Boosting TTIP Negotiations: A Value Chain Approach

Transcription

1 Boosting TTIP Negotiations: A Value Chain Approach by Alessandro Giovannini and Umberto Marengo ABSTRACT Despite renewed commitment from both sides for a quick and successful conclusion of the negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the process has partially lost momentum. Europe should not lose this opportunity. This paper intends to offer a new prospective for the EU on how to look at TTIP negotiations and boost them. By using a trade-in-value-added approach, the paper provides useful indications to the negotiating parties in order to focus on those areas which are really able to deliver muchneeded economic benefits. TTIP negotiations should mainly be focused on reducing cost and improving logistics along the production chains of the firms that have production lines across the Atlantic. European Union United States Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) External trade FDI keywords

2 Boosting TTIP Negotiations: A Value Chain Approach by Alessandro Giovannini and Umberto Marengo* 2 1. The relevance of TTIP negotiations In 2013, the United States of America and the European Union started negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The deal, in the intentions of both parties, should deliver significant advantages in terms of employment and economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic, thanks to its ability to further strengthen the economic relationship between the two economies. Despite renewed commitment from both sides for a quick and successful conclusion of the negotiations, the process has partially lost momentum. The United States seems less prone to see in the slow-growing European economy the main destination for its exports. Public opinion, especially in the European continent, is becoming more and more doubtful about the TTIP and opposition against it is growing. For example, in October, about 400 activist groups mobilised across Europe, organising demonstrations of their concerns over the lack of transparency of the negotiations, but also to express fears about environmental and health standards. The implications of this agreement are, in fact, more than just the economic. The treaty is bound to have important implications in terms of regulation of international markets, environmental impact, labour standards, geopolitical balances, etc. 1 From 1 The impact of each of these elements requires a detailed analysis of ad hoc measures that is beyond the scope of this paper. On the subject see for reference, among others: Daniel S. Hamilton, America s Mega-Regional Trade Diplomacy: Comparing TPP and TTIP, in The International Spectator, Vol. 49, No. 1 (March 2014), p ; Philipp M. Richter and Greta F. Schäffer, The Controversy over the Free-Trade Agreement TTIP, in DIW Roundup, No. 42 (22 October 2014), Suparna Karmakar, Prospects for * Alessandro Giovannini is a former researcher at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), where he worked on research projects related to international political economy. Umberto Marengo is a management consultant at The European House - Ambrosetti and holds a PhD in Public Policy and International Relations from Cambridge University. The views expressed in this paper are exclusively those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of their respective institutions.. Paper prepared for the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and presented at the international conference on The Geopolitics of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership organised by the IAI in partnership with the Italian Ministry of the Economic Development, ITA-Italian Trade Agency and the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF), Rome, 26 February 2015.

3 a European perspective, the treaty provides an opportunity to increase economic productivity by facilitating resource relocation towards the most competitive sectors, to create (and benefit from) foreign investment-led technological spillovers, and to make the trans-atlantic relationship an even stronger anchor of geopolitical influence. 3 Europe should not lose this opportunity. In a period in which sustained economic growth is still missing, Europe needs to find new drivers of structural change for its economy. That is, events that could put in motion and reinforce a beneficial process of economic innovation and thus lay the ground for a stronger European economy in the coming years. For this reason, this paper intends to offer a new prospective for the EU on how to look at TTIP negotiations and boost them. By using a trade-in-value-added approach, in fact, it is possible to better see and assess the potential benefits of the TTIP. At the same time, this approach provides useful indications to the negotiating parties in order to focus on those areas which are really able to deliver muchneeded economic benefits. The benefits, as we said, are to be understood both in the short and long term. In the short term, those sectors which are already well interconnected are also the ones that could benefit immediately from the removal of barriers with instantaneous beneficial effects on the economy. However, in the longer run, those same sectors are also the ones in which the EU economy has a global trade comparative advantage. Focusing on long-term benefits and comparative advantages should help us to identify what are the sectors towards which the resources of the economy should be relocated in order to increase the long-run potential of the EU s economy. Section 1 briefly introduces the concept of trade in value added (VA) and global value chains (VC), and their usefulness in analysing trade relationships. Section 2 follows this approach showing the importance of using it for analysing the TTIP. If we measure trade relations in terms of VA rather than gross trade, the relevance of the United States as a trading partner increases even more for all European economies. This is true also for those countries that at first sight do not seem to have particularly relevant trade relations with the United States when one looks at gross trade data only. Sections 4 moves from the total trade figures and it looks at the interconnectedness of US-EU economies by sector. This approach reveals that the interests of the main EU economies appear much more aligned with each other than looking at gross data, a consideration that should create strong incentives for a successful regulatory convergence under TTIP, in Bruegel Policy Contributions, No. 2013/15 (October 2013), Simon Lester and Inu Barbee, The Challenge of Cooperation: Regulatory Trade Barriers in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, in Journal of International Economic Law, Vol. 16, No. 4 (December 2013), p ; Davide Tentori and Myriam Zandonini, The Future of the Transatlantic Economic Relationship: Opportunities and Challenges towards the TTIP, in Transworld Working Papers, No. 35 (June 2014),

4 conclusion of the negotiations. Section 5 then looks at the value chains/investments nexus and the significance of intra-firm trade for strengthening the trans-atlantic economy. This type of trade, in fact, has been proven to be more resilient during the crisis, suggesting that further strengthening in this sense could have positive implications for the economic growth and resilience of the EU economy. The significance of intra-firm trade plays a role also at the global level. Section 6, in fact, shows that those sectors in which the EU has global comparative advantages are also those in which the TTIP negotiations could matter the most, given the existence of strong linkages already in place. By agreeing on common standards in these sectors, it is therefore possible to establish a global standard, with positive spillovers for exports that go beyond the trans-atlantic economy. However, even by simply looking at the implications for the US-EU trade, section 7 points out how these same sectors continue to suffer from trade barriers between the two economies. So, even putting aside their importance for global trade, there is room for focusing on these sectors during the negotiations. Section 9 considers, instead, how to expand the benefits of the TTIP also to smalland medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) that are not currently integrated into the value chains across the Atlantic. This process will require time, as structural changes to the production systems of the SMEs is not an instantaneous process. Nevertheless, this section discusses how TTIP negotiations could be designed to make this happen more rapidly. The last section concludes. 2. Trade in value added and global value chains The process of fragmentation of international production, which has been in place now for several decades, has led to the creation of complex global value chains (GVCs). Companies today establish production networks with other firms located where they can make the best of the comparative advantages in the production of intermediate goods and services. This production system segments the creation of the value embodied in the final product in many separate steps, in order to exploit all the efficacy gains in different locations. All intermediate stages of production can involve networked companies scattered across different countries. These networks are more and more often used in the production of consumer electronic products or in aerospace industries. For example, Dedrick et al. analysed the distribution of financial value from innovation in the global supply chains of 4

5 ipods and notebook computers. 2 In the same vein, Grossman and Rossi-Hansberg described the industrial production system for Boeing airplanes. 3 This phenomenon has now become commonplace in many commercial sectors. The relevance of the global value chains can be summarised by calculating the share of trade in intermediate goods and services out of the total of imports or exports. This fluctuates between 56 and 73 percent for an average developed country 4 and it has increased worldwide by 40 percent since the mid-70s. 5 The increasing importance of such forms of goods and services exchanges significantly reduces the relevance of gross trade statistics. Today, products are re-exported many times along the production process and each time the value embodied in the semi-product, which was produced in other countries during the previous productions steps, is counted in gross trade statistics. To overcome this limitation, it is first of all crucial to understand what is the VA generated during the production processes in a specific country. This approach allows for tracking VA along the various production lines and assessing the effective role played by each country in this process. The OECD database Trade in VA (TiVA) 6 allows for such analysis and for this reason this paper uses this source. Unfortunately, the database only covers the years 2005, 2008, and This does not account, therefore, for the developments of the last few years. Whereas looking at 2009 data is certainly a limitation, nevertheless it allows one to understand the structural characteristics of the trans-atlantic economy, by netting the effect of the crisis. 3. The trans-atlantic economy: EU-US using TiVA statistics A quick overview of the the state of economic linkages between the United States and the European Union is essential to fully understand what is at stake in TTIP. The transatlantic economy is already at present the largest and most interconnected bilateral trade relationship in the world. A relationship that not only strongly influences the two economies, but that defines the shape of the world economy as a whole, since they together account for about half of the entire global GDP. 2 Jason Dedrick, Kenneth L. Kraemer and Greg Linden, Who profits from innovation in global value chains? A study of the ipod and notebook PCs, in Industrial and Corporate Change, Vol. 19, No. 1 (February 2010), p Gene M. Grossman and Esteban Rossi-Hansberg, Task Trade Between Similar Countries, in Econometrica, Vol. 80, No. 2 (March 2012), p See Koen De Backer and Sébastien Miroudot, Mapping Global Value Chains, in OECD Trade Policy Papers, No. 159 (December 2013), 5 David Hummels, Jun Ishii and Kei-Mu Yi, The nature and growth of vertical specialization in world trade, in Journal of international Economics, Vol. 54, No. 1 (June 2001), p Direct access to TiVA webpage at: 5

6 The importance of the US market for the EU economy is evident by looking at the trade statistics. Figure 1, below, shows how the total volume of bilateral trade amounts to around 790 billion euros per year in 2013, of which more than half are European exports to the United States. In 2000, it was just half of this figure. Figure 1 Exports of goods and services of EU with the US in Source: author s elaboration on Eurostat data, Moreover, in 2013 the United States was the largest export market for the EU accounting for 16 percent of the total exports of goods and services to the EU. A situation partially mirrored on the other side of the Atlantic. From a US perspective, the European Union is the second largest commercial partner in terms of imported goods (about 17 percent of all United States imports), immediately after China (19 percent). Figure 1 also shows how the majority of this trade is represented by trade in services, a peculiarity that the two economies share with almost no other partner, demonstrating a strong interconnection of production structures on both sides of the Atlantic. For this reason, as previously discussed, it is necessary to move from gross statistics and analyse trade in terms of VA imports/exports. This indicator shows how much VA actually produced in a country ends up in another country s final demand. According to OECD data, as shown in Figure 2 below, in 2009 exports from the EU to the United States account for about 25 percent of the total EU exports in VA terms; while, when measured in gross terms, this share falls to 20 percent. Figure 2 also shows how the United States is by far the most important destination for high VA EU exports, as indicated by the high relative percentage of VA created in Europe for goods and services that end up on the United States domestic market. Looking to the side of European imports, the United States are also the largest

7 foreign supplier in terms of valued added for the EU, representing approximately 20 percent of total EU imports in VA. Figure 2 EU imports and exports, both in VA and gross terms, by trade partner Source: author s elaboration on OECD data, The relevance of this industrial interconnectedness emerges even more clearly by comparing the United States with China, which is Europe s second largest global trading partner. Figure 2 shows that, unlike with the United States, China s share in terms of VA is lower than that in absolute terms, both for exports and imports. China is therefore mainly an assembly factory for European companies, more than strategic partner in value adding. Looking at the TiVA statistics rather than gross values also enables a better understanding of the linkages between single EU Member States and the United States. It is often argued that many small Member States in Europe would not benefit as much as the larger ones from the TTIP, given the small trade linkage with the trans-atlantic partner. Looking at the TiVA statistics suggests that gross trade flows mask these linkages. Among the less interconnected EU economies with the United States we find the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic and Poland: in 2009 the share of exports to the United States accounted only for around 2.5 percent of their total exports. However, these figures do not count the semi-products exported by these countries, finalised in third countries and then exported to the United States (see Table 1 below). By looking also at the indirect linkages, the percentage of their total exports increases by more than 80 percent, when the share of exports towards the United States amount to around 4 percent of total exports, increase their exposure by 50 percent. 7

8 Looking at the TiVA statistics suggests that even those countries that would appear to be less directly integrated with the United States, are, in fact, significantly exposed via indirect linkages a consideration that should provide a stronger basis to build a common EU effort in reaching an ambitious TTIP deal. Table 1 MS export exposure towards the US (% total exports) Direct exposure Overall exposure Direct exposure Overall exposure Slovak Rep Belgium Czech Rep Lithuania Poland Luxembourg Romania Italy Hungary Latvia Slovenia France Bulgaria Germany Portugal Denmark Netherlands Greece Spain Malta Austria Ireland Finland UK Estonia Source: author s elaboration on OECD data, The value chains nexus by sector A value chain approach to trade relations allows us to identify whether the interests of two or more regions converge across economic sectors. Furthermore, these statistics have the additional advantage of showing from which countries VA originates and where it ends up in final consumers demand, even if the given good or service has been traded through third parties. Sectorial interest alignment has significant policy implications: trade negotiations such as the TTIP include vertical chapters aimed at introducing sector-specific regulatory provisions to facilitate value chain integration. Furthermore, in case of conflict between the horizontal cross-sector chapters (e.g. technical barriers to trade, sanitary and phyto-sanitary standards, etc.) and the vertical ones, it is general practice in trade agreements that specific provisions agreed in vertical chapters take priority over horizontal provisions. 7 From a political economy perspective, we can assume that there are two levels of sectorial interest alignment that could 8 7 TTIP Advisory Group Meeting Report, 12 December 2014, html/ htm.

9 be a positive drive in trade negotiations: sectorial interest alignment among EU Member States, and sectorial interest alignment between the EU and the United States. Table 2 MS export exposure towards the US (% total exports) Source: authors elaboration on OECD, The analysis of EU exports vis-à-vis the US shows (Table 2) that EU Member States sectorial interests are broadly aligned if we look at VA export (red boxes) instead of gross exports (blue boxes). The largest share of EU VA embodied in US final demand originates from five main sectors (chemicals and non-metallic products, electrical and optical equipment, manufacturing, telecommunication and transport services, and business services). 8 While individual countries have specific competitive strengths in certain sectors (e.g. machinery export is particularly important for Germany and Italy), interests across the major EU Member States and the EU as a whole are broadly aligned and are dominated by service-related sectors. Furthermore, the analysis of trade in VA embodied in EU and US final demand, respectively, (Table 3) shows that there is a broad sectorial interest alignment also between the EU and the US. EU-produced VA embodied in final US demand is concentrated in business services, chemicals, transport and telecommunication services, and financial intermediation. US-produced VA embodied in final EU demand is concentrated in business services, transport and telecommunication services, chemicals, and electrical and optical equipment. There are, however, specific differences that should be taken into account. From a US perspective, for example, the EU is also an important retail market: US-produced VA exported to Europe in the wholesale and retail sector accounts for over 13 percent of the total. This calls for two preliminary considerations: on the one hand, further liberalisation of the wholesale transatlantic market may lead to lower consumer prices in Europe. On the other hand, however, Europe should be aware that the 9 8 The machinery equipment sector is classified separately from manufacturing, although it relates to a similar economic activity.

11 simply for investments but also for trade: lowering investment barriers is among the most efficient ways for a country to become more deeply integrated in value chains across the Atlantic. The EU and the United States are already deeply inter-invested economies. The United States is a net importer of goods and services from Europe, and it finances its domestic demand and its current account deficit by importing capital. Most of the largest European economies are net capital exporters, with the notable exception of the UK that attracts capital by operating a large financial services industry. Figure 3 below shows that the stock of EU investments in the United States amounts to 1.63 trillion euros (equal to 13.4 percent of EU GDP), while the stock of United States investment in the EU amounts to 1.65 trillion euros (equal to 13.2 percent of United States GDP). The historical trend also shows a process of positive investment accumulation. EU FDI stock in the United States have increased by over 120 percent since 2004, while United States FDI stock in the EU have increased by 99 percent over the same period. Figure 3 FDI stock in the US and EU by country (euros, bln) in 2013 Source: Eurostat, There are however, significant differences among EU countries in terms of investment attraction rates. High trade intensity has not always been followed by high cross-country investments: some European countries have attracted a disproportionally low rate of investments even though they have strong trade exchanges with the United States. To understand the trade/investment nexus we have looked at the ratio between FDI intensity (inward and outward) and trade intensity (import and export) of selected EU countries. A low ratio indicates that high trade intensity is not matched by high 11 internationalization.pdf.

12 investment intensity (see Table 4). Among the largest European economies Italy, Germany and Poland have a high-intensity trade relation with the United States but relatively limited FDI intensity compared to the EU s average. We subsequently narrowed the focus on the import/fdi inward nexus. The underlying assumption of this analysis is that the import of goods and services from a country precedes or run in parallel with the import of capital from that country as a result of firms expanding their operations in new markets. By looking at the Table 4 below, a similar picture emerged: the level of imports from the United States of countries like Italy, German, Ireland and Poland, is not matched by a proportional level of incoming FDI. On the opposite side of the spectrum, the UK, the Nordic countries (i.e. Sweden and Denmark), Spain and France, have attracted a proportionally higher share of investment in relation to import. This preliminary evidence seems to confirm the view expressed by Martin Wolf and others that countries like Germany and Italy are currently suffering an investment dearth. 10 Table 4 EU investment position vis-à-vis the US, 2013 FDI stock inward & outward ( bln) Import & export ( bln) Ratio stock/ trade FDI stock inward ( bln) Import ( bln) Ratio inward stock/ import EU Germany UK Netherlands Italy France Spain Sweden Poland Austria Ireland Denmark Source: aauthor s elaboration on Eurostat, Italy is the most remarkable case among the largest EU economies: the country has high trade-intensive relation with the United States but does not attract a proportional share of United States investments. Italy s inward stock/trade import ratio is the lowest among EU s large economies Martin Wolf, The Shifts and the Shocks. What We ve Learned-and Have Still to Learn-from the Financial Crisis, London, Allen Lane, 2014.

13 Whereas each EU country faces different obstacles in attracting investment (lack of domestic demand, high unit labour costs, entry barriers to new investors, etc.), increasing FDI is a key priority for the whole EU to restart Europe s growth engine. In this respect, TTIP could introduce additional investment protection measures (i.e. the Investor-State Dispute Settlement or a public investment court 11 ) could support FDI investment flows towards Europe. The stock of United States investments in the EU is concentrated in the service and retail sector, and in particular on financial services, as shown by Table 5. Financial and insurance services (e.g. securities) account for almost half of United States investments in the EU, while wholesale trade and professional services account for a further 20 percent. The preponderance of financial investment and wholesale trade provides a preliminary insight into the structure of transatlantic value chains: a large share of investments is driven by the consumers market on both sides of the Atlantic, especially in the service sector. Moreover, the size of United States investments in the wholesale/retail and the financial/insurance sectors in the largest EU economies suggests that a significant share of investments takes place within large-size transnational companies (financial and non-financial) branched in both the EU and the United States. Table 5 EU direct investment positions vis-à-vis the US (% of total), 2013 Mining & quarring Petrol., Manuf. chemical of motor & pharm. vehicles Other manuf. Electricity. Wholesale gas, & air & retail condit. trade Information & commun. Financial & insurance act Real estate act Profess., scientific & tech. act France Germany Italy Poland Spain UK EU Source: Eurostat, Transnational corporations are a key player in global value chains. A large part of cross-border trade of production inputs and outputs takes place within transnational corporations networks of affiliates, contractual partners, and arm slength suppliers. Figure 4 shows that the trade between affiliates on the two sides of the Atlantic accounted for 47 percent (172 billion dollars) of total EU-United States merchandise Daniela Vincenti, Brussels considers replacing ISDS with a public court, in EuroActiv, 19 March

14 trade in 2002 and increased to 50 percent (305 billion dollars) by Intra-firm trade has also been proven to be more resilient during the crisis, especially from the EU side: exports to the United States among related parties increased by 12 percent in the period , while the rest of exports only by 6 percent. Strengthening intra-firm investment and trade would help to create more resilient trade relations. Figure 4 EU-US trade by type (2007=100) 14 Source: US Census Bureau, Foreign Trade: Related-Party Trade database, The significance of TTIP beyond bilateral transatlantic relations: EU global and transatlantic trade interests TTIP s significance for Europe s competitiveness goes beyond bilateral transatlantic relations and provides an opportunity for the EU and the United States to take a lead in international trade negotiations. Since its establishment in 1995, the WTO has failed to secure substantial progress on multilateral trade agreements, with the notable exception of the Bali Trade Facilitation agreement of The Doha Round is nowhere near a positive conclusion due to contrasting positions between developing and developed countries because the complexity and breadth of the agenda has stalled multilateral trade negotiations. Liberalising trade is essential to rebalance the international economy and usher in the second phase of globalisation. In the first phase, which started with the late 1990s, the industrialised economies opened up markets to foreign import, accumulating large balance of payment deficits that have now become unsustainable and were at the root of the 2008 global financial crisis (see Figure 5). The crisis ushered in the second phase of globalisation, as the global economy needs developing countries progressively to increase domestic consumption, to allow their currency to appreciate according to market rates, and to open up to imports from developed countries, especially on the service sector. The EU and the United States have thus a strong interest in setting the standards on those sectors where they have a competitive advantage as the agreement could create positive spillovers on trade negotiations with third parties. Furthermore, by

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