Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Zwolle, 31 March 1782

[salute] Sir

On Thursday evening, the Deventer magistrates passed the resolution necessary for
your Excellency’s recognition as minister plenipotentiary of the thirteen United States
of America. The citizens of this city presented their petition Friday morning and
the magistrates responded that they had already passed the resolution. Kampen, I was
informed, was very well disposed. It was linking its approval of taxes to the conclusion
of a commercial treaty with America. A petition presented at Zwolle resolved to urge
the committee charged with examining your excellency’s memorials on behalf of this
city, to give its advice and bring to an end the deliberations in the city. This is
sufficiently constitutional, but is too drawn out. This is why I tried to explain
the necessity of following Deventer’s example and of giving orders to the city’s deputies
to the Diet to immediately declare themselves for independence, etc., and I hope my
efforts succeed. But I fear the nobles. These vile creatures make up half of the regency.
Nevertheless, I hope these petitions will have some influence on them. The preachers
are even beginning to support them. One of them prayed to the good lord today: May
the efforts of the people be blessed!

The aristocratic demon is still playing his part in Zwolle, even the trade guilds,
of which there are many, and hundreds of citizens wanted to sign the petition. But,
some of them, whose pride led them to falsely believe themselves to be superior, refused
to sign if it were to be decided by a mob, and so they had to be deferred to. I was,
however, not beyond suggesting to these people that they sign a separate petition,
and I believe my advice had some influence on them. They started to cry out that it
was high time to repair the injustice done to me and to readmit me to the assembly.
My attachment to America and my conduct regarding the Scottish brigade1 has endeared me to my fellow citizens, who feel that it would have been dangerous
and harmful if the republic had allowed itself to be drawn insensi• { 370 } bly by England to its side, which is what was intended by this insidious request.
The province of Gelder is assembling on April 16th. I am angry that it is not earlier
and I have the honor to be with much respect for your Excellency, your very humble
and very obedient servant

From Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Passy, March 31. 1782

[salute] Sir

I received yours of the 10th Instant, and am of Opinion with you, that the English
will evacuate New York and Charlestown, as the Troops there, after the late Resolutions
of Parliament, must be useless, and are necessary to defend their remaining Islands
where they have not at present more than 3000 Men. The Prudence of this Operation
is so obvious, that I think they can hardly miss it: otherwise I own that, considering
their Conduct for several Years past, it is not reasoning, consequentially, to conclude
they will do a thing because the doing it is required by Common Sense.

Yours of the 26th. is just come to hand. I thank you for the Communication of Digges’s
Message. He has also sent me a long Letter, with two from Mr Hartley.1 I shall see Mr. de Vergennes to-morrow, and will acquaint you with every thing material
that passes on the Subject. But the Ministry by whom Digges pretends to be sent being
changed, we shall, by waiting a little, see what Tone will be taken by their Successors.
You shall have a Copy of the Instructions by the next Courier. I congratulate you
cordially on the Progress you have made among those slow People. Slow, however, as
they are, Mr Jay finds his much slower. By an American who goes in about Ten Days
to Holland, I shall send you a Packet of Correspondence with Mr Hartley, tho’ it amounts
to little.

[salute] With great Esteem I have the honour to be Your Excellency’s most obedient & most humble
Servant

From Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Brussels March. 31. 1782

[salute] Sir

I Congratulate your Excellency on the Confusion in England. A Letter from thence received
this day says, that the King sent on Saturday night (ie, Saturday sennight), for the
Chanceller conversed with Him, and deffered—so parted, and about 4 o Clock on Sunday
Morning sent again for Him to come immediately; the Chancellor sent him Word, that
He was too ill, but would come as soon as He arose, which was about 10, when the Consultation
began (Lord Stormount present). The next morning Lord Shelburne was sent for, arrives
at 10, Stays til 12, and then goes to Lord Rockingham to acquaint Him, that His Terms
were entirely aceeded to by his Majesty, who desired Him to send Him his Arrangement
which was also acceded to, and announced by Lord Shelburne, who called on his Return
on Mr. Fox about 2 O Clock, who then set out with Mr. W Pitt for the House of Commons.
Mr. Fox Called by the way on the Duke of Richmond, and about 3 got to the Houses,
where the members were waiting with the utmost distrust Impatience and Anxiety. Mr.
Dunning then quietd their Uneasiness by declaring that the Cabinet was settled, and
that the inferior departments would be filled up before Wednesday—so that tomorrow
(Tuesday last) warrants will be issued out for the Reelection of such Gentlemen as
will do his majesty the Honor to serve Him.

1. In the new cabinet Shelburne was ostensibly responsible for home and colonial affairs,
while Fox was concerned with foreign affairs; in practice both sought to control peace
negotiations. It should also be noted that Conway was appointed commander in chief
and that Thurlow was the only holdover from the North ministry.

2. The Contractor’s Bill prohibited any party to a government contract not open to public
bid from holding a seat in the House of Commons.

Bartholomé Wild to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Utrecht, 31 March 1782

[salute] Your Excellency

Being born a free man in Switzerland and living in this free republic for more than
40 years, it should not surprise you that I am interested in a new free people, and
that, with God’s help, they will escape British tyranny by surmounting this enslavement.
Our province, especially the inhabitants of this city, has learned with great joy
that the states of Holland have finally recognized their freedom, and would like to
commence a treaty of friendship and trade that could only be advantageous for both
nations or republics. We hope that the other provinces will take a firm resolution,
equal to the one taken by Friesland.

This letter is to inform you that last Friday, a petition presented to our states’
deputies to this same effect, signed by 83 manufacturers and traders, was favorably
received. Yesterday, an extraordinary session was held on this subject in order to
prepare for the conclusion of the assembly of their noble mightinesses next Wednesday.
I have reason to believe that the wishes of the good bourgeoisie will be achieved
and that in the end we will triumph over all of the country’s traitors, that is to
say, the Anglomanes.

I have the honor to provisionally send you the petition, and ask that you keep it
until I will have the satisfaction of sending you the second one with all of the signatures.1

I dare tell you that along with Mr. Hoevenaar, the state prosecutor, I have devoted
all actions to arrive at this point and be assured that with the reservation of very
few people, mostly nobility and bourgeoisie, all are for the good cause. The all powerful
blesses this work and may it accrue to his glory and our common prosperity.

[salute] I recommend myself, with your kindness, in having the honor to be with the great consideration
of your Excellency, your very humble, very obedient, and very devoted servant

1. The petition was dated of 29 March, but the copy that Wild, a Utrecht bookseller,
apparently enclosed with this letter has not been found. The Adams Papers, however, do contain what is likely the copy with 83 signatures, including Wild’s,
that he promised to send later. It is printed, with the names of the signers entered
in an unknown hand.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0235

Author: Collins, Isaac

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-03

From Isaac Collins

[dateline] Mill Prison, Plymouth March 1782

[salute] Sir

It is no less a duty which I owe to myself, than to those, my fellow Citizens and
fellow Captives, with me here: that I am at present induced to address you, the subject cruel as it is, can by
no means whatever be Justified, nor could either my fellow Captives, or self, have
conceived the most distant Idea, that a person of such distinguished abilities, and
honored as you are by the call of your Country to the high rank in which you now exist,
could have descended so much beneath, the dignity and Character of an Ambassador,
as to let private prepossession, or unmerited partiality, take precedence of equity
and justice within the line, or limit of your administration, or in any degree, to
have met your countenance, much more, to have been your very direct and immediate
act and deed, wholly uncontrovertable and as plain a demonstration as that one, and
two, make three. And as I have a greater and more sufficient reason, to think myself more particularly
aggrieved, than the generality of my fellow sufferers here, I will be plain to tell you, that for some months past, I have been flattered, and
finally promised to be released, against one of them three Gentlemen of this Country
who were prisoners, to the American Flag in Holland, and for whom you have in direct
violation of all laws of equity and justice demanded three Boys, purely because they
are natives of the same Town with you (Brantree) in partial and unjustifiable exchanges
of this nature, a man may rot in prison, because his immediate fellow Citizen, or
{ 375 } | view { 376 } Townsman, is not an Ambassador to the Court of our Allies, or such other court in
Europe wherein the American Flag is protected. It is several months to my knowledge
since that the Duke of Richmond undertook to negociate the exchange of them three
prisoners against Capt. McNeil, Mr. Wm: Cozeneau and myself at the requisition of
some of our Friends then in Holland, and I had been fully informed that the fair,
was acomplished and we were the persons compriz’d in exchange for them, to prove this
fact, I have sufficient vouchers in the Letters of several Gentlemen friends to humanity
in this Country, to wit, Mr. Wren of Portsmouth and Mr. Heath of Plymouth, and had
you in preferance to us who were first mentioned and appointed to exchange them Men;
taken three of the oldest, longest or most senior Prisoners in England, some of whom
are five years and upwards captives, I had not thought it so unjustifiable and injudicious,
but your giving the preferance to three Boys, merely because they were your townsmen
is in the opinion of almost all the prisoners here as well as myself a flagrant breach
of Justice and equity which you can no ways palliate, and altho’ you may think this
unworthy of your notice and attention, yet let me tell you that however unfortunate
we may be at present, we hope by the interposition of divine Providence to be one
time, or other released from this and enabled to return to our Country when be assured
we will not forget or let pass with impunity, such flagrant acts of your ministry,
by stating in true Colours, and in a clear point of view, your Conduct in this particular,
which in fact and as a duty you owe your Country, you ought, instead of increasing
the woes of your fellow Citizens in captivity as in this instance; you should and
it is your indispensible duty to alleviate as much as possible their distresses, for
know Sir, as I am free to tell you, that ministers are constituted by, and for the
good of the people whom they represent to see and administer justice freely, honorably,
uprightly and impartially, and not as you have done on this occasion, therefore if
you have any thing to urge in defence of so unjust, not to say unpardonable a proceeding
you will be brief, as we hope soon to be all sent home, without the Assistance of
your ministry, or being under any gratitude whatever, I am however, Sir, Your humble
Servant

1. For Collins, born in Gloucester, Mass., and captured on the Black Princess in Oct.
1781, see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, Isaac Collins, by John Brewster Jr. 375No. 7, above. Collins’ charge that JA’s efforts { 377 } on behalf of his Braintree neighbors obstructed the exchange of himself and his fellow
prisoners has not been substantiated. JA’s assistance to the Braintree prisoners was wholly monetary and there is no evidence
in the Adams Papers that JA knew of or was involved in any effort to exchange Americans held in England for British
subjects held in the Netherlands.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0236

Author: Digges, Thomas

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-02

From Thomas Digges

[dateline] London Ap 2. 1782

[salute] Dr Sir

I wrote You from Ostend the 27th Ulo and stated what I had done with Dr. F. I arrivd
here the last mail day but too late to look about me and to write so fully as I could
have wishd. I found the intire kick up of the great ones to make much noise and to
give universal pleasure. As the Parliament is not setting no fixd measure of the new
people is yet talkd of and the reports are various and vague. Mr L being out of town
and still in the West of England I had not the opportunity of making my first communications
with Him or of mentioning anything from You. As Genl. C–n–y was privy to and at the
bottom of my message to You, I was not many hours in Town before I communicated to
Him the sum and substance of what I brought. From him I went to the man whose province
it now is to act in any negotiations with Ama. (Lord Shelburne). I am intimate with
Him and he was pleasd with the Communication and matter of my irrand in every instance
but that of the necessity of communicating any serious or direct profer, going from
hence, to the French Ministry.1 I have had much conversation with Him and others of the new ministers on the matter;
They all talk of Peace with America if it can be got by great and direct offers, but
what this great offer is I cannot learn for they rather draw back when a question
is put is this the offer of Independence. Notwithstanding such shyness their insinuations
go to that point; but I should be glad to be ascertaind of the real fact. I found
all ranks of people delighted with the change of men all and every visage speaks a
general joy from the prospect of getting better times and Peace with America; but
a quiet thinking American even in the midst of this clamor is apt to reason with himself
and things, and to say to what point of good will all those changes tend? will my
Country or those European friends who have helpt her be benifited by the new system
and set of men; certainly no; without that new set of men go heartily to the work
of Peace. Every declaration among the great and leading men is for Peace, but I suspend
my opinion until I see some actual measures adopted for { 378 } the attaining that desirable object—a Peace with america seperately from France seems
universally scouted; and within a few days an opinion seems to go generally abroad
that the Present ministers are likely to detatch Holland from its presents connections
with the house of Bourbon—This I look upon as only a maneuvre to help the Stocks;
yet it is confidently said that the marquis of Carmarthen will be sent forthwith to
Holland, and that a messenger is already gone to the two Imperial Courts to desire
them to again open their intercessions for Peace. There are vast exertions making
in the Navy and no increase of Army—The new men have the wishes of the people very
much with them and there is an appearance of unanimity wch during my 8 or 9 years
residence here I have never seen before. Lord Sh–ne is the only new minister suspected
of not wishing to go to the length of declaring American Independence; but I think
his good sence and excellent information of things in America must make him think
the measure a necessary one whatever He may hold out as his intention. He may be said
to be prime minister for the great work is in his department, he having all the Southern
district of Europe, the whole of home and Irish matters, the East and West Indies,
and every thing relative to America. There seems a little disunion between him and
the premier Lord R–m, but I cannot tell where the disunion lays. If the whole of them
do not pull together it will not be long a popular ministry. My Communication and
interest wth Lord Sh–ne has procurd me a promise of a Chart blanche to look for any
of my papers that may be transfered from Lord Hillsboroughs office to His, but this
cannot be done till some consequent arrangments take place and indeed I am rather
chagrind and His telling me that it never happens that the whole of papers are turnd
over from one to the other office when a minister retires for the Custom is to make
a sweep of office as they term it and to destroy every paper that the retiring minister
does not chuse to take away with Him. I fear in this way Mr. L–ns is likely to loose
His or a chief part of them. Mr. Galloway had the Examination of them and not longer
ago than 6 months, a considerable part of them and extracts of them were arrangd for
publication for the virtuous and honest purpose to gull John Bull into a belief that there yet remaind a chance from the
vast numbers of fds to Government in America their distresss, want of resources &c.
&c. gave every hope of success to his majestys arms from another vigorous Campaign!!!
Strange as this may appear, I had it from such authority as I cannot doubt. { 379 } When Lord G. Germain walkd out of office he took the most of Mr L–ns’s papers with
Him.2

I have been very busy for a day or two in the business of Capt Luke Ryan and Captain
MaCator both Condemnd and likely to suffer.3 There were some prisoners brought up from Mill Prison by Habeas Corpus as Evidence
to prove american property and Commission in the last mentiond Ship, McCators, and
I have obtaind from the now Admiralty a promise that these witness’s shall not be
remanded to prison but left on Parole. There is a Young man soon going to his home
by way of Amsterm in one or some Amn vessel that may be going from thence provided
He can obtain a passage, He has been a hostage and now set at large so that likely
in a day or two I may give You a line by Him.

1. Digges’ report to Lord Shelburne regarding his meeting with JA on 21 March differs significantly from JA’s account of their conversation. Compare JA’s comments to Benjamin Franklin (26 March, above) with the following memorandum Digges submitted to Shelburne:

[dateline] [30 March 1782]

“Mr. Adams, Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, Mr Laurens and Mr Jefferson are the Commissioners
in urope to treat for Peace.

“Their Powers are to treat and conclude with the Ambassadors, Plenipotentiarys or
Commissioners of the States with whom it may concern.

“Each of them are vested with equal powers relative to the Establishment of Peace
and a majority of them, or any one (the others not being able to attend) can treat
and conclude.

“Mr. Adams cannot speak to any proposition of a direct tendency to Truce or Peace
from England without consulting His Colleagues, and from them it must be expected
to go to the French minister; The other Belligerent powers having as yet no right
to expect information about any propositions for Peace.

“There may however questions be askd Mr Adams and His Colleagues that they may not
think essentially necessary to communicate to the French Court. And any proper messenger
sent to ask such questions will be answerd with confidential Secrecy.

“Mr. Digges read over Mr Adams’s Commission; It is dated the 15th. June 1781, and
His Powers (wch are exactly the same as the other four) are as full as possible, and
go to conclude as well as treat for peace.

“Mr. Adams’s first Commission appointed Him to the Court of Great Britain; and this
was in force until abot the beginning of Sepr 1781 when the above Commission conjointly
with the other four was received in Europe; And it was so alterd by Congress for no
other reason than some ill treatment of the Americans by the British Army in South
Carolina and from the unfavorable treatment shewn Mr Laurens in the Tower.

“Mr. Digges has Mr Adams’s assurance that any questions put to Him as to further consulting
upon the mode of opening a parley or entering into a treaty shall be confidentially
and secretly answerd. And altho His, Mr As name, stands first in the Commission any
direct propositions made to Dr. Franklin will be equaly attended to.

“Mr Digges leaves these memorandas with Lord Shelburne for the purpose of His Lordships
communicating them to any other of the present administration whom Mr D has not the
honor to know” (MiU-C:Shelburne Papers).

The most controversial points in Digges’ report are the fifth and eighth paragraphs,
which insinuate that JA and his colleagues { 380 } would be willing to negotiate a separate peace—a flat contradiction of Congress’ instructions (vol. 11:375–377) and of every letter JA had written since the beginning of 1782 regarding the possibility of peace negotiations.
In fact, when Shelburne met with Henry Laurens on 4 April, he stated that Digges assured
him that JA said “the American Ministers can treat for Peace with Great Britain, Independent
of France” (Laurens, Papers, 15:400–401). Laurens’ skepticism that JA would make such a statement, and Shelburne’s desire to confirm it, resulted in Laurens’
undertaking a mission to the Netherlands to meet with JA. See Laurens’ memorandum, [post 18 April], below.

Digges also misrepresented the reasons why the U.S. peace commission was expanded.
See Commissions and Instructions for Mediation and Peace, 15 June 1781 (vol. 11:368–370).

3. Luke Ryan and Edward McCarty (or Macatter), of the vessels Cologne and Black Princess respectively, were Irish smugglers with commissions as privateers from both Benjamin
Franklin and the French government. On 30 March they were sentenced to death for committing
acts of piracy “under color of commission from the French king although natural born
subjects of this kingdom.” The trials of the two men before the High Court of Admiralty
received comprehensive coverage in the London newspapers, including the General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 1 April and the London Chronicle of 30 March – 2 April. Digges testified on behalf of the two men who, following the
intercession of the French government, were pardoned (Sheldon S. Cohen, Yankee Sailors in British Gaols: Prisoners of War at Forton and Mill, 1777–1783, Newark, Del., 1995, p. 195, 257).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0237-0001

Author: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de

Author: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-02

The Duc de La Vauguyon to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 2 April 1782

I had proposed, sir, to spend a few days in Amsterdam at the end of this week, but
I am absolutely obliged to remain here and will have the honor of informing you of
the reasons. In the meantime, I want very much to speak with you and pray that you
would come to The Hague unless you are indispensibly detained at Amsterdam.1

Herr von Low to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Neuwied, 2 April 1782

[salute] Right Honorable Sir and Minister!

Since the repeated announcement in public German newspapers of the fact that the United
States of North America is trying to find and hire experienced engineers and would
guarantee them excellent and good conditions, so I have wished to do a favor for one
of my friends, who as a practical engineer has worked for the French, and thus I have
wanted, most { 382 } obediently, to ask your right honorable sir for further information about the abovementioned
conditions, before my friend, who is traveling for business at the moment, negotiates
this matter further in writing and will not fail to recommend himself under your right
honorable sir’s protection. In the meantime I have the honor to obediently request
a reply to this inquiry,1 remaining with all respect, your right honorable sir’s obedient servant

1. There is no indication that JA replied to either this letter or a second of 16 May that is in French (Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0239

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Jenings, Edmund

Date: 1782-04-03

To Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Amsterdam April 3d. 1782

[salute] Sir

Last night I recd yours of March 31. inclosing a Receipt from some American Prisoners
for Money advanced them. Let me beg of you sir to Point out, in what Way, I may remit
this Money. I am ready to pay a Bill upon Sight, or to purchase a Bill here and transmit
it, whichever is most agreable.

The new British Ministry will only, plunge their Country into deeper Misfortunes if
they Spend time to negotiate a seperate Peace. It is not less extravagant and insolent
than the Project of Conquest entertaind by their Predecessors. America Stands, at
present upon so high Ground, that even the Continuance of the War, will be a Blessing
to her, if War can ever be called a Blessing. It will be a constant Source of Wealth
and Power. It cannot therefore be expected of her that she should abate an Iota of
her Pretensions.

Pray how do you like the Petitions from the Dutch Merchants and Manufacturers. They
appear to me to have given a Reputation to the American Cause, which will be an Increase
of strength and Power, equal to a great army or Navy. For one need not read Hobbes
to learn that Reputation is Power.

The Amsterdam Requite was drawn by my Friend Calkoen, tho he has admitted into it,
some Mistakes that of Leyden by My Friend Luzac, that of Rotterdam by my Acquaintance
Van Zoon of the Hague.1 But there is scarcly a City in the Republick which has not followed the Example.
You know Some of the Ploughing and hoeing and harrowing, which has prepared the Ground
you know Some of the seed that has been sown, and that it was Humphry Ploughjog• { 383 } ger2 who sowed it. But the Crop has exceeded Humphrys most Sanguine Expectations. Nature
almost allways has occasion for a Midwife you know. I wonder what may be the sentiments
of some People against whose Judgments, Exhortations and Warnings all this Mischeif
has been done. Will they deny, Sentiments which can be produced under their Hands?

From Samuel Andrews

I wrote your Excellency per the last post respecting my business in this City. I now
take the Liberty by my worthy and good Friend Mr Texier to send you the Memore of
this business which I declare to your Excellency upon my honour is the truth on my
part And by which you will see how Cruelly I have been treated in Martinieque as also
in this City. Had I have Lost my Intrest by shipwreck or have been taken by the English
I should not have thought so much of it But to loose it And to be taken from me by
those who I would sopose ware my friends it is Cruel to the last degree. I am fully
perswaded from your Excellencys Goodness you will due every thing for me in your Power
to retrieve this Intrest which if Lost I am fully runie’d as will also hurt the Estate
very much of deseased friend Mr Gray.

[salute] I have the Honour to be with due Respect your Excellency most Obedent & very Humble
Sert

Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Zwolle, 5 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I wrote to Burgomaster Hooft,1 fully explaining the situation here in this province, and asked him to write to you.
The cities made good resolutions. But I am still uncertain about the nobility. Wednesday,
by all appearances and some information, they were hardly disposed to recognize independence.
But some believed that they received orders from The Hague on Wednesday evening, and
at the very least it was said that yesterday there was some change in their rhetoric.
I expect the matter will be decided today, at least the great work will happen this
morning. But there are still ways to deliberate and postpone.2 I received a letter from my friend Valk. Although I make it a habit not to bother
anyone with solicitations, I do not know how I could refuse a request from my deserving
friend. He had the misfortune to be completely ruined by this unexpected war. He resolved
to go to America. But his wor• { 385 } thy wife hoped very much to remain in her native city of Rotterdam. Couldn’t there
be some way that Congress could employ this courageous man in some capacity? For example,
as an agent he could have the chance to earn an honest living and could start some
new business. I ask your Excellency to think about it. I recommend my friend as a
zealous and enlightened patriot and as a merchant who has studied his craft. I can
also assure your Excellency that both countries are obliged to him. I cannot say more
about him.3 I have the honor to be, in great haste, your Excellency, your very humble and very
obedient servant

2. In fact, the States of Overijssel voted on 5 April to admit JA as minister plenipotentiary and recognize U.S. independence, for which see van der
Capellen’s letter of 6 April and JA’s of 19 April to Robert R. Livingston, both below.

Johann Ulrich Pauli to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Hamburg, 5 April 1782

[salute] Right Honorable Sir

If your Hanseatic Charge d’Affaires Monsieur Martens1 were soon to inquire whether your honor would be ready to authorize the settling
of a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the Hanseatic Cities, then this is not a mere
question of curiosity. The Hanseatic Cities would offer relatively bigger gains and
advantages to the Americans, than the Dutch gentlemen would ever be able to offer
them. In case of actual authorization, I would like to make you a proposal of the
same mutual bank between the Hanseatic cities and the American states, which would
be advantageous to both, so that your fellow citizens and ours can trade pleasantly
and willingly as they would trade amongst themselves. This is a great and important
matter and, as I hope and believe, one of great trust and assurance. The principles
on which this matter would be founded are most simple. They are the principles of
freedom and justice themselves. These principles would never expire. But first I would
have to give you the necessary information about this verbally. In the meantime I
could tell you this, namely, if you will authorize this, and when the authorization
has been made you would like to deal with me especially, then the Hanseatic Cities
would not want me to have any other special considerations for other par• { 387 } ties. I would like to have a candid and quick reply as to whether your present authority
for concluding commercial treaties is sufficient that you could or could not extend
such treaties to the Hanseatic Cities, which serves no other purpose than that both
parties would have the most advantageous prospects and services in the future. At
least you could, in case it might be necessary, easily obtain further authorization
from Congress and in the meantime you could make the current necessary preparations.
Should your honor decide to make the journey to the Hanseatic Cities at this pretty
season and on good roads, then2 I would offer you my house. I live in the beautiful suburb of St. George. You can
stay with me, incognito, as long as you would like to be able to further the necessary
preparations, in the meantime, I remain your honor’s most humble and most obliged
servant,

2. At this point in the left margin is the fragmentary passage: “[ . . . ] alle in meinen [ . . . ] Kräfften sei. [ . . . ] ende Dienstleistungen.” Translated literally this reads, “[ . . . ] all in my [ . . . ] powers [ . . . ] and services.” It may have been intended for insertion in the body of the text, but
the location cannot be determined.

The Comtesse de Quadt Wykeradt to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 5 April 1782

[salute] Monsieur

Since your Excellency has purchased our house in Fluwelen Burgwal where I am residing
until May 1st, and where I must continue to be present in order to attend to my business
affairs, I ask you permission to stay on for { 388 } a month longer, or at least two weeks. In exchange, I offer to put the rooms and garden
in order before your arrival and while hoping for a favorable reply, I have the honor
to be, sir, your Excellency’s very humble servant

To the Comtesse de Quadt Wykeradt

[dateline] The Haye 5 April 1782

[salute] Madam

I am sorry it is not in my Power to agree to your Request in your Letter of this Days
Date. But it is absolutely out of my Power, as I am obliged to remove from my House
at Amsterdam, on the first of May. I have the Honour to be very respectfully Madam
your most obedient and humble servant

[signed] J. Adams

Dft (Adams Papers). The draft is written on the reverse of the Comtesse’s letter of 5 April, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0245

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Andrews, Samuel

Date: 1782-04-06

To Samuel Andrews

[dateline] Amsterdam April 6. 1782

[salute] Sir

I have recd your two Letters,1 and Should be glad to do you any Service in my Power. I will endeavour to Speak to
the Nobleman you mention upon the Subject. But as I know nothing of the merits of
your Cause, you must be Sensible that there is little Prospect of Succeeding. He is
a very good Character and I flatter myself is disposed to oblige me: But it will Seem
odd to him to write to Versailles at my desire, about a subject that I understand
not. He is, besides at present very full of Cares publick and private. I will endeavour
however to do you, all the Service I can, being with respect, your most obedient and
humble servant

To Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol

Am curious to know what Use will be made in the States of overyssell of the Memorial
of the Russian Ministers. Will it be used as a Pretext for delay? It is really a Serious
Thing, that great affairs should be thus obstructed by little ones. This Memorial
promises more than Mr Fox’s Letter authorizes. The armistice proposed is but a proposal
of a Breach of Faith already pledged to France.1

Will this Republick abandon France and america, and throw themselves alone upon the
Mercy of England? Is there one Regent in the Republick that would advise it?

As to the affair of your Friend Valk, I can only Say that I should be happy to have
it in my Power to serve, any Man upon your Recommendation: but in this Case I have
no Power.

If a Treaty should be made, I presume Congress will send a Consul to this Republick:
but that Consul will be an american. This I take to be the fixed Resolution of Congress,
to Send as Ministers and Consuls abroad her own Sons and she expects to receive from
her allies as Ministers and Consuls, their own native Citizens. This, you will readily
agree is the best Policy on both Sides, and indeed the only Policy that can give mutual
Satisfaction. Congress will not certainly multiply Agents, and will have no occasion,
probably for more than one Consul, in this Republick. This Consul may have occasion
for a correspondent in each maritime City, but the Choice will lie with him, and it
will necessarily be Sometime before he is appointed and can arrive. But alass are
We not Speculating before the Time. An Ecclesiastical order, which is a Non Entity,
can delay the Measures that are judged necessary by the Cities and Nobles in Utrecht.
The Nobles, perhaps in overyssell may delay matters there. A Single City, or a first
Noble in Zealand, may obstruct the Decision of that Province. And of Groningen We
hear nothing at all.

Patience upon Patience is necessary. When a Resolution appears upon the Point of being
taken, Some new Device appears to throw all aback. But when one Magazine of Patience
is exhausted We must open a new one, untill the last fails.2

[salute] With great Respect I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant

1. On 29 March, Charles James Fox informed the Russian ambassador at London that Britain
was willing to agree “to an immediate cessation of hostilities” with the Netherlands
and negotiate a peace treaty based “on free navigation according to the treaty of
1674.” This effort to separate the Dutch from the French represented a reversal of
the British policy toward the League of Armed Neutrality. The Russian ambassador immediately
wrote to Gallitzin and Markov, his colleagues at The Hague, and on 3 April { 390 } the two men submitted a memorial to the States General that contained the new British
offer. Fox’s proposal failed because the French opposed a separate Anglo-Dutch peace
and because the offer was made on the day the States of Holland voted to recognize
the United States. By the time Fox renewed the offer in May, the States General had
made the recognition official (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 387–388, 396–397; Edler, Dutch Republic and Amer. Rev., p. 200; Dumas to Robert R. Livingston, 10 May, Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:408–410).

2. When JA published this letter in the Boston Patriot of 13 March 1811, he inserted the following
note:

“N. B. in 1810. I heard a gentleman in the Senate Chamber ask my friend Mr. Izzard,
who upon some occasion was somewhat impetuous, ‘have you no patience?’ Izzard replied,
very quickly, “I believe I have a great deal for I have never used any of it.”

“I am somewhat apprehensive that posterity will think the reverse of this true with
regard to me: and that I had occasion for so long a course of years to draw so largely
on my magazine, that in the latter part of my public life it became scarce and almost
exhausted.”

To the Marquis de Lafayette

[dateline] Amsterdam April 6th. 1782

[salute] My dear General

I am just honored now with your’s of 27th. March. All things were working rapidly
together for our good, untill on the 3d. instant, the Russian Ministers at the Hague
presented the Memorial which You have seen in the Gazettes. This will set twenty little
Engines to work, to embroil and delay: but I believe that in the Course of four or
five Weeks We shall triumph over this which I take to be the last hope of the Anglomanes.
The Voice of this Nation was never upon any occasion declared with more Unanimity,
and the numerous Petitions have already done an honor and a Service to the American
Cause, that no Artifice can retract or diminish.

As to the Visit, Mr. Franklin is informed of the whole.1 It is nothing. The new British Ministry are in a curious Situation. There is but
one sensible Course for them to take, and that is to make the best Peace they can
with all <Europe> their Enemies. We shall see whether they have Resolution and Influence enough to
do it.

As to Credit here, I am flattered with hopes of it, provided a Treaty is made, not
otherwise. Whether that will be done and when I know not. I can never foresee any
thing in this Country, no not for one day, and I dare not give the smallest hopes.

Your confidential Letter had better be sent by the Comte de Vergennes’s Express to
the Duke de la Vauguyon. I hope We shall have a good Account soon of Jamaica.

I am extreamly sorry, that Mr. Jay meets with so much delay in Spain. The Policy of
it is totally incomprehensible.2

Am happy to find that your Sentiments correspond with mine, { 391 } concerning what We ought to do, and have no doubt that all will be well done in time.
What is there to resist the French and Spanish Force in the West Indies? or in the
Channel? or in N. America? or in the E. Indies? If my Dutchmen fairly concert Operations
with France and Spain, and the Seas are kept with any Perseverance, all the Commerce
of G. Britain is at stake. Yet your Caution not to be too sanguine is very good. Spain
does not yet seem to be sufficiently awake, and the English Admirals under the new
Ministry will do all they can.

I fancy they will try the last Efforts of Despair this Summer, but their Cause is
desperate indeed. Never was an Empire ruined in so short a time, and so masterly a
manner. Their Affairs are in such a state, that even Victories would only make their
final Ruin the more compleat.

2. When JA published this letter in the Boston Patriot of 13 March 1811, he inserted the following note at this point: “N.B. In 1810—i.e.
‘Incomprehensible,’ upon any equitable, candid and honorable principles of a common
interest among the allies—but very comprehensible upon the principles of pedlars and
jockeys, on which the Comte de Vergennes too often acted in American affairs.”

3. In the Boston Patriot, JA inserted the following note at this point: “N.B. in 1810—The affection and esteem
expressed in this letter to the marquis were sincere. I believed him to be a gallant
and honorable youth, sincerely attached to America. I knew his connections, the Duke
de Mouchy, the Duke de Ayen, the Prince de Poix, the Viscount de Noailles, and in
short the whole family of Noailles, which contained six Marshals of France, as I was
told: in a few words the whole family of Bourbon had not so much real influence in
France as this family of Noailles. I was then fully convinced that this letter would
be communicated to the court. I have reason to believe it was communicated to the
King in person, for the Marquis wrote me, that the king had expressed to him a high
esteem of me.” On 7 May, Lafayette wrote to JA that “I was the other day, pleased to Hear the king of france Speack of You to me
in terms of the Highest Regard” (Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790, ed. Stanley J. Idzerda and others, Ithaca, N.Y., 5 vols., 1977–1984, 5:36–37).

Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Zwolle, 6 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I have the satisfaction to communicate to Your Excellency that the States of Overijssel
resolved yesterday, nemine contradicente,1 to recognize Your Excellency as minister of the United States of North America. Blessed
be God.

[salute] I have the honor to be, with a profound respect for Your Excellency, your most humble
and most obedient servant.

From Adrianus Dubbeldemuts

[dateline] Rotterdam 6th. April 1782

[salute] Sir

The letter which your Excellencÿ has done me the honour of writing me the 22d. past
reached me in Course. Since the Copy of the petition of the Merchants of this place
to their Magistrates, which Covered my last, has been So acceptable to your Excellencÿ,
I take the libertÿ to add here the Rotterdam Gazette of this daÿ,1 Containing Chiefly an adress to our Said Magistrates which I had the honour not only
to offer them yesterday by writing, but to pronounce before them, with all that emphasis,
which fear for being lulled a Sleep bÿ a treacherous Ennemÿ, and on the other hand
a prospect of being restored in ancient Rights, Could even inspire to a lover of libertÿ:
I took the freedom to declare our present Committees that, in order to Shew posterity
what we had done to employ well the present favourable Circumstances, we would place
the Said adress in the gazette of this daÿ: maÿ this have the desired effect, and
our adhérency to the intrest of America produce those great ends, the liberty of that
So long oppressed Country, the blessings of trade without limitation, and a general
Peace, the best of earthly happiness, provided it be not the fruit of low and Creeping
Submission. I Need not to Say how much it will add to my real Satisfaction when your
Excellencÿ will favour me with his aprobation of the Step I took; but still more when
you’ll be pleased to give me two minutes of that precious time which you So nobly
employ in the Case of your Country and your bretheren; any time Your Excellencÿ Shall
be { 393 } pleased to fix for a Short interview, will be acceptable to Your Excellencys Most
Obedient humble Servant

From Anthony Mylius

[dateline] April 6th 1782

Whereas the happy Moment is arrived that the united States of America are or in Short
shall be acknowledged as Free and Independent by the States of these United Provinces,
and that in Consequence thereof a Treaty of Commerce, Trade and Navigation is to be
made between the aforesaid States, by which the Commerce, Trade and Navigation shall
increase and florish more and more, And as different Sorts of Acts, deeds and Instruments
will be required to be made for or between Merchants, Masters of vessels and other
Persons, to serve and to be made Use off in the aforesaid states of America; And whereas
all Affidavits, Protests or Instruments which must be Sworn, first must be drawn and
Sworn in Dutch, according to the Customs of these Lands, and afterwards translated
and made Authentick by two or three Publick Persons to great Inconveniency and Charges
of the Concerned Persons; And as the Underwritten is acquainted with the Principal
Languages of the United states of America, And hath yet had the Honour to employed
as Notary and Translator by Your Excellency, and is still employed by several Houses
of this City, trading and dealing with the Inhabitants of the aforesaid States of
America; Therefore the Underwritten do take the Liberty by these Presents, to make
his Application to Your Excellency, in Case it may be tought proper by the Free and
Independent states of America to appoint and nominate any Person in this City to administer
the Oath of all such Affidavits or Protests and to make Authentick all such deeds
or Instruments as in Commerce, Trade or Navigation may be required to serve and to
be made Use off in the States of America aforesaid, to recommand his Person to your
Excellency, and that all Upon reasonable and ordinarÿ Terms or Fees to be paid by
the Concerned Persons, in Support of the Underwritten and his Familÿ as he sustained
Several dammages and losses in the last Year by the Unjust war of Great Brittain as
otherwise.

To M. Baraux

[dateline] Amsterdam 7. April 1782

[salute] Sir

I have communicated your Letter, which You did me the honor to write me on the 21st.
Ulto., to Messs. Ingraham & Bromfield of this City, who have furnished in the inclosed
Letter a List of Merchants as You desired, to which I beg leave to add Richard Cranch
Esqr of Boston.

There will probably be, after a Peace, a considerable Trade between the several Ports
of the United States of America and Trieste, thro’ which place I fancy several American
Productions will find their Way into the Interior of the Austrian Dominions. I should
be obliged to You for your Sentiments of this Trade, and what Commodities Americans
may dispose of in that quarter, and what they may recieve in return.

To Adrianus Dubbeldemuts

I have recd. your favor of yesterday inclosing a Gazette with a new Petition or Address
to the Magistrates of the City of Rotterdam.

While the People entertain such sentiments and hold such a language their Liberties
and Prosperity can never be essentially in danger.

I should be very happy to see You at any time while I stay in Amsterdam, or after
my Removal to the Hague. If I should come to the Hague the latter end of this week
or the beginning of next, I should be glad to recieve You there; but I cannot at present
indicate the day. With much Respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &ca

The formation of commercial and political Connections between our Countries is ushered
in with so much solemnity, it is accompanied by such elaborate discussions of the
Prosperity of the Measure, and triumphs at last in such an Unanimity, as will form
an Epocha in the History of both Republicks. It must have a striking effect, and make
a deep Impression upon all Europe. If it produces a universal Peace, it will be glorious:
but if the War continues, the two Republicks will cement their commercial and political
Connections by it, and increase their naval Power, and make themselves mutually more
respected and courted by all other Nations.

I expect every hour the Arrival of some Vessels, which may bring Us News of your Brother
Commodore Gillon:2 as soon as I recieve any, I will send it You with pleasure.

1. In his letter of 30 March from Rotterdam (Adams Papers), Hodinpyl congratulated JA on the action taken by the States of Holland on the 28th and then launched into a
lengthy paean to the forthcoming Dutch-American alliance and the benefits to both
nations from such a union. He offered his services to JA, but there is no extant response.

From Francis Dana

[dateline] St: Petersbourg March 28. O.S. [8 April N.S.] 1782

[salute] My dear Sir

I had the pleasure of your favour of the 15th March this morning, in which you acknowledge
the receipt of mine of Feby 10/21 and of the paper enclosed; but you say nothing of
another paper which I sent you by the same post, enclosed in blank, relative to the
same subject: I hope it has safely reached you notwithstanding. I have wrote to you
since, on Feby. 21. O.S. And to Mr: T. on the 5/16 inst: by a private hand.1 Besides I have sent to your care by the last post but one, through different hands,
three letters for our new correspondent; all of which I wou’d wish to be sent by the
same opportunity. One of them you will find is marked duplicate: it is the duplicate
of that which you had received before.2

The change of System in Britain (all the particulars of which I have seen as published
in the English Papers) must it wou’d seem have its consequences, beneficial to that
Nation, unless the folly of the leaders in the new majority shou’d prevent it, by
pursuing a { 396 } course in fact not less extravagant and absurd than that of conquest. You will at
once perceive that I allude to the plan of the bill proposed by the Attorny Genl:
which seems to reach the professed intentions of those leaders, at least, though it
is calculated to dupe them and to keep matters in the same hands.3 I have said this change might be attended with beneficial consequences, because if
the wisest improvement is not made of it, the Nation cannot fail of soon experiencing
the most dreadful calamities. Her distresses it is no longer possible to conceal;
and these have wrought out the present change. However it may turn for them, will
it not greatly advance our Interests? The whole world must now see that Nation itself
proclaiming its utter despair of obtaining the great object of the war. And after
this, will they think they ought to wait till Britain has acknowledged in form the
Independence of the United-States, before they venture to enter into any political
connections with us? Or in other words, will they risk their exclusion from great
commercial benefits, by neglecting to accept of them when tendered by the United-States?
The close of the War, may close these offers in some parts at least.

I am glad to hear some folks are at last occupied in very serious thoughts of doing
that which they ought to have done long ago. This late change, I fancy, will spur
them on. I shall readily excuse your not writing me while your time is taken up in
the manner you mention. I hope you will not forget me in your leisure hours. Be not
discouraged about your health. When your affairs go right it will, I presume, mend
fast, especially if you will frequently ride on horseback, as you have been accustomed
to do. I flatter myself I shall yet see you in all your glory at the Hotel des Etats-Unis,
for I wont talk of laying my bones in this Country. I thank you for your opinion upon
my proposed attempt. The difference between our situations which you have pointed
out, is most certainly just. I have all along been sensible of it, and my conduct
has been influenced by it.

To your question what is the reason a certain event does not take place? I can give
at least one reason, a want of a proper connection. Of this I have said something
in my letter No. 1. to our new Correspondent, which passes through your hands open.4 Others may be given, but I shall say nothing about them here. I agree with you that
we have no particular reason to wish for Peace. I have always hoped to see this war
end in a maritime war on our part: that is, that it shou’d continue for some time
after the British were driven completely out of our Territories. And I have seen no
reason to change { 397 } this sentiment. Of course I do not wish to see any negotiations for a Peace going
on while the British possess an Inch of our Country. You may be right in your conjecture
that they will evacuate it, if they are not prevented by being made prisoners in their
garrisons; yet I have some doubt of this, not because I do not think it the wisest
measure they cou’d take, but because, I beleive, they imagine that holding some possession
there they will be enabled to acquire more favourable Terms or to negotiate with less
disadvantage, and perhaps a seperate Peace. This seems now to be the object which
fascinates the present Majority or its leaders, and that may bring on the surrender
of the residue of their Troops. What can save them from this fate, if they are shut
in by a naval superiority? France is by this time convinced that the British Barbarities
have thoroughly wean’d us, and I trust will again give us that superiority, which
alone we want to rid ourselves entirely of our Enemies. Her late system of war I am
charmed with, not only where it immediately affects us, but elsewhere. She has deffered
her conquests, except of such territories as were ravished from her last War, till
the moment when no one can justly accuse her of making them with any other view than
to compel a haughty and an obstinate Enemy to submit to reasonable terms of peace.
If she preserves her moderation in the season of negotiation, her glory will be established
on the surest foundation. I fear the affair of St: Kitts is not finished in the manner
you suppose. A little time will give us the Issue of that Expedition. I am, my dear
Sir, with the warmest wishes for your health and success, your much obliged Friend
& humble Servt:

P.S. Please to give directions for the copy of Genl: Washingtons Miniature, and to
desire Mr: T. to send on my Maps of the Low-Countries, with my others things. Master
John is in high health. He does not study the language of this Country, but he is
learning German which, I believe, you wou’d prefer before Russian. He says he will
write you soon and give some account of his doings.5 He is still engaged with Cicero but if you think it best he will lay him aside and
take up Sallust. Point de Grecs ici.6

3. For Henry Seymour Conway’s motion to end the offensive war in North America and the
motion for an Anglo-American truce proposed by the attorney general in the course
of the debate, see Edmund Jenings’ letter of 7 March, note 1, above. Dana would not yet have learned of the fall of the North ministry on 20 March,
official news of which reached the British ambassador at St. Petersburg on 25 April
(De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 388).

4. In his letter to Dana of 15 March, above, JA asked why the armed neutrality could not recognize the United States and allow its
accession to the confederation. In his letter of 5 March to Livingston, Dana wrote
that the lack of co-ordination between the members of the armed neutrality was due
to its division into three parts: Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and Holland; Russia and
Prussia; and Russia and Austria (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:223–225).

From Thomas Digges

[dateline] London Ap 9 1782

[salute] Dear Sir

I have not yet been able to see Mr L, he having left Town just before my return to
it and not having got back till yesterday. Without my urging to Lord S–ne the propriety
of immediately speaking to Mr L on the matter of my message to You and for releasing
him from every tye here, I found His Lordship had concluded to make his approaches
to that quarter, for most assuredly it is the right one, and I beleive He was purposely
calld to Town about it.1 If they mean any thing sincere and direct that is the road and I hope they are about
it. I could wish however I had it more in my power than I now have to say I had clearly
discoverd the intentions of the new set, at least those I have conversd with viz Lord
S–ne, Lord C–d–n, Genl Conway and Lord K– to be that of going to Peace with America
on the avowd basis of Independence. Every voice pronounces it to be their intention,
but I like a little more open declaration for so doing. Time will shew what is meant,
but I own appearances at present do not please me.

There is a universal conversation and opinion got forth for a seperate peace with
Holland built intirely upon the re-opening the Empress the mediation for Peace; and
the new ministers have got credit with the publick for the active manner they went
to work to renew it. The whole of the Cabinet seem to be well likd by the People and
much praises are forth, for their vigorous exertions in the naval line in particular.
America seems to be forgot, for one never { 399 } hears now about Her, save when some blunderhead holds forth for seperate Peace with
America and Holland and a hearty drubbing to the French. John Bull will keep up this
sort of language as long I beleive as He can roar out anything.

I have had every indulgence shewn me toward the recovery of my papers;2 but altho I have a Chart Blanch to search in the office, things are not yet so entrain
in the new offices as to have things in proper order for looking over. Notwithstanding
the savage practice of every Minister when he goes out of office making a sweep and
taking all papers he likes with Him, I have yet the hopes of soon getting the material
part of mine; and if ever after that I am a supplicant for any favour in England I
hope I shall be foild. I have been more than commonly lucky with the Admy Departmt
for I have with very little or no trouble got the prisoners who were brot from Mill
Prison by Habeas Corpus as evidences in the case of Luke Rian and Captain McCator
releasd from going back to Confinement, and got passes for the two who were tryed
for their Lives and acquitted. These, together with 7 or 8 arrivd to day from the
West will shortly move over, and one of them will see You.

If there are any papers in the Request or Memorial way come forth since I got the
last, please to Send them by a Young Man I recommended to You from Ostend3—They are all translating and will be put into the Remembrancer with any preface or
other additions You may think fit. Any thing for news paper publication will be immideately
attended to if sent according to the direction left.

1. At Plymouth on 2 April, Laurens received a 30 March letter from Benjamin Vaughan informing
him that Lord Shelburne wished to see him “without delay” (Laurens, Papers, 15:475–476). In the wake of the Shelburne-Laurens meeting on 4 April rumors regarding
peace were rife in the London press. For example, the Morning Herald of 10 April reported conversations between Laurens, Rockingham, Shelburne, and Fox
over the terms for re-establishing the peace that included acceptance of the Declaration
of Independence; an American minister at London; the evacuation of New York and Charleston;
the restoration of Georgia; British retention of Florida, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland,
and Canada; a commercial treaty; Britain's admission to the American market as a most
favored nation; and finally, and contradictorily, “The King of England to cede Canada
and Florida to the Congress, and to pay all their debts, and they in return to recognize
his writ in America and let him be thier nominal Sovereign. His Majesty to be King
of America; but the purse, the sword, and the appointment to all offices, to be in
Congress." Another report appeared in various newspapers, including the Morning Herald of 17 April, that Benjamin Franklin, JA, and Henry Laurens were in London negotiating a peace treaty. This led the General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 17 April to declare that the report was not only false, Laurens having left London,
but { 400 } that "our readers may rely on the following assurance, that without admitting the
Independency of America, the Commissioners from Congress in Europe cannot even open
a negociation.”

2. Digges was arrested and his papers seized in May 1781, presumably as a consequence
of his known service to the American cause and his association with John Trumbull
who was arrested in Nov. 1780 (vol. 10: 366; Digges, Letters, p. li-lii).

From Joshua Johnson

[dateline] Nantes 9 April 1782

[salute] Sir

My last was on the 30th. October; Two Days ago I received by the hands of Mr. George
Harrison your introductory Letter,1 to which every respect shall be paid, and attention shewn this Young Gent. that is
in my power. I am glad to hear from you as well as others that the Dutch are at length
takeing steps to acknowledge the Independancy of America, it would be well that they
were more active about it, if they are not perhaps the English will be beforehand
with them.

I should not have troubled you at this time was it not to inform you that a Vessell
has Just arrived from the Chesapeak who left York Town on the 18th Ultimo, nothing
has happened there betwen the Armies and all was quiet, but the Trade which was as
much interrupted as ever; the Chattam and several English Frigates being Cruzeing
on the Coast prevented the French from shewing their Noses. One of the Latters Frigates
were forced on Shore to the Southward of the Cape Henry and is intirely lost.2 Several of the New York Privateers have been up the Chesapeak as high as Patowmack
and done a good deal of mischeif so that the Dutch will recieve but very little Tobacco
this Year. I know of but one Ship bound to Amsterdam and she saild in Co. with this.

Should any steps be taken towards bringing about Peace you will confer an everlasting
obligation on me to drop me any hints consistent with your Character and Office and
which shall ever be acknowledged by, Sir Your most Obedt. Hbe. Serv

[signed] Joshua Johnson

P.S. Colo. Benjn. Harrison is appointed Governor of the State of Virginia and Arthur
Lee Esqr. a Member in Congress.

Author: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-09

The Duc de La Vauguyon to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 9 April 1782

I was eager to convey the expressions of candor and loyalty you have given me to the
Comte de Vergennes. The minister tells me that they more and more confirm his confidence
in your unwavering attachment to the principles of the alliance, and that he is giving
me the responsibility of communicating the very interesting details to you. I would
have the honor of doing this very shortly if it is possible, as I propose, to spend
a few days in Amsterdam.

[salute] Please receive, sir, renewed assurance of the inviolable sentiments of affection and
of the very distinguished consideration with which I have the honor to be your very
humble and very obedient servant

To the Duc de La Vauguyon

The Approbation of Monsieur Le Comte de Vergennes is a great satisfaction to me, and
I shall be very happy to learn from You, Sir, at Amsterdam the details You allude
to.

I have a Letter from Diggs at London 2d. April, informing me that he had communicated
what had passed between him and me to the Earl of Shelburne, who did not like the
Circumstance that every thing must be communicated to our Allies. He says that Lord
Carmaerthen is to be sent to the Hague to negotiate a seperate Peace with Holland.
But according to all appearances Holland as well as America will have too much Wit
to enter into any seperate Negotiations.

I have the pleasure to inform You that Gillon has arrived at the Havanna with five
rich Jamaica ships as Prizes. Mr. Le Roy writes that the English have evacuated Charlestown.2

The inclosed fresh Requete of Amsterdam will shew your Excellency, that there is little
probability of the Dutchmen being decieved into seperate Conferences.3

[salute] With the most profound Respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c

2. Alexander Gillon and the South Carolina arrived in Havana on 13 Jan. with five prizes
that he sold for £23,066, or approximately 150,000 Spanish milled dollars. Considerable
controversy was generated by Gillon’s division of the proceeds from the sale, particularly
the amount that he kept for himself and that which he alloted to the Chevalier de
Luxembourg, the owner of the South Carolina. Not until 1854 did South Carolina reach
a final settlement with Luxembourg’s heirs (Louis F. Middlebrook, The Frigate “South Carolina”: A Famous Revolutionary War Ship, Salem, 1929, p. 9; Laurens, Papers, 16:12–13). Herman Le Roy’s report of Charleston’s evacuation was erroneous.

3. This was the tenth document included by JA in his letter of 19 March to Robert R. Livingston, calendared above. In their petition, the merchants of Amsterdam
opposed the British offer of an immediate peace and acceptance of the Russian mediation
of the Anglo-Dutch war, calling it the proposal of an exhausted enemy. To accept such
an offer would preclude the Netherlands from participating in a general peace at which
the British would be forced to offer better terms. For the British offer, see JA to van der Capellen, 6 April, and note 1, above.

Balthasar Elias Abbema to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Amsterdam, 11 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I will be very flattered if I am the first to inform you that the Provincial States
of Utrecht yesterday adopted unanimously the resolution concurring with the other
provinces for your admission as minister plenipotentiary of the Congress of the United
Provinces of America.1 I received this news from my brother, a member of the third estate of the said province.
I take advantage of this occasion as always to assure you, sir, of the particular
esteem and the distinguished consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir,
your very humble and very obedient servant,

1. No copy of the Dutch text of the resolution adopted by Utrecht on 10 April is in the
Adams Papers, but JA included an English translation in his letter of 19 April to Robert R. Livingston, below, and in A Collection of State-Papers, 1782, p. 88–89.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0260

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Abbema, Balthasar Elias

Date: 1782-04-11

To Balthasar Elias Abbema

[dateline] Amsterdam April 11th. 1782

[salute] Sir

Your favor of this morning, announcing the unanimous Resolution of the States of Utrecht
taken yesterday in favor of American Independence, is just come to hand. I had recieved
a few Minutes before a french Gazette of Utrecht, containing the same Article: but
I am very happy to recieve it in a more authentick manner from a Gentleman of so distinguished
a Reputation for Patriotism. The Unanimity and Ardor, with which this Measure is adopted
by the whole Nation, is to me an affecting Circumstance, and an Augur of much Good
to both Nations. With great Esteem and Consideration, I have the honor to be Sir,
&c &c

To James Freeman

[dateline] Amsterdam April 11th. 1782

[salute] Sir

I have just now recd. your kind favor of the 9th. and thank You for the Communication
of Dr. Waterhouse’s Letter, which has been a very agreable Entertainment to me.1 I am very glad of Gillon’s success, and that so candid and sensible a Judge as the
Dr. still retains his Charity for him.

Am much obliged by your Congratulations on the prosperous Appearance of our affairs.
I have just recd. authentic Information of the unanimous Resolution of the States
of the Province of Utrecht, taken yesterday in favor of my Admission to an Audience.
Guelderland and Groningen2 are all that remain, and I hope that ten or twelve days at furthest will produce
a perfect Unanimity. I have the honor to be with great Esteem, Sir, your obliged &
ob. Servt.

1. Freeman wrote from Rotterdam on 9 April (Adams Papers), describing himself as “a Merchant and Citoyen du monde.” He enclosed a letter,
apparently from Benjamin Waterhouse, and requested that it be returned after JA read it.

2. In fact, Groningen acted on 9 April and Gelderland would do so on the 17th. See JA to Robert R. Livingston, 19 April, below, and A Collection of State-Papers, 1782, p. 86–87, 90–91.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0262

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Pauli, Johann Ulrich

Date: 1782-04-11

To Johann Ulrich Pauli

[dateline] Amsterdam April 11th. 1782

[salute] Sir

I am honored with your letter of the 5th. instant, and thank You for your polite Invitation
to Hambourg, a Journey which it would give me pleasure to make, but which various
Occupations will oblige me at least to postpone for sometime.

In Answer to your Inquiries, Sir, I have only to say that at present I have no Powers
from the United States of America to treat with the Hanseatic Cities: but their Situation
is such that there will be infallibly a considerable Trade between them and America,
and therefore I know of no Objection against the Congress entering into Negotiations
with them.

If any Gentleman authorized by them should have any Proposals to make, I will transmit
them with Pleasure to Congress for their Consideration, only desiring that they may
be either in the English or French Language, as the German is unknown to me and to
most of the Members of Congress.1

To James Searle

[dateline] Amsterdam April 11th. 1782

[salute] Dear Sir

I am long in your debt, and therefore must beg your Patience on Account of bad health
and many Occupations. The rapid Revolution in the Minds of this Nation, and the unaccountable
Ardor and Unanimity, which has at last seized upon them for connecting themselves
with America have occasioned me so many Visits to recieve and return, and so many
complimentary Letters to answer, as added to other more important Affairs have been
more than I could perform. Five Provinces, Friesland, Holland, Zealand, Overyssell
and Utrecht, have already decided with an Unanimity that is astonishing, and the two
others, Guelderland and Groningen, it is supposed will determine as soon as they meet,
which will be the 16. current: so that I suppose We shall have one Ally more in a
short time.

I know not of how much Importance this Acquisition may be thought by others, but I
have ever considered it as a leading Step, and hope it may be followed by other Nations;
at least it will be a refutation of the many frivolous Arguments with which some People
have been long employed in doing mischief.

Gillon has been fortunate at last. His Prizes at the Havanna it is said will sell
for eighty thousand pounds sterling.

If the whole Body of Dutch Merchants do not understand their own Interest and the
Nature and Connections of Commerce, it will not be easy to find any body who is Master
of it. Their Requetes are a compleat Refutation of all the Anglomany in Europe, if
sound Reason can refute it.

[salute] With great Esteem and Regard, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c

From Henry Laurens

[dateline] Bruxels 12th April 1782

[salute] Dear Sir

If you can recollect the hand writing of an old friend as it is presum’d you will,
put full confidence in Mr William the bearer of this,1 and give him your direction without a moments delay for the further steps of—

1. William Vaughan, who delivered Henry Laurens’ first direct communication with JA since his release from the Tower of London, was the younger brother of Benjamin Vaughan,
a protégé of Lord Shelburne. Benjamin Vaughan acted as an intermediary between Laurens
and Shelburne (Laurens, Papers, 15:474–476, 482).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0265

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-13

From John Bondfield

[dateline] Bordeaux 13 april 1782

[salute] Sir

We have advices from Edenton in North Carolina so late as the 14th March brought by
a vessel arrived at this port the 9th Instant one of my Letters contains “It is reported
an attack against Charles Town is preparing by General green 2000 Militia of this
State is orderd emidiately to join him and all the Troops from Virginia have marchd
some time past.” By the Captain I learn a Number of Transports were arrived at Charles
Town the English gave out they had Troops on board. They received certain advices
to the contrary that they arrivd in Ballast and was there to wait the event that in
case of Nessessity the British army might have the means to retreat to New York or
Jamaica.

By a Packet arrived at Couronna from the Havannah we have advice of the arrival of
Comre Gillon at that Port with five rich homewardbound Jamaica Men, a fortunate event
as it will ease the State of South Carolina from the heavy expence of that outfit
having we flatter ourselves werewith to reimburss the Engagements enterd into in Europe
by Mr Gillon on that account.

We are at a loss to construe the Intentions of the British ministry in stoping the
Issueing of Commissions against American Vessels and calling in them that are out.
If under these circumstances a Vessel of mine should be carried into England by a
Privateer or other Commissiond Vessel not having a Commission against amer• { 407 } ica only against France or other the Belegerant Powers in Europe is it your opinion
that being reclaimd by my agent as my property she would be recoverd. I should be
obliged to you for your sentiments being an object of the greatest Interest in a Commercial
line.

[salute] Renewing my congratulation on your Progress I have the Honor to be with due respect
Sir your most Obedient Humble Servant

From Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Passy april 13th. 1782

[salute] Sir

Inclosed with this I send to your Excellency the Pacquet of Correspondence between
Mr Hartley and me which I promised in my last.1 You will see we have held nearly the same Language which gives me Pleasure.

While Mr Hartley was making Propositions to me, with the Approbation or Privity of
Lord North, to treat separately from France, that Minister had an Emissary here, a
Mr Forth, formerly a Secretary of Lord Stormonts, making Proposals to induce this
Court to treat with us. I understand that several Sacrifices were offer’d to be made,
and among the rest Canada to be given up to France. The Substance of the Answer appears
in my last Letter to Mr Hartley. But there is a Sentence omitted in that Letter which
I much liked, viz: “that whenever the two Crowns should come to treat, his most Christian
Majesty would shew how much the Engagements he might enter into were to be rely’d
on by his exact observance of those he already had with his present Allies.”2

If you have received anything in consequence of your Answer by Digges, you will oblige
me by communicating it. The Ministers here were much pleased with the Account given
them of your Interview, by the Ambassador.

[salute] With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant.

[signed] B Franklin

You will be so good as to return me the Papers when you have a good Opportunity.

1. Of 31 March, above. The packet likely included David Hartley’s letters to Franklin of 2 and 24
Jan., 1 and 28 Feb., 11, 12, and 21 March; and Franklin’s replies of 15 Jan., 16 Feb.,
31 March, 5 and 13 April (Franklin, Papers, 36:359–365, 472–476, 525–526, 623–624, 684–685, 688–689, 435–438, 583–585; 37:18–19,
78–79, 94–96, 143–144). Hartley’s letters centered on proposals for a separate peace,
while Franklin’s replies sought to dispel any notion on the part of Hartley and the
North or Rockingham ministries that such an outcome was possible.

2. The British emissary, Nathaniel Parker Forth, reportedly offered negotiations on the
basis of a worldwide uti possidetis and concessions that included the restoration
of full French sovereignty over Dunkerque (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 254). Such proposals might well have been acceptable to France in mid-1781, but
by spring 1782 the war’s progress and the unsettled British political situation made
negotiations as proposed by Forth and Hartley and implied by Digges as unacceptable
to France as they were to the United States. Franklin reported to Hartley that France’s
reply to Forth declared

“that the King of France is as desirous of peace as the King of England, and that
he would accede to it as soon as he could with dignity and safety: but it is a matter
of the last importance for his most Christian majesty to know whether the court of
London is disposed to treat on equal terms with the allies of France” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:304).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0267

Author: Brouwer, Hendrik, Chs. zoon

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-15

From Hendrik Brouwer Chs. zoon

[dateline] Rott 15 April 1782

[salute] Yoúr Excellencý

I foúnd mý Self Singúlerý honnerd with Yoúr most gracioús Oblidging Answer úpon my
letter of 31 Marsch1 and I thank Yr Exc: Sincerelý for the news yoú gave me that Zeeland and Overyssel
had followed the Exempel of Holland and Vriesland, two Other Provinces have Since
Declared there Selfs upon the Same footing, onlý remains now Gelderland, and I am
verý Certain they wil Conclúd next frydaý in the Assemble of oúr States General, becaúse
theý are resolved likewise, as the other 6 proúvinces, I thank the Almightý God, this
nessessarý work has been Crownd with oúr wishes, for the welfearth of America and
oúr Coúntry, in Spyt of á Nation whose Ambition went So far to Predominate (if Possibel)
the Whole worreld, God lives and does Jústice to Everý man, he is the Only Upon whom
me múst trúst.

It is not happy for Yr Exc: yoú wil do any thing in Your Power to facilitate Commercial
Connections, between the Merchants in America and my hoúse and those of mý friends,
Your Goodnes and Good harth, Dicteted Your letter and by the Contrarý we find our
Selfs happý Your Exc wil len us Yoúr Strong Arm to be needfúl both to the Merschants
in America and Oúr Selvs; and bý Súcces en following times we Schal Schow Yoú that
we are thankfully for a trúe friendschip.

I Congratulate Yr Exc: with the happý Passage of Commodore { 409 } Gillon (my Intime Old friend) and the prises he has made in his waý, verý lukky indeed,
Inclosed Yoú find the list of my friends in my former neglated,2 which I hope Yoú’l Excuse, the first 6 Gentlemen Upon this list with foúr Other who
are not in trade have resolved to fit Oút thrie Prevateers, One is Since three weeks
at Zea, the Second wil Sail in 8 or 10 Days, and the thirth in 3 Weeks this last is
a loúger3 who wil be Commanded bý oúr brother Charles Yoúng from Charles town, I hope theý
maý have a little bit of Mr Gillon’s luk not for our Intrest, but Only that we Could
Gratulate oúr Selfs that we have Punischd, So much in Oúr Power Oúr Eennemý.

A Certain Gentleman in partnership with an English hoúse here, born in America, Whose
God father was general Gates and who’s Brother went in the Kings Service During the
troúbles in America, Dyed with his Sword in his hand Against his American Brothers,
against his fatherland, t’his Same Gentleman Showd his Self in Public Conversations
always to be an Ennemý to his fatherland, America, and now because the Carts are Changed,
he is of Intention to retúrn to America Certainly to make his fortune, with Ambition,
to Come in Certain Degree or Emploý, I make no Doúbt or he has alreadý be low anoúgh,
to Sollicitate Yr Exc– for this or other, which Can be him needfúl, my Intention is
onlý to Prevent Yr Exc–s how he thoúgt before I woud Do the least Injustice to no
man bút I Schould be Sorrý that a renegate Schoúld have the preferense of Aný honnest
man in America.4 I beg Yoú’l Excúse that I write or Explain mý Self So badly in the Englisch Langúage,
bút I flatter my Self it wil be Stil agreabler as Dutch.

I thank Yr Exc for my Schare for the Humbly Letter Yoú wrote to Mr Dubbeldemúts, in
thanking us for oúr Actifity by Oúr reqúest, it was onlý Oúr Dutý for oúr Selfs welfearth
and trade, I hope I Schal once be honoúred by Yoúr Exc presence, and that Yoú’l allow
me to be with the Utmost Veneration respectfully Your Excellencý Most Humbly & Obedt
Servt

From John Jay

[dateline] madrid 15 ap. 1782

[salute] Sir

Many weeks have elapsed since I recd. a Letter from our Country, but a Packet of News
papers, which I think must have been sent from the office of the Secretary for foreign
affairs, was brought to me by the last Post from Bilboa. They contain nothing very
interesting. There is a Paragraph in one of them under the Boston Head which mentions
the safe arrival of the Cicero Capt. Hill, and among other Passengers who came in
her, I find your son is particularly named. As you might not have had any advices
of this Circumstance, I take this first opportunity of communicating it, and sincerely
congratulate you on the occasion.1

We hear that affairs with You are very promising and that the Dutch are on the point
of acknowledging our Independence. Things here begin to look a little better, but
as yet I dare not flatter myself or you.

1. While the source of the news has not been determined, JA knew of CA’s arrival in Massachusetts by 28 April when he wrote to Francis Dana, below, and JQA (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:317). CA’s arrival at Beverly, Mass., on 21 Jan. was reported in the Boston newspapers, including
the Independent Chronicle of 24 January.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0269

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin

Date: 1782-04-16

To Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Amsterdam April 16. 1782

[salute] Sir

Yesterday noon, Mr William Vaughan of London, came to my House, with Mr Laurens, the
son of the President,1 and brought me a Line from the latter, and told me, that the President was at Harlem,
and desired to see me. I went out to Haerlem and found, my old Friend at the golden
Lyon.

He told me that he was come partly for his Health and the Pleasure of seeing me and
partly, to converse with me and see if he had at present just Ideas and Views of Things,
at least to see if We agreed in Sentiment, and having been desired by Several of the
new Ministry to do so.2

I asked him if he was at Liberty? He said no, that he was still under Palole but at
Liberty to say what he pleased to me.

I told him that I could not communicate to him, being a Prisoner even his own Instructions,
nor enter into any Consultation with him as one of our Colleagues in the Commission
for Peace. That all I should Say to him would be as one private Citizen conversing
with another. But that upon all such occasions I Should reserve a right to communicate
whatever Should pass to our Colleagues and allies.

He Said that Lord shelburne and others of the new Ministers, were anxious to know
whether, there was any authority to treat of a Seperate Peace, and whether there could
be an accommodation, upon any Terms short of Independance. That he had ever answrd
them, that nothing short of an express or tacit Acknowledgement of our Independence,
in his opinion would ever be accepted, and that no Treaty ever would or could be made
Seperate from France. He asked me if his answers had been right? I told him I was
fully of that opinion.

He Said that the new Ministers had received Digges Report, but his Character was such
that they did not choose to depend upon it. That a Person, by the Name of oswald I
think set off for Paris to see you, about the same time, that he came away to see
me.3

I desired him, between him and me to consider, without Saying any thing of it to the
Ministry whether We could ever have a real Peace with Canada or Nova Scotia in the
Hands of the English? and whether, We ought not to insist, at least upon a Stipulation
that they should keep no standing army or regular Troops, nor erect any fortifications,
upon the frontiers of either. That at present I saw no Motive that We had to be anxious
for a Peace, and if this nation was not ripe for it, upon proper terms, We might wait
patiently till they should be so.

I found the old Gentleman, perfectly sound in his system of Politiques. He has a very
poor opinion both of the Integrity and abilities of the new Ministry as well as the
old. He thinks they know not what they are about. That they are Spoiled by the same
Insincerity, Duplicity Falshood, and Corruption, with the former. Ld shelburne still
flatters the King with Ideas of Conciliation and seperate Peace &c. Yet the Nation
and the best Men in it, are for an universal Peace and an express Acknowledgment of
American Independence, and many of the best are for giving up Canada and Nova scotia.

His Design seemed to be, solely, to know how far Diggs’s Report was true. After an
hour or two of Conversation, I returned to Amsterdam and left him to return to London.4

These are all but Artifices to raise the Stocks, and if you think of any Method to
put a stop to them, I will chearfully concur with you. They now know sufficiently,
that our Commission is to treat of a general Peace, and with Persons vested with equal
Powers. And if you agree to it, I will never to see another Messenger that is not
a Plenipotentiary.

It is expected that the Seventh Province, Guelderland will this day Acknowledge American
Independence. I think, We are in such a Situation now that We ought not, upon any
Consideration to think of a Truce, or any Thing short of an express Acknowledgement
of the Souvereignty of the United States. I should be glad however to know your sentiments
upon this Point.

2. For the origins of Henry Laurens’ mission, undertaken at the urging of Lord Shelburne,
see Thomas Digges to JA, 2 April, note 1, above.

3. Laurens sailed from Margate to Ostend in company with Richard Oswald. Upon landing,
Oswald proceeded to Paris to meet with Franklin (Laurens, Papers, 15:401–402, 478–479).

4. JA’s comments on his discussion with Henry Laurens on 15 April and his meeting with
Thomas Digges on 21 March are crucial to understanding his position in the spring
of 1782 regarding Anglo-American peace negotiations. Compare JA’s account of the meeting at Haarlem, with Laurens’ memorandum, [post 18 April], below. For JA’s conversation with Thomas Digges, see JA to Franklin, 26 March, and Digges to JA, 2 April, note 1, both above.

In the Boston Patriot of 20 April 1811, in the midst of publishing many of his letters written in the spring
and summer of 1782, JA decided to include “a few miscellaneous anecdotes omitted in their order, because
I cannot ascertain their precise dates.” There he wrote that

“after Diggs’ visit and Mr. Laurens’ visit, a third was sent over to me, in the person
of Mr. S. Hartley, a respectable character, brother of Mr. D. Hartley. He brought
me a letter from the latter couched in a mysterious kind of language with which that
of the former concurred. The sense of both, as far as I could comprehend or conjecture,
was to find out whether there was any hopes of obtaining a separate peace with America
and whether we could be induced to wave our treaty with France. I was very explicit
with Mr. Samuel Hartley and declared to him from first to last, that the United States
would never be guilty of such a breach of faith and violation of honor; and that as
far as my vote and voice could go, I would advise perpetual war, rather than stain
our character with any such foul imputation. Mr. David Hartley’s letter I answered
only in these words—‘Peace can never come but in company with Faith and Honor; when
these three can unite, let Friendship join the amiable and venerable choir.’ Mr. D.
Hartley wrote me in answer, ‘that the sentiments in my letter were eternal and unchangeable,’
and when I afterwards met him at Paris, he told me that he never meant that we should
break our faith with France, but hoped that France would consent to wave her treaty
with us, and that we should treat separately from her. This convinced me that Mr.
Hartley knew little of the policy of France or America.”

JA’s conversation with Samuel Hartley in { 413 } fact occurred in Sept. 1780, not in the wake of the visits by Digges and Laurens as
JA suggests, and the discussions were centered on David Hartley’s letter of 14 Aug. 1780, which Samuel carried and to which JA responded, using almost the same words as here, on 12 Sept. (vol. 10:74, 143–144). Hartley’s reply, from which JA also quotes, is dated 19 Feb. 1782, above. Since JA presumably quoted from the Letterbook copy of his letter to Hartley and from the
recipient’s copy of Hartley’s letter to him, both of which are clearly dated, it is
unclear why he chose to set his meeting with Samuel Hartley in 1782.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0270

Author: Digges, Thomas

Author: JW

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-16

From Thomas Digges

[dateline] London Apr 16 1782

[salute] Dr Sir

Since my last there has been no material occurrence but what will be announced in
the Papers save the arrival in Scotland of two vessels one from N York the 5 mar and
the other from Chas Town the 24th Feby. the letters by the latter is not yet out nor
is there any particular accots given out but those of the old kind that the Garrison
were chearful healthy and in no fears &ca. &ca. Those letters from N York are full
of complainings and uneasiness’s, such as no trade nor bills or money to remitt, constant
uneasiness’s between the Civil and military Commissioners and People, the garrison
much harrassd in erecting new batterys and defences, and fears of a vigorous attack
in the Spring. The winter has been remarkably mild, yet there was no depradatory Expeditions
or any Skermeshing between the armys. The Garrison is about 8,000 men and washingtons
quarters in the jerseys abo 20 miles from N York of wch they had little information
in N York as to force and no kind of intercourse.

There has been a deputation of the Principal merchts in London trading to and having
Effects in N York to wait on the minister to know what was to become of their property
and Effects, if an Evacuation of that place was meant, and if the ministers woud encourage
their sending out more goods provisions or stores; and they got the answer wch You
may expect being that their Effects would be taken as much care of as possible and
that the Ministry could not advise the sending out more goods or stores.

Genl Carlton saild 4 or 5 days ago and has certainly some direct profer to make to
Congress;1 similar I suppose to what is meant to be made to the Commissioners in Europe, and
of which you are better informd than I can be, for communications will soon be (if
not already) made thro Mr. L–ns. I am sorry to say it, but appearances do not indicate
to me that the new men mean to make any { 414 } direct offer of Independence, and without it nothing can be done. A Treaty for Truce,
sending Commissioners to you to treat, making profers to Holland and Ama. for seperate
Peace, and at any rate getting a seperate Peace with Holland, is very much the subject
of present Conversation, and the People seem mad in their expectations and quite forget
the situation in which their own Country now stands. The cry still is that a seperate
Peace with Holland will certainly take place; and a man who attempts to controvert
the opinion from reason and observation on the political state of that Country with
the other Belligerent Powers is lookd upon as a fool.

The new Rulers are popular yet, but not so much so as they were a week ago; John Bull
seldom looks for a week together towards one point, and in his veerings about He is
apt to go to the Extreems. There is certainly disunion among these new men as well
on the score of America and what is to be offerd Her, as on the score of appointing
friends to the Loaves and fishes: I know most of them and tho they formerly professd
great predilection for America, its libertys, and privileges, I see so great an alteration
in conversations now that I dispondingly wait to see their actions and cannot take
the words or pretences of those even who speak favourably for avowd Independence to
America. I wish they fully knew the situation of America and how little She cares
about it.

The Prisoners are likely all to be Shippd off very Shortly. In consequence of the
late Bill2 Ships are getting ready to take them away and I hope none will remain in a week or
two.

The Requests and Memorials &ca. of the different Towns wch I brought are translating
and will be in the Remembrancer, they would Cost too much to translate to make them
servicable to a news Paper. I hope to see one from the States General soon and that
the holding-out States of Groningen and Guilderland will soon acceed. I should be
very glad to be instrumental in getting publishd, for the reading of this deluded
People, any other memorials or Requests; but I beleive nothing will open the Eyes
of some men.

1. Sir Guy Carleton was appointed on 23 Feb. to replace Sir Henry Clinton as commander
in chief in America and arrived at New York on 5 May (DNB). His orders were to evacuate New York, Charleston, and Savannah and to use those
troops to reinforce the West Indies. Should the Americans prevent the evacuation by
military action, he was authorized to arrange a capitulation so as to avoid a defense
to no purpose. He was empowered to inform the Americans of his intentions and on 25
March received a joint { 415 } peace commission with Adm. Robert Digby in order to conduct negotiations for a peace
treaty if that proved necessary to achieve his objectives (Mackesy, War for America, p. 474). For reaction to his arrival, see Robert R. Livingston to JA, 22 May (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:433–434).

From Jean Luzac

[dateline] Leyden 16. April 1782

[salute] Honorable Sir

The corporate Body of Manufacturers and Merchants of this City having presented yesterday
to the Honorable Great-Council of Leyden an Address of thanksgiving and further prayer,
concerning the future Commerce of our Republic with the United-States of America,
I find myself honored with their orders to present Your Excellency with some printed
Copies of it.1 This epoch, Sir, is one of the most desirable I could ever wish: Zealous for the
good of my Country, and rejoicing in the noble exertions of my Fellow-Citizens for
its prosperity, by a mutual friendship and intercourse with our Sister-Republic, it
is a peculiar satisfaction to me, that those very circumstances afford me an opportunity
of testifying to Your Excellency their ardent wishes for our common Cause, the Cause
of Liberty and Mankind, and their sincere regard for a Minister, who by his personal
talents and character inspires them with a true esteem and affection for those he
represents.

[salute] I am with deep respect, Honorable Sir, Your Excellency’s Most obedient and very humble
Servant

1. On 15 April Leyden merchants adopted an address to the States of the province of Holland
and West Friesland in gratitude for the resolution of 18 March to recognize the United
States and admit JA as minister plenipotentiary. The address of thanks prefaced a second petition, asking
the provincial states to ensure that the States General expedited the conclusion of
a Dutch-American commercial treaty so that the Netherlands could accrue the advantages
from such an agreement in advance of a general peace. A copy of the printed petition,
which bears the names of 91 merchants, is in the Adams Papers and JA included an English translation in A Collection of State-Papers, 1782, p. 35–44.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0272

Author: Neufville, Leendert de

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-17

From Leendert de Neufville

[dateline] from [ . . . ]17 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I was Sorry to learn from Mr Chauquet that Some motives Seemed to hinder Your Excellency
from granting a pass to the Robin Izaak Cozneau1 which makes me Suppose that Some misunder• { 416 } standing must have taken place respecting the motives of the pass. They are only that
She may throw of her mask occasionally and enjoy under American Colours the protection
of the Dutch Cannen which She could not as a Dane. Any thing under your Excellencys
hand to that purpose will fully answer my request not pretending to interfere with
any thing relative to her Cargo. But I confess that I wished to get the brig safe
to America and can apply no where for the above paper but to Your Excellency who will
find I hope no motives to deny a pass upon that fantesy. I am Sorry that my Yellow
[ . . . ] prevent me fm making the request personally and have the honour to be with great
respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient Very humble Servant

[signed] L: de Neufville Son of J

PS: Your Excellency will seurly imagine that I have Some expectation of getting the
above Ship under a Convoy but this I must beg to be kept as a Secret.

Cornelis de Gyselaar to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] [post 17 April 1782]

[salute] Sir

I am obliged to inform you, at the behest of Mr. van der Capellen tot den Marsch,
that the province of Gelderland adopted a resolution1 for your admission conformable to that of Holland on this past Wednesday.2

[salute] I am with the inviolable sentiments, your very humble & obedient servant,

1. No copy of the Dutch text of Gelderland’s resolution is in the Adams Papers, but JA included an English translation in his letter of 19 April to Robert R. Livingston, below, and in A Collection of State-Papers, 1782, p. 90–91.

From Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Brussels April 18th. 1782

[salute] Sir

I had the Honor of receiving your Excellencys Letter of the 3d Instant at Paris, where
I had gone in Company with Mr De Neufville.1 I paid my respects to his Excellency at Passy, and was invited to dine with Him on
Sunday last, after He Was informed that I proposed quitting Paris on that Day.

I have long paid a particular Attention to your Excellencys Movements in Holland,
and it is with the greatest pleasure, that I observe they are likely to be crowned
with the fullest Success your Excellencys Sagacity, Activity and Firmness must meet
with the Applause of your Country but they will meet with too, and that with reason,
as the world goes, the Envy of those, who want those Qualities. Your Excellency has
all the merit of disposing the people of Holland in favor of the American Cause, The
Work is entirely your Own. You will have the greatest Honor from it and I trust our
Country will recieve the Benefit, you have in View to Obtain for Her.

I am pleased to find, that the King of Englands late Proposal to the States is considered
in its true light. The folly and the Insidiousness of it are Obvious and is a proof
that the present Ministry are not a Jot Wiser or better than their Predecessors. I
Know many of them; I Know their Principles are base, there are but few, who have any
Liberallity of Sentiment and they will not be Suffered to Act as the Times require.

I should think, Sir, that the Principles of the intended Motion, which turned out
the late Ministry2 might be discanted on with great Use at this Time in Holland, or at least if any
opposition is given from a Certain Quarter to your Excellencys Measures the Principle
was that a people, a free people I mean, have a right to withdraw their Confidence
from their Servants, and who ought therefore to retire, altho no Proofs can be produced
of their Knavery.

I have had late Letters from England, I am indeed Ashamd of the best people in that
infatuated Country. Your Excellency I beleive dispises them.

The Ship that arrived in 17 Days from the Chesapeak says that the English have taken
a most extraordinary number of Vessels in those Quarters in a short Time, that their
Cruisers mind not the two french frigates Stationed in the Bay because perhaps the
french frigates mind not them. One of them is lost off Cape Henry.

1. Jean de Neufville also wrote to JA on this date from Amsterdam (Adams Papers), enclosing an act of Parliament that Jenings had requested him to deliver to JA. The enclosure has not been found, but see note 2.

2. Probably the motion to censure the North ministry and thereby force its resignation
that Charles Howard, later earl of Surrey, rose to offer on 20 March. It was rendered
moot, however, since Lord North and his ministers resigned the same day (Alan Valentine,
Lord North, 2 vols., Norman, Okla., 1967, 2:315–316).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0275

Author: Laurens, Henry

Date: 1781-04-18

Henry Laurens’ Memorandum of a Conversation with John Adams

Arrived Sunday 14th. April 1782. late in the afternoon at Leyden, lodged at the Golden
Lion.

15th. at 5 oClock am. sent Mr. V2 by the Trekschoat to Amsterdam with a Message to Mr. A. “That I should be at Harlem
where I requested he would meet me that day at the Golden Lyon, my business was of
importance and respected a Treaty for Peace that being a Prisoner upon Parole I did
not think it would be proper to go to Amsterdam lest I should be discovered there
by people who knew my person, who would be asking questions which I could not answer
and who would thence raise conjectures and possible be detained longer than I meant
to stay in Holland” &ca. I immediately set out for Harlem by Land and arrived there
before 9 oClock am.

About 6 oClock pm. Mr. A arrived at Harlem.

Without delay I communicated my business and shewed him the Bill entitled3 he said he had seen it already in substance in the English Papers, and agreed in
opinion with me that it was not applicable or, of no importance to the United States
of America.

He desired to premise, having understood that I was a Prisoner, that he should converse
with me as a fellow Citizen but not as a Commissioner or Colleague altho my Name was
in the Commission together with Doctor Franklin’s Mr. Jay’s Mr. Jefferson’s and his
own for treating with Great Britain—that Mr. Jefferson was not arrived in Europe and
he supposed did not mean to come. And that he thought himself not at liberty to communicate
to me the particular Instructions of Congress respecting the Commission while I remained
a Prisoner or under any restraint. Mr. A then proceeded and { 419 } said, “conversing with you in a private Character or as one Citizen with another,
the Commissioners cannot receive any propositions from the Court of Great Britain
or enter upon any Treaty with that Court until the Independence of the United States
of America shall have been acknowledged nor will they receive any propositions but
from persons properly authorized to Treat, nor Treat without first communicating such
propositions to the Court of France. And if propositions are delayed longer than next
Monday, they will not be at liberty to treat without the consent of the States General
of the United Provinces of the Low Countries or Netherlands—six in seven of those
Provinces have already agreed to acknowledge the Independence of the United States
of America, Guelderland alone and that not from aversion but unavoidable delay has
not formally consented but will do so on Monday next when I shall be received at the
Hague in the Character of Minister from our United States, and this will be, even
should Guelderland, further delay or refuse, but there is not the least doubt of the
consent of that Province as soon as the States shall meet and they are to meet to
morrow.

“America is at this time in perfect harmony with her Allies the French, her Trade
is really flourishing, her whole debt does not amount to one half of the annual expence
of Great Britain for carrying on the War, her resources are great, already acknowledged
as an Independent Nation by one powerful Kingdom and on the Eve of being acknowledged
by the first Republic in Europe, what should tempt her to recede from her former Resolutions?
’Tis vain and fruitless tis wasting time to talk of any thing short of Independence.”

I observed to Mr. A that my declarations in England to such of its Ministers as I
had conversed with had uniformly gone to the same Point.

I then laid before Mr. A. the Paper put into my hand by Lord S. entitled “Mr. Digg’s
Account of what passed between him and Mr. A 30 March 1782.” The third and sixth articles
he positively denied, “I said no such thing to Mr. Digges.” “Part of the 5th. is a
misrepresentation or not fully represented, I said if the Ministers of Great Britain
by whom you say you are sent mean any thing honorable let them release Mr. Laurens
and communicate to him what they have to propose and he will join his Colleagues.”
“In short I paid very little attention to Mr. Digges or to any thing he said.4 I have since he was in Holland received two Letters from him but have thought it
proper to return no answer.”

Took leave of Mr. A about 1/2 p. 8 oClock p.m and at 5 oClock am { 420 } the 16th. took Chaise at Harlem and began my return to England. Thursday late at Night
arrived at Ostend.5

1. For the origins of Laurens’ mission, undertaken at the urging of Lord Shelburne, see
Thomas Digges to JA, 2 April, note 1, above. Laurens’ account of his conversation with JA on 15 April should be compared with JA’s report in his letter of 16 April to Benjamin Franklin, above.

3. For an account of the bill “to enable his Majesty to make Peace or Truce with America,”
see Edmund Jenings’ letter of 7 March, and notes 1 and 2, above.

4. Matthew Ridley noted on 20 May that Digges had proposed opening a correspondence with
JA. JA responded that he would not reply and that everything he received from Digges would
be disclosed to Franklin and Vergennes (MHi:Matthew Ridley Journal).

5. Following his return to London, Laurens met with Lord Shelburne on 24 April and informed
the minister that JA denied Digges’ assertions and insisted that Britain must recognize U.S. independence
prior to any negotiations. Laurens wrote that Shelburne then declared, “if it must
be so . . . I shall be sorry for it for your sakes” (Laurens, Papers, 15:402). For a longer, more detailed account of the 24 April meeting, see Laurens’
memorandum of 24 April regarding his conversation with Shelburne (same, 15:491–493).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0276

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.

Date: 1782-04-19

To Robert R. Livingston

I have the Honour to transmit, the following Resolutions of the respective Provinces,
relative to my Admission in Quality of Minister Plenipotentiary, together with two
Resolutions of their High Mightinesses upon the Same Subject, all in the order in
which they were taken.

Friesland.

Extract from the Register Book of the Lords the States of Friesland.

“The Requisition of Mr Adams, for presenting his Letters of Credence, from the United
States of North America, to their High Mightinesses, having been brought in to the
Assembly and put into deliberation, as also the Ulteriour Address to the Same Purpose,
with a demand of a Categorical Answer made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the
Minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4. May 1781 and 9. Janry 1782,2 Whereupon it having been taken into Consideration, that the Said Mr Adams would probably
have Some Propositions to make to their High Mightinesses, and to present to them
the principal Articles and Foundations upon which the Congress on their Part, would
enter into a Treaty of Commerce and Friendship, or other affairs to propose, in regard
to which Dispatch would be requisite.

It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorize the Gentlemen the Deputies of this
Province, at the Generality, and to instruct them to direct Things, at the Table of
their High Mightinesses in such a manner, that the Said Mr Adams, be admitted forthwith
as Minister of the Congress of North America with further order to the Said Deputies,
that if there Should be made any Similar Propositions by the Same, to inform immediately
their noble Mightinesses of them. And an Extract of the present Resolution Shall be
Sent them for their Information, that they may conduct themselves conformably. Thus
resolved, at the Province House the 26. February 1782.”3

Compared with the aforesaid Book to my Knowledge

[signed] Signed A J. V. Sminia

Holland and West Friesland.

Extract of the Resolutions of the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland taken
in the assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses Thursday 28 March 1782.

Deliberated by Resumption upon the Address, and the Ulteriour Address of Mr Adams
made the 4. May 1781, and the 9. January 1782 to the President of the States General,
communicated to the Assembly, 9 May 1781 and the 22d of last Month, to present his
Letters of Credence, in the Name of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses,
by which ulteriour Address the Said Mr Adams hath demanded a categorical answer, that
he may acquaint his Constituents thereof: deliberated also upon the Petitions of a
great Number of Merchants, Manufacturers and others Inhabitants of this Province,
interested in Commerce, to Support their request, presented to the States General,
the 20th. curant, to the End that efficacious Measures might be taken to establish
a Commerce between this Country and North America, Copy of which Petitions have been
given to the Members, the 21: it hath been thought fit and resolved, that affairs
shall be directed on the Part of their noble and grand Mightinesses at the assembly
of the States General, and there Shall be there made the Strongest Instances, that
Mr Adams be admitted and acknowledged as soon as possible, by their High Mightinesses,
in Quality of Ambassador of the United States of America, and the Councillor Pensionary
hath been charged to inform under Hand, the Said Mr Adams of this Resolution of their
noble and grand Mightinesses.4

Zealand

Extract of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the states General of the United
Provinces Monday 8. April 1782.

The Deputies of the Province of Zealand, have brought to the assembly and have caused
to be read there, the Resolution of the States of the Said Province, their Principals
to cause to be admitted, as soon as possible Mr Adams in Quality of Envoy of the Congress
of North America, according to the following Resolution.

Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of the Lords the States of Zealand 4.
April 1782.

It hath been thought fit and ordered, that the Gentlemen, the ordinary Deputies of
this Province, at the Generality shall be convoked and authorized, as it is done by
the present to assist in the direction of Affairs at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses
in Such a manner, that Mr Adams may be acknowledged as soon as possible, as Envoy
of the Congress of North America that his Letters of Credence be accepted, and that
he be admitted in that quality, according to the ordinary Form enjoining further upon
the Said Lords the ordinary Deputies, to take such Propositions as should be made
to the Republick by the Said Mr Adams for the Information and Deliberation of their
High Mightinesses, to the End to transmit them here as soon as possible. And an Extract
of this Resolution of their noble Mightinesses shall be sent to the Gentlemen their
ordinary Deputies, to serve them as an Instruction.

[signed] Signed. J. M. Chalmers

Upon which, having deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved to pray by the
present the Gentlemen the Deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland, Utrecht, and Groningen
and Ommelanden, who have not as yet explained themselves upon this subject, to be
pleased to do it as soon as possible.

Overyssell.

Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of the Equestrian order and of the Cities,
composing the States of Overyssell Zwoll 5. April 1782.

Mr the Grand Bailiff de Sallande, and the other Commissioners of their Noble Mightinesses
for the Affairs of Finance having examined, conformably to their Commissorial Resolution
of the third of this month, the Addresses of Mr Adams, communicated to the Assembly
the 4 May 1781 and the 22 February 1782 to present his Letters of Credence to their
High Mightinesses in the Name of the { 424 } United States of North America; as well as the Resolution of the Lords the States
of Holland and West Friesland dated the 28 of March 1782, carried the 29 of the Same
month to the assembly of their High Mightinesses, for the Admission and Acknowledgment
of Mr Adams, have reported to the assembly, that they Should be of opinion, that the
Gentlemen the Deputies of this Province, in the States General, ought to be authorised
and charged to declare in the assembly of their High Mightinesses, that the equestrian
order and the Cities judge, that it is proper to acknowledge as Soon as possible,
Mr Adams, in Quality of Minister of the United States of North America, to their High
Mightinesses, Upon which, having deliberated, the Equestrian order, and the Cities,
have conformed themselves to the Said Report.

Compared with the aforesaid Register

[signed] Signed Derk Dumbar

Groningen

Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of their noble Mightinesses, the States
of Groningen and ommelanden Tuesday 9 April 1782.

The Lords the States of Groningen and ommelanden having heard the Report of the Gentlemen
the Commissioners for the Petitions of the Council of State and the Finances of the
Provinces, and having carefully examined the demand of Mr Adams, to present his Letters
of Credence, from the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses, have,
after deliberation upon the Subject, declared themselves of opinion, that in the critical
Circumstances in which the Republick finds itself at present, it is proper to take
without Loss of Time, Such efficacious Measures, as may not only repair the Losses
and Damages that the Kingdom of Great Britain hath caused, in a manner So unjust and
against every Shadow of Right, to the Commerce of the Republick, as well before as
after the War, but particularly Such as may establish the free navigation, and the
Commerce of the Republick for the future, upon the most Solid Foundations as may confirm
and reassure it, by the Strongest Bonds of reciprocal Interest, and that, in Consequence,
the Gentlemen the Deputies at the assembly of their High Mightinesses, ought to be
authorized on the Part of the Province, as they are by the present, to admit Mr Adams,
to present his Letters of Credence from the United States of North America, and to
receive the Propositions which he shall make, to make report of them to Lords the
States of this Province.

The States General having deliberated the Same day upon this Resolution have resolved
that the Deputies of the Province of guelderland, which has not yet declared itself,
upon the same subject should be requested to be pleased to do it, as soon as possible.

Utrecht

Extract of the Resolutions of their noble Mightinesses the States of the Province
of Utrecht. April 10 1782.

Heard the Report of Mr de Westerveld, and other Deputies of their noble Mightinesses,
for the Department of War who, in Virtue of the commissorial Resolutions of the 9
May 1781 16 January and 20 March of the present Year 1782, have examined the Resolutions
of their High Mightinesses of the 4 May 1781 containing an overture, that Mr the President
of the assembly of their High Mightinesses, had made “that a Person Stiling himself
J. Adams, had been with him, and had given him to Understand, that he had received
Letters of Credence, for their High Mightinesses, from the United States of North
America, with a Request that he would be pleased to communicate them to their High
Mightinesses,” as well as the Resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 9 of January
containing an Ulteriour overture of Mr the President “that the Said Mr Adams had been
with him, and had insisted upon a categorical answer, whether his Said Letters of
Credence would be accepted or not,” finally the Resolution of their High Mightinesses
of the 5 of March last, with the Insertion of the Resolution of Friesland, containing
a Proposition “to admit Mr Adams in quality of Minister of the Congress of North America.”

Upon which, having deliberated, and remarked, that the Lords the states of Holland
and West Friesland, by their Resolution carried the 29 March to the States General,
had also consented to the Admission of Mr Adams in quality of Minister of the Congress
of North America, it hath been thought fit and resolved, that the Gentlemen the Deputies
of this Province in the States General Should be authorized, as their noble Mightinesses
authorise them by the present to conform themselves, in the name of this Province,
to the Resolution of the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland,
and to consent by Consequence, that Mr Adams be acknowledged and admitted as Minister
of the United States of America; their noble Mightinesses being at the Same time of
opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint her Majesty the Empress of Russia
and the other Neutral Powers with the Resolution to be { 426 } taken by their High Mightinesses, upon this Subject, in communicating to them (as
much as shall be necessary) the Reasons which have induced their High Mightinesses
to it, and in giving them the Strongest assurances, that the Intention of their High
Mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the War, which they would have willingly
prevented, and terminated long Since; but on the Contrary, that their High Mightinesses
wish nothing with more ardour than a prompt Re Establishment of Peace, and they shall
be always ready on their Part to co-operate in it, in all possible Ways, and with
a Suitable Readiness, So far as that shall be any Way compatible, with their Honour
and their Dignity. And for this End an Extract of this Shall be carried by Missive
to the Gentlemen the Deputies at the Generality.

Guelderland

Extract from the Precès, of the ordinary Diet held in the City of Nimeguen in the
month of April 1782. Wednesday 17, April 1782.

The Requisition of Mr Adams, to present his Letters of Credence to their High Mightinesses
in the name of the United States of North America having been brought to the Assembly
and read as well as an Ulteriour Address made upon this subject, with a Demand of
a categorical answer, by the Said Mr Adams, more amply mentioned in the Registers
of their High Mightinesses of the date of the 4 May 1781 and of the 9 January 1782;
moreover the Resolutions of the Lords the States of the Six other Provinces, carried
Successively to the assembly of their High Mightinesses, and all tending to admit
Mr Adams in quality of Envoy of the United States of North America, to this Republick.
Upon which their noble Mightinesses, after deliberation, have resolved to authorize
the Deputies of this Province at the States General, as they authorize them by the
present, to conform themselves in the name of this Province, to the Resolution of
the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, and to consent by consequence
that Mr Adams may be acknowledged and admitted in quality of Envoy of the United States
of North America to this Republick. In Consequence an Extract of the present Shall
be Sent to the Said Deputies, to make as Soon as possible the Requisite Overture of
it, to the assembly of their High Mightinesses. In fidem Extracti

[signed] Signed J. In de Betoun

This Resolution of Guelderland was no Sooner remitted, on the 19 of April to their
High Mightinesses, than they took immediately a { 427 } Resolution conformable to the Unanimous Wish of the Seven Provinces, conceived in
the following Terms.

Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States
General of the United Provinces. Fryday 19. April. 1782.

Deliberated by Resumption, upon the Address and the Ulteriour Address made by Mr Adams,
the 4. May 1781, and the 9. January of the currant year, to Mr the President of the
Assembly of their High Mightinesses to present to their High Mightinesses, his Letters
of Credence, in the Name of the United States of North America; and by which ulteriour
Address the Said Mr Adams hath demanded a categorical Answer, to the End to be able
to acquaint his Constituents thereof: it hath been thought fit and resolved that Mr.
Adams Shall be admitted and acknowledged in quality of Envoy of the United States
of North America to their High Mightinesses, as he is admitted and acknowledged by
the present.5

[signed] Signed W. Boreel

compared with the aforesaid Register

[signed] Signed H. Fagel

The formal Resolution of their High Mightinesses.

Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States
General of the United Provinces. Monday 22. April 1782.

Mr Boreel, who presided in the assembly, the last Week, hath reported to their High
Mightinesses and notified them, that Mr John Adams Envoy of the United States of America,
had been with him last Saturday and presented to him a Letter from the assembly of
Congress, written at Philadelphia the first of January 1781 containing a Credence
for the Said Mr Adams,6 to the End to reside in quality of its Minister Plenipotentiary near their High Mightinesses:
upon which, having deliberated, it hath been thought fit and resolved “to declare
by the present, that the Said Mr Adams is agreable to their High Mightinesses; that
he Shall be acknowledged in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary, and that there shall
be granted to him an Audience, or assigned Commissioners, when he shall demand it.”
Information of the above, Shall be given to the Said Mr Adams by the Agent, Van der
Burch de Spieringshoek.7

2. In most of the resolutions, JA’s memorials are referred to as being of 4 May 1781 and 9 Jan. 1782, the dates on
which he presented them to the States General. The 1781 memorial, however, was dated
19 April 1781 by JA and is printed under that date (vol. 11:272–282). The later address is printed at
[ante 9 Jan.], above.

4. See the letter from Pieter van Bleiswyck, the grand pensionary, transmitting the resolution,
30 March, above. For the negotiations over the means by which he would execute the
commission, see C. W. F. Dumas’ letter of 30 March, above.

5. At 11:00 on the morning of 20 April, JA met with Willem Boreel, the president of the States General for the week, to present
his letter of credence as minister plenipotentiary (Dumas to Livingston, 10 May, Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:408–410; London Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser, 29 April).

7. For JA’s meeting on 23 April with Willem van Citters, president of the States General for the week, see JA’s first letter of that date to Livingston, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0277

Author: Alvarez & Havart (business)

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1781-04-19

From Alvarez & Havart

[dateline] Rotterdam 19th: Aprill 1782

[salute] Sir

The known Caracter of Your Excellency dispenses us with making any apology for the
liberty we take to Address your Excellency with the present, but the happy turn circumstances
have lately taken in this Republicq must naturally make to great an impression upon
every free born Man, especially upon such a one, who from the beginning of the American
troubles with England has consider’d their Cause to be his own, that he should not
seek every means to express the satisfaction of his heart; and how should it be possible
for him to find any way more proper to fulfill those wishes, then that of bringing
them directly to Your Excellency? Give us leave then Sir to congratulate Your Excellence,
whole America and whole this Republicq, with the most favourable revolution which
has newly taken { 429 } place here, and has been just now Compleated by the full acknowledgment of the freedom
of the United States of America by all our Provinces; an Event brought by upon such
an unexpected and singular way that who ever acknowledge a divine Providence, will
find her finger upon every Step! How happy shall we then not be if this beginning
of confidence between both nations will be productive of the nearest intelligence
and uninterrupted connections, so that they may never be separated in future, but
their mutual intrest always consider’d as the same! and with how much pleasure will
we not contribute all what’s in our power to form and cultivate those happy connexions!
May it not be disagreeable then to Your Excellency, that we implore Her protection
and Assistance in order to form such connexions! already we have had the Advantage
of providing Your Country with some necessary’s by the Way of St: Eustache and through
the hands of our unfortunate Friends Messrs: Curson & Gouverneur, with who we have
been in a very intimate correspondance, and even when the Island has been taken by
our treacherous Ennemies they had a good parcell of our goods under their care through
wich means we are very well acquainted with those Merchandises which are most essentially
wanted in America, and have no other desire then to find out a sure way to send them
thither again the sooner the better; and if even Your Excellence would encourage or
Approve of this resolution, a Brother of our last subscriber, should have no objection
to go over himself to any Part of America, either to settle there entirely, or att
least to make such engagements as will be necessary to drive a Solid and mutual advantageous
trade upon in the future, now Your Excellency may easely conceive, from what Use any
recommendations of your hand and a few intimations how to behave would be to him,
if this plan Shoul’d be entirely resolved upon!

We beg to be excused for having taken so many of Your Excellency’s very precious moments
in the Actuall circumstances; the only request we have yet to make, is to may be favoured
with a single line in Answer, whither it will not be disagreeable to Your Excellency,
that we may have the honour to wait upon her, any day which will be the most convenient
to Her, for to insinuate ourselves personally in Her favour, and to Assure Her that
nobody can be with more Esteem then Sir Your Excellency’s Most Obedient and devoted
Servts:

Jacobus Nolet to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Schiedam, 19 April 1782

[salute] Sir

The merchants of this city, wishing to add their acclamation to those of the rest
of the country regarding the public recognition of the independence of the United
States of North America by our August sovereigns, have asked me to inquire of your
Excellency as to the day, time and place that would be convenient for you to receive
six deputies of this said group of merchants. These merchants, who wish to express
in their name, the lively sentiments of joy and sincere satisfaction that they feel
at this happy event, as well as having the advantage of being able to present their
respects to your in your capacity as minister of the said States

You will fulfill our merchants’ wishes and hopes if you would agree to give their
deputies the honor of a short meeting with your Excellency regarding the commercial
interests of our city!

Would I dare promise myself, sir, that you would condescend to our desires!

A favorable reply from you will honor us immensely, and in the hope of hearing from
you and by imploring the protection of the all powerful for you and your respectable
position, I have the honor to be with the highest esteem and the deepest respect,
sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

To Jacobus Nolet

[dateline] The Hague 20 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I received, to day the Letter you did me the honor to write to me yesterday, and am
exceedingly obliged to you for your cordial congratulations, on the great Event which
was yesterday finally concluded by their High Mightinesses. The Favour of Providence,
has been remarkably manifested in the progress of this Negociation, hitherto, that
I very sincerely join with you in imploring its continuance, to the mutual prosperity,
and the permanent establishment of the liberties of both Nations.

I have small pretensions to an accurate Knowledge of the Commerce of either Country;
but such general notions of it as have fallen to my share, I shall ever esteem it
a pleasure and an honor to communicate.

I should be sorry however, to give the trouble of coming to the Hague to so respectable
a number of the Merchants of your City; but as I do not propose to return to Amsterdam
before Thursday, I shall be happy to receive them, or any of them at the Mareschall
de Turenne at the Hague, on any day before that time; and if the hour of twelve on
Wednesday next should suit your convenience none will be more agreeable to me.1

[salute] With great Respect, I have the honour to be Sir your most obedt and most humle.

1. C. W. F. Dumas indicates in his letter of 10 May to Robert R. Livingston that the
delegation led by Nolet met with JA on Monday, 22 April. In their address, the town’s merchants noted the common love
of liberty in the Netherlands and the United States arising from their birth in revolutions
against despotic powers. They expressed their joy at the States General’s providential
decision to recognize American independence and ac• { 432 } knowledge JA as minister plenipotentiary. The address ended with a plea for the free admittance
of their city’s produce into the United States. JA enclosed the address with a letter of 5 July to Livingston (||available in Papers of John Adams, vol. 13; ||Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:408–410, 595–597). For an invitation to dine with the merchants of Schiedam, see
Dumas’ letter of 30 April to JA, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0280

Author: Franklin, Benjamin

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-20

From Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Passy, April 20th. 1782

[salute] Sir

I hope your Excellency received the Copy of our Instructions which I sent by the Courier
from Versailles some Weeks since. I wrote to you on the 13th. to go by Capt. Smedly
and sent a Pacquet of Correspondence with Mr. Hartley. Smedly did not leave Paris
so soon as I expected; but you should have it by this time.1 With this I send a fresh Correspondence which I have been drawn into, viz: 1. A Letter
I sent to Lord Shelburne before he was Minister. 2. His Ansr. since he was Minister
by Mr Oswald. 3. A Letter from Mr Lawrens. 4. My Letter to M. de Vergennes. 5 My Ansr
to Lord Shelburne. 6. My Answer to Mr Lawrens, 7th Copy of Digges’s Report.2 These Papers will inform you pretty well of what pass’d between me and Mr Oswald,
except that in a Conversation at parting I mention’d to him, that I observed they
spoke much in England of obtaining a Reconciliation with the Colonies; that this was
more than a mere Peace; that the latter might possiby be obtained without the former;
that the cruel Injuries wantonly done us by burning our Towns &ca. had made deep Impressions
of Resentment which would long remain; that much of the Advantage to the Commerce
of England from a Peace Would depend on a Reconciliation; that the Peace without a Reconciliation would probably not be durable; that after
a Quarrel between Friends, nothing tended so much to conciliate, as Offers made by the Aggressor, of Reparation for Injuries done by him in his Passion.
And I hinted that if England should make us a Voluntary Offer of Canada expressly for that purpose it migh have a good Effect. Mr Oswald liked
much the Idea, said they were too much straiten’d for Money to make us pecuniary Reparation,
but he should endeavour to persuade their doing it in this Way.3 He is furnish’d with a Passport to go and return by Calais, and I expect him back
in ten or twelve Days.4 I wish you and Mr Lawrens could be here when he arrives; for I shall much want your
Advice, and cannot act without your Concurrence. If the present Crisis of your Affairs
prevents your coming, I hope at least Mr Lawrens will be here,5 and { 433 } we must communicate with you by Expresses, for your Letters to me per Post are generally
open’d. I shall write pr. next Post requesting Mr Jay to be here also as soon as possible.6

I received your Letter advising of your Draft on me for a Quarter’s Salary, which
will be duly honour’d.7

[salute] With great Esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient &
most humble Sert.

[signed] B Franklin

If Mr Laurens has left Holland, please to seal his Letter with a Wafer and let it
follow him.8

I shall be glad to have again all the Papers of this and the former Packet; but you
can keep Copies of any you may think worth the Trouble.

5. In his letter to Shelburne of 18 April, Franklin specifically requested that the charges
against Laurens be dropped so that he could participate in peace negotiations (same,
5:539). Shelburne notified Laurens on 26 April that he was free (Laurens, Papers, 15:494).

From John Hodshon

It is with an Infinite Satisfaction I presúme To Take The Liberty to adres yoúr Excellency
These Few Lines as a duty Imposed on me, to congratulate yoúr Excellency on The most
Happy resolution Taken by their H: M: to acknowledge the Independence of the united
States of North America in So open and Respectable manner and to Receive yoúr Excellency
as Minister Plenepotentiary from congres. Sincerely wish it may Tend to the Intrest
and Prosperity of { 434 } both nations and be The means of a Trúe and permanent Friendship being Establishd,
and Welfare of both countrys, and your Excellencys name who laid The Foundation To
this great and Important matter may be ever preserved in The annales to The Latest
posterity.

Permit me Sir to assure yoú Shal ever Think my self happy to be usefull to contribute
any Thing For The advantage of the common wealth and recomend my Self in yoúr Excellencys
respectable benevolence and believe me to be unalterable and most devotedly His Excellency
Yoúr Excellencys most obedient & much obliged Servant

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr John Hodshon ansd 22d April 1782.” Filed with this letter are three
documents in the same hand. A comparison of the paper on which they were written and
their fold lines with Hodshon’s letter of 20 April indicates, however, that they were
not enclosures. One appears to be an extract from a letter Hodshon received from an
American correspondent commenting on the U.S. economy and the progress of the war.
The other two resemble the first and second parts of the draft loan contract with
Hodshon & Zoon, 25 April, below, and are likely early drafts of that contract. There
is no indication as to when or how JA received the three documents.

1. JA also received a letter of this date from John Hodshon Jr. who, like his father, congratulated JA on the recognition of U.S. independence and his admission as minister plenipotentiary
(Adams Papers).

2. Dutch recognition of the United States dramatically improved prospects for an American
loan and JA quickly entered into negotiations with the Amsterdam mercantile firm of John Hodshon
& Zoon to raise the loan (see Hodshon’s proposal for a loan, 25 April, below). Hodshon, whom JA first met in 1780, was deeply involved in trade with America and was known to AA’s cousin Isaac Smith (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:444; Adams Family Correspondence, 3:285, 349; 4:84–85). JA’s choice was greeted with a storm of protest by merchants of the Patriot party, the
people most supportive of JA’s efforts in the Netherlands, who accused Hodshon of being pro-British and wanting
to undermine the loan. See for example, John Thaxter to JA, 22 April, below. While Hodshon was an Orangist, he had always been apolitical in
his commercial dealings (Pieter J. van Winter, American Finance and Dutch Investment, 1780–1805, With an Epilogue to 1840, transl. James C. Riley, 2 vols., N.Y., 1977, p. 82–83).

The Adams Papers contain a substantial documentary record of JA’s successful effort to raise a Dutch loan in 1782. But it is necessarily incomplete
because JA’s negotiations with John Hodshon, and then with the consortium of bankers that replaced
him, occurred during face-to-face meetings of which no record was kept. Missing is
any contemporary account by JA of the reasons that made Hodshon & Zoon his first choice or how he resolved the resulting
controversy. Almost thirty years passed before he offered an explanation and then
it was in a letter dated 24 Sept. 1810 that appeared in the Boston Patriot of 20 and 24 April 1811.

According to these reminiscences, JA was prompted to approach Hodshon when

“an American captain of a ship by the name of Grinnel happened to dine with me, and
conversing on our want of a loan, he asked me if I had consulted Mr John Hodshon?
The answer was in the negative. I had not supposed that Mr Hodshon, so easy as he
was, and such a millionary, would be willing to accept it, or even to advise me in
it. Grinnel replied that Mr. Hodshon had been so long and so extensively engaged in
American commerce, had so many correspondents in America and so general an acquaintance
with Americans in Europe, that he thought it very probable he would assist me, at
least with his advice. He added, that if I would give him leave he would converse
with Mr. { 435 } Hodshon upon the subject. He did so, and brought so favorable an answer that I agreed
to meet Mr. Hodshon. In several interviews, he entered very freely and candidly into
conversation; said that as our Independence was now acknowledged, a loan was an object
of importance and might be of utility to both countries. He doubted not that the most
substantial houses in the republic might be induced to favor it, even the house of
Hope. If Mr Hope would undertake it or countenance it, success would be certain. No
opposition would be made to it from any quarter. I thought Mr Hodshon knew less than
I did concerning Mr Hope’s sentiments of American affairs. However, I have reason
to think he did sound Mr Hope and received from him only such observations as I had
heard reported from him several times before, viz: That America was too young to expect
to borrow money at any ordinary interest, or at any interest less than the Batavian
republic had been obliged in her infancy to give: i.e. ten or twelve per cent. However
this might be, Mr Hodshon said no more about Mr Hope’s assistance or countenance.
He undertook the loan himself, and after adjusting all the terms, we mutually executed
a contract in form, and the plan was made public” (Boston Patriot, 24 April 1811).

For more of JA’s reminiscences about negotiating the loan, see tofrom Franklin, 21 April, note 2; and to Hodshon, 26 April, note 1, both below.

Johannes Lousyssen & Zoon to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Middleburg in Zeeland, 20 April 1782

[salute] High Nobly-born Sir

We have the pleasure, with the entire Netherlands to share in the joy which has been
caused by the acceptance by this republic of your excellency’s person as minister
plenipotentiary of the thirteen United States of North America and would like to hope
cordially that the honorable allies will conclude to the full consequence of this
encouraging event.

In advance we take the liberty to congratulate your excellency on the eminent commission,
mentioned above, granted to you thus far by all the provinces.

May an ongoing satisfaction accompany your excellency’s important service! and be
made a vehicle to cement firmly and enduringly the bonds of true friendship in all
the relations between both the republics if this be the result of your excellency’s
first mission then—for certain! no more pleasant payment for the preliminary work
can be found.

At this opportunity we take the liberty for ourselves, with appropriate respect, to
offer our persons to your excellency’s high favor, and as inhabitants of this republic
engaged in commerce; we request at all times your excellency’s powerful assistance
whenever opportunities arise in the high meetings [of Congress] of the thirteen United States of North America.

In the meantime, nothing would please us more than if we might have the opportunity
to be of any service to your excellency in these quarters.

[salute] Herewith we have the honor to call ourselves, with respect and all veneration, highly
nobly-born sir! your excellency’s nobly-born, obedient, humble servant,

Jacques Felix & Fils to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Leyden, 21 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I write to you as a friend of Mr. Luzac (editor of the French gazette in this town),
who I have known for the past thirty-eight years.

I hope that your Excellency is pleased with the liberty I have taken in addressing
you to express my particular satisfaction, as a native and free citizen of Amsterdam
and the seven united provinces, to see that the objective and intent of your mission
in this country has finally been fulfilled according to your desires. I have the honor
to congratulate you along with the good citizens of this country.

I also learned yesterday at Mr. Luzac’s, that tomorrow you will be recognized by their
high mightinesses the States General as envoy or minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America, and that there S.C.1 is a specific analogy between them and our republic in many respects. Purely for
my own satisfaction, I made several pairs of gloves at my factory (which I operate
under the name signed below), some with American wool and some with wool from these
provinces. They were manufactured separately up until a certain point of perfection,
never mixing the wools, and then they were joined together. Together, one with the
other, a fabric that can never more be separated, each one weaker when made separately,
but reinforced by manufacturing them together in this close union. I am taking the
liberty of sending your Excellency the enclosed pairs that I have made from this fabric
with the name of your Excellency on the left hand, since this union was made under
your auspices.2

How happy we would be if your Excellency would accept them and if they could be of
use to you during the ceremony tomorrow, then we could add the motto to our seal Joy
unto God and Adams.

Let us hope that your Excellency’s mission is satisfactory, for then it will be for
the United States of America and for the good patriots of these provinces to cry out
Joy unto God and to Holland and America.

We hope that your Excellency will excuse the liberty we have taken and that you would
give any consideration to what we dare propose to you to accept.

[salute] Permit that by placing ourselves in your favor we have the honor to be with deep respect,
sir, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servants

1. The editors have been unable to determine the meaning of this abbreviation.

2. In his reply of 30 April (LbC, Adams Papers), JA thanked Felix for the gloves and expressed his hope “that the new Alliance represented
by the Present may be indissoluble and perpetual.”

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0284

Author: Franklin, Benjamin

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-21

From Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Passy April 21. 1782

[salute] Sir

I have just received the Honour of yours dated the 16th. Instant, acquainting me with
the Interview between your Excellency and Mr Lawrens. I am glad to learn that his
political Sentiments coincide with ours; and that there is a Disposition in England
to give us up Canada and Nova Scotia.

I like your Idea of seeing no more Messengers that are not Plenipotentiaries; But
I cannot refuse seeing again Mr. Oswald, as the Minister here consider’d the Letter
to me from Lord Shelburne as a kind of Authentication given that Messenger, and expects
his Return with some explicit Propositions. I shall keep you advised of whatever passes.

The late Act of Parliament for Exchanging American Prisoners as Prisoners of War according to the Law of Nations, any thing in their Commitments notwithstanding,1 seems to me a Renunciation of the British Pretensions to try our People as Subjects
guilty of High Treason, and to be a kind of tacit Acknowledgement of our Independency.
Having taken this Step, it will be less difficult for them to acknowledge it expressly.
They are now preparing Transports to send the Prisoners home. I yesterday sent the
Pass-ports desir’d of me.

Sir George Grand shows me a Letter from Mr Fizeaux, in which he says, that if Advantage
is taken of the present Enthusiasm in favour of America, a Loan might be obtained
in Holland of Five or Six Millions of Florins for America, and if their House is impower’d
to open it he has no doubt of Success; but that no time is to be lost. I earnestly
recommend this Matter to you, as extreamly necessary to the Operations of our Financier
Mr Morris, who not knowing that the greatest Part of the last Five Millions had been
consumed by Purchases of Goods &ca in Europe, writes me Advice of large Drafts, that
he shall be obliged to make upon me this Summer. This Court has granted us six Millions
of Livres for the current Year; but it will fall vastly short of our Occasions, there
being large Orders to fulfill, and near two Millions and an half to pay M. Beaumarchais,
besides the Interest Bills &ca. The House of Fizeaux & Grand is now appointed Banker
for France by a special Commission from the King, and will on that as well as on other
Accounts be in my Opinion the fitter for this Operation.2 Your Excellency being on the Spot can better judge of the Terms, &ca. and manage
with that House { 440 } the whole Business, in which I should be glad to have no other Concern, than that
of receiving Assistance from it when press’d by the dreaded Drafts.

[salute] With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Sert.

1. Franklin cites 22 Geo. III, ch. 10, entitled “An Act for the Better Detaining, and
More Easy Exchange, of American Prisoners brought into Great Britain” (Marion and
Jack Kaminkow, Mariners of the American Revolution, Baltimore, 1967, p. 243–244). Proposed by Edmund Burke on 26 Feb., the bill was
passed by the House of Commons on 19 March and approved by the House of Lords and
George III on 25 March (Journals of the House of Commons, London, 38:859, 866, 900, 904, 907). This act made exchanges much easier by acknowledging
American prisoners to be prisoners of war rather than rebels. Its effect was immediate
and by July over 1,000 Americans had sailed for home from Portsmouth and Plymouth
(Catherine M. Prelinger, “Benjamin Franklin and the American Prisoners of War in England
During the American Revolution,” WMQ, 3d ser., 32:261–294 [April 1975]).

2. Almost thirty years later, in his reminiscences to the Boston Patriot, JA explained the difficulties he had in deciding what firms to approach for a loan.
When compared with the extant documents from 1782, JA’s account does not always proceed in a strictly chronological fashion, but it does
offer detailed reasons for how he selected a firm.

“The loan! When the prospect of my public reception and a treaty of friendship began
to dawn and brighten, the loan of money began to be seriously meditated. I had tryed
the house of De Neufville and found it wanting. I had learned enough of its real circumstances
and distresses to know that if I opened a new loan with them alone, I should ruin
the credit of the U. States. Though the house had money, many friends, and many instruments,
among Americans as well as others, to raise a clamor, I was determined at all risques,
not to commit myself entirely to them. I received offers and solicitations which I
need not name. But the house of Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and the house of
De la Lande and Fynje, were the most importunate, next to the De Neufvilles. Both
as far as I had been then informed, were respectable, but neither was considered as
a great house, neither was an ancient house, and antiquity among mercantile houses
and houses of capitalists, is in Amsterdam a distinction as much regarded as it is
among princes and nobles in France or England. In the midst of all these solicitations,
I received a letter from Dr. Franklin, at Passy, and another from the Duke de la Vauguion,
at the Hague, most earnestly recommending to me the house of Fizeau and Grand. Sir
George Grand as we called him, because he was a knight of St. Louis, was a brother
of Mr Ferdinand Grand of Paris, our American banker, both of them gentlemen from Switzerland.
Sir George had lived in Sweden, and kept a public house in Stockholm, at which the
compte De Vergenes had met the leaders of the Revolution in 1770, and had acquired
the friendship of that minister to such a degree as to obtain the cross of St. Louis,
and favor as a banker. I knew very well that Dr Franklin’s letter and the duke de
la Vauguion’s, originated in the same source, the compte de Vergennes’ recommendation.
What should I do? Disoblige Dr Franklin? Disoblige the duke de la Vauguion? Disoblige
the comte de Vergennes? Disoblige the two Grands? Disoblige the De Neufvilles, the
Van Staphorsts and de la Lande & Fynje, as well as several other houses? After long
deliberation, I wrote a letter to four houses, Fizeau & Grand, De Neufville, Van Staphorsts,
and de la Lande & Fynje, offering to associate all of them in a joint company. Every
one of them refused to unite with Mr. De Neufville” (Boston Patriot, 20 April 1811).

This is probably a reference to JA’s letter to Fizeaux, Grand & Co., Jean de Neufville & Fils, Nicolaas & Jacob van
Staphorst, De la Lande & Fynje, John Hodshon & Zoon, and Daniel Crommelin & Son, 30 April, below. Before he sent this letter JA had already pursued detailed negotiations with John Hodshon; see Hodshon’s proposal
for a loan, 25 April, below.

In a second installment in the Boston Patriot, JA continued his comments on Fizeaux, Grand & Co.:

“To open a loan in the French house of Fizeau & Grand, though it was very respectable,
and had always behaved towards me and all Americans with unexceptionable civility;
I knew would furnish Versailles and Passy with information of every guilder I might
from time to time obtain; and I had seen enough of the intrigues and waste from that
quarter, to be determined at all risques not to open a loan in that house singly.
Moreover all my most faithful and intelligent Dutch friends had uniformly warned me
against opening my loan in a French house. They said it would lessen my reputation
and materially injure the credit of the United States. If I wished a solid and lasting
credit for my country, in Holland, I must select a house or houses, purely Dutch”
(Boston Patriot, 24 April 1811).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0285

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.

Date: 1782-04-22

To Robert R. Livingston

On the twenty second day of April I was introduced by the Chamberlain to his most
Serene Highness the Prince of Orange.

Knowing that his Highness spoke English, I asked his Permission to speak to him in
that Language, to which he answered smiling, “if You please Sir.” Altho’ French is
the Language of the Court, he seemed to be pleased and to recieve as a Compliment
my Request to speak to him in English.

I told him, “I2 was happy to have the Honor of presenting the Respects of the United States of America
and a Letter of Credence from them to his most Serene Highness, and to assure him
of the profound Veneration in which the House of Orange had been held in America even
from its first settlement; and that I should be happier still, to be the Instrument
of further cementing the new Connections between two Nations professing the same Religion,
animated by the same Spirit of Liberty, and having reciprocal Interests both political
and commercial so extensive and important; and that in the faithful and diligent Discharge
of the Duties of my Mission, I flattered myself with Hopes of the Approbation of his
most Serene Highness.”

His Highness recieved the Letter of Credence which he opened and read.3 The Answer that he made to me was in a Voice so low and so indistinctly pronounced,
that I comprehended only the Conclusion of it, which was that “he had made no Difficulty
against my Reception.” He then fell into familiar Conversation with me and asked me
many Questions about indifferent things, as is the Custom of Princes and Princesses
upon such Occasions. “How long I had been in Europe? How long I had been in this Country?
{ 442 } | view { 443 } Whether I had purchased an House at the Hague? Whether I hadnot lived sometime at
Leyden? How long I had lived at Amsterdam? How I liked this Country &ca.?”

This Conference passed in the Prince’s Chamber of Audience with his Highness alone.
I had waited sometime in the Anti-Chamber as the Duke de la Vauguyon was in Conference
with the Prince. The Duke, on his Return through the Anti Chamber, meeting me unexpectedly,
presented me his Hand with an Air of Cordiality, which was remarked by every Courtier
and had a very good Effect.

The Prince has since said to the Duke de la Vauguyon that he was obliged to me for
not having pressed him upon the Affair of my Reception in the Beginning. He had Reason;
for if I had, and he had said or done any thing offensive to the United States or
disagreable to me, it would now be remembered much to the Disadvantage of the Court.

[salute] I have the Honor to be,4 with great Esteem and Respect, sir your most obedient and most humble servant

1. In the Letterbook copy, JA left a blank space for the date in both the dateline and the first sentence that
John Thaxter filled in later. Dumas’ 10 May letter to Livingston indicates that on
the 22d he requested an audience for JA with William V and that it was granted immediately (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:408). It seems likely, therefore, that JA started this letter prior to knowing that the audience would take place on the 22d.
He may have felt the need to compose an address to William V in advance of his audience.

2. Quotation marks supplied here and at the close of the following paragraph.

To Benjamin Rush

Mr Peter Paulus,1 is seized with an enthusiasm to go to Philadelphia, with his Journeymen.

I Should be much obliged to you, for any Advice or Civility you may Show him.

The Batavian Spirit is at last arroused, and has uttered its Voice, with Majesty,
for the Souvereignty of the United States of America. The 19 of April, was the memorable
day, when their High Mightinesses took, the Resolution. You will see in the Gazettes,
the Petitions and Maneuvres, which ushered in this Event with Such So•
{ 444 } | view { 445 } lemnity, as to make it the most Signal Epocha, in the History of a Century. We shall
have in this Nation, if I am not infinitely mistaken a faithfull and affectionate
and most usefull Ally.

In order to be Steady and persevering in my known Character for Vanity which however
I have acquired Since I came to Europe, by the Help of Friends I must tell you that
Don Liano, the Spanish Minister has this Moment gone out of my appartment, after having
Said to me, “You have made Sir, the grandest Step that has ever yet been taken. It
is you, who have filled this Nation with Enthusiasm for your Cause and turned their
Heads. It is a most important, and a most decisive Measure, and it is due, to you.”

Voila! a flour of diplomatick Rhetorick, enough to turn my Head, whether I have turned
those of the Dutchmen or not.

1. Paulus also carried a letter of introduction of this date from JA to Robert Morris (not found). In his reply of 25 Sept. (Adams Papers), Morris complained that Paulus requested money “to set up his Trade.”

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0287

Author: Barclay, Thomas

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-22

From Thomas Barclay

[dateline] Amsterdam 22d. April 1782

[salute] Dear Sir

I most heartily and sincerely Congratulate your Excellency on the Events of Friday
and saturday last, and I rejoice the more because you are destined to reap the fruits
of what you have sown with so much industry and attention.

I am persuaded you are now rewarded for the Exercise of patience which you have Exhibited
on this occasion, and I hope an agreeable prospect is now opened for the adjusting
those very important points that are before you.

I had a letter a few days ago from Germany, requesting that I wou’d hint to you the
necessity of some stipulation being made with the States General, for using the River
Rhine in the Transportation of the German Manufactures for the Consumption of America,
and that the Transit duties shou’d be settled on as favourable terms as possible.
I am not sufficiently a Judge of the matter to say more of it, but I am sure you will
excuse any thing that occurs on this subject. Mr. Bromefield told me you shew’d him
a letter relative to the American Trade from the Directors of the East India Company
under the Emperor.1 If there is nothing improper in the request, I shall { 446 } be much obliged to you for a sight of it—and for permission to write to the Gentlemen.
It might turn out an advantage to my House at Philadelphia, and if any good plan of
business can be struck out, I will do every thing in my power to incourage it. I beg
leave to assure your Excellency of my being most sincerely, Dear Sir your [Affect.] & obed Servant

Hendrik Bicker to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Amsterdam, 22 April 1782

[salute] Sir and very honored friend

A few weeks ago you met Mr. Saportas,1 the broker, at my house. I could not refuse writing to you on his behalf and telling
you again that I have come to know him as an honest man who could contribute in helping
you secure a loan for your country, and who would like you to keep him in mind when
you decide on a brokerage house here.

[salute] I have the honor to be with the highest esteem, sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant

1. Samuel Saportas, an Amsterdam broker. At some point JA and Saportas apparently discussed his firm’s participation in the loan, but on 5 May Saportas wrote to JA that “a Conference with Sundry Gentlemen” about the loan had “not been attended with
the desired success” (Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0289

Author: Franklin, Benjamin

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-22

From Benjamin Franklin

[dateline] Passy, April 22. 1782

[salute] Sir

Messrs. Fizeaux and Grand have lately sent me two Accounts of which they desire my
Approbation. As they relate to Payments made by those Gentlemen of your acceptances
of Bills of Exchange, your approbation must be of more Importance than mine, you having
more certain Knowledge of the affair. I therefore send them enclos’d to you, and request
you would be pleas’d to compare them with your List of Acceptations, and return them
to me with your Opinion, as they will be my Justification for advancing the money.1

I am very happy to hear of the rapid Progress of your Affairs. They fear in England
that the States will make with us an alliance offensive and deffensive, and the public
Funds which they had puff’d up 4 or 5 per Cent, by the Hope of a separate Peace with
Holland, are falling again. They fill their Papers continually with Lies to raise
and fall the Stocks. It is not amiss that they should thus be left to ruin one another,
for they have been very mischievous to the Rest of Mankind. I send enclosed a Paper,
of the Veracity of which I have some doubt, as to the Form, but none as to the Substance,
for I believe the Number of People actually scalp’d in this murdering War by the Indians
to exceed what is mention’d in the Invoice, and that Muley Istmael (a happy Name for
a Prince as obstinate as a Mule) is full as black a Tyrant as he is represented in
Paul Jones’s pretended Letter: These being substantial Truths, the Form is to be considered
as Paper and Packthread.2 If it were re-publish’d in England it might make them a
little asham’d of themselves. I am, very respectfully Your Excellency’s most obedient
and most humble Servant

1. The enclosed accounts were returned to Franklin with JA’s reply of 23 July. JA expressed regret that he had not answered Franklin sooner, but attributed the delay
to the prolonged illness of John Thaxter, “who keeps the Account of those Affairs,”
but see also JA to Franklin, 24 May (both LbC’s, Adams Papers).

2. The enclosure, which is not in the Adams Papers, was a fictitious piece printed by
Franklin at Passy purported to be taken from the Boston Independent Chronicle of 12 March (Franklin, Papers, 37:184–196). It consisted of two letters, dated 7 March 1782 and 7 March 1781, respectively.
The first, from a Capt. Gerrish of the New England militia, described the contents
of eight packages of scalps, totaling 954, taken from American men, women, and children
on the western frontier. The Seneca Indians intended the scalps for the governor of
Canada, but they had been captured in transit by an American expedition. It was ultimately
decided that the scalps should be sent in small packets to George III, Queen Charlotte,
and members of the government. The { 448 } second letter was from John Paul Jones to Sir Joseph Yorke, the British ambassador
to the Netherlands, protesting the British diplomat’s memorial to the States General
in which Jones was designated a pirate. Jones argued that he in no way met the definition
of a pirate because he was acting in the cause of liberty in defense of his fellow
citizens against British tyranny. No comment by JA regarding Franklin’s fabrication has been found.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0290

Author: Luzac, Jean

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-22

From Jean Luzac

[dateline] Leyden 22. April 1782

[salute] Honorable Sir

Altho’ the early part, I have taken in the struggles of America for the rights of
Liberty and Mankind, would be a silent witness of my particular happiness at the present
moment, when Your Excellency’s steady and prudent conduct in our Republic is crowned
with the most glorious success, I should deem myself wanting in my duty, if I did
not congratulate Your Excellency most sincerely in the public character, wherein You
have now been publicly acknowledged by our Government; an event, Sir, that will be,
(if my most ardent wishes are fulfilled) the forerunner of many happy consequences
to both Countries. May Your Excellency long enjoy that heart-felt satisfaction, which
is the best reward of a life spent to public good. I am with the sincerest regard
and deep respect, Honorable Sir, Your Excellency’s Most obedient and very humble Servant

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[dateline] Amsterdam April 22. 1782

[salute] Sir

Although indisposition and absence may have frustrated our wishes of being first in
paying Your Excellency an homage in which our Country partakes so much of, by the
success of your negotiations we trust to your Excellencys indulgence for being Satisfied
with this apology, and tho’ late, that you will accept of this tribute which yeilds
to none in sincerity. Our wishes are in nothing more earnest than that your Excy:
may long Contribute to preserve that harmony which we hope will result without interuption
from that union you have had so much share informing between both Republicks, and
as a reward to your Labours may you from this time see daily accrue that advantage
to each, which so natural a connection gives the best reason to expect.

From John Thaxter

[dateline] Amsterdam 22d. April 1782

[salute] Sir

I was duly honor’d with your favor of the 20th,1 and its Contents gave me sincere pleasure, and its Injunctions shall be observed.

Mr. J. Van Staphorst has called upon me this Afternoon, and acquainted me with his
great distress respecting the House engaged for the Loan:2 that the Man is an Anglomane or at least very lately converted: that he has within
these six Weeks indulged himself in very indecent Expressions against America: that
it makes a Noise in the American Society and upon the Exchange, that a Man of his
Character should be preferred to old experienced Friends—that it will do much Injury
on both Sides, and be a disservice to the Cause: that if it is possible, he hopes
that House may be prevented from opening it: that many well-wishers and Friends are
astonished and could hardly have believed it: that he has recieved a Letter from the
Baron3 upon the Subject, who would not write his Opinion to You unasked: that it gives great
Uneasiness to several of the—&ca &ca &ca. I observed to him, I could make no Answer,
having nothing to do in the Business, and prayed him to communicate his sentiments
to You. He declined and requested me to mention them to You, which I have done in
substance. He would esteem it an Honor most certainly to be employed, but would never
open his Lips if a House was engaged which was known to have been uniformly friendly
to America. He hinted as if Messr. Hope might be behind the Curtain—it was a Conjecture
only. He thinks the Loan will not succeed with honor and Reputation, as it now stands,
and that You will find his Sentiments as I have given them above to be well grounded
upon Enquiry.

It is not my Business to make any Comment, nor express any Sentiment but Sorrow if
all this is true, as I must believe.

[salute] With a Respectful & an invariable Attachment, I have the honor to be &c

2. Jacob and Nicolaas van Staphorst repeated their complaints about John Hodshon and
JA’s initial decision to place the loan with his firm in a letter to John Jay dated
24 Nov. 1785 (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 4, f. 684–699). In their letter, which indicates they met personally with
JA, the van Staphorsts wrote that they informed JA that conditions favored opening a loan, to which JA replied that he was negotiating with John Hodshon on the matter. The van Staphorsts
continued, “We took the Liberty to tell him, this was another impolitic Measure; as
this Gentleman altho’ a Rich and able Merchant and a Person well qualified for the
Direction of a Loan, was not looked upon in a good Light by this Nation and especially
by the Patriotic Part to whom this Loan was to owe its Support and Success. This had
no Weight with Mr. Adams, and while he pretended to believe Our Counsel proceeded
from Self-Interest, We had the Mortification to hear from him, that in his Opinion
John Hodshon was as good a Republican and as great a Lover of Freedom as ourselves.”
JA obstinately “thought fit in spite of the Counsel of his best Friends, and among others
of the Pensionary Van Berckel, to have the Loan opened publicly by Mr. Hodshon, With
no other Effect than that he raised from the Well Affected to the American Cause great
Complaints against his Proceedings, And finally after the Loss of a great deal of
precious time, he was forced to withdraw the Order from Mr. Hodshon.” For more comments
by the van Staphorsts, see JA to Fizeaux, Grand & Co., 30 April, note 1, below. See also vol. 11:103, note 4, for the van Staphorsts’ criticism of JA’s attempt in 1781 to raise a loan through Jean de Neufville & Fils.

3. Since Thaxter refers only to “the Baron,” he probably means Joan Derk van der Capellen
tot den Pol. The editors have no evidence, however, that van der Capellen opposed
Hodshon’s role in raising the loan. Indeed, on 2 May he wrote to JA of his intention to subscribe to Hodshon’s loan (Adams Papers). This may have reflected his desire to support the American cause, regardless of
who was raising the loan.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0293

Author: Livingston, Robert R.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-23

To Robert R. Livingston

No. 9

[dateline] Hague April 23d. 1782

[salute] Sir

On the 23d. of April I had the Honor of a Conference with Mr. Van Citters, President
of their High Mightinesses, to whom I presented the following Memorial.1

Their High Mightinesses on the same day appointed a grand Committee to treat, to whom
I was introduced with great Formality by two Noblemen,3 and before whom I laid a Project of a Treaty, which I had drawn up conformable to
the Instructions of Congress. I prayed the Gentlemen to examine it, and propose to
me their Objections, if they should have any, and to propose any further Articles,
which they should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed and sent
to the Members of the Sovereignty.4

The greatest Part of my Time for several Days has been taken up in recieving and paying
of Visits, from all the Members and Officers of Government, and of the Court, to the
Amount of one hundred and fifty or more.5

[salute] I have the Honor to be,6 with great Respect, sir your most obedient & most humble servant

1. There is no copy of the memorial that JA presented to the States General in the Adams Papers nor is it certain that the copy
that JA handed to Willem van Citters is extant. In the archives of Hendrik Fagel, griffier
or clerk of the States General, there is a “Copie” in C. W. F. Dumas’ hand that is
signed by JA (Algemeen Rijksarchief). The address is printed in the Resolutiën van de Hoogh Mogende Heeren Staten Generaal der Vereenigde Nederlandsche
Provinciën, 129 vols., The Hague, 1677–1796, vol. 1782, p. 362–363.

Lb/JA/16 contains what may be an untitled and undated draft of this address (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 104, f. 353–354). While substantively the same, the draft is more flowery
than the address. JA wrote the draft in French, except one canceled passage in English that is followed
by a French translation.

2. When JA published this letter in the Boston Patriot of 6 April 1811, he provided the following translation: “The undersigned minister
plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform your high
mightinesses that he is charged by the instructions of his sovereign, to propose to
the States General of the United Provinces of the low countries, a treaty of amity
and commerce between the two republics, founded on a principle of equal and reciprocal
advantage, and compatible with the engagements already taken by the United States
with their allies, as well as with such other treaties as they have an intention to
form with other powers. In consequence, the undersigned has the honor to propose to
your high mightinesses to name some person or persons with full powers to confer and
treat with him upon this important subject.”

4. No copy of the English text of the treaty JA presented to the committee of the States General has been found, although research
in the Algemeen Rijksarchief at The Hague indicates that the States General received
an English version. A printed extract of the draft treaty in Dutch, dated 26 April,
from the Resolutiën van de Hoogh Mogende Heeren Staten Generaal der Vereenigde Nederlandsche
Provinciën, in broadside form, is in the Fagel Coll. (Algemeen Rijksarchief). Since no further action regarding the treaty took place in April, it will be dealt
with in detail in vol. 13 at 22 Aug. when the Dutch formally presented JA with the changes that they desired in the treaty’s text and substantive negotiations
began. The treaty was signed on 8 Oct. (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:59–88).

To Robert R. Livingston

No. 10

[dateline] Hague 23d. April 1782

[salute] Sir

I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d. of April the French Ambassador
made an Entertainment for the whole Corps Diplomatick, in Honor of the United States,
at which he introduced their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court.1

There is nothing I suppose in the whole voluminous Ceremonial, nor in the idle Farce
of Etiquette, which should hinder a Minister from making a good Dinner in good Company;
and therefore I believe they were all present, and I assure You I was myself as happy
as I should have been, if I had been publickly acknowledged a Minister by every one
of them: and the Duke de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the Stiffness of
some others, by paying more Attention to the new Brother, than to all the old Fraternity.

Etiquette, when it becomes too glaringly Affectation, imposes no longer neither upon
the Populace nor upon the Courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon
be the Case every where with Respect to American Ministers.

To see a Minister of such a State as blank and blank assume a distant misterious Air
towards a Minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged
their Independence, when his Nation is not half equal to America in any one Attribute
of Sovereignty, is a Spectacle of Ridicule to any Man who sees it.

I have had the honor of making and recieving Visits in a private Character from the
Spanish Minister here, whose Behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make
me some very high Compliments upon our Success here, which he considers as the most
important and decisive Stroke which could have been struck in Europe.

[salute] I have the Honor to be,2 Sir your most obedient and most humble Servant

Abbé Chalut to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Paris, 23 April 1782

You know, dear sir, that the interests of America have been ours as well, ever since
the start of its glorious revolutionary era. The foremost reason for this sentiment
is the natural demand of wanting justice to prevail over oppression and tyranny. We
see only unhappy men. Our satisfaction is the happiness and liberty of free men, men
that they wanted to subject to the shame of slavery. We prayed that the necessary
aid would come and we unjustly accused our government of moving too slowly in this
regard. From the moment that France committed its power to support your cause, and
joined with your republic through treaties assuring an eternal bond of friendship
between the two nations, your rights have become dearer to us. We have shared with
you in all the glory and all the evils of a just war that god has approved by humiliating
our common enemies. We now wish to congratulate you and rejoice with you on your successful
negotiation with a republic that has recognized your sovereignty, and who will join
with you in treaties that will benefit their liberty and commerce. All of Europe was
indignant to see England declare war without justification. This power would have
liked to stop your liaisons with this republic now, so that they could make a specific
peace with them. Holland knew its true interests. France is its natural ally. England’s
interest, which had them continually declaring that we could never be anything except
enemies in order to hide the real truth, was finally recognized, and everything is
going to work toward preventing them from disrupting the tranquility of the entire
globe and to contain their avarice which made them commit all these injustices. We
can now hope that a general peace is getting closer for us all. Our enemies’ ineffectiveness
and our moderation will hasten its progress. We pray for this happy occasion.

Write us with your news; keep us in your friendship, as we keep you in ours, as well
as our esteem with which we have the honor to be, our dear sir, your very humble and
very obedient servants

[signed] les abbés de chalut et Arnoux

You have not taken advantage of the friendship we feel for you and our capacity to
act on your behalf. We are eager to assist you in any suitable way, and we will do
for your friends just as we would do for you.

From Francis Dana

[dateline] St: Petersbourg April 12/23. 1782

[salute] My dear Sir

I see with infinite satisfaction the progress our affairs have made in Holland within
a short time, and that you will soon be able to [pu]t the finishing hand to your business. No one can more sincerely rejoice in [t]he honour you will merit and acquire by it, than I shall. That Nation, after much
internal struggling, seems at last to have adopted an almost universal sentiment upon
the propriety, or rather necessity of forming an intimate commercial connection with
us, and this, without loss of time. They have been doubtless justly alarmed by the
late important change in the Councils, and the system of Great Britain; and have wisely
resolved not to suffer her to get the start of them, by adjusting her commercial connections
with America, before they have concluded their Treaty with us. They well know how
much is risqued by any further delay. Hence their present zeal to acknowledge our
Independence. I wish others saw their Interest to do the same thing, in as clear a
light, and did not longer think of the glory of mediating a peace, which in the end
they may miss of; for it is evident to every one, who will attentively consider the
late measures of Britain, that She means to settle her peace with America, without
the participation of any Mediators, well knowing the great danger to which her most
important commercial Interests will be exposed if they pass through such [a] Medium. Her aim will be to exclude the other Maritime Powers, as far as [po]ssible from the benefits of our Commerce. To effect this, She will make [gr]eat sacrifices in some respects. You know what I allude to—The critical moment for
the Maritime Powers of Europe has already arrived. They may never, or at least for
a long time to come, again see so fair an occasion to promote their essential Interests,
if they suffer this moment to slip by without fixing their connections with America.
It must be apparent to them all, the Neutral Powers I mean, that no just objections
can now be made to a measure of this sort, since the British themselves have felt
the necessity of publickly proclaiming to the World their utter inability to obtain
the great object of their war, the subjugation of the United States, or of any one
of them; and even made the attempt to do this, criminal—With what face can they pretend
to claim any dominion over that Country, or to require the Neutral Powers to forbear
the acknowledgment of our Indendence, till they themselves shall have ac• { 456 } knowledged it? Or in other words, to rest idle Sp[ec]tators, as I have before said, till Britain has adjusted all her commercia[l] Interests with America, as far as possible to their exclusion—Do you ask whether
this will probably be the case here, I can’t say that it will not. For besides that
I have some reason to suppose this Government not yet properly informed, I may say,
of the immense Interest it has at stake relative to the Commerce of our Country, I
know the British will not fail constantly to hold up to Her Imperial Majesty the glory
of mediating a Peace between the great belligerant Powers, while they are secretly
carrying on a Negociation as above with the United States—Shou’d you ask me if it
is not practicable to give those in Government just Ideas upon the nature of the commerce
of the two Countries, I must say I have taken such measures to this end, as the peculiar
state of things will admit of. I dare not yet expose the dignity of the United States
by making any official advances—They may be rejected—I am not yet satisfied that they
wou’d not be. The cry of Mediation I know wou’d open upon me. It is necessary therefore
first to do away all errors upon [this] subject of commerce, to establish the great mutual Interest the two Na[tions] have in a close and intimate connection with each other—to point out [the] danger this Interest is exposed to in the present critical state of affairs, by delay.
When this is done (and I flatter myself the task is very easy, if the door is open
to me) I shall have nothing to apprehend from mere sounds or words. Her Majesty wou’d
most certainly pursue the great Interests of her Empire, and not suffer herself to
be diverted from that pursuit by any dazling prospects of glory which the British,
or any others, might hold out. She too much wisdom not to change her system when affairs
have changed their Face, and not to improve every favourable occasion which the course
of events may present to her, for the benefit of her Empire—I agree with you that
glory and interest are both united in our Case—that her Majesty cou’d [no]t by any line of conduct more effectually promote both, than by stepping forth at
this moment and acknowledging the Independence of the United States, and forming a
commercial Treaty with them—that there is nothing to fear from any quarter—that the
example of so illustrious a Sovereign wou’d probably be followed by the other Neutral
Maritime Powers, and wou’d infallibly restore peace and tranquility to both Worlds;
and that all Europe wou’d partake equally in the benefits of our commerce, or at least,
wou’d enjoy an equal freedom in it. But, my dear { 457 } Sir, if instead of this, America cannot obtain a hearing, which is all she wants to
ensure her success, where ever national Counsels are influenced by national Interests,
and Her Majesty shou’d persevere in her system of Mediation, notwithstanding the change
in affairs, is not the consequence plain: America will make the best bargain in her
power with Britain, and She can now clearly make an advantageous one. When this is
done Her Majesty, and the other Neutral Powers will certainly see, though too late,
the importance of the [pr]esent moment while all is open between Britain and America, to the [In]terests of their respective Empires. I will only add May they be wise [in] season—may they follow the example which Holland is setting them, and which She wou’d
have set them at this moment, had she been in profound peace with Britain, even at
the hazard of a War little as she delights in it, rather suffer herself to be foreclosed
in her great commercial Schemes—Pray give me the earliest possible intelligence, if
only in a single line, of your entering upon your negotiation, of its progress and
conclusion—whether your last business will be taken up &c.

[salute] Adieu, my dear Sir, believe me to remain with much respect and the most sincere friendship
Yours &c

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dana 12/23 April 1782 ansd. 13 May.”LbC (MHi:Dana Family Papers, Francis Dana Letterbook, St. Petersburg, 1782–1784); notation:
“N.B. This letter was written with a view of its being open’d at the Post-Office here,
and accordingly was sent there under certain special circumstances.” Damage to the
RC has resulted in the loss of portions of several words, which have been supplied from
the LbC.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0297

Author: Digges, Thomas

Author: Russell, William

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-23

From Thomas Digges

[dateline] London 23d Apr 1782

[salute] Dr sir

Since the sailing of Adml Barrington there has been much surprise and speculation
as to His destination, and an express just arrivd from Plymouth announces that a few
days ago and not many leagues off Brest one of His look out frigates the Artois Cap
McBride fell in with an outward Bound India Fleet of 4 line of Battle ships (two armed
en flute) and about 20 sail of Transports, four of which were taken by Capt McBride
and brought into Plymo. and the fleet under Adml Barrington left in chase in such
a position as to make it morally certain He would capture the whole. Report at first
said it was the homeward bound Domingo fleet and that Adml { 458 } Barrington had taken 23 merchantmen and two men of War; but the above seems to be
the nearest accot to truth.1 As this accot came too late for the Gazette, without its publication is purposely
kept back, I give it You in a hurry just at the period of the post setting out.

No other news. The idea of Peace with Holland or Ama seperately has pretty well blown
over; and as a substitute in conversation the cry now is that Genl Carlton carrys
over such profers as will assuredly be accepted of. Mr. L— too is very shortly to
return from the Continent with such an assent to the proposals He carryd to His Colleagues
as will insure a Peace!!!

1. Adm. Samuel Barrington sailed in early April to patrol off Brest. On the 20th one
of his frigates sighted a convoy bound for the East Indies accompanied by three 64-gun
ships of the line, one of them serving as a troop transport armed en flûte: that is,
with its armament removed. In the ensuing engagement the troop transport and another
ship of the line were taken together with twelve other vessels from the convoy. By
26 April, Barrington was back at Spithead, having struck a heavy blow against the
French in the East Indies (Mackesy, War for America, p. 478; W. M. James, The British Navy in Adversity: A Study of the War of American Independence, London and N.Y., 1926, p. 366–367).

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0298

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.

Date: 1782-04-24

To Robert R. Livingston

On the 24th. day of April I had the Honor to be introduced to the Princess, from whom
I met a very gracious Reception. As it is necessary to say something upon these Occasions,
I could think of nothing better than what follows:3

Her Royal Highness thanked me for the Compliment, and promised to do what depended
upon her to render my Residence at the Hague agreable to me, and then asked me several
Questions similar to those of his most Serene Highness.

1. The numbers JA and Thaxter assigned JA’s letters to Livingston correspond to the order in which they were entered in the
Letterbook. Letter No. 8 was entered immediately following letter No. 7 of 232 April, above, in Lb/JA/18 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 106).

2. In the Letterbook copy, JA left a blank space for the date in both the dateline and the first sentence that
John Thaxter filled in later.

3. When JA published this letter in the Boston Patriot of 10 April 1811, he included the following English translation of his conversation
with Wilhelmina, princess of Orange:

“Madame—I am happy to have the honor of presenting a virgin republic and an infant
world, to the benevolence and protection of your royal highness; a princess as illustrious
for her perfections and personal virtues, as by her connection with the house of Orange,
so much revered in America, and with one of those great monarchs, with whom it is
esteemed an honor to live in the same century.

“Your royal highness will permit me to pray that your most serene children and their
posterity, may enjoy to the latest generations in America, the same profound veneration,
which has always been entertained there for their ancestors.”

From Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Brussels April. 24th. 1782

[salute] Sir

I Assure myself, that your Excellency will permit me to offer my Congratulations to
you on your Excellencys being publickly Acknowledged Minister of the United States.
I am rejoiced at this Event for your Excellencys Honor, as well as for the Interest
of our Country—you will believe me, I am Confident, when I say I feel for both, and
both are in good Hands. Go on in your Noble Career; I Know you will, and may God Almighty
bless you.

John Hodshon & Zoon’s Proposals for a Loan

Mess John Hodshon & son yoú are hereby desired to open a loan In my name for The use
of the 13 united States of America agreable to my commission from Them dated The 20th
june 17802 For Foúr or Five Million guilders current at 5 pc Intrest per annúm for the space
of Ten years redeemable In The Five next Following years In equal Five parts with
Intrest Fl payd of For which The obligation and coupons are to be signd by me, and
the obligations contrasigned by yoú,3 and Enregistred by a notary For the Repayment of capital and Intrest the united states
shll bind themself Jointly and seperatly, their Lands Income and prodúce revenus and
Taxes Laid and to be Laid as wil be more fully explained In The obligations to be
signd by me and of which an authentick copy to be sent to congres for Their confirmation
And ratification on Their returning The Same To be drawn for the Súm to be borrowed
as They shal be adresed by yoú.

Mess John Hodshon & son In order To Facilitate The Negotiation of Four or Five Million
of guilders currant, yoú are permitted to allow to the undertakers a premiúm or discoúnt
of Two procent and agree to allow or pay yoú one pc for your commission on the summ
negotiated with one procent for The payment of the annúal Intrest which congres wil
provide for In Such a manner as is most agreable, Further yoú are to be paid one half
pc for the repayment of the capital besides one half procent for Brokeridge on The
summ negotiated, with the cost of the obligations and advertisements and In order
to prevent any prejudice to be done to the present negotiation Thereby oblige myself
that such obligations as are not allready disposed of the loan of messs John de Neufville
& son on the 1st March 1781 shal not be disposed of directly or Indirectly.

1. No final notarized copies of the two proposed contracts between JA and John Hodshon & Zoon printed here have been found. From JA’s letter of 26 April to Hodshon, below, however, it appears that the terms given here may have been the
final ones. If official notarized copies of the contract ever existed, they may have
been destroyed when the Hodshon agreement was superseded. The terms of these proposed
contracts should be compared with that of [11 June] (Adams Papers) between JA and the firms of Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la
Lande & { 461 } Fynje. They should also be compared with the apparent Dft of the proposals printed here that may or may not have been enclosed with Hodshon’s
letter of 20 April, above.

2. The Dft does not refer to Hodshon & Zoon by name and does not mention JA’s commission.

3. The Dft indicates only that Hodshon & Zoon would countersign the obligations; there is no
mention of coupons. The remainder of this paragraph does not appear in the Dft.

From François Adriaan Van der Kemp

[dateline] Leyde 25. April 1782

[salute] Sir

Althoug I am not So happÿ to be the first in making mÿ Compliments to your Excellencÿ;
I am however persuaded that not one of mÿ countrÿmen is more addicted to the cause
of America and more attached to your Excellencÿ than I am.

I congratulate mÿself with the favour of your Excellency’s acquaintance—with a part
of the friendship of your Excellencÿ, and I flatter mÿself, that the aknowledgment
of your High Rank wil not chance ÿour character. The eminent qualities of your heart
remove the Shadow of fear, in this respect, and the knowledge, that I am a man, a
Republican, do me think, that I Shal have a rigth to your good opinion.

In one of other case, perhaps I maÿ be to your Excellencÿ of the American States of
anÿ Service; this Shal me given a great Satisfaction. In this city there are Members
of Regencÿ, who, in the regulation of a treatise of commerce Should be able to give
anÿ elucidations. Moondaÿ I Shal part to Nÿmegen in Gelderland—to consommate my marriage,1 and the month of Juin I hope to be in Friesland. Recommending mÿ in Your Excellency’s
good opinion, I am with the highest esteem Sir! Your Excellency’s much addicted and
Obliged Servant Fr.

To John Hodshon

[dateline] Amsterdam 26th. April 1782

Mr. Hodshon is desired to make the necessary Enquiries, and as soon as he will give
me under his hand his Engagement to furnish { 462 } Congress with four or five Millions of Guilders, by the last day of July next, so
that I may write forthwith to Congress that they may draw for that Sum, I will agree
to his Opening the Loan upon the Terms, We have agreed on.1

1. For the terms to which JA and John Hodshon & Zoon agreed, see Hodshon & Zoon’s proposal, 25 April, above. Hodshon acted immediately by announcing the terms of the loan and soliciting
investors (Pieter J. van Winter, American Finance and Dutch Investment, 1780–1805, With an Epilogue to 1840, transl. James C. Riley, 2 vols., N.Y., 1977, 1:84–85).

Years later, JA recalled that the announcement of the loan initially was well received, but soon
criticism of Hodshon led JA to try to form a consortium of firms, including Hodshon’s, to participate in the
loan. In a letter to the Boston Patriot, JA wrote that the day after the loan was announced, Hodshon “received the customary
congratulations from the principal merchants and capitalists, and I thought I was
very happy in so solid a connection. Mr. Hodshon undertook to remove my family and
furniture from Amsterdam to the Hague, and every thing was done with an order, punctuality
and exactness that could not be exceeded; and his charges for every thing he did and
furnished were extremely moderate” (Boston Patriot, 24 April 1811). JA’s household goods were moved to The Hague in early May. He took up residence in the
Hôtel des Etats Unis on 12 May (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:321, 322, 323–324).

The letter to the Boston Patriot continues,

“Mr. Hodson had visited me from the beginning and had uniformly treated me with as
much repect and civility as any of the other gentlemen who had traded to America.
Neither myself nor my country were under any obligations to any other house that I
know of, more than to his. He was very rich, worth many millions, entirely free from
debt, his credit equal to any house unless that of Hope, was to be excepted, and even
that, though possessed of immense resources, was much in debt and lately in the great
turn of affairs much embarrassed. Mr. Hodshon had several brothers and many other
relations in various parts of the republic who were very rich capitalists; so that
he could have commanded a very respectable loan in spite of all the opposition that
could have been made.

“Not many days passed however, before a clamour arose upon change in the city and
pretty extensively in various parts of the republic. Mr. Van Berckel told me Mr. Hodshon
was envied. There seemed to be a conspiracy of English and French emissaries, of Stadtholderians
and patriots, of the friends and connections of Mr. De Neufville, Fizeau & Grand,
Van Staphorts, De la Lande & Fynje and many others, to raise a cry against Mr. Hodshon.
He was ‘anglomane;’ he ‘was a Stadtholderian;’ he ‘was an enemy to America,’ &c. &c.—not
one word of which was sufficiently well founded to make any reasonable objections
against his employment in this service. However, I saw that there was a settled plan
to make it a party affair, if not an engine of faction. I said nothing, but determined
to let the bubble burst of itself. When I was attacked, as I sometimes was, pretty
severely, in company, for the choice I had made of an house for my loan, I justified
every step of my conduct in it, by such facts and reasons as not one man ever attempted
to contradict or confute.

“Nevertheless, in a few days Mr. Hodshon came to me and said, ‘You cannot be ignorant
sir, that an uneasiness has been excited in the city and country against yourself
and me, on account of the American loan.’ I answered, that I had heard and felt enough
of it, but that having experienced much more formidable popular clamours in my own
country, and seen that they soon subsided, I had not laid this much to heart. It had
not shaken my confidence in him or in his contract. Mr. Hodshon said ‘the opposition
that was made, could not prevent him from obtaining a considerable sum of money; but
it might prevent so large a loan as he and I wished, and as congress expected, and
that it might expose me to reflections and misrepresentations in America, as well
as in Holland, and even in England as well as France;’ and { 463 } added, ‘if you have the least inclination to be disengaged, or if you have the smallest
probablility of doing better for your consituents, I will readily release you from
your contract.’ I thanked him for his generosity, and added, that I was very willing
to risque all the consequences of perseverance, and had no doubt we should succeed
as well at least as I could hope to do, in any other connection I could form. But
if he pleased, I would make some further enquiries. He wished I would—he was advanced
in years, was infirm in his health, easy in his circumstances, perfectly clear and
unembarrassed in his business and wished for repose rather than to engage in squabbles:
but he would not forsake me. If I could not do better, he would proceed. We agreed
to consider and enquire” (Boston Patriot, 24 April 1811).

It was probably at this point that JA wrote his letter to Fizeaux, Grand & Co. and others, 30 April, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0303

Author: Vernon, William Sr.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1782-04-26

From William Vernon Sr.

[dateline] Boston 26th April 1782

[salute] Sir

You have long since known, that the American Navy is reduced to Two Ships only, viz
The Alliance John Barry Commander, now in France and the Deane Samll Nicholson Comr.
that sailed on a Cruise to the Southward, about seven weeks past, no intelligence
from her since her departure.1

This low state of our Navy, has caused the dissolution of the Admiralty and Navy boards,
by resolve of Congress on the 7th of Sepr. last,2 devolving the whole business of the Marine department upon the Honorable Robt. Morris
Esqr., until an Agent shall be appointed for that purpose, by Congress. All those
boards, was immediatly closed, except ours, which was continued, until the above Ships
(then in this Harbour) were compleated for Sea, then to terminate and finally end,
with the delivery of all the remaining Stores, Papers, Books &c &c, in the possession
of the Navy Board Eastn Dept. to the Order of the Superintendant of Finances.

This requisition has been made by John Brown Esqr. late Clerk to the Admiralty Board
appointed by Mr M— to receive the same, leaving our numerous Debts unpaid, subjecting
us to litigious Law suits and perplexities, disgraceful to the Office, and highly
degradeing to the Servants of the Public, conceiveing ourselves subjected to reproach
and every evil, that injured Creditors are but too apt to through out, we have refused
to comply with, until Congress shall point out the mode of exonerating our Office
with honor, and reputation, thereby freeing us from the perplexities that we must
unavoidably be involved in. It is uncertain wheather my Son, returns to America this
Year, or remains in Europe,3 I am perswaded Sir, in every instance he will receive such favors from you, as his
conduct { 464 } and behavior may merit, more I would not wish to ask. I am with perfect esteem, The
honor to be Sr. Your most Obedt. Humble servt.

1. The Boston Independent Chronicle of 23 May reported the return of the Deane from a nine week cruise, during which
it had taken five prizes. Shortly thereafter, because of Silas Deane’s apparent treachery,
the Deane’s name was changed to the Hague, presumably in honor of Dutch recognition of American independence (Morris, Papers, 5:337–338).

Jan Wynzouw to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 26 April 1782

Jan Wynzouw, citizen and native to this province, presently schoolmaster here, formerly
in trade,1 informs you that he, having a good knowledge of draperies and fabrics, as well as
of bookkeeping and a precise sort of accounting, both in French and English goods,
but who can speak nothing but the Dutch language, because of which I have not been
able to succeed in any business, now really would like to try out something else.
It would not matter to me where it would be if with all my diligence I could sooner
or later achieve a decent living with my wife and four children, of whom my eldest
son is already a competent surgeon’s assistant, but the other three are still my responsibility
in hard times, and who have had nothing but illnesses and setbacks, but who now are
all healthy, but now there is almost nothing for me to earn—Would your excellency
be able to place me somewhere favorable wherever it would be even if it were in America.
Under God’s protection we want to say farewell to our fatherland; I have heard that
your Excellency would be able to help such folk in such a matter.

I do not intend to be a great man, but I have never been too slow to earn a piece
of bread for my family and children when I had the chance, I have never been neglectful
and would gladly and with diligence apply myself if I could get something permanent,
for which I most humbly recommend myself to your honor’s favor, and further offering
my service I call myself and am, with all respect, your honorable, nobly-born excellency’s
humble servant,

C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 27 April 1782

[salute] Sir

Since your departure from here, nothing has happened except that yesterday the province
of Holland made a resolution to the Russian court refusing the peace proposal from
London.1 The resolution was communicated to the states general yesterday, after which the
states of Holland adjourned until next Wednesday.

Here are several letters that were brought to me from the inn. I offered to pay the
postage for them, but the innkeeper told me that you had instructed him to pay it
and to bring me the letters that arrive for you.

Since we are both busy with moving, I believe I must be as considerate of your time
as I am of my own and, as a result, be short.

To Francis Dana

[dateline] 28 April 1782

[salute] Dear Sir

Yours of 28 March is this day recd1—the other Paper you mentioned I also recd, but after my Letter was written. Your
other Letters are also recd.

You will have Seen by the Papers, that the great Point is gained here with much Unanimity,
and many indifferent People think it a great Point. I may think more highly of it,
than it deserves, but it has ever appeared to me, the turning Point. Be this as it
will, I think all will allow that it is better to have this nation for Us than against
us—this has been the question—and that question is now certainly decided. If the War
continues, there will be found in this nation a Strong Spirit of Liberty, and a great
deal of obstinate Valour.

It is to no Purpose to entertain you with Relations of Visits and Ceremonies, which
are all finished. The Prince and Princess of orange have acknowledged American Independance
as well as their H.M. The P. has recd a Letter of Credence. It was pretty to present
a beautifull young Virgin World, to the Acquaintance of a fine figure of a Princess,
whose Countenance showed an Understanding capable of judging and an Heart capable
of feeling.

We have no News from America, a long time excepting a Line notifying the arrival of
your son Charles. I am rejoiced that my dear John, pursues his studies so well. Let
him pursue Cicero. But I regret extreamly his absence from Leyden, where there are
such noble Advantages. I am So uneasy about this that I wish he could find a good
Passage in a neutral Vessell, and return to me.2 I feel more lonely, than I used as my Health is not so good, and my Spirits still
worse. I want my Wife and my Children, about me. I must go home. I cant live so—it
is too much. If I should go home it would give great Pleasure to Some who dont love
me. And I really feel Benevolence enough to give them this satisfaction. I am weary
my Friend, of the dastardly Meannesses of Jealousy and Envy. It is mortifying, it
is humiliating to me to the last degree, to see such Proofs of it, as degrade human
nature.

If I should get a Treaty made I have a great Mind to go home and carry it for Ratification.

I will write to my dear Boy soon,3 I have rcd his Letters, and would have him write me as often as he can. Dont mind
Postage.

To Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Amsterdam April 28. 1782

[salute] Sir

Your favour of the 24, is just come to Hand. Your Congratulations on the publick acknowledgment
of the United States do me great Honour.

I received in its Time, your favour of 18. The Compliments you make me upon this occasion,
are greater than I deserve, though they are not greater than were made me last Week,
by one of the most respectable foreign Ministers at the Hague.

Think of me, however as they will, I am not easily touched with Such Compliments.
They will never turn my Head I assure you.

The Revolution which has taken Place in this nation, is the Result of a vast number
and Variety of great Events, composing a great Scheme of Providence, which comprized
a great part of the Earth and the nations on it, which I could no more influence,
than the fly upon the Chariot Wheel could raise the Cloud of Dust.

When I recollect the Circumstances, I am amazed, and I feel, that it is no Work of
mine. Mr Laurens was to be taken—Congres were to foresee it, so far as to send me
a Commission to borrow Money. I was to come to Holland to see the Country and my friend
Laurens. Congress were to send me full Powers. These were to be lost on the Way from
Paris, and to run the Gantlet through Dilligences, Post offices and Treck schuits,
and at last reach me Safe by an unknown Hand. I was to be Seized with a Fit of obstinacy
and go { 469 } to the Hague, with a Memorial, in opposition to Advices, Remonstrances, and almost
Menaces. Mr Van Berckel was to come forward next—then the Burgomaster of Amsterdam,
the Battle of Doggersbank. France was to retake statia &c. The Barrier Towns were
to be evacuated—The Emperors Toleration was to allarm the Dutch further about their
Commerce. Cornwallis, Minorca st Kits were to be taken. Congress was to prohibit the
Importation of British Manufactures. The Revolution was to take Place in England.
What a Chain! and what Link in it, did I forge? none at all but the stubborn Memorial.
All that I have done was just to throw out a few Hints for the Contemplation of the
People. I need not be envyed for this—My Fevers and Swollen Legs and feeble Knees,
are not envyed I dare say.

However, I had Seen and felt before So much of the Smart arising from a sordid Jealeusy
and Envy, that I never can see or feel more of it—I despise it all and am determined
to brave it. All their dastardly assassinations, their secret Whispers, their vile
slanders, I hold in as much Contempt as I do their Persons and Characters. I disdain
to Say or write a Word in my own Vindication. Let them go to the End of their Rope.
I confess, I have tolerated several Things which gave me Pain and which I never suffered
in any former Part of my Life on Purpose to show them how much I hold them in Contempt,
and at Defyance. I am much afraid, that the dirty disagreable office of Stripping
the Gilding off of one more Knave, is destined for me. I hope not—and will avoid it
if I can.

But, dont believe me dazzled with my Glory—I should Embark tomorrow for the blue Hills
there to live and die with more Pleasure, than I had in making fine Speeches to the
Prince or Princess of orange, or the Grand Committee of their High Mightinesses. There
is one Thing, I should be glad to do, if it were in my Power, which however it never
will be.2

1. Translation: You have struck, sir, the greatest blow in all Europe. It is the greatest
blow yet struck in the American cause. It is you who have terrified and vanquished
the Anglomanes. It is you who have filled this nation with enthusiasm. It is you who
have turned their heads. It is not just to make a compliment to Mr. Adams that I say
this, it is because it is true and I know that it is his due.

2. One can only conjecture about JA’s meaning here. In his reply of 6 May (Adams Papers), Jenings referred specifically to this sentence, but JA did not respond with a clarification.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0308

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Lacoste, Jn. Pas., & Courtiau (business)

Date: 1782-04-29

To Jn. Pas. Lacoste & Courtiau

[dateline] Amsterdam April 29th. 1782

[salute] Gentlemen

I have recd. the polite Letter, which You did me the honor to write me on the 26th
with the Letter from St. Petersbourg.1 Let me beg of You to give me a minute of the Postage of this and any other Letter
You may recieve for me, that I may repay You.

You do me too much honor in ascribing the late glorious Event to me.2 It is the Result of a vast Combination of Causes which have been operating in several
Nations and various Quarters of the Globe, in which I had very little more Influence
than the Fly upon the Chariot Wheel in raising the Dust.

I do not however rejoice in it the less. It appears to me a foundation for Prosperity
and Security to both Nations, whom may God bless.

[salute] I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your obliged and obedient humble Servant

2. In their letter Lacoste & Courtiau congratulated JA on the glorious event, which they attributed to his sublime genius and profound wisdom.

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0309

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Bondfield, John

Date: 1782-04-30

To John Bondfield

[dateline] Amsterdam April 30. 1782

[salute] Sir

Yours of 13 is duely recd: I congratulate you, on Gillons Success and hope that his
Prizes, and those he may make hereafter will defray the enormous Expence of that outfit.
All his Patience Activity and Perseverance, were necessary, to carry that affair through:
and the Cost was immense.

I am not able to answer your Question, concerning the fate of a Vessell of yours,
which should be carried into England by a Privateer: because I am not able to comprehend
nor to penetrate the System of the New Ministry. Perhaps it may, devellope itself,
soon.

It is with Pleasure I am able to inform you, that, the Sovereignty of the United States
of America has been Acknowledged, in the most Solemn, unanimous and glorious manner,
by the Bodies of Artisans, Merchants, Professions Citizens, and Colledges by the Cities
{ 471 } Provinces, States General, Prince and Princess of orange. A more manly and decided
Honour has never yet been done to our Country. I need not entertain you with a detail,
of the Difficulties, Discouragements, and Mortifications, through which We have had
the good Fortune to arrive at this honourable Result. I should be Sorry to tell them
to the present Age, and think it almost a Pity they should be known to Posterity.

Whatever the World may Say, this nation has great Qualities. They lie deep it is true:
but when an occasion presents which calls them forth, they show themselves with great
Eclat.

[salute] With much Esteem, I have the Honour to be Sir your most obedient humble sert

To Fizeaux, Grand & Co. and Others

[dateline] April 30. 1782

1. If the Houses of Fizeaux Grand & Co. John Hodshon & Son Mess. Crommelin, Mess.
Van Staphorst, Mess. De la Lande & Fynje and Mr. John de Neufville & Son, will all
join together in an American Loan, Mr. Adams will open it without demanding any Stipulations
for any certain Sum.

2d. If the first Proposition is not agreed to, Mr. Adams will open a Loan with as
many of these Houses as will agree together, and enter into a Stipulation with him
to furnish the sum of Five Millions by the Month of August.

3d. If no Number of Houses will join, Mr. Adams will open the Loan with any One that
will first undertake and contract to furnish that Sum.

4d. Mr. Adams proposes that all those Gentlemen should meet and consult upon the Matter
and propose their Thoughts.1

Tr (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 4, f. 700). This copy was enclosed by Nicolaas and Jacob van Staphorst
in their letter of 24 Nov. 1785 to John Jay, for which see note 1.

1. With this letter JA sought to bring banking firms allied to the Patriot party into the effort to raise
an American loan. His intention was to increase the loan’s chances for success by
appeasing those critical of his choice of John Hodshon & Zoon for the task, most notably
Nicolaas and Jacob van Staphorst, for which see John Thaxter’s letter of 22 April, and note 2, above. This letter, however, did not achieve JA’s purpose. In their letter of 24 Nov. 1785 to Jay the van Staphorsts offered a critical
assessment of JA’s financial dealings in the Netherlands: “We received a Note from him, a Copy whereof
{ 472 } We take the Liberty to inclose you [see descriptive note], proposing a Junction of Houses, the like of which was never known here, and that
was therefore refused by all solid Persons. We at this time waited upon him, and presumed
to call to His Remembrance all what we had told him, which had been confirmed by the
Event; But as we spoke the Language of Men accustomed to Truth, and not as insinuating
Flatterers, We met with no success, We were on the contrary treated as People, who
had occasioned the Miscarriage of his inconsiderate Efforts with Mr. Hodshon, and
were shewn the door with Rudeness. From which time We should not have waited any more
upon Mr. Adams. Had we not been intreated to it by a Person of great Consideration
since dead, Who promised us that in this Conjuncture Mr. Adams would in a proper Manner,
propose to employ us in the Negotiation of a Loan. Hereupon We returned to him, when
he proposed to us the Junction, which was afterwards fixed upon.” On 11 June 1782JA received a letter from the firms of Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst,
and De la Lande & Fynje discussing the loan’s terms (Adams Papers). The names of the firms are given here in the order of their signatures on the letter,
which presumably reflected their standing within the consortium.

Although John Hodshon was displaced from the American loan his relationship with JA continued. Hodshon assisted JA in the move from his residence in Amsterdam to the Hôtel des Etats Unis at The Hague
(Adams Family Correspondence, 4:321). And on 13 June (LbC, Adams Papers) JA wrote that “Justice and Gratitude will forever oblige me to Say, that your Conduct
through the whole affair [the loan], was that of a Man of Honour, a Gentleman and a true Friend of the United States
of America.”

Docno: ADMS-06-12-02-0311

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Luzac, Jean

Date: 1782-04-30

To Jean Luzac

I ought to make an apology, for delaying So long to answer your Favour of the Sixteenth
accompanied with Some printed Copies, of the Address of Thanks from the Body of Merchants
and Manufacturers of the City of Leyden, to the great Council.

The great Qualities, which this Nation has always displayed upon occasions proper
to call them Forth, appear with too much Splendour upon this occasion to be mistaken.

From Herman van Bracht

[dateline] Dort 30 April 1782

[salute] Sir

I have the honour to return you, with many thanks the collection of the constitutions
of America, which you was So obliging as lend me, the translation of the pieces I
wanted to compleat the whole, is finishd, and the printer Mr. F wanner of this city,
is making all possible diligence with the Impression, So that I hope it will be publish’d
in a month or two.1

The readiness and politeness with which you acquiesed to my { 473 } former request encourages me to ask Some more favours from you. It appears to me that
the Treaty of commerce now on the carpet between the States of America (and which
I presume will be Soon concluded) and this Republic, would form a very proper appendix
to the present publication, if it Strikes you in the Same light, and you Should think
it Sufficiently advanced to insert it, I would request a copy of it as Soon as possible.
But This I must leave intirely to your discretion—but another request I have to make, in the
printers name as well as my own, as it depends intirely upon your Self, I hope you
will not refuse: as the first part of the work was dedicated (I think with great propriety)
to the pensionary Van Berkel and with his permission, it Will afford the printer and
me great Satisfaction, if he may be allowd to dedicate this part to you.2

I observe by the 11 Article of the Treaty of commerce with France that the plenipitentiaries
have taken care that the Americans Should not become liable to the Droit daubaine and Droit le Detraction. This induces me to take the liberty of informing you that a Similar unjust Law prevails in the cities of Holland, by which they have a right to demand (and this
not less than 10 perCt) upon all heritages, as well abintestato as extestamento which, fall within and are carried out of their Jurisdictions, an act of Injustice founded upon a remnant of that enormous
power possess’d by the old Courts of Holland, and however adapted it may have been
to those feudal times, I am persuaded it is at present impolitic; Indeed most of the
cities are So Sensible of this, that they have mutually desisted from this right upon
each other, but Foreigners are Still liable to it, It is calld het regt van Exu or Exu geld.3

Congratulating you Sir on your admission as Envoy plenipitentiary by the States, assuring
you of my constant esteem en Sincere offers of my Service I remain Sir Your Most obed:
Servt.

1. Van Bracht returned The Constitutions of the Several Independent States of America; . . . , Phila., 1781, that JA lent him in February (to van Bracht, 1 Feb., above). Translated into Dutch, it formed the second volume of Verzameling van de Constitutien . . . van Amerika, . . . , 2 vols., Dordrecht, 1781–1782, which appeared in August (from van Bracht,
12 Aug., Adams Papers). Two sets of the edition are in JA’s library at MB (Catalogue of JA’s Library).

2. JA replied on 3 May (LbC, Adams Papers), indicating that he thought it inappropriate to publish the Dutch-American treaty
prior to its ratification, but consenting to the proposed dedication so long as “nothing
be said offensive to any one.”

3. The droit d’aubain was the right of the French king to seize the property of deceased
foreigners. The droit de detraction was a tax paid on property moved out of France.
Americans were exempted from both by Art. 11 of { 474 } the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:10–11). An exemption, similar to that in the Franco-American treaty and presumably
intended to cope with such laws as mentioned by van Bracht, was included as Art. 6
of Congress’ plan of [29 Dec. 1780] for a treaty with the Netherlands (vol. 10:452), and was included as Art. 6 in the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce concluded
on 8 Oct. 1782 (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:65–66).

C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 30 April 1782

[salute] Sir

With all the commotion of moving tomorrow, I have only a trunk on which to write this
letter to you. You will see from the enclosed letter from Mr. Nolet of Schiedam, and
from the copy of my provisional reply, what will be necessary in your own response.1 Meantime, I would like to remind you that you have accepted a dinner invitation at
Mr. and Mrs. Boreel’s home here on the 6th of May. I was told that the people from
Schiedam { 475 } are preparing a meal composed of 100 dishes, and that there will be many people from
Rotterdam there. I must also remind you that you need to choose a date one week in
advance, because of all the necessary preparations. Now, if you could choose a date
during the second week of May, they would be greatly pleased. I think it would be
best, sir, if you indicate the time that you will be in Delft in your carriage, so
you can continue on in their yacht if you do not want them to come here to get you.
I think this would be better. You can decide, after that, to do whatever pleases you.
As for me, I do not have the least objection or reluctance to stay here on that day,
in the company of my wife and daughter, during the celebration. We will be delighted
to learn of the pleasant time you will have had there, as well as Mr. Thaxter, to
whom we send our cordial regards.

[salute] I am with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

1. In a letter of 29 April addressed to Dumas as JA’s secretary (JA, Works, 7:577–578), Jacobus Nolet invited JA to a dinner in his honor to be given by the merchants of Schiedam in the first or
second week of May. Dumas replied on 30 April (Adams Papers) that he was an American agent in correspondence with Congress and that John Thaxter
was JA’s secretary. Thaxter was thus the proper person to apply to with regard to the proposed
dinner. Nonetheless Dumas indicated that the pressure of events and business would
likely prevent JA’s attendance. JA replied to Dumas on 2 May (||available in Papers of John Adams, vol. 13; ||Works, 7:578–579), indicating his desire to be excused from the “affectionate, as well
as polite invitation do dine at Schiedam,” but he left the matter in Dumas’ hands.
On 8 May, Dumas informed the city of Schiedam that JA would be unable to attend but that he was fully sensible of the honor and friendship
for himself and the United States manifested by the invitation (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 2, f. 470).