The New Scramble for Somalia: The Role of Diaspora Somalis with dual citizenship

By Hassan A. Keynan Monday May 14, 2018

Graphic by Brent Clouse

Becoming an American citizen through
naturalization requires taking the Oath of Allegiance, loudly. The first
part of the Oath of Allegiance reads, “I hereby declare, on oath,
that I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and
fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of whom
or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen.” Mr. Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo did exactly that when he took the Oath of Allegiance and became a US citizen some 30 years ago. On 8 February 2017, he was elected President of the Federal Republic of Somalia.

President Farmaajo is not alone. His
administration is packed with diaspora Somalis holding dual citizenship,
who returned from Europe, North America, and Australia. Diaspora
Somalis from these continents represent less than 30 percent of the
estimated 2 million Somali immigrants abroad; and about 5 percent of the
total Somali population. However, politically they disproportionately
dominate state institutions, at federal and state levels. For our
purpose here, attention will be devoted to the Federal Government of
Somalia (FGS). Details are sketchy, as government officials do not feel
or believe that they ought to disclose their association with foreign
powers through citizenship or any other affiliation. Nevertheless,
information compiled from different sources indicates that they have
established and maintain a firm foothold in all branches of the Federal
Government (FG), especially the executive and legislature.

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The American Camp: Somali-Americans
occupy the most powerful position in the Federal Government of Somalia.
The President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, who is also the
head-of-state and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, leads the
Camp. It also includes holders of important cabinet posts: Minister of
Finance, Minister of Religious Affairs, Minister of Women and Human
Rights, and Minister of Fisheries. American citizens of Somali origin
also hold other important positions in the Federal Government.

The Norwegian Colony: Norwegian
citizens of Somali origin prominently feature in the business of the
FGS. They occupy two of the top three most powerful positions in the
country: The Prime Minister/Head-of-Government and Speaker of the
People’s Assembly. In addition, they hold the positions of the Minister
of Defence and Minister of education and Culture. A few are members of
the Federal Parliament.

The Canadian Corner: Somali-Canadians
preside over the largest number of ministerial portfolios, including
some of most coveted posts in the cabinet. They are: Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Minister of Constitutional Affairs, Minister of Planning,
Minister of Transport and Aviation, and Minister of Labour.

Concerns about dual citizenship: divided loyalties and conflict of interests

Acquiring dual citizenship is a personal
decision. It bestows a variety of opportunities and benefits on the
holder. Most importantly, it is perfectly legal according to the
Provisional Constitution (PC) of Somalia. However, countries vary
greatly when it comes to laws governing dual citizenship. Some reject it
completely, while others permit dual citizenship with certain
conditions and restrictions. It becomes particularly problematic when
dual citizens seek and/or hold the highest public offices in a country.
Concerns about dual citizens holding high political office primarily
emanate from issues related to divided loyalties and conflict of
interests.

Even big and powerful countries warn
their citizens not to rush to professing allegiance to a foreign power.
According to an editorial piece by the Los Angeles Times (December 26,
2014) the U.S. State Department warns American citizens from ‘retaining
or applying for citizenship in another country.’ The most important
reason given was that dual citizenship could be seen as a security
threat, creating a situation in which dual citizens could be barred from
obtaining employment in some diplomatic and intelligence/security
positions considered to be highly sensitive. More recently, issues
relating to dual citizenship have turned Australian politics topsy-turvy
as many MPs lost their parliamentary position for failing to disclose
and renounce their status as dual citizens before they stood for
election. In Ukraine, a country in which more than 100 members of
parliament are dual citizens, MPs “flaunt the laws of the country,
route their money into hidden accounts in tax havens, and generally
enrich themselves at their country’s expense,” according to an
article published on Forbes webpage (July 31, 2017). The article also
mentions the case of a former Prime Minister who was travelling on a
foreign passport and detained in Switzerland ‘for money laundering,’ and that of another senior official in the Ukrainian fiscal service, who ‘may be tried in Britain on corruption charges due to his British Citizenship.’
The practice in most countries is that dual citizens are either barred
from occupying top national leadership positions, or they voluntarily
renounce their second citizenship.

The special case of Somalia

The situation in Somalia is both
different and rare. Somalia has just started the process of moving out
of the degrading and deeply humiliating legacy of a failed state. Its
Provisional Constitution (PC) is in disarray and highly contested. In
fact, the Somali people have not been consulted about the provisions in
the PC that allow dual citizenship. Its institutions are fragile and
extremely vulnerable to infiltration, destabilization, corruption, and
even takeover by internal usurpers and/or external predators with vested
strategic and geopolitical interests. Moreover, dual citizens have and
wield immense executive and legislative powers in a context
characterized by lack of accountability and transparency, coupled with
debilitating capacity limitations. How these enormous powers are used or
abused and in favour of whom and against whom is therefore a matter of
utmost importance. Somalis and informed foreigners who closely follow
the events unfolding in the country express concerns that are many,
deep, and legitimate.

Domination of power:
There is not any country in Africa or elsewhere where so much power is
concentrated in so few individuals with dual citizenship. The numbers
are staggering. Access to the reigns of power is quick, easy and
unfettered for dual citizenship. They hardly go through appropriate
background checks. This has become a source of frustration and
resentment among non-diaspora Somalis, who feel exploited and
marginalized in their own country. Current events indicate a disturbing
trend regarding the manner in which state power and authority has been
exercised. Contrary to the principles of the PC, the power and resources
of the state are concentrated in a few federal entities based in
Mogadishu, causing a huge and deepening crisis between the FGS and
Federal Member States (FMS). This is a serious, even dangerous, matter
which, if not resolved, could squander the limited gains made, or even
cause the entire fragile federal edifice to collapse.

Obsession with external legitimacy: There
is evidence that the FGS looks towards external powers for legitimacy.
This is bizarre in the context of established norms underlying state
sovereignty and legitimacy. But in the peculiar and befuddled state of
Somalia, it is seen as a normal practice. Since the presence and
authority of the Federal Government across the country are very thin or
non-existent, it finds it easier and more convenient to seek and depend
on external actors not only for legitimacy but also for resources. The
UN, EU, World Bank, IMF, AMISOM, IGAD, AU, UAE, USA, UK, Qatar, Turkey,
Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti have replaced the
Somali people as the principal source of legitimacy for the Federal
Government of Somalia. Shuttle visits to and weekends in Nairobi, Dubai,
Ankara, Brussels, Washington, Addis Ababa, Kampala, Riyad, and Cairo
have become easier and more frequent than spending time with and serving
the citizens in Baidoa, Kismayo, Brava, Marka, Jowhar, Beledweyn,
Dhusamareb, Galkayo, Garow, and Bosaso. Somaliland does not even feature
in the business of the FGS except when Somaliland authorities seek or
secure promising investment deals and development opportunities. Success
and progress are measured in terms of pledges from the EU, promises
from the World Bank, projects from the UN, and secret deals with both
sides in the messy and deepening conflict in the Gulf.

Corruption and scramble for Somalia’s strategic assets: The
strategically located Horn of Africa region is in the throes of a new
and fierce scramble. Somalia is at once a strategic beachhead for the
new, enterprising mission; and a principal target if the price is right.
The new scramble for Somalia involves a wide range of competitors. The
motives and interests of the scramblers vary greatly, as are the tools,
narratives, capabilities, and resources deployed in the service of the
business. The scramblers have their eyes focused on the country’s main
strategic assets: ports, airports, marine resources, and areas with
promising oil and mineral wealth. There is also a tough competition for
other lucrative sectors, especially security, logistics, infrastructure,
and service provision. As indicated in recent reports, the country is
being fleeced openly and with total impunity. Diaspora Somalis have been
implicated in a number of dubious, even illegal, deals either as
brokers, lobbyists, shareholders, or facilitators. Concerns are also
expressed regarding attempts by powerful forces in the FGS to bend,
pervert, or flaunt existing laws or tamper with new legislative
endeavors in the service of greed and corruption. The Institutions of
the Federal Government of Somalia are saddled with a host of lethal
afflictions. The one that is most pervasive and most corrosive is
corruption, a scourge that the Special Representative of the UN
Secretary-General for Somalia and Head of the United Nations Assistance
Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) recently referred to as ‘horrendous.’ Reports
from the UN, World Bank and other credible sources have documented in
great detail the horrendous levels of corruption and embezzlement during
the past seven years. These reports indicate that “70 percent of funds that had been earmarked for development and reconstruction in Somalia were unaccounted for.” On 2 March 2014 the Daily Nation
in Kenya published a summary of an audit report that alleged an
estimated $700 million, mostly from Arab countries, basically ended in
the pockets of senior government officials between 2000 and 2013.

Role of the International Community

For over a quarter century, the
International Community (IC) has dominated the affairs of Somalia and
the lives and future of Somali people. Billions have been spent to help
Somalia navigate the arduous journey form protracted and bloody civil
war, to failed state, to transitional state, to fragile state, and
finally to a fully sovereign but bankrupt state. This was an
unprecedented engagement and a rare experiment in the annals of
international cooperation. For the IC, cracking the Somali conundrum has
been a constant and messy struggle, involving a great deal of
experimentation and improvisation. Some progress has been made. But the
achievements have been too little, too slow, and uneven. Most
importantly, there is very little to show for the billions of dollars
spent to date. A huge chunk of the financial resources earmarked for the
country went into the pockets of private individuals and groups many of
whom occupied top leadership positions in the government. Things are so
bad that ordinary Somalis are beginning to doubt if they have a country
any more. The current government has made serious efforts to address
the scourge of corruption that blighted the country for decades.
However, given the combined and deadly impact of weak government,
fragile institutions, and powerful and entrenched networks of
corruption, it is hard to even contemplate a satisfactory resolution
anytime soon. It is therefore high time for the IC, the UN in
particular, to realize that it cannot continue financing an expensive
fiction forever. The monster the IC has been feeding and protecting for
more than two decades might end up destroying whatever is left of its
credibility and integrity, and in the process leave an entire nation
feeling betrayed, humiliated, and profoundly angry.