General George B. McClellan to President Abraham Lincoln

Head Quarters, Army of the Potomac Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va.
July 7th 1862

Mr. President

You have been fully informed, that the Rebel army is in our front, with
the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions or reducing
us by blocking our river communications. I can not but regard our condition
as critical and I earnestly desire, in view of possible contingencies,
to lay before your Excellency, for your private consideration, my general
views concerning the state of the rebellion; although they do not strictly
relate to the situation of this Army or strictly come within the scope
of my official duties. These views amount to convictions and are deeply
impressed upon my mind and heart.

Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of free institutions
and self government. The Constitution and the Union must be preserved,
whatever may be the cost in time, treasure and blood. If secession is
successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let
neither military disaster, political faction or foreign war shake your
settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the United
States upon the people of every state.

The time has come when the Government must determine upon a civil and
military policy, covering the whole ground of our national trouble. The
responsibility of determining, declaring and supporting such civil and
military policy and of directing the whole course of national affairs
in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you or
our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power sufficient even
for the present terrible exigency.

This rebellion has assumed the character of a War: as such it should
be regarded; and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known
to Christian Civilization. It should not be a War looking to the subjugation
of the people of any state, in any event. It should not be, at all, a
War upon population; but against armed forces and political organizations.
Neither confiscation of property, political executions of persons, territorial
organization of states or forcible abolition of slavery should be contemplated
for a moment. In prosecuting the War, all private property and unarmed
persons should be strictly protected; subject only to the necessities
of military operations. All private property taken for military use should
be paid for or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high
crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited; and offensive demeanor
by the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should
not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist; and
oaths not required by enactments -- Constitutionally made -- should be
neither demanded nor received. Military government should be confined
to the preservation of public order and the protection of political rights.

Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations
of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master;
except for repressing disorder as in other cases. Slaves contraband under
the Act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The
right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own service
claims to slave labor should be asserted and the right of the owner to
compensation therefore should be recognized. This principle might be extended
upon grounds of military necessity and security to all the slaves within
a particular state; thus working manumission in such [a] state -- and
in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also and possibly even in Maryland
the expediency of such a military measure is only a question of time.
A system of policy thus constitutional and conservative, and pervaded
by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support
of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel masses and
all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend
itself to the favor of the Almighty. Unless the principles governing the
further conduct of our struggle shall be made known and approved, the
effort to obtain requisite forces will be almost hopeless. A declaration
of radical views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our
present Armies.

The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of military
power. The national forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts
of occupation and numerous Armies; but should be mainly collected into
masses and brought to bear upon the Armies of the Confederate States;
those Armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they support
would soon cease to exist.

In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will require
a Commander in Chief of the Army; one who possesses your confidence, understands
your views and who is competent to execute your orders by directing the
military forces of the Nation to the accomplishment of the objects by
you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve
you in such position as you may assign me and I will do so as faithfully
as ever subordinate served superior.

I may be on the brink of eternity and as I hope forgiveness from my maker
I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from love of
my country.

Very respectfully your obdt svt

Geo B McClellanMaj Genl Comdg

Sources:
Library of Congress
Official Records of the Rebellion, series 1, vol. 2, part 2, pages 73-74.

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