Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah had a
clear conception of the Muslims as a nation and he presented it in crystal-clear
words in his presidential address on the occasion of Pakistan resolution in 1940
at Lahore, when he said, "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture
and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, value and
proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendars, history and
tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive
outlook of life and on life. By all canons of international law, we are a
nation."

Undoubtedly, this is the comprehensive
definition of Muslim nation as a compact body which distinguishes it from other
nations of the world. The Muslims of the sub-continent unanimously struggled for
a separate homeland where they could flourish their distinctive national
features, as given by Quaid-i-Azam. The national integration is in fact a force,
which emanates from these distinctive features and binds the Pakistani people
speaking different languages and belonging to different ethnic groups, into a
compact body. Political disharmony and tussles between the provinces and the
Federation are detrimental to national integration.

The political unrest in different areas
of Balochistan indicates a volatile political situation in the province. The
long history of neglect and discrimination against the province and the military
operations undertaken in the past has turned it into a mega sensitive province.
Local people still feel socially alienated, economically frustrated and
politically discriminated. The poor state of affairs in the province came to the
limelight after the political crisis continued to deepen during last three years
and a military operation was launched in Bugti and Mari tribal areas in December
2005. The veteran Baloch nationalist leader, Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed in
August 2006 in a military action in Mari tribal area. The killing of veteran
Nawab Akbar Bugti further intensified the feeling of alienation among the Baloch
people.

Balochistan has suffered mainly because
of the arbitrary and discriminatory policies of the successive governments in
Islamabad. The remote rural areas of the province still present the picture of
medieval Age. The health indicators are poorer than any other province.
Balochistan nationalist parties criticize the federal government for ignoring
the people and the Baloch leadership and not taking them into confidence while
it signed accords with various international firms. The nationalists say that
the Reko Dik mineral project and the Gwadar port project are of great importance
for Balochistan after Sui gas and Saindak projects but the government has along
been ignoring the people of the province and their leadership in this regard.
They call the federal government's decision of transferring the management of
Gwadar port to the Singapore Port Authority as an infringement of rights of the
Baloch people. They have demanded that all agreements signed by the federal
government with international firms for exploitation of mineral and other
resources of Balochistan be presented in the Senate and the Balochistan
Assembly.

Balochistan has been in throes of
financial crisis since1970 when it got the status of fourth province of
Pakistan. After revival of provincial status, it was faced with certain problems
of key importance such as lack of physical and institutional infrastructure for
governance. In the second phase of its development that started in 1977, the
province witnessed long-term planning pattern like five-year plan. This phase
culminated in October 1999 when Pakistan Army took over ousting the Nawaz Sharif
government in Islamabad. While the federal government has been arbitrarily
subsidizing the sale of natural gas from Balochistan to consumers in other
provinces without the province's consent, the province was left with no funds to
finance its annual development program. It has no say in decision making process
at the centre. The centre has not yet resolved the contentious issue of sharing
the Gas Development Surcharge (GDS) in the case of Balochistan. It is the
important issue that has also kept the province economically under-developed and
poor. Although the gas revenue surcharge has been diverted to the province, the
situation is not much different, as the federal budgetary grants had been made
non-obligatory in NFC 1991. The Award had resulted in an increase in the federal
tax assignments to the province from federal divisible pool.

The current crisis needs to be seen in
the perspective of rapidly changing geopolitical realities of the world. If
Pakistan enjoys geopolitical importance in the region, it is largely due to the
Balochistan's geo-strategic location that marks the confluence of south Asia,
west Asia and central Asia. Even the British were cognizant of the geo-strategic
importance of the province and they deliberately kept it backward,
underdeveloped and a dark region to the external colonial forces. Hence, the
province was denied all forms of reforms under British rule. In the present
scheme of the things, the Balochistan coast has become the focal point of
attraction for international export, import, trade, commerce and industry for
the land locked Afghanistan and Central Asian Republics (CARs).

For some players of geopolitics, the
developed, open and stable Balochistan is a threat to their interests and so
they are engaged in sabotaging the ongoing Rs.140 billion development process in
the province. The target killings of three Chinese engineers in May 2004 in
Gwadar were the part of their "sabotage plan'. Some observers believe that
the arms and ammunitions are coming into Balochistan from Afghanistan where an
Indo-US nexus has been established. Keeping the Americans 'in' and Chinese 'out'
of Balochistan is the name of the game. A volatile Balochistan does serve their
strategic interests, as the unrest in the province not only preempts Chinese but
also discourage development activities and foreign investment in the province.

Military solution to the Balochistan
crisis is not viable. It is a proven fact that the use of military might has
been ineffective in bringing about a political or social change in the province.
The nationalist parties resent over the Islamabad's firm control over the way
the province's economy is managed. On the other hand, the perception of a rapid
economic progress poses a threat to centuries-old feudal status of tribal chiefs
under which they have been enjoying power and exploiting the people. The only
way out from the current Balochistan crisis is developing the province
economically. The army garrisons cannot secure any project, but it is the local
stakeholders that can ensure real security for the smooth execution of the
ongoing mega projects and other development schemes planned for the province.

Drastic administrative and
infrastructural reforms need to be carried out in the province, followed by more
powers and autonomy to all provinces. Steps should be taken for reviving the
National Finance Commission and the Council of Common Interests and limiting the
federal government's share in revenue to what was mutually agreed between the
provinces and the center in the past. Our national interest demands an early
resolution of conflict and restoration of peace and stability in Balochistan.
What is immediately needed is to assuage the local people's grievances and
resolve all issues through a political reconciliation.