Chris Lombardi puts defense and security under the spotlight, as he shares his takes on recent NATO and EU cooperation and provides insight into the company’s own long-term strategic partnerships in Europe.

Three trends are currently driving the global electricity sector: decarbonization, decentralization and differentiation. Utilities are making significant contributions to mitigate carbon emissions, while a technology revolution is …

Ten years after – the Dutch must face the truth over Srebrenica

Between 11 and 13 of July 1995 the UN ‘safe area’ of Srebrenica was brutally conquered by the Bosnian Serb Army. Before the attack, there were nearly 40,000 of us Bosnian Muslims in the enclave, the vast majority refugees from the surrounding area who had fled their homes in the first weeks of war in 1992. Men, women and children crowded together in crumbling houses, with no gas, water or electricity, often without food or medical assistance, but nonetheless alive.

After the attack there were no more Muslims in Srebrenica: 15,000 managed to escape through the woods, though many were caught and killed; and of the remaining 25,000, many of the women and children were deported out of the enclave on buses – and approximately 7,000 others, mostly men, were murdered by the Serbs. My parents and my younger brother were among those killed.

The UN protection for the safe area amounted to a lightly armed Dutch battalion of approximately 200 men, based in an old factory in the village of Potocari just outside the town of Srebrenica, with a number of observation posts (OPs) spread throughout the enclave. Inside the town were a small number of UN Military Observers (UNMOs). As the Serb attackers approached, the UNMOs were ordered to abandon the enclave and the soldiers in the OPs mostly withdrew to Potocari. The people of the enclave were largely left to fend for themselves.

The 25,000 Srebrenica refugees streamed to the Dutch UN base at Potocari, seeking protection from troops charged by the UN Security Council with providing it. Some 5,000 got inside the base, which the Dutch then closed, leaving 20,000 outside. The Serb forces arrived and began separating the men from the women, acts clearly seen by the Dutch soldiers watching from their camp.

Nonetheless, when pressed by the Serbs, in particular by their commander General Ratko Mladic, the Dutch handed over the 5,000 Muslims under their direct protection: they opened the gates and ordered them to leave the camp.

My parents and my brother were among the 5,000 who got into the camp. I was one of six official UN interpreters to the Dutch battalion and my father Ibro was one of the refugee representatives and so we were both entitled to stay. But my mother Nasiha and my brother Muhamed had no official status and were ordered to leave the camp with all the others. I begged the Dutch to save my family, but they refused. We all went to the gate, intending to leave together. Finally, I stayed. I never saw my family again.

Srebrenica has become a symbol of awfulness. It is said that the UN lost its reputation on the murderous events in the enclave and that the EU was jolted into dealing with foreign and security issues because of these failures. This may be so – but in truth, there has been no real reckoning with the events of July 1995. For sure, there was a long UN report, there have been several Dutch reports and a Dutch government even resigned. But no one has ever taken responsibility for the horrors – and for us survivors, there has been no port of call; no ability to address questions and receive clear answers.

The UN failed, of that there can be no doubt: it was the international force on the ground, charged with the responsibility of maintaining the safe areas. But the Dutch soldiers and their command in the enclave and in The Hague failed far more and it is from them that we seek answers. The Dutch soldiers in Potocari were ordered by both the French and the Dutch acting commanders in theatre (General Hervé Gobilliard and Brigadier-General Cees Nicolai) to take all measures to protect refugees and civilians in their care, and to defend their own base with force. They did neither. Instead, they handed the refugees over to a certain death and focused on evacuating themselves out of the enclave, which they did on 21 July.

Last week preliminary hearings were held in The Hague, for a possible court case against the Dutch government. After ten years it was my first chance to look the officers of the Dutch battalion in the eye and question their actions. They did not like it, because they have no good answers. They saved their lives and sacrificed innocent civilians.