B. E. 2455 / 1912-04 - 1913-03
undatiert

"Apathy of
officials of almost all ranks leads to the failures in the
administration which are attributable to personal conduct. I have
seen this with my own eyes in several monthons [มณฑล].
I suppose that senior officials behave like this because they like
to follow old ways. When they do something in the traditional way,
they feel that they are doing it sufficiently well. They do not try
to see the point that it is the result that is important."

"What the result of this apathy is I
will show by what I have myself seen in several monthons. When I met commune and village elders on my tour of
inspection and asked them about their villages, I
received in most places only the replies that things were
in good order. I was not at all pleased. I could have
well believed that things were in good order in one or
two places but I could not have possibly accepted that such was the case everywhere.
When I had
thought about it, 1 saw why they had a way of saying the
same thing. It was the result of none other than the
easygoing habits of senior officials of various
ranks upwards from that of the district officer. When
district officers ask commune and village elders
about what is happening in their villages and if the
latter reply that things are bad, the district
officers would open the rule-book, scold them for
not maintaining the peace, and order them to out down the
banditry at all costs. They forget the important
point that commune and village elders are our eyes and ears.
If we just shout at them, they will of course say
that things are in good order in order to escape being
told off and ordered about and bringing difficulties
upon themselves. If we do not have anyone as our eyes and
ears, it is as if we blindfold and deafen ourselves and
seek comfort in not knowing what is what."

[Quelle: Tej Bunnag [เตช
บุนนาค]
<1943 - >: The
provincial administration of Siam from 1892 to 1915 : a study off the creation,
the growth, the achievements, and the implications for modern Siam, of the
ministry of the interior under prince Damrong Rachanuphap. -- Diss. Oxford : St.
Anthonys College, Michaelmas Term 1968. -- 429 S.,
Schreibmaschinenschrift. -- S. 399, 401f.. -- Faire use]

"We ourselves are not
totally naïve as to
the activities of the Buddhist Society. Here we will comment
specifically on its ill intentions and slanderous remarks concerning
the Buddhist Council of Elders. While pretending to focus on
miscreant monks, its real aim would appear to be the Council of
Elders itself, which Narin implies to be infested with monks of this
sort. He uses the tactic of smacking us in the face and then patting
us on the back."

"If any such thing [as the
Young Turk movement] [Jön
Türkler] were to happen in our country the
result would be much worse—a thousand times worse—for us than the
Turks; because, at worst, for Turkey it will be only extinction as a
European state, but for us it would be just extinction!, without any
other qualification whatsoever. Once "Young Siam" starts to emulate
the Young Turks, then our poor country’s days will be numbered. The
Young Turks have succeeded in destroying Turkey within three short
years, but Siam will not take so long to destroy. A year, at most
two, will be enough."

"People with such ill will
cover themselves with the title of socialism like a beautiful gown
to deceive others into admiring them. So they are tough enemies who
couldn’t be easily suppressed. To use force or penalty against them
as we do against other criminals is useless for it will make them
more respectable in the eyes of the fools who will think that they
are punished for speaking the truth. Therefore, the expedient method
which we should use to fight these people is their very own method.
We must speak up, explain, oppose what they say. But not just
opposing, we must also show that while what they say is a good idea,
can it really be put into practice? If we can clearly show that it
is impossible, the audience will become aware and change its mind.
We can’t force people to change their mind. We can only explain
until they see by themselves that their old idea is incorrect due to
misunderstanding. Only thus can they really change their mind. The
important thing is not to forbid people to express their opinion, on
the contrary, we ought to open a channel for them to do so. We can
then know how incorrect that opinion is, and how to correct it."

"The frankness with which
they discuss the merits and demerits of the King, and the
disrespectful manner in which they refer to their sovereign is a
most noticeable and regrettable innovation of the past two years of
the reign."

Highet, Hugh Campbell
< - 1929>: Studies on
beri-beri and its prevention in Siam, being a report upon certain
investigations on beri-beri carried out in Siam / the medical officers of
the Health Department of the Ministry of Local Government. -- Bangkok :
Health Departement, [1912. -- 46 S.

"For commerce and industries to
flourish and grow, the proper business men, men of integrity, to direct
commercial and industrial concerns must be forthcoming as well as a
sufficient number of labourers. If people in our own country would only
realise this elementary truth, there would be a little more energy among
our Siamese business men, and a little less fanciful talk. What is the use
of always blaming the Government for not making industries flourish in
Siam? What do you think business men are there for? Do you think all you
need to do is to look like splendid millionaires, and loll about in
your arm-chairs planning the latest additions to your gorgeous mansions?
... If you do not help yourselves, how could you expect the Government to
help you ?"

"I do not in the least doubt that
Sun Yat Sen [孫逸仙,
1866 - 1925] meant to have a republic when he
started the revolution. He undoubtedly felt that China was really having a
bad time all round, and probably believed that he could save her from
total destruction if he could only turn the Manchus [滿洲族]
out and turn the country into a republic. He counted upon the sympathetic
interest of people in Europe and America, and
he was right. He got it,
with his war-cry of "A republic for China." People in Europe and America
have very hazy ideas about China on the whole. They believed the Chinese
to be a downtrodden people, and naturally sympathised with them in their
struggle for liberty. Then, sure of that sympathy, Sun Yat Sen and his
friends went to work with a will, and started preaching revolutionary
doctrines and Republicanism to their fellow countrymen. I do not think
anyone will contradict me when I say that, to the majority of Chinamen,
the revolutionary leaders' preaching conveyed nothing beyond a vague idea,
that if the revolution succeeded, they would gain all sorts of wonderful
advantages. For example, more wealth would come to them, they would be
treated as equals by the Europeans, and so forth; and it cannot be denied
that such enthusiasm on their part was infectious, not only to the Chinese
themselves, but also to those of other nations, (some Siamese among them),
who in point of fact knew but little of Chinese affairs. So Sun Yat Sen
started the revolution, and carried it through. He and his friends
succeeded in pulling down the Monarchy, but when it came to setting up a
republic in its place, they found it not so easy to do as to talk and
dream about it. Republics are easy to set up in Dreamland, but it is
another thing to do it in China. Sun Yat Sen was no man to build up any
sort of government, and he himself knew it. That was why he so kindly left
everything to Yuan Shih Kai [袁世凱,
1859 - 1916] .... It now only remains for Yuan Shih
Kai to carry out his part of the bargain, and establish the Republic of
China. For the present, we can not admit that he has done it. Will he ever
do it? Will he ever be able to do it in reality? Does he really want to do
it?"

"On the subject of
constitutionalism, Vajiravudh stated his belief that Sultan Abdul Hamid [عبد
الحميد ثانی , 1842 - 1918] "did not consider it wise or
advantageous for Turkey to have progressive institutions thrust upon the
people before they knew how to benefit by such institutions . . . that his
desire was to go slowly and to gradually introduce such reforms as he felt
absolutely sure the people were ready for." The Young Turks, however, a
small clique of clever agitators and young officers "who had just enough
knowledge in them to make them dangerous," carried out their revolution
and deposed the sultan. Carrying out such a revolution was not difficult,
for "destruction is terribly easy," especially since the Young Turks felt
no need to worry about the opinion of the public, "to consult the opinion
of a 'thing' like that. Who cares anything as to what the 'thing' may do
or say?" The consequences were foreordained. Since the mass of the people
knew nothing of the "blessings of popular government" and "had not the
vaguest idea of the meaning of the term parliament," the Young Turks "had
to teach them, by driving them to the poll at the point of the bayonet!"
The King remarked, "Parliament in Turkey has been nothing but a farce."

The King summed up his
feelings on "the fruits of Turkish constitutionalism" in a scathing
denunciation of Turkey's young revolutionaries: ". . . they came before us
with a swagger, their mouths full of braggadacio, raising false cries of
"Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity," spreading the fever of excitement
which reached even as far as these parts of Asia, setting the example for
all braggarts in the Orient to raise cries for "Constitution," a thing
which not one in one hundred millions understands the least bit about,
except that it is something "civilised"! It is for this that I am
down on the Young Turks; and I frankly admit I feel no sorrow in their
downfall, since it will serve to disillusion such Orientals (including a
few of my own countrymen), as may have caught the "Constitution" fever
badly."

"The Persian people have been
saddled with a parliament that they understand nothing about and do not
want, and which has caused the country more trouble than all the most
incompetent shahs put together."

"Japan does not owe her present
greatness to constitutionalism; on the contrary, Japan has attained her
present position, not on account of constitutionalism, but rather in
spite of it."And the King strongly substantiated his
argument with abundant evidence that the crucial decisions and fundamental
policies that led to Japan's progress had been taken long before the
adoption of the 1890 Constitution. Further, the Japanese government since
1890, wrote the King, could not be called a pure parliamentary regime; it
was rather "a bureaucratic monarchy, not to say oligarchic" government
with at best a constitutional instrumentality in "the experimental stage."

"Thai Sikhs (ਸਿੱਖ
/ ซิกข์) are Sikhs of the Guru who have upheld
the Nishaan Sahib, the Sikh flag in Thailand.

Introduction

The first Indian to arrive in Thailand was Mr Kirpa Ram Madan
from India in 1880s. He was granted audience with the king of Thailand (Rama V)
Chulalongkorn. The records are available in Gurudwara Singh Sabha in Bangkok. He
brought his relatives whose surname were Madan, Narula and Chawla. They were the
first Indian diaspora in Thailand.

By the year 1911, many Sikh families had settled in
Thailand. Bangkok was indeed the centre of migrant Sikhs. During that time there
was no Gurdwara (ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ), so religious prayers were held in the homes of the Sikhs in
rotation on every Sunday and all the Gurpurab days.

The population of the Sikh community was on the rise,
therefore in the year 1912, the Sikhs decided to establish a Gurdwara. A wooden
house was rented in the vicinity of Baan Moh, a well known business area.

In the year 1913 (or the year 2456 according to the
Buddhist calendar), with the increasing rise of the Sikh community in Bangkok, a
new larger wooden house was leased for a long term at the corner of Phahurat (พาหุรัด) and
Chakraphet road. After considerable renovation and decoration, the Guru Granth
Sahib (ਗੁਰੂ ਗ੍ਰੰਥ ਸਾਹਿਬ) was installed and religious prayers were conducted on a daily basis.

As time passed, in the year 1979, the decision was made to
renovate the Gurdwara and make it bigger to accommodate the increasing number of
Sikhs. Together the committee of Siri Guru Singh Sabha and the other Thai-Sikhs
asked for the blessing and permission from the Guru Granth Sahib to construct a
new Gurdwara at the same location. The foundation stone was laid down by the
Panj Piare (ਪੰਜ ਪਿਆਰੇ), the Five Beloved Ones. The new Gurdwara was completed after two
years in the year 1981.

The first Sikh person to travel to Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่
/ ᨩ᩠ᨿᨦᩉ᩠ᨾᩲ᩵)
was Mr. Ishar Singh (ਸਿੰਘ), who
travelled from India through Burma into Thailand in the year
1905 AD (or the year 2448 according to the Buddhist Calendar). Shortly after
that about four more families came to Thailand. They were Mr. Rattan Sing, Mr.
Gian Singh, Mr. Wariaam Singh and Mr. Amanda Singh. In the year 1907. This group
of Sikh people decided to set up a Gurdwara at 134 Charoenrat Road, Chiang Mai,
which stands till date at the location and now occupies a space of about 240
square meters.

In the year 1975 there were only around 3 - 4 Sikh
families in Pattaya (พัทยา). But after Pattaya was made a tourist spot, many Sikhs
migrated from other provinces like Ubon Ratchathani (อุบลราชธานี),
Udon Thani (อุดรธานี),
Nakhon Ratchasima (นครราชสีมา) and Sattahip
(สัตหีบ).

In 1932, Sikhs started moving to Khon Kaen (ขอนแก่น) to start some
kind of business and earn a living. Initially the Sikhs in Khon Kaen did not
build any Gurdwara for performing any sort of religious ceremonies or prayers.
Instead Sikh people's homes were used in rotation to perform the religious
prayers. However, the religious ceremonies, prayers were performed only on
Sundays; the first day of the month and on other religious dates. Later, in the
year 1972, as the number of Sikhs increased, a Gurdwara was then constructed. It
is a two storey building, which is located at 157-9 Ruamchit Road, Khon Kaen.

The Gurdwara in Lampang (ลำปาง) was initially located at 113-115
Sai Klang Road, Lampang and was one of the old Gurdwaras in Thailand. In 1933, a
Sikh named, Wariaam Singh, donated a piece of land and started construction of
the Gurdwara. Later, as the number of Sikhs increased a new and bigger Gurdwara
was constructed at 106/1-3 Thip Chaang Road, Lampang. On September 24, 1992 the
foundation stone of the new Gurdwara was laid, gathering a large number of Sikh
people from nearby provinces and Bangkok to witness the event.

In 1947, Sikhs started moving to Nakhon Ratchasima
(นครราชสีมา) to start some kind
of business and earn a living. Initially the Sikhs in Korat did not build any
Gurdwara for performing any sort of religious ceremonies or prayers. Instead
Sikh people's homes were used in rotation to perform the religious prayers.
However, the religious ceremonies, prayers were performed only on Sundays; the
first day of the month and on other religious dates. Later as the number of
Sikhs increased, a Gurdwara was then constructed. On December 23, 1984, there
was a parade held by the Sikh Community through the town of Korat, to celebrate
the opening ceremony of this Gurdwara.

The first Gurdwara in Phuket (ภูเก็ต) was constructed by the Sikhs
who had come to Phuket to do Tin Mining and Railway Engineering under the
supervision of the British in the year 1939. These groups of Sikhs were also
involved in the Indian National Army (INA) during the World War II. Later there
were many Sikh businessmen started migrating to Phuket to start a business in
the field of tailoring and hotel. More Sikhs moved to Phuket, when the province
was made into one of the main tourist spots of Thailand. This led to a necessity
in expanding and renovating the Gurdwara to be able to accommodate the
increasing number of Sikhs in Phuket. The Gurdwara Committee of Phuket along
with many other Sikhs together helped in constructing a new Gurdwara. The
opening ceremony was held on January 22, 2001. The Chief Minister for this
occasion was Privy Council Member, Bichit Kulvanich.

Gurudwaras (Sikh temples) in Thailand

In
Thailand, Sikhs have constructed several Gurdwaras throughout the country.
Currently there are 17 Gurdwaras located in the following provinces:

"On April 26/27, 1912,
shortly after . a series of political incidents at home and abroad
had unexpectedly shaken the seeming stability of the Siamese
throne—the Chinese Republican Revolution [辛亥革命]
in October 1911, the abdication of the Manchu
emperor [愛新覺羅·溥儀]
in February 1912, and the aborted coup attempt by junior army
officers at home in March of the same year—the English-educated King
Vajiravudh, deeply alarmed, penned two consecutive diary entries of
great length, in Thai, dealing exclusively with what he perceived as
the threat of "latthi [ลัทธิ]
khong sochialist" (the doctrine of socialism).

In them, the King tried to work out a critique
of socialism, likening it to the Buddhist mythology of Sassana Phra
Sri Arya [ศาสนาพระศรีอริย]
(the religion of Phra Sri Arya) in their presumed common
impracticality and unreality. Phra Sri Arya, more fully Phra Sri
Arya Mettraya [พระศรีอริยเมตไตรย], was the name of the Future
Buddha. According to the Tripitaka [พระไตรปิฎก], he would arise
after the religion of the present Buddha (Gautama Shakyamuni [พระโคตมศากยมุนี

])
came to an end, when the average age of human beings reached 80, 000
years. In the popular Thai folktale version, millenarian elements
joined the story, such as material abundance, common property,
absolute equality, perfect human beauty, universal resemblance,
universal moral behavior, the absence of crime and war, Kalpa
Phruksa [กัลปพฤกษ์]
(magic wishgranting trees), monks no longer wearing a yellow robe
but only tying a piece of yellow cloth to their ear, and the dating
of Phra Sri Arya Mettraya’s appearance to B. E. 5000.

King Vajiravudh began by listing the coming
"benefits" of an ideal socialist rule, namely, universal peace,
absolute social and political equality, forced equalization of
wealth, nationalization of the country’s wealth and resources,
abolition of religion, and community of women. Having constructed a
caricature of socialism, reducing it to either impossible absolute
egalitarianism or anarcho-liberal individualism and making it an
easy target of attack, he then proceeded to the absurd logical
implications which "proved" socialism’s impracticality and
unreality. Throughout, his arguments relied heavily on an implicit
presupposition of a reality that was partly common sense and partly
an underlying philosophical-anthropological assumption of human
nature as unequal, greedy, vainglorious, ambitious, envious, lazy,
and foolish, all the more so among the working class. Finally, the
King delivered a below-the-belt blow by arbitrarily setting up a
religious-like, taxing, moral standard for socialists, using their
failure to meet that standard to assassinate their characters, and
thereby triumphantly proclaiming the impossibility of true socialism
and the resultant danger of fake socialists. These "phasa sontaphai"
[ภาษาสนตะพาย

]
(literally, leading- people-by-the-nose-language) polemical
techniques, as later characterized by Supha Sirimanond [สุภา ศิริมานนท์,
1914 - 1986], were
typical of his writing on other such controversial subjects as the
Chinese, parliamentary democracy, and revolution."

"The most important point in
their offense is the intention to do violence to my person. But I do
not entertain any feelings of revenge against these persons, and
consider that clemency, which is within my power to grant as the
Sovereign, might be shown with regard to their punishments."

"Nowadays, it is usual for
me to learn of the request to transfer provincial officials from the
newspapers. If this practice-should continue in the future I see no
reason why the Ministry of the Interior should inform me at all
since I will learn about the request in any event from the
newspapers. This is the reason why government secrets can not be
kept. I will give you my permission this time, but it should be
understood that if this should happen again I will not tolerate it."

"Firstly,
the people in general respected the authority of the King, and not
only did not dare to enter the Royal Precincts without any
introduction or authority but had never been used to consider or
even imagine that every part of the Royal Residence was otherwise
than exclusively reserved for the private use of the Sovereign.
Secondly, the number of officials was comparatively small, everyone
was therefore well acquainted with the Royal Customs and Usage with
regards to such places, hence no contraventions in their respect
ever occurred.

Whereas in the course of time there sprang up
a class of government servants who imagined themselves possessors of
ideas which, in their light, deemed to be new and in consequence,
intellectually superior to their parents and forefathers. This class
of individuals seemed to consider that the Royal Residences were
public places open to free access. Filled with this erroneous
conception coupled with their own personal ambitions, they sought
admission wherever they saw others being admitted. Meanwhile, the
Sovereign, ever graciously desired that His government servants, as
far as possible, be equally afforded every opportunity of coming
before His presence could not but view that to permit everyone to do
so without distinction of place, would not only mean carrying
sufferance to excess, but it would also deprive Himself altogether
of opportunities for much needed rest and leisure. Constrained by
this necessity, a limit was set to certain parts of the Royal
Demesne, since commonly known as the ’’Inner Precinct" where it was
understood that access to such places were restricted to officials
serving in the Royal Household. As the number of government
officials further increased, however, the etiquettes of the court
and Royal Wishes in such matters were not generally known among
them, and such misconceptions arose in consequence. An evidence of
this misconception could be seen in the feelings of the personal
jealousy towards the court officials who were regarded as being
allowed to enjoy an unfair privilege in that they were permitted to
enter the Royal Private Precincts, and the simple fact that they
went there because it was their duty to be there has been completely
overlooked. The court officials then became the subjects of constant
suspicion, a suspicion not only confined to the court officials
alone but also extended to every other individual allowed to enter
His presence within these precincts. Owing to this misapprehension
of the real fact, no social institution or association honored with
the Royal Patronage could ever escape from becoming a source of
personal annoyance to the Sovereign. The ambitious would use every
endeavor to obtain membership with the expectation that some
personal advantage might accrue therefrom, and should they fail in
their endeavor, in their disappointment would disseminate all kinds
of imputations on the one hand, while the more imaginative would
ascribe to such special institutions every possible exaggerated
importance with the result that instead of being the means of
affording the Sovereign so much needed leisure and recreation, such
social reunions only become sources of annoyance to His Majesty."

Thereafter followed a list of regulations for
ensuring that only certain officials would be able to enter these
private precincts. On the same day, another royal decree limited to
two hours a day the period the King would give audiences to
government officials and member of the royalty. The reason given was
that "frequent audiences would be an annoyance to the King.""

"I may as well ask: since
the establishment of the city of Bangkok 129 years ago up to the
present day, why is there no evidence of at least one single person
who has achieved enlightenment as in ancient times?... This is a
source of exceeding puzzlement that refuses to go away... Is it true
that in the distant past, people who practiced or merely listened to
the word of the dharma attained enlightenment in the hundreds of
millions? ... I ask for the name of anyone [who has been successful
in their practice of Buddhism],... The number [of enlightened
beings] in the Siamese capital does not have to be in the tens of
millions. A merehundred or even a list of ten truly enlightened
souls would be enough to provide encouragement and guidance to a man
such as myself who wishes to follow the Buddhist path."

"The
policy of our own King, however, and that of his August and Beloved
Predecessor before him, has always been to grant to his subjects free
access to his Person; and, in spite of the disadvantages resulting
therefrom, as mentioned above, I would not for worlds have it otherwise.

I am sure we ought all to be most grateful to our King
for granting us, the privilege of free access to his Person; for we like
to think of him as a Father, who comes freely among his beloved children,
interesting himself in their works, and entering into their fun. A Father
who thus comes amongst his children ought surely not to lose his dignity
thereby, because a few naughty, spoilt children are impolite and
unmannerly enough not to behave themselves properly. My friends, it is
up to you to ensure the continuance of that privilege which was
voluntarily granted to us; I mean the privilege of free access to our
King. Shall we lose the privilege because a few "naughty children" do not
know how to behave themselves like gentlemen? There is no need to
cringe and crawl, but we can and should give our Sovereign
the welcome of the children to the father, the friend! . . . Surely you
could be loyal without being slavish, and polite without cringing?
Impoliteness is not a sign of independence, but merely a sign of want of
breeding."

"In their wisdom, our Kings did
not set their faces against the stream of progress. On the contrary, they
welcomed civilisation and progress with open doors, and our rulers moved
along with the stream and have been doing so ever since.
Civilisation came to Siam and found no need to knock in any way as
insistently as she has had to do in both Japan and China; the stream of
progress found no formidable barriers set up purposely in its path, such
barriers as were found being merely natural ones, which our wise rulers
have always tried to remove as soon as possible."

"Money is an important
inducement for insuring peace in the army. If there
is enough money
for the soldiers I am sure there will be no more trouble for future.
All soldiers will then realized that they are an important asset in
safeguarding Your Majesty’s power and goodness. "

"From its earliest years the
Sericulture Department had entertained serious doubts over the
ability of the silk producers to respond to the government’s
programme. At various times the view was expressed that the
northeastern peasants were rather naive and unsophisticated,that they had limited material wants, that they were lazy. It
was also argued that the Siamese were so firmly wedded to their
traditional ways that they showed little interest in more productive
methods and techniques. A common official view was that peasants had
a pronounced tendency to ignore, as far as possible, any advice or
instructions given to them by government officials. The prevailing
prejudice was that they had a deep suspicion of, and resistance to,
government interference."