Too sweet to kill

The Lowell Sun

Updated:
06/12/2013 06:33:57 AM EDT

WASHINGTON -- The steamboat conveying Andrew Jackson up the Ohio River toward his tumultuous 1829 inauguration had brooms lashed to its bow, symbolizing Old Hickory's vow to clean up Washington. But sweeping out Washington's Augean stables, like painting the Golden Gate Bridge, is steady work, so steady it never ends. Neither do the policies that cosset sugar producers.

These immortal measures just received the Senate's benediction because they illustrate the only law Washington can be counted on to respect. It is the law of dispersed costs but concentrated benefits.

The provisions by which Washington transfers wealth from 316 million American consumers to a few thousand sugar producers are part of a "temporary" commodity support program created during the Great Depression. Not even the New Deal could prolong the Depression forever. It ended. But sugar protectionism is forever. The Senate recently voted 54-45 against even mild reforms of the baroque architecture of protections for producers of sugar cane and sugar beets.

The government guarantees up to 85 percent of the U.S. sugar market for U.S.-produced sugar. The remaining portion of the market is allocated for imports from particular countries at a preferential tariff rate. Minimum prices are guaranteed for sugar from cane and beets. Surplus sugar -- meaning that which U.S. producers cannot profitably sell -- is bought by the government and sold at a loss to producers of ethanol, another program whose irrationalities are ubiquitous.

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All this probably means $3.7 billion in higher sugar costs. It also means scores of thousands of lost jobs as manufacturers of candy and products with significant sugar content move jobs to countries where they can pay the much lower world price of sugar.

Sugar protectionism is government planning. It is politics supplanting the market in allocating wealth and opportunity. And it is perfectly all right with 20 of the 45 Republican senators.

That many voted against modest reforms, thereby rendering themselves forever ineligible to speak the language of limited government. One of them is Marco Rubio. He is fluent in that language, but he represents Florida. Actually, he represents the state's sugar-cane growers better than he does its 19.3 million sugar consumers.

About 6,700 generations (200,000 years of 30-year generations) ago, the human race arrived. About 400 generations ago, agriculture began. Seven generations ago (1800), it took five American farmers to feed one nonfarmer. Until four generations ago, a majority of American workers was in agriculture. Today, less than 2 percent of the workforce are farmers, and one farmworker feeds 300 people. But 6,700 generations from now, there will still be today's web of policies -- not a safety net but a hammock -- woven for the comfort of sugar producers.

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