A former writer, editor, broadcaster and municipal politician, Terry now volunteers in support of several life-affirming non-profits, including the Talitha Koum Society, Blooms into Rooms and Signal Hill.

"Reason is always a kind of brute force; those who appeal to the head rather than the heart, however pallid and polite, are necessarily men of violence. We speak of 'touching' a man's heart, but we can do nothing to his head but hit it."--G.K. Chesterton

Tuesday, September 5, 2017

Foreign-funded interest group seeks to sway next civic election

An organization called the Dogwood Initiative (also known as Dogwood BC|) has announced it
intends to get involved in next year’s municipal election in Coquitlam. The
environmental and government-reform group has every right to do so, of course, but the potential
consequences of its involvement further bolster my ongoing argument that the
provincial government should deliberate very carefully before enacting any
municipal-level campaign-donation “reforms.”

Such reforms are top of mind this week because, with news
that the NDP government’s first throne speech is to be delivered on Friday,
Sept. 8, speculation has turned to what the contents of that speech may be.
Many observers predict the Horgan government will have to address its
longstanding commitment to introduce provincial campaign-donation reforms.

This, in turn, leads me to wonder if the NDP will decide to
act on municipal-level campaign-donation and -spending restrictions, as has
been called for by some local politicians but which has been opposed repeatedly
by me; moreover, such possible restrictions were the subject of a cautionary letter sent by Coquitlam Council to the three provincial party leaders last
spring.

Faithful readers of this blog will recall that I have long argued that restrictions on corporate and/or union donations will severely handicap
independent and unaffiliated candidates, unfairly helping candidates who are members
of slates or parties, or who have the backing (and access to membership lists)
of labour unions.

What is also evident is that, if severe donation
restrictions are put in place, outside special-interest groups will likely end
up playing a bigger role, not only in pre-campaign marketing, organizing and
lobbying efforts, but also during campaigns themselves. It is easy to imagine a
variety of issue-oriented groups moving into the vacuum created by hamstrung
candidates who, because of donation and spending restrictions, will be unable
to produce the flyers, pamphlets, and advertising they could produce in past
election campaigns.

And here’s where Dogwood comes into the picture. The organization boasts on its website that it had a
successful (but, in my eyes, largely unrecognized) impact on the last provincial
election. “We had 71 election related events over the last two months across
B.C.,” the group reported in early June. “We made 36,564 phone calls to get out
the vote. We had 13,576 live conversations with our supporters. We texted
63,000 people. That is powerful.

“We made sure our supporters, those who want to stop Kinder
Morgan, ban big money, and end thermal coal exports, showed up at their voting
polls. We talked to people who weren’t sure who they were voting for or if they
were voting. We helped British Columbians find their polling place and bring
the right ID. And we know by how tight this election was that every vote
counted — especially in those important ridings where anti-Kinder Morgan
politicians were elected like Burnaby North, Coquitlam-Maillardville and
Courtenay-Comox.“

As suggested above, it is worth underlining that the DI is an
enthusiastic supporter of banning “big money” from elections and has even called a “corruption inquiry”into BC politics. Of course, the way I see it, a ban on
so-called big money would undoubtedly strengthen the DI’s hand, giving it less
competition in the marketplace of political ideas.

Moreover, the DI’s call to eliminate “big money” from
politics can easily be seen as rather rich coming from an organization whose $2.2-million-dollar
budget (for the year ended March 31, 2016) has its own share of “big money”
revenue, to the tune of $922,447 in grants.

All this wouldn’t necessarily be of much interest to
Coquitlam civic voters were it not for the fact that, on June 13, Alex McGowan,
who identified himself as “the Dogwood BC Provincial Organizer in the area including
Coquitlam,” told me in an email that his organization “recently made the
decision to invest in building teams in the area from Burnaby to Maple Ridge in
advanced [sic] of the 2018 municipal election.” He continued, “I know you are
an incredible advocate in your community and I think we can find space to work
together.”

I responded to his invitation to meet me by posing a series
of questions, including these:

*From which organizations, and of what total, did you
receive grants in 2016?

*What were the services you provided, and to whom, that
accounted for the reported $350,427 in "fee for service" revenue in
2016?

*Your organization's website celebrates the "behind the
scenes" impact the DI had on the last provincial election. The site also
states that the DI is a "registered sponsor" under the "Election
Act." ... [W]hich candidates or parties did you sponsor, and how much did you spend
in support of that sponsorship? (Please itemize).

*Is it the DI's intent to formally or informally support
candidates, based on their support of your policies and or campaigns, in next
year's municipal elections? If so, can those candidates expect to receive
indirect or direct financial support from the DI? If so, how much?

Mr. McGowan’s responses were revealing for what he said and
what he did not say. Most importantly, he revealed that the group receives an unspecified amount of funding from sources in the United States. Here is his complete
answer on this subject:

“On fundraising: - 60% of Dogwood's funding comes from
non-grant sources: individuals and earned revenue; none comes from government
or corporations; among the foundations that support Dogwood several are based
in Seattle, a city that shares the Salish Sea with British Columbia. Dogwood’s
campaign decisions are independent from any financial influence since no single
source provides more than 5% of total revenue. We receive donations from over
10,000 individual Canadians.”

He did not provide the names of any of those foreign
funders. But a little Internet sleuthing turned up the fact that the San
Francisco-based Tides Foundation, which has been the subject of several exposes
by National Post contributor Vivian Krause, has been one of the DI’s major funders, pouring $187,425 into its coffers in2015 alone.

One suspects that those BC voters, who are concerned about
corporate and union donations to local politicians, would also be concerned about foreign advocacy groups’ support of a local special-interest
group.

I am also wondering why Mr. McGowan did not answer my
question about the nature of the “fee for service” revenue it received in 2016.
He did say that, “We have registered as intervenors in the past three elections.
We have never endorsed or financially supported any candidate or party as per
our non-partisan status. We remain committed to that policy. Our election work
continues to be about increasing turnout and engagement. In regards to election
spending, all registered intervenors are required by law to submit detailed
reports to all applicable election oversight bodies.”

That’s good information, but the non-partisanship implied by
Mr. McGowan’s statement seems to be at odds with the declaration, quoted above,
that, “We made sure our supporters, those who want to stop Kinder Morgan, ban
big money, and end thermal coal exports, showed up at their voting polls.”

I had a brief phone chat this week with Mr. McGowan about some of the gaps
in the information he supplied. We hope to have a fuller talk in the near future; if we
do – and if any more details are forthcoming – I will update this article.

SEPT. 8. I have now had a good discussion with Mr. McGowan about some of the issues I raised, above.
*On the fee-for-service issue, he stated firmly that DI does not sell its services to any political organization. Rather, its does training and consulting-type work for other non-profits.
*On the question of foreign donations, he stated that the amount the DI receives is "relatively small" and the money has been primarily used to support the DI's campaign to stop coal-port expansion.
*On the apparent conflict in values -- the DI is opposed to corporate and union funding of parties and candidates, but in favour of its receipt of foreign grants -- Mr. McGowan says the distinction is that the DI is not responsible for making decisions.
*On the possibility that, if successful, DI's opposition to union and corporate funding would create a more open playing field for DI and other organizations to influence public policy, he say Dogwood does not have the funds to run ads in every municipality.
*And, finally, on the apparent, de-facto partisanship, he said that, yes, the DI "definitely" wants to influence elections, but it does so by identifying party and candidate stances on crucial issues, and then communicating (to people they have identified who support the DI's goals) those stances. The DI does not specifically endorse or support any party or candidate, though.

For my part, I told him that it was my opinion that I am concerned about the impact of foreign money on local politics, that I believe its work constitutes de facto endorsement of candidates, and that the DI's anti-corporate and -union donations stance would, if implemented, unfairly favour candidates aligned with organized parties or slates, particularly if those parties and slates are affiliated with unions, which have access to volunteers and membership lists.