The left has their evil platitudes — “diversity is our greatest strength” and “we are a nation of immigrants,” among others. Those in the so-called conservative movement have their own goofy and fictitious one-liners as well — “Israel is our greatest ally” and “Hispanics are natural conservatives.” All of these are nothing but globalist propaganda narratives aimed at convincing us to give away our homelands to hostile foreigners. With the exploding Hispanic population in the United States, it is important to lay this lie to rest.

One of the central tenants of civic nationalism, which I wrote about here, is that Hispanic demographic replacement should be of no concern, as they are really “just like us.” The left of course, knows this could not be further from the truth, in fact, they are betting on it. Incredibly telling exposés such as Adam Winkler’s The NRA will fall. It’s inevitable, reveals their strategy. Winkler writes, “Support for, and opposition to, gun control is closely associated with several demographic characteristics, including race, level of education and whether one lives in a city. Nearly all are trending forcefully against the NRA.” Winkler cites the overwhelming support for gun control by blacks, Asians, and Hispanics, along with their growing shares of the U.S. population and notes that these shifts are “a boon for gun control.”[1]

The “conservative” camp, has been very slow to catch on. Israel Ortega of The Heritage Foundation writes, “There’s no reason that Hispanics shouldn’t give this movement [conservatism] a closer look. For starters, conservatism is consistent with many of the values of the Hispanic American community. Specifically, conservatism emphasizes the concepts of hard work, entrepreneurship and prosperity.”[2]

Politico discusses how “crucial” Hispanic outreach is to the GOP,[3] the RNC has launched a Hispanic outreach campaign,[4] and the GOP website has an entire section dedicated to Hispanics.[5]

The Jason Richwine saga is a critical barometer of the political climate of our times. As everyone knows by now, he resigned from his position at the Heritage Foundation after his involvement in a report on the economic costs of immigration (since strongly endorsed by Steve Camarota of the Center for Immigration Studies, writing in National Review Online). As Richwine said in his interview with the Washington Examiner’s Byron York, his Ph.D. research on how IQ affects the social and economic costs of immigration had nothing to do with the Heritage Foundation report.

This is nothing more than a guilt by association smear campaign aimed at putting yet another nail in the coffin of White America. It is an index of the power of the left that they need not dispute the economic effects of the Schumer-Rubio bill; nor do they need to rebut the data and conclusions of Richwine’s Ph.D. thesis. They simply need to make the linkage between Richwine and taboo findings—that IQ predicts economic success, underclass behavior, and use of government services so that importing low-IQ immigrants is a very bad idea. Having made these associations, they can indulge in smug sociopathic satisfaction because a young man with a wife and two young children is suddenly out of work and with much diminished prospects in life.

Richwine’s Ph.D. thesiswas approved by a Harvard committee, but it’s clear that the real force behind it was Charles Murray, co-author of The Bell Curve. In the Acknowledgements section of his thesis, Richwine describes Murray as a “childhood hero”; Murray seems to have been his de facto thesis advisor at Harvard:

The substance of my work was positively influenced by many people, but no one was more influential than Charles Murray, whose detailed editing and relentless constructive criticism have made the final draft vastly superior to the first. I could not have asked for a better primary advisor.

So it’s not surprising that Richwine’s thesis takes seriously the work of Arthur Jensen, J. Philippe Rushton, Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen—the main figures in academic research on race and IQ. Although he also considers criticisms that have been leveled against them, it’s clear that Richwine sees this body of work as basically correct.Read more

The 2012 election looks to be the most racialized in history (see also here and here). Brownstein notes that in 2008, Obama was “the first presidential nominee ever to lose white voters by double digits and still win the White House. In 2012, as minorities loom larger in the vote, Obama could lose whites even more lopsidedly and still win reelection.”

Right. And at some point, Republicans are going to realize that they are between a rock and a hard place. If they try to appeal to minorities, they will lose their base. And the more they appeal to their angry White base, the more they drive minorities away. These Whites are uneasy “not only about activist government but also about the demographic changes swelling the minority population.” Indeed, in the absence of some very strong action, these changes will make Whites a minority in the country they once dominated demographically and culturally. But as Pat Buchanan and others have found out, any mention of the impending minority status of White Americans has been expunged from polite society—including Republican presidential candidates. Read more

It’s no surprise that LATimes Latino activist columnist, Gregory Rodriguez, does not like the Arizona ban on ethnic studies in high school (click here to let the Times know what you think). After mentioning Arizona’s “ruthless, racially charged campaign against illegal immigrants,” he tones it down a bit, saying he disapproves of the fact that the curriculum includes Paulo Freire’s jargon-heavy Marxist Pedagogy of the Oppressed, describing it as “a bit much.” But then he goes on to say that “I’m all for students being taught that their ethnic histories play a significant role in U.S. history.”

Right, but the problem is that the people teaching these courses hate Whites. And they love their own people and the cultural Marxist rhetoric fomented by authors like Friere. The curriculum also included Occupied America: A History of Chicanos, by Rodolfo Acuña which emphasizes the evil that Whites have inflicted on Mexicans and Native Americans in the past (see discussion here). Read more

Listening to the John and Ken Radio show on Friday afternoon was an experience in outrage. This is the most popular local radio show in the U.S., with an audience of over 1,000,000 people at peak drive time. The show on Friday was all about the passage of the second part of the California Dream Act which allows illegals to apply for financial aid from the state. It is projected to cost California—which already is billions of dollars short of balancing its budget—around $40 million. The first part allowed illegals (who are already allowed to pay state-subsidized in-state tuition) to apply for privately funded aid which is indirectly subsidized by the state because these foundations are tax-exempt.

The show on Friday was non-stop outrage about the bill, including furious callers demanding recall of legislators and an expletive-filled email from a U.S. citizen of Mexican descent who is ashamed of his people. John and Ken also used their daily appearance on a TV news program (on KTLA, a popular local station) to vent their anger to another large audience. Their website is mainly focused on the bill and has all the contact numbers of legislators and the governor so that citizens can express themselves on the bill.

This video of John and Ken discussing the Arizona anti-illegal immigrant law gives a flavor of what they are like.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Kevin MacDonaldhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngKevin MacDonald2011-09-03 12:21:302011-09-03 18:37:48The Implicitly White Outrage of John and Ken Versus the Black Hole of the LA Times

A major theme of the European right, exemplified by Geert Wilders, is that Islam does not mesh with European values—that it promotes political despotism based on fear, the subjugation of women, and a fatalistic world view that is inimical to economic progress. (Wilders’ essay on Islam is well worth reading. I was particularly struck by his description of the arrival of the Egyptian President Mubarak at Sharm-el-Sheikh in 1982: “I remember the fear which suddenly engulfed the town when it was announced that Mubarak was coming on an unexpected visit; I can still see the cavalcade of black cars on the day of his visit and feel the almost physical awareness of fear, like a cold chill on that very hot day in Summer.” Political despotism indeed.)

I thought of that when reading Victor Davis Hansen’s National Review article “Two Californias.” He describes a rural California that exists in a parallel universe to the coastal cities—indeed to all of White America. Decades of immigration and White dispossession have resulted in a Mexican sub-culture that has simply transplanted itself from Mexico to California. Spanish is the first language, and the schools (among the worst in the state) are almost completely Mexican. The small White farmers have been displaced by mechanized agriculture and the White working class has seen their manufacturing jobs shipped overseas. Read more

The Seattle Weekly is a very poor excuse for a newspaper, and mainly serves to advertise prostitutes, promote homosexuality, and sow hatred of the European-American majority in every way possible. It also worships Israel whenever it gets a chance.

The story describes how the Department of Agriculture Farm Service Agency is operating a segregated, Mexican-only program that buys out struggling, traditional European-American farms and then hands them over to the Mexicans at near zero interest rates. (One reason the European-American farms struggle is they have no access to credit.)

One area targeted for ethnic cleansing is the very productive Yakima Valley in Eastern Washington. Since segregated, Mexican-only NGOs like the Rural Community Development Resources, run by Luis Gutierrez, provide the conduit to the funding, it is all going to Mexicans.

One example of how the program works is that of Sergio Marquez who came up from Mexican to work on a 200-acre apple orchard, and within years was given ownership of the orchard by the federal government with no down payment and sub-market rates of interest.

Finally, the federal government guarantees that it will buy 100% of production from these privileged Mexican operations, and then in turn donates it to food banks.