Page:Popular Science Monthly Volume 19.djvu/782

when embraced, or retire from public to private life, or dispose of his property, or travel into any foreign country, without the permission of the Czar." This omnipresent rule is well expressed in the close of certain rhymes, for which a military officer was sent to Siberia:

"Tout se fait par ukase ici;

C'est par ukase que l'on voyage,

C'est par ukase que l'on rit."

Taking thus the existing barbarous society of Dahomey, formed of negroes; the extinct semi-civilized empire of the Incas, whose subjects were remote in blood from these; the ancient Egyptian empire peopled by yet other races; the community of the Spartans, again unlike in the type of its men; and the existing Russian nation made up of Slavs and Tartars—we have before us cases in which such similarities of social structure as exist can not be ascribed to inheritance of a common character by the social units. The immense contrasts between the populations of these several societies, too, varying from millions at the one extreme to thousands at the other, negative the supposition that their common structural traits are consequent on size. Nor can it be supposed that likenesses of conditions in respect of climate, surface, soil, flora, fauna, or likenesses of habits caused by such conditions, can have had anything to do with the likenesses of organization in these societies; for their respective habitats present numerous marked unlikenesses. Such traits as they one and all exhibit, not ascribable to any other cause, must thus be ascribed to the habitual militancy characteristic of them all. The results of induction alone would go far to warrant this ascription; and it is fully warranted by their correspondence with the results of deduction, as set forth above.

Any remaining doubts must disappear on observing how continued militancy is followed by further development of the militant organization. Three illustrations will suffice:

When, during Roman conquests, the tendency for the successful general to become despot, repeatedly displayed, finally took effect—when the title imperator, military in its primary meaning, became the title for the civil ruler, showing us on a higher platform that genesis of political headship out of military headship visible from the beginning—when, as usually happens, an increasingly-divine character was acquired by the civil ruler, as shown in the assumption of the severed name Augustus, as well as in the growth of an actual worship of him; there simultaneously became more pronounced those further traits which characterise the militant type in its developed form. Practically, if not nominally, the other powers of the state were absorbed by him. In the words of Duruy, he had—

the right of proposing, that is, of making, laws; of receiving and trying appeals, i. e., the supreme jurisdiction; of arresting by the tribunitian veto