The Virtual Knowledge Centre to End Violence against Women and Girls is an online resource in English, French and Spanish, designed to serve the needs of policymakers, programme implementers and other practitioners dedicated to addressing violence against women and girls. The Centre is an initiative of UN Women, bringing together the valuable contributions of expert organizations and individuals, governments, United Nations sister agencies, and a wide range of relevant actors. Part of the overall effort is encouraging shared ownership of the site and ongoing partnership-building for its continuous development and sustainability.

The recent and dramatic changes in Tunisia since the Jasmine Revolution have brought new challenges for its citizens and for its women in particular. Tunisian women, long considered the most liberated in the Arab-Muslim world, are now seeing a growing conservative mind-set spreading across the country. The more frequent appearance of women wearing headscarves and men sporting beards in public, if only an outward symbol of Islam, is unusual behavior in the traditionally secular, post-independent Tunisia. This more conservative phenomenon, although not the primary driver of the recent revolution, has secured a legitimate place in Tunisian society since January 2011. Many Tunisian feminists and NGOs fear that this legitimacy will eventually threaten women's active participation in public and private life, legally guaranteed through the 1956 Code of Personal Status (CPS). In this paper, we examine pre- and post-revolutionary Tunisia to understand the importance and influence of the rising tide of conservatism and its potential impact on women's rights. Two principle questions frame this study: (1) what factors have prompted the re-emergence of the more religiously based conservatism in secular Tunisia in recent years? and (2) will the new Tunisia safeguard the CPS through its transitional period and thereafter? The authors use an interdisciplinary approach in their study, integrating Tunisia's unique past – grounded in historical, political, and socio-economic events and conditions – with the interviews of 33 citizens prior to January 2011, and then evaluate the post-revolutionary events in light of the former. The analyses reveal that before January 2011, the more conservative behaviour was linked to the present-day challenges and global developments, and not necessarily to a deep-rooted Islamic practice and/or religiosity. Since the revolution, however, the legitimate acknowledgement of certain Islamic practices and movements, previously banned over a period of 50 years, has created an audible voice in the public arena which, in turn, has created a renewed and heightened concern about the possible deterioration of women's rights.

In September 2011, a woman by the name of Shiela Macapugay hid a .38 caliber gun in the lining of her bag that was undetected by the security in the mall where her husband was working. She fired a fatal shot at her husband and in her attempt to kill herself immediately thereafter, also killed the security guard who tried to stop her from committing suicide.

The demise of Macapugay’s husband was not a simple but common occurrence. Her husband abandoned her and their child to be with another woman, and denied them of support. These are acts of violence against women protected by Republic Act No. 9262, otherwise known as the Anti-Violence Against Women and Children Act of 2004. Sheila Macapugay is now facing charges of both parricide and murder for the tragedy. If convicted, she will suffer a fate of imprisonment, reclusion perpetua. Fortunately, because of RA 9262, she has a defense available. Her counsel may present evidence that she was suffering from Battered Woman Syndrome (BWS), a justifying circumstance under RA 9262.

Notably, years ago before there was RA 9262, a policewoman, who was battered by her husband, shot him. She pleaded guilty, and years later, was released on parole. Such case would have been a good test case for BWS as a defense but there was no RA 9262 then. This paper will discuss the legal concepts, as well as the issues and problems of BWS as a legal defense, and the role of psychiatrists, psychologists, barangay officials and counselors. Macapugay’s case has been witnessed by society and jurisprudence since time immemorial, and now, it is a good test case to use the innovations created in RA 9262.

To view this publication, click the first link, titled "A Closer Look At Forced And Early Marriage In African Immigrant Communities In New York City."

The purpose of this report is to inform emerging policies and practices on early and forced marriage by highlighting the lived experiences of African immigrant and refugee girls and young women in New York City. Sauti Yetu supports policies and practices that are informed by the diversity of experiences in which early and forced marriage occurs across a variety of immigrant communities that protect the health, well-being, and futures of immigrant young women.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

This study adds to research on family court’s response to custody in the context of intimate partner abuse (IPA). Mediation is often used to assist family court with custody negotiation; however, debate exists in the field regarding its use when IPA exists. The following study examines experiences with court mediation among a sample of victimized mothers who divorced abusive husbands. Mixed-method data were collected from 19 women. Findings demonstrate that abuse is rarely considered in custody recommendations, as most court mediators prefer joint custody. Implications for the ongoing debate, as well as future directions for research, are discussed.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

Definitions vary on what constitutes sexual and/or physical abuse, and scholars have debated on which methods might yield the most accurate response rates for capturing this sensitive information. Although some studies suggest respondents prefer methods that provide anonymity, previous studies have not utilized high-risk or stigmatized populations. In this article, the authors report on serendipitous findings when using two methods to assess the past year incidence of sexual and physical violence among women involved in the criminal justice system. Women who participated in an anonymous survey reported higher physical and sexual victimization than did the women who were interviewed, even though the questions were identical. Implications of the findings are discussed.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

Once an intervention has been found to be effective, it is important to examine the processes and factors within the program that led to its success. The current study examined survivors’ reflections on the Community Advocacy Project, an empirically supported intervention for women with abusive partners. The study examined the service delivery processes that survivors affirmed or identified as core components of the intervention. Qualitative analysis of interviews with 51 survivors indicated that 3 main service delivery elements contributed to positive outcomes: orientation to the whole person, unconditional validation and acceptance, and an orientation to information provision and action. These overarching themes are described and implications for domestic violence services and dissemination are discussed.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

This study sought to extend our understanding of the mechanisms by which intimate partner violence (IPV) harms women economically. We examined the mediating role of job instability on the IPV–economic well-being relationship among 503 welfare recipients. IPV had significant negative effects on women’s job stability and economic well-being. Job stability was at least partly responsible for the deleterious economic consequences of IPV, and the effects lasted up to three years after the IPV ended. This study demonstrates the need for services and policies that address barriers to employment as a means of improving the economic well-being of low-income women with abusive partners.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

As empirical evidence has demonstrated the pervasiveness of sexual assault and intimate partner violence in the lives of women, and the links to poor mental health outcomes, attention has turned to examining how women seek and access formal help. We present a conceptual model that addresses prior limitations and makes three key contributions: It foregrounds the influence of social location and multiple contextual factors; emphasizes the importance of the attainment of effective formal help that meets women's needs and leads to positive mental health outcomes; and highlights the role of interventions in facilitating help attainment. We conclude with research and practice implications.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

Family court often assists divorcing parties in establishing custody arrangements. Mediation is commonly used for custody negotiation; however, its applicability for cases involving intimate partner abuse (IPA) is debated. This study was designed to gain an in-depth understanding of abused mothers’ court mediation experiences and how those experiences impact future court help-seeking when the fathers of their children have been abusive to them. Most women experienced secondary victimization during mediation, which had a negative impact on their willingness to use the court in the future. Policy recommendations include screening for IPA, providing separate mediation sessions, and improving court mediators’ training.

This article presents the findings of a study on the Maria da Penha law, the first Brazilian law providing comprehensive measures to inhibit domestic violence against women. The objective of the study is to identify the main positions regarding the constitutionality of the Maria da Penha law (Law 11340/2006) in the Brazilian judicial system. By examining the arguments used in Courts of Justice, the authors show how the establishment of the law is not limited to the legislative act, and the Judiciary can be the stage for disputes.

This April, a fresh controversy related to gender politics took Polish media by storm. Jarosław Gowin, Poland’s current minister of justice and a Civic Platform politician, stated loud and proud that he would vehemently oppose the signing and ratification of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

Fourth article

This article builds on long-term research looking at violence against women in both war and peace, and recently gathered data regarding persistent failure to use policy as a tool to reduce such violence in Peru. The research shows that impunity and tolerance for violence against women persists despite a state that has actively intervened to eradicate such violence for some twenty years. Including the state as perpetrator of violence in the analysis of impunity helps understand the failure of policy and legislation. Moreover, the notion of patriarchy allows us to look at a historically shaped male-centered and sexist organization of state and society, and helps understand the ambiguities in contemporary policy and legislation.

This report, produced by the Pan American Health Organization, in collaboration with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, highlights that intimate partner and sexual violence against women is widespread in all Latin American and the Caribbean countries where survey data are available.

The 156 page report presents a comparative analysis of data from 13 nationally representative surveys from the region. The 122 tables and graphs present illustrate what is known about the prevalence, risk factors, consequences, and attitudes towards violence against women in these countries—including violence by intimate partners and sexual violence by any perpetrator.

This is the first time that nationally-representative data have been analyzed and presented in a single comparative format that allows readers a snapshot of what is known about violence against women across many different countries in the Region.

The report aims to raise awareness of violence against women within the LAC Region and around the world as a public health problem and a violation of human rights. By making it easier for readers to access comparable data on the prevalence, risk factors, consequences, and attitudes about violence against women, the authors hope to motivate decision-makers to invest more resources in evidence-based prevention and response strategies.

This paper examines the ECWR’s multi-faceted campaign to combat sexual harassment from 2005 to 2008. A timeline of the organization’s major events during this period is presented in Table 1. In examining the campaign mobilization, its framing of the issue, and its tactical repertoire, theoretical insight comes primarily from the literature on high-risk social movements (specifically those in authoritarian environments) and movements with cultural targets. We also draw from research on women’s organization in non-Western contexts and the role of globalization in creating awareness of women’s status in different societies.

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

The Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (‘‘Convention’’)1 joins a small number of treaties imposing specific obligations on member states to prevent and address violence against women. The Convention is notable both for its encapsulation of best practices in combating violence against women and for its confirmation that all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, are human rights violations for which states are responsible.

The Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (‘‘Convention’’)1 joins a small number of treaties imposing specific obligations on member states to prevent and address violence against women. The Convention is notable both for its encapsulation of best practices in combating violence against women and for its confirmation that all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, are human rights violations for which states are responsible.