Texans in Congress show no desire to curb guns

WASHINGTON — It says a lot about the appetite for gun control in Congress that only one Texan offered any gun-related initiative in the wake of the assassination attempt in Arizona that took the lives of six Americans and seriously wounded Rep. Gabrielle Giffords.

It says even more about the Texas delegation's staunch support for the Second Amendment that the proposal by Rep. Louie Gohmert, R-Tyler, would expand gun rights to permit lawmakers to carry weapons around the nation's capital.

"We don't need to spend millions on massive security details to escort everyone 24/7," said Gohmert, who has earned an "A" grade from the National Rifle Association. "We can just allow those who have been trusted by hundreds of thousands of people and sent to our crime capital (of Washington) to protect themselves while in that federal enclave."

While the Jan. 8 Tucson massacre has prompted a nationwide debate over the sales of so-called "extended magazines" allegedly used by 22-year-old Jared Loughner, accused in the shooting spree, it hasn't done anything to increase support within the Texas delegation for any new curbs on guns or ammunition.

"We need to go to the root cause of the incident," said Rep. Gene Green, D-Houston, who has earned an "A" grade from the National Rifle Association. "It wasn't the instrument; it was the person who did it."

We 'know the ending'

Congressional opponents of gun control say there's little appetite for it on Capitol Hill.

"I don't see these bills going very far," said Rep. Kevin Brady, R-The Woodlands, who receives an "A" from the NRA. "Frankly, I'm tired of politicians trying to further their agendas on the backs of victims of any tragedy."

With a solid wall of opposition to gun control among House Republicans and a bipartisan Senate majority, political observers expect little, if any, change in gun laws because of the shooting of Giffords, a strong Second Amendment supporter.

"My bet is no change in gun laws one way or the other," said University of Virginia political scientist Larry Sabato. "We have been through the Tucson scenario many times, from assassinations to Oklahoma City to Columbine. We've seen this movie and know the ending. No change. Blue Dog Democrats and Republicans aren't going to risk the wrath of the NRA and their own pro-Second Amendment voters."

Those two factors - the NRA and pro-Second Amendment voters - have guided the gun control debate for the past 16 years, ever since Congress enacted the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act in 1993, which mandates a background check for most firearms purchases. The law took its name from James Brady, the White House press secretary wounded in the 1981 assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan.

In the 1994 election, dozens of supporters of the Brady law were defeated in a gun-rights backlash. Among the most prominent losers that year was Texas Rep. Jack Brooks, D-Beaumont, chairman of the House Judiciary Committee who voted against the Brady provision but was punished for allowing it to advance to the House floor for final approval.

Just eight Texas representatives - all Democrats - voted for Brady restrictions in 1994. Only one of them, Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson of Dallas, remains in Congress today.

The other 24 Texas House members and senators, including a majority of Democrats, opposed the Brady law. Five of them continue to serve in the House: Green, Joe Barton, R-Ennis; Ralph Hall, R-Rockwall; Sam Johnson, R-Plano; and Lamar Smith, R-San Antonio.

Law expired

In the aftermath of the 1994 electoral debacle, which cost Democrats both houses of Congress, national Democratic candidates consciously shied away from action on gun control. The 1994 assault weapons ban, which outlawed 19 types of military-style assault weapons as well as large-capacity gun magazines, was allowed to expire in 2004 by a Republican Congress, despite being supported by President George W. Bush. The House didn't even conduct a vote; Senate backers of the law could muster only ten votes. Texas Sens. Kay Bailey Hutchison, who has earned a 100 percent score and an "A+" grade from the NRA, and John Cornyn, who receives an "A" from the NRA, both voted against extending the Brady provisions.

The NRA's clout in Texas continues to grow. In the 2010 election, the association backed 11 House candidates. All were victorious.

Twenty-one of the 32 Texas House members received grades of "A" or "A+" from the NRA. Two others received a "B+" and "B."

It's the shooter

The 2010 election only strengthened the hand of gun-rights backers. According to the NRA, the new Congress has gained 39 new "A" graded lawmakers and has lost 19 with an NRA grade of "F."

Despite those political obstacles, Rep. Carolyn McCarthy, D-N.Y., is pushing for legislation that would restore the ban on high capacity gun magazines. The Senate's leading gun-control advocate, Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., says she is "looking at all of the options" and wants to "talk to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle about this." Activists are pressuring President Barack Obama to join the effort.

"Sensible gun laws can save lives," said Paul Helmke, president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence. "Congress should move now to enact tougher restrictions on guns, ammunition, and who can legally possess them, and President Obama should help lead the way."

Such sentiments receive little sympathy in the Texas delegation, where lawmakers say that protection of individual liberty is paramount.

"It's the shooter, not the gun," said Rep. Ted Poe, R-Humble, who receives an "A" from the NRA. "Unfortunately, liberals want to use this tragedy to attack the Second Amendment. The academic elites, and some in Congress, would be wise not to commit more violence against our constitutional rights."

Gene Green, while opposing new gun restrictions, says the Tucson shootings could begin a useful debate about mental health issues. "If there is something we need to do that would keep firearms out of the hands of the mentally ill, I think we should do that."