ATENEO DE MANILA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES EUROPEAN STUDIES PROGRAM

Final Research Proposal Undergraduate Thesis

In partial fulfilment of the requirements for EU 160: Research Methods (Summer Semester 2013)

Submitted to Manuel Enverga III, Ph.D. Cand. By Maria Justine N. Dinglasan On the 21st of May 2013

Chapter I: Introduction In a perceptions-based research assignment this summer semester, undergraduate students of European Studies in Ateneo de Manila University discovered that many of their colleagues are completely unaware of the European Unions role as a purveyor of development aid in the Philippines. More often than not, these students only maintained surface knowledge about the EU, and its relations with this country. In fact when the assignment was extended to include senior year secondary school students and parents, results displaying a general lack of knowledge of the EU persisted. With recent news revealing that the EU has managed to donate PHP2.2 billion in development aid to the Philippines in spite of the on-going Euro-zone crisis, it seems an important question must be posedwhy does the EU continue to give development assistance to a country wherein it appears to be virtually invisible? Scholars have shown that in the eyes of Filipinos and Asians in general, perceptions of the EU as a development actor are at a bare minimum. However, Philippine media always portray the EU as either a major or secondary actor in the context of overseas development aid (ODA) (Salvador, Advincula-Lopez, & Enverga, 2009). In spite of this, the EU has proven to rank lowest against the USA, Japan, China, and the UN in peoples perceptions of which actor is most active in development (Chaban, 2009). Hence, these findings coupled with the European Commissions, through the EU Delegation to the Philippines, active role in the local scheme of development endeavours more particularly in depressed rural areas such as Mindanao and the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), begs for a second look at the objectives and impact of the EU in uplifting the Filipino people from poverty.

The rationale for distinguishing development as a viable area of study can be found in prevailing underdevelopment in the country. In light of recent news regarding the awarding of minimum investment ratings by Fitch and Standard and Poors credit rating agencie s, the unchanged poverty incidence of twenty-eight and six percent in 2012 is uncanny (Domingo & Remo, 2013). As the Philippines gradually recovers from economic distress, socio-economic disparity continues (Addawe & Viernes, 2013). On the other side of the coin are developed areas like Western Europe, which are reputably more equal. It is the comparably better-off domestic situations of developed states and their moral obligation to help which make them inclined to develop regions external to them (EU Parliament, 2005). Hence, the unrelenting state of poverty in the Philippines appears to be the go-signal for development actors such as the European Union to step in. However, to pass judgment on the objectives of aid donors upon press releases and other popular forms of media is to undermine deep-seated intentions and ideological tendencies uncoverable only by thorough and systemic research. Oftentimes, efforts towards development are too fragrant to be second-guessed (Dela Rosa, 2009). An in-depth study of overseas development assistance (ODA) will merit the researcher a fresh albeit more critical perspective. Development assistance can be critically analyzed as a decoy for the entrenchment of power and the reinforcement of the dominant development paradigm (Dela Rosa, 2009). In this understanding the significance of development endeavors is not so much their impact but their propensity to deliver the right side-effect on the targeted community (Ibid). Therefore, the reserch being proposed was conceived within this framework. As a whole it aims to critically analyze EU as a development actor in the Philippines, to discover whether EUfunded development has a second, unrevealed face in the country.

Chapter II: Research Problem & Hypothesis On the backdrop of the context prescribed above, the research question can be proposedhow can a discourse analysis on the European Union as a development actor contextualize its role as an overseas development aid (ODA) donor in the Philippines? At first glance, the question can be decomposed into further sub-questions such as, but not limited to, the following: What is the signifance of analyzing discourse in this type of study? What are the actions taken by the EU as a development actor? What kind of process does EU ODA in the Philippines course through? (i.e. purpose of contracting authorities, NGOs) What are the general and specific trends in development assistance activity of the EU in the Philippines? What are the implications of these? How can findings help to justify the importance of EU-funded projects in the country? With respect to the nature of the research as a discourse analysis, the question posed possesses exploratory characteristics. This is due to the lack of published information on the EU as a development actor in the Philippines from a perspective other than that of the EU, be it from contracting authorities which implement development projects financed by the EU or from communities directly affected by EU-funded development endeavours. Hence, the research requires exploratory methods to attain a sound grasp on the perceptions on the EU an ODA donor or development actor in the country of those directly involved in its efforts. Moreover conducting an analaysis on discourse whether documented or spoken, will require a dimension of

the EU as a development actor in the Philippines unexplored by the academe. In this sense, the objective of the research is to examine EU ODA in the country through a critical lens moulded by an analysis of discourse. Discourse here may refer to either repeatedly used or uniquely assigned descriptions of EU as development actor, metaphors, and buzzwords, among many others. What the researcher foresees she will encounter as an answer to the research question is grounded on probable outcomes of the discourse analysis. The researcher hypothesizes that a well-conducted discourse analysis will put EU-funded development efforts in the Philippines into a socio-political context by revealing what the EU aims to achieve through them, beyond its publicized goals to reduce rural poverty more specifically in the areas of Mindanao and the Cordillera Adminstrative Region (CAR). The context is foreseen to be socio-political in context because efforts in development have often been understood as avenues for power play. Although the hypothesis may seem speculative of hidden intentions harboured by the region, it is posited on veritable bases. These include the EUs donation of ODA to the Philippines in spite of the crisis, the importance to ODA given by the European Community, the liberal ideological structure of the EU and how this manifests in its decisions and actions in other countries. In attempt to further contextualize the research question, the researcher will focus on an on-going EU-funded development project here entitled Strengthening inclusive and Conflict - Sensitive Economic Governance of Ancestral Lands through Indigenous Peoples (IPs), Local Governments and Business Sector Partnerships which is being implemented in Mindanao, CAR, and in some provinces in Central Luzon. The project is being conducted by International Alert, an international non-governmental organization (NGO) which advocates peace-building and is based in the United Kingdom. Given the limited amount of time and resources, the

researcher has selected only one on-going project to follow. Moreover, the specific geographical area of study under the jurisdiction of the project will be dependent on the decision of International Alert.

Chapter III: Significance of the Research A bright light is shed on the significance of a critical analysis of discourse about the European Union as a development actor. The source of which is the masteral dissertation done by Nikki Dela Rosa for her requirements in the London School of Economics, which focuses on the World Banks efforts in the Philippines criticized through an analysis of the term community-driven development. The findings drawn from her research help to frame the concept of development in a more investigative context and therefore, suggest that overseas development aid must be made more effective and context-sensitive. The deconstruction of buzzwords such as community-driven development, Dela Rosa concluded, helps to reclaim development policies which are sincerest and in the long-run, more impactful. What the dissertation conducted by Dela Rosa brings out of hiding is the possibility that similar conclusions and recommendations can be made with regard to the European Unions development efforts in the Philippines. Although the in-flow of ODA from Europe is over thirtyyears old, there are disjuncts among its monetary value, effectiveness, and visibility to most Filipinos. If generous EU-funded endeavours have indeed helped to reduce poverty, in Mindanao and CAR especially, why are Filipinos almost oblivious to them? (Salvador, Advincula-Lopez, & Enverga, 2009). The relevance of the proposed study lies herein filling gaps created by these disparities and the lack of critical analysis of EU as development actor in the Philippines.

The research, if conducted, could possibly add to analytical discourse surrounding development which currently circulates in the academe and among policy-makers, who have seen firsthand how developmental projects can be implemented with the wrong intentions. In reality, studying the EUs role as an ODA donor here can help to reform the manner by which it acts as a development actor. The research will help to prove that it does not mean that if an effort is made towards development, it is automatically benign. Moreover subjecting the EU to this kind of test may validate whether the Union truly acts with good intentions, as if often claims. Perhaps the deconstruction of doubleedged elements in discourse will prove to be beneficial for both the EU and the Philippines, in the regions goal to eradicate rural poverty here. In this light practical applications of the research study would be in shaping EU development policies for the Philippines and possibly, in other developing countries. From the perspective of cost-benefit analysis, reconstructing policies to make them more effective would help to minimize cost and maximize benefit for all parties involved.

Chapter IV: Review of Related Literature As the research resides within the scope of development and aid, it is necessary to obtain a sound understanding of development, development policy, and overseas development aid (ODA) from related studies. With these intellectual undertakings in the field of development and its many facets, the researcher shall be able to draw up the background of the European Unions role as a development actor in the Philippines. History of Development and Development Policy

Nikki Dela Rosa gives a critical overview of development history during the post-colonial period and the Cold War. Citing Cohen and Shenton, Dela Rosa reveals that the emergence of development came with a need for a good-meaning distraction in the ups and downs brought about by capitalism, which produced both immense wealth and socio-economic disparity (Dela Rosa, 2009). Hence, the concept of international development was conceived as a tool for social control while simultaneously serving its purpose to maximize opportunities and earn profit. Dela Rosa then argues, with reference to Cohen and Shenton, that development has its origins in globalization, capitalism, modernity, dominance of the West and its institutions. It can also be traced back to capitalisms pervading cultural practices, and its methods of exploitation of the Third World, which meant to reign in the backlash of the boom and bust cycles of capitalism (Dela Rosa, 2009). Moreover, from the discourse on development, Dela Rosa points out three divisions, which can also be understood as backdrops, in the understanding of it. The first watermark as Dela Rosa puts it, is how development can be used in reference to the graduation of a certain state or economy into industrialization, capitalism, and modernity, which is often set on the backdrop of state-led capitalism and Keynesianism (Dela Rosa, 2009). Here, during the 1940s-1970s, the state acted as the implementer of plans in order to secure positive economic change, mend failed markets, and the develop society. During this time, a kind of one-size-fits-all model for development dominated development discourse (Dela Rosa, 2009). In line with this, Francisco Sagasti identifies several ideas upon which development discourse and action were based in the 1940s. These include major investments in order to spur economic growth, the necessity for investment in human capital and education, exploiting backward and forward linkages, and many more (Sagasti, 2005). After which, there were terms like

dependency theory, limitless labour supply, disparate exchange, poles of development and several others which connoted the socio-economic conditions of non-West countries and justified the need for developed countries to rightfully suggest policies for development (Sagasti, 2005).

Dela Rosa continues on with development history in the 1940s-1950s wherein there occurred both decolonization of past colonies and the realization of underdevelopment. The main actor in this enlightenment was US President Henry Truman in referring to less developed countries as the Third World , which already implied Western hegemony and a significant change in how the world was understood, especially by the more developed countries (Dela Rosa, 2009). Here she explains that the term underdevelopment was widely used in discourse to signify the emergence of a new period in history wherein the worlds bifurcation was one hinged on developed and underdeveloped, rather than on colonizer and colonized. In fact, within the argument of post-developmentalism, Dela Rosa, with reference to Escobar and Rist, reveals how development still acts as a form of soft colonization wherein the intention to find sources for inexpensive raw materials and new markets for US goods and investments was the undercurrent of most development initiatives (Dela Rosa, 2009). Dela Rosa cites the second division or watermark, as pertaining to development in terms of market fundamentalism, which means it espouses neoliberal ideas. In the 1980s, Sagasti cites the dawn of globalization and neoliberal ideas as solutions to market failure in the 1970s (Sagasti, 2005). Relevantly this time became one of inexorable efforts towards economic progress wherein a dominant novel framework for financial success was espoused by world leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan back then. Sagasti reveals this as the Washington Consensus, which was basically the epitome of economic liberalization, deregulation, privatization and the

free play of market forces (and against state interventions, applied in development policies (Ibid). However, he cites that along with this era of neoliberal dominance were also efforts to reevaluate old approaches and assumptions of development, as well as to accept the complexity of development and attempt to think up new ways to approach it (Sagasti, 2005). Although only traces of the Consensus remain today, a new paradigm for development has been developed. Sagasti explains how this is outlined by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which stipulate seven categories of outcomes and indicators that developing countries must meet by 2015, and an eighth category of objectives (but not indicators) to be met by donor countries (Sagasti, 2005; Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009). The EU Parliament states that these goals are to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce the mortality rate of children; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability and develop a global partnership for development (Parliament, 2005). Globalization in neo-liberalism is projected as something positive in providing job opportunities, the movement of capital, and technology advancement to the individual. However, in the context of those who are underprivileged or belong to rural areas, it has been detrimental to their development. Neo-liberalism has perceived to be the global hegemony since the 1980s. Antonio Gramsci in Robert Cox, conceptualizes hegemony as representative of rich complexity of historical structures, inter-subjective meanings and ideas, and production modes that collectively constitute the world order and elucidate how power relations between transnational elites and the masses are structured and reproduced. Actors are regarded in how the cement or legitimize dominant economic endeavors. Robert Cox reveals that states act as transmission belts of international and global capital, but at the same time are superseded by international

organizations supportive of the capitalist hegemony. In this light, a transnational hist oric bloc composed of key institutions, big transnational corporations, major capitalist states, and international institutions like the IMF, has emerged in the global economy. Jill Steans then argues that the internationalization of the state may in itself have generated cross-cutting coalitions, class alliances, and socio-historical blocs of forces across as well as within countries. (Steans) Moreover, an aspect of any hegemony which makes it capable of staying in power is its cultural and social facets. A good example here would be the United States of America. For a long time it has been perceived as the worlds superpower not only because of its (then) robust economy and currency, as well as its political clout in the global sphere but also because of its cultural hegemony of Westernized values of individualism, liberalism, and human rights which continues to pervade the world through the media. Hence, the USs maintenance as a world power is supported by the way it influences many other countries to comply with its authority (Cox, 2000). Dela Rosa cites the third division or watermark as the period of the bipolar world, the Cold War (Dela Rosa, 2009). What is interesting to note here is how Dela Rosa cites development at this time as possessing dominant geopolitical and militaristic inclinations for the blocs of Liberal countries and Communist countries to each battle it out, by capturing the attention and support of the Third World. During the Cold War, the US stood as the prominent actor in espousing the economic framework of development economics and Keynesianism (Dela Rosa, 2009). The provision of large amounts of overseas development aid was a means to win the hearts and minds of countries undecided about their stand on the political ideological spectrum. Dela Rosa, phrases it adequately when she says:

Largely, it was an anti-communist crusade of the free world and development was seen as a way to snatch impoverished countries from the claws of communism. The fear of communism became one of the most compelling arguments for development interventions of the US (2009). In this light, Dela Rosa reveals that modernization was perceived as the only path to take. Due to the modern social, economic, and political systems established in developed countries, undeveloped countries were thus seen as generally and comparatively backward and traditional. Hence, the ultimate objective of the global North became to develop a copy of developed nations for underdeveloped ones, while maintaining the uniqueness of each country. The idea of developing a copy was to relish in the idea that undeveloped countries could be like their developed counterparts (Dela Rosa, 2009). Investing then in science and technology became necessary. She quotes Truman when she writes how science and technology were valued to build the capacities of Third World citizens and improve their lot, and make them privy to the American Dream of attainable horizons. Dela Rosa accurately points out how although the world was already in a period of post-colonization, the idea of the white mans burden to heal the rest was still dominant in the eyes of the West (Ibid). In light of development, the West popularly advocated it as its moral obligation, above everything else (Ibid). In emphasizing the path-dependent nature of transitioning from underdevelopment to development, Walt Rostow indicated five stages of growth (Rostow, 1960). The first stage is agricultural production, where there exists a disparity between supply and demand, and a kind of backwardness. Rostow cites the second as when a society begins to approach the pre-conditions for take-off to industrialization while the third stage is the actual take-off. Fourth, Rostow

elaborates, is the industrialization stage wherein savings are accumulated in order to be invested in again. Last would be the stage of high mass consumption (Rostow, 1960). The point made by Walt Rostow is that in order for underdeveloped economies to stimulate growth, savings are necessary for investment in physical capital like infrastructure or human capital like labour in order to set and strengthen the foundations for industrialization. Hence the establishment of agencies for development like World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the United Nations seemed necessary. Dela Rosa refers to the industry of development as technocratic, as being dominated by experts such as these which are all loyal to the neoliberal paradigm. She cites Brookefield, who accurately encapsulates the methodological approach to addressing underdevelopment by the analogy of a vending machine, wherein the machine is constructed, money is put in, a button is pressed and growth appears (Dela Rosa, 2009). In the 1990s however Dela Rosa reveals that efforts were made by the World Bank to give rigid policies a human face, by espousing values of humility and understanding rather than implementing a one-size-fits-all development policy. However underneath the guise of so-called buzzwords, discourse analysis by Dela Rosa shows that this type of approach was a mere tactic in order to enshroud Western hegemony with good-sounding phrases like Community Driven Development (Dela Rosa, 2009). An Overview of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) As the premise of Francisco Sagastis earlier discussion on development is Overseas Development Assistance (ODA). Historically, the giving of ODA was first initiated when the United States of America gave a large amount of development aid to rebuild Europe after the Second World War in the form of the Marshall Plan. According to Sagasti, at that time the

understanding of development cooperation in ODA was a simple and straight-to-the-point one. He stresses that it was the prevailing belief that development would easily occur in depressed areas when more developed countries gave them capital and technical know-how (Sagasti, 2005). This however proved to be far more complicated which then gave rise to numerous aid organizations in order to help with this process. Still, Sagasti stresses that development is still more effectively brought about by efforts internal to a country rather than those external to it. He further emphasizes that the role of ODA should always be seen in light of other necessary external factors such as availability of markets, capital, and technology, and to supportive international security, economic, socio-political and environmental conditions (Ibid). With respect to earlier discussions on development categorized in three time periods, Overseas Development Aid (ODA) is tackled by Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa in the post-Cold War context. The authors assert that the face of development cooperation has changed since the end of the Cold War due to the emergence of non-Western actors such as China and India, who have then been expected to also be responsible in this field (Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009). Still, Western actors like Europe and the US remain to be the dominant development actors in the world. There is a need, Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, point out for emerging countries and non-state actors to take a more pronounced role in development. In a sense, this may help move away from the traditional western approach (Ibid). In taking the role of donors, countries of the global South have refused to be adopted into the donor-recepient dichotomy promulgated previously by the West. Instead, the notion of South-South cooperation has been in force (Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009).

International consensus on ODA reconfirm understandings about development cooperation, according to Grimm et.al. These include an understanding of aid that makes it aimed towards the development of recepient or partner countries and to fulfil some minimum standards in terms ofconcessionality which pertains to the untying of aid and the promotion of goals for ODA in the form of shares of GDP of donor countries (Ibid). Moreover, the encompassing objective of ODA is alleviation of poverty, which is why most aid is directed to Africa. The authors quote Rowlands who suggests that, "Despite the consistent evidence that aid allocation tends to be dominated by these political and strategic interests in many DAC members, there remains within the development community as a whole a sense that the true objectives and motivation of development assistance is the moral one of assisting the less fortunate (Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009)." This basically alludes aid-giving to values of altruism and concern for underprivileged countries. Lastly, in the delivering and budgeting of aid, authorities came up with sound principles of practice in order to prevent aid discrimination and the like (Ibid). The authors cite however that despite this consensus, many issues remain to be properly addressed in terms of development cooperation (Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009). These include the lack of provisions on holistic human development in international documents, the difficulty in achieving all the MDGs, and the inability to reform internal structures to ease the aid distribution process, among many others (Ibid).

Why give ODA anyway?

Another important aspect of ODA is the motivation of donor countries to give it. ODA is usually linked to mechanisms for foreign policy of countries (Sagasti, 2005). Sagasti has thought to divide the reasons into three categories: international solidarity and religious motivations, narrow and enlightened self interest, and provision of international public goods. Under the first category reasons such as altruism, ethical and humanitarian concerns, which highlight the moral obligation of donor countries to assist the poor in developing countries fall. Under the second, reasons include strategic and geopolitical interests, obtaining support for political interests, obtaining raw materials or resources, attracting a large pool of student migrants, and a bigger export market. Lastly, the third encompasses reasons such as regional and global problems in health, environment, and terrorism, or in promotion of world order stability (Sagasti, 2005). As mentioned earlier regarding the reasons for giving ODA, international security was a top priority during the Cold War, especially against the communist Soviet Union (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). With regards to European countries for example at that time, Western Germany stopped aid to Tanzania when it recognized Easter Germany. Hence, there was obviously some power play (Ibid). Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that post-Cold War ODA served as a peace-keeping instrument to curb global terrorism. For the Philippines, when the Abu Sayaff became a prominent militia group, the world saw it necessary for the country to strengthen its national armed forces and develop the lives of its citizens to keep them from battling poverty through terrorism (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). Today aid is more economic, in the sense that developed countries look to underdeveloped ones for raw materials and export markets. ODA encourages globalization and acts a foreign policy mechanism (Ibid). What the authors point out is although aid may be intended for ethical reasons it has a tendency to be viewed as a political and economic tool for

developed countries to control underdeveloped ones via development policies and the like (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009).

Is Aid Effective? Paul and Vandeninden argue that although no definite conclusion regarding the effectiveness of aid exists, many scholars determine ODA to have a small developmental impact. This has been mainly due to inapt policy atmospheres countries receiving aid, fragile institutional capacities, problems in aid delivery and modalities (Paul & Vandeninden, 2012). The authors cite the World Bank when they state: Major criticisms of these modalities deal with the lack of coherence between donors policies as well as with recipient countries own policies and systems; the fragmentation and duplication of donor projects; the lack of ownership and leadership by recipient countries; and the lack of long-term effects of projects on local institutions capacities (Paul & Vandeninden, 2012). In response to such issues, the development community has become signatory to the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness in 2005 and subsequently to the Accra Agenda for action in 2008. A new aid paradigm has been thought up to rest on foundations which include

partnership and participation, ownership of development strategies by domestic constituencies, alignment of donors on domestic policies and systems, co-ordination and harmonisation between donors, results orientation and mutual accountability (Paul & Vandeninden, 2012). What these do is reduce so-called aid transaction costs which are incurred in the numerous institutional routes through which aid must pass before being actually implemented in a specific area (Ibid).

In terms of the impact of ODA, Sagasti reiterates a common consensus of scholars and policy makers. Although ODA needs to undergo certain reforms, in general, it has still raised a lot of people out of poverty. As mentioned earlier, aid effectiveness was something addressed by the Paris Declaration and Accra Agenda (OECD, 2005 and 2008). In order to strengthen the impact of aid in countries, several efforts have been agreed upon by signatories of the two international agreements on development assistance. These efforts include increasing alignment of systems between partner countries, addressing weak institutions in partner countries, better monitoring and evaluative measures in aid implementation, increase accountability of partner countries for their citizens, and untying of aid which means ability to procure equipment from domestic country instead from the donor country, among other efforts (OECD, 2005 and 2008). The EU as a Development Actor The first issuance of ODA was in the form of the Marshall Plan given by the US to Europe, in order for the region to rebuild itself post-World War II. Since then, Europe has become home to many of the worlds high-income countries which have in turn thought to give back to the world. The Commission of European Communities shows in figures that in 2006 the European Union provided about 56.67% of the worlds total ODA, making it a leader in development assistance (Communities, 2007). Over one hundred and sixty countries are beneficiaries of this aid. According to the European Parliament, in the European Consensus on Development in 2005, poverty eradication is an even more pronounced task today in a globalized world (Parliament, 2005). The fight against poverty is both a moral obligation, and a means to instil more peace, prosperity, and equality in the world which should be reflective of the interconnectedness of all countries. With an adamant desire to save children from death by poverty and all people from

terminating illnesses, the EU states development policy as being the core of the Unions external relations with developing countries (Parliament, 2005). As development cooperation stands as a shared competence between Member States and the European Community, the EU feels that it is responsible for effecting positive change, and with this responsibility, it has been providing about half of the worlds ODA. The Parliament shares that as a prominent trade partner of many developing countries, it brings for the possibility for development by providing benefits in trade for least-developed countries, among many others (Ibid). In light of development assistance, both the Member States and the Community are equally committed to agree upon foundational principles, values and the goals for development at the multilateral level. What the 2005 Consensus reveals is a common vision towards development which makes the EU active towards poverty eradication, ownership, partnership, delivering more and better aid and promoting policy coherence for development (Parliament, 2005). The EU commits itself to propagating sustainable development which covers political, economic and environmental facets of development, human rights, and good governance (Ibid). Moreover, the EU espouses certain values in partner countries in the process of development assistance, which are respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, peace, democracy, good governance, gender equality, the rule of law, solidarity and justice. Also the idea of multilateralism wherein all countries feel responsible for the worlds dev elopment is something the EU is committed to (Ibid). In terms of institutions, the EU believes strongly in building good political and democratic foundations in developing countries to make the environment conducive to reducing development assistance and in essence, to make aid delivery more effective. Hence, it encourages engagement in political dialogue (Parliament, 2005).

Apart from this, the EU encourages wide participation of civil society, different sectors of society, the private sector, NGOs and other non-state actors in the recipient country because these actors play necessary roles in espousing democracy, social justice and human rights. Participation in this sense is strengthened by the EU in its commitment to launch educational and capacity-building programs for civil society (Parliament, 2005). It works within the frameworks of United Nations and the Paris Declaration. The Parliament reveals that the EU has also reached a consensus in reducing transaction costs by untying aid, better donor coordination, and effective but cost-minimizing strategies.

Moreover, the Parliament shares that the EU adamantly supports the general responsibility to protect. In addressing major human rights violations the EU states that, it cannot stand by while war crimes, ethnic cleansing, genocide, and other grave crimes against international humanitarian law and human rights happen (Parliament, 2005). In this light, the EU encourages strong participation of regional and sub-regional organization to promote international peace and security, along with their ability to organize donor support in prevention of conflict (Ibid). The Parliament reveals that the EU remains determined to enforce the idea that globalization is a positive force by focusing on building its social dimension through an encouragement of providing jobs, making migration effective in the facilitation of remittances and preventing brain drains in developing countries (Ibid). In this light the EU supports what it calls development best practice, which covers points made earlier about aid effectiveness and the like.

As a region itself, the Parliament states that the European Community remains a staunch believer in regional integration. Hence it is committed to help developing countries in the aspects of

regional integration and trade by fostering, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, smooth and gradual integration into the world economy, and linking trade and poverty reduction or equivalent strategies. Doing so, the EU believes, should develop institutional and capacity building mechanisms in order to facilitate trade and integration efforts, and to support the private sector in its trading endeavours especially in LDCs (Parliament, 2005). Moreover, the Parliament cites that regional integration can help to remove barriers between developing countries by enforcing economic partnerships. It states that for most countries, most of all those with EU as their largest investment and trading partner, the approximation of the EU single market regulations is beneficial (Ibid). A recurring theme in the consensus on development is that democracy, good governance and human rights will be promoted in partner countries, as the EU views them as issues which should be incorporated in development instruments. Relevantly, the EU states that the key principle for safeguarding indigenous peoples rights in development cooperation is to ensure their full participation and the free and prior informed consent of the communities concerned (Parliament, 2005).

After adopting the consensus on development in 2005, the EU has focused its efforts outside to trade, agriculture, environment, security, migration, the social dimension of globalisation, employment and decent work, and international scientific co-operation, including health research, which are all inclined towards attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (Ibid). As mentioned previously, there are emerging actors in the realm of development. In this light, it is important to examine what this new context of development will entail for the EU. According to Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, these can be seen in two aspects: multilateral negotiations and institutions and bilateral aid and development programmes.

The first alludes to the involvement of a number of these new actors in the production of global public goods and the second pertains to in the event that these actors become more influential in operating development cooperation programs, the EU will feel encouraged to influence and in some cases be influenced by their understandings of ODA (Grimm, Humphrey, Lundsgaarde, & John de Sousa, 2009). EU ODA Procurement Guidelines According to Annex IV of EU rules on development assistance, following international protocol, the EU mandates observance of procurement guidelines for humanitarian aid awarded that exceeds sixty thousand Euros (EU, 2009). Contracting Authorities who are the organizations which are granted the humanitarian aid by the EU in order to conduct their proposed projects, are obliged to follow certain principles which are transparency, proportionality, equal treatment and non-discrimination for all contracts financed in whole or in part by the budget of the Union established in Article 89.1 of the Financial Regulation (EU, 2009). Although the researcher wont go into detail about these guidelines, it is important to note that failure to comply with them can discontinue development assistance (Ibid). In the topic of EU ODA is the expression control mechanism, which pertains to the supervisory and monitoring procedure applied to each individual contract in order to identify, examine and manage risks by the European Commission to see whether objectives can indeed be reached for each project. Annex IV reveals that there exist two types of control mechanisms: A-control and P-control mechanisms. The former refers to when the Contracting Authority shall apply for procurement procedures above EUR 60,000 the General Rules and Procedures established in Chapter 3 of Annex IV and in the Humanitarian Aid Guidelines for Procurement. Moreover, the Contracting Authority shall comply with the Mandatory Principles established in Annex IV and apply, when relevant, the Special Rules (EU,

2009). The latter, on the other hand, pertains to when the Contracting Authority can apply its own procurement guidelines, taking into consideration of course, observance of the EUs Mandatory Principles and in special cases, the Special Principles (Ibid). Relevantly, the European Commission Directorate General for Humanitarian and Civil Protection, awards grants to projects that follow certain criteria. Possible funded projects must fall under impartiality wherein actions respond to identified needs without discrimination as to whom receives these actions, neutrality if aid is administered in area under dispute or conflict, and independence which means that actions must acknowledge the independence of humanitarian objectives in the aspects of political, economic, military or other objectives which may influence actors wherein action is being carried out (Protection, 2009).

EU ODA in the Philippines Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that the relationship between the Philippines and European Community can date to over centuries ago during the Spanish colonization of the country. In five hundred years, the relations between the two actors grew and progressed to development. In 1981, one of the earliest forms of ODA from Europe was given to the Philippines through the Bicol River Development program (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). Moreover, Javier and Dela Rosa state that two categories of assistance characterized EUPhilippine cooperation. These were development cooperation which covered rural poverty alleviation and economic cooperation, which aimed to foster trade and investment flows. Humanitarian aid has also been recently added to the categories (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). Funds from the EU in the Philippines pass one of two channels: through the government or

through NGOs. Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that through the government, funds are directed towards rural development, health and the environment; while the later is focused on projects covering human rights, drug abuse, STDs/AIDs, displaced peoples, indigenous peoples, democracy, womens microcredit and the environment (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). Only in 1992 did the European Commission administer humanitarian aid directed towards resolving conflict in Mindanao, which is what it focuses on presently, and caring for victims of natural calamities. The Philippines also benefits from regionally administered aid to the ASEAN from the EU (Ibid). Due to EUs nature as a multilateral aid mechanism, it is perceived to be more efficient in poverty eradication and the promotion of sustainable development, and less vulnerable to political agenda, than bilateral aid mechanisms (Ibid). In the period between 1992 and 2004, the EU through the EC was the Philippines fourth largest ODA contributor after Japan, World Bank, and ADB, and the second largest in terms of grants after Japan (Commission, 2007-2013). The 2002-2006 Country Strategy Paper (CSP) for the Philippines by the EU reported that although the CSPs priorities remained to be valid, there was a necessity to look at the evolving conflicts in Mindanao and other insurgency- plagued areas to highlight security more as a development goal. According to the Commission, a revision of the NIP was necessary to accommodate actions in counter-terrorism, anti-money laundering and conflict prevention, in addition to good governance and trade (Commission, 2007-2013). The CSP pointed out that the right priorities to focus on where chosen by the EC in the Philippines. The Commission reports that the EC and the Government of the Philippines have been in-line when it comes to policymaking and the like. However, there is still a grave need to remain focused on rural development. The Commission identified security concerns and poverty reduction in Mindanao to also be a priority, which is why the EU has supported the World

Banks project, the Mindanao Trust Fund (Commission, 2007-2013). The Commission has emphasized that Mindanao has become the de facto geographical priority of EC assistance to the Philippines. In light of this, development assistance in the Philippines has still proven to be difficult for Europe. The intense bureaucracy and lack of decentralized decision-making in both Europe and the Philippines have been causes of delay for aid disbursement (Ibid). Moreover, in terms of cross cutting issues, the Commission cites a need for systemic mainstreaming of issues such as improvement of governance, human rights issues, gender, children and indigenous peoples rights, social dimension of globalisation, cultural issues, environmental protection and conflict prevention (Ibid). In 2002, the EC selected Mindanao as its target area of support in the country because development could help provide an avenue for peace and stability (Commission, EU-Philippines Country Strategy Paper, 2002-2006). The Commission pointed out that Mindanao has a very significant economic potential for agriculture-rich development, as it also belongs to the EastAsia Growth Triangle which has made it receptive to growing attention to foster cooperation among the four countries (Ibid). Second the Commission expressed its interest in the Cordillera Autonomous Region (CAR) in Luzon. Predominantly mountainous in its geography, CAR has a biodiversity that is one-of-a-kind and plays an important part in distributing water supply to lowland areas which surround it, including Manila, the capital. Despite its enormous potential, six of its provinces fall under the Philippines twenty poorest provinces (Commission, EUPhilippines Country Strategy Paper, 2002-2006).

Land Policy and the Indigenous Peoples The European Union Within the context of development and indigenous peoples, land plays a significant and complex part, as it encompasses politics, economics, society and culture. According to the EU Land Policy Guidelines of 2004, rural land is considered to be an asset all over the world. Not only does land carry with it economic and political value but also it maintains strong spiritual and cultural links for certain peoples. The Commission stresses that land is never simply just a commodity but a combination of being a factor of production, family or community property and being a source of identity (Commission, 2004; Javier and Dela Rosa, 2009). Moreover the Commission stresses that the importance of land policy is its impact on both equality and efficiency. For example, unequal distribution of land, weak land administration and tenure problems more often than not lead to conflict and injustice (Ibid). When land regulations change or land is redistributed, this has long-term political, economic and social impacts. For developing countries, this is more of a problem due to former colonizers once controlling the lands. When the government then thinks to collectivize the land and impose stringent bureaucracy, many problems arise for the people (Commission, 2004; Javier and Dela Rosa, 2009). Hence for donor countries in Europe, the Commission encourages developing firm and good relations with the state to prevent impediments like slow-moving bureaucratic processes. Moreover it is necessary for countries that wish to implement land development programs in developing countries to make them tailor-fit to the socio-political, cultural, and economic context of the recipient country (Commission, 2004; Javier and Dela Rosa, 2009). Hence, thorough

research and engagement of civil society is necessary to understand the land in context. Apart from approaching land reform through an iterative approach or by creating gender-sensitive legislation, the Commission highlights how, donor support for land reform should in no case result in further deprivation for women and poor people from access to and control over land, nor in the dispossession or eviction of ethnic minorities or tribal and indigenous peoples from the territory they traditionally occupy (Ibid). Despite the EUs noble land policy in the context of ODA, there are speculations about the Unions engagement in land-grabbing (TNI, 2013). International NGOs claim that around fortyfour percent of total investments in agricultural production and other land-related endeavours are from Europe. Moreover these INGOs claim that for Europeans and their corporations, land and natural resources are their best bet for capital accumulation today (Ibid). What are problematic are various policies of the EU that make land-grabbing enticing for its citizens and those of other countries. An example of this is its Renewable Energy Directive which seeks to make sure that twenty percent of energy used in the EU and ten percent of each EU member states transportation fuel come from renewable energy sources by 2020. The International NGOs point out that this has caused intensive land-grabbing in the Global South to produce agro-fuels to export to European countries, which is becoming comparable to neo-colonialist practices in the past (TNI, 2013). In relation to indigenous peoples, the EU applies the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration prohibits certain things, with respect to the rights of IPs, such as any action which has the aim or effect of dispossessing them of their lands, territories or resources; any form of forced population transfer which has the aim or effect of violating or undermining any of their rights (Nations, 2008). Article 10 states that,

indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return. Also in accordance with land, Article 32 states that, Indigenous peoples have the right to determine and develop priorities and strategies for the development or use of their lands or territories and other resources. States shall consult and cooperate in good faith with the indigenous peoples concerned through their own representative institutions in order to obtain their free and informed consent prior to the approval of any project affecting their lands or territories and other resources, particularly in connection with the development, utilization or exploitation of mineral, water or other resources.

The Republic of the Philippines Behind the Philippines agricultural land policy are the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL) or Republic Act (RA) 6657 and the Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan (MTPDP). CARL focuses on equal use of agricultural lands in the Philippines while the MTDP focuses on the governments development goals at some points in time of the administration (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that the former is more directed towards alleviation of poverty of the rural farming poor and the latter represents policies for the strategies of the government towards development. In relation to the EU, it is primarily interested in reducing poverty (Ibid).

CARP focused on providing rural development projects, human resource activities, and infrastructure (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). To distribute the land, the DAR and DENR were in control. By 1998, CARP should have already transferred 100% of land ownership. What happened though was only sixty percent were distributed (Ibid).

Javier and Dela Rosa state that the MTDP was meant to focus on social reform and development, agriculture, agrarian reform and natural resources, industry and services infrastructure development governance and institutions and development; macroeconomic framework and development financing. Its 10-point agenda streamlined free education, decongestion of roads, creation of at least six million jobs, decentralization of development and electricity and water for all parts of the country, among others. With regards to the agricultural and rural sectors, Javier and Dela Rosa cite that the plan was set with the goals listed below: Diversify the rural economy through the development of alternative employment opportunities in farm and nonfarm activities to sustain increases in incomes and standard of living of farmers, fisher folks , upland dwellers and indigenous peoples; Increase sector productivity and production through modern, appropriate and efficient technologies and sustainable farm practices, timely and effective delivery of support services and utilization of idle and underutilized resources; Promote and expand opportunities for gaining equitable access to productive assets through the application of agrarian reform principles in their disposition and utilization; Empower all stakeholders and strengthen institutional structures in the sector through strengthened delivery of capacity building and extension

In relation to IPs, one of their rights provided by RA 8371 is the right to ancestral lands and domains. According to the Country Strategy Paper, ancestral domain lands are awarded to IPs based on communal ownership. However due to mining and agri-business interests, legislation is not fully in place. The CSP reveals that on the issue of ancestral domain and lands, there are conceptual and physical overlaps with agrarian reform, community forest management, protected biodiversity, mineral and other special areas defined by the government. Hence in Mindanao, the issue of land remains to be a contentious one (Commission, EC-Philippines Country Strategy Paper, 2007-2013)

EU-Philippines Development and ODA Initiatives Although the EU does not have a direct land policy for the Philippines, it has implemented several National Indicative Programs (NIPs) to help the most underprivileged sectors of society which focuses on putting together and replicating rural development know-how and the Commissions support to a certain sector. This is manifested in the program called

Consolidation and Expansion of the Philippines-EC Rural Development Program (CEPERD) (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). The CEPERD aims to strengthen EC-supported rural development projects as well as to create rural development models that can be implemented elsewhere.

Moreover in line with this the EU conducted a mid-term review (MTR) in 2003 to survey the social, political and economic changes in the Philippines (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009). The results of which were then made part of the National Indicative Program and the results were incorporated in the NIP. Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that EU decided that consolidating rural development activities would no longer be pursued while medium- to long- term interventions to combat terrorism, improve security and stability and to improve good governance were introduced. Apart from this, Javier and Dela Rosa reveal that the EU has funded other projects here, especially in Mindanao where their focus was redirected due to the underdevelopment of the island, and hence its inability to attain the MDGs. These projects were entitled Support to Agrarian Reform Communities in Central Mindanao (STARCM) and Agrarian Reform Support Project (ARSP) in Agusan. Within period of 1986 to 2006, the EC had about twenty projects in the Philippines dedicated to development (Javier & Dela Rosa, 2009).

Analyzing Language and Discourse Petr Drulak shares a noteworthy insight on discourse; he wrote that language is not only a simple mirror of social reality but medium on its own, which contributes to the very constitution of the social reality. Hence, according to Drulak, studying political discourse which is both written and spoken language is reflective of institutions, social structures and politics itself. Drulak claims that social structure is a discursive structure as it pertains to systems of rules which permit some phrases rather than others to be spoken at specific points in time (Drulak, 2006). In this sense, they can be interesting to study.

Drulak shares that social and discursive structures can at times be perceived as layered. Waever, in Drulak, explains that the more sedimented structures are the deeper ones, and are more difficult to alter, while those that are less sedimented are closer to the surface (Drulak, 2006). Drulak concludes that discourse and structure are dialectical in the sense that one is reliant on the other, rules of language can both guide and change discourse. Metaphorical structures, according to Drulak are understood to be sedimented and changeable by extending metaphors or creating new ones. The conceptualization of metaphors depends on abstraction and sedimentation (Drulak, 2006). Abstraction allows for the identification of discursive structures using conceptual metaphors while sedimentation allows for understanding how gravely entrenched metaphorical structures can be. Drulak then classifies metaphors as either sedimented, conventional or unconventional (Ibid). Lakoff and Johnson in Drulak explain that statements which are often taken as they are actually have meanings beneath them. Drulak puts it rather well when he says far from being deviations from a normal language use and far from being alternatives to abstract reasoning, metaphors are necessary conditions of speaking and thinking. In this connection, the distinction between metaphor as a figure of speech and analogy as a figure of thought is also abolished (Ibid). His understanding of metaphor points out both similarity and identity between two things. Moreover, conventionalization of metaphors passes through three stages: unconventional, conventional and sedimented metaphors. Drulak explains that unconventional metaphors are those which sound out-of-the-ordinary and somewhat radical to the ear. When these are conventionalized, Drulak reveals that they become part of common language. Finally, when they are sedimented they become taken as literal, plain speak, which means that people cannot even

distinguish them as metaphors so easily anymore (Drulak, 2006). However this process is not strictly linear. Metaphors can very well be conventionalized and then unconventionalized when people stop using them (Ibid). Conventionalization then is thoroughly dependent on how often and how well a metaphor is used among a group of speakers. Milliken, in Drulak, explains that common sense itself is a produced and reproduced discursively. Because a linguistic community may be hooked on similar kinds of common sense, it can often be mistaken for something natural (Ibid). However, Drulak reveals that common sense is also to some extent metaphorical including sedimented metaphors which are taken as simple truth, and conventional ones which are generally accepted metaphors. Thomas Diez also talks about language. Constative language pertains to looking outside the language for the reality it connotes. He notes that it can be both locutionary, which is the act of speaking, and illocutionary, which is through speaking that we act (Diez, 2001). In this sense words have a performative aspect to them, which draws greater attention to how things are said. Moreover, Diez notes that speech act theorists are more involved with the politics through, not of, discourse. Diez is careful not to over-emphasize the distinction between locutionary and illocutionary acts (Ibid). Locutionary phrases can be seen as performative, because stating something is still technically doing something. Quoting Foucault, Diez concludes that the power of language is not limited to rhetoric but is structured towards political ends. In fact, politics is an important facet of discourse. Diez says that it is the discursive web surrounding each articulation that makes the latter possible on the one hand (otherwise, it would be meaningless), while the web itself, on the other hand, relies on its production through these articulations (Ibid). In comparison to speech act tradition, the discursive tradition according to Diez does not treat its subjects as autonomous. Rather, discourse produces subject identities (Ibid).

Discourse of Development Nikki Dela Rosa contextualizes discourse in development. Certain buzzwords, metaphors and catch-phrases are employed by development agencies as tools to end underdevelopment by preaching so-called gospel truths (Dela Rosa, 2009). The buzzword in this case is CommunityDriven Development used by the World Bank which Dela Rosa concludes was used in Mindanao to espouse a certain liberalistic values which the Mindanaoan culture of resistance is so far from. The buzzword aimed to create an identity of the natives which was different from their own in order to make them more governable (Ibid). Buzzwords, according to Dela Rosa, represent a technology of rule that engenders the creation of governable objects that serves the dual and interrelated purpose of entrenchment of state power and the reinforcement and maintenance of the balance of power in the global economy. Dela Rosa emphasizes in her study that it is imperative that buzzwords be constructively deconstructed in order to undress them off what they actually imply and what they tend to obscure. Certain buzzwords are capable of silencing counter-discourses (Dela Rosa, 2009). In the guise of development, the agenda to foster peace is capable of shifting the discourse on violence, in how it begins and how it persists. In the context of Mindanao, Dela Rosa necessitates an understanding of the non-depoliticized and non-technicized version remains necessary for the continuation of the dialogue for social justice there (Ibid). With different issues emerging apart from conflict, like global warming and the lack of oil, funding for development will likely move away from areas like that of Mindanao. Whats problematic here, Dela Rosa adds, is that new buzzwords will take the stage without finishing the discourse in Mindanao.

Dela Rosa reveals that in her research, NGOs which provide the services in terms of development agenda are subjected to the guise of funders (Dela Rosa, 2009). Often times, NGOs are powerless in their proposal for services, as these are likely influences by what funders will agree to. However, this position has been countered by NGOs and Peoples Organizations (POs) which implement a wider-in-scope framework that is in line with goals of ODA (Ibid). She adds that NGOs that recognise their relative powerlessness in relation to donors and yet are clear about their objectives in engaging ODA projects in terms of where they may interface the project vis-a-vis the achievement of a broader development agenda were able to counter the silencing and de-politicizing effects of development projects (Dela Rosa, 2009).

Chapter V: Conceptual Framework Without accumulating data, it is difficult to formulate a viable conceptual framework. Hence what can be composed now is highly dependent on concepts encountered in the review of related literature. In order to create a foundational web of ideas for the research certain concepts must be woven together. These are the following: non-altruistic and ideological intentions behind ODA, maintenance of a Western global hegemony, the EUs interest in specific areas in the Philippines, power-play in development, the influence of language, metaphors and buzzwords in EU as development actor, and the deconstruction of such.

Development history has shown how ODA in a post-war world had strong political implications. Until today, scholars, policy-makers and government officials characterize the provision of development aid as a form of foreign policy. Indeed, wouldnt it be akin to betrayal for a developing country to go against the developed country from which it receives aid? Overseas

development aid then acts very much as a soft power, which in a sense helps to maintain the authority of more economically well-off states in the global sphere. However, apart from being a tool for foreign policy, ODA given by the European Union rests within the context of espousing dominant liberal, and hence Western, values of respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, peace, democracy, good governance, gender equality, the rule of law, solidarity and justice. Although it can be argued that in light of these values, altruism is likely and therefore, a sense of social responsibility for the underprivileged emerges, the fact that these ideals constitute a kind of ideology makes the giving of ODA on such a basis a manner by which Western values are spread and graciously welcomed by countries outside of Europe and the US. For an area then like the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) to receive such aid under the conditions of Western and somewhat Christian values confuses ideologies and seems imposing of a certain culture (Dela Rosa, 2009; Javier and Dela Rosa, 2009; EU Parliament, 2005).

This is where the concept of a Western global hegemony comes in (Dela Rosa, 2009; Sagasti, F, 2005; Cox, 2009). As mentioned in the preceding chapter, any kind of dominant rule cannot last if it is incapable of affecting the culture of the area within its dominion. From this perspective, the Western superpowers in the world would quickly lose their political and economic clout in the global sphere if most states decided that the values of democracy, peace, human rights, and the like were absurd and should not be followed (Cox, 2009). Cultural hegemony then is extremely necessary, and the researcher finds that in literature on development, ODA to developing countries is a means for the spread and maintenance of such. Moreover as Dela Rosa concludes, it would be difficult for North American and European institutions to assert their authority over people that did not believe in similar ideals. Moreover, due to the dependence of

NGOs on the provision of aid by donor-countries, they remain subjected to the conditions mandated by these developed states. Here exists a kind of power-play in the field of development assistance. Compliance from developing countries is won by ODA on two levels: monetary compensation and the absorption of Western values (Dela Rosa, 2009).

On another note, the interest of the European Union in the areas of Mindanao and the Cordillera Administrative Region is something to look into. Despite the impoverished conditions of these two areas, they also reportedly seem to be carriers of vast economic potential due to their geographic positions and rich biodiversity, respectively (Commission, EU-Philippines Country Strategy Paper, 2002-2006). It is possible then to uncover economic, cultural, and/or sociopolitical interests of the region by examining the places it chooses to invest development assistance in. Moreover, several projects, including the current one being conducted by International Alert which is an international NGO, can be linked to land reform. In relation to this, the issue of land-grabbing by the EU brought up by international NGOs could plausibly be relevant. An important question to pose at this point is whether the sites of development chosen by the EU play a role in how it intends to broaden its cultural hegemony (TNI, 2013; Cox, 2009).

All the concepts thus far can only be empirically tested, proven or disproven through an analysis of discourse on the EU as a development actor. Initial readings have shown certain phrases that stand out in documents by the European Union. These include giving ODA is a moral obligation, development best practice, the aforementioned human rights, peace, democracy, good governance, rule of law, solidarity and justice in pertaining to values in EU development policy, and discourse which shows EUs support for globalization and regional integration. As

for metaphors and buzzwords, they have yet to be discovered through data collection. Regardless the putting a strong focus on how the EU continually stresses the nature of its development policy as being founded on certain values in development discourse is a possible manifestation of its intention to maintain the current world order, wherein Western values largely constitute a global hegemony. It also shows how a repeated use of language in this sense can make the ideas it attempts to convey influential and to an extent, give language a performative aspect. (Diez, 2001). Calling ODA a moral obligation sheds light on the Christian past of Europe, which may be linked to the ideals it now espouses in its development practice. Moreover its support of globalization and regional integration may reveal how the Union is committed to a neo-liberal framework in its economic perspective. This could spell something unbeneficial to developing countries, which more often than not are the victims of globalization (Steans). In this light, in order to complete the conceptual framework discourse between the EU and involved local actors in terms of ODA also needs to be examined. Unfortunately, there is no substantial literature regarding this.

It is in the deconstruction of these elements in discourse of EU as a development actor that recommendations can be made, if need be, to the EUs current developmental actions in the Philippines. Looking beyond the literal message certain words aim to send will aid in decomposing them into what they truly are. This would in essence be the final piece of the puzzle of EU as a development actor in the Philippines, in order to possibly highlight the EUs noble efforts amidst the negative implications embedded in development. Through the

deconstruction of such terms, whatever is silenced by them can be drawn out to reveal the genuine intentions of development policies (Dela Rosa, 2009).

Ideological intentions

Western global hegemony

ODA Power-play

Discourse on EU as development actor in the Philippines

Economic, cultural, and/or socio-political interests in area chosen

The conceptual framework represented by the diagram above basically shows that there are underlying reasons for the discourse on EU as a development actor in the Philippines, which can be examined through an analysis of metaphors, buzzwords, catchphrases and other terms.

Chapter VI: Data Collection Research Design and Interview Construction The methodology to be undertaken will be relevant to the conceptual framework due to the data it aims to collect. In general the interview will exhibit some pre-determined codes which can still be modified after data has been collected, as the conceptual framework would likely be. In essence, the methodology will be the main step towards collecting and analysing data to prove or disprove the hypothesis of the study. Without the methodology there would not be a way to concretize the framework. Moreover it is important to note that ethical guidelines given by the Ateneo de Manila University shall be followed throughout the research process.

As an analysis on discourse requires substantial material to be examined, data will primarily be collected using qualitative methods. However, it must be stressed that the researcher has limited her study to one development project currently being conducted in the Philippines. Most of the data collected will be the opinions of relevant officials in the EU Delegation to the Philippines and local parties (i.e., target communities, International Alert) involved in EU-funded development projects. Hence, it is geared towards a subjectively valued (based on peoples experiences) and an interpretive-type of study. Using quantitative methods, for example, by conducting a survey, will not likely display as in-depth experiences of the EU as a development actor in the country. Reconstructing the conceptual framework then would prove to be difficult if data collected is limited. However, content analysis will also be employed by collecting documents on the European Union as a development actor and possibly, also media sources which talk about EU-Philippines development relations. However media sources will only be used if the researcher feels data collected from other means is lacking. Also if past efforts have accessible written output, they will also be studied.

The primary method for data collection would be through a semi-structured interview. A structured interview does not leave room for changes in the interview schedule and can be too closed off to diverse answers. While an unstructured interview becomes hard to restrict in terms of data collection which at times may be too abundant as in the case of unnecessary narrative inquiries. Hence, a semi-structured interview will serve as the main way to accumulate data for the study. The interview will include a schedule which will have to cover a list of prescribed topics as well as maintain a natural conversation in order to make room for new questions to emerge during the interview. It will be recorded through a voice recorder which will run during

the entire time. In this light, the interview should be able to reflect ideas in the conceptual framework. Hence, the interview guide should be comprehensive but interesting to keep the interviewee engaged. Due to the three varying categories of interviewees, the interview constructed will follow the same general flow but will have specialized topics specific to the interviewee being questioned. (Please see Appendix A for the interview schedule) In general the interview shall proceed in the manner described below. After establishing rapport with the interviewee, the researcher will begin with basic questions on the interviewees demographics such as current profession, type of involvement in the project (i.e., EU Delegation, International Alert, or target IP community), civil status, age, and other relevant detail at the time of the interview. Knowledge of demographic data will help put the interviewees answers into a real context and will also be helpful in tracing reasons behind similarities and differences in responses. Once the demographics have been given, the researcher will move on to ask more about the interviewees involvement before and during the implementation of the EU-funded development project. Answers to these questions will aid in gauging the environment the project was conducted in as well as how it was being conducted. The researcher will then move on to perceptions of the EU as a development actor in the three different circumstances, taking into consideration descriptive words and phrases most often used. The importance of gathering perceptions-based responses is to accumulate enough spoken discourse to be analyzed for metaphors, buzzwords, and the like. In order to measure the EUs efforts in maintaining the Western global hegemony, the researcher will have to delve into various topics which cover EU identity in aid-giving for the representatives from the EU Delegation, procurement guidelines and conditions for aid for International Alert, and the manner by which the EU is communicated to the target communities for development. To

determine the power-play in development, specific questions on technical aspects of ODA will be asked such as the contract between the EC and the contracting party, as coursed through the EU Delegation. Topics will not be limited to those above but are sure to contain them. Once the researcher has exhausted her interview schedule and other possible follow up questions, she will politely end the interview. However, the researcher will be wary about possible additions to the data once the recorder is turned off. Moreover she will be sure to retrieve the contact details of the interviewee in case anything in the transcript needs to be verified. Sampling Design and Selection Criteria Due to the qualitative nature of the research, purposive or judgmental sampling will be employed to determine the set of people to be interviewed. This type of sampling will be done by first determining exactly which sampling sites will be used. As mentioned earlier, in essence three types of interviews will be conducted. Hence there will be three sampling sites from where informants will be purposively selected. The first sampling site is the EU Delegation to the Philippines. Here the researcher will attempt to obtain a list of officers or employees knowledgeable about EU development efforts in the Philippines, or more specifically, those directly involved in the chosen project. As the medium through which the EU grants ODA to the local actors, the EU Delegation to the Philippines seems to be the most viable actor in this aspect that is representative of the European Union. The second sampling site is the INGO, International Alert, which has an office in the Philippines. Representatives from here to be interviewed are those working directly in the on-going development project funded by the EU. By interviewing International Alert, the researcher will

be able to obtain data on the communication between the EU and the INGO which would be helpful in the discourse analysis. Moreover as the contracting authority they are in direct correspondence with the EU which makes them capable of giving a more sound and opinionated view. The third sampling site is the target community. Given the many communities being helped out in International Alerts project, which include areas in CAR, Central Luzon, and Mindanao, the researcher will have to select at least one target community in these regions, under the advisement and permission off International Alert. If funding is available, Mindanao would be the best option. Regardless by interviewing those directly experiencing the effects of EU ODA, it will be easier to determine the perspective of EU as a development actor by studying the people it seemed the EU was aiming to impressthe rural indigenous poor. Hence, interviewing IPs in the targeted areas will reveal EUs presence as an aid donor in the Philippines and how its role in the project is communicated to the community. A possible problem to be encountered in conducting the interview in this sampling site would be difference in language. If the IP group has a native dialect, interview could be done through the aid of a translator but this would affect the discourse analysis later on, as some ideas could easily get lost in translation.

In short, purposive sampling will be done through the obtainment of lists of possible names from each sampling site, in order to be able to contact people for interview. In this light the criteria for those to be interviewed can be summarized as the following:

1. Must be a representative from the EU Delegation to the Philippines, or if not, other EU institutions in the Philippines relevant to development or;

2. Must be involved in the project entitled Strengthening inclusive and Conflict - Sensitive Economic Governance of Ancestral Lands through Indigenous Peoples (IPs), Local Governments and Business Sector Partnerships, as an employee or representative of International Alert or; 3. Must be a member of the group of Indigenous Peoples (preferably from Mindanao or CAR) to whom aid is directed to in the project and; 4. The interviewee must possess (1) of these to be eligible for questioning.

With the needed lists, the interviews will then be able to be conducted. Given the criteria set above, all the students under those conditions shall be interviewed. Before testing will take place, a pilot test for the interview will first be conducted by the researcher. Changes to the interview schedule will then be made, which may occur as interviews progress. Only until the interviews have reached data saturation where responses are simply reflections of previous responses, will the researcher stop interviewing and begin content analysis. Interviews will be conducted continuously until the point of data saturation is reached. Research Topic Data Set Data Source Data Collection Technique What are the trends in areas chosen by the EU to invest ODA in? Reports on past EUfunded projects in the Philippines EU Delegation to the Philippines website, websites of contracting authorities Perceptions of EU Delegation to the Philippines, International Alert At least 5 representatives each from the EU Delegation and Qualitative Interview Content Analysis

International Alert How does the EU portray itself as a development actor in its official documents? How does International Alert perceive the EU as a development actor? Perceptions of International Alert At least 5 representatives from International Alert involved in the ongoing EU-funded project How does the EU delegation perceive the EU as a development actor? Perceptions of the EU Delegation to the Philippines At least 5 representatives from the EU Delegation knowledgeable about the on-going EUfunded project and other development projects here How do the Indigenous Peoples perceive the EU as a development actor? Perceptions of the IPs in target communities At least 10 members of an IP group in specific areas where the project is being implemented Qualitative Interview Qualitative Interview Qualitative Interview EU legislation and reports Data sources from the European Union official website Content analysis

Chapter VII: Data Analysis, Interpretation and Conclusion Drawing

Coding Although it is difficult to come up with a coding schedule when data has not yet been collected, the interview guide can serve as a good start. In light of the research, focus will be put on the three different sets of interviewees experiences with the European Union or in a more local sense, the EU Delegation to the Philippines, as a development actor here. Along with this, codes can also be applied to analyzed written content from aforementioned sources. Given the topics listed in the interview schedule, possible codes are the following: ODA as a moral obligation, supportive of globalization,EU as invisible, observance of human rights, EU as generous, EU as active in development, EU as source of money, strict guidelines and conditions, EU is difficult to please. EU as an advocate of democracy and peace, focus on Mindanao, focus on CAR, poorest areas in the Philippines, and many more. As stated in the conceptual framework, there are four main classifications of perceptions on EU that the researcher believes underlies discourse on EU as a development actor in the Philippines. These categories include ODA as a form of power-play, ideological intentions of the EU, interest of the EU in maintaining the Western global hegemony, and trends in places chosen as sites recipient of development aid. Strict guidelines and conditions and EU as difficult to please would be classified under the first category; while the second would include EU as an advocate of democracy and peace. EU as source of money, supportive of globalization and observance of human rights would fall under the third category. Lastly, focus on Mindanao, focus on CAR, poorest areas in the Philippines would belong to the last classification. To build on Diezs and Drulaks discussion on language and discourse, metaphors must be drawn out as much as possible from interviews. At this point it is difficult to articulate any

without necessary data. Certainly these codes are very far from final, but qualitative research provides room for iteration to edit them in the future when data is actually collected already.

Coding Analysis Its significant to note that the codes are not limited to these. Regardless, it is necessary to allow codes to emerge from data gathered in order to remove biases towards answers. In order to do proper data analysis this is an important step. The researcher must allow the data to speak for itself, rather than imposing restrictions to the answers she expects to come out. Another important step for the researcher to take in data analysis is the reduction of data because it is possible for interview answers to be superfluous, and to only contain a few lines of important data. In this light, the conceptual framework will also be revisited. It is highly possible for the hypothesis to be disproved once data is finally gathered and content analyzed. Moreover, these codes must be turned into paper content by way of categorizing important quotes in them. This is in a nutshell how data analysis will take place. The codes will serve as an empirical step in spoken discourse analysis of the EU as a development actor in the Philippines. They will help to initially analyze data in order to make sense of the conceptual framework or propose changes to it. Apart from coding from interviews, data analysis will occur also in content analysis done on written discourse.

Conclusion Drawing Data analysis as mentioned earlier will provide sound basis for whatever elements of discourse the researcher finds to show underlying intentions of the European Union in the field of development. If findings correspond positively to the hypothesis, in that data collected proves the

validity of the researchers claim, then codes constructed must be similar to the ones proposed in the preceding section. The researcher hypothesizes that a well-conducted discourse analysis will put EU-funded development efforts in the Philippines into a socio-political context by revealing what the EU aims to achieve through them, beyond its publicized goals to reduce rural poverty more specifically in the areas of Mindanao and the Cordillera Adminstrative Region (CAR). The conceptual framework was constructed to lead to this proposed conclusion. Through an analysis of both pertinent writtten and spoken discourse pertaining to the European Union as a development actor, conducted through content analysis on previously released documents on development by the EU and through qualitative interviews with the EU Delegation, International Alert, and relevant Indigenous Peoples here, the researcher will be able to determine whether the EUs efforts have been built on intentions other than altruism such as ideological bias, maintenance of Western hegemony, economic interest in developing countries, and power-play in overseas development assistance. Beyond the research question however findings can be contextualized in notions of cultural hegemony and the manipulative face of development projects. Research is supposed to be intersubjective, in that it is conducted on the basis of veritable claims in the academic sphere but approached in varying ways. More importantly, it should be able to engage in discourse with other endeavours in research by contributing something new to the table and simultaneously, being open to scrutiny by experts in the field. Hence, in the on-going discourse on the neo-liberal and liberal ideological dominance of the West, which is prevalent in politics, economics and domestic society, as well as of the discourse on the meanings of inclusive development, its

profit-making and soft power-wielding tendencies, the research can be situated in the grander scheme of things.

Chapter VIII: Outline of Research I. Background of Research A. Chapter 1: Abstract 1. Statement of the Primary Thesis/Research Problem 2. Purpose of dissertation a. Reason for selection of development b. Significance to the academe, practical world i. Discourse on development and ideological hegemony ii. Development policy analysis iii. Importance of discourse 3. Major influences to the research a. Key sources i. Literature on the other side of development ii. The EU as a development actor etc. 4. Summary of Findings and Conclusions a. Recommendations i. For reconstruction of development policies ii. Gaps yet to be filled in the academe b. Implications i. Possible effects on EU-ODA in the Philippines

B. Chapter II: Introduction 1. In-depth discussion on the Research Problem a. Discussion of sub-topics i. How they will be relevant in answering the primary problem ii. Focus on Strengthening inclusive and Conflict - Sensitive Economic Governance of Ancestral Lands through Indigenous Peoples (IPs), Local Governments and Business Sector Partnerships Project b. Mention of initial proposed hypothesis i. Key ideas which ground EU development discourse 2. Purpose of the Study a. Goals of the study i. What the researcher aims to contribute to on-going development discourse ii. Proactive research b. Objectives of the study 3. Significance of the Study a. Importance of tackling EU as a development actor in the Philippines i. Implications for ongoing projects b. Importance of looking at discourse i. How language becomes the purveyor of meaning and action ii. Possibility of reframing our perspective on EU ODA c. Importance of developing a critical understanding i. In actors foreign policy

ii. In European Studies as an academic field d. Importance to the academe and real world i. Possible contributions of the research II. Review of Related Literature and Conceptual Framework A. Chapter III: Review of Related Literature 1. History of Development and Development Policy a. Post World War II b. Cold War c. Post Cold War 2. Development Overseas Development Aid (ODA) a. Motivations for aid-giving b. Effectiveness of Aid 3. EU as a Development Actor a. EU ODA i. Procurement guidelines b. EU in the Philippines i. EU ODA to the Philippines ii. EU-Philippines Development Projects 4. Land Policy and Indigenous Peoples a. EU Land Policy i. In conducting development projects in developing countries i. In relation to IPs b. Philippines Land Policy

ii. In relation to IPs 5. Discourse Analysis a. Language and Discourse i. Types of language, metaphors etc. b. Discourse on Development i. Use of the buzzword community-driven development ii. In the context of Mindanao B. Chapter IV: Conceptual Framework 1. Intentions of EU silenced by Discourse a. Proliferating the Western hegemony on development i. Neo-liberal policies ii. Western values in development policy iii. In relation to history b. ODA as a form of power-play i. Disadvantage of NGOs to donors ii. Form of foreign policy for donor country iii. In relation to history c. Ideological biases in development policy i. Liberal ideology ii. Human rights approach a. Compliance of developing countries d. Economic, cultural and/or socio-political interests in areas chosen for development projects

1. Prove/disprove hypothesis a. Emergence of a better research question 2. Revelation of Data a. What was unearthed in development discourse b. What remains to be silenced in development discourse B. Chapter VIII: Recommendations 1. Implications of the findings a. Academe b. EU development policy analysis 2. Suggestions for future research a. What was unattained in research b. What could be studied further V. Outline of Thesis 1. How thesis is organized into chapters and subsections 2. Brief explanations per chapter VI. Appendices 1. Interview Schedule 2. Timetable of Research 3. Coding Schedule 4. Supplementary data, charts, graphs, photos etc.

Appendix A **General Questions are in BLACK **Legend for specialized questions: BLUE- EU Delegation; PURPLE- International Alert; GREEN- IPs **For questions to be asked to more than one (1) party, colour of font is left as black I. Introduction Interviewer: Good morning/afternoon/evening! I am Justine Dinglasan, a IV AB EU major, and I am currently doing on the European Union as a development actor in the Philippines. Would it be okay if I record this whole conversation? If at any point youd like to say anything off the record, feel free to tell me. I assure you of your anonymity for our study. Your sincere and honest answers will be highly appreciated. Thank you in advance for your time. II. Demographics Current profession Type of involvement in the project: o EU Delegation o International Alert, o IP community Civil status Age Nationality Tribe or Group of Indigenous Peoples Are you based here in the Philippines or elsewhere? Additional questions: - For IPs: ask about tribe culture, customs, history, status now etc. - For EU Delegation: what do they do, purpose here, how do they correspond with Europe, how did you end up working there etc. - For International Alert: what do they do, purpose here, about their projects, sources of funds, how did you end up working there etc.

--Segue: As a European Studies major, I was attracted to studying how the EU acts as a development actor in our country. One of its projects here which I found interesting is the project on Strengthening inclusive and Conflict - Sensitive Economic Governance of Ancestral Lands through Indigenous Peoples (IPs), Local Governments and Business Sector Partnerships which is actually funded by the EU-II. Applying for EU Grant Reason for projects focus and area o Is it in line with International Alerts objectives o Why that area o How is it different from other development projects Reason for EU as source of funding o Reason for granting the assistance to International Alert Cohesiveness with EUs values, goals Expectations for the project

o Perceptions of EU as a development aid donor Ideological biases of the EU o Areas most donated to Existing trends in places and efforts o Guidelines and conditions followed/prescribed Working with International Alert Difficulties etc.

EU guidelines Reflective of EU values Reasons for strict guidelines

What are they strict about Did it affect the project implementation

Were there any contentions International Alert had with the guidelines/conditions Was the initial proposal changed to meet certain standards

o Describe the process o Were there other options for ODA, experience with other donors o How do they compare with the EU

III. Involvement in the Project Perceptions before and during the project implementation o Project preparations o Role of the Delegation o Initial preparations in the area before implementation o Did international alert build rapport with the IPs o How did they inform the people about the project Perceptions on reactions of IPs o How were they informed o Initial reactions: negative or positive, neutral o Perception of land administration o Personal value of land o Did anything need to be changed in an INGO perspective o Perception of local government o Are the IPs in contact with them o Efficiency in their job o Participation in project o Perception of the private sector (if any) o Reason for involving the business sector in the project o Participation in the project o Perception of life o Level of conflict o Change in lifestyle o Comparative difficulty of life in terms of livelihood, lifestyle etc. o Differences between life before and now Perceptions during the project implementation

o Description of implementation processes o Formal description of procedures o Perception of IPs as it was happening around them o Did it entail anything from the IP community o General impression of the project now o Is the project in line with its objectives o How is it being monitored By the delegation By International Alert

IV. EU Involvement in the project (focus on this) Perceptions before and during the project implementation o Perception of the European Union o As a development actor, relations with the Philippines Communication with the Delegation Values it espouses by giving ODA Effects on the local culture of the community

How influential is it Restrictions to ODA

o As the aid-donor for the project As a project partner o Importance to your IP tribe o Description of the EU in at least three words or phrases o Perception of the EU Delegation o Did any representative go to the area beforehand o Visibility and participation of the Delegation Check-ups, visits to the project site beforehand

o Did International Alert mention them o As the main contact for the EU In terms of communication o Visibility and participation of the Delegation Frequency of Check-ups, visits to the project site during the project Success indicators and other measures used Upholding of International alert of procurement guidelines, other conditions o Frequency of acknowledgement by International Alert o As the main contact in the project In monitoring project implementation, procurement guidelines Success indicators

--End: Would there be anything else youd like to add? If not, it seems that I have exhausted all my questions. Please leave with me your contact details so I can send you a copy of the transcript. Thank you so much for your time!---

Appendix B: Initial Timetable

Timeframe April-May 5, 2013

Action Initial Contact of EU Delegation to the Philippines

May 6-13, 2013

Correspondence with International Alert regarding Thesis Proposal

May 13-21, 2013

Literature Research, Primary

Research for Proposal May 22-June 9, 2013 Email Correspondence with International Alert and EU Delegation regarding Research Concerns, Final Question June 10-15, 2013 Meet with International Alert to Finalize Research Agenda June 16-23, 2013 Finalize Interview Schedule (Pilot Testing) June 24-August 25, 2013 Interviews with EU Delegation, International Alert, and IPs August 26-September 5, 2013 September 6, 2013 onwards Data Analysis Begin Drafting Final Paper

Works Cited Addawe, M., & Viernes, M. (2013, April 23). National Statistics Coordination Board. Retrieved May 17, 2013, from Poverty incidence unchanged, as of first semester 2012: http://www.nscb.gov.ph/poverty/defaultnew.asp Chaban, N. (2009). Soft Power and a Human Face: Images of the EU as a Social, Developmental, and Environmental Actor in the Asian Media and Public Discourses. In N. Chaban, M. Holland, & P. Ryan, EU Through the Eyes of Asia: Volume II New Cases, New Findings. World Scientific Publishing Co. Commission, E. (2007-2013). EC-Philippines Country Strategy Paper. EU. Commission, E. (2004). EU LAND POLICY GUIDELINES. Brussels: EU. Commission, E. (2002-2006). EU-Philippines Country Strategy Paper. Brussels: EU. Communities, C. o. (2007). Annual Report 2007 on the European Communitys Development Policy and the Implementatiom of External Assistance in 2006. Brussels: Commission of European Communities. Dela Rosa, N. (2009). The politics of anti-politics: What does the buzzword community-driven development do? The case of Mindanao peace and development. EU Delegation , 38. Diez, T. (2001). Speaking Europe: The Politics of Integration Discourse. Journal of European Public Policy . Domingo, R., & Remo, M. (2013, May 3). S&P gives PH second credit ratings upgrade. Philippine Daily Inquirer . Drulak, P. (2006). Metaphors Europe lives by: language and institutional change of the European Union. Institute of Internal Relations . EU. (2009). Annex IV. Brussels: European Union. Grimm, S., Humphrey, J., Lundsgaarde, E., & John de Sousa, S. (2009). European Development Cooperation to 2020: Challenges by New Actors in International Development. EDC 2020. Javier, E., & Dela Rosa, N. (2009). Land Policies and the Rural Poor in the Agenda of the European Union in the Philippines. Overseas Aid and Agrarian Reform . Nations, U. (2008). United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. New York: UN. OECD. (2005 and 2008). The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and Accra Agenda for Action.