Several people who lodged police reports over the easily washable indelible ink used in the 13th general election have been subjected to harassment and intimidation by the police, PKR Youth says.

The photographs of the complainants were taken and they were also questioned as to whether they were paid to lodge their reports, PKR Youth chief Shamsul Iskandar Mohd Akin told a press conference today.

Shamsul Iskandar (left) said such action on the part of the police constituted harassment, since there was no cause at all for the pictures of the complainants to be taken.

“I want to ask the new inspector-general of police (Khalid Abu Bakar) and Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi whether this will be the standard procedure for the authorities to take pictures of complainants, up close,” asked Shamsul Iskandar, who is also a lawyer.

“Such a practice (of intimidation) should stop as this is a violation of the due process of the law.”

PKR embarked on a nationwide campaign yesterday, asking people with complaints that the indelible ink used in the May 5 general election can be washed off easily to file police reports. They have been asked to do this within a week.

Rightfully, said newly-elected Bukit Katil MP Shamsul Iskandar, the police should just accept the reports filed and investigate them, not harass or scare complainants by taking their pictures.

“Ten complainants in Gombak were subjected to having their pictures taken and in Hulu Klang, there were four,” said the PKR Youth chief.

Shamsul Iskandar noted that this action by the police was a strange move and in some places, the complainants were also questioned by the Special Branch officers who took their statements.

‘Stop intimidation and scare tactics’

He also said that some of the complainants told him that the police asked them who instructed them to lodge their reports.

“Imagine this happening in Selangor. What will happen if such scare and intimidation tactics take place in the other states?” he said, adding that he would lodge a report in Malacca tomorrow to see if this also happened there.

Shamsul Iskandar urged the police to cease immediately their harassment tactics, for their duty should be to investigate why the ink does not lasts long as it is supposed to

A complainant in Brickfields also claimed the police officer questioned him on whether he had been paid by anybody to lodge his report.

Another complainant who had tried to lodge a complaint in Damansara was told to lodge the report in Jinjang, since she had voted there.

However, she lodged her report in Damansara, since she worked in that area.

Normally, the police are required to accept any report made and if the incident did not take place in the locality the report was made, that report would be referred to the station where the incident occurred.

Asked to comment on the complaints of harassment from people filing reports on the indelible ink used in GE13, Bukit Aman public relations chief ACP Ramli Mohammed Yusof (left) said he was not aware of the matter.

Ramli said the people should not be afraid of lodging police reports as they can go to any police station to lodge any kind of report.

“I do not have the information on this so far. I do not have anybody coming forward to complain to me, except from you (Malaysiakini). I will check on such complaints, if there is anything.

“There should not be any fear at all. The people can just walk in and say, ‘I want to lodge a report’. (There is) nothing that bars anyone from lodging any report at all,” Ramli added.

Malaysia's much anticipated 13th general election saw a rise in citizen participation. This poses a new challenge for the country's political elite: how to respond to this change.

MALAYSIA

WHILE MALAYSIA'S 13th general election saw an intense contest between the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) what is of equal significance has been the participation of ordinary citizens in the process. In the run-up to the elections, many have taken the initiative to be involved – in many different ways through different channels.

The numbers who turned out to vote on 5 May 2013 perhaps reflect this shift in political activism. According to the Election Commission, 85 per cent cast their votes for parliamentary seats while 86 per cent for the state legislative assembly seats. This was the highest number of votes cast in any general election in the country's history. Many researchers have referred to this as the "people's election".

A rapidly changing political landscape

While the country is seeing the beginnings of a new political environment the question remains: how should its political elite respond to such trends?

Recent global events from the Arab Spring to the Occupy Wall Street movement have given the world unexpected glimpses of the power of citizen participation; where demonstrating masses with the means of the Internet as a tool are able to play a significant part in the overthrow of long-standing regimes or in spreading the cause of a movement to many parts of the world.

While many have pointed to the increase in Internet connectivity as one of the main causes of these examples of citizen activism, opinion remains divided. Some analysts caution against reading too much into the effects of the Internet and social media in particular, citing the phenomenon of "clicktivism" as akin to being mere "armchair activists or politicians". They argue that social media provides the means for an easy response which does not translate to actual and substantial participation. However, others are more inclined towards the notion that the improvements in information and communication technologies have empowered the average citizen.

They note that the increase in Internet connectivity has reduced the cost of access to information and networking opportunities, paving the way to new heights in citizen participation. Whichever the case, it appeared that few governments caught up in the Arab Spring saw the signs of these changes and even fewer knew how to manage it effectively.

For Malaysia, an increasingly active citizenry has appeared in the country's political landscape. While the political parties battle it out in the traditional manner of campaign rallies, banners and speeches in mainstream media, the cyberspace was abuzz with Malaysians opining, promoting or assisting others in the run-up to the elections. What is noteworthy is the diverse ways in which citizens have chosen to play their parts in these elections.

Electoral reform campaigns helmed by the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections (Bersih) took on a global character with similar rallies and gatherings being carried out in a number of countries by many interested Malaysians. In the run-up to the elections, various online social initiatives sprung up to provide assistance such as transport arrangements for Malaysians who were planning to return and vote. For example, the Bersih Singapore group coordinated a carpool matching service for Malaysians returning from Singapore to vote. Another example is the "Jom Balik Undi" (Let's go back to vote') campaign started on Facebook, an initiative to encourage overseas Malaysians to return and vote.

Courting the active stakeholders

Apart from this, there are citizens who chose to participate in a more direct manner: many have spent their time training and volunteering as polling agents or as citizen election observers under initiatives run by a number of civil society groups such as the Merdeka Centre and Ideas.

The increasingly active political landscape has not escaped the attention of the country's political establishment. Many of the country's political parties and politicians have Facebook and twitter accounts, from the Prime Minister himself to prominent members of the opposition parties. While ordinary citizens can connect with politicians and receive updated news, whether this sufficiently engages today's politically active citizens is unclear. Why does this matter?

Social media analysts have predicted a worldwide trend emerging, leading to a time when almost everyone on earth will be connected through advancement in technology. This will bring about profound effects on many established concepts such as citizenship and governance, significantly reallocating the concentration of power from states and institutions to the people. In such a case, established institutions and hierarchies would have to learn to adapt or risk becoming obsolete.

Malaysia on the cusp of change

Malaysia's political landscape appears to be on the cusp of change: as the country's citizens become more technologically empowered to take action there is a need to rethink the ways in which to engage such communities. The means to do so look set to be the beginning of a journey in redefining the relationship between the country's political elite and its citizens.

At this juncture, two observations can be made. Firstly, the trend shows a level of participation that transcends just following tweets or updates. The underlying motivation appears to be one of active engagement, of a deeper and more committed involvement in issues that matter. Hence, new ways of engaging these citizens need to be considered.

Secondly but more importantly, channelling the commitment and energies of such groups should be seen to be beneficial to the nation as a whole. What is not helpful is to wrongly interpret such involvement as being in any way partisan or anti-establishment. This would just act to alienate genuine interest that would bring the country to higher levels of democratic maturity – in line with what may already be happening globally.

Yeap Su Yin is an Associate Research Fellow at the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS), a constituent unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.

Truth and reconciliation about things Malaysian must start at the beginning, i.e. at creation, and then move towards the present.

Otherwise, such words and phrases are pointless verbiage and meaningless chatter. It does not make it right just because a 56-year-old government says so.

Let us start with the facts:

1. Persekutuan Tanah Malaya was legitimised as a modern legal entity in 1948. But, we were a British colony then.

2. In 1957, the same colony became the Federation of Malaya under a brand new constitution, which defined all legal premises and understandings of the newer reality. These legalities were part and parcel of the social arrangements.

3. The new nation had nine Malay states and two Straits Settlements; and for the first time an Agong or Head of State or King of the new Federation was established.

4. The constitution defined all truths and reality about this new federation and even went as far as to declare the nine sultans as the head of Islam in each state, and made them all guardians of Malay culture and traditions.

5. The constitution also declared itself as the supreme law of the federation; which is an absolute and unconditional statement, but which is difficult to deny or change without unravelling all other in-built truths.

6. In 1963, the Federation of Malaysia was formed to make a new nation-state, premised upon the Malayan peninsula but also framing an even newer political entity made up of four new partners. Singapore left after two years, and thus leaving just three partners of the Federation of Malaysia.

Now, my question of import to establish my Bangsa Malaysia question: Is Malaysia made up of three independent states or 14 post-colonial entities?

My real question is whether such a framing of the symbol representing 14 really a mistake? Was it the truth, or really a badly-constructed restatement of non-accurate historical facts which now may even appear very one-sided?

Please follow my arguments:

- The nine states of the Federation of Malaya were original kingdoms of feudal lords who are artificially concocted into a federation by political might and influence of colonial masters rather than by some notions of real or true history premised only upon ethnicity, or geography, or past history.

- The two Straits Settlements of Malacca and Penang were colonial territories by equally historical factors. Singapore was almost identical but had a different treatment.

- The two States of Sabah and Sarawak were post-Independent colonial entities who had agreed to form a new Malaysian state with two other states of Singapore and Malaya.

Therefore, we have the original federation of 11 sub-regions, which we call the 'states of Malaya' (or nine tanah-tanah Melayu plus the two Straits Settlements).

Then, we have two independent Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak which joined Malaya to make the new Federation of Malaysia. Singapore left the federation in 1965 to become an independent entity.

My problem with the current interpretation of the meanings in the federal constitution are as follows; but which also makes the logic of 'ketuanan Melayu' unacceptable as a flawed concept, unless we believe in non-facts and untruths.

My 1BangsaMalaysia argument

'Bangsa Malaysia' was a conceptual vision of one people-group (of multiple ethnicities) of one nation-state as originally verbalised by Dr Mahathir Mohamad when prime minister in 1981.

His speech was delivered in English at an event organised by ISIS and had been crafted by Dr Nordin Sopiee. I do not believe my facts are wrong.

Therefore, the rest of my argument is:

The concept of 'Bangsa Malaysia' is not a Melayu concept, even if drafted by and delivered by two technical Melayus. It was an international concept of a new and modern nation-state of one aspiration and people group who share a common vision and choose to call them by that national identity.

While the Melayu word ‘bangsa’ also means race, that was not the intended meaning and application of the word in the speech delivered in English to an international audience.

I would further argue that the word in Anglicised form is really the new meaning which transcends race or ethnicity while framing a new national identity. Therefore Bangsa Malaysians are a new people-group of a new nation-state called Malaysia even if made up only of Malayans, Sabahans, and Sarawakians.

Therefore, if we borrow the concept of '1Malaysia' and now apply it to the 'Bangsa Malaysia' concept, it can only become the one Bangsa of Malaysians who make up this nation-state we call Malaysia. There cannot be 1Malaysia and multiple other entities at the same time.

To my mind and heart, this must become our agenda as a nation-state we call 1Malaysia to move forward, as a united people who learn to respect the federal constitution and all other preservations and protections given and assured by the same document.

We cannot now refuse the rule of law, as we are already a nation-state ruled by laws and provisions within the same document that constitutes all of us.

All Malaysians and consequential corporate institutions allowed by the constitution must come under the same set and rule of law. No one, including the royalty, is above that same law.

May God grant us the wisdom to understand, appreciate and execute this system of the rule of law for all our common good!

It is simply ironic; Umno Baru's Najib Abdul Razak, has urged the BN coalition to adapt so that it can maintain its relevance in the future – but behind closed doors, all the Umno Baru politicians fear change.

Why? They fear that Umno Baru will cease to exist because of Meritocracy, Accountability, Transparency and Integrity (MATI) – qualities which no Umno Baru politician displays or can ever hope to attain.

It is alleged that Umno Baru politicians laugh at this MATI joke because they realise the significance of adopting the MATI principles, as MATI means 'death' in Malay.

Umno Baru tyrants have exploited the rakyat for their own ends, but anyone who has met Najib or former PM Dr Mahathir Mohamad will be struck by their apparent friendliness and kindly manner. They will be surprised that despite what is written about them; their alleged arrogance and the alleged corruptions carried out on their behalf, they are very different in person.

That is why it is important for members of the rakyat, to understand that the public persona of these men is just a facade. Behind the public masks, lurk other people – men who are responsible for dividing the rakyat and plundering the nation.

Mahathir started off by separating the rakyat into 'superior' Malays versus the 'inferior' non-Malays. Each group was then further sub-divided. Malays were separated into ordinary Malays and Umno Baru-putras.

Najib continued Mahathir's work – for instance, in Najib's cabinet, the 'divide and rule' concept is used to keep the Indians at bay. This can be seen as Hindraf's P Waythamoorthy eats out of one hand, whilst the MIC representative feeds from the other. Najib reinforces our prejudices by rewarding one group, only if they do as they are told.

The environment which Umno Baru created stifles national unity. The brainwashing of Malaysians has reached epidemic levels. We do not require the presence of people in uniform to make us obey.

Our grandparents thought nothing of entering a Chinese kedai kopi (coffeeshop) for refreshments. Today, when I enter a Chinese coffeeshop to meet a friend, I am amazed at the shocked stares of people along the five-foot way. Worse still, the coffeeshop owner looks anxious and is eager for me to leave quickly. He is afraid that he will incur the wrath of the authorities.

Unity begins at home

Our society has descended into a social morass, and yet these Malaysians – who react like this in Malaysia – have no reservations when they are overseas.

By dividing the rakyat into groups of "them" and "us", Umno Baru has created a community of overbearing Malays. These people demand that non-Malays treat them with deference. Non-Malays have related their experiences during open house celebrations. They claim that to accommodate their Muslim friends, they would prepare halal food on new crockery and cutlery, but Malays simply snub their efforts.

Unity, like charity, should always begin at home. These may be insignificant acts, but their consequences are enough to widen the gulf between the races.

Despite the injustices in the country, there are many people who refuse to become involved. They are content to watch from the sidelines and say nothing, thus prolonging everyone's suffering.

Do these people, who are not willing to intervene, condone the lack of meritocracy in the nation? The award of scholarships to students is masked in secrecy. What will happen when their children are denied a place at university? Why should our best scholars end up in Singapore or beyond?

Why are some able and financially secure companies unable to bid successfully for government tenders? Why are the children of politicians, with little or no experience, able to win multi-billion ringgit projects?

When it comes to accountability, are these bystanders not worried about the future of their country? The new inspector-general of police (IGP) Khalid Abu Bakar has vowed to curb "illegal" rallies, but he has failed to find the men guilty of the increasing numbers of deaths in police custody.

Extremists are let off, and crime is reportedly rising. Is there any accountability in the police force? Khalid claims that he is not politically motivated and yet his actions defy his words.

The new Youth and Sports Minister Khairy Jamaluddin has wasted his superior education. Cheating, crime and corruption are wrong, although he has maintained that there was "not a shred of evidence" of electoral fraud in GE13.

How can you trust a man who once defended former Women's Minister Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, who was embroiled in the National Feedlot Corporation (NFC) scandal? The NFC was allegedly controlled by her husband and children, who misappropriated soft loans to feather their own nests.

Many government projects lack transparency and yet when they fail, it is the taxpayer who picks up the tab. The Penang administration claims that it practises transparency in awarding projects and that the majority of the awards are won by bumiputera contractors. If the Penang state government can achieve this, there is no reason why it cannot be accomplished at the federal level.

‘BN’s lack of integrity’

Waythamoorthy of Hindraf spoke at a University of London (School of African and Oriental Studies) lecture on 'The Marginalisation of Malaysia's Minority Indian Community' in early 2012, where he was asked about the lack of integrity of Malaysian politicians. He agreed that Malaysian politicians were without honour. Little did anyone realise that one year later, he would join the ranks of politicians without integrity.

Young student activist Adam Adli Abdul Halim (left) has more integrity than the whole BN government combined. He is worried about the future of the country, whereas the BN politicians are worried about the future of their pockets.

Najib's crackdown on dissenters is a show of intimidation. He is afraid that the people's power will topple him and Umno Baru in the same way that a rising tide of anger toppled some north African regimes.

Anyone who thinks that Umno Baru will adapt, or that the Election Commission (EC) will reform and ensure a free and fair GE14, is seriously deluded.

Before GE13, Umno Baru tried to wear down the opposition leader with a barrage of legal persecution. After GE13, Umno Baru is still attempting to quash the will of the people. They have no incentive to clean up the electoral system.

Umno Baru said they would reform, but they failed. When the public rallied to show their disgust, there was a large-scale brutal crackdown on dissenters. Very soon, the proposed Goods and Services Tax (GST) will cause the prices of ordinary goods to increase further. This – linked with corruption that remains unchecked – will cause our economy to suffer.

Umno Baru politicians have betrayed us and tried to pit Malaysians against one another. 10 years ago, one would not have thought of Malaysians as having solidarity. Today, they are united and will be able to kill off this tyrannical rule.

Thousands are swarming police stations nationwide to lodge reports on the alleged failure of the indelible ink used in the recent general election, answering Pakatan Rakyat's (PR) call for help with its campaign to prove cheating during Election 2013, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said today.

The PR de facto leader, who lodged the same report this afternoon at the Tropicana police station here with his wife Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, told a press conference that the reports proved an attempt by the authorities to manipulate the results of the polls.

"We have thousands (of reports) thus far… I don't have the official figures but today, I've been informed that all over the country, similar reports have been made.

"We did announce that only those who could satisfy the position, i.e. that they did vote and secondly, that the black ink disappeared either on the first or following day (of the polls)," he said after lodging the report.

At a mammoth NGO-organised rally to protest the polls result last Saturday, PR had urged the public to lodge police reports if they had experienced the alleged premature washing-off of the indelible ink from their fingers on Polling Day.

He said they should do so from Sunday onward up until Monday and send copies of the reports to PR.

"This is to show the power and might of the people. We challenge you according to due process. We also respect the rule of law," the Permatang Pauh MP said.

He said PR wanted to present a large barrel of the people's police reports of the Election Commission's (EC) alleged fraud in court.In his police report today, Anwar claimed that he had managed to remove the indelible ink from his finger by 5pm, after he voted in Kubang Semang, Permatang Pauh, in Penang, at 9.30am on May 5.

He said the easy removal of the ink was evidence enough that the election had not been free and fair as promised by the Barisan Nasional (BN) government.

"This so-called indelible ink is a deceitful attempt by the EC to cheat and manipulate. My personal experience showed… by 5pm it (the ink) was all clear… no sign of any black mark on my finger.

"I believe many more Malaysians will continue to show the extent of fraud and mass rigging (during the polls)," he said.

Asked what he planned to do with the police reports lodged, Anwar said the simple fiasco over the ink discredits the prime minister and the EC's denial of irregularities or fraud during the election.

He accused the authorities of wilfully using the indelible ink despite knowing that it was removable for the purpose of cheating.

Election 2013 saw the ruling BN returned to power with 133 federal seats to PR's 89 seats despite losing the popular vote by scoring just 48 per cent to PR's 51 per cent.

PR leaders have maintained that Election 2013 was fraught with irregularities, starting from the use of an indelible ink that was not indelible to discrepancies in the voter roll and outright cheating on polling day itself through the alleged use of phantom voters and electricity blackouts.

The federal opposition pact has organised a host of rallies nationwide to protest the results of the election, insisting that it had been stolen from them by BN.