:--

"SOLDIERS!--When, on the
banks of the Mobile, I called you to take up
arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens,
I expected much from you; for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities
most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could
endure hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how
you loved your native country, and that you, as well as ourselves, had to defend
what man holds most dear--his parents, wife, children, and property. You have
done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew
you to possess, I found among you a noble enthusiasm, which leads to the
performance of great things.

"Soldiers! The President of the United States shall praiseworthy was your
conduct in the hour of danger, and the representatives of the American people will give
you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in
applauding your noble ardor.

"The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave
citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them.
Their only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valor, or who the
most glory, its noblest reward. By Order,

The New Orleans Picayune, in an account of the
celebration of the Battle of New Orleans in that city, in 1851,
says:--

"Not the least interesting, although the most novel feature of
the procession yesterday, was the presence of ninety of the
colored veterans who bore a conspicuous part in the
dangers of the day they were now for the first time called to
assist in celebrating, and who, by their good conduct in presence
of the enemy, deserved and received the approbation
of their illustrious commander-in-chief. During the thirty-six
years that have passed away since they assisted to repel the
invaders from our shores, these faithful men have never before
participated in the annual rejoicings for the victory which their
valor contributed to gain. Their good deeds have been
consecrated only in their memories, or
lived but to claim a passing notice on the page of the historian.
Yet, who more than they deserve the thanks of the country, and
the gratitude of succeeding generations? Who rallied with more
alacrity in response to the summons of danger? Who endured
more cheerfully the hardships of the camp, or faced with greater
courage the perils of the fight? If, in that hazardous hour, when
our homes were menaced with the horrors of war, we did not
disdain to call upon the colored population to assist in repelling
the invading horde, we should not, when the danger is past,
refuse to permit them to unite with us in celebrating the glorious
event, which they helped to make so memorable an epoch in
our history. We were not too exalted to mingle with

them in the affray; they were not too humble to join in our
rejoicings.

"Such, we think, is the universal opinion of our citizens.
We conversed with many yesterday, and, without exception,
they expressed approval of the invitation which had been
extended to the colored veterans to take part in the
ceremonies of the day, and gratification at seeing them in a
conspicuous place in the procession.

The respectability of their appearance, and the modesty
of their demeanor, made an impression on every observer,
and elicited unqualified approbation. Indeed, though in
saying so we do not mean disrespect to any one else, we
think that they constituted decidedly the most interesting
portion of the pageant, as they certainly attracted
the most attention."

The editor, after further remarks upon the procession,
adding of its colored members, "We reflected, that beneath
their dark bosoms were sheltered faithful hearts, susceptible
of the noblest impulses," thus alludes to the free colored
population of New Orleans:--

"As a class, they are peaceable, orderly, and respectable
people, and many of them own large amounts of property
among us. Their interests, their homes, and their affections,
are here, and such strong ties are not easily broken
by the force of theoretical philanthropy, or imaginative
sentimentality. They have been true hitherto, and we will
not do them the injustice to doubt a continuance of their
fidelity. While they may be certain that insubordination

will be promptly punished, deserving actions will always meet
with their due reward in the esteem and gratitude of the
community."

Yet, if five, even of these veterans, should at any time be seen
talking together, they are liable to be arrested for conspiracy,
according to the laws of Louisiana!

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in his speech in Congress, on
the Imprisonment of Colored Seamen, September, 1859,
bore this testimony to the gallant conduct of the colored
soldiers at New Orleans:--"I have an impression that,
not, indeed, in these piping times of peace, but in the time
of war, when quite a boy, I have seen black soldiers enlisted,
who did faithful and excellent service. But, however it
may have been in the Northern States, I can tell the Senator
what happened in the Southern States at this period. I
believe that I shall be borne out in saying, that no regiments
did better service, at New Orleans, than did the black regiments,
which were organized under the direction of General
Jackson himself, after a most glorious appeal to the patriotism
and honor of the people of color of that region; and
which, after they came out of the war, received the thanks
of General Jackson, in a proclamation, which has been
thought worthy of being inscribed on the pages of history."

Chalmette Plains, the scene of the famous Battle of New
Orleans, are five miles below that city, on the left bank
of the Mississippi. There is an elaborate engraving of this
battle, eighteen by twenty inches, executed by M. Hyacinth
Laclotte, the correctness of which was certified to by eleven

of the superior officers residing in New Orleans, July 15, 1815,
when the drawing was completed.

The report "No. 8," from the American Army, corroborates
the following interesting statements, which have been
kindly furnished me by Wm. H. DAY, Esq., of Cleveland:--

"From an authenticated chart, belonging to a soldier friend,
(writes Mr. Day,) I find that, in the Battle of New Orleans,
Major-General Andrew Jackson, Commander-in-Chief, and
his staff, were just at the right of the advancing left column of
the British, and that very near him were stationed the colored
soldiers. He is numbered 6, and the position of the colored
soldiers, 8. The chart explanation of No. 8 reads thus:--'8.
Captains Dominique and Bluche, two 24 pounders; Major
Lacoste's battalion, formed of the men of color of New Orleans,
and Major Daquin's battalion, formed of the men of color of St.
Domingo, under Major Savary, second in command.'

"They occupied no mean place, and did no mean service.

"From other documents in my possession, I am able to state
the number of the 'battalion of St. Domingo men of color' to
have been one hundred and fifty; and of 'Major Lacoste's
battalion of Louisiana men of color,' two hundred and eighty.

"Thus there were over four hundred 'men of color' in that
battle. When it is remembered that the whole number of
soldiers claimed by Americans to have been in that battle

reached only 3,600, it will be seen that the 'men of color'
were present in much larger proportion than their numbers
in the country warranted.

"Neither was there colorphobia then. Major Planche's
battalion of uniformed volunteer companies, and Major Lacoste's
'men of color,' wrought together; so, also, did Major Daquin's
'men of color,' and the 44th, under Captain Baker.

"Great Britain had her colored soldiers in that battle: the United
States had hers. Great Britain's became freemen and citizens:
those of the United States continued only half-free and slaves."

It has long been well known, that to the colored soldiers
belonged the honor of first erecting the cotton-bale defences
which so signally contributed to General Jackson's victory. We
have no means now of confirming the statement, but the
following letter contains some very significant historical
reminiscences:--

WAYLAND, Feb. 19, 1855.

MR. WILLIAM C. NELL:

My DEAR SIR,--The fact to which I alluded in our brief
conversation respecting the interesting memorials you have
collected of the services of colored citizens in the Revolutionary
War, and other wars, was, that some thirty years ago, I was informed by a
colored man from Louisiana, that the idea of erecting a bulwark of
cotton-bags at the battle of New Orleans, was suggested by a colored
man, a native of Africa. Whether that statement is true, I am
unable to say, and in all probability it would be very difficult to
ascertain. The Commander on that occasion, a man of the
fiercest prejudices, and all persons around him, would have an
obvious

interest and pride in concealing any agency which a poor and
despised negro may have had in causing the adoption of that happy
expedient. It was celebrated as a stroke of genius in Gen. Jackson. It
strikes me as strange that no account of the first flash of the
thought, whosoever it was, has been given. There cannot be a doubt
that it saved the city of New Orleans and some thousands of lives,
and raised the spirit of the whole country from the depression
consequent upon a war of doubtful necessity and more than
doubtful success; a war waged upon more plausible pretexts than the
Mexican, but, in reality, for objects no less sectional and criminal.

I think the story derives some countenance from a passage in an
Old Portuguese writer, of which the following is a literal translation:--

"On the following day, which was great Thursday of the year
1546, when morning came, it was found that a breastwork
composed of earth, with its embrasures and heavy ordnance, had
been raised near to our fortress, having its walls topped by a great
quantity of cotton-bags, sheathed with rawhides to resist our fire. Our
people were astonished at the silence and suddenness with which it
had been erected. It was evidently no contrivance of a barbarous
and disorderly multitude, for during the whole conflict, our enemies
showed equal valor and discipline. Immediately they opened upon
our fortress with decided effect, silencing four of our guns, which
were doing them most harm.

"The good success of this day guided their conduct for
succeeding ones, and during five nights, they built five forts, at
proportionate distances, so as to be prepared for a general assault
by several breaches."

The army of the Sultan of Cambay, employed against the
Portuguese in this, the siege of Diu, was composed of various races
inhabiting the cotton-growing zone of Asia and Africa. Two

Abysinnians of high rank and distinguished valor are specially
mentioned. It is probable that this mode of fortification was
familiar to the natives of those countries, and has remained so to
the present day. In the interior of Africa, it would be peculiarly
convenient and important, subject, as the dwellers are, to sudden
incursions for the capture of their wives and children, to supply the
Christian and Arab markets of human flesh.

The work to which I have referred is, "The Life of Don John de
Castro, Fourth Vice-Roy of India, by Jacinto Freire de Andrade,"
first published at Lisbon, 1651. It has passed through several
editions, and been translated into different languages.

I was also informed by the same person, a fugitive from
Louisiana, that the slaves who took the field in compliance with
Jackson's invitation, and fought for the country, were promised,
before the battle, that they should have their freedom; that after it
was over, they sent a committee to the General to claim the
fulfilment of this promise, and that he made no reply, except to bid
them "go home and mind their masters."

It is well known that a large number of slaves did fight bravely in
that battle, and that they neither received their freedom nor any
other mark of the gratitude of this false and degenerate republic.
Two thousand years ago, when the opinion was universal, that
nine-tenths of the men, and all the women, were made for slaves, and
the small remnant of males for masters, the Athenians, and even
the Spartans, set at liberty the slaves who had helped them win
their victories and shared their glorious daring and dangers. They
seem to have thought thus much due to their honor and self-respect
as gentlemen, the doctrines of equal rights and reciprocal duties
being yet undeveloped in the dark void of ages. But we, a nation
calling ourselves Christian as well as republican, have actually fallen
below the low standard of humanity and magnanimity preached by
Aristotle and practised by the cruel and treacherous Spartans two

thousand years ago. In the name of Heaven, how is it that we are cursed
with a callousness as impenetrable as the Thugs of India or the
father-eaters of Sumatra?

Wishing you success and satisfaction in your useful labors, I
remain,

Yours, very truly,

D. LEE CHILD.

Among the colored veterans was JORDAN B. NOBLE, who was
a drummer in the seventh regiment of infantry, which led on the
attack of the British army on the night of December 23d, 1814.
The two armies lay within gunshot of each other from that night
until the 12th of January, 1815. It is Mr. Noble's custom to issue,
every New Year's day, the following card:--

JORDAN B. NOBLE,
THE VETERAN DRUMMER,

Who had the pride and satisfaction of beating to arms the
American Army, on the 23d of December, 1814, and on the 8th of
January, 1815, and the members of his Band, ADOLPH BROOKS
and WILLIAM SAVAGE, who served with him in Mexico, in the First
Regiment of Louisiana Volunteers, Col. J. B. WALTON,
Commander, under Gen. TAYLOR, in 1846, beg to present their
congratulations of the season and best wishes to the officers of the
regular and militia service, under whom they had the honor to
serve; wishing them long lives, increased honors, and that the
National Flag of our great country may ever be sustained by their
faithful arms and gallant hearts.

In proof of the estimation in which this colored veteran is held
by his fellow-citizens, the New Orleans Daily Delta
mentions the following "happy incident" as having occurred at
the celebration of the "Eighth," at the St. Charles Theatre:--

"The bill announced that old Jordan, the matchless drummer,
would appear and beat the drum as he beat it on the morning of the
battle to reveille the Americans to action, and as he beat it again at
night to soothe them to repose, after the arduous duties of the
victorious day were past. Full one-third of the audience visited the
St. Charles for no other purpose than to pay a tribute of respect to
old Jordan; and as the old veteran appeared, a loud and long cheer
welled up from the audience, and was borne far beyond the precincts
of the building; again and again was he called out, and it seemed as if
the audience would never tire of his music. The old veteran bowed
his acknowledgments, and apparently felt more proud of the
enthusiastic applause bestowed upon him than he would to have
been seated on the imperial throne of Hayti. When the tattoo was
beat, we were forcibly struck with the remarkable coincidence, that
at the same hour, on the same day and date, thirty-nine years ago,
he beat the same tune upon the battle-field of Chalmette."

A benefit was also tendered him, at the same theatre, on the
evening of April 24th, 1854; and at the Fourth of July celebration
following, JORDAN B. NOBLE was complimented and, according
to the Delta, "no speech or toast produced a finer effect than
his."

JOHN JULIUS was a member of the gallant colored regiment.
He is a tall, good-looking, brown-skinned Creole of

Louisiana, now about sixty-five years of age. He still
bears the terrible gashes of the bayonet conspicuously on
his neck. He was one of those who encountered the British
hand-to-hand on the top of the breastworks. JULIUS BENNOIT
(for that is his name, though commonly called John
Julius) is a man of strict integrity of character, having all
the delicate sensibility of a Frenchman; and he laments
more at the injustice done him in the neglect of the authorities
to grant him his claim of money and lands, according
to the promises set forth in the proclamation, than any
reverse of fortune he has ever met.

He is enthusiastic on the subject of the battle scenes of
Chalmette Plains, and anxious that all who converse with him
should know of his position in the conflict with Sir Edward
Packenham. He exhibits the complete draught of the battle, and
explains with lively satisfaction all its points of interest.

At a private dinner-party in New Orleans, some years after
the battle, a relative of Gen. Packenham happened to be present,
when the colored servant in waiting improved a chance moment
to say,--"I saved General Packenham's life on the battle-ground."
He was overheard by his master, who reprimanded
him, admitting, however, that he was at the battle-ground, and
did good service.

Many of the slaves who engaged in the battle were
induced to do so from promises of freedom; but the sequel
proved that a false hope had been held out to them, numbers
being ordered to the cotton-fields to resume their

unrequited toil, for the benefit of those for whom their own lives
had been jeoparded on the bloody field of battle. The British
took advantage of these violated pledges, and induced many
colored Americans, panting for the freedom which, theirs as a
birthright, had been confirmed by deeds of valor and patriotism,
to accept free homes under the banner of England.

ANTHONY GILL was one of the soldiers remanded to work
again for his master, when he was accosted by General
Packenham, who, learning that he was a slave, told him to put
down his hoe, follow him, and become a free man. He did so;
and is now undisputed owner of fifty-two acres of free soil, in
St. Johns, N. B. His son resides in Boston, Mass.

This is but one of numerous instances, of which there are
abundant testimonies.

"When the British evacuated Charleston, in 1782, (says
Ramsay, in his History of South Carolina,) Governor Matthews
demanded the restoration of some thousands of negroes who
were within their lines. These, however, were but a small part of
the whole taken away at the evacuation, but that number is very
inconsiderable when compared with the thousands that
were lost from the first to the last of the war. It has been
computed by good judges, that, between the years 1775 and
1783, the State of South Carolina lost TWENTY-FIVE
THOUSAND NEGROES." [At least a fifth part of all the slaves
in the State at the beginning of the war.]

"The forces under the command of General Provost marched
through the richest settlements of the State, where are the fewest
white inhabitants in proportion to the number of slaves. The
hapless Africans, allured with the hope of freedom, forsook their
owners, and repaired in great numbers to the Royal Army. They
endeavored to recommend themselves to their new masters by
discovering where their owners had concealed their property, and
were assisting in carrying it off."

And the same candid historian, describing the invasion of next
year says:--"The slaves a second time flocked to the British
Army."

Dr. Ramsay, being a native and resident of Charleston, enjoyed
every facility for ascertaining the facts in the case; but
his testimony does not stand alone; Col. Lee, of Virginia, in
his "Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department," confirms
the statement.

"Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia, (says Burke, in his
History of Virginia,) after escaping from Williamsburg, in
1775, to a vessel in James River, offered liberty to those
slaves who would join him. It appears, from the history, that
one hundred of them were soon after enumerated among his
forces. How many more joined him does not appear."

Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State, in a letter to
Hammond, Minister of Great Britain, dated Philadelphia,
December 15, 1791, says:--"On withdrawing the troops
from New York, a large embarkation of negroes, the

property of the inhabitants of the United States, took place. A
very great number was carried off in private vessels, without
admitting the inspection of the American Commissioners."

In the Secret Journal of the Continental Congress, under date
of March 29, 1799, we find the following:--"The Committee,
appointed to take into consideration the circumstances of the
Southern States, and the ways and means for their safety
and defence, report that the State of South Carolina (as
represented by the Delegates of the said State, and by Mr. Huger,
who has come here at the request of the Governor of the said
State, on purpose to explain the circumstances thereof) is UNABLE
to make any effectual efforts with militia, by reason of the great
proportion of citizens necessary to remain at home, to prevent
insurrection among the negroes, and to prevent the desertion
of them to the enemy;--that the state of the country, and the
great number of these people among them, expose the inhabitants
to great danger, from the endeavors of the enemy to excite them
to revolt or desert."

Hon. John Quincy Adams, in a letter to Lord Castlereagh dated
February 17, 1816, says:--"In his letter of the fifth of
September, the undersigned had the honor of enclosing a list of
seven hundred and two slaves carried away, after the ratification
of the treaty of peace, from Cumberland Island, and the waters
adjacent ....A number perhaps still greater was carried away
from Tangier Island, in the State of Virginia, and from other places."

the floor of Congress, 30th March, 1790, some time after the war,
by Mr. Burke, a Representative from South Carolina. "There is
not a gentleman," said he, "on this floor, who is a stranger to the
feeble situation of our State, when we entered into the war to
oppose the British power. We were not only without money,
without an army or military stores, but were few in number, and
likely to be entangled with our domestics, in case the enemy
invaded us."

Similar testimony to the weakness engendered by slavery was
also borne by Mr. Madison, in debate in Congress. "Every
addition," said that distinguished gentleman, "they (Georgia and
South Carolina) receive to their number of slaves, tends to
weaken them, and render them less capable of self-defence."

And at a still later day, Mr. Justice Johnson, of the Supreme
Court of the United States, and a citizen of South Carolina, in his
elaborate life of General Green, speaking of negro slaves, makes
the same admission. He says:--"But the number dispersed through
these (Southern) States was very great; so great as to render it
impossible for the citizens to muster freemen enough to
withstand the pressure of the British arms."

Hon. Wm. Jay says:--"We find at the South no one element
of military strength. Slavery, as we have seen, checks the
progress of population, of the arts, of enterprise, and of
industry. But, above all, the laboring class, which in other
countries affords the materials of which armies are composed, is
regarded at the South as the most deadly foe

and the sight of a thousand negroes with arms in their hands
would send a thrill of terror through the stoutest hearts, and
excite a panic which no number of the veteran troops of Europe
could produce. Even now, laws are in force to keep arms out of
the hands of a population which ought to be a reliance in danger,
but which is dreaded by day and night, in peace and war."

The burning of Washington City was a signal instance of the
military weakness of the South, as detailed in Ball's Compilation.
"The city was burnt in the last war with Britain, for which the
Americans may thank their pet 'institution' as much as the
invading army. When the British in the Chesapeake evinced their
intention to make a descent an Washington or Baltimore, the
President ordered all the regular troops to the defence of the
latter, and called on the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Virginia for volunteers for the protection of the capital. All know
the result. The city was taken and burnt, while the Americans,
lacking numbers to compete with their enemies, were obliged to
return, although, had the Virginia troops, which were but a few
miles distant, come up, they would have been able to make a
stand."

The cause of their delay is thus explained:--"When the
requisition on Virginia reached her Governor, General Madison,
who was brother of the President, and at that time commandant
of that division of the militia whose services were required, he
promptly issued his orders, collected his quota, and commenced
his march for the scene of action.

Scarcely, however, had his force passed from Orange, Culpepper,
Madison, and the adjoining counties, from which it
had been principally raised, before the slaves in all that
section were seen in commotion. A rumor, the source of
which nobody knew, had spread among them, that some
powerful foreign prince,--from Africa, we believe they had
it,--with a sufficient force to accomplish his purpose, had
arrived on the coast, to give freedom to the slaves of Virginia.
This rumor soon became confirmed news with them.
They simultaneously quitted work, and, without manifesting
the least disposition to injure the whites, began, in their joyful
excitement, to run from plantation to plantation, collect
in bodies, and prepare to go off to meet their expected
deliverers. The white inhabitants, in the mean time, who,
as has ever been the case with the whole South, were
sensitively alive to the fear of a slave insurrection, and were
now thoroughly alarmed by this movement of the blacks,
harmless as was the shape it had taken, sent off express
after express to General Madison, whose force had made a
temporary halt in the vicinity of the Potomac, from which it
was on the point of moving on to Washington, and begged
him to return with his troops and quell the apprehended
insurrection of the slaves. This at once completely paralyzed
the movements of Madison. He immediately marched
back with the principal part of his force, leaving the rest,
we believe, to remain on the spot, to await the event, and be
in readiness to return if wanted. Finding, after a few
days, that the force with which he had returned was sufficient

to overawe the slaves, though he did not dare to withdraw them
from the infected district, he finally sent orders for the remnant
he had left on the Potomac to march on to Washington, as they
then did, but reached the place too late to be of any service."

A letter from New Orleans, addressed to Le Republican, has
some interesting matter respecting the population of mixed blood
in that city. It alludes to the brilliant feat of arms of Dec. 20,
1814, "when the colored population rivalled in bravery and
patriotism the other improvised soldiers," and to the battle of
Jan. 8, of the same year, where they figured, and contributed to
finish the foreign invasion of our soil, and goes on to say, that it
is an error to confound the colored population of Louisiana with
that elsewhere. They constitute, the writer affirms, an elite set,
having nothing in common with those of the surrounding States.
"The French and Spanish blood from which they are sprung has
not degenerated among us: it has preserved the primitive warmth
and generosity which distinguish those two chivalric nations."
Notwithstanding they are not allowed to participate in the public
schools, although forced to pay school taxes, they have received
an elementary education, and a good number of them shine in
science, arts and letters. There is, we are told, now in Paris, a
Creole of Louisiana, who is walking in the steps of Alexander
Dumas, and whose dramatic pieces are represented at the Theatre
Francais. There is another in Louisiana, who has

effected a complete revolution in sugar making, by a refining
invention; and yet, this man has not been able to obtain a patent
in his own name for the invention which enriches his country.
"Medicine, music, finance, wholesale commerce and farming, have
their representatives in this class of society; and there are in
Louisiana fortunes honorably acquired by their proprietors,
belonging to this class, which would secure for their owners a
distinguished rank in Parisian society, were they to settle in that
capital. I will not speak here," says the letter writer, "of the
native citizens reputed to be bons blancs. They are very few, if
we may believe an old Creole of the highest respectability, who
said upon'Change, that he knew more than five hundred persons
of this sort sprung from maroon negresses, and now enjoying the
rights of citizenship."

CHAPTER XVIII.

FLORIDA.

TONEY PROCTOR, A VETERAN ONE HUNDRED
AND TWELVE YEARS OLD.

TONEY PROCTOR, a free man of color, died in Tallahassee,
at the residence of H. L. Rutgers, Esq., on the 15th of
June, 1855, in the 112th year of his age. The Tallahassee
Sentinel thus notices the death of this remarkable man:--

" 'UNCLE TONEY,' as he was familiarly called, must have
been, at the time of his death, at least one hundred and twelve
years old, and the probabilities are that he was several years
older. It is known, as a historical fact, that he was at the battle of
Quebec, on the 13th of September, 1759, some ninety-six years
ago. His recollection of that event was clear and distinct. He was
there in the capacity of a body servant to an English officer, and
was sixteen years of age or more at the time of sailing, in
company with the English sailors, from the Island of Jamaica, to
return no more to the place of his nativity. He was subsequently
engaged in the same capacity, though under a different officer,
during the early period of the Revolutionary War between this
and the mother country. He was in the vicinity of Boston at the
time the tea was thrown overboard, and afterwards at the battle
of Lexington. He came to Florida long before

the change of flags, and settled in St. Augustine, where he
purchased his freedom, married, and reared a large family. During
his long residence in the 'Ancient City,' where he experienced
many reverses--living through a period much longer than is
allotted to an ordinary life-time--his conduct was such as to
command the esteem and respect of its inhabitants, as well
under the administration of the United States as the dominion of
Spain.

"At the change of flags, he considered himself an American
citizen, and remained in St. Augustine, true to his allegiance,
during the campaigns and military regime of General Jackson;
and subsequently rendered himself very useful to General
Harney and others, as an Indian interpreter in the late Seminole
war.

"Coming out of that protracted and disastrous war reduced in
circumstances, with nothing to rely upon for support except a
claim upon the Government for service rendered, but little of
which was ever recognised and paid, he came, some ten years or
more ago, to Tallahassee, to live with his son George.

"In 1849, George went a gold-hunting, with the intention, if
successful, of returning in a few years, at the furthest, and
relieving himself of his embarrassments. In the mean time, his
family, as well as 'Uncle Toney,' were left in charge of Mr.
Rutgers.

"The circumstances attending his death were very remarkable.
He died of no disease. His health continued good and his spirits
cheerful down to within a day or so of his

death. The first evidence of decay was that of sight; time, in
other respects, working but little change in his appearance.
Death seemed to come over him like falling into a gentle sleep.
The vital spark, like the socket of a candle, literally burned out.

UNCLE TONEY was much beloved by his own people. He
was a zealous member of the Baptist Church. His funeral was
one of the largest processions we remember to have seen."

CONDITION AND PROSPECTS
OF
COLORED AMERICANS.

CHAPTER I.

CITIZENSHIP.

PROSCRIPTION OF COLORED
CITIZENS--NATURALIZATION OF GEORGE
DEGRASSE AND JOHN REMOND--PASSPORTS OF
COLORED MEN--
SPEECH OF JOHN MERCER LANGSTON--VIEWS OF
HOSEA EASTON--FROM A
SPEECH OF WM. J. WATKINS.

IN 1790, (says Judge Jay,) Congress passed an act prescribing
the mode in which "any alien, being a white person," might be
naturalized, and admitted to the rights of an American citizen.
Two years after, an act was passed for organizing the militia,
which was to consist of each and every free able-bodied white
male citizen, &c. No other government on earth prohibits any
portion of its citizens from participating in the national defence.
But, not with this insult to colored citizens, another, and
perhaps

a still more wanton and malignant one, was offered by the
government in the act of 1810, organizing the Post-Office
Department. The fourth section enacts that "no other than a free
white person shall be employed in carrying the mail of the
United States, either as post-rider or driver of a carriage
carrying the mail," under a penalty of fifty dollars.

Any vagabond from Europe, any fugitive from our own
prisons, may take charge of the United States mail; but a
native-born American citizen, of unimpeachable morals, and with
property acquired by honest industry, may not, if his skin be
dark, guide the horses which draw the carriage in which a bag of
newspapers is deposited!

The following letter of instructions from the Postmaster
General to one of his deputies, written in 1828, is a curious
commentary on this law:--

SIR,--The mail may
not, in any case whatever, be in the
custody of a colored person. If a colored person is employed to
lift the mail from the stage into the post-office, it does not pass into
his custody, but the labor is performed in the presence and
under the immediate direction of the white person who has it in
custody; but if a colored person takes it from a tavern and carries it
himself to the post-office, it comes into his custody during the
time of carrying it, which is contrary to law.

"I am, &c.,

JOHN McLEAN."

In the United States Senate, July 29, 1842, the bill regulating
enlistments in the Navy was discussed. Mr. Calhoun moved an
amendment, that white men only should be

enlisted, except for cooks, servants, and stewards, for which
offices negroes or mulattoes might be employed.

Mr. Woodbury, of New Hampshire, supported the
amendment.

Mr. Phelps, of Vermont, and Mr. Clayton, of Delaware,
objected; and each cited instances of the colored man's valor, and
enforced his claim to being enrolled as other Americans.

The amendment was, however, adopted, by a vote of twenty-
four to sixteen ; as was, also, that of Mr. Preston, (of South
Carolina,) prohibiting the enlistment of negroes in the Army. And
this, notwithstanding the fact, that the victory upon Champlain
has been well-known to have been achieved, in part, by the valor
of colored men. That upon Erie, so far as aided by colored men's
valor, has been in doubt, and in some quarters has been denied.
Says Mr. Day, "I desire to refer you to the proof of the
position, that colored men were with Commodore Perry on Lake
Erie, and that they were as good hands as others. Writing to
Commodore Chauncey, the senior officer, Captain Perry, said--
'The men that came by Mr. Champlin are a motley set, blacks,
soldiers, and boys. I am, however, pleased to see any thing in
the shape of a man.' So much as to the fact that there were
'blacks' to help man the squadron.

"To show that many of the colored men upon Lakes Erie and
Champlain were among the best, I quote the following

SIR,--I have been duly honored with your letters of the 23d
and 26th ultimo, and notice your anxiety for men and officers. I
am equally anxious to furnish you, and no time shall be lost in
sending officers and men to you, as soon as the public service will
allow me to send them from this lake. I regret that you are not
pleased with the men sent you by Messrs. Champlin and Forrest;
for, to my knowledge, a part of them are not surpassed by any
seamen we have in the fleets; and I have yet to learn, that the
color of the skin, or the cut and trimmings of the coat, can affect a
man's qualifications or usefulness. I have nearly fifty blacks on
board of this ship, and many of them are among my best men; and
those people you call soldiers have been to sea from two to
seventeen years, and I presume that you will find them as good and
useful as any men on board of your vessel,--at least, if I can
judge by comparison, for those which we have on board this ship
are attentive and obedient and, as far as I can judge, many of them
excellent seamen; at any rate, the men sent to Lake Erie have been
selected with a view of sending a fair proportion of petty officers
and seamen, and I presume upon examination, it will be found they
are equal to those upon this lake.

"So far as to the capacity of colored men with Commodore
Perry."

The managers of the Park Theatre, in New York city, in
testimony of the bravery of the lamented Captain
Lawrence and his crew, manifested in the brilliant action with
the British sloop-of-war "Peacock," invited him and them to a

play in honor of the victory achieved on that occasion.
The crew marched, together into the pit, and nearly one half of
them were negroes.

In March, 1855, Hon. T. D. Eliot, of Massachusetts, succeeded
in obtaining the compensation Of PETER AMEY, a
colored man of New Bedford, who fought on board the "Essex,"
in 1812. His motion was opposed by Mr. Chastain, of Georgia;
but as Mr. Eliot intimated that he should then
probably oppose other private claims, Mr. Seward, of Georgia,
remarked that Georgia would lose her claims, and
Mr. Chastain withdrew his opposition, and the bill passed to a
third reading.

The Homestead Bill was adopted by Congress in March,
1854, with an amendment to limit its grant of land to white
persons only. Thomas Davis, of Rhode Island, Joshua
R. Giddings, of Ohio, and Gerrit Smith, of New York, with
others, ably and strenuously advocated the rights of colored
Americans, but were voted down, seventy-one to sixty-three.

Public bodies and the press have, during the past few
years, discussed several questions bearing on the right of
colored men to the privileges of citizenship. The following
facts showing the theory and practice of this government,
capricious as the latter has been, yet furnish precedents
favorable to the colored man.

Distinctions of color are not recognised in the letter of the
United States Constitution; yet that instrument leaves it in the
power of Congress and individual States to trample on or
acknowledge, as tyranny may dictate, the rights of colored
citizens.

Congress can as well naturalize Asiatics, South Americans
and Africans, as Europeans; and yet, for reasons best known
to the Slave Power which rules this nation, the instances are few
and far between where colored aliens have received naturalization
papers. One case, however, occurred, as early as 1804, where a
colored man received a certificate of naturalization, of which the
following is a copy:

CITY OF
NEW YORK, ss.

Be it remembered, that GEORGE DEGRASSE, of the city of New
York, servant, who hath resided within the limits and jurisdiction of
the United States for the term of five years, and within this State of
New York for the term of one year at least, appeared in the Court
of Common Pleas, called the Mayor's Court, and which is a
common law court of record held in and for the city and county of
New York in the State of New York, on Thursday, the fifth day of
July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and four, and having
made proof to the satisfaction of said Court that he is a person of
good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution
of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and
happiness of the same, and having in the said Court taken the oath
prescribed by law to support the Constitution of the United States,
and did in open Court absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all
allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state or
sovereignty, and particularly to the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, of whom he was then a subject, the said
GEORGE DEGRASSE was thereupon, Pursuant to the laws of the
United States in such case made and provided, admitted by the
said Court to be, and he is accordingly to be, considered a citizen of
the United States.

Given under the seal of the said Court, the day and year above
written. Per curiam,

Mr. DEGRASSE has since resided in New York city, where,
for more than fifty years, he has regularly voted for United
States and State officers.

The following account of Dr. JOHN V. DEGRASSE, a son of
the above-named, by a correspondent of the New York
Independent, will be found of interest in this connection:--

"August 24th, 1854, Mr. DEGRASSE was admitted in due
form a member of the 'Massachusetts Medical Society.'
It is the first instance of such honor being conferred upon a
colored man in this State, at least, and probably in the country;
and therefore it deserves particular notice, both because
the means by which he has reached this distinction are
creditable to his own intelligence and perseverance, and
because others of his class may be stimulated to seek an
elevation which has hitherto been supposed unattainable by
men of color. The Doctor is a native of New York city,
where he was born June, 1825, and where he spent his
time in private and public schools till 1840. He then
entered the Oneida Institute, Beriah Green, President, and
spent one year; but as Latin was not taught there, he left
and entered the Clinton Seminary, where he remained two
years, intending to enter college in the fall of 1843. He
was turned from this purpose, however, by the persuasions
of a friend in France, and after spending two years in a
college in that country, he returned to New York in November
1845, and commenced the study of medicine with Dr.
Samuel R. Childs, of that city. There he spent two years
in patient and diligent study, and then two more in attending

the medical lectures of Bowdoin College, Me. Leaving that
institution with honor in May, 1849, he went again to Europe in
the autumn, of that year, and spent considerable time in the
hospitals of Paris, travelling, at intervals, through parts of France,
England, Italy, and Switzerland. Returning home in the ship
'Samuel Fox,' in the capacity of surgeon, be was married in
August, 1852, and since that time, he has practised medicine in
Boston. Earning a good reputation here by his diligence and skill,
he was admitted a member of the Medical Society, as above
stated. Many of our most respectable physicians visit and advise
with him whenever counsel is required. The Boston medical
profession, it must be acknowledged, has done itself honor in
thus discarding the law of caste, and generously acknowledging
real merit, without regard to the hue of the skin."

In the Doctor's study hangs his diploma, and a beautiful
painting, ("The Ship Outward Bound,") executed by a young
colored artist, Mr. EDWARD BANNISTER, which is enclosed
in an elaborate gilt frame, the work of a young mechanic, Mr.
JACOB ANDREWS,--the whole being a joint presentation to
their professional friend. Such tributes of genius and skill
harmonize well with every worthy effort for the elevation of
those in this land with whom the donors are identified, by
complexion and condition.

In 1811, JOHN REMOND was successful in his application
for naturalization, in form as follows:--

ESSEX, SS.

At the Supreme Judicial Court of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, begun and holden at Ipswich, within and for the
county

of Essex, oil the fourth Tuesday of April, Anno Domini 1811, JOHN
REMOND, late of the Island of Curacoa and town of Curacoa, formerly
subject to the government of the States General, but now to
George the Third, King of the United Kingdom of Britain and
Ireland, now resident at Salem, in said county of Essex, Hair-Dresser,
took and subscribed the oath and declaration required by law. And
thereupon he, the said JOHN REMOND, was admitted to become a
citizen of the United States, according to the laws in such case
made and provided.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and affixed
the seal of said Court, on this second day of May, Anno Domini 1811.

ICHABOD TUCKER,
Clerk of the Court aforesaid.

Several distinguished colored Americans have succeeded in
obtaining passports. The following circumstance is related in a
letter from the Rev. A. A. Phelps, dated May 24, 1834, to
William Goodell:--"On Tuesday evening, I took tea at Mr.
Forten's, (a well-known manufacturer and merchant of
Philadelphia--a man of color,) in company with Brothers
Leavitt, Pomeroy, and Dr. Lansing. It was a very pleasant
interview, and not the least pleasing thing about it is the
following:--We were scarcely seated, before in came Robert
Vaux, Esq., with a passport for Robert Purvis and wife,
under the seal of the Secretary of State,
certifying that the said Purvis and wife were citizens of the
United States. Mr. Purvis is son-in-law to Mr. Forten.
He was about to visit Europe for his health, and in some of
the countries on the Continent, as in France, a passport is

necessary, certifying who the person is, where from, &c. The
application was made through Robert Vaux, Esq., and on the
representation of the case by him, it was at once granted."

Mr. Robert Purvis, in a letter to Mr. Garrison, dated London,
July 13, 1834, says:--"I had, at the House of Commons, an
introduction to the Hon. Daniel O. Connell. On my being
presented to the Irish patriot as an American gentleman, he
declined taking my hand; but when he understood that I was not
only identified with the Abolitionists, but with the proscribed
and oppressed colored men of the United States, he grasped my
hand, and, warmly shaking it, remarked,--"Sir, I will never
take the hand of an American, nor should any honest man in this
country do so, without first knowing his principles in reference to
America slavery, and its ally, the American Colonization Society."

Rev. PETER WILLIAMS also received a passport from John
Forsyth, Secretary of State, the 17th of March, 1836, requesting
"all whom it may concern to permit safely and freely to pass,
Rev. Peter Williams, a citizen of the United States, and in case of
need, to give him all lawful aid and protection."

Rev. PETER WILLIAMS, JR., was born in Brunswick, N. J.,
December, 1786. His father was proprietor of the largest tobacco
manufactory then in the city of New York, and was the first to
introduce steam power to drive its machinery. Mr. WILLIAMS
was for twenty years (until his

death, in 1840) pastor of St. Phillips' Episcopal Church. Aside
from his pulpit efforts, he contributed many able, eloquent and
practical effusions, through pamphlets and newspapers, in aid
of the colored American's elevation. We learn, from a memoir by
Dr. James Mc'Cune Smith, that "he had mastered Logic and
Algebra, read Latin with some facility, was extravagantly fond of
Metaphysics, and, what is remarkable with the slender
advantages he enjoyed, he had formed a style in composition so
clear, concise and elegant, that few men of twice his years and
with every advantage, have excelled it. His oration on the
Abolition of the Slave Trade, delivered January, 1808, when he
was just twenty-one years of age, was discredited as having
emanated from his pen,--and it was deemed necessary that his
certificate to that effect should be published, confirmed by Rt.
Rev. Benjamin Moore, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal
Church, and others.

During the reign of terror to which Anti-Slavery men and
women were subjected, in the years 1833, '4 and '5, Mr.
Williams was induced by his Bishop, for church reasons,
to abstain from taking part in the anti-slavery agitation. His
letter was published, and created much sensation at the time,
especially among many of his former associates. It is due,
however, to his memory, to state, (which we do upon the most
reliable authority,) that the Bishop suppressed those passages
which Mr. Williams had confidently relied upon to modify the
objections of his friends. His natural diffidence of character
deterred him from making an explanation.

"In the Revolutionary War, my father was a decided advocate
of American Independence, and his life was repeatedly
jeopardized in its cause. Permit me to relate an instance, which
shows that neither the British sword nor British gold could make
him a traitor to his country. He was living in the State of Jersey,
and parson Chapman, a champion of American liberty of great
influence throughout that part of the country, was sought after
by the British troops. My father immediately mounted a horse
and rode round among his parishioners to notify them of his
danger, and to call on them to help in removing him and his goods
to a place of safety. He then carried him to a private place, and as
he was returning, a British officer rode up to him, and demanded,
in a most peremptory manner,--

" 'Where is parson Chapman?'

" 'I cannot tell,' was the reply.

"On that, the officer drew his sword, and, raising it over his
head, said,--'Tell me where he is, or I will instantly cut you down.'

"Again he replied,--'I cannot tell.'

"Finding threats useless, the officer put up his sword, and
drew out a purse of, gold, saying,--'If you will tell me where he
is, I will give you this.'

and confirmed by the circumstance, that the very
day on which the British evacuated New York was the same on
which he obtained his freedom by purchase, through the help of
some republican friends of the Methodist Church;
and to the last year of his life, he always spoke of that day as
one which gave double joy to his heart, by freeing him from
domestic bondage, and his native city from foreign enemies.

"Reared with these feelings, though fond of retirement, I felt a
burning desire to be useful to my brethren and my country, and
when the last war between this country and Great Britain broke
out, I felt happy to render the humble services of my pen; my
tongue, and my hands, towards rearing fortifications to defend
our shores against invasion. I entreated my brethren to help in
the defence of the country, and went with them to the work;
and no sacrifice has been considered too great by me for the
benefit of it or them."

WILLIAM WELLS BROWN, on leaving the United States for
Europe, obtained, through the intercession of a friend, a
passport signed by Wm. B. Calhoun, Secretary of State for
Massachusetts. The following letter from Mr. Brown, covering
the passport obtained in London, countersigned by a son of
Ex-Governor John Davis, is instructive and interesting:--

LONDON, Nov. 22, 1849.

WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq:

DEAR FRIEND--I observe in the American papers an elaborate
discussion upon the subject of passports for colored men. What

must the inhabitants of other countries think of the people of the
United States, when they read, as they do, the editorials of some of
the Southern papers against recognizing colored Americans as
citizens? In looking over some of these articles, I have felt ashamed
that I had the misfortune to be born in such a country. We may
search history in vain to find a people who have sunk themselves as
low, and made themselves appear as infamous by their treatment of
their fellow-men, as have the people of the United States. If colored
men make their appearance in the slave States as seamen, they
are imprisoned until the departure of the vessel. If they make their
appearance at the capital of the country, unless provided with free
papers, they are sold for the benefit of the Government. In most of
the States we are disfranchised, our children are shut out from the
public schools, and embarrassments are thrown in the way of every
attempt to elevate ourselves. And after they have degraded us, sold
us, mobbed us, and done every thing in their power to oppress us,
then, if we wish to leave the country, they refuse us passports, upon
the ground that we are not citizens. This is emphatically an age of
discoveries; but I will venture the assertion, that none but an
American slaveholder could have discovered that a man born in a
country was not a citizen of it. Their chosen motto, that "all men
are created equal," when compared with their treatment of the
colored people of the country, sinks them lower and lower in the
estimation of the good and wise of all lands. In your letter of the
15th ult., you ask if I succeeded in getting a passport from the
American Minister in London, previous to going to Paris to attend
the Peace Congress. Through the magnanimity of the French
Government, all delegates to the Congress were permitted to pass
freely without passports. I did not, therefore, apply for one. But as I
intend soon to visit the Continent, and shall then need one, I called a
few days since on the American Minister, and was furnished with a
passport, of which the following is a copy. If

it will be of any service in the discussion upon that subject, you are
at perfect liberty to use it:--

"LEGATION OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA IN ENGLAND.
PASSPORT NO. 33.

The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, begs all whom it may
concern to allow safely and freely to pass, and in case of need, to
give aid and protection to
MR. WILLIAM W. BROWN,
a citizen of the United States, going on the Continent.

Given under my signature, and the imprint of the seal of the
legation in London, Oct. 31, 1849, the 74th year of the
independence of the United States.

For the Minister,

JOHN C. B. DAVIS,
Secretary of Legation."

So you see, my friend, that though we are denied citizenship in
America, and refused passports at home when wishing to visit
foreign countries, they dare not refuse us a passport when we apply
for it in old England. There is a public sentiment here, that,
hard-hearted as the Americans are, they fear. When will the Americans
learn, that if they would encourage liberty in other countries, they
must practice it at home? If they would inspire the hearts of the
struggling millions in Europe, they should not allow one human
being to wear chains upon their own soil. If they would welcome
the martyrs for freedom from the banks of the Danube, the Tiber
and the Seine, let them liberate their own slaves on the banks of
the Mississippi and the Potomac. If they would welcome the
Hungarian flying from the bloody talons of the Austrian eagle, they
must

wrest the three millions of slaves from the talons of their own.
They cannot welcome the wanderer from the battle-fields of
freedom in the old world, as long as the new world is the battle-field
of slavery. Should the Kossuths and the Wimmers visit
America, the would be reminded of their friends they left in chains
in Austria, by the clanking chains of the American slave.

I was asked a few clays since, at a meeting, if I was not afraid
that the abolitionists would become tired, and give up the cause as
hopeless. My answer was, that the slave's cause was in the hands of
men and women who intended to agitate and agitate, until the iron
hand of slavery should melt away, drop by drop, before a fiery
public sentiment.

WM. W. BROWN.

At a reception meeting tendered Mr. Brown in Boston, October
13th, 1854, WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq., in the course of an
eloquent speech, said:--

"I still more rejoice that Mr. Brown has returned. Returned to
what? Not to what he can call his 'country.' The white man comes
'home.' When Milton heard, in Italy, the sound of arms from
England, he hastened back--young, enthusiastic, and bathed in
beautiful art as he was in Florence. 'I would not be away,' he said,
'when a blow was struck for liberty.' He came to a country where his
manhood was recognised, to fight on equal footing. The black man
comes home to no liberty but the liberty of suffering--struggle in
fetters for the welfare of his race. It is a magnanimous sympathy
with his blood that brings such a man back. I honor it. We meet to
do it honor. Franklin's motto was, Ubi libertas ibi patria--Where
liberty is, there is my country. Had our friend adopted that for his
rule, he would have stayed in Europe. Liberty for him is there.
The colored man who returns, like

our friend, to labor, crushed and despised, for his race, sails under a
higher flag: his Motto is--'WHERE MY COUNTRY IS, THERE
WILL I BRING LIBERTY"

As recently as the first of January, 1854, JOHN REMOND, of
Salem, Mass., obtained a passport from the then Secretary of
State, William L. Marcy.

Although, on some occasions, the officials of the United States
government have refused to acknowledge colored Americans as
citizens,--denying them passports and the like,--yet, with a
strange inconsistency, they are sometimes made recipients of
honors and emoluments not to be obtained by others than citizens
of the United States.

At a meeting of the Bar of the County of Suffolk, Mass., held at
the office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court of the United States,
on Thursday, June 27, 1850, Ellis Gray Loring, Esq., was chosen
Chairman, and Charles Theodore Russell, Esq., Secretary.

On motion of Charles Sumner, Esq., it was

Resolved, That ROBERT MORRIS, Esq., be recommended for
admittance to practice as a Counsellor and Attorney of the Circuit
and District courts of the United States.

(Signed,)
ELLIS GRAY LORING, Chairman.
CHAS. THEO. RUSSELL, Sec'y.

In accordance with this resolve, Mr. MORRIS presented
himself before Justice Sprague, of the United States District
Court,--who, it is presumed, had ample evidence of his

color,--and, was duly admitted to practice in the Courts of the
United States.

MACON B. ALLEN, another colored lawyer, was admitted
in Maine, to the Cumberland Bar, on examination, and
subsequently in Massachusetts, to the Suffolk Bar, on certificate.
Among those who congratulated him on his appointment were
Hon. John G. Palfrey, and Professor Greenleaf, of Harvard
University.

GEORGE B. VASHON was also admitted, on examination,
before the New York Bar, in 1848. A correspondent of the
Philadelphia Inquirer alludes to his admission as Attorney,
Solicitor and Counsellor of the Supreme Court of the State, and
adds, that he evinced a perfect knowledge of the rudiments of
law, and a familiar acquaintance with Coke, Littleton,
Blackstone, and Kent.

When it is remembered that most lawyers are admitted by
certificate, great credit will be awarded Messrs. ALLEN and
VASHON, who passed the ordeal of open court examination
with signal credit.

Messrs. MORRIS and ALLEN are now Justices of the Peace
for Massachusetts.

The Constitution of the United States declares "that the
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several States."

The Act of February 21, 1799, granting patents for useful
improvements, authorizes the issuing of a patent only to
a "citizen." Cannot a man of color obtain one? Such
has been done, and he would be a bold officer who should

refuse one on the ground of color. The Act of 1831, on the
subject of copyright, is one of the same character.

So the Act of December 31, 1792, concerning the registering
and recording of ships or vessels. It is enacted, that no vessel
shall be considered or treated as an American vessel, unless she
is owned and commanded by an "American citizen;"--men of
color have owned vessels, and they have always been considered
American vessels.

So by the Act of February 18, 1793, for enrolling and licensing
vessels for the coasting trade and the fisheries, a like oath must
be taken by the owner before she can be permitted to engage in
the same--a "citizen" only can do it; but cannot and have not
men of color?

So the militia law uses the words white male citizens; implying
that there are other citizens besides white ones; for else the word
citizens would not have been used. It is true, colored men are
exempt from military duty, but so are all persons under eighteen,
or over forty-five, years of age, and all females; but yet,
Congress can call all these into the army or navy, or militia; and
none will contend that exemption from military service proves
political inferiority.

So the Act of May 15, 1820, makes it criminal for a
"citizen" to engage in the slave trade. Can people of color do it?
And yet penal laws are construed strictly.

So the Act of May 28, 1796, for the relief and protection of
American seamen, declares that any "citizen" sailor can obtain
from the custom-house officer a certificate of his citizenship;
men of color have often done this, and can again.

So the Act of July 20, 1790, for the regulation of seamen
in the merchant's service, provides, that every ship or
vessel belonging to a "citizen or citizens" of the United
States, of a certain burthen, on a foreign voyage, shall, under
a severe penalty, be provided with a medicine chest.
Are not men of color bound to comply with this law?

Impressed colored sailors have been claimed by the National
Government as "citizens of the United States."

If a man of color in New York or Pennsylvania should sue a
white citizen of Connecticut in the Federal Court, would it be a
good plea in abatement that one of the parties is a man of color?

The question of colored citizenship came up as a national
question, and was settled, during the pendency of the Missouri
question, in 1820.

It will be remembered, that that State presented herself
for admission into the Union, with a clause in her Constitution
prohibiting the settlement of colored citizens within her
borders. Resistance was made to her admission into the
Union upon that very ground; and it was not until that
State receded from her unconstitutional position, that President
Monroe declared the admission of Missouri into the
Union to be complete.

According to Niles's Register, August 18th, vol. 20, pages
338 and 339, the refusal to admit Missouri into the Union was
not withdrawn until the General Assembly of that State, in
conformity to a fundamental condition imposed by Congress, had,
by an act passed for that purpose, solemnly

enacted and declared, "That this State (Missouri) has assented,
and does assent, that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section
of the third article of their Constitution should never be
construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law
shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of
either of the United States shall be excluded from the enjoyment
of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens
are entitled, under the Constitution of the United States."

A free colored citizen of the county of West Chester, in the
State of New York, named GILBERT HORTON, was employed
as a sailor on board a coasting vessel, which touched at a port in
the District of Columbia. Horton went on shore, and while
peaceably walking in one of the streets of the city of
Washington, was seized and thrown into jail as a fugitive slave.

After he had been in jail a month, the following notice appeared
in the National Intelligencer, August 1st, 1826:--

"Was committed to the jail of Washington county, District of
Columbia, on the 2d of July last, as a runaway, a negro man by the
name of Gilbert Horton. He is five feet four inches high, stout
made, has large full eyes, and a scar on his left arm near the elbow.
Had on, when committed, a tarpaulin hat, linen shirt, blue cloth
jacket and trousers. Says that he was born free in the State of New
York, near Peekskill. The owner or owners of the above described
negro, if any, are requested to come and prove him and take him
away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses, as the
law directs.

This advertisement happened to meet the eye of the Hon,
Wm. Jay, a son of the celebrated Governor John Jay, who took
immediate measures to procure a meeting of the citizens of West
Chester county. That meeting adopted a series of resolutions,
requesting his Excellency De Witt Clinton to demand from the
proper authorities the instant liberation of Horton, as a free
citizen of the State of New York. In reply to the Governor's
letter, he was informed that the Marshal, having become satisfied
that Horton was a free man, had liberated him. The truth
probably was, that the Marshal had notice of the proceedings of
the State of New York, and knowing (what was generally well
known) that De Witt Clinton was not a man to be trifled with,
and that he would, at any hazard, maintain and defend the rights
of his own State, and every citizen of it, with a firmness and a
perseverance not to be evaded or eluded, preferred the immediate
liberation of Horton, by what might seem to be a voluntary act,
to a compulsory discharge, in pursuance of a requisition from the
Governor of a free State.

The following is a copy of the letter of De Witt Clinton to
John Q. Adams, President of the United States, in the case
alluded to:--

ALBANY, 4th September, 1826.

SIR,--I have the honor to inclose copies of the proceedings of a
respectable meeting of inhabitants of West Chester county, in this
State, and of an affidavit of John Owen, by which it appears that one
GILBERT HORTON a free man of color, and a CITIZEN of this State, is
unlawfully imprisoned in the jail of the city of Washington, and

is advertised to be sold by the Marshal of the District of Columbia.
From whatever authority a law authorizing such proceedings may
have emanated, whether from the municipality of Washington, the
Legislature of Maryland, or the Congress of the United States, it is,
at least, void and unconstitutional in its application to a CITIZEN,
and could never have intended to extend further than to fugitive
slaves. As the District of Columbia is under the exclusive control
of the national government, I conceive it my duty to apply to you
for the liberation of Gilbert Horton, as a freeman and a citizen, and
feel persuaded that this request will be followed by immediate
relief. I have the honor to be, &c.,

"DE WITT
CLINTON."

SOLOMON NORTHUP, a citizen of Washington county,
State of New York, was kidnapped in 1841, and conveyed to
Louisiana, and there held as a slave for twelve years; but,
through an almost miraculous chain of circumstances, he was
enabled to impart the fact to his friends at Saratoga, His
Excellency, Washington Hunt, demanded from the
authorities of Louisiana the safe delivery of Solomon Northup,
a free citizen of the State of New York. The demand was complied
with, and he was restored to his family and friends.

HOSEA EASTON thus forcibly alludes to the claims of colored
Americans to the rights and privileges of citizenship:--

"In this country, we behold the remnant of a once noble, but
now heathenish people. I would have my readers lose sight of
the African character. For at this time, circumstances
have established as much difference between them and their
ancestry, as exists between them and any other

race or nation. In the first place, the colored people who are born in
this country, are Americans in every sense of the word,--
Americans by birth, genius, habits, language, &c. They are
dependent on American climate, American aliment, American
government, and American manners, to sustain their American
bodies and minds; a withholding of the enjoyment of any
American privilege from an American man, either
governmental, ecclesiastical, civil, social or alimental, is in
effect taking away his means of subsistence;
and consequently, taking away his life. Every ecclesiastical
body which denies an American the privilege of participating
in its benefits, becomes his murderer. Every State
which denies an American a citizenship, with all its benefits,
denies him his life. The claims the colored people set up,
therefore, are the claims of Americans. Their claims are
founded in an original agreement of the contracting parties,
and there is nothing to show that color was a consideration
in the agreement. It is well known, that when the country
belonged to Great Britain, the colored people were slaves.
But when America revolted from Britain, they were held no
longer by any legal power. There was no efficient law in
the land except martial law, and that regarded no one as a
slave. The inhabitants were governed by no other law,
except by resolutions adopted from time to time by meetings
convoked in the different colonies. Upon the face of the
warrants by which these district and town meetings were called,
there is not a word said about the color of the attendants. In
convoking the Continental Congress of the 4th of

September, 1774, there was not a word said about color.
At a subsequent period, Congress met again, to get in readiness
twelve thousand men to act in any emergency; at the
same time, a request was forwarded to Connecticut, New
Hampshire, and Rhode Island, to increase this army to
twenty thousand men. Now, it is well known that hundreds
of the men of which this army was composed were colored
men, and recognised by Congress as Americans. * * * *

"Excuses have been made in vain to cover up the hypocrisy of
this nation. The most corrupt policy which ever disgraced its
barbarous ancestry has been adopted by both Church and State,
for the avowed purpose of withholding the inalienable rights of
one part of the subjects of the government. Pretexts of the
lowest order, which are neither witty nor decent, and which rank
among that order of subterfuges under which the lowest of
ruffians attempt to hide when exposed to detection, are made
available. * * * * I have no language to express what I see, and
hear, and feel, on this subject. Were I capable of dipping my pen
in the deepest dye of crime, and of understanding the science of
the bottomless pit, I should then fail in presenting to the
intelligence of mortals on earth, the true nature of American
deception. There can be no appeals made in the name of the laws
of the country, or philanthropy, or humanity, or religion, that
are capable of drawing forth any thing but the retort,--you are
a negro! If we call to our aid the thunder tones of the cannon
and the arguments of fire-arms, (vigorously managed by black
and white men, side by side,)

as displayed upon Dorchester Heights, and at Lexington, and at
White Plains, and at Kingston, and at Long Island, and elsewhere,
the retort is, you are a negro! If we present to the nation a
Bunker's Hill, our nation's altar, (upon which she offered her
choicest sacrifice,) with our fathers, and brothers, and sons,
prostrate thereon, wrapped in fire and smoke--the incense of
blood borne upward upon the wings of sulphurous vapor, to the
throne of national honor, with a halo of national glory echoing
back, and spreading over and astonishing the civilized world;--and
if we present the thousands of widows and orphans, whose only
earthly protectors were thus sacrificed, weeping over the fate of the
departed; and anon, tears of blood are extorted, on learning
that the government for which their lovers and sires had died
refuses to be their protector;--if we tell that angels weep in pity,
and that God, the eternal Judge, 'will hear the desire of the
humble, judge the fatherless and the oppressed, that the man of
the earth may no more oppress,' the retort is, YOU ARE A NEGRO! If
there is a spark of honesty, patriotism, or religion, in the heart or
the source from whence such refuting arguments emanate, the
devil incarnate is the brightest seraph in paradise.

Hon. Norton S. Townshend, in submitting to the Senate a bill
in accordance with the wish of petitioners for equal suffrage,
remarked, "That the reasons were so ably set forth in the
following memorial of J. Mercer Langston, that nothing further
seemed to be required; and as Mr. Langston had been appointed
by a State Convention of colored people,

and therefore spoke by authority, the committee adopt the
language of the memorial, making it a part of their report."

From the memorial thus highly complimented, I make the
following extracts. It was presented to the General Assembly of
the State of Ohio, April 19, 1854:--

"What, then, are the grounds upon which we claim the
elective franchise?

"In answering this question, we have to say, in the first
place, that we are men. Nor is it necessary to enter upon an
argument in support of so self-evident a proposition. We
possess the physical, the intellectual and the moral attributes
common to humanity. We have the same feelings, desires,
and aspirations that other men have; and we are capable of the
same high intellectual and moral culture. As men, then, we have
rights, inherent rights, which civil society is
bound to respect, nay, more, which civil society is bound to
protect and defend. Prominent among those rights, and one
which we deeply love and cherish, is the elective franchise,
is the privilege of saying who shall be our rulers, and what
shall be the character of the laws under which we live. By
none is this right held in higher estimation than by the
colored men. And those greatly mistake who think that we,
are contented without it. We are not. We know that it is
one of our dearest rights. We feel that we ought to have it.
We feel that civil society is under obligation to secure it to
Us, and protect us in its enjoyment. The first consideration
that we offer, therefore, in favor of granting our claim, is

the fact that it is a dictate of justice and fair dealing, between
civil society and men living within its jurisdiction.

* * * * * * * *

"We could, with propriety, however, claim so much at your
hands, if we were foreigners. But when it is remembered that we
are native-born inhabitants, and by our birth citizens, the
consideration which has just been offered appears doubly
significant, and therefore doubly forcible. It is needless for us, in
grounding our claim to the elective franchise upon our nativity,
to remind you, that it is a principle fully recognised by the
Constitution of the country, that natural birth gives citizenship,
otherwise, our naturalization laws are absurd and nonsensical.
Says Chancellor Kent, in confirmation of our view, 'Citizens,
under our Constitution and laws, mean free inhabitants born
within the United States, or naturalized under the laws of
Congress. If a slave, born in the United States, be manumitted, or
otherwise lawfully discharged from bondage, or if a black man be
born within the United States, and born free, he becomes
thenceforward a citizen.' If Chancellor Kent's principle be correct,
we may ask, with some degree of force, where is the right to
disfranchise us where is the right to strip us of our citizenship?
Said the Hon. Mr. Baldwin, in the United States Senate, 'When
the Constitution of the United States was framed, colored men
voted in a majority of these States; they voted in the State of
New York, in Pennsylvania, in Massachusetts, in Connecticut,
Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware and North Carolina; and
long after the adoption

of the Constitution, they continued to vote in North Carolina and
Tennessee also. The Constitution of the United States makes no
distinction of color. There is no word 'white' to be found in that
instrument. All free people then stood upon the same platform in
regard to their political rights, and were so recognised in most of
the States of the Union.

* * * * The free colored citizens of these
States are as much entitled to the rights of citizenship, as are
men of any other color or complexion whatever. * * * *
To this day, in the State of Virginia, free colored persons,
born in that State, are citizens.

"We claim our enfranchisement also upon the ground that
we are patriotic. It is a fact that we love this country. We
love her Constitution, and we love those free institutions that
might and ought to be built up all over this land under its
benign influence. Indeed, at no time have we manifested for this
country any other spirit than that of deep, abiding
affection. And that, too, when we have been outraged and
abused most barbarously. * * * *

" 'Their right,' (colored Americans) in the truthful language of
John G. Whittier, 'like that of their white fellow-citizens, dates
back to the dread arbitrament of war. Their bones whiten every
stricken field of the Revolution; their feet tracked with blood the
snows of Jersey; their toil built up every fortification south of
the Potomac; they shared ,the famine and nakedness of Valley
Forge, and the pestilential horrors of the old Jersey prison ship.'
Have we, then, no claim to an equal participation in the blessings
which

have 'grown out of the national independence,' which we fought
to establish? Is it right, is it just, is it generous, is it
magnanimous, to withhold from us these blessings and 'starve our
patriotism'? What foreigner, what Irish or German emigrant, has
ever given such evidences of deep devotion to your government?
And yet, you have taken pains to make a special arrangement by
which, in due time, they are to enter upon the full enjoyment of
citizenship. To this arrangement we would not object. We
simply ask that we, who have given such strong and significant
proofs of our love of this country and its laws, be clothed in the
livery of free and independent citizenship.

"As touching this point, we would also submit the views of
Hon. William H. Seward, as presented in the following letter:--

WASHINGTON, May 16, 1850.

" 'DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 6th inst. has been received. I
reply to it cheerfully and with pleasure.

'It is my deliberate opinion, founded upon careful observation,
that the right of suffrage is exercised by no citizen of New York
more conscientiously, or more sincerely, or with more beneficial
results to society, than it is by the electors of African descent. I
sincerely hope that the franchise will before long be extended, as it
justly ought, to this race, who of all others need it most.

'I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.'

"Thus it will be seen that, in the estimation of such men--men
who have bestowed some thought upon our condition and our
conduct--that we are not all so ignorant

and degraded that we are incapable of exercising the elective
franchise in an intelligent and manly manner.

"Permit us to say, in conclusion, then, in view of these
considerations, we hold that it is unjust, anti-democratic,
impolitic, and ungenerous, to withhold from us the right of
suffrage."

Mr. Langston has since had satisfactory proof that colored
men are regarded as citizens by a good portion of the Buckeyes.
Here is his announcement:--

"They put upon their ticket the name of a colored man, who was
elected clerk of Brownhelm township, by a very handsome
majority, indeed. Since I am the only colored man who lives in this
township, you can easily guess the name of the man who was so
fortunate as to secure this election. To my knowledge, the like has
not been known in Ohio before. It proves the steady march of the
anti-slavery sentiment, and augurs the inevitable destruction and
annihilation of American prejudice against colored men. What we
so much need, just at this juncture and all along the future, is
political influence; the bridle by which we can check and guide to
our advantage the selfishness of American demagogues. How
important, then, it is, that we labor night and day to enfranchise
ourselves."

WILLIAM J. WATKINS SUMS Up the argument in behalf
of the citizenship of colored men as follows:--

"It is said that the minister refused the negro a passport, On
the ground that a black man was not considered a citizen of the
United States. We gravely ask the question, If we are not
citizens, then what are we? What constitutes

citizenship in this country? Is color a constitutional
disqualification? If so, there are a great many so-called white
men who are not citizens, for we know not a few who would be
taken for colored men, if the complexion were the standard.
Neither does the texture of the hair exclude any one from the
privileges of American citizens, that is, in compliance with the
edict of the Constitution. It is just as constitutional to ostracise
all the bald heads, or 'heads with sandy hair,' as to thrust a man,
in the country, with woolly hair, outside the pale of American
citizenship.

"We believe the Government recognizes the existence of but
two classes of population, natives, or citizens, and aliens.

"Colored men, born on the soil, cannot be aliens; of course
not. They cannot, therefore, be naturalized. Who ever heard of a
colored American being naturalized in the United States? This
government naturalizes foreigners only. We must, then,
be CITIZENS. Our white fellow-citizens may withhold our
right, but they cannot annihilate it.

"And now, with the broad, blazing sunlight of the Revolution
flashing across our path, and revealing to the gaze of all men the
prowess and patriotism of colored Americans, in the hour that
tried men's souls, we are told we are not citizens. Shame upon
this ingrate Government! But we will continue to regard
ourselves as citizens, and as such demand our rights. We ask no
favors, at the hands of the United States."

COEVAL with the establishment of The Liberator in Boston, in
the year 1831, the dormant energies of the oppressed colored
Americans became actively aroused, and the ways and means of
elevation were prolific themes in their social gatherings. Among
the causes contributing to this hopeful state of things may be
mentioned the pamphlet of DAVID WALKER, published during
the eventful period of Mr. Garrison's imprisonment in a
Baltimore jail, for being an Anti-Slavery man, which was signally
effective in rousing the eloquence of Walker. This appeal waked
up some feeling at the South, and a corresponding degree of
vitality among the colored people. But the most potent
instrumentality that inspired the hearts of the colored Americans
with faith,

hope, and perseverance "for the good time coming," was the
publication of that fearless, uncompromising sheet, The
Liberator, which, when commenced, had arrayed against it the
30,000 churches, and clergy of the country--its wealth, its
commerce, its press. At that time, there was the most entire
ignorance and apathy on the slave question. In that dark hour,
The Liberator was unfurled to the breeze, in the eyes of the
nation, within sight of Bunker Hill, and in the birth-place of
American liberty, consecrated to the cause till every chain be
broken, and every bondman set--free its Editor pledging himself to
the work in these immortal words:--"I am in earnest! I will not
equivocate--I will not excuse--I will not retreat a single
inch--and I WILL BE HEARD!" For twenty-five years has that clarion
voice sounded in the ears of this guilty nation, and twenty-three
millions of people complain, to-day, that they hear of nothing
but slavery! It has unmasked the hydra-headed monster,
Colonization, and secured an audience for the colored man, who
before could hardly utter his thoughts.

Before The Liberator was issued, Mr. Garrison delivered Anti-Slavery
lectures in Boston, at Julien Hall, and the old Athenaeum
Hall, Pearl street. Among the colored friends present, on one very
interesting occasion, at the latter place, were Rev. Thomas Paul
and Rev. Samuel Snowden. The hearty amen of Father Snowden
was responded to by the eloquent eye and earnest hand-shaking
of the other favorite colored pastor, both of whom then vowed
their devotion to

the cause and its enthusiastic young advocate, to which pledge
their life was remarkably consistent.

I remember, when a boy, in January, 1832, looking in at the
vestry window of Belknap Street Church, while the Editor of
The Liberator and a faithful few organized the first Anti-Slavery
Society.

The immediate result of the labors of the Anti-Slavery press
and the public lecturers, was the formation of exclusive
organizations among the colored people. They, and the great
body of the Abolitionists, did not then see eye to eye in the
matter of combined action, for many of the latter supposed their
Anti-Slavery mission was ended when they had publicly
protested against slavery, without being careful to exemplify
their principles in every-day practice. Many of the colored
people, too, seemed to think that enough of heaven was opened
unto them, when white people would talk Anti-Slavery; the idea
of social political equality seemingly never being dreamed of by
them.

In accordance with this view, a society was formed, called the
"Massachusetts General Colored Association," of which Hosea
and Joshua Easton, John E. Scarlett, Thomas Cole, James G.
Barbadoes, William G. Nell, and others, now numbered with the
dead, were members,--together with Thomas Dalton, John T.
Hilton, Frederick Brimley, Coffin Pitts, Walker Lewis, and
others of the "Old Guard," who yet remain with us. The object
of this Association was the promulgation of Anti-Slavery truth.
In January, 1833, it made application to be received as an
auxiliary to the

Massachusetts (then New England) Anti-Slavery Society,*
through the following letter:--

* At this meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society, Rev.
SAMUEL SNOWDEN
was elected a Counsellor; the next year, JAMES G. BARBADOES and JOSHUA
EASTON; and subsequently, JOHN T. HILTON was appointed, who, with
CHARLES LENOX REMOND, is now Vice President.

BOSTON, January 15, 1833.

To the Board of Managers of the New England
Anti-Slavery Society:

The Massachusetts General Colored Association, cordially approving
the objects and principles of the New England Anti-Slavery Society,
would respectfully communicate their desire to become
auxiliary thereto. They have accordingly chosen one of their
members to attend the annual meeting of the Society as their delegate,
(Mr. JOSHUA EASTON, of North Bridgewater,) and solicit his
acceptance in that capacity.

Of course, this request was cordially granted; but they and
their white friends soon learned that complexional Anti-Slavery
societies, as such, were absurdities, to say the least, and hence,
such distinctions soon melted into thin air; and if the spirit of
Susan Paul takes cognizance of events familiar to her when in the
flesh, she is now rejoicing in her association with the Anti-Slavery
societies of that time, their "Martyr Acre," and her share
in the perils consequent upon the burning of Pennsylvania Hall.

From the time of the mobbing of William Lloyd Garrison and
George Thompson, and the women's meeting at

Francis Jackson's, in Hollis street, where Harriet Martineau
consecrated herself to the cause, and historically identified
herself with the colored people, colored and white have met
together on one Anti-Slavery platform, where, "like kindred
drops, they mingle into one."

John Remond and Prince Farmer, of Salem, and Susan Paul, of
Boston, became life-members of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery
Society in 1835. Subsequently, other names were enrolled from
New Bedford and elsewhere, and colored persons also connected
themselves with the American Anti-Slavery Society. And if
there are any colored friends who do not now participate freely
with their white brethren and sisters, in their efforts for the
slave's redemption and their own elevation, it is only because
they choose to absent themselves, and not because of objections
on the part of others.

The presence of ROBERT PURVIS on the platform of the American
A. S. Society as presiding officer, or of CHARLES LENOX REMOND,
President, for several years, of the Essex County Anti-Slavery
Society, with the distinguished position occupied by themselves
and WILLIAM WELLS BROWN as orators, fully justifies what MARIA
WESTON CHAPMAN claims for the American Anti-Slavery Society,
when she says it is "church and university, high school and
common school, to all who need real instruction and true
religion. Of it what a throng of authors, editors, lawyers,
orators, and accomplished gentlemen of color have taken their
degree! It has equally implanted hopes and aspirations, noble
thoughts

and sublime purposes, in the hearts of both races. It has prepared
the white man for the freedom of the black man, and it has made
the black man scorn the thought of enslavement, as does
a white man, as far as its influence has extended. Strengthen that
noble influence! Before its organization, the country only saw
here and there in slavery some 'faithful Cudjoe or Dinah,' whose
strong natures blossomed even in bondage, like a fine plant
beneath a heavy stone. Now, under the elevating and cherishing
influence of the American Anti-Slavery Society, the colored race,
like the white, furnishes Corinthian capitals for the noblest
temples. Aroused by the American Anti-Slavery Society, the
very white men who had forgotten and denied the claim of the
black man to the rights of humanity, now thunder that claim at
every gate, from cottage to capitol, from schoolhouse to
university, from the railroad carriage to the house of God. He has
a place at their firesides, a place in their hearts--the man whom
they once cruelly hated for his color. So feeling, they cannot send
him to Coventry with a horn-book in his hand, and call it
instruction! They inspire him to climb to their side by a visible,
acted gospel of freedom. Thus, instead of bowing to prejudice,
they conquer it."

In 1831, the plan of Arnold Buffum for a colored college at
New Haven was thought favorably of by the friends, white and
colored, and Mr. Garrison, during his first mission to England,
was expected to secure funds for the same; but a variety of
causes prevented his receiving any donations, and the
persecution of Prudence Crandall at

Canterbury, Conn, and the attack upon the school-house at
Canaan, N. H., bad the effect to open the doors of colleges and
seminaries to youth, irrespective of complexion, and the
necessity (or what seemed to be such) for a colored college was
superseded.

Since that time, colored students have been admitted at
Wilbraham, Leicester, Andover, Dartmouth, and at the majority
of the institutions of learning in the New England, Central, and
Western States.

In June, 1831, six months after the advent of The Liberator,
the first Annual Convention of the People of Color was held in
Philadelphia. New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware
and Virginia were the only States represented. This Convention
appointed Provisional Committees, and named for Boston,
Hosea Easton, Robert Roberts, James G. Barbadoes, and the late
lamented Rev. Sam. Samuel Snowden. Since then, there have been
several Conventions held by colored Americans in different parts
of the country, and no one can deny that some good has resulted
therefrom.

The Hamiltons, the Sipkinses, and a constellation of
others from the Empire State, with those named elsewhere
from the various sections, acted according to the light and
promise of the times. Let us fulfil, during our mission,
the prophecy of our fathers, who, in passing away, have
left us the legacy of their prayers and fondest aspirations
for success. While they have wept in remembrance of the
past, when denied even a tithe of our present opportunities,

their hearts were made glad in the anticipation of better
associations for their sons,--the gaining of access to various
avenues of improvement in morals, science, and the mechanic
arts, and through such mediums, effecting an opening for their
brethren to the position of free and independent citizenship.

In the Declaration of Sentiments adopted by the American
Anti-Slavery Society in Philadelphia, in 1833, they
pledged themselves to secure to the colored population of
the United States all the rights and privileges which belong
to them as men and as Americans, "come what may to our
persons, our interests, or our reputation." The colored
persons who signed this declaration were, Robert Purvis, of
Pennsylvania, and James G. Barbadoes, of Massachusetts.
The Anti-Slavery women of the United States assembled
in Convention at New York, May, 1837, and published a
circular, from which the following is extracted:--

"Those Societies that reject colored members, or seek to avoid
them, have never been active or efficient. The blessing of God
does not rest upon them, because they 'keep back a part of the
price of the land,'--they do not lay all at the apostle's feet.

"The abandonment of prejudice is required of us as a proof of
our sincerity and consistency. How can we ask our Southern
brethren to make sacrifices, if we are not even willing to
encounter inconveniences? First cast the beam from thine own
eye, then wilt thou see clearly to cast it from his eye."

This circular was signed by Mary S. Parker, President, and
Angelina E. Grimke, Secretary. Miss Sarah Douglass was among
the colored members, and one of the Central Committee, and
their published appeal contained these dedicatory lines by
Sarah Forten, a colored lady:--

"We are thy sisters. God has truly said,
That of one blood the nations he has made.
O, Christian woman! in a Christian land,
Canst thou unblushing read this great command?
Suffer the wrongs which wring our inmost heart,
To draw one throb of pity on thy part!
Our skins may differ, but from thee we claim
A sister's privilege and a sister's name."

At the annual meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery
Society, in January, 1836, Rev. Professor Follen offered the
following resolution, which was unanimously adopted:

"Resolved, That we consider the Anti-Slavery cause the cause of
philanthropy, with regard to which all human beings, white men
and colored men, citizens and foreigners, men and women, have
the same duties and the same rights."

In support of this resolution, Mr. Follen said,--"We have
been advised, if we really wished to benefit the slave and the
colored race generally, not unnecessarily to shock the feelings,
though they were but prejudices, of the white people, by
admitting colored persons to our Anti-Slavery meetings and
societies. We have been told that many who would otherwise act
in unison with us were kept away

by our disregard of the feelings of the community in this
respect....But what, I would ask, is the great, the single object
of all our meetings and societies? Have we any other object than to
impress upon the community this one principle, that the colored
man is a man? and, on the other hand, is not the prejudice which
would have us exclude colored people from our meetings and
societies the same which, in our Southern States, dooms them to
perpetual bondage?"

Rev. Theodore S. Wright, at the Anti-Slavery Convention in
Boston, May, 1836, alluding to the Oneida Institute, testified as
follows:--"God is there teaching abolition by training white and
colored young men together. The most efficient coöperation I
ever received was from those with whom I have associated in the
seats of learning,--my respected classmates. They have always
been ready to aid and counsel me. My heart has always
gladdened to see them. It is important to make the two races feel
kindness and respect for each other, even if but few do, so it will
have an effect on others. Get two men to love each other, though
of two nations, and it will make them love the whole class."

James M'Cune Smith, J. V. DeGrasse, and their brethren in
the medical profession, as also the trio of college Professors,
Wm. G. Allen, Charles L. Reason and George B. Vashon, Rev. H.
H. Garnet, S. R. Ward, Amos G. Beman, and others, are
manifestly more competent in their various callings for having
graduated at institutions where they

contended for mental superiority with the more favored class of
white students.

This principle is beautifully illustrated at Oberlin College.
Among the classmates at this institution, at one time, were Lucy
Stone, John M. Langston, Sallie Holley, Wm. H. Day, and others
of both complexions and sexes.

But, shout some, "Instruction! Instruction! Found schools
and churches for the blacks, and thus prepare for the abolition of
slavery!" This, in the language of another, "is shallow and
short-sighted. The demand is the preparation; nothing can supply
the place of that. And exclusive instruction,--teaching for
blacks,--a school founded on color,--a church in which
men are herded ignominiously, apart from the refining influence
of asociation with the more refining highly educated and
accomplished,--what are they? A direct way
of fitting white men for tyrants, and black men for slaves."

When Dr. James M'Cune Smith returned from Edinburgh, in
1837, at whose University he had drank deep of the Pierian
stream of classic literature, the colored citizens of his native New
York tendered him a public welcome. Ransom F. Wake, in their
behalf, congratulated him on having passed five years in a land
where "a man's a man," without regard to his complexion,--where
the gentleman, the scholar, the Christian and the patriot did not
restrict their benevolence to geographical limits, nor to the mean,
degrading, illiberal, detestable and unholy distinction of color
which prevails in our otherwise happy land.

Dr. Smith happily responded. Among other appropriate
remarks, he said:--"I have striven to obtain education, at every
sacrifice and every hazard, and to apply such education to the
good of our common country. I have blessed the chance which
threw me upon the sympathies of, and opened up to me an
association with, the Wardlaws and the Heughs, the Andersons
and the Murrays,--men whose names are the property, neither
of the city nor the time in which they dwell, but will be held in
grateful remembrance so long as civil and religious liberty shall be
remembered; and I was further permitted, to the extent of my
humble energies, (he says,) to battle side-by-side with them in
the cause of the immediate and universal emancipation of slaves."

Dr. Smith was then obliged to leave his home to obtain the
education his heart longed for. Now, no colored man need quit
the United States for that purpose.

In 1843, Dr. Smith delivered a lecture before the New York
Philomaethan and Hamilton Lyceum, on the Destiny of the
People of Color, in which he advances the idea,
"that we (the colored Americans) are to remain amid the
institutions which enthral us, in order to bring liberty to the
one by purifying the other." And in 1849, in a letter on
the Equal School Rights Question in Boston, he said:--
"It has ever been my solemn conviction, that separate
organizations of all kinds, based upon the color of the skin,
keep alive prejudice against color, and that no organizations
do this more effectually than colored schools. All

arguments in favor of the especial appropriateness of colored
teachers for colored children must cease when colored children
are freely and equally admitted into white schools. In this latter
case, all the signs of degradation are removed;
free and manly instincts--the grand instinct of equality--grow
out of the facts of equality; colored teachers are no longer needed
for the especial purpose of teaching colored children that they are
free and equal; these children feel and know that they are free
and equal, and it is only in proportion to their merits and
acquirements, only in free and open competition,
that colored teachers should then take
their equal chances with others in obtaining teacherships in
common schools."

In the year 1838, William Whipper, and other talented and
distinguished colored Americans, conducted a periodical called
"The National Reformer," the organ of an Association in which
such men as James Forten, John P. Burr, Rev. Charles W.
Gardiner, Robert Purvis, and Rev. Daniel A. Payne, were
members. At one of its meetings, the following resolution was
adopted:--

"Resolved, That the erecting what are termed white and colored
churches fosters the spirit of prejudice and insults the spirit of
true reform, by refusing to be associated in Christian fellowship
with their brethren of a different complexion, while they both
acknowledge the same God as their ruler, and expect to inherit
the same destiny in a future world."

The "National Reformer" of September, 1838, endorsed the
American Anti-Slavery platform in the following language:--
"With them (the Society) we make common

cause; satisfied to await the same issue with them, we are willing to
labor for its achievement, and terminate our lives as martyrs in
support of its principles; under this banner we will rally our
countrymen, without distinction of caste or complexion. Show
forth to the world that the white man and the colored, the rich and
the poor, the bond and the free, can all, on the platform of our
common nature, live as brethren, in harmony, peace, and unity, and
you will have levelled to the ground the most powerful barrier
against universal emancipation."

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON, in his lectures before the
Glasgow Young Men's Christian Association, and the St.
George's Biblical Literary and Scientific Institute of London,
laid down the following as the basis of his argument:--
"The colored population of the United States have no destiny
separate from that of the nation of which they form an integral
part. Our destiny is bound up with that of America. Her ship is
ours; her pilot is ours; her storms are ours; her calms are ours. If
she breaks upon any rock, we break with her. If we, born in
America, cannot live upon the same soil upon terms of equality
with the descendants of Scotchmen, Englishmen, Irishmen,
Frenchmen, Germans, Hungarians, Greeks, and Poles, then the
fundamental theory of the American Republic fails and falls to
the ground."*

* Reference was made to Rev. SAMUEL R. WARD, for several years
pastor of a white church and congregation, and to Rev. H. H. GARNET,
a member of the Young Men's Institute at Troy. Dr. PENNINGTON has
himself exchanged pulpits with several white pastors in
Connecticut and New York, and once presided over the
Congregational Association.

"We oppose," says the National Anti-Slavery Standard of June
18, 1840, "all exclusive action on the part of the colored people,
except where the clearest necessity demands it. Is it not the
grand object of our enterprise to show the world that our
struggle is for great rights? Are we not purposed to overthrow
any and every arrangement of society that hinders us from the
attainment of this end? Then why should our friends seek to put
themselves in a position, to say the least, that looks like an
admission of the rightfulness of such lines of demarcation?
Where, then, is the goodness or depth of that philosophy that
leads you to separate yourselves, for an hour, from those who
are your coadjutors in this great work?

"The fetter galls and cuts deeply, but we cannot unlock it
instantly; in your desire to become free men, be careful that you
do not tear down what you build up.

"Teach the Abolitionists to make common cause with you;
teach them to forget, and forget yourselves, as fast as possible,
that you are colored men and women. A man is a man, and the
rights of man are what we are seeking to procure.

"As long as exclusive colored conventions are held, the white
slavite will let them hold them in peace, and strength and shape
is given daily to that system of ostracism from social, political
and religious influence, which, of all things else, crushes the
colored man at the North, and makes him twin brother to the
bond-slave of the South."

on the part of foreigners and their descendants, is to coalesce
with those to the "manner born." From a paper devoted to the
interests of the Irish in this country, I take the following
pertinent suggestion:--

"The more an Irishman abstracts himself from those
associations exclusively Irish, the greater is his chance of,
amalgamation with Americans, among whom his destiny is cast,
and in whose fraternity he is, after all, to look for the
meed of his industrious career. It may be safely observed, that
those Irishmen who have thriven best in the United
States are those who have taken an independent stand, and,
separating themselves from all clannish connections, have worked
their way alone."

The New York Tribune has recently said, that "nine out of every
ten Catholic parents prefer their children instructed in good
common schools, rather than in the specially Catholic schools in
the several States;" and it is equally true, that even the social
organizations and clubs, so peculiar to many old countrymen, are
fast being regarded by the intelligent as inconsistent, in America,
while they are contending for the position of American citizens.
Shall we, colored citizens, Native-Americans born, prove less
republican than those who are Americans only by adoption?
Eagles fly alone; they are but sheep that always herd together.

In the year 1847, a call was issued for a Convention to be held in
Troy, N. Y. Massachusetts, and some other States, regarding this as
exclusive, it was, by general consent, modified to a call for a
National Convention of Colored Americans

and their friends. Had this arrangement been acceded to
sooner, several Anti-Slavery societies would have sent delegates,
white and colored. One colored delegate was furnished with
credentials by the Northampton Anti-Slavery Society. The
feeling, at that time, among prominent white and colored
Anti-Slavery friends was, that exclusive colored conventions belonged
to the past, and their resurrection was not desirable. The great
question was that of abandoning, as soon as possible, all separate
action, and becoming part and parcel of the general community.

The following is an extract from. some remarks made by the
author at the Troy Convention, October, 1847:--The fear of
colored children sinking under the weight of prejudice in a white
institution is not a conclusive argument against their exercising the
right of entrance. The colored youth should be stimulated to
establish such a character in these seats of learning, by his energy
in study and gentlemanly deportment towards teachers and
pupils, as to disarm opposition, show himself an equal, and, in
despite of cold looks and repulsive treatment, hew a path to
eminence and respect; and, like the gem, which shines brighter by
attrition, become himself, among good scholars, the very best.

"Perseverance will accomplish wonders. History is replete with
examples where young persons have thus, by a harmonious association,
converted enemies into good friends, Colored men are daily
learning of new avenues opening for their improvement in all the
varied business and social relations of life, and do not wish to be
behind the age. The

intelligent among them will jump on board the car of freedom,
and if there are those who will cling to the flesh-pots of
Egypt, why, they should not complain if the advancing train
jostle them from the track.

"Any person, of ordinary capacity, must know that, to
become elevated, he must cultivate and practice the same traits
which are elevating others around him; and if it is (as, indeed, we
all feel it to be) harder for the colored man than any other, why,
then, let him work the harder, and, eventually, the summit will be
attained. We shall not be transported, en masse, as the fabled
palace of Aladdin was, by the hands of a magician, and set down
upon some Elysian plain; but each for himself must aim for
the height, and an excelsior march will soon place his feet, like
the patriarch's of old, upon Pisgah's top, where the
promised land of equality will be presented, in full view, to his
longing eyes."

From the report of the Cambridge (Mass.) School
Committee, submitted in 1851, we make the following extract:--

"In the Broadway Primary School, a singular fact was noticed--
viz., the mixture of four different races among the pupils--the
Anglo-Saxon, Teutonic, Celtic, and African; but, by the influence
Of the teacher and of habit, there exists perfect good feeling among
them, and there is no apparent consciousness of a difference of
race or condition."

A gentleman who attended the examination of this
last mentioned school, in April, 1854, said of it in one of the

public prints:--"Colored boys and girls were classified with
those not colored like themselves, and all without the least apparent
sign that such a spectacle was otherwise by ordinary. The
various exercises were participated in by them with commendable
tact, zeal and deportment; and, in the Committee's summing up,
the marks of distinction for studies, punctual attendance, and
exemplary deportment, during the term, were very flattering.
In map-drawing, a colored pupil excelled all others."

From FREDERICK DOUGLASS'S speech in Ford Street
church, Rochester, N. Y., March 13, 1848, I make the following
extract:--

"I am well aware of the anti-Christian prejudices which
have excluded many colored persons from white churches, and
the consequent necessity for erecting their own-places of
worship. This evil I would charge upon its originators, and not
the colored people. But such a necessity does not now exist to
the extent of former years. There are societies where color is
not regarded as a test of membership, and such places I deem more
appropriate for colored persons than exclusive or isolated
organizations.

"I look upon all complexional distinctions, such as negro
pews, negro berths on steamboats, negro cars, Sabbath or
week-day schools or churches, &c., as direct obstacles to the
progress of reform, and as the means of continuing the slave in
his chains."

At the anniversary celebration of Franklin's birthday by the
printers of Rochester, N. Y., in January, 1848, Mr.

Douglass and myself accepted an invitation to be present. The
landlord of the Irving House protested against our participation
in the celebration, called us intruders, and told us that it was
a "violation of the rules of society for colored people to associate
with whites," &c. But, through the interposition of Alexander
Mann, Esq., editor of the Rochester American, seconded by
James Vick, Esq., the question was put to the company, and
decided in our favor by almost an unanimous vote.

The following were among the sentiments offered on the
above occasion:--

By FREDERICK DOUGLASS. Gentlemen of the Rochester Press--
Promoters of knowledge, lovers of liberty, foes of ignorance,
despisers of prejudice,--may you continue to give the world
noble examples by a free and intelligent union of black with white.

By WM. C. NELL. Free Speech and a Free Press--The
hand-maids of liberty, "the wide world o'er." May the printers
of Rochester, in glorious emulation of their honored prototype,
Franklin, ever prove the uncompromising defenders of both.

It has been my lot to listen, from early childhood to colored
clergymen of various sects and denominations, and with sorrow
do I record the fact, that in but few cases have they exhibited the
capability at all worthy of their calling as teachers. The
recollection of the many deficiencies, apparent, at times,
even to the school children among the congregation, is
sufficient to excite a tear of deep regret in view of the
unprofitable connection between pastor and people. A few
years since, the colored citizens of Boston,

regretting that those among them who aspired to lead in religious
matters did not evince the proper degree of zeal for intellectual
improvement, adopted the following resolutions:--

"Resolved, That the apathy manifested by our colored ministers of
the gospel, in reference to the promulgation of the arts and
sciences among us as a people, tends more to retard our intellectual
emancipation than the influence of any class of persons, except the
slaveholders.

"Resolved, That it is the duty of our people to give their support
to such ministers of the gospel as show proof of the best intellectual
and spiritual cultivation."

When this is done will the beautiful language of the Psalmist be
realised,--"Our sons will be as plants grown up in their
youth, and our daughters as corner-stones, polished after the
similitude of a palace."

The names of some honorable exceptions now occur to me of
clergymen stationed in cities and towns, who have done their
duty, by precept and example, in the general
elevation of their brethren; but in my native city, Boston, two
prominent clergymen deserve special mention.

Many years ago, the Rev. THOMAS PAUL presided over a
large congregation. He was possessed of fine talents, enriched by
active intercourse with, and the friendship of, celebrated
individuals in civil and literary relations, both at home and in
England. I can remember, among his merits, the efforts originated
and promoted by him for the education and welfare of those with
whom his fortunes were allied. Saying this, is but rendering
justice to a good man, now in his grave.

At a later day, JOHN T. RAYMOND occupied the same
pulpit, and proudly do I testify to one fact conspicuous in his
ministry. Education, Anti-Slavery and Temperance always received
from him deserved attention. Lecturers on the various reforms were
cordially solicited to address his church, in which exercises he
participated with credit to himself and satisfaction to others. He
believed and taught, that "man, educated, will ever be better than
when ignorant."

Colored men and. women, especially the younger portion, are
looking forward, aiming to expand their minds, and they will not
be satisfied with any thing short of what tends to
"improve, elevate, and refine." While colored churches do exist,
let the pulpit be filled by those to whom the aspiring mind can
look up with confidence. Even this is an advanced step, and will
better prepare all for the advent of a brighter day.

"Did we at the North (says Win. J. Watkins) occupy a position
analogous to that of our Southern brethren, were we compelled, on
account of our complexion, to occupy the highest seat in the
synagogue, or hide ourselves in some remote corner, and catch the
crumbs as they fall from the white man's table, then would there be
extenuating circumstances sufficient to justify us in worshipping
God exclusively under our own vine and fig tree. But no such
Mitigating circumstances present themselves. Churches in which we
can unite and worship God as men and brethren are thrown wide
open for our reception, but how few of us wend our

way thither! In Boston, there is a colored population of not
quite two thousand, and yet we have five colored churches."

In the year 1848, an attempt was made in Boston to form a
colored Anti-Slavery Society. At a crowded meeting in Belknap
Street Church, January 24th, a resolution opposing such a
scheme was advocated by Wm. Wells Brown, Robert Morris,
Esq., Edward B. Lawton, John T. Hilton, and others, and
adopted as the sense of the meeting.

A combination of influences, in 1853, resulted in a call for a
National Convention of Colored People, to be held at Rochester,
N. Y., July 6th. At a meeting held in Boston, June 20th, the
following resolution was adopted:--

"Resolved, That we, in common with our fellow-citizens of the
several States, respond to the call for a National Convention of
Colored Americans, though it would have been more in unison with
the advanced state of sentiment among Reformers, had the call
embraced colored Americans and their friends."

One argument in favor of Colored Conventions has been, that,
in some States, the colored people are so oppressed by local
customs, as to be apparently forbidden to have intercourse with
the whites, and hence, that while some parts of the country may
not need such an auxiliary, to others it may be important. It must
be admitted, that there is some plausibility in this statement, and
yet, it is only a superficial and not an enlarged view of the
question. Instead of their desiring the more advanced to come
down to them, they

should labor to come up themselves, that Illinois and Indiana,
with their Black Laws repealed, and Pennsylvania, with her
colored suffrage restored, may stand side by side
with the more liberal and liberty-practising States in other parts
of the Union. When rights are to be discussed and contended for,
it is of vital importance that we invoke a union of all true hearts,
as they have wisely contemplated in Toronto, Canada, where the
Constitution of their Provincial Union embodies measures to
further promote literature, general intelligence, active
benevolence, and the principles of universal freedom, not based on
complexional considerations.

Associations, like individuals, to a certain extent, are
controlled by the surrounding atmosphere; as, for instance, when
the Massachusetts State (colored) Council met in New Bedford,
the fact that Protective Unions already existed open to colored
and white stockholders equally,--that colored children shared
equal school privileges with the whites,--that a colored man,
the President of the Council, was an officer in pay of the city,
and that they anticipated that the time, would soon come when
colored and white jurymen would sit on the same panel,--these
facts, and their legitimate consequences, visible in the body
politic, had the effect to prevent the Council from adopting any
exclusive measures, and even from endorsing the Colored
Industrial School.

The position of those colored Americans who complain of
their brethren for not taking steps backward to

accommodate their lower level, is analogous to the slaves asking
freemen to put on chains, barbarians requiring a people to
abandon civilization, the Pope of Rome abolishing railroads,
or those ancients who burned the Alexandrian Library, because
they had no literature of their own.

There is a glaring inconsistency in exclusive colored action on the
part of those who claim to be Anti-Slavery reformers. The idea,
carried out to its legitimate conclusion, would frustrate all such
hopes as were cherished by many of seeing FREDERICK
DOUGLASS elevated to the United States Congress; for, on
their theory, a colored Congress must be organized, as the only
one where consistency would allow of his credentials being
presented.

That colored Americans should not be isolated, but participate
with other Americans in the duties of legislation, as every where
else, is an essential element in the Anti-Slavery philosophy, but
one, of course, equally derided by Colonizationists and
slaveholders. In the Colonizationist for September, 1833, Cyril
Pearl alluded to Mr. Garrison as the man who encourages the
colored population to expect the time when "our State and
National assemblies will contain a fair proportion of colored
representatives."

How indignant does the colored man feel, when some
Colonizationist denies his equal rights in churches, public places
and conveyances, by saying, "Why don't you go among your own
people, where you belong?" And yet, in many instances, the
very individuals whose sensibilities are thus wounded, are
themselves active in upholding colored

institutions. By such a course, they blunt the Sword of their
denunciations against colorphobia.

Others protest against the blending of colored with white, for
fear of the loss of identity on the part of colored people;
and further, for the reason that it will have a tendency to
turn aside patronage from colored professional men, traders and
mechanics. All this is either an ignorant or wilful perversion of
the matter. "Competition is the life of trade." If colored genius
will but imitate the successful examples among the whites, the
public will surely reward the persevering effort.

Hon. Rufus Choate, in opposing the colored military petition
in the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, remarked,
that "though the colored man should win Bunker Hills, the color
will cleave to him still,"--a sentiment based on Henry Clay's
Colonization speech in the Senate, Feb. 7th, 1839, when he
asked, "Do they (the Abolitionists) not perceive, that in thus
confounding all the distinctions which God himself has made,
they arraign the wisdom and goodness of Providence itself? It
has been his divine pleasure to make the black man black and the
white man white, and to distinguish them by other repulsive
constitutional differences." So far as the conduct of some colored
people is concerned, they are constantly strengthening that
statement. It is possible so to deport ourselves, that the
idea of color shall be forgotten. Do not let it be our fault,
that the white people are for ever being reminded of the fact.
We need not always give color to the idea. Rather let us give

them the impression that we are men and women, which is
far preferable. Let our enemies, and not ourselves, rear
the barriers of separation and exclusiveness.

Why do we content ourselves with reposing at the base of the
hill, when, by an ascent to its summit, we can obtain
ingress to its marble halls, where none may molest or make
afraid! Why do we yet hanker after the flesh-pots of Egypt,
when the "delectable mountains" of the long-promised land of
Equality greet our vision, and humane hearts and helping hands
conjure and beckon us to come and occupy!

Mr. Garrison has, at times, been supposed to be a colored man,
because of his long, patient and persevering devotion to our
cause. He himself (although there is no need of his words to that
effect) often expresses himself as wholly identified with
us--"colored all over"; and yet, there are
those, for whom he and others have made themselves martyrs,
who can propose societies and action for elevation, from which
William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Gerritt Smith,
and their fellow-philanthropists, would be excluded.
When my head or heart accepts this theory, I shall be
in a fit condition to believe in the Colonization dogma, that our
Almighty Father has interposed an insurmountable barrier
between the white and colored portion of His children
and that we are, indeed, a peculiar, isolated, distinct race, and
always to be so; a state of things in the contemplation of which
angels weep, and fiends clap their hands for joy.

"But," ask some, "do Colored
Conventions result in no good?"
To this it is but necessary to reply, that, when a body of
intelligent and aspiring colored men assemble to interchange
opinions, the relation, of course, is often an instructive one,
and the white communities wherein they meet are sometimes
favorably affected by their presence; but this, and, indeed, all
that the most sanguine adherents can legitimately anticipate
therefrom, is not an equivalent for the infraction of Anti-Slavery
principle, to say nothing of the great sacrifice of time
and effort, always the penalty of Colored Conventions.

Let us be in perpetual session of the whole on the subject
of human rights, reporting progress from time to time;
form business relations, (when possible,) like the firm of
Williams & Plumb, in New York, colored and white in
Partnership; organize Protective Unions, and Industrial Colleges,
of all who think and act alike, irrespective of complexion;
and secure places in every workshop, book-store, or seminary,
where, by dint of perseverance, opposition may be melted
away,--and the work of elevation is accomplished.

But, though Colored Conventions may not solve the problem
of a people's elevation, "all is not lost" thereby. As was once
said in the old Republic, "Sparta does not depend upon one man;"
so should we not attach all our faith to one man, or body of
men, or set of measures, but avail ourselves of them all, and then
only as means to a noble end,--the elevation of humanity. Let
each man, woman, and child, aim to excel in those branches now
monopolized

by the favored classes. Can Colored Conventions teach a better
lesson? Let us encourage the genius that may be exhibited by
young colored men and women,--not to inflate their vanity, but to
develop into healthy growth the qualities that might otherwise lie
dormant. Lot us be charitable to those whom vice and
intemperance may have turned from the paths in which we
ourselves love to walk; and, as was said by Mrs. Child, "those
whom we now term Tom, Dick, and Harry, will, under our kind
ministrations, become Mr. Thomas, Mr. Richard, and Mr.
Henry." Let us, as advised by Rev. Daniel A. Payne, "hold
licentious men in the same repute as licentious women." Let us
banish from the social circle that spirit of detraction and
backbiting, which is always the bane of society.

It was my happy privilege, not long since, to meet a company
of colored men in my native city, among whom was a young man
upon whom had been conferred the degree of Master of Arts, he
having passed through a course of theology, and being now
engaged in reading law, with a prospect of an early admission to
the Bar in one of the Western States. In conversation with him
were two young physicians, one just graduated at Dartmouth
College, the other a student at Bowdoin, having perfected his
medical education by three years' attendance at the hospitals in
Paris.

In various cities and towns may now be found those home
circles, where mental and moral worth, genius and refinement,
lend their charms in giving to the world assurance that, despite
accidental differences of complexion, here

you behold a colored man, there a colored woman, competent to
fill any station in civilized society. Let us organize and sustain
intelligent and happy homes, for in them, as has been truly said,
may be found the substitute for both Church and State.

The following testimony in regard to the character of the
colored people of this country is taken from a speech of CHARLES
LENOX REMOND, at the New England Anti-Slavery Convention,
May 30, 1854:--

"Since my friend Prince, of Essex, called attention to the
character of the colored people, allow me to ask you to look in
that direction for a moment; for, while men live in Boston, go
upon 'Change, walk up and down the public streets, all the while
coming in contact with colored people, they do not understand
their character; they do not know that, notwithstanding the
constant pressure, from the commencement of our nation's
history, which has been exerted upon their manhood, their
morality, upon all that is noble, magnanimous and generous in
their characters, they have exhibited as many instances of noble
manhood, in proportion to their number, as have been displayed
by their more favored brethren of a white complexion. It was said
here by Mr. Prince, that the colored race is at once morally and
physically brave. Do not consider me, Mr. Chairman, in alluding
to this subject, as feeling vain in regard to it; I
only ask that the whole truth respecting my people may be
known, and there I will leave the success of their cause.

But I ask the people not to act blindly with regard to it; not
to make up their opinions with this great weight of prejudice
on their minds. I ask them to look upon this question
impartially, generously, magnanimously, patriotically, and I
believe they will be converted to our movement.

"Sir, I have taken note, for the last eighteen years, of the course
pursued by colored people in Anti-Slavery meetings, for there
was a time when the number of colored people present was
greater than at the present time; and yesterday, I had evidence
that there was some courage left with them yet. I refer to this
incident only as an illustration of the character of this people
generally in our country. There was a meeting of Anti-Slavery
friends in the basement of Tremont Temple, and a call was made
for persons to come forward and give in their names, that they
might be called upon, at any moment, to discharge not only a
responsible, but dangerous duty, [rescuing Anthony Burns,] and
my heart has not been so much encouraged for many a long day,
as when I witnessed a large number of the colored men present
walk up to that stand, with an unfaltering step, and enrol their
names.

"Why is it that the Anti-Slavery cause should recommend
itself to every well-wisher of his country? Because there are
men, white men, who have never been deprived of their
citizenship, nor subjected to persecution, outrage and insult, who
are honored for the patriotism they have exhibited; and if the
demonstration of that feeling, or principle, or Sentiment, or
whatever you may please to call it, is worthy

of honor in the white man, then it is also worthy of honor in the
colored man; and the last evening that I had the privilege of
speaking in this I house, I endeavored, briefly, to make it clear
that, on every occasion where manhood and courage have been
required in this country, the number of colored people
volunteering their services has been equal to that of white people,
in proportion to their number, from the earliest moment of our
nation's existence.

"I think I may safely say, Sir, that the courage and
patriotism of the colored man are of a higher character than those
of the white man. There is not a man of fair complexion
before me, who has not something in this country to protect
which the colored man does not possess; and, Sir, when I see
them, in the moment of danger, willing to discharge their duty to
the country, I have a proof that they are the friends, and not the
enemies, of the country."

From the Address issued by the Colored Convention held at
Rochester, N. Y., in 1853, and signed by Frederick Douglass, J.
M. Whitfield, H. O. Wagoner, Rev. A. N. Freeman, and George
B. Vashon, I make this extract:--

"Fellow-citizens, we have had, and still have, great wrongs of
which to complain. A heavy and cruel hand has been laid upon
us.

"As a people, we feel ourselves to be not only deeply
injured, but grossly misunderstood. Our white fellow-countrymen
do not know us. They are strangers to our character,
ignorant of our capacity, oblivious of our history and

progress, and are misinformed as to the principles and ideas that
control and guide us, as a people. The great mass of American
citizens estimate us, as being a characterless and purposeless
people; and hence we hold up our heads, if at against the
withering influence of a nation's scorn and contempt.

"It will not be surprising that we are so misunderstood and
misused when the motives for misrepresenting us and for
degrading us are duly considered. Indeed, it will seem strange,
upon such consideration, (and in view of the ten thousand
channels through which malign feelings find utterance and
influence,) that we have not fallen even lower in public estimation
than we have done. For, with the exception of the Jews, under the
whole heavens, there is not to be found a people pursued with a
more relentless prejudice and persecution, than are the free
colored people of the United States.

"Without pretending to have exerted ourselves as we ought, in
view of an intelligent understanding of our interest, to avert from
us the unfavorable opinions and unfriendly action of the
American people, we feel that the imputations cast upon us, for
our want of intelligence, morality, and exalted character, may be
mainly accounted for by the injustice received at your hands.
What stone has been left unturned to degrade us? What hand has
refused to fan the flame of popular prejudice against us? What
American artist has not caricatured us? What wit has not laughed
at us in our wretchedness? What songster has not made

merry over our depressed spirits? What press has not ridiculed
and contemned us? What pulpit has withheld from our devoted
heads its angry lightning, or its sanctimonious hate? Few, few,
very few; and that we have borne up with it all--that we have
tried to be wise, though denounced by all to be fools--that we
have tried to be upright, when all around us have esteemed us
as knaves--we have striven to be gentlemen, although all
around us have been teaching us its impossibility--that we have
remained here, when all our neighbors have advised
us to leave--proves that we possess qualities of head
and heart, such as
cannot but be commended by impartial men. It is believed that no
other nation on the globe could have made more progress in
the midst of such an universal and stringent disparagement. It
would humble the proudest, crush the energies of the strongest,
and retard the progress of the swiftest. In view of our
circumstances, we can, without boasting, thank God, and take
courage, having placed ourselves where we may fairly challenge
comparison with more highly favored men."

The following encouraging items have been recently gleaned
from the field of improvement of colored people.

A diploma has been awarded to a colored girl in Portsmouth,
N. H., and also to a young colored lad at one of the Boston
public schools, to which he (the only colored

At the semi-annual examination of the State Normal School, in
Salem, Mass., a hymn was sung, the production of Miss C. L.
Forten, a young colored pupil.

This year's graduating class at Dartmouth College contained one
colored young man, (Edward Garrison Draper.) The class
procured lithographic portraits of each other, to exchange
fraternally, and, to give color to their consistency, Draper's was
among them as a brother beloved.

A colored aspirant for classical knowledge has just obtained
admittance to an institution in Connecticut, after several years'
refusal by the faculty.

A town in Worcester county, Mass., has chosen a colored man
on the School Committee.

A colored citizen of Boston has received an appointment as
Auctioneer.

CHAPTER III.

CONCLUSION.

FROM the foregoing pages, it will be seen that the various
conflicts by sea and land, which have challenged the energies of
the United States, have been signalized by the devotion and
bravery of colored Americans, despite the persecutions heaped,
Olympus high, upon them, by their fellow countrymen. They
have ever proved loyal, and ready to worship or die, if need be,
at Freedom's shrine. The amor patriæ has always burned vividly
on the altar of their hearts. They love their native land:

"For, O! there's a magical tie to the land of our home,
Which the heart cannot break, though the footsteps may roam;
Be that land where it may, at the line or the pole,
It still holds the magnet that draws back the soul;
'T is loved by the free man--'t is loved by the slave,
'T is dear to the coward--more dear to the brave;
Ask of any the spot they like best on the earth,
And they they'll answer, with pride, 't is the land of our birth."

Let it not be inferred, however, that because many colored
soldiers were, from the force of circumstances, assigned a
subordinate position by themselves during the war, that their
more immediate descendants are to remain satisfied with a
half-way excellence. But, like Crispus

Attucks, leading on Boston citizens to resist tyranny,
1770,--Major Jeffrey, Latham and Freeman, each gallant and
brave,--Jordan B. Noble, the drummer of Chalmette
Plains,--and the many others,
in more or less responsible departments,
during their country's trial hour, so, henceforward, in our battle
for equality, each should aim to be incorporated with the mass of
Americans,--unite, when possible, as affinities may lead, with the
various political literary, benevolent, ecclesiastical, business and
social, organizations of the land, and so prove valiant and
consistent soldiers in Freedom's army, without arranging
ourselves in a colored section.

There is, however, a historical propriety in setting forth the
service's of those colored Americans, who, in the "day of small
things," have labored earnestly for the welfare of humanity. If
others fail to appreciate the merit of the colored man, let us
cherish the deserted shrine. The names which others neglect
should only be the more sacredly our care. Let us keep them for
the hoped-for day of full emancipation, when, in the possession
of all our rights, and redeemed from the long night of ignorance
that has rested over us, we may recall them to memory,
recollecting, with gratitude, that the stars which shone in our
horizon have ushered in a glorious dawn.

The light which radiated from the prison-cell Of WILLIAM
LLOYD GARRISON, in Baltimore, is yet diffusing itself over
the land. The past, present and future agitation of the slavery
question in these United States owes itself to that

man, and the hour when he nobly dedicated his life to the
emancipation of the slave, and the elevation of the nominally
free colored Americans.

"I CAN WAIT," were the memorable words of John Q.
ADAMS, when his mouth was gagged on the floor of Congress.
The world will bear witness, that we have waited;
and, O! how patiently! We have learned

"How sublime a thing it is
To suffer and be strong;"
but, though familiar with, we shall never grow reconciled to, the
treatment:--

"Our hearts, though ofttimes made to bleed,
Will gush afresh at every wound."

The Revolution of 1776, and the subsequent struggles in our
nation's history, aided, in honorable proportion, by colored
Americans, have (sad, but true, confession) yet left the necessity
for a second revolution, no less sublime than that of regenerating
public sentiment in favor of Universal Brotherhood. To this
glorious consummation, all, of every complexion, sect, sex and
condition, can add their mite, and so nourish the tree of liberty,
that all may be enabled to pluck fruit from its bending branches;
and, in that degree to which colored Americans may labor to
hasten the day, they will prove valid their claim to the title,
"Patriots of the Second Revolution."

years has indeed been prolific in noble words and deeds, and is
remarkable for the succession of victories, always the reward of
the faithful and persevering. To compare the present with the past
--those dark hours when the bugle blast was first sounded among
the hills and valleys of New England,--we can hardly believe the
evidence daily presented of the onward progress of those mighty
principles then proclaimed to the American nation. The treatment
of the colored man in this country is a legitimate illustration of
"hating those whom we have injured," and brings to my recollection
that chapter in Waverly where Fergus Mac Ivar replies to his
friend, when being led to execution--"You see the compliment
they pay to our Highland strength and courage. Here we have lain
until our limbs are cramped into palsy, and now they send six
soldiers with loaded muskets to prevent our taking the castle by
storm." The analogy is found in the omnipotent and omnipresent
influence of American pro-slavery in crushing every noble and
praiseworthy aspiration of the persecuted colored man. As in
nature, the smiles of summer are made sweeter by the frowns of
winter, the calm of ocean is made more placid by the tempest that
has preceded it, so in this moral battle, these incidental skirmishes
will contribute to render the hour of victory indeed a blissful
realization.

So sure as night precedes day, war ends in peace, and winter
wakes spring, just so sure will the persevering efforts of
Freedom's army be crowned with victory's perennial laurels!

APPENDIX.

MILITARY CONVENTION AT WASHINGTON.

JANUARY 8th, 1855, the soldiers of the war of 1812 celebrated
the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans by a Convention at
Washington, having for its object the furtherance of the bill before
Congress giving one hundred and sixty acres of land to all the
soldiers of the last war with Great Britain. Among those present was
a colored man, named GEORGE R. ROBERTS, a well-known resident
of Baltimore, and now over seventy years of age. He attended in
quest of a pension for services in behalf of his country. He was a
privateer, was captured and carried to Jamaica, and, with half a dozen
others, barely escaped the honors of yard-arm promotion. The
National Era informs us that he was requested, by vote, to make a
statement of his experience. He was introduced by Col. Baldwin, and
(says the Washington Sentinel) "made his statement in an earnest and
impressive manner, relating the incidents of his captivity and
condemnation to death by the British, of his exchange and return
home, and of his subsequent services under the celebrated privateer
commander, Captain Thomas Boyle, of Baltimore. His recital was
received with applause."

The Washington Convention was characterized by the presence,
not only of white and black, but also of red Americans, all
participating in its proceedings,--a striking and significant fact.

Gen. Coombs addressed the old soldiers in behalf of the red men
who once owned this beautiful country, but who now had scarcely
enough of it for a graveyard. He said some of them had fought by
his side during the last war with Great Britain with perfect self
devotion, and had shared with him captivity and suffering. He would
scorn to be the beneficiary of a Government that would take every
thing away and give nothing in return.

THE CLAIMS OF THE RED MAN.

The reader has already learned, from the foregoing pages, some
facts in regard to the history of New England red men, and their
devotion to liberty. The following is a copy of a petition sent,
some years. ago, by an Indian of the Catawba tribe, to the Assembly
of South Carolina:--

"I am one of the lingering emblems of an almost extinguished
race. Our graves will soon be our habitations. I am one of the few
stalks that still remain in the field, when the tempest of the
revolution is past. I fought against the British for your sake. The
British have disappeared, and you are free. Yet from me the British
took nothing,--nor have I gained any thing by their defeat. I
pursue the deer for my subsistence; the deer are disappearing, and I
must starve. God ordained me for the forest, and my habitation is
the shade; but the strength of my arm decays, and my feet fail in the
chase. The hand which fought for your liberty is now open for your
relief. In my youth, I bled in battle that you might be independent;
let not my heart in my old age bleed for the want of your
commiseration.

PETER HARRIS."

"The Indians are now but few in number," (Says WENDELL
PHILLIPS, Esq., in an eloquent appeal in behalf of the red man,
published in the Massachusetts Quarterly Review,) "separated from the

dominant races, isolated at school and church, and found, after the
lapse of a century, and the trial of three generations, in such a plight,
that humanity weeps, and the best statecraft is dumb and confounded.
While the humanity of the State gathers up the blind,
the dumb, the idiotic, and the insane,--while strong friends compel
attention to the slave,--let us see, for once, the mercy of the
majority toward those whose only plea is their feebleness, their
friendliness, and their wrongs. The first word from Indian lips that
our annals have preserved is 'Welcome!' Let us so govern, that the
last farewell of the going-out of the race may be--'Thanks!' "

A cluster of brilliant gems adorn this tribute of the gifted author,
whose heart, tongue and pen are a free-will offering to the oppressed
of every clime or kin; and to himself may be most truthfully applied
a quotation familiar to his own lips, when awarding honor to some
of Nature's noblemen,--"The ocean: of his philanthropy knows no
shore."

PAYMENT FOR SLAVES LOST OR KILLED IN THE
PUBLIC SERVICE.

In 1816, a bill was pending in the House of Representatives, to
pay "for property lost or destroyed in the public service." A motion was
made so to amend the bill as to grant compensation for "slaves lost
or killed in the public service, in the same manner as other property."
This motion was rejected, only thirty-two members voting in its
favor. [Vide House Docs., No. 401, 1st Session, 21st Congress, where
the Committee state the fact, and refer to the National Intelligencer of
Dec. 28, 1816.]

The next case was that of D. Auterive. He had claims against
the United States for wood and other necessaries furnished the
Army, and for the loss of time and expense of nursing a slave who

was wounded in the service of government at New Orleans. The case
of D. Auterive was reported by the Committee on Claims,--the
Chairman who made the report, and two other members of the
Committee, being slaveholders. It states that "slaves, not being
regarded as property, could not be paid for as such." This case was fully
considered in the House, and the views of the Committee sustained.

The bill to pay the people of West Florida for slaves, lost in 1814,
was again brought up in 1843, and was rejected, by a vote of 116 to
36.

The case of "Pacheco" was reported upon first by the Committee
on Claims, in 1842,--just eight days after Mr. Giddings resigned,
on account of the censure passed on him by the House. He was
Chairman of that Committee then, and they would not allow such a
report. It was subsequently reported upon by other committees, and
the last time in 1848, when the Northern members of the Committee
made a minority report, drawn up by Mr. Giddings, at the request
of Hon. John Dickey.

From the correspondence and speeches of Hon. J. R. Giddings, I
am permitted to present the following facts:--

Referring to the Pacheco case, he says,--"The claimant, in
1835, residing in Florida, professed to own a negro man named
Lewis. This man is said to have been very intelligent, speaking four
languages, which he read and wrote with facility. The master hired
him to an officer of the United States, to act as a guide to the
troops under the command of Major Dade, for which he was to
receive twenty-five dollars per month. The duties were dangerous and
the price was proportioned to the danger. At the time these troops
were massacred, this slave, Lewis, deserted to the enemy, or was
captured by them. He remained with the Indians,--acting with them
in their depredations against the white people,--until 1837,
when, General Jessup says, he was captured by a detachment of troops under
his command. An Indian chief, named Jumper,

surrendered with Lewis, claimed him as a slave, having, as he said,
captured him at the time of Dade's defeat. General Jessup declares
that he regarded him as a dangerous man; that he was supposed to
have kept up a correspondence with the enemy from the time he
joined Major Dade until the defeat of that officer. To insure the
public safety, he ordered him sent with the Indians, believing that, if
left in the country, he would be employed against our troops. He was
sent West, and the claimant now asks that we shall pay him one
thousand dollars as the value of this man's body."

With his (the slave's) extraordinary intelligence, with a knowledge
of the wrongs he and his people had suffered at the hands of those
who claimed them as property, he must have thirsted for vengeance.
He could have felt no attachment or respect for a people at whose
hands he had received nothing but abuse and degradation.

Judge McLean, in a case brought before the United States Supreme
Court, admitted that, though some local laws had given the character
of property to slaves, the Constitution acts upon them as persons,
and not as property.

Mr. Giddings, in the United States House of Representatives
December 28, 1848, challenged proof that the House, the United
States Supreme Court, or any respectable Court of any free State,
has decided slaves to be property, under the Federal Constitution;
and yet, July 26, 1852, Mr. Charlton, of Georgia, aided by Mr. Rusk,
of Texas, and Mr. Cass, of Michigan, though opposed by Mr. Sumner,
(in behalf of Mr. Chase, who had prepared for the debate, but
was at this time absent, not expecting the business to be then
presented,) succeeded in obtaining compensation for James C. Watson,
of Georgia, for his slaves, taken by the Creeks in the Seminole War.

This was the sequel to many years' able and unsuccessful efforts of
the friends of freedom in Congress against the acknowledgment by
that body, that man can hold property in man.

TRIBUTES OF LAFAYETTE AND KOSCIUSKO.

Among the Europeans; who left their homes and rallied in
defence of American Independence, history records no more
illustrious names than LAFAYETTE and KOSCIUSKO. Not being
tainted with American colorphobia, they each expressed regret that
their services had been made a partial, instead of a general, boon.
Read this extract from Lafayette's letter to Clarkson:--"I would
never have drawn my sword in the cause of America, if I could have
conceived that thereby I was founding a land of slavery."

During his visit to the United States, in 1825, he made inquiries
for several colored soldiers whom he remembered as participating
with him in various skirmishes. Lafayette was consistent. Having
bravely and disinterestedly aided in vindicating our rights, he did not
incur the reproach of hypocrisy, by turning and trampling on
the rights of others. For the purpose of applying his principles to
men of color, he purchased a plantation in French Guiana. His first
step was to collect all the whips and other instruments of torture
and punishment, and make a bonfire of them in presence of the
assembled slaves. He then instituted a plan of giving a portion of his
time to each slave every week, with a promise, that as soon as
any one had earned money enough to purchase an additional day of
the week, he should be entitled to it, and when, with his increased
time to work for himself, he could purchase another day, he should
have that, and so on, until he was master of his whole time. In the
then state of Anti-Slavery science, this gradual and sifting process
was deemed necessary to form the character of slaves, and to secure
the safety of the masters. Abolitionists would not elect this mode
now. They would turn slaves at once into free laborers or
leaseholders on the same estate, if possible, where they have been as
slaves. Before Lafayette's views were fully executed, the French
Revolution occurred, which interrupted his operations and made the
slaves free at

once. But mark the conduct of the ungrateful and blood-thirsty
blacks. While other slaves in the Colony availed themselves of the
first moment of freedom to quit the plantations of their masters,
Lafayette's remained, desiring to work for their humane and
generous friend.*

* DAVID LEE CHILD'S Oration.

KOSCIUSKO, the gallant Pole, was young when the news reached his
ear that America was endeavoring to release her neck from Britain's
yoke. He promptly devoted himself to the service, and displayed a
heroism which won universal respect. Washington loved and
honored him, and the soldiers idolized his bravery; but his manly
heart was saddened to learn that the colored man was not to be a
recipient of those rights which many a sable soldier had fought to
obtain. Kosciusko, however, with the feeling that all Americans
should have been proud to exhibit, (but, sad to tell, few did so,)
endeavored to render some signal compensation to those with whose
wrongs his own had taught him to sympathise; and, as a grateful
tribute to the neglected and forgotten colored man, he
appropriated $20,000 of his hard earnings to purchase and educate
colored children. But, by the laws of Virginia, where the bequest
appropriated was to be carried into effect, this generous
object was defeated.

On the last visit to the United States of this illustrious donor, the
will was put into the hands of Thomas Jefferson, who was
appointed Executor, to purchase slaves and educate them, so
as, in his own words, "to make them better sons and better
daughters." Jefferson transferred the trust to Benjamin L. Lear. In
1830, the bequest, amounting then to $25,000, was claimed by the
legal heirs of Kosciusko. Interested parties subsequently
recommended that the fund, if recovered, should be employed by the
trustees in buying and educating slave children, with the view of
sending them to Liberia,--an object far enough at variance from
the donor's intention.

This matter has been in litigation a long while, and I have been
unable to learn the conclusion. The circumstance reminds me of the
following question, once put to a Florida planter of twenty-five
years standing:--"Has any property, left by will to any colored
person, ever been honestly and fairly administered by any white
person?" Mark his answer: "Such instances might possibly have
happened, but never to my knowledge."

HEROIC COLORED MEN.

A correspondent of the New York Observer, writing from the
West, says--"Before leaving our boat, we must not omit to notice
one of the waiters in the cabin. He is a man of history. That tall,
straight, active, copper-colored man, with a sparkling eye and
intelligent countenance, was Col. CLAY'S servant at Buena Vista.
Fearless of danger, and faithful to his master, he attended the
Colonel into the midst of the fatal charge, saw him fall from his
horse, and, surrounded by the murderous Mexicans, at last carried the
mangled dead body from the field. The Hon. HENRY, in gratitude
for such fidelity to his gallant son, has allowed this man to hire
himself out for five years, and to retain half the proceeds; and at the
end of that time, gives him his freedom."

"That is," says the Boston Christian Register, "a human being perils
his life to save the life or bear off the body of another human being,
and for this act, he is to receive one-half of his own earnings, for five
years, and at the end of that time, to be made a present of--
to himself!"

In a letter published in The Voice of the Fugitive, Jan. 1, 1853,
HIRAM WILSON says:--"I had an interview on yesterday
morning with a colored man. I will not at present give his name, but
he was a servant to General Taylor through the Mexican war--
was with

him at Palo Alto, Monterey and Buena Vista. He held a beautiful
testimonial in regard to his gentlemanly conduct and martial
character from the hand of Col. Grayson. He had large scars upon his
person from wounds he received in the bloody battles. What was
rather remarkable, he told me he saved the life of Gen. Taylor at
Monterey. A Mexican was aiming at the General a deadly blow, when
he sprang in between the assailant and the assailed, and slew the
Mexican, but received a deep wound from a lance. So it would seem
that a colored man gave to the United States a President, by saving
his life in a terrific battle! I examined the sear left from the wound
he received at the time, which was as long as my finger. He was
emancipated by President Taylor about one month before his death,
but represents that his brother-in-law was not acting an honorable
part towards him as the reason for his coming to Canada. 'Republics
are ungrateful,' so it is said, even to their most gallant heroes. How
honorable, how creditable to the United States, that such a man must
fly to Canada for freedom!!!"

COLONIZATION

The history of the American Colonization Society, since its
formation by slaveholders, in 1817, is sufficiently familiar, perhaps,
to most of the friends of humanity. Ever since that period, colored
people all over the land have protested against it as an apologist for
slavery and justifier of slaveholders, as the enemy of immediate
emancipation, aiming to expel from the land of their birth the
colored population, not for "any color of crime, but for the crime of
color," and preventing, as far as possible, their elevation in the
United States.

Among the resolutions expressive of the sense of the colored
people on the colonization question, the following, submitted by
Philip

A. Bell, at a mass meeting in New York city, January 8, 1839, is
selected:--

Resolved, That our sympathies for the slave, the love we bear our
native land, our respect and veneration for the institutions and
government of our country, are so many cords which bind us to our
home, the soil of our birth, which has been wet by the tears and
fertilized by the blood of our ancestors, and from which, while life
lasts, in spite of the oppressor's wrongs, we will never be seduced
or driven, but abide by principle, and, placing our trust in the Lord
of Hosts, we will tell the white Americans, that their country shall
be our country, we will be governed by the same laws and worship
at the same altar, where here they live we will live, where they die there
will we be buried, and our graves shall remain as monuments of
our suffering and triumph, or of our failure and their disgrace.

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

The reign of terror which burst upon the land in 1850, by the
passage of the atrocious Fugitive Slave Law, sounded the alarm for
meetings of consultation and vigilance in every community where
its immediate victims were located, and their action has been
published broadcast to the world. The seizure of Hamlet, Long and
Boulding, in New York, Garnet and others, in Philadelphia, Thomas
Sims and Anthony Burns, in Boston, with each attendant chain of
associations, has created a healthy agitation, ominous, we hope, at
no distant day, of its final repeal.

The following resolutions, submitted at a public meeting in
Boston, October 5th, 1850, by Wm. C. Nell, (and unanimously
adopted,) may be accepted as embodying the general feeling:--

Resolved, That in view of the imminent danger, present and looked
for, we caution every colored man, woman and child, to be careful in
their walks through the highways and byways of the city by day,

and doubly so if out at night, as to WHERE they go--HOW they go
--and WHO they go with; to be guarded on nigh side, off side and all
sides; as watchful as Argus with his hundred eyes, and as executive as
was Briareus, with as many hands; if seized by any one, to make the
air resound with the signal-word, and, as they would
rid themselves of any wild beast, be prompt in their hour of peril.

Resolved, That any Commissioner who would deliver up a fugitive
slave to a Southern highwayman, under this infamous and
unconstitutional law, would have delivered up Jesus Christ to his
persecutors for one-third of the price that Judas Iscariot did.

Resolved, That in the event of any Commissioner of Massachusetts
being applied to for remanding a fugitive, we trust he will emulate
the example of Judge Harrington, of Vermont, and "be satisfied with
nothing short of a bill of sale from the Almighty."

Resolved, That though we gratefully acknowledge that the mane of
the British Lion affords a nestling-place for our brethren in danger
from the claws of the American Eagle, we would, nevertheless,
counsel against their leaving the soil of their birth, consecrated by
their tears, toils and perils, but yet to be rendered truly, the "land of
the free and the home of the brave." The ties of consanguinity
bid ALL remain who would lend a helping hand to the millions now in
bonds. But at all events, if the soil of Bunker Hill, Concord and
Lexington is the last bulwark of liberty, we can no where fill more
honorable graves.

STRIKE OF THE AMISTAD CAPTIVES FOR LIBERTY.

On the 28th of June, 1839, the Spanish schooner Amistad, Ramen
Ferrer, master, sailed from Havana for Porto Principe, a place in the
island of Cuba, about 100 leagues distant, having on board as
passengers, Don Pedro Montes and Jose Ruiz, with 54 fresh African
negroes, just brought from Lemboko, as slaves. Among the slaves
was one called in Spanish, Joseph Cinquez. He was the son of an
African Prince. On the fifth night after leaving port, Cinquez, with a
few chosen men among the fifty-four slaves, revolted, striking

down the captain and cook, and took possession of the vessel.
The two sailors took the boat and went on shore, and Montes was
required, on pain of death, to navigate the vessel to Africa. He steered
eastwardly in the day time, but put about at night, and thus
kept near the American coast, until the 26th of August, when they
were taken by Lieut. Gedney, United States Navy, and carried into New London.
Judge Judson, of the United States Court, was sent for, and after a
short examination of the two Spaniards, and a Creole cabin boy,
without a word of communication with the negroes, the latter
were bound over for trial as pirates, although their utter ignorance
of any European language, and the admission of Ruiz himself,
showed that they were fresh Africans, and of course could not be
slaves by the laws of Spain. At this time, it was the united voice of
the public press and of public men, that, as a matter of course, they
would either be tried and executed here, or delivered up to the
Spaniards; and they would have been returned to their claimants had
not the eminent talents Of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS frustrated the
designs of the Administration.

They were released in 1841, by the United States Court, and
"they now sing of liberty on the sunny hills of Africa, beneath their
native palms, where they hear the lion roar, and feel themselves as
free as that king of the forest." They are living within a few miles of
the Missionary Station at Sherbron Island. Cinquez has built a town,
of which he is chief.

FUGITIVE SLAVES AT CHRISTIANA, PENN.

In the month of September, 1850, a colored man, known in the
neighborhood around Christiana to be free, was seized
and carried away by men known to be professional kidnappers,
and has never been seen by his family since. In March, 1851,
in the same neighborhood,

under the roof of his employer, during the night, another
colored man was tied, gagged, and carried away, marking the road
along which he was dragged with his own blood. No authority for
this outrage was ever shown, and he has never been heard from.
These, and many other acts of a similar kind, had so alarmed the
neighborhood, that the very name of kidnapper was sufficient to
create a panic.

In September, 1851, (as narrated by a correspondent of the New
York Tribune,) "a slaveholder, with his son and nephew, from
Maryland, accompanied by United States officers of this city and
Baltimore, went to Christiana after two fugitive slaves. The blacks,
having received notice of their coming gathered, a considerable
number of them, in the house which the slave-catching party were
expected to visit. The door was fastened, and the blacks retired to
the upper part of the house. When the slaveholder and his company
approached, they were warned off. A parley was held, the
slaveholder declaring, as it is said and believed, 'I will go to h--l, or
have my slaves.' The door was broken in, a horn was sounded out of
one of the upper windows, and, after an interval, a company of
blacks, armed, gathered on the spot, and the negroes in the house
made a rush down and crowded the whites out.

"Here, the parley was resumed, the spokesman of the blacks
telling the white men to go away; they were determined, he said, to
die rather than go into slavery, or allow any one of their number to
be taken. He declared, moreover, that the blacks would not fire, but
if the whites fired, they were dead men. Shortly, first the nephew,
then the slave-owner and his son, fired revolvers, wounding a number
of the blacks, but not seriously. One man had his ear perforated by a
ball; the clothes of others were pierced and torn; but, as the blacks,
said afterwards, 'the Lord shook the balls out of their clothes.' The
fire of the whites was returned. The slave-owner fell dead, and his son
very dangerously wounded. The whites then retired. One of the
United States officers summoned

the posse, but in vain. Some of the neighbors, Quakers and
Anti-Slavery persons, went and took up the wounded man and carried
him to one of their homes, where, while they told him, in Quaker
phrase, that 'they had no unity with him in his acts,' and abhorred
the wicked business in which he had been engaged, every attention
was paid him, and medical aid instantly sent for. The effect of this
treatment upon the young man, as our informant told us, may be
easily imagined. He wept, and vowed, if he lived, to correct the
impression people had at his home about Abolitionists. The doctor
pronounced his wounds mortal.

"People soon gathered in large numbers at this scene of blood.
The excitement was intense. Opinions and feelings conflicted, of
course, but there was a strong feeling in behalf of the blacks. While
the crowd were talking, and during the ferment, two blacks (brick-makers)
passed. One of the crowd exclaimed, 'There go two fellows
who should be shot!' The black men paused and faced the crowd, and
said calmly something to this effect,--'Here we are; shoot us, if you
choose; we are a suffering people, any how. God made us black; we
can't help that; shoot us, if you will.' The revulsion was
instantaneous and strong, and any man who had muttered a word
against the blacks would have been knocked down on the spot."

Several men, white and colored, were arrested for participation in
the killing of Gorsuch, the kidnapper; but, though the United States
Government expended about fifty thousand dollars in the
prosecution, they failed to convict any of the party.