Thursday, July 18, 2013

Allahabad High Court Ban on Caste Rallies: A Wake Up Call

K G Suresh,

Senior Fellow & Editor, VIF

The recent Allahabad High Court verdict banning caste based political
rallies in Uttar Pradesh has reignited the debate on the role of caste
in Indian politics. The reactions to the court order were on expected
lines with the national parties welcoming it and most of the regional
parties, particularly with strong caste affiliations, expressing their
strong reservations about it.

However, notwithstanding the denials by political parties, caste
continues to remain a crucial factor in electoral politics. If most of
the regional parties unabashedly exhibit their caste preferences, the
national political parties too are equally guilty of perpetuating the
caste factor, whether it be in the matter of selection of candidates or
projecting party leaders at the regional level. Of course, they often
indulge in it under the garb of ‘winnability’, an euphemism for
practicing caste and communal politics.

Even those regional Satraps who claim to possess a national vision
have never shied away from playing the caste card, whether it be former
Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda, who wears his Vokkaliga preferences on
his sleeves or the new champion of secularism Nitish Kumar.

Though Kumar often slams his arch rival and RJD Supremo Lalu Prasad
Yadav as a politician preoccupied with caste, he himself was one of the
first politicians in Bihar to organise a caste-based Kurmi rally in
early 1992.

Though they cry hoarse from the roof tops that their utopian ideology
does not believe in either caste or religion, the Communists, including
the ultra left Maoists, have often identified caste with class and such
‘class wars’ have often ended up in ‘Caste Wars’, as was widely seen in
Bihar.

The importance some of the national political parties attach to the
caste factor can be gauged from the fact that barely a week before the
High Court order, the ruling Congress party had sought a break-up of various castes in all the 543 Lok Sabha
constituencies from its state units in preparation for the coming
general elections.

According to media reports, in a confidential communication to all
state party Presidents, the High Command asked them to submit population
figures and caste break-up along with the complete details of sitting
candidates and aspirants as well.

In the words of Noted Sociologist Andre Beteille the most important
factor contributing to the caste system’s continuation in India is not
the traditions of matrimony or occupation or ritual practices of purity,
but politics.

Delivering a special lecture at the Gujarat University recently, the
Padma awardee identified caste as the “most important political tool for
the mobilisation of the electorate.”

While caste has for long remained a divisive factor in the Indian
society, it was the British who laid the foundations of caste politics
in the country.

Over eight decades back, the then British Prime Minister Ramsay
Macdonald announced the Communal Award granting separate electorates to
minority communities including Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Anglo
Indians, Europeans and Dalits, then identified as the depressed classes
or ‘untouchables’.

The depressed classes were allocated a number of seats to be filled
by election from special constituencies in which voters belonging to the
depressed classes only could vote. The highly controversial move was
opposed tooth and nail by Mahatma Gandhi on the grounds that it would
disintegrate the Hindu society. However, it was supported by leaders
such as Dr B R Ambedkar, with whom Gandhi held prolonged negotiations,
leading up to the Poona Pact. The 1932 agreement envisaged that the
Depressed Classes shall have seats reserved within the General
electorate.

Following the country’s independence, the nation’s founding fathers
chose the Parliamentary system of democracy based on an electoral system
which unfortunately tended to reinforce caste consciousness, instead of
eliminating it and bringing about an egalitarian social order.

In the words of CPI (M) leader Sitaram Yechury, “Instead of
guaranteeing equality, irrespective of caste, the electoral system,
itself, nurtured the perpetuation of caste consciousness in terms of
choice of candidates and the appeal to the electorate.

The implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1989 by the
then V P Singh Government was yet another landmark in India’s caste
politics. Regional Satraps such as Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad
Yadav and Deve Gowda rode the Mandal wave to electoral glory.

In his book, ‘Caste in Indian Politics’, sociologist Rajni Kothari
argued that the process of politics is one of identifying and
manipulating existing structures in order to mobilise support and
consolidate positions. Where the caste structure provides one of the
most important organisational clusters in which the population is found
to live, politics must strive to organise through such a structure."

Unfortunately, the appeal of such caste leaders to their following
was not to strengthen the common struggle to remove the inadequacies in
the existing socio-economic system. The appeal was and continues to be
to elect their fellow caste men to power.

While it did bring about limited political empowerment, some
assertiveness and a sense of pride among the Dalit and backward classes,
nothing substantial in improving their socio-economic conditions
including the much needed land reforms have taken place in any of the
states where such caste leaders have acquired power and continue to
wield wide influence.

Thus for their self interests, these parties and leaders have
sustained and nurtured the exploitative caste system, in the process
preserving and perpetuating the exploitative order.

The vehement opposition these caste leaders have shown to any rethink
on reservation is aimed at not only protecting their vote banks but
also preventing any unity among the poor for a common cause.

The decision to go for a caste based census in 2011, following
demands by leaders of the ruling UPA and the Opposition parties, was yet
another milestone in the country’s caste politics.

To quote Prof Beteille, “It is okay if sociologists include caste in
their surveys. But the government should not give its official sanction,
its official stamp to this presentation of Indian society.”

Even the Communist parties, who support the quota system, have gone
on record stating that caste based reservation cannot be a lasting
solution to the socio-economic disparities. In fact, Yechuri had stated
once that, “Enough statistics can be adduced to show that despite
reservations, the plight of these sections have not substantially
improved.” Ironically, the only instance of a caste count in
post-independent India was carried out in Kerala in 1968 by the
Communist Government led by E M S Namboodiripad.

While the intention of the High Court in banning caste based rallies
is indeed laudable, it is unlikely to have much impact on curbing the
role of caste in Indian politics in the existing scenario.

It would be naïve to expect the country’s political parties to take a lead in the matter.

Here, it is pertinent to mention the case of the State of Odisha,
where caste has never been the criterion for popular choice. Whether it
is due to the impact of the universal Jagannath cult or the role played
by visionary leaders such as Pandit Gopabandhu Das, Biju Pattanaik or
Nandini Satapthy, the politically enlightened electorate have time and
again shown their preferences to candidates based on performance and not
caste.

Though the Patel community continues to play a key role in the BJP’s
success in Gujarat, the overwhelming and repeated support to the Chief
Minister, who belongs to a minority caste, is reflective of the changing
orientation of the voters in favour of good governance vis a vis caste
factors.

Apart from an enlightened choice on the part of voters and good
governance on the part of ruling parties, it is also high time to
consider whether a system based on proportional representation can be an
antidote to caste politics in the country.

Under this system, people would have to vote for parties and not
individuals, thereby minimizing appeals on casteist, communal or
parochial lines.

The Allahabad High Court ruling has to be taken as a wake up call in national interest.