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224
Chapter 8: Rebuilding
" To build may have to be the slow and laborious task of years. To destroy can be the thoughtless act of a single
day." - Winston Churchill
The toll of events such as those that
occurred in Wilmington cannot be easily
measured. To understand the impact of such
a traumatic event on a city is a multifaceted,
difficult effort. How did the violence of
November 10, preceded by months of white
supremacy rhetoric sponsored by the
Democratic Party and followed by years of
Jim Crow oppression, veiled threats, and
further violence— affect the city’s African
American residents? Consequences for that
sector of the community were wide ranging
and touched all facets of life: political,
economic, and cultural.
Political Consequences
The political ramifications of the
coup were clearly visible by the spring of
1899, when the newly elected,
Democratically controlled legislature
convened and the city held municipal
elections. Further evidence of the firm grip
the Democrats had on Republican and black
voters was the solid victory of Democratic
candidates and the disfranchisement agenda
in the 1900 elections. Disfranchisement
removed from the voter pool the majority of
African American voters— the broad
political base of the Republican Party. After
sound defeat at the polls and the passage of
the disfranchisement amendment, the
Republican Party acknowledged that it must
disavow its connection to its black voter
base and make itself “ lily- white.” Without
the large black voter base, Republicans lost
the ability to elect statewide officials, and,
as part of their efforts to reinvent the party,
they chose to refrain from distributing
patronage positions to African Americans.
The placement of prominent African
American leaders in lucrative and influential
patronage positions had long been an
important method of advancement in
Wilmington and the state, but, after the 1900
elections, the practice was effectively
ended. 1 It has been argued that once
African Americans lost their political voice,
they re- focused their energies on economic
and educational progress. 2
Economic Consequences
To address the economic impact of
1898 on Wilmington, the North Carolina
Office of Archives and History worked with
the Institute of African American Research
at the University of North Carolina
1 Robert Kenzer, Enterprising Southerners Black
Economic Success in North Carolina, 1865- 1915,
105- 6. Kenzer also posits that because no blacks
held seats in the state legislature or held the power to
vote objectionable politicians out of office,
legislation favorable to black interests was rarely
introduced, and resistance to legislation such as
Clarence Poe’s land segregation scheme of 1915 was
nonexistent. Although African Americans had no
votes in the legislature, black leaders managed to
influence sympathetic politicians in a variety of
ways. Booker T. Washington opposed Poe’s scheme
and worked with other black leaders to make sure the
bill failed. Adaptation to the political framework
imposed upon blacks by whites became key to
ensuring that blacks received a modicum of benefit
from democratic government. Collector of customs
for the port in Wilmington was one of the highest-paying
patronage positions in the state.
2 Hayumi Higuchi, “ White Supremacy on the Cape
Fear,” 140; Kenzer, Enterprising Southerners, 125.
Kenzer observed that blacks of all socio- economic
backgrounds were able to attain college educations
and, as a result, pursued careers in business and
private enterprise rather than trades. He concluded
that achieving higher education for all blacks,
regardless of pre- emancipation status, was a unifying
goal for the community rather than one that divided
upper and lower classes of blacks.

224
Chapter 8: Rebuilding
" To build may have to be the slow and laborious task of years. To destroy can be the thoughtless act of a single
day." - Winston Churchill
The toll of events such as those that
occurred in Wilmington cannot be easily
measured. To understand the impact of such
a traumatic event on a city is a multifaceted,
difficult effort. How did the violence of
November 10, preceded by months of white
supremacy rhetoric sponsored by the
Democratic Party and followed by years of
Jim Crow oppression, veiled threats, and
further violence— affect the city’s African
American residents? Consequences for that
sector of the community were wide ranging
and touched all facets of life: political,
economic, and cultural.
Political Consequences
The political ramifications of the
coup were clearly visible by the spring of
1899, when the newly elected,
Democratically controlled legislature
convened and the city held municipal
elections. Further evidence of the firm grip
the Democrats had on Republican and black
voters was the solid victory of Democratic
candidates and the disfranchisement agenda
in the 1900 elections. Disfranchisement
removed from the voter pool the majority of
African American voters— the broad
political base of the Republican Party. After
sound defeat at the polls and the passage of
the disfranchisement amendment, the
Republican Party acknowledged that it must
disavow its connection to its black voter
base and make itself “ lily- white.” Without
the large black voter base, Republicans lost
the ability to elect statewide officials, and,
as part of their efforts to reinvent the party,
they chose to refrain from distributing
patronage positions to African Americans.
The placement of prominent African
American leaders in lucrative and influential
patronage positions had long been an
important method of advancement in
Wilmington and the state, but, after the 1900
elections, the practice was effectively
ended. 1 It has been argued that once
African Americans lost their political voice,
they re- focused their energies on economic
and educational progress. 2
Economic Consequences
To address the economic impact of
1898 on Wilmington, the North Carolina
Office of Archives and History worked with
the Institute of African American Research
at the University of North Carolina
1 Robert Kenzer, Enterprising Southerners Black
Economic Success in North Carolina, 1865- 1915,
105- 6. Kenzer also posits that because no blacks
held seats in the state legislature or held the power to
vote objectionable politicians out of office,
legislation favorable to black interests was rarely
introduced, and resistance to legislation such as
Clarence Poe’s land segregation scheme of 1915 was
nonexistent. Although African Americans had no
votes in the legislature, black leaders managed to
influence sympathetic politicians in a variety of
ways. Booker T. Washington opposed Poe’s scheme
and worked with other black leaders to make sure the
bill failed. Adaptation to the political framework
imposed upon blacks by whites became key to
ensuring that blacks received a modicum of benefit
from democratic government. Collector of customs
for the port in Wilmington was one of the highest-paying
patronage positions in the state.
2 Hayumi Higuchi, “ White Supremacy on the Cape
Fear,” 140; Kenzer, Enterprising Southerners, 125.
Kenzer observed that blacks of all socio- economic
backgrounds were able to attain college educations
and, as a result, pursued careers in business and
private enterprise rather than trades. He concluded
that achieving higher education for all blacks,
regardless of pre- emancipation status, was a unifying
goal for the community rather than one that divided
upper and lower classes of blacks.