During the state's response to Superstorm Sandy, several non-state employees had unfettered access to the secure building that houses the governor's office and other state agencies in New York City because they donned Division of Homeland Security and Emergency Services identification credentials.

Included in that group was a lobbyist who also was allowed to use a division automobile for volunteer tasks. The lobbyist, Robert Ungar, had a client list that at the time included companies with multi-million-dollar contracts with the state — including with Homeland Security — for such things as emergency radios and IT services. Ungar has for years been a friend of DHSES Commissioner Jerome Hauer.

Also using state ID provided by Hauer was Michael Melnicke and members of his family, who continue to use the passes to enter state facilities. Melnicke is the owner of a string of nursing homes in the New York City region; the major campaign contributor often shows up at Hauer's office with his son.

State IDs, parking placards and other privileges are supposed to be handed out based on need. The criteria for doing so is specific. Hauer's spokesman, Peter Cutler, said Ungar had a vehicle for one instance, but it was decided that it was not a good idea. He said contractors, some vendors and regular volunteers are granted credentials for DHSES offices for the finite term that they are working with DHSES.

Ungar, who once served as a deputy fire commissioner in New York City, suspended his lobbing practice for several weeks to volunteer for free for DHSES full time in the aftermath of Sandy, he said. "Like other unpaid volunteers, he had a temporary ID that he returned after his term volunteering concluded." Cutler said Melnicke's access pass is long term and is because he serves as a liaison to the division to the Jewish community. He said relatively few passes are granted and are handed out at the commissioner and staff's recommendation.

Ungar said he has known Hauer for years, from the commissioner's days working in emergency services for the city of New York during Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's tenure, and thinks highly of his ability to manage during disasters.

Ungar said he volunteered to help during the storm response because one of his clients had relationships with gasoline stations. After the storm, several stations were in need of supply.

"I gave some time away from work to help out," he said. "There was one time I did drive a car, but it was determined it wasn't proper so I didn't drive it anymore. I tried to help with gasoline problems."

Ungar said he obtained the state car, which was parked near Gov. Andrew Cuomo's office at 633 Third Ave. — the same building as Hauer's Manhattan office. Ungar was seen for weeks after the storm wearing his state ID.

"I had access to their office during that time, because that's where I volunteered," he said. "There were other outside folks assisting as well. I was invited in. I got an ID card that allowed me to enter his office; others also had ID." Ungar said he continued to volunteer after giving up the keys to the state car, but used his own vehicle.

He is a lobbyist for the Service Station Dealers Association of Greater New York, which pays him $1,800 a month plus expenses. In the storm's wake, he helped organize talks with Cuomo to figure out how to get fuel to filling stations.

Ungar also represents Harris Corp. under a contract that pays him $96,000 a year to lobby state agencies and state government. The state's contracts with Harris, for the supply of radios, includes a $47.5 million deal with the State Police and a $32 million deal with the Office of General Services, through which Hauer's agency gets its Harris products.

Ungar also lobbies for uniformed EMS officer and firefighter groups and an IT company called infrastructure, which has several state contracts — including $48 million in deals with the Office of Information Technology Services.

"I do relationship stuff, not sales," said Ungar. His Harris contract calls for him to "develop opportunities for obtaining favorable media coverage" and to lobby state and local elected officials and "upper-level executive staff of the potential customers to garner support for contract awards."

His contract also calls for him to enlist the support of pertinent public and private interest groups, and people who "can influence the contract awards." The top target listed on his contract is DHSES, followed by New York's police department.

In the prelude to Sandy, Hauer ordered hundreds of thousands of dollars more of Harris radios in a no-bid emergency deal and referred to Ungar as a "senior adviser," according to a person familiar with the commissioner's friendship with Ungar.

Members of the Melnicke family, often seen at Hauer's offices in Albany and Manhattan, have also gained special access credentials from Hauer. Melnicke said he obtained the ID from Homeland Security so that he could attend meetings with Hauer to represent the interests of some in the Jewish community. He and his son Matthew, both of whom are rabbis, attend quarterly meetings as members of a "faith counsel," Matthew said. Melnicke said he helped during the Sandy response in keeping an eye on kosher meals and generators to make sure they got to the right people.

Robert Addolorato, the Moreland panel's newly named chief of investigations, also serves as a deputy chief investigator for the IG. In that role, he has led the probe into complaints about the activities of Hauer and Mathews, who has been hiring the commissioner's friends, according to people involved in that extended inquiry.

Addolorato's job at the IG involves running investigations about public corruption, waste and abuse in state agencies. His work with the Moreland panel focuses on the Legislature, although he continues to perform his IG duties as well, an IG spokesman said.

Do you have a story about waste and abuse of public funds? Contact James M. Odato at518-454-5083, jodato@timesunion.com or on Twitter at @JamesMOdato