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A New Age of Diadochi

Introduction – The Years Before

He was never the best. He was never the most cunning. Not always did he have a good understanding of the enemy forces. But yet, he never lost his troops’ loyalty. Never did he fear confronting a city or an army of any size from amongst the barbarians, Phoenicians or Greeks. His name has gone down in the annals of history. Maybe forgotten as a king or governor, but remembered for his exploits in the west. Never will his tactics or strategies be forgotten. He was the Basileus of Macedon, Basileus of Epirus, protector of the city state of Tarentum, “the barbarian worthy amongst Greeks” – Pyrrhus of Epirus.

However, our story begins long before one of Pyrrhus turning points in his military career. He was not always the Basileus of Epirus. Even though he enjoyed all the respect for being Megas Alexandros’ second cousin (through his mother’s, Olympias’ side), he had a very though and demanding childhood. Pyrrhus spent much of his early life struggling to survive the political turmoil wrought by the Diadochi in Greece. When he was two years old (317 BC), his father was driven out of Epirus, so Pyrrhus was forced to flee for his life from the agents of Kassander. He was restored to the throne in Antigonos Monopthalmos’ drive to control Greece, the youth forged strong ties with the Antigonid line, even joining the family when his sister married Demetrius the Besieger in 303 BC. However, soon Demetrius was recalled to Anatolia and through a coup Pyrrhus was yet again without a thrown. He fled to Demetrius and greatly distinguished himself through his bold actions at the Battle of Ipsos.

They both returned to Greece with the remnants of Antigonos’ army to manage Demetrius’ holdings, therefore Pyrrhus was sent to Egypt as a political hostage in Ptolemy Soter’s court. There, the Egyptian king was persuaded by Pyrrhus to give the youth a small army for an attempt at reclaiming his birthright – Epirus. Gaining control of the country, he soon started expanding into Macedonia at the request of one of Kassander’s sons, who was involved in a bitter feud with his brother over the division of their late father’s kingdom. Pyrrhus, of course, benefitted from this struggle, but soon it attracted unwanted attention from Demetrius, who murdered the dominant brother, occupied the kingdom and proclaimed himself king of Macedonia.

This was a problem for Pyrrhus as he now shared a border with his insatiable former ally. The situation wasn’t stable, and it led to open war in which a coalition of kings succeeded in driving out Demetrius from Macedonia (though his son Antigonos Gonatas remained in Greece with a small army). Thanks to an unanticipated attack from the west, Pyrrhus was able to take control of Macedonia, though the treacherous actions of his jealous neighbour, Lysimachus, ensured that his time on Alexander’s throne would be brief.

Pyrrhus’ wildly vacillating fortunes soon changed after rising rapidly from a nationless prince to the Basileus of Epirus, Macedonia and parts of Greece. At the hands of his ruthless neighbours, the hapless king lost most of his conquests and was forced to retreat to his homeland of Epirus. While he pondered where to launch his next gamble for glory, an embassy of Greeks arrived at his court from the city-states of Magne Graecia with a golden opportunity.

This opportunity led Pyrrhus, with one of the best armies in the world, to the shores of Italy to fight against the barbarian Romans. However, the gods didn’t seem to be on his side. Pyrrhus had an army, a virtual copy of the fearsome killing machine Alexander had unleashed in the East. It was made of 20’000 infantry, 3’000 cavalry, 2’000 archers, 500 slingers and 20 war elephants, a weapon Alexander had never fielded. With the most powerful force in the western Mediterranean at his back, Pyrrhus set sail to Italy. However, fortune changed quickly. In midcrossing of the sea a terrible storm came by, unleashing its full wrath on the fleet. All the ships were sent to every direction of the wind. Pyrrhus himself had to jump off the Royal Vessel and make his way to the shore. When he got there, he was shocked. Of his grand army of 25’500 men, a shattered force of less than 2’000 men and just 2 elephants remained.

Regardless of this setback, Pyrrhus pressed with all speed to Tarentum, where his thoughtful dispatch of 3’000 troops earlier that year paid off. Soon, his fleet was slowly making its way back to Tarentum, and soon Pyrrhus had a full force yet again. But the Romans did not sit idly by. They sent an army under Publius Valerius Laevinus, to defeat this barbarian. At the battle of Heraklea, Pyrrhus decisively defeated the Roman army. After the battle, Italians and mercenaries found their way to his camp with ease, though Pyrrhus had a hard time to keep them all paid (it would have been impossible unless Tarentum would’ve been on his side).

After a winter of fruitless negotiations, in the spring of 279 BC Pyrrhus reassembled his army, now augmented by a large number of Italian allies, and again marched northwards, bent on finishing the task he had left unfinished the previous year…

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

Spoiler Alert, click show to read:

Description and image of some of the units talked about in this and future chapters.

The Epeirot camp was located on the side of a small village. In this encampment more than 35’000 soldiers, 4’000 horses, including the reserve, hundreds of mules and slaves for officers and front-rank troops alike. And, of course, beyond the forest of tents was different forest where families, traders, whores, laundry-women and even simple people whose only way of survival was to follow the army and loot the dead. This was the backbone of Pyrrhus. Without it, he was nothing but a mere man.

He fielded troops from all over the western world. Macedonian phalangites, Greek Hoplites, allied Illyrians, Thracians and Samnites, archers from Crete and Epirus, slingers from Rhodes, elephants from the Indus valley, cavalry from Thessaly, from Aetolia, from Paeonia, from Epirus and Makedonia. His foe, the barbarian Roman tribe, fielded troops of more numbers, who were on the other side of a fast running river with forested banks. Great Pyrrhus was confused on how to approach such a situation.

The terrain was too rough for his phalanx, so he improvised – intermixed his Italian allies between his blocks of sarissa wielding warriors. Though this ingenious tactic helped in providing greater flexibility, it decreased the striking power of the phalanx. At the day of battle, both sides fought hard all day. Fortune shifted from one side to the other, at points where Pyrrhus and the Agema Ile, which was used typically in emergency situations, had to charge in to save the battle. At the end of the day, neither side had gained anything and both exhausted armies marched back to their encampments.

And now, Pyrrhus had a plan how to save the situation. He quickly assembled his officers; amongst them were Megakles, Lysander, Antipater, Koinos, Charax, Kalas, Python, Ifestionas, Marsias and even the barbarian leaders (of the Thracians, Illyrians, Italians) like Oxyartes. Every officer, including the mercenaries. All of them were now in his tent, wondering why the men were ordered to armour themselves and get ready to march out, and why call them in this late hour.

His plan was to send the light infantry and cavalry to the other side of the river, to protect it while the rest of the army made its way across. And it all had to happen before sunrise, while the Romans and their consuls, Publius Decius Mus and Publius Sulpicius Saverius, are still resting after the battle. He also showed the battle plan for the next day, knowing the Romans must accept his challenge, for Pyrrhus must not go deeper into Italy.

On the right would be the Tarentine, Paeonian, Illyrian and Aetolian cavalry under the supreme command of Ifestionas, Pyrrhus’ life long friend. They were to be deployed in wedges and turned so that they could intercept any flank attack. In front of them – the Hypaspists and Agrianians under Marsias. They were to reinforce the right wing where necessary. Not far in front of the Hypaspists were Hoplites from Greece and Italian allies. The right was also protected by Rhodian slingers. The Main battle line was to be six taxeis of phalanx infantry of the Argyraspidai and Pezhetairoi, under the command from right to left, Megakles, Antipater, Charax, Python, Lysander and Kalas. Behind them were the light infantry, ready to unleash their wrath upon the barbarians before the main battle lines collided. On the left wing were most of the Italians under Oxyartes, the elephants under Echekrates, Cretan archers and the hetairoi and Thessalian cavalry under Pyrrhus himself, in wedge formations.

The plan was for the phalanx to push the enemy away or hold him in place if the attacks are too strong. Most of the right and left wing are put in formations to protect the phalanx’s flanks and to stop the army from getting completely enveloped. If the attack on the wings is weak, Ifestionas and Pyrrhus will come from the flanks and rear.

Everyone must know their part carefully, for Pyrrhus will not be able to provide instructions for units once battle begins. It would be impossible, that’s why it takes time for the commanders to learn their roles precisely without thinking in mid-battle. Once that was done, the army moved north. Though the river was freezing, the army crossed and was greeted by the coming sun. And the Roman army, waiting atop a hill.

Without much of a choice, Pyrrhus agrees to give battle. However, he approaches at an angle and orders his archers to fire, so that the Roman advantage of being atop a hill has been practically nullified. The barbarians march down the hill, and they have more man than Pyrrhus had expected. Unknown to him, the men guarding the camp while the armies were fighting by the river were not only Romans – Celts from the north had also participated in this dull job, and now they participated in this battle, guarding the flanks and ready to charge down and butcher any unlucky lad out of formation.

The local townsfolk of Asculum and nearby villages had climbed the trees to observe the fight between these two great armies. Pyrrhus’ skirmishers soon started peppering the enemy’s levies, which, opposed by peltasts, Agrianians, Thracians and other professionals, had to fall back without giving much of a fight. Now these ruthless men started pouring their missiles among the Roman hastati, while the Cretans and Rhodians aimed at the Celts and Roman Equites. The skirmish wasn’t long, and soon the infantry were atop each other. The pezhetairoi and argyraspidai held the line and stabbed any enemy they could, while at the same time being peppered by pila. The hastati line wasn’t long enough to fight off the wings, which, by Mus’ plan, were to be pushed back for the Celts and Equites to make their way on the phalanx’s flanks and rear. So the principes joined in the fray, pushing back the Italians and hoplites at both flanks of Pyrrhus’ army. The Hypaspists soon charged forward, fighting against the Celts, while elephants, Thessalians and hetairoi cavalry engaged the Equites and Celts on the left, while the Greeks opposed the Equites on the right.

Pyrrhus was successful. Soon the elephants, the skirmishers (who always followed the beasts to protect their feet and bellies) and Thessalians trampled through the triarii, while Pyrrhus in a wedge, drove through the hastati and principes on both wings, not stopping to keep the momentum of the charge. While the battle was being won at the middle and left, the phalangites had to move quickly to help the elephants fight off the triarii. Pyrrhus, however, charged straight into the Celts, Equites and principes on the right, most damaged, wing. Without much of a hope, these brave men surrendered.

The battle was very costly for the Romans. They had lost another army – more than 28’000 killed and 25’000 captured. Pyrrhus’ army had suffered most causalities on the right wing, particularly amongst the Italians and cavalry – in total 2’053 Italians, 541 hoplites, 139 hypaspists and 347 Greeks were lost this day. But at least Pyrrhus had three trophies. One, he sent a Legionary Eagle and the riches of the Roman camp back to Tarentum. Two, he sent both the consuls’ heads to Rome. Last, but not least, Pyrrhus had an open gateway to Italy…

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

Spoiler Alert, click show to read:

After the battle, Pyrrhus wasted no time in taking the initiative. The Epeirot army marched northwards to the city of Arpium. All the Roman survivors of the defeat at Asculum had fled to this major town hoping to find shelter behind its walls. But Pyrrhus was in front of the city in a matter of days. He laid siege to Arpium and hoped to win the city by negotiations. But the Italians were stubborn, hoping and praying to the gods that the senate at Rome would send an army.

But the senate had its own troubles. Both consuls (Publius Decius Mus and Publius Sulpicius Saverius) had fallen to the sword at Asculum, and new consuls were needed. For this office Marius Curius Dentatus and Cornelius Lentulus were selected, each commanding their own armies. Marius marched with his army north to protect the Republic from Celt attacks towards cities such as Ancona and Tarquinia. Cornelius made camp not far from Rome. Both consuls were inexperienced in battle and had no experience in military warfare, save that little first-hand experience Cornelius gained whilst being besieged in a fort by Samnites.

By the middle of summer, Pyrrhus was ready to make a full-out attack on Arpium. Most veterans of Asculum on the Roman side had died of their wounds, so the city was mostly defended by some quickly assembled levies amongst the town’s men. Pyrrhus attacked with no hesitation, and the city fell to him, but the king had lost 139 brave men that day. The king was so angered by the townspeople slowing down his conquest, that he had the entire city raised to the ground. In a time of three days, every man was killed, every woman and child sold to slavery, every worthy item stolen and every inch of brick or wood destroyed. So dreadful was this that all future resistance grumbled.

The news of Pyrrhus’ victory reached Marius Curius. He left a fourth of his army to guard the city, while he departed onwards to Rome. Meanwhile, Cornelius Lentulus moved south-east to Corfinium.

During this chaotic warfare, back at Epirus Pyrrhus’ son Ptolemy was fighting off many Illyrian tribes and, by doing so, protected all of Greece*. He was going on the offensive, and had already achieved small victories over tribes such as Suebi. Whilst he was fighting in Illyria, his young brothers Helenus, 14, and Alexandros, 6, were left home with his mother, Antigone. The management of Epirus itself was left to an able governor, Ismenios. News also reached Pyrrhus that Antigonos Gonatas had defeated the barbarian horde that had rampaged through Greece and that he now turned his eye to the Achaean League.

However, Italy was the main concern for Pyrrhus. He marched towards Capua, a city that had never been a willing Roman subject. Capua expelled its governor, Sextus Antio, along with the garrison and welcomed Pyrrhus as liberator and hero. However, the king’s stay at Capua wasn’t long, for he now marched to confront Cornelius Lentulus, while leaving Lysander with some Cretans, Hoplites, Italians and mercenaries to guard Capua and keep the supply lines open. This did not slip past the attention of Marius Curius, who, once Pyrrhus was well away from the town, seized the initiative and in days was sieging Capua. Pyrrhus couldn’t turn back, for he was too close to Cornelius. Also, he sent a messenger to the governor of Tarentum, Euneas, to assemble an army and march to the aid of Lysander.

The Romans had siege towers, rams, ladders, catapults and onagers. But even with all this equipment and the advantage in numbers, Lysander proved a stout resistance. For days the Romans attacked and were repelled. Lysander had enough food to supply him up to the next year’s summer, but he didn’t have enough men to man the walls at all time. He needed a miracle.

Euneas had assembled an army consisting of about 14’000 mercenaries, 4’000 phalangites, 1’500 horse of Tarentum and 2’000 Italian allies. The Roman army under Marius was 19’000 footmen and 1’000 cavalry. It was outnumbered, but the Epeirot army had no experience in battle, as most of the soldiers were raw levies with no experience in battle. Still, the Romans accepted the offer to battle, leaving Capua. Lysander wanted to, but he was unable to assemble his men in time to follow the Romans to the battlefield.

The battle was very basic. Each army had infantry in the centre with cavalry on both flanks. Both sides clashed not far from a place called Compsa. Euneas personally led the Tarentines on the right wing, and both of his cavalry wings were victorious in the battle. But the infantry engagement was lost. Euneas sides lost about 2’000 men, while the Romans suffered only 500 casualties, mostly in horsemen. The Greek managed to make a disciplined retreat to Tarentum, and Marius was yet again sieging Capua.

To the north, Pyrrhus had driven Cornelius’ army away without tasting battle, so he quickly turned and marched to the aid of Lysander. During the siege, Marius had taken a arrow in the chest, and died of his wounds 2 days later. Leaderless and confused and without any idea Pyrrhus was approaching, the consular army was surrounded and destroyed.

Lysander and the defenders of Capua were given land and riches for their bravery. The able lieutenant remained in Capua to guard Pyrrhus’ supply lines, while the King himself marched north to Rome. He was confronted by the second consul, Cornelius Lentulus, in a plain about twenty miles south of Rome.

Lentulus had an army of 40’000 foot and 3’500 horse. Pyrrhus matched him with 32’000 infantry and 5’000 horse (the Tarentines under Euneas joined the King’s army soon after the victory at Capua). This maybe was a battle of great proportions, but it certainly wasn’t a hard one for Pyrrhus. The king himself charged the Equites and soon routed them, while his elephants on the right flank were charging down the Roman battle line. The battle wasn’t long, and about 900 dead for Pyrrhus, while 8’000 for Cornelius. He and his army marched north, past Rome, up the most barbaric regions of Italy, hoping to regroup and hire mercenaries there.

It had no choice. Rome opened its gates to Pyrrhus. On the first day, he sent in his hypaspists to take the weapons of the garrison. On the second, he disbanded the senate. On the third, he entered the city in a grand parade. The Romans feared him now. He had taken Rome. There was no senate. Only one army, that under Cornelius remained.

Again, without losing time, Pyrrhus marched north, surprising every Roman of the swiftness of his march. Once he was inside Tarquinia, he received news that Cornelius had left the army and fled to the great city of Carthage. Pyrrhus sent messengers to the army, saying that he will let every man return to his family if, and only if, they agree to surrender their weapons, deny the senate and accept Pyrrhus as king of Italy.

*Most men that ruled lands such as Thrace, Epirus and Pergamum, may have had their shining moments in battle (like Lysimachus at Ipsos), but they were mostly responsible from holding off hordes of Dacians, Illyrians, Galatians etc. We can see what happened, when there was no one to do this job - at the death of Lysimachus his kingdom fell apart and, with nothing fighting off the barbarians across the Danube, a horde of barbarians entered Greece and got as far as Delphi, until they were defeated by Antigonos Gonatas, grandson of Antigonos Monopthalmos and son of Demetrius the Besieger.

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

Does it have the feel of a history book or the account on history? Just curious.

More of an ancient account of history(I mean not like a moderna historybook). You have augmented the scale of armies to more realistic levels and the actions also seems plausible(destruction of cities, sold into slavery, the character of Pyrrhus in battle). So I say it has the feel of an ancient history book, of a writer who personally knew Pyrrhus,portrayin(accounting the history of) him.

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

It was autumn (278 BC) when Pyrrhus conquered the Italian Peninsula. However, with a barbarian republic out of the way, he faced rebellions and several small battles. Through the whole campaign Pyrrhus lost 7’564 men. He had about 28’000 footmen and 2’500 cavalry (the Samnites, Umbrians, Tarentines and all other Italians went back to their homes). Pyrrhus divided his army, leaving a taxis* of pezhetairoi, a lochos of argyraspidai, about three hundred missile troops, an ile** of hetairoi and maybe two ilai of prodromoi cavalry. The rest he sent to various towns and cities throughout Italy to quell rebellions. He fought minor battles against these people, but most of the time when he came along with his own army, the rebels went back to their farms, not daring to face Pyrrhus.

So it went on up to early summer next year. Most of the rebels were defeated and Euneas was left with a taxis of mercenary pezhetairoi and with 500 recently recruited Tarentine cavalrymen to quell any further possible rebellions. Pyrrhus also divided the land in Italy for the wounded and old warriors in his army, who weren’t many, but depleted his army yet still. He also sent his mercenaries to act as a garrison. However, while he peeled troops off his army, he also added some 6’000 Roman infantry and recruited 10’000 mercenaries of which 500 were mounted. So now Pyrrhus had 37’000 men, of which a great many were mercenaries and untrustful Romans (who, for fear of their homes and their own lives never left the field or stabbed the Epeirots in the back).

With his back secured, his men happy and rich and a fresh army ready to campaign once again, Pyrrhus sent emissaries with the message of “uniting the Greeks of Epeiros and those of Italy and Sicily under alliance” to the city states of Syracuse and Messana. At Syracuse, the emissaries were kicked out and the gates to the citadel were closed, while at Messana they were not as lucky – all were put to the sword. Pyrrhus was outraged and landed his army in Sicily.

However, this was exactly the behaviour the Greeks had anticipated. Hoplites had been assembled, mercenaries had been hired and horsemen had been called to bear arms. They all gathered not far from Messana. A total of 21’000 hoplites and Iphicratean peltasts, 9’000 mercenary infantry (mostly paid by the rich treasuries of Syracuse), 1’500 missile troops and 2’500 cavalry (among whom were mercenary Numidians and Aetolian horsemen), an army of about 34’000. Pyrrhus had quantity, experience and more diverse units, while the Greeks had more heavily armoured men and held the better ground.

The battlefield was a forested valley. It had open clearings at some points large enough to deploy an army, bet these places were rare and certainly not large. While this seemed as a deciding factor for the allied Greek victory, it only proved to be a flawed plan, for the Greek left flank was anchored on a stream while the right on the edge of a forest. They couldn’t move without exposing the left and moving through rough terrain on the right and attack the Epeirots while they were still deploying. The field also had a small hill that was stationed on the Greek left, not far from the stream.

Epeirot cavalry

The Greek deployment was as follows (from Hiero’s personal diary): “On the left were the men of Messana, fighting both in the old way of the hoplite and the newer Iphicratean style. Next to them were the mercenaries from Sicilia and Greece, fighting either as the barbaric Roman tribe, Phoenicians or my fellow Greek brothers. Then, next to the forest I over watched my own fellow companions from my mighty city. Brave men, who, I am hoping, will prove to be the decisive key. To further strengthen this flank and repel any cavalry assault from the forest, 2’000 cavalry guard the right, while, as a reserve, on the left I leave the 500 Numidians and Aetolians, whom, I trust, won’t be used.” Unmentioned, but by tradition the psiloi*** were stationed in front of the battle line. The hoplites were deployed in the traditional 8 men deep formation, while the Iphicratean phalanx was deployed in a 10 men deep formation. Hiero himself was in over-all command, being Syracuse’s tyrant.

Pyrrhus’ deployment wasn’t very different from his future battles. His left-most infantry flank was comprised of Italians (armed as the Romans, though the triarii spear was lengthened to 12 feet, thus they fought like Epaminondas’ Thebans almost 150 years ago, including the way of holding their pikes with both hands), mostly principes. Then came all the mercenaries in deep formations. Moving right came the triarii and then the pezhetairoi. After them, the argyraspidai, more triarii and last were the hoplites, their vulnerable right being protected by the hastati. Pyrrhus’ cavalry was placed mostly on his left with the elephants, though he did put 300 Greeks and all the Rhodians and Cretans to support it. The javelinmen were dispersed along the front line, while some Thracians were right in front of Pyrrhus’ left wing cavalry (hetairoi, Thessalians, some Italians and Thracians). The leading roles hadn’t changed much from the Battle of Asculum, but only Lysander, whose taxis was left in Italy, was in supreme control of the Italians on the left.

The battle opened with the skirmishing phase. The Epeirots were clearly more skilled in this engagement, and soon were able to direct their javelins and other missile weapons against the main line. It certainly proved effective against Iphicratean peltasts. However, it was not long until the psiloi had to disengage and retreat back through the gaps in the infantry line. Soon, both sides clashed.

While nothing much was happening on the Epeirot right (only the Cretans were able to take the difficult shots at the Numidians and Aetolians on the rare occasions through the dust), on the left Pyrrhus had used a very effective method. First, the Thracians showered the Greek cavalry with javelins, wounding many, but killing a great number of horses. Then came the elephants, who charged in a long line through and in Syracuse’s hoplites and the cavalry. The cavalry in wedge formation, led by Pyrrhus at the front, charged in the gaps and wrecked terror amongst the right flank. Soon, a combined-arms approach (Thracians, elephants and cavalry for Epirus and hoplites and cavalry for the Greek city-states) fighting began. Pyrrhus led his wedges forward, not stopping at anything, though on rare occasions having to turn back to fight the enemy. It took a long time until the enemy started falling back and casualties were big.

Again, like at Asculum, Pyrrhus now rolled over the entire battle line and won the day. This was not such a sweet victory as he had hoped. He had lost almost 1’000 Italians, 400 pikemen, 900 mercenaries, 3 elephants, 700 Thracians and 400 horses. The Greeks had lost 4’000 hoplites and peltasts, 1’000 cavalry, 800 psiloi and about 3’000 mercenaries. About 15’000 were taken hostage, though they were set free once they denied their allegiance to a city-state and swore loyalty to Pyrrhus. Those who did were set free with more land. Those who didn’t were sold to slavery and their property taken. Seeing this example, 12’000 accepted the sad terms, while 3’000 perished. After this engagement, Megakles told Pyrrhus:

"History will remember you as a great man!" To which the king replied:

"History doesn't remember men. It creates them."

Whatever the case in his mind, Pyrrhus now ruled most of Sicily. This did not sit well with the Carthaginians. An open war almost broke out, but several treaties were signed by which both nations entered an alliance. Now Pyrrhus turned his eye to Greece.

Meanwhile, Ptolemy was fighting his own war in Illyria against the tribes and had achieved several major victories, but was forced to retreat for the year because of loss of men and shortage of supplies.

Pyrrhus landed in the Peloponnesus next spring (276 BC), where he defeated the weakened Spartans and other free city states in open battle (they were tired of the wars against the Achaean League and the Basileon of Makedonia), so Pyrrhus now held also most of the Peloponnesus and Attica in his hands. It seemed that king Antigonos Gonatas of Makedonia and Acrotatus of Sicyon could not sit idly anymore.

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

We've noticed, Messiah. Great read again. Thanks! Those elephants are still alive?! I commonly loose (read: sacrifice) them during the battle of Asculum. (Would be good to see the map once in a while, btw).

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

I don't trust them, too many times they went nuts for no good reason and wreaked havoc. I treat them like sweating dynamite, stand well back to watch the fireworks and expect them to explode at any given time.

Were there but a tree in this godforsaken place i would have hanged myself.

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

Tomorow is my last exams and it's in maths. So far I've had three exams. Since these are not the real finals, but only partly finals (there are 12 classes in Latvia, and I have these as at the end of the 9th). I have done Latvian, English and History, and my grades so far (grades go from 1 to 10, but you need 4 to get to do SOMETHING in life) -

Re: A New Age of Diadochi

Well, while I am a history nerd, this exam was about Latvia during the 20th century - a subject I hate with a passion.

To be honest, I am interested in military history, and no one in Latvia gives a damn about that - everyone cares how we were annexed by USSR and Germany, how we were always the best and brave, while everyone else was bad and cowardly etc etc. You get the point.

When I say I'm interested in antique military history, most people are like "What the hell is that?!".