Editors Note: The following document was written as
a quick and complete reference source to key political
players, thus there may be repetition in some of the
biographies.

A. TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY - Historical Note

On 24 April 1990, Mobutu ended the MPR one-party hegemony
and legalized opposition parties. The transition to
political pluralism in the 1990s, called the Second
Republic, was undertaken through the creation of a
national conference, Conference Nationale Souvraine
(CNS), convened in September 1991, in which over 130
parties participated. The CNS drew up an Act of Transition
which created an interim parliament, however, before
it could get off the ground the CNS was repeatedly
suspended and reconvened by Mobutu. Finally in April
1992, the then President of the CNS, Archbishop Laurent
Monsengwo Pasinya, had the CNS declare itself sovereign,
limiting Mobutu's ability to suspend it. Members of
the CNS also drafted a constitution that has yet to
be ratified. On three separate occasions Etienne Tshisekedi
was elected prime minister of the parliament only to
be dismissed by Mobutu, who then nominated his own
government. On each occasion, Tshisekedi refused to
acknowledge Mobutu's authority to remove him, resulting
in the creation of parallel cabinets, paralyzing the
government. Following each compromise aimed at reconciling
the parallel governments, the name of the parliamentary
governing body was changed from the Assemblee Nationale
to that of the Haut Conseil de la Republique (HCR)
and finally Haut Conseil de la Republique - Parlement
de Transition (HCR-PT). The most recent compromise
was in 1994 when many of the opposition parties agreed
to support Kengo's nomination as prime minister, ending
parallel Tshisekedi and Mobutu governments. This led
to a major split in the opposition alliance, Union
Sacree, with Tshisekedi supporters refusing to recognize
the legitimacy of the Kengo government. In December
1996, amid speculation that Mobutu would reinstate
Tshisekedi as prime minister, Kengo was reconfirmed
as head of the new crisis government which was established
to deal with the Allied Democratic Forces for the Liberation
of Congo-Zaire (ADFL) attacks in the east and the transition
to general elections. General Mahele was also nominated
as army chief-of-staff charged with restructuring the
army and leading a counter-offensive against the rebels.
General elections have once again been postponed because
of the war in the east and Zaire continues to lose
more and more territory to ADFL forces.

B. MOBUTIST FORCES

B.1 President Mobutu Sese Seko Mobutu, who is 66, is
from the Ngbandi tribe, one of the smaller ethnic groups
located around Gbadolite in northern Equateur. Mobutu,
who was perceived to be a bulwark against communism
in the region, ultimately seized power in 1965 with
the aid of the army -- his second coup since independence.
Through the organ of the Mouvement Populaire de la
Revolution (MPR), Mobutu was elected unopposed for
three consecutive seven-year terms: 1970, 1977 &
1984. From 1965 to 1990, independence movements were
militarily suppressed, opposition leaders disappeared
from the political scene or were brought into the MPR,
and the economy prospered. Mobutu consolidated and
maintained his power through the specially trained
military unit Division Speciale Presidentielle (DSP)
and the MPR. He maintained his monopoly on power until
1990, when he was finally forced through internal and
international pressure and a plunging economy, to legalize
opposition parties. (refer to section A)

Mobutu's recovery from prostate cancer (latter part
of 1996), rumoured to be malignant, is the source of
much speculation bearing on his continued control of
Zairean politics. Historically, Mobutu has surrounded
himself with promising political leaders like Kengo
and Kamanda wa Kamanda whose popularity and political
power has been limited or intrinsically tied to his
own. More recently, in the political arena, he appears
to have delegated more and more to two key advisors,
Felix Vunduanwe and Honore Ngbanda. Despite the emergence
of over 400 political parties, no national leader or
cohesive opposition movement capable of electorially
challenging Mobutu's has appeared. However, growing
frustration with the war and preceived government corruption
is now generating broader based popular support for
opposition leader Tshisekedi and army chief-of-staff
General Mahele among others.

B.2 Prime Minister Leon Lobitsch Kengo wa Dondo Prior
to 1990, Kengo had twice served as prime minister under
Mobutu's MPR one-party state. After 1990, Kengo and
his UDI party joined the opposition alliance, Union
Sacree. In 1994, Kengo was elected prime minister by
the Haut Conseil de la Republique - Parlement de Transition
(HCR-PT) in an effort to end a stalemate caused by
the existence of two parallel governments, Tshisekedi's
and Mobutu's. This divided the Union Sacree between
radical elements, led by Tshisekedi, and moderate elements
who supported Kengo's nomination. Under Kengo the breakaway
moderate elements formed the Union des Republiques
et des Democrates (URD) which eventually became allied
to Mobutu's Force Politique du Conclave (FPC). Kengo's
selection not only won the support of many opposition
forces, but also restored the confidence of the international
community. Following his defection from the Union Sacree
and his inability to implement promised financial reform,
Kengo, who was initially considered to be a moderate,
was perceived more and more as a Mobutist. This belief
was reinforced by the fact that one of Kengo's children
is to marry into Mobutu's family. Additionally, Kengo's
attempted budgetary reforms have increased resentment
against him amongst senior officers and key advisors,
mainly from Mobutu's Ngbandi tribe, including General
Baramoto, General Nzimbi and Jean Bemba Saolona. Kengo's
future political career has been limited by the draft
constitution drawn up by the Conference Nationale Souvraine
(CNS). A tactical alliance between militants of the
MPR and members of the Union Sacree in the HCR-PT introduced
an amendment to the constituion stating that both parents
of a presidential candidate must be Zairean. If Kengo,
whose father is Polish and mother of mixed parentage
-- one parent was reportedly from Mobutu's Ngbandi
tribe and the other a Rwandan Tutsi -- is to be re-elected
the constitution must be amended which will necessitate
a delay in elections. Anti-Kengo sentiments amongst
the population continue to grow with the failure of
the counter-offensive in the east and growing accusations
of diverted war-funds. The rebel leader of the Allied
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire
(ADFL), Laurent Kabila, has repeatedly refused to recognize
Kengo's political authority and has called for his
removal as a precondition to negotiations.

B.3 Gerard Kamanda wa Kamanda Kamanda wa Kamanda, a
lawyer by profession and professed socialist, is from
the west Bandundu region. He is number two in the current
crisis government and considered to be intelligent,
but intransigent once he has made a decision. In 1972,
he was the assistant secretary of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU). After 1990, having worked closely
with Mobutu since the 1960s, he became a member of
the Zairean opposition and a Tshisekedi supporter.
However, he broke with Tshisekedi when he allied himself
with Kengo and joined the 1994 compromise government,
firmly branding himself as a Mobutu supporter. Under
Kengo's government he held the post of Minister of
the Interior and is currently the Minister of Foreign
Affairs. As a member of the HCR-PT, he was a key player
in the removal of nationality from the Kivu Banyamulenges
which fuelled the Masisi conflict that eventually contributed
to the birth of the ADFL rebel forces. He is also strongly
against negotiating or even talking with the ADFL forces.

B.4 Felix Vunduawe Tepe Mako (a.k.a. VTP) Felix Vunduawe,
who is from Mobutu's Ngbandi tribe, was a professor
of law and one-time director of Mobutu's presidential
Cabinet during the days of the MPR one-party state.
According to many observers, since 1990, he has held
the role of key political advisor to Mobutu and will
continue to be a key player in political events as
long as Mobutu retains power. In this capacity, he
works closely with Mobutu's security advisor Honore
Ngbanda. While he was Minister of the Interior, he
orchestrated the tactical alliance between militants
of Mobutu's Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution (MPR)
and the Union Sacree which introduced the article to
the draft constitution stating that both parents of
a presidential candidate must be Zairean. (refer to
section B.2)

B.5 Honore Ngbanda Nzambo Ayumba (a.k.a. the Terminator
or Bulldozer) Honore Ngbanda, who is in his late-40s
to early-50s, is Mobutu's nephew from the same Ngbandi
tribe, and has been a close member of Mobutu's entourage
for a number of years. Prior to the early 1990s, he
held various posts, including Minister of the Interior,
head of the Service Nationale d'Intelligence et de
Protection (SNIP) and ambassador to Israel. He has
served Mobutu mainly as his security advisor but has,
on a number of occasions, also acted as Mobutu's spokesperson.
He reportedly oversees a secret service and is considered
to be second only to Vunduawe in his influence over
Mobutu. In 1988, Ngbanda, as the head of SNIP, was
implicated in a diplomatic scandal, leading to open
hostility between Uganda and Zaire. Many feel that
he was also responsible for Mobutu's apparent December
1996 about-face in his reconciliation with Tshisekedi,
which he publically critized. On Sunday mornings, he
can be seen on Zairean TV directing a bible study group.

B.6 Jean Bemba Saolona Jean Bemba Saolona, president
of the Zairean business association, Association Nationale
des Entreprises du Zaire (ANEZA, french-NZAR), which
he represents on the HCR-PT, is a member of the MPR
and a close financial advisor to Mobutu. Saolona, who
is the owner of SCIBE-Zaire, is also considered to
be one of the wealthiest men in Zaire. Some have also
speculated that he has managed Mobutu's financial fortune,
allowing Saolona to simultaneously enhance his own.
Despite his close ties with Mobutu, he is a political
adversary of Kengo, who has repeatedly tried to remove
his tax-exempt status. As the current president of
ANEZA, he conducted a media campaign, separate but
concurrent to one launched by opposition forces, criticizing
the crisis government's monetary policies and the issuing
of new Zairean banknotes in January 1997. He stands
to lose a great deal of wealth and influence if Mobutu
is removed from power.

B.7 Jonas Muamba Kadiata Nzemba Jonas Muambe is considered
to be an influential Kasai member of the MPR. He is
president and chief-executive of Miniere de Bakwanga,
Zaire's richest mining company following the decline
of Gecamines. It is 80% state owned with the remaining
20% owned by Sebeka, a subsidiary of Societe Generale
de Belgique. Miniere de Bakwanga is also considered
to be an important financial resource to Mobutu.

B.8 Jean de Dieu Nguza Karl-I-Bond Karl-I-Bond is a
member of the Lunda tribe from Shaba and the nephew
of secessionist and former Mobutu-appointed Prime Minister
Moise Tshombe, who led Shaba in the 1960s rebellion
against Kinshasa. He is currently the leader of the
Union des Federalists des Republicaines Independantes
(UFERI), whose popularity, as well as his own, has
been eroded through incessant flip-flopping from that
of a radical opposition force to a Mobutu ally. Mobutu
nominated him as prime minister for the first time
in the 1970s only to imprison and then exile him in
the early 1980s. While in exile he strongly critized
Mobutu. However, upon his return to Zaire in 1985,
Mobutu made him ambassador to Washington and later,
in 1986, Minister of Foreign Affairs. In early 1991,
his UFERI party joined the Union Sacree; however, when
Mobutu named Karl-I-Bond as prime minister in November
1991, creating a parallel government to Tshisekedi's,
the UFERI was expelled from the Union Sacree. In 1994,
he was forced to withdraw temporarily from public life
due to a stroke. Although he has not regained his former
political stature or health, he remains the leader
of Mobutu's FPC in the HCR-PT. His wife, Wiwine N'landu
Kavidi, who is from Bas Zaire, was the Minister of
Agriculture and is now Minister of International Cooperation
in the December 1996 crisis government.

B.9 Frederic Kibassa Maliba Kibassa was at one time
imprisoned by Mobutu. While in prison he met Tshisekedi
and joined him in the creation of the Union pour la
Democratie et le Progres Social (UDPS). In 1991 the
UDPs split into two parties, Etienne Tshisekedi's UDPS-Orthodoxe
and Kibassa Maliba's UDPS-Legale. He is currently
the leader of the Union Sacree and considered to be
the leader of the moderate elements of the HCR-PT parliament.

C. PROMINENT MILITARY OFFICERS

C.1 General Dona Mahele Bokungu Like most of Mobutu's
officers General Mahele, a former carpenter and devout
Jehovaha's witness, is from the Equateur region. However,
he is one of the few generals not related to or from
the same tribe as Mobutu. He is from the Mbuza tribe
and is a cousin of General Eluki. He received his military
training in France, and in the 1970s was a member of
Mobutu's body guard. Like many officers he came to
prominence during the 1978 Shaba rebellion, distinguishing
himself as a commander of a unit of Berets Rouges.
Among soldiers he is respected for his leadership skills
and is seen as a professional officer who earned his
rank rather than being promoted through political patronage.
Following the Shaba rebellion he was promoted to general
and given command of the Berets Rouges among whom his
popularity grew, marking him as a potential political
rival to Mobutu.

In October 1990, Mahele was given a contingent of DSP,
normally commanded by Etienne Nzimbi, and sent to Rwanda
to assist Habirama's Hutu-dominated government in repelling
Ugandan Tutsi rebels. During the fighting Mahele was
reportedly shot by a DSP soldier. He returned to Zaire
to convalesce, keeping a low profile until the 1991
looting of Kinshasa. During the September 1991 riots,
Mobutu gave Mahele command of a contingent of DSP and
Service d'Action et de Renseignement Militaires (SARM)
soldiers and ordered him to restore order. Most of
those rioting and looting were poorly paid soldiers,
including his own Berets Rouges. Many of the soldiers
heeded his call for a cessation of looting; however,
he was forced to make an example of some Berets Rouges
soldiers to bring the looting to an end. Despite being
forced to kill soldiers from his own unit, Mahele's
popularity diminished only slightly amongst soldiers
but increased with civilians.

Following the suppression of the looting, Mobutu nominated
Mahele as army (FAZ) chief-of-staff, with orders to
restructure the army. In 1992, as commander of the
FAZ, Mahele made a presentation to the CNS in which
he stated unequivocally that the army should remain
apolitical, accountable to the people not the head
of state. Moreover, he denounced the conditions faced
by Zairean soldiers -- under-trained, lacking in equipment
and unable to financially provide for their families.
Mobutu, who retained political control over the army,
immediately replaced him with General Eluki and scattered
the Berets Rouges throughout Zaire under the pretext
that they were plotting a rebellion. Mahele was made
an 'attache a la presidence'-- a title with no job.
For the next three years he kept a low profile pursuing
business opportunities.

The ADFL rebellion and the subsequent flight and looting
by FAZ forces again propelled Mahele to the forefront.
Upon Mobutu's return to Kinshasa, Mahele replaced Baramoto
as army chief-of-staff. Mahele insisted on control
of all the military units including the DSP, a position
previously held exclusively by Mobutu and the appointment
of his own generals, Amela Lokima, Mokobo Mundende
& Ipoma Bansheli. Mahele has been given the Herculean
task of reforming the Zairean army and defeating the
ADFL rebels.

C.2 General Eluki Monga Aundu Like Mahele, General
Eluki, who is from Equateur province but not of Mobutu's
tribe, is a professional soldier who also came to prominence
during the 1978 Shaba rebellion. His tactical success
made him popular within the military ranks; however,
his popularity waned after 1990 when he countered Mahele's
speech to the CNS, stating that the military should
first and foremost be accountable to Mobutu, not the
people. Eluki, who had been called back for the CNS
from his post as ambassador to Israel, replaced Mahele
as chief-of-staff in 1992. Following his promotion
to chief-of-staff, opposition forces, notably Tshisekedi's
UDPS, complained of increased military harassment.
During the 1993 looting of Kinshasa, Eluki used DSP
troops to quell riots. Many opposition members claim
their homes were fired on by DSP troops during the
suppression of the unrest. On 20 November 1996, following
the successful October rebellion of the ADFL rebels,
Eluki was removed as chief-of-staff for criticizing
the Kengo government. He claimed that the government
had not given the military the equipment and financial
means to battle ADFL rebels. He also insinuated that
logistical support to the army was denied when it was
most crucial, because Kengo , shares ethnicity with
the Tutsi rebels. Upon Mobutu's return, Eluki was
made 'attache a la presidence', available should Mobutu
need him.

C.3 General Kpama Baramoto Kata General Baramoto is
a former police officer with little to no military
training. He was promoted to general became he is Mobutu's
brother-in-law, by marrage to Mobutu's first wife's
sister, and is from the same Ngbandi ethnic tribe.
As a political appointee he never had the support of
the rank and file soldiers. Described as a hardliner,
since 1988 Baramoto commanded the Garde Civile, who
are dispersed nationwide and are the most feared of
Zaire's armed forces by the civilian population. A
close ally of Mobutu, he has also acted as one of his
chief security counsellors. He is best known and resented
in Shaba for the military massacre of some 150 students
at Lubumbashi University following anti-government
protests in 1990. He is still head of the Garde Civile,
which now nominally answers to Mahele.

C.4 General Etienne Nzimbi Ngbale Kongo wa Bassa General
Nzimbi, who many believe received his military command
because he is Mobutu's nephew, is the commander of
the elite DSP troops. He is considered to be very authoritarian
and is popular with DSP soldiers. Despite Mahele's
official authority over the DSP, Nzimbi remains a influential
player who answers only to Mobutu.

C.5 General Bolozi Gbudu Tanikpama General Bolozi,
who is from Equateur, is Mobutu's brother-in-law and
is said to have gained promotion through his family
connections. He was the former head of the Gendarmerie
and is now head of SARM, which nominally answers to
General Mahele. He was briefly popular in the late
1970s when he eliminated several of Kinshasa's gangsters.

C.6 General Likulia Bolongo General Bolongo, who is
from Haut Zaire, was a former law professor at Kinshasa
University. As with Mahele, his popularity grew throughout
the 1980s because of his professionalism. He was the
head of SNIP until 1991, when he was accused of preparing
a coup against Mobutu and sidelined from politics.
He threw himself into his business ventures until he
was brought out of enforced retirement by Mobutu to
assume the role of Minister of Defence in the December
1996 crisis government. Despite having once been sidelined
by Mobutu, many consider him to be a member of Mobutu's
FPC.

D. ZAIREAN MILITARY UNITS

D.1 Force Armee Zairois (FAZ) Prior to the nomination
of General Mahele as army chief-of-staff, the position
included control over all the units listed below except
the DSP, SARM and the Garde Civile. Although Mahele
is the nominal head of all the military units, generals
loyal to Mobutu still head individual units. Officially
the total force is suppost to be 100,000; however,
more accurate estimates place the number at some 60,000
strong. It is difficult to establish an exact number
as many fictitious names, including retired soldiers,
are believed to have been recorded on the payrolls
and many soldiers have since deserted.

D.2 Division Speciale Presidentielle (DSP) Commanded
by Mobutu's nephew General Nzimbi, the DSP is an elite
Israeli-trained force estimated at some 10-15,000 strong,
whose headquarters are located at Camp Tshatshi, Mobutu's
main residence in Kinshasa. Most DSP soldiers originate
from Mobutu's Ngbandi tribe in Equateur; however, soldiers
from other tribes exist amongst their ranks. Mobutu
created this elite unit to consolidate his power following
his first coup in 1961. They are well trained and equipped,
having access to heavy arms where other units are barely
armed. DSP members form part of Mobutu's special guard
and are used to defend Gbodolite, equateurs capital
and Mobutu's primary residence. In the 1990s, they
were known as 'les Hiboux' (the owls) because of their
alleged nocturnal activities against opposition parties.
DSP soldiers were recently employed by the UN from
1995-96 to provide security in the Kivu refugee camps.
Despite their superior training and equipment, they
were forced to flee advancing ADFL rebels, contributing
to the looting of towns in their wake. Although most
of the DSP are considered to be loyal to Mobutu, there
has reportedly been growing dissent in their ranks
since the 1990s.

D.3 Garde Civile Estimated at some 10,000 strong, the
Garde Civile has been headed by Mobutu's brother-in-law,
General Baramoto, since its creation in 1986. The original
members of the unit were trained by Germans to emulate
the German police force. Garde Civile soldiers are
considered to be comparatively well trained and better
fed than the regular army. They are also feared the
most by the general population as the unit has often
been used to quash local disturbances.

D.4 Service d'Action et de Renseignement Militaires
(SARM) Once trained by the US, SARM is the most recent
unit created by Mobutu, who took an active interest
in its development. Members are specially selected
from all the military units to form an elite force
estimated at 1,500 to 2,000 strong. Scattered throughout
Zaire, their primary function, in addition to a combat
role, is to gather information which is then channeled
to Mobutu. SARM is currently lead by General Bolozi.

D.5 Gendarmerie The Zairean Belgian-trained police
force, which has existed since pre-independence, is
estimated at some 21,000 strong. Like the army, its
members are poorly equipped and have not been paid
on a regular basis. Thus, it is not considered to be
a very powerful force.

D.6 Berets Rouges - 31st Parachutiste Regiment The
Berets Rouges and Berets Verts units form the bulk
of the rank and file soldiers, who were considered
to be fierce fighters in the 1960s and 1970s. In the
1970s they were led by, and greatly respected, General
Mahele. As anti-Mobutist sentiments grew from their
frustration at not being paid, equipped or trained,
they were increasingly thought of as the opposition's
army. On the grounds that they were organizing a coup
under General Mahele, Mobutu dispersed the Berets Rouges
throughout Zaire in 1992. They were sent to the Kivu
regions were they were neither paid nor provisioned,
forcing them to rely on extortion of the local population
in order to support their families. They soon became
mercenary units for hire in the Masisi crisis, which
further undermined their reputation among Kivu residents
and the general Zairean population.

D.7 Beret Vert -- Para-Commandos The Beret Vert is
the Chinese-trained infantry unit of the FAZ, with
soldiers stationed in Kisangani and Kinshasa. Under-trained,
ill-equipped, and irregularly paid, if at all, they
have always been strong supporters of their perceived
champion, General Mahele.

D.8 Service National d'Intellegence et de Protection
(SNIP) The Zairean national intelligence service, which
has gone through seven name changes, is not, at present,
considered to be very powerful. Most of its members
have not been paid in years, relying in stead on extortion
and fees for service to support their families. It
is currently headed by pro-Mobutist Tshimbombo Mukuna.

E. MEMBERS OF THE OPPOSITION

E.1 Etienne Tshisekedi wa Malumba

Tshisekedi, who is 64, is a member of the Muluba tribe
from the Kasai region. He is said to be related by
marriage to Mobutu through his elder brother, Bonaventure
Kalonga, who is married to a cousin of Mobutu's first
wife. For 19 years he was a chosen aid to Mobutu, holding
the post of Minister of the Interior in the Second
Republic. However, like many in Mobutu's entourage,
he fell out of grace and was imprisoned for several
years. Following his release from prison, Tshisekedi
formed the influential opposition party Union pour
la Democratie et le Progres Social (UDPS). During the
Third Republic (post-1990) he was elected to the post
of prime minister on three different occasions; each
time he was sacked by Mobutu over financial differences.
On these occasions he refused to recognize Mobutu's
authority to dismiss him, resulting in the creation
of parallel governments on three occasions. At one
point, Mobutu offered Tshisekedi the post of prime
minister over a Mobutu-controlled Cabinet, which he
refused. Following his November 1996 visit with a convalescing
Mobutu in France, Tshisekedi claimed that they had
reconciled their differences and that Mobutu had promised
to restore him as prime minister. Mobutu denied any
such agreement, reconfirming Kengo as prime minister
in the 1996 crisis government. In a move aimed at undermining
the new crisis government, members of the radical opposition
allied to Tshisekedi called for a total boycott of
the new banknotes issued in January 1997.

Tshisekedi has surrounded himself with politically astute
and intelligent young men whom many refer to as his
'young turks'. These are men who came into politics
after 1990 and therefore, having never been members
of the MPR, remain untouched by pre-1990 MPR politics.
Young turks like Joseph Olengakhoy, Jacques Matanda
and George Nsongola are most often used to muster public
and union support for the UDPS.

Analysts feel that his current popularity can be attributed
more to a growing sense of frustration amongst Zaireans,
notably Kinshasa residents, who are ready to support
the most likely vehicle for change -- any change no
matter what the cost. Thus Tshisekedi's supporters
have often vacillated between support for him and Kabila's
ADFL rebels. He also continues to receive strong support
from trade union movements. Tshisekedi's rhetoric has
always been that of an opposition force, based on criticism
of the government. As it is easier to be a government
critic than a policy maker, it is difficult to determine
what kind of leader he will make.

Throughout December 1996, Tshisekedi strongly supported
negotiations with rebel leader Kabila, but let the
matter drop when journalists hinted at a possible collusion
between the two. Since February 1997, he has again
renewed his push for negotiations. Paradoxically, Kabila
has indicated that he would be prepared to negotiate
with a new government in which Tshisekedi was prime
minister; however, Kabila also refused to see Jacque
Matanda, a Tshisekedi affiliate, when he recently paid
a visit to Goma.

E.2 Antoine Gizenga Gizenga, who is in his 60s, is
from the Bandundu region. In the 1960s, he was a member
of former Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba's left-wing
Movement National Congolese (MNC). Following Lumumba's
death, he retreated to Kisangani with other MNC members
where they formed an independent secessionist government
in which he was prime minister. Kabila was also a fellow
member and rebel leader of the Lumumbist secessionist
movement. Following the defeat of the Lumumbist movement
in the 1960s, Gizenga went into exile moving to Sudan,
Egypt, Moscow and West Germany, returning to Zaire
in 1991 following the granting of immunity to all those
in exile. He refused Mobutu's and Tshisekedi's advances,
forming his own opposition party, Partie Solidaire
Africaine (PSA). He also formed and is the leader of
the Partie de Lumumbist Unite (PALU), which is an alliance
of old and new Lumumbist supporters. Rumours about
the former Lumumbist movement resurfaced upon his return,
inflaming old grudges between opposition forces from
Shaba and Kasai. Since his return to Zaire, Gizenga
has maintained a relatively low profile in the HCR-PT.
In his recent call for a negotiated solution to the
war in the east, Kabila proposed an interim government
with Gizenga as president. Gizenga reportedly responded
by denouncing Kabila.

E.3 Georges Nzongola Ntalaja Like Tshisekedi, Nzongola
is from the Kasai region and considered to be anti-Mobutu.
He was a professor in the USA until returning to Zaire
in 1992. Soon after, he was nominated deputy chairperson
of Zaire's national electoral commission (CNE), which
consists of 44 members chosen among supporters of Mobutu
and opposition forces. Nzongola was Tshisekedi's and
the UDPS' representative on the CNE. He resigned on
3 September in protest of what he described as obstacles
deliberately placed in the way of the election process
by Mobutu supporters on the CNE. Nzongola, who is greatly
respected by many Zaireans, is considered to be one
of Tshisekedi's 'young turks' and likely to have a
significant role in any Tshisekedi-led government.

E.4 Joseph Olengakhoy Olengakhoy, who moved to the
USA with his mother when he was only ten, is originally
from the Kasai. He returned to Zaire at the age of
29 following his father's death. When he tried to assume
his father's business interests he found himself imprisoned
for two years where he reportedly met Tshisekedi. He
soon became one of Tshisekedi's young turks' and has
often aided in the mobilization of popular support.
He is currently the president of the opposition group
in the HCR-PT.

E.5 Jacques Matanda Matanda is from the Bandundu region.
His father was sentenced to death by a military tribunal
and executed in 1968, for which he holds Mobutu responsible.
He is believed to be one of Tshisekedi's 'young turks'
and was a member of the Zairean CNS opposition until
1993 when he withdrew, frustrated at the ineptitude
of the CNS. He then went to Angola were he allegedly
aided the MPLA government, leading a contingent of
exiled Zairean soldiers against UNITA forces. He recently
appeared in Goma, North Kivu, requesting an interview
with Kabila. Instead of an interview, Kabila gave him
48 hours to leave the rebel-held area.

E.6 Archbishop Laurent Monsengwo Pasinya Laurent Monsengwo
Pasinya is the Catholic archbishop for Kisangani, who
became president of the Haut Conseil de la Republique-Assemblee
Nationale (HCR-later called the HCR-PT) in 1993. His
perceived neutrality and dynamism propelled the HCR
through many attempts to sabotage it. He often criticized
the US and the international community for not putting
enough pressure on Mobutu to improve the pace of the
preparations for general elections. However, he eventually
earned the scorn and distrust of Tshisekedi and the
radical elements of the Union Sacree by failing to
convene the April 1993 session of the HCR and later
advocating in its stead the acceptance of the 1994
Kengo compromise government, which called for Tshisekedi
to step down as prime minister. Under what many believe
was pressure from the Catholic church, he partially
resigned on 22 July 1994 and was finally voted out
as president of the HCR-PT by Mobutu's FPC and the
Union Sacree in 1995. His post remains vacant because
of a conflict of interests. Normally he would have
been replaced by one of the two vice-presidents, Andre
Bo-Boliko of the PDSC or Celestin Anzuluni Bembe of
the MPR; however, the Act of Transition specifies that
the prime minister should come from a party other than
the HCR-PT president's. Bo-Boliki's PDSC party left
the Union Sacree joining Kengo and the URD; thus, both
vice-presidents can be said to be in Mobutu's FPC,
which would require Kengo to step down if one of them
was made president. The post remains unfilled with
the unlikely hope that the archbishop will return.

F. POLITICAL ALLIANCE PARTIES F.1 Mouvance Presidentialle
(MP) / Forces Politique du Conclave (FPC) The FPC,
sometimes referred to as the Mouvance Presidential,
is an informal alliance of pro-Mobutist forces, the
MPR being the largest party. It was created as a counter
to the opposition alliance Union Sacree. Almost all
members of the December 1997 crisis government were
drawn from this alliance. As of the end of 1996, Karl-I-Bond,
leader of the UFERI, is head of the FPC alliance.

F.2 Union Sacree de l'Oppostion Radicale et Allies
(Union Sacree or USORAL) The Union Sacree is an alliance
of opposition parties, initially numbering 130, of
which the three most powerful were the UDPS, UFERI
and PDSC. It was created in September 1991 to coordinate
and consolidate opposition pressure on Mobutu to reconvene
the CNS. Political affiliations within the alliance
remain a fluid concept with members frequently changing
from one party to another both within and outside of
the Union Sacree. It has persevered despite several
successful efforts to co-opt members and divide member
parties. However, in April 1994, a schism developed
when the moderate elements of the Union Sacree, including
the Bo-Boliko's PDSC, created the Union pour la Republique
et la Democratie (URD) supporting Kengo in a compromise
government to end the existence of parallel Tshisekedi
and Mobutu governments. In February 1996, the PDSC
boycotted the Union Sacree general assembly and left
the alliance. Bo-boliko also holds one of the two vice-presidents
posts on the HCR-PT, that of the opposition. In March
1996, Lambert Mende's Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba
(MNC-Originel) refused to recognize Tshisekedi's authority.
The alliance finally split in September 1996 between
the current president Fredereric Kibassa Maliba, who
is head of the UDPS-Legale and Tshisekedi's UDPS-Orthodoxe.
No members of the Union Sacree were included in the
December 1996 crisis government.

F.3 Union pour la Republique et la Democratie (URD)
In April 1994, a schism developed within the Union
Sacree between Tshisekedi's radical elements and those
labeled as moderates, including the PDSC. This lead
to the creation of the Union pour la Republique et
la Democratie (URD) which supported Kengo in a compromise
government to end the parallel Tshisekedi and Mobutu-led
governments. Those remaining in the Union Sacree accused
members of the URD of having been Mobutu plants in
the opposition -- never true opposition members.

F.4 Partie d'Alliance des Lubumbist Unies (PALU) Alliance
of old and new Lumumbist forces led by former Lumumbist
Antoine Gizenga. No members of the PALU were included
in the current government.

G. POLITICAL PARTIES

It should be noted that as of the end of 1996 some 450
parties have been registered in Zaire. Many of the
opposition parties are believed to have been created
or funded by Mobutist forces to divide and weaken the
ranks of the 'true opposition'. Some parties have no
more than a handful of members. The following is a
list of the key parties.

G.1 Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution (MPR) The
MPR was created in 1966 by Mobutu. Chaired by Mobutu,
it progressively grew to engulf political parties,
unions and all social associations, eventually duplicating
and replacing all state administrative structures.
Thus, prior to 1990, Zaire was a one-party state in
which all political leaders were by necessity members
of the MPR. Under the monopoly of the MPR, Mobutu was
elected to three seven-year terms of office. On 24
April 1990, faced with increasing internal and international
pressure, Mobutu ended the MPR hegemony, launching
the Third Republic and permitting the creation of political
parties. The MPR split into two fractions and was renamed
the Movement Populaire pour le Renouveau (as opposed
to Revolution). As of January 1997, Baza Mukday Nsungo
is the deputy chairperson of the MPR.

G.2 Union pour la Democratie et le Progres Social (UDPS)
Lead by Etienne Tshisekedi, the UDPS is considered
to be the most powerful political party. However, it
is viewed primarily as a Baluba (Tshisekedi's ethnic
tribe) party although some attempts have been made
to include members of the Bakongo tribe (first president
Joseph Kasavubu's tribe). Although not unblemished,
it has the most consistent record of opposition to
Mobutu. In 1991, the party split between the Fredereric
Kibassa Maliba from Shaba who is head of the UDPS-Legale
and Tshisekedi's UDPS-Orthodoxe.

G.3 Union des Federalists des Republicaines Independantes
(UFERI) Lead by Nguza Karl-I-Bond, who is considered
to be pro-Mobutist, the party draws its support from
the Shaba region. On 21 September 1996, the party split
with the creation of UFERI-origenelle, lead by Antoine
Gabriel Kyungi wa Kumwanza, who accused Nguza Karl-I-Bond
of 'deviationism'. He stated that unlike Karl-I-Bond,
who had fixed a deadline of 2010 for a federal state
of Shaba, 'UFERI-origenielle' push for it now. Kyungi
wa Kumwanza has also distanced himself from Mobutu.

G.4 Parti Democratic et Social Cretien (PDSC)

One of the three main opposition parties, it is led
by Andre Bo-Boliko, who holds one of the two vice-president
positions in the HCR-PT. Until February 1996, PDSC
was aligned with Tshisekedi's UDPS. It is now considered
to be part of Mobutu's FPC.

G.5 Lumumbist Movement The Lumumbist movement has its
roots in the 1960s forming around Patrice Lumumba's
Movement National Congolese (MNC); the only party not
considered to be tribalist or secessionist. Lumumba
and the MNC were considered to be left-wing and Marxist
in orientation. Following independence in 1960, Lumumba
was made Prime Minister and Joseph Kasavubu President.
Independence was immediately followed by an army mutiny,
the launching of the allegedly Belgian-backed Moise
Tshombe's secessionist movement in Katanga (Shaba),
Belgian military intervention to evacuate nationals
in Shaba and the arrival, at Lumumba's request, of
UN troops to deal with the rebellions. However, when
Lumumba requested additional military assistance from
the Soviet Union, he was immediately deposed by President
Kasavubu and army chief-of-staff Mobutu. Lumumba was
assassinated in January 1961 by seccessionist led by
Tshombe, who was later nominated prime minister of
the interim government following Mobutu's first coup.

In October 1993, Lumumbist forces eventually united
under the leftist-umbrella group the National Liberation
Council of the Congo Zaire (NLC), financially aided
by China and the Soviet Union. Its most significant
achievement was made by Nicholas Olenga and members
of the 'progressive MNC' who seized Stanlyville (Kisangani),
forming an independent government rivaling that of
President Joseph Kasavubu,s in Leopodville (Kinshasa)
from August to November 1964. In Kisangani, the new
government, the People's Republic of the Congo, was
lead by President Christof Nbgenye and Prime Minister
Antoine Gizenga. A second rebel advance composed of
Mai-Mai warriors was led by Pierre Mulele, ex-Minister
of Education under Lumumba, who also had close ideological
and financial ties with the Chinese. In January 1994,
he launched his rebellion in the province of Kwilu
east of Kisangani. The third rebellion began in the
east under Gaston Soumaliot and his associate Laurent
Kabila, who also established diplomatic and financial
arrangements with China and supply lines through a
friendly Tanzania. Soumaliot and Kabila were viewed
more as opportunist than true revolutionaries. In April
1964, they launched the 'Simba' rebellion in the Rusizi
lowlands near Uvira.

Eventually, low morale, dissention and charges of betrayal
within the ranks of the NLC soon led to its collapse,
following a military offensive aided by US military
aircraft and Belgian paratroopers brought in by Mobutu
to save Zaire from 'communism'. The division of the
country between two governments, one identified as
communist, provided Mobutu with the confusion and excuse
he needed for his second coup. With the aid of foreign
mercenaries Mobutu was able to suppress the secessionist
movement, driving most of its members into exile.

In October 1967, Soumaliot and Kabila founded a second
movement, the People's Revolution Party (PRP), with
an armed wing the People's Armed Forces (PAF). The
rebel group was based in Fizi and the Baraka mountains,
near lake Tanganyika, and were more infamous for their
interest in gold than revolution. Their ranks also
included a contingent of Chinese-trained Tutsis who
had fled Rwanda, following a Hutu-led massacre at the
time of independence, and over 100 Cuban soldiers led
by Che Guevara, who soon became disillusioned with
the rebel leadership and cause. The Cubans were responsible
for the rebel group's limited successes up until 1966
when they pulled out; however, the rebels continued
until they were finally driven from the area in 1977.

Most of the above information was gathered from news
and wire services, the journal Africa Confidential
and interviews with various local sources. Other sources
include: 1. Zaire, Africa South of the Sahara, Europa
publication Ltd., 1994, p.946-956 2. Zaire-Country
Profile, The Economist Intelligence Unit 1995-96 3.
Ethnic Confict in North Kivu, Law Group Report, 1996
4. Che Guevera and the Congo, The New Left Review,
No.220, Nov./Dec. 1996, p.1-35 5. Report on the
Situation of Human Rights in Zaire, UNCHR, 16/09/96
6. The Coming of Kabla, NewAfran, No.349, Feb. 1997,
p.12-13

This report is part of a series of briefs designed to
assist the humanitarian community understand the complexity
and history of the current situation in Zaire. Part
I: List of Key Political Players was distributed 24.02.97.
Part II: Historical Overview of Zaire was distributed
on 27.02.97 and Part IV: Eastern Zaire Who's Who will
be distributed 28.02.97.

The above has been compliled from varied sources and
in no way reflects the views of the United Nations.
It should not be quoted in direct attribution.

Nairobi, 27 February 1997

[Via the UN DHA Integrated Regional Information Network.
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