President Obama's message on his Farewell Address:

In 1796, as George Washington set the precedent for a peaceful,
democratic transfer of power, he also set a precedent by penning a
farewell address to the American people. And over the 220 years since,
many American presidents have followed his lead.

I'm just beginning to write my remarks. But I'm thinking about them as a
chance to say thank you for this amazing journey, to celebrate the ways
you've changed this country for the better these past eight years, and
to offer some thoughts on where we all go from here.

Since 2009, we've faced our fair share of challenges, and come through
them stronger. That's because we have never let go of a belief that has
guided us ever since our founding—our conviction that, together, we can
change this country for the better.

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home!
(Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so
much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.)
We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that
I'm a lame duck because nobody is following instructions. (Laughter.)
Everybody have a seat. (Applause.)
My fellow Americans — (applause) — Michelle and I have been so
touched by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few
weeks. But tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we
have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you,
the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on
factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those
conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and
kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a
better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)

“This is where I learned that
change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get
engaged, and they come together to demand it.”

So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was
still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in
my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began
working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was
on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet
dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when
ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come
together to demand it.
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's
not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea — our
bold experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all
created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights,
among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the
insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been
self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our
democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The
freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and
imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a
common good, a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and
purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose
republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that
makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees
across oceans and the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to
reach for the ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why
GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan.
And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give
theirs, as well. (Applause.)
So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that
our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the
capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our
progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard.
It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two
steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep
of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of
our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great
recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of
job creation in our history — (applause) — if I had told you that we
would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's
nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind
of 9/11 — (applause) — if I had told you that we would win marriage
equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20
million of our fellow citizens — (applause) — if I had told you all
that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But
that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.
You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you,
by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it
was when we started. (Applause.)
In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.
AUDIENCE: Nooo —
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power
from one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed
to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the
smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.
(Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can
help us meet the many challenges we still face.
We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet
those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful,
and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity
and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that
the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if
our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of
our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party
affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common
purpose that we so badly need right now.

“... democracy does require a
basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward
differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.”

That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy.
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued.
They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the
same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of
solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in
this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)
There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that
solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those
times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the
specter of terrorism — these forces haven't just tested our security
and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we
meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to
educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In
other words, it will determine our future.
To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone
has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy
is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts
are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy
are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters
records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate
has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at
the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it — if anyone
can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the
improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as
many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)
Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause.)
But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not
enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few
prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks
who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic
argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic
ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth
and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties,
have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or
health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay
the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their
government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe
for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our
trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic
dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless
pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee
all our kids the education they need — (applause) — to give workers the
power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to
reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so
corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy
don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very
success possible. (Applause.)
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be
complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create
opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has
stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as
our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial
America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.
Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've
lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were
10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (Applause.)
You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of
young Americans across the political spectrum.
But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to
do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then
workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the
wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If
we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because
they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own
children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger
share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our
economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for
all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to
uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in
education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what
our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)
But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change
overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But
if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then
each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in
American fiction — Atticus Finch — (applause) — who said “You never
really understand a person until you consider things from his point of
view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very
real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in
this country face — not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural
poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy
who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen
his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We
have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of
slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — (applause) —
that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in
reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage
peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal
treatment that our Founders promised. (Applause.)
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the
stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word,
about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going
to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out,
America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these
newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was
strengthened. (Applause.)
So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try
harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow
citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard
work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious
and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)

“We all have to start with the premise that each of our
fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they
value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just
as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.”

And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to
retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college
campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds,
surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political
outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked
partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the
splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes
this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we
become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only
information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead
of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (Applause.)
And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But
politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In
the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the
different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of
facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that
your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason
matter — (applause) — then we're going to keep talking past each other,
and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.)
And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How
can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money
on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for
corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own
party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not
just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's
self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way
of catching up with you. (Applause.)
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've
halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable
energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save
this planet. (Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't
have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy
dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic
disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the
problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future
generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the
essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided
our Founders. (Applause.)
It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an
economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape
Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every
pocket.
It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy
of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and
tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a
post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just
on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the
rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and
assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)
That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who
claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals
who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself
as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is
more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear
of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a
contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an
intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the
gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of
what's true and what's right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform,
because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and
diplomats who support our troops — (applause) — no foreign terrorist
organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our
homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and
Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous
radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective
and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of
terrorists — including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're
leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about
half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens
America will ever be safe. (Applause.)
And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my
lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt
of gratitude. (Applause.)

“... we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.”

But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our
military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we,
as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must
guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
(Applause.)
And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the
fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've
ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing
surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's
why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as
patriotic as we are. (Applause.)
That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand
democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No
matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such
values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against
extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a
piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist
aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law
shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between
nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to
kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray
our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals
like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world —
unless we give up what we stand for — (applause) — and turn ourselves
into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened
whenever we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of
party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our
democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are
some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it
easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions
is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our
politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in
public service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should
draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to
common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)
But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on
our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of
citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be
swinging.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really
just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people,
give it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our
participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that
we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms.
Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us.
America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to
freedom are not assured.

“Our Constitution is a
remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment.
It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power.”

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that
self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and
liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much
pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this
truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;”
that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate
any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties”
that make us one. (Applause.)
America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to
become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing
to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with
whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We
weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than
others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and
when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our
own role in electing them. (Applause.)
It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians
of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to
continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all
our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title,
the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.
So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not
just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is
at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of
arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in
real life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your
shoes and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your
elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for
office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.

“... you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you.”

Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of
goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times
when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate
enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me
tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your
faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed. (Applause.)
Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen
the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I
have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found
grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed
man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points
were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers
rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I've seen
the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through
their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for
peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)
So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here,
in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith
has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope
your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you
were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 — (applause) — maybe you still
can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're
not the only ones. (Laughter.)
Michelle — (applause) — Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South
Side — (applause) — for the past 25 years, you have not only been my
wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend.
(Applause.) You took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your
own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.)
You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.)
And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a
role model. (Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the
country proud. (Applause.)
Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have
become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but
more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full
of passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so
easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your
dad. (Applause.)
To Joe Biden — (applause) — the scrappy kid from Scranton who became
Delaware's favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a
nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been
a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother.
And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one
of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)
To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a
whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to
reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism.
I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new
journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you
never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against
cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good
that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're
going to achieve from here. (Applause.)
And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an
unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer
who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the
first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of
change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever
hope for, and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.) Because you did
change the world. (Applause.) You did.
And that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about
this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only
helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially
so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a
difference — (applause) — to hitch your wagon to something bigger than
yourselves.
Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic,
creative, patriotic — I've seen you in every corner of the country. You
believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know
that constant change has been America's hallmark; that it's not
something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to carry
this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber all of us,
and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (Applause.)
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you.
(Applause.) I won't stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as a
citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young
or whether you're young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your
President — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight
years ago. I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about
change — but in yours.

“I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.”

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit
sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign
battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every
American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Yes, we did. Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)