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1 Gregory of Nazianzus: carmen II : An Edition and Commentary by Andrea Lynn Barrales-Hall A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2012 Andrea Lynn Barrales-Hall 2012

2 Author's Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii

3 Abstract Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. AD ) was one of the most learned men of his time and is one of the most important theologians of the early Christian Church. His orations, letters and poetry were widely studied and greatly copied in the Middle Ages. However, there is a lack of modern scholarship on Gregory's poetry, which is why there is such need for this thesis, a study of carm. II 1. 22, with introduction and commentary. The introduction focuses primarily on aspects of carm. II while outlining the events of Gregory's life and situating the poem within them. The commentary is largely linguistic with autobiographical and historical features discussed and brief mention of theological matters. iii

4 Acknowledgements I am grateful to my supervisor, Dr. Andrew Faulkner, for his guidance and support not only through the past year but also during my undergraduate studies, as his student, Teaching Assistant and Research Assistant. He has helped me develop in all of these areas and without his gentle tutelage I would not be where I am today. I am also grateful to Dr. Riemer Faber, Dr. Sheila Ager and Dr. Christina Vester for their infectious passion and the support they have given me through difficult times. I am grateful to Dr. Christos Simelidis, for reading a draft of this thesis and providing me with supportive and helpful feedback. Dr Simelidis suggested that I work on this poem and kindly provided me with reproductions of the manuscripts. Without his help, this thesis would not have been possible. I would also like to thank Dr. Andreas Schwab, who took time out of his busy schedule to discuss Gregory with me and share his valuable insights. I am grateful to my friends for their unwavering support and encouragement, Lillian Wheeler, Brandy Nault, and Brigitte Schneebeli. Lastly, I thank my parents, Joseph and Patricia, my sister Natalie and my partner Ryan Walsh, all of whom have been my anchor. iv

7 Introduction 1. Gregory's Works and carm. II As one of the most learned men of his time, it is unfortunate for Gregory that his true brilliance was only really recognized after his death in 390/391. Based on his five Theological Orations (27-31) he gained the title 'the Theologian,' quite deservingly, as these are the most involved articulations of the late fourth century's view of the Trinity. He was also hailed one of the two greatest Christian orators, the other being John Chrysostom, in late antiquity. His orations were so well received that in the Middle Ages they were translated into seven different languages: Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Georgian, Armenian, Slavonic and Arabic. 1 From the Middle Ages to the present, Gregory's orations, and letters have received the most attention from scholars. We have 44 extant orations and of 244 letters ascribed to Gregory, 241 are considered genuinely his. We could possibly understand the bias in scholarship if his corpus of poetry were small, but Gregory wrote over verses, most of which lack a modern critical edition. For a corpus that is largely unstudied, modern opinion seems rather harsh at times, 'his historical significance springs from his detailed and lively letters, a series of polished and thoughtful orations (some of theological importance), and relatively uninspired poetry that nevertheless contains valuable autobiographical information' (Rousseau OCD). Thankfully, not all scholars think like this of his poetry; soon to be among the few modern studies on Gregory's poetry is Dr. Christos Simelidis' critical edition of the carmina of Gregory for the Corpus Christianorum series. Work such as this is necessary to understand and appreciate these poems fully, which is why I chose to work on carm. II , a poem which has not undergone any detailed work. It is important to know where carm. II fits in the corpus of Gregory's poetry. 1 McGuckin (2001: xi, 402). 1

8 Traditionally, the poems have been divided into two main groups, the theological and historical. The former is further divided into dogmatic and moral poems, while the latter is broken into five categories: about himself, about others, verse epistles, 129 epitaphs and 94 epigrams. Carmen II is accounted for under the historical section as a poem that pertains to Gregory. As an autobiographical poem, carmen II is 24 verses of dactylic hexameter, which can be divided into two twelve verse sections. The first twelve lines allude heavily to the book of Exodus as Gregory asks Christ to save him from the Pharaoh, take him from Egypt and divide the Red Sea for him. In return for helping him reach the Holy Land, Gregory promises that he will sing in continuous hymns to Christ. The next twelve lines, which I argue are styled after the Psalms as a hymn, question the necessity of a mortal life, especially when mortal life is so dismal. Gregory describes his weak and sick state, which is the effect of time and a life full of enemies. Gregory ends the poem with requests for either his pain to end on earth, to be received in heaven or to forget. 2. Biography and Dating Gregory was born on a country estate called Karbala in Cappadocia at some point between 326 and 330. Gregory's father belonged to a Judaeo-Christian sect called the Hypsistarians before marrying Nonna, Gregory's mother, who persuaded her husband to convert to Christianity, coming from a wealthy Christian family herself. 2 In 329, while Gregory was still quite young, or perhaps not yet born, Gregory the Elder became bishop of Nazianzus. Nonna and Gregory the Elder had two other children besides Gregory, Gorgonia who was the eldest and Caesarius who was the youngest. Like Gregory, Gorgonia tried to lead an ascetic lifestyle but unlike Gregory married. Gorgonia obviously took after her strong willed 2 Gallay (1943: 22) 2

9 and persuasive mother, converting her husband, Alypius, to Christianity. Gregory and his younger brother were educated together for most of their primary education. Their training began in Nazianzus but continued in Caesaraea, the capital of Cappadocia, furthering their studies in grammar and rhetoric. The aristocratic Christian Cappadocians, like Gregory the Elder who focused on his childrens' education, formed an intellectually and socially elite Cappadocian Christian class. 3 The brothers' education continued abroad in Palestine in the large city of Caesaraea. The city was well connected to Origen, and is likely where Gregory first encountered Origen's exegetical and theological works. At probably the end of 348, the brothers continued on to Alexandria, the centre of the Hellenistic world. Eventually though, Gregory decided to move to Athens, while Caesarius stayed in Alexandria. It was this impetuous decision that led to a terrifying journey by ship. According to Gregory's account in the De vita sua, he dramatically promised to dedicate his life's work to God and to be baptized if God should save him from the storm at sea. 4 In Athens, Gregory and Basil of Caesarea met (or reconnected, it is not quite certain) and began a friendship, which would have a deep impact on both of their lives. They continued their rhetorical training but also studied in a wide range of subjects. One of the most influential subjects would have been Neoplatonic philosophy, lectures of which were being given by Priscus. Surrounded by the mystical philosophy and Hellenic culture, Gregory only dove deeper into the Christian faith, trying to synthesize it with his philosophical training. 5 While Gregory was persuaded to continue on in Athens, Basil returned home to Cappadocia, probably in 356. Not long after, Gregory decided to return home and on his way 3 McGuckin (2001: 7). 4 De vita sua vv McGuckin (2001: 40-58). 3

10 met with Caesarius in Constantinople, where the younger brother was setting the foundation for his successful career. At this time, Gregory was clearly committed to an ascetic lifestyle, which would allow him to continue intellectual pursuits and enjoy quiet contemplation. 6 However, given his family's status and his level of education, Gregory was clearly expected to take on greater responsibility in the Church. His father was still the bishop at Nazianzus, now reaching his mid-eighties and, to no surprise, needing and expecting help from his son. According to Gregory, his father forced him to be ordained as presbyter in December 361 or January Having a standing invitation from Basil to come to Pontus and pursue the 'philosophical' life, which is to say a withdrawn and intellectually focused life, Gregory fled his new responsibilities, as he would repeatedly in the future. 8 However, clearly feeling the tug of guilt, Gregory returned home and delivered the oration In Defence of his Flight at Easter. For the next decade it seems Gregory focused on balancing his desire to withdraw and his duties as a preacher. 9 He used his rhetorical training to the fullest, composing beautiful orations including the funeral orations for Gorgonia and Caesarius, who died in 368, young and unmarried. 10 In 372, Emperor Valens decided to divide Cappadocia, at which point Basil, having apparently left behind his desire for a withdrawn life, took action to secure his ecclesiastical position throughout the territory. He did so by surrounding himself with bishops who he thought would support him at any important synodal debates, looking towards both his younger brother and Gregory, who was coerced into a new see at Sasima at the urging of Basil 6 On his own Affairs vv De vita sua vv De vita sua vv McGuckin (2001: 100-7). 10 On his own affairs vv ; Gregory was clearly grief stricken over the loss of his brother. 4

11 and Gregory the Elder. 11 Sasima was, according to Gregory in the De vita sua, a tiny village of no significance to himself, but its political significance was clear as it straddled the two Cappadocian provinces. 12 Head of a previously faithless and a rather uncultured Church as well as being practically forced from his solitude, Gregory came to resent his appointment and the betrayal of his friendship. McGuckin adds that this resentment may also have been because Gregory thought that Basil wanted to use his knowledge and oratorical skills for a more direct influence in the affairs of the province rather than in some insignificant village. 13 It is clear in his letter to Basil 14 that Gregory was in no way going to help his ambitions. As when he was appointed as presbyter in Nazianzus, Gregory fled from his duties at Sasima into quiet contemplation. However, he did not enjoy this for too long before his father called him back to Nazianzus to help again. Shortly thereafter, Gregory the Elder passed away, at almost the age of 100, and was soon followed in death by Nonna. Although Gregory was not canonically ordained as the bishop of Nazianzus, he took his father's place because no one was willing to replace Gregory and allow him to pursue his ascetical life. However, Gregory's unease with his ecclesiastical responsibilities caused him to leave again in For about four years Gregory remained in a monastic community in Seleucia. Here, Gregory was able to detach himself from the ecclesiastical and political stress of Cappadocia but was close enough to Antioch to hear about the theological debates that had split the Church of Antioch into three groups: the Arian, the 'Homoousian' and a moderate pro-nicene group, which essentially tried to find middle ground between the first two groups. After 379, 11 McGuckin (2001: 192). 12 vv (2001: ). 14 Ep McGuckin (2001: 232-5). 5

12 Gregory became the leading voice of the consubstantiality of the Trinity and the complete mortality of Christ. Once Emperor Valens was killed and Theodosius (supporter of the Nicene confession) was hailed Emperor of the East by his armies in 379, the pro-nicene community in Antioch and Asia Minor realized the importance of a Nicene voice in Constantinople, the last of which had been bishop Evagrius in 370. It was at this time that friends, including perhaps Basil, encouraged Gregory to be that voice. 16 Though he would not be canonically recognized as bishop, he could, with his eloquent and persuasive preaching, support and augment the orthodox view. With the opportunity to stay with family and a hall in which to congregate, Gregory rose to the occasion and headed to the capital in 379. Over the next year and a half to two years, Gregory wrote 44 orations for his pro- Nicene campaign 17 and faced much opposition. Surprisingly, this was not all anti-nicene opposition, but also came from those Gregory had once considered friends and supporters. When it came to appointing a new Nicene bishop, the Council of 381 debated hotly over Gregory's suitability for the position. With such resistance, Gregory submitted his resignation, much to the dismay of the local clergy and congregation. 18 Finally, Gregory, who had once long ago dedicated himself to the philosophical life, was able to leave Church politics for good and retire in the country. Though he had even more of a reason to resent public leadership, which he talks about with bitterness in his later writings, Gregory's return home was also filled with a sadness from 16 Daley (2006: 14), McGuckin (2001: ). 17 For further discussion of the orations and their specific dating, see McGuckin (2001: ) and Gallay ( ; ). 18 For a full description of these tumultuous years and their connection to carm. II , see section 7. Autobiographical Interpretation of carm. II

13 the loss of the only ecclesiastical office he had truly wanted. The mixed emotions he felt after the events in Constantinople are evident throughout the writings of the final decade of his life, most of which are poems and letters. Carmen II was written assuredly among those composed after his resignation in Constantinople 19 and I am inclined to agree with Daley that it was specifically composed in the last years of his life (c. 387), due to the emphasis on his failing health and solitude Language Much like the Hellenistic poets, Gregory used his extensive knowledge of other works and styles to create a new style of poetry; drawing from poetic, classical, Hellenistic, and Judaeo-Christian literature Gregory developed his own form of Christian classicising verse. Thus, the sheer amount of allusions in his work should not surprise but rather incite curiosity; to what end is he borrowing these words and phrases? What can pagan words say to a Christian audience? In carmen II , though the first 12 lines are an overwhelming reference to Exodus, there are a number of poetic borrowings, e.g. μερόπων (v. 1), βιότου (v. 2), πληγῇσιν ἀεικελίῃσι δαμάσσας (v. 5). These, along with Neo-Platonic (πλαζομένῃ πικρῆς βιότου δι' ἐρήμης v. 2) and Hellenistic (ἵλαθι v. 22) references continue throughout the clearly Christian poem. Gregory altered many of these pagan borrowings from their original meanings, if even slightly, in order to convey his ideas. While focused discussions on these words can be found in their respective places in the commentary, in general, this mixing and manipulation was ultimately meant to denote a Christian superiority. For example, Gregory uses the Hesiodic image of the 'easy way' 19 McGuckin (2001: 376). 20 (2006: 163). Towards the end (c. 383), McGuckin informs us that Gregory even sought relief in hot spas in Cappadocia for these protracted illnesses, including perhaps his acute rheumatism (2001: xi, 46, 387). 7

14 (λείην δὲ πόροις ὁδόν v. 6) but not with the same connotations; Christ can provide an easy road to the Holy Land and the divine. This 'easy way' is full of virtue and goodness, unlike Hesiod's, and therefore superior. Gregory had a talent for reusing and reworking any idea to transmit his own Christian ones. However, some allusions, search as we might, may turn out to be merely eruditional borrowings with no hidden or altered meaning. Likewise throughout our searches, we must keep in mind that though a word (e.g. τηκεδάνη v. 18) or application of a word (e.g. Αἰγύπτοιο βαρείης v. 4), may appear unique to Gregory, he will have most likely had other texts and resources which we do not and of which we have no knowledge. 4. Metre As it is not the focus of this work, it will be sufficient to remark briefly on the metre (dactylic hexameter) of carm. II According to Agosti and Gonnelli, who did a study on the hexameter of Christian poets, 21 the following were the most common patterns within Gregory's hexameter: ddddd (31.69%), sdddd (19.20%), dsddd (15.22%) dddsd (8.5%). Each line also contains a masculine or feminine caesura in the third foot, though the feminine is predominant (78.82%). In 72.3% and 63.75% of the cases, the masculine and feminine caesura, respectively, are accompanied by a bucolic diaeresis, which alone occurs 65.52% of the time. According to these figures, II. I. 22 is hardly unusual; ddddd, sdddd, dsddd comprise % of the carmen with overwhelmingly more feminine caesurae. Metrically, carmen II is unremarkable, but this is not surprising given the small size of the poem (only 24 verses). 21 For an in depth study of Gregory's meter and as it compares to other Christian poets, see Agosti-Gonnelli (1995: ). 8

15 5. Unity The transmission of carm. II varies in the MSS; 22 some transmit the two 12 verse sections separately with vv appearing first in order, like La and Pc, while others transmit the 24 lines together, such as L. In the former MSS, vv are followed by carm. II after which appear vv as a different poem. This cannot be a coincidence; carm. II is another 12 verse poem whose content is so similar Pc entitles it, ἱκετηρία ἄλλο and like verse 13 of II , this poem begins with χριστὲ ἄναξ, τί με σαρκὸς ἐν ἄρκυσι ταῖσδ' ἐνέδησας;. It is plausible that the last 12 verses of II were interpreted as a separate poem because they resemble II in both form and content. However, while this appears sound reasoning for reading II as two poems, there is much evidence within the carmen to suggest its unity. The most convincing evidence is the language the carmen shares. Repetition is common throughout Gregory's works, 23 and certain words alone, such as Χριστὲ in verse 1 and 13, do not necessarily make a strong case for the unity of this poem when it is so frequently found throughout his other works. However, the abundance of repetition does not subtract from its importance; repeated words (or word groups) reveal and emphasize the important imagery in the work, connect (perhaps seemingly unconnected) sections, and even let the work respond to itself. Two major images are presented in similar language in both 12-line sections of the poem; the description of the world as mud or muddy, πηλοῦ (v. 4), ἰλυόεντι βερέθρῳ (v. 14), and Christ's ability to stop things, ποταμοὺς στήσειας ἀπείρονας (v. 10), στῆσον κακότητα (v. 22). As this imagery will be discussed further below, it is sufficient for now to point out that these 22 Further information on the MSS and their transmission can be found below under section 8. Manuscript Tradition. 23 Simelidis (2009: 52-54). 9

16 repeated ideas and words argue for the continuity of carm. II Furthermore, Gregory repeats the notion that he is Christ's λάχος (vv. 9, 15), which may not be remarkable if it were not for the fact that he writes this in the same metrical position and almost the same wording, ἐμὸν λάχος, ὥσπερ ὑπέστης (v. 9) and λάχος δὲ σὸν, ὥσπερ ἄκουσα (v. 15). In fact, ἄκουσα seems to acknowledge and respond to the ὑπέστης above, as if Gregory is telling Christ 'you told me, and I listened.' Besides the language, there is the influence of the book of Exodus to consider. With even the quickest glance at this carmen key words, like Pharaoh, Egypt and the Red Sea, make patent the allusion to Exodus 14. These allusions do not seem to continue in the second 12 verses, which would perhaps suggest two distinct poems. But if one continues reading Exodus, book 15 begins with τότε ᾖσεν Μωυσῆς καὶ οἱ υἱοὶ Ἰσραὴλ τὴν ᾠδὴν ταύτην, a song which praises God because of the events of book 14. As Gregory promises in verse 12 to sing διηνεκέεσσιν ἐν ὕμνοις to Christ, it is possible to interpret the 12 lines that follow as the fulfilment of this promise and as a parallel Exodus 15. In further support of this argument, there are many psalmic attributes in vv , the first of which is Gregory asking Christ 'why.' These rhetorical questions directed at God appear quite frequently in the Psalms (e.g. 21: 2), especially when the questioner is experiencing or has experienced great difficulties. Many of the difficulties which Gregory faces are presented with the language of hunting (see vv. 6-7, 13, 20-22), parallels of which can again be found within the Psalms (e.g. 140: 9). Moreover, Gregory describes the situation of his failing body and his lack of friends very similarly to Psalm 37. He explains that the strength has gone from his limbs (μελέων σθένος ὤλετο v. 16), an image which is found in Psalm 37: 11, ἐγκατέλιπέν με ἡ ἰσχύς μου, and interestingly rendered in [Apollinaris'] paraphrase of the Psalms, μελέων δ'ἀπεχάζετο κῖκυς. In the Psalm, David not only petitions God for his help because he has no strength but also because those whom he thought were friends 10

17 have turned away from him, leaving him alone in such an ill state (οἱ φίλοι μου καὶ οἱ πλησίον μου ἐξ ἐναντίας μου ἤγγισαν καὶ ἔστησαν,/ καὶ οἱ ἔγγιστά μου ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔστησαν 37: 12). These psalmic conventions and topics following the promise to sing hymns (much like the Israelites did after crossing the Red Sea) suggest that vv are modelled after the Psalms and are to be understood as the first of the 'continuous hymns.' It is not just the language, imagery and structure of the poem that suggest its unity, but also the many MSS which transmit these 24 lines together, especially Laurentianus pluteus 7, 10 and 32, 16. The superiority of the former is based on the fact that it is one of the earliest and most complete collections of Gregory's poetry and of the latter, that it was edited by the highly skilled and experienced Planudes. 24 Though there is no doubt that these 24 lines can be read separately and still with meaning, combined they create an extremely complex and layered poem, which provides one with a deeper, more enjoyable reading. 6. Imagery The imagery the reader is first presented with is that of light, when s/he reads that Christ is the φάος μερόπων (v. 1). Christ and the holy land are associated with brightness two more times in the first 12 verses, πυρόεν στύλε (v. 1), χθόνα δῖαν (v. 9). The association with light is also connected to the lightness in weight or the incorporeality of Christ, who appears as a 'fiery pillar.' Compared to the brilliance and weightlessness of the divine, the descriptions of mortal life are dark and weighty in nature, πηλοῦ μ' ἀδέτοιο (v. 4), ἰλυόεντι βερέθρῳ (v. 14), Αἰγύπτοιο βαρείης (v. 4). Gregory clearly portrays mortality as a burden, a weight compared to divinity, in which one is placed and out of which one is taken only by the divine, ἐν ἄρκυσι... ἐνέδησας (v. 13), ἐξερύσαις (v. 5). Thus, the mortal world and life act as 'nets' which keep Gregory trapped in a dark world, impeding his journey to the divine (cf. n. 13 σαρκὸς ἐν ἄρκυσι). 24 For more on these MSS, see section 8. Manuscript Transmission below. 11

18 This bright and light versus dark and heavy imagery is compounded by that of hunting, which appears to worsen as the poem progresses. In the beginning, Gregory makes it clear that he is stuck in the world, but there is hope that Christ will pull him out of the mire (πηλοῦ μ' ἀδέτοιο [...] ἐξερύσαις vv. 4-5) and, although his enemies chase him, again there is the hope of Christ's intervention (κίχῃσιν ἐχθρὸς ἐπισπέρχων, σὺ δέ μοι καὶ πόντον ἐρυθρὸν τμήξειας vv. 6-8). Later in the poem, however, Gregory's situation seems more dire as he elaborates upon being bound in the 'muddy abyss' of the world and even his own body, which acts like a net because of its mortal nature (σαρκὸς ἐν ἄρκυσι ταῖσδ' [...] βίῳ κρυόεντι, καὶ ἰλυόεντι βερέθρῳ vv ). Trapped in his own body, Gregory is now not only chased by his enemies but surrounded and trampled on by them (στείβουσ' ἀδρανέοντα [...] ἀμφὶς ἔχουσι vv ). He imagines himself as the cowering hare or deer, he is weak and completely alone because even his friends think ἄφιλα v. 18. By the end of the poem Gregory is completely downtrodden, the helpless victim whose only escape seems to be the mercy of death, which only Christ can give. The mention of death brings us to the last prominent image in the poem, that of water ceasing to flow. It is the natural quality of water to flow and it is impossible to stop its movement. However, Christ is able to part the Red Sea, to turn a liquid substance solid, and hold back water (πόντον ἐρυθρὸν τμήξειας, στερεὴν [...] θάλασσαν [...] ποταμοὺς στήσειας ἀπείρονας vv. 7-10). The power to decide the ebb and flow of water should not be surprising. Since the divine created the world it would naturally be within His control. By extension, Gregory's life as part of the natural world and divine creation (which he notes in v. 13) is also under the control of Christ. Thus the image of stationary water acts a foil to Gregory's own desire, that of stopping his sufferings and ending his life. 7. Autobiographical Interpretation of carm. II By naming himself (v. 1) Gregory erases any doubt the reader may have had of the 12

19 autobiographical nature of the poem. The allusion to Exodus (vv. 1-12) and the multiple references to his ill health and body (vv ) can be read simply as Gregory's poetic way of expressing the struggle of understanding and communing with God while having to work against non-believers, and an ageing body. Overall, the poem reads as a plea for death, which would return Gregory to God and bring him the greatest salvation of all. While this interpretation is secure, I believe that one can read further into the many references to Gregory's enemies (vv. 3, 6, 7, 10, 18-21). For the first 12 lines, Gregory relates his experience through that of the Israelites in Exodus, which can account for the specific naming of enemies, such as the Pharaoh, oppressive Egypt, etc. Yet these names as well as references to traitorous friends and dogs in the last half of the poem also recall struggles Gregory had with Egyptian bishops in his own life. For these reasons, as well as others which will be illuminated further on, I believe a strong case can be made that Gregory is also alluding to the events which took place in Constantinople. As the capital's leading Nicene voice, Gregory became fast friends with Maximus 'The Cynic,' who, having left Alexandria, arrived in the capital in 380 as a defender of the Nicene faith. Not long after his arrival, Maximus' true intentions began to show through as he tried to manipulate and bribe his way onto the bishop's throne. In the De vita sua, Gregory explains that a group of Alexandrian bishops had come to the capital to ordain Maximus as the official Nicene bishop. 25 However, even with the support of Peter of Alexandria, Maximus failed to obtain Theodosius' (the emperor's) formal approval. Rather, when it came to re-establishing the religious situation, Theodosius offered the Church to Gregory, 26 who accepted this position, 25 vv Emperor Theodosius exiled Demophilus, the anti-nicene bishop of Constantinople, because he refused to adopt the new theological position. 13

20 though he was not officially enthroned as the canonical bishop. In May 381, Theodosius assembled a council of Eastern (from Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt) bishops to the capital, essentially to continue the council of Antioch in 379. With the anti-nicene groups barred from clerical positions and churches and likely reaffirmation of the Nicene confession with the addition of the consubstantiality of the Holy Spirit, it seemed obvious that Gregory would be recognized as the official bishop of Constantinople. 27 But this was not the case. The consubstantiality of the Holy Spirit with the Father and Son, which Gregory had often professed in his orations, was not declared in the Council's reaffirmation of the Nicene faith. And although supported by the emperor and the majority of bishops from Asia Minor, Gregory found great resistance in those from Egypt, who had the support of the west (even though the Latin bishops had no votes in the Council). 28 To argue his appointment, some of the bishops (mainly the Egyptians) cited old canons which said that bishops could not transfer sees. As Gregory was bishop of Sasima, and had even been acting as such in Nazianzus, he was ineligible for the position in the capital. 29 It is clear that these were merely convenient and legitimate reasons to contest the installation. As Daley says, the canon was 'already more honored in the breach than in the observance, but one that still offered a legal excuse for objection.' 30 Knowing he lacked full support, Gregory handed over his resignation, expressing his happiness over being able to retire in Cappadocia and lead the philosophical life he so much preferred over these political games. Given the betrayal of Maximus and his Egyptians backers and how deeply Gregory was 27 McGuckin (2001: 348). 28 Sozomen, Church History 7.7 (trans. Edward Walford, rev. Chester D. Hartranft; Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers II/2 [repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983] 380). 29 See Sozomen's account, Church History (2006: 24) 14

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