As the gulf widens between Democrats and Republicans nationally on climate change, coal has closed the gap in Kentucky, particularly in the U.S. Senate race between Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell and Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes.

Coal has completely obscured the climate-change debate in Kentucky, said Al Cross, director of the Institute for Rural Journalism and Community at the University of Kentucky.

"Here you've got a planetary issue, an issue that could affect the lives of most of the people on the planet in an adverse way, and the people of Kentucky don't hear a thing about it," Cross said. "Both candidates are so wrapped around the coal industry."

Yet the coal industry accounts for less then 1 percent of the jobs in the state. And that number keeps dwindling. There were 11,715 jobs in coal mines, as of June, according to a quarterly report by the Kentucky Energy and Environment Cabinet. That's down from as high as 19,000 in early 2009.

Repeated questions by The Enquirer earlier this month on whether he believed in man-made climate change didn't faze him.

"We can debate this forever," McConnell said. "George Will had a column in the last year or so pointing out that, in the '70s, we were concerned the ice age was coming. I'm not a scientist. I'm interested in protecting Kentucky's economy."

The McConnell and Grimes race – the most expensive in the country – in large part revolves around who is a bigger friend to the coal industry.

Both Grimes and McConnell have sounded similar on climate change and turned the debate from science to jobs. Grimes has acknowledged climate change is caused by people but doesn't directly answer what should be done about it. Instead, in a statement to The Enquirer, she shifts her focus on her differences with other Democrats and her desire to protect coal jobs from an over-zealous Environmental Protection Agency.

"The difference between me and the position of many national Democrats is that I am pro-coal, and will lead to develop a long-term strategy that addresses economic and energy demands, as well as climate concerns," Grimes said in a statement to The Enquirer.

McConnell seems to be winning the race in the coalfields. The most recent Louisville Courier-Journal Bluegrass Poll showed McConnell leading in Eastern Kentucky and Western Kentucky, and showed 44 percent of registered voters said they trust McConnell to fight effectively for Kentucky's coal interests, while 22 percent said they trust Grimes.

Climate issue transcends science, political party

In Kentucky, the issue transcends both science and party and boils down to the economy and the state's disdain for Obama.

"Climate change is a strange mix of science, politics, geography and consumption," said Bill Bissett, president of the Kentucky Coal Association. "They all intermesh."

The science gets trumped by economics for most people, Cross said. Miners and coal-mine operators, historically opposed to each other, in Kentucky have united against Obama and the EPA, Cross said.

Like most Republicans, many in the coal industry focus on the need to protect coal jobs rather than the science of climate change.

People in this region understand more about where their electricity comes from, said Michael Duncan, an eastern Kentucky banker and former chairman of the Republican National Committee who now serves as president of the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity.

"My grandparents didn't have electrification on the farm in eastern Tennessee when I was growing up," Duncan said. "I've seen how, with the industrial revolution, society improved, longevity improved. We're a little bit closer to it than those on the coasts."

This fear of job loss has led to Democrats supporting legislation and measures to oppose EPA regulations. Earlier this year Democratic Attorney General Jack Conway joined the lawsuit other states have filed opposing the proposed EPA greenhouse gas regulations.

"I hate to say it, but it will probably take some tragedy, a natural disaster of great proportions, to bring people to their senses," said Ruth Bamberger, a Ludlow resident and legislative director for Northern Kentucky of the environmental organization Sierra Club.

Climate change different outside of Kentucky

The difference between Democrats and Republicans on climate change is much more noticeable in other places. In a 2013 national survey by the Pew Research Center, 64 percent of Democrats and 23 percent of Republicans attributed climate change to human activity.

A survey by The Enquirer of the Congressional delegation in Kentucky and Ohio also showed a uniform split between Democrats and Republicans on who was convinced of mankind's role in environmental changes.

"Climate change is real, and scientists have confirmed that we are playing a role in the gradual warming of the planet, which has serious consequences for our environment and our economy," said Rep. John Yarmuth, a Democrat from the liberal-heavy area of Louisville.

Republicans who responded all acknowledged climate change, but all remained skeptical on the cause.

"Despite claims to the contrary, the evidence concerning man-made climate change is far from conclusive," said Rep. Steve Chabot, R-Westwood, in a statement. "However, what is conclusive is the damage some of the more extreme proposals intended to address climate change, like cap-and-trade, will have on our economy."

Coal, oil and gas have opened their wallets

Money plays a role in the different messages, experts say.

The entrance of super PACs after the 2010 Citizens United Supreme Court case opened the floodgates, said Heather Taylor-Miesle, director of the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmentalist group.

The coal industry spent five times as much on Congressional candidates in 2012 as it did in 2008, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. The oil and natural gas industry increased political spending 89 percent during that time.

A majority of that money has gone to Republicans. Of the $34 million from oil and natural gas industry given to Congressional candidates this election cycle, 88 percent went to Republican candidates, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. For the $5 million in coal money given to federal campaigns in 2014, 95 percent went to Republicans.

"You'll see where someone starts to talk about the issue, and magically there is more campaign dollars in the coffers," Miesle said. "It has a lot to do with money."

Money from alternative energy, though in smaller amounts, has mostly gone to Democrats. In 2012, a total of $2.8 million from the alternative energy lobby was spent on Senate and House candidates, with 58 percent going to Democrats, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

A few key races this year might determine whether money continues to have an influence on the climate change debate.

Environmentalists have opposed the Republican incumbents in the Pennsylvania governor's race and Kansas Senate race, said David Donnelly, president of Every Voice, a nonpartisan group that works to reform campaign finance laws. If successful, that could diminish the political clout of fossil fuel interests, Donnelly said.

"If the environmental community can show the issue is more important than money to elect and defeat candidates, then it's possible the partisan lines will fracture," Donnelly said. "If the opposite happens, we could see a muting of some of the Democratic message." ■