Category Archives: Victimless Crimes

Post navigation

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

Crime where there is no apparent victim and no apparent pain or injury. This class of crime usually involves only consenting adults in activities such as Prostitution, Sodomy, and Gaming where the acts are not public, no one is harmed, and no one complains of the activities. Some groups advocate legalizing victimless crimes by removing these acts from the law books. Other critics complain that there is no such thing as a victimless crime; whenever one of these crimes is committed but goes unpunished, individual mores, societal values, and the Rule of Law are undermined or compromised, rendering society itself the victim.

Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a friend about us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster’s page for free fun content.

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

What factors should be considered in determining the length and terms of a sentence? Should a crimes violent or non-violent classification carry the most weight? Frank S. Perri offers that focusing too much on a crimes violent or non-violent nature can lead to a punishment too severe or not severe enough for the crime committed.

I certainly knew it was nefarious, a little wormy, unethical, make no mistake about that but criminal? Fraud?- Jay Jones, convicted white-collar criminal, as quoted in The New York Times Magazine

Jay Jones lived the good life; unfortunately, he bought it fraudulently. As a result of his behavior, he left at least 4,000 people jobless when the debt collection business he helped co-found went bankrupt, according to a June 6, 2004, article in The New York Times Magazine.1 He pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud investors and was sentenced to five years in prison. He also owes about $1 billion in restitution to the victims of his fraud, according to the article. Was his sentence too light?

Consider the case of real estate attorney Chalana McFarland, who committed a myriad of fraudulent acts, including identity theft, illegal use of Social Security numbers, money laundering, and a mortgage scam that devastated lending institutions and families who bought homes, according to a U.S. Department of Justice press release.2 She was sentenced to 30 years in prison, even though she could have been sentenced to a life term and ordered to pay $12 million in restitution for the scheme that she controlled with the assistance of her co-conspirators, the press release said. Was her sentence too high?Although its reasonable to have a debate on what constitutes a proportionate and fair punishment to a fraud-based crime, anti-fraud professionals must be aware that the manner in which the debate on appropriate punishment is being framed can be misleading. One of the common arguments made by opponents advocating lenient sentences for convicted white-collar criminals is that their crimes are non-violent property crimes, and many are first-time offenders who dont fit the typical image of a street criminal. In this article, well address:

The inherent dangers of imposing punishment based on the premise that fraud is a non-violent property crime

I had no desire to live, no prospect of earning a living, no way to pay the bills. Retiree and Madoff fraud victim, as quoted in the Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law.

This quote exemplifies the voice of thousands recounting the personal and financial losses suffered when a trusted business advisor, professional, employee, business owner or other individual defrauds them. Psychiatrists Drs. Marilyn Price and Donna Norris wrote in their article in The Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, white-collar criminals commit crimes that have victims whose lives are significantly affected and, at times, destroyed by these acts.3 However, there are academicians in law who downplay frauds underlying harm by removing the human element and labeling it a non-violent property crime. They have written extensively on the topic, advocating that white-collar criminals should receive more lenient sentences because of the crimes non-violent distinction, according to law professor Ellen Podgor of Stetson University.4

Yet, whats misleading about their argument is the assumption that only violent criminals inflict harm thats worthy of extensive punishment. In part, the harm that fraud victims incur is downplayed because the majority of the research on victimology has focused on conventional non-white-collar crimes.5

Thus the degree of perceived harm suffered by victims of white-collar crimes is compared to the harms suffered by victims of non-white-collar crimes because theyre the largely accepted conventional construction of crimes in the public conscience.6

White-collar crime is considered a special breed in the criminal justice system because theres a long history of perceived leniency for these criminals; many erroneously believe that white-collar crimes have no victims.7

Also, fraud offenses arent consistently included in crime victim surveys because criminologist might perceive that there are no visible victims, or the social harm is diluted among a number of people.8 Thus, fraud victims whose harm hasnt been captured by surveys would naturally appear to be victimless when compared to victims of non-white-collar crimes.

What factors should be considered in determining the length and terms of a sentence? Should a crimes violent or non-violent classification carry the most weight? Frank S. Perri offers that focusing too much on a crimes violent or non-violent nature can lead to a punishment too severe or not severe enough for the crime committed.

I certainly knew it was nefarious, a little wormy, unethical, make no mistake about that but criminal? Fraud?- Jay Jones, convicted white-collar criminal, as quoted in The New York Times Magazine

Jay Jones lived the good life; unfortunately, he bought it fraudulently. As a result of his behavior, he left at least 4,000 people jobless when the debt collection business he helped co-found went bankrupt, according to a June 6, 2004, article in The New York Times Magazine.1 He pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud investors and was sentenced to five years in prison. He also owes about $1 billion in restitution to the victims of his fraud, according to the article. Was his sentence too light?

Consider the case of real estate attorney Chalana McFarland, who committed a myriad of fraudulent acts, including identity theft, illegal use of Social Security numbers, money laundering, and a mortgage scam that devastated lending institutions and families who bought homes, according to a U.S. Department of Justice press release.2 She was sentenced to 30 years in prison, even though she could have been sentenced to a life term and ordered to pay $12 million in restitution for the scheme that she controlled with the assistance of her co-conspirators, the press release said. Was her sentence too high?Although its reasonable to have a debate on what constitutes a proportionate and fair punishment to a fraud-based crime, anti-fraud professionals must be aware that the manner in which the debate on appropriate punishment is being framed can be misleading. One of the common arguments made by opponents advocating lenient sentences for convicted white-collar criminals is that their crimes are non-violent property crimes, and many are first-time offenders who dont fit the typical image of a street criminal. In this article, well address:

The inherent dangers of imposing punishment based on the premise that fraud is a non-violent property crime

I had no desire to live, no prospect of earning a living, no way to pay the bills. Retiree and Madoff fraud victim, as quoted in the Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law.

This quote exemplifies the voice of thousands recounting the personal and financial losses suffered when a trusted business advisor, professional, employee, business owner or other individual defrauds them. Psychiatrists Drs. Marilyn Price and Donna Norris wrote in their article in The Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, white-collar criminals commit crimes that have victims whose lives are significantly affected and, at times, destroyed by these acts.3 However, there are academicians in law who downplay frauds underlying harm by removing the human element and labeling it a non-violent property crime. They have written extensively on the topic, advocating that white-collar criminals should receive more lenient sentences because of the crimes non-violent distinction, according to law professor Ellen Podgor of Stetson University.4

Yet, whats misleading about their argument is the assumption that only violent criminals inflict harm thats worthy of extensive punishment. In part, the harm that fraud victims incur is downplayed because the majority of the research on victimology has focused on conventional non-white-collar crimes.5

Thus the degree of perceived harm suffered by victims of white-collar crimes is compared to the harms suffered by victims of non-white-collar crimes because theyre the largely accepted conventional construction of crimes in the public conscience.6

White-collar crime is considered a special breed in the criminal justice system because theres a long history of perceived leniency for these criminals; many erroneously believe that white-collar crimes have no victims.7

Also, fraud offenses arent consistently included in crime victim surveys because criminologist might perceive that there are no visible victims, or the social harm is diluted among a number of people.8 Thus, fraud victims whose harm hasnt been captured by surveys would naturally appear to be victimless when compared to victims of non-white-collar crimes.

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

What factors should be considered in determining the length and terms of a sentence? Should a crimes violent or non-violent classification carry the most weight? Frank S. Perri offers that focusing too much on a crimes violent or non-violent nature can lead to a punishment too severe or not severe enough for the crime committed.

I certainly knew it was nefarious, a little wormy, unethical, make no mistake about that but criminal? Fraud?- Jay Jones, convicted white-collar criminal, as quoted in The New York Times Magazine

Jay Jones lived the good life; unfortunately, he bought it fraudulently. As a result of his behavior, he left at least 4,000 people jobless when the debt collection business he helped co-found went bankrupt, according to a June 6, 2004, article in The New York Times Magazine.1 He pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud investors and was sentenced to five years in prison. He also owes about $1 billion in restitution to the victims of his fraud, according to the article. Was his sentence too light?

Consider the case of real estate attorney Chalana McFarland, who committed a myriad of fraudulent acts, including identity theft, illegal use of Social Security numbers, money laundering, and a mortgage scam that devastated lending institutions and families who bought homes, according to a U.S. Department of Justice press release.2 She was sentenced to 30 years in prison, even though she could have been sentenced to a life term and ordered to pay $12 million in restitution for the scheme that she controlled with the assistance of her co-conspirators, the press release said. Was her sentence too high?Although its reasonable to have a debate on what constitutes a proportionate and fair punishment to a fraud-based crime, anti-fraud professionals must be aware that the manner in which the debate on appropriate punishment is being framed can be misleading. One of the common arguments made by opponents advocating lenient sentences for convicted white-collar criminals is that their crimes are non-violent property crimes, and many are first-time offenders who dont fit the typical image of a street criminal. In this article, well address:

The inherent dangers of imposing punishment based on the premise that fraud is a non-violent property crime

I had no desire to live, no prospect of earning a living, no way to pay the bills. Retiree and Madoff fraud victim, as quoted in the Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law.

This quote exemplifies the voice of thousands recounting the personal and financial losses suffered when a trusted business advisor, professional, employee, business owner or other individual defrauds them. Psychiatrists Drs. Marilyn Price and Donna Norris wrote in their article in The Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, white-collar criminals commit crimes that have victims whose lives are significantly affected and, at times, destroyed by these acts.3 However, there are academicians in law who downplay frauds underlying harm by removing the human element and labeling it a non-violent property crime. They have written extensively on the topic, advocating that white-collar criminals should receive more lenient sentences because of the crimes non-violent distinction, according to law professor Ellen Podgor of Stetson University.4

Yet, whats misleading about their argument is the assumption that only violent criminals inflict harm thats worthy of extensive punishment. In part, the harm that fraud victims incur is downplayed because the majority of the research on victimology has focused on conventional non-white-collar crimes.5

Thus the degree of perceived harm suffered by victims of white-collar crimes is compared to the harms suffered by victims of non-white-collar crimes because theyre the largely accepted conventional construction of crimes in the public conscience.6

White-collar crime is considered a special breed in the criminal justice system because theres a long history of perceived leniency for these criminals; many erroneously believe that white-collar crimes have no victims.7

Also, fraud offenses arent consistently included in crime victim surveys because criminologist might perceive that there are no visible victims, or the social harm is diluted among a number of people.8 Thus, fraud victims whose harm hasnt been captured by surveys would naturally appear to be victimless when compared to victims of non-white-collar crimes.

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

Most legal systems divide crimes into categories for various purposes connected with the procedures of the courts, such as assigning different kinds of court to different kinds of offense. Common law originally divided crimes into two categories: feloniesthe graver crimes, generally punishable by death and the forfeiture of the perpetrators land and goods to the crownand misdemeanoursgenerally punishable by fines or imprisonment. The procedures of the courts differed significantly according to the kind of crime the defendant was charged with. Other matters that depended on the distinction included the power of the police to arrest an individual on suspicion that he had committed an offense, which was generally permissible in felony cases but not in misdemeanour ones. (See felony and misdemeanour.)

By the early 19th century, it had become clear that the growth of the law had rendered this distinction obsolete, and in many cases it was inconsistent with the gravity of the offenses concerned. For example, whereas theft was always considered a felony, irrespective of the amount stolen, obtaining by fraud was always a misdemeanour. Efforts to abolish the distinction in English law did not succeed until the late 1960s, when it was replaced by the distinction between arrestable offenses and other offenses. An arrestable offense was one punishable with five years imprisonment or more, though offenders could be arrested for other crimes subject to certain conditions. Subsequently, further classifications were devised. For example, a subcategory of serious arrestable offenses was created, and, in order to determine more easily the court in which a case should be tried, a different classification of offenses into the categories of indictable, either way, and summary was adopted. Nonetheless, the traditional division between felony and misdemeanour has been retained in many U.S. jurisdictions, though there has been a rationalization of the allocation of offenses to one category or the other, and it has been used as the basis for determining the court that will hear the case. In some jurisdictions, minor offenses were classified under a new category called violations, which corresponded broadly to the English category of summary offenses.

In systems utilizing civil law, the criminal code generally distinguished between three categories: crime, dlit, and contravention. Under this classification, a crime represented the most serious offense and thus was subject to the most-severe penalty permissible. Dlits were subject to only minor prison sentences, and contraventions were minor offenses. Beginning in the 19th century, some civil-law countries (e.g., Sweden, the Netherlands, Brazil, Portugal, and Colombia) consolidated their codes; dlits were reclassified under the broader category of crimes, and contraventions came to denote criminal offenses committed without intent.

Estimating the amount of crime actually committed is quite complicated. Figures for recorded crime do not generally provide an accurate picture, because they are influenced by variable factors, such as the willingness of victims to report crimes. In fact, it is widely believed that official crime statistics represent only a small fraction of crimes committed.

The publics view of crime is derived largely from the news media, and because the media usually focus on serious or sensational crimes, the publics perception is often seriously distorted. A more accurate view is generally provided by detailed statistics of crime that are compiled and published by government departments; for example, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) publishes U.S. crime statistics annually in what is called the Uniform Crime Reports. In the late 1990s, the United Nations (UN) began publishing the Global Report on Crime and Justice, which includes official data from about 90 nationsmostly the more-developed nations, as those are primarily the ones that collect such statistics.

Policy makers often use official crime statistics as the basis for new crime-control measures; for instance, statistics may show an increase in the incidence of a particular type of crime over a period of years and thus suggest that some change in the methods of dealing with that type of crime is necessary. However, official crime statistics are subject to error and may be misleading, particularly if they are used without an understanding of the processes by which they are compiled and the limitations to which they are necessarily subject. The statistics are usually collected on the basis of reports from police forces and other law enforcement agencies and are generally known as statistics of reported crime, or crimes known to the police. Because only incidents observed by the police or reported to them by victims or witnesses are included in the reports, the picture of the amount of crime actually committed may be inaccurate.

One factor accounting for that distortion is the extent to which police resources are directed toward the investigation of one kind of crime rather than another, particularly with regard to what are known as victimless crimes, such as the possession of drugs. These crimes are not discovered unless the police endeavour to look for them, and they do not figure in the statistics of reported crime unless the police take the initiative. Thus, a sudden increase in the reported incidence of a crime from one year to the next may indeed reflect an overall increase in such activity, but it may instead merely show that the police have taken more interest in that crime and have devoted more resources to its investigation. Ironically, efforts to discourage or eliminate a particular kind of crime through more-vigorous law enforcement may create the impression that the crime concerned has increased, because more instances are likely to be detected and thus enter the statistics.

A second factor that can have a striking effect on the apparent statistical incidence of a particular kind of crime is a change in the willingness of victims of the crime to report it to the police. Victims often fail to report a crime for a variety of reasons: they may not realize that a crime has been committed against them (e.g., children who have been sexually molested); they may believe that the police will not be able to apprehend the offender; they may fear serving as a witness; or they may be embarrassed by the conduct that led them to become the victim of the crime (e.g., an individual robbed by a prostitute). Some crimes also may not appear sufficiently serious to make it worthwhile to inform the police, or there may be ways in which the matter can be resolved without involving them (e.g., an act of violence by one schoolchild against another may be dealt with by the school authorities). All those factors are difficult to measure with any degree of accuracy, and there is no reason to suppose that they remain constant over time or by jurisdiction. Thus, a change in any one of the factors may produce the appearance of an increase or a decrease in a particular kind of crime when there has been no such change or when the real change has been on a much-smaller scale than the statistics suggest.

A third factor that may affect the portrait painted by official crime statistics is the way in which the police treat particular incidents. Many of the laws defining crimes are imprecise or ambiguous, such as those related to reckless driving, obscenity, and gross negligence. Some conduct that is treated as criminal or is more aggressively pursued in one police jurisdiction may not be treated similarly in another jurisdiction owing to differences in priorities or interpretations of the law. The recording process used by the police also influences crime statistics; for example, the theft of a number of items may be recorded as a single theft or as a series of thefts of the individual items.

Researchers in the field of criminology have endeavoured to obtain a more-accurate picture of the incidence of crimes and the trends and variations from one period and jurisdiction to another. One research method that has been particularly useful is the victim survey, in which the researcher identifies a representative sample of the population and asks individuals to disclose any crime of which they have been victims during a specified period of time. After a large number of people have been questioned, the information obtained from the survey can be compared with the statistics for reported crime for the same period and locality; the comparison can indicate the relationship between the actual incidence of the type of crime in question and the number of cases reported to the police. Although criminologists have developed sophisticated procedures for interviewing victim populations, such projects are subject to several limitations. Results depend entirely on the recollection of incidents by victims, their ability to recognize that a crime has been committed, and their willingness to disclose it. In addition, this method is obviously inapplicable to victimless crimes.

The U.S. Census Bureau began conducting an annual survey of crime victims in 1972. By the beginning of the 21st century, the survey included a random sample of about 60,000 households, in which approximately 100,000 residents aged 12 and over were interviewed twice a year and asked whether they had been the victims of any of a wide variety of offenses in the last six months. The results of the household survey have been at variance with the reports published by the FBI. The most-common explanation for the differences in the trends reported is that the victim survey data reflect the actual trends in the incidence of criminal behaviour and that the data in the FBIs Uniform Crime Reports primarily reflect increases in the reporting of crimes to the police by victims. Using both types of data, it can be estimated that about half of all violent victimizations and less than half of all property victimizations generally are reported to the police. Many other countriesincluding Britain, France, Germany, Sweden, Canada, Israel, and New Zealandalso have adopted victim surveys. Since the late 1980s, the UN has sponsored an international crime victim survey as well, with interviews taken in more than 50 countries. Like the UNs official statistics, for various practical reasons this survey has tended to focus on more-developed nations. In less-developed nations, the survey has focused on more-developed urban areas.

An alternative method of collecting crime statistics that some criminologists favour is the self-report study, in which a representative sample of individuals is asked, under assurances of confidentiality, whether they have committed any offenses of a particular kind. This type of research is subject to some of the same difficulties as the victim surveythe researcher has no means of verifying the information, and the subjects can easily conceal the fact that they have committed an offense at some time. However, such surveys often have confirmed that large numbers of offenses have been committed without being reported and that crime is much more widespread than official statistics suggest.

Knowledge of the types of people who commit crimes is subject to one overriding limitation: it is generally based on studies of those who have been arrested, prosecuted, and convicted, and those populationswhich represent only unsuccessful criminalsare not necessarily typical of the whole range of criminals. Despite that limitation, some basic facts emerge that give a reasonably accurate portrayal of those who commit crimes.

Crime is predominantly a male activity. In all criminal populations, whether of offenders passing through the courts or of those sentenced to institutions, men outnumber women by a high proportion, especially in more-serious offenses. For example, at the beginning of the 21st century, in the United States, men accounted for approximately four-fifths of all arrests and nine-tenths of arrests for homicide, and in Britain women constituted only 5 percent of the total prison population. Nevertheless, in most Western societies the incidence of recorded crime by women and the number of women in the criminal-justice system have increased. For instance, from the mid- to late 1990s in the United States, arrests of males for violent offenses declined by more than one-tenth, but corresponding figures for women increased by the same amount. To some analysts, those statistics indicated increasing criminal activity by women and suggested that the changing social role of women had led to greater opportunity and temptation to commit crime. However, other observers argued that the apparent increase in female criminality merely reflected a change in the operation of the criminal-justice system, which routinely had ignored crimes committed by women. Although arrest data suggested that female criminality had increased faster than male criminality, the national crime victim survey showed that violent offending in the United States by both males and females had fallen in the same years. At the beginning of the 21st century, the rate of murders committed by women was about two-fifths below its peak in 1980.

Crime also is predominantly a youthful activity. Although statistics vary between countries, involvement in minor property crime generally peaks between ages 15 and 21. Participation in more-serious crimes peaks at a later agefrom the late teenage years through the 20sand criminality tends to decline steadily after the age of 30. The evidence as to whether this pattern, widely found across time and place, is a natural effect of aging, the consequence of taking on family responsibilities, or the effect of experiencing penal measures imposed by the law for successive convictions is inconclusive. Not all types of crime are subject to decline with aging, however. Fraud, certain kinds of theft, and crimes requiring a high degree of sophistication are more likely to be committed by older men, and sudden crimes of violence, committed for emotional reasons, may occur at any age.

The relationship between social class or economic status and crime has been studied extensively. Research carried out in the United States in the 1920s and 30s claimed to show that a higher incidence of criminality was concentrated in deprived and deteriorating neighbourhoods of large cities, and studies of penal populations revealed that levels of educational and occupational attainment were generally lower than in the wider population. Early studies of juvenile delinquents also showed a high proportion of lower-class offenders. However, later research called into question the assumption that criminality was closely associated with social origin, particularly because such studies often overlooked white-collar crime and other criminal acts committed by people of higher socioeconomic status. Self-report studies have suggested that offenses are more widespread across the social spectrum than the figures based on identified criminals would suggest.

The relationship between racial or ethnic background and criminality has evoked considerable controversy. Most penal populations do contain a disproportionately high number of persons from some minority racial groups relative to their numbers in the general population. However, some criminologists have pointed out that this may be the result of the high incidence among minority racial groups of characteristics that are commonly associated with identified criminality (e.g., unemployment and low economic status) and the fact that in many cities racial minority groups inhabit areas that have traditionally had high crime rates, perhaps as a result of their shifting populations and general lack of social cohesion. Other explanations have focused on the enforcement practices of the police, which may be influenced by racial discrimination.

Knowledge of the types of people who are victims of crime requires that they report their crimes, either to the police or to researchers who ask them about their experiences as a victim. Some crimes are greatly underreported in official statisticsrape is an examplebut may be more accurately reported in victim surveys. Yet just as those who are caught or admit to committing crimes do not necessarily represent all criminals, those who report being victims of crime are not necessarily typical of the whole range of victims. Nevertheless, some basic facts gathered from official reports and victim surveys give a reasonably accurate portrayal of crime victims. Probably the most important basic fact is that patterns of offending and patterns of victimization are quite similar. That is, the groups that are most likely to be crime victims are the same groups that are most likely to commit crimes. In particular, crime victims are more likely to be male, young, part of a lower socioeconomic class, and members of ethnic or racial minority groups. (See victimology.)

As discussed above in the section Characteristics of offenders, because criminals who are caught are not necessarily representative of all those who commit crime, reaching robust explanations of the causes of crime is difficult. Nevertheless, criminologists have developed several theories of the phenomenon. Although some criminologists claim that a single theory can provide a universal explanation of criminality, more commonly it is believed that many different theories help to explain particular aspects of criminality and that different types of explanation contribute to the understanding of the problem of crime. A brief discussion of criminological theories follows. For a more detailed analysis, see criminology.

Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, there was great interest in biological theories of criminal activity. These theories, which took into account the biological characteristics of offenders (e.g., their skulls, facial features, body type, and chromosomal composition), held sway for a time, but support for them has waned. In the late 20th century, criminologists attempted to link a variety of hereditary and biochemical factors with criminal activity. For example, adoptees were found to be more likely to engage in criminal behaviour if a biological parent was criminal but their adoptive parent was not; other research suggested that hormonal and certain neurotransmitter imbalances were associated with increased criminality.

In psychology, explanations of delinquent and criminal behaviour are sought in the individuals personality. In particular, psychologists examine the processes by which behaviour and restraints on behaviour are learned. This process often is conceptualized as the result of the interaction of biological predispositions and social experiences. Psychological explanations of crime originated in the 19th century and were linked in part to the work of Austrian neurologist Sigmund Freud (18561939). Social learning theory gained many adherents in the 20th century, and there was also a considerable body of research that examined the relationship between mental disorders and criminality.

In sociology a variety of theories have been proposed to explain criminal behaviour as a normal adaptation to the offenders social environment. Such theoriesincluding the anomie theory of American sociologist Robert K. Merton (19102003), which suggests that criminality results from an offenders inability to attain his goals by socially acceptable meansgained widespread support and were staples of sociological courses on crime and delinquency.

All the preceding theories are primarily Western in origin. Since about 1980, however, such explanations have been adopted in a growing number of non-Western and developing countries, partly by educational and cultural transmission and partly through technical assistance provided by Western countries. There are only a few alternative explanations of crime. In China, for example, the official view is that the causes of crime lie in the class structure of society. Chinese criminologists have maintained that crime is a result of exploitation, which is based on the capitalist institution of private property; they have argued that the lack of private property under pure socialism would result in the absence of crime. Thus, because China for decades prohibited any form of capitalism, it blamed criminal activity on remnants of precommunist society and a lingering bourgeois mentality among some individuals. With economic reform and the introduction of a limited capitalist economy beginning in the 1970s, crime increased, even within the families of Communist Party officials, and the government attempted to curb that trend by imposing stiff penalties on offenders.

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

Most legal systems divide crimes into categories for various purposes connected with the procedures of the courts, such as assigning different kinds of court to different kinds of offense. Common law originally divided crimes into two categories: feloniesthe graver crimes, generally punishable by death and the forfeiture of the perpetrators land and goods to the crownand misdemeanoursgenerally punishable by fines or imprisonment. The procedures of the courts differed significantly according to the kind of crime the defendant was charged with. Other matters that depended on the distinction included the power of the police to arrest an individual on suspicion that he had committed an offense, which was generally permissible in felony cases but not in misdemeanour ones. (See felony and misdemeanour.)

By the early 19th century, it had become clear that the growth of the law had rendered this distinction obsolete, and in many cases it was inconsistent with the gravity of the offenses concerned. For example, whereas theft was always considered a felony, irrespective of the amount stolen, obtaining by fraud was always a misdemeanour. Efforts to abolish the distinction in English law did not succeed until the late 1960s, when it was replaced by the distinction between arrestable offenses and other offenses. An arrestable offense was one punishable with five years imprisonment or more, though offenders could be arrested for other crimes subject to certain conditions. Subsequently, further classifications were devised. For example, a subcategory of serious arrestable offenses was created, and, in order to determine more easily the court in which a case should be tried, a different classification of offenses into the categories of indictable, either way, and summary was adopted. Nonetheless, the traditional division between felony and misdemeanour has been retained in many U.S. jurisdictions, though there has been a rationalization of the allocation of offenses to one category or the other, and it has been used as the basis for determining the court that will hear the case. In some jurisdictions, minor offenses were classified under a new category called violations, which corresponded broadly to the English category of summary offenses.

In systems utilizing civil law, the criminal code generally distinguished between three categories: crime, dlit, and contravention. Under this classification, a crime represented the most serious offense and thus was subject to the most-severe penalty permissible. Dlits were subject to only minor prison sentences, and contraventions were minor offenses. Beginning in the 19th century, some civil-law countries (e.g., Sweden, the Netherlands, Brazil, Portugal, and Colombia) consolidated their codes; dlits were reclassified under the broader category of crimes, and contraventions came to denote criminal offenses committed without intent.

Estimating the amount of crime actually committed is quite complicated. Figures for recorded crime do not generally provide an accurate picture, because they are influenced by variable factors, such as the willingness of victims to report crimes. In fact, it is widely believed that official crime statistics represent only a small fraction of crimes committed.

The publics view of crime is derived largely from the news media, and because the media usually focus on serious or sensational crimes, the publics perception is often seriously distorted. A more accurate view is generally provided by detailed statistics of crime that are compiled and published by government departments; for example, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) publishes U.S. crime statistics annually in what is called the Uniform Crime Reports. In the late 1990s, the United Nations (UN) began publishing the Global Report on Crime and Justice, which includes official data from about 90 nationsmostly the more-developed nations, as those are primarily the ones that collect such statistics.

Policy makers often use official crime statistics as the basis for new crime-control measures; for instance, statistics may show an increase in the incidence of a particular type of crime over a period of years and thus suggest that some change in the methods of dealing with that type of crime is necessary. However, official crime statistics are subject to error and may be misleading, particularly if they are used without an understanding of the processes by which they are compiled and the limitations to which they are necessarily subject. The statistics are usually collected on the basis of reports from police forces and other law enforcement agencies and are generally known as statistics of reported crime, or crimes known to the police. Because only incidents observed by the police or reported to them by victims or witnesses are included in the reports, the picture of the amount of crime actually committed may be inaccurate.

One factor accounting for that distortion is the extent to which police resources are directed toward the investigation of one kind of crime rather than another, particularly with regard to what are known as victimless crimes, such as the possession of drugs. These crimes are not discovered unless the police endeavour to look for them, and they do not figure in the statistics of reported crime unless the police take the initiative. Thus, a sudden increase in the reported incidence of a crime from one year to the next may indeed reflect an overall increase in such activity, but it may instead merely show that the police have taken more interest in that crime and have devoted more resources to its investigation. Ironically, efforts to discourage or eliminate a particular kind of crime through more-vigorous law enforcement may create the impression that the crime concerned has increased, because more instances are likely to be detected and thus enter the statistics.

A second factor that can have a striking effect on the apparent statistical incidence of a particular kind of crime is a change in the willingness of victims of the crime to report it to the police. Victims often fail to report a crime for a variety of reasons: they may not realize that a crime has been committed against them (e.g., children who have been sexually molested); they may believe that the police will not be able to apprehend the offender; they may fear serving as a witness; or they may be embarrassed by the conduct that led them to become the victim of the crime (e.g., an individual robbed by a prostitute). Some crimes also may not appear sufficiently serious to make it worthwhile to inform the police, or there may be ways in which the matter can be resolved without involving them (e.g., an act of violence by one schoolchild against another may be dealt with by the school authorities). All those factors are difficult to measure with any degree of accuracy, and there is no reason to suppose that they remain constant over time or by jurisdiction. Thus, a change in any one of the factors may produce the appearance of an increase or a decrease in a particular kind of crime when there has been no such change or when the real change has been on a much-smaller scale than the statistics suggest.

A third factor that may affect the portrait painted by official crime statistics is the way in which the police treat particular incidents. Many of the laws defining crimes are imprecise or ambiguous, such as those related to reckless driving, obscenity, and gross negligence. Some conduct that is treated as criminal or is more aggressively pursued in one police jurisdiction may not be treated similarly in another jurisdiction owing to differences in priorities or interpretations of the law. The recording process used by the police also influences crime statistics; for example, the theft of a number of items may be recorded as a single theft or as a series of thefts of the individual items.

Researchers in the field of criminology have endeavoured to obtain a more-accurate picture of the incidence of crimes and the trends and variations from one period and jurisdiction to another. One research method that has been particularly useful is the victim survey, in which the researcher identifies a representative sample of the population and asks individuals to disclose any crime of which they have been victims during a specified period of time. After a large number of people have been questioned, the information obtained from the survey can be compared with the statistics for reported crime for the same period and locality; the comparison can indicate the relationship between the actual incidence of the type of crime in question and the number of cases reported to the police. Although criminologists have developed sophisticated procedures for interviewing victim populations, such projects are subject to several limitations. Results depend entirely on the recollection of incidents by victims, their ability to recognize that a crime has been committed, and their willingness to disclose it. In addition, this method is obviously inapplicable to victimless crimes.

The U.S. Census Bureau began conducting an annual survey of crime victims in 1972. By the beginning of the 21st century, the survey included a random sample of about 60,000 households, in which approximately 100,000 residents aged 12 and over were interviewed twice a year and asked whether they had been the victims of any of a wide variety of offenses in the last six months. The results of the household survey have been at variance with the reports published by the FBI. The most-common explanation for the differences in the trends reported is that the victim survey data reflect the actual trends in the incidence of criminal behaviour and that the data in the FBIs Uniform Crime Reports primarily reflect increases in the reporting of crimes to the police by victims. Using both types of data, it can be estimated that about half of all violent victimizations and less than half of all property victimizations generally are reported to the police. Many other countriesincluding Britain, France, Germany, Sweden, Canada, Israel, and New Zealandalso have adopted victim surveys. Since the late 1980s, the UN has sponsored an international crime victim survey as well, with interviews taken in more than 50 countries. Like the UNs official statistics, for various practical reasons this survey has tended to focus on more-developed nations. In less-developed nations, the survey has focused on more-developed urban areas.

An alternative method of collecting crime statistics that some criminologists favour is the self-report study, in which a representative sample of individuals is asked, under assurances of confidentiality, whether they have committed any offenses of a particular kind. This type of research is subject to some of the same difficulties as the victim surveythe researcher has no means of verifying the information, and the subjects can easily conceal the fact that they have committed an offense at some time. However, such surveys often have confirmed that large numbers of offenses have been committed without being reported and that crime is much more widespread than official statistics suggest.

Knowledge of the types of people who commit crimes is subject to one overriding limitation: it is generally based on studies of those who have been arrested, prosecuted, and convicted, and those populationswhich represent only unsuccessful criminalsare not necessarily typical of the whole range of criminals. Despite that limitation, some basic facts emerge that give a reasonably accurate portrayal of those who commit crimes.

Crime is predominantly a male activity. In all criminal populations, whether of offenders passing through the courts or of those sentenced to institutions, men outnumber women by a high proportion, especially in more-serious offenses. For example, at the beginning of the 21st century, in the United States, men accounted for approximately four-fifths of all arrests and nine-tenths of arrests for homicide, and in Britain women constituted only 5 percent of the total prison population. Nevertheless, in most Western societies the incidence of recorded crime by women and the number of women in the criminal-justice system have increased. For instance, from the mid- to late 1990s in the United States, arrests of males for violent offenses declined by more than one-tenth, but corresponding figures for women increased by the same amount. To some analysts, those statistics indicated increasing criminal activity by women and suggested that the changing social role of women had led to greater opportunity and temptation to commit crime. However, other observers argued that the apparent increase in female criminality merely reflected a change in the operation of the criminal-justice system, which routinely had ignored crimes committed by women. Although arrest data suggested that female criminality had increased faster than male criminality, the national crime victim survey showed that violent offending in the United States by both males and females had fallen in the same years. At the beginning of the 21st century, the rate of murders committed by women was about two-fifths below its peak in 1980.

Crime also is predominantly a youthful activity. Although statistics vary between countries, involvement in minor property crime generally peaks between ages 15 and 21. Participation in more-serious crimes peaks at a later agefrom the late teenage years through the 20sand criminality tends to decline steadily after the age of 30. The evidence as to whether this pattern, widely found across time and place, is a natural effect of aging, the consequence of taking on family responsibilities, or the effect of experiencing penal measures imposed by the law for successive convictions is inconclusive. Not all types of crime are subject to decline with aging, however. Fraud, certain kinds of theft, and crimes requiring a high degree of sophistication are more likely to be committed by older men, and sudden crimes of violence, committed for emotional reasons, may occur at any age.

The relationship between social class or economic status and crime has been studied extensively. Research carried out in the United States in the 1920s and 30s claimed to show that a higher incidence of criminality was concentrated in deprived and deteriorating neighbourhoods of large cities, and studies of penal populations revealed that levels of educational and occupational attainment were generally lower than in the wider population. Early studies of juvenile delinquents also showed a high proportion of lower-class offenders. However, later research called into question the assumption that criminality was closely associated with social origin, particularly because such studies often overlooked white-collar crime and other criminal acts committed by people of higher socioeconomic status. Self-report studies have suggested that offenses are more widespread across the social spectrum than the figures based on identified criminals would suggest.

The relationship between racial or ethnic background and criminality has evoked considerable controversy. Most penal populations do contain a disproportionately high number of persons from some minority racial groups relative to their numbers in the general population. However, some criminologists have pointed out that this may be the result of the high incidence among minority racial groups of characteristics that are commonly associated with identified criminality (e.g., unemployment and low economic status) and the fact that in many cities racial minority groups inhabit areas that have traditionally had high crime rates, perhaps as a result of their shifting populations and general lack of social cohesion. Other explanations have focused on the enforcement practices of the police, which may be influenced by racial discrimination.

Knowledge of the types of people who are victims of crime requires that they report their crimes, either to the police or to researchers who ask them about their experiences as a victim. Some crimes are greatly underreported in official statisticsrape is an examplebut may be more accurately reported in victim surveys. Yet just as those who are caught or admit to committing crimes do not necessarily represent all criminals, those who report being victims of crime are not necessarily typical of the whole range of victims. Nevertheless, some basic facts gathered from official reports and victim surveys give a reasonably accurate portrayal of crime victims. Probably the most important basic fact is that patterns of offending and patterns of victimization are quite similar. That is, the groups that are most likely to be crime victims are the same groups that are most likely to commit crimes. In particular, crime victims are more likely to be male, young, part of a lower socioeconomic class, and members of ethnic or racial minority groups. (See victimology.)

As discussed above in the section Characteristics of offenders, because criminals who are caught are not necessarily representative of all those who commit crime, reaching robust explanations of the causes of crime is difficult. Nevertheless, criminologists have developed several theories of the phenomenon. Although some criminologists claim that a single theory can provide a universal explanation of criminality, more commonly it is believed that many different theories help to explain particular aspects of criminality and that different types of explanation contribute to the understanding of the problem of crime. A brief discussion of criminological theories follows. For a more detailed analysis, see criminology.

Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, there was great interest in biological theories of criminal activity. These theories, which took into account the biological characteristics of offenders (e.g., their skulls, facial features, body type, and chromosomal composition), held sway for a time, but support for them has waned. In the late 20th century, criminologists attempted to link a variety of hereditary and biochemical factors with criminal activity. For example, adoptees were found to be more likely to engage in criminal behaviour if a biological parent was criminal but their adoptive parent was not; other research suggested that hormonal and certain neurotransmitter imbalances were associated with increased criminality.

In psychology, explanations of delinquent and criminal behaviour are sought in the individuals personality. In particular, psychologists examine the processes by which behaviour and restraints on behaviour are learned. This process often is conceptualized as the result of the interaction of biological predispositions and social experiences. Psychological explanations of crime originated in the 19th century and were linked in part to the work of Austrian neurologist Sigmund Freud (18561939). Social learning theory gained many adherents in the 20th century, and there was also a considerable body of research that examined the relationship between mental disorders and criminality.

In sociology a variety of theories have been proposed to explain criminal behaviour as a normal adaptation to the offenders social environment. Such theoriesincluding the anomie theory of American sociologist Robert K. Merton (19102003), which suggests that criminality results from an offenders inability to attain his goals by socially acceptable meansgained widespread support and were staples of sociological courses on crime and delinquency.

All the preceding theories are primarily Western in origin. Since about 1980, however, such explanations have been adopted in a growing number of non-Western and developing countries, partly by educational and cultural transmission and partly through technical assistance provided by Western countries. There are only a few alternative explanations of crime. In China, for example, the official view is that the causes of crime lie in the class structure of society. Chinese criminologists have maintained that crime is a result of exploitation, which is based on the capitalist institution of private property; they have argued that the lack of private property under pure socialism would result in the absence of crime. Thus, because China for decades prohibited any form of capitalism, it blamed criminal activity on remnants of precommunist society and a lingering bourgeois mentality among some individuals. With economic reform and the introduction of a limited capitalist economy beginning in the 1970s, crime increased, even within the families of Communist Party officials, and the government attempted to curb that trend by imposing stiff penalties on offenders.

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).

UNICRI considers environmental crime, including its links with other forms of crime, a serious and growing danger for development, global stability and international security.

Since 1991, UNICRI has contributed to combating crimes against the environment and related emerging threats through applied research, awareness and capacity-building initiatives. UNICRI has built a strong international network of experts and practitioners from major international organization, law enforcement agencies, NGOs and academic entities active in the field.

Environmental crimes encompass a broad list of illicit activities, including illegal trade in wildlife; smuggling of ozone-depleting substances (ODS); illicit trade of hazardous waste; illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing; and illegal logging and trade in timber. On one side, environmental crimes are increasingly affecting the quality of air, water and soil, threatening the survival of species and causing uncontrollable disasters. On the other, environmental crimes also impose a security and safety threat to a large number of people and have a significant negative impact on development and the rule of law. Despite these issues, environmental crimes often fail to prompt the appropriate governmental response. Often perceived as victimless and incidental crimes, environmental crimes frequently rank low on the law enforcement priority list, and are commonly punished with administrative sanctions, themselves often unclear and low.

The involvement of organized criminal groups acting across borders is one of many factors that have favoured the considerable expansion of environmental crimes in recent years. Led by vast financial gains and facilitated by a low risk of detection and scarce conviction rates, criminal networks and organized criminal groups are becoming increasingly interested in such illicit transnational activities. These phenomena fuel corruption and money-laundering, and undermine the rule of law, ultimately affecting the public twice: first, by putting at risk citizens health and safety; and second, by diverting resources that would otherwise be allocated to services other than criminal activities.

The level of organization needed for these crimes indicates a link with other serious offences, including theft, fraud, corruption, drugs and human trafficking, counterfeiting, firearms smuggling, and money laundering, several of which have been substantiated by investigations. Therefore, environmental crimes represent today an emerging form of transnational organized crime requiring more in-depth analysis and better-coordinated responses at national, regional and international levels.

The first research projects conducted by UNICRI addressed the issue of environmental law, and in particular explored the limits and potentials of applying criminal law in crimes related to environment. In June 1998, UNICRI organised in Rome a seminar on international environmental conventions and the administration of criminal law. Since then, the Institute has focused on the involvement of organized criminal groups in environmental crime.

To increase awareness of the threat of environmental crime, UNICRI contributed to the organization of the conference entitled Illicit trafficking in waste: a global emergency (Rome, December 2011), with the participation of the Ministry of the Environment of Italy, parliamentarians, international partners such as the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), and many stakeholders involved in countering trafficking in and dumping of toxic waste. To enhance understanding of the dynamics of environmental crime, the Institute implemented a research and data collection project focused on the dumping of illegal waste and hazardous materials, including e-waste, and the involvement of organized crime.

In partnership with several research institutes, civil society organizations, and municipalities, UNICRI has launched a process for consultation at the international level on the involvement of organized crime in environmental crime, with a view to identify a set of recommendations for more effective policies and actions at the national, regional and international levels. To that end, the Institute, in partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), has organized an international conference in Italy on 29 and 30 October 2012 (see dedicated section).

UNICRI has implemented several international and regional applied-research projects related to the illegal trade and trafficking goods having an adverse impact on the environment, including e-waste, illicit pesticides and precious metals (see dedicated sections).