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This paper analyses the securitisation of the socio-political integration of British Muslims by mainstream British politics from 2001 to 2015. The discourse and policy of consecutive Labour and Conservative-led governments regarding integration are evaluated concerning the securitisation criteria of the Copenhagen School, as revised by the Paris School. The institutionalisation of a common discourse to legitimise policy was analysed by examining the intertextuality between political and bureaucratic discourse, and party positions while in government and opposition. The findings demonstrate that British mainstream politics has been dominated by securitisation of Muslim integration in the form of a ‘politics of unease’ rather than a ‘politics of exception’. Muslims have been othered, first as immigrants by a ‘logic of equivalence’ (2001- 2005) and then as integrated Muslims versus potential terrorists by a ‘logic of difference’ (2005-2015). Although this approach appears inclusive of Muslims, its securitisation framing inhibits the desired integration due to its othering characteristics.

The article analyses certain aspects of the exceptional migration process unfolding in Europe from the middle of September to the beginning of November, 2015. It focuses on analysis of managing that migration in Croatia through the presentation of the functioning of the reception (and transit) centre at Opatovac. A qualitative ethnographic and anthropological research approach has been applied. The ethnographic perspective offers a complex view of responses to the events, pointing out the paradoxes in refugee reception and transit migration management in Croatia. It is established that there are constant contradictions contained in the nexus of security and humanitarian demands in the migration process management, these largely coming to the fore because of a lack of international co-operation and a firm stance and common policy on the part of the EU. In that way, the EU has contributed to the deepening of the humanitarian migration crisis, but also demonstrated its deep value crisis.

In this paper, we explore the seductive nature of a participatory approach to research with marginalized migrant populations in South Africa. We outline the opportunities offered by such an approach while at the same time emphasizing the need for caution by showing how the ambitions of participatory research can sometimes be (mis)applied as a panacea for all of the tensions inherent in knowledge-production processes, including those associated with the extractive nature of research. We do this by drawing on our experiences in the development, implementation, and utilization of arts-based research undertaken in collaboration with international and domestic migrants in South Africa as part of the MoVE (method.visual.explore) project based at the African Centre for Migration & Society (ACMS), Wits University. Established in 2013, MoVE explores the idea of ‘participatory’ migration research. We reflect on how we were initially seduced by the idea of participation and show how we are working to strengthen our research praxis through continuously interrogating and reconfiguring our understanding of the opportunities—and limitations—associated with a participatory approach to research.

This introductory article of the special issue is based on the criticism of the sedentarist lens used in migration studies on social inequalities. It is organised around two questions: In what ways have forms of inequality and patterns of migration in the enlarged Europe been changed, and how should the nexus between migration and social inequality be rethought after the ‘mobility turn’ in the social sciences? First, the article proposes that the mobility turn and transnational sociology be combined to approach varieties of geographic mobility in the current Europe and that inequality analysis be conceptualised from a ‘mobile perspective’, meaning that forms of mobility and patterns of inequality be considered as mutually reinforcing. Second, Europe is considered as a fragmented and multi-sited societal context, which is co-produced by current patterns of mobility. The article discusses recent societal shifts such as supranationalisation and the end of social-ism in the Eastern part of Europe (among many others) and identifies the concept of assemblage as a useful heuristic tool both for migration studies and European studies. Third, the final part illustrates how the contributions collected in this special issue ad-dress the challenges of the sedentarist lens and provide conceptual solutions to the analytical problems in question.

In a critical anthropological approach, a refugee camp is seen as a space of “humanitarian government” (Agier 2011), where it is primarily humanitarian organizations, social services and police that cooperate, whereas refugees are a “disquieting element” (Agamben 1998), non-subjects whose free will, freedom of movement, speech and expression of their personality is reduced to a minimum. As ethnographers and volunteers, we saw the transit camp in Slavonski Brod as an assemblage (Ramadan 2012) of space, time, practices and relationships that took place there, and whose dynamics was determined by legally unclear procedures of “triage” of refugees/migrants. The analysis focuses on the distribution tent which, despite being monitored, turned out to be the only place of “freedom” in the sense of conversational interaction and time and space management, both for refugees and volunteers. The predominant activity in the distribution tent was donating clothing and shoes to the refugees, which made us ethnologically rethink clothes as a cultural artefact and the non-verbal language which the refugees used to negotiate their identity and symbolically express their past, present and future. In addition to a description of abnormal normality of the distribution “bazaar” or “shopping center” as a globally recognizable genius loci, we also present autoethnographic reflections about the cultural, moral and emotional effects of unexpected meetings-events with the “ungraspable face of the other” (Lévinas 1991), which questions our existential and historical experience.

The British detective novel has moved from a smug middle-class parochialism to an engagement with the global narrative of human trafficking, particularly sex trafficking. The genre has been claimed as the literary form best suited to offer a narrative of migration to counter the simplifications and xenophobia of the popular media. The global ‘turn’ is, however, illusory as its structures are fatally constrained by generic expectations. The narrative produced erases the complexities of migration and offers little moral challenge to the reader.

In result of the shift of borders, which took place after World War II, the Republic of Poland lost south-eastern provinces to the benefit of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkSSR). Nevertheless, a significant Ukrainian minority, estimated between 500 and 700 thousand, remained within the borders of Poland. A significant number of Poles remained on the Soviet side. On September 9th, 1944, Polish communist government and the government of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic concluded an agreement on the relocation of people. Officially the relocation was supposed to be voluntary. In September 1945 the Polish army, against the provisions of the agreement of September 9th, 1944, started forced displacement of the Ukrainian population to UkSSR. The dislocation of the Ukrainian population to the USSR lasted until the end of 1946. In the years 1944-1946, 488,057 people were dislocated from Poland to Ukraine. At the same time 787 674 persons came from Ukraine to Poland. In order to avoid dislocation to the Soviet Ukraine, some Ukrainians moved to the Carpathian Mountains, and sought refuge in Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovak army and security services caught refugees and deported them back to Poland.

Globalization unifies the planet from the financial and commercial point of view, and, at the same time, it determines polarization of society both inside the countries, and between countries. This has triggered a severe social issue consisting in impoverishing more than half of the world population. The massive numerical growth of the population contributes to deepening this process and then, people, out of the survival instinct, migrate in search for the better. Confronting ever greater and more frequent migratory waves, Europe closes or manifests violently. Europe has elaborated social and human security policies, but it fears to apply them for various reasons. The success of these policies does not consist in obstructing migration but in encouraging it, in such a way as all parts involved should benefit, the migrants should be considered with dignity and an intercultural dialogue should be initiated and maintained with the ones settled on the old continent.

It has been three years that the local imam of Karakaya [Black Rock] was assigned to this highland village of Kayseri by the Diyanet, Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs. What brought him to Kayseri in the first place was his graduate studies in the faculty of theology at Erciyes University. Himself a native of Adana, a Mediterranean city that is only a few hours driving away, coming to Kayseri was not a game changer. In the past three decades, Kayseri, a city that was once the hub of out-migration, has become a city in-migration that attracted population from the neighboring Central Anatolian cities. What he did not digest easily was his appointment to Karakaya, a village with two mosques and a barely any congregation to fill one. As one of Kayseri’s main villages of outmigration, the village was empty for the majority of the year. In this village which was populated for the most part with the elderly and the retired, the imam argued that he would have a hard time gathering a congregation (cemaat) during the winter. Waking up at daybreak and battling his way through knee-high snow to recite the call to prayer in winter was not something he was used to back in his Mediterranean town. Moreover, serving to a non-existent congregation at this seemingly ghost town touched his nerves. The emptiness of the streets, and the presence of vacated houses was not something that he was familiar with.

The most recent Austrian Integration Report indicates that a substantial proportion of Turkish immigrants do not feel at home in Austria. Whether these lower levels of social well-being also apply to the Turkish first, second or follow-up generations in Austria is uncertain. This article aims to fill this gap by asking how the Turkish second generation perceives their social inclusion into Austrian society. Results based on the TIES survey reveal that social well-being is largely determined by immigrants’ socio-economic achievements as well as by experiences of discrimination in their educational and occupational trajectories and daily life. Intergenerational progress is also found to be positively related with social well-being but at a much lower level.

We witness an unprecedented Age of Migration, with massive inflows of refugees in search for survival, escaping conflict and persecution in their home communities. In the last two years, migration as a whole, and asylum and border management in particular, were put under severe pressure, with a relevant input given by media coverage in Europe, often portraying refugees as main source of instability in EU - “marginalization makes them easy targets for scapegoating by far right parties, which have gained increasing support throughout Europe by exploiting fears and inciting resentment” (Rudiger and Spencer, 2003: 12). Member States seemed unable to respond effectively to such crisis. The latest influx of newcomers reopened the debates on border controls and humanitarian aid, but also on the social and economic challenges that need to be addressed. The article investigates the socio-economic impact of the refugees in EU, with a focus on the costs and benefits, starting from the assumption that the short and medium term costs will be shadowed by the long term benefits.

The present paper aims to explore how social representations occur in intercultural communication, analyzing the stranger's myth based on the processes of objectification and anchoring, both depending on personal and social memory. The stranger, seen as (the alien, the other, the foreigner) is not a traveler who comes and leaves, but rather a person who comes and stays forever. We consider the subject from the viewpoint of foreigner perceived as enemy, conqueror, to depict the effects of the behavior on the social life. In the assumed topic we comprise the self-identification as a process of delimitation, taken into account that we are what we are comparing with the other. Of great relevance in our approach is the theological dimension which sends us to Alterity perceived as God. The hypostasis of Alien is another coordinate of the proposed study, which generated a special literature, filmography and a unique public.

This article aims to present some notes and findings about the fieldwork that I conducted in Istanbul with Syrian musicians in 2015. The main questions of the research were the identity of the Syrian musicians and the status of Syrian music and musicians in Istanbul. In this article I will first present some details about the musical institutions in Syria and the problems related to “being a musician” and studying music in the era of Al-Baath party ruling. I will add some notes about the Kurdish musicians in Syria. The second section is about Syrian musicians in Istanbul. I will discuss how far they can communicate among each other and with musicians from Turkey, and what are the messages that they try to spread through their music. For this aim, I analyze some musical activities that took place in Istanbul, such as the concerts of the Syrian community, as well as the relationship with the Turkish music of the Syrian alternative media in Turkey. Then, I discuss whether Turkey is seen as a temporary or permanent station by Syrian musicians. Lastly, I will analyze two musical activities and their repertoire that took place in two different stages to show the diversity of Syrian community in Istanbul.

Lebanon is recognized as a country with a uniquely deep experience of emigration and immigration, under which I include the mass inflows of refugees characteristic of the twentieth century in the Eastern Mediterranean.

An increasing number of immigrants arrive in our country, not all of whom treat Poland only as a transit stop on their way to wealthier countries of the Western Europe. What this means for the Polish society, with its cultural and linguistic homogeneity, is a direct confrontation with cultural and religious otherness, represented by the settling newcomers. Unfortunately, the educational establishments are not sufficiently prepared to take in new students with migration backgrounds. The entire situation also poses an enormous challenge for polonistic glottodidactics, actively present in the process of acculturation of the foreigners. The undertaken actions are primarily focused on organising and conducting classes in Polish as a second language. An important element to ensure the proper execution of the discussed process is the education of teachers, the presentation of which is a principal goal of this text.

This article presents selected results from a survey conducted in 2014 and 2015 in the Province of Opole, among 263 entrepreneurs representing companies from different sectors which varied due to the number of employees and the labour market segment. Organisations with experience in employing a foreign workforce as well as those who had not previously employed foreigners were asked about their willingness to engage a foreign workforce. The analysis was made taking into account the labour market segment. Majority of respondents claimed that the country of origin of the foreign workforce is irrelevant. Such attitude was more frequent among entrepreneurs with experience in hiring foreigners than among those who have not yet taken on foreign labour. Entrepreneurs, especially those employing foreigners during the study, tended to view foreigners as more available and more willing to work overtime, hence ‘better’ then Polish employees. Interestingly, among respondents representing the secondary labour market, the opinion that foreigners are ‘better’ employees was more common than in the group representing the primary labour market.

The present study first investigates the Turkic and Chinese terminology for nomadic tribes and tribal confederacies, then proceeds to analyse the famous passage to be found on the Chinese epitaph of Princess Xienli Pijia (Bilgä), in which we are informed that the father of the Princess, Gudulu (= Qutlu?) Mechuo was the Türk Khagan of theThirty Tribes. Contrary to an older attempt of K. Czeglédy at interpreting the numerical composition of the Türk confederacy, the author elucidates the question in another way. To his opinion the term Nine Surnames (jiu xing) stands for the toquz o?uz, to which the eleven tribes of the Eastern Turks must be added. These two groups make up twenty tribes, and adding to this amount the ten tribes of the Western Turks (on oq) we get the Thirty Tribes of the complete Türk confederacy.

Using a dataset of migrants who migrated to South Africa over the period 1979-2007, we investigate the time pattern of remittances and the determinants of remittances. We find that the level of remittances first increases with the time spent in the host country and later on declines after an estimated 8 years of migration experience and thus exhibiting an inverted-U pattern over time. This finding lends support to the remittance decay hypothesis. We also find the level of remittances to be significantly positively related to the number of dependents in the home country, legal status, access to banking, income and savings levels, and negatively related to the education level, return intentions, frequency of home visits and economic and political reasons for migrating. Furthermore, the level of remittances is observed to exhibit an inverted U-profile with the age of the migrant, that is, it first rises in early age and falls in old age. The remittance decay phenomenon is seen to stem from a mixture of the theories of altruism and the informal loan repayment alluded to in the literature.

Remittances are sent and received to maintain family livelihoods, to cover the education costs of younger members, to provide care services for ageing family members, to support business ventures, etc. Although a growing body of literature assesses the role of remittances in the migration-development nexus, past studies have rarely focused on time-sensitive dimensions such as family life-cycles and life-course stages. In addition, a dynamic analysis of social stratification based on gender, age, citizenship status and class within and between these families serves to enrich a transnational perspective on remittances. Life-course perspectives represent a suitable framework for tracing money circulation across multiple national settings and dynamic processes of social stratification. Beyond the common image of remittances being sent from host to home countries, Peruvians in Switzerland also receive money from their home country.

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