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T H E EIflTlviTTPAHT
TmLAM.LIBERTY THROUGHOUT ALL THE L A W U N T O T L I T T HE INHABITANTS THEREOF.-!**.»:
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
AT 143 NASSAU STREET, N E W YORK.
T E R M S - T w o dollars and fifty cents per annum, always in ad­vance.
IOTive Dollars in advance, will pxy for one copy, two and
half yrars.
f3-Ten Dollars in advance, will pay for six copies one yea,
sent to one address.
DO-Ttirr.y Dollars in adnnce, will pay for twenty copies, one
year, sent to one address.
JKrAgents for the A m
lications.
_na.
t_being understood that several American vessels have Sleety
i °w eoriiaaCbCett3 0lKUth°nty Uiat Wil1 '''eak to'a function! latel "been"
Khe^efoSh hlYh? ^ ffSt' ^ H M P of rebuke, black men,
. Jtl.t bB U T "° °fficer °f mine." I a m well assor- to America
A. S. Society are agents for all its pub-chartered
for the transportation of Africa
from this Island to Texas, Notice is hereby a yen
merman ship-masters, and to all others, that a L * and
f i l ^ . T ' Proc-d,ng, is in direct violation of th. lawsof
the United States
American vessel to carry a slave',
PIERCY &. REED, PRINTERS, 9 SPRUCE STREET.
T H E~~EMAN"C 1 P ATTfiT
For tne Emancipator.
Preaching Against Slavery—No 4.
W e have already considered the example of the apostles
as an inducement to this duty. D o it, because, in the second
place, it is our great national sin. I address this exhorta­tion
to all gospel ministers in the land, to preach against
slavery every one to his o wn charge, that all the people may
be enlightened and brought to repentance—because this evil
is a common overspreading abomination, which maketh
desolate. W e have the express command of God for
preaching aga.nst this national.«„. This sin is the subject
of the 58th chapter of Isaiah, and it begins thus —"crv
aloud, spare not, life up thy voice like a trumpet, shew my
people their transgressioa." N o w is it possible to avoid
the application ? It is spoken as directly t„ us as anything
in the whole Bible. W e ought, therefore, as [ said, to preach
against it, because it ,s our great national sin. Both its
magnitude and its nationality may be easily seen. Its mag­nitude
has already been sufficiently set forth in the anti-slavery
publications of the day, and has generally T e n
acknowledged by ministers, especially at the North That
it is a national sin, appears from the following considerations :
1st, Slavery ,n the South is generally supposed to be under
the posmve protection of the constitution of the United
and r,; J ' , S V"6- that' a c c?n]l"g t0 'hat instrument, legally
i a t S y/, , t e r Pnr 0 t e d--t h e r e is «°t a emisritutfonal
slave in the country. But as it is commonly understood this
nation have voluntarily adoptee the sin of slavery as tic
own by undertaking to protect it. Therefore, everyaospe
ninisterin the laud, is most solemnly bound to 1ft f p n i
voice against this part of the constitution ; and he has a
const> ut.onal r)ght to do so. For the constilutTon proves
for its o w n amendment, and of course for free discussion
respecting those parts which need to be expunged
ed your answer to that question will be the echo of the sen­timents
that hitherto I have heard here in reply to it But
perhaps, these sentiments will show a farther view of the
bearings of the question, and a deeper understanding of the
dangers which are involved in the subject of it. Perhaps
your reply to this question would embrace topics of interest
ton 5 2 t'hbe-VOndvour own- , ^ h a p s it would appear to
>o i that the con .nuance and extension of this felonious
trade, was planned and promoted by m e n who looked cien
beyond the advantages of their present gains. Perhaps the
thought might flash across you mind, that the Texan system
cihleT f > Y m e a " n °f CO,oni2alion. was considered appli-
^ ,/,??' I"" WeM 3S l° P ° n i 0 n S of thc Mexican «omin.
on, and that the tulure progress of Texian conquest, and
he decline and ultimate fall of the South American repub
ics, were supposed to have rendered it desirable, to prevent
the suppression of a trade which was destined to extend the
influence of slavery, to spread its empire over the last re! oTtte v'ovZ" t o T *" ^ 1° b e
u
c o n d e m"ed, if seized whiL
gmns of South America, and under the protection of it* tu- person o n t o a d ""r °r e l — h e r e with any such colored
te ary flag, to continue to Cuba and Porto Rico a traffic United sLtZL^ pr;8ecuted aft<* her return to the
which ,n the language of Mr. Tnst, " to all practma pu -' ^ve,ri£ena™ raarter-and sv^ P " ™ employed in
poses has become hallowed in all eyes here." ' P the least of whi,T « ' S"bJect.t0 t he heaviest penalties ;
Perhaps, sir, you might not be deterred by the smile of ^ m l o t : ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ '
In no case whatever, is ,t lawf, , , venfon at some length with great
Spirit of the Harrisburgh Convention.
W e presume our readers, of all politics and of no politics
who take an interest in public affairs, will be Plea J I to lee
a few sketches of the proceedings in the late W h i g Conven-ion
before and after so important a transactmn as the
eting as.de of Henry Clay. W e therefore present a fo
extract, from the newspaper, for this purpose.
SPIRIT OP THB CONVENTION
On taking the chair, Gov. Barbour addressed the Cor
LEATITT, Editor,
'1,,,CUW11 f sei "> carry a slave, or colored person held to 4fter « f7. A $ V in great solemmty and eloquence
Except as just stated, no American vessel can lawfully
sail with any black or colored person whatever, unlee Tsuch
black or colored person, be really and truly oa 1 intents'
and purposes,^. To take, or have on board! any h S
I do before Heayeo a n f I H ^ J ^ * * he) 8,a"d
J matter whether such colored person be
dde?bvramTeh°e .apprentice'or anyother'is •STfiS
rvin^A B IaW 1S JUSt as certainly violated in car­rying
Africans, no matter under what name, from this island
oalt6 to^h^: M ^T°-n f AfnCa,1S l V ° m "'* Part °' th i own
tlm v l . J T" a D y Case °f t h e VIoIati0i1 «f the law
tne vessel and cargo are sure to br -
d
provis.on is made in our laws .,
mastr Zms°t S6 "T* »P^ed'for ' "^ng tie
Sstonncr g,h^ f, V Vi0leu"Ce °f ,eV0ltin^ slaves- ™* for
restoring the fugitive to his owner. This is ao-ainst an ex-
BfSSSS1 of Goc1'm Gen- 23>5- e^a11^ 5Ki"
effort in'h6 ge/t.eraIit?-0fthe peo^]e make "° constitutional
efforts to have these things altered, but insist on their con
hTcir tereT thiSg'VeS ^--entneVnatio ."
fcuaracien therefore we mav n m i ^ ,.., „ i ,
in general, up to the present time, as far as I can learn, seems
to be 6et against a reformation. Not that they profess to
be in favor of slavery ; — a great proportion profess, in words,
to be acrainst it. But instead of doing any thing for its
removal, they only hinder those that would remove it. H ow
many meetings of our citizens have passed resolutions and
stirred up violence against agitating the question Thus
saith the Lord, consider your ways—but the people of our
country say, we will not consider. If the people's hearts
are not on the thing, why are they so much more strenuous
for maintaining the laws and constitution as they respect
slavery, than they are for supporting other laws'! While
they violate other laws for the sake of defending slavery and
suppressing free discussion, why is the slave's friend so tri­umphantly
referred to the constitution and laws of the coun­try,
as though they were as unalterable as the laws of the
Medes and Persians 1 as though an appeal to them were the
last appeal in the case—and as though the constitution itself
might not be found unconstitutional, when tested by the
Bible, which is jh^J^iffy^a*iOT^^«-|hjWi'fg8;
public incredulity, or the sneer of public contempt "from
expressing the opinion thatthe continuance of the slave-trad"
w s a v e r y materia ingredient in the policy of thosepollfi
cal desperadoes who, to counteract the power and influence
r1:,^' "^ prCpared t0 S ^ ^m southern
real zat o'n
d
of teT" t ^T™™6' 8Ild t0 P r o m o t e ih*
realization of the benefits to humanity conveyed in the
that he entertains a deliberate and oft revolved doubt
whether considered meely m itself, the slave-trade be not a
positive benefit to its supposed victims "
I erhaps, sir, on the perusal of this letter, you might ima­gine
there was reason to believe such a conscmad ZrJnZ
inCexPiestSe0' ^ ^ ^ S°uA A-ericanTSiTwa
Perhaps yen might be induced to believe that wild as this
scheme may seem to be, it is not impracticable in the hands
for three veara
some cases amounting to death. '
" CONSULATE OK THE UNITED STATES,
" Havana, February 23,1838."
Whavme
f,fiittqrli?ni9' What evidenceis there of Mr.
ofThe caZfn? oHh T * ™ l° the fraU<Ju,ent declaration
oi tne captains of the slave carrying vessels ? The best evi
mem of thetctw' fr™><>™ °&*M Snow ig."
m e m ol the fact In his last communication to the C om
m ssioners, dated the 8th of July, 1839, in referrimr tc, 3 £
subject, he attempts to prove that Mr. Macleay X Chief
country.
fi'r^'^sr;:Ji;,o ™u m *». -*TW
of
t.
your time wi.h a recapitulation rflh-wih'A.7<"" ' ° P
bormg under. They are known to you all Bu M
our country, and the perpetuity of our free institutions
The Slave Trade.
of ou^o'nS th^ efRCKenCy °f BritlSh CruUerS'the -Monties
to the Z VG ^ ^ at 1C^th COm*dl*d t° a*t m regard
° Partl"Patl0n of ° « citizens in the African slave trfde.
After nearly twenty years of passive connivance at the
a H ^To\ T\*?' 8nd ****** a "atl0nal —'ate
for Z L d " M PnnCipal bUSlnCSS i910 aflord facditi- I
for this trade, the qu.et success of the arrangement is all I
ToZ? V feTb°'d m°VeS by lHe B^^ off e '
thro T" lndlgnaUt at the C ° n t i n u * d embarrassment
thrown m he.r way by the United States. Although every
expedient has been resorted to by our government lo evade
the subject and although the noble Capt. Fitzgerald was
sent off with s.udied neglect and injury, yet the „ b £
would come up, and our courts have Jually begun the work
of exammation in earnest, on the ground" thai trad
human flesh is a crime. Th
York, in the U. S
ing in
e first case was tried in N e w
Circuit Court, Nov. 30, before Judges
Thompson and Betts.
cal" wXnsJTTTh7jY-~T,:illnited States of Ame""
the slave Trade acts • a n d U H P T t *' ° f Se'ZUre f ° U n d e d ° n
as follows ' aCtS 3S P r 0 v e n are in substance
The schr. Butterfly is American built and sailed
^w Orleans in M a y last, to Havana, regularly d
- an American vessel, with an Americf n crew
that had abused the American flan- »™i
as a prize. She was then r Z f' ,to
u
ok Possession of her
A. Patterson, . . . h o ™ b v T ^ */ C aPtain Frederick
had a crewo seven o^ 2ltl PaP"s/ound on board, and
and twenty-five S o a n l S ? h A m e n c a n Protections,
-ngers, a n V ; n o t d n S P t ^ s h W
p : , s ^ s r e P S e n t e d *1 P a s !
equipped with all the necessari£ fl i he Vessel w a s
the lumber for fornHnJs flZ A for a
J
s,av'n« vessel J had
a condition that UcoSd h,p i * Wh'Ch W 3 S in s u ch
were iron^ol^^l?ai^^nti^'^«>
or 400 persons Z e r cask? s „ T U g h / ° r C G ° k i n g f ° r 3 00
water for the same I f ^ufficient to contain enough
wooden spools S t K f t l j S - " °A & I o n« ^ ^ =
officiate as Chaplains.
seats.
of harl i,«,4 .« L r "« "ii-utiiuie in tne nanus
ol bad, bo,d men, whose physical and mental energies are so
last y SUpenor to those of the people they seUl
amongst, with the strong purpose of disp,
plot is matured, and the mask of colonial
successfully thrown off.
of nations governs
down
ossesslng, when the
ial allegiance may be
These are considerations which, in all probability, would
HkePv:trl0fnVerrlland,'0ng,n thcdePths o/lhougi
cpl/St be ? reCeiVf 3- ^ But whatev" that
reply might be, I am greatly mistaken if the British Govern-ror
on at fe T'^f GrG3t Bntafn and Americ., or Zt j
Sou t « »h ? ' the, lntelhgence and integrity of both
with P f g°e s u ^ e r that name, would not receive it'
•&gjgy.!t Witb ^ t e n ^ > - d 0"°de in the
1. That the Spanish slave-trade has gradually and steadi­ly
increased from the year 1820 to the present year ; and
the importations have been augmented from 15,000 to 25,000
per annum.
2. That the great amount of American capital invested
in slave property in the island of Cuba, and the energy with
which the new American settlers have entered on the culti­vation
of new land, (the establishment of new American
plantations averaging during the last three years, twenty a
year) have largely contributed to give an impetus to the
trade, which has been fatal to the efforts made for its sup­pression.
3. That the recent treaty of 1835, between Spain and Eng­land,
for its suppression, has been successfully evaded by
the practice adopted of shipping the stores for the slave-trade
on board x\merican vessels at the Havana
4. That American vessels are suffered to proceed with
the stores to Africa, and even to return to the Island of Cuba
the declarations, m these cases of Texian expJrtatfon. of
groes, wh,ch were made before him- a
the negroes carried from this port to Tex
denomination of apprenticed laborers
In his Consular Notice he di.tirxtly states, that
Jo vessel can lawfully sail with any black
CI
succ
Newspaper reporters were allowed
On Friday evening, it had become evident
- , "'• ""««-iuy is A m e
was placed on" b o a r ^ £ T l t ' L ™ ^ f ° P » ^
ipe Island, or St.
persons, denominated
passengers. The cargo consisted of articles adapted "tothe
African market, and was such as would be taken m lawful
that Henry
to
the
and moreover that
went under the
5. That alf the vessels in the Spanish slave-trade, are
brethren whether you really think that the people of this b u l u in A m e r i c a, chiefly in Baltimore ; and are publicly
\ Z A Z J L * *nrl small, would stand thus firmly by tbe con- w f h • glave.trade in the Havana, by the foreign mer-or
colored per-
^ tr«y to' all" iiuent;^^^;^^: S?
no mat't PK r ? n S " a r f h d d in an^ w a V * service or S S J '
no matter whether such colored person be called by the
Bime of apprentice or ,ny other, it is strictly forbidden by law -
I May I ask Mr. Tnst, why then he suffered these nui J oTs
a! °mdemeCdl°bWoedg" W-e reprGSented i" the'ecEon
as indented laborers," and consequently held to " service''
permit the persons who made these declarations,—subjects
of America,—to perpetrate crime which involved the penal­ty
of " fine and imprisonment," " seizure" of the vessel thus
employed, and " confiscation" of the property of his fellow-citizens
1 W h v did he not refuse his signature to proceed­ings
which he denounces the illegality of, after they have
been carried into effect with so dreadful a penalty to be in­curred
by their commission ; " in some cases," (to use Mr.
Trist's own words) amounting " to dealhl"
The interruption of the Texian slave-trade, by the publici­ty
given to the proceedings of Mr. Trist, on the part of the
Commissioners, was the first cause of the " indignation" of
Mr. Trist. H e found no public occasion for giving vent to
it, however, till after the departure of Mr. Macleay. The
new Commissioners having begged to call the attention of
Mr. Trist to a flagrant case of slave dealing, carried on with
open effrontery under the American flag, the indignant Con­sul
sent back to the Commissioners their official communi-with
slaves, under the Portuguese flair, with the full know. J fu
aJsSnCornm?s«oners'having>een • •jW'.inftlR
cteeTat S * ™ r0"^ **™£» ^ ^
"eh foft^o f^ "r??0 a -^it-etha; "'c SS
rehed on to do for each of the candidates proposed • and tho
aggregate of their statements left for M r Say' but L
faint hope that Virginia might cast her vote for h,m ! <
thus ensure his election. This was r e f i l l ?u '• a n d
Gean 2 L * S - piank to ^ s ^ ^ a re
Gen. Scott being the smallest of the three parties, and hav
ng balloted unsuccessfully till the close of the h d dav I
length found that the crisis hadco.no ,„w,,'_„.„ 6?l' a
^zSiftnSL&BS trading voyages, and the
rafficking for slaves—
cop/1' TI^'"rm,S f°r *5 wate>-tankS on the English
aTwas^itt tt^rtfor8^ 1^ ^ B"Ush b"^ ^
a £ d'ecrand'the?^3 ^ ^^ SUfRcient for ]™S
TrLTI^1"-^!!1"31^" for Putting UP
'*.
as pnze master, and ordered to N e w
the same sr.nrv wu„ .u. .._
at once
York. Witr
1
to decide the
land ereat and hrmly uy m e con- i sold for thc
stitution, if they should happen to discover a clause in It | c h a n t s
which doomed themselves and their, children to hopeless
bondage i But if the very heart and soul of the people is
for slavery, their wenderful fidelity to some of our lawscan
be accounted for This unalterable constitution affords a
vei^snue "retreat from all the clamors of a guilty conscience,
and the attacks of the friends of liberty. Under this refuge
they may take their stand and bid defiance to every danger.
And now, brethren, w e may, in a measure, see by these
things, who and how many in our several congregations, are
euilty of the sin of slavery,* and how they are guilty, and
how much they need that we should warn a
them of it from the pulpit.
6. That fraudulent transfers of the papers are constantly
made, of vessels employed or destined for this trade.
7 That slaves under fictitious titles, described m fraudu­lent
declarations as free, indented laborers, and duly attest­ed
by the Consul of the United States, have been exported
from Havana to Texas.
8 That within the last two years and a half, two vessels
have been detected landing slaves in the United States.—
One of which, the Emperor, was taken by an American ves­sel
of war and sent to Pcvisacola for trial ;_and on her re
cation, declinino-muse
oommissio
ther case of slave dealing under the American flag, renaeicv.
it necessary to call Mr. Trist's attention again to this new
violation of the laws, and the communication was made to
him by letter on the 8th of January, 1839, of the present
year. This letter was couched in courteous terms. The in­formation
was simplv given to him, that a vessel, named " the
Venus," then in the harbor, had recently arrived from Afri­ca
with a cargo of 860 slaves, which she had taken in under
the protection of the American flag. That she had sailed
from the Havana four months previously under the Ameri­can
flag, and had returned with her cargo of slaves under the
Portuguese flag. That on the coast of Africa a British crui­ser
had visited her, and desisted from capturing her because
she was under the American flag ; and, finally, expressing
There can be no neutral ground
inTur country with'regard to a subject so interesting to the
nation, and so identified with the cause of morality and re­ligion
He that is not heartily engaged to say and do all he
lawfully can for the entire annihilation of this sin, is, for
ought that I can see, guilty of the whole systein of slavery.
H e that is not for us is against us. M y brethren, let us
have no fellowship with these workers of iniquity, by neg­lecting
to reprove them. Let each of us count out from
our several congregations all those who shew a zeal against
this sin proportioned to its magnitude, and how much would
it diminish the number 1 D o you think w e should be excused
in our silence on this subject for the want of hearers to
w h o m our preaching would apply ! Is there any occasion
for any one to tell us that if w e at tbe North must needs
preach against slavery, w e must go to the South, where
alone they are guilty of ill And if w e are induced to keep
our mouths closed by being told to look at our o w n faults
and that we have enough to do at home, in correcting and
rectifying our own conduct and that of our hearers, what
can be more absurd and contradictory than this argument,
except the folly of yielding to it. Let us indeed cast the
beam out of our own eye^raf. But what is it! What
have northern christians in general to look at in their o wn
hearts with more solicitude to put it away, than their o wn
share in this very sin of slaveryl I do feel that even we
who are gospel ministers at the North, are not without our
own full share in this sin, if w e hold our peace. If w e have
stood by in silence and seen a brother shot, and as it were,
held the garments of them that slew him, merely for plead­ing
the cause of the poor slave, as w e all ought to have done
— w h a t is this but to be consenting unto his death, and to
approve the deeds of his persecutors, and to adopt as our
own the whole guilt of the slave system < For my own part,
I can see no way in which we can clear our own skirts ol
any part of this immense weight of guilt and criminality, but
by repenting indust and ashes, and bringing forth fruits meet
for abo mrienpaetnitoannsc eo,f b syl abveearryi.n g our full testimony againstC .a lSl. t he
* By the sin of slavery I mean the sin of holding men as property,
and allthe evils which grow out of that bitter and prolific root.
Consul Trist.
A letter to W. E. Charming, D. D , on the subject of the
abuse of the flag of the United Stales in the Island oj
Cuba, and the advantage taken of its protection in promot­ing
the slave trade. By R. R. Madden.
M v D E A R S I R , — T h e subject of this letter is one of such
importance, the necessity for entering on it so urgent and
the task of performing it se painful, that, were it possible to
distinguish m e n from measures, and to serve the cause of
truth and justice without wounding the feelings of individu­als,
however adverse to both, I would sit down to address
you with more alacrity, and would hope to attain m y ooject
without exciting a suspicion that the conduct of an unpopu­lar
m a n has been mistaken or. misrepresented by me.
Feeling strongly as I do on the subject of this letter, per­haps
I may express myself strongly, and I fear it might be
harshly, were I less fully impressed with the calmness of
that mental composure, that patient spirit of philosophical re­search,—
that clear, cold, pellucid expression of well examin­ed
thoughts, and moderated opinions, which so eminently
characterize your judgments, and distinguish the communi­cation
of your sentiments. W e r e it otherwise, I might find it
difficult, I confess, to restrain m y feelings, and yet have to
speak of great wrongs committed with impunity against hu­manity.
As it is, I hope in addressing myself to your rea­son,
to execute m y task, to direct your attention to that scan­dalous
abuse of the flag of your country, which has been fla­grantly
connived at by the Consul of the United States in
Cuba, and the result of which has been to give a new impe­tus
to the illegal traffic in human beings, and to render it im­possible
for the efforts of tho British Government for the
suppression of this traffic, to be carried into successful exe­cution.
. '.
This is the third time I have had the pleasure of visiting
America. It has been m y good fortune to have been per­mitted
to converse freely and to communicate even familiar­ly,
on the subject of this communication, with many of the
great and good men of this country, of all parties, of all
sects, northerners and southerners, and finding greatness of
mind and goodness of heart limited to no particular latitudes,
I have inquired of all what interest had the U. S. in promoting
the desolation of Africa by affording the inhuman trade m
slaves the protection of her flag ? A n d there has been little or
any essential difference in the answers I have received. Let
» e ask you, m y dear sir, this same question ; and in the name
of truth and justice, on behalf of the unfortunate people of
ir, under the name of Sierra del Pilar.
9 That the slave-trade of Cuba for the last two years nas
been carried on under the protection of the Portuguese and
American flags. .
10. That the Spanish flag during that period, with one or
two exceptions, fell into complete disuse.
11 That on the dismissal from office of the notorious
slave-trader Fernandez consul,the Spanish Mr. Tnst became
the acting Consul for that nation.
12 That the use and abuse of these two flags were of
necessity known to Mr. N . P. Trist, and were connived at
by him. . T , .,
Perhaps before entering into these particulars, 1 should
have informed you that Mr. N . P. Trist is the gentleman
who fills the office of Consul General of the United States
at the Havana. That he has gained for himself within the
last three or four years, a considerable degree of unenviable
notority, and for his office, unfortunately, an amount of ob­loquy
highly prejudicial to its high character, by the arro­gance
ofnis conduct, the neglect of his duties, and lastly,
by thc scandalous protection he has afforded to the slave-trad.\
and the open predilection he has recently avowed, and
and officially recorded, for the interests of that nefarious traffic.
Of late, he has taken occasion twice, in official communi­cations,^
bestow a vast quantity of abuse on theBntish mem­bers
of tho Commission for the suppression of the slave trade;
and not only the present members of it, but their several
predecessors ; and moreover the most unmeasured reproach
it is possible to conceive, on the British Government. But
what is most likely to excite the anger of the folks of the old
country, this poor m a n has bestowed " his pity" on a very
laro-e portion of the people of England. And for what calami­ty
"forsooth 1—why, for their abhorrence of the slave-trade . |
because, in the words of Mr. Tnst, they waste their energies
on a cause that is " a delusian," practised on them by men
who are " self-seekers," " deceivers," " theatrical exhibi­tors
" " fanatics," " impostors ;" for all of whom, his feel­ings,
he declares, are those of " dissust and indignation.
The "disgust" of Mr. Trist is certainly sufficiently loath­some
without the insult of his "pity," and either of them
less patiently lo be endured than his " indignation.
There is some allowance, however, to be made for the
latter ; a latent feeling of respect for the interests of the
"market," and of regret for the loss of property in Cuba,
which must have made him a frequenter of it, had he been
able to have retained his estate there, no doubt have much
to do with the " indignation" of the discomfited planter.—
Mr Trist had scarcely entered on his official duties, when
he purchased an estate in Cuba. Every one conversant with
slavery in that island, knows that the slave population is not
kept up by the increase on the plantations. On sugar pro­perties,
that there is in fact no increase at all, an
nof-A^arv under the Dresent svstem of manage
lease by one of these illegal tranfers became Portuguese, and a h o p e that n e w o u l d take s u c h 6teps as the case demanded,
was subsequently taken about June last, by a British cruis- a n d r o g r e U i n g to have to state that the Commissioners had
rcason°to know, that a considerable number of American
subjects were engaged in this unlawful traffic.
On the former occasion of a similar communication, this
functionary had expended his " indignation" in a short and
simple act of vulgar insult ; he returned the Commissioners
the letter thev had addressed to him. The rudeness here
was congenial to his character, and the vulgarity of the mode
of evincing his displeasure bore testimony to the strength of
his animosity to the views of the British government with
respect to a traffic which the laws of his own country de­nounce
as Piracy.
T o the communication of the 8th of January, 1839, Mr.
Trist replied in a letter of sixteen foolscap pages. His
" indignation" had taken a new form of outbreak, and if its
intensity is to be judged of by its expansiveness and exten­sion
in the shape of words, too high an opinion cannot be
formed of its virulence. In a strain of the most violent in­vective,
levelled discursively at the Commission for the Sup­pression
of the Slave trade, the British Government, the
British people, the deluded victims of certain " deceivers,"
" self-seekers," praciisers of theatrical exhibitions, and other
kinds of public impostors, the Consul delivers himself of a
great amount of wrath and rigmarole, in reply lo a commu­nication
that certainly required some ingenuity to find any
thin^ offensive in it to his official character, and which it was
impossible to assert contained any thing contrary to truth.
The two statements made in it respectfully to him were,
namely these, that the slave-ship " Venus," had sailed from
Havana under American colors, taken in her slaves under
the same flag, and had just landed her cargo under the Por­tuguese
; the other, that the Commissioners had reason to
know that a number of American citizens were engaged in
this unlawful traffic. This lengthy epistle designedly avoids
entering into the question of this scandalous abuse of the
American flag, for very obvious reasons. One of which it is
alone necessary to state. The entire slave-trade of the is­land
of Cuba was then passing through the identical hands of
N. P. Trist, the Consul General of the United States at the
Havana, inasmuch as the whole illegal traffic was then car­ried
on fraudulently and scandalously under the protection of
the American and Portuguese flags ; and Mr. Trist was the
Consul General of the one country, and the acting Consul of
the other, from the period of the dismissal of the notorious
slave-trade Portuguese Consul, Mr. Fernandez. N o w the
papers of the slave trading vessels of both countries neces­sarily
passed through his hands. It was incumbent on him
to see that they were neither fraudulent nor fictitious. But
Mr. Trist felt the only incumbency in question, was one by
no means onerous or disagreeable, that of receiving the fees
of his office, and making the most of the precarious tenure of
his post. .' • •.'. •
However, in his long rambling reply to the Commissioners,
wherein all kinds of subjects, et quedam alia wholly foreign
to their communication, are treated in a style of consular di­plomacy
peculiar to Mr. Trist, he concludes this official ma­nifestation
of solemn nonsense, by reminding one of the
Commissioners that he had been brought up in the Temple,
and then calls on him for evidence of the facts stated in the
letter ; plainly intimating that legal evidence was required,
he well knowing that no such evidence could be produced
with safety to life in any Spanish court.
(To be Continued.)
necessary under thc present system of management, to have
recourse to the slave market, to make up for the annual de­crease,
by the purchase of newly imported slaves from
Africa. So that one of the first acts of this officer was to
place himself in a condition, which imposed on him the ne­cessity
of participating in a crime, which the laws of his
country pronounce piracy.and punish with the penaltyofdeath.
Fortunately for his office, Mr. Trist became unable to
meet the engagements into which he had entered, when the
period came round for the payment for this estate. L a w pro­ceedings
were commenced against him, and he was compell­ed
to shelter himself under the privileges of his office, and
the special protection of the Captain General, to avoid the
ruinous consequences of a legal prosecution m a Spanish
court. Mr. Trist was compelled to give up his estate,—his
i roperty, but not his will, consented to the sacrifice.
Driven from the pleasing exercise of power as a Cubian
planter, he turned to the prospect of the emoluments of office ;
and the protection of the slave-trade opened a new field for
speculation. In tbe year 1836, the published correspondence
of the Commissioners with the British Government, throws
some light on the proceedings of Mr. Trist, during the pre­ceding
year, with respect 'o the countenance given by that
person to the slave-trade, then carrying on between Texas
and the island of Cuba. This trade in the latter part of 1«35,
had been carried on by American citizens to a considerable
extent. The attention of the Commissioners was at length
called to these scandalous proceedings. A new plan was
devised to evade their vigilance. The American Consul,
when a shipment was to be made, had declarations made be­fore
him, by the Captains of the American vessels employed
in transporting the bozal negroes from this port, stating that
these persons were free indented laborers, and this declara­tion
was duly attested by Mr. Trist. In plain terms, the sig­nature
of the American Consul at the Havana was appended
to these fraudulent documents. He, Mr. Trist, well know-
| ing that the said free indented laborers, were sent to Texas
DIVISIONS A M O N G A B O L I T I O N I S T S . — W e are pleased, and
our readers generally, w e feel assured, will be pleased, to
read the following from the pen of friend Garrison, in the
Liberator of last week. It proves that on the distinct sub­ject
of abolition there is no division among the abolitionists
of Massachusetts. However they may disagree with each
other in some respects, they do not seem disposed to give
any quarter to slavery.—Pa. Freeman.
"But is there not a division in the anti-slavery ranks, and
does not that prove that 'abolition is dying away!' True,
there is such a division in this commonwealth, yet only to a
very slight extent. It is local, not national. The great
mass ef the abolitionists of Massachusetts are sound to the
rore, and were never more united in spirit than at the present
time. Before the enemies of abolition should lift up the
voice of exultation, in view of ihis schism, let them first
pause, and inquire into the nature of it 1 Has it originated
in any diversity of sentiment among abolitionists, as to the
exceeding sinfulness of elaveholding, and the duty of imme­diate
emancipation! Are they divided in opinion, respecting
the guilt of southern slaveholders—the unspeakable baseness
of expatriating men on account of their complexion—the
right of the slave to stand O H the same platform with his
master ? If so, then it is possible that 'abolition is dying
away.' But it is not so."
risis had come which compelled them
question. A motion to discharge (he CoJ
i. tee, or virtually to break up the convention *!. M o S bv"
INext morning, Mr Banks nf K„ ™ J
second rhrvj*o ..,st tnuitc oi nis state, but she knew and
loved the veteran of Ohio well ; she had voted for him once
by a large majority, and would do it again.
Mr. Coombs, of Ky., remarked that if the heart of Ken­tucky
had been bruised in the result of this contest—if her
ardent hopes had been disappointed—it could not change
hei principles, or shake her attachment to the great cause.
She was born a W h i g State—had lived a W h i g State—and,
by the blessing of God, she would die a W h i g State.
M r B. W . Leigh, of Virginia, gave notice that the dele­gation
of that State would unanimously concur in the nomi­nation
of William Henry Harrison. They had ardently
hoped a different result—not for the sake of Mr. Clay ; for
they believed the measure of his fame to be full, and the
Presidency unworthy of his ambition—but because thev be­lieved
him eminently qualified for the station. But in say­ing
this, he meant to detract nothing from the well-earned
fame of William Henry Harrison, whom he also respected
and loved. He knew him as a patriot, a statesman, and an
honest man. Neither did he mean any disparagement to
br° ',t^or d e a r friend, Winfield Scott, whose name had been
erv?e'ri*ifWiiJ.f"rf>-this-Cftoveiy.ion. He reioiced to sav that he
ly in favor of another. The convention had fairly decided
against him, and he would now pledge, on the part of the
Delegates from Virginia, an ardent, unanimous, and he
hoped, successful support to the nominee of this Convention.
Mr. Selden, of N e w York, briefly expressed the ananimous
acquiescence of the minority of the N e w York delegation,
who had earnestly and unflinchingly supported Mr. Clay, in
the nomination reported. They would give it their cardial
and vigorous support.
Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, referred to the fact that
the delegates came here, much divided in opinion, and to
the hopes entertained by our enemies that they would be
divided in the selection of a candidate. Happily they have
been disappointed. He alluded to the character and worth
of Mr. Clay, his distinguished services to the country, and
las high admiration of him. Massachusetts, he said, also
had her favoriie son, but she had yielded up her pieferences,
and yielded them early, for the sake of conciliation and suc­cess.
She had made this sacrifice freely—cordially—and
she would now rally under the banner of W . H. Harrison
with the same zeal, and the same certainty of success as with
her own favorite son.
Judge Burnet, of Ohio, gave a sketch of Gen. Harrison's
life and services. He related the answer which the General
returned to Gen. Proctor, when he demanded the surrender
of Fort Meigs, on the ground of his superior force : " Tell
Gen. Proctor," said the fearless Harrison, " that I know my
strength, and I know his ; if he takes the fort, he will take
it in a way that will do him more honor than a thousand
surrenders!" He spoke of his services in the defence of
his country; and then turned to his civil qualifications,
which he represented as no less illustrious than his military
H e is a scholar, a historian and a statesman ; and what is
raore—an honest man. In proof of this Judge B. referred
to the fact that Gen. Harrison had been in stations where
it would have been perfectly easy to have made himself rich,
but on retiring from public life, he had retired a poor man.
Jadge B. said if General Harrison went to Washington, he
went there without having any grief to avenge or any favors
to bestow. H e went pledged to stand but a single term.
Gov. Metcalfe, of Kentucky, said he came here in favor
of Kentucky's favorite son, believing him to be the candi­date
most likely to succeed. Since he had been here, he
had interchanged sentiments with the delegates from the
various States, and had come to the conclusion that he was
mistaken. He was now prepared to go for the strongest
man. As regarded himself, he did not sacrifice so much as
did many other of the friends of Mr. Clay ; he moved only
from the side of one noble friend, to take his stand firmly by
the side of another and no less noble friend. The country
had not done General Harrison justice. He has done more
for his country and received less for his services than any
man living. He possessed both civil and military capacities
of the first order, which should eatitle him to the admiration
of the people.
Mr. Merrill, of Pennsylvania, said he came from a State
that had no sacrifice to make, and he could not resist the
opportunity of expressing his sense of the high spirit of
patriotism which had induced some of the other members of
the Convention to surrender their favorite candidate. Penn­sylvania
thanked them, and would respond in a suitable
manner.
Mr. Tupper, of Mississippi, said, the land of Poindexter
and Prentiss, as she has done before, will do her duty still ;
and from the harmony of this Convention, and the enthusi­asm
manifested by the members, he felt satisfied she can be
rescued from the spoilers under the banner of the Hero of
Tippecanoe.
Mr. Russell, of Missouri, said Missouri owed much to
Gen. Harrison, and she wa3 not ungrateful. W h e n she
was, in her infancy, struggling to become a member of this
great confederacy, Gen. Harrison had stood by her, and
placed her upon her sure foundation. It had been said G en
Harrison was poor—this was a mistake—he was rich in the
affections of his country.
Col. Graham, of Louisiana, expressed his determination
to suppoit the nomination of the Convention ; and although
he had been in favor of Mr. Clay, yet he would not yield to the
warmer friends of Gen. Harrison in admiration of his virtues.
Judge Huntington, of Indiana, referred to the course of
Gen H. in Congress in reference^ to the public lands and
the ear
found him ...
tion of Col. R. M . Johnson, that Gen. Harrison has fought
more battles than any m a n in the count-.y, and " never lost
a battle."
The Judge said he was sure he never will lose a battle,
and that his nomination will be received in the West with a
burst of enthusiasm never before known in the country.
The question was then taken on the resolution offered by
Mr. Johnson, that William H. Harrison, of Ohio, be the
candidate for President, and John Tyler, of Virginia, the
candidate for Vice President, and it was unanimously
adopted, and was received with boasts of acclamation from
all corners of the house.—N. Y. Whig.
[It would appear, that after having " got rid of" the long-troublesome
"nuisance," by "colonizing the free" slave­holder,
Henry Clay, " with his o w n consenf'(l) the Con­vention
actually exulted in the relief they had gained, as a
man rejoices at his deliverance from some indigestible and
I disturbing substance that he has swallowed.]
-y
who went out in the vessel, was' examined for the prSner
d^hS for'^O00 "t.h 'V*16 ^ °f ^^SZ
mscnargeu lor $3000, and the charterer had the privilege of
oi SVrh l V e S S e i n 0 t C X C e c d i"g thirty days at . T r n X e
of $20 per day. N o provision was made for return freiZ
no does ,t a p p e a r that the master had fonds or cred f to
purchase a cargo, or that any other employment of the
vessel was contemplated than fulfilling the charter co tract I
H vana3?:," teSUfied ^ t h e " * » « " worth ^ 0 0 0 ^ '
Havana, and was composed of ani-i - g;-'"""..gJ
ibft Aft*— - •
At the close of the testimony, Mr. Alexander Hamilton, Jr.,
with w h o m was associated Mr. F. B. Cutting, and Mr. P.
Hamilton, for the accused, made his maiden speech, and
contended that the decbion of Judge Story in the case of
the brig Alexander, William Booth, claimant, was untenable.
Mr. Butler, the District Attorney, argued at length in
support of the views of Judge Story, in the case of the brig
Alexander, and contended that the offence was complete if
the vessel was shown to have set out on her voyage with
the intent of being employed in the slave trade, though no
slavp had ever been on board.
Judge Thompson said that notwithstanding this Court
might differ in its views from Judge Story, comity required
that it should not decide differently—they both being circuit
courts of equal jurisdiction, and therefore, as it was important
that the construction of these laws should be universally
understood, this court lad divided in opinion, on the point in
question, and had decided to ^ n d the case to the Supreme
Court on a certificate of a difference of opinion.
It was then agreed by the counsel that thejteatinaow*-
tbe English witnesses shou.li.1 '
in the trial of \h<- • <;!~" ''"
The jury were discharged from further consideration of
the case, without giving any verdict, and the accused was
remanded
In the case of the United States vs. Peterson—in all
respects the same—the same course is to be taken.
The following exiract embraces the most material portions
of Judge Story's opinion, which Judge Thompson indicated
a readiness to set aside.
"The first section of the act of 1800, ch. 51, on which
alone this prosecution can be maintained, declares 'that it
shall be unlawful for any citizen, & c , directly er indirectly,
to hold or have any right or property in any vessel employed
or made use of in the transportation or carrying of slaves
from one foreign country to another, under the penalty of
forfeiture.' The question is, whether the penalty is affixed
to the mere employment of the vessel for the business and
for the purpose of transporting slaves, or whether actual
transportation is necessary. M y opinion is, that the former
is the true construction of tbe act. W e often speak of
vessels 'employed in tbe coasting trade and fisheries,' and
the acts of Congress use the same language, when actual
transportation and actual fishing are not intended; but the
purpose and business of the voyage are the coasting trade
and fisheries. A n d it has never been doubted, that a vessel
licensed for the coasting trade and fisheries, and on a voyage
for that purpose, was truly employed in such trade or fisheries,
although no goods were in the course of actual transporta­tion,
and no fisheries had yet been attempted.
"I interpret the language of «he first section of the act of
1800 by that of the third and fourth, and I think that the
Legislature intended the same thing in all; and that is, that
the employment in the business and for the purposes of the
slave trade, and not merely the actual transportation of slaves,
should be prohibited and punished."
Mr. Hamilton contended that the decision of Judge Story
was incorrect. H e contended that actual transportation was
necessary to satisfy the words of the second section of the
statute, which provided against the transportation and carry­ing
of slaves from one foreign country to another ; that these
words were to be interpreted in their natural and usual im­port—
that the slave trade until the year 1808 was protected
by the constitution, so far forth as the introduction of slaves
from the coast of Africa into the United States—that the
only portion of it prohibited by the act of '94 and '18 was
thc export trade from the-United Statcs, and the carrying
trade from one foreign country to another—and that it was
necessary to interpret the words "employment in the slave
trade, &'c." by the words "carrying and transporting slaves,"
in the second section of the law.
Here is a pretty plain intimation, by the court, that the
fitting out of a vessel for the slave trade is not an offence
against the act of Congress, although for decency's sake.
the judges divided, so as to let the question go up to the
Supreme Court. W e hope the Colonization Society, now
so ostentatiously denouncing the slave trade, will employ
its political influence both with the administration and the
Clay parties in Congress, to have this plain and monstrous
deficiency remedied at once, by a law to punish every man
who is either employed or interested, in building, fitting,
freighting, navigating, or aiding any vessel for the slave
trade.
The next case is the schooner Catharine, tried last week
at Baltimore, before the U . S. Circuit Court for Maryland,
C. J. Taney presiding, and w e find it reported in the Balti­more
Sun.
T H E UNITED STATES, vs. R. W . ALLEN.
This case arose out of the capture of the Catharine by
the British cruiser Dolphin, off Cape St. Paul's, coast of
Africa, on the 13th August last, on suspicion of her being a
slaver. Allen was indicted for a violation of the act of 20th
April, 1818, which prohibits the fitting out of vessels for
traffic in slaves, and by the 2d section provides that any
person who shall fit, build, equip, or load a vessel for such
a purpose, as owners, agents or masters, shall have the
vessel forfeited ; in the third, that persons so offending shall
be fined not more than 50.10 nor less than £1000. The law
ly settlers, who, instead of an enemy as they feared, ^ not r e q u j r e trK,t ihe vessel should be full equipped and
lim their best friend. H e also referred to the declare- compic l e |or such a voyage to constitute an offence oi" this
nature. ' . .
J W . Richardson testified that he was the ship carpenter
who built the Catharine for Allen & Henderson, gentlemen
connected in business with Thomas Wilson & Co. She
was launched on the 6th ol May, and fitted out a week after.
This vessel was of 160 tons, sharp built, and owned by them
to the time of sailing; the hold and hatches were of an ordi­nary
character, and the whole vessel was such as are
ordinarily built on the Point. When she sailed she was
commanded by Capt. W m . A. Wedge.
Robert H. Dundas, Esq., an officer of the British Navy,
testified that on the 13th of August, while her Britannic
Majesty's cruiser, the Dolphin, was cruising off Cape St.
Paul's, a Danish settlement on the coast of Africa, they
discovered the Catharine coming out of a bay on the coast.
and suspecting her to be a slaver, they gave chase, but she
did not show any colors until four or five shots were fired,
and then she hoisted the American flag. Witness was
| ordered to board her; and considering her a Spanish vessel
same story. When the vessel is diVcharg'd^ou must
s^i?aSr rrewi,,Yborung ^p^'^
to koeX'°" " ^ "TSt6r m tW° Pi6CeS> and be «Su'
MeobLed^ o b P K eV , l i r ° )
W
J
0 n e Piece overboard if you
are obhged to by being boarded by a man-of-war." *
telfi dfhaf he haf ^ '^"T^ °f the P0rt of ^"more.
tescined that he had no knowledge of the register from th«
time of its ,ssue until its retunffour or fivf^k ssTnCe
m N e w Y « T ^ ^ " ^ °f t h e a r H v a I o f * C*th«rine
ne accusld^'If P n Z 6 °f * B [ i U s h CrHlser' M'" A l C
ZI 1 'A e t0 W1,ness. with Capt. Wedge, and said
T^y stated thar.n0 ^ "P ^ ^ °^ thfcatharfoe
lvered t o i l , r e g , £ e r °f t h e vessel had been de-a*
u was unimportant, unlp^ ;j>.ggo mm urusn, the former
rfri'ip joiner and the latter sail maker, who helped build the
Catharine. Both testified that the vessel when fitted out
in Baltimore, was in no ways prepared for a slaver. Mr. D.
was on board of her all the time until sailing, and there
were no equipments placed on board, such as were found in
her when she was captured. She was in no way different
from other vessels intended for the South American trade.
Mr. Horgesheimer, who done the iron work, testified to the
same effect.
Captain William A. W e d g e who commanded the Catha­rine
when she left Baltimore, deposed that he sailed in that
vessel in the employ of Thomas Wilson & Co., for the
Havana, and with a letter of instructions from them direct­ing
him to sell the vessel in that port; and as she was a
fine vessel he would probably obtain $12,000 for her, but if
he could not, he was authorised to take not less than $7000.
If not sold within these limits, he was to obtain a cargo and
and return with her ; but if sold he should make a return
in bills on the United States, or in specie or coffee ; if in the
two latter, he was directed to send them.is. the first vessel
whicrfiiearrrveA'at' Philadelphia in the brig Elizabeth' Mr.
John H.Ohl, theower of the brig, was the accepter of the bills.
In Havana the ctew was discharged by the vice consul, M r .
Smith, to w h o m the register was delivered, and he received
orders to go to the port captain and receive his roll of equity
for paying off the men. He did so, and gave the document
to the vice consul. In relation to the condition of thc vessel
at the time of sailing be stated that he went from this city in
ballast, with the usual crew for vessels of. her class. There
were no fitments for a slave trader on board ; the hatch
was an ordinary one ; there were but four water casks on
board and none put up in shooks or otherwise concealed on
board. The camboose was such an one as is of ordinary size
for cooking for four or five men. There was no false deck,
nor any plank for that or any other purpose. There were no
awnings, studding sails, handcuffs, nor cooking utensils on
board, either as cargo or fixtures, except the camboose, & c.
mentioned. The sale of the vessel was a bona fida, actual,
honest sale, and before going out witness heard of no con­tract
by Allen and Henderson, or Thomas Wilson & Co., or
any one else, for the sale of the vessel in the Havana, and
to his knowledge they knew nothing of it until he made the
sale. This vessel, he stated, was the first he had ever
sold in a foreign port, and thinking it necessary, from the in­formation
he had received, to place the ship's papers with
the American consul, he aid so. Witness executed no bill
of sale at the time of the sale at Havana ; did not know the
names of the purchasers, nor of what nation they were. Mr.
Tyng was his broker, and concluded the bargain, but cannot
tell the date otherwise than by a reference to document
marked B. Witness took no receipt for the register, because
he did not think there was any use for it; he took a receipt
for the discharge of the seamen, and left Havana, three or
four days after the sale of the vessel, and in the first vessel
he could obtain ; delivered his power of attorney to the
agent.
Mr. Wilson, of the firm of Thomas Wilson & Co., testifi­ed
that the house with which he was connected had acted
as "ship's husbands," for the usual commission in the
Catharine. She was intended, when being built, for the
South American market, but subsequently, it being under­stood
that better prices could be obtained in Havana, it was
decided that she should be sent to that port for sale. She
was built for sale with the strictest regard for economy, and
the sale in Havana was a bona fide sale, the proceeds of
which came into the house in payment of disbursements
made by them. Mr. Allen is a partner of the house of Wil­son
& Co., but has a separate and distinct business. The
concern had no knowledge of any further proceedings after
the sale of the vessel. The letter of instructions found on
board when the vessel was captured, and read in Court, was
never written by any one in the compting room of our house,
and was not in the handwriting of any person connected with
us. Tbe evidence on the part of the defence closed here.
The district attorney offered two instances to show that
it was the practice of the American consul, when the vessel
has been sold, to cancel the register. He also read several
acts of Congress to show tha». it was incumbent upon the
captain, when the vessel was sold in a foreign port, to de­posit
the register with the consul, if he does not return to
any port in the United States. The captain in this case re­turned
to Philadelphia, and should have delivered the papers
to the collector at Philadelphia, but did not do so.
Court's Instruction to the Jury.—I. That if this vessel
actually sailed on her voyage from Baltimore, with the intent
of the owners to employ her in the slave trade, it is not ne­cessary
that every equipment for a slave voyage should have
been taken on board at Baltimore, or that any equipment ex­clusively
applicable to such a voyage should have been on
board.
2. If Allen & Henderson built and caused the said vessel
to sail without any intention to employ her in the slave
trade, and subsequently a bona fide sale of the vessel was
made by the captain, and the register was left with the con­sul,
with the intent that it should be returned to the proper
officer at Baltimore, and thereby to deprive the vessel of her
American character, that, then the accused is not guilty of
the offence charged, although the vessel was subsequently
employed on a slave voyage, and although the captain knew
she would be employed at the time he sold her.
3. But the outward voyage from Havana to the coast of
Africa, for the purpose of procuring, and transporting ne­groes
or mulatoes or persons of color from Africa, to any
other place, there to be held, sold or otherwise disposed of,
as slaves, or to be held to labor, is an employment of the
vessel in the slave trade, although she may be intercepted by
a superior force before her arrival on the coast, and may
never have received such negroes, mulatoes or persons of
color on board ; and although an actual and bona fide sale
of the vessel was made at Havana, yet if the captain left the
American register with the consul, or any other person for
the purpose of enabling the vessel to perform the outward
voyage in the name of the traversers or owners, and thereby
preserve her American character, and was authorised so to
do at the time of his departure from Baltimore, by the own­ers
in case of a sale, then the owners co-operate in the out­ward
voyage by affording this additional security, and such
co-operation is an employment of the vessel by them m the
slave trade, and subjects them to the penalties of the act of
Congress. , , '.'...
In order to find the defendant guilty under the indictment
in this case, the jury must find before or at the time the ves­sel
left the United States, the traverser had an intention to
employ her in procuring negroes from Africa to be transport­ed
to some other place to be sold or held as slaves, and this
\ ) N
134 T B E B M i N C I PA
December 19, 1839.
must be a fixed intention, not conditional or contingent and
depending on some future arrangements—The case was
giv-en to the jury, who were out at the time of adjournment
of the court 7 o'clock Friday evening.
The Jury came into court on Saturday, stating that they
could not agree, whereupon they were dismissed by thc court
and a new trial ordered.
From the New Orleans True American.
Move of MLx. Consul Trist.
H A V A N A , Sept. 28th, 1839.
Dear Sir .—Enclosed you have a copy of Dr. R . R.
Meddfn'e letter to m e of the 6th inst., which I opeMjdlb.
published in your respectable newspaper. Tins gentleman
iende-ed great and benevolent services in the affair of the
crew of the American ship William Engs that so much
noise has been made about in consequence of the neglect of
they are doomed to slavery, who can tell their sufferings 1
tney areuoointu iu oi^.i-.j, ... — -. „,... -
Will not revenge be sweet to the Spaniards 1 Will not
Montez and Ruiz remember the Amistad, the prosecution,
the jail, the disgrace 1 „
0 let it never be, nor let them be sent back to 1 1^ ana
for execution. But if it must be, let Christians, let the ge­nius
of humanity and liberty, let the protecting ange of our
country, let us all sit down mourning » sack-cloth and ashes
Yet rather, let us know, that Cinque, Grabaung, Mergroo
one, all, lie by the side of Kaperi and his companions, sleep­ing
on in quiet, till the day of ,udgment.--Ohri«tians re­member,
when you pray, these sons and daughters of abused,
bleeding Africa. •BE'1A-November
24, 1839.
Our own Executive Committee have now put forth their call.
The suggestion was first made by a benevolent friend in a
neighboring city, who said that heretofore he had alway
been able without inconvenience to make his donations in
cash, but at present it was impossible. W e hope, notwith­standing
the close of navigation, that many who still have
ck-cfotb and ashes. 1 access to thc city, will show the reality of their friendship,
by giving of such things as they have. There are many
ways in which articles of almost any description can be dis­posed
of to advantage, and essential aid afforded to the cause
at the present crisis.
From the New Haven Daily Heiald.
M E S S E S E O I T O R S — I observed with surprise in the Herald
of Saturday, that you appeared to give credit to the statement
t to pass over 1 which has appeared in some of the papers, that the fcxtcu-in
consul, and it would tie unju. j ^^ ^ ^ \fatri. ^ ^ ^ decided tbat lhe Africans of
acts of kindness in silence.
I am, dear sir,
Yours, most truly
the Amistad should be delivered up on the claim of the Span-h
minister. . , , ,
It is impossible that any such decision can have been made
informed that only one pair of shoes were I by the President.
T H E ABOLITION VOTE IN N E W Y O R K . — O u r friends
abroad, *nd some of our enemies, are not correctly informed
as to the result of the independent anti-slavery nomination
in this city at the last election. The official report of the
canvassers is before us, from v-nich it appears that James j Harrigon> a n u n o w by electing a nullifying slaveholder, Irom
G. Birnev, the anti-slavery candidate for Senator, received
General Harrison.
Many have supposed that it might be expedient for the
Executive Committee to interrogate General Harrison,
now that he is the recognised candidate for the Presidency,
with some prospect of election ; to learn his views with re­spect
to the abolition of slavery. But where is the use 1
It is true, we rejoice in the rejection of Henry Clay, be­cause
he is a slaveholder, and a defender of slavery. Gen.
Harrison, we know is not a slaveholder. Neither is Mr. Van
Buren. But no one thinks it necessary to interrogate Mr.
Van Buren. Why 1 Because !»is principles are known to
be in favor of the ascendancy of the S L A V E P O W E R . But
are those of Gen. Harrison any less sol He is the man of
his party, and that party have shown the absoluteness of
their subserviency, by nominating a slaveholder, a peculiarly
bi'TOtted devotee of slavery on the same ticket with Gen
awake on this point. Thc following anecdote, given rne by
men who were present on the occasion, speaks for itself.
-The exercise of judicial powers has^not
I am well informed tnat oniy one v*n «• """V",.""I I Z\"'~~kY'•*'.'„ ,y,P F.xecutive bv the Constitution. The
furnished those poor sufferers by the American consul, during Je£ £ n f i ^ ^ lh A f n.
the whole time they were in prison . «»y K ^ ^ b g s e n [ . ^ tQ suffer death or hopelcss slavery
H A V A N A , 6th Sept. 1839. in Cuba is, that the Spanish Treaty requires that all ships
fotrer of Ibis morning's date, I and merchandize, rescued from ...rates or n
DUeCaUrI SViIrI:.— In1 » 'reTplJy to •y»o.u r ,!,„ lihoratinn hhiOghT sSeeaaSs,, O&CcC., SIBIL DC lts.uivu .« — r t
respecting the steps taken by me to V™™**™?*™* S00n as due and sufficient proof AM be ^.™™™***
and otherwise ass,st the m e n of the " ^ " • E n g s , com ^ ^ „ ^ ^ ^ f j by . d d
ply with your request, though unwilling to ha f ,/ _._J
any trifling efforts of mine in their behalf.
In the month of February last, I heard of eight or nine
men, speaking our language, and, consequently, either
in the C L .
I went the follow­ing
our language, auu, ..»»..-, , .
Enalish or Americans, being in the Cabanas, workedjn
ins with the other felons in that place.
ina day to ascertain the truth of this account, accompanied
bv° Mr Norman. I found the m e n alluded to breaking stones
in the broiling sun about noonday. I think this party con­sisted
of nine men ; six of these told m e they were English­men,
one a Swede, and two we.e Americans. lhey all
said, however, they had come here in American vessels a
sailors. They were all remarkably well behaved, decent
looking men. They were in rags, and, with one or two ex­ceptions,
without shoes, the want of which they complained
of greatly ;—they all looked sickly and sorrowful enough
and the hardships tkey were undergoing, and the deepen of
over getting out of the Cabanas, were sufficient to make
them so. I then gave them what assistance I could afford,
shall be restored to the true proprietors, as
'he
id
uffici'ent'Jroor is no" part of the duty of the Executive
and promised not to lose sight of them.
They said they had nothing to expect from any other
quarter; they had received some time before three or tour
pair of shoes from the American consul, but they had been
worn out long ago. They had been in the Cabanas six
months, and were condemned to different terms of imprison­ment,
and hard labor of two, four and six years It was
quite evident to me, as a medical man, from their boks and
evident exhaustion, not one of the party would reach the end
of the two, four and six years labor, under the burning sun
of Cuba : some of them, indeed, would not live the winter out.
I determined to do all in m y power to get them out, whether
thev were Englishmen or Americans ; they were strangers,
and were in trouble, and as far as I could learn there was
no one to get them out of it; and this was quite claim enough
for any person of common feeling, who might have seen
them in ihe situation I did. At that time there were two
British vessels of the line here I immediately wa.ted upon
Capt Henderson, of the Edi.iburg, the senior captain, and
W i r e d him to apply for their liberation. H e promised m e,
after staling some difficulties, to do so. However, in a
couple of days, I found Capt. Henderson had been making
cear <-» rino .»i~» «.bo.o m e n of the W m . Engs, and had
Captain" Henderson against these poor men. However7 i
did not leave him till I prevailed on him to present a m e m o ­rial
to the Captain General, in their behalf, that is to say of
those who were Englishmen, for there would have been an
impropriety in applying for the others formally. However,
in his letter to the Captain General, I begged of him to state
to the Captain General that two m e n w ho were not English
— t h e Swede and the American, Isaac Clark, though not
named in the memorial, were of the same party of the Wil­liam
Engs, and that it would be a hardship if the others were
liberated and they were left. I then made oat a memorial
for them and sent it to Captain Henderson. The only
apprehension he now had was on account of the bad charac­ter
hc got of these men. In fact, I feared his disinclination
to taking th^m on board on this account, would prevent the
memorial being sent.
I therefore wrote to him on the 5th March in these terms—
"If you think the service will not allow you to take these
m e n on board your vessel, should they be liberated, I will
"inrtnlr.n tn nnnil tKa.n tr, .4 ir>nri.nj, •_ and. to
pertains exclusively to the cognizance of the Judiciary as
well by the 20th article of the Spanish Treaty itself, which
eives ''free access by the inhabitants of either country to
the courts of justice of the other for the recovery of their
properties," as by the Constitution of the United S ates,
which provides that " the judicial power shall extend to all
cases in the law and equity, arising under the Constitution.
& c , of the United States, and treaties made under their au-
1 When cases involving not only the rights ef property, but
of personal liberty also, shall be taken from the Courts and
decided without a hearing and without an appeal, by the
Executive of the United States, the people of this country
will hold their liberties by a much feebler tenure than they
have hitherto supposed. «>„„.„
Such a power has never yet been assumed by any EiXecu-tive
of the United States, and it is not believed that it ever
will be,
roagammgjii itm^iwi wwr^gg
A.
263 votes in N e w York, and 18 in Brooklyn, besides one
given for J. G. Birney, making a total of two hundred and
eighty-two votes,—out of 45,073. Those who are accus­tomed
to despise the " day of small things" in moral enter­prises,
will put their own construction ; they have the facts.
THE YOUTH'S CABINET—A Prwen*.—Mr. Southard has
leiy judiciously adopted the practice of keeping on hand a
number ol copies of each number of his valuable little paper,
so as to have volumes complete for binding. W e know, by
a little domestic experience, that such a volume is an in­valuable
treasure to a juvenile host, and we therefore coidially
recommend Br. Southard's Cabinets of Moral and Social
Improvement, as among the very best presents that can be
made to children by parents, or other friends, at the coming
hdidays.
For sale at No. 9 Spruce street. Price, bound, $1. 59.
NEXT WEEK.—We have partly in type a charming letter
from the beloved Charles Stewart, written in Jamaica, in
October—gushing out with all thai is delightful and holy in
sentiment, as might be expected. W e have, in the same
condition, a report of the first of six Lectures of George
Thompson, on British India, delivered in Manchester in No­vember.
slavebreeding Virginia, for Speaker.
But we submit, fariher, that Gen. Harrison's principles
are already well known by his deeds, of which we find the
following summary in the Rochester Freeman.
In December, 1802, while Governor of Indiana Territory,
he was president of a convention of the people of that terri­tory,
held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Congress a memo­rial
of the convention, praying that the sixth article ol the
" Ordinance of '87," which prohibited slavery there, i ight
be suspended. (See A m . State papers, 1803.) His efforts
to make Indiana a slave state were prosecuted lor years
while he was Governor of that territory.
In 1819 Feb 16, Gen. Harrison voted as a member ol
the House'of Representatives, against a clause prohibiting
the further introduction of slavery in Missouri: and against
a clause for the further emancipation (at 25) of slaves born
within that state. Two days afterwards he voted against
a clause prohibiting the future introduction of slavery into
Arkansas, and against the future emancipation of slaves
born in Arkansas. ,
So basely did he bow to slavery, that even Ohio was shock­ed.
He was indignantly rejected at the next congressional
election in 1852. The National Intelligencer of Oct ZU,
1822 says • " It is confirmed to us, that Mr. Gazelv is
elected in opposition to General Harrison. A friend informs
us, which we are sorry to learn, that he was opposed particu­larly
on account of his adherence to that principle of the Con­stitution
which secures to the people of the South their pre­existing
rights." It seems, then, that General Harrison
claimed for the South, the right to fasten slavery upon any
soil which the nation might have or purchase.
In a company of ministers, after a public meeting in Lon­don
in favor of religious liberty, an American minister
present was asked, "Dr , how did you like our meeting last
night V "Very well," with commendation of the speakers
an°d their views, "but we have no such meetings in tbe U. S.
There the people have the full enjoyment of civil and
religious liberty," uttering himself in a tone somewhat con­gratulatory.
The Rev. Mr. T. significantly replied, "Well,
Dr, I am glad to hear that. So, then, we may conclude, may
e not, that slavery fo U. S. is abolished, and the colored
people are allowed their civil, religious, and natural rights 1"
The American was put to the blush—but soon recovered
himself enough to say b a c k - " W h y - I never thought ol
them .'" .
Let him that readeth understand. A minister of Christ,
the successful preacher, the zealous advocate of benevolent
enterprise, the pastor justly beloved and esteemed, con­fessing
that more than two millions of his fellow citizens,
writhing under the most cruel bondage, and from most of
whom the light of the gospel is shut out by law, had, in all
the sadness and horrors of their degradation, wholly escaped
his notice, and this too when speaking of those very things
of which they are robbed. "I never thought of them."
Well may foreigners exclaim, What a state of things
truly, when ministers, thc servants of Christ, can live in the
very Bight and midst of the abominations ot slavery, the
clanking chain, the deep-toned sigh, the protracted groans.
the shivering shrieks of the scourged men, and women, and
children, pouring their mingled testimony of horror and
blood upon the ear of the ministry, and around every com­munion
table in the land, and still withhold their protest,
and even complacently say as an apology, "Oi, I never
thouemt. of them." What a fact, touching the churches
and ministry in the U. S. In theirrich enjoyment of natural
civil and religious rights, the colored man cannot be included
—no, he must be the slave, aud wear out his life in unre­quited
toil, robbed of every thing. "So they wrap it up."
Yet foraetfuluess of the poor, the slave excepted, is not
the sin chargeable to the Ameiican churches; and the
tonaue and the pen of the ministry are employed promptly
in their behalf. Tho sin is the unrighteous classification of
poor • the rejection from the list the persons c
For ihe Emancipator. __
MISSION INSTITUTE, Nov. 22d, 1839.
Brother Leavitt,— Whilst travelling through the East, I
met with many brothers and sisters in Christ, who thought
it best to remain (in a condition which I call) silent, respect­ing
slavery. There is a thought which I have felt a wish to
present to some, if I could. W e can some times make our­selves
understand fairly, by pointing at an occurrence, as an
example of what we mean. Out of very many more than
I could write, I select the following, because it is just before
me.
the
THE EMANCIPATOR.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1839.
for tneir be
TH E 100,000 DOLLAR SUBSCRIP
TION ON T H E $100 PLAN.
In reply to the Appeal of the Finance Com­mittee
of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
" Will not 1000 men and women be found who
can pay into the treasury $ 100 each this year?"
Sixty-three pledges, amounting to $6,300 had
been received to the 12th of September.
No. 66. J. D., Montreal, L. C $100
Will our friends fill up the list'{
ciety, December 11th, 1839, the situation of
the Society's finances being under considera­tion,
it was
" RESOLVED. That a special meeting of the American
Anti-Slavery Society be held in the citv of New York, on
W E D N E S D A Y , T H E F I F T E E N T H D A Y O F JANU­A
R Y next, to provide means for carrying on the operations
of the Society.
"RESOLVED, That J. Leavitt, J. S. Gibbons, and S. E.
Cornish, be a committee of arrangements for the Special
Meeting."
In promulgating the above C A L L , the Com­mittee
of arrangements would merely observe,
that the Executive Committee have been con-
9v,e„,7l)l I Strained to the adoption of this measure bv
louna to jurr-see TTO uuit;i \.\ dy ui usccipc. m c u n ; ^
answer lor their being closelyTtopf Till a1 vessel'
send them away. Still, however, I greatly hope there may i c
be no impediment to their being allowed to enter the service s c a r c i t y OI m o n e y 111 the w h o l e country pre-on
their liberation. I a m quite certain that an application (vents the Spontaneous transmission of d o n a -
from you to the Captain General, would be considered as a 4- l uauoimsBiun ui uona-
Spirit of the Harrisburg Convention,
W e presume our readers of all politics, and of no politics,
who take an interest in public affairs, will be pleased to see a
few sketches of the proceedings in the late Whig Convention,
before and after so important a transaction as the setting aside
of Henry Clay. W e therefore present a few extracts from
the newspapers for this purpose.
Warsaw, N. Y, Convention Nomination.
W e learn that Mr.BiKNEY has sent in a letter of declina­ture
to the Warsaw Nomination Committee.
Revival in Baltimore.
The religious papers of different denominations have been
for some weeks much occupied and interested with the de­tails
of a great and powerful revival of religion among the
Baptists in Baltimore, under the preaching of E L D E R K N A P P,
of this State. The Baptist Record of Philadelphia, says,
'« Brother Knapp has preached 70 sermons within the last
. - > .u^f i*Q ha\e been baptized. The meet-in
that monumental city, oi tne rigiu aiauip. • •---'- «fthf>
From our knowledge of Brother Knapp's sincerity and
fearless integrity in maintaining the whole gospel, we pre­sumed
from the first, that even his anxiety to see a revival
in Baltimore would not deter him from pursuing his usual
course with regard to the sins of slavery and caste. And so
we find it. The Pennsylvania Freeman says,
" A Clergyman of the Baptist persuasion has been for
some weeks preaching in Baltimore, drawing around him
immense audiences, of all colors and classes, both bond and
free. Ha is bold, eloquent, and impressive—rebuking a
popularity-seeking and time-serving clergy—and denounc­ing
those who make merchandize of their fellow-beings as
' men-stealers.' In one of his sermons, he took up the sub­ject
of prejudice, and ' respect of persons,'and gave many
anecdotes, demonstrating the vincibility of prejudice against
color. Hft allows of no distinction in this resnect Jit rd.9,£jiv\i
Heaven. W e understand an extensive and almost unprece­dented
revival of religious feeling has resulted from his labors
ill wnicn ine nauuu uuguv ..u,« ~. t ...- , , . - j ,„ ,\,a
citHy eu phoans thhaed s bubujte lcitt tolef osplpaevrertyu nsiitnyc et oth aactt t iimne a ; p ubbulti ca nca paad- A n d the in8ensjbilrty of good m e n to ttie
dress from his political friends in Virginia, in 1836, says,
"he is sound to the core on the subject of slavery.
Under these circumstances, w e submit that conscientious
abolitionists are bound to regard the two parties and their
candidates as standing precisely on tho same ground-that
of unlimited subserviency to thc dominion of the S L A V O C R A C V.
It is true, Gen. Harrison's personal demonstrations are less ^
recent than Mr. V a n Buren's. But they are much stronger, ,
for Mr. V an Buren helped to send Rufus King to the U. S. |
Senate to oppose slavery in Missouri, and he has never
attempted to extend slavery to regions where it was already
abolished. Atid further, the demonstrations of the Harrison
party are more recent than those of the other. And if it is
said that w e should give the old General a chance to repent
of his pro-slavery, w e reply, that it belongs to the m a n who
repents to exhibit his own repentance Certainly, there are
no circumstances in the case which warrant tho slightest
presumptions in favor of his repentance. Let him or his
fri.nds, if they choose, show wherein his views now differ
to the conviction, that the cause they have espoused is by
Divine Providence, entrusted to their own guardianship,
and that for its success or failure their country and posterity
will hold them responsible.
and accumulating wrongs o
phenomenon
long continued
the colored man, is a nigral
INCIDENT;
On yesterday I saw a friend to w h o m I have been attach­ed
for years. I was his father's family physician, (in the
State of Tennessee) and gave medicine to the blacks who
nursed him. He is just up from the State of Arkansas.—
Whilst conversing with him, I felt the more inclined to ques­tion
him about the state of slavery, in that cotton region (at
the present hour) because I was acquainted with his entire
veracity. He told me, " Shortly before I left, there was an
occurrence took place, which made me feel very bad." This
occurence was as follows : Mrs. P is one of those
whose hospitality (or readiness to entertain) ffaability and
kindness, (.the world calls it) cause them to be praised by
those around them. She lives 5 or 600 yards distant from
my young friend's recent residence. A few months since,
she burned hoi black woman to death before one of her log-cabin
fires. She made other slaves tie her hands above, one
foot to each side of the fire, close enough to make the an­guish
protracted, but effectual. She was buried a few
minutes after dead. I asked what it was that made the mis­tress
so inveterate ? Answer. " It is supposed that it was
the connection between the slave and the master." Question.
How did the husband endure this transaction 1 (Ans.) " I
do not know : but I know be could not have said much ; for
a few months before he had whipped one to death, and buried
her within half an hour after her decease !" (Ques.) What
was done about these deaths 1 (Ans.) " Oh, nothing. It
was talked of a little in disapprobation. I heard my
uncle (a rich man living near) say, that the law was such,
the man might be prosecuted, if any one were so disposed:
but said, that he would not venture his ill will, and his en­mity,
in such a case." My young friend added, " I confess
that I felt very bad, when I saw that no one cared much
about it." Such incidents produce but little excitement,
where abolitionists do not live.
Lofty politicians do not with fury in the eye, call Mrs.
No proper effort should be spared, to arouse the ministers J p and h er demeanor, incendiary. I confess that there
in the U. S. to the just sensibility on this subject. While j is o n e thing belonging to m y eastern brethren, which (whether
thev slumber guilt accumulates at a fearful rate. In h ow t a m right or wrong) makes m e lean toward melancholy, when
many of your pulpits is the slave mentioned in the public U dunk of it. E 7 They really do advise against producing
prayers upon the Sabbath? W h o mentions his case in E X C I T E M E N T by speaking about meekness, mercy,gen-^
family praver1 What ministers are active in imparting L;e/J£SS) compassion, love to the poor, tenderness and pity 11
interest to'the monthly concert for the enslaved 1 I never \ u n ot lhe c a s e t00 plairi) t h at mercy, tenderness, and pity is
thought of the slave. T o very many, at the last .will Christ | b n exercise of heaven 1
° Inasmuch as ye did it not to them, ye did it not to me."
matter that his Excellency would be pleased to oblige vou
in acceding to. These poor people begged m e hard to plead
for them with you, and how can I plead for them better than
by putting their memorial into your hands 1" The memorial
was kindly sent, with a very strong letter, by Capt. Hender­son,
to the Captain General, and the result was the abridg­ment
of the term of confinement—one third of the time they
were sentenced to was taken off. This was not doing a
great deal—it was something, however, and I resolved in a
short time, to make another similar application.
The thing that seemed to m e n o w to be done was, by
enabling those men to procure some better diet than the
prison allowance, and also better clothing to sustain life, and
give them a better chance, at all events, of surviving through
the summer. What m y means allowed m e to do, I did from
time to time. I sent clothing for all, so far as shirts, shoes,
trovvsers. & c , and when I found the expense press a little
too much on m e , I raised a small subscription of about an
ounce ($17) a month, for whatever term they might remain
in confinement. I paid them the first month's subscription,
and before the next came due they were released by the
exertions, I believe, chiefly of yourself. Whatever assistance
they got from me, I beg distinctly to tell you, whether in
clothes or money, by m y written directions, was shared
amongst all, English and Americans alike, as you will find
by the two documents I send you, namely—the receipt for
the clothes signed by Broadfoot, and by a'copy of m y note
to him. * '
I send these because I heard from you that Clark had
stated Broadfoot had not shared the things by m y directions,
and farther in proof, such not being the case, I send you
Broadfoot's letter to m e respecting the money and clothing
in question, and tbat which Captain Babbit raised for them.
I think it would have been detestable to have made any
difference in such a case. What did it matter to m e where
these men were born 1 I knew where they would have died,
as I thought, if I had not interfered for them.
Yours, very truly.
_ _ R. R. M A D D E N.
To FERDINAND CLARK, Esq. Havana.
From the New Haven Record.
CAPTIVES O F T H E AMISTAD.
M R . PORTER,—
While in your city the other day, I visited the jail, and
spent an hour or two with the Africans. While sitting in
their school room, a little incident occurred, which interested
m e very much, at the time, and which I think will be inter­esting
to your readers, as throwing light upon their character.
One of the teachers asked a division of some five or six,
w h o m he was instructing, if they would like to go to Hava­n
a . — " Havana," each repeated. " Yes," replied the teach­er.
" N o , No," burst from every tongue, accompanied with
a most decided shake of the head, and shrug of the shoulders,
their countenances at the same time assuming an expression
of the deepest anxiety. One of them, at the same time rais­ing
his head, drew his hand across his throat, indicating the
fate they feared. Auother laid his arms across each other at
the wrists, exclaiming, " Havana, Pipi," i. e. Ruiz. Ano­ther
declared, by signs, that their legs were secured as well
as their hands. Another extended his arm violently, and by
bringing his thumb and finger together, imitated the snap­ping
of a whip, repeating "Pipi, Pipi." H o w strange it is
that they do not love Havana !
Pointing to them individually, and then away, the teacher
asked, " you, you, Africa, go V " Mendi 1" they inquired.
"Yes," was the reply, " Mendi;" i. e. D o you wish to go to
" Yes, yes," was the universal exclamation, and
tions to our treasury, without personal apph
cation, while the arrangements with the State
Societies, precludes us from the employment
of A G E N T S to make that personal application to
our members, which, when we could make it,
has never failed to afford us relief.
Under these circumstances, w e invite all the
members of the Society, including the officers
of all Auxiliary Societies, and delegations from
Auxiliaries, to meet in the city of N e w York,
on Wednesday, J A N U A R Y FIFTEENTH^
at 10 o'clock, A. M., " to provide means for
carrying on the operations of the Society."
JOSHUA LEAVITT, \ Committee
JAS. S. GIBBONS, > of
S A M U E L E. CORNISH, ) Arrangements.
DONATIONS IN KIND.
At a meeting of the Executive Committee
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Decem­ber
5, 1839, it was
" R E S O L V E D , That w e will invite donations
of goods, produce, and articles of use, the
avails of which may be appropriated to the exi­gencies
of this Society."
[Attest.] JOSHUA LEAVITT, Rec. Sec.
Mendi
their countenances kindled up with a n e w expression of joy.
After this, the teacher pointing first to himself and then to
them said, " I , yon, you, Mendi 1" At first they seemed
not perfectly to understand, and asked, "you, me, Mendi,
go 1" i. e. " Y o u go with m e to Mendi 1" " Yes," was re­plied,
" I, you, Mendi." ''Yes, yes," said all.—" But,"
proceeded the teacher, " I , you, Mendi,"—then putting on'a
stern, angry look, rising from his seal, and with arms folded
upon his breast, walking away, indicating neglect and ill-wiii,
— " then you so V he asked, turning towards them " No.'
no, NO,' was the repeated exclamation, " N o, so," said they',
" so," with the warmest expressions of kindness, extending
their arms, and then, as if embrac'ms: some object of affec­tion,
clasping it to their bosom " you so." One at the same
time raising his hand to his mouth, by signs promised to
provide food, and added in words, ' You Menca man, yan-dinguo,
yandinguo," i. e. good, good.—But even this was
not thc full expression of their feelings. All extended their
hands and grasping the teacher's gave a warm, and, I thought
a nmnful pledge, that they spoke the troth.
I am told, that not unfrequently similiar incidents occur.
As the teachers enter their room in the morning, many come
to shake hands, and greet them with a joyous "good mom-tag,"
and as they leave at night they go away with the warm
hearted " good bye," accompanied with the same outward
"expression.
There are among them some noble-looking, noble-spirited
men, to subdue whom would be no easy task. Cinqua Fu­ll,
Grabaung, Kim-bo, slaves? Ah, yes, it mav be. Obtli-ent
slaves;? No, never—at least so it seems to me.
The thought must distress every friend of humanity, that
these poor children of Africa may possibly be surrendered to
their pretended owners. If «uch an event takes place, and
Fundi*.
The remark is as true as it is trite, that the anti- slavery
cause cannot be carried forward without pecuniary means.—
And it is equally true, that its progress is in riact ratio
with the means employed. This throws a fearful weight of
responsibility upon those who have the money in their pos­session,
and yet withhold it from the cause. The Execu­tive
Committee are greatly cmb rrassedin their operations
for lack of funds. They are nnablo to seize upon and
wield those favorable opportunities to impress our principles
on the public mind, which Providence is constantly opening
before them, simply because abolitionists withhold their con­tributions
from our Treasury. For this reason, such books
as "American Slavery as it is," and Jay's View, so admi­rably
adapted to move the nation to an utter abhorrence and
speedy overthrow of the slavocracy, lie idle on our shelves.
W e are aware that the pressure in the money market is
great, yet we are equally persuaded that thousands of dollars
within the reach of the friends of the slave, and which should
be cast into his treasury, are lying idle. Many who might,
without embarrassment, forward to our Treasurer their dol-ar,
their five dollars, or their one hundred dollars, would,
we are persuadad, no longer refuse to do so, if they were
fully aware of the great good which might be accomplished
by a timely application of their funds. To all such we make
our appeal, and ask them, in behalf of outraged and plunder.
ed humanity, to put into the hands of the Executive Com­mittee
the means to enable them to strike more frequent and
effectual blows for the deliveraneo of our oppressed coun­trymen.
Let them forward their contributions by mail, to S.
W . Benedict, 143 Nassau street, N e w York. Let them not
withhold the sam because it may be small. Being shut out
from making direct and personaai pplication by agents,by the
resolution of the last annual meeting, and the action of most
of the State societies under it, we hope this request will not
be suffered to pass unheeded. Those who do not wish to
trust their money to the mails, will have a convenient oppor­tunity
to send it or to bring it, at thc time of the special meet­ing
of the Society in January. W e ask our friends to relieve
us in our necessities, F O R T H E C A U S E ' S SAKE.
And a correspondent of the Union Herald, speaking of his
passage up the North River a few days since, says,
" I was agreeably favored with the company of our beloved
brother Knapp from N e w York : he being on his return
from Baltimore, where he ha3 recently held a very successful
meeting, of about two months' continuance. He did not fail,
as we knew he would not, to preach the whole truth on the
subject of Abolition. He saw at first, there were some
symptoms of a mob, but the Lord prevented."
Now, we see how false and faithless is the slander that
Abolition is a hindrance to religion.
A letter from Brother Knapp, in the N. Y. Baptist Regis­ter,
giving an account of the work, makes no mention of the
Anti-Slavery bearings of his preaching. Indeed, we do not
know that such a statement could have found admittance in
the Register, for so unanimously are the churches of the
North opposed to slavery, that they dare not hear any thing
unfavorable to its continuance. Brother Knapp say's, that
over i00 were baptised.
" Many abandoned the theatre, the gaming-table, the cotil­lion
party, and their bachanalian revel, and came to the house
of God to hear the word of life. Rum-sellers began to com­plain
that their customers had left them, and that they were
ruined. Many stores were closed, and it became a common
answer, when any gentleman was inquired after, He has gone
lo Church"
H e publishes , also, the following letter of a young man,
written just after his baptism.
" Baltimore, Nov, 19th, 1839.
R E V . A N D V E R Y D E A R SIR—Inclosed you will find a bank
note for one thousand dollars, five hundred dollars of which
please appropriate to the order of foreign, and the other five
hundred dollars for the benefit cf domestic missions. You
having been the instrument, in God's hands, of awakening
m e from nature's darkness, to the light of divine truth, must
be m y apology for selecting you as the channel for transmit­ting
the inclosed donation, in place of m y sending it directly
to the agents of the different boards.
" A Y O U N G CONVERT."
CONTKIBUTIONS IN KIND.—In former times it was the gene­ral
practice of missionary societies, and other benevolent insti­tutions,
to solicit contributions in kind, because, in the scarcity
of money, incident to a young and growing country, multi­tudes
of friendly people can give the products of their land
or their labor, more easily than they ran give money. . The
present scarcity of money prevailing throughout the country,
and likely to continue for an indefinite period, must bring us
all back to more primitive usages, to barter trade and contri­butions
in kind. The State Executive Committees in
Maine and Michigan have already invited such donations.
'•"On the Side of his Oppressors there w a s P o w e r;
but he h a d no Comforter."
A correspondent who was recently atLaporte, Indiana, has
furnished us with the following narrative.
A colored barber, named Jefferson, was seized on the day
of my arrival, and dragged, vi et armis, before a Justice of the
peace, named Munday. Munday it was said, had prepared be­forehand
the certificate which was to consign the unfortunate
victim to interminable slavery. The proceedings before
Munday were had with closed doors—one Hopson, keeper of
the LaPorte Hotel, officiating as door-keeper. Jefferson as­serted
that he was free—told by whom he had been emanci­pated—
where his free papers were—and offered to remain
quietly in confinement, if time should be allowed him to fur­nish
the proof of his freedom. Hopson in the most insulting
manner ordered him to " shut his mouth, or he would mash
it for him."
These proceedings, by which a freeman was reduced to a
slave—whilst in the act of asserting his freedom, and offering
to produce ample proof of the truth of what he said—were
said by eye-witnesses to have occupied from 30 to 45
minutes. The unfortunate man, as soon as something like a
form was gone through, was at once thrown into a wagon
and driven away to the great slaughter-house of the bodies
and souls of men. What a transition to this poor, unpitied
man ! Reduced from the pleasing security of freedom to the
deep despair of slavery—all within an hour ! Reader, do
ponder on this case—make it for a moment the case of your
father, your son or yourself.
Some pity began to be felt for this poor man, but as is
most usual in sue!* cases, it came too late. Application was
made to an associate Judge, for a writ of Habeas Corpus —
but it was peremptorily denied.
If we in this country.were to hear of such a case in Eng­land,
or Scotland, or Ireland, or indeed in any European
government pretending to the least regard for the liberty of
its subjects, how astonished would we be at the enormity.
But here we have such scenes enacted in some parts of the
as a land almost everyday, and yet no one seems to think, that
people, we are eitherindiffereut to the cause of human liberty,
—or that we are corrupting ourselves by the odious system
of kidnapping, which is tolerated almost every where—or
that we are really losing a good reputation with our most
honest and worthy neighbors. Yet it is so—and it is a la­mentable
case. W e are losing reputation abroad every day
—what makes it still more lamentable is that by the wan­ing
of our self-respect we are becoming every day more
and more indifferent to the loss.
F r o m our L o n d o n Correspondent.
L O N D O N , Nov. 5, 1839.
My Dear Brother Leavitt,—It is now eleven A. M ,
and I can neither read nor write without the aid of artificial
light. November is a dark month for London. T he
atmosphere is so dense, that the thick smoke issuing from
the innumerable funnels in this immense city, does not
escape, but settles dmvn upon tho whole region, lavish of its
sr.ntv deuQaitaa. to thn verv serious inconvenience of both
to light the street lamps at mid-day. But of this, and ol
other numberless facts, events, characters, and scenes of
intense wonder, interest, reproof, instruction,and distress, and
pleasure, and anguish, and hope, and comfort, and joy, in this
great commercial centre, I have little heart to speak or
to write. And although becoming much attached to many
of those with w h o m I have formed an acquaintance, and in­creasingly
interested in the English character, m y feelings,
habitually, are very much like those of Nehemiah when his
countenance was sad before the king. The land, too, of my
"father's sepulchres" is deeply defiled by the "dark spirit of
slavery;" and h ow can I be glad, amidst the associations
which gather about me, with the groan? and the untold
sufferings of millions of m y fellow citizens in a brutalizing
bondage on the one hand, and on the other the indignation
of a just God gathering into a storm over m y beloved, but
exceedingly guilty country ; and the national and the State
legislatures, and the colleges and the churches, and the
ministry of the gospel of all denominations, taking the atti­tude
which induces the philanthropists of all other lands to
believe, and which justifies them in saying, "Well, after all
your pretensions, you are a slaveholding and a slavery-justi­fying
people—a nation corrupted." Nor does it at all
change the fact, or alleviate its bearings, to know and to
say, that other nations have their faults also. Make the
catalogue against them as black and as grievous as you can
in truth ; the ungrateful labor wipes no stain from our own
land, nor diminishes our guilt, nor propitiates for us, at the
bar of unbending justice. W e still present to the world the
anomaly of a people ptofessing the greatest freedom, and but
for the sad exception which the holding of m en as property
creates, in fact enjoying more of civil and religious freedom
than any other people, and at the same time actually sustain­ing
a system of the most revolting oppression and tyranny.
A Christian people involved in such guilt, should not expect
to escape censure, nor feel surprise when they are repre­sented
by persons in other climes, as "deserving the, indig­nant
scorn of a frowning and a laughing world."
I attempt no apology for m y country in respect to this
sin. It is a matter of deep regret that any christian, or
intelligent statesman has attempted to do this. Every
struggle in such an attempt, serves only to make the folly
and the guilt of the whole concern the more glaring, and to
sink both the apologist and his countrymen th2 deeper in the
mire. I prefer to be honest, and to admit facts as they are
known to exist, and to allow to every man the perfect right
to speak of slavery, and of the people who uphold it,
according to the truth. But I add, when speaking to an
Englishman—In America the negro race have been viewed
and treated as chattels, and as belonging to a class of the
human family descended from H a m , and doomed to perpetual
servitude by the curse of God, for the period of 219 years ;
n 167 of which years the poison of slaveholding was diffusing
itself over the whole population, while they were part and
parcel of the British empire ; and that British ships, under the
sanction of British legislation, conveyed to their colonies in
America as their cargo, legalized articles of merchandise, the
bones and sinews and blood of their fellow men, and this
for a long period. This fact is sure to touch an English­man's
heart. And an American's heart too, is touched,
when I hear as I often do, in the public prayers of dissent­ing
ministers, very fervent supplications for the abolition of
slavery in the U. S., and the deliverance of the C H U R C H E S
and the MINISTRY from vassalage lo its foul spirit, accom­panied
by the confession, " W e (thc English) taught it to them,
and it n ow becometh us as Englishmen, to assist them in
in putting away the abominable practice." To most whom
I have seen it appears insolvable that christians and churches
can possibly uphold the slave system. W h e n I reply, I will
neither explain nor excuse, but give you the fact that for
ages, and from infancy, the people have indulged the senti­ment
that the colored man belongs to a race distinct from the
white, and "born to be a slave,"—they respond—"Ah, now
I see it," and with a groan, usually a d d — " Y o u have a
mighty work before you, but you must succeed; slavery
cannot be much longer maintained in a Christian nation
we beg you to hold on, and may the Lord give success."
Feeling on this subject is very much increasing in Eng­land
and in Scotland, and I a m content to be an exile from
m y family, and from m y country for a season, "if need be,"
to increase the tide of a righteous abhorrence, and a holy
indignation against thc sin of holding man as property.
With intensity of feeling I a m often asked by the intelligent
and the religious, of different denominations, "Will the
American churches hereafter presume to send as delegate
to the churches in England, a m a n w ho is not known as an
abolitionist 1" It augurs well for the slave that inquiry is
83Y, »•
Many good men still believe that the Bible justifies the
holding of property in man. Some in England, good scholars
and pious men, and the foes of slavery to the very core
allow that the Law of Moses permitted the buying and
selling of men, as property. I recently met with a man of
this sort, who had just returned from the continent, and who
has very extensively travelled in thcU S. H e was surprised
that I should maintain that slavery was not justified by the
| Old Testament., I put intQ| ft. h.nd W e l ^ a b U a m c l e,
mistake—and firmly took the position that the whole Bible
was against slavery. He spoke of the argument in the
strongest terms of approbation, and was grateful that he had
been enlightened on this point. But we shall certainly pre­vail.
Dear brother, wield the pen—wield the press—and
let abolitionist3 be constant and mighty in prayer. J. K.
Letter from Gerrit Smith.
PETEKBORO', Dec. 3d, 1839.
Dear Brother Leavitt,—I am confident, that there is a
rapidly increasing neglect of the Foreign Mission cause
amongst abolitionists ; and that our anti-slavery press should
sound a note of alarm on this subject. Abolition will not be
like to prosper, if its advocates are so far " men of one idea,"
as to forget thc heathen of foreign lands.
inteYest in ihtf 't'ofe'lfl) IWlaVldrf RhfeVpHs^'! "Yt s'ufe'l'y ls^nof
because of their interest in the slave. Sympathy with tho
wretched and ruined of one race strengthens, instead of ex­tinguishing,
sympathy with the wretched and ruined of every
race. Why, then, I repeat it, are abolitionists losing their
former concern for the perishing heathen of other countries ?
Mainly, because they are ceasing to contribute of their sub­stance
to the temporal and spiritual relief of those heathen,
and because it is a law of our nature, that we cease to fee]
for those, w h o m w e cease to endeavor to relieve. Another
question, which then arises, is, why abolitionists cease to
make this contribution of their substance 1 This question
is answered by a reference te the fact, that neither the aboli­tionists
of N e w York or Boston furnish us with a channel,
through which w e can conscientiously and consistently pass*
our gifts to foreign missionaries. There are those in N e -
York, who can witness to m y own, and I k
many other's persevering efforts for the obtainment of si
a channel. But it is still refused us. May they, who are
especially bound to provide it, soon feel their responsibility
That the opposite to compassion
(which produced no excitement in Arkansas) is the food of
hell I Toward which would they advise us I Toward ex­citement,
or toward quietude ! O m y God, may I become
excited, for Jesu'ssake ! ! '.
In conclusion, may I not say to m y eastern brethren once
more, dear friends, if you had been at Mr. P 's a week
before the murder, and if you had sat down at one of those
smoking dinners, given with ease and hilarity, you might
have been ready to tell your neighbors (on reching N e w
England) (MMM neighbors if they believed vou) of^the hafg,
and of you it will surely be demanded, on which side did you
act 1 D. N.
for our lack of it.
W h y will not brothers Sunderland, Dunbar and Lewis
Tappan, or a few other such " good men and true," con­sent,
without another week's delay, to compose a " Foreign
Mission Committee," whose duty it shall be to receive dona­tions
for foreign missionaris.to transmit them according to the
directions of the donors, or, according to their own judgment,
in those cases where the donors express no choice amongst
the different stations or missionaries] They would make no
charge for their services. They would publish as often as
once in three months, an account of their receipts and trans­missions.
If this proposed " labor of love" were to increase
greatly upon their hands, as I doubt not it would, they
would employ an assistant, and pay his wsges out of their
receipts.
Will you not, m y dear brother, urge the speedy formation
of such a Committee \ If so humble an invocation would
avail any thing, I would beseech you in behalf of m y neigh­bors,
who love the heathen, but w h o cannot conscientiously
aid him through the existing Boards of Missions, to do what
you canto provide for their liberality an acceptable way of
access to the benighted nations of the earth. I have ceased
to hope, that these boards will, at any very early period, dis­solve
their connexion with slavery. Instead of declaring
with God, that they "hate robbery for burnt offering," they
will continue to receive the wages of robbery from the hand
of the slaveholder. They will continue to despise the crush­ed
slave—and, because they despise him, to participate in
southern plunder. They will, of course, deny, that they are
actuated by a contempt of him. But until they make us be­lieve,
that they would persevere in their past course, even if
their o w n children were the slaves of the South, and even if
their own children's tears and b'ood were upon the plunder,
which they welcome ; w e will insist, that it is in a spirit of
contempt of the slave, that they have struck hands with the
slaveholder. That the brethren who compose these boards
are Christians, I do not doubt. But, may you and I ever be
saved from imbibing that part of their religion, which has
choked their humanity.
There are many abolitionists, who will continue to make
slavery-sanctioning Boards of Missions the almoners of
their country. So too, there are many abolitionists, who
continue to vote for pro-slavery men, and what is even more,
to attend on the preaching and contribute to the salaries of
pro-slavery ministers. So, too, there are many abolitionists
who patronize pro-slavery colleges and pro-slavery theoiogi
cal seminaries ; and many too, who consent to worship in
houses where the awfully wicked arrangement of the " negro
pew" is still maintained ; and there are, also, many who call
the slaveholder a thief, but who, nevertheless, buy his stolen
rice, sugar, and cotton, and that too, simply because they
can buy them cheaper, than if wages had been paid for their
production. I can but lament over such inconsistencies,
and repeat what in substance I have often said—that, if aboli­tionists
would put them awav, they would thereby remove
the chief impediments in the way of our cause. W e can
triumphantly encounter the opposition of our foes :—but, in
view of the inconsistencies and infidelity of our friends, we
become faint-hearted and despondent.
With great regard, your friend and brother,
G E R R I T SMITH.
For the Emancipator.
T h e Clinton Female Institnte.
Mr. Editor,—An article in the Colored American of Sat­urday
week may have brought to your consideration a much
neglected though very important subject. I allude to the
article headed Female Education. The only avenue re­maining
open to the elevation of that class of people for
whom you, Mr. Editor, together with many thousands have
expressed so much sympathy, is in danger of being closed.
What I mean when I say the only avenue to the elevation
of our people is, that all of your endeavors to raise the co­lored
man must ultimately be fruitless unless w e have edu-w
l t n ' l o ^ ^
l^tf TV*"^ d°°rS ben)" Wr6d ^abst female, Th«i institution is at present under the charge of the
Kev. 11. H. Kellogg, who has received a call to the Presi-dency
of a College in Illinois, which he has accepted, and
tne blocking up of the avenue means that he N O W offer
for sale his institution. Should no one apply, he must close8
.1; and with it is closed the only avenue to the elevation of
our people, if he disposes of it to a person who i, not our
friend. Then will be torn down the ladder .y which we can
hope to be elevated. I am aware that our friends have said
and done much for us. Still there remains one thing and a
very important thing to be done, and that is tee opening of
institutions of learning for our reception. Much might be
said upon this subject, but such was not m y intention ; but I
hope, Mr. Editor, that you and your friends will not let this
now not how matter rest here. I have wrote this simply to introduce it, and
- to bring ,t to the consideration of those who have not thought
seriously upon the ssbject, to assure them that it is an important
subject, which if suffered to pass heedlessly and the institution
be closed or pass into the hands of one who is not our friend
,t will retard the progress of the great work which you have
so earnestly engaged in. I write from feeling, and oh, that 1
could write all I feel, and make you feel directly upon this
subject, connecting its importance with the success of your
meritorious enterprise. In conclusion I will hope that there
is a friend amongst the numerous friends of the colored
man who will take the charge of this institution, so that those
who have been and are connected there, together with those
who have calculated upon it, may not oe disappointed in their
honorable expectations. T\
N e w York, December 5th, 1839.
For the Emancipator.
Cotton—Increase of " F o r c e " — W h i t e m e n W j r k -
ins, & c .
ilfr. Editor,—In a mercantile circular dated Mobi'e, Nov.
20th, I find the following extract, which will interest many
of your readers :—
" In Mississippi the Choctaw Indians are employed in
picking (cotton; at 62J and 75 cents per 100 lb., and in
some cases one half (of the picking) has been offered.
"The natural increase of negroes require an annual in­crease
of open land, and as before remarked, the season was
fine for clear.ng and preparing new lands for use. Scarcely
any slaves have been this year brought into this State and
Mississippi for sale, yet the number has been increased by
their introduction with families and by divisions of the estates
in those parts of the Union from which the planters emigrat­ed,
to an extent quite equal to the loss by removals to Texas
and other States.
" The negroes brought into this State and Mississippi for
the last five years have had as large a proportion of the
young as could be procured, and lhe yearly increase of force
in this way has been considerable, without an increase of
numbers. A large planter in Green County has said, that
force or power of the negroes had doubled in five years, or
rather that the same negroes could cultivate double the quan­tity
of land."
" It has been remarked by tho^e who have been in the
country, that a much larger proportion of the white popula­tion
than heretofore have been at work upon the plantations.
The support of their families and a desire to relieve them­selves
of debt, has induced many, formerly in other employ­ments,
to make cotton."
H o w many reflections are started by the facts contained
in the above slaveholder's circular ! s. A.
LIBERTY.—Civil liberty, rightly understood, consists in
protecting the rights of individuals by the united force of
society Society cannot be maintained, aud of course can
exert no protection, without obedience to some sovereign
power. And obedience is an empty name, if every indi­vidual
has a right to decide h o w far he shall obey.—Black- I observe, that w e do not think our correspondent is in anv
sfrtTi* j , # " *
danger of being brought into the dilemma be refers to,—.
For the Emancipator.
Mr. Editor,—The recent nominations at Harrisburgh
place abolitionists in a dilemma that will be very obvious
to every one, and should remove the objections that many
have to our making nominations for ourselves. Should Gen.
Harrison avow himself a decided abolitionist, w e are bound
by our promises and our obligations to the slave to tote for
him, or the genllemen who may compose the Harrison
electoral ticket, and then w e are obligated not to vote for
the ticket, because in so doing we should as directly vote
for Mr. Tyler, who is a slaveholder, as w e should for Gen.
H. the abolitionist. The names cannot be separated, we
must vote for both or neither.
Will Mr. Lewis Tappan please inform us what w e must
do in such an emergency. ft,
[The above inquiry comes to us from an unknown source.
W e will not anticipate Mr. L. Tappan's answer, but barely
stone.
December 19 1839. T II MAJTOIPAT •SMS
"should Gen. Harrison avow himself a decided abolitionist." I mode by which Congress can best reach these evils. That
In the selections on the "Spirit of the Convention" on our tae truc interests of our country, of humanity, and of civihza-first
page, he will see that the delegate from Missouri pledges
the gratitude of his State to the General, for his efficient
services to her when she was struggling to get into the
Union—with the load of slavery on her shoulders. The
"Great Compromise" was well supported by Gen. H. in
that day, and we presume there is no evidence of his having
repented of his participancy in the transaction which bound
this nation as a vassal to the triumphal car of an overbearing
SLAVOCRACY.
MoNTPELlER, VT. DECEMBER 8th, 183§.
Brother Leavitt,
I understand that one H. W . W . Miller, formerly of Ca­lais
in this State, no*v of Moretown, is travelling as an anti-slaverv
lecturer in Vermont ; that he reports himself as an
agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and has in se­veral
places taken collections in that character. I will take
as a great favor to be offi ially apprised of the truth in the
premises.
Our next State annual meeting will be at Randolph Cen­tre,
on the 15th and 16ih days of January.
Yours for the slave,
— C. L. KNAPP
REPLY.
I hereby certify, that I have examined thc records of the
Executive Committee, and do not find that the said H. W .
Miller, was ever appointed an agent, or in any way authorised
to lecture, collect funds, or act in any capacity for the
American Anti-Slavery Society, and that he has no such
authority, and never had. He has repeatedly applied for
such an appointment, and on his last application, was express­ly
and definitively referred to the Stale Society to act in the
premises.
JOSHUA LEAVITT, Rec. Sec.
N. B.—The public will not confound H. W . Miller, with
Col. J O N A T H A N P. M I L L E R , of Montpelier, the Greek hero,
and a well known trusty abolitionist.
&iie S t a t e s.
Maine.
The following advertisement, which appeared in the Port­land
Advertiser of Oct. 22d, has just met our eye. It lets
in a little light upon the " oppressions done under the sun"
by the help of our glorious union It also shows to our
white readers a glimpse of the awful condition in which our
colored neighbors live fro n day to day, constantly in danger
of losing their wives, or their sons, or their daughters, or of
being themselves inveigled or dragged into a state of slaveiy
worse than death, and all in tho midst of eivilized communi­ties,
where there are laws, and where public opinion frowns
upon the slightest oppression done to the poor and helpless
in all other cases. W e also hope the publication of the no­tice
in this paper may possibly overtake this M A R S H A L S.
H O W E , of the U. S. army, (an honor to t le name of soldiei .')
and lead to the escape of poor Austin Cavey out of the
jaw* of the bear.
" M A R S H A L L S. H O W E , formerly of Standish in this State
but now in the army of the United Statcs, and settled with
his family in the State of Missouri, has recently been in this
State, and has induced a colored man of the town of Gor-ham,
to accompany him on his return as a servant to Mis­souri.
The name of the man is Austin Cavey. This is
a strange affair, and not easily explained, especially when it
l'l aPs'ia1J%ttfc4J^:lt Missouri is a slave Slate, and Mr. Howe
colored man • W e t.elieve it is unpresedented lor a sum-holder
to keep free negroes as servants. Besides do the
laws of Missouri allow free blacks to settle in the State?—
W h a t security can this colored man have that he will not be
made a slave 1"
" C A L E B HonsoN."
Our friends, Codding and Remond, tbe agents of tae Maine
A. S. Society, are pursuing their successful career, in the
tion demand of the Federal Government the exercise of their
constitutional powers, over these subjects, I have no doubt:
and if by answering these questions affirmatively I may be
understood as saying merely, that Congress ought imme­diately
to institute and firmly to proceed in, a course of
legislation which shall abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia and the slave trade between the states, in the
speediest and most effectual manner,—with a due regard to
the rights and best interests of all concerned and an°aim to
the final overthrow of the whole system of slavery in this
country, as well as'to the lasting preservation of the Union—
then I cheerfully say, in reply to those questions, Y E S .
The Rev. Rodolphus Dickinson, the democratic candidate,
has resided some years in South Carolina ; and his reply is
quite summary.
' I have concluded summarily to remark, that the inquiries
are so expressed, as to render a simple response to them im­practicable,
without exposure to great misconceptions ; and
that a full discussion of the several subjects would involve
multiplied considerations, and require access lo documents
and authorities not at present available, as well as the occupa­tion
of time, which cannot now be spared from other avoca­tions,
to do justice to the various views that are entertained :
and even were the former difficulty removed, and could I
trust myself with the exisling means of information, to hazard
a grave disclosure of my views on points of such immense
magnitude, it is still doemed a sufficiei.t apology for declining
the service requested, that the answers could not be made
in season for the use, or to accomplish the purposes intended
by thai class of our fellow citizens in whose name the ques­tions
are proposed, or else, would be far too voluminous for
immediate publication."
Of course, a gentleman who knows so much about slavery
that it could not possibly be printed, and yet knows so little
that he cannot make up his mind what to think of it. must
have large views—of office. The other man, who think*
that the horrors of slavery in the Federal District and of the
inter-state skve trade are necessary to be continued indefinite­ly
for the sake of promoting the ascendancy of the Whig
party, is an equally hopeful statesman for the times. Why
do not the abohtio.iists concentrate their votes on some
man who is less a partizan than a friend of human rights]
At present, we find such paragraphs in the local party papers,
as the following from the Greenfield Courier, Dec. 10.
"And now what do we see 1 The travelling agent of
one of the irregular candidates, who firmly believes that
slavery is a divine institution, uniting with his fellow dis-orgamzer,
whose very blood chills at the thought of Mr.
Baker's views upon slavery, and who grounds his opposition
upon these views, in getting up a meeting of those opposed
10 M r Baker's election. Politics do, indeed, make strange
bed-fellows'." 8
New York.
Our friends in the interior of the State seem to have been
very independent in their independent nominations, In Flor­ence,
Oneida Co., William L. Chaplin received 35 votes for
Assembly in place of D. J. Millard. J. C. Delnog had 35
votes for senator.
Spencer Kellogg received 18 votes more than the highest
on the whig ticket, and 8 more than the highest on the repub­lican
ticket, owing to some striking off N Dawley, and C A.
Mann, and inserting Spencer Kellogg, thereby showing their
preference for a friend to the liberty of speech, over those
on their own ticket, who have been guilty of locking up
churches against free discussion, aud encouraging mobs."
In Ontario Co., Mr. Sibley received the support of the
abolitionists (the whig senator,) and also Mr. Taylor, one of
the whig assemblymen. The other two whig assemblymen
were considered pro slavery, and the abolitionists put up two
candidates, only a few days before the election, and one of
thea, rernived 316 votes, the other 334.
This was more than was expected unaer cirom; v.,.^...,.
stances. Having no press of our own, and being depend"Wt
on pro-slavery machinery to do our work, & c , our ticket got
in circulation rather late. You may say to our friends in the
eastern part of the stale, that they may draw on Old Ontario,
in 1840, for her proportion of fifteen thousand abolition votes
in the slate, and we will honor the draft.
O S W E G O C O U N T Y . — A n intelligent and devoted friend of
W e had a great advantage by having a clean ticket—the
only one, I believe, in the State, unless you had such an one
in your citv. [ W e had not, quite. Ed.1 Our vote is double
that of last year, when we amalgamated, as to part of the
ticket, with the whigs. This year our vote was 240, clear.
Every possible influence was brought to bear upon us, yet
we beat both parties, one out, the other in, each party
electing one candidate for the Assembly. W e are regularly
org:.-HJ2<?d for future operations, with a Central Corresponnd"
ing Committee, T o w n Committees, & c . W e shall esteem
uo man w h o m the parties may nominate as worthy of our
votes until tho parties shall adopt our principles, and pass re­solutions
at their Conventions in favor of Emancipation.
W e think this t'tie true course. I have no fears that our
Massachusetts friends will hold back a great while."
This is taking bold ground, indeed.
midsi of the most relentless opposition from some, and the tne c a u s e residing in that county, writes, November 28th
most chilling apathy of others. The coasting trade to the '
South, the market for lime and potatoes, intermarriages with
slaveholders, & c , have established a strong pro-slavery
spirit in Maine, but the body of yeomanry are not involv­ed
in it, and will come right. The A. S. libraries which
are established in numerous places, through the industry
of Mr. Barron, will open many eyes, and tuch many hearts
this winter.
A county Convention was held at Pembroke, in Washing­ton
Co., in October, which continued for two days, and much
strengthened^ hearts of tbe brethren. W e are impressed
with thJ belief that county meetings, in many places fail of
the effect desired, from the shortness of their continuance.
W e have attended county meetings, where the whole time
spent did not exceed five or six hours, ar.d the greater part
of this was taken up with mere business details. That is not
the way for men to get their hearts warmed.
Brother Codding had the honor of being egged at Calais,
by the poor unpaid minions of the S L A V O C R A C Y , who did the
bidding of their master, and lost the wages. But, notwith­standing,
a noble A. S. Society was formed, and it is intend­ed
to hold a country camp meeting in Calais next year, to
continue as many days or weeks as God's providence mey
suggest. ...
While in that extreme region, he accepted an invitation of
the Hon. George S. Hill, M . P. P. of the British Province
of N e w Brunswick, to deliver a course of lectures on slave­ry
at St. Stephens, N. B., where two different churches
were promptly opened to him—the crown once worn by
George III, protecting the advocate of thc doctrine of the
Declaration of Independence !
The following excellent remarks, by the editor of the Ad­vocate
of Freedom, enforcing an appeal of the State Exe­cutive
Committee for aid, will show how the cause looks in
ihe eyes of brethren in Maine.
«« Never was our glorious enterprise advancing so rapidly
all over the land as now. Tbe conflict is growing sharper
every hour. The rumbling of this moral earthquake is be­ginning
to be felt—it approaches—heaven and earth are
shaking. Can the old rotten citadel of slavery survive the
shock 1 Never. Christians are beginning to ' come out
of her.' B.eligious bodies and individual christians are with­drawing
from slaveholding fellowship more and more every
month. Our influence is rapidly extending into the govern­ment.
No moral enterprise on earth was ever progressing
more' favorably. Shall we see it flag for the want of the
paltry sum of a few hundred dollars 1 W e look to thc coun­try
especially. An abundant harvest has been placed in your
barns, and you can send us means in abundance without the
least sacrifice. If you cannot get the money send us the
fruits of your fields—such as you want, in your own families.
D o you say, ' w e are poor.' Ask the slave. Poor l No
human intellect can estimate your wealth. Make out your
inven'.ory and foot it up if you can. Put down your sources
of domestic happiness, your civil rights, you legal protection,
your intellectual privileges, your religious blessings—all that
distinguish you from the poor slave who looks around, and
above him, and within him, but sees no object in the universe
he may call his own. Are you poor now 1 Never utter that
word again while a slave cries lo you for deliverance. We
shall triumph if w e persevere. W e need special help this
fall. Collect all that is due in any form and send it—send
it N O W . On your response to this appeal will rest much
which concerns our future operations. W H A T W I L L Y O U D O ? "
Insurrection of " W h i t e Slaves."
The evils of liberty, and the importance of the institution
of slavery as the only means of keeping the laboring classes
in order, haye received an important confirmation lately in
the conduct of certain "white.slaves" in the county of Albany,
tenants on the manor of the late General Van Renssellaer.
Whether Mr. Pickens had been preaching amo

C5~y
T H E EIflTlviTTPAHT
TmLAM.LIBERTY THROUGHOUT ALL THE L A W U N T O T L I T T HE INHABITANTS THEREOF.-!**.»:
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
AT 143 NASSAU STREET, N E W YORK.
T E R M S - T w o dollars and fifty cents per annum, always in ad­vance.
IOTive Dollars in advance, will pxy for one copy, two and
half yrars.
f3-Ten Dollars in advance, will pay for six copies one yea,
sent to one address.
DO-Ttirr.y Dollars in adnnce, will pay for twenty copies, one
year, sent to one address.
JKrAgents for the A m
lications.
_na.
t_being understood that several American vessels have Sleety
i °w eoriiaaCbCett3 0lKUth°nty Uiat Wil1 '''eak to'a function! latel "been"
Khe^efoSh hlYh? ^ ffSt' ^ H M P of rebuke, black men,
. Jtl.t bB U T "° °fficer °f mine." I a m well assor- to America
A. S. Society are agents for all its pub-chartered
for the transportation of Africa
from this Island to Texas, Notice is hereby a yen
merman ship-masters, and to all others, that a L * and
f i l ^ . T ' Proc-d,ng, is in direct violation of th. lawsof
the United States
American vessel to carry a slave',
PIERCY &. REED, PRINTERS, 9 SPRUCE STREET.
T H E~~EMAN"C 1 P ATTfiT
For tne Emancipator.
Preaching Against Slavery—No 4.
W e have already considered the example of the apostles
as an inducement to this duty. D o it, because, in the second
place, it is our great national sin. I address this exhorta­tion
to all gospel ministers in the land, to preach against
slavery every one to his o wn charge, that all the people may
be enlightened and brought to repentance—because this evil
is a common overspreading abomination, which maketh
desolate. W e have the express command of God for
preaching aga.nst this national.«„. This sin is the subject
of the 58th chapter of Isaiah, and it begins thus —"crv
aloud, spare not, life up thy voice like a trumpet, shew my
people their transgressioa." N o w is it possible to avoid
the application ? It is spoken as directly t„ us as anything
in the whole Bible. W e ought, therefore, as [ said, to preach
against it, because it ,s our great national sin. Both its
magnitude and its nationality may be easily seen. Its mag­nitude
has already been sufficiently set forth in the anti-slavery
publications of the day, and has generally T e n
acknowledged by ministers, especially at the North That
it is a national sin, appears from the following considerations :
1st, Slavery ,n the South is generally supposed to be under
the posmve protection of the constitution of the United
and r,; J ' , S V"6- that' a c c?n]l"g t0 'hat instrument, legally
i a t S y/, , t e r Pnr 0 t e d--t h e r e is «°t a emisritutfonal
slave in the country. But as it is commonly understood this
nation have voluntarily adoptee the sin of slavery as tic
own by undertaking to protect it. Therefore, everyaospe
ninisterin the laud, is most solemnly bound to 1ft f p n i
voice against this part of the constitution ; and he has a
const> ut.onal r)ght to do so. For the constilutTon proves
for its o w n amendment, and of course for free discussion
respecting those parts which need to be expunged
ed your answer to that question will be the echo of the sen­timents
that hitherto I have heard here in reply to it But
perhaps, these sentiments will show a farther view of the
bearings of the question, and a deeper understanding of the
dangers which are involved in the subject of it. Perhaps
your reply to this question would embrace topics of interest
ton 5 2 t'hbe-VOndvour own- , ^ h a p s it would appear to
>o i that the con .nuance and extension of this felonious
trade, was planned and promoted by m e n who looked cien
beyond the advantages of their present gains. Perhaps the
thought might flash across you mind, that the Texan system
cihleT f > Y m e a " n °f CO,oni2alion. was considered appli-
^ ,/,??' I"" WeM 3S l° P ° n i 0 n S of thc Mexican «omin.
on, and that the tulure progress of Texian conquest, and
he decline and ultimate fall of the South American repub
ics, were supposed to have rendered it desirable, to prevent
the suppression of a trade which was destined to extend the
influence of slavery, to spread its empire over the last re! oTtte v'ovZ" t o T *" ^ 1° b e
u
c o n d e m"ed, if seized whiL
gmns of South America, and under the protection of it* tu- person o n t o a d ""r °r e l — h e r e with any such colored
te ary flag, to continue to Cuba and Porto Rico a traffic United sLtZL^ pr;8ecuted aft carry a slave, or colored person held to 4fter « f7. A $ V in great solemmty and eloquence
Except as just stated, no American vessel can lawfully
sail with any black or colored person whatever, unlee Tsuch
black or colored person, be really and truly oa 1 intents'
and purposes,^. To take, or have on board! any h S
I do before Heayeo a n f I H ^ J ^ * * he) 8,a"d
J matter whether such colored person be
dde?bvramTeh°e .apprentice'or anyother'is •STfiS
rvin^A B IaW 1S JUSt as certainly violated in car­rying
Africans, no matter under what name, from this island
oalt6 to^h^: M ^T°-n f AfnCa,1S l V ° m "'* Part °' th i own
tlm v l . J T" a D y Case °f t h e VIoIati0i1 «f the law
tne vessel and cargo are sure to br -
d
provis.on is made in our laws .,
mastr Zms°t S6 "T* »P^ed'for ' "^ng tie
Sstonncr g,h^ f, V Vi0leu"Ce °f ,eV0ltin^ slaves- ™* for
restoring the fugitive to his owner. This is ao-ainst an ex-
BfSSSS1 of Goc1'm Gen- 23>5- e^a11^ 5Ki"
effort in'h6 ge/t.eraIit?-0fthe peo^]e make "° constitutional
efforts to have these things altered, but insist on their con
hTcir tereT thiSg'VeS ^--entneVnatio ."
fcuaracien therefore we mav n m i ^ ,.., „ i ,
in general, up to the present time, as far as I can learn, seems
to be 6et against a reformation. Not that they profess to
be in favor of slavery ; — a great proportion profess, in words,
to be acrainst it. But instead of doing any thing for its
removal, they only hinder those that would remove it. H ow
many meetings of our citizens have passed resolutions and
stirred up violence against agitating the question Thus
saith the Lord, consider your ways—but the people of our
country say, we will not consider. If the people's hearts
are not on the thing, why are they so much more strenuous
for maintaining the laws and constitution as they respect
slavery, than they are for supporting other laws'! While
they violate other laws for the sake of defending slavery and
suppressing free discussion, why is the slave's friend so tri­umphantly
referred to the constitution and laws of the coun­try,
as though they were as unalterable as the laws of the
Medes and Persians 1 as though an appeal to them were the
last appeal in the case—and as though the constitution itself
might not be found unconstitutional, when tested by the
Bible, which is jh^J^iffy^a*iOT^^«-|hjWi'fg8;
public incredulity, or the sneer of public contempt "from
expressing the opinion thatthe continuance of the slave-trad"
w s a v e r y materia ingredient in the policy of thosepollfi
cal desperadoes who, to counteract the power and influence
r1:,^' "^ prCpared t0 S ^ ^m southern
real zat o'n
d
of teT" t ^T™™6' 8Ild t0 P r o m o t e ih*
realization of the benefits to humanity conveyed in the
that he entertains a deliberate and oft revolved doubt
whether considered meely m itself, the slave-trade be not a
positive benefit to its supposed victims "
I erhaps, sir, on the perusal of this letter, you might ima­gine
there was reason to believe such a conscmad ZrJnZ
inCexPiestSe0' ^ ^ ^ S°uA A-ericanTSiTwa
Perhaps yen might be induced to believe that wild as this
scheme may seem to be, it is not impracticable in the hands
for three veara
some cases amounting to death. '
" CONSULATE OK THE UNITED STATES,
" Havana, February 23,1838."
Whavme
f,fiittqrli?ni9' What evidenceis there of Mr.
ofThe caZfn? oHh T * ™ l° the fraU<>™ °&*M Snow ig."
m e m ol the fact In his last communication to the C om
m ssioners, dated the 8th of July, 1839, in referrimr tc, 3 £
subject, he attempts to prove that Mr. Macleay X Chief
country.
fi'r^'^sr;:Ji;,o ™u m *». -*TW
of
t.
your time wi.h a recapitulation rflh-wih'A.7
or 400 persons Z e r cask? s „ T U g h / ° r C G ° k i n g f ° r 3 00
water for the same I f ^ufficient to contain enough
wooden spools S t K f t l j S - " °A & I o n« ^ ^ =
officiate as Chaplains.
seats.
of harl i,«,4 .« L r "« "ii-utiiuie in tne nanus
ol bad, bo,d men, whose physical and mental energies are so
last y SUpenor to those of the people they seUl
amongst, with the strong purpose of disp,
plot is matured, and the mask of colonial
successfully thrown off.
of nations governs
down
ossesslng, when the
ial allegiance may be
These are considerations which, in all probability, would
HkePv:trl0fnVerrlland,'0ng,n thcdePths o/lhougi
cpl/St be ? reCeiVf 3- ^ But whatev" that
reply might be, I am greatly mistaken if the British Govern-ror
on at fe T'^f GrG3t Bntafn and Americ., or Zt j
Sou t « »h ? ' the, lntelhgence and integrity of both
with P f g°e s u ^ e r that name, would not receive it'
•&gjgy.!t Witb ^ t e n ^ > - d 0"°de in the
1. That the Spanish slave-trade has gradually and steadi­ly
increased from the year 1820 to the present year ; and
the importations have been augmented from 15,000 to 25,000
per annum.
2. That the great amount of American capital invested
in slave property in the island of Cuba, and the energy with
which the new American settlers have entered on the culti­vation
of new land, (the establishment of new American
plantations averaging during the last three years, twenty a
year) have largely contributed to give an impetus to the
trade, which has been fatal to the efforts made for its sup­pression.
3. That the recent treaty of 1835, between Spain and Eng­land,
for its suppression, has been successfully evaded by
the practice adopted of shipping the stores for the slave-trade
on board x\merican vessels at the Havana
4. That American vessels are suffered to proceed with
the stores to Africa, and even to return to the Island of Cuba
the declarations, m these cases of Texian expJrtatfon. of
groes, wh,ch were made before him- a
the negroes carried from this port to Tex
denomination of apprenticed laborers
In his Consular Notice he di.tirxtly states, that
Jo vessel can lawfully sail with any black
CI
succ
Newspaper reporters were allowed
On Friday evening, it had become evident
- , "'• ""««-iuy is A m e
was placed on" b o a r ^ £ T l t ' L ™ ^ f ° P » ^
ipe Island, or St.
persons, denominated
passengers. The cargo consisted of articles adapted "tothe
African market, and was such as would be taken m lawful
that Henry
to
the
and moreover that
went under the
5. That alf the vessels in the Spanish slave-trade, are
brethren whether you really think that the people of this b u l u in A m e r i c a, chiefly in Baltimore ; and are publicly
\ Z A Z J L * *nrl small, would stand thus firmly by tbe con- w f h • glave.trade in the Havana, by the foreign mer-or
colored per-
^ tr«y to' all" iiuent;^^^;^^: S?
no mat't PK r ? n S " a r f h d d in an^ w a V * service or S S J '
no matter whether such colored person be called by the
Bime of apprentice or ,ny other, it is strictly forbidden by law -
I May I ask Mr. Tnst, why then he suffered these nui J oTs
a! °mdemeCdl°bWoedg" W-e reprGSented i" the'ecEon
as indented laborers," and consequently held to " service''
permit the persons who made these declarations,—subjects
of America,—to perpetrate crime which involved the penal­ty
of " fine and imprisonment," " seizure" of the vessel thus
employed, and " confiscation" of the property of his fellow-citizens
1 W h v did he not refuse his signature to proceed­ings
which he denounces the illegality of, after they have
been carried into effect with so dreadful a penalty to be in­curred
by their commission ; " in some cases," (to use Mr.
Trist's own words) amounting " to dealhl"
The interruption of the Texian slave-trade, by the publici­ty
given to the proceedings of Mr. Trist, on the part of the
Commissioners, was the first cause of the " indignation" of
Mr. Trist. H e found no public occasion for giving vent to
it, however, till after the departure of Mr. Macleay. The
new Commissioners having begged to call the attention of
Mr. Trist to a flagrant case of slave dealing, carried on with
open effrontery under the American flag, the indignant Con­sul
sent back to the Commissioners their official communi-with
slaves, under the Portuguese flair, with the full know. J fu
aJsSnCornm?s«oners'having>een • •jW'.inftlR
cteeTat S * ™ r0"^ **™£» ^ ^
"eh foft^o f^ "r??0 a -^it-etha; "'c SS
rehed on to do for each of the candidates proposed • and tho
aggregate of their statements left for M r Say' but L
faint hope that Virginia might cast her vote for h,m ! <
thus ensure his election. This was r e f i l l ?u '• a n d
Gean 2 L * S - piank to ^ s ^ ^ a re
Gen. Scott being the smallest of the three parties, and hav
ng balloted unsuccessfully till the close of the h d dav I
length found that the crisis hadco.no ,„w,,'_„.„ 6?l' a
^zSiftnSL&BS trading voyages, and the
rafficking for slaves—
cop/1' TI^'"rm,S f°r *5 wate>-tankS on the English
aTwas^itt tt^rtfor8^ 1^ ^ B"Ush b"^ ^
a £ d'ecrand'the?^3 ^ ^^ SUfRcient for ]™S
TrLTI^1"-^!!1"31^" for Putting UP
'*.
as pnze master, and ordered to N e w
the same sr.nrv wu„ .u. .._
at once
York. Witr
1
to decide the
land ereat and hrmly uy m e con- i sold for thc
stitution, if they should happen to discover a clause in It | c h a n t s
which doomed themselves and their, children to hopeless
bondage i But if the very heart and soul of the people is
for slavery, their wenderful fidelity to some of our lawscan
be accounted for This unalterable constitution affords a
vei^snue "retreat from all the clamors of a guilty conscience,
and the attacks of the friends of liberty. Under this refuge
they may take their stand and bid defiance to every danger.
And now, brethren, w e may, in a measure, see by these
things, who and how many in our several congregations, are
euilty of the sin of slavery,* and how they are guilty, and
how much they need that we should warn a
them of it from the pulpit.
6. That fraudulent transfers of the papers are constantly
made, of vessels employed or destined for this trade.
7 That slaves under fictitious titles, described m fraudu­lent
declarations as free, indented laborers, and duly attest­ed
by the Consul of the United States, have been exported
from Havana to Texas.
8 That within the last two years and a half, two vessels
have been detected landing slaves in the United States.—
One of which, the Emperor, was taken by an American ves­sel
of war and sent to Pcvisacola for trial ;_and on her re
cation, declinino-muse
oommissio
ther case of slave dealing under the American flag, renaeicv.
it necessary to call Mr. Trist's attention again to this new
violation of the laws, and the communication was made to
him by letter on the 8th of January, 1839, of the present
year. This letter was couched in courteous terms. The in­formation
was simplv given to him, that a vessel, named " the
Venus," then in the harbor, had recently arrived from Afri­ca
with a cargo of 860 slaves, which she had taken in under
the protection of the American flag. That she had sailed
from the Havana four months previously under the Ameri­can
flag, and had returned with her cargo of slaves under the
Portuguese flag. That on the coast of Africa a British crui­ser
had visited her, and desisted from capturing her because
she was under the American flag ; and, finally, expressing
There can be no neutral ground
inTur country with'regard to a subject so interesting to the
nation, and so identified with the cause of morality and re­ligion
He that is not heartily engaged to say and do all he
lawfully can for the entire annihilation of this sin, is, for
ought that I can see, guilty of the whole systein of slavery.
H e that is not for us is against us. M y brethren, let us
have no fellowship with these workers of iniquity, by neg­lecting
to reprove them. Let each of us count out from
our several congregations all those who shew a zeal against
this sin proportioned to its magnitude, and how much would
it diminish the number 1 D o you think w e should be excused
in our silence on this subject for the want of hearers to
w h o m our preaching would apply ! Is there any occasion
for any one to tell us that if w e at tbe North must needs
preach against slavery, w e must go to the South, where
alone they are guilty of ill And if w e are induced to keep
our mouths closed by being told to look at our o w n faults
and that we have enough to do at home, in correcting and
rectifying our own conduct and that of our hearers, what
can be more absurd and contradictory than this argument,
except the folly of yielding to it. Let us indeed cast the
beam out of our own eye^raf. But what is it! What
have northern christians in general to look at in their o wn
hearts with more solicitude to put it away, than their o wn
share in this very sin of slaveryl I do feel that even we
who are gospel ministers at the North, are not without our
own full share in this sin, if w e hold our peace. If w e have
stood by in silence and seen a brother shot, and as it were,
held the garments of them that slew him, merely for plead­ing
the cause of the poor slave, as w e all ought to have done
— w h a t is this but to be consenting unto his death, and to
approve the deeds of his persecutors, and to adopt as our
own the whole guilt of the slave system < For my own part,
I can see no way in which we can clear our own skirts ol
any part of this immense weight of guilt and criminality, but
by repenting indust and ashes, and bringing forth fruits meet
for abo mrienpaetnitoannsc eo,f b syl abveearryi.n g our full testimony againstC .a lSl. t he
* By the sin of slavery I mean the sin of holding men as property,
and allthe evils which grow out of that bitter and prolific root.
Consul Trist.
A letter to W. E. Charming, D. D , on the subject of the
abuse of the flag of the United Stales in the Island oj
Cuba, and the advantage taken of its protection in promot­ing
the slave trade. By R. R. Madden.
M v D E A R S I R , — T h e subject of this letter is one of such
importance, the necessity for entering on it so urgent and
the task of performing it se painful, that, were it possible to
distinguish m e n from measures, and to serve the cause of
truth and justice without wounding the feelings of individu­als,
however adverse to both, I would sit down to address
you with more alacrity, and would hope to attain m y ooject
without exciting a suspicion that the conduct of an unpopu­lar
m a n has been mistaken or. misrepresented by me.
Feeling strongly as I do on the subject of this letter, per­haps
I may express myself strongly, and I fear it might be
harshly, were I less fully impressed with the calmness of
that mental composure, that patient spirit of philosophical re­search,—
that clear, cold, pellucid expression of well examin­ed
thoughts, and moderated opinions, which so eminently
characterize your judgments, and distinguish the communi­cation
of your sentiments. W e r e it otherwise, I might find it
difficult, I confess, to restrain m y feelings, and yet have to
speak of great wrongs committed with impunity against hu­manity.
As it is, I hope in addressing myself to your rea­son,
to execute m y task, to direct your attention to that scan­dalous
abuse of the flag of your country, which has been fla­grantly
connived at by the Consul of the United States in
Cuba, and the result of which has been to give a new impe­tus
to the illegal traffic in human beings, and to render it im­possible
for the efforts of tho British Government for the
suppression of this traffic, to be carried into successful exe­cution.
. '.
This is the third time I have had the pleasure of visiting
America. It has been m y good fortune to have been per­mitted
to converse freely and to communicate even familiar­ly,
on the subject of this communication, with many of the
great and good men of this country, of all parties, of all
sects, northerners and southerners, and finding greatness of
mind and goodness of heart limited to no particular latitudes,
I have inquired of all what interest had the U. S. in promoting
the desolation of Africa by affording the inhuman trade m
slaves the protection of her flag ? A n d there has been little or
any essential difference in the answers I have received. Let
» e ask you, m y dear sir, this same question ; and in the name
of truth and justice, on behalf of the unfortunate people of
ir, under the name of Sierra del Pilar.
9 That the slave-trade of Cuba for the last two years nas
been carried on under the protection of the Portuguese and
American flags. .
10. That the Spanish flag during that period, with one or
two exceptions, fell into complete disuse.
11 That on the dismissal from office of the notorious
slave-trader Fernandez consul,the Spanish Mr. Tnst became
the acting Consul for that nation.
12 That the use and abuse of these two flags were of
necessity known to Mr. N . P. Trist, and were connived at
by him. . T , .,
Perhaps before entering into these particulars, 1 should
have informed you that Mr. N . P. Trist is the gentleman
who fills the office of Consul General of the United States
at the Havana. That he has gained for himself within the
last three or four years, a considerable degree of unenviable
notority, and for his office, unfortunately, an amount of ob­loquy
highly prejudicial to its high character, by the arro­gance
ofnis conduct, the neglect of his duties, and lastly,
by thc scandalous protection he has afforded to the slave-trad.\
and the open predilection he has recently avowed, and
and officially recorded, for the interests of that nefarious traffic.
Of late, he has taken occasion twice, in official communi­cations,^
bestow a vast quantity of abuse on theBntish mem­bers
of tho Commission for the suppression of the slave trade;
and not only the present members of it, but their several
predecessors ; and moreover the most unmeasured reproach
it is possible to conceive, on the British Government. But
what is most likely to excite the anger of the folks of the old
country, this poor m a n has bestowed " his pity" on a very
laro-e portion of the people of England. And for what calami­ty
"forsooth 1—why, for their abhorrence of the slave-trade . |
because, in the words of Mr. Tnst, they waste their energies
on a cause that is " a delusian," practised on them by men
who are " self-seekers," " deceivers," " theatrical exhibi­tors
" " fanatics," " impostors ;" for all of whom, his feel­ings,
he declares, are those of " dissust and indignation.
The "disgust" of Mr. Trist is certainly sufficiently loath­some
without the insult of his "pity," and either of them
less patiently lo be endured than his " indignation.
There is some allowance, however, to be made for the
latter ; a latent feeling of respect for the interests of the
"market," and of regret for the loss of property in Cuba,
which must have made him a frequenter of it, had he been
able to have retained his estate there, no doubt have much
to do with the " indignation" of the discomfited planter.—
Mr Trist had scarcely entered on his official duties, when
he purchased an estate in Cuba. Every one conversant with
slavery in that island, knows that the slave population is not
kept up by the increase on the plantations. On sugar pro­perties,
that there is in fact no increase at all, an
nof-A^arv under the Dresent svstem of manage
lease by one of these illegal tranfers became Portuguese, and a h o p e that n e w o u l d take s u c h 6teps as the case demanded,
was subsequently taken about June last, by a British cruis- a n d r o g r e U i n g to have to state that the Commissioners had
rcason°to know, that a considerable number of American
subjects were engaged in this unlawful traffic.
On the former occasion of a similar communication, this
functionary had expended his " indignation" in a short and
simple act of vulgar insult ; he returned the Commissioners
the letter thev had addressed to him. The rudeness here
was congenial to his character, and the vulgarity of the mode
of evincing his displeasure bore testimony to the strength of
his animosity to the views of the British government with
respect to a traffic which the laws of his own country de­nounce
as Piracy.
T o the communication of the 8th of January, 1839, Mr.
Trist replied in a letter of sixteen foolscap pages. His
" indignation" had taken a new form of outbreak, and if its
intensity is to be judged of by its expansiveness and exten­sion
in the shape of words, too high an opinion cannot be
formed of its virulence. In a strain of the most violent in­vective,
levelled discursively at the Commission for the Sup­pression
of the Slave trade, the British Government, the
British people, the deluded victims of certain " deceivers,"
" self-seekers," praciisers of theatrical exhibitions, and other
kinds of public impostors, the Consul delivers himself of a
great amount of wrath and rigmarole, in reply lo a commu­nication
that certainly required some ingenuity to find any
thin^ offensive in it to his official character, and which it was
impossible to assert contained any thing contrary to truth.
The two statements made in it respectfully to him were,
namely these, that the slave-ship " Venus," had sailed from
Havana under American colors, taken in her slaves under
the same flag, and had just landed her cargo under the Por­tuguese
; the other, that the Commissioners had reason to
know that a number of American citizens were engaged in
this unlawful traffic. This lengthy epistle designedly avoids
entering into the question of this scandalous abuse of the
American flag, for very obvious reasons. One of which it is
alone necessary to state. The entire slave-trade of the is­land
of Cuba was then passing through the identical hands of
N. P. Trist, the Consul General of the United States at the
Havana, inasmuch as the whole illegal traffic was then car­ried
on fraudulently and scandalously under the protection of
the American and Portuguese flags ; and Mr. Trist was the
Consul General of the one country, and the acting Consul of
the other, from the period of the dismissal of the notorious
slave-trade Portuguese Consul, Mr. Fernandez. N o w the
papers of the slave trading vessels of both countries neces­sarily
passed through his hands. It was incumbent on him
to see that they were neither fraudulent nor fictitious. But
Mr. Trist felt the only incumbency in question, was one by
no means onerous or disagreeable, that of receiving the fees
of his office, and making the most of the precarious tenure of
his post. .' • •.'. •
However, in his long rambling reply to the Commissioners,
wherein all kinds of subjects, et quedam alia wholly foreign
to their communication, are treated in a style of consular di­plomacy
peculiar to Mr. Trist, he concludes this official ma­nifestation
of solemn nonsense, by reminding one of the
Commissioners that he had been brought up in the Temple,
and then calls on him for evidence of the facts stated in the
letter ; plainly intimating that legal evidence was required,
he well knowing that no such evidence could be produced
with safety to life in any Spanish court.
(To be Continued.)
necessary under thc present system of management, to have
recourse to the slave market, to make up for the annual de­crease,
by the purchase of newly imported slaves from
Africa. So that one of the first acts of this officer was to
place himself in a condition, which imposed on him the ne­cessity
of participating in a crime, which the laws of his
country pronounce piracy.and punish with the penaltyofdeath.
Fortunately for his office, Mr. Trist became unable to
meet the engagements into which he had entered, when the
period came round for the payment for this estate. L a w pro­ceedings
were commenced against him, and he was compell­ed
to shelter himself under the privileges of his office, and
the special protection of the Captain General, to avoid the
ruinous consequences of a legal prosecution m a Spanish
court. Mr. Trist was compelled to give up his estate,—his
i roperty, but not his will, consented to the sacrifice.
Driven from the pleasing exercise of power as a Cubian
planter, he turned to the prospect of the emoluments of office ;
and the protection of the slave-trade opened a new field for
speculation. In tbe year 1836, the published correspondence
of the Commissioners with the British Government, throws
some light on the proceedings of Mr. Trist, during the pre­ceding
year, with respect 'o the countenance given by that
person to the slave-trade, then carrying on between Texas
and the island of Cuba. This trade in the latter part of 1«35,
had been carried on by American citizens to a considerable
extent. The attention of the Commissioners was at length
called to these scandalous proceedings. A new plan was
devised to evade their vigilance. The American Consul,
when a shipment was to be made, had declarations made be­fore
him, by the Captains of the American vessels employed
in transporting the bozal negroes from this port, stating that
these persons were free indented laborers, and this declara­tion
was duly attested by Mr. Trist. In plain terms, the sig­nature
of the American Consul at the Havana was appended
to these fraudulent documents. He, Mr. Trist, well know-
| ing that the said free indented laborers, were sent to Texas
DIVISIONS A M O N G A B O L I T I O N I S T S . — W e are pleased, and
our readers generally, w e feel assured, will be pleased, to
read the following from the pen of friend Garrison, in the
Liberator of last week. It proves that on the distinct sub­ject
of abolition there is no division among the abolitionists
of Massachusetts. However they may disagree with each
other in some respects, they do not seem disposed to give
any quarter to slavery.—Pa. Freeman.
"But is there not a division in the anti-slavery ranks, and
does not that prove that 'abolition is dying away!' True,
there is such a division in this commonwealth, yet only to a
very slight extent. It is local, not national. The great
mass ef the abolitionists of Massachusetts are sound to the
rore, and were never more united in spirit than at the present
time. Before the enemies of abolition should lift up the
voice of exultation, in view of ihis schism, let them first
pause, and inquire into the nature of it 1 Has it originated
in any diversity of sentiment among abolitionists, as to the
exceeding sinfulness of elaveholding, and the duty of imme­diate
emancipation! Are they divided in opinion, respecting
the guilt of southern slaveholders—the unspeakable baseness
of expatriating men on account of their complexion—the
right of the slave to stand O H the same platform with his
master ? If so, then it is possible that 'abolition is dying
away.' But it is not so."
risis had come which compelled them
question. A motion to discharge (he CoJ
i. tee, or virtually to break up the convention *!. M o S bv"
INext morning, Mr Banks nf K„ ™ J
second rhrvj*o ..,st tnuitc oi nis state, but she knew and
loved the veteran of Ohio well ; she had voted for him once
by a large majority, and would do it again.
Mr. Coombs, of Ky., remarked that if the heart of Ken­tucky
had been bruised in the result of this contest—if her
ardent hopes had been disappointed—it could not change
hei principles, or shake her attachment to the great cause.
She was born a W h i g State—had lived a W h i g State—and,
by the blessing of God, she would die a W h i g State.
M r B. W . Leigh, of Virginia, gave notice that the dele­gation
of that State would unanimously concur in the nomi­nation
of William Henry Harrison. They had ardently
hoped a different result—not for the sake of Mr. Clay ; for
they believed the measure of his fame to be full, and the
Presidency unworthy of his ambition—but because thev be­lieved
him eminently qualified for the station. But in say­ing
this, he meant to detract nothing from the well-earned
fame of William Henry Harrison, whom he also respected
and loved. He knew him as a patriot, a statesman, and an
honest man. Neither did he mean any disparagement to
br° ',t^or d e a r friend, Winfield Scott, whose name had been
erv?e'ri*ifWiiJ.f"rf>-this-Cftoveiy.ion. He reioiced to sav that he
ly in favor of another. The convention had fairly decided
against him, and he would now pledge, on the part of the
Delegates from Virginia, an ardent, unanimous, and he
hoped, successful support to the nominee of this Convention.
Mr. Selden, of N e w York, briefly expressed the ananimous
acquiescence of the minority of the N e w York delegation,
who had earnestly and unflinchingly supported Mr. Clay, in
the nomination reported. They would give it their cardial
and vigorous support.
Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, referred to the fact that
the delegates came here, much divided in opinion, and to
the hopes entertained by our enemies that they would be
divided in the selection of a candidate. Happily they have
been disappointed. He alluded to the character and worth
of Mr. Clay, his distinguished services to the country, and
las high admiration of him. Massachusetts, he said, also
had her favoriie son, but she had yielded up her pieferences,
and yielded them early, for the sake of conciliation and suc­cess.
She had made this sacrifice freely—cordially—and
she would now rally under the banner of W . H. Harrison
with the same zeal, and the same certainty of success as with
her own favorite son.
Judge Burnet, of Ohio, gave a sketch of Gen. Harrison's
life and services. He related the answer which the General
returned to Gen. Proctor, when he demanded the surrender
of Fort Meigs, on the ground of his superior force : " Tell
Gen. Proctor," said the fearless Harrison, " that I know my
strength, and I know his ; if he takes the fort, he will take
it in a way that will do him more honor than a thousand
surrenders!" He spoke of his services in the defence of
his country; and then turned to his civil qualifications,
which he represented as no less illustrious than his military
H e is a scholar, a historian and a statesman ; and what is
raore—an honest man. In proof of this Judge B. referred
to the fact that Gen. Harrison had been in stations where
it would have been perfectly easy to have made himself rich,
but on retiring from public life, he had retired a poor man.
Jadge B. said if General Harrison went to Washington, he
went there without having any grief to avenge or any favors
to bestow. H e went pledged to stand but a single term.
Gov. Metcalfe, of Kentucky, said he came here in favor
of Kentucky's favorite son, believing him to be the candi­date
most likely to succeed. Since he had been here, he
had interchanged sentiments with the delegates from the
various States, and had come to the conclusion that he was
mistaken. He was now prepared to go for the strongest
man. As regarded himself, he did not sacrifice so much as
did many other of the friends of Mr. Clay ; he moved only
from the side of one noble friend, to take his stand firmly by
the side of another and no less noble friend. The country
had not done General Harrison justice. He has done more
for his country and received less for his services than any
man living. He possessed both civil and military capacities
of the first order, which should eatitle him to the admiration
of the people.
Mr. Merrill, of Pennsylvania, said he came from a State
that had no sacrifice to make, and he could not resist the
opportunity of expressing his sense of the high spirit of
patriotism which had induced some of the other members of
the Convention to surrender their favorite candidate. Penn­sylvania
thanked them, and would respond in a suitable
manner.
Mr. Tupper, of Mississippi, said, the land of Poindexter
and Prentiss, as she has done before, will do her duty still ;
and from the harmony of this Convention, and the enthusi­asm
manifested by the members, he felt satisfied she can be
rescued from the spoilers under the banner of the Hero of
Tippecanoe.
Mr. Russell, of Missouri, said Missouri owed much to
Gen. Harrison, and she wa3 not ungrateful. W h e n she
was, in her infancy, struggling to become a member of this
great confederacy, Gen. Harrison had stood by her, and
placed her upon her sure foundation. It had been said G en
Harrison was poor—this was a mistake—he was rich in the
affections of his country.
Col. Graham, of Louisiana, expressed his determination
to suppoit the nomination of the Convention ; and although
he had been in favor of Mr. Clay, yet he would not yield to the
warmer friends of Gen. Harrison in admiration of his virtues.
Judge Huntington, of Indiana, referred to the course of
Gen H. in Congress in reference^ to the public lands and
the ear
found him ...
tion of Col. R. M . Johnson, that Gen. Harrison has fought
more battles than any m a n in the count-.y, and " never lost
a battle."
The Judge said he was sure he never will lose a battle,
and that his nomination will be received in the West with a
burst of enthusiasm never before known in the country.
The question was then taken on the resolution offered by
Mr. Johnson, that William H. Harrison, of Ohio, be the
candidate for President, and John Tyler, of Virginia, the
candidate for Vice President, and it was unanimously
adopted, and was received with boasts of acclamation from
all corners of the house.—N. Y. Whig.
[It would appear, that after having " got rid of" the long-troublesome
"nuisance," by "colonizing the free" slave­holder,
Henry Clay, " with his o w n consenf'(l) the Con­vention
actually exulted in the relief they had gained, as a
man rejoices at his deliverance from some indigestible and
I disturbing substance that he has swallowed.]
-y
who went out in the vessel, was' examined for the prSner
d^hS for'^O00 "t.h 'V*16 ^ °f ^^SZ
mscnargeu lor $3000, and the charterer had the privilege of
oi SVrh l V e S S e i n 0 t C X C e c d i"g thirty days at . T r n X e
of $20 per day. N o provision was made for return freiZ
no does ,t a p p e a r that the master had fonds or cred f to
purchase a cargo, or that any other employment of the
vessel was contemplated than fulfilling the charter co tract I
H vana3?:," teSUfied ^ t h e " * » « " worth ^ 0 0 0 ^ '
Havana, and was composed of ani-i - g;-'"""..gJ
ibft Aft*— - •
At the close of the testimony, Mr. Alexander Hamilton, Jr.,
with w h o m was associated Mr. F. B. Cutting, and Mr. P.
Hamilton, for the accused, made his maiden speech, and
contended that the decbion of Judge Story in the case of
the brig Alexander, William Booth, claimant, was untenable.
Mr. Butler, the District Attorney, argued at length in
support of the views of Judge Story, in the case of the brig
Alexander, and contended that the offence was complete if
the vessel was shown to have set out on her voyage with
the intent of being employed in the slave trade, though no
slavp had ever been on board.
Judge Thompson said that notwithstanding this Court
might differ in its views from Judge Story, comity required
that it should not decide differently—they both being circuit
courts of equal jurisdiction, and therefore, as it was important
that the construction of these laws should be universally
understood, this court lad divided in opinion, on the point in
question, and had decided to ^ n d the case to the Supreme
Court on a certificate of a difference of opinion.
It was then agreed by the counsel that thejteatinaow*-
tbe English witnesses shou.li.1 '
in the trial of \h and be «Su'
MeobLed^ o b P K eV , l i r ° )
W
J
0 n e Piece overboard if you
are obhged to by being boarded by a man-of-war." *
telfi dfhaf he haf ^ '^"T^ °f the P0rt of ^"more.
tescined that he had no knowledge of the register from th«
time of its ,ssue until its retunffour or fivf^k ssTnCe
m N e w Y « T ^ ^ " ^ °f t h e a r H v a I o f * C*th«rine
ne accusld^'If P n Z 6 °f * B [ i U s h CrHlser' M'" A l C
ZI 1 'A e t0 W1,ness. with Capt. Wedge, and said
T^y stated thar.n0 ^ "P ^ ^ °^ thfcatharfoe
lvered t o i l , r e g , £ e r °f t h e vessel had been de-a*
u was unimportant, unlp^ ;j>.ggo mm urusn, the former
rfri'ip joiner and the latter sail maker, who helped build the
Catharine. Both testified that the vessel when fitted out
in Baltimore, was in no ways prepared for a slaver. Mr. D.
was on board of her all the time until sailing, and there
were no equipments placed on board, such as were found in
her when she was captured. She was in no way different
from other vessels intended for the South American trade.
Mr. Horgesheimer, who done the iron work, testified to the
same effect.
Captain William A. W e d g e who commanded the Catha­rine
when she left Baltimore, deposed that he sailed in that
vessel in the employ of Thomas Wilson & Co., for the
Havana, and with a letter of instructions from them direct­ing
him to sell the vessel in that port; and as she was a
fine vessel he would probably obtain $12,000 for her, but if
he could not, he was authorised to take not less than $7000.
If not sold within these limits, he was to obtain a cargo and
and return with her ; but if sold he should make a return
in bills on the United States, or in specie or coffee ; if in the
two latter, he was directed to send them.is. the first vessel
whicrfiiearrrveA'at' Philadelphia in the brig Elizabeth' Mr.
John H.Ohl, theower of the brig, was the accepter of the bills.
In Havana the ctew was discharged by the vice consul, M r .
Smith, to w h o m the register was delivered, and he received
orders to go to the port captain and receive his roll of equity
for paying off the men. He did so, and gave the document
to the vice consul. In relation to the condition of thc vessel
at the time of sailing be stated that he went from this city in
ballast, with the usual crew for vessels of. her class. There
were no fitments for a slave trader on board ; the hatch
was an ordinary one ; there were but four water casks on
board and none put up in shooks or otherwise concealed on
board. The camboose was such an one as is of ordinary size
for cooking for four or five men. There was no false deck,
nor any plank for that or any other purpose. There were no
awnings, studding sails, handcuffs, nor cooking utensils on
board, either as cargo or fixtures, except the camboose, & c.
mentioned. The sale of the vessel was a bona fida, actual,
honest sale, and before going out witness heard of no con­tract
by Allen and Henderson, or Thomas Wilson & Co., or
any one else, for the sale of the vessel in the Havana, and
to his knowledge they knew nothing of it until he made the
sale. This vessel, he stated, was the first he had ever
sold in a foreign port, and thinking it necessary, from the in­formation
he had received, to place the ship's papers with
the American consul, he aid so. Witness executed no bill
of sale at the time of the sale at Havana ; did not know the
names of the purchasers, nor of what nation they were. Mr.
Tyng was his broker, and concluded the bargain, but cannot
tell the date otherwise than by a reference to document
marked B. Witness took no receipt for the register, because
he did not think there was any use for it; he took a receipt
for the discharge of the seamen, and left Havana, three or
four days after the sale of the vessel, and in the first vessel
he could obtain ; delivered his power of attorney to the
agent.
Mr. Wilson, of the firm of Thomas Wilson & Co., testifi­ed
that the house with which he was connected had acted
as "ship's husbands," for the usual commission in the
Catharine. She was intended, when being built, for the
South American market, but subsequently, it being under­stood
that better prices could be obtained in Havana, it was
decided that she should be sent to that port for sale. She
was built for sale with the strictest regard for economy, and
the sale in Havana was a bona fide sale, the proceeds of
which came into the house in payment of disbursements
made by them. Mr. Allen is a partner of the house of Wil­son
& Co., but has a separate and distinct business. The
concern had no knowledge of any further proceedings after
the sale of the vessel. The letter of instructions found on
board when the vessel was captured, and read in Court, was
never written by any one in the compting room of our house,
and was not in the handwriting of any person connected with
us. Tbe evidence on the part of the defence closed here.
The district attorney offered two instances to show that
it was the practice of the American consul, when the vessel
has been sold, to cancel the register. He also read several
acts of Congress to show tha». it was incumbent upon the
captain, when the vessel was sold in a foreign port, to de­posit
the register with the consul, if he does not return to
any port in the United States. The captain in this case re­turned
to Philadelphia, and should have delivered the papers
to the collector at Philadelphia, but did not do so.
Court's Instruction to the Jury.—I. That if this vessel
actually sailed on her voyage from Baltimore, with the intent
of the owners to employ her in the slave trade, it is not ne­cessary
that every equipment for a slave voyage should have
been taken on board at Baltimore, or that any equipment ex­clusively
applicable to such a voyage should have been on
board.
2. If Allen & Henderson built and caused the said vessel
to sail without any intention to employ her in the slave
trade, and subsequently a bona fide sale of the vessel was
made by the captain, and the register was left with the con­sul,
with the intent that it should be returned to the proper
officer at Baltimore, and thereby to deprive the vessel of her
American character, that, then the accused is not guilty of
the offence charged, although the vessel was subsequently
employed on a slave voyage, and although the captain knew
she would be employed at the time he sold her.
3. But the outward voyage from Havana to the coast of
Africa, for the purpose of procuring, and transporting ne­groes
or mulatoes or persons of color from Africa, to any
other place, there to be held, sold or otherwise disposed of,
as slaves, or to be held to labor, is an employment of the
vessel in the slave trade, although she may be intercepted by
a superior force before her arrival on the coast, and may
never have received such negroes, mulatoes or persons of
color on board ; and although an actual and bona fide sale
of the vessel was made at Havana, yet if the captain left the
American register with the consul, or any other person for
the purpose of enabling the vessel to perform the outward
voyage in the name of the traversers or owners, and thereby
preserve her American character, and was authorised so to
do at the time of his departure from Baltimore, by the own­ers
in case of a sale, then the owners co-operate in the out­ward
voyage by affording this additional security, and such
co-operation is an employment of the vessel by them m the
slave trade, and subjects them to the penalties of the act of
Congress. , , '.'...
In order to find the defendant guilty under the indictment
in this case, the jury must find before or at the time the ves­sel
left the United States, the traverser had an intention to
employ her in procuring negroes from Africa to be transport­ed
to some other place to be sold or held as slaves, and this
\ ) N
134 T B E B M i N C I PA
December 19, 1839.
must be a fixed intention, not conditional or contingent and
depending on some future arrangements—The case was
giv-en to the jury, who were out at the time of adjournment
of the court 7 o'clock Friday evening.
The Jury came into court on Saturday, stating that they
could not agree, whereupon they were dismissed by thc court
and a new trial ordered.
From the New Orleans True American.
Move of MLx. Consul Trist.
H A V A N A , Sept. 28th, 1839.
Dear Sir .—Enclosed you have a copy of Dr. R . R.
Meddfn'e letter to m e of the 6th inst., which I opeMjdlb.
published in your respectable newspaper. Tins gentleman
iende-ed great and benevolent services in the affair of the
crew of the American ship William Engs that so much
noise has been made about in consequence of the neglect of
they are doomed to slavery, who can tell their sufferings 1
tney areuoointu iu oi^.i-.j, ... — -. „,... -
Will not revenge be sweet to the Spaniards 1 Will not
Montez and Ruiz remember the Amistad, the prosecution,
the jail, the disgrace 1 „
0 let it never be, nor let them be sent back to 1 1^ ana
for execution. But if it must be, let Christians, let the ge­nius
of humanity and liberty, let the protecting ange of our
country, let us all sit down mourning » sack-cloth and ashes
Yet rather, let us know, that Cinque, Grabaung, Mergroo
one, all, lie by the side of Kaperi and his companions, sleep­ing
on in quiet, till the day of ,udgment.--Ohri«tians re­member,
when you pray, these sons and daughters of abused,
bleeding Africa. •BE'1A-November
24, 1839.
Our own Executive Committee have now put forth their call.
The suggestion was first made by a benevolent friend in a
neighboring city, who said that heretofore he had alway
been able without inconvenience to make his donations in
cash, but at present it was impossible. W e hope, notwith­standing
the close of navigation, that many who still have
ck-cfotb and ashes. 1 access to thc city, will show the reality of their friendship,
by giving of such things as they have. There are many
ways in which articles of almost any description can be dis­posed
of to advantage, and essential aid afforded to the cause
at the present crisis.
From the New Haven Daily Heiald.
M E S S E S E O I T O R S — I observed with surprise in the Herald
of Saturday, that you appeared to give credit to the statement
t to pass over 1 which has appeared in some of the papers, that the fcxtcu-in
consul, and it would tie unju. j ^^ ^ ^ \fatri. ^ ^ ^ decided tbat lhe Africans of
acts of kindness in silence.
I am, dear sir,
Yours, most truly
the Amistad should be delivered up on the claim of the Span-h
minister. . , , ,
It is impossible that any such decision can have been made
informed that only one pair of shoes were I by the President.
T H E ABOLITION VOTE IN N E W Y O R K . — O u r friends
abroad, *nd some of our enemies, are not correctly informed
as to the result of the independent anti-slavery nomination
in this city at the last election. The official report of the
canvassers is before us, from v-nich it appears that James j Harrigon> a n u n o w by electing a nullifying slaveholder, Irom
G. Birnev, the anti-slavery candidate for Senator, received
General Harrison.
Many have supposed that it might be expedient for the
Executive Committee to interrogate General Harrison,
now that he is the recognised candidate for the Presidency,
with some prospect of election ; to learn his views with re­spect
to the abolition of slavery. But where is the use 1
It is true, we rejoice in the rejection of Henry Clay, be­cause
he is a slaveholder, and a defender of slavery. Gen.
Harrison, we know is not a slaveholder. Neither is Mr. Van
Buren. But no one thinks it necessary to interrogate Mr.
Van Buren. Why 1 Because !»is principles are known to
be in favor of the ascendancy of the S L A V E P O W E R . But
are those of Gen. Harrison any less sol He is the man of
his party, and that party have shown the absoluteness of
their subserviency, by nominating a slaveholder, a peculiarly
bi'TOtted devotee of slavery on the same ticket with Gen
awake on this point. Thc following anecdote, given rne by
men who were present on the occasion, speaks for itself.
-The exercise of judicial powers has^not
I am well informed tnat oniy one v*n «• """V",.""I I Z\"'~~kY'•*'.'„ ,y,P F.xecutive bv the Constitution. The
furnished those poor sufferers by the American consul, during Je£ £ n f i ^ ^ lh A f n.
the whole time they were in prison . «»y K ^ ^ b g s e n [ . ^ tQ suffer death or hopelcss slavery
H A V A N A , 6th Sept. 1839. in Cuba is, that the Spanish Treaty requires that all ships
fotrer of Ibis morning's date, I and merchandize, rescued from ...rates or n
DUeCaUrI SViIrI:.— In1 » 'reTplJy to •y»o.u r ,!,„ lihoratinn hhiOghT sSeeaaSs,, O&CcC., SIBIL DC lts.uivu .« — r t
respecting the steps taken by me to V™™**™?*™* S00n as due and sufficient proof AM be ^.™™™***
and otherwise ass,st the m e n of the " ^ " • E n g s , com ^ ^ „ ^ ^ ^ f j by . d d
ply with your request, though unwilling to ha f ,/ _._J
any trifling efforts of mine in their behalf.
In the month of February last, I heard of eight or nine
men, speaking our language, and, consequently, either
in the C L .
I went the follow­ing
our language, auu, ..»»..-, , .
Enalish or Americans, being in the Cabanas, workedjn
ins with the other felons in that place.
ina day to ascertain the truth of this account, accompanied
bv° Mr Norman. I found the m e n alluded to breaking stones
in the broiling sun about noonday. I think this party con­sisted
of nine men ; six of these told m e they were English­men,
one a Swede, and two we.e Americans. lhey all
said, however, they had come here in American vessels a
sailors. They were all remarkably well behaved, decent
looking men. They were in rags, and, with one or two ex­ceptions,
without shoes, the want of which they complained
of greatly ;—they all looked sickly and sorrowful enough
and the hardships tkey were undergoing, and the deepen of
over getting out of the Cabanas, were sufficient to make
them so. I then gave them what assistance I could afford,
shall be restored to the true proprietors, as
'he
id
uffici'ent'Jroor is no" part of the duty of the Executive
and promised not to lose sight of them.
They said they had nothing to expect from any other
quarter; they had received some time before three or tour
pair of shoes from the American consul, but they had been
worn out long ago. They had been in the Cabanas six
months, and were condemned to different terms of imprison­ment,
and hard labor of two, four and six years It was
quite evident to me, as a medical man, from their boks and
evident exhaustion, not one of the party would reach the end
of the two, four and six years labor, under the burning sun
of Cuba : some of them, indeed, would not live the winter out.
I determined to do all in m y power to get them out, whether
thev were Englishmen or Americans ; they were strangers,
and were in trouble, and as far as I could learn there was
no one to get them out of it; and this was quite claim enough
for any person of common feeling, who might have seen
them in ihe situation I did. At that time there were two
British vessels of the line here I immediately wa.ted upon
Capt Henderson, of the Edi.iburg, the senior captain, and
W i r e d him to apply for their liberation. H e promised m e,
after staling some difficulties, to do so. However, in a
couple of days, I found Capt. Henderson had been making
cear nri.nj, •_ and. to
pertains exclusively to the cognizance of the Judiciary as
well by the 20th article of the Spanish Treaty itself, which
eives ''free access by the inhabitants of either country to
the courts of justice of the other for the recovery of their
properties," as by the Constitution of the United S ates,
which provides that " the judicial power shall extend to all
cases in the law and equity, arising under the Constitution.
& c , of the United States, and treaties made under their au-
1 When cases involving not only the rights ef property, but
of personal liberty also, shall be taken from the Courts and
decided without a hearing and without an appeal, by the
Executive of the United States, the people of this country
will hold their liberties by a much feebler tenure than they
have hitherto supposed. «>„„.„
Such a power has never yet been assumed by any EiXecu-tive
of the United States, and it is not believed that it ever
will be,
roagammgjii itm^iwi wwr^gg
A.
263 votes in N e w York, and 18 in Brooklyn, besides one
given for J. G. Birney, making a total of two hundred and
eighty-two votes,—out of 45,073. Those who are accus­tomed
to despise the " day of small things" in moral enter­prises,
will put their own construction ; they have the facts.
THE YOUTH'S CABINET—A Prwen*.—Mr. Southard has
leiy judiciously adopted the practice of keeping on hand a
number ol copies of each number of his valuable little paper,
so as to have volumes complete for binding. W e know, by
a little domestic experience, that such a volume is an in­valuable
treasure to a juvenile host, and we therefore coidially
recommend Br. Southard's Cabinets of Moral and Social
Improvement, as among the very best presents that can be
made to children by parents, or other friends, at the coming
hdidays.
For sale at No. 9 Spruce street. Price, bound, $1. 59.
NEXT WEEK.—We have partly in type a charming letter
from the beloved Charles Stewart, written in Jamaica, in
October—gushing out with all thai is delightful and holy in
sentiment, as might be expected. W e have, in the same
condition, a report of the first of six Lectures of George
Thompson, on British India, delivered in Manchester in No­vember.
slavebreeding Virginia, for Speaker.
But we submit, fariher, that Gen. Harrison's principles
are already well known by his deeds, of which we find the
following summary in the Rochester Freeman.
In December, 1802, while Governor of Indiana Territory,
he was president of a convention of the people of that terri­tory,
held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Congress a memo­rial
of the convention, praying that the sixth article ol the
" Ordinance of '87," which prohibited slavery there, i ight
be suspended. (See A m . State papers, 1803.) His efforts
to make Indiana a slave state were prosecuted lor years
while he was Governor of that territory.
In 1819 Feb 16, Gen. Harrison voted as a member ol
the House'of Representatives, against a clause prohibiting
the further introduction of slavery in Missouri: and against
a clause for the further emancipation (at 25) of slaves born
within that state. Two days afterwards he voted against
a clause prohibiting the future introduction of slavery into
Arkansas, and against the future emancipation of slaves
born in Arkansas. ,
So basely did he bow to slavery, that even Ohio was shock­ed.
He was indignantly rejected at the next congressional
election in 1852. The National Intelligencer of Oct ZU,
1822 says • " It is confirmed to us, that Mr. Gazelv is
elected in opposition to General Harrison. A friend informs
us, which we are sorry to learn, that he was opposed particu­larly
on account of his adherence to that principle of the Con­stitution
which secures to the people of the South their pre­existing
rights." It seems, then, that General Harrison
claimed for the South, the right to fasten slavery upon any
soil which the nation might have or purchase.
In a company of ministers, after a public meeting in Lon­don
in favor of religious liberty, an American minister
present was asked, "Dr , how did you like our meeting last
night V "Very well," with commendation of the speakers
an°d their views, "but we have no such meetings in tbe U. S.
There the people have the full enjoyment of civil and
religious liberty," uttering himself in a tone somewhat con­gratulatory.
The Rev. Mr. T. significantly replied, "Well,
Dr, I am glad to hear that. So, then, we may conclude, may
e not, that slavery fo U. S. is abolished, and the colored
people are allowed their civil, religious, and natural rights 1"
The American was put to the blush—but soon recovered
himself enough to say b a c k - " W h y - I never thought ol
them .'" .
Let him that readeth understand. A minister of Christ,
the successful preacher, the zealous advocate of benevolent
enterprise, the pastor justly beloved and esteemed, con­fessing
that more than two millions of his fellow citizens,
writhing under the most cruel bondage, and from most of
whom the light of the gospel is shut out by law, had, in all
the sadness and horrors of their degradation, wholly escaped
his notice, and this too when speaking of those very things
of which they are robbed. "I never thought of them."
Well may foreigners exclaim, What a state of things
truly, when ministers, thc servants of Christ, can live in the
very Bight and midst of the abominations ot slavery, the
clanking chain, the deep-toned sigh, the protracted groans.
the shivering shrieks of the scourged men, and women, and
children, pouring their mingled testimony of horror and
blood upon the ear of the ministry, and around every com­munion
table in the land, and still withhold their protest,
and even complacently say as an apology, "Oi, I never
thouemt. of them." What a fact, touching the churches
and ministry in the U. S. In theirrich enjoyment of natural
civil and religious rights, the colored man cannot be included
—no, he must be the slave, aud wear out his life in unre­quited
toil, robbed of every thing. "So they wrap it up."
Yet foraetfuluess of the poor, the slave excepted, is not
the sin chargeable to the Ameiican churches; and the
tonaue and the pen of the ministry are employed promptly
in their behalf. Tho sin is the unrighteous classification of
poor • the rejection from the list the persons c
For ihe Emancipator. __
MISSION INSTITUTE, Nov. 22d, 1839.
Brother Leavitt,— Whilst travelling through the East, I
met with many brothers and sisters in Christ, who thought
it best to remain (in a condition which I call) silent, respect­ing
slavery. There is a thought which I have felt a wish to
present to some, if I could. W e can some times make our­selves
understand fairly, by pointing at an occurrence, as an
example of what we mean. Out of very many more than
I could write, I select the following, because it is just before
me.
the
THE EMANCIPATOR.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1839.
for tneir be
TH E 100,000 DOLLAR SUBSCRIP
TION ON T H E $100 PLAN.
In reply to the Appeal of the Finance Com­mittee
of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
" Will not 1000 men and women be found who
can pay into the treasury $ 100 each this year?"
Sixty-three pledges, amounting to $6,300 had
been received to the 12th of September.
No. 66. J. D., Montreal, L. C $100
Will our friends fill up the list'{
ciety, December 11th, 1839, the situation of
the Society's finances being under considera­tion,
it was
" RESOLVED. That a special meeting of the American
Anti-Slavery Society be held in the citv of New York, on
W E D N E S D A Y , T H E F I F T E E N T H D A Y O F JANU­A
R Y next, to provide means for carrying on the operations
of the Society.
"RESOLVED, That J. Leavitt, J. S. Gibbons, and S. E.
Cornish, be a committee of arrangements for the Special
Meeting."
In promulgating the above C A L L , the Com­mittee
of arrangements would merely observe,
that the Executive Committee have been con-
9v,e„,7l)l I Strained to the adoption of this measure bv
louna to jurr-see TTO uuit;i \.\ dy ui usccipc. m c u n ; ^
answer lor their being closelyTtopf Till a1 vessel'
send them away. Still, however, I greatly hope there may i c
be no impediment to their being allowed to enter the service s c a r c i t y OI m o n e y 111 the w h o l e country pre-on
their liberation. I a m quite certain that an application (vents the Spontaneous transmission of d o n a -
from you to the Captain General, would be considered as a 4- l uauoimsBiun ui uona-
Spirit of the Harrisburg Convention,
W e presume our readers of all politics, and of no politics,
who take an interest in public affairs, will be pleased to see a
few sketches of the proceedings in the late Whig Convention,
before and after so important a transaction as the setting aside
of Henry Clay. W e therefore present a few extracts from
the newspapers for this purpose.
Warsaw, N. Y, Convention Nomination.
W e learn that Mr.BiKNEY has sent in a letter of declina­ture
to the Warsaw Nomination Committee.
Revival in Baltimore.
The religious papers of different denominations have been
for some weeks much occupied and interested with the de­tails
of a great and powerful revival of religion among the
Baptists in Baltimore, under the preaching of E L D E R K N A P P,
of this State. The Baptist Record of Philadelphia, says,
'« Brother Knapp has preached 70 sermons within the last
. - > .u^f i*Q ha\e been baptized. The meet-in
that monumental city, oi tne rigiu aiauip. • •---'- «fthf>
From our knowledge of Brother Knapp's sincerity and
fearless integrity in maintaining the whole gospel, we pre­sumed
from the first, that even his anxiety to see a revival
in Baltimore would not deter him from pursuing his usual
course with regard to the sins of slavery and caste. And so
we find it. The Pennsylvania Freeman says,
" A Clergyman of the Baptist persuasion has been for
some weeks preaching in Baltimore, drawing around him
immense audiences, of all colors and classes, both bond and
free. Ha is bold, eloquent, and impressive—rebuking a
popularity-seeking and time-serving clergy—and denounc­ing
those who make merchandize of their fellow-beings as
' men-stealers.' In one of his sermons, he took up the sub­ject
of prejudice, and ' respect of persons,'and gave many
anecdotes, demonstrating the vincibility of prejudice against
color. Hft allows of no distinction in this resnect Jit rd.9,£jiv\i
Heaven. W e understand an extensive and almost unprece­dented
revival of religious feeling has resulted from his labors
ill wnicn ine nauuu uuguv ..u,« ~. t ...- , , . - j ,„ ,\,a
citHy eu phoans thhaed s bubujte lcitt tolef osplpaevrertyu nsiitnyc et oth aactt t iimne a ; p ubbulti ca nca paad- A n d the in8ensjbilrty of good m e n to ttie
dress from his political friends in Virginia, in 1836, says,
"he is sound to the core on the subject of slavery.
Under these circumstances, w e submit that conscientious
abolitionists are bound to regard the two parties and their
candidates as standing precisely on tho same ground-that
of unlimited subserviency to thc dominion of the S L A V O C R A C V.
It is true, Gen. Harrison's personal demonstrations are less ^
recent than Mr. V a n Buren's. But they are much stronger, ,
for Mr. V an Buren helped to send Rufus King to the U. S. |
Senate to oppose slavery in Missouri, and he has never
attempted to extend slavery to regions where it was already
abolished. Atid further, the demonstrations of the Harrison
party are more recent than those of the other. And if it is
said that w e should give the old General a chance to repent
of his pro-slavery, w e reply, that it belongs to the m a n who
repents to exhibit his own repentance Certainly, there are
no circumstances in the case which warrant tho slightest
presumptions in favor of his repentance. Let him or his
fri.nds, if they choose, show wherein his views now differ
to the conviction, that the cause they have espoused is by
Divine Providence, entrusted to their own guardianship,
and that for its success or failure their country and posterity
will hold them responsible.
and accumulating wrongs o
phenomenon
long continued
the colored man, is a nigral
INCIDENT;
On yesterday I saw a friend to w h o m I have been attach­ed
for years. I was his father's family physician, (in the
State of Tennessee) and gave medicine to the blacks who
nursed him. He is just up from the State of Arkansas.—
Whilst conversing with him, I felt the more inclined to ques­tion
him about the state of slavery, in that cotton region (at
the present hour) because I was acquainted with his entire
veracity. He told me, " Shortly before I left, there was an
occurrence took place, which made me feel very bad." This
occurence was as follows : Mrs. P is one of those
whose hospitality (or readiness to entertain) ffaability and
kindness, (.the world calls it) cause them to be praised by
those around them. She lives 5 or 600 yards distant from
my young friend's recent residence. A few months since,
she burned hoi black woman to death before one of her log-cabin
fires. She made other slaves tie her hands above, one
foot to each side of the fire, close enough to make the an­guish
protracted, but effectual. She was buried a few
minutes after dead. I asked what it was that made the mis­tress
so inveterate ? Answer. " It is supposed that it was
the connection between the slave and the master." Question.
How did the husband endure this transaction 1 (Ans.) " I
do not know : but I know be could not have said much ; for
a few months before he had whipped one to death, and buried
her within half an hour after her decease !" (Ques.) What
was done about these deaths 1 (Ans.) " Oh, nothing. It
was talked of a little in disapprobation. I heard my
uncle (a rich man living near) say, that the law was such,
the man might be prosecuted, if any one were so disposed:
but said, that he would not venture his ill will, and his en­mity,
in such a case." My young friend added, " I confess
that I felt very bad, when I saw that no one cared much
about it." Such incidents produce but little excitement,
where abolitionists do not live.
Lofty politicians do not with fury in the eye, call Mrs.
No proper effort should be spared, to arouse the ministers J p and h er demeanor, incendiary. I confess that there
in the U. S. to the just sensibility on this subject. While j is o n e thing belonging to m y eastern brethren, which (whether
thev slumber guilt accumulates at a fearful rate. In h ow t a m right or wrong) makes m e lean toward melancholy, when
many of your pulpits is the slave mentioned in the public U dunk of it. E 7 They really do advise against producing
prayers upon the Sabbath? W h o mentions his case in E X C I T E M E N T by speaking about meekness, mercy,gen-^
family praver1 What ministers are active in imparting L;e/J£SS) compassion, love to the poor, tenderness and pity 11
interest to'the monthly concert for the enslaved 1 I never \ u n ot lhe c a s e t00 plairi) t h at mercy, tenderness, and pity is
thought of the slave. T o very many, at the last .will Christ | b n exercise of heaven 1
° Inasmuch as ye did it not to them, ye did it not to me."
matter that his Excellency would be pleased to oblige vou
in acceding to. These poor people begged m e hard to plead
for them with you, and how can I plead for them better than
by putting their memorial into your hands 1" The memorial
was kindly sent, with a very strong letter, by Capt. Hender­son,
to the Captain General, and the result was the abridg­ment
of the term of confinement—one third of the time they
were sentenced to was taken off. This was not doing a
great deal—it was something, however, and I resolved in a
short time, to make another similar application.
The thing that seemed to m e n o w to be done was, by
enabling those men to procure some better diet than the
prison allowance, and also better clothing to sustain life, and
give them a better chance, at all events, of surviving through
the summer. What m y means allowed m e to do, I did from
time to time. I sent clothing for all, so far as shirts, shoes,
trovvsers. & c , and when I found the expense press a little
too much on m e , I raised a small subscription of about an
ounce ($17) a month, for whatever term they might remain
in confinement. I paid them the first month's subscription,
and before the next came due they were released by the
exertions, I believe, chiefly of yourself. Whatever assistance
they got from me, I beg distinctly to tell you, whether in
clothes or money, by m y written directions, was shared
amongst all, English and Americans alike, as you will find
by the two documents I send you, namely—the receipt for
the clothes signed by Broadfoot, and by a'copy of m y note
to him. * '
I send these because I heard from you that Clark had
stated Broadfoot had not shared the things by m y directions,
and farther in proof, such not being the case, I send you
Broadfoot's letter to m e respecting the money and clothing
in question, and tbat which Captain Babbit raised for them.
I think it would have been detestable to have made any
difference in such a case. What did it matter to m e where
these men were born 1 I knew where they would have died,
as I thought, if I had not interfered for them.
Yours, very truly.
_ _ R. R. M A D D E N.
To FERDINAND CLARK, Esq. Havana.
From the New Haven Record.
CAPTIVES O F T H E AMISTAD.
M R . PORTER,—
While in your city the other day, I visited the jail, and
spent an hour or two with the Africans. While sitting in
their school room, a little incident occurred, which interested
m e very much, at the time, and which I think will be inter­esting
to your readers, as throwing light upon their character.
One of the teachers asked a division of some five or six,
w h o m he was instructing, if they would like to go to Hava­n
a . — " Havana," each repeated. " Yes," replied the teach­er.
" N o , No," burst from every tongue, accompanied with
a most decided shake of the head, and shrug of the shoulders,
their countenances at the same time assuming an expression
of the deepest anxiety. One of them, at the same time rais­ing
his head, drew his hand across his throat, indicating the
fate they feared. Auother laid his arms across each other at
the wrists, exclaiming, " Havana, Pipi," i. e. Ruiz. Ano­ther
declared, by signs, that their legs were secured as well
as their hands. Another extended his arm violently, and by
bringing his thumb and finger together, imitated the snap­ping
of a whip, repeating "Pipi, Pipi." H o w strange it is
that they do not love Havana !
Pointing to them individually, and then away, the teacher
asked, " you, you, Africa, go V " Mendi 1" they inquired.
"Yes," was the reply, " Mendi;" i. e. D o you wish to go to
" Yes, yes," was the universal exclamation, and
tions to our treasury, without personal apph
cation, while the arrangements with the State
Societies, precludes us from the employment
of A G E N T S to make that personal application to
our members, which, when we could make it,
has never failed to afford us relief.
Under these circumstances, w e invite all the
members of the Society, including the officers
of all Auxiliary Societies, and delegations from
Auxiliaries, to meet in the city of N e w York,
on Wednesday, J A N U A R Y FIFTEENTH^
at 10 o'clock, A. M., " to provide means for
carrying on the operations of the Society."
JOSHUA LEAVITT, \ Committee
JAS. S. GIBBONS, > of
S A M U E L E. CORNISH, ) Arrangements.
DONATIONS IN KIND.
At a meeting of the Executive Committee
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Decem­ber
5, 1839, it was
" R E S O L V E D , That w e will invite donations
of goods, produce, and articles of use, the
avails of which may be appropriated to the exi­gencies
of this Society."
[Attest.] JOSHUA LEAVITT, Rec. Sec.
Mendi
their countenances kindled up with a n e w expression of joy.
After this, the teacher pointing first to himself and then to
them said, " I , yon, you, Mendi 1" At first they seemed
not perfectly to understand, and asked, "you, me, Mendi,
go 1" i. e. " Y o u go with m e to Mendi 1" " Yes," was re­plied,
" I, you, Mendi." ''Yes, yes," said all.—" But,"
proceeded the teacher, " I , you, Mendi,"—then putting on'a
stern, angry look, rising from his seal, and with arms folded
upon his breast, walking away, indicating neglect and ill-wiii,
— " then you so V he asked, turning towards them " No.'
no, NO,' was the repeated exclamation, " N o, so," said they',
" so," with the warmest expressions of kindness, extending
their arms, and then, as if embrac'ms: some object of affec­tion,
clasping it to their bosom " you so." One at the same
time raising his hand to his mouth, by signs promised to
provide food, and added in words, ' You Menca man, yan-dinguo,
yandinguo," i. e. good, good.—But even this was
not thc full expression of their feelings. All extended their
hands and grasping the teacher's gave a warm, and, I thought
a nmnful pledge, that they spoke the troth.
I am told, that not unfrequently similiar incidents occur.
As the teachers enter their room in the morning, many come
to shake hands, and greet them with a joyous "good mom-tag,"
and as they leave at night they go away with the warm
hearted " good bye," accompanied with the same outward
"expression.
There are among them some noble-looking, noble-spirited
men, to subdue whom would be no easy task. Cinqua Fu­ll,
Grabaung, Kim-bo, slaves? Ah, yes, it mav be. Obtli-ent
slaves;? No, never—at least so it seems to me.
The thought must distress every friend of humanity, that
these poor children of Africa may possibly be surrendered to
their pretended owners. If «uch an event takes place, and
Fundi*.
The remark is as true as it is trite, that the anti- slavery
cause cannot be carried forward without pecuniary means.—
And it is equally true, that its progress is in riact ratio
with the means employed. This throws a fearful weight of
responsibility upon those who have the money in their pos­session,
and yet withhold it from the cause. The Execu­tive
Committee are greatly cmb rrassedin their operations
for lack of funds. They are nnablo to seize upon and
wield those favorable opportunities to impress our principles
on the public mind, which Providence is constantly opening
before them, simply because abolitionists withhold their con­tributions
from our Treasury. For this reason, such books
as "American Slavery as it is," and Jay's View, so admi­rably
adapted to move the nation to an utter abhorrence and
speedy overthrow of the slavocracy, lie idle on our shelves.
W e are aware that the pressure in the money market is
great, yet we are equally persuaded that thousands of dollars
within the reach of the friends of the slave, and which should
be cast into his treasury, are lying idle. Many who might,
without embarrassment, forward to our Treasurer their dol-ar,
their five dollars, or their one hundred dollars, would,
we are persuadad, no longer refuse to do so, if they were
fully aware of the great good which might be accomplished
by a timely application of their funds. To all such we make
our appeal, and ask them, in behalf of outraged and plunder.
ed humanity, to put into the hands of the Executive Com­mittee
the means to enable them to strike more frequent and
effectual blows for the deliveraneo of our oppressed coun­trymen.
Let them forward their contributions by mail, to S.
W . Benedict, 143 Nassau street, N e w York. Let them not
withhold the sam because it may be small. Being shut out
from making direct and personaai pplication by agents,by the
resolution of the last annual meeting, and the action of most
of the State societies under it, we hope this request will not
be suffered to pass unheeded. Those who do not wish to
trust their money to the mails, will have a convenient oppor­tunity
to send it or to bring it, at thc time of the special meet­ing
of the Society in January. W e ask our friends to relieve
us in our necessities, F O R T H E C A U S E ' S SAKE.
And a correspondent of the Union Herald, speaking of his
passage up the North River a few days since, says,
" I was agreeably favored with the company of our beloved
brother Knapp from N e w York : he being on his return
from Baltimore, where he ha3 recently held a very successful
meeting, of about two months' continuance. He did not fail,
as we knew he would not, to preach the whole truth on the
subject of Abolition. He saw at first, there were some
symptoms of a mob, but the Lord prevented."
Now, we see how false and faithless is the slander that
Abolition is a hindrance to religion.
A letter from Brother Knapp, in the N. Y. Baptist Regis­ter,
giving an account of the work, makes no mention of the
Anti-Slavery bearings of his preaching. Indeed, we do not
know that such a statement could have found admittance in
the Register, for so unanimously are the churches of the
North opposed to slavery, that they dare not hear any thing
unfavorable to its continuance. Brother Knapp say's, that
over i00 were baptised.
" Many abandoned the theatre, the gaming-table, the cotil­lion
party, and their bachanalian revel, and came to the house
of God to hear the word of life. Rum-sellers began to com­plain
that their customers had left them, and that they were
ruined. Many stores were closed, and it became a common
answer, when any gentleman was inquired after, He has gone
lo Church"
H e publishes , also, the following letter of a young man,
written just after his baptism.
" Baltimore, Nov, 19th, 1839.
R E V . A N D V E R Y D E A R SIR—Inclosed you will find a bank
note for one thousand dollars, five hundred dollars of which
please appropriate to the order of foreign, and the other five
hundred dollars for the benefit cf domestic missions. You
having been the instrument, in God's hands, of awakening
m e from nature's darkness, to the light of divine truth, must
be m y apology for selecting you as the channel for transmit­ting
the inclosed donation, in place of m y sending it directly
to the agents of the different boards.
" A Y O U N G CONVERT."
CONTKIBUTIONS IN KIND.—In former times it was the gene­ral
practice of missionary societies, and other benevolent insti­tutions,
to solicit contributions in kind, because, in the scarcity
of money, incident to a young and growing country, multi­tudes
of friendly people can give the products of their land
or their labor, more easily than they ran give money. . The
present scarcity of money prevailing throughout the country,
and likely to continue for an indefinite period, must bring us
all back to more primitive usages, to barter trade and contri­butions
in kind. The State Executive Committees in
Maine and Michigan have already invited such donations.
'•"On the Side of his Oppressors there w a s P o w e r;
but he h a d no Comforter."
A correspondent who was recently atLaporte, Indiana, has
furnished us with the following narrative.
A colored barber, named Jefferson, was seized on the day
of my arrival, and dragged, vi et armis, before a Justice of the
peace, named Munday. Munday it was said, had prepared be­forehand
the certificate which was to consign the unfortunate
victim to interminable slavery. The proceedings before
Munday were had with closed doors—one Hopson, keeper of
the LaPorte Hotel, officiating as door-keeper. Jefferson as­serted
that he was free—told by whom he had been emanci­pated—
where his free papers were—and offered to remain
quietly in confinement, if time should be allowed him to fur­nish
the proof of his freedom. Hopson in the most insulting
manner ordered him to " shut his mouth, or he would mash
it for him."
These proceedings, by which a freeman was reduced to a
slave—whilst in the act of asserting his freedom, and offering
to produce ample proof of the truth of what he said—were
said by eye-witnesses to have occupied from 30 to 45
minutes. The unfortunate man, as soon as something like a
form was gone through, was at once thrown into a wagon
and driven away to the great slaughter-house of the bodies
and souls of men. What a transition to this poor, unpitied
man ! Reduced from the pleasing security of freedom to the
deep despair of slavery—all within an hour ! Reader, do
ponder on this case—make it for a moment the case of your
father, your son or yourself.
Some pity began to be felt for this poor man, but as is
most usual in sue!* cases, it came too late. Application was
made to an associate Judge, for a writ of Habeas Corpus —
but it was peremptorily denied.
If we in this country.were to hear of such a case in Eng­land,
or Scotland, or Ireland, or indeed in any European
government pretending to the least regard for the liberty of
its subjects, how astonished would we be at the enormity.
But here we have such scenes enacted in some parts of the
as a land almost everyday, and yet no one seems to think, that
people, we are eitherindiffereut to the cause of human liberty,
—or that we are corrupting ourselves by the odious system
of kidnapping, which is tolerated almost every where—or
that we are really losing a good reputation with our most
honest and worthy neighbors. Yet it is so—and it is a la­mentable
case. W e are losing reputation abroad every day
—what makes it still more lamentable is that by the wan­ing
of our self-respect we are becoming every day more
and more indifferent to the loss.
F r o m our L o n d o n Correspondent.
L O N D O N , Nov. 5, 1839.
My Dear Brother Leavitt,—It is now eleven A. M ,
and I can neither read nor write without the aid of artificial
light. November is a dark month for London. T he
atmosphere is so dense, that the thick smoke issuing from
the innumerable funnels in this immense city, does not
escape, but settles dmvn upon tho whole region, lavish of its
sr.ntv deuQaitaa. to thn verv serious inconvenience of both
to light the street lamps at mid-day. But of this, and ol
other numberless facts, events, characters, and scenes of
intense wonder, interest, reproof, instruction,and distress, and
pleasure, and anguish, and hope, and comfort, and joy, in this
great commercial centre, I have little heart to speak or
to write. And although becoming much attached to many
of those with w h o m I have formed an acquaintance, and in­creasingly
interested in the English character, m y feelings,
habitually, are very much like those of Nehemiah when his
countenance was sad before the king. The land, too, of my
"father's sepulchres" is deeply defiled by the "dark spirit of
slavery;" and h ow can I be glad, amidst the associations
which gather about me, with the groan? and the untold
sufferings of millions of m y fellow citizens in a brutalizing
bondage on the one hand, and on the other the indignation
of a just God gathering into a storm over m y beloved, but
exceedingly guilty country ; and the national and the State
legislatures, and the colleges and the churches, and the
ministry of the gospel of all denominations, taking the atti­tude
which induces the philanthropists of all other lands to
believe, and which justifies them in saying, "Well, after all
your pretensions, you are a slaveholding and a slavery-justi­fying
people—a nation corrupted." Nor does it at all
change the fact, or alleviate its bearings, to know and to
say, that other nations have their faults also. Make the
catalogue against them as black and as grievous as you can
in truth ; the ungrateful labor wipes no stain from our own
land, nor diminishes our guilt, nor propitiates for us, at the
bar of unbending justice. W e still present to the world the
anomaly of a people ptofessing the greatest freedom, and but
for the sad exception which the holding of m en as property
creates, in fact enjoying more of civil and religious freedom
than any other people, and at the same time actually sustain­ing
a system of the most revolting oppression and tyranny.
A Christian people involved in such guilt, should not expect
to escape censure, nor feel surprise when they are repre­sented
by persons in other climes, as "deserving the, indig­nant
scorn of a frowning and a laughing world."
I attempt no apology for m y country in respect to this
sin. It is a matter of deep regret that any christian, or
intelligent statesman has attempted to do this. Every
struggle in such an attempt, serves only to make the folly
and the guilt of the whole concern the more glaring, and to
sink both the apologist and his countrymen th2 deeper in the
mire. I prefer to be honest, and to admit facts as they are
known to exist, and to allow to every man the perfect right
to speak of slavery, and of the people who uphold it,
according to the truth. But I add, when speaking to an
Englishman—In America the negro race have been viewed
and treated as chattels, and as belonging to a class of the
human family descended from H a m , and doomed to perpetual
servitude by the curse of God, for the period of 219 years ;
n 167 of which years the poison of slaveholding was diffusing
itself over the whole population, while they were part and
parcel of the British empire ; and that British ships, under the
sanction of British legislation, conveyed to their colonies in
America as their cargo, legalized articles of merchandise, the
bones and sinews and blood of their fellow men, and this
for a long period. This fact is sure to touch an English­man's
heart. And an American's heart too, is touched,
when I hear as I often do, in the public prayers of dissent­ing
ministers, very fervent supplications for the abolition of
slavery in the U. S., and the deliverance of the C H U R C H E S
and the MINISTRY from vassalage lo its foul spirit, accom­panied
by the confession, " W e (thc English) taught it to them,
and it n ow becometh us as Englishmen, to assist them in
in putting away the abominable practice." To most whom
I have seen it appears insolvable that christians and churches
can possibly uphold the slave system. W h e n I reply, I will
neither explain nor excuse, but give you the fact that for
ages, and from infancy, the people have indulged the senti­ment
that the colored man belongs to a race distinct from the
white, and "born to be a slave,"—they respond—"Ah, now
I see it," and with a groan, usually a d d — " Y o u have a
mighty work before you, but you must succeed; slavery
cannot be much longer maintained in a Christian nation
we beg you to hold on, and may the Lord give success."
Feeling on this subject is very much increasing in Eng­land
and in Scotland, and I a m content to be an exile from
m y family, and from m y country for a season, "if need be,"
to increase the tide of a righteous abhorrence, and a holy
indignation against thc sin of holding man as property.
With intensity of feeling I a m often asked by the intelligent
and the religious, of different denominations, "Will the
American churches hereafter presume to send as delegate
to the churches in England, a m a n w ho is not known as an
abolitionist 1" It augurs well for the slave that inquiry is
83Y, »•
Many good men still believe that the Bible justifies the
holding of property in man. Some in England, good scholars
and pious men, and the foes of slavery to the very core
allow that the Law of Moses permitted the buying and
selling of men, as property. I recently met with a man of
this sort, who had just returned from the continent, and who
has very extensively travelled in thcU S. H e was surprised
that I should maintain that slavery was not justified by the
| Old Testament., I put intQ| ft. h.nd W e l ^ a b U a m c l e,
mistake—and firmly took the position that the whole Bible
was against slavery. He spoke of the argument in the
strongest terms of approbation, and was grateful that he had
been enlightened on this point. But we shall certainly pre­vail.
Dear brother, wield the pen—wield the press—and
let abolitionist3 be constant and mighty in prayer. J. K.
Letter from Gerrit Smith.
PETEKBORO', Dec. 3d, 1839.
Dear Brother Leavitt,—I am confident, that there is a
rapidly increasing neglect of the Foreign Mission cause
amongst abolitionists ; and that our anti-slavery press should
sound a note of alarm on this subject. Abolition will not be
like to prosper, if its advocates are so far " men of one idea,"
as to forget thc heathen of foreign lands.
inteYest in ihtf 't'ofe'lfl) IWlaVldrf RhfeVpHs^'! "Yt s'ufe'l'y ls^nof
because of their interest in the slave. Sympathy with tho
wretched and ruined of one race strengthens, instead of ex­tinguishing,
sympathy with the wretched and ruined of every
race. Why, then, I repeat it, are abolitionists losing their
former concern for the perishing heathen of other countries ?
Mainly, because they are ceasing to contribute of their sub­stance
to the temporal and spiritual relief of those heathen,
and because it is a law of our nature, that we cease to fee]
for those, w h o m w e cease to endeavor to relieve. Another
question, which then arises, is, why abolitionists cease to
make this contribution of their substance 1 This question
is answered by a reference te the fact, that neither the aboli­tionists
of N e w York or Boston furnish us with a channel,
through which w e can conscientiously and consistently pass*
our gifts to foreign missionaries. There are those in N e -
York, who can witness to m y own, and I k
many other's persevering efforts for the obtainment of si
a channel. But it is still refused us. May they, who are
especially bound to provide it, soon feel their responsibility
That the opposite to compassion
(which produced no excitement in Arkansas) is the food of
hell I Toward which would they advise us I Toward ex­citement,
or toward quietude ! O m y God, may I become
excited, for Jesu'ssake ! ! '.
In conclusion, may I not say to m y eastern brethren once
more, dear friends, if you had been at Mr. P 's a week
before the murder, and if you had sat down at one of those
smoking dinners, given with ease and hilarity, you might
have been ready to tell your neighbors (on reching N e w
England) (MMM neighbors if they believed vou) of^the hafg,
and of you it will surely be demanded, on which side did you
act 1 D. N.
for our lack of it.
W h y will not brothers Sunderland, Dunbar and Lewis
Tappan, or a few other such " good men and true," con­sent,
without another week's delay, to compose a " Foreign
Mission Committee," whose duty it shall be to receive dona­tions
for foreign missionaris.to transmit them according to the
directions of the donors, or, according to their own judgment,
in those cases where the donors express no choice amongst
the different stations or missionaries] They would make no
charge for their services. They would publish as often as
once in three months, an account of their receipts and trans­missions.
If this proposed " labor of love" were to increase
greatly upon their hands, as I doubt not it would, they
would employ an assistant, and pay his wsges out of their
receipts.
Will you not, m y dear brother, urge the speedy formation
of such a Committee \ If so humble an invocation would
avail any thing, I would beseech you in behalf of m y neigh­bors,
who love the heathen, but w h o cannot conscientiously
aid him through the existing Boards of Missions, to do what
you canto provide for their liberality an acceptable way of
access to the benighted nations of the earth. I have ceased
to hope, that these boards will, at any very early period, dis­solve
their connexion with slavery. Instead of declaring
with God, that they "hate robbery for burnt offering," they
will continue to receive the wages of robbery from the hand
of the slaveholder. They will continue to despise the crush­ed
slave—and, because they despise him, to participate in
southern plunder. They will, of course, deny, that they are
actuated by a contempt of him. But until they make us be­lieve,
that they would persevere in their past course, even if
their o w n children were the slaves of the South, and even if
their own children's tears and b'ood were upon the plunder,
which they welcome ; w e will insist, that it is in a spirit of
contempt of the slave, that they have struck hands with the
slaveholder. That the brethren who compose these boards
are Christians, I do not doubt. But, may you and I ever be
saved from imbibing that part of their religion, which has
choked their humanity.
There are many abolitionists, who will continue to make
slavery-sanctioning Boards of Missions the almoners of
their country. So too, there are many abolitionists, who
continue to vote for pro-slavery men, and what is even more,
to attend on the preaching and contribute to the salaries of
pro-slavery ministers. So, too, there are many abolitionists
who patronize pro-slavery colleges and pro-slavery theoiogi
cal seminaries ; and many too, who consent to worship in
houses where the awfully wicked arrangement of the " negro
pew" is still maintained ; and there are, also, many who call
the slaveholder a thief, but who, nevertheless, buy his stolen
rice, sugar, and cotton, and that too, simply because they
can buy them cheaper, than if wages had been paid for their
production. I can but lament over such inconsistencies,
and repeat what in substance I have often said—that, if aboli­tionists
would put them awav, they would thereby remove
the chief impediments in the way of our cause. W e can
triumphantly encounter the opposition of our foes :—but, in
view of the inconsistencies and infidelity of our friends, we
become faint-hearted and despondent.
With great regard, your friend and brother,
G E R R I T SMITH.
For the Emancipator.
T h e Clinton Female Institnte.
Mr. Editor,—An article in the Colored American of Sat­urday
week may have brought to your consideration a much
neglected though very important subject. I allude to the
article headed Female Education. The only avenue re­maining
open to the elevation of that class of people for
whom you, Mr. Editor, together with many thousands have
expressed so much sympathy, is in danger of being closed.
What I mean when I say the only avenue to the elevation
of our people is, that all of your endeavors to raise the co­lored
man must ultimately be fruitless unless w e have edu-w
l t n ' l o ^ ^
l^tf TV*"^ d°°rS ben)" Wr6d ^abst female, Th«i institution is at present under the charge of the
Kev. 11. H. Kellogg, who has received a call to the Presi-dency
of a College in Illinois, which he has accepted, and
tne blocking up of the avenue means that he N O W offer
for sale his institution. Should no one apply, he must close8
.1; and with it is closed the only avenue to the elevation of
our people, if he disposes of it to a person who i, not our
friend. Then will be torn down the ladder .y which we can
hope to be elevated. I am aware that our friends have said
and done much for us. Still there remains one thing and a
very important thing to be done, and that is tee opening of
institutions of learning for our reception. Much might be
said upon this subject, but such was not m y intention ; but I
hope, Mr. Editor, that you and your friends will not let this
now not how matter rest here. I have wrote this simply to introduce it, and
- to bring ,t to the consideration of those who have not thought
seriously upon the ssbject, to assure them that it is an important
subject, which if suffered to pass heedlessly and the institution
be closed or pass into the hands of one who is not our friend
,t will retard the progress of the great work which you have
so earnestly engaged in. I write from feeling, and oh, that 1
could write all I feel, and make you feel directly upon this
subject, connecting its importance with the success of your
meritorious enterprise. In conclusion I will hope that there
is a friend amongst the numerous friends of the colored
man who will take the charge of this institution, so that those
who have been and are connected there, together with those
who have calculated upon it, may not oe disappointed in their
honorable expectations. T\
N e w York, December 5th, 1839.
For the Emancipator.
Cotton—Increase of " F o r c e " — W h i t e m e n W j r k -
ins, & c .
ilfr. Editor,—In a mercantile circular dated Mobi'e, Nov.
20th, I find the following extract, which will interest many
of your readers :—
" In Mississippi the Choctaw Indians are employed in
picking (cotton; at 62J and 75 cents per 100 lb., and in
some cases one half (of the picking) has been offered.
"The natural increase of negroes require an annual in­crease
of open land, and as before remarked, the season was
fine for clear.ng and preparing new lands for use. Scarcely
any slaves have been this year brought into this State and
Mississippi for sale, yet the number has been increased by
their introduction with families and by divisions of the estates
in those parts of the Union from which the planters emigrat­ed,
to an extent quite equal to the loss by removals to Texas
and other States.
" The negroes brought into this State and Mississippi for
the last five years have had as large a proportion of the
young as could be procured, and lhe yearly increase of force
in this way has been considerable, without an increase of
numbers. A large planter in Green County has said, that
force or power of the negroes had doubled in five years, or
rather that the same negroes could cultivate double the quan­tity
of land."
" It has been remarked by tho^e who have been in the
country, that a much larger proportion of the white popula­tion
than heretofore have been at work upon the plantations.
The support of their families and a desire to relieve them­selves
of debt, has induced many, formerly in other employ­ments,
to make cotton."
H o w many reflections are started by the facts contained
in the above slaveholder's circular ! s. A.
LIBERTY.—Civil liberty, rightly understood, consists in
protecting the rights of individuals by the united force of
society Society cannot be maintained, aud of course can
exert no protection, without obedience to some sovereign
power. And obedience is an empty name, if every indi­vidual
has a right to decide h o w far he shall obey.—Black- I observe, that w e do not think our correspondent is in anv
sfrtTi* j , # " *
danger of being brought into the dilemma be refers to,—.
For the Emancipator.
Mr. Editor,—The recent nominations at Harrisburgh
place abolitionists in a dilemma that will be very obvious
to every one, and should remove the objections that many
have to our making nominations for ourselves. Should Gen.
Harrison avow himself a decided abolitionist, w e are bound
by our promises and our obligations to the slave to tote for
him, or the genllemen who may compose the Harrison
electoral ticket, and then w e are obligated not to vote for
the ticket, because in so doing we should as directly vote
for Mr. Tyler, who is a slaveholder, as w e should for Gen.
H. the abolitionist. The names cannot be separated, we
must vote for both or neither.
Will Mr. Lewis Tappan please inform us what w e must
do in such an emergency. ft,
[The above inquiry comes to us from an unknown source.
W e will not anticipate Mr. L. Tappan's answer, but barely
stone.
December 19 1839. T II MAJTOIPAT •SMS
"should Gen. Harrison avow himself a decided abolitionist." I mode by which Congress can best reach these evils. That
In the selections on the "Spirit of the Convention" on our tae truc interests of our country, of humanity, and of civihza-first
page, he will see that the delegate from Missouri pledges
the gratitude of his State to the General, for his efficient
services to her when she was struggling to get into the
Union—with the load of slavery on her shoulders. The
"Great Compromise" was well supported by Gen. H. in
that day, and we presume there is no evidence of his having
repented of his participancy in the transaction which bound
this nation as a vassal to the triumphal car of an overbearing
SLAVOCRACY.
MoNTPELlER, VT. DECEMBER 8th, 183§.
Brother Leavitt,
I understand that one H. W . W . Miller, formerly of Ca­lais
in this State, no*v of Moretown, is travelling as an anti-slaverv
lecturer in Vermont ; that he reports himself as an
agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and has in se­veral
places taken collections in that character. I will take
as a great favor to be offi ially apprised of the truth in the
premises.
Our next State annual meeting will be at Randolph Cen­tre,
on the 15th and 16ih days of January.
Yours for the slave,
— C. L. KNAPP
REPLY.
I hereby certify, that I have examined thc records of the
Executive Committee, and do not find that the said H. W .
Miller, was ever appointed an agent, or in any way authorised
to lecture, collect funds, or act in any capacity for the
American Anti-Slavery Society, and that he has no such
authority, and never had. He has repeatedly applied for
such an appointment, and on his last application, was express­ly
and definitively referred to the Stale Society to act in the
premises.
JOSHUA LEAVITT, Rec. Sec.
N. B.—The public will not confound H. W . Miller, with
Col. J O N A T H A N P. M I L L E R , of Montpelier, the Greek hero,
and a well known trusty abolitionist.
&iie S t a t e s.
Maine.
The following advertisement, which appeared in the Port­land
Advertiser of Oct. 22d, has just met our eye. It lets
in a little light upon the " oppressions done under the sun"
by the help of our glorious union It also shows to our
white readers a glimpse of the awful condition in which our
colored neighbors live fro n day to day, constantly in danger
of losing their wives, or their sons, or their daughters, or of
being themselves inveigled or dragged into a state of slaveiy
worse than death, and all in tho midst of eivilized communi­ties,
where there are laws, and where public opinion frowns
upon the slightest oppression done to the poor and helpless
in all other cases. W e also hope the publication of the no­tice
in this paper may possibly overtake this M A R S H A L S.
H O W E , of the U. S. army, (an honor to t le name of soldiei .')
and lead to the escape of poor Austin Cavey out of the
jaw* of the bear.
" M A R S H A L L S. H O W E , formerly of Standish in this State
but now in the army of the United Statcs, and settled with
his family in the State of Missouri, has recently been in this
State, and has induced a colored man of the town of Gor-ham,
to accompany him on his return as a servant to Mis­souri.
The name of the man is Austin Cavey. This is
a strange affair, and not easily explained, especially when it
l'l aPs'ia1J%ttfc4J^:lt Missouri is a slave Slate, and Mr. Howe
colored man • W e t.elieve it is unpresedented lor a sum-holder
to keep free negroes as servants. Besides do the
laws of Missouri allow free blacks to settle in the State?—
W h a t security can this colored man have that he will not be
made a slave 1"
" C A L E B HonsoN."
Our friends, Codding and Remond, tbe agents of tae Maine
A. S. Society, are pursuing their successful career, in the
tion demand of the Federal Government the exercise of their
constitutional powers, over these subjects, I have no doubt:
and if by answering these questions affirmatively I may be
understood as saying merely, that Congress ought imme­diately
to institute and firmly to proceed in, a course of
legislation which shall abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia and the slave trade between the states, in the
speediest and most effectual manner,—with a due regard to
the rights and best interests of all concerned and an°aim to
the final overthrow of the whole system of slavery in this
country, as well as'to the lasting preservation of the Union—
then I cheerfully say, in reply to those questions, Y E S .
The Rev. Rodolphus Dickinson, the democratic candidate,
has resided some years in South Carolina ; and his reply is
quite summary.
' I have concluded summarily to remark, that the inquiries
are so expressed, as to render a simple response to them im­practicable,
without exposure to great misconceptions ; and
that a full discussion of the several subjects would involve
multiplied considerations, and require access lo documents
and authorities not at present available, as well as the occupa­tion
of time, which cannot now be spared from other avoca­tions,
to do justice to the various views that are entertained :
and even were the former difficulty removed, and could I
trust myself with the exisling means of information, to hazard
a grave disclosure of my views on points of such immense
magnitude, it is still doemed a sufficiei.t apology for declining
the service requested, that the answers could not be made
in season for the use, or to accomplish the purposes intended
by thai class of our fellow citizens in whose name the ques­tions
are proposed, or else, would be far too voluminous for
immediate publication."
Of course, a gentleman who knows so much about slavery
that it could not possibly be printed, and yet knows so little
that he cannot make up his mind what to think of it. must
have large views—of office. The other man, who think*
that the horrors of slavery in the Federal District and of the
inter-state skve trade are necessary to be continued indefinite­ly
for the sake of promoting the ascendancy of the Whig
party, is an equally hopeful statesman for the times. Why
do not the abohtio.iists concentrate their votes on some
man who is less a partizan than a friend of human rights]
At present, we find such paragraphs in the local party papers,
as the following from the Greenfield Courier, Dec. 10.
"And now what do we see 1 The travelling agent of
one of the irregular candidates, who firmly believes that
slavery is a divine institution, uniting with his fellow dis-orgamzer,
whose very blood chills at the thought of Mr.
Baker's views upon slavery, and who grounds his opposition
upon these views, in getting up a meeting of those opposed
10 M r Baker's election. Politics do, indeed, make strange
bed-fellows'." 8
New York.
Our friends in the interior of the State seem to have been
very independent in their independent nominations, In Flor­ence,
Oneida Co., William L. Chaplin received 35 votes for
Assembly in place of D. J. Millard. J. C. Delnog had 35
votes for senator.
Spencer Kellogg received 18 votes more than the highest
on the whig ticket, and 8 more than the highest on the repub­lican
ticket, owing to some striking off N Dawley, and C A.
Mann, and inserting Spencer Kellogg, thereby showing their
preference for a friend to the liberty of speech, over those
on their own ticket, who have been guilty of locking up
churches against free discussion, aud encouraging mobs."
In Ontario Co., Mr. Sibley received the support of the
abolitionists (the whig senator,) and also Mr. Taylor, one of
the whig assemblymen. The other two whig assemblymen
were considered pro slavery, and the abolitionists put up two
candidates, only a few days before the election, and one of
thea, rernived 316 votes, the other 334.
This was more than was expected unaer cirom; v.,.^...,.
stances. Having no press of our own, and being depend"Wt
on pro-slavery machinery to do our work, & c , our ticket got
in circulation rather late. You may say to our friends in the
eastern part of the stale, that they may draw on Old Ontario,
in 1840, for her proportion of fifteen thousand abolition votes
in the slate, and we will honor the draft.
O S W E G O C O U N T Y . — A n intelligent and devoted friend of
W e had a great advantage by having a clean ticket—the
only one, I believe, in the State, unless you had such an one
in your citv. [ W e had not, quite. Ed.1 Our vote is double
that of last year, when we amalgamated, as to part of the
ticket, with the whigs. This year our vote was 240, clear.
Every possible influence was brought to bear upon us, yet
we beat both parties, one out, the other in, each party
electing one candidate for the Assembly. W e are regularly
org:.-HJ2