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Primary Documents - Lenin's Decree on Peace, 26 October 1917

With the Soviet takeover of
power in Russia in October 1917 Lenin was quick to deliver (to the Second
All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on 26
October, the Soviet state's radically different vision of foreign policy
from its Tsarist predecessor.

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In his decree Lenin worked
to secure an end to the war using the usual (i.e. traditional) diplomatic
channels, while simultaneously promoting the expansion of Soviet ideals
around the world, thereby encouraging a widening of the socialist
revolution.

Decree on Peace

The Workers' and Peasants'
Government, created by the revolution of October 24-25, and drawing its
strength from the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies,
proposes to all warring peoples and their governments to begin at once
negotiations leading to a just democratic peace.

A just and democratic peace
for which the great majority of wearied, tormented and war-exhausted toilers
and labouring classes of all belligerent countries are thirsting, a peace
which the Russian workers and peasants have so loudly and insistently
demanded since the overthrow of the Tsar's monarchy, such a peace the
government considers to be an immediate peace without annexations (i.e.,
without the seizure of foreign territory and the forcible annexation of
foreign nationalities) and without indemnities.

The Russian Government
proposes to all warring peoples that this kind of peace be concluded at
once; it also expresses its readiness to take immediately, without the least
delay, all decisive steps pending the final confirmation of all the terms of
such a peace by the plenipotentiary assemblies of all countries and all
nations.

By annexation or seizure of
foreign territory the government, in accordance with the legal concepts of
democracy in general and of the working class in particular, understands any
incorporation of a small and weak nationality by a large and powerful state
without a clear, definite and voluntary expression of agreement and desire
by the weak nationality, regardless of the time when such forcible
incorporation took place, regardless also of how developed or how backward
is the nation forcibly attached or forcibly detained within the frontiers of
the [larger] state, and, finally, regardless of whether or not this large
nation is located in Europe or in distant lands beyond the seas.

If any nation whatsoever is
detained by force within the boundaries of a certain state, and if [that
nation], contrary to its expressed desire whether such desire is made
manifest in the press, national assemblies, party relations, or in protests
and uprisings against national oppression, is not given the right to
determine the form of its state life by free voting and completely free from
the presence of the troops of the annexing or stronger state and without the
least desire, then the dominance of that nation by the stronger state is
annexation, i.e., seizure by force and violence.

The government considers
that to continue this war simply to decide how to divide the weak
nationalities among the powerful and rich nations which had seized them
would be the greatest crime against humanity, and it solemnly announces its
readiness to sign at once the terms of peace which will end this war on the
indicated conditions, equally just for all nationalities without exception.

At the same time the
government declares that it does not regard the conditions of peace
mentioned above as an ultimatum; that is, it is ready to consider any other
conditions, insisting, however, that such be proposed by any of the
belligerents as soon as possible, and that they be expressed in the clearest
terms, without ambiguity or secrecy.

The government abolishes
secret diplomacy, expressing, for its part, the firm determination to carry
on all negotiations absolutely openly and in view of all the people.
It will proceed at once to publish all secret treaties ratified or concluded
by the government of landlords and capitalists from March to November 7,
1917.

All the provisions of these
secret treaties, in so far as they have for their object the securing of
benefits and privileges to the Russian landlords and capitalists - which was
true in a majority of cases - and retaining or increasing the annexation by
the Great Russians, the government declares absolutely and immediately
annulled.

While addressing to the
governments and peoples of all countries the proposal to begin at once open
peace negotiations, the government, for its part, expresses its readiness to
carry on these negotiations by written communications, by telegraph by
parleys of the representatives of different countries, or at a conference of
such representatives.

To facilitate such
negotiations the government appoints its plenipotentiary representative to
neutral countries. The government proposes to all governments and
peoples of all belligerent countries to conclude an armistice at once; at
the same time it considers it desirable that this armistice should be
concluded for a period of not less than three months - that is, a period
during which it would be entirely possible to complete the negotiations for
peace with the participation of representatives of all peoples and
nationalities which were drawn into the war or forced to take part in it, as
well as to call the plenipotentiary assemblies of people's representatives
in every country for the final ratification of the peace terms.

In making these peace
proposals to the government and peoples of all warring countries, the
Provisional Government of Workers and Peasants of Russia appeals
particularly to the class-conscious workers of the three most advanced
nations of mankind, who are also the largest states participating in the
present war - England, France and Germany.

The workers of these
countries have rendered the greatest possible service to the cause of
progress and socialism by the great example of the Chartist movement in
England, several revolutions of universal historic significance accomplished
by the French proletariat, and, finally, the heroic struggle against the Law
of Exceptions in Germany, a struggle which was prolonged, dogged and
disciplined, which could be held up as an example for the workers of the
whole world, and which aimed at the creation of proletarian mass
organisations in Germany.

All these examples of
proletarian heroism and historic achievement serve us as a guarantee that
the workers of these three countries will understand the tasks which lie
before them by way of liberating humanity from the horrors of war and its
consequences, and that by their resolute, unselfishly energetic efforts in
various directions these workers will help us to bring to a successful end
the cause of peace, and, together with this, the cause of the liberation of
the toiling and exploited masses from all forms of slavery and all
exploitation.

The Workers' and Peasants'
Government created by the revolution of November 6-7 and drawing its
strength from the Soviets of Workers, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies must
begin peace negotiations at once. Our appeal must be directed to the
governments as well as to the peoples.

We cannot ignore the
governments, because this would delay the conclusion of peace, a thing which
a people's government does not dare to do but at the same time we have no
right not to appeal to the peoples. Everywhere governments and peoples
are at arm's length; we must, therefore, help the peoples to take a hand in
[settling] the question of peace and war.

We shall of course stand by
our programme of peace without annexations and without indemnities. We
shall not relinquish [that programme], but we must deprive our enemies of
the possibility of saying that their conditions are different and that they
do not wish, therefore, to enter into negotiations with us. No, we
must dislodge them from that advantageous position by not presenting them
our conditions in the form of an ultimatum.

For this reason we have
included a statement to the effect that we are ready to consider any
condition of peace, in fact, every proposal. Consideration, of course,
does not necessarily mean acceptance. We shall submit [the proposals]
for consideration to the Constituent Assembly, which will then decide,
officially, what can and what cannot be granted.

We have to fight against
the hypocrisy of the governments, which, while talking about peace and
justice, actually carry on wars of conquest and plunder. Not one
single government will tell you what it really means. But we are
opposed to secret diplomacy and can afford to act openly before all people.
We do not now close nor have we ever closed our eyes to the difficulties.

Wars cannot be ended by a
refusal [to fight] ; they cannot be ended by one side alone. We are
proposing an armistice for three months - though we are not rejecting a
shorter period - so that this will give the suffering army at least a
breathing spell and will make possible the calling of popular meetings in
all civilised countries to discuss the conditions [of peace].

Delivered at Second
All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, 26
October 1917 and published by Izvestiia, 27 October 1917.

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Saturday, 22 August, 2009Michael Duffy

'Case-Shot' was the name for a short-range artillery anti-personnel shell filled with pellets, chain-links, etc.