US CONGRESS; UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; WILLIAM
JEFFERSON CLINTON, President of the United States; STATE OF CALIFORNIA; ELK
GROVE UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT; DAVID W. GORDON, Superintendent EGUSD;
SACRAMENTO CITY UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT; JIM SWEENEY, Superintendent SCUSD,
Defendants-Appellees.

No. 00-16423 D.C. No. CV-00-00495-
MLS/PAN

OPINION

Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Eastern District of California Edward J. Schwartz, Senior Judge,
Presiding

Michael Newdow appeals a judgment dismissing his challenge to the
constitutionality of the words "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance to the
Flag. Newdow argues that the addition of these words by a 1954 federal statute
to the previous version of the Pledge of Allegiance (which made no reference to
God) and the daily recitation in the classroom of the Pledge of Allegiance,
with the added words included, by his daughter's public school teacher are
violations of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the United
States Constitution.

FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL
BACKGROUND

Newdow is an atheist whose daughter attends public elementary school in
the Elk Grove Unified School District ("EGUSD") in California. In accordance
with state law and a school district rule, EGUSD teachers begin each school day
by leading their students in a recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance ("the
Pledge"). The California Education Code requires that public schools begin each
school day with "appropriate patriotic exercises" and that "[t]he giving of the
Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America shall satisfy"
this requirement. Cal. Educ.. Code § 52720 (1989) (hereinafter "California
statute").[1] To implement the California
statute, the school district that Newdow's daughter attends has promulgated a
policy that states, in pertinent part: "Each elementary school class [shall]
recite the pledge of allegiance to the flag once each day."[2]

The classmates of Newdow's daughter in the EGUSD are led by their
teacher in reciting the Pledge codified in federal law. On June 22, 1942,
Congress first codified the Pledge as "I pledge allegiance to the flag of the
United States of America and to the Republic for which it stands, one Nation
indivisible, with liberty and justice for all." Pub. L. No. 623, Ch. 435,
§ 7, 56 Stat. 380 (1942) (codified at 36 U.S.C. § 1972). On June 14,
1954, Congress amended Section 1972 to add the words "under God" after the word
"Nation." Pub. L. No. 396, Ch. 297, 68 Stat. 249 (1954) ("1954 Act"). The
Pledge is currently codified as "I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United
States of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one nation under
God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all." 4 U.S.C. § 4 (1998)
(Title 36 was revised and recodified by Pub. L. No. 105-225, § 2(a), 112
Stat. 1494 (1998). Section 172 was abolished, and the Pledge is now found in
Title 4.)

Newdow does not allege that his daughter's teacher or school district
reauires his, daughter to. participate in reciting the Pledge [3] Rather, he claims that his daughter is injured when
she is compelled to "watch and listen as her state-employed teacher in her
state-run school leads her classmates in a ritual proclaiming that there is a
God, and that our's [sic] is 'one nation under God.' "

Newdow's complaint in the district court challenged the
constitutionality, under the First Amendment, of the 1954 Act, the California
statute, and the school district's policy requiring teachers to lead willing
students in recitation of the Pledge. He sought declaratory and injunctive
relief, but did not seek damages.

The school districts and their superintendents (collectively, "school
district defendants") filed a Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6) motion
to dismiss for failure to state a claim. Magistrate Judge Peter A. Nowinski
held a hearing at which the school district defendants requested that the court
rule only on the constitutionality of the Pledge, and defer any ruling on
sovereign immunity. The United States Congress, the United States, and the
President of the United States (collectively, "the federal defendants") joined
in the motion to dismiss filed by the school district defendants. The
magistrate judge reported findings and a recommendation; District Judge Edward
J. Schwartz approved the recommendation and entered a judgment of dismissal.
This appeal followed.

DISCUSSION

A. Jurisdiction

Newdow asks the district court to order the President of the United
States ("the President") to "alter, modify or repeal" the Pledge by removing
the words "under God"; and to order the United States Congress ("Congress")
"immediately to act to remove the words 'under God' from the Pledge." The
President, however, is not an appropriate defendant in an action challenging
the constitutionality of a federal statute. See Franklin v.
Massachusetts, 505 U.S. 788, 802-03 (1992) (plurality) (observing that a
court of the United States " 'has no jurisdiction of a bill to enjoin the
President in the performance of his official duties' ") (quoting Mississippi
v. Johnson, 71 U.S. 475, 501 (1866)).

Similarly, in light of the Speech and Debate Clause of the Constitution,
Art. I, § 6, cl. 1, the federal courts lack jurisdiction to issue orders
directing Congress to enact or amend legislation. See Eastland v. United
States Servicemen's Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 503 (1975). Because the words that
amended the Pledge were enacted into law by statute, the district court may not
direct Congress to delete those words any more than it may order the President
to take such action. All this, of course, is aside from the fact that the
President has no authority to amend a statute or declare a law
unconstitutional, those functions being reserved to Congress and the federal
judiciary respectively.

Newdow nevertheless argues that because the 1954 Act violates the
Establishment Clause, Congress should not be protected by the Speech and Debate
Clause. This argument misses the jurisdictional, or separation of powers,
point. As the Court held in Eastland, in determining whether or not the
acts of members of Congress are protected by the Speech and Debate Clause, the
court looks solely to whether or not the acts fall within the legitimate
legislative sphere; if they do, Congress is protected by the absolute
prohibition of the Clause against being "questioned in any other Place."
Id. at 501. "If the mere allegation that a valid legislative act was
undertaken for an unworthy purpose would lift the protection of the Clause,
then the Clause simply would not provide the protection historically
undergirding it." Id. at 508-09. Although the district court lacks
jurisdiction over the President and the Congress, the question of the
constitutionality of the 1954 Act remains before us. While the court correctly
dismissed the claim against those parties, it survives against others.

B. The State of California as a defendant

The State of California did not join in the motion to dismiss or
otherwise participate in the district court proceedings. It did, however,
sub silentio, receive the benefit of the district court's ruling
dismissing the complaint. Accordingly, a reversal of the order would result in
the reinstatement of the complaint against the state. With respect to the
validity of the California statute, however, unlike in the case of the
Congressional enactment and the school district policy, no arguments, legal or
otherwise, were advanced by the parties either below or here. Thus, we do not
address separately the validity of the California statute.

C. Standing

Article III standing is a jurisdictional issue. See United States v.
Viltrakis, 108 F.3d 1159, 1160 (9th Cir. 1997). Accordingly, it "may be
raised at any stage of the proceedings, including for the first time on
appeal." See A-Z Intern, v. Phillips, 179 F.3d 1187, 1190-91 (9th Cir.
1999). To satisfy standing requirements, a plaintiff must prove that "(1) it
has suffered an 'injury in fact' that is (a) concrete and particularized and
(b) actual or imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical; (2) the injury is
fairly traceable to the challenged action of the defendant; and (3) it is
likely, as opposed to merely speculative, that the injury will be redressed by
a favorable decision." Friends of the Earth, Inc. v. Laidlaw Envtl. Servs.
(TOC), Inc., 528 U.S. 167, 180-81 (2000) (citing Lujan v. Defenders of
Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560-561 (1992)).

Newdow has standing as a parent to challenge a practice that interferes
with his right to direct the religious education of his daughter. "Parents have
a right to direct the religious upbringing of their children and, on that
basis, have standing to protect their right." Doe v. Madison Sch. Dist. No.
321, 177 F.3d 789, 795 (9th Cir. 1999) (en banc); see also Grove v. Mead
Sch. Dist. No. 354, 753 F.2d 1528, 1532 (9th Cir. 1985) ("Appellants have
standing to challenge alleged violations of the establishment clause of the
First Amendment if they are directly affected by use of [the challenged book]
in the English curriculum. [Appellant] has standing as a parent whose right to
direct the religious training of her child is allegedly affected.") (citation
omitted).

Newdow has standing to challenge the EGUSD's policy and practice
regarding the recitation of the Pledge because his daughter is currently
enrolled in elementary school in the EGUSD. However, Newdow has no standing to
challenge the SCUSD's policy and practice because his daughter is not currently
a student there. The SCUSD and its superintendent have not caused Newdow or his
daughter an "injury in fact" that is "actual or imminent, not conjectural or
hypothetical." Laidlaw, 528 U.S. at 180 (citing Lujan, 504 U.S.
at 560-561).

The final question of standing relates to the 1954 Act. Specifically,
has Newdow suffered an "injury in fact" that is "fairly traceable" to the
enactment of the 1954 Act? Id.

We begin our inquiry by noting the general rule that the standing
requirements for an action brought under the Establishment Clause are the same
as for any other action. Valley Forge Christian Coll. v. Americans United
for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U.S. 464, 488-90 (1982). "The
requirement of standing focuses on the party seeking to get his complaint
before a federal court and not on the issues he wishes to have adjudicated.
Moreover, we know of no principled basis on which to create a hierarchy of
constitutional values or a complementary 'sliding scale' of standing which
might permit respondents to invoke the judicial power of the United States."
Id. at 484 (citation and internal quotation marks omitted). In Valley
Forge, an organization dedicated to the separation of church and state
brought suit challenging the federal government's grant of surplus federal
property to a church-related college. The suit alleged that this grant of real
property, without any financial payment by the college, was a violation of the
Establishment Clause. The Supreme Court found that the plaintiff had standing
neither as a taxpayer, see id. at 479-80, nor as a party personally
injured as a consequence of the alleged unconstitutional action, see id.
at 484-86. The "psychological consequence presumably produced by observation of
conduct with which one disagrees .... is not an injury sufficient to confer
standing under Art. III, even though the disagreement is phrased in
constitutional terms." Id. at 485-86. The Court emphasized that " '[t]he
assumption that if respondents have no standing to sue, no one would have
standing, is not a reason to find standing.' " Id. at 489 (quoting
Schlesinger v. Reservists Comm. to Stop the War, 418 U.S. 208, 227
(1974)).

While Valley Forge remains good law, the Supreme Court in more
recent opinions has indirectly broadened the notion of Establishment Clause
standing in public education cases by holding that the mere enactment of a
statute may constitute an Establishment Clause violation. In Wallace v.
Jaffree, 472 U.S. 38 (1985), the Court considered an Establishment Clause
challenge to an Alabama statute that originally had authorized a one-minute
period of silence in public schools "for meditation," but was later amended to
authorize a period of silence "for meditation or voluntary prayer." Id.
at 40-42. Although the previous form of the statute specifically allowed
students to use the moment of silence for "meditation," silent prayer was
always an option. "[I]t is undisputed that at the time of the enactment of [the
amended statute] there was no governmental practice impeding students from
silently praying for one minute at the beginning of each schoolday." Id.
at 57 n.45. Nor were students, under the amended form of the statute, compelled
to use the allotted time for prayer. In sum, the amendment to the Alabama
statute had no discernible effect on public school students other than to
inform them that the state was encouraging them to engage in prayer during
their daily moment of silence. Because the Supreme Court has repeatedly held
that standing is a jurisdictional requirement, the existence of which each
federal court must determine for itself, see Lujan, 504 U.S. at 559-561;
FW/PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas, 493 U.S. 215, 230-31 (1990), we may
presume that in Wallace the Court examined the standing question before
deciding the merits, and that the Court determined that the schoolchildren's
parents had standing to challenge the amended Alabama statute.

Our reading of Wallace is supported by Santa Fe Independent
School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290 (2000), where the Court upheld a
facial challenge to a school district's policy of permitting, but not
requiring, prayer initiated and led by a student at high school football games.
Noting that "the Constitution also requires that we keep in mind 'the myriad,
subtle ways in which the Establishment Clause values can be eroded,' "
id. at 314 (quoting Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668, 694 (1984)
(O'Connor, J., concurring)), the Court held that the "mere passage by the
District of a policy that has the purpose and perception of government
establishment of religion," id., violated the Establishment Clause.
"[T]he simple enactment of this policy, with the purpose and perception
of school endorsement of student prayer, was a constitutional violation."
Id. at 316 (emphasis added).

In Wallace and Santa Fe, the Court looked at the language
of each statute, the context in which the statute was enacted, and its
legislative history to determine that the challenged statute caused an injury
in violation of the Establishment Clause. "We refuse to turn a blind eye to the
context in which this policy arose, and that context quells any doubt that this
policy was implemented with the purpose of endorsing school prayer." Id.
at 315. Justice O'Connor's concurrence in Wallace noted that whether a
statute actually conveys a message of endorsement of religion is "not entirely
a question of fact .... The relevant issue is whether an objective observer,
acquainted with the text, legislative history, and implementation of the
statute, would perceive it as state endorsement of prayer in public schools."
472 U.S. at 76 (O'Connor, J., concurring in judgment). In Santa Fe,
"[t]he text and history of this policy . . . reinforce our objective student's
perception that the prayer is, in actuality, encouraged by the school." 530
U.S. at 308. In evaluating the purpose of the school district policy, the Court
found "most striking ... the evolution of the current policy." Id. at
309. In Wallace, a review of the legislative history led the Court to
conclude that enactment of the amended statute "was not motivated by any
clearly secular purpose — indeed, the statute had no secular
purpose." 472 U.S. at 56; see also id. at 57-60.

Operating within the above-described legal landscape, we now turn to the
question initially posed, namely, does Newdow have standing to challenge the
1954 Act? Initially, we note that the 1954 statute challenged by Newdow is
similar to the Alabama statute struck down in Wallace. Neither statute
works the traditional type of "injury in fact" that is implicated when a
statute compels or prohibits certain activity, nor do the amendments brought
about by these statutes lend themselves to "as-applied" constitutional review.
Nevertheless, the Court in Wallace, at least implicitly, determined that
the schoolchildren's parents had standing to attack the challenged statute.
Moreover, the legislative history of the 1954 Act shows that the "under God"
language was not meant to sit passively in the federal code unbeknownst to the
public; rather, the sponsors of the amendment knew about and capitalized on the
state laws and school district rules that mandate recitation of the Pledge. The
legislation's House sponsor, Representative Louis C. Rabaut, testified at the
Congressional hearing that "the children of our land, in the daily recitation
of the pledge in school, will be daily impressed with a true understanding of
our way of life and its origins," and this statement was incorporated into the
report of the House Judiciary Committee. H.R. Rep. No. 83-1693, at 3 (1954),
reprinted in 1954 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2339, 2341. Taken within its context, the
1954 addendum was designed to result in the recitation of the words "under God"
in school classrooms throughout the land on a daily basis, and therefore
constituted as much of an injury-in-fact as the policies considered in
Wallace and Santa Fe. As discussed earlier, Newdow has standing
as a parent to challenge a practice that interferes with his right to direct
the religious education of his daughter. The mere enactment of the 1954 Act in
its particular context constitutes a religious recitation policy that
interferes with Newdow's right to direct the religious education of his
daughter. Accordingly, we hold that Newdow has standing to challenge the 1954
Act.

D. Establishment Clause

[1] The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment states that
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion," U.S.
Const. amend. I, a provision that "the Fourteenth Amendment makes applicable
with full force to the States and their school districts." Lee v.
Weisman, 505 U.S. 577, 580 (1992). Over the last three decades, the Supreme
Court has used three interrelated tests to analyze alleged violations of the
Establishment Clause in the realm of public education: the three-prong test set
forth in Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602, 612-13 (1971); the
"endorsement" test, first articulated by Justice O'Connor in her concurring
opinion in Lynch, and later adopted by a majority of the Court in
County of Allegheny v. ACLU, 492 U.S. 573 (1989); and the "coercion"
test first used by the Court in Lee.

[2] In 1971, in the context of unconstitutional state aid to
nonpublic schools, the Supreme Court in Lemon set forth the following
test for evaluating alleged Establishment Clause violations. To survive the
"Lemon test," the government conduct in question (1) must have a secular
purpose, (2) must have a principal or primary effect that neither advances nor
inhibits religion, and (3) must not foster an excessive government entanglement
with religion. Lemon, 403 U.S. at 612-13. The Supreme Court applied the
Lemon test to every Establishment case it decided between 1971 and 1984,
with the exception of Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783 (1983). the case
upholding legislative prayer.[4]See
Wallace, 472 U.S. at 63 (Powell, J., concurring).

In the 1984 Lynch case, which upheld the inclusion of a nativity
scene in a city's Christmas display, Justice O'Connor wrote a concurring
opinion in order to suggest a "clarification" of Establishment Clause
jurisprudence. 465 U.S. at 687 (O'Connor, J., concurring). Justice O'Connor's
"endorsement" test effectively collapsed the first two prongs of the
Lemon test:

The Establishment Clause prohibits government from making adherence to
a religion relevant in any way to a person's standing in the political
community. Government can run afoul of that prohibition in two principal ways.
One is excessive entanglement with religious institutions .... The second and
more direct infringement is government endorsement or disapproval of religion.
Endorsement sends a message to nonadherents that they are outsiders, not full
members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents
that they are insiders, favored members of the political
community.

Id. at 687-88 (O'Connor, J., concurring).

[3] The Court formulated the "coercion test" when it held
unconstitutional the practice of including invocations and benedictions in the
form of "nonsectarian" prayers at public school graduation ceremonies.
Lee, 505 U.S. at 599. Declining to reconsider the validity of the
Lemon test, the Court in Lee found it unnecessary to apply the
Lemon test to find the challenged practices unconstitutional. Id.
at 587. Rather, it relied on the principle that "at a minimum, the Constitution
guarantees that government may not coerce anyone to support or participate in
religion or its exercise, or otherwise to act in a way which establishes a
state religion or religious faith, or tends to do so." Id. (citations,
and internal quotation marks omitted) [5] The
Court first examined the degree of school involvement in the prayer, and found
that "the graduation prayers bore the imprint of the State and thus put
school-age children who objected in an untenable position." Id. at 590.
The next issue the Court considered was "the position of the students, both
those who desired the prayer and she who did not." Id. Noting that
"there are heightened concerns with protecting freedom of conscience from
subtle coercive pressure in the elementary and secondary public schools,"
id. at 592, the Court held that the school district's supervision and
control of the graduation ceremony put impermissible pressure on students to
participate in, or at least show respect during, the prayer, id. at 593.
The Court concluded that primary and secondary school children may not be
placed in the dilemma of either participating in a religious ceremony or
protesting. Id. at 594.

Finally, in its most recent school prayer case, the Supreme Court
applied the Lemon test, the endorsement test, and the coercion test to
strike down a school district's policy of permitting student-led "invocations"
before high school football games. See Santa Fe, 530 U.S. at 310-16.
Citing Lee, the Court held that "the delivery of a pregame prayer has
the improper effect of coercing those present to participate in an act of
religious worship." Id. at 312. Applying the Lemon test, the
Court found that the school district policy was facially unconstitutional
because it did not have a secular purpose. Id. at 314-16. The Court also
used language associated with the endorsement test. Id. at 315 ("[T]his
policy was implemented with the purpose of endorsing school prayer.");
id. at 317 ("Government efforts to endorse religion cannot evade
constitutional reproach based solely on the remote possibility that those
attempts may fail.").

We are free to apply any or all of the three tests, and to invalidate
any measure that fails any one of them. The Supreme Court has not repudiated
Lemon; in Santa Fe, it found that the application of each of the
three tests provided an independent ground for invalidating the statute at
issue in that case; and in Lee, the Court invalidated the policy solely
on the basis of the coercion test. Although this court has typically applied
the Lemon test to alleged Establishment Clause violations, see, e.g.,
Am. Family Ass'n, Inc. v. City and County of San Francisco, 277 F.3d 1114,
1120-21 (9th Cir. 2002), we are not required to apply it if a practice fails
one of the other tests. Nevertheless, for purposes of completeness, we will
analyze the school district policy and the 1954 Act under all three tests.

We first consider whether the 1954 Act and the EGUSD's policy of
teacher-led Pledge recitation survive the endorsement test. The magistrate
judge found that "the ceremonial reference to God in the pledge does not convey
endorsement of particular religious beliefs." Supreme Court precedent does not
support that conclusion.

[4] In the context of the Pledge, the statement that the United
States is a nation "under God" is an endorsement of religion. It is a
profession of a religious belief, namely, a belief in monotheism. The
recitation that ours is a nation "under God" is not a mere acknowledgment that
many Americans believe in a deity. Nor is it merely descriptive of the
undeniable historical significance of religion in the founding of the Republic.
Rather, the phrase "one nation under God" in the context of the Pledge is
normative. To recite the Pledge is not to describe the United States; instead,
it is to swear allegiance to the values for which the flag stands: unity,
indivisibility, liberty, justice, and — since 1954 — monotheism. The
text of the official Pledge, codified in federal law, impermissibly takes a
position with respect to the purely religious question of the existence and
identity of God. A profession that we are a nation "under God" is identical,
for Establishment Clause purposes, to a profession that we are a nation "under
Jesus," a nation "under Vishnu," a nation "under Zeus," or a nation "under no
god," because none of these professions can be neutral with respect to
religion. "[T]he government must pursue a course of complete neutrality toward
religion." Wallace, 472 U.S. at 60. Furthermore, the school district's
practice of teacher-led recitation of the Pledge aims to inculcate in students
a respect for the ideals set forth in the Pledge, and thus amounts to state
endorsement of these ideals. Although students cannot be forced to participate
in recitation of the Pledge, the school district is nonetheless conveying a
message of state endorsement of a religious belief when it requires public
school teachers to recite, and lead the recitation of, the current form of the
Pledge.

The Supreme Court recognized the normative and ideological nature of the
Pledge in Barnette, 319 U.S. 624. There, the Court held unconstitutional
a school district's wartime policy of punishing students who refused to recite
the Pledge and salute the flag. Id. at 642. The Court noted that the
school district was compelling the students "to declare a belief," id.
at 631, and "requir[ing] the individual to communicate by word and sign his
acceptance of the political ideas [the flag] . . . bespeaks," id. at
633. "[T]he compulsory flag salute and pledge requires affirmation of a belief
and an attitude of mind." Id. The Court emphasized that the political
concepts articulated in the Pledge[6] were
idealistic, not descriptive:

" '[L]iberty and justice for all,' if it must be accepted as descriptive
of the present order rather than an ideal, might to some seem an
overstatement." Id. at 634 n.14. The Court concluded that: "If there is
any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official,
high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism,
religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or
act their faith therein." Id. at 642.

[5] The Pledge, as currently codified, is an impermissible
government endorsement of religion because it sends a message to unbelievers
"that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an
accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of
the political community." Lynch, 465 U.S. at 688 (O'Connor, J.,
concurring). Justice Kennedy, in his dissent in Allegheny, agreed:

[B]y statute, the Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag describes the
United States as 'one nation under God.' To be sure, no one is obligated to
recite this phrase,. . . but it borders on sophistry to suggest that the
reasonable atheist would not feel less than a full member of the political
community every time his fellow Americans recited, as part of their expression
of patriotism and love for country, a phrase he believed to be
false.

[6] Similarly, the policy and the Act fail the coercion test.
Just as in Lee, the policy and the Act place students in the untenable
position of choosing between participating in an exercise with religious
content or protesting. As the Court observed with respect to the graduation
prayer in that case: "What to most believers may seem nothing more than a
reasonable request that the nonbeliever respect their religious practices, in a
school context may appear to the nonbeliever or dissenter to be an attempt to
employ the machinery of the State to enforce a religious orthodoxy."
Lee, 505 U.S. at 592. Although the defendants argue that the religious
content of "one nation under God" is minimal, to an atheist or a believer in
certain non-Judeo-Christian religions or philosophies, it may reasonably appear
to be an attempt to enforce a "religious orthodoxy" of monotheism, and is
therefore impermissible. The coercive effect of this policy is particularly
pronounced in the school setting given the age and impressionability of
schoolchildren, and their understanding that they are required to adhere to the
norms set by their school, their teacher and their fellow students.[8]
Furthermore, under Lee, the fact that students are not required to
participate is no basis for distinguishing Barnette from the case at bar
because, even without a recitation requirement for each child, the mere fact
that a pupil is required to listen every day to the statement "one nation under
God" has a coercive effect.[9] The coercive
effect of the Act is apparent from its context and legislative history, which
indicate that the Act was designed to result in the daily recitation of the
words "under God" in school classrooms. President Eisenhower, during the Act's
signing ceremony, stated: "From this day forward, the millions of our school
children will daily proclaim in every city and town, every village and rural
schoolhouse, the dedication of our Nation and our people to the Almighty." 100
Cong. Rec. 8618 (1954) (statement of Sen. Ferguson incorporating signing
statement of President Eisenhower). Therefore, the policy and the Act fail the
coercion test.[10]

Finally we turn to the Lemon test, the first prong of which asks
if the challenged policy has a secular purpose. Historically, the primary
purpose of the 1954 Act was to advance religion, in conflict with the first
prong of the Lemon test. The federal defendants "do not dispute that the
words 'under God' were intended" "to recognize a Supreme Being," at a time when
the government was publicly inveighing against atheistic communism.
Nonetheless, the federal defendants argue that the Pledge must be considered as
a whole when assessing whether it has a secular purpose. They claim that the
Pledge has the secular purpose of "solemnizing public occasions, expressing
confidence in the future, and encouraging the recognition of what is worthy of
appreciation in society." Lynch, 465 U.S. at 693.

The flaw in defendants' argument is that it looks at the text of the
Pledge "as a whole," and glosses over the 1954 Act. The problem with this
approach is apparent when one considers the Court's analysis in Wallace.
There, the Court struck down Alabama's statute mandating a moment of silence
for "meditation or voluntary prayer" not because the final version "as a whole"
lacked a primary secular purpose, but because the state legislature had amended
the statute specifically and solely to add the words "or voluntary prayer." 472
U.S. at 59-60.

[7] By analogy to Wallace, we apply the purpose prong of
the Lemon test to the amendment that added the words "under God" to the
Pledge, not to the Pledge in its final version. As was the case with the
amendment to the Alabama statute in Wallace, the legislative history of
the 1954 Act reveals that the Act's sole purpose was to advance
religion, in order to differentiate the United States from nations under
communist rule. "[T]he First Amendment requires that a statute must be
invalidated if it is entirely motivated by a purpose to advance religion."
Id. at 56 (citations omitted) (applying the Lemon test). As the
legislative history of the 1954 Act sets forth:

At this moment of our history the principles underlying our American
Government and the American way of life are under attack by a system whose
philosophy is at direct odds with our own. Our American Government is founded
on the concept of the individuality and the dignity of the human being.
Underlying this concept is the belief that the human person is important
because he was created by God and endowed by Him with certain inalienable
rights which no civil authority may usurp. The inclusion of God in our pledge
therefore would further acknowledge the dependence of our people and our
Government upon the moral directions of the Creator. At the same time it would
serve to deny the atheistic and materialistic concepts of communism with its
attendant subservience of the individual.

H.R. Rep. No. 83-1693, at 1-2 (1954), reprinted in 1954
U.S.C.C.A.N. 2339, 2340. This language reveals that the purpose of the 1954 Act
was to take a position on the question of theism, namely, to support the
existence and moral authority of God, while "deny[ing] . . . atheistic and
materialistic concepts." Id. Such a purpose runs counter to the
Establishment Clause, which prohibits the government's endorsement or
advancement not only of one particular religion at the expense of other
religions, but also of religion at the expense of atheism.

[T]he Court has unambiguously concluded that the individual freedom of
conscience protected by the First Amendment embraces the right to select any
religious faith or none at all. This conclusion derives support not only from
the interest in respecting the individual's freedom of conscience, but also
from the conviction that religious beliefs worthy of respect are the product of
a free and voluntary choice by the faithful, and from recognition of the fact
that the political interest in forestalling intolerance extends beyond
intolerance among Christian sects — or even intolerance among "religions"
— to encompass intolerance of the disbeliever and the
uncertain.

Wallace, 472 U.S. at 52-54.

[8] In language that attempts to prevent future constitutional
challenges, the sponsors of the 1954 Act expressly disclaimed a religious
purpose. "This is not an act establishing a religion .... A distinction must be
made between the existence of a religion as an institution and a belief in the
sovereignty of God. The phrase 'under God' recognizes only the guidance of God
in our national affairs." H.R. Rep. No. 83-1693, at 3 (1954), reprinted
in 1954 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2339, 2341-42. This alleged distinction is irrelevant
for constitutional purposes. The Act's affirmation of "a belief in the
sovereignty of God" and its recognition of "the guidance of God" are
endorsements by the government of religious beliefs. The Establishment Clause
is not limited to "religion as an institution"; this is clear from cases such
as Santa Fe, where the Court struck down student-initiated and
student-led prayer at high school football games. 530 U.S. 310-16. The
Establishment Clause guards not only against the establishment of "religion as
an institution," but also against the endorsement of religious ideology by the
government. Because the Act fails the purpose prong of Lemon, we need
not examine the other prongs. Lemon, 403 U.S. at 612-14.

[9] Similarly, the school district policy also fails the Lemon
test. Although it survives the first prong of Lemon because, as even
Newdow concedes, the school district had the secular purpose of fostering
patriotism in enacting the policy, the policy fails the second prong. As
explained by this court in Kreisner v. City of San Diego, 1 F. 3d 775,
782 (9th Cir. 1993), and by the Supreme Court in School District of Grand
Rapids v. Ball, 473 U.S. 373, 390 (1985), the second Lemon prong
asks whether the challenged government action is sufficiently likely to be
perceived by adherents of the controlling denominations as an endorsement, and
by the nonadherents as a disapproval, of their individual religious
choices."[11]Ball, 473 U.S. at 390. Given
the age and impressionability of schoolchildren, as discussed above,
particularly within the confined environment of the classroom, the policy is
highly likely to convey an impermissible message of endorsement to some and
disapproval to others of their beliefs regarding the existence of a
monotheistic God. Therefore the policy fails the effects prong of Lemon,
and fails the Lemon test. In sum, both the policy and the Act fail the
Lemon test as well as the endorsement and coercion tests.[12]

[10] In conclusion, we hold that (1) the 1954 Act adding the
words "under God" to the Pledge, and (2) EGUSD's policy and practice of
teacher-led recitation of the Pledge, with the added words included, violate
the Establishment Clause. The judgment of dismissal is vacated with respect to
these two claims, and the cause is remanded for further proceedings consistent
with our holding. Plaintiff is to recover costs on this appeal.

In every public elementary school each day during the school year at
the beginning of the first regularly scheduled class or activity period at
which the majority of the pupils of the school normally begin the schoolday,
there shall be conducted appropriate patriotic exercises. The giving of the
Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America shall satisfy
the requirements of this section.

[2] The SCUSD, the school district that
Newdow claims his daughter may in the future attend, has promulgated a similar
rule: "Each school shall conduct patriotic exercises daily .... The Pledge of
Allegiance to the flag will fulfill this requirement." However, as discussed
infra, Newdow lacks standing to challenge the SCUSD's rule requiring
recitation of the Pledge.

[3] Compelling students to recite the
Pledge was held to be a First Amendment violation in West Virginia State
Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943) ("[T]he action of
the local authorities in compelling the flag salute and pledge transcends
constitutional limitations on their power and invades the sphere of intellect
and spirit which it is the purpose of the First Amendment to our Constitution
to reserve from all official control."). Barnette was decided before the
1954 Act added the words "under God" to the Pledge.

[4] ln Marsh, the Court "held that
the Nebraska Legislature's practice of opening each day's session with a prayer
by a chaplain paid by the State did not violate the Establishment Clause of the
First Amendment. [The] holding was based upon the historical acceptance of the
practice that had become 'part of the fabric of our society.' " Wallace,
472 U.S. at 63 n.4 (Powell, J., concurring) (quoting Marsh, 463 U.S. at
792).

[5] Although this formulation is referred
to as the "coercion" test, it should be noted that coercion is not a
necessary element in finding an Establishment Clause violation. "The
Establishment Clause, unlike the Free Exercise Clause, does not depend upon any
showing of direct governmental compulsion...." Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S.
421, 430 (1962). "[T]his court has never relied on coercion alone as the
touchstone of Establishment Clause analysis. To require a showing of coercion,
even indirect coercion, as an essential element of an Establishment Clause
violation would make the free Exercise Clause a redundancy." Allegheny,
492 U.S. at 628 (O'Connor, J., concurring). "Over the years, this Court has
declared the invalidity of many noncoercive state laws and practices conveying
a message of religious endorsement." Lee, 505 U.S. at 618 (Souter, J.,
concurring).

[6]Barnette was decided before
"under God" was added, and thus the Court's discussion was limited to the
political ideals contained in the Pledge.

[7] For Justice Kennedy, this result was a
reason to reject the endorsement test.

[8] The "subtle and indirect" social
pressure which permeates the classroom also renders more acute the message sent
to non-believing schoolchildren that they are outsiders. See Lee, 505
U.S. at 592-93 (stating that "the risk of indirect coercion" from prayer
exercises is particularly "pronounced" in elementary and secondary public
school because students are subjected to peer pressure and public pressure
which is "as real as any overt compulsion").

[9] The objection to the Pledge in
Barnette, like in the case at bar, was based upon a religious ground.
The Pledge in the classroom context imposes upon schoolchildren the
constitutionally unacceptable choice between participating and protesting.
Recognizing the severity of the effect of this form of coercion on children,
the Supreme Court in Lee stated, "the State may not, consistent with the
Establishment Clause, place primary and secondary school children in this
position." 505 U.S. at 593.

[10] In Aronow v. United States, 432
F.2d 242 (9th Cir. 1970), this court, without reaching the question of
standing, upheld the inscription of the phrase "In God We Trust" on our coins
and currency. But cf. Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705, 722 (1977)
(Rehnquist, J., dissenting) (stating that the majority's holding leads
logically to the conclusion that "In God We Trust" is an unconstitutional
affirmation of belief). In any event, Aronow is distinguishable in many
ways from the present case. The most important distinction is that school
children are not coerced into reciting or otherwise actively led to
participating in an endorsement of the markings on the money in
circulation.

[11] Although Ball was overruled in
part by Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 236 (1997), as the Court
stated in Agostini, Ball's statement of the general principles and
relevant tests to be used in determining what constitutes an Establishment
Clause violation remain intact; only the underlying factual assumptions and
presumptions have changed. In particular, the Court rejected the following
three core assumptions of Ball.

(i) any public employee who works on the premises of a religious
school is presumed to inculcate religion in her work; (ii) the presence of
public employees on private school premises creates a symbolic union between
church and state; and (iii) any and all public aid that directly aids the
educational function of religious schools impermissibly finances religious
indoctrination, even if the aid reaches such schools as a consequence of
private decisionmaking.

Agostini, 521 U.S. at 222. Therefore, Ball's restatement
of the second prong of Lemon remains valid even after
Agostini.

[12] We recognize that the Supreme Court
has occasionally commented in dicta that the presence of "one nation under God"
in the Pledge of Allegiance is constitutional. See Allegheny, 492 U.S.
at 602-03; Lynch, 465 U.S. at 676; id. at 693 (O'Connor, J.,
concurring); Abington Sch. Dist. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203, 303-04 (1963)
(Brennan, J., concurring); id. at 306-08 (Goldberg, J., joined by
Harlan, J., concurring); Engel, 370 U.S. at 435 n. 21. However, the
Court has never been presented with the question directly, and has always
clearly refrained from deciding it. Accordingly, it has never applied any of
the three tests to the Act or to any school policy regarding the recitation of
the Pledge. That task falls to us, although the final word, as always, remains
with the Supreme Court.

The only other United States Court of Appeals to consider the issue is
the Seventh Circuit, which held in Sherman v. Community Consolidated School
District 21, 980 F.2d 437 (7th Cir. 1992), that a policy similar to the one
before us regarding the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance containing the
words "one nation under God" was constitutional. The Sherman court first
stated that:

If as Barnette holds no state may require anyone to recite the
Pledge, and if as the prayer cases hold the recitation by a teacher or rabbi of
unwelcome words is coercion, then the Pledge of Allegiance becomes
unconstitutional under all circumstances, just as no school may read from a
holy scripture at the start of class.

980 F.2d at 444. It then concludes, however, that this reasoning is
flawed because the First Amendment "[does] not establish general rules about
speech or schools; [it] call[s] for religion to be treated differently." Id.
We have some difficulty understanding this statement; we do not believe
that the Constitution prohibits compulsory patriotism as in Barnette,
but permits compulsory religion as in this case. If government-endorsed
religion is to be treated differently from government-endorsed patriotism, the
treatment must be less favorable, not more.

The Seventh Circuit makes an even more serious error, however. It not
only refuses to apply the Lemon test because of the Supreme Court's
criticism of that test in Lee, but it also fails to apply the coercion
test from Lee or the endorsement test from Lynch. Circuit courts
are not free to ignore Supreme Court precedent in this manner. Rodriguez de
Quijas v. Shearson/Am. Exp., Inc., 490 U.S. 477, 484 (1989) ("If a
precedent of this Court has direct application in a case, yet appears to rest
on reasons rejected in some other line of decisions, the Court of Appeals
should follow the case which directly controls, leaving to this Court the
prerogative of overruling its own decisions."). Instead of applying any of the
tests announced by the Supreme Court, the Seventh Circuit simply frames the
question as follows: "Must ceremonial references in civic life to a deity be
understood as prayer, or support for all monotheistic religions, to the
exclusion of atheists and those who worship multiple gods?" 980 F.2d at 445.
Relying in part on Supreme Court dicta regarding the Pledge, the court answers
this question in the negative, determining that "under God" is a statement
which, taken within its context in the Pledge, is devoid of any significant
religious content, and therefore constitutional. Id. at 447-48. At the
very least, as discussed above in the text, the Supreme Court requires that any
policy alleged to be an Establishment Clause violation must be held to the
scrutiny of the established tests. Our application of all of the tests
compels the conclusion that the policy and the Act challenged here violate the
Establishment Clause of the Constitution. Thus, we must respectfully differ
from the Seventh Circuit.

FERNANDEZ, Circuit Judge, concurring and dissenting:

I concur in parts A, B and C[1] of the
majority opinion, but dissent as to part D.

We are asked to hold that inclusion of the phrase "under God" in this
nation's Pledge of Allegiance violates the religion clauses of the Constitution
of the United States. We should do no such thing. We should, instead, recognize
that those clauses were not designed to drive religious expression out of
public thought; they were written to avoid discrimination.

We can run through the litany of tests and concepts which have floated
to the surface from time to time. Were we to do so, the one that appeals most
to me, the one I think to be correct, is the concept that what the religion
clauses of the First Amendment require is neutrality; that those clauses are,
in effect, an early kind of equal protection provision and assure that
government will neither discriminate for nor discriminate against a religion or
religions. See Gentala v. City of Tucson, 244 F.3d 1065, 1083-86 (9th
Cir.) (en banc) (Fernandez, J., dissenting), cert, granted and judgment
vacated by___U.S. ___, 122 S. Ct. 340, 151 L. Ed. 2d 256 (2001);
Goehring v. Brophy, 94 F.3d 1294, 1306-07 (9th Cir. 1996) (Fernandez,
J., concurring). But, legal world abstractions and ruminations aside, when all
is said and done, the danger that "under God" in our Pledge of Allegiance will
tend to bring about a theocracy or suppress somebody's beliefs is so minuscule
as to be de minimis. The danger that phrase presents to our First Amendment
freedoms is picayune at most.

Plaintiffs observe that the Court sometimes changes its tune when it
confronts a subject directly. True enough, but an inferior court had best
respect what the majority says rather than read between the lines. If the Court
proclaims that a practice is consistent with the establishment clause, we take
its assurances seriously. If the Justices are just pulling our leg, let them
say so.

Sherman, 980 F.2d at 448.

Some, who rather choke on the notion of de minimis, have resorted to the
euphemism "ceremonial deism." See, e.g., Lynch, 465 U.S. at 716, 104 S.
Ct. at 1382 (Brennan, J., dissenting). But whatever it is called (I care not),
it comes to this: such phrases as "In God We Trust," or "under God" have no
tendency to establish a religion in this country or to suppress anyone's
exercise, or non-exercise, of religion, except in the fevered eye of persons
who most fervently would like to drive all tincture of religion out of the
public life of our polity. Those expressions have not caused any real harm of
that sort over the years since 1791, and are not likely to do so in the
future[4] As I see it, that is not because they
are drained of mean-ing.[5] Rather, as I have
already indicated, it is because their tendency to establish religion (or
affect its exercise) is exiguous. I recognize that some people may not feel
good about hearing the phrases recited in their presence, but, then, others
might not feel good if they are omitted. At any rate, the Constitution is a
practical and balanced charter for the just governance of a free people in a
vast territory. Thus, although we do feel good when we contemplate the effects
of its inspiring phrasing and majestic promises, it is not primarily a
feel-good prescription [6] In West Virginia
Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 630, 642, 63 S. Ct. 1178,
1181, 1187, 87 L. Ed. 1628 (1943), for example, the Supreme Court did not say
that the Pledge could not be recited in the presence of Jehovah's Witness
children; it merely said that they did not have to recite it[7] That fully protected their constitutional rights by
precluding the government from trenching upon "the sphere of intellect and
spirit." Id. at 642, 63 S. Ct. at 1187. As the Court pointed out, their
religiously based refusal "to participate in the ceremony [would] not interfere
with or deny rights of others to do so." Id. at 630, 63 S. Ct. at 1181.
We should not permit Newdow's feel-good concept to change that balance.

My reading of the stelliscript suggests that upon Newdow's theory of our
Constitution, accepted by my colleagues today, we will soon find ourselves
prohibited from using our album of patriotic songs in many public settings.
"God Bless America" and "America The Beautiful" will be gone for sure, and
while use of the first and second stanzas of the Star Spangled Banner will
still be permissible, we will be precluded from straying into the third.[8] And currency beware! Judges can accept those results
if they limit themselves to elements and tests, while failing to look at the
good sense and principles that animated those tests in the first place. But
they do so at the price of removing a vestige of the awe we all must feel at
the immenseness of the universe and our own small place within it, as well as
the wonder we must feel at the good fortune of our country. That will cool the
febrile nerves of a few at the cost of removing the healthy glow conferred upon
many citizens when the forbidden verses, or phrases, are uttered, read, or
seen.

In short, I cannot accept the eliding of the simple phrase "under God"
from our Pledge of Allegiance, when it is obvious that its tendency to
establish religion in this country or to interfere with the free exercise (or
non-exercise) of religion is de minimis.[9]

Thus, I respectfully concur in part and dissent in part.

[Notes]

[1] I admit, however, to serious
misgivings about standing to attack 4 U.S.C. § 4 itself. Congress has not
compelled anyone to do anything. It surely has not directed that the Pledge be
recited in class; only the California authorities have done that. Even if a
general lack of standing to directly attack 4 U.S.C. § 4 would deprive
federal courts of the opportunity to strike "under God" from that statute, any
lament would be no more than a complaint about the limits on federal judges'
constitutional power. Nonetheless, that ultimately makes little difference to
the resolution of the First Amendment issue in this case.

[3] The citations to the four preceding
Supreme Court opinions are to majority opinions, concurring opinions, and
dissents. Because my point is that a number of Justices have recognized the
lack of danger and because I hope to avoid untoward complication in the setting
out of the citations, I have not designated which Justices have joined in which
opinion. All in all, however, perusing those opinions indicates that Chief
Justice Burger, Chief Justice Rehnquist, and Justices Harlan, Brennan, White,
Goldberg, Marshall, Blackmun, Powell, Stevens, O'Connor, Scalia, and Kennedy
have so recognized.

Those who are somehow beset by residual doubts and fears should find
comfort in the reflection that no baleful religious effects have been generated
by the existence of similar references to a deity throughout our history. More
specifically, it is difficult to detect any signs of incipient theocracy
springing up since the Pledge was amended in 1954.

[6] We, by the way, indicated as much in
American Family Ass'n, Inc. v. City and County of San Francisco, 277
F.3d 1114, 1125-26 (9th Cir. 2002), which involved governmental conduct that
was much more questionable than adoption of the phrase "under God." See
id. at 1126-28 (Noonan, J., dissenting).

[7] I recognize that the Pledge did not
then contain the phrase "under God."

[8] Nor will we be able to stray into the
fourth stanza of "My Country 'Tis of Thee" for that matter.

[9] Lest I be misunderstood, I must
emphasize that to decide this case it is not necessary to say, and I do not
say, that there is such a thing as a de minimis constitutional violation. What
I do say is that the de minimis tendency of the Pledge to establish a religion
or to interfere with its free exercise is no constitutional violation at
all.