This paper concerns the architectural history of eastern and
southern China, in particular the towers constructed within the borders
of the ancient non-Chinese Bai Yue kingdoms found in present-day
southern Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The skills
required to build such structures were first developed by Huaxia people,
and hence the presence of these imposing buildings might be seen as a
sign of assimilation. In fact however these towers seem to have acquired
distinct meanings for the ancient Bai Yue peoples, particularly in
marking a strong division between those groups whose ruling houses
claimed descent from King Goujian of Yue and those that did not. These
towers thus formed an important marker of identity in many ancient
independent southern kingdoms.

This paper concerns the architectural history of eastern and
southern China, in particular the relics of the ancient non-Chinese
kingdoms found in present-day southern Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian and
Guangdong provinces. In the late Spring and Autumn period, Warring
States era, and early Han dynasty these lands formed the kingdoms of Wu
[??], Yue [??], Minyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], Donghai [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Nanyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII],
in addition to the much less well recorded Ximin [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII], Xiyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Ouluo [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. (1) The peoples of these different kingdoms were
all non-Chinese, though in the case of Nanyue (and possibly also Wu) the
royal house was of Chinese origin. (2) This paper focuses on one single
aspect of the architecture of these kingdoms: the construction of
towers. The architectural skills to build towers were indubitably first
developed by Huaxia people, and hence the decision to construct such
buildings might be seen as a sign of assimilation. In fact however these
towers seem to have acquired meanings for the ancient non-Chinese people
of the south which are distinct from those recorded in early Chinese
texts. The first of these towers were constructed in the kingdom of Wu.
After Wu was conquered by the kingdom of Yue in 473 BCE the rulers of
Yue also built a number of towers for themselves. With the collapse of
the kingdom of Yue in the 330s BCE, a wave of refugees was released
across south-eastern and southern China, as a result of which the
peoples in this region experienced a great florescence in their culture.
By the end of the Warring States era and into the Han dynasty
individuals claiming descent from the Yue royal family had come to power
in a number of southern kingdoms. As a mark of their association with
the ruling house of Yue these kings ordered the construction of numerous
towers within their territories. This paper will argue that these towers
represented an important and highly visible sign of difference between
those southern peoples whose monarchs claimed descent from the Yue royal
house and those that did not.

The Towers of the Zhou Confederacy

The word tal [??] is conventionally translated either as tower,
terrace or platform. From the Spring and Autumn period (771-475 BCE)
onwards these buildings were constructed to allow rulers of the states
of the Zhou confederacy to survey their domains and strike awe into
their enemies. Towers were often built as part of palace complexes, bur
were also constructed in conjunction with parks or gardens, and as such
might fulfil the function of hunting lodges. The construction of towers
represents the result of an important change in the perception of what
constitutes a prestigious ritual or ceremonial centre which took place
at this time. Older palaces and official or religious spaces occupied
enormous areas of land; the significant ceremonies enacted within were
concealed from view and the emphasis was on enclosure and solemnity
adding to the mystique of the ruling elite. The building of towers, on
the other hand, represented not just the power and authority of the
ruling elite in terms of the spatial area they could command, but also
their conquest of a third dimension: the air. Lest this assertion might
seem to be exaggerated, it is worth noting that this interpretation is
sanctioned by many Han dynasty accounts. (3) However, since the
architectural knowledge of the rime did not admit the building of
multi-story structures, towers had to be constructed around a core of
pounded earth. This gave the external appearance of a much taller
structure than was actually the case.

Building a tower was originally the prerogative of the Son of
Heaven, for within this ritual space he communed with Heaven and
received its mandate. (4) However, in the Spring and Autumn period, as
the feudal lords increasingly encroached upon the privileges of the Zhou
king, they began to construct their own towers. There are numerous
references in historical texts to the towers constructed by the lords of
the Zhou confederacy during this period. The very first non-royal towers
are recorded in the Chunqiu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Spring and
Autumn Annals): in 663 BCE Lord Zhuang of Lu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (r. 693-662 BCE) built himself no less than three towers. The
first, known as the Quantai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] or
Kuiquantai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], was built in the spring of
that year outside the city of Lang [??]. In the summer, a second tower
was built at the city of Xue [??]. In the autumn, the third tower was
built at the city of Qin [??]. (5) Lord Zhuang's example in
building a tower was enthusiastically followed by a number of his peers.
For example according to the Zuozhuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
(Zuo's Tradition) account for the year 645 BCE Lord Mu of Qin [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 659-621 BCE) also built a tower for
himself. (6)

Occasionally there are references in ancient texts to the trouble
that could be caused by the construction of towers, projects that often
involved major changes to the landscape as a suitably grand approach was
designed and the pounded-earth core constructed. In 556 BCE, Huang Guofu
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of the state of Song became Prime
Minister of that state and decided to build a tower for his ruler, Lord
Ping of Song [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 575-532 BCE). It was
recorded that so many men were drafted in to work on this great project
that it interfered with the collection of the harvest. (7) This is an
unusual account of the human costs of such a project. The majority of
references to these towers in ancient texts describe their social
function as places from which the feudal lords of the Zhou confederacy
surveyed their domains, set out on hunts, and where they met and feasted
with noble companions. Constructing these towers was a matter of
considerable prestige, and this was the aspect of the matter that
occurred most frequently to those who commissioned the building of
towers, and whose views were recorded in ancient texts.

Gusu Tower

Although many feudal lords and rulers in the Spring and Autumn
period constructed towers for themselves, a couple of outstanding
magnificence were built during this time. The most famous of these was
the Gusutai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Gusu Tower) built in the
kingdom of Wu. It is not known which monarch was responsible for the
construction of the Gusu Tower since both King Helu of Wu [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 514-496 BCE) and King Fuchai of Wu [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 495-473 BCE) have been credited with ordering
that it be built. (8) This was also not the only tower constructed by
the kings of Wu; the "Ji Wudi zhuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII]" (Record of the Lands of Wu) chapter of the Yuejue shu [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Lost Histories of Yue) which provides the
most extensive surviving description of the landscape and architecture
of this ancient kingdom records a further three: two Shetai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Archery Towers) and the Santai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Triple Tower). (9) Of all the known Wu towers
the Gusu Tower was by far the most important, for it was built at Gusu
Mountain--a site sacred to the people of Wu--and also periodically
functioned as the seat of government of this kingdom. (10) By the Han
dynasty a number of tales had accreted around the Gusu Tower, of which
perhaps the most significant are those which describe it as not just a
physical manifestation of the power and wealth of Wu but also as a
monument to a major victory over the kingdom of Yue in 494 BCE. There is
an extensive tradition recorded in many ancient texts that the Gusu
Tower was constructed with timbers presented as tribute by the defeated
king of Yue. According to the "Jiushu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII]" (Nine Skills) chapter of the Yuejue shu the construction of
Gusu Tower was used by King Goujian of Yue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (r. 496-465 BCE) as a weapon against his greatest enemy; by
giving exceptionally fine timbers to King Fuchai he hoped to tempt him
into committing even more deeply to a ruinously expensive and unpopular
prestige project:

The precise motive for building the Gusu Tower is not made clear in
any ancient text. Possibly this is because the Gusu Tower was actually
built over the course of many years in the reigns of several kings of
Wu. The ultimate fate of this tower is also the subject of conflicting
legends. The first tradition, derived from the account given (Stories of
Wu) chapter of the Guoyu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in the
"Wuyu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (Stories of the
States), records that in 482 BCE the Yue army attacked Wu, took King
Fuchai of Wu's son the Crown Prince You [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] prisoner, and burned the Gusu Tower in an act of revenge. If the
construction of the Gusu Tower was intended to represent in physical
form the humiliating defeat inflicted on the kingdom of Yue a decade
earlier, there is nothing intrinsically unlikely in the victorious army
on the occasion of their first great incursion into Wu taking the time
to go and put this monument to the torch. (13) Though the destruction of
the Gusu Tower by fire at the time of the first invasion of Wu by Yue is
the older tradition, a second and much more popular story concerning
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] the fate of this building was recorded
in the Wujun zhi = (Gazetteer for Wu Commandary). In this Song dynasty
gazetteer, a quotation is given from a text called the Jianjie lu [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Account of the Mirror of Admonitions) which
states that the Gusu Tower was destroyed for building materials which
were then used in a temple dedicated to King Fuchai of Wu:

The poem by Chen Yu, a native of the city of Suzhou, entitled
"Ti Fuchai miao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (On the
Temple to King Fuchai), also sometimes known by the alternative title
"Jing Fuchai miao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (On
Passing by the Temple to King Fuchai) survives, and does indeed mention
the use of timbers from Gusu Tower in the construction of a temple
dedicated to the memory of the last king of Wu:

The present text of the Jianjie lu which quotes Chen Yu's poem
contains no other references to the reuse of timbers from the Gusu Tower
to build a temple dedicated to King Fuchai. It is striking that in many
imperial era traditions concerning the conflict between the ancient
kingdoms of Wu and Yue, the portrayal stresses the ongoing links between
them and the frequent symmetry of their experiences. The ingrained
animosity between them seems not to have been able to overcome this
intimate connection. Thus, timbers used in the construction of the Gusu
Tower were taken from the forests of Yue and cunningly worked were sent
by King Goujian to Wu to delude his greatest enemy. In later legends,
having once been used by King Fuchai of Wu in building the Gusu Tower,
these timbers were taken down and used in the construction of a temple
dedicated to his memory after the troops of Yue had overrun his kingdom.

King Goujian's Towers

The kings of Yue probably did not build towers until the time of
King Goujian. When they finally began to construct towers, the royal
family of Yue seem to have been exceptionally enthusiastic builders, and
the "Jidi zhuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (Record of
the Lands [of Yue]) chapter of the Yuejue shu records some seven
examples. Furthermore in the wake of the conquest of Wu, King Goujian is
said to have moved his seat of government to the site of the Gusu Tower.
Given the symbolic importance of this tower within the history of both
kingdoms and its overwhelming dominance in any discussion of
tower-construction within the non-Chinese kingdoms of the ancient south,
it is likely that King Goujian's towers were modeled upon this
earlier Wu example. The first recorded Yue towers are the Zhaijietai
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Ritual Purification Tower) built at
Jishan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], the Guaiyoutai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Investigating Anomalies Tower) at Guishan [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and the Changtutai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (Glorious Earthen Tower)--location unknown--all of which are
specifically said to have been constructed by King Goujian of Yue. (16)
According to the "Jidi zhuan" the first two were definitely
religious buildings, since the former was the site of purification
ceremonies performed by the king whenever he entered or left his
capital, while the second was used for the performance of divination
ceremonies and the observation of celestial phenomena. It is quite
possible that the third should also be understood as a religious
building of some type, though the description of the function of this
tower given in the "Jidi zhuan" is extremely cryptic and
difficult to interpret.

In a somewhat different category is the Guantai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Observation Tower) which according to the
"Jidi zhuan" was built by King Goujian when he moved his
capital north to Langye. The issue of whether or not King Goujian did in
fact move his capital into Shandong province remains enormously
controversial, and continues to provoke considerable scholarly debate.
(17) The function of this tower was apparently symbolic: "from it
he could look out over the Eastern Sea" (yi wang Donghai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]). (18) This structure seems to have been intended
to give a concrete expression to King Goujian's determination to
govern not only his own people but also the Waiyue [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Outer Yue) living on islands far out to sea, and
thus while not directly a religious structure may nevertheless have had
considerable symbolic significance for the Yue monarch. The "Jidi
zhuan" records a further three towers whose construction is not
attributed to any specific king of Yue. The first of these is the Jiatai
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Carriage Tower) built on a pounded
earth base some six hundred bu (852 m) in circumference. The base of the
Zhongzhitai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Repose Tower) was of
similar dimensions. Finally the Litai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
(Separate Tower) was built on a base five hundred and sixty bu (795 m)
in circumference. (19) Though the size of the base of each of these
towers is recorded, their function and significance is not known.

No trace now survives of these towers documented in Han dynasty
texts. However, throughout the imperial era one of the sights of
Shaoxing was the Yuewangtai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (King of
Yue's Tower), which was said to have been located within the
boundaries of the city since the time of King Goujian. (20) (An
alternative theory as to the provenance of this tower states that it was
built during the Sui dynasty by Yang Su [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
(d. 606) who held the title of the title of Duke of the kingdom of Yue
(Yueguo gong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), in 591). (21) This tower
is said to have originally stood at the top of Wolong shan [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] only to be moved to its present location by the
Prefect Wang Gang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in 1222, as part of
his major remodeling of the city. This tower was rebuilt many times in
the course of its history, and the current structure dates to 1980, the
previous tower having been destroyed when the Japanese took the city.
(22) This is the only tower located within the borders of the ancient
kingdom of Yue to have survived in some form to the present day.

In addition to the Yuewangtai, imperial era gazetteers for Shaoxing
record a number of other towers constructed by King Goujian of Yue, not
mentioned in the Yuejue shu or any other ancient text; these include the
Wangwutai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Watching Crows Tower) which
is said to have commemorated an auspicious omen observed when King
Goujian entered the borders of Wu and was mobbed by red crows, and the
Hetai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Congratulations Tower) built to
celebrate the conquest of Wu. (23) In the case of the former tower, the
vermilion bird was a long-standing emblem of the south within Zhou
culture, and apparently these birds held a similarly positive place
within the mythology of the peoples of the ancient kingdoms of Wu and
Yue. (24) Slightly further afield, standing within the boundaries of
Xiaoshan county [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], was a further
Yuewangtai, again attributed to the great King Goujian of Yue. This
particular tower is unusual in that it has an exceptional rich cultural
legacy; after being immortalized by Li Bai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (701-762) in the poem "Song youren xun Yuezhong shanshui
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (On Seeing off a Friend and Going
in Search of the Landscapes of Yue) it was subsequently commemorated by
many later generations of poets:

Sooner or later I will have to turn towards Tiantai! (25)

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

In addition to this Li Bai poem, gazetteers for Xiaoshan county
include such works as "Deng Yuetai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII]" (Climbing the Yue Tower) by the Tang dynasty poet Song
Zhiwen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (d. 712, jinshi 675), an
untitled poem on the subject of this tower by the Buddhist monk and
Grand Preceptor Yao Guangxiao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
(1335-1418), also the poem "You Yuewangtai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII]" (On visiting the Tower of the King of Yue) by Zhao Gong
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of the Ming dynasty. (26) Only the
Guangzhou towers have a comparable cultural legacy, though the
historical significance of other Yue towers might be much greater.

The Yue Diaspora

As mentioned in the introduction to this paper, the kingdom of Yue
collapsed in around 330 BCE, when these lands were conquered by the
kingdom of Chu. Refugees from the Yue ruling elite traveled southwards
and took up residence among the local peoples, in some cases taking
control and eventually establishing new kingdoms of their own. The
pre-Han history of these kingdoms is not recorded, and the earliest of
these to be documented is the kingdom of Minyue which was recognized by
Han Gaozu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 202-195 BCE) in 202 BCE.
This official acknowledgement of the position of King Wuzhu of Minyue
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] was followed by the recognition of King
Yao of Donghai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (a kingdom also known as
Dongou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] after the name of its capital)
in 192 BCE. The nature of the relationship between these two Fujianese
monarchs is not known, but they are both said to have claimed descent
from King Goujian of Yue and used the same clan name: Zou [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. (27) The kings of Minyue and Donghai were not
the only distinguished Han dynasty individuais to claim descent from the
great Yue monarch, others include the famous general Mei Xuan [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], but they were unique among the ruling families
of contemporaneous independent southern kingdoms. (28)

After the accounts of their recognition by the Han emperor, these
two kingdoms then disappear from the textual record until 135 BCE, which
is the year that King Ying of Minyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
was murdered by his younger brother, who then crowned himself King
Yushan of Dongyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. That same year, Han
Wudi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (r. 141-87 BCE) enfeoffed Lord
Chou of Yao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]: as the king of Yueyao
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] to continue the sacrifices of the
Minyue kings. Lord Chou of Yao is described in the Shoi [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Records of the Grand Historian) as having been
King Wuzhu of Minyue's grandson. The position of this king seems to
have been largely honorific (if not existing purely in the imagination
of the Han court) given that King Yushan of Dongyue was actually
governing the lands nominally controlled by the king of Yueyao, and his
monarchy was also recognized by the Han. In 111 BCE, the Han armies were
turned against the king of Dongyue, a campaign said to have been
provoked by his temerity in having an official seal carved naming
himself as Wudi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (the Martial Emperor).
As the Han armies approached the capital, King Yushan of Dongyue was
murdered in a palace coup led by King Jugu of Yao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII]. For this he was rewarded by the Han emperor with the title of
Marquis of Dongcheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and given a fief
of ten thousand households. It was King Jugu of Yao who surrendered his
people to the Han in 1 10 BCE, an event that marks the end of the
recorded history of the independent Yue kingdoms of Fujian. (29)

The King of Yue's Towers

There have been a number of attempts by scholars to quantify the
impact made by the Yue ruling elite diaspora on the cultures of the
peoples living within the borders of what is now Fujian province. These
have generally focussed on the changes in pottery styles and designs
that took place at this time, likewise the sudden development in the use
of bricks and tiles. In addition this diaspora brought with them the
architectural knowledge to be able to build such large-scale structures
as palaces and city walls, metal-working technologies such as
high-quality bronze work and iron smelting, and the use of Chinese
characters. (30) The ability to build towers was part of their advanced
architectural knowledge, and as such must have affected a considerable
and striking change to the southern landscape. However the kingdoms of
Minyue, Donghai and Dongyue are so poorly recorded in contemporary texts
that their construction of towers is not mentioned at all. The
importance of this architectural interest in changing the landscape of
the region in the early Han dynasty is only revealed in much later
gazetteers and local histories, and the date of these structures (though
not their cultural or historical significance) have in some cases been
confirmed by modern archaeology. Towers are reported in imperial era
gazetteers to have been extant within the boundaries of what is now
Pucheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], in Fujian province. Of these
the tower at Shaowu is the only one to have been destroyed
completely--the [??]-shaped pounded earth base, approximately 2m high,
27.5m east to west, 16m north to south was razed in 1958 as part of the
Great Leap Forward Campaign. (31) As a result this tower, said in local
gazetteers to have been built by King Wuzhu of Minyue for use when
hunting, now survives only in the many references to high-quality
ancient pottery turned up by farmers in the vicinity and in poems such
as that by the Daoist cleric Huang Xidan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] EJ (1033-1074):

The towers in Taining and Jianing counties are also attributed to
King Wuzhu of Minyue, and as with the Shaowu county tower they are said
to have been built to facilitate hunting. (33) The pounded earth base of
the Jianning county tower has been excavated; this structure is
approximately 2m high and covers an area of 280[m.sup.2]. (34) The
existence of the Nanping county tower is recorded in gazetteers but no
purpose is given, neither is there any indication of which monarch
constructed it. (35) Both the Minhou and the Pucheng towers are
universally attributed in local gazetteers to King Yushan of Dongyue;
the former is said to have been built to commemorate a particularly
auspicious occurrence when the king caught a white dragon while fishing
nearby (hence the alternative name for this site of Diaolongtai [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], Catching a Dragon Tower), the latter
supposedly constructed for use as a signal beacon. (36) This
interpretation of the Pucheng tower may in fact be a reflection of later
usage of this site, for this is by far the best recorded of any ancient
tower in Fujian given that the pounded-earth base was repeatedly reused
throughout the imperial era. The history of the Pucheng site is
extremely interesting. Recent archeological excavations have
demonstrated that Yuewangshan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] where
this tower is located was indeed a major Dongyue site. A trapezoid
walled city has been excavated here, covering an area of
510,000[m.sup.2], though archaeologists failed to find any signs of King
Yushan of Dongyue's royal palace which tradition states was located
in the eastern comer of this site. The pounded earth base of the Pucheng
county tower survives, 3m high and covering an area of 60[m.sup.2];
since 1982 this has been subject to a provincial level baohu danwei
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (protection unit). (37)

The early history of this tower is not recorded. However the Qing
dynasty gazetteer for Pucheng county compiled by Weng Tianyou [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] records the late imperial era history of the
tower in some detail, and also includes the text of the

"Yuewangtai ji [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (Record
of the King of Yue's Tower) by Zhu Bingjian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII] (jinshi 1787) which was written to commemorate the 1795
restoration of the site. As a result it is known that the ancient
pounded earth base was used for a new structure in 1646, when the
District Magistrate Li Baozhen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
sponsored the rebuilding of the tower. (38) This seems to have been
connected with ongoing military campaigns against what are described as
"shankou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (mountain bandits)
in the region; this eventually ended when general Li Xiu [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] executed the ringleaders outside the Jinfengmen
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] gate to the city. In 1767 the tower was
rebuilt by locals including Meng Yuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
and Zhang Eu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. This tower fell down in
an autumn storm in 1794 only to be restored the following year by Zhang
Lu's son, Zhang Shichao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Xu
Yanghao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], who wrote a commemorative
record in addition to that by Zhu Bingjian mentioned above. In 1858 this
tower was burnt down by "kou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]"
(bandits)--possibly as part of the Taiping rebellion though this is not
explicitly stated in any source. The tower was rebuilt in 1875 only to
be burnt down accidentally in 1893. (39) Since that time there has been
no building here, leaving the Shaoxing tower as the only Yuewangtai to
have survived into modern times. The Pucheng tower does however have a
small cultural legacy, mainly in the form of Qing dynasty nostalgic
poetry, of which the following poeta entitled "Yuewangtai" by
Chen Zhuo [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1733--after 1806) is a
typical example:

The towers built in Fujian represent a significant architectural
achievement by the Yue diaspora, and it affected a lasting change to the
landscape of the region. Although subsequently many other towers were
built within this region, this did not happen until nearly one thousand
years later. The Minyue, Donghai, and Dongyue towers therefore provided
a highly visible cultural link with the kingdom of Yue. This was no
doubt of particular importance to the royal families of these kingdoms
who claimed descent from King Goujian of Yue, a very prolific tower
builder. These towers formally represent a blood relationship and a
cultural association between these early Han dynasty Fujianese kingdoms
and the Eastern Zhou dynasty kingdom of Yue.

Interpreting the Fujianese Towers of Yue

In gazetteers and local histories, a number of explanations are put
forward for the significance and contemporary usage of the Minyue,
Donghai and Dongyue towers, focusing mainly on their use as part of the
amenities of hunting parks and as signal-towers. It is likely that there
was indeed some kind of difference in usage between different towers,
since they vary so enormously in size, from that in Pucheng county which
is a mere 60[m.sup.2] to that which formerly stood in Shaowu county and
which measured some 440[m.sup.2]. It is also worth reiterating that none
of these towers are mentioned in Han dynasty texts, indeed the first
detailed descriptions only appear in gazetteers from the Ming dynasty
onwards. As a result in many cases the earliest references to these
towers are found in literature, particularly poetry, which means that
the focus is on romantic images of ancient ruins rather than precise
historical information. Given that the interpretations of these sites
are based on popular legends transmitted over the course of some fifteen
centuries (and possibly influenced by later uses of the surviving bases
of these towers) their validity is highly questionable.

In order to interpret the Fujianese towers of Yue it is perhaps
relevant to consider the towers built in Nanyue, a kingdom contemporary
with Minyue, Donghai and Dongyue with its capital at what is now the
city of Guangzhou, but which differs from them in having an ethnically
Chinese royal family with no links to King Goujian of Yue. Nanyue was
the only other ancient southern kingdom to build towers. Founded by Zhao
Tuo [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (also known by the title King Wu
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], r. 203-13 7 BCE), originally an
official sent south during the Qin dynasty, the kingdom of Nanyue lasted
through five kings before the capital was burnt to the ground and their
lands incorporated into the Han empire in 111 BCE. Given the important
role played by towers in the public and ritual life of the rulers of the
Zhou confederacy prior to the unification of China, it is hardly
surprising that a man like Zhao Tuo would have been interested in
constructing such prominent buildings. (41) How the meaning and
significance of these buildings for the first king of Nanyue differed
from that of the lords of the Central States in the Spring and Autumn
period and Warring States era, the kings of Wu and Yue, and indeed his
near contemporary tower-builders in Minyue and Donghai is not known,
however it is suggestive that later gazetteers assign very different
constructions to some of the Nanyue towers as opposed to those built in
the Fujian region.

Zhao Tuo is said to have built four towers in and around his
capital city at Panyu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], in modern day
Guangzhou. These include the Yuewangtai for which no function or purpose
is given in any imperial era gazetteer and the Bailutai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (White Deer Tower) whose name commemorates Zhao
Tuo's pleasure at his capture of a white deer while hunting in the
vicinity. This tower is clearly comparable to the hunting towers built
by the Minyue or Donghai kings, and indeed similar structures built in
earlier centuries in the hunting parks of the lords of the Zhou
confederacy. The remaining two towers are assigned very specific
meanings. The Changletai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Perpetual Joy
Tower) is supposed to record Zhao Tuo's delight at having his
kingdom recognized by the Han court, while the Chao Hantai [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Paying Court to the Han Tower) is said to
represent his debt of gratitude in physical form. According to the
Guangzhou tongzhi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Comprehensive
Gazetteer for Guangzhou) the Changletai was the first to be built, this
was followed by the Bailutai and Yuewangtai; finally he constructed the
Chao Hantai. (42) This chronology is no doubt derived entirely from
later constructions conceming the purpose of these towers. A quotation
attributed to the Xijing zaji [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
(Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital) provides the earliest
extant reference to any of the towers of Yue when it describes how the
king of Nanyue sent a present of food to the founder of the Han empire
who reciprocated with similar gifts, and how Zhao Tuo then built the
Chao Hantai, climbing it on the first day of every lunar month whereupon
he would make obeisance as a gesture of paying court to the Han. (43)

A truly vast body of literature survives concerning literati
response to Zhao Tuo's towers. No doubt there are many reasons why
these sites should have caught the imagination of generations of poets
and writers in a way unparalleled by any other Han dynasty towers.
Partly this is clearly to do with romantic images of the ancient kingdom
of Nanyue, carved out of the southern wilderness by the wit and cunning
of a single Chinese administrator. The suggestion that some of these
towers were built to show loyalty to the Han also triggered important
responses; for lonely imperial administrators, the image of their
predecessor constructing such monuments to the glory of a distant court
seems to have been both a model and a consolation. To officials sent
into exile in the region after offending powerful factions at court,
these towers had a somewhat different message; they represented an
outpost of civilization in an alien region, a reminder that unlikely as
it might seem, this too was part of the Chinese world. The liminal
nature of this region, and the complex responses evoked by the Nanyue
towers can be seen in poems such as "Chao Hantai huaigu [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]" (Cherishing Antiquity at the Paying Court
to the Han Tower) by Ou Daren [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (d. c.
1544):

Conclusion

In the late Spring and Autumn period, architects working for the
kings of Wu and Yue acquired the technical knowledge required to build
towers. Just as the rulers of the states of the Zhou confederacy had
done some centuries earlier, these monarchs too began to construct
buildings that would dominate the landscape, sending an unmistakable
message of wealth and power to all who saw them. However, out of all the
many ancient southern peoples, only a handful actually constructed
towers. The first were built in the kingdom of Wu, then the kingdom of
Yue followed suit, then in the early Western Han dynasty these towers
were further imitated by the kings of Minyue, Donghai, Dongyue and
Nanyue. The fact that only some ruling houses constructed these towers
argues that there must be some distinction between those kingdoms who
undertook such major prestige projects and those that did not. This
distinction seems to lie in the self-identification of the kings
responsible for the construction of towers. The kings of Minyue,
Donghai, and Dongyue all claimed descent from King Goujian of Yue, a
particularly powerful and charismatic ancient monarch and a prolific
tower-builder; the royal family of Nanyue was originally of Chinese
origin and Zhao Tuo, the founder of the dynasty, seems to have built his
towers as a gesture of solidarity with the Han court and in imitation of
those constructed in the Central States region.

The highly skilled, literate refugees who left the kingdom of Yue
in the wake of the conquest by Chu in the 330s BCE effected a major
change in the culture of the peoples among whom they came to live. Many
of the technologies that they brought with them were no doubt a great
deal more important than the ability to build towers. Nevertheless this
resulted in a lasting change in the landscape of Fujian and Guangzhou
provinces, as virtually all the pounded-earth tower bases that they
constructed are still there today. Their size attests to the resources
of manpower and materials available to these ancient kings, their
survival to the skills of the architects. These remarkable structures
demonstrate the complex cultural identity of China's ancient south.

Wu, Hung (1999): "Art and Architecture of the Warring States
Period," in Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy (eds.): The
Cambridge History of Ancient China. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, pp. 651-706.

(1) For a detailed discussion of the history and culture of these
kingdoms, their relationship with each other, and the problems of
discerning ethnic links between them; see Brindley 2003.

(2) For the history of the ruling house of Nanyue see Situa 1964,
113:2967-2978. For discussions of the ancestry of the royal house of Wu
see for example Wei 1990, pp. 14-31; see also Zhang 1982, p. 35. The
theory that the Wu royal family may indeed have been ethnically distinct
from the people that they ruled is supported in Xie 2000, p. 34.

(3) See Wu 1999, pp. 669-673. For an account of a tower reaching to
the floating clouds; see Wang 1986, p. 134; for an account of the
Zhongtian tai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Piercing Heaven Tower)
constructed in the kingdom of Wei; sec Zhao 1989, p. 165 ["Cishe
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]"].

(4) See Wang 1990, p. 36.

(5) See Yang 1981, pp. 248-249 [Zhuang 31].

(6) See Yang 1981, p. 358 [Xi 15].

(7) See Yang 1981, pp. 1032-1033 [Xiang 17].

(8) See for example the entry in the Tang dynasty encyclopaedia
which resolves the problems of contradictory statements in ancient texts
by saying that King Helu of Wu built the tower and King Fuchai enhanced
it; Ouyang 1999, p. 1119.

(9) See Yuan and Wu 1985, pp. 8, 15 ["Ji Wudi zhuan"].
Recent excavations in the vicinity of Shihu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (Stone Lake) south of Suzhou have revealed a Wu kingdom era
pounded-earth tower base, but it is not known if this is related to any
of the structures recorded in the Yuejue shu. See Zhengxie Suzhou shi
Huqiu qu weiyuanhui 2000, p. 29.

(10) See Yuan and Wu 1985, p. 9 ["Ji Wudi zhuan"].

(11) Liu 1993, p. 44, suggests changing the wording of the Yuejue
shu at this point from the original: wu gu bu shi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII] (the five grains did not ripen in season) to: wu gu bu shou,
han shu bu shi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (the five grains did not
ripen, hot and cold weather came out of season). This amendment is
suggested based on the related text found in the Wu Yue chunqiu [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Spring and Autumn Annals of Wu and Yue); see
Zhou 1997, p. 144 ["Goujian yinmou waizhuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII]"].

(12) Yuan and Wu 1985, p. 83 ["Jiushu"]. Qian 1956, p.
38, suggests an amendment of the original text, so that it reads dao si
xiang ku [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (the streets [were full of]
dead bodies and the lanes [resounded with the sound of] weeping).

(13) See Shanghai shifan daxue guji zhenglizu 1978, p. 604
["Wuyu"]. The same story is given with some minor variations
in the Wu Yue chunqiu; see Zhou 1997, p. 87 ["Fuehai neizhuan [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]"].

(14) See Fan 1999, p. 166.

(15) See He Guangyuan: Jianjie lu, p. 67. For the alternative title
to this poeta, and a version with slightly different wording; see Li
Fang (ed.): Wenyuan yinghua, 320:15a.

(16) See Yuan and Wu 1985, p. 59 ["Jidi zhuan"]. The
Iocation of the first and the last of these towers seems to have been
completely lost; the site of the second was used for a Buddhist temple
founded in 473, the Baolin si [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. After
the reconstruction of 874, this temple was renamed the Yingtian si [TEXT
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], the name it used for the rest of the
imperial era. The only remnant of this temple to survive is the pagoda
constructed in 1524; badly damaged in a fire in 1910 which reduced the
structure to just the brick core, it was heavily restored in 1985. See
Zhou 2004.

(17) According to the Zhushu jinian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN
ASCII] (Bamboo Annals) the move of the capital to Langye in fact only
took place in 468 BCE, during the reign of King Goujian's son; see
Hong Yixuan: Zhushu jinian, B:19a. The problems associated with the
theory that King Goujian moved his capital to Langye and constructed a
tower there are discussed in Gu 1987, pp. 31-32.

(18) Yuan and Wu 1985, p. 58 ["Jidi zhuan"].

(19) See Yuan and Wu 1985, p. 59 ["Jidi zhuan"]. Though
these towers are mentioned in many imperial era gazetteers, the only
reference made to them is in quotations derived from either the Yuejue
shu or the Wu Yue ehunqiu; see for example Zhang 1990, pp. 601-602; and
Dong 1983, p. 143.

(20) See Zhong and Luo Haidi 2004, p. 40.

(21) The theory that this tower was in fact first built by Yang Su
is favoured by a number of modern scholars; see for example Liang 2002,
p. 25. Some accounts suggest that Yang Su's tower was not built in
Shaoxing itself, but in Taihe county [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII];
see for example Li Xian: Mingyi tongzhi, 56:17a.

(22) See Liang 2002, p. 25.

(23) See Xu et al. 2003, p. 70. According to the early Qing
gazetteer for the region, the story of the king of Yue being mobbed by
red birds was originally derived from the Shiyi ji [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Supplementary Amplification of Tales), a
compilation completed in 370. This story is however not found in the
present transmitted text. See Wang 1683, 9.1 a.

(24) For an extensive analysis of the symbolism of the red bird and
its association with southern China; see Schafer 1967, pp. 261 264. For
an interesting story concerning the auspicious appearance of a red bird
to King Helu of Wu; see Wang 1985, p. 229 ["Bianwen" [TEXT NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]]. For evidence of bird-worship in Yue culture;
see Xu 2005, p. 172.

(25) Qu and Zhu Jincheng 2007, p. 970. The importante of Li Bai in
establishing the cultural credentials of a number of sites in Zhejiang
province is considered in Zou 2004.

(26) The most extensive collection of literature on the Xiaoshan
county Yuewangtai is given in Huang 1990, p. 170. See also Zhang and
Yang Shilong 1970, pp. 721, 2380.

(27) See Sima 1964, 114:2979.

(28) The Mei family remained an important southern clan for many
generations; see Fan 1988, p. 152. The claim that they were descended
from King Goujian of Yue is discussed in detail in Zhu 1984, pp. 26-29.

(29) See Sima 1964, 114:2979-2984; Ban 1962, 95:3847 3863. The
problematic relationship between the kings of Minyue is considered in
detail in Yang 1998, pp. 2-26, who follows the Shiji in giving Lord Chou
of Yao as the grandson of King Wuzhu of Minyue, and suggests that the
brothers Ying and Yushan were his first cousins.

(30) This list of characteristics is derived from Qiu 2007, p. 36.

(31) The destruction of the tower is described in Shaowu shi
difangzhi bianzuan weiyuanhui 1993, p. 1116.

(32) This poem and others on the subject of the Shaowu county
Yuewangtai are quoted in Zhang and Li 1978, l:7b-8:a.

(33) The tower at Jianning county is described in He 1990, p. 498.
Gazetteers for Taining county do not explicitly mention a tower here,
though a travelling palace built in King Wuzhu of Minyue's hunting
grounds is regularly recorded, however the literature about this place
makes frequent reference to the presence of a tower; see for example Shi
and Xu 2008, p. 678.

(34) The excavation of this site is mentioned in Pucheng xian
difangzhi bianzuan weiyuanhui 1994, p. 1053.

(35) See Wu and Cai Jianxian 1974, p. 313.

(36) The Minhou county tower is described in the Ming dynasty
general gazetteer for the region; see Huang 1996, p. 66; see also Zhu
and Zheng 2001, p. 203. The Minhou county tower is said to have a
pounded-earth base large enough to seat one hundred people and more
comfortably; see Hao Yulin et al.: Fujian tongzhi, 62:3b.

(37) See Qiu 1994; see also Lin and Zhao 1993.

(38) This is also mentioned in Li and Hai 1992, p. 844.

(39) See Weng and Weng 1967, pp. 67, 759-760.

(40) Quoted in Weng and Weng 1967, p. 894.

(41) The reports that Zhao Tuo adopted local customs and culture
shocked many later historians and commentators on the short but eventful
history of the kingdom of Nanyue; for a discussion of this see Hu 1999,
pp. 33-38. Whether his towers were built in imitation of those of the
Central States region or the Baiyue is unclear.

(42) See Hao Yulin et al.: Guangdong tongzhi, 64:8b-9a. The
problematic accounts of Zhao Tuo's towers found in imperial era
gazetteers (in particular there seems to have been confusion in many
such texts as to whether the Yuewang tai and Chao Han tai were one
structure or two) are discussed and clarified in the Qing dynasty
compilation Liang 1982, pp. 10-13.

(43) Only the account of the exchange of gifts is found in the
present text of the Xijing zaji; see Zhou 2006, p. 145. The remainder is
derived from the Guangdong tongzhi, 6:4a-4b. The Xijing zaji is
attributed to Liu Xin [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (d. 23 CE), but
in fact seems to have been compiled in around 520; see Nienhauser 1978.

(44) This poem is quoted in Zhu Yizun et al. Ming shi zong, 52:25a.

Then [King Goujian] made his people [cut down] beautiful trees,
ornamenting them with white jade discs and inlaying them with gold
in the form of dragons and serpents. Afterwards he sent Grandee
Zhong to present them to Wu ... The king of Wu was very pleased.
Shen Xu (Wu Zixu) remonstrated: "This is not right. Your Majesty
must not accept this. In the past [King] Jie [of the Xia dynasty]
built the Numinous Gate and [King] Zhou [of the Shang dynasty]
built Deer Tower. As a result, yin and yang were not in harmony,
and the five grains did not ripen in season. (11) Heaven sent down
disasters so that their countries were ruined and they died. If
your majesty accepts this, it will cause disaster in the future."
The king of Wu did not listen to him, but accepted [this present]
and built the Guxu (Gusu) Tower. For three years they gathered the
building materials and then after a further five years it was
completed. From this eminence you could see two hundred li.
Passers-by [wept to see] the dead bodies along the roads. (12)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

The Jianjie lu says: "The story has been handed down for
generations that this temple was built with wood that came from
chopping up the Gusu Tower." In the Tang dynasty the presented
scholar Chen Yu (jinshi 792) once [wrote a poem entitled] "On the
Temple to Fuchai." (14)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

Gusu Tower was built with timbers over a thousand years old,
Chopped up to make for [King] Fuchai a temple to house his numinous
spirit. Banners completely cover the desolate dusty earth, I do not
know for whom the flutes and drums are played. (15)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]?

Having enquired the way to [Kuaiji] Mountain, I set off on my
way,
What an appropriate place for such a talented man as Xie
[Lingyun (385-433), to be born]!
Springs drip down from a thousand cliffs,
Trees intertwine through ten thousand valleys.
The eastern peaks run crosswise to Qinwang Mountain,
The western hills encircle the Yue tower.
The limpid waters of the lake shine like a frosty mirror,
The frothy waves come from snow-covered mountains.
This autumn [landscape awaits] Mei Cheng's brush,
The Wu region [deserves to be toasted] by Zhang Han's cup.
How many elegant scenes are to be found here,

The overgrown tower is pillowed among ancient mounds,
In the past the king of Yue enjoyed his leisure here.
Where is the road that the royal carriage took now?
There is just the melancholy sight of sere grasses and autumnal
trees. (32)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

The tradition of hegemony passed away long ago,
This overgrown tower is the only thing to have survived to the
present day.
As the clouds roll by the Minyue are even further in the past,
Their glamour and wealth superfluous to this riverine landscape.
(40)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

The Ouluo as of yore give their allegiance to the Viet,
These mountains and rivers are still cut off from the lands of Qin.
Who would have imagined that the Commandant of Nanhai (Zhao Tuo)
Would have ended up serving as a border-defending vassal of the
Han? (44)
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]?