The Indian National Congress was founded in
Bombay as an organization seeking greater representation for
Indians within the context of British rule. By World War I, it had
evolved into a nationalistic movement for independence, but the
organization did not become mass-based until it employed Mahatma
Gandhi's strategy of nonviolent noncooperation and civil
disobedience beginning in the 1920s. With the achievement of
independence from Britain in 1947, the movement lost its
solidifying element as it became an organization exercising
governmental power rather than one seeking it. Gandhi himself
questioned its suitability as a parliamentary party, and some
elements left the Congress by choice or pressure soon after
independence. Nevertheless, the organization adapted itself to
electoral politics, and it underwent a subtle name change to
Congress Party in conjunction with its new role.

1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity

16, AC8

Communists left the Congress Party in 1945.
Congress Socialist Party members left in 1948. These are
considered to be major splits. In December, 1949, 21 Congressmen
formed the Jan Congress. This constituted a minor split. In 1951 a
large number of Congressmen left to form the KMPP. The forward
bloc returned to Congress in 1956. This does not appear to be a
major merger. The formation of Jana Sangh in 1951 does not appear
to have involved Congress to any appreciable extent. The Shiromani
Akali Dal joined Congress in 1957 and split again in 1959. This is
one of the most important of the non-Hindu communal parties but
these actions do not appear to be major. The formation of the
Swatantra in 1959 does not appear to have involved Congress to a
large degree. It is not considered in the evaluation of the
code.

1.04 Leadership Competition

12, AC7

There were several prominent leaders of the
Indian National Congress - such as G.K.Gokhale and
B.G.Tilak--prior to Gandhi's emergence in the 1920s as the
spiritual and, to a lesser extent, the organizational leader of
the movement. Two major factions developed in the Gandhian era--a
conservative wing led by M.Nehru and V.Patel and a radical wing
led by S.C.Bose, J.Nehru, and J.Narayan, but Gandhi was the
acknowledged leader by both. The office of the president of
Congress was distinctly subordinate to Gandhi during his life, and
with the achievement of independence, the incumbent president
became embroiled in tensions concerning the relationship of the
party to elected officials. Upon Gandhi's assassination in 1948,
the Congress leadership passed to Nehru, the Prime Minister, and
Patel, the deputy Prime Minister--neither of whom were Party
President. In 1950, the party presidency involved a test of
strength between the two, as Nehru quietly backed A.Kripalani for
the position and Patel openly backed P.Tandon. Tandon won, but
Patel died in late 1950 and in 1951, Nehru forced Tandon from the
presidency and was elected president himself, thus assuming
official leadership of the party as well as the government. Nehru
kept both positions until 1954, when he resigned in favor of his
selected successor, U.N.Dhebar. Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi,
succeeded Dhebar as party president in 1959, and she was replaced
by N.S.Reddy later the same year. In 1962, Reddy was replaced by
D.Sanjivia. Thus, throughout our time period, Nehru remained the
effective leader of the Congress after having won legitimate
control of the party following his 1951 election as president by
the all-India Congress committee.

1.05 Legislative Instability

Instability is .02, AC8

A problem arises in determining legislative
representation for 1950 and 1951, when India operated with a
provisional parliament. Only one source (the making of the Indian
Republic, by P. Misra) gives the seats held by the Congress Party
in the constituent assembly, which was elected in 1946 as the
forerunner of the provisional parliament, the name change
occurring with the 1950 constitution. The Congress was credited
with winning 205 of 296 seats, or 69 percent. Assuming this figure
remained constant through 1950 and 1951, this was the low point of
Congress representation during our time period. In the first
elections to the Lok Sabha (House of the People) in 1951-1952, the
Congress won nearly 75 percent of the seats and held that figure
over two subsequent elections in our time period.

1.06 Electoral Instability

Instability is .03, AC9
During our time period, elections were held in 1951-52, 1957, and
1962. The Congress Party won 48 percent of the votes in 1957 and
45 percent in the other two elections.

Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07

2.01 Government
Discrimination

1 for 1950-56, AC7

1 for 1957-62, AC7

The Congress Party continued as the ruling
party from independence in 1947 throughout the end of our time
period. It received some important benefits from this fact, such
as widespread renown and the ability to deliver in fulfillment of
requests for governmental policies and favors. It is clear,
moreover, that elected Congress officials could draw upon
governmental resources in their campaign activities. Most of our
sources, however, do not feel that Congress employed "contrived
unfairness" in using the power of the state to discriminate
systematically and effectively against opposition parties, with
two exceptions. The choice of single-member districts, which
predominated during our time period, and simple majority vote was
intended to favor the Congress Party in controlling parliament and
to discourage representation of minority parties. Also, there can
be no question but that the Congress government did discriminate
against the Communist Party during our time period by disrupting
its meetings and otherwise harassing its officials. But this form
of discrimination was largely limited to the Communist Party, and
the other parties enjoyed freedom of opposition. Most scholars
gave special credit to the electoral commission for the
administration of fair elections. The unique case of
discrimination against the Communist Party is handled in the
"governmental discrimination" variable for that party.

2.02 Governmental Leadership

7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9

6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
Nehru had been the national leader since independence in 1947 and
was a member of the Congress.

2.03 Cabinet Participation

7 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC9

6 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9

Nehru, a member of the Congress Party, had
been Prime Minister throughout this time period.

2.04 National Participation

6 for 1950-56, AC8

6 for 1957-62, AC8

Dividing India into five regional zones
(see Zagoria, 1971), we find the composition of the Congress Party
deviating from the distribution of the electorate across these
zones by an average of only 1.7 percentage points, based on the
1961 all-India poll.

2.05 Legislative Strength

Strength is .73 for 1950-56, AC8, and .75
for 1957-62, AC9

A problem arises in determining legislative
representation for 1950 and 1951, when India operated with a
provisional parliament. Only one source (the making of the Indian
Republic, by P. Misra) gives the seats held by the Congress Party
in the constituent assembly, which was elected in 1946 as the
forerunner of the provisional parliament, the name change
occurring with the 1950 constitution. The Congress was credited
with winning 205 of 296 seats, or 69 percent. Assuming this figure
remained constant through 1950 and 1951, this was the low point of
Congress representation during our time period. In the first
elections to the Lok Sabha (House of the People) in 1951-1952, the
Congress won nearly 75 percent of the seats and held that figure
over two subsequent elections in our time period.

2.06 Electoral Strength

Strength is .45 for 1950-56, AC9, and .46
for 1957-62, AC9

During our time period, elections were held
in 1951-52, 1957, and 1962. The Congress Party won 48 percent of
the votes in 1957 and 45 percent in the other two
elections.

2.07 Outside Origin

9, AC7
A retired British civil servant, Allan Octavian Hume, was
associated with the formation of the Indian National Congress in
1885. His name is mentioned in several sources but not in all. One
source states that four of the early Congress presidents were
Englishmen. Although all sources do not mention the name of Hume,
it would appear that he and other Englishmen were important in the
formation of the party. However, our consultant advises that the
critical founders were upper class Indian leaders.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15

5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production

3, AC8

During this time period, the public sector
was widely increased under Congress rule. Private production was
not to be phased out, however. The 5- year plans called for an
increase in public production and the expropriation of private
industries if deemed necessary for strategic benefit or overall
planning. Congress statements prescribe some state control of the
private sector.

5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning

5, AC9

The Congress Party, as the ruling party,
initiated two 5-year plans during this time period. The public
sector was increased through the building of such things as a
fertilizer factory and irrigation projects. The government was
supposed to provide water, power, and fertilizer and a general
comprehensive plan for the economy of the state as a
whole.

5.03 Redistribution of Wealth

3, AC8

The party advocated the elimination of
poverty and supports major land reform, but sources indicate that
the local levels did not carry out this land reform to a large
degree. Land reform was urged throughout the time period,
indicating that it was not completed to a sufficient extent. The
tax structure was reoriented. Personal property was not
eliminated. In 1959, joint co- operative farming was advocated,
with all who worked the farm receiving products according to work
not ownership.

5.04 Social Welfare

3, AC4

The party stated the goal of establishing a
welfare state in India. Evidence on practices to implement this
program is slight. Compulsory provident funds did exist in
industry. Party policy called for an improvement in public health
and in the situation concerning the untouchables. One source
states that housing sites were allocated to untouchables, nursery
school and scholarship programs existed, and some governmental
jobs were reserved for certain backward communities. One source
claims that the government of the Congress as the ruling party was
not organized to implement a welfare state.

5.05 Secularization of Society

1, AC6

The Congress Party's policy called for
India as a secular state. All religions were free to practice
under reasonable restrictions. The government under Congress
operation sought to eliminate religion as a method of creating
social inequality. Some legislation was passed which interfered
with religious practices which proved discriminatory. The party
welcomed all, regardless of religious beliefs.

5.06 Support of the Military

1, AC5

Little information is available on the
armed forces, and the position of the Congress Party towards
expenditure is not given. Nehru of the Congress Party criticized
other parties on their stands for more allocation of resources to
the armed forces. Cohen's study of the Indian army notes that
after independence the status of military officers was adjusted
downwards in comparison with civilian officials, and disparities
in pay also appeared. He also states that Congress leaders decided
early that defense was not a high priority as long as Pakistan was
viewed as the likely enemy. But as our consultant points out, the
border war with china found India woefully unprepared to defend
herself.

5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs

0, AC9

All sources state that the Congress Party
favored a strong policy of nonalignment with the two major
military blocs.

5.08 Anti-Colonialism

3, AC9

The Congress Party advocated maintenance of
independence and sought the return of areas considered to be a
part of India which are held by Pakistan and Red China.
Colonialism and imperialism were condemned throughout the world.
The party was not opposed to foreign investment in
India.

5.09 Supranational Integration

3, AC6

India was a member of the commonwealth, and
information on the party's position on this is scarce. One source
states that the party was satisfied to remain within this
organization.

5.10 National Integration

3, AC9

Near, leader of the Congress Party, called
for the obliteration of communalism. Other members of the party,
especially Hindus, wanted a continuation of the caste system. The
national level may have called for the elimination of divisive
elements yet this program may not be implemented, especially on
local levels where the caste system was encouraged and put to use
for support of the party. Candidates were often chosen on the
basis of their caste.

5.11 Electoral Participation

5, AC9

Universal adult suffrage existed in India
under Congress rule during our time period. No attempts to change
this situation are recorded.

5.12 Protection of Civil Rights

3, AC8

The Congress Party was quite explicit in
its views on untouchability. All party members had to pledge to
eliminate this type of discrimination. However, the party made use
of the caste differences in political situations, as candidates
were chosen by caste in many cases. The untouchability act of 1955
provides for punishment of discriminatory practices. The policy
was strong, yet activities were not in total keeping with the
stated policies.

5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties

1, AC7

The Congress Party made no apparent moves
to censor statements made by opposition parties, but elections
occurred with much controversy and criticism of Congress officials
and methods. Our consultant states that over the years, the
Congress used various tricks to stay in power, including
limitations on paper supplies for campaign material. The media
seemed unhampered by governmental control. Information on this
variable was not great in quantity.

5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings

US says 2, center
Soviets say 2, the party goals aimed for the prosperity and
progress of the Indian people, the achievement of a government of
democratic socialist, and economic and social equality. In
practice, the party politics were directing the country along a
capitalistic line of development and were further strengthening
national monopolistic unions.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55

6.00 Open Competition In The
Electoral Process

3.5 for 1st half, AC9

4.0 for 2nd half, AC9

The Congress Party relied on open
competition in elections for the most part. In the 1951-52
elections, the Communist Party was declared illegal in two states,
although the national party policy declared that the CPI was
legal. Congress supported this suppression of the communists in
these states. For the most part, however, Congress supported open
and free competition in all elections and encouraged participation
by all in the process.

6.10 Restricting Party
Competition

.5 for 1st half, AC9

0 for 2nd half, AC9

The Congress approval of the illegal status
of the Communist Party in two states during the 1951-52 elections
was a definite restriction of party competition. The Congress
viewpoint on a national level was recognition of the CPI, however,
so a small value is given to its restriction in two states. One
source says that the CPI was banned in 3 areas during this
election for violating the peace and attempting violent overthrow
of the government. For the later time period, no evidence of
restriction of the electoral process is evident.

6.20 Subverting The Political
System

0, AC9

No substantial evidence of the Congress
Party's goal of subverting the electoral process exists. Indeed,
the electoral commission is credited with having administered fair
elections during our time period.

6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program

6.31--0, AC5.

No evidence exists of the party having
operated radio or TV. The party operated mass communications media
during election times to propagandize ideas and programs.
Pamphlets, posters, handbills, public meetings, and recordings,
were used. Party publications seem to have been distributed only
within the party structure. Communications were based upon
personal meetings with the masses and therefore could not have
been too extensive.

6.32--1, AC3.

Only one source was considered for this
code, and the source itself does not make the issue clear. The
Youth Congress trained youth for party work, but the source claims
that political activity was discouraged in this organization. A
monthly magazine was published and study tours of the country were
operated where various public works were visited. Youth camps
funded by the central ministry of education were operated. The
youth did manual labor such as repairing roads and schools, at
these camps.

6 .33--2, AC9.

Large numbers of resolutions concerning
party policies and platforms were passed at annual sessions of the
Congress Party and at meetings of the all India Congress committee
and the working committee, two party organizations. The
resolutions were concerned with both foreign and domestic affairs.
Prominent examples include the Five-Year plans concerning the
economy and the 1955 socialist pattern of society resolution
adopted by Congress.

6. 34--2, AC9.

The party appears to have frequently
published position papers on foreign and domestic affairs.
National level election manifestos were published before each
national election. Working committee resolutions were passed to
create favorable opinion, so it is assumed that the public was
informed as to the content of these resolutions. Party
publications were published for many candidates in
electioneering.

6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members

6.51--2, AC9.

Many instances existed where food,
clothing, and shelter were provided by the Congress Party, but the
distinction between governmental aid and party aid is difficult to
make. Since independence, the government has greatly expanded
services of this nature. Congress members collected money for aid
in emergencies such as famine, flood, or riot. Child care centers,
milk programs, and maternity care programs were performed by
Congress. The distinction between government and party is
difficult, but Congress urged members to participate in voluntary
or governmental social welfare programs.
6.52--2, AC6.

Congressmen found jobs for youth and the
unemployed throughout India, according to the one source which
yielded information on this variable.
6.53--2, AC9.

Members of the party frequently intervened
on behalf of citizens in governmental matters. The literature
suggests that citizens knew the power of party members and looked
to them for aid in tax matters, permits for goods such as cement,
fertilizer, and seeds, and in dealings with the police. Party
members were often requested to act as intermediaries between
citizens, and between citizens and the government.

6.54--2, AC6.

Congress Party members were active in
running schools for harijan (untouchable) children and adults.
They also made pleas to the government for more aid for education.
Many School Boards were run by Congressmen.

6.55--1, AC6.
Information on this variable was almost non-existent. The Youth
Congress operated by the party sponsored sports and cultural
activities for members. Local Congress organizations sponsored
ceremonies to celebrate national holidays. No further mention is
made of this type of activity by Congress, and it is assumed that
the party was not overly concerned with this matter.

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05

7.01 Sources Of Funds

2 (sectors 04, 05), AC8

Parties were not required to publish
expenditures or contributions information. Estimates of expense
for elections are given in the literature, as are reports of party
dues and business contributions. It is generally reported that
business and wealthy individuals contribute heavily to the party.
Party dues paid for only 14.5 percent of expenditures of the all
India Congress committee from 1959 to 1963. Electioneering costs
for 1962 were estimated at 15,853,231 rupees. Business contributed
RS 6,874,571 to the party from 1961 to 1963. If all this was spent
on elections, it would only constitute one half of the necessary
amount. Party dues could not account for much. No figures were
available for contributions by wealthy individuals. Many
candidates were expected to finance their own campaigns, but many
received party money. The party had the image of being supported
by the two elements coded.

7.02 Source of Members

5, AC9

Membership in the Congress Party was open
to all who reached the appropriate age (18 or 21). Caste,
religious affiliation, or community ties were not considered
important. One had to work for the welfare of the people and
forego the right to join any communal organization. Multiple group
membership was traditionally a phenomenon not known to India, and
no concomitant membership in another organization is mentioned in
connection with party members.

7.03 Sources of Leaders

5, AC5

The Congress Party was composed of many
factions. Much of the literature states that the Congress itself
contained factions which could make up opposing parties. The party
leaders were classified as left, right, or center and represented
many different sectors of society. The literature searched did not
yield much information on the specific backgrounds of leaders in
high positions. Business and industry were not highly represented
in leadership. Leaders did seem to represent all factions,
however. Much of the lack of real opposition to Congress is
explained by this fact.

7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties

7, AC9

The party clearly dominated the political
scene during this time period. In most areas, Congress won
elections very easily. In states where support was not large,
coalitions on local levels were set up to defeat the communists.
The Praja Socialist Party was supported in such a situation in
1954 in Travancore-Cochin, but the resulting government depended
on Congress support alone. It fell quickly, regardless. The party
had sought agreement with the PSP on socialist goals, but had been
unsuccessful as the PSP sought to remain autonomous from Congress.
On the whole, the party did not feel the need for coalitions or
alliances.

7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations

5, AC6
No evidence exists which points to Congress relations with foreign
organizations.

Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07

8.01 Structural
Articulation

11, AC7

At least six major national organs existed
in the structure of the party. Selection for some was prescribed,
while for others it was through appointment or a combination of
election and appointment. The members of the AICC, Congress
Parliamentary Party, and Parliamentary Party Executive Committee
were elected. The AICC elected 5 of the 12 members of the central
election committee and one-third of the working committee. The
central parliamentary board was appointed by the working
committee. Some members were coopted to these organizations to
represent elements not adequately represented by the election
processes.

8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization

4, AC9

The Mandal Congress Committees represented
the basic element of the party structure. Each MCC covered an area
of about 20,000 in population.

8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization

6, AC6

Mcc's seem to have existed throughout the
country. They may not have been active in all areas, but party
members could be found throughout the country, and the
organization of MCC's was probably carried out.

8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings

2, AC6

The activities of the MCC's are not well
documented in the literature. Some sources do say that they were
active only at election times. In 1954 a movement to rejuvenate
the MCC's was started with hopes to establish regular meetings.
Five years were spent on this with poor results. The district
Congress committees, which are one step above the MCC's, were the
main organs of active party work. These DCC's met several times a
year.

8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings

3, AC8

The all India Congress committee, which was
the national party organ, generally met two to three times a year.
In some instances it met more often. The meetings were not regular
but were held at the call of the working committee or the request
of fifty AICC members. The working committee met
monthly.

8.06 Maintaining Records

9, AC6

The party often published its program,
especially national election manifestos. The AICC maintained a
good library and research department according to one source. A
code of 3 was given for this. Membership lists are maintained in
DCC offices, but were known for their generally poor
quality.

8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization

17, AC7
Congress formed and controlled to a large degree the Indian
national trade union Congress, which represented a majority of the
trade unionists in the country. Business groups, such as the all
India manufacturers organization and the associate chambers of
commerce, sought the private support of Congress, although the
degree to which the party controls and penetrates these
organizations is unclear. The same is true for the cases of
scheduled caste groups and minority religious groups who supported
Congress.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08

8.01 Structural
Articulation

11, AC7

At least six major national organs existed
in the structure of the party. Selection for some was prescribed,
while for others it was through appointment or a combination of
election and appointment. The members of the AICC, Congress
Parliamentary Party, and Parliamentary Party Executive Committee
were elected. The AICC elected 5 of the 12 members of the central
election committee and one-third of the working committee. The
central parliamentary board was appointed by the working
committee. Some members were coopted to these organizations to
represent elements not adequately represented by the election
processes.

8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization

4, AC9

The Mandal Congress Committees represented
the basic element of the party structure. Each MCC covered an area
of about 20,000 in population.

8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization

6, AC6

Mcc's seem to have existed throughout the
country. They may not have been active in all areas, but party
members could be found throughout the country, and the
organization of MCC's was probably carried out.

8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings

2, AC6

The activities of the MCC's are not well
documented in the literature. Some sources do say that they were
active only at election times. In 1954 a movement to rejuvenate
the MCC's was started with hopes to establish regular meetings.
Five years were spent on this with poor results. The district
Congress committees, which are one step above the MCC's, were the
main organs of active party work. These DCC's met several times a
year.

8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings

3, AC8

The all India Congress committee, which was
the national party organ, generally met two to three times a year.
In some instances it met more often. The meetings were not regular
but were held at the call of the working committee or the request
of fifty AICC members. The working committee met
monthly.

8.06 Maintaining Records

9, AC6

The party often published its program,
especially national election manifestos. The AICC maintained a
good library and research department according to one source. A
code of 3 was given for this. Membership lists are maintained in
DCC offices, but were known for their generally poor
quality.

8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization

17, AC7
Congress formed and controlled to a large degree the Indian
national trade union Congress, which represented a majority of the
trade unionists in the country. Business groups, such as the all
India manufacturers organization and the associate chambers of
commerce, sought the private support of Congress, although the
degree to which the party controls and penetrates these
organizations is unclear. The same is true for the cases of
scheduled caste groups and minority religious groups who supported
Congress.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06

10.01 Legislative
Cohesion

.90, AC5

No source cites data on voting in the Lok
Sabha. This code is cited on the basis of generalizations from
sources which say that party whips were hardly ever disobeyed. One
example concerned the Hindu marriage bill which many party
parliamentary members found unsatisfactory. When it came time to
vote, however, these members obeyed the whips, and the bill was
passed.

10.02 Ideological Factionalism

2, AC8

The party covered all aspects of Indian
life and recruited individuals who shared almost all ideological
tendencies. These factions do not appear to be distinguishable in
the party, however. Congress ideology was constructed to appeal to
all groups. Most party members supported the goal of socialism,
although they may define socialism in different ways. The majority
seems spread over the center, with minorities forming informal
factions both to the right and left.

10.03 Issue Factionalism

3, AC6

Several factions existed over issues. The
size of these factions is not mentioned in the literature, and
further research might suggest the use of code 5. The Wardha group
was a group of Gandhians favoring more land reform and an increase
in village industry. A westernized, business-minded group favored
the expansion of private industry and heavy industry. A Hindu
faction favored a ban on cow slaughter, opposed the Hindu code
bill, wanted sanskritized Hindu as a sole national language, and
favored a more aggressive policy in Kashmir and
Pakistan.

10.04 Leadership Factionalism

0, AC9

Except at the very beginning, leadership
factionalism was not in evidence within the Congress Party during
our time period. In 1950-51, a struggle arose when Nehru's
personal choice for Congress President, Acharya J.B. Kripalani,
was defeated by Tandon. Nehru was upset by this and submitted his
resignation from the working committee. Tandon did not wish to see
Nehru resign and resigned himself. Nehru"s leadership was
confirmed at this point, and remained unchallenged up to the time
of his death in 1964, although there were frequent grumblings
about his domination of the party.

10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism

3, AC7

This variable refers primarily to the
strategy and tactics employed by the party for achieving
governmental office. On this, there was no evidence of
factionalism within the Congress Party, for there was universal
commitment to a strategy of open competition. But there was
considerable evidence of factionalism over party strategy in
another sense--that of the relationship of the party organization
to elected officials. Practice at the state level prohibited chief
ministers to also head the state party organizations. While they
could usually control their party organizations, this was not
always the case--leading to factional conflict between the
organizational and ministerial wings over the control of the
party. This conflict was also latent at the national level,
although it was resolved by Nehru in 1951 when he personally
assumed the presidency of the party to accompany his office of
Prime Minister. Or sources note that the ministerial factions were
usually dominant within the Congress Party throughout our time
period, but that changes occurred soon afterward which saw an
increased role for the organizational factions at both the state
and national levels.

10.06 Party Purges

0 for 1st half, AC9

0 for 2nd half, AC9
No evidence in the literature points to any purges of party
activists in the time period. Purges occurred before 1950,
however.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06

11.01 Membership Requirements

3, AC9

The Congress Party distinguished between
primary and active members. Primary members number in the
millions--4,644,436 in 1960. Active members have numbered around
800,000 since independence. Primary members had to sign membership
applications and pay a fee. Active members had to do the same plus
undergo a period before they were accepted. The code for active
membership would be 7.

11.02 Membership Participation

2, AC6

Membership in the Congress fluctuated,
especially around election years. Primary members numbered between
4 and 6 million. Less than 100,000 were classified as active
members. True active members may have numbered less than this, as
active members were required to perform some social service or
constructive work. Activities of primary members are not mentioned
in the literature. Usually their size is just cited. Active
members seem to have been quite active in party affairs. The party
mobilized its supporters when the need arose, so it is assumed
that primary members were at least marginal.

11.03 Material Incentives

1, AC5

Material incentives to join the Congress
were huge, as the party had a large access to patronage due to its
control of the country. Many joined to further their political
careers. Some Congress militants were interested in helping the
people, the Gandhian faction mainly. This code is given as an
estimate, backed only by generalizations in the
literature.

11.04 Purposive Incentives

1, AC5

Again, the literature is very vague on this
variable. One source claims that ideological enthusiasm attracts
few if any active members while another states that party workers
were deeply involved in affairs of "socialist " government. In
1963, Nehru expressed dissatisfaction about the lack of knowledge
about party ideology by Congress parliamentary members. It would
seem that some but not many were motivated by purposive
incentives. Gandhians would be in this group.

11.05 Doctrinism

2, AC5

The party published election manifestos,
5-year plans, and other plans and members referred to the goals
and achievements of the party in light of these writings. Some
sources claim that the party had no official programme and was
merely guided by decisions made at meetings of the party members.
However, our consultant advises that party doctrine was
important.

11.06 Personalism

2, AC7
Nehru"s charisma appealed to many party members. His presence was
thought by many to be the only factor holding the party together
and many predicted the dissolution of the party upon his death.
This did not occur. However, his ability to unite the party and
implement programs cannot be underestimated.