10 NEED/PROBLEM ITEMS WITH SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES AMONG
RETIRED EDUCATORS, WORKING EDUCATORS AND SENIOR
STUDENTS OBTAINED BY AN ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR NEED
PROBLEM ITEMS BY GROUP MEMBERSHIP . ... . . .107

11 TOP THREE RESPONSES BY GROUP TO QUESTIONS ASKING FOR
MOST IMPORTANT ITEM IN SPECIFIC NEED/PROBLEM AREAS. . I

America was making a unified attempt at understanding and improving the

lot of its older citizens. However, many negativities, shortcomings,

and stereotypes surfaced as a result of research investigation. In 1971

Mason published an article that fairly well states the consensus of

the times. In it he says

I am sure that most of us would agree that the
direction in which we have been moving during
the past 10 years for the most part has not been
rationally planned. There have been responses
to problems with answers found as we have followed
the line of least resistance. (Mason 1971, p. 22)

The final report of the second White House Conference on Aging

(1971) described older Americans, as viewed over the previous decade,

to be "increasingly disadvantaged and at least one fifth were "still

in the desperate, life-destroying circumstances of dire poverty" (Flemming

1971, p. 3). It was at this convention that a firm commitment was

established for social service to the elderly (Morris, 1971). One of

the main focuses of conference staff effort was the importance of a

counseling function "to assist troubled or confused individuals to work

included establishing a center for the mental health of the aged within

The National Institute of Mental Health, and adopting the philosophy

of a right to care and treatment. It was further recommended that all

mental health programs be open to all elderly without having to submit

to a means test.

The American Personnel and Guidance Association (APGA) Committee

on Adult Development and Aging can be traced back to 1973. In that

year, a small commission, chaired by Dr. Daniel Sinick of George

Washington University,was formed and titled the Commission on Aging.

In 1975 the commission became a committee with the title which it now

bears (Ganikos 197u). Also in the decade of the 1970's, lullic Law

93-296 was passed (1974) that authorized the establishment of the

National Institute on Aging. The purpose of this law is to coordinate

all the federal agencies involved in aging research (H.E.W., 1977).

At last there was a clear focusing of energies to deal with under-

standing older Americans in the context of the total person.

Theoretical Considerations of Aging

Two major schools of thought dominate current thinking on the

psycho-sociological issue of aging: "The activity theory, which assumes

any decrease in a person's activity level will lead to a series of

negative changes for the older person" (Guilden, 1976), and the disengage-

ment theory, which assumes that a decrease in social interaction is

desired by the older American and accepted by society (Henry and Cumming,

1963).

Activity Theory

The activity theory was proposed by Havinghurst and Albrecht in

1953 (Guilden 1976). This theory stresses social role participation,

implying that active people are the happiest and express the greatest

life satisfaction (Neugarten, Havinghurst, and Tobbin 1961). Lemon,

Bengtson, and Preston (1972, p. 515) list four postulates that relate

the activity theory to life satisfaction:

1. The greater the role loss, the less activity one is likely to

engage in.

2. The greater the activity level,the more role support one is likely

to receive.

3. The more role support one receives, the more positive one's self-

concept is likely to be.

4. The more positive one's self-concept, the greater one's life

satisfaction is likely to be.

The view proposed by tle activity theory was favored by "most

of the practical workers in gerontology" (Havinghurst 1961, p. 4). It

has been termed the generally accepted theory (Cuilden 1976).

Those who support the activity theory believe that people should

hold on to the attitudes, values, and activities that were part of

their lives during middle age (at least) as long as possible. When

factors such as change in health or finances demand the discontinuance

of any activity, then the healthy thing to do is to fill the void with

another activity--not to pull away from avocations, or whatever activ-

ities one has found to be fulfilling. It seems part of human nature

to determine much of our self-concept from our activities. Activity

is seen as synonymous with psychological health and adjustment (Adams

1969; Britton 1963).

Tobin and Neugarten (1961), in interviewing 187 older Americans,

found that with advancing age, engagement (activity) rather than dis-

engagement was more clearly associated with well-being.

Butler and Lewis (1977) see one's personality as taking a key

role in determining reactions to biological and social changes, and

"an active rather than passive role is important for mental health

and satisfaction" (p. 27).

However, the validiLy of the activity theory is not insured

simply because it is the generally accepted theory of aging. "It

can be argued that the idea of staying active is a middle class value

which actually hinders the adjustment to the aging process" (Guilden

1976,p. 26). This may, as Henry and Cumming (1963) have pointed out,

"result in a failure to conceive old age as a potential developmental

stage in its own right" (p. 63).

Disengagement Theory

The systematic, theoretical statement of disengagement was first

proposed by Henry and Cumming in 1961. Others have expanded on the

model (Havinghurst, Neugarten, and Tobin, 1968; Maddox, 1964 ), but

the basic assumptions remain the same--an individual's withdrawal from

social activity has positive, intrinsic qualities. Disengagement is a

natural, free choice process, rather than something imposed upon the

older American (Henry and Cumming, 1963 p. 24).

Another basic assumption of the theory is that older persons are

by choice less involved in the life around them than when they were

younger, and the process by which they become so can be described

(Guilden 1976). Cumming and Henry (1971) see this process as initiated

either by the individual or by others in the situation (e.g., being

asked to retire). Disengagement may begin with the older person

withdrawing more markedly from some classes or groups of people, while

at the same time remaining relatively close and active with others.

Certain institutions in our society make it easy for the older American

to begin the disengagement process: The Social Security Administration

with early retirement benefits, early maturing insurance policies,

and the retirement policies of business and industries are but a few

examples.

When the aging process is complete, the equilibrium
which existed in middle life between the individual
and his or her society has given way to a new
equilibrium characterized by a greater distance and
an altered type of relationship. (Cumming and Henry
lv/l p. 15)

An example of disengagement is presented in the research of Alston

and Dudley (1973) in which they are able to show an increased routiniza-

tion of life over time. Their results lend further support to the

disengagement theory.

The disengagement theory assumes that change will occur in three

orders of interaction (Cumming and Henry 1'71, p. 15):

1. Individuals will lessen the number of individuals with whom they

interact. Also, the purpose of these interactions may alter.

2. A qualitative change will occur in the style or pattern of inter-

action between the older individual and other members of his inter-

actional system.

3. There will also be changes in the older individual's personality

which will both cause and result in decreased involvement with others,

and increased preoccupation with one's self.

A healthy person, as viewed with respect to this theory, will

usually be the person who has reached a new equilibrium--a psychological

well-being characterized by a greater psychological distance from others

and society, decreased social interaction, and an altered concept of

relationships (Guilden, 1976).

Fmpirical data supporting this theory are not convincing (Having-

hurst 1968; Maddox 1974). While Havinghurst and associates were able

to find some empirical support in their Kansas City Study of Adult Life,

their findings are insufficient for an unquestioned endorsement of

either the activity or disengagement theory (Guilden 1975).

In summary, the research indicates that neither the activity

nor the disengagement theory adequately deals with the total adjustment

of the older American. The past definitional, theoretical and method-

ological weaknesses that have existed in this area still persist, and

underscore the need for further research and theory formation.

Demographic and Statistical Description of the Older American

At the time of America's Declaration of Independence from England,

the total colony population was about 2.5 million (Prior, 1l77). Life

expectancy was 38 or 30 and the older segment of our population (65+)

numbered about 50,000, or about 2% of the total population. By 1900

Americans over 65 represented 4% of the total population. Infant

mortality was still high and the average life expectancy was 47 years

(Butler and Lewis, 1977, p. 5).

Through the advancement of medicine and improved sanitation con-

ditions this country has been able to reduce the infant mortality rate

and lengthen the average life span. Between 1900 and 1968 the total

U.S. population doubled, but the over 65 segment of our population

increased six-fold (Mason 1971, p. 5). Older Americans represented

5.5% of the total population by 1968. By 1976 this figure rose to 11%

of the total population--a segment 22 million strong. Peterson (1976 p. 3)

makes an interesting observation when he notes:

The achievement of the rate of zero population
growth for the past two years projected 30 years
from now gives us an estimate that one half of
the U. S. population will be over 50 years of age.

Whether or not the older segment of our population will ever

reach these proportions is debatable. But it does point to the

fact that older Americans are continuing to grow in numbers, making

a greater and greater impact on our society.

Each day approximately 5,000 Americans celebrate their 65th

birthday. Each day 3,600 persons above the age of 65 die. The net

increase of 1,400 per day means 500,000 more older Americans each

year (Prior, 1977). These figures underscore the need to see that the

responsive helping agencies of our society keep pace with the changes

taking place among the cohort group of older Americans by frequently

re-evaluating the present needs of the elderly. Mason (1971) has

pointed out that every 10 years 70% of the elderly population changes.

These new members most certainly bring with them different systems of

needs, values, and beliefs. If the helping professions and agencies

are to assist older Americans in meeting their needs, they must first

understand the population as it exists and have the flexibility of

thought to keep pace with the changes that will occur.

The following subsections provide a brief but important sketch

of the demography of the older American population.

Sex Ratio and Life Expectancy

American females outnumber males at a ratio of 105.5 per 100 males

in the general population (Butler and Lewis, 1977, p. 5). The difference

among the older segment of our population is even more pronounced.

There are 134 females for every 100 males. In the 85+ category this

ratio increases to 160 females for every 100 males. In America the

life expectancy of females is 70.0 for white and 71.2 for minorities.

The life expectancy for American males is 68.9 for whites and 62.9 for

minorities (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1976). The fact that females

have a longer life span might seem to indicate a biological superiority

of the female organism. However, this researcher believes that it is

the stress differential existing between the different life styles of

the sexes that accounts for this difference. As females take on more of

the pressures and responsibilities that have historically been left to

the males, it would seem logical that the life expectancy differential

between the sexes will begin to collapse.

Income

Poverty is very much a part of the lives of older Americans. In

1971 ten million older Americans, half of the older American population,

lived on less than 75 dollars a week (Butler and Lewis, 1977, p. 11),

16% lived below the official poverty level of $2,100 for a single per-

son and $2,600 for a couple. These figures compute to just a little

over three dollars a day for shelter, food, clothing, transportation,

medical expenses--the bare bones of existence.

Location of the Elderly

One fourth of the nation's elderly live in three states: California

New York, and Pennsylvania (Prior, 1977). The fastest growing elderly

population (1960-1970) are in the states of Arizona, Florida, Nevada,

Hawaii, and New Mexico. Tn each of these states the over-65 population

increased by one third or more during this ten-year period. In 1975

Florida had an older American population that accounted for 16.1% of the

state's residents. In 1975 California had the greatest concentration of

the nation's elderly--2,056,000. New York was second with 2,030,000.

The above mentioned states, because of their high concentration of older

Americans, make logical targets for further research on the elderly.

Martial Status

Butler and Lewis (1977) and Prior (1977) have underscored the well

known fact that among the elderly there is a great discrepancy between

the marital status of men and women. In 1976 seven million or 77% of

the older American male population was married. Only 53% of the older

American females were married (Prior, 1977). There are many more older

women than men. Because these women usually have married men who

are older than themselves and who die at an earlier age there are 5.5

times as many widows as widowers. In the 75+ category, 70% are widows.

In our culture men tend to marry women younger than themselves.

This situation reduces the availability of marriage partners for older

American women; thus, only 2.2 widows per 1000 over the age of 65 re-

marry. Widowers over the age of 65 remarry at a rate of 18.4 per 1000

(Prior 1977). Butler and Lewis (1977, p. 7) state the fact another

way: "Each year some 35,000 older men marry while for the women the

comparable figure is only 16,000."

Living Arrangements

It is a common stereotype to think of the American elderly as

residing in institutions. Early gerontological and psychological

studies of the elderly contributed to this notion by concentrating on

the institutionalized elderly as a convenient population to be sampled.

These studies no doubt contributed to the notion that institutionalization

was to be expected in one's later years. However, in fact only 5% of

the elderly reside in institutions (Butler and Lewis, 1977); 95% of the

elderly are living elsewhere.

Of the total older American population, 30% of the men and 60% of

the women live in family units with spouse and/or children. Approximate-

ly 25% live along or with nonrelatives (Prior,1977). Pointing again

to the discrepancies that exist by sex, Prior (1977) states that about

57% of all older American men live in a family unit that includes a

wife, but older American women who live in families that include a

husband account for only 33% of all older women. "More than three

times as many older women live alone or with nonrelatives than did older

men." (Prior, 1977, p. 6).

Place of Residence

As of 1974, 65% of all older Americans lived in metropolitan

areas. Of the approximately 40% living in non-metropolitan areas,

most (35%) lived in small towns, while 5% lived on farms (Butler and

Lewis, 1977).

Level of Education

In 1975 half of the older Americans had not
completed one year of high school. About 2.3
million older people are functionally
illiterate, having no schooling or less
than five years. About 8% were college grad-
uates. (Prior 1977, p. 6)

While these, figures reflect U coaort group with an educational

level below the national average, it is encouraginP to note that the

educational level among the elderly seems to be on the rise. Pdlmore

(1976) predicts that by 1994, the older American population will equal

the middle-aged population (45-04) in level of education.

Racial Composition

Butler and Lewis (1977) provide an excellent profile of the racial

composition of the older American population. The following information

was taken from their book--Aging and Mental Health: Positive Psycho-

logical Approaches (Butler 6 Lewis 1977).

American Blacks. Elderly blacks now constitute 7.8% of the total

black population. While blacks comprise 10 of the total American

population, they represent only 5" of the older age group. This fact

is generally a result of their low socio-economic status which involves

poor nutrition and health care. Black males have a life expectancy of

60.1 years while black females live to an age of 67.5 years. In 1970

this difference meant that for every 100 black elderly men, there were

131 black elderly women.

Spanish Americans. Spanish Americans make up approximately 5% of

the total American population, but because of their relatively low life

expectancy of 56.7 years, they comprise only .02% of the total elderly

population. Of the Cuban American population 8.6% are over 65.

American Indians. American Indians are the poorest people in

America. Their life expectancy is only '17 years. Very few survive to

the age of 65.

Last Asian Americans. Oriental Americans comprise 1% of the total

American population. Of this 1%, 6-8a are over 65, over hall live

alone, and over half live in big cities.

Society's legiative View of Aging

America is a youth-oriur.nd culture. To tell someone that they

look young is a compliment. The valuation of youth has contributed

greatly to the devaluation of the elderly and to all the associated

negative stereotypes and prejudices that exist in our culture today.

Older Americans are often looked upon as less than full citizens.

They are a segment of our population who have been "sacraficed .

for the sake of productivity" (Butler G Lewis 1977, p. 141), and

devalued both culturally and physically (Buckley 1972, p. 755). As a

society Americans have maintained and propagated the view that the

elderly are a cohort group whose health and vigor have decreased

(Aslin 1974), who are behind the times and who are rigid thinkers, set

in their ways with little or no worth to our present day society.

The National Council on Aging (1977) describes the American

myth of the elderly:

Typically, he's a man in his sixties. Not so long
ago, he was a productive member of society. But
as he approaches 65, his job brought him less and
less satisfaction. His work suffered, he had more
than his share of on-the-job accidents, and his
number of sick days increased. He looked forward
to forced retirement with growing eagerness.

He used to live in his own home, but he can't get
around as he once did, his savings are almost gone
and he will most likely live out his days in an
institution for the aged.

Although his needs are fewer than when he was young,
he's becoming a drain on the country's resources;

still, after so many years of stress, ie feels he
deserves a little peace and quiet.

He gets depressed more than he used to, and his sex
life is a thing of the past. Like most people over
65, he's apt to forget things, make foolish remarks,
throw tantrums. He accepts these chaugics, Lecause
after all, this is his second childhood, a time of
disengagement. (;:COA, 1977)

The myths of aging are not objective occurrences in our society.

They get translated into personal belief systems. Americans of all

ages become unwitting supporters of "ageism," and thus propagate all

"the prejudices and stereotypes that are applied to older people sheerly

on the basis of age" (Butler S Lewis, 1977, p. lIll). Rosenfclt

(1965) saw the elderly being viewed as dull and uncreative. Harris

(1975) in surveying 4,254 people, reported that those under 65 viewed

the older American as basically inactive, nonproductive members of

society.

Ageism is historically ingrained in our society, and for the past

century seems to have increased rather than decreased in its intensity.

An analysis of children's literature from 1870 to 1960 shows a decreas-

ingly positive attitude toward the elderly(Seltzer E Atchley, 1971).

That whichshapes our thinking as children helps to form our belief

system as an adult.

Humor is another way in which ageism gets promulgated in the

American culture (Palmore, 1976). In cartoons and jokes where the

elderly are represented, the majority of the time the connotation is

negative. Jokes make fun of the elderly for their physical disabili-

ties, appearance, or mental limitations. Jokes stereotype older

American women into the role of "old maid,';a consequence is age

concealment.

Television, the most powerful and influential of the ma:;s media,

seldom represenLs the elderly appropriately. When they are repreiented,

it is often in a deferring role, for example, with :i dominant and

attractive female. The elderly are portrayed as having more than the

average share of problems and having to rely on the competent younger

adult for assistance (Horthcott, 1975).

Americans approaching their later years are bomLarded with commller

cial advertisements to hide their hearing aids, wear contact lenses

instead of glasses and dye their hair for that youthful appearance.

The outcome of these campaigns is often a lower self concept for the

elderly. A natural reaction to these commericals is a desire to be

other than one's own age.

America has described the later years of life in such negative

terms that it is no wonder that older Americans have internalized

negative beliefs. For example, the suicide rate for persons over

55 is twice as high as for those under 55 (Gardner Bahn, 1964), yet

the older American is reluctant to seek help. In a sample of 8,000

first calls to a suicide prevention center only 2.5% were from persons

60 or older (Rachlis, 1970).

Ageism is doubly destructive. It not only places today's elderly

in a subjugated position, with feelings of worthlessness and poor self-

esteem, it sets up the general population with the negative expecta-

tions that the same decrements and infirmities of life will befall

them when they are older.

The fact that so many of America's elderly are poor is a direct

cause of many of the problems of this age group. Poverty breeds

mental illness (Butler Lewis 1J77). It can cause malnutri Lion and

anemia that directly result in psychological changes within the individ

ual.

It seems that the elderly are often victims of a vicious circle

of events and circumstances. External events or the beliefs of "ageism"

infringe upon the person in a way that leads to a state of depression.

This internal state may lead to loss of appetite, which may lead to

undernourishment, or even malnutrition, and negative psychological

changes. The internal state produces changes which are seen as age

related, but in actuality are the reversible reflections of the

affective state of the individual (Jarvik, 1975).

This researcher has sought to counter the effects of ageism by

presenting a clear picture of the needs and problems of older Amer-

icans. By profiling these needs and problems, helping professionals

will have a sound basis for developing their individual strategies for

serving the client population. Training programs ,too, will benefit

from the results of this research by placing the training emphasis

where the needs and problems are indicated.

Counseling and the Elderly

On a societal level, the problems of the aged at
any particular time arise from two primary factors:
1) the composition of the aged population at that
time (size, economic status, health, beliefs), and
2) the social environment within which the elderly
are located (housing, medical facilities, welfare
programs, kinship patterns). (Uhlenberg, 1977,
p. 190)

As a population, older Americans have readily demonstrated the

need for counseling services, but the concept of counseling is outside

their sphere of experience. Vany of today's older Americans have

lived their lives with a strong sense of independence and self-reliance.

Seeking out the help of others, for any matter, has been a last resort.

Yet millions of older Americans live from day to day with a wide

variety of unmet needs.

Buckley (1972) found the elderly's most common problem to be a

feeling of separateness, a feeling of having been put aside, discarded.

Negative beliefs about aging and retirement became self-fulfilling

prophecies as Americans left employment and entered into a more

unstructured life style. Work, which promoted ego strength and feelings

of acceptance among colleagues and peers, was gone. Work, which

offered an escape from the tensions existing in the home, was gone.

With retirement came hugh blocks of time, often with no plans for

filling the hours. Idleness shifted the focus to one's self. The

loss of income and self-esteem forced a change in life style and often

brought about feelings of dependency.

Loneliness is another problem of the elderly often reported in

the literature (Buckley, 1972; Caitz S Scott, 1975; Jackson, 1976).

This problem is especially prevalent among older black women. In 1970

25% of the elderly black women had never had children. Additionally,

there were about 77.2 black males for every 100 females, and many of

the males had younger wives. Only 20% of the older black women lived

with their husbands (Butler & Lewis, 1977). Jackson (1976, p. 51)

has stated "The plight of loneliness generally increases with age,

and cannot be reduced effectively through the typical ploys of aging

services." Counselors and other helping professionals will Le called

upon to find new ways of approaching this problem area.

With the death of one's spouse, social isolation increases and

cultural isolation follows. The sharp changes in personal relation-

ships, the abrupt changes in social status upon retirement, all serve

to precipitate an identity crisis for the elderly. When individuals

are unable to respond in a way that moves them through times of crisis,

an attitude of helplessness ensues which "can easily lead to inactivity

with consequent intellectual decline that could have been avoided in

the absence of detrimental psychological influences" (Jarvik, 1975,

p. 578). Although the need for counseling services among the elderly

is evident, the programming of those services still requires further

input on the needs and problems presented by this potential client

population.

What is so often the case with the elderly is the fact that many

older Americans have to deal with not one major crisis in their lives,

but a series of related changes at a time when strength, self-con-

fidence, and resilience seem Lo be waning. Life-coping strategies

that worked in the past are often found to be inadequate when older

Americans are faced with multiple crises in their later years. Some

older Americans would choose a counseling service if it were offered

(Myers, 1978), while others would attempt to handle their problems

themselves. In either case, by gaining a better understanding of

counseling as a viable choice in one's personal problem solving

system, older Americans can open for themselves the realization that

one's later years hold just as much potential for growth and develop-

ment as any other period in one's life.

The younger segment of American society, who have been exposed

to the human potential movement of the 1960's, seem generally to accept

that it is a human condition to, at times, need the psychological and

emotional support of others. There is a healthy connotation to

receiving help in one's personal growth. Older Americans, on the other

hand, seem caught between the behavioral patterns of independence

learned in the past, and the problems of today's complex and rapidly

changing world.

The challenge to the counselor presents no small task--to help

older Americans see the value of helping professionals as people

trained to assist others in working through problems so that happiness

may again return to their lives. But, as a general rule, older Amer-

icans are still not using counselors as resource people. Buckley

(1972) found that only 1% of the contacts at a mental health center

were from persons over 65. Stevens (1973), doing a needs survey in

a public housing project for the elderly, found that the professionals,

although carefully selected, were met with suspicion and mistrust.

The respondents feared how the information might be used. The coun-

selor's task is clear--to understand older Americans against the back-

ground of their values and beliefs, and to develop appropriate

strategies to help them meet their needs.

When older people are able to get over the feelings that needing

counseling is a sign of personal failure, and begin working with

helping professionals, the interaction process is generally not so

different than with any otheradults seeking help.

When older people come in for counseling they have
the same need's that we find among the youth and
middle-aged: the need to feel loved, to feel self-
worth, to have practical matters of life made clear
or easier, to be understood by someone who cares,
to find a way to cope and carry on when problems
seem insurmountable, and to find acceptance and
support. (Buckley, 1972, p. 755)

Literature in the field of aging and adult development is exten-

sive (Schmidt, 1976), but in the area of counseling the elderly the

literature is scarce. While America, a society, has physically and

culturally devalued the aged (Blake, 1972), helping professionals

have followed suit. No doubt the stage was set (circa 1900) when

Freud refused to see patients over 50 years of age because they did

not have the "elasticity of the mental processes on which counseling

depends" (Hiatt, 1971). In the 50 years since Freud, little has

changed. "Older people have been the forgotten and ignored of the

American Personnel and Guidance Association" (Blake, 1975, p. 736).

A review of APGA journals reveals "virtually no concern for the

experiences of the elderly." During the period from September 1968

to September 1974, only eight articles appeared concerning the

elderly. In an article by McDaniels (197') which projected counselor

employment needs in the near future, there was no mention of geron-

tology. As the literature is found lacking, so is there a dirth of

training programs offering counseling in gerontology. "The majority

of students enrolled in counselor education programs do not have the

opportunity to take a course specifically designed for counseling the

elderly" (Salisbury, 1975, p. 236). In a questionnaire survey of 305

counselor education programs (Salisbury, 1975), none was found to have

a required course in counseling the elderly. Only 18 had a course

available as an elective. This and other evidence (Schlossberg,

Vontross, Sinick, 1974) indicates that "ageism" must not he thought

of as a value judgement which exists only outside of the helping pro-

fessions. Counselors have not been immune to the biases present in

the general population. Unfortunately, "ageism" is evident in the

quality and types of services offered to the older American.

The literature has shown that, as a general rule, the mental

health practitioner has a negative, defeatist attitude about the prob-

lems of the elderly client. There is often careless diagnosis. Where

the therapist believes the majority of the symptoms and problems to

be irreversible, treatment is either poor or non-existent. Yet, this

belief is totally without foundation. "Over 50% of the elderly show

prompt and longlasting response to therapy, another 20% show a positive

reaction" (Linden, 1963). Because the later years of life have

been falsely characterizedas atinlc.f psychological and emotional

rigidity, counseling and other psychological services have either

not been offered, or have been established with less than a full

commitment to the elderly.

In the face of the overwhelming evidence of the presence of

"ageism" both among the elderly and among helping professionals, it

seems increasingly important that Americans be given some preparation

for their later years. It cannot be assumed, in the generally pre-

vailing atmosphere of today's society, that all people will prosper

and grow old gracefully with feelings of self-worth.

These changes seem indicated in the field of gerontological

counseling: 1) counselors must increase the level of their awareness

of their own beliefs about aging, 2) they must integrate into their

practice the findings of recent literature aimed specifically at

counseling the elderly, and 3) there must be a focus on educating the

older American in both the value of outside help in working through

one'sproblens and the idea that life is a developmental process in

which one's later years hold the opportunity for personal growth and

self-fulfillment. Research of the type undertaken here hopefully

helps to clarify the picture of the needs and problems of the older

American. This knowledge can and should be a solid foundation upon

which to build both counselor training and social service program

implementations.

Maslow's Basic Needs Theory

The idea that human needs are arranged in a hierarchy is not

exclusively a Maslowian idea (table 1). This theory has been proposed

in one form or another by various writers (e.g., Argyris, 1957; Davis,

1956; Haire, 1956; Leavitt, 1958; Smith, 1955; Viteles, 1953). Maslow

was not even the first theorist to assume a hierarchical system of

needs, movitation, and growth. Langer (1937) preceded him by some six

years. But it has been Maslow's theory (1943, 1954) that has been

quoted, used in research across many disciplines, and cited as a

reference in many fields other than psychology. For example, Maslow's

work has often been referred to in the field of business. In 1974,

Maslow's (1943) article ranked second in the total number of citations