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39
George Z. French on grounds he had not
lived in the county for twelve consecutive
months. Assisting Strange were Wilmington
attorneys John D. Bellamy Jr., George
Rountree, Junius Davis, and P. B. Manning.
French’s attorneys, A. G. Ricaud and Egbert
K. Bryan, made it clear to the Democrats
that they would not lose the election without
a fight. Despite a well- organized argument
by Rountree, the Democratic election board
ruled in favor of French and declared the
election valid. Following on the heels of the
loss, the Democratic Reformers again sought
to challenge two local Republican elections
for county sheriff and treasurer. After two
days of debate and hearings by the Board of
Canvassers, the County Board of
Commissioners, all Democrats, refused the
challenge and accepted Republicans for
those two positions. As a result of internal
strife, the county’s Democrats were unable
to unite to defeat the Republicans. 13
Fusion Reform
Once the newly elected Fusionist
legislature met in Raleigh, changes to state
and local government began in earnest, most
specifically in reforming election laws and
county government systems, and in
redrawing electoral districts within the state.
Progressive legislative measures flew
through both the upper and lower houses in
1895. Many of the election laws were
designed to favor blacks and Populists and
protect their suffrage rights on election days.
Some of the new rules forbade employers
from firing or threatening employees
regarding political issues, made ballots for
parties different colors and discouraged all
types of coercion around election day.
Another reform, focused on county
government, made county commissioners
13 McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington,” 401- 104;
Wilmington Messenger, November 9, 1894;
November 11, 1894.
more powerful and reduced the capabilities
of justices of the peace. The reforms were
seen as beneficial to all parties by the
Fusionists, but the Democrats, whose power
was substantially limited by the revisions,
saw within the changes a tool for future
election— officeholding by African
Americans. Because popular elections
would be more open to black voters, the
Democrats understood that more blacks
would be elected and decided that this issue
was the tool they needed to divide the
Fusionist Party in future elections. 14
As the Fusionists made sweeping
changes to state government, their changes
to local county rule affected New Hanover
greatly. As the state’s largest city,
Wilmington, with its large urban black
population, became a battleground between
the Democrats and Fusionists. Democrats
had created a system of government in the
city that minimized the voice of black
Republicans through gerrymandered
districts and the creation in 1877 of the
Board of Audit and Finance to act as a check
on the Board of Aldermen. 15 The
legislature, under Fusion control beginning
in 1895, sought to reverse Democratic
controls in Wilmington. One strategy used
to eliminate Democratic power over the
city’s voters was to again amend the city
charter. 16
The proposed charter changes were
drawn up by Wilmington Republicans, and,
in March 1895, were steered through the
legislature by Senator Frederick Rice and
14 There were a few African American legislators in
1895: James Young of Wake County, William Crews
of Granville County and Moses Pearce of Vance
County. Another African American, Abe R.
Middleton, received a patronage position as Assistant
Doorkeeper. McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington,”
411- 414; Edmonds, Negro and Fusion Politics, 41-
45; Crow, A History of African Americans in North
Carolina, 234.
15 Private Laws of North Carolina, 1876- 77, 230- 237.
16 McDuffie, Politics in Wilmington, 416- 417.

39
George Z. French on grounds he had not
lived in the county for twelve consecutive
months. Assisting Strange were Wilmington
attorneys John D. Bellamy Jr., George
Rountree, Junius Davis, and P. B. Manning.
French’s attorneys, A. G. Ricaud and Egbert
K. Bryan, made it clear to the Democrats
that they would not lose the election without
a fight. Despite a well- organized argument
by Rountree, the Democratic election board
ruled in favor of French and declared the
election valid. Following on the heels of the
loss, the Democratic Reformers again sought
to challenge two local Republican elections
for county sheriff and treasurer. After two
days of debate and hearings by the Board of
Canvassers, the County Board of
Commissioners, all Democrats, refused the
challenge and accepted Republicans for
those two positions. As a result of internal
strife, the county’s Democrats were unable
to unite to defeat the Republicans. 13
Fusion Reform
Once the newly elected Fusionist
legislature met in Raleigh, changes to state
and local government began in earnest, most
specifically in reforming election laws and
county government systems, and in
redrawing electoral districts within the state.
Progressive legislative measures flew
through both the upper and lower houses in
1895. Many of the election laws were
designed to favor blacks and Populists and
protect their suffrage rights on election days.
Some of the new rules forbade employers
from firing or threatening employees
regarding political issues, made ballots for
parties different colors and discouraged all
types of coercion around election day.
Another reform, focused on county
government, made county commissioners
13 McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington,” 401- 104;
Wilmington Messenger, November 9, 1894;
November 11, 1894.
more powerful and reduced the capabilities
of justices of the peace. The reforms were
seen as beneficial to all parties by the
Fusionists, but the Democrats, whose power
was substantially limited by the revisions,
saw within the changes a tool for future
election— officeholding by African
Americans. Because popular elections
would be more open to black voters, the
Democrats understood that more blacks
would be elected and decided that this issue
was the tool they needed to divide the
Fusionist Party in future elections. 14
As the Fusionists made sweeping
changes to state government, their changes
to local county rule affected New Hanover
greatly. As the state’s largest city,
Wilmington, with its large urban black
population, became a battleground between
the Democrats and Fusionists. Democrats
had created a system of government in the
city that minimized the voice of black
Republicans through gerrymandered
districts and the creation in 1877 of the
Board of Audit and Finance to act as a check
on the Board of Aldermen. 15 The
legislature, under Fusion control beginning
in 1895, sought to reverse Democratic
controls in Wilmington. One strategy used
to eliminate Democratic power over the
city’s voters was to again amend the city
charter. 16
The proposed charter changes were
drawn up by Wilmington Republicans, and,
in March 1895, were steered through the
legislature by Senator Frederick Rice and
14 There were a few African American legislators in
1895: James Young of Wake County, William Crews
of Granville County and Moses Pearce of Vance
County. Another African American, Abe R.
Middleton, received a patronage position as Assistant
Doorkeeper. McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington,”
411- 414; Edmonds, Negro and Fusion Politics, 41-
45; Crow, A History of African Americans in North
Carolina, 234.
15 Private Laws of North Carolina, 1876- 77, 230- 237.
16 McDuffie, Politics in Wilmington, 416- 417.