You Are What You Wear?The Visual Rhetoric of Identity at Indiana Powwows

Zsuzsanna
Cselényi is a PhD candidate in the Folklore Department at
Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana,and an alumna of the
Department of English and American Studies at JATE, Szeged,
Hungary. Her research focuses on Native American material and
visual culture, and this article is a synthesis of her
dissertation. E-mail:
zcseleny@indiana.edu

Powwows, one of the most visible expressions of Indianness
today, were once seen as part of a “melting pot Indian culture,”
Pan-Indian in form and function,[1]
and a “powerful synthesis of related traditions.”[2]
Today, they are considered more of an amalgam of various sources
and practices, both generalized and particular, allowing
individual communities to maintain ties with their specific
tribal traditions by incorporating elements and symbols that
affirm specific tribal identities rather than just a generalized
sense of being “American Indian.”[3]

In order to more fully understand the role powwows play in the
lives of Indian people, it is necessary to have a firm grasp of
not only their forms and functions but also their constituents.
Providing a systematic, cross-cultural understanding of powwows
in general is, however, not the focus of this article. Rather,
it offers insight into an essential element of powwows: the
people who dance at powwows. It is, more specifically, an
analysis of powwow regalia, and of the factors that guide
dancers’ aesthetic choices in putting together their outfit.
More importantly, it looks at powwows outside their usual
geographic and social contexts, focusing on events east of the
Mississippi, and thereby on powwows that are far less studied
and understood than their counterparts in Indian Country.

In what is called Indian Country, substantial American Indian
populations have ensured the continued practice of powwows for
over a century. In the 1950s, advances in technology and travel
promoted their spread from the Great Plains to all regions with
American Indian populations. During the 1960s-1970s, in the
midst of a more general revival of Native cultures, a need for a
more recognizable American Indian identity marker emerged.
Because powwows communicate Native values to non-Natives, they
became such a prominent expression of Indian identity that many
tribes with no historical powwow traditions started
incorporating powwows into their culture. Consequently, Indians
and non-Indians alike came to associate Indianness with the
wearing of beads and feathers worn at powwows.[4]

Powwows transformed into intertribal, public cultural
performances that strengthened a sense of Native identity and
aided in the revival of many moribund traditional practices.
Competitive dancing, one of the most important aspects of the
powwow for Indians, led to the development of many clothing
styles, incorporating highly decorative featherwork, ribbonwork,
and beadwork, which in turn prompted a revival of textile arts.
For many American Indians, powwows have become a lifestyle
choice, providing an outlet for artistic creativity and skill,
as well as a means of livelihood: dancers and singers compete
for substantial prize monies; vendors of arts, crafts, and dance
regalia find a market that is being continuously renewed; and
sizeable audiences drawn by the visual extravagance of the event
assure the visibility of the organizing community on the
cultural map of mainstream America.

In the Midwest, the success of forced assimilation and the
absence of reservations or tribally held lands have rendered the
Indian populations virtually invisible. In 2004, their official
numbers in Indiana, the primary site of my study, were at
17,532, or about 0.28% of the total population of over 6
million.[5]
Today, the unofficial number is around 30,000, which includes
people who are bi- or multi-racial, as well as those who did not
participate in the official census. The Miami Indians of Indiana
are the only state-recognized nation, albeit one without a
land-base and thus federal recognition. (Since powwows “affirm
in concrete, tribally specific terms their status as Native
people,”[6]
they have become one of the means of trying to gain such
political recognition from the federal government since the
1980s.) Other tribes that have historically occupied territories
in Indiana include the Delaware, Iroquois, Kickapoo, Ottawa,
Piankashaw, Potawatomi, Shawnee, Wea and Wyandot. Today,
however, representatives of Native nations from all over the
continent, from Navajo to Gwich’in, can be found living in
Indiana, having moved here for work, family, or other
obligations.

Due mainly to the above-mentioned absence of populations
federally recognized as American Indian, most Indiana powwows
are officially defined as “hobbyist” powwows, with the majority
of dancers being non-Indian. Nonetheless, a great majority of
those dancers consider themselves Indian, even if to the
“untrained” eye they do not seem to conform to what the general
public expects an Indian to look like. The “trained” eye,
however, one that knows what to look for in terms of regalia and
movement, can easily discern Indian dancers from non-Indian
dancers. A long history of intermarrying with Euro-Americans
resulted in a significant loss of “Indianness” both in terms of
coloring and public expressions of that identity.

Coming to Indiana powwows after having experienced powwows in
Oklahoma, I found an interesting assortment of dancers. The
findings of six years of attendance as a spectator and three
years of focused fieldwork as an ethnographer at these Indiana
powwows can be distilled into five major types of dancers. The
terms for these categories were generated from conversations
with dancers, organizers, vendors, craftspeople and spectators,
and are thus emic to the community of powwow-goers in Indiana.[7]

Based on their clothing and dance style, then, Indiana powwow
dancers fall into the following categories:

·status or card-carrying Indians:
members of federally or state recognized tribes, locals or visiting/transplanted from their home states;

·
non-status
Indians: mixed-race, adopted, or relocated Indians
raised with little or no knowledge of their heritage,
now returning to their roots through powwow connections;

·historical reenactors: Indian or non-Indian enthusiasts, committed to historically
accurate representations of Indian life in specific time periods
before the present;

·Indian Hearts
and
wannabes: persons of undocumented Indian
heritage, seeking spiritual rather than material associations,
such as the so-called New Agers.

My interest in studying these Indiana dances was initially
prompted mainly by the diversity of clothing seen at these
events and their apparent departure from Western powwow regalia.
Upon closer study of the dance regalia, I found that they are
consciously used by many of the dancers as a vehicle for
expressing their identities within the powwow circle. And while
this may be true for powwow dancers in Indian Country as well,
here in the Midwest it is more expressly so.

The following chart offers an overview of the continuum of the
above listed identity categories and their basic signifiers.

Identity

Residence

Understanding

of traditions

Integration

of values

Regalia

status Indian

reservation/community-based

(by choice)

full/substantial

full/substantial

fully/substantially

unified, cohesive

non-status Indian

urban/suburban/rural

(forced relocation)

limited

substantial/limited

somewhat unified, amalgamated

hobbyist/reenactor

urban/suburban/rural

(by choice)

substantial/specialized

moderate/selective

fully unified, anachronistic

wannabe

urban/suburban/rural

(by choice)

limited/selective

selective/none

non-unified, idealistic

This second chart offers a comparison of the categories of
dancers that comprise mostly non-Indian dancers.

Hobbyist/Reenactor

Wannabe

may or may not have Indian blood

no documented Indian blood

life-long commitment

no specific knowledge, learning from others, only at
powwows

intense interest in material culture

lack of knowledge of material traditions: emphasis
on spirituality

access/commitment to best resources (materials,
teachers, craftsmanship): meticulous research

A brief definition of a powwow and of the categories into which
powwow dancers are generally organized will introduce the basic
vocabulary of the powwow regalia canon, which is based on
Western Oklahoma standards, the cradle of powwow culture.

Indian people gathered at various times of the year to renew
family, clan and tribal ties, as well as to forge social and
political alliances, celebrate victories, and to practice
religious and spiritual ceremonies. These gatherings involved
music and dance, gambling games, athletic competition, and
ceremonies. Dances were performed for various occasions and
purposes: some were used to communicate with the powers of the
universe, others to honor the spirits of powerful beings, and
still others were owned by specific societies and performed only
by members of those societies, such as the Omaha military
society’s Grass dance.

During the reservation period of the 19th century,
however, tribal customs and practices were outlawed by the
United States government, along with the use of Native
languages. Powwows emerged in the 1870s in Oklahoma as a new way
of practicing these outlawed ritual customs in the guise of a
social festival, which involved family reunions, courtship,
singing, dancing, games, food and crafts. Around the turn of the
20th century, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Shows employed
many Native American men, prompting significant changes in the
dance styles and dance outfits, making the war dances they
usually performed fancier, more visually enticing. The modern
powwow evolved from a combination of such practices, gaining in
popularity since the 1940s, when they were revived as occasions
to honor and welcome back returning war veterans. They evolved
into a venue for Indians to not only socialize, but also to
remember the old ways and to preserve their cultural heritage.
They serve as places to reinforce the values of working together
as a family and bonding as a community, as well as to expose
young people to the language and teachings of their elders. Most
importantly, they provide a viable means of expression of the
survival of Native cultures, a common meeting ground for Indians
of all tribal affiliations, as well as interaction between
Indians and non-Indians.

Today the two most common types of powwows are the traditional
powwow and the competition powwow. Traditional powwows involve a
mixture of social, religious, and political activities that
directly affect the organizing community, such as adoptions,
namings, honorings, or “first” dances. The competition powwow,
on the other hand, is more theater than ceremony, more
intertribal and public than tribally specific and locally
meaningful. It allows dancers to make a semi-professional living
of competing for prize monies. But only registered,
card-carrying Indians can compete for these monies.

It is nonetheless the competition powwow that gave powwows the
four major categories of dance style repertoire: men’s and
women’s Northern and Southern Traditional, Grass, Jingle Dress,
and Fancy.[8]

These dances have a strong personal and spiritual dimension,
with many different interpretations for each dance style,
depending on tribal and family background. Similarly, dance
regalia are also very personal and artistic expressions of the
dancer’s life, feelings, interests, and spiritual quest. An
outfit evolves and changes as the dancer evolves and changes in
life. Changes are made each season depending on the fashion of
the time or a personal change in taste, and one’s dance outfit
is never “finished.” When a dancer wants to get a new outfit, he
or she may gift the old outfit to a younger dancer who is just
starting out in the powwow circuit. Various regalia elements are
also given as gifts by elders or treasured people in the
dancer’s life, and are to be worn with pride and responsibility.

What characterizes traditional Indian dance clothes is unity of
composition: all elements have cohesion, make sense, and
complement each other to communicate something specific about
the dancer (e.g., tribal, clan, or family affiliation). The
degree of this unity or cohesion is often seen as an indicator
of the dancer’s knowledge of powwow rules and practices.

Each regalia style also developed as a direct reflection of the
dance it corresponds to and has specific markers that identify
it. The men’s traditional dances, for example, are variations on
the war dance, the oldest form of dance in Native culture, in
which warriors would “dance out” their hunting or war exploits.
Hence you will see a lot of crouching and movements imitating
the stalking of animals or battling of enemies. The dancers are
often veterans and carry items that symbolize their status as
warriors—shields, weapons, honor staffs and medicine wheels.

Various tribal influences and different traditional outfits have
been blended together into a more general style, influenced
mostly by Plains traditions. Because the dance outfit is a very
personal expression of creativity and artistry, you will never
see two outfits that are exactly alike.

Several
elements in the men’s Northern Traditional or War Dance outfit
reflect items worn by early warriors: a bone breastplate worn
for protection against arrows, a neck choker for protection
against knives, ankle bells or jingling hooves, and a hide
shield decorated with tribal symbols. The most distinguishing
element, however, is the circular or U-shaped bustle of eagle
feather spikes tied at the waist. Other elements generally worn
by a northern traditional dancer include a feather war bonnet, a
coyote hide headdress, or a porcupine roach,[9]
beaded moccasins and leggings, a breechcloth, and various beaded
accessories, such as belt, armbands, cuffs, and necklaces, as
well as a flat eagle feather fan. Face paint is often employed
in different styles derived from the designs of the dancer’s
family or nation.

The
men’s Southern Traditional or Straight Dance comes from Oklahoma
tribes. It is an understated style in which the dancer keeps a
steady, flowing pace that is not interrupted with fancy moves or
extra footwork. Many of the articles a Straight dancer wears are
unique to his style and cannot be seen anywhere else. The
regalia usually consist of a roach headdress or otter-skin
turban, a headband of white handkerchief rolled up and knotted
on the forehead, an otter-tail or broadcloth trailer decorated
with beadwork, ribbonwork, or silver or brass conchos, a ribbon
shirt, a vest, breechcloth and leggings, beaded moccasins,
fingerwoven sashes, and bandoliers worn from each shoulder,
crossing the chest. The dancer always carries a fan (loose, flat
or wing), and often a dance staff that is shorter and thinner
than in other dance styles.

The
Grass dancer wears a yoke and breechcloth fringed with rows of
brightly colored or
white yarn, which replaces the long prairie
grass tucked into a belt in the old Omaha dance. He also wears a
roach headdress with two upright eagle feathers in sockets that
allow them to spin, rock and twirl with each movement. The dance
is a very fluid and bendable style, in which the dancer tries to
move his fringes in as many places as possible at once.
Movements consist of many sways, dips and sliding steps, as if
flattening the tall grass to make a new camp site, one of the
legendary purposes of the dance. It is also said to reflect the
need for balance in life: each movement danced on one side must
be repeated on the other. The dancer keeps his head moving side
to side or up and down with the beat of the drum, nodding
quickly several times to each beat, which keeps the roach crest
feathers spinning, and must finish with both feet on the ground
on the final beat.

The
Fancy Dance is the most contest-oriented of the powwow dances,
and thus also the most indicative of the latest fashion trends
in the powwow world, both in motion and in regalia. It allows
the dancer to demonstrate his athletic ability, stamina and
originality. The freestyle footwork and flashy clothes are meant
to make him stand out in a crowd. The dance features jumps,
twirls, splits and back flips, and the dancer must follow the
changing beat of the drum and stop when the music does, with
both feet on the ground. The signifying elements of the outfit
are the two bustles of brightly colored feathers, ribbons,
fluffs and horsehair, one on the waist and one at the back of
the neck, and sometimes smaller bustles on each arm. The colors
and patterns of the bustles are repeated on beaded arm- and
headbands, harnesses, moccasins, yoke and breechcloth, side
tabs, and other accessories. A roach headdress trimmed with
colored horsehair features two upright eagle feathers decorated
with plumes and reflective tape, in a rocker spreader designed
to keep them either spinning or rocking. Angora anklets and
sleigh or hawk bells just below the knee complete the outfit,
and a dance stick decorated with ribbons or feathers.

Women’s traditional dances also require enormous stamina,
concentration and grace. The movements are very focused. The
feet move in time with the drum and never completely lift off
the ground. The dancer has to stay in perfect rhythm with the
drum, stepping lightly, slightly bobbing up and down, and
allowing the fringes of the dress and shawl to sway like the
prairie grass.

Northern
Traditional dancers may wear one of two styles of regalia:
buckskin or cloth. A
well-dressed Buckskin dancer usually
dresses from the feet up: she begins with beaded knee moccasins
of white buckskin tied just below the knee, followed by a long
white buckskin skirt with a cotton tank attached at the waist,
and a fully beaded buckskin yoke with long strips hanging down
below the knees. Sometimes a breastplate will be worn over the
dress. A choker or a neckerchief is worn around the neck. Hair
can be worn loose or braided, with a single feather attached in
the back with beaded clips or barrettes. Dancers carry a fringed
shawl folded over one arm and an eagle feather fan, as well as a
beaded awl and knife case on the belt. The beautiful beadwork is
usually made in colors and patterns reflecting tribal
affiliations.

The other style is a cloth (velvet or wool) dress decorated with
elk teeth, cowrie shells, or dentalium shells, complete with
leggings and moccasins, fan and shawl, and many other
accessories of the Buckskin dancer.

The
Southern Traditional Dance comes from Oklahoma tribes, and
incorporates
Southeastern dance styles. It is slow and graceful,
the dancer swaying side to side, her feet barely touching the
ground, bending forward from the waist at specific beats. The
outfit reflects the constant intertwining of white and Native
cultures as the settlers crossed the Plains. One type of the
Southern Traditional outfit is the Southeastern-style long
tiered dress, called the Cherokee tear dress, which is often
complemented by a fringed shawl matching the dress in its
patterns.

The
Southern Plains style outfit features a tee-dress over a full
slip, made of any fabric suitable to one’s region or climate.
The apron worn above the dress wraps around the waist and
overlaps to the left. A concho belt[10]
keeps it in place. Over the shoulders, a breastplate is secured
by ribbons, and around the neck a neckerchief is usually worn.
Knee-high boot moccasins, beaded or plain, complete the look.

A third type is the Woodlands/Prairie style outfit characterized
by a wool wrap skirt with elaborate ribbonwork or beading,
center-seam moccasins without leggings, and a long decorated
fabric drop attached at the back of the neck. Most dancers carry
a fringed shawl on their left arm, a purse, and a fan.

The
Jingle Dress Dance came to the powwow scene from the Great Lakes
region in the 1920s. It is considered to be a medicine dance,
bringing healing through the sound that is created by employing very
elaborate footwork to make hundreds of tin cone jingles move in sync
with the drum. The dance steps are controlled, often in a zigzag
pattern reflecting the journey of life. Besides this traditional
jingle step, the dancer can also move in a sliding side step. The
feet often do parallel movements. She raises her fan on the honor
beats of the drum, and must stop with both feet on the ground on the
final beat. The dress itself is a cotton, velvet or leather-base
dress decorated with 400-700 cone-shaped rolled snuff can lids,
which hit each other at every move and create a pleasing “jingle.”
The jingles are attached by ribbon or fabric in rows or a pattern
designed by the dancer. The outfit is completed by beaded moccasins
and leggings, a beaded or concho belt, a beaded purse, and sometimes
a vest or scarf.

The
Fancy Shawl dance is the women’s category of modern competition
style, characterized by vivid colors and lots of glitz, fast and
acrobatic freestyle footwork, and a tremendous amount of twirling,
spinning, and high kicks. It is also called the Butterfly dance,
because it is said to represent the transition of a cocoon into a
butterfly. The dancer wears beaded ankle moccasins with matching
leggings, a calf-length flared skirt connected to a tank top or a
separate blouse, and a beaded or sequined cape or vest. A yoke
around the neck may be beaded, appliquéd or painted. Other variables
include a choker or neckerchief and a leather or cloth belt. The
most distinguishing element of this style is the shawl. It should
span the dancer’s arms from fingertip to fingertip, and should have
fringes or ribbons hand-tied every quarter of an inch at the seam.
The shawl is worn across the shoulders and held slightly out at the
elbows.

As
mentioned before, in Indiana, where the Native population is
minimal, fairly spread out, and constantly fluctuating, powwows are
mainly hobbyist events with minimal Indian participation. These
types of powwows are really a subculture apart from the Indian
powwow world. To most non-Indian participants, powwowing is the
ultimate way of being Indian, whereas to Indians it is just one of
many. Generally speaking, Indiana Indians are not nearly as anchored
in their identity as most Indians in Oklahoma, so they appeal to
images and styles that are immediately apparent for their Indianness
and commonly understood and appreciated as Indian by both Indians
and non-Indians. That is why you see so many Plains-style
traditional dancers at these powwows: it is the ultimate symbol of
the Indian warrior, and they might feel a sort of connection with
the pan-Indian values it represents. However, no one ever goes to a
powwow to confirm their identity as a pan-Indian. They might wear
clothing that signals a generalized sense of Indianness to
spectators, but in almost every case it is attached to a tribally
specific sense of identity. The dancers’ perceptions of powwow
participation rules, the visual expressions of those rules, and the
meanings they ascribe to powwow performances indicate this
constructed image of themselves. Dress in general is used in many
ways to communicate “who” people imagine themselves to be, but at
Indiana powwows, aesthetic choices in dance clothes play a key part
in establishing the credibility of their powwow identity.[11]

Let
us now turn our attention to the specific characteristics of Indiana
powwow dancers as they fit into the five categories introduced at
the beginning of this article. Status Indians who attend Indiana
powwows are usually locals who live in the area, or have traveled
from neighboring states, often upon invitation by family or friends
or the organizing committee. They come to the powwow to socialize,
exhibit their skills of dancing, singing, or regalia making, or just
listen to the drums. Their clothes often reflect a deep knowledge of
the underlying contexts and meanings behind each element,
demonstrated by a cohesive and unified composition (i.e., matching
elements in style, color, and/or regional significance),
identifiable cultural references (i.e., colors, patterns, or cuts
representative of specific tribes), contemporary and
fashion-conscious style (i.e., following the latest trends in powwow
regalia), and excellent craftsmanship.

The
second category comprises people who have Indian blood but have had
little or no traditional upbringing because of adoption, relocation
to urban areas, inter-racial marriages, or other factors.[12]
Most of them consider themselves Indian, but do not qualify for
tribal membership (i.e., not enough blood quantum, or no
documentation for a lineal descent from a tribal member) and are
thus non-status Indians. Some status Indians refer to them with the
derogatory terms “apples” (i.e., red on the outside, white on the
inside) or “born-again Indians.”They attend powwows because it is usually their only connection to
Indian culture, and especially because it is the place where they
feel a sense of belonging, a sense of community with others who are
in the same predicament. They have a somewhat limited contextual
knowledge about what they are wearing and what it all means because
they are still in the process of re-discovering and learning about
their heritage. They really want to fit in, so their outfits show
considerable effort but are often “not quite right,” usually because
of some mismatched elements.

The
third type of dancers are the hobbyists, who have acquired a special
knowledge of Indian traditions and practices through many years of
involvement, often starting in the Boy Scouts, and progressing
through several stages of improvement. Most hobbyists are master
craftsmen, creating elaborate outfits with materials and techniques
that are authentically Indian. The majority of them are good dancers
in fine regalia, but you will also see clothes that are not very
well made—on people who are still in the lower stages of the
learning process. More importantly, though, hobbyists don’t claim to
be Indian—they only “play Indian”[13]
for the enjoyment of the craftsmanship that goes along with being a
dancer; or vice versa, they dance to showcase their craftsmanship.Their commitment to proper representation through their
clothes usually results in outfits that are usually well made,
geographically and historically accurate, but also often quite
anachronistic in terms of modern powwow standards, since “old-time”
(pre-1930) outfits are generally preferred over “modern” (post-1930)
outfits by most hobbyists. In fact, one of the ways to tell
hobbyists from Indians is a “too perfect,” extravagantly expensive
but often outdated outfit.[14]

The
fourth category belongs to historical reenactors, including
buckskinners, mountain men, muzzleloaders, and trekkers, all of whom
reenact different aspects of the past.
Most reenactors are non-Indians, but there are
also many Indians who enjoy reenacting. To them, reenacting is
re-living history, while a powwow is “just cutting loose,”[15]
but also a spiritual adventure. Most reenactors only attend
reenactment events (or rendezvous), but some do powwow. Many of them
are more hardcore than hobbyists—they will shave their head and
tattoo and pierce themselves according to the fashions of the time
period they represent. Because they portray a specific persona from
a specific geographic location in a specific moment in time, they
can only wear clothes and use materials that would have been
realistically available to their persona in terms of time, location,
and social status. Their clothes tend to be replicas of outfits
found in history books and museums, although not necessarily of the
same quality workmanship. Their main concern is with representing
history authentically. They believe that when they put on their
historic garb and present themselves to their peers and the public,
they have to be telling the visual truth. They are attracted to this
hobby out of a love for history and a fascination with the lives of
those before us, and feel that they owe those very same people the
minimum respect of not lying about them, visually or verbally.[16]

Finally, in the last fifteen years a fifth type of constituency
emerged at these powwows that separates itself from Indians,
hobbyists and reenactors through its clothing and dancing style as
well as its interactions with other dancers.
It comprises a wide spectrum of people, and many different terms
exist to refer to them, from the benevolent “Indian Heart” (i.e.,
the reverse of an “apple”) to the offensive “truckstop wannabe.”
(Because of their offensive nature, none of these terms are used in
face-to-face interaction with members of this category, and of
course no one ever identifies as a “wannabe.”)
Some of them claim to have Indian blood but have no documented basis
for that claim, no traditional Indian knowledge, and not much
interest in a deeper understanding of their assumed identity. Others
are just drawn to the “exotic” nature of an Indian dance, which they
have idealized as an integral part of a nature religion. Dancing and
Indian crafts are not necessarily part of their everyday experience,
and they tend to relate to them strictly from the spiritual
perspective. When they dance, they pay little or no attention to
other dancers in the arena, or to what type of dance is taking
place, but rather dance to their own rhythm, in a free-form,
improvised, emoting style. Or they try too hard to replicate Indian
dances, resulting in exaggerated movements and expressions that come
off as disrespectful, because it is hard for a spectator to tell
imitation from mocking. Nonetheless, they feel an entitlement to
participation based on either incorrectly invoked political rights,[17]
or spiritual beliefs (such as “I was an Indian in a past life”).
Most are tolerated at powwows as long as they are willing to follow
powwow protocol. However, sometimes tensions are caused by their
arrogance and self-absorption that keeps them from realizing that
their “mimicking” is preposterous and often insulting to Indians.
Looking for their roots, most have good intentions, but by picking
and choosing components of “nativeness” according to their own
needs, they pose a threat of misuse, misinterpretation, and
adulteration of Indian traditions.[18]
For this constituency, clothes are the only marker of their
identity, and they try to create their Indian identity through their
dance clothes, using them to legitimize their Indianness. Because
they are not anchored in any specific Native culture or tradition,
and most of them are in the very beginning stages of their quest for
their (real or imagined) Native heritage, their outfits reflect what
some Indians call the “Heinz 57” approach: take anything that looks
Indian, mix it with anything that comes from nature and can be
instilled with spiritual meanings, and voilá, an “Oh My Gosh”
outfit![19]

Nonetheless, there are degrees of effort even within this category.
Some people are sincere about their quest and dancing, and are only
limited by their access to quality resources needed to create a good
outfit. But they will at least make their outfits out of leather,
even if not necessarily of the best quality buckskin. Numerous
people, however, show up at powwows in clothes that are not only
incorrectly interpreted in style, but also poorly made and, above
all, made of imitation materials like polyester.It is not
too hard to see the resemblance between their outfits and those of
the dolls found at many truckstops along U.S. highways (thus the
name “truckstop wannabe”), most of which are stereotypical, highly
romanticized creations of fantasy rather than reality.[20]

CONCLUSION

Most
of the categories listed in this article are very fluid. An "Indian
heart"
can in time learn enough to become a hobbyist or a reenactor. A
reenactor can find his or her Indian roots through genealogical
research, establish legitimate connections with an Indian community,
and become a non-status Indian. Even dance clothes themselves are not an
unambiguous indicator of identity, since outfits are in a constant
flux, in a never-ending process of improvement. But knowing about
the categories and their characteristics may help one understand the
powwow as a means of public education as well as an arena for
individual expressions of identity, creativity, and cultural pride.
More importantly, in order to avoid misinformation of the general
public, of spectators who might be seeing Indian culture for the
first and last time at a powwow, it is every dancer’s responsibility
to represent that culture correctly.

Non-Indian presence at powwows is a very touchy issue for many, and
there is perceptible prejudice against non-Indian dancers, rooted in
the long-standing practice of appropriation of Native practices for
individual gain. The main concern is that those who are only getting
involved in powwows because of a fashion trend or because they hope
to gain some kind of an image or status through it will not spend
enough time and energy to learn about the real meanings behind
powwow dancing. As in most cases, though, there are two sides to be
considered. On the one hand, there is the Native peoples’ concern
about misrepresentation of their culture and values by people who do
not have the right education about or understanding of those values.
When you put on Indian clothes and enter the dance arena, you are
representing a Native cultural practice, and undiscerning spectators
could easily assume that what they are seeing is the right (or only)
way to be Indian.

On
the other hand, those who are genuinely interested and invested in
powwowing do it because they see a real value in preserving these
traditions and practices for future generations, and they should be
accepted and encouraged to learn from people who can teach them
things correctly and without bias. Whether you are dark or light,
full-blooded or multi-racial, it is the values according to which you
live your everyday life and which you share with others around you
that give you a sense of belonging. And what better place to share
those values than the symbolic circle of the powwow arena where
young and old, Indian and non-Indian alike can come together in
joyful celebration of traditions that have sustained generations of
Native people through centuries of hardship. “Indian people are like
a patchwork quilt—warm and colorful,” said a dancer at the 2004
Miami powwow. “Sharing that warmth with people around you can only
make the rest of the world warmer, too.”

[4]
For other reference works on powwows, see Tara Browner,
Heartbeat of the People: Music and Dance of the Northern
Powwow (University of Illinois Press, 2002); and chapter
3 in Barre Toelken, The Anguish of Snails: Native
American Folklore in the West (Utah State University
Press, 2003).

[7]
These terms are not universal but rather a synthesis of what
powwow participants often use to “label” other participants.
N.B.: All photos in this article are the author's copyright.

[8]
For more on powwow dance categories, see the video Into
the Circle: An Introduction to Native American Powwows
(Full Circle Communications, 1992), and many others at
http://www.fullcir.com/index.htm.

[9]
A headgear that replicates a traditional hairstyle in which
the head was shaved except for a crest in the middle. The
roach is a halo of deer hair and porcupine guard hairs,
often dyed red, and the hairs separated by a “roach
spreader.” It is fastened to a scalplock or tied under the
chin.

[12]
Most of them consider themselves Indian, and the terms
“apple” (i.e., red on the outside, white on the inside) or
“born-again Indian” are external labels (used mostly by
“card-carrying Indians”) that are generally considered
offensive.

[13]
See Philip Deloria’s Playing Indian (Yale University
Press, 1998).

[14]
For more on hobbyism, see William Powers, “The Indian
Hobbyist Movement in North America,” in Handbook of North
American Indians, vol. 4, History of Indian-White
Relations, ed. William C. Sturtevant (Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1988), 557-561.

[16]
For more on the rules of reenacting, see Alan Gutchess, “A
Modest Proposal: Some Thoughts on the Authenticity,” at
http://home.att.net/~crowdogs/TheEasternFrontier/proposal.htm,
accessed on March 8, 2006.

[17]
Their logic: according to the First Amendment of the U.S.
Constitution, they have the freedom to participate; such
claims are based on a lack of understanding of important
tribal sovereignty issues.

[20]
For more on wannabes, see Rayna Green, “The Tribe Called
Wannabee: Playing Indian in America and Europe,” Folklore
99:1 (November 1987): 30-55, and Lisa Aldred, “Dancing with
Indians and Wolves: New Agers Tripping through Powwows,” in
Ellis, et al., Powwow (University of Nebraska Press,
2005), 258-74. For the history of dressing and playing
Indian, see Philip Deloria, Playing Indian (Yale
University Press, 1998), and Robert Berkhofer, The White
Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to
the Present (Vintage Books, 1978).