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THE PUBLIC FORUM
AGAINST ROOSEVELT. Be
cause :
1. He has broken his solemn prom
ise not to be a candidate for a third
term, therefore his otherpromises
are not to be relied upon.
2. For seven years he was presi
dent, and during those seven years
the very conditions he now pretends
to combat viciously were more thor
oughly developed than during all the
other periods in the country's his-
tory.
3. The day he became president
there were 149 trusts or combina
tions, capitalized at $3,000,000,000,
and the day he retired from office
there were 1,020 such combinations,
capitalized at $31,000,000,000.
4. He permitted the steel trust to
acquire the Tennessee Coal & Iron
Co., its principal rival, in violation of
the anti-trust law, and forbade the
prosecution-of the harvester trust at
the request of G. W. Perkins, his
present national mouthpiece.
- 5: The man next to Roosevelt re
sponsible for the third term move
ment is G. W. Perkins. Perkins is
the promoter and defender of the
most pernicious trust in the U. S.
6. He urges legalization of trust
watered stock and monopoly at first
advocated by Perkins.
7. He accepted qampaign contri
butions from trusts, insurance com
panies and crooked business.
8. During the seven years he was
president he failed, even refused, to
lift a finger against high tariff. Why
Is he surrounded now by high tariff
men who are contributing freely to
his campaign fund. -
9. He loves war better than peace.
10. Out of office he promises too
much and in office he performs too
little.
11. He says that the small farmer
and the laborer of the city are not
to be mentioned in the same breath
with cowboys, etc. After describing
the drunkenness and deadly shooting
affrays of the cowboys, he wrote
that they are much better fellows
and pleasanter companions than the
small farmers or agricultural labor
ers; or are the mechanics of a great
city to be mentions in the same
breath with them?
12. Ex-President Taft, who knows
him best, says of him: "He is a dem
agogue, a neurotic, a flatterer, an
egotist" Andrw J. Parr.
WHY ROOSEVELT? We are in
the process of adjusting our relations
to and with the world at large.
In this .situation one of two alter
native positions present themselves
to us we might attempt to with
draw from the world-game, to isolate
ourselves, to become a hermit among
the nations; or "we must play the
game, not according to our own no
tions, but as it is played by the domi
nant world powers. '
The first will be found to be practi
cally impossible; the second warns
us to prepare.
Preparedness has two well-marked
angles, the foreign and the .home an
gle. The first angle lays upon us the
obligation to have an adequate navy,
proper coast defenses and a citizen
ship trained to military service.
The home -angle lays upon us the
obligation to attune our industrial
affairs to this situation.
The consuming abilities of the
100,000,000 of the U. S. furnish 95
per cent or more of the "market" for
our annual product. That "market"
is tremendously more important than
any and all foreign markets. It must
be conserved.
In other words, the workers must
earn enough wages to be able to pur
chase therewith a living' much above A
the mere existence point or else
there can be no business and no busi
ness profits.
Our industrial system must be
"more elastic" It must expand and
contract with the demands made
upon it; and, contracting, it must be
so adjusted that one-tenth to one-