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Wednesday, July 27, 2016

National Policy on Education 2016: A critical note

Saqib Khan

Introduction

The National Policy on Education (NPE),
first initiated in 1968, remains a key action-plan for education in India and
each NPE has provided a framework for the development of education over the
next few years in the country.[1] The NPE
2016 [Draft][2]
seeks to address both the unfinished agenda and targets of the earlier NPEs and
the contemporary educational challenges. Though some provisions of the NPE 2016
have been discussed, few have taken a closer look at its points and
recommendations relating to education in general as well as school and higher
education. Taking up some of the important among these, this article argues that
there seems to be an element of continuity as well as change in the NPE 2016.
While the continuity can be seen with regard to the commitment (in terms of
policy) to public expenditure on education, the Policy’s ideological moorings
as well as the focus of education in general see an important shift. The Policy
leaves many unanswered questions with regard to school education, while
focusing on quality, a gradual reduction of the role of government and curbing
student politics in higher education.

Public expenditure
on Education: Reiteration of 6 per cent

The public expenditure on education is
one area where there seems to be some continuity between the NPE 2016 and the NPEs
of 1986/92 and 1968. The earlier National Education Policies had emphasized the
need to raise the outlay on education to at least 6 per cent of the Gross
Domestic Product (GDP).[3] However,
this target was never met and actual expenditure on education has remained
consistently below 6 per cent. Like the earlier NPEs, the NPE 2016 also recommends
that the outlay on education should be raised to at least 6 per cent of GDP. While
it says that this should be done with immediate effect, it does not clearly say
how it will be done.[4] In the
absence of serious political will, this directive of NPE 2016 merely looks like
a reiteration of the previous NPEs.

Glorification and
an uncritical view of the past

One of the important departures in NPE
2016 from the earlier NPEs is an attempt at glorification of the past and an
uncritical view of it.[5] Glorifying
the education system in ancient India, the Vedic system and Gurukul tradition,
the NPE 2016 says that “science and technology in ancient and medieval India
covered all the major branches of human knowledge and activities” (p. 1-2). A
strong undercurrent in the whole report is of a ‘golden past’ where India led
the world in every sphere of human activity until it lost out. And so, there
was a need to catch up now with the developed world educationally and one of
the important ways was through the revival of values of that past. Thus, the
NPE 2016 takes a completely uncritical view of India’s past and its traditions.[6] For
example, a historical analysis of the Gurukul or guru-shishya tradition would
tell us that the system was largely confined to the learning of religious
scriptures and it was a undemocratic and uncritical set-up where the guru, who
was supposed to possess all knowledge and was often looked upon as a god, used
to transmit the knowledge of these scriptures to disciples. Also, the NPE 2016 fails
to see how several issues facing the contemporary Indian society and its
education system were linked to the baggage of traditions carried from the
past. Secondly, the NPE 2016 places a lot of emphasis on values and value-based
education. In fact, it places “values” before knowledge in the four essential
components as the core objectives of education identified by it; these values
being Satya (truth), Dharma (righteous conduct), Shanti (peace), Prem (love)
and Ahimsa (non-violence).

In contrast, the NPE of 1968 and 1986/92
did not attempt any glorification. Both highlighted the constitutional values
as well as pertinent issues facing the Indian social order. Seeing education as
vital to national progress and security, the NPE 1968 talked about transforming
the education system to relate it more closely to the life of the people and
expanding educational opportunity (p. 38). The NPE 1986/92 noted that “India’s
political and social life is passing through a phase, which poses the danger of
erosion to long-accepted values. The goals of secularism, socialism, democracy
and professional ethics are coming under increasing strain” (p. 3). It
emphasised designing a national curriculum framework to promote values such as
India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy and secularism,
equality of sexes, protection of environment, removal of social barriers,
observance of the small family norm and inculcation of the scientific temper
(p. 5). Even though the NPE 1986/92 had a section on value education, it held
that “In our plural society, education should foster universal and eternal
values, oriented towards the unity and integration of our people. Such value
education should help eliminate obscurantism, religious fanaticism, violence,
superstition and fatalism” (p. 27).

Education: Shift
from ‘Access’ and ‘Equity’ to ‘Quality’

The focus of the NPE of 1968 and 1986/92
was largely on access and equity. In the NPE 1968, expansion of education and
equity were important components. The Policy held that one of the important
principles to promote the development of education in the country was
‘Equalisation of Educational Opportunity’ and strenuous efforts in this
direction. It was also suggested to correct regional imbalances in this regard
(p. 40-41). Similarly, the NPE 1986/92 devoted a full Part IV of the policy
titled ‘Education for Equality’ to equality and suggested removal of
educational disparities across social groups.

On the other hand, there is an
unprecedented focus on quality in the NPE 2016 and not much space is given to
access and equity. The Policy talks about decline in the overall quality of
education at length and efforts to improve it. This shift in the NPE 2016 seems
to have been shaped by improvements in access in school education over last
several decades. However, differential access as well as learning outcomes and
dropouts across social groups indicates that the questions of access and equity
have not altogether disappeared as the NPE 2016 makes out to be. In higher
education, though significant progress has been made in terms of access and
equity, there is a tremendous scope to improve these across social groups,
region, etc.[7]

School education:
Unanswered questions

Several decisions of the NPE 2016 with
regard to school education evoke questions which remain unanswered. The Policy recommends
merging or consolidating small, non-viable schools with low enrolment,
inadequate teachers, poor facilities and high per pupil cost for “better
academic performance and cost effective management” (p. 65). However, it
remains to be seen whether this would go against the notion of easy access as
envisioned in the Right to Education (RTE). The Policy also recommends that
early childhood education for children from 4 to 5 years of age should be
declared a Right and a programme of pre-school education should be implemented.
But the question remains whether there is political will to implement this,
especially when considering the fact that it took almost six decades after
independence for the education of 6-14 years to be made a Right. The suggestion
of extending the Mid-Day meal to cover students of secondary schools is a
welcome move, but whether it will be implemented and ‘how’ and the mobilization
of resources for this are questions that the Policy does not take into account.

Secondly, one of the contentious issues
raked up by the NPE 2016 is the review of the No Detention Policy (NDP) under
the RTE. It recommends no detention only till Class V, whereas Section 16 of
the RTE Act states categorically that “No child admitted in a school shall be
held back in any class or expelled from school till the completion of
elementary education”. It is learnt that the rise in number of students failing
in Class IX in recent times has led many states, schools and policymakers to
blame the NDP, and hence it has been reviewed in the NPE 2016. However, attributing
the fall in learning outcomes to the NDP unfairly puts the blame on children
and ignores the role of schools and government in this regard (Ambast 2016).[8] It has
also been argued that the failure of Continuous and Comprehensive Evaluation
(CCE) to take off in many states and non-implementation of key provisions of
the RTE, for instance, the stipulated pupil-teacher ratio (PTR) were important
factors for learning outcomes and the blame should not be thrust upon the NDP
(Ambast and Gaur 2015). The assumption in the current review of NDP is that the
students can only learn under the threat of failure. This review of NDP in fact
seeks to bring back what the RTE and National Curriculum Framework (NCF) had
sought to address, i.e. releasing children from fear and trauma of failure and
making learning a non-burdensome exercise.[9] The NPE
2016, thus, does not address these concerns with regard to the NDP.

Thirdly, there is a renewed emphasis on
yoga for schools in the NPE 2016. It should be noted that there was no mention
of yoga in the NPE 1968 which in its section on ‘Games and Sports’ had held
that “where playing field and other facilities for developing a nation-wide programme
of physical education do not exist, these should be provided on a priority
basis” (p. 44). While the NPE 1986/92 had mentioned in one line that efforts would
be made to introduce yoga in all schools, the NPE 2016 takes it another level
all together. It recommends that every school, both public and private, should
be encouraged to make yoga a part of the schooling process and facilitate every
child to learn the basics of yoga. It also goes on to say that “Particularly in
urban schools, where there is shortage of playground facilities, yoga can play
a significant part in the development of a young student” (p. 100-101). So,
while the NPE 1968 had asked for the provision of playgrounds and other
facilities, the NPE 2016 replaces these with yoga. It is also interesting to
note that out of the five paragraphs in its section ‘Sports and Physical
Education’, three are devoted to yoga.

The focus of the Policy’s section on ‘Higher
Education’ revolves around ‘quality’ and the lack of Indian institutions in
international rankings is seen to be a major concern. There is no mention of increasing
the access and the question of equity. Though it rues that recruiting ad-hoc
and part-time faculty adversely impacts quality of teaching and research, it is
silent on the fact that the government and government institutions have also been
party to this arrangement (of hiring ad-hoc and part-time faculty) and the way
out of this.

The Policy highlights dismal state of
research and innovation in Indian universities. But it has nothing to say about
the government funding for the same together with cuts in higher education. Government
funding to research remains low in India as compared to many developing
countries. To add to this, the government last year asked research labs to
start ‘self-financing projects’ and thus fund research on their own.[10] Overall,
higher education budget has also witnessed cuts in recent years. The Union
Budget for 2015-16 reduced funds for higher education to the tune of Rs.3,900
crore in its revised budget estimates for the financial year 2014-15; the
government revised the figure to Rs.13,000 crore, as against Rs.16,900 crore
for the plan allocation. The overall education budget of 2015-16 came down from
Rs.82,771 crore to Rs.69,074 crore.[11] Thus, expressing
dismay about research and innovation in India without considering the above
facts is missing the point completely.

The Policy sees a reduced role of
government in management of institutions, including fees. It links up
fees/funding with autonomy and tries to argue that for government universities
to be truly autonomous they should have assured sources of funding. However, it
sees a gradual decreased role of the government in this regard. It says: “While
government will have to be a major source of funding for many years,
universities must be incentivised to raise additional resources by starting new
programs on cost recovery basis, employment of part-time and contractual staff
on market-determined salaries, optimum use of buildings and other assets, and
regular increase in fees without Government approval” (p. 129). The Policy also
gives a fillip to foreign universities to be set up in India. It sees the
migration of a huge number of Indian students (about 3 lakh) to other countries
for higher education and the corresponding expenses (Rs. 60,000 crore per year)
as a ‘concern’ and suggests encouragement to selected foreign universities to
establish their presence in India through collaborations. The issue of allowing
foreign universities in India has been much debated. A pet Congress project
during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime, it has found support among the
ruling BJP government at the Centre now.[12] However,
concerns of cost, access and equity, and regulatory system remain quite
important in this regard.

One of the points of the Policy that has
attracted attention of students is “restricting political and other
distractions in University and College Campuses” (Chapter V, p. 51). Taking a
completely narrow view of student politics, it recommends “restricting those
activities of student unions which could potentially disrupt academic
activities of the universities” and “non-recognition of groups based on caste/community”.
Student upsurge in universities and campuses across the country in recent
times, especially Film and Television Institute of India (FTII), University of
Hyderabad (UoH) and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) seems to have been on the
minds of committee members while framing this particular directive.[13] Not
only this, the Policy also sees long stay of student in campuses/hostels as a
concern. It can be debated whether it is befitting for a committee designed to
frame the country’s education policy to highlight this issue as a major
concern. Besides putting the onus on students for overstaying, it does not see
administrative delays for this.

Conclusion

This article looked at some of the
important points and recommendations of the NPE 2016. It argues that the NPE
2016 shows an element of continuity as well as change from the earlier NPEs.
With regard to public expenditure on education, the Policy, like the earlier
NPEs, merely reiterates raising the outlay on education to 6 per cent of the GDP.
It is with regard to glorification and an uncritical view of the past and its
traditions that the NPE 2016 stands out from the previous NPEs. Besides, the
Policy puts emphasis on values which are quite distinct from the Constitutional
ones emphasised by the previous NPEs. While the focus of the earlier NPEs was largely
on ‘access’ and ‘equity’, the NPE 2016 puts an unprecedented focus on ‘quality’
of education. Regarding school education, while the suggestion of merging of
small and non-viable schools might go against the provisions of RTE, it remains
to be seen whether programmes like starting pre-school education and extension
of mid-day meal will actually be implemented and how. Reviewing the No
Detention Policy, the NPE 2016 recommends no detention only till Class V. It
squarely puts the onus of the fall in learning outcomes in some states on
students and ignores structural reasons for it, including the role of
government and school. It seems to believe that ‘fear’ will improve outcomes- a
point which the RTE and NCF had earlier contested. There is also a renewed
emphasis on yoga in the Policy without exploring other options of games and
sports for students.

In higher education, the focus of NPE
2016 is largely around ‘quality’. While it highlights the poor state of
research and innovation in India, it does not take into account the low
government spending on this as well as cuts in higher education budget in
recent years. It sees a reduced role of government in the management of
institutions including fees and gives a push for the setting up of foreign
universities in the country. Recent student upsurge in universities across the
country and a one-sided view seem to have led the Policy to come up with a
recommendation to restrict student politics in campuses. In sum, the NPE 2016
is a reflection of the current political-economic order and seems to sail in
the ideological as well as neo-liberal boats of this order.

[5] See its Chapter I
‘Empowering India through Quality Education’, p. 1 onwards.

[6] This stand of NPE
2016 is in some ways not surprising as one of the members of the committee J.
S. Rajput was at the forefront of what has been widely termed as the
‘saffronization’ of education and textbooks during the NDA regime from 1999 to
2004.

[7] For a discussion on
enrolment in higher education, see Saqib Khan, ‘Higher Education and Student
Politics in Contemporary India: A Note’, VIKALP,
November 20, 2014 (available at
http://www.vikalp.ind.in/2014/11/higher-education-and-student-politics.html,
accessed on November 20, 2014)

[8]Many
also seem to have confused ‘No Detention’ with ‘No Assessment’. The RTE, however,
mandates continuous and comprehensive evaluation and assessment aimed to shift
the focus away from ‘examination-centric’ views of assessment and learning.

[9] For a detailed
discussion on the No Detention Policy, see Sharma (2016) in which the author cautions
against diluting the provision of NDP.

[13] In this regard, there
also seems to be some link between the push towards privatization and curbs on
student politics in higher education, as seen in recommendations of earlier
committees and reports. The idea that organized student politics is problematic
and needs to be done away with was best put forward by the Birla-Ambani report
of 2000. The report while arguing for privatization of higher education
recommended to “ban any form of political activity on campuses of universities
and educational institutions”. See Saqib Khan, ‘Higher Education and Student
Politics in Contemporary India: A Note’, VIKALP,
November 20, 2014

The author is a PhD student at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

1 comment:

A brilliant and suggestive input Saqib on the NEP draft 2016. As it is noted that the emphasis is of course on quality with no proper roadmap undermining both equity and equality, I am of the opinion that the NEP framework should be such that there should be equity in the process and equality in the outcome. The conscious negligence of developing sporting activity and replacing it with Yoga is a grave issue which I believe in the coming days will be debatable issue and must be debated and taken to each section of the society. This draft does not recognize that sports is an integral part of our society and has a greater role in development of youth in our country. Hoping the suggestions been sent to the MHRD sees the light of the day.

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