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Yanis Varoufakis at DiEM Session One, Volksbuhne. Arno-image. All rights reserved. I would like to start this review by
looking at Varoufakis’ writing style: his style is interesting. The
circumstances of Varoufakis’ life during the writing of this text were anything
but conducive to the reflective processes that aid good writing. But, unlike
many a scholar siloed within academic arcana, the stylistic treadmarks of 2015
are only noticeable in this book because Varoufakis writes so well.

Like all great story tellers, Varoufakis’
literary flare is not just a function of stylistic prowess. He gets right inside the fears, desires and
external constraints of the key players in the complex history of the Eurozone
so that we come to understand the human reasons why Europe now is where she is.
This ‘getting inside’ is a function of a sharp analytical mind combined with a
clear eyed commitment to the moral principles undergirding liberal democratic
politics and humane economic science. It is his combination of high humanist
values with carefully calibrated practical rationality that guides his story
telling and makes his style so clear and powerful. This is on fine display in
the hardest part of any book to write, its opening.

The preface is a pearl: a vivid account of
childhood in Greece under the fascist turmoil of the late 1960s. It is
polished, penetrating and powerful writing which moves the moral consciousness
of the reader. We see that his concerns arise from tragic contact with the deep
things of human experience that are universal and should be our concerns too. There
is an urgency underpinning this text requiring that the story he tells must be
told now. Three features give the book its solidity and importance: historical
breadth and clarity, analytical incisiveness, and – to borrow a phrase from
Ghandi – the moral power of its reasoning.

Telling
it like it was

This book
is far more than a re-statement of Varoufakis’ 2011 book, The Global Minotaur.

It fleshes out the narrative of the origins
of Europe’s present financial and political crisis, unpacked with a particular
eye on Europe’s present crisis. But the basic story line in The Global Minotaur – which also provides
the structure here – is a play in three acts.

Act One is set in the years 1944 to 1971.
When the present global economy was set up at Bretton Woods, the US was gripped
by a New Deal fear of international financial chaos but was not prepared to let
its dominance of the post-war globe slip in order to generate a truly self-balancing
global economy. This led to the US rejecting Keynes’ plan to construct a
genuinely international currency and a genuinely international set of surplus
and deficit rebalancing institutions. What the US did instead was a sort of
Keynesian-light internationalism that relied on US currency, US controlled
international institutions, and the massive US surplus economy to keep all the
post-war boats (outside of the Communist sphere) floating.

Finance was tightly under political control
during this era. By investing their own surplus into Germany and Japan in
particular, the US was able to re-build Europe and Asia and recreate them –
politically and economically – in something like its own image. On the whole,
things worked exceptionally well for what we now call the post-war boom (1949–
1971). But when the astronomical expense of the Cold War kicked in and the US
stopped running a surplus, the Bretton Woods system simply fell over, leaving
the globe in a mess.

Act Two is the years 1971 to 2008. Here the
US boldly re-configured the global economy so that – by releasing the
financialized profit desires of Wall Street from tight regulation – it was able
to maintain global dominance as a deficit economy. The Nixon Shock of 1971
produced the stagflation sickness of the 1970s which was then ‘cured’ in the
1980s by the staggering success of financialized and transnationalized corporatism.
But the architecture of the post-Nixon area was inherently unstable, inherently
disconnected from sustainable human and economic realities, and it all came
crashing down in 2008.

Act Three starts in 2008. Here, after acts
one and two have both ended in tears, the global economy is terminally wounded
and must either die or face radical reconstructive surgery. Now, despite the
various appearances of recovery, it is simply the case that the mechanisms and
institutions that used to keep the global economic order in some sort of
functional balance have all failed. We have only just started Act Three, but it
could end quickly, and violently.

It will require unusual collective
intelligence and fortitude to divert our path from disaster now. For today, the
ideologies and vested power interests driving the prevailing financialized
escape from economic and moral reality are now deeply entrenched in what
sociologists call our life-world. Neoliberalism and financialization have so
effectively defined political “realism” that our public discourse simply refuses
to recognize that we are hurtling towards a savage unravelling of the
prevailing global order if we just keep going as we are.

So, how does And the Weak Suffer as they Must? take up this narrative and tell
us things we did not know and need to know now?

The
edge of our seats

Reading And
the Weak Suffer as they Must? is like reading a gripping thriller. It is a
page turner because the plot itself is a relentless sequence of astonishing
twists and turns driven by the cunning ingenuity and hubristic folly of its key
protagonists.

Even if you know a lot about the Eurozone,
Varoufakis’ carefully researched account, with its vivid glimpses into the
motivations and outlooks of key players, and its expansive breadth in
appreciating the global dynamics pressuring localized decisions, is unerringly
startling. Yet it is no novel. Varoufakis’ book has something made-up stories
can only mimic; the texture of real history.

But here is the key thing that Varoufakis has
so carefully noticed. In the texture of real history, convenient illusions are
typically a great deal more influential in the circles of power and normality
than is truth. It is for this reason that, in real history, truth usually seems
stranger than fiction. And yet, Varoufakis also notices that the texture of
history is such that truth always has the last say, no matter how hard the
powers of illusion and convenience seek to keep the dream alive by helping us to
stay asleep.

Varoufakis’ insight into the relationship
between what normal mainstream people and the great and powerful want (even need) to believe, and what is actually
going on, is a key feature of the significance of this book. He weaves his
intricate and tense narrative fabric out of illusion and reality – the texture
of real history – by constantly shifting our gaze between three interconnected focal
lengths.

With the first, Varoufakis enables us to
see how the world looks through the myopia of the common man’s desire to
doggedly hope that our leaders know what they are doing while we just get on
with our lives. This myopia is savagely reinforced by the news media and integrated
with the myopia of European high power.

And that high power cannot see past the
end of its own nose, defined as it is by the bureaucratic echo-chamber of
self-perpetuating institutional power (read Max Weber and Michel Crozier) and
the autism of self-serving financial power.

This short-sighted focal length insight is
then overlaid with a 20 20 focal length perspective provided by Varoufakis’ forensic
knowledge of how Eurozone power actually functions. Here we get a nauseating sense
of how badly awry things are when very basic macro-economic realities are
simple banished from the ‘negotiating’ table laid out by the powers that be.

This perspective is in turn overlaid with a
telescopic focus, the far-sighted and sweeping historical panorama which shows
us why the Eurozone is what it is. This enables us to see – in the one account
– the disjunction between ‘normal’ financial and public affairs orthodoxies,
the ‘realism’ mandated by prevailing power interests, and what is actually
happening to Europeans.

Quantitative
easing

One passage that encapsulates Varoufakis’
sensitivity to the relationships between power, illusion and reality is his
description of Mario Draghi’s creatively adjusted application of Quantitative
Easing to the Eurozone, bar Greece, in 2015. (See pages 186–192.) Draghi’s
manoeuvres are here situated as part of a larger power struggle between the
European Central Bank (ECB) and the Bundesbank.

Firstly Varoufakis explains what Quantitative
Easing (QE) is. When things are going seriously financially wrong and no one
will borrow money, even when interest rates hit zero, then the troubled
nation’s central bank can buy debts from commercial banks in order to prevent
interest rates from going negative and producing the total implosion of the
banking sector. Japan did this in the 1990s and the US did it in the aftermath
of 2008. When performing QE, the central bank deposits money into accounts for
the floundering commercial banks in exchange for their debts. The central bank
‘finds’ the money for this act by simply making it up. These accounts “are just
digital numbers that the central bank conjures up and adds to the commercial
bank’s account, held at the central bank.” (p187) The purpose of QE is to
provide troubled commercial banks with the courage to lend money to real
investors so that the real economy can be stimulated by investor spending and by
the wage earner spending that results from investor fuelled employment. This is
what will return the economy to health and get the banks out of trouble (in
theory).

However, the ECB is governed by the
Maastricht Treaty and does not have the same overt powers as central banks like
the Fed in the US. The ECB must be a central bank within a stunning set of
limitations. So Mr Draghi as President of the ECB has to be very clever in the
manner in which he performs central bank manoeuvres that might genuinely
benefit the entire Eurozone. This challenge is devilishly hard in the first
place, but on top of that the politics between the ECB and the Bundersbank is
astonishingly thick with reprisals and power plays. So it can be no surprise that
Eurozone QE has gone horribly wrong. With breathtaking precision, Varoufakis
explains:

“QE works but,
even under the best possible circumstances, it works neither well nor in the
manner it is intended to. The reason is that, for QE’s virtuous wheel to start
spinning, a multiple coincidence of impossible beliefs must occur.” (p187)

What ends up happening – as in the US – is
that QE-supported nervous private banks do not lend money to real investors,
but to nervous big companies who buy back their own shares in the stock market
in order to increase their share price. So money conjured out of nothing is
used to inflate non-productive financialized share price bubbles. This,
unsurprisingly, has no real positive impact on the economy or on the banks. So
the Eurozone QE attempt did not work to improve real investment and it ended up
(accidentally) savagely devaluing German pension funds. (To find out how, see
page 190.) All this happened at the same time the Syriza – as a Euro-power side
show – was being crushed by the troika for the heresy of disbelieving that economy-killing
austerity was good for it.

This is just one small snap shot of
Varoufakis’ masterful account of Eurozone power games. Fascinatingly
illuminating pictures like this run through the entire book. But it is
Varoufakis’ ability to situate historical particularities within a larger
context of meaning, and to be sensitive to the way in which illusion, belief
and reality interact in real economies, real politics and (un)real high finance
games, as well as seeing what impact these games have on real people, that
makes this book so good.

A
call to action

But this book is not just illuminating. It
is a call to moral awakening and to intelligent, determined and humane
political action. The title comes from one of the founding classics of western
political writing: Thucydides’ History of
the Peloponnesian War. In this history Thucydides recounts an unprovoked
display of imperial dominance by the powerful Athenian navy over the people of
the Island of Melos in 416 BC. The Melians had carefully kept themselves
neutral in relation to the war between Athens and Sparta, but that was not good
enough for the Athenians. So the Athenians decided to align Melos with Athens
by force. The terms offered were allegiance, with a devastating tribute, or be
destroyed. The Melians protested that such a demand was unjust and in violation
of a proper fear of the gods. If Athens did this evil and brutally
self-interested thing it would surely come back on them in the end. The
Athenian delegation responded to Melos thus:

“Right, as the world goes, is only in question
between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer
what they must.” (Book 5, line 89.)

Strangely Thucydides is oft ‘credited’ with
putting forward a “political realist” account of power in his History, but it
is not what his History shows us. Thucydides – himself an Athenian – clearly
thinks that the Athenian empire was too cruel and too instrumental in their use
of weaker vassal states under their sphere of influence, and that such cruelty
undermined their power (he died before the final defeat of Athens at the end of
the Peloponnesian war). I would argue that he thinks it an objective feature of
history that matters of justice and respect for the rights of the weak cannot
be simply over-ridden because it is within the reach of the powerful to so do.

This notion that justice is not a matter of
what the powerful can extract by force, that there are moral realities built
into human history that cannot be overridden by violence is deeply ingrained in
classical Greek thinking. Simone Weil’s astonishing essay “The Iliad or poem of
force” brings this out keenly. Plato too, entirely rejects the “realist”
arguments of Thrasymachus in book one of The
Republic. Shakespeare’s historical plays also work around the theme that
power tries to avoid moral accountability, so that whilst the strong often do
as they will and the weak often suffer what they must, nevertheless unjust
power is inherently self-destructive.

Keen observers of the human condition such
as Thucydides, Plato and Shakespeare give us potent reason to think that what
we call “political realism” has no durability in holding human society together
– let alone in nurturing human flourishing – because it is, in the end,
unrealistic.

There is an unavoidable moral grain to all
human actions which is pragmatically ignored to the great peril of the
powerful. So it is not simply immoral for the powerful to do what they will at
the expense of the weak, it is also irrational, for history and simple clear
reasoning shows us that things only work well for the powerful if they are
grounded in the justice that facilitates the flourishing of the weak.

This also is Yanis Varoufakis’ guiding
moral conviction in his analysis of the politics and economics of contemporary
Europe. Varoufakis struggles with his Europe and it is a passionate struggle, characterised
by a courageous existentially ventured optimism. So called ‘realists’ often
dismiss Varoufakis as idealistic and unrealistic, but Varoufakis can see
disaster looming with very, very clear eyes. His astonishing hope is premised
on the belief that if he can help enough ordinary citizens of the world to see
that looming disaster too, then collective action from the grass roots up can
be taken to divert us from catastrophic destruction. In that sense he is on a
mission to ‘call us out’ to join the public assembly and take the future of our
polis out of the hands of our
misguided leaders and into our own.

Varoufakis wants us to make power and finance
accountable to real people and real communities lest we find ourselves in a
terrifying postmodern 1930s. He sounds a very important call. We should respond
to this call and make the liberal democratic idea that we say we believe in
work. If we do not make power accountable to the people ruled, if we do not
make power serve the good of the majority
of ordinary people, then it is our failure when our leaders carry us over the
cliff face of destruction.

The situation is urgent. We do not have
much time before the hubris and unreality of contemporary financialization and
geopolitical self-interest destroys the world as we know it. And the Weak Suffer what they Must? has
laid it all out before us in relation to the future of Europe, and of the
globe. But the key element in Varoufakis’s title is the question mark. Will we
believe that brute power with its self-destructive and system destroying
characteristics is simple how things are, or do we believe it is against our
humanity and against our intelligence to let the powerful do as they will?

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