Rep. Jim Himes gains his footing in Washington

Area congressman's balanced tone stands out in Washington

By Jennifer A. Dlouhy, Hearst Newspapers

Published 4:28 am, Tuesday, September 1, 2009

WASHINGTON -- U.S. Rep. Jim Himes was just 10 weeks into his first term in the House of Representatives this spring when embattled insurance giant AIG handed out about $200 million in retention bonuses, prompting outrage from lawmakers, the Obama administration and American taxpayers, who had funneled billions of bailout dollars to the firm.

The issue was a personal one for Himes, whose southwestern Connecticut district includes the headquarters of the American International Group's financial products unit. The former Goldman Sachs executive was caught struggling to defend the financial industry from charges that its greed had led to the nation's economic woes while pleading with new Capitol Hill colleagues for a levelheaded response to the populist anger.

Himes ended up joining virtually all of his fellow Democrats in backing a measure to impose a 90 percent tax on some bonuses from companies that got government bailout money, even though he was "not terribly proud of that bill." Himes said his vote gave him leverage in later discussions over regulating compensation and a chance to push for a more measured response.

"What I was trying to say to people is (you can) be angry about the fact that AIG paid the bonuses, but remember, we own the company," said Himes, 43. "The instinct to burn the place down was not a healthy instinct."

The issue was emblematic of Himes' first nine months as a congressman. He's emerged as a major player on the thorny issues of executive compensation and financial regulation, even as he grapples with how to meet the wide-ranging needs of a district that encompasses both the well-to-do suburbs of the Connecticut "Gold Coast" and the struggling industrial cities of Norwalk and Bridgeport.

Himes is learning to navigate that tough political terrain while finding his footing in Congress -- an institution where seniority rules, and the freshman is at the bottom of the pecking order. While adapting to the rules and rigors of Capitol Hill, Himes is acutely aware his seat is a major GOP target. Republicans are watching his every vote as possible evidence he is in lockstep with Democratic leaders and the Obama administration.

This fall, Himes faces what could be his toughest challenge yet when the House debates a Democratic plan to overhaul the nation's health care system, a measure that Himes has warily supported.

The issue has prompted loud protests at lawmakers' town hall meetings nationwide. During events this month, Himes has fielded questions from constituents worried about the potential price tag of President Barack Obama's proposal for a public option -- government-run insurance offered as an alternative to private coverage.

Health care aside, the unassuming lawmaker so far has been a reliable Democratic vote on major social and policy questions in Congress. He backed party leaders on such issues as the $787 billion economic stimulus passed in February, a revamp of the credit card industry and an energy bill that would cap greenhouse gas emissions blamed for climate change.

Himes has broken with top Democrats by casting selective votes to pare government spending and by insisting on a congressional investigation of the ties between campaign contributions and the funding that lawmakers secure for pet projects. Recently, he bucked party leaders by urging them to slow down congressional consideration of the health care legislation.

According to the Washington Post congressional votes database, Himes has voted with a majority of his Democratic colleagues 95.2 percent of the time -- 3 points higher than the average 92.9 percent for Democrats.

That record has been ammunition for political opponents who say Himes is out of touch with his moderate constituents.

"The trouble for Jim Himes is his consistent support for big government, higher taxes and trillions of dollars in spending," said Tory Mazzola, a spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee. "Himes is voting with [House Speaker] Nancy Pelosi and liberals in Congress rather than the independent voters in his district."

Himes defends his voting record as matching a district he labels "socially progressive but fiscally conservative or moderate."

"And I think that's a pretty good description of the way I look at things," Himes added.

GOP strategists have been poring over Himes' record as part of their plan to capitalize on the difficult votes that Democrats from centrist districts face on health care, climate change and the economy.

The National Republican Congressional Committee put Himes on a list of 70 Democrats it believes are most vulnerable in next year's election, and they are targeting his seat in hopes of putting Connecticut's 4th Congressional District back in their column next year. Republicans held the seat from 1969 until last November, when Himes defeated moderate Chris Shays by tapping into voter fatigue with the 21-year incumbent and enthusiasm for Obama.

But next year, Himes could be more vulnerable facing voters without Obama at the top of the Democratic ticket. He will be up against one of at least four Republicans vying to challenge the first-termer, including state Sen. Dan Debicella, of Shelton; 24-year-old Will Gregory, of New Canaan; Rob Russo, a former state senator from Bridgeport; and Norwalk resident Rob Merkle. National Republicans lost perhaps their best potential challenger when state Senate Minority Leader John McKinney opted not to go after the seat once held by his late father.

Himes has raised $948,000 for a re-election bid, with the bulk of his donations coming from the financial sector.

DRINKING FROM THE FIRE HOSE'

Whatever notions of a leisurely start to the session that Himes and his fellow freshmen entertained didn't last long. Within days of their swearing-in ceremonies in January, the new members were tackling such weighty topics as the financial industry bailout and the stimulus package.

"The first two months were unquestionably" busy, said Himes, who likens his early days in office to "drinking from the fire hose."

Himes initially seemed caught off guard by the pace of the House, which was all the more frenzied for him because of his seat on the Financial Services Committee. The panel has been among the busiest on the Hill this year, largely because of its central role shaping an overhaul of the financial regulatory system and vetting proposals to perk up the ailing economy.

Himes now says he's "settled into something of a rhythm" in Congress.

The unassuming lawmaker navigates the House hallways with more confidence, even when passing through the reporter-packed speaker's lobby just off the House floor. In interviews, he is thoughtful and speaks carefully but without the sense of programmed caution some other new legislators exhibit. During votes, he easily meanders among throngs of colleagues on the House floor.

Himes has spoken just more than a dozen times on the House floor, each time referring only occasionally to notes.

His status as a first-termer means he has limited opportunities to press his views. But he has powerful allies in Reps. Rosa DeLauro and John Larson. Both Connecticut lawmakers are well-placed members of the Democratic leadership.

Himes also has aligned himself with a group of self-described moderate, pro-growth Democrats who share some of his views about government regulation. Himes co-chairs the New Democrat Coalition's Financial Services Task Force, a position that gives him a leading role in developing the group's proposals for regulatory changes.

HANDLING A DIVERSE POPUlATION

As his predecessor often observed, the very nature of Connecticut's 4th Congressional District poses a dilemma for Himes. It's politically treacherous terrain, one that combines poor Democratic-leaning communities and affluent suburbs that historically have favored Republicans, as well as the hub of the hedge fund industry.

"I'm quite certain I've got one of the most demographically diverse districts in the country," Himes said. "It's a good day when I have a strong sense of what my constituents really want."

It would be tough for any politician to balance those divergent interests, said Scott McLean, chair of the political science department at Quinnipiac University in Hamden.

Himes is "in a very unpredictable political situation," without a clearly defined base of support in the suburbs or the urban areas, McLean said.

"He can't go too far one way without potentially alienating the other part of the district," McLean said. On vote after vote in the House, "he's got to find the right formula."

Among the trickiest topics for Himes politically is the one in which he is an expert -- financial regulation -- because it can force him to choose between the financial sector's wish for a mostly unfettered market and the demand from blue-collar workers to rein in risks and excess on Wall Street.

He is a passionate supporter of free enterprise who worries about the risks of too much government involvement. But he also believes in limits whenever financial decisions incur systemic risk and said "effective regulation does not need to come at the expense of growth and innovation."

"There is a very delicate balancing act between keeping our financial services sector vibrant and innovative and -- God knows -- employing people and paying taxes and not [leaving the country]," Himes said, "but never, ever putting us in this position again."

"That's a really tough line to toe," he said. "It's technical. It's esoteric. It gets warped by emotion and anger."

In a White House summit with Obama in March and other meetings, Murphy said it has been "pretty amazing to see the respect [Himes] has commanded on a lot of issues."

"He has a background in that sector, but he also has a real sense about him that things went too far on Wall Street," Murohy said. "He is a really good spokesman for reform."

Himes has made strategic moves that capitalize on his expertise. Murphy said Himes "immediately positioned himself as one of the go-to people in Congress on issues related to financial regulatory reform and housing."

After Himes reluctantly supported the bonus tax bill, he came back with a proposal of his own. Along with Rep. Alan Grayson, D-Fla., Himes introduced a measure to block bailout recipients from doling out "excessive" compensation until they repaid the government or agreed to a payment schedule. The measure, which passed the House on April 1, stalled in the Senate but has largely been overtaken as the Obama administration has moved separately to force the firms to abide by executive pay guidelines.

FINDING THE RIGHT BALANCE

Perhaps no challenge will be fiercer for Himes in the next weeks than the already ferociously debated health care reform working its way through the House.

"A lot of these issues like health care and the banking situation and the recovery could be potentially [difficult] for him," said Quinnipiac's McLean. Health care, in particular, "is really going to put him on the spot."

So far, Himes has been generally supportive of the more than 1,000-page bill still being assembled by House leaders, which he said would ensure Americans have "stable access to high-quality care." And Himes supports a "properly structured" public option that would boost competition with private insurers -- so long as the private and government-run programs are on "a level playing field."

"I think the public option is an important element of increasing competition in the insurance market. It's a mechanism for increasing competition and therefore reducing prices," Himes said. But "it can't be in there undercutting the market with public subsidy dollars."

Himes said he is concerned the House bill doesn't do enough to rein in costs. That could be a big hurdle since Himes has been staking out a more conservative position on government spending than some of his Democratic colleagues on Capitol Hill.

He's already heard from constituents worried about some aspects of the proposal. And he's likely to hear quite a bit more. He's scheduled three health care town halls this week -- in Greenwich on Monday, Aug. 31; in Norwalk on Wednesday, Sept. 2; and in Bridgeport on Thursday, Sept. 3.

Members of Right Principles, a Fairfield-based political action committee that characterizes itself as "Unapologetically American" on its Web site, are likely to continue their strategy of peppering Himes with tough questions on the health care issue.

A memo distributed by the group and obtained by the Hearst Connecticut Newspapers stated, "The objective is to put the rep on the defensive with your questions and follow-up. The rep should be made to feel that a majority, and if not, a significant portion of at least the audience, opposes the socialist agenda of Washington."

Because of the possibility that crowds could overflow the meeting in Norwalk, Himes decided Friday to move that event from City Hall to the Norwalk High School auditorium.

Himes said it comes with the territory -- and he welcomes the enthusiasm from "so many constituents eager to share their opinions."