Currently Mpigi Central Police station is faced with the challenge of housing

Officers at Mpigi Police Station gear up for deployment recently. (Senior officers have been told to leave the barracks).

Senior Police officers at Mpigi Central Police Station have been asked to vacate houses in the police barracks and rent rooms outside the barracks.

In the letter dated 23rd May 2016, authored by the District Police Commander, Ahmad Kimera Sseguya, he directed all officers from the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) and above to immediately vacate the houses where they are currently staying.

According to Kimera, all officers from the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police and above are not allowed to sleep in the police barracks because they receive housing allowance in their salary every month.

“We have junior officers who are renting outside the barracks yet they are supposed to sleep inside the Police barracks, these senior officers are supposed to sleep outside the barracks and not inside because their housing allowances are consolidated in the salary” Kimera said.

Currently there are nine Senior Police officers sleeping in houses inside the barracks at Mpigi Central Police station who are facing eviction according to Kimera.

Kimera added that Cadet Officers are however excused because they are not yet confirmed ASPs and therefore they do not receive housing allowances.

Currently, the station is faced with the challenge of housing.

One of the officers who is facing eviction but preferred enormity, said the directive came at a time when they have no money to rent rooms outside the barracks and that they are expensive which they cannot afford now.

“We cannot afford to rent rooms outside the barracks now because they are expensive, we are still looking for money to take our children to school and they are now asking us to leave the barracks” he said.

Money in dollar bills seized from a home of the Commissioner General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority is pictured down: Over 20 bags of it:

OLUKIIKO LWA BAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA

OBULANGO

Oluguudo Lwa Kabaka Njagala, Mubweenyi

bw'enju ya Kisingiri ewa Musolooza.

Telephone::

Ssentebe - 256 712845736 Kla

Muwanika -256

712 810415 Kla

UGANDA.

Email Links:

info.bazzukulu

babuganda

@gmail.

com.

OMUZIRO:

NKEREBWE

AKABBIRO

Kikirikisi-Mmese etera okuzimba mu kitooke.

OMUTAKA

KIDIMBO.

OBUTAKA

BUDIMBO.

ESSAZA

SSINGO

OMUBALA:

Nkerebwe nkulu esima nga eggalira

Olukiiko lwa Buganda lwanjudde embalirira ya buwumbi 7

The Kabaka of Buganda launches a book on Ssekabaka Muteesa II struggles:

Kabaka Mutebi (centre) with Mr Patrick Makumbi (right) and Dr Colin Sentongo (left) at the book launch at Bulange in Mengo, Kampala.

PHOTO BY ERIC DOMINIC BUKENYA

BY ERIASA MUKIIBI SSERUNJOGI

Posted Friday, May 27 2016

Kampala in the State of Buganda:

Kabaka Ronald Mutebi on Wednesday, 25th May 2016, launched a book about the struggles of his late father and former Buganda king, Edward Muteesa II, touching on Uganda’s history before and after independence.

The book titled The Brave King, revisits the stories of Muteesa’s exiling, first between 1953 and 1955, and again from 1966 to 1969 when he died in London. The author, Mr Patrick Makumbi, drew from the documents preserved by his father, 99-year-old Thomas Makumbi, who was an official at Mengo, Buganda’s power capital.

“I was very happy to write the preface to this book,” Kabaka Mutebi said, adding: “It will help the readers understand what Kabaka Muteesa went through in those days.”

When Mutesa was exiled in 1953, the older Makumbi, the father of the author, led a team of six Buganda officials to negotiate with the British about the king’s return to Buganda, which was secured in 1955. The other members of the team were Mr Apollo Kironde, Mr Matayo Mugwanya, Mr Amos Sempa, Mr Eridadi Mulira and Mr Ernest Kalibbala.

Kabaka Mutebi, while officiating at the function, called on more people to document what they saw during those days, saying “it is a good thing” that some of those who witnessed or participated in the events are still alive. Muteesa himself wrote about the period in question in his autobiography, The Desecration of my Kingdom, and Kabaka Mutebi’s endorsement of Mr Makumbi’s new book will be seen as an extension of the kingdom’s bid to manage the narrative.

Mr Apollo Makubuya, Buganda’s third deputy Katikkiro, at the launch held at Bulange-Mengo said there have been attempts to misrepresent history by “those who do not like us”.

Accusations and counter accusations of betrayal between Buganda Kingdom and Obote are rooted in a rather happy start, when Buganda’s party Kabaka Yekka (KY) teamed up with Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress to defeat the Democratic Party and form government at independence in 1962.

But the two centres of power soon quarrelled violently and were involved in what many have regarded as a critical turning point in Uganda’s history. The army, on Obote’s orders, stormed Muteesa’s palace on May 24, 1966, killing multitudes and forcing the king-president into exile.

Mr Makubuya said his grandfather was among those killed during the attack, an occasion the kingdom commemorates yearly on May 24. He said in addition to explaining how Buganda and Muteesa suffered during that period, Mr Makumbi’s book will clarify a number of other issues, including how colonialism thwarted Buganda’s development efforts.

He said Buganda stiffly resisted colonialism and the demands of colonial governor Andrew Cohen in particular, to the extent of winning a court case in London against the exiling of Muteesa. In all its efforts, Mr Makubuya said, Buganda was consistently seeking autonomy, and that the kingdom can “never” lose sight of this objective.

Mr Makumbi, the author, said his father could not attend the launch due to old age.

The publication of the book was financed by Dr Colin Sentongo, who said at the launch that KY, which ceased to exist in the 1960s, is the only political party he has ever belonged to.

The fathers of Mr Makumbi and Dr Sentongo met with Muteesa as students at Kings College Budo, from where, Mr Sentongo said, the three men forged a life-long friendship. It is probably much for this reason that Kabaka Mutebi warmed up to Mr Sentongo and Mr Makumbi at the launch.

1966-2019: How Mr Ocheng, a Uganda Member of Parliament, brought out a motion in Parliament to fight Central government corruption, and all hell broke loose with the Armed Forces of the Uganda Army:

February 15, 2019

Written by URN

President Yoweri Museveni with his gun

For at least 33 years, February 6 is celebrated annually. General Museveni's emphasis on military capability connects Tarehe Sita to another historical event, 53 years ago, that might be a major factor in the militarisation of Uganda's politics. In the second and final part of our series, we revisit some of the events of 1966 that laid the foundation for successive leaders to always turn to the military to answer questions of political nature.

Foreign Affairs minister Sam Odaka and John Kakonge, a specially elected legislator, tried in vain to turn the political tide. In the end, only Kakonge opposed the motion. As the motion sailed through parliament and Amin was sent on leave, Prime Minister Obote returned to Kampala.

Odaka's Creed

Sam Odaka, Foreign Affairs minister and member of parliament from Tororo, began his submission by hitting at some of his cabinet colleagues whom he accused of treachery. He coined what he called "Odaka's creed."

"I believe in government, and in its being quite decent, condoning no corruption, condoning on criminal acts, carrying out its full duties and responsibilities, collectively and justly. I believe that ministers who find the cabinet motto, "One for All and All for One" unacceptable to them, must resign at once from it."

Odaka was directing his "creed" at ministers Balaki Kirya, Emmanuel Lumu, Mathias Ngobi, Grace Ibingira and George Magezi. This forced Dr Lumu to respond: "Many members of this House asked us to resign quickly, from the Uganda cabinet…Why should we? What is wrong with this motion? It has not censured the Premier, it censured not cabinet, it gives none of you a cause to call for the resignations of some of your ministers who resolved to accept it."

But Odaka had turned his gun and pointed it to the mover of the motion, Daudi Ocheng. "Ocheng has accused so far seven outstanding persons of the crime of corruption. These are minister Lumu and minister Ngobi, Mr Roger Mukasa, chairman of the Coffee Board, and Kalangi Ntende, chairman of Lint Marketing. And, today, the Prime Minister and two of his ministers."

Odaka argued that Ocheng's allegations were not backed by any written complaints nor by any affidavits, noting: "Corruption exposure is now Ocheng's speciality. I do not grudge him the job, but I would like to ensure that he does that good job well by following simple rules and elementary steps of reporting any crimes. The machinery is here, why then does he not use it? Is he afraid …that a libel case would be brought against him?"

Odaka chided Ocheng for using parliamentary immunity to destroy other people's characters. "He prefers parliamentary freedom and immunity to protect him from his trade - trade of assassinating character, and all good names," Odaka said.

Summing up his submission, Odaka said: "Go ahead Mr Ocheng. Ply well this tough trade of yours, your target is now in sight. Charge a few more ministers of corruption and bribery, and most ministers would be corrupt according to you. That would be the very time to change government at once…"

Odaka was a strong UPC pillar and confidant of Obote in the 1960s and 1980s. As foreign affairs minister from 1962 and 1971, Odaka played a leading role in organising the visit of Pope Paul VI to Uganda in July 1969, the first papal visit in Africa. As Mutesa lived on handouts in exile from 1966 until his death in 1969, Odaka was the face and voice of the Obote I government as it took a hard-line stance, denying the Kabaka access to financial resources.

Later, in the Obote II government between 1981 and 1985, Odaka served as Planning and Economic Development minister until Obote's overthrow in July 1985. He died in August 2015.

Country going to the dogs, heading for trouble

John Kakonge, the only legislator to unequivocally oppose the motion, had lost his secretary general's docket to Ibingira at the 1964 UPC delegates conference in Gulu. Ironically, Obote had outmanoeuvred Kakonge in support of Ibingira during the conference. In 1965, Kakonge became a specially elected member of parliament, this time with the backing of Obote and with Ibingira opposing him.

During the debate, Kakonge called on his colleagues to have clarity of mind. "Clarity of mind is what we need most right now. Though the motion charged Amin of alleged grave misconduct…the mover charged the premier and two of his ministers of corruption and of plots to overthrow, by violence, the Uganda constitution," Kakonge submitted.

He added: "What does this really entail? Might acceptance of motion not imply that this very House has accepted accusations against our premier and two of his ministers?"

He cited what he called abnormal behaviours, unusual practice and the strange things going around as causes for concern. "Thus for the first time this House has seen ministers clash here. It has seen ministers talk and reveal what they should not. Judging by the trend of these unusual occurrences, we are going to the dogs, we are heading for trouble," warned Kakonge,

Opolot, not Amin bringing trouble

Kakonge accused Army commander, Brigadier Shaban Opolot, not his deputy Col Idi Amin, of plotting to topple the government. "Punishing Col Amin will not solve any trouble. I have heard other versions of what is to bring trouble. It is not Col Amin but Brigadier Opolot, commander of the army," he said.

He added that a group of ministers were supporting Opolot and that they regarded Amin as a stumbling block. Kakonge went on to downgrade the debate as of the lowest standard characterized by rumours, hearsay and falsehoods. Just like Sam Odaka, Kakonge warned of trouble ahead unless government took firm steps to arrest the situation.

"I can see with my mind's eyes; troubles knocking at the door, and tragedies threatening to swallow all of us up…Only one thing can save us: firm and very firm action by the Uganda government, to whom I now say this much: Stop these plots and counter-plots."

Without mentioning names, Kakonge warned of foreign elements working with local leaders to undermine the government. "Mark my words about these plots, they are not of native birth but born and bred by aliens, executed by some of us who rather unwittingly got involved with those aliens. It might yet not be too late, for them to defy aliens," he said.

He asked those involved in plots and counter-plots to reflect on the repercussions of their actions. "It will sober you a bit: if we have disturbances, we have a civil war, all of us will be involved; none might escape its consequences. Any life which may be lost, any property destroyed might be yours, or might be mine. Nothing should, therefore, stop us from working as a unit, for our preservation; for safety of property and the welfare of this dear land," Akena Adoko quotes Kakonge on page 53 of his book, The Uganda Crisis.

Do you think at all?

Kakonge called for dialogue to address the issues at hand. He posed reflective questions to the House: "Must we wash dirty linen publicly and outrageously? Must we shout all our sins from roof-top to roof-top? Can't we sit round a table and discuss things responsibly? Do you members think at all? Do you think before you speak? Can you weigh the great damage that has been done to this land by your thoughtless utterances of corruption and a coup by our prime minister? Do you know the motivation for Ocheng's accusations against our premier? We will have no unity when we do not show respect due to …our national leaders."

Pyrrhic victory

To Kakonge, Ocheng himself did not believe in his own allegations that he wanted to convince parliament to believe. He warned those who saw victory in Ocheng's motion that it was victory with no winner. "Some of us cannot see it, they take it as victory. True it is a victory, but a pyrrhic victory: for one more such victory and Uganda will be lost. It's a pyrrhic victory which teaches us one lesson: we swim or sink together. Mr speaker, I do beg to oppose the whole motion," Kakonge summed up his submission.

With Kakonge the only dissenting voice, parliament passed the motion suspending Amin and directing an inquiry into his bank account. The following day, on February 5, Defence minister Felix Onama sent Amin on a short leave, not on suspension. But things moved very fast.

Phares Mutibwa, in his 1992 book, Uganda since Independence: a story of unfulfilled hopes, says Ibingira, with backing from Sir Edward Mutesa, was pushing for the control of the ruling party, and later, the government.

On page 38, Mutibwa captures it thus: "The political dispute between Obote and Ibingira and his supporters centered around the control of UPC and ultimately the very leadership of the country in terms of the political and economic ideologies that were to be followed."

While Obote preached socialism and rallied his government to "move to the left", Ibingira was a capitalist. With neither harmony in the ruling party, nor in government, Obote returned from his long tour of northern Uganda, on February 12, to take charge.

In his 1968 article, Obote says the situation compelled him to take what he called drastic actions. On February 22, 1966, some 18 days after the Ocheng motion in parliament, five cabinet ministers were arrested during a cabinet meeting. The five included Grace Ibingira, Dr Emmanuel Lumu, Balaki Kirya, Mathias Ngobi and George Magezi.

Akena Adoko, who at the time headed the General Service Unit, a Uganda government internal and external security agency, quotes Ibingira after his arrest: "Fate is a double-crosser. I was the very person who saved from being repealed, the deportation ordinance."

Opposition legislators had introduced a motion, in late 1965, seeking to repeal a colonial era law that gave government powers to detain suspects without trial. Ibingira convinced parliament not to repeal it.

Two days after the arrests, the 1962 Constitution had been put aside, replaced with an interim one that dismissed Sir Edward Mutesa as President of Uganda and Sir Wilberforce Nadiope as vice president. The same Constitution made Obote executive president. Obote addressed the press thus: "Recently, attempts were made to remove my government by the use of foreign troops…To safeguard our sovereignty, we must take counter measures: suspending the Constitution, and hence posts of president and that of vice president."

By the end of May 1966, Sir Edward Mutesa was in exile, his palace lying in ruin after a military raid under the command of Amin, who had by now been elevated to head the army. Mutesa would die three years on November 21, 1969, two days after celebrating his 45th birthday. From then on, Uganda's political problems would be solved by military means.

Brigadier Opolot was already serving time in Luzira prison, only to be released in January 1971, by Amin. Ocheng, the man whose motion started it all, died suddenly on June 1, 1966, aged 41 years. In his 2018 autobiography, Dr Martin Aliker, a veteran dentist, politician and businessman explained that Ocheng was diagnosed with cancer of the stomach shortly before he died.

Ocheng was Aliker's elder brother. His death came just eight days after the attack on, and exiling of, Sir Edward Mutesa, his closest friend and 99 days after the February 4 motion. He may not have lived for 100 years as he wished, but 53 years after the motion, its effects are still visible.

Meanwhile more promotions would come Amin's way, to Brigadier by 1969 and to Major-General by January 1971 when, using the army, he turned against Obote and overthrew him.

A young man named Yoweri Museveni watched these developments keenly as a secondary school student in Mbarara district. He would write later, in his book "Sowing the Mustard Seed", that he and fellow students began asking themselves questions about the future of Uganda. After graduating from university in Tanzania in 1970, he secured a job in President Obote's office just months before Amin's coup.

Obote had lost power through the only means he thought he had total control over - the military. The young Museveni was, meanwhile, thinking about fighting the new president.

"Amin took power on January 25, 1971 and two days later, on January 27, I had left the country to go and prepare to fight him," Museveni told a conference of judges last week, 48 years after Amin's coup and 33 years after Museveni's own military take-over of government.

By the end of 1978, Ugandans living in exile had forced their way back with the military support of Tanzania. General Idi Amin would be pushed out of power in April 1979.

The rigged elections in December 1980 that forced Museveni to pick up arms on February 6, 1981 were meant to restore order and dialogue after the brutal years of Amin's rule.

Whenever dialogue has failed to address political questions of the day, there's been recourse to the gun, from 1966 to 1971, 1979, and 1981 and beyond. President Museveni has been a student of, and then a participant in, this cycle of violence; the reason he said emphasised the UPDF capacity to defeat "whoever thinks of destabilising Uganda" on February 6, 2019.

Is this article saying that those who kill lots of Ugandan citizens together with their supporters and win the war in the killing fields take this country as their own African Independent State? Because surely before the birth of this country, there were state guns in the British Colonial Protectorate of Uganda.

President Museveni's Central government of Uganda, has just remembered to pay back Buganda Assets of Shs 47bn:

February 6, 2019

Written by URN

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi hosted President Museveni in Banda

President Museveni has directed ministry of Finance to provide Shs 47 billion in the next two financial years to compensate Buganda kingdom for Kigo prison land, the land hosting King Fahad Plaza and Muteesa House in London.

According to Kabaka Ronald Mutebi'spress secretary Sam DickKasolo, Museveni directed Finance to allocate Shs 23.5bn in FY 2019/20 budget and a similar amount in FY 2020/21 budget as compensation for Muteesa House (valued at Shs 30 billion) and King Fahad land (valued at Shs 14.1 billion). Kasolo's statement follows a "cordial meeting" between Museveni and Mutebi at his private palace in Banda, a Kampala suburb. According to the statement, the duo agreed that all pending issues involving kingdom property, land and financial arrears be resolved soonest.The same statement also indicates that Museveni has directed Finance to pay with immediate effect Shs 3 billion as rent for the kingdom land in Kigo.

Speaking to journalists on Tuesday, the katikkiro (premier) Charles Peter Mayiga noted that although the meeting between the Kabaka and the president was behind closed doors, they held another meeting involving delegations from the two sides.The president's delegation included the attorney general William Byaruhanga and State Minister for Investment Evelyn Anite. The Kabaka's delegation included Prince David Wasajja, Mayiga, ambassador Emmanuel Ssendaula, ambassador Bill Matovu and Joyce Mpanga. Mayiga says the meeting discussed various issues including kingdom assets alias "Ebyaffe".Mayiga also said the president ordered the Lands ministry to expedite the process and transfer all the certificate of titles of returned kingdom assets. Early last year, Museveni held another meeting with a delegation led by the kingdom's premier where he pledged government's commitment to compensate the kingdom.Other kingdoms like Tooro and Bunyoro have also held several talks with the president to return their assets, which were confiscated by government during the 1966 crisis when the then Prime Minister Milton Obote abolished kingdoms.

Last week, Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru Rukidi IV, the Tooro King flanked by the Queen Mother Best Kemigisa and members of the kingdom's negotiating team led by the prime minister met Museveni at State House Nakasero over the return of the kingdom's assets.

Nb

So how come and why does this Autonomous region of Buganda want to continue to participate in dancing the Rumba dance with this lame duck government at all? That is why when most Ganda people wake up some days and watch many Central Goverments of Uganda attacking anyhow the Ganda King's palaces and threatening the residents there in, from time immemorial.

It seems that the Ganda leadership does live on Cocoon Land on the planet Mars or Venus. No wonder the problems of the country of Uganda gravitate more in this region of the Kingdom of Buganda. That is why one writes that it is good to host visitors. But why take up arms to chase away those who come to visit this country?

The Ganda Traditionalist is coming out, angry and complaining, over much apathy in the State of Buganda:

Ssekabaka Kintu was never the first King of Buganda. There are active memories of King Bemba Musota before Kintu immigrated into the State of Buganda(The Thingy). And in order to acquire immigration status after slaughtering King Bemba Musota, King Kintu married an African traditional Ganda woman called Nambi to successfully make an African Ganda royal family:

By Multi Media

24 January, 2019

The African Ganda traditionalist Mr Ssekide of Ggwanga Mujje in the State of Buganda:

A Member of the British Parliament is trying to bring out a debate why better democracy in Uganda is failing and civil war and dictatorship continue to thrive in this African country:

United Kingdom House of Commons debate on Uganda live stream link:

Dear all,

The House of Commons will be debating matters of democracy in Uganda on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019.

This historic debate is an important milestone for many peace loving Ugandans.

You can watch the live debate on Tuesday 8th Jan 2019 from 4:30-5:30 UK time

(7:30-8:30 Uganda time) through this live stream link.https://www.parliamentlive.tv/Event/Index/edad7192-19f3-4484-a385-61b6f03fe969

Please share this link widely with your contacts.

The Englishman Dr Paul Williams

Mr Robert Kyagulanyi (left) and current President of Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni (right).

The elites of the Uganda Army so determined to keep a military-civilian dictotorship in power.

Dr Kizza Besigye of the famous Uganda Opposition that was the medical surgeon of President Museveni for some time.

There is so much misery of African politics that has taken root in this country that allows tyranny to prosper now 57 years since the British left this country.

7th January, 2019

By Frederic Musisi

The Commons website has indicated ‘Democracy in Uganda’ as one of the key issues for debate in the House of Commons tomorrow at 1630 British time. The debate will be streamed live via https://www.parliamentlive.tv/Event/Index/edad7192-19f3-4484-a385-61b6f03fe969“We will be debating democracy in Uganda. I will be leading the debate and the minister for Africa will be responding,” UK Member of Parliament for Stockton South Paul Williams told Daily Monitor in a telephone interview from UK last Friday.

Below is the full interview;

Why and what is your interest exactly in Uganda?

I have a lot of interest in Uganda: I think it is a fantastic country, with fantastic people. I spent a lot of my time living and working in Uganda, and my intention is to try to help the people of Uganda: To give them a voice. I very much see my intervention as an intervention of an equal friend. I’m not in any way trying to reignite the imperialistic relationship—that is something of the past. I’m talking about the present and future relationship, which I think should be a partnership of equals.

You raised the same debate last year in August while President Museveni was in London for Chogm. What makes you or anyone else in the Western world qualified to delve into Ugandan politics?

I think we all have the right to be interested in other countries: we live in a global world... The international sphere is one in which partners hold each other to a certain set of international standards. Some international standards have not been particularly met in relation to some aspect of democracy in Uganda, in relation to things that concern many activists like the detention and torture of MPs Robert Kyagulanyi and Betty Nambooze, and other individuals who have not been subjected to due criminal processes but rather to the military is something that is concerning to everyone.

Don’t you think that your actions could be interpreted as nosing in Uganda’s sovereignty?

No. I think as a friend to Uganda, I have a legitimate interest in ensuring: first that there is good governance in a partner country, but also—I’m not a lone voice here—there are many Ugandans who share my concerns, and some have asked me to give a global voice to their concerns. And please don’t misinterpret me here: I don’t want Britain to have any role in telling Uganda what to do, but I do want Ugandans to be able to prosper within their own democracy, and the interference is mainly coming from the military that is undermining the thriving of democracy.

Last year in August when you called President Museveni a barrier to Uganda’s development, some government functionaries here exuded a colonial mentality—the thinking that you can determine what goes on in Africa. Don’t you think?

I completely reject that. I respect and totally believe in your Constitution that Uganda is a sovereign country. The problem is [that] the President [Museveni] keeps changing the Constitution in order to protect himself, and in order to protect the system of patronage that he has designed; it is an internal problem and the solutions ought to be internal, and all I’m doing is shining a light on that. This has nothing to do with colonial times, it is about what Uganda is and what it will in the future; I’m sure all Ugandans see that.

You just touched on the aspect of internal problems addressed by solutions, and I’m sure you’ve seen the African Union has been pushing for African solutions for African problems; you saw how ECOWAS handled Yahaya Jammeh’s exit in Gambia in West Africa, and most recently how SADC negotiated Robert Mugabe’s removal. Shouldn’t you be backing such processes to push African strongmen like Museveni out of power?

Yes, that is a role for the African Union but there is also a role of strong institutions within Uganda, particularly the Electoral Commission. There is also need to educate Ugandans, particularly people in more rural areas, about their democratic rights. There is no direct role of the British parliament here, but as partners, we will continue shining light on issue as we see them.

There is sufficient research to show that colonialism laid foundation to some of Africa’s gravest problems today; Britain like other colonial masters designed to leave behind systems they thought would continue to serve them even 50 years later. How do you then reconcile that with the fact of you shining light on the problems created by your country?

Well, there are plenty of examples in Africa where there has been peaceful transfer of power and where colonial institutions have evolved, and they have evolved in a way that systems protect minorities, and serve democratic dispensation. I don’t agree that systems designed in colonial times should remain, not at all but the fact that there is a system of protecting power in the hands of one man, his family and clan—a small group of people, and [it] is affecting a larger group is detestable. I have said before publicly that President Museveni is a barrier to development: institutions should be much bigger than individuals: my critique of Uganda is that one individual has made himself important than all institutions.

But Britain, like other colonial masters, has been involved in some of those transfer of powers you are alluding to. In Uganda, it is no secret that London supported Obote’s ouster by Amin and later his removal, and subsequently Museveni ascent. Don’t you think that has set a bad pattern in African politics?

Well, those mistakes were made in the past and I’m not suggesting that Britain should be influencing a transfer of power. All I’m saying is that Ugandans should own the transfer of power, and am giving a voice. I actually believe there are many good things President Museveni has done during his time in office, but in the last 10 to 15 years, there have been an erosion of democratic processes and institutions, and for Ugandans to see a democratic transfer of power, there has to be certain things such as strengthening of institutions like a totally independent Electoral Commission, free and fair elections without violence or intimidation, and also—this is something I will raise tomorrow—a strong opposition that can provide alternatives in governance.

President Museveni has previously scoffed at the Opposition as not having a vision which is why he keeps winning, and or promised to wipe them out: just last month while meeting select Opposition party chiefs, he said the Opposition will wipe itself out of politics for making strategic mistakes. Do you believe that?

I think it is very hard for the Opposition to effectively exist in Uganda. How many times has Dr Kizza Besigye been interrupted and how many times has been imprisoned? Museveni’s tactic with Besigye has been to totally disrupt his life, and the same is being transferred to Robert Kyagulanyi. A good confident leader should not be afraid of the Opposition: it is not unpatriotic for any Ugandan to want different government; people can love Uganda and not want Museveni and his government, and a good leader should encourage people to have a different perspective and allow that to grow.

You seem passionate about the matter but when you engage fellow British MPs or even officials at Downing Street 10, what sense do you get because it is no secret that President Museveni and other African strongmen are liked by western governments and can afford to close one eye: for example you know how we have had our army fighting proxy wars all over the place under guise of Pan Africanism?That may have been true in the past, but I think there is increasing concern. Fifteen years ago, the British government was a huge supporter of President Museveni but there has been a gradual decline when it became apparent that it [support] stopped being about Uganda but Museveni. What Britain wants is a prosperous Uganda.

There’s a view point here that your fervent and sudden interest in Ugandan politics is about MP Robert Kyagulanyi’s ascent and that some external actors are pushing him in the highest political succession line. Is it?Well, I have been impressed by Robert Kyagulanyi: he understands the problems of Uganda and is likewise concerned about its future. As a political leader, he has a lot to learn about governance and leadership but he understands; he understands poverty, he knows how to rhyme with the masses and how to keep in touch with the people. It is not really about Bobi Wine alone, and I have not anywhere used the word political transition.

This is about strong institutions, and Ugandans being able to change their governments peacefully without being threatened or coerced, which has never been the case because of the corrupted institutions, the rigged elections and the military which stands out above all other institutions.

Nb

Buganda State Self-determination Proclamation:The State of Buganda indeed wishes to depart from the constitutional recommendation as put forward after its independence of 8th October, 1962 from the British Protectorate State of Uganda.The State of Buganda aspires to exist in Autonomous State beside the country of Uganda.

If the Buganda Self Determination Proclamation has been understood by the United Kingdom and the International Community, the state of Buganda requests the troops of Britain to come in between the State of Buganda and the State of Uganda so that there is no unnecessary continous loss of life and African tribal vengeance(genocide) in this country.