The haunting prospect of a nuclear Iran looms over the Middle East. Its approach is setting off waves of consequences. One of the least expected might be that as alliances reconfigure in the face of this threat, a main beneficiary could be Israel.

The state of Israel, currently under the thumb of an ideologically rigid government, is feeling isolated by the Arab Spring, offended by Palestine’s bid for United Nations membership, and dejected by the hostility of Turkey’s attempt at Islamic leadership. Nonetheless, if this crisis deepens it will become evident that Israel has some major assets to its credit, should it discover the diplomatic expertise to employ them.

Israel possesses the region’s strongest and most diverse economy. It has the most modern and powerful military in the area, accompanied by an arsenal of nuclear weapons. And it has a history of opposition to the key Shia players: Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, and their acolyte Hamas. These assets will gain in value if Iran’s nuclear pursuit continues.

These valuable assets will be of particular interest to the oil- and gas-rich nations along the Persian Gulf’s east coast. They could also be very attractive to Jordan. All of these nations live in close proximity to Iran, have relatively weak military forces, and function with narrowly based economies. The only protection they have from a potentially overbearing Iran is a United States defense umbrella that may or may not be available when it is needed. And that is where Israel comes in.

What does Israel crave? It desires recognition of its right to exist as a Jewish state, guaranteed supplies of oil, and political assistance in resolving the Palestinian issue. What does Israel have to offer? It has a proven military with nuclear capability located within striking distance of the Shia beehive. It also has a wealth of business expertise to share with a region desperately in need of it. While the match is not perfect, there are tendrils of common interest that could even entice Egypt and Turkey.

If the Iranian nuclear situation should deteriorate and the Arab states feel increased pressure from their restive youth, the value of Israel’s assets in the eyes of Gulf Sunnis, and others, will appreciate, while their liabilities will diminish. Should these assets be marketed with diplomatic dexterity, a quality sadly missing from Israel’s current government, an advantageous result could ensue. This result is likely to provide a greater long-term benefit to Israel than any pre-emptive strike against Iran.

Israel knows that it can crush any Palestinian uprising, but in the long run it must reach some sort of accommodation. An eventual accommodation between the parties would be facilitated by support from Muslim states such as Saudi Arabia. Despite surface appearances, this support may actually be within reach.

Syria and Yemen are unraveling with the probability of many tumultuous years ahead. Iraq’s Sunnis are under the rule of their Shia countrymen who in turn are beholden to Iran. Turkey faces border and financial problems. Egypt’s military, Copts, Islamists, and secular youth are locked in what promises to be an extended struggle. Jordan is a potential tinderbox. The Gulf states are wary not only of Iran but also of their substantial number of Shia citizens. The region is crying out for stability and protection.

By employing a deft concession or two, a far-thinking Israeli government can use its now valuable assets to obtain the recognition and security it desires. The time for making such move has rarely been better, and may not be so again. Those who wish to ensure that on May 14, 2048 Israel celebrates its 100th birthday should seize the moment.