Early Irish Baha'is: Issues of Religious, Cultural,
and National Identity.

by R. Jackson Armstrong-Ingram

Historical "firsts" are always of considerable popular
interest and a subject of potential controversy. Curiosity
about the identity of the "first" Baha'i of a particular
country can provide an impetus for digging into historical
records; but the results may not be as expected.

For example, there is a much noted "first" Baha'i of
a particular country who is easily shown to be no such
thing by even a cursory examination of the early records
of Baha'i contact with that country. To date, these
early records are most systematically available, not
in the country itself, but in the National Baha'i Archives
of the United States. However, the results of such
an inspection have not been integrated into popular
usage and this individual continues to be referred
to as the "first" Baha'i of that country, including
in periodicals published by the National Spiritual
Assembly of the United States, itself. (1)

It is in the nature of the beast that establishing an
adequate data set for discussing the arrival of the
Baha'i Faith within particular national boundaries
is likely to require reference to records that are
outside those boundaries, and that an adequate discussion
of that arrival will only emerge through the consideration
of a number of partial data sets that are created by
those with access to such subsets of dispersed sources.
It is my intention to draw together here such a subset
from sources available in the United States in relation
to the early association of the Baha'i Faith with the
Irish. The period under consideration will be 1900
to 1925.

It is probably a safer course to speak of early Baha'i
contact with a particular region rather than get involved
with priority status claims. Apart from the thorny
issue of national identity, what is, or was, a "Baha'i"
is often problematic. It is much less so to document
contact with the Baha'i Faith and to attempt to draw
conclusions about individuals' stances toward it at
particular periods of time as a separate exercise,
than it is to attempt to establish and defend "conversion"
dates.

Thus, when we ask, "Who was the first Irish Baha'i?,"
we are letting three prior questions go begging: What
do we mean by "Irish"; what do we mean by "Baha'i";
and what do we mean by "first?" It is necessary to
operationalize these concepts before we have a question
that can be answered.

The term "Irish" denotes not one but two concepts that
are related but not synonymous. First, "Irish" is a
politico-legal term denoting "national" status related
to birth and citizenship. However, until around 1921
"Irish" as a citizenship status was subsumed under
"British." Second, "Irish" denotes a cultural identity
acquired through enculturation. This cultural identity
has historically been mediated by either a Catholic
or Protestant master status. An individual may be Irish
in either the national or cultural sense or in both.
Further, there is a sense in which "Irish" simply denotes
something pertaining to Ireland and in the case of
people may be reasonably used for those who reside
there, while they do so.

The term "Baha'i" denotes by definition an achieved
status in a situation of religious cultural diffusion:
Individuals become Baha'is having previously been non-Baha'is.
However, there is no simple and evident content to
the term.

The first issue is how the term was used as a label.
Did individuals label themselves as "Baha'i"? Was this
labeling reciprocated by others and did these others
label themselves as "Baha'i"? That is, what are the
personal and social contexts of someone being labeled
"Baha'i"?

Beyond the question of labeling lies the questions of
the content of the label and how it relates to other
labels. It is clear that the label "Baha'i" has not
had a constant denotation, let alone connotations,
for the century of its active usage to describe individuals
in the West. The most basic issue is whether it is
used to denote an individual who has undergone a change
in core identity and basic world view, a convert, or
simply someone who has become aligned with a social
movement, an adherent. At times the term has been used
to refer to only one of these, at other times it has
been used to refer to either. A parallel issue is whether
a Baha'i identity is exclusive or can be held in conjunction
with other religious (or indeed socio-political) identities.
Obviously, in which of these senses an individual is
a "Baha'i" may also vary during their Baha'i career.

By now we can see how the meaning of "first" is not
self-evident either. The "first" of which denotation
of "Irish"; the first of which denotation of "Baha'i"?
And a further question arises, are we treating it as
a horse race and looking for the first individual of
an acceptable category of Irish to cross the line to
an acceptable category of Baha'i, or are we taking
a longer term view and looking for the first who persisted
after having crossed the line for a certain period
of time or even until death?

Our simple question is really very complex.

To provide us with a basis on which to proceed, for
the purposes of this paper: "Irish" will be used to
include those who were born in Ireland or who resided
in Ireland; and that individuals identified themselves
as "Baha'i" will be deemed sufficient and consideration
of the specific content of that label will be bracketed.
Thus, all instances for the period have been sought
in primary sources available in the United States of
three classes of individuals:

1 - Those already associated with the Baha'i Faith who
visited or lived in Ireland;

2 - Those born in Ireland who became Baha'is in the
United States;

3 - Those in Ireland who were cognizant of the Baha'i
Faith and who aligned themselves with it there in some
way.

As is the case with the general population of the United
States, the American Baha'i community has had many
members with claims to Irish descent. However, I will
be concerned solely with individuals who fit one of
these three categories.

The best-known, indeed the only generally known, early
Irish Baha'i is George Townshend. I will not be discussing
him in detail here except where he is directly associated
with the sources used.

Another well-known early Baha'i, but one whose association
with Ireland has been largely unrecognized, is Lady
Blomfield who was born in Ireland of Irish parentage
but who in terms of self and social identification
was an "English" Baha'i. This in itself raises issues
of interest that go beyond the scope of this paper.
She will not be discussed further here as the sources
drawn on add nothing new in relation to her association
with Ireland.

Apart from these two cases, I have found nine individuals
who fit the requirements for inclusion here. Two Baha'is
who went to live in Ireland; five people who were born
in Ireland and became Baha'is in the United States;
and two people who became Baha'is in Ireland.

The two Baha'is who went to live in Ireland were Colonel
and Mrs Culver.

Mary Diana Culver was born in Fort Klamath, Oregon,
on May 20, 1856. Henry S. Culver was born in Sunbury,
Ohio, on April 19, 1854. They were married in 1876.
Henry was admitted to the Ohio bar and practiced in
Delaware, Ohio. He later served as Delaware County
prosecuting attorney for four years and then as mayor
of Delaware for four years. He joined the State Department
in October 1897 and was appointed United States Consul
in London, Ontario.

Toward the end of their residence in London, the Culvers
became acquainted with the Baha'i Faith and first Henry
and then Mary (probably some months later) identified
themselves with it. They both later stated that they
became Baha'is in New York city in 1906.

In that same year, Henry was appointed United States
Consul in Cork, Ireland. The Culvers lived in Queenstown
(now Cobh), near Cork, from 1906 to 1910. They were
connected to wider Baha'i circles through Charles Mason
Remey who corresponded with them and sent them literature.
He also sent their address to Arthur Cuthbert who wrote
to them. (We might note briefly that Cuthbert's is
another case where "national" identity is not so easily
dealt with. He is usually considered an "English" Baha'i
as he had business interests in London and associated
with the Baha'is there. However, his principal residence
seems to have been in Stranraer, Scotland.)

The Culvers' daughter, Dorothy, lived with them the
first year they were in Ireland until in 1907 she joined
her sister, Louise, at school in Paris where they became
acquainted with the Baha'is there. Dorothy identified
herself as a Baha'i while in Paris, as probably did
her sister who considered herself a Baha'i for a substantial
period of years thereafter. Mary Culver visited Paris
and the Bahai's there in 1909.

While in Ireland, it appears that the Culvers treated
their Baha'i identity as a personal, family matter.
They engaged in no public declaration or activity.
Although it is possible that Henry's official position
was felt to impose restraint.

In 1910, Henry was appointed United States Consul in
St John, New Brunswick, and the family arrived there
that September. Despite his almost immediate attempt
to be transferred back to Europe, Henry spent the remainder
of his consular career there, retiring from the service
in 1924. In 1925, Henry and Mary moved to Eliot, Maine,
and were active in the Baha'i community there and with
Green Acre Baha'i School. Henry died in 1936 and Mary
in 1937.

The Culvers' four years of residence in Ireland represents
the earliest known presence of the Baha'i Faith there,
low profile as it may have been. (2)

Basic information on the five individuals who were born
in Ireland and became Baha'is in the United States
is available from the Baha'i Historical Record Cards
compiled in 1935-1936. These cards provide basic demographic
information, a date and place for the individual becoming
a Baha'i, and a note of their religious "origin."

Obviously, the main problem in using these cards is
that they may omit individuals who died or disassociated
from the Baha'i Faith before the cards were compiled.
Cards were completed for deceased individuals in some
cases, but there was no attempt to provide information
on those who simply discontinued Baha'i association.
I have not found in other sources any case of a individual
born in Ireland who became a Baha'i in the United States
which was not included in these cards. That does not
mean that there were not such individuals; the likelihood
is that there were. However, the existence of a record
card does demonstrate that these five individual's
persisted in holding a Baha'i identity. In discussing
them, I will present first the information deriving
from the record card and then such further information
as is available. (3)

Mrs Catherine Burke was born in Duleek, County Meath,
on June 10, 1851. She naturalized as a United States
citizen in Chicago in 1913. She became a Baha'i in
Chicago in 1914. She gives her previous religion as
"Christian." However, according to the Irish census
of 1861, the population of County Meath was 93.6 %
Roman Catholic, 5.9% Anglican, 0.4% Presbyterian, and
0.1% Other. Therefore, the odds are that Burke was
Roman Catholic, especially as the Anglicans would probably
have been of a social standing making them unlikely
candidates for emigration. In a tablet addressed to
Marion Jack dated November 7, 1921, 'Abdu'l-Baha requests
that she "Convey my utmost kindness to that Irish lady,"
and this refers to Burke. (4)

Peter Coyne was born in Clifden, County Galway, on March
1, 1877. His family emigrated to the United States
and he was naturalized through his father in 1880.
He became a Baha'i in Nevada, Missouri, in November
1907. He gives his previous religion as "Christian."
It is clear from an autobiographical account that he
wrote in 1927, that he was Roman Catholic. Coyne is
the earliest known case of an individual born in Ireland
identifying with the Baha'i Faith in the United States.
(5)

Marie du Bedat (nee Martha J. du Bedat) was born in
Dublin on January 25, 1860. She naturalized as a United
States citizen in 1932. She became a Baha'i in New
York in 1909. She gives her previous religion as "Irish
Protestant" which may mean Church of Ireland. du Bedat
was a singer who worked at the New York Metropolitan
until her voice "went," possibly in the early 1920s.
(6)

Mrs Juliet Jordan was born in Ireland on April 15, 1894.
She was married to a United States citizen in Detroit
on July 15, 1914. She became a Baha'i in Detroit in
August 1916. She gives her previous religion as "Catholic."
Interestingly, she gives her national origin as "English,"
which may reflect her seeing this question in terms
of political citizenship.

Mrs Helen Miller was born in Ireland in 1870. She became
a Baha'i in Brooklyn, New York, in July 1924. She gives
her previous religion as "Catholic."

An interesting general point arising from these cases
is that in previous analysis based on the Historical
Record Cards an individual's use of the term "Christian"
to describe their previous religious identity has always
been taken to mean "Protestant" and tabulated as such.
(7) Thus, the Culvers use "Christian" on their cards
and it may be interpreted in this sense. However, Coyne
so describes his religious "origin" and we know that
he was Roman Catholic. It is very likely that Catherine
Burke was also.

There was considerable anti-Roman Catholic feeling in
American culture, and it was part of the Americanism
of the United States Baha'i community that it fully
participated in that feeling. The result may have been
for some individuals to prefer to be related to a neutral
generic rather than a denominational label that was
considerably socially devalued. There may also have
been specific personal factors involved in the choice
of label. Certainly, in Coyne's case he had a deeply
felt antipathy toward the Roman Catholic church.

We now turn to the two people who became Baha'is in
Ireland, Joan H. and T.R. Fforde.

In his biography of George Townshend, Hofman quotes
from a letter Townshend wrote to Shoghi Effendi in
1925, "We have seven Irish Baha'is--the two Ffordes,
my wife, my sister, my two children (aged four and
five) and myself!" (8) This is a somewhat optimistic
accounting. Setting aside the cases of the two children,
Mrs Townshend could hardly be identified as a Baha'i
at this time(she had a pro-forma Baha'i identity after
her husband left the church in the late 1940s), nor
could his sister Maude although her feelings were not
always as negative as his wife's. On October 28, 1933,
the treasurer's report to the National Spiritual Assembly
of the United States noted a contribution of ten shillings
received from Miss Maude Townshend of Dublin who subscribed
herself a "sympathizer."

As to the Ffordes, this is the only mention of them
in Hofman's book. He adds a footnote explaining that
according to the Townshends' daughter, Una, they were
a couple from Donegal who stayed with the Townshends
at the rectory in Ahascragh. Their name does not even
appear in the index of the book.

John Esslemont had written a more realistic assessment
of the situation in Ireland to Albert Vail in 1924.
He noted that Townshend "seems to be a convinced Bahai"
and then added, "I only know of two other Bahais in
Ireland, a Mr. & Mrs. Fforde." Esslemont later quotes
from a letter he has just received from Townshend in
which Townshend writes, "I met the Ffordes in the spring
of 1921 while passing through Dublin & keep in touch
with them by correspondence. Except for them nobody
in this island is known to be interested in Bahaism."
(9)

The information available on the Ffordes in American
sources is fragmentary, but enough to document over
a decade of involvement with the Baha'i Faith. The
earliest apparent mention is an accounting entry of
December 5, 1913, recording receipt of $24.35 for the
Temple Fund from Miss J. Waring of Waringstown, County
Down, Ireland. This is followed by an entry for September
30, 1914, recording receipt of $47.52 from Joan Fforde
of Waringstown. It would seem likely that these contributions
are from the same person.

The other information we have about the Ffordes comes
from letters from Joan Fforde to Victoria Bedekian
in 1923-1924. The letters have the return address of
"Bruckless House, Bruckless, Co. Donegal, Ireland,"
which suggests that the Ffordes would have had considerable
local standing. In the first letter, Joan requests
subscription details for Bedekian's periodicals The
Childrens Hour and World Fellowship. These
periodicals acted as resources for those implementing
Bedekian's plan of organizing Baha'i "gardens" which
were children's groups open to all and often providing
social occasions for less privileged children infused
with social betterment themes that were broadly Baha'i.
Fforde later wrote to Bedekian:

I am sorry to say I have no children and there is no
Bahai group here but I am interested in the subject
of teaching the cause to children. I love to hear of
all you are doing in America and hope the Cause will
go forward rapidly there for we are very slow in these
countries. (10)

Bedekian regularly mined her correspondence for copy
for her periodicals and in World Fellowship
for March 1924 she included an excerpt describing Fforde's
activities:

This is a rather lonely country place, and I am lucky
to have found even a few friends who have become interested
in the Cause. One, a dear old man of eighty years,
to our sorrow, has just died and he was taken to Scotland
for burial, but when he left the house here the Roman
Catholic priest and the Protestant clergy all joined
in speaking his praises. He was a Baha'i without knowing
it and gladly read all the books I lent him about the
Cause. I am having a party for the children round about.
It will be a purely social affair with games and dance
and song. - Baha'i Love and Greetings, Joan H.

There is no direct statement available from T. R. Fforde
or evidence of specific activities by him, but the
sources that mention the Ffordes evidently regard them
both as equally Baha'i. Unlike the Culvers, the Ffordes
obviously did have a public Baha'i identity of some
kind. Their social standing (and that in Ireland eccentricity
is almost expected in the "quality") may have helped
to ease any social tension this caused. The Ffordes
are the earliest known Irish Baha'is to have a public
Baha'i identity in Ireland.

One further individual needs to be mentioned if for
no other reason than she occasioned a direct reference
to Ireland by 'Abdu'l-Baha. There is a tablet addressed
to Anna S. Emerson in Washington, D.C.,dated July 15,
1919 that states, "When thou goest to Ireland, promulgate
there the Oneness of the world of humanity, and free
the people from racial[,] worldly and religious prejudice.
As to political matters we do not meddle for we are
expressly commanded by Bahaullah not to interfere in
politics." (11) This was a period of considerable political
upheaval in Ireland and it is not known if she went.
A Miss Anna Emerson appears on a 1920 Washington, D.C.,
Baha'i list "c/o British Embassy." And a Miss Anna
F. Emerson appears on the national membership lists
for 1925 living at 435 So. Coast Blvd, La Jolla, California.

At this point we can say that we have identified a number
of possible "firsts" in relation to the association
of the Baha'i Faith with Ireland and the Irish. But,
this paper only draws on a specifically located subset
of the possible data. However, the presentation of
data from such a subset opens the possibility of conjunction
with data from other subsets that may be compiled from
sources available elsewhere. The eventual synthesis
of such limited treatments may then lead to a rounded
picture.

In the case of Ireland, as with most countries in the
world, the study of the introduction of the Baha'i
Faith there and its establishment as a rooted facet
of the local culture and society requires drawing on
sources that go well beyond those locally available.
It therefore stands as a challenge to those concerned
with discussing "firsts" to defer conclusions until
an adequate range of such subset studies is available.

Notes

1. Since writing this, I have heard privately that this
person does now admit to not being the "first" Baha'i
in that country. However, that 'fact' is already well
established in published secondary materials and one
doubts whether the retraction has had equal circulation.
2. Historical Record Cards: Henry S. Culver; Mary Diana
Culver. National Baha'i Archives, Wilmette, Illinois,
USA (hereinafter NBA):

Arthur Cuthbert to Col. and Mrs H. S. Culver, 19 September
1906. Copy in author's possession.
Judith Kirchoff [on behalf of Dorothy Culver Cress]
to R. Jackson Armstrong-Ingram, 2 June 1982; n.d. [September
1982]. Author's papers.
Who was Who in America, IV. Marquis-Who's Who,
Inc.:Chicago, 1968:219, entry for Henry S. Culver.
A useful account of the Culvers is given in Will C.
van den Hoonaard, "The Development and Decline of an
Early Baha'i Community: Saint John, New Brunswick,
Canada, 1910-1925." (in, Richard Hollinger, ed. Community
Histories:Studies in the Babi and Baha'i Religions,
Vol.6. Kalimat Press: Los Angeles, 1992.) See especially
pages 218-220. This paper draws on some sources I have
not seen and there are minor discrepancies between
details given in it and those in the sources I have
used.

3. In the notes on these five individuals I only mention
sources used in addition to the Historical Record Cards.

4. Judith Oppenheimer for Archives Office, Baha'i World
Centre, to R. Jackson Armstrong-Ingram, 16 December
1984, states that Marion Jack identifies the "Irish
lady" as "Mrs Burke." A copy of the translation of
the tablet is in the Ella Robarts Papers, NBA.