10 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara Mehmet Anık* Abstract: In Turkey, there have been ongoing discussions on the following issues: The role of religion in social life; the relevance of modernization activities, which the government endeavours to actualize through its institutions, and religion; especially the extent that religious thought and lifestyle is affected from modernization activities as well as the extent that these areas affect modernization activities; or whether there is an interaction between religious thought and modernization; and the historical and sociological background of all the abovementioned. It is possible to say that these secularism-oriented discussions will continue to be on the agenda for a long time in Turkey. The discussions on secularism cover modernization and approaches and debates in the issue on the one hand, while it includes religion and the relevance and position of religion to modernization on the other hand. When the contemporary discussions in Turkey on secularism are considered, it is possible to mention Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara as outstanding names. There are similarities in the approaches of these two intellectuals in certain issues on the subject as well as conflicts in some issues. In this study, moving from their works and the discussions they have been part of, the approaches of these two intellectuals on the issue is discussed and assessed. Furthermore, since Şerif Mardin has more studies to be examined within the context of our subject, more of his views are included in the study. Keywords: Şerif Mardin, İsmail Kara, Secularism, Neighborhood Pressure, Turkish Modernization, Westernization, Islam. Öz: Türkiye de dinin toplumsal hayatta oynadığı rol, devletin kurumları aracılığıyla gerçekleştirilmeye çalışılan modernleşme faaliyetlerinin dinsel alanla ilişkisi, dinsel düşüncenin ve yaşam pratiğinin modernleşme faaliyetlerinden ne oranda etkilendiği ve onu hangi oranda etkilediği ya da aralarında bir etkileşim olup olmadığı ve bütün bunların tarihsel ve sosyolojik arka planının ne olduğu gibi hususlar, üzerinde tartışmaların sürdürülegeldiği bir alanı oluşturmaktadır. Böyle bir coğrafyada sekülarizm odaklı tartışmaların uzun süre canlılığını koruyacağını söylemek mümkündür. Sekülarizm tartışmaları bir yönüyle modernliği ve bu konudaki yaklaşımları ve tartışmaları, öte yandan da dinsel alanı ve bu alanın modernlikle ilişkisini ve konumunu içermektedir. Türkiye de sekülarizm konusundaki çağdaş tartışmalar dikkate alındığında, başlıca isimlerden biri olarak Şerif Mardin i ve bir diğeri olarak da İsmail Kara yı saymak mümkündür. İki ismin konu hakkındaki yaklaşımlarında belli açılardan paralellikler belli açılardan da zıtlıklar bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, eserlerinden ve dâhil oldukları tartışmalardan hareketle, iki ismin konu hakkındaki yaklaşımları ele alınıp değerlendirilmiştir. Şerif Mardin in konumuz kapsamında değerlendirilecek çalışmaları daha fazla olduğu için de çalışmada Mardin in görüşlerine daha çok yer verilmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Şerif Mardin, İsmail Kara, Sekülarizm, Mahalle Baskısı, Türk Modernleşmesi, Batılılaşma, İslam. * Assist. Prof., Bartın University, Department of Sociology. Correspondence: Bartın Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü, Bartın / Turkey. Atıf : Anık, M. (2012). Two axes revolving around the discussions of secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara. İnsan & Toplum, 2 (4), DOI: 9

11 Human & Society Introduction Before directly moving into the discussions on secularism, it is necessary to mention what the concept refers to in the scope of our subject and its importance. When the studies or discussions revolving around secularism in Turkey are examined, it is seen that these studies or discussions are mostly focused on laicism and reforms in the field of religion in line with Kemalist ideology and on tendencies against these reforms. 1 Again when it comes to secularism in Turkey, the concept or conception that most often comes to mind is laicism in the public sphere. 2 While the concept of secularism incorporates the concept of laicism, representing the separation of religious affairs and state work and the government s impartial attitude towards religious beliefs on the one hand, it also has a broader content on the other hand. For despite the fact that this concept is perceived as laicism in a strict sense, in a broader sense it is directly related to modernization because it also encapsulates the replacement of spiritual and religious values as well as those life styles based on these values with modern earthly ideals and objectives and the transformation experienced in practical terms. 3 In this respect, laicism term is used in a strict sense and when it comes to a broader sense, secularism term is used in this article. While the term the secular covers a central modern epistemic category; the term secularization covers analytical conceptualization of modern world-historical processes and the term secularism embodies a world-view and ideology based on these concepts (Casanova, 2011, p. 54). As one of the weighty issues of religious sociology, secularization is related to modern times and is the source of discussions of the statements saying that religious practices have become weaker in this era. 4 These religion-oriented discussions on secularism are closely related to such developments as scientific progress, secular politicization, secular education, and the legal system experienced in the modernization process. 1 Studies done in Turkey both in the past and in recent years have generally focused on laicism. Most of the recent studies on the issue are closely related to the political developments. Particularly after the Welfare Party won the 1995 elections as the first party and after it came into power in 1997 forming a coalition government with the True Path Party and the JDP s coming to power alone, without a coalition partner in the 2002 elections, there is generally such an orientation in studies published about Turkey abroad. Please see Yavuz (2009) and Azak (2010) for a sample study in the issue. 2 For an evaluation related to the difference in perception of secularism in the West and in Turkey please see Davison (2010). 3 There are also approaches which deal with laicism and secularism in different contexts. One of these approaches with such a distinction is that secularism considers that public space belongs to civic society while laicism considers that public space belongs to the state. According to another distinction individual is prioritized in secularism while it is the citizen that is prioritized in laicism. The details of these discussions are not given here. For more detail on these discussions please see Delanty (2000). 4 It should not be understood that the emphasis made on the traditional period in this issue is within the comparisons related to the modern period. 10

12 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara As a result of the relative superiority on nature with the advances in techno-scientific field, the mindset that puts forward the idea that the holy celestial sphere is not needed anymore in order to give meaning to the world and life in the world and therefore, the religious commitment fray around the edges is one of the main paradigms of modernization theories. 5 In this context, secularization refers to the replacement of a lifestyle shaped around authority based on religious beliefs with that of worldly authority and lifestyle revolving around this new authority. Within the content of secularism, religion is judged as an obstacle to progress or modernization. What is implied by modernization here is the historical and socio-political experience of the West in this issue. In this process, the externalization of religious institutions, and thus the weakening of their efficiency within the attempts to remove religious symbols and values from political power, the education system, and legal regulations are interpreted as an indication of secularization. It would not be wrong to say that the debates on secularization are ongoing in Turkey, which both served as the center of the Ottoman Empire, which undertook the Caliphate, and where religious institutions and their values symbolized played a significant role in guiding legal regulations as well as political, military, cultural, social, and economic relations. As Casanova (2001, p. 1064) expresses: Turkey is seen as too secular for the Islamists, too Sunni for the Alevis and too Turkish for the Kurds where Turkish values are strongly showed up. Keyman (2010, p. 143) adds to this statement by saying: for non-muslim minorities Turkey is too Muslim. Beyond all the debates, instead of making generalized evaluations in this study, I would like to discuss the opinions of two modern intellectuals prominent in these discussions. Considering the discussions on secularism in Turkey, Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara are among the prominent names. In both intellectuals studies, religion, modernization, and in this context, the history of Turkish thought are issues on which they put considerable emphasis on. The aim of this study is to evaluate the opinions of these two intellectuals who have different, and opposite, points of view regarding secularism, from a critical perspective. Because Şerif Mardin has conducted more studies and İsmail Kara s studies are mostly a collection of certain writers texts (a kind of anthology), more emphasis has been placed on Şerif Mardin in the study. 5 According to the positivist paradigm that was dominant in the first periods of sociology upon its emergence as an independent discipline in the 19th century, religion was a remainder to be removed. It was proposed that religion-based opinions and beliefs, which represented a non-scientific manner and which were seen as the output of the childhood period of humanity, would be removed one by one in the secularization process in the adulthood period of humanity, in which science is considered dominant. 11

13 Human & Society Şerif Mardin as a Scientist Before moving on to a review of Şerif Mardin, it will be helpful to shortly mention about the development of his thought, the impact of his political viewpoint on this, main features of his studies and the methodology he followed in his studies. Şerif Mardin has been accepted as a reference name when Ottoman and Turkish modernization, political sociology, religious sociology and history of thought in Turkey is mentioned, Such an approach in an epistemological context will enable us to evaluate the approaches of Mardin in the scope of our subject, in a healthier manner. Since Şerif Mardin s studies are the result of an interdisciplinary perspective, when they are considered in their entire context, certain issues related to Ottoman, politics, intelligentsia, and its ulama in both the modernization processes undergone by the Ottoman and Turkish governments stand out.. Şerif Mardin was born in Istanbul in 1927 into the Mardinizadeliler family, a notable family from the city of Mardin which is a city that gave birth to many ulama. 6 His being a member of an important family from among Ottoman ulama as well as a member of an intellectual and bureaucrat family during the Republic era helps to explain the interest that he showed in his studies as of his first ones in 1950 in movements of thought in the late Ottoman period. When his undergraduate, graduate, and PhD studies are considered, although he earned all of his degrees abroad he did not lose interest in these movements of thought in the late Ottoman period and chose his field of study within these issues. Although he completed his bachelor s degree in political science at Stanford University, his master s degree in international relations at John Hopkins University, and his PhD in political science at Stanford University, Şerif Mardin stands out with his identity as a sociologist and is commonly known with this identity. This is both because the issues he discussed fall within the working field of sociology and because most of the intellectuals he studied are important names within Turkish sociology. As for his political views, without giving an in-depth analysis, Şerif Mardin may be described as a liberal. In 1956, he served as the secretary general for the liberaloriented Liberty Party and was one of the main writers in Forum magazine, known for its opposition to the rule of the Democrat Party and whose writers were mostly academics. 7 Mardin was among the founders of the New Democracy Movement (YDH), led by businessman Cem Boyner, which made its debut into politics in 1994 with its liberal approaches and emphasis. Currently, Mardin works as a professor at Sabancı University and his liberal orientation continues to have an impact on his studies. 6 For more information about Mardin s background please see: Arlı (2004, 2008, 2009). 7 For more evaluations about the Forum magazine, for which Mardin was a permanent writer, please see Bulut (2004). 12

14 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara It is observed that the general characteristic of Şerif Mardin s studies leans towards revealing the historical and sociological connection between contemporary problems in Turkey and the developments and movements of thought in Ottoman world. In this sense, it can be said that there is a certain continuity in his studies. Mardin (1993, p. 37) argues that while examining the changes in the social field, it is necessary to consider the institutional and intellectual heritage in that specific geography. In this respect, Mardin holds that it is important to consider the historical context and cultural background when making any social analysis. For him, in discussing social relations in a society, it is necessary to take traditions and institutional arrangements into account. Therefore, considering the review of institutional history and the history of thought, he deems the analysis of the developments in the late Ottoman period important. Establishing such connections will prevent disconnected and shallow evaluations on current issues. Considering that Mardin is inspired by different disciplines and thinkers, it may be argued that he has adopted a Weberian methodology. 8 While he sometimes exhibits a positivist attitude like Weber, he shows an anti-positivist attitude at others. Just as in Weber s studies, religion-centered analyses occupy a significant place in Mardin s studies Mardin (2000, pp ) attaches importance to religion since it is a significant element in analyzing Turkish culture, history of thought, and social structure and because it has been a neglected field in such analyses. As did Weber, Mardin emphasizes institutional history. Like Weber, who considered bureaucratic organization important and made analyses on it, Mardin widely includes analyses on particularly Ottoman bureaucracy in his studies. The years that Mardin was working on his bachelors and graduate degree in the USA coincides with the period during which Max Weber s name was at the forefront. As Mardin (2007, p. 119) puts it, Weber was only noticed in the USA in the 1950s; and since those years, he has been a significant name both in sociological studies in the USA as well as other in other social science studies. It is possible to say that an indirect effect of Weber on Mardin s assessments about the center and periphery is through Edward Shils and S. N. Eisenstadt. The center and periphery, as one of the basic paradigms of Şerif Mardin s studies, is put forward by Shils. 9 Shils is also known as a specialist of Max Weber in American sociology. Shils 8 In a conversation with Taha Akyol in 2010, Mardin stated that he did not accept the Weberian attribution made to him and that those who were not Marxist are labeled as Weberians. His explanation on why he did not accept the Weberian attribution is as follows: Weber properly examined the history and culture of Protestants and Jews. He is not very well-informed about Islam and made wrong judgements ( ) It is strange that Mardin considers himself not to be a Weberian due to his insufficient knowledge about Islam. Here the definition for Mardin is related with the parallelism of subject and methodology between the two names, not related to the profoundness or inadequacy of their knowledge. 9 For more information please see Shils (1975). 13

15 Human & Society approach is used when Eisenstadt makes an analysis of patrimonial bureaucratic empires and their modernization. 10 Mardin also makes use of this paradigm to analyze the relations between the bureaucracy in the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, and modernization. Secularism in Turkey and its Historical and Sociological Background from the Viewpoint of Şerif Mardin While analyzing secularism, Şerif Mardin (1993, pp ) first draws attention to discussions in the last period of the Ottoman Empire from which he attempts to explain how laic bureaucracy has gradually become predominant. 11 During this period, the reasons behind the decline of the Ottoman Empire were understood to be different by different groups. For instance, the ulama tried to explain the reason behind the decline with religious insufficiencies. According to supporters of this approach, the Ottomans began to neglect their Muslim identity, and as a result lost the authority they had held during the times when they had strong beliefs. In the opinion of the military and bureaucracy, the empire declined because the state mechanism was spoiled: unqualified people took up positions that required responsibility; allowances were given to those who did not deserve them, and corruption became widespread. In order to avoid complete collapse, laic bureaucracy and military officers made certain reforms to organize a new military along with a tax system to support this reorganization. Although Mardin cooperated with high-ranking ulama in preparing reform policies within various fields of the laic bureaucracy, he emphasized that he did not agree with them on certain issues. The beginning of the 19th century was the period when laic democracy was considered to have the power to realize the very changes it had been longing for. As of this period, Mardin draws attention to the fact that a program towards bringing a number of administrative and economic institutions to Turkey began to be implemented.such institutions were products of the European Enlightenment Period. After these changes, however, the ulama lost prestige and their status was lowered, compared to the past. Gradually, this section of society, representing religious institutions, was excluded from the decision-making processes. Mardin (1993, p. 48) states that secularism in the Ottoman Empire first began within higher education institutions upon the foundation of the Medical School in 1827 and 10 Please see Eisenstadt (1963, 2007). 11 In one of his studies, published in the magazine Doğu Batı (Orient-Occident), Mardin states that secularism in the Ottoman bureaucracy dates very far back. He gives an analysis of Kâtib Çelebi, who lived in the 17 th century, as an example in this issue, stating that Çelebi not only criticized the Islambased religious education within the Ottoman Empire, but also the negative effects of the religious disputes during his life time (2005, p. 36). 14

16 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara the Military College in The foundation of both schools occured during the reign of Mahmud II ( ). In his study, Modernization in Turkey (2004, p. 179), Niyazi Berkes states that Mahmud II was a sultan who tried to separate religious affairs and state work yet while doing so, he came into conflict with the ulama, particularly in education and public works. Similar to Niyazi Berkes, Mardin points to the period of Mahmud II as the beginning of secularization while also mentioning the importance of the Tanzimat Reform Era which occurred during his rule. When it comes to the history of secularism in Turkey, it is mostly the Tanzimat (reform) period ( ) that is highlighted. Şerif Mardin (1993, p. 49; 2005, p. 43; 2011, p. 57) also attaches historical importance to this period while further asserting that secularization was successfully implemented in government institutions during this period. In response to the attempts of secularization at the institutional or official level during the Tanzimat period, it is necessary to specifically mention how these opinions were transferred to the public. Considering the conditions of the period, it may be argued that different opinions within a society are transferred to the public via educational institutions or intellectuals. Therefore, Şerif Mardin s study on Young Ottoman thought is crucial. The Birth of Young Ottoman Thought, Şerif Mardin s PhD study, completed in 1958, is one of his notable works which substantially guided his later works. As for Mardin (1990, p. 236; 2010, pp ), Young Ottoman thought is significant in many respects. Although this movement of thought held a more radical stance towards modernization as compared to the one held during the first period of the Republic, the fact that it had not been a movement studied in detail made it an appealing issue for Mardin. As for Mardin, the source of many attempts towards modernization, including the changing of the written language after the foundation of Turkish Republic and civil reforms, rests on Young Ottoman Thought. Paradoxically, the Young Ottoman movement should be analyzed in terms of their attempts to inject Islam into the secularized state because, in addition to being the first group to make use of the opinions of the European Enlightenment, they were among the first intellectuals who attempted to combine Enlightenment opinions with Islam. In the above mentioned study, Mardin (2010, pp ) states that, at the individual level, Şinasi is the first significant voice of Europeanization in the Ottoman world. Westernization efforts until Şinasi had occurred as a result of reform thought at the official level. Those with a reformist identity trying to promote modernization in the Ottoman Empire were statesmen and emperors. Şinasi, on the other hand, is a name who stands out due to his own personal activities apart from official efforts. Niyazi Berkes (2004, p. 283) states that Şinasi is the major leading name in both secularism and nationalism. Şinasi began to publish the first private Turkish newspaper (Tercüman-ı Ahval) in 1860 with Agah Efendi; then in 1862, he began to publish the newspaper Tasvir-i Efkar, which was published twice a week. Through this newspaper, 15

17 Human & Society Şinasi struggled to spread European thoughts throughout the Ottoman Empire and was also influential in the formation of a reformist intellectual group. In contrast to the Şinasi s secular approach and although he did have an impact on them, the Young Ottomans dominant perspective was based upon Islamic themes. As for Mardin, the main objective of Young Ottoman theorists, who were the first ideologists of the Ottoman Empire, was to take the best political institutions of Europe and to place them into Islamic soil. Mardin indicates that the main Islamic theory used by the Young Ottomans to develop this synthesis was the theory of allegiance (OTR: bi at; AR: ) 12 and that bi at in its widest sense meant: a symbolic promise of the emperor to give an account of his acts to the Islamic society when he accedes to the throne (2010, p. 442). When Mardin s works are then analyzed, it should be understood that a number of his explanations on Islamic concepts are open to criticism. To give an example, bi at, beyond the explanation given in Mardin s work, encapsulates recognizing another s sovereignty and promising loyalty. The Turkish Language Association defines this specific Ottoman word as: the acceptance and recognition of the son of an emperor, who will accede to the throne after the emperor dies, by the groups effective in government. However, it should be separately researched whether such problems occur due to Mardin s understanding or from incorrect translations of his works. 13 Furthermore, it should be highlighted that Şerif Mardin s works are highly respected works in all social sciences and particularly in sociology. However, this interest and the fact that his works are included in the best seller lists have had a negative impact on attempts to correct the disorganization and wrong word use that is noticeable in some of his works. Most of Mardin s works published by İletişim Publications are a collection of his articles published at different dates and places into book form. This situation has caused to repetitions in some of his publications due to not paying the necessary attention, not following a specific organization, and the lack of any necessary review 12 Although this term does include the meaning of allegiance, its meaning in Turkish, specifically in Ottoman Turkish, does carry different, and perhaps more precise, connotations. As such, whenever this word is used, the Turkish word will be used. It must also be noted that this word is originally Arabic and its Arabic (and Ottoman) meaning may entail something different than its usage in modern Turkish. 13 The same may be said for the explanation made for the word free will in the same work (Mardin, 2010, p. 453). According to Mardin, this term was used by Young Ottomans in order to represent human s field of activity on which God has slight control. Here the term is explained with a total opposite meaning to its real meaning because the term means the slight-partial-will of a person that means the freedom of decision in one s own living space against the infinite-unlimited-will of God yet still pointing that this will is not in the form of shaping everything in one s life. To illustrate, although an adult makes his/her own decisions, s/he can not determine such things as his/her date of birth, place of birth, or his/her parents. This represents the partial decision making freedom of a human will. For more information, please see Gölcük and Toprak (1996, pp ). 16

18 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara done on the work. Moreover, although many of his works have been published more than one time, the incorrectly translated words in them have not been corrected. However, this is an entirely different issue outside the scope of this essay. As for Mardin (2010, pp ), the political philosophy of the Young Ottomans was based in pre-enlightenment philosophy which has similarities to the 16 th century Europe. Mardin s assessment arises from the fact that Young Ottomans opinions are predominated by Islamic theme and that he believes they had a conservative tendency against innovation.. Mardin states that the Young Ottomans were inconsistent in their behaviors by praising the abstract idea of progress and the development of Europe on the one hand, and a yearning for an imaginary, ideal Islam state on the other. Mardin criticizes Young Ottoman intellectuals, such as Namık Kemal, for their lack of comprehension and internalization of liberal concepts. When Mardin s criticisms against the Young Ottomans concerning the protection of Ottoman traditions are considered, it is observed that he adopts a positivist approach in this issue. According to the positivist approach, material progress is realized by abandoning abstract ideas, which are the products of tradition. Modernization and tradition, therefore, represent two completely opposing elements which cannot exist together. For the record however, Japan s modernization is a living example of how cultural traditions and modernization can very well coexist. Another movement that Şerif Mardin gives emphasis to, both in terms of intelligentsia and the history of political thought, is the Young Turks movement, which adopted a more secular approach in their opinions as compared to Young Ottomans. Mardin (2011, p. 26) states that although, just like the Young Ottomans, the Young Turks also worked toward the survival of Ottoman Empire, they were under a deep influence by 19 th century positivist thought. Mardin (1994, p. 14) further states that despite their orientation in this direction, the Young Turks did not know how to implement such an opinion since they did not have a laic philosophic speculation environment in the history of the Ottoman Empire. He then concluded that the intellectual background of the Young Turks was limited because they lacked an in-depth theory, an original political formula, and an ideology that could continuously hold the sway of intellectual minds. Their main objective and greatest struggle was to save the state. Mardin (1994, p. 18; 2011, p. 33) highlights that particularly those who graduated from Medical School among the Young Turks held a perception based more deeply in a secular life-style. Trained as doctors and due to the extreme positivist education they received, these people connected all aspects of life to chemical, physical and biological changes, in other words, to material factors. In these schools, life and health were explained not through religious explanations, but as a result of biological balance. Again as a result of the education they had, the approaches of these people toward the relation between statesmen and the state is one similar to that of a doctor-patient 17

19 Human & Society relationship. If the government is the patient, the statesman will then be the one to cure the patient. Mardin holds that it is then possible to understand the Young Turks as social doctors. Mardin (1994, pp ) highlights that as in the Young Ottomans, the press was one of the tools that the Young Turks used to spread their opinions. One of their main propaganda tools was the Ottoman newspaper, which began to be published in Mardin states that the audience addressed by the Young Ottomans was different than that of the Young Turks. The Young Ottomans endeavored to influence the Sublime Porte bureaucracy in particular as well as a small minority which had begun to believe Western opinions. In this sense, it can be said that the Young Ottomans endeavored to impact the upper-crust within Ottoman society, whereas the The Young Turks strove to trigger the society under this upper-crust via the Ottoman newspaper. The audience of the Ottoman newspaper was a sort of middle class in the Ottoman Empire. They were mostly the people living in Rumelia, educated to a certain degree, and had somewhat higher standards of living. Mostly under the impact of a secular approach, the Young Turks could not create the reaction they desired on the society, and therefore began to complain about public opinion in their writings in the Ottoman newspaper. One of their biggest complaints revolved around the fact that the people could never truly understand the infamy of Abdulhamid. Mardin indicates that while there was sympathy and respect for the abstract image of the people in the articles of the Ottoman, there was also a reaction against the real people who did not show the desired interest toward revolutionary propaganda. The fact that the Young Turks could not persuade the people to accept their opinions via the Ottoman caused deep disappointment within their ranks. Since the people did not attempt revolution, as the Young Turks had expected, they turned into an untrustable aspect of society for them. Mardin (1994, p. 148) states that the distrust arising in the Young Turks toward the simple people, gave birth to the idea that Young Turks did not actually know their own nation. After 1908, this conviction led to studies about the cultural elements behind the behaviors of Turkish people. The Young Turks aimed to establish a reform program based on the cultural data collected concerning Turkish people. These attempts resulted in rapidly increasing opinions like, Turks are the unhappiest elements of Ottoman Empire in the articles in Ottoman. In articles defending this opinion, it was also said that Turkish people were the part of society who suffered most from both the autocratic regime of Abdulhamid and external interventions. Since the Young Turks believed that the people, who were devoted to the sultan, would not, or could not, revolt against him as they had expected, they steered their propaganda toward military officers, who they believed could create the desired movement within the Ottoman Empire. Mardin (1994, p. 302) states that the secular 18

20 Anık / Two Axes Revolving Around the Discussions of Secularism in Turkey: Şerif Mardin and İsmail Kara minded Young Turks began to adopt an elitist approach against traditional society and that they focused on building an elite to realize their ideals. Mardin (1994, p ) states that during the reign of Abdulhamid, The ulama was treated unfairly, the sultan was quite doubtful from the ulama, and because of this distant behavior of the sultan, those who ran across Shaykh Al-Islam on the road had to ignore him. Mardin also states that again during the same period, no arrangements were made in order to improve or modernize the many madrasah and thus a policy of neutralization of the ulama was implemented. He adds that religious books that would have helped the discussion of political opinions were also forbidden. In his work: Religion and Politics in Turkey, Mardin mentions that the negative attitude toward the ulama was not only present during the reign of Abdulhamid, To him (1993, p ), even when the Ottoman Empire was at the peak of its power, its sultans were nervous about the power of religious leaders, popular sheiks, and dervishes and they tried to keep them under control by keeping them away from society. According to Mardin s explanations, the rulers of the Ottoman Empire endeavored to prevent possible rebellions against the regime by keeping religious authorities and institutions under control. By giving Halil Inalcik as reference, Mardin (1993, p. 117) states that because of the priority given to the state, bureaucrats in the Ottoman government reacted harshly to all kinds of religious appearances that occurred out of their own control while also stating that there was no tolerance toward charismatic leaders who had the support of the society or who were of heterodox characters. Mardin also criticizes some of the widespread ideas espoused during Abdulhamid s period. Most of the works written about the period in which Abdulhamid ruled mention his panislamism policy. As for Mardin (1994, pp ), it is not possible to talk about the existence of such a policy before 1890, and he also says that it is even difficult to prove a strong panislamism policy after Mardin highlights that rather than a panislamism policy, Abdulhamid adopted an Ottomanism principle in which there were no racial or religious discriminations. Mardin indicates that the reason behind this common perception is a result of the book Le Panislamisme by Gabriel Charmes. The argument in this book, published in 1880, was that Abdulhamid would eventually have to transform his idea into Panislamism. Therefore, rather than analyzing a policy in practice, the book suggested that there was no other way for the Ottoman Empire to survive except from adopting panislamism. As for Mardin (1993, p. 64), just like Sultan Abdulhamid s pragmatist approach toward Islam during his reign, Mustafa Kemal, the founder of modern Turkey, showed a pragmatist approach in this same regard during the beginning of his rebellion. Mustafa Kemal frequently used the theme of Islam unity to garner the support of the Muslim people outside Anatolia against the occupation powers and to earn the support of the Muslim people in Anatolia against the Ottoman government in Istanbul. Mardin 19

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