Sunday, March 18, 2012

In what extent are the religious differences between the Muslim Minority and the Christian Majority in Western Thrace the basis for political and social differences between the two communities?

The
relations between the two worlds, The Christian and the Muslim, have since 9/11
come to the forefront of world politics. However this interaction between the
two is not a recent one, especially when one examines the history of the two
religions in Europe and Asia. The problems of coexistence and power politics restrict
the two communities from living together peacefully, especially when analysing
a region such as Western Thrace, located in the North East part of Greece and
where a “small but politically significant population of about 120.000 Muslims”[1]
flourish and which are a key issue in political debates as a problematic group
of people, emphasising the regional troubles for both Greece and Turkey. This minority
has a historical and political significance both for Greece and the Balkan
region, being different from the ‘modern’ Muslim minority in the country, which
comes and goes and which acts in a different manner to the one found in Thrace.

Greece acknowledges the Muslim minority, although it
denies “the existence of ethnic minorities”[2] in
its territory. This is the case due to the Treaty of Lausanne which especially
talked about the minorities within Greece and Turkey in religious terms.
Ethnicity was not relevant then. But today, identity and nationality have been
revived as a fundamental issue in world politics and society. This is where the
problem lies in this specific region. The case of the ‘Turkish’ minority in
Thrace “is a peculiar case where the tensions of transnationalism and
nationalism intersect and where boundaries are continuously created and
negotiated”[3].
What is disregarded is the fact that the Muslim minority consists of people of
different backgrounds; people who originate not only from Turkey (as Turkey
states) but also people who are Pomaks, Albanians and Roma.

Religion is exploited for political and social reasons. This
is a main factor especially since the 1950s when the minority has converted
into an ethnic one, claiming a common Turkish identity. The Greek government
acknowledges this movement as a political game which has started from Turkey
and is constantly being evolving with the contribution of the Turkish Consulate
in Komotini. This is why “for the Turkish minority, only its religious aspect
is accepted to figure in the public domain, whereas the right to collective
identification as ‘Turkish’ is banned”[4]. This
practice deprives the Muslim minority, which consists of several ethnic groups,
of its freedom of existence and self-determination, which is a violation of Human
Rights, which Greece has signed.

This case emphasises the violations of Human Rights
within Europe. (Violation of Human Rights is another major theme, where we see many
Western countries violating them in order to increase their economic and political
wealth, example the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the intervention in
Libya –whilst still not intervening in other Arab nations). Nevertheless, it also points out the political
and social problems, whilst emphasising instability in the Balkan region, especially
the bilateral relationships between Greece and Turkey. “In 1955, the Greek
authorities themselves described the minority as ‘Turkish’. But when
Greek-Turkish relations deteriorated, the Greek authorities refused, and
continue to refuse, to allow the minority to use this adjective”[5]; due
to these practices the European Court of Human Rights have ruled against Greece
in many occasions. But this issue should not only be seen by one side. Turkey
has violated minority rights, it has expelled Christians from its territories
and has moved in a similar manner to that of Greece’s. The best solution is for
both sides to stop the discrimination which prevail, unfortunately, even to
this day. Saying this it is important to
state here Article 5 of the 1975 Greek Constitution which states that “All
persons living within the Greek territory shall enjoy full protection of their
life, honour and freedom, irrespective of nationality, race or language and of
religious or political beliefs. Exceptions shall be permitted only in cases
provided for in international law”[6].

Due to the political instability within the region other
problems occur. One key issue is the election of the Mufti. “The institution of
the Mufti has become a political issue causing tension between the state and
the minority and even among the minority members themselves”[7]. In Greece today a unique case is witnessed,
where in Xanthi and in Komotini there are two Muftis in each region. One is
elected by the Greek state and the other by a small number of Muslim activists.
Greece’s view on this matter is that since the Mufti is not only a religious
leader and figure but also carries out judicial duties and family law matters,
therefore he is a civil judge. This means that the state is responsible of
appointing the Mufti and not the minority. This case has recently become a
political one. Since the 1920s until just recently the appointment of the Mufti
by the state was not a problem. Iris Boussiakou states that “Islamic law
provides that in non-Muslim states the Mufti can be appointed by the state as
the government does not interfere in the religious duties of the Muslims.[8]” The
Greek government clearly does not violate this but is concerned about the
judicial rights that the Mufti obtains; this is why the civil courts have to
re-evaluate the decisions taken by the Mufti, to certify that they conform with
human rights norms.

The case of Thrace is a unique one within Europe, since
it is a region where Turkish politics integrate, making it a major problem for
bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey. The Muslim Minority is in a way brainwashed to
thinking that it is Turkish, forgetting that they also consist of Albanians,
Roma and Pomaks. Understanding that the Balkan region is a vulnerable one then
one can identify the significance of this action. The Greek state observes
these actions as aggressive and a threat to its territorial integrity. The ‘Big
Idea’, a theory which each state in the Balkans had and still have which
expresses the imperialistic and expansionist views and policies of each state,
still prevail in this region. This problem arises when the Greek-Turkish
relations deteriorate. The Muslim minority is a constant “source of diplomatic
tension between Greece and Turkey”[9]. The importance of the Muslim Minority in
bilateral relations was emphasized with Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s (the Prime
Minister of Turkey) visit to Athens when he asked “for the recognition of the
elected Mufti by the Greek government”[10].

Socially the minority issue has produced many problems
for the region and for peace within Thrace, between the Muslim and Christian
communities. Although these problems are significant and important it is
evident that today in Greece these communities are expressing their views
through political parties, for example “ASPIDA”[11]
which is the political party of the Greek Roma. Also the two major political parties in Greece
(PASOK and New Democracy) have Muslim representatives, which emphasise their
integration into Greek society.

Religious differences between the Muslim Minority and the
Christian Majority in Western Thrace are the basis for political and social
differences between the two communities. It is a key issue in Greek-Turkish
relations and a regional Balkan issue between the Christian and Muslim states
within South-East Europe. Religion, identity and ethnicity are elements
manipulated by the two communities and through them policies and relations are
built or destroyed. Unfortunately “ethnic and religious disputes continue.
Greece complains about Turkey’s alleged mistreatment of the Greek Orthodox
Church, headquarter in Istanbul, and Turkey protests Greece’s alleged
mistreatment of its Muslim populace, whom Turkey refers to as ‘Turks’”[12].
The Greek media has during the past years analysed this matter, seeing its
complexity, without being able to find an easy and satisfying solution to this
chronic topic. After analysing the many aspects of this question I believe it
is imperative to try and find a solution which would help the two communities
and evidently the two states, Greece and Turkey, to solve any bilateral
problems they have. Questions like the following need urgently clear and valid
answers, why does Greece do not recognise the Muslim minority as Turkish,
Albanian, Roma and Pomak? Why does Turkey want to implement its ideologies and
policies in an allied state? How are the two communities involved in this
dispute and how does it affect daily life? These are obviously quite pressing questions and they underline
individual issues within the greater interfaith and international relations,
experienced by the members of the local communities in Western Thrace.
Reasonable, justifiable, legally binding and socially acceptable answers will
be the only way forward for the well being and the prosperity of the
communities involved, as well as for a stable Balkan region, leaving in the
past the hostilities between the Muslims and the Christians in this part of
Europe.

About Me

I have studied Theology at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, School of Theology, International Relations at the University of London (Queen Mary). My Master's Thesis was published as a book: 'The Aegean Sea Dispute Between Greece and Turkey - The Consequences for NATO and the EU'. For more information see: http://www.akakia.net/el/the-aegean-sea-dispute-between-greece-and-turkey
I have also studied Byzantine Music in Athens and I am currently undertaking a research on the “Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius and its contribution towards Anglican – Orthodox Relations”, at the University of Winchester.
I also represent the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of Thyateira and Great Britain at the A.E.C.A. If you wish to contact me you can email me: demetrifs1@yahoo.com