César E. Chávez
Middle School Biography

Chapter 1: Cuentos (Stories)

“Preservation of one’s own culture does not require contemptor
disrespect for other cultures.”[1]

César Estrada Chávez

Stories can play a vital role in the telling of history. It is the stories,
advice and proverbs of his youth that set César E. Chávez on the
course to be the spokesman for thousands and role model for millions.
César Estrada Chávez was born March 31, 1927, near Yuma, Arizona.
His early influences shaped and firmly grounded César in a rich Mexican
American tradition. His later life would open him up to new influences that he
would use to unite people of many nationalities and beliefs.

César always had a strong connection to his family. He was
named after his grandfather, who came to the United States in the 1880s.
César’s grandfather was a a peasant tied to the land through debt
peonage on a Mexican ranch who escaped to the United States in order to secure
a better life. César’s grandparents lived on a homestead of more
than a hundred acres in Arizona with their fourteen children. One of their
children, Librado (which means “freed one” in Spanish) grew up to
be Cesar’s father. Librado married Juana Estrada and together they had
six children of whom Cesar was the second oldest. Librado worked on the family
farm until his 30s. He owned a few small businesses but was rarely able to make
much money because they lived in an isolated area and Librado used a lot of his
own money to help others. Later, Librado lost his land and the Chávez
family moved in with César’s abuelita (grandmother). Mama
Tella, as she was called, was to have a profound influence on César.

Photo Courtesy of César E. Chávez
Foundation

A baptism baby picture of César Estrada Chávez sitting in a
chair.

César’s mother and grandmother taught him a lot about sincerity and
charity through their actions. His mother, Juana, set an example of the
importance of helping others regardless of their background. Chávez
remembered that she “had made a pledge never to turn away anyone who came
for food, and there were a lot of ordinary people who would come and a lot of
hobos, at any time of the day or night. Most of them were white
[nonMexican].”[2]
Her kind example modeled for César the charity that many only talk
about. His grandmother, Mama Tella, modeled her kindness by sharing her wisdom.
She made a point to teach the Chávez children the importance of being a
moral person. She did this through stories, advice, and proverbs that always
had a moral point. Later on in his life, César remembered his abuelita
as someone wise. He said, “I didn’t realize the wisdom in her
words, but it has been proven to me so many times since.” [3] Throughout his life, César folded his
grandmother’s teachings into his actions and mirrored his mother’s
kindness to others. He also reflected their values of ‘practicing what
you preach.’ César learned that he could not just tell others how
they were supposed to live their lives; he had to do it through his example.

Mama Tella made sure that César had a strong religious upbringing. All of
the children learned what it meant to be a strong Roman Catholic. She taught
them to appreciate the ceremonies and teachings of the Catholic Church. Cesar
became a man who relied on his faith to give him strength and direction. He
understood that religion unified and strengthened people. One example of a
unifying symbol is the Virgin of Guadalupe. For Mexican Catholics, the Virgin
represents a unique relationship between the people of Mexico and the Roman
Catholic Church. Many Mexican Catholics (and other Latino Catholics)
believe that the Virgin appeared to the people of the Americas as an Native
American maiden in order to ease and bless their conversion to Christianity.
Therefore, for many Mexican Americans, la Virgen de Guadalupe has always
been a unifying force. César was always true to his spiritual beliefs;
they guided his everyday life as well as his political action.

Photo Courtesy of César E. Chávez
Foundation

César and his sister are dressed for their First Holy Communion.

César heard stories about life in Mexico and about life in the United
States after the Mexican Revolution. These stories made an impact on how he
would see the world in which he would grow up. César’s family told
stories about the unfairness of life in Mexico. They described how hacienda
landowners would exploit their workers. He knew that the landowners expected
nonstop labor in exchange for the privilege of earning a meager salary. He
heard of the easy life that the rich had at the expense of the poor workers.
These stories of exploitation of the poor by the rich set the stage for his
strong belief in the importance of fairness and justice. Very early,
César started believing that the poor were morally superior. He came to
that conclusion because he felt that it was the poor that did the majority of
the hard physical work. It was the poor that took care of one another when they
barely had enough for themselves. To César the poor were the ones who
lived a moral life.

The stories of injustice did not end at the border. His grandfather told stories
about the corruption of politics in El Paso, Texas. Librado would tell stories
about his family’s efforts to gain political power in Arizona by voting
as a united block of people. César’s father became a leader in the
Mexican American community of Arizona. César saw firsthand the power
that could come from uniting people.

Chapter 2: Cultura (Culture)

“We need to help students and parents cherish and preserve the ethnic and
cultural diversity that nourishes and strengthens this community— and
this nation.”

César E. Chávez

A problem familiar to Mexican Americans was prejudice at school. While in Yuma,
Arizona, César discovered what life was like for a student who had grown
up speaking and reading Spanish at home. His lessons in prejudice started his
first day of school, at age seven, when the other kids started making fun of
his accent and called him a “dirty Mexican.” His teachers punished
him for speaking in Spanish. At that time, corporal (physical) punishment was
allowed in the schools and César discovered that he would get hit for
speaking Spanish. He said, “When we spoke Spanish, the teacher swooped
down on us. I remember the ruler whistling through the air as its edge came
down sharply across my knuckles.” [4]
When there were fights on school grounds between Mexican kids and Anglo kids,
the teachers and principals always took the side of the Anglo kids. This type
of treatment again re-affirmed for César the importance of justice. It
also taught him the importance of letting people be themselves. He saw how
disheartening it was to be punished for just being oneself.

In 1937, César and his family were evicted from their land in Arizona and
moved to California as migrant workers. They joined many others going to
California during this time of the Great Depression. César experienced
firsthand what it was like to wake up at 3:00 in the morning, ride a truck for
an hour to get to the fields, work in the sun all day, and then return in the
evening after another long ride, only to start over again the following
morning. He understood that this type of hard, physical labor resulted in
minimal wages and discrimination. He also knew there was no security for the
workers and their families. If something happened to the worker, then his
family was just out of luck. César grew up knowing the toll that such
work took on a person’s body and spirit.

César also learned the stories of other cultures and people. When his
family began working in California, they worked alongside a multitude of races.
César saw that African Americans, Anglo Americans, and Asian Americans
all had similar stories of struggle, conflict, and displacement. Throughout his
life César made sure that his work helped people of all races to
succeed. He saw them as common brothers who could unite. Basically,
César grew up understanding that a democracy’s strength comes from
a variety of people working together. He never forgot that important lesson.
This is one reason why César E. Chávez is not just a Mexican
American hero, but a hero to all people. He believed in the strength of the
people and he showed it through his actions.

As a young boy César learned from his family’s stories, his
personal experiences, and the teachings of others. This background, when
combined with his experiences during his teenage years, lit a fire in him that
would never be extinguished.

Chapter 3: Trabajadores (The Workers)

“It is ironic that those who till the soil, cultivate and harvest the
fruits, vegetables, and other foods that fill your tables with abundance have
nothing left for themselves.”

César E. Chávez

During his teenage years, César personally encountered the conditions of
the migrant worker. He saw the despair in the migrant camps, he witnessed the
exploitation of farm workers, he had to survive on the meager wages, and he
experienced ugly racism. He dedicated the rest of his life to combating such
conditions and way of life of life.

César’s family was always on the move. It is estimated that during
the time of the Great Depression and World War II some 250,000 people worked as
migrant workers, in California alone. They followed the harvest trail barely
earning enough money to live on. They had to spend a lot of that precious money
to buy gas to get to the next place of work. It was a hard, insecure life full
of hard, physical work.

The migrant camps in which they were forced to stay were deplorable. Many camps
did not have indoor plumbing and had little electricity. The houses were wood
cabins that were drafty and damp. Sometimes the family had to do without cabins
and, instead, lived in tents. The companies exploited the workers by charging
high rent for their dwellings. The rent was taken directly from their pay. The
migrant families had no choice but to stay at these places and buy food and
material from company owned stores.

Photo by Cris Sanchez, Courtesy of United Farm Workers

Farm worker housing.

The migrant workers also had to deal with dishonest labor contractors. A labor
contractor is someone hired by a company (in this case the growers) to find
workers and oversee them. Unfortunately, many labor contractors were dishonest
men, though the companies did not care as long as production continued. Many
labor contractors would receive a portion of the profit that they paid the
workers. Labor contractors sometimes underpaid the workers and kept the money
for themselves. At other times, the contractors would under-weigh the produce
in order to cheat the farm workers, or they would not pay the correct taxes and
pocket the money instead. Sometimes the workers even had to pay the contractor
money for the opportunity to work, since so many people were desperate for
employment during this time.

César learned these things first hand working as a child in
the fields. He had to quit school after the eighth grade because his father had
been hurt in a car accident and could no longer work. He had to quit school in
order to help support his family.

César once recalled the backbreaking work that working in
the fields required:

“It’s like being nailed to a cross. You have to walk twisted, as
you’re stooped over, facing the row, and walking perpendicular to it. You
are always trying to find the best position because you can’t walk
completely sideways, it’s too difficult …”[5]

As a result of this experience, one of César’s goals was to make
working conditions for the migrant worker more tolerable.

Chapter 4: Dignidad (Dignity)

“Years of misguided teaching have resulted in the destruction of the best
in our society, in our cultures and the environment.”

“Real education should consist of drawing the goodness and the best out of
our own students. What better books can there be than the book of
humanity.”

César E. Chávez

During his teenage years in the 1940s, César encountered
ugly racism that made a strong impression on his conscience. César
remembers going to a diner where a “White Trade Only” sign was
posted. When he ordered a hamburger the waitress laughed at him and said:
“We don’t sell to Mexicans.” César was once arrested
for sitting in a section of a movie theater not designated for Mexicans. The
schools that César attended were also segregated and full of prejudice.
César remembers students being made to run laps around the track because
they spoke Spanish or being forced to write ‘I will not speak
Spanish’ 300 times on the board. Once César even had to wear a
sign that said, ‘I am a clown. I speak Spanish.’ These experiences
taught César that segregation destroys people’s worth in the eyes
of others. Later in his life, he talked about how hurtful this racism was and
the scar that it left on his self-esteem, “I still feel the prejudice,
whenever I go through a door. I expect to be rejected, even when I know there
is no prejudice there.”[6]
Throughout his life, César did everything he could to include others, so
that they did not feel like outsiders.

Photo from the National Archives

“We Cater to White Trade Only” in a store or restaurant window.

César grew up in a time when Mexican American youth were trying to
distance themselves from the mainstream. Many Mexican American teenagers
adopted the pachuco or zoot suit. It usually consisted of a long suit
coat with trousers that were pegged (tapered) at the cuff, draped around the
knees with deep pleats at the waist, and a low-hanging watch chain. This style
of dress became their symbol of individuality. Unfortunately, many other
Americans, especially those in the armed forces, saw these pachucos as
anti-American. During a brief period in Los Angeles, in 1943, a series of Zoot
Suit Riots occurred when American servicemen went around beating up Zoot
Suiters In his book Up From Mexico, Carey McWilliams (who was an eyewitness)
describes a scene during the Zoot Suit Riots:

Marching through the streets of downtown Los Angeles, a mob of several thousand
soldiers, sailors, and civilians, proceeded to beat up every zoot-suiter they
could find. Pushing its way into the important motion picture theaters, the mob
ordered the management to turn on the house lights and then ranged up and down
the aisles dragging Mexicans out of their seats. Streetcars were halted while
Mexicans, and some Filipinos and Negroes, were jerked out of their seats,
pushed into the streets and beaten with sadistic frenzy.[7]

César, like many other Mexican American youth, wanted to escape this
world. For many Mexican American men, the only way to escape life in the barrio
or the fields was to join the military. César joined the Navy when he
was seventeen. He served in the Navy for two years during World War II, then
rejoined his family in the fields. However, he was no longer a teenage boy;
César was fully ready to become a grown-up in terms of family and union
activity.

In 1948, César Estrada Chávez married Helen Fabela.
César and Helen were partners in marriage and work. Helen quietly
supported César in his efforts and provided stability for the family
while César was working tirelessly for the cause of the migrant workers.
Between 1949 and 1958, Helen and César had eight children. Helen helped
to support the family by working in the fields, since César was not paid
very well for his work. Helen’s strength can be seen in her response to
César as he was preparing to start his own union. César was
concerned that his new venture would be too hard on Helen. Her memory: “
… it didn’t worry me. It didn’t frighten me … I never
had any doubts that he would succeed.” [8] Helen knew that together they would be able to face
whatever life threw at them.

Chapter 5: La Causa (The Cause)

“It is possible to become discouraged about the injustice we see
everywhere. But God did not promise us that the world would be humane and just.
He gives us the gift of life and allows us to choose the way we will use our
limited time on earth. It is an awesome opportunity.”

César E. Chávez

The importance of a union was obvious to César as he was growing up and
working the fields. Migrant workers tried to unite in order to get better pay
and better working conditions through unions. Most migrant workers wanted
better pay for the amount of produce that they helped harvest, fairer treatment
on the part of labor contractors, and insurance for accidents. They even had to
petition in order to get outhouses and accessible drinking water in the fields.

For the companies, these demands cost money—so they did
everything they could to avoid paying. Many companies felt that if they gave in
to any of the demands by a group of workers, then they would have to meet other
demands, as well. Even small improvements would cost a lot of money since they
involved thousands of workers and large amounts of land. In addition, many
companies felt that the workers’ demands would never be satisfied, so why
start on a road that cost money and had no end. So, instead of helping the
workers, the majority of companies employed tactics to beat the unions. They
asked the courts to prevent the unions from boycotting or picketing. They hired
“goons” from other parts of the valley to come in and beat up
strikers. They brought in undocumented foreign workers to help to replace
picketing workers. They had the police come and arrest the strikers for causing
disturbances. Finally, they used the media to make the strikers seem violent
and un-American. Since there was anti-communist feeling throughout the country,
the companies tried to make the union leaders appear to be anti-American
socialists and communists. This is known as “red-baiting” since
many communist countries adopted a red flag, the color red will many times
represent socialism or communism. People who use red-baiting hoped that the
“red” label would cause people to reject the strikers. The
red-baiting of César would continue throughout the 60s and 70s. FBI
files were kept on César and other leaders of the UFW during these
years.

César had a number of people as role models for his union activity. The
first was his father, Librado, who joined many unions while César was
growing up. Another was Ernesto Galarza, who organized many of the strikes
during the 1940s in which the Chávez’ family participated. Galarza
later served as an advisor to César as he began to form his own
union’s leadership. However, his first taste of what it meant to be an
organizer was given to him by a Catholic priest. Father Donald McDonnell
decided that the physical needs of the migrant workers needed as much
nourishment as their spiritual needs. He set about to teach some of the migrant
workers about organizing themselves to improve their conditions. He taught them
that organizing and bettering themselves went along with the teachings of the
Catholic Church. In César, Father McDonnell found a friend and
assistant. Father McDonnell saw a lot of potential in César and
encouraged him to read. One of the readings that César took on was the
Life of Gandhi
by Louis Fisher. This book made a deep impression on Chávez and he took
the teachings of Gandhi quite seriously, as he would later demonstrate.

Chapter 6: Entrenando
(The Power of Organizing)

“When you have people together who believe in something very
strongly—whether it’s religion or politics or unions —things
happen.”

César E. Chávez

Through his association with Father McDonnell, César met another man who
would strongly influence his life: Fred Ross. While the migrant workers plight
was not well known outside of California and Texas, the plight of the inner
city Latino was at least given some attention. Fred Ross represented the
Community Service Organization whose mission was to help train community
leaders to change their own communities. Ross was sent to set up chapters of
the CSO throughout California. In his travels Fred asked Father McDonnell if he
could recommend some local Mexican Americans to train. César was on the
list Father McDonnell provided. After a two hour meeting Fred Ross wrote in his
diary, “I think I’ve found the guy I’m looking for.”
César ended up volunteering, then working, for the CSO from 1952-1962.

César quickly learned how to become an organizer through his involvement
with the CSO. He started out as a volunteer helping with voter registration. He
was soon promoted to chairman of the CSO voter registration drives.
César and his friends signed up so many new voters that they were soon
challenged. He was accused of being a communist and was red-baited in the local
papers. When César would not back down, he started gaining sympathy and
support from neighboring citizens. César quickly recognized the
importance of standing his ground even when outnumbered and out-spent. He
learned that with time people would recognize the a just cause and support it.
César continued to volunteer for the CSO and learned many other valuable
lessons, one of which was the importance of helping others in order to
establish a bond with them. He later said: “Once you helped people, most
became very loyal. The people who helped us … when we wanted volunteers
were the people we had helped.” [9]
Eventually, Fred Ross was able to hire César as a full-time worker for
the CSO, at $35 a week. It is interesting to note that for all his fame and
hard work, César Chávez, throughout his life, never made more
than $6,000 a year.

César became a force within the CSO—his personal experiences and
labor training having prepared him to be an effective organizer. In 1958, he
got involved in a farm worker’s dispute in Oxnard. César first
ordered a sit-down strike in the fields to challenge negative hiring practices
by the growers. He also organized the first of many boycotts against the
merchants who are selling the product. Chávez also made sure the workers
kept meticulous records so that he could use the records to prove what had
really happened (instead of relying on hearsay). In addition, the workers
picketed meetings, filed formal complaints with the government, and marched
with a banner of the Virgin de Guadalupe. It was in Oxnard that César
saw it all come together. The use of boycotts, marches, religious images, and
political lobbying became associated with César in later years, but it
began at Oxnard. The Oxnard experience also taught him that the workers needed
to establish formal contracts with the growers in order to keep their hard
fought gains. He knew that without a formal union contract, the growers would
be free to go back to their usual practices. He felt that the CSO needed to
form a union. However, the CSO leadership disagreed with César’s
attempts to start one.

César continued working for the CSO and, in this capacity,
came to see the problems that urban minorities were suffering. Life in the
cities for minorities had its own set of challenges and César never
forgot that all people needed to be helped. He worked for the CSO for three
more years and came to gain many valuable political friendships through his
work. One of these early associates was Dolores Huerta, who would one of
César’s strongest supporters. Still, his heart was with the
migrant worker. The CSO felt that its mission was in the cities; César
felt that his was in the fields. In one of many acts of conscience,
César decided to do what he felt was the best thing for the migrant
workers. He resigned from the CSO and decided to organize farmworkers.

Chapter 7: Sí, Se Puede (Yes, it can be done)

“We are tired of words, of betrayals, of indifference … they are
gone when the farm worker said nothing and did nothing to help himself …
Now we have new faith. Through our strong will, our movement is changing these
conditions … We shall be heard.”

César E. Chávez

From the (United Farm Workers’) (UFW’s) very beginning,
César’s base was Delano, California. It was in Delano that
César set up his first headquarters. He chose Delano because there was a
year round farming community and because César’s brother Richard
lived there and could help out. From Delano, California, the Farm Workers
Association was born in 1962. He set about to organize a strong union, knowing
that it would be a while before he would have enough of a membership to be
effective. He traveled from camp to camp passing out questionnaires and meeting
with the workers so that he would know what their needs were.

Photo by Manuel Echavaria

Farm workers gather at the Santa Maria United Farm Workers Union Hall in the
early 1970s.

The first order of business was directly helping the workers. With the help of
his brother Richard and the union’s membership, César opened up a
small credit union to help the workers weather financial problems. He opened up
his home to to farm workers and many would travel to Delano to tell
César of the hardships they encountered. Like his mother’s house,
the Chávez home was open to all who needed it. Slowly, César
started recruiting other leaders to help him. The Reverend Jim Drake, of the
California Migrant Ministry (CMM) started working with César and he was
able to bring an established ecumenical (many faiths) movement with him. The
CMM was made up of Protestant leaders committed to helping the farm workers in
the fields. The relationship of these ministers to the workers was very moving
to César. He pleaded with the leadership of the Catholic Church to send
more priests to the fields to minister to the needs of the workers. Though
César was a Catholic, he always believed that the movement should
include all others, regardless of race, creed or religion. For the remainder of
his life César had strong ecumenical support. César also
recruited his cousin Manuel to help (throughout his life César relied on
his family to serve as his advisors). César was also able to convince
Dolores Huerta to join him once again.

It was now time to formally establish the association. On September 30, 1962 the
new association, the National Farm Workers Association was established (it
later became known as the United Farm Workers). Chávez was elected
President, Dolores Huerta and Gilbert Padilla vice-presidents, and Antonio
Orendain, secretary-treasurer.

It was at their first mass meeting that the powerful flag of the
union was unveiled. The black eagle and red and white flag became a rallying
image for the union and Mexican Americans throughout the United States. That
night, Manuel Chávez explained the symbolism behind the flag: The black
eagle signified the dark situation of the farm worker. The white circle
signified hope and aspirations. The red background stood for the hard work and
sacrifice that the union members would have to give. They also adopted an
official motto, “Viva la Causa” (Long Live Our Cause). Union
opinions would be spread through its newspaper “El Malcriado”
(the unruly one).[10]

Photo by Oscar Castillo, Courtesy of César E.
Chávez Foundation

César and farm workers man the picket line while striking a grower.

Once the union was well established it begun a series of strikes that would
give César national prominence. The workers came to trust César
because he managed to help them help themselves. In a news interview with Wendy
Goepel, César commented on his commitment to empowering workers. She
paraphrased some of his words during the interview as follows:

“A Union must be built around the idea that people must do things by
themselves, in order to help themselves. Too many people, César feels,
have the idea that the farm worker is capable only of being helped by others.
People want to give things to him. So, in time, some workers come to expect
help from the outside. They change their idea of themselves. They become
unaccustomed to the idea that they can do anything by themselves for
themselves. They have accepted the idea that they are ‘too small’
to do anything, too weak to make themselves heard, powerless to change their
own destinies. The leader, of course, gives himself selflessly to the members,
but he must expect and demand that they give themselves to the organization at
the same time. He exists only to help make the people strong.”

This empowerment was the goal of the UFW. The union had many successes and
failures toward this end in its early stages, but its greatest test would come
with the Delano Grape Strike that started in 1965.

Chapter 8: La Huelga (The Strike)

“We are going to pray a lot and picket a lot.”“There is no such thing as defeat in nonviolence.”“I am convinced that the truest act of courage, the strongest act of
manliness is to sacrifice ourselves for others in a totally nonviolent struggle
for justice.”

César E. Chávez

The Delano Grape Strike grew from a small strike to one of national importance.
It began with a Filipino organization known as the Agricultural Workers
Organizing Committee (AWOC) who asked the NFWA to support their strike.
Chávez agreed and spent the next days campaigning among the workers to
support the strike. César saw an opening to accomplish something major
with this strike. A large meeting was scheduled for September 16
(Mexico’s Independence Day). Though there were mostly Mexicans and
Mexican Americans in attendance, the hall also contained African Americans,
Puerto Ricans, Filipinos, Arabs and Anglo Americans. [11] After a spirited speech by César, all those
attending voted to join the strike. The Huelga (strike) had begun and it
involved an area of more that 400 square miles. Soon, the strike took on the
look and feel of most other major farm strikes. The ranchers brought in
strikebreakers and harassed the picketers. They also tried to intimidate the
picketers with shotguns and dogs. They sprayed chemicals on the picketers and
had the police harass them. However, the majority of farm workers remained
committed to the strike.

On the union’s side of the strike, César preached a call for
nonviolence. César recognized the spiritual and political power of
nonviolence from his studying of Gandhi’s struggle in India and that of
the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States. César saw the
sympathy that nonviolent measures gave to the African American community as it
struggled with authorities in the South. Many saw César’s movement
as an extension of the nonviolent civil rights movement of the previous decade.
It was César’s call for nonviolence that convinced so many to
support his political actions and boycotts. César Chávez and
Martin Luther King, Jr. were symbols of a nationwide movement for civil rights.
Though the majority of César’s actions were intended specifically
for the migrant farm worker, he was also concerned about the plight of all
people—especially those that were disenfranchised—much like Dr.
King before him.

As more and more people came to support his strike, César
began getting more national attention. César took his message to college
students throughout California and the students supported him. Large unions
like the United Auto Workers lent their support. Soon came the media. A
national TV special, “The Harvest of Shame” showed America the
miserable working conditions that the migrant workers had to endure. Reporters
from all over the country started coming to Delano to interview César
and other union officers. But the highpoint of the strike was still coming.

Photo by Cathy Murphy, Courtesy of United Farm Workers

1000 Mile March from Santa Maria to Salinas during the summer of 1975.

César planned a march from Delano to Sacramento in March 1966. The
reason for the march to Sacramento was to get the support of the Governor of
California, Edmund “Pat” Brown, while also getting increased
exposure to the union’s cause. It was called a pilgrimage because it was
as much a unification effort as it was a protest march. César marched
the entire way, gathering more supporters the farther he went. The march was a
procession of many nationalities, all fighting for the same cause. They carried
the banners of the union, the flags of the United States and Mexico, and a flag
with the image of the Virgin de Guadalupe. As the march came closer to
Sacramento, César was called to an emergency meeting with the head of
the grower’s association. The owners conceded to the demands of the
Union. The farm workers had won. It was the first union contract between
growers and a farm workers’ union in United States’ history. The
owners caved-in under the pressure they were receiving from citizens, buyers,
and even workers from other areas that supported the strike. A few days later
the marchers all celebrated on the steps of the State Capitol. The Governor was
not around to greet them but it did not matter; they had won what they had
started out for: a real and long-lasting contract. They did it in a spirit of
nonviolence and co-operation among people of different races and different
religions. It was truly a people’s victory. Though they had achieved
their goal, the struggle for continued contracts with other grape growers would
remain for many years to come.

Chapter 9: Problemas y Ayuda (Problems and Help)

“You are never strong enough that you don’t need help.”

César E. Chávez

For the next decade, the UFW continued to fight for migrant workers’
rights with the grape growers. They continued to struggle to obtain union
contracts with growers. In each action, César and his staff employed the
same tactics of boycotts, marches, religious images, and political lobbying.
There were also many heated fights for the workers themselves between the
Teamsters Union and the UFW. The Teamsters are a national union with millions
of members. They fought the UFW for contracts with the growers. The UFW did not
want the teamsters to represent the migrant workers because they felt the
Teamsters were signing contracts that favored the growers. They felt that the
Teamsters did not understand the needs of the workers in the way that the UFW
did. For their part, the Teamsters believed that they would be able to use
their large union to offer security and a large union’s strength to the
workers. The battles for representation of the workers were almost as bitter as
those between the growers and the UFW. In the end, the UFW was able to win the
majority of battles for representation. These victories came from the combined
leadership of César and his close associate, Dolores Huerta.

No biography of Chávez’s life would be complete without mentioning
his lifelong friend and political ally, Dolores Huerta. Dolores and
César worked so well together that it is difficult to separate one from
the other in terms of importance to the union. Dolores worked both behind the
scenes and as an outspoken and fiery leader. Dolores was a keen organizer and
was responsible for much of the policymaking and legislative activity. She
wrote speeches, organized rallies, put in countless hours to make sure that
events would be successful. She also worked hard to make sure the daily
operations of a union were taken care of. The members of the union respected
her views and were willing to follow her leadership. She was a powerful woman
who helped the migrant workers to see the benefits of uniting under a common
cause.

Like César, Dolores did not draw lines based on race or religion. She
looked for the ability that each individual could bring, regardless of his or
her background. One important dimension that she brought to the cause was the
importance of treating women as equals. She personified what she hoped society
would someday allow: women to be individuals valued for accomplishments. She
believed that all people, and each person, have the potential to succeed. She
was very influential in helping people achieve success and, therefore, the
ability to direct their own lives. The issues and organizational efforts
attributed to the UFW are a result of Dolores, César, and other union
leaders working together. It would be unfair to attribute all the success to
just César because there were many others working together to ensure the
success of the movement.

Dolores worked alongside César for more than 30 years. She
continued her fight for equality through the 1980s and 1990s. In 1988, she was
hospitalized after being beaten by a San Francisco policeman during a
nonviolent protest rally. She was taken to the emergency room where she was
diagnosed with a ruptured spleen and broken ribs. Tapes of the rally showed a
policeman severely beating her while she was complying with their demands to
back away from the police line. Dolores, like César and Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr. was champion for the civil rights of all people.

Chapter 10: Tiene La Lumbre Adentro
(He has the light inside)

“There are many reasons for why a man does what he does. To be himself he
must be able to give it all. If a leader cannot give it all he cannot expect
his people to give anything.”

César E. Chávez

During many of the labor struggles that took place after Delano, César
began using “the fast” as a way of protesting and speaking up for
the injustices that were occurring. A fast is when someone chooses to abstain
from eating for a period of time. Sometimes people will go on a water fast
which means they will go without eating but will continue to drink water.
César went on many hunger fasts throughout his life in order to bring
attention to important events.

For César, the fast was as spiritual as it was political. César
prepared for his fasts by praying and meditating. He often began his fasts
without telling anyone, since it was a very spiritual endeavor. Throughout his
life, César saw the fast as a spiritual action that would help him
overcome his own weaknesses, as well as a force to gather continued support
from others. César saw that he could not do all of this work by himself
so he hoped that by sacrificing himself he would be able to enlist support from
a variety of sources. It is important to remember that, though spiritual, the
fasts were also a very effective tactical weapon. They brought national
attention and support from millions. People saw a man willing to sacrifice
himself in ways that they would not be willing to sacrifice. As a result, they
supported him in ways that they could, such as boycotting. Though
César’s fasts were politically motivated, it does not mean that
they were insincere. They were both. He once said of his fasts, “The fast
is a very personal spiritual thing, and it is not done out of recklessness.
It’s not done out of a desire to destroy yourself, but it’s done
out of a deep conviction that we can communicate with people, either those who
are for us or against us, faster and more effectively spiritually than we can
in any other way.” [12]

In 1968, César went on a 25–day fast that brought
national attention to La Causa. The point of his fast was to bring
attention to the principle of nonviolence. During one tense strike, some of the
members of the UFW wanted to retaliate for violence that was being used against
them. César pleaded with the membership to remain committed to the
principles of nonviolence for which he and the union stood. 1968 was a
turbulent year and it was difficult to convince people everywhere that violence
was not the answer to their problems. César did not want this attitude
among the union so he told the union leadership that he was going to fast until
the members “made up their minds that they were not going to be
committing violence.”[13]
César knew the importance of this fast. He knew he would have to get the
attention of many in order for the fast to have an influence on them so he
moved into a storage room at the union’s headquarters. All he had was a
small cot and a few religious articles. Soon hundreds were visiting him and
holding mass with him on a daily basis. They knew that César was fasting
to help them and to bring attention to their needs, not his. César
rarely left the small room, but the union was continuing in its work and
César was called to testify before a judge about some of the
union’s activities. Thousands surrounded the courthouse to offer
César their support, since they knew that he needed it in his weakened
state. As Chávez struggled to offer testimony, the media began to see
the news-worthiness of covering a man so sincere in his efforts that he
continued to defend what he believed in even though he was starving himself.
Soon, his fast became a national event. Letters of support came from all over
the country. Leaders like Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert Kennedy sent him
encouragement. The entire country became aware of what César stood for:
nonviolence, unity, and La Causa. César decided to end the fast
after 25 days. The fast ended with an outdoor Roman Catholic Mass. Although too
weak to stand or speak, César had a friend read a message that
César had written earlier. It expresses his powerful spiritual reasons
for his fast. It read:

“Our struggle is not easy. Those that oppose our cause are rich and
powerful, and they have many allies in high places. We are poor. Our allies are
few. But we have something the rich do not own. We have our own bodies and
spirits and the justice of our cause as our weapons.When we are really honest with ourselves, we must admit that our lives are all
that really belong to us. So it is how we use our lives that determine what
kind of men we really are. It is my deepest belief that only by giving of our
lives do we find life.I am convinced that the truest act of courage, the strongest act of
manliness, is to sacrifice ourselves for others in a totally nonviolent
struggle for justice. To be a man is to suffer for others. God help us to be
men.”

César E. Chávez

By 1969 Chávez could command a national stage for La Causa. The
efforts of the California growers to circumvent the boycotts of specific labels
led the union to ask for a national boycott of all table grapes. Grapes became
a national symbol of farm worker exploitation and soon people throughout the
nation were choosing to boycott grapes. Volunteers began picketing supermarkets
that sold grapes. Buying grapes became a moral issue. Many chose not to
purchase grapes because they sympathized with the struggle. Others purposely
bought grapes to show their support for the growers. However, most sided with
the migrant workers and the boycott became a national issue. César was
at the center of this movement and was even put on the cover of
Time
magazine on July 4, 1969.

In time, most of the major cities in America (and some in Canada)
started refusing shipments of grapes since millions of pounds were rotting
because so few people were buying them. As a result, on July 29, 1970 the
majority of the grape growers in the region agreed to sign contracts with the
union. The UFW had won. It took five years but the union finally achieved its
goal of getting contracts with the large majority of growers. The union had won
because it used solid union tactics in California; but also because it was able
to get the support of millions throughout the United States. The battle of the
grapes came to symbolize the power of Americans to unite for a common cause.

Chapter 11:Viva La Causa (Long Live The Cause)

“It’s amazing how people can get so excited about a rocket to the
moon and not give a damn about smog, oil leaks, the devastation of the
environment with pesticides, hunger, disease. When the poor share some of the
power that the affluent now monopolize, we will give a damn.”

César E. Chávez

Throughout the 1970s, César E. Chávez and the union
continued to fight for the workers on the picket lines and in the political
arena. In 1972, the UFW became an independent affiliate (partner) with a large
national union—the AFL-CIO. This merger increased the power of the union.
The union was also able to use its political muscle to defeat California
Proposition 22 that would have taken away much of the political power that the
UFW and other unions fought so hard to win. In 1975, the short handled hoe,
which required the user to work in such a way that put excruciating pressure on
his back, was finally outlawed because of the union’s efforts. However,
there were continued clashes with growers and with the unionization efforts of
the Teamsters. Though Chávez had the support of many, he was not always
able to persuade the politicians and voters to the goals of the UFW. Several
California propositions went against his wishes. Government agencies, like the
Agricultural Labor Relations Board in charge of labor relations, voted against
the union’s demands. Anti-farm labor politicians often appointed members
of the Farm Labor Board. For César and the union, there were always
victories followed by defeats, but the struggle continued. The UFW boycotts of
lettuce and grapes would continue for years, though tied to a variety of
different specific issues. Though they lost their share of battles, the migrant
worker continued to be better off than before in areas where political pressure
was maintained. Even in their losses, the union was at least able to bring up
issues that would serve as rallying points in future negotiations.
César’s story is not one of always winning; it is one of always
struggling for the good.

César continued his advocacy for the worker into the 1980s and 1990s.
Though union membership fell during these periods, César continued to
fight the good fight. This was especially true in terms of fighting against the
heavy use of pesticides. In the 1970s, many growers did not want to negotiate
with the UFW because it meant they had to respect the union’s strong
stance against heavy pesticide use. Other unions were willing to ignore the
effects of the pesticides; not the UFW. In 1980, the UFW produced a movie,
“The Wrath of Grapes” that showed evidence of the birth defects and
high cancer rates the pesticides were causing. Many of the issues that
César fought for in terms of pesticide abuses can be found in segments
from a speech he gave in 1990:

“Many decades ago the chemical industry promised the growers that
pesticides would bring great wealth and bountiful harvests to the fields
… What, then, is the effect of pesticides? Pesticides have created a
legacy of pain, and misery, and death for farm workers and consumers alike
… These pesticides soak the fields. Drift with the wind, pollute the
water, and are eaten by unwitting consumers. These poisons are designed to
kill, and pose a very real threat to consumers and farm workers alike. The
fields are sprayed with pesticides: like Captan, Parathion, Phosdrin, and
Methyl Bromide. The poisons cause cancer, DNA mutation, and horrible birth
defects. The Central Valley of California is one of the wealthiest agricultural
regions in the world. In its midst are clusters of children dying from cancer.
The children live in communities surrounded by the grape fields that employ
their parents. The children come into contact with the poisons when they play
outside, when they drink the water and when they hug their parents returning
from the fields. And the children are dying … ”[14]

César took his crusade against unsafe pesticide use around the U.S. He
did everything he could, including fasting, to get support for his cause. In
1988, he went on a 36–day water fast; it was called a “Fast for
Life.” Once again, the nation took notice. Supporters rallied around
César and put pressure on the companies that were using the strong
pesticides. Many politicians and celebrities underwent 3–day mini-fasts
to show their support for Chávez. Eventually, César’s
strength and determination won out and the growers listened to his concern and
began reviewing their use of chemicals. César was still concerned about
the use of pesticides before his death; he did not feel that the battle had
been won.

Photo by Ann Benson, Courtesy of El Malcriado

César with a group of students.

Chapter 12: El Fin y El Futuro
(The End and a New Beginning)

“There’s no turning back … We will win. We are winning
because ours is a revolution of mind and heart … ”“In this world it is possible to achieve great material wealth, to live an
opulent life. But a life built upon those things alone leaves a shallow legacy.
In the end, we will be judged by other standards.”

César E. Chávez

Chávez’s concern for his people continued until the end of his
life. He continued to organize political action into the early 1990s. He
continued to coordinate strikes and spoke at rallies and colleges, continually
spreading the message that the battle for human rights and human safety was not
yet over. He battled in the Courts, as growers tried to use legal loopholes
like switching ownership rights to void previous contracts with the union. He
went from town to town trying to convince consumers not to eat grapes until
grapes were pesticide free.[15]

César’s body finally gave out in April, 1993. When he
died in his sleep, of natural causes, he was in the middle of defending the
union in a court action. He was sixty-six years old. His funeral took place on
April 29, 1993. More than 30,000 people came from all over the United States to
pay their last respects. In his funeral mass, Cardinal Roger M. Mahoney called
Chávez, “a special prophet for the world’s farm
workers.”

More than 30,000 mourners marched behind his plain pine casket to pay their
respects to César.

César is buried at the UFW’s California headquarters at La Paz and
his influence continues to be felt.

In 1994, César Estrada Chávez was posthumously
awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the United State’s highest
honor for nonmilitary personnel. It was accepted by his wife and long time
partner, Helen F. Chávez. During the ceremony President Clinton said of
Chávez:

“Born into Depression-era poverty in Arizona in 1927, he served in the
United States Navy in the Second World War, and rose to become one of our
greatest advocates of nonviolent change. He was for his own people a Moses
figure. The farm workers who labored in the fields and yearned for respect and
self-sufficiency pinned their hopes on this remarkable man, who, with faith and
discipline, with soft-spoken humility and amazing inner strength, led a very
courageous life. And in so doing, brought dignity to the lives of so many
others, and provided for us inspiration for the rest of our nation’s
history.”

Photo Courtesy of César E. Chávez
Foundation

César’s wife, Helen, poses with President Bill Clinton,
Hillary Rodham Clinton, and others after the White House Ceremony during
which she was presented César’s Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Chapter 13: The Legacy of César E. Chávez

United Farm Workers

In 1993, Arturo Rodriguez succeeded César Chávez as President of
the UFW continuing the fight for social and economic justice for farm workers
and Latinos. Through education and union organizing, the UFW continues to
improve living and working conditions for farm workers and other workers. Since
kicking off a new field organizing campaign in 1994, a year after Cesar’s
death, farm workers—mostly in California—have voted for the union
in 21 elections and the UFW has signed 25 new, or first-time, contracts with
growers.

These employer-employee partnerships include a contract with the nation’s
largest berry employer, Coastal Berry Co., covering 750 Ventura County
strawberry workers; a contract with long-time UFW adversary, Gallo Vineyards,
covering 450 wine grape workers, the first contract in 27 years; and an
agreement with Bear Creek Co., America’s largest rose producer, covering
1,400 rose workers. Successes outside California include recent pacts with
Chateau Ste. Michelle, Washington state’s biggest winery, and Quincy
Farms, the U.S. southeast’s largest mushroom producer in the state of
Florida.

CECF: César E. Chávez Foundation

In 1993, César’s family and friends established the César
E. Chávez Foundation to educate people about the life and work of this
great American civil rights leader and to engage all, particularly youth, to
carry on his values and timeless vision for a better world. The Foundation
pursues its mission of education through programs such as the César
Chávez Service Clubs, soon to be implemented in high schools across the
country, the development of the César E. Chávez Education and
Retreat Center, the development of curricular materials on César’s
values and principles, and scholarships for students.