In the following descriptions the emphasis is on fruits and vegetables.
Plants from other categories are also mentioned where some aspect
of their distribution, preservation or identification was considered
worthy of discussion. The eight groups - berries, other fruits,
vegetables, pulses, herbs and flavourings, oil plants, cereals
and nuts - are somewhat arbitrary.

The earliest record of wild strawberry is from Mesolithic Westward Ho! 83-4 [1055]. There are two Bronze Age records: Oakbank Crannog [1374] and Runnymede 78 [1638]. From the Roman period onwards strawberry seeds are common in deposits with faeces.

Despite its probable native status in Britain (Stace 1991, 373),gooseberry does not appear in the archaeobotanical record until the late Saxon/medieval period at Frewin Hall, Oxford [0071], and the medieval period at North Mains 78-9 [1071] and Worcester Barrel 75 [1601]. Smith (1976, 309) suggests that domestication of the wild plants did not take place until the 16th century. There is, however, evidence of its use in the 13th century (Harvey 1981, cited in Greig 1988, 60).

Blackberry seeds occur commonly and throughout the record, percentage
site presence rising to nearly 50% in the medieval period. Not
all these records necessarily represent food, however, bramble
often growing on neglected areas of settlement sites and the seeds
being likely to be 'sown' into deposits by passing birds. The
seeds are relatively robust and are often found where little else
has preserved in the deposit. Raspberry seeds occur throughout
the record but are less common than blackberry.

There are surprisingly few records of dewberry. It may be that
the seeds have been recorded as Rubus fruticosus agg. and
are therefore under-represented. The only prehistoric record is
from Iron Age Collfryn 80-2 [1546]. Cloudberry has an upland distribution;
the one prehistoric (charred) record from a late Iron Age settlement
site [1243], Dubby Sike, may not represent food; it could have
been incorporated into the charred assemblage by chance.

Like blackberry pips, elderberry seeds are robust and are often
the only plant material to be preserved in some deposits. They
also survive quite well in non-waterlogged soils and frequently
appear as modern contaminants in samples taken from near the modern
ground surface. The preservation mechanism for recorded elderberry
seeds is 79% waterlogged, 9% mineralised and 12% charred. This
is calculated on the basis of the numbers of records in the database,
not on total numbers of individual seeds.

Concentrations of the seeds of such species as rowan might be
found when they had been used for jellies and jams, as perhaps
at 13th-14th century Queen St Aberdeen [1135], where 130 rowan
seeds as well as an equal number of Vaccinium sp. seeds
were found in a 1 litre subsample. None of the other records are
for more than a few seeds, or they are given as 'present' only.

This includes Vaccinium myrtillus (bilberry) although most
workers do not identify the seeds to species level. In the particularly
well-preserved deposits in York, Coppergate 76-81 [1920], epidermis
fragments and tori (the discs at whose centre the pistil sits)
from these fruits have also been found. The latter allows a certain
identification of Vaccinium myrtillus to be made.

Although there is a variety of edible wild fruits and berries
available in the native flora of the British Isles, several are
strongly or mildly poisonous. Prunus padus, for example,
tastes bitter and contains cyanide (Lang 1987, 110) and certainly
would not have been consumed without dire consequences. Several
others which are only mildly poisonous can be eaten after boiling
e.g. Sorbus aucuparia (Lang 1987, 77). Sambucus nigra
berries are mildly poisonous if unripe or undercooked (Lang 1987,
173). It is interesting to imagine the experimentation of the
earliest hunter-gatherers with tasting and cooking poisonous berries
to make them palatable.

The are no records of quince seeds from the archaeological record.
The identification of some stone cells from the flesh of the fruit
from faecal deposits in Watergate St, Chester 85 [1017] and Queen
Anne House, Shrewsbury [data not yet added], may be of pear or
quince (see Greig 1988, 61). For further discussion of pear see under apple below.

Fig seeds are particularly common in Roman and medieval cess pit
deposits but there are only two well-dated records for the 'SE'
period. These are from Saxo-Norman London [1736] and Anglo-Scandinavian
York [1920]. At both sites the number of seeds is very low compared
with some medieval cess pits where fig seeds are found in tens
if not hundreds. Despite the fact that they are waterlogged, it
is possible that the records of fig from the early contexts at
Coppergate represent material reworked from underlying Roman material.
There is some residual Roman pottery which provides evidence of
reworked deposits (this is discussed briefly by Kenward and Hall
1995, 511, 513).

As can be seen from Table 5, most of the Roman records of fig
are from founded towns, military sites or 'Romanised' villas (this
classification is explained in the
Glossary). The only site which has been
classified as 'native' is from a wooden cess-filled tank in St
Anne's Lane, Nantwich 85 [1382]. This is dated by dendrochronology
to a felling date of mid-summer AD 132 (three planks still had
their sapwood intact) which suggests that it was very likely a
military installation for the salt-working industry, although
it would still be classified as native. Was this a 'Portaloo'
of the 2nd century?

Bearing in mind that 94% of all fig records (for all periods)
are for waterlogged or mineralised preservation, it is perhaps
not surprising that there are no other records from 'native' sites.
There are relatively few reports for contexts with a waterlogged
preservation regime from native sites (10 sites excluding Nantwich
i.e. 20% of all Roman sites with waterlogged preservation). All of these are either
ditch or well fills, not particularly the types of deposit that
are likely to contain faecal material in rural areas. Bearing
in mind the way faecal material would have been disposed of in
rural areas, at most periods, are we ever likely to find good
evidence of Romano-British faeces?

There are no certain records of Malus sp. from the Mesolithic
period (merely two uncertain and poorly dated ones) but by the
Neolithic there are enough records to suggest that crab apples
were a common part of the diet.

It seems unlikely that archaeobotanical work will provide evidence
of the first use of domesticated varieties of apple in Britain
because it is not considered possible to distinguish the wild
and cultivated forms on the basis of the seeds alone. It seems
that an assumption has been made that the early records are crab
apple and the medieval and later ones are more likely to be domesticated
apple. Bakels (1991), for example, gives 'M. sylvestris'
in her list of prehistoric finds, mentions 'Malus sp.'
for the Roman period and lists 'M. domestica' for the medieval
period, without any explanation. Schweingruber (1979) compared
the measurements of a random sample of wild apples collected in
Switzerland with finds of Neolithic apples from Lake Village sites.
The modern fruit was charred to make it comparable with the
archaeological material. He found that the fossil material was
a similar size to the modern, concluding that nearly all the Neolithic
material was of wild crab apple size. There have been occasional
records of whole cores but these are rarely preserved in a state
that can be measured. Some whole apples of 'crab' size have been
found from the prehistoric period, notably, a cache of dried apples
from Tankardstown South [1164] from the foundation trench of a
Neolithic house. These apples were interpreted as a store of dried
fruit, which had become charred when the building had burnt down
(Monk 1988).

It seems that it is difficult to distinguish the seeds of Malus
and Pyrus with certainty, although some authors do so and
certainly modern reference material is quite distinctily different.
If endocarp is also preserved then the presence of apples is certain
since pear lacks this horny layer around the seed. If stone cells
are preserved together with pips then Pyrus or Cydonia
are inferred (see above). Pyrus communis records comprise
material from the late medieval Dominican Priory, Oxford 76-83
[1305] and two Roman sites - Chew Park Well 54 [1420] and Tiddington
[1035] - but for none of these is there a published description
of the seeds which provides a convincing argument for the presence
of pear. Whether or not pears were cultivated in Britain in the
Roman period (there is documentary evidence of them being part
of the military diet), by Domesday old pear trees were noted as
boundary markers so had probably already been cultivated for
some time Roach (1985, 120).

Date stones, being large and woody, are robust, suggesting that
they would preserve well: the type of material which would be
found from large-scale bulk sieving programmes on urban sites.
There are only two records, however, one of charred stones, from
early Roman Colchester, Lion Walk 71-4 [1522] and the other in
the fill of a waterlogged garderobe pit from 14th century Hull,
High St and Blackfriargate 73-7
[1938]. It is unlikely
that in the past dates were imported into Britain de-stoned as
they are sometimes today. The conclusion must be that dates were
a particularly rare and exotic food in Britain in the past, even
at periods when other fruits likely to have been traded in a dried
form from the Mediterranean, Near East or N. Africa were regularly
consumed.

Sloes (Prunus spinosa) stones are sometimes found within
faecal concretions from Anglo-Scandinavian York, suggesting that
they had been ingested. This seems surprising to modern tastes
as sloes are highly astringent when raw; to quote Lang (1987)
'no one would eat sloes for pleasure'. Wiltshire (1995), however,
has commented on ways in which their palatability may be improved.
Sloe stones are occasionally preserved with
the flesh (endocarp) still attached (Figure 4).
Mineralised faecal
concretions from York also produced occasional fragments of fruit
epidermis, probably sloe or plum, which has a characteristic angular
cell pattern (Figure 3) and occasional stomata.

The full range of sizes of 'plum' stones are found in archaeological
deposits, from sloes (the smallest), up to the larger domesticated
plums which come mostly from medieval deposits. Several workers
have carried out length/breadth measurements in order to investigate
morphological variations and to separate sloe, bullace, wild plum
and the smaller domesticated varieties such as greengage (see,
for example, Behre 1978; Moffett 1992, 280). It would be useful
if all the measurements from different sites could be collated
so that statistical analysis could be carried out on as large
a data set as possible. Measurements of modern fruit stones are
also needed; workers such as Moffett (1992, 278), for example,
have only measured the archaeological material in order to 'compare
any groupings with the author's subjective identifications'.

There is a prehistoric record of a grape pip from a Neolithic context
at Stepleton 81 [1378]. Not only is this single seed the only
prehistoric evidence but it is also as early as any of the records
of the domesticated grape in the rest of Europe. It has been radiocarbon
accelerator-dated to the Neolithic with almost identical dates
on associated cereal grains and charcoal (Jones and Legge 1987,
454), so there is no doubt about its provenance. Evidence of grapes
is particularly common from Roman and medieval deposits but, like
some of the other exotic taxa, such as Ficus carica, much
rarer in the intervening period. There is no good archaeobotanical
evidence yet which can suggest when grape was first cultivated
in the British Isles, rather than being imported. Williams has
discussed the macrofossil evidence for the Roman period but it
is somewhat inconclusive (Williams 1977, 333).

Since fragments of leek epidermis were first identified from faecal
concretions from Anglo-Scandinavian Coppergate, York (Tomlinson
1991, 115) fragments, at least of Allium sp., have also
been found from other Roman and medieval sites in York, from Roman
Nantwich, and two sites in medieval Chester. There are several
other, as yet unpublished, records. The epidermis of leek leaves
is distinguished by a combination of characters. The cell are
oblong and have thin, straight-sided walls, different from the
more open 'bedspring' pattern of onion cells. The stomata have
no subsidiary cells (anomocytic), and they are sunken in small
rectangular pits, which show up more clearly in digested fragments.
In fossil material these pits are typically seen in lateral view
as 'pegs', using transmission microscopy (see Figure 5).
There are two distinctive features of Allium porrum which can
be seen in the fossil as well as the modern material. These are
the cuticular sculpturing which runs down the centre of each cell
and the row of rounded teeth which runs along the leaf margin,
giving it a scabrid appearance when viewed with the naked eye.
Only the green parts of the leaves have the stomata, sculpturing
and marginal teeth. It would not be possible to identify the white
parts of the leek 'stem'; fragments of epidermis without the marginal
teeth can only be identified to genus (see Figure 5).

Seeds of leek have been found from Watergate St, Chester 85 [1017]
in a pit filled with faecal material dating to the mid 13th century
(Ward 1988). The three-sided seeds were wrinkled, but the surface
had a very characteristic tuberculate/scabrate/rugose pattern.
A single leek seed has been found at Sewer Lane, Hull 74 [1627]
during re-examination by ARH (unpublished) of material originally
reported by Williams.

The single record of a charred seed of asparagus is from Tibbet's
Close, Alcester 83-4 [1302] and is dated to the late Roman period.
Moffett (1988, 74) gives a possible taphonomic explanation for
finding charred seeds of asparagus, namely the burning of asparagus
beds in the autumn to stimulate growth. The seeds from Alcester
came from a hearth and ditch fill deposits.

Both chards and beetroots were well-established vegetables in
classical times, but there are no pre-classical archaeological
records anywhere in the Old World according to Zohary and Hopf
(1994). The record of Beta from a well in Roman Lincolnshire
is associated with very few other food plants and many weeds.
The two Roman records from York are classified as weeds in the
relevant report (Hall and Kenward 1990, 395) and they are from
contexts of dumping and organic accumulations which perhaps suggest
these are ruderals. The plant would not be expected to be growing
here without some human intervention, as the distribution of the
native sub-species (ssp. maritima) in Britain is definitely
coastal (Perring and Walters 1962, 83). Triglochin maritima
occurs in the same context groups as the York material of Beta
vulgaris, suggesting some coastal influence in Roman York
(Hall and Kenward 1990). This is perhaps from herbivore dung from
animals which had been grazing on salt marsh before being brought
into the town. It is less likely that such seeds were transported
by the River Ouse, although this was tidal to York prior to the
18th century.

The post-Roman records for Beta vulgaris are only from
Hull and York, which perhaps suggests that it is not being recognised
elsewhere. Knörzer (1991) has reviewed the evidence for Beta
vulgaris on the continent, where there are around 20 records
(nearly half of these unpublished).

Only 14% of Brassica records are identified to species.
The number of individual identifications in the database (excluding
'cf. Brassica') for all types of preservation mechanism
for all the Brassica genus are given in
Table 6. Those identified to species level are underlined.
This list shows how
difficult it is to give a simple answer to the question 'what
evidence is there for brassicas in the archaeobotanical record?'.
There are more identifications of seeds preserved by waterlogging
than by charring, but it does seem to be possible to identify the
charred seeds (20% are identifications of charred material).

An identification atlas published by Berggren in 1981 covers seed
identification of the Cruciferae (see also Berggren 1960, cited
in Berggren 1981, which deals with Brassica and Sinapis).
The only distinguishing characters are the reticulate patterns
on the seed surface (testa); there are no significant differences
in seed size or shape which are appropriate for the identification
of fossil material. This means that unless the seeds are particularly
well preserved the surface patterns are very difficult to separate.
Berggren's key was, of course, not designed for fossil seeds and
therefore uses characters such as seed colour which are not at
all appropriate in a fossil context. It is likely that better
progress would be made if a scanning electron microscope (SEM) was
used. Butler (1991) has shown how the variable surface characteristics
of the testa of species of Lathyrus, Lens and Vicia
can be clearly seen using SEM work and can be used for identification
purposes. Similarly, Fraser (1981)
studied Brassica
using SEM. Unfortunately, the latter work has not been published except
as a thesis.

There is one Iron Age record of Brassica rapa cf. ssp.
rapa (turnip) from the site of Bu, Orkney [1174] but otherwise
the subspecies have not been identified (this is also the only
prehistoric record of the species). The other identifications
may only represent the wild, weedy subspecies. Although it seems
unlikely that the vegetative remains of turnip will be preserved
on British sites, Hather et al.
(1992) have identified
parenchymatous tissue of turnip from Byzantine (Early Christian)
Sparta.

There are no certain identifications of Brassica oleracea
(wild cabbage). There is an uncertain ('cf.') identification from
the Roman period from Church St, York [1628]. It is worth noting
here an error in this particular report which is one which quite
often occurs in archaeobotanical reports. The table of results
(Greig 1976, 25) has the name 'cf. Brassica oleracea' listed,
but in the list of 'plants useful to man' on the opposite page
it is given as Brassica oleracea, giving the implication
that this was a 'certain' identification.

Leafy cabbages were well established as garden plants in Roman
times. Heading varieties, possibly kohlrabi, were described by
writers in ancient Rome (Thompson 1976, 50). Wild cabbages thrive
in the Mediterranean basin and are likely to have been domesticated
in this area (Snogerup 1980, cited by Zohary and Hopf 1994).

Some recent work examining the biochemistry of potsherds from
archaeological excavations claims to be able to identify lipids
from the cuticular surface of cabbage leaves which had been cooked
in the pottery vessels (Evershed et al. 1992). The work
has concentrated on a large number of potsherds from the late
Saxon/medieval excavations at Raunds in Northamptonshire. The
techniques being used for the analysis are gas chromatography
and mass spectrometry. The lipids are extracted using solvents
from the powdered body of the potsherds. These researchers have
also examined the movements of lipid substances through the pots
and concentrations in different parts of the vessel (Charters
et al. 1993) to show that their interpretations of cooking
residues are valid. Unfortunately, although their claims to have
identified Brassica oleracea are convincing from the biochemical
results, they appear to have only looked at the wax component
of a range of modernBrassica oleracea varieties
and a modern cultivar of Brassica rapa (Evershed et
al. 1991). It would perhaps be more appropriate for them to
broaden their examination of comparative material to some of the
wild brassicas and other members of the Cruciferae before claiming
they have identified Brassica oleracea. A circular argument
is being used: they state that they are only looking at varieties
which have been shown from documentary evidence (my italics)
to be available in the late Saxon period.

The cucumber is thought to have been taken into cultivation in
northern India (Jeffrey 1980, cited by Zohary and Hopf). The single
record from Roman Britain is slender evidence from the archaeological
record, but, of course, cucumber is documented to have been introduced
at that period (Wilson 1973, 326) when it was grown in villa gardens
'along with other vegetables such as marrows, garden asparagus
and cardoons' (this last a form of globe artichoke). The post-medieval
record is from 18th century Queen Anne House, Shrewsbury [data not yet added]
but it is unfortunately not identified to species level.

One of the few indications from the archaeobotanical record of
introductions from North America is a single seed and a few fragments
from mid-17th century Dudley Castle [1934] of the pumpkin, marrow,
or squash. There are, however, some other unpublished records
mentioned by Moffett (1992). The relatively low numbers of samples
examined from post-medieval waterlogged contexts is partly a function
of the widespread disregard for this period by excavating archaeologists.
Davey (1987, 78) has pointed to the missed opportunity (caused
by the truncation of archaeological sequences for arbitrary reasons)
to study the continuity of environmental remains which could provide
evidence for food consumption at least up to the 19th century
when urban rubbish disposal methods changed. The few post-medieval
latrines which have been properly sampled have produced interesting
results, notably those at Dudley Castle [1934] and Tudor Merchant's
House, Tenby [1363]. There are published botanical reports from
seventeen post-medieval sites in Britain where the preservation
mechanism is waterlogged or mineralised but only half of these
are samples from latrines or cess pits.

Only the seeds of Daucus carota have been found
in archaeobotanical samples. Direct evidence for the consumption
of carrots is unlikely to be found because roots and tubers are
not often found preserved on British sites and charring seems
the only mechanism likely to operate in this case, although it
is also likely that root and tuber fragments are being overlooked;
the potential for identifying such material has been emphasised
by Hather (1991; 1993).

Seeds of legumes are undoubtedly under-represented in the archaeological
record. They are not generally found preserved by anoxic waterlogging,
but are more often found in a mineralised condition or as charred
material.
In waterlogged or mineralised material often only the hilum,
sometimes with part of the testa, is preserved (see
Figure 6), but as the size and shape of the
hilum is diagnostic this is useful.

There is one middle Bronze Age record of pea from Grimes Graves
71-2 [1625] and one certain identification from Iron Age Hengistbury
Head 70-85 [1389], but the other prehistoric records are only
uncertain identifications.

There are prehistoric records of the field bean as early as the
Bronze Age. Note that all the archaeological records, including
the post-medieval ones are of the relatively small, rounded 'Celtic'
or horse bean. Broad bean Vicia faba var major,
the large-seeded type, is not known to have existed anywhere until
about AD 500 in China (Bond 1976, 181). It is not clear when broad
bean first arrived in Britain. The use of the name broad bean
in this context (e.g. in Zohary and Hopf 1994) is liable to be
confusing. There are relatively more records of field bean from
the 'SE' period. It is possible that this is a factor of preservation
but it may be that these rather unappetizing beans were not favoured
in the cuisine of Roman and 'post-Conquest' medieval people.

Figure 6 shows the mineralised hilum
of a field bean from Coppergate
76-81 [1920]; the overall size and the length to breadth ratio
distinguishes it from other legume hila. Some waterlogged fragments,
also from Coppergate, have been identified as field bean pods.
The microphotographs (see Figures 7-9)
show both the modern and
fossil cell patterns with the characteristic short, blunt, bulging
hairs.

Material identifed as Aframomum (which includes two spices,
A. melegueta (melegueta pepper) and A. Granum Paradisi (grains
of paradise) has been identified by Greig (in press)
from medieval Worcester
[1601]; it had previously been published as cf. Borago officinalis. Greig
has also recorded Aframomum from post-medieval Taunton and Shrewsbury.

A rare find of five whole garlic bulblets (cloves), which were
preserved by partial charring in a waterlogged, ashy, context
came from Eastgate, Beverley 83-6 [1926], and dated to the late 13th century.
The cloves were found in the floor deposit
of a timber building. There were a few hazelnut shells but no
other biological remains were recorded from this context. The
cloves were very well preserved, but started to deteriorate when
they began to dry out. They were therefore preserved in polyethylene glycol
(PEG) which did prevent further fragmentation. Because they were
only partly charred, the cell pattern of the outer scales of the
bulblets could be examined under the transmission microscope and
compared with modern reference material.

There are two other certain identifications of whole garlic cloves,
both from Germany. One is from Neuss in (Knörzer 1975) and
the other from Laufen (Karg 1991). Murphy (1985) describes the
find of a single 'charred clove of garlic (Allium sativum)
or another species of the Liliaceae' identified by Gordon Hillman
from a context broadly dated to the 16th century at Alms Lane,
Norwich 76 [1446].

There are numerous records of coriander in the database from the
Roman period (from 20 sites), but none earlier. The earliest post-Roman
records are from Anglo-Scandinavian York, from Coppergate 76-81
[1920], where it was rather more common in the earliest period
(mid 9th to late 9th/early 10th century) than later in the Anglo-Scandinavian
levels (Kenward and Hall 1995, fig. 192(b)). It is relatively
easy to identify, even when poorly preserved or in fragmentary
form in faeces (Dickson 1989, 153), but perhaps it is only preserved
under very good conditions such as were found in many deposits
at Coppergate. With the exception of one mineralised find, all
the records of Coriandrum sativum are of waterlogged seeds
or mericarp fragments.

It was therefore surprising to find that some of the general literature
on food plants in earlier periods (e.g. Renfrew (1985, 23); Wilson
(1973, 192)) suggests clearly that coriander was present in Britain
in the prehistoric period. It appears that this is all based on
the evidence from a single seed from a 'late Bronze Age hut' site
excavated at Minnis Bay, Kent, in 1941, noted by Godwin (1975,
223) [1667]. It is clear, however, that the dating evidence for
this site is extremely tenuous. There is no published excavation
report and no specific dating evidence is provided in the botanical
report (Conolly 1941). The site seems to have been located on
the foreshore. Three samples were examined, the one containing
the Coriandrum seed was from 'a layer of peaty vegetable
matter from the surface of hut site no. 11'. The material was
obviously derived from a mixed assemblage. Some of the wood fragments
were worn and rounded, suggesting coastal erosion, whereas the
seeds (including the coriander) were 'in an excellent state of
preservation'. There were also 'numerous fragments of Bryozoa
and Hydroids', indicating a mixture of marine materials. There
is, therefore, no reason to believe that this material was necessarily
of Bronze Age date. The coriander could just as well be medieval,
or possibly, modern. It was therefore recorded in the ABCD as
'undated'. Subsequent discussion with the author (Ann Conolly)
has revealed that this material was, indeed, modern contamination,
since another seed, not identified at the time, has now been determined
as Lycopersicon esculentum (tomato). One possible source
of this contamination is that the seeds came from a ship wrecked
on the Goodwin Sands in 1936 (Lousley 1953, 143) but it is perhaps
more likely that it came from raw sewage from one of the nearby
towns such as Margate.

The point to be made here is not the problem of contamination,
nor the difficulties pertaining to the publication of botanical
material in the absence of an archaeological report, but the worrying
way in which the identification of one seed from an insecurely
dated deposit has, apparently, become evidence for the use of
this plant in prehistoric Britain.

Green (1981) noted that hops were not recorded from material earlier
than that of the very late Saxon period from Wessex and the present
analysis seems to support this. Perhaps hops were imported rather
than being collected locally although it is a common hedgerow
and fenland plant in England (Stace 1991). There is some evidence
for the transportation of hops from the cargo in the Anglo-Saxon
Graveney Boat 70 [1009]. Records of hops are very common throughout
the Anglo-Scandinavian period at Coppergate 76-81 [1920]. Murphy
(Ayers and Murphy 1983, 42) mentions the possibility of water
dispersal of hop seeds at the waterfront site of Whitefriars Norwich
73 [1447].
What is without doubt is that hops were in use (for
whatever purpose) in Britain before the 16th century, the date
they are traditionally thought to have first been imported for
brewing (for a discussion of the early history of hops in Britain
see Wilson 1975).

The one record of a single cocoa bean is from the cellar of an
18th century house by the quay in Dublin (Geraghty in press).
Records such as this are important in substantiating the information
from documentary sources concerning the introduction and early
use of species from the New World.

Interestingly, the only records for gold-of-pleasure from Britain
are both from London; two from the Roman period (from Southwark)
and two Saxon (from the City). It is possible that the plant was
imported into London at both periods. Schultze-Motel (1979, 277)
suggests that it was probably first cultivated in the late Bronze
Age in Europe, having been spread initially as a weed of flax.
Its cultivation increased in the Iron Age, especially around the
North Sea and Baltic. It was cultivated fairly widely in the medieval
period in Europe, but there is no evidence of its cultivation
in Britain at any time.

All the Roman records of hemp 'seeds' are from York; despite records
of pollen attributed to the Iron Age (cf. Bradshaw et al.1981),
there are no prehistoric finds of the seeds. Records from the
post-Roman period are almost invariably from urban sites - hemp
is quite likely to have become a ruderal in the vicinity of habitation
sites, as it is today, and it is notable that most of the records
are for very small numbers of remains (the large numbers entered in the ABCD
for two lists from Anglo-Scandinavian Coppergate [1920] are composite values
for combined data from many samples).

The seeds of flax are quite common in food plant assemblages from
the Roman period onwards. The figures shown above do not include
records of Linum usitatissimum fibres or the remains of
scutching waste, or shives, which are occasionally found
(Kenward and Hall 1995, 773). Whole or fragmentary capsules are
often recorded. The seeds have also been found, evidently chewed
(and characteristically holed in the middle of the flat face),
in faecal deposits and concretions (see Figure 10).

There are several records of olive stones in the Roman period
but none later, even in the post-medieval period. There is a similar
pattern in western continental Europe, although there is one 18th
century record from Amsterdam (Paap 1983). The lack of post-medieval
records in Britain perhaps reflects the under-sampling of deposits
of this period.

As mentioned earlier in this paper, the occurrence of a particular
plant in an archaeological context does not necessarily indicate
its use. If it is not a native British species then its presence
on an archaeological site at the very least indicates its introduction
by human agency which may not necessarily be deliberate.

Opium poppy seeds have been found in central Europe from the middle
and late Neolithic (Zohary and Hopf 1994) but, because they have
not been found this early in south-eastern Europe and the Near
East, it has been concluded that domestication was from the western
Mediterranean area where the wild poppy is distributed (Bakels
1982). Opium poppy is grown for its oil-rich seeds which are used
directly as food, or the oil can be extracted for food or industrial
purposes (Duke 1973). It is also well known for its narcotic and
medicinal properties. Opium is obtained from the latex which is
released by the plants by gashing their unripe capsules, but not
in the British climate.

From the British Isles there is one good late Bronze Age record,
from Wilsford Shaft [1331], and two from the Iron Age [1392],
[1579]. Robinson (1990) suggests that the Watkins Farm opium poppy
[1392] represents a disturbed ground plant rather than a crop.
This is borne out by the fact that the seeds occurred in a waterlogged
assemblage, not with the charred cereal grain assemblage. It seems
rather surprising that there are so few prehistoric records of
this plant in Britain, especially as it is easily preserved by
charring.

Green (1981, 143) states clearly that opium poppy 'has been recorded
from a wide range of sites from the late Iron Age onwards (in
Wessex)' but many of his results are based on unpublished work
and it is not clear to which Iron Age sites he is referring.

Cereals are by far the most frequently recorded food plant remains
on archaeological sites. There are several reasons for this. They
survive particularly well when charred, and in fact survive so well
in archaeological sediments that they may be redistributed
into deposits of a later, or earlier, date (e.g. van der Veen 1992,
71). It has been suggested that cereals are more likely to come
into contact with fire than other food plants, partly because
of the need to parch the hulled varieties if pounding or milling
is not sufficient. They will often have been stored in buildings
or granaries which were susceptible to fire. There are also several
other taphonomic routes by which charred cereals become incorporated
into archaeological deposits (e.g. from straw used for thatch,
animal bedding and from burnt animal dung used for fuel).

The distribution of cereals in prehistoric and Roman times has
been well discussed by previous authors since Helbæk's work
in the 1940s (Helbæk 1952). The early wheat species (einkorn,
emmer and spelt) were much rarer by the Anglo-Saxon period, but
records of bread wheat, particularly the compact form, and of
barley, rye and oats are common throughout the post-Roman period.
It seems that the free-threshing wheats (Triticum aestivum)
may be relatively under-represented in all periods relative to
the hulled wheats (TT. monococcum, dicoccon, and spelta)
because their diagnostic parts (glumes and spikelet forks) are
more likely to have become charred. There are over two hundred
records of grains identified as 'Triticum sp.'. The cereal
bran which often forms the matrix of mineralised faecal material
is arguably much better direct evidence of the use of cereals
as human food (Hall et al.1983) but it has so far only
been identified to 'wheat/rye'.

Records of Secale cereale are rare in prehistoric Britain
and occasional from the Roman period onwards. The only well-dated
Bronze Age record is from Runnymede [1638], where the rye amounted
to less than 3% of the total number of cereal grains recovered.
It was thus interpreted as a weed of the wheat and barley crops
(Greig 1991, 254). Rye is, relatively, much more common in the medieval period.

The rare, uncertain, identifications of Triticum turgidum
and Triticum durum are rather tantalising. It is not clear
how distinctive these species are from the other free-threshing
wheat; further work is clearly needed. Moffett (1991) has discussed
the growing archaeobotanical evidence for rivet wheat from British medieval
contexts.

Cultivated oats (Avena sativa) are difficult to distinguish
from other non-crop species unless the diagnostic features of
the floret base are preserved. It is therefore likely to be under-represented
as a species in the record as it is rather rare to find the floret
intact. The earliest certain cultivated oat grain identifications
are dated to the Iron Age from southern England. In waterlogged
assemblages, such as from faecal material, Avena sp. bran
is easily distinguishable from the 'wheat/rye' type bran (Hall
et al.1983; Dickson 1989, 138 and plate 1a). Only 18%
of Avena records in the database are identified to species,
but half of these are the cultivated species Avena sativa.

The two records of Panicum miliaceum, one Roman and one
medieval are highly doubtful identifications. There is also a
single, extremely doubtful, 1918, record of cf. Sorghum
vulgare from Romano-British Kenchester [1764]. Early records,
and those where the identifications are not substantiated with
descriptions of the seeds or illustrations, should be accepted
only with caution. It is easier to point to erroneous identifications
when there are only one or two of them and they are, therefore,
likely to be anomalous. It is far more difficult to spot inaccurate
identifications when the appearance of a record of a particular
species is not surprising. When a new taxon, which has not been
identified before, is found, a full description with illustrations
is essential. It is also important to provide details of the storage
location of the fossil material. As mentioned above in passing,
material from Sewer Lane, Hull [1627] has been re-examined and
one grain of millet was found but may well have been modern contamination
as it was very fresh in appearance. The only other record, also
uncertain, is from St Thomas Street, Southwark [1653].

Several taxa which occur fairly frequently in medieval deposits
in western continental Europe are notable for their rarity or
complete absence in Britain. Panicum miliaceum occurs regularly
from the Bronze Age onwards on the Continent (Bakels 1991) but,
as shown above, there is certainly no evidence of it as a crop
in Britain. Fagopyron esculentum, buckwheat, is another
example. It occurs quite regularly in medieval and later sites
in the Low Countries. The earliest macrofossil record, from the
site of Dommelen (Bakels 1991, 293), is dated to the mid 12th
century on the basis of the pottery associated with it, but up
to two hundred years earlier on the basis of the 14C-dated charred
grain found in the same context. There are several early pollen
records, too. Documentary evidence suggests that buckwheat was
not introduced into Europe until the early 15th century, arriving
in Germany first (Campbell 1976). This only emphasises the tenuous
nature of such evidence. From Britain there is an uncertain identification
from Roman Newstead [1138] and Greig (unpublished) has found capsule valves
from 18th century deposits at Shrewsbury [data not yet added].
The husks are a by-product of buckwheat
which was used as packaging material in the past (Howes 1974).
An example of such use is to be found amongst the plant remains
from the Monte Cristi shipwreck excavations. This post-medieval
English or Dutch trading ship wrecked off the Caribbean coast
was carrying a cargo which included crate(s) of clay pipes. The
packaging material used for these pipes has been identified as
buckwheat husks (Tomlinson, unpublished report to the Monte Cristi Shipwreck Project), the 18th century equivalent
of polystyrene 'chips'. There are two other, similar, records
of buckwheat from packaging in ships' cargoes found on underwater
wreck sites (van Rooij and Gawronski nd; see
also Pals 1987, 74).

After cereal grains, hazel nuts are probably the commonest food
plant to be found on archaeological sites of all periods. Not
all these records of hazel nut shells are likely to be direct
evidence of human consumption, however. For example, a hoard of
nut shells from underneath a bed in one of the Viking houses at
Fishamble Street, Dublin (Geraghty in press) were all clearly
mouse gnawed although they might originally have been intended
for human consumption.

The stone pine was brought to Britain in the Roman period, not
only for food but also for use apparently in ritual ceremonies.
Pine nuts were held to be sacred by the ancient Greeks (Howes
1948, 165). One of the records, which include kernels as well
as cones, is from a religious site at Carrawburgh [1198]. There
is also a 12th century record from Queen Anne House, Shrewsbury
[data not yet added] and an exceptionally well-preserved cone and cone bracts
from 13th century levels at Wood Quay, Dublin (Geraghty 1993).
As most records are of 'spot' finds, hand collected by the excavators,
it is likely that this type of material is comparatively over-represented
in the archaeobotanical record, especially as the cones are large
and easy to recognise.