Item Metadata

This thesis is a study of the current backlash against
immigration and multiculturalism policies. The author looks at
current arguments against both policies, and compares them to
evidence.
These arguments are drawn from the media; the writings of
critics like Richard Gwyn, and William D. Gairdner; and the
policies of the Reform Party. It will provide a historical review
of the experiences of immigrant groups in adapting to Canadian
society. From this review, the author identifies several
consistent themes in anti-multiculturalism and anti-immigration
literature, which include: multiculturalism is little more than
"flash and dance", the policy is unanimously unpopular among the
general public, immigrants take jobs from Canadian-born, immigrants
are a burden to society, and that immigrants are not needed to
offset the ageing of the Canadian population.
The author concludes that these criticisms are based on
misconceptions and distortions of facts. In some cases, the
criticisms reflect more of an attack on minority groups rather than
on these policies, and reveal a movement to reverse the pluralistic
nature of Canadian society. This research comes at a time when the
debate over these policies is clouded with emotion. The author
makes several recommendations as to how the public education system
can help counter the use of these themes in the media.

Full Text

"INVASION" OF THE "IMMIGRANT HORDES": AN ANALYSIS OF CURRENT ARGUMENTS IN CANADA AGAINST MULTICULTURALISM AND IMMIGRATION POLICY by P. SARADHI PUTTAGUNTA HBA/BA, L a k e h e a d U n i v e r s i t y , . 1990 MA, D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s We a c c e p t . t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the "required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA March 1998 (c) P. S a r a d h i P u t t a g u n t a , 1998 In presenting degree freely this at the thesis in partial fulfilment University of British Columbia, available for copying of department publication this or of reference thesis by this for his thesis and study. scholarly or for her Department The University of British Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) Columbia I further purposes gain the requirements I agree that agree may representatives. financial permission. of be It shall not that the by understood be allowed an advanced Library shall permission granted is for for the that without make it extensive head of my copying or my written ABSTRACT This thesis immigration current is and a study of multiculturalism arguments against both the current policies. backlash The policies, and against author looks at compares them to writings of evidence. These critics arguments like are Richard drawn Gwyn, from and p o l i c i e s of the Reform Party. of the experiences society. of From this consistent themes in literature, which "flash and William D. groups the Gairdner; author multiculturalism the p o l i c y the i n adapting anti-multiculturalism include: dance", media; and I t w i l l provide a h i s t o r i c a l immigrant review, the review to Canadian identifies several and is i s unanimously the anti-immigration little unpopular more than among the general p u b l i c , immigrants take jobs from Canadian-born, immigrants are and not needed to are based on a burden to society, that immigrants are o f f s e t the ageing of the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n . The author misconceptions concludes and that distortions these of criticisms facts. In some cases, the c r i t i c i s m s r e f l e c t more of an attack on m i n o r i t y groups r a t h e r than on these p o l i c i e s , and r e v e a l a movement to reverse the p l u r a l i s t i c nature of Canadian s o c i e t y . This research comes at a time when the debate i s clouded with over these policies makes s e v e r a l recommendations as to how emotion. The author the p u b l i c education system can help counter the use of these themes i n the media. w, T A B L E O F CONTENTS Abstract ' ii Table o f Contents i i i L i s t o f Figures iv Acknowledgement v Chapter One Introduction Chapter Two M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a Concept 17 Chapter Three M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a P o l i c y : H i s t o r y And Opponents 58 Arguments Against M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Policy 77 Chapter Four Chapter Five 1 What the C r i t i c i s m s o f M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m P o l i c y Represent 111 A n a l y s i s o f the M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Backlash 165 The Backlash Against Immigration: Arguments And Evidence i n a H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Context 194 Chapter E i g h t Economic Arguments Against Immigration 234 Chapter Nine General Themes i n Contemporary Chapter S i x Chapter Seven Chapter Ten Immigration-Bashing 263 Conclusion 304 Bibliography 342 Appendix A 363 Appendix B 364 Appendix C 365 Appendix D 366 iii L I S T OF FIGURES Figure One: Figure Two: Immigrant 1990 363 M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Approved Funding to U n i - C u l t u r a l Organizations, 1992-93 to 1994-95 Figure Three: Figure Four: Flows, by Region of O r i g i n , Canada, 1901- 364 Immigrants as a Percentage o f the Population, Canada, 1901-1991 365 Average Earnings of Foreign-born I n d i v i d u a l s Who Landed i n 1981 and 1985 by Immigration Category, 1988 366 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT In 1994 I began t h i s study out of concern f o r the image that was being portrayed of immigrants i n the media here i n Canada. The previous year was a f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n year, and some of the statements made by p o l i t i c i a n s seemed to be p u t t i n g the blame on new Canadians f o r the economic and p o l i t i c a l woes the country was experiencing. Perhaps because I myself am an immigrant, I was very s e n s i t i v e to what was being s a i d , and c l e a r l y understood that immigrants were being used as scapegoats f o r problems they were not necessarily responsible for. I would l i k e to thank Pradip Sarbadhikari, who p o i n t e d me t h i s d i r e c t i o n years ago, and motivated me to f o l l o w my heart. in In completing t h i s research, I am g r a t e f u l to many colleagues who provided very h e l p f u l comments and h i n t s about my w r i t i n g . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I would l i k e to thank Timothy Stanley, Tony Arruda, Diane Purvey, and G a i l Edwards. My a s s o c i a t i o n put me i n touch comments can be contributions, I C o r n e l i u s Jaenen, with the Canadian E t h n i c Studies A s s o c i a t i o n has with many i n d i v i d u a l s whose own research and seen throughout this thesis. For their owe a debt of g r a t i t u d e to Marie McAndrew, Jean Burnet, T.R. Balakrishnan, and John Berry. I would l i k e to thank Ather H. Akbari and Donald J . DeVoretz f o r answering my questions about the economics of immigration. I a l s o owe a huge debt of g r a t i t u d e to the members of my committee, Charles Ungerleider and K o g i l a A. Moodley, who not only provided many h e l p f u l suggestions, but whose own work i s quoted e x t e n s i v e l y throughout t h i s paper. I hope my academic p r a c t i c e s w i l l come to resemble t h e i r own. But above a l l , t h i s work could not have been p o s s i b l e without the i n f l u e n c e of my d i s s e r t a t i o n advisor, J . Donald Wilson. His performance i n t h i s r o l e has gone way above and beyond the c a l l of duty. His role as advisor, mentor, professor, critic, d i s c i p l i n a r i a n , motivator, and comedian set a new standard f o r others to match. I cannot say enough good things about him. I hope that t h i s research w i l l somehow give him a sense that t h i s h i s e f f o r t was a l l worthwile. I thank him not only f o r h i s advice and support, but a l s o f o r h i s humour and f o r h i s a b i l i t y to f o r g i v e my many mistakes, of which I am sure he w i l l s t i l l be r e c o v e r i n g from long a f t e r I leave t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n . v C H A P T E R O N E : INTRODUCTION Many Canadians np longer support immigration because, r i g h t l y , they consider the immigration p o l i c i e s of the 1990s d e t r i m e n t a l . -Daniel Stoffman, 1998 1 Now, E n g l i s h Canada i s being, destroyed not only because nont r a d i t i o n a l immigrants are f a i l i n g to a s s i m i l a t e , but because they are encouraged not to do so by the government's r i d i c u l o u s p o l i c i e s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . -Doug C o l l i n s , 1979 2 In 1993, candidate during a federal f o r York riding election John Beck campaign stated i n Canada, that Reform immigrants were b r i n g i n g "...death and d e s t r u c t i o n to the people", and the time f o r Anglo-Saxons to a s s e r t themselves had come. Beck was subsequently 3 e x p e l l e d from h i s p a r t y f o r h i s remarks. While he was condemned by h i s own party's executive, i t became c l e a r that h i s sentiments were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a trend i n the n i n e t i e s of immigrant-bashing that was present not only i n Canada, but around the world. The n a t i v e - born populations of developed countries were growing uneasy era of r e c e s s i o n and economic i n s t a b i l i t y . employment becoming scarce, i n an With both resources and immigrants and m i n o r i t i e s w i t h i n these nations were becoming the scapegoats f o r these t r o u b l e d times. In Canada, reflected showed the atmosphere i n a 1994 that 53% coming.to Canada. of 4 neo-conservative capitalize poll of h o s t i l i t y by the Ekos Canadians towards immigrants Research A s s o c i a t i o n thought too many immigrants was which were, As a r e s u l t of t h i s a t t i t u d e towards newcomers, and u l t r a - c o n s e r v a t i v e on t h i s p u b l i c forces fear of immigrants have been i n order able to to promote t h e i r agendas of immigrant r e s t r i c t i o n and r e v o c a t i o n of r i g h t s f o r minority groups. The o f f i c i a l policy calls from i t s current 150,000. Reform Reform Party has stated that i t s 1996-97 f o r reducing immigration inflows i n t o Canada level of around Party p o l i c y and welfare b e n e f i t s f o r new also 215,000 calls newcomers a year for eliminating to health Canadians u n t i l they become c i t i z e n s , 1 which takes about three to f i v e years a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l , Canadian soil citizenship unless to c h i l d r e n the parents "notwithstanding clause 1 o f immigrants are landed born immigrants, i n the Charter to deny on Canadian and t o use the o f Rights i n order to ignore c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s when e x p e l l i n g those considered to be bogus refugees and i l l e g a l entrants. 5 The purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s to show that, r a t h e r than being about good economic and s o c i a l p o l i c y , immigration policies i s about h a l t i n g from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l areas, explicitly) the contemporary attack on the i n c r e a s e i n immigration and i s thus implicitly an attack on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . (and sometimes This argument i s based on the .following p o i n t s . The first theme i n t h i s restricting throughout attacks immigration thesis repeat i s that recent arguments about anti-immigration themes voiced Canadian h i s t o r y , and are r e l a t e d t o , and r e f l e c t e d i n , upon Canada's official policy of multiculturalism. I b e l i e v e the term "backlash' a c c u r a t e l y describes t h i s current a n t i immigration and flow. movement, as i t connotes that the movement has an ebb That is,, anti-immigration, movements are not a constant p a r t o f Canadian h i s t o r y . However, when they do happen, the same arguments are used by immigration Present-day current c r i t i c i s m s o f immigration patterns negative impact journalist immigration' Canadians. of immigration Stoffman have Canadians, nor stated had Immigration • c r i t i c and over either again. a negligible or i n Canada. C r i t i c s such as that era s i n c e 197,8 had not r e s u l t e d 6 over are based on the b e l i e f that on the q u a l i t y o f l i f e Daniel individual critics the of "mass i n i n c r e a s e d incomes f o r i t eased Charles the tax Campbell burden claimed of that Canada's open door p o l i c y towards newcomers was c o s t l y to taxpayers and, as a r e s u l t , observers to immigration must be reduced suggested assimilate "last These c r i t i c s to a minimum. that a moratorium on immigration decade's 7 was s c a r c e l y - r e s t r a i n e d human c l a i m that Canada should Some necessary flood". 8 f o l l o w the leads o f other nations such as the United States and A u s t r a l i a by reducing inflows 2 of newcomers. Critics also state that societal problems been made worse because of immigration. woman i n Toronto generated this by comment "High-profile crimes government p o l i c y . " to be coupled immigrants a b l a c k Canadian from the The immigrants with official show the with the r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n . 1994 Report: chaos critics the need to of claim, integrate As a r e s u l t , Canadian fragmenting i n t o d i f f e r e n t groups. white immigration p o l i c y multiculturalism , feeling have in Western 10 come to Canada without crime origin The By a l l o w i n g f o r a l i b e r a l 9 as shooting of a of Jamaican periodical involving such society i s As Richard Gwyn s t a t e s , ...by t r e a t i n g d i f f e r e n c e s of race, e t h n i c i t y , and c o l o u r as i n t e g r a l to i d e n t i t y r a t h e r than as manifestations of h e r i t a g e , o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m encourages apartheid, or, to be a b i t l e s s harsh,' ghettoism. 11 Such c r i t i c i s m s are not a product of the modern e r a . e x i s t e d i n anti-immigration w r i t i n g s of e a r l i e r J.S. Woodsworth warned social problems Furthermore, racially the such i n 1919 as that a l l o w i n g i n of different from times immigrants, pauperism, who i n Canada. would illiteracy, people These themes exacerbate and were crime. ethnically the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n would be 12 and dangerous, and cause s o c i e t y to s p l i n t e r , as the "heterogeneity of these races tends to promote passion, localism, and despotism, impossible f r e e cooperation f o r the p u b l i c welfare".. A second theme in this thesis i s that the 13 and to make ... accuracy of the arguments about r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and the arguments about the negative consequences of Canada's m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y to which they are related scrutiny. mentioned Claims in the have not about media and cause and in public ; immigrants inconvenience Commentators r e f e r to immigrants "invasions". Somalia, Diane With subjected immigration though they are f a c t . Recent society been and to systematic multiculturalism policymaking sessions are as are s a i d to damage Canadian for native-born as "hordes" who regard to the close, recent influx Canadians. stage " f l o o d s " and of refugees from F r a n c i s claims to have spoken to a teacher, "whose 3 school has been t o t a l l y d i s r u p t e d by these invading hordes". also says that the Somalis "will anything, to Canada i n the f u t u r e " . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a concept before. Both Commons have of stated multiculturalism. Tremblay the As main contribute very little, opposition parties opposition stated in i n the to the Bloc Quebecois Member of (Rimouski-Temiscouata) if 15 i s a l s o under more s c r u t i n y their She 14 than House policy of of Parliament•Suzanne 1994, drawing on the example of the current p o l i c y of i n t e r c u l t u r a l i s m i n Quebec: I t seems to me that we don't need to promote multiculturalism. Instead, we should s t r i v e to develop i n t e r c u l t u r a l i s m and, of course, we should make a major amendment to t h i s a c t . No, the act shouldn't even be amended, i t should probably be repealed and r e p l a c e d by an act that would recognize the riches, c r o s s - c u l t u r a l contacts and exchange b r i n g to our own communities, i n the broader context of being i n t e g r a t e d i n t o and r e s p e c t i n g one or the other of those m a j o r i t i e s . 1 6 The Reform Party shares t h i s view, as s t a t e d by t h e i r Immigration critic,.Art former Hanger: ...I don't agree with the m u l t i c u l t u r a l d i r e c t i o n t h i s country has taken e i t h e r . In f a c t , my personal view and that of our p a r t y i s that We would l i k e to see that act scrapped completely... and deal with some of the other matters i n other areas i n other departments. 17 M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y i s a l s o being questioned outside of the House of Commons. D. Gairdner people'. since see T r a d i t i o n a l conservative c r i t i c s such as W i l l i a m the These 18 their ranks conservative immigrant. policy critics his for the holiness". society, 19 just cow of "top-down have been such as book M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada, now a have been f i l l e d critics In as given with Neil Selling a imposition on redemptive impetus non-traditional Bissoondath, Illusions.: to be The Cult stripped This i s because newcomers must l e a r n and non- himself, Bissoondath w r i t e s : " ( I t ) may multiculturalism the to an of be time of its accommodate as s o c i e t y must l e a r n to accommodate the newcomer. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , . he says, has served neither interest. It has 4 only served to heighten d i f f e r e n c e s , not d i m i n i s h them. A t h i r d p o i n t t h i s t h e s i s w i l l make i s that when the accuracy of the arguments about r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and the arguments about the negative consequences of Canada's m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y to which they are r e l a t e d are subject to close, are found to l a c k e v i d e n t i a l support. supported by evidence, attacks on systematic s c r u t i n y , Instead of cogent the arguments should be immigrants and immigration. seen as p o l i c y , and examine how the topic. above to It w i l l see arguments rhetorical This t h e s i s w i l l the v a r i o u s arguments made against m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and they identify immigration w e l l they r e f l e c t the evidence a v a i l a b l e on examine i f evidence the exists claims to such as those mentioned show m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .to a"top-down' i m p o s i t i o n on the people, and i f multiculturalism i n f a c t o n l y served to heighten d i f f e r e n c e s . facts, and the language these c r i t i c s has These arguments -— as I p l a n to s h o w — o f t e n do not take i n t o account the complete of be use suggest range a fear i m m i g r a t i o n - w i l l i n v a r i a b l y change the nature of Canadian that society, most l i k e l y against the i n t e r e s t s of the e s t a b l i s h e d English/French majority. Appendix This 21 A point show's, the is accentuated number of by immigrants the fact from represent 71% of a l l immigrants who Legion H a l l i n B r i t i s h Columbia over turbans minority are signs of 22 grown Incidents from the Newton and the controversy r a i s e d Mounted P o l i c e contemporary to wear intolerance towards groups. To make t h i s and i n 1993, a l l o w i n g Sikhs i n the Royal Canadian their and 1990 came to Canada. such as the e x c l u s i o n of a veteran of Sikh, o r i g i n as non-traditional areas such as the A f r i c a and A s i a have between 1977 to that, p o i n t , I propose immigration attacks on both. multiculturalism will are connected, This w i l l policy also to explore how and how multiculturalism critics combine their involve an examination of contemporary i n Canada, review the as well history as of criticisms of the policy. I anti-immigration sentiments over the past century that accompanied each successive wave of immigration to Canada. 5 A f o u r t h theme i n t h i s t h e s i s i s that Canada's media c o n t r i b u t e to a c l i m a t e h o s t i l e to immigration and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m by to c r i t i c a l l y assess the arguments and of restricting immigration Multiculturalism. Canadians the must these t o p i c s . be held the serves a what backlash. Herman and providing members school, of most Thus a c c u r a t e l y on I f media.coverage of the press This purpose policy these p o l i c i e s . actually Chomsky w r i t e serves that i s not one the to media that enables c o n t r o l over the p o l i t i c a l process information of p o l i t i c a l in for reporting accurate, then " s o c i a l purpose'. discharge learn about accountable the p u b l i c to a s s e r t meaningful by they Canada's But i s t h i s i n f a c t the case? i s s u e s i s not foment from evidence mounted i n favour rescinding r e l y on the media to l e a r n media these Aside and failing needed responsibilities, for but the intellectual r a t h e r to inculcate and defend the economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l agenda of p r i v i l e g e d groups that dominate the domestic s o c i e t y and If immigration as the c r i t i c s state. and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c i e s claim, then the require a be presented i n t h i s review, issues should be presented mainstream media i n a f a i r and balanced manner. will 2 3 thesis w i l l suggest The i n the evidence that that the debate as seen i n the media today i s f a r from a f a i r one. A greater spectrum of not views and evidence needs w r i t e r s on immigration, Diane Francis, W i l l i a m D. to be presented, such as Charles Campbell, and Doug C o l l i n s ; just those Daniel Stoffman, and on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , Gairdner, N e i l Bissoondath, p o i n t made by this of Richard Gwyn, and such as Reginald Bibby. Another research i s that the failure to c r i t i c a l l y appraise the arguments and evidence mounted i n favour of restricting immigration M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m poses pluralistic issues and causing a threat democratic such and rescinding the With the federal debate government pressured to act i n order to appease those c a l l i n g restriction. Also, policy of to the maintenance of Canada as a nation. emotion, Canada's politicians may choose to over these may feel f o r immigration implement tough 6 immigration p o l i c i e s i n order to appear i n the eyes of c o n s t i t u e n t s to be Prior "doing something" to being e l e c t e d about the i n 1993, supposed immigration problem. the c u r r e n t l y incumbent Liberal Party, then i n opposition, promised to r a i s e immigrant l e v e l s to 1% of the t o t a l Canadians population a year up being e l e c t e d , i s , from the r a t e to about the. current of 250,000 280,000 per y e a r ) . then M i n i s t e r of Employment and Marchi announced to (that i n September 1994 new Instead, a f t e r Immigration reductions i n immigrant l e v e l of around 200,000 per year. Sergio inflows Immigration was made an even more d i f f i c u l t process by h i s a d d i t i o n a l announcement of a $975 head tax per immigrant. Lucienne R o b i l l a r d based on myths, confirmed that but that the Current Immigration M i n i s t e r 24 the anti-immigrant backlash was Liberals were still reluctant to increase immigration l e v e l s . "I have to recognize the myth i s there (that immigrants population) . To cause have unemployment more support of the p o p u l a t i o n " . into policy among immigration implementation of Commons, decisions. be based shows has: been i n Canada how successful As the M i n i s t e r stated, on faulty Canadian-born we need the This f a i l u r e to turn p o l i c y promise 25 r e s t r i c t i o n movement, of which the Reform House the evidence. the pro-immigration Party represents i n influencing the c a l l s Hence, we i n the government for restriction need to examine may the backlash more c a r e f u l l y . How effective immigrant almost twenty years reversal assimilation: re-examine objectives public education be sentiments i n the p u b l i c ? traditional to can to "...it ago, multicultural of the r o l e would their fit a role new As i n dealing Cornelius Jaenen education of Canadian with antistated represents schools a as t o o l s of seem that the schools are being forced and to readjust definition of their Canadian programs and society". 26 M u l t i c u l t u r a l education needs to r e i n f o r c e the cause of fundamental human r i g h t s , relations, welcome the development of i n s i g h t s into racism, and and to strengthen c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . additions to broader and deeper objectives group Such would be of literacy, 7 i n t e l l i g e n t c i t i z e n s h i p , and respect f o r e x c e l l e n c e . The research presented directions for continuing need immigration i n order to in this multicultural to teach thesis education, students and counteract critics i n the media and the suggest new particular the multiculturalism to b e t t e r understand society will in about 27 heterogeneity o f t e n unfounded in public office. claims That in of and their various i s , education i n schools must go beyond d e a l i n g with j u s t the teaching of c u l t u r e to dealing with media literacy and socio-political c u l t u r e and e t h n i c i t y i n our s o c i e t y . be expanded and r e v i s e d i n order issues involving Teacher education must a l s o to make m u l t i c u l t u r a l education more e f f e c t i v e . Advocacy of immigrant r e s t r i c t i o n i s present not only i n Canada, but i n other nations as w e l l . The A u s t r a l i a n government r e c e n t l y cut the number of immigrants i t accepts from 110,000 per year down to 80,000, an should follow. Australia's 0.47% example that Canadian c r i t i c s In 28 annual terms of i n f l o w of percentages, say this their would mean that immigrants would drop of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . government from 0.65% Canada's current immigration to rate i s about 0.77%. In Western Europe, anti-immigrant a g i t a t i o n i s not solely the domain of as Front, but also of right-wing bodies such Cooperation and Development, immigrants there "...foster lower extremists as which the such Organization stated i n a strikes, 1993 v i o l e n c e , and the general standard of l i v i n g . " The National of Economic report that crime. They Since the seventies, the 2 9 governments of B r i t a i n , Germany, and France have j u s t i f i e d measures restricting denying immigration work permits of c e r t a i n types to immigrants from s e t t l i n g or c a t e g o r i e s — family r e l a t i o n s of immigrants, means measures police who to were combat not racism a source against of p r o t e s t i n g France's newcomers, racism a c t i o n i n P a r i s during August were as banning i n c e r t a i n areas, d e l i b e r a t e b u r e a u c r a t i c delays, and d i r e c t payments to encourage immigrants to a such 1996 restrictive as themselves. leave — though 30 The against hunger immigration as these recent strikers laws shows 8 that t h i s i s s u e continues to be a l i v e and w e l l . Immigration 3 1 i s also a contentious issue i n the United S t a t e s . The recent uproar over the beating of i l l e g a l Mexican immigrants California Highway Patrol officers in April 1996, plus 32 by the passage of f e d e r a l amendments to welfare l e g i s l a t i o n that bar l e g a l immigrants how from r e c e i v i n g most forms of welfare b e n e f i t s , shows 3 3 s i g n i f i c a n t the t o p i c of immigration has been f o r Americans. To draw upon examples world i s to show, f i r s t , Second, that as c r i t i c s Canada should of the immigration that the Canadian draw examples follow, any from study backlash around s i t u a t i o n i s not the unique. other c o u n t r i e s as models on the phenomenon of anti- immigration l o c a l l y must t h e r e f o r e look at these examples and show how they do or do not apply. immigration p o l i c y with that 1995 American bipartisan For example, i n comparing American of Canada, Richard Gwyn r e f e r s federal commission's proposals to a to cut immigration by almost a h a l f and s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduce the number of family-class immigrants, and writes: "An equivalent to the o b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s of the b i p a r t i s a n commission's study i s overdue to be d u p l i c a t e d here While [ i n Canada]". 34 a number of contemporary studies have focused on current anti-multiculturalism sentiments, immigration i t is difficult discuss trends, the two against 35 issues together. multiculturalism sentiments and and a few to have locate None has looked any linked immigration to anti- s t u d i e s that the show at backlashes how these might represent an o v e r a l l trend against heterogeneity and c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i n our s o c i e t y . The research presented here w i l l show that anti-immigrant/anti-minority group themes evident i n the past p a r a l l e l those of today, thus showing how the contemporary backlash i s a reproduction of such trends i n h i s t o r y . This study w i l l be organized i n two multiculturalism policy of immigration. represent •means by the The diversity which we i n Canada, and two of acquire areas are Canadian new parts: one part analyzing the other examining intimately society: Canadians, linked immigration and issues as is they one multiculturalism 9 represents the way new over the past generation that we Canadians i n t o our Part One, such Chapter Two as will define "multiculturalism', chapter will also discuss for factors that societies, conflict in such societies, (or communities, specifically, non-charter groups) the the i n public of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m First will since "ethnicity*. This persistence facilitate of against to problem non-recognition of of of of and the dealing the with culture need to supplement This chapter w i l l a l s o discuss the explain i n Canada, and the h i s t o r y of policy C r i t i c i s m s of the p o l i c y from Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t s and the analyze mentioned i n Chapter Three, but these criticisms that concern m i n o r i t i e s multiculturalism community, from time multiculturalism academic examine the the the Aboriginal some used, c r i t i c i s m s of not Nations be approaches policy, Four w i l l Nations w i l l be issues several nativism. Chapters Three and policy. have will the non-recognition human r i g h t s with group r i g h t s . phenomenon of and reasons modern will terms that the in culture the "pluralism', ethnicity heterogeneous those society. which deals with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , chapters. integrate to policy in any great also concern the sometimes deals I will be time. The drawing focus but my issues examples focus Since F i r s t Nations, from i s on p o l i c y i n regards to immigrants. criticisms, thesis detail. with here this in the the First criticism I will will and be of examine on popular contemporary c r i t i c i s m s made by observers such as N e i l Bissoondath, Richard Gwyn, Reginald Francis. The impact on widespread and t h i s issue. effective Bibby, the William public than of D. Gairdner, these w r i t e r s commentaries made by and was Diane f a r more academics Popular c r i t i c s have access to t e l e v i s i o n and on popular media, whereas academics c i r c u l a t e t h e i r views l a r g e l y i n academic journals and a t t e n t i o n by at the media. multiculturalism minority academic is communities, conferences Their little that which are c r i t i c i s m s include more than i t does a scheme nothing to given little the notions to buy address that votes the in real 10 concerns an of m i n o r i t y groups such as racism, that object of encouraging how well exotic display, separateness. these critiques The and it purpose reflect causes ghettoization of t h i s the i t makes c u l t u r e chapter reality of by i s to see multicultural p o l i c y i n Canada and Canadian s o c i e t y i n general. Chapters Five and Six w i l l continue c r i t i q u e s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , c r i t i c i s m s represent. not these effects and i t w i l l analysis of popular a l s o examine what these I t w i l l respond to i s s u e s such as whether or criticisms destructive this really reflect concern of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , or for the i f they supposed represent a fear of the i n c r e a s i n g presence of n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups i n Canada; why Bissoondath against and the represented policy; University policy; in and members of m i n o r i t y groups, the what how of such Winnipeg p r o f e s s o r Rais accurately multiculturalism media; i f such might ' some of criticisms the help actual as Neil Khan, are policy is refine the shortcomings of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m be. Part Two, divided into which deals with anti-immigration arguments., w i l l three chapters. Chapter Seven will give a be brief h i s t o r i c a l examination of immigration backlash i n Canada, and look at will demographic arguments against immigration. identify against these eight themes immigrants themes appraisal to recur that i n each today. show how persist of within these I From t h i s , the arguments various backlashes, will also use this anti-immigration proponents not, able to i n f l u e n c e government p o l i c y . I made and how historical were, or were Chapter E i g h t w i l l deal with contemporary economic arguments against immigration. Rather than being a nation-wide phenomenon, immigration-bashing has tended to be a r e g i o n a l r e a c t i o n towards an i n f l u x of s p e c i f i c groups of immigrants into particular regions of the country, especially the b i g c i t i e s l i k e Toronto and Vancouver, where v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s now c o n s t i t u t e o n e - t h i r d of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . The p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n that i s considered to be from v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s has n e a r l y doubled i n the l a s t ten y e a r s . 36 11 Chapter Nine manifestations on a racial arguments of The prejudice). against policy in of A integration context. by policy government that policy handed I immigration Canada, rather integration seeing account. When r e f e r r i n g Quebec part This the adequately movement This explain against result, I aspects of a does is all a try conflict of and these not the theory most recent and how intolerance deal part in Canadian naturally affected dictated since its the of immigrants Agreement. with the take the whole. I will 3 8 policies the whole own federal w i t h Quebec's of and the selection statistics, I and rest I of provide nation indeed into include their find particular that no elements approach. appear is explained theory can explaining throughout as a this in Canadian these society. established a many work. reaction as the As example, E u r o p e a n - o r i g i n groups hegemony that in theoretical one For theory white, would suggest any multiculturalism policies. eclectic movement established maintain as different conflict-oriented the and i s the follow because more anti-immigration members position. immigration assess comparison statistics immigration prefer to whole. dissertation perspective. to of potential with Quebec to to in Quebec to at policy, deal such seen the Couture-Cullen important federal of largely over 1978 and than is be nativist concurrence powers it qualification: as has feel to here: o f Canada, the the how society. federal through a based religious, show have some improved Quebec its will immigration difficult part with over province Consequently, The and be somewhat is chapter reflect system ethno-cultural, analyze required policies, immigration one is W h i l e Quebec federal of is a belief supporting c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i n our qualification is, a n d how t h e y and can arguments m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m can those explain education with and multiculturalism multicultural towards will of these (that This 3 7 immigration favour conclusion criticisms how nationalism public policy-making level, shape to examine of Canadian n a t i v i s m conjunction and/or the will by a means However, ethno-cultural 12 groups as a whole are t r y i n g to maintain their power while m i n o r i t y groups are as a whole attempting to challenge that power base, and I do not b e l i e v e this to be the case. The range of opinions and views w i t h i n any one e t h n o - c u l t u r a l group are f a r too d i v e r s e to show t h i s to be true. white m a j o r i t y are against Not a l l members o f the dominant immigration, nor are a l l members of v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s i n favour of o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . the most appeal i n the t h e o r e t i c a l approaches advocates rights the promotion Taylor, society as being who o f W i l l Kymlicka, who of c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s such as m u l t i c u l t u r a l as a means to promote and support Charles I find challenges individual freedom, and the w e s t e r n - l i b e r a l "difference-blind'. While guide my own e x p l o r a t i o n o f the evidence these on t h i s concept of two approaches topic, I do not adhere to them s t r i c t l y . 13 NOTES 1) Daniel Stoffman, "Toward a "moderate level immigration", The Globe and M a i l (January 28 1998): A23. 1 of 2) Doug C o l l i n s , Immigration: The D e s t r u c t i o n of Canada (Richmond H i l l : BMG P u l i s h i n g Limited, 1979): 51. English 3) Darcy Henton, "Local Reform Candidate Out C a l l e d R a c i s t " , Toronto Star (October 14 1993): A l . Remarks After 4) J e r r y G. R e i t z and Raymond Breton, The I l l u s i o n of D i f f e r e n c e : R e a l i t i e s of E t h n i c i t y i n Canada and the U.S. (Ottawa: C D . Howe I n s t i t u t e , 1994) : 78. 5) The Reform Party of Canada, Blue Sheet: P r i n c i p l e s and P o l i c i e s of the Reform Party of Canada — 1996-97 (Calgary: 1996): 7. 6) Stoffman, 1. 7) Charles Campbell, "Save Money, Vancouver Sun, February 21, 1995, A l l . Close Our Borders", The 8) Tom McFeely and Kevin Michael Grace, "Sorry, Closed f o r Repairs", The Western Report, 9(July 11 1994): 6. 9) Ibid., 6. 10) For a d i s c u s s i o n of the term " o f f i c i a l please see chapter two. multiculturalism", 11) Richard Gwyn, Nationalism Without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1995): 274. 12) J.S. Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates (Toronto: The M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y of the Methodist Church, Canada, 1919; r e p r i n t ; Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1972): 187-206. 13) the Ibid., 208. 14) Diane Francis, Underground Nation: The Secret Economy and Future of Canada (Toronto: Key Porter Books Limited, 1994): 63. 15) Ibid., 63. 16) Canada, Parliament, House of Commons Standing Committee on C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, Sub-Committee on B i l l C-35. Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Sub-Committee on B i l l C35, An Act to E s t a b l i s h the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration and to Make Consequential Amendments to the Other A c t s . 14 I r r e g u l a r 35th Parliament, s e s s i o n 1, (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1994): 23. number 1, June 16, 1994. 17) I b i d . , 23. 18) William. D. Gairdner, The Trouble With Canada: A C i t i z e n Speaks Out (Toronto: Stoddart P u b l i s h i n g Company L t d . , 1990): 395. 19) Neil Bissoondath, S e l l i n g Illusions: The Cult M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1994): 44. 20) Ibid., of 192. 21) By "English/French majority", I am u s i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l way of d e s c r i b i n g the Anglo-Celtic/French-Canadian dominant groups i n Canada. 22) K..W. Taylor makes a s i m i l a r point, saying that the number of immigrants from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l areas such as the T h i r d World have between 1962 and 1988 grown to represent two-thirds of a l l immigrants who come to Canada. "Racism i n Canadian Immigration P o l i c y " , Canadian E t h n i c Studies, 23:1 (1991): 7. 23) Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The P o l i t i c a l Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988): 298. In the case of my own t h e s i s , I argue that t h i s contention i s a l s o true i n the case of the Canadian media and i t s view on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y . 24) Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Standing Committee on C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration. Bakopanos, E l e n i . . Refugees, Immigration, and Gender. Parliament 35, s e s s i o n 1, number 48 (Ottawa: wa: Queen's P r i n t e r , June, 1995): 48. 25) P a u l e t t e P e i r o l , "Immigrant Levels R e f l e c t Backlash", The Globe and M a i l (October 30 1996): A l . 26) C o r n e l i u s Jaenen, "Mutilated M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " , i n J.D. Wilson (ed.). Canadian Education i n the 1980s (Calgary: D e t s e l i g E n t e r p r i s e s Limited, 1981): 93 27) Ibid., 94. 28) A u s t r a l i a ' s population, according to a 1991 estimate, i s 16,930,000 (World Book Encyclopedia, vol.1,1991: 899). Canada's population, according to the 1996 census, stands at 28.8 m i l l i o n . S t a t i s t i c s Canada, A National Overview: Population and Dwelling Counts (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Industry, 1997): 11. New 29) N i g e l H a r r i s , The New Untouchables: Immigration i n the World Worker (London, New York: I.B. Taurus P u b l i s h e r s , 1995): 15 186. .30) 31) Sit-In", 32) Angeles", Line) . Ibid., 11. C r a i g R . W h i t n e y , " P o l i c e i n P a r i s Smash I m m i g r a n t s T h e New Y o r k T i m e s ( A u g u s t 24 1 9 9 6 ) : s e c t . 1:6. T.V. April Show: " N i n e News 10 1 9 9 6 , 10pm PT 10:00pm (obtained 33) C l a u d i a D r e i f u s , "The W o r s t Y o r k T i m e s , 6 ( O c t o b e r 27 1 9 9 6 ) : 5 3 . 34) Gwyn, Job in Report; KCAL-TV; from Lexus-Nexus the World?", in Los On- The New 220. 35) E x a m p l e s o f s t u d i e s on a n t i - m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m phenomena include Tissa Fernando's " M o s a i c Madness or Sensible Policy? Reflections on Multiculturalism", in Neil Guppy and Kenneth Stoddart (ed.s), Social Insights (Vancouver: Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y D e p a r t m e n t s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1991) ; a n d Andrew C a r d o z o ' s "On G u a r d f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " , The Canadian F o r u m , 522 ( A p r i l 1994), 14-19. An example o f a s t u d y o f antii m m i g r a n t s e n t i m e n t s w o u l d b e N i g e l H a r r i s , T h e New U n t o u c h a b l e s : I m m i g r a t i o n a n d t h e New W o r l d W o r k e r ( L o n d o n , New Y o r k : I . B . T a u r u s Publishers, 1995). 36) and M a i l A l a n n a M i t c h e l l , "Face o f b i g c i t i e s ( F e b r u a r y 18 1 9 9 8 ) : A l . changing", 37) Howard Palmer, Nativism in Alberta: Presentation at the Canadian Historical Association June,1974): 2. The Globe 1925-1930, (Toronto: 38) D i r e c t i o n des c o m m u n i c a t i o n s o f t h e Quebec M i n i s t e r e des Communautes culturelles et de 1'Immigration, Vision: A Policy Statement on Immigration and I n t e g r a t i o n (Quebec: Ministere des C o m m u n a u t e s c u l t u r e l l e s e t de 1 ' I m m i g r a t i o n d u Q u e b e c , 1 9 9 0 ) : 7 . 16 CHAPTER An TWO: MULTICULTURALISM A S A a n a l y s i s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m CONCEPT and the s t a t e o f e t h n o / c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s requires a d e f i n i t i o n of terms and an explanation theoretical related background. issues mean Without different things to d i f f e r e n t people. believe to Bibby, that i s that they have danger of this a . For which has l e d to r e l a t i v i s m because o f i t s emphasis on The as its pluralism individualism. multiculturalism and Reginald according sees multiculturalism example, excessive Bibby this, o f the i f Canadians are i n c r e a s i n g l y "no v i s i o n , n a t i o n a l to N e i l Bissoondath, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m of c e r t a i n t y goals, i s responsible sees m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as depending and unchanging notions o f e t h n i c i t y . I t creates According 1 f o r producing i n Canadian Unlike on conformity l e d to and sense of and diminishment values which he does not i d e n t i f y s p e c i f i c a l l y . of individualism, coexistence", then we c o l l a p s e i n t o a "mosaic madness". among Canadians a l o s s form Bibby, he to preconceived stereotypes, based here on e t h n i c i t y , which s t r i p s the i n d i v i d u a l o f a l l uniqueness. 2 Hence, we have two d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m : one views i t as too i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , conformist. that the other sees i t as too Yet both i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s come to the same conclusion: t h i s p o l i c y has caused a l o s s o f i d e n t i t y among Canadians by advocating cultural relativism (the b e l i e f p r a c t i c e s are of equal value, and therefore cannot judge the p r a c t i c e s o f another). that a l l cultural members o f one c u l t u r e Which i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s accurate? Is e i t h e r o f them c o r r e c t ? The purpose o f t h i s chapter i s to help provide g u i d e l i n e s theory and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , and r e l a t e d concepts. to assess the debate. multiculturalism, integration, given. In ethnocultural This gives c u l t u r a l pluralism, the reader a foundation on which To do t h i s , d e f i n i t i o n s o f key terms such as cultural pluralism, separation/segregation, order to the to relations, assimilation, and m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n , understand these ethnicity, terms the will Canadian be will approach explained be to i n the 17 context of d i f f e r e n t models. As t h i s debate deals with e t h n o - c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s , a d i s c u s s i o n of e t h n i c i t y i s warranted. 1970s saw e t h n i c i t y as Observers such as r a p i d l y diminishing i r r e l e v a n c e i n modern s o c i e t y i n the an emphasis on Porter f e l t the American melting pot was particularisms suggests that this and i t s increasing ties irrelevant. more appropriate than the s o c i e t i e s because i t allowed what they were prone to do: join the presumption mainstream is not group. accurate. reasons f o r t h i s p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c i t y ? The to the face of technology which put Canadian mosaic model f o r p l u r a l i s t i c their due i n d i v i d u a l i t y which made e t h n i c f o r e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups to do in John Porter How shed Evidence 3 What are the do we deal with i t ? c o n t i n u i n g existence of e t h n i c i t y i n modern s o c i e t y despite Porter's contention leads to the question of how n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to deal with i t . liberal model cultural rights? of government I f not, why rights? How of western-liberal the provide should i t ? we shape our Does the Western- adequate recognition How recognize do we of these does t h i s shape the r o l e of c i t i z e n s h i p i n the concept nation-state? In other words, is the d e f i n i t i o n of c i t i z e n s h i p i n w e s t e r n - l i b e r a l s t a t e s such as Canada i n c l u s i v e enough to incorporate those from m i n o r i t y groups? Finally, this context. This nativists will believe, populism. support chapter and will explain include how a nativism description they try to in of the Canadian what Canadian promote this This knowledge i s r e q u i r e d to understand why a more conservative and traditional through those interpretation who of Canadian i d e n t i t y oppose a p l u r a l i s t i c view of Canada. The Terms o f A) Debate Multiculturalism: Like c u l t u r e i t s e l f , we m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i s an e v o l v i n g term. i n t e r p r e t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m now interpreted after i t s o f f i c i a l may be d i f f e r e n t r e c o g n i t i o n i n 1971. from how In the How i t was early 18 years, the p o l i c y focused p r i m a r i l y on c u l t u r a l r e t e n t i o n . late 1970s and issues such e a r l y 1980s, the as social language education. economic contribution evolutionary Later, multiculturalism definition of often the define ideology. the This has policy. policy, Is or various as an aspects can to be the their taking To as into this critics of old consideration the on seventies. as a policy criticizing and as or both? multiculturalism Often, multiculturalism observers ideology that and for that do not note kept i n mind when reading commentaries writer asking preserve t h e i r c u l t u r e and the f e d e r a l p o l i c y , such as groups heritage equality 4 n e c e s s a r i l y connected to the minority and c r i t i c i s m s based identified ideology, of agenda. important, without be economic the changes that have occurred since the Multiculturalism relations, of to is policy race issues added development the p o l i c y became more concerned with integration, were By special privileges as an on a criticize are not hyphenization in (a p r a c t i c e which occurs i n other order to countries have an o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ) . However, they make recommendations, such as multiculturalism, are which calling directed to eliminate at the official policy of multiculturalism. According definition criteria: set of to of Augie Fleras multiculturalism a unique way attitudes and Jean should of s o r t i n g out among incorporate and individuals Leonard the evaluating and Elliot, any following diversity; groups regarding a the i n t r i n s i c value of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y ; an i d e o l o g i c a l commitment to diversity as productive and relevant to national i n t e r e s t s ; formal i n i t i a t i v e s by the government and incorporate d i v e r s i t y i n t o a set b e l i e f i n the p r a c t i c a l b e n e f i t s and minority defined and as interests. "an practices 5 For which local i n s t i t u t i o n s to programs; and of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m for and a political these purposes, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m o f f i c i a l doctrine in of p o l i c i e s and or is corresponding set of p o l i c i e s ethnoracial differences are formally 19 promoted and political, puts incorporated s o c i a l , and emphasis on differences. This for minority not be an integral symbolic order". promotion and emphasis could suitable incorporation f o r those who do not Canadian society". aforementioned of wish to and criteria, integration unify society. if ethnoracial while into definition defining the larger As I multiculturalism dissertation, would ethnic integration allows diversity society. the for the within the This emphasizes also d i v e r s i t y as a means to P h i l i p Resnick writes, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m would be i t denies Consequently, is multiculturalism political/economic This 7 the promote d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n more than j u s t c u l t u r a l r e t e n t i o n , but harmful of retain their In comparison, Howard Palmer defines context of Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p and context of suggest that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m "the means by which to p r o t e c t into component This d e f i n i t i o n , however, 6 groups, rather than f o r s o c i e t y as a whole, and background. as the as Canadians feel that an overall Howard Palmer's i s the most appropriate. I will use his national identity. definition 8 of For the purpose of t h i s definition when referring to "multiculturalism'. B) cultural pluralism: Horace K a l l e n 1924. He first coined t h i s term related cultural pluralism i n the to the each group compared to a musician p l a y i n g all making music together. 9 In E l l i o t define c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m the United idea of an States in orchestra: a d i f f e r e n t instrument, Canadian context, Fleras and as: A term used interchangeably with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , the concept of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m describes a s o c i a l arrangement i n which r a c i a l l y or e t h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t groups c o - e x i s t under a s i n g l e p o l i t y . As with m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , references to c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m can take several points of departure, i n c l u d i n g those of p l u r a l i s m as a d e s c r i p t i v e f a c t , p r e s c r i p t i v e i d e a l , or p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . 10 In other words, c u l t u r a l pluralism, living together multiculturalism is based on the which sees d i f f e r e n t e t h n o / c u l t u r a l with equal or common recognition concept groups of of as their 20 differences. Canada As c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m through the "multiculturalism the term States, 1 policy i s used of more o f t e n term whereas i n the United i s not o f f i c i a l l y recognized as i n In the context o f t h i s t h e s i s , t h i s p o i n t as c r i t i c s the to t h i s r e c o g n i t i o n , i s used where m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m officially in multiculturalism, to r e f e r "cultural pluralism' Canada. i s recognized i s worth noting such as Reginald Bibby regard p l u r a l i s m as c o n t r i b u t i n g to c o l l e c t i v e and personal freedom by l e g i t i m a t i n g d i v e r s i t y , which in turn the justifies relativism. This 1 1 r e l a t i v i s m i s deemed to be cause o f Canadians' lack o f i d e n t i t y today as "to l i v e sword o f r e l a t i v i s m . . . may a l s o be to d i e by i t " . The by the 1 2 d e f i n i t i o n of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m may not be interchangeable between Canadian and American literature. In the context of American i n t e r - c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s , according to David A. H o l l i n g e r , multiculturalism and cultural pluralism interchangeable. Cultural pluralism — are ethno-racial groups. process, and inequalities This Hispanics, C) empowerment quietly by and non-European-^origin a d i f f e r e n t way of viewing i t very in than contrast, the Eurocentrism o f the p o l i t i c a l minority between European- i s quite because emphasized •— r e f e r s together rather . Multiculturalism, recognizes i n the United States necessarily i n t h i s context to c u l t u r a l groups o f European o r i g i n l i v i n g different not introduces things the notion f o r example, as v i c t i m s of E u r o c e n t r i c than of recognizing groups. 13 i n Canada Blacks and society. ethnicity: Ethnicity, boundary: 14 according to Wsevelod Isajiw, that i s , i t i s defined as through intergroup relations. i s a matter o f double from w i t h i n the group, as w e l l To Isajiw, e t h n i c i t y . . . . . r e f e r s to a group o f people who share the same c u l t u r e or are descendants of such people who i d e n t i f y themselves as belonging to the same voluntary group. 15 Palmer and Troper a l s o define an ethnic group by i t s members' 21 own identification society views within the with them. group each An other, ethnic identify as well group i s so the group with as how the because and individuals are recognized by non-members as being members of that outer generally group. The 16 elements that determine the e t h n i c i t y of a c e r t a i n group, according to Rex and Mason, are a combination of language, r e l i g i o n , and a n c e s t r a l background. D)assimilation, race, 17 integration, separation/segregation, and marginalization,: These terms should be rather than separately. explained in relation The reasons are that, are o f t e n seen to be interchangeable. each first, other, these terms Observers, sometimes use the term " a s s i m i l a t i o n ' to r e f e r to what others c a l l vice versa. to " i n t e g r a t i o n ' , and Second, by looking at these terms i n regards to each other, the purpose behind m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y becomes apparent. These four terms represent options Ethno-cultural issues groups, according to John Berry, within maintenance, the into Integration societies where they the larger society, it has been occurs when a group or i n d i v i d u a l society t h i s would be represent If 18 two "assimilated". can maintain t h e i r 19 versions to be put at a d i s t a n c e . the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y apartheid i n South A f r i c a . chooses Canada cultural of the same In the case of the former, the m i n o r i t y group i s compelled the l a r g e r would 1) two main (or i n d i v i d u a l ) r e l i n q u i s h e s i t s own c u l t u r e and Segregation/separation by confront exist: c u l t u r e while moving i n t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . option. societies. and 2) p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . a p a r t i c u l a r group moves for p l u r a l i s t i c the in maintains formation the society. of H u t t e r i t e twentieth An example of the former regime of Separation i s when the m i n o r i t y to eschew mainstream be laws under 20 century. An 21 illustration colonies In both on group of this the p r a i r i e s cases, i t s c u l t u r e by not moving, or by not being the in group allowed to 22 move, i n t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . Marginalization occurs 22 when the group t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e and i t s contact i n question loses i t s with the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . This "ethnocide" can be seen i n the case o f the treatment o f a b o r i g i n a l people i n Canada by the c o l o n i z i n g powers. Of these approach four of policy, and away and group to and rights. Berry, to emphasize group act as a to human rights, and between requires support at t h i s point of both social intergroup collective adaptation the immigrants' part, but also on the part o f l a r g e r I digress outcomes are to manage maintenance, balance The p o l i c y 2 3 John and marginalization; choice; tolerance; to goals favours the r e l a t i o n s ; to encourage groups towards from equality, multiculturalism intended according participation, individual The and i n t e r p e r s o n a l integration individual official integration. multicultural intergroup models, not only society. and on 24 to re-emphasize how these terms can be i n t e r p r e t e d d i f f e r e n t l y by others. Consider t h i s statement by John Higham i n h i s book Send Them to Me: A m u l t i e t h n i c s o c i e t y can avoid tyranny only through a shared c u l t u r e and a s e t o f u n i v e r s a l values which i t s groups accept. I f i n t e g r a t i o n i s unacceptable because i t does not allow f o r d i f f e r e n c e s , p l u r a l i s m f a i l s to answer our need f o r universals. 5 While Berry sees i n t e g r a t i o n as the acceptance o f d i f f e r e n c e of groups that move i n t o the mainstream, Higham defines i n t e g r a t i o n as the into the mainstream i t does not allow f o r removal o f d i f f e r e n c e s ("If integration difference..."). resembles Higham i s unacceptable Hence, Berry's i s arguing dissertation, i n order to move because Higham's definition d e f i n i t i o n of a s s i m i l a t i o n . for assimilation. unless stated of integration This means For the purposes otherwise, I will use that of this Berry's terminology. Assimilation pot, and — takes several according to forms:" Anglo-conformity, Anderson and Frideres the melting — cultural 23 pluralism. The 2 6 fact that these terms mean d i f f e r e n t things to d i f f e r e n t people at p a r t i c u l a r times i n h i s t o r y leads to confusion. According to Howard Palmer, "melting pot' suggests merge with Yet settled every interpreted communities to form a new idea — including in a narrow and cultural dogmatic Canadian pluralism fashion. As below, the Canadian melting pot model o f t e n was of Anglo-conformity. terms leads to Again, 28 this shows how misunderstandings. As that immigrants culture. — can Palmer be shows d e f i n e d as a form confusion over a 2 7 result, these contemporary observers o f t e n c r i t i c i z e m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m without d e f i n i n g what i t means to them. In the Canadian context, a s s i m i l a t i o n i s recognized p r i m a r i l y i n the form of Anglo-conformity. I t implies that newcomers conform to the i d e a l s of a B r i t i s h - C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . First World schools, social what War, assimilationist Protestant welfare would if concerns i n t o a new popular One, nationalism, the sponsored by and patriotic and combined fears assimilated of with t h i s concept started giving way immigrants along with a blending of c u l t u r e s 1920s clear not were This view envisioned a b i o l o g i c a l merging of "Canadian' c u l t u r e . in were P r i o r to the f o r the s o c i a l and personal problems faced by to the "melting pot'. Anglo-Canadians with unions, These programs immigrants A f t e r World War 29 labour organizations. happen humanitarian immigrants. churches, programs should due 3 0 to distinctions While the m e l t i n g pot idea became the rise of autonomous between Anglo-conformity m e l t i n g pot paradigm d i d not always e x i s t . Canadian and the The melting pot model was i n many ways a t h i n l y - v e i l e d conformist model, an Anglo melting pot. 31 Bennett As the f o l l o w i n g quote in the House conformity s t i l l of from Commons in former 1928 Prime shows, Minister the ideals R.B. of thrived: We e a r n e s t l y and s i n c e r e l y b e l i e v e that the c i v i l i z a t i o n which we c a l l the B r i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n i s the standard by which we must measure our own c i v i l i z a t i o n ; we d e s i r e to a s s i m i l a t e those whom we b r i n g to t h i s country to that c i v i l i z a t i o n , that standard of l i v i n g , that regard f o r m o r a l i t y and law and the 24 i n s t i t u t i o n s of the country and to the ordered and r e q u i r e d development of t h i s country. That i s what we d e s i r e , rather than by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of vast and overwhelming numbers of people from other countries to a s s i m i l a t e the B r i t i s h immigrants and the few Canadians who are l e f t to some other c i v i l i z a t i o n . 3 2 Assimilation Structural access can institutions Behavioral to two assimilation entrance stresses take of into the forms: implies cliques, structural that a l l groups clubs, host-society and at behavioral. have and political the primary and those the host society (or: dominant level. acculturation, a l l groups change t h e i r c u l t u r a l patterns of accordingly. economic group (or c u l t u r a l ) a s s i m i l a t i o n , a l s o known as that large-scale to group) and adhere behave 33 The purpose of a s s i m i l a t i o n i s to develop or maintain a somewhat homogeneous society does society. But f o r a l l groups, i t co-opt be as minorities themselves below the can does it actually into they status of a hierarchy established Consequently, ethnic deemed acceptable, British ideal, since they while in which groups? or find Assimilation groups to bow some groups conform to the than others. universal imply, standards, as set by the dominant group. that a s t r u c t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n may seen as a means to force ethnic implies create to society's Furthermore, a s s i m i l a t i o n British i d e a l more e a s i l y groups of European o r i g i n were could conform non-European more groups easily were to the considered unacceptable. As Derrick Thomas surrender of ethnic immigrants (and states, identity. other minority complete This demands imposes a p a i n f u l s a c r i f i c e groups). Hence, l i k e l y to be r e s i s t e d by some ethnic groups. the paradox of a s s i m i l a t i o n : segregation sanction assimilation assimilation This p o i n t r e a l l y a v a i l a b l e to enforce a s s i m i l a t i o n . is highlights (or exclusion) i s the 34 on only This point is borne out i n Canadian immigration h i s t o r y , which w i l l be d e a l t with i n Chapter F i v e . shows why Varying treatment towards d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups a s s i m i l a t i o n has not always worked as i t was intended to 25 and why the cultural federal pluralism government attempted through m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m instead to in 1970s. the institute This f a c t i s worth noting: c r i t i c s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the conservative r i g h t , often advocate a r e t u r n model which they consider p r e f e r a b l e E t h n i c P e r s i s t e n c e and Multiculturalism if ethnicity society. ethnicity made by and was was cultural pluralism tried irrelevant sociologists to in in or a this modern the fifties society, individuals rather existed reality in according than to to groups. show moot point. The and John sixties. inevitable. Porter, saw was " v e r t i c a l " , making i t u n f a i r little prospect those of building to rise. different of the ethno/cultural themselves as little foundations evidence with different hardly suggested f o r a contemporary mosaic. they were compelled to by the c o l l e c t i o n of census data they f e l t t h e i r e t h n i c i t y ) . Porter used this multiculturalism a retrogressive increasingly model to to only was when (whether or show that a policy on It i t encouraged group claims w i t h i n individualistic society. instead the The i r r e l e v a n t i n a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l world. p o l i c y i n that of 3 6 premise achieve e q u a l i t y concentrated material was mosaic treatment time Canadians r e f e r r e d to t h e i r e t h n i c i t y , Porter stated, not the lower rungs with Canadians' groups Porter in as Porter showed, the Historically, was People 3 5 experience f o r those on the our that society Canada's Also, in idea "mosaic' (a model at the time f o r c u l t u r a l pluralism) was from the American melting pot. subjects diminishing Furthermore, that Population industrialized technology made a s s i m i l a t i o n American the would be steadily make assimilation other. Changing Composition of non-existent, Some have argued that North the to any to the i n that 37 Assimilation i t discouraged individual rights and was a ethnicity, equal of was an better 3 8 access and to success. Evidence suggests that Porter's view of e t h n i c i t y as an a r t i f a c t 26 from the past within entirely correct. years ago society, has that the war. has disappear i n fact with the collapse the fall of the this since at l e a s t economy i s not 1776, have won the as Somalia imperial and scores trend renders n a t i o n - s t a t e s re-shaping of long the Serbia, were and not an Croatia. related to the Eastern Wall, a cold bloc as era of new i m p e r i a l power. first time With t h i s and As ethnic new by of the states populations imperial Some of cold order. these ethnic war. The era, and no has led to and often Slovenia, a Slovakia, conflicts, demands This 40 entities. however, of n a t i o n a l i s t s i n The United Kingdom and Basques i n Spain pre-date the end of the c o l d war have ethnic i d e n t i t i e s as such set upon each nation-state such terms: nation-states consequently they assert their the the worst of l e s s r e l e v a n t as p o l i t i c a l ethnically-based 41 of revival While a g l o b a l economy has been deferred role resurgence of groups who new ethnic end the Berlin collapse, to create of to fend f o r themselves. to appeal to, settle not l a r g e sections of the world's population other This by Yugoslavia order is industrialized An 39 " r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n ' on they have been l e f t an the post-1989 era i s the ordered absence of i m p e r i a l order, in happened. 1989, by society f o l l o w i n g upon the g l o b a l i z a t i o n has been ushered i n . i n place individualist have been assumed l e s s than twenty e t h n i c i t y would around the world Since symbolized While i t may contrary occurred modern-day Scottish and t h e i r struggles France continue today. With regards countries in to the the North North-South are i n decline these nations' economic strength. strong economically, result, North. but societies: by t h i s re-shaping a factor the mixing is what the populations numerically, of Nations of the South are not as are on the of people from the reshapes of populations to which conservative in of spite t h e i r populations t h i s leads to a migration Such factor, rise. As South to a the western-industrialized within borders! 42 forces are opposed, and It i s thus 27 t r y to prevent by r e s t r i c t i n g immigration and opposing any recognition of heterogeneity within their respective only an encouragement f o r more immigration from these A number of studies show that e t h n i c i t y continues different ethnic cultural groups. persistence. Canada explains showed that Language r e t e n t i o n Edward N. Herberg's that between 1921 ethnic groups had and 1941, higher of ( o r i g i n a l language of the group) r e t e n t i o n . heritage 1981 language r e t e n t i o n was period ethnicities Dutch. showed a recovery except Jews, of Natives, sources. of measure Canadian heritage retention Scandinavians, census language and However, the language of ethnicity in Between 1941 i n decline. as to e x i s t among the rates nations i s one study official 1961, 1961 to among a l l Germans, and 43 J e r r y G. historical R e i t z showed i n h i s study of ethnic evidence and social survey r e t e n t i o n through techniques d e c l i n e s i n most groups, but does not disappear that ethnicity altogether. Over the long run, there i s a progressive trend toward abandonment of ethnic group t i e s f o r a l l groups i n which long-term experience can be measured (this trend does not include the Chinese). There i s , i n f a c t , an e t h n i c group l i f e c y c l e . The f i n d i n g s h o u l d n o t (his emphasis) be construed as equivalent to saying that ethnic groups e v e n t u a l l y or i n e v i t a b l y a s s i m i l a t e . . . . Reitz points not out assimilation. clear definition was not ethnic that his An and disappears study d e a l t with assessment of does He not goes on justify ethnic a s s i m i l a t i o n would relevant measurement, and attempted here. cohesion 1980 to say the such an that claim this that cohesion, require a assessment decline in ethnicity altogether: ...the f i n d i n g s show only a d e c l i n e i n cohesion, not i t s disappearance. In p o i n t of f a c t , i n none of the groups have a l l kinds of ethnic t i e s disappeared altogether by the t h i r d generation. From c e r t a i n p o i n t s of view, t h i s may be a most significant fact. Whether the long-term outcome of change i s a complete d i s s o l u t i o n [of e t h n i c i t y ] i s i n e v i t a b l e , i t w i l l take a very long time indeed. Five or s i x generations a f t e r the time of the l a s t wave of immigration t r a n s l a t e s i n t o more than a 28 century. I f ethnic communities tend to survive f o r periods of one hundred years or two hundred years, then, from the p o i n t of view of contemporary s o c i e t y , they are permanent f a c t s of l i f e , as permanent as most other variable- features of social structure. 45 One possible shortcoming " v i s i b l e minority' was the Chinese. that he migrate to Canada treatment that Sixties that the only in his study large numbers. immigrant of new Furthermore, q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from groups r e c e i v e d . Canadians who As have the Chinese, Afro-Caribbean rates or r e t e n t i o n . these v i s i b l e groups, and Nevertheless, East ethnic do the the Appendix come Asians) at exceptions, after from n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s . study noted with Asians, in h i s t o r i c a l l y was visible majority are is These groups, with a few now they r e c e i v e d the study Consequently, the m a j o r i t y of groups he looked treatment shows, Reitz's appeared to have i n c l u d e d were of European o r i g i n . not of As A the his groups (South have higher may h i s study shows that e t h n i c i t y does e x i s t w i t h i n c u l t u r a l groups even a f t e r s e v e r a l generations. What Herberg and R e i t z show through t h e i r studies i s that while e t h n i c i t y may decline (periodically, as Herberg shows i n terms of language r e t e n t i o n ) , consequently f o o l i n g some observers, not cultural disappear beyond so language, ethnicity easily. such Other as religion, Porter's explanation of the However, they e x i s t i n a way management ethnicity the has Canada recognizes United States. survived persist. process, Thus, certainly in of diversity in the i n that s i m i l a r i t i e s do e x i s t . contrary b e l i e v e s that e t h n i c i t y diminishes in identifiers States. United States and Canada holds merit (whether or not and seem to remains a f a c t o r i n the p o l i t i c a l Canada and i n the United does also traits i t does to what he states. w i t h i n a "melting pot' itself Evidence w i t h i n American as a melting shows the i n Canada pot) opposite; s o c i e t y as Porter i t does as i t that within Canadian s o c i e t y . Contrary to p r e d i c t i o n s i n the 1950s, e t h n i c i t y has the landscape. not disappeared from American social Its 29 persistence has made i t s e l f discussions. 46 attitudes culture Furthermore, of both a 1989 Decima Americans indication existed favour c u l t u r a l to show that policy compared to the r e t e n t i o n of R e i t z and Breton showed i n t h e i r 47 i n public survey which and Canadians found that Americans Canadians. clear an important f a c t o r r e t e n t i o n more than 1994 study that no ethnic origin s a l i e n c e f o r Canadians than i t d i d f o r Americans. had more 48 In s p i t e o f i t s "melting pot" model, e t h n i c i t y i s a l i v e and w e l l i n the United States as i t i s i n Canada. The idea that a s s i m i l a t i o n necessarily valid leads to a u n i f i e d i n the example America Marcus national o f the United States. may enter periods of l a t e n c y Lee Hansen society took note as w i l l does not prove Ethnic groups i n those i n Canada. i n 1937 of "the almost universal phenomenon o f what the son wishes to forget, the grandson wishes to remember". it, "Hansen's law', as s o c i o l o g i s t 49 became a classic formula immigration and a c c u l t u r a t i o n . generation of newcomers assimilate This parents. Because rejected experience of remained attached to coined t h i s "marginal man'. 50 as their immigrant they were not f u l l y accepted by o l d e r Americans, plight the ways of the second The t h i r d a c c u l t u r a t e d Americans, heritage. their the second generation t r i e d of the second generation was marginal to both s o c i e t i e s . Park called "law' s t a t e d while the f i r s t to America and thus Herberg f o r the American country o f o r i g i n s and i t s t r a d i t i o n s , to Will Robert E. generation with the term generation, secure i n t h e i r would revive interest identity i n their ethnic Hansen's theory provides a u s e f u l model to e x p l a i n , as E i l e e n Tamura has i n the case o f Japanese-Americans i n Hawaii, the s u r v i v a l of e t h n i c i t y i n the United States. In addition survived ethnicity and to theory, i n American research society. Some ethnic example, are high on a l l these. e t h n i c i t y has As Paul R. Spickard can be measured i n terms institutions. has shown how p o i n t s out, of shared i n t e r e s t s , groups, Afro-Americans culture, as an Others such as Hispanics, are high 30 in interests Still, low and institutions, but low shared institutions and shared groups r a t e low on a l l three f a c t o r s . last case. a c t u a l l y be of low Yet cultures. interests. Italian-Americans what appears to be i n t e r e s t s , low c u l t u r e , and a dying or with native low institutions. Hawaiians, that b r i n g t h e i r e t h n i c i t y i n t o relevance group A f i n a l point, may a state As with 5 2 the Italian-Americans again. This evidence shows that e t h n i c i t y i s not less relevant. some illustrate ethnic day develop a c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l or a compelling l e s s and Finally, a group that i s entering a p e r i o d of l a t e n c y : Basques i n Spain, one shared other groups such as American Jews r a t e high on c u l t u r e , yet on this in may set of i n t e r e s t s 53 dying out or becoming r e l a t e d to the first one, i s that opponents of the o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m p o l i c y i n Canada o f t e n p o i n t to the United States as an exemplar of how creates a u n i f i e d and the case. homogenous s o c i e t y . In r e a l i t y , institutions e x i s t i n the f o r Mexican Labourers, for United the Numerous examples of States: Cumberland Chinese Americans, the N a t i o n a l Association multiculturalism. Why does Presbyterian for "different', they may continued p a r t i c u l a r group, and family, community, and have persist cause no in the immigration such our larger may the geographical a p a r t i c u l a r group to each other. together, Jewish in San women, The People. 54 religion official than policy as Anderson and 55 ethnicity group Church Bibby o f t e n see Americans as society? F r i d e r e s o u t l i n e a number of reasons f o r t h i s : particular Farm Workers f o r the Advancement of Coloured more committed to the nation, as United ethnic f o r Anglo-American women, and But Canadian c r i t i c s such as Reginald Canadians The Hadassah Daughters of the American Revolution are such i s not Evidence shows that many Americans as w e l l as Canadians i d e n t i f y themselves by ethnic o r i g i n . Francisco assimilation the v i s i b i l i t y of a society keep to culture proximity view alive it as in a of i n d i v i d u a l s of That i s , groups may stay close as the case of the Chinese i n Toronto's Chinatown, or the 31 existence o f Finntown on Bay Street i n Thunder Bay f o r Canadians of F i n n i s h o r i g i n would i l l u s t r a t e . various demographic education level, factors: E t h n i c i t y may a l s o survive due to the length of time the occupations of members, i n Canada, the the degree o f upward m o b i l i t y , the number of senior members, and the number o f women (as women often emphasize culture group's c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l . In review, this more than men) — may prolong a 5 6 section has shown how e t h n i c i t y continues to e x i s t as a f a c t o r i n modern p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , i n s p i t e of earlier beliefs existence it i n i t s lack Furthermore, this o f e t h n i c i t y i n Canadian s o c i e t y may not be j u s t because i s sanctioned; which o f relevance. advocates we see that i t also e x i s t s i n American an E Pluribus Unum d o c t r i n e society of uniformity. number o f reasons e x p l a i n the p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c i t y . A How, then, does a m u l t i e t h n i c s o c i e t y balance the need f o r a u n i v e r s a l c u l t u r e with the demand by ethnic groups f o r recognition? A Question of Nonrecognition? The aforementioned multiethnic society u n i v e r s a l values dilemma quote by can avoid John Higham tyranny only (saying through which i t s groups accept) helps of reconciling universal minority rights. maintain stability values with Is a s e t of u n i v e r s a l i n a liberal a a s e t of t o i l l u s t r a t e the the r e c o g n i t i o n of values society? that the best By imposing way to a set of " u n i v e r s a l s ' on a group, i s t h i s not another form o f tyranny? Western l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n has tended to favour over c o l l e c t i v e politics: and rights. reflects Rousseau was suspicious was r e c e p t i v e common This good. 57 Lawmakers a Rousseauian approach to of a l l s o c i a l to homogenizing individual rights tendencies i n the western differentiation, that liberal would form a democracies assumed that a uniform implementation o f i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s would be s u f f i c i e n t to protect minority groups, and the r i g h t rights f o r those (the r e c o g n i t i o n o f m i n o r i t y groups to practice and preserve 32 t h e i r c u l t u r e , p o s s i b l y at s t a t e expense). seen i n the d r a f t i n g o f the United of Human Rights: legislation liberals U.N. lawmakers to ethnic feel Nations' U n i v e r s a l deleted and n a t i o n a l that cultural A case i n p o i n t can be Declaration a l l references minorities. identity, Traditionally, 5 8 like i n this religion, can be expressed i n the p r i v a t e a f f a i r s of c i t i z e n s , but have no place i n the concerns o f s t a t e . While some l i b e r a l s made an exception s a n c t i o n i n g a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the United States, liberal serves lawmakers think that sanctioning minority rights by other only to make c i t i z e n s think o f each other not as i n d i v i d u a l s but as members o f groups. . 59 Individualism is, i t calls good l i f e . In regards to the r e c o g n i t i o n o f m i n o r i t y liberal of rights application form o f p o l i t i c s because of collective f o r the autonomy of the i n d i v i d u a l . these goals state rights words, without Furthermore, Therefore, on exception, rights sanctioning groups i t was giving would before the of and argued, equal second, they emphasize official appear rights ethnic which competing an this 6 1 By governments treatment, ethno/cultural situation, separated. any differential insists rights, a toward f o r i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s to survive, rights, communitarian model are viewed with s u s p i c i o n i n that had to be minority i s inhospitable the l i b e r a l group r i g h t s over m i n o r i t y r i g h t s . In other That f o r each person to determine f o r h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f the 6 0 traditional kind calls could r e c o g n i t i o n to to of be lead threaten putting individuals. identity for special would c u l t u r e and would to imply different status. Such national unity. a i n d i v i d u a l i s m could not be s a c r i f i c e d f o r e t h n o - c u l t u r a l rights. This idea puts two models of e q u a l i t y and respect One model b e l i e v e s have model that to t r e a t people states that the p r i n c i p l e of equal i n conflict. respect i n a d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d fashion. we must recognize and even means we The foster other the 33 particularity of d i f f e r e n t groups. The reproach that the first model makes to the second i s that the l a t t e r v i o l a t e s the p r i n c i p l e of nondiscrimination, while the reproach of the second model to the first into one a the homogenous equality. set i s that former negates role that To add to t h i s identity i s untrue to by them forcing i n the people name of second reproach, the supposedly n e u t r a l of d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d p r i n c i p l e s to which, a l l i n d i v i d u a l s are to conform i n the f i r s t model are i n f a c t a r e f l e c t i o n of the values of the hegemonic c u l t u r e . M i n o r i t i e s are thus forced to take on an a l i e n form i n order to conform. The above liberalism. given In to Affirmative example, reflects reality, recognition ways. one discussion as some cultural liberal criticisms rights. on would based and be traditional minority model democracies rights in of have different i n the United' States would the official recognition be of These measures, however, have not been on Robert a western-liberal action p o l i c i e s m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada. spared 62 the aforementioned Fulford directs classic such a c r i t i c i s m view of towards o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada: By emphasizing race, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m t r i e s to freeze us i n t o e t h n i c categories that may express only the l e a s t important q u a l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l . . . . Government p o l i c y should never f o r a moment even, h i n t that one choice i s more d e s i r a b l e than the o t h e r . 63 This r a t i o n a l e begs a number of questions: how, liberal model accommodate c o l l e c t i v e terms? choose individuals others of s i m i l a r t r a i t s ? voluntarily have a r i g h t of came to a western minority groups has s o c i e t i e s as some assumed i t would. of culture themselves in to) to u n i t e with In response, l i b e r a l s they knew what would be expected of them. ethnicity identify the That i s , how does l i b e r a l i s m deal with those who (as i n d i v i d u a l s presumably immigrants who then, does not reasoned that i f nation 64 ' As we such as Canada, have seen, the disappeared in western As John Rawls s t a t e s , the t i e s are o f t e n too strong to expect newcomers to give them 34 up, even i f they come v o l u n t a r i l y . Canadian h i s t o r y i s r e p l e t e with examples that bear out t h i s statement, as w i l l be discussed i n Chapter F i v e . the C u l t u r a l membership plays a r o l e i n s e l f i d e n t i t y of individual. particularly Margalit suited and to Raz state serving as that ethnic the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as i t i s based on belonging, core not identity is of personal accomplishment: I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s more secure, l e s s l i a b l e to be threatened, i f i t does not depend on accomplishment. Although accomplishments p l a y t h e i r r o l e i n people's sense of t h e i r own i d e n t i t y , i t would seem that at the most fundamental l e v e l our sense of our own i d e n t i t y depends on c r i t e r i a of belonging rather than on those of accomplishment. Secure i d e n t i f i c a t i o n at that l e v e l i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important to one's b e i n g . 66 This criterion, according behind ethnic nationalism: rights, but customs, for of and respect i s held. and explains Cultural This with the i d e n t i t y provides means that a of its members will that modernized s o c i e t i e s can leave also be all people's and anchor self- then the d i g n i t y threatened. 68 community l i b e r a l model of That i s , to make i n d i v i d u a l s conform to a uniform " d i f f e r e n c e - b l i n d " code i s to e l i m i n a t e unity unfulfilled. i s that i t leads to nonrecognition. groups and religion, 6 9 Taylor notes that the problem with the universalism of shared an C u l t u r a l components can give a group a sense of p r i d e and • Charles tenets esteem i n which t h e i r n a t i o n a l group I f a c u l t u r e i s not g e n e r a l l y respected, self-respect the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : language, 6 7 self-identity. i s bound up Ignatieff, that a nation i s composed not pre-existing traditions. peoples' to the p a r t i c u l a r s that give distinctiveness. In the a group a sense of western nations, this homogenizing code i s , i n f a c t , a code which r e f l e c t s the values North A t l a n t i c c i v i l i z a t i o n . 7 0 Universalism does not of accommodate the p r e - e x i s t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (mentioned above) that a group of i n d i v i d u a l s might take comfort i n . it is a form of oppression that d i s t o r t e d , and reduced mode of Nonrecognition can be can being. entrap harmful; someone i n a false, 71 35 How does nonrecognition come to the l e v e l o f harm? Franz Fanon, the main weapon o f the c o l o n i z e r s the e s t a b l i s h e d majority) colonized group) . i s the imposition on the subjugated In order to be people free, themselves o f a l l deprecating To quote (or i n t h i s of t h e i r image of the (the e t h n o / c u l t u r a l the subjugated self-images. people minority must In other 72 case, purge words, the l i b e r a l n o t i o n of u n i v e r s a l i s m may not i n f a c t be so " c o l o u r - b l i n d ' as i t appears. While I t may a c t u a l l y be a subtle form o f a s s i m i l a t i o n . common citizenship has i t s advantages, it alone i n s u f f i c i e n t to i n t e g r a t e heterogeneous groups i n t o a s o c i e t y . nations is Few a c t u a l l y f o l l o w a s t r i c t common c i t i z e n s h i p strategy, as i t means that the dominant c u l t u r e makes i t s own c u l t u r e and language the o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e and language of the e n t i r e n a t i o n . then become vulnerable decisions. 73 to the majority's political Even i n the former communist states Minorities and economic o f the Eastern b l o c , i n which the s o c i a l i s t d o c t r i n e saw e t h n i c i t y as a hindrance to the p o l i t i c a l struggle, the Soviet government implemented a system o f language r i g h t s and n a t i o n a l autonomy f o r m i n o r i t i e s i n the Eastern European satellite appearance o f t o l e r a n c e . nations, to at least give the 74 Does an answer to t h i s problem r e q u i r e an e r a d i c a t i o n o f l i b e r a l thought, or a r e - t h i n k i n g of i t ? consider society the f a c t environmental are consistent that collective rights i n the form o f r i g h t s f o r trade and Minority that Western-liberal rights. with 7 5 Kymlicka individual r i g h t s can eliminate some groups marketplace. s o c i e t i e s need to already exist unions and corporations, argues that freedom, minority In the competition rights and can promote i t . i n e q u a l i t i e s by addressing are disadvantaged i n our i n the c u l t u r a l f o r resources, the f a c t and economic members of some groups may be outbid by those o f other groups because o f a lack o f influence. may 76 That i s , some groups i n f l u e n c e needed to "make i t ' i n a s o c i e t y . notion (or the idea of a " l e v e l p l a y i n g lack the skills The "benign field') ignores and neglect' the f a c t 36 that some groups disadvantage. Contrary to as the a b o r i g i n a l s ) are already 77 the most minorities. important questions relating to cultural For example, should e t h n i c groups have p u b l i c l y - f u n d e d i n t h e i r mother tongue? Can a m i n o r i t y group, such as a F i r s t Nations group, c o n t r o l a p a r t i c u l a r region? with at a to t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l thought, human r i g h t s are unable resolve education (such these issues, governments r i g h t s with m i n o r i t y rights. This explanation can supplement In order to deal traditional human 7 8 o f the dangers o f nonrecognition and the need to supplement the t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l paradigm o f i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s is given to explain the policy as multicultural Multiculturalism economic, groups. i s an and c i v i l and practised attempt rights to justification today expand to include in Canada. the l i s t protection behind o f human, f o r minority This knowledge i s c r u c i a l , c o n s i d e r i n g the o p p o s i t i o n and misunderstandings from rationale that conservatives, m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y can create but from liberals as w e l l . These not only "liberal 1 c r i t i c i s m s o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m are o f t e n c o n s i s t e n t with those made by conservatives. Party, while policy For example, both Richard ideologically contributes separate, Gwyn and the Reform claim that multicultural to a breakdown i n n a t i o n a l cohesion by g i v i n g m i n o r i t y groups the idea that they need not a s s e r t t h e i r l o y a l t y to the n a t i o n . Furthermore, conservative Report quote non-conservatives often support their case against minority sources such as The Western such as N e i l rights. Bissoondath to Hence, i n order to challenge the very b a s i c assumptions which c o n s t i t u t e the backlash, one needs to understand how p l u r a l i s t with individual rights which r i g h t s are not i n c o n s i s t e n t are the foundations f o r western- l i b e r a l s o c i e t i e s and t h e i r laws. A f i n a l p o i n t to make i s that many assume that c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s i n h e r e n t l y c o n f l i c t with the necessity individual rights. o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between This assumption shows two kinds of c o l l e c t i v e 37 rights: i n t e r n a l r e s t r i c t i o n s and external protections. r e s t r i c t i o n s enable a state or province members i n order streaming into of to maintain French-language schools an example of such. by to l i m i t the r i g h t s of i t s strongly-held non-Anglo/non-French cultural (allophone) against Internal goals. children their w i l l in i n the E x t e r n a l p r o t e c t i o n s l i m i t the power e x e r c i s e d society individual rights. recognizes the m u l t i c u l t u r a l nature of Canadian s o c i e t y , in These over and with of s e c t i o n 15, religion in R.C.M.P., Sunday store schools (these three). A 2, court c l o s i n g s , and be which cases explained a of threat Rights, outlines which i s often fundamental individual rights the use such turbans of prayer greater must share that culture's other liberated start not detail concentrate in bonds cultures. to less and That 8 0 relate less with culture to i n d i v i d u a l s from best r e l a t e more is, their the in chapter on external assist larger (that i s , more people i s the in own cultures life), to and can people people contemporary culture, as in public group's i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the their to individual protections. permitting in policy not Charter c u l t u r e s become more open whether or bonds the are Kymlicka i n s i s t s that e x t e r n a l p r o t e c t i o n s can As question of to p r o t e c t than impede a m i n o r i t y society. share 27 and which contains multicultural protections. people will group, section laws have been c i t e d freedom rather the Section 7 9 conjunction freedoms, Quebec Sixties is larger used The from society begin d i f f e r e n t from to their own. Now, I proceed ideological to discuss foundations, and Canadian nativism: why i t i s opposed i t s background, to recognition of other e t h n o / c u l t u r a l groups w i t h i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . N a t i v i s m and the Nativism, as 'new' conservatism defined by John Higham, i s an "intense to a m i n o r i t y on the grounds of i t s f o r e i g n connection". Hofstader defines nativism as: "a belief system opposition 81 forged Richard out of 38 conjunction of n a t i o n a l i s m with racial prejudice". ethno-cultural, religious, and/or E s s e n t i a l l y , what these d e f i n i t i o n s s t r e s s i s 82 that n a t i v i s m i s a form of n a t i o n a l i s t group i d e n t i t y which defines i t s e l f i n the form of h o s t i l i t y towards groups u n l i k e i t s e l f . According to Palmer, Canadians have tended to look at as an American malady. in Canada, United albeit States, strands: But evidence less virulent Canadian Anglo-Saxon immigration slightly nativism, labour for origin as stemmed p o l i t i c i a n s who Both three of i n Canada. American from basic strands. and American During strands, Two), the Canadian was existence founding sense of attacking of French Canada of and a of anti^radicalism form of and from to these 8 4 not the had limited rallied One, race, against Germans and religion, or somewhat complicated in 85 Catholics (and three violence values i n World War regardless of Many the anti-radical the wars, n a t i v i s t s a n t i - C a t h o l i c n a t i v i s m was context. to saw liberty. p o l i t i c a l ideology of the targeted group. Historically, regards whereas i n Canada, t h i s enemy a l i e n s (Germans and Ukrainians Japanese i n World War into however, American nativism in C a t h o l i c nativism, conservative both world as divided nativists tradition, a l s o endemic Just 8 3 the b a s i s of most a n t i - In emphasized order before Canadian be these "un-American'. stemmed from a l i b e r a l nativism could anti-Roman Each example, unionists violent. A l l three provided sentiment. different and nativism nativism, a n t i - r a d i c a l nativism. shows that i t was nativism were the French, French as one and the of the European groups i n Canada) gave these C a t h o l i c s a greater legitimacy. immigrants. nativists A n g l i c a n church i n Saskatchewan i n the 1920s, f o r example, saw the Scottish Catholics western Canada. threatened a Vatican plot Lloyd to take over 87 Anglo-Saxon n a t i v i s m took the was as 86 Bishop from the of C a t h o l i c s or stop of migration other This, however, d i d not by the view that Anglo-Canadian i n c r e a s i n g number of non-Anglo "stock' immigrants. 39 The n a t i v i s t s saw immigrants two posed: ways of d e a l i n g with the assimilation, "threat' that exclusion, or both. these Such 88 sentiments r e f l e c t e d i n the t h i n k i n g and p o l i c i e s of groups such as the Orange Order, the the Ku Klux Klan, Nativism can Canadian Legion, the Native and the National A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada. also express itself in the Populism, as defined by Trevor Harrison, mass p o l i t i c a l Sons of Canada, movement, mobilized form of 89 populism. i s an attempt to create around symbols and a traditions congruent with popular c u l t u r e , which expresses a group's sense of being threatened, elements and arising directed at from i t s perceived p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , therefore, mobilizing those around preaching example, these an centred presumably "peoplehood'. attempt to create symbols. This anti-immigration his powerful arguments Populist a mass movement by tactic stance. i n 1979 "outside' 90 i s often Doug around Collins, the idea of Canadians by by for that f e d e r a l government under the L i b e r a l s i n the s i x t i e s and overlooked the wishes of the majority used the seventies allowing for n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l immigrants to come i n large numbers, For i f ever a p o l i t i c a l party s o l d i t s e l f and the future of a country f o r the sake of ethnic votes, i t was the L i b e r a l s i n the p e r i o d 1967-'72, and they are s t i l l doing it. 9 1 The p o p u l i s t element i n t h i s idea i s that E n g l i s h Canadians against the influx on non-white immigrants, betrayed by t h e i r government which allows claims that of dozens of movements states is an that appeal this polls to a appeal to people: the events represent use of been In not one shows 92 populist by outside of Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic o r i g i n w i t h i n c e r t a i n recent taken, socially-constructed "people' whose s u r v i v a l i s threatened have l i s t e n i n g to the people. m a j o r i t y support f o r non-white immigration. Harrison they f o r such immigration. other words, the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y i s not Collins and are parties notion forces. the Canadian 93 and of a To many population, the d e c l i n e of t h e i r autonomy as a hyphenization by Canadians i n r e f e r r i n g to 40 t h e i r i d e n t i t y which suggests a dual heritage, the change to a nons e c t a r i a n prayer i n the House of Commons, and the Quebec referendum in 1995 ( i n which n a t i o n a l i s t s hoped establish a sovereign state). p e r c e i v e d as j u s t the l a t e s t that Quebecois would vote to These contemporary events are i n a s e r i e s of events over the years that have given Anglo c u l t u r e a sense of p l i g h t : the adoption of a new flag same i n the s i x t i e s , decade that opened the changes the door to immigration flows i n the to migrants from Third World c o u n t r i e s , and the r i s e of Quebec n a t i o n a l i s m that l e d to the federal Official Languages Act, a l l of which elements of A n g l o - B r i t i s h c u l t u r e . Consider this statement by d i d not 1969 represent 94 the leader of the Reform Preston Manning, on the question of Quebec and A b o r i g i n a l Party, issues: Reformers b e l i e v e that going down the s p e c i a l status road has l e d to the c r e a t i o n of two f u l l - b l o w n s e p a r a t i s t movements i n Quebec and to the proposal of the Quebec L i b e r a l s to emasculate the f e d e r a l government as the p r i c e of keeping Quebec i n a non-confederation. I t has l e d to d e s i r e s and claims f o r "nation-status' on the p a r t of thousands of a b o r i g i n a l groups, claims which, i f based on r a c i a l , l i n g u i s t i c , and c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , are j u s t as v a l i d as those of Quebecois, i f not more so. I t has l e d to a hyphenated Canadianism that emphasizes our d i f f e r e n c e s and downplays our common ground by l a b e l l i n g us E n g l i s h Canadians, French-Canadians, aboriginal-Canadians, or e t h n i c Canadians — but never Canadians, p e r i o d . 95 Within this nativism. After statement Canada was lies in crisis the Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t s the rationale because of behind "special Canadian interests'. demanded and r e c e i v e d t h e i r special r i g h t s , other m i n o r i t y groups began to do the same with the hope of a c h i e v i n g the same s t a t u s . Anglophone A l l t h i s was done at the expense of the majority, presumably i n that these i n t e r e s t s supposedly l e d to a fragmentation i n Canadian i d e n t i t y . Harrison's explanation helps to h i g h l i g h t nativist backlash against multiculturalism. the r a t i o n a l e I t follows f o r the that any p o l i c y of c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m threatens the Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic hegemony. We have already seen t h i s reasoning used i n the w r i t i n g s 41 of Reginald that Bibby. the decline Doug C o l l i n s , in writing /Anglo-Canadian i n 1979, influence also had believed led to an i n c r e a s i n g p l e t h o r a of s o c i a l problems i n Canada: U n t i l f i f t e e n years ago i t was commonplace that Canada was a peaceful, law-abiding country. Nor, up to that time, d i d immigrants d i s t u r b that reputation; most immigrants came from law-abiding countries, shared a common /Anglo-European heritage, were courageous and r e s o u r c e f u l enough to come under t h e i r own steam, and entered l e g a l l y . 9 6 Editor Link B y f i e l d - of The Western Report and The British Columbia Report, f o r example, uses the recent problems i n Vancouver and Edmonton point out involving the problem t r a d i t i o n a l sources. from dozens of Most of them hatreds. Yet emphasis). immigration fact of in European states Byfield, one white, generation emphasis) issues and notion came of in racial and 1970, mixing the Canadians 97 other To seventies shows the when with became make foolish worse, "It i s a simple other words, harmonious. the On groups nation was more homogenous, The and t h i s b a s i s , asserts B y f i e l d , "we romanticized exceptions. Canada, view of i n human h i s t o r y " . a time and other therefore one In more of the 9 9 Canadian h i s t o r y omits a s s i m i l a t i o n process I t also culture. built 98 Canada i n groups. came would a s s i m i l a t e i n t o t h i s most f r e e and prosperous nations This claimed even mind". appeal that n a t i v i s t s make to a " g l o r i o u s past"; European groups who and things of seeing to m i n o r i t y the (his i s a dangerous business, to s p e c i a l r i g h t s given Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic ethnic "fairness' races: B y f i e l d ' s comments i l l u s t r a t e the mentality due people many brought f o r a strong and s e l f - a s s e r t i v e c u l t u r e that knows i t s own a crisis non- "Canadianized'. " r i g h t s ' and "tolerance'. p o r t a l s were opened to h i s t o r y that and from to i n Canada, they were a l l happy. generation, like youths immigrants came to Canada were a f t e r one by allowing non-white c u l t u r e s who Within distracted among sees i t , between 1900 were (my of crime As he The ' problem, "illusory' violent some g l a r i n g i n Canadian h i s t o r y hardly 42 suggests a smooth process. and military Metis the the m i l i t a r y conquest legislative o f a b o r i g i n a l and i n the Red River and Northwest r e b e l l i o n s o f 1870 and 1885, illegal abrogation minorities as pressures: Assimilation often involved expulsion of r i g h t s of the French and Roman C a t h o l i c i n Manitoba and the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Saskatchewan and Alberta) o f the Acadians between 1890 from the east and coast (later 1892, Thus, Manning's a s s e r t i o n s of - the threat of s p e c i a l status isolated. What They are the foundation makes Historically, British to non-Anglo Anglo-Canadian Canadian i n 1755 when are by no means o f Anglo-Canadian n a t i v i s m . was and American imperialism. they 102 to Canada due to the groups nativism identity known and the 101 would not pledge an oath of a l l e g i a n c e to the B r i t i s h crown. granting 100 peculiar in Canada? framed within- the context of A f t e r World War Two, B r i t a i n ' s i n f l u e n c e on Canadian l i f e began to lessen while that o f the United States was continuing empire. on the r i s e . ties that The 1965 f l a g debate imperial n a t i o n a l i s t s f e l t i l l u s t r a t e d the with the B r i t i s h Many, l e d by Tory leader John Diefenbaker, opposed the new f l a g as i t d i d not include the Union Jack, the t r a d i t i o n a l of B r i t a i n . 1 0 3 In the l a t e Sixties, symbol f a c t o r s such as the American i n t e r v e n t i o n i n Vietnam and the c i v i l r i g h t s s t r u g g l e l e d to a push i n Canada away from the American model. to carve out a d i s t i n c t i v e nationalism. 104 Imperial Canadian Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m began identity nationalists, cultural institutions, democracy and f r e e e n t e r p r i s e . on economic however, opposed t h i s away from the B r i t i s h model of i d e n t i t y . Anglo-Saxon based move Their a l l e g i a n c e was with including a b e l i e f in liberal In other words, n a t i v i s m i n Canada tends to f a s t e n i t s l o y a l t y to the wider Anglo-culture to the t e r r i t o r i a l d e f i n i t i o n of Canada. r a t h e r than 105 This appeal to Anglo c u l t u r e i s evident w i t h i n the ranks of the Reform William Party. For example, Gairdner, expressed t h e i r Ted Byfeld, discontent Reform Arthur Party members Child, Stan Waters, and Donovan over the ending o f apartheid Carter i n South 43 Africa. show This begs the question: why support affiliation? individual for apartheid,, a would Reform system This c o n t r a d i c t s Reform based Party members on racial Party p o l i c y , which r i g h t s over group r i g h t s . group espouses This i n c o n s i s t e n c y can only be explained adequately by accepting the n o t i o n that many Reformers s t r o n g l y i d e n t i f y with "Anglo' c u l t u r e . This appeal to h i s t o r y by "Anglo' c u l t u r e those who and sincerely British own believe civilization R.E. Gosnell, R.B. that to the e t h n i c Bennett's 1928 the composition of quote civilization ("We which earnestly we call the i s the standard by which we must measure our civilization...") from i s repeated throughout Canadian feared changes the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n . 1 0 7 i s one example. journalist and A second example would secretary to several Columbia premiers, who wrote t h i s i n Westward Ho! magazine be British i n 1908: . . . t h i s vast and i n some respects s t i l l unknown country has p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n store f o r i t not yet, perhaps, dreamed o f . . . p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n short as a greater B r i t a i n on the P a c i f i c , where B r i t i s h a r t s and i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l expand under B r i t i s h laws and j u s t i c e w i l l be respected and enforced, and where B r i t i s h men and women w i l l be bred equal to the best t r a d i t i o n s of the r a c e . 108 The, appeal to Anglo nativists under today. the immigrants Reform culture continues to be Doug C o l l i n s , Party from T h i r d banner, World who attempted justifies 109 countries used by to run the Canadian for office restriction to Canada as of a defence of Anglo-Canadian c u l t u r e : The s u i c i d a l passion to f l o o d the country with v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s must be stopped — unless whites themselves are to become a v i s i b l e minority, that i s . For, contrary to what Trudeau said, i t does matter where the immigrants come from. 110 C o l l i n s accuses the f e d e r a l government, p a r t i c u l a r l y under Prime M i n i s t e r P i e r r e Trudeau, of i n t e n t i o n a l l y b a r r i n g those of European origin from e n t e r i n g Canada. campaign, Britain according and Europe to and The o b j e c t i v e of t h i s anti-European Collins, to was: replace "to that cut immigration traditional from source of 44 immigrants with South America". If the immigrants from A s i a , Africa, the Caribbean, and 111 Reform Party is a reflection of traditional English- speaking nativism, then should the Party's l e a d e r s h i p and ranks not predominantly be Anglo-Saxon/Celtic and perhaps Protestant? An anecdotal observation of the names of those i n v o l v e d i n the Party's formation Chapman, would suggest Fryers, evidence, a Gray, 1991 so: Grey, Brimelow, and University Brown, Manning. of As 112 Alberta Burns, Byfield, for empirical Population Research Laboratory Survey of A l b e r t a r e s i d e n t s asked the question, "What i s the r e l i g i o u s It found and e t h n i c background of Reform Party supporters?" supporters to consist of Protestants (63%), people of Anglo-Saxon/Celtic h e r i t a g e (29%), people of European h e r i t a g e ( i f one sees this group "Canadians'(34%). as "Canadians' 91% identified statistical Reform not already assimilated: The m a j o r i t y of those who E n g l i s h as from their first How identified language. i s somewhat l i m i t e d , those the themselves "new' conservatism background that one r e l e v a n t to this p a t t e r n of is a would expect i f appealing on some l e v e l to n a t i v i s t t e n d e n c i e s . i s the and While 113 overall of Anglo-Saxon/Celtic h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n of support Reform was 32%), were a c t u a l l y from an Anglo-Saxon/Celtic background: evidence support as this? 114 David Frum explains that conservatives want to r o l l back the s t a t e not because they e n v i s i o n human beings as s e l f i s h i n d i v i d u a l s who alone to make as much money as they can must be (as some people left define conservatism to mean) , but because they see the f u n c t i o n s of communities being usurped by overweening government. usurpation ends with the c i t i z e n s u l t i m a t e l y unable for themselves responsibilites This anything without the a i d of c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s , as community have been transferred to the modern Canadian government, Frum explains, has the to do real f u n c t i o n s of r e a l communities, and i s now government. abrogated 115 to a t t a c k i n g the The itself very p r e c o n d i t i o n s of the communities' existence: the moral norms that 45 the communities enforce on their members. The expansion government leads to the decay of the o l d " o b l i g a t i o n c u l t u r e ' . Charles obstacle Ungerleider to advocates identifies the p r a c t i c e that the "new' conservatism of multiculturalism. i n d i v i d u a l s are autonomous, This albeit of 1 1 6 as an ideology unequal, moral agents who are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the consequences which b e f a l l them. It accepts and i n e q u a l i t y and emphasizes an i n d i v i d u a l ' s own resources resourcefulness. Inequality i s seen among people that should be preserved progress. seek as a n a t u r a l to ensure s o c i a l and economic I n e q u a l i t y stimulates competition to better resources. their position In regards 117 presented. Frum to t h i s , argues that only p a r t of the conservative condition and among i n d i v i d u a l s who expand their share two views of conservatism this "possessive of can be individualism' i s ideology: But contemporary Canadian conservatism i s only i n c i d e n t a l l y concerned with a c q u i s i t i o n , and defends i n d i v i d u a l i s m only w i t h i n l i m i t s . A t i t s core i s a d o c t r i n e dedicated to the v i n d i c a t i o n o f a good s o c i e t y - and to the p r e s e r v a t i o n of that s o c i e t y from the i d e o l o g i e s and i n t e r e s t groups bent on destroying i t . 1 1 8 Another point of view within the conservative fold sees any government attempt to l e g i s l a t e e q u a l i t y as i n h i b i t i n g progress i n our society. that Writer the s t a t e should correct state... he "The most springs from egalitarian rights... D. Gairdner, f o r example, advocates not c o r r e c t imbalances between people. imbalances, privileges: and William argues, unfortunate is to destroy consequence individual o f the top-down the r e l i a n c e on the n o t i o n . To of individual These r i g h t s are then used by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r e s t groups, with the help of various c h a r t e r s , to destroy the t r a d i t i o n a l supra-individual privileges of a l l s o c i e t a l groups 119 II • This philosophy individual the i s r e l a t e d to the l i b e r a l notion o f allowing the to decide traditional f o r h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f on the good l i f e . liberal philosophy fails to account While f o r the f a c t 46 that some members disadvantage, accepts new acceptance privilege, an reinforces of one Contemporary can the notion from a level the new themselves as a and nativists. to equal ability strength the thinking. nativism. because it i n regards to of non-charter i n numbers. Those policy levels i n any also to not Party advocates, Party's calls for suggest official from a the nativist policy, reduction current of rate of s e r v i c e s and of the Reform after their Party also members tendencies: member A l i c e White from A l b e r t a warned that "low low H i s p a n i c s " were taking over that p r o v i n c e . Reform candidate 123 i n Toronto, s t a t e d : " I t seems to be Jewish people who are running this country". 124 Reform member, stated: against blacks, Contemporary Canadian Reform Party d o c t r i n e , and nativists, "As 1 2 2 blacks John Beck, a predominantly Beck was expelled Jack George Wallace s a i d , S I think everyone should have one'". nativism is seen in i n comments made by (but not proponents, who may o f t e n r e f e r to a romanticized not only I 125 in) i n d i v i d u a l members. t i e s Anglo-Canadians to the Anglo-Saxon/Celtic Its they nativist from the p a r t y f o l l o w i n g the p u b l i c i t y caused by h i s remarks. a B.C. and arrival). display 1 2 0 about 121 health benefits u n t i l Individual worldwide. for yearly year where the unemployment r a t e exceeds 10%, become c i t i z e n s ( a b o u t three to f i v e years Nativism see statements made by i n d i v i d u a l The 150, 000 to deny immigrants s o c i a l have nothing who f o r the e l i m i n a t i o n of o f f i c i a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . Party's Telfer, of elitism. such as the Reform Party may However, their the defence for multiculturalism r i g h t s by elements immigration as connection reinforces conservatism example, c a l l s seen that a l l Canadians are policies.that in be a oppose members, and and of acknowledges the part of conservatives establish Immigration groups to demand t h e i r 215, 000 start philosophy i n e q u a l i t y can nativists ethnicity. The groups conservative argument on here, support various t h i s f a c t as a n a t u r a l phenomenon. This From the of see population themselves view of the past as i n order 47 to make the case f o r p o l i c i e s that preserve the "Anglo" hegemony i n Canadian society. immigration, Such especially policies from Third include World the restriction countries, and of an a b o l i t i o n of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . 48 NOTES 1) Reginald Bibby, Mosaic Madness: The Poverty and P o t e n t i a l of L i f e i n Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1990): 104. 2) Neil Bissoondath, S e l l i n g Illusions: The Cult M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1994): 211. of 3) John Porter, The Measure of Canadian S o c i e t y (Toronto: Gage, 1979): 160. This b e l i e f assumes that newcomers would shed t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i s m s i n order to get ahead f i n a n c i a l l y and to scale the socio-economic ladder. K o g i l a A. Moodley makes a r e l a t e d p o i n t , s t a t i n g that competence, not c u l t u r e , i s the concern of parents from m i n o r i t i e s i n the education of t h e i r children. Therefore, maintaining c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e u n c r i t i c a l l y through the education system may prove to be a hindrance to the purposes of i n t e g r a t i n g immigrants i n t o mainstream Canadian s o c i e t y . K o g i l a A. Moodley, " M u l t i c u l t u r a l Education i n Canada: H i s t o r i c a l Development and Current Status", i n James A. Banks and Cherry A. McGee Banks (ed.s), Handbook of Research on M u l t i c u l t u r a l Education (New York: Macmillan, 1995): 816-817. 4) Gus Mitges, M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m : B u i l d i n g the Canadian Mosaic (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1987): 49 5) Augie F l e r a s and Jean Leonard E l l i o t , Canada (Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1993): 21. 6) Ibid., 7) Howard Palmer i n F l e r a s and E l l i o t : Multiculturalism i n 22. 8) Philip Resnick, Stoddart, 1994): 76. Thinking 21. English Canada 9) David A. Hollinger, Postethnic America: M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m (New York: Basic Books, 1995): 92 10) F l e r a s and E l l i o t : 11) Bibby: v i i . 12) Ibid., 13) Hollinger: (Toronto: Beyond 314. 13. 100. 14) Wsevelod W. Isajiw, " D e f i n i t i o n s o f E t h n i c i t y " , i n R i t a Bienvenue and Jay Goldstein, E t h n i c i t y and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s i n Canada (Toronto: Butterworths, 1985): 14. 49 15) Ibid., 16. 16) Howard Palmer and Harold Troper, "Canadian E t h n i c Studies: H i s t o r i c a l Perspectives and Contemporary Implications", Interchange, 4:4(1973): 16. 17) John Rex and David Mason (ed.s), Theories of Race and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i