Published as a service
to the causeof Revolutionary Nationalism
byNationalism Today

INTRODUCTION

SINCE the start of 1984,
the National Front has been steadily transformed from being a basically reformist
pressure group into a movement for National Revolution in Britain. This transformation
has not always been obvious, nor is it yet complete, but the basic trend
has been clear.

It was inevitable that
this radicalisation would alarm the remaining racial Tories left in our ranks
since the mid-70s. And it was equally certain that the adoption of revolutionary
ideology and structures by the N.F. would trigger alarm bells in the British
State. The further that the process went, the more likely it became that
a reaction by conservative elements and the State would occur. This was finally
sparked off by the National Front's growing involvement in the struggle of
the British people in Ulster against betrayal by the British State. The N.F.
stepped right into the middle of an undeclared war, so it is no surprise
that we have come under heavy fire as a result.

The facts about the State's
response to the growing N.F. threat, and the part played in it by the last
reactionary elements within the old leadership, have taken a long time to
uncover. And the need to ensure fair trials for these few individuals at
their resulting disciplinary tribunals publication of the full story about
factional adventure.

But with the main ring-leaders
expelled by a constitutional and fair disciplinary tribunal, it is now possible
to provide the information which many N.F. officials and militants want to
hear. When did the faction start to form? Who played the leading roles? What
sort of subversion and trickery occurred which made it necessary to expel
three previous Chairmen of the Party's governing body? It is hoped that the
following detailed report will answer these and many other questions.

I am sure that careful
reading of the facts presented in this document will first shock and then
anger all sincere Nationalists. I also hope that an understanding of this
plot to take-over and de-radicalise or to destroy the National Front will
serve as a valuable lesson for the National Revolutionary movement in the
future, both in Britain and overseas. "Blows which do not destroy us make
us stronger" - but only if we understand who dealt the blows and why. Read
on, and all will become clear.

Signed:

Nick Griffin.

Chairman,
National Directorate,
National Front.

This statement
was unanimously approved by the National Directorate and written between
1st - 5th August. 1986.

THE BACKGROUND

In order to see things
in perspective, we need to step back briefly and to examine the internal
politics of the National Front in recent years. The removal of Martin Webster
as effective dictator of the Party by a rising generation of young radicals,
chiefly Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Joe Pearce, marked the beginnings
of the full-scale radicalisation of the N.F., so we must take the story up
from there.

DECEMBER 10TH 1983
Following months of growing tension between Webster and the radicals, a
meeting of the National Directorate voted to sack Webster and his homosexual
lover Michael Salt from all their paid and elected positions within the Party.
Ian Anderson, who had served as Webster's right-hand man and chief prosecutor
in disciplinary proceedings under his regime for several years, voted to
axe the man who had given him a job as a full-time paid N.F. official. Webster
was particularly stunned by this as Anderson had sat next to him at a dinner
party only the night before, where they had plotted together against the
radicals. Outmanoeuvred and isolated, Webster found himself with about 20
supporters as the entire Party rejoiced at his removal.

The radicals who had
brought this about agreed to accept Anderson as it was felt that his administrative
experience would be useful. It was hoped that he would lose the various bad
habits acquired while working with Webster and come to fit into the new leadership
team.

A similar attitude was
taken to Martin Wingfield, who after initial reluctance to remove Webster
agreed to do so when offered the editorship of N.F. News. Although he was
known to have reactionary tendencies, it was felt that Wingfield was a technically
competent journalist whose ideological stance would improve with contact
with radical colleagues.

MARCH-APRIL 1984
Mistakes made by Anderson over the calling of the December 10th meeting gave
Webster the opportunity to drag the N.F. into the High Court. Webster was
actually reinstated, but Pat Harrington pointed out that in his judgement
against the Directorate the judge had actually made clear how the sacking
should be done. The wrangling continued until the Annual General Meeting where
Webster's expulsion was confirmed.

AUGUST 1984
Tom Acton, a former accountant appointed Party Auditor by Webster bought
a large A2 printing press capable of doing all usual N.F. work. It was agreed
that the Party would buy its way into ownership of the machine in instalments.
A contract was drawn up whereby the National Front would own the press (worth
£6,000) as soon as it commenced payments of £100 per month. Interest
somewhat higher than the standard bank base rate was to be charged on the
sum outstanding. If three or more payments were missed, Acton would have
the right to reclaim the machine. Anderson never bothered to get the agreement
signed and never made a single payment. Although it was widely announced
that the N F now owned the press, it remained the private property of Acton.
The fact that no payments had been made and that the agreement had not been
signed was concealed from the Directorate for many months.

One of the key parts
of the developing radical strategy at this time was the need for decentralisation
of the movement's assets and operations. It was increasingly felt that to
have all our eggs in one basket in one large central headquarters made us
sitting targets for police raids or Red/Zionist/Immigrant attack. It was
therefore proposed to site the press out of London at a secret location.
The argument was clinched by the lower cost of rented property out of London
and it was agreed to establish the main printworks in Suffolk. Anderson and
his fellow Head Office worker Roger Denny opposed this vigorously. Anderson
was particularly keen to set up the operation in East London which he saw
as his own personal power-base. In spite of this, the press went to Suffolk
and although there was concern over Acton's business ability, most of the
leadership were happy to see at least the start of the decentralisation programme.

Growing dissatisfaction
among the radical leadership and many committee officials with Anderson's
regime at Pawsons Road. "It's in the post...seven to ten days" began to become
the cynical catch-phrase to describe his administration as the lies and excuses
wore thin.

APRIL 1985
Nick Griffin and Derek Holland proposed an administrative re-shuffle aimed
at shunting Anderson away from the central funds and internal organisation
and to get him working on the less crucial areas of press relations and activities.
Joe Pearce, at the time their closest friend and political colleague urged
caution because of the damage that Anderson might do if offended. Proposal
shelved and Anderson simply given a warning to stop lying, at least to his
close associates.

MAY - JUNE 1985
Crisis at Pawsons Road continues to grow. Many vital projects held back
through lack of funds or simply because they get "lost" or "forgotten" at
Pawsons Road. Radical initiatives and propaganda, such as "N.F. support the
miners" posters seemed particularly ill-fated, but this was put down simply
to the general chaos at the Bookshop throughout this period.

Continual shuffling of
funds between accounts and Anderson's obsessive control over the purse-strings
made it impossible to get accurate figures about Party finances. During this
time over £2,500 was raised for the N.F.'s computer appeal. When the
current administrative team took over completely at the start of 1986, it
was found that the computer had in fact been obtained under a Hire Purchase
agreement taken out by a member of Croydon Branch and that the N.F. had not
made a single payment towards buying it. All the money had been swallowed
up in a bottomless pit of old debts and wages for Anderson end Denny, with
occasional handouts to the voluntary workforce to cover basic expenses.

Having acquired the machine,
Ian "I'll master it in a weekend - no problem" Anderson, tries for several
weeks to get it to work, then gives up. Over £1,000 worth of vital
computer equipment sits idle on his desk for months.

JULY 1985
Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington and Derek Holland get Directorate approval for
a shake-up at Pawsons Road (Joe Pearce at this time was still recovering from
personal family problems and was not heavily involved, but he readily agreed
that the changes were necessary). Roger Denny was given responsibility for
the Bookshop and small A4 printing press; Tina Dalton was to run the typesetting
operation as a separate business, and to share responsibility for the N.F.'s
administrative work with Martin Wingfield.

However, since all these
aspects of our operation stayed in the same building and money continued
to be shunted indiscriminately between the various accounts, the reshuffle
had little effect. Anderson continued to plunder the Bookshop to conceal
the fact that the Party's political operation, for which he was still responsible,
was running at a loss and could not afford to pay his wages, let alone a
hefty share of his car repair bills. Roger Denny proved too weak to stand
up to this so stock levels continued to decline while back orders and debts
mounted alarmingly. Hundreds of completed orders and subscribers' copies
of publications lay in a pile in the shop because Denny lacked either the
money or the drive to get them posted. Anderson routinely dropped urgent
letters in the same heap and then blamed Denny when they stayed there for
weeks.

Denny also failed to
keep Anderson from interfering in the running of the small printing operation
and from looting money made by commercial printing work. This alone could
not, however, explain the way in which this operation failed to provide the
fast and cheap internal printing work which was its raison d'être.
The production of regular local leaflets was an important part of the radical-developed
strategy of putting intensive effort into "target 'wards". The small press
was supposed to meet this need, but was used instead to make exorbitant profits
from badly done work provided months late. Among the units which suffered
from this were Croydon (who waited 4 months for their "Patriot" leaflet");
Epping Forest (4 months for the first one, second one lost completely); Havering
(6 months) and Norwich (text lost at typesetting stage). Other radical initiatives
such as a leaflet aimed at police officers disillusioned by the kid-glove
treatment of Black rioters also failed to appear on time and ended up having
to be photocopied and sent out in pitifully small quantities.

John Field kept a list
of the propaganda items which he sent down for production which were then
lost or left so long that they became dated and useless. When the number
reached 20 in just a few months he gave up counting. Other people found the
same problem. Good local initiatives such as posters produced by Liverpool
Branch, and Michael Fishwick's efforts to relaunch the YNF were also held
up by the failure of Dalton and Denny's typesetting and printing operations
to deliver the goods.

One excuse given was
the unreliability of the old A4 press, so the money was raised (mainly through
a loan of hundreds of pounds from John Field, who had already put in more
than £3,000 to help set up the Party's printing operation) for Denny
to buy a better A4 machine. Instead he went against instructions and spent
hundreds of pounds extra to buy a sub-standard A3 press. Anderson and Wingfield
supported him in this because had it been a decent piece of equipment, this
press could have been used to produce virtually all the N.F.'s propaganda.
They saw this as a way to bring a large part of the Party's propaganda machine
back under their central control. Denny was additionally keen on this because
he saw it as a way to undermine Acton's printing operation. This ambition
was prompted simply by the fact that Acton was given to spending far too
much time with Denny's girlfriend Tina Dalton. This habit of allowing personal
clashes to influence their political decisions to the detriment of the 'movement
has been shown repeatedly by the members of this faction. and has even led
to side-squabbles between its own members. Even potentially lucrative commercial
work was fouled up. Virtually every single customer was kept waiting or let
down altogether. The efforts of a number of activists who distributed advertising
material to build up this business were totally wasted.

Meanwhile essential political
work was also not getting done. After the first Harlow march Michael Hipperson
(now living with Ian Anderson in Newham and supplying Wingfield's FLAG newspaper
with photos which were promised to N.F. NEWS) couldn't be bothered to do
anything about the forty resulting follow-ups even though he was Regional
Organiser at the time. A second march was now held in the town with a similar
number of follow-ups as a result. Anderson was to organise an inaugural meeting
to form a new unit, but nothing ever happened. When the Bookshop was finally
cleared out in the autumn, all the follow-ups and the bulletins which should
have been sent out notifying people about the meeting were found in the basement.
All the effort by the East London activists who went into the area paper-selling
and to boost numbers on the march was wasted.

Nor was this an isolated
mistake. The bulletins calling for the inaugural meeting of the new Wandsworth
Group that summer were also found in the basement months later. Yet Anderson
had the cheek to complain that no-one had turned up to the meeting.

Nor were Anderson's continual
lies and Denny's drunken depressions the only source of difficulty in this
period. N.F. officials and activists will remember the "Lies, Damn Lies"
leaflet produced by the Publicity Department (headed by Nick Griffin at the
time) in response to the Heysel Stadium smear when the press blamed the N.F.
for the deaths of 38 Italians in a Brussels football riot. The problems faced
by the Publicity Department getting this leaflet out in time to stem the
avalanche of media lies are typical of the combination of incompetence and
deliberate sabotage emanating from Pawsons Road at this time.

The leaflet was written
and mocked up by noon on the day the story broke. Nick Griffin phoned the
text down to Wingfield at the Bookshop and he agreed to ensure that it was
typeset by Dalton proof-read and pasted up that afternoon. The following
afternoon (by which time it should have been being printed) it had not even
been set. After a strong complaint about this the text was set two days late.
Several days later Nick Griffin asked if it had yet been printed. Anderson
said that it hadn't but that "we're going to run 5,000 tomorrow on the small
press". Nick told him that in view of the seriousness of the smear such a
response was pathetic and that the first run alone should be at least 50,000
on Acton's big press. Reluctantly, Anderson agreed to this.

About a week later, Acton
got round to printing the first run of these vital leaflets. How a trained
typesetter can manage to get so many mistakes in a 400 word leaflet defies
the imagination, but Tina Dalton managed it. Basic instructions on layout,
typeface size and print colours were ignored, making chunks of the leaflet
meaningless drivel. Between them, the incompetents crammed a total of 23
mistakes, some minor, but several disastrous, into this very important leaflet.
Acton joked that it was "a bit ropey", but he still saw fit to print some
thousands of this illiterate and utterly useless leaflet.

Nick Griffin ordered
him to destroy the lot and went down to Pawsons Road to supervise the typesetting
of a replacement and to paste it up personally. This was the version which
was then distributed to great effect around the country in spite of the best
efforts of Wingfield and Anderson to discredit the radical controlled Publicity
Department.

Over many months of 1985,
similar problems were put down to over-crowding at Pawsons Road and shortages
of manpower and equipment. The idea that members of the leadership of the
National Front were deliberately sabotaging areas of the movement's operations
in order to discredit their radical colleagues seemed too fantastic to contemplate.
Only with the benefit of hindsight does this emerge as the only logical for
the sheer scale of the problems encountered explanation during this period.

SEPTEMBER 1985
With nearly all the National Front's eggs centralised in a collapsing basket
at Pawsons Road, it was time for decisive action to end the shambles. Major
change was also made necessary when Denny was asked to resign from the Directorate
and all positions in the Party after it was revealed that he had been arrested
on an N.F. activity in the middle of our anti-drugs campaign with a pocketful
of cannabis (something which may also explain his complacency about his failure
at the Bookshop).

As a result of all this,
Pat Harrington and Derek Holland took over at the Bookshop. John Field was
brought in to supervise the handing over of Administration to Nick Griffin.
Paul Fortune from Bedfordshire had earlier in the year been picked by Joe
Pearce's Education and Training Department as worth training up' to take
on top level responsibility. He now volunteered to get the computer into
operation and did so within a few days.

Anderson put in a lot
of effort to turn Paul Fortune against the "'Suffolk mafia" (a term used
by Anderson and Denny against those, including Pearce, seeking to decentralise
the movement), but when he failed to make any impression Anderson took instead
to running the new volunteer worker down to anybody who would listen to his
poison.

Denny's job on the small
press was taken over by Jimmy Grundle, who straight away began to turn out
better quality work, but was still always too ready to go to the pub
rather than print essential propaganda material. One example illustrates
this. "Free Joe Pearce" posters were badly needed for a literature run, but
were left till the last minute and only a small quantity were printed. Paul
Fortune held up the literature run for three hours, but after saying that
he would go and have one drink and would come back to print more posters
after 15 minutes, Grundle stayed in the pub for 4 hours. As a result, London
units were rationed for the posters and many provincial units did not get
any at all. The financial side of this operation now became the responsibility
of Miss Dalton.

By the end of September
1985, all the subscription and membership files had been moved from. Pawsons
Road and were being computerised in Norwich. It is, however, significant
that members of the public who subscribed to N.F. News before this time were
later to be sent a sample of the reactionary faction's paper THE FLAG. This
shows that copies of subscribers lists were made and stolen by Anderson and
Wingfield many months before the later internal problems erupted. Clearly
they were planning the subsequent coup attempt by the summer of 1985 at the
latest. Further evidence of this comes from the fact that they also copied
the old Organisers' address stencils before they were moved from Pawsons
Road. This was done on the photocopying machine in the building, which broke
down at the start of August 85. These people were planning a factional war
nearly a year in advance, while everyone else was busy working to build the
National Front.

OCTOBER 1985
One damaging event in particular which occurred at this time was assumed
to the work of the State, although it later became clear that it was actually
the result of a deliberate leak from some-one opposed to the de-centralisation
programme. On l5th October, the GUARDIAN carried a front page story alleging
that the N.F. had set up a typesetting and printing business with the help
of fraudulently obtained grants from the Manpower Services Commission. It
revealed the whereabouts of the secret press in Suffolk and claimed incorrectly
that Derek Holland and Nick Griffin were doing the Party's typesetting. The
expose came only days after the Tottenham Riots and severely disrupted the
National Front's response to the most serious racial violence yet.
seen in Britain. So it seemed reasonable to assume that an M.I.5. dirty trick
bad been pulled to keep the organisation from taking full advantage of the
external political situation. The only possibility of an internal leak appeared
to be Denny, who had just left under a cloud and who hated the "Suffolk mafia",
but nothing could be proved and the matter was put to one side.

Derek Holland, however,
put in a complaint to the Press Council and months later received a stunning
reply. The GUARDIAN claimed, that it was not a genuine complaint but was
simply a "fishing trip" by the N.F. to try to identify the source of their
story who was described as an official "at the highest level of the National
Front".

Some of the details in
the GUARDIAN report could not have been discovered by ordinary investigative
journalism. The name of the Griffin/Holland business, for example, would
have been unlikely to emerge. And if the journalist had worked through a
contact in the business's bank, he would have found that Nick Griffin's partner
was a "Mr. Holden" since the bank managed to get Derek's name wrong on all
their records. The fact that the report got such minor details right first
time lends credibility to the GUARDIAN's claim about a top level informer.
Also, an external investigation would surely have looked into the commercial
business run with the small press at Pawsons Road, which had actually been
advertised in N.F. NEWS. Although Denny was the most obvious culprit, it
was noted that he had always spelt the partnership's name incorrectly as
"Gandulf Graphics". Anderson, on the other hand knew the correct spelling
was "Gandalf". The GUARDIAN report used the correct spelling.

In his Press Council
defence, the GUARDIAN journalist David Rose went on to make the amazing revelation
that his N.F. informant had also joined him in two day long meetings with
the infamous Zionist SEARCHLIGHT hack Gerry Gable. It is of course just possible
that Rose made up this story to encourage suspicion within the N.F. leadership.
But such a possibility is not a good reason to block any investigation into
the allegations at all. Yet this was precisely the irresponsible attitude
of Wingfield, Acton, Nash, and Brons at the Directorate meeting which heard
a series of charges against Anderson. The full story of how they schemed,
lied and rigged the agenda to get Anderson off will be told later in this
document. In the meantime, the reader should just bear in mind the fact that
the desire to protect a member of their secret faction prompted these corrupt
individuals to ignore completely one of the worst breaches' in security which
the National Front has ever suffered.

OCTOBER - NOVEMBER 1985The administration
of the N.F. was not decentralised overnight. Anderson was now supposed to
be working from Pawsons Road on political matters and activities organisation,
but until the new administration address became widely known, he was responsible
for dealing with the post that came in to the old address. For several months
he therefore continued to control the main administrative bank accounts and
handling large sums of cash coming in at Pawsons Road and on the literature
runs which he continued to monopolise.

His record of incompetence
was maintained. Anderson bounced 8 cheques on one person alone in just two
months. This all too common trick cost the Party hundreds of pounds in unnecessary
bank charges and did even more damage to our credibility and to the good-will
of essential suppliers and of loyal N.F. members. Typical of this was his
treatment of Blackpool Branch, who had agreed to give a short-term loan 'earlier
that year of £700. Repayment had been overdue for many months and Branch
officials became concerned. They were told at least 12 times that a cheque
was "in the post". Every time, it emerged that Anderson had lied to them.
This money was only one of the horrific debts later cleared by the radicals
once they had full control of the Party's finances.

Suspicion began to grow
that at least some of this "incompetence" was in fact deliberate sabotage
of the new administrative arrangements. For two months running very little
money came in to pay for bulk supplies of Party publications. When Nick Griffin
and Paul Fortune approached the units concerned, they were told that they
had not paid because they had not been invoiced. Anderson repeatedly claimed
to have sent out all the invoices and to have done several "chase-ups" of
non-payers. The truth of the matter only emerged some months later when all
the invoices were discovered in envelopes in the basement and in Anderson's
office in Pawsons Road.

NOVEMBER 1985
The incoming radicals also began to suspect that the outgoing officials were
involved in theft and fraud. Petty cash records for the typesetting and printing
operations were non-existent or meaningless. The petty cash records were
not backed up by invoices and did not add up properly in any case. £20
-£30 per week usually went unaccounted for each week. Yet although
wages had now been cut to the bone, Anderson continued the old Pawsons Road
tradition of spending prolonged lunch-breaks in the pub across the road.
Out of all the people who went on to form or support the reactionary faction,
only Wingfield was not noted for regular and excessive alcohol consumption.
Such habits have to be paid for.

Evidence of fraud is
always difficult to find, as crooks naturally take steps to cover their tracks,
but one item raised later as a charge against Anderson was the drawing of
a £300 counter cheque on the main N.F. account. No record of this money
appeared in the petty cash book and no explanation for its expenditure was
never provided. the same was also true of the 1985 Remembrance Day collection
which Anderson took away at the end of the day. The bulk- of this money was
accounted for, but some hundreds of pounds simply vanished. As will be seen
later, even further investigation into this scandal was deliberately blocked
by Wingfield, Andrew Brons and the others who defended Anderson when he was
asked to explain what had been going on.

Above: Bank statement
showing £300.00 counter cheque drawn without explaination by Anderson.
(Note also the cost of just one of his rubber cheques).

Below: Petty cash book
pages kept by Anderson over the period of the counter cheque. Income is on
the left. There is no record of £300 taken from the bank. Incompetance
or fraud? Wingfield, Brons and Co. did not care.

At about this time,
Anderson told Denny that he had been arrested driving drunk down the Barking
Road at 70 m.p.h. He had also ignored several red traffic lights. Denny was
living with him at the time and told Pearce that Anderson was so depressed
and unstable that he thought that he had probably been trying to kill himself.
For some strange reason, Anderson did not lose his driving licence for this
serious driving offence. Did the police have some special reason to be kind
to him? "You scratch our back..."

DECEMBER 1985
The new radical administration and Bookshop workers now set about clearing
up the mess. The Bookshop staff inherited over 1,500 unfulfilled back orders
for which around £6,000 had come in and disappeared into the bottomless
pit. Within six months this had been reduced to 200 back orders and the shop
re-furbished and re-stocked. The usual average of 8 letters of complaint and
10 abusive phone-calls from irate customers every day was steadily reduced.
The threat of eviction arising out of unpaid rent of over £600 was
also dealt with. Thousands of pounds worth of other dangerous debts were
also steadily cleared. At the same time, the Norwich administration operation
set about paying off urgent debts and quickly reduced the pressing back-tax
liability from around £10,000 to £1,600.

The N.F. now faced several
dangerous court cases. Ian Stuart, key activist and central figure. in the
growing White Noise music operation, was framed by the police and sentenced
to a year in prison for defending himself against attack by two Blacks.

Pearce and Anderson went
on trial for conspiracy with persons unknown to produce Bulldog in contravention
of the Race Relations Act. The main evidence for this had been found in Anderson's
car during police raids months earlier. Anderson talked boldly about running
a political defence, but when the crunch came squirmed ,off the hook by offering
a technical defence and denying that he had anything to do with the material
in his car or stocks of the paper found in his flat. Pearce was left to carry
the can and was also sentenced to a year inside. While Anderson went free.

At about the same time,
Wingfield also spent a brief spell "inside" for 'non-payment of a Race Act
fine. While this was the correct thing to do, his main motivation was to
make himself a martyr and boost his popularity in preparation for the factional
struggle which he was already planning. The trick was not new, Pearce used
it to undermined Webster several years before. Significantly, Wingfield refused
to see anyone except Anderson while he was in prison, even though he had
worked side by side with the man for months and must have known exactly how
corrupt and cynical he was. The important thing to Wingfield now was to build
alliances for his attempted political reaction. And people exposed as inadequate
by growing radical demands for organisational efficiency and honesty were
his natural choice.

The campaigns launched
by the radical Publicity Department on behalf of both Wingfield and Pearce
were both sabotaged by slow typesetting and late and short print-runs by
Acton and Grundle. This problem will be discussed in greater detail shortly.

Anderson's reaction to
being found "not guilty" was bizarre. Instead of breathing a sigh of relief
and joining in to make the anti-Race Act campaign a success, he went to pieces.
Although still supposed to be working at Pawsons Road he would disappear
for days on end. When he did come in he spent most of the time in the pub
and the rest of the day sitting at his desk gazing into space and getting
through a half bottle of whiskey each afternoon. Unable to afford the rent
on his East London flat he now started to sleep on the floor upstairs at
Pawsons Road.

The new Bookshop staff
were not delighted with this development. They were working long hours trying
to sort out a near bankrupt mess which Anderson had helped to create in the
first place. More than that, they were systematically clearing out and re-decorating
the whole premises, and Anderson's presence in the front room was holding
up this work. But since he told them that he would be gone "within two weeks
- no problem" they agreed to allow him to stay. Two weeks later he denied
ever making such a promise and refused to say when he would go. The Executive
Council therefore authorised Pat Harrington to give him one more weekend
to sort out alternative accommodation and then tell him to leave. He left.
When the phone bill for this period came through, it was nearly £150
more than usual, even though the shop had been closed over Christmas.

Dalton was given the
1986 membership cards to set and get printed. Even with the holiday, these
should easily have been produced by the end of the first week of the New
Year, but they actually took three months. Anderson agreed to write half
the January members' bulletin, but failed to produce anything. In the end,
Nick Griffin wrote the entire thing in order to avoid delay, but although
Dalton was given the text in mid-January, it did not appear in print for
several months.

JANUARY 1986
Anderson vanished after a number of home truths about the state of the Party's
main operations were revealed by Derek Holland at the Organisers' Conference.
The vast majority of officials were shocked, but delighted to be told the
truth for once. Brons, however, said that it was unfair to Anderson. The
January N.F. NEWS should have been ready in time for the conference, but
Acton's firm promise on this proved worthless and so a literature run was
necessary immediately afterwards. When Anderson did not reappear in time,
Paul Fortune stepped in and did the run at two days' notice, SO units received
their papers promptly.

With Pearce in prison
and the busiest time of the year at hand, the N.F. badly needed Anderson's
help. Administration in particular' needed his assistance in clearing up
a number of inherited problems which only he knew about in detail. But for
well over a month Anderson failed to contact any of his Executive colleagues.
Only Wingfield, now out of prison after serving six weeks, was able to contact
him through a secret phone number, while Dalton had details of a bank account
into which to pay any money which might be available for him. A number of
people who knew what was going on concluded that this sort of irresponsible
behaviour was not what was expected from the Chairman of the National Front.

While searching in Anderson's
abandoned files for information about various urgent problems, several members
of the new leadership team found material which would have been embarrassing
or dangerous in the hands of the State or other opponents. The Executive
therefore authorised the Security Department to go through these files and
destroy such material and to hand things which needed dealing with to other
key officials.

One shocking discovery
was a "dirt file" containing photos and information including anonymous allegations
against a large number of people in the N.F. Everyone thought that, such
underhand practices had ended when Webster was removed, but Anderson had
picked up more than a few of his old master's tricks. The officials targeted
for future attacks included Mark Cotterill and Ian Stuart. All the material
was destroyed, so, thanks to the radical-created Security Department, Steve
Brady need not fear the reappearance of "that" cartoon and Gina Pearce will
never be embarrassed by the publication of her "Dear Chas" diary or the text
of un-posted love-letters written to boyfriends before she got married. But
perhaps such folk should be a little more careful in their choice of factional
allies in future.

The day after the destruction
of these files was completed, the operator of the small press at Pawsons
Road, Jimmy Grundle, got involved in a totally unnecessary fight in the Lion
public house just up the road. The police were called and broke into the
Bookshop to arrest him. As a result, officers of the Special Branch had unsupervised
access to the entire building for at least two hours. This scandal alone
fully justifies the radical decentralisation policy which Anderson, Wingfield
and Denny had so strongly opposed and against which they were still stirring
at every opportunity. Because this policy had been forced through in spite
of their reactionary opposition, the S.B. men must have been upset when they
failed to find any membership files or sensitive internal documents.

Grundle was remanded
in custody and Acton agreed to run the small press as a joint venture with
Dalton. The radical Executive readily agreed to their proposals to move out
of Pawsons Road at the first possible opportunity and to help finance a "front"
business at another property. Only one condition was attached to this: that
an additional person chosen by the Directorate should go into the business
with them to deal with advertising and financial matters. It was felt that
this was necessary given Acton's slapdash attitude to organisation and print-deadlines
and Dalton's lack of experience at management. Neither had shown the ability
or inclination to keep proper financial records in their existing ventures.
and it would clearly have been wrong to risk Party money by putting it into
such an operation without full confidence in the people chosen to run it.

It would seem to have
been this restriction, imposed for the good of their own business as well
as that of the N.F., which finally pushed Dalton and Acton into the reactionary
camp. Knowing themselves to be unable to come up to the standards now demanded
by an increasingly efficient and ambitious movement, they sided with people
who would put up with second rate work if they regained control of the Party.
Thus individuals reacting against the demands imposed by organisational progress
joined with others already reacting against the political progress of growing
radicalisation.

FEBRUARY 1986
Anderson reappears. Although heavily in debt and unemployed, he now manages
to buy a house in Newham, which he shares with Grundle and his girlfriend
and Micky "Flasher" Hipperson (Anderson's dirt file covered almost everyone,
Micky).

Anderson also finds the
money to buy another car and to set himself up with a small printing business
run from his home. How many commercial customers Anderson managed to steal
from the declining printing operation based at Pawsons Road is uncertain.
lt emerges that Grundle had agreed months before to stop working at Pawsons
Road and go to work for him instead, without giving the new leadership time
to find a new printer, The attempt to sabotage the National Front's operations
while working to build up a rival parallel structure controlled by reactionaries
and opportunists covered many different areas.

Anderson immediately
began to stir trouble in East London, though he was careful to do it through
others such as Hipperson, Denny and Dave Thomas, rather than putting himself
at risk. Thomas had already acquired a reputation as a malcontent, having
spent much of the previous summer attacking Pearce for "running away" to
Suffolk and becoming a Roman Catholic, a concern shared by Gina Pearce with
whom he was friendly for a time while Joe was in prison.

MARCH 1986
After a three month wait, Acton finally prints the 1986 membership cards.
The first batch which he delivers to Norwich are, however, cut so badly that
they are useless. He promises to provide more within a few days.

The January members'
bulletin is printed at last. So too are the Militants' Levy cards which were
given to Dalton and Acton over two months before. But these have been pasted
up so badly and are so poorly printed that they would be an insult to people
paying the levy. Nick Griffin loses patience and gets them done in 3 days
by a local commercial printer. The same had to be done with several other
items, including headed note-paper needed to reform the YNF.

At the end of the month,
with units all around the country crying out for membership cards, the cards
finally arrived. Acton was by this time producing top Quality glossy advertising
posters for commercial customers such as the promoters putting on a tour
by American-Jewish singer Dean Friedman' and by Mazeltopf, the comedian rabbi.
But the National Front membership cards were faded, lopsided and many actually
had finger-prints smudged over them. This remarkable disparity in Quality
was apparent throughout this period.

There was something similar
about Acton's prices as well. His charges for N.F. NEWS and for other political
items such the re-print of the Rumanian legionary manual were actually higher
than those Quoted by a commercial printer. The extra was paid, however, on
the understanding that it would help pay to move the press to a permanent
location. The move never took place, but the money has not been accounted
for.

SPRING
From January onwards the new Administration and Bookshop workers organised
regular literature runs which expanded steadily to every major unit in the
country and to reach Scotland and Ulster. The circulation of N.F. NEWS rose
by 30% and work began on plans to make it fortnightly. But it became increasingly
obvious that something would have to be done to speed up Dalton's typesetting.
The vague suspicion that Wingfield's setting was always done more promptly
and accurately than work needed by John Field or other radicals was ignored
and put down to her problems with an old machine.

There was also concern
over the fact that Acton managed to produce every single issue of N.F. NEWS
late or in insufficient Quantities. Only frantic last minute re-organisation
and driving around by Paul Fortune saved several runs from disaster, and
even so several had to be postponed. These niggling and seemingly unrelated
problems were one of the things which kept the radical majority of the leadership
too busy to see the overall pattern of factional division which was building
up.

To many Party officials
it was not clear exactly who was to blame for such problems. Hence Acton
failing to print NEW DAWN for nearly three months after he was given it helped
to discredit the radicals and the new YNF Chairman Michael Fishwick. The
failure of the typesetting and printing operations to cope with the demands
of the local units for leaflets for the May council elections had a similar
effect on the new Bookshop workers, simply because Dalton worked from Pawsons
Road. Not one unit received its leaflets on time. Some, such as Ealing, never
saw their text again. Meanwhile, Dalton did a quantity of type setting for
Anderson's private business, but although this was done on a Party machine,
this was done at no charge.

The near total lack of
leaflets over this period had the same cause and effect. In March, for example,
Derek Holland gave Acton back 50,000 anti-IRA and "Free Joe Pearce" leaflets
which he had dumped uncut at Pawsons Road weeks before and told him to take
them away and cut them. The cast iron hand-operated paper guillotine at the
Bookshop had been inexplicably broken some time before, leaving the Party
completely reliant on Acton for such services. He promised to cut and return
all the leaflets in two days. When he finally brought them back, five weeks
later, just before a literature run, he presented the outraged Bookshop staff
with a mere 16,000 leaflets for the entire country. Yet he had known for
weeks that Leeds alone wanted 8,000 Pearce leaflets in order to make the
Race Act the issue in their local campaign.

John Field produced a
second Pearce leaflet and the Administration sent Acton an initial £80
to get plates made and start producing them. The leaflet was never printed
and John finally had to use the text in an issue of N.F. News to get it published
at all. The money was never accounted for.

Every aspect of propaganda
and merchandise production which could be interfered with by the plotters
suffered accordingly. A massive range of designs for button badges was finally
printed when a Blackpool activist spent three days printing at Pawsons Road
and produced more than Acton had done in the previous three months. But the
badge-making machine was owned by Newham Branch. Its usual operator, Dave
Thomas, refused to make the badges, saying that he did not like the designs.
The badges were urgently needed and would bring in money not only to Newham
Branch and the Bookshop but also to every unit which sold them. Thomas was
therefore ordered to make the badges or face disciplinary proceeding. The
badges still didn't appear, but although Thomas was initially blamed, it
emerged that Anderson was refusing to give him the components.

Anderson said repeatedly
that he would "have a word with Dave and get the badges produced, while all
the time he was holding up the operation himself. This cowardly habit of
using others to act as "fall guys" to take the blame for his own actions
is a favourite trick of Anderson's. When another Newham committee member
finally took over and produced the badges, Anderson subjected her to a prolonged
campaign of abuse and intimidation for daring to remain loyal to the N.F.'s
constitutionally elected leadership.

At about the same time,
Brady sent Pearce a long letter in prison which included sensitive information
and allegations about the tactical direction of the N.F. which should not
have been sent in past the official censors and Special Branch. The Directorate
took a dim view of this and Brady ended up on a charge. A rumour was soon
started that Derek Holland had pounded the table and demanded the expulsion
not only of Brady, but of every "dissident element". This would have been
difficult, as Derek was not even at the meeting, but it is typical of the
sort of nonsense emanating from the Anderson camp.

Most of the key figures
in the subsequent faction leapt to Brady's defence, so they had already clearly
transferred their loyalties from the National Front as a whole to members
of their own clique. An unprecedented attempt to influence the tribunal was
made, with Brady being given letters of support from Wingfield, Brons, Acton
and Dalton. In spite of this, he was found guilty and received the draconian
sentence of one month's suspension. Brons was later to cite this as a prime
example of the radical tyranny which he claimed had gripped the Party.

This incident also provided
the first sign that Pearce's judgement or honesty had suffered in prison.
After Nick Griffin had written him a long letter answering Brady's points
one by one, he responded by writing to both Nick and Brady, telling each
of them that he completely agreed with him. Yet their views were diametrically
opposed.

The extent to which Acton
was already involved in the plot was shown just before Easter. Pearce had
sent a prison Visiting Order out to him, which also named Nick Griffin and
Derek Holland. The order was open for about two weeks, but Acton did not
tell the others that it had arrived. Only when he knew that Nick Griffin
and Pat Harrington were flying to Ulster the next day (and that Derek would
therefore be busy at the Bookshop) did he tell his radical "comrades" about
the Visiting Order and inform them that he was going to use it the following
day. When they asked him to postpone the visit, Acton said that the V.O.
was about to expire and that it was the last chance to use it.

By arranging to get a
later plane, however, Nick Griffin would still have been able to visit the
prison had Acton given him a lift down. But Acton explained that he would
have to leave East London before Nick could get there, because the visit
started at 1.30 p.m. and he would therefore have to leave at 11 a.m. at,
the latest. Yet Acton had made the journey before and knew full well that
it actually took no more than one-and-a-half hours to get to Sheerness at
that time of day. By this series of unpleasant little lies, Acton was able
to keep Pearce isolated from his friends and continue the faction's policy
of feeding him with false information designed to turn him against the radicals.

EXTERNAL FACTORS THROUGH
THE SPRINGFrom about March onwards
the Administration staff began to notice a steady increase in the amount
of post not getting through to the main P.O. Box in Norwich. When the membership
cards finally came in the backlog was cleared in about a month, but many
units continued to complain that they had not received their cards. Hundreds
of replacements were sent out, but most of these did not arrive either. Enough
were allowed through to make it appear accidental to the Administration workers,
and to convince the rank and file that the problem was caused by inefficiency
or laziness at the top.

Some units complained
a third time and were sent more replacement cards. When these did not arrive,
most simply gave up in disgust, while Administration took their silence to
mean that they had finally received cards. It was dissatisfaction over this
situation which gave the reactionary faction their greatest weapon.

Through the same period
a number of Militants' Levy subscribers phoned up to ask why they had not
received acknowledgement of their donations and why their cards had not been
posted back to them. The fact was that they had been, as were replacements,
but that virtually none got through. The problem was that the computer labels
used to address outgoing N.F. post were instantly recognisable, particularly
as they are used with stamps, whereas most businesses which use computer
labels also use franking machines.

Norwich has only one
sorting office and so interception was simple. The introduction of
computerised sorting in the Post Office has now made the very selective disruption
of post extremely easy. Even letters sent without a postcode now have the
correct one' added automatically in many areas (this shows up as a row of
faint blue dots on such letters). The sorting machines can be programmed
to separate out and hold any letters going to any particular postcode areas
(which are usually no more than half a street each). The few letters stopped
in this way can then easily be hand sorted to find any addressed to the individual
under surveillance.

The disruption to the
N.F.'s post has occurred regardless of where in the city material was posted
or what time of day it was sent. Thus it was clearly not the work of one
or two "Red" postmen, but was being done on an organised shift basis. It
was also much more than indiscriminate theft of post, because it was only
certain things of particular organisational importance which failed to get
through. Thus the financially essential Militants' Levy was slowly cut off,
while morale around the country was hit by the non-arrival of membership
cards and the growing impression that the Administration workers were up
to the old "it's in the post" trick.

Cheques and articles
which were discussed over the phone as urgent also began to vanish or turn
up late. Important political reports also failed to get through. No fewer
than 7 letters were sent by the Oldham committee giving details of outrageous
dawn raids in which their front doors were smashed down by Sledgehammer wielding
police. Not one arrived.

This selective disruption
could only be done by opening every letter and resealing and posting non-vital
material the same day. An operation on this scale could only be the work
of M.I.5. The way in which the State pinpointed the most disruptive targets
so accurately suggests that the plan of disruption was made with the help
of someone who had had experience of working in the Party's administration,
leadership, but who now wished to undermine the new radical leadership.

CRISIS
IN ULSTER

The State certainly had
good reason to wish to disrupt the National Front. Ever since the signing
of the Anglo-Irish Agreement the previous autumn, the N.F. had steadily gained
strength and confidence in Ulster. Paper sales there rose rapidly from 300
to over 1,000 (equivalent to a circulation of 50,000 on the mainland) and
continued to soar.

The old loyalist political
leadership was losing its grip as Paisley and Molyneux showed that they had
no clear strategy to break the Agreement and to halt the growing influence
of Dublin over the government of Northern Ireland. Under the circumstances
the N.F.'s plan for an independent Ulster to take control of its own destiny
was becoming increasingly attractive. As the potential for growth in the
province grew, the radical leadership placed more and more emphasis on the
issue. John Field, Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington and Derek Holland all spent
time there on a number of occasions. The only Executive member who did not
go over to help with political organisation and agitation in loyalist strongholds
was Wingfield.

The murder of Keith
White by a battery fired in place of a plastic bullet by the R.U.C. in Portadown
on Easter Monday gave a new twist to the spiral of loyalist anger and resistance
against Thatcher's rule and the brutal policing of "Barry's Boys." After
the R.U.C. took to ramming loyalist crowds with speeding landrovers and to
firing plastic bullets at people walking home at night, the majority community
acted to defend itself against betrayal by the British State and the violence
of its police force. R.U.C. men were attacked and their homes were petrol-bombed.
A minority of loyalists, frustrated by the lack of political progress against
the Agreement, also turned on Roman Catholics.

Wingfield panicked and
demanded that the N.F. should condemn without reservation the attacks on
the R.U.C. and call on the population to remain obedient to Thatcher's laws.
At a heated Executive meeting he was told by his colleagues that this was
ridiculous and that since the British State had declared war on a section
of the British Nation, it was essential that the N.F. be seen to be firmly
on the side of the Nation in its struggle against the State. Instead, the
radicals issued a press statement condemning police brutality and the futile
sectarian violence sparked off by loyalist frustration. The call to loyalists
to organise politically and economically, to create alternative government
structures in the province and to declare independence received widespread
publicity in Ulster.

Sales of N.F. NEWS continued
to rise in Ulster. The progress was, however, interrupted when the Belfast
Organiser, a school-teacher named Andy McClorie, and a number of activists
were arrested and framed on charges of petrol-bombing the R.U.C. Wingfield
now demanded that the N.F. should drop the entire issue but was overruled
when the radicals insisted instead on putting even more effort into the Ulster
campaign in order to make up for this set-back.

This was to prove difficult,
as every single copy of N.F. NEWS sent by post or Roadline to Ulster was
held up for at least two months. The extension of the monthly literature
run to Belfast side-stepped this problem and sales climbed to 5,000 by July
(equivalent to a quarter of a million copies on the mainland). Publicity
about the N.F.'s growing militant role in Ulster added to the hostility of
Wingfield and the other reactionaries to the majority line, as they considered
this confrontation with the State to be dangerous and unnecessary., This
division was certainly noted by the State. Typical of the methods used by
the press throughout this time was the week long" expose" on the N.F. run
by the influential regional paper the YORKSHIRE POST. This brought out the
difference in attitude between the old and new leadership and publicised
the N.F.'s move towards confrontation with the State and its alleged links
with loyalist para-military groups. The membership loved it and morale in
Yorkshire

soared, but Wingfield
was horrified by the sight of a major newspaper telling its readers about
the Front's new "revolutionary" attitude. Such lurid publicity was designed
to frighten the N.F. away from involvement in Ulster (which it failed to
do) and to scare the reactionaries into trying to ditch the new militancy.
In this at least, it achieved its objective.

CLASHES BETWEEN WINGFIELD
AND THE RADICALS
The deep division between Wingfield (recently elected Chairman when Nick
Griffin turned down the position in favour of a slightly older man)
and the rest of the Executive, was apparent over a number of key issues. Wingfield
had opposed the "Independence For Ulster" motion at the A.G.M. in November.
So too had Anderson, who gleefully told East London Organiser Dave Durrant
that "this is what I'll hang these bastards with" before getting up to speak
against the motion. To his surprise, however, the motion was carried by a
substantial majority, and over the following months many of the people who
had voted against it at the time realised that it was the only way to preserve
Ulster's British cultural identity and became firm supporters of the new
policy. This included several Directorate members such as Graham Williamson
and John Ross, so by the beginning of the year Wingfield and Anderson were
heavily outnumbered on this issue.

Wingfield continued,
however, to refuse to accept the decision of the A.G.M. and several Directorate
meetings to campaign on this theme. He cut articles dealing with the subject
out of N.F. NEWS and spoke out against U.D.I. from the platform at the rally
following the big mobilisation against the pro-IRA "Bloody Sunday" march
in London at the start of February.

This activity provided
more examples of how Wingfield was out of step with the majority of the leadership,
and indeed with the membership as a whole. A succession of A.G.M.s had unanimously
pledged the N.F. to confront IRA supporters physically when they organised
marches on the mainland. Issues of N.F. NEWS and NEW DAWN influenced by the
radicals now took up this theme in the run up to this provocative march,
and calling for vigorous and direct opposition to it. In view of the increasing
police harassment being suffered by activists all over the country, the Directorate
agreed not to negotiate with the Metropolitan police over the holding of
the counter-demo.

Wingfield deliberately
ignored this decision and went to see the police beforehand. He then "negotiated"
the N.F. demonstration into a police pen of crowd control barriers on a roundabout
were it was completely hemmed in by a police cordon. N.F. members from as
far afield as Ulster and Scotland didn't even manage to catch a glimpse of
the IRA march, still less confront it. Fortunately, the radical majority
had booked a hall for a rally after the activity and the police were now
pressured by the threat of an N.F. invasion of the underground system into
allowing a full-scale march to the hall.

Wingfield privately expressed
his dismay at the fact that some people in the counter-demo had thrown missiles
over the police cordon and into the IRA march as it passed, and also at the
fact that some members had avoided the police pen and worried the march at
several points along the route. To give credit where it is due, this group
included the group of Newham "heavies" which Anderson used to threaten violence
against the Directorate majority later in the year. But it would appear that
while the respectable Tory Wingfield is terrified by any possibility of clashes
against the enemies of the British people, he is happy to turn a blind eye
when his factional allies threaten to use violence against loyal members
of the National Front. Such hypocrisy always has been the hallmark of the
true reactionary.

Wingfield's arrogant
refusal to accept Directorate rulings on the contents of N.F. NEWS went far
beyond the issue of Ulster. It was agreed that the paper must be closely
co-ordinated with the Quarterly campaigns being run by the Publicity Department.
So for the Unemployment campaign, for example, John Field was given the front
page and an inside page of an issue of the paper to launch it. On the second
month, Wingfield was supposed to run a feature on how the campaign was progressing,
using the excellent publicity gained by units around the country to give
it another boost. The third issue would then summarise and round off the
campaign and give advance warning of the next one.

But although the campaign
brought an extremely good response, especially in the Midlands and North
of England, Wingfield and Anderson thought that it was "leftist" and so refused
to run the follow up stories. Without the mobilising power of the Party newspaper
behind it, the campaign ran out of steam and yet another radical project
was quietly strangled at birth.

Wingfield also defied
the entire Directorate and every rule of commonness by giving space in the
paper to the reactionary and juvenile race hate rantings of Ted Budden, an
elderly bigot from Brighton. While some of his writing was quite humorous,
it had no place in the propaganda showpiece of the National Front, particularly
when the organisation was beginning to break out of the stereotyped "moronic
racist" ghetto to which it had been consigned by Webster in the 1970s. Wingfield's
response to repeated warnings was to allow the column to become worse and
worse. Finally, when a comment to the effect that members of other races
"are not human at all" had put every street seller in the country at the
risk of a Race Act prosecution, he was ordered to drop the column and print
a retraction.

The column stopped, but
the agreed retraction never appeared. And Mr. Budden has now resurfaced with
the same counter-productive and legally dangerous bigotry in Wingfield's
factional newspaper THE FLAG.

The other clear
pointer to Wingfield's ideology (or lack of it) was provided when he expressed
strong reservations about a campaign against American military bases on British
soil after they were used to launch the terror-bombing raid on Libya, thus
putting Britain directly in the firing line in a foreign war which was against
the interests of our nation. After pressure was brought to bear, he promised
to run a major article on the subject in N.F. NEWS, but nothing appeared
until the paper was taken out of his hands. Yet the anti-U.S. bases line
is not only an integral part of Revolutionary Nationalist ideology, it is
also one of the most effective recruiting issues available to the N.F. Wingfield,
however, sees foreign affairs in terms of a global struggle between the Western
"goodies" led by the Good Ol' U.S. of A., and the Eastern "baddies". Those
nasty Ruskies might be White, but since New York is the centre of our civilisation
we must be prepared to die for Ronald Reagan to see off the Bolshevik peril.
Wingfield may have impeccable credentials as a racialist, but so has the extreme
right-wing of the Tory party, which is where Wingfield belongs.

THE BIG BANG

The issue which finally
brought matters to a head was Wingfield's long campaign to bring Anderson
back into the top level leadership. This began in earnest in January 1986.
In order to speed up the decentralisation process and spread the workload
more effectively" the radical Executive proposed that leaflet follow-ups
and basic press relations should be dealt with by Wingfield operating the
Party's political office from his home in Sussex.

At the Directorate meeting
which discussed this the night before the Organisers' conference, however,
Anderson appeared and proposed that the political office should be set up
in the house he was buying in East London. Pat Harrington, John Field, Derek
Holland, Phil Andrews and Nick Griffin all spoke against this on the. basis
that Anderson's track record made him unsuitable for such a job. Apart from
his incompetence and corruption, it was also not possible to forget how his
carelessness had led to Newham Branch membership lists appearing in SEARCHLIGHT.
But in a manoeuvre clearly planned in advance, Wingfield refused to take
the position and so the majority of those present gave the job to Anderson.
The Executive members agreed to accept this decision and work with it, but
warned that if it did not work they would seek to persuade the Directorate
to change its mind at once.

In the event, Anderson
immediately proved the correctness of the radical view of his personality
by having a minor nervous breakdown and disappearing for a month. He told
a later Directorate meeting that he went back to his parents' home in Oxford
and "spent several weeks in a deep depression, slumped in front of the T.V.
with a bottle of whisky."

With the N.F. denied
the opportunity of having such a stable and reliable character in charge
of its political operation, Wingfield now agreed to take the job on. The
Administration therefore paid for office supplies and to open a P.O. Box
in Worthing and the decentralisation continued.

When Anderson resurfaced
in Newham a month later, the radical Executive told Wingfield that they were
quite prepared to give him the chance to stay on the Directorate and to take
positions up to East London regional council level. It quickly became apparent,
however, that Anderson had no intention of settling down to such constructive
work. A series of wild and disruptive rumours began to circulate in the East
End: the Executive were selling off all the Party's assets; the Race issue
was to be dropped; dozens of people were about to be expelled. The source
of the unfounded unrest was clear, but Anderson was careful to use other
people to spread his lies and it was hard to get any clear-cut evidence.
As the East London Regional Organiser, Dave Durrant, said "Anderson is stirring
very heavily, but very cleverly. "

The matter was discussed
at several Executive meetings, although these were becoming increasingly
difficult to hold as Wingfield took to turning up late and leaving early,
re-writing or losing the minutes of previous meetings and demanding that
"controversial" decisions should be left to the "moderate" Directorate. Finding
himself in a minority of one on the elected Executive, he actively sought
to break the constitution and undermine its authority in order to foist his
reactionary views on the movement. Wingfield's "Mr. Nice Guy" image conceals
an arrogant self-importance and lust for power of shocking proportions. Wingfield
was again told that in view of the stirring, any attempt to reinstate Anderson
would inevitably lead to factional trouble once he regained positions of
power and influence, and that such a move would therefore be fought tooth
and nail. It is important to realise that at this stage the radical Executive
regarded Wingfield as politically immature and extremely naive, but saw him
all the same as a straightforward and honest character. The idea that he
was actively engaged in a factional plot to seize control of the N.F. and
forcibly de-radicalise it never occurred to anybody. Only too late did we
learn the lesson once and for all: never trust a Tory.

In spite of the warnings,
Wingfield started to give Anderson heavy coverage in N.F. NEWS, printing
his name, by-line and picture at every possible opportunity. At the same
time he began to give similar plugs to Nash and Tom Mundy and anyone else
who he recognised as cannon-fodder for his faction.

Similarly, Acton began
to give Anderson space in NATIONALISM TODAY, even though he had stopped asking
his former radical colleagues for contributions to the magazine and avoided
even letting them know when it was being mocked-up. The mock-up stage, when
it was decided which articles would go in the next issue, had always been
a joint effort, when everyone involved in writing for N.T. met over a weekend.
The cross-fertilisation of ideas at these events was the thing that gave
NATIONALISM TODAY the edge over any rival magazine and kept standards high
From now on, however, Acton "froze out" the radical contributors such as
Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Dave Stevens. Acton's technical ability in
terms of layout and design "is very good, but the actual contents became
increasingly stagnant and repetitive. Errors of editorial judgement, including
a rise in obscenity and in gratuitous racial bigotry, also began to creep
in.

Wingfield also chose
Anderson to be on the organising committee for the Albert Mariner March at
the start of May. In spite of grave misgivings, this was accepted, although
his proposal to put Anderson in charge of the N.F.'s entire stock of flags
and banners was rejected out of hand. In "hindsight, this attempt to take
control of the assets vital to Party activities shows a readiness to set
up a rival organisation even then.

In one last attempt to
wake up Wingfield and to prevent open factionalising, the radicals told him
that they would answer any further attempt to boost Anderson by bringing
what the months of sorting out the shambles at Pawsons Road had taught them
about Anderson into the open. Wingfield ignored this and so at the next Executive
a list of over twenty charges was read out and Anderson was suspended. Wingfield
took notes of all the charges, but refused to comment on them.

In fact, his only response
was to launch another attack on the "extremist" Executive and express his
view that the National Front did not need to be a revolutionary movement.
Such a fundamental division on the body responsible for the day to day running
and emergency decisions affecting the N.F. could clearly not be allowed to
continue. Derek Holland therefore proposed, seconded by Nick Griffin, that
every member of the Executive should resign at the next Directorate meeting
in order to give the Party's governing body the chance to make clear what
kind of Executive it wanted, so that whoever was elected would then have
a mandate to govern effectively.

After the Executive meeting,
however, Wingfield refused to accept Anderson's perfectly constitutional
suspension. Instead, he sent out a circular to all Directorate members asking
them to phone him and give telephone votes on his proposal, seconded by Brons,
to drop the suspension. Both were well aware that such a move was unconstitutional.
As the Executive only consists of 6 people, who are generally in almost daily
contact, it is possible for them to make decisions over the phone. But the
idea of 18 Directorate members being able to hold a full debate by telephone
is ridiculous and so the constitution does not allow this. Wingfield went
so far as to threaten to resign if the vote was not taken, but a majority
of the Directorate told him it was unconstitutional and refused to vote.

Wingfield still refused
to accept this and expressed his intention to defy an Executive decision
to remove Anderson from the march planning committee and to prevent him from
attending. Only when Wingfield was given the choice of accepting this ruling
or facing immediate suspension did he finally back down. Had he been suspended,
his factional move at the next Directorate meeting would not have been possible,
so he wanted to avoid an outright confrontation. Instead, his only move was
to change the venue of the Directorate meeting to a hall in Slough which
he booked through Mundy. It was assumed at the time that the only reason
for this inconvenient and expensive venue was to save Anderson the pain of
having to turn up at one of the two usual places, both of which were radical
controlled. The incredible cynical manipulation which actually prompted this
last minute change of plan will be discussed in due course.

The Albert Mariner march
took place on the evening before the Directorate meeting. When Wingfield
was relieved of his position as organiser of the event, he immediately phoned
the police and told them of the changeover to Nick Griffin. The main reason
for this seems to have been his hope that the violence promised by Anderson's
little group of Newham "heavies" against Executive members on the march would
take place and reduce the event to an unsightly street brawl.

In the event, however,
a good turnout and low-key but effective stewarding prevented any trouble.
As soon as the march was over Wingfield joined Anderson who was hanging around
on the fringes handing out a leaflet about the march to members of the public.
Wingfield had claimed nearly two weeks before that this leaflet had been
printed and bore the Party's Worthing "address. But on the night no supplies
were given to any loyal officials and it carried an East London address so
that it looked like a constructive and loyal effort by Anderson. Wingfield
also failed to deliver another batch of leaflets, designed to advertise the
march to sympathisers in the London area in the days leading up to it.

Such subtle sabotage
of radical initiatives characterised this period. Several had taken place
on the St. George's Day festival in April. Central to the day's events and
to holding people in the hall so that they would spend more time and money
at the various Branch stalls was the plan to hire a video screen for the
day. Wingfield claimed to have done so, but when Derek Holland hired a van
to collect it from the hire company, it turned out that" they had never even
heard from Wingfield. Anderson sent Thomas and the amiable but uncontrollable
Millwall football hooligan Kevin Bennett along to cause trouble at the event.
At the evening gig, both stole beer and Bennett launched an unprovoked attack
on a Party member which almost provoked a full scale riot. In the trouble
which did follow his assault, several hundreds of pounds were stolen from
a stall.

Wingfield's only real
contribution to the day was to run a stall selling leaflets and posters produced
by him with Worthing Group money without any prior mention of them to his
Executive colleagues. Not only was the Publicity Department not informed,
but he did not even discuss them with the Bookshop staff, though he of course
expected them to sell them for him. For some odd reason, he did not have
the same problems getting them produced which had interfered with the production
of official radical propaganda. In spite of the irregularity of it all, the
radicals agreed to allow him to put out his Tory-inclined propaganda as it
did fill a gap and it seemed to be a diplomatic gesture. In hind-sight, these
manifestation of leaflets and posters were the first the faction's plans
to take advantage of open the problems caused by their own subversion and
to isolate and by-pass the Party's elected leadership. As a second plan of
attack, they would also be able to use such material to help set up an alternative
organisation if they lost the battle for control of the N.F.

Three minor events took
place on the Albert Mariner march which puzzled a few people. Firstly, Thomas
was heard to boast that the Executive would be changed the following day
and that Pat Harrington would soon be expelled. He also stated that some
radicals would be left untouched for the time being so as not to cause disruption
at the Bookshop or Administration, but that they would be "chopped" later.
Secondly, Brons, who had been out of touch for months and had claimed on
the phone that he hadn't known the full facts when he seconded Wingfield's
motion to drop the suspension against Anderson, turned down an offer to stay
with Graham Williamson (who was uninvolved in the wrangle but knew what Anderson
was doing in East London) and spent the night with Wingfield
at Anderson' s house.

Thirdly, loyal Party
members were surprised to hear whispers, about a "victory celebration" being
organised by Mary Bailey (now Ashton) to follow the Directorate meeting.
Widely loathed as a drunken nihilist, Bailey had once smashed Anderson's
car window with a cider bottle, but was now making common cause with him
in attacks on the new leadership. The fact that such disruptive elements
had been given the go-ahead to set up a "victory" party to celebrate the
removal of the radical leadership is clear evidence of a well-prepared factional
plot.

It also shows that months
of working against opponents who were too busy working to build the movement
to notice what was going on had made Wingfield, Anderson and Co. over-confident.
But the decision of the radicals to move to put an end to Anderson's tricks
had forced their hand too early. Open factional warfare was now inevitable,
but so was the defeat of the reactionaries.

The Directorate meeting
the following day was better attended than several previous ones. Anderson
had not been to the last two and Brons had not bothered to attend the previous
three. This would normally have led to a request for his resignation under
the rule that members of the N.F.'s governing body must attend at least one
meeting in three. This rule had, however, been waived on a proposal by Wingfield
which was approved unanimously because of the distance which Brons had to
travel to meetings and because of his plea that he was too busy at work to
have much time for politics. But with both men present and with Wingfield
having. Pearce's proxy vote from prison, every Directorate member's vote
was used throughout the meeting.

When he went to prison,
Pearce expressed his firm intention not to give his proxy vote to anyone
because he felt that he would not be able to keep abreast of developments
outside. As already discussed, the faction had by now put a great deal of
effort into winning Pearce over. The radicals were convinced at this stage
that their former close friend and comrade had simply been conned and would
quickly realise his mistake, but whatever the reason, Wingfield had his proxy
and was now prepared to use it to try to defend Anderson's corruption and
to impose a reactionary and unworkable Executive on the National Front.

Rumours that Anderson
had organised a vanload of thugs to intimidate the Directorate had been rife
for at least a week, so the radicals travelled to the meeting together, prepared
to take whatever steps were necessary to preserve the authority of the constitutionally
elected leadership. Two non-Directorate members travelled with them to keep
a watch outside the meeting room while it took place. As it happened, the
threat was not carried out, but everyone was surprised to see the well-known
and widely disliked malicious gossip Steve Brady enter the building with
Wingfield's group. He waited downstairs with the two members who had accompanied
the radicals. While the meeting was on, he boasted to longtime Southwark
activist Wayne Martin that he had "manipulated" the trouble and that his
"enemies" were about to be "axed".

Meanwhile, in the meeting,
it became clear why Brady was there. Brons read a letter from him which claimed
that Nick Griffin had told him that Anderson was going to be expelled on
trumped up charges. This was a lie. For all his faults, Brady was considered
quite radical and was a drinking mate of Pearce's, so Nick had told him on
the phone that his recent short suspension was the end of the affair of his
indiscreet letter to Pearce, and had made it clear that Wingfield's attitude
made it necessary to expel Anderson. He went on to tell him that there were
so many genuine charges against him that his removal was assured, but that
no-one else would be touched as long as they didn't move to support his corruption.
Brady agreed to "keep out of the firing line" and reiterated his loathing
for Anderson.

Brady responded to this
comradely gesture with lies and a stab in the back. This is a reflection
not only of his personality, but also of his intense desire to get a seat
on the Directorate, which he hoped would be his reward from Wingfield. He
too this affair, however, so that he will now never miscalculated in again
be a member of the National Front, let alone a member of its governing body.
Another lesson has been learned the hard way - never trust gossips or social
inadequates.

Brons followed the reading
of Brady's letter with a tirade against "abuse of Executive powers". How
he could know about any such abuse when he had been out of contact with everyone
except Brady and Wingfield for three months is something of a puzzle. And
when challenged to list the alleged abuses he could not think of any except
the well-deserved action against Anderson and the brutal one month suspension
of his friend Brady. This was totally at odds with the fair and independent
character for which he was well regarded and is one of the unanswered puzzles
of this whole affair.

After Brons, Anderson
himself spoke and claimed that the reason for the charges against him was
that the radicals had learnt that he was planning to bring an action against
Nick Griffin after allegations that he had allowed the exiled Italian nationalist
Roberto Fiore into the Administration office in Norwich. This absurd allegation
came from Roger Bower, an insecure Walter Kitty type who had shown some ability
as a writer since joining a year or so before. He had spotted the premises
used for the Admin. office and had helped there on a number of occasions.
He had therefore been upset when gently "frozen out" when it became clear
that his chatter and unreliability made him more of a liability than a help.

Bower had become friendly
with Nick Wakeling, a quiet young man who had helped found Nationalism Today
in 1980, but who had been moderately sympathetic to Webster and had effectively
dropped out for several years, save for a bit of work with Norwich Branch
and renting the N.F. an empty room in his council flat for a temporary Admin.
office at a cost of £15 per week. Wakeling, another compulsive gossip,
is a close friend of Brady's and so knew what was going on. It was thus an
easy matter to wind up Bower to get his revenge by coming up with such an
absurd but timely allegation.

The radicals knew that
letters from Bower and his girlfriend had been sent to Wingfield and were
expecting him to raise the matter. Even though the head of the Italian secret
service had now been charged with the Bologna railway bombing, Wingfield
was still worried about smears by association with the Italians exiled in
Britain and released through total lack of evidence by a British court which
refused to extradite them. The fact that Nick Griffin (like Pearce) had never
attempted to deny that he regarded Fiore as a good personal friend now gave
and the reactionaries the opportunity to muddy the waters drew attention
away from Anderson.

But it came as a surprise
when Anderson raised the issue, concealing the fact that the letters had
been sent to Wingfield. He claimed instead that he had found out about this
"scandal" himself and was therefore being persecuted for his fearless expose
of the truth.

In spite of all this
the charges were read out. The constitution and established practice of the
National Front quite clearly requires the complainant only to show to the
Directorate that there is a case to answer against the accused. If there
is, the evidence is then presented at the disciplinary tribunal which follows,
where the defendant is considered innocent unless proven guilty. In this
case, however, Wingfield, Anderson and Brons demanded all the evidence for
each charge. Since it was not required at this stage, Nick Griffin, who had
formally brought the charges, did not have it to hand.

Having confused people
with inaccurate legal nonsense, the reactionaries then proceeded to lie through
their teeth to discredit the charges. Nash swore that the "Mandela Way" street
sign raffle, which he had taken about £25 for at the A.G.M. and which
had vanished without trace once he gave it to Anderson, had in fact only
raised £3 and had been left on a table in the hall. Wingfield invented
the content of a twenty minute conversation the previous evening with Jackie
Cosgree, a young Newham loyalist who had been intimidated by Anderson, because
she had remained loyal, even at the expense of long standing friendships.
He said that she had told him that she had not been intimidated and that
they parted on very friendly terms. In fact, they had only discussed the
events of that evening, on the Albert Mariner March, when she had again borne
the brunt of abuse from Newham members supporting Anderson.

Lie after lie helped
to confuse the issue and to waste so much time that Anderson never even had
to try to get himself off the most serious charges. In particular, the matter
of the new information about the leak of the printing press location to the
GUARDIAN had not even been raised when Wingfield used his position as Chairman
to call an end to the debate. The charges were rejected by one vote (Pearce's
proxy).

Wingfield also manipulated
the agenda so that disciplinary charges against Thomas were never discussed
and so fell because of a constitutional technicality and the fact that a
man cannot be charged twice with the same offence. (The reactionaries later
realised that Thomas' behaviour and that of his associates was so out of
order that such an attitude would lose them support, so they then announced
charges against Kevin Bennett, although these never came to anything as Bennett
was not a member). This cynical use of the unruly violence which he professes
to deplore is typical of Wingfield's Tory hypocrisy.

By now it was 5 p.m.,
by which time Wingfield had said that the hall booking would run out. But
as the matter of the Executive had not yet been sorted out to his satisfaction
he went off "to have a chat with the caretaker". When he returned, he said
that an extension had been granted but would not say how long for.

The resignation of the
Executive now took effect and new elections were called. Wingfield and Nick
Griffin were re-elected as Chairman and Deputy Chairman and nominations were
requested for the remaining places. To everyone's surprise, Brons offered
to stand. Since he could not make monthly Directorate meetings, let alone
weekly Executive ones, this was more than a little strange. In fact,
he had refused to serve as Yorkshire Regional Organiser not long before on
the grounds that he simply didn't have time. Another unanswered puzzle which
helps to explain why some people have questioned his underlying motives.
Pat Harrington and Derek Holland both declined to stand on the grounds that
the rejection of the charges against Anderson made it absurd for the Directorate
to re-appoint them after what was in effect a vote of no confidence in the
radical Executive. But when Anderson then stood (even though Wingfield had
said only days before that he had no desire to move back to this level) Pat
Harrington made it clear that he would stand against him rather than permit
his election unopposed.

The end result was that
the new Executive consisted of Wingfield, Nick Griffin, Brons, Nash, Acton
and Pearce. As soon as this was decided, Wingfield looked at his watch and
said that it was time to leave the hall so the meeting must end at once.

In spite of a chorus
of protests he rose from his seat and declared the meeting closed. The outgoing
Executive members and several of their Directorate colleagues demanded that
the meeting should continue until responsibility for urgent day-to-day tasks
had been reallocated, but Wingfield ignored these pleas and walked out, followed
by Brons, Anderson, Nash, Acton and Mundy. The majority of the meeting remained
were they were, shocked by such an irresponsible attitude. No caretaker appeared
to close the room, but shortly afterwards the group went downstairs to the
empty bar and discussed what had happened for several hours.

It was now clear that
Wingfield had deliberately chosen a hall in such an unusual place so that
he could decide how long the meeting would go on. Thus he not only fixed
the agenda, but he also made sure that the meeting lasted long enough for
a new Executive to be chosen in a state of complete confusion, but could
then closed before the Directorate had time to reflect on what had been done
and realise that it was unworkable. The idea of replacing what was in effect
a full-time team with a group including a working civil servant, a college
lecturer living over 200 miles away and a totally unreliable printer was
too absurd to stand up to scrutiny.

One of the reasons for
the subsequent total lack of success of Wingfield's Executive was the fact
that virtually no-one had heard of Acton and that Nash's only claim to fame
was being hit on the head with a spade. For the benefit of readers who still
do not know who these two are, we print pictures of them. Like Brady. they
are both ardent believers in the Nietzschean ideal of the blond superman.

Inevitably, the couple
of Directorate members who had been confused by earlier events now saw what
was going on. They also resented Wingfield's dishonest attempt to manipulate
the meeting and to put vital decisions in the hands of his tame Executive.
So when Acton told Nick Griffin on the phone the next day that the new Executive
didn't see any need for a Directorate meeting for several weeks, a majority
of the Directorate now signed a letter giving a full week's notice of another
meeting. In law, the majority of any body can convene a meeting of that body,
but Wingfield and Co. expressed their determination to ignore the call to
meet and sort out the mess. An alliance of corruption and reaction had now
created an open split in the leadership of the National Front.

WINGFIELD'S CORRUPTION

Knowing that they only
had a few days before a fresh Directorate meeting threw started. moves them
out of office, Wingfield's Executive now to seize control of the Party unconstitutionally.
Their plans called for two things: seizure of key Party assets and files
and the suspension of two of the loyalist majority on the Directorate. Since
suspended Directorate members can only vote on their own suspension, this
would have given them an artificial majority.

The loyal radicals were
helped at this stage by the fact that the reactionaries now had to approach
more people to help them and did not realise that their most important new
recruit was in fact hostile to their aims. Wingfield and the rest knew that
Anderson could not operate the Admin. computer even if they took control
of it. But up in Norwich, some training on the machine had been given to
Michael Fishwick. He had been disillusioned by the difficulty he experienced
in getting the backing needed to get the YNF off the ground again. Then Wakeling
had spent several months feeding him false information designed to "wind
him up" against the leadership.

Some time before, the
Norwich committee, of which Fishwick was a member, had sent a letter of constructive
criticism of N.F. propaganda to the Directorate. Wakeling had told Michael
Fishwick that an "inside source" on the Directorate had been shocked when
the response of the radicals was to demand the expulsion of the Norwich committee
for daring to write such a letter. This was a lie. The letter had been welcomed
and in large part even acted upon. Fortunately, Michael had found out the
truth and knew what was going on. But Wakeling did not know this and thought
that he was now on their side. Since Michael's computer ability was vital
to their plans, Wakeling now took Fishwick into his confidence. As a result
the radicals were warned of the moves the reactionaries were about to make.

Wakeling told Michael
Fishwick that in order to secure a majority at the forthcoming Directorate
meeting, the Executive were going to suspend Derek Holland and Pat Harrington
on trumped-up fraud charges, then seize control of the Bookshop and cook
the books to provide "evidence" against them. This had to be stopped. Only
a member of the Executive can suspend another Executive member, so there
was just one way to do it. Before Wingfield could frame and suspend the two
innocent victims, Nick Griffin (the only radical still on the Executive)
suspended him and the other three reactionary members of the Executive.

It is important to realise
that while Wingfield planned his action in order to subvert the constitution,
Nick Griffin's was designed to protect it. He made it clear to the suspended
reactionaries and to the High Court that their suspensions would be lifted
at the start of the Directorate meeting so that they could all vote freely
throughout it. It was simply a precautionary measure to stop their corrupt
and cynical move to deny the radicals the same basic right.

Before they knew about
this, the reactionaries started to take steps to seize the Administration
records and assets. Acton phoned Nick Griffin and told him that it had been
decided to hold an Executive meeting at the Norwich office, "because we need
to talk about things with Paul Fortune as well as you and because it will
save you both having to travel down to London." This sudden touching concern
for the convenience of two people he had abused at the Directorate meeting
just a couple of days before seemed somewhat uncharacteristic. Wakeling,
however, told Michael Fishwick the real reason. With Wingfield, Nash and
Acton in the Admin. office for the meeting and Nick Griffin in a minority
of one, they would ask him to hand everything over and if he refused simply
walk out with it.

At the same time, Steve
Brady was threatening to leak whereabouts of the Admin. office to SEARCHLIGHT
in order to embarrass the radicals and to cause problems for the two who
had taken out the lease.

Faced with this twin
threat to the security of the National Front, Nick Griffin, as head
of Admin. and a member of the Executive, authorised Paul Fortune and Michael
Fishwick to move everything out of the Norwich office to a secret location.
While they were doing so, Wakeling came into the premises and saw them moving.
He immediately went away to phone Wingfield and let him know that they had
been mistaken about Michael Fishwick and that the cat was out of the bag.

The rapid move was quickly
justified in terms of external as well as internal security. A few days later,
when back at the building to negotiate an early end to the lease, Nick Griffin
and Paul Fortune were told by the receptionist that two journalists had visited
the property and had asked questions about "N.P. Enterprises" (the N.F. front-name
which only a few people, including members of the faction, knew about). The
description of one fits the appearance of the hideous SEARCHLIGHT photographer
Cohen, and sure enough pictures of the building appeared in the next issue
of the anti-Nationalist smear-sheet. It seems that for once Mr. Brady kept
a promise.

Still unaware that their
suspension letters were on their way, Wingfield, Nash and Acton met that
evening for an Executive meeting in Worthing, linking up with Brons by telephone.
But since in law such suspensions are valid from the moment notification
is posted, the meeting was invalid and its decisions were ignored by everyone
else.

But the things agreed
at this meeting give an interesting insight into the mentality of the plotters.
First, they passed a motion giving Wingfield "special powers" to suspend
any member of the Party. This was a strange thing to do, since the constitution
already gave him this power as a member of the Executive. It shows clearly
how Wingfield's arrogance over the total control of "his" N.F. NEWS had now
developed into a lust for power on a Tyndallesque scale.

They went on to decide
to suspend Pat Harrington, as well as Paul Fortune and Michael Fishwick for
moving the Admin. office. Then they cancelled a training seminar planned
to take place in the North West of England the following weekend. Since they
had no power to do so and since Richard Chadfield of Manchester had paid
about £150 of his own money out to hire the premises, Nick Griffin
and Derek Holland went ahead with the seminar as arranged. This was particularly
fortunate as several of the members trained to deal with arrest and questioning
there were later arrested in Oldham and found the training extremely valuable.
Perhaps Brady and Acton, who have since written a long article in the faction's
VANGUARD magazine in which they claim that radical concern about growing
repression is unfounded and that there is therefore no need for such "elitist"
training, should talk to the activists in places such as Oldham.

On the Saturday of the
North West seminar, they held another "Executive" meeting, this time in the
Birmingham office. This was another attempt to seize control of a key Party
asset by conning or bullying the Birmingham committee into giving them support
or emergency powers. Forewarned by loyal Directorate member Mick Turner,
the Birmingham members plastered the building with Ulster flags and posters
and threw the plotters out after a short and inconclusive meeting.

A LAST DESPERATE GAMBLE
The the reactionaries now knew that their only chance of hijacking N.F.
was to take a desperate gamble before the Directorate meeting. If they could
seize the Party's main bank accounts, membership records and Bookshop stock
over the next few days, it would then take months of costly legal actions
for the radical majority to get them back. In that time the plotters would
have been able to use them to set up an alternative organisation and to bankrupt
the N.F.

They tried to do this
in three ways. First they attempted to occupy the Bookshop. After the Worthing
meeting, Paul Nash picked up his brother Bob and one or two other cronies
and drove to Pawsons Road. He had with him copies of the two keys used to
lock the front door. He obtained these from Anderson, who had secretly had
them made before he left the building at the end of the previous year - further
evidence of the long-term planning of the reactionary coup attempt. Fortunately
for the N.F., however, the Security Department had already added a strong
additional lock and they left empty-handed.

Secondly, Acton and Nash
were given the job of contacting the two banks used by the Norwich-based
Administration and getting the accounts frozen by making allegations of fraud
against the Admin. Department. Once frozen, they would then try to get the
banks to release all the funds to them by posing as the legitimate and constitutional
leadership. This attempt was thwarted after Nick Griffin, Paul Fortune and
John Field saw the managers and after explaining what was going on offered
not to touch the accounts until after the Directorate meeting. This offer
was accepted and the accounts were duly unfrozen after that meeting in mid-May.

The third and most blatant
attempt to misuse their very temporary power came when Wingfield and Brons
authorised Acton and Nash to bring a High Court action against Nick Griffin,
Paul Fortune and Michael Fishwick ordering them to hand over the Administration
assets, funds and records.

Acton and Nash first
sought an ex parte injunction. This is granted when the plaintiff's case
is so strong that the judge gives him the injunction he wants without even
bothering to ask the defendants for their side of the story. This was refused.
So they then had to take out a High Court summons, calling on the three defendants
to attend a fresh hearing of the court where their application for an injunction
would be heard again. With particular malice, Acton managed to get this hearing
called for the Wednesday when he knew Nick was due to go to see Pearce in
prison to explain what was really going on.

Acton, Nash and
Anderson then drove up to East Anglia to deliver the summonses. This was
when the infamous shotgun incident took place. Nick Griffin had received
a large number of threatening phone calls from the faction and Thomas had
threatened to "blade" him when they next met. As his wife Jackie was over
eight months pregnant he was not prepared to ignore such threats altogether.
His legally held shotgun was therefore kept available as a deterrent. When
Nick heard a banging on his front door and saw Anderson and several other
figures standing outside, he therefore walked to the side of his house with
the shotgun. On seeing who was there, he immediately told them that he certainly
didn't need it for them and went back into the house to put it away before
going back outside and accepting the High Court writ from Acton.

The wild tale about Nick
Griffin waving assorted deadly weapons and walking around with mad glazed
eyes was another product of the Anderson lie factory.

Acton and Co. then drove
to Norwich but could not find either of the, other defendants. When the case
was beard, however, Michael Fishwick attended with Nick as a gesture of good
faith. It turned out that Acton and Nash bad fouled up their issuing of the
summons and the several members who had accompanied the defendants were treated
to the sight of the pair of them desperately running all over the enormous
rabbit warren known as, the High Court as they tried to sort out the mess.
As one loyalist remarked while watching this display of confusion and incompetence
"it makes you embarrassed to be in the same Party as them". Fortunately this
was a problem which their defeat would shortly resolve. When those involved
finally went before a judge in chambers the farce continued. A trembling
Acton was unable to find the relevant documents to bring to the judge's attention
and had to be helped by Nick Griffin. The judge was further annoyed by Acton's
attempts to ask for even more sweeping injunctions against the radicals and
indeed the N.F. as a whole. One of the new demands was for Acton to be given
control of every N.F. bank account. It was worded in such a way that if it
had been met be could have seized the accounts of local units, as well as
the Party's national operations. When he found that notice of this latest
set of claims and demands had been handed to Nick and Michael Fishwick only
minutes before they went into the court, even though Acton could have handed
them over hours before, the judge lost patience altogether.

He therefore refused
to grant any of the injunctions which Acton wanted and instead accepted Nick
Griffin's voluntary undertaking not to touch any Party bank accounts until
after the Directorate meeting, to keep the Admin. lists and files until then
as well, and to hand everything over to whoever was put in charge by the
majority of the Directorate.

Nick Griffin then asked
for the judge's advice on the holding of the Directorate meeting. The judge
accepted that the majority of the body had the right to call a meeting, but
recommended that the majority should go to the meeting called for a few days
later by Wingfield in order to make certain that everyone would be present.
Acton and Nash in turn agreed that the meeting should be held in Pawsons
Road rather than Slough where Wingfield had arranged to meet once again.
Since the Party's files and funds were safely in the hands of the loyalist
majority, Nick wrote out an agreement binding both sides at the court to
do their best to ensure that everyone did indeed turn up at the Directorate
meeting the following Saturday. Both sides also accepted the section of this
agreement which pledged them to abide by the majority decision at the meeting.

Copies of this agreement,
signed by Nick Griffin, Acton and Nash, were sent out the following day with
a covering bulletin signed by Wingfield in which he too promised to be bound
by the majority decision. Committee members who received this bulletin should
take another look at it and judge for themselves whether Mr. Pinstripe Wingfield
is a man of his word.

Both sides issued several
bulletins during two weeks between the two Directorate meetings. The first
one issued by Wingfield included discussion of details of the debate at the
previous meeting in order to give credibility to its tissue of lies and half-truths.
Not only were the lies clear evidence of disloyalty, but the release of details
of Directorate deliberations without prior approval by the Directorate is
a disciplinary offence under the N.F. constitution. This was why the four
signatories to this bulletin - Wingfield, Brons, Nash and Acton - were suspended
shortly afterwards.

THE MAJORITY REGAINS
CONTROL
As soon as the proxy votes had been read out at the Directorate meeting,
it was clear that the reactionaries' coup had failed. They had the votes of
Wingfield, Brons, Anderson, Acton, Nash, Mundy and Pearce. These seven votes
were more than balanced by the nine radical votes of Nick Griffin, Graham
Williamson, Derek Holland, Pat Harrington, John Field, Phil Andrews, Mick
Turner, John Ross and Dave Gobble. Two places were still vacant following
the resignations of Denny over his dope arrest (Newham Recorder 5th December,
1985) and of Wingfield's irresponsible Tory friend Paul Johnson, who the radicals
had forced to leave the Party after his involvement with the lunatic shotgun
waving "December 12th Group" and its bomb threats in Kent after Pearce was
imprisoned.

Now that they understood
what had been going on, the majority acted firmly to remove the reactionary
threat to take over the Party. Wingfield's Executive was dismissed, to go
down in the history of the N.F. as the only Exec. which failed to get a single
one of its decisions put into practice. The replacement consisted of Nick
Griffin (Chairman); Graham Williamson (Deputy Chairman); Derek Holland; Pat
Harrington; Phil Andrews and Pearce (elected by the radicals in the hope
that he could still be made to see sense and admit his mistake).

The "Organisers Bulletin"
sent out by Wingfield, Brons, Nash and Acton, before this meeting contained
details of Directorate deliberations. The Constitution makes it clear that
such details are confidential and may only be released if the Directorate
votes to do so. This had not been done, so the four were now charged with
this breach of the Constitution. Their bulletin had also contained various
lies and attacks on members of the Directorate majority, so additional charges
of disloyalty were also brought.

They all took part in
the election of their disciplinary tribunal.. This was made up of Dave Gobell
(Havering) as Chairman; Norman Tomkinson (Birmingham); Dave Durrant (Waltham
Forest) and Mark Alder (Ealing). They all agreed that this tribunal was fair.
When later found guilty and expelled not one of them felt the need to exercise
his right of appeal against either the verdict or the sentence.

Even after their suspensions,
the four continued to send out bulletins which made it clear that they had
no intention of abiding by the majority decision. Wingfield still termed
himself Chairman, National Front and the others signed claiming still to
be members of the Executive Council.

However much people might
have respected Brons or Wingfield in the past, it was clear that this ridiculous
and disruptive attitude left the new leadership with no alternative but to
seek their expulsion. A powerful political organisation can only be built
on discipline and respect for the authority of its constitution. But because
the decision had not gone in favour of Wingfield and his clique, they now
deliberately set out to undermine the constitution and the authority of the
properly elected leadership. Such a breach of discipline had to be dealt
with firmly to avoid a slide into anarchy.

The plotters were also
sacked from the other positions they had misused, including the editorship
of Party publications. After these decisions had been made, the reactionary
minority walked out of the meeting, which was then able to get down to constructive
work. When Wakeling heard the news he resigned from the Party, but several
of the lesser plotters, including Brady, reacted by making conciliatory gestures
to the victors in the hope of eventual forgiveness. They left it too late.

Anderson, Nash and Acton
were instructed to hand back Party property, including a photocopier and
the badly needed badge machine kept by Newham. It was the point-blank refusal
of Hipperson and Neil Nash (with whom Acton was living at the time) to assist
in recovering this property which led to their suspensions, although Pearce
has sent out at least one bulletin claiming that they were suspended simply
for swearing at members of the Directorate. Yet another blatant lie.

"IF WE CAN'T HAVE
IT, NOR CAN YOU"
Having had their attempt to take over the N.F. decisively defeated, the
reactionaries now set about a wrecking operation designed to destroy it,
while at the same time building the basis of an alternative organisation under
their control. Their first steps towards this had been taken many months
before when they stole the Organisers' Bulletin list and lists of subscribers
before they handed the records over to the radical Administration. Now they
took the second step, which involved using these lists to undermine the National
Front and to try to steal members and money from it in order to found their
rival organisation.

A rash of silly circulars
now began to appear from their camp. Their initial claims about the imminent
collapse of the Directorate and of units' loyalty to the constitution were
soon discredited, as was their boast that the radicals would surrender when
Pearce was released from prison. When these steps to disrupt the National
Front failed they changed tactics.

Instead they now began
to use their stolen lists to sell rival publications and advertise rival
activities (mainly fund-raising ones). The hysterical circulars written by
Nash were replaced by more measured letters from Pearce. Nash's talents were
instead put to use in a "dirty tricks" department. This produced such gems
as a forged letter "from" Pat Harrington saying that Nick Griffin and Derek
Holland had to be axed next. This was not too convincing as apart from anything
else it was produced on Nash's typewriter. Next to appear on the photocopier
the has temporarily stolen from the N.F. was a bulletin headed "Action".
This claimed to be written by a group of YNF loyalists, but launched vicious
attacks on other loyal officials and "respectfully" demanded that family
men such as Nick Griffin and Graham Williamson should stand aside in favour
of one, unmarried leader. This attempt to give the impression that the Directorate
and the loyal activists were themselves divided was made even less convincing
by the fact that the circular was posted near Nash's home in Haringey.

Evidence of the State's
continued interest in supporting this reactionary faction is provided by
the significant number of committee members who receive copies of their bulletins,
but whose official N.F. Organisers' bulletins vanish in the post. And a number
of subscribers to N.F. NEWS have phoned in to ask why their copies of the
Party paper have not arrived for several issues, but who mention that they
have received a copy of Wingfield's factional paper instead. In the weeks
following the defeat of the reactionaries on the the Directorate, the level
of interference with the National Front's post and telephones rose to an
all time high. The problems caused by this, mainly lack of contact between
officials and the leadership and shortage of money, have of course proved
very helpful to the faction - as was intended to be the case.

This is not the first
time that the British State has used this kind of trick against troublesome
dissident elements. C.N.D. complained bitterly of exactly the same thing
several years ago and eventually received compensation from the Post Office
for it. More recently, the State had to hide behind the Official Secrets
Act to conceal the extent of its phone tapping and mail opening activities
when taken to court by C.N.D. So such problems aren't paranoia on the part
of the Directorate, they are a fact of life for radical political groups
in Maggie Thatcher's police state.

The NF aren't the only ones to have trouble from the State.

Important local units,
such as Birmingham and Croydon also now began to notice a sharp increase
in interference with post sent to their local P.O. Boxes at this time. There
is no doubt that the State is involved in this plot somewhere along the line.

Another strange thing
was the ability of the Wingfield/Anderson clique to raise enough money to
produce a glossy eight page newspaper, THE FLAG, within a couple of weeks
of losing the battle for control of the Party, and a well-produced magazine,
VANGUARD, shortly afterwards. Some of the money is known to have come from
two Sevenoaks businessmen, Geoff Burnett and Alan Colnett, but the money
given by them could not have paid for the paper, let alone the magazine.
They had been able to steal some cash from a few local N.F. bank accounts,
but again this cannot have netted them enough. Perhaps the propaganda intended
to help the reactionaries win over units of the National Front to their new
organisation is financed from the same source as Anderson's mortgage, print-shop,
car, and regular heavy drinking, not to mention the times that he took Pearce's
parents out to dinner to bend their ears while he was supposed to be unemployed?
Anderson also spent quite large sums on double vodkas and evenings out for
Joe's wife, while he was in prison, so his paymasters must be extremely well
off. Or is one of the others a grass and a tout as well?

Shortly before the abolition
of the Ulster Assembly, Billy Bleakes, the unusually radical Official Unionist
Assemblyman for South Antrim, told the Assembly that he had evidence that
the National Front had been infiltrated by M.I.5 and that a senior official
of the Party working for the State had visited Ulster some time before, staying
in a hotel or guest-house in South Belfast. The only N.F. official who had
at the time stayed in such accommodation was Anderson.

PEARCE BACKS THE FACTION
The reactionaries are at present (August 1986) calling themselves the National
Front Support Group, in order to use the name of the N.F. to give them credibility
and respectability with members and sympathisers while they build up their
rival organisation. The trick is not new and is unlikely to last for long.
Experienced faction watchers will recall the uncanny similarity between their
present antics and those of the doomed N.F. Constitutional Movement and Tyndall's
New N.F. Anderson is already arguing for a complete break and a new
name, although others in the group consider that hanging on to their fraudulent
"link" with the N.F. is their only chance of conning money and support out
of innocent British Nationalists.

The release of Pearce
after six months in prison and his decision to throw in his lot with the
Wingfield/Anderson clique certainly gave them a boost, but not as much as
they had expected. Pearce's reasons for his regrettable decision are not
clear. Although he promised to spend at least a whole day shortly after his
release with his former close friends Nick Griffin and Derek Holland, he
has in fact taken steps to avoid contact with the people who could best have
explained what had happened. The two short discussions which he had with
Nick Griffin both started with Pearce spoiling for a fight, but ended with
a friendly agreement to meet again shortly to discuss things and seek grounds
for an agreement, particularly as they both saw sweeping decentralisation
within the movement as essential for both ideological and practical reasons.
But after going back to his boozing friends in the faction he has each time
changed his mind and embarked on a policy of head-on confrontation. One problem
is perhaps that Pearce has always been notoriously unable to admit to making
a mistake.

Pearce's dislike of Pat
Harrington is also clearly involved in his decision, but it seems unlikely
that he would be so juvenile as to allow a personality clash to put him on
a collision course with the radical leadership. The truth is probably that
there are a number of factors involved. Pearce's fervent conversion to Catholicism
seems at times to have taken him a step away from reality to a land where
everybody loves everyone else and people can escape from responsibility for
their own actions simply by claiming to love their opponents. He has spoken
at length about how the radical Directorate is "spiritually corrupt", but
the only thing he can point to in order to back this up is the fact that
after repeated warnings and widespread disruption, it has expelled a small
number of malcontents.

Pearce is clearly upset
that this has included a number of his friends, but acknowledges that had
they won instead they would have expelled the radicals. He has somehow managed
to confuse comradeship, which must be based on a common set of beliefs and
loyalty to the same organisation, with friendship, which can cross political
barriers. In Pearce's sadly illogical world, a comrade all too often appears
to be anyone who will get drunk with him. While he was in prison, both Nick
Griffin and Derek Holland wrote to tell him that he should give up drinking
when released in order to avoid letting himself or the movement down. He
took this genuinely comradely advice very badly.

Pearce's other main gripe
against his former colleagues is that Nick Griffin and Paul Fortune were
unable to put away as much money as had been agreed into an account for his
release. He had been told that he would receive £5 per week, with £10
on a good week. But the State interference with the N.F.'s post and the disruption
caused by his factional allies made this impossible. So instead of a minimum
of £130 he was in fact given £100 by Paul Fortune after his release.
The Admin. also paid to hire a car to take Gina Pearce to see him in prison
and gave his wife another £30 to help them move into their new house
in Suffolk. She also received £15 every week from the Nationalist Welfare
Association (a total of £360, on top of money given direct to her by
sympathetic individuals and units such as Southwark and Barking) so he really
cannot complain too much. He was also given money on his release by several
individuals and units, including Southwark Branch who gave him £62.
All this adds up to something not far short of £1,000, so they actually
received more money from the National Front than any full or part-time worker
over the whole six month period. His sacrifice deserved such support, but
his materialistic demand for more does not fit in with his ultra-spiritual
pose.

A more cynical explanation
of Pearce's position could be that while Wingfield and Co. disagreed with
the radicals over ideology, Pearce's quarrel is over power. Quite simply,
he is a radical, but insists on being the top radical. In the collective
leadership of the modern National Front, he would always have been just one
of a team of equals. In the rival organisation which he is now trying to
set up, his talents and personality will make him the clear leader. Unless,
that is, Wingfield and Anderson "chop" him once his radicalism starts to
offend the Tory elements whom they hope to recruit.

More charitably, a second
spell in prison, particularly with uncertainty and tension waiting back home,
broke his spirit, as it has broken so many apparently solid loyalists in
Ulster. The change is probably subconscious, but it is no less drastic for
that. It is certainly a fact that a number of people who met bim after his
release commented sadly that "it's not the same old Joe."

Most likely, Pearce's
decision is the result of a combination of these things. We will probably
never know. His former comrades regret the loss of his talents and his friendship,
but the National Front will go on. And this affair will teach one more lesson:
the individual doesn't count - it is loyalty to the IDEA that is all-important.

N.F.S.G. - ON THE
ROAD TO NOWHERE.
One other thing is certain, the N.F. Support Group, or whatever this reactionary
clique eventually decides to call itself, will not survive. As Tyndall pointed
out years ago, no splinter group can prosper while the National Front survives.
And the National Front is not only going to survive, it is going to grow
and gain in strength and flexibility. The N.F.S.G. will sooner or later go
the way of the National Independence Party, National Party, N.F.C.M., New
N.F., and the various versions of the British National Party. The National
Front is the only political vehicle for the advance of British Nationalism.
Effort directed anywhere else is wasted and doomed to failure.

The reactionaries know
this to be the case, which is why they are trying hard to keep up the appearance
of somehow working for the good of the N.F. It is therefore important that
every official, activist and supporter understands that they are already
a separate and RIVAL ORGANISATION. They might still claim to be a N.F. "Support
Group", but they do not support the constitution of the National Front; they
do not support the ideology of the National Front, and they do not support
the policies of the National Front. They are a diversion and a rival, not
a "Support Group"

Part of the Liverpool
Rally organised by Mike Harris held in June Anderson sabotaged this by sending
Thomas and Bennett to the Redirection Point in London and telling activist
not to go as it was "a disorganised shambles" and they'd "get murdered"

Anti U.S. bases march
in Bury St. Edmunds. Again, the N.F.S.G. did not attend although Thomas is
rumoured to have encouraged the group of Red ICF football hooligans who joined
in vicious attacks on the march.

A RIVAL ORGANISATION

The truly disruptive
purpose and nature of the" N.F. Support Group" can be seen very clearly by
examining how the reactionaries have set up their own separate organisation
and the sort of things they do to advance their aims.

They have their own paper
THE FLAG. This is in direct competition with NATIONAL FRONT NEWS and was
deliberately launched at a time when NFN needed every ounce of the movement's
effort put into the drive to make it fortnightly. Wingfield's FLAG (Deputy
Editor Ian "once a con-man, always a con-man" Anderson) is a glossy and well-produced
paper which deliberately avoids open criticism of the leadership of the N.F.
in order to appeal more to the naive. So it is worthwhile analysing the first
issue to show just why it is so dangerous and why it is proscribed.

The photos of Party activities
were actually taken by Hipperson on the understanding that they were for
N.F. NEWS. A number of the reports included in it were also sent in for N.F.N.
and not handed over by Wingfield when be was asked to return Party property.

On page 2, the beading
"Constituency No.3" on a report about the adoption of Pearce as an N.F. prospective
parliamentary candidate was designed to make it appear that the paper was
an official continuation of N.F. NEWS, in which the first two reports appeared.
Since the paper is in fact the work of a hostile rival group, nothing could
be further from the truth. And since Barking Branch bas rejected Pearce's
plea to join the faction, the chances of him standing for the National Front
are nil.

"On the same page, the
article by Dave Shedden against drugs was used to give the impression that
he supported the faction. This was not the case, but Wingfield had been given
the article by Acton who had been sent it for NATIONALISM TODAY some time
before and who had stolen it from Party files for the faction's broadsheet.
Reports elsewhere in the paper which named local Party officials as talking
to the FLAG were similarly dishonest. Kevin Wilshaw, Tony Tompkins and Ritchie
Gassling were the first to join Dave Shedden in disassociating themselves
from the factional paper.

The reappearance of the
Ted Budden column can have pleased no-one except a few elderly racist Tories
and the Director of Public Prosecutions as he considered how easy it would
be to get Race Act convictions against anyone caught selling the FLAG to
the public. It is one thing to defy the Race Laws with intelligent propaganda
which is designed to strike a chord with millions of ordinary Britons, but
it is quite unnecessary to stand up as mindless Alf Garnett bigots to do
so.

The large donation box
on page 7 asks for funds not for the N.F. or for local units of the N.F.,
but for the FLAG, which is the private property of Messrs Wingfield and Anderson
(what a surprise, to find Mr. Anderson involved in yet another rip-off).
Yet any donations which did come in would be given because the paper tries
to pass itself off as an official publication of the National Front. This
is fraud. It seems, however, that they now realise the dangers involved,
for the faction are now asking for money to be sent to "Flag Newspapers".
This is also another step towards the open setting up of a rival organisation.

The article "NF Says
Sport for All" is quite harmless, except for the precedent it sets. Here
we have the rival paper of a reactionary faction claiming the right to decide
N.F. policy. All well and good on this uncontroversial subject, but what
happens when Wingfield starts re-making the National Front's policies on
Ulster and the U.S. occupation of Britain (which significantly get the grand
total of 58 words between them in the first issue of Wingfield's reactionary
rag).

In spite of its glossy
appearance, THE FLAG is not a serious rival to N.F. NEWS. Its total print-run
was only 4,000. Its bulk rates advert only goes up to 400, so Wingfield is
clearly not even expecting to sell to many important units or to shift every
copy. The offer of bulk rates for orders as small as twenty shows that they
are anticipating a poor response from units and hope instead to boost low
bulk sales to individuals. "Make money for your branch OR YOURSELF." says
the advert, appealing to the greedy reader. Presumably this piece was written
by the Deputy Editor. But for all its weaknesses, THE FLAG is a menace to
the unity, progress and ideology of the National Front. It must and will
be crushed.

As a full quarter page
advert in the FLAG makes clear, Wingfield's organisation also has its own
leaflet for sale. This is another attempt to by-pass the legitimate channels
of propaganda production and is another venture which is not as harmless
as it first appears. First of all, the price of these masterpieces of Tory
prose is outrageous. At £8 per thousand they show that the faction's
leadership can still produce a good rip-off when they need to. The usual
N.F. price is just about to leap £1 to a total of £6 per thousand.
Anything over that is pure profit for Wingfield.

And the address for follow-ups
is the Worthing P.O. Box stolen by Wingfield from the N.F. "Branches
guaranteed to be informed of enquiries within 48 hours" boasts the adverts.
Quite easy, when very few are coming in and when the Special Branch doesn't
intercept your mail. Units may also like to consider the benefits of having
their new members joining up through a group which includes Ian Anderson,
the man whose carelessness in the disposal of old membership lists led to
the names and addresses of the entire Newham membership appearing in SEARCHLIGHT.
Something which contributed greatly to the collapse of Newham from a thriving
Branch to a private drinking club with fewer than ten people at the average
monthly meeting. Any units who still have stocks of this leaflet are advised
to dump them in the bin or return them to Wingfield. The same applies to
the posters available from the same source.

A record of every follow-up
received by this group is kept so that the individuals concerned can be invited
to join Wingfield's new reactionary party when it is officially formed. Don't
help these con-men set up a rival organisation in your area. Don't distribute
any of their "helpful" propaganda.

Although they still claim
to be a "Support Group" within the N.F., the reactionaries have already started
to issue their own membership cards and are trying to persuade branches to
"declare U.D.I." and take supplies of these cards for their members. These
bogus cards are, of course, invalid, and anyone collecting money for them
from people believing them to be genuine National Front membership
cards is likely to face an action for fraud. This trick is a blatant example
of how the reactionaries have used problems created by the State for their
own factional advantage, since membership cards are among the items hardest
hit by the police interference with the National Front's post. However, since
units will from now on be brought supplies of official membership cards on
literature runs and allowed to issue them locally, there is no need for any
unit to buy the bogus cards in an attempt to keep members without cards happy.

The absurd attempt to
get N.F. units to declare U.D.I. has met with very little success. Only the
few units already heavily influenced by locally popular reactionaries and
which had already been shut down by the Directorate for disloyalty have tried
to follow this path. Their officials are now facing court action by the N.F.'s
Legal Department to compel them to hand back property, money and membership
lists stolen from the National Front. Pearce's hopes of creating a snowball
effect with such declarations met with a severe blow when his old home branch
Barking listened to his "case" against the Directorate and then decisively
rejected his request for support, even though he had turned up with over
a dozen heavies to try to intimidate the loyalist majority. Pearce's continued
disruptive behaviour and factional circulars left the Directorate with no
choice but to suspend him shortly after this event.

The very idea that the
committees and members of the N.F. might fall for the nonsense talked by
the faction about declaring U.D.I. but somehow remaining in the N.F., or
that they might not notice the way in which the "Support Group" is
in fact a rival organisation, shows how much contempt the reactionaries have
for the people who form the backbone of the National Front. Fortunately,
the vast majority of officials and activists have seen through their feeble
deception.

While the external propaganda
of this faction gives the superficial appearance of being constructive, its
internal offerings make no such attempt. In an effort to take advantage of
the State's disruption of the Militants' Levy, the faction have printed their
own "Activist Donation Card". The covering letter sent out with this claimed
that any money raised in this way would help "bring down the final curtain"
on the constitutionally elected leadership of the National Front. It is not
surprising that such an outrageously factional attitude has brought little
response from the people to whom the card was sent.

It is very interesting
that Pearce has used the Kent office of Burnett and Colnett as the address
for the "Support Group" bulletins and for the "Activist Donation Card" and
his other fund-raising appeals. This is not at all convenient for him or
any of his faction, but has the advantage of being owned by wealthy businessmen
who are personally loyal to him. This ensures that Anderson and Wingfield
can't get their hands on any money that may come in. This is a very sensible
precaution, but, it will be interesting to see what happens as the distrust
between them grows greater.

(Editor's note: Several
days after this was written, Wingfield managed to get the official address
of the N.F.S.G. changed to the P.O. Box under his personal control. In view
of the fact that he has already held friendly discussions with Richard Edmonds,
who is acting Leader of the B.N.P. while Tyndall is in prison, Wingfield's
determination to seize more and more control over the new group clearly points
to the fact that a major re-alignment is taking place in the Nationalist
movement. In spite of the presence of renegade radicals such as Pearce, the
N.F.S.G. will inevitably drift towards what is left of the B.N.P. The end
result will be a clearcut division between a reactionary, pro-imperialist
party and a fully radicalised National
Revolutionary movement.)

The reactionaries' attempt
financial and organisational to wreck the National Front through disruption
has gone hand in hand with moves to put personal pressure on key individuals
in the loyalist camp. Apart from the now routine threatening phone calls
to most Directorate members, senior officials with vulnerable jobs have been
singled out for special treatment.

Phil Andrews lost his
job with an air freight company as a result of phone calls and threats at
work from Anderson. But the worst example is that of Graham Williamson. Within
days of his being elected Deputy Chairman and well before it was publicly
announced, his bosses in the Nationwide Building Society were sent copies
of a photocopied leaflet detailing his new position supposedly issued by
the "Anti-Fascist Co-ordinating Committee." No such organisation exists and
no Reds could possibly have known about the changes in the N.F. leadership
which had taken place not much more than a week earlier. But the leaflet
came to light just three days after Graham received a phone call through
his works' switchboard and heard Acton ask to speak to "Mr. Williamson".
When Graham said that it was him, Acton hung up, having confirmed the exact
place at which he worked. As a result of the leaflet, Graham Williamson was
given a choice by his bosses: either leave the Front or lose your job. He
told them what to do their ultimatum and is now involved in an unfair dismissal
case. But the attempt to pressure a man with a mortgage and young family
by such disgusting tactics sums up the mentality of the members of the "N.F.
Support Group." Unable to win control of the National Front themselves, their
sole aim now is to use every method available to destroy it. How Pearce can
attack the Directorate as "spiritually corrupt" and still find the stomach
to work with these creatures defies belief. But as more and more people
understand what they are playing at, their chance of success will fade and
die. These men are destined to be the most discredited and hated of any who
have split away from the National Front.

No doubt their shady
financial backers will continue for a time to pay for the production of their
glossy publications. No doubt we will have to endure more lies and silly
circulars from them, with more fantasies such as the "newly joined freemason
on the Directorate" lie in Pearce's first bulletin. But these things are
a sign of despair. Their attempt to take over or wreck the National Front
has failed.

Apart from rejection
by the vast majority of ordinary Nationalists, one other thing guarantees
the failure of the reactionaries' faction: they all hate each other almost
as much as they hate the leadership of the N.F.

Pearce, Acton and Brady
detest Anderson. Wingfield regards Pearce as another dangerous "National
Bolshevik". Anderson hates everybody, including, one suspects, himself. Denny
hates Acton and Brady because they both lust after Tina Dalton (now Tina
Denny, but respect for marriage vows has never stopped Brady in the past).
Acton, Brady and Nash all hate Pearce's Catholicism, as does his charming
wife. Pearce is a distributist, Anderson and Nash are compulsive and power-mad
centralisers. Pearce is a medievalist, Brady is obsessive about gadgets
and modern technology. THE FLAG is run by two reactionary spivs who are very
good at stealing other peoples' money. But VANGUARD magazine is run by two
renegade radicals who are unable to keep track of money at all. Many of the
"respectable" sympathisers of the group are alarmed by the N.F.'s move towards
limited confrontation and non-violent direct action against the State, yet
Wingfield and Anderson remain close friends of Paul Johnson, whose paramilitary
japes came close to destroying the N.F. in Kent some months ago. The faction's
resurrection of the Kent football tournament strongly suggests that Johnson
is actively involved in the N.F.S.G., and although no clear evidence of this
has yet emerged, the older reactionaries such as Sid Campbell, are certain
to be worried by this. Among the smaller fry, Neil Nash in Barking has turned
on "A.J." Hume for not coming to his aid in a scuffle. And Hipperson and Bennett
recently displayed their close comradeship by "glassing" each other in an
argument over football teams. The whole sordid alliance is doomed by its
own contradictions.

These people have already
chosen their own punishment for their subversion and treason -having to work
with each other from now until one by one they drop out altogether.

Although this group have
run a very effective conspiracy against the National Front, it would clearly
be wrong to see them as a monolithic conspiracy. They are in fact a quarrelsome
shambles, held together only because they all reacted in some way or another
against the slow but steady development of the National Front into a disciplined
and efficient National Revolutionary organisation. Apart from this the only
thing they have in common is their patronage of sordid pubs for the consumption
of more alcohol than is good for them or their supporters' pockets. Small
wonder that some-one referred to their organisation as the "Brewers Support
Group."

THE WAY FORWARD
This joint attempt by reactionaries and the State to break the National Front
has failed. The people who led and supported this wrecking mission will never
be allowed to playa role in the Nationalist movement again. But in spite
of their treason, the N.F. is still making rapid progress in Ulster and taking
steady steps to strengthen its organisation throughout Britain. The new leadership
will not allow itself to be deflected from these vital areas.

Steps are already being
taken to overcome the weaknesses shown in the N.F.'s organisation by the
State's interference with it's communications. More internal contact between
the leadership and the units on regular literature run with a fortnightly
N.F. NEWS will end many problems at a stroke. Decentralisation wherever possible
will help greatly as well. A far greater emphasis on Education and Training
programmes will go a long way to ensuring that the political knowledge and
practical experience needed for this are passed on to local level and to
teams of specialists given specific areas of responsibility.

All the lessons learnt
over the last few difficult months will be acted on. While the financial
damage inflicted by the disruption will take some months to completely repair,
the end result will be a more experienced and "street-wise" National Front.
We now have an idea of how far the enemies of Revolutionary Nationalism will
go to try to stop us. Fortunately the recent upheaval has purged the movement
of the last reactionary elements who always act as their fifth column.

This means that the next
moves against us will have to be made openly, with repressive laws and brutal
policing. This will inevitably cause us setbacks and suffering, but at least
the battle lines will be clearly drawn and the attacks will only serve to
strengthen our resolve. We will make whatever sacrifice is necessary for
the salvation of our Race and Nation. We will do so without hatred and without
fear. And we will win.

To the enemies who have
failed to destroy the National Front by guile we give this message: now you
can only use brute force, so go ahead and use it.

Even if you kill us,
you cannot kill our Revolution. Your corrupt System is doomed to collapse,
but we will build a new world above the ruins....