A newspaper that these days has not been placed in the ranks of SDSM media, according to the criteria of a pro-government weekly, in a last week analysis as if had announced part of the script for return of the opposition in Parliament. At the end of the article in the Vecer it is claimed that SDSM will enter the legislature with “interpellation to the government”. And that’s it. The sequel would be expected after couloirs-restaurants lobbying with abstinence from several members of VMRO-DPMNE and the other against Gruevski’s confidence, through sea combinations, when a technical or expertise government would be established.

No one will confirm whether it would be a result of recent conspiring meetings of party peaks of power and opposition, tête-à-tête or mediated by the EU representative. But the last statement of vice leader Shekerinska is indicative: “We neither seek, nor accept joint rule with Gruevski. Our goal is to change the fatal policy, not to amen or share it”. SDSM requires technical government only for fair elections, and VMRO-DPMNE disagrees with this model. But why then interpellation for Gruevski, for the entry of more atrophied opposition composition, despite the current incredible popularity and huge difference of 1 versus 3 domination of VMRO-DPMNE compared to SDSM, according to two recent surveys? What alibi is SDSM needed in Parliament? Is there logic the “constitutional” party to become a yokel in time of significant geostrategic shifts? How much are the ideas perceived for a new regional association, whether old ALMAKOS…?

Even unread, the latest EC report, with priorities suggested to the authorities in Skopje to address until December, Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration, Fatmir Besimi, from Brussels predicted that at the next summit of the Union “Macedonia will not get a date for starting negotiations”. The failure to resolve the dispute with Greece would be the initial burst for Macedonia to be the only one that would lose the status of candidate for membership in the family of the Union?

Technical or expertise or concentration or a big coalition government! Strangely refreshed models for single political alliance after pro-government spirits were stirred by information that mediator Matthew Nimetz prepares new compromise formula to resolve the name dispute. Timing of delivery is likely to coincide with the historic visit of Albanian Prime Minister Rama to Belgrade and anticipated return visit of Serbian Vucic to Tirana. With a special gesture German Chancellor singled out the Albanian Prime Minister at the regional summit in Berlin. Merkel has twice been an active mediator for renewed dialogue Belgrade-Tirana, the last immediately after the visit of the Russian President to Serbia. It is not excluded the Serb-Albanian summit to be designed and lead to finally closing the great national aspirations in the Balkans. With agreement for recognition of existing and immutability of borders in the region, the ideas for Greater Albania and Serbia are archived. The agreement between Skopje and Athens, with installation of European and civilized provision in the Constitution of Macedonia that it has no territorial claims against Greece, can be a great institutional and practical model for a minimum of respect in the Balkan neighborliness.

Behind the scenes of trench German diplomacy loom motives of Washington and Berlin that would not allow the luxury of uncontrolled Russian penetration behind European geostrategic threesome Hungary-Romania-Bulgaria. If big state projects in the Balkans close, the name dispute cannot be isolated. If a compromise is when everyone is dissatisfied with the decision, as Merkel defines its intermediate part, then for Gruevski and the government in the existing dominant parliamentary and political legitimacy come serious temptations, to manage the negotiations, but even more with the results for decisions about the name that will need to be implemented. Will the opposition be forced to return to the Parliament because of that?

How to share the responsibility for a solution to the name dispute, without demagogic organized referendum, if the previous agreement with Greece is made ​​with the legitimacy and the risk of SDSM authority in terms of abstinence of opposition forces of VMRO-DPMNE. But its subsequent governments had no problem to let the enormous economic and financial penetration of Greece in the Macedonian economy. Duo Georgievski-Gruevski has not so far formally contested or suspended seven years contract length of 1995. Not even after the Hague verdict, confirmed by its flagrant breach as violation of the international legal order, the government which has been ruling Macedonia for a decade, dares to (in)formally suspend its overall validity, for example, by requiring admission to the United Nations under its constitutional name?! It is, however, an indication that the government is willing to compromise with Greece over its name.

With incredible dynamics and lobbying Gruevski manages to make Macedonia an attractive destination for foreign investors. Regardless of the suspicious and non-transparent policies of benefits for multinational brands, which are borne by all domestic taxpayers, open door policy for investment in Macedonia is a great move of utilization of time waiting for the EU. Over the next seven to ten years this model of relocation of some of the facilities from the West to Macedonia will be successful and admissible because it is relatively insignificant for economic trends in Germany, USA, UK. However, in due time their multinational peaks will hear a message from their native governments that their lobbying is necessary for political pressure on the government in Skopje, which can perform imbalance of strategic interests in the region. And they are the ones who have such information available about the “deals” made ​​with representatives of the current Macedonian government.

Why so much hype and pressure the opposition to enter the Parliament, and not to create political and formal conditions for its effective action? To Gruevski Zaev is no match opponent, but VMRO-DPMNE without opposition goes to self-destruction, regardless of how long it will rule.

The name dispute will remain a burden, no matter whether its mainstream front men will look for the traitors of Macedonian cause in all who advocate integration, not isolation. Maybe that is why they require technical-expert-coalition government. To share responsibility and not to disturb the image of domestic quasi patriots.

Online Magazine Inbox7 does not always agree with the views of the authors. The responsibility for the expressed opinions is solely author’s.