Circular letter / of Chilton Allan to his constituents in the congressional district composed of the counties of Franklin, Woodford, Fayette & Clarke [sic] in the state of Kentucky. Allan, Chilton, 1786-1858. 400dpi TIFF G4 page images University of Kentucky, Electronic Information Access & Management Center Lexington, Kentucky 2002 b92-155-29772423 Electronic reproduction. 2002. (Beyond the shelf, serving historic Kentuckiana through virtual access (IMLS LG-03-02-0012-02) ; These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Circular letter / of Chilton Allan to his constituents in the congressional district composed of the counties of Franklin, Woodford, Fayette & Clarke [sic] in the state of Kentucky. Allan, Chilton, 1786-1858. Printed by Jonathan Elliot, Washington, D.C. : 1835. 16 p. ; 20 cm. Coleman Cover title. Contains tables showing salaries of federal and state employees and populations of the 24 states. Microfilm. Atlanta, Ga. : SOLINET, 1994. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. (SOLINET/ASERL Cooperative Microfilming Project (NEH PS-20317) ; SOL MN03988.14 KUK) Printing Master B92-155. IMLS This electronic text file was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Encoding has been done through an automated process using the recommendations for Level 1 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Digital page images are linked to the text file. United States Politics and government 1829-1837. United States Officials and employees Salaries, etc. UIIICIULAU Lg ETTER hW C H I L T O N ALL A NI ;a.r0o 0iK 001.0tfturtrilts In the Congressional District COMPOSED OF THE COUNTIES o0 PR4.NKIiLV WYOODFORD, Fr2YE TTE, 6 CLIRRP, IN THE STATE Of KENTUCKY. Wr-1SSIING TON. Ul"ZD BY JONATIIAN ZLL10TO PENN. AVTERN 1835. This page in the original text is blank. CIRCULAR LETTER OF CHILTON ALLAN1 TO HIS CONSrITURNTS. Voasqlingfton City, Telb. 2(1; 1835. Fellow Citizens: In the tranquil seasons of regular government, the circular of a public servant, to his constituents, is, for the most part, merely do- seriptive of the common current of legislation, and the execution of the laws. But the period, during which it has been moy lot to servo you in Congress, has been distinguished by a succeSssion of extraor- diniary events, that have shaken the pillars in the temple of your li- betty, to their deepest foundations. In one state nullification rose tip in the habiliments of peace, and beingr unopposed, even by remon- strance, succeeded in striking down the laws, and treaties, and judi- cial power of the United States. In another state, we saw the mon- ster nullification buckling on its hostile armor, preparing to light the torch of civil discord, and to oppose forcible resistance to the execu- don of the laws. At other times we have beheld the grathering flood of federal power, rising high above, and spreading wide over the embankinents of the constitution. These momentous events have thrown us back upon first princi- plies, and made it our duty to resurvey the partitions and boundaries of authority. The two opposite tendencies in our governments, of anarchy among teo members, and tyranny in the head, were early seen by our sagas- cious statesmen, and divided the people into the two great political parties, who have been conflicting ever since the formation of the constitutiorn. Those who most dreaded anarchy, and the dissolution of the confederacy, sought In liberal constructions of the constitu- tion, powers with which to make the federal arm sufficiently mighty O guarantee public order, and the integrity of the union. Those who most feared the despotism of the central power, made-eiforts, by strict and literal constructions of the fundamental law, so to pro it down, as to leave the states in all the plenitude of tinrest;tsIetd sovereignty. The opposing parties, each looking at lbut one side of the question, as parties are ever wont to do, have proceeded to dan- gerous extremes. Experience has fully proven that these two oppo- site tendencies do really appertain to our system of government, and that the consummation of either would be equally fatal to American liberty. On subjects so grave and important, so identified with the liberty of the people, I have endeavored to lay aside party spirit. 'My business is with principles; it is no part of my purpose either to praise or censure any party, or any man. I propose to look into our constitution and laws for the errors which lie at the bottom of the mischief, and point out the new guarantees we should take for thle liberty of our children, in seasonable reforms. For while powers, dangerous to liberty, are delegated to rulers, it were worse Chan childish to imagine they Will not be exerted by whoever may happen to be in the ascendant. Enlightened freemen repose upon good fixed principles, and not upon the forbearance of rulers to bring bad ones into action. That the powei of the Federal Government has been extending itself from its formation up to this time, is a fact about which there is no dissenting voice. The great fundamental error which has facilitated this march of federal dominion, was committed in the year 17,89. It was the unfortunate and fatal con- struction, that the officers of the American republic hold their places at the will of the Executive. This forced construction-I say con. structien, for the power to remove officers is not delegated in any express grant of the constitution, has given our government an antV- republican tendency. It has made the officers independent of the people, and destroyed responsibility, which is the principle upon which our whole system rests. It has converted the servants of the people into the agents of the President. They are no longer the riniuisters of the law, but are bound to do their ofEfee according to his commands. The union of the appointiwgyand.removing power in the hands of one man, is the key stone in the arch of arbitrary go- vernment throughout the world. It is the hold of this power that maintains Louis Pbilippe on the Throne of France. It is the pos- session of this power that enables the Emperor of Russia to give law to forty millions of people. It is the power to appoint and remove the officers of his kingdcm, that enables the King of England al- ways to command a majority of the representatives oI the people hi the House of Commons. The Commons vote him money, and with the use of money in all the forms of patronage, hie contrives to cof- trol the ballot box, and thereby secures the re-election of his friends. Thbis it nothing but Ciesar's principle in another form. Ile said withz money lie could get men, and with men he could get MorN money By tins purchase of men with mcney and money with 5 men, Caesar was enabled to conquer the world. And it is by pre- cisely the same principle that the great mass of the human race has ever been held in slavery by their rulers. Looking below the out- ward forms, and comir!g to the springs and principles that propel the political machine, the appointing and removing power is the lever by which the strength of the few has every where overcome the strength of the many. The union of those powers in a single hand is the (leep and broad foundation of a privileged order-the founda- tion of a distinct interest between the officers and the people-be- tween the governors and the governed. The people have an interest that the government should be cheap, but those who are indepen- dent of the people, and live upon the Treasury, have an interest that it should be extravagant. The people have an interest to have a President with limited and defined powers, but it is the interest of the officers dependant on his will, that the power which dispenses favors among them, should be boundless, for the more it is aug- mented, the more they hope to share in its benefits and bounties. We shall see here what has been seen every where, the renewal of the old contest between the rulers and the people. What is the history of nations but a history of the oppression of rulers, and the sufferin(r and resistance of the people. Over the face of the whole earth, in all ages, we behold these twro separate interests in pE rpetual conflict. Whether it be possible so to divide power between govern- ment and people, as to guarantee public order and public liberty, is an undecided question-I say undecided, because no nation that has ever existed under the sun, has been able permanently t-) preserve its liberties from the encroachments of the power of its own go- verninent. If freedom and slavery be compared in regard to numbers, time and place, it will be found that freedom has not been enjoyed by one in a hundred of the human family: that its residence opon earth has been but a few centuries, and confined to but few countries. In the contest between the few and the many, the few in the long run have every where triumphed over the many. Under this view of the subject shall wve pass heedlessly forward! Shall we shut our eyes, and prematurely rush into the common grave in which has been bu. ried the liberty of nations! Shall we close our ears to the distant elanking of the chains of slavery, and quietly wait until the rivets are put through and fastened Shall we lay the flattering unction to our souls, that we have a grant from heaven, that our liberty shall be rescued from the common doom, and made immortal Or rather shall we not act upon the solemn conviction, that the duration of onr independence does depend upou the vigilance and wisdom with which we guard it! Itseems difficult, at first view, how the few 6 can contrive, under the forms of ourconstitution. to govern the many. A few illustrations will make it plain. It will not be many years be- fore there will be a hundred thousand federal officers in the republic. Now the great body of the people at their homes, on their farms, and in their work shops, riot being eye-witnesses, have to judge of the men and measures of theirigovernment upon evidence. These hun- dred thousand officers will be interested witnesses, and will go among the people, and give volunry evidence that all their chief does is right and proper. This army of officers all holding their places by one will, all having one interest, being all moved by one command, can easily by their united power and influence, crush any one who dares to raise his voice il behalf of the people, and who would tell them the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Who could stand before the systematic attacks and slanders, and accusations, of legions of interested accusers, dispersed over the whole land, seconded and supported by a press, fed from the same crib, and acting by the same command In the warfare th'it will be carried on by the rulers, against the people, one primary object will be to bunt down and destroy, and thrust out of their way, all pnblic men who are advocates of popu- lar rights. Every true patriot will be held up to public scorn as the vilest culprit. In the history of the machinations, and stratagems of the officers of government to increase their own emoluments, and perpetuate their own power, it is no new expedient to put the friends of the people out of their way. The history of the Grecian Tepub- lics, is filled with examples, which disgrace almost every page of the fallof the purest patriots under the fraud and violence of the enemies of liberty. They banished Aristides, murdered Phocion, and imp-rison- ed Miltiades. When Mark Anthony, Octavius, and Lepidus, were about to divide the Roman empire, and distroy the liberties of their country, their first step was to make out lists of the statesmen, and patriots, (among whom was Cicero,) who must first be put to death. The manners of the world have changed; then they made short work of it, by taking heads off. Now they have to arrive at their object, by a slower process, by false accusations; supported by interested witnesses. The public press which ought to be the ally of liberty, will be bought over by the hundreds of thousands of dollars of governmerital patronage, and will give the same in- terested testimony. This powerful league, in possession of the government, and public treasure, and whose influence extends to every house in the nation, and who are united for the purpose of living in ease and splendor, upon he sweat of the poor man's face; will profess all the while to be the 7 -exclusive and devoted friends of the people, and thus the confiding community will be deceived, and under this deception vote for the friends of usurpation. It is thus that the few, contrive to govern the many. Thus it is that under the forms of a free constitution, they will commence their conquests upon the public liberty. The power of' removal is the political lion in our system-a lion that long slept, but when aroused from his slumber, has laid every bar tier prostrate that was placed around him. In the pure days of the republic,and in the simplicity of his heart, Mr Madison thought that 'the power of impeachment would be a sufficient check upon the re- moving power. The power of impeachment against the appointing and Temoving power-against the power that has the dispensation of the honors and treasure of the nation, experience has fully shewn 'would be just about as efficient as would the strength of the wren or snow bird to resist the force of the eagle. This power is a Samp- son, that all of the constitutional ropes and withes cannot bind, and unless his locks be speedily clipped, he will lay hold of the pillars of the temtple, and heave our liberties into ruins. The veto power, and the privilege of going 'into the halls of Congress with the appointing power in his hands, will sooner or Jater place the legislative power at the feet of the Executive. Ge- neral Jackson did not express the danger too strongly, when lie said that so long as the President retained this power, that corruption would be the order of the day. If it shall be impossible to impress the country with a sense of the impending dangers; if these funda- mental errors, which experience has developed in our system, shall be suffered to come to maturity, many of the present generation may live to see the last days of the republic. But if the sanctity of le- gislation shall be secured from Executive invasion, and the officers -of the land shall be made responsible to the people by a timely reform, the vessel of state will be righted, and be restored to its republican tack. The popular authority, in the enaction of laws for the common good will be revived, and the representative prin- ciple again exalted. I say nothing of many other abuses, for they are the consequen- ,ces of those already pointed out. The principle that tihe officers of the Republic are the President's servants and dependant on his will, necessarily subverts the power of the people, and places the public treasure, the legislative, and judicial power in his hands. To sup- pose that the people can retain their power over their government with this principle at the bottom of it, is just as rational as it would be to believe that animal life could lie sustained without vital air.- The vital principle in a republic, is the sempoexibility of public func- tionaries to the people. Destroy the dependence of the publdc offi- 1 test upon tfie people and their power is gone, and the republic is at an end, except the name. To restore the power of' the states and the people, it is necessary that the representatives of the states should have the s'ame share itr removals that they have in appointments. The introduction of the representative principle is all that bas elevated, distinguished, and marie securethe modern edifice of liber- ty above the rude andl clumsy structures- of antiquity. It Is to thiTs representative principle that freemen must clingf for safety. But how is this principle to be preservedl by no other mcans than by intelligence and justice, in the appointing and removing power.- The people, and the executive, bring their power to bear on the go- vernment in the selection and removal of public functionaries. And here is the foundation of the maxim, that a republric carn exist only in a [ation where fnteTligence and virtue have the ascegdency. But if in judging of the conduct of representatives, no regard is had' to justice; ifno regard is had to the manner in which they havt discharged their duty; the strong incentive to upright conduct is tax ken away, and the value of the representative principle destroyed. Behold one result of -this stupendous and all enguiphi'g power of removal, as displayeJ in the Post Office department! I allude not to its adruin;tration by any particular individual, birt to the princi- ples upon which it is organized. Its operations extending from the centre, to every part of the circumference of the republic with the rapidity of the winds. In the possession of the political, cornmer- cial, and social correspondence of the whole country; employing' the services of' over thirty thousand men, all guided by, and dependant on, one irresponsible man, it is the most potent, and will become in the hands of any party, the most dlangerous political en- gine in the world. But there are other reasons why executive power sl.could be reduced to dimensions compatible with liberty. In proportion as this power shall expand and tower above restraint, it will become more sedueo- tive in the eyes of vaulting ambition; and the danger will be increas- ed that our liberty will perish under the blows of rival aspirants for its attainment. Why have all writers agreed, than an elective mcmnareby was the worst of all the forms of' government It is because the prize is too hiah, too temptingr, for the weakness of human nature. Stuch elec- tions have ever degenerated into corruption and violence, beo. cause, the aspirants for power, like Macbeth, were willing to sell their soul s for a crown. I shall not divert your attention by any allusion to ordinary legis. lation; for why should you pause-to brush away the. dust, or sweep 9 down the cobwebs infl the apartments of the political mansion; when erery effort should be directed to repair the breaches in the foundation, The march of federal power has displayed itself, also in the mul- tiplication of federal officers, and in the continual increase of the expenses of the government. The following table will shew the annual progressive increase in the public expenditures from the year 1791 to 1834, inclusive. 1791 - 7,207,539 1806 - 15,070,993 1821 - 19,090,57S 1 79 2 - 9,141,569 1807 - 11,292,292 1 5n - 17,676,59 2 1793 - 7,529,375 1803 - 16,76;,584 1823 - 15,314,171 1794 - 9,302,124 1809 - 13,867,225 1824 - 31,893,538 1795 - 10,435.(069 1810 - la',3J9,986 1825 - 2.3,585,804 1796 _ 8,367,776 1811 - 13,601,808 1826 - 24, 103,39S 1797 - 8,626,01,2 181 - 2i2,279,1I'1 1 827 - 2,2,656,764 1798 - 8,619,517 I183 - 3949g,512U0 18 - 2.5,459,479 1799 - 11,07T,043 181A - 38,028,as0 1829 - 25,044,35 8 1800 - 11,989,7 39 1815 . 39,582,493 18.30 - 24,S85,281 1801 - 12,27;3,376 1816 - 48,t,4S [s8t - 3o,0o88,446 1802 - 1i,276,84, I817 - 4o,s87.rji1 1832 - 34,356,608 1803 - 11,,25,983 18183 35,101,873 I1833 - 24,257,298 1804 - 12,624,646 1819 - 24,004,199 1834 - 25,591,390 1805 - 13,727,114 1 .) 21,7630,2 I I voted last year for a reduction in the salaiies of the public officers, to the estimated amount of eight hundred thousand dollars. And I voted this year against a proposed increase of salaries to the amount of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. My convictions of duty in relation to the reduction of the expenses of the government do not arise so much from considerations connected with economy, as from those relating to the power of the govern- ment and the liberty of the people. However important the dis- bursement of the large revenues, of the republic, may be in other respects, it is more so, as a question of powver. The amount of this central power, depends on the number of offices, and the amount of salaries in its gift, twenty thousand offices worth five millions, would confer just half as, much power, as forty thousand woith ten millions. I am, therefore, for a large reduction in the expenses of the go- vernment, for the purpose of lopping away its redundant power, and to elevate the authority and influence of the people. In any government, no matter by what name it is called, where the offices are more numerous, and more valuable that are in the executive gift, than those immediately in the gift of the people, the executive power will soon become stronger than the power of the people. If the number of federal offices and the amount of compen- sation, of which, the people have the direct disposal, be compared with those of which the executive has the gift, the people's share would be abouL as one is to one hundred and seventy five Heace, 10 we see the public servants that are elected by the people, gener- ally, willing to quit the service of the people, and go into the exec- utive department, because places in the executive department are worth several times as much as appointments under the people. The president can come into congress with a foreign minister's appointment in his band, worth 9000, and an outfit of 9000, and the peoples business is abandoned-With a collectors commis. sion, or that of a marker or gauger, or weigher in a custom house, he can take away the servants of the people. The power of the peo- ple is exerted through their agents, to restore their power, it is necessary that the situations of their immediate servants should be as desirable as the posts of the agents of the President. It is no answer to say, that the president is himself responsible to public opinion, every four years; because his power and patronage will secure his reelection and the appointment of his successor. There will not be one time in a hundred, that a popular president will not be able, in effect, to transmit his power to his favorite. But there are other controlling views on the subject; when the salaries of the federal officers are placed far above what the states can afford to pay, the attention of the most competent men, is drawn away from the service of the states, and in proportion, as state pow4 er and influence is thus impaired, additions are made to federal sway. The following table will exhibit the salaries paid by the several states to their governors anti judges, and the popvlation of each state, to wit States. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, MassacIhusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, lDelaw;re, Maryl:rn], Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Al aliama, Masmssippi, L'u isimrsa, Tennessee, Kentuckv Qhio, I n(diana, Illinois, Missouri, Governors-.1 Judges ulI est ighest ets. to highet. 1,500 1,800 1,.500 1,200 1,400 [1, 200 750 1,175 3,666 3,500 1,80') 400 65( 550 1,100 1,100 1,050 4,000 2,000 1,250 2,000 1,200 111M 4,moi 2,666 2,000 1,333 1,200 1,000 3,500 !2,20 3,333 2,700 1,500 2,000 2,500 2,000 3,500 3,500 2,500 3,00o 2,000 2.500 7,500 2,f)00 2 , 0 0 0 1,000 1,000 1,0e00 1,500 2,100 2,100 2,000 5,000 1,8(0 1,5(N) 1,200 0,700 I ,Olu 1,000 2,000 1,8-00 1,000 1,000 1,000 Populati'n. 399,450 269,326 280,652 910,408 97,199 297,675 1,918,608 330,000 1,348,233 76,748 447,040 1,211,405 727,987 531,185 516,825 309,527 136,621 215,739 681,904 687,917 937,90.3 313,031 157,445 140,455 11 Several inferences of great practical value can he drawn from foregoing table, from it we can collect what is the public opinion of the people of the twenty four States in regard to the salaries of their highest officers, but in order to get the full value of the information imparted by this document let us contrast it with the following to wit: A table showing the salaries of certain Officers and the expences of certain departmients of the Federal government for the year 1833: President of the U. States - 25,000 Vice President - - - - - 5,000 Secretary of State, b . -- 6,000 Clerks and MeSSengers in the office of the Sec. of State 21,479 Contingent expences of the office of the Sec. of State 25,009-86 Secretary of the Treasury 6,000 Clerks and Messengers in the office of the Secretaiy of the Treasury - - - - - - - 17,887-43 First comptroller of the Treasury - - - 3,791 Clerks Messengers in the office of the first comptroller 20,700 Second comptroller of the Treasury - - - 3,000 Clerks and Mlessengers in the office of the second coinp- troller 10,450 First Auditor of the Treasury - - - 3,750 Clerks and Messenger in the Office of the first Auditor 15,059 Second Auditor of the Treasury - - 3,000 Clerks and Messenger in the office of the Second Auditorl7,783-93 Third Auditor of the Treasury - - 3,250 Clerks and Messenger in the office of the third Auditor 23 687 Fourth Auditor of tihe Trreasulry 3,000 Clerks and Messenger in the office of (he fourth Auditorl7,051-53 Fifth Auditor of the Treasury - - - 3,250 Clerks and Mlessengrer in the offire of the fifth Auditor 13,865,77 Treasurer of the United States - - - 3,250 Clerks and Messenger in the office of the Treasurer of the United States 7,321-50 Register of the Treasury - - - - 3,250 Clerks and Messengers in the office of the register of the Treasury - - 2a5,883.10 Commissioner of the General land office - 3,250 Clerks and Messengers in the General land office 21,970-16 Contingent expenses in the general land office 13,158-41 Extra aid in the general land office - - 11,481-67 Solicitor of the Treasury - - 3,791-48 Clerks and Messenger in the office of the solicitor 4,279-20 Contingent expenees of the office of the Secretary of the Treasury - - - - 10,000 Secrerary of War - - - - 6,000 ulerks and Messenger in the office of the acc'y at War 25,058 commissioner of Indian afairs - - - 2,848 Temporary clerks in the pension bureau including con- tincgencies - - - - - 33,039 Secretary of the Navy - - - - 6,000 Clerks and Messengrer in the office of the Secretary of tbe Navy - - - - 14,523 12n Post Master General - - - 6.000 Two assistants at 2,500 each , - 5,000 Clerks and Mfessengers in the office of the Post Master General - a - - - 41,100 Additional clerks hired in the post office department for 1831 and 1832 - - 34,477 Contingent expenses of the office of the post master genl. 7.500 Custom house in the city of New York - 200,041-83 Furniture for the President's House - - - 20,000 Completing the regulation of the grounds and planting south of the President's 1lHouse - - 4,660 Pedestal Wall, railing and footway at the north front of the President's House - - - 10,000 Conducting water in pipes and construction of Reservois and Hydrants at the President's House and public offices - - - - 12,423 Minister Plenipotentiary,Salary 9,000 out fit 9,000 18,000 Collectors at) The following are a few specimens Boston 5taken front the Custom House 4,009 Gauger . - - - - 3,714,81 New York City collector - - 4,400 Weigher - a 4 -- . 3,4'2 Marker - . - 3,87,9 Measurer - - - , 2,762 Philadelphia collector a - - 4,400 Weigher - a - - 6,997 49 Measurer - - _ - . 2,674-17 And by perquisites, and extras, many of these officers receive from 6000 to 8000 dollars a year. The foregoing table exhibits only a few of the large drops in the ocean of federal expenditure. The federal government pays a weigher in the customr house onr than the state of New York, with a population of near two millions, pays its governor-a mere marker and gauger, and many of the sub.- ordinate officers here in the departments, Teceive each nearly twice as much as the governor of Kentucky, with a population of 687,917 soals. The door-keepers here receive as much as is paid to the judges ot the court of appeals of Kentucky, and the waiters in the offices, receive as much as our circuit judges. While this disparity exists between state and federal compensa- tion, it is obvious that there will be a preference to serve the nation, rathei than the states. Able, faithful, and talented men, are essential to the maintenance of the power and authority of the state governments. The experience of faithful public servants is the most valuable part of the public property. In a republic of vast extent, the peo- pile cannot quit their homes, and come together to carry on the gor- ernment-Lhey must do it by representatives. The success of the experiment, the liberty of the people depend upon a sacred regard to all the principles which should bind representatives and consti is ents together. While the representative is a faithful centilnel upon the watch tower of the constitution. and the people are guided by Justice in all their judgments of his conduct; while they stand by uphold and support the tiue servant, and punish the traitor, the re- public is safe. Almost every where we see men holding the highest o4Tices in the states, anxious to give them up and enter into the ser- vice of the nation. With a view to counteract this tendency, and to preserve and defend themselves, a few of the states have brought their salaries up in competition with the federal government. Louis- iana with only a population of 215,739 determined not to be cut dcone, and lately, two or her most distinguished citizens left the Nan- tional councils to serve their state. I know it is fashionable in what is called the higher circles of life, to advocate large and generous salaries to public officer3; many scholars and statesmen agree in such views, and there are hosts of idlers in the towns and cities, who repebt and affect to approve of what they understand to be fash- ion-able among the great-but according to my experience there is more practical wisdom among the plain industrious part ox mankind. It is a universal opinion among that class of men, whose advice I choose to follow, that economy ought to be observed in tihs public expenditures. There are many who denounce this as preju- dice, and as;ert that such an opinion in the people proceeds from parsimony; but those who thus reason have taken but a superficial view of the subject. An opinion that is so universal, and so long entertained, has a deeper and a broader foundation. The very peo- ple who entertain this opinion, and who are ridiculed for their pat- simony, are, when occasion calls for it, liberal and open-handed. We have seen them submit without a murmur, to the payment of millions of debt occasioned by the war. The truth, that a govern- ment to be free must be cheap, is proven by all history, the people therefore when they are advocates for a cheap government, are advfr cates for a government with limited powers, and the ascendancy of their owvn authority; and a pure administration of the laws. There is another radical mistake on this subject: the public business . - always been better done by mea with moderate compensation than by those who have extravagant pay. In the Gays of Washingat when a book-keeper received but 1000, he staid in his office and always had his business up. But when the wages are raised to 3 or 4000, the officer turns politician, quits his office, neglects his business, and goes out to tell the people how to vote at their elections, so that he may retain is3 office, and have his salary increased still higher. The effect of large salaries will be to create an organized corps to superintend the pola- tics of the country. Now I believe the people entirely competent to elect their repre 14. sentatives without the aid of federal officers, and the slanderous handbills and publications with which the country is filled every year, before the elections. I would admonish these officers by reducing their pay, to stay in tieir offices, and attend to their duty, as they did in the pure days of the republic. Again when the salaries of the federal officers are placed so far above the profits of all the common pursuits of life, they will be- come objects of general desire and amnbition-this city will become the general theatre, to which crowds of office seekers will flock from all quarters to make fortunes. There will be fifty applicants for every office, and the efforts for success will degenerate into servility and will assimilate the President's mansion, filled with countless scores of kneeling flatterers, to a European court, where competitors will contest their way to power and emolument by all the means of intrigue and submission. This is altogether incompatible with that inflexible republican independence, which should ever eharacteriso our people and government: these evils could be corrected by re- ducing the pay of federal officers to what could be earned in the service of the states, or in the common pursuits of life-examples are already citcd up in argument selected from the practice of Eu- ropean monarchies, to justify the augmentation of the salarid e of our public functionaries, for the avowed purpose of enabling them to re- ciprocate the courtesy and hospitality of foreigners in European stile. The extravagance of the salaries of the officers at the seat of govern- ment, has enabled them to ape the manners of foreign courts, and has introduced in the style of livingawasteful prodigality; and dis- figured the simplicity of our repablican institutions, by the exterior forms and shows of Royalty. HIow can you cut down this giant power that is now above the laws, and stronger than the constitution, so effectually as by striking at the very core of its heart-at the money upon which it feeds and gows aid is made strong-yes, it is money lhat is tie life and blood, and muscle, and bone of power. With a view to give a clear conception of the magnitude of the power and patronage of the Federal Government, which is conferred by the enormous expenditures of public money, I will present the eubiect uninvolved in the mysteries of the usual mode ol calculation. For the year 1832, the total expenditures of the government, were thirty-four millions,tlhree hundred and fifty-six thousand,six hundred and ninety-eight dollars. Allowing twelve dollars to the pound, the whole weighed two millions, eight-hundred and sixty-two thousand and fifty-eight p0on1s. Allowing two thousand weight to each, it woul'l] lead fourteen hundred and thirty-one waggons. Allowing fitly yards for each cie to orivc on, it would make a train of teamin 15 Otretching over the distance of forty miles, or as far as from Frank- fort to Winchester. From 1791 to 1834 inclusive a period of forty-four years, there has been collected from the people, and expended by the govern- ment, eight hundred and ninety-two millions, fifty-three thousand five hundred and thirty dollars. Allowing twelve to the pound, would make seventy-four millions, three hundred and thirty-seven thousand, seven hundred and ten pounds. Divide this into loads of two thousand pounds weight each, and there would be thirty-seven thousand, one hundred and sixty-eight loads. Allow fifty yards far each to move on, and you have a train of teams stretching out, one thousand and fifty-five miles, or as far as it is from Lexington to Boston. This letter is written in discharge of what I hold to be the duty of every public man, to give the people due 7lnd timely warning, of whatever may in his judgment jeopardise their liberty. But if this be the duty of every public servant, it is especially mine. Being myself one of the people, having been raised at the plow, and in the workshop; having been unsupported by either svealthlor kindred; I I feel bound by every just and sacred obligation, never to neglect, or to forget the interest of the generous community, to whose kindness I am indebted for the distingunished honor of having represented enlightened freemen fourteen years. Judging from all past history, I early foresaw the contest which would arise between the governors and the governed; therefore I never sought an executive appoint- ment believing every service which I could Tender, was due im- mediately to the people, because I am indebted to them for what little knowledge I possess; for their partiality placed me in situa- tions to obtain it. I feel concious thatinwhat I have said to you, Ihave been actuated by no unworthy party motive. As to mere party spirit, I have seen enough of its pernicious tendency in the course of my public life to detest it. I have seen party spirit break up the harmony of cow- munition, and destroy the kind and social relations of life. I have seen it taint the fountain of legislation, and crush the best interests of the country. I have seen it bring the union of these states, to the very verge of dissolution. 1 have constantly acted towards par- ties upon the hypothesis, that the great boi"y of both were equally honest, equally patriotic, and would be equally willing to give their blood and treasure to defend the country. Among brethren inhabi- ting the same land,.membeis of the same political community, agreeing in so much that is essential to the preservation of liberty, I have even felt more inclined to draw closer the cords which bind them to together, than to scatter among them the fire brands of hate and discord. In regard to the President, having been one of twelve in the Se- nate of Kentucky, who voted in the negative on the resolution to in- btruct our members of Congress to vote for him. in this act, having followed the lead of no man, being guided alone by the unbiased dictates of my own mind; (for in this case the party with which I then actedgenerally left me,)my motives and sincerity having never been questioned: I have never felt under ary temptation to make myself conspicuous in the ranks of party. by opposing him for mere party effect. I have left that course to those who aided in elevating him to power, and after having approved of the principles of his administration, retired from him, not having realized their golden anticipations. After the public voice had, by all the forms of the constitutiob, placed him in the Presidential chair, I determined to treat him as the Chief Magistrate of the Nation, and support him, whenever, in my judgment, he was right. Accordingly, on the most trying occasion during his whole administration, when lie most needed assistance irn his conflict with Nullification, I gave hint my support with as much cordiality as if he had been the President of my own choice. After having experienced so long the forbearance and kindness of his friends in my district, it would be unnatural that the censure which I have been compelled to bestow on parts of his administra- tion, should, in any degree, have proceeded from personal unkind- ness to him or them. Thcse who druse to make a trade of politics, who notice well the current of the winds, and always float along with majorities, who get good appointments and highl saleries, have an easy time of it. Believing that the liberty of your children and my own d epended on a strict adherence to the constitution, it has been my hard lot to toil in minorities. I stood five years by the Constitution of Ken- tucky, in a minority before it was restored, and I have been here four years in a minority who were making efforts for the restoration of the Federal Constitution to its original limitations. Every candid man will see how difficult it has been for me to pass through such difficult service in high party times, without giving offence. It feil to my lot to make the first speech that was made in the Kentucky Legrislature, against the icorganizing act; and the first that was made against the bill for placing six Judges in the Court of Appeals. The duty was also imposed upon me of drafting ihe law that finas ly restored the constitution. Those who may have taken excep. tion to these, or any rther of my political acts, should recollect, that I obeyed the will of my constituents; and while I freely es- pressed my own opinions, I never impeached the motives of others. But I have been more than compensated for all the afflictions and troubles which I have endured in the public service, duiing the most violently agitated periods in the civil history of our state and nation, by the good fortune of having been sustained by a just and generous people. I never desired any other reward, than the pleasure of having done my duty, and the approbation ofmy constituents. Accept,fellow citizens, my grateful acknowledgements for the confidence with which you have honored me. CHILTON ALLA.N