Disclaimer: All the opinions expressed in this article are
the opinions of Dr. Seshadri Kumar alone and should not be construed to mean
the opinions of any other person or organization, unless explicitly stated otherwise
in the article.

*****************************

I am writing this on the day after Independence Day in India
in the year 2012.

Today, something very inspiring and earth-shaking, something
that could positively transform the nation DID NOT HAPPEN.

Why, you might ask. Should
some such thing have happened?

Maybe it’s nostalgia.
Maybe I liked some things that happened one year so much that I started
to hope they would happen every year.
Note to self – foolish Kumar, stop expecting wonderful things every
year. Have you forgotten that nice
Sanskrit proverb you learnt in school:

शैलेशैलेनमाणिक्यं, मौक्तिकंनगजेगजे

जनेजनेनसौजन्यं, चन्दनंनवनेवने

Meaning, “Every mountain doesn’t contain rubies; every
elephant’s head doesn’t contain pearls (a mythical belief); every person is not
a saint; and every forest doesn’t contain sandalwood.” Likewise, every Independence Day does not
forebode good events.

What am I going on about?
Just that this same day, last year, was one of the most dramatic days in
India that I had the privilege of experiencing.
It was a historic date for India, and it will remain significant in my
mind, for I witnessed on that day something I had never witnessed all my years
growing up in India. It was a day when
tens of thousands of Indians in each major city and town spontaneously hit the
streets to support an old, frail man who had decided to go on fast to protest
the mind-boggling amount of corruption in India and to demand that something
concrete be done to end this disease in India.

The person who affected millions of Indians by his example,
and even moved lakhs of Indians to agitate, by marching on the streets, writing
to newspapers, and sharing via electronic social media, is an old soldier who
has fought for India on the battlefield and off it. His name is Anna Hazare.

Why were those marches special? Simply because, in the India I had seen since
I was old enough to see and remember things, ordinary Indians never agitated
for anything. You couldn’t afford much,
but you never complained. It might take
a few years to get a telephone connection (unless you had connections
yourself); you had to pull strings to get a gas connection at your home; owning
a car was a dream out of reach for anyone; even going on a flight was a once-in-a-lifetime
event, to be discussed in great detail with anyone who cared to listen (usually
with awe); but in the middle of all this scarcity, no one bothered to ever
protest. The only protests I ever recall
seeing were organized political protests, which anyway we all knew didn’t
involve ordinary people. These are
spectacles organized by political parties, using mercenaries, often for ends
that the ordinary people couldn’t care less about. Few people cared then, or care today, about
politically-orchestrated strikes or bandhs that bring life to a standstill and
do no good for the common man or woman.

So it was a surprise for me to see people, most of whom had
never gone on a protest march (including yours truly) go on candlelight vigils
in support of Anna Hazare and his anti-corruption Lokpal bill.

Gone
and Forgotten

As I think back on those incredible days, and I think of the
reality of Anna Hazare and his organization today, when hardly anyone bothers
to hear or read what they think about any issue, I have to ask: What
happened? Where did those millions, who
stood glued to their TV sets to look at the saint of Jantar Mantar and Ramlila
Grounds last year, vanish? Why, when
Anna tried to go on fast in Mumbai last December, did only about 5000 people come
to see him, as opposed to lakhs who came to see him every day at Ramlila Maidan
in August? Why, when Kejriwal and Anna
appear today on some TV channel to talk about why they think the government is
a bunch of hypocrites, do I see my friend changing the channel?

The deafening silence with regard to the same movement now reminds
me of that famous scene from the Hindi movie “Sholay,” in which a young boy of
a village is brutally butchered by dacoits, and the whole village gathers
around to see who the dead boy is, and starts talking. Suddenly, the boy’s father, an old, blind, Muslim
gentleman, played by AK Hangal, in probably the most memorable role of his
life, comes across the crowd as he is walking towards his evening prayers. He cannot see his son or hear enough to know
that people were talking about his son, but notices that everyone suddenly
falls silent at his approach, and so inquires, “Itna sannata kyon hai?” – Meaning,
“Why this silence?” We might ask the
same question today as we view the body of the movement against corruption in
India lying prostrate on the ground.

But I am not here to write an obituary. I don’t believe the prostrate body I see
before me is dead – only that it is incapacitated. I would like to see the body rise again, rejuvenated. This article is about what it needs to do to
rise again and why it was incapacitated in the first place.

I have written extensively on Anna’s movement since last
August (see my archived articles from August-October 2011 here) and I
had high hopes that this movement would fructify into something truly positive
for the nation. I have even created and
sung songs in support of the movement (see here). Alas, that has not happened, and the movement
has deteriorated to insignificance. In
what follows, I try to analyze why and how this decline may have happened. But first we must understand why the people
rose against corruption.

Genesis

The Lokpal movement by Anna had its roots in decades of
institutionalized corruption in India, much of it forced on the people, to the
extent that people internalized what I call the principles of corruption:

1.For any government service, there is a bribe.

2.The amount of the bribe is proportional to:

a.The benefit you will gain on getting the
service, and

b.The urgency with which you need the service.

3.Any mistake you make can be remedied by a bribe.

4.There is no absolute right or wrong in the world
- everything is dependent on how much money you have.

5.Merit is a crutch for the poor. If you are rich, you don’t need merit, you
just need a bribe – for everything – admission to school, a job, or a
promotion.

6.Money is not the only currency for bribery. Exchanging favours is equally acceptable,
especially when it involves friends and relatives (nepotism).

This was a philosophy which worked as long as people were
hopeless because they believed that the only avenue of prosperity was the
government. The socialist policies of
India since Independence had ensured that private industry was still a marginal
player in determining the fates of people.

All this changed with the forced liberalization of India,
which removed many of the restrictions on private industry and allowed
phenomena such as the IT boom to occur in India. This brought jobs, money, and a respect for
merit to flourish in India. There were
several conclusions from this culture, many of them in stark opposition to the
principles of corruption outlined earlier:

1.One can earn a living through merit.

2.A job is not a right – it has to be earned.

3.Rewards and promotions are decided on the basis
of performance alone.

4.Poor performance can and will be punished,
regardless of your social or economic status.

The contrast between the culture of entitlement and slavery
enshrined in the principles of corruption and the culture of performance and
freedom enshrined in the above conclusions could not be sharper.

In this context, the idea that the Indian public would
continue to silently suffer the indignity of corruption in daily life while
realizing that in the professional sphere, one could excel on the basis of
merit alone (at least in principle), is unthinkable. The same idea of meritocracy is also at the
root of the sharpening conflict on casteism – after all, caste is another
non-meritocratic system – you are born into your caste, you cannot earn a
higher caste regardless of your merit, just as you cannot earn a job or a
promotion regardless of your merit according to the maxims of corruption. Abraham Lincoln once, in a different context,
expressed this kind of conflict very succinctly: “A house divided against
itself cannot stand.”

Added to this, in 2010 and 2011, the UPA government at the
centre was rocked by a number of high-profile scandals involving billions of
dollars, such as the Commonwealth
Games Scandal, the 2G Spectrum Scandal, and the Adarsh
Housing Scam. To remind people that corruption is not limited to one party, the country also saw the Bellary
Mining Scam in Karnataka, a state ruled by the opposition BJP. People
were increasingly coming to the opinion that this was a country ruled by robber
barons, and public opinion was extremely hostile to the political leaders.

One of the main tools that enabled the aforesaid scams to
come to light was the passage of the 2005 National
Right to Information Act, which was passed after a long struggle by
civil society activists. This act
obligates the Government to release in the public domain most documents if a
request for such documentation is made (with some exceptions, such as defense,
national security, etc.) This landmark
legislation has probably been the most important law that has been responsible
for substantially improved transparency in India. It has also brought to light much of the
malfeasance that has been happening for decades in the cloistered halls of
government, and many of the backdoor and under-the-table deals that are part
and parcel of the current Indian government system.

April
2011 and Team Anna

And so it was, that a group of socially-conscious
individuals, with almost spotless credentials (and at that time that was
certainly the universal perception) got together to demand an end to the
disease that had been eating away at India for decades.

Let’s take a look at these bright personages:

·The
Leader, Anna
Hazare, a man with impeccable credentials. He had led several successful movements in
Maharashtra campaigning against corruption.
The man has no family, no wealth, lives in a temple in his village,
sleeps on the floor – he is beyond corruption.
Hazare had achieved fame through sustained work over a period of more
than 30 years – first in transforming his native village, Ralegan Siddhi, from
a poor, destitute, drought-prone and alcoholism-ridden place to India’s model
village – work for which he was awarded the Padma Bhushan, India’s
third-highest civilian award. He had led
movements for the removal of corrupt ministers in Maharashtra, and succeeded;
forced the implementation of laws preventing the transfer of honest government
officials and the overstay of corrupt officers; and spearheaded the
implementation of the Right to Information Act in Maharashtra, among other
things. Anna carried with him an
enviable record of achievement, and a spotless reputation, along with a
firebrand and uncompromising idealism.

·Arvind Kejriwal, a man
who was an IIT graduate and later an IAS officer, but who left the lucrative
job of a government tax officer to concentrate on social work. Kejriwal was one of the prime architects of
the National RTI (Right To Information) Act, the first Federal freedom of information
act in India. Kejriwal had received the
Magsaysay Award for public service.

·Kiran Bedi,
India’s first woman IPS officer, with a brilliant track record of service in
various areas, including narcotics control and prison reform, who had received
a Magsaysay Award for her work in recasting prisons as places of transformation.

·Prashant and Shanti Bhushan,
renowned Supreme Court lawyers. Shanti
Bhushan had successfully argued such landmark cases as the case for Mr. Raj
Narain against Mrs. Indira Gandhi in 1975 in which she was found guilty of
election fraud. This was the famous case
that led to Mrs. Gandhi declaring the emergency. Mr. Shanti Bhushan is also a former Union
Law Minister. More relevant to the
current topic, he and his son Prashant Bhushan led an important campaign for judicial
accountability and for eliminating corruption in the judicial system. Prashant Bhushan himself had been at the
frontline in campaigning against corruption and malpractice through his Center
for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL), successfully arguing in the Supreme
Court such important cases as the Neera Yadav (UP) corruption case, the
Scorpene submarine deal corruption scam, and the 2G scam.

·Justice Santosh Hegde, the
then-Lokayukta (state-level ombudsman) of Karnataka. Justice Hegde was a retired Supreme Court
Judge and a former Solicitor-General of India who was appointed the first
Karnataka Lokayukta. He took to his new
task with great dedication and landed the BS Yeddyurappa government in a lot of
trouble by exposing the Bellary mining scam involving the Reddy brothers who
were key players in the Karnataka state government. Justice Hegde achieved distinction and the
admiration of the Indian public for serving as an exemplary Lokayukta, the sort
of model official that people in India were pining for after years of
exploitation.

This was clearly one of the most impressive groups of people
ever assembled in India for a common goal – a national ombudsman, the Lokpal, along
with state ombudsmen, the Lokayuktas, and a
national organization headed by the Lokpal working closely with similar
state-level organizations led by the Lokayuktas to tackle cases of corruption
at all levels of Indian society. This
would be an organization which could bring any Government authority in India, who
erred, to book – from the prime minister to the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court to the lowest peon in a rural government office who had the effrontery to
demand a bribe.

In its ideal form, this is a very good idea. The idea that no one is above the law, be it
a Prime Minister or a Chief Justice, is a very empowering thing for a populace
used to being beaten into submission by every minion of every government. The thought that this demand was made by a
person like Anna Hazare, whom most thought of as a second Gandhi, gave the
movement and the demand for the Lokpal bill an added lustre.

Jantar
Mantar and Ramlila

The India
Against Corruption (IAC) organization, led by Anna, organized two
fasts: first, in April, at Jantar Mantar; and then in August, at the Ramlila
grounds. The Government convinced Anna
Hazare to call off his April fast with a promise to implement a Lokpal bill
along with the provision for State Lokayuktas and to carefully consider all the
concerns that Team Anna had regarding these rather serious matters. However, in the ensuing months, talks between
Team Anna and the Union Government broke down, with Anna Hazare accusing the
government of trying to dilute the bill and pass a “toothless” bill. In response to what he saw as foot-dragging
by the government, and in order to protest against what he considered inaction
and apathy, Anna announced that he would again go on fast on August 16, 2011.

Remembering the dramatic effect on the people of Anna’s
Jantar Mantar fast in April, the Government acted precipitously and arrested
Anna on the morning of August 16, 2011, to prevent him from carrying out his
fast. The net result, however, was just
the opposite. Anna said that he would
carry out his fast in the jail itself.
Aided by some very good television publicity and a video caught on a
mobile phone that Kiran Bedi had sneaked in, public opinion was overwhelmingly
on the side of Anna against the government’s draconian decision to jail a
person whose only offense had been to threaten to go on fast.

The UPA government backtracked as fast as it could, but the
damage had been done. Public opinion,
which was already at a boil, was further stoked by images of police arresting
Anna Hazare on the morning of the 16th, which were being played
round the clock on TV channels. Before
the day was over, protests erupted spontaneously all over India to demand the
release of Hazare. But Anna would not
consent to even being released by the police unless the Government allowed him
to fast publicly at Ramlila maidan. To
avoid further loss of face, the Government accepted. The subsequent parade of Anna and his
supporters from Tihar Jail to Ramlila grounds in a cavalcade seemed like a
victory march to most Indians (see here).

Anna continued his fast that he had begun in Tihar Jail at
Ramlila maidan, demanding that the Government implement Team Anna’s Jan Lokpal
Bill in its entirety. The Government
tried to assert its authority, but the net effect of the high drama created by
Anna’s declining health due to the continuing fast at Ramlila led to a dramatic
“resolution on the sense of the house” that was passed by Parliament to appease
Anna and ask him to call off the fast (see here).

This was the high point for Team Anna. And that was on August 27, 2011.

The
Decline

In December 2011, Anna Hazare went on fast again, at the MMRDA
grounds, in Mumbai, to campaign for his Jan Lokpal bill. This time, a total of about 5000 people came
to see him in 2 days. Gone were the huge
crowds who had thronged Ramlila grounds, who could not change the channel to
watch anything other than Anna on TV.

So what happened between the end of August and
December? Where did the millions of TV
viewers and the lakhs of people crowding at Ramlila to get a glimpse of the
second Gandhi go?

Before we can answer that, we need to first understand why
Anna and IAC succeeded in the first place:

1.Indians love a selfless leader. The idea that one must be selfless is drilled
into the psyche of every Hindu through the Gita, Hinduism’s most sacred book,
through Krishna’s advice to Arjuna: “You have the right only to act; you do not
have the right to claim the fruit of your actions.” Anna certainly appeared to most Indians then
(and probably does now, too) as a selfless leader who only wanted his principle
to succeed.

2.Most people conferred the same aura to the
people around Anna. Again, this is, in
large part, justifiable, even if a bit unrealistic. Most Indians have paid a bribe at some point
or other in their life, so they value a person who can resist paying a
bribe. The ability to resist the
temptation to be dishonest is almost considered superhuman, as Pavan Varma puts
it in his wonderful book, “Being Indian.”

3.People were impressed by the fact that Anna was genuinely
willing to die for a principle, something that most of us would never even
contemplate.

4.The sight of tens of thousands of people
marching in the streets scared the Government and made them lose control. (see here for
more on this.)

5.The people marching were ordinary, mostly
middle-class people, unlike workers of any registered party – thus this was a
GENUINE PEOPLE’s MOVEMENT. All
Governments are afraid of that. Ask
Hosni Mubarak. See also this
article for a comparison of Anna’s movement and the Arab Spring.

6.Strong efforts by the Government’s media agents
to try and discredit the movement failed (see this
link
for an example of the media bias against the movement).

It is important to understand that Anna rose several notches
in most people’s estimation after the August 2011 event. Most Indians outside Maharashtra had not
heard of Anna before April 2011; post August 2011, Anna was thought not just to
be a leader of an anti-corruption movement, but a Mahatma, the Gandhi for this
millennium.

Why IAC
and Anna Failed

As astounding as the rise of Team was, even more astounding
was its decline into obscurity and ridicule.
These days, the Lokpal bill has clearly been put on the backburner by
the Government. It is clear that, even
if the Indian parliament passes a Lokpal bill, it will be even more “toothless”
than the bill that was considered by them earlier. There are several reasons for this decline. Some are connected with specific events; some
are related to flawed assumptions of the general public, which Team Anna never
cared to correct as long as they benefited from those assumptions; some are
related to cleverly managed smear campaigns by the Congress against Team Anna
through its media agents; and some are related to carefully orchestrated
foot-dragging by the Government. All of
these could have been easily managed, had only Team Anna understood the essence
for which people had supported it. The
Government calculated, and calculated correctly, that Team Anna had risen too
fast to be able to clearly articulate, even for itself, what it stood for; and
so, riven by internal factionalism over its ideology which, to some, seemed to
change depending on who was supporting it, the Team quickly lost steam and
direction. Let us look at some of the
specific causes.

The
Kiran Bedi Overcharging Scam

One of the stories that damaged the credibility of Team Anna
was the
story that came out about Kiran Bedi, who charged business class
fare for clients who hired her for speaking engagements, but flew economy class
and fed the difference to her organization.
Bedi justified this indiscretion on the grounds that she did not
personally benefit from the overcharging, but did not seem to realize that this
amounts to getting money for her organization under false pretexts and,
therefore, could be considered corruption.
The mistake Kiran Bedi made here was to try to justify her actions and
claim that, because she had not personally benefited from this act, she had
done nothing wrong. The longer she
persisted in denying any wrongdoing, the worse her image and that of Team Anna
became. Bedi also justified the mistake
as one of very small scale when compared with the huge corruption scandals the
Government was guilty of; but she missed the point that it was about the
principle, not the amount.

The
Prashant Bhushan Kashmir Remark

For reasons known to no one but himself, Prashant Bhushan
made some
comments to an interviewer that the people of Kashmir were entitled
to self-determination and, should they choose to be independent or remain with
Pakistan, their rights should be respected.
Now, Prashant Bhushan is certainly entitled to his opinion on anything, but
this caused such a severe anti-Prashant Bhushan and anti-Team Anna storm that
Anna Hazare was forced to say in public that he did not stand by Bhushan’s
comments. Now you had people coming out
of the woodwork claiming that Team Anna was unpatriotic.

The
Arvind Kejriwal IRS Affair

Arvind Kejriwal was embroiled in an administrative dispute
with his former employer, the Indian Revenue Service. They claimed that Kejriwal had taken a break
while on duty and never returned to work, and hence owed the Government money
because he had signed a legal bond to work with them for three years or else
pay them back. As in the case with Kiran
Bedi, Kejriwal kept defending himself, claiming that the work he did in
drafting the RTI was, in fact, work for the Indian Government, and so he did
not owe them anything. Eventually,
though, he realized that this fight was costing him his credibility and, right
or wrong, he was losing the public relations battle, and decided to settle the
issue. It was a very clever ploy by the
Government to try and discredit Kejriwal and to make him seem like a legal
offender; and in large part, it must be said, they succeeded in sullying
Kejriwal’s image. This could have been
neutralized by some clever thinking on Kejriwal's part, but he made the mistake of
treating this as a fight which ought to be fought. I do not know enough of the issue to know
whether Kejriwal was in the wrong; but regardless, the timing of the
controversy is testament to the Government’s cleverness; and the handling of the
issue is testament that Kejriwal is not as sure-footed as people may have
thought he was. Whatever the reasons,
the episode greatly hurt the perception of Team Anna.

The
Bhushans CD and Land Controversies

Team Anna was hit by a couple of smear campaigns, aimed at
their legal luminaries, the father-son duo of Shanti Bhushan and Prashant
Bhushan. One was
a CD that was circulated and purported to contain recorded conversations
between Shanti Bhushan, Mulayam Singh Yadav, and Amar Singh about how court
cases could be easily settled for the appropriate level of bribes. After much investigation, an
independent laboratory verified that the CD was fabricated, by
using different statements made by Bhushan at different times and places and
splicing them together to resemble a real conversation.

The other was a report
that Shanti Bhushan had obtained land from Mayawati’s discretionary quota when
she was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh at very low prices. This was seen to be a conflict of interest as
Bhushan was fighting against Mayawati in a court case, and possibly as an
attempt by Mayawati to buy off Shanti Bhushan.
Shanti Bhushan denied the allegations, claiming that he had applied for
the land under an open quota which was advertised and had not done anything to
unduly influence the grant of the land, which initially was supposed to be
awarded through lottery, but probably because of insufficient applicants, was
awarded to everyone who applied.

The government used the controversy to spread doubt about
the bonafides of the Bhushans and to claim that they, too, were corrupt and so
did not have any locus standi to accuse the Government of corruption. Although nothing was proven against the
Bhushans, given the backdrop of all the other smear campaigns against Team
Anna, these smear campaigns also did enough damage to the Team’s spotless
reputation.

Anna’s
Extreme Statements

Anna Hazare never seemed to realize that his status had gone
far above that of a rabble-rouser who brought issues to the fore and demanded action,
such as getting ministers to resign, as he had done earlier with the
Maharashtra government. People were now
comparing him to the Mahatma. Now those
are big shoes to fill.

As people learned more about Anna, Anna’s preferred
treatment of alcoholics in his village – tying them to a tree and whipping them
- made
headlines. This was especially
troubling for many of his supporters who came from the urban educated elite,
who saw no harm in drinking alcohol. Anna’s
attitude smacked of the Taliban to many.
And Anna made no bones about it.

Long before Team Anna came to the fore, discussions of
corruption in drawing rooms in India as well as abroad often would be
punctuated by someone asserting that “all these rascals who are looting the
country ought to be shot.” That’s
acceptable in a private discussion, especially when one realizes that it is a
statement meant to create drama and not to be taken literally. The message from that kind of discussion is
that strong measures and punishments need to be implemented to deter people
from being corrupt.

Fair enough. But Anna
Hazare took things to another level when he stated that literally,
people involved in major scams deserve the death penalty. This attitude shocked many of his educated,
liberal supporters who felt that even the current “rarest of the rare” criterion
adopted by the Indian judiciary to sanction capital punishment was too harsh.

It also put Team Anna in a corner when some of its own
members were seen to be guilty of minor violations, such as Kiran Bedi
overcharging for her travel expenses.
Suddenly people were questioning whether people who weren’t perfect
themselves could ask for such severe penalties against people who err.

It is another matter that (as Kiran Bedi correctly argued –
but what did not absolve her of the need to acknowledge her mistake and
apologizing for it) the errors of omission or commission by Team Anna members
were very small affairs in a monetary sense, and certainly could not be
compared to the kinds of large-scale fraud they were combating – you certainly
cannot compare a few thousands or tens of thousands or rupees overcharging in a
travel bill to $30 billion dollars, which was the amount of money lost by the
nation in the 2G scam.

But episodes like that removed (as they rightly should have)
the saintly aura around Team Anna. For
Anna and his followers are not saints, but just honest people convinced of the
seriousness to change a very bad situation.
And yes, they can make mistakes.
And when they do, it is best to come clean and admit their
mistakes. As long as people believe you
are mahatmas, they will believe what you say, without questioning you and without
understanding the logic of why you do something. But if you accept such adoration, they will
also readily drop you when they understand that you are not a saint but a human
being.

Apparent
Inconsistencies

Over the past several months, one got used to inconsistent
statements emanating from different sources in Team Anna. Was the RSS or the BJP a good partner? Was Baba Ramdev welcome in Team Anna meetings
or protests? Was Narendra Modi a good
person? Should Pranab Mukherjee be
investigated for corruption? Is Manmohan Singh an honest PM or not? Depending on the exact season and date, and
who in Team Anna you asked the question of, you could get a different answer
each time you asked any of these questions.

It was documented
by several media outlets that the fast and stand0ff at Ramlila
grounds in August 2011 were facilitated by strong support from cadres of the
RSS. Sri Sri Ravishankar of the Art of
Living also came to express his support for Anna Hazare, as did Baba
Ramdev. Having marched in one IAC
candlelight vigil myself, I know that followers of Sri Sri Ravishankar played a
crucial role in the success of that march.

Team Anna was worried that their urban middle-class
supporters (many of whom were left of the religious divide) would not approve
of the team accepting support from right-wing Hindu nationalist
organizations. Their worry was that they
might give off the message that they were endorsing the politics of the RSS and
of Hindutva in accepting support from them.

They reacted to this fear by publicly distancing themselves from the RSS – giving
them the kind of treatment you give a mistress – accepting favours from them
but not publicly acknowledging their presence.
This even led to a public
expression of displeasure by Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS chief.

Great leaders do not simply react to criticism; they create
their own impressions and make their own statements, regardless of the effect
of those statements on their own popularity.
In this crucial test, Team Anna failed miserably. Team Anna’s mission was to wipe out
corruption in India. To that end, they
should have unapologetically and openly accepted help from anyone willing to
help in this – making it clear that there was no quid pro quo.

What Anna needed to do was to openly accept that yes, in
this regard, they were indeed accepting help from the RSS, but that they did
not necessarily endorse the rest of the RSS platform. Anna’s failure to state this openly made him
a sitting duck for the attacks of the Congress that Team Anna was just a Trojan
horse for the BJP and RSS. If, by
stating openly that he had accepted help from the RSS, Anna was to lose his
liberal base, he should have been willing to do so.

Inability
to Differentiate Between a Movement and a Party

What Anna and his followers never seemed to fully understand
is that a movement like IAC is different from a political party. And, judging from recent developments, they
still haven’t, for they are now talking about floating a political party after
dissolving Team Anna.

A movement with a single-point agenda, such as IAC’s
anti-corruption movement, is actually freer than any political party in staking
out its position. IAC only cares (or should
care) about removing corruption – so it doesn’t really need to worry about
whether it is doing justice to Dalits, Muslims, minorities, OBCs – you name
it. In fact, the smart way for Team Anna
to have handled this entire mess was to say that anyone – yes, ANYONE, whether
from the left or the right; whether ultra-nationalist Hindu or radical Muslim;
whether a Muslim cleric or a Sadhu who appears on Aastha TV; whether
upper-caste or Dalit or OBC or Brahmin; whether from the Punjab or from Tamil
Nadu or the North-east or Kashmir; whether from the middle class or the upper
class or the poor; and whether from a city or a village, was welcome to support
them, to come on their platform and speak – so long as they only speak about
eliminating corruption. They should have
made it clear from the start that all they represent is a platform against
corruption, and all Indians are free to join them.

They could have credibly taken this position because they
were a movement, a pressure group, and not a political party. A movement can be based on a single issue; a
political party cannot. A political
party HAS to have a position on every major issue facing the nation: foreign
policy – whether to align with the US, with Russia, or China on any issue; what
to do about our nuclear capability; whether to further implement the US-India
nuclear agreement; whether to allow FDI in multi-brand retail; whether to take
any action against the Sri Lankan government for attacking Tamil fishermen;
whether to build roads in Arunachal Pradesh to match the Chinese level of
development on the border; whether to implement more or less reservation in
education and jobs; how to accelerate the pace of infrastructure building in
the country; what kind of economic liberalization measures needs to be
undertaken in the country; how to make Indian education more effective, and to
create students who not only finish school, but actually possess skills in
reading, writing, and arithmetic; how to effectively realize the benefits of
India’s demographic dividend; how to eliminate the corrosive effects of
casteism in India and to truly raise the living conditions of the poorest of
the poor; how to resolve the border conflicts with Pakistan and China; and a
hundred other such crucial and pressing issues.

Team Anna neither has the experience nor the ability to deal
with most of these issues. The key
attribute of most of their principals, as has already been highlighted above,
was an unassailable integrity. While they
were great leaders in a campaign for probity in public life, it would be too
much to expect them to have answers to all these questions.

Rather than recognize their limitations, Team Anna started
issuing statements on each and every issue arising in India, acting like a
political party rather than an anti-corruption movement. The Congress used this to their advantage,
questioning them on their relationships with various individuals and parties
(such as the RSS) and accusing them of duplicity.

If Team Anna had had this clarity about a movement being
different from a party, they could have easily deflected any criticism about
links with the RSS/BJP/whatever party. Instead,
they got caught in the battle of perceptions that plagues every political
party, with the result that one person would say something in order to fashion
a certain public opinion; and if that led to an adverse reaction, another
spokesman would state the opposite to restore calm. A leader is respected for his ability to be
steadfast in all circumstances and to not be swayed by the prevailing
winds. Team Anna’s cardinal fault and
fatal flaw was to try to be all things to everyone. For more, see here.

Foot-Dragging
Tactics by the Government

After the historic “sense
of the House” resolution during the 2011 Monsoon session that led
to Anna Hazare calling off his fast at Ramlila maidan, people had high
expectations that the Government would introduce the Lokpal bill as the first
order of business in the next session of Parliament, the winter session. But the UPA had different ideas. They wanted to use delaying tactics and wear
out their adversary. So, after stating
with much fanfare that the Lokpal bill was their first priority, the
UPA, in its first move in the winter session introduced, not the Lokpal bill,
but a bill seeking to allow Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in multi-brand
retail in the country. I think it was
obvious at the time to anyone who was reasonably well-versed in Indian politics
and who knew the relative strengths of different parties in the Lok Sabha that
this proposal could never pass.

If passing this was the true intention, one might ask why
the Government would waste time introducing a bill that had no hope of being
passed. But that wasn’t the real
aim. This was used as a delaying tactic,
with predictable consequences. The
pro-Bania party, the BJP, caused a stir in the well of parliament, by saying
that such a bill would greatly threaten the viability of the corner Kirana
stores that dot the Indian landscape.
The Congress did not have the kind of majority in Parliament to overcome
the BJP and other opposition parties and push the bill through, and even some
of their allies, such as the TMC, did not support the bill. All in all, the majority of the valuable time
of the Indian Parliament in the already-short winter session was
lost in a worthless cause. It
was worthless to everyone – except the ruling UPA party. After other business was considered, and some
little work was finally done in Parliament, the UPA proceeded to introduce the
Lokpal Bill in the Lok Sabha – with just 3 days left in the session – and that
too, these days were obtaining by “extending” the session – a nice touch,
really. You have to give it to the
politicians – even when they are pulling the rug from under your feet, they do
it with a veneer of benevolence.

What happened was predictable. Just discussing and arguing the issues
related to the Lokpal bill took three days, and at the end of the three days,
the Speaker said that the session was adjourned due to lack of any more
time. The opposition also played right
along, using the available time to introduce 187 amendments to the bill (many
of which were duplicates) so that there
simply would not be enough time to resolve the issue. The whole idea was to delay the introduction
of the bill long enough for people to tire and forget about the issues; and the
history of the Lokpal bill since then shows they were right in their
calculations. The public has now lost
its urgency in the demand for the Lokpal bill.

Unwillingness
to Collaborate

One of the biggest problems that Team Anna faced in its
struggle for the Jan Lokpal Bill is that the bill itself did not have universal
acceptance, even among civil society activists.
It was one thing for Congress spokespersons such as Renuka Chaudhuri or
Rashid Alvi to criticize the Jan Lokpal bill as over-reaching – you could
dismiss that as establishment people trying to run the bill down – but when
criticism of the bill comes
from highly respected people like Jayprakash Narayan of Hyderabad, of
the Lok Satta party, or from
Aruna Roy of the National Advisory Council, one of the key people who
implemented the RTI, along with Kejriwal, then it becomes a serious matter.

What was Team Anna’s response to this criticism? They did give people like Roy and Narayan lip
service, saying that they welcomed a debate at Ramlila grounds any time (as
though that was likely to ever happen – Ramlila grounds during Anna’s fast was
the kind of “home court” that any opposition would be scared of entering –
they’d probably be booed down if they said anything in opposition to Team
Anna’s position). But in fact, they
completely ignored the criticisms of Roy and Narayan, confident that they would
not need to heed them because of the large crowds marching in their support
during the heady 10 days following August 16, 2011.

But crowds do not march in the thousands every day, and once
the euphoria died down, the fact that there were sharp and genuine differences
between key members of the civil society became very apparent. The Government played up the differences and
claimed that there was no unanimity in the responses of civil society in the
approach to be taken to corruption and the Lokpal bill.

There were genuine concerns on the part of other civil
society activists as well as many among the Indian intelligentsia, who believed
that creating the Lokpal might be a colossal and expensive blunder. One of the commonly-expressed fears about the
Lokpal bill was that it
would become a law unto itself –and a commonly-asked question
by opponents of the Lokpal became “how can you guarantee that the Lokpal
himself or his officers will not themselves become corrupt?” These are real questions, which need
answering, and Team Anna, to their credit, had tried to answer some of them.

But the questions persisted, and the response to them cannot
be to ignore them, as Team Anna seemed to think was enough. For, while there was a large middle-class
support base for Team Anna during the Ramlila protest, there were also many
highly-educated people who believed, with some basis, that Team Anna had a “my
way or the highway” attitude and were unwilling to listen to reason. And Team Anna did not seem very interested in
doing enough to dispel this notion.

Fasting
Too Frequently

Swaminathan Aiyar, whose columns I am a big fan of, wrote
an article in September 2011 warning Anna Hazare against
the danger of fasting repeatedly. Aiyar
pointed to the failure of repeated fasting by Fateh Singh on the issue of the
Punjabi Suba in the 50s and 60s.

I am myself not a big fan of fasts – blackmailing someone
and forcing their hand by threatening to die is not the ideal in a
democracy. I say it is “not ideal,” but
I reiterate my position, as I have said in my earlier blog post, that Anna’s
fasts were neither undemocratic, nor were they unconstitutional. The country has faced much worse blackmailing
protests that have been violent, and that have succeeded in forcing the
government’s hand, and if people do not find those objectionable in the
interests of the constitution or of democracy, as they seem not to have, they
should not object to Anna’s protests.
See here for a
more detailed discussion on this. But if
there are better alternatives, a fast is not to be preferred.

Once in a blue moon, this can be a good tactic to bring
attention to an issue. The Ramlila
maidan fast in August 2011 was a time when this was an excellent tactic. But the fast can also be a very dangerous
weapon. Unless you genuinely believe
that, unless the existing policies are changed, life is not worth living, you
should fast only if you are 100% certain that people will do something to save
your life. Else, your fate will be that
of Swami Nigamananda, who
died in January 2011 after fasting for 73 days to
protest illegal mining and stone crushing near the Ganga in Haridwar. In Nigamananda’s mind, perhaps it was better
to die than live with the deteriorating conditions of the Ganga. Is Anna or Kejriwal convinced that it is
better to die rather than continue living in an India without the Jan Lokpal?

Or, if you cannot count on people’s support to save your
life, you can use the excuse used by Anna Hazare during his abortive fast in
Mumbai in December 2011, which he called off after 2 days of no response,
citing a fever/infection and doctors’ orders as the reason for calling off the
fast. Alternatively, you do what Kejriwal did just now, when there was very
little response to his fast asking for chargesheets and action against 15 Union
cabinet ministers and the passage of the Lokpal bill – he gave up, saying that
he did not think the Government would bend.
Oh, and that they would now form a political alternative.

Regardless of whether you adopt the Anna route (doctors’
orders) or the Kejriwal route (pointless effort), the result is the same – loss
of face. If a fast is mounted for
achieving an objective, and fails to achieve the objective, it is a
failure. Period. Anna failed in December 2011, and Kejriwal
failed in August 2012, however they might try to cover it up.

I, for one, and I am sure I am joined by millions of other
Indians, am happy they failed in their fasts.
I hope they will give up this method of protest. Don’t get me wrong – I am glad Anna did what
he did in August 2011, because it truly galvanized the country and brought
attention to this vital issue. But
bringing attention to an issue is all a fast should be used for (if it ever is
used for anything). It cannot be used to
force a decision. Real change against a
reluctant system can only be achieved by people power, by people marching on
the streets to demand their right. And
people should not require a man getting close to death repeatedly to march on
the streets. Once should be enough. Once Anna had achieved his purpose of waking
up the people, he really should have stopped the fasts. Intelligent people can think of better ways
to make policies happen than to behave as spoilt children. I believe the country needs Anna, Kejriwal,
Bhushan, and the other members of Team Anna to make a strong and positive
contribution to society, and that will not be achieved by them getting ill or
dying.

The timing of the fasts also had become a joke. Anna began his fast in Mumbai in December
2011 one day BEFORE Parliament sat down to discuss the Lokpal bill. I, and everyone I spoke to, could not
understand why Anna was protesting before Parliament had even taken a decision
on the clauses to be adopted in the bill.
The whole thing seemed unnecessary to most people, which is why no one
turned up for the event. Had he done
this after, say, Parliament had passed a watered-down version of the Lokpal
bill, people could have been able to relate to the fast. But the December fast seemed totally
meaningless.

Power
Comes from the People

One thing that Anna and his followers forgot was that the
reason for their success was not just people making speeches at Jantar Mantar
or Ramlila Maidan – that was simply the trigger – but the tens of thousands of
Indians who were, surprisingly and for the first time in their lives, taking
time out to march in rallies in support of the septuagenarian activist. The Government could have ignored the
speeches and the crowds at Ramlila maidan – and, in fact, that is exactly what
they proceeded to do with Baba Ramdev when he tried to fast at Ramlila a month
before Anna fasted at Ramlila maidan.
They could do that because Ramdev’s agitation was confined to Ramlila
maidan; with Anna, the agitation was nationwide, with people marching
everywhere in support of Anna.

The fatal mistake of Team Anna was to forget the people who
were behind them. Anna and his
supporters were not important in themselves; they were important because they
represented (or seemed to represent) the aspirations, hopes, and frustrations
of an entire population. The entire
country was (and still is) seething with anger and frustration at the
large-scale loot of the country by the Government. Anna came at the right time with a fresh
proposal to do something about it.

While most people did not understand all the details about
the Jan Lokpal bill that Team Anna was proposing, what they were convinced
about was that this team was a set of honest people who genuinely cared about doing
the right thing. When your base is
devoted to you, but not knowledgeable about the issues, you are in dangerous
territory. All it takes is for someone
to create doubts amongst your following as to your devotion and dedication and
the whole support structure can come crashing down.

This, in effect, is what happened. Doubts were planted in the minds of people
regarding the character of Team Anna members and their motivations, and over a
period of time, more and more people started saying things like, “Anna, I think
he’s honest, but I am not sure about the people around him. I think they just want to get political
power.” The suspicions may not hold
water, but that doesn’t matter.

Where did Team Anna fail?
What could they have done to prevent this? What they needed was to connect closely with
their constituency in the immediate aftermath of the August 2011 victory. They needed to go to every city, town, and
village, hold town hall meetings, explain to the people what really they were
trying to do, why they were proposing the measures and bills they were
proposing, and get deep-felt, genuine buy-in from the people. If they had done that, they would have had a
population that was not only devoted to them, but one that understood what they
were doing and why. And that kind of
support is not easily shaken by rumours and exposes of minor offenses.

Team Anna should have taken a page from Mahatma Gandhi’s
book, since Anna says he was inspired by Gandhiji. Gandhiji knew where his strength came from,
and so he spent years touring the Indian countryside, talking to people along
the length and breadth of the nation, addressing rallies everywhere, so that
people understood why he was doing what he was doing. It is far easier to believe a rumour that
Kiran Bedi is a crook when you have never had a personal interaction with
her. But if you had heard a passionate
speech by her in your local town hall, had a chance to ask her questions about
what she did and why, and received convincing answers, you might more easily
dismiss the charges against her as something done in a temporary lapse of
judgment rather than think of her as a crook.

They should have come on TV channels to discuss their Jan
Lokpal bill, in panel discussions with other civil society members such as Aruna
Roy and Jayprakash Narayan and other luminaries, such as supreme court
justices, to state and defend their points of view regarding the clauses in the
bill – and, crucially, to change something if it is clear to everyone that it
might be untenable or wrong. Whether
Team Anna possessed enough flexibility at the time to engage in such an
exercise is a matter of conjecture. On
the one hand, Kejriwal and Bhushan have appeared on TV to state that they are
open to suggestions/modifications, and that their version of the Jan Lokpal was
the 22nd or some such version.
On the other hand, at other times they have appeared completely
inflexible.

Instead of doing any of this, Team Anna just sat in Delhi or
Ralegan Siddhi or wherever, and started issuing statements on what ought to be
done, and expected unquestioning faith in their actions. Predictably, their support, slowly but
surely, vanished.

They relied on parties other than the ruling UPA to help
them out, only to realize that the opposition parties also did their level best
to bury the Lokpal bill. To some extent,
they had themselves to blame for this as well.
Team Anna made so much noise about how this was a “Jokepal” bill that the
opposition did not hesitate to say that they, too, would not support a toothless
bill, and buried the bill in the legislature by asking for 187 amendments,
which was virtually impossible to implement.
The truth is that neither the ruling UPA nor the opposition parties want
this pesky Lokpal that can inhibit their free functioning and their ability to
loot the country.

Today, when I talk to people about Team Anna, most people do
not have faith in the team, but most say that they regard Anna Hazare as an
honest and selfless person. The entire
experience of Team Anna in the last year is an object lesson to anyone on how
to gain incredible political capital in a short period of time, as well as how
to squander it in the most irresponsible and dramatic manner.

Confusion
Regarding the Aims of the Lokpal Bill

Corruption in India has existed in large measure ever since
independence in 1947; much of the reason for the corruption was what was known
as the “License
Raj”
– the fact that to do anything in the socialist India of Nehru’s imagining, one
needed at least two dozen permits. The
state had such complete control of business that if you wanted to do anything,
you were at the mercy of the government official.

In the scarcity that was the India in the first 50 years of
independent India, everything was hard to get, and you needed to bribe people
for everything. This multilevel
corruption framework meant that Indians encountered corruption in two different
ways. Ordinary Indians, who just went to
work and got paid for their efforts, had to pay bribes for simple things like
getting a gas connection, a driver’s license, a telephone connection, and even
to get the Income Tax Officer to accept their tax return. Businessmen had to go through an additional
set of corruption hurdles, related to getting government tenders, permits to
start businesses, etc.

The mega-corruption scams of 2010 that sparked public
outrage were related to the second of these corruption gateways, that of big
business and politicians in high places.
Understandably, in order to draw on this wellspring of anger, Team Anna
demanded that all MLAs and MPs, even including the PM and his cabinet
ministers, fall under the ambit of the all-powerful Lokpal. For a long time, the airwaves were dominated by
debates on whether the PM should be under the Lokpal or not.

But in all this, forgotten was the fact that more than 90%
of the corruption in India (not in total money terms but in terms of how many
people are directly affected) happens at the small-scale level, where peons and
lower-level officers in Government offices demand bribes for the smallest of
tasks. I, for one, would say that if one
had to choose only one to eliminate at one time, the elimination of small-scale
corruption would be more important to the common man.

All or
Nothing

The reason one has to look at whether one kind of corruption
should be tackled first in preference to another is because in life as well as
politics, you rarely win your wars in one battle. It was becoming clear in Team Anna’s
discussions with the Government that the Government would not agree to every
demand of Anna.

An intelligent adversary, in circumstances such as these,
would take stock and state certain things which were non-negotiable and agree
to softening his stand on the remaining issues.
Leaving with a partial victory is better than leaving with nothing,
which is what Team Anna finally did.
Look at what they ended up doing with the Lokpal bill. They declaimed the final Government version
as a “Jokepal bill,” ridiculed it as a pro-corruption bill, and refused to
support it. And now they have nothing.

Is it so bad that it is better to not have it? I am not so sure. Let me suggest an alternative. Suppose Team Anna, after realizing the Government
would not agree to all its demands, realized it had to aim lower. Suppose they had said, “okay, we don’t want
the Lokpal right now. Give us only one
thing right now – an independent Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).” Do you think it would have been a
failure? I don’t think so. If the Government had agreed to that, I think
it would have been a victory for everyone.
Anyone who sees how the CBI functions today can clearly see how it is an
instrument of the Government that the Government uses to harass its political
opponents.

For example, all the corruption scams of Rajasekhar Reddy of
AP were okay in the eyes of the CBI as long as he was alive and as long as his
son Jagan Reddy was expected to toe the Congress line. Once Jagan Reddy overstepped his limits and
stood in open opposition to the Congress, the CBI suddenly descended on him and
he is now in jail. All the alleged irregularities
of Jagan Reddy happened when his father was CM, in
partnership with him. Did the definition
of illegality change with Rajasekhar Reddy’s death? Or take the even more recent event of the CBI
chargesheet in the Commonwealth Games on the corruption in the Queen’s Baton
relay event. Kalmadi
was arrested for irregularities in that very case, but the CBI chargesheet
doesn’t include Kalmadi in the list of the accused, though his subordinates
have been charged.

If you have an independent CAG (and the CAG has been doing a
great job of uncovering scams in the Government – first the Commonwealth Games
Scam, then the 2G Spectrum Scam, and yesterday the CoalGate
Scam),
coupled with an independent CBI, probably you can greatly cut down on
corruption in high places.

Similarly, if Team Anna were to agree that the PM should be
out of the ambit of the Lokpal, but in return, the Government should agree that
the lower bureaucracy should be under the ambit of the Lokpal, the people would
again have won something and obtained some relief from their daily suffering.

To make deals like that requires flexibility, an ability to
negotiate and a willingness to achieve success in stages – an ability to be
resilient and be in the fray for the long run, not just for one season. Corruption has been rampant in India for more
than 50 years, and you want everything to go away in 6 months? There need to be several pitched battles
fought before the vested interests will loosen their grip on the levers of
power. Gandhiji did not beat the British
in just one campaign.

Where Do
We Go From Here?

If the latest events are any indication, we have no choice
but to continue the war on corruption – and try to win it, battle by
battle. Just now the news that there
have been huge irregularities in the allocation of Coal Blocks to various
companies by the Government has emerged, which reminds us that whatever else we
do, we cannot continue to adopt an attitude of चलताहै(“It’s okay.”) Things
are far too serious, and the disease of corruption is causing way too much
damage to this country, for us to take such a casual attitude.

Team Anna succeeded last year in galvanizing an apathetic
Indian public to march on the streets.
Their goal was a new institution, the Lokpal, to stem the flow of
corruption. The movement has taken a
huge hit in the last year, but probably this is a lesson in growing up as a
movement. They need to dig in their
heels for a long war.

Whether the Lokpal will actually happen is now not at all
certain. What characteristics a Lokpal
will have, even if it is constituted, is also very unclear. But Team Anna needs to embrace the thought
that the Lokpal is but one piece of the puzzle.
There are several other pieces that need to be fixed if corruption is to
be greatly reduced.

The reason for this large number of vacancies is the system
of appointing judges, which is based on the “collegium system,” according to
which a panel or “collegium” of judges appoint judges from the lower courts to
join them. The
system is clearly not working, and the appointment of new
judges is very slow. One of the
speculated reasons is the low salary offered to judges. If delivering justice is a priority, the
Government needs to do more to address this problem.

The result of this immense backlog of cases is that the
wheels of justice move very slowly in India.
As a result, even if someone is caught stealing, it might take years or
even decades to convict him and send him to jail. A prime example of the slowness of the
justice system in India was furnished by the 1993 Mumbai blasts case, in which
the penalty phase is still running, almost 20 years since the event. And if this is the story in such a
high-profile case where, one would imagine, the pressure to deliver justice is
extremely high, one can imagine how slow the wheels move when one is “simply”
dealing with the theft of a few crores or even a few hundreds of crores of rupees.

So, before one goes on and on about how one can come up with
better laws to punish those who are corrupt, one needs to first fix the justice
system, in which even criminals who commit mass murder are not sentenced after
20 years. Without this, one can
construct the most elaborate laws and they will achieve nothing.

In chemical engineering, one is confronted with the theory
of multiple reactions in series, in which one learns that the rate of the
overall process is determined by the rate of the slowest reaction. In similar fashion, if one thinks of
legislation as a process, law enforcement as the next process in the series,
deliverance of the justice as the third step in the process, and conviction
(punishment) as the result of this three-step process, the rate of conviction
is determined by the slowest step, which is the judicial process. Without fixing this, everything else is
irrelevant.

Electoral
Reform

One must also question why corruption at the higher levels
occurs the way it does. People often ask
what a person would do with hundreds of thousands of crores of money – you
cannot even remember how many zeroes that amount of money means. One cannot fully experience even a fraction
of that money in one’s lifetime.

I got the answer to this question a long time ago from a
friend who was close to many politicians in Andhra Pradesh. He told me, “Do you think they use this money
for personal enjoyment? Maybe a little,
maybe they will spend some of it on luxuries, but the amount of money they
accumulate is way more than they can ever spend.” So what do they use it for, I asked him. And he told me, “They use it to buy the next
election.” That’s the only endeavour
that needs such sums of money ... buying voters through alcohol and money to
vote for their party.

This is the reason why most politicians are very wealthy
people in India – you need to have personal wealth on a large scale to succeed
in politics. This, in turn, also
engenders connections with the underworld.
Many politicians today have risen up the ranks from being petty thieves
to running criminal empires to becoming politicians. To know more about this, read
this.

So, to get to the root of large-scale corruption, electoral
reform is crucial. The electoral field
is poisoned by big money, and limits have to be set on how much parties can
spend on elections – to prevent the large-scale purchase of votes. This is not an easy task. The United States has been grappling with
campaign finance reform for decades now and still has not found a reasonable
solution to it. In India, the abuses
occurring under the current rules and the current enforcement of the current
rules are shocking. Perhaps a nationwide
movement to enact proper electoral reform should be at the forefront of the
effort to fight corruption in India.

The
Attitude of the Indian Middle Class

One of the things that annoyed some intellectuals about the
anti-corruption protest marches of August 2011 is that some of the very people
who were marching in the protests were those who, in their own lives, were
quite corrupt indeed, and often responsible for corrupting others.

Many middle-class Indians are, even today, quite happy to
indulge in corruption when it suits them.
For instance, someone may have a son who is studying in 12th
standard, the stage just before professional education, and doesn’t obtain
enough marks in his 12th or engineering entrance exams to go to a
good college. What does the parent
do? They are quite eager and willing to
bribe colleges to ensure that their child doesn’t lose out in the race in life. (How important joining engineering college
really is can be the subject of another blog post, which I will not get into
here; for now, we will assume that it really is important to life.)

Another way of getting admission to colleges is to find out
if a relative works in that college. If
so, the relative can put in a good word for you and you get in, even though you don't deserve it. Of course, at a later stage
you repay the person in some way. This
kind of corruption in India is quite common.

But even that is a bit important compared to some of the
more petty things Indians are willing to bribe for. You want a license to drive a car and what do
you do? Go learn the rules of the road
and go to driving school? Oh no. You pay Rs. 100 to the officer and he hands
you your license.

So you have your driving license now. You run through a red light and the traffic
cop stops you. You have committed an
offense; you are liable to pay a penalty.
The way the system in India works, the cop takes your license, you go to
the traffic police station on any day in the next two weeks, pay the fine, and
get back your license. What do you
do? You offer the cop a 100 rupee note
and ask him not to take away your license.
Recently I was stopped for inadvertently running a red light. The cop took my license, and I asked him
where I should pay the fine and get my license back. I went there a few days later, paid the
penalty and got my license back. When I
told my office colleagues the story, none of them knew the location of the
traffic police office that I had gone to – no one had ever gone there. They had all paid bribes when caught in a
similar situation.

Cheating the taxman is another common offense many Indian
middle class people are guilty of. You
buy some services from someone – say, he helped you get an airline ticket. You ask him for his fees, and he says, Rs.
200. You ask him if he would give you a
receipt, then he says, well then I’ll have to add service tax. Is that okay?
Service tax is 12.36%, which he charges you, and which he then pays
onward to the government. He SHOULD,
legally, charge you service tax – the government requires him to. But since you want to save some money, you
make him (and yourself) commit a crime by not paying tax on a transaction. Of course, he benefits from the deal because
now the fees are not accounted for in his income and he does not have to pay
income tax to the government. Most
Indians have few qualms about corruption of this kind. But when you add up all the small amounts that
people cheat the government of in this way, the total can be quite large.

This is the reason that many intellectuals get annoyed
seeing middle class Indians agitate about corruption. It’s like the pot calling the kettle
black. The annoyance is justified. But the problem with these commonplace
occurrences is more than the lack of consistency implicit in them. The bigger problem is that these practices
help ingrain the practice of corruption even more in society; when one is used
to bribery as a way of life, it is harder to expect a person to avoid partaking
of it at higher levels.

All the laws of the world will be of little help if the
thinking of the people does not change.
There cannot be one set of morals for the rest of the world and another
for one’s own family and oneself. There
are, indeed, several situations in India where the people are left with no
option but to bribe the official – else they refuse to do their duty – and
while one cannot blame people for yielding to a compulsory bribe, there are
many cases in which people can and do not resist and, indeed, actively proffer
a bribe to make life easier for themselves.

Who Will
Change Things?

Now that Arvind
Kejriwal is talking about forming a political party, things are much tougher
for him. Anna Hazare, in his blog post, supported Kejriwal’s move, but said
that he would be part of no political party.
Without Anna’s halo around, it will be indeed tough going for the new
party. Others, such as Santosh Hegde,
have also distanced themselves from the party.
Kejriwal and co. will need friends to succeed, and perhaps they can make
a start by mending fences with people they have taken pains to antagonize, such
as the other civil society leaders.

The Lokpal that Kejriwal
and co. want now may or may not happen.
For it to happen, they really need to gain consensus by talking with
other activists on the best way to do things.
They may need to modify their proposed Jan Lokpal bill, if necessary, to
accommodate concerns of civil liberties activists who worry that such a
powerful Lokpal might himself be another source of corruption. It is possible to build in checks and
balances to prevent the Lokpal from becoming an unchallenged supercop while
still maintaining his independence, but these are questions that need to be
carefully debated and agreed upon in a united way.

One problem for
Kejriwal and co. is that a “party against corruption” is an insufficient
description for a political party. As I
have already mentioned, a party needs to take position on a variety of issues
that affect the country. How will the
party of Kejriwal and co. deal with differences amongst their supporters on
various issues? Will there be infighting
between supporters of the Hindu Right and those in favour of a pro-Muslim
policy? Or between supporters and
opponents of reservation? The fact is
that there can be as many flavours of an “anti-corruption party” as there are
political parties – a “non-corrupt Congress,” “non-corrupt BJP,” “non-corrupt
BSP” – and so on. In fact, ideally, we
should not even have to use the “non-corrupt” prefix in front of these party
names – the “non-corrupt” adjective should be implicit and accepted. But it is the shame of modern politics in
India that the word “politics” itself has become such a dirty word that
“corrupt” is taken to be an implied adjective.
So each viewpoint or set of viewpoints that has led to a political party
today can also be the basis for a corresponding “non-corrupt” party. To be viable as a political party, Kejriwal
and co. will have to adopt a platform on all issues of significance to the
nation – a manifesto – and then face the inevitable fall-off in membership as
people who do not agree with specific viewpoints leave the party.

This problem points
to a fundamental weakness in our political system. In an ideal democratic system, each
constituency would elect a representative who correctly represents his/her
constituency’s views in parliament and votes exactly based on what his/her
constituency wants. The problem with
political parties is that when a person joins a political party, he has to
compromise on his constituency’s views with the views of the political party
platform. So, in the current multi-party
system, viewpoints of individual representatives get compromised due to the
need to associate representatives with parties.

It would be more in
tune with the spirit of democracy to have a parliament full of independent
representatives, each of whom faithfully represents the views of the people who
elected him/her. One would then ask how
a prime minister and a cabinet might be elected to take decisions on the
country. For this, a separation of
powers of the executive and the legislature, along the lines of the
presidential system in the US, might be best.
Note that I am only talking about the election of the president in this
regard; the composition of the US Congress and Senate, in the context of my
concern for democracy, is even worse than the Indian parliament. At least India has multiple parties; the US
has only two! So you have an independent
presidential election to elect an upright person who is widely admired – say, a
person like APJ Abdul Kalam, who will be the executive and will incorporate in
his cabinet eminent, upright and competent people who will undertake policies
for the betterment of the country; and the legislature of independents will act
as a check on the executive.

But all the above
suggestions involve changing the existing framework of the country, which is
very difficult, to say the least. One
way of having a more democratic system, even within the current framework, was
suggested to me by one of my correspondents, Mr. BH Acharya, who proposed to me
the concept of a “party of independents.”
According to this concept, the party would only have a platform for
rooting out corruption, but its members could have any ideology. There would be no party whip in parliament,
except on anti-corruption measures.
Perhaps Kejriwal and co. can adopt this model and still be viable as a
party. But fundamentally, they need to
correct the mistakes of the past.

Concluding
Thoughts

A year ago, Anna Hazare and his band of followers created
history in India, by awakening an Indian populace that had been sleeping for
more than 60 years after the country gained independence.

In the struggle for independence, Gandhiji mobilized the
common man to help evict the British from India. Once independence was achieved, the common
man withdrew and became complacent, leaving the field open to whoever wanted to
step in, and once the leaders of the independence movement gradually vanished
and died, they were replaced by parasites and leeches, which are bleeding the
country dry for their own greed. They
have also perpetuated a system (the License Raj) that has destroyed the moral
fiber of the country, where people feel there is no alternative to corruption
if one wishes to survive in the country.

This must change. It
can only change if the common man takes an active role in the politics of the
nation and is vigilant about how the resources of his country are used or
misused. To say that politics is only
the business of politicians, i.e., those who have chosen to make a career out
of politics, is a fundamental flaw in the thinking of most Indians. Understanding politics and political
processes is the job of every citizen.
If you are too lazy to know how you are being governed and what your representatives
are doing in your name, you really shouldn’t complain that they are fleecing
you. One of the common complaints by
middle-class people during the period of confusion following the success of
August 2011 was that “Team Anna is becoming too political.” Heck, when you are talking about changing
laws, you ARE political. Stop treating
politics as a dirty word; start working to transform it into a respectable
word, in whatever way you can.

IAC tried to make a start in changing the political system with
the Jan Lokpal bill. Whatever your views
on the merits of the Jan Lokpal, you cannot argue with their intentions. But they encountered a number of challenges
which they did not know how to handle, and they did not understand how to be
flexible enough to accommodate diverse viewpoints. They were also easily distracted by the
manoeuvres of the highly experienced politicians in the government. Though the Government was initially taken
aback by the intensity of the popular agitation, they quickly recovered and,
with the help of an effective media campaign, aided by the inexperience of IAC,
were able to neutralize the movement fairly quickly.

IAC and the other participants in the struggle against
corruption must realize that this is a war which will involve a series of
battles. Anna won the first battle at
Jantar Mantar and the second at Ramlila.
But thereafter the politicians have been fighting a war of attrition,
almost like a series of hit-and-run attacks which, coupled with their
opponents’ inability to score partial victories and to achieve mutual consensus
with other civil society activists, has helped the politicians overcome them.

IAC must not lose sight of the larger goal that India
needs. This war is not just about the
Jan Lokpal bill. It is a war to
eradicate corruption from India. If that
needs a Jan Lokpal, great, but if it can be achieved without a Jan Lokpal, so
be it. To do that requires collaboration
on a bigger and better scale than has so far been seen. It also requires a more active participation
by the Indian people. It is, after all,
the active participation of the people which resulted in the massive protests
of August 2011. Corruption can only be
eliminated if India truly becomes a participatory democracy – not for 10 days
or a month, but forever.

Many people are tending to write off IAC and the
organization formerly known as Team Anna.
I am not so sure. Anyone who can
awaken the masses of India in the manner they did last August cannot be taken
lightly. That kind of achievement
required both dedication and a remarkable organizational ability. If they are willing to change the way they
think and do things, and if they are willing to be more flexible, I am sure
this dedicated bunch of people can transform India. But to do that, they need to remember that
ending corruption is the goal and anything, including even the Jan Lokpal bill,
is negotiable. And they need to accept
that perhaps they cannot achieve this goal alone.

In his wonderful biography of Abraham Lincoln, the 16th
President of the United States, titled “Lincoln,
the Unknown,” Dale Carnegie recounts an event in Lincoln’s
life. It was the summer of 1858, and
Lincoln had just lost the race for the US senate seat from Illinois to Stephen
Douglas. As he was walking back from the
telegraph office after getting the news on all the election results, he slipped
on the muddy path which had become slippery due to the rain. He quickly recovered his balance, and noted,
“It’s a slip. Not a fall.”

The rest I quote directly from Carnegie’s book, for it is
truly inspirational.

“Shortly after that he read an editorial about himself in an
Illinois paper. It said,

‘Hon. Abe Lincoln is undoubtedly the most unfortunate
politician that has ever attempted to rise in Illinois. In everything he undertakes, politically, he
seems doomed to failure. He has been
prostrated enough in his political schemes to have crushed the life out of any
ordinary man.’”

Two years later, he was President.

So, supporters of the movement against corruption need not
grieve, and politicians need not rejoice, that things right now appear to be
somewhat bleak for the anti-corruption movement. If like-minded people who want a better India
unite and think flexibly about the approach to combat corruption, this low
phase can be used as a catalyst to build a stronger movement and obtain a
lasting victory.

Acknowledgment

I would like to thank my wife, Sandhya, for her help in
proof-reading this article as well as for suggestions regarding additions to,
omissions from, and improvements to this article. I would also like to thank my readers, whose
constant feedback and appreciation give me the encouragement and enthusiasm to
continue writing.

11 comments:

This is the most exhaustive (and exhausting :-)) analysis I've come across about Anna Hazare's movement against corruption.

Hats off to you, Sir, for putting so much effort into this piece. Not only have you painstakingly documented the sequence of events all the way but you've provided your point of view very clearly. Your sincerity comes through very strongly.

I am sharing this on every platform I can. This should be read by as many Indians as possible, whether they agree with it or not.

I like to present contrary opinions, so here goes a glimpse. I have already expressed some of my thoughts to you privately. Here are a few others.

I am not necessarily a fan of the UPA, but I feel uncomfortable about the strong anti-Congress tone of the movement and its supporters. In your own column, you have clubbed Bellary mining as a scam of the UPA, when it is, in fact, by the BJP.

Also, you have blamed Govt for all kinds of tricks not to pass the Lokpal. In fact, the parliament debate showed that all political parties were opposed to the Jan Lokpal, and while they all paid lip service to a strong Lokpal, ultimately they all sabotaged it, while claiming to oppose it on allegedly good grounds. They played both sides of the game to come out looking clean.

Let us not forget that RTI was legislated during the tenure of the UPA govt. Let us not forget that the famous Lokayukta report against Karnataka BJP govt achieved little by way of actual punishment to the corrupt, because of the tactics by BJP.

Then there is the myth of the 2G scam. What exactly is the scam here? The thing most people remember is that CAG said it caused the nation a loss of 1.86 lakh crore. Really? CAG said it caused the "exchequer" a loss of 1.86 lakh crore. That is like the govt. lost out on tax revenue. Firstly, whether to fix a fee or auction spectrum is a policy matter. CAG has no business commenting on it.

And since when is loss to the exchequer a scam? What about petrol/diesel/kerosene/cooking gas subsidy? It causes a loss to the exchequer of 50,000 crore every year (estimates vary up to as high as 100,000 crore every year). Do all those worked up about the "2G scam" really want to pay more for petrol and diesel every time the international crude price goes up? And what about free electricity? While we in the cities argue about it, do the farmers want to give it up? Has CAG every rapped the govt about it?

And when the govt. lossed that revenue, who benefitted? The companies. And what did they do? Are the cumulative profits of the telecom companies for the past 8 years 1.86lakh crore? No. My telecom shares are mostly tanking. The companies reduced the prices of telephone calls to be the lowest in the world. So who ultimately got that 1.86 lakh crore? The people of India. Is that a loss to the nation? But most people carry on about the "2G scam that caused 1.86lakh crore loss to the nation".

The actual scam was not in not auctioning the spectrum. The actual scam was in tweaking the rules at the last minute to favour one set of companies over another, in exchange for a bribe. Yes, that is wrong, but that has not adversely affected the average citizen. The phone connection that now is being provided by X company would have been provided by Y company. Nothing else. Since when is that a huge concern for the common person, and why is that a national issue?

I agree corruption is not merely a Congress issue. The Bellary scam mention in my article under Congress was just a mistake. Actually I started writing about the various Congress scams, and later during editing I realized I had missed the Bellary scam, but forgot to correct the preceding line, with the inadvertent result that someone would think that Bellary was a Congress scam. And of course I agree that the Karnataka BJP government has behaved in the most venal way in avoiding being nailed on what is obviously a huge corruption scam. In fact, compared with the CoalGate scam, in which the facts about who is guilty and how much loss there really is to the nation (see the excellent articles by Surjit Bhalla and Swaminathan Aiyar on these aspects), the Obalapuram mining scam is an out-and-out criminal operation. The Reddy brothers SHOULD BE BEHIND BARS FOR THE REST OF THEIR LIFE, but they have political patronage, especially from the PM-in-waiting Sushma Swaraj (as Bal Thackeray would have it.) So no, I don't share the idea that the Congress alone is corrupt. In fact, if you see my article on the criminalization of Indian politics, written sometime last year, you will see that I have said (based on the data) that roughly twice as many BJP MPs in the Lok Sabha are facing criminal charges as Congress MPs: http://www.leftbrainwave.com/2011/10/criminalization-of-indian-politics-part.html

Also, if you read the present article carefully, you will see that I have held the BJP also responsible for the lack of passage of the Lokpal bill. As an example, see this: "They relied on parties other than the ruling UPA to help them out, only to realize that the opposition parties also did their level best to bury the Lokpal bill." So yes, I have blamed the government (and they deserved the blame), but I have also blamed the BJP.

I will continue in a second part because of length restrictions on comments.

Now, about the 2G spectrum scam. Your response is too simplistic. You say you have shares in telecom companies and they have mostly tanked. Let me ask you, in which companies do you have stock? Bharti Airtel? They are not the responsible party. Do you own shares in Unitech? Shyam Telelink? Swan Telecom? Spice Telecommunications? S Tel? Are they even public? These are some of the lesser-known companies (some are simply unknown and formed only for the purpose of getting largesse) that benefited by getting licenses at a low cost, but then immediately selling huge stakes in their companies out to real telecom companies - in these cases, Telenor of Norway (Unitech), Sistema of Russia (Shyam Telelink), Etisalat (Swan Telecom), Idea Cellular (Spice Telecomm), Bahrain Telecommunications (S Tel), etc. The scam is that as soon as these companies got the spectrum at the dirt cheap price, they sold it at high prices to these real telecommunication companies, made a HUGE profit (and kicked back some of it to Raja and co.)

So people like Telenor and Sistema did not get spectrum cheap so that they could offer it cheap to customers. They paid a high price, and it is unlikely that the benefit of cheap license prices given to the original allottees will be passed on to the customers (how can they be?)

So the government gave out cheap licenses in order to make it cheap for the public (supposedly), except that they gave it to shady entities like the Balwas' Swan Telecom, which cashed in and left, with no benefit for the public. If this does not define a scam for you, I don't know what does. And yes, there is a loss to the public. Resources that COULD have been cheaper are now going to be expensive.

Oh, and BTW, when the SC decided to cancel the 2G licenses, who was left holding the baby? Not Swan Telecom or S Tel - they had already taken their money and decamped - but legitimate companies like Telenor, who had invested millions in the wireless infrastructure in India, only to be told that their license is now void. They are now suing the criminal entities that caused this to happen. For example, see this article that talks about Etisalat suing Swan to recover their losses on their infrastructure, now that their licenses are cancelled: http://www.thehindu.com/business/article2924946.ece

Actually, as someone mentioned in a column about CoalGate recently (I think it was Swaminathan Aiyar), cancellation of licenses is a very bad response to this kind of thing. It would have been much better if the Government had tried to recover the money from people like Swan, saying that the sale price of the license to them was undervalued. Punishing people like Telenor or Etisalat is a very bad thing - they were not responsible for the corruption in the first place - and indicates an immature approach and a lack of sensitivity to business realities.

Your points on the 2G issue are very well taken. You are right - the people who benefitted were the shady characters. So again I will say this, the scam was not the loss to the exchequer, which is what CAG mentioned and is in everyone's mind. The scam is giving the licenses to these shady characters by manipulating the process. I am totally with you on that.

And I am equally with you on the other points. And this is where I hold SC to blame for encroaching beyond their area of operation.