Gender, Religion, and Spirituality

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Religion and spirituality are central to the lives of , women and men across the world, yet mainstream development policy and practice rarely take account of this fact. This collection of articles explores the complex links between social and economic development and religious and spiritual belief, and assesses the costs to development of ignoring these links. Writers of many faiths, and none, explore the scope offered by religious belief and practice for promoting women's rights and needs, and analyse feminist responses to fundamentalist regimes which use religious doctrine to justify women's oppression.

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Gender, Religion, and Spirituality

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Religion and spirituality are central to the lives of , women and men across the world, yet mainstream development policy and practice rarely take account of this fact. This collection of articles explores the complex links between social and economic development and religious and spiritual belief, and assesses the costs to development of ignoring these links. Writers of many faiths, and none, explore the scope offered by religious belief and practice for promoting women's rights and needs, and analyse feminist responses to fundamentalist regimes which use religious doctrine to justify women's oppression.

Gender, Religion,

and Spirituality Edited by Caroline Sweetman

Oxfam Focus on Gender

The books in Oxfam's Focus on Gender series were originally published as single issues ofthe journal Gender and Development (formerly Focus on Gender). Gender and Development ispublished by Oxfam three times a year. It is the only British journal to focus specificallyon gender and development issues internationally, to explore the links between genderand development initiatives, and to make the links between theoretical and practicalwork in this field. For information about subscription rates, please apply to CarfaxPublishing Company, PO Box 25, Abingdon, Oxfordshire OX14 3UE, UK; Fax: +44 (0)1235 401550. In North America, please apply to Carfax Publishing Company, 875-81Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02139; Fax: (+1) 617 354 6875. In Australia,please apply to Carfax Publishing Company, PO Box 352, Cammeray, NSW 2062,Australia; Fax: +61 (0) 2 9958 2376.

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Gender and development from a Christian perspective:

Islam and development: Opportunities and constraints for Somali women 69

Sadia Ahmed

'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 73Sharon Harper and Kathleen Clancy

Resources 81Compiled by Sophie DodgeonBooks 81Video 85Organisations 85Web resources 86Editorial uch development thought has customs, means that the distinction between

M dismissed religion, its rituals and its

customs, as at best irrelevant and atworst a barrier to economic, social, and politi- these is often overlooked. This blurring of terms has led to further confusion in much development literature, where the termscal 'progress'. This collection of articles - by 'culture' and 'religion' are used almostwriters who live both within, and outside, interchangeably to describe any or all ofvarious religious traditions - explores these these elements (Mukhopadhyay 1995). A keyviews. Why have considerations of faith and feminist strategy has been to highlight thespirituality been left on the margin of distinction between the two, described bydevelopment research, practice, and policy, one writer as the difference betweennot only by 'mainstream' development, but 'religion' and 'religiosity' (Carroll 1983).by many gender and development workers? Women's position within societies isThis marginalisation of a critical area of human regulated by religious institutions at the familyactivity has had, and continues to have, a and community levels. Custom and tradition,dramatic negative impact on economic, social, often justified on religious grounds, ensureand political development, and the attainment women's conformity to conventional genderof equality for women. roles, which can be the source of power- Moving beyond this, contributors to this lessness and pain. In particular, notions ofcollection also analyse the complex fatalism which are integral to many religions,relationship between culture, religion, and from Hinduism to Orthodox Christianity, canfeminism, and how this is played out in offer comfort to the powerless and angender and development work in countries explanation for suffering, while at the sameof the South. They aim to assess how both time constraining people from seeking change.organised religions, and personal spiritualconvictions can shape, challenge, andpotentially transform gender relations. Religious 'fundamentalism' and the control of womenReligious faith and its The connections between religion, culture, and the control of women are evidentinstitutions throughout the history of human develop-As Bridget Walker states in her article, ment. Women's central role as wives, mothers,religion can have a contradictory status in and transmitters of cultural and religious beliefswomen's lives. The close relationship between (Mukhopadhyay 1995) makes it important forcore religious beliefs, and religious institu- their behaviour to be regulated, in particulartions with their associated rituals and their sexuality, since the paternity of their Editorial

children is of prime concern to patriarchal European ideals of wife- and motherhood

societies. 'Most human religions, from tribal accompanied the message of Christianityto world religions, have treated woman's brought by the missionaries (Hansen 1992,body, in its gender-specific sexual functions, referring to Africa).as impure or polluted and thus to be In the post-colonial era, a growing numberdistanced from sacred spaces and rites domi- of development workers from former colonialnated by males' (Radford Ruether 1990,7). The powers have been anxious to avoid chargesneed to control women's impure sexuality is of cultural and religious imperialism.linked to male physical and mental violence Accordingly, they have worked 'around'against them, ranging from the sexual these issues, focusing on practical, technical,violence inflicted on child and adult females or material issues (Ver Beek, forthcoming).at home and outside the home, to the policing However, it is increasingly argued that forof women's dress codes and 'modesty'. development agencies to ignore the religious Several articles in this issue, and many of beliefs of the people with whom they work,the resources listed at the end of this or to reject them out of hand as backward orcollection, address the threat to women's 'against development', itself amounts to ahuman rights from religious extremists in the continuation of cultural imperialism which ismany politically unstable situations all over promoting secularism. All too frequently, thethe world, who use the control of women as a failure of development interventions issymbol of social cohesion. Although often explained by 'blaming the traditionalism ofmisleadingly associated solely with Islam, the an ill-defined, but convenient, idea ofemphasis on a return to 'fundamental' "culture"' (Crewe and Harrison 1999,1).religious laws actually originates in American Southern feminists working in develop-Protestant Christianity. 'Fundamentalists' are ment have been particularly keen to challengedefined by one source as having 'a militant the idea of culture as a separate, backwarddesire to defend religion against the realm of life which outsiders may respect oronslaughts of modern, secular culture; their denigrate, but in which they should notprincipal weapon is their insistence on the interfere (Longwe 1995,47). Southern feministsinerrancy of scripture' (Hawley and Proudfoot have argued that such cultural relativity is1994, 3). Fundamentalism's basic concern is patronising, and potentially allows women'sattaining political power through control of rights to be marginalised. However, Southernsocial structures, rather than an intrinsic feminists risk accusations of betraying theirinterest in religious truth (ibid.). (For further societies if they criticise the cultural andanalysis and information on strategies to religious status of women (Mukhopadhyayeradicate the issue of violence against women, 1995). In view of the complex interplayincluding violence inflicted in the name of between race, religion, and gender, and in anreligion or culture, see Gender and Development atmosphere of accusations and counter-Vol. 6, No. 3, November 1998.) accusations of racism and sexism, you need courage to take action. In her article, Fatima L Adamu discusses how the tensions betweenDevelopment, culture, and gender and race turn into a 'double-edgedfeminism sword' for Muslim feminists working inThe same complex relationship between Northern Nigeria. As Adamu states, theypolitical and economic power, and the control must not only challenge the prejudices of menof women through culture and religion, could from their own communities regarding theirbe seen during colonialism, when Western view of 'gender' as a Western imposition, butChristianity was exported to the empires of also circumvent the corresponding prejudiceEuropean states. Attempts to 'domesticate' of foreign donors against Islam. Haleh Afsharwomen in the colonies into nineteenth-century has summed up this hostility as follows: 'justas in the West much of the discussion about world; most religious movements have theirIslam and Islamist women is conducted in roots in transformatory visions, which focusterms of simplistic caricatures, so it is in the on the 'inner ethical motivations of the person,case of the perception of Western feminism by rather than their external bodily state, andthe establishment [in Iran]' (Afshar 1998, 33). respect for all persons, regardless of gender Such tensions are particularly evident in or ethnicity' (Radford Ruether 1990, 14, onsituations where culture is perceived to be Christianity and modern reformist Judaism).under threat, for example in immigrant In line with this, Iman Hashim challengescommunities. In her article on Pakistani male Islam's reputation for being 'anti-woman',violence in Bradford, UK, Marie Macey and supportive of a 'segregated social systemanalyses how notions of racism, religion, where women are economically andculture, and feminism have paralysed politically marginalised' (Hashim, this issue,institutional responses in this context to male p.8). She, with other Muslim women andviolence against women both inside and men, argues that women can fight for theoutside the home. attainment of political, social, and economic In her article, Stacey Burlet traces how the rights from within the framework of Islam.Hindu religion has become linked to struggles These arguments emphasise the importancefor political power and notions of nationhood of reclaiming the egalitarian spirit of manyin India. Many NGOs and community-based religious texts, to counter the current life-organisations (CBOs) are currently upholding and-death threat presented to women inthe ideal of secular development which the many contexts by religious extremists, oftenIndian state embraced at independence. They termed 'fundamentalists'. However, as Sadiaresist being drawn into the polarised political Ahmed describes in her article on religiousstruggles around the idea of Hindus as one extremism in Somalia, this is only useful forunited nation, and emphasise that poverty cuts the majority if women at the grassroots canacross religious differences. As Burlet states, gain access to these arguments. It is theyNGOs and CBOs must achieve a difficult bal- whose bodies become battlegrounds forancing act between acknowledging religious competing interpretations of religious texts,affiliation as an important aspect of personal and they who require both basic educationidentity, and privileging it above other aspects and knowledge of religious texts andof economic and social differentiation. The arguments as weapons against fundamen-Indian women's movement in particular is talist interpretations of Islam.facing this challenge to its agenda. From a Christian perspective, in her article on World Vision's approach to gender issues, development worker Linda Tripp continuesReligion and transformation the theme of countering sexism throughOppressive interpretations of religious texts reclaiming religious texts. World Vision usespromoted by male-dominated religious the Gospels of the life of Christ to assertinstitutions can be challenged by alternative the equal humanity of women, and tointerpretations of religious writings, and, as promote their rights through developmentBridget Walker states in her article, these programmes. This has also included imple-feminist theologies can be compared and menting a gender policy within World Visionlinked to other liberation theologies which itself. Tripp also discusses the advocacyreclaim religion for the poor (Walker 1987). work on spiritual values in developmentThe core ideas of a religion, often expressed undertaken by World Vision, which wasin the words of a deity or prophet, can inspire instrumental in persuading the Canadianpositive social, economic, and political change. International Development Agency (CIDA)Religious faith motivates the thoughts and to determine a formal position on the role ofactions of women and men throughout the spirituality and religion in its work. Editorial

The myth of Value-free' Integrating religion into

development impact assessmentAs gender analysis and other forms of social Recording, and learning from, cultural oranalysis have shown, no forms of change or religious change is essential if the impact of'development' (even those concerned with development interventions on various groupstechnical change) are value-free, and all of is to be assessed. There have been recent callsthem have an impact on culture and power from UNRISD and UNESCO for the develop-relations in society (Longwe 1995). Donors' ment of cultural indicators, including indivi-reluctance to fund development initiatives dual and social well-being (UNRISD, 1997,with links to religious bodies often stems from quoted by Baha'i Publishing Trust, 1998).a real concern for the potentially negative Catherine Dolan considers the changingconsequences for communities. However, as patterns of religious worship and the growingFatima Adamu argues (p.60), this means that use of witchcraft among women in Merusome community-based organisations in the District, Kenya. Dolan links these directly toSouth are obliged to struggle on their own. women's resentment of economic margina-Others accept resources from donors who at lisation and of the overwork they havebest ignore, and at worst encourage them to suffered as a result of the introduction ofreject, their commitment to religious belief. In export horticulture. Women use poison toeffect this kind of development, presented as injure and tranquillise their husbands as avalue-free, is actually preaching what Linda strategy of resistance, and convert to 'born-Tripp terms a 'doctrine of secularity' (p.66), again' Christianity to find the mental andwhich marginalises many human concerns. A emotional strength to withstand currentconceptual separation of physical well-being pressures. Rather than dismissing these pheno-from spiritual health is alien to many cultures mena as unrelated to the economic changesand belief-systems, having its roots in Western that are taking place, or as proof of 'back-notions of science and medicine (Joseph 1990). wardness', Dolan argues that they indicate In their article, Sharon Harper and serious flaws in the development model usedKathleen Clancy discuss how research for in Meru. The spiritual domain has becomedevelopment could integrate spiritual values the principal forum in which struggles overand religious beliefs, and argue that land and labour are expressed; these strugglesdevelopment researchers and workers should could not only undermine the economicacknowledge that the true goal of human objectives of export horticulture, but also leaddevelopment involves more than material to familial breakdown. Ultimately, they provewealth, or even well-being; it is also about the poverty of vision in economic models ofintangibles including personal fulfilment and 'development', which merely aim to increasehappiness. In their discussion, Harper and income rather than well-being. In turn,Clancy draw on the preliminary findings of Rebecca Saul's comparative study of twothe Science, Research and Development communities in north-western Nepal demon- (SRD) Project of the Canadian International strates the dynamism of religious belief inDevelopment Research Centre (IDRC). response to economic and social change. SheBuilding on the fact that some 'factors which explores how Buddhist rituals are changinginfluence people's world-view, such as in significance and nature in response to thegender, indigenous knowledge and social growing tourist trade. 'Development' basedstructure' have already been addressed in on tourism is having a profound impact ondevelopment, Harper and Clancy argue for community life in one of the settlements, Saul'being-oriented' research approaches for argues; in contrast, the second communitydevelopment, which draw on individual and has chosen a different kind of developmentshared ideas of spirituality. and kept their religious traditions.Conclusion societies, and particularly women, across the world. 'The rising tide of religious bigotryArticles in this collection survey the impact of across the world in recent decades is one ofreligion and spirituality on women's lives, on the reasons why space for serious discussioncommunities, and on development work. on the links between social and personalWriters argue that human development must change has been so closed off (Edwards andrest on personal, and organisational, commit- Sen 1999, 7). Perhaps now is the time for thatment to values beyond the individualism and discussion - but we must be vigilant.materialism characteristic of world develop-ment to date. Research into gender and orga-nisational change illustrates the importance of Referencesthe link between the commitment of Afshar, H (1998) Islam and Feminisms: anindividual workers, and their success or Iranian case-study, Macmillan: London andfailure in achieving certain goals (Porter et al. St Martin's Press: New York.1999). In line with this, there is an increasing Becher, J (ed.) (1991) Women, Religion andawareness that all development workers who Sexuality: studies on the impact of religiouspromote poverty alleviation with social justice teachings on women, World Council ofmust practise what they preach if they hope to Churches: Geneva.extend their scope to influence global political Edwards, M and Sen, G (1999) 'NGOs, Socialand economic players: 'it is the link between Change and the Transformation ofvalues and actions that is crucial in generating Human Relationship: A 21st-century Civiclegitimacy when arguing the case for Agenda', paper delivered at the Thirdchange'(Edwards and Sen 1999,11). International NGO Conference, University But what precisely is the relationship of Birmingham, UK, 10-13 January 1999.between personal commitment to social Francis, P (1999) 'Globalisation and the Humanjustice and religious or spiritual beliefs? While Spirit: Buddhism and social engagement in'development, being concerned with the Thailand', paper delivered at the Thirdordering of social life, is at root a moral issue, International NGO Conference, Universityand moral systems have generally sprung of Birmingham, UK, 10-13 January 1999.from and been underwritten by spiritual Hansen, KT (1992) African Encounters withsources' (ibid., 2), it is, surely, critically impor- Domesticity, Rutgers: New Jersey.tant to maintain a clear distinction between Hawley, JS (ed.) (1994) Fundamentalism andestablished religions and their institutions, Gender, Oxford University Press.personal spirituality, and the values of moral Joseph, A (ed.) (1990) Through the Devil'sactivism which underlie compassionate and Gateway: women, religion and taboo, SPCK:equitable human development (Francis 1999). London. Nevertheless, the current interest in Longwe, SH (1995) 'Institutional oppositionspirituality is a welcome opportunity to to gender-sensitive development: learningconsider links between individual faith, to answer back' in Gender and Developmentsocial institutions, and the shared ethics Vol. 3, No. 1, Oxfam GB: Oxford.and values on which we base our Mukhopadhyay, M (1995) 'Gender relations,communities. To date, it has been difficult to development and culture' in Gender andfind a vocabulary to debate these issues in Development Vol 3 no 1, Oxfam GB:Oxforddevelopment organisations which do not Porter, F, Smyth, I, and Sweetman, C (eds.)have a religious foundation. Reasons for this (1999) Gender Works: Oxfam experience indifficulty include a legitimate fear of imposing policy and practice, Oxfam GB: Oxford.ideologies on colleagues and partners in Ver Beek, KA (forthcoming) 'Spirituality: adevelopment, especially because of the development taboo' in Development innegative effects of religious extremism on Practice, Oxfam GB: Oxford.Reconciling Islam andfeminismIman HashimIslam is often represented as a religion which denigrates women and limits theirfreedom.However,many scholars have found evidence in Islamic texts which is supportive of women's rights.Whereas Western concepts of feminism are often resisted as foreign and subversive of Muslimculture, arguments for women's equality from within Islam hold a lot of potential for feminists.

Given these differences, it is somewhat

F eminists have tended to regard religion as just another of the sources of women's unsurprising that Western feminists have not subordination, citing the manner in drawn upon Islamic texts when addressingwhich women are often represented as gender inequalities in Muslim societies. Insubordinated in religious texts, and the this article, however, I shall question such afrequency with which religion is used to position and argue that, for a variety ofjustify and maintain men's dominant position reasons, feminists may have more to losein society (White 1992). Although these than to gain from maintaining such a view.charges are levelled at all the major religions,Islam in particular has a reputation for being'anti-woman' and for supporting a segregated Islam and the Westsocial system where women are economically The first issue that must be addressed whenand politically marginalised. considering the relationship between fem- Many Muslim women and men disagree inism and Islam is the historical relationshipwith such a view, arguing that the Qur'an between Islamic and Western societies, as thisprovides significant rights for women, which has important ramifications for both Muslimare often far more wide-reaching than the women in general and feminists, Muslim orrights which secular legal systems provide for otherwise. This history is best described asa state's female citizens. However, many one of conflict and mistrust, stemming fromMuslims are frequently mistrustful of the real - and perceived - economic, political,feminism, because they see the feminist and theological threats which Islamic andemphasis on equal rights as at odds with the Western social systems have posed to eachIslamic notion of the complementarity of the other. This tense relationship has continued,sexes, and the specific roles and rights laid and even intensified, in the modern era,down for men and women, which they particularly since the 1970s, when the worldbelieve reflect their particular strengths and began to witness something of an Islamicweaknesses (Afshar 1997). revival (Esposito 1992). In the West, the enmity between these ideas (An-Na'im 1995), while local partici-ideological positions is reflected in the repre- pants in a development project lay themselvessentations of Islam which conjure up images open to accusations of betrayal (Kandiyotiof totalitarian states and irrational believers - 1991). These considerations provide the firstviolent, oppressive men and powerless, reason for feminist engagement with Islam.submissive women. This misrepresentation A further problem with a feminist positionin the West has been a means of supporting which totally rejects Islam is that this does notand maintaining its position of dominance take into account the importance of Islam for(Said 1978). Stories of the poor treatment of women. Women do not tend to report religionMuslim women were used by colonial as the source of constraints placed on thempowers (Ahmed 1992) and missionaries (Shaheed 1995); moreover, religion often gives(Kandiyoti 1991) to discredit Islam, and 'the women a sense of identity and belonging, notcustom of veiling and the position of women to mention psychological support. This makesin Muslim societies became, in their rhetoric, it almost impossible for the average Muslimthe proof of the inferiority of Islam and the woman to retain her identity and position injustification of their efforts to undermine society, were she to reject religious laws andMuslim religion and society' (Ahmed 1992, customs (Shaheed 1995), especially because236-7). The result has been that as a defensive 'in the absence of alternatives it is unlikelyreaction, the Islamist position regarding that women will abandon precisely thosewomen has become even more retrogressive structures that provide them with solace andand reactionary, to the extent that Afkhami, supporf (ibid., 92). Therefore, secularist argu-an academic and political activist, goes so far ments will have little or no appeal to Muslimas to suggest that 'contemporary Islamist women. Many women are, moreover, inter-regimes are most lucidly identified, and preting religion in their own way as a meansdifferentiated from other regimes, by the of responding to oppression. For example,position they assign to women in the family practices such as the Zar (spirit possession) actand in society' (Afkhami 1995,1). Any inter- as legitimate opportunities for the oppressedvention targeted at women, or any attempt to 'let off steam' (Kandiyoti 1998), and someby feminists to change the position of argue that women also use them to 'formMuslim women from a position which friendships and patron-client relationships, tototally rejects Islam, results in accusations of promote economic transactions and to offercultural imperialism or neo-imperialism and gain services' (Constantinides 1978, in(Kandiyoti 1991). Hale 1996, 234). It is therefore highly relevant for develop-Reasons for feminist ment practitioners to take into consideration the relevance of local beliefs. The importanceengagement with Islam of making interventions appropriate to theCurrently, accusations of neo-imperialism are indigenous context has recently beenmost visible in the context of development recognised in development thinking as centralwork, as it is in this arena that most feminist to the effectiveness of planning and imple-thought is 'delivered' to Muslim countries. menting development work (Stirrat andFor example, Rashiduzzaman (1997) reports Henkel 1996). From this perspective, it ison increasing attacks on non-governmental important that development practitioners and/organisations (NGOs) by Islamist groups in or feminists address Islam, not only to avoidBangladesh, who see these NGOs as cultural inappropriate interventions which mightadversaries, and part of the more general alienate the communities in which they work,'Western' project of domination. Such views but also to be aware of existing social structurescan all too easily be used by opponents of and norms which might promote morewomen's rights to rally opposition to feminist effective implementation. Reconciling Islam and feminism 9

Addressing women's when one considers the frequency with which

interests through the Qur'an politico-religious groups cite so-called Islamic laws applied in other Muslim countries toThere is a significant gap between what the support their own demands for more stringentQur'an says and the manner in which its or discriminatory 'Islamic' law (Shaheedteachings are practised1 (Ali 1993); and the 1995), or the manner in which Muslims areQur'an provides rights for women which can often misled by self-ordained Muslim divinesimmediately be drawn upon to improve (Bhatty 1993). Given their levels of illiteracy,women's circumstances. Those issues that particularly women's illiteracy, and the factwomen usually do complain about, such as that the Qur'an is often still read in Arabic,lack of freedom to make decisions for them- poor Muslims are particularly vulnerable toselves, or the inability to earn an income (for this kind of manipulation.example, Shaheed 1995), can all be addressed Indeed, the historical misrepresentation ofby referring to the Qur'an. I am not suggesting Islam has had profound and far-reachingthat knowledge of one's rights according to consequences for women. The most glaringthe Qur'an can be sufficient for changing cases are the practices of veiling and purdahsocial relations. However, women can and (seclusion). Many argue that these have nohave used these to great effect. Much of the foundation in the Qur'an, but demonstrate thewomen's movement in the West has focused manner in which patriarchy has circumventednot only on bringing gender inequalities to the Qur'an's essentially egalitarian messagelight, but on formalising issues in legislation. (Mernissi in El-Solh and Mabro 1994). It isYet here in Islam, we as women have rights worth exploring this argument in greaterwhich are stated in a source considered to be detail, as a means of illustrating how Islamdivine, and consequently much harder torefute, but which we do not draw upon. has been used as a method of controlling women. This points out the necessity to For example, Goetz and Gupta's (1994) engage with Islam from a position ofstudy on credit provided to women in rural knowing, and to ensure that Muslim womenBangladesh finds that a significant propor- have access to this knowledge.tion of these loans are directly invested bytheir male relatives. Women borrowers The example of veiling and purdahthus bear the responsibility for repayment There are four verses in the Qur'an thatwithout necessarily benefiting from the are used to justify veiling and/or purdahloan. They argue that women's access to (seclusion). They are open to a number ofcredit is important, but limited as a strategy interpretations, as is evidenced from thefor women's empowerment, given the lack enormous variation in whether practice veilingof their control over these loans. However, and/or purdah or not. A Lebanese scholar, whoa verse in the Qur'an (4:34) is frequently undertook an extensive study of the variousinterpreted as giving women complete interpretations, states that she found overcontrol over their own income and property, 10 interpretations - 'none of them in harmonywhile men should be responsible for main- or even agreement with the others' (Zin al-Dintaining their female relatives. If education 1928, in Shabaan 1995, 65). Two verses areon such a right was incorporated into the addressed to women in general, and two to theconsciousness-raising components of credit Prophets' wives (Shabaan 1995). However,programmes, it might prove an effective their interpretation as commandments tomeans of preventing the misappropriation veiling is challenged by Islamic scholars from aof women's property, given that Muslims variety of perspectives3.consider its source indisputable2. The two verses addressed to the Prophet Promoting women's knowledge of their Mohamed's wives are 33:33 and 33:53,Islamic rights becomes even more important exhorting them to 'stay quietly in your10

houses and make not a dazzling display, like conditions in Medina at the time. It requires that of the former Times of Ignorance'; and a significant stretch of the imagination to stating: 'And when ye ask (his ladies) for interpret these verses as meaning that women anything ye want, ask them from before a should be totally covered or confined to their screen: that makes for greater purity for your homes. Furthermore, if women were to be hearts and for theirs'. These verses often form entirely covered, there would be no need to the basis for arguments in favour of veiling ask men to also lower their gaze and guard and seclusion; other Islamic scholars argue their modesty (Shabaan 1995). Similarly, it that such interpretations are inaccurate, has been argued that, as it is compulsory for particularly in light of the fact that women in women not to cover their faces during general, as well as the Prophet's wives - pilgrimage and prayer, two of the central five particularly Khadija - were often publicly pillars of Islam, then it would be nonsensical visible, and independent, wealthy, and active to do so ordinarily (Al-Ghazali in Shabaan in their own right (Stowasser 1987). Such 1995). Women's public visibility during the interpreters suggest that rather than an Prophet Mohamed's own life-time injunction to cover up and stay behind closed undermines the arguments for seclusion. doors the first of these verses is an injunction Finally, if women were to be in seclusion and against parading finery, in keeping with the thus not actively engaged in earning an Islamic ethos of not coveting or valuing income, what would be the purpose of the material goods (Ali 1993). Similarly, the verse that states 'to men is allotted what they second of these verses can be interpreted, earn and to women what they earn' (4:32) even by non-feminists, as a mark of respect (Abu Shiqa in Shabaan 1995, 75)? for the Prophet's wives rather than a demand Although there are many problems with for their seclusion (Ali 1936). Even if one the representation of veiling and purdah in disagrees with these interpretations, the Western, and early feminist, literature, which Qur'an states clearly that the Prophet's wives has helped to perpetuate an image of Muslim are not like other women (33:32); conseq- women as victims, and denied the diversity uently, the verses directed at them can be of meaning and practice associated with this argued not to apply to women as a group tradition, it is generally accepted that these (Stowasser 1987). practices contribute to women's subordination. The two verses that refer to women in They frequently restrict women's movements, general have been similarly challenged. affecting their access to production and These state: 'O Prophet! Tell Thy wives and economic autonomy, and increasing their daughters, and the believing women, that dependence on men (Gardner 1994). Veiling they should cast their outer garments over has become an institutionalised aspect of their persons (when abroad) that is most Islam in many Muslim societies, which serves convenient that they should be known as to illustrate both the importance of a such and not molested' (33:59); 'And say to knowledge of Qur'anic injunctions, and the the believing women that they should lower need to challenge patriarchal interpretations their gaze and guard their modesty; that they which are used as a justification for practices should not display their beauty and orna- which maintain an inequitable status quo. As ments except what (must ordinarily) appear for purdah, while interpretations of the Qur'an thereof; that they should draw their veils over which have obliged women to remain within their bosoms and not display their beauty...' the household have not always precluded (24:31). The first of these, however, must be Muslim women from earning a living - a well- read in context: Ali (1936) explains that the known example in the gender and object was not to restrict the liberty of women, development literature is of the lace-makers of but to signify their identity as Muslims, and Narsapur - the degree to which they have thus protect them from harm in the insecure control over these earnings is questionable, Reconciling Islam and feminism 11

given their inevitable marginalisation from aspects of Qur'anic instruction: the socio-institutions which could represent them, and economic and the ethical-religious categories.dependency on male relations for the While women's status is inferior to men's inmarketing of goods (Mies 1982). the former category, they are full equals in the latter. Muslim reformists argue that the difference between men and women in theReconciling Islam and socio-economic sphere belongs to the cate-feminism by returning to gory of social relations (mu'amalat), which arethe Qur'an subject to change, whereas their moral and religious equality belongs to the category ofDespite the various advantages of drawing religious duties towards God (ibadat), whichupon Islam when addressing women's are immutable. The moral and religiousposition in Muslim societies, some might equality of men and women represents theargue that Islam is ultimately a religion highest expression of the value of equalitywhich provides men with status, control, and therefore constitutes the most importantand authority over women, and which aspect of Islamic instruction. Since men andsupports a system of inequitable gender women are full equals in creation, in mind,relations, and that one should not attempt and in their spiritual and moral obligationto tackle women's subordination through a (i.e., the category of ibadat), there is noreligion which is, in the final analysis, justification for inequalities between the sexesinegalitarian. However, of recent years (Shabaan 1995; Stowasser 1987).activists have made efforts to reinterpret theIslamic sources, suggesting that these can be Although one might dismiss these argu-read as fully supportive of equal human ments as an intellectual exercise with littlerights for all. practical use for women, feminist theologians These arguments are complex. Put are using these reinterpretations to challengesimply, this strategy involves returning to and amend civil legal codes. For instance,the Qur'an, and conducting a study of the Iranian feminists have concentrated on onevalue system presented in the holy book. particular verse of the Qur'an (4:34), part ofThe first point these activists make is that we which reads 'Men are the protectors of andmust look to the Qur'an, not the other maintainers of women because God has givenIslamic sources - the hadith, the sunna, and the one more (strength) than the other, andthe shariah - for guidance. The hadith and because they support them from their means'.sunna are commentaries on the Prophet's Feminist theologians in Iran argue that as thelife, tradition, and sayings, while the shariah only distinction made between Muslims inrefers to laws created in the first centuries the Qur'an is that between the pious and theafter the Prophet's lifetime (An-Na'im 1995). impious (49:13), the word taken to meanIn other words, all these sources are the 'protectors and providers' in the verse aboveoutcome of human understandings of the is more appropriately interpreted as 'initiatorQur'an, which are influenced by the context in affairs'. Since social transformations suchin which they were conceived. As this was as women's education and employment, asan era which was organised hierarchically well as their participation in politics,and patriarchally, these sources inevitably economics, and even warfare, have occurred,reflect this reality, and the identity of the the Iranian civil code, which gives husbandscommentators, who were overwhelmingly the status of head of household andmen (Afkhami 1997). establishes unequal conjugal rights on the On this basis, these theorists argue that we basis of this verse, is no longer appropriate.need to return to the Qur'an as the true Not only is it inappropriate but it is un-source of guidance, as this alone is the word Islamic, as the Qur'an makes no distinctionof God. The theorists also identify two on the basis of gender (Afary 1997).12

A further tactic used by Iranian women is Having said this, I do not wish to present to concede to the notion of complementarity, an over-simplistic or over-optimistic view of but to emphasise that women are not 'forever the potential for women's emancipation as a mothers and that the public domain too is in result of either knowledge of their rights or great need of women's specific talents and feminist reinterpretations of the Qur'an. This valuable contributions' (Afshar 1997, 764). strategy is, of course, insufficient in and of Iranian women also highlight that comple- itself. Many Muslim women are politically mentarity refers to both men's and women's and economically marginalised, and this in roles in creating social units and in sustaining itself prevents them from claiming their growth and development. Women have rights, let alone from using theological demanded that the skills involved in the care arguments to do so. In this sense, reinter- and management of home and family be both pretation of the Islamic texts from a feminist recognised and valued, and that the govern- perspective remains an academic and ment help them fulfil these roles as well as intellectual exercise, and it is primarily more facilitate their return to the workplace. In this affluent and educated women who are able way, a number of limited measures to both to engage in this debate and to benefit improve the position of the women in the from its argument. Moreover, women's labour market have been achieved, including experiences of Islam are myriad, and their paid maternity leave, shorter working hours, subordination is not only based in so-called and an earlier retirement age, in recognition Islamic practices. Consequently, one cannot of women's double burden of unpaid prescribe some form of universal formula to domestic work and paid employment (ibid.). overcome the constraints Muslim women face, and strategies adopted must respond to Overall, by drawing upon an Islamic these contextual constraints. discourse, Iranian activists have had a measure of success in improving women's Incorporating the study of rights accorded rights and social position. to women in Islam into the awareness-raising and educational components of development interventions could be very effective in Conclusion improving women's lives. Addressing these I have argued that there are significant reasons issues from within an Islamic perspective why feminists might benefit from drawing would prevent opportunistic accusations of upon Islam when attempting to address the cultural imperialism (intended to prevent particular subordination of Muslim women. feminism from entering an Islamic culture), At an individual level, Muslim women will and would be more likely to appeal to be unlikely to subscribe to a Western notion Muslim women. Although egalitarian rein- of feminism, which would mean abandoning terpretations of the Qur'an are currently beliefs which they have a commitment to and relatively marginalised and limited in their which provide them with mechanisms to deal scope, Muslim women (and men) are actively with and resist the oppression they face. working not only to reinterpret the Qur'an, Moreover, the Qur'an lays down significant but also to educate the political elite and rights for women, of which they are often provide them with new interpretations of the unaware, but which can be drawn upon to sacred texts which can be used as a basis for address and improve their circumstances. At legislation. Activists are also making efforts the political level, women's exclusion from to mobilise grassroots support for these religion in the past has resulted in the domi- activities and to establish a dialogue between nance of patriarchal interpretations of the people at the grassroots and national and Qur'an. It is only from a position of knowledge international decision-makers, in order to that women can claim their rights and contest ensure the dissemination and adoption of patriarchal interpretations of Islam. these interpretations (Afkhami 1997). Reconciling Islam and feminism 13

Speaking as a woman born into a Afkhami, M (1997) 'Promoting Women's

predominantly Muslim family and Rights in the Muslim World' in Journal ofcommunity, and having undertaken a study Democracy, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 157-166.into gender and Islam, I now recognise the Afshar, H (1997) 'Women and Work in Iran'ways in which Islam is frequently in Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 45, No. 1,misrepresented (deliberately or otherwise). pp. 755-67.Having studied what the Qur'an actually Ahmed, L (1992) Women and Gender in Islam:states, I am now in a position to oppose Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, Yalepatriarchal interpretations and to challenge University Press: New Haven and London.others when debates are foreclosed on the Ali, ZS (1993) 'Women in Islam: Spirit andbasis of my gender. This, for me, is Progress' in Siddiqi, ZA and Zuberi, AJremarkably liberatory; but it is easy to get (eds.) Muslim Women: Problems andcarried away by one's personal experience. I Perspectives, MD Publications: New Delhi.am a Northern-based, privileged woman An-Na'im, A (1995) 'The Dichotomywho is relatively untouched by these between Religious and Secular Discourseinterpretations of Islam. I can only imagine in Islamic Societies' in Afkhami, M (ed.)the constraints facing women in other socio- Faith and Freedom: Women's Human Rightsgeographical locations. It is important to be in the Muslim World, I. B. Taurus & Co:aware of the problems of advocating the London and New York.dissemination and adoption of egalitarian Bhatty, Z (1994) 'Socio-Economic Status ofinterpretations, and not to underestimate the Muslim Women' in Indian Journal of Socialdangers involved in contesting patriarchal Science, Vol. 7, Nos. 3-4, pp. 335-40.interpretations of Islam - witness the plight ofEl-Solh, CF and Mabro, J (1994)Taslima Nasreen or the recent death threats 'Introduction: Islam and Muslim Women'levelled at Nawal el Sadaawa, the Egyptian in El-Solh, CF and Mabro, J (ed.) Muslimfeminist. However, the mere fact that this Women's Choices: Religious Belief and Socialdoes arouse such strong reactions, I would Reality, Berg: Providence.suggest, is testimony to the potentially Esposito, J (1992) The Islamic Threat: Myth orsignificant ramifications of such a strategy. Reality, Oxford University Press: Oxford. Gardner, K (1994) 'Purdah, Female Power and Cultural Change: A Sylheti Example' inIman Hashim is a sociologist and anthropologist Journal of Social Studies, No. 65, pp. 1-24.currently working at the International Labour Goetz, A-M and Gupta, RS (1996) 'WhoOffice before returning to the University of Takes the Credit? Gender, Power, andSussex to undertake her DPhil. Contact details: Control Over Loan Use in Rural Credit7-86, BIT, 4 Route de Morillons, 1211 Geneva, Programmes in Bangladesh' in WorldSwitzerland. Tel. +41 (11) 799 8893. Development, Vol. 24, No. 1.Fax +41 (22) 799 6349. E-mail: hashim@ilo.ch or Hale, S (1996) Gender Politics in Sudan:I.M.Hashim@sussex.ac.uk Islamism, Socialism, and the State, Wesrview Press: Boulder and London.Bibliography Holy Qur'an 'Translation and Commentary' by Ali, AY (1936) Islamic PropagationAfary, J (1997) "The War Against Feminism in Centre International: Birmingham. the name of the Almighty: Making Sense Kandiyoti, D (1991) 'Introduction' in of Gender and Muslim Fundamentalism' Kandiyoti, D (ed.) Women Islam and the in New Left Review, No. 224, pp. 89-110. State, Macmillan: London.Afkhami, M (ed.) (1995) Faith and Freedom: Kandiyoti, D (1998) 'Gender, Power and Women's Human Rights in the Muslim World, Contestation: "Bargaining with Patriarchy" I. B. Taurus & Co.: London and New York. Revisited' in Jackson, C and Pearson, R14

(eds.) Feminist Visions of Development, 2:229, 2:236, 2:237, 2:241, 4:20, 4:21, 4:35, Routledge: London and New York. 65:6, 4:130; Polygamy: 4:24, 4:3, 4:129; Mies, M (1982) The lace makers ofNarsapur : Inheritance and Property RightsA:7, 4:11, Asian housewives produce for the world 4:12; Veiling and Purdah: 4:32,24:30, 24:31, market, Zed Press: London. 33:32, 33:33,33:53,33:59 Rashiduzzaman, M (1997) 'The Dichotomy 2 Using this argument is a relatively of Islam and Development NGOs, contentious issue, given that feminists Women's Development in Bangladesh' in frequently call for the equality of the sexes. Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 6, No. 3. To take such a position could be seen as Said, E (1978) Orientalism: Western Conceptions playing into the hands of those who would of the Orient, Pantheon: New York. argue that such an interpretation conforms Shabaan, B (1995) 'The Muted Voices of to a notion of a 'weaker sex', reliant on male Women Interpreters' in M, Afkhami, (ed.) relatives for support. Moreover, challenging Faith and Freedom: Women's Human Rights this interpretation is precisely what Iranian in the Muslim World, I. B. Taurus & Co.: feminists are doing in their fight for a more London and New York. equitable interpretation of the Qur'an Shaheed, F (1995) 'Networking for Change: (as discussed later). Nonetheless, for The Role of Women's Groups in Initiating communities who do subscribe to such a Dialogue on Women's Issues' in Afkhami, conceptualisation of gender roles, this M (ed.) Faith and Freedom: Women's Human interpretation could be used to great effect. Rights in the Muslim World, I. B. Taurus & 3 Cf. Shabaan (1995) for a comprehensive Co.: London and New York. discussion of this. Stirrat, R and Henkel, H (1996) 'Fundamentalism and Development', un- published report, ODA: London. Stowasser, BF (1987) 'Religious Ideology, Women and the Family: The Islamic Paradigm' in Stowasser, BF (ed.) The Islamic Impulse, Croom Helm: London and Sydney. White, S (1992) Arguing with the Crocodile: Gender and Class in Bangladesh, Zed Books: London.

Notes 1 Those ayas considered to be the most significant to women and gender relations are listed here. However this list is by no means comprehensive. They are refer- enced according to the sura (chapter) and relevant aya (verse). Thus 33:25 refers to the thirty-third chapter and twenty-fifth verse of the Qur'an. All are taken from Yusuf Ali's (1936) translation of the Qur'an. Spiritual and Moral Issues: 2:256, 3:195, 4: 1, 4:80, 4:124 , 4:92, 6:107, 9:71, 9:72, 10:99, 16:125, 33:35, 40:40) 48:5, 57:12, 88:21, 88:22; Marriage 2:187, 2:221, 2:223, 4:19, 4:34, 4:4 , 5:6, 30:21, 33:52; Divorce: 15

Christianity, development,and women's liberationBridget WalkerDevelopment practitioners working for gender equity must understand the significance ofreligion for many women who live in poverty. Both development interventions and religion areconcerned with poverty; and both have often been problematic for women. Religious faith can offerwomen the opportunity for liberation; but it can also encourage conformity.

Introduction While religion may seem remote and

even irrelevant to increasing numbers of'I was active in the church throughout the 20 people in Britain (my own context) it is anyears of my marriage, during which I lived in important force in the lives of many peopleconstant fear ... The church was my lifeline ... on other continents. It is of personalIt was the only place my husband allowed me significance, providing rituals at deeplyto go ... but these (the church's) messages emotional moments of birth, marriage, andhelped me stay in that relationship of fear for death. It offers opportunities for reflectinga long time' (quoted in Gnanadason 1997,45). on the meaning and purpose of life, and an This quotation illustrates the ambiguous explanation for suffering. It prescribes codesnature of the support offered to women by of behaviour in the family and beyond, andreligious institutions. For this woman, trapped provides a means of expressing a communalin a violent relationship, the Christian church identity. It may shape the nature of theprovided the only chance to associate with state, and influence the way the economy isothers and to escape temporarily from the run. On the other hand, religion offersprison of her home - yet it did not offer her alternatives to the dominant models ofliberation. On the other hand, religion has social, economic, and political developmentbeen a resource in struggles for equality and (White and Tiongco, 1997). Many Christiansemancipation for many women. Gender and in Latin America have turned to thedevelopment workers must be aware of these messages which liberation theology has fortwo options - domestication and liberation - those living in poverty or under oppression;because on the one hand, religious teaching others, in both Americas, have embracedpreaches women's subordination through Christian fundamentalism.imposing social codes regarding women's I focus on the Christian tradition, because itroles, behaviour, and relationships with men. is the one I know best: it has shaped theOn the other hand, church may also offer the society in which I live, the communitiesonly space in which women can meet. among whom I have worked, and my own16

thinking as a feminist and a development claimed the word of God in the scriptures as worker. I shall look primarily, but not the supreme authority, thus challenging the exclusively, at the tradition and legacy of the priestly hierarchy. The Bible became churches which emerged in the West1 and accessible to people in their own languages missionised the Americas, Africa, and Asia. I and their own homes. It continues to be a shall examine briefly what these churches resource for Christians working for change have to say about the nature of women, family today. The Jubilee 2000 Coalition3 is an relations, and other social institutions, and international movement of churches and how women in the South have responded. development agencies which bases its messages about the cancellation of Third World debt on the Biblical imperative of Christianity and justice for the poor. In Africa, Christians have 'development' sought an authentic, 'de-colonised' theology, while in Asia the struggle for human rights Christians have always described has focused the thinking of Christian men development in terms which go beyond and women. The church in the Philippines conventional definitions of development as was divided during the years of repression: modernisation and economic growth. The the establishment supported the state, while papal encyclical Populorum Progressio (1967) many individual Protestants and Catholics claimed development as a new name for joined Muslims and Marxists in the people's peace. A Christian Aid pamphlet2 published struggle for change (Duremdes 1989, 38). in 1970 states: 'Development means growth Throughout Latin America, a theology has towards wholeness: it describes the process emerged which explicitly names itself a by which individual persons and theology of liberation.4 In situations where communities struggle to realise their full there was no freedom to speak directly about potential; physical and intellectual, cultural the political and economic situation in Latin and spiritual, social and political. Thus, America, it was still possible to tell stories development is a Christian concern' from the Bible. People immediately (Christian Aid 1970, 5). understood the messages of the Old However, in countries of the South, Testament prophets who condemned unjust development interventions have succeeded landlords, the sharp practice of profiteers, colonialism, which was influenced by the and the corruption of the courts; they Christian missionary activities of imperial identified with the gospel narratives of the powers. Religious authority has often been New Testament in which the sick are healed, allied with social, political, and economic the hungry fed, outcasts are befriended, and power. As a consequence, theological doctrine which presents a vision of a kingdom of has reflected establishment interests, given justice and love. Liberation theology has ideological support for the rise of capitalism, influenced current development thinking and, through missionary activity, imposed a about participation and empowerment (Eade Western world-view on the religious 1997). I return to consider women's relation- consciousness of other cultures. 'When white ship to liberation theology in the next section. people came to South Africa, they had the Bible, and we had the land. But now we find that they have the land and we have the Bible.' (Roxanne Jordaan in King 1994, 155). Christianity, women, and However, there have always been social institutions challenges to the religious institutions of the In this section, I examine the opportunities establishment. In Europe in the sixteenth and constraints which exist for women in century, movements to reform the doctrines the tradition of mainstream Christianity and institutions of the Christian church regarding their sexuality and family life - at Christianity, development, and women's liberation 17

community level, within the church itself women's full participation in the life of theand in convent life, in the economy, and at church; the global economic crisis and itsthe wider national and international levels. effects on women; racism and xenophobia and their effects on women.Sexuality and the family More than 200 people were engaged inThe churches have often interpreted human making the visits. Each team wrote its ownnature in a manner that is profoundly report, which was then forwarded to thedamaging to women. In particular, the church concerned. Living letters, publishedcontrol of female sexuality is of concern to by the WCC in 1997, is a digest of thesepatriarchal society: this control is expressed reports with extensive quotations from thein many religious and cultural forms. discussions5. In Living letters, the authorsChristianity may be used to deprive women comment that the dominant model of theof autonomy over their own bodies, for family they encountered was a traditional,example, through the prohibition of abortion hierarchical, and patriarchal one, in which(as in the case where the Pope, head of the women played a submissive role.Roman Catholic church, advised the A different view of women's role in familyArchbishop of Sarajevo that the women who and society can sometimes be conveyedhad been raped had a duty to bear the effectively through discussions of genderchildren thus conceived (Gnanadason 1997). issues in development. At a gender-trainingThe negative impact of this attitude not only workshop in which I participated, organisedaffects women at the level of their personal by Oxfam GB in Kenya some years ago, weand social relations, but also shapes the discussed women's and men's roles in thelegislation of states which have a Christian home and in agriculture, and their differenttradition which makes women subordinated, workloads. The values underlying Oxfam'ssecond-class citizens. work in development were discussed, such as The fact that women often seek support the need for everyone's participation - men'sfrom the churches in family matters is ironic, and women's - in planning processes and inconsidering their record. Aruna Gnanadason, making decision which would affect theirof the World Council of Churches, has lives. There was a lively discussion of thesecommented: 'Our concerns have been the issues, with much use by participants ofsanctity of the family, reconciliation, restoring scriptural references to support their points ofmarriages, when often the first need is for an view. A proverb which suggested that beatingend to violence, for safety for women and and love were connected was firmlychildren, and for justice for the oppressed' repudiated by a participant who quoted 6the(Gnanadason 1997, 43). Bible. Love, she said, is patient and kind. In From 1988 to 1998, Christian churches took the closing session, a church leader who hadpart in the Ecumenical Decade of Churches in at the outset quoted scriptural references toSolidarity with Women, which was designed support male authority, and who had claimedto keep alive the concerns of the UN Women's that the equality of women and men wasDecade (1975-85). One of its activities was a 'against God and nature', said thoughtfullyfour-year process of visiting all members of that he needed to re-think the way in whichthe World Council of Churches (WCC) and his church was governed, and his role in it.analysing the findings from these visits. The Perhaps, he said, he should not be doingteams (usually two women, two men, and a everything himself.WCC staff member) met church leaders, Mercy Oduyoye, a theologian from Ghana,members of congregations, students and comments caustically: 'African men singteachers of theology. The WCC's main topics "Viva" when people talk about racial and classof research mirrored the priorities of the UN exploitation, but they can hang you if you dareWomen's Decade: violence against women; talk about sexism. They say African culture18

legitimates it and, if they are Christians, Here women are free to read and reflect on sections of the Bible seal it for them' (King, the Bible from their own perspective and to 1994, 66). Women become dangerous when relate it to their own lives. they question patriarchal models in this way, for this is to question the foundation of Religious orders: an alternative model institutions as broad as the state and as of community intimate as the family. Christian feminists may The convent may at first glance seem an be regarded by men and women alike as unlikely launch pad for women's liberation. destructive of relationships, the family and all Yet some women in Europe struggling for that is sacred. the right to vote in the nineteenth century looked back on the convents of the past and Organisation and leadership in the claimed that 400 years earlier, these had been churches communities in which women could Throughout most of history, the Christian develop their potential and serve society. churches have been run by men, and Religious women today suggest that leadership is still largely in men's hands. Yet, religious communities represent an alter- paradoxically, many churches have also native 'corporate' model in social structures provided the opportunity for women to which remain dominated by men, and which meet, discuss, organise, and learn new skills. still position women in family or kinship Rigoberta Menchu, the Guatemalan groups, and identify them as daughters, revolutionary leader, describes in her wives, and mothers. autobiography how, at the age of 12, she became a lay preacher, and how the church The church in the market place provided her with the opportunity to While the members of religious orders develop leadership qualities and to organise usually make vows of poverty, Christian (Burgos Debray 1984). However, she religious foundations often hold substantial criticises the way in which the priests company shares to provide income. In encouraged her people to remain passive Britain, Canada and the United States, and accept the status quo. Menchu calls for a religious women have played a key role in church of the people, organised by them, shareholder action9, challenging trans- and reflecting their experience of hunger and national corporations (TNCs) to take ethical oppression. She sees this church as more considerations into account in their than a building or an organisational operations in countries of the South. This structure; it is a real change within people. challenge is one form of working in This change should also address the solidarity with those women and men relations between women and men and the struggling for the liberation of Third World 'machismo' (male attitude of domination) countries. Sharon Ruiz Duremdes from the which she likens to a sickness. Ofelia Ortega Philippines, writing in Women in a Changing from Cuba7 argues that the contribution of World (WCC Women's Unit 1989), sees this Latin American women is essential for the as an important way of 'doing theology' for maturity of liberation theology. Its message of good news and deliverance from bondage women in the countries of the North. for the poor must reflect poor women's International networking for change in experience and needs. In the Christian Base the churches Communities8 of Latin America, women are The WCC has supported a range of global represented in significant numbers - the initiatives focusing on women, of which the structure of organisation is more Ecumenical Decade of Churches in Soli- participatory, and less formal, clerical, and darity with Women has been one of the most hierarchical than in the traditional church. far-reaching, challenging member churches Christianity, development, and women's liberation 19

and providing a voice for women of faith. At times of personal or political upheaval,Theirs is a voice of critical solidarity. Living women may choose to reaffirm theirletters (WCC 1997) makes a series of religious affiliation. This may be a source ofrecommendations to churches. One of them solace, or offer a form of identity; it may be aargues that the churches should denounce conservative or a radical move, or it may,violence against women, regardless of paradoxically, contain elements of both. Forwhether it is culturally sanctioned; another example, women and men who supportedthat they should recognise the links the Catholic church in Poland in the days ofbetween sexism and racism, and combat the Cold War were participating in religiousthem at the centre of church life. Another practice which presented a radical challengerecommendation is that economic injustice to the Marxist government of the day, yet theagainst women should be addressed Polish church remained deeply conservativethrough development programmes and in its attitude to women. 'Resistanceadvocacy concerning the root causes of theology', like 'resistance polities', has seldomwomen's poverty. Economic justice must reflected women's interests until challengedalso be practised in the way churches are to do so by women in the movements.run, through equal opportunities and equalpay. The forms and substance of religious Reclaiming the faithpractice need to be re-examined in the light It has been important for many women ofof women's experience and perspective, different traditions of faith, includingand their need for liberation. Christianity, to return to the roots of religious belief, in order to analyse how some aspects have been given prominence by religiousThe voices of women institutions, while others have been ignored.What are women themselves saying about They argue that men have used religion toreligion today? In many social contexts, serve their patriarchal purposes, but that'feminism' remains a suspect and threatening there is a more woman-friendly tradition toconcept, and many women would reject the be reclaimed: the early Christians lived in antitle of feminist, while nevertheless following egalitarian community of women and men,10the first principle of feminist theology - being and women held positions of leadership.faithful to their own experience. There are a Christian women have looked for liberatingnumber of positions which I would like to models in the Bible: Deborah the Judge andcategorise, rather crudely, as follows: re- Esther the Queen in the Old Testament, andaffirming the faith; reclaiming it; reforming it; the women in the community around Jesus inand rejecting it. the New Testament. Mary, so often presented as an impossible ideal of the woman as virginRe-affirming the faith and mother, is reclaimed as the strongWomen in the Orthodox churches have 'female face' of the faith, proclaiming theargued that it is possible to be faithful to reversal of the established order: 'he [i.e.,church tradition, and work for change God] has pulled down princes from theirwithin it. The Living Letters initiative found thrones and exalted the lowly; the hungry hethat, in Russia, the specificity of the roles of has filled with good things, and the rich sentwomen and men means that, in the parishes, empty away' (Luke 1,52-23). The Bible offersthe priest has a mostly spiritual role, whereas a diversity of images of God, from which thethe administrative decisions are taken by church has selected mainly masculine terms;women, who run the parish council. Women feminist theologians argue that to name Godare active in social and work and in religious only in terms of father, warrior, king, andeducation; they feel that their contribution is lord is to limit our understanding of therecognised and appreciated (WCC 1997). divine-human relationship. Ofelia Ortega20

suggests that this task of reclaiming also is tional masculine image of God, asserting that important for men, whose spirituality she God can be depicted in alternative, and sees as having been damaged by the female forms; and that new and diverse distortion of biblical revelation (WCC 1989). models of God should be developed to include the experience of all peoples. Reforming the faith Many feminist theologians argue that Rejecting the faith of the fathers reclaiming the faith is not enough, because Many women reject organised religion religions arise in specific historical contexts, because they see it as part and parcel of a and are formed by the political and profoundly contaminating patriarchy, built economic forces and social attitudes of the on, and maintained by, violence. The time. Therefore, the codes and practices Christian churches are judged to have been developed at one time need to be reformed complicit in the violence of colonialism in for a changed social context. Movements for the past, and genocide in this century. But the ordination of women have used this women from formerly-colonised countries, argument. Feminist theology takes as its whose consciousness has been formed in a starting point the search for women's Christian tradition, continue to seek means identity, grounded in women's own of articulation of their spiritual experience, experience, rather than in the forms often drawing on their Christian heritage. imposed by a patriarchal culture. This leads Oduyoye looks at the tradition of to personal and social transformation. independent Christian movements which Women theologians of the South have also have emerged in opposition to the racism stressed the necessity of addressing the and ethnocentrism of Euro-Americans on inheritance of cultural and spiritual impe- the African continent. At some churches, rialism from the missionary endeavours African Christian women have tapped into which brought Christianity to continents the primal religious sources of their including Africa. Teresa Hinga, from Kenya, communities, for example through the sees Christ as an ambivalent figure for African healing ministry of a prophetess. women: he is both conqueror and liberator. She suggests that it was the latter perception of Christ and the 'emancipatory impulses' Conclusion within missionary Christianity which led to a At the beginning of this article, I stated that positive response from Africans. Hinga those concerned with social development and quotes the example of women among the social justice should analyse the role of Kamba of Kenya, who tried to break away religious institutions in the lives of women, from unsatisfactory marriages or harsh and understand their relationship to them. I parental control by seeking refuge with the have outlined how the traditions of the Africa Inland Mission, a Protestant mission in Christian church have often demeaned that area (Hinga, 1994). women, but have also, paradoxically, Another important focus for feminist supported them within the parameters of theologians has been that of language: the existing social structures. Through a brief translation of the Bible, and the words of the discussion of how women have claimed liturgy. Gnanadason argues that the images liberation from a perspective grounded in of God in Western Christianity are based on their faith, I have examined different per- the 'social norms and gender role specifics in spectives on the extent to which forms of that culture's national, ecclesiastical, business Christianity offer scope for women's and family level' (Gnanadason 1989, 29). liberation or oppression. Women's continued Drawing on examples from India, she points critique of Christianity demonstrates that out the need to move beyond the conven- their relationship with it is more often one of Christianity, development, and women's liberation 21

workers concerned with the struggle against Theology and Development, Saint Andrewpoverty and its causes, and with improving Press: Edinburgh.the quality of life for all, must listen to what WCC Women's Unit (1989) 'Women doingwomen are saying about the spiritual as well Theology and Sharing Spirituality' inas the material dimension of their lives. Women in a Changing World, Issue 28, May 1989, WCC: Geneva.Bridget Walker is currently a member of theStrategic Planning and Evaluation team of NotesOxfatn GB. She was previously an Adviser inOxfam's Gender and Development Unit. 1 The Christian church was established asContact details: Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Rd, the religion of the Roman Empire by theOxford 0X2 7 DZ. Fax +44 (1865) 312 600; end of the fourth century. It split into twoe-mail bwalker@oxfam.org.uk major groups: the Eastern (Orthodox) church, and the Western church with the Bishop of Rome (the Roman Catholic Pope)References at its head. The Roman Catholic churchBurgos Debray, E (ed.) (1984) I, Rigoberta was subsequently split by reform Menchu, Verso: London. movements which led to the establishmentDuremdes ST (1989)' Women in Theology: of Protestant churches. (There are also Philippine Perspectives' in Women in a smaller churches with an ancient history, Changing World, Issue 28, May 1989, such as the Nestorians, the Copts (Egypt), WCGGeneva. and the Ethiopian church. All these, like theEade D (1998) Capacity Building: An approach Eastern Orthodox church, generally did not expand through missionary activity in the to people-centred development, Oxfam GB: same way as the Western churches.) Oxford.Gnanadason, A (1997) No Longer a Secret: The 2 Jay, Eric (1970) World Development and the Church and Violence against Women, WCC Bible, Christian Aid: London. Press: Geneva. 3 Jubilee 2000 is an international movementGutierrez, G (1983) The Power of the Poor in of development agencies and church History, SCM: London. bodies calling for the cancellation of theHinga T (1994) 'Jesus Christ and the unpayable debts of the poorest countries Liberation of Women in Africa' in King, by the year 2000. For a description of the Ursula (ed.) Feminist Theology from the Year of Jubilee, when debts are written Third World, SPCK: London. off, see Leviticus 25, 8-17.IDOC and the Commission of the Churches 4 At a meeting in Medellin in 1968, the on International Affairs: Human Rights: A Roman Catholic Bishops of Latin America Challenge to Theology, Rome. denounced the unjust maintenance ofJordaan R in King, Ursula (ed.) (1994) wealth by a few at the expense of the Feminist Theology from the Third World, majority of citizens, and placed themselves SPCK: London. firmly on the side of the poor, according toOrtega, Ofelia (1995) Women's Visions: the Gospel's imperative to bring good Theological Reflection, Celebration, Action, news to the poor, proclaim liberty to the WCC: Geneva. captives, and to set free the downtroddenTaylor, Michael (1990) Good for the Poor: (Luke 4,18-19). Liberation theology started Christian Ethics and World Development, from the position of the oppressed and the Mowbray: London. poor seeking liberation. The expressionThe Jerusalem Bible (1986) Darton, Longman 'liberation theology' was used by the and Tod: London. Peruvian theologian Gustavo Gutierrez.22

5 The booklet was also the result of a team opportunity for women to organise, to effort and has no single author. The participate in decision making, and to enjoy foreword is written by Nicole Fischer- a freedom they may not have at home. Duchable, the WCC consultant to the Mid 9 Shareholder action bodies such as the Decade Process. Interfaith Committee on Corporate 6 1 Corinthians 13,10-12. Responsibility in the USA, and the 7 'Women doing Theology and Sharing Ecumenical Council for Corporate Spirituality', p.10-11 in Women in a Responsibility in the UK, encourage Changing World, Issue 28, May 1989, churches and religious foundations with WCC: Geneva. investments to raise ethical questions at 8 The Christian Base Communities are a annual general shareholder meetings, feature of liberation theology in practice. and to engage in dialogue about the Grassroots groups within the Catholic companies' operations in the South. church meet to reflect on the Bible and the 10 Acts 4, 32-35; see also Gnanadason (WCC teachings of Jesus as these relate to their 1989, p.30). own lives. They have provided an 23

Conflict and compliance:

Christianity and the occult in horticulturalexportingCatherine S. Dolan1The introduction of new export crops in the early 1990s upset the customary division of labourbetween men and women in Meru District, Kenya, and led to conflict over land, labour, andincome. Women's workload increased; their earnings did not. They responded by turning to'born-again' Christianity for support, and by resorting to traditional witchcraft to regain control.

eligion and witchcraft are often producing areas in Kenya by the 1990s. This

R perceived as peripheral to develop-

mental objectives. At best, they areconsidered interesting phenomena of social has had a profound effect on female farmers. Prior to the introduction of French beans, women's land (conventionally very smalllife; at worst, they are viewed as relics of plots) was used to grow vegetables forsocieties out of step with the modern world. household consumption and for sale at localDevelopment practitioners tend to view markets. In response to pressure for agri-religion as a static feature of culture, with cultural diversification to supply thelittle relevance to the success of development expanding European market for 'gourmet'interventions (Mukhopadhyay 1995). Drawing vegetables, horticulture - historically aon research conducted from 1994-96 and female domain - has been rapidly intensi-briefly in 1998, this article challenges this fied, commoditised, and, in many cases,assumption: in Meru District, Kenya, the appropriated by men. The profitability ofintroduction of export horticulture has French beans grown for the export market isgenerated conflict over land, labour, and raising the stakes in horticultural production;income, and women use witchcraft and men usurp either the land allocated for, or theChristianity to mitigate intra-household income derived from, French bean production.struggles over income from export crops. The customary division of labour by crop andWomen are responding to the erosion of their gender is currently undergoing a sea-change,rights in ways that may appear paradoxical: as tensions escalate over male and femalesome undergo Christian conversion, while property rights and women's contributions toothers bewitch and poison their husbands. household subsistence.Some do both. These practices simultaneously The spiritual domain has become acomply with male authority, and resist it. principal forum through which struggles While the region has a long history of over land and labour are expressed; theseexport-oriented agriculture (coffee and tea), it struggles can undermine the developmentalhad become one of the largest French bean- objectives of export horticulture.24

Global food networks and labour a household must invest to secure a

gender relations profit. The quality standards that most horticultural crops must meet - governing Until the 1980s, food consumption patterns their texture, fragrance, colour, weight, and of urban populations in the West were shape - make them highly labour-intensive, limited by the seasonal availability of locally and resistant to mechanisation. Kenya's most grown fresh produce. In contrast, today widely grown export vegetables - snow peas agro-food chains deliver fresh fruits and and French beans - are extremely labour- vegetables from all over the world to Western intensive, demanding 600 and 500 labour consumers. These are grown in the so-called days per hectare respectively (Carter et al. new agricultural countries (NACs). Sub- 1996; Little 1994). It is mainly women who Saharan Africa has a comparative advantage are compelled to invest more time in specific in the production of export horticultural tasks such as planting and weeding, yet their commodities, because of its good climatic work remains categorised as unpaid labour. conditions, geographic proximity to Euro- In fact, the economic benefits of growing pean markets, preferential trade agreements, French beans and other horticultural export and, most importantly, an abundance of crops are predicated upon the unpaid labour cheap labour (Barrett et al. 1997). of women and children. Agricultural diversification into high-value, Several studies (Schroeder 1996; Carney labour-intensive commodities such as French and Watts 1990; Mackintosh 1989; Mbilinyi beans ('non-traditional' exports) are central to 1988) have recorded the cultural norms IMF/ World Bank programmes to reduce which govern the division of labour and poverty through export-led growth (World control of resources between women and Bank 1981, 1995). In particular, agricultural men, and which affect the extent to which diversification strategies are promoted as a women can receive benefits from export vehicle to enhance gender equity through production. My research confirms that in increased female employment (e.g., Chilean Meru, biases in men's favour regarding the temporeras and Mexican maquiladoras). Yet distribution of land, labour, and income research on the social implications of growing undermine the potential of French bean non-traditional exports (NTEs) has been production to provide developmental largely restricted to Latin America (Collins benefits for women and children. 1995; Thrupp 1995; Barrientos 1997; Bee First, the exacting labour and time and Vogel 1997) with little attention awarded constraints on women involved in export- to Africa, where NTEs account for a crop production directly affect their ability to growing share of women's economic activity. participate in other activities. Women are Horticultural exports (principally cut flowers expected to meet the family's subsistence and vegetables) are now the fastest growing needs, and to augment household income agricultural sectors in many African through the sale of local crops. While men do economies (Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya), work on French beans, for the most part they and a critical source of foreign exchange, perform tasks of relatively low labour inten- particularly with the recent decline in sity such as clearing fields and applying revenues from traditional export crops. fertiliser. Furthermore, although men have more spare time to allocate to French bean production than women, there has been no Labour utilisation and adjustment of the gender division of labour in income distribution existing activities between husband and wife. When policy practitioners promote This has eroded women's capacity to fulfil horticultural exports to raise rural incomes, their households' subsistence requirements. they invariably fail to consider the amount of Women who are able to retain their proceeds Conflict and compliance: Christianity and the occult in horticultural exporting 25

from French bean sales are choosing to Conflicts between husbands and wives overallocate more labour to the cultivation of the allocation of income from French beansFrench beans than of subsistence crops. Men are commonplace and often escalate intoresent the withdrawal of female labour from household violence. As one femalesubsistence crops (unless they are given the interviewee claimed: 'The crops that result inmoney earned from the cultivation of the wife-beating today is coffee and tea, becauseFrench beans), and have challenged the right they are termed as a man's crop. Many hus-of women to use vegetable plots for French bands misuse money from these crops andbean cultivation. Furthermore, because men when asked they beat their wives. Michiriare garnering significant amounts of money (French beans) are also cause for beating.from export cultivation, they are less likely to When we try to keep our money, ourwork on their wives' plots. As a result, husband asks where it is. If we don't give it towomen are compelled to hire labour to him we are beaten. These crops cause usperform tasks that were formerly covered by many problems'.reciprocal labour exchanges. Because family labour, specifically Second, the gendered nature of property women's labour, is the fundamental sourcerights also directly affects the benefits women of labour for French bean production, thederive from French bean production. In success of export horticulture rests on soundKenya, women's access to land is mediated cooperation between husband and wife.by their marital status, their household Traditional social structures which used toposition, and decisions made about land use deal with marital strife have been eroded, soby male relatives. As in much of Africa, men that women now tuOrn to alternative meanshave the right to control the proceeds from of resolving conflict.the crops grown on female plots. Over 33 percent of the women interviewed claimed thattheir husbands had either compelled them to Gender and the supernaturalgrow French beans on their usufruct plots2, or In Meru, the spiritual domain has becomeretracted their rights to them completely. This the principal area in which gender-basedviolates conjugal norms, because not only are conflicts over crops, property rights, andFrench beans cash crops (the earnings from labour allocation are expressed. Bothwhich traditionally go to men throughout Christianity and witchcraft reflect the natureAfrica) but they are also vegetable crops (the of social and economic relations, and henceincome from which women have the rights to are useful idioms for interpreting issues ofin customary law). power and domination in rural life. While Third, although French bean production the presence of witchcraft appears at oddshas created a new mechanism for income with Christian revivalism, both representgeneration, there is a wide disparity in the ways of expressing discontent withdistribution of income from it between men prevailing social norms, and offer womenand women. My research showed that strategies to reclaim autonomy and securitywomen perform 72 per cent of the labour for within their households.French beans, and obtain 38 per cent of theincome. Even where women receive the Christianityreturns from their labour, they are often Africa today cannot be considered apartcompelled to contribute this cash to house- from the presence of Christianity: a presencehold expenditures that would, until now, which, a couple of generations ago couldhave been their husband's responsibility. still be dismissed by some as of marginalFinally, the profitability of French beans has importance, and a mere subsidiary aspect ofincited men to appropriate the income, which colonialism (Hasting 1990:208). There arecustomarily has been under women's control. currently over 25 distinct Christian denom-26

inations in Central Imenti, 43 churches, and become increasingly widespread through

new churches are built each month. Women Central Imenti during the last decade. The participate in church groups that meet once phenomenon of 'saved' individuals origi- a week to practise singing, organise church nated among the Methodists and the East events, and to discuss both personal and African Revivalists in 1947-48 and the religious matters. While women generally numbers continue to rise: my sample of 200 perform duties that replicate their randomly selected households included 95 responsibilities at home such as cooking and per cent 'saved' women in comparison to 35 cleaning, most women I spoke to claimed per cent 'saved' men. In fact, I never met a that they would rather clean the church than woman who was not 'saved'. In Meru, being their own home, because they were doing it born again is now synonymous with being a for God, not for their husbands. They told good Christian and I was encouraged to me that they look forward to their weekly profess my own conversion, or risk being gatherings as a time of freedom and an perceived as an agent of the devil. opportunity to gossip, laugh, and seek Being 'saved' is extremely important to respite from the routine of daily labour and these women: most could recount the moment the problems at home. when they turned over their lives to God. Most The Kenyan state's conception of gender women claimed that they have turned to God roles is so intertwined with the Christianity to bear with the perpetual marital and intra- proselytised by village leaders that it is nearly household struggles they experience; a impossible to separate Christian values from principal problem is disagreement over French social life. Young girls are socialised from a bean income. Many told me that being 'saved' very early age to be good Christian girls - enabled them to handle the difficulties of obedient, submissive, and accommodating - their marriage; one told me it was 'the only to attract a suitable man for marriage. One solution' to the powerlessness she experienced interviewee told me that a good woman in daily life. The transformative power of (mwekuru umwega in Kimeru) 'obeys her becoming 'saved' is a significant part of a husband and does not speak rudely to him. woman's identity, and offers her not only a She welcomes the guests and does all the means of coping with her life, but also an work her husband asks her to do.' Her opportunity to join with other women who sentiments are widely echoed by other share her experience. women in Meru, who agree that a mwekuru Becoming 'saved' is most prevalent among umwega 'does not quarrel with her husband, women who have a high stake in the stability does not speak badly about her husband and of the household system, and few alternatives obeys him always'. In fact, some women said for autonomy. Women who do not conform that they deserve punishment for failing to to the 'patriarchal bargain'3 (Kandiyoti 1988) meet the Christian standards of a 'good' wife. are vulnerable to insecurity, poverty, and This linkage between religion and virtue in is landlessness. This is particularly true for reinforced by the Kimeru term kimatha, which women who have no male sons to provide connotes a bad woman who neglects God, them with land, and thus have no source of and her husband and children. protection outside of their marriage. Yet despite this, for many women in Meru While female Christian conversion can be and elsewhere, the church presents a means seen as capitulation, I view it as a strategy to escape the confines of their marriage, since designed to foster self-determination while direct challenges to male authority entail too maintaining an outward appearance of high a cost. In Meru, becoming 'saved' Christian compliance. In order to avoid involves witnessing to Christ, and sanctions from men and the wider acknowledging Jesus as a personal saviour. community, women act within the parameters The crusade toward being 'born again' has of prevailing social norms (von Bulow 1991). Conflict and compliance: Christianity and the occult in horticultural exporting 27

Witchcraft write a letter home and tell them of her

Witchcraft is not merely a 'traditional relic' of incoming death. She wrote home and thetribal societies, but is woven into the fabric of parents received the news with shock. Theymodern life. Expressions of the occult are hurriedly got the police and they saved thewell documented in situations of economic girl. The girl later told them of how peoplechange, where the introduction of new were taken there and eaten by other people ...resources exacerbates social differentiation That people there were living with the devil'.and increases struggles for power and In Meru, the changing balance of powercontrol (Geshiere 1997; Goheen 1996; Drucker between men and women in domestic,Brown 1993). Further, theories suggest that economic, and political spheres has led to thewomen are predominantly associated with emergence of witchcraft accusations by menthe occult because they are socially against women. In the 1920s, colonialmarginalised, which is expressed in various administrators had become intent on banish-symbolic forms such as spirit possession, ing the issue of witchcraft from Meru,sorcery, and witchcraft (Ardener 1970; contending that the District's developmentDrucker-Brown 1993; Ong 1987). was being impeded by the persistence of In Kenya, witchcraft is blamed for illness, 'superstition', and the perpetuation of 'secretdeath, and natural catastrophe, and people societies'. In particular, officials weremay be lynched and mobbed because of their concerned over the reports of women's kiamasperceived connections with the occult. (societies), where women practised witchcraftThroughout the country, accusations and to ensure the obedience of their husbands.counter-accusations of witchcraft exacerbate The women's intent was said to be not socommunity tensions and contribute to much to kill their husbands as 'to force themgrowing violence. In 1994, President Daniel to seek alternatives, preferably by providingArap Moi took a stand against occult ... gifts sufficient to induce removal of thepractices, following reports that devil wor- curse' (Fadiman 1993:160). A spate of womenshipping and witchcraft were infiltrating either giving their husbands kagweria - aeducational and government institutions, and substance that induces psychosis and leaveswidespread claims that his administration control of the household to the wife - orwas avoiding an investigation because some poisoning their husbands to death, wasof its members, as well as opposition figures, recorded early in this century, andwere involved in a satanic cult (Wachira reappeared in the 1970s. Kagweria, a liquid1994). Kenyan politicians are known to taken from certain trees, is mixed with aexploit people's paranoia by invoking bouquet of sedative drugs.satanism to win votes. For example, during Today, women in Meru practise manythe 1992 elections, a Democratic Party (DP) forms of witchcraft (both sorcery andpolitician sprinkled a potion in the ballot bewitching)4 which are widely used to secureboxes professing that individuals who failed power and autonomy within their marriage.to vote DP would be haunted by 'the bottle' Kagweria is purchased from knowledgeable(The Nation, 24 May 1995). women, and its use is rapidly being taught to Fear of the occult is pervasive in Meru; Meru women by women in other districts. Inwitchcraft is inscribed in the consciousness of Githongo Location, a 35-year-old womanthe area and is expressed in a repertoire of administered the potion to her husband, agedstories, for example: 'I know a girl, Tabitha 39. The man not only suffered from commonfrom Kibirichia, who left home with an dementia as a result, but also experienced aunknown woman to be employed by a severe psychotic state. Following hiswoman at Maua. But instead of them going to hospitalisation, his wife was implicated.Maua they went to Thika. She was stripped Under investigation, she disclosed that therenaked and kept in the house. She was told to was a group of four women who had28

perfected the recipe and were distributing it to diarrhoea. The church is taking the duty to other women. One interviewee described preach against bewitching now. In June, the women's involvement in the following way: Four Square preachers held a crusade and 'Women buy [kagweria] from other women prayed and pointed out one of the women who are old. Kagweria is a charm given from Kiithe village who has been supplying secretly by women to their men that changes kagweria. They chastised her. But usually men's mental ability to a worse state. Once a these women aren't found because witchcraft man is fed with kagweria, he stops giving can only be carried out at night. It is very orders to his woman and therefore the secretive ... Only talked about... Never seen woman becomes the head of the family. This with the eyes'. [use] has increased because we are dealing In Meru, Kenya, witchcraft reflects away with our traditional customs. Before, women's struggles for power in an arena in the clan would intervene in husband and which they have been customarily denied a wife cases. Now the clan doesn't do much for more direct vehicle for asserting their aims. us, so we get a solution for ourselves. Men The growing prevalence of witchcraft is one don't respect their wives or they are not all consequence of the expansion of French that faithful like before. They still love with bean production and its exacerbating effect other women and this annoys the wives. on intra-household disparities. As men's Most women do not want to accept that a individual ambition has overridden their woman should always be under a man, like customary social responsibilities (through they tell us. We are envious of the the appropriation of women's incomes and progressing way of other women who have usufruct rights to land), women have freedom. A way to have freedom is to give developed strategies to reclaim autonomy kagweria ... [and obtain] power over the and security within their households. wealth, especially from the good crops.' As the number of witchcraft cases in Meru One particular interviewee knew of seven District mounts, men are terrified. The rise in cases of bewitching within the last two years, the number of baraza and village meetings to all provoked due to interfamilial struggles lecture women on female obedience is over French bean income. Churches regularly testimony to men's growing fear of female organise women's seminars to preach against aggression. Men have no reason to believe the practice and to teach women how to that their wife will be an exception to the ameliorate household struggles through recent movement. As Geshiere contends Christian service. Despite this, many of the (1994,325), 'witchcraft is indeed the dark side same women who publicly espouse the tenets of kinship: it reflects the frightening notion of Christianity privately employ witchcraft. that there is hidden aggression and violence Baraza (public assemblies) are frequently where there should be only trust and organised by village politicians to mitigate solidarity'. Thus, as long as men were not male anxiety regarding women's increased jeopardising women's access to resources in utilisation of witchcraft and poisoning, and to the female domain, women largely allowed lecture women on norms of female obedience. public political power to remain in men's One particular case concerned the poisoning hands. But as men have encroached upon the of a village man, whose wife claimed that he income derived from French beans, a crop refused to allocate any French bean income to culturally coded as female, the boundaries her. A village woman described the incident and meanings of gender relationships have in the following way: changed (Goheen 1996). In this situation, 'In Katheri, a wife worked with her women's resistance cannot be overlooked, because the viability of export-promotion daughters to bewitch her husband and take strategies for development depends upon all the wealth. The man was forced to stay in women's willing participation. the house for three weeks with vomiting and Conflict and compliance: Christianity and the occult in horticultural exporting 29

It is widely agreed in gender and References

development circles that an understanding ofhow resources are distributed within the Apter, A (1993) 'Attinga Revisited: Yorubahousehold is critical to the success of policy Witchcraft and the Cocoa Economy, 1950-interventions (Kabeer 1995; Goetz and Sen 1951' in Comaroff, J and Comaroff, J (eds.)Gupta 1994). Yet development practitioners Modernity and its Malcontents: Ritual andcontinue to overlook how cultural factors Power in Postcolonial Africa, University ofinfluence the outcome of agricultural Chicago Press.diversification initiatives. In this case, the Ardener, E (1970) 'Witchcraft, Economicsfailure to acknowledge cultural dynamics has and the Continuity of Belief in Douglas,not only undermined the purported aims of M (ed.) Witchcraft Confessions andgender equity, but also worsened women's Accusations, Tavistock: London.well-being, and ultimately men's security. Barrett, H, Browne, A, Ilbery, B, Jackson, G, and Binns, T (1997) 'Prospects for Horticul-Catherine Dolan is a Visiting Lecturer at the School tural Exports Under Trade Liberalisationof Oriental and African Studies, London, and a in Adjusting African Economies', reportResearch Officer at the Institute of Development submitted to the Department forStudies, University of Sussex, Brighton BN1 9RE. International Development.Phone: +44 (1273) 606 261. Fax: +44 (1273) 621 Barrientos, S (1997) 'The Hidden Ingredient:202. E-mail: c.dolan@ids.ac.uk Female Labour in Chilean Fruit Exports' in Bulletin of Latin American Research,Notes Bee, A and Vogel, I (1997) 'Temporerars1 I would like to thank Fulbright, the Social and Household Relations: Seasonal Science Research Council, and the National Employment in Chile's Agro-Export Science Foundation for their generous Sector' in Bulletin of Latin American support of this research. I also extend my Research 16(l):83-95. appreciation to the University of North Brain, J (1982) 'Witchcraft and Development' Carolina and the Centre of African Studies, in African Affairs, 81(324):371-84. SOAS, for supporting the write-up of my Carney, J and Watts, M (1990) thesis, on which this paper is based. 'Manufacturing Dissent: Work, Gender,2 Usufruct land is property under male and the Politics of Meaning in a Peasant control which women have the rights Society', Africa 60(2):207-241. both to cultivate and to retain the income Carter, M, Barnham, BL, and Mesbah, D derived from that production. (1996) 'Agricultural Export Booms and3 This phrase refers to women's conformity the Rural Poor in Chile, Guatemala and to social norms - such as being a good Paraguay' in Latin American Research wife and mother - in a male-dominated Review, 31(l):7-33. society, in return for rewards such as Collins, J, 1995, 'Gender and Cheap Labor in social acceptance and status. Agriculture', in McMichael, P, (ed.) Food4 In daily discourse there is little difference and Agrarian Orders in the World-Economy, between sorcery and witchcraft. In Praeger: Westport. Kiswahili, both are described as uchawi, Drucker-Brown, S (1993) 'Mamprusi although witches are perceived to have an Witchcraft, Subversion and Changing ascribed status, whereas sorcerers achieve Gender Relations' in Africa (63):531-549. their status through study in the Fadiman, J (1993) When We Began There Were application of substances (Brain 1992). Witchmen, An Oral History from Mt. Kenya, University of California Press: Berkeley. Geschiere, P and Fisiy, C (1994)30

No time to worship the

serpent deities:Women, economic change, and religion innorth-western NepalRebecca SaulWhy do the inhabitants of one village in north-western Nepal still follow Buddhist customs, whenreligious rituals have all but died out in the neighbouring village? Rebecca Saul outlines how theevolution of a competitive tourist economy has affected local social structures and women's roles,as well as women's attitude to the spiritual realm.

his article is a tentative exploration of link is my contention that the Buddhist

T the changing relationships between lay

women, and the spiritual realm, in twoethnic Tibetan communities in Barabong in concept of interconnection - the belief that changes in one realm have a profound impact on the other realms - is, in essence, a conceptnorth-western Nepal. It focuses on the ways which should underpin development. Just asin which economic and social change has Buddhists believe that performing a religiousaffected women's often unseen and ritual in the physical realm appeases orunrecognised spiritual roles within both the propitiates a deity in the spiritual realm, so we,household and the community; and on how as development practitioners and academics,these roles have in their turn influenced the are aware that an irrigation project affects notcourse of such change. I am drawing on 15 only agricultural productivity but can alsomonths of doctoral research in Nepal, which have an impact on the division of labour, landset out to look at how individuals in two rights, social dynamics, and so on.communities faced, initiated, and resistedchange. I found that in the world view of theinhabitants of Kag and Dzong, the social, Backgroundphysical, and spiritual realms are not distinct, Mustang District is located in north-westernbut intricately and inextricably connected. Nepal, and shares its northern border with What is the link between gender and Tibet. No motorable roads extend intodevelopment and this research? First, Mustang but the district capital, Jomsom, candevelopment interventions are themselves be reached on foot from the city of Pokhara inpart of a wider process of constant change, mid-western Nepal - a five-day walk up intoand the impact of change, be it the product of the Kali Gandaki River Gorge - or by a short'development', political upheaval, economic plane journey. From Jomsom northwards, there-orientation, or other forces, has related local people are described anthropologicallyconsequences for gender relations within as ethnic Tibetans, and within Nepal as Bhote.households and communities. The second The people of Baragong in lower Mustang,32

who are the focus of this article, speak a local development along 'modern' lines, Dzong Tibetan dialect (referred to as Southern remains - in the words of people in Dzong Mustang Tibetan) and officially follow various and other villages in Baragong - 'true to the Buddhist sects, of which Sakya is currently old ways'. Rituals and practices which have the predominant one. Marriage practices, been abandoned in Kag and other villages in social ranking, religious rituals, and general the area not only survive in Dzong, but are cosmological understandings are similar to seen by many Dzongba1 as the raison d'etre those found in areas of Tibet, and among of being Dzongba, the things that define them other ethnic Tibetan groups in the Himalayas. as Dzongba.

Kag Kag village has a population of about 360 Living in Baragong people in 63 households. It is a minor admini- Like many of the peoples who populate the strative centre for the area of Baragong, high mountain regions of Nepal, the boasting a health post, a police checkpoint, Baragongba2 have a three-pronged subsis- several development offices, and a post office. tence strategy of agriculture, pastoralism, and In addition to all of these 'modern' amenities, trade. Kag and Dzong, like most villages in a large Buddhist monastery and the remains Baragong, are socially stratified. Although of an impressive castle suggest that Kag was there are numerous ways in which the social an important religious, economic, and admi- status of individuals and households can be nistrative centre. Today, with a dozen tourist judged, the main social groupings are those lodges and several camp sites, Kag is one of of noble, commoner, and sub-commoner. The the most popular tourist destinations for middle of these three 'grades' is the most trekkers journeying to and from the Muktinath numerous and, in some villages, the only Valley and north into upper Mustang. strata. These hierarchical grades had far more In general, many of the people of Kag importance in the past than they do today. village have embraced 'modernisation': it was In Baragong, as in other ethnic Tibetan the first village in the area to receive societies, there exists an ideal form of electricity, the first to respond to the arrival of household organisation which is linked to tourists by building guest houses, and also ideas concerning landholding, inheritance, the first village to abandon several of the residence, and marriage, as well as being more important village rituals in Baragong. located in the domains of symbolism and ritual (Phylactou 1989). Although households Dzong vary greatly in composition and economic From Kag, several thousand feet up the standing, the ideal, and the most common Muktinath Valley, lies Dzong village. Dzong structure for commoners and sub- 3 is described both by the people who live commoners , is the corporate estate house- there, and by other villagers in the area, as a hold, called drongba. A drongba estate is place where the old ways are kept alive. The collectively owned by an extended family population of Dzong is slightly smaller than group. At the core of the drongba household is that of Kag, with about 250 inhabitants. a patriline (group of men related by blood): a Because Dzong is located within a semi- man and his wife, or a group of brothers and restricted area, tourists can travel to the their wife, the father(s) and mother of the village for a day, but are not permitted to man or brothers, and their children. spend the night there. Dzong does not have a Historically, being part of a drongba meant police post, health centre, or post office. high status. Drongba households paid tax and While many of the inhabitants of Dzong performed labour for the noble households, participate fully in a market economy, and and as a result gained certain privileges, such have embraced the ideology and practice of as first access to irrigation water. Drongba No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 33

households also were the backbone of religious Decision-making in the household

life in the communities of Baragong. Until The household in Baragong is a corporaterecently, the wives of male drongba heads, unit. All money, land, and household goodscalled kimpamo, had certain rights, including (except dowry goods, which are the wife'sthe right to attend the mid-winter festival of property) are jointly owned by theDokyap. While noble women rank above all husband(s) and wife. Husbands should notother women in the village including the dispose of property without their wives'kimpamo, they had no special ritual roles or consent; nor should wives without theirresponsibilities. During the festival, only husbands'. Couples who are apart because ofkimpamo women danced the traditional dances business make independent day-to-dayin the monastery grounds and the village decisions. According to couples interviewed,square. Apart from the obvious honours (and my own observations confirmed this),bestowed upon these women, they were power relations between husband and wifegenerally more active in village life, and more are relatively equally balanced. Coupleshighly respected than non-kimpamo women. stated that this depended more on personality than gender. The ideal is for disputes to be talked through, and a solutionGender relations agreed upon mutually. Indeed, the power ofWomen in Baragong have significant domestic the head of household is narrowly limited: alland civic power. Women are resource- household members - even the children - areholders - they inherit and own land, and runt involved in forming opinions and intheir own businesses - and decision-makers - executing decisions. While the eldest brotherthey choose their marriage partners, obtain still has the highest status in the home anddivorces, control their own fertility, and the community as household head, withinparticipate in village-level politics. the household he cannot overrule unilaterally the wishes of any other household memberMarital forms (see Levine 1980, 287).Baragongba households are ideally based onthe Tibetan 'monomarital principle': in each Gender division of labourgeneration of a family, one and only one The division of labour between the sexes ismarriage can be contracted. In theory, the generally relaxed: both men and womenpractice of fraternal polyandry (brothers farm, herd, trade, and practice business.sharing one wife), ensures that the family Women tend to work harder than men,inheritance is kept within one household, however, as they have primary responsibilitysince all the sons remain in the household for running the household, cooking,into which they were born and share the collecting water and firewood, looking afterinheritance, rather than allowing inheritance children, and performing many of the moreby one child only. If there are no sons, a laborious agricultural tasks such as weedingdaughter inherits the estate and brings her and processing grain. There are few hard-husband into the household; it is also and-fast-rules, however, and each householdpossible, but quite rare, for her to marry manages its workload differently, dependingpolygynously, to share a husband with her on its labour resources.younger sister or sisters. Although her However, it is true that, as a result of theirhusband is seen as a male household head, it relatively heavier domestic workload,is the woman who is recognised as the estate women tend to have fewer social respon-holder. In practice, Baragongba women who sibilities outside the home. Women often toldinherit their own patrimonial estate have me that because meetings are called at nightmore say in household affairs than those who they cannot attend - they must cook theshare their husbands' patrimony. evening meal and care for small children.34

Similarly, meetings in distant villages are In Kag, disbanding the drongba estates has difficult for them to attend because of child- meant that kimpamo women play a greatly care and domestic responsibilities. It is reduced role in the ritual life of the village. usually men who attend meetings as When they do participate, they often do so representatives of their households, and it is alongside women from households which, in men who hold the positions of 'headman' the past, were not drongba households. Former and 'assistant headman' in the village. With kimpamo told me that they see their ritual the integration of Baragong into the political labour as a burden which keeps them from system of Nepal, men's political roles have other, more prestigious economic activities, been strengthened; women rarely hold rather than as an honour bestowed upon them positions of power on the new 'village because of their status. These other, more development committees' (VDCs) or at the lucrative, economic activities are tourism and district level. other income-generating activities.

The impact of tourism

Spirituality and the Baragong was opened to foreign trekkers in changing role of women 1974. By the late 1980s, it was attracting more than 30,000 tourists every year. In Kag, In Baragong, women have always been tourism is an important part of the village integral to the spiritual maintenance of the household and the community. However, economy; in comparison, Dzong has no tourist while women in the village of Dzong continue economy. While tourists visit year-round, the to play an important part in the spiritual life peak period - September to November - of their households and the community, the coincides with the harvesting and processing importance of women's spiritual role in Kag of buckwheat and the planting of barley and has diminished. Why this difference between wheat, as well as with the large regional the two communities? In order to answer this harvest festival held in Muktinath. The question, we must look more closely at how second most popular time to trek in the the lives of women in Kag and Dzong differ. I Annapurna region is in the spring: a time of will discuss three major changes to women's reunion, local archery festivals, communal roles and status brought about by changes in work, and preparation for the harvest. land-holding, tourism, and development. Running a tourist lodge denies the household the labour of at least one member during Land-holding periods when their contribution is most First, and perhaps most importantly, the needed, and further limits both the social and system of drongba estates in Kag was spiritual roles of these household members. disbanded several years ago. This means that The first tourist lodge in Kag was built in all people within the village have the same 1976; by 1995 there were ten, and a further rights and responsibilities. There are no ritual two planned. It is primarily women who run roles, or political offices, that are open only to lodges. Male and female lodge-owners cited heads of drongba households. In Dzong, several reasons for this: cooking, cleaning, however, the titles of chuktwa (male and hospitality are tasks typically taken on by household head) and kimpano still exist, and women, and thus local people feel that ritual, though not administrative, importance women are naturally more capable of running is attached to them. Men from all households lodges. Second, it is generally women who in Dzong can hold the offices of headman and stay in the village year-round, and hence they assistant headman, but only male and female tend to take on the primary responsibility for heads of estate-holding households can the least seasonal economic activities. Third, participate in certain religious festivals and women are judged able to look after small retreats, such as Dokyap. children and run lodges simultaneously. No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 35

However, women who run lodges have neighbouring district of Manang]. She knewless free time to engage in community rituals, that people coming from Manang, touristsfestivals, and monastic retreats. Pema Dolkar, and locals, would be thirsty and need a drinka woman lodge owner in Kag, complained so it was a good business idea. But thisthat she often 'felt like a prisoner' in her own woman - man kalo chal [black soul or heart] -home: ' . . . I would like to go to Yartung [a she would not even give away one glass ofharvest festival in the neighbouring water. Local people should always receivecommunity of Muktinath] in the autumn, but one glass of tea free, even in a lodge; but sheI have not been now for five years because would even charge for water! She was verythere have been so many trekkers. Sometimes greedy and made much money ... After sheit is so busy that I cannot even go to Tse chu died, about two or three years ago, her soul[a village ritual on the tenth day of each did not find the path [to 'heaven', wheremonth] and have to send someone else from souls are weighed to determine their nextthe household instead' (personal incarnation]. She still wanders this world,communication, 1995). haunting and possessing people. She has While many female lodge owners find that possessed ... [a certain woman from Dzong],their movements beyond the village are as well as Baragongba in Kathmandu andrestricted, tourism and business have both Assam ...' (personal communication, 1996).enabled and encouraged men (and non-lodgeowning women) to spend longer periods The impact of 'development'away from the village. Whereas in the past With the opening of Baragong to tourists,women played an important role in both 'development' was not far behind. Develop-regional trade and the salt-grain trade ment ideology and practice in Kag and Dzongbetween Nepal and Tibet, women who have have proceeded in very different directions.the responsibility of running a lodge rarely Villagers in both communities have radicallyparticipate in business outside of the village. different views of what development is and Women who run lodges also tend to visit should be at the village level.other households in the village less often, and There are stories of failed projects and lackparticipate less in the sharing of food which is of local participation in Kag. I heardso common between kin, neighbours, and divergent views of development between thefriends. While it is still customary for lodge younger and older generations. Whileowners to offer tea to neighbours and friends younger people adhere to the bottom-upwithout charge, the sharing of vegetables and model of development held in Dzong, olderother desirable foods now bypasses the people in Kag are oriented towardslodges. As one woman, whose female cousin dependence on the outside. This idea ofruns a lodge, commented: 'Why would my development as a top-down redistribution ofsister [cousin] give spinach to me when she resources from the state, sees development ascould sell it to the tourists for money? We a gift which 'has or has not come' and the roleused to share food between our households of villagers as passive recipients in thisall the time here [in Kag], but now many process (Clarke undated). One woman inpeople keep things to themselves so that they Kag stated: T do not know the names of anycan make money.' of the development projects here, only the People also say that the Buddhist ethic of police office and the office that my son workshospitality has suffered since the advent of with [ACAP]. I don't know what he does,tourism. The following tale, told throughout something with trees ... Some office peopleBaragong, illustrates this point. 'There was a came and planted some trees, but no one haswoman ... who set up a travellers' rest house watered them and most have died.... I don'ta little way up the Thorong La [a frequently know what will happen to the trees after theytravelled pass between Baragong and the have grown, whether the development people36

will sell them, or whether they will even be passes the painted rocks along the trail used by the Kagpa ... Up to now, ACAP has leading to Kag, announcing that this lodge or done nothing but make garbage tips. They that lodge has a hot shower, the tastiest apple make tourists sign their names when they pie, the best views. arrive in Kag'. Some of the accountability for Because most lodge-owners are women, failed projects must, of course, lie with the the main conflicts are between them rather development projects themselves. than men. The fact that gender and develop- One old Kagpa woman expressed the ment literature and practice has paid much dissonance between old ideas of 'goodness' attention to women's cooperative develop- and the ideas held by those who wish to ment efforts may mean that the lack of coope- bring development to the village: 'In the old ration in Kag is more noticeable than similar days, we used to drink water right out of the behaviour would be on the part of men. Dzong River. The water out of the river is Unlike the highly competitive market of very good for you. Some people still drink tourism, business ventures in Dzong, from it [even though there is a clean water especially those which require villagers to project]. We old people say that walking travel further afield to East Asia, often require through the river makes the water choko the labour and financial resources of several [clean], not jutho [polluted]. We did not hear households working together. Because of their that the river water was bad for us before the relative isolation, and the lack of a tourist Nepalis and development came! Mountain economy, the people of Dzong have had to water is colder and tastier.' seek support from government agencies and Many Kagpa feel that development in NGOs to improve life in the village; a key their village has a bad track record because element of this relationship is that they also people are too busy with their own work and show commitment in the form of labour and there are too many poor people: 'If there was other inputs into the projects. 'Our own enough money in the village, people could village, we must build ourselves' is the cooperate and do their own development.' development slogan heard throughout Many of the meetings called by project staff Nepal. (In the past, labour obligations were to discuss the village's future development fulfilled by drongba households only. This has were attended only by lodge-owners; non- been a powerful catalyst for changing the lodge-owners said they felt that development drongba system to limit it to ritual activities, was for tourists, rather than for villagers. rather than political and economic ones.) The According to NGO staff, this low level of villagers have often worked with the people interest has led to many projects pulling out of their neighbouring villages Chongkhor of Kag. During group discussions, interviews, and Putak in order to attract expertise, and in casual conversations, villagers listed a materials, and money for their projects. In number of reasons for this lack of interest in sum, the Dzongba seem to have been development projects. Lodge-owners rarely relatively successful in making development cooperate with each other, and because of work for them, without losing control over their high social and economic status, few important village decisions; the moral ideo- other villagers are willing to participate in logy of equity and a commitment to 'commu- community projects. Those who had enough nity' have been strengthened in Dzong. money to install solar power for showers do When the Dzong villagers decide that a not want electricity for the whole village, project is needed, the village leaders sit down because then all lodges would be able to with the headmaster (who writes Nepali) and provide hot showers. Tourism has furthered draft a letter to the appropriate agency. competition rather than cooperation, Several projects applied for in this manner especially between lodge-owners. Competi- have now been completed. For example, tion for tourist money is evident when one Dzong is supplied with limited electricity in No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 37

the winter months by a hydro-electric project Celebrating Dokyap

supported by the government of Nepal. The ceremony of Dokyap is intended to enlistNumerous small projects which the villagers the aid of benevolent Buddhist divinities andinitiated have been carried out with the help regional gods and goddesses in the protectionof development funds, including the of the village. A grandmother in Dzong toldconstruction of a new mill. CARE agreed to me: 'The performance of Dokyap pleases God.supply the necessary materials; the labour It keeps sickness and death away from peoplewas supplied by all households. and livestock. It ensures good harvests and stops torrential rain and wind storms. For the welfare of the village, Dokyap must be done'.Lay women and their Historically, Dokyap has been an extremelyspiritual roles important event for the political and religiousPeople's relationships with the spiritual realm unity of the area and the hegemony of theare influenced by social, economic, and poli- local ruling class. While in Dzong the ritualtical change. In particular, the changing eco- has survived to this day, in Kag it declinednomic role of women in Kag has had profound and eventually died several decades ago.effects on their role in religious practice. In Dzong, Dokyap is still an important event: large fines are imposed on male and femaleCaring for the lu drongba household heads who are absentLu are serpent spirits which, when pleased, from the village or who fail to participate inbring wealth and prosperity, and when any of the events during the seven-day ritual.angered, bring illness and misfortune.4 Daily Villagers consider the festival vitally importantrituals of offering food and burning incense for the preservation of local culture, the accu-are enacted to propitiate the household lu; mulation of religious merit, the expulsion ofthese are almost exclusively performed by evil, and the social unity of the village.household women. The differences in Each day, at noon, a large drum calls thehousehold rituals enacted in Dzong and Kag female heads of drongba households awayreflect what is perceived as necessary for the from their drinking party in a house near theprosperity of the household. In Dzong, daily monastery (village women take turns hostingofferings to the serpent deities are still viewed the party each year). Everyone gathers in theas a vitally important part of household village square where the women sing andritual, appeasing potentially harmful serpent dance in traditional lines. Only women borndeities and enlisting their aid, while in Kag or married into Dzong can participate; singleprosperity is seen as less dependent on the lu. women and widows are excluded. All of theMy Dzong landlady explained that '[I]f the lu women wear shuli, the ceremonial head-ritual is not done the household will become dresses which mark them as married heads ofpoor, sick, and inharmonious. It will be a commoner estate-holding households."dirty house".' However, in contrast, many The songs sung by the women are vitallyhouses in Kag do not worship lu or perform important for the efficacy of the exorcismrituals for them any longer. A significant ritual; the women singers carry the ritualnumber of households in Kag give offerings effigies, and lead the procession of villagers toonly once a week rather than daily, as is the monastery and to the far reaches of therecommended by monks and devout village. Four masked young men chase andvillagers alike. During the winter, many beat the women if they do not sing loudwomen in Kag do not feed the lu at all; they enough, ordering them to 'sing for theclaim that the lu are sleeping, and therefore protection of the village'. The seven Dokyapdo not need to be appeased. This is songs can only be taught by women, and onlyconvenient for women who leave the village then; they must never be sung at any otherduring the winter for sunnier climes. time, and should not be revealed to outsiders.38

The events which preceded and followed head-dress conferred status on her house- the cessation of Kag's Dokyap reveal much hold. To sell a head-dress in the 1920s or about the importance of women in maintai- 1940s would have been unthinkable, since a ning the community's spirituality, and about commoner woman without one had no real how and why these roles have changed. A status and could not participate in communal host of social and political tensions ritual events. As modern clothing and contributed to the dissolution of Dokyap in consumer goods have replaced local dress and Kag, and this is still the cause of much jewellery as signs of household prosperity, discussion and tension within the village. many family heirlooms have been sold. The first version of events that I heard was The cessation of Dokyap in Kag has told by a noblewoman in Kag, who has a obvious religious implications. Singing the good knowledge of history but also a vendetta traditional songs is an important part of against the man she names as the villain in communal cleansing and accumulation of the scenario. 'Dokyap stopped in Kag 22 years merit. In Dzong, this is still seen as so ago, when Dhundup [not his real name] was important that female heads of household the big man. He had two wives. His first wife who are absent from the village during wanted to leave him so she arranged for her Dokyap (usually because they have travelled younger sister to marry him. At this time, south for the winter and are unable to return when he took his new wife, they did not like because of illness or heavy snows) pay a large the Dokyap because we [the nobles] did. We fine, and are forbidden to participate in the loved it, so they went against it just out of ritual the following year, causing great shame spite ... and maybe because they were for a household. In Kag, this is not the case. embarrassed about the family situation'. The idea that Kag's Dokyap stressed the divisions between nobles, commoners, and sub- Conclusion commoners was confirmed as part of the Few Kagba women of the younger generation reason why many commoners in Kag ceased wish the ritual of Dokyap to be revived, and to participate; villagers said that they 'did not many of the old songs have been forgotten. want to beg for food from the nobles' and that What are the implications of the changes in 'dancing for food and drink was degrading'. religious observation and in economic activity Another reason given for the decline of the in these communities for women, and for ritual is the rise of economic development. As development policy and practice? A broad economic considerations for many villagers analysis of women's roles and women's work have begun to outweigh cultural or religious is needed, which includes spiritual roles and ones, people travel south in greater numbers responsibilities. Do development researchers during the winter, and thus are absent during and workers include all dimensions of Dokyap. Rice and barley, the staple foods of women's work in their information-gathering the festival, have begun to be seen as cash and policy-formulation? Do they recognise commodities: why contribute as much as 63 women's 'unseen' spiritual maintenance roles pounds of rice and barley (the contribution of within their communities, which could be a large household for the entire festival), enhanced or undermined by development? when that grain could be sold for a profit? In How do women's spiritual, reproductive, addition, many ceremonial head-dresses productive, and community roles support (or used for Dokyap were sold to tourists in the weaken) each other? Most importantly - and 1970s, and the cash invested in lodges and this is certainly not the first time that this other business ventures. question has been asked - are 'economic development' and 'purchasing power' the This also reveals a shift in perceptions of only yardsticks by which household and status. In the past, a woman who wore a community well-being should be measured? particularly beautiful and richly adorned No time to worship the serpent deities: Women, economic change, and religion in north-western Nepal 39

Kag women who run lodges and spend will be of great help to me in business. Whymany months away from the village are would I marry a woman who had no head forperceived by others to have neglected their business?' The qualities of independence andsocial, and hence spiritual, obligations. individualism are becoming more prized;Women's cooperative groups (so common however, the older generation mourn the lossamong ethnic Tibetans in Nepal), and the of social cohesion and community spirit.practice of sharing household resources amongneighbours, friends, and kinswomen, have Rebecca Saul works for CARE International UKvirtually ceased in Kag. As the story of the as a programme officer for South Asia and Latindead lodge-owner whose soul wanders this America. She lived in Nepal for three yearsearth illustrates, economic and social changes conducting research and working as a consultant,have consequences for the spiritual life of the and has a PhD in Social Anthropology.Baragongba. Although the Dzongba are as Contact details: CARE International UK,successful in business as the Kagpa, and indeed 8-14 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7HA. E-travel abroad more frequently, they still mail saul@uk.care.orgconsider it vitally important to be a partici-pating member of the village. Sharing food,labour, and goods between households rein- Referencesforces village solidarity, and expresses local Clarke, G (undated) 'Development (Vikas) inideas of morality and social obligations. Full Nepal: Mana from Heaven', draft papersocial and physical participation in village life prepared for the Asian Studies Associationalso maintains spiritual harmony within the Fourth Decennial Conference, Oxford.village. Dzongba women do not seem to feel Levine, N (1980) 'Nyinba polyandry and thethe same conflicts as Kagpa women. allocation of paternity' in Journal of For women in Kag today, there are '... Comparative Family Studies 11:3.paradoxes, conflicts and ambivalence Mumford, SR (1989) Himalayan Dialogue:surrounding the apparent contradiction Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans inbetween enduring religious values and current Nepal, University of Wisconsin Press.trade practice, between those who aspire Phylactou, M (1989) Household Organisationtoward indigenous (Buddhist) notions of and Marriage in Ladakh - Nepal Himalaya,'goodness' and those whose imaginings lean unpublished PhD Thesis, London Schooltoward the glamour of "life in the fast lane" of Economics and Political Science....'(Watkins 1996, 6). The negative impact on Watkins, JC (1996) Spirited Women: Gender,individuals and the community of Kag women and cultural identity in the Nepalwomen's neglect of traditional social and Himalaya, Columbia University Press:spiritual responsibilities should be weighed New York.against the possible benefits to individualwomen, their households, and to women'scollective status in the community of increased Notesfemale economic contributions to their house- 1 People of Dzongholds. Women are gaining respect for their 2 People of Barabongbusiness acumen and their ability to earn 3 Noble households were excluded frommoney. My research assistant in Dzong, the drongba system, as it was they in theKhandro, offers an excellent example. In the past who benefited from it.first year of her marriage, her parents-in-law 4 The beliefs of the Baragongba about wherewanted Khandro to stay in the village, but her the lu live and how they must be treatedhusband encouraged her to accompany him translate into practical rules concerningon a business trip. He stated to family and hygiene and health, as well as rules whichfriends that 'she [his wife] is very clever and protect the environment (Mumford 1989).40

Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India Stacey Burlet This article explores the strategies that non-government organisations (NGOs) are using to challenge the right-wing nationalism presently dominating Indian politics. Development workers must be sensitive to the importance of religion, but also avoid getting caught up in religious conflict. Gender issues, which straddle religious and political boundaries, can end up marginalised.

n India, approximately 30,000 NGOs are the 'majority', have framed political debates

I providing training and tools to improve

people's living conditions, and to build sustainable livelihoods (http://www.anand. in India since the late 1960s.1 Nationalist actors have taken this one step further. A variety of organisations which claim that to/india/ngo.html). However, their ability to Hindus are 'one people' and 'one nation' do this is increasingly affected by right-wing linked by blood, belief, and belonging, are nationalist ideologies which dominate national working in many sectors such as education to politics, and by escalating levels of violence at bring this goal to fruition. During research for local level. There often is a thin line for NGOs this article2,1 was told: 'Hindus are not only a between acknowledging the importance of community, ... they are a nation and religion in people's lives, and avoiding Hinduism is a way of life. Hindu unity is a collusion with political factions which seek must. In the past we were disunited, in the power through asserting religious identifi- future we will be united' (interview with the cation above all other criteria. This balancing General Secretary of the Vishwa Hindu act has often diminished NGOs' ability to Parishad, a cultural organisation, 1996). define their own agendas in areas such as However, the accuracy of 'Hinduism' as a gender relations. As a result, women's rights term which denotes a single religious tradition, have been marginalised at national level, based on which people express their political unless they are directly linked to the status of desires, is questionable. According to the 1991 communities defined in terms of religion. Census of India, 82 per cent of the Indian population are Hindu (http://www.census The Hindu tradition: source india.netreligion.html, 1999)3. Yet, unlike other religious traditions, Hinduism encompasses a of repression and resistance diversity of belief and ritual practice (Oberoi The concept of patriotism, the requirement 1994). Originally used to denote the geogra- that citizens prove their allegiance to the phical location of a people who lived beyond 'nation', and debates on the rightful place of the river Indus (Sindhu), the term's meaning Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 41

fundamentally altered during British colonial Patriot games and party

rule, when it was used to describe all politics: politicising religion?religions evolving from within the Indiansubcontinent, including local traditions, as However, since the mid-1980s, politicalwell as Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism, debates in India have pivoted on identitydespite their distinctive histories, beliefs, and issues. Right-wingers argue that India cansocio-cultural practices (Flood 1996). only maintain its territorial integrity and This 'catch-all' religious definition also internal cohesion if it establishes a state-acquired political meaning. The British colonial society system which reflects the 'nationalauthorities awarded communities defined in majority's thinking'. This argument is rootedterms of religion a new role in administrative in the belief that successive governments haveaffairs, creating politically ambitious elites cynically misused the policy of secularism, inwho established new alliances with others of attempts to gather votes and secure powerthe same religion in an attempt to harness bases among minority groupings. Thispower and resources. At the same time, social strategy is believed to have encouragedreformers and political activists such as corruption and violence, and to have plungedGandhi used the term 'Hindu' to describe the Indian society and the economy into deepcommon religious beliefs and socio-cultural crisis. For example, the 1998 manifesto of thepractices which, in their view, linked the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) states:majority of Indians during their struggle for 'minorities have been cynically used for thenational independence. purpose of garnering votes these past 50 years, but socio-economic problems have This linking of religious identity to been unattended', and suggests this situationpolitical issues led to a hardening of can be remedied by 'energiz[ing] the vision ofboundaries between groups defined every patriotic Indian to see our belovedaccording to religion, particularly between country emerge as a strong, prosperous andthose who were defined as part of the confident nation, occupying her rightful placemajority - Hindus - and the largest minority in the international community' (http: / /grouping - Muslims, who feared that Indian www.bjp.org / manifes / manifes.html, 1999).independence would result in their Organisations using such arguments oftensubjugation within a Hindu-dominated state. simultaneously employ exclusive or inflam-Polarised demands between those who matory statements. For example, somewanted freedom for all in a united state, and minority groups, especially Muslims, are castthose who wanted freedom and the as impeding 'national development' throughestablishment of a Muslim homeland, led to their demands for 'special' rights, andescalating levels of Hindu-Muslim violence because their religious affiliations extendduring the latter days of the independence beyond India's boundaries (Graham 1990).struggle (Oberoi 1994). Although indepen- This fractured political climate has also beendence was marked by the partition of India characterised by growing Hindu-Muslimand the creation of Pakistan as a Muslim- violence: while before the 1980s, incidents hadmajority state, India opted for a secular primarily occurred in 'sensitive' urban areas,constitution, reflecting its desire to build a previously 'safe' areas have been increasinglynation in which all would be regarded equal, affected (Fox 1990). Similarly, analysis of theirrespective of their religious, caste, or ethnic 1992-93 Bombay 'riots' indicates thatidentity. Until recently, political parties and Hindu-Muslim violence is also occurring inthe populace largely complied with the middle class areas (Kishwar 1993), andcommitment to a secular state; political actors commentators stress that Muslims are beingwho sought to formalise the relationship killed in disproportionate numbers duringbetween Hinduism and the state were such incidents (Fox 1990).consistently marginalised.42

Key reasons for this growth have been religious tradition and make commitments attributed to, first, politicians being more to women's socio-economic upliftment (http: / / open about their use of extra-constitutional www.bjp.org / manifes / manifes.html, 1999). tactics, such as paying criminals to initiate a However, it is also clear that women's rights riot with the aim of securing votes (Kishwar have been increasingly interpreted and 1993). Second, law and order mechanisms understood within a framework in which seeming increasingly unwilling or incapable religious identification, and the 'proper' place of dealing with those who participate in of the 'national majority' and minority groups violence. Official sources acknowledge that in Indian society, take prevalence over gender the police often participate in or openly identity. This means that women's dis- condone the use of violence against Muslim, advantages and problems as a social group and non- and 'low' caste groupings (Tambiah are neglected, unless an issue directly linked 1990). In the light of these factors, a view to religious identity emerges. Usually, widely expressed throughout India is that the these cases are controversial, and involve current violence against minority groups is nationalists depicting women as potential politically motivated, rather than the result of victims of Muslim men who are represented Hindus and Muslims being drawn into an as engaging in polygamous, callous, and inevitable cycle of conflict (see, for example, barbaric behaviour (Kapur and Cossman 1996). Anklesaria and Swaminathan 1990). For example, one leaflet recently disseminated by the nationalist VHP-Bajarang Dal Sanjeli This argument seems to have validity as, in Gujarat stated: 'What attitude do Muslim during the 1980s and early 1990s, a coalition loafers adopt towards adivasi women going to of Muslims and 'low' and non-caste Hindus fill the river with mud ? How do these loafers launched a political challenge in the national entrap helpless adivasi women and elderly in arena. Their campaign promised the allevi- the name of helping them ? ... Let us save our ation of inequality, and emphasised the sisters and daughters being sold to Arabs disproportionate social disadvantage which from the claws of these people' (quoted in many groups face in comparison to high-caste CPI(ML)- New Democracy, 1998). Hindus. Such an alliance has highlighted the faultlines of the nationalist ideology of a unified Hindus community, and stressed the NGOs, Hindu-Muslim common socio-economic challenges which cooperation, and local cross religious boundaries.4 autonomy The impact on women NGOs opposed to the current political climate have evolved a variety of strategies, depend- Indian women of all social strata have been ing on their links with Northern NGOs or affected by the nationalist ideology which international organisations such as the UN, permeates political debates and by esca- and on their reliance on foreign funding5. lating levels of Hindu-Muslim violence. Organisations which have links with the Nationalists have developed effective stra- international NGO community primarily tegies for 'tapping' women as an electoral express their opposition to the current resource. These include holding women's political climate through consciousness- prayer meetings, celebrating religious imagery raising and networking strategies. In January in which female power is celebrated as the 1993, for example, groups working in the area source of India's greatness, and promoting of 'development' came together to pledge female politicians (see Llewellyn 1998). their solidarity and support for each other, to The attraction of such strategies is exchange their experiences of working in a reinforced by policies which simultaneously hostile political climate and to formulate a acknowledge the importance of the Hindu long-term plan of action for securing true Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 43

secularism in India (VANI News, 1993). abates when it is discovered that the bagsMotivated by the belief that religion should contained human flesh (Mullick 1987).have no role in public affairs, networks have However, for many people, participationthus been established to lobby state institu- in direct action is an unlikely or an impossibletions to conduct themselves in accordance option. Personal opinions and religiouswith constitutional norms. beliefs can take second place to the need to In contrast, networks such as the National survive; many women and men who do notAlliance of People's Movements (NAPM), support nationalist ideology cannot affordwhich primarily represent community-based the time or the potential trouble whichorganisations (CBOs), oppose the BJP's opposition might attract. In the early 1990s,modernising programme. This is couched in subsistence workers in Hyderabad andthe language of swadeshi ('India first') and Bombay were frequently unable to workprotectionism, but it also makes clear commit- during the curfews imposed on localitiesments to liberalisation, integrating India into experiencing violence. As a result, manythe world economy, achieving an annual faced starvation and had to borrow money orGDP growth rate of 8-9 per cent, and appeal for patronage to buy food and replacerationalising the public sector (http:/ /www. stolen items. Their subsequent economicbjp.org/manifes/manifes.htm, 1999). CBO dependence made it hard for them to involvenetworks argue that this programme will themselves in activities which potentiallycontribute to the breakdown of communi- challenged the money-lenders and localcation and socio-economic ties between politicians on whom they relied (BharatiyaHindus and Muslims at local level. They thus Janwadi Aghadi 1993).aim to promote cooperation between Tackling this powerlessness, broughtcommunities defined in terms of religion, about by impoverishment and economicthrough devolving government power: local dependency, is therefore prioritised by thosepeople's joint decision-making can ensure NGOs with appropriate sources of funding.appropriate socio-economic development A typical strategy is to set up cooperativesand maintain productive local relationships. and cross-community initiatives to encourage Because NGOs' activities at national level as well as build on historic relationships ofhave the potential to attract the attention and socio-economic and political interdependenceanger of nationalist actors (see India Today, between Hindus and Muslims. By empha-1993), many choose to operate at a local level sising economic interdependence, thesefor fear of harassment (personal interviews, strategies seek to strengthen people's aware-1996). Some get involved in initiatives such as ness of the distinction between personaldirect-action campaigns which spring up spiritual beliefs and the true character ofwhen violence breaks out in a locality, or India's composite culture, and of the religiousimmediately afterwards. For example, street- rhetoric being disseminated by nationaliststheatre groups perform 'anti-communalism' for the purpose of securing political power.plays which show how religion is used to However, these approaches have limi-sever local ties and secure political power. tations. For example, efforts are frequentlyOften, the drama exposes the role of concentrated in extremely impoverishedpoliticians and community 'representatives' communities. This often inadvertently re-in organising violence. One play, performed inforces arguments that poor people indulgeby Nishant Natya Manch, depicts how vio- in violence because their lack of educationlence is incited and inflamed for specific ends: makes them excitable, and that this is thea mercenary is paid to throw bags of beef and fault of successive governments which havepork into a temple and a mosque; religious failed to implement the majority's will,leaders use the language of 'religion in resulting in under-development and a lack ofdanger' to trigger riots; and tension only national integration. For example, Muslims44

are frequently depicted as educationally between Hindus and Muslims often lack 'backward' and thus responsible for commu- awareness of the specific repercussions which nal riots: 'Muslims have been slower to take nationalist ideology and Hindu-Muslim up on education ... [They] are aggressive and violence have in women's lives (Hasan 1994). believe anything that the mullahs tell them. My own research indicated that many Recently the mullah said you should not have organisations work mainly with men because television sets in your house, and 95 per cent they are seen as most likely to participate in came home and threw out their television sets. violence; others view women's oppression as Whatever you tell them, they will do. They do a secondary issue compared with the need to not think, they follow' (personal interview, counteract the nationalist agenda. Other 1996). Because such views are widely held, reasons given by NGOs for their unwilling- nationalists have been able to suggest that ness to tackle the gender dimensions of NGO strategies are an irrelevant response to nationalism include the belief that they the overall need for 'national development7. already risk attracting the hostility of people The importance of NGOs' work has been and groups with vested interests. They argue challenged further by nationalists, who portray that incorporating consciousness-raising them as corrupt and elitist, and rooted in elements into their work which draw Western thought. Here, nationalists are attention to the way in which women are primarily referring to branches of Northern targeted by nationalist actors in their NGOs, but also to 'indigenous' NGOs which initiatives, might invoke male resistance and are seen to represent non-Indian views. limit the credibility of their demands to Often, such arguments are supported by challenge nationalist ideology. These NGOs CBOs. A Gandhian activist stated: 'We must advocate that initiatives aiming to empower stand up to the secular class who are women should remain separate, and con- enslaved to secularism, a secularism that is centrate on alleviating their socio-economic wrong, impedes national integration and the deprivation through the promotion of micro- development of India as a nation ... They are credit schemes, education, and health-care a class that act like third party intervenors, services (personal interviews, 1996). NGOs with their own agendas, who will not allow thus often purposely marginalise gender us [Hindus and Muslims] to sort our issues, and the particular restraints which relationship out. They have taken over the women face as a result of Hindu-Muslim place of the Britishers ... We should ... start conflict remain untackled. again from our own civilisation' (personal interview, 1996). Given that some NGOs rely on foreign funds and others are part of global Women's resistance to networks, this type of accusation is difficult to nationalist ideology challenge. As a result, the activities of those NGOs which have global links tend to be A portrayal of the Hindu community as primarily recognised in the communities in forward-looking, and the Muslim community which they work; their alternative visions of as backward-looking, has gained credence in Indian culture remain at the periphery of the current political climate. As a result, national debates. women's ability to challenge issues of common oppression by working together has been limited (Saghal 1992). This is partly because women's knowledge that they share NGOs, nationalism, and many problems in their daily lives has gender issues decreased, and partly because control over A further limitation of the strategies pursued their activities has intensified as a result of by NGOs with international links relates to escalating levels of violence, which have the fact that initiatives promoting cooperation fostered suspicion about those who belong to Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 45

'other' communities, and which have made it [Krishna devotees and Muslims] share a wall.physically difficult for women to work There is a tree where flowers are grown in thetogether in some areas (Chhachhi 1991). It is mosque complex, which we use for worshipalso because the Indian women's movement [in the temple]: every day the Muslims gatherhas often made its demands for gender the flowers and give them to us. Around us,equality on the basis of universal definitions half are Hindu, half Muslim, and we have notof women. In the current political climate, fought. Women talked. We talked. Wethis has invoked criticism from Muslim decided we wanted peace and to live togetherwomen, who argue that this indicates a lack ... We have let no outside influences disturbof cultural sensitivity at best and prejudice at this peace. Political parties have not gotworst, because it compromises their religious anywhere in this town because we haveidentity (Kapur and Cossman 1996). decided that we will live by this decision' Some feminist activists have taken note of (personal interview, 1996).these criticisms, and have altered their Women's motivations for such activitiesstrategies to ensure that participants in their are often based on the belief that althoughorganisations can simultaneously assert there are differences between Hindus andthemselves as women and as members of Muslims, this should not justify unequalcommunities defined in terms of religion. To treatment or be the measure by which justicedo this, they have concentrated on criticising is meted out. As one woman told me, 'for me,the portrayal of majority-minority relations my religion, your religion, everybody'sas conflictual. In addition, programmes have religion is sacred, there is no difference - webeen set up to establish contacts with women are all humans, rich or poor, brother or sister,across the country, especially with those Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Jain, Parsi - all theaffected by violence, and to form support same. But for politicians and bad people, theynetworks for women's groups working to use these things to divide us. They pick onachieve reform on sensitive issues from something sore and go away when peoplewithin their own communities. Contempo- fight' (personal interview, 1996).rary campaigns have been confined to issues Women also justify their resistance on thewhich focus on the socio-economic realities of basis of socio-economic arguments. Forwomen's lives (Butalia 1996). example, in 1993, a number of slum-dwelling Despite these problems, and the communities in Bombay formed self-defencemarginalisation of women's rights issues by militias to protect local Hindus and Muslimsmany NGOs, women have devised their own from the effects of nationalist activity in theirresistance strategies. For example, during area at the behest of older women (Bharatiyaincidents of Hindu-Muslim violence, women Janwadi Aghadi 1993). They legitimised theoften intervene to protect and save people action was by arguing that nationalist actorsfrom other communities (Confederation of were promoting divisiveness and encouragingVoluntary Associations 1995). Many also use violence in trying to secure political power fortheir power within their neighbourhood to themselves and their allies. As local peoplecounteract stereotypes and positively considered their religious and socio-culturalinfluence reactions towards the 'other' traditions to be as much based on communitycommunity (personal interviews, 1996). In involvement and cooperation as on distinctiveaddition, women often lobby their husbands religious beliefs, this political strategy wasor sons to set up meetings so that discussions interpreted as disrespectful and unjust.take place on how nationalist activity and Examples such as these indicate thatviolence can be prevented from infiltrating although the dominance of nationalism intheir area. The priest of a temple dedicated to India's national political arena is affectingLord Krishna in Maharashtra described how attitudes at regional and local level, peopleviolence was prevented in his area: 'We are employing resistance strategies to46

maintain political and social autonomy. Society Monograph 2: Chicago.

NGOs working in such situations need to be Graham, B (1990) Hindu Nationalism and better informed about these strategies, and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development the role which women play in them. of the Bharatiya Janata Sangh, Cambridge Moreover, they must develop an awareness University Press. of the specific problems which women face as Hasan, Z (1994) 'Introduction: a result of nationalist ideology targeting their Contextualising Gender and Identity in activities. Not to do so constitutes collusion in Contemporary India' in Forging Identities: the destabilisation of women's previously Gender, Communities and the State in India, won citizenship rights, and the privileging of Westview Press: Colorado. religious affiliations over other aspects of http://www.anand.to/india/ngo.html, 1998 women's and men's identity. http: / / www.bjp.org/manifes / manifes.html http: / / www.censusindia.net / religion.html, Stacey Burlet is a lecturer in South Asian Area 1999 Studies at the University of Bradford, UK. Her http:/ /www.censusindia.net/scst.html, address is Department of Social and Economic 1999 Studies, University of Bradford, Bradford, West India Today, 'Psychological Warfare', 15 Yorkshire, UK, BD7 1DP. E-mail sdburlet® September 1993. bradford.ac.uk Kapur, R and Cossman, B (1996) Subversive Sites: Feminist Engagements with Law in India, Sage Publications: New Delhi. References Kishwar, M, 'Criminalisation of Polities', Anklesaria, A and Swaminathan, S, 'Tackling Manushi No. 79, November-December 1993. Toyota Hinduism: Restore The State's Moral 'Safety is Indivisible: The Warning from Authority', Times of India, 5 October 1990. Bombay Riots', Manushi No. 74-75, Bharatiya Janwadi Aghadi (1993) India's January-February 1993. Saffron Surge: Renaissance or Fascism?, Kohli, A (1988) 'Conclusion: State-Society Bharatiya Janwadi Aghadi: Bombay. Relations in India's Changing Democracy' Butalia, U, 'Mother India', The New in Kohli, A (ed.) India's Democracy: An Internationalist No. 227, March 1996. Analysis of Changing State-Society Relations, Chhachhi, A (1991) 'Forced Identities: the Princeton University Press. State, Communalism, Fundamentalism Llewellyn, J (1998) The Legacy of Women's and Women in India' in Kandiyoti, D (ed.) Uplift in India, Sage Publications: New Women, Islam and the State, Macmillan: Delhi and London. London. Mullick, M /They're cornering communalism', Confederation of Voluntary Association and The Times of India, 21 February 1987. Deccan Development Society (1995) Oberoi, H (1994) The Construction of Religious 'Activities Report 1990-95 and Proposed Boundaries: Culture, Identity, and Diversity in Programme for 1996', COVA and DDS: the Sikh Tradition, University of Chicago Hyderabad. Press. CPI(ML)-New Democracy (1998) 'Gujarat: Saghal, G (1992) 'Secular Spaces: The Minorities in the Storm of Communal Experience of Asian Women Organising' in Attacks', New Delhi. Saghal, G and Yuval-Davis, N (eds.) Flood, G (1996) An Introduction to Hinduism, Refusing Holy Orders, Virago Press: London. Cambridge University Press. Searle-Chatterjee, M (1994) 'Caste, religion Fox, R (1990) 'Hindu nationalism in the and other identities' in Searle-Chatterjee, M making, or the rise of the Hindian' in Fox, R and Sharma, U (eds.) Contextualising Caste: (ed.) Nationalist ideologies and the production of Post-Dumontian Approaches, Blackwell national cultures. American Ethnological Publishers: Oxford. Gender relations, 'Hindu' nationalism, and NGO responses in India 47

Tambiah, SJ (1990) 'Reflections on Communal As a result, practical measures developed

Violence in South Asia', Journal of Asian to ensure that 'high' castes remained Studies, Vol. 49, No. 4. uncontaminated by 'lower' castes. TheVANI News, 'Some Suggestions for the impact of these measures has been Immediate Situation', January 1993. especially harsh for peoples alternatively referred to as 'untouchables', harijans (Children of God), or 'scheduled castes',Notes which make up 16.48 per cent of the1 Since the late 1960s, a crisis of government population (1991 Census of India). Some has been growing since the realisation that among this group have increasingly the goal of creating a state with criticised high-caste Hindus, arguing that opportunity for all remained unfulfilled. they have no right to represent 'low' and This led the Congress Party, which had non-caste peoples as part of the same social ruled India for the most part since 1947, to grouping if they continue to treat them as increasingly devise and rely on nationalist 'different' and marginalised from India's and populist arguments to maintain their cultural and social life (Searle-Chatterjee power. When these strategies failed, and it 1994). They have also organised politically lost its dominance over the national in an attempt to secure socio-economic political arena, a framework had been equality, and to voice their opposition to established in which it was acceptable to atrocities which continue to be perpetrated discuss the possibility of 'majority' rule against them by high castes in both rural and the future direction of the Indian state. and urban areas (Kohli 1988). 5 It has been estimated that only 41 per cent2 The data on which this article draws was of the NGOs currently operating in India collected over a two-year period during are registered with the Ministry of Home which personal interviews were conducted Affairs under the Foreign Contribution and oral histories collected from NGO and (Regulation) Act, while a further 3 per cent community-based organisation (CBO) are officially recognised as receiving activists, politicians and government government funds or foreign donations representatives, social and religious (http: / / www.anand.to / india / ngo.html). leaders, and people living in rural and The remainder are CBOs, operating at a urban areas of India. grassroots level.3 This figure excludes data from the region of Jammu and Kashmir.4 Clear socio-economic divisions continue to exist among Hindus. These primarily relate to caste, which, from birth, determines a person's status within a hierarchical system, and their duties towards others, depending on his or her gender and stage of life. Caste is determined by a person's jati (occupational specialisation) and their varna (whether or not they belong to one of the four main categories which make up the caste system). These categories are Brahmans (priests), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaisyas (artisans), and Sudras (servants). Traditionally, those ranked lower down in the system were seen to pollute the ritual purity of those higher up.48

Religion, male violence,

and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford, UK1 Marie Macey This article examines Pakistani Muslim male violence in the public and private spheres in Bradford, UK, and explores the relationship between this and ideas of culture and religion. It contrasts male and female attitudes to Islam: some men are using it to justify violence against women, while women of all ages and backgrounds are using it in a very different way, as a source of strength and to negotiate (with ingenuity and humour) the cultural and religious requirements which men try to impose on them.

Introduction accused of colluding in women's oppression,

as manifested in mental breakdown, 'My message is to everyone, the community depression and suicide as well as disappear- and the service providers. The needs of Asian ances and murders:' ... there are many cases women must be recognised and accepted and of daughters, wives or sisters being beaten to they should be supported so that they do not death, burned or grievously harmed by their return to the vulnerable and dangerous kin...'(Afshar 1994,133). situation that they were originally escaping Bradford, located in the North of England, from. Service providers must take respon- is the fourth largest urban area in England. Its sibility for addressing the issues and putting population is young - 23.6 per cent are under the needs of individual Asian women before 16 years old - and growing; it is set to the needs of the community' (Keighley increase by 6 per cent by the year 2011. The Domestic Violence Forum (KDVF), 1998). largest minority ethnic group, of Pakistani The above statement was made by a origin, is projected to increase by 57.7 per cent Pakistani woman survivor of male violence at between 1998 and 2011 (City of Bradford a conference, Domestic Violence in Asian Metropolitan District Council (BMC) 1998). Communities, held in Bradford in 1997. The One in five people in Bradford lives in an area conference enabled Asian women to express of multiple deprivation characterised by their anger at the general failure of social poverty, unemployment, poor education, service providers to acknowledge gender over-crowded housing, crime, drug dealing, differences in working with Asian communi- the presence of firearms, and prostitution ties. Academics, community workers, doctors, (BMC 1993 and 1998). Unemployment, lawyers, nurses, the police, politicians, policy- currently at 6.4 per cent, is particularly makers, social workers, and teachers were concentrated in the inner city among young indicted for prioritising 'anti-racist' or people of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin 'ethnically sensitive' policy and practice over (BMC 1996a and b). The violence discussed in women's needs. In so doing, they were this article takes place in such socio- Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 49

zones' (Lewis 1994), where people of young Pakistani woman asked the non-Pakistani origin are in the overwhelming Pakistani women present: 'Where were youmajority (Ballard 1994). Ethnicity and religion when I was being harangued and threatenedacquire an independent status, both because [by extremist Islamic men]; why weren't youthe perpetrators of violence explicitly use standing beside me?' The second memory,both to justify their actions, and because more vivid still, is of the misery in the eyes ofcomparable white areas are not marked by another young woman, who told me that shesimilar levels or types of violence. was seriously considering suicide because of The men referred to in this article con- her mother's determination to force her intostitute only a tiny percentage of the local an 'arranged' marriage.2 She related thatPakistani Muslim community. The vast nearly every night a man came to the house tomajority remains, as they have always been, 'inspect' her: 'I feel like I'm in a cattle market;strictly law-abiding in public and non-violent they look me up and down and undress mein private. However, the violence described is with their eyes; I feel like a whore.'3of sufficient magnitude to constitute a seriousproblem to all residents of the city. The young The research andage of the perpetrators and the fact thatincreasingly, drugs are involved, give further methodologycause for concern (Khan 1997). The material used in this article was collected over a four-year period from students and staff in further and higher educationWriting on sensitive topics institutions; from working womenI acknowledge that some may question the (prostitutes); from survivors of domesticlegitimacy of a white, Western woman writing violence; from police personnel who workabout Pakistani Muslim men's violence in with Asian women fleeing domestic violenceBradford. Cultural relativists might suggest or forced arranged marriages; from the staffthat the practices of a minority ethnic group of a drugs project for young Asian men; fromcannot be criticised by anyone outside that the staff of an agency for Asian women whogroup. Anti-racists might argue that my suffered domestic violence; and from staff ofwriting deflects attention from the oppression a children's society working with teenageof racism, and perpetuates stereotypes. While prostitutes. Methods included participantI acknowledge such dangers, I am unwilling and non-participant observation at meetings,to accept the male domination of the conferences, Islamic society events, lectures,discourse on culture, religion, and violence seminars, focus groups, and interviews.which renders women's needs - and their Much key information was gathered throughsuffering - invisible. Women from minority conversations which enabled speakers toethnic groups are seeking alliances with discuss sensitive and sometimes painfulwomen from other groups; I find myself issues and experiences.unable, as either social scientist or woman, to Data from small-scale empirical researchignore their pleas for help. As a social conducted by students of Pakistani origin hasscientist, I agree with Haleh Afshar that a also been used. Like my research, this wasclimate of fear and oppression has been conducted in such diverse settings ascreated in this area which extends to research informants' homes, schools, domestic violenceand scholarly pursuits (Afshar 1994, 144). units, psychiatric hospitals and day centres,This has far-reaching implications for the maternity hospitals, drug abuse centres, andadequacy of academic analysis, social policy, on street corners. One of the most strikingand practice. As a woman, I am motivated by aspects of the research is the high level oftwo memories. At a meeting of the orga- congruence between accounts produced by50

very disparate informants; so material which Hanmer's argument that it is not only actual may at first sight appear impressionistic is in violence, but/ear of violence which constrains fact grounded in the lived reality of Bradford and controls women's behaviour (1978). One people, particularly Pakistani women.4 young woman gave up her full-time degree course because she could not cope with the daily harassment by gangs of about a dozen Pakistani Muslim male youths. They prevented her reaching her car, violence in Bradford5 jumping on it, and calling her names such as 'slut' and 'slag'. Her parents were telephoned The public sphere and harangued as 'bad parents' and 'a From the 1960s to the present time, there has disgrace to the community'. been a significant shift from orderly public protest to overt violence as a response to the The private sphere situation of the Pakistani community. In the The existence of male violence against women7 1960s and 1970s, Pakistani and white people in the Pakistani community in Bradford is not united in peaceful protest against the growth surprising, since domestic violence transcends of right-wing politics in the area and the all social divisions (Hanmer 1978; Hanmer and 'bussing' of immigrant children to schools in Saunders 1993); however, it has been denied the suburbs. In the 1980s, the focus of protest by religious leaders and other male members changed to demands for recognition of of the community.8 Nor is it surprising that religious difference (for the provision of halal traditionally closed communities which feel meat in schools, for instance). In 1989, the under siege from racism and anti-Islamic 'Rushdie Affair'6 involved a ritual public sentiment from outside (Khanum 1992) should burning of Salman Rushdie's novel, The seek to preserve an image of themselves as Satanic Verses, followed by demonstrations harmonious. However, what is shocking to which degenerated into public disorder. In women in and outside the community is the 1995, gangs of young Pakistani men roamed collusion of religious leaders and employees of the streets during the local elections, harassing racial equality organisations in the situation. political rivals and residents. This was Survivors of domestic violence have reported followed by a campaign against the sex trade that the former tell them to go home and which started as an organised peaceful protest behave as dutiful wives, and the latter state but degenerated into gangs violently that interference in domestic issues is outside harassing working women (prostitutes). The their remit (KDVF1998). men succeeded in driving the prostitutes(both black and white, and mostly teenagers) out of Crossing the public-private divide the area, demonstrating their ability to Violence which crosses the public-private organise over a wide geographical area and divide is organised and structured through using Islam as a mobilising force. This Pakistani male networks (termed 'the mobile 'success' may have built on the gang activity phone mob' by Asian women). This is tar- during the elections to become a contributory geted at Pakistani people, centres around factor in encouraging young Muslim men izzat (family and community honour),9 and subsequently to engage in the public disorder involves assertions of misdemeanour or known as the Bradford Riots (see note 5). offence on religious grounds. The tactics Today, violence in the public sphere in deployed include threatening young women's Bradford is perpetrated by gangs of Pakistani parents in anonymous telephone calls; putting youths and directed at all sectors of the aggressive pressure on young women to stay population. However, a favourite target is at home; organising searches for women who young Asian women, many of whom now have fled home and issuing death threats to refuse to walk in certain areas. This supports gays and lesbians; and circulating leaflets Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 51

exhorting Muslim men to rape Sikh women and oppression, it tends towards one of twoand murder homosexuals10. One young extremes: the highly orthodox (reactionary)woman said that she cannot go out in or the radical (revolutionary).Bradford to socialise because: 'the harassmentgot too much for my parents and my dad Male violence, religion, and the policingeventually asked me to go outside Bradford of womenfor nights out because he couldn't take any All the above factors apply to Pakistanimore'. Others explain male pressure on Muslim men in Bradford, and may go somewomen to stay in the home as rational self- way towards explaining their simultaneouslyinterest. One explained, 'we'd see what they're defensive and aggressive behaviour. Oneup to - and what they're up to is adultery, aspect of religion which seems almost immunehaving fun and making money from drugs to social change is its disproportionate impactand prostitution. Obviously, they wouldn't on women relative to men. This is partly awant their wives to know what's going on, consequence of patriarchy, but also a result ofwould they?' (personal conversations). women's central role as transmitters of the faith to subsequent generations. In Pakistani communities in Britain, women are central toSociety, culture, and religion cultural, as well as religious, reproduction: they must be guarded as both custodians ofReligion can be used by individuals, groups, the faith and as carriers of responsibility forand societies in a variety of ways; it can serve the very survival of a community which seesto oppress or liberate, to comfort or kill. It is itself under threat. When survival is felt to bean extremely powerful resource which has at issue, violence often follows.been intimately involved in the constructionof our world (Allen and Macey 1995). In the It is not entirely surprising, then, thatUK today - partly as a result of the links young men in Bradford police 'their' womenbetween modernity and secularisation - so rigorously (Alibhai-Brown 1998). Inreligion tends to be regarded by the state and Pakistani communities throughout Britain,other institutions as a personal matter. Muslim men display great concern overHowever, this ignores the reality of multi- 'appropriate' female dress and behaviour,cultural societies containing minority ethnic because these are taken to signify not onlygroups to whom religion is a central element women's honour, but that of their familiesof identity (Yinger 1986; Rex 1991). It also and of the wider community (Afshar 1994;ignores the reality of Islam as a significant Kassam 1997). The importance attached toforce in the post-modern world (Kepel 1994; 'appropriate' women's clothing may alsoLewis and Schnapper 1994): it is a source of symbolise the deeper fear of corruption by thecommunity cohesion, not just of personal West and the threat to traditional values andstrength and hope, to believers (Afshar 1989; morals.11 Even university students are underModood 1989; Lutz 1991; Macey 1992). constant surveillance as their male peers form The form and focus of religion varies and 'intelligence networks' to report inappropriateis strongly influenced by its wider social dress, immodest behaviour or unapprovedcontext, so that culture and religion are almost relationships to the community (Ali 1992,119).inseparable (Afshar 1989; Allen and Macey The relative freedom of university comes at a1994). The speed and extent of change is an price. However, it is a small price comparedimportant influence on religion. Fundamen- with that paid by their less privileged peers,talism tends to gain popularity in situations including those who are forced to flee family,of rapid change or conflict, and among people friends, and community to escape domesticin a state of social transition (Macey 1991; violence, those suffering breakdown, andNeilsen 1984; Robinson 1988). Where religion depression and those who kill themselves.is involved in struggles against inequality They also include the women who simply52

vanish, and those on whose suspicious deaths Young women, particularly those educated the Coroner's office is unwilling to release in Britain, are able to use both religion and information (Alibhai-Brown 1998). culture to challenge patriarchal norms and Like religion, violence is also a powerful achieve their own goals. One young woman resource. Ann Campbell (1993) argues that recounted how she had demanded access to male violence bestows rewards including university as a right enshrined in Islamic social control, normative approval, and an teaching, supporting her statements with established masculine identity. In Bradford, Qu'ranic references: 'It took me two years, some young Pakistani men have constructed but in the end they [parents] gave in. I think it a form of Islamic identity which affords them was mainly to shut me up!' Another peer-group status, community approval, and postponed an unwanted marriage and gained control over women. As their female additional education by manipulating counterparts observe, this enables them 'to Pakistani culture: 'I just kept telling my have the best of all worlds': 'Western' in their parents how much more I'd be worth in the attitudes to clothes, alcohol, drugs, and marriage market with a Master's degree'. A prostitution; 'Muslim' in dealing with service third woman used British culture to defer an providers and Pakistani women. arranged marriage: 'I've just used what I learned on the [assertiveness training] course Women's attitudes to religion, peace, and to handle my Dad. We used to have transformation screaming rows every night; now I just say to Women involved in this research were highly him 'I hear what you're saying... however ... critical of men's (ab)use of Islam to justify ' and I stay really calm ... and he can't hack it, violence, seeing this as the antithesis of he just doesn't know what to do'. These religious and cultural teaching. They them- women are constructively combining argu- selves use religion in a very different way. ments derived from cultural and religious For example, women's involvement in the practice to achieve some degree of autonomy Bradford Riots was restricted to two peace- in a potentially highly restrictive situation. making initiatives. Some women organised a petition, signed by 172 women, which stated: 'As women we feel sad about what happened Conclusion at the weekend. We want everybody to listen Notwithstanding the above examples of gains to each other. We want peace'. Four Asian and by, and for, Muslim women, many pressures four white women, from the group Interfaith are put on them by both the Pakistani and Women for Peace, marched through the white communities. Instances of the former disturbances, carrying candles and a banner may stem from culture, religion, patriarchy, saying 'Peace' in Arabic, English, and Urdu or any combination of the three. They include (Allen and Barrett 1996). Such women, far coercion to marry kin from Mirpur; domestic from being passive victims of community violence; increasing vigilance in policing (and oppression, confirm Alibhai-Brown's obser- young men's demonstrated ability to track vation that: 'acts of defiance ... occur daily in down offenders via networks across the UK). the lives of Muslim women in Northern Examples of pressures rooted in white society England. Even in the tightest, most vigilant of stem largely from the complex interaction of communities, women make love, or their own sexism and racism, as well as a genuine desire form of war, practice "illicit" contraception in not to offend. Whatever the motivation, this a variety of relationships, make unlikely leads to essentialising minority ethnic com- friends, have abortions. At the same time the munities and perhaps prioritising 'anti-racist' men proclaim that such things cannot happen or 'ethnically sensitive' perspectives. The in Muslim communities, their own hypo- outcome is gender-blind policy and practice crisies ... conveniently forgotten!' (1992,120). which operate to disadvantage women. Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 53

For example, when women seek police Pakistani Women in West Yorkshire' inprotection against forced marriages, there is a New Community, Vol. 15, No. 2.stark choice between responding either to Afshar, H (1994) 'Muslim Women in Westmen's demands for the return of 'their' women Yorkshire: Growing up with Real andor to women's demands for refuge. The two Imaginary Values amidst Conflictingare not reconcilable. This seems self-evident in Views of Self and Society', Afshar, H andrelation to white people, but racism (some- Maynard, M (eds.) The Dynamics of 'Race'times in the guise of anti-racism or respect for and Gender: Some Feminist Interventions,cultural differences) leads to the treatment of Taylor and Francis: London.black and Asian communities as undifferen- Ali, Y (1992) 'Muslim Women and the Politicstiated entities unmarked by social divisions of Ethnicity and Culture in Northernsuch as class and gender. This approach may England' in Sahgal, G and Yuval-Davis, Nsatisfy political and pragmatic expediency, (eds.) Refusing Holy Orders: Women andbut it constitutes a denial of women's human Fundamentalism in Britain, Virago: London.rights. Pragna Patel blames the dominance of Allen, S and Barrett, J (1996) The Bradfordmulti-cultural ideology for the widespread Commission Report, The Bradford Congress,failure to cut through community obstacles to HMSO: London.address the needs of Asian women. Her Allen, S and Macey, M (1995) 'Some Issues ofmessage needs to be heard - and acted on - Race and Ethnicity in the 'New Europe':by development workers, service providers, Rethinking Sociological Paradigms' insocial scientists, and policy-makers: Brown, P and Crompton, R (eds.) The New ' . . . what multi-culturalism does (in return Europe: Economic Restructuring and Socialfor information and votes) is to concede some Exclusion, UCL. Press Ltd: London.measure of autonomy to community leaders Alibhai-Brown (1998) 'God's Own Vigilantes',to govern their communities. In reality this The Independent, 12 October 1998.means that community leaders have most Ballard, R (1994) 'The Emergence of Deshcontrol over the family, women and children. Pardesh' in Ballard, R (ed.) Desh Pardesh:Together with the state, community leaders The South Asian Presence in Britain, C. Hurstdefine the needs of the minority communities and Co.: London.then limit and separate progressive voices on Campbell, A (1993) Out of Control: Men,the grounds of these being inauthentic and Women and Aggression, London: Pandorawesternised. More radical elements of our Choudry, S (1996) Pakistani Women's Experiencecommunity are labelled as extremists. This is of Domestic Violence in Great Britain,the result of multi-cultural policies. They have Research Findings No. 43, Home Officehad an enormous and devastating impact on Research and Statistics Directorate: London.women's autonomy and rights ...' (1998,22). City of Bradford Metropolitan District Council (1993) Areas of stress within BradfordMarie Macey is a senior lecturer in Sociology in District, Research Section: Bradford.the Department of Applied Social Studies, City of Bradford Metropolitan District CouncilUniversity of Bradford, BD7 1DP. Fax: +44 (1996a) Bradford and District Economic Profile,,(1274) 235 690. E-mail: m.macey@bradford.ac.uk Economic Information Service: Bradford. City of Bradford Metropolitan District Council (1996b) Bradford and DistrictReferences Demographic Profile, Educational PolicyAfshar, H (1989b) 'Women and reproduction in and Information Unit: Bradford. Iran' in Anthias, F and Yuval-Davis, N (eds.) City of Bradford Metropolitan District Woman - Nation - State, Macmillan: London. Council (1998) Bradford and DistrictAfshar, H (1989a) 'Gender Roles and the Economic Profile, July Update, Economic "Moral Economy of Kin" among Information Service: Bradford.54

Hanmer, J (1978) 'Violence and the Social Settlement in Britain, Centre for the Study Control of Women' in Littlejohn, G et al. of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations: (eds.) Power and the State, Croom Helm: Birmingham. London. Patel, P (1998) Southall Black Sisters', Hanmer, J with Saunders, S (1993) Women, keynote address to the Conference on Violence and Crime Prevention: A Community Domestic Violence in Asian Communities, Study in West Yorkshire, Gower: London. KDVF/University of Bradford. Khan, A (1997) 'An Examination of Drug Rex, J (1991) Ethnic Identity and Ethnic Use Within the 'Pakistani' Community in Mobilisation in Britain, Monographs in Bradford' unpublished BA dissertation. Ethnic Relations No. 5, ESRC/Centre for Khanum, S (1992) 'Education and the Muslim Research in Ethnic Relations: Warwick. Girl', G. Sahgal and N. Yuval-Davis (eds.) Robinson, F (1988) Varieties of South Asian in Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Islam, Centre for Research in Ethnic Fundamentalism in Britain, Virago: London. Relations: Warwick. Keighley Domestic Violence Forum (1998) Rushdie S (1988) The Satanic Verses, Viking Conference on Domestic Violence in Books: London. Asian Communities, KDVF/ University of Sahgal, G and Yuval-Davis, N (eds.) (1992) Bradford. Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Fundam- Kepel, G (1994) The Revenge of God: The entalism in Britain, Virago: London. Resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism Shaw, A (1994) 'The Pakistani Community in the Modern World, Polity Press: London. in Oxford' in Ballard, R (ed.), Desh Lewis, P (1994) Islamic Britain, London: Pardesh: The South Asian Presence in I.B. Tauris. Britain, C Hurst and Co.: London. Lewis, B and Schnapper, D (eds.) (1994) Spadacini, B and Nichols, P (1998) Muslims in Europe, London: Pinter 'Campaigning against female genital Publishers. mutilation in Ethiopia using popular Lutz, H (1991) 'The Myth of the 'Other': education' in Gender and Development, Vol. Western Representation and Images of 6, No. 2, July 1998. Migrant Women of so-called Islamic Background' in International Review of Yinger JM (1986) 'Intersecting strands in the Sociology, 2. theorisation of race and ethnic relations' Macey, M (1991) 'Christian Fundamentalism: in Rex, J and Mason, D [eds], Theories of The Growth of a Monster?', paper Race and Ethnic Relations, Cambridge presented to the Women in Society University Press. Seminar Series, University of Bradford. Macey, M (1992) 'Greater Europe: Notes Integration or Ethnic Exclusion?' in The Political Quarterly, 63:5. 1 The term 'Pakistani' is inaccurate: most of Macey, M (1995) 'Towards Racial Justice? A the young men referred to in this article Re-evaluation of Anti-Racism' in Critical are British and, if not actually born in Social Policy, Vol.l5:2/3, Autumn 1995. England, have spent most of their lives Macey, M and Moxon, E (1996) 'An here. I retain the term because official Examination of Anti-Racist and Anti- documents, statistics, and the men them- Oppressive Theory and Practice in Social selves use it. Their origins, in the Mirpur Work Education' in British Journal of Social region of Kashmir, remain an important Work, 26. influence, as does Islam (Afshar 1989; Modood 1988). Culture and religion are Modood, T (1989) 'Religious Anger and not easily separable, and much of what is Minority Rights' in The Political Quarterly, transmitted as religious code is actually Vol. 60 (3). cultural tradition. Neilsen, JS (1984) Muslim Immigration and Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford 55

2 This example illustrates the fact that the Salman Rushdie's novel, The Satanic Verses, distinction between arranged and forced on the grounds that it was blasphemous. marriages is not always clear-cut. The Many Muslim men in Britain engaged in former are traditional among communities widespread protest, including threats of from the Indian sub-continent and are arson and death against retailers who widely accepted by young South Asian stocked the book, and public support was women (Afshar 1989). The latter go against proclaimed for the fatwa issued against Qu'ranic teaching and are said by Rushdie by the Ayatollah Khomeni. In Choudry (1966) to be rare and decreasing. contrast, Muslim women, along with other However, in Bradford young women are Asian and black women, mainly demon- put under intense pressure to accept strated in support of the right to free arranged marriages which sometimes take speech. For a discussion of the longer-term place without any prior meetings between effects of the 'Rushdie Affair' on Muslim the partners or after only one meeting in women, see Khanum 1992. the presence of family. The local Area 7 Women are also implicated in violence Community Officer (a police-funded post) against women, as both instigators and currently carries a caseload of 750 Asian perpetrators and, although this is publicly women fleeing their homes to escape denied, it is testified to by women violence or forced marriages (KDVF1998). survivors, workers in domestic violence3 For a more detailed discussion of these agencies, social workers, and health issues, see Allen and Macey 1995, on social visitors (KDV 1998). science research; Macey 1995, on anti-racist 8 It is not dear whether domestic violence is social policy; Macey and Moxon 1996, on increasing or whether it is simply that more anti-racist social work; and Spadacinni and women are willing or able to speak out Nichols 1998, on cultural relativism. about it than in the past. What is clear is the4 It is notable that students of Pakistani association between domestic violence and origin have considerably more difficulty suicide and the fact that Asian women's in obtaining information from Pakistani suicide rate in Britain is three times the people than I do. Some reasons for this national average (Patel 1998). are touched on in the article, but the fact 9 Although izzat is central to Islamic is revealing of levels of oppression in culture, the burden of upholding family Bradford. It also has implications for the and community honour rests solely on conventional wisdom on matching women (Khanum 1992) and is maintained ethnicity in research. by 'guarding' women (Afshar 1994).5 This section rests heavily on The Bradford 10 These are traceable to extremist Islamic Commission Report, an inquiry into the organisations operating in the UK but public disorders in Bradford in 1995 (Allen funded from overseas (see Rex 1991 for a and Barratt 1996), when 300 youths burned broader discussion of the resurgence of barricades, looted shops, wrecked cars, Islam and its power as a mobilising force). fire-bombed businesses and issued death 11 All migrant communities ossify and idolise threats at knife point. The Commission's ideas about their past (Afshar 1994; Shaw task was to understand why a minor 1994) but change occurs over time. The policing incident was followed by two Bradford Pakistani community has taken nights of public disorder, involving steps to resist change, including arranged violence by young Pakistani men against marriages with close kin from Mirpur other ethnic groups. To this end, public (around 700 such families are established meetings were held and evidence taken every year in Bradford) and importing from about 300 people. Imams who preach a particular version of6 This refers to demands to ban the sale of Islam (Lewis 1994).56

A double-edged sword: Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria Fatima L. Adatnu Islamic development NGOsfind it difficult enough to finance their work, because Western donors are often reluctant to sponsor NGOs with religious affiliations. Muslim women activists working to achieve development with gender equity face an even greater challenge: they must secure funding as well as justify their goals to those within their societies who see feminism as a threat.

ntil recently, there has been a muted be elected to the secular central government

U relationship between 'gender and

development' and religion, in spite of the importance of religion in the lives of many is being challenged in the name of Islam. Consequently, Hausa women of Muslim faith in Northern Nigeria are being left far women who are the beneficiaries of gender behind, compared with their sisters from the and development (GAD) programmes. As a South (ibid.). Muslim woman activist involved in work on Nigeria is a secular state, but the majority gender issues in Northern Nigeria, I consider of the population in Northern Nigeria are the issue of religion to be particularly relevant Muslims. The Hausa people are the dominant to the policy and practice of GAD in Muslim ethnic group in the region. It is estimated that societies. Because gender issues are both Hausa is the largest ethnic group in Africa, religious and political concerns in many with a population of 50-60 million (Furniss, Muslim societies (Hale 1997; Mernissi 1996), 1996). Islam reached Northern Nigeria via any attempt to reform gender relations that trans-Saharan trade routes, about the eleventh excludes religion is likely to fail. and twelfth century. By the nineteenth Currently, Muslim women in many century, Islam had become part of the cultural communities throughout the world are re- identity of the Hausa (Imam, 1991). The defining Islam as a legitimate tool for impact of Islam on the Hausa people society engaging with and tackling gender issues in was deep and widespread, and it is difficult to Muslim societies (Baden 1992). It is true that separate the two cultures: the Jihad move- interpretations of Islam have been used by ments of the early nineteenth century, which leaders in the past, and are still used today, aimed to 'purify' Islam and prevent it mixing as grounds for refusing women their rights with indigenous traditional beliefs, had a far- as individuals, including access to secular, reaching impact on Northern Nigeria. 'Western' education and the right to Few attempt to underplay the centrality of participate equally in politics (Callaway and Islam in determining the position of women Creevey 1994). In Nigeria, women's right to in Muslim societies, and its impact on the A double-edged sword: Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria 57

everyday lives of women. In such societies, on women and development in Muslim

ideas about gender relations are derived from societies from Western academic researchersinterpretations of Islam, and these ideas are and media commentators shows a lack ofenacted either through legislation or public understanding and bias (Callaway andopinion. Matters of central concern to women Creevey 1994; Toynbee 1997), GAD is viewedsuch as inheritance, marriage, child custody, with suspicion by some Muslim scholars asdivorce, and other marital relationships are offering a means to the West to wipe out thegoverned by Islamic rules in many Muslim values and beliefs of Muslim societies. Somesocieties. In Northern Nigeria, the Shari'ah Western writers do indeed suggest thatcourts, which practise Islamic personal law, Muslim women may be used to attack Islamremain the most relevant and widely used and undermine Islamic values. Mervynlegal system, despite the option of using the Hiskett, for example - a British scholar whocivil court. Legal matters which concern has spent years in Northern Nigeria and whowomen in their role as wives and mothers - has written on how to deal with the expansionfor example, disputes over inheritance, of Islam in the West - describes women as themarriage, divorce, and child custody - are 'Islam's Achilles' heel'; his solution is thetherefore commonly conducted or resolved assimilation of Muslim women into 'Western'within the Islamic legal system rather than culture (Faruqi 1994).the parallel Nigerian civil legal system. Bugaje, a Nigerian Islamic scholar, who is a In questioning such issues, Muslim liberal on gender issues, echoed thesefeminists have found themselves in the middle suspicions in his 1997 discussion of women'sof a conflict between Islam and the 'Wesf, empowerment: 'these two decades, duringfacing a double-edged sword. The importance which the UN championed the globalisationand relevance of women's participation in the of women's issues, happened to be the twoIslamic movement, and the emergence of decades during which the UN becameIslamic women's movements in the Muslim increasingly a tool in the hands of a fewworld, have been interpreted by some as 'an Western nations who were using it to achieveambiguous political struggle', where women their selfish political goals. ... This left manyare on the one hand 'fighting actively against Muslims unsure about the role of the UN intheir inequality, but on the other [are] respect of women's issues' (Bugaje 1997, 9).accepting or supporting their own sub- While I would wish to challenge such generalordination' (Duval 1997, 39). But despite suspicions on the part of Muslim scholars,conflicting interpretations of our struggle, the they are borne out to some extent by certainfact of the matter is that Muslim women UN documents dealing with women, whichactivists are confronting issues of concern to emphasise individual rights more thanthe generality of Muslim women; and we are responsibilities and community rights.doing so in our own way. This article is my Moreover, the incompatibility of the docu-personal reflection on this struggle. What are ments with some Islamic values - especiallythe consequences for women who attempt to regarding inheritance law, moral values andreform gender relations in Muslim societies? practice, and the role and nature of the familyWhat problems do we encounter, and how do - is apparent. For instance, Article 15.4 of thethey relate to the ideas, plans, and UN Convention on the Elimination of allprogrammes of GAD? Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) says: 'States Parties shall accord to men and to women the same rights withGAD, Islam, and the West regard to the law relating to the movement ofGAD can be seen as a battlefield in which the persons and the freedom to choose theirconflict between Islam and the West is played residence and domicile'. While this may seemout in Muslim societies. While much writing reasonable, problems arise in practice for58

Muslim women, since it is incompatible with in orientation, and contrary to Islamic

Islamic ideas of household relations, and the principle. Perhaps more importantly, it is division of responsibility between husband unrealistic. The lives of. women in many and wife. Once a marriage contract is fully Muslim societies, including those of Northern concluded and enacted, it is the husband's Nigeria, challenge the idea of considering responsibility to provide the material and gender issues separately from religion: Islam sexual needs of his wife. In return, the is not just a religion to which we claim movements and activities of the wife outside allegiance, or which we mark through the household need the consent of the performing rituals. It is a total way of life, and husband. In Hausa society, the principle of we aspire to conduct our lives according to its male responsibility for maintenance is teachings. In her study of the influence of reinforced by the fact that it is seen as socially Islam and Western education on women in appropriate for a wife to seek divorce if her Sokoto, northern Nigeria, Knipp (1987) husband fails to support her. Records from identifies three categories of women: non- courts in Sokoto from 1988 to 1998 shows that Western-educated women, young women, 53 per cent of the civil cases brought before and professional women. Some of their the court (not all of which are concerned with words are presented here. divorce) are maintenance-related. A non-Western-educated woman says: Other principles adopted in international 'Islam is a great influence on what I say and documents carry similar messages. In the do, what my relation is supposed to be with Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advance- my husband, my family1 and my children' ment of Women, agreed at the Third World (ibid., 407). Another woman explains: 'Most Conference on Women in Nairobi in 1991, the things that you do in life are guided by the 50th paragraph agrees that women should religion: whatever you do, you do for God's have equal rights with men in matters of sake. ... Islam is my religion ... it guides one inheritance. This is incompatible with the as to how he's going to lead his life' (ibid., Islamic law of inheritance, which gives 139-140). A young university student says women half of what men inherit due to the that '... every single thing, how to enter a laws regarding men's responsibility to toilet, how to stay with others, how to acquire maintain women. knowledge, everything is in the Qur'an ... Moreover, UN documents do not recognise personally, to me, Qur'an is everything' the abuse of women's economic rights (ibid., 277). One professional women states: inherent within the current Western devel- 'Islam is a way of life, not a part of life; opment model. They therefore fail as an whatever I do, I hope it conforms with the instrument for Muslim women to use in religion, so more or less all my behaviour, all fighting the mismanagement and exploi- my acts, I'm praying they conform with tation of resources in the developing world, the religion. It is more or less my own way of both by the elites within those societies, and life' (ibid., 406). It can be seen from these those in the West. words that any GAD initiative which is based on the idea of a separation between women's religious and gender identities The practical implications will risk alienating and excluding many of ignoring Islam for GAD Muslim women. work An example from my own experience of Even if such suspicions are unfounded, and an initiative which tried to operate in this GAD programmes are not in principle way is the Family Economic Advancement intended to undermine Islamic values, the Programme (FEAP), part of the Nigerian exclusion of religion from development government's poverty-alleviation programme. discourse and practice is in itself Western Since 1996, the government has designated A double-edged sword: Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria 59

millions of US dollars to assist women with 'Partnership', donors, and

credit to improve their income-generation religious NGOsactivities. In order to receive this credit,people are required to form cooperative My concern as a Muslim gender activist hassocieties. By this condition, those Muslim increased in the course of interaction withwomen in the north who practise purdah some funding organisations. Much has been(seclusion) are excluded. In 1998, when I was said about the idea of 'partnership' betweenconducting research in Sokoto state, northern donors and local NGOs. Although it is anNigeria, many Muslim women in this improvement upon the previous relationshipsituation asked me to assist them in forming between donors and NGOs, we still need tocooperative societies, in order to meet the make progress. The organisations and sectorscredit requirement. The volume of such of work which are successful in attainingrequests overwhelmed me; I contacted the funding are still chosen almost exclusively byrelevant authorities about this matter, and the donors, who define their areas of interest,they promised to look into the case. We while local NGOs struggle to fit in. Instarted to discuss the idea of getting around desperate need of money, some NGOs re-the problem of seclusion by forming a adjust their areas of interest to accommodatecooperative society within an extended or the donors' interest, even if this means theirpolygynous household (which is the work is less useful in responding to thedominant household form in this area). This pressing areas of need in the community.idea would depend on whether women In the 1980s, my experience was that manywished to work with each other in this way funding organisations chose not to work withwithin a household; it would also involve Islamic women's organisations because ofvisiting individual households in order to their religious orientation. Although this hasmake them aware of the opportunity to gain changed somewhat, this reluctance stillaccess to credit, in addition to discussing the resurfaces regularly when interacting withusual difficulties and problems that may some of them. For example, in March 1998 Iarise. I left the country to study abroad attended a workshop on capacity-buildingshortly afterwards, and do not yet know the and possible partnerships for northernoutcome of the discussion and the authority's Nigerian NGOs, as part of a project run byfinal decision. If my research had not the British government's Department forcoincided with the implementation of International Development (DFID).2 WhenFEAP, these women might have been the NGOs were divided into groups,overlooked, as was the case with other according to the workshop methodology, awomen's development programmes. disagreement erupted over a request from Many GAD programmes are substantially some participants that there should be afunded by international funding organisa- group of religious NGOs (some of us weretions, the majority of which are from Western representing Islamic and Christian organisa-societies. For Muslim women activists, who tions). Those opposed to our being groupedneed money to fund our programmes, this together argued that we had been invitedpresents a challenge: we must strike a balance not because of our religious affiliations, butbetween meeting the requirements of the in our capacity as NGOs involved withfunding organisations and carrying out our women's development initiatives. We wantedwork, as well as balancing this with the to know what was wrong with being aopposition we encounter from some quarters religious NGO, and who should define theof our societies. This is an enormous and identity of NGOs - themselves, or funders?difficult task; at the centre of it is our concern Do NGOs with a firm rooting in a religionfor the condition of the women with whom have to appear to change their identity inwe are working. order to satisfy the donors?60

Even after an area of work is mutually for a fairer society. However, many question identified by a donor and a local NGO which GAD programmes on principle, viewing is based on religion, and after funding is them as illegitimate because they are agreed, other problems concerned with the 'Western'. In line with this, Muslim women issue of religion may arise in the activists, including myself, may be branded implementation. For instance, in 1994, the Western agents, funded by foreign powers to director of a US-based funding organisation undermine Islam. As a result of this attitude, visited the state where I worked, in search of and funders' mistrust of organisations which NGOs with whom to work. During his visit, have a religious affiliation, the concerns of he made a presentation to representatives of Muslim women remain unacknowledged different NGOs on the areas of work for and unaddressed. As it is said, 'when two which funding would be provided. Our NGO elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'. looked at the areas and - although we were A weakness of many so-called 'gender not comfortable with some components in and development' programmes is that by many of them - in consideration of our local targeting women and women's issues only, needs, we decided to collaborate with the and by excluding men and other issues of donor in the area of health-care. One of the wider social interest from the gender/ uncomfortable aspects of this area was the development discourse and practice, an funder's expectation that we would integrate impression is created that women are the a family-planning component. Our NGO's only sex vulnerable to Western influence. In stand on the issue has been that family- my experience, this may increase Muslim planning is a private affair, with no imposi- communities' suspicion about what 'gender tion from any organisation or authority. We issues' mean, and harden their stand against duly expressed our concern to the funders, interventions which promote women's and a consensus was reached in principle. interests and needs. Focusing on women's However, in practice it was a challenge to rights is seen as a means of diverting work with the donor because the project, attention from the pressing economic and consisting of all the components that the political problems facing many members of donor expected to see, and its funding, Muslim societies, especially in the South and operated as one system; as one part was East. Not only are international economic affected, so also were the others. and political bodies involved in this, but local While we were having difficulties in elites are also implicated. In the name of dealing with the funding organisation, we preserving 'tradition', they use the issue of had to face another problem of opposition women the debate about women's rights to and resentment from the community in legitimise their position, and to divert the which we were working. In particular, the attention of ordinary people from the soaring presence of a vehicle that belonged to an unemployment and political oppression that American funding organisation on our characterise their lives. organisation's premises was misinterpreted Finally, the difficult and fragile relation- by visitors as an indication that we might be ship between Islamic women's organisations bought or used by the USA against Islam. and international donor organisations, which are predominately from Western societies Lessons and conclusion with a Christian heritage, perpetuates the marginalisation of Muslim women activists In my experience, few women or men in in the transformation of their society and Muslim communities disagree with the religion. Since, as I have discussed, Islam is a content of GAD programmes which address religion which embraces all aspects of women's practical needs and interests, or Muslim women's lives, and shapes their even the reform of gender relations, aiming experiences, any GAD initiative that A double-edged sword: Challenging women's oppression within Muslim society in Northern Nigeria 61

attempts to exclude religious concerns from Hale, S (1997) Gender Politics in Sudan:its planning or implementation is likely to Islamism Socialism and the State, Westviewexclude Muslim women, and to record a low Press: Boulder.level of success in addressing their practical Knipp, M (1987) Women, Western Educationneeds and long-term interests. and Change: A Case Study of the Hausa- Fulani of Northern Nigeria, DPhil Fatima L Adamu is a lecturer in Sociology at Dissertation, North Western University. Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University, Sokoto, Mernissi, Fatimah (1996) Women's Rebellion Nigeria, currently studying for her PhD at the and Islamic Memory, Zed Books: London. University of Bradford. She is Secretary of the Thiam, A (1991) Speak Out, Black Sisters: women's health research network in Nigeria, Feminism and Oppression in Black Africa, Sokoto state, and has served on many translated by Dorothy S Blair, Pluto Press:government committees on family, women, and London. education. You can contact her at the DPPC, Toynbee, P (1997) 'In defence of Islamophobia', University of Bradford, BD7 1DP, e-mail: The Independent, 23 October 1998, p. 23.fladamu@bradford.ac.uk; or at the Dept. of Sociology, Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University, Sokoto, Nigeria, tel. ++234 (60) 234315, e-mail:Notesfladamu@udusok.edu. ng 1 When a Hausa woman says 'family', she is referring to her parents' family, not her marital family, hence the reference to References 'husband and my children' as different to Baden, S (1992) The Position of Women In 'my family'. Islamic Countries - Possibilities, Constraints 2 The theme of the workshop was 'Capacity and Strategies for Change , Briefing on Building for Decentralised Development'. Development and Gender, Report No. 4, It took place in Kano, 10-12 February 1998. prepared for special programme, WID, Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGIS), 1994. Bugaje, U (1997) 'Women's empowerment and Islam', paper presented at a symposium on Islam and contemporary issues, organised by the Movement for Islamic Culture and Awareness, Nigeria. Callaway, B and Creevey, L (1994) The Heritage of Islam, Women, Religion and Politics in West Africa, Lynne Rienner Publishers: London. Duval, S (1997) 'New veils and new voices: Islamist women's groups in Egypt' in Ask, K and Tjomsland, M (eds.) Women and Islamisation - Carving a New Space in Muslim Societies, Chr. Michelsen Institute report series No. 3. Faruqi, MH (1994) 'Turning xenophobia into social policy - a review of Some to Mecca Turn to Pray: Islamic Values in the Modern World by M. Hiskett (The Claridges Press)' in Impact International, Vol 24, No 3.62

Gender and development

from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision Linda Tripp Following the example of Christ, who fed the hungry and clothed the poor, the staff and managers of World Vision attempt to incorporate religious faith into their development work as well as their organisational practice. Linda Tripp argues that a spiritual message, combined with practical support, can be more effective in improving the lives of poor people than purely technical help.

n North America, and (I presume) much of

I orphaned or abandoned. Deeply moved, he Europe, while many still describe them- wrote in his Bible, 'Let my heart be broken selves as Christian, the outward expression with the things that break the heart of God'. of faith and the role of spirituality in daily life His motivation led to the setting up of the have become almost non-existent for most World Vision Child Sponsorship Programme. people. The role of spirituality and religion is Expanding from that early work with Korean deliberately and vigorously kept separate orphanages, World Vision now works at from the 'real' work of development. However, community level in 100 countries, in where faith is an integral part of daily living partnership with local organisations. for women and men in communities, and for Both the organisation's core values and its many development workers, such a separation mission statement confirm that World Vision is is not so easily established or maintained. a Christian organisation (Core Values, 22 Giving biblical evidence of Jesus' positive September 1989); our work includes 'transfor- attitude to women's status and needs is a key mational development1, emergency relief, strategy in promoting our policy on gender and promotion of justice2, public awareness, with our own staff, partner organisations and and sharing the good news of Jesus Christ' with communities in the countries where we (Mission Statement, 17 September 1992). The work. I also discuss how World Vision itself policies of World Vision reflect a desire to be has developed its organisational position on Christ-like in the world. In Christ, we have a these issues. role model who healed the sick, fed the hungry, clothed the naked, and comforted the outcast, and whose message was about The organisation restoring relationships and reconciliation. World Vision was founded in the US in 1950 To protect and preserve this Christian ethos during the Korean War. World Vision's and ensure that our work remains grounded founder, Bob Pierce, witnessed the terrible in our faith, prayer, and Bible study and plight of thousands of children who were teaching are elements of various meetings Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 63

and discussions. World Vision staff around In one particular discussion, I stated thatthe world participate in daily devotions and World Vision would not be the evangelists ofweekly chapel services. CIDA's doctrine. When my startled govern- World Vision is not affiliated with any one ment colleague demanded clarification of mydenomination or church; it is trans- comment, I explained that CIDA wants NGOsdenominational, with staff representing all to focus only on the physical aspects ofProtestant denominations as well as the development - food, water, health-care,Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches. agriculture, and so on. Yet the vast majority ofStaff around the world, including leadership, people with whom we work in developmentare predominantly nationals,3 who demon- regard the spiritual realm as equally relevantstrate that, whether you are from Africa, Asia, to daily life, whether they are Christian,Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, or Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, or Animist. To haveNorth America, you need not give up your a relationship with these people, to respectculture to be a Christian. their culture, their wisdom, and their expe- rience, demanded that we also acknowledge However, while Christianity defines our the spiritual dimensions of their lives. Toorganisation's ethos and values, we believe promote a secular approach to life would bethat Christians cannot exclude the possibility an insult to them, and inconsistent with ourof working with groups of other religious or commitment to holistic development.spiritual beliefs. Our work brings us intocontact with every major religion throughout In his paper Rethinking a Christian Responsethe world, and with hundreds of different to the Poor, Jayakumar Christian, a seniorcultures. World Vision forges partnerships, as member of World Vision India, argues thatappropriate, with women's groups, commu- 'the very nature of poverty demands a spiritualnity leadership, local government, other response' (Christian 1995). He sees poverty asreligious groups, NGOs, international bodies, the result of broken relationships, a distortedand the local church. In addition, in countriesinterpretation of history, an inadequate world-where the Christian population is very small view of people, exploitation, of poor people'sand local staff are likely to be non-Christian,marred identity, and their entrapment in ait is important that they feel comfortable withweb of lies. He says, 'Breaking the povertythe values and practices of the organisation. cycle - whether economically, socially or spiritually - is a threat to those who benefit by keeping the poor underfoot. Being anWords and deeds: active Christian organisation requires thatlinking Christianity and World Vision embraces a wide definition of justice and injustice. This can take the form ofdevelopment spiritual injustice as well as physical' (ibid.).In 1993, the Canadian International Devel- We argued that, where a strong spiritualopment Agency (CIDA), the government belief sustains a practice which is harmful,agency which distributes and monitors only a spiritual response is appropriate. ForCanada's overseas development assistance, example, in a relatively isolated area of Haitiinitiated a dialogue with Canadian Christian in the 1970s, World Vision found out why aNGOs with a view to establishing clearer high number of babies were dying of tetanusguidelines for working together. The shortly after birth. Midwives were applyingChristian NGOs welcomed this opportunity, mud to the cut umbilical cord to prevent eviland for the next two years participated in spirits from entering the new-born. Talk oflively debates, presented thoughtful papers germs and infection fell on deaf ears: theand invited field partners to explore together practice had a spiritual basis, and needed awith CIDA the role of spirituality in the spiritual response. World Vision staff shareddevelopment process. their experience of a loving God who was more64

powerful than the evil spirits. They explained human rights, or sustains misconceptions or that the mud was unnecessary, since with ignorance, is not tolerable. At least half of proper care and love the baby would be those living in poverty are women and girls. strong; but the decision was left to the Their poverty is perpetuated by the denial of women. For many of them, the message of a access to resources and services, including God of love, not fear, was a liberating one, education and health-care, and justified by and they decided to stop the practice. culture and tradition. A concern for gender In a bold move, CIDA strongly endorsed issues and women's poverty is therefore a the role of Christian NGOs, and the role of concern about the roles and relationships spirituality in the development process. which regulate women and men in their daily These are two of the 22 points contained in lives and about how these relationships the final CIDA document, Christian NGOs and support or subjugate, empower or deny the CIDA: Guiding Principles, Understandings and individual to engage fully in life - physically, Affirmations (October 1995): socially, and spiritually. In Tanzania during the early and mid-1990s, • 'CIDA recognises that faith-based organ- World Vision implemented a Child Survival isations and institutions are an integral Programme. During the final evaluation, and legitimate part of a healthy and carried out by Tanzanian staff, various resilient civil society, and have an important role play in the development members of the village were asked what process. impact the programme had on them. An old woman, gave a startling response. She said • 'Christian NGOs believe that spirituality, that as a result of the programme, old women belief systems, values and religion play an were no longer being killed. In that region, important role in the development process. when a child died, the parents paid a witch CIDA also recognises that there is a doctor for advice, who would blame the spiritual dimension to the development death on an old woman in the village, and process, and accepts that Christian NGOs state that unless she was killed other children and their southern partners often integrate in the family would be afflicted and die. this dimension into their relief and development programming' (CIDA 1995). Because the Child Survival Programme had greatly enhanced children's health and The 22 statements in the document address survival, very few old women were religion and development, evangelism and subsequently blamed and killed. development, culturally sustainable devel- Staff in Tanzania felt they had to make a opment, partnership, women and visible choice. Should they simply be thankful that minorities, and development education. the children were healthier, and that as a While other governments, including the result, old women were no longer persecuted United Kingdom and Australia, followed this and killed? Or should they address a belief- dialogue with interest, to my knowledge none system that killed innocent and vulnerable has initiated a similar process. old women? They decided that the belief required a spiritual response. World Vision workers then began a dialogue with the Integrating gender issues leaders and people of that region, addressing into our work the question of the value of a belief that The ways in which World Vision's Christian required that old women be sacrificed to faith plays a part in the development process, appease a spirit or break a curse. It is out of and more specifically in gender and develop- shared experiences and respect for one ment, are as varied as our programmes. Most another that we can explore the root causes of development practitioners would agree that a many of the attitudes and traditions that keep situation where culture or attitude denies basic women in a kind of bondage. Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 65

Integrating gender issues in Development at the international level was

World Vision and beyond an encouraging milestone: the incumbent is a woman, and she is from India. World VisionDuring the 1980s, many initiatives in all areas still has a long way to go in terms of creatingof World Vision's work aimed to address a fully integrated organisation with respect towomen's particular needs and issues, both at women in leadership and programmes.the programme level as well as within the However, the policies are in place, and we areorganisation's structure. But it was not until working on getting it right.1989, thanks to the vision - and tenacity - of afew people, that gender issues became apriority for World Vision's Council and Using biblical evidence toInternational Board. A Women's Commission promote gender equalitywas appointed. This was a body of ten staff, Going through the process of developing awomen and men drawn from field offices, policy on gender issues did not guaranteesenior management, and programme support. that this would be enacted across theI had the privilege of being a member. Our organisation. Achieving an understanding ofmandate was threefold: first, to develop a gender issues, and acting accordingly, ispolicy that addressed the lack of women in about more than legislating certain criteria orleadership both in programming and organ- quotas. It is about a change in attitude. Givenisational structure; second, to develop a the diversity in cultures and Christianstrategy to implement the policy; and third, expression within the organisation, it wouldto write a theological reflection paper that have been naive to assume that everyonewould provide a biblical foundation for the everywhere shared the same understanding.policy. We wrote a devotional guide on But given our common acceptance of Jesus'women in the Bible for use in daily prayer life and teachings as central to ourgroups, and produced a video and discussion organisational ethos, we could appeal to hisguide that was sent to every office and Board treatment of and engagement with women aswith a draft policy for discussion. We invited a basis for mutual discussion and learning.feedback, and received volumes of responses.Clearly, we had touched a nerve. Jesus is widely recognised, among Christians and others, as a wise and profound Within two years, the Women's teacher. But he is rarely referred to as aCommission had fulfilled its mandate. We feminist. However, he did repeatedly defy hisdeveloped a gender policy, and designed a own culture to support, heal, teach, and act asstrategy for implementation that acknowl- an advocate for women - often at his peril.edged the diversity of cultural and legal He exposed the hypocrisy of those whosystems within which World Vision offices would keep women subjugated,operate. Our theological reflection paper was marginalised, and silent. His treatment ofpublished as a study guide, Women as Leaders, women challenged the status quo and putbased on the work of Katherine Haubert, a him at odds with Jewish traditions and laws.theological student at the time. Both thepolicy and the study guide were distributed Jesus challenging existing gender relationsthroughout the World Vision Partnership.4 In the Book of Mark, the Bible gives us an Implementation of our gender policy account of Jesus as a healer, curing a womancontinues to be a slow process, involving who had suffered from uncontrollableawareness-building, attitudinal change, and bleeding for 12 years (Mark 5, 25-34). It isresource-allocation, to ensure that the barriers likely that this woman lived in the shadows,and prejudices that prevent women from full bowed down, ashamed, avoiding the sneersparticipation are dismantled. The appoint- of pity or disgust. It must have taken greatment last year of a Director of Gender and courage for her to work her way through the66

crowd, to touch the hem of Jesus' robe in the (chapter 10, 38-42). In this account of Jesus as hope and faith that this action would heal teacher, Mary and Martha are sisters who her. This story demonstrates how Jesus often opened their home to Jesus. Martha is defied Jewish laws on gender relations to anxious that Mary is spending time with Jesus, meet a woman's needs - Jewish men were listening to his teaching, rather than helping forbidden to speak with strange women in her to prepare the meal. Jesus' response to her public, and any Jewish man touched by a goes against the grain of gender norms in his woman who was menstruating was required society. Women were normally denied the to cleanse himself because women in this lively debates that occupied men and state were considered unclean. religious leaders. In this story, Jesus says that In Mark's account, Jesus calls the woman what Mary has chosen to do, is not only to him, sensing that his robe had been necessary and positive, but that 'it will not be touched. Frightened and trembling, she denied her'. In other words, she had a right to approaches. Falling before him, she admits it sit at the feet of the teacher. By declaring that was she who touched him - but says that she Mary should be allowed to learn, to explore, has been healed. Jesus addresses her with and to expand her mind, Jesus was again tenderness, calling her his daughter, and tells setting a different course for women. her to 'go in peace, and be healed of your This account gives a powerful signal to affliction'. Mark states that Jesus was on an Christians in modern society to promote important mission at the time of this education and participation in public life for encounter, going to the home of the ruler of women. The vast majority of children who the synagogue to heal his sick daughter. But are denied an education are girls, and the he took the time to speak, to offer affirmation majority of illiterate adults are women (Leach and encouragement to a woman who was 1998). Yet not only is education a human right without status or means. Culture and of girls, it is a crucial means of breaking the tradition do not take precedence in this story poverty cycle. It has been stated many times over giving a poor, outcast woman both the that investing in girls' education is the most physical healing she needed, and the spiritual important investment the world can make. affirmation that her faith was important and During 1998 World Vision had at least 75 that she should know peace in her life. projects in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the In line with this story, for over 25 years, Middle East, and Eastern Europe which World Vision has supported the Fistula focused primarily on the girl child, or where Hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the girl child was one specific programme young women are healed of injuries and component. These projects aim to enable incontinence which are caused by protracted thousands of girls to enrol and stay in school, labour, and associated with early marriage avoiding early marriage and exploitative and immature body development. The work, while developing skills that will allow hospital is led by staff who believe that the them a greater degree of independence than surgery, as well as the emotional and mental their mothers. support which they offer to fistula patients, is a practical act of love. They see themselves as Jesus addressing women's sexual being the hands and feet of Jesus, and doing exploitation what he would do. The Book of John (chapter 8, 2-11) offers an account of Jesus' advocacy on behalf of Jesus promoting women's involvement in women involved in sexual activity which the 'public sphere' would normally be condemned by society. A An example of Jesus' attitudes to women's woman caught in the act of adultery (sex education, and their involvement in activities outside marriage) is brought to Jesus; beyond the home, is given in the book of Luke tradition dictates that she should be stoned to Gender and development from a Christian perspective: Experience from World Vision 67

death. Jewish religious leaders wanted to use important thing Alice taught me is that Godthis occasion to trap Jesus into a direct loves me. And now I know that when hechallenge to this tradition. However, John looks at me he sees a beautiful flower.'tells us that Jesus turned the tables on the This ability to overcome external obstaclesreligious leaders. He refused to exonerate the and to discover one's inner strength, beauty,woman, but at the same time demanded, 'he and dignity is what transformationalwho is without sin should cast the first stone'. development is all about.In doing so, he saved the woman's life. Thenhe went on to say that since the men nolonger condemned her, shamed by the Questioning misogynyrecognition of their own guilt, neither did justified by biblicalJesus. He ends the encounter by telling the evidencewoman to 'go and sin no more'. One would be ill-advised to discuss the role When girls or women are forced into of women in a Christian context and notearning money by selling sexual services to mention the apostle Paul. Many of thesurvive, or are deceived and trafficked into arguments against women in leadership stemsuch work, many lose their sense of dignity from particular interpretations of Paul'sand self-worth. In working with street teaching. Much emphasis has been given inchildren and girls rescued from the sex trade, the past to Paul's statements about womenWorld Vision becomes their advocate against submitting to husbands, keeping silent, andpimps and racketeers. Often, their emotional not teaching. However, for many womenand psychological healing is enhanced by the who are gifted and called to a ministry ofknowledge of a loving and personal God. An teaching, preaching, and leadership, theexample of this that will always stand out in growing body of literature interpreting Paulmy mind was an encounter I had with a as a supporter of women is vindicating.woman from Labadi, a slum in Accra, Ghana, Many scholars now argue that Paul acknowl-where World Vision funded a women's edged the role women played both ingroup to generate income through activities leadership and as friends and followers ofincluding baking bread, tie-dyeing textiles, Jesus, pointing to statements such as, 'there isand making charcoal. At one meeting I no longer Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, maleattended, this woman told her story: nor female - but we are all one in Christ' 'When Alice Yerenki came from World (Galatians 3, 26-29). The debate will continueVision offering to teach various skills that in many fora - but in World Vision it is statedwould allow us to abandon prostitution and in key documents, including the Policy onearn money to feed and educate our children, Gender and Development, that we accept theI just laughed. This would be one more giftedness of women equal to that of men andempty promise. All I had known was neglect, seek to benefit from all that women and menviolence and abuse. Only my children kept have to offer the work of bringing help andme from suicide. Who would care for them? hope to suffering people.It took some time to convince me, but I finallydecided to risk it, to believe that Alice reallycared. It was like a small seed was planted Conclusionsinside, and I felt both hope and fear. But Alice Having gone through the process ofkept her word. She taught me how to bake developing our gender policy, I would offerbread. Now I am earning money and I no two observations. From the outset, thelonger prostitute myself to men who treat me governing bodies of the organisation agreedlike trash. My children are in school, and they that the starting point for the policy was thatare happy and healthy.' Then, as tears flowed God created women and men in his image -down her scarred face, she said, 'But the most gifting both with skills to lead, teach, and68

preach. Having this fundamental position to perceptions of themselves, including of

work from spared the Women's Commission their value and worth as human beings. and the organisation long and painful Development changes both external cicum- debates about the role of women and their stances and internal mind-sets, freeing right to lead. We could get on with the task of people to realise their true potential. actually developing policy and strategy. 2 Advocacy has become a significant focus The tension between policy and attitude is of World Vision's work campaigning on common to most efforts to achieve gender issues such as the land mines, child sexual equality - Christian and non-Christian. But exploitation, the needs and rights of for management and staff working to children of war, child soldiers, and girl promote gender issues within World Vision, children, and debt-forgiveness or debt- being able to use Jesus' teaching and example reduction of highly-indebted countries. has given credibility and strength to the 3 World Vision's total staff globally number organisation's commitment to gender just over 9000. Of these, only 402 are equality. World Vision will continue to expatriates in their countries of work. implement good development practices and 4 Copies are available from World gender-sensitive programmes. The combi- Vision/MARC Publications, 800 West nation of being Christian and struggling with Chestnut Avenue, Monrovia, California the issue of gender equity allows World 91016-3198. Phone: 626-301-7720; Vision to play a unique role in development, fax: 626-301-7786. Web site: http:// addressing the spiritual dimensions as well as www.marcpublications.com the social and political. Christian beliefs are not a detriment to pursuing gender equity. In fact, they can be an asset.

References Christian, J (1995) 'Rethinking a Christian response to the poor', paper written as part of a PhD thesis, Fuller Theological Seminary, California. Leach, F (1998) 'Gender, education, and training: an international perspective' in Gender and Development Vol. 6, No. 2, Education and Training,, Oxfam GB: Oxford.

Notes 1 Here defined as development which addresses not just the physical circum- stances of people's lives, but people's own 69

Islam and development:

Opportunities and constraints forSomali womenSadia AhmedEconomic and social crisis can force communities to seek refuge in religious faith; in suchsituations, communities become more susceptible to the influence of groups which use religiousbeliefs as a means to gain power. Sadia Ahmed describes the effects on women's lives of the rise ofIslamic extremism in Somalia since the early 1990s.

n 1991, after 21 years of Siyad Barre's dicta- transactions, and women's role in the economy

I torial regime, sodal and political upheavals

brought Somalia to its knees: civil strifeshredded the country into factions and the seemed less significant than was actually the case. However, when it became difficult for men to travel for fear of government troops,government finally collapsed, with disastrous the task of marketing livestock and buyingconsequences (for an account of the conflict, foodstuffs and other goods for the family wassee Bradbury 1994). The conflict had a increasingly - and continues to be - left toprofound effect on the lives of the Somali women (Warsame 1998). In urban areas, too,people by destroying traditional economic women's role in the economy became moresystems, thus challenging women and men to visible. Today, although their incomes arechange their respective economic roles. generally low and the majority of female Over the past two decades, extreme entrepreneurs have little or no education,Islamic movements have gained momentum women are increasingly forced to become thein Somalia (as elsewhere). I will examine some main breadwinner. The collapse of govern-of the consequences for women of the rise of ment has led to widespread unemploymentsuch groups, based on research carried out in among civil servants, and has forced more1996 by a coalition of grassroots women's women into the market-place, pressurised toorganisations in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu. meet their families' needs. The government was the main employer in Somalia; the volun- tary and private sectors are relatively small.Challenges to genderrelations The rise of religiousSomalia's economy is mainly dependent onpastoralism. In the rural areas, livestock trade extremismcontinues to be the backbone of the economy. The rise of religious extremist groups inBefore the war, women from pastoralist groups Somalia began in the early 1970s, when thewere not usually directly involved in market communist regime introduced the ideology of70

scientific socialism. A rebel movement pro- Throughout the conflict and afterwards, moting Islamic values arose; this was generally Somali women's organisations in different welcomed by people, who saw it as shoring parts of the country have been active in both up 'Somali' religious values and culture, and development work and advocacy for peace. who felt a deep antipathy towards com- Currently, women's groups are challenging munism. Government crack-downs on this both the government and NGOs to recognise movement created further sympathy among and promote the role of women in society, the public, but over the years, support for and to resist threats to their rights. Challenges Islamic groups has waned. Judging from my have been made by religious extremists to own conversations with Somalis, these groups women's rights within marriage and the are commonly perceived to be foreign-funded family, to their economic and political participation outside the home, and to their and programmed. People also think that their freedom of dress and behaviour. agendas are incompatible with the interests of the Somali state. Extremists' mistakes, such as In 1996, a coalition of women's grassroots openly showing disrespect towards well- organisations in Mogadishu conducted a respected religious institutions, have led to study on Somali women's rights from the further disillusionment on the part of the perspective of Islam. The study was motivated public. It has not proved easy to impose an by a concern about the increasing number of extremist agenda on people who have been fundamentalist movements mushrooming practising Muslims for centuries. throughout the country, and the implications of this for women and development; about a However, extreme Islamists do retain much perceived low awareness among Somali support among certain social groups. Over women on women's rights in Islam; and the past decade in particular, they have found about the tendency of groups of educated a large number of young male and female men to retain information or blatantly supporters who have grown up with little mislead women about their rights and duties. experience of life beyond conflict, with high The study was conducted using question- unemployment rates and a lack of alterna- naires of mainly closed-ended questions, tives due to the destruction of schools. It is a designed to explore the level of respondents' well-known fact among Somalis that some awareness regarding women's rights. 120 extremist religious groups create business people (80 women and 40 men from local and employment opportunities for loyal communities) were interviewed. The findings followers (personal communication, 1998). confirmed that many women are confused about their rights, obligations, and duties as The impact of articulated in Islam. It also highlighted the fact that wholesome and unwholesome Islamic extremism on traditional practices tend to be associated with Somali women Islam, and with women's rights as defined in Hasan (1991) lists the central Islamic principles Islam. It reconfirmed that violations against which have been compromised by extremist Somali women's rights are culturally rooted, groups in their quest for popularity and power, and that such practices continue unchecked and suggests that the issue of women's roles (Shecket.al.1996). and women's rights is the only one on which such groups will not compromise: 'for them, Marriage and the family women's liberation movements (or associa- The widespread practice of relatively late tions) are the central enemy, because the entire marriage in Somalia is under threat. The patriarchal society, whose existence fundamen- national planning statistics of 1988 recorded talism has gone to the defence of, is built upon the average age of marriage as 21 for girls, and the oppression of women' (Hasan 1991, p35). 25 for boys; as more young people sought Islam and development: Opportunities and constraints for Somali women 71

university education, the age of marriage was increasingly evident that unless parties freefurther postponed. However, this trend has from clan politics are established, and thebeen reversed by the collapse of the educatio- present strategy of fostering clan represen-nal system. As fundamentalism strengthens tation, common all over Somalia, is revisited,its hold on the community, boys and girls are women's participation in politics will continueencouraged to marry ever earlier. to be severely hampered. In Somaliland, as in The Islamic principle of male responsibility Somalia, groups in power are using religionfor the family's maintenance, as outlined in as the basis for excluding women fromthe Q'uran (Afshar 1998), is being seriously politics. A colleague who chairs the Umbrellaundermined by young men being encouraged Women's Organisation in Hargeisa, Somali-to marry one or more wives without econo- land, recounted to me that every time theymic means. The research confirmed that many organised a workshop, the Minister of Justiceyoung girls are ultimately either deserted or and Religious Affairs came to interrogatedivorced. Since young couples sometimes participants about their activities, until hemarry without the parents' consent, deserted was officially asked by Parliament to stopor divorced wives cannot always count on the this. He stated that his actions were based onsupport they could have otherwise relied on his belief that women can be easily influencedwithin the extended family system. by foreigners, and hence felt they needed The research also suggests that ignorance protection (personal communication, 1998).of what the Q'uran says regarding polygamyis creating a problem for women. In 1998, I Veiling and control of behaviourpersonally heard of a young girl under 20 In Somalia, a society at war with itself, andwith three children and little means, who was where sexual violation has also become a toolinformed that her husband had married of war, the tendency towards more extremeanother woman; she calmly listened and religious practice has been reinforced by thedefended him, saying 'it is his righf (personal perceived need for protection and protectivecommunication, Sept 1998). In fact, the clothing. The number of veiled women inQ'uran sets out men's responsibility in single Somalia has visibly increased since 1991.or polygamous marriages: polygamy is only Somali women's traditional dress is modest,permissible under strict social circumstances; but allows them freedom of movement and isit is therefore a conditional permission and thus more practical than the veil. As a Somalinot an article of faith or mortal necessity woman, I have seen that the recent increase in(Sheck et. al. 1996). veiling has been accompanied, for the first Another development issue affecting time in Somali history, with extreme forms ofwomen in their role within the family is censorship of women's behaviour, as extremefertility and family-planning. Spacing versions of Islamic interpretation have foundchildren is not a subject entertained by funda- fertile ground. Women who refuse tomentalists, despite the fact that the Q'uran conform are harassed by both sexes, and peerencourages it; Islam gives women a wide pressure is exerted on them to veil.range of rights, and does not oppose family-planning, especially when women's health isat stake. Early and frequent child-bearing Religious education andincreases young women's health risks. women's rights Lack of religious education among the publicPolitical and economic participation allows extremists to use Islamic texts againstSince the end of the war, Somalia has seen a women. Hadiths' are among the strongestdecline of women's power in formal politics. weapons used to justify the marginalisationThe new political structures are principally of Muslim women from religious and socialbased on clan relationships; it is becoming power. Although a significant portion of the72

accounts of the Prophet's comments and deeds References

was recounted on the authority of women, (Ahmed 1990), the Hadiths were written by Ahmed L, 'Women and the Advent of Islam' men. Many Hadiths that undermine women's in Women under Muslim Law, Dossier 7/8, freedom actually contradict the actions and France, 1991. philosophy of the Prophet Mohammed; the Al Bushra, J and Piza-Lopez, E (1994) misogyny employed in the collection of such 'Gender, War and Food' in War and Hunger: Hadiths has been discussed elsewhere Rethinking International Responses to Complex (Mernissi 1991, Ahmed 1990). In addition, the Emergencies, SCF and Zed Books: London. fact that Arabic is not widely spoken in Baden S (1992) The Position of Women in Somalia helps religious extremists to maintain Islam Countries: Possibilities, Constraints their hold over communities: for example, and Strategies for Change, report prepared they justify ideas about the weakness of for special programme, WID, Netherlands women by arguing that the Arabic word al Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGIS), Bridge. nisaa (the female) is synonymous with the Bradbury, M (1994) The Somali Conflict: Arabic word nisf (half). Through such prospects for peace, Oxfam GB: Oxford. arguments, women and men are made to Hasan, M (1991) 'On fundamentalism on our believe that women are less intelligent in the Land' in Women living under Muslim Law, eyes of Allah, and that the limitation of their Dossier 11/12/13. rights is therefore justified. Until Somali http: / / www.submission.org/hom.htm# women receive a better education, and better WOM, Musjid Tuscon, USA, 1998. religious education in particular, this Mernissi, F (1991) The Veil and the Male Elite: situation looks set to continue. Women's A Feminist Interpretation of Women's rights organisations are the only part of civil society in Islam, Addison-Wesley: UK. to attempt seriously to redress the extremists' Ragab N (1997) The Record Set Straight: strategy of marginalising women on the Women in Islam Have Rights, an internet grounds of religious 'evidence'. report, Islam (Submission to God) Web While the challenge of research and work page, Musjid Tuscon, United Submitters by women's organisations is significant International, USA. enough to cause concern to religious Sheck, M, Ibrahim, H, Abdi A, Mohamed, F extremists and their supporters, their work is (1996) Report on Somali Women's Rights hindered by the lack of a coherent shared from the Perspective of Islam, NOVIB policy, and lack of access to the growing report, Mogadishu. literature by Islamic scholars of both sexes, Warsame A (1998) The Civil War in Somalia: which challenges the denial of women's Differential Impact on Women and Men, rights using religious texts. Women's paper presented at a workshop on organisations must bring about coherence in Resource Competition in Eastern Africa policy and achieve improved cooperation in organised by the Institute of Social Studies designing and implementing strategies to (ISS) and OSSREA, 12-13 August 1998. challenge the erosion of women's rights.

Notes Formerly the Director of the Women's Research Unit at the Somali Academy of Sciences and 1 Reported accounts of the life of the Arts, Somalia, Sadia Ahmed now works as Prophet Mohammed. gender co-ordinator for the Pastoral and Environmental Network in the Horn of Africa (PENHA). Contact her at PENHA, PO Box 494, 1 Laney House, Portpool Lane, London EC1N 7FP. E-mail: p.PENHA@ukonline.co. uk. 73

'The way to do is to be':

Exploring the interface between values andresearchSharon Harper and Kathleen ClancyA project run by the Canadian International Development Research Centre brought together awide variety of specialists in order to explore the links between gender, science, and development,and to shape holistic, 'being-oriented' approaches, where values based in religion and spiritualityinform the perspective and choices of methods of development researchers and practitioners.

'People have to see with new eyes, and a Canadian federally-funded research forunderstand with new minds, before they can development organisation. The SRD projecttruly turn to new ways of living. The most aims to illuminate other realms of knowl-important change that people can make is to edge which we believe to be complementarychange their way of looking at the world. We can to gender, science, and developmentchange studies, jobs, neighbourhoods, even perspectives, and to show the links betweencountries and continents, and still remain much these perspectives. The SRD project mightas we always were. But change our fundamental also be considered a step in the evolution ofangle of vision, and everything changes - our emerging approaches on development andpriorities, our values, our judgments, our research, which we call 'being-oriented'1, andpursuits. Again and again, in the history of which are characterised by their reference toreligion, this total upheaval in the imagination religion and spirituality.has marked the beginning of a new life ... a In this article, we attempt to show howturning of the heart, a "metanoia," by which men many of the values that underlie the use of[sic] see with new eyes and understand with new gender analysis as a tool in research forminds, and turn their energies to new ways of development are similar to values behindliving.' (Barbara Ward, as quoted in these 'being-oriented approaches.' It is well-Commission on Global Governance, 1995) known that new ways of understanding the social construction of people's roles, expe-Barbara Ward's insight, like the title of this riences, and relationships can lead to newarticle, 'the way to do is to be,' (attributed to ways of doing research (Kirby 1989). Forthe ancient Taoist master Lao Tse), offers an example, by emphasising the importance ofintriguing challenge to traditional the socially-constructed relations between mendevelopment methodologies. This article and women, gender-sensitive approachesdescribes the Science, Religion, and have enabled researchers to considerDevelopment (SRD) project of the International different realms of experience, and this hasDevelopment Research Centre (IDRC), opened up new possibilities for study (see F74

Steady "The Inadequacy of the Dominant economic interests, and any value system in Research Methodology/ as quoted in research for development2 can be applied Connelly et al. 1996). We suggest here that judicious or injudiciously. We believe that the 'being-oriented approaches' offer similar new values behind the 'being-oriented possibilities for researchers. As we discuss, approaches' we explore here could enhance however, there are also some essential differ- the quality of development research and ences between gender-sensitive approaches practice, by offering access to expanded sets to research and being-oriented approaches; we of values and points of view. attempt here to show how the broader context and the additional values offered by 'being- oriented approaches' have the potential to The SRD project transform research for development. The Science, Religion, and Development (SRD) project stems from preliminary research carried out by William F Ryan, an Our background economist and a Jesuit priest (Ryan 1995). In We are, respectively, the project and pro- an attempt to move beyond economistic gramme officers of the SRD project, but the understandings of development, and to opinions and observations expressed here are identify the conceptual and practical linkages our own. While we personally both recognise between science, religion, and development, a spiritual dimension to living, and carry this Ryan travelled to developing countries and into our work in the SRD project, we also interviewed more than 180 informants, who recognise that religion can be associated with combined one or more of the roles of scientists, some of the worst abuses in human history, development workers, and people of faith. and a number of current situations of war Based on this initial research, an international and civil strife. Religions can reinforce workshop was held in August 1995 in Val fatalism, encourage division (some religious Morin, Quebec. Participants agreed that the groups use development work as a weapon issues uncovered were significant factors in in the competition for adherents), and impose the effectiveness of future development inter- rigid dogmas on attempts at change (Lean ventions in their countries, and they urged 1995). Religions have not necessarily been the IDRC to continue the research3. The SRD mouthpiece or friend of marginalised groups, project has three phases. including women, and have on occasion been In the first phase, IDRC brought together a instrumental in suppressing those voices and core group of four individuals: experts in in paving the way for oppressive regimes. 'science, international development, or Nor, in considering the issue of religion in theology, each from a different cultural and relation to science and development, do we religious background. Together and give up the 'mantle of reason' regarding our separately, this core group has worked to commitment to methods of experimentation reflect, from their different cultural, religious, and observation. Rather, we are questioning and professional positions, on the whether an important perspective has been relationship between the moral/ spiritual left out of the debates on, and methodologies realms of life and the technological/scientific for, research for development; and we models of development. Consider this question what consequences this may have interaction, they have attempted to identify had for the quality of interventions made in the effect that this interaction has had for the name of development and/ or in the development discourse and practice. advancement of science. Like gender studies, Questions of how development can be science, religion, and development studies environmentally sustainable, and achieve are all informed by value-systems which equality between women and men, are serve particular social, political, and central to these discussions. 'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 75

The core group found that their initial Remnants of our own struggle with thereflections had led to a focus on different terms and concepts of religion and spiritu-aspects of development; however, each group ality have remained throughout the project,member had amalgamated the personal and and provide an example of its evolutionarythe professional, using their individual faiths and participatory process. For example, at itsto question and illuminate their separate inception, the project was called 'Humanareas of scientific enquiry. The core group Values and Belief Systems'; Ryan's booksaw their research papers as experimental explicitly uses the term 'spirituality' in thesteps towards a new type of integrated and title. The value of 'spirituality' is that it allowsengaged scholarship, and towards the for the consideration of belief systems,such asintroduction of a new perspective in broader the animistic beliefs prevalent in manydebates on international development. These countries, which do not fit within the categoryreflections included considerations such as of organised religion. However, focusing onthe ambiguity of religion4 and the role of organised religion allows us to considerreligion in promoting humility and self- thought-structures and approaches whichlimitation on the part of researchers and can be compared with scientific methods, andworkers within science and development. we can distinguish at a basic level between The second and third phases will include personal interpretation, historical ethos, socialthe publication of these reflections in book organisation, and religious tenets. However,form. In addition, in conjunction with the the project's emphasis on the participants'core group, IDRC plans to widen the circle reflections and their internal synthesis ofinvolved in the project to an extended science, religion, and development ensuresnetwork of researchers who write and that spirituality is not excluded or over-practice in relevant areas of development. whelmed by the formality of religion.The aim will be to stimulate further debateabout the questions addressed in Phase 1, and 'Being-oriented' approaches:to elicit further reflections from the points ofview of other faiths and scientific a comparison with otherbackgrounds. The extended network will add methodologieslegitimacy to the work and provide access for Many of the underlying values in approachesits concepts into other areas of development. based on ethics, social justice, and gender- awareness are shared by 'being-oriented' approaches. In this section, we use the case ofReligion, institutions, and the SRD project to illustrate a few points ofbelief systems similarity, and highlight some differences.In the SRD project, we aim to deal with By presenting evidence which supportsreligious content, not religious institutions. the aim of transforming inequitable relationsReligion as content 'has to do with the idea of between women and men, gender-sensitivethe supreme, the supernatural which research is designed to feed into an agendaorganises the world and connects people for change (Kabeer 1996). This research agendathrough language and practice to what is displays a strong concern for the values andconsidered the inviolable, the sacrosancf principles articulated in the Universal Decla-(Haynes 1996). As a result of the legiti- ration of Human Rights, including equality,misation of unequal power structures often justice, solidarity, inclusion, diversity, inter-associated with religion, however, a number connectedness, social awareness, personalof people who encounter the SRD project integrity, and the dignity and worth of everyreject its premise outright, or prefer to use person regardless of his or her differences.terms such as 'spirituality' or 'human values', These values inform gender-aware researchers'to dissociate the project from these injustices. choice of areas of study and methods.76

In examining social roles and relationships researchers collect field notes which monitor of women and men, most gender-sensitive their own reactions to the research process. research considers other criteria such as race, (Kirby 1989; Holland 1995; Bell 1993). Here, class, religion, caste, age, physical/ mental all assumptions and beliefs regarding the abilities, marital status, sexual orientation and research throughout the research cycle are attributes which describe, to the fullest extent recorded and contemplated. Where relevant, possible, the vast diversity of the human these notes can be included at the recording condition. Inclusion of different perspectives stage of the research. Through this process, in the research process is an overt value, as researchers are required to question and well as a goal in itself, of gendered research. articulate clearly their own standpoints and Participatory methods also espouse the values assumptions; this also allows them to be of inclusion and the dignity and worth of challenged, by the researchers themselves every person, and aim to ensure that typically and, ultimately, by others. Reflexivity can marginalised perspectives are included in the help the researcher engage more fully with research process (Holland 1995; Kirby 1989)5 the people with whom they work, going Similarly, the values and methodology of beyond the interaction characteristic of the SRD project display a concern for traditional academic research. (Yano 1997) inclusion and authentic dialogue (although A reflexive approach emerged for the SRD this commitment is far from perfectly enacted). project, because questions of faith usually The SRD research agenda was collaboratively operate at a personal level. The project set, through open-ended enquiry with required a methodology that would allow participants. IDRC consciously tried to participants to put personal beliefs into decrease the power differential that usually words, and make this explicit for other exists between donors and researchers; the researchers. Participants encouraged each core group of researchers, to a large extent, other to reflect upon, and write, accounts of determined the process and decided to use how their faith operated in their own non-conventional research techniques. professional lives, and thus in the Particular attention was given to the mechanisms of their development work. importance of women's voices, voices from Their personal and subjective experiences vis- the South, and representation from a variety a-vis the project's research questions were of religions in convening the core group for explicitly valued and sought out during the Phase 1; as the project progresses, these process. We from IDRC became conscious, concerns for inclusion and participation will during this process, of our situation within continue as new participants are invited to the group's dynamics, and tried not to join. Participants in the SRD project also bring impose our own ideas and concerns about these concerns for inclusion and solidarity how the research should proceed. In this way, with them, from participating in social justice IDRC tried to be open when the researchers causes, and working with groups which questioned cherished assumptions, values, address the needs of the marginalised.6 and approaches of the research for The SRD project also shares with gender- development community. sensitive research a commitment to transparency about the assumptions and Values specific to 'being- biases that are present in all research. Transparency by the researcher contributes to oriented' approaches clarity about the research questions, goals, In the process of preparing for this article, we and methods, and can be instrumental in also tried to identify some assumptions and avoiding the perpetuation of inequalities. values that could be said to be specific to One controversial research method which 'being-oriented' approaches (of which the embraces this value is 'reflexivity', in which SRD is an early example). We were looking 'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 77

for values that could be specifically attributed in faith has two outstanding advantages. Itto the researcher's experience of faith (whether builds on a community's deepest sense ofthrough organised religion, or personal identity and belonging, and it carries within itspirituality). We wanted to see how these the seeds of individual empowerment.' (Leanmight be manifested in the professional lives 1995,10).of the SRD participants, and how they might 'Being-oriented' approaches to humanhave informed the project itself. This was not development could therefore subtly expand aan easy task because, in almost every case, number of the values we have identified asone of us would mention a value that seemed underlying gendered approaches. One may,implicit in a 'being-oriented' approach, only for example, research the causes of andto find that it had reflections and refractions solutions to gender-based violence in a war-in gender-aware and/ or participatory torn country, based on a desire to alleviateresearch principles and techniques. injustices, inequalities, poverty, and We did identify one significant difference suffering, without recourse to any of thesewith a number of implications, although for 'transcendental' principles of reality. But, insome it may seem a difference of degree their absence, how do developmentrather than of kind. People of religious faith researchers and workers understand the needor spirituality have a relationship with a trans- for mental and spiritual healing throughcendental reality - a perception of guiding reconciliation? Without some understandingprinciples that underlie 'reality' - which of a larger purpose or context for their livesoffers a broad context for understanding and actions, how can people risk thehuman actions. In contrast, approaches forgiveness and reconciliation necessary towithin development may advocate values rebuild a community out of chaos? How dosuch as justice, dignity, fairness, and equality, researchers and development workers findbut these tend to be understood as operating the strength not to retreat from the realities ofonly with reference to the world's political, the people with whom they are working?economic, and social systems - the 'here and And how can they articulate these needs ornow' - and on a relatively traditional integrate these understandings into a list ofunderstanding of the principles of human solutions without understanding or usinginteraction. Approaches drawing from this language and these concepts?religion and spirituality might ask where one Alternative approaches to research andcan find an ultimate reference point, or development based in religion or spiritualitydeeper principles, in which to base these would enable us to value and work withvalues, and through which these principles of concepts that are rarely expressed in gender-interaction can be revisualised.7 sensitive research, such as forgiveness and The concept of human well-being that is a reconciliation, compassion, empathy, wisdomfundamental goal of development can, and (as complementary to knowledge), non-must, include intangible concepts such as violence, sacrifice,8 self-limitation, simplicity,creating, connection, belonging, love, and kindness, and connection. Consideration forhope, which are rooted in a relationship or these concepts carries practical consequencesperception of reality that goes beyond the for researchers and workers in development.here-and-now. 'Being-oriented' approaches For example, one SRD participant pointedtake into account that people can act for out that there is a difference between thechange from a desire to attain meaning and 'preferential option for the poor' originatingfulfilment, as well as from an understandable in Latin American Catholicism and thedesire for change in their material Marxism with which it has been associated:circumstances. As Mary Lean wrote in her Marxism, he argued, outlines a preferentialbook on spiritually oriented development option for the proletariat. The differenceapproaches: '[Development that is grounded between the orientations may appear slight,78

but could be seen in practice after the approaches show to be useful in the Nicaraguan revolution, when Christian- gathering of data and its analysis? based communities did not favour A number of traditions postulate that the punishment of Somoza's soldiers, wanting only way to effect appropriate outward, them to be forgiven and integrated into the social transformation (or development) is community (personal communication, 1999)9 through personal self-transformation. Of course, there are infinite variations on Researchers and workers with a 'being- these themes. Differences of approach and oriented' approach might engage in forms of ethos among and within religions challenge contemplation, meditation, or prayer. The 'being-oriented' approaches to be open to goals of these activities could include values from every tradition. For example, in inspiration, self-knowledge, and self- certain traditions, such as Buddhism, the acceptance (leading to compassion for others) concept of interconnectedness10 is articulated as necessary corollaries to attempts to effect as a 'principle of non-duality': all beings, and change in others. In addition, when the environment in which they live, are researchers have access to relevant religious fundamentally interrelated and inter- and inspirational texts and stories, they could dependent. Interconnectedness is both a include enquiries about rituals, myths, and value and a basic organising principle of parables in their work, not from the point of reality. Researchers and development view of anthropologists analysing cultural workers could draw on this concept to manifestations, but as an attempt to challenge recognise the networks of relationships they their own predetermined conceptions of the find in communities and to value these research process. connections. They might use this principle to How does the convergence of the 'being- evaluate their methods, asking themselves oriented' values and methods manifest itself whether a given approach will build and in the SRD project? It is a research project balance existing relationships or increase based on what we know and how we do conflict and create new, if different, things now. On the face of it, holding hierarchies (Yano 1997,94-97). conferences, maintaining a dialogue, and Choosing a 'being-oriented' approach writing papers are not unusual, but our does not guarantee a certain way of thinking project is extraordinary in its recognition that and acting, any more than sensitivity to something intangible, but important, is being gender issues predicts a particular approach. left out of the development equation, and in The point is that religiously or spiritually its openness to different processes in based approaches can provide an awareness investigating that missing element. If the of a frame of reference larger or deeper than experiment of the SRD project has lessons to the visible, material world, and thereby offer offer, much of the credit must go to the two new possibilities for response, transforming men and two women who make up the core the researchers themselves, and their group; they have applied the rich resources of understanding of and behaviour toward the their professional skills, their personal faiths, communities with whom they work. and their sceptical minds to this project. Primarily, each has worked out of love for the ideas of the project, and out of a belief that the Conclusion: SRD, values, project could provide valuable insights into and methodology the achievement of a deeper and wiser We have discussed how values based in standard for human well-being11. There were religion and spirituality can inform the moments of serendipity when the dialogue perspective and choices of methods of became too abstract, which IDRC could never development researchers and practitioners. have anticipated or scheduled, but which But what new tools can 'being-oriented' illustrate the potential for linking values with 'The way to do is to be': Exploring the interface between values and research 79

research methodology; at these times, the Kabeer, N, Ramya, S (1996) Institutions,

participants kept the process honest, Relations and Outcomes: Framework and Toolsgrounded, and focussed on the realities of for Gender-Aware Planning, Internationalpeople living in extreme poverty. Another Development Studies: UK.lesson from SRD includes the consideration Kirby, S, McKenna, K (1989) Experience,and kindness which the participants showed Research, Social Change: Methods from theeach other, both within and outside of the Margins, Garamond Press: Toronto.meetings; the respect they show for their Lean, M (1995) Bread, Bricks, and Belief:different traditions even during the most Communities in Charge of Their Future,intense dialogue; their alternative but Kumarian: West Hartford.grounded perspectives which helped Mayoux, L (1995) 'Beyond Naivety: Women,question the basic assumptions of traditional Gender Inequality and Participatorydevelopment models; and the trust, Development' in Development and Change,vulnerability, and courage they displayed in Vol. 26, pp. 235-258.agreeing to speak and write personally about Ryan, WF (1995) Culture, Spirituality, andtheir beliefs, in the face of an academic Economic Development: Opening a Dialogue,establishment that is not accustomed to IDRC Books: Ottawa.discussing personal, much less religious, Steady, F (1983) 'Research Methodology andorientations. The project has demonstrated to Investigative Framework for Socialus that a wide range of opinions, views, and Change: The Case for African Women',strongly held beliefs does not mean the end of seminar, Association of African Women forcommunity: in fact, acknowledging and Research on Development, Dakar, 1983.respecting diverse views challenges our White, SC (1996) 'Depoliticising development:commitment to unity in diversity and can the uses and abuses of participation,' inprovide us with a multiplicity of resources. Development in Practice, Vol. 6, pp. 6-15, Carfax: Abingdon.Sharon Harper and Kathleen Clancy can be Yano, S (1997) 'Alternative Visions ofcontacted via The Editor, Gender and Development in Rural Thailand',Development or by e-mailing: SHarper@idrc.ca unpublished paper submitted for a Master of Science to the University School for Rural Planning and Development,References University of Guelph, Ontario, Canada.Bell, D, Caplan, P, Karim, W (eds.) (1993) Gendered Fields: Women, Men and Ethnography, Routledge: New York. NotesCommission on Global Governance (1995) 1 We use this term cautiously and Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford experimentally; perhaps there should not University Press: New York. be one term that encompasses all theseConnelly, MP, MacDonald, M, Murray Li, T, investigations into the meaning of Parpart, J (1996) "Theoretical Perspectives existence, but simplicity of expression on Feminism and Development,' in compelled us to try to find some term. We Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and tested many possibilities. However, we Development, The Commonwealth of liked 'being-oriented approaches' because, Learning: Vancouver. while it concentrates the attention onHaynes, J (1996) Religion and Politics in Africa, ultimate questions surrounding existence, Zed: London. it also seems to encompass naturalistic andHolland, J, Blair, M, Sheldon, S (eds.) (1995) supernaturalistic views of the universe; Debates and Issues in Feminist Research and the environment and animals, as well as Pedagogy, The Open University: Bristol. humans; and the fundamental juxta-80

position between an existence based on 9 For well-known examples of human-

having and acquiring and an existence in development initiatives that find which the imperative is to be and to inspiration in religion and/or spirituality, become according to one's fullest see the Alternatives to Consumerism potential. We welcome suggestions for a Network (Thailand), the Sarvodaya better term. Shramadana Movement (Sri Lanka) and 2 See note 9. the Swadhyaya Movement (India). Other 3 The SRD project mirrors IDRCs own way examples are described in Lean 1995. of working: within the organisation's 10 The concept of interconnectedness is not programmes, researchers from many unknown in gender and development disciplines are invited to bring their research and work, but it tends to focus on particular science and experience to bear the connections between material on managing research for development. resources and deprivation in networks of However, the SRD project differs from this relationships such as communities and internal IDRC experiment in one families. important way: it is constructed to 11 The religious expression 'calling' was accommodate and benefit from a range of applied by a few to describe how they scientific disciplines, but it also extends were drawn to participate in the project. beyond the scientific mainstream to welcome perspectives based on particular expressions of faith. 4 See note 9. 5 Although done poorly, participatory research methods can further exacerbate the situation of women and other margi- nalised groups (White 1996, Mayoux 1995). 6 It is acknowledged that the SRD project is not working directly with grassroots groups but with individuals active within these groups. 7 Moving away from conflictual or competitive models of interaction towards those which encourage community and peacebuilding. 8 The concept of 'sacrifice' excited much debate among SRD participants, which points to the inherent ambiguity surrounding some of these concepts and values. Some participants felt that a rationale of 'sacrifice' is too often used to justify sacrifices on the part of the world's poorest and most marginalised people. Others felt that 'sacrifice' in the sense of 'self-limitation' or 'self-restraint' was a necessary concept for the North to understand, given the excesses of Northern lifestyles which are linked both to ecological degradation and poverty in the South. 81

Compiled by Sophie Dodgeon

Identity Politics and Women: cultural

.Books. • reassertions and feminisms in perspective, Valentine Mohgadam (ed.), 1994.Through the Devil's Gateway: Women, Westview Press, 5500 Central Avenue, Boulder, Colorado 80301-2877, USA.Religion and Taboo, Alison Joseph, Society Fax +1 (303) 449 3356for Promoting Christian Knowledge, in Considers the rise of political and culturalassociation with Channel Four Books, 1990. movements which are bidding for politicalA fascinating and wide-ranging selection of power, legal changes, or cultural supremacy,writings based on the 1990 television series basing their claims on notions of religious,of the same name. Among other topics, ethnic, and national identity. Fromwriters consider how women have been examining such movements' attitudes tolabelled 'impure', and look at Goddess- women, and attempts to control femaleworship in India, and nineteenth-century freedom and sexuality through invokingmedicine in relation to European women. Woman as a cultural symbol, the bookThey argue that religious traditions are at least moves to assess women's responses. Uses 13able to admit the power of women's cycles case studies from Muslim, Christian, Jewish,of fertility, while secular society maintains and Hindu societies.an embarrassed silence about them. Reproductive Health Matters, Number 8:Fundamentalism and Gender, John Stratton Fundamentalism, Women's Empowerment andHawley (ed.), 1994, Oxford University Reproductive Rights, 1996.Press, Oxford and New York. 20 Madison 29-35 Farringdon Road, London EC1 3JB.Avenue, New York, 10016, USA. This is a themed issue of the twice-yearlyThe book's central theme is that religious journal which concentrates on identifyingfundamentalism is concerned with social and understanding women's reproductivestructures, not with religious texts. These health needs. Among the contributions arefascinating articles focus on Islam, an examination of how women's reproductiveHinduism, the New Religions of Japan, rights are affected by Hindu nationalism, byand American Christianity, revealing that charismatic and Pentecostal Christian move-control over women is central to the funda- ments in Brazil, by Roman Catholicism inmentalist agenda in each of these religions. Poland, and by Islam in Iran and Indonesia.82

Women, Religion and Development in the Third Women as Teachers and Disciples in Traditional World, Theodora Foster Carroll, 1983, and New Religions, Elizabeth Puttick and Praeger Publishers. 88 Post Road, Westport, Peter B Clarke (eds.), 1993, Edwin Mellen CT 06881, USA. Press, UK, Canada, USA. A comprehensive study of the position of Ten essays discussing how spiritual women in Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, discipleship affects women. The essays ask and Buddhism, giving an overview of each whether discipleship implies a model of religion's key tenets, as well as accounts female submission, or whether it can in fact of policies on women's education and be empowering. Covers diverse traditions, 'population' (sexuality and reproductive such as Zen Buddhism, Afro-Brazilian rights). The book places each religious religion, and modern paganism. tradition in its historical and social context, Islam and Feminisms: An Iranian Case-study, and suggests that religions could function as agents for change, rather than forces for Haleh Afshar, 1998, Macmillan, Houndmills, regression. Written 15 years ago, this book, Basingstoke, Hants RG21 6XS, UK. while containing thoroughly researched and Haleh Afshar gives a detailed and scholarly very useful information, frequently resorts account of the strategies employed by to judgemental language which may alienate Iranian women to maintain, and regain, some readers. their rights in present-day Iran. Afshar argues that it is no longer possible to Women, Religion and Sexuality: Studies on the disregard these strategies and denigrate Impact of Religious Teachings on Women, Iranian women as powerless in the face of Jeanne Becher (ed.), 1990, World Council of 'fundamentalism'. Feminism must learn to Churches Publications. PO Box 2100,150 accommodate not only differences in Rue de Ferney, 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. opinion, but differences in strategy A collection of 12 papers which were the according to women's specific geographical outcome of a study of the main world and historical context. religions and their attitudes to female sexuality. Most papers are followed by a Women and Gender in Islam: Historical roots of short response from the same faith tradition a modern debate, Leila Ahmed, 1992, Yale which aims to increase dialogue within this University Press, New Haven and London. tradition. Indigenous beliefs are also Explores the historical roots of the current touched upon. A clear and accessible book debates on women and Islam by tracing the which offers much to debate. developments in Islamic discourses on women and gender from the ancient world Speaking of Faith: Cross-Cultural Perspectives to the present. on Women, Religion and Social Change, Diana L Eck and Devaki Jain, 1986, The Women's Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation: Press, London. Implementing the Beijing Platform, Mahnaz Also available from Kali for Women, Bl /8 Afkhami and Erika Friedl (eds.), 1997, Hauz Khas, New Delhi, 110 016, India. Syracuse University Press, USA. Originally presented to a conference on the This collection of essays looks at ways of same theme, these papers consider how implementing the recommendations of the religion influences the kinds of social change UN Fourth World Conference on Women which women are engaged in. They cover a in Muslim societies. The book is in three wide range of traditions and countries, parts, examining theoretical views of including papers on Ghandian ethics, women's rights within Muslim societies, Japanese traditions, and witches in Ghana. It practical ways to help women exercise their suggests that both 'women' and 'religion' rights, and the role of international are the missing factors in development. organisations in helping women. Resources 83

Women and Islam in Muslim Societies, Hans A multi-authored report of the processThijssen (ed.), Poverty and Development: described in Bridget Walker's article in thisAnalysis and Policy series No. 7, issue of Gender and Development.Development Cooperation Information No Longer a Secret: the church and violenceDepartment, 1994. against women, Aruna Gnanadason,1996,Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PO Box 20061, WCC Publications.2500 EB, The Hague, The Netherlands. 'An unforgiving confrontation of thePart of a series examining poverty as a global church's silence about violence againstphenomenon, published by the Develop- women, and a useful survey of the socialment Cooperation Information Department and theological issues' (Crosslight). Thisin the Netherlands. With sections on women book points to signs of hope as women andin Islamic jurisprudence, diversity in men in the church and elsewhere arepractice in different countries, case studies of beginning to struggle against all forms ofsix countries, a study of Muslim immigrant violence against women.women in the Netherlands, and thetranscript of a seminar on 'Women, Islam Women, violence and non-violent change,and Development', held in 1993. Aruna Gnanadason, Musimbi Kanyoro and Lucia Ann McSpadden (eds.), 1995, WCCReligion, Dress and the Body, Linda Boynton Publications.Arthur (ed.), 1999, Berg Publishers, This collection of analytical essays and case150 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX41JJ, UK studies shows what contribution women areExplores how people express themselves making towards conflict resolution in manythrough dress, despite religious constraints. different contexts. Authors come fromServants of the Buddha: Winter in a Himalayan across the world.Convent, Anna Grimshaw, 1992, Open The power we celebrate: women's stories of faithLetters. 147 Northchurch Road, and power, Musimbi Kanyoro and Wendy SLondon Nl 3NT, UK. Robbins (eds.), 1992, WCC Publications.A personal account of an extraordinary This book offers suggestions for empoweringwinter spent in a convent in Ladakh. It looksat the ambiguous position of women in a women to 'challenge oppressive structures inBuddhist society from a European the global community, their country andperspective, and gives a detailed description their church'.of their lives and practices. Women Healing Earth, Rosemary Radford Ruether (ed.), 1996, SCM Press, byStanding Again at Sinai: Judaism from a arrangement with Orbis books. Orbis Books,Feminist Perspective, Judith Plaskow, 1991, Box 302, New York, 10545-0302, USA.Harper: SanFrancisco. Rosemary Radford Ruether is a well-knownRefusing to believe that her Jewish and radical feminist writing from a Christianfeminist selves cannot be reconciled, Judith standpoint. Aiming to connect women of thePlaskow sets out her ideas for transforming First and Third Worlds, 14 writers fromJudaism through a feminist vision. With around the world explore the roles ofsections on the Torah, the idea of Israel, religion and feminism in the context ofimages and language associated with God, environmental crisis in Latin America, Asia,and a theology of sexuality. and Africa. They link the domination ofLiving Letters: a report of visits to the churches women to the domination of nature, andduring the Ecumenical Decade - Churches in show how religion has often reinforced thisSolidarity with Women, World Council of domination. Calls for a creative synthesis ofChurches (WCC) Publications, 1997. what women find to be liberating in theirPO Box 2100,1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. religious or spiritual heritage.84

Feminist Theology From the Third World: Overcoming Violence: The Challenge to the A Reader, Ursula King (ed.), 1994,1996, Church in All Places, Margot Kassmann, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge Risk Book Series, World Council of Churches (SPCK), Orbis Books. Publications. PO Box 2100,150 Rue de Ferney, A collection of 38 essays looking at theology 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. from a Third-World perspective, using sources In a world of so much violence, this short from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, as book asks whether the churches can live out well as Israel and the Pacific region. their conviction that war is against God's will. It examines Christian resources for non- With Passion and Compassion: Third World violent resolution of conflict, and considers Women Doing Theology: Reflectionsfromthe the opportunities and problems faced by Women's Commission of the Ecumenical people committed to non-violence. Includes Association of Third World Theologians, a chapter on how women and children are Virginia Fabella and M. Amba Oduyoye, affected by violence. 1988, Orbis Books. A collection of writings by women from the Women of Fire and Spirit: History, Faith and Third World who each consider what it Gender in Roho Region in Western Kenya, means to be a Christian and a woman in the Cynthia Hoehler-Fatton, 1996. Third World. United in their attempts to Oxford University Press, Walton Street, create their own liberative theology, this Oxford, OX2 6DP, UK. book looks at the different problems faced A book tracing the role of women in the in different regions. evolution and expansion of the Roho ('Holy Spirit') churches of western Kenya. It uses Sexism and God-Talk: Towards a Feminist women's oral histories to challenge previous Theology, Rosemary Radford Ruether, 1983, histories of the Roho Church, and goes on to 1986, SCM Press Ltd, London. examine how women's roles within the This classic book, focusing on Christianity, Church have declined in recent decades. uses feminist insights to expose the socially constructed roots of classical theology. It also Valuing Spirituality in Development: Initial points to a link between the exploitation of considerations regarding the creation of women, and human destruction of the Earth. spiritually-based indicators for development, Baha'i Publishing Trust, 27 Rutland Gate, Women Before God, Lavinia Byrne, 1988, London SW71PD, UK. 1995, SPCK. Baha'i communities operate more than 1,300 Reflects on both the past and the future of local development projects throughout the the Christian Church, and on a Catholic world. Believers assert that what sets Baha'i woman's relationship to the agenda of apart from other world religions is its Christian feminism. integration of spiritual, social, and admin- Women Divided: Gender, Religion and Politics istrative principles. This concept paper was in Northern Ireland, Rosemary Sales, 1997. written for the World Faiths and Development Routledge, 11 New Fetter Lane, London Dialogue, Lambeth Palace, London, 18-19 EC4P 4EE, UK. February 1998. It gives the Baha'i perspective This book focuses on the relationship on human development and discusses the between gender and sectarian divisions need for spiritually-based indicators of between Roman Catholics and Protestants in development. Equality between the sexes is Northern Ireland. It looks at the impact of seen as one of the five foundational principles the conflict on women, and the ways in of human development, as is 'unity in which they have developed their own diversity'; but the document remains at a agendas for change, while largely excluded visionary level without indicating how such a from formal politics. vision could be brought about. Resources 85

Feminist Theology, Sheffield University Press,

Mansion House, 19 Kingfield Road, OrganisationsSheffield, S l l 9AS. Phone: +44 (114) 2554433; fax: +44 (114) 255 4626.An academic journal covering all areas of Women Living Under Muslim Laws, BP 23,theology. 34790 Grabels, Montpellier, France. Phone: +33 (467) 109 166, fax: +33 (467) 109Womanspirit, 52 Rosemount Court, 167. E-mail: wluml@mnet.frBooterstown, Co. Dublin, Eire. An international organisation whichIncludes news, articles, book reviews, poems, 'addresses itself to women living where Islamand letters from believers of Christian and is the religion of the state; as well as to womenJewish backgrounds throughout the world. who belong to Muslim communities ruled byCentral themes include raising awareness of minority religious laws; to women in secularthe oppression of women and working states where Islam is rapidly expanding, andtowards inclusive religious attitudes. where fundamentalists demand a minorityWomen in Judaism, Dept of Near and religious law; as well as to women fromMiddle Eastern Civilizations, immigrant Muslim communities in EuropeUniversity of Toronto, 4 Bancroft Avenue, and the Americas; and to non-Muslim women,Toronto, ON, Canada M5S 1C1 either nationals or foreigners, living in Muslimhttp:/ / www.utoronto.ca/wjudaism/journal countries and communities, where MuslimA new journal published exclusively on the laws are applied to them and to their children'.internet offering scholarly debate on gender Formed in 1984, WLUML has campaignedrelated issues in Judaism. Examines both internationally for women's human rights. Itancient and modern issues on Jewish aims to create links between women andreligion, culture, and society. women's groups, increase women's knowl- edge about their what their rights are, and how to assert these in their particular contexts.

Women Against Fundamentalism, BM Box

Video 2706, London WC1 3XX, UK. A feminist network, campaigning against fundamentalism in all religions, and forBattle for the minds, Produced and directed sexual and political freedom all over theby Steven Lipscomb, New Day Films, world. Launched in 1989, it believes thatDept WM, 22-D Hollywood Avenue, fundamentalism is basically political, andHohokus, New Jersey 07423, US. that the control of women is central toPhone: +1 (800) 343 5540 (ordering fundamentalism in all religions. Publishes ainformation); e-mail: tmcndy@aol.com journal, Women Against Fundamentalism,http://www.battlefortheminds.com which looks at a range of international issues.Documents the fundamentalist takeoverwithin the US Southern Baptist Convention, Sakyadita: International Association ofwhich has 40,000 churches in the US and Women in Buddhism, 16 Nun Street,nearly 15,000,000 members. This film reveals Lancaster, LAI 3JP, UK. Phone: 01524 844the careful political manipulation behind the 719; fax: 0181 802 0628;takeover, as well as the repercussions within e-mail: kawanami@lancaster.as.ukthe denomination. At the core of the film is An international group of women active inthe question of women's proper role within Buddhism, which produces a newsletter andthe seminary and the denomination, told in organises conferences every two years,women's own words. usually held in developing countries.86

Conspirando, Casilla 371-11, Correo Nunoa, Write for news of campaigns, and details of Santiago, Chile. publications. A network of Latin American women CAFOD (Catholic Fund for Overseas committed to eco-feminism, theology and Development), 2 Romero Close, Stockwell spirituality. Road, London SW9 9TY, UK. Phone: +44 Sisterhood is Global Institute (171) 733 7900. 4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201, Committed to addressing gender issues in Bethesda, MD 20814, USA. Phone: +1 (301) its development and relief work in 657 4355; fax: +1 (301) 657 4381; e-mail: developing countries across the world. sigi@igc.apc.org. http://www.sigi.org Christian Aid, PO Box 100, London SE1 A non-profit organisation promoting 7RT, UK. Phone: +44 (171) 620 4444; fax: women's rights through human-rights +44 (171) 620 0719 education projects. Their work focuses on Christian Aid works throughout the world women living in Islamic countries, and in partnership with communities of all faiths includes advocacy programmes, appeals in developing countries, and campaigns on against human-rights abuses, and partici- issues of justice and poverty. pation in international conferences. Their internet site includes a newsletter, a Catholic Institute for International publications page, and information on their Relations, Unit 3, Canonbury Yard, human-rights work. 190a New North Road, London Nl 7BJ, UK. CUR is part of the UK government's volunteer World Council of Muslim Women Foundation programme for developing countries, offering http: / / www.connect.ab.ca / -Ifahlman/ technical assistance and support. wcomwf.htm A non-profit organisation 'dedicated as a Women in Theology, 19a Compton Terrace, living memoral to the women of Bosnia, and London Nl 2UN, UK. Phone: +44 (171) 354 other women who have suffered the 3631. degradation of rape, torture and death. Aims to empower women in a spiritual Focuses on education for women's rights, context. Promotes inclusive language and global peace and interfaith education from a works to create opportunities for feminist worldwide perspective'. theology. Looks at new forms of worship and ministry, and also runs local groups. The World Council of Churches, PO Box 2100,1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland. Phone: +41 (22) 791 6111; fax: +41 (22) 791 0361; e-mail: info@wcc-coe.org http://www.wcc.coe.org/ Web resources A fellowship of churches from nearly all the Christian traditions, representing over 122 countries in all continents. Works towards http: / / www.women3rdworld.tqn.com / justice and continuing renewal of the msub8.htm Christian faith. Their web site can be read A site about women in the Third World in English, French, German, or Spanish, which links users to a range of other sites and offers information on WCC's work, relating to Christianity, Islam, Judaism, and history, publications, and events. Has a Hinduism. Also includes news, articles, Women's Unit. letters, and a noticeboard. Interchurch Organisation for Development Islam and Women's Rights Cooperation, PO Box 151, 3700 AD Zeist, http: / / www.arches.uga.edu / ~godlas / The Netherlands. E-mail: admin@icco.nl Islamwomen.html Resources 87

FEMREL-LEstablished as a forum for open andstimulating discussion about women,religion, and feminist theology. Subscribe bye-mailing LISTSERV@listserv.aol.com withthe message SUBSCRIBE FEMREL-Lfollowed by your own name.BridgesDescribes itself as a 'moderated lisf whichexplores Jewish feminist identity and considersJewish and female existence and activism inrelation to movements for change. Subscribeby e-mailing: listserv@israel.nysernet.orgConspirando (see organisations)http:/ /www.teologica feministalatinamericanaA Spanish language web page.Women Active in Buddhismhttp://members.tripod.com/~LhamoAn on-line magazine with details of teachers,resources, books, and organisations ofrelevance for women following the Buddhisttradition. Accessible and fun, with lots ofuseful information.inclusivechurchhttp:/ / www.inclusivechurch.org/An American web site open to anyone whowants to discuss topics related to women inthe Catholic Church. Visitors can post ideasfor debate or reply to previous messages.