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Friday, November 9, 2018

No. 295: Watergate and the 1974 Road Map

Blogger's Note: Although this post is outside my usual focus on insurance matters, I think you will find it interesting, especially in view of President Donald Trump's November 7 firing of U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions and the related developments. The similarities between Watergate and the current situation continue to proliferate.

The Petition

On September 14, 2018, Benjamin Wittes, Jack Goldsmith, and Stephen Bates filed in federal court a petition for an order directing release of the "Road Map" transmitted by the Watergate Grand Jury to the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives in 1974. Attached to the petition is a legal memorandum in support of the petition, and declarations in support of the petition by Wittes, Goldsmith, Bates, Richard Ben-Veniste, John W. Dean III, and Philip Allen Lacovara. (See In Re Petition for Order Directing Release of the "Road Map" Transmitted by the Watergate Grand Jury to the House Judiciary Committee in 1974, U.S. District Court, District of Columbia, Case No 1:18-mc-125.)

The Judge

The case was assigned to Chief Judge Beryl A. Howell of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. President Obama nominated her in July 2010, the Senate confirmed her in December 2010, and she became Chief Judge in March 2016.

On October 11, 2018, Chief Judge Howell issued an order allowing release of the Watergate Road Map. On October 31, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a notice of compliance. It contains a link to a large amount of material, which includes a link to another large amount of material. The latter batch of material includes a link to the Road Map.

The Petition

The petition contains a brief but excellent explanation of the significance of the Road Map. Here are two excerpts, without citations:

The 55-page Road Map identified the evidence relevant to President Nixon's alleged involvement in a criminal conspiracy, without explicit accusation, accompanied by a package of 800 pages of documents and thirteen tape recordings comprising the evidence itself... As Special Prosecutor Jaworski stated, "There were no comments, no interpretations, and not a word or phrase of accusatory nature. The 'road map' was simply that—a series of guideposts if the House Judiciary Committee wished to follow them."

The Road Map is one of the last major elements of the Watergate story that remains under seal, though its contents were publicly disclosed through a variety of sources over the years. And it has particular resonance now, at a time when Special Counsel Robert Mueller is investigating potential unlawful conduct by President Donald Trump and is reportedly considering writing a report on obstruction. This petition seeks the release of the Road Map only, without the underlying grand jury material that accompanied it.

The Road Map

The first two pages of the Road Map contain a "Report and Recommendation" from the foreman of the June 5, 1972 Grand Jury. A handwritten note near the top of the first page reads: "Filed under seal March 1, 1974." At the top of the first page is a printed note about Chief Judge Howell's unsealing of the material on October 11, 2018. Here is the first paragraph of the Report and Recommendation:

The June 5, 1972 Grand Jury has heard evidence that has led it to return the indictment being submitted herewith. It has also heard evidence that it regards as having a material bearing on matters that are within the primary jurisdiction of the House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary in its present investigation to determine whether sufficient grounds exist for the House of Representatives to exercise its constitutional power to impeach Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States. It is the belief of the Grand Jury that it should presently defer to the House of Representatives and allow the House to determine what action may be warranted at this time by this evidence.

Contents of the Road Map

The Road Map consists of four parts: (1) material bearing on a $75,000 payment to E. Howard Hunt and related events, (2) material bearing on the President's "investigation," (3) material bearing on events up to and including March 17, 1973, and (4) the President's public statements and material before the grand jury related thereto. The first part consists of 13 items (a 14th item remains under seal). Here are the 13 items, without the footnotes identifying the evidence:

On or about March 16, 1973, E. Howard Hunt had a meeting with Paul O'Brien during which Hunt demanded approximately $120,000 and asked O'Brien to tell John Dean that Hunt had done some "seamy things" for the White House and for John Ehrlichman and that, if Hunt were not paid soon, Hunt would have to "review his options."

On or about March 19, 1973, Paul O'Brien had a conversation with John Dean during which O'Brien related Hunt's message to Dean.

On or about March 19, 1973, John Dean had a conversation with John Ehrlichman in which Dean told Ehrlichman of Hunt's message and in which Ehrlichman asked Dean to relay the message to John Mitchell.

On or about March 20, John Dean had a conversation with John Mitchell concerning Hunt's message.

From approximately 10:15 a.m. to approximately noon on March 21, 1973, the President had a meeting with John Dean, the latter part of which was also attended by H. R. Haldeman, during which there was discussion of (a) the involvement and possible involvement of Haldeman, Dean, John Ehrlichman, John Mitchell, Jeb Magruder, Gordon Strachan, Fred LaRue, Herbert Porter, Egil Krogh, Herbert Kalmbach, and others in obstruction of justice and perjury, (b) the fact that E. Howard Hunt was demanding $120,000 and might disclose the "seamy things" Hunt had done for Ehrlichman, as well as other matters, (c) the amount of money that would ultimately be required to keep Hunt and the other Watergate defendants silent, how delivery of such money could be accomplished, and by whom, (d) the fact that Hunt and others expected help with respect to the length of time they would spend in jail, (e) the likelihood that facts respecting the involvement of those listed above and others might become publicly known, (f) whether to pay Hunt in order to "buy time," and (g) possible courses of action that might be taken with respect to all of the above matters.

At or about 12:30 p.m. on March 21, 1973, H. R. Haldeman had a telephone conversation with John Mitchell.

In or about the early afternoon of March 21, 1973, John Mitchell had a telephone conversation with Fred LaRue during which Mitchell authorized LaRue to pay approximately $75,000 to E. Howard Hunt.

At or about 3:45 p.m. on March 21, 1973, H. R. Haldeman met with John Ehrlichman and John Dean, during which meeting there was a discussion of the possible courses of action to be taken with respect to the matters discussed by the President, Haldeman, and Dean that morning.

From approximately 5:20 p.m. to approximately 6:00 p.m. on March 21, 1973, the President met with John Dean, H. R. Haldeman, and John Ehrlichman, at the outset of which meeting several possible courses of action, i.e., testimony before a new Grand Jury or before an independent panel established to investigate all the facts, were rejected and during which meeting there was further discussion of Hunt's demand and of the possible remaining courses of action open that might be taken with respect to the matters discussed that morning by the President, Haldeman, and Dean.

On the late evening of March 21, 1973, Fred LaRue caused $75,000 in cash funds for E. Howard Hunt to be placed in the mailbox at the residence of Hunt's attorney, William O. Bittman.

On the morning of March 22, 1973, John Mitchell attended a meeting with H. R. Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman, and John Dean, during which Mitchell stated that Hunt was no longer a problem.

On the afternoon of March 22, 1973, the President met with John Mitchell, H. R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, and John Dean during which meeting there was discussion of a possible course of action that might be taken with respect to the matters discussed on the morning of March 21, 1973, namely, preparation by Dean of a written "report"—stating that high White House officials were not involved in the Watergate break-in—on which the President could at a later time "rely," if necessary.

On or about the afternoon of March 22, 1973, John Ehrlichman had a conversation with Egil Krogh in which Ehrlichman stated that Krogh should "hang tough" and that Hunt was "more stable" and would not "disclose all."

General Observations

In the midterm elections this week, despite Democratic losses in the Senate, wins in the House of Representatives may allow Democrats to push forward with their legislative and investigative agendas. At this writing (November 7, 2018), it is not known what course of action Special Counsel Mueller, the U.S. Department of Justice, and Congress will take with regard to his ongoing investigation. I believe, however, that the Watergate Road Map provides a course of action that is worthy of serious consideration.

Available Material

I am offering a complimentary 68-page PDF consisting of the petition (5 pages), the notice of compliance (1 page), and the Road Map (62 pages). Email jmbelth@gmail.com and ask for the November 2018 package about the Watergate Road Map.