The old English language name of the force was the Civic Guard, but this title is no longer used.[1]Garda Síochána na hÉireann is usually rendered as the "Guardian of the Peace of Ireland"[2] or the "Guardians of the Peace (of Ireland)".

The full official title of the force is rarely used in speech. It is known, in decreasing order of formality, as An Garda Síochána (An pronounced [ən]); theGarda Síochána; the Garda (in the preceding names, Garda "guard" is a collective noun, like police); the Gardaí (Irish pronunciation: [ˈɡaːɾˠd̪ˠiː][GAR-DEE]; "guards", plural); or the Guards.

An individual officer is also called a garda (plural gardaí), or, informally, a guard. A police station is called a Garda station. Garda is also the lowest rank within the force, also used as a title (e.g. "Garda John Murphy"), analogous to the British term "constable" or the American "officer" ("deputy/trooper/etc."). "Guard" is the most common form of address used by members of the public speaking to a garda on duty. A female officer was once officially referred to as a bangharda ([ˈbˠanˌɣaːɾˠd̪ˠə]; "female guard"; plural banghardaí). This term was abolished in 1990,[3] but is still used colloquially in place of the now gender-neutralgarda.

The force is headed by the Commissioner. Immediately below him are two Deputy Commissioners, one in charge of "Operations" and the other "Strategy and Change Management". The Chief Administrative Officer has responsibility for resource management (personnel, finance, ICT and accommodation) has the same rank as a Deputy Commissioner. There are twelve Assistant Commissioners: one for each of the six geographical Regions, and the remainder dealing with various national support functions. At an equivalent or near-equivalent level to the Assistant Commissioners are the positions of Chief Medical Officer, Executive Director of ICT and Executive Director of Finance.

The six geographical "Assistant Commissioners" command the six "Garda Force Regions", which are currently:

Reporting to the Assistant Commissioners are about 50 Chief Superintendents, about half of whom supervise what are called Divisions. Each Division contains a number of Districts, each commanded by a Superintendent assisted by a team of Inspectors. Each District contains a number of Subdistricts, which are usually commanded by Sergeants.

Usually each Subdistrict contains only one Garda station. A different number of Gardaí are based at each station depending on its importance. Most of these stations employ the basic rank of Garda, which was referred to as the rank of Guard until 1972. The most junior members of the force are students, whose duties can vary depending on their training progress. They are often have clerical duties, as part of their extra curricular studies.

The Garda organisation also has over 2,500 civilian support staff covering areas such as human resources, occupational health services, finance and procurement, internal audit, IT and telecommunications, accommodation and fleet management, scenes-of-crime support, research and analysis, training and general administration. The figure also includes industrial staff such as traffic wardens, drivers and cleaners. It is ongoing government policy to bring the level of non officer support in the organisation up to international standards - thus enhancing its capacity and expertise in a range of specialist and administrative functions, and releasing more of its police officers for core operational duties.

The Garda Síochána Act 2005 provided for the establishment of a Garda Reserve, consisting of 4,000, to assist the force in performing its functions, and supplement the work of members of the Garda Síochána.

The job of the Garda Reserve is "to be a source of local strength and knowledge". Reservists carry out duties decided by the Garda Commissioner and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. With reduced training, these duties and powers must be operated under the supervision of regular members of the Force, and are also limited from those of regular members.

As of November 2010 there are 850 graduated Garda Reserve, and another 148 in further training, the first batch of 36 Garda Reserves graduated on 15 December 2006 at the Garda College, in Templemore.[5]

Most uniformed members of An Garda Síochána do not usually carry firearms. It is a tradition of the service that standard policing is carried out in both rural and urban areas by uniformed officers equipped only with a wooden truncheon. From March 2007 all new Gardaí have been issued with ASPextendable batons, with existing members trained in time. In addition, the Garda Commissioner announced in October 2008 that all Gardaí are to be issued with Pepper Spray. As of December 2009, all Gardaí have been trained and issued with this Spray.

A member of the motorcycle unit of the Garda Síochána.

The force, when originally created, was armed, but the Provisional Government reversed the decision and reconstituted the force as an unarmed police force. This was in contrast to the attitude of the British Dublin Castle administration, which refused appeals from the Royal Irish Constabulary that that force be disarmed.[6] In the words of first Commissioner, Michael Staines, TD:

“

The Garda Síochána will succeed not by force of arms or numbers, but on their moral authority as servants of the people.

”

According to Tom Garvin such a decision gave the new force a cultural ace: "the taboo on killing unarmed men and women who could not reasonably be seen as spies and informers."[6]

Although a mostly unarmed force, certain units of the Gardaí, such as detective units, the regional support units, and the Emergency Response Unit are commissioned to carry firearms. The original stock of Smith & Wesson Model 10 revolvers are being replaced by the Sig Sauer P226 and Walther P99C semi-automatic pistols. Regional Support Units have Heckler & Koch MP7 sub-machine guns in addition to issue pistols and non-lethal weapons such as tasers and pepper spray.[7] They serve as a first response to back up regular Garda officers in critical situations due to a rise of incidents that involve firearm use.[8] In order to be issued with a firearm, or to carry a firearm whilst on duty, a Garda must be in possession of a valid gun card.

Garda patrol cars are mainly white, with yellow and blue fluorescent livery whereas traffic unit vehicles adopt the battenburg pattern. The Garda crest is also present on vehicles. An Garda Síochána also use unmarked patrol cars in their duties and use of such vehicles is increasing becoming a matter of cost rather than the need to hide the vehicles, as the amendments to the exterior of the vehicle such as LED strobes, Tetra aerials and bumper LEDs in particular are extremely visible.[source?]

The Garda Síochána (Temporary Provisions) Act 1923 enacted after the creation of the Irish Free State on 8 August 1923,[10] provided for the creation of "a force of police to be called and known as 'The Garda Síochana'". Under section 22, The Civic Guard were deemed to have been established under and to be governed by the Act. The law therefore renamed the existing force.

The first Commissioner, Michael Staines, who was a Pro-Treaty member of Dáil Éireann, held office for only eight months. It was his successors, Eoin O'Duffy and Éamon Broy, who played a central role in the development of the force. O’Duffy was Commissioner in the early years of the force when to many people’s surprise the ability of the force to succeed despite being unarmed was established. O'Duffy later became a short-lived political leader of the quasi-fascistBlueshirts before heading to Spain to fight alongside Francisco Franco's Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. Broy had greatly helped the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during the Anglo-Irish War, while serving with the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP). Broy's fame grew in the 1990s when he featured in the movie Michael Collins, in which it was misleadingly suggested that he had been murdered by the British during the War of Independence, when in reality he lived for decades and headed the Garda Síochána from 1933 to 1938. Broy was followed by Commissioners Michael Kinnane (1938–52) and Daniel Costigan (1952–65). The first Commissioner to rise from the rank of ordinary Garda was William P. Quinn, who was appointed in February 1965.

One later Commissioner, Edmund Garvey, was sacked by the Fianna Fáil government of Jack Lynch in 1978 after it had lost confidence in him. Garvey won 'unfair dismissal' legal proceedings against the government, which was upheld in the Irish Supreme Court[14] This outcome required the passing of the Garda Síochána Act 1979 to retrospectively validate the actions of Garvey's successor since he had become Commissioner.[15] Garvey's successor, Patrick McLaughlin, was forced to resign along with his deputy in 1983 over his minor involvement in a political scandal. The current Commissioner, since December 2010, is Martin Callinan.[16]

During the Emergency (as World War II was known in Ireland) there were two reserve forces to the Garda, An Taca Síochána and the Local Security Force.[17]

An Taca Síochána had the power of arrest and wore uniform, and were allowed to leave the reserve or sign-up as full members of the Garda at the end of the war before the reserve was disbanded. The reserve was established by the Emergency Powers (Temporary Special Police Force) Order, 1939.

The Local Security Force (LSF) did not have the power of arrest, and part of the reserve was soon absorbed into the Irish Army Reserve under the command of the Irish Army.[18]

Members of the Garda also serve in the Embassies of Ireland in London, The Hague, Madrid and Paris. Members are also seconded to Europol in The Hague, Holland and Interpol in Lyon, France. There are also many members working directly for UN and European agencies such as the War Crimes Tribunal.

Like every police force in the world the Gardaí have had many complaints against them including allegations of discourtesy, harassment and perjury (lying to a court).[19] A total of 1,173 complaints were made by the public against the Gardaí in 2005,[20] while over 2000 complaints were made in 2009.[21]

Some incidents involving the Garda have attracted wide scale attention—such as those that led to the Morris and Barr Tribunals—and have resulted in broad reform initiatives.[source?] Other reports suggest that people who frequent gay and lesbian establishments feel that the Gardaí are not doing enough to tackle reported homophobic crime in Ireland.[22] In 2007 there was also some debate when a potential Sikh applicant of the Garda Reserve requested that he be allowed wear a turban in place of a standard uniform cap - Ultimately the provision was not made as it was stated that the force had the same uniform requirements for all members.[23]

The Kerry Babies case was one of the first public inquiries into mishandling of a Garda investigation. Later, in the 1980s, the Ferns Report (an inquiry into allegations of clerical sexual abuse) described as "wholly inadequate" the handling of one of eight formal complaints made to Wexford gardaí, but noted that the remaining formal complaints were handled in an "effective, professional and sensitive" manner.[24]

The Gardaí were also criticised in the Murphy Report[25] in relation to the handing over of the case of Fr. Edmondus (a pseudonym) to Archbishop McQuaid by Commissioner Costigan.[26] Some very senior Gardaí were criticised for regarding priests as being outside their remit in 1960.[27] On November 26, 2009, then Commissioner Fachtna Murphy apologised for the failure of An Garda Siochána to protect victims of child abuse in the Dublin Archdiocese.[28] He said that inappropriate relationships and contacts between gardaí and the Dublin Archdiocese had taken place at a time of undue or misguided deference to religious authorities and that these were incompatible with any investigation.[28] On 27 November 2009 he announced that a senior investigator would examine the findings in the report.[29]

The Gardaí were criticised by the commission of investigation into the Dean Lyons case for their handling of the investigation into the Grangegorman killings. In his report, George Birmingham said that the Gardaí had used leading questions in their interviews with Lyons, and had failed to act on a suspicion that Lyons' confession was unreliable. For a period, the gardaí involved in the case failed to act on the knowledge that another man, Mark Nash, had confessed to the crime. They were also criticised for failing to keep adequate records of their interviews with Lyons.[30]

In the 1990s and early 2000s there were a series of allegations, including suggestions of corrupt and dishonest policing in County Donegal. This became the subject of a judicial inquiry: the Morris Tribunal. The tribunal found that some gardaí based in County Donegal had invented a Provisional IRA informer, made bombs and claimed credit for locating them, and attempted to frame Raphoe publican Frank McBrearty Junior for murder– the latter case involving a €1.5m settlement with the State. In a report to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform the Morris Tribunal expressed grave concern about "organised insubordination" within the force that "proper discipline has been lost from Garda", suggesting that a few mischief-makers abused their positions within the Garda and used the disciplinary process to damage the force. The tribunal also expressed concern that recruits were brought into an undisciplined culture that had the potential to do great damage in the longer term, and warned that a "terrible and costly" waste of talent would occur if the situation continued. These scandals damaged the reputation and standing of the force in County Donegal.[source?]

On 20 April 2000, members of the Emergency Response Unit shot dead, from behind, 27-year-old John Carthy at the end of a 25-hour siege as he left his home in Abbeylara, County Longford with a loaded shotgun in his hands. There were allegations made of inappropriate handling of the situation and of the overuse of armed force by the Gardaí. This led to a Garda inquiry, and later a Tribunal of Inquiry chaired by Mr Justice Robert Barr. This inquiry was established on 1 July 2002, and the hearing of evidence was completed on 7 December 2004. The final report was expected within six months, but publication of the report was delayed until 20 July 2006. The official findings of the tribunal were that Sgt Michael Jackson made 14 mistakes in his role as negotiator during the siege, and that he failed to make real efforts to achieve resolution during the armed stand-off. It further stated however that Sgt Jackson was limited by lack of experience and resources (psychologists, solicitors, dogs). The tribunal recommended that there be an urgent review of Garda command structures, and that the ERU be with stun guns and other non-lethal options, including "non-compliant firearms support police dogs".[31]

The Barr tribunal also recommended a formal working arrangement between Gardaí and State psychologists, and improvements in Garda training (especially for the ERU in siege situations, including those with mental illness as a factor). This included a recommendation that local Garda superintendents undergo refresher training for one week every year as scene commanders and a similar refresher course for ERU officers of the rank of inspector or superintendent. Garda Commissioner Conroy, in a letter to the family of John Carthy, stated that the force was 'truly apologetic' for his death.[32] Former Superintendent Joe Shelley, whose failure to interview John Carthy was cited in the Barr Tribunal Report as "extraordinary", and who was also severely criticised in the Report of the Morris Tribunal into the controversial death of Richie Barron, was awarded a top-up bonus of €110,000 when he took early retirement in July 2005. Mr Justice Morris described Shelley's probe as "prejudiced, tendentious, utterly negligent in the highest degree".[33]

One of the first charges of serious misconduct against the force came from the handling of the Sallins Train Robbery in 1976. This case eventually led to a serious miscarriage of justice and accusations that a "Heavy Gang" within the force intimidated and tortured accused. This eventually led to a Presidentialpardon for one of the accused.

In 2004, an RTÉPrime Time documentary accused elements within the Garda of abusing their powers by physically assaulting people arrested. A retired Circuit Court judge (W. A. Murphy) suggested that some members of the force had committed perjury in criminal trials before him but later stated that he was misquoted, while a Minister of State (Dick Roche, a junior government minister) accused Gardaí in one instance of "torture". The Garda Commissioner accused the television programme of lacking balance.

Protests at the proposed Royal Dutch Shell Corrib gas refinery in Kilcommon parish, Erris, County Mayo have seen a large Garda operation at its construction sites with up to 200 Gardaí involved,[35] making it the single biggest policing operation in the country at times. By September 2008, the cost of the operation was €10 Million and is estimated to have cost €13.5 Million by the end of January 2009.[36] This is comparable to the €20 Million budgeted for Operation Anvil, targeting organised crime, criminal gangs and their associates.[37] A section of road used by the protesters has been dubbed the Golden Mile by Gardaí because of the overtime opportunities.[38] Complaints have been made about the Garda handling of the protests[39] and several TDs, including former Green Party leader Trevor Sargent have criticised the Garda's handling of the situation.[40]

Partly as a result of some of the above incidents, the Garda Síochána has undergone a number of reforms in recent years. The Morris Tribunal in particular recommended major changes to the way the force's management, discipline, promotion and accountability arrangements. Many of these recommendations were enacted by the Garda Síochána Act 2005.

“

The Tribunal has been staggered by the amount of indiscipline and insubordination it has found in the Garda force. There is a small, but disproportionately influential, core of mischief-making members who will not obey orders, who will not follow procedures, who will not tell the truth and who have no respect for their officers

”

—Justice Frederick Morris, Chairman and Sole Member of The Morris Tribunal, [41]

Mr Justice Morris also said that the code of discipline was extremely complex and, at times, "cynically manipulated" to promote indiscipline across the force. Judicial reviews, for example, were cited as a means for delaying disciplinary action.

The fall-out form the Morris Tribunal was considerable. While fifteen members of the force were sacked between 2001 and 2006, and a further 42 resigned instead of being dismissed, Commissioner Conroy said that he was limited in what he could do to deal with members whose misbehaviour is cited in public inquiries.[42]

With strong support from opposition parties, and reflecting widespread political consensus, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform responded to many of these issues by announcing a new draft code of discipline on 17 August 2006. The new streamlined code[43] introduced new procedures to enable the Commissioner to summarily dismiss a Garda alleged to have brought the force into disrepute, abandoned duties, compromised the security of the State or unjustifiably infringed the rights of other persons.

In addition, a four member "non officer management advisory team" was appointed in August 2006 to advise on implementing change options and addressing management and leadership challenges facing the Gardaí. The advisers were also mandated to promote the ideas of performance management, succession planning, recruitment of non officers with specialist expertise, and improved training. The advisory team included Senator Maurice Hayes, Emer Daly (former director of strategic planning and risk management at Axa Insurance), Maurice Keane (former group chief executive at Bank of Ireland), Michael Flahive (Assistant Secretary at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and Dr Michael Mulreany (assistant director general at the Institute of Public Administration).

Clerical and administrative support has been greatly increased in recent times. In the two-year period from December 2006 to December 2008 whole-time equivalent civilian staffing levels were increased by over 60%, from under 1,300 to approximately 2,100, in furtherance of official policies to release more desk-bound Gardaí for operational duties and to bring the level of general support in line with international norms. A new tier of middle and senior non officer management has also been introduced in a range of administrative and technical/professional support areas. A Chief Administrative Officer at Deputy Commissioner level was appointed in October 2007 to oversee many of these key support functions.

In accordance with Section 115 of the Garda Síochána Act, the Garda Síochána Inspectorate consists of three members who are appointed by the Irish Government. The job of the Inspectorate, is to:

Carry out, at the request or with the consent of the Minister, inspections or inquiries in relation to any particular aspects of the operation and administration of the Garda Síochána,

Submit to the Minister (1) a report on those inspections or inquiries, and (2) if required by the Minister, a report on the operation and administration of the Garda Síochána during a specified period and on any significant developments in that regard during that period, and any such reports must contain recommendations for any action the Inspectorate considers necessary.

provide advice to the Minister with regard to best policing practice.

The first Chief Inspector (since July 2006), is former Commissioner of Boston Police, Kathleen O'Toole. She reports directly to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

From 2006 to 2009, O'Toole was supported by two other inspectors, Robert Olsen and Gwen M. Boniface. Olsen was Chief of Police for 8 years of the Minneapolis Police Department. Boniface is a former Commissioner of the Ontario Provincial Police, and was one of 3 female police commissioners in Canada when appointed in May 1998. She suggested that rank and file Gardaí were not equipped to perform their duties or protect themselves properly. She also suggested that routine arming may become a reality but dismissed the suggestion that this was currently being considered.

Over 2000 complaints were made against the organization in 2009.[21] The Garda Commissioner referred over 100 incidents where the conduct of a garda resulted in death or serious injury to the Ombudsman for investigation. Also newly instrumented, the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission (usually called the Garda Ombudsman or GSOC) replaces the earlier system of complaints (the Garda Síochána Complaints Board).

When it became fully operational on 9 May 2007, the Commission was allowed to:

Directly and independently investigate complaints against members of the Garda Síochána

Investigate any matter, even where no complaint has been made, if it appears that a Garda may have committed an offence or behaved in a way that justified disciplinary proceedings

Investigate any practise, policy or procedure of the Garda Síochána with a view to reducing the incidence of related complaints

The Members of the Garda Ombudsman Commission are: Dermot Gallagher (Chairman; former Secretary General at the Department of Foreign Affairs), Carmel Foley (former Director of Consumer Affairs), and Conor Brady (former Editor of The Irish Times and author of a book on the history of the Gardaí). The Commission's first Chairman was Kevin Haugh (a High Court Judge) who died in early 2009, shortly before his term of office was to conclude.

The Garda Public Attitudes Survey 2008 found that 81% of respondents were satisfied with the Gardaí, although 72% believed the service needed improvement. 91% agreed that their local Gardaí were approachable.

The survey also found that 8% of people believed a Garda has acted unacceptably towards them; this rate was highest in Dublin South Central at 14%, lowest in Mayo at 2%. The most common complaint was of Gardaí being disrespectful or impolite.[44]

The Garda Band is a public relations branch of the Garda Síochána, and was formed shortly after the foundation of the force. It gave its first public performance on Dún Laoghaire Pier on Easter Monday, 1923. The first Bandmaster was Superintendent D.J. Delaney and he formed a céilí and pipe band within the Garda Band. In 1938, the Dublin Metropolitan Garda Band (based at Kevin Street) and the Garda Band joined and were based at the Garda Headquarters in Phoenix Park.

The band was disbanded in 1965. However to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Garda Síochána it was reformed in 1972.

In 1964 the band toured America and Canada under Superintendent J. Moloney, and has also travelled to international events and represented the country at police festivals and concerts in Switzerland, Germany and Northern Ireland.

↑According to Irish constitutional theory he met the Lord Lieutenant to accept the surrender of Dublin Castle. However, as far as the British government were concerned, the purpose of the meeting was for the Lord Lieutenant to formally appoint Collins as Chairman of the Provisional Government.