Unending controversies over stipends

Tempers rose in the Niger Delta region recently over payment of monthly stipend by the federal government to ex-militants, Shola O’Neil who has been monitoring the friction reports

The controversy over the management of the amnesty programme by the Kingsley Kuku-led committee assumed a new dimension last weekend when former militants who are beneficiaries of the third phase of the scheme threatened a return to arm struggle in the creeks over perceived injustice in the execution of the programme.

A former militant and self-styled ‘Commander’, Great Godwin Anuke, told our reporter that over 1,000 of his members in Delta, Bayelsa and other states of the region are “very unimpressed with the lackadaisical attitude of the management of the programme” to their welfare.

The secrecy code

While some members of this group are still struggling to get into the system, those who are already beneficiaries are also crying foul over the implementation of the programme, particularly the recent delay in the payment of about N65,000 monthly stipend.

Our investigation revealed an air of cult-like secrecy about the disbursement of the fund and how much usually gets to the pockets of the ex-militants (or foot soldiers). Allegations of short payment and sharp practices are rife in the various groups with actual amount varying from month to month on the moods and desires of the various group leaders.

Apart from the accounts handled by the very prominent former warlords (Generals), there are those handled by ‘non-violent’ activists (aka peaceful agitators), mostly of Ijaw extraction, who are given contracts as middle-men to handle payment of various groups. This class of amnesty beneficiaries are those mostly from small camps and relatively unknown leaders, whose groups are clustered together under a contractor.

A prominent non-violent activist, Comrade Joseph Evah, who reportedly got contract for payment of the ex-militants was at one time accused of compelling beneficiaries on his list to dole out N10,000 for the development of his community.

One of the boys said, “After the amnesty training at Obrubar, we went to the second training. We were asked to drop our account numbers but surprisingly we discovered that while Tompolo boys are getting N65,000, our boss was paying us less; so much so that even John Togo boys earned more than us.”

He added: “There are those (militant leaders/contractors) who would collect the money and leave it in their accounts for several months to generate interests for them before they will start paying us. After that they will start giving out the money to their boys as if they are doing them a favour.”

Evah who was contacted at the time, justified the deduction, insisting that it is important to ensure that the beneficiaries of the amnesty programme set aside something for the development of their various communities.

He said, “Our problem in the Niger Delta region is lack of leadership. Even the blind students who we assisted to get scholarship paid two percent of the fund.”

Those in his school of thought justified the action. A leader of Ayakoromor town, which was invaded by the Joint Task Force in 2011 because of the activities of the late ‘General’ John Togo, said they felt the pains of the ‘struggle’ even more than the so-called armed agitators.

“When the JTF came, they said they were looking for Togo and his boys; but they razed all houses in sight and there was no demarcation of militants from non-militants. So, it is good if some of this amnesty largess is extended to our communities.” So the alleged deductions are sometimes channelled to the development of the communities.

There are, however, more serious allegations of outright fraud and stealing of amnesty fund. One of the aggrieved men under one ‘General’ Eddy Otobrise, explained how the alleged fraud in the disbursement is perpetrated. According to him: “The amnesty money is usually paid through our commanders and even the times when it comes early, they decide when to pay us and when not.”

Speaking under strict condition of anonymity, he insisted that the fraud is usually perpetrated in connivance with officials of the banks handling the amnesty funds as well as some members of the amnesty office.

Short-changing beneficiaries

“The way it is perfected is that our bosses work hand-in-hand with the bank official handling it. They agree on the formula and when the money comes, they will delay the payment for a couple of weeks. For instance, if the payment for January is released on January 28, they might drag the payment to say February 18. Shortly afterwards the next payment will come in and they will delay it again. At the end of the day, you will get paid twice in three months, while the extra money goes into their pockets.

“As a result of the level of those involved, when you go to the bank, the official in charge of payment will tell you that money hasn’t come; he will report back to your boss that so-so and so boy came here and asked about payment.

“Then, when you protest to the amnesty office they will give your name to the boss and you can be sure that your name won’t be on the list for the next payment. There was a time a colleague sent a text to (one of the top most member of the amnesty office whose name is withheld) and within one hour he got a call from the boss who read out the content of the said text.

“Since that time that man’s name has been removed and he has gone back cap in hand to apologise. Yet his name is still to be reinstated. He is now on the street ragging (begging) those of us whose names are still on the list for money to feed his family.”

Nevertheless, it was gathered that the payment methods being used by some notable leaders like Government Ekpemupolo (aka Tompolo), Boyloaf and Ezekiel Agbasibowei (Egbema 1) are more reliable and regular than those of their less known counterparts.

An aggrieved ex-militant attached to one of the contractors, August (surname withheld), told our reporter that he and his colleagues “envy Tompolo boys because their payment is very regular. When our friends who are under that ‘General’ (Tompolo) tell us that they will be paid at the end of the month, like clockwork, they get their money. But for us, we have to wait several days and even weeks later to be paid. That is how we got to know that there is wayo (trick) in all this amnesty payment.”

Human rights lawyer, Mr. Oghenejabor Ikimi, told our reporter that he was forced to write a letter to the management of an old generation bank last year over claims of underpayment and refusal of the amnesty office to pay the beneficiaries directly.

Ikimi said he was told that after their training in Obruba Camp (Cross Rivers State) the ex-militants were asked to open an account with the bank, adding that rather than being paid through the accounts opened, the operators of the scheme went ahead to pay through the former militants’ leaders.

However, Anuke fingered some very top officials of President Goodluck Jonathan government for the alleged corruption, saying the issue is beyond the various ‘commanders’ of the former militants.

For instance, he wondered: “Why is the sharing formula of the third phase – twenty guns to one slot or two slots? We have been intimidated and called common criminals. We the ex-militants have surrendered our weapons but the government on its part has failed us. This is unacceptable!”

A web of intrigues

He lays the blame for the shoddy management of the payment system at the doorstep of government, saying, “What can be deduced from the third phase of the amnesty programme is that it has been hijacked. We feel cheated that this regime lacks the gut and courage to tackle this baffling situation, this leaves room for several speculations, the most realistic of which is the assumption that perhaps the regime is unwilling and incapable of fighting corruption with vigour because as a regime, it is itself entangled and enmeshed in the web of the corruption that is undermining the very foundation of nationhood.

“We remain convinced that the endemic and systemic nature that corruption has now assumed is a major driver of poverty, gross unemployment, particularly of youth, and the associated unprecedented level and dimension of insecurity in the country,” he thundered.

Anuke was not speaking for himself; he spoke on behalf of over 1,000 ex-militants under the final phase of the programme, as the scheme draws to a close in 2015, according to government, the aggrieved ex-militants are threatening “fire and brimstone”. How far can this truncate the peace of the region?