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In his second year with the Peace Corps, Geer Wilcox changes his approach to development volunteering. Rather than working directly with the students, he begins to work with the infrastructure of the school, hoping that developing infrastructure will last longer than work in the classroom. Listen to the podcast below to hear straight from the source his reasoning and to understand how the Dominican Republic changed him, in return.

Music in this audio production was written by Kevin MacLeod. The tracks used are “Notanico Merengue,” “Hackbeat,” and “Laid Back Guitars.” To play the podcast, click to the far left of the black media bar.

With this, the 2018-2019 “season” has come to an end. It has been an incredible experience to be the PCCA Fellow this year and to work with these collections and stories. I want to thank several people, without whom I would not have been able to fulfill this role. First, I want to thank Leslie Nellis. As my mentor, she taught me everything I know about archives, and as my friend, she made this office an incredible place to work throughout my master’s program. I am grateful to her interest in and support of making the most of my fellowship this year. It was with her help that I traveled to Morgantown, WV to present at the Mid-Atlantic Regional Archives Conference, by her suggestion that I curated exhibits for our hallway, and with her blessing that the blog has become as multi-media as it has. I would also like to thank Dan Kerr and Trevor Owens who taught me the research and project-oriented history methods I utilized this spring semester. Online exhibits and podcasts wouldn’t have been possible if it had not been for them. I am eternally grateful to the donors who shared their experiences with the PCCA and who allowed their materials and stories to be shared through our online media. Finally, I would like to thank you, dear readers, for coming with me all this way.

Most of the Peace Corps Community Archives are textual documents and other visual media. However, not all volunteers wrote their letters home; many sent audio tapes back and forth, and for some it was their main form of communication. This audio production is based on the Geer Wilcox collection. Wilcox served in the Dominican Republic from 1963 to 1965. This production spans the first half of the collection, and you can look forward to the second half in April.

In the tapes, Wilcox discusses his efforts and frustrations in realizing his Peace Corps and personal goals while working with the National School for the Blind. But, we want to know all about your experiences, as well! If you’ve ever felt stuck in the Peace Corps, or at work, or in another kind of big project, tell us all about your experience in the comments!

As promised in the last story post, here is the newly-digitized exhibit which had been featured in at the AU Archives between October 2018 – February 2019. The Developing Volunteers exhibit shares themes, examples, and ideas with another blog post, The Making of Global Citizens, but explores the artifacts in a different way.

Please enjoy this exhibit and I hope you will tell us if you’ve ever felt the same. Have you ever lived abroad or experienced tremendous change which left you with a different perspective? Tell us about it in the comments below!

As the age of imperialism ended, new governments formed throughout the post-colonial world. These newly autonomous nations developed in the shadow of the Cold War, which set the tone for their foreign policy. Communist and capitalist powers alike sent aid to develop and influence these nations. All nations that sent aid held agendas; they desired the political advantage that came with influence in the developing world. However, these newly formed nations held agendas of their own, such as an automatous, effective government and the ability to determine their own culture. Native citizenry worked towards these goals while as they accepted foreign aid. Collections from four volunteers who experienced the extreme example of this self- determination, revolution, informs this essay and clarify the relationship between self-determined culture and foreign aid.

The Peace Corps was contemporary with other development volunteering impulses. Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) met volunteers from post-imperial, capitalist, and communist countries, which each had an interest in relations with the developing world. Sometimes, relations between volunteers were professional. On 16 August 1971, Gail Wadsworth (Uganda, 1971-73) wrote about her British colleague,
She’s quite nice but very anxious to return to England. After one semester of teaching I’ll be second in experience in the English Department. The turnover of teachers throughout the country is fantastic. British contract usually come out for 2 years.[1]
Other times, the relationships were friendlier. Wadsworth wrote on 15 December 1971, “There is a Danish volunteer here now, Ellen Knudson, 28 yrs. She wants me to go on a trip with her and I’ve just about decided to go.”[2] Ann Hofer Holmquist (Nigeria, 1966-68), too, mentions befriending and traveling with British volunteers to Niger.[3] Such friendly relations typically developed between PCVs and other Western-bloc volunteers.

The Western-bloc were not, however, the only nations that took part in projects to develop gain political favor with the post-colonial world. Projects led by communist nations were present in Uganda during Wadsworth’s stay. On 16 September 1917, she wrote, “Just outside of Tororo the Russians are building a farm school which is supposed to be staffed by Russian teachers. That could be really interesting if I could get to meet them.”[4] This school appeared in another letter the next month, “The President is in Tororo again today. There is a tractor mechanic school about 18 miles out, built & staffed by the Russians. He came to open that.”[5] This was not the only communist-led project in which the president was interested. On 2 October 1971, Wadsworth wrote, “Well, the President or someone decided that the lawn of Tororo Girls School was the best place for the helicopter to land if the President were coming to Tororo. He was coming to Tororo to dedicate a rice paddy (or something) that the Chinese had ‘built’ near here.”[6] This communist presence shows that the development impulse was not an exclusively Western one, and extended across all nations trying to build alliances.

Yet, the host counties had their own agendas for developing both infrastructure and culture. For example, throughout Wadsworth’s service, the Ugandan government grew increasingly nationalist and deported several groups of expatriates. [7][8] In one letter, she wrote her parents, “The Tororo butcher was Somalian & his 2 brothers were killed 2 months ago in the trouble in Moroto. He just gave up on this place & went to Somalia. Now there is no meat in town.”[9] In addition to purifying the Ugandan race, the government also implemented policies to purify Ugandan culture. In June 1972, Wadsworth wrote,
Well, the most talked-about news here these days is that hot pants, mini skirts, & v-split maxis have been banned. The announcement was made last Saturday and 10 days were given, so it officially goes into effect next Monday. The police will enforce it then but ‘people’ are doing so now.[10]
Such measures show that the citizenry of host nations determined their own cultural development.

Nationalist sentiments and a citizenry’s desire to develop their nation could also lead to revolution. Though this discontentment focused on the government and not at foreign aid, circumstances sometimes progressed to the point where evacuation was necessary. Wadsworth was evacuated from Uganda, as was Geer Wilcox (Dominican Republic, 1963-65) when the Dominican Civil War grew too dangerous.[11] Holmquist was present for the Nigerian Civil War, but because the fighting stayed distant she stayed in Nigeria. In her tapes, she spoke against the need to fight, comparing internal skirmishes to those of the European Medieval Era that only weakened the nation.[12] Finally, Debby Prigal (Ghana, 1981-83) experienced difficult conditions both before and after the coup. Ghana had had unpredictably stocked shops,[13] the world’s most over-valued currency,[14] and an incredibly unreliable postal system. After the coup took place, Prigal wrote home,
I am perfectly fine; there has been a coup. There is no reason to worry. Things are perfectly normal. Tell everyone I’m fine.
I will write but I’m not sure how the mail will be. At this point the borders are closed but when they open up I’ll try to get a letter through.
I had a nice vacation and school is supposed to start next Monday. Things are quiet here; there is a curfew but that is about all.
All’s well.[15]
Things returned to normal quickly and Prigal returned to work. On 26 July 1982, she wrote home, “Sister Mary told me that 9 out of 12 of my students passed their ‘A’ level math. The national average is 30%. Last year 7 out of 9 failed, so she is happy.”[16] Together, these experiences show that in these instances governments were changed due to native address of deep-rooted systemic flaws. Whether the Peace Corps perpetuated the problem, as was the case in Uganda, or was merely a symptom of much larger problems, such restructuring shows that host nations continued to develop themselves, even as foreign aid was accepted.

At once, nations self-identified as ‘developed’ offered aid to the developing world and the developing world also took great pains to develop itself. While these goals are fundamentally aligned, there are nuances in their implementation which caused tensions between the foreign aid and the desire for development by the governed. One tension resulted from an integral conservatism in foreign aid. Foreign aid is given by a government to a government. The prerequisite understanding of the aiding government is that the aided government will remain consistent and that aid will be given within such parameters. However, there were times when development aid was not enough for the native citizenry; to function as a collective, their government itself had to change to reflect the needs of the people. A second friction can be seen in the cultural development. While a PCV can work on projects determined through partnership of the two governments, they cannot develop the local culture, such as arts, fashion, and crafts. This development had to be done by the native people, seen here most prominently in the Ugandan desire to be rid of all expatriates. Such tensions are a part of any foreign aid endeavor and can to a greater or lesser extent determine the usefulness and impact of foreign aid to a partner nation. The examples here show that such aid is often coveted and necessary, yet only within the prerequisites of an independently functioning government and a vibrant local culture.

[8] Uganda being a developing country there is a definite need to create a “national” character. This is particularly difficult here with the number of tribes in this country. Ceclaring English as the national language was one attempt at this, but there is also a lot of pressure to change it to Kiswahili. Neither English nor Kiswahili is native to Uganda, but Luganda is too closely connected with the Baganda people. There is also being initiated a National Service which would require all educated personas to donate 2 years to the service of the country.

Also the Indians run most of the shops. Many of the Indians were born here. Some have British, or Indian, or Ugandan citizenship, but some have no citizenship. Well, beginning this month the government has been moving in, taking over the shops & turning them over to Ugandans, and deporting the Asians. My Asian students told me that they all had to be out of the country by next March. The Kenyans are being returned to Kenya between September & December. Peace Corps may be next on the list. AID is pulling out by December 1971, after which Tororo Girls School will have no more American contract teachers.

When people volunteer for the Peace Corps, they understand their role as a conduit of development and a representative of a developed nation. The often-overlooked factor is what they might learn from their host country. The four volunteers whose collections inform this article experienced regime changes in their host country, but what are more present are the changes within themselves. The collections show a process of: preliminary research about their host country, attempts to bring their old home to their new country, attempts to bring their host country to their old home, full and celebratory acceptance of the new culture, and finally they leave with a desire for greater understandings of global perspectives. Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) become global citizens through this process.

Preliminary research done by a PCV comes from materials published by the Peace Corps[1] and their host country.[2] The Peace Corps publications emphasized the variety of jobs performed by the PCVs along with the work ethic and values of the American people that would aid other nations.[3] Yet this was not the singular characteristic of the Peace Corps mission. A brochure of Debby Prigal’s (Ghana, 1981-83) emphasizes the mutualist nature of the Peace Corps experience, “Ghanaians are wide awake and have a lot to offer you for your personal development. Their only problem is that there is a shortage of manpower in vital areas of their economy. That’s where you fit in.”[4]

Peace Corps publications were useful in understanding the Peace Corps mission, but Gail Wadsworth (Uganda, 1970-72) also consulted Ugandan brochures and postcards to understand her host country better. These brochures advertise Uganda for foreign tourists and emphasize luxury hotels,[5] safari and the natural wonders of Uganda,[6] local coffee,[7] and crafts.[8] To prove Uganda’s appeal to Westerners, many brochures quote Winston Churchill’s My African Journey, 1908,

Uganda is a fairy-tale. You climb up a railway instead of a beanstalk and at the top there is a wonderful new world. The scenery is different, the vegetation is different, the climate is different and, most of all, the people are different from anything elsewhere to be seen in the whole range of Africa.[9]

All such curated representations did not fully represent what one would experience as a PCV.

In early months of service, PCVs tried to find ways to bridge the gap between American culture and the culture of their new home. Wadsworth wrote home unsure of her ability to relate to individuals whose experience was so far outside of her own. In one letter, she asked for help bringing American culture to Uganda:

I’ve asked mother, but perhaps you & the kids could also help. I would like pictures (magazine, etc.) of ANYTHING. When one girl told me that a beaver was a bird, I realized how crucial visual aids are going to be. How do you tell someone about the sea or steak when they’ve lived their entire life in a mud hut and eaten bananas 3 times a day? Also, I’ll teach units in advertising so any examples of that would be appreciated…Any with black people would be especially nice. Thanks![10]

This request shows both a readiness to make American cultural context readily available and accessible to the Ugandan students as well as a resistance to teaching the English language within the Ugandan cultural context. A month later, Wadsworth had begun to shed the notion that she needed to teach American culture along with English language. On 8 August 1970, she signs off a letter, “Take care; take a ride on the next Tilt-a-Wheel that comes round for me. (I couldn’t imagine describing that to a Ugandan!) Love, Gail.”[11]

Eventually, PCVs experienced a reversal of this phenomenon as they realized that the people at home no longer shared their point of view. Volunteers responded in different ways. Wadsworth wrote, “It is difficult to convey much if anything about a country in writing. If I had only stayed here for 3 weeks I could write reams, but after 3 years I shall probably be able to say almost nothing.”[12] Ann Hofer Holmquist (Nigeria, 1966-68) found a solution and began to send soundscapes home over reel-to-reel recordings so her family could hear her new home.[13] She supplemented these with photographs, though not many. Things like the Niger desert, she explained, had to be experienced rather than seen in a photograph.[14] Geer Wilcox (Dominican Republic, 1963-65) had a similar experience with political ideologies. Through his stay, he warmed to the idea of communism, something that would be difficult to explain to Americans back home and something he decided to explore further in his own travels to Cuba.[15]

This shift in perspective was a part of a larger phenomenon of integrating with the host culture. One of Wadsworth’s last letters included a beautiful and affirming description of coming-of-age ceremony that she had attended.[16][17] Prigal also grew to appreciate and embrace local culture. She wrote home, “One of my students’ mother, who is also my seamstress, was made Queen Mother of her hometown and they invited me. I had a great time. There was dancing, drumming…”[18] Holmquist made similarly open-minded observations towards the end of her service about the nature of honesty in different countries. Nigerian willingness to trust others and the consistency with which they lived up to that trust pleasantly surprised her.[19] She said that if she dropped money in the market, it was likely that someone would hand it back to her, rather than pocket it.[20] If one merchant could not make change for her, he allowed her to carry her groceries as she finished her shopping because he trusted her to come back with the right amount.[21] So, she figured, if they charged her twice as much because she did not know to bargain, that was fair, too.[22] These accounts show an appreciation for the other culture and the other ways of understanding that were different from American, yet just as legitimate and important.

The greatest development seen in these collections are the personal journeys as the PCVs underwent the process of becoming global citizens. Their day-to-day lives changed incrementally, but, by the end of their service, they learned the value of experiencing and internalizing another culture. By the end of Wilcox’s stay in the Dominican Republic, he had begun to question the role of American anti-communist propaganda and planned to travel to Cuba to learn more about its people and culture.[23] Holmquist showed, during a debate regarding the validity of warfare, an immense interest in foreign perspectives.[24] Like Wilcox, Prigal’s post-PCV plans involved travel; her closing remarks were, “Well, this is it! I’m leaving for London tomorrow…My plans are to see Julia and others and then travel, perhaps to Greece.”[25] This process of becoming more globally minded began with letting go of certain aspects of American culture and accepting the logics and customs of their hosts. Curiosity and the desire to continue to learn other cultures calcified this personal journey.

[17] This being an even numbered year, as I have told you before, the Bagishu tribe of the Mbale area are having circumcision of boys, and yesterday I went to a circumcision ceremony…For two nights before, the boys wouldn’t have slept, but would have been dancing and running. They, as well as anyone else, is smeared over face and arms with millet flour and yeast paste. The boys have strings of beads around the neck and under each armpit, fur headpieces, cowrie shell belts, and bells on their legs. At the very place we were waiting two boys were to be done although several others would be at about the same time at various points along the mountain.

A few minutes before we arrived the boys and a huge group of people had been there after running up. Then they went off racing down the mountain as they had to go to a certain stream at the bottom to be smeared with mud. There are such a lot of people that destroy crops in running down but they don’t mind. They are not allowed to slip and fall down and they don’t. as I said it took us over an hour of climbing – well they raced down and up again through the mud in a matter of minutes. While we were waiting the circumciser showed us the ‘very sharp’ knife. What surprised me particularly was that the circumcisers are nervous and somewhat afraid. I was standing next to the man just before and he was very tense. One who was going to do some boys down was polishing the knife on some leaves and then suddenly leapt up with a shout and went racing down the hill to find them.

Anyway, they came racing back up and people began crowding into the makeshift area but the man in charge told us to come in and stood us right in front. The first boy came in, planted his feet firmly on the ground and clasped a short pole over his shoulders. He then has to stand looking straight ahead without showing any pain. The circumciser then steps in quickly, pulls the skin forward and cuts. When he has cut completely, eh holds the knife in the air and everyone shouts and someone throws handfuls of malwa (thick, yeasty millet beer) over their heads. Immediately after the cutting, some powder is rubbed on to curb the blood dropping down. The second boy was then done. After some minutes they are allowed to take off the beads and sit down. That is actually the end although the boys will be nursed and fed very well. For the next week or so they wear a cloth which is shorter than the knees wrapped round rather than any type of trousers (obviously).