[The following notes began as a lecture delivered, in part, at Malaspina
College (now Vancouver Island
University) in Liberal Studies 301 on
September 25, 1995. That lecture was considerably revised in July 2000. This
text is in the public domain, released July 2000. Note that references to
Aeschylus's text are to the translation by Robert Fagles
(Penguin, 1977), For access to a free on-line
translation of the Oresteia, follow this link:Oresteia.

A. Introduction

My
lecture today falls into two parts. In the first I want to offer some
background information for our study of Aeschylus's Oresteia,
specifically on the Trojan War and the House of Atreus, and in the second I
will be addressing the first play in that trilogy, the Agamemnon,
making relatively brief mention of the other plays in the trilogy. Other speakers today will focus in more detail on the second and
third plays.

B. The Trojan War

With
the possible exception of the narratives in the Old Testament, no story has
been such a fecund artistic resource in Western culture as the Greeks'
favourite tale, the Trojan War. This is a vast, complex story, which includes a
great many subsidiary narratives, and it has over the centuries proved an
inexhaustible resource for Western writers, painters, musicians,
choreographers, novelists, and dramatists. It would be comparatively easy and
very interesting to develop a course of study of Western Culture based entirely
upon artistic depictions of events from this long narrative. So it's an
important part of cultural literacy for any students of our traditions to have
some acquaintance with the details of this story, which even today shows no
sign of losing its appeal.

There
is not time here today to go into the narrative in any depth. So I'm going to
be dealing only with a very brief treatment of those details most immediately
pertinent to our study of Aeschylus. However, for those who want to go over a
more comprehensive summary of the total narrative, I have put a few pages on
the Internet (to access the site on line click on Trojan War)

The
complete narrative of the Trojan War includes at least six sections: the
long-term causes (the Judgment of Paris), the immediate causes (the seduction
of Helen of Troy by Paris), the preparations (especially the gathering of the
forces at Aulis and the sacrifice of Iphigeneia), the
events of the war (climaxing in the Wooden Horse and the destruction of the
city), the returns (most notably the adventures of Odysseus and Aeneas and the
murder of Agamemnon), and the long-term aftermath.

The
total narrative is found by putting together many different versions, not all
of which by any means agree on the details. Unlike the Old Testament narrative
which was eventually codified into an official single version (at least for
Christians and Jews), the story of the Trojan War exists in many versions of
separate incidents in many different documents. There is no single
authoritative account. Homer's Iliad and Odyssey enjoyed
a unique authority in classical Greece, but those works deal only with a relatively small parts of the total narrative and are
by no means the only texts which deal with the subject matter they cover.

Was
the Trojan War a historical event or an endlessly embroidered fiction? The
answer to this question is much disputed. The ancient Greeks believed in the
historical truth of the tale and dated it at approximately 1200 BC, about the
same time as the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Until the last century,
however, most later Europeans thought of the story as
a poetic invention. This attitude changed quickly when a rich German merchant,
Schliemann, in the nineteenth century, explored possible sites for the city
(using Homeric geography as a clue) and unearthed some archeological remains of
a city, one version of which had apparently been violently destroyed at about
the traditional date. The site of this city, in Hissarlik
in modern Turkey, is now widely believed to be the historical site of ancient
Troy (although we cannot be certain).

What
we need to know as background for Aeschylus's play is a comparatively small
portion of this total narrative, which Aeschylus assumes his audience will be
thoroughly familiar with. The expedition against Troy was initiated as a
response to the seduction of Helen by Paris, a son of Priam, King of Troy, and
their running off together back to Troy with a great quantity of Spartan
treasure. Helen, the daughter of Zeus and Leda, was married to Menelaus, king
of Sparta. His brother, Agamemnon, was king of Argos, married to Helen's twin
sister Clytaemnestra (but whose father was not Zeus).

As
a result of the abduction of Helen, the Greeks mounted an expedition against
Troy, headed up by the two kings, Agamemnon and Menelaus, the sons of Atreus,
or the Atreidai. They summoned their allies to meet
them with troops at Aulis, where the ships were to take the troops on board and
sail to Troy.

However,
Agamemnon had angered the goddess Artemis by killing a sacred animal. So
Artemis sent contrary winds, and the fleet could not sail. The entire
expedition was threatened with failure. Finally, the prophet Calchas informed the Greek leadership that the fleet would
not be able to sail unless Agamemnon sacrificed his eldest daughter, Iphigeneia. He did so, and the fleet sailed to Troy, where,
after ten years of siege, the city finally fell to the Greeks, who then
proceeded to rape, pillage, and destroy the temples of the Trojans. The Greek
leaders divided up the captive women. Agamemnon took Cassandra, a daughter of
king Priam, home as a slave concubine. Cassandra had refused the sexual
advances of the god Apollo; he had punished her by giving her the gift of
divine prophecy but making sure that no one ever believed her.

The
moral construction put on the Trojan War varies a good deal from one writer to
the next. Homer's Iliad, for example, sees warfare as a condition
of existence and therefore the Trojan War is a symbol for life itself, a life
in which the highest virtues are manifested in a tragic heroism. In the Odyssey,
there is a strong sense that the warrior life Odysseus has lived at Troy is
something he must learn to abandon in favour of something more suited to home
and hearth. Euripides used the stories of the war to enforce either a very
strong anti-war vision or to promote highly unnaturalistic
and ironic romance narratives.

In
Aeschylus's play there is a strong sense that the Trojan War is, among other
things, an appropriate act of revenge for the crime of Paris and Helen against
Menelaus. And yet, at the same time, it is something which most of the people
at home despise, for it kills all the young citizens and corrupts political
life by taking the leaders away. In fact, the complex contradictions in the
Chorus's attitude to that war help to bring out one of the major points of the
first play: the problematic nature of justice based on a simple revenge ethic.
According to the traditional conception of justice, Agamemnon is right to fight
against Troy; but the effort is destroying his own city. So how can that be
right?

C. The House of Atreus

The
other background story which Aeschylus assumes his audience will be thoroughly
familiar with is the story of the House of Atreus. This story, too, is
recounted in more detail in the note on the Trojan War mentioned above.

The
important point to know for the play is that the House of Atreus suffers from
an ancient curse. As part of the working out of this curse, Agamemnon's father,
Atreus, had quarreled violently with his brother Thyestes. As a result of this
quarrel, Atreus had killed Thyestes's sons and fed them to him at a
reconciliation banquet. In some versions of the story, Thyestes, overcome with
horror, produced a child with his surviving daughter in order to have someone
to avenge the crime. The offspring of that sexual union was Aegisthus
(Aeschylus changes this point by having Aegisthus an infant at the time of the
banquet). Aegisthus' actions in the Oresteia, the seduction of
Clytaemnestra (before the play starts) and the killing of Agamemnon, he
interprets and excuses as a revenge for what Atreus did to his father and
brothers. (For a more detailed summary account of the story of the House
of Atreus, click here)

The
House of Atreus is probably the most famous secular family in our literary
history, partly because it tells the story of an enormous family curse, full of
sex, violence, horrible deaths going on for generations. It also throws into
relief a theme which lies at the very centre of the Oresteia and
which has intrigued our culture ever since, the nature of revenge.

D. The Revenge Ethic

Aechylus's trilogy, and especially the first play, calls
our attention repeatedly to a central concept of justice: justice as revenge.
This is a relatively simple notion, and it has a powerful emotional appeal,
even today. The revenge ethic, simply put, makes justice the personal
responsibility of the person insulted or hurt or, if that person is dead, of
someone closely related to him, almost invariably a close blood relative. The
killer must be killed, and that killing must be carried out personally by the
most appropriate person, who accepts that charge as an obvious responsibility.
It is a radically simple and powerfully emotional basis for justice, linking
retribution to the family and their feelings for each other and for their
collective honour.

We
have already met this ethic in the Old Testament and in the Odyssey.
In the latter book, the killing of Aegisthus by Orestes is repeatedly referred
to with respect and approval: it was a just act because Aegisthus had violated Orestes's home and killed his father. And we are encouraged
to see Odysseus's extraordinarily violent treatment of the suitors and their
followers as a suitable revenge, as justice, for what they have done or tried
to do to his household, especially his goods, his wife, and his son. Justice
demands a personal, violent, and effective response from an appropriate family
member.

And
we are very familiar with this ethic from our own times, because justice as
revenge seems to be an eternally popular theme of movies, televisions, books.
It has become an integral part of the Western movie and of the police drama.
Some actors create a career out of the genre (e.g., Charles Bronson and Arnold Swartzenegger and the Godfather). We know from the news
also that many immigrants who come from countries where justice is widely
understood as revenge bring the ethic to this country and get into trouble
because of it. In the next semester we are going to be studying the most famous
revenge story in English drama, Shakespeare's Hamlet.

We
may not ourselves base our justice system directly and simply upon revenge, but
we all understand very clearly those feelings which prompt a desire for revenge
(especially when we think of any violence done to members of our own family),
and we are often very sympathetic to those who do decide to act on their own
behalf in meting out justice to someone who has killed someone near and dear to
them.

So
in reading the Oresteia we may be quite puzzled by the rather
strange way the story is delivered to us, but there is no mistaking the
importance or the familiarity of the issue. One way of approaching this play,
in fact, is to see it primarily as an exploration of the adequacy of the
revenge ethic as a proper basis for justice in the community and the movement
towards a more civilized, effective, and rational way of judging crimes in the polis.

E. An Important Preliminary Interlude

Before
going on to make some specific remarks about the Agamemnon, I'd
like to call attention to an interpretative problem that frequently (too
frequently) crops up with the Oresteia, especially among students,
namely, the desire to treat this work as if it were, first and foremost, a
philosophical investigation into concepts of justice rather than a great
artistic fiction, a poetic exploration.

Why
is this important? Well, briefly put, treating the play as if it were a
rational argument on the order of, say, a Socratic enquiry, removes from our
study of it the most important poetic qualities of the work. We concentrate all
our discussions on the conceptual dimensions of the play, attending to the
logic of Agamemnon's defense of his actions, or Clytaemnestra's of hers, or the
final verdict of Athena in the trial of Orestes at the end, and we strive,
above all, to evaluate the play on the basis of our response to the rational
arguments put forward.

This
approach is disastrous because the Oresteia is not a rational
argument. It is, by contrast, an artistic exploration of conceptual issues.
What matters here are the complex states of feeling which emerge from the
characters, the imagery, the actions, and the ideas (as they are expressed by
particular characters in the action). What we are
dealing with here, in other words, is much more a case of how human beings feel
about justice, about the possibilities for realizing justice in the fullest
sense of the word within the human community, than a rational blueprint for
implementing a new system.

I'll
have more to say about this later, but let me give just one famous example. The
conclusion of the trilogy will almost certainly create problems for the
interpreter who seeks, above all else, a clearly worked out rational system for
achieving justice in the community (understanding the rational justification
for Athena's decision in the trial or the reconciliation with the Furies, for
example, will be difficult to work out precisely). But Aeschylus, as a poet, is
not trying to offer such a conclusion. What he gives us is a symbolic
expression of our highest hopes, our most passionate desires for justice (which
is so much more than a simple objective concept). The ending of the trilogy,
with all those people (who earlier were bitter opponents) on stage singing and
dancing in harmony, is a celebration of human possibility (and perhaps a
delicate one at that), not the endorsement of a clearly codified system.

In
the same way Athena's decision to acquit Orestes is not primarily the
expression of a reasoned argument. It is far more an artistic symbol
evocative of our highest hopes. This point needs to be stressed because
(for understandable reasons) this part of the play often invites a strong
feminist critique, as if what is happening here is the express desire to
suppress feminine power. Now, I would be the last to deny the importance
of the gendered imagery in the trilogy, but here I would also insist that
Athena is a goddess, and her actions are, in effect, endorsing a shift in power
from the divine to the human. Justice will no longer be a helpless appeal
to the justice of Zeus in a endless sequence of
killings: it will be the highest responsibility of the human community.
The play does not "prove" that that's a good idea. It
celebrates that as a possibility (and it may well be significant that that
important hope is realized on stage by a divine power who is female but
who is not caught up in the powerful nexus of the traditional family, since she
sprung fully grown from Zeus' head).

This
does not mean, I hasten to add, that we should abandon
our reason as we approach the play. It does mean, however, that we must remain
alert to the plays in the trilogy as works of art, and especially as dramatic
works, designed to communicate their insights to us in performance. Yes, the
plays deal with ideas, and we need to come to terms with those. But these ideas
are never separate from human desires, motives, and passions. To see what
Aeschylus is doing here, then, we need to look very carefully at all the
various ways in which this emotional dimension, the full range of ambiguity and
irony, establishes itself in the imagery, metaphors, and actions. We
need, for example, always to be aware of how the way characters express their
thoughts (especially the images they use) qualifies, complicates, and often
undercuts the most obvious meanings of their words.

You
will get a firm sense of what I mean if you consider that no one would ever put
the Oresteia on a reading list for a philosophy course (except
perhaps as background). Yet the work obviously belongs on any list of the
world's great poetic dramas. We need to bear that in mind in our discussions,
basing what we say on close readings of the text rather than on easy
generalizations imposed on complex ironies.

F. Revenge in the Agamemnon

In
the Agamemnon, revenge is the central issue. Agamemnon interprets
his treatment of Troy as revenge for the crime of Paris and Helen;
Clytaemnestra interprets her killing of Agamemnon as revenge for the sacrifice
of Iphigeneia; Aegisthus interprets his role in the
killing of Agamemnon as revenge for the treatment of his half-brothers by
Agamemnon's father, Atreus. We are constantly confronted in this play with the realities
of what revenge requires and what it causes, and we are always being asked to
evaluate the justification for killing by appeals to the traditional revenge
ethic.

But
there's more to it than that. For in this play, unlike the Odyssey,
revenge emerges as something problematic, something that, rather than upholding
and restoring the polis, is threatening to engulf it in an unending cycle of
destruction, until the most powerful city in the Greek world is full of corpses
and vultures. In fact, one of the principal purposes of the first play of the
trilogy is to force us to recognize that justice based on revenge creates
special difficulties which it cannot solve. To use one of the most
important images in the play, the city is caught in a net from which there
seems to be no escape. The traditional revenge ethic has woven a cycle of
necessary destruction around the city, and those caught in the mesh feel
trapped in a situation they do not want but cannot alter.

G. The Chorus in the Agamemnon

The
major way in which Aeschylus presents revenge to us as a problem in the Agamemnon is
through the actions and the feelings of the Chorus. For us the huge part given
to the Chorus is unfamiliar, and we may be tempted from time to time to skip a
few pages until the next person enters, and the action moves forward. That is a
major mistake, because following what is happening to the Chorus in the Agamemnon is
essential to understanding the significance of what is going on. They provide
all sorts of necessary background information, but, more important than that,
they set the emotional and moral tone of the city. What they are, what they
say, and how they feel represent the quality of life (in the full meaning of
that term) available in the city.

First
of all, who are these people? They are adult male citizens of Argos, those who
ten years ago were too old to join the expedition to Troy. Hence, they are
extremely old and very conscious of their own physical feebleness. And they are
worried. They know the history of this family; they know very well about the
sacrifice of Iphigeneia; and they have a very strong
sense of what Clytaemnestra is about to do. They are full of an ominous sense
of what is in store, and yet they have no means of dealing with that or even
talking about it openly. Thus, in everything they say until quite near
the end of the play, there is a very strong feeling of moral evasiveness:
Agamemnon is coming home, and justice awaits. They
know what that means. It is impossible to read very much of those long choruses
without deriving a firm sense of their unease at what is going to happen and of
their refusal and inability to confront directly the sources of that unease.

Why
should this create problems for them? Well, they are caught in something of a
dilemma. On the one hand, the only concept of justice they understand is the
traditional revenge ethic: the killer must be killed. At the same time, they
are weary of the slaughter. They are fearful for the future of their city,
since the revenge ethic is destroying its political fabric. And they don't
approve of what Clytaemnestra and Aegisthus are up to. They may sense that
there's a certain "justice" in the revenge for Iphigeneia,
but they are not satisfied that that is how things should be done, because
Agamemnon, or someone like him, is necessary for the survival of the city.

In
that sense their long account of the sacrifice of Iphigeneia
is much more than simply narrative background. They are probing the past,
searching through the sequence of events, as if somehow the justice of what has
happened will emerge if they focus on the history which has led up to this
point. But the effort gets them nowhere, and they are left with the desperately
weak formulaic cry, "Let all go well," a repetitive prayer expressing
a slim hope for a better future. They don't like what's happened in the
past, but they cannot come to a mature acceptance of it, because it scares
them. The actions of Agamemnon seem to fit the concept of justice, as they
understand the term, but the actions themselves are horrific. They want it to
make sense, but they cannot themselves derive any emotional satisfaction from
the story or from what they suspect will happen next.

Thus,
everything they utter up to the murder of Agamemnon is filled with a sense of
moral unease and emotional confusion. They want the apparently endless cycle of
retributive killings to stop, but they have no way of conceptualizing or
imagining how that might happen. Their historical circumstances are too
emotionally complex for the system of belief they have at hand to interpret the
significance of those events. Since the only system of justice they have ever
known tells them that the killings must continue and since they don't want them
to continue, they are paralyzed. The physical weakness throughout much of the
play is an obvious symbol for their moral and emotional paralysis. In fact, the
most obvious thing about Argos throughout this first play is the moral
duplicity and evasiveness of everyone in it.

This
moral ambiguity of Argos manifests itself repeatedly in the way the Chorus and
others refuse to reveal publicly what they are thinking and feeling. Right from
the very opening of the play, in the Watchman's speech, what is for a brief
moment an outburst of spontaneous joy at the news that Agamemnon will be
returning is snuffed out with a prudent hesitancy and an admission that in
Argos one does not dare utter one's thoughts. "I could tell you things if
I wanted to," admits the Watchman, "but in this city an ox stands on
my tongue."

The
way in which the watchman's joy is instantly tempered by his guarded suspicion
indicates, right at the very opening of the play, that we are in a murky realm
here, where people are not free to state what they feel, where one feeling
cancels out another, and where there's no sense of what anyone might do to
resolve an unhappy situation.

It's
important to note here that the political inertia of the old men of the chorus
is not a function of their cowardice or their stupidity. They are neither of
these. It comes from a genuine sense of moral and emotional confusion. As
mentioned above, in order to understand their situation they are constantly
reviewing the past, bringing to our attention the nature of the warfare in Troy
(which they hate), the terrible destruction caused by Helen (whom they
despise), the awful sacrifice of Iphigeneia (for whom
they express great sympathy), and so on. The moral code they have inherited
tells them that, in some way or another, all these things are just. But that
violates their feelings. Revenge, they realize, is not achieving what justice
in the community is supposed, above all else, to foster, a secure and fair life
in the polis, an emotional satisfaction with our communal life together. On the
contrary, it is destroying Argos and will continue to do so, filling its
citizens with fear and anxiety.

This
attitude reaches its highest intensity in the interview they have with
Cassandra. She unequivocally confronts them with their deepest fears: that they
will see Agamemnon dead. Their willed refusal to admit that they understand
what she is talking about is not a sign of their stupidity--they know very well
what she means. But they cannot admit that to themselves, because then they
would have to do something about it, and they have no idea what they should or
could do. If they do nothing, then perhaps the problem will go away. Maybe
Agamemnon can take care of it. Or, put another way, before acting decisively,
they need a reason to act. But the traditional reasons behind justice are
telling them that they have no right to intervene.

The
situation does not go away of course. Agamemnon is killed, and Clytaemnestra
emerges to deliver a series of triumphant speeches over his corpse. It is
particularly significant to observe what happens to the Chorus of old men at
this point. They have no principled response to Clytaemnestra, but they finally
are forced to realize that what has just happened is, in some fundamental way,
a violation of what justice in the polis should be all about, and that they
therefore should not accept it. And this emotional response rouses them to
action: for the first time they openly defy the rulers of the city, at some
risk to themselves. They have no carefully worked out political agenda, nor can
they conceptualize what they are doing. Their response is radically emotional:
the killing of the king must be wrong. Civil war is averted, because
Clytaemnestra and Aegisthus do not take up the challenge, retiring to the
palace. But the end of the Agamemnon leaves us with the most
graphic image of a city divided against itself. What
has gone on in the name of justice is leading to the worst of all possible
communal disasters, civil war, the most alarming
manifestation of the total breakdown of justice.

This
ending is, in part, not unlike the ending of the Odyssey, where
Odysseus's revenge against the suitors initiates a civil war between him and
his followers and those whose duty it is to avenge the slain. But Homer does
not pursue the potential problem of justice which this poses. Instead he wraps
the story up quickly with a divine intervention, which forcibly imposes peace
on the antagonists. We are thus not invited to question the justice of
Odysseus's actions, which in any case have divine endorsement throughout.

In
Aeschylus's first play, by contrast, the problems of a city divided against
itself by the inadequacy of the revenge ethic become the major focus of the
second and third plays, which seek to find a way through the impasse.

H. Agamemnon and Clytaemnestra

In
contrast to the moral difficulties of the Chorus, the two main characters in
the Agamemnon, Agamemnon and Clytaemnestra, have no doubts about
what justice involves: it is based upon revenge. And the two of them act
decisively in accordance with the old ethic to destroy those whom the code
decrees must be destroyed, those whom they have a personal responsibility to
hurt in the name of vengeance for someone close to them.

Now,
in accordance with that old revenge code, both of them have a certain
justification for their actions (which they are not slow to offer). But
Aeschylus's treatment of the two brings out a very important limitation of the
revenge ethic, namely the way in which it is compromised by the motivation of
those carrying out justice.

For
in spite of their enmity for each other, Agamemnon and Clytaemnestra have some
obvious similarities. They live life to satisfy their own immediate desires for
glory and power, and to gratify their immoderate passions, particularly their
blood lust. Whatever concerns they have for the polis take second place to the
demands of their own passionate natures. They do not suffer the same moral
anguish as the Chorus because they feel powerful enough to act on how they feel
and because their very strong emotions about themselves are not in the
slightest tempered by a sense of what is best for the city or for anyone
else. Their enormously powerful egos insist that they don't have to
attend to anyone else's opinion (the frequency of the personal pronouns
"I," "me," "mine," and "my" in their
speech is really significant). They answer only to themselves.

More
than this, the way in which each of the two main characters justifies the
bloody revenge carried out in the name of justice reveals very clearly that
they revel in blood killing. Shedding blood with a maximum of personal
savagery, without any limit, gratifies each of them intensely,
so much so that their joy in destruction calls into question their veracity in
talking of themselves as agents of justice.

This
is so pronounced a feature of these heroic figures that the play puts a certain
amount of pressure on us to explore their motivation. They both claim they act
in order to carry out justice. But do they? What other motives have come into
play? When Agamemnon talks of how he obliterated Troy or walks on the red
carpet or Clytaemnestra talks with delight about what a sexual charge she is
going to get by making love to Aegisthus on top of the dead body of Agamemnon,
we are surely invited to see that, however much they justify their actions with
appeals to divine justice, their motivation has become very muddied with other,
less noble motives.

Such
observations may well occasion some dispute among interpreters. But in order to
address them we need to pay the closest possible attention to the language and
the motivation of these characters (as that is revealed in the language), being
very careful not to accept too quickly the justifications they offer for their
own actions. We need to ask ourselves repeatedly: On the basis of the language,
how am I to understand the reasons why Agamemnon killed Iphigeneia
and wiped out Troy? Why does Clytaemnestra so enjoy killing Agamemnon? If a
disinterested sense of justice is all that is in play here, they why does she
so enjoy killing Cassandra? Why, for that matter, does Agamemnon talk about the
total destruction of Troy with such grim pleasure? Why does he get so
much joy in talking about how he is going to bring justice back to Argos with a
sword?

And
this, I take it, is for Aeschylus a very important limitation on the revenge
ethic. It brings into play concerns which have, on the face of it, no immediate
connections with justice and everything to do with much baser human instincts.
People like Agamemnon and Clytaemnestra, who claim (after the fact) to kill in
the name of justice, actually are carrying out the destruction to satisfy much
deeper, more urgent, and far less worthy human urges (a fact which may account
for the fact that in their killing they go to excess, well beyond the strict
demands of justice).

For
that reason, Aeschylus gives us a very close look at the characters of
Clytaemnestra and Agamemnon. As I say, we need to pay the closest attention to
their language, trying to get a handle, not just on the surface details of what
they are saying, but on the emotional complexities of the character uttering
the lines. We need to ask ourselves the key question: In acting the way they do
and for the reasons they state or reveal to us in their language, are they
being just? Or is their sense of justice merely a patina covering something
else? Or are both possibilities involved?

For
instance, Clytaemnestra states that she killed Agamemnon in order to avenge Iphigeneia. Is that true? If it is a reason, how important
is it? What else is involved here? In the second play, she confronts Orestes
with this justification. But what is our response right at the moment after she
has just done the deed? One needs here not merely to look at what she says but
at how she says it. What particular emotions is she revealing in her style of
speech and what do these reveal about her motives?

Such
questions become all the more important when we compare how they set about
their acts of "justice" with the opening of the second play, when we
see Orestes return to carry out the next chapter in the narrative of the House
of Atreus. For there's a really marked difference between his
conduct and that of his parents. A great deal of the second play is
taken up with Orestes' preparations to carry out his vision of justice. It's
not unimportant that much of that time he's questioning himself, seeking advice
from others, involving others publicly in what he feels he has to do. In a
sense, he is trying to purge himself of those emotions which drive Agamemnon
and Clytaemnestra to their acts of "justice," to make himself an
agent of divine justice rather than serving his own blood-lust.

This,
I take it, is a key element in Aeschylus's treatment of the theme of justice.
So long as the revenge ethic rests in the hands of people like Agamemnon and
Clytaemnestra, tragically passionate egotists who answer only to their own
immediate desires, the cycle of killing will go on for ever, and cities will
destroy themselves in the blood feud. The only way out (and it is a hope) is
that someone like Orestes will act out of a love of justice as a divine
principle, setting aside as best he can (or even acting against) his deepest,
most irrational blood feelings, thus moving beyond the revenge ethic.

We
will get little sense of why Orestes deserves to be declared innocent unless we
attend very carefully to the difference between his motives and those of his
parents, for it is surely an important element in Athena's final judgment that
the traditional revenge ethic, as embodied in the Furies and manifested in the
conduct of Agamemnon, Clytaemnestra, and Aegisthus, is no longer compatible
with justice in the community and that Orestes' actions in killing his mother
are, as much as he can make them, undertaken in the service of others (Apollo
and the community), rather than stemming from a passionate blood-lust (the fact
that Orestes is willing to stand trial and abide by the verdict is one
important sign of the difference between him and his parents).

I. A Final
Postscript

Human beings think about justice as a rational concept,
institutionalized in their communities, but they also have strong emotions
about justice, both within the family and the community. The revenge ethic
harnessed to those powerful feelings in Aechylus's
play stands exposed as something that finally violates our deepest sense of any
possibility for enduring justice in our community, for it commits us a
never-ending cycle of retributive killing and over-killing.

The Oresteia ends
with a profound and very emotionally charged hope that the community can move
beyond such a personally powerful emotional basis for justice and, with the
sanction of the divine forces of the world, establish a system based on group
discussion, consensus, juries (through what Athena calls persuasion)--in a
word, can unite a conceptual, reasonable understanding of justice with our most
powerful feelings about it. This work is, as Swinburne observed, one of the
most optimistic visions of human life ever written, for it celebrates a dream
we have that human beings in their communities can rule themselves justly,
without recourse to blood vengeance, satisfying mind and heart in the process.

At
the same time, however, Aeschylus is no shallow liberal thinker telling us to
move beyond our brutal and unworkable traditions. For he
understands that we cannot by some sleight of hand remove the Furies from our
lives. They are ancient goddesses, eternally present. Hence, in the
conclusion of the play the Furies, traditional goddesses of vengeance, are
incorporated into the justice system, not excluded. And the powers they are
given are significant: no city can thrive without them. Symbolically,
the inclusion of the Furies in the final celebration, their new name (meaning
"The Kindly Ones"), and their agreement fuse in a great theatrical
display elements which were in open conflict only a few moments before.

It's
as if the final image of this play stresses for us that in our justice we must
strive to move beyond merely personal emotion (the basis of personal revenge)
towards some group deliberations, but in the new process we must not violate
our personal feelings or forget they have their role to play. If justice is to
be a matter of persuasion, it cannot violate the deepest feelings we have (and
have always had) about justice. If such violation takes place, the city will
not thrive.

Every
time I read the conclusion of this great trilogy, I think of how we nowadays
may well have lost touch with that great insight: that justice is not just a
matter of reasonable process and debate but also a matter of feeling. For a
city to thrive justice must not only be reasonably done but must be felt to be
done. Once our system starts to violate our feelings for justice, our city does
not thrive. The Furies will see to that.