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The econom
of
Following is the background paper for
the House Subcommittee hearings on
South Africa that is being distributed by
SDS. The paper was prepared for SDS by
Christopher Z. Hobson and Paul Booth.
Additional copies are arailable from the
National Office.
Hearings on involvement of U.S. corporations in the Republic of South Africa are
to be held by the Subcommittee on Africa
of the House Committee on Foreign Affair^
under the chairmanship of Rep. Barratt
O'Hara (2nd District, Illinois). Crucial
preliminaries to the hearings are the preparation of a list of witnesses and the
decision whether to subpoena these witnesses or merely invite them to appear.
There are indications that many will not
wish to come voluntarily; already one
prospective witness, Charles W. Englehard - whose activities are outlined below -
has declined to appear unless subpoenaed.
What follows is an outline of three
aspects of the activities of U.S. corporations regarding South Africa-ordinary
business activities; financial aid to the
South African government; promotion and
propaganda-and a notation of possible
witnesses and lines of questioning. Suggestions concerning legislation are included at the end.
1. ORDINARY ACTIVITIES. More than
200 U.S.. firms invest in South Africa,
including many of the corporate giants of
our economy as well as American-owned
firms operating primarily overseas. Most
African employees of these firms may not
organize unions, advance within the firm,
or choose different places of work.
Miners—relatively well-paid—earn on the
average $216 a year, as against $810 in
Zambia.
However, American investors do not
merely take frugal advantage of conditions
determined by others; some, at least, also
participate in setting the conditions. For
example, Charles W. Engelhard, of Far
Hills, New Jersey, and Johannesburg,
holds, among his 23 South African directorships, directorships in the Native Recruiting Corporation and the Witwater-
stang Native Labour Association, which
procure African contract labor from
neighboring countries for mine work; and
in the Chamber of Mines, which determines
wages and working conditions in the mines.
Witnesses at the Subcommittee's hearings should include Mr. Engelhard and the
presidents of the major U.S. corporations
investing in South Africa.** Questions
should focus on working conditions, wages
and organizing rights of workers in their
South African plants; the extent to which
firms or individuals have, like Mr. Engelhard, participated in determining these
conditions; possible involvement in or
contributions to propaganda organizations
of the sort mentioned below.
2. AID. Since 1950, a revolving credit
(a loan fund automatically renewed as it
comes due) has been maintained with the
South African Treasury by a "consortium" of American banks headed by the
Chase Manhattan Bank and the First
ICS
apartheid'
National City Bank of New York.*** The
fund has been enlarged from time to time
and now totals $50 million.
In addition, American money has lent
assistance on an emergency basis. After
the Sharpeville incident (March 21, 1960)
and the subsequent decision of South
Africa to form a republic and abandon the
sterling standard, foreign capital began to
flee the country. There was danger of
economic collapse. Then, in 1961, the 80
American firms then investing in South
Africa increased their investments by $23
million, and $150 million in dollar loans
was extended to the South African government from the following sources:
American-influenced supranational financial institutions (International Monetary
Fund, $38 million; World Bank and
affiliates, $28 million; U.S. lenders not
publicly identified, $70 million; Chase
Manhattan Bank, $10 million; and First
National City, $5 million). Since 1961
further loans, including an enlargement of
the revolving credit, have been obtained;
and-not accidentally, as is indicated
below-the number of U.S. firms investing
in South Africa has pearly tripled.
Witnesses before the Subcommittee
should include David Rockefeller, President of the Chase Manhattan Bank, and the
presidents of the other banks in the
"consortium"; responsible officers of the
Departments of State, Commerce and the
Treasury; and the Attorney General.
Questions to the bankers should focus on
the reasons for granting the 1961 loans,
the names of the "U.S. lenders not publicly
identified," and the extent to which the
banks' subsidiary investment firms, or
firms in which the banks have interests-
e.g., the Chase International Investment
Corporation and Dillon, Read & Co.-
have encouraged new investment since
1961. The officers of State, Commerce
and the Treasury should be asked what
the U.S. government's attitude has been
to these loans and investments; in particular, whether there was any consultation
between the U. S. government and the IMF
and World Bank before the granting of
their $66 million loans, and if so what
attitudes were expressed by the government and by the banks. The Attorney
General should be asked if loans to South
Africa can be prohibited under the Trading
with the Enemy Act, 1917 (as amended),
which empowers the President to "prohibit. .. transactions in foreign exchange,
transfers of credits or payments between,
by, through or to any banking institutions."
3. PROMOTION AND PROPAGANDA
These activities, not surprisingly, are
linked. In promoting investment one of
the chief operators is the investment
banking firm Dillon, Read & Co., whose
Chairman until 1953, C. Douglas Dillon,
was Secretary of the Treasury until last
year and has just been named to the
Board of the Chase Manhattan Bank.
Dillon, Read & Co. and Engelhard Development Co., a subsidiary of Engelhard
Industries, Inc., jointly own South African
Investment Adviser, Inc., an investment
advisory firm which in turn operates
American-South African Investment Co.,
SHARPEVILLE, SOUTH AFRICA, March 21, 1960-72 people were killed when police
fired into a crowd of several thousand unarmed people who had gathered outside the
police station to protest against the pass book laws. National demonstrations to protest
U.S. economic sustainment of the apartheid government have been called by the NC for
the anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Ltd. - an investment firm which raises
capital for investments in South Africa.
Engelhard, in turn, is American chairman
of the South Africa Foundation, as association of businessmen with interests in South
Africa formed to undertake "the promotion
of international understanding of the South
African way of life, achievements and
aspirations." Thus the "axis" of Dillon,
Read, and Engelhard Industries covers
every aspect of the investment process,
from promoting the location to providing
the funds; but, more than that, it operates
politically in that it disseminates the
shabbiest sort of propaganda; propaganda
which, if effectual at all, will not merely
encourage investment, but by influencing
opinion in an important sector of the
"American public, will affect the formation
of U.S. policy toward South Africa.
WE HAVE DOCUMENTED INSTANCES
of American participation in the shaping of
apartheid; of emergency financial aid to
the government of South Africa, involving
some of the largest banks in the United
States; of an interlocking "axis" of propaganda, promotion and investment, involving one of the largest and most respected
U.S. investment banking firms. A good
guess is that many of the other corporate
interests mentioned here-e.g., other
members of the consortium; oil suppliers
such as Caltex and Socony Mobil; many of
the more than 200 investing" firms-are
linked to these and similar activities.
Investigation should reveal the linkages-
but only if undertaken by power of subpoena
The data outlined above, while far from
complete, show that the activities of these
firms have affected the internal affairs
of another country and, quite likely, the
foreign relations of the United States.
This is ample reason for considering full
disclosure of their activities to be in the
public interest.
We urge that the Subcommittee on Africa
use power of subpoena, if necessary, to
obtain complete information on all South
African activities of the firms mentioned
herein.
If the Subcommittee's investigation confirms the existence of a pattern of
American economic support for South
African apartheid, we recommend consi-
deration of the following possible legislative actions: —
1. Passage of an Act requiring that
American firms list publicly all investments and operations in South Africa, as
well as all South African investments and
operations of wholly or partly owned subsidiaries or other firms in which they
have interests.
2. Passage of an Act requiring the firms
covered by (1) above to report periodically
on working conditions and, especially, on
racially restrictive employment practices, in their South African enterprises.
3. Enactment of a surtax on corporate
profits from investments and operations
in South Africa; this would be designed
to discourage new investment, (b) Enactment of a heavy surtax designed to encourage withdrawal by American firms already
investing or operating in South Africa.
4. Enactment of a partial or total
embargo on trade between the United
States and South Africa, and on trade
channelled from either to the other through
third countries.
»SOURCES: Africa Report, March, 1964
(Special issue, "Partners in Apartheid");
research by members of Students for a
Democratic Society, January-February,
1965; research by SDS/American Committee on Africa Summer Project, 19SC
**E.g.: Chase Manhattan Bank; Dillon,
Read & Co. (see below); Chrysler (currently building extensive new facilities);
Socony Mobil (chief supplier of oil); American Metal Climax (owns largest mine in
South-West Africa); Boeing (sent advisers
for construction of military aircraft, circumventing U.S. embargo on military
supplies). A complete list is available
from this office.
***The others have not been publicly
identified. As of early 1965, they were:
Morgan Guaranty Trust Co., Bank of
America, Bankers Trust Co., Chemical
Bank New York Trust Co., Manufacturers
Hanover Trust Co., First National Bank of
Chicago, Irving Trust Co. and(sincel963)
Continental Illinois Bank and Trust Co.
Recent publications
on South Africa
by Tom Condit
. A new printing of the SDS pamphlet
■ "South Africa: The Meaning of
Apartheid" will be ready by the time you
receive this. The pamphlet will be offset,
priced at 10? (5? in bundles).
n A new edition of "U.S. Investment in
^ South Africa: A Web of Power" is in
preparation and will be ready soon.
3 The Jan.-Feb. issue of AFRICA
TODAY has been delayed in production
but will be out soon. It is a special extra-
size issue containing the results of last
summer's South African research project
of the American Committee on Africa.
This comprehensive survey of the South
African economy has detailed reports on
Banking and Finance, the Motor Industry,
Labor in South Africa (with a separate
section on mine labor), the Mineral and
Metal Industry, Oil, etc., as well as a
special section on Charles Englehard.
Price of the oversize issue has not been
set, but SDS members may order now at
50? per copy from ACOA, 211 E. 43d st.,
New York City. (Chapters should enquire
about bundle rates.)
4 FOCUS/SOUTHERN AFRICA is an
attractive pamphlet from the National
Student Christian Federation (available for
35? plus postage from United Campus
Christian Fellowship, Publications Office,
P.O. Box 7286, St. Louis, Mo. 63177). It
summarizes the situation in South Africa,
Rhodesia and Portuguese Africa, and includes a bibliography, list of interested
periodicals and organizations (with
addresses), a film list on South Africa, a
list of U.N. resources and university
institutes of African and Commonwealth
studies. It concludes with questions groups
should ask about possibilities for action in
their area.
5 WHAT IS NEO-COLONIALISM?, by
Leon Szur and Jack Woddis(Movement
for Colonial Freedom, 374 Grays Inn Road,
London W.C.I, U.K. 10?, enquire about
bundles.), is an exploration of the ways in
which exploitation of underdeveloped^
nations has changed since World War n.
It deals with the political subordination of
"independent governments to the metropolitan areas, the world market, foreign
"aid", military bases in the underdeveloped countries, and the meaning of
"positive neutralism". The resolution on
neo-colonialism of the 3rd All-African
People's Conference is summarized in an
appendix.
x THE COMING STRUGGLE FOR
° SOUTH AFRICA, by "Sandor" (Fabian
Society, 11 Dartmouth St., London SW1,
U.K. 50?), is somewhat dated (1963) but
remains one of the best analyses of South
African politics. It analyses government
policies, the divisions between the African
National Congress and the Pan-Africanist
Congress, the South African economy and
the sabotage and guerilla movements.
7 SOUTH AFRICAN CRISIS AND
UNITED STATES POLICY (American
Committee on Africa, address above, $1)
is a 1962 pamphlet outlining the situation
in South Africa and the role of U.S. government and business in upholding the
Verwoerd government.
0 Penquin African Library: THE PEAS-
» ANT'S REVOLT, by Govan Mbeki,
tells of the resistance to creation of the
first "Eantustan" in the Transkei; SANCTIONS AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA, ed. by
-Rfma4d—Spg-a^ states the rase for a wnrlri^
boycott of trade with S.A.; SOUTH WEST
AFRICA, by Ruth First, deals with S.A.'s
"trusteeship"; THE RISE OF THE SOUTH
AFRICAN REICH, by Brian Bunting, draws
parallels between apartheid and naziism.
q The Center for tW Study of Demo-
* c'ratic Institutions (BÖx'4068, Santa
Barbara, Calif.) has a tape "South Africa's
Racial Problem".
i q Chapters and regions should enquire
to the A.CO.A. (address above)about
the CBS film "Sabotage in South Africa".
Regional coordination of film showings
would be desirable.
., The Alexander Defense Committee
' ' (Box 345, Canal St. Station, New York
10013) has reprinted LB. Tabata's Presidential Address to the African People's
Democratic Union of South Africa (1962).
Film
How many groups would be interested
in a showing of "Come Back Africa"?
This feature film was shot on an "underground" basis in South Africa, and starred
a then-unknown young singer named
Miriam Makeba. It is a graphic account
of the conditions of African laborers in the
cities. The normal rent on this is $75-$100
depending on audience size, but we may be
able to get a rate if enough people are
tergstgdj-- Write to Tom Condit c/ojhe
N.O.
We have enough material for mimeographed pamphlets on the Rhodesian crisis
and on South West Africa. We will put
them out if enough people want them to
cover production costs. Write to Tom
Condit (c/o the National Office).

Copyright belongs to the individuals who created them or the organizations for which they worked. We share them here strictly for non-profit educational purposes. If you believe that you possess copyright to material included here, please contact us at asklibrary@wisconsinhistory.org. Under the fair use provisions of the U.S. copyright law, teachers and students are free to reproduce any document for nonprofit classroom use. Commercial use of copyright-protected material is generally prohibited.

Owner

The International Institute of Social History Library Collections; Brünn, Harris Watts Collection - Serials and Press Release Soldiers Movements, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam

Copyright belongs to the individuals who created them or the organizations for which they worked. We share them here strictly for non-profit educational purposes. If you believe that you possess copyright to material included here, please contact us at asklibrary@wisconsinhistory.org. Under the fair use provisions of the U.S. copyright law, teachers and students are free to reproduce any document for nonprofit classroom use. Commercial use of copyright-protected material is generally prohibited.

Owner

The International Institute of Social History Library Collections; Brünn, Harris Watts Collection - Serials and Press Release Soldiers Movements, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam

Full text

The econom
of
Following is the background paper for
the House Subcommittee hearings on
South Africa that is being distributed by
SDS. The paper was prepared for SDS by
Christopher Z. Hobson and Paul Booth.
Additional copies are arailable from the
National Office.
Hearings on involvement of U.S. corporations in the Republic of South Africa are
to be held by the Subcommittee on Africa
of the House Committee on Foreign Affair^
under the chairmanship of Rep. Barratt
O'Hara (2nd District, Illinois). Crucial
preliminaries to the hearings are the preparation of a list of witnesses and the
decision whether to subpoena these witnesses or merely invite them to appear.
There are indications that many will not
wish to come voluntarily; already one
prospective witness, Charles W. Englehard - whose activities are outlined below -
has declined to appear unless subpoenaed.
What follows is an outline of three
aspects of the activities of U.S. corporations regarding South Africa-ordinary
business activities; financial aid to the
South African government; promotion and
propaganda-and a notation of possible
witnesses and lines of questioning. Suggestions concerning legislation are included at the end.
1. ORDINARY ACTIVITIES. More than
200 U.S.. firms invest in South Africa,
including many of the corporate giants of
our economy as well as American-owned
firms operating primarily overseas. Most
African employees of these firms may not
organize unions, advance within the firm,
or choose different places of work.
Miners—relatively well-paid—earn on the
average $216 a year, as against $810 in
Zambia.
However, American investors do not
merely take frugal advantage of conditions
determined by others; some, at least, also
participate in setting the conditions. For
example, Charles W. Engelhard, of Far
Hills, New Jersey, and Johannesburg,
holds, among his 23 South African directorships, directorships in the Native Recruiting Corporation and the Witwater-
stang Native Labour Association, which
procure African contract labor from
neighboring countries for mine work; and
in the Chamber of Mines, which determines
wages and working conditions in the mines.
Witnesses at the Subcommittee's hearings should include Mr. Engelhard and the
presidents of the major U.S. corporations
investing in South Africa.** Questions
should focus on working conditions, wages
and organizing rights of workers in their
South African plants; the extent to which
firms or individuals have, like Mr. Engelhard, participated in determining these
conditions; possible involvement in or
contributions to propaganda organizations
of the sort mentioned below.
2. AID. Since 1950, a revolving credit
(a loan fund automatically renewed as it
comes due) has been maintained with the
South African Treasury by a "consortium" of American banks headed by the
Chase Manhattan Bank and the First
ICS
apartheid'
National City Bank of New York.*** The
fund has been enlarged from time to time
and now totals $50 million.
In addition, American money has lent
assistance on an emergency basis. After
the Sharpeville incident (March 21, 1960)
and the subsequent decision of South
Africa to form a republic and abandon the
sterling standard, foreign capital began to
flee the country. There was danger of
economic collapse. Then, in 1961, the 80
American firms then investing in South
Africa increased their investments by $23
million, and $150 million in dollar loans
was extended to the South African government from the following sources:
American-influenced supranational financial institutions (International Monetary
Fund, $38 million; World Bank and
affiliates, $28 million; U.S. lenders not
publicly identified, $70 million; Chase
Manhattan Bank, $10 million; and First
National City, $5 million). Since 1961
further loans, including an enlargement of
the revolving credit, have been obtained;
and-not accidentally, as is indicated
below-the number of U.S. firms investing
in South Africa has pearly tripled.
Witnesses before the Subcommittee
should include David Rockefeller, President of the Chase Manhattan Bank, and the
presidents of the other banks in the
"consortium"; responsible officers of the
Departments of State, Commerce and the
Treasury; and the Attorney General.
Questions to the bankers should focus on
the reasons for granting the 1961 loans,
the names of the "U.S. lenders not publicly
identified" and the extent to which the
banks' subsidiary investment firms, or
firms in which the banks have interests-
e.g., the Chase International Investment
Corporation and Dillon, Read & Co.-
have encouraged new investment since
1961. The officers of State, Commerce
and the Treasury should be asked what
the U.S. government's attitude has been
to these loans and investments; in particular, whether there was any consultation
between the U. S. government and the IMF
and World Bank before the granting of
their $66 million loans, and if so what
attitudes were expressed by the government and by the banks. The Attorney
General should be asked if loans to South
Africa can be prohibited under the Trading
with the Enemy Act, 1917 (as amended),
which empowers the President to "prohibit. .. transactions in foreign exchange,
transfers of credits or payments between,
by, through or to any banking institutions."
3. PROMOTION AND PROPAGANDA
These activities, not surprisingly, are
linked. In promoting investment one of
the chief operators is the investment
banking firm Dillon, Read & Co., whose
Chairman until 1953, C. Douglas Dillon,
was Secretary of the Treasury until last
year and has just been named to the
Board of the Chase Manhattan Bank.
Dillon, Read & Co. and Engelhard Development Co., a subsidiary of Engelhard
Industries, Inc., jointly own South African
Investment Adviser, Inc., an investment
advisory firm which in turn operates
American-South African Investment Co.,
SHARPEVILLE, SOUTH AFRICA, March 21, 1960-72 people were killed when police
fired into a crowd of several thousand unarmed people who had gathered outside the
police station to protest against the pass book laws. National demonstrations to protest
U.S. economic sustainment of the apartheid government have been called by the NC for
the anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Ltd. - an investment firm which raises
capital for investments in South Africa.
Engelhard, in turn, is American chairman
of the South Africa Foundation, as association of businessmen with interests in South
Africa formed to undertake "the promotion
of international understanding of the South
African way of life, achievements and
aspirations." Thus the "axis" of Dillon,
Read, and Engelhard Industries covers
every aspect of the investment process,
from promoting the location to providing
the funds; but, more than that, it operates
politically in that it disseminates the
shabbiest sort of propaganda; propaganda
which, if effectual at all, will not merely
encourage investment, but by influencing
opinion in an important sector of the
"American public, will affect the formation
of U.S. policy toward South Africa.
WE HAVE DOCUMENTED INSTANCES
of American participation in the shaping of
apartheid; of emergency financial aid to
the government of South Africa, involving
some of the largest banks in the United
States; of an interlocking "axis" of propaganda, promotion and investment, involving one of the largest and most respected
U.S. investment banking firms. A good
guess is that many of the other corporate
interests mentioned here-e.g., other
members of the consortium; oil suppliers
such as Caltex and Socony Mobil; many of
the more than 200 investing" firms-are
linked to these and similar activities.
Investigation should reveal the linkages-
but only if undertaken by power of subpoena
The data outlined above, while far from
complete, show that the activities of these
firms have affected the internal affairs
of another country and, quite likely, the
foreign relations of the United States.
This is ample reason for considering full
disclosure of their activities to be in the
public interest.
We urge that the Subcommittee on Africa
use power of subpoena, if necessary, to
obtain complete information on all South
African activities of the firms mentioned
herein.
If the Subcommittee's investigation confirms the existence of a pattern of
American economic support for South
African apartheid, we recommend consi-
deration of the following possible legislative actions: —
1. Passage of an Act requiring that
American firms list publicly all investments and operations in South Africa, as
well as all South African investments and
operations of wholly or partly owned subsidiaries or other firms in which they
have interests.
2. Passage of an Act requiring the firms
covered by (1) above to report periodically
on working conditions and, especially, on
racially restrictive employment practices, in their South African enterprises.
3. Enactment of a surtax on corporate
profits from investments and operations
in South Africa; this would be designed
to discourage new investment, (b) Enactment of a heavy surtax designed to encourage withdrawal by American firms already
investing or operating in South Africa.
4. Enactment of a partial or total
embargo on trade between the United
States and South Africa, and on trade
channelled from either to the other through
third countries.
»SOURCES: Africa Report, March, 1964
(Special issue, "Partners in Apartheid");
research by members of Students for a
Democratic Society, January-February,
1965; research by SDS/American Committee on Africa Summer Project, 19SC
**E.g.: Chase Manhattan Bank; Dillon,
Read & Co. (see below); Chrysler (currently building extensive new facilities);
Socony Mobil (chief supplier of oil); American Metal Climax (owns largest mine in
South-West Africa); Boeing (sent advisers
for construction of military aircraft, circumventing U.S. embargo on military
supplies). A complete list is available
from this office.
***The others have not been publicly
identified. As of early 1965, they were:
Morgan Guaranty Trust Co., Bank of
America, Bankers Trust Co., Chemical
Bank New York Trust Co., Manufacturers
Hanover Trust Co., First National Bank of
Chicago, Irving Trust Co. and(sincel963)
Continental Illinois Bank and Trust Co.
Recent publications
on South Africa
by Tom Condit
. A new printing of the SDS pamphlet
■ "South Africa: The Meaning of
Apartheid" will be ready by the time you
receive this. The pamphlet will be offset,
priced at 10? (5? in bundles).
n A new edition of "U.S. Investment in
^ South Africa: A Web of Power" is in
preparation and will be ready soon.
3 The Jan.-Feb. issue of AFRICA
TODAY has been delayed in production
but will be out soon. It is a special extra-
size issue containing the results of last
summer's South African research project
of the American Committee on Africa.
This comprehensive survey of the South
African economy has detailed reports on
Banking and Finance, the Motor Industry,
Labor in South Africa (with a separate
section on mine labor), the Mineral and
Metal Industry, Oil, etc., as well as a
special section on Charles Englehard.
Price of the oversize issue has not been
set, but SDS members may order now at
50? per copy from ACOA, 211 E. 43d st.,
New York City. (Chapters should enquire
about bundle rates.)
4 FOCUS/SOUTHERN AFRICA is an
attractive pamphlet from the National
Student Christian Federation (available for
35? plus postage from United Campus
Christian Fellowship, Publications Office,
P.O. Box 7286, St. Louis, Mo. 63177). It
summarizes the situation in South Africa,
Rhodesia and Portuguese Africa, and includes a bibliography, list of interested
periodicals and organizations (with
addresses), a film list on South Africa, a
list of U.N. resources and university
institutes of African and Commonwealth
studies. It concludes with questions groups
should ask about possibilities for action in
their area.
5 WHAT IS NEO-COLONIALISM?, by
Leon Szur and Jack Woddis(Movement
for Colonial Freedom, 374 Grays Inn Road,
London W.C.I, U.K. 10?, enquire about
bundles.), is an exploration of the ways in
which exploitation of underdeveloped^
nations has changed since World War n.
It deals with the political subordination of
"independent governments to the metropolitan areas, the world market, foreign
"aid", military bases in the underdeveloped countries, and the meaning of
"positive neutralism". The resolution on
neo-colonialism of the 3rd All-African
People's Conference is summarized in an
appendix.
x THE COMING STRUGGLE FOR
° SOUTH AFRICA, by "Sandor" (Fabian
Society, 11 Dartmouth St., London SW1,
U.K. 50?), is somewhat dated (1963) but
remains one of the best analyses of South
African politics. It analyses government
policies, the divisions between the African
National Congress and the Pan-Africanist
Congress, the South African economy and
the sabotage and guerilla movements.
7 SOUTH AFRICAN CRISIS AND
UNITED STATES POLICY (American
Committee on Africa, address above, $1)
is a 1962 pamphlet outlining the situation
in South Africa and the role of U.S. government and business in upholding the
Verwoerd government.
0 Penquin African Library: THE PEAS-
» ANT'S REVOLT, by Govan Mbeki,
tells of the resistance to creation of the
first "Eantustan" in the Transkei; SANCTIONS AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA, ed. by
-Rfma4d—Spg-a^ states the rase for a wnrlri^
boycott of trade with S.A.; SOUTH WEST
AFRICA, by Ruth First, deals with S.A.'s
"trusteeship"; THE RISE OF THE SOUTH
AFRICAN REICH, by Brian Bunting, draws
parallels between apartheid and naziism.
q The Center for tW Study of Demo-
* c'ratic Institutions (BÖx'4068, Santa
Barbara, Calif.) has a tape "South Africa's
Racial Problem".
i q Chapters and regions should enquire
to the A.CO.A. (address above)about
the CBS film "Sabotage in South Africa".
Regional coordination of film showings
would be desirable.
., The Alexander Defense Committee
' ' (Box 345, Canal St. Station, New York
10013) has reprinted LB. Tabata's Presidential Address to the African People's
Democratic Union of South Africa (1962).
Film
How many groups would be interested
in a showing of "Come Back Africa"?
This feature film was shot on an "underground" basis in South Africa, and starred
a then-unknown young singer named
Miriam Makeba. It is a graphic account
of the conditions of African laborers in the
cities. The normal rent on this is $75-$100
depending on audience size, but we may be
able to get a rate if enough people are
tergstgdj-- Write to Tom Condit c/ojhe
N.O.
We have enough material for mimeographed pamphlets on the Rhodesian crisis
and on South West Africa. We will put
them out if enough people want them to
cover production costs. Write to Tom
Condit (c/o the National Office).