THE DRAFT.—As yet the draft for this district has not been ordered, and it is not known at present when it will take place, but the public may be assured that due notice will be given. When ordered, it will take place at the headquarters of the Provost Marshal in this village. The draft is to be made publicly, and all may be assured that everything will be done fairly. That the Marshal has been faithful and impartial in the discharge of his duties must be admitted, and that all will share alike in the draft cannot be doubted. We cannot believe that there will be any disturbance here, when the draft takes place. Our citizens have too high a sense of duty to their country, and have too much respect for law and order to commit any rashness.
An order has been issued amending the clause directing that $300 could not be paid or a substitute procured by a man, after presenting himself to the board for exemption by reason of physical inability. A man may have an examination, and if held, may then pay or get a substitute.
Publishers will be allowed every facility for procuring the names of all who are drafted, for publication.—[Dunkirk Union.

THE DRAFT.—The circular from Provost Marshal Palmer, announcing the time for commencing the draft in this District, appears in our paper to-day. Few documents have been published, we presume, of more general interest to our population. The preliminaries of the conscription have undoubtedly been conducted with the greatest fairness and when the decree of fate is announced every good citizen and patriot will accept with cheerful acquiescense, though his name may appear in the list of those called by the urgent necessities of the Government to take the field. The quota required from the town of Pomfret, including the 50 per cent added for exemptions, is 105, or 29 per cent of the number comprised in the first class. The list of those who draw prizes will probably be given to the public through the local papers
The number of men enrolled in this District, in the first class, liable to draft, is 9,363 and the number to be drawn is 2,623. In this County there are 5,234 names enrolled and 1,469 to be drawn, and in the County of Cattaraugus 4,130 enrolled, 1,154 to be drawn.
The following are the numbers of men in the first class in the several towns of the county, liable to draft, according to the enrollment.
Arkwright, 107 Hanover, 372
Busti, 183 Harmony, 331
Carroll, 136 Kiantone, 51
Charlotte, 139 Mina, 102
Chautauqua, 240 Poland, 117
Cherry Creek, 103 Pomfret, 362
Clymer, 125 Portland, 168
Dunkirk, 565 Ripley, 150
Ellery, 190 Sheridan, 147
Ellicott, 443 Sherman, 125
Ellington, 166 Stockton, 167
French Creek, 73 Villenova, 137
Gerry, 135 Westfield, 399
It is supposed that 25 or 30 men in a hundred will be drafted.

THE ENROLLED FIRST CLASS IN THE COUNTY.—The Westfield Republican and Mayville Sentinel give the following table of the number enrolled in the first class of persons liable to military duty (from 20 to 35 years of age,) in the county. The precise number apportioned for the draft on Chautauqua, is not known, but it will probably vary but little from 1350, which is about one out of four in the list, but at least every third, if not every second person fully liable. The time of the draft in the county has not been announced;
Arkwright, 107
Busti, 183
Carroll, 136
Charlotte, 139
Chautauqua, 240
Cherry Creek, 103
Clymer, 125
Dunkirk, 565
Ellery, 190
Ellicott, 443
Ellington, 166
French Creek, 73
Gerry, 135
Hanover, 372
Harmony, 331
Kiantone, 51
Mina, 102
Poland, 117
Pomfret, 362
Portland, 168
Ripley, 150
Sheridan, 147
Sherman, 125
Stockton, 167
Villenova, 137
Westfield, 399
5,233

The Dunkirk Union.
WEDNESDAY AUG. 12, 1863.
THE DRAFT.
As will be seen by the order which we publish herewith, the draft for this district is to take place at the Headquarters of the Board of Enrollment, in the village of Dunkirk, commencing on Monday next, the 17th inst. This order has been expected for some time, and now that it has been made, will relieve all anxiety about the matter. In Buffalo the draft has been progressing very quietly for a week past, and we have no doubt but when it occurs here, the strictest order will be preserved. As will be seen, certain towns as they occur in order, are to be drafted from each day, until the whole are completed. The towns of Dunkirk and Pomfret comprise the first and second sub-districts, and will be drafted on Monday.
No one can complain but what due notice has been given, and all interested are invited to attend. That the enrollment has been fairly made, and that all stand an equal chance to get or lose a prize, we cannot doubt. The conscription is not going to fall so heavily upon community as might be imagined at first. Very wisely, the framers of the law placed a fixed price upon the value of a man to the government, and that price is within the reach of nearly every man liable to military duty. True, $300 is something, but if the price of commutation had not been fixed, substitutes would have been beyond the reach of all but the most wealthy class.
The number of men enrolled in this District, in the first class, liable to draft
is 9,363; and the number to be drawn is 2,623. In this county there are 5,234
names enrolled, and 1,469 to be drawn; and in the county of Cattaraugus 4,130 enrolled, 1,154 to be drawn.
It will be seen that a whole week will be consumed in making the drawing. On Monday, the quota for the towns of Dunkirk and Pomfret will be drawn; on Tuesday, that for Sheridan, Hanover, Portland, Westfield, Ripley, Chautauqua and Stockton; on Wednesday, that for Arkwright, Villenova, Cherry Creek, Charlotte, Ellery, Gerry, Ellington, Poland, Ellicott, Harmony and and Sherman; Thursday, that for Mina, French Creek, Clymer, Busti, Kiantone, Carroll, Perrysburgh, Dayton, Persia, Otto, East Otto, Ashford, Yorkshire, Freedom and Farmersville; on Friday, that for Machias, Lyndon, Franklinville, Ellicottville, Mansfield, New Albion, Leon, Conewango, Napoli, Little Valley, Great Valley, Humphrey, Ischua and Hinsdale; on Saturday, that for Portville, Olean, Allegany, Carrolton, Salamanca, Cold Spring, Randolph and South Valley.
From this programme, it will be seen that there will be no use of a general rush to this point in order to be here when the draft take place. If any one wants to be here when their name is called, it will only be necessary to be on hand upon the day specified for the drawing of the town in which they reside.
The following is the number of men in the first class in the several towns of this county, liable to draft, according to the enrollment:
Arkwright 107 Hanover 372
Busti 188 Harmony 331
Carroll 136 Kiantone 21
Charlotte 139 Mina 102
Chautauqua 240 Poland 117
Cherry Creek 103 Pomfret 362
Clymer 125 Portland 168
Dunkirk 565 Ripley 150
Ellery 190 Sheridan 147
Ellicott 443 Sherman 125
Ellington 166 Stockton 167
French Creek 73 Villenova 137
Gerry 135 Westfield 399
The following is the number in Cattaraugus County:
Perrysburg, 154
Dayton, 100
Persia, 160
Otto, 127
East Otto, 152
Ashford, 182
Yorkshire, 147
Freedom, 131
Farmersville, 106
Machias, 106
Lynden, 84
Franklinville, 128
Ellicottville, 172
Mansfield, 105
New Albion, 190
Leon, 121
Connewango, 111
Napoli, 88
Little Valley, 104
Great Valley, 164
Humphrey, 91
Ischua, 102
Hinsdale, 148
Portville, 171
Olean, 274
Alleghany, 184
Carrolton, 91
Salamanca, 232
Cold Spring, 77
Randolph, 159
South Valley, 94

The draft for the 31st Dist., commenced at Dunkirk, at one o'clock P. M. on Monday. Patrick Mahon, a blind man, long a resident of Dunkirk, was appointed to draw the names from the Wheel. The towns of Dunkirk and Pomfret were drawn on Monday. Good order prevailed during the day. A military force is in attendance and Sheriff Kennedy has also a Police force in attendance; but no disposition was manifested to create any disturbance.

The Conscription in the Strong Republican County of Chautauqua.
(Correspondence of the N. Y. Express,)
The Republican majority in this city has been about 4,000. The conscription has been upon us,—and the return will be about,—
CONSCRIPTS 50
SUBSTITUTES (perhaps) 400
The Republicans "pay," or skedaddle, or substitute. None of them go, that can possibly help it.
From Dunkirk, not a white conscript will go. Three negroes were drafted there; one claimed to be a British subject and was let off; the two others tried hard to get off, but could not.

The progress of fraud in Massachusetts receives another illustration in the following from the Springfield Republican:
I hear that some dissatisfaction exists in one of the districts of this State, relative to some alleged interference with the decisions of its board of enrollment, by the State authorities. I am told that several persons who had been refused exemption, have obtained certificates from surgeon general Dale, that they were unfit for service, and with them have proceeded to Washington and obtained a revision of the proceedings. In one case the governor has aided the surgeon general in attempting to get a revision. The board take the ground, first, that the State authorities are interfering with what is none of their concern; and second, that their facilities for reaching the truth as to the claims of conscripts to exemption are as good or better than any which exist at the State House. As the general expression is that the exemptions have been too many, rather than too few, probably the public sympathy will go with the national officers.
The Harrisburg Union tells the following:
As one of the drafted men came out of the Marshal's office day before yesterday, just three hundred dollars shorter than when he went in, he cast his glance around upon the lugubrious faces of the expectant throng standing in the hall, whose hour had not yet come, and soothed his kindred spirits thus: "Boys, three years ago I was a gay Vide Avake, and wore a glazed cap at my own expense; but the coal oil was said to be free. They are now settling that coal oil account; I've paid mine and here's the receipt in full." Saying which, he flourished his commutation receipts. The little incident got some of the listeners to thinking, and their thoughts probably traced a strong connection between their actions three years ago and their unenviable predicament. This is a world of compensation. We pay for all we get—even for a gill of coal oil in a Wide Awake procession.—Payment may be delayed for a year or two, but it is sure to come. The old proverb is yet true, that "the gods sell goods at their own fair price"—including coal oil, of course, and many a man now stands, as did our friend mentioned above, thinking of torchlights and soliloquizing to himself that "thus the whirligig of Time brings on his revenges."

Washington Correspondence.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 10, 1863.
FRIEND FLETCHER: There are times in the history of a people, like in the experiences of individuals, when glad tidings so overwhelm the heart, that an expression of gratitude, in words, becomes an impossibility. Such to-day is the feeling of the people of the loyal states. But a short week ago doubt, uncertainty and fear, filled the minds of the loyal of the land. Past misfortunes and reverses weakened our faith. Dark clouds obscured our hopes, and general feeling of despondency rested upon the country. But to-day all doubts, ah uncertainties, all fears, have vanished before the successes of our arms East and West, and suddenly we find ourselves surfeiting in victories. Wherever we turn our eyes, dark clouds are breaking away, and bright stars are peering forth to gladden our hearts, strengthen our faith, and rekindle our hopes. The defeat of Lee, at Gettysburg, the surrender of Vicksburg, and the flight of BRAGG before Rosecrans, are events, each in themselves great enough to give us encouragement and hope.
It would be impossible for me to give you a description of the excitement that has been ours for the past few days. The glad intelligence of the defeat of LEE reached here on the 4th July, and a new impulse was given to the Celebration. The news of the surrender of Vicksburg was received on Tuesday, and never before has it been my lot to witness such an outburst of joy. In Departments, at hotels, on the streets, every where the news was received, cheers upon cheers were given. Flags were hoisted, patriotic songs were sung, and cannons were fired. In the evening a large crowd met at the President's, with a band of music, and serenaded the good Abraham,—afterwards the Secretary of War, Gen. HALLECK, and others. They were all in good glee, and made patriotic speeches. Indeed, there was a smile on every face. Copperheads excepted,—and oh, how long and doleful were their faces—and a new life seemed infused in the body of individual and nation.
If there was ever occasion to rejoice since the breaking out of this rebellion, that occasion is now upon us. What do we find in the events that have transpired within a few days, and that are still going on about us, to make us rejoice? Gen. LEE left the banks of the Rappahannock with the avowed purpose of invading the North, sacking cities, and ultimately possessing Baltimore and Washington. His raid into Pennsylvania gave him encouragement. His soldiers were flushed with victory, and animated with the spirit of booty and destruction. But he was suddenly stopped, a great battle ensued, lasting three days at the end of which he is totally repulsed and routed, and now he is straining every resource to get safely back into Virginia with his defeated, demoralized and decimated army—What will be the final result of his audacity our armies and discomfit the foe, and now we willingly ascribe to him the praise. He has given unanimity and wisdom and prudence to the councils of our generals, valor and bravery to our troops and crowned their efforts east and west with glorious victories. And our trust should still be in him for the future.—More battles are to be fought, more victories must be won, ere this atrocious conspiracy against God and man is overwhelmed. A great advance to this has been made; Loyalty and patriotism, under God will dethrone the rebellion and sink it so deep into perdition it can never be raised. They will bring our country triumphantly through the present entirely cut off. Texas alone has frequently boasted that she could supply beef enough for the whole Confederate Stales. A great rebel army, in the aggregate, is west of the river,—they are shut off from receiving ammunition, artillery, clothing, and other appliances of war from the work-shops this side the river. They must disperse or surrender.
By the fall of Vicksburg GRANT'S great army is set free, and already it is operating to a great advantage at other important points. Those are a few of the benefits, to say nothing of the great military advantage we have gained, the immense amount of cotton that will flow into market, and the great number of negroes that will fall into our hands, to be used in the fortifications and in defending the Mississippi river. Indeed we can not yet conceive the great benefit this one event has secured for us.
The position of ROSECRANS is not yet definitely given, and of course the future operations of his army can not be outlined. But there is consolation in this, that he has always been successful, knows what he is doing, and moves always with a view to success.
Is there not, therefore, much in these successes to gladden our hearts? Every where the rebels are being defeated. Their Grand Army under Lee is now struggling for life, and before this reaches the eyes of the readers of the Democrat, God grant the rebel host may be utterly routed and destroyed. Good tidings are coming upon every breeze from the West,—the tramp of the Union armies is heard where never before it was heard, and Union banners are fluttering in the very heart of rebeldom. But our victories are not over the Rebels alone. How great is our triumph over the Copperheads of the North. Who can measure it! What means these long faces, this profound silence, this sickness of heart! Oh if there was ever a time when Copperheads should droop and die, now is the hour! Friend Fletcher if you know of a Copperhead in your County, watch him, and behold his agony.
While his sufferings will not excite your sympathy it will at least enlist your pity, for of all the doleful, conscience stricken and woe begotten beings on earth a copperhead in these times is the man. Conscience works won­ders, and a few more victories will drive the eleventh hour patriots into the ranks of devoted loyalty. Success ever to our brave defenders.

CHRISTIAN LOYALTY.
Part 2d.
Sermon delivered by Rev. S. W. ROE , at the Presbyterian
Church in this place July 12, 1863.
TEXT. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem: they shall prosyer [sic] that love thee: Peace be within thy walls and prosperity within thy palaces. PSALM, cxxii
6 and 7.
Our Jerusalem is our country: This is to us, all and even more than Jerusalem was to the Jew. To our country under God we are indebted for all that we are and all that we hope to be, viewing our natural and spiritual good from the humanitarian side. It is a country so noble, with institutions so felicitous to human progress, with a civilization so advanced, with a religious faith which originating in the bosom of Deity unites man with his Maker, and qualifies him for immortality, that it becomes literally and truly a grand and glorious Jerusalem to every citizen who would embrace the wonderful advantages here presented. No where, in no nation can the citizens material or religious good be so prompted as here. In no land can he rise so high, or acquire such a maturity of manhood, and such a developement [sic] of christian character. The very air he breathes is inspiring, the plains and mountains and scenery he gazes upon are all ennobling, and the religious privileges he enjoys are such as are calculated to raise his heart constantly Heavenward. Here his rights are respected, his property protected, and life and character deemed sacred. Here the poorest and most obscure born may triumph over circumstances, and rise to the highest social political and moral positions. No caste, no sect, no political barriers or lordly aristocracy hedge up the way, to perpetuate their own fortunes and exclude the unprivileged class which are doomed to remain perpetually the same. Here education holds rule. The uneducated are the exceptions. Here men think. They reason and judge upon all questions which concern them. Here every man is conscious of his individuality as constituting an important and integral portion of the republic. Other nations have a first, second and third estate. The third estate is the people. Here the third estate is the totality of the nation. First and last, the beginning middle and end is the people. The people are the nation, and every man can say in his individual capacity, I am the nation. He can say too, the nation is mine. He can say moreover I am the Government. Rulers are not his masters, but they are his ministers, his servants, whom he appoints to office and removes from office, and for the regulation of whose conduct he imposes the most stringent laws. Thought, free discussion and a free press here prevail, and every subject, and every question receives severe handling, by those whose interests or opinions are affected; and in the solid and enlightened judgment of the nation a broad middle ground is formed and held where defiance is bid alike to every extreme. Truth in the conflict is elicited, and established; error is detected and overturned; and no false principles in science, morals, religion or politics can obtain permanent ascendency [sic]. These are the great principles which render the American Jerusalem over whose portico blazes the Patriot's motto E pluribus unum so dear to every true and loyal heart, and which embalms the spirit of "Christian Loyalty" in every American heart. For the highest good of such a country the pure minded statesman legislates, for the honor and the safety of it, the patriot draws his sword and bear his breast for the perpetuity of it and God's blessing upon it, the true christian minister preaches and prays. As a christian minister my duty and privilege is to preach Jesus Christ the saviour of sinners, and urge them to trust in, and obey him. On this duty I have not the shadow of a doubt. My mind is as clear upon this as the bright shining of the mid-day sun. And just as clear is it to my mind that the present is a time for me to preach and pray for my country, and to hold up the doctrine of "christian loyalty" side by side with the cross of my divine Redeemer. I may be censured. I may be condemned. Ministers and politicians may denounce my course, and tell me that I have forsaken my calling. Be it so. Such men have had no more weight with me than the fly in the stable with the ox. As long as I have a voice I shall stand up for Christ, and as long as I stand up for Christ, I shall stand up for my country. And I shall so speak upon these themes that men will have no necesity [sic] to debate the question what my sentiments are, or where my position is. The trumpet will blow no uncertain sound. If I have any reputation it is that I speak my mind, and you may be assured that this character will be maintained. I ask no one to believe as I do unless he thinks it right, and if I am wrong I wish to be corrected. The minister who at the present time sees it his duty to preach Christ and does not see it his duty to preach loyalty and patriotism sees out of only one eye, or sees only just one-half of his duty. The church of which I have the honor to be a member has always been a loyal and patriotic church. It has stood by the country through all seasons. It preached and fought for the country through all the long years of the Revolution. When other denominations fled the country and left it to struggle unaided by their support, the Presbyterian church put all its treasures in the ship, determined to live or die with it. It was first, and has been the last, to express its unqualified support and devotion to the Government in the present struggle. Its language in peace and in war has always been pray for the peace of Jerusalem; not peace based upon submission to the British crown, or compromise with the Southern rebels, but peace based upon victory and triumph over unrighteous foes. Washington was barely inaugurated President when our General Assembly passed those undying resolutions which stand upon the page of history, to give to him and his administration, the heartiest support. And what it did the first year of our national existence, it has done again the last. It stands eternally opposed to secession, as to every other form of sin, and contends for freedom and political equality to every man. My subject this evening as already announced is
CHRISTIAN LOYALTY.
Christian Loyalty is love for the freedom which the nation has established. This freedom is not in contrariety to the fundamental law of the land, a freedom which the constitution tolerates but which it would rather suppress, but it is the life inspiring principle of that noble instrument which we call the Declaration of Independence. I have heard this termed a string of glittering generalities, meaning that these declarations beautiful and dazzling are etherial and Utopian without meaning or relevancy to humanity or our nation. Such an assertion may sound well in the ears and please the heart of some monied, brainless, soulless, abominable aristocrat, who is living upon the money a father's avarice or iniquity extorted from the poor and unfortunate or whose daily bread is earned by the bleeding hearts and lacerated backs of suffering slaves, but to the true patriot, and the lover of his country, the declaration of Independence, ranks in truthfulness and importance next to the inspired volume. It speaks forth the most noble truths, found only in the Bible and it breathes the feelings the sentiments and emotions of every human soul. Out of the inspired volume its sacred and solemn utterances can no where else be found. It is the grandest of all the inspired writings in the world and worthy to descend side by side with the Bible to the latest generation. We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. Stop there and tell me where in all the political history of the world outside of the Bible and the thirteen States at the head of the Meditreanean [sic], will you find such a testimony to human freedom, or so grand a formula for raising humanity to its highest state of perfection.
Those declarations are to my mind, the doubled distilled quintessence of freedom. They are a heaven born testimony to the highest noblest form of liberty. It is freedom, pure freedom, all freedom, as long and broad as the aegis of the constitution. It is the glorious canopy of liberty the palladium of freedom which stretches over every acre of land like the blue concave of heaven with its spangled orbs of suns and moons and stars. It may look down upon slavery, as the stars look down upon deeds of midnight outrage. But under it, slavery is the dismal rotten fungus, which sprouts from the corruption of the earth. Slavery did exist, its baleful presence was recognized, but everything in the nation protested against it. And yet it was suffered to exist. The very men whose souls loathed it the most, hesitated to cut it up. They left it as they found it, trusting to the principles of liberty, to the power of the gospel, to the moral sense of the nation, and the laws of population to expel it from the land. Those noble men and fathers of the nation expected a single generation would drive out this nabormal [sic] outrageous exception to the institutions of the land. But alas, availing itself of the toleration allowed it, it has beguiled a part of the nation to believe it a divine institution and now in defence of its prosperity and power, it has forced its votaries to strike every institution of freedom into the dust that Slavery may be universal and freedom exist only by toleration. Slavery has always been a blot upon our national escutcheon. It has been in the eyes of the world a glaring contradiction to our declarations, a singular inconsistency with our professed convictions and principles. And yet no less apparent or inconsistent did it seem to our forefathers. The author of the Declaration said when reflecting upon the American system of African Slavery, himself a slaveholder, "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is a God of justice." His voice is almost prophetic of present times. He and the fathers of the republic down to the last generation had but one idea, but one sentiment upon the enormity and the atrocity of the system; and they labored and prayed in public and private that this institution would be restricted, restrained and annulled [sic]. Any other idea even in southern society dates back only to the degenerated statement of the present generation. I need hardly stop to say to this audience, what Washington thought of the system. "There is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than myself, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of Slavery." (1786.) Even before this, in 1783, he said to Lafayette, "The scheme which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country in the state of bondage in which they are held is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. And still before this he had said that it was the most earnest wish of America to see a stop forever put to the wicked and unnatural trade in slaves. (1774) And Jefferson in his notes on slavery in Virginia has said some things more bitter against the institution, than has ever been said since. These are facts which all can learn from our histories. Concerning this hatred and opposition to slavery by the founders of the government we might if the occasion required, produce a vast amount of evidence. Jefferson so hated it, that the ordinance 1783 drawn by him passed by Congress and signed by Wasington [sic], forbid forever all slavery in the territories held by the government. Monroe said, "We have found that the evil of slavery has preyed upon the very vitals of the Union, and has been prejudicial to all the states in which it has continued to exist. The Great Apostle of Democracy and the distinguished standard of Orthodoxy to millions, Gen Jackson who to save his country arbitrarily arrested and defied the Habeas Corpus act, and all the people said Amen, and none feared our liberties would fall thereby; has said upon the, institution of Slavery. The tariff was only a pretext, and disunion and a Southern Confederacy, the real object. The next pretext would be the negro or slave question. John Randolph of Roanoke, the Philosopher of Virginia, said, "Sir, I envy neither the head or the heart of that man from the North who rises here to defend Slavery on principle. The great Kentucky Statesman said, "So long as God allows the vital current to flow through my veins, I will never, never, NEVER, by word or thought, by mind, or will, aid or consent to extending over a single rood of free soil, the everlasting curse of human bondage. Thomas H. Benton adopted this language as his own. Glen. Marion of South Carolina bore the most conclusive testimony as to the miserable effects produced upon the State, morally socially, politically and intellectually by slavery. He said that Society was divided into two classes, the rich and the poor. The poor were miserably poor. The rich live off of the labor of their slaves, and their money was spent in rioting and dissipation. Books and newspapers were unknown, and hence they knew nothing of the great blessings of the country and its noble institutions, or the dangers which threaten it and therefore care nothing about it. But still the question of slavery remained, the apple of discord between States and the cause of the most violent and acrimonious debates in Congress, a prolific subject for news paper discussion, a horrid sore in the body politic, an atrocious sin, and the source of untold misery. Good and great and gifted minds were deeply agitated upon the subject. Diversity of opinion prevailed as to the proper mode of treating it. Parties with extreme impracticable views arose. Meanwhile slavery became more clamorous, more exacting, and more dominant. It began to claim everything. It demanded the Union. It claimed not merely toleration but legislative sanction. It ceased to consider itself merely an institution of States in which it existed, but that it should become national, by being received under the care of the Constitution.
It was an anxious serious question how its removal could be effected. Every plan suggested labored under its difficulties. Colonization was a slow and partial relief. Instantaneous emancipation was hedged about with almost insuperable obstacles. Turn which way you would dangers and difficulties were met. The friends of freedom were struggling to inaugurate opinions and practices which would lead to peaceful and happy results, until the abettors and friends of the institution dreading the rise and spread of liberal principles, and seeing that freedom and liberty had become living realities and not glittering generalities plunged us into the catastrophy which now envelopes the country in fire and blood prefering [sic] to see the nation sacrificed to slavery, rather than the dominion of slavery yielding to humanity, to freedom and to righteousness, and now, these slaveholders in the South and their abettors here, say that those who have always been laboring for freedom and for lifting up humanity, from Washington down to the present hour, are responsible for the results. Well, be it so. It is glorious testimony to their fidelity and love of freedom. If we had all lain quietly in our beds, and allowed robbers to enter our premises and sack our dwellings and murder our households, and bid them God speed, of course there would have been peace. But if a refusal to tamely submit, a refusal to yield up the patrimony of our heritage, if this is to provoke war against a god forsaken slaveholding aristocracy who demand a glorious nation like this in which to raise and sell and work slaves, then let it be war. It is true, war might have been averted if the North had bowed down and licked the feet of the South and said to them, take all, take everything you desire, only let us be your slaves. But before this, let there be eternal war. But no, the South is responsible for the war. Failing by craft to gain their ends and establish a Southern Confederacy, they took arms against the country and commenced the assault. They determined to gain by force, what rascality failed to obtain. And I rejoice that to oppose them were found good and true men, who when these traitors were treading law and liberty and Constitution under foot; could so effectually resist them. And it is as certain that we are now in a war, for freedom as it was that in the revolution we were struggling for freedom. It is the greatest, grandest contest for freedom the world has ever seen. The contest is for free institutions, for the rights of man, for humanity and for God. I mourn over its sorrows. I grieve for the afflictions it brings to thousands of homes. Its money cost, is nothing. If it beggars us into a nation of day laborers, the result would be cheaply purchased. It will leave us a free nation. Our manhood will be glorious, and our fame immortal. We will be freemen and not slaves, aye, free men forever. Slavery at last has received its death blow, and this too at the hands of its friends. Our profession and condition are now harmonious. Slavery has ended different from any man's calculations. But God has done it and it is marvellous [sic] in our eyes. Slavery is abolished, it can never be reconstructed. Yes my Country is free, and I love her freedom. We stand an age in advance of any other nation. No caste influence can here oppress the poor, no oppressor can arrest the risings of talent and merit. No capital can purchase the bondage of labor, and no law fetter the liberty of man. It is the home of freedom. I rejoice in the thought, I have seen dark and anxious hours in the two years past. But hope and faith has never deserted my heart. I saw through the clouds a glorious future. And we are nearing it. Like the sailor approaching the shores of his home, I cry out, Land ho! Glorious tidings fly through the land. The lightning lends its wings, the voice shouts, the enemy flies. We have met them and they are ours. God has tried us, he has afflicted and humbled us, but now he makes bare his arm, and victory upon victory comes crowding upon us. Our firm democratic institutions shall stand. Freedom shall reign all through the land. The foe shall be conquered, and liberty shall triumph. And I say to you, I say to my friends, never, never yield this priceless inheritance of human liberty. Never sacrifice by any compromise the unrestricted universal freedom of your nation, never consent to any arrangement in which you may not look back upon your father's line and home, and still triumphant say, Jerusalem the mother of us all is free.
Christian Loyalty is love to the Constitution of the land. This is a word which quivers on every lip, and technically it is almost exclusively an American word. Europe talks of concessions and charters, and municipal franchises. England boasts of her Magna Charta, and Constitutional liberty. But yet the English empire has no constitution in the American sence [sic] of the word. The English Constitution is composed of concessions wrung from the crown by the people, laws and precedents, usages and customs, unwritten, uncompiled existing in court records and parliamentary laws and royal acts extending over hundreds of years. These are entirely shut out from the sight of the unlearned, and who are governed by them, and known only to the professional man. And for years the cry of Europe has been for Constitutions, and Constitutions are what tyrants hate. But America and America's freeman have a Constitution grand and glorious, read and known of all men, the grandest, wisest and completest uninspired document in the world. This Constitution is the expressed sovereign power of the people of the United States. Constitutions must eminate from the sovereign power, and it therefore commences thus: "We the people of the United States in order to form a more perfect union, &c., do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." It implies concessions and self restraint, personal concessions in return for mutual support.
There is indeed no freedom where there is no law. Savage freedom affords no protection, but constitutional and mutual restraints guarantee every man protection from the violence of every other man. Political liberty is tranquillity [sic] of mind arising from the consciousness each person has of his personal safety.—Such is the American Constitution. Made by the people themselves, made for themselves, forming and arranging the very terms and conditions on which they could or would live as such. It is not a charter, but a mutual constitution for mutual support and protection formed by a people in the exercise of their own sovereign and indisputable right which they have entered into solemn league and covenant to support to live by, to uphold, and to die by. And this constitution is administered by the people, or by their lawfully appointed representatives. The Government is vested in three equal and co-ordinate departments. The Legislative which creates laws, the Judicial which interprets them, and the Executive or President who executes them. And this constitution with all the rights and privileges and immunities, with all the freedom and liberty it guarntees [sic], devolves upon the people of the land to be supported.
Who will watch and guard them if the citizens do not? They owe it to themselves, they owe it to their noble sires who framed this instrument with a wisdom and sagacity but little removed from inspiration; they owe it to the generations which shall come after them here upon this continent, to uphold and perpetuate it unimpaired. If this Constitution fails, if this government goes down, if our institutions vanish away by the infidelity of the nation to its trust, by the rage of partizanship, where wholesome legislation will be the exception and bad government the system, if disloyalty, or a political demagogism, or corruption of manners, or want of virtue, intelligence or patriotism shall prevail, then the nation is gone. If once overthrown, this Constitution will never be restored; if these institutions are demolished, they will never be reared again. Liberty, freedom, and happi­ness, all depend, under God, in making the Constitution as it is, or changed in the manner therein prescribed, perpetual. And this Constitution I love. I loved it when a boy and then read and re-read it. Since then I have studied it for months together, and my admiration of it has always been increasing. I see its germs in the principles which my forefathers brought with them across the ocean. I see its infant birth in the Articles of Confederation drawn in 1777, when the thirteen provinces joined themselves together, and took the name of United States, uniting for defence, security and general welfare, and then adopting a glorious symbol of Stars and Stripes, to represent them in the world. I witness the imperfections and weakness of this confederation through the American, Revolution, and wonder if the nation will not yet fall asunder. But then I hear Virginia calling for a Convention, and in 1786-7, the states by representatives meet in council, to form a Constitution that shall bind them into an eternal Union, and make them a nation, one and inseperable, forever. The work was accomplished, yet not without difficulty. But the result was the creating of a nation out of nations, E Pluribus Unum,— a consolidated absolute government, of united people. The Confederacy was felt to be a curse. The nation was falling to pieces, and in its place the people formed a Union, where many might enter, but from which none could depart. Many doubted the success of the operation.—
Good men opposed it, but wiser men counselled [sic] its acceptance. On the 17th of September, 1787, Washington, as President of the Convention, which formed it, affixed his signature. That hour the United States were born, and from that hour a history, a progress, and a glory has been ours, unparalleled in all the world, and it would seem that none but devils would have wished, or dared to attempt to destroy so grand and so holy a thing.
Now christian loyalty is love to the constitution. I would transmit it as I have received it. To maintain it unbroken and supreme over the whole land, I would contend to the last. And when violent assault is made upon it, any amount of suffering (fearful as is civil war) to maintain the just order of a nation, is nothing to be compared to the higher and more awful results which must ensue upon its overthrow. The preservation of the constitution in its authority over the whole nation is cheap at any cost. I say therefore never give up this contest for the constitution. Compel this accursed rebellion to submit to its authority or if we perish let us perish nobly maintaining the glorious emblem of liberty, constitutional laws and order. Let us wake up, let us feel in this matter, let us be terribly in earnest in this thing, forgetting party, forgetting business and interest and friends if need be, until there shall not be found a traitor in arms, nor a skulkling copperhead from ocean to ocean and from the lakes to the gulf. But again, christian loyalty is love to the government as well as love to the constitution. Our constitution is the charter of our government the fixed and final guide for its perpetual regulation and control. In a certain and important sense the government is subordinate to the constitution: The government must submit to the constitution; be ruled by it, defend it, protect it, fight for it and at all expense pre­serve it and, uphold it by any and every means. It must insist upon uncompromising obedience and punish the offender with a condign sever­ity. Months ago, it was asked, have we a government? but the question is no longer ne­cessary. Thank God we have a government. Patriots take courage, and traitors are feeling its terrible lashings. I take courage each day as I see more and more the strength and vigor of the government. Our laws are intelligible, and our President during the term of his service, is absolute. He is the people's choice. The people nominated him and elected him, and no president of late times has represented a larger proportion of legal voters; He has been chosen by the people to rule them for four years. The administration of the government has been wholly intrusted [sic] to his hands with constitutional advisers, but no constitutional superior, yet responsible to the people for abuse of the powers and responsibilities intrusted [sic] to him. He has taken the oath of office, swearing to uphold the constitution, maintain the authority and supremacy of the laws and transmit to his successor the government intrusted [sic] to him, unimpaired. The government without the constitution is dead. It is a splendid scheme, a noble form, a magnificent conception, but there is no potentiality in the government until life is infused in it by the almighty people, by saying in the majesty of their right, Abraham Lincoln, be then president for these four years. Then the imagined body becomes a living soul. Then the government rises into being in the administration, and you cannot torture them into a separation without destroying each. The constitution is really no more without an administration, than an administration would be without a constitution. For one, my loyalty to the government, in which I find the glory of my country, is my loyalty to the administration of the government in its personal representatives of the people's will. My loyalty to the constitution compels me to be loyal to an administration. For me to be disloyal to an administration would be, to be disloyal to the constitution of the land in which I glory, and to the citizenship in which I rejoice. I will agree with any man that this does not necessitate my complete satisfaction in opinion or concurrence in sentiment with all the doings of an administration. I certainly did not agree with all deeds of James Buchanan's administration, and yet I claim the same loyalty for that as for the present. Nor does my loyalty compel me to agree in sentiment with all the actings of the present administration. My conscience and my judgment are in the keeping of no man and no president. But I certainly see no cause for condemnation for those acts concerning which such violent vituperation has been poured upon the head of our government. I wish the President was the embodiment of the iron will and terrible sternness of old Hickory and that every sympathizer [sic] with treason North and South had been made to hear the words addressed to him that were addressed to J. C. Calhoun and to South Carolina; and to feel the weight of that arm he reached out over them, when he said By the Eternal! This Union must and shall be preserved. If Lincoln has stretched the powers of the constitution to preserve the nation, I know that Jackson would in such a time as this have stretched them a thousand times more if necessary. The unuterable interests at stake would have justified him in doing it, and I know he would have done nothing undemocratic. In his estimation particular times made arbitrary arrests, imprisonments and suspension of the Habeas Corpus, democratic and constitutional and every patriot says amen. I have sometimes wished for Jackson who was ever ready to take the responsibility to stand at the helm. Perhaps I have been wrong. Perhaps the gentleness, the mercy, the forbearance and the toleration that our President has manifested to the rebels and their abettors has been by far the wiser course. And yet this generosity, this forbearance, and this integrity is pointed at as evidence of weakness and imbicility. But while a man disagrees in judgment with the policy followed, why should he make war upon administration? If it is weak, will this aid and strengthen it? The true patriot if he thinks the government is weak, will rally around it, to support it and sustain it. What will you call a man, who believes the administration too weak, too imbecile, to grapple with the present rebellion successfully, and yet not only does not try to strengthen it, but actually is engaged in making it weaker: Such an hostility to the administration, seems to me to be only a convenient name for hostility to the government itself. The great question, and the only question for the patriot now to consider is, how can I do anything towards helping the administration of the country, crush the rebellion and put down every enemy? A nation's overthrow is cooly [sic] planned by the wickedness and ambition of a few men, who had nothing to lose but everything to gain. They roused up millions to accomplish their principles and hurled them upon us in an unsuspecting hour. Having stolen our money, our ships, our arms and our property, and bound us hand and foot as they supposed, they savagely made the onslaught. But the nation must protect and defend itself at whatever cost. And here we stand. The rebellion must be put down. The government must stand, and this administration, not my administration, but the administration of the country must be upheld by the country. Men and money and time must be given, or far greater evils must inevitably ensue. And the administration is to subdue or destroy; subdue the enemies of the nation if it can; destroy them if it must; as the Father should subdue or destroy the robber or the murderer who invaded his household, that the chief magistrate now as in former day, may be justly called the savior of his country.
The crisis has been wonderful. What a gigantic rebellion, and what obstacles to overcome and difficulties to remove! And yet there has been a progress made which astonishes and bewilders the world. What fleets of wood and iron have been built, what fortifications reared, what arms manufactured, what armies have been raised, what battles fought and victories won! What a magnificent spectacle our government to-day presents—its stability, yet magnanimous to its bitterest foes—supported by hundreds of thousands of
men in whose hearts the deepest, purest patriotism dwells. It has endured insult, defiance, unfaithfulness in its officials, absolute disobedience to superior authority, and the most undisguised partiality for the welfare of its enemies. Surely the last charge that justice will make against the present administration, is arbitrary violence or undue severity. Its mercy and forbearance will only render the rebellion and its abettors the more odious. My greatest charge against the administration has been its leniency. its hesitancy to punish treason, or to ostracise [sic] its abettors. Justice, humanity, and the rights of men demand that those who have brought war upon this peaceful, happy nation, interrupted its trade and commerce, destroyed its property, damaged its business, disturbed society and slaughtered its citizens, should receive the most unexampled vengeance. And if in an earnest, honest effort to suppress this horrid, infamous rebellion, a few two-penny newspapers have been suspended, and a few ranting demagogues have been arbitrarily arrested and imprisoned for a time, it seems to me, that that man must be a very indifferent lover of his country to raise a hue and cry over that; and material for party capital must be scant indeed, when in all places and upon all occasions, even when the country
is surging with rejoicings, and on fire with the blaze of victories over rebels, party men are raving over arbitrary arrests, ringing the changes on that euphonious word, 'Vallandigham,' but can not find one word to express abhorrence for treason, love for country, sympathy with the effort to save the nation, or joy for such glorious victories I will not call such men traitors, but I surely should not call them patriots. With such, party is first, Vallandigham second, and country third. For a man to call them patriots, would be to make himself a fool. My loyalty to my country is love for its government. It has a government. I have perfect confidence in its ability and in its ultimate success, to put, down this rebellion, and I have not the least fears for the liberties of the land from any thing yet done. Only the most strenuous conservatism has yet been exhibited. The man who could say, "If I could restore the Union without freeing a single slave, I would do it; if I could restore the Union by freeing every slave, I would do it,'' is a man if any thing too conservative for the times. And the man who could receive and dismiss the Albany and the Ohio delegations in the manner he did, has something of the stamina of Old Hickory.—My regard for the present administration advances with its own career. Its growth is in all the attributes which must attract the love and confidence of every patriot. It has dared to do what it thought right. It has dared to stand on the side of God. It has dared to acknowledge Him, to invoke His aid, and acknowledge His presence and blessing. It has dared to regard the oppressed, and to proclaim universal Liberty throughout the land, and to let the oppressed go free. The Christian people of this land can not fail to honor and sustain such an administration. I look over the scene spread out before me. I behold a glorious government, tossed like a noble ship upon the billows of violence and fury, reeling, but facing the tempest. I see an administration distinguished by moderation and honesty,—a pilot nerved and unresting at the helm, determined to bring the ship of state into a haven of peace. I see his lofty head above the anxious multitude around him, tranquil and determined, not fast enough, not stern enough, not avenging enough, I am ready to say. But what man says, or dares to say not honest enough, patriotic or conscientious enough, or not enough trying and determined to do right? I see him, his locks tossed by the tempest around, with uplifted eye and with a voice which all can hear, shouting, lock aloft! look aloft! I survey this noble scene, and I say to my heart, before I can be disloyal to such a government, to such an administration, let the thunderbolts of Heaven dash into pieces my soul and body. To my nation, my country, to the principle of Freedom, to the Constitution and the Government, while I live, I will be faithful, so help me God. My friends and fellow-citizens shall never have it to say of me, dead or alive, he was accused or suspected of disloyalty. They may say if they will, I was a lunatic, or a fool, or a red tape man or an ignoramus. I care not; but no man shall insult me by questioning my loyalty, or mortify my children by telling them, your father was accused of disloyalty and of opposition to the authorities of the land in their efforts to suppress the Great Rebellion. That, to my mind is an infamy next to what rests upon the name and character of Benedict Arnold, or Judas Iscariot. And I know that millions feel as I do upon the subject of Christian Loyalty. I read and fact in the rush to arms to uphold the Government and assist the Administration, and in the unwavering support which the Administration receives from noble men of every rank and class and party. I read it in the blazing patriotism which dwells in the bosom of our citizens; in the devotion to duty, in the endurance of toil and hardship of our soldiers, and in the deep and absorbing interest which the millions feel for the success of our arms and the overturning of the rebellion. And such loyalty, such patriotism, such devotion under the blessing of God cannot be in vain. Success has been largely held back from us until of late. But now victory follows victory. Our invincible legions have met and conquered the foe. The embattled towns and formidable fortifications and the battle fields are ours. Prisoners, cannon, flags and stores, trophies of war beyond measure are in our hands. The vital point in the Confederacy has surrendered. The rand Army of the Confederacy is flying in confusion. Tabulation and agony make the skeleton bones of the Confederacy shake and clatter with affright. Even its sham glory has departed, and its weakness and rottenness are apparent. God is discovering to them their shame and their nakedness. The elements and the streams are fighting against them, and precipitating their destruction and soon may Port Hudson and Richmond, Charleston and mobile be in the possession of our forces. Without removing a single leaf from the green and nobly earned laurels of our Generals and our armies we give to God the glory. We thank him for these victories. We have prayed for his help.—We have importuned him to go forth with struggle, preserve our noble institutions and establish freedom upon an immutable basis.— They will bring peace and prosperity again to our country, and start it forward upon a career of undying greatness. The clouds which now lower upon us, the storms which now toss our noble ship will soon all have passed and there will open before a free and noble people a fu­ture of illimitable extent and unparalleled greatness. Well may Europe and crowned heads contemplate us with fear, for the half has not been told them.

JUBILATION IN JAMESTOWN OVER THE LATE VICTORIES.
The news of the fall of Vicksburg came to hand by telegraph on Tuesday last about 4 P. M. just on the heels of the announcement of the victories at Gettysburg, and threw the place into the wildest excitement. The guns, great and small, were brought out and set a-booming! the bells, little and big, were rung; bunting was displayed; fire-crackers and other pyrotechnicts [sic] were set off; and the "ge-lorious Fourth" was acted over again, "and more too." At dusk the stores and places of business were closed and a call for a meeting of exultation at Jones' Hall circulated. In the evening a partial illumination took place. The stores of DeFOREST WELD, COMSTOCK, BOTSFORD & C.
B. Pinner, and Odd Fellow's Hall were fully illuminated and some others partially so. The large show windows of Welp's store illuminated by gas jets from above and curtained with the Stars and Stripes on which shone the legend "GRANT," in one window and "MEADE" in the other together with the entire front presented a brilliant appearance. The front of Messrs.
COMSTOCK, BOTSFORD & Co's was no less brilliant. In the windows of PINNER'S store were the words "Gettysburg," and "Vicksburg."
A cannon was hoisted to the roof of the _ones' Block and belched forth thunderous invitation to the jollification. The evening was rainy but the hall was filled on an hour's notice. Col. A. P. ALLEN was called to preside. Hon. R. P. MARVIN opened with a fervid, nervous, glowing speech, and before he was through the names of patriotic exultation were beyond control. Men went there chock full of glory, and before the meeting closed the most extraordinary scenes ever enacted in Jamestown took place. We cannot undertake a synopsis of the speeches; we "had the power" with the rest of crowd and took no notes. It was with Judge Marvin's speech as it was with all the others--the audience would listen until they got such a head of steam on that they could hold no longer, and then at some reference of the speaker they would go off like a lot of beer bottles—pop. And if the speaker didn't furnish the pretext the crowd would find one; some fellow, running over with glory, would interrupt to shout out "three cheers for Meade," or Grant, or Sickles, or any other man; they didn't care. They would shout for anybody that was in the field. Probably the excitement reached its culminating point at an eloquent reference to the ''Excelsior Brigade," Gen. Sickles and the Chautauqua boys with him, by the speaker. The most intense excitement existed and was evidenced by extra ordinary performances of all kinds. The _it flashed through the audience like an electric shock, and the crowd, with a thundering shout, sprang to its feet as one man; men jumped on their seats, shouted, jumped up and down, stamped, screamed, laughed, cried, shook hands with their neighbors, and played such fantastic tricks before high heaven, that one would think them all drunk or crazy. The room was a wild, swaying, heaving mass of excited, joy-becrazed humanity; arms gesticulating wildly, hats, caps, handkerchiefs, umbrellas, canes, &c., thrown towards the ceiling, filled the air. Old, staid, dignified, gray men were the most prominent actors in this strange scene. After awhile the joyous tumult subsided only to break out again afresh once in every five or ten minutes during the whole evening.
Judge Marvin closed his speech by asking the audience to rise and pledge each other with clasped hands never to give up this contest until the Union was restored. The audience arose. At this moment, Mr. Benjamin Runyan, an old, gray-headed patriot of the war of 1812, sprung with all the fire of youth on the platform and advancing took the speaker by the hand and pledged him there his fidelity to the Union. The effect was as exciting as magnetism. The whirlwind of excitement was renewed. And so the thing went on. Hon. M. Burnell, Rev. S. W. Roe and Theo. Brown, Esq., succeeded in capital speeches, and about midnight the proceedings closed with an eloquent classic and glorious speech by Rev. Mr. Kingsbury, and a tornado of cheers for "Our Boys in the Field."
Jamestown never saw such a scene before, but we hope she may see more of
them! When Richmond falls, when the war closes honorably, when our boys come home—then look out for music. "May we be there to see."

THE 24TH MAINE REGIMENT.—This regiment, which now numbers about 600 men, arrived last evening at seven o'clock from Port Hudson, en route for Augusta, Maine. As they had been most hospitably entertained at Dunkirk, they did not stand in immediate need of the bountiful repast prepared for them by our citizens, who, therefore, in lieu of filling their stomachs crammed their haversacks with all sorts of good things, and sent them on their way rejoicing.
The regiment left Augusta on the 12th of January, 900 strong, and arrived at New Orleans on the 21st of May. Its loss in officers has been two Surgeons and two Lieutenants. The number of sick brought here was twenty, four of whom were so ill that it was deemed best to send them to the General Hospital.
The following is a list of the Field and Staff officers
Colonel—G. M. Atwood.
Lieut-Colonel—Eben Hutchinson.
Major—Wm. Holbrook.
Surgeon—R. L. Harlow.
Adjutant—C. C. Hines.
Quartermaster—O. A. Fillebrown.

DEATH OF LT. ROBT. HALL.—It is with feelings of pain we record the death of another victim of Slaveholder's Rebellion. Lt. ROBERT HALL was a nephew of JOHN A.HALL, Esq., of Busti, and has for some years past made his home at his uncle's, Hon. C. HALL of Warren, Pa. He enlisted in the beginning of the war in the "Raftman's Guards" under Col. Roy STONE, late acting Brig, General, and afterwards served under the gallant Col. MCNEIL, his company D. being attached to the 1st Pa. Rifles, Reserve Corps, popularly called the "Bucktails." The "Guards" won their first laurels in the fight at Drainesville, and having proved themselves reliable were ever afterwards kept in the front, and as it were led the forlorn hope in succeeding battles.
ROBERT participated in the disasters of the Peninsular campaign under McClellan, and with his cousins RIBERO and MONROE HALL, sons of ORRIS HALL, Esq., of Warren, and in the same company, were taken prisoners and conveyed to Richmond. After a brief captivity they were exchanged and returned to their Regiment. They were all in the bloody fight at Antietem, where MONROE lost his life. ROBT. was in the attack upon Fredericksburg under BURNSIDE, and his Division led the attack upon the rebel intrenchments [sic], took a portion of them, and about 600 rebel prisoners, all that were taken by us in that disastrous fight, but the attack not having been supported, as Burnside ordered and as it ought to have been, they were obliged to retire. Robert was also in the late battle at Chancellorsville, after which he procured a ten day leave, the first he had been allowed during the war. He was at Warren and Busti the first week in June, and we had the pleasure of a moment's interview with him. Lively, full of glee, and possessing a rare fund of humor, he was the delight of his friends during his brief visit, and yet he had a strange presentiment notwithstanding he had thus far escaped the darts of death which had fallen thick and fast around him, that he would never live through another battle. He settled up his business and made arrangements while here for the disposition of his property, firm in the belief that his summons to the eternal world was at hand and ready like a brave soldier to meet it. In the 3d day's fight at Gettysburg, he was shot through the head and died instantly. 1st Lt. RIBERO HALL is missing, probably a prisoner.
Thus has perished another brave heart, a victim to this most causeless and wicked rebellion, whose blood cries aloud for vengeance, and calls upon those who shall live to settle our national difficulties to terminate them upon the everlasting principle of Justice and Humanity so that the precious blood so freely shed in the cause of Liberty shall not be poured out in vain.

The Democrat says that there has been a secret organization, with its oaths, signs and passwords, instituted in almost every town in the north, our own (Jamestown) among the number. Its object: a forcible resistance to the draft." The Journal insinuates that the Democrat man must be a member, and intimates that he should be made divulge. These organizations are known under the name of Union Leagues, we suppose.

For the Democrat.
REJOICING IN FREWSBURG.—The news of the surrender of Vicksburg reached our village about an hour before dark on Tuesday evening last, the bell was rung, and messengers sent over the village, and at an early hour "Eaton's Hall" was filled to overflowing with our citizens, without distinction of party, together with a goodly sprinkling of the patriotic ladies. JAMES PARKER, Esq., called the meeting to order, and after some appropriate remarks, and the song "Rally Round the Flag, Boys," by Miss EVANS, Hon. R. E. FENTON was introduced and spoke for half or three quarters of an hour in his usual eloquent and impressive manner, and was loudly applauded. The Chairman then briefly reviewed the history of the Armies of the Potomac and Mississippi, and called for three rousing cheers for Gen. MEADE and the Army of the Potomac, and three for Gen. GRANT and the Army of the West, which were given with a will. Remarks congratulatory of our recent victories were then made by Messrs. E. Eaton, Dr. P. D. Fitch, C. L. Norton, H. N. Thornton, Dr. De Voe, Rev. E. B. Sparks, A. M. Thornton, Albert Fox, E. W. Scowden and J. J. Myers. "Brave Boys" was sung by Miss EVANS, and several pieces played by the military Band under the lead of Mr. R. R. Denison. After some further remarks by Col. FENTON relative to the part Chautauqua had taken in this War, saying her brave sons could be found at Vicksburg and on the Potomac, and in almost every battle field of the war, he proposed three cheers for the old Flag—and three more were called for by the Chairman for the Chautauqua
Boys in the Army, both of which calls were vociferously responded to, when the meeting, which was one of the largest and most enthusiastic impromptu gatherings ever held in the place, adjourned.

AN OLD ACQUAINTANCE.—We were surprised last Thursday evening to meet an old Missouri acquaintance—Mr. J. E. LARKIN. We were first introduced to Mr. L. something over three years since at Houston, Mo. He engaged a school at Licking about 20 miles distant from Houston, and was a resident of the County when we left it.—About two weeks after we came away the storm of secession burst upon them. All Union men were in danger and Northern Union men were obliged to flee for their lives. Mr. L. ascertained by intelligence from his friends that a gang of 30 secession rowdies with pistols and halter were very anxious to see him, and not being desirous to gratify them just then, he collected what money he could and removed about 60 miles west towards Springfield. Here he taught a two month school at the close of which he left the State and went to Bunker Hill, Ill. Here in April or May he enlisted in the 7th Ill. Reg't. He was with his regiment in an expedition to Ironton, Mo., was at Cairo, and in the reserve at the battle of Belmont, was at the capture of Fort Henry, which to the infinite disgust of the soldiers was taken by the gunboats, participated in the storming of Fort Donelson where he received a slight wound in the hand, and was also at the battle of Shiloh or Pittsburg Landing, where he was shot through the side, one singular effect of which wound has been to destroy nearly the use of his left arm. After this battle he received an honorable discharge. He is at present engaged in selling a war publication and Map.—We take pleasure in recommending him to our patrons as a worthy and well informed citizen, and one who has made sacrifices in the cause of his country.

ANOTHER CHAUTAUQUA BOY GONE.—No County in the Union of the same population has furnished more or better soldiers for the Union than Old Chautauqua. Their bones are bleaching on almost every battle field. They are thickly strewn over the mighty battle fields of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania; they lie thick along the Mississippi Valley, and everywhere where the "starry banner" has waved over the Union armies. I have just learned that Lieut. HENRY HOWARD fell at the battle of Black River Bridge on the 17th day of May while the gallant army of Gen. GRANT was drawing its folds around the doomed city of Vicksburg. Lieut. HOWARD was the youngest son of Mr. L. HOWARD, an old resident of the town of Carroll, in which town the brave young soldier was born. He was a brother of Mrs. O. E. JONES of Jamestown. He entered the service of the United States from Iowa, and was a member of Company B, 21st Regiment, Iowa V. He went out as 2d Lieutenant, was promoted to first Lieutenant, and was acting Adjutant of his Regiment when he fell. Young HOWARD was 25 years of age. Thus they leave us

"Friend after friend departs,
Who has not lost a friend?"

Frewsburg, July 13, 1863.

Horace Greeley and the Jamestown Journal.
Some weeks since the Journal gave an incorrect and unfair account of a lecture by HORACE GREELEY, at this place. We pronounced its statements in regard to the lecture false, and when the Journal reiterated thorn we proved them false, by respectable gentlemen of the village.
The Journal of last week, very discreetly drops all allusions to GREELEY'S lecture, but reviews his course for the past few years in an article too full of fustian and rehetorical bombast to be written by the editor, (and he occasionally gets on stilts,) pronounces GREELEY a secessionist &c., &c. Poor GREELEY! what with the abuse of the confederates at the South and copperheads at the North, he has a hard time. However, our faith is strong that old "white coat" is enough for all of them.
We trust that our amiable contemporary will pardon us for calling attention again to its version of Greeley's Lecture. In order that the Journal may see itself as others see it, we respectfully present the following from the Fredonia Censor.

HORACE GREELSY'S POSITION —A short time since we alluded to a criticism in the Jamestown Journal upon the recent lecture delivered by Horace Greeley in that place, wherein the Journal stated Mr. Greeley's position to be in favor of according the right of peaceable secession to any portion of the Union in which he people might be united in the demand. A controversy has sprung up between the Journal and Democrat with regard to the truthfulness of this version of Mr. Greeley's remarks. From the testimony thus drawn out, we infer that Mr. Greeley's position did not warrant the interpretation given to it by the Journal's report, and copied by ourselves with disapproving comments. It would appear that while Mr. Greeley
declared that he would not have opposed secession provided it could have occurred peaceably, by the unanimous desire of the people of the seceding section, yet he went on to argue the utter impossibility under the circumstances in which our Union is placed, of the secession of any portion without producing war. While Mr. Greeley would therefore appear to recognize the abstract right of secession where legal and proper steps attend the separation, he does not stand committed to any recognition of the rightfulness of the present rebellion.

Nov. 1, 1863
Jamestown Journal.
EXTRA.
The folllowing [sic] is a complete list of the drafted men of this Congressional District who have procured exemption on account of being Aliens. THEY ARE NOT ENTITLED TO VOTE—and if they attempt it may be arrested.
Aliens drafted in one town may attempt to vote in another town! Look out for the whole list. See that each Board of Inspectors has a copy of the whole list.
CHAUTAUQUA COUNTY.
RUSTI.
Peter Shannon, Thomas Mack.

PENSIONS,
Military and Naval Bounty, Back Pay and Bounty Lands
Promptly secured by the undersigned, for widows, children, discharged
soldiers and all others entitled to the same. All kinds of
Government claims speedily liquidated. Apply by letter or in person
to the former office of ALEX. SHELDON, Esq., Randolph, N. Y.

FOR VOLUNTEERS.
You have been appointed a War Committee for your School District, by the Central Town Committee, of Westfield, to aid in raising the balance of the quota, for the town.
You are requested to meet at once, canvass the district, and report to the Central Committee, the names of those who can best volunteer, and their circumstances; and the names of those who express a willingness to volunteer.
Please meet the Central Committee at the Recruiting Office in Westfield Village on Wednesday, the 17th at 2 P. M. and bring your report.
You know too well the urgency of the call for men, to require comment; and the earnest desire to fill the quota by Volunteers.
To allow a draft to be made upon Westfield to make out the remainder of her quota, would be a burning shame, a lasting disgrace, and an impeachment of the patriotism and liberality of her citizens; and a stigma that we can not well consent, or afford to endure.
It has ever been the pride and boast of our nation that her armies were filled by volunteers; and the government was slow to order a draft, and still slower in enforcing it, hoping that the necessity for more soldiers, made so forcibly apparent by this unusual step, would be sufficient to arouse the people to a keener sense of the duty they owe to themselves, to the government of their choice, to posterity and the cause of liberty. This expectation is being nobly met in all sections of the country; and it is for you, and every townsman to say whether Westfield shall be found wanting.
Westfield, September, 15, 1862. Respectfully Yours,
M. C. RICE,
GEO. W. PATTERSON,
T. D. STRONG,
JOHN G HINCKLEY,
R. SMITH,
Central Committee.

Jamestown Journal.
EXTRA.
JAMESTOWN, JULY 10,—12 M. (1863)
By the arrival to-day, of Lt. P. E. Bishop and Solomon Bristol, of the 3d
Excelsior, wounded at the battle of Gettysburg, we are put in possession of a complete list of killed and wounded in Co. "B," and some interesting particulars of the fight, which we furnish for the information of many anxious friends:
KILLED—G. F. Hankin.
WOUNDED—Lt. P. E. BISHOP, neck, by a Minie ball.
W. H. LOVELL, leg amputated, doing exceedingly well.
C. J. LYONS, severely, right arm shattered.
Thomas O'Connell, breast, very severe.
Lester Hobert, Jr., leg, slight.
Chas. Parker, hand, slight.
S. L. Bristol, arm, slight.
John Thomas, missing—either killed, or wounded and a prisoner.
Elliot A. Homer, severely, leg.
All of these were injured on the 2d of July (Thursday.) The fight was the most terrible the Excelsior Brigade ever was in. Co "E," Dunkirk, lost 18, Co. "D," Dunkirk, lost 6 or 8, Co. "H," Dunkirk, also lost heavily.
The Brigade went into the fight with 1,700 and lost 1,100.
The wounded men, except those who have come home, were at Gettysburg and would probably be taken to Philadelphia.

ADMISSION 25 CTS.
Doors open at 6 1/2 o'clock: to commence at 7 1/2 o'clock.
On Friday Evening, September 18, a Dancing Party will be given at Concert Hall.

Fredonia Advertiser Print.

GRAND
Vocal and Instrumental
CONCERT!
At Concert Hall, Fredonia.
MILITARY AND
NAVAL CLAIM AGENCY.
RUSSELL & JUDSON,
(Office over Miner's Bank.) FREDONIA, N. Y.
Having been duly authorized to prosecute claims against the Executive Department of the General Government, will give particular and prompt attention to procuring

Pensions, Bounties and Arrears of Pay,

For Soldiers discharged for disability, and deceased Soldiers' Heirs.
Soldiers discharged after having served two years, the heirs of deceased soldiers, and those discharged for wounds received in battle, are entitled to Bounty Money. (1863)

ADMISSION 25 CTS.
Doors open at 6 1/2 o'clock: to commence at 7 1/2 o'clock.
On Thursday Evening will be presented the laughable Comedies, "NAN, or Good for Nothing," and "A Kiss in the dark," to conclude with a Pantomine entitled "The Miller and his Daughters."

Fredonia Advertiser Print.

Office at Lake View Cemetery.
Jamestown, N. Y. 186 .
____________________________________
Will you furnish me with the
Obituary Notice of ______________
to be placed in the Cemetery Book of "Obituary Notices." If you have not a copy of the paper containing __________, which you are willing to spare, you can have _______ re-printed—which is preferable—on thin letter paper, at a trifling cost. In case the notice re-set, the form should be of the usual width of the columns in our village papers. As we desire to record as full a history as possible, of every person interred in Lake View Cemetery, provided the obituar _______ not already been published, and you will have _______ prepared and printed, _______ shall receive a place in the book we have provided for that purpose.
Respectfully,