Body image and sexual identity: an interview study
with lesbian, bisexual and heterosexual college
age-women.

Abstract:

In this article we explore lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual
college-age women's body image development within the context of
their sexual identities. We conducted in-depth interviews with 28 women.
Our analysis is situated within feminist constructionist scholarship,
socio-cultural body image research, and existing research on body image
and sexuality. This research extends the current body of knowledge by
comparing body image satisfaction and dissatisfaction across sexual
orientation, via descriptive qualitative data. We suggest women's
internationalization or rejection of dominant femininity, the
availability of viable (validated) alternative femininities, and
one's place in subculture groups (as a mediator of dominant values)
all converge to contribute to overall body image satisfaction and
dissatisfaction. Moreover, through their largely unmitigated
internalization of hegemonic femininity, the heterosexual participants
experienced significantly more dissatisfaction than the lesbian and
bisexual participants.

In this article we explore lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual
college-age women's body image development within the context of
their sexual identities. Qualitative interviews allowed us to gain
insight into the socio-cultural processes at play as these women
construct and reconstruct their identities.

One of the issues with presenting our research is the relevance of
several different but overlapping bodies of literature. We feel it is
important to present this range of literature as a means of situating
our research as well as our interpretation of our findings. Therefore,
our literature review is divided into the following categories: Sexual
Identity, Gender Identity, Body Image, Body Norms, Lesbian Subculture,
Cultural Invisibility, and Minority-Status.

Identity involves a process of "self-definition"
(Yarhouse, 2001, p. 334). Sexual identity is a broad term that is
partially constituted by gender identity and sexual orientation. Sexual
identity and gender identity emerge out of interlinked and ongoing
processes. Drawing on Althof (2000, pp. 247-249). Yarhouse explains that
sexual identity encompasses gender identity, object choice, and
intention. Within this framework gender identity refers to a
person's sense of being male, female, or transgendered; object
choice denotes sources of sexual attraction; and intention refers to how
individuals responds to their sexual impulses. Sexual identity can be
thought of as a "self concept" used to organize one's
gender identity and sexual orientation (Cass, 1984). Diamond (2003)
notes that, generally, these identities are labeled:
"heterosexual," "gay," "lesbian," or
"bisexual."

From this perspective, individuals may experience transitions in
sexual orientation throughout their lives. Sexual orientation is viewed
as continuously evolving out of an individual's sexual and
emotional experiences, social interactions, and the influence of the
cultural context. Such influences may work together to maintain sexual
orientation or may precipitate subtle or not-so-subtle shifts in
orientation. (Kinnish et al., 2005, p. 174)

Some studies have shown that gender is a stronger predictor of
sexual behavior than is sexual orientation (Garnets, 2002;
Savin-Williams & Diamond, 2000). It has been found that women tend
to be more relationally-minded and men tend to be more physically and
body-centered when concerning sexual attraction, whether homosexual or
heterosexual (Garnets, 2002; Owens, Hughes, & Owens-Nicholson,
2003).

The relationship between the dominant constructions of femininity
and masculinity is one of polarization and exclusion. As with all social
constructions, femininity is largely defined by what it excludes (Leavy,
Gnong, & Ross, 2009). Pfohl (2008) writes: "the believability
of the social constructions that lie inside the circle depends on what
the circle expels to the outside. In this sense, social constructions
are, at once, constituted and haunted by what they exclude" (pp.
645-646). In the case of dominant femininity, attributes culturally
ascribed to masculinity are positioned in opposition to femininity. For
example, research shows that female athletes often have to negotiate the
perceived "dual identities" of "female" and
"athlete" because athleticism is culturally coded as
"masculine" (Evans, 2006; Krane, Choi, Baird, Aimar, &
Kauer, 2004). In this regard, Evans (2006) suggests girls'
experiences with sports manifest in relation to the performance of
femininity and the "fear of masculinization." The polarization
of femininity and masculinity, coupled with the appearance and behavior
dictates of hegemonic femininity, are important aspects of the context
in which women across sexual orientations develop their body images.

Ludwig and Brownell (1999) compared the body image attitudes of
lesbian and bisexual women with whether the individuals self-identified
as feminine, masculine, or androgynous. The study used data gathered
from anonymous surveys administered to 188 lesbian and bisexual women.
Ludwig and Brownell found significant differences of body satisfaction
levels between "masculine" and "feminine" women, and
found "masculine" and "androgynous" women to have no
significant difference in body image. "Feminine" women were
more likely than either "masculine" or "androgynous"
women to feel accepted by their friends and to use their bodies to
attract attention from others. Despite this finding, overall,
"masculine" and "androgynous" women reported higher
body satisfaction rates than did "feminine women" (Ludwig
& Brownell, 1999).

Beren, Hayden, Wilfley, and Grilo (1996) administered tests to 72
heterosexual and 69 homosexual women that explored Body Dissatisfaction,
Psychosocial Factors, and Affiliation with the Gay/Lesbian Community.
The Body Dissatisfaction test scores were not significantly different
between heterosexual and homosexual women, and the psychosocial factors,
such as dieting and weight concern, also were similar. These findings
are replicated in other recent research (Cogan, 2001; Epel, Spanakos,
Kasl-Godley, & Brownell, 1996; Pitman, 2000; Share & Mintz,
2002). Researchers have hypothesized that heterosexual and homosexual
women may be prone to different types of eating disorders and for
different reasons (Cogan, 2001; Lakkis et al., 1999; Siever, 1994). This
is because lesbians are affected by and vulnerable to different relevant
social factors than are heterosexual women that influence the
development of eating disorders (French et al., 1996; Lakkis et al,
1999; Lancelot & Kaslow, 1994; Pitman, 2000; Siever, 1994;
Striegel-Moore et al., 1990). A meta-analytic review of the literature
on sexual orientation and body image suggests that, overall, lesbians
have higher body satisfaction but comparable levels of awareness of
societal standards which lesbians do not reject outright (Morrison,
Morrison, & Sager, 2004).

The majority of research on female body image and sexuality is
quantitative. Therefore, our study contributes important qualitative
data to our understanding of this topic.

A study by Cogan (2001) surveyed self-identified lesbian and
bisexual women about exercise motivation and habits, body image, the
potential effect of feminist attitudes on body image, body norms, and
revealing one's sexual orientation to family and friends
("coming out"). The study was intended to find out why
lesbians may create confining norms within their own communities after
resisting dominant beauty norms (Cogan, 2001). Cogan's study found
that over 90% of lesbians exercised for non-aesthetic reasons such as
health, fitness, and pleasure. Very few women exercised to lose weight
or to be more physically attractive. However, while the lesbians were
very accepting of other women's bodies, they were as critical as
the heterosexual women of their own bodies. It is important, though, to
consider the possibility that lesbian women may emphasize exercise for
health versus appearance in order to appear less affected by the
dominant patriarchal thin ideal. Qualitative research might be needed to
explore these issues in great depth.

Research indicates that there are specific "codes of
appearance" for the lesbian community (Cogan, 2001; Luzzatto &
Gvion, 2004). These "codes" or norms are described "as a
form of safety, to establish an identity, and to feel a sense of
community, lesbians have established outward markers. These include such
items as pinkie rings, Doc Martens, triangle earrings, and certain
haircuts--lesbian beauty forms help us find each other" (Cogan,
2001, p. 29). Historically, these markers were a subtle way for lesbians
to identify one another, but the frequency of their use has contributed
to their development into a set of alternative beauty standards.
Cogan's study also revealed that "coming out" frequently
marked the point where their internalized body and beauty norms started
shifting from the norms of mainstream society to the alternative, but
differently restrictive, lesbian community standards.

Lesbian Subculture

Several studies have examined the importance of socio-cultural
factors in the etiology of eating disorders, which have resulted in
mixed findings. Some studies purport that lesbian subculture downplays
the importance of physical attractiveness, and thus can act as a buffer
against many of the social pressures of the dominant culture (Ludwig
& Brownell, 1999; Striegel-Moore et al., 1990). Therefore, same sex
attractions among women and involvement in the lesbian community may
lead to greater acceptance of one's own body and may protect one
from body dissatisfaction and eating disorders (Beren et al., 1997;
Heffernan, 1994; Lakkis et al., 1999; Ludwig & Brownell, 1999;
Siever, 1994). However, other research has found that lesbians and
heterosexual women are far more similar with respect to their body
esteem (Pitman, 2000; Striegel-Moore et al., 1990).

Beren, Hayden, Wilfley, and Grilo (1996) found that there were no
significant differences between lesbian and heterosexual women in body
dissatisfaction or in related psychosocial factors. Further, some
lesbians strive for or are attracted to the heterosexual standards of
female beauty (Cogan, 2001; Pitman, 2000).

Some lesbians report that they do not adhere to heterosexual
standards of female beauty; however, they "feel confined to a
lesbian standard of beauty, one which is thin, physically fit, strong,
well-dressed, and not too 'femmy'" (Pitman, 2000, p. 59).
In an in-depth interview study with 8 lesbians about body image and
sexual identity, all 8 participants noted a desire to be "fit"
(Salkin, Asher, & Chavinson Asher, 1999). Attempting to fit into the
lesbian community and its beauty standards can lead to stress and body
image dissatisfaction (Alexander & Clare, 2004). This indicates that
lesbian women are faced with a wide range of competing, contradictory
and at times interlocking beauty ideals from the dominant culture and
lesbian subculture.

It may be that the pressure that lesbians experience as a result of
being a part of a minority and stigmatized group negatively affects a
number of psychosocial factors, including body dissatisfaction, and thus
may offset the lesbian community's more flexible norms about
women's bodies (Beren et al., 1996, p. 140).

Lesbians have a unique and conflicting range of experiences as a
result of their minority status, including prevailing stereotypes which
have different effects on attitudes and feelings about their bodies
(Beren et al., 1997).

Whereas mainstream sources, such as women's magazines and peer
pressure seem to influence lesbian college students to value a thinner
body ideal, sexual relationships with women encouraged acceptance of
one's body. Conflict between mainstream and lesbian values about
the importance of weight and overall appearance was repeatedly voiced by
the respondents (Beren et al., 1997, p. 432).

This overall conflict may be yet another source of stress that
cultivates body dissatisfaction in some lesbian women.

Cultural Invisibility

The relationship between sexual orientation, cultural visibility
and body image is an under researched area, potentially important to our
understanding of body image and sexual identity. Studies have shown that
gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered (GLBT) persons are highly
underrepresented in mainstream culture (Galliher, Rostosky, &
Hughes, 2004; Hubbard & De Welde, 2003; Lasser & Tharinger,
2003; Nicholas, 2004). GLBT people may employ different strategies to
compensate for their cultural invisibility. Because identifying or
concealing one's homosexual identity may be part of a survival
process (as both protection against homophobia and a dating tool), there
may be an added significance placed on the bodies of GLBT individuals in
order for them to signal or conceal sexual identity. One study with 20
lesbian participants suggests that because lesbians live within
competing socio-cultural contexts (dominant culture and lesbian
subculture) they may be unsure about how to feel about their bodies and
how to talk with others about this issue (Kelly, 2007). Kelly (2007)
labels this phenomenon "body silence."

Minority-Status

As a result of their invisibility, members of sexual minorities are
at a greater psychosocial risk overall as they "are not readily
supported in their sexual identity development and often have to choose
between maintaining attachments to family and peers and claiming a
stigmatized identity" (Rostosky, Owens, Zimmerman & Riggle,
2003, p. 743). GLBT individuals experience stress as a result of
prejudice and discrimination (Lewis, Derlega, Griffin, & Krowinski,
2003, p. 717). One study shows that this additional dimension of stress
was a factor in the self-injurious behavior of lesbian and bisexual
women (Alexander & Clare, 2004).

Research Methods

For this study we conducted in-depth interviews (Berg, 2001; Weiss,
1994) with 28 college-age women (ranging from 18-22) in the northeast in
order to learn about their body image within the context of their sexual
and gender identities. We employed convenience sampling, soliciting
local college students on their campuses and seeking participants via
personal networks. Our sample consisted of 18 participants that
identified as heterosexual, 8 participants that identified as lesbian,
and 2 who identified as bisexual. Given the predominance of quantitative
research on this topic, we have sacrificed breadth in favor of depth.
All of the interviewees signed informed consent forms indicating that
their participation was voluntary, confidential, could be stopped at any
time, and would be used for scholarly purposes only. Identifying
information was removed from the transcripts and each participant was
assigned a number.

Prior to the in-depth interviews we constructed an interview guide
with broad categories or "lines of inquiry" (Weiss, 1994) to
cover in each interview as well as specific open-ended questions listed
under each category. Weiss (1994) refers to "lines of inquiry"
as general lists of topics the researcher would like to learn about and
pursue with the participant. The main categories were: Gender,
Appearance, Diet, Exercise, Sexuality, Peers, Family/Community, and
Romantic Relationships/Dating. An open-ended, unstructured approach was
employed. The intent was to make certain that all of the major
categories within the interview guide were covered in any order that
flowed in a particular interview. In future research we would take the
additional step of soliciting feedback from experts to help establish
content validity.

Working from a feminist epistemological and theoretical framework,
we wanted to share authority over the process with our participants.
Therefore, our unstructured, organic approach to the interviews
developed in accord with our feminist grounding. Anderson and Jack
(1991) suggest that feminist interviewers must "shed agendas"
in order to listen for meaning because women often "mute"
themselves. Similarly, Bailey (2007) posits that as members of a
marginalized group, women often normalize their experiences of
oppression. In this regard, Anderson and Jack write:

Interviewing women regarding their body image and sexuality
therefore requires active listening on multiple levels, which we felt
could be best accomplished via an unstructured approach to the
interviews. After transcribing the in-depth interviews we coded the
interview data. Coding allows for categories, themes, patterns, and
concepts to emerge (Saldana, 2009). Coding may also be the link between
collecting data and developing a theory to explain these data
(Hesse-Biber, Howling, Leavy, & Lovejoy, 2004). We coded the data by
hand, conceptualizing the analysis and interpretation process as a craft
(Denzin & Lincoln, 1998) and fully immersing ourselves in the data.
Through this process major themes emerged.

Body Image and Sexuality: Data Analysis

Overall, our heterosexual research participants were significantly
dissatisfied with various aspects of their bodies while the lesbian and
bisexual participants were largely satisfied with and accepting of their
bodies.

Body Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction among the Heterosexual
Interviewees

When asked in an open-ended format what, if anything, they
didn't like about themselves, the heterosexual women talked
extensively about numerous features of their bodies, ranging from
stomachs and thighs to ears, noses, height, and most frequently weight.
One woman listed some of her concerns as follows:

Thirteen of the heterosexual women interviewed were significantly
dissatisfied with the shape and/or size of their bodies, specifically
stating that certain parts were too "large," and that
largeness was unattractive. Although the majority of women felt that
being "too skinny" was considered unappealing, most still
aspired to a thin beauty ideal which they reported was communicated to
them from the media, family, and peers. One woman talked about her arms
and thighs: "I just don't like that I have big arms ... I have
really big thighs, um, you know ... I have a wide butt." Another
woman expressed similar dissatisfactions: "... and I mean yeah I
look in the mirror and I'm like 'man, I wish my ass was
smaller, I wish my waist was smaller'." Many women had strong
feelings about the parts of their body that displeased them, and often
evoked the word "hate" when referring to their perceived
deficiencies. One woman fervently stated: "I have fat thighs!! I
hate it! And I think, I feel like no matter how long I go to the gym,
I'm never gonna have skinny thighs. That just pisses me off."
Other women talked about how they "hated" their legs or their
"gut."

The heterosexual participants negatively regarded muscular arms and
legs, regardless of athletic status. One woman described her unhappiness
with her muscles, even though they were beneficial assets in her
softball career.

"... some people would make comments as to my muscles, like
I've always had big muscles, I've played softball my whole
life and so I just have big arm muscles and people would comment on it
and I'd be very self conscious about it and I've always hated
my muscles because of that."

She further stated: "I know that I'm never going to be a
skinny little girl. My bone structure, I know that's not the way it
is, but I'm not happy with the way my body is ..." Although
this woman acknowledged that her body shape is natural for her, her
dissatisfaction remains.

Many of the participants explained that they exercise to lose
weight or to stay thin.

"... so I go to the gym ... I try to go three or four times a
week, because I like to feel like I can keep my body in check so I do
not gain a lot of weight." "So why do you go to the gym
overall?

To stay thin.

"Okay, how do you feel after going to they gym? Like when
you're done with your workout how do you feel?

I feel awesome, I love it. And I feel guilty when I don't get
to go for a day. Like I feel, I look in the mirror and I'm like ugh
'I'm getting fat again' because I don't go to the
gym for like a day ..."

Only in one area of the body was largeness desired: breasts.
Although the heterosexual women interviewed generally expressed
dissatisfaction with bigger parts of their bodies, 5 women felt further
dissatisfaction arising from the perceived relative smallness of their
breasts. One woman asserted: "I wish my boobs were bigger!"
Another woman simultaneously spoke about wanting to lose weight and
wanting larger breasts.

"Well I would like to lose like ten pounds (laughs), but
I'm pretty much okay. You know what? I would really enjoy it if I
had bigger boobs ..."

When asked why this was, she replied: "I just don't feel
like I have the ideal boobs." She went on to explain where she
derived her concept of ideal breasts:

"men's portrayal of what they like, cause I'd say
women if they had to say what they like, they'd like smaller boobs,
because bigger boobs cause problems, you know, when you exercise they
are all jiggly or whatnot. So I would have to say it's definitely a
male want."

A theme throughout the heterosexual interviews was that the beauty
ideal of thinness and big breasts was desired because it was viewed as a
way to attract men.

"I was always a little overweight so I always wanted to be
skinnier like the skinny girl who like, so I could get a boy like that.

And that's how you figured, is that how you, you realized that
the only way to get a boy was to look like them?

Not exactly like them, but ...

Skinny?

Yeah."

"So you desire to have skinny thighs?

Yes!

Why?

Um, I don't know. That's a good question! I don't
know, but I mean I guess because that is what is seen as attractive by
guys. And who doesn't want to be seen as attractive by guys?"

Our participants understanding of the social rewards attached to
adhering to femininity appearance norms, particularly with respect to
attaining heterosexual relationships, is supported by research that
indicates men are more concerned with physical attractiveness in
partners than women (Bergeron & Senn, 1998; Diamond, 2003; Siever,
1994). However, it is also important to note that the body type
heterosexual men report as the most desirable is not as thin as the
hyper-thin body type heterosexual women assume they find
attractive(Hesse-Biber, 2006).

Body Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction among the Homosexual and
Bisexual Interviewees

The lesbian and bisexual participants revealed a greater overall
comfort with and acceptance of their varied body types. One woman
discussed her feelings about her body similarly to many of these
interviewees.

"I am never going to be a twig, and I have accepted that, and
I am okay with that, and I like it, ya know, and I am never, ya know,
you can't necessarily change everything about yourself, and I am
very accepting of that."

When asked, in an open-ended format, what she liked about herself
another participant replied:

"Do you have a few hours? It's a long list! Physically, I
just like my body because I am comfortable with it ... I don't have
a part of me or like people would say 'my stomach' or 'my
hands' or whatever, no I am pretty okay with everything."

Another participant expressed similar feelings:

"When I sort of accepted that my body was okay the way it was,
I could let go of a lot of those other things ... I was afraid people
wouldn't like me cuz I was fat and now I'm like if someone
doesn't like me because of the size of my body, well that's
their loss."

A common theme found throughout the interviews was that the lesbian
and bisexual women's overall greater self-acceptance results, in
part, from experiencing acceptance from the lesbian community or family
and friends. One woman who had high body satisfaction discussed this as
follows:

"I think that the lesbian world is very accepting to a lot of
different types of women, more so than the straight society is, because
there are so many different types, that for some reason, gay women are
more accepting of that I guess."

She went on to note the value of being immersed in an open and
accepting environment.

"Well I think that I was really fortunate to go to the college
that I did ... it was very accepting of lesbians .... it is a very, very
open location, an open town, ya know there are lots of opportunities,
lots of gay clubs in the area, there are, ya know, things like that ....
and it really, really made it easy for me to come out and be open about
things, and not necessarily have as much of a problem as somebody who
goes to a school that is completely taboo about gay culture stuff."

A bisexual woman spoke about joining a PRIDE group at her college,
and how the feeling of acceptance she experienced as a result
transformed her into a more confident and self-accepting person.

"... it was something that I really wanted, like I really
needed a weekly thing where I could just be myself, and be in a closed
off room, where everybody was just cool with whatever I was. So, that
was really important to me. Then sophomore year ... I got more involved,
and I got more confident in myself and in the organization; now when I
go to the meetings it is I don't care who is there, who is not
there, I don't care what I look like ... I feel so comfortable with
it now, and I really made it my own thing."

The lesbian and bisexual interviewees focused on health and
"feeling good" as the most prominent body issues (as opposed
to physical appearance or adherence to beauty ideals). One participant
said:

"I don't care how I look, I don't care what size
pants I fit into, I don't care ... I mean I walk around in t-shirts
all day so I don't care really what I look like, as long as I feel
good and healthy."

Two other participants noted the following:

"It's more about how I am treating my body. And my
health, rather than how I look to other people."

"I'm fine with being a size 10 or 12, I'm happy and
I'm healthy. And my body seems to like this weight ..."

Importantly, in direct contrast to the heterosexual women, the
lesbian and bisexual women embraced muscle, strength, and bigger bodies
as acceptable and sometimes ideal body types.

One woman explained:

"I can look at a picture of a really thin person in a magazine
and think, okay, good for them, but ya know, that's not my body
type, that's not who I am. And I am okay with that. And I think
part of that has to do with the fact that I am an athlete, and I'm
comfortable with having a bigger body and being stronger and more
muscular."

Another woman, also an athlete, described what she liked about her
body:

"I have strong legs, I like my calves. I do, I'm not
gonna lie. I'm a catcher, I've got like the strong quads, you
know, the calves ... They are muscles that help me do what I do, like if
I didn't have strong legs how could I catch?"

Also in contrast to heterosexual women, many of the lesbian and
bisexual women valued smaller breasts, and were dissatisfied if they
perceived their breasts as large. When one woman was asked what she did
not like about herself, she responded:

"I don't like my boobs ... they're too big! I wear
like a 36 D and I'd be much happier with a B ... women get comments
on their boobs all the time, I don't like people staring at my
boobs."

Another participant commented on other practical disadvantages of
having larger breasts.

"The chest gets in the way ... it doesn't help with
running and doing that whole athletic thing, and it's hard to find
a bra."

The interviewees routinely expressed attraction to other women who
embraced the ideals that they themselves found to be important:
athleticism, strength, health, naturalness, comfort within their bodies,
and personality.

"I really, really love athletic body types. I hate skinny
girls, you know those girls in the club that have their pants around
their ankles, I hate them. And not that I hate them because I want to be
them, I'm just not attracted to that at all. If I wanted to date a
twig, I'd date a twig, you know? I really love girls that look like
they love their bodies ... something where they look healthy and well
fed and happy."

"... the ideal body image? Not like what maybe the
media's ideal body image is. You gotta like have some meat, you
gotta be healthy! ... When I have fun with someone then I don't
care what people look like ..."

"... none of them were very, really make-up wearing women.
They all sort of held these sort of leadership positions ... I'm
attracted to women who can be strong .... I am attracted to women who
break the gender stereotype ..."

Eight of the lesbian and bisexual women did not highly regard the
dominant cultural beauty norm of thinness or big breasts, or even a
specific appearance construct. Many participants offered their own
explanations for why lesbian and bisexual women may not be as invested
in or affected by the mass media generated beauty ideal. A common
conception was the idea of lesbians and bisexual women as removed from
the dominant sexuality, and thus protected from its norms and
restrictions in this regard. One woman explained her view as follows:

"I would say in terms of the lesbian community, which is a
huge generalization, [there is] less emphasis on having the right body
shape or size. That has sort of been my experience. If you go to a
lesbian function, you'll see a lot more women with different body
sizes, bigger, smaller, all ranges in between ... I think part of that
is that you're not buying into a lot of the cultural stuff. And a
lot of thin women think they need to be thin to get a guy. I mean I
think a lot of it, to feel good about themselves they need to be thin,
but I think a lot of it is that message that you have to be thin to get
a boyfriend. So and I think in the lesbian community, that's not,
ya know you don't get that message as strongly. Tons of women who
are bigger have partners. So it's not such a strong issue, I
think."

Other participants had similar explanations:

"It's interesting, for a lot of lesbians it is about,
it's sort of bucking the traditional feminine stereotype of the
high heels, hose, makeup sort of camouflaging yourself to fit or to
please men. To look the way that the patriarchal society wants you to
look. So it's sort of like rebelling against that and saying, we
embrace ourselves just the way we are ... I've dated those women
who find heavy women very unattractive, and I've dated [women] who
don't, and I've dated heavy women and thin women, I tend to
think it might be a generalization, but lesbians because they are more
rejecting of the patriarchy that creates this image that women have to
adhere too, that they could be more comfortable in their bodies."

"... I think that I have come up with the conclusion that gay
women don't feel as much pressure because they identify with other
women, they know what women want so to speak. They know that women
aren't necessarily going to care if they have like, some extra fat
around their stomach. Whereas, I think when a woman is trying to be with
a man, they have a harder time identifying with what a man exactly
wants. And they assume, which is one of the worst things you can do in
any situation, that men want that perfect body that they see in the
magazines and they see on TV and in the movies, so they are constantly
like striving and putting pressure on themselves to be like that, and to
eat better, and to exercise all the time and really get that
'perfect body'. Whereas, gay women, I don't think the
pressure is on them, because they are going to be with other women, who
they identify way better with than they could ever identify with a man.
And I really think that is what it comes down to. I don't think
that there is as much pressure, generally speaking for a gay
woman."

One participant suggested (to another gay woman) how they both are
outside of the dominant group and thus are not affected by its
pressures:

"... you and I come from a completely different perspective
than any of our [heterosexual] friends ... in terms of when we are
around straight girls we have a completely different mindset than they
do. And I just think the essence of it is you and I are very different
in how we think about these things, and I think that you and I see it,
because we are outside of it. I mean you and I go out at night and
we're not trying to get a guy's phone number ..."

A bisexual interviewee explained her experience with facing
pressures from both the dominant and minority cultures, and how the
dominant culture's pressures are greater.

"The whole straight, female image, puts pressure on me in the
sense that in my everyday life, that puts more pressure on me. When I am
going to class, or when I am walking around campus, I am more conscious
of how males are looking at me, and if I am looking attractive to them.
But if I am going to a PRIDE meeting or a club or a bar where I know
there will be other gay women there, I am very conscious of how the
women will see me, and if they will think I am attractive. But
definitely in my everyday life, I feel more pressure to look good to
men. Because I feel like with women, they understand me more, and the
women that I would like would be so cool that they wouldn't care
how I dressed ... I feel like guys are less understanding, straight guys
are far less understanding of how you look, or how you feel that day.
But if I am with a girl and I am like, oh I feel like shit today and I
didn't feel like putting anything on then they would be totally
fine with how I looked."

Of note, some women cited the experience of "coming out"
as a primary factor for why they are not as affected by mainstream
beauty norms. They suggested that going through this process forced them
to become more self-accepting, comfortable, and confident in themselves
than the average heterosexual woman, which in turn provided them with
strength to step outside of, overlook, and overcome constraining
cultural ideals. This supports research that suggests "the
closet" is a productive space in which identity emerges (Seidman,
Meeks & Traschen, 2004).

"I think being gay has a lot to do with my identity ...
it's just what has made me who I am. And I think, I think seeing,
making me see, a lot of things that otherwise I never would have seen
... I don't think that people really get a good idea of that
perspective until you're there, until you are forced to be like ...
Okay it's either I'm going to figure out who I am and be okay
with it, or I'm going to listen to everyone else who says I
shouldn't be okay with it. And I don't think a lot of people
are forced into that. Ya know they don't, so they kind of depend on
what other people think of them. And I think it's made me very
independent minded and I'm a strong willed person who believes in
what I believe in, and I'm going to fight for it."

"I find it, in the gay community, it's so different than
in the straight community. I just find that because we've had to go
through this huge, I don't want to say coming out, but because we
had to come to this self realization ... because you have had to come to
such a conclusion about yourself and you have to know yourself so well,
that you can't help but be more comfortable in how you look and how
you are and how you feel, than I think than the equivalent straight
girl. Like when else do you have to sit down and analyze who you are as
a person and what you like, what you don't like, what you are happy
with, what you are not happy with, what you want to change, what you
love about yourself, and then come to the point when you accept it, to
the point where you're like I am different and this is why I'm
different, but I'm still fucking cool. You know, and this is why I
am cool. When else do you get that ..."

Research comparing body image development among Caucasian and
African-American females has similarly indicated that African-American
girls that have learned strategies for dealing with racism are more
likely to reject the dominant white beauty ideal (Hesse-Biber et al.
2005). Further, African-American culture places less emphasis on
thinness and research notes that African-American females have higher
body satisfaction than their Caucasian counterparts (Greenberg &
LaPorte, 1996; Harris, 1995; Owens et al, 2003; Powell & Kahn,
1995). This suggests that variant cultural values may provide some
insulation from the dominant hyper-thin construct (Owens et al. 2003).
We need to be careful how we make sense of these data as to not
replicate oppressive social science that inadvertently assumes
minority-status "protects" women, further rendering invisible
the complex contexts in which identity issues emerge and/or
essentializing difference. There is nonetheless evidence that variance
in cultural norms and cultural visibility factor into women's self
concept including their body image.

Conclusions

This study investigates body image within the context of sexual
identities. Our heterosexual participants experienced significantly more
body dissatisfaction due to their reliance on hegemonic femininity and
their desire to attract males. As noted in the literature review, some
scholarship has shown that women who self-identify as
"feminine" experience the most body dissatisfaction regardless
of sexual orientation. Complicating previous research our sample
included bisexual women who noted "more pressure" with respect
to appearance when attracting males as opposed to females (which is
further reinforced by our lesbian participants noting high levels of
acceptance with respect to other women's bodies).

Our research suggests that sexual identity plays a significant role
in body image for women. Based on our interview data we conclude that
three factors converge to contribute to overall body satisfaction and
dissatisfaction: 1) the internalization/rejection of dominant
femininity, 2) the availability of validated alternate femininities
(that do not preclude dating/partnering), and 3) one's place within
a subculture as a mediator of dominant beauty norms and values.

Overwhelmingly, the heterosexual participants had accepted the
dominant construction of femininity and its prescribed beauty ideal as
the only legitimized enactment of femininity, regardless of athletic
status and even personal preferences. Most notably the women wanted to
be thinner and viewed musculature as anti-feminine. The participants
viewed adherence to dominant femininity as necessary for procuring
dating opportunities.

The lesbian and bisexual participants differed greatly from the
heterosexual women, noting high levels of body acceptance. Overall,
several interrelated points emerge from the data.

First, these women live both inside and outside of the dominant
culture. As such, they understand the dominant construction of
femininity; however, it is mediated by both their feelings of exclusion
from it and by the availability of viable alternate "lesbian"
femininities, that do not preclude (and may foster) dating
opportunities. The lesbian ideal emphasizes "fitness" with
respect to "health" and "athleticism" as opposed to
thinness for beauty purposes. Therefore, musculature is valued as are
smaller (natural) breasts (which are less prohibitive of athletic
activity).

Second, due to their immersion in both dominant culture and a
subculture, these participants developed a "double
consciousness" in which they negotiated the appearance values of
two cultural groups, with competing and contradictory body norms (see Du
Bois, 1903 for a discussion of "double consciousness").

Third, inclusion in specific subculture groups at the community
level, such as PRIDE, served as a mediator of dominant femininity and
provided a supportive environment in which women came to develop
self-acceptance. This indicates the importance of supportive
environments, a subject that could be explored at greater length in
future research.

The inclusion of bisexual women in our research also has
implications for future research. These data suggest dating issues are
paramount with respect to body image. The bisexual participants noted
more pressure to conform to ideal femininity for men than for women.
This means that the same woman experiences different degrees of body
pressure based on whether potential dating partners are male or female.
Future research with larger samples of bisexual women is needed to
further explore questions including but not limited to: Why do bisexual
women feel more body pressure when dating men? To what extent is this
linked to their perception of males' femininity ideals? Why
doesn't their body acceptance when in lesbian relationships carry
over into heterosexual relationships? Addressing these questions may
shed light onto the contingent nature of body image and identity as it
intersects with gender performance.

Beyond the limitations inherent with a small sample size (even more
so with respect to the bisexual participants), there are other
limitations to this study, which should be noted. First, we did not
systematically ascertain demographic information from the participants
regarding their ethnic/racial backgrounds. This was an oversight.
Second, we did not explicitly ask all of the participants about their
level of athletic involvement. This omission could have serious
implications with respect to our findings as if the lesbian and bisexual
participants were also more athletic it could influence how they view
their bodies. Third, there is the issue of research participants doing
gender and doing sexual orientation. There is no way to determine how
the performance of gender and/or sexual orientation influenced
participant responses. For example, as noted earlier the lesbians'
emphasis on "fitness" over "appearance" may be part
of the performance of sexual identity. Fourth, the feminist sociological
perspective we have brought to bear on the project may have affected
participant responses during the interviews as well as later data
interpretation in unseen ways. It is possible participant responses were
shaped, in part, by their assumptions about what their researchers
"wanted" to hear. Similarly, during interpretation we may have
seen what we "expected" to see. Despite these limitations, we
hope this research will be useful in the construction of future studies.

We suggest in the future researchers gather data about participant
body type, level of athleticism, race/ethnicity, and other interviewee
data that might be useful during data analysis and interpretation. We
also suggest researchers separate lesbian and bisexual participants
during analysis and interpretation.

Acknowledgements Thank you to Meaghan Stiman for her assistance
preparing the manuscript for publication.

References

Alexander, N., & Clare, L. (2004). You still feel different:
The experience and meaning of women's self-injury in the context of
a lesbian or bisexual identity. Journal of Community & Applied
Social Psychology,14, 70-84.

Silverstein, B. (1984). Fed up! The food forces that make you fat,
sick and poor. Boston: South End Press.

Smith, C. A., & Stillman, S. (2002). What do women want? The
effects of gender and sexual orientation on the desirability of physical
attributes in the personal ads of women. Sex Roles: A Journal of
Research,46(9-10), 337-342.

A woman's discussion of her life may combine two separate, often
conflicting perspectives: one framed in concepts and values that
reflect men's dominant position in the culture, and one informed by
the more immediate realities of a woman's personal experience. Where
experience does not "fit" dominant meanings, alternative concepts
may not readily be available. Hence, inadvertently, women often mute
their own thoughts and feelings when they try to describe their
lives in the familiar and publicly acceptable terms of prevailing
concepts and conventions. To hear women's perspectives accurately,
we have to listen in stereo receiving both the dominant and muted
channels clearly and tuning into them carefully to understand the
relationship between them (1991, p. 11).

I don't like my face because my skin is really bad ...
I have really big ears, my ear lobes are really big ...
I'm like short and kinda chubby ... it's just that
whenever I gain weight I'm not tall so it doesn't
really have anywhere to go, so I'm chubby and I don't
like that. Um, that's my biggest problem, I feel
like I am overweight.