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1 1 Left or Right of the Color Line? Asian Americans and the Racial Justice Movement Strategy, Research & Vision for Racial Justice

2 Interviews and Writing by Soya Jung Research Design and Analysis by Yong Chan Miller 2012 by Soya Jung ChangeLab is a grassroots political lab that explores structural solutions to achieve racial justice. We conduct research, convene people across sectors, develop movement-building tools, and provide platforms for dialogue, analysis, and strategy building.

3 3 Left or Right of the Color Line? Asian Americans and the Racial Justice Movement Terms and Definitions 4 Sectors of the U.S. Right Active in the Year Exploring the Racial Position of Asian Americans 7 Summary Findings 9 The Road to an Era of Racial Confusion 12 The Roots of American Empire 13 WWII and the Neoliberal Backlash 15 Racial Backlash and the Ascendancy of the Political Right 16 The Model Minority Myth and the Criminalization of Blackness 16 The Limitations of Asian American Victimhood 17 Divergent Views of Justice 19 How do Asian Americans Think About Race? 21 They Don t. 21 Asian American Racial Superiority 23 Implications for Racial Justice 24 What do Asian Americans Think of Other Peoples of Color? 27 Ideas of Blackness 27 Latinos 29 Native Americans 31 Where are Asian Americans Positioned in the Racial Order? 34 We lost something. How the Asian American Movement Went Off Track 38 Is Asian American a Census Category or a Political Identity? 40 Power and Fragmentation Within the Asian American or API Construct 42 Does Anyone Identify as Asian American? 46 Is It Strategic to Organize and Resist as Asian Americans? 48 Yes, We Should Organize Ourselves as Asian Americans. 51 How Can Asian Americans Build Solidarity With Other Peoples of Color? 52 The Politics of Our Participants 55 The Research Process 58 Interview Questions: Asian American Participants 61 Interview Questions: Non-Asian American Participants 64 Acknowledgements 67 Sources 67

4 4 Terms and Definitions Race is a political idea that classifies humanity into false categories in order to justify white supremacy. Race was used to resolve the fundamental contradiction between founding American ideas like freedom and equality on the one hand, and the use of slavery, genocide, and the exploitation of non-european people to build the U.S. economy and political structure on the other. Racial categories and their assigned traits shift over time and geography. They are defined not by science, but by laws, culture, ideas, and practices. Racism is the cumulative impact over time of systems and institutions that have used race to perpetuate white supremacy. Racial politics is the exploitation of race through political means either to reproduce or to challenge the status quo. White Supremacy is the ideology that supports racism. According to Native scholar Andrea Smith, white supremacy relies on various interconnected forms of racial logic that justify systems of capitalism, colonization, and war. The logic of slavery, the idea that Black people are inherently slaveable, supports the system of capitalism by treating Black bodies as property. The logic of genocide supports the system of colonization, mandating the disappearance of indigenous peoples in order to make way for non-indigenous settlerism. The logic of Orientalism supports the system of war by viewing certain people and nations as permanent threats to the project of Western empire. Peoples of color are both oppressed by white supremacy, and are participants in it. Asian American is a term that was embraced by activists in the 1960s as an alternative to the term Oriental. The Orient is a concept born of Western imperialism, and Orientalism is a worldview that justifies the subjugation and exploitation of non-western people, their land, and their resources. Orientalism views the Orient as inferior, exotic, and threatening. Activists chose the term Asian American as a rejection of colonization, war, and racism. Historian Yuji Ichioka is widely credited with popularizing the term. As a demographic category, the Asian American population has grown and diversified over the last 50 years as a result of 1965 immigration laws that ended restrictions on Asian immigration to the United States. The 2010 Census listed the following largest Asian American ethnic groups: Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Vietnamese, Korean, Japanese, Pakistani, Cambodian, Hmong, Thai, Lao, Taiwanese, Bangladeshi, and Burmese. API is an acronym that stands for Asian and Pacific Islander. People use this term to explicitly acknowledge that Pacific Islanders are different from Asians, but also to be inclusive of Pacific Islanders in a broader political coalition. NHPI is an acronym for Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander, which emerged to signify the unique political conditions of Native Hawaiians. AMEMSA stands for Arab, Middle Eastern, Muslim, and South Asian, and emerged post-9/11 to distinguish these communities for their extraordinary experiences of oppression through alleged anti-terrorism measures. Some organizations identify their constituencies using some combination of these acronyms, such as NHPI/AMEMSA/AA. American Empire is the long project of expanding and strengthening the reach of U.S. political, cultural, and economic domination and control in the world. Historically and today, white supremacy has been at the center of the American imperial project. From slavery and genocide to the ongoing exploitation of peoples of color both within the United States and throughout the Global South, U.S. elites have used race as a lever to advance their interests at the expense of democracy and human rights.

5 5 Today, American Empire takes the form of neoliberalism, an idea that argues that the best way to advance human wellbeing is through strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade. Neoliberalism argues that the role of the state is to create these conditions by setting up military, police, and legal structures that guarantee, by force if necessary, the free functioning of markets. Neoliberalism views labor protections, environmental regulations, welfare programs, and protective trade tariffs as barriers to human progress. Its goal is to deregulate and privatize public resources such as land, water, education, and healthcare in order to create new markets where they didn t exist before. Since the 1980s, neoliberalism has become the dominant way of understanding, living in, and thinking about the world. Because of the legacy of racism, communities of color have borne the brunt of neoliberalism s damage.

6 6 Sectors of the U.S. Right Active in the Year 2012 There is much overlap and sectors are not mutually exclusive. Methodologies range from cautious moderation, to militant activism, to insurgency, to violence. Right-wing populist, apocalyptic, and conspiracist styles can be found in several sectors. Forms of oppression racism, xenophobia, sexism, heterosexism, antisemitism, Islamophobia, Arabophobia, nativism, ableism, etc. vary in each sector. CONSERVATIVE RIGHT SECULAR RIGHT Secular Conservatism (Generic) Share to some degree basic conservative, Free Market, & Judeo-Christian traditional values, but not categorized here as part of another sector. Corporate Internationalism (Neoliberals) Nations should control the flow of people across borders, but not the flow of goods, capital, and profit. Called the Rockefeller Republicans in the 1960s. Supports globalization on behalf of transnational corporate interests. Business Nationalism Multinational corporations erode national sovereignty; nations should enforce borders for people, but also for goods, capital, and profit through trade restrictions. Enlists grassroots allies from Patriot Movement. Anti-Globalists. Generally protectionist and isolationist. Economic Libertarianism The state disrupts the perfect harmony of the free market system. Modern democracy is essentially congruent with capitalism. Small government. National Security Militarism Support U.S. military supremacy and unilateral use of force to protect perceived US national security interests around the world. A major component of Cold War anti-communism, now updated and in shaky alliance with Neoconservatives. Neoconservatism The egalitarian social liberation movements of the 1960s and 1970s undermined the national consensus. Intellectual oligarchies and political institutions preserve democracy from mob rule. The United States has the right to intervene with military force to protect its perceived interests anywhere in the world. Suspicious of Islam, sometimes Islamophobic. RELIGIOUS RIGHT Religious Conservatism Play by the rules of a pluralist civil society. Mostly Christians, with handful of conservative Jews, Muslims, Hindus and other people of faith. Moral traditionalists. Cultural and social conservatives. Sometimes critical of Christian Right. The sectors above this line tend to accept the rules of pluralist civil society and PRA calls them part of the Conservative Right. The sectors below this line tend to reject the rules of pluralist civil society and PRA calls them part of the Hard Right. Christian Nationalism (Christian Right: Soft Dominionists) Biblically defined immorality and sin breed chaos and anarchy. America s greatness as God s chosen land has been undermined by liberal secular humanists, feminists, and homosexuals. Purists want litmus tests for issues of abortion, tolerance of gays and lesbians, and prayer in schools. Often a form of Right- Wing Populism. Christian Theocracy (Christian Right: Hard Dominionists) Christian men are ordained by God to run society. Eurocentric version of Christianity based on early Calvinism. Intrinsically Christian ethnocentric, treating non-christians as second-class citizens, and therefore implicitly antisemitic. Includes Christian Reconstructionism and other theocratic theologies. Elitist. HARD RIGHT XENOPHOBIC RIGHT Patriot Movement (Forms of Right-Wing Populism: Tea Parties, Town Hall Protests, Armed Citizens Militias) Parasitic liberal elites control the government, media, and banks. Blames societal problems on scapegoats below them on the socio-economic ladder who are portrayed as lazy, sinful, or subversive. Fears government plans tyranny to enforce collectivism and globalism, perhaps as part of a One World Government or New World Order. Americanist. Often supports Business Nationalism due to its isolationist emphasis. Anti-Globalist, yet supports unilateralist national security militarism. Paleoconservatism Ultra-conservatives and reactionaries. Natural financial oligarchies preserve the republic against democratic mob rule. Usually nativist (White Nationalism), sometimes antisemitic or Christian nationalist. Elitist emphasis similar to the intellectual conservative revolution wing of European New Right. Often libertarian. White Nationalism (White Racial Nationalists) Alien cultures make democracy impossible. Cultural Supremacists argue different races can adopt the dominant (White) culture; Biological Racists argue the immutable integrity of culture, race, and nation. Segregationists want distinct enclaves, Separatists want distinct nations. Americanist. Tribalist emphasis echoes racial-nationalist wing of the European New Right. Often a form of Right-Wing Populism. Ultra Right (Sometimes called Far Right or Extreme Right) Militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism. Reject pluralist democracy for an organic oligarchy that unites the homogeneous Volkish nation. Conspiracist views of power are overwhelmingly antisemitic. Home to overt neofascists and neonazis. Ku Klux Klan, Christian Identity, Creativity Movement, National Socialist Movement, National Alliance. Often uses Right-Wing Populist rhetoric. Copyright , Political Research Associates

7 7 Exploring the Racial Position of Asian Americans In certain contexts, it ll be different But I m saying, philosophically, where it counts, we re in the middle. We are the brokers We are the folks that are on the fence that can go either way We can go nationalist and move to the right, and eventually all become Michelle Malkins, or we can throw our lot in to the left, and become partners, become coalition builders, become leaders of a new majority that s about progressive values. And that s what I m hoping that we do. Jeff Chang, CultureStr/ke The forecast that peoples of color in the United States will outnumber whites sometime in the next 30 years is a contested one, but clearly, non-whites are now the fastest growing segment of the U.S. population. In this context, ChangeLab formed last year as a new research institute to explore how racial politics might shift as a result, especially in light of today s purported postracialism. Are the projected demographic changes necessarily a good thing for the racial justice movement? Will there be more pressure for certain peoples of color to identify politically with whites? What is required to build authentic racial solidarity among communities of color in this shifting environment? With these questions in mind, ChangeLab developed a strategic focus on Asian American racial identity. Our first research project began in May We conducted in-depth interviews with 82 prominent Asian American organizers, leaders, intellectuals, and artists working in the racial justice field throughout the United States. We also talked to five non-asian American racial justice leaders doing promising work that cuts across all communities of color. Together these informants represent some of the strongest, most influential racial justice efforts taking place across the country today. We asked them a series of 12 questions about Asian American racial identity, Asian American attitudes toward other peoples of color, promising approaches to racial justice work, and gaps and challenges in the field. All interviews were confidential, and each one lasted about an hour. Please see the last section of this report for details on our methodology. This is the first of several reports on our findings. It focuses on how Asian Americans view race and other peoples of color, what influences that, and how this affects the potential for multiracial organizing. The title of this report is intentionally provocative. It reflects what we heard. Many participants expressed deep concerns over what they perceive to be Asian American complicity in white supremacy, and specifically in the denigration of Blackness, through acceptance and reinforcement of the model minority myth. They described an urgent need to acknowledge this, and to come up with strategic interventions. There is a sense that something critical has been missing from conversations about Asian Americans and race an acknowledgement that the modern construction and manipulation of Asian American identity was intended to undermine both Black liberation and broader social movements challenging racism and imperialism. Despite an explosion of antiracism trainings in recent decades, our participants told us that that today s racial justice movement suffers from a lack of analysis and practice to deal with this reality. There is one notable absence in this report. We began this study using the term API, intending to include Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders. However, halfway through the project, it became clear that one central tension in the field is the existence of many self-described Asian

8 8 and Pacific Islander organizations (using acronyms like API, AAPI, NHPI/AA, etc.) that are not, in fact, grounded in Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander constituencies. This is not to say that these efforts are not guided by good intentions. But in our opinion, including Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in this research would have reinforced the marginalization that they routinely experience in Asian American-dominated spaces. For this reason, we decided to focus on Asian American and not NHPI participants. We do note in this report what people said about Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders. Also, many participants used the term Asian American and API interchangeably in their responses, which is reflected in quotes throughout this document. Exploring racial justice work from Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander perspectives would greatly benefit the field, and merits a study of its own. Finally, we would like to say a word about the personal reasons behind this project. As Asian Americans ourselves, we each have different gender identities, class backgrounds, and ethnic roots, but we share a common worldview the belief that racism is among the most powerful forces driving social inequality within the United States and globally. Having come of age in the 70s and 80s, we spent decades working in the social justice sector during a time of widespread backlash against liberalism and the left, and particularly against the gains of the Civil Rights Movement. Today this backlash has created deep confusion among most Americans about race. Asian Americans are no exception. We formed ChangeLab to explore not just who Asian Americans are, but how we operate, whether consciously or not, in the realm of race politics. Our goal is to inspire new ways of thinking, and new strategies, to transcend the barriers that stand in the way of authentic multiracial solidarity among communities of color. We believe that Asian American politics cannot advance without a deeper political analysis, one that takes into account white supremacy in all of its manifestations. We hope that this report will help spark the conversations needed to build that analysis. Acts of Asian American complicity, no matter how prevalent, are symptoms of a deeper problem. They certainly do not reflect the full spectrum of Asian American politics. There is a strong legacy of Asian American commitment to racial justice, but it is threatened by an ongoing reticence to acknowledge the incentives that white supremacy offers for Asian American collusion, and how Asian Americans have responded. The spiritual and political costs of this silence for all people struggling for racial liberation are too great to ignore. Soya Jung and Scot Nakagawa Senior Partners, ChangeLab

9 9 Summary Findings In order to better understand the racial position of Asian Americans, and how Asian American identity functions in the realm of racial politics, ChangeLab conducted in-depth, confidential interviews with 82 Asian American organizers, leaders, intellectuals, and artists working in the racial justice field throughout the United States. We also talked to five non-asian American racial justice leaders doing promising work that cuts across all communities of color. Our informants represent some of the strongest, most influential racial justice efforts taking place across the country today, including some of the most prominent Asian American organizations. We asked a series of questions about Asian American racial identity, Asian American attitudes toward other peoples of color, approaches to racial justice work, and gaps and challenges in the field. Following is a summary of our initial findings. This is a time of great racial confusion, with divergent views of what justice means. There is a lack of clarity about what racial justice means in this political moment. The problems of structural racism are dense and vast, yet rather than pushing for transformative change, most efforts today seek to protect the gains of the Civil Rights Movement against rightwing attack. The prevailing framework of liberal multiculturalism limits the political terrain for fighting back to questions of representation. This leaves underlying structural problems unchallenged, or worse, reinforced. In this environment, Asian American organizations face pressure to elbow for political clout in a zero-sum game of racial inclusion. Some argue that advocating for the rights of Asian Americans constitutes a racial justice strategy, regardless of the impact on other communities. Others believe that there can be no justice for Asian Americans without justice for all peoples of color. Many Asian Americans don t think about race. The dominant view among our participants is that Asian Americans do not think about race at all. Many attributed this to the racial position of Asian Americans, and to how the political right has manipulated ideas about Asian Americans. There is a belief that in particular, those Asian Americans with class privilege have internalized the model minority myth along with the notion of American individualism. Some noted how harmful this was to Asian Americans who have no resources to identify and address their own experiences of racial discrimination, and no understanding of the roots of anti-asian hostility. Many participants said that low-wage Asian American workers have the highest level of race consciousness. Asian Americans have internalized a sense of racial superiority. People told us that at the same time that Asian Americans do not think about race generally, they have also internalized a sense of superiority over other peoples of color, particularly Black people. Interviewees attributed this to structural forces that reinforce pejorative ideas of blackness, and positive ideas of whiteness, along with the prevalence of the model minority myth, which casts Asian Americans as honorary whites and encourages a sense of racial pride.

10 10 Asian American racial attitudes impede solidarity with other peoples of color. Internalized racial superiority among many Asian Americans hinders efforts to build multiracial solidarity with other peoples of color. In general, participants said that Asian Americans tend to hold negative ideas of Black people and Latinos, and do not think about Native Americans at all. There was once a strong progressive Asian American movement, but it went off track. Several participants lamented that the term Asian American or API no longer signifies a set of progressive political ideas as it once did in the 60s and 70s. The Asian American movement once espoused strong antiracist and anti-imperialist values. However, rapid growth and ethnic diversification post-1965 drove Asian American leaders to prioritize service delivery over movement building, and also led to a set of increasingly diverse political experiences within the Asian American or API coalition. Data disaggregation became the battle cry among Asian American civil rights leaders in order to advocate for the needs of particular ethnic subgroups and to compete successfully for service dollars. While necessary, this left larger issues of social change unaddressed, and deepened divisions between Asian Americans and other peoples of color. Asian American serves less as a political identity than as a demographic category. On the question of Asian American identity, participants expressed concern that the Asian American construct represented an awkward coalition of ethnic subgroups, and not a racial group with shared experiences and political interests. People said that deep disparities in power and access within the Asian American or API coalition created too much fragmentation to allow for meaningful political unity. Particularly since 9/11, certain South Asian and Muslim communities have faced a level of targeting and alienation that has driven them to organize outside of the Asian American or API construct. In addition, many progressive Asian Americans hesitate to identify as Asian American, because of political disagreements with the most dominant expressions of Asian American identity. Various factors contribute to whether people identify as Asian American. Those who do identify as Asian American tend to be younger, later generation, or living in geographic areas where there is no single, dominant Asian ethnic subgroup. Some described how the media and technology served as a way for isolated Asian Americans to find a sense of identification with one another. Racial justice activists believe that organizing around Asian American identity would only be strategic if it were progressive and race-conscious. There is a sense that to the degree that an Asian American consciousness exists, it is not very

11 11 progressive and not very racialized. People expressed tremendous ambivalence over whether organizing around Asian American identity would be strategic for the racial justice movement. Some feared that it would do more harm than good, because it would reinforce ideas of Asian American exceptionalism. Others said that it would be timely to do so now, because the post waves of immigration had created new opportunities to forge a strong, progressive, antiracist identity that could push back against the more reactionary tendencies within Asian American communities. Building multiracial solidarity demands deep political education among Asian Americans to counter the structural forces that encourage complicity in white supremacy. There is a need to move away from assimilation and toward a model of power sharing. Participants told us that building a base of Asian Americans who could act as strong allies to other peoples of color demanded organizing, and political education in particular, to counter mainstream messages about race. Specific examples of such work included organizations working in low-income neighborhoods or with low-wage workers, using storytelling, relationship building, and honest dialogue. There is also a sense that because of how Asian Americans have been racialized, the conscious rejection of relative race privilege would be a powerful refutation of white supremacy.

12 12 The Road to an Era of Racial Confusion We live in racial history. Racial Formation Rules: Continuity, Instability, and Change, by Michael Omi and Howard Winant This simple statement expresses the kernel of structural racism theory, that the present is a construction of the past. The centuries-long history of race is embedded into the beliefs, systems, institutions, and relationships that shape our daily lives. For racial justice advocates, the task is a difficult one to interpret history and cast light on the accrued injuries of racism, and then to popularize that interpretation. Particularly since the election of Barack Obama as the first Black U.S. president, racial justice advocates have had to grapple endlessly with the myth of a post-racial society. The common belief is that the Civil Rights Movement achieved racial equality, so race no longer matters. Most Americans think of racism as individual acts of racial hatred or hostility, or as explicitly exclusionary laws and policies relics from a pre-civil Rights Movement era. Challenging this idea requires a historical explanation to show how white supremacy has been built into the fabric of the U.S. economy, political systems, and culture such that it requires no intention or explicitness. Racial justice is also threatened by an idea too often embraced by those on the left, the notion of America as a land of immigrants and equal opportunity, a place where hard work and assimilation into a liberal, multicultural society is the sole key to prosperity. Organizations on the left often use this rhetoric as a matter of political pragmatism (as in language about the American Dream ), but the reality is that it serves to keep the structures supporting white supremacy in place. Both colorblindness and the assimilation narrative assume that the ultimate goal of racial justice is equal access to existing structures, rather than structural transformation. Pushing back against these dominant narratives requires shining a bright light on the centrality of two main processes through which the United States was established: African slavery and the genocide of indigenous peoples. The prevailing (and mistaken) view is that these processes are part of a bygone era whose wrongs have been righted (or in the case of Native Americans, no longer matter). The grease on the wheels of this misconception is the belief in American exceptionalism, of the United States as a beacon of freedom, equality, and democracy in the world. In reality, what makes the United States exceptional is the long history of resistance and resiliency among peoples of color who have struggled against American Empire and white supremacy, from the days of Manifest Destiny to today s state of permanent war. Such resiliency lives on today in efforts to dismantle, or merely survive, the accumulated by-products of slavery, genocide, and imperialism.

13 US Presidential Election Results This section attempts to explain how we arrived at the current state of racial confusion and movement fragmentation. Where did the fictitious assumptions of colorblindness and post-racialism come from? How did the model minority myth, and other ideas that impede multiracial solidarity, come about? It would take entire books to answer these questions fully, but sketching out an alternative historical framework for thinking about race could yield the deeper analysis needed to sharpen how the racial justice movement operates, and in particular, how Asian Americans engage in racial justice work. Pre-Civil War Free vs. Slave States The Roots of American Empire Omi and Winant have written that race and empire walk hand in hand. Too often, expressions of Asian American identity overemphasize immigration as the central process in defining Asian American history, ignoring imperialism as a driving force behind the migration, displacement, and marginalization of Asian populations. As historian Gary Okihiro writes: FREE STATES AND TERRITORIES SLAVE STATES TERRITORIES OPEN TO SLAVERY Today s U.S. political system reflects the history of slavery and racism in the United States. Red states generally mirror former slave states and territories open to slavery, while blue states generally mirror free states and territories. Image from PolitiComments.com Asians, it must be remembered, did not come to America; Americans went to Asia. Asians, it must be remembered, did not come to take the wealth of America; Americans went to take the wealth of Asia. Asians, it must be remembered, did not come to conquer and colonize America; Americans went to conquer and colonize Asia. And the matter of the when and where of Asian American history is located therein. The U.S. South is a more useful starting point for the story of Asians in America than immigration narratives that focus on the West Coast. As early as 1762, Filipino Manilamen arrived in Louisiana seeking to escape the brutality of Spanish colonialism, long before Chinese immigrants arrived in California in search of Gold Mountain. Asians worked sugar plantations in the Caribbean and Louisiana during the early to mid-19th Century as coolies, laboring and resisting alongside African slaves. Historian Moon-ho Jung has researched the history of coolies during the era of Emancipation, and specifically how their presence in the South and in the Caribbean had lasting implications

14 14 for the meaning of race and nation. Southern planters used coolies, seen as cheap and colored alternatives to free Black labor, to depress wages and discipline Black workers. Because coolies could not vote, Southern Democrats viewed them as less of a threat than Blacks, who tended to vote Republican. Viewing history through the lens of imperialism allows such stories of how central slavery has been to the historical experiences of Asian Americans, and to the formation of the United States as a nation, to emerge. The linkages between Asian American history and the struggle of indigenous Americans also become clearer. Thomas Jefferson declared in 1813: The confirmed brutalization, if not Chinese indentured servant ( Coolie ) being whipped aboard ship. Harper s Magazine, Public Domain. the extermination of this race in our America, is therefore to form an additional chapter in the English history of the same colored man in Asia and wherever else Anglo-mercantile cupidity can find a two-penny interest in deluging the earth with human blood. Throughout the 19th Century, the racist logic of Manifest Destiny was used to justify both the genocide of Native Americans and the colonization of Asia and the Pacific, as well as the annexation of Texas and parts of Mexico. These strategies were seen as necessary for, in the words of Andrew Jackson, extending the territories of freedom. Jackson, the U.S. president whose face appears on every $20 bill, was responsible for the forced removal of more than 40,000 Native Americans during his presidency, in order to open up 25 million acres in the U.S. South to white settlement, in the name of freedom. Removal resulted not only in countless deaths, but also in devastating cultural, political, and spiritual loss, the impacts of which Native Americans continue to experience. Manifest Destiny was the precursor to today s U.S. foreign policy line, which claims that America s exceptional role is to spread democracy and freedom throughout the world. Following the annexation of the Philippines and Hawaii in 1898, then-president Theodore Roosevelt declared: Of course our whole national history has been one of expansion That the barbarians recede or are conquered is due solely to the power of the mighty civilized races which by their expansion are gradually bringing peace into the red wastes where the barbarian people of the world hold sway. While less racially explicit, the roots of this worldview are echoed in the words of a more recent U.S. president, George W. Bush, speaking on the war in Iraq: Freedom is the Almighty s gift to every man and woman in this world. And as the greatest power on earth we have an obligation to help the spread of freedom. American Empire today is no longer justified through explicit assertions of the white man s burden, but through coded language about freedom, democracy, and security. This is the outgrowth of global and domestic political shifts that changed the meaning of race post-wwii, and of rightwing movements that have exploited racial politics to their advantage.

15 15 WWII and the Neoliberal Backlash The end of WWII and the defeat of Nazism delegitimized fascism. The U.S. Civil Rights Movement then ended legally codified racism. The burden of American Empire today is not, and cannot legitimately be, explicitly about white supremacy. Instead, it is about the need to defend and spread American values throughout the world. But the result is no less racialized, and no less brutal. The defense and spread of American power now takes the form of neoliberalism. It is a worldview that emerged after WWII as a strategy to restore and maintain class power. Neoliberalism began as a backlash against the WWII-era belief that the state had an obligation to ensure economic recovery (for whites) through public investments in welfare, education, and healthcare, and through certain compromises between capital and labor. Neoliberalism demands a strong, unfettered private sector and the military power to protect it. While the end of WWII symbolically signaled Western liberalism s victory over fascism, the United States continued to embody a fundamental hypocrisy through its rhetoric of freedom and democracy on the one hand, and its brutal policies of racial segregation on the other. Federal programs served to benefit poor and working-class whites, not peoples of color. Still, white class elites viewed liberal economic policies as a threat to their power. The share of national income taken by the top 1% of earners fell from 16% before WWII to less than half of that at the end of the war, and stayed there for 30 years. The threat intensified when growth collapsed and the share of wealth by the top 1% plunged from 35% in 1965 to 20% in Race served as a handy tool in the neoliberal backlash to free capital from the constraints of government. The backlash took hold in the United States under President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, and worked remarkably well. The ratio of median worker compensation to CEO salaries soared from 30:1 in 1970 to 500:1 in Neoliberal rhetoric exploits ideals like human dignity and freedom as the central values of civilization. It argues that fascism, dictatorship, and communism threaten these values by undermining individual freedom. It does not explicitly use race as a rationale, but exploits racist beliefs to achieve its ends. Because the legacy of racism has made peoples of color more vulnerable to disinvestments in the public sector, the neoliberal agenda has damaged communities of color early and disproportionately. The neoliberal agenda has used race as a lever to dismantle programs like AFDC, which was originally designed to help poor white women out of poverty. In his 1976 presidential campaign, Reagan fabricated a story about a Black welfare queen whose criminal gaming of the public benefits system was making her rich at America s expense. The image was outlandish, but effective: She has 80 names, 30 addresses, 12 Social Security cards and is collecting veteran s benefits on four non-existing deceased husbands. And she is collecting Social Security on her cards. She s got Medicaid, getting food stamps, and she is collecting welfare under each of her names. Her tax-free cash income is over $150,000. Despite the fact that the majority of people who benefit from welfare programs have always been white women, this iconic image has survived for more than 30 years, serving to equate public assistance programs with the alleged immorality and criminality of Black women. Neoliberal thought has since shaped the policies of both Republicans and Democrats, with leaders in both parties arguing that the private sector is key to the common good and that the role of the state is to liberate it, by force if necessary. Although the word neoliberalism is not

16 16 part of people s day-to-day conversations, its ideas have become so entrenched that they are now seen as common sense. Racial Backlash and the Ascendancy of the Political Right Just as neoliberalism was a backlash against the post-wwii decline of the 1%, the rise of the modern political right was a backlash against the Civil Rights Movement. Understanding the ascendancy of the right over the last 40 years reveals how racial politics have shaped current economic, social and political conditions. Ku Klux Klan members supporting Barry Goldwater s campaign for the presidential nomination at the Republican National Convention, San Francisco, California, as an African American man pushes signs back: 12 July Photo: Warren K Leffler, Universal History Archive/UIG/The Bridgeman Art Library The Civil Rights Movement never fully realized racial equality, but the important gains it achieved fueled white resentment over a perceived loss of racial status. This sentiment formed the basis for the Republican Southern Strategy, which exploited racial resentment to lure white Democratic voters in the South into the Republican Party. Republican strategists entered into a long-term base-building project to unite downwardly mobile white Southerners with Christian Evangelicals around an agenda that attacked peoples of color, women, and LGBT people. Their strategy was to equate the civil rights of Blacks in particular with the backsliding of white middle-class America. Ironically, their agenda also included neoliberal attacks on the very anti-poverty programs that had helped poor and middleclass whites after WWII. They won support for this by equating government programs with civil rights, secular liberalism, and Communism. Republican strategists successfully used race to build the rightwing coalition we see today, illustrating the power of white supremacy to mobilize whites against their own class interests. Of course, racism is not limited to the Republican Party. Not long ago, the Democratic Party was home to Southern white supremacists, those who defended slavery and Jim Crow. The party catered to that base and betrayed Black civil rights leaders during the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. Against the backdrop of deadly clashes over voting rights, President Johnson and other Democratic leaders refused to seat the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party delegation at the 1964 national convention a delegation elected by disenfranchised Black voters and white allies. This helped to animate the Black Power movement, which emerged from an understanding that fighting racism would require new strategies that went beyond party politics. The Model Minority Myth and the Criminalization of Blackness The idea of Asian American uplift, of the ability to rise through hard work and intelligence, emerged amid the Black Power and other radical social movements of the 1960s. The New York Times article, Success Story, Japanese American Style, first brought the concept of the model minority into popular consciousness in In it, author William Petersen lauds the hard work

17 17 and values that prevented Japanese Americans from being a problem minority. Against the backdrop of the 1965 Watts Rebellion the year before, the thinly veiled implication was that Blacks, and in particular, Black political resistance, were the real problem. At the same time, conservative elites fabricated a rampant U.S. crime problem to justify state repression of social movements, and in particular, the Black Power movement. Both Barry Goldwater and Richard Nixon ran campaigns in 1964 and 1968, respectively, on law and order platforms that conflated race with crime. Public polls from that time show that most Americans did not see crime as a top concern, and distinguished crime from the racial problems that fueled social protest. But the right successfully manipulated public opinion through the media and political rhetoric, constructing a moral panic over crime and welfare that hinged on ideas of Blackness. In the words of scholar Naomi Murukawa, The U.S. did not confront a crime problem that was then racialized[;] it confronted a race problem that was then criminalized. It was in this context that the model minority myth emerged, casting Asian Americans as law-abiding and hardworking, and implicitly enforcing the permanent criminalization of Blackness. Today, the tough on crime approach has ensnared other communities of color with its everexpanding net using language like illegal immigrants, criminal aliens, and terrorists. The expanded ability of the state to arrest, imprison, deport, and kill peoples of color within and beyond U.S. borders lies in the manipulation of racialized ideas, and is rooted in the criminalization of Blackness. The Civil Rights Movement ended explicit statesponsored racism, which allowed the United States to assert its legitimacy as a leader of freedom and democracy abroad. As with the idea of a model minority, if America is a model nation, then there must also be problem nations. In this way, American exceptionalism, and its opposition in the form of rogue or terrorist nations, justifies expanded U.S. military projects in the name of security. The criminalization of Blackness is a precursor to the criminalization of entire nation-states and religions. The Limitations of Asian American Victimhood Arrest during the Watts Rebellion in Over the span of six days, Black residents frustrated with long-standing police brutality faced off against hundreds of L.A. police officers and 16,000 National Guard members. Photo: Ed Palumbo, World-Telegram By and large, Asian American critiques of the model minority myth have not reflected this historical understanding. In criticizing the framing of the Pew Research Center s recent report, The Rise of Asian Americans, Esther Wang of CAAAV is a lone voice in pointing out that since the backlash against Black civil rights struggles of the

18 18 60s and 70s, the model minority myth has been one of the pillars of colorblind racism. More often, Asian American leaders have stressed that the myth masks the real needs of the most vulnerable Asian American sub-populations and fosters anti-asian sentiment. While true, such responses miss the political mark. The idea of a model minority implies that there are bad minorities people who fail to succeed because they lack the correct values, work ethic, and intelligence. This absence of critical analysis was not always true. There was a strong and militant Asian American movement that emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s, motivated by issues like the Vietnam War, the need for ethnic studies programs that were grounded in grassroots communities, and longstanding poverty in neighborhoods like San Francisco s Chinatown, Japantown, and Manilatown. Three events in the Bay Area marked the beginning of this movement: the 1968 formation of the Asian American Political Alliance, the 1968 and 1969 Third World Liberation Strikes at San Francisco State University and UC Berkeley, respectively, and the first eviction notice received by low-income tenants at the International Hotel in The Civil Rights and the Black Power movements, as well as revolutionary movements throughout the Third World, profoundly influenced large numbers of Asian Americans, leading them to question the nature of U.S. democracy. The idea of Third World liberation implied political unity based on parallel colonial and racial experiences of peoples of color throughout U.S. history including Native American genocide, the African slave trade, the colonization of Chicanos in the Southwest, and the exclusion of Asian immigration. The relative absence of this critique among Asian American organizations today can be explained in part by the general decline of radical U.S. movements during the 1970s, and a related shift in priorities from political change to service delivery. The we suffer from racism too response reflects real structural pressures that drive competition over scarce resources. Community-based organizations are pushed to prove that their constituents are in need in order to secure funding. But such responses fall short of addressing the myth s real damage, the idea that racial barriers can be transcended through good behavior. As a pillar of colorblind racism, the model minority myth supports a worldview that denigrates peoples of color and keeps white supremacy in place, to our collective detriment. We live in racial history. The African slave trade, the policy of genocide against indigenous Americans, and the racialization of Asian Americans as the model minority are interconnected threads of American Empire, spun on the looms of white supremacy. The massive growth of the U.S. prison industrial complex from the 1980s forward, today s record rates of incarceration and deportation, and the unprecedented attainment of the United States as the greatest purveyor of violence in the world reflect the endurance of structural racism via neoliberal projects and rightwing agendas. Assertions of Asian American identity must take this into account. The racial justice movement has yet to create a shared worldview and language to contest white supremacy in its current form, and to organize across broad segments of dispossessed people toward a vision of liberation. Andrea Smith s article, Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy offers one useful way to think about white supremacy, as a kind of three-legged stool. She describes three interconnected forms of racist logic: slavery/capitalism, genocide/capitalism, and Orientalism/ war. She also explains how straight, white male values are the building blocks of white supremacy the wood from which the stool is made. These values, advanced through rightwing

19 19 Christian ideas of family and nation, impose and maintain the social hierarchies that allow white supremacy to endure. Smith aptly critiques the tendency of activists of color to come together around assertions of shared victimhood, which imply that racial oppressions are all the same. Instead, she says, we must examine history in order to acknowledge and reject the incentives for complicity that white supremacy offers to all peoples of color. Divergent Views of Justice Our interviews reflected the racial confusion of this political moment. Savvy organizers understand that the problems of structural racism are dense and vast, and are frustrated that most racial justice efforts today are defensive ones. Rather than pushing for transformative change, they aim to protect the limited gains of the Civil Rights Movement against rightwing attack. Rightwing framing dominates popular ideas of race today, leading a growing number of people believe that, to the extent that racial unfairness exists, whites, and not peoples of color, are the victims. In comparison, the mainstream view is that the United States is a colorblind, egalitarian, and multicultural nation, even as deep racial disparities persist. For communities of color, this limits the terrain for fighting back to questions of representation, leaving underlying structural problems unchallenged, or worse, reinforced. One obstacle facing Asian American organizations stems from the pressure to elbow for political clout in a zero-sum game of racial inclusion. One person described the problem this way: The pull of this kind of inclusion, disparity framework is actually a little bit sinister, because if you say, Hey, I want to start an API formation here, the prevailing framework and discourse is, Okay, so what you should do then is get all the data and examples you can that demonstrate your uniqueness, your singularity, how your experiences are particular. It draws you into a framework that doesn t allow you to raise other questions That s a main, main challenge is this broader framework of multiculturalism When [an API organization] says we re the fastest growing minority group, I understand on the one hand that s an effort to say, Look, we need to get resources and we need to be politically taken seriously, but implicit in that is a suggestion like, We re here Black concerns were important, but now there s a new kid in town. It s an effort to assert what seems like a racial justice lens, but actually is quite counterproductive. On questions of strategy, there are deep divisions even within some of the foremost racial justice organizations. One racial justice leader talked about her own institution, saying, We re a 24-person team, and you could talk to 12 people who would say, Oh the American Dream, that s a perfect way to frame the racial debate, how people have been blocked from the dream and how the dream gets distorted And then the other 12 would say, Oh the American Dream, why would you ever invest in repeating such a regressive, exceptionalizing idea about Americans? This person went on to describe the challenges she saw in doing racial justice work with Asian American communities: People have been beaten into submission on race in general and think that it is a discussion that will get them into trouble Part of the reason API people avoid it is that they can see the way Blacks and Latinos are positioned and they don t

20 20 want that, so they ll do something different and hope for a different outcome Those are the two big ones: a lot of pressure not to talk about it, and then a lot of pressure to disassociate from Blacks and Latinos. For those who do tackle race explicitly, the sheer enormity of structural racism obscures what racial justice strategies should entail. One movement leader asked, Is a win getting racial equity impact statements passed with legislation? Is a win changing the composition of leadership bodies so that they re more representative of people of color? When we start looking at race from a more structural lens, what it takes to win becomes much bigger I think it s complicated. In San Diego, undocumented immigrants await deportation to Mexico. The number of immigrants deported by the United States doubled between 2001 and 2011, to almost 400,000 in fiscal Photo: European Pressphoto Agency Others criticized the limits of legal and policy strategies: The public policy debates are the end debates, said one organizer. By the time you get to the point where folks are looking at this stuff as a bill in committee somewhere, all of the other options have been completely torn off the table. Regarding racial justice work in Asian American communities, one participant asked, What is the goal of our organizing? Is it representation? Is it just to have a seat at the table so there s an Asian mayor or something? Or is it that we actually are really part of this larger movement that is calling for progressive transformation structurally? All of these quotes reflect the main challenge that we heard, the need for Asian American racial justice advocates to engage in serious political analysis and strategizing. There is a desire to break free of the impasse created by the narrow framework of liberal multiculturalism and the limited impacts of policy advocacy. Without this, organizers have little room to move. Asian American communities that have few alternatives to mainstream ideas about race remain susceptible to regressive racial politics and to unconsciously participate in the oppression of other peoples of color.

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