'Religious places have become major foci of dispute'

Aligarh in 1978, Jamshedpur in 1979, Moradabad in 1980, Hyderabad in 1981, Meerut in 1982, Bhiwandi in 1984, Ahmedabad in 1985, now Meerut again. And the canker is spreading. All of Uttar Pradesh has been a communal powder keg these last several months.

Gujarat has been transformed from a peaceful, industrious state, to a place where communalism has taken deep and seemingly permanent root. Punjab has a problem of a different sort, fundamentalism has raised its head in Kashmir, unlikely states like Kerala see communal politics in full bloom, and openly communal forces test their strength at the polls in one state after another.

It is not a new problem - the first recorded communal riot in the country dates back to 1714 - and Meerut is not the worst that the country has seen. As many as 1,500 died, for instance, in the 1969 riots in Ahmedabad, and even more in the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984. But never before has the country witnessed such a prolonged period of tension of this nature, nor such a dangerous and rapid spread of the communal virus. Religious places have become major foci of dispute, and religious issues have come to the forefront in several ways (the Muslim women bill, for instance).

The 'Hindu backlash' has been a political talking-point for three years and more. Large rallies have been organised by bodies associated with one community or another. As the tension mounted and was sustained, a Meerut almost had to happen. And if temperatures aren't lowered, it will almost certainly be another town tomorrow.

Several questions now need to be asked, and answered. What should be done to reverse the surging tide of communalism before it swamps the country? Why did the administration fail in Meerut, although notice had been served (so to speak) with a smaller riot a month earlier? What are the emerging contours of the problem?

It was easy to argue, before Independence, that the occasional communal riots were the result of the British policy of divide and rule. Now the reality is known to be more complex, taking in both the communalising of politics and the politicisation of religion, the jostling by different communities for a better share of the cake, the tensions created by cases of mass conversions, and the emergence in the forefront of organisations and leaders who speak only for their community. And a country that prides itself on the secular character of its politics has no effective answer to the menace.

Certainly, it is the mishandling of issues by the Government that has partly resulted in today's situation. The Ramjanambhoomi-Babri Masjid issue should not have been allowed to fester in the manner that it has, and the Muslim women's bill brought about a further divide, with a reliance on fundamentalist opinion as opposed to more forward-looking schools of thought. For good measure, secular political parties have not hesitated to team up with communal counterparts, lending them a certain respectability. And although it was obvious even a year ago that tension was building up, little was done to defuse fortnight.

Some of the old responses to the problem are now obviously inadequate. Tired bodies like the National Integration Council (though well-intended) have proved to be ineffective, and traditional strategies like peace marches have fallen into disuse. Periodic reviews at the highest levels have resulted in decisions to draw up lists of sensitive places, to form special peace squads, and so on.

All of this, quite apparently, has had little effect. Even in Meerut, a town with a history of violence of this kind and a riot as recently as a month ago, the administration withdrew police forces too quickly, a mistake that was repeated in Delhi last fortnight.

A solution must of course include gearing the administration to be more sensitive to such flashpoints, and to take advance action. But corrective measures must go well beyond this. Culprits who indulge in rioting have so far been getting away scot-free, despite the ritual appointing of commissions of inquiry. This record in enforcing the law must change. Religious processions (which often provide the flashpoint for riots) cannot be banned in all cases, but they should be discouraged. Public address systems should be prohibited in places of worship, and the encroachment on public land for building places of worship prevented.

The police itself is often affected by the communal virus, and the only effective solution is to have a proper mix of communities in the recruitment of policemen. In the field of education, textbooks and syllabi must be carefully screened to weed out any overlay of communalism. And in politics, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has shown the way in Kerala by refusing to have truck with any of the communal parties, and others should do the same. They also must choose candidates for elections carefully so as to pack Parliament and the assemblies with people who have a secular outlook.

The initiative for all this must come from the top. And the leadership must be seen to be serious, not issue empty threats as Rajiv Gandhi did on Meerut, only for the riots to continue for five more days. Chief ministers like Bir Bahadur Singh must accept the responsibility of failure. The country needs to be reassured that the Government is serious about tackling the communal curse.

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