Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.

or

Comment: Very good condition. The pages are unmarked and in great shape. The cover is in great condition and showing very little wear.Ships fast direct from Amazon.

Fulfillment by Amazon (FBA) is a service we offer sellers that lets them store their products in Amazon's fulfillment centers, and we directly pack, ship, and provide customer service for these products. Something we hope you'll especially enjoy: FBA items qualify for FREE Shipping and Amazon Prime.

As Ambassador and Special Envoy on Afghanistan from 1989 to 1992, Peter Tomsen has had close relationships with Afghan leaders and has dealt with senior Taliban, warlords, and religious leaders involved in the region's conflicts over the last two decades. Now Tomsen draws on a rich trove of never-before-published material to shed new light on the American involvement in the long and continuing Afghan war.

This book offers a deeply informed perspective on how Afghanistan's history as a shatter zone” for foreign invaders and its tribal society have shaped the modern Afghan narrative. It brings to life the appallingly misinformed secret operations by foreign intelligence agencies, including the Soviet NKVD and KGB, the Pakistani ISI, and the CIA.

American policy makers, Tomsen argues, still do not understand Afghanistan; nor do they appreciate how the CIA's covert operations and the Pentagon's military strategy have strengthened extremism in the country. At this critical time, he shows how the U.S. and the coalition it leads can assist the region back to peace and stability.

Special offers and product promotions

Editorial Reviews

Review

Lee H. Hamilton, former congressman and co-chair of the 9/11 CommissionThe Wars of Afghanistan is a richly detailed account that places current U.S. interests in Afghanistan in the historical, political, and cultural context of this troubled land. Peter Tomsen's compelling analysis of Afghan leaders and tribal politics makes this book invaluable to the policy maker. His wise and carefully considered policy blueprintbasically, America will still help and America is withdrawingserves American interests and uplifts Afghanistan.”

Chuck Hagel, United States Secretary of DefenseThe authenticity of Tomsen's Afghanistan experiences, knowledge, and analysis is the foundation of a superbly well-written and documented presentation of an astoundingly complicated part of the world. He brings remarkable clarity to a very complex story. Tomsen's book is the most current, informed, and complete Afghanistan publication in the market today and maybe ever. It is not an exaggeration to say that he has created a masterpiece. It's that good."

Steve Coll, author of The Bin Ladens and Ghost Wars"Peter Tomsen has a depth of understanding and knowledge about the history of Afghanistan that makes him a unique asset in our effort to grapple with the multiple conflicts and intricate politics in what has turned out to be America's longest war.”

Winston Lord, former Assistant Secretary of State Accolades like 'magisterial,' 'definitive,' and 'vital' should be reserved for rare books like Peter Tomsen's 'The Wars of Afghanistan.' Few Americans are as knowledgeable about that tormented land's past; none have been more savvy or prescient about its unrolling future. Tomsen's compelling narrative draws upon meticulous scholarship and virgin archives, personal frontline engagement and close ties with major players. This multilayered volume melds sweeping history, cultural painting, political analysis, governmental battles, dramatic action, and provocative prescriptions. 'The Wars of Afghanistan' is bound to have urgent impact and enduring resonance.”

San Francisco Chronicle, A Best Book of 2011Peter Tomsen, a former U.S. envoy to "the Afghan resistance" from 1989 to 1992, reminds us in his sweeping history that the CIA has had a miserable record of understanding the politics of the region. "The Wars of Afghanistan" is rich with details about his interactions with key players during this critical period. Following the Soviet withdrawal, the United States continued to oppose compromise with the last Afghan communist ruler, Mohammad Najibullah, and to arm the mujahedeen, including figures now fighting the Americans. Drawing on these lessons, Tomsen persuasively calls on Washington to wrest policymaking back from the Pentagon and spy agencies, and advocates U.N. mediation of an Afghan peace process.”

Publishers Weekly, May 16, 2011Ambassador and special envoy to Afghanistan from 1989 to 1992, Tomsen combines scholarship, analysis, and personal experience in an encyclopedic if disturbing history of post-WWII Afghanistan. Readers will appreciate his expert insights.”

About the Author

Peter Tomsen was President George H.W. Bush's Special Envoy on Afghanistan with the rank of Ambassador from 1989 to 1992. Tomsen entered the Foreign Service in 1967 and served in Thailand, Vietnam, China, and the Soviet Union. He was United States Deputy Chief of Mission in China from 1986 to 1989, deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian Affairs from 1992 to 1995, and the American Ambassador to Armenia from 1995 to 1998. He lives in Virginia with his wife.

There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.

I am grateful for this book. As its author, Peter Tomsen, points out there is pervasive ignorance about Afghanistan's history, culture and tribal society. It is a complex mosaic that has never truly experienced a central government due to tribal, ethnic and religious differences.

Many have compared the U.S. and Coalition forces efforts in the country to previous disasters experienced by the British and the Soviets. Tomsen writes, "The 1838 British invasion of Afghanistan established a pattern repeated during future invasions of Afghanistan: hubristic justifications, initial success, gradually widening Afghan resistance, stalemate, and withdrawal."

Fast-forward 150 years and at their peak the Soviets controlled only 20% of the country and 15% of the population. The Politburo's discussions in the 1980's regarding withdrawal sounded eerily similar to what U.S. leaders would debate. Both faced high casualties, big expenditures, antiwar sentiment at home, and little progress on any front.

Afghani history is incredibly bloody and the complex society largely unstable with violence an accepted option. This is even more the case when outsiders enter their borders. Afghans also have a tradition of changing sides - they favor the probable winner so loyalties beyond families and clans are far from assured.

This history was incredibly helpful, however, it was when the author (and former Special Envoy on Afghanistan from 1989 to 1992) covered the last twenty years of Afghan history. It confirmed my own conclusion about Pakistani culpability in promoting radical Islam and orchestrating extremist proxy warfare.

As Tomsen says, "The epicenter of world terrorism is in Pakistan, not Afghanistan." He describes Pakistan as an army with a state rather than other way around. So why has the Pakistani military and their intelligence agency, the ISI, meddled so deeply in Afghan affairs? Tomsen explains that they aim for an Afghanistan ruled by pro-Pakistani Afghan religious extremists to help create "strategic depth" against India, stave off the "Pashtunistan" cause - the unification of Pashtuns on both sides of the Afghan-Pakistani frontier, while maintaining control in Pakistan's domestic policy.

Incredibly, the U.S. still supplies Pakistan with staggering amounts of cash and Tomsen claims that America "outsources" its Afghan policy to Pakistan. This when the evidence continues to stack up against Pakistan in their complicity in the actions of the Taliban, al Qaeda, and other extremist groups. Tora Bora and Osama bin Laden's last hideout are clear indictments. The irony is Tomsen documents Taliban complaints of Pakistani duplicity.

This nine hundred and seventy two page book moves with speed. The complex and dense content is well laid out. Tomsen is highly credible and maintains objectivity though he is firm in his conclusions and convictions. He offers a prescription at the end of the book which speaks to an optimism that may surprise given the mess that is Afghanistan.

I found the first half of this book very well-written and interesting, but unfortunately the second half did not carry the momentum. The second-half became too personal, occasionally out of chronological order, and it often repeated itself. While the information in the second-half of the book is interesting, presentation struggled. My recommendation is that this is a good book if you are interested in British and Russian occupation of Afghanistan, as well as a general summary of the history beforehand. However, unless you desire to focus on 1989 to 1992 only, I would not recommend this book for understanding America's involvement there if you are looking for a coherent, easy-to-understand read.

I consider this the best history I've read in the last five years. And I've read a lot. Tomsen had remarkable qualities, served in a pivotal role, and writes eloquently. He was a Peace Corps volunteer in western Nepal, where cultures blend into eastern Afghanistan. In the Foreign Service, he served in Asian diplomatic hotspots throughout the 1980s, and became fluent in Russian. Bush Sr. tapped him to be Ambassador in exile of Afghanistan during its Soviet war, for good reason. He understood the region, spoke the languages of the combatants, and was cool under fire.

Tomsen thus interacted with many players of the 1980s Afghan civil war, as no other American probably has. He was able to penetrate the ISI, the Haqqani network, the Northern Alliance. Given this vantage, Tomsen's qualities blossom. He perceives well, gets the details right, and understands how pieces fit together into a big picture. He's passionate without being prejudiced. His focus is on others.

Tomsen's conclusion interests me most. He believes Pakistan is America's enemy in the region. No Afghan victory is possible without dealing with it first. America should abandon the pretense of false alliances. Cut off Pakistan aid, unless it stops destabilizing its neighbor.

From the Afghan perspective, this makes sense. Many U.S. experts agree. It's hard to rationalize sending billions to Pakistan, when it harbored Osama Bin Laden. Let China became Pakistan's benefactor, so it's their big headache.

The problem that doesn't often get fairly addressed is Pakistan's nuclear risk. No other nation has so many so poorly managed weapons, so vulnerable to sabotage or theft. Pakistan's large and growing nuclear arsenal has one target, a few minutes flight away. The possibility of Pakistani nuclear weapons being used is probably as likely as a Category 4 Hurricane hitting New Orleans, or 7.8 earthquake in California.

Given population densities and nuclear warhead power, a nuclear exchange of any kind in Pakistan or India will be the worst human disaster since WWII. The environmental toll could be global. These possibilities overshadow the Afghan war, or Bin Laden. Satellites and technology aren't enough. The U.S. needs a foothold in Pakistan, needs military contacts, needs civilians to provide intelligence.

Little about what is known of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal can be public, this doesn't easily factor into debate over it's role in Afghanistan. But if Pakistan's mostly mobile nuclear systems roll into firing position, or extremists attack and sieze one, we can hope that the U.S. knows more than it can say.

Some might say that U.S. support for Pakistan's military encourages its nuclear brinkmanship. Only an evolution in Pakistani political society, with a civilian government taking control of military policy. will enable it to move away from nuclear weapons. This may be delayed by U.S. military support.

Unfortunately this is a long-term view. Pakistan's society is riven with parochial, even feudal relationships. The systematic oppression of women and minorities is cultural, hardly the result of military efforts. In a society where many people are little more than serfs or peons, where vast regions escape government control, evolution to a normal country is difficult.