A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1974

Copyright

1974

To my wife, Josephine Frazier Davidson, whose steadfast
devotion and continuous encouragement made the task of
graduate school seem a little easier, and to my sons,
John Kenneth Davidson, Jr., and Stephen Wood Davidson, who
do not understand why their father had to be away most of
the time .

1. The lower the traditional level of sexual per-
missiveness in a group, the greater the likelihood
that social forces will alter individual levels of
sexual permissiveness. (Reiss, 1967:160)

White females, for example, will be particularly affected by

such independent variables as church attendance, love affairs,

and romantic love.

2. The stronger the amount of general liberality in
a group, the greater the likelihood that social
forces will.maintain high levels of sexual per-
missiveness. (Reiss, 1967:161)

This general liberality trait includes liberality on such

questions as political, economic, and religious issues.

Persons possessing high degrees of general liberality will

be, typically, more receptive to social attitudes that may

encourage and maintain high levels of sexual permissiveness.

3. To the extent that individual ties to the marital
and family institutions differ, individuals will
tend to display a different type of sensitivity of
permissiveness to social forces. (Reiss, 1967 :161)

Males and females will tend to exhibit fundamental differences

in the effect of courtship patterns upon sexual permissiveness.

Women will tend to utilize romantic love as a justification

for a particular level of sexual permissiveness.

4. The higher the overall level of permissiveness in
a group, the greater the extent of equalitarianism
within the abstinence and double standard classifi-
cations. (Reiss, 1967:162)

Increased permissiveness will lead to greater equality be-

tween the sexes with respect to participation in premarital

sexual intercourse.

5. Differences in the potential for permissiveness in
a basic set of parentally derived values are a key
determinant of the number, rate, and direction of
changes in premarital sexual standards and behavior.
(Reiss, 1967:163)

6. There is a general tendency for the individual to
perceive parents' permissiveness as a low point on
a permissiveness continuum and peers' permissive-
ness as a high point, and to place himself closer
to peers, particularly to those regarded as close
friends. (Reiss, 1967:162)

Those individuals who perceive themselves as similar to

parents in values will tend to be low on a scale of permissive-

ness whereas those more similar to peers will tend to be high

in permissiveness.

7. The greater .the responsibility for other family
members and/or the less the courtship participation,
the greater the likelihood that the individual will
be low on permissiveness. (Reiss, 1967:163)

It .follows from this proposition that the more emotionally

involved one becomes with the courtship partner, the less

influence parents will have in the final determination of

sexual behavior.

From the foregoing propositions, Reiss formulated the

following theory of premarital sexual permissiveness:

The degree of acceptable premarital permissiveness in a
courtship group varies directly with the degree of
autonomy of the courtship and with the degree of accep-
table premarital sexual permissiveness in the social
and cultural setting outside the group. (1967:164)

Each person has a biological sex drive which encourages

sexual activity and physical release. In an autonomous

courtship system, a greater likelihood exists that this bio-

logical sex drive will find expression through premarital

sexual intercourse. The youth of today, according to Reiss

(1967), have both a sense of adventure and a general liberal-

ity toward sex. Reiss, however, cautions the reader against

assuming that autonomy of courtship necessarily promotes

promiscuity. Females are known to place certain limitations

on their sexual activity in line with the degree of serious-

ness of the courtship stage.

It is unfortunate .that Reiss has chosen the term per-

missiveness for the development of his theory, as this term

carries value connotations for many persons. Nevertheless,

Reiss has made a major contribution to theory building in the

study of premarital sexual intercourse.

Reference group theory, according to M~irjnaei, suggests

that the behavior of a person will be consistent with the ex-

pectations of the group which the individual uses as a refer-

ence point. Mirande argues that reference group theory should

be applied to the study of premarital sexual behavior in

hopes of promoting further understanding of the various pat-

terns of sexual activity exhibited by college students.

Mirande has hypothesized that "The sexual behavior of an in-

dividual will tend to' be a function of the expectations of

his peer reference group, irrespective of the direction of

the influence" (Mirande, 1968:573). This hypothesis has been

substantiated through empirical investigation using college

students as respondents. One is able to c~onclude from Mirandes

data that students are influenced byt~h~e behavior and expec-

tations of close associates. While persons are influenced

by all their peers, the evidence indicates that they seek out

peer groups which reinforce their own predispositions toward

sexual activity. While this theory seems plausible in light

of the available evidence, much additional research is needed

to justify using the reference group perspective, by itself,

in attempts to explain premarital sexual intercourse.

Christensen's theory of relative consequences consists

of six propositions*, as -follows:

1. Certain relationships among variables in the sexual
realm verge upon universality, while others tend to
be culture bound. (Christensen, 1969:216)

This proposition assumes that cultural norms are viewed as a

confounding variable, that is, operating to alter the behavior

itself as well as the consequences of such behavior.

2. Sexual norms influence behavior, making for essen-
tial consensus and conformity within a given society;
yet there is always some individual deviation, and
this occurs at the levels of both attitudes and
behavior. (Christensen, 1969:216)

In a permissive society one would expect to find permissive

behavior, and in a restrictive society one would expect to

find nonpermissive behavior. One should thus be able to

hypothesize that some persons may exist in the society whose

behavior is out of step with their own standards. In other

words, a value-behavior discrepancy is said to exist-for

such persons.

3. Movement toward greater permissiveness in sexual
norms tends to converge both attitudes and behavior
as between males and females but to encourage the
persistence of certain subcultures. (Christensen,
1969:216)

5. Deviations from actual sex norms, as these are pre-
scribed by existing societies and internalized
within their constituent members, increased with
restrictiveness in the culture. (Christensen, 1969:
218)

As the restrictiveness of the culture increases, violations

of one's own standards concerning premarital sexual inter-

course are likely to increase. Christensen has termed this

phenomenon value-behavior discrepancy.

6. Negative consequences deriving from premarital
coitus are positively related to these behavioral
deviations from norms, which means that they in-
crease with restrictiveness in the culture.
(Christensen, 1969:218)

The negative consequences of guilt--the hurried weddings upon

discovery of pregnancy, and later divorce because of pre-

marital' pregnancy--would be expected to be much more frequent

in restrictive cultures.

Christensen derived from the aforementioned propositions

the following theory of relative consequences:

Both the behavior itself and the resulting effects of.
premarital sexual intimacy are in part dependent upon
differing cultural norms, plus the conversion of these

norms into individual values; and the negative con-
sequences are greatest in restrictive societies,
where behavior is most deviant from existing standards.
(Christensen, 1969:219)

In a recent publication entitled A Decade of Family

Research and Action (Cannon and Long, 1971), an intellectual

challenge was issued for the development of further theory

relating to premarital sexual intercourse. After a thorough

and comprehensive review of research reports on premarital

sexual intercourse published during the decade of the 1960s,

Cannon and Long surmised that, with the notable exceptions

of Reiss and Christensen, little attempt has been made to

base research on existing theoretical orientations. Un-

fortunately, many existing propositions lack any integration

and linkage with~propositional statements developed in other

areas of sociology. To this list of theorists in the sub-

stantive area of premarital sexual intercourse, it would seem

appropriate to add the names of Clayton (1969, 1972) and

Mirande (1968).

Later studies have consistently failed to support the

propositions contained in Reiss's theory (Heltsley and

Broderick, 1969; Middendorp, Brinkman, and Koomen, 1970;

Maranell, Dodder, and Mitchell, 1970). However, in rejoinders

to these published reports, Reiss has argued that methodologi-

cal problems in the research designs have resulted in the

propositions not being subjected to adequate testing (Reiss,

1969, 1970). Christensen's theory has, as yet, not under-

gone completely adequate field testing to determine its

theoretical value.

The purpose of this dissertation is to develop theoreti-

cal propositions about premarital sexual intercourse using

the retroduction process as a technique of theory construc-

tion, as suggested by the works of Berardo (1969) and

Zetterberg (1965). This approach is also somewhat comparable

to the work of Bartz and Nye (1970).in studying early mar-

riages. Bartz and Nye listed at least two distinct advan-

tages to this approach in theory building. First, theory

constructed in this manner will be based upon existing re-

search. Secondly, this technique allows easy pinpointing

of gaps in available research (Zetterberg, 1965; Bartz and

Nye, 1969).

This approach, suggested by the works of Zetterberg,

Berardo, and Bartz and Nye, should lead to the development of

one or more partial or middle-range theories (Gibbs, 1972;

Merton, 1957).

Definition of Concept

Premarital sexual intercourse, for the purpose of this

dissertation, will be defined as the intromission of the

penis by a never-married male into the vaginal tract of a

never-married female. The absence of orgasm on the part of

the male and/or female does not preclude the use of this

definition. Any form of heterosexual, noncoital sex is,

however, specifically excluded by this particular definition.

From a semantic standpoint, the use of the term premarital

creates certain terminological problems (Gibbs, 1972;

Zetterberg, 1965). By definition, this term is usually

interpreted to mean that which precedes marriage; yet, not

all persons in an unmarried state who engage in sexual inter-

course with each other eventually marry. The term nonmarital

coitus might seem to be a more appropriate descriptive term.

However, conventionality of usage in the sociological litera-

ture dictates the use of the term premarital sexual inter-

course. Further terminological confusion results when

"premarital sexual intercourse" is used to describe a never-

married person who is having sexual intercourse with a married

person. Conventionality would seem to indicate that for the

former it is "premarital" and for the latter it is "extra-

marital" sexual intercourse. Since we shall be .dealing with

the sexual behavior of the unmarried person only, that

problem need not concern us (Gibbs, 1972).

Plan of the Dissertation

This dissertation will consist of four parts. In the

first part, a thorough review of all reported research

literature relevant to the stated problem will be made. A

comprehensive list of empirical propositions will then be

made using each of the independent variables referred to in

the research literature. It is expected that, in many cases,

empirical propositions will have to be extracted from the

existing reported data, because formally stated propositions

may not appear in the research reports. If more than one

citation is found for the same proposition, a notation will

b~e made as to whether the additional citations lend support

to, or tend to refute, the proposition. Only empirically

based research will be used to pinpoint independent variables

for inclusion in the list of empirical propositions.

The second part will consist of subjecting certain of

these empirical propositions to further empirical test.

An unanalyzed data base of 336 never-married Caucasian

females, which consists of 140 River City College coeds and

196 Allied Health Science coeds from River City College,

Southern Medical School, and River City Hospital's School

of Nursing, is available for this purpose.* These data will

be treated, for the purpose of this data analysis, as two

independent samples. Appropriate statistical techniques will

be utilized to determine the level of significance and the

degree of association between the independent variables and

the dependent variable of premarital sexual intercourse found

in each of the empirical propositions.

In the third part of the dissertation, those empirical

propositions found to be statistically significant will be

combined into theoretical propositions using the process of

retroduction. This process involves the level of abstraction

of the independent variable, thus permitting certain proposi-

tions with commonality of concepts to be combined.

*In the interest of preserving the anonymity of respon-
dents, the foregoing pseudonyms will be used throughout this
dissertation.

13

The fourth part will consist of ascertaining the re-

semblance of these theoretical propositions to any existing

theoretical frames of reference in sociological theory.

"...[T~he goal of theory construction is the creation or

identification of order, and success can be judged by the

predictive power of the theory" (Gibbs, 1972 :305). If any

empirical regularities are discovered, they will be treated

and viewed as the establishment of possible theoretical

perspectives for the study of premarital sexual intercourse,

rather than as models of causation or explanation.

~

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Current Status of Research

Over the years, a number of different independent vari-

ables have been utilized to study the likelihood of partici-

pation in premarital sexual intercourse. Some of the more

frequently used variables will be briefly explored to demon-

strate their relevance for a study of premarital sexual inter-

course.

Age has been one of the most frequently employed vari-

ables. A basic assumption in the use of this variable has

been that the older the person, the more lifetime exposure

he or she has had to the possibility of participating in

premarital sexual intercourse. Early studies indicated

that, as age increased, the incidence of premarital sexual

intercourse increased (Terman, 1938; Kinsey et al., 1948;

Kinsey et al, 1953). Other more recent studies have con-

sidered the age of the individual per se as an oversimplifi-

cation of the possible relationship with premarital sexual

intercourse. A more logical approach seems to be to con-

sider age at marriage. After all, the length of the life-

time exposure pattern is, essentially, a function of the

age of a person at the time of marriage. Chilman (1966),

in using this approach, found that early marriage for females

was associated with a greater likelihood of ever engaging in

premarital sexual intercourse, but that late marriage for

males was associated with a greater likelihood. While this

variable has been used in several studies, no consistent

direction has been established.

Terman (1938j found that early age at menstruation was

associated with a higher incidence of premarital sexual inter-

course among females. The rationale was that early maturing

females would experience physiological desire for sexual

intercourse earlier; therefore they would have a longer life-

time interest and exposure to the possibility of premarital

sexual intercourse. Another possible interpretation of

these data is that females who reach physiological maturity

early change their reference groups, thereby creating the

possibility of having peer group approval for sexual inter-

course prior to marriage.

Individuals who begin to date at a very early age also

were found to have participated in premarital sexual inter-

course in greater proportions than persons who begin to

date at a later age (Bell and Chaskes, 1970). Again, lifetime

exposure to the possibility of sexual experience appears to

be a key element in this finding.

In more recent years, considerable research interest

has been directed toward the theoretical typology of pre-

marital sexual standards constructed by Ira Reiss. Persons

accepting premarital sexual intercourse as a personal stan-

dard of behavior have tended to exhibit higher rates of

participation in premarital sexual intercourse. Females, in

particular, have exhibited a higher incidence of premarital

sexual intercourse if their personal standards included

sexual intercourse before marriage (Christensen and Gregg,

1970).

Many persons opposing the dissemination of contraceptive

information have argued that such information leads to an

increased incidence of premarital sexual intercourse; yet only

one author has chosen to use this variable for research pur-

poses. Davis (1929) found higher rates of premarital sexual

intercourse among females with contraceptive information.

Another variable appearing in some form in much recent

research has been the courtship stage of the respondent.

Numerous studies have indicated that females associate love

and affection with potential participation in premarital

sexual intercourse. As they progress toward more serious and

meaningful relationships with dating partners, they become

much more receptive to the idea of engaging in premarital

sexual intercourse. Using the courtship stage as a variable

in the incidence of premarital sexual intercourse has taken

a.variety of forms. Long engagements have been found to be

associated with a higher incidence of premarital sexual inter-

course for females (Burgess and Wallin, 1953). Courtship

stage was used as a variable in a study reproted by Bell

and Blumberg (1959). As the seriousness of the dating

relationship increased, the incidence of premarital sexual

intercourse among females increased geometrically.

In a later study, Bell and Chaskes (1970) reported that,

as the number of times females had gone steady increased,

the probability that they had participated in premarital

sexual intercourse greatly increased. They also found that

the greater the number of different boys females have dated,

the greater the probability that they have engaged in pre-

marital sexual intercourse. A greater number of different

dating partners increased the likelihood of a serious rela-

tionship developing for females, along with an increase in

the absolute number of emotionally involved lifetime situa-

tions (going steady) in which premarital sexual intercourse

might occur. A variation in the usual findings relative to

the stage of courtship as a variable was reported by Kanin

(1960). He found that a short period of exclusive dating

was more likely to lead to premarital sexual intercourse than

a long period of exclusive dating. The existence of an

engagement versus the nonexistence of an engagement greatly

increased the probability that premarital sexual intercourse

would occur for females (Freedman, 1965).

Presence of strict parental discipline in the home was

associated with a low incidence of premarital sexual inter-

course for females in data reported by Terman (1938:335). It

is of interest to note that, apparently, no other sex re-

searcher has utilized this variable in studies of premarital

sexual intercourse. Based on other nonsexual data, many

researchers would argue that strict parental discipline seems

more likely to increase the incidence of premarital sexual

intercourse among females than to lessen the likelihood of

its occurrence.

The educational level of the respondent has been fre-

quently used as a variable in research cm premarital sexual

intercourse. Some researchers argue that educational level

should not be considered as a variable distinct from that of

socioeconomic status. However, its separate usage can be

justified in terms of its apparent opposite effect for males

and females. Males with low levels of educational achieve-

ment have generally indicated higher participation rates for

premarital sexual intercourse than females with low levels

of educational achievement (Kinsey, 1953:293-296).

Clayton found that male fraternity members had higher

rates of participation in premarital sexual intercourse than

independent males. Sorority members, though, had a lower

incidence of premarital sexual intercourse than did indepen-

dent females (Clayton, 1969:471-473). The sorority members

were very concerned about the image and reputation of their

organizations on the campus where the survey had been conducted.

They had elaborate sets of procedures for handling deviations

from their organizational norms.

Happiness of the parents'. marriage was found to be

associated with the incidence of premarital sexual inter-

course by Christensen and Carpenter. This variable was

significant in the stated direction for Intermountain and

Midwestern University samples only. Students who reported

19

happy parental marriages tended to have lower rates of par-

ticipation in premarital sexual intercourse when contrasted

with students who reported unhappy parental marriages

(Christensen and Carpenter, 1962:67-69). This variable seems

to imply that young people found in unhappy home environments

will likely turn to other sources of attention and affection.

Kaats and Davis concluded from their data that physical

attractiveness on the part of females increased the likeli-

hood that they would participate in premarital sexual inter-

course. Physical attractiveness would appear to increase

the theoretical number of life chances females may have to

participate in premarital sexual intercourse (Kaats and Davis,

1970:395-396).

The variable of religion has been used down through the

years in investigations of the general incidence of pre-

marital sexual intercourse. The traditional religious

breakdown of Protestant, Catholic, and Jew has been employed

most frequently in studying the relationship between pre-

marital sexual intercourse and religious affiliation. Most

studies have indicated the highest incidence of premarital

sexual intercourse for male and female Catholics (Bell and

Blumberg, 1959; Peretti, 1969). With one or two notable

exceptions, Jews have tended to exhibit the lowest incidence

of premarital sexual intercourse (Hohman and Schaffner, 1947).

These findings could possibly be a function of the avail-

ability of eligible dating and marriage partners according

to one's religious preference. Courtship folklore supports

the claim that often Jewish males seduce Gentile females

to preserve the Jewish females' virginity for marriage. The

available data do not permit either acceptance or rejection

of this contention. The data do, however, indicate that

Jewish females' virginity is more often preserved until

marriage, whatever the reasons may be.

Numerous attempts have been made to ascertain a rela-

tionship between premarital sexual intercourse and religiosity.

One of the major difficulties with this variable is the

measurement of the concept of religiosity. Frequency of

church attendance has been-used in many instances as an index

of devoutness in religious faith. Yet, researchers have

argued down through the years that church attendance itself

is a poor index of religiosity. These considerations not-

withstanding, frequency of church attendance has been asso-

ciated with a low incidence of premarital sexual intercourse

(Burgess and Wallin, 1953:339). Using the Putney and Middle-

ton Likert-type scale of religious orthodoxy (defined herein

as religiosity), .Clayton found that high religious orthodoxy

scores were associated with low incidences of premarital

sexual intercourse for independent males and females but not

for male and female members of Greek-letter social organiza-

tions (Clayton, 1969:470-472). Burges-s and Wallin, among

others, also noted that persons with no religious preference

indicated the highest incidence of premarital sexual inter-

course (Burgess and Wallin, 1953:339).

Early researchers used the variable of rural-urban

residence in studies of premarital sexual intercourse.

A higher incidence of premarital sexual intercourse was found

to be associated with an urban background (Kinsey et al., 1948:

455 ). Today, with the gradual diminution of previous

rural-urban differences, this variable is no longer considered

relevant by most researchers.

While considerable variation exists in the particular

technique used in evaluating social class, most researchers

are in agreement that the incidence of premarital sexual

intercourse is much greater among persons from the lower

class as contrasted with persons from the middle class

(Kinsey et al., 1953; Diamant, 1970; Hohman and Schaffner,

1947; Kanin, 1960). Bell and Chaskes (1970), however, have

recently reported that no significant differences exist in

the incidence of premarital sexual intercourse among re-

spondents when using father's occupation and father's educa-

tional level as indices of social class.

Review of the Literature

Beginning with the year 1915, all available empirical

research concerned with premarital sexual intercourse has

been carefully reviewed. This comprehensive review of the

relevant research literature has provided a somewhat lengthy

inventory of empirical propositions. In many instances,

it has been necessary to formally construct empirical propo-

sitions from the independent variables appearing in the

research reports, as many authors chose not to place variables

in a propositional format.

For the sake of clarity, consistency in the wording of

the empirical propositions has been utilized wherever pos-

sible. This structural requirement has led to a rewording

of many existing propositions. Nevertheless, the integrity

of each proposition has been maintained by not altering the

stated direction of the independent variable. The cited

reference for each empirical proposition indicates where

support, and/or lack of support, may be found in the research

literature for a particular independent variable.

Inventory of Empirical Propositions for
Never-Married Females

1. There is a direct relationship between age and having

had premarital sexual intercourse (supported by Bergen,

1972; Kinsey et al., 1953; Ramsey, 1943; Vener, Stewart,

and Hager, 1972; not supported by Eastman, 1972).

2. There is an inverse relationship between age at marriage

and having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported

by Chilman, 1966).

3. There is an inverse relationship between age at first

menstruation and having had premarital sexual inter-

course (supported by Terman, 1938).

4. There is an inverse relationship between age at first

date and having had premarital sexual intercourse (sup-

ported by Bell and Chaskes, 1970; Freeman and Freeman,

1966).

5. There is a direct relationship between having a personal

standard which includes premarital sexual intercourse

and having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported

by Christensen and Gregg, 1970; Freeman and Freeman,

1966).

6. There is, a direct relationship between contraceptive

knowledge and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Davis, 1929).

7. There is a direct relationship between perceived norms

of sexual permissiveness among others in general and

having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported by

Teevan, 1972; not supported by Clayton, 1972).

8. There is a direct relationship between perceived norms of

.sexual permissiveness and having had premarital sexual

intercourse (supported by Freeman and Freeman, 1966;

Teevan, 1972; not supported by Clayton, 1972).

9. There is a direct relationship between involvement in a

love relationship and having had premarital sexual inter-

course (supported by Bell and Blumberg, 1959; Bergen,

1972; Christensen and Gregg, 1970; Eastman, 1972;

Freedman, 1965; Freeman and Freeman, 1966; Kanin, 1960;

Karen, 1959; Locke, 1951; Prince and Shipman, 1960).

10. There is a direct relationship between length of engage-

ment and having had premarital sexual intercourse (sup-

ported by Burgess and Wallin, 1953).

.1. There is a direct relationship between the number of
different boys dated and having had premarital sexual

intercourse (supported by Bell and Chaskes, 1970).

12. There is an inverse relationship between having had

strict discipline in the home and having had premarital

sexual intercourse (supported by Bergen, 1972; Terman,

1938).

13. There is a direct relationship between educational level

and having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported

by Bergen, 1972; Kinsey et al., 1953).

14. There is an inverse relationship between grade point

average and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Bergen, 1972; Freeman and Freeman, 1966).

15. Females enrolled in Colleges of Arts and Sciences are

more likely to have had premarital sexual intercourse

than are females enrolled in Colleges of Education

(supported by Bergen, 1972).

16. Independents are more likely to have had premarital

sexual intercourse than are sorority members (supported

by Clayton, 1969).

17. There is a direct relationship between being estranged

from parents and having had premarital sexual inter-

course (supported by Teevan, 1972).

18. There is a direct relationship between living alone and

having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported by

Arafat and Yorburg, 1973).

19. There is a direct relationship between having parents

with an unhappy marriage and having had premarital

sexual intercourse (supported by Christensen and Carpen-

ter, 1962).

20. There is a direct relationship between physical attrac-

tiveness and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Kaats and Davis, 1970).

21. Protestant females are more likely to have had pre-

marital sexual intercourse than are Jewish females

(supported by Althoff and Nussel, 1971; Arafat and

Yorburg, 1973; Freeman and Freeman, 1966).

22. Catholic females are more likely to have had premarital

sexual intercourse than are Protestant females (sup-

ported by Bell and Blumberg, 1959; Freeman and Freeman,

1966; Bergen, 1972; Peretti, 1969; not supported by

Arafat and Yorburg, 1973; Kinsey et al., 1953).

23. There is an inverse relationship between church atten-

dance and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Bauman, 1973; Bergen, 1972; Burgess and

Wallin, 1953; Freeman and Freeman, 1966; Kinsey et al.,

1953; Prince and Shipman, 1960).

24. There is an inverse relationship between sex guilt and

having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported by

Mosher and Cross, 1971).

25. There is a direct relationship between urban residential

background and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Bergen, 1972; Kinsey et al., 1953).

26. Females from the East are more likely to have had

premarital sexual intercourse than are females from

the Deep South (supported by Bergen, 1972).

27. Females from the East are more likely to have had

premarital sexual intercourse than are females from

the Midwest (supported by Bergen, 1972).

28. Females from the Far West are more likely to have had

premarital sexual intercourse than are females from

the Deep South (supported by Bergen, 1972).

29. Females fran the Far West are more likely to have had

premarital sexual intercourse than are females from

the Midwest (supported by Bergen, 1972).

30. There is a direct relationship between lower-class

values and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Kinsey et al., 1953, for females when

using level of education an an index; not supported by

Bell and Chaskes, 1970; Bergen, 1972, for females when

using level of education as an index).

31. There .is an inverse relationship between father's social

class and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Vener et al., 1972).

32. There is a direct relationship between use of marijuana

and having had premarital sexual intercourse (supported

by Arafat and Yorburg, 1973; Bell and Clavan, 1973;

Milman and Su, 1973; Walters, Goethals, and Pope, 1972).

33. There is a direct relationship between use of alcoholic

beverages and having had premarital sexual intercourse

(supported by Bell and Clavan, 1973; Milman and Su,

1973).

34. There is a direct relationship between use of narcotics

(LSD, heroin, etc.) and having had premarital sexual

intercourse (supported by Arafat and Yorburg, 1973;

Milman and Su, 1973; Walters et al., 1972.

Studies Not Utilized

A number of available sources could not, logically, be

utilized for the purpose of extracting empirical propositions

for this dissertation. Among those sources not included was

the frequently cited work of Ira Reiss entitled The Social

Context of Premarital Sexual Permissiveness (1967). This

work was not selected because of the rather unusual stance

that Reiss takes with regard to the attitude versus behavior

dilemma. "Hopefully, by this time in the development of

social science we have discarded the primitive notion that

behavior rather than attitude is more of a 'true' measure of

a relationship" (Reiss, 1967:11). He then proceeds to equate

attitude with behavior, thus assuming that one can ascertain

behavior by asking about attitude.

Several sources were not included because of cultural

variation in the data which make meaningful comparisons with

data from the United States methodologically unsound

(Bock and lutaka, 1970; Chesser, 1956; Hobart, 1972; Slater,

1951; Schofield, 1965). A substantial number of sources

were rejected because no specific independent variables were

utilized in the research designs (Achilles, 1923; Bromley

and Britten, 1938; Cuber and Harroff, 1965; Herz, 1970;

Hughes, 1926; Kanin, 1957, 1969; Landis and Landis, 1953;

Macklin, 1972; Packard, 1968; Peterson, 1938; Robinson, King,

Dudley and Clune, 1968; Robinson, King, and Balswick, 1972).

Still other sources were not used because of the atypical

nature of samples, such as respondents being physically

handicapped (Landis and Bolles, 1942; Merrill, 1918; Schwartz,

1971; Strakosch, 1934).~ Finally, a large number of sources

were omitted from further consideration because of serious

methodological problems such as small "N", absence of statis-

tical tests of significance, or nonrepresentative sampling

procedures (Burchinal and Bock, 1959; Dickinson and Beam,

1934; Exner, 1915; Greene, 1964; Hamilton, 1929; Kirkendall,

1961; Kronhausen and Kronhausen, 1960; Lower, 1972; Luckey

and Nass, 1969; Pearl, '1925; Peck and Wells,1923; Taylor,

1933).

Methodological Problems in Current Literature

Considerable difficulty exists with respect to uni-

formity of definitions employed in gathering and reporting

empirical data on premarital sexual intercourse. Some

authors have questioned the idea of whether fellatio and

and cunnilingus may be appropriately counted as sexual

intercourse since these two sexual techniques are often found

in heavy petting (Freedman, 1965). Should homosexual ex-

periences that have led to orgasm on the part of the respon-

dent (Kinsey et al., 1948) be counted as part of the total

sexual intercourse experience? Is the true incidence of

premarital sexual intercourse somewhat underestimated by

virtue of the exclusion of fellatio, cunnilingus, and homo-

sexual experiences which result in orgasm for the respondent?

The use of the terms virgin and nonvirgin often provoke

a maze-like effect in the research. To report a female as

a nonvirgin after she has had sexual intercourse only one

time as part of lifetime behavior raises some serious theo-

retical questions. Should researchers be interested pri-

marily in current behavior or in total lifetime behavior?

Or should data be gathered on both lifetime and current

rates of participation in premarital sexual intercourse?

If only current behavior is studied, the percentage of

college females reporting participation in premarital sexual

intercourse drops drastically (Clayton, 1969).

There is a general lack of agreement as to the meaning

of the term technical virgin, and thus it is variously used

by many authors. Does it mean (Bromley and Britten, 1938)

caressing the breasts, manipulation of the genital area, or

any and all types of sexual stimulation leading to an orgasm,

except intromission of the penis into the vagina?

Often in the design of the research project, previous

research either has been ignored, or not properly applied,

in the development of the research design. Many of the early

researchers made no effort at all to review the relevant

literature in formulating the research design (Davis, 1929;

Dickinson and Beam, 1934).

Another critical problem in research~on premarital sexual

intercourse has been the inability and/or unwillingness on

the part of researchers to utilize representative samples in

their work. Most of the existing data on premarital sexual

intercourse are concerned with white college students, and

the samples are largely nonrepresentative and nonrandom.

Often one is unable even to generalize the data to other

students at the same college or university, not t'o mention

the prospect of other colleges and universities (Kirkendall,

1961; Kanin, 1960). A recurring problem is that of small

sample size, particularly when the data are categorized and

tabulated. Percentages often are calculated based on small

Ns, with the results being very misleading to an untrained

and unsophisticated reader (Freedman, 1965).

Many of the problems associated with nonrepresentative

and nonrandom sampling .can be attributed directly to the

lack of financial and administrative support from colleges

and universities for research about premarital sexual inter-

course. Consequently, most researchers have chosen to use

whatever sample groups they have immediate access to,

regardless of size and/or characteristics. Thus, the rather

extensive practice of utilizing volunteer subjects in the

gathering of data on premarital sexual intercourse still

exists today. A crucial question (Kaats and Davis, 1970)

then becomes, to what extent are respondents "coerced" into

participating in surveys against their wills? Does a

student in a classroom setting feel compelled to participate

in such a study if requested to do so by his instructor?

Would he or she fear that grade reprisal would occur if they

refused to cooperate?

Additional problems in sampling may be introduced if

students are told to report to a certain location at a par-

ticular time. One could argue that students who spend their

own time participating in a study are likely to be atypical

with respect to interest and/or participation in sexual

activity (Kirkendall, 1961). Peretti suggests that personal

contact be made in the respondent's own social setting,

assuming that anonymity can be preserved (Peretti, 1969).

Some researchers have chosen to pay respondents and the

recruiters of respondents. Bias in the selection process

may be a factor in the data collected under such circumstances

(Luckey and Nass, 1969; Kinsey et al., 1948; Kinsey et al.,

1953). Original respondents have been permitted to recruit

their friends for participation in some studies of premarital

sexual intercourse. Would these recruiters (Hamilton, 1929;

Kinsey et al., 1948; Kinsey et al., 1953) be likely to choose

~

other respondents who are similar in terms of their own be-

havior patterns?

A number of researchers have used mail questionnaires in

gathering data on premarital sexual intercourse (Packard,

1968; Davis, 1929; Burgess and Wallin, 1953). The obvious

question of collusion on filling out the questionnaire can

be raised, even though complete anonymity of the respondent

can be preserved using this data-gathering technique. Other

researchers have distributed questionnaires to groups for

completion and later gone back and retrieved them (Reiss,

1967; Exner, 1915).

The interview, eliminating anonymity in one sense of the

word, does make for greater rapport with the respondent,

which should result in more accurate and complete data

(Hamilton, 1929; Kinsey et al., 1948; Kinsey et al., 1953).

Many early studies did not employ any type of statis-

tical tests of significance in reporting the data. The data

were usually reported in percentages and left to the reader's

interpretation (Kinsey et al., 1948; Bromley and Britten,

1938; Dickinson and Beam, 1934; Davis, 1929).

Another frequent problem that has occurred in reported

findings in the literature is that the number of cases re-

ported in the final tabulations differs significantly from

originally reported sample size, without explanation; yet

the original sample size-is what is most often referred to

in reviews of the literature about premarital sexual inter-

course (Packard, 1968; Locke, 1951; Ross, 1950).

The reporting of findings in the literature has often

been confusing and unclear. The reader is, sometimes, unable

to accurately evaluate the author's conclusions (Cuber and

Harroff, 1965; Reiss, 1967). At other times, it is even

necessary to combine categories and calculate descriptive

statistics in order to compare the data with other studies

(Terman, 1938; Kinsey et al., 1948; Peretti, 1969).

As discussed in Chapter I, there has been a general lack

of concern for theory building in the research on premarital

sexual intercourse. Most recent researchers, with the excep-

tion of Christensen, have avoided making statements regard-

ing the utilitarian value of their findings (Christensen,

1969; Christensen and Gregg, 1970).

Research on premarital sexual intercourse has come a

long way since the early days of Exner and Davis. If the

same degree of progress in research on premarital sexual

intercourse can be made during the decade of the 1970s as

during the decade of the 1960s, family researchers will be

able to look with admiration upon the research efforts de-

voted to the study of premarital sexual intercourse.

Some Testable Propositions About Premarital
Sexual Intercourse Among Females