Discussions and reflections--both popular and academic--on the necessity of creating an African Union government. Can Africa Unite?
"If not now, then when? If not here, then where? If not by us, then who?"

Wednesday, February 22, 2012

The manifold tags of “Africa
rising” and the whimsical “Pax Aufricana” (coined by yours truly) are all tags
to connote something bigger happening on the continent of Africa. They are not
chimerical aspirations of what some of us would like to see. Despite the claims
that intra-african trade, for example, is around 11%, the fact remains that
Africa, through the Union, is doing something about it by not just proposing a
Continental (African) Free Trade Area(CFTA), but coming out with an action
plan, which has measurable goals, targets and agreed timelines.

If the African Union can be so “cerebral”
(read:meticulous) about something critical to the Union’s survival and
prosperity, it beggars belief that the AU would seem to be operating on the
blind side of a roadmap for its future. Let’s face it: much of the criticism
leveled and aspersions cast on the AU have been pretty tough: it’s about the AU
drinking tea at meetings and “doing nothing”. So we know the AU appears to be
pretty impotent—some might say pusillanimous against the face of donors
directing the strings of where the AU, in their eyes, ought to be – but we also
know the AU has been very forthright and headstrong on its peace and security
architecture. We know it was criticized on Cote d’Ivoire, and on Libya, but as then-AU
Chairman Dr.Ping rightly said to BBC’s Stephen Sackur in a “Hardtalk” interview
last year, the West barely gave the AU a chance to operationalise its roadmap.

It’s frankly risible to see the
UN Security Council doing all it can to get China and Russia (who vetoed any
kind of intervention in the crisis in Syria) to rescind and pursue diplomatic
ventures alongside the Arab League, when the AU was never given a chance to
pursue diplomacy as comprehensively as the Arab League has been given carte
blanche to. But that’s another story!

Although in last week’s piece, I
accentuated an understanding of the five pillars around the AU’s roadmap, the
real story in this article is to elaborate on the AU’s Strategic Plan of
2009-2012. Given that this is the last year of its “realization”, I believe
it’s not just fitting to expatiate on the plan, but imperative -- just as
regional integration is to the continent of Africa.

Unlike the AU’s predecessor—the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU)—that was more concerned with supporting
liberation movements in the erstwhile African territories under colonialism and
apartheid, the AU has become the premier organization ‘spearheading Africa’s
development and integration.’ That said, this is not the AU as an abstract
construct, but the very specific African Union Commission.

The role of the African Union Commission (AUC)

The European Commission probably
cannot yet be compared to the African Union Commission, especially now that the
latter employs slightly over 20,000 Eurocrats (European international civil
servants). The AUC employs a fraction of that, yet is charged with the delivery
of the AU’s strategic plan. This might prompt speculation as to why it would be
entrusted with such responsibility when it is understaffed. Before we get
there, we need to understand a bit about the AUC.

The mission of the AUC is to
become: “an efficient and value-adding institution driving the African
integration and development process in close collaboration with African Union
member states, the Regional Economic Communities and African citizens.” Despite
the establishment of the RECs, let’s be clear that the AU has been around
longer than the RECs so there is necessarily not only respect but experience
that is conferred on it by virtue of it being the de jure successor of the OAU. As such, it remains the only unique
Pan-African body that has the political mandate to develop the continental
policy space and speak for Africa. Despite its good intentions, African
Integration Actors (another whimsical coinage of yours truly), such as the
UNECA and African Development Bank do not possess that ‘sui generis’ mandate.

This leads one to examine a bit
more closely the so-called “strategic comparative advantages” that ‘constitute
the core of its programming action’. These comparative advantages are
consistent with the five emergent themes that exist for the AUC. These are: political
integration; scientific, economic, social and physical integration and
development; Governance; institutional capacity-building for continental
integration and development; peace and security.

On POLITICAL INTEGRATION, the major strategic comparative advantage is
the AUC having a mandate from the AU to undertake programmes on political
integration, as well as the continental reach and mandate of fifty-four States
to coordinate integration of Member states and RECs.

On SCIENTIC, ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL INTEGRATION…, the AUC is in
a unique position to develop and design continent-wide integration programmes
and projects, such as those on infrastructure, educational systems, ICT and
research, etc.

With respect to GOVERNANCE, the Commission ‘provides
the most practical arena to set up continental standards and approach on
governance, and has the mandate to establish and implement governance-related
initiatives such as APRM.’ In addition, it has political oversight and
leadership ‘to determine and achieve an African indigenous, locally-driven and
owned process of governance standards.’

As for INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY-BUILDING FOR CONTINENTAL INTEGRATION AND
DEVELOPMENT, the AUC is a strategic actor in the promotion and building of
institutions and capacities for the continental integration and development
agenda. It seeks to harmonise member states’ decisions and translates them into
action plans to be implemented through/by member states and RECs.

Finally, on PEACE AND SECURITY, the AUC has the mandate to lead (and direct)
peace and security programmes, as well as the capability to implement global
and continent-wide decisions on conflict resolution, prevention and
management. As I indicated in the last
piece, its 15-member Peace and Security Council (a hybrid of the UN’s Security
Council and the AU’s own structures) is perhaps the greatest manifestation of
the continent’s efforts to ensure Africa realises the prosperous and united
Africa it seeks to do under the African Economic Community by 2034!

If you had any doubt about the
AU’s Africa Peace and Security Architecture(APSA), I seriously entreat you to
check out the AU’s Peace and Security Department website with updates from the
AU’s Situation Room: http://www.peaceau.org/en/

In
2009, in his capacity as a “Do More Talk Less Ambassador” of the 42nd
Generation—an NGO that promotes and discusses Pan-Africanism--Emmanuel gave a series of lectures on the
role of ECOWAS and the AU in facilitating a Pan-African identity. Emmanuel
owns "Critiquing Regionalism" (http://critiquing-regionalism.org). Established in 2004 as an initiative
to respond to the dearth of knowledge on global regional integration
initiatives worldwide, this non-profit blog features regional integration
initiatives on MERCOSUR/EU/Africa/Asia and many others. You can reach him on ekbensah@ekbensah.net / Mobile: +233-268.687.653.