This morning the new movie, The Story of Change, which argues that citizens – not shoppers – hold the key to a better future, was released.

In the movie, Annie explores what effective changemaking has looked like through history (hint: it didn’t focus on individual behavior change) and shares the three ingredients you’ll find whenever people get together to build a better future: a Big Idea, a Commitment to work together, and the ability to turn that Big Idea and Commitment into Action.

Following the six-minute animated movie, viewers are encouraged to take a short quiz to assess their Changemaker Personality type (Communicator, Builder, Networker, Nurturer, Investigator or Resister), and offered an opportunity to participate in our newly launched Changemaker Challenge, a platform for crowdsourcing great Action ideas.

The Yasuní initiative seemed to break a deadlock: it proposed the world should compensate Ecuador for not extracting oil from a biodiverse national park. But the money is not rolling in

In 2007 Ecuador’s recently elected president Rafael Correa announced a “revolutionary” project: the Yasuní-ITT Initiative. This promised an end to oil prospecting in Yasuní National Park (a UNESCO biosphere reserve), where test wells had already been drilled at Ishpingo, Tambococha and Tiputini, if the “international community” would agree to compensate Ecuador for half of the unrealised oil revenues, estimated at more than $7bn over 13 years. The money would allow the government to develop renewable energy, preserve and restore ecosystems, protect indigenous peoples (some of whom live in total isolation), research biodiversity development and establish social programmes aimed principally at people living in Yasuní.

As climate and biodiversity talks were stalled, the Yasuní initiative at first seemed like a brilliant idea: it would avoid over 400m tons of carbon emissions that would have resulted from the exploitation of these resources, and protect one of the planet’s richest ecosystems. Without completely rejecting the concept of the “development” (and therefore commercialisation) of nature, it opposed neoliberal exploitation. Ecuador is poor and dependent on oil, and the initiative could transform its economy, ecologically and socially. But there are many difficulties.

Correa, formerly Ecuador’s economy minister, adopted policies like those of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela: nationalisation, social programmes and a new constitution favouring the poorest. He also set about reducing the burden of servicing Ecuador’s foreign debt, following a government audit which declared much of it had been illegally contracted by a previous administration. Unemployment fell, public sector wages rose and Ecuador freed itself from supervision by international organisations; but a failed coup in September 2010 underlined the fragility of Correa’s “citizens’ revolution”. Relations between Correa and indigenous peoples — especially the powerful Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie) — are strained. Some Amerindians criticise the government’s policy on oil extraction, which endangers their habitat; others resent its attempts to prohibit tribal customs it considers incompatible with a modern state (such as elements of customary law that legitimise lynching).

Oil is key to Ecuador’s geopolitics. For the government, it is an indispensible source of funding for social programmes (in 2008, oil revenues accounted for half of the general budget). For Ecuador’s indigenous peoples, it is sometimes the only source of employment. But it makes Ecuador dependent on foreign companies (which control more than 40% of its oil extraction and behave like colonialists) and on the US market. It also causes environmental and health disasters. The militant organisation Acción Ecológica has campaigned for many years for a ban on further prospecting. In February 2011 it won a major victory when Chevron was ordered to pay damages of $18bn for pollution (confirmed a year later, on appeal).

The Yasuní initiative

From the start of Correa’s administration, oil exploitation was a contentious issue. Over the previous decade, the idea of a moratorium and of a post-oil society had emerged on the left. Alberto Acosta, who was appointed energy and mining minister in 2007, put the finishing touches to the Yasuní initiative, which had been planned before Correa came to power. However, the state-owned oil company EP Petroecuador had been trying to convince the government to go ahead with exploiting the Yasuní reserves, and the sooner the better. These reserves are particularly hard to get at, but now that the price of oil has risen (from $60 a barrel in 2007 to more than $100 in 2012) extracting them will be more profitable.

Correa had to choose between a quick but destructive way of financing his policies on one hand and satisfying ecologists and indigenous peoples on the other. After tense discussions, he proposed a clever solution: Ecuador would leave its oil underground if compensated, shifting the responsibility for exploitation onto the “international community”. The Yasuní initiative was approved in summer 2008 and presented at the Copenhagen climate conference in December that year. After a struggle with the United Nations, Correa secured the creation of a trust fund to be directly managed by Ecuador. The fund opened in August 2010.

Ecuador’s goal was to raise $100m by the end of 2011 and government representatives have visited many western countries to canvas for funding. However, only a few have agreed to donate (Spain, Germany, Italy) and the total collected is not as high as hoped. Spain, which has a sizeable Ecuadorian community, is the only country to have actually donated ($1.4m). Two local authorities in France (the Rhône-Alpes region and the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle) and a few countries which are neither great polluters nor very rich (Chile, Colombia, Georgia, Turkey) have given between $50,000 and $200,000 each. Others, such as the Belgian region of Wallonia, have promised to contribute but not delivered. After several contradictory announcements, Germany has decided to lend its “support” in a different way, choosing a form of bilateral cooperation that guarantees a return on investment.

The most significant contribution could be that made by Italy, which, rather than donating, has cancelled $51m of debts owed by Ecuador. Apart from the PR benefits at a time when Italy is facing a severe debt crisis, it is hard to tell how far the Yasuní initiative influenced the decision. In 2006 Norway cancelled $20m of Ecuadorian debts in response to public pressure, without the excuse of an ecological initiative. For want of anything better, Ecuador has accepted these contributions and considers its target of $100m by the end of 2011 to have been reached. But the actual amount in the trust fund is still only $3m.

NGOs should be more committed than states, but this has not been the case. The search engines on the websites of the big environmental organisations don’t respond to the key word “Yasuní”. The World Wildlife Fund, Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth have no official position on the initiative and, unofficially, they are divided: Greenpeace applauds the proposal not to extract oil but refuses, on principle, to support any government project. Friends of the Earth approves the initiative’s plan to avoid greenhouse gas emissions and preserve biodiversity, and its respect for the rights of indigenous peoples, but fears it will legitimise “environmental blackmail”. Sylvain Angerand, who heads the tropical rain forest campaign for Friends of the Earth in France, said: “We need a real debate on Yasuní. Leaving the oil underground is a good thing, but settling the ecological debt that the countries of the North have incurred to the countries of the South does not necessarily have to involve financial compensation.” Like some of Ecuador’s indigenous peoples, Friends of the Earth also criticises Ecuador’s policy of intensive exploitation of oil resources.

Beset by difficulties

An international petition in support of the initiative, launched by Ecuadorian NGOs in 2010, has been signed by some European organisations and individuals, including the Association pour une Taxation des Transactions Financières pour l’Aide aux Citoyens (Attac), the Front de Gauche, the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (all French), Die Linke (German) and many environmentally conscious members of the European Parliament (1). But only the French Parti de Gauche shows real interest in the initiative, which fits its concept of “ecological planning”. The Greens would like to support Yasuní without seeming to support Correa’s government. They feel Correa’s approach is too close to Chávez’s populism (2), and have only signed the petition.

Since its launch, the initiative has run into many difficulties. The financial crisis in 2008 and the failure of the Copenhagen summit in 2009 nearly killed off the already ailing international negotiations on climate change. The UN is focusing its energies on the adoption of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries), an expanded version of its anti-deforestation programme designed to appeal to the private sector and the carbon trading market, under which decision-making would remain under the control of the major economies. The intrusion of the Yasuní initiative into the debate does not please the developed countries, and budgetary austerity has been taken as an excuse to politely ignore it. The rich countries must also fear that agreeing to finance the initiative could set a precedent, and that many countries of the South will demand the same deal.

Ecuador has turned to the business sector, in the hope that it will be more generous. Not only is this solution uncertain but it could easily be abused. Donors would have the right to use the Yasuní brand in marketing. The idea of car manufacturers or energy companies using the official logo and claiming “A Yasuní Product — Building a New World” is horrifying. But Correa’s government could take an even more dangerous path if it chooses an option put forward when the initiative was launched: making it part of the carbon market. Yasuní Guarantee Certificates issued in exchange for financial donations would be converted into carbon credits to offset the greenhouse gas emissions of rich countries and big companies (3). This option has been set aside, but could still be resurrected.

The ecological conversion of a small and poor country like Ecuador is not an easy task. The initiative’s chances of success are slim, and Correa’s primary objective is probably to keep it alive until the next elections, in 2013. The demonstration against large-scale mining organised in March by Conaie, which supports the initiative, makes it difficult for Correa to show any sign that his resolve is weakening. But in the absence of any new donations, it is hard to see how Ecuador’s diplomacy can remain optimistic.

The Yasuní initiative and its uncertainties tend to obscure the real, though fragile, successes of the citizens’ revolution. It conforms to a simple model that appeals to symbol-loving western Greens and alter-globalists: it sets out to defend indigenous peoples who are supposed to be natural ecologists; it limits the use of fossil fuels (bad), which hinders the development of renewable energy sources (good); it deals with environmental issues that could, as if by magic, transcend political divides. It also resonates with local campaigners in Europe, such as those opposed to the extraction of shale gas. Yet the initiative cannot be separated from the revolutionary process in Ecuador, which has to come to terms with the country’s social and economic realities and delicate balances of power.

Please sign this petition from the group Ome Yasuni, a grassroots alliance of indigenous people of the Huaorani. They have lived throughout the ages in the critical and vast Yasuni area, a large part of the Amazon rainforest. Many of the Huaorani are in self-imposed isolation from the world, guardians of the forests, remnants of the Huaorani who are keeping their ancient way of life and traditions, their bank of herbal knowledge, the intact forest itself. The Ecuadorian government is talking about protecting a corner of this land (called the ITT) from oil drilling but NO! The whole Yasuni must be left alone. It is their ancestral home and our birthright as well, and that of our descendants too. Here is the link to the petition addressing the Ecuadorian president:

Altamira, Brazil – Indigenous leaders representing six tribes affected by the Belo Monte Dam complex along the Amazon’s Xingu River sent a letter today to President Dilma Rousseff and other government authorities calling for immediate suspension of the controversial project’s Installation License. The letter – signed by more than sixty indigenous leaders from 16 villages and endorsed by some of Brazil’s leading human rights and environmental groups – describes how dam construction has raced ahead, while legally-required measures to mitigate and compensate the project’s impacts have not been implemented by the government-led consortium Norte Energia.

The indigenous leaders, representing the Xikrin, Juruna, Arara, Parakanã, Kuruaya and Kayapó tribes, are leading an occupation by approximately 300 people at the main earthen coffer dam that cuts across channels of the Xingu River. The occupation began on June 21, in the midst of the Rio +20 conference, halting construction at the site. The majority of the occupiers come from a region of the Xingu downstream of Belo Monte that will suffer from a permanent drought provoked by the diversion of 80% of the river’s flow into an artificial dam to feed the powerhouse.

The indigenous leaders are demanding that construction on the project be halted until Norte Energia and the government can put in place effective programs and measures to address the impacts of the dam on local people. Such impacts include loss of fishing and hunting resources, loss of river navigation and access to Altamira for healthcare and education, and increased incidence of diseases. Today, seventy Xikrin Kayapo leaders arrived in Altamira for a second series of talks between the indigenous communities and Norte Energia.

According to community leaders, key examples of violations of legally-binding requirements that warrant cancellation of the Installation License include the following:

Lack of completion of studies on the project’s impacts on the Bacaja River and local Xikrin villages located downstream on the Xingu that were not included in the original environmental impact assessment (EIA) due to intense political pressures to fast-track dam approval and construction;

Absence of a completed plan to mitigate and compensate impacts of the project on indigenous peoples and their territories known as the PBA (Plano Básico Ambiental) that should have been finalized and formally approved prior to granting of the installation license for Belo Monte by the federal environmental agency, IBAMA, in June 2011.

Lack of a promised system to ensure small boat navigation in the vicinity of the coffer dams to avoid isolation of indigenous peoples from Altamira (where there is a market for goods and the main source of healthcare, schools and other essential services). The interruption of boat transportation along the Xingu is expected to force indigenous peoples to open up access roads to their villages, provoking further pressures from illegal loggers, land speculators, cattle ranchers and squatters.

Lack of legal recognition, demarcation and protection of several indigenous territories in the area of influence of Belo Monte, such as the Apyterewa, Cachoeira Seca and Arara of the Big Bend, and Juruna of km 17 territories, as well as removal of illegal intruders – all legal prerequisites for dam construction,

Absence of improvements in health and educational services in indigenous villages, also required by FUNAI as a condition for approval of environmental licenses.

According to the Xikrin and other indigenous leaders, the coffer dams at Pimental have already compromised water quality downstream on the Xingu due to siltation and stagnation, making it undrinkable and unsuitable for bathing. Norte Energia promised to install wells and potable water distribution systems in indigenous villages, but no such works have been carried out.

The demands of indigenous leaders, as communicated in the letter to President Rousseff and other Brazilian authorities include: the immediate suspension of the Installation License for Belo Monte; FUNAI and IBAMA to refrain from authorizing an extension of coffer dams on the Xingu River; and respect for the rights of indigenous peoples to free, prior and informed consultations about the Belo Monte project, in accordance with Article 231 of the Brazilian Constitution, ILO Convention 169, the Inter-American System of Human Rights and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The letter concludes that “the current state of lawlessness is intolerable in a democratic society with respect for the rule of law. The government must act now to ensure respect for the law and democratic institutions that protect the rights of all Brazilians, especially those most threatened and impacted by Belo Monte”.

Earth Peoples facilitated transport and accomodation at Kilmaforum during the Climate Change

Participaran los Mayas en el Klimaforum 10

conference (16th Conference of the Parties – COP 16) in Mexico, for indigenous Elders from Maya communities in state Quintana Roo. The 4 day information sharing gathering between Earth Peoples partners and the Elders resulted in the Climate Change Declaration of the Maya Elders from Quintana Roo, that was widely published in national newspapers and broadcasted on national TV.

1. We, like all of the indigenous peoples of the world, are the guardians and protectors of Mother Earth, which cannot be sold, given away, nor rented, because she belongs to everyone and not just to a few.

2. We demand that the governments respect our traditional knowledge, for example: Coexisting in harmony with Mother Earth, with responsibility and justice.

3. As native peoples we feel defrauded and marginalized by the lack of respect for our rights, that’s why we demand: No to discrimination, and the dispossession of our lands. We preserve and our natural resources!

4. We demand self-determination.

PROPOSALS

1. To have the right to continue practicing our traditional system of cultivation as our ancestors did, with care and respect for our land.

2. We demand: No to the use of genetically modified seeds, chemical fertilizers, insecticides or polluting herbicides, that are the principal cause of the destruction of our land and the contamination of our aquifers.

3. We are tired of the injustice aimed at our traditional ways and customs. We say: No more false illusions, no more laws that prohibit the rational use of our forests and jungles.

4. We beg and insist the United Nations and the governments, especially Mexico: No to programs that are false solutions, like REDD, which is a threat, because it authorizes those who are polluting the earth and air to continue to pollute, causing global warming.

We who subscribed are youth and the Council of Elders, with wisdom and our feelings.

This Audio-Visual Report was filmed by Rebecca Sommer in June 2012, at the Free Land Camp (Alternative space for Indigenous Peoples of Brazil) in the Peoples’ Summit during the UN Conference on Sustainable Development – Rio +20.

– Protest march and occupation of the headquarters of BNDES against the construction of Belo Monte Hydroelectric dam.
– Protest march in front of the Rio Centro (Place of the UN Conference in Rio +20) with the goal to deliver their Indigenous Free Land Camp Declaration.
– the struggle of the Brazilian Indigenous Peoples for the UN and the Brazilian Government to hear their grievances and demands, since most of them were almost excluded from the official discussion of the Rio+20 UN Conference. Several traditional leaders had no credentials to enter and participate in discussions in the UN event.

The traditional leaders were also disappointed by the indifference of the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights that had not responded to their request for a meeting with her during the Conference.