Halper is another likely Hilary sycophant spying on Trump . That is why (according to the article) he offered money to the Trump campaign. If this has traction, it appears that this is another internal Republican issue.

He is the co-author of the bestselling book, rAmerica Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order published by the Cambridge University Press (2004), and The Silence of the Rational Centre: Why American Foreign Policy is Failing (Basic Books, 2007). In April 2010, his book The Beijing Consensus: Legitimizing Authoritarianism in our Time, was published by Basic Books. Also a "best seller," it has been published in Japan, Taiwan, China, South Korea and France.

More will come out but that looks like a scandal of huge proportions to me when you have US Intelligence agencies pulling crap like this against people that are in the running to be POTUS. The links with the Clinton crony Fusion GPS people are too obvious also.

The thing that surprises me the most is the arrogance of our Intelligence agencies to not to try to even cover their tracks good in a scheme like this. Its like they really believed they were untouchable. I guess they got that feeling under the Obama administration with what went on with the IRS in 2012 etc. I am sure they were a little crooked under Bush also. Post 9/11 they seemed to think they werent accountable for anything.

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I agree that a candidate colluding with our number one enemy is a scandal of huge preportions. If true I hope they Mussolini his ass.

Here is another right wing source explaining that Halper works for a British firm affiliated with MI6. If true, this information shows very good counterintelligence work by British cutouts to run a sting on Papadapolous after he told Downer about the hacked emails and the emails were then leaked. Glad we have allies who reported to us.

Created by former MI6 British Secret Service agents, Hakluyt is an ultra secretive firm whose client list reads like a who’s who of the business world with corporations retaining their services for strategic intelligence and advice as they look to expand operations.

Jonathan Clarke is the U.S. Representative – Director U.S. Operations for Hakluyt. Clarke is a fairly public figure – but it was quite difficult to locate references to his association with Hakluyt.

Given the lengthy association between Halper and Clarke, I expect we will find additional ties between Halper, other members of Hakluyt and members of British Intelligence.

if they had found anything at all to implicate PrezDT- they would have had it the public domain so fast it would make your head spin

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That is a pretty big assumption. We know for a fact that they have held important evidence that was released months later on multiple occasions. And that is only in the category of information that was released. We have no evidence either way on the information that they didn't release, for obvious reasons.

Mueller is supposed to carry on the investigation that former FBI Director James Comey told Congress about before he was fired by President Donald Trump. That includes any links between Trump campaign associates and Russia, as well as “any matters that arose or may arise directly from the investigation,” according to the letter appointing him.

Professor Stefan Halper was a White House official in the Nixon, Ford and Reagan administrations and spoke to the Today Programme this morning.

Professor Stefan Halper
"I think it moves the inquiry to a new level, it formalises the issues that confront Mr Trump and the problems people have with his firing of James Comey. The question on the table is whether these constitute an obstruction of justice, and if it does the appointment of a Special Counsel will determine if laws were broken."
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Something tells me Glenn Simpson did not make a mistake. Something tells me the co-founder of Fusion GPS was dead-on accurate when he testified that Christopher Steele told him the FBI had a “human source” — i.e., a spy — inside the Trump campaign as the 2016 presidential race headed into its stretch run.

When he realized how explosive this revelation was, Simpson walked it back: He had, perhaps, “mischaracterized” what he’d been told by Steele, the former British spy and principal author of the anti-Trump dossier he and Simpson compiled for the Clinton campaign."

To repeat, while Simpson’s testimony became public in January 2018, he actually gave the testimony five months earlier, in August 2017. Papadopoulos’s name is not uttered in the 312-page transcript, just as it goes unmentioned in the Steele dossier.

Papadopoulos was virtually unheard of until October 30, 2017, when Special Counsel Mueller announced his guilty plea and filed a factual recitation of his offense conduct. Two weeks after that information became public, Simpson was asked about Papadopoulos in a fleeting exchange during testimony before the House Intelligence Committee (see November 14, 2017, transcript, page 163.) Interestingly, the subject came up in the context of Trump-related research Simpson had done separate and apart from his collaboration with Steele. Simpson claimed that he had been looking at Papadopoulos “for a while” and regarded him as “a clone of Carter Page”; but he admitted that he actually knew nothing significant about Papadopoulos beyond what Mueller had included in the information filed in court at the time of the guilty plea.

The information Mueller had filed in October said nothing about either Papadopoulos’s meeting with Downer or the subsequent purported transmission of Papadopoulos’s claims from Australian authorities to the FBI. That story did not come out until the Times article on December 30.

Simpson is a smart guy, an accomplished investigative journalist, and now a full-time professional researcher, whose attention to detail is impressive. Steele is an experienced intelligence officer. The two are longtime friends and collaborators who understand each other well. Informants are central to both of their professions. By their telling, Steele’s decision to bring their research to the FBI and his subsequent dealings with the Bureau were a matter of extensive discussion and great concern.

Consequently, I do not believe that Steele gave his friend Simpson a cryptic account of his meeting in Rome with the FBI; nor do I believe that Simpson got confused and “mischaracterized” what he was told. When Simpson testified that Steele told him the FBI had a human source, I think Simpson meant exactly what that testimony implied: that someone from the FBI told Steele in August 2016 — while the investigation was heating up, while the FBI was ramping up its efforts in preparation for seeking surveillance warrants from the FISA court — that the Bureau had an informant.

A Human Source . . . in Britain, Not Australia
Three other things to consider:

To repeat, while Simpson’s testimony became public in January 2018, he actually gave the testimony five months earlier, in August 2017. Papadopoulos’s name is not uttered in the 312-page transcript, just as it goes unmentioned in the Steele dossier.

Papadopoulos was virtually unheard of until October 30, 2017, when Special Counsel Mueller announced his guilty plea and filed a factual recitation of his offense conduct. Two weeks after that information became public, Simpson was asked about Papadopoulos in a fleeting exchange during testimony before the House Intelligence Committee (see November 14, 2017, transcript, page 163.) Interestingly, the subject came up in the context of Trump-related research Simpson had done separate and apart from his collaboration with Steele. Simpson claimed that he had been looking at Papadopoulos “for a while” and regarded him as “a clone of Carter Page”; but he admitted that he actually knew nothing significant about Papadopoulos beyond what Mueller had included in the information filed in court at the time of the guilty plea.

The information Mueller had filed in October said nothing about either Papadopoulos’s meeting with Downer or the subsequent purported transmission of Papadopoulos’s claims from Australian authorities to the FBI. That story did not come out until the Times article on December 30.

Simpson is a smart guy, an accomplished investigative journalist, and now a full-time professional researcher, whose attention to detail is impressive. Steele is an experienced intelligence officer. The two are longtime friends and collaborators who understand each other well. Informants are central to both of their professions. By their telling, Steele’s decision to bring their research to the FBI and his subsequent dealings with the Bureau were a matter of extensive discussion and great concern.

Consequently, I do not believe that Steele gave his friend Simpson a cryptic account of his meeting in Rome with the FBI; nor do I believe that Simpson got confused and “mischaracterized” what he was told. When Simpson testified that Steele told him the FBI had a human source, I think Simpson meant exactly what that testimony implied: that someone from the FBI told Steele in August 2016 — while the investigation was heating up, while the FBI was ramping up its efforts in preparation for seeking surveillance warrants from the FISA court — that the Bureau had an informant.

A Human Source . . . in Britain, Not Australia
Three other things to consider:

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That linked article in the post I am relying to is a stream of non-sequitors. To sum it up, Glenn Simpson did not know when the FBI opened up a counter-intelligence investigation or when, and if, contacts were made with the Trump campaign by the FBI or someone else. But, he understood at some point the FBI had a source. Of course, he is not in the FBI, so he would not know.

The article then leaps to the conclusion that Great Britain was monitoring the Trump campaign,reported to the FBI and that those communications, somehow, relate to Papadapolous.

If the conclusion at the end of the post (that the FBI had an informant in August 2016 and implies it was a British source), that conclusion is consistent with being told about Downer's conversation with Papadapolous after the release of the hacked e-mails in July 2016. Proper investigation would require investigation of Papadapolous, including possibly setting up a sting.

Of course, foreign intelligence services would run their own counter-intel operations. So, it would make sense to use an MI6 cutout like Halper (according to the linked articles above), a dual citizen whose background was in prior US Republican administrations and who has authored conservative books.

George Papadapolous did not obtain some form of immunity from investigation when he went to work for the Trump campaign and started contacting Russian cut-outs.

Meanwhile, an earlier posted article asserts that Papadapolous was "suspicious" of his meeting with Halper. This suspicion would be that investigators were "on to him," reflecting a consciousness of his guilt.

So, if any of this proves true: a) this would reflect good investigative work; b) conspiratorial contacts between Papadapolus and a Russian cut out.

You know I said a few years ago (somewhat tongue-in-check) that Obama was using the intel agencies to spy on Americans and I said this after they blew the Boston Bomber intel that they got from the Russians... they sat on it and did nothing. Now I know I was right... I wonder how many Pubs in Congress got spied on while that joke/community organizer was busy doing nothing but spying on American citizens.

We already know that Clapper, Comey and Brennan were dirty cops. Who else was... They also hid the entire Uranium One deal from the Congress, the Press and the general public. Why?

Reports tonight are that the FBI met with Downer in London. The New York Times is reporting tonight (May 16) that afterward the FBI had an undercover informant meet several times with Page and Papadapolus. Makes sense and proper counter-intel and criminal investigative work after receiving Downer's report subsequent to the release of the hacked e-mails. So, there is evidently much more that Mueller knows about Page's activities than Steele reported and which went into the FISA application. Also, there is evidently much more about Papadapolous than we know.

In the summer of 2016, the F.B.I. dispatched a pair of agents to London on a mission so secretive that all but a handful of officials were kept in the dark. Their assignment, which has not been previously reported, was to meet the Australian ambassador, who had evidence that one of Donald J. Trump’s advisers knew in advance about Russian election meddling. After tense deliberations between Washington and Canberra, top Australian officials broke with diplomatic protocol and allowed the ambassador, Alexander Downer, to sit for an F.B.I. interview to describe his meeting with the campaign adviser, George Papadopoulos.

The F.B.I. investigated four unidentified Trump campaign aides in those early months, congressional investigators revealed in February. The four men were Michael T. Flynn, Paul Manafort, Carter Page and Mr. Papadopoulos, current and former officials said. Each was scrutinized because of his obvious or suspected Russian ties.

Lastly, there was Mr. Papadopoulos, the young and inexperienced campaign aide whose wine-fueled conversation with the Australian ambassador set off the investigation. Before hacked Democratic emails appeared online, he had seemed to know that Russia had political dirt on Mrs. Clinton. But even if the F.B.I. had wanted to read his emails or intercept his calls, that evidence was not enough to allow it. Many months passed, former officials said, before the F.B.I. uncovered emails linking Mr. Papadopoulos to a Russian intelligence operation.

The F.B.I. obtained phone records and other documents using national security letters — a secret type of subpoena — officials said. And at least one government informant met several times with Mr. Page and Mr. Papadopoulos, current and former officials said. That has become a politically contentious point, with Mr. Trump’s allies questioning whether the F.B.I. was spying on the Trump campaign or trying to entrap campaign officials.