TIRANA, Albania — The Albanian Parliament has suspended former prime minister Sali Berisha for 10 days after he urged citizens to arm themselves, accusing the government of being unable to protect them because of links to crime gangs.

Friday’s decision followed Berisha’s words a day earlier at a weekly parliamentary session during a discussion about a recent arrest of the leader of a criminal gang. Both of the country’s main political parties accused the other of receiving assistance from criminals.

Berisha stepped down as prime minister and leader of the main opposition Democratic Party in 2013 after his center-right party was defeated in a parliamentary election.

Gun ownership is currently illegal in Albania and calls to break the law could result in up to a 10-year jail sentence.

The former Prime Minister, Sali Berisha, made a call to Albanian citizens to take up firearms, claiming that the citizens should defend themselves from the criminal gangs that are leading the government. The former Prime Minister supported his call with …

Mafia Clan of Democratic Party of Albania

kukRexhep ARAPI, resident in Katund Sukth, nicknamed KEPI has a criminal record as follows:

In the year 1991 (in March) he has killed at the Port of Durrës, for feud issues the citizen A. Cyrbja, resident in the Katund Sukth village; has been arrested for this crime in 1994 and has been released because of lack of evidence.

In April 1997, in collaboration with Gëzim Aleksin, resident in K.Rruget Shijak (arrested for armed robbery, convicted for 12 years in prison, is being tried as a member of the Kanun band) have kidnapped for the purpose of profit the business partner of Lul Alimadhi (The Shoe Firm in Qendër Sukth) and has released him after taking the fee of 150 million Italian liras.

In April 1997, together with Zaimir Cyrbe from Katundi Sukth, has killed the nephew of Cim Xhije (partner of Lul Alimadhi), who was in the same time Lulis bodyguard, murder happened in Qender Sukth, uncovered.

From 1998 to 2001 has been one of the main organizers of womens traffic for the purpose of prostitution coming from the former Soviet Union countries; in 1999 has been investigated by the Fier General Attorneys office, and during the search of his warehouses along the highway in Fermë Sukth, two Moldavian girls were being sheltered. The Fier General Attorney Office closed the case.

In 2003, together with his criminal band, they have tried to murder the citizen Xhevdet Plaku resident in Neighbourhood no.15 in Durrës in his neighborhood, because the latter had murdered the other brother of Kepi in Italy, in Torino on drug issues. The weapons of the crime have been found and the General Attorney in Durrës is following the case.

He is one of the main women, guns and drugs traffickers that go through Albania to Italy, Germany and the Netherlands. He has currently destroyed his warehouses along the highway in Fermë Sukth and is constructing a gigantic object of many stores with profits made from the abovementioned trafficking activities.

There is information at this moment that his picture is published as internationally wanted by the Spanish Interpol or Portugal for international drugs trafficking. He is one of the closest friend of the I.M S. Olldashi, whom he meets almost twice a week, where they dine together or with other members of the group. They keep in contact mostly through Olldashis driver, Lali, his most trusted man. This citizen is dangerous and harmful, registered in the police archives as having strong criminal tendencies such as murder, drugs and prostitution trafficking.

The XHAKJA clan, residing in Katund Sukth have a criminal record as follows:

In 1994, the citizen Ilir Xhakja has shot his gun inside the bar of Qerim Maloku in the Sukthi village, has been arrested but then released. The bullet shells found in the scene are the same with those found in the murder scene of citizens Gentjan Gjoka and Petrit Lyti, in 1998 in the village Hamallaj, surprisingly uncovered.

In 1998 the Xhakja band (Ilir, Agim etc) have murdered in the village of Hamallja the citizen Gentjan Gjoka (newphew of Dash Gjoka) and Petrit Lyti, friend of Genti both from Hamallja, uncovered event.

In the year 1998, Ilir Xhakja with others has killed the citizen Qerim Maloku in Katund Sukth, an event that was resolved in the year 2003 when an arsenal of weapons of the Xhakja band was found. He is currently being investigated for this murder. Mr. Olldashi is personally taking care for this case to be closed as a reward for the help that the Xhakja clan provided during the 2005 elections. This event is currently being tried by the Court of Grave Crimes in Tirana, where witnesses included former police officers Urim Koka (SPZ at the time, currently arrested in Italy and sentenced to 15 years in prison for prostitution traffic) and Maksut Zhiti (SPK at the time), both friends of the Xhakajs, the latter has been appointed as the Director of the State Reserves in Durrës by Olldashi in return for this favor.

In 1998 Ilir Xhakja has murdered in front of many people the citizen E. Shega from Peqin, during the funeral of his cousin (son of his uncle) Agim Xhaka, Arbens brother because E. Shega had murdered Agim in Krrabë, Tirana four years ago because of issues about women prostitutes to Italy. This case is also uncovered despite being carried out in public. Both the former police officers U. Koka and M. Zhiti were present at the murder.

In July 1999, the entire Xhakja Clan (Azem, Ilir, Bardhi-deputy chairman of the Katund i Ri commune, Genti and other collaborators) have hit all the residents of the Maloku clan with an arsenal of weapons, even a tank, thus destroying all the houses. They were arrested by the special forces and their weapons arsenal was confiscated, including armored vehicles and also two Moldavian females. After six months in prison the Durrës General Attorney Office released them. This event became quite popular and as a result the attorney Shkëlqim Xhemollari of the General Attorney Office in Durrës was expelled.

In March 2003, Ilir Xhakja and others have murdered the citizen Rudin Shahini from Katundi Sukth in Sallmone for revenge after he came out of prison because the latter had killed his uncle Hamdi (Arbens father). During this event, an arsenal of various kinds of weapons was confiscated and the experts concluded that one of the weapons was used for the murder of Qerim Maloku in 1998. This case is also uncovered.

All the members have and are engaged in women, drugs and guns trafficking in Albania as well as in Italy. The majority of the Xhakja clan have strong criminal tendencies for murder, and drugs and prostitution traffic.

In March 2006 there was an attempted attack against Fatbardh and Arben Xhakaj in the Sallmone village in the Xhafzotaj commune where Arben was wounded. According to police information they have been shot because of the drugs market in Durrës. They have currently rented a disco named Fosfor Club which is next to the Police Directory of the Durrës circuit where all the drug dealers of Durrës are supplied. This disco is the main and current center for mixing and dealing drugs in the city of Durrës since the local police dares not enter the site because this clan and the people there are known as the closest supporters and friends of I.M S.Olldashi. The vehicles that this clan uses to move around are the latest ones, like a gray Mercedes Cabriolet carrying an Italian license plate, a blue Mercedes with license plate DR 5255 D, a Mitsubishi Pajero carrying a DR plate etc; all these vehicles do not possess any documentation and have been stolen in Italy

Dashamir GJOKA and his clan, residing in the Sallmone village have a criminal record as follows:

In the year 1996, D. Gjoka has murdered a citizen from Shkodra with last name Zefi in Italy, by beheading him because of women trafficking. He has immediately left Italy and returned to Albania and since then has never visited Italy again; has been dealing instead with the construction of the supermarket in Sallmone. The Shkodrans have come to Shijak several times in order to kill him.
In 1998, in cooperation with the citizen Arben hakik Tollja, resident in Fermë Xhafzotaj (he is nicknamed Zjarrmi, currently arrested for many rapes of female students in Tirana) have killed the daughter of the brother of the citizen Zyrafet Murati (from Kukës) and the citizen Silvana Murati from Shijak, has been seriously injured (she is currently working as a cleaning personnel and prostitute for the VIP guests at the Gjoka Supermarket), has been arrested in 1998 but then released after 11 months of imprisonment for lack of proof.
In 1999, D. Gjoka, in cooperation with his clan has shot in the village Sallmone a vehicle, property of Ilir Xhaka, and as a result the citizen Veli Rexha was killed and his brother seriously injured. Both of them are residents of Katundi I ri and brothers of Qamil Rexha. This is still uncovered despite the abundance of proof.
His newphews Beonard and Mandrin Hyqmet Gjoka are the main drug dealers in the city of Shijak, Ferme Sukth, Durres and Tirana and have also several girls working for them in Italy. In the same time, they are engaged with drugs transportation from Albania to Italy. Mandrini has been arrested in 2003 as the main suspect for the armed robbery in the Xhafzotaj village that resulted in the death of the citizen Jaho Smoqi. He has stayed in prison for about one month and now the Court of Grave Crimes is investigating him while free. Fatbardh Xhakaj was arrested for this case as well, has stayed in prison for two weeks because Fatos Balla, the guilty person for the crime, currently under custody, mentioned his name. Beonard is sentenced in Italy, in the city of San Benedeto for drug trafficking and women trafficking, currently, with profits from drugs sale, he is constructing a three store villa in the Sallmone village. He was a member of the commission at the Voting Center no. 1406 in Sallmone for Mr. Olldashi. Both brothers currently move around carrying guns in their cars, which are in turn stolen and of the latest years, they distribute drugs in Durres and Shijak and transport drugs to Italy through other soldiers. Mandrini often goes to Italy to collect the money, since Mr. Olldashi has provided him with a German Schengen Visa. Also, they are highlighted by the State Police as a dangerous criminal contingent with strong criminal tendencies like Murdedr, Drugs and Prostitution Trafficking.
D. Gjoka has been and is one of the biggest traffickers of women with intent of prostitution to Italy. The chief of the girls in Italy has been a girl from Vlora, named Linda, who is currently Dashis wife and they have two children. Her brother Miri works at the Supermarket as chief accountant. D. Gjoka is on record in the State Police for International Drugs Trafficking and Women with intent for prostitution, Murder etc.

The Gjoka Supermarket is the main center for the trafficking of drugs that comes from Turkey and Macedonia and the supply base for many criminal groups in Durres and Tirana and also the location where the cars that will be traveling to Italy and carrying drugs are supplied. Dashi currently owns an armored vehicle which has the licence plate: DR 51 90 C. It must be noted that Dash Gjoka is the main source of supply for all the drugs suppliers in Albania because it is a well known fact that a close friend and financial supporter of I.M, S. Olldashi. The latter meets with Gjoka almost every week. Oftentimes, the Democratic Party MPs Bamir Topi, Ridvan Bode, S. Olldashi etc come to dine or to supply in this supermarket, since they are close friends with Dashi.
The main and most loyal soldier of his is his driver, the citizen Artan Rami Bode, resident in Xhafzotaj, the newphew of the MP Ridvan Bode. He is also engaged in settling jobs for Dashi as far as the drug and women traffic goes, being a key figure. Artan, together with his Dashis older brother, Nazmi (called Nexhi) make the rules by smuggling merchandise from the Durres Port, both have been members of the Voting Center commission no.1402 for Mr. Olldashi.
Other friendly relationships of Gjoka are Hekuran Hoxha (Roni) and Fundim Dedja, both sentenced in Italy and other countries, for drug trafficking aimed at the Italian territory. Currently Gjoka is the head of the area Xhafzotaj Commune-Shikaj and even more, where all drug traffickers are supplied only by him. Strong evidence suggests that he has an arsenal of sophisticated weapons in his residence and a high security vault containing millions of Euros in Cash. It must be noted that Gjokas drugs goes through the port of Durres and Vlora and almost each cargo that is stopped in Italy is Gjokas and all the arrested men are his as well.

The Brothers Gezim and Besnik Sijoni, residents in the village of Xhafzotaj have a criminal record as follows:

In the year 1994 G. Sijoni has attempted to murder the citizen Pellumb Hoxhaj, but he only accomplished wounding him in the leg. He is not convicted and even today this issue is never brought up in the Pellumbi family and relatives.
In the year 1997, G. Sijoni, together with his brother Besnik have attempted to murder their former son in law (Arben Voras younger brother since he had left their sister after getting engaged with her) in the middle of the city of Shijak. The case was opened, the two men have been identified and declared as wanted by the police but they were never convicted. The Durresi General Attorney closed the case.
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00. DARDAN DOMI, residing in Shijak, currently holds the position of the General Secretary in the Ministry of Interiors, (or Human Resources Director in the MI), former head of the DP of Shijak, head of Team for Mr. Olldashi during the elections in july 2005. The coordinator and brain of all the abovementioned criminal links for Mr. Olldashi and his most loyal men.
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Albania’s untouchable judges

Judges in Albania are untouchable. And British help is needed if corruption is to be forced out. Those were the messages I took away from a two-day visit to Tirana at the end of last month.

I was in Albania as a guest of the Slynn Foundation, which was set up in 1998 to support young lawyers from central and eastern Europe. Named in honour of Gordon Slynn, who was a British judge at Luxembourg before serving as a law lord for 10 years, the foundation was established by George Dobry, now 95, the distinguished Polish-born lawyer and former judge.

Much of my trip was spent watching Sir Henry Brooke, a former appeal judge and vice-chairman of the foundation’s trustees, as he told Albanian lawyers, judges, officials and politicians what was wrong with their legal system and how they could put it right.

Far from resenting what might have looked like a patrician, colonial approach, the Albanians respected Brooke’s judgement – gained during his 12 previous visits to their country – and pressed him for assistance at the highest level. His work is funded by the Foreign & Commonwealth Office, as was my visit. With us were Jonathan Cooper and Martha Spurrier of Doughty Street Chambers, who were giving much-needed training in human rights law to newly appointed judges.

Though European by geography – Albania is just across the Adriatic from Italy and bordered to the east by Kosovo, Macedonia and Greece – the former communist dictatorship is still a long way from its goal of joining the EU. Nicholas Cannon, the British ambassador to Tirana, told me why. ‘There is a perception among the public, and I think the judiciary accept, that there are chronic problems of corruption inside the judiciary in Albania,’ he said.

But why was it in the interests of British taxpayers to strengthen the rule of law in Albania? ‘It fits into our strategic objective of bringing Albania and the other countries of the western Balkans into the EU,’ Cannon told me. ‘But there is also a selfish interest. Weaknesses in the rule of law in Albania – in the police, the judiciary, in the investigation of crime – have a direct effect on the UK. By strengthening the legal institutions of Albania, you can hope to deal with drug traffickers and people traffickers who are having a direct impact on the streets of the United Kingdom.’

One political figure in Tirana recalled being asked for help by a parking attendant who had witnessed a shooting during a fight between two gangs: ‘He called the police; they asked him to attend an identity parade; and he identified the gang leaders. They were prosecuted. At the end of trial, only one person was found guilty. It was the parking attendant — who was convicted of giving false evidence. He was fined thousands of dollars.

‘I told him I would help him appeal,’ the political figure continued. ‘But that was not what he wanted. As he said, “If I am innocent, that makes them guilty. They’ll only bribe someone else.” He just wanted me to make sure his fine would be no more than he earned in two months.’

The main obstacle to reform seems to be Albania’s High Council of Justice, which is responsible for hiring, training, promoting, disciplining and firing judges. Its members include the president of Albania, the justice minister, the chief justice, three non-practising lawyers elected by the national assembly and nine judges elected by the judiciary.

For once, politicians are not the problem. One highly placed observer said that the judges controlled the council and could ensure that corruption remained endemic. He suggested the UK should send in a special prosecutor, presumably with a team of investigators, who could bring corrupt judges to justice.

I put that suggestion to the prime minister of Albania, Edi Rama. He chose not to answer my question directly. ‘I have a very strong belief that people cannot corrupt a good system. A bad system can corrupt people. So we need to build a system and people will accommodate it. Otherwise, if we leave the system as it is, the system will accommodate people in the wrong places.’

Rama acknowledged that corruption was a major problem. The judiciary was acting like a corporation, protecting its own special interests. But, despite his large parliamentary majority, the prime minister admitted he could not reform the judges without international support. ‘The line between a reform that gives the judiciary more space for integrity and taking independence from the judiciary is very thin,’ he told me.

‘To protect this thin line, we need a big coalition of forces, where the EU and our international partners are crucial.’

It looks as if Brooke and his fellow lawyers will be taking many more trips to Tirana.

The future of a planned multimillion-euro oil and gas terminal in Albania is now in doubt as the owners, high-profile Balkan businessmen Vojin Lazarevic and Damir Fazlic, face multiple debt recovery and repossession orders.

Lindita Cela and Ana NovakovicBIRNTirana, Belgrade

Vojin Lazarevic and Damir Fazlic

Serbian energy mogul Vojin Lazarevic and his Bosnian business partner Damir Fazlic planned to transform apparently worthless marshland near the Albanian port of Durres, 30km west of Tirana, into an international oil and gas terminal.

But the scheme has suffered a major setback after 15 hectares of land that the duo had bought at the Porto Romano site near Durres – purchased via a web of offshore companies – has been repossessed by Albanian banks, according to court documents lodged in Tirana.

The Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, BIRN, has also learned from separate court proceedings in Belgrade that one of the key companies in the development – Tirana-based Alpha Shpk – could also be taken as collateral by Intesa Bank as part of bankruptcy proceedings launched against Lazarevic’s Belgrade-based holding company, Rudnap Group AD.

The firm, which was one of the biggest players in the Balkan energy market with a yearly turnover of 600m euros, recorded losses in 2013 and 2014 and has failed to repay a 21m-euro loan from Intesa.

Rudnap Group’s auditors reported a “significant fall in the volume of trade in electricity” in the last quarter of 2014 and recorded no trade at all during December of that year.

This is far cry from its heyday between 2007 and 2011 when Rudnap was consistently among the three biggest importers and exporters of electricity in Serbia, signing off on energy trades worth 40m euros during that period.

BIRN has also discovered that Fazlic, who has a network of powerful allies including former Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha and US Republican grandees, had defaulted on a mortgage for his $7m Washington DC penthouse.

The lender, JP Morgan Chase Bank, filed a “complaint for mortgage foreclosure” in October at the Superior Court in the US capital. These proceedings were halted in January, although the property is still listed as for sale.

High-flying Fazlics

Fazlic and his wife continue to rub shoulders with the Republican political elite in the US, with Fazlic posting photos of himself with presidential candidate Marco Rubio at a Republican event held in December.

Fazlic and his wife Amra, also photographed at the event, are keen backers of the Republicans.

Amra has donated more than $12,000 to the ‘Grand Old Party’ since 2008, while Damir made a $2,000 donation to Mitt Romney’s failed presidential campaign in 2012.

Rubio left the presidential race on Tuesday following disappointing results in Florida.

Lenders chase debts

In Albania, Fazlic and Lazarevic’s two companies, Crown Acquisitions and Alpha Shpk, have defaulted on two bank loans and have failed to pay construction company Vega Shpk for its work on their gas and oil terminal, according to court records obtained by BIRN.

Between 2006 and 2010, Fazlic bought 20 hectares of marshland on the edge of an existing energy park near the port of Durres.

The value of the land soared after Berisha, a close ally of Fazlic, made a prime ministerial decision to extend the boundaries of the nearby energy park to include his friend’s new holdings, paving the way for its redevelopment.

Ownership of the land was later transferred offshore as Crown Acquisitions and Alpha Shpk were sold to a Cyprus-registered firm Altaria Research Limited, Lazarevic’s holding company for Rudnap Group.

Fazlic, who remains a director of both Albanian firms, told BIRN in an interview last year that he retains 50 per cent of shares in both Albanian companies – Crown Acquisitions and Alpha Shpk through.

In the same interview, Fazlic said that he and Lazarevic had already invested 30m euros in the oil and gas terminal project but needed another 40m euros to complete it.

The plans, however, could now be sunk after it emerged that two Albanian banks have repossessed 15 of the 20 hectares due to unpaid loans following legal proceedings last year, court documents show.

Landscape of Porto Romano, close to Durres, Albania

Photo by: Dave Wyatt

Tirana Bank is now in the process of selling eight hectares to recoup an unpaid debt of 3.5m euros from Crown Acquisitions and Alpha Shpk.

Union Bank is auctioning seven hectares which were used as collateral for its 840,000 euro loan to Crown Acquisition.

At the same time, construction company Vega Shpk, which carried out preparatory work on the land, has successfully sued Alpha Shpk for 933,000 euros and requested permission to sell the same eight hectares of land currently being auctioned by Tirana Bank to recoup their losses.

Serbian woes

The duo’s financial difficulties do not stop there. In March 2015, the Serbian-branch of Intesa Bank petitioned the Belgrade commercial court to open bankruptcy proceedings for Rudnap Group’s bankruptcy over its failure to repay a 21m-euro loan, BIRN has discovered.

Intesa holds collateral against the loan including agricultural land in Serbia owned by a Rudnap subsidiary, Rudnap Agrar, and the Tirana-based Alpha Shpk.

In response to Intesa’s request, Rudnap Group itself applied to start bankruptcy proceedings the following month with a pre-prepared restructuring plan to deal with all its debt.

The court has decided to deal with Rudnap’s application first in order to weigh up claims from all creditors, although no date has yet been set for either proceedings.

Marco Rubio and Damir Fazlic

Photo: Twitter

Last year, BIRN revealed that in 2013 Lazarevic’s Rudnap Group was at risk of default on two loans worth 27m euros to the Austrian Hypo Bank, which were then transferred to Martin Schlaff, the controversial Austrian mogul who had partnered Lazarevic in a Montenegrin luxury tourism development. In exchange, Lazarevic handed over his share of the as yet unbuilt project.

Washington DC court records show that Fazlic’s penthouse apartment was in the process of being repossessed by lenders JP Morgan Chase Bank, although the proceedings were “dismissed by consent” on January 11, suggesting Fazlic and the bank have reached an agreement.

The 370 square-metre flat remains advertised for sale for just under $6.5m on various Washington DC real estate websites. Estate agents describe it as “gorgeously and extensively renovated” with “an extraordinary mahogany library and climate-controlled wine cellar”.

Albania’s Tax Administration has also accused Fazlic of tax evasion in relation to an unpaid bill of 8,500 euros, freezing his accounts in the country until the debt is repaid.

Neither Fazlic nor Lazarevic responded to BIRN’s requests for comment on the various legal proceedings they face in relation to debt recovery actions or on the fate of the Albanian oil and gas terminal project.

However the Rudnap Group issued the following statement: “Rudnap Group is already in the process of restructuring that involves negotiating with creditors on harmonization and agreeing to an acceptable plan.

“All projects are covered by this plan and their further development will be harmonized according to the agreement between the company and its creditors.”

TRANSITIONS ONLINE: ALBANIA: Corruption Takes Its Toll On the Berisha Government

by LOUIS ZANGA

12 May 1995

CORRUPTION, INCLUDING bribery, thievery, and favors, remains the only way of getting things done in Albania, from paying electricity bills to conducting international relations. Prevalent in all the former communist countries, corruption is having an increasingly harmful effect on young democratic societies, especially in a country as poverty-stricken as Albania. Voters there registered a protest against the raging lawlessness when, at the end of 1994, they defeated a referendum on a new draft constitution. President Sali Berisha admitted that the defeat had less to do with the constitution itself than with the government’s failure to tackle corruption. The exposure of corruption within the ruling Democratic Party (PD) seems to have weakened it and has also put Berisha’s political standing in question. The 6 November defeat of the new draft constitution caused some to suggest that Berisha may not survive his full four-year presidential term, which runs through March 1996. When Berisha was elected president of Albania in 1992, following almost 50 years of communist dictatorship, one of his first moves was to declare war on corruption. Although apparently sincere in calling it Albania’s greatest enemy, Berisha has not managed to stem the rising tide of corruption. Consequently, the population has become disheartened; it appears to many that little has changed in the shift from communism to democracy. That disillusionment – felt sharply by the poor, who bear the brunt of economic reform’s “shock therapy” – turned to anger when the Berisha government failed to go to battle. To the poor, democracy and free-market ideals mean little; they have seen only a new group fattened by privilege and wealth gained through corruption. The referendum gave the poor a voice, and they in turn gave the government a loud “no.” The PD, unable to offer another explanation for the defeat, sprang into action to fight corruption. THE OPPOSITION’S EXPLOITATION The opposition, led by the powerful Socialist Party (PS), took advantage of the referendum by turning corruption into a major political issue. The PS is usually quick to exploit for its benefit the Democrats’ political setbacks, but the corruption issue is slightly different. The roots of Albanian corruption are traceable both to the communist era and to the brief period under socialist rule that ended in March 1992. The Socialists, even though their own record regarding corruption is far from clean, are aiming their propaganda guns at the issue in an effort to regain power. The Democrats responded to Socialist attacks by going on the offensive themselves. An article in Rilindja Demokratike, which is run by the PD, berated the “social-communists” for belittling the fight against corruption.1 The daily reported that the Socialists “played the political scene with the card of corruption in the same way they had previously done with the card of class struggle.” The Democrats defended themselves in the article by pointing to some figures in the war against corruption: the State Control Commission fined 510 people a total of 7,713 million lek ($85.7 million), indicted 367 people, and took administrative measures against another 17,177 officials and civil servants. Some say those figures, however, do not paint a true picture. The State Control Commission is accused of failing to act on several cases of blatant corruption. For example, miners at Albania’s largest chrome mine, in Bulqize, staged a hunger strike in late January 1995 to demand the dismissal of the mine director, who they claimed was abusing his power. The commission investigated the mines and reportedly discovered evidence of “large-scale corruption.”2 It supposedly requested the dismissal of the director and the head of the local branch of the Finance Ministry, but no action was taken on that request. That was further evidence of the pervasiveness of corruption, which appears to reach to the highest levels of government, despite constant pledges that it is being fought. The Democrats do not seem to grasp the fact that the population tends to forget or ignore the past and instead concentrate on current events in their lives. This is even more true now, when the gap between the “haves” and “have-nots” is steadily widening and some of the democratic newcomers are becoming visibly richer through their new connections. The Democrats had promised a better life for all and not just for a few; many Albanians are now bitter with resentment. Time may show that Berisha is badly mistaken in his belief that Albania will not follow some other formerly communist countries in bringing socialists back to power. He has said that Albania’s particularly harsh, Stalinist brand of communism makes a return of socialists to power impossible. However, it is possible that the frustration caused by social injustice and corruption could prompt voters to return former communists to rule as they have done in Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria. It has become the Democrats’ custom to explain and justify the country’s many unsolved problems by blaming them all on 50 years of radical communism . While Berisha could be correct in pointing to communism as the root of corruption, placing the sole blame there does not seem to be the right approach. The people are simply tired of listening to the same refrain, which becomes even less convincing when many in central and local government seem only to grow in power or wealth. BERISHA’S LONELY BATTLE President Berisha has been waging the campaign against corruption almost single-handedly. He continues to live modestly, remaining in the same small apartment where he lived before he became president. (He is known, however, to have a penchant for nice clothes.) Observers of the Albanian scene say Berisha is one of the few politicians who have not become rich through political circumstance. But although he stands as a lonely and pious example, Berisha has limited himself to rhetoric, not attempting to tear out the roots of corruption or to fight it within his party and government. When the Albanian voters rejected’the draft constitution, Berisha immediately acknowledged the result as a protest against government inefficiency and corruption, and he praised the people for having shown their anger “in an admirable, democratic manner.”3 At his year-end press conference in late December, he tried to explain the phenomenon of corruption: “Corruption is one of communism’s most bitter legacies; it experienced a great leap forward during the final days of the dictatorship and unfortunately has passed on to the post-dictatorship period. It we look back four or five years, no Albanian could get a refrigerator or a television without first paying for authorization – not to mention getting a job or something else. This unfortunately has remained to this day. Corruption is a serious problem in all newly democratic societies. It is one of the most disturbing problems and must be fought more resolutely.”4 —– 1 Rilindja Demokratike, 28 December 1994. 2 ASD, 3 February 1995. 3 Rilindja Demokratike, 8 November 1994. 4 Rilindja Demakratike, 29 December 1994. The defeat of the referendum had several repercussions. On 4 December 1994, Berisha reshuffled the cabinet, a move that will very likely be followed by other high-level realignments throughout 1995 in anticipation of the national elections, expected in 1996. Although some of the ministers in question were not specifically fired on corruption charges, it was clear that they had been cast from their posts precisely for that reason. Even under the present conditions of democracy, corruption remains as much a way of life in Albania as it was under communism. As Berisha noted, in the past, no one could buy major appliances without a bribe: today, no one can even pay bills for water, electricity, or other services without first bribing an official. To get decent medical care, either private or state-supported, people must pay substantial bribes.5 While some consider this merely an aberration – an irritation of living in present-day Albania – it nevertheless causes great frustration. But far more serious is the corruption at the highest levels of power and administration, which has caused even more bitterness and anger. HIGH-LEVEL ACCUSATIONS The political climate in Albania has become heated over the last few months. The government prosecuted many cases both directly and indirectly related to corruption, all in an arena of open media. The press freely reported and commented on the various scandals, bringing the issue into the public eye. It was during this time that a case referred to as the “Arsidi scandal” returned to court. Former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti was tried for the second time, together with former Trade Bank director Agron Saliu and his deputy Agim Tartari, for misappropriating $1.2 million. They allegedly paid that money in 1991 to Nicola Arsidi, a French citizen who was authorized by previous and present administrations to negotiate forgiveness of Albania’s foreign debt (which is estimated to be more than $1.1 billion.)6 Those government leaders had already been sentenced to between two and seven years in prison on the charges, but their appeal to a higher court won them a retrial on the basis of new evidence. That new evidence also implicated former National Bank governor Ilir Hoti and another former Trade Bank director, Ardian Xhyheri. The government has also accused former Deputy Prime Minister Rexhep Uka and former Finance Minister Gene Ruli of abuse of office and corruption in connection with the export of walnut wood by the timber company Elbasan. Former Trade Minister Artan Hoxha was also accused of abusing his position. Ruli and Uka are presently parliament deputies, and on 16 March, legislators voted 63 to 44 against lifting their immunity.7 The 29-year-old Hoxha is currently in Italy doing postgraduate work. Former Transport and Communications Minister Fatos Bitincka and Albert Gajo, an adviser to Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi, have also been accused of falsifying documents and abusing their power.8 In mid-January, the state prosecuted an Albanian legislator for the first time – Democrat Arben Lika, who was charged with cigarette smuggling. That trial, which Supreme Court Chief Justice Zef Brozi is presiding over, has been covered extensively by the press. At least one reporter has written that “the trial may be problematic for many of Lika’s former colleagues, meaning that they might be involved in their own shady dealings. When five PD deputies demanded in January that the chief justice’s immunity be lifted so he could be arrested for abusing his power, the news hit the country like a bolt of lightning. Brozi, a PD member, had been nominated by Berisha as chief justice in an effort to stamp out corruption in the judiciary. Rumor had it that Brozi felt betrayed and abandoned by the president. Some PD deputies reportedly wanted him out because he insisted on prosecuting those guilty of corruption, regardless of party affiliation. The five deputies accused Brozi of illegally approving an early release from jail of a Greek citizen convicted on drug charges. The accusation, however, was clearly politically motivated. Brozi publicly denied any wrongdoing, saying, ‘The record of my struggle against corruption in Albania precludes the possibility of me being corrupt.”10 In fact, Brozi has won high praise for his fight to keep Albania’s courts independent and free from the dictates of politics. He claims – and many believe him – that some corrupt, high-ranking Democrats who fear judicial independence are bent on destroying him. The clash between Brozi and Minister of Internal Affairs Agron Musaraj – whom Brozi has accused of ”directing a mafia network and employing despotic methods against arrested people” – is also interesting in this context.11 On 1 February, the Albanian parliament voted 53 to 49 not to lift Brozi’s immunity. The decision was seen as a smashing victory for the chief justice and another political setback for the PD.12 Brozi said after the vote, “The era when votes were dictated has been replaced by an era when everyone can vote according to his own conviction and conscience.” Brozi also thanked journalists for their support.13 The Brozi case clearly displays the internal battles and divisions within the PD, likely caused by widespread corruption at the highest seats of power, that sooner or later arc bound to wreak political havoc. The incident, however, could positively affect President Berisha’s political fortunes if he can muster enough strength and support from the party to disable the politically and economically corrupt, as he did with the cabinet reshuffle in December. PARTY SPLIT? In addition to the falling electoral support manifested by the referendum defeat, Berisha could be equally threatened by a potential split within his party. The close parliamentary vote against lifting Brozi’s immunity is an indication that members have different agendas. Another sign is the sacking of PD leader Eduard Selami at an extraordinary party congress on 5 March, when 607 of the 664 participants voted against him in an open ballot. That was in the wake of Selami’s threat in late January to resign and his subsequent demand that the constitution be adopted by parliament instead of through a referendum. Selami said the party chief should also be prime minister, a statement interpreted as an effort to unseat Meksi, the present government leader. He also said the government was making a mistake by “not listening to the voice of the party,” adding that there was a “gap between the government and the PD, and the government in power must carry out the party’s policies.”14 All these developments are in one way or another related to the disease of corruption plaguing the country. A rift appears to have divided the party into two main groups: the forces fighting the party’s involvement in corruption, and those who are now trying to survive accusations. Whatever happens, there is relatively little time left before the scheduled national elections in 1996, and this period will be a trying time for Berisha. If the Democratic Party – or whatever is left of it – fails to reinvig-orate itself under Berisha’s charismatic leadership, it could prove disastrous for the president’s political future. —– 5 Interviews by the author in Albania. 6 Gazeta Shqiptare and Aleanca, 10 January 1995. 7 Gazeta Shqiptare, 17 March 1995. 8 Koha Jone, 30 December 1994. 9 Populli Po, 12 January 1995. 10 Zeri, 18 January 1995. 11 Koha, 11 January 1995. 12 Gazeta Shqiptare, 2 February 1995. 13 Rilindja, 4 February 1995. 14 Gazeta Shqiptare, 31 January 1995. http://www.tol.org/client/article/3069-albania Fun Facts About Our New Allies [2]

The Progressive Review (Washington), 22 June 1999 “Albania … offered NATO and the U.S. an important military outpost in the turbulent southern Balkans (in the 1990-96 period Albania opened its ports and airstrips for U.S. military use and housed CIA spy planes for flights over Bosnia)…. The U.S. played a major role in the DP’s 1992 electoral victory, and it then provided the new government with military, economic, and political support. In the 1991-96 period Washington directly provided Albania $236 million in economic aid, making the U.S. the second largest bilateral economic donor (following Italy)…..Following Berisha’s visit to the U.S. in March 1991, Washington began supplying direct assistance to the DP, including donations of computers and cars for the 1992 electoral campaign. William Ryerson, the first U.S. ambassador, stood next to Berisha on the podium at election rallies. The U.S. failed to criticize, and at times encouraged, the new president as he purged critics of his policies within the judicial system, police, and the DP—often through illegal means. By 1993 DP loyalists and family members held most of the prominent positions in Albania’s ministries, institutes, universities, and state media. Citing the threat of communism’s return, Berisha successfully instilled fear in the population and discredited his rivals. The U.S. embassy in Albania contributed to the polarization of Albanian politics by refusing to meet most of the opposition parties (former communists as well as others) for the first two years of DP rule. This one-sided view of democratization helped Berisha dismantle most political alternatives, some of which were moderate and truly democratic.

He added that European police organisations estimate that Balkan crime rings now control more than 70 per cent of the heroin market in some of the larger European nations, and are rapidly taking over human smuggling, prostitution and car theft rings across Europe.
………, Albanian organised crime has reached the United States, creating partnerships with the Gambino, Genovese, and Luchese families to facilitate specific crimes.……………….

The Tirana Court of Appeal rejected the First Instance Court decision and finding MP Taulant Balla not guilty for slander, after he was sued by the daughter of the former Prime Minister, Sali Berisha, after he had accused her and her legal office of demanding 3% of an investment that was to be done by foreign businessman, Zafar Ansar.

An earlier investigation by BIRN found that CEZ engaged in a fraudulent scheme to distribute bribes among Albanian officials. Albania nationalized its shares in the company in 2013 and then appointed its own management.

CEZ Josef Hejsek, was the Motor of corruption with Ilir Meta, and the Berisha-Brecani Familie.

After BIRN lifted the lid on graft allegations against Albanian speaker Ilir Meta and a utility company, Meta and the opposition Democrats have called for an international probe.

Gjergj Erebara

BIRN

Tirana

Ilir Meta. Photo: LSI

Albania’s main opposition Democratic Party and the junior ruling coalition partner, the Socialist Movement for Integration, have called for an “international” or “American” probe into allegations that local politicians received kickbacks from a contractor of the Czech power giant CEZ.

CEZ had a controlling stake in Albania’s power utility OSHEE, then called CEZ Shperndarje, from 2009 to 2014, before the company was sold back to the Albanian government.

BIRN revealed earlier this month that the Speaker of Parliament Ilir Meta was identified in an international arbitrage case as one of the politicians that benefited from illegal financial transfers in 2010 from a debt-collecting company working for CEZ Albania, which Meta helped secure a contract with the Czech power company.

A law firm has alleged that Meta received bribes from Debt International Advisory, DIA, a debt-collection company currently in dispute with the state power utility OSHEE in the Vienna Arbitral Center.

Following publication of the investigation, the Democratic Party called for Meta’s resignation while on Thursday it announced a bill that would open up the possibility of a probe by international prosecutors.

“We know that the [Prime Minister] Edi Rama and Ilir Meta will not allow a thorough and unbiased investigation from the country’s prosecution,” Democratic Party MP Eduard Halimi said on Thursday.

“Only an investigation with international prosecutors with full authority to control and analyze the whole affair unaffected by those two persons included in this affair… will bring justice over this scandal worth hundreds of millions of euro,” Halimi added.

Responding to the allegations, Meta, who denies wrongdoing, also called for an international probe, underlining that he preferred US prosecutors.

“I strongly support the idea of an unbiased, fast and thorough international probe into the whole CEZ affair, from its first day in our country till today,“ he said.

„I also call on all party leaders to ask especially for the United States to be engaged in the clarification of this issue and to create a special jurisdiction with American investigators,” Meta added.

The US embassy in Tirana rebuffed his proposal. Following media inquiries, a spokesperson said that any investigation had to be conducted by the Albanian authorities.

On Friday, the Democratic Party said also that it will ask the Constitutional Court to nullify the buyback agreement, claiming that, by signing it, Albania forfeited its right to obtain hundreds of millions of euro in damages allegedly caused by CEZ to Albania.

Over the four years that CEZ controlled electricity distribution, it is believed to have engaged in several fraudulent debt collection schemes that cost Albania millions of euro.

One scheme relates to an agreement between CEZ and DIA, which it appears was intended to influence Albanian politicians and the Energy Regulatory Agency, ERE, through bribes.

The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES) in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the Middle East and the Balkans. In the light of the announced official visit of Albania’s Prime Minister Edi Rama to Serbia scheduled for 10 November 2014, IFIMES has prepared a comprehensive analysis entitled “Greater Albania” against “Greater Serbia”. The most relevant and interesting sections from the analysis are published below.

For quite some time the situation in Albania’s energy sector has been raising serious concern. BIRN (Balkan Investigative Reporting Network) has also pointed to manipulation and corruption in the energy sector. The companies EFT, AG and GSA are supposedly involved in the manipulation of results of public procurements for the importation of electricity in agreement with certain individuals from OSHEE. According to recently published information in some Albanian media OSHEE has been accused of revealing classified information to GSA and EFT with the aim to enable two competing companies to align their final offers and manipulate tender results under the veil of “transparent procurement procedures”. According to BIRN the manipulations supported by OSHEE amounted to almost EUR 7 million of taxpayers money only during the period from January to July 2014. Another question is where all this money has gone. The disturbing fact is that OSHEE actually represents the central point and source of illegal activities and corruption in Albania’s energy sector, where it actively cooperates with its “traditional partners”.

Bearing in mind the elements of international crime and corruption analysts believe that the situation in Albania’s energy sector should be investigated by both the EU institutions and Interpol.

ALBANIAN PROSECUTION IS NOT DOING ITS JOB

The gravity of the situation in Albania is illustrated by the fact that Albanian General Prosecutor Office has still not filed charges against individuals responsible for crime and corruption in the energy sector.

After so many manipulations it is highly unusual that OSHEE has not been the subject of any investigation by the General Prosecutor Office of Albania yet. Moreover it seems that Albanian Competition Authority and Court of Audit still do not function in line with their statutory obligations and that their eventual interventions are (intentionally) completely inefficient. Even if Albanian Court of Audit has shown certain initiative to initiate the investigations by submitting a few reports on corruption in the energy sector, General Prosecutor Office (Adriatik Llalla) of Albania has not reacted to that yet.

The question is whether they do not have the courage and power to intervene in this nest of systemic corruption or whether they have been “neutralised” by political elites involved in those criminal activities. Another question is to what extent Albanian top politicians are also involved in those affairs. Analysts have pointed to the role and involvement of

Member of Albanian Parliament Koço Kokëdhima from the leading Socialist Party (PS) of Prime Minister Rama in dubious transactions in the energy sector.

Analysts have warned that the coalition between Edi Rama and his Socialist Party (PS) on one hand and Ilir Meta and LSI on the other hand will produce a boomerang effect unless they deal with the corrupted politicians first. They have also noted the role of individuals from the Socialist Party who are turning into visible holders of crime and corruption in the Albanian society.

This is some real James Bond shit. Not so much because of the suits, drinks shaken and not stirred and cars to kill for, but if you’re looking for archvillain-type stuff, you can’t get much closer than the Macedonian Albanian crusher of men Daut Kadriovski. In his 50s and wanted in 12 European countries for crimes connected to every aspect of arms, cars, drugs and human and organ trafficking, Kadriovski, according to Europol, sits atop a crime organization at this point unmatched for secrecy and brutality. Two qualities that are much more than casually connected.

“We had one of [the members of this criminal organization] in here and tried to get him to turn state’s [evidence],” says former New York undercover organized-crime cop Fred Santoro about his attempts to turn an Albanian prisoner into an informant. The erstwhile gangster stood up from his meeting with Santoro and asked to be returned to his prison cell and his 30-year sentence for racketeering. Santoro — shocked, and more familiar with Italian Mafiosi stumbling over themselves to cut deals for reduced sentences — asked why the Albanian wouldn’t. “He turned to me and said very plainly, ‘They will kill my mother, my father, my brothers, my sisters, my children, my wife and everybody I know. So thanks, but no.’ The Albanians are savages.”

Savages and apparently smarter than the average bear, as Kadriovski’s been arrested no fewer than two noteworthy times. The first time, for drug trafficking, was in 1985 in Germany, where they threw him in jail and seized his villas, yachts and cars. At that point, the plan may have been to lock him up and throw away the key, but it quickly became let him wander off, which is exactly what he did. Nasty allegations were leveled at all those in charge of keeping him in, but the fact remained that, by 1993, he was on his way to New York and people were calling him a fugitive.

The plan may have been to lock him up and throw away the key, but it quickly became let him wander off, which is exactly what he did.

He then became a known associate of some of the original Mafia crime families in an area where Albanians in general had already distinguished themselves as assassins. Dangerous and unpredictable, but good assassins nonetheless. So with a foothold in New York and Philly, Kadriovski also expanded into doing what he did best, outside of killing, and now his organization is believed to be North America’s main source of heroin from Afghanistan’s Golden Crescent, according to the FBI. Because, you see, Daut Kadriovski, also known as Mehmed Haidini or Mehmet Hajdini, is part of a Muslim Albanian connection that’s tied the organization, in the shadows, to Al-Qaeda.

Having more connections than a switchboard is a necessary prerequisite for what Kadriovski has put together. To wit: A heroin-for-cocaine connection with Colombians, plus hundreds of associates moving drugs in Australia, Canada, Mexico, the Netherlands, Peru, Venezuela and all over the E.U. Which brings us to the second time Kadriovski was a prisoner: September 2, 2001, when he was locked down in a police station in Tirana, Albania, after an arrest by locals and Interpol for drug trafficking. Something in literary terms we might call foreshadowing: Kadriovski disappeared again and, if rumors from last year are to be believed, is dead now. Or “dead.”

FEATURED STORY

“Without a body, as far as I’m concerned, we just ain’t caught him yet,” says now-retired undercover gang-detail cop Eddie Williams. But Kadriovski and Albanians in general are cutting a bold, blood-red swath through crime business as usual. By way of giving an example, Santoro details the arcane kind of patronage that guides gang living. “The Albanians opened up a club in a very traditional Mafia spot,” Santoro says from his house in Staten Island. Not first seeking approval for this spot, or club, which became a locus point for all kinds of competing criminal activity, was a no-no. The Italian Mafia sent two heavies in to brace the newbies. The newbies were summarily dispatched with ass kickings.

This got blasted up the chain of command, and the Albanian bosses had to have a sit-down meeting. Santoro says that what happened next, learned through wiretaps, surprised even him. Not-entirely-low-level mob guys showed up at a spot in the Bronx to meet with the Albanians. “The Albanians kicked the shit out of them, broke their arms,” says Santoro. Eventually, the Italian Mafia just decided to let them be, for complicated but sound business reasons, according to Santoro.

And Kadriovski, alive or dead, still has his fingerprints on a lot of his old businesses, whether it’s kidnapping young women for lives of sexual servitude, shooting waiters dead for messing up an order or running a $19 million Internet heist, like lover of drink and murder Zef Mustafa, who skipped out on a $5 million bond after an arrest and is now also missing. Kadriovski created an organization that, on the basis of the sheer weight of its intensity and ferocity, led onetime Italian prosecutor Cataldo Motta to call it “a threat to Western society.”

When you learn that the Albanians lost a $125 million shipment of heroin under New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s tenure and, the FBI says, their first response was to put out a contract on the prosecutor, Alan Cohen, and the detective, Jack Delemore, you can see why. Others who might wholeheartedly agree with Motta’s assessment: the New York U.S. Attorney’s Office, the DEA, the NYPD, Immigration and Customs Enforcement/Homeland Security Investigations, New York State Police, the IRS, the U.S. Marshals and, indeed, the whole International Narcotics Control Board, all of which were part of the bust.

But without habeas corpusing Kadriovski, he remains a very present reminder of the fact that, sometimes more than we like, the system is not working right at all. And with no less than President Barack Obama sanctioning suspected follow-on kingpin Naser Kelmendi for drug trafficking just as recently as two years ago, don’t expect a change in weather any time soon. “Kadriovski, alive or dead, says the same thing, really,” says Hannah Elliott, a self-declared criminal-justice revolutionary from Florida International University. “Sometimes, justice is never served.” A fact that would please Kadriovski much, no doubt.

This is some real James Bond shit. Not so much because of the suits, drinks shaken and not stirred and cars to kill for, but if you’re looking for archvillain-type stuff, you can’t get much closer than the Macedonian Albanian crusher of men Daut Kadriovski. In his 50s and wanted in 12 European countries for crimes connected to every aspect of arms, cars, drugs and human and organ trafficking, Kadriovski, according to Europol, sits atop a crime organization at this point unmatched for secrecy and brutality. Two qualities that are much more than casually connected.

“We had one of [the members of this criminal organization] in here and tried to get him to turn state’s [evidence],” says former New York undercover organized-crime cop Fred Santoro about his attempts to turn an Albanian prisoner into an informant. The erstwhile gangster stood up from his meeting with Santoro and asked to be returned to his prison cell and his 30-year sentence for racketeering. Santoro — shocked, and more familiar with Italian Mafiosi stumbling over themselves to cut deals for reduced sentences — asked why the Albanian wouldn’t. “He turned to me and said very plainly, ‘They will kill my mother, my father, my brothers, my sisters, my children, my wife and everybody I know. So thanks, but no.’ The Albanians are savages.”

Savages and apparently smarter than the average bear, as Kadriovski’s been arrested no fewer than two noteworthy times. The first time, for drug trafficking, was in 1985 in Germany, where they threw him in jail and seized his villas, yachts and cars. At that point, the plan may have been to lock him up and throw away the key, but it quickly became let him wander off, which is exactly what he did. Nasty allegations were leveled at all those in charge of keeping him in, but the fact remained that, by 1993, he was on his way to New York and people were calling him a fugitive.

The plan may have been to lock him up and throw away the key, but it quickly became let him wander off, which is exactly what he did.

He then became a known associate of some of the original Mafia crime families in an area where Albanians in general had already distinguished themselves as assassins. Dangerous and unpredictable, but good assassins nonetheless. So with a foothold in New York and Philly, Kadriovski also expanded into doing what he did best, outside of killing, and now his organization is believed to be North America’s main source of heroin from Afghanistan’s Golden Crescent, according to the FBI. Because, you see, Daut Kadriovski, also known as Mehmed Haidini or Mehmet Hajdini, is part of a Muslim Albanian connection that’s tied the organization, in the shadows, to Al-Qaeda.

Having more connections than a switchboard is a necessary prerequisite for what Kadriovski has put together. To wit: A heroin-for-cocaine connection with Colombians, plus hundreds of associates moving drugs in Australia, Canada, Mexico, the Netherlands, Peru, Venezuela and all over the E.U. Which brings us to the second time Kadriovski was a prisoner: September 2, 2001, when he was locked down in a police station in Tirana, Albania, after an arrest by locals and Interpol for drug trafficking. Something in literary terms we might call foreshadowing: Kadriovski disappeared again and, if rumors from last year are to be believed, is dead now. Or “dead.”

FEATURED STORY

“Without a body, as far as I’m concerned, we just ain’t caught him yet,” says now-retired undercover gang-detail cop Eddie Williams. But Kadriovski and Albanians in general are cutting a bold, blood-red swath through crime business as usual. By way of giving an example, Santoro details the arcane kind of patronage that guides gang living. “The Albanians opened up a club in a very traditional Mafia spot,” Santoro says from his house in Staten Island. Not first seeking approval for this spot, or club, which became a locus point for all kinds of competing criminal activity, was a no-no. The Italian Mafia sent two heavies in to brace the newbies. The newbies were summarily dispatched with ass kickings.

This got blasted up the chain of command, and the Albanian bosses had to have a sit-down meeting. Santoro says that what happened next, learned through wiretaps, surprised even him. Not-entirely-low-level mob guys showed up at a spot in the Bronx to meet with the Albanians. “The Albanians kicked the shit out of them, broke their arms,” says Santoro. Eventually, the Italian Mafia just decided to let them be, for complicated but sound business reasons, according to Santoro.

And Kadriovski, alive or dead, still has his fingerprints on a lot of his old businesses, whether it’s kidnapping young women for lives of sexual servitude, shooting waiters dead for messing up an order or running a $19 million Internet heist, like lover of drink and murder Zef Mustafa, who skipped out on a $5 million bond after an arrest and is now also missing. Kadriovski created an organization that, on the basis of the sheer weight of its intensity and ferocity, led onetime Italian prosecutor Cataldo Motta to call it “a threat to Western society.”

When you learn that the Albanians lost a $125 million shipment of heroin under New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s tenure and, the FBI says, their first response was to put out a contract on the prosecutor, Alan Cohen, and the detective, Jack Delemore, you can see why. Others who might wholeheartedly agree with Motta’s assessment: the New York U.S. Attorney’s Office, the DEA, the NYPD, Immigration and Customs Enforcement/Homeland Security Investigations, New York State Police, the IRS, the U.S. Marshals and, indeed, the whole International Narcotics Control Board, all of which were part of the bust.

But without habeas corpusing Kadriovski, he remains a very present reminder of the fact that, sometimes more than we like, the system is not working right at all. And with no less than President Barack Obama sanctioning suspected follow-on kingpin Naser Kelmendi for drug trafficking just as recently as two years ago, don’t expect a change in weather any time soon. “Kadriovski, alive or dead, says the same thing, really,” says Hannah Elliott, a self-declared criminal-justice revolutionary from Florida International University. “Sometimes, justice is never served.” A fact that would please Kadriovski much, no doubt.

The European right winged parties have supported Prime Minister Sali Berisha for his decision to replace the Central Election Commission member.

While the diplomatic body in Tirana was against any changes in the CEC, the European People’s Parties have published a declaration in which they consider the CEC balance as a right decision.

The EPP President, Wilfred Martens, says in a press declaration that the SMI moving away from the government should also be reflected at the CEC.

„Anny effort to modify the formula with four members from the majority and three from the opposition is an effort to destabilize the entire electoral system two months before the elections“, Martens declared in this press release.

He adds that in these circumstances, the resignation of the Socialist Party CEC members is unacceptable.

„We underline that the EPP supports Prime Minister Berisha and the Democratic Party, and we believe that the June 23rd elections will mark a decisive step of Albania in their path towards the EU“, Wilfred Martens declared.

Wilfried Martens

Wilfried Martens (born 19 April 1936) has been the President of the European People’s Party since 1990 and was also Prime Minister of Belgium between 1979 and 1992 with only a brief interruption in 1981.

Martens grew up very close to the Christian democratic values and from an early age got involved with the youth branch of the Christian People’s Party (CVP, the predecessor of the current CD&V) and eventually he became president of the party’s youth.

In 1972 he is elected chairman of the CVP and two years later, gets elected to the national Chamber of Representatives and in 1979 he becomes Prime Minister.

A convinced defender of federalism, the current federal division of Belgium is attributed in large part to his labour.

In 1992, the same year he left his post, Belgian King Baudouin grants him the title of Minister of State.

Two years before, in 1990, he had been elected fourth President of the EPP, a party he helped co-found back in 1976.

In 1994 he was elected to the European Parliament where he chaired the then-EPP-ED group, the parliamentary group comprising the EPP plus the British conservatives.

In 1999 he left the Parliament.

Devoted to the unity of the centre-right family, he has also served as President of the European Union of Christian Democrats, that would eventually merge with the EPP, and also of the Centrist Democrat International, which gathers centrist and Christian democrats from all around the world.

http://www.epp.eu/presidency-wilfried-martens
>Published: April 18,2013 – 12:44
>Tirana – The official of the U.S. State Department Jonathan Moore expressed concerns for the tense situation in Tirana following the voting that took place in Parliament, resulting with the replacement of a member of the Central Election Commission.After a series of meetings with Albanian politicians, Moore emphasized that there is strong argument that raises questions on the way how parliament voted.“In some of these meetings we have discussed the developments in parliament on Monday, and as it was clear from what our embassy stated, there are several concerns about a change of balance on the CEC formation. We believe that there is a strong legal argument that that raises questions on the way how parliament voted. However, we want to see a functional CEC. If this does not happen, it is impossible to hold elections on June 23. We will see how the process develops. We are very concerned from what we have seen. There is a high level of political tension on the eve of the elections,“ declared Jonathan Moore, Director of the Office for Southern and Central Europe at the State Department.

He said that in other NATO member countries as well there have been cases when elections were jeopardized.

„There are also NATO member countries, and sometimes even the United States, when elections have been jeopardized. However, we have all the reasons to think that elections will be held,“ Moore said.

And over this issue, the political leaders have expressed their commitment that they will hold elections on due time and that they will accept the final result.

„All of them shared with me their position that they want elections to be held on June 23. All of them said that they will respect the result and will support the great efforts from international observers and that they want to remain partners with the United States of America,“ Moore said.

The U.S. State Department official stressed that the situation will be observed in its entirety, adding that a great number of long-term OSCE observers will come to Albania.

He also noted that June 23 elections in Albania will be also discussed in the U.S. Congress.

NATO is looking opportunities to send troops in the eve of parliamentary elections in Albania

Albania is close to a new collapse after parliamentary elections may fail, which could oblige NATO to intervene to maintain stability

Tirana. NATO is considering military intervention opportunities, maintaining stability in Albania and in the region, after parliamentary elections are going to a failure, as a result of the destruction of the Central Election Commission.

In fact, the warning for a military intervention by NATO, has been a formal proposal of the OSCE mission in Albania, who see the advantages of Albania’s political stability.
strategic point in South Eastern Europe, and a phase instability, can also infecting Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro.

Sources close SManalysis, say that the Albanian government has not accepted the installation of NATO troops, although De-fence Minister Arben Imami said that the funds of the Ministry of Defense have been added for this year, as expected installations of American and British troops during 2013.