We have demonstrated with documentary evidence a number of critical
associations between Wall Street international bankers and the rise of Hitler
and Naziism in Germany.

First: that Wall Street
financed the German cartels in the mid-1920s which in turn proceeded to bring
Hitler to power.

Second: that the financing for
Hitler and his S.S. street thugs came in part from affiliates or subsidiaries
of U.S. firms, including Henry Ford in 1922, payments by I.G. Farben and
General Electric in 1933, followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T.
subsidiary payments to Heinrich Himmler up to 1944.

Third: that U.S.
multi-nationals under the control of Wall Street profited handsomely from
Hitler's military construction program in the 1930s and at least until 1942.

Fourth: that these same
international bankers used political influence in the U.S. to cover up their
wartime collaboration and to do this infiltrated the U.S. Control Commission
for Germany.

Our evidence for these four
major assertions can be summarized as follows:

In Chapter One we presented
evidence that the Dawes and Young Plans for German reparations were formulated
by Wall Streeters, temporarily wearing the hats of statesmen, and these loans
generated a rain of profits for these international bankers. Owen Young of
General Electric, Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others intimately connected
with Hitler's accession to power had earlier been the negotiators for the U.S.
and German sides, respectively. Three Wall Street houses  Dillon, Read;
Harris, Forbes; and, National City Company  handled three-quarters of the
reparations loans used to create the German cartel system, including the
dominant I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, which together produced 95
percent of the explosives for the Nazi side in World War II.

The central role
of I.G. Farben in Hitler's coup d' ιtat was reviewed in Chapter Two. The
directors of American I.G. (Farben) were identified as prominent American
businessmen: Walter Teagle, a dose Roosevelt associate and backer and an NRA
administrator; banker Paul Warburg (his brother Max Warburg was on the board
of I.G. Farben in Germany); and Edsel Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM
directly to Schacht and Hess for use in the crucial 1933 elections and Farben
was subsequently in the forefront of military development in Nazi Germany.

A donation of 60,000 RM was
made to Hitler by German General Electric (A.E.G.), which had four directors
and a 25-30 percent interest held by the U.S. General Electric parent company.
This role was described in Chapter Three, and we found that Gerard Swope, an
originator of Roosevelt's New Deal (its National Recovery Administration
segment), together with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and
Clark Minor of International General Electric, were the dominant Wall
Streeters in A.E.G. and the most significant single influence.

We also found no evidence to
indict the German electrical firm Siemens, which was not under Wall
Street control. In contrast, there is documentary evidence that both A.E.G.
and Osram, the other units of the German electrical industry  both of which
had U.S. participation and control  did finance Hitler. In fact,
almost all directors of German General Electric were Hitler backers, either
directly through A.E.G. or indirectly through other German firms, G.E. rounded
out its Hitler support by technical cooperation with Krupp, aimed at
restricting U.S. development of tungsten carbide, which worked to the
detriment of the U.S. in World War II. We concluded that A.E.G. plants in
Germany managed, by a yet unknown maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies.

An examination of the role of
Standard Oil of New Jersey (which was and is controlled by the Rockefeller
interests) was undertaken in Chapter Four. Standard Oil apparently did not
finance Hitler's accession to power in 1933 (that part of the "myth of
Sidney Warburg" is not proven). On the other hand, payments were made up
to 1944 by Standard Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic gasoline for war
purposes on behalf of the Nazis and, through its wholly owned subsidiary, to
Heinrich Himmler's S.S. Circle of Friends for political purposes. Standard
Oil's role was technical aid to Nazi development of synthetic rubber and
gasoline through a U.S. research company under the management control of
Standard Oil. The Ethyl Gasoline Company, jointly owned by Standard Oil of New
Jersey and General Motors, was instrumental in supplying vital ethyl lead to
Nazi Germany  over the written protests of the U.S. War Department
 with the clear knowledge that the ethyl lead was for Nazi military
purposes.

In Chapter Five we
demonstrated that International Telephone and Telegraph Company, one of the
more notorious multi-nationals, worked both sides of World War II through
Baron Kurt von Schroder, of the Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a
28-percent interest in Focke-Wolfe aircraft, which manufactured excellent
German fighter planes. We also found that Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was
involved in Nazi endeavors through German attorney Westrick, but dropped its
chairman of the board Rieber when these endeavors were publicized.

Henry Ford was an early (1922)
Hitler backer and Edsel Ford continued the family tradition in 1942 by
encouraging French Ford to profit from arming the German Wehrmacht,
Subsequently, these Ford-produced vehicles were used against American
soldiers as they landed in France in 1944. For his early recognition of, and
timely assistance to, the Nazis, Henry Ford received a Nazi medal in 1938. The
records of French Ford suggest Ford Motor received kid glove treatment from
the Nazis after 1940.

The provable threads of Hitler
financing are drawn together in Chapter Seven and answer with precise names
and figures the question, who financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter indicts Wall
Street and, incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United States
except the Ford family. The Ford family is not normally associated with Wall
Street but is certainly a part of the "power elite."

In earlier chapters we cited
several Roosevelt associates, including Teagle of Standard Oil, the Warburg
family, and Gerard Swope. In Chapter Eight the role of Putzi Hanfstaengl,
another Roosevelt friend and a participant in the Reichstag fire, is traced.
The composition of the Nazi inner circle during World War II, and the
financial contributions of Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiaries,
are traced in Chapter Nine. Documentary proof of these monetary contributions
is presented. Kurt yon Schrader is identified as the key intermediary in this
S.S. "slush fund."

Finally, in Chapter Ten we
reviewed a book suppressed in 1934 and the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg.'"
The suppressed book accused the Rockefellers, the Warburgs, and the major oil
companies of financing Hitler. While the name "Sidney Warburg" was
no doubt an invention, the extraordinary fact remains that the argument in the
suppressed "Sidney Warburg" book is remarkably close to the evidence
presented now. It also remains a puzzle why James
Paul Warburg, fifteen years later, would want to attempt, in a rather
transparently slipshod manner, to refute the contents of the "Warburg"
book, a book he claims not to have seen. It is perhaps even more of a puzzle
why Warburg would choose Nazi von Papen's Memoirs as the vehicle to
present his refutation.

Finally, in Chapter Eleven we
examined the roles of the Morgan and Chase Banks in World War II, specifically
their collaboration with the Nazis in France while a major war was raging.

In other words, as in our two
previous examinations of the links between New York international bankers and
major historical events, we find a provable pattern of subsidy and political
manipulation.

Looking at the broad array of
facts presented in the three volumes of the Wall Street series, we find
persistent recurrence of the same names: Owen Young, Gerard Swope, Hjalmar
Schacht, Bernard Baruch, etc.; the same international banks: J.P.
Morgan, Guaranty Trust, Chase Bank; and the same location in New York: usually
120 Broadway.

This group of international
bankers backed the Bolshevik Revolution and subsequently profited from the
establishment of a Soviet Russia. This group backed Roosevelt and profited
from New Deal socialism. This group also backed Hitler and certainly profited
from German armament in the 1930s. When Big Business should have been running
its business operations at Ford Motor, Standard of New Jersey, and so on, we
find it actively and deeply involved in political upheavals, war, and
revolutions in three major countries.

The version of history
presented here is that the financial elite knowingly and with premeditation
assisted the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in concert with German bankers.
After profiting handsomely from the German hyper-inflationary distress of
1923, and planning to place the German reparations burden onto the backs of
American investors, Wall Street found it had brought about the 1929 financial
crisis.

Two men were then backed as
leaders for major Western countries: Franklin D. Roosevelt in the United
States and Adolf Hitler in Germany. The Roosevelt New Deal and Hitler's Four
Year Plan had great similarities. The Roosevelt and Hitler plans were plans
for fascist takeovers of their respective countries. While Roosevelt's NRA
failed, due to then-operating constitutional constraints, Hitler's Plan
succeeded.

Why did the Wall Street elite,
the international bankers, want Roosevelt and Hitler in power? This is an
aspect we have not explored. According to the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg,'"
Wall Street wanted a policy of revenge; that is, it wanted war in Europe
between France and Germany. We know even from Establishment history that both
Hitler and Roosevelt acted out policies leading to war.

The link-ups between persons
and events in this three-book series would require another book. But a single
example will perhaps indicate the remarkable concentration of power within a
relatively few organizations, and the use of this power.

On May 1st, 1918, when the
Bolsheviks controlled only a small fraction of Russia (and were to come near
to losing even that fraction in the summer of 1918), the American League to
Aid and Cooperate with Russia was organized in Washington, D.C. to support the
Bolsheviks. This was not a "Hands off Russia" type of committee
formed by the Communist Party U.S.A. or its allies. It was a committee created
by Wall Street with George P. Whalen of Vacuum Oil Company as Treasurer
and Coffin and Oudin of General Electric, along with Thompson of the Federal
Reserve System, Willard of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and assorted
socialists.

When we look at the rise of
Hitler and Naziism we find Vacuum Oil and General Electric well represented.
Ambassador Dodd in Germany was struck by the monetary and technical
contribution by the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company in building up
military gasoline facilities for the Nazis. The Ambassador tried to warn
Roosevelt. Dodd believed, in his apparent naivetι of world affairs, that
Roosevelt would intervene, but Roosevelt himself was backed by these same oil
interests and Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New Jersey and the NRA was on
the board of Roosevelt's Warm Springs Foundation. So, in but one of many
examples, we find the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company prominently
assisting in the creation of Bolshevik Russia, the military build-up of Nazi
Germany, and backing Roosevelt's New Deal.

Within the last decade or so,
certainly since the 1960s, a steady flow of literature has presented a thesis
that the United States is ruled by a self-perpetuating and unelected power
elite. Even further, most of these books aver that this elite controls, or at
the least heavily influences, all foreign and domestic policy decisions, and
that no idea becomes respectable or is published in the United States without
the tacit approval, or perhaps lack of disapproval, of this elitist circle.

Obviously the very flow of
anti-establishment literature by itself testifies that the United States
cannot be wholly under the thumb of any single group or elite. On the other
hand, anti-establishment literature is not fully recognized or reasonably
discussed in academic or media circles. More often than not it consists of a
limited edition, privately produced, almost hand-to-hand circulated. There are
some exceptions, true; but not enough to dispute the observation that
anti-establishment critics do not easily enter normal information/distribution
channels.

Whereas in the early and
mid-1960s, any concept of rule by a conspiratorial elite, or indeed any kind
of elite, was reason enough to dismiss the proponent out of hand as a
"nut case," the atmosphere for such concepts has changed radically.
The Watergate affair probably added the final touches to a long-developing
environment of skepticism and doubt. We are almost at the point where anyone
who accepts, for example, the Warren Commission report, or believes that that
the decline and fall of Mr. Nixon did not have some conspiratorial aspects, is
suspect. In brief, no one any longer really believes the Establishment
information process. And there is a wide variety of alternative presentations
of events now available for the curious.

Several hundred books, from
the full range of the political and philosophical spectrum, add bits and
pieces of evidence, more hypotheses, and more accusations. What was not too
long ago a kooky idea, talked about at midnight behind closed doors, in hushed
and almost conspiratorial whispers, is now openly debated  not, to be sure,
in Establishment newspapers but certainly on non-network radio talk shows, the
underground press, and even from time to time in books from respectable
Establishment publishing houses.

So let us ask the question
again: Is there an unelected power elite behind the U.S. Government?

A substantive and often-cited
source of information is Carroll Quigley, Professor of International Relations
at Georgetown University, who in 1966 had published a monumental modern
history entitled Tragedy and Hope.1Quigley's book is apart from others
in this revisionist vein, by virtue of the fact that it was based on a
two-year study of the internal documents of one of the power centers. Quigley
traces the history of the power elite:

... the powers of financial
capitalism had another far reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world
system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political
system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole.

Quigley also demonstrates that
the Council on Foreign Relations, the National Planning Association, and other
groups are "semi-secret" policy-making bodies under the control of
this power elite.

In the following tabular
presentation we have listed five such revisionist books, including Quigley's.
Their essential theses and compatibility with the three volumes of the
"Wall Street" series are summarized. It is surprising that in the
three major historical events noted, Carroll Quigley is not at all consistent
with the "Wall Street" series evidence. Quigley goes a long way to
provide evidence for the existence of the power elite, but does not
penetrate the operations of the elite.

Possibly, the papers used by
Quigley had been vetted, and did not include documentation on elitist
manipulation of such events as the Bolshevik Revolution, Hitler's accession to
power, and the election of Roosevelt in 1933. More likely, these political
manipulations may not be recorded at all in the files of the power groups.
They may have been unrecorded actions by a small ad hoc segment of the
elite. It is noteworthy that the documents used by this author came from
government sources, recording the day-to-day actions of Trotsky, Lenin,
Roosevelt, Hitler, J.P. Morgan and the various firms and banks involved.

On the other hand, such
authors as Jules Archer, Gary Allen, Helen P. Lasell, and William Domhoff,
writing from widely different political standpoints2are consistent
with the "Wall Street" evidence. These writers present a hypothesis
of a power elite manipulating the U.S. Government. The "Wall Street"
series demonstrates how this hypothesized "power elite" has
manipulated specific historical events.

Obviously any such exercise of
unconstrained and supra-legal power is unconstitutional, even though wrapped
in the fabric of law-abiding actions. We can therefore legitimately raise the
question of the existence of a subversive force operating to remove
constitutionally guaranteed rights.

Twentieth-century history, as
recorded in Establishment textbooks and journals, is inaccurate.
It is a history which is based solely upon those official documents which
various Administrations have seen fit to release for public consumption.

But an accurate history cannot
be based on a selective release of documentary archives. Accuracy requires
access to all documents. In practice, as previously classified documents in
the U.S. State Department files, the British Foreign Office, and the German
Foreign Ministry archives and other depositories are acquired, a new version
of history has emerged; the prevailing Establishment version is seen to be,
not only inaccurate, but designed to hide a pervasive fabric of deceit and
immoral conduct.

The center of political power,
as authorized by the U.S. Constitution, is with an elected Congress and an
elected President, working within the framework and under the constraints of a
Constitution, as interpreted by an unbiased Supreme Court. We have in the past
assumed that political power is consequently carefully exercised by the
Executive and legislative branch, after due deliberation and assessment of the
wishes of the electorate. In fact, nothing could be further from this
assumption. The electorate has long suspected, but now knows, that political
promises are worth nothing. Lies are the order of the day for policy
implementors. Wars are started (and stopped) with no shred of coherent
explanation. Political words have never matched political deeds. Why not?
Apparently because the center of political power has been elsewhere than with
elected and presumably responsive representatives in Washington, and this
power elite has its own objectives, which are inconsistent with those of the
public at large.

In this three-volume series we
have identified for three historical events the seat of political power in the
United States  the power behind the scenes, the hidden influence on
Washington  as that of the financial establishment in New York: the private
international bankers, more specifically the financial houses of J.P. Morgan,
the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank, and in earlier days (before
amalgamation of their Manhattan Bank with the former Chase Bank), the Warburgs.

The United States has, in
spite of the Constitution and its supposed constraints, become a
quasi-totalitarian state. While we do not (yet) have. the overt trappings of
dictatorship, the concentration camps and the knock on the door at midnight,
we most certainly do have threats and actions aimed at the survival of
non-Establishment critics, use of the Internal Revenue Service to bring
dissidents in line, and manipulation of the Constitution by a court system
that is politically subservient to the Establishment.

It is in the pecuniary
interests of the international bankers to centralize political power  and
this centralization can best be achieved within a collectivist society, such
as socialist Russia, national socialist Germany, or a Fabian socialist United
States.

There can be no full
understanding and appreciation of twentieth-century American politics and
foreign policy without the realization that this financial elite effectively
monopolizes Washington policy.

In case after case, newly
released documentation implicates this elite and confirms this hypothesis. The
revisionist versions of the entry of the United States into World Wars I and
II, Korea, and Vietnam reveal the influence and objectives of this elite.

For most of the twentieth
century the Federal Reserve System, particularly the Federal Reserve Bank of
New York (which is outside the control of Congress, unaudited and
uncontrolled, with the power to print money and create credit at will), has
exercised a virtual monopoly over the direction of the American economy. In
foreign affairs the Council on Foreign Relations, superficially an innocent
forum for academics, businessmen, and politicians, contains within its shell,
perhaps unknown to many of its members, a power center that unilaterally
determines U.S. foreign policy. The major objective of this submerged  and
obviously subversive  foreign. policy is the acquisition of markets and
economic power (profits, if you will), for a small group of giant
multi-nationals under the virtual control of a few banking investment houses
and controlling families.

Through foundations controlled
by this elite, research by compliant and spineless academics,
"conservatives" as well as "liberals," has been directed
into channels useful for the objectives of the elite essentially to maintain
this subversive and unconstitutional power apparatus.

Through publishing houses
controlled by this same financial elite unwelcome books have been squashed and
useful books promoted; fortunately publishing has few barriers to entry and is
almost atomistically competitive. Through control of a dozen or so major
newspapers, run by editors who think alike, public information can be almost
orchestrated at will. Yesterday, the space program; today, an energy crisis or
a campaign for ecology; tomorrow, a war in the Middle East or some other
manufactured "crisis."

The total result of this
manipulation of society by the Establishment elite has been four major wars in
sixty years, a crippling national debt, abandonment of the Constitution,
suppression of freedom and opportunity, and creation of a vast credibility
gulf between the man in the street and Washington, D.C. While the transparent
device of two major parties trumpeting artificial differences, circus-like
conventions, and the cliche of "bipartisan foreign policy" no longer
carries credibility, and the financial elite itself recognizes that its
policies lack public acceptance, it is obviously prepared to go it alone
without even nominal public support.

In brief, we now have to
consider and debate whether this New York-based elitist Establishment is a
subversive force operating with deliberation and knowledge to suppress the
Constitution and a free society. That will be the task ahead in the next
decade.

The arena for this debate and
the basis for our charges of subversion is the evidence provided by the
revisionist historian. Slowly, over decades, book by book, almost line by
line, the truth of recent history has emerged as documents are released,
probed, analyzed, and set within a more valid historical framework.

Let us consider a few
examples. American entry into World War II was supposedly precipitated,
according to the Establishment version, by the Japanese attack on Pearl
Harbor. Revisionists have established that Franklin D. Roosevelt and General
Marshall knew of the impending Japanese attack and did nothing to warn
the Pearl Harbor military authorities. The Establishment wanted war with
Japan. Subsequently, the Establishment made certain that Congressional
investigation of Pearl Harbor would fit the Roosevelt whitewash. In the words
of Percy Greaves, chief research expert for the Republican minority on the
Joint Congressional Committee investigating Pearl Harbor:

The complete facts will
never be known. Most of the so-called investigations have been attempts to
suppress, mislead, or confuse those who seek the truth. From the beginning
to the end, facts and files have been withheld so as to reveal only those
items of information which benefit the administration under investigation.
Those seeking the truth are told that other facts or documents cannot be
revealed because they are intermingled in personal diaries, pertain to our
relations with foreign countries, or are sworn to contain no information of
value.3

But this was not the first
attempt to bring the United States into war, or the last. The Morgan
interests, in concert with Winston Churchill, tried to bring the U.S. into
World War I as early as 1915 and succeeded in doing so in 1917. Colin
Thompson's Lusitania implicates President Woodrow Wilson in the sinking
of the Lusitania  a horror device to generate a public backlash to
draw the United States into war with Germany. Thompson demonstrates that
Woodrow Wilson knew four darts beforehand that the Lusitania was
carrying six-million rounds of ammunition plus explosives, and therefore,
"passengers who proposed to sail on that vessel were sailing in violation
of statute of this country."4

The British Board of Inquiry
under Lord Mersey was instructed by the British Government "that
it is considered politically expedient that Captain Turner, the master of the Lusitania,
be most prominently blamed for the disaster."

In retrospect, given Colin
Thompson's evidence, the blame is more fairly to be attributed to President
Wilson, "Colonel" House, J.P. Morgan, and Winston Churchill; this
conspiratorial elite should have been brought to trial for willful negligence,
if not treason. It is to Lord Mersey's eternal credit that after performing
his "duty" under instructions from His Majesty's government, and
placing the blame on Captain Turner, he resigned, rejected his fee, and from
that date on refused to handle British government commissions. To his friends
Lord Mersey would only say about the Lusitania case that it was a
"dirty business."

Then in 1933-4 came the attempt
by the Morgan firm to install a fascist dictatorship in the United States. In
the words of Jules Archer, it was planned to be a Fascist putsch to take
over the government and "run it under a dictator on behalf of
America's bankers and industrialists."5 Again, a single courageous
individual emerged  General Smedley Darlington Butler, who blew the whistle on
the Wall Street conspiracy. And once again Congress stands out, particularly
Congressmen Dickstein and MacCormack, by its gutless refusal to do no more than
conduct a token whitewash investigation.

Since World War II we have
seen the Korean War and the Vietnamese War  meaningless, meandering no-win
wars costly in dollars and lives, with no other major purpose but to generate
multibillion-dollar armaments contracts. Certainly these wars were not fought
to restrain communism, because for fifty years the Establishment has been
nurturing and subsidizing the Soviet Union which supplied armaments to the
other sides in both wars  Korea and Vietnam. So our revisionist history will
show that the United States directly or indirectly armed both sides in at
least Korea and Vietnam.

In the assassination of
President Kennedy, to take a domestic example, it is difficult to find anyone
who today accepts the findings of the Warren Commission  except perhaps the
members of that Commission. Yet key evidence is still hidden from public eyes
for 50 to 75 years. The Watergate affair demonstrated even to the man in the
street that the White House can be a vicious nest of intrigue and deception.

Of all recent history the
story of Operation Keelhaul6 is perhaps the most disgusting. Operation
Keelhaul was the forced repatriation of millions of Russians at the orders of
President (then General) Dwight D. Eisenhower, in direct violation of the
Geneva Convention of 1929 and the long-standing American tradition of
political refuge. Operation Keelhaul, which contravenes all our ideas of
elementary decency and individual freedom, was undertaken at the direct orders
of General Eisenhower and, we may now presume, was a part of a long-range
program of nurturing collectivism, whether it be Soviet communism' Hitler's
Naziism, or FDR's New Deal. Yet until recent publication of documentary
evidence by Julius Epstein, anyone who dared to suggest Eisenhower would
betray millions of innocent individuals for political purposes was viciously
and mercilessly attacked.7

What this revisionist history
really teaches us is that our willingness as individual citizens to surrender
political power to an elite has cost the world approximately
two-hundred-million persons killed from 1820 to 1975. Add to that untold
misery the concentration camps, the political prisoners, the suppression and
oppression of those who try to bring the truth to light.

When will it all stop? It will
not stop until we act upon one simple axiom: that the power system continues
only so long as individuals want it to continue, and it will continue
only so long as individuals try to get something for nothing. The day
when a majority of individuals declares or acts as if it wants nothing from
government, declares it will look after its own welfare and interests, then on
that day power elites are doomed. The attraction to "go along"
with power elites is the attraction of something for nothing. That is the
bait. The Establishment always offers something for nothing; but the something
is taken from someone else, as taxes or plunder, and awarded elsewhere in
exchange for political support.

Periodic crises and wars are
used to whip up support for other plunder-reward cycles which in effect
tighten the noose around our individual liberties. And of course we have
hordes of academic sponges, amoral businessmen, and just plain hangers-on, to
act as non-productive recipients for the plunder.

Stop the circle of plunder and
immoral reward and elitist structures collapse. But not until a majority finds
the moral courage and the internal fortitude to reject the
something-for-nothing con game and replace it by voluntary associations,
voluntary communes, or local rule and decentralized societies, will the
killing and the plunder cease.