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Prisons and Jails Overview

"At yearend 2015, an estimated 6,741,400 persons were under the supervision of U.S. adult correctional systems, about 115,600 fewer persons than yearend 2014 (figure 1). This was the first time since 2002 (6,730,900) that the correctional population fell below 6.8 million. The population declined by 1.7% during 2015, which was the largest decline since 2010 (down 2.1%). Additionally, the decrease was a change from a 3-year trend of stable annual rate declines of about 0.6% between 2012 and 2014. About 1 in 37 adults in the United States was under some form of correctional supervision at the end of 2015. This was the lowest rate observed since 1994, when about 1 in 38 adults (1.6 million fewer persons) were under correctional supervision in the nation (not shown)."

"After peaking at 3,210 offenders per 100,000 U.S. adult residents in 2007, the correctional supervision rate trended downward, falling to a low of 2,710 per 100,000 by yearend 2015 (table 4). The drop in the correctional supervision rate was attributed equally to the decline in the U.S. correctional population and the increase in the U.S. adult resident population. By yearend 2015, the correctional supervision rate fell to the lowest rate since 1994 (2,650 per 100,000), when about 1.6 million fewer persons were supervised by U.S. adult correctional systems (not shown).
There were 1,870 offenders per 100,000 U.S. adult residents on either probation or parole at yearend 2015. This represented the lowest rate of offenders under community supervision since 1993 (1,830 per 100,000), when the population was smaller by about 1.1 million offenders (not shown). The community supervision rate reached a high in 2007 (2,240 per 100,000) before declining each year through 2015.
At yearend 2015, 870 persons per 100,000 U.S. adult residents were under the jurisdiction of state or federal prisons or in the custody of local jails. The incarceration rate has been declining since 2009 (980 per 100,000). By yearend 2015, the incarceration rate dropped to the same rate as 1997 (870 per 100,000) (not shown)."

"At yearend 2015, an estimated 2,173,800 persons were either under the jurisdiction of state or federal prisons or in the custody of local jails in the United States, down about 51,300 persons compared to yearend 2014. This was the largest decline in the incarcerated population since it first decreased in 2009. By yearend 2015, the number of persons incarcerated in state or federal prisons or local jails fell to the lowest level observed since 2004 (2,136,600) (not shown).
"Declines in both the U.S. prison (down 2.3%) and local jail (down 2.2%) populations contributed to the decrease in the incarcerated population during 2015. However, 69% of the decline in the incarcerated population was due to the drop in the number of persons incarcerated in state or federal prisons (down 35,500). One jurisdiction, the Federal Bureau of Prisons, accounted for 40% of the decrease in the U.S. prison population during the year. By the end of 2015 (1,526,800), the U.S. prison population fell to a level similar to 2005 (1,525,900)."

In 2015, a total of 6,741,400 adults were under the supervision of the US adult correctional system. Of those, 4,650,900 were under community supervision, of which 3,789,800 were on probation and 870,500 were on parole. A total of 2,173,800 adults were incarcerated in 2015, of whom 728,800 were in jails and 1,526,800 were in prisons.

In 2015, the US adult correctional system had under its supervision one in every 37 US adults, which is a rate of 2,710 people under supervision per 100,000 US residents aged 18 or older. More broadly, that's a rate of 2,090 per 100,000 US residents of all ages.
The rate for the population on community supervision, i.e. probation and parole, in 2015 was 1,870 per 100,000 US residents aged 18 or older, and 1,440 per 100,000 US residents of all ages.
The rate for the incarcerated population, in jails and prisons, in 2015 was 870 per 100,000 US residents aged 18 or older, and 670 per 100,000 US residents of all ages.

In 2015, there were 2,168,400 people behind bars in the US. This includes state and federal prisons as well as local and county jails. Of these, 195,800 people were federal prisoners, and 1,244,400 were state prisoners, and local jails held a total of 728,200 people. The adult incarceration rate in 2015 was 670 people per 100,000 US residents of all ages, or 870 people per 100,000 US residents aged 18 or older.

"At yearend 2015, there were 458 prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year in state or federal prison per 100,000 U.S. residents of all ages (table 5). The imprisonment rate for the U.S. population of all ages was the lowest since 1997 (444 per 100,000 U.S. residents, not shown). Among U.S. residents age 18 or older, there were 593 prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year in state or federal prison per 100,000 U.S. adult residents. Both rates decreased since their peak in 2007.
"On December 31, 2015, 1% of adult males living in the United States were serving prison sentences of greater than 1 year. However, this imprisonment rate decreased 3% between yearend 2014 (1,168 per 100,000 adult males) and yearend 2015 (1,131 per 100,000). The rates for female imprisonment in 2015 (64 per 100,000 females of all ages and 82 per 100,000 adult females) both decreased by about 2% from yearend 2014."

"At yearend 2015, there were 458 prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year in state or federal prison per 100,000 U.S. residents of all ages (table 5). The imprisonment rate for the U.S. population of all ages was the lowest since 1997 (444 per 100,000 U.S. residents, not shown). Among U.S. residents age 18 or older, there were 593 prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year in state or federal prison per 100,000 U.S. adult residents. Both rates decreased since their peak in 2007.
"On December 31, 2015, 1% of adult males living in the United States were serving prison sentences of greater than 1 year. However, this imprisonment rate decreased 3% between yearend 2014 (1,168 per 100,000 adult males) and yearend 2015 (1,131 per 100,000). The rates for female imprisonment in 2015 (64 per 100,000 females of all ages and 82 per 100,000 adult females) both decreased by about 2% from yearend 2014.
"Maine had the lowest imprisonment rate at yearend 2015 (132 per 100,000 residents of all ages), followed by Massachusetts (179) and Minnesota (196) (table 6). Louisiana had the highest imprisonment rate for persons of all ages in 2015 (776 per 100,000 state residents) and adults (1,019 prisoners per 100,000 state residents age 18 or older), followed by Oklahoma (715 per 100,000 state residents of all ages and 948 per 100,000 adult state residents). Seven additional states had imprisonment rates of more than 500 per 100,000 state residents of all ages, including Alabama (611 per 100,000), Mississippi (609), Arizona (596), Arkansas (591), Texas (568), Missouri (530), and Georgia (503)."

"The juvenile population (those age 17 or younger) in local jails continued to decline in 2015, to fewer than 4,000 inmates (tables 3 and 4). This was down from a peak of about 7,600 juveniles in 2010. Since 2000, at least 8 in 10 juveniles held in local jails were on trial or awaiting trial in adult court.
"While males accounted for at least 85% of the jail population each year since 2000, the female jail population grew from 11% of the total jail population in 2000 to more than 14% in 2013 and 2014. As a result, the female jail incarceration rate increased from about 50 per 100,000 female U.S. residents in 2000 to nearly 70 per 100,000 in 2014. The male incarceration rate remained relatively stable since 2000 (about 400 per 100,000 male U.S. residents) (not shown).
"White inmates accounted for at least 47% of the jail population since 2013, up from 42% in 2000. Conversely, the percentage of black inmates held in local jails declined from about 40% in 2005 to 35% in 2014 and 2015. Hispanics represented about 15% of the jail population in 2014, unchanged since 2000. American Indian and Alaska Native inmates represented a small proportion (about 1%) of the jail population, but their number has nearly doubled since 2000."

The Average Daily Population (ADP) of inmates in US jails in 2015 was 721,300. On December 31, 2015, local jails in the US held 693,300 people, of whom 594,200 were male and 99,100 were female. Juveniles held as adults numbered 3,500, plus an additional 300 juveniles were held as juveniles. Racial demographics were as follows: white, 335,100; black/African-American, 243,400; Latinx, 99,000; American Indian/Alaska native: 8,600; Asian/native Hawaiian/other Pacific islander: 5,800; two or more races: 1,500. Only 258,800 had been convicted of any crime, and had either already been sentenced or were awaiting sentencing. The remaining 434,600 were unconvicted, and awaiting court action on a current charge.

"After peaking at 3,210 offenders per 100,000 U.S. adult residents in 2007, the correctional supervision rate trended downward, falling to a low of 2,710 per 100,000 by yearend 2015 (table 4). The drop in the correctional supervision rate was attributed equally to the decline in the U.S. correctional population and the increase in the U.S. adult resident population. By yearend 2015, the correctional supervision rate fell to the lowest rate since 1994 (2,650 per 100,000), when about 1.6 million fewer persons were supervised by U.S. adult correctional systems (not shown).
"There were 1,870 offenders per 100,000 U.S. adult residents on either probation or parole at yearend 2015. This represented the lowest rate of offenders under community supervision since 1993 (1,830 per 100,000), when the population was smaller by about 1.1 million offenders (not shown). The community supervision rate reached a high in 2007 (2,240 per 100,000) before declining each year through 2015.
"At yearend 2015, 870 persons per 100,000 U.S. adult residents were under the jurisdiction of state or federal prisons or in the custody of local jails. The incarceration rate has been declining since 2009 (980 per 100,000). By yearend 2015, the incarceration rate dropped to the same rate as 1997 (870 per 100,000)."

"At yearend 2015, there were 523,000 non-Hispanic black prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year under state or federal correctional authority. This was a 3% decrease from yearend 2014 and a 9% decline from yearend 2005. The number of non-Hispanic white prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year was virtually unchanged between 2005 (497,600 prisoners) and 2015 (499,400 prisoners). Hispanic prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year declined 2% between 2014 and 2015 and were down by 8% between 2010 and 2015."

"The number of prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year in federal or state prison, representing 96% of the overall prison population, decreased by 1.7% in 2012 (table 5). The number of sentenced federal prisoners declined slightly (down 0.2%) in 2012, while the total federal population increased. The increase was driven primarily by population increases among inmates without sentences or with sentences of 1 year or less (1,929, not shown in table). The number of sentenced state prisoners also declined, with 25,987 (down 1.9%) fewer sentenced inmates in 2012 than in 2011. California accounted for 57% of this decline. Overall, the number of sentenced male inmates in state or federal prison declined by 1.7% (down 24,109) from 2011 to 2012, and the number of sentenced female inmates decreased by 2.3% (down 2,354) during the same period.
"Among the reporting jurisdictions, 25 out of the 47 states and the federal prison system showed declines in their sentenced prison population (table 6). Five states had decreases of more than 10% in their sentenced female prison population, while five others showed increases among females of more than 10% from 2011 to 2012. However, the majority of these states had a small overall prison population."

"At yearend 2015, the United States had an estimated 1,526,800 prisoners under the jurisdiction of state and federal correctional authorities. This was the smallest U.S. prison population since 2005 (1,525,900 prisoners). The prison population decreased by more than 2% from the number of prisoners held in December 2014 (figure 1). This was the largest decline in the number of persons under the jurisdiction of state or federal correctional authorities since 1978 (figure 2).
"The Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) had jurisdiction over 196,500 prisoners at yearend 2015, a decrease of 14,100 prisoners from yearend 2014. This was the third consecutive year that the federal prison population declined and the lowest number of federal prisoners since 2006 (193,000). This decrease in federal prisoners accounted for 40% of the total change in the U.S. prison population."

According to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, US jails held, as confined inmates, 621,149 people in 2000; 767,434 people in 2009; 748,728 people in 2010; 735,601 people in 2011; 744,524 people in 2012; 731,208 people in 2013; 744,592 people in 2014; and 693,300 people in 2015.

(Note: Counts are of inmates held in local jails are for the last weekday of June for each year. Counts were estimated from the Annual Survey of Jails.)

"The jail incarceration rate—the confined population per 100,000 U.S. residents—decreased from a peak in 2006 through 2008 (260 per 100,000) to 230 per 100,000 at midyear 2015. These data are based on midyear counts, which includes the number of inmates held in custody on the last weekday in June. This was the lowest rate since midyear 2000 (220 per 100,000). The adult incarceration rate for persons age 18 or older also declined from a peak of 340 per 100,000 in 2006 through 2008 to about 300 per 100,000 each year since 2013."

"Since 2005, more than 60% of all jail inmates were awaiting court action on a current charge. About 4 in 10 inmates were sentenced offenders or convicted offenders awaiting sentencing. The growth in the overall jail inmate population since 2000 was due to the increase in the unconvicted population. Regardless of conviction status, about 68% of jail inmates in 2015 were held for a felony offense, and the remaining 32% were held for either misdemeanor (27%) or other offenses (5%) (not shown)."

"The juvenile population (those age 17 or younger) in local jails continued to decline in 2015, to fewer than 4,000 inmates (tables 3 and 4). This was down from a peak of about 7,600 juveniles in 2010. Since 2000, at least 8 in 10 juveniles held in local jails were on trial or awaiting trial in adult court.
"While males accounted for at least 85% of the jail population each year since 2000, the female jail population grew from 11% of the total jail population in 2000 to more than 14% in 2013 and 2014. As a result, the female jail incarceration rate increased from about 50 per 100,000 female U.S. residents in 2000 to nearly 70 per 100,000 in 2014. The male incarceration rate remained relatively stable since 2000 (about 400 per 100,000 male U.S. residents) (not shown)."

"At yearend 2015, an estimated 4,650,900 adults were under community supervision — a decrease of 62,300 offenders from yearend 2014 (figure 1).1 About 1 in 53 adults in the United States was under community supervision at yearend 2015. This population includes adults on probation, parole, or any other post-prison supervision, with probationers accounting for the majority (81%) of adults under community supervision. (See BJS definition of probation and parole textbox.)
"The 1.3% decline observed in the adult community corrections population was due to the drop in the probation population. The probation population declined from an estimated 3,868,400 offenders at yearend 2014 to 3,789,800 at yearend 2015 (figure 2). The parole population continued to rise with a 1.5% increase, from 857,700 offenders at yearend 2014 to 870,500 at yearend 2015."

"Taxpayers spent about $68.7 billion in 2008 to feed, clothe, and provide medical care to prisoners in county jails, state and federal prisons and facilities housing legal and illegal aliens facing possible deportation.46 From 1982 to 2002, state and federal spending on corrections, not adjusted for inflation, rose by 423%, from $40 to $209 per U.S. resident.47 Corrections spending, as a share of state budgets, rose faster than health care, education, and natural resources spending from 1986 to 2001.48 The average cost of housing a prisoner for a year was about $24,000 in 2005, though rates vary from state to state.49"

(Estimated Cost Savings by Shifting People from Jail or Prison to Probation or Parole) "The calculations in Table 4 assume that for each non-violent offender shifted from prison or jail (at an average cost of about $25,500 to $26,000 per year) to probation or parole (at average cost of $1,300 to $2,800 per year), government corrections systems would save $23,000 to $25,000 per inmate per year. Given the mix of prisoners by offense type (see Table 3), a 50 percent reduction in non-violent-offender inmates would save the federal government about $2.1 billion per year, state governments about $7.6 billion per year, and local governments about $7.2 billion per year, even after factoring in additional probation and parole costs. Across all three levels of government, these savings total $16.9 billion or about 22.8 percent of the total national spending on corrections in 2008."

Schmitt, John; Warner, Kris and Gupta, Sarika, "The High Budgetary Cost of Incarceration," Center for Economic and Policy Research (Washington, DC: June 2010), p. 11.http://www.cepr.net/documents/...

" At yearend 2015, 18 states and the BOP met or exceeded the maximum measure of their prison facilities’ capacity, and 26 states and the BOP had a number of prisoners in their custody that met or exceeded their minimum number of beds (appendix table 1).
" Prison facilities in Illinois held 46,200 prisoners at yearend 2015, 145% of the rated capacity of 31,900 (their maximum capacity), and 165% of the design capacity of 28,000 (their minimum capacity).
??" Jurisdictions with more prisoners in custody than the maximum number of beds for which their facilities were designed, rated, or operationally intended included Illinois (145%), Nebraska (125%), Massachusetts (123%), the BOP (120%), Delaware (117%), and Hawaii (115%)."

"The prevalence of any PI [Parental Incarceration] was 12.5% with the 95% confidence interval (CI) of 11.3% to 13.8%. The distribution of incarceration status by category was: neither parent (87.5%, 95% CI: 86.2%–88.7%), father only (9.9%, 95% CI: 8.9%–10.9%), mother only (1.7%, 95% CI: 1.4%–2.0%), and both parents (0.9%, 95% CI: 0.7%–1.2%). A significant association was found between race and PI. Black and Hispanic individuals had the highest prevalence of PI, 20.6% and 14.8%, compared with 11.9% for white individuals and 11.6% for those classified as other. Pairwise comparison indicated the black and white prevalence rates were significantly different."

Note: Regarding study sample size: "The current study used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), a 4-wave longitudinal study following a nationally representative probability sample of adolescents in grades 7 through 12 in the 1994–1995 school year.46 The first 3 waves of Add
Health data were collected from April to December 1995, from April to August 1996, and from August 2001 to April 2002. The fourth wave of data was collected in 2007 and 2008. The full sample for Wave 4 included 15 701 or 80.3% of the eligible participants from Wave 1. The response rates for Waves 1, 2, 3, and 4 were 79.0%, 88.6%, 77.4%, and 80.3%, respectively. The mean ages of participants during the 4 waves of data collection were 15.7 years, 16.2 years, 22.0 years, and 28.8 years, respectively.
"The current study was based on 14,800 participants who were interviewed during Wave 1 and Wave 4 and have a sampling weight. Of the 15,701 participants who participated in both Wave 1 and Wave 4 interviews, 14,800 participants have a sampling weight at Wave 4 interview that could be used to compute population estimates. For data analysis, data describing participants’ sociodemographic characteristics from Wave 1 of the Add Health study were combined with Wave 4 self-reported health outcomes and PI history."

"This report shows that more than 10.35 million people are held in penal institutions throughout the world, either as pre-trial detainees/remand prisoners or having been convicted and sentenced. Figures for Eritrea, Somalia and the Democratic
People’s Republic of (North) Korea are not available and those for China and Guinea Bissau are incomplete (see footnote to Table 3 concerning China). Also missing are prisoners held in some jurisdictions that are not fully recognised internationally and those pre-trial prisoners who are held in
police facilities and not included in published national prison population totals. The full total is therefore higher than 10.35 million and may well be in excess of 11 million.
"There are more than 2.2 million prisoners in the United States of America, more than 1.65 million in China (plus an unknown number in pre-trial detention or ‘administrative detention’), 640,000 in the Russian Federation, 607,000 in Brazil, 418,000 in India, 311,000 in Thailand, 255,000 in Brazil and 225,000 in Iran."

"The countries with the highest prison population rate – that is, the number of prisoners per 100,000 of the national population – are Seychelles (799 per 100,000), followed by the United States (698), St. Kitts & Nevis (607), Turkmenistan (583), U.S. Virgin Islands (542), Cuba (510), El Salvador (492), Guam – U.S.A. (469), Thailand (461), Belize (449), Russian Federation (445), Rwanda (434)
and British Virgin Islands (425).
"However, more than half of all countries and territories (55%) have rates below 150 per 100,000.
"The world prison population rate, based on United Nations estimates of national population levels, is 144 per 100,000."

"For the first time in nearly 40 years, the number of state prisoners in the United States has declined. Survey data compiled by the Public Safety Performance Project of the Pew Center on the States, in partnership with the Association of State Correctional Administrators, indicate that as of January 1, 2010, there were 1,404,053 persons under the jurisdiction of state prison authorities, 4,777 (0.3 percent) fewer than there were on December 31, 2008.1 This marks the first year-to-year drop in the state prison population since 1972.
"In this period, however, the nation’s total prison population increased by 2,061 people because of a jump in the number of inmates under the jurisdiction of the Federal Bureau of Prisons. The federal count rose by 6,838 prisoners, or 3.4 percent in 2009, to an all-time high of 208,118.
"Prior to 1972, the number of prisoners had grown at a steady rate that closely tracked growth rates in the general population. Between 1925 (the first year national prison statistics were officially collected) and 1972, the number of state prisoners increased from 85,239 to 174,379.2
"Starting in 1973, however, the prison population and imprisonment rates began to rise precipitously. This change was fueled by stiffer sentencing and release laws and decisions by courts and parole boards, which sent more offenders to prison and kept them there for longer terms.3 In the nearly five decades between 1925 and 1972, the prison population increased by 105 percent; in the four decades since, the number of prisoners grew by 705 percent.4 Adding local jail inmates to state and federal prisoners, the Public Safety Performance Project calculated in 2008 that the overall incarcerated population had reached an all-time high, with 1 in 100 adults in the United States living behind bars.5"

(Comparison of Incarceration Rates for Various Nations) "Prison population rates vary considerably between different regions of the world, and between different parts of the same continent. For example:
" in Africa the median rate for western African countries is 52 whereas for southern African countries it is 188;
" in the Americas the median rate for south American countries is 242 whereas for Caribbean countries it is 347;
" in Asia the median rate for south central Asian countries (mainly the Indian subcontinent) is 74 whereas for central Asian countries it is 166.
" in Europe the median rate for western European countries is 84 whereas for the countries spanning Europe and Asia (e.g. Russia and Turkey) it is 236.
" in Oceania the median rate is 155.
"Since about the year 2000 the world prison population total has grown by almost 20%, which is slightly above the estimated 18% increase in the world’s general population over the same period. There are considerable differences between the continents, and variation within continents. The total prison population in Oceania has increased by almost 60% and that in the Americas by over 40%; in Europe, by contrast, the total prison population has decreased by 21%. The European figure reflects large falls in prison populations in Russia and in central and eastern Europe. In the Americas, the prison population has increased by 14% in the USA, by over 80% in central American countries and by 145% in south American countries."

"At yearend 2006, 23 States and the Federal system operated at more than 100% of their highest capacity. Seventeen States operated at between 90% and 99% of their highest capacity. The Federal prison system was operating at 37% above its rated capacity at yearend 2006.
"By comparison, in 1995 States operated at 114% of their highest capacity and 125% of their lowest reported capacity. The Federal system was operating at 26% over reported capacity in 1995."

In 2015, federal prisons held a total of 185,917 sentenced adult prisoners. Of those, 13,700 had a violent offense as the most serious charge for which they had been sentenced, 11,200 had a property offense as the most serious charge for which they had been sentenced, 92,000 had a drug offense as the most serious charge for which they had been sentenced, and 67,500 had a public order offense as the most serious charge for which they had been sentenced. Additionally, there were 1,400 for whom the charges were unknown or unspecified.

Violent Offense Categories: Homicide, Robbery, Other Violent
Property Offense Categories: Burglary, Fraud, Other Property
Public Order Offense Categories: Immigration, Weapons, Other Public Order

(Corrections Industry Workers) "The corrections sector is a large and growing part of the labor force. According to the Census Bureau, more than 770,000 people worked in the U.S. correctional industry in 2008.60 The U.S. Department of Labor, in its 2010-11 Occupational Outlook Handbook, estimates there were about 620,000 guards, probation officers, prison supervisors and court bailiffs in 2008.61"

"An estimated 809,800 prisoners of the 1,518,535 held in the nation's prisons at midyear 2007 were parents of minor children, or children under age 18. Parents held in the nation's prisons -- 52% of state inmates and 63% of federal inmates -- reported having an estimated 1,706,600 minor children, accounting for 2.3% of the U.S. resident population under age 18."

"Paternal incarceration, however, was found associated with a greater number of health outcomes than maternal incarceration. Also, paternal incarceration was found to be associated with both physical and mental health problems, whereas maternal incarceration was found associated only with poor mental health.
"For paternal incarceration, with the exception of HIV/AIDS, larger associations were found for mental health as compared with physical health outcomes. Caution should be taken in understanding the significance of the finding related to HIV/AIDS, given its low overall sample prevalence and wide CI. If this is a true association, it may be related to paternal HIV/AIDS status and other risk factors related to father absence. Given the high correlation between HIV/AIDS and incarceration, increased odds of HIV/AIDS in offspring could come from perinatal transmission. However, social factors may also explain this relationship."

"As shown in Table 2, bivariate analyses indicate PI [Parental Incarceration] was significantly associated with 8 of the 16 health conditions (heart disease, asthma, migraines, depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder [PTSD], HIV/AIDS, and fair/poor health). With the exception of heart disease and HIV/AIDS, individuals who reported neither parent had an incarceration history had the lowest prevalence rates of these 8 health conditions. Individuals who reported father incarceration only had the highest prevalence rates of 3 of the 8 health conditions (heart disease, HIV/AIDS, and fair/poor health); whereas individuals who reported mother incarceration only were highest on 2 conditions (depression and anxiety) and individuals who reported incarceration of both parents were highest on 3 conditions (asthma, migraine, and PTSD)."

"With far less notice, the number of people on probation or parole has skyrocketed to more than 5 million, up from 1.6 million just 25 years ago. This means that 1 in 45 adults in the United States is now under criminal justice supervision in the community, and that combined with those in prison and jail, a stunning 1 in every 31 adults, or 3.2 percent, is under some form of correctional control. The rates are drastically elevated for men (1 in 18) and blacks (1 in 11) and are even higher in some high-crime inner-city neighborhoods."

Pew Center on the States, "One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections," (Washington, DC: The Pew Charitable Trusts, March 2009), p. 1.http://www.pewstates.org/uploa...

"Since sentenced prisoners made up 96% of the prison population in 2011, it was expected that the changes in the sentenced prison population in 2011 mirrored those in the total prison population. The total number of sentenced prisoners declined by 1.0%, and the sentenced prison population in the federal system increased by 3.4%. The sentenced state prison population declined by 1.6%.
"Between 2010 and 2011, the imprisonment rate—the number of sentenced prisoners divided by the U.S. resident population times 100,000—declined from 500 to 492 per 100,000 U.S. residents (table 6). The imprisonment rate has declined consistently since 2007 when there were 506 persons imprisoned per 100,000 U.S. residents. The rate in 2011 was comparable to the rate observed in 2005 (492 per 100,000)."

"The U.S. incarcerates nearly 2.4 million people,13 including people held pretrial and those sentenced for an offense; if they were all in one state, it would be the 36th most populated, between New Mexico and Nevada.14 No other country in the world incarcerates as many people as the United States. China, a country of 1.3 billion people—about four times as many people as the U.S.15—is second, incarcerating 1.6 million people.16

"During 2007, the prison population increased more rapidly than the U.S. resident population. The imprisonment rate — the number of sentenced prisoners per 100,000 residents — increased from 501 prisoners per 100,000 U.S. residents in 2006 to 506 prisoners per 100,000 U.S. residents in 2007. From 2000 through 2007, the imprisonment rate increased from 475 per 100,000 U.S. residents to 506 per 100,000 U.S. residents. During these seven years, the number of sentenced prisoners increased by 15% while the general population increased by 6.4%."

"The estimated number of prison and jail inmates experiencing sexual victimization totaled 80,600 (or 4.0% of all prison inmates and 3.2% of jail inmates nationwide) (table 1).
"Among all state and federal prison inmates, 2.0% (or an estimated 29,300 prisoners) reported an incident involving another inmate, and 2.4% (34,100) reported an incident involving facility staff. Some prisoners (0.4% or 5,500) reported sexual victimization by both another inmate and facility staff.
"Among all jail inmates, about 1.6% (11,900) reported an incident with another inmate, and 1.8% (13,200) reported an incident with staff. Approximately 0.2% of jail inmates (2,400) reported being sexually victimized by both another inmate and staff."

"In 2011, correctional administrators reported 8,763 allegations of sexual victimization in prisons, jails, and other adult correctional facilities (figure 1). About half (51%) involved allegations of nonconsensual sexual acts or abusive sexual contacts of inmates with other inmates, and half (49%) involved staff sexual misconduct or sexual harassment directed toward inmates. About 10% of the allegations (902) were substantiated based on follow-up investigation. While the number of allegations has risen since 2005 (6,241), the number substantiated has remained nearly unchanged (885 in 2005)."

" Rates of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization among prison inmates were higher among females (6.9%) than males (1.7%), higher among whites (2.9%) or inmates of two or more races (4.0%) than among blacks (1.3%), higher among inmates with a college degree (2.7%) than among inmates who had not completed high school (1.9%), and lower among currently married inmates (1.4%) than among inmates who never married (2.1%) (table 7).
??" Similar patterns of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization were reported by jail inmates. Female jail inmates (3.6%), whites (2.0%), and inmates with a college degree (3.0%) reported higher rates of victimization than males (1.4%), blacks (1.1%), and inmates who had not completed high school (1.4%).
??" Rates of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization were unrelated to age among state and federal prisoners, except for slightly lower rates among inmates age 55 or older.
??" Rates were lower among jail inmates in the oldest age categories (ages 35 to 44, 45 to 54, and 55 or older) than among jail inmates ages 20 to 24."

"The reported use or threat of physical force to engage in sexual activity with staff was generally low among all prison and jail inmates (0.8%); however, at least 5% of the inmates in three state prisons and one high-rate jail facility reported they had been physically forced or threatened with force. (See appendix tables 3 and 7.) The Clements Unit (Texas) had the highest percentage of inmates reporting sexual victimization involving physical force or threat of force by staff (8.1%), followed by Denver Women’s Correctional Facility (Colorado) (7.3%), and Idaho Maximum Security Institution (6.0%). Wilson County Jail (Kansas) led all surveyed jails, with 5.6% of inmates reporting that staff used physical force or threat of force to have sex or sexual contact.
"While 0.8% of prison and jail inmates reported the use or threat of physical force, an estimated 1.4% of prison inmates and 1.2% of jail inmates reported being coerced by facility staff without any use or threat of force, including being pressured or made to feel they had to have sex or sexual contact. In 8 of the 24 facilities with high rates of staff sexual misconduct, at least 5% of the inmates reported such pressure by staff. Among state prisoners, the highest rates were reported by female inmates in the Denver Women’s Correctional Facility (Colorado) (8.8%) and by male inmates in the Clements Unit (Texas) (8.7%). Among jail inmates, the highest rates were reported by inmates in the Rose M. Singer Center (New York) (5.6%) and the Contra Costa County Martinez Detention Facility (California) (5.2%)."

"The United States has adopted a set of criminal justice policies that has produced a tidal wave of imprisonment in this country. Between 1970 and 2005, the number of men, women, and children locked up in this country has grown by an historically unprecedented 700%. As a result, the United States locks up almost a quarter of the prisoners in the entire world. In fact, if all our prisoners were confined in one city, that city would be the fourth largest in the country."

(Federal Prison Overcrowding) "The number of inmates held in BOP [Bureau of Prisons] facilities grew from 125,560 in FY200051 to 180,725 as of September 2011. From FY2000–FY2010, prison crowding grew from 32% over rated capacity to 37% over rated capacity, despite the fact that the number of facilities operated by BOP increased from 97 to 116. The growing federal prison population has not only resulted in more crowded prisons, but it has also strained BOP’s ability to properly manage and care for federal inmates."

"The increase in justice expenditures over nearly 20 years reflects the expansion of the Nation's justice system. For example, in 1982 the justice system employed approximately 1.27 million persons; in 2003 it reached over 2.3 million.
"Police protection
"One indicator of police workload, the FBI's arrest estimates for State and local police agencies, grew from 12 million in 1982 to an estimated 13.6 million in 2003. The number of employees in police protection increased from approximately 724,000 to over 1.1 million.
"Judicial and legal
"The judicial and legal workload, including civil and criminal cases, prosecutor functions, and public defender services, also expanded during this period. Cases of all kinds (criminal, civil, domestic, juvenile, and traffic) filed in the nearly 16,000 general and limited jurisdiction State courts went from about 86 million to 100 million in the 16-year period, 1987-2003. The total of judicial and legal employees grew about 101% to over 494,000 persons in 2003.
"Corrections
"The total number of State and Federal inmates grew from 403,000 in 1982 to over 1.4 million in 2003. The number of local jail inmates more than tripled from approximately 207,000 in 1982 to over 691,000 in 2003. Adults on probation increased from over 1.4 million to about 4.1 million persons. Overall, corrections employment more than doubled from nearly 300,000 to over 748,000 during this same period."

"Mothers in state prison (58%) were more likely than fathers (49%) to report having a family member who had also been incarcerated (table 11). Parents in state prison most commonly reported a brother (34%), followed by a father (19%). Among mothers in state prison, 13% reported a sister and 8% reported a spouse. Six percent of fathers reported having a sister who had also been incarcerated; 2%, a spouse.
"While growing up, 40% of parents in state prison reported living in a household that received public assistance, 14% reported living in a foster home, agency, or institution at some time during their youth, and 43% reported living with both parents most of the time (appendix table 11). Mothers (17%) held in state prison were more likely than fathers (14%) to report living in a foster home, agency, or institution at some time during their youth. Parents in federal prison reported lower percentages of growing up in a household that received public assistance (31%) or living in a foster home, agency, or institution (7%). These characteristics varied little by gender for parents held in federal prison.
"More than a third (34%) of parents in state prison reported that during their youth, their parents or guardians had abused alcohol or drugs. Mothers in state prison (43%) were more likely than fathers (33%) to have had this experience. Fewer parents (27%) in federal prison reported having a parent or a guardian who had abused alcohol or drugs."

"Thirty-seven percent of parents held in state prison reported living with at least one of their children in the month before arrest, 44% reported just prior to incarceration, and 48% reported at either time (table 7). Mothers were more likely than fathers to report living with at least one child. More than half of mothers held in state prison reported living with at least one of their children in the month before arrest, compared to 36% of fathers. More than 6 in 10 mothers reported living with their children just prior to incarceration or at either time, compared to less than half of fathers.
"Parents held in federal prison were more likely than those held in state prison to report living with a child in the month before arrest, just prior to incarceration, or at either time (appendix table 7). Mothers in federal prison were more likely than fathers to report living with a child."

"In fiscal 2015, corrections spending represented 3.1 percent of total state spending and 6.8 percent of general fund spending. General fund dollars are the primary source for state corrections and accounted for $50.9 billion, or 89.5 percent, of all fiscal 2015 state corrections spending. State funds (general funds and other state funds combined, but excluding bonds) accounted for 97.7 percent of total state corrections spending in fiscal 2015. Federal funds accounted for 1.2 percent and bonds accounted for 1.0 percent."

"State spending on corrections reflects the costs to build and operate prison systems and may include spending on juvenile justice systems and my include spending on juvenile justice programs and alternatives to incarceration such as probation and parole. State spending for corrections totaled $56.9 billion in fiscal 2015, compared to $55.3 billion in fiscal 2014, a 3.0 percent increase in total spending with state funds increasing 3.1 percent and federal funds declining 1.4 percent. State spending on corrections in fiscal 2016 is estimated to total $58.0 billion, a 2.0 percent increase from fiscal 2015. State funds are estimated to increase by 2.1 percent, while federal funds are estimated to increase by 3.6 percent.
"Although state spending on corrections is estimated to increase for fiscal 2016, the growth rate has slowed. For several years states have been making criminal justice reforms to address the cost drivers of corrections expenditures, including limiting growth in inmate populations. Many states are examining their criminal justice systems and implementing reforms to concentrate resources on the most violent offenders while ensuring other offenders are equipped with the tools and supports needed to successfully transition back to the community. These reforms include alternatives to incarceration, earning sentence credits for good behavior, other sentencing changes, parole reforms, and increased treatment to address mental health and substance abuse disorders. And while several states have been successful in reducing the growth of their inmate population, costs continue to increase due to programming investments, increasing inmate health care expenditures, costly maintenance of aging facilities, and the personnel costs associated with running institutions."

According to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, in 2010, state corrections institutions spent $37.3 billion to imprison a total of 1,316,858 inmates. BJS estimates that the mean expenditures per capita was $28,323. There was a wide range in state spending: the bottom 25th percentile averaged only $21,417, the 50th percentile averaged $29,094, and the 75th percentile averaged $40,175.

"State correctional spending patterns reflect the rise in the prison population that began in the early 1980’s and persisted until 2010.17 Expansion of the state prison population required increased spending for capital infrastructure, the state employee workforce, and the administrative needs of the judicial system. From fiscal 1986 to fiscal 2012, spending from state funds18 for corrections increased by 427 percent
from $9.9 billion to $52.4 billion (without adjusting for inflation).19 By comparison, total spending from state funds increased by 315 percent over the same time period.
"For many states, the effect of disproportionate growth in correctional spending led to a larger share of general fund dollars going to corrections. Since the mid 1980’s, the share of general fund budgets going to corrections doubled in 15 states and increased by at least half in 31 states.20 In the aggregate, corrections spending has gone from 4.7 percent of general fund spending in fiscal 1986 to 7.0 percent in fiscal 2012, an increase of 2.3 percentage points. This additional 2.3 percent of state general funds was equivalent to $15 billion in fiscal 2012.21
"Corrections expenditures, as a percent of spending from total state funds, (general funds, other state funds and bonds), have remained more stable, and the rate of increase has been lower compared to the growth in general fund spending. Corrections spending as a share of state funds has gone from 3.6 percent in fiscal 1986 to 4.6 percent in fiscal 2012, an increase of 1 percent.22 This figure has
remained more stable due to the rise in earmarked funds or trust funds in other program areas besides corrections that designate revenues for specific purposes set by statute. For example, higher education derives much of its state funding from designated revenue streams outside the general fund. To some extent, this trend may have insulated other program areas from budgetary pressures related to increased general fund spending for corrections."

"In general, states are targeting criminal justice reforms to address the cost drivers of correctional budgets in such a way that public safety is not put at risk. For example, 21 states have amended drug offense classification and penalties since 2010.26 Justice reforms that seek incarceration alternatives for drug offenders have demonstrated cost savings and improved outcomes, especially for non-violent drug offenders. Texas appropriated $240 million in the 2008-2009 biennium for correctional programs focusing on treatment, rehabilitation and enhanced local supervision and discretion. The state’s reforms led to $443 million in estimated savings that were utilized for other areas of the corrections budget.27 Justice reinvestment reforms are relying more on local government discretion as well, to enhance probation and parole oversight. Twenty states have enacted graduated sanctions for technical parole violations to help states reduce prison costs and the number of inmates.28
"Despite the demonstrated successes of criminal justice reforms, cost savings have yet to produce an overall decline in corrections spending. However, the policy reforms are improving the way states spend money for corrections, and the outcomes show better results for individuals and citizens. Over time, the cost savings from smart, criminal justice polices may lead to correctional spending declines, an outcome that would benefit all of state government."

"State spending for corrections increased from $65 per resident in 1986 to $134 in 2001 (table 1). Per capita expenditures for State prison operations alone rose from $49 in 1986 to $104 in 2001.
"At an average annual increase of 6.2% for total State correctional spending and 6.4% specifically for prisons, increases in the cost of adult incarceration outpaced those of health care (5.8%), education (4.2%), and natural resources (3.3%).
"Although correctional spending grew at a faster rate than many other State boards and programs (including court payments between 1986 and 2001, it remained one of the smaller cost items. For example, the outlay for education, at $374.5 billion, was nearly 10 times larger, and that for welfare, at $260.3 billion, was nearly 7 times larger."

From 2000 through 2014, a total of 569 people died from AIDS-related illnesses while serving time in a local jail in the US. Of those, 98 were white non-Latinx, 395 were black non-Latinx, 73 were Latinx, and 3 were "other."
In 2015, a total of 10 people serving time in local jails in the US died from AIDS-related illnesses.

"The rate of growth of the State prison population slowed between 1995 and 2001 and then began to rise. During this time the percentage change in the first 6 months of each year steadily decreased, reaching a low of 0.6% in 2001, and then rose to 1.0% in 2005 (table 2). The percentage change in the second 6 months of each year showed a similar trend, resulting in an actual decrease in State prison populations for the second half of 2000 and 2001.
"Since 1995 the Federal system has grown at a much higher rate than the States, peaking at 6.0% growth in the first 6 months of 1999. In the first 6 months of 2005, the number of Federal inmates increased 2.3%, more than twice the rate of State growth."

"In December 2000, the Prison Journal published a study based on a survey of inmates in seven men's prison facilities in four states. The results showed that 21 percent of the inmates had experienced at least one episode of pressured or forced sexual contact since being incarcerated, and at least 7 percent had been raped in their facility. A 1996 study of the Nebraska prison system produced similar findings, with 22 percent of male inmates reporting that they had been pressured or forced to have sexual contact against their will while incarcerated. Of these, over 50 percent had submitted to forced anal sex at least once. Extrapolating these findings to the national level gives a total of at least 140,000 inmates who have been raped."

(Educational Level of Prisoners) "With the emphasis on law enforcement over education, it is no surprise that according to the 2003 National Assessment of Adult Literacy Prison Survey, 37 percent of people in U.S. prisons had not finished high school. Only 4 out of 10 (41 percent) had a high school education or GED equivalent; 74 percent had parents who had a high school education or less; and 26 percent had parents who did not finish high school.165"

"In 2003 the United States spent a record $185 billion for police protection, corrections, and judicial and legal activities. Expenditures for operating the Nation's justice system increased from almost $36 billion in 1982 to over $185 billion in 2003, an increase of 418%.
"Local governments funded half of all justice system expenses. Another 33% of direct justice funding came from the States.
"Total justice expenditures comprised approximately 7.2% of all State and local public expenditures in 2003. Compared to justice expenditures, State and local governments continued to spend almost 4 times as much on education, twice as much on public welfare, and roughly an equal amount on hospitals and healthcare."

"Correctional authorities spent $38.2 billion to maintain the Nation?'s State correctional systems in fiscal year 2001, including $29.5 billion specifically for adult correctional facilities. Day-to-day operating expenses totaled $28.4 billion, and capital outlays for land, new building, and renovations, $1.1 billion.
"The average annual operating cost per State inmate in 2001 was $22,650, or $62.05 per day. Among facilities operated by the Federal Bureau of Prisons, it was $22,632 per inmate, or $62.01 per day."

"We must have law enforcement authorities address the issue because if we do not, prevention, education, and treatment messages will not work very well. But having said that, I also believe that we have created an American gulag."

(Growth of Prison Population) "The prison population began to climb in the late 1970s as states and the federal government cracked down on crime. One turning point was New York State’s 1973 imposition of mandatory sentencing laws for drug offenses, under the administration of Gov. Nelson Rockefeller.40 Other states followed. Initiatives included mandatory sentences for repeat armed career criminals. Congress, in the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 (18 U.S.C. 3651), repealed federal courts’ authority to suspend criminal sentences and made other changes.41 In 1994, California voters and legislators approved Proposition 184, the so-called Three Strikes Law. Among other things, the law set a minimum sentence of 25 years to life for three-time offenders with prior serious or violent felony convictions.42"

"The fee to cover the average cost of incarceration for Federal inmates in Fiscal Year 2009 was $25,251. The average annual cost to confine an inmate in a Community Corrections Center for Fiscal Year 2009 was $24,758."

"The FY 2013 budget request for BOP totals $6,919 million, which is a 4.2% increase over the FY 2012 Enacted. The request includes $6,820 million for Salaries and Expenses and $99.2 million for Buildings and Facilities. A rescission of $75.0 million in prior year construction balances is also proposed."

"State spending on corrections reflects the costs to build and operate prison systems and may include spending on juvenile justice programs and alternatives to incarceration such as probation and parole. State spending for corrections totaled $53.2 billion in fiscal 2012, compared to $51.5 billion in fiscal 2011. In fiscal 2012, corrections spending represented 3.2 percent of total state spending and 6.9 percent of general fund spending. General fund dollars are the primary source for state corrections and account for $46.0 billion, or 86.3 percent, of all fiscal 2012 state corrections spending. State funds (general funds and other state funds combined, but excluding bonds) accounted for 96.6 percent of total state corrections spending in fiscal 2012. Federal funds accounted for 1.9 percent and bonds accounted for 1.5 percent. Federal funds for corrections declined by 34.5 percent in fiscal 2012, as American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) funds began to expire. However, even with the sharp decline in federal funds, total state spending for corrections still grew by 3.3 percent, illustrating the fact that state correctional services are almost entirely financed by state funds.
"State spending on corrections in fiscal 2013 is estimated to total $53.1 billion, a 0.3 percent decline from fiscal 2012. State funds are estimated to increase by 0.3 percent, while federal funds are estimated to decline by 11.7 percent. The slight decline in the overall growth rate is partly due to recent efforts states have taken to control corrections spending. From fiscal 1987 to fiscal 2012, nominal spending from state funds for corrections increased from $11.4 billion to $51.4 billion. Over the past several years, states have begun targeting criminal justice reforms to address the cost drivers of corrections expenditures. For example, according to a September 2013 NASBO issue brief, states have begun controlling costs through reducing recidivism rates, implementing changes to parole and probation systems, enhancing community supervision and drug treatment programs, and enacting sentencing reforms."

(2012) States spent $53.2 billion on Corrections in 2012. That year, states spent $171.8 billion on Higher Education and only $24.4 billion on Public Assistance.(2011) States spent $52 billion on Corrections in 2011. That year, states spent $171.8 billion on Higher Education and only $27.6 billion on Public Assistance.(2010) States spent $51.1 billion on Corrections in 2010. That year, states spent $164.8 billion on Higher Education and only $26.6 billion on Public Assistance.(2008) States spent $52 billion on Corrections in 2008. That year, states spent $158.2 billion on Higher Education and only $25.1 billion on Public Assistance.(2005) States spent $42.9 billion on Corrections in 2005. That year, states spent $131.2 billion on Higher Education and only $24.7 billion on Public Assistance.

(State Prison Population and Violent Crime) "As state prison populations fell, so did the violent crime rate, which provides further evidence that increased incarceration does not mean more public safety. Concurrent with the 5.3 percent fall in violent crime in 2008-2009, state prison populations decreased 0.2 percent, the first population decrease since 2000.4 The number of people in prison is still growing, but at a slower rate than during the last few decades and primarily due to increases in federal prison system population.5 The 0.2 percent growth in the total U.S. prison population during 2009 was the third year of decline in the rate of growth and the slowest growth in eight years."

"In 1987, the states collectively spent $10.6 billion of their general funds—their primary pool of discretionary tax dollars—on corrections. Last year, they spent more than $44 billion, a 315 percent jump, data from the National Association of State Budget Officers show. Adjusted to 2007 dollars, the increase was 127 percent. Over the same period, adjusted spending on higher education rose just 21 percent."

"In 2006, an estimated 1,205,273 persons were convicted of a felony (federal and state courts). Of that number, 1,132,290 were convicted in state courts, the vast majority (94 percent) of whom pleaded guilty. At the time of sentencing, about 3 out of 4 felons sentenced (77 percent) were sentenced for a single felony."

The accompanying data table shows that 377,860 (33.4%) of these convictions were for Drug Offenses, of which 165,360 (14.6% of all convictions) were for Possession and 212,490 (18.8% of all convictions) were for Trafficking.

(Increase in State Prisons) "Over the last 25 years, the number of state facilities increased from just fewer than 600 to over 1,000 in the year 2000, an increase of about 70 percent. In other words, more than 40 percent of state prisons in operation today opened in the last 25 years."

"About 4,200 juveniles age 17 or younger were held in local jails at midyear 2014. They accounted for 0.6% of the confined population, down from 1.2% at midyear 2000. Nearly 90% or 3,700 juvenile inmates were tried or awaiting trial in adult court. The number of juveniles not charged as an adult declined by 74% between midyear 2010 and 2014 (from 1,900 to 500 inmates)."

"We calculate that a reduction by one-half in the incarceration rate of non-violent offenders would lower correctional expenditures by $16.9 billion per year and return the U.S. to about the same incarceration rate we had in 1993 (which was already high by historical standards). The large majority of these savings would accrue to financially squeezed state and local governments, amounting to about one-fourth of their annual corrections budgets. As a group, state governments could save $7.6 billion, while local governments could save $7.2 billion."

Schmitt, John; Warner, Kris and Gupta, Sarika, "The High Budgetary Cost of Incarceration," Center for Economic and Policy Research (Washington, DC: June 2012), p. 1.http://www.cepr.net/documents/...

"While it may seem obvious that locking up more people would lower the crime rate, the reality is much more complicated. Sentencing and release policies, not crime rates, determine the numbers of persons in prison. This point is illustrated by examining what happened to incarceration rates and crime rates nationally in the period from 1991-1998. This was a period in which crime rates fell but rates of incarceration continued to increase. During that time, the states that experienced below-average increases in their rate of incarceration actually experienced above-average decreases in crime. The three largest states offer useful examples: Texas experienced a 144% increase in incarceration with a 35% drop in crime rates, and California had a 44% rise in its incarceration rate with a 36% drop in crime rates. In contrast, New York saw its incarceration rate increase by only 24%, yet nonetheless experienced a drop in crime rates of 43%."

"Incarceration has not been definitively shown to reduce crime rates. Bruce Western at Harvard University recently found that only 10 percent of the crime decline in the 1990s was due to increased use of incarceration.7 Between 1998 and 2007, states that had the greatest increases in incarceration rates did not necessarily see a corresponding drop in crime rates. Some states (Maryland Massachusetts, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Texas) lowered their incarceration rates and still experienced a drop in crime rates.8 Such uneven results do not support continued over-reliance on incarceration, particularly in a time of fiscal crisis."

According to a report on prison growth by the Urban Institute's Justice Policy Center, "Every dollar transferred to a "prison community" is a dollar that is not given to the home community of a prisoner, which is often among the country's most disadvantaged urban areas. According to one account, Cook County Illinois will lose nearly $88 million in federal benefits over the next decade because residents were counted in the 2000 Census in their county of incarceration rather than their county of origin (Duggan 2000). Losing funds from the "relocation" of prisoners is also an issue for New York City, as two-thirds of state prisoners are from the city, while 91 percent of prisoners are incarcerated in upstate counties (Wagner 2002a)."

"Figure 6 lists the top 10 states ranked from the highest growth to the lowest growth. They are Texas, Florida, California, New York, Michigan, Georgia, Illinois, Ohio, Colorado, and Missouri. The magnitude of prison growth in these 10 states is remarkable. Between 1979 and 2000, the number of additional prisons ranged from 19 prisons in Missouri to 120 prisons in Texas. The growth in Texas equates to an extraordinary average annual increase of 5.7 additional prisons per year over the 21-year period. As a group, the 10 states were operating more than three times as many prisons in 2000 as in 1979increasing from 195 facilities to 604 facilities. Figure 6 shows the relative growth in each state in addition to the absolute growth. In all 10 states, the number of prisons increased by more than 100 percent over the two decades. States with the lowest relative growth are Florida, which grew by 115 percent, and New York, which grew by 117 percent. Texas is again the clear leader growing by 706 percent over the 21-year period. Indeed, Texas is in a league of its own, as it added the most prisons (120), currently has the largest number of prisons in operation (137), and experienced the largest percentage increase (706 percent)."

"The effect of prisoner location on population counts may also influence the allocation of political representation and, therefore, political influence (Haberman 2000). In Wisconsin, the number of state prisoners who were housed in other states (known as interstate transfers) caused concern because these prisoners would be counted in the decennial census in the states where they were incarcerated. In 1999, U.S. Representative Mark Green introduced a bill (unsuccessfully) that proposed changes to the census policy so Wisconsin prisoners held in other states would be counted as Wisconsin residents."

"The prison construction boom was not concentrated in a few, key states or in certain regions of the country. Prison systems expanded significantly in states across the country. Prison systems also expanded within states. The share of counties in the top 10 states that were home to at least one prison increased from 13 to 31 percent between 1979 and 2000. State level maps (figures 13 to 22) illustrate that new prisons were geographically dispersed throughout the states. New prisons were generally not spatially concentrated, as few counties gained three or more prisons. Finally, prisons expanded into different types of counties; prisons increased significantly in both non-metro counties and metro counties."

"Another issue related to prison expansion of the 1980s and 1990s is the disparity between where prisoners come from ("home counties") and where prisoners serve their sentences ("prison counties"). Many believe that the prison construction boom of the last 20 years happened in areas that were located far away from prisoners' homes. This has been an area of concern because greater distances between a prisoner's home and where he or she is incarcerated can negatively impact a prisoner and his or her family members. Being incarcerated far away from home makes it more challenging to maintain familial relationships and parent/child relationships in particular. In addition, challenges related to reintegrating into the community increase when a prisoner is housed far away from home. For example, steps that may facilitate prisoner reentry, such as finding a job and a place to live, are more difficult when a prisoner is imprisoned a long distance from the place to which he or she will return after release."

"The few studies on the local economic impacts of prisons to date have not found significant positive impacts. For example, a study by the Sentencing Project challenges the notion that a new prison brings economic benefits to smaller communities. Using 25 years of data from New York State rural counties, the authors looked at employment rates and per capita income and found 'no significant difference or discernible pattern of economic trends' between counties that were home to a prison and counties that were not home to a prison (King, Mauer, and Huling 2003). According to a recent study by Iowa State University, many towns that made sizeable investments in prisons did not reap the economic gains that were predicted (Besser 2003). Another analysis in Texas found no impacts as measured by consumer spending in nearly three-fourths of the areas examined (Chuang 1998)."

"The economic benefits of new prisons may come from the flow of additional state and federal dollars. In the decennial census, prisoners are counted where they are incarcerated, and many federal and state funding streams are tied to census population counts. According to the U.S. General Accounting Office (2003), the federal government distributes over $140 billion in grant money to state and local governments through formula-based grants. Formula grant money is in part based on census data and covers programs such as Medicaid, Foster Care, Adoption Assistance, and Social Services Block Grant (U.S. General Accounting Office 2003). Within a state, funding for community health services, road construction and repair, public housing, local law enforcement, and public libraries are all driven by population counts from the census."

"Once they [people with drug addiction and mental health disorders] are incarcerated, researchers have found that the people’s reaction to jail conditions can exacerbate mental health problems and conditions that may increase their propensity towards suicidal behavior. Newly jailed people experience fear of the unknown, distrust of the environment, isolation from family and significant others, shame and stigma of incarceration, a loss of stabilizing resources and severe guilt or shame over the alleged offense. Current mental illness and prior history of suicidal behavior also intensify in the jail environment.150 These conditions and stressors conspire to increase the suicide rate in jails, as compared to the general population. Compared with a U.S. suicide rate of 17 per 100,000 people, the suicide rate in local jails is 47 per 100,000 people.151 Suicide is second only to illness in the leading cause of death in jails: 25 percent of all deaths in jails in 2006 were suicides.152"

" In 2015, 8% of the total number of state and federal prisoners were held in privately operated facilities that were under the jurisdiction of 29 states and the BOP. The number of prisoners held in private facilities in 2015 (126,300) decreased 4% (5,500 prisoners) from yearend 2014 (appendix table 2)."

" Federal prisoners held in private prison decreased by 5,100 prisoners, which accounted for 93% of the total decrease in the number of prisoners held in private prisons at yearend 2015.
??" Private prison facilities, including nonsecure community corrections centers and home confinement, housed almost 18% of the federal prison population on December 31, 2015."

" Six states (Hawaii, Mississippi, Montana, New Mexico, North Dakota, and Oklahoma) housed at least 20% of their prison population in privately operated facilities.
??" Vermont, Connecticut, Alabama, and Idaho experienced large percentage decreases in prisoners held in private facilities, while South Dakota, North Dakota, and Ohio observed large percentage increases."

"Meanwhile, the benefit to counties where private prisons are built and operated can be quite scant — some receive less than $2 per prisoner per day from the private prison operator.119 The private prison companies themselves receive a far greater payoff from the government entity (such as a state corrections department) whose prisoners the company incarcerates. For example, private prison operators in Arizona were paid $63.52 per medium security prisoner per day in 2009,120 and as early as 2000, the federal government agreed to pay CCA almost $90 per day for each detained immigrant at a San Diego facility."

"Today, private companies imprison roughly 130,000 prisoners34 and, according to one group, 16,000 civil immigration detainees in the United States at any given time.35 As states send more and more people to prison, they funnel ever greater amounts of taxpayer money to private prison operators. By 2010, annual revenues of the two top private prison companies alone stood at nearly $3 billion.36"

Note: The two prison companies named in this report are "Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and the GEO Group (then called Wackenhut Corrections Corporation)."

(Lobbying by Private Prison Companies) "Certain private prison companies, according to a recent report by Detention Watch Network, spend large sums of money to lobby the House of Representatives, the Senate, and several federal agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Prisons (which incarcerates over 200,000 prisoners at any given time) and the Department of Homeland Security (which detains over 30,000 immigrants at any given time).238 According to nonprofit groups, CCA alone spent over $18 million on federal lobbying between 1999 and 2009, 'often employing five or six firms at the same time,'239 and in 2010, CCA spent another $970,000 lobbying the federal government."

"At yearend 2010, state and federal prisons held a reported 20,093 inmates who had HIV or AIDS, down from 20,880 at yearend 2009. As a result of this decline, the estimated rate of HIV/AIDS among prisoners in custody dropped from 151 HIV/AIDS cases per 10,000 inmates in 2009 to 146 per 10,000 in 2010. The number of state and federal inmates who died from AIDS-related causes also declined between 2009 and 2010, from 94 to 72 deaths. During the same period, the rate of AIDS-related deaths among inmates with HIV/AIDS declined from 47 deaths per 10,000 inmates to 38 per 10,000."

"Between 2001 and 2010, the estimated number of inmates with HIV/AIDS declined by 16%, and the number of AIDS-related deaths in prison declined by 77% (not shown in table) resulting in declines in the rates of HIV/AIDS and AIDS-related deaths among all inmates and those with HIV/AIDS. At yearend 2001, the estimated rate of HIV/AIDS among state and federal prison inmates was 194 HIV/AIDS cases per 10,000 inmates. By yearend 2010, the estimated rate was 146 cases per 10,000. Among the total inmate population, the rate of AIDS-related deaths declined from 24 per 100,000 inmates in 2001 to 5 per 100,000 in 2010. Among the inmate population with HIV/AIDS, the rate declined from 134 AIDS-related deaths per 10,000 inmates in 2001 to 38 per 10,000 in 2010."

"1.3% of those who never used drugs
"1.7% of those who had ever used drugs
"1.9% of those who used drugs in the month before their current offense
"2.8% of those who had used a needle to inject drugs
"5.1% of those who had shared a needle.

"Like State inmates, Federal inmates who used a needle and shared a needle had higher rates of HIV infection than those inmates who reported ever using drugs or using drugs in the month before their current offense."

"The rate of AIDS-related deaths in state prisons among inmates ages 15 to 54 declined sharply between 2001 and 2009, compared to the more modest decline observed among the same age group in the U.S. general population. As a result, the AIDS-related death rate in state prisons fell below the rate in the U.S. general population in 2009. Between 2001 and 2009, the AIDS-related death rate among state prisoners ages 15 to 54 declined from 22 deaths per 100,000 inmates to 6 per 100,000, while the rate among that age group in the general population declined from 9 per 100,000 to 7 per 100,000."

"A reported 20,093 inmates with HIV/AIDS were in custody in state or federal prison at yearend 2010, down from 20,880 at yearend 2009 (table 1).
"The reported number of state inmates with HIV/AIDS decreased from 19,290 in 2009 to 18,515 in 2010. The number of federal inmates with HIV/AIDS also declined, from 1,590 in 2009 to 1,578 in 2010.
"California, Florida, New York, and Texas each reported holding more than 1,000 inmates with HIV/AIDS at yearend 2010. These states held 51% (9,492) of all state prisoners with HIV/AIDS.
"Among state and federal inmates with HIV/AIDS at yearend 2010, 18,337 were male and 1,756 were female, compared to 19,027 male and 1,853 female inmates at yearend 2009 (table 2)."

"In each year since 1991, the rate of confirmed AIDS has been higher among prison inmates than in the U.S. general population, but the gap has been narrowing. At yearend 2005, the estimated rate of confirmed AIDS in State and Federal prisons was more than 21?2 times higher than in the general population (table 3). In 1999 it was nearly 5 times higher.
"The shrinking difference between the rate of confirmed AIDS cases in prisons and the general population between 1999 and 2005 resulted from a decrease in the number of confirmed AIDS cases in prisons (down 20%) and an increase in cases (up 44%) among the general population."

"During 2005 an estimated 176 State inmates died from AIDS-related causes, down from 185 in 2004. For every 100,000 State inmates, 13 died from AIDS-related causes. AIDS-related deaths accounted for nearly 1 in 20 deaths reported in State prisons. New York reported the largest number of AIDS-related deaths (19), followed by Florida (17) and California (14). Relative to the number of inmates in custody, the Northeast reported the highest rate of AIDS-related deaths (28 per 100,000 inmates), followed by the South (13 per 100,000 inmates).
"Among Federal inmates, 27 died from AIDS-related causes in 2005, up from 18 in 2004. For every 100,000 Federal inmates, 15 died from AIDS-related causes. AIDS-related deaths accounted for 7% of all deaths in Federal prisons."

(Writ of Habeas Corpus) "By way of background, the writ of habeas corpus is a venerable legal procedure that allows a prisoner to get a hearing before an impartial judge. If the jailer is able to supply a valid legal basis for the arrest and imprisonment at the hearing, the judge will simply order the prisoner to be returned to jail. But if the judge discovers that the imprisonment is illegal, he has the power to set the prisoner free. For that reason, the Framers of the American Constitution routinely referred to this legal procedure as the 'Great Writ' because it was considered one of the great safeguards of individual liberty."

"In the U.S., when a person is charged with an offense they may be detained in jail until their trial or they may be released to await their trial in the community through a variety of mechanisms which will be discussed later. In many other nations, people are said to be “remanded,” which is a summons to appear before a judge at a later date. If they are not released pretrial they can be “remanded to custody” until their court proceeding; if they are convicted, they can be remanded to custody prior to sentencing or during an appeal process."

(Jails) "Jails, which are also primarily local in nature, detain not only persons arrested for local offenses, but also virtually all persons charged and awaiting trial under State law. Local jails may also house Federal detainees and State 'prison-ready' inmates — convicted and sentenced persons whose transfer to State prison is delayed by overcrowding or other reasons. In most such cases, State or Federal governments pay fees to the local communities that house these prisoners."

"Use and Management of Criminal History Record Information: A Comprehensive Report, Bureau of Justice Statistics (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, December 2001), p. 8.http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub...

"Pretrial detention is associated with a higher likelihood of both being found guilty35 and receiving a sentence of incarceration over probation,36 thus forcing a person further into the criminal justice system. In the United States, this is particularly important because of the sheer numbers: with 20 percent of the total number of people incarcerated being pretrial, that means nearly 500,000 people each year are more likely to be found guilty and sentenced to incarceration, thus significantly adding to the total number of people in prison."

“Parole is a period of conditional supervised release in the community following a prison term. It includes parolees released through discretionary or mandatory supervised release from prison, those released through other types of post-custody conditional supervision, and those sentenced to a term of supervised release.”

(Probation) “Probation is a court-ordered period of correctional supervision in the community, generally as an alternative to incarceration. In some cases, probation can be a combined sentence of incarceration followed by a period of community supervision.”