Hillary Clinton dominated West Virginia in her race eight years ago with Barack Obama, but she enters Tuesday’s Democratic presidential primary as an underdog because many of her 2008 voters appear poised to support Bernie Sanders.

West Virginia’s Democratic electorate sets up well for Sanders: Eight years ago, when Clinton won more than two-thirds of the primary vote, more than 95 percent of voters were white; exit polls show Clinton and Sanders neck-and-neck among white voters nationally. And Sanders has especially excelled among less-educated whites — he won them, 65 percent to 35 percent, last week in Indiana. Whites without a college degree only made up about a third of the electorate in Indiana, but they may be closer to two-thirds of the West Virginia Democratic electorate.

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Clinton’s best hope is to capitalize an older electorate, especially in more-populous sections of the state. Roughly four-in-10 voters were 60 or older in 2008, and Clinton has won more than 70 percent of seniors this year.

In general, West Virginia has been rapidly moving away from the Democratic Party: Bill Clinton won the state by double-digits twice, but Mitt Romney beat President Barack Obama by a whopping 27 points four years ago. Obama was especially unpopular, even among Democrats. In the 2012 primary, 41 percent of Democrats chose an imprisoned felon over Obama.

That felon, Keith Judd, is out of jail and back on the ballot. But unlike four years ago when Judd was Obama’s only competitor in the state, he’s joined by Sanders, Clinton and three other candidates, including the long-forgotten Martin O’Malley.

In the Republican primary, West Virginia, along with Nebraska on Tuesday, represents the first test of whether the divisive GOP race has left a sizable contingent of anti-Donald Trump protest voters, who could back one of the nine former candidates still on the ballot.

Democrats still make up 47 percent of the electorate, outnumbering Republicans (30 percent) by a wide margin. Another 20 percent of voters aren’t affiliated with a party and can request either ballot.

Here are six places to watch as results flow in on Tuesday:

Morgantown: Monongalia County has been Obama’s best source of vote sources over the past two cycles. Obama outperformed his statewide vote share in Monongalia by 13 points in 2008 and 9 points in 2012.

The large student population at West Virginia University in Morgantown could tilt the county to Sanders, who has won 72 percent of voters younger than 30 years old during the primary season, according to exit polls.

Eastern Panhandle: Much of the Eastern Panhandle is actually in the D.C. media market — including all of Jefferson, Berkeley and Morgan counties. And they’ve voted differently than the rest of the state in recent Democratic primaries.

In Jefferson County, which borders Loudoun County, Va., on its eastern boundary, Obama out-ran his statewide vote by 18 points four years ago. In Berkeley County, the second-most populated county in the state, Obama ran 12 points ahead of his statewide share. In Morgan County, he was 16 points ahead of the state as a whole. Those numbers could bode well for the president's secretary of state.

But Sanders ran well in some of the neighboring counties in Maryland and Virginia. Sanders won two counties in Western Maryland – Allegany and Garrett – and ran close in Frederick and Washington counties. In Virginia, Clinton won big in Loudoun, but Sanders was a close second in other counties bordering the D.C. exurbs: Clarke, Frederick and Shenandoah.

Beckley: This is the heart of Robert Byrd country.

The late Senate majority leader and West Virginia political icon was raised in Raleigh County, where Democrats outnumber Republicans by large numbers — despite the fact Mitt Romney won 71 percent of the vote there in 2012.

In the 2012 primary, Raleigh County produced the sixth-most Democratic votes – but Obama only edged past Judd, 52 percent to 48 percent. Clinton won 66 percent of the vote there in 2008.

Sanders – the Brooklyn-born, self-avowed Democratic socialist – seems an unlikely fit for the culturally conservative Democrats of southern West Virginia. But if he can attract voters who have remained registered Democrats in these places even as they have voted Republican in the general election, he can run up the score against Clinton.

Mingo County: There may be no other county that embodies how Democrats have ceded Appalachia like “Bloody Mingo,” which lies along the border with Kentucky.

An overwhelming 76 percent of voters are registered Democrats, but Mingo gave more than 70 percent of its votes to Romney in the 2012 general election.

How deep does antipathy toward Obama run there? Judd – who was in a federal prison in Beaumont, Texas, finishing a more-than-12-year term for threatening officials at the University of New Mexico – won 62 percent of the vote in Mingo County. And given Mingo’s high rates of Democratic registration, that’s not a small number of votes: Only nine counties cast more Democratic ballots than Mingo.

Four years earlier, Hillary Clinton won an overpowering 88 percent of the vote in Mingo – a feat she is unlikely to repeat this time around.

Charleston: The state capital is also the seat of Kanawha County, the state’s largest, which produced the most votes in both parties’ primaries four years ago.

On the Democratic side, Obama outperformed his statewide vote share in both 2008 (by 8 points) and 2012 (13 points). Clinton needs to bank a large number of votes here to remain competitive.

But it’s also a place to watch in the GOP race. Home to the state’s GOP establishment, results from Kanawha County could demonstrate whether a significant share of Republican voters are resistant to Trump’s nomination.

Northern Panhandle: The four counties of the Northern Panhandle – Hancock, Brooke, Ohio and Marshall – run like a rod separating Western Pennsylvania from Eastern Ohio.

These counties shouldn’t buck Trump in the GOP race: Trump won more than 57 percent of the vote last month in each of the three Western Pennsylvania counties that border the Northern Panhandle, even though John Kasich grew up around Pittsburgh.

Those same three Western Pennsylvania counties voted for Clinton over Sanders, as did the three Ohio counties on the other side of the Ohio River.