Toasts at a State Dinner
Hosted by the President at Spaso House in Moscow

May 31, 1988

The President. Mr. General Secretary,
Mrs. Gorbachev, distinguished guests and friends, it's a pleasure to host all
of you tonight and to reciprocate, in a small way, the hospitality you lavished
upon us yesterday evening. While the General Secretary and I had already held
three meetings before this one began here in Moscow, each of those earlier
encounters took place in the autumn. The days were growing short, the weather
ever grayer and colder. It makes for a bracing, delightful change to have this
meeting take place at the high point of spring, a time of long, light-filled
days.

I
know that Nancy found her springtime visit to Leningrad earlier today both
magnificent and moving. The play of light upon the rivers and canals added the
special splendor of the season to a city splendid in any season. And
everywhere, Nancy has told me, there was
a sense of history, especially of Leningrad's immense courage and
sacrifice during the Second World War, surely one of the most stirring epics in
the whole human story.

Here
in Moscow, I've been reminded a
number of times during this springtime visit of a passage in a book about your
country by Laurens Van der Post. Especially struck by
the city's churches, Van der Post wrote that when he
caught his first sight of the Moscow skyline he saw ``the light of an unusually
pure evening upon it. That light was alchemical, and it transformed Moscow into a city of gold.
The tops of the spires and pinnacles drawing the rigid forms of the skyscrapers
after them into arrows of gold aimed at the arched and timeless blue.'' So, we,
too, have found Moscow a city of beauties. A
city, especially, whose pinnacles and spires reminded one at virtually every
turn of man's ancient capacity for aspiration, for reaching out toward the
light.

It's
a particular pleasure to be able to welcome you to Spaso
House -- a house of considerable beauty in its own right -- the residence of
our Ambassadors to the Soviet Union. During the 55 years of
diplomatic relations between our two nations, Spaso
House has served as one of the principal settings for exchanges between us --
exchanges formal and informal alike. There have been some splendid moments
within these walls. Prokofiev once conducted his marvelous ``The Love for Three
Oranges'' in this very room. As wartime allies, our representatives met often
under this roof. And Ambassador and Mrs. Matlock have continued the tradition
of making Spaso House a centerpiece of American
culture, a place to receive and talk with Soviet officials and with people from
all walks of life and from all parts of the Soviet Union. But there have also
been quiet times in this house -- unnaturally quiet times. Times when difficult
relations between us meant that this house, this huge, magnificent house, stood
virtually empty of visitors. I'm told that it was even possible to hear the
Moscow Metro rumbling past, ever so faintly, deep in the Earth below.

Mr.
General Secretary, we know that on matters of great importance we will continue
to differ profoundly, and yet you and I have met four times now, more often
than any previous President and General Secretary. While our discussions have
sometimes been pointed or contentious, we possess an enlarged understanding of
each other and of each other's country. On specific matters of policy, we have
made progress, often historic progress. And perhaps most important, we have
committed our nations to continuing to work together, agreeing that silence
must never again be permitted to fall between us. We have agreed always to
continue the interchanges between our nations because, I believe, we both hear
the same voice, the same overwhelming imperative. What that voice says can be
expressed in many ways. But I have found it in vivid form in Pasternak's poem
``The Garden of Gethsemane.'' Listen, if you will, to Pasternak's account of
that famous arrest:

``There
appeared -- no one knew from where -- a crowd of slaves and a rabble of knaves,
with lights and swords and, leading them, Judas with a traitor's kiss on his
lips.

``Peter
repulsed the ruffians with his sword and cut off the ear of one of them. But he
heard: `You cannot decide a dispute with weapons; put
your sword in its place, O man.'''

That's
the voice. ``Put your sword in its place, O man.'' That is the imperative, the
command. And so, we will work together that we might forever keep our swords at
our sides.

Mr.
General Secretary, ladies and gentlemen, Spaso House
has, as I said, seen quiet times, yet the animated conversation of this evening
has already done much to make up for them. And so, I would like to raise a
glass to the continued interchange between our two nations and, if I may, to Spaso House itself, as a symbol of our relations. May this
lovely home never lack for visitors and shared meals and the sounds of spirited
conversation and even the peal of hearty laughter.
Thank you, and God bless you. And to the General
Secretary, to Mrs. Gorbachev, to the relationship that I believe must continue.

The General Secretary. Esteemed Mr. President,
esteemed Mrs. Reagan, ladies and gentlemen, comrades: I thank you, Mr.
President for the words of greeting you just addressed to us.

Two
great nations have given the two of us a mandate to determine what
Soviet-American relations should be like. Since our first meeting in Geneva, relations between our
two countries have overcome a long, drawn out period of confrontation to reach
an acceptable level from which it is now easier to move forward. In Reykjavik, in Washington, and during this
present visit of yours, our dialog has been intense. Its most important result
has been the now-ratified first treaty to reduce nuclear weapons. A search is
continuing to find a solution for problems relating to 50-percent cuts in
strategic offensive arms. The Geneva accord in Afghanistan has come into force. We
now have as many as 47 bilateral agreements on cooperation.

The
visit by a President of the United States to the Soviet Union is an occasion for a
glance at the past and a look into the future. The history of relations between
our two countries has known all kinds of things, good and bad. Of the good
things, we remember particularly well the Soviet-American comradeship-in-arms
in World War II. Those grim years saw the emergence of the first shoots of
Soviet-American friendship. And there was not one single Soviet citizen who did
not feel bitter when that glorious page in the history of our relations gave
way to cold war. That was a hard test for our peoples. The world found itself
in a dangerous situation. We all felt the breath of impending catastrophe. Even
today, we're sometimes chilled by cold winds.

But
world developments in their main tendency are turning toward a search for
political solutions, toward cooperation and peace. We are, all of us, witnesses
to momentous changes, though a lot still has to be done to achieve irreversible
change. Although everything urges cooperation and trust, prejudices and
stereotypes are still with us, as is rivalry, above all in the military sphere.
A great deal has been said at this meeting, too, about how pointless and
catastrophic it is. More importantly, we can register some headway toward
better mutual understanding in this area as well.

Today,
I would like to address another major world problem: the situation in the
developing world, which cannot but affect our countries, too. The problems
which the developing countries face have turned out to be difficult [to] the
point of tragedy. Glaring backwardness, hunger, poverty, and mass diseases
continue to beset entire nations. An incredibly high debt has become an
excruciating and universal problem. It would seem that everybody can see its
complexity, involving as it does extremely diverse and truly vital interests, and
understand that a way out must be solved.

We
believe that if the international community and, above all, the great powers
are to be of any help the starting point and the essential thing is to
recognize unconditionally the freedom of choice. We are insisting on fairness.
We have seriously studied the economic system in developing nations, and I am
convinced that a way out is possible along the lines of a radical restructuring
of the entire system of world economic relations, without any discrimination
for political reasons. This would promote a political settlement of regional
conflicts which not only impede progress in that part of the world but also
cause turmoil in the entire world situation. With such an approach, our
differences as to what kind of a future awaits the Third World would not take on
confrontational forms. So, in this matter, too, our relationship is doomed to
have an international dimension.

Turning
now to our bilateral relations, we envision there opportunities and prospects
primarily in light of internal evolution in both countries, but also in the
context of world developments. Many Americans who are studying us and who have
visited the U.S.S.R., and now, I hope, those present here as well, have been
able to see for themselves the sweeping scope of change in our country. It is
based on comprehensive democratization and radical economic reform. I'm
gratified to note that today the President and I have had an in-depth exchange
of views on this subject. We have also discussed our perestroika a number of
times with other Americans. This is all to the good. It, too, is a sign of
change in our relationship.

We,
for our part, are trying to closely follow the profound trends in the United States. We see how little
similarity there is between what is happening in our country and in yours, in
two very different societies based on different values. But we do not regard
this as an obstacle to identifying promising areas for mutually beneficial ties
or for cooperation in the interests of the two peoples. We're in favor of
competition and comparison.

And
another thing, whatever the ups and downs of our dialog with America, Soviet representatives
have been upholding the interests of the Soviet state. In their contacts with
us, American officials have been acting in exactly the same way, vis-a-vis their own interests. The truth is that in
building their relationship the Soviet Union and the United States can effectively serve
their own interests only if they have a realistic view and take account of each
other's interests and intentions. We must learn the difficult art of not just
existing side by side but of building bridges of mutually beneficial
cooperation.

Soviet
and American people want to live in peace and communicate in all areas in which
they have a mutual interest. The interest is there, and it is growing. We feel
no fear. We are not prejudiced. We believe in the value of communication. I see
a future in which the Soviet Union and the United States base their relations on
disarmament, a balance of interest, and comprehensive cooperation rather than
on deterring each other or upgrading their military capabilities. I see a
future in which solutions to real problems are not impeded by problems
historically outdated or artificially kept alive, inherited from the times of
the cold war, and in which the policies of confrontation give way to a joint
quest based on reason, mutual benefit, and readiness to compromise. I see a
future in which our two countries, without claiming any special rights in the
world, are always mindful of their special responsibility in a community of
equal nations. It'll be a world that is safer and more secure, which is so
badly needed by all people on Earth, by their children and grandchildren, so
that they could gain and preserve the basic human rights: the right to life,
work, freedom, and the pursuit of happiness. The path towards this future can
be neither easy nor short. We may be standing at the threshold of a uniquely
interesting period in the history of our two nations. This new meeting between
the two of us, Mr. President, confirms that 3 years ago in Geneva we took the right
decision.

May
the years to come bring a healthier international environment. May life be triumphant.To the very good health of the
President, to the very good health of Mrs. Nancy Reagan, to cooperation between
our two peoples.

Note: The President
spoke at 10 p.m. in the Chandelier Room at the Ambassador's residence. The
President spoke in English, and the General Secretary spoke in Russian. Their
remarks were translated by interpreters.