International Overdose Awareness Day is a global event run by Penington Institute on 31 August each year. The Event aims to raise awareness of overdose and reduce the stigma of a drug-related death. It also acknowledges the grief felt by families and friends remembering those who have met with death of permanent injury as a result of drug overdose.

In the lead up to International Overdose Awareness Day 2016, Penington Institute has released ‘Australia’s Annual Overdose Report 2016’.

This report details some key statistics relating to overdose deaths in Australia from 2004 to 2014. The report was compiled by Penington Institute based on data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS).

The principal findings are:

* Deaths due to accidental overdose grew substantially from 2004 to 2014. They reached 1,137 in 2014, a rapid rise from 705 deaths in 2004 and a 61 per cent increase in a decade. Between 2013 and 2014 overdose deaths smashed through the 1,000 deaths mark, with a rise of 14.5 per cent in one year alone, from 993 to 1,137.

* Contrary to stereotypes about the age of people who die of accidental overdose, Australians aged 40-49 are the most likely to die of a drug overdose. Deaths in this age bracket have almost doubled from 174 deaths in 2004 to 342 in 2014 – a 96 per cent rise.

In 2014, people aged 30-59 accounted for 78 per cent of all overdose deaths.

* Large increases in overdose deaths in rural and regional are driving the overall increase. Between 2008 and 2014, there was an increase from 3.1 deaths per 100,000 population to 5.7 per 100,000– an 83 per cent increase. Meanwhile, the rate per capita in metropolitan areas has moved only slightly from 4.2 per 100,000 in 2008 to 4.4 per 100,000 in 2014.

Despite common perceptions of accidental deaths due to drugs are caused by illicit drugs, in 2014 prescription medications were responsible for more drug-related deaths (71 per cent) than illicit drugs (29 per cent). (Note: this statistic is for total drug-related deaths, not just overdose deaths).

Over the period 2008-2014 there was an 87 per cent increase in prescription opioid deaths in Australia, with the greatest increase occurring in rural/regional Australia which saw a 148 per cent increase.

* Accidental deaths due to drug overdose per capita for Aboriginal people has increased substantially between 2004 and 2014 with an increase of 141 per cent – from 3.9 per 100,000 in 2004 to 9.4 per 100,000 in 2014 in the five jurisdictions with Aboriginal data. In the same period, the increase among non-Aboriginal people was from 3.3 per 100,000 to 4.8 per 100,000 – an increase of 45 per cent.

* Western Australia is the worst state for overdose deaths per capita with 5.8 per 100,000 in 2014 followed by NSW with 5.1 per 100,000.

Since 2004 Western Australia’s per capita overdose deaths have risen from the lowest to the highest in the country – an increase from 1.8 per 100,000 to 5.8 per 100,000 (a 222 per cent increase) – against a national increase over the same period of 37 per cent.

The NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) investigation named Operation Spicer ran for approximately five months and claimed a number of political scalps including that of the then NSW Coalition Premier Barry O'Farrell.

Operation Spicer hearings were a feature of nightly news reports and journalists' live tweeting during this period.

Given the number of legal challenges mounted against ICAC since those hearings ended the final inquiry report has only now been released to the general public.

The Commission’s report, Investigation into NSW Liberal Party electoral
funding for the 2011 state election campaign and other matters, was made public
today. The ICAC’s findings include that Raymond Carter, Andrew Cornwell, Garry
Edwards, the Hon Michael Gallacher MLC, Nabil Gazal Jnr, Nicholas Gazal, Hilton
Grugeon, Christopher Hartcher, Timothy Koelma, Jeffrey McCloy, Timothy Owen,
Christopher Spence, Hugh Thomson and Darren Williams acted with the intention
of evading laws under the Election Funding, Expenditure and Disclosures
Act 1981 (the election funding laws) relating to the disclosure of
political donations and the ban on donations from property developers.

Messrs Grugeon, Hartcher, Koelma, McCloy, Owen, Thomson and Williams were also
found to have acted with the intention of evading the election funding laws
relating to caps on political donations. The Commission also found that Craig
Baumann, Nicholas Di Girolamo, Troy Palmer and Darren Webber acted with the
intention of evading the election funding laws relating to the disclosure of
political donations and that Bart Bassett knowingly solicited a political
donation from a property developer.

The ICAC found that during November and December 2010 the Free Enterprise
Foundation was used to channel donations to the NSW Liberal Party for its 2011
state election campaign so that the identity of the true donors was disguised.
A substantial portion of the $693,000 provided by the foundation and used by
the NSW Liberal Party in the campaign originated from donors who were property
developers and, therefore, prohibited donors under the election funding laws.

Undisclosed political donations were also channelled through a business,
Eightbyfive, to benefit Liberal Party 2011 state election campaigns on the
Central Coast. These donations included donations from property developers and
donations in excess of the applicable caps on donations.

The ICAC also found that there were payments made by property developers, who
were prohibited donors, to help fund NSW Liberal Party candidates’ campaigns in
the Hunter. The true nature of these payments was disguised, for example, as
consultancy services or funnelled through another company with the intention of
evading the election funding laws.

The above are findings of fact, not findings of corrupt conduct. As explained
in the Foreword to the report, the ICAC cannot make corrupt conduct findings in
cases of failure to comply with the requirements of the election funding laws
where, although those failures could have affected the exercise of official
functions of the then Election Funding Authority of NSW, officers of that
authority were not involved in any wrongdoing.

The ICAC makes a finding of serious corrupt conduct against Joseph Tripodi for,
sometime prior to 16 February 2011, misusing his position as a member of
Parliament to improperly provide an advantage to Buildev by providing to Darren
Williams of that company a copy of the confidential 4 February 2011 NSW
Treasury report, Review of Proposed Uses of Mayfield and Intertrade Lands at
Newcastle Port.

The Commission’s report notes that at the relevant time proceedings for an
offence under the election funding laws had to be commenced within three years
from the time the offence was committed. As the Operation Spicer public inquiry
did not conclude until September 2014, and the matters canvassed in the report
occurred mostly from 2009 to 2011, a prosecution for relevant offences is now
statute barred.

Chapter 34 of this
report contains statements made pursuant to s 74A(2) of the ICAC Act that the
Commission is of the opinion that consideration should be given to obtaining
the advice of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) with respect to the
prosecution of the following persons:

* Samantha Brookes for
two offences of giving false or misleading evidence under s 87 of the ICAC Act
• Andrew Cornwell for two offences of giving false or misleading evidence under
s 87 of the ICAC Act [Wife of former Liberal MP for
Charlestown Andrew Cornwell]

* Timothy Gunasinghe for
an offence of giving false or misleading evidence under s 87 of the ICAC Act [GM /Director at Commercialhq]

* Timothy Koelma for
three offences of giving false or misleading evidence under s 87 of the ICAC
Act [Proprietor, Eightbyfive]

* William Saddington for
an offence of giving false or misleading evidence under s 87 of the ICAC Act [Director, PW Saddington & Sons Pty Ltd]

* Joseph Tripodi for the
common law offence of misconduct in public office. [former Labor MP for Fairfield]

Note: My red annotations

Excerpt Two:

Set
out below are some of the principal factual findings made by the Commission.

*
Sometime shortly prior to 16 March 2011, Nathan Tinkler offered to make a
political donation to Jodi McKay’s election campaign. In making this
offer, Mr Tinkler was attempting to induce Ms McKay to accept a donation from a
person she knew to be a prohibited donor and which would be falsely disclosed
to the Election Funding Authority as coming from private individuals. Mr
Tinkler knew at the time he made the offer that he was a prohibited donor and
was not able to make a political donation and that Ms McKay was not able
to accept a political donation from him (chapter 11).

*
Each of Mr Williams, David Sharpe and Ann Wills of Buildev played an active
part in the “Stop Jodi’s Trucks” mailout campaign, which was designed to damage
Ms McKay’s prospects of re-election. Given its inherent political nature, the
expenditure on the leaflets amounted to “electoral communication expenditure”,
as defined by the Election Funding Act. This expenditure was incurred in the
period between 1 January 2011 and the end of the polling day for the 2011 NSW
state election and was therefore incurred within the “capped expenditure
period” as defined in s 95H of the Election Funding Act. As the electoral
communication expenditure exceeded $2,000 in a capped expenditure period,
Buildev was operating as a “third-party campaigner” as defined in s 4 of the
Election Funding Act. Buildev failed to register as a third-party campaigner as
required by s 96AA of the Election Funding Act and failed to disclose to
the Election Funding Authority its electoral communication expenditure as
required by s 88(1A)(a) of the Election Funding Act (chapter 11).

*
Mr Tripodi played a central role in the Stop Jodi’s Trucks campaign by
nominating the printer for the mailout pamphlets and involving himself in the
drafting and design process for the pamphlets (chapter 11).

*
During November and December 2010, the Free Enterprise Foundation was used to
channel donations to the NSW Liberal Party for its 2011 NSW state election
campaign so that the identity of the true donors was disguised. A substantial portion
of the $693,000 provided by the Free Enterprise Foundation and used by the NSW
Liberal Party in its 2011 state election campaign originated from donors who
were property developers and, therefore, prohibited under the Election Funding
Act from making political donations (chapter 15).

*
Each of Simon McInnes, Paul Nicolaou and Anthony Bandle knowingly used the Free
Enterprise Foundation to channel political donations, including political
donations from property developers, to the NSW Liberal Party to fund its
2011 state election campaign so that the identity of the true donors was
disguised from the Election Funding Authority (chapter 15).

*
Timothy Koelma used his business, Eightbyfive, to receive and channel political
donations for the benefit of Christopher Hartcher, Christopher Spence, Darren
Webber and the NSW Liberal Party for the 2011 Central Coast election campaign
with the intention of evading the election funding laws relating to disclosure
of political donations, the ban on donations from property developers, which
operated from 14 December 2009, and, in relation to payments made after 1
January 2011, the applicable cap on donations. The funds obtained and
channelled in this way were used for the purposes of the NSW Liberal Party 2011
election campaigns in the seats of Terrigal, The Entrance and Wyong. Mr Koelma
directly benefited from the donations through Eightbyfive, as he was able to
draw from those funds to give himself a salary, thereby, enabling him to work
for Mr Hartcher on the 2011 NSW state election campaign. Mr Koelma subsequently
obtained full-time employment in Mr Hartcher’s ministerial office after the 2011
election (chapter 17).

*
Mr Hartcher was involved in the establishment of Eightbyfive and took an active
part in using Eightbyfive to channel political donations from Australian Water
Holdings Pty Ltd, Gazcorp Pty Ltd and Patinack Farm Pty Ltd for the benefit
of the NSW Liberal Party, himself, Mr Spence and Mr Webber with the
intention of evading the election funding laws relating to disclosure of
political donations, the ban on donations from property developers (in the case
of Gazcorp) and, in relation to payments made after 1 January 2011, the
applicable cap on donations. Mr Hartcher benefited from this arrangement
because part of the funds channelled through Eightbyfive enabled Mr Koelma to
work for him on the 2011 NSW state election campaign at no cost to Mr Hartcher,
while other funds channelled through Eightbyfive ensured that
Mr Hartcher’s likeminded political colleagues were funded to campaign for
the Central Coast seats of Wyong and The Entrance (chapter 17).

*
Mr Hartcher was a party to an arrangement with Nicholas Di Girolamo and Mr
Koelma, whereby Mr Di Girolamo made regular payments through Australian Water
Holdings to Eightbyfive. Under this arrangement, between April 2009 and May
2011, Eightbyfive received $183,342.50 from Australian Water Holdings. These
payments were ostensibly for the provision of services by Eightbyfive to
Australian Water Holdings but were in fact political donations made to assist
Mr Hartcher by providing funds to Mr Koelma so that Mr Koelma could work for Mr
Hartcher in the lead up to the 2011 NSW state election. Mr Hartcher and the
others involved in this arrangement intended to evade the election funding laws
relating to the disclosure of political donations. The payments totalling
$36,668.50, made after 1 January 2011, exceeded the applicable cap on political
donations (chapter 18).

*
Mr Hartcher, Nabil Gazal Junior, Nicholas Gazal, Mr Koelma and Mr Spence (the
NSW Liberal Party candidate for the seat of The Entrance) were parties to an
arrangement whereby, between May 2010 and April 2011, Gazcorp made payments
totalling $121,000 to Eightbyfive. These payments were ostensibly for the
provision of services by Eightbyfive to Gazcorp but were in fact political
donations which were mainly used to help fund Mr Spence so that he could
work on the Central Coast election campaign and on his campaign for the seat of
The Entrance. Mr Hartcher, Nabil Gazal Jnr, Nicholas Gazal, Mr Koelma and Mr
Spence intended by this arrangement to evade the disclosure requirements of the
Election Funding Act and the ban on the making and accepting of political
donations from property developers. The payments totalling $33,000, made
after 1 January 2011, exceeded the applicable cap on political donations
(chapter 19).

*
Mr Hartcher, Mr Koelma, the Hon Michael Gallacher MLC, Troy Palmer and Mr
Williams were parties to an arrangement whereby, between July 2010 and March
2011, Patinack Farm made payments totalling $66,000 to Eightbyfive. These
payments were ostensibly for the provision of services by Eightbyfive to
Patinack Farm but were in fact political donations to help fund the NSW Liberal
Party 2011 Central Coast election campaign. The parties to this
arrangement intended to evade the disclosure requirements of the Election
Funding Act. The payments made after 1 January 2011, totalling $33,000,
exceeded the applicable caps on political donations. Although the payments to
Eightbyfive were made by Patinack Farm, the arrangement was organised through
Buildev, a property developer (chapter 20).

*
Mr Koelma and Mr Webber (the NSW Liberal Party candidate for the seat of Wyong)
were parties to an arrangement whereby, between 2010 and 2011, Mr Koelma’s
business, Eightbyfive, made payments totalling at least $34,650, and up to
$49,500, to Mr Webber. These payments were ostensibly for the provision of
services by Mr Webber to Eightbyfive but were in fact political donations to
help fund Mr Webber’s 2011 election campaign for the seat of Wyong. The
parties to this arrangement intended to evade the disclosure requirements of
the Election Funding Act. The payments made after 1 January 2011 exceeded the
applicable caps on political donations (chapter 20).

*
Raymond Carter used the Free Enterprise Foundation to channel political
donations to the NSW Liberal Party for its 2011 NSW state election campaign so
that the identity of the true donor was disguised from the Election Funding
Authority. A portion of this money was from property developers (chapter 21).

*
Mr Carter and Mr Koelma entered into an arrangement to use Mr Koelma’s
business, Eightbyfive, to channel political donations to the NSW Liberal Party
for the 2011 Central Coast election campaign with the intention of evading the
Election Funding Act laws relating to disclosure to the Election Funding
Authority of political donations and the ban on accepting political donations
from property developers. The political donations obtained by Mr Carter
under this scheme included $5,000 from each of LA Commercial Pty Ltd, Yeramba
Estates Pty Ltd and Brentwood Village Pty Ltd, and $2,200 from Crown Consortium
Pty Ltd (chapter 21).

*
In March 2011, Mr Carter used a business, Mickey Tech, with the intention of
evading the Election Funding Act laws relating to disclosure of political
donations by disguising from the Election Funding Authority political donations
of $2,000 from INE Pty Ltd and $2,000 from Maggiotto Building Pty Ltd. In each
case, the money was sought and received by Mr Carter as a political donation
for the 2011 NSW state election campaign. Although at the time Mr Carter
received the money he intended to apply all the money for the purposes of the
election campaign, he eventually only applied $2,400 for this purpose, the
balance being applied to private use (chapter 21).

*
In March 2011, Mr Hartcher received three bank cheques payable to the NSW
Liberal Party totalling $4,000. They were received by Mr Hartcher for the
benefit of the NSW Liberal Party for the March 2011 state election campaign. In
November 2011, some eight months after the election, Mr Hartcher arranged for
the cheques to be paid into the trust account of Hartcher Reid, a legal firm,
and for that firm to draw a cheque for $4,000 in favour of Mickey Tech, a
business owned by Mr Carter’s partner. After the $4,000 was deposited into that
account, it was withdrawn in cash by Mr Carter and given to Mr Hartcher.
These steps are inconsistent with an intention on the part of Mr Hartcher to
apply the $4,000 for the benefit of the NSW Liberal Party (chapter 23).

*
In about November 2010, Mr Gallacher sought a political donation from Mr Sharpe
of Buildev by inviting him to attend a New Year’s Eve political fundraising
function for which Mr Sharpe or Buildev would make a payment. Mr Gallacher knew
that they were property developers, and he sought the political donation with
the intention of evading the election funding laws relating to the ban on
property developers making political donations (chapter 25).

*
In late 2010, Mr Gallacher, Mr Hartcher and Mr Williams of Buildev were involved
in an arrangement whereby two political donations totalling $53,000 were
provided to the NSW Liberal Party for use in its 2011 election campaigns for
the seats of Newcastle and Londonderry. To facilitate this arrangement, on 13
December 2010, Mr Palmer, a director of Boardwalk Resources Limited, a company
of which Mr Tinkler was the major shareholder, drew two cheques totalling
$53,000 payable to the Free Enterprise Foundation. These were provided to Mr
Hartcher who arranged for them to be sent to Mr Nicolaou. Mr Nicolaou sent the
cheques to the Free Enterprise Foundation. The Free Enterprise Foundation
subsequently sent money to the NSW Liberal Party, which included the $53,000.
Of the $53,000, some $35,000 was used to help fund Timothy Owen’s 2011 election
campaign in the seat of Newcastle and $18,000 was used towards the purchase of
a key seats package for Bart Bassett’s 2011 election campaign in the seat of
Londonderry. Although the cheques for the donations were drawn on the account
of Boardwalk Resources, they were made for Buildev, a property developer. Each
of Mr Gallacher, Mr Hartcher and Mr Williams entered into this arrangement with
the intention of evading the Election Funding Act laws relating to the accurate
disclosure to the Election Funding Authority of political donations (chapter
26).

*
In about February 2011, Jeffrey McCloy gave HughThomson $10,000 in cash as a
political donation to fund Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign for the seat of
Newcastle with the intention of evading the Election Funding Act laws relating
to the ban on the making of political donations by property developers and the applicable
cap on political donations. By not reporting the donation, he intended to evade
the disclosure requirements of the Election Funding Act. In accepting the
political donation, Mr Thompson intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws
relating to the ban on accepting political donations from property developers
and the applicable cap on political donations. By not ensuring the donation was
disclosed, he intended to evade the disclosure requirements of the Election
Funding Act (chapter 27).

*
In early 2011, Mr McCloy gave Mr Owen $10,000 in cash as a political donation
to fund Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign. In making the payment, Mr McCloy
intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on the
making of political donations by property developers and the applicable cap on
political donations. By not reporting the donation, he intended to evade the
disclosure requirements of the Election Funding Act. In accepting the political
donation, Mr Owen intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to
the ban on accepting political donations from property developers and the
applicable cap on political donations. By not ensuring the donation was
disclosed, he intended to evade the disclosure requirements of the Election
Funding Act (chapter 27).

*
In early 2011, Hilton Grugeon gave Mr Thomson $10,000 in cash as a political
donation to fund Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign. In making the payment, Mr
Grugeon intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on
the making of political donations by property developers and the applicable cap
on political donations. By not reporting the donation, he intended to evade the
disclosure requirements of the Election Funding Act. In accepting the political
donation, Mr Thompson intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating
to the ban on accepting political donations from property developers and the
applicable cap on political donations. By not ensuring the donation was
disclosed, he intended to evade the disclosure requirements of the
Election Funding Act (chapter 27).

*
Services provided by Mezzanine Media Australia Pty Ltd for Mr Owen’s 2011
election campaign were paid for, in part, by a political donation of $5,000
made by Keith Stronach, a property developer. The payment evaded the
Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on the making of political
donations by property developers. The political donation was not disclosed as
required by the Election Funding Act. Mr Owen and Mr Thomson were aware that Mr
Stronach was a property developer and were aware that Mr Stronach paid money
towards Mr Owen’s election campaign (chapter 27).

*
Services provided by Mezzanine Media Australia for Mr Owen’s 2011 election
campaign were paid for, in part, by a political donation of $14,190 organised
by Mr Williams on behalf of Buildev, a property developer. In organising the
payment, Mr Williams intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws
relating to the ban on the making of political donations by property developers
and the applicable cap on political donations. By not reporting the donation he
intended to evade the disclosure requirements of the Election Funding Act. Mr
Owen and Mr Thomson were aware that Buildev was a property developer and
that it had paid money towards Mr Owen’s election campaign (chapter 27).

*
Mr Gallacher was responsible for proposing to Mr McCloy and Mr Grugeon an
arrangement whereby each of them would contribute to the payment of Luke Grant
for his work on Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign. He did so with the
intention that the Election Funding Act laws in relation to the prohibition on
political donations from property developers and the requirements for the
disclosure of political donations to the Election Funding Authority would be
evaded (chapter 27).

*
Mr Owen, Mr Thompson, Mr Grugeon and Mr McCloy were parties to an arrangement
whereby payments totalling $19,875 made to Mr Grant for his work on Mr
Owen’s 2011 election campaign were falsely attributed to services allegedly
provided to companies operated by Mr McCloy and Mr Grugeon. Those involved
in this arrangement intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws in relation
to the prohibition on political donations from property developers and the
requirements for the disclosure of political donations to the Election Funding
Authority. The payments were also in excess of the caps imposed on
individual donors (chapter 27).

*
Services provided by Joshua Hodges for Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign
were paid for, in part, by a political donation of $3,998.50 made by William
Saddington of PW Saddington & Sons Pty Ltd. The payment was disguised as
being for consultancy services provided to that company. The payment had the
effect of evading the disclosure requirements of the Election Funding Act. Mr Owen
and Mr Thomson were aware that Mr Saddington was contributing to Mr Owen’s
election campaign expenses by paying Mr Hodges. They did not ensure that the
donation was disclosed as required by the Election Funding Act (chapter 27).

*
Services provided by Australian Decal Sales and Manufacturing Co Pty Ltd for
Mr Owen’s 2011 election campaign were paid for in August 2011 by a
political donation of $3,198.80 organised by Mr Williams on behalf of Buildev,
a property developer. By organising the payment, Mr Williams intended to
evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on the making of
political donations by property developers and the disclosure requirements of
the Election Funding Act. Mr Owen and Mr Thomson were aware this political
donation had been made by a property developer and participated in this
arrangement with the intention of evading the Election Funding Act laws
relating to the ban on accepting political donations from property developers.
They did not ensure the donation was disclosed as required by the Election
Funding Act (chapter 27).

*
During the 2011 NSW state election campaign, a third-party campaign known as
“FedUp” was conducted by Rolly De With, Neil Slater and Paul Murphy using the
name of a local business association, the Newcastle Alliance. The purpose of
the campaign was to assist in defeating the sitting member for the seat of
Newcastle, Ms McKay, in the 2011 NSW state election. In March 2011, a
payment of $50,000 was arranged by Mr Williams of Buildev and authorised by Mr
Tinkler to fund the campaign. The payment was ostensibly made by Serene Lodge
Racing Pty Ltd but was in fact money from Mr Tinkler and was made for Buildev,
a property developer. The $50,000 payment was a political donation and was in
excess of the $2,000 cap on political donations made for the benefit of a
third-party campaigner. The political donation was not disclosed to the
Election Funding Authority by Buildev, Serene Lodge Racing or Mr Tinkler
(chapter 28).

*
On 6 October 2010, Mr McCloy paid $10,000 in cash to Andrew Cornwell, the NSW
Liberal Party candidate for the seat of Charlestown, as a political donation
for Andrew Cornwell’s 2011 election campaign. By making the donation, Mr McCloy
intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on property
developers making political donations and the requirement for the disclosure of
political donations. By accepting the donation Andrew Cornwell intended to
evade the Election Funding Act requirement relating to the ban on property developers
making political donations and the requirement for the accurate disclosure of
political donations (chapter 29).

*
Andrew Cornwell, his wife, Samantha Brookes, and Mr Grugeon were parties to an
arrangement involving the pretence that a payment of $10,120 made in early 2011
by Mr Grugeon, a property developer, was for a painting. The $10,120 was in
fact a political donation made by Mr Grugeon to fund Andrew Cornwell’s
2011 NSW state election campaign. In participating in this arrangement, Mr Grugeon
intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on the
making of donations by property developers and the requirement for disclosure
of political donations. In participating in this arrangement, Andrew Cornwell
intended to evade the Election Funding Act laws relating to the ban on
accepting political donations from property developers, and the requirement for
accurate disclosure of political donations received. The payment exceeded the
applicable cap on political donations (chapter 29).

*
During the 2011 NSW state election campaign, Garry Edwards, the NSW Liberal
Party candidate for the seat of Swansea, received a political donation by way
of a cash payment of about $1,500 from Mr McCloy, a property developer. Mr
Edwards accepted the donation with the intention of evading the election
funding laws relating to the ban on accepting political donations from property
developers and the requirements for disclosure of political donations. Mr
McCloy knew he was making a political donation and that, as a property
developer, he was prohibited from making such a donation (chapter 30).

*
In 2007, Craig Baumann, the NSW Liberal Party candidate for the seat of Port
Stephens, entered into an arrangement with Mr McCloy and Mr Grugeon to
disguise from the Election Funding Authority the fact that companies associated
with Mr McCloy and Mr Grugeon had donated $79,684 towards Mr Baumann’s 2007 NSW
election campaign. As part of this arrangement, a company associated with
Mr McCloy made a political donation of $32,604 and a company associated
with Mr Grugeon made a political donation of $47,080. These political donations
were paid to Mr Baumann’s company, Mambare Pty Ltd, which, in turn, paid the
money to the Medowie branch of the NSW Liberal Party to be used for Mr
Baumann’s 2007 election campaign. Mr Baumann caused Mambare to lodge a
declaration with the Election Funding Authority that falsely claimed that it
had donated the money to the NSW Liberal Party. Mr Baumann did so with the
intention of evading the election funding laws relating to the accurate
disclosure of political donations (chapter 31).

*
In about November 2010, Mr Baumann entered into an arrangement with Vincent
Heufel with the intention of evading the Election Funding Act laws relating to
the truthful disclosure of political donations. Under this arrangement, Mr
Heufel made a donation of $100,000 for Mr Baumann’s election campaign and Mr
Baumann reduced the amount his company, Mambare, charged for building Mr
Heufel’s house by that amount. This was done so that Mr Heufel could falsely
represent that he was responsible for making the political donation, rather
than Mr Baumann’s company and so that Mambare could evade disclosing that it
had made a political donation for Mr Baumann’s 2011 NSW state election campaign
(chapter 31).

*
In 2010, for the purposes of his 2011 NSW state election campaign, Mr Bassett,
the NSW Liberal Party candidate for the seat of Londonderry, solicited a
political donation from Buildev, a property developer. This culminated in the
drawing of a cheque, dated 13 December 2010, for $18,000 on the account of
Boardwalk Resources, which was payable to the Free Enterprise Foundation. The
Free Enterprise Foundation subsequently sent money to the NSW Liberal Party,
which included the $18,000. The $18,000 was used towards the purchase of
a key seats package for Mr Bassett’s 2011 election campaign in the seat of
Londonderry. Although the cheque for $18,000 was drawn on the account of
Boardwalk Resources, the donation was made for Buildev. Mr Bassett was aware at
the time he solicited the political donation that Buildev was a property
developer and knew it was not able to make a political donation and he was not
able to accept a political donation from a property developer (chapter
32).

proposed
mega-port in Yamba and poor communication between Council and

the
Community are all issues that need to be addressed.

I
am putting my hand up to have a go and apply my work ethic for the next four

years
towards laying the foundation for the future of the Clarence.

I
don’t pretend to know everything and know I am in for a steep learning curve

should
I be elected. To be honest, I can’t promise an extensive amount of political

experience
to bring to the Council table, but the Council already has plenty of

political
experience. Maybe now is the time it needs something different.

I
can’t promise political expertise, but I can promise to be someone who will

listen
respectfully to all, no matter their opinion or background. I can promise a

voice
that has been in the area a long time and knows what it is like to raise

children
and start a business locally. I can promise a voice that supports common

sense,
getting back to basics and not spending beyond our means or slamming

local
residents with a special rates variation.

I
won’t be telling you how to vote nor will I be giving any other candidates my

preference
vote. If I am fortunate enough to be elected I will professionally work

with
whomever else you elect on the day.

My
vision for the Clarence Valley is for everyone to be inspired to be part of the

conversation
so that we may confront our issues together and as best we can. If I

am
elected to Council, I intend to start that conversation as soon as possible.

Text
and photograph supplied by Debrah Novak

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

MARTY WELLS

Marty Wells

MY 2020 VISION

Running on the under 45's ticket for Clarence Valley Council, MARTY WELLS

has his sights set clearly on the future, by focussing on a 4 year plan.

“This next Council will have to uphold a commitment to revitalise

the entire region by the year 2020, and I've got the vision to

maintain that energy.”

His main policy is structurally sound and simple: Keep our children

HAPPY HEALTHY HERE

“Anyone aged 14 now will be eligible to Vote at the next Election

Are they happy now? Are we listening to them?

What would they consider important if they wanted to be happier?

Families need to feel that Council will cease talking over their heads

and build realistic programs, to remind us all that we care about kids.”

Mental health has long been an issue of importance locally, and one that Marty feels

continues to be swept under the rug, or even addressed with only half-hearted concern.

“My work within a number of community groups has granted me insight into

how much pressure there is to achieve more than previous generations,

and how easily upset our youth can get without proper support.

We must identify the real causes behind the genuine cases of mental illness,

and act now. Not in two years time: right now.”

Marty believes that change is paramount, in order to give the Valley hope.

“We can't expect our kids to just nod and agree with us.

The current council has done almost nothing to retain the attention of

our Under 30's for long term prospects and growth. They have used social media

more as a platform to pat themselves on the back, which negates the real purpose:

To provide a two-way means of communication with all of our residents,

from all situations.”

By 2018, Marty would like to see the graduation rate from Year 12 increase to 35%

and to review previously unsuccessful plans to build a University within the Valley.

Text supplied by Marty Wells and photograph from @mwells.cvc

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

ANDREW BAKER

Unknown artist’s impression of Andrew Baker

I was fortunate enough to be born, raised and to live in Maclean until 15 years old. Since then I’ve lived and worked around the Clarence Valley at Grafton, South Grafton, Maclean, Woodford Island, Mountain View, Lawrence, Ashby and Harwood Island - interrupted by 4 years in the Pilbara Iron Ore industry at Shay Gap. I started property development in Maclean in 1985.

Studying accountancy for 2 years made me realise I should become a Real Estate Agent. I completed the 3-year licensing course in 1990. In 1989 I started my own Real Estate Agency in Maclean. At the same time, cane farming for 11 years at Sportsman’s Creek from 1992 included 3 years elected director to the board of one of the top 250 Australian businesses at the time, the NSW Sugar Milling Cooperative.

I’ve attracted success, failure, achievement and support from wonderful people many times along the way. At the 2012 council elections I offered my open-book life experience to voters. I was humbled to be then elected as councillor.

Now I’m one of 4 councillors with one shared vision and imperative - to repair the council financial failings.

And to do that without penalising the ratepayers by the proposed 41% rates increase.

We strongly believe increases above rate-pegging IS NOT the answer. A 41% rates increase will merely hide the problems for a while longer.

4 councillors, Jim Simmons, Karen Toms, Margaret McKenna and I, agree on one vital issue – fix the council financial situation without excessive rates increases. We’ve made no other promises, agreements or undertakings to each other. Each of us reserves the right to disagree on any other issue.

These 4 councillors opposed the recent 6.5% increase. 4 in a council of 9 isn’t enough. By one vote. We’ve pushed hard for conservative alternatives to be considered. 5 councillors hell-bent on rates increases, more rates increases, and ‘slug the ratepayer’ have consistently rejected any serious examination of alternatives!

As councillors we don’t need to ‘discover’ the failings. We’ve been told. By the Independent Pricing And Regulatory Tribunal (IPART), by the Office of Local Government (OLG), by NSW Government Treasury Corporation (T-Corp) and by council’s debt management consultant Ernst & Young (E&Y).

The experts tell us council is; Financially weak, financially unsustainable, Not Fit For The Future, Not spending enough on Infrastructure Maintenance, above “Moderate Risk” Debt Range by $15 million to $50 million, and way over the “Conservative” Debt Levels Range by $50million to $75million as reported by E&Y February 2015.

And we’re unnecessarily spending reserve funds on a big new depot.

The experts have told us what to do. We should; spend less, live within our means, spend on maintenance of infrastructure - not new things and, manage the excessive debt.

Health Minister Peter Dutton has predicted an overhaul of Medicare, saying spiralling costs will make the system ''unmanageable'' without change.

In an interview with Fairfax Media, Mr Dutton gave the strongest signal yet that the Abbott government may adopt a politically explosive proposal to charge a $6 fee to visit the doctor…..

Annual spending on Medicare climbed from $8.1 billion in 2002-03 to $17.8 billion, an increase of 120 per cent. Growth in Medicare spending was faster than growth in the total health budget of 104 per cent over the decade, and Pharmaceutical Benefits Schedule spending, which rose 79 per cent over the same period.

There are 2.3 million Australians who see their doctor more than 12 times a year and they are eating up forty one per cent (16 billion) of the Medicare budget.

These patients received on average $1,850 in non hospital Medicare payments.

NOW it is something to celebrate….

Liberal MP for Farrer and Australian Minister for Health and Aging, Sussan Ley, media release, 28 August 2016:

An extra 17 million GP services were bulk billed under the Coalition last year compared with Labor following another year of record Medicare investment by the Turnbull Government, as Bill Shorten’s Mediscare lies “crumble around him” and leave the credibility of his leadership in tatters.

Minister for Health and Aged Care Sussan Ley today revealed a record 123 million out of 145 million GP services were fully-funded by the Turnbull Government at no cost to patients through Medicare during 2015-16.

This saw GP bulk billing hit a historic high of 85.1 per cent under the Turnbull Government – up from 84.3 per cent in 2014-15 – and follows the Coalition’s record $7.1 billion investment in general practice via Medicare last year.

The number of Australians accessing Medicare-funded GP services was also up by nearly half-a-million to 20.9 million last year, while the average number of services and spend per GP patient grew to 6.9 and $344 respectively…..

Overall, the number of Medicare services increased to 384 million in 2015-16 – more than one million per day – at a total cost of $21,107,750,246 – an increase of nearly $1 billion on 2014-15 – with the overall Medicare bulk billing rate also increasing to 78.2 per cent in 2015-16 from 77.6 per cent the year before.

I suspect that a number of government MPs will be making appointments with their local chiropractor after repeating this spectacular backflip.

Monday, 29 August 2016

Independent costings suggest the Federal Government could end up losing money out of its proposed overhaul of superannuation changes if a key measure is watered down.

The Government has proposed a $500,000 limit on after-tax contributions to superannuation, in a move it says will save $500 million over four years.

The changes have upset a number of Coalition MPs, with some pushing for the $500,000 limit to be increased.

Analysis conducted by the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) — commissioned by the Greens before the Government's proposal was put in place — suggest any increase of that limit could see those budget savings evaporate.

The PBO document from last year modelled the impact of hypothetical caps on superannuation after-tax contributions, ranging from $500,000 to $800,000.

According to the PBO, placing a $500,000 lifetime cap — which the Government is proposing — will see an additional $165 million put into government coffers over four years.

Increasing that cap to $600,000 would see those savings disappear — and end up costing the Government $85 million over the same period.

An $800,000 cap would cost the Government $335 million.....

The analysis did not look at the impact of back-dating the measures to 2007, which is a key part of the Coalition's proposal……

Mr Morrison announced the cap in non-concessional contributions as part of an overhaul of the superannuation system, forecasting it would save $550 million, starting from July 1, 2017.

Mr Morrison has been negotiating with the backbench following concerns raised within the Coalition about aspects of the policy.

On Monday, Mr Morrison resisted rolling-back on superannuation unless savings were found from elsewhere.

"I would find it pretty hard to look my kids in the eye and tell them they have got to saddle a higher debt because someone who had a very big income wanted to pay less tax," Mr Morrison told 2GB.

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
[Adopted and proclaimed by United Nations General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1948]

NSW North Coast

Australian Bureau of Meteorology

Moggy Musings

Hi! My name is Boy. I'm a male bi-coloured tabby cat. Ever since I discovered that Malcolm Turnbull's dogs were allowed to blog, I have been pestering Clarencegirl to allow me a small space on North Coast Voices.

A false flag musing: I have noticed one particular voice on Facebook which is Pollyanna-positive on the subject of the Port of Yamba becoming a designated cruise ship destination. What this gentleman doesn’t disclose is that, as a principal of Middle Star Pty Ltd, he could be thought to have a potential pecuniary interest due to the fact that this corporation (which has had an office in Grafton since 2012) provides consultancy services and tourismbusiness development services.

A religion & local government musing: On 11 October 2017 Clarence Valley Council has the Church of Jesus Christ Development Fund Inc in Sutherland Local Court No. 6 for a small claims hearing. It would appear that there may be a little issue in rendering unto Caesar. On 19 September 2017 an ordained minister of a religion (which was named by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse in relation to 40 instances of historical child sexual abuse on the NSW North Coast) read the Opening Prayer at Council’s ordinary monthly meeting. Earlier in the year an ordained minister (from a church network alleged to have supported an overseas orphanage closed because of child abuse claims in 2013) read the Opening Prayer and an ordained minister (belonging to yet another church network accused of ignoring child sexual abuse in the US and racism in South Africa) read the Opening Prayer at yet another ordinary monthly meeting. Nice one councillors - you are covering yourselves with glory!

An investigative musing: Newcastle Herald, 12 August 2017: The state’s corruption watchdog has been asked to investigate the finances of the Awabakal Aboriginal Local Land Council, less than 12 months after the troubled organisation was placed into administration by the state government. The Newcastle Herald understands accounting firm PKF Lawler made the decision to refer the land council to the Independent Commission Against Corruption after discovering a number of irregularities during an audit of its financial statements.The results of the audit were recently presented to a meeting of Awabakal members. Administrator Terry Lawler did not respond when contacted by the Herald and a PKF Lawler spokesperson said it was unable to comment on the matter. Given the intricate web of company relationships that existed with at least one former board member it is not outside the realms of possibility that, if ICAC accepts this referral, then United Land Councils Limited (registered New Zealand) and United First Peoples Syndications Pty Ltd(registered Australia) might be interviewed. North Coast Voices readers will remember that on 15 August 2015 representatives of these two companied gave evidence before NSW Legislative Council General Purpose Standing Committee No. 6 INQUIRY INTO CROWN LAND. This evidence included advocating for a Yamba mega port.

A Nationals musing: Word around the traps is that NSW Nats MP for Clarence Chris Gulaptis has been talking up the notion of cruise ships visiting the Clarence River estuary. Fair dinkum! That man can be guaranteed to run with any bad idea put to him. I'm sure one or more cruise ships moored in the main navigation channel on a regular basis for one, two or three days is something other regular river users will really welcome. *pause for appreciation of irony* The draft of the smallest of the smaller cruise vessels is 3 metres and it would only stay safely afloat in that channel. Even the Yamba-Iluka ferry has been known to get momentarily stuck in silt/sand from time to time in Yamba Bay and even a very small cruise ship wouldn't be able to safely enter and exit Iluka Bay. You can bet your bottom dollar operators of cruise lines would soon be calling for dredging at the approach to the river mouth - and you know how well that goes down with the local residents.

A local councils musing: Which Northern Rivers council is on a low-key NSW Office of Local Government watch list courtesy of feet dragging by a past general manager?

A serial pest musing: I'm sure the Clarence Valley was thrilled to find that a well-known fantasist is active once again in the wee small hours of the morning treading a well-worn path of accusations involving police, local business owners and others.

An investigative musing: Which NSW North Coast council is batting to have the longest running code of conduct complaint investigation on record?

A which bank? musing: Despite a net profit last year of $9,227 million the Commonwealth Bank still insists on paying below Centrelink deeming rates interest on money held in Pensioner Security Accounts. One local wag says he’s waiting for the first bill from the bank charging him for the privilege of keeping his pension dollars at that bank.

A Daily Examiner musing: Just when you thought this newspaper could sink no lower under News Corp management, it continues to give column space to Andrew Bolt.

A thought to ponder musing: In case of bushfire or flood - do you have an emergency evacuation plan for the family pet?

An adoption musing: Every week on the NSW North Coast a number of cats and dogs find themselves without a home. If you want to do your bit and give one bundle of joy a new family, contact Happy Paws on 0419 404 766 or your local council pound.