But it does little for borrowers who have had significant jolts to their income, or who owe more than their home’s value on loans that exceed $729,750. In boom-and-bust housing markets like Florida, Las Vegas, Phoenix or California, where values have fallen 30 percent to 40 percent, the plan leaves many in homes they cannot afford — some because they borrowed recklessly, others because they were buffeted by the market swings.

Updated on Dec. 18 at 4:50 p.m.: The first set of answers to reader questions has been posted.

Original post: For high school seniors scrambling to complete essays, collect recommendation letters and construct well-rounded packages, college application deadlines are looming, in a seemingly inscrutable admissions process.

To get an inside perspective, we solicited advice from some gatekeepers. This week, a panel of admissions deans from Yale University, Pomona College, Lawrence University and the University of Texas at Austin will answer selected reader questions.

On Nov. 9 The New York Times Neediest Cases Fund launched its 97th campaign. This year the campaign is adding a new feature to allow readers to pose questions to experts from the seven agencies supported by the Neediest Cases Fund.

Patricia Bowles, vice president of behavioral health services for Catholic Charities Brooklyn and Queens, and Doris Hohman, director of the WeCARE program at the Brooklyn Bureau of Community Services, answer questions about health care available for the ill and uninsured.

Question: In light of the current economic downturn, how will city and state budget cuts affect the health care available for the uninsured?

Answer: In New York City, an estimated 3 million residents are without health insurance. Three-quarters of the uninsured are employed or are the children of people who are employed. They earn too much to qualify for public insurance like Medicaid, but not enough to purchase private insurance. New York City residents are less likely to have employer-sponsored coverage than residents elsewhere in the state because of the predominance of service industries, which are much less likely to offer health insurance. Consequently, uninsured working families turn for their health care to hospital emergency departments or public hospitals and community health centers that are legally mandated to provide medical care to all patients regardless of their ability to pay.

With the weakening economy, the pool of the uninsured continues to grow as unemployment rises and more families lose access to affordable health care. As many as one out of four people who seek medical care in hospital emergency rooms are either uninsured or on Medicaid.

At the same time, because of the crisis on Wall Street, hospitals’ investment income, which accounts for more than half of the income at some hospitals, has declined sharply. At the same time, their expenses for supplies, food and energy have increased.

In addition, hospital visits by patients with insurance are starting to decline as they postpone some tests and procedures because they can no longer afford high co-payments. Consequently, the number of insured patients is decreasing, while more of those who seek care are uninsured or on Medicaid.

This week, a Times correspondent in China and a former Beijing bureau chief answered readers’ questions on the earthquake in Sichuan Province, the aftermath and the Chinese government’s response. The forum is now closed for questions.

Our first set of answers came from Edward Wong, a correspondent who recently arrived in China to take up a new assignment after covering the war in Iraq. Mr. Wong, who reported for 48 hours straight after the quake and filed this article on a rescue in Shifang, China, on Sunday, sent us answers on Monday to two of the most commonly asked questions from his hotel in Sichuan, where, he noted, “we’re in the middle of an earthquake warning … so it’s kind of chaotic.”

HOW IS THE RESPONSE OF THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT SEEN IN CHINA?

Q. I have heard that in China this earthquake may be viewed as a sign that things are not right in China. What risk and challenges does this pose to the Chinese government? On a much smaller scale, the inadequate response in Nicaragua to the earthquake [in 1972] by the Somoza government is said to have contributed to the fall of that regime. — John Kehoe

Q. Have there been any mentions of the earthquake as an example of the Chinese leadership’s ‘mandate of heaven’ being withdrawn? — Sarah

Q. Is there any anti-government sentiment in China right now? — Alex Liao

A. I know that some Chinese believe a natural disaster on this scale is a sign that those in power have lost the mandate of heaven. The Tangshan earthquake that preceded Mao Zedong’s death has often been interpreted this way. To tell you the truth, no one I’ve spoken to in the past week has mentioned the mandate of heaven. The survivors seem more concerned with getting by on a day-to-day basis and looking after the welfare of family and friends.

In talking to people here in Sichuan Province, I’ve gotten a range of reactions to the government’s handling of the earthquake. I don’t have a scientific sampling, but up until now, most people I’ve met seem fairly satisfied. For example, when I visited the largest camp for displaced people that had been set up so far, in a stadium in Mianyang, many people there told me they believed the government was providing adequate food, water and shelter. The positive opinions are bolstered by a patriotic rallying cry in the face of such tremendous horror, similar to the passions that swept the United States after 9/11.

But I’ve also heard from people who are angry at what they call the slow reaction of government officials to coping with the disaster. The first morning after the earthquake, I met a woman in Dujiangyan, where many buildings had collapsed, who blamed local officials for not coming to help rescue some of her relatives, even though she said she had called the officials at least 10 times. My colleague Jim Yardley spoke to parents whose children were killed in a school collapse just outside Dujiangyan and heard a lot of anger directed toward local officials. — Edward Wong

April is the month for considering financial-aid offers from colleges and universities. This is not a typical year, however. Good news first: the trend toward no-loan packages at top colleges. Now, the bad: an economy in turmoil and more than 55 lenders withdrawing from the system of federally guaranteed student loans. Will there be trouble securing a loan? How do you compare aid packages? What is this thing called need, anyway?
Five financial-aid directors — Sarah Clark Donahue of Harvard, Caesar T. Storlazzi of Yale, Kent McGowan of Buffalo State College (State University of New York), Ronald W. Johnson of the University of California, Los Angeles, and Jorge Rodriguez of St. John’s University, in New York City — address reader questions, both personal and general, until April 22.

The Backstory on Aid

Q. Is it true that private schools generally have far more aid assistance than state schools? — Jeff

Kent McGowan: Generally speaking, yes, for two reasons. Institutional financial aid usually comes from two sources: endowments and tuition discounting. Older, more prestigious schools typically have larger endowments, meaning a big pot of money earning interest that can be paid out as scholarships. Tuition discounting is the practice of setting a high tuition and then lowering the price for needier or more gifted students. In reality, no real money is spent on the student’s behalf; the school just collects less revenue from that student. Schools blessed with a large endowment usually don’t engage in discounting, but at most private schools, the endowment is not large enough to provide adequate assistance so discounting is common.
Contrast that with state schools, where endowments are smaller and discounting may be against state law. State schools are still the best option for many because of the substantially lower cost for every student, not just the needy or gifted. Unfortunately, when state economies erode, one of the first things that gets cut is the subsidy to state colleges. More and more have to raise tuition without endowments or discounting to fall back on. The lack of commitment on the part of state legislators is making access to college less and less a reality to lower and even middle-income families.Read more…

As the Russian people prepare to go to the polls this Sunday, March 2, to elect a new president, we are using the Web to open up a dialogue between the readers of NYTimes.com and the readers of the Russian Live Journal site. So last night we asked you to pose questions to Russian readers about their presidential election. Today, the Moscow bureau translated a selection of your questions into Russian, asked readers of the Live Journal site to respond and then translated their answers into English and posed them here.

Below are several answers from our Russian readers to 8 of your questions.

Q. What happens if Putin’s “successor” doesn’t win the election? Is there an opposing candidate? — Posted by kristyn

Answers:

He will win. I don’t like it, but there are no other alternatives. Zhirinovsky is a clown. As for Zyuganov, I don’t want to return to the past. I don’t even know the rest.
– Ryzhij_ap (Elena, 22, economist, Tomsk)

In the worst case scenario they will recount the results by hand, with a preferable end result.
– Demographer

There are four candidates. All are campaigning as much as they are able to. The vote is secret. You can vote for anyone. If Medvedev doesn’t win – then somebody else will. In fact, it is all very simple.
– Real_shtirlitz

Many things in this country, especially elections, are under 100 percent government controlled, so this option is simply excluded. Concerning other candidates (well, for example, if tomorrow Medvedev suddenly left for a village in the middle of nowhere in Siberia) – they will always be found. In this regard every Yeltsin has his Putin and every Putin – his Medvedev.
– pod_lopuhom (Natasha, 23, journalist, Moscow)Read more…

In the wake of Monday’s parliamentary election in Pakistan, Jane Perlez and Carlotta Gall, correspondents covering the vote for The Times, have been answering questions from readers this week. Today we conclude with a final batch of replies from Jane Perlez below. The forum is now closed for questions. We’d like to thank everyone for taking part in the discussion.

Q. Assuming the the People’s Party in fact wins about 120 seats, who is likely to emerge as prime minister? Does it have leaders beyond Benazir Bhutto’s widower and and 19 year old son who can effectively lead a parliamentary majority? Thanks. — Jim Halpert

A. First, it seems unlikely People’s Party will get as many as 120 seats. But they will emerge as the leading party and will try to form a coalition with the Muslim League-N led by Nawaz Sharif. There appears to be a tussle within the party on who would be Prime Minister. Asif Ali Zardar, Ms. Bhuttos’ widower, briefly talked about putting himself forward but that did not get a very good reaction from the rest of the party. Another possibility is Amin Fahim, a long time P.P.P. politician and party grandee who Ms. Bhutto respected. He is known as a go-along kind of leader, not particularly charismatic. A long shot would be Aitzaz Ahsan, the leader of the anti-Musharraf lawyers’ movement. Mr. Ahsan is eloquent, charismatic, and a brilliant lawyer who has been with the P.P.P. for a long time, and would make, in many people’s opinion, a fine Prime Minister. — Jane Perlez

Q. … Will the US still have ability to track Bin Laden and his associates in the more tribal areas with a change in Pakistan’s ruling political party? — Tom Boyer

A. This may be one of the many excellent outcomes of the election. Moderate and progressive forces have had their voices heard in the election. The religious parties in the North West Frontier Province were routed. This gives an excellent opportunity for the Americans to work with the Pakistanis to try and defeat the insurgency and to track down bin Laden. But it will have to be done in a co-operative spirit, with the Americans listening to the Pakistanis rather than the Americans dictating the terms. The Pakistanis – meaning ordinary Pakistanis on the street – feel very strongly they are a sovereign country, and they don’t like feeling being bossed around. — Jane Perlez

Linda Lauerman and Frank Casso listen as a Yale representative talks to students at Elizabeth High School. Right, Bob Sweeney at Mamaroneck High School. (Photographs by Joyce Dopkeen/The New York Times)

Families today agonize over a bewildering array of deadlines and policies. How does early decision differ from early action, or single-choice early action? Does an honors course carry the same weight as A.P.? What’s the best tack for an essay?

Q: My son has a 4.0 G.P.A., which may drop slightly this year because of A.P. calculus and/or G.T. physics. He is not a math/science student. His SAT scores are: critical reading, 800, math, 730, writing 660.

We were strongly advised to have him retake the test to bring up the writing score. He is very pleased with his other two scores. Do the colleges really look at the highest combination? Could he hurt himself if his other scores go down this time? — Julie

BOB SWEENEY: My sense is that most colleges look at a combination of the best scores. There is not an easy answer on whether to retake the test. If your son really wants to see if he can get that writing score up over 700 and it will make him feel better, then he should do it. However, it is not crucial. Colleges are paying less attention to the writing score than to the other two. The 4.0 G.P.A. is also a much more important factor.

Q: When I was in ninth grade, I had appendix surgery and missed the whole fourth marking period and, due to that, my G.P.A. in ninth grade is really bad. In my sophomore year, I couldn’t take any honor classes because of my surgery and I ended with a 3.7 G.P.A. In my junior year right now, I am taking three honors classes and my G.P.A. is about 3.98. What colleges do you think I can get into? My parents want me to go to top schools, but I don’t know if I can. — Michael

Supporters of Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, wave a flag imprinted with his image. (Photo: James Hill for The New York Times)

In the wake of December’s parliamentary election in Russia, two foreign correspondents based in Moscow for The Times, Clifford J. Levy and Andrew Kramer, took turns answering questions from readers on the meaning of the vote and the country’s political future. The forum is now closed for questions.

Putin’s Future Role

Q. How much influence will Putin have once he is no longer President? Will it be possible, or likely, that his successor will reverse some of the authoritarian policies that Putin has put into place? — Sarah

Q. How can Putin pull strings if his successor proves to be a man of his own mind against all expectations? — A. Sella

Q. Do you think Putin will be back in the presidency in a few months? — Paul Peters

Mr. Putin’s role after he steps down next year is obviously one of the most pressing questions in Russia, one that I tried to address in my article on Sunday’s parliamentary election.

All right, perhaps I should rephrase that prior statement – “if he steps down” — heeding the criticism from one of our questioners who said that we are naïve to assume that Mr. Putin will in fact gracefully give up his office. He and his aides have repeatedly said he will not run again in March, abiding by the constitutional limit of two consecutive terms. But this being Russia, with its history of, uh, complicated leadership transitions, well, who knows?

Needless to say, Mr. Putin’s intentions are a constant topic of discussion in Russian newspapers and blogs and smoked-filled rooms.

As I wrote, people here tend to fall in two camps. Some believe that Mr. Putin has garnered so much support and influence that he can and will continue to be the primary leader of Russia, no matter what office he holds. They suggest that he might become a figure similar to Deng Xiaoping in China. Essentially, the final word will be his. Some refer to this role as the “father of the nation.”

Iraq is now the second most unstable country in the world, outranked in that category only by Sudan, according to an annual survey conducted by Foreign Policy magazine.

But what is daily life really like in Iraq for American troops, civilians and the reporters who cover them? Damien Cave and other members of The Times’s Baghdad bureau answered readers’ questions the week of June 17.

A poisonous solvent sold by counterfeiters and mixed into drugs has figured in mass poisonings around the world that killed thousands. In many cases, the precise origin of the poison has never been determined. But records and interviews show that in three of the last four cases it was made in China, a major source of counterfeit drugs.

On Monday, The Times’s Walt Bogdanich will be answering readers’ questions about the article he wrote with Jake Hooker on this subject. Please submit your questions below.

My name is Daniel Jones; I edit the Modern Love column in Sunday Styles. Since the column launched in October 2004, we have published nearly 120 personal essays covering a wide range of relationship experience: marriage, death, divorce, parenthood, dating. From a high school student in Seattle to a grandfather in Albany, these writers explore the complexities of love in all its forms, often through a contemporary lens.

I am happy for this opportunity to listen to your views, answer your questions about the editorial workings of Modern Love, comment on trends in contemporary relationships (I’ll try), and perhaps provide an editor’s perspective on some of the more provocative or broadly resonant stories we have run. [NOTE: Questions are no longer being accepted for this Q & A.]

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change on Friday released a report that projected centuries of rising temperatures and sea levels, but said warming can be substantially blunted with prompt action. Unlike the last report from the panel issued in 2001, which took a less definitive view, the latest version concludes that most recent global warming has “very likely” been caused by human activity.

How should politicians and citizens respond to the prospect of future climate change? Post your question or comment here. Andrew C. Revkin is weighing in on the discussion and responding to questions on Tuesday. He will not be able to respond to every comment.

Finding ways to supply energy for some 9 billion people by mid-century without overheating the planet or triggering oil wars is arguably a defining challenge of the times. In more than 20 articles over the past year, a team of New York Times reporters have described how the world is, and is not, moving toward a more secure, and less environmentally damaging, relationship with energy. The series and related graphics and photos are archived at nytimes.com/energychallenge.

Some of the project’s writers, including David Barboza, Felicity Barringer, Keith Bradsher and Andrew C. Revkin, along with a number of recognized experts from academia and government, responded to readers’ comments. (Note: reporters’ answers are bolded, below.)