Volume 14, Issue 2,
January 2005

Extracted from text ... E D ITO R IAL
Since 1990, two issues have almost become synonymous
on the political and security landscape
in Africa. As conflicts have broken out in various
parts of the continent, so too has the debate
about the forms and methods that should be
used to keep the peace in these trouble spots.
Thus, the conceptualisation of peacekeeping in
Africa has shifted considerably since the newly
independent states joined the United Nations
(UN) to keep the peace in the newly independent
Congo Republic (now Democratic Republic
of Congo, or DRC) in the 1960s. Subsequent
efforts at responding to ..

In the wake of heightened media and political pressure about the Darfur humanitarian catastrophe,
the African Union (AU) hurriedly deployed its monitors in Darfur, to be augmented later by a
protection force to safeguard the monitors, albeit without adequate pre-deployment and logistic
assessment. Without doubt, the Darfur crisis has become the AU's major preoccupation for the
past year. The deployment of the African Mission in Sudan (AMIS) since June 2004 has presented
many challenges to the AU and its partners. A restrictive mandate, inadequate troops to cover
Darfur, serious operational, logistical and capacity shortfalls have combined in an inextricable way
to present the AU's mission to some observers as spineless and ineffective. The UN and partners
have acknowledged the lead role of the AU in Darfur, and have been very supportive with assistance
in these critical deficient areas. How the AU will take advantage of this favourable environment and
optimise the benefits from its partners will be crucial to its success in Darfur. The article emphasises
the need for the AU to strengthen its capacity and expertise at all levels of command through technical
cooperation and appropriate assistance from the UN and partners. The entire world is waiting to
see how Africa delivers on this critical assignment.

The authors consider the recent referral by the UN Security Council of the situation in the western
region of Sudan (Darfur) for investigation and prosecution to the International Criminal Court. The
paper focuses on the context of this referral, especially since the referral signals a capitulation by the
United States of America (which had the power to veto the referral) in the face of worldwide pressure
for the United Nations to take action against perpetrators of atrocities in Sudan. In considering
the referral, the authors point out that the International Criminal Court has been handed a hot
potato. Because it is one of the first cases that the court will hear, the spotlight will be on the court's
effectiveness as an instrument of international criminal justice. Sudan is not party to the court's
statute, however, and accordingly owes the court no obligation to cooperate in the investigation and
prosecution of Sudanese offenders.

Peace and security have become priority issues for the African continent, and for the international
community. The dynamics that Africa has developed on its own, as well as the dynamics currently
involved in outside support for Africa, are concerned not exclusively, but in large measure, with military
capabilities. In fact, in the past many examples indicate that mechanisms put in place by African
nations themselves or by the international community have been unwilling or unable to intervene
militarily in emergency situations to protect civilian populations.
<br>Against this background, the paper seeks to determine how and in what form external actors are
supporting African efforts, and what shape future challenges may take. The paper will also discuss
whether the ongoing debate on the military dimension is an indication of a 'backlog' of issues that
demand more attention, or whether the discussion must be seen as an indication of an overly narrow
focus on the military. Finally, the implications for development policy will be discussed.
<br>The paper concludes that ongoing African efforts and measures aimed at implementing a new
peace and security architecture must be seen as positive. However, a number of structural deficits
must still be overcome to implement a truly effective peace and security architecture.

Extracted from text ... AFRICA WATCH
C?TE D'IVOIRE
A region at stake
Between 3 and 6 April this year, a peace summit
was held in Pretoria under the chairmanship of
President Thabo Mbeki, in what many observers
saw as a final chance to avert a return to open
conflict in C?te d'Ivoire's slow civil war. What
was remarkable about the event was that Mbeki
not only secured the attendance of the principal
players in the crisis, but let them know that they
would not be leaving the venue until he had
secured their agreement to a way forward in the
stalled peace process. After ..

Extracted from text ... AFRICA WATCH
IN TRANSIT?
The socio-economic transformation of Burundi
As Burundi prepares for its first democratic elections
since the beginning of war in 1993, civil
society expectations of the new government are
set to rise. Violence that racked the tiny, landlocked
country for so long has ceased to motivate
the majority who voted in favour of the
interim constitution in the recent referendum.
The constitution, like the Arusha Peace and
Reconciliation Accords signed between 19 political
parties in 2000, is based on the principle of
"power sharing" between the dominant Hutu
and minority Tutsi and Twa constituencies,
signalling a dramatic ..

Extracted from text ... AFRICA WATCH
DEMOBILISATION, DISARMAMENT
AND REINTEGRATION (DD&R)
A key to peace in C?te d'Ivoire
During the peace talks that finished in Pretoria
on 6 April 2005, the parties to the Ivorian
conflict agreed that the Chiefs of Staff of the
National Armed Forces of the C?te d' Ivoire
(FANCI) and the Armed Forces of the New
Forces (FAFN) would meet immediately to
ensure the implementation of the National
Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration
Plan (PNDDR). DDR has been a priority since
the signature of the Marcoussis peace accord in
January 2003, and the Accra III agreement in July
2004. In the ..

Extracted from text ... AFRICA WATCH
ZIMBABWE
More of the same?
On 31 March this year Zimbabweans went to
the polls to elect a new parliament. The ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front (ZANU-PF) had laid the groundwork
for yet another victory, having in the last few
years hobbled the opposition press, hounded its
principal rival, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) by means fair and foul, and
either co-opted or cowed the population at
large with a welter of blandishments and threats.
Under the circumstances, there were few external
observers who expected the MDC to achieve
anything like its brave showing in the ..

Extracted from text ... ESSAY
UN REFORM AND FUNDING
PEACEKEEPING IN AFRICA
Introduction
Two recent reports, the Report of the Secretary-
General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges
and Change1 and the Report of the Secretary-General,
In Larger Freedom: towards development, security
and human rights for all2 are extremely welcome
and appropriate documents for those concerned
with improvements in global peace and security,
particularly in Africa. The two reports include a
set of findings and recommendations that aim to
address many of the gaps that have developed in
modern peacekeeping. On the one hand, both
reports argue that the role of regional organisations
in ..

In the post-Cold World era, West Africa, like most other regions of the world, experienced significant
shifts in its approach to, and understanding of security. The outbreak of brutal domestic conflicts
in the sub-region and ECOWAS's subsequent deployment of its peacekeeping force, ECOMOG,
marked a turning point in the sub-region's attempt to develop a security architecture that began in
the 1970s. This paper argues that in the post-Cold War era, West Africa is in the process of evolving
from a security complex to a security community. The inter-linked nature of the conflicts in the Mano
River basin reinforced the security interdependence of member states of the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS). These factors, coupled with the close cultural and historical ties,
geographical proximity qualifies West Africa as a security complex. The adoption of the ECOWAS
Protocol on Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution and Peacekeeping, the supplementary
Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and the ECOWAS Moratorium on Small Arms and
Light Weapons are clearly aimed at the institutionalisation of conflict resolution mechanisms - a
move away from the ad hoc approach of the 1990s. If the democratic peace theory holds true (that
democracies do not fight each other), one could make the argument that democracies do not harbour
dissidents from neighbouring states. Hence, the development and consolidation of a democratic ethos
in the sub-region would lead to the eventual development of a security community.

I am afraid there is clear evidence that acts of gross misconduct have taken place. This is a
shameful thing for the United Nations to have to say, and I am absolutely outraged by it.
- Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General
<br>Despite promulgating a comprehensive set of guidelines to deter UN personnel from committing
acts of sexual misconduct, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have become widespread
within United Nations peacekeeping missions. The policy of zero-tolerance for peacekeeper misconduct
has not been matched by strong disciplinary measures, and crimes are often ignored and rarely
punished: absentee fathers, rapists and murderers simply disappear back in their home countries. In
countries where women and children rarely have the same economic resources, political rights and
authority or control over their environment - or their bodies - they easily become prey for those
in perceived positions of power and authority. By failing to hold those responsible to account, the
UN may in fact be fuelling even greater discrimination and violence against women and children. In
order to ensure those who are mandated to protect to do not become perpetrators of abuse, the UN
must take a stronger stand against those who commit acts of sexual misconduct, and must ensure that
victims see that their abuser is brought to justice and that reparation is offered. A recent report submitted
by the Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse makes a
comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent, detect, and respond to these allegations. The aim
of this essay is to highlight some of the main points of the Special Envoy's report, and to examine
the practical challenges the UN and troop/police contributing countries will face when attempting
to implement these recommendations.

This study was designed to examine the influence of gender and age on attitudes toward professional
ethics among a sample of the Nigeria police officers. Using a cross-sectional survey, data was collected
from a total of 163 participants. Results revealed that gender and age were significant predictors of
unethical beliefs; female and older police participants were also more ethical than their male and
younger counterparts. These findings were discussed in the context of socialization theory, Gilligan's
moral development theory and other organisational practices, while its practical implications for the
recruitment, selection and placement in the Nigeria police were also emphasized.

Extracted from text ... COMMENTARY
HUMAN-CENTRED ENVIRONMENTAL
SECURITY IN AFRICA
The people of Africa entered the 21st century facing
a security and development crisis of immense
proportions. It is the continent hardest hit
by growing poverty and inequity: average life
expectancy has declined from 50 years to 46
since 1990, and in most of sub-Saharan Africa
one in 10 children dies before it reaches age five.
Africans are threatened by their lack of access
to resources and the growing pressure on the
natural resource base. The loss of arable land,
water scarcity, over-fishing, deforestation and
loss of biodiversity presents enormous challenges
for sustainable development. ..

Extracted from text ... COMMENTARY
THE 3rd PAN-AFRICAN PARLIAMENT SESSION
Utility or futility?
Amid the ceremony and fanfare that characterised
the launch of the Pan-African Parliament
(PAP) in March 2003, there were critical voices
that cautioned Africans not to expect miracles.
The questions relate to the difference the continental
assembly would make in promoting
democracy and human rights, given its self-proclaimed
role in this regard. To what extent might
the parliament manage to twist the arms of heads
of state to deal with a range of challenges facing
the continent? Of what practical value would the
parliament be to ordinary Africans tired of wars ..

Extracted from text ... COMMENTARY
PEACE SUPPORT OPERATIONS AND
PERPETUAL HUMAN FAILINGS
'Are we all human, or are some more human than others?'1
Introduction
In 1994, in the tiny African country of Rwanda,
eight hundred thousand Rwandans were brutally
murdered in a period of a hundred days.
In the words of Lt. General Romeo Dallaire, the
force commander of the United Nations (UN)
Assistance Mission for Rwanda from July 1993
to September 1994 (UNAMIR), it was a case of
'betrayal, failure, na?vet?, indifference, hatred,
genocide, war, inhumanity and evil'2. The UN
stood by and the world's great powers chose to
do nothing. On the ..

Extracted from text ... BOOK REVIEWS
FAMINE THAT KILLS
Darfur, Sudan
ALEX DE WAAL
Oxford University Press,
Revised edition 2005.
victims. He notes the frequent lack of coherence
between macro-economic theory and micro-level
research on livelihoods and coping strategies.
He revisits his original questioning of the very
concept of "famine", and what it means to those
who experience it. He emphasises the importance
of avoiding the simplicities inherent in confusing
famine with the idea of "food insecurity", and of
ignoring the broader issues of livelihoods, health
and social cohesion. On this view, famine kills
not merely by having people starve to death
but in ..

Extracted from text ... 120 African Security Review 14(2) ? 2005
Al Venter is well known in military circles. He
has written twenty books since 1969 ranging from
accounts of insurgency wars in Guinea Bissau,
Angola, the former Rhodesia and in Africa generally.
For the last 25 years, Venter has served as
correspondent for a number of the Jane's publications,
including International Defence Review,
Defence Weekly, Terrorism and Security Monitor.
He knows what he is writing about and clearly
has sympathy with soldiering, with mercenaries
and anything to do with guns - hence almost a
chapter (one of twenty four) devoted to extolling
the ..

Extracted from text ... LETTING THEM DIE
Why HIV prevention programmes
often fail
CATHERINE CAMPBELL
The International African Institute, in association with
James Currey publishers, Oxford; Indiana Uniersity Press,
Bloomington and Indianapolis; and Double Storey,
Cape Town.
With the HIV / AIDS epidemic increasingly recognised
as one of the greatest humanitarian, development
and, many argue, security challenges of
our time, vast resources are being pumped into
preventing the spread of the virus. Encouraging
responsible, healthy sexuality has become a veritable
industry, fuelled by a multitude of 'gold
standard' models, research studies and practice
guidelines. Yet for all the time, money and energy
devoted to ..