Like any other city of India, haphazard growth is visible in every part of Shillong, praised by the British once as the ‘Scotland of East’. Other towns of the so-far-mostly green state are not spared too from the menace. The city, being in Seismic Zone 5, already witnessed two devastating earthquakes in recent history. The casualties would be manifold had one more struck the region. It will be mostly because of the haphazard growth of buildings, and of course the population increase. At such time, there is urgent need for a uniform law for constructing buildings in the entire state. But what is seen is an ugly controversy of division of opinion about need for building laws.

The present building bye-laws framed by the Meghalaya Urban Development Authority (MUDA) in 2001 and upgraded in 2011 is applicable only the Shillong municipality, an area of 10.5 sq km. It takes care of only 6 per cent of the total area of the Shillong Master Plan area of 174 sq km, let alone the entire state. However, there is a division of opinion on the jurisdiction of the MUDA bye-laws. The urban affairs minister maintained that the MUDA law will apply to the whole state, in absence of any such law elsewhere. On the other hand, the Meghalaya Town and Country Planning Act 1973 as amended in 2004 says that it is ‘applicable in the whole state except for the autonomous districts’. This means the Act is applicable only in the municipal areas of Shillong, Tura etc. Those opposing the bye-laws have argued that if the Act passed by the Assembly is not applicable in the ADC areas, how could the bye-laws framed by a department be imposed on them?

While there is a controversy over the applicability of the bye-laws, questions have also been raised about the ‘limited’ action of a committee constituted by the Meghalaya High Court in response to a PIL. The committee, as mandated by the high court, has identified 24 high-rise buildings for allegedly violating the bye-laws in the Shillong municipal area. The question being raised here is that if public safety is a concern as raised in the PIL, then why the high court has limited the survey of ‘unsafe’ buildings into an area which is only 6 per cent of the city. Neither the battle over the bye-laws nor the ‘limited’ action on high-rise buildings is going to serve the purpose of proper urban development. Selfless action, which is above politics and vested interests, is the need of the hour.

The staff at the Bethany Hospital in Shillong did not have any clue that the next patient entering the hospital is a former President. The small hospital, which is nearest to the IIM Shillong where APJ Kalam was giving his last lecture, hit the international headlines overnight, thanks to the Simple Man. He birth was humble, in a fisherman’s family, and declared dead at a hospital which is hardly visited by the who’s who in Meghalaya. Even in that small hospital, Kalam initially did not get any preferential treatment. There was no time to maintain the protocol, to sentise the area, before taking the former President there. The hospital staff knew it was Kalam only when they saw him.

In APJ, the country saw an undisputed leader widely respected across the spectrum, which was last seen probably in Mahatma Gandhi. But such a leader would roam about across the globe without very little media attention. His purpose was clear. He made students his primary focus since he left the Rashtrapati Bhavan in 2007. Teaching and enlightening the future generation with broader values had been his goal since. He wanted to avoid encounters with the media, not because of fearing controversy but perhaps in trying to use the time for something more constructive towards fulfilling his goal. In Shillong too, the media did not have any clue about his arrival on July 27, the evening he collapsed while taking his last class on ‘Making a Livable Planet’. There was no media crew standing outside the IIM gate when he was rushed to the hospital. He did not even let the Shillong media stand outside the Bethany Hospital for too long as the death was announced within less than one hour.

The ‘People’s President’, who was no more then, spent that night in the serene environment of the Military Hospital in Shillong. There was hardly any high profile treatment to his body till the next morning when it was taken out in a procession to the helipad at Upper Shillong. There was absolutely no chaos despite the death of the nation’s tallest personality. Modi rightly said, ‘Bharat has lost its Ratna’. But the expression of grief was orderly. Shillong did not have to face any traffic jam, a common problem, on account of his death. He came here quietly, left quietly.

The battle between Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC) and Hima Mylliem over declaring an area near Shillong as reserve forest seems to be never ending. Both the KHADC and the traditional body Hima Mylliem ‘want to protect’ the forest at Mawpat near Shillong, but in different manner. While the KHADC’s intention is clear in keeping the area under ‘reserve forest’ category, the objective of Hima Mylliem in wanting the tag removed ‘to protect it’ is not understood. Mawpat, a once barren area which was turned into a forest and vital catchment area through plantations, was declared a reserve forest through an agreement between the KHADC and Hima Mylliem last year. Both the KHADC and Hima Mylliem drew applauds by making announcement about the declaration on the occasion of World Environment Day. However, Hima Mylliem has done a volte face by wanting to retract from the agreement.

The debate over declaration of the reserve forest, an occasion attended by Syiem (chief) of Hima Mylliem himself besides the KHADC leaders, has been going on for the past one year. The former KHADC chief executive member Ardent Miller Basaiawmoit during a debate wondered as to why the Hima wants to scrap the agreement when the latter says the intention is to protect the forest. He made it clear that Mawpat neither belongs to the Syiem of Mylliem nor the executive committee (EC) of the KHADC. He said both are ‘guardians and custodians’ of the forest. In fact, the concept of private ownership of land is very new in Meghalaya. Earlier, most of the land belonged to the community and individuals and families were only allowed to use it. However, the supreme power of the clan leaders and traditional bodies over community land led to corruption with the changing scenario of modern economy where money became a powerful tool in decision making. One of the prime reasons behind the haphazard urbanisation in Shillong is the absolute right of the community leaders, who are not accountable for governance.

Although there was a change of guard in the KHADC, the new Congress-led EC too maintained the stand on Mawpat reserve forest by deciding not to scrap the agreement. On the other hand, the Hima Mylliem and its supporters in the KHADC want the deal be cancelled in order ‘to stop encroachment’ on forests. While the agreement gives KHADC and Hima Mylliem equal authority to monitor the forest, the latter will rule the roost once it is scrapped. The Hima should now come clear and convince the people about its intention to scrap the agreement.

Leaders of armed revolutions often hold those seats of power once they fought against. But everyone cannot become a Fidel Castro. They end up succumbing to the ‘system’. Once they are exposed to the easy access to wealth, they try to get accustomed to the so-called system. Sometimes, these revolutionaries turn up worse than the leaders whom they ousted from power. Very soon, the people start realising – oh, it was a mistake to elect them to power! They are no better than the others! They are often seen faded into oblivion. They cannot sustain the glory they had during the ‘revolution’.

Prafulla Kumar Mahanta was a revered name in Assam because of his leadership in the anti-influx agitation. The momentum of his popularity gave him two stints in power. But today, he is littered with taints of scams. He is blamed for downfall of Assam’s ‘very own’ party Asom Gana Parishad. He is no longer a force to reckon with. The people may not have imagined about this kind of a situation when lakhs gathered for the AGP leaders’ swearing in ceremony at Judges’ Field in Guwahati in 1985. Same is the case with Meghalaya’s surrendered Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) chairman Julius Dorphang and his colleague James Sylliang. They are no longer any force to reckon with. Despite being elected public representatives now, they have are not seen doing significant work for welfare of their communities.

Meghalaya might be having another set of ‘revolutionaries’ holding the seats of power very soon. The leaders of now-disbanded Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) and its breakaway group ANVC-B are waiting with bated breath for the election to the Garo Hills Autonomous District Council (GHADC). In fact, the two outfits agreed to join ‘mainstream’ on condition that the GHADC seats would be increased in order to accommodate them. Although the elections are going to be held with the same number of 29 seats, the former rebels have geared up to join the election battle. Given their present popularity – and not to overlook the money and muscle power – some of them are likely to become public representatives. It will be interesting then to see with all powers in hand how far they would carry forward their Garo nationalistic agenda.

The issue of influx of outsiders, essentially meaning Indians coming from other states, raises its ugly head from time to time in the hilly states of North-east. The problem never took an alarming turn in some states having inner line permit (ILP) as a measure to check entry of outsiders while others like Meghalaya and Manipur saw worst of violence-marred agitations in recent years. Three persons died and scores of property torched and damaged during the four-month-long agitation by pro-ILP groups in Meghalaya in 2013. While nationalist groups in Meghalaya are silent for the time being, the situation is boiling in Manipur. One student protester has already died after being hit by a tear gas cell while the government has been compelled to withdraw a controversial Bill, allegedly suiting the interests of outsiders. The agitations led by pro-ILP groups are in no mood to relent and street protests with women on the forefront have become the order of the day.

The non-tribal Indians sometimes rue that they feel like second class citizens in these states. They pay the income tax unlike the tribals, yet face the brunt of agitation in the name of protection of tribal rights over land and resources, their customs, traditions etc. The groups leading such movements get massive support from the public. Common people are susceptible to threats of losing rights over land and resources. It’s usual for them to lose temper over such ‘threats’ and take law into their own hands. Besides, vested interests sometimes give religious tinge to such movements, leading to attacks on places of worship of minority communities in the state.

Every time the agitation takes place the government holds negotiations with the pressure groups and some committees are formed to look into the matter. The committee comes up with a report, which does not satisfy the groups who chose the agitation path again. While Manipur had passed a resolution to the Centre in favour of imposing ILP in the state, Meghalaya government somehow calmed the NGOs promising them of a ‘comprehensive mechanism’. The Manipur government’s proposal fell flat at the Centre since it required amendment of the Constitution while NGOs in Meghalaya are frustrated over implementation of the so-called comprehensive mechanism. It seems the government as well as the NGOs want to make alive the issue since it becomes a platform to garner public sentiment, which is of utmost importance for survival of both. As of now, it seems that the problem (if it is so) of influx is headed for no solution and woes’ of common Indians, who don’t belong to any indigenous tribes, will continue for years to come.

The Congress played dirty politics by skipping the crucial meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Chief ministers of the Congress-ruled states of the North-east lost a very good chance of presenting the issues of their respective states to the Prime Minister. Of the five states ruled by the party it was only Mizoram which had the courage (of violating high command diktat) to send at least its finance minister to the meeting with Modi. However, a chief minister being present in the meeting can always make a difference. Meghalaya, Assam, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh did not send any representative at all! Does it mean they do not have any problems of the states to share with the Prime Minister?

The conventional Iftar party hosted by the President has done the spoiler. The Congress wanted the Prime Minister not to miss the Iftar party for a second consecutive time so badly that they sacrificed interests of their states! A Congress spokesperson justified the “boycott” saying that the Prime Minister humiliated the chief ministers for nearly seven months and didn’t give them appointment. “Now, just because he wants to find an excuse to skip the President’s Iftar, he has scheduled the meeting… they must understand that the boycott is a legitimate form of dissent in a democracy.” It is surprising that when the chief ministers got a chance to meet the Prime Minister after seven months of request, should they not be happy to place their grievances? Should Modi’s political motive, if any, surpass the interests of their states?

If Modi wanted to play to the Hindu gallery by skipping Iftar, the Congress sought the minority support by skipping the meeting. Any chief minister would be the last person to cancel a meeting convened by the Prime Minister. The reason was the diktat of Congress high command, a factor that has plagued the party since it became “Indira Congress”. The Congress chief ministers have been singing the chorus of Centre curtailing funds to their states since NDA government came to power in May last year. Wednesday’s meeting was a good chance to apprise Modi of the issue and appeal him to restore the fund flow. Their escapism creates room for the doubt that the repeated complaints about Centre’s apathy towards NE is just a political move, as is their absence from the meeting with Modi. It also raises a question if this absence has anything to do with Congress’ “minority appeasement” policy?

Shillong, July 15: The jailed GNLA chief Champion Sangma may not have any more direct link with the Assam-based ULFA, but he still carries a “gift” from the outfit.

Every time he steps out of the jail for a court hearing, the once hard core militant leader wears a “gamosa”, a traditional Assamese towel, around his neck.

The white cotton towel was gifted to him by a colleague of none other than Paresh Baruah, the hard-line ULFA commander-in-chief.

“I forgot his name… but this towel carries a lot of value for me… I wear it whenever I was taken out by them (police),” Sangma told The Meghalaya Guardian while he was waiting for his turn for hearing of his bail plea in a lower court here today.

Expressing his affection towards the Assam and its people, Champion said, “This ‘gamosa’ is sign of my love for the Assamese people… We have been bound by century-old ties.”

He said he always wanted a good relation to be maintained with the neighbouring state.

“I also met Paresh Baruah in Myanmar,” said Champion, whose post of chairman the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) is yet to fill up, seen as an act of respect to the jailed leader.

While the Paresh Baruah-led United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) has lost its strength over the years, the activities of GNLA, now led by its ‘commander-in-chief’ Sohan D Shira, are still a big challenge for the government.

Champion also revealed that he had met founder ULFA leader Anup Chetia in a Bangladesh jail where both were lodged before Champion was handed over to the BSF on the Indo-Bangla border at Pyrdiwah in East Khasi Hills district.

“He (Chetia) has in-depth knowledge about the situation in North-east. He is a resourceful man. While Paresh Baruah is known for his temper and military skills, Anup Chetia is respected for his insight on policy matters,” he whispered to this reporter in the corridor as hearing of other cases continued.

Although Champion was handed over by Bangladesh to India, the Indian security forces, in absence of an extradition treaty, had never formally admitted it and said he was spotted at Pyrdiwah and arrested there.

The GNLA chairman had left his “secured” job of a deputy superintendent of police (DSP) to form the GNLA along with Sohan D Shira in 2009.

He is perhaps the only high ranking police official to lead any militant outfit among over hundred armed groups in the North-east.

A photograph showing a slain Garo militant with his hand tied with a rope created more ripples than the killing itself. Picture of the bullet-riddled and blood-spilled body of Savio Marak went viral on July 9. Savio, the former policeman, held an important position in the ranks of the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA). While the rope was the centre of debate another key element of the photograph are two camouflaged men, apparently security personnel, pointing their guns on the body of the slain militant, Savio Marak. This kind of gesture on the body of a most wanted militant may not be rare for people on the ground, but the photograph is a huge shocker. The men in uniform might have been ecstatic after the ‘mission accomplished’, but celebration on dead body is unacceptable. Because one man’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter! Such message of ‘celebration’ should not be delivered to the public. It appears the photograph was leaked to the media without the consent of the police.

The police have been very prompt to reply to the other controversial part of the photograph. A senior police official said, ‘Only the right hand is tied with a rope to turn the body aside to ensure there are no grenades or explosives hidden below his body. Both hands are never tied.’ On the photograph, Marak’s body is seen outside a bamboo hut, shoe-less, on the ground with multiple bullet wounds to his chest, legs and arms. There is a lot of blood on front porch and a rope is noticed tied to his right hand. According to the senior police official, “This is a must drill to be followed by security forces. It is taught in Special Forces training. In Jammu and Kashmir, many militants hid grenades under bodies of militants or police to trap those who go to recover the bodies.” However, the question remains as to why similar photograph never came across the media so far. Was it a mistake of police to let the photo leaked to the media?

The compulsion of police to get rid of hard-core militants, by any means, is understood. It’s an open secret that many ‘good’ cops resort to fake encounter to eliminate criminals, knowing that arresting such men would serve no purpose. Either they don’t have confidence to establish the crime or they don’t have confidence on the judiciary. There are ill motives of fake encounters too. It is not known, and will never be known, if the killing of Savio Marak falls under any of the above categories. People will benefit only if the law and order situation improved in Garo Hills, the hotbed of militancy.

The death of Victoria Kharkongor inside Dispur police station in Guwahati is not an open and shut case of suicide. There is a clear case of lapse on the part of police. According to police, she committed suicide by hanging with her dupatta inside the toilet of the police station. Obviously, the police cannot monitor a person, especially a woman, inside the toilet! But police should also know that every person taken to the police station is not in his or her best state of mind. There is every chance of the person acting in an unacceptable manner. The person, accused wrongly or rightly of a crime, is bound to be in a depressed state of mind, a prime reason for suicide. In that case, the toilet, supposed to be used by the accused, should be custom made and have no place to fasten a rope or dupatta. There have been cases of alleged suicide inside police lock-ups. A Meghalaya home minister attracted severe criticism for giving a statement blaming the pyjama worn by inmates to be the culprits. Meanwhile, Dispur police to clear its image will have to establish that the door was locked from inside and declare the names of cops who broke it open.

There have been conflicting reports and statements from many related to the case since the incident took place on July 5 night. Victoria (39) was first allegedly noticed in International Hospital around 8.30 pm. Finding her in a “restless” condition, the hospital authorities called the police. The hospital authorities allegedly recognised her case to be of psychological disorder. If that was the case, it is not known as to why they thought police will be the best doctor to treat her illness! The hospital authorities should have tried to understand her case with the help of police and arrive at a decision. However, it is understood that a private hospital would have no time for a “patient” without a guardian to pay the bill. The best solution is hand over the “case” to police!

There has been an increased clamour in Meghalaya for an independent probe into the incident. United Democratic Party (UDP) leader Jemino Mawthoh has already suspected foul play behind the incident. The same has been aired by Victoria’s mother, who said her daughter used to be a very happy person and that she cannot take her own life. The influential Khasi Students’ Union, who had spearheaded many an intensive agitation in the past, too demanded for a CBI inquiry. On the other hand, Dispur police maintained that it was the family who was in dark about her whereabouts. They thought she was in Arunachal Pradesh where she had been working as a teacher, but she actually came from Hyderabad. Under these circumstances, a speedy inquiry into the incident is required so that the truth comes out and the guilty, if any, be punished. Any delay might cause trouble in the relation between the two states, who are not in their best of terms due to a long-pending boundary dispute and influx of Bangladeshi migrants from Assam into Meghalaya.

Mobile towers are one of the changes happening around us. Their sight is unmistakable in the skylines of any modern cities of the world. Even hills along the highways are dotted with such towers. They are essential tools of the ‘second machine revolution’, the first being the industrial revolution, the world has stepped into. They have become a key driving apparatus for economies of the world. Besides, it is through them the people of the world sitting in different time zones – day and night at the same time – connect, help and establish relationships with each other. Young billionaires who made most of the digital world would turn pauper overnight without them. With digital money slowly taking the place of paper and metal ones, the money flow would be jammed sans the signal towers. Without them the whole world will come to a grinding halt. But, some say they pose health hazard to humans as well as other forms of life. The allegations were based on ‘evidence’ even as there have been studies to ‘prove’ the allegations baseless.

A workshop held in Shillong on Thursday was basically aimed at clarifying the people’s ‘misconception’ about mobile towers. Venue of the national workshop on ‘Digital inclusion and health aspects of mobile telephony’ held by the Cellular Operators’ Association of India (COAI) was aptly chosen at Shillong where for the past five years no additional mobile could be allotted by the government due to public resistance. Even as the mobile companies are willing to set up towers the local village heads, ‘concerned’ about public safety, they have not been granted the required no objection certificates (NOCs) for the purpose. Several scientists and experts have dispelled the fear that radiation emitted by mobile towers can cause health hazards including cancer. They even quoted World Health Organisation (WHO) report to back their claim. They argued that while there is no risk of mobile towers causing harm to humans or any forms of life, they (towers) are very essential to power growth of the country. They said without a good network, for which mobile towers are essential, the country will lag behind in the global race for digitised economy.

Although the self interest of COAI to allay people’s concern about health hazards from mobile radiation is palpable, the studies done by health and technical experts including the WHO cannot be ruled out. We also have to admit that there are many changes around us besides coming up of mobile towers. To blame just the towers for any health issues without proper evidence is illogical. But, too much of everything is bad. While the government, based on scientific ground, needs to regulate setting up of mobile towers the mobile consumers should also keep a check on rampant use of the device.