Nothing could be a more appropriate

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1 C H A P T E R 1 7 A World Tour of Breweries J O Y C E M A R C U S The mouth of a perfectly contented man is filled with beer. Egyptian text from ca BC Nothing could be a more appropriate homage to Michael Moseley than to take him on a world tour of breweries. This tour begins in Upper Egypt, where the archaeological data for beer production and consumption abound, then moves to the ethnographic present Sub-Saharan Africa, where ceremonial beer drinking plays a key social and economic role, and finally arrives in Peru, where we examine evidence for beer production at four prehispanic sites: Huánuco Pampa, Manchán, Cerro Baúl, and Cerro Azul. the determinative (or classificatory sign) associated with beer was the depiction of a specific jug (Figure 17.1). This determinative was used not only in those expressions where one might expect it to be drunk or to have food and drink but also in phrases where we might not expect it, such as tribute. ANCIENT EGYPT In contemporary Western culture, virtually every man or woman has access to beer. In some cultures, however, access could be restricted or even forbidden. Among some ancient societies beer was consumed primarily on special occasions, at public rituals scheduled by elites; in others, beer was widely used to attract, reward, and pay laborers for their work. In ancient Egypt, for example, laborers for the state were often paid in both bread and beer. One standard wage for an ancient Egyptian worker consisted of ten loaves of bread and a measure of beer that varied between one-third of a jug and two jugs (Kemp 1991:125). In Egyptian hieroglyphic writing, Figure Example of the jug hieroglyph, a determinative for beer, in ancient Egyptian writing. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Kemp 2005:45.) 303

2 304 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N Egyptian beer, a staple beverage written hnkt or hqt, was often placed in tombs so that the deceased could be sustained in the afterlife (Figure 17.2). Wine, too, might be placed in tombs, particularly in those of nobles and rulers. For example, King Scorpion s tomb at Abydos shows the high value placed on beer and wine around 3200 BC (Dreyer 1992; McGovern et al. 1997). Of the twelve rooms that make up the tomb, two (Rooms 3 and 4) contained beer jars and bread molds, while three (Rooms 7, 10, and 12) had as many as 700 wine jars that had been brought from the southern hill country of Jordan/Palestine (Figure 17.3). Forty-seven of the wine jars held grape pips, and several had preserved grapes in them. Eleven vessels yielded sliced figs that had been perforated, strung together, and likely suspended in the wine to add flavor or sweetening. The average capacity of such vessels was 6.5 liters. Beer was a beverage consumed by both laborers and nobles, and there were several different kinds; the builders of the Fourth Dynasty Giza pyramids could enjoy five varieties. Beer, of course, is much older than that. The earliest known Egyptian breweries date to ca BC at Upper Egyptian sites such as Ballas, el-mahasna, and Hierakonpolis. At Hierakonpolis, archaeologists found vats capable of brewing 1,134 liters. Some of these vats contained a sugary dark residue in which remains of both wheat and barley were found (Geller 1993, 1999). This Upper Egyptian evidence for beer manufacturing is, at present, our oldest for the region. In Egypt, the art of brewing beer was typically mastered by women, although men could also be involved. Ancient Egyptian women were under the supervision of some kind of chief brewer, such as the high official Kha-bau-Seker, who bore the title Controller of the Brewing Women (Murray and Sethe 1937:11; Darby et al. 1977:531). From scenes painted on Egyptian tomb walls and from wooden models placed in those tombs, we learn much about beer brewing. Because beer and bread shared the same ingredients, we often see brewing and baking being carried out in adjacent scenes in murals or in adjacent rooms in wooden models. Women are shown in prominent roles in both cases. A well-known wooden model found in the tomb of an Eleventh Dynasty high official named Meket-ra shows a brewery in the miniature building s front room and a bakery in the back room (Figure 17.4). In the brewery we see grinding stones, beer jars, dough cakes, and vats for fermentation. In the bakery we see grinding stones, h h j q q t hqt = beer t hqt nzmt = sweet beer r dough-filled vats, bread-making tables, bread molds to make loaves, and ovens to accommodate the doughfilled molds. A mural (Figure 17.5) showing both baking and brewing was found in the Twelfth Dynasty tomb of Intef-iker, a vizier at Thebes (Davies and Gardiner 1920). In the upper portion of the mural we see a woman grinding with a handstone (c) while another woman (b) sieves out coarse elements; still other women (e, f ) fill the molds with dough, while a man (d) tends to the hot bread molds in the oven. In the lower row p jrp = wine determinative Figure Egyptian hieroglyphs for beer (hqt) and wine (jrp). (Adapted by K. Clahassey from Murray and Sethe 1937; Darby et al. 1977; and Davies and Gardiner 1920.)

4 306 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N oven bread-making tables mortar oven oven oven mortar dough vat loaves baked in molds bread molds querns mortar dough vat beer jars women at grinding slabs dough cakes in circular strainer or screen vats for dough or fermentation dough vat mixing tray Figure This wooden model, with a brewery in the front room and a bakery in the back, shows the close relationship between baking and brewing. This kind of model was placed in the tombs of Egyptian officials, in this case Meket-ra at Thebes, to ensure a steady supply of bread and beer. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Winlock 1955:Figures 22 23, 64 65; Kemp 1991:Figure 42.) we see men who make dough (and perhaps add dates) (g), mix dough with water (h), decant beer into jars (i), then seal the jars (j) (Davies and Gardiner 1920:Plates 11 and 12; Kemp 1991:Figure 43). SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Beer making and drinking not only were important to ancient African populations, they continue to be important in the ethnographic present among the Balobedu (Krige 1932), Gamo (Arthur 2003), Mossi and Bisa (Saul 1981), Baganda (Robbins 1979), Samburu (Holtzman 2001), Kofyar (Netting 1964), Tiriki (Sangree 1962), Nyakyusa (Willis 2001), Zulu (Reusch 1998), and Xhosa (McAllister 2001, 2003, 2004, 2006). In speaking of the Kofyar of Nigeria, Netting (1964:376) says that occasions which involve the entire community are difficult to imagine apart from beer. He adds that large quantities of beer were drunk (1) when celebrating the harvest, (2) when an admired warrior killed an enemy, or (3) when a man killed dangerous game. Such brave men not only were honored by a beer feast, they also acquired the coveted right to drink from a special fermenting jar for the rest of their lives. In contrast, the most severe punishment meted out to a man by his community is exclusion from all occasions for beer drinking (Netting 1964:377). Among the Kofyar, it was the flow of beer that defined behaviors that were socially valued, as well as those that were socially censured.

5 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 307 f making clay bread mold? e filling 10 bread molds with dough d c baking bread molds in oven grinding with quern sieving out coarse elements b a preliminary crushing with pestle and mortar j sealing the jars i decanting beer into jars h mixing dough cakes with water over screen g mixing dough and adding dates Figure This painted scene shows both baking and brewing. Such scenes played the same role as wooden models, ensuring that a steady supply of beer and bread would be available in the afterlife. This painting is from the tomb of Intef-iker, a vizier at Thebes, Egypt. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Davies and Gardiner 1920: Plates 11, 12; Kemp 1991:Figure 43.) Like the ancient Egyptians, twentieth-century Kofyar workers were paid in beer. The tasks of harvesting, gathering thatch, and building corrals are all occasions on which a beer party can mobilize large work groups without reference to kinship or neighborhood affiliation (Netting 1964:377). For funeral rites, large quantities of beer were also brewed by relatives of the dead to give to attendees from both patri-kin and matri-kin. In a similar fashion, cooperative work groups among the Xhosa of South Africa are still rewarded with beer after the work has been completed; even nonworkers attend these events with the expectation of receiving a share (McAllister 2003:195). LABOR AND BEER IN THE ANDES In the Andes, chicha or maize beer also known as aqa, jora, and azua was an important incentive for men to come to work. In one sixteenth-century document Cristóbal Payco, the leader of the northern Peruvian community of Jequetepeque, explicitly asked the Spaniards for permission to continue to provide chicha to men in return for their work on community projects. He explained, the Indians obey their caciques and principales because of that custom that they have of giving them drink... if they [caciques and principales] did not give drink to the Indians to work [this land] and to others to plant the fields of the community to pay tribute, they would not cooperate or come together to do it. (Juan de Betanzos 1551 [1968:60, 72 73]) In Andean society, supplying large amounts of beer was considered an act of generosity even when the relationship between donor and recipient was asymmetrical or hierarchical. Such generosity served to mask the fact that the provider was high status, while the recipient was not only low status but obligated to do the work. This attempt to disguise hierarchy as generosity, widespread in ancient Peru (Morris 1982, 1986), was also used in many other parts of the world. For example, Fredrik Barth (1959), in speaking of the Pathans of Swat, Pakistan, describes similar use of hospitality to achieve elite goals: it might seem... that gifts and hospitality would be less important than bribes and payments in supporting claims to authority. As a matter of fact, the reverse is true. Bribes and payments create relationships which render them onerous and hazardous. Gifts and hospitality, on the other hand, are of prime importance in the building up of a political following.... A continuous flow of gifts creates needs and fosters dependence, and the threat of its being cut off becomes a powerful disciplinary device. (Barth 1959:77 79) Abundant documentation shows that Andean leaders who provided liberal quantities of beer attracted sufficient labor to work in their fields (Rowe 1946:292;

6 308 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N Murra 1960, 1980; Rostworowski 1977; Morris 1979, 1982). In fact, studies suggest that many parts of the Andean economy depended on the masking of inequality with hospitality. In an effort to show the role that chicha played within the Inca economy, Murra (1960) isolated two agricultural systems one at the local level, emphasizing root crops adapted to the highlands, and one at the state level, emphasizing maize. He showed that state-level political and religious ceremonies as well as agricultural rituals were tied to maize, and that one reason the acquisition of large quantities of maize was considered crucial and prestigious was because maize could be converted into chicha, a beverage of enormous political, social, and economic value. WHO MADE THE MAIZE BEER? We saw that women played a prominent role in the making of beer in ancient Egypt, and that seems to have been the case in much of the Andes as well, particularly in the highlands. In the course of administering their empire, the Inca employed a number of strategies, including (1) incorporating some people by peaceful means, such as marriage alliances, (2) incorporating others by not so peaceful means, (3) resettling people, and (4) building new state-controlled installations. Among such state installations were akllawasi, or houses of chosen and chaste women, dedicated to serving the imperial cult by preparing maize beer (Morris and Thompson 1985:28). Rostworowski (1977:241), however, points out that while women were the primary brewers of beer in the highlands, men were often the chicha makers on the coast. She cites a 1621 statement by Pablo José Arriaga that on the coast, men made the chicha, while in the highlands it was the women ( [en] los llanos son hombres y en la sierra son mujeres los que fabrican la chicha [Arriaga 1968 (1621):106]). Other Colonial documents show that for some coastal men, chicha making was a profession, not just a part-time activity. One document in the Archivo General de Indias says that don Pedro Payampoyfel, principal y mandón de los yndios chicheros de este repartimiento, dezimos que nosotros no tenemos otro oficio sino hazer la chicha ques menester para la comida... ny tenemos tierras, ny chacaras donde sembrar sino sólo nos substentamos con hacer la dicha chicha y vendella y trocalla en el tianguez, a trueque de maíz y lana y chaquira e otras cosas, y los yndios labradores no la pueden hazer e no tienen aparejo para ello. (Archivo General de Indias, Justicia 458, folio 2090v) This statement can be paraphrased as follows: don Pedro Payampoyfel, lord and leader of the chichamaking Indians of this district, says that we have no other job but making chicha, which is how we obtain food... nor do we have lands or fields to plant; rather we subsist only by making chicha and selling it and exchanging it in the market [here he borrows the Aztec word tianguis], exchanging beer for maize, wool, shells, and other things; Indian laborers cannot produce it, and do not have the equipment to produce it [beer]. Drawing on various sixteenth-century documents, María Rostworowski (1977:242) has shown that much of the prestige a coastal lord enjoyed resulted from his generosity, which included his ability to supply his subjects with beer. When leaving his palace, she says, a local lord would take with him an entourage of bearers who carried jars of chicha, and wherever the lord s litter would stop, everyone would be provided beer at his expense. When the disapproving Spaniards tried to prevent local lords from providing beer, the latter asked that this custom be continued, at least for such tasks as the communal planting and harvesting of crops and the cleaning of irrigation canals. THE PERUVIAN BREWERIES Four archaeological breweries will now be examined to show important differences that exist among them. Huánuco Pampa, Central Highlands, Peru Huánuco Pampa was an Inca state installation built on previously unoccupied land (Morris 1979). Like many other state establishments, Huánuco Pampa included akllawasi, the buildings where chaste women or mamakuna worked for the state by brewing chicha and weaving textiles. Although such akllawasi are known from sixteenth-century documents, Morris and Thompson (1985:28) say that identifying the actual structures associated with the official religion such as the akllawasi has been one of the most challenging aspects of the study of provincial Inca sites such as Huánuco Pampa. According to Morris and Thompson (1985:91), the only evidence of production at Huánuco Pampa that was organized on a large scale and probably maintained on a full-time basis is the brewing of chicha and the production of textiles. Evidence for

7 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 309 N meters one narrow entrance Figure This sector of Huánuco Pampa is thought to be where the chosen women or mamakuna were living, weaving, and producing beer. This sector produced bone weaving tools, spindle whorls, and thousands of huge ceramic jars for beer. Access to this compound was evidently tightly controlled, since it has only one entrance. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Morris and Thompson 1985: Figure 8.) beer drinking at Huánuco Pampa takes the form of very large concentrations of sherds, all from jars used in various stages of beer production, from soaking the maize to produce malt or jora, to boiling the jora, to fermenting (poqoy), storing, and dispensing the beer. Morris (1979:28) also recovered the large rocker flattening stones that were used to crack open the jora. Evidence for chicha brewing on a large-scale was concentrated in two sectors of Huánuco Pampa, to the north and to the east of the plaza. The northern sector featured a walled compound with a single tightly controlled entrance on its south side (Figure 17.6). This sector has been interpreted as a place where chaste, chosen women (mamakuna) were housed in an akllawasi (Morris 1982:Figure 6.1). Along with large beer jars and other evidence for brewing, Morris found Huánuco Pampa s only concentration of spinning and weaving tools there. Evidently, just as the sixteenth-century documents affirm, chosen women at Huánuco Pampa were both brewers and weavers for the Inca state. The eastern sector included a palace that may have housed the ruler, and adjacent to it a series of twelve long buildings arrayed around two spacious plazas (Figure 17.7). In this area, excavators found evidence of cooking and literally tons of large jars thought to be primarily associated with chicha (Morris 1982: ). These archaeological data from Huánuco Pampa reinforce the sixteenth-century documents in suggesting an Andean reciprocity in which work was rewarded by beer. Reciprocity usually implies symmetry, or equal exchange, but in the Andes such relations often masked asymmetries. Often, the cycle of reciprocal obligations was initiated by royal generosity, with the critical ingredient being chicha (Murra 1960; Rostworowski 1977; Morris 1979, 1986). Morris (1979:32) demonstrates that chicha was intimately associated with Andean state-level political and religious ceremonies, and that beer-drinking ceremonies were basic to the maintenance of the whole political and economic system. It was not just the fact that

8 310 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N N 0 5 meters Figure This sector of Huánuco Pampa, which possibly served as the palace, yielded evidence of large-scale drinking and feasting. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Morris and Thompson 1985:Figure 13.) millions of liters of chicha were brewed and consumed annually but the way in which beer was dispensed that contributed to Andean leaders authority. In fact, Morris sees the state s ability to increase beer production as being essential to its political and economic expansion (Morris 1979:32). Over the years more and more land needed to be acquired, and then terraced and planted so that more maize could be harvested. Manchán, Casma Valley, North Coast of Peru Manchán was an intrusive settlement, constructed in the Casma Valley of Peru s north coast by the Chimu as the seat of their local administrative authority (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981; Moore 1981, 1984, 1985, 1989). Excavations at Manchán allowed Moore (1989:685) to answer the question, How did the Chimu Empire at least at Manchán get the chicha it needed? At Manchán, germinated maize was found with tools and facilities used in chicha making and suggested the following sequence of behavior: the occupants selected maize, removed the kernels from the cobs, soaked the kernels, allowed them to germinate, dried the germinated kernels, then ground or cracked the kernels. This stage resulted in malted maize, or jora. The archaeological correlates of the aforementioned behavior, according to Moore (1989:Tables 1, 2), were maize cobs; large jars for soaking the kernels; patio areas where maize was allowed to germinate; cloth, matting, or leaves to cover the germinating kernels; the jora itself; and a batán (maray) and chungo (milling stones similar to a metate and mano) used to grind the jora. The next step in the process was to cook the brew of jora and water, usually for 1 2 days. The archaeological evidence associated with such cooking consisted of hearths, fire-reddened vessels, a stirring stick, and fuel. The next step in chicha making is separating the desired liquid from its by-products, removing the alfrecho, or small fragments of malted maize kernels and their glumes and skins. This can be done by straining the liquid through a basket or cloth, or by allowing the liquid to stand until unwanted items settle to the bottom. The final step (and the most fun) is consuming the beer. The chronicler Bernabé Cobo (1956:242) states that the inhabitants of the north coast drank chicha from mates or gourd bowls, rather than from the ceramic or wooden keros known from so many highland sites. In line with Cobo s descriptions, abundant mates have been found at coastal sites like Manchán and Cerro Azul (see below). At Manchán, Moore documents chicha production at the household level, showing that amounts varied from house to house. There is evidence that a canewalled house at least on one occasion produced 513 liters, a volume that Moore (1989:688) estimates as

9 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 311 Figure Between and around Manchán s adobe compounds, where elite administrators lived, were barrios of cane-walled structures where lowerstatus people resided. One of these lower-status units was No. 213, which provided abundant evidence of chicha production, including high densities of both jora and chicha dregs (fragments of kernels, glumes, etc.), which suggested to the excavator, Jerry Moore, that this household had produced enough chicha to entertain 171 people. (Redrawn by K. Clahassey from Moore 1989:Figure 2.) being sufficient to entertain 171 people (Figure 17.8). (At Omo in the Moquegua Valley, Paul Goldstein [2005:209] has also documented chicha manufacturing at the household level.) Cerro Baúl, Moquegua Valley, Southern Peru Locally known as the Masada of the Andes, the fortified archaeological site of Cerro Baúl sits on a spectacular mesa rising 600 m above the Río Torata. Cerro Baúl was a Wari state installation, essentially a group of colonists placed some 600 km south of the capital of Wari itself. Both before and after the Wari period, Cerro Baúl was uninhabited, since the mesa was a very impractical place to live indeed, all necessities, including water and food, had to be hauled up to the summit with great effort (Moseley et al. 2005:17264). The elite quarters were located on the summit, while lower-status residences occurred on the flanks. Monumental public architecture was constructed on the artificially leveled mesa top. The eventual abandonment of Cerro Baúl was accompanied by elaborate termination ceremonies, including brewing, beer drinking, vessel smashing, and the burning of many buildings on the summit (Feldman 1998; Williams 2001). Cerro Baúl s evacuation seems to have been a planned event, which probably explains why some buildings were accorded ritual termination or last rites that left behind artifacts indicative of the structures status and nature. One elaborate termination rite took place in the chichería, or brewery, which contained not only its original equipment but also final offerings. Wari colonists left behind abundant symbolically charged artifacts (Williams 2001; Moseley et al. 2005), including tupukuna, or women s shawl pins, which led the excavators to infer that (just as at Huánuco Pampa) elite women were prominently involved in beer production.

11 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 313 Trapezoidal in ground plan, the brewery had separate compartments for milling, boiling, and fermentation (Figure 17.9). Its vats could hold up to 150 liters of beer each (Figure 17.10), suggesting a maximum production capacity of approximately 1,800 liters per batch. As the colony of a highland state, Cerro Baúl had keros rather than mates. Individual keros found there could hold at least 12 oz. (0.945 liters), and the largest could hold 64 oz. (3.78 liters). Moseley et al. (2005) suggest that both the quantity and quality of maize beer served at Cerro Baúl varied by social class and rank (as did the food, pottery, and what are interpreted as gifts). Cerro Azul, Cañete Valley, South-Central Coast of Peru Cerro Azul, a Late Intermediate fishing community, lies on a bay some 130 km south of Lima, in the lower Cañete Valley (Kroeber 1937; Marcus 1987a, b, 2008). The site sits in a protected saddle between sea cliffs, cobble beach, and an 86-m-high peak. Its most prominent features are ten large residential compounds made of tapia, thick walls created by pouring mud between wooden plank molds (Marcus et al. 1999). One of the large residential compounds, designated Structure D, covered 1,640 m 2 and seems to have been the residence of an elite family and its support staff (Figure 17.11). Divided into a dozen rooms and four to five unroofed work areas, Structure D included living quarters, storage rooms, corridors that controlled access to the interior of the building, and a kitchen area that could have served as a chichería where maize beer was manufactured. The kitchen/brewery, which covered 110 m 2 of floor space, was designated the North Central Canchón (Figure 17.12). This canchón (or large walled work area) featured two hearth-trenches and numerous large storage vessels set into the floor. Some vessels were so deeply dug in that their shoulders were virtually at floor level; the largest may have been formed and fired in situ. These storage vessels fall into four sizes: the largest could have held almost 2,000 liters, the next in size 700 liters, the next 500 liters, and the smallest roughly 125 liters. Feature 9 (Figure 17.13) is an example of a vessel that could have held almost 2,000 liters; Feature 16 could have held 700 liters; Feature 15 could have held 500 North Central Canchón F. 16 F. 12 F. 14 F. 18 F. 9 F. 10 F. 11 F. 8 F. 13 F. 15 F. 17 Southwest Canchón Northwest Canchón Figure Artist s conception of Structure D at Cerro Azul, Peru, showing the North Central Canchón with its hearth-trenches and storage vessels. (Drawing by D. West Reynolds and J. Klausmeyer.)

13 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 315 liters; and Feature 13 could have held 125 liters. We suspect that these four sizes correspond generally to four known Quechua categories, with the largest called hatun maccma or maccma, the next largest urpu, the next iteco, and the smallest puyñu (Ravines 1978:180). Had all the vessels in the North Central Canchón been in use simultaneously, their total volume would have been at least 5,000 liters. If, on the other hand, only half of the vessels were filled at one time, their total capacity would have been 2,500 liters, making the Cerro Azul brewery s volume similar to the 1,800-liter capacity of the Cerro Baúl brewery (Moseley et al. 2005:17267). Each vat in the Cerro Baúl brewery had a capacity of roughly 150 liters, corresponding to the smallest of the four vessel sizes set into the floor of the North Central Canchón at Cerro Azul. We can estimate how many people the Cerro Azul brewery could have served by referring to John Gillin s ethnographic study of the town of Moche. Gillin (1947:46) estimated that each person there probably consumed 3 liters of chicha at a given beer-drinking event. If we apply this figure to Cerro Azul, it suggests that the elite living in Structure D at Cerro Azul could have entertained somewhere between 800 people (if the half-capacity 2,400 liters were produced) and 1,650 people (if the full-capacity 5,000 liters were produced). We do not know whether Structure D was the only large compound at Cerro Azul producing chicha in volume, or if the other nine large tapia compounds had similar breweries. Potentially, the chicha produced in Structure D could have been used either to entertain elites from other compounds at the same site, or to reward the countless fishermen who filled up the various fish-storage rooms at Cerro Azul (Marcus 1987a, b). Figure The remains of Feature 9, a storage vessel with a capacity of nearly 2,000 liters of chicha, set into the floor of the North Central Canchón, Cerro Azul, Peru. The workman is sweeping a flat beach cobble on which the conical base of the giant vessel rested. (Photograph by J. Marcus.)

14 316 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N Unfortunately, there is no accurate way to determine how many of the storage vessels in Structure D were filled to capacity for a given event. The fact that four different sizes of vessels were present suggests that different events required different quantities of beer. THREE MODELS FOR CHICHA PRODUCTION In sum, the sixteenth-century ethnohistoric documents provide us with at least three general models for chicha production. I believe that all three can be documented in the archaeological record. One model involves aklla or mamakuna, the chosen women, who were supplied with maize by the state in order to produce maize beer in the akllawasi (Cobo 1956: ; Morris 1979:28; Murra 1980: ). This model seems to fit the data from both Huánuco Pampa (Morris 1979, 1982) and Cerro Baúl (Williams 2001; Moseley et al. 2005). A second model involves men who were specialists in producing beer for large-scale elite hospitality (Rostworowski 1977:241). This model may fit the Cerro Azul data, specifically those from the North Central Canchón of Structure D, and it may fit the Ciudadela Tschudi data from Chan Chan (Day 1982:339). A third model is household production of beer, a part-time activity that could have involved both men and women (Cobo 1956:242). In this case, Moore (1989:689) argues that there is no reason to expect that the state would be directly involved in either the production of chicha or the maintenance of the residential group. This model may fit the data from Manchán in the Casma Valley and Omo in the Moquegua Valley (Goldstein 2005:209). With the recovery of more examples of chicherías in the future, we should be able to refine these three models and to determine what is typical of different eras, different regions, and different political and economic systems. At present, our sample is too small to say anything definitive about what the norm was for each era or region. The study of beer production will continue to provide us with insights about the organization of labor in the Andes. We have ample evidence that when beer drinking was embedded in the language of reciprocity and elites were in charge, we should expect the volume of beer produced and consumed to be large. The Andean case is likely similar to that described by Barth for the Swat Pathans, who saw lavish hospitality as being of prime importance in creating a political following and fostering economic dependence by subordinates. It was clearly a win-win situation for the Andean elite; they could be seen as generous by providing thousands of liters of maize beer, and thus create labor obligations and dependency. The beer-drinking ceremony was a device for making exploitation appear to be an act of generosity, thus making an asymmetrical relation palatable, which was no small feat. APPENDIX: INTERPRETING THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS As more and more breweries are found, we will need ways to interpret the empirical archaeological data. Relevant here are the African studies that focus on the archaeological signatures of beer production. For example, beer-producing households among the Gamo of Ethiopia have (1) more large vessels; (2) large vessels that show erosion, pitting, and scratches on their interiors and exteriors; (3) large vessels with residue on their interior surfaces that could be subjected to residue analyses; (4) a higher frequency of grinding stones than non-beer-producing households; and (5) a higher frequency of gourds than non-beer-producing households (Arthur 2000, 2003). Since wealthy households produce most of the beer, they own more large vessels. Arthur also shows that the wealthy Gamo can produce more beer because they have a monopoly on landownership, and thus they control access to the grains. In this appendix we look at some extensive quotations from the ethnohistoric and ethnographic record that may be of use in archaeological interpretation. Ethnohistoric sources and ethnographies of traditional Andean communities agree on the three basic steps of brewing: preparing the maize, cooking the prepared maize in water, and fermenting the resulting brew. One form of maize preparation involves the germination of kernels. Another involves the conversion of starches into sugars by mixing maize flour with saliva; the saliva provides the enzyme diastase, which triggers chemical activity (Cutler and Cardenas 1947:41). To begin, we turn to a very early description, that of fray José de Acosta, who in 1590 wrote, el vino de maíz que llaman en el Pirú azua, y por vocablo de Indias común, chicha, se hace de diversos modos. El más fuerte a modo de cerveza, humedeciendo primero el grano de maíz hasta que comienza a brotar, y después cociéndolo con cierto orden, sale

18 320 A N D E A N C I V I L I Z A T I O N Tapia wall Clay lining Tapia chunks A A Green adobe brick Zone of reddened tapia A A Tapia chunks N N 0 50 cm A Large sherds A A A Gray ash White ash White ash Floor Large sherds Gray ash 0 50 cm Feature 8 Feature 17 Figure Plan and cross-section of Feature 8, a hearth-trench in the North Central Canchón of Structure D, Cerro Azul. The cross-section shows the large sherds above the deposit of white ash. Figure Plan and cross-section of Feature 17, a hearth-trench in the North Central Canchón of Structure D, at Cerro Azul. The cross-section shows the layers of gray and white ash.

19 A W O R L D T O U R O F B R E W E R I E S 321 grinding stones; and some vessel bases with remains of maize still in them. We are uncertain, however, whether the North Central Canchón was purely a chichería or both a chichería and a kitchen. If this walled work area operated as both kitchen (tullpawasi) and chichería (akhawasi), it is possible that both men and women worked in the same room, though perhaps in different activity areas. However, if the canchón was used exclusively for producing beer, and if we apply what we have learned from the sixteenthcentury documents (namely, that beer production on the coast was an exclusively male activity), then we may be dealing with a men s work area. With the data we currently have, one could suggest that women were the likely makers of chicha at both Cerro Baúl and Huánuco Pampa, as Morris and Moseley et al. have suggested. In contrast, men may have been the brewers at Cerro Azul, but our minds remain open on the subject. Acknowledgments I thank Mike Moseley for the enthusiastic and tireless support he has provided me from the first day I met him at Harvard. It is always difficult to put into words the array of feelings we have about professors who are selfless and kind when we most need their patience; Mike was always there to help and to do all the extra things to pave one s path to success. We got to know each other well in a seminar required of all incoming graduate students; he co-taught this class, Method and Theory in American Archaeology, with Gordon R. Willey. Before class we had many opportunities to talk about our similar experiences at UC Berkeley, where both of us had been before we ended up at Harvard. In fact, we chatted about how both of us had had J. Desmond Clark as our adviser and how he had steered us to Harvard for graduate studies. When Mike asked me if I had ever taken a co-taught class before, I said, Yes, indeed; I took Andean prehistory from John Rowe and Dorothy Menzel. Then he smiled and said that he had brought something special to class. What? I asked, and Mike responded by saying, Just wait. Having noted the students reluctance to talk during class, Mike had the great idea of bringing beer to class; and, as you might guess, that beverage helped a lot, although it sometimes led to a few run-on sentences that never ended! But Mike discovered something the ancient Andean elite also found out things go better with beer, and attendance improves, too. The Cerro Azul Project was generously supported by the National Science Foundation (grant no. BS ), and I appreciate not only the funding but the excellent advice offered to me by Charles Redman, John Yellen, and Craig Morris throughout the project. Permission to excavate Cerro Azul was granted by Peru s Instituto Nacional de Cultura (Credencial no DCIRBM, Credencial no DCIRBM, Credencial no DPCM, Resolución Suprema no ED). I want to thank everyone who par - tic ipat ed in the Cerro Azul Project, especially María Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Ramiro Matos Mendieta, C. Earle Smith, Charles M. Hastings, Kent V. Flannery, John G. Jones, James B. Stoltman, and Sonia Guillén. Finally, I wish to thank several colleagues for their unflagging enthusiasm and encouragement, especially Michael E. Moseley, Craig Morris, Christopher B. Donnan, Charles Stanish, Robert L. Carneiro, Guillermo Cock, Charles S. Spencer, Elsa M. Redmond, Ramiro Matos, Rogger Ravines, Duccio Bonavia, Jorge Silva, Sonia Guillén, Helaine Silverman, John O Shea, Jason Yaeger, John Hyslop, R. Alan Covey, Bruce Mannheim, Luis Jaime Castillo, Marc Bermann, Robert D. Drennan, Jeremy A. Sabloff, Geoffrey Braswell, E. Wyllys Andrews, Allison Davis, Howard Tsai, Betty Kottak, Conrad Kottak, Véronique Bélisle, Patrick Ryan Williams, Kenny Sims, Loa Traxler, Robert J. Sharer, and Don and Prudence Rice. REFERENCES Acosta, José de 1954 [1590] Historia natural y moral de las Indias. In Obras del P. José de Acosta. Edited by Francisco Mateos. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vol. 73. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. Arthur, John W Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology among the Gamo of Southwestern Ethiopia. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville Brewing Beer: Status, Wealth, and Ceramic Use Alteration among the Gamo of South-western Ethiopia. World Archaeology 34(3): Arriaga, Pablo José 1968 [1621] Extirpación de la idolatría en el Pirú. In Crónicas peruanas de interés indígena, edited by Francisco

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