Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a ...
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Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.Less

The Presidentialization of Politics : A Comparative Study of Modern Democracies

Published in print: 2005-03-10

Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.

As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.

The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.

This concluding chapter discusses how international election monitoring has become the most prominent tool in the liberal effort to promote democracy and create a more stable and just world. After ...
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This concluding chapter discusses how international election monitoring has become the most prominent tool in the liberal effort to promote democracy and create a more stable and just world. After elections, media organizations everywhere hurry to the press conferences of the international monitoring organizations and headline their assessments. International leaders likewise rely on the monitors' information to justify their rejection or acceptance of newly elected governments around the world. Election monitors can be a force for good. Although they generally cannot bring about change singlehandedly, they can reinforce existing pressures on a country. They can help improve elections and increase turnover, and politicians sometimes do follow their advice and make real changes to the electoral process.Less

The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly

Judith G. Kelley

Published in print: 2012-03-25

This concluding chapter discusses how international election monitoring has become the most prominent tool in the liberal effort to promote democracy and create a more stable and just world. After elections, media organizations everywhere hurry to the press conferences of the international monitoring organizations and headline their assessments. International leaders likewise rely on the monitors' information to justify their rejection or acceptance of newly elected governments around the world. Election monitors can be a force for good. Although they generally cannot bring about change singlehandedly, they can reinforce existing pressures on a country. They can help improve elections and increase turnover, and politicians sometimes do follow their advice and make real changes to the electoral process.

Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in ...
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Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in America. This book examines one expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of speech in the political process, or electoral speech law. Specifically, the author examines the Court's evolving conceptions of free speech in the electoral process and then traces the consequences of various debates and determinations from the post-World War II era to the present. In his analysis of the broad range of cases from this period, supplemented by four recent case study investigations, he explores competing visions of electoral expression in the marketplace of ideas, various methods for analyzing speech dilemmas, the multiple influences that shape the justices' notions of both the potential for and privileged status of electoral communication, and the ultimate implications of these Court rulings for American democracy.Less

The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law : The Supreme Court and Freedom of Expression in Campaigns and Elections

Brian K. Pinaire

Published in print: 2008-03-20

Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in America. This book examines one expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of speech in the political process, or electoral speech law. Specifically, the author examines the Court's evolving conceptions of free speech in the electoral process and then traces the consequences of various debates and determinations from the post-World War II era to the present. In his analysis of the broad range of cases from this period, supplemented by four recent case study investigations, he explores competing visions of electoral expression in the marketplace of ideas, various methods for analyzing speech dilemmas, the multiple influences that shape the justices' notions of both the potential for and privileged status of electoral communication, and the ultimate implications of these Court rulings for American democracy.

The evidence points to a range of enduring problems in American elections. However, most attempts to strengthen US elections involve piecemeal reforms, often worthwhile but technical in nature. What ...
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The evidence points to a range of enduring problems in American elections. However, most attempts to strengthen US elections involve piecemeal reforms, often worthwhile but technical in nature. What is needed is a more comprehensive wholesale plan addressing systematic and structural weaknesses at the heart of American elections. This chapter discusses practical steps designed to improve American electoral procedures and practices. These include: reforming electoral regulations for registration and balloting; building more impartial, independent, and professional electoral management bodies; monitoring performance and expanding transparency through electoral observers, developing comparative and state-level indicators, and strengthening watchdog agencies; strengthening dispute resolution mechanisms and oversight agencies.Less

What Is to Be Done?

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

The evidence points to a range of enduring problems in American elections. However, most attempts to strengthen US elections involve piecemeal reforms, often worthwhile but technical in nature. What is needed is a more comprehensive wholesale plan addressing systematic and structural weaknesses at the heart of American elections. This chapter discusses practical steps designed to improve American electoral procedures and practices. These include: reforming electoral regulations for registration and balloting; building more impartial, independent, and professional electoral management bodies; monitoring performance and expanding transparency through electoral observers, developing comparative and state-level indicators, and strengthening watchdog agencies; strengthening dispute resolution mechanisms and oversight agencies.

David Prendergast’s chapter looks past the referendum cases to examine judicial development of Article 16, which provides for the composition of, and election to, Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s lower house ...
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David Prendergast’s chapter looks past the referendum cases to examine judicial development of Article 16, which provides for the composition of, and election to, Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s lower house of parliament. The chapter first introduces a way of thinking about democracy to ground the evaluation of Article 16 case law that follows. The chapter gives an overview of Article 16, rejecting the view that it is a ‘total code’ for Dáil elections. Finally, the chapter defends the restrained yet occasionally creative path the courts have taken under Article 16. Prendergast concludes the courts’ work can be overall characterised as seeking to protect the electoral process, but not perfect it. The chapter concludes that the courts have embraced a role guarding Ireland’s democracy that illustrates in practice the idea that judicial review of electoral processes can be acceptable in democratic terms.Less

Article 16 of the Irish Constitution and judicial review of electoral processes

David Prendergast

Published in print: 2017-02-19

David Prendergast’s chapter looks past the referendum cases to examine judicial development of Article 16, which provides for the composition of, and election to, Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s lower house of parliament. The chapter first introduces a way of thinking about democracy to ground the evaluation of Article 16 case law that follows. The chapter gives an overview of Article 16, rejecting the view that it is a ‘total code’ for Dáil elections. Finally, the chapter defends the restrained yet occasionally creative path the courts have taken under Article 16. Prendergast concludes the courts’ work can be overall characterised as seeking to protect the electoral process, but not perfect it. The chapter concludes that the courts have embraced a role guarding Ireland’s democracy that illustrates in practice the idea that judicial review of electoral processes can be acceptable in democratic terms.

This chapter examines the outcomes and implications of “conceptual confluence,” or the phenomenon whereby two relatively autonomous lines of doctrine—electoral process and free speech law—have merged ...
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This chapter examines the outcomes and implications of “conceptual confluence,” or the phenomenon whereby two relatively autonomous lines of doctrine—electoral process and free speech law—have merged and melded, affording an accommodation of the values and precepts central to both jurisprudential traditions. While cases involving free speech claims within the electoral process might be appealed to the Court as “speech” cases rather than “process” cases, it is argued that issues of electoral expression are intrinsically different from speech cases outside this domain. Thus, efforts to decouple “speech” from “process” law will, as an intellectual endeavor, fail to appreciate the particular essence of the intersection and development of the two—as one—over time.Less

Conceptual Confluence

Published in print: 2008-03-20

This chapter examines the outcomes and implications of “conceptual confluence,” or the phenomenon whereby two relatively autonomous lines of doctrine—electoral process and free speech law—have merged and melded, affording an accommodation of the values and precepts central to both jurisprudential traditions. While cases involving free speech claims within the electoral process might be appealed to the Court as “speech” cases rather than “process” cases, it is argued that issues of electoral expression are intrinsically different from speech cases outside this domain. Thus, efforts to decouple “speech” from “process” law will, as an intellectual endeavor, fail to appreciate the particular essence of the intersection and development of the two—as one—over time.

This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of electoral speech law. It argues that electoral speech is unique because of its situation within and impact upon the electoral process, necessarily requiring consideration of the customs, values, and inclinations associated with the maintenance of democratic forms, institutions, and practices themselves. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less

Introduction The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law

Published in print: 2008-03-20

This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of electoral speech law. It argues that electoral speech is unique because of its situation within and impact upon the electoral process, necessarily requiring consideration of the customs, values, and inclinations associated with the maintenance of democratic forms, institutions, and practices themselves. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

The flaws in the American electoral process have become increasingly apparent in recent years. The contemporary tipping point in public awareness occurred during the 2000 election count, and concern ...
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The flaws in the American electoral process have become increasingly apparent in recent years. The contemporary tipping point in public awareness occurred during the 2000 election count, and concern deepened due to several major problems observed in the 2016 campaign, worsening party polarization, and corroding public trust in the legitimacy of the outcome. To gather evidence about the quality of elections around the world, in 2012 the Electoral Integrity Project was established as an independent research project based at Harvard and Sydney universities. The results show that experts rated American elections as the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in political parties, Congress, and the U.S. government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of mass protests. This book describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 U.S. elections arising from deepening party polarization over basic voting procedures, the serious risks of hacking and weak cyber-security, the consequences of deregulating campaign spending, and lack of professional and impartial electoral management. This book outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used to evaluate free and fair elections. Evidence from expert and mass surveys demonstrate the extent of problems in American elections. The book shows how these challenges could be addressed through several practical steps designed to improve electoral procedures and practices. If implemented, the reforms will advance free and fair elections, and liberal democracy, at home and abroad.Less

Why American Elections Are Flawed (and How to Fix Them)

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

The flaws in the American electoral process have become increasingly apparent in recent years. The contemporary tipping point in public awareness occurred during the 2000 election count, and concern deepened due to several major problems observed in the 2016 campaign, worsening party polarization, and corroding public trust in the legitimacy of the outcome. To gather evidence about the quality of elections around the world, in 2012 the Electoral Integrity Project was established as an independent research project based at Harvard and Sydney universities. The results show that experts rated American elections as the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in political parties, Congress, and the U.S. government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of mass protests. This book describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 U.S. elections arising from deepening party polarization over basic voting procedures, the serious risks of hacking and weak cyber-security, the consequences of deregulating campaign spending, and lack of professional and impartial electoral management. This book outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used to evaluate free and fair elections. Evidence from expert and mass surveys demonstrate the extent of problems in American elections. The book shows how these challenges could be addressed through several practical steps designed to improve electoral procedures and practices. If implemented, the reforms will advance free and fair elections, and liberal democracy, at home and abroad.

This chapter outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used by the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) to evaluate free and fair elections. EIP defines the idea of ...
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This chapter outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used by the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) to evaluate free and fair elections. EIP defines the idea of electoral integrity as the presence of a set of agreed-upon international conventions and global norms, applying universally to all countries worldwide through the election cycle, including during the pre-election period, the campaign, on polling day, and its aftermath. For evidence, EIP developed an expert survey of Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI), which gathers information covering all independent nation-states around the world that have held direct (popular) elections for the national parliament or presidential elections, excluding micro-states (with populations below 100,000). The 213 elections in 153 nations analyzed in the latest release used in this study, PEI-4.5, fall within the period from July 1, 2012 to June 30, 2016.Less

Measuring Electoral Integrity

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

This chapter outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used by the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) to evaluate free and fair elections. EIP defines the idea of electoral integrity as the presence of a set of agreed-upon international conventions and global norms, applying universally to all countries worldwide through the election cycle, including during the pre-election period, the campaign, on polling day, and its aftermath. For evidence, EIP developed an expert survey of Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI), which gathers information covering all independent nation-states around the world that have held direct (popular) elections for the national parliament or presidential elections, excluding micro-states (with populations below 100,000). The 213 elections in 153 nations analyzed in the latest release used in this study, PEI-4.5, fall within the period from July 1, 2012 to June 30, 2016.

This chapter summarizes the core argument and the reforms recommended to advance free and fair elections at home and abroad. Considerable evidence suggests that problems in the American electoral ...
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This chapter summarizes the core argument and the reforms recommended to advance free and fair elections at home and abroad. Considerable evidence suggests that problems in the American electoral process have worsened, and piecemeal reforms will not be enough to compensate for growing party polarization and declining public confidence, both of which have risen since 2000. Matters of electoral governance should not be determined through laws enacted by self-interested partisan representatives in state houses. Instead, the reform process needs to engage us all. By themselves, the proposed reforms will not automatically restore confidence in elections overnight, but they are the first step in the long-term process of stemming the loss of public trust in American elections.Less

Conclusions and Recommendations

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

This chapter summarizes the core argument and the reforms recommended to advance free and fair elections at home and abroad. Considerable evidence suggests that problems in the American electoral process have worsened, and piecemeal reforms will not be enough to compensate for growing party polarization and declining public confidence, both of which have risen since 2000. Matters of electoral governance should not be determined through laws enacted by self-interested partisan representatives in state houses. Instead, the reform process needs to engage us all. By themselves, the proposed reforms will not automatically restore confidence in elections overnight, but they are the first step in the long-term process of stemming the loss of public trust in American elections.

This chapter explores how the requirement of an electoral process found in Article 25 ICCPR relates to practice in post-conflict situations in general, and in post-conflict Sierra Leone in ...
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This chapter explores how the requirement of an electoral process found in Article 25 ICCPR relates to practice in post-conflict situations in general, and in post-conflict Sierra Leone in particular. In so doing, it seeks to help develop a clearer understanding of the relevance of this law in post-conflict settings, whilst also providing a basis for reflecting on the role of international law in jus post bellum more generally. The analysis addresses compliance with the law, but a core concern is with how the nature of the legal framework relates to the broader reconstruction process and what this suggests about its appropriateness. The central argument of the chapter that informs the analysis is that the suitability of this extant legal component of jus post bellum is linked to the balance that it strikes between coercion and flexibility vis-ò-vis the decision making of interim governments.Less

Creating Popular Governments in Post-Conflict Situations : The Role of International Law

Matthew Saul

Published in print: 2014-02-13

This chapter explores how the requirement of an electoral process found in Article 25 ICCPR relates to practice in post-conflict situations in general, and in post-conflict Sierra Leone in particular. In so doing, it seeks to help develop a clearer understanding of the relevance of this law in post-conflict settings, whilst also providing a basis for reflecting on the role of international law in jus post bellum more generally. The analysis addresses compliance with the law, but a core concern is with how the nature of the legal framework relates to the broader reconstruction process and what this suggests about its appropriateness. The central argument of the chapter that informs the analysis is that the suitability of this extant legal component of jus post bellum is linked to the balance that it strikes between coercion and flexibility vis-ò-vis the decision making of interim governments.

This chapter looks at the first of the five main forms of linkage between political parties and voters — ‘campaign linkage’, the stage that structures campaigns and elections. It assesses the extent ...
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This chapter looks at the first of the five main forms of linkage between political parties and voters — ‘campaign linkage’, the stage that structures campaigns and elections. It assesses the extent to which parties control the electoral process. It examines the evidence relating to the institutional links between parties and citizens during the campaign period. It argues that over the past few decades, reforms to the relationship between parties and the state are protecting the genus of political parties as a species. This chapter reviews four sets of evidence — on ballot access rules, media access and campaign communication, party finance and regulation, and electoral system design — that show the parties' continuing dominance over the electoral process, demonstrating how campaign linkage is alive and well. It concludes with an assessment of the ‘partyness’ of elections in contemporary democracies.Less

Parties and Electoral Institutions

Russell J. DaltonDavid M. FarrellIan McAllister

Published in print: 2011-09-29

This chapter looks at the first of the five main forms of linkage between political parties and voters — ‘campaign linkage’, the stage that structures campaigns and elections. It assesses the extent to which parties control the electoral process. It examines the evidence relating to the institutional links between parties and citizens during the campaign period. It argues that over the past few decades, reforms to the relationship between parties and the state are protecting the genus of political parties as a species. This chapter reviews four sets of evidence — on ballot access rules, media access and campaign communication, party finance and regulation, and electoral system design — that show the parties' continuing dominance over the electoral process, demonstrating how campaign linkage is alive and well. It concludes with an assessment of the ‘partyness’ of elections in contemporary democracies.

This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the pervasive problems in the American electoral process. It then describes the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP). Established in 2012, the ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the pervasive problems in the American electoral process. It then describes the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP). Established in 2012, the EIP is an independent project with a research team based at Harvard and Sydney universities that provides independent evidence from a rolling expert survey to document these problems and monitor how elections vary worldwide. According to expert estimates developed by EIP, the 2012 and 2014 elections in the United States were the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in the major political parties, Congress, and the US government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of contentious outcomes fought through court appeals and public protests. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less

Introduction

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the pervasive problems in the American electoral process. It then describes the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP). Established in 2012, the EIP is an independent project with a research team based at Harvard and Sydney universities that provides independent evidence from a rolling expert survey to document these problems and monitor how elections vary worldwide. According to expert estimates developed by EIP, the 2012 and 2014 elections in the United States were the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in the major political parties, Congress, and the US government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of contentious outcomes fought through court appeals and public protests. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

This chapter compares cross-national and state-level evidence from expert and mass surveys to diagnose problems in American elections. When evaluating the integrity of elections, experts rated ...
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This chapter compares cross-national and state-level evidence from expert and mass surveys to diagnose problems in American elections. When evaluating the integrity of elections, experts rated America exceptionally poorly. Compared with all 153 countries in the survey, based on the average evaluations of both the 2012 and 2014 US elections, America scored 62 out of the 100-point PEI Index. Compared with the rest of the world, the United States ranks 52nd worldwide. Experts also evaluated the 2016 elections across all fifty US states and Washington, DC. The results show that the south remains the region of America which experts assess as having the weakest electoral performance. Democratic-controlled states usually had significantly greater electoral integrity than Republican-controlled states, across all stages except one (the declaration of the results, probably reflecting protests in several major cities following the unexpected Trump victory).Less

Comparing Electoral Integrity within and across States

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

This chapter compares cross-national and state-level evidence from expert and mass surveys to diagnose problems in American elections. When evaluating the integrity of elections, experts rated America exceptionally poorly. Compared with all 153 countries in the survey, based on the average evaluations of both the 2012 and 2014 US elections, America scored 62 out of the 100-point PEI Index. Compared with the rest of the world, the United States ranks 52nd worldwide. Experts also evaluated the 2016 elections across all fifty US states and Washington, DC. The results show that the south remains the region of America which experts assess as having the weakest electoral performance. Democratic-controlled states usually had significantly greater electoral integrity than Republican-controlled states, across all stages except one (the declaration of the results, probably reflecting protests in several major cities following the unexpected Trump victory).

This chapter describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 US elections. Five issues pose growing risks to electoral legitimacy in the 2016 race: partisan polarization over electoral ...
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This chapter describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 US elections. Five issues pose growing risks to electoral legitimacy in the 2016 race: partisan polarization over electoral procedures; lack of public confidence following widespread claims of fraud, vote rigging, and the suppression of voter rights; the risks of hacking; the consequences of deregulating campaign funding; and the lack of professional standards of electoral management. It argues that without a comprehensive program of reforms addressing these problems, in a close, heated, and bitterly fought election, the 2016 contest could be a critical “tipping point” triggering lasting harm to its legitimacy.Less

Challenges of Electoral Integrity during the 2016 US Elections

Pippa Norris

Published in print: 2017-04-01

This chapter describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 US elections. Five issues pose growing risks to electoral legitimacy in the 2016 race: partisan polarization over electoral procedures; lack of public confidence following widespread claims of fraud, vote rigging, and the suppression of voter rights; the risks of hacking; the consequences of deregulating campaign funding; and the lack of professional standards of electoral management. It argues that without a comprehensive program of reforms addressing these problems, in a close, heated, and bitterly fought election, the 2016 contest could be a critical “tipping point” triggering lasting harm to its legitimacy.

This chapter discusses the selection process made by the National Candidate Commission in order to provide a final candidate list for the national elections of 2002–2003. This chapter focuses on the ...
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This chapter discusses the selection process made by the National Candidate Commission in order to provide a final candidate list for the national elections of 2002–2003. This chapter focuses on the 2002–2003 elections which provide a great opportunity to examine closely the Cuban electoral process. Whereas previous studies on Cuban elections lacked gender perspective, this chapter focuses on the gender composition of the various assemblies involved in the Cuban national elections wherein female representation on the local and national level varies considerably due to positive discrimination. The chapter also examines the candidate nomination process and presents a detailed election results for the municipal and national level.Less

Gender Equality and Electoral Politics : The 2002–2003 National Elections

Iija A. Luciak

Published in print: 2009-05-01

This chapter discusses the selection process made by the National Candidate Commission in order to provide a final candidate list for the national elections of 2002–2003. This chapter focuses on the 2002–2003 elections which provide a great opportunity to examine closely the Cuban electoral process. Whereas previous studies on Cuban elections lacked gender perspective, this chapter focuses on the gender composition of the various assemblies involved in the Cuban national elections wherein female representation on the local and national level varies considerably due to positive discrimination. The chapter also examines the candidate nomination process and presents a detailed election results for the municipal and national level.

This chapter focuses on two concepts that figure most prominently in the constitution of electoral speech law: “electoral superintendence” and the “marketplace of ideas.” It shows that “electoral ...
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This chapter focuses on two concepts that figure most prominently in the constitution of electoral speech law: “electoral superintendence” and the “marketplace of ideas.” It shows that “electoral superintendence” represents the general supervisory capacity the U.S. Supreme Court has assumed in electoral process cases since about World War II, while the concept of a “marketplace of ideas” has developed from Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes's famous contemplation of the potential for “free trade in ideas” to serve as the vehicle for evaluating competing claims and ultimately realizing the social good in the realm of expression. The chapter begins with an exploration of the essence and evolution of “superintendence,” as this notion encapsulates the Court's involvement in the organization of American politics.Less

Constituent Concepts

Published in print: 2008-03-20

This chapter focuses on two concepts that figure most prominently in the constitution of electoral speech law: “electoral superintendence” and the “marketplace of ideas.” It shows that “electoral superintendence” represents the general supervisory capacity the U.S. Supreme Court has assumed in electoral process cases since about World War II, while the concept of a “marketplace of ideas” has developed from Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes's famous contemplation of the potential for “free trade in ideas” to serve as the vehicle for evaluating competing claims and ultimately realizing the social good in the realm of expression. The chapter begins with an exploration of the essence and evolution of “superintendence,” as this notion encapsulates the Court's involvement in the organization of American politics.

This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and ...
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This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and Radical parties, while the second was a more politically undecided antiparliamentarism. The discussion looks at how the Canard satirized the way the rest of the press covered the Third International supporters and also developed a position that suggested the entire democratic-electoral process was a futile exercise.Less

Politics as Usual : An Antiparliamentarism of the Left?

Allen Douglas

Published in print: 2002-05-31

This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and Radical parties, while the second was a more politically undecided antiparliamentarism. The discussion looks at how the Canard satirized the way the rest of the press covered the Third International supporters and also developed a position that suggested the entire democratic-electoral process was a futile exercise.

This chapter explores experiences and reflections of having engaged with citizens towards ensuring greater and responsible participation in the electoral processes before and during elections at ...
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This chapter explores experiences and reflections of having engaged with citizens towards ensuring greater and responsible participation in the electoral processes before and during elections at different levels. In 2013 and 2014, these efforts took shape of a formal campaign in and around Mysuru in India, but received recognition and appreciation in forums across the country. Making participatory democracy work is in the hands of citizens, and exercising their electoral franchise is the first step towards this. A ‘vote’ in the world's largest democracy is however a complex phenomenon given how it is sought, and how people respond to it. Collectively, people ought to put an end to unhealthy trends in the Indian electorate by voting responsibly, by being politically more conscious, by demanding accountability, by participating, or by resisting.Less

Citizen engagement towards making democracy work

Dr. R BalasubramaniamM N Venkatachaliah

Published in print: 2017-08-15

This chapter explores experiences and reflections of having engaged with citizens towards ensuring greater and responsible participation in the electoral processes before and during elections at different levels. In 2013 and 2014, these efforts took shape of a formal campaign in and around Mysuru in India, but received recognition and appreciation in forums across the country. Making participatory democracy work is in the hands of citizens, and exercising their electoral franchise is the first step towards this. A ‘vote’ in the world's largest democracy is however a complex phenomenon given how it is sought, and how people respond to it. Collectively, people ought to put an end to unhealthy trends in the Indian electorate by voting responsibly, by being politically more conscious, by demanding accountability, by participating, or by resisting.

The voter inclusion principle argues that vote suppression for partisan gain is virtually never legitimate, but increasing participation through legal and legislative maneuvers is legitimate and ...
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The voter inclusion principle argues that vote suppression for partisan gain is virtually never legitimate, but increasing participation through legal and legislative maneuvers is legitimate and ethical, even if it is to the disproportionate benefit of one side. The previous chapters have discussed the ways in which the political parties have relentlessly violated this principle. This chapter explores how they can embrace it. The parties and candidates can play a primary role in strengthening democracy by increasing inclusion in a number of ways throughout the electoral process. Recommendations for partisan action are provided that follow the trajectory of this process, from voter registration through vote counting. The voter inclusion principle does not require that parties set aside partisanship or not seek electoral advantage. It does, however, require that parties do so by expanding the electorate.Less

How to Increase Participation

Tova Andrea Wang

Published in print: 2012-07-18

The voter inclusion principle argues that vote suppression for partisan gain is virtually never legitimate, but increasing participation through legal and legislative maneuvers is legitimate and ethical, even if it is to the disproportionate benefit of one side. The previous chapters have discussed the ways in which the political parties have relentlessly violated this principle. This chapter explores how they can embrace it. The parties and candidates can play a primary role in strengthening democracy by increasing inclusion in a number of ways throughout the electoral process. Recommendations for partisan action are provided that follow the trajectory of this process, from voter registration through vote counting. The voter inclusion principle does not require that parties set aside partisanship or not seek electoral advantage. It does, however, require that parties do so by expanding the electorate.