By Peta
ThornycroftLast updated: 05/04/2004 10:36:02ZIMBABWE police have told a
number of private schools not to reopen Tuesdayafter Easter holidays. The
private schools are accused of hiking feeswithout prior government
permission.A principal of a leading private high school near Harare says he
was visitedby police and told to keep his doors shut at the start of the
second term,or semester.Principals of at least six schools in country's
second city, Bulawayo, saythey were consulting with lawyers on the same
issue.School fees at both government and private schools have gone up by
largeamounts, and principals at some government schools have already
beendismissed for increasing fees.Most private schools have increased
fees by up to 75 percent since January.There are 38 private schools in
Zimbabwe, and all but one or two are run asnot-for-profit trusts.The
private schools have about 30,000 students, most of them the children
ofprofessionals, the middle class, and the political elite, mostly from
theruling ZANU PF Party. Among them are President Robert Mugabe's
threechildren.One school principal, speaking on condition that neither
he nor his schoolwas identified, says most school governing bodies regularly
apply to theDepartment of Education to increase fees. He says they seldom if
everreceive replies. This principal says that if the police continue to
orderthat schools be kept shut, then private schools would go to the
courtsseeking relief.Another school principal says he has already had to
go to his local policestation where he has been warned he would be
charged.A third principal, outside of Harare, said he believed the
government'scrackdown was a political gimmick before parliamentary elections
scheduledfor early next year.He said there was no alternative to
increasing fees. He said staff salariesconsumed 70 percent of budgets and
that retaining qualified staff was thebiggest challenge facing private
schools.The Department of Education had no officials available for
comment.

It is customary in the United Kingdom for judges to be
criticised. There isoften debate on how judges are out of touch, or too
liberal, but it is neverseriously suggested the judiciary is compromised or
acting for politicalmotives. Indeed, David Blunkett, the Home Secretary,
often implies theopposite: that the judiciary in England and Wales is too
independent for thegovernment's liking.

Such debate on the
independence of the judges is healthy in a mature andsecure democracy, but
that is not the case everywhere. In Zimbabwe, for sometime, there has been
evidence that the independence of the legal system ingeneral, and the
judiciary in particular, have been significantlycompromised. At a conference
for barristers and advocates held in 2002, aresolution was passed, known as
the Edinburgh Declaration, which offeredsupport for the rule of law and the
independence of judges and lawyers injurisdictions where these were seen to
be under threat. That resolution hasnow been followed at a conference held
in Cape Town where delegates from allof the bars throughout the world in
jurisdictions where there is a dividedlegal profession, including the
Faculty of Advocates, agreed to set up theEdinburgh Declaration Trust to
provide practical support for our colleaguesin such places. Following the
conference, I went to Harare withrepresentatives from four other bars so
that we could make our ownassessment about how lawyers, including judges,
are being treated inZimbabwe. We spoke to a range of people involved in the
justice system whorepresent different points of view and we deliberately
sought out peoplefrom all sides of the issue to enable us to get a proper
perspective. On theevidence which I have read, and now witnessed personally,
my view is thatthe independence of the judges in Zimbabwe has been severely
compromised.

There are several reasons for this. The first concerns the
way in whichcertain judges have been treated. A high number of judges have
resigned inrecent times, and it seems to me that at least some resignations
have beenthe result of political and other pressures. The former chief
justice Gubbayhad his courtroom invaded by people who described themselves
as warveterans, a group known to be sympathetic to the government. He was
informedby a government minister that his safety could not be guaranteed and
theseevents led to his resignation.

There is also a perception that
on occasions when a judge has given adecision against the interests of the
government that judge has beensubjected to pressure. Two justices - Blackie
and Paradza - were arrestedshortly after giving decisions against the
government. It was generallyaccepted by those to whom we spoke that the
arrest, detention and treatmentof these judges was quite unacceptable. On
the face of it, their treatmentalso appears to have been contrary to the
Constitution of Zimbabwe. Otherjudges have resigned and taken up
appointments as judges outside thecountry.

Such treatment has not
been restricted to judges of any particular ethnicorigin. Indeed, some of
the judges who have resigned were appointed by thepresent
government.

The second concern relates to the land reallocation
programme. Land whichhas been taken by the government is reallocated by
them. It is agreed byeveryone that a significant number of senior judges
have been granted farmsby the government. Some of the judges and the land in
question wereidentified to us specifically and they appeared to be large
holdings.

The grants were made by the government and the farms can be
taken back atany time without compensation. Whatever justification might be
put forwardfor granting land to judges, judicial independence can only be
regarded ashaving been compromised in these circumstances, in particular
where manycases before the courts relate to the legality of the land
allocationprogramme.

The third concern relates to ways in which the
government has treated thejudicial process. Court orders have been ignored
or disobeyed by thegovernment and those sympathetic to their cause, even
when there has been nochallenge to their validity and the orders include
those concerning landtransfers and the unlawful occupation of
land.

The allocation of cases in the High Court has been taken away from
the courtregistrar and assumed by the judge president of the High Court. It
isbelieved that cases are not allocated on a random basis but in a way
whichfavours the government. At the very least, this creates the potential
forabuse and gives rise to the suspicion of political motivation. For
example,there is concern about the allocation of cases arising from the
generalelection in 2000. In total, 36 petitions were lodged challenging
thevalidity of the election of government supporters, and we were told that
ofthese, only 15 petitions had been given a first hearing and that seven
oreight of these petitions had been successful.

All of the successful
petitions were appealed by the government but only oneof these appeals had
been listed for a hearing by April 16 this year. Inthat one case, no
decision had been given. Of the remaining electionpetitions, another 15 had
been heard at first instance but no judgment hadbeen handed down by 16
April. The rest of the cases have not even had afirst hearing.

The
next general election is scheduled for May 2005, and the result of thedelays
in the listing and determining of these petitions is that properchallenges
to the election process will have been delayed for so long thatthe outcomes
become academic.

The beneficiaries of these delays will be government
supporters.

There is also a pattern of personal attacks on judges by
thegovernment-controlled press which often appear to be linked to a decision
bya judge that is seen as hostile to the government.

The Sunday Mail,
a government newspaper, recently carried a story in its"Under the Surface"
column in the following terms: "Just when the governmentthought the
revolution at the courts was over, there seems to be somethingstinking
there. Under the Surface smells some Justice Gubbay residue andthis residue
stinks so bad that it is cause for concern. What makes theGubbay residue
even more dangerous is that it has the colour that we canidentify with and
speaks our mother language, but the thinking stinks ofcolonial ideas. Of
course some will say, let's have some democracy, but whyleave a snake in the
house? One day the snake will strike while weconcentrate on pressing issues
and it will be too late to hit its poisonoushead."

The result appears
to be quite clear. The government of Zimbabwe is notprepared to respect the
rule of law, the independence of the judges and thejudicial process, or the
constitution. As lawyers in other parts of theworld, what can we do? The
Edinburgh Declaration Trust has received thesupport of bars in Scotland,
England and Wales, Ireland, Northern Ireland,Australia, New Zealand, South
Africa, Zimbabwe and Hong Kong. It will givebarristers and advocates the
opportunity to provide practical and financialhelp not just to lawyers in
Zimbabwe but in other places around the worldwhere the independence of the
courts and the ability of the legal professionto practise and organise
freely and independently are under threat.

In advance of the formal
setting up of the trust, funds contributed by thebars have already been used
to provide support for the defence of judges inZimbabwe, and practical
support in the future will include the provision ofmaterials and subsistence
to any lawyer anywhere in the world where thetrustees feel the need
arises.

The Edinburgh Declaration Trust will therefore support our
colleagues whofind themselves facing state interference and intimidation by
offering thempractical and moral support as they endeavour to uphold the
principles oftheir profession and democracy.

Zimbabwean cricket will be plunged back into
crisis today when the rebelsresume their boycott.The 15 white players
have given the Zimbabwe Cricket Union until 3pm (BST)to accede to their
demand for arbitration, failing which they will walk out.

All indications
last night were that the ZCU was not going to be seen to be"bowing down to a
bunch of whites - their egos won't let them", as a sourceclose to the
conflict put it, and the rebels would be offered
mediationinstead.

"Mediation means nothing and if that's their offer
that will be that. Theguys will walk, and they won't be back."

The
rebels returned to training on Friday after a stand-off that started onApril
2 when Heath Streak lost the Zimbabwe captaincy in
controversialcircumstances after he voiced concerns about the selection
panel.

Streak and 14 other players have demanded arbitration on the
captaincy, theselectors and transgressions allegedly committed by officials,
includingthreats to dig up a pitch if more black players were not included
in aparticular team.

"Most of us are almost at the point where we
wouldn't bat an eyelid if theyjust fired us," one of the players
said.

"We're not getting through to these guys. If they say they want to
mediate,maybe they think we're bloody fools. They're just not getting us.
Mediationis going to take another three weeks, and Zimbabwe cricket can't
affordthat.

"We're all sick of this, but we're standing strong
together. It's verysimple: arbitration with those three points and we're all
back."

Zimbabwe threw a squad of comparative juveniles into the deep end
in theone-day series against Sri Lanka, and they were whipped 5-0.

The Media Column: The press year's most important event
goes largelyunreportedBy Bill Hagerty04 May
2004

Yesterday was World Press Freedom Day. Its passing probably
flitted acrossthe consciousness of few media practitioners in this country,
but DumisaniMuleya, back home in Zimbabwe after a short trip to England, was
aware ofits significance. Last week, he collected the first Speaker Abbot
Award,which honours journalists who risk their lives to campaign for
parliamentarydemocracy. Muleya paid tribute to all those journalists in
Zimbabwe who arefighting for press freedom.

But while he was away,
the Mugabe regime let it be known that he had gone toBritain in order to be
brainwashed into further criticising what was goingon in his own country.
This was, Muleya acknowledged with a shrug, somewhatupsetting. But, he
added, the present Zimbabwe government is on the edge ofa precipice and will
either collapse or self-destruct. Democracy, he said,will
prevail.

His government has done its best to persuade him otherwise.
Condemning someof President Mugabe's policies in the Zimbabwe Independent -
a weekly paperwith a staff of 15 and about 30,000 sales, but a readership
approaching250,000 - was enough to get banged up a couple of times. Pointing
outMugabe's misuse of one of the state airline's few aircraft also meant
thatMuleya's feet, and those of editor Iden Wetherell and news editor
VincentKahiya, barely touched the ground on the way to the
slammer.

One night Muleya was beaten up in a Harare street, and although
he cannotprove this was because of his journalism, he is fairly sure it
wasn'tbecause of the tie he was wearing. He's phlegmatic about it: "You take
theflak, the intimidation, the arrests and the rest when necessary." The
bumpyride through his career has distressed his girlfriend and parents,
whodoubtless would be much happier if he had accepted a job in
neighbouringSouth Africa. Many Zimbabwean journalists have left the country,
theirpassage accelerated by the New York-based Committee to Protect
Journalists'nomination of Zimbabwe as one of the 10 most dangerous countries
in theworld for media professionals.

Those government critics that
remain have a diminishing number of newspapersin which to express their
views. The government controls two daily and fourweekly newspapers, as well
as all radio and television stations. TheIndependent is one of only three
small titles, all weeklies, that continuethe struggle for press freedom
despite increasingly hostile governmentretaliation. They will never give up,
said Muleya - "We believe we are onthe right side of history."

Such a
handsome turn of phrase came in useful last week when he was asked,at 10
minutes' notice, to address the Commons International DevelopmentSelect
Committee. He spoke and answered questions for 45 minutes before,that
evening, receiving his award from the Speaker, Michael Martin. Namedafter
Speaker Charles Abbot, who, in the early 1800s, was the first inParliament
to recognise the importance of journalism in the democraticprocess, the
award is a timely reminder that newspapers aren't always justabout big
money, Big Brother and big tits.

It may, in some circles, lack the cachet
of Hairdressing Writer of the Year,or Pets Correspondent of the Year - I
think I made these up, although Icannot be certain - but Muleya is sure of
its worth. It will, he believes,encourage journalists in his country "to
have more courage, to muster evenmore moral fibre and to continue to write
about what's really going on inZimbabwe".

The presentation ceremony
at the House was attended mostly by galleryreporters and sundry interested
MPs. Coverage in our newspapers andelsewhere was scant - the event created
fewer ripples in the media worldthan did Michael Parkinson's defection to
ITV or Greg Dyke's stumblingperformance on Have I Got News for You?. To the
public, it was invisible.

But with the backing of Speaker Martin and
financial support frombenefactors British Airways, the pharmaceutical
company Pfizer and thephilanthropic Silbury Fund, the award is to be made
annually. Perhaps nextyear we'll take more notice. Dumisani Muleya will be
hoping so, just as heis hoping that the proposed English cricket tour will
be scrapped, asotherwise "it can only help legitimise the regime", and that
oppressedjournalists everywhere will keep the faith.

Interesting
statistic: 46 journalists were murdered in 20 countries lastyear and at
least 136 are currently imprisoned in 27 countries. And in caseit has
slipped anyone's mind, yesterday was World Press Freedom Day.

About 5 000 people attended a rally which I addressed at
Chiendambuya, 30 kmeast of Headlands in Manicaland on Sunday.

The
people resisted the threats from Zanu PF youths and war veterans
andassembled at the business centre for the two-hour meeting. Their
concerncentred on the 2005 Parliamentary election, in particular, our
preparationsfor that plebiscite.

Chiendambuya is in Makoni North
constituency, currently represented inParliament by Didymus Mutasa. Still
fresh in the minds of the villagers inthe area are scenes of violence and
human abuses they endured in the lasttwo elections.

The dilemma
facing Zimbabwe's rural areas today stems from our politicalexperiences of
the past five years. Will it be possible this time, theyasked me, for them
to register their political affiliation, to vote freelyand to meet without
harassment?

Apart from the harsh campaign period, voters said they dread
the prospect ofbeing forced to line up behind their village heads and chiefs
on the votingday. The people said they detest the practice of assisted
voting, arguingthat the majority of Zimbabweans aged 50 and above were
literate.

The questions raised in Chiendambuya are at the core of our
dilemma as weapproach 2005. While it is impossible for the regime to
suppress freedom ofthought, numerous impediments are placed in people's
lives effectivelydisabling them from organising themselves because of the
threat ofpunishment.

Unlike the situation in the urban areas where
activists can easily relocatefrom centres of violence and intimidation,
village life presents complexchallenges. If violence banishes a voter or an
activist from his village,what choices are available to him? Examples from
2000 and 2002 show us thatthe majority of displaced villagers have yet to
recover from the ordeal.

My experience in the area showed that Mugabe has
failed to deny the peopleideas, to side-step reason and to alter attitudes
towards the MDC despitethe physical and mental cruelty involved in the
regime's propaganda andcoercive approach. The people are now clear that the
regime has no intentionto treat everyone as an end. The regime is not ready
to attend to theirneeds or to listen to their demands.

I told the
meeting that it is a national wish that we have a genuinely freeand fair
election. The security of the voter and that of the candidates
arenon-negotiable requirements for any legitimate elections. If Mugabe
proceedswith the election under the current conditions, then Zimbabwe will
joinother failed states.

However, I told the meeting that Zanu PF
would allow for democracy only ifwe exert pressure, as part of our
preparations for an even electoral field.

By targeting the people, Zanu
PF and Robert Mugabe are sending a clearsignal to the citizenry that they
should be fearful of supporting anyoneelse but his regime. Doing otherwise
may jeopardize their property, family,and even their lives as they saw in
the past five years.

State orchestrated violence and human rights abuses
are a major cause forgreat concern throughout rural Zimbabwe. These issues
dominated discussionat the rally. Our records show that before the 2000
Parliamentary electionabout 20 000 were affected by the state-sponsored
abuses; 37 were murdered;2 466 were assaulted; 27 were raped; 617 were
abducted and over 10 000 weredisplaced from their villages. More were to
suffer in the run-up to thePresidential election.

Human rights
violations are a serious cause for immediate distress for thepeople in our
traditionally conservative rural areas. Without any guaranteesthat life will
return to normal, Mugabe's announcement of a Parliamentaryelection in March
2005 has caused a lot of anxiety, fear and insecurity inthe rural areas. The
plan makes the people tremble with fear.

The killers of Mugabe's
opponents and abusers of human rights still roam thecountryside, with the
regime's political support and other benefits. Noprosecutions took place in
any of the cases, thus pointing to a deliberatepolicy by the Mugabe regime
to cause further chaos in 2005.

Substantial state support for the
perpetrators has cushioned them againstany fear of community reprisals. They
do not care whether they commit abusesagainst people who can identify them,
or whether their acts of brutalityprovide irrefutable evidence such physical
disabilities from torture. Thecrimes are normally committed in the presence
of witnesses as anintimidation tactic.

Unless we take immediate
measures to restore the rule of law and bring backthe tranquillity of rural
life, Zimbabwe's crisis will continue to deepen.Without freedom and peace,
it becomes increasingly difficult for villagersto meet their families' basic
political and economic needs.

The restoration of the rule of law and all
its manifestations are a strongfactor for further underdevelopment in
situation where the majority surviveon food donations; in a country where
there are more funerals than weddings.Hunger and poverty have worsened the
HIV/Aids pandemic.

Nationally, 99 percent of the population are living
below the Poverty DatumLine of $860 000. Without ordinary democratic
choices, Zimbabweans remaindesperate for a way out of the current
crisis.

Any person, who considers standing for Parliament from the
opposition in2005 in the existing environment, is very aware that they will
pay dearlyfor this choice. The evidence from the past five years shows
unequivocallythat to stand against ZANU PF is to expose not only the voters,
but alsoyourself, your family and staff to assault, property loss, arrest,
tortureand possibly death.

Ø Conditions for free and fair
elections are far worse now than theywere in 2000 - the laws are draconian,
the media emasculated, and the Statemore prepared to use force: any election
under these conditions would be adefinite farce.Ø State officials
and executives of parastatals now openly campaignfor Zanu PF and link
essential services like the provision of ruralelectrification services as
conditions for voting for Zanu PF.Ø The selective application of the
law has effectively outlawed manydemocratic activities, including freedom
from arbitrary arrest anddetention.Ø The Press, radio and
television are even more under state controlthan in 2000. The opposition is
denied the opportunity to use these publicresources. Private voices, like
The Daily News, were banned.

Ø Foreign observers and journalists
were able to enter Zimbabwe in2000. They are no longer free to do
so.

Ø The Political Finances Act, which criminalises the
opposition'sright to receive campaign finance from abroad, including support
fromZimbabweans in the Diaspora, was passed in 2000.

Ø
Civil society, the Church and NGOs are banned from undertaking
votereducation and other independent activities in rural areas, where
politicalabuses are most common.

Ø The regime has effectively
eroded and subverted the judiciary since2000. The electoral challenges we
mounted after June 2000 are still to beheard. Those aspiring
parliamentarians from the MDC, who feel they wererobbed of their victory,
still suffer the injustice of a deliberately slowrecourse to the
law.

Ø The police, as I witnessed at Chiendambuya on Sunday,
behave in anincreasingly partisan way when dealing with the opposition
politicalparties. On the instructions of Mutasa, and despite the size of
Makoni Northconstituency, police denied our party activists an opportunity
to organisetransport for our supporters to be brought to the business
centre. The partywas further denied a chance to feed the 5 000 who managed
to walk for longdistances to the venue of the meeting. At the rally, police
officersinsisted on listening in to the deliberations, recording names of
all thespeakers, the names of our local leaders and activists and took
copiousnotes at every turn.

Ø Violence against the MDC has not
abated. In fact, it has increasedin the last five years, sending a clear
message to voters and to anyone whowould contemplate standing in an election
that this is a dangerous,potentially deadly, decision to take. After the
Chiendambuya rally onSunday, our campaign material and an MDC flag were
seized from our officialsby war veterans at butchery near
Headlands.

Ø The MPs from the MDC whose term expires next year
can easily testifythat their tenure was fraught with numerous difficulties.
Eight wereseverely tortured. One candidate from 2000 was beaten to death
whilecampaigning in the Presidential election in 2002.

Ø Almost
all MPs had their rights violated; about 30 lost their homesor had their
businesses and motor vehicles vandalised or destroyed. Therecent vandalism
and theft of property at Charleswood Estate and the forcedremoval of MP Roy
Bennet and hundreds of workers from his Chimanimaniproperty are a case in
point. The families and staff of most MPs wereattacked by state agents,
resulting in six deaths. MPs are routinelyarrested, detained and formally
charged.

Ø MPs, whether finally charged or not, are kept in
custody inappalling conditions often for periods of time that are in excess
of thetime allowed by law. Nevertheless, none has been convicted of
anywrongdoing. In most cases, the courts do not uphold State attempts
toprosecute. They dismiss the politically motivated allegations before
plea.A recent case is that of Mutasa MP Evelyn Masaiti, arrested outside
Mabvukuin Harare and later released after spending a weekend in police
custody.

We are campaigning in the forthcoming election. We are busy
consolidatingour political hold countrywide. However, we remain convinced
that no freeand fair election is possible without substantial changes in the
status quo.

Zanu PF's insecurity, especially in the rural areas, has led
to anindefinite postponement of Zimbabwe's development agenda as resources
arepoured in unending election campaign since 2000.

The violence and
the deployment of militias and pseudo-military groups havegobbled millions
of potential development aid from the national fiscus. TheState has become
more brazen in its attacks on opposition activists in therural areas. The
regime no longer makes as much effort to disguise its handin these
attacks.

By contrast, in neighbouring South Africa the people and their
governmentwent through an election in a single day and have already
forgotten aboutit. The people chose a government whose task has since
shifted to thepursuit of a vibrant national development agenda.

An
examination of the regime's behaviour in the last five years shows thatit
hostaged Zimbabwe and threw the country into a perpetual election mode.It
has continued to attack its opponents even when it claimed to have won
afresh mandate to govern.

Our MPs and councillors have had a raw
deal, even after assuming office,with no concern for their elected positions
or their documented contributionto national development. For five years, the
regime placed the MDC undersiege as to scare away our party supporters from
participating in futuredemocratic processes.

Before the 2000, the
regime argued that the war veterans were actingindependently. The attacks,
said Zanu PF, arose from the MDC's disapprovalof the so-called fast-track
land reform programme. Mugabe and Zanu PF blamedeverything on the British.
What explanation do they have today? Why isMugabe refusing to open up the
country to free political activity?

The challenge we face is how to
harness the creative energies of all thepeople to enable them to realise
their goals. The people remain resolute intheir desire for change. They are
determined to square up to Zanu PF in thenext election. The spirit and
desire for change have never been so strong,both the urban and rural
areas.

If the regime maintains its stubbornness and refuses to accede to
the people's demands, what options are available to us? It is becoming clear
thatMugabe and Zanu PF could plunge the country into further turmoil. They
areup to no good. This is unacceptable. Mugabe should not be allowed to
testthe people's patience that far.

I am happy to report that a
national consensus on the way forward is fastemerging throughout the
country. Our campaign for an even climate continues.Initial results show
that we are making progress.

Statement on the National Peace Convention and the National Day
of Prayer to be held on 24-25th of May 2004

A Call for Peace

The Church and civil society leadership would like to call upon
Zimbabweans from all walks of life to seize on the opportunity presented by the
National Peace Convention and the National Day of Prayerto be
held on the 24th and 25th of May respectively and
campaign for peace and prosperity for our beloved country.

We are persuaded that true development will remain elusive
until there is genuine democracy, respect for human rights, accountable
governance and peace. We would like to reiterate that the call for peaceful
co-existence and tolerance are fundamental pillars upon which Zimbabwe’s
transformation should be built. Peaceful co-existence and tolerance are
fundamental pillars of our common humanity "ubuntu"/unhu. The National Peace
Convention, which is to be held under the theme, Seek Peace and Pursue It
(Psalms 34vs14), is an opportunity to revive a culture of peace
in our country that has been afflicted by violence, intolerance, starvation and
the HIV/Aids pandemic.

It is only through the Word Of God that our nation can be saved
from degenerating into politics of chaos and retribution. We therefore call upon
all stakeholders such as the government and the political parties, the youths
and civil society in this country to boldly oppose the monster of violence. The
strife that is evident in our communities epitomized by lack of co-existence
between and among people of different political divides is cause for concern to
the church and all who fight for peace and justice.

Any efforts aimed at nation building are doomed to fail, if we
allow violence to rear its ugly head again. It is only peace with justice that
will ensure both economic and political prosperity for our nation and restore
confidence in leadership and government. Such that the people are proud of their
country and ready to work for it.

We implore Zimbabweans to go to various centers throughout the
country on the 25th of May and pray for peace, love and tolerance
to prevail in our country, both now and in future.

Do not miss this great occasion to pray for the good of the
country!! Be a true patriot! Let us build together and with other
Peacemakers.

For more information on these two important events please
contact the organizers on: 04-750949/442988 or E-mail:

The
authorities in Zimbabwe have closed down at least 45 privateschools due to a
dispute over school fees. Education Minister Aeneas Chigwedere said the
schools had been closedbecause they increased their fees without government
approval.

"We are dealing with racist
schools. They are all former whiteschools, all racist."

Notices
have been placed on school gates informing parents and pupilsof the closures
and police officers are blocking the entrance to someschools.

The state-run Herald newspaper reported that 30,000 pupils would beaffected
and listed the closed schools.

One of President Robert Mugabe's
sons and children of many ministersand ruling party leaders are believed to
be among those turned away.

Inflation rate

The
education minister said the schools would not reopen until theyhad complied
with government regulations allowing them to increase theirfees by only 10%
a year.

HAVE YOUR SAY My family all work at
one of those school and i attended thatschool, the one that Mugabe's son
attends. Racism was never a problem

Peter,
Harare

Send your comments Some schools have
proposed raising fees by about 50% to counter theimpact of the rampant
inflation, currently running at 580%.

Some of Zimbabwe's most
prestigious schools are charging tuition feesof up to 30 million Zimbabwe
dollars ($5,635) per year.

Before independence in 1980, Zimbabwe's
best schools were reserved forwhites.

But according to the
South African news agency, Sapa, the majority ofpupils at Zimbabwe's private
schools are now black.

Although they are mainly from wealthier
backgrounds, there arebursaries to allow poorer children to
attend.

"Things are bad enough here without being stopped from
getting thebest education for your child if you can afford it," one father
told TheAssociated Press news agency as his daughter was turned away from
school.

Educational decline

In his independence day
address on 18 April, President Mugabe alsocriticised the increase in fees
for private schools.

"Our principal goal of attaining education for
all appears to be inreal jeopardy with some schools charging as much as 10
million (Zimbabwe)dollars a term," the president said.

"The
government will soon come up with arrangements which willcontinue to make
education accessible to each and every child regardless ofhis status or
family background."

But some observers say the government has
allowed the country'seducation system to decline, after it was greatly
expanded afterindependence.

State-run schools in the country
are reportedly in a criticalcondition - with many having classes of around
80 pupils.

There is also said to be a shortage of teachers,
textbooks, desks andclassrooms.

A recent survey by an
International Monetary Fund research group,reported that school enrolment
had declined by 60% in Zimbabwe last yearbecause of fee hikes in both state
and private schools.

Zimbabwe's lack of cattle vaccines alarms neighboursJOHANNESBURG, 4 May 2004
(IRIN) - The lack of foreign currency to buy animalvaccines has led to the
outbreak of a variety of highly contagious cattlediseases in Zimbabwe that
are threatening to spread throughout SouthernAfrica.

Controllable
livestock diseases like blackwater fever, heartwater andtick-borne diseases
have drastically reduced Zimbabwe's national herd fromaround six million in
2001 to less than 250,000 today.

Despite laws requiring the acquisition
of veterinary service permits forpeople wishing to move livestock from one
place to another, the lack ofeffective monitoring and alleged bribe-taking
by officials has led to theunchecked movement of stock, resulting in the
failure of the controlprogramme, observers said.

The government is
remaining tight-lipped about an outbreak of contagiousbovine
pleuro-pneumonia (CBPP), or cattle lung disease, which was
reportedlydetected in the northwestern district of Tsholotsho in
Matabeleland Northprovince two weeks ago. Joseph Made, Minister of Lands,
Agriculture andRural Resettlement, said he had not received any conclusive
information.

The reported outbreak has caused alarm across Southern
Africa. Last weekBotswana ordered its department of veterinary services to
go on full alertto prevent a spillover of the disease, as has been the case
with previousfoot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreaks in
Zimbabwe.

Local media reports in Botswana say the lung disease scare is
being takenseriously, as it follows a confirmed outbreak in southern Zambia
three weeksago.

Philemon Motsu, the Botswana deputy director of
Animal Health andProduction, said the country had intensified disease
surveillance patrols atborder entry points. "We have not detected the cattle
lung disease as yet,but we are on full alert and we will do our best to
prevent it fromspreading into Botswana."

Zimbabwe remains under FMD
quarantine. Cattle shows, once a major attractionat the annual Zimbabwe
International Trade Fair (ZITF), are banned.

"Government has not been able to secure money for the
importation of allbasic livestock vaccines from the Botswana Vaccines
Institute. I cannot givethe exact figure required for vaccination and
control programmes, but FMDremains a major problem across the country,"
Hargreaves said.

A senior disease surveillance and control officer in
Zimbabwe's LivestockProduction Unit, within the ministry of agriculture,
told IRIN: "There is noimprovement - outbreaks are becoming more rampant.
Previously controlleddiseases are re-emerging, and there is nothing we can
do because there areno medicines. The little money that is there is in local
currency, yet weneed foreign currency to import vaccines. Communal dipping
services remainsuspended and we cannot promise farmers any help at the
moment."

He added that FMD had become a permanent threat, and encouraged
farmers whocould import vaccines to do so and consult the department for
assistance invaccinating their animals.

Coupled with the collapse of
commercial cattle production due to farminvasions and acquisitions since
February 2000, Zimbabwe's failure tocontrol diseases has also led to the
loss of a number of lucrative beefexport deals.

The European Union
stopped importing beef from Zimbabwe shortly after theFMD outbreak in 2001,
while Malaysia, Libya, Iran, the Democratic Republicof Congo and other
emerging markets have also slapped embargoes onZimbabwean beef
products.

Repeated CBPP outbreaks are fast becoming a regional problem.
The cases inZambia and Zimbabwe follow a similar outbreak in October last
year at theLinyanti Park in northern Namibia, but it was quickly
controlled.

A group of 20 South African cricket
journalists have lent their support tothe London-based Cricket Writers'
Club, and have written to Malcolm Speed,the chief executive of the ICC, to
protest at the expulsion of twojournalists from Zimbabwe during the current
series against Sri Lanka.

Mihir Bose of the Daily Telegraph, and Telford
Vice, who was covering theseries for Reuters, were expelled after
immigration officials claimed thatthey had incorrect paperwork. The Zimbabwe
Cricket Union said that neitherhad submitted the necessary applications in
time, and also in the case ofBose that his form had been wrongly
completed.

But in a strongly-worded letter to the ICC, South Africa's
leading cricketwriters have described Zimbabwe's actions as "scandalous".
The situation hasled them to consider forming their own writers' guild, to
enable them torespond more quickly in the future to issues that affect their
interests.

"It is unacceptable that journalists should be prevented
from carrying outtheir legitimate duties," read the letter. "In particular,
the denial ofaccreditation to a South African-based journalist, Telford
Vice, isscandalous. Vice has reported on numerous series in Zimbabwe and
hiscredentials as a cricket journalist are beyond question."

The
writers have also called on the ICC to curb Zimbabwe's imposition of aUS$600
accreditation fee, which they say "has the effect of discouragingjournalists
from reporting on cricket tours that are not of specialinterest, which
clearly is against the interests of the game and of theICC."

The
letter concludes: "It is our belief that the ICC should take vigorousaction
(a) to ensure that bona-fide cricket journalists are able to carryout their
duties in Zimbabwe, and (b) to insist that the accreditation feeis waived
for bona fide cricket journalists."

HARARE
- Zimbabwe's 15 rebel white cricketers will not as thought practiceor make
themselves available for future matches on the present Sri Lankatour after
hearing the arbitration process over their concerns could takeanother month
to be arranged.They are continuing their rebellion - over the sacking of
captain HeathStreak and other selectorial policies - because the Zimbabwe
Cricket Union,which agreed to independent arbitration, did not set it up as
the playersexpected.

The move will cause a shock when it becomes
known, because the agreement formediation in return for an end to the
players' rebellion was seen as thefirst step to
reconciliation.

Instead of attending arbitration, the senior Zimbabwe
professionals indispute were addressed by a former national captain, former
union presidentand lawyer David Lewis, who explained that it takes at least
a month toprepare for an arbitration process.

Senior player Grant
Flower, who with captain Heath Streak is the mainspokesman for the group of
15, confirmed they would not practice today inpreparation for the fifth and
final one day match with Sri Lanka which aninexperienced Zimbabwean side are
trailing 4-0.

"It is a mess. They cannot get anything right. You can take
it from me wewill not be at practice," said Flower after finishing a fitness
session at agymnasium.

"We want to resolve this, we really do. But
the ZCU has cocked it up. Thechairman of the arbitration panel is out of the
country."

"Our lawyer is also out of the country. What are they thinking
about? In anycase everybody should understand we want Heath Streak as our
captain. Ifthey continue to refuse, it could be a deal breaker. We are quite
determinedabout it."

Flower added that their boycott now continues
for as long as necessary."Even into the Australian tour (which runs from
mid-May to mid-June)," hesaid.

The ZCU chief executive Vincent Hogg
said Flower was being disingenuous asit had been agreed the players would
return to training while thearbitration process was underway.

"It was
agreed in good faith that we will set up an arbitration mechanismand we are
working on that. We are abiding by that. David Lewis made itclear to them
(the players) that it can take a month or even six weeks."

"It was also
agreed that in the meantime the players would turn out forpractice and be
available for selection. If they don't do that, certainly byMay 8, our
ultimatum to them to return to duties by that date or facedisciplinary
action will come into effect."

This could mean suspension or dismissal,
probably the former as the ZCUappears to be trying to keep the door
open.

Because of the setback, Sri Lanka will once more have to play
against a weakand very young Zimbabwe side, the best available, in the last
match of aseries of five one-day internationals.

Tue May 4, 2004 7:49 PM By Quentin Webb
LONDON (Reuters) - England's scheduled tour of Zimbabwe in October isnot
safe and morally wrong, former England captain Alec Stewart said onTuesday.
In April, the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) said Englandwould tour
Zimbabwe unless a government order or security fears forced themto do
otherwise, despite concerns over human rights and calls for a
boycott.

The sport's governing International Cricket Council (ICC)
has warnedEngland they face suspension and a $2 million fine if they fail to
fulfiltheir tour obligations.

Cape Town - Zimbabwe's
opposition is to go to court to try to force SouthAfrican President Thabo
Mbeki to hand over a report by two judges onPresident Robert Mugabe's
disputed 2002 re-election, lawyers said onTuesday.

Mbeki has been one
of Mugabe's staunchest backers as Zimbabwe's governmentfaces international
sanctions over the poll, which the opposition Movementfor Democratic Change
(MDC) is trying to contest in court over accusationsMugabe rigged
it.

Matthew Walton, a Cape Town lawyer acting for the MDC, said the
partybelieved its case could be helped by the views of South African
judgesDikgang Moseneke and Sisi Khampepe, who monitored the 2002 poll and
reportedto Mbeki.

"We understand that at least one of them expresses
reservations aboutconditions in the run-up to the election," Walton told
reporters.

Contacted by Reuters, Moseneke, a member of South Africa's
ConstitutionalCourt declined to comment, while Gauteng province High Court
Judge Khampepecould not be reached immediately.

Walton said he would
submit an application either to South Africa's CapeTown or Pretoria High
Court within the next month to try to force Mbeki tohand over the
report.

"You've got two people whose veracity is beyond reproach, they
areindependent black judges of high standing... If we could get evidence
likethat it would be difficult to be attacked," he said.

Several
international observers and Western governments said the Zimbabwepoll was
rigged, but South Africa's official 50-person observer missionpronounced the
election - which extended Mugabe's 22-year rule -"legitimate".

The
MDC's court action prompted Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF to walk out of
talksaimed at ending a political crisis. Mbeki has played a leading role
inattempting to bring the MDC and Zanu-PF back to negotiations, but has
facedsevere criticism for failing to take a stronger stance against
theZimbabwean leader.

Walton said he had written to Mbeki to request
the report but thepresident's legal adviser had replied that it was never
intended forpublication and could not be released as it dealt with relations
betweenheads of state - exempting it from the country's Promotion of Access
toInformation Act.

"These are judges reporting on what they saw, not
on advising the presidenton international policy," Walton said, adding once
the court application wasfiled, Mbeki would be given about four weeks to
respond.

Mugabe insists he won the election fairly and has labelled the
MDC a puppetof Western powers who want him ousted over his seizure of
white-owned farmsfor landless black Zimbabweans.

GOVERNMENT has ordered the Grain Marketing Board to
immediately withdraw oneof the two forms the parastatal is giving out to
farmers engaged in winterwheat production.

The Minister of
Agriculture and Rural Development, Cde Joseph Made,yesterday told The Herald
that Government was dismayed by the conduct ofGMB, which he said was
throwing spanners into winter wheat production.

There is a Government
form that farmers engaging in winter wheat productionshould sign.

The
form allows farmers to access inputs such as fertilisers,
tillage,insecticides and seed through the GMB.

But the GMB has
allegedly added another form that Cde Made said is stiflingprogress, was
complicated and not related to the programme.

"We have a major problem
with GMB in the way they are handling farmers. TheGMB is distributing a
funny form that is complicated and affectingGovernment programmes," he
said.

Cde Made said the application form had the effect of wasting the
time offarmers as its usage was delaying the distribution of
inputs.

He said he had summoned officials from the parastatal to his
office to readthe riot act to them.

"If that continues, their days
are numbered," he said.

Cde Made said the GMB should also immediately
announce to the farmerspick-up points for the inputs and that preparations
were being delayed bythe GMB conduct.

He said the other problem faced
by farmers was that the same fields thatwere supposed to carry the winter
wheat crop were the same fields with soyabeans and maize.

Some
officers and transporters were allegedly not telling the farmers thetruth
about fuel distribution and these were also affecting harvesting ofthese
crops.

The minister said there was enough fuel in the country but for
unknownreasons, the supply to farmers was very erratic.

He challenged
officers at the Agricultural and Rural Development Authorityand other
departments under his ministry to gear up for the challenge ofwinter wheat
production.

He said all officers whose duty involves dealing with farmers
on the groundshould be out in the fields and should desist from attending
meetings onend.

There were a number of excuses by some officers who
were saying they wereunable to go to the fields because they were attending
important meetings,the minister said.

He said only the permanent
secretary should remain in Harare to attend tomeetings.

"The
honeymoon is over. The officers should be on the ground
inspectingproduction," he said.

Cde Made said Government had done
away with Memorandums of Understandingwith companies in the production of
winter wheat crop after realising thesecompanies were not prepared to invest
their resources but were waiting forGovernment money to do
so.

Contacted for comment, GMB chief executive officer Retired Colonel
SamuelMuvuti said the parastatal was not yet sure of the areas the farmers
werecomplaining about.

He confirmed having met Cde Made yesterday and
said Government had pointedout the shortcomings on the form.

He said
improvements would be made to accommodate the concerns of thefarmers. Rtd
Col Muvuti said the other form is a stop order form that wouldallow GMB to
recoup its expenses.

"We will pay attention to the concerns of the
farmers. But this form hasbeen there for years. The issue only came to the
fore after some incidentsin Mhangura," he said

Pretoria - The office of the president flatly denied on Monday
claims thatUS$10m had changed hands during negotiations between presidents
Thabo Mbeki,Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea
about theextradition of 70 alleged coup plotters being held in Harare.
Mbekispokesperson Bheki Khumalo said the claims, made by an exiled
EquatorialGuinean political party "make no sense". The claims about money
changinghands were published at the weekend by Severo Moto, Equatorial
Guineanexiled opposition leader, on the Popular Party's website. According
to thereport, Nguema paid the "bribe" in exchange for the 70 alleged
coupplotters. The report claimed negotiations between the three leaders
tookplace during the inauguration celebrations in South Africa.
Nguemaapparently came to South Africa specifically to strengthen ties with
Mbeki.He was apparently going to ask Mbeki to facilitate the delivery of the
mento Equatorial Guinea. These allegations come in the wake of Zimbabwe's
movein the past week to amend its extradition laws so that they
includeEquatorial Guinea. Nguema and Mugabe met in Bulawayo after the
inauguration.It was here the extradition was apparently
settled.

Meanwhile, the 70 men appeared, in leg irons, in a courtroom
at ChikurubiPrison on Monday. This came after claims last week that the men
wereplanning to escape from the maximum-security jail. The state was
reported bySapa-AFP on Monday to have said the men planned to break out by
using anaircraft to airlift them out of the prison grounds. On Friday,
orders weregiven "from the highest command" that the men be held in leg
irons at alltimes until further notice. Five of them were transferred to
another prisonin Harare for this reason. Jonathan Samkange, the alleged coup
plotters'Zimbabwean attorney, complained on Monday about the men being kept
in legirons in court. He said it was not free and fair and that the hearings
wereturning into "a circus". Meanwhile, intelligence officials from 22
Africancountries gather in Luanda, Angola, this week to draw up guidelines
to stopthe practice of mercenaries in Africa. One of the proposals from the
Angolanintelligence services was to establish an African forum that could
exchangeinformation and co-ordinate action against suspected mercenaries.
Theabsence of laws against mercenaries in many countries was also
addressed.One of the problems with mercenaries, it was said, was that they
oftenoperated under the guise of fishermen, civil engineers and as political
ormilitary consultants.

With tears running down their faces, a small group knelt round
three woodencrosses in Gulalikabili, a village in the Tsholotsho district
ofMatabeleland North, where a generation ago the Zimbabwe army's
notoriousFive Brigade swept through in murderous mood. "They came in four
Pumatrucks, all heavily armed. In a few minutes the whole village had
beenrounded up and brought under this tree," said Khumbulani Malope,
recallingFebruary 6, 1983. That was the day the Gukurahundi - the 1982-87
massacresin which an estimated 20 000 people were killed - came to
Gulalikabili."What followed was a horror torture. The liberation war had its
horrors, Ibelieve they were necessary in pursuit of a cause. But 1983 - I
neverexpected that in post-independence Zimbabwe," Malope added. "Gesturing
tothe three mass graves, Malope sobbed, "I wish I had died with
them."Apparently fearing prosecution in an international court for genocide
andcrimes against humanity, Mugabe refuses to apologise for the
state-sponsoredmassacres by the North Korean-trained Five Brigade, which
left thousands ofunmarked graves across Matabeleland and the Midlands. But
he has describedthe atrocities as a "moment of madness that should never be
repeated again."Repeatedly, particularly at election times, he has made
promises - alwaysunfulfilled - of compensation. Tired of waiting, villagers
in many districtsof Tsholotsho started early last year marking out graves to
honour the dead,encouraged by the local opposition MP. Human rights groups
are also believedto be involved.

Even as Tsholotsho honours the
dead of a past reign of terror, there arefears of more to come. Mugabe's
propaganda chief, Information MinisterJonathan Moyo, has decided to run in
this district as the candidate for ZanuPF in parliamentary elections
scheduled for next year. The ruling party islikely to be ruthless in this
solidly MDC district, and already Moyo hasbeen accused of capitalising on
the widespread hunger by using grain andcash loans to woo support. Most of
the victims of the Gukurahundi weresupporters of the opposition Zapu led by
Joshua Nkomo. In the early 1980s,Mugabe, determined to stamp out opposition,
accused Zipra, the guerrillawing of Zapu, and its supporters of planning the
violent overthrow of hisgovernment. Extra-judicial killings were widespread
during the sevenyear-long operation. "We have been fed false promises so now
we have decidedto spruce up these graves without asking for anyone's
permission andsupport," said Malope, standing beside the graves in
Gulalikabili which arebelieved to contain the remains of 13 Five Brigade
victims, including Malope's wife and two sons. "People are tired of the
being told the same oldpromises about compensation," said Tsholotsho member
of Parliament MtolikiSibanda. "They are right in taking the responsibility
of recognising ourdeceased. I encourage them to go ahead." The last flurry
of officialactivity about the Matabeleland atrocities was in 1999 when
Joshua Nkomodied. The government set up a committee of traditional chiefs,
judicialofficers, civil servants and concerned groups to look into ways
ofcompensating victims. The committee, which was supposed to work closely
withZanu PF national chairman John Nkomo, was quietly disbanded in 2000.
Effortsto get a comment from Nkomo were fruitless.

Meanwhile
thousands of people in the Matabeleland South district of Gwandahave been
swindled in what the MDC says is a scam run by Zanu PF officialsto punish
the district for supporting the opposition party. They were dupedinto paying
a Zimbabwe $6 000 fee to get on a register which an unidentified"war
veteran"' and Zanu PF officials said they were compiling. The people onthe
list were promised big handouts from the regime for supportingnationalist
guerrillas during the 60s and 70s in the war which endedwhite-minority rule.
Villagers who spoke to ZWNEWS in wards 3 and 4 ofGwanda North said the war
veteran claimed to have been sent by the Zanu PFMatabeleland South
provincial office in Gwanda to conduct the exercise. Theyadded that the war
veteran's public meetings were organised by a local ZanuPF activist, Japhet
Moyo, and a chief, Mbiko Masuku, who both encouragedpeople to register. "He
said government would be paying out gratuities ofZ$100 000 per person and a
monthly pension of Z$60 000, in addition to freeschooling for children,"
said one victim who signed up at a meeting on March12. Those who paid were
given a number, but no receipt. They said they onlyrealised they had been
conned when the state-run ZBC carried warnings aboutphoney vetting
officials. Japhet Moyo responded angrily when approached forcomment, and
continued to maintain the exercise was official and sanctionedby the ruling
party. "I know you want to rubbish every government programme,so go ahead,"
he said. He added he knew the war veteran only as Mafu, anddid not know
where Mafu is now or what had happened to the money collected.

Police
refused to discuss the allegations. MDC deputy provincial spokesmanPetros
Mukwena said the scam needed to be investigated. "It is a pity thatthe
police will not do that because the criminals are Zanu PF officials whoare
taking advantage of the war collaborators compensation craze to linetheir
pockets," said Mukwena. He described the bogus registration as adeliberate
extortion by Zanu PF functionaries of people who have supportedthe MDC since
its inception. Japhet Moyo is a feared Zanu PF youth leagueoperative who is
believed to have planned the attacks on teachers, nursesand villagers in
Gwanda North following his defeat by the MDC in theSeptember 2002 rural
council elections. He was also involved in the violencethat gripped Insiza
ahead of the by-election which Zanu PF won last year.

THE National Land
Inspectorate, comprising civil servants from variousGovernment ministries
and departments, has been disbanded, The Herald haslearnt.

Government
sources said the Public Service Commission disbanded the teamwhich was
seconded to the Presidential Land Review Committee headed by theMinister of
Special Affairs Responsible for Lands, Land Reform andResettlement, Cde John
Nkomo, last Friday and sent back the officers totheir respective ministries
and departments.

This followed widespread reports that some of the
officials were beginningto usurp the powers of the minister, who is the
acquiring authority for landfor resettlement, by either purporting to be
issuing offer letters orwithdrawal letters when that is the responsibility
of the minister.

The sources said in just about all the cases, the offer
letters were writtento former white commercial farmers and the withdrawal
letters to newfarmers.

There have been reports from across the
country of new farmers complainingthat they are being evicted by Government
officials some two years afterbeing offered the land to make way for former
white commercial farmers,contrary to both Government policy and the
law.

In one such case, an official writing on behalf of the chairman of
theNational Land Inspectorate team Deputy Police Commissioner Godwin
Matanga,told the governor of Mashonaland Central Cde Ephraim Masawi that
they hadrecommended the withdrawal of offer letters to new farmers at
Terragwaai inMount Darwin.

"It has come to our attention that the
remaining extent of Terragwaai hassince been allocated to Mr C Chingwaru and
Mr Chidyamoto in violation of theabove referred court order.

"It is
against this background that we recommend the immediate withdrawal ofthe
offer letters and allow Terragwaai (Pvt) Ltd to continue with
farmingoperations unhindered. Furthermore, the withdrawal of the offer
lettersrenders all rental agreements made between the beneficiaries and
Terragwaai(Pvt) Ltd null and void as they (are) tantamount to extortion and
breach ofthe same offer," the official wrote in a letter dated 8 April
2004.

In another case, a certain JJ Ndebele, writing on behalf of the
principaldirector for Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet,told a Mr S Philip, the former owner of Barwick Farm in Mazowe in a
letterdated 1 April that:

"The Ministry of Special Affairs directs
that you return to your farm withimmediate effect and continue with your
passion fruit production for theexport market.

"All other activities
that had since begun on your passion fruit orchardsshould seize immediately.
No one should interfere with your operationseither through violent means or
the disconnection of any of your vitalequipment.

"In the meantime you
are also directed to co-exist peacefully with MrChindori-Chininga and his
workers."

Ndebele cited, among other reasons for returning the farm to Mr
Philip, thatit had been de-listed and that it had an export processing zones
licence.

However, in an affidavit dated April 21 2004, the Permanent
Secretary forLands, Land Reform and Resettlement Mr Simon Pazvakavambwa said
the farm hadnever been de-listed.

"To my knowledge, and based on
information to hand, the property has neverbeen down listed. The purported
down listing indicated in the letter to Mr SPhilip from JJ Ndebele of the
Office of the President and Cabinet did nottake place since the said Mr
Makaza (land officer) has neither theresponsibility nor the authority to
down list any properties under theprocess of acquisition," said Mr
Pazvakavambwa.

He said he was aware that the farm had EPZ status and Mr
Chindori-Chininga,who was allocated subdivision 1 of the farm, was
co-existing with the EPZarrangement.

"There is no basis whatsoever on
which Mr Chindori-Chininga can be said tobe in illegal possession of the
farm when he in fact is complying with allthe Government directives such as
co-existence with Mr Philip's EPZ statusand the fact he afforded Mr Philip
an opportunity to wind down hisoperations before taking over the
farm.

"With respect, the letter from Ndebele cited in the applicant's
urgentchamber application case No HC 4517/2004, is not saying that
MrChindori-Chininga should be evicted, further, Mr Ndebele has neither
theauthority nor responsibility to make indications he did in his letter,"
MrPazvakavambwa said.

Robert Mugabe has designated the area around the
25-bedroom mansion heis building a "protected area".

The
Zimbabwean president's action comes as he faces calls to disclosethe source
of foreign currency used for the imported materials being used onthe
multi-million project.

The designation means access is severely
restricted and anyone whostrays into the area or is caught taking
photographs might land in hotwater.

Police can now shoot and
kill transgressors, as has been done atMugabe's official residence, Zimbabwe
House, in Harare.

Several motorists have been shot and killed over
the years for drivingon the road between Zimbabwe House and State House
after authorised hours.

Mugabe's private mansion in the plush
suburb of Borrowdale has beenunder construction for five years and is now
expected to cost more thanR175-million.

Apart from the
locally-sourced bricks, gravel and cement, everythingat the property is said
to have come from China and Europe.

The house is being built mainly
by Yugoslav company Energo Project,though some work has been subcontracted.
The project also involvesconstruction of two sizeable dams around the
mansion and extensivelandscaping work.

Once the house is
complete, Mugabe is expected to order the closure ofnearby access roads for
his exclusive use.

The president is facing calls to disclose where
he has been gettingthe foreign currency to purchase the imported materials -
particularly afterthe arrest of Finance Minister Christopher
Kuruneri.

He is in jail after having been accused of illegally
exporting foreigncurrency to South Africa, where he is reportedly building a
R30-millionmansion in Cape Town.

A spokesperson for the
anti-corruption watchdog TransparencyInternational said it was "absolutely
essential" for Mugabe to disclosewhere and how he had been getting foreign
currency.

If it turned out that he had been drawing foreign
currency from theReserve Bank, then he would be guilty of abusing his
office.

Zimbabwe is mired in its worst foreign currency crisis
following thecollapse of the tobacco farming sector, mainly due to
Mugabe'sindiscriminate land seizures.

The Reserve Bank has
imposed stringent rules to prioritise the use ofscarce foreign currency to
import fuel and electricity.

Zimbabwe does not have money to buy
food for its people, and foreigndonors have entirely met this
responsibility.

No-one is allowed foreign currency for "luxury
imports" and scores ofmanufacturing companies have folded due to lack of
currency to meetessential imports.

Apart from his job as
president, Mugabe has no other income.

An official in the Ministry
of Local Government and Housing said thateven if Mugabe had been president
for 500 years, he could hardly havefinanced the construction of such a
mansion with his salary of less thanR210 000 a year.

THE British government has hatched a desperate
diplomatic plot whosepropaganda aim is to reverse the gains of current
Government policies anderode confidence in these policies by creating the
impression of a newcrisis in Zimba-bwe.

Sources here said the plot,
which came about after the British governmentwas stung by reports of the
ongoing success of the Government's economicturnaround policies and growing
public and international confidence in thegeneral political situation in
Zimbabwe, is built around high profile visitsby African leaders from the
region, which would be instigated and sponsoreddirectly or indirectly by the
British.

According to a highly-placed source at the Commonwealth
Secretariat inLondon with close links to the British Foreign Office, the
visiting leaderswould hold highly publicised meetings with President
Mugabe.

After that they would meet with some so-called sections of civil
society,including opposition MDC leader Mr Morgan Tsvangirai, to
dramatiseallegations of tension, conflict and polarisation in the
country.

The source said among the leaders expected to visit are Zambian
PresidentLevy Mwanawasa, President Bakili Muluzi of Malawi, the recently
re-electedSouth African President Thabo Mbeki and the Prime Minister of
Mauri-tius.

Former Kenyan leader Mr Daniel arap Moi was also expected to
visit as aspecial envoy of President Mwai Kibaki, the source
said.

"Preparations for these visits have reached an advanced stage
although nofirm dates have been set," the source said.

This new
propaganda initiative by the British comes hardly a week after
thediscredited Commonwealth secretary-general Mr Don McKinnon, who made
futileattempts to make contact with the Zimbabwean delegation at President
Mbeki'sinauguration in Pretoria last week, told diplomats in Pretoria that
hisoffice was working closely with the British Foreign Office to exert
newpressure on the Zimbabwe Government.

Mr McKinnon is said to have
conceded that the Zimbabwean situation wasincreasingly getting out of reach
following the country's withdrawal fromthe Commonwealth.

He also said
British diplomats were experiencing serious difficulties infinding new entry
points.

Even the International Crisis Group has acknowledged the same,
noting in itsrecent report released last month that:

"For all the
sound and fury of international condemnation and domesticopposition,
President Robert Mugabe maintains the upperhand in Zimbabwe. . .. it has
been a masterful performance."

The report goes on to say: "It is time to
acknowledge collective failure todate, re-evaluate strategies and
concentrate on the opportunities presentedby the March 2005 parliamentary
elections."

The source said the new initiative was designed to create an
opportunity forthe opposition ahead of the parliamentary elections, which
the President hassaid would be held next March.

A Government
spokesman said the Government was unaware of the visits by theregional
leaders and expressed doubt that anyone of these countries wouldwant to be
party to such an obvious British plot.

"In any event, the Government is
busy doing things that the people ofZimbabwe expect it to do and the results
are speaking for themselves on theground.

"There is peace and
tranquillity and the economic prospects are so goodtoday that we do not
believe any African country would want to spoil thisfor the benefit of the
British," said the spokesman.

The plot by the British also comes in the
wake of failure by Britain and itsallies at last month's United Nations
Human Rights Commission summit inGeneva, Switzerland, to get the world body
to investigate Zimbabwe foralleged human rights abuses.

The responsibilities of the oppressedLast updated:
05/04/2004 20:15:29MTHULISI MATHUTHU

IN Gibran Kahlil's book called
"The Prophet", Almustafa speaks at length andeloquently about life to the
people of Orphalese before setting sail on aship to the isle of his birth
which he had missed for twelve years.

In the middle of the sermon an
orator asks Almustafa to speak about freedombefore an awed crowd standing
attentively between the foot of a seaside hilland the harbor.

The
answer is worth sharing: "If it is a despot you should dethrone, seefirst
that his throne erected within you is destroyed...And if it is fearyou would
dispel, the seat of that fear is in your heart and not in the handof the
feared."

Although written almost a century ago these words remain a
genuineindictment of the people of Zimbabwe. A nation which, while it finds
it easyto complain about the evident tyranny under which it is suffocating,
has yetto accept that the oppressed also have responsibilities.

As
they strive to pull themselves from the shoals and depths of oppressiverule
Zimbabweans should also accept the part they have played in
theperpetuationof their tribulations, which generally entails explaining
how they got to bewhere they are.

In those explanations lie the
solutions to this carnage.

The responsibilities of the oppressed tend to
be more demanding than thoseof the tyrants for despotism is erected directly
in the hearts of theoppressed and is sustained by the weaknesses of its
victims.

Dictatorships normally survive mainly due to the weakness at the
bottom thanby the strength at the top.

One of the weaknesses that
Zimbabweans have demonstrated is to imagine thatMugabe was ever a hero and a
well-meaning leader. In swallowing this fallacywe allow ourselves to seek a
future within the box of his mentality. Weprovide him space to claim moral
high ground and to blackmail us asbetrayers.

We try to define the way
forward within the Zanu PF premise while deceivingourselves with the
delusions of unfolding freedom. Even as some oppositionleaders speak of
change it is easy to detect some one party state anddictatorial thinking in
their analysis.

Listen to their jokes, their understanding of the
universe, our liberationstruggle and many other global developments they all
reflect the Mugabethinking. A friend, recently in the UK told me about how
some Britishscribes and legislators shook their heads when talking about the
discussionswhich they had with a certain senior opposition
leader.

When one criticises this unfortunate development some Zimbabweans
(thevictims of the fallacy) raise hell, and wonder why one should criticise
theopposition which believes in press freedom, human rights promotion and
therule of law.

But even a person with a modicum of intelligence will
agree that it doesn'tmatter much that a party says it is committed to press
freedom and the ruleof law. Zanu PF, Fidel Castro and friends all swear by
democracy. ChairmanMao swore by the masses but witness how appalling these
people's recordsare! Look how their "supposed nationalism" perpetuate
ignorance, shoddyscholarship, blind loyalty, misery rather than independent
reasoning andconsequently prosperity.

In Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe' s survival as a politician feeds mainlyfrom the narrow-mindedness of
the electorate. Self-centered reasoning andfolly have tended to spread
freely and rapidly than clear thinking so muchso that some views are viewed
as dangerous or labeled as Zanu PF or MDC.

Although it is risky to
support one's argument with words or observationsfrom people like
Shakespeare Maya, I will pray for your patience.

Just listen to Maya:
"Zimbabweans tend to go through episodes of emotionalacceptance of a
political party option and total rejection of any otheroption and only
change when that singular option hurts them irreversiblyhard.

"The
element of choice and representation of options in this case arestifled not
only by the constitutional process but also by electoratethemselves who tend
to detest any wide choices even in the opposition."

This paper was
presented at the Zimbabwe Election Support Network Workshopin Harare last
August.It is credible to say this is the reason why manyZimbabweans were
laughing at those who were complaining about Mugabe in1983.

Anybody
complaining about evident gross human rights violations then was adissident.
The "tyranny of the majority" reigned. Mugabe was a hero
parexcellence!

The truth is that Mugabe has never done anything for
anybody. For everyproject he sets up he expects payment whether through
blind loyalty or sheerobsequiousness. Every road he has commissioned, every
committee, commissionand task force he has set up has been set not to
benefit the poor but toperpetuate his rule.

Even the anti-corruption
drive is not intended to be a well-meaningexercise. It is a brazen and
spectacular masking exercise-a dramaticobfuscating exercise. Look how
despite the flurry and the echoes it has yetto net the real
criminals.

Today, anybody complaining about clear-cut deficiencies within
theopposition has got their priorities wrong or is plain Zanu PF.

The
Zimbabwean case clearly vindicates Almustafa, the prophet. The throne ofthis
tyranny is really among us. When the world wails with us, he seekssanctuary
in the comfort of our fear and the dark corners of our gullibilityand
ignorance. Which is why the TV displays the images of the past just tosteer
up the emotions of the ancient era and raise paranoia. It is also thereason
why the Herald has, since 2000, been trying to sell the false storythat a
certain ethnic group within the MDC is pushing to dislodge MorganTsvangirai
with the hope that they will raise the hot ethnic feelings whichhelped Zanu
PF to pull through.

Evidently the tyranny of the majority still reigns
supreme here. It is notthat the Zimbabweans can not pull themselves out of
this or they have reallyhit astone wall. The disease is just within
us.

It is hardly a case of Mugabe being so repressive that he has
surpassedBotha but a case of an electorate which has rented its hearts to
theoppressor. He must now pay the rentals.

"The veil that clouds your
eyes shall be lifted by the hands that wove it,"says Almustafa before the
ship is cast off from its moorings to bear him tohis eastwards motherland
leaving the astounded crowd by the wall of the sea.Zimbabweans must take
heed - thuthuma@yahoo.com