Ulster loyalism emerged in the late 19th century, as a response to the Irish self-government and Irish independence movements. Although most of Ireland was Catholic, in the province of Ulster Protestants were the majority. Loyalism began as a self-determination movement among Ulster Protestants who did not want to become part of an autonomous Ireland. While some Irish Catholics were also unionist, loyalism tended to emphasize Ulster Protestant heritage. This movement led to the partition of Ireland in 1921. Most of Ireland became independent, while about two-thirds of Ulster remained within the United Kingdom as a self-governing territory called Northern Ireland. Loyalists often use 'Ulster' as an alternative name for Northern Ireland.

Since partition, most loyalists have supported upholding Northern Ireland's status as a part of the United Kingdom (i.e. unionism). Historically, the terms 'unionist' and 'loyalist' were often used interchangeably. However, since the resurgence of loyalist paramilitarism in the 1960s, a distinction between the two is made more often. The term 'loyalist' is now usually used to describe working class unionists who are willing to use, or tacitly support, paramilitary violence to defend the Union with Great Britain.[5][6][7] Loyalists are also described as being loyal primarily to the Protestant British monarchy rather than to the British government and institutions.[8]Garret FitzGerald argued that loyalists are loyal primarily to 'Ulster' rather than to 'the Union'.[9] Some loyalists have called for an independent Ulster Protestant state, believing that they cannot rely on the British government to prevent Irish reunification (see Ulster nationalism).

In Northern Ireland there is a long tradition of militaristic loyalist Protestant marching bands. There are hundreds of such bands who hold numerous parades each year. The yearly Eleventh Night (11 July) bonfires and The Twelfth (12 July) parades are strongly associated with loyalism.

These counties remained a part of the United Kingdom. Academically cited records from 1926 indicate that at that stage 33.5% of the Northern Ireland population was Roman Catholic, with 62.2% belonging to the three major Protestant denominations (Presbyterian 31.3%, Church of Ireland 27%, Methodist 3.0%).[11]

Tensions between Northern Ireland's Catholic population (which mostly supports Irish reunification) and its Protestant population (which mostly supports remaining part of the UK) led to a long-running bloody conflict known as the Troubles from the late 1960s to the late 1990s.

During the Troubles, their stated goals were to combat Irish republicanism – particularly the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) – and to defend Protestant loyalist areas.[15][16] However, most of their victims were Irish Catholic civilians, who were often killed at random[17] in sectarian attacks.[15] Whenever they claimed responsibility for their attacks, loyalists usually claimed that those targeted were IRA members or were giving help to the IRA.[18] M. L. R. Smith wrote that "From the outset, the loyalist paramilitaries tended to regard all Catholics as potential rebels".[19] Other times, attacks on Catholic civilians were claimed as "retaliation" for IRA actions, since the IRA drew most of its support from the Catholic community.[15][17][20] Such retaliation was seen as both collective punishment and an attempt to weaken the IRA's support; it was thought that terrorizing the Catholic community and inflicting such a death toll on it would force the IRA to end its campaign.[19][21]

In the 1990s, the main loyalist paramilitaries called ceasefires. Following this, small breakaway groups continued to wage violent campaigns for a number of years, and members of loyalist groups have continued to engage in sporadic violence.

The name Protestant Action Force (PAF) was also occasionally used by loyalists during the Troubles. It has been suggested that PAF was a covername used by a semi-independent group (or groups) within the UVF who were carrying out attacks on their own initiative or without the sanction of the UVF leadership.

A republican mural in Belfast with the slogan "Collusion Is Not An Illusion"

In their efforts to defeat the IRA, there were incidents of collusion between the state security forces (the British Army and RUC) and loyalist paramilitaries. This included soldiers and policemen taking part in loyalist attacks while off-duty, giving weapons and intelligence to loyalists, not taking action against them, and hindering police investigations. Some of the soldiers and policemen involved were members of loyalist paramilitaries while others were not. The security forces also had double agents and informers within loyalist groups who organised attacks on the orders of, or with the knowledge of, their handlers. The De Silva report found that, during the 1980s, 85% of the intelligence loyalists used to target people came from the security forces.[32]

Due to a number of factors, the locally recruited Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) was 97% Protestant from late 1972 onward.[33][34] Despite the vetting process, some members of paramilitary groups managed to enlist; mainly to obtain weapons, training and intelligence.[35] A 1973 British Government document (uncovered in 2004), "Subversion in the UDR", suggested that 5–15% of UDR soldiers then were members of loyalist paramilitaries such as the UDA,[35][36] which was a legal organisation until 1992. The report said the UDR was the main source of weapons for those groups,[35] although by 1973 UDR weapons losses had dropped by up to 75%, partly due to stricter controls.[37]

In 1977, the Army investigated two companies of 10 UDR based at Girdwood Barracks, Belfast. The investigation concluded that 70 soldiers had links to the UVF. Following this, two were dismissed on security grounds.[38] It found that thirty NCOs had fraudulently diverted up to £47,000 to the UVF. It was also alleged that UVF members socialised with soldiers in their mess.[38] The investigation was halted after a senior officer claimed it was harming morale,[38] and details of it were discovered in 2011.[38]

Initially, the Army allowed soldiers to join the UDA.[39] In November 1972 the Army ordered that a soldier should be discharged if his sympathy for a paramilitary group affects his performance, loyalty or impartiality.[40] By the end of 1975, 171 soldiers with UDA links had been discharged.[41]

During the 1970s, the Glenanne gang—a secret group consisting of loyalist militants, British soldiers and RUC officers—carried out a string of attacks against Catholics and Irish nationalists in an area of Northern Ireland known as the "murder triangle".[42][43] It also carried out some attacks in the Republic of Ireland. Members of the group allege it was commanded by British Military Intelligence and RUC Special Branch,[43][44] with one, RUC officer John Weir, claiming that his superiors knew of the collusion but allowed it to continue.[45] According to the Cassel Report, the group was responsible for at least 76 murders and there is evidence that soldiers and RUC officers were involved in 74 of those.[46] It said some senior officers knew of the crimes but did nothing to prevent, investigate or punish.[46] Attacks attributed to the group include the Dublin and Monaghan bombings (1974), the Miami Showband killings (1975) and the Reavey and O'Dowd killings (1976).[43][47]

The Stevens Inquiries concluded that the conflict had been intensified and prolonged by a core of army and police officers who helped loyalists to kill people, including civilians.[48][49] Members of the security forces tried to obstruct the Stevens investigation.[49][50] It revealed the existence of the Force Research Unit (FRU), a covert British Army intelligence unit that used double agents to infiltrate paramilitary groups.[51] FRU recruited Brian Nelson and helped him become the UDA's chief intelligence officer.[52] In 1988, weapons were shipped to loyalists from South Africa under Nelson's supervision.[52] Through Nelson, FRU helped the UDA target people for assassination. FRU commanders say their plan was to make the UDA "more professional" by helping it to target republican activists and prevent it killing uninvolved Catholic civilians.[51] The Stevens Inquiries found evidence only two lives were saved and that Nelson was responsible for at least 30 murders and many other attacks – many of the victims uninvolved civilians.[48] One of the most prominent victims was solicitor Pat Finucane. Although Nelson was imprisoned in 1992, FRU's intelligence continued to help the UDA and other loyalist groups.[53][54] From 1992 to 1994, loyalists were responsible for more deaths than republicans.[55]

A 2007 Police Ombudsman report revealed that UVF members had committed a string of serious crimes, including murder, while working as informers for RUC Special Branch. It found that Special Branch knew of this but had given the informers "immunity". It ensured they weren't caught, helped them during police interviews, made false notes and blocked searches for UVF weapons.[56] UVF brigadier Robin 'the Jackal' Jackson has been linked to between 50[57][58] and 100[43] killings in Northern Ireland, although he was never convicted of any and never served any lengthy prison terms. It has been alleged by many people, including members of the security forces, that Jackson was an RUC agent.[59] According to the Irish Government's Barron Report, he was also "reliably said to have had relationships with British Intelligence".[60]

In Northern Ireland there are a number of Protestant fraternities and marching bands who hold yearly parades. They include the Orange Order and Apprentice Boys of Derry. These fraternities, often described as the "Loyal Orders",[7] have long been associated with unionism and loyalism.[61] There are also hundreds of Protestant marching bands in Northern Ireland, many of whom hold loyalist views and use loyalist symbols. Yearly events such as the Eleventh Night (11 July) bonfires[62] and The Twelfth (12 July) parades have also been associated with loyalism.A report published in 2013 estimated there were at least 640 marching bands in Northern Ireland combining a total membership of around 30000 which is believed to be figures of an all-time high.[63]

^Clayton, Pamela (1996). Enemies and Passing Friends: Settler ideologies in twentieth-century Ulster. Pluto Press. p. 156. More recently, the resurgence in loyalist violence that led to their carrying out more killings than republicans from the beginning of 1992 until their ceasefire (a fact widely reported in Northern Ireland) was still described as following 'the IRA's well-tested tactic of trying to usurp the political process by violence'…