On 24 April, the Good-Government Council (JBG) The path to the future from the La Garrucha caracol denounced invasions and aggressions against the autonomous community of Nuevo Paraíso, where residents from Pojkol, Guadalupe Victoria, and the Las Conchitas ranch (from the Ocosingo and Chilón municipalities) have introduced themselves on several occasions in the recovered lands of said community between October 2011 and April 2012. For this reason, the JBG indicates that “they are taking action with the government to legalize our recuperated lands. They have invaded because they want to take them from us.”

They noted that “We call on the government to remove its people it is organizing in the places we have mentioned,” warning that “Death we do not want, but we say clearly to the bad governments that if they do not respect us we also will not respect them. That is to say that if they want us to return to the way we were, well they will have it. And enough of all this looting and their inanities. If they cannot control their people, the governors, stop bothering us and stop robbing our Mexico. Enough.”

From 27 August until 3 September was held a brigade of observation and solidarity with Zapatista communities. 57 persons participated who visited 4 of the 5 Zapatista caracoles: 17 in La Realidad, 12 in Oventic, 16 in La Garrucha, and 12 in Morelia. The objective of the Brigade found its basis in the “aggressions against Zapatista communities [that] are increasingly more violent and continuous; the acts of provocation against the EZLN seem more obvious with each passing day. From this [we saw a need for] organizing a Brigade of Observation and Solidarity so as to find data, take account of the social environment, and show that our Zapatista comrades are not alone.”

In a communiqué published on 9 April 2011, the “Camino del futuro” Good-Government Council (JBG) of the Zapatista caracol of La Garrucha denounced the attempt to loot the lands and ejidal rights of the Zapatista support-bases of Cintalapa, municipality of Ocosingo, if they do not renounce resistance. It noets that “In mid-March, the PRI and PAN authorities demanded that the Zapatista support-bases present a copy of their electoral-card to request a project, pay land-taxes, and obtain an agrarian certificate.” The JBG claims that the ejidal authorities of Cintalapa sought to force them to sign an accord with a content that contradicts autonomy and resistance. The communiqué concludes that “We Zapatistas maintain our firmness in dignity and resistance, and we will defend our comrades even if the bad government attempts to destroy it with frauds and handouts. We will not give up, we will no sell ourselves or abandon our project. We are here and will continue here. We will not allow these PRI members to harass our comrades in resistance. We will defend their right because we know well that this is a governmental plan. We will not pay land-taxes nor electricity tariffs; we will give nothing to the bad government because we receive nothing.”

Five Tzeltal campesinos–support-bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN)–who had been detained in the municipal prison of Ocosingo since 11 May were released without charges by the authorities the following day. They had initially been arrested by residents of the Peña Limonar ejido and were later transferred by the State Preventive Police (PEP) to the charge of the Public Ministry.

The La Garrucha Good-Government Council (JBG), located in the municipality of Ocosingo, denounced their detention on 10 May together with the disappearing of 9 other Zapatistas from the community of Amaytic. In its communiqué, the JBG found “the three levels of government, FEDERAL, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL” responsible for the events, given that they “had not paid attention to the question of resolving this problem.”

The conflict dates back to at least August 2002, during which time two Zapatista authorities were killed after they had moved to Peña Limonar. According to the La Garrucha JBG, they desired to return to Amaytic in March 2010, occupying land by force and generating a climate of hostility.

“Masked to unmask the power that humiliates them” states a mural at the zapatista Caracol of La Garrucha.

On 27 March, the daily newspaper Reforma ran a story in which a putative ex-member of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) who claims to have held a high position in the Zapatista organization “revealed” that there exists a relationship between the EZLN and the Basque separatist group ETA. In the anonymously written article, the Mexican newspaper claims to have received a “lengthy document” comprised of 83 pages that include several photos that reportedly detail the structure of the EZLN, its finances, armaments, and international support.

According to the text supposedly received by Reforma, “foreign visitors from Italy or the Basque Country […] presented 150,000 Euros to the the Autonomous Councils” of the EZLN; the date of this reported act goes unmentioned. The article also mentions that “Some say that in recent days [the Italian/Basque visitors] presented 750,000 and later an additional 350,000 Euros to the Good-Government Council (JBG) of La Garrucha, where the most important EZLN military settlement is found.”

The article went on to claim that military training takes place in La Garrucha; it features photographs of weapons cache said to pertain to the EZLN that includes AK-47s, AR-15s, FALs, SKSs, G-3s, M2s, M16s, M1s and Mark1s, as well as pistols of 45 caliber, 9 mm y .38, among others.

The supposed EZLN ex-militant also “revealed” several cellular numbers and photos of an unmasked Subcomandante Marcos in addition to EZLN members and foreigners said to be from ETA.

Responding to the question “What is the goal sought in publishing in Reforma an article based on information that comes from a presumed deserter of the EZLN?” the PRD federal representative José Narro Céspedes, coordinator of the COCOPA (Commission for Agreement and Pacification) claimed: “To begin with, to grant the eight columns of the front-page and an entire page of dubious origin, [which] lies and misrepresents in speaking of political intention–or to have a pretext for some repressive action.”

In a 31 March article in La Jornada, Magda Gómez for her part asks “What can we say lies behind the linking of zapatismo with an organization such as ETA? Why is it not mentioned that Subcomandate Marcos has rejected all forms of terrorism, whatever be their origin, in a series of controversial letters written to ETA itself?”

“In addition, this accusation also criminalizes the European non-governmental organizations that have given economic support to the Good Government Councils and puts them in the sights of the Spanish government.”

This is not a minor happening, as it is reminiscent of 9 February 1995; the difference this time is that we don’t know if the attack will be only from the media, or if it in some ways previews major actions to be taken by the Mexican state–a possibility that we cannot rule out.”

Yesterday, April 1, the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Center for Human Rights (CDHFBC) shared the reply of Leuccio Rizzo, whose face was shown on the front-page of Reforma as being that of Subcomandante Marcos. In its communiqué, the CDHFBC states that “this Human-Rights Center knows Leuccio Rizzo to be a person in solidarity with the people, and so it concerns us that the daily newspaper Reforma […] would publish information devoid of substance that violates articles 11 and 14 of the American Convention on Human Rights and serves as a counter-insurgency measure used by the Mexican State to identify and criminalize human-rights defenders.”

From December 28th through 31, 2007, the Third Encounter between the Zapatistas and the peoples of the world “La Comandanta Ramona y las Zapatistas” was celebrated in the Caracol of La Garrucha.

During the encounter women members of the base of support, authorities from Good Government Councils, and female commanders and insurgents from all the Caracoles spoke on the following topics: 1.-Women, and women within the Other Campaign; 2.-How female Zapatistas used to live and how they live today; 3.-What they did and how they organized themselves to successfully win their rights; 4.-What their responsibilities in the present ; 5.-How they maintain the spirit of struggle struggle; 6.-How things are changing ; and 7.-How they continue their struggle through education of their Zapatista children.

There were also speeches given by women from different organizations in Africa, the United States Asia and Europe. Among them there were numerous participants from Vía Campesina.

The question and answer period for the all-female audience ( men were not admitted inside the auditorium) was restricted to five minutes after each speech.

After the final event, the 14th anniversary of the Zapatista uprising was commemorated.

Audio recordings from the Encounter (from the Zezta Internacional home page)