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Title: The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume 4: Clandestinity-Diocesan
Chancery
Creator(s): Herbermann, Charles George (1840-1916)
Print Basis: 1907-1913
Rights: From online edition Copyright 2003 by K. Knight, used by
permission
CCEL Subjects: All; Reference
LC Call no: BX841.C286
LC Subjects:
Christian Denominations
Roman Catholic Church
Dictionaries. Encyclopedias
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THE CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA
AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE
ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE,
DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE
CATHOLIC CHURCH
EDITED BY
CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, Ph.D., LL.D.
EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D. CONDE B PALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D.
THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J.
ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS
IN FIFTEEN VOLUMES
VOLUME 4
Clandestinity to Diocesan Chancery
New York: ROBERT APPLETON COMPANY
Imprimatur
JOHN M. FARLEY
ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK
__________________________________________________________________
Clandestinity
Clandestinity (in Canon Law)
Strictly speaking, clandestinity signifies a matrimonial
impediment introduced by the Council of Trent (Sess. XXIV, c. i)
to invalidate marriages contracted at variance with the
exigencies of the decree "Tametsi", commonly so called because
the first word of the Latin text is tametsi. The decree reads:
"Those who attempt to contract matrimony otherwise than in the
presence of the parish priest or of another priest with leave of
the parish priest or of the ordinary, and before two or three
witnesses, the Holy Synod renders altogether incapable of such a
contract, and declares such contracts null and void." The
Council of Trent did not transmit any historical record of this
question. While upholding the validity of clandestine marriages
"as long as the Church does not annul them", the council asserts
that "for weighty reasons the holy Church of God always abhorred
and prohibited them" (Sess. XXIV, De reformatione matrimonii).
That this sentence strikes the keynote of unending antipathy on
the part of the Church towards clandestine marriages can be
gathered by a brief review of the historical attitude of the
Church. In the fifth chapter of his Epistle to Polycarp, St.
Ignatius intimates how men and women about to marry should enter
wedlock with the bishop's consent, so that their marriage may be
in the Lord (Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 100). Tertullian writes
that matrimonial unions contracted without the intervention of
ecclesiastical authority are liable to be judged tantamount to
fornication and adultery (De pudicitia, iv, in Migne, P. L., II,
987). In another passage he extols the happiness of that union
which is cemented by the Church, confirmed by oblation, sealed
with blessing, which angels proclaim, and which the Father in
heaven ratifies (Ad uxorem, in Migne, P. L., II, 9). The
thirteenth canon of the so-called Fourth Council of Carthage
requires parties contracting marriage to be presented to a
priest of the Church by their parents or bridal attendants in
order to receive the blessing of the Church (Hefele, History of
the Councils, II, 412). Whatever may be the age of this canon,
the custom therein enjoined had previously won the approval of
St. Ambrose, who earnestly sought to have all marriages
sanctified by the priestly pall and benediction (Epistle xix to
Vigilius, in Migne, P. L., XVI, 984). The Code of Justinian
bears evidence to the influence which this imperial legislator
wielded to secure the public celebration of marriage according
to some legitimate form ("Novellae", or New Constitutions, xxii,
lxiv, cxvii).
In the ninth century the Emperor Basil gave the force of written
law to a widely observed custom of having a priest assist at
marriages to bless and crown the married parties. Not long
after, Leo the Philosopher declared that marriages celebrated
without a priest's blessing were worthless. The replies of Pope
Nicholas I (863) to the Bulgarians, the Pseudo-Isidorian
Decretals, as well as the "Decretum" of Burchard and that of
Gratian embody ample evidence to prove that, during the ninth
century and thereafter, the public celebration of nuptials was
prescribed and clandestine marriage condemned. Though Gratian
alleges forged decretals to show the prohibition of clandestine
marriages, it must be granted that he faithfully records the
usage of his age concerning the validity of such marriages.
Though Alexander III (1159-1181) maintained the validity of
clandestine marriage when no other impediment intervened, he
obliged parties contracting such marriages to undergo penance,
and suspended for three years any priest assisting thereat.
(Wernz, Jus Decretalium, IV, title III, no. 516.) Another step
in advance was made when Innocent III, in the Fourth Lateran
Council (1215), inaugurated the proclamation of the banns.
Finally, a turning-point in the history of this question was
reached when the Council of Trent enacted the "Tametsi" as a
measure destined to check abuses and to safeguard the sacredness
of the marriage contract. The principal elements of this decree
pertained to the sentence of nullification affecting marriages
of Christians failing to enter wedlock in the presence of the
parish priest or his legitimate representative and in that of
two or more witnesses; to the ways and means of publishing the
decree; and to the penalty awaiting transgressors thereof. A
succinct comment concerning these points will elucidate the
purport of the decree. In the first place, to attain the desired
end more effectually, the Council of Trent decreed a singular
method of promulgation. It ordered that the decree should be
published in every parish, and that it should take effect only
after thirty days from its publication. When a parish comprised
many churches, publication in the parochial church was
sufficient. The term "parochial church" comprehends missions
attended by priests on whom the faithful depend for the
ministrations of religion (Cong. of the Inquisition, 14
November, 1883). Publication of the decree in churches situated
in such missions had the force of law. A new publication was not
necessary when a newly-organized parish results from the
dismemberment of a parish wherein the law already obtained. On
the contrary, if a parish subject to the law should be united to
one hitherto exempt, the former would remain bound by the law
and the latter retain its immunity (Cong. of Inquis., 14 Dec.,
1859).
For obvious reasons, the vernacular should be used in publishing
the decree. The use of Latin would, according to the principles
of canon law, render the act illicit but not invalid (Gasparri,
Tractatus Canonicus de Matrimonio, II, v, 119). The publication
would be worthless unless the decree were made known to the
faithful as a Tridentine law or as an ordinance emanating from
the Holy See. While one publication sufficed to induce
obligation, the council suggested repeated publication during
the first year of tenure. This publication might be made
whenever a congregation assembled in church. The decree was
sometimes published in a parish to bind parishioners speaking
one language to the exclusion of those using a different tongue.
Sometimes the law was intended to oblige none but Catholics
residing within the parish lines. In a parish entirely Catholic,
wherein heretics settled after the law was duly promulgated, the
obligation applied to all, Catholics and heretics. In such cases
the "Tametsi" declared null heretical marriages or clandestine
mixed marriages (Pius VIII, 26 March, 1830). In a non-Catholic
district containing only a few Catholic parishes, the marriage
of a Protestant with another Protestant, or the clandestine
marriage of a Protestant with a Catholic, would be valid
although the number of Catholics in the neighbourhood should so
increase as to warrant the actual publication of the decree
(Pius VII to Napoleon I, 27 June, 1805; Cong. of Inquisition, 24
November and 29 November, 1852). Finally, populations once
largely Catholic in whose parishes the decree was published
might be supplanted by non-Catholics. Though canonists are not
unanimous in their verdict regarding the application of the law
in such conditions, Gasparri, among others, holds that in such
cases the law would not bind non-Catholics. For this was, says
he, the case when Benedict XIV issued his Declaration for
Holland (Gasparri, op. cit., II, v, 202).
After these general considerations concerning the promulgation
of this decree, it may not be amiss to note where the decree was
actually published. In the United States this law was published
in the province of New Orleans; in the province of San
Francisco, together with Utah, except that part bordering the
Colorado River; in the province of Santa Fe, except the northern
part of Colorado; in the Diocese of Indianapolis; in St. Louis,
St. Genevieve, St. Charles (Missouri), St. Ferdinand, Kaskaskia,
French Village, and Prairie du Rocher. In Europe, the decree was
published in Italy and adjacent islands; in the ecclesiastical
province of the Upper Rhine; in Ireland, France, Spain,
Portugal, Austria, German Empire (Pius X, 18 January, 1906),
Poland, Belgium, Rotterdam, Geneva (Zitelli, Apparatus Juris
Eccles., I, 428), and Malta (Cong. Inquis., 18 March, 1884). It
is no easy matter to give accurate specifications for regions
outside Europe and the United States (Lehmkuhl, Theologia
Moralis, II, 563). The decree was not published in England,
Scotland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark (Zitelli, op. cit., I, 430).
In some localities circumstances paved the way towards a partial
promulgation of the decree (Zitelli, op. cit., I, 437).
Furthermore, although the decree might have been promulgated,
the action of legitimate authority could limit its binding
force. Thus Benedict XIV terminated the controversy concerning
the marriages of heretics in Holland. The fact that many Dutch
Catholics had abjured their faith paved the way for questioning
the application of the decree already promulgated in that
country. To solve this difficulty Benedict XIV ruled that
henceforth heretical or mixed marriages, clandestinely
contracted, would be valid, provided no other impediment
intervened. This declaration was subsequently extended to other
localities in which the Tridentine decree was not promulgated
until heretics had organized their own congregations in such
places. In this way the declaration of Benedict XIV found
application in Canada, Trinidad, the dioceses of the United
States with the exception of the San Francisco province, the
German Empire, Belgium, Russian Poland, the Malabar Coast, the
Coromandel Coast, Constantinople and suburbs, Diocese of Warsaw,
Archdiocese of Bombay, Diocese of Culm, Duchy of Cleves,
Pondicherry, Maastricht, and the suburb of St. Peter near
Maastricht.
It may be well to note here the way in which the term heretic is
to be understood in this declaration. It comprehended
individuals baptized in the Catholic Church, but who
subsequently adopted the tenets of some sect: Catholics who had
reached the years of discretion and had been alienated from
their Faith by the influence of Protestants whose religion they
thereafter professed; apostates who allied themselves with some
sect; heretics professing no religion whatever (Gasparri, op.
cit., II, v, 208). Whenever the requirements of this decree were
reduced to practice owing to legitimate usage, no further
promulgation was necessary to render the measure effective
(Cong. of Holy Office, 1 May, 1887). The decree once published
in any parish, could be set aside by revocation on the part of
the Holy See. It could also be abrogated by contrary usage or
desuetude. Thus, Pius VII, in a letter to the Archbishop of
Mainz, 8 October, 1803, decided that marriages contracted before
a Protestant minister are valid where the Tridentine decree has
lapsed into desuetude. In like manner, the Congregation of the
Holy Office decided that the "Tametsi" had passed into desuetude
in Japan (11 March, 1806). At the same time the Holy See
repeatedly declared that the "Tametsi" did not lose its binding
force in a given place because heretics residing there declined
to observe it, no matter how long they refused to abide by its
requirements (Cong. of Holy Office, 6 July, 1892).
Regarding the subjects of this law, it is necessary to note that
the decree invalidating clandestine marriages was both local and
personal (Cong. of Holy. Office, 14 December, 1859). In its
local application the law comprehended all who contracted
marriage in any place where the decree had been duly
promulgated, whether they were residents, aliens, travellers,
transients, or persons having no fixed abode, because those who
come from an exempt territory are obliged to recognize and
observe universal laws. Moreover, since jurists claim that
territory governs contracts, it follows that residents, aliens,
travellers, transients, and those without fixed abode, must
observe laws circumscribing contracts in the place where such
contracts are made. A decision of the Holy Office, dated 25
January, 1900, gave new weight to this accepted axiom of
canonists. On account of the personal element embodied in this
decree, the obligation of observing it applied to those
thereunto subjected where-ever they might chance to be. For this
reason parties having a domicile or quasi-domicile in a district
where the law held remained liable to its obligation as often as
they betook themselves to an exempt territory to evade the law.
Those whose sole or whose chief object in such case was to enter
wedlock, were considered guilty of evading the law. However,
where one of the contracting parties had acquired a domicile or
quasi-domicile in an exempt territory, their marriage, if
contracted there, would be valid because the privilege enjoyed
by one was here communicable to the other (Benedict XIV, De
Synodo, VI, vi).
The better to complete this explanation, a word concerning the
terms domicile and quasi-domicile is necessary. An
ecclesiastical domicile involves two elements, namely, residence
in a particular parish and an intention of abiding there for the
greater part of a year. This intention is gauged by external
acts whose manifestation marks the actual acquisition of a
domicile which is retained thereafter notwithstanding protracted
absence, provided the intention of returning perseveres. In like
manner residence in a parish and an intention of dwelling there
during a considerable portion of the year denote the elements
giving consistency to a quasi-domicile. Hence, an individual may
be domiciled in one parish and acquire a quasi-domicile in
another. Six months' sojourn in the same parish entitled parties
to invite the pastor of that parish to assist at their nuptials.
Nevertheless, in answer to a petition made by the Fathers of the
Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, the Holy See (22 May, 1886)
granted for the United States to parties moving from a parish
where the "Tametsi" obtained to another parish and residing
there for a full month, the privilege of a quasi-domicile so far
as the matrimonial contract was concerned. Nor would the
privilege be forfeited in case the contracting parties should
pass thirty days in such a place in order to enter wedlock there
(Putzer, Commentarium in Facultates Apostolicas, no. 49).
Although the decree involved a personal element, clandestine
marriages were valid as often as the observance of the law was
physically or morally impossible, provided such impossibility
was general and continued for a month (Cong. of Inquis., 1 July,
1863; 14 November, 1883). Parties whose circumstances led them
to profit by this interpretation of the law were obliged to seek
the nuptial blessing at their earliest convenience, and to see
that their marriage was entered in the proper register (Cong. of
Inquis., 14 November, 1883).
To the pastor of either contracting party belonged the right of
officiating at their nuptials. Vicars appointed to exercise the
functions of pastor with the fullness of the pastoral ministry
enjoyed the same right so long as they held office (Cong. of
Inquis., 7 Sept., 1898). The Roman pontiff alone could
counteract the exercise of this pastoral prerogative. The
presence of the pastor in the capacity of witness satisfied the
requirements of the Tridentine decree even though he was not
formally invited for that purpose (Cong. of Inquis., 17 Nov.,
1835). The consent of those about to marry had to be signified
in the presence of the pastor and other witnesses required by
the decree. Since the sovereign pontiff enjoys universal
jurisdiction in the Church, he could validly assist at any
marriage whatever. Cardinals had no longer the right of
assisting at marriages in their titular churches. Legates of the
Holy See were qualified to assist at marriages contracted within
the confines of their legation. Bishops might minister at
marriages in any portion of their respective dioceses. According
to Gasparri (op. cit., II, v, 154), an archbishop might exercise
this right for the subjects of his suffragans provided he
visited their dioceses according to the requirements of canon
law. To a vicar-general was accorded the right of officiating at
any marriage in the diocese. Those in whom this right was vested
were at liberty to delegate another priest to act in their
stead. Such delegation might be special or general. As often as
the delegation was special, little danger of invalidity was
feared. On the contrary, when general jurisdiction is
transmitted to delegates, the Holy See questions, not so much
validity, as legitimacy of action. Hence, the Congregation of
the Council (20 July, 1889) reproved the conduct of those parish
priests who habitually interchanged the faculty of assisting at
the marriages of their respective subjects, because such methods
tended to render the "Tametsi" ineffectual so far as the
presence of the parish priest is concerned. At the same time
this Congregation (18 March, 1893) and the Congregation of the
Inquisition (9 November, 1898) approved general delegation
within judicious limits. Notification of his commission to
assist at nuptials had to be given directly to the delegate,
either by the individual authorizing him to act or by a
messenger specially chosen for this purpose (Sanchez, De
Matrimonio, disp. xxvi, no. 8). The commission might be granted
orally or in writing. No priest would be justified in presuming
permission to assist at marriages. So strict was this rule that
a pastor had no power to ratify marriages whose invalidity was
superinduced in this way. In like manner, the Congregation of
the Inquisition (7 September, 1898) decided that the ordinary
faculties granted by bishops to priests, empowering them to
administer the sacraments, did not qualify them to assist at
marriages. Sanchez (op. cit., disp. xxxv, no. 20) claims that
tacit notification would be sufficient to justify a priest to
assist at nuptials.
Besides the parish priest, at least two witnesses were required
for the validity of a marriage contract. The use of reason and
the possibility of actually testifying render any individual
capable of exercising this particular function (Benedict XIV,De
Synodo, xxiii, no. 6). The simultaneous presence of the pastor
and witnesses was necessary to comply with the requirements of
the "Tametsi" (Sanchez, op. cit., disp. xli, no. 3). Parish
priests or others officiating at marriages without the necessary
number of witnesses, or witnesses assisting without the pastor,
rendered themselves, together with the contracting parties,
liable to severe punishment at the hands of the bishop.
Moreover, a parish priest, or any other priest, whether regular
or secular, assisting without the pastor's consent at nuptials
of parties belonging to his parish was suspended from priestly
functions until absolved by the bishop of the pastor whose
rights had been disregarded.
NEW LEGISLATION ON CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE
Through the decree "Ne Temere," issued 2 August, 1907, by the
Congregation of the Council, in conjunction with the pontifical
commission for the new canonical code, important modifications
have been made regarding the form of betrothal and of marriage.
This decree was issued to render easier for the universal Church
the substantial form of matrimony, to prevent more efficiently
the too numerous, hasty, and clandestine marriages, and to make
it easier for ecclesiastical courts to decide as to the
existence or non-existence of a previous engagement to marry
(see ESPOUSALS). With the exception in regard to Germany noted
below, this legislation went into effect at Easter (19 April),
1908, and is thenceforth binding on all Catholics throughout the
world, any contrary law or custom being totally abolished.
According to this decree, marriages of Catholics are henceforth
null unless celebrated before a duly qualified priest (or the
bishop of the diocese) and at least two witnesses. The same is
true of marriages in which either of the parties is or has been
a Catholic. The law, however, does not bind those who are not
and never have been Catholics. Priests charged with the care of
souls in the territory where a marriage is contracted, or any
approved priest whom one charged with the care of souls or whom
the bishop of the diocese delegates, are qualified to assist at
nuptials. Marriages contracted in a parish, district, or
diocese, other than the one to which the contracting parties
belong, are valid so long as the pastor of the place or his
delegate assists at such marriages. However, priests are
forbidden to assist at such marriages unless one of two
conditions is verified. Either, one of the parties must have
resided a month in the territory where the marriage occurs, or
else, one of the parties must have obtained the permission of
the priest or bishop under whose jurisdiction such a party
resides. In cases of serious necessity such permission is not
required.
The following conditions are enjoined by the decree" Ne Temere",
not for the validity of the marriages of Catholics, but to bring
them into complete conformity with the demands of right order.
Marriages ought to be celebrated in the parish of the bride. If
the contracting parties wish to marry elsewhere, they must ask
the pastor of the place, or some priest authorized by him or by
the bishop, to assist at the marriage, and one of the parties
must have resided there for a month. When parties find this
procedure inconvenient, one of them must obtain permission from
his or her parish priest or bishop to contract marriage
elsewhere. In such cases the parties will be obliged to give the
necessary assurance regarding their freedom to marry, and to
comply with the usual conditions for receiving the Sacrament of
Matrimony. When parties have no fixed abode and are travelling
throughout the country, they can enter wedlock only before a
priest authorized by the bishop to assist at their marriage.
The Sacred Congregation of the Council declared (11 February,
1908) that the dispensations granted in the Bull "Provida" of 18
January, 1906, for Germany will still remain in force. According
to this Bull, while Catholic marriages in Germany were made
subject to the decree "Tametsi", mixed marriages and those of
Protestants among themselves were exempted. (See MARRIAGE;
PARISH PRIEST; DOMICILE.)
Canones et Decreta Sacrosancti OEcumenici Concilii Tridentini
(Rome, 1893); Decretum, "Ne Temere" (2 August, 1907); GASPARRI,
Tractatus Canonicus de Matrimonio (Paris, 1904); WERNZ, Jus
Decretalium (Rome, 1904), IV; OJETTI, Synopsis Rerum Moralium et
Juris Pontificii (Prato, 1904); ZITELLI, Apparatus Juris
Ecclesiastici (Rome, 1903); SMITH, Elements of Ecclesiastical
Law (New York, 1887), I; DUCHESNE, Christian Worship (London,
1904); FEIJE, De imped. et disp. matrim. (4th ed., Louvain,
1893); JODER, Formulaire matrimonial (4th ed., Paris, 1897);
BASSIBEY, De la clandestinite dans le mariage (Paris, 1903);
LAURENTIUS, Institutiones juris eccl. (Freiburg, 1903) 443-51;
TAUNTON, The Law of the Church (London, 1906). For a commentary
on the decree "Ne Temere," see McNICHOLAS in Amer.
Ecclesiastical Review (Philadelphia, February, 1908); O'NEILL,
ibid. (April, 1908), and CRONIN, The New Matrimonial Legislation
(Rome, 1908).
J. D. O'NEILL.
St. Clare of Assisi
St. Clare of Assisi
Cofoundress of the Order of Poor Ladies, or Clares, and first
Abbess of San Damiano; born at Assisi, 16 July, 1194; died there
11 August, 1253. She was the eldest daughter of Favorino Scifi,
Count of Sasso-Rosso, the wealthy representative of an ancient
Roman family, who owned a large palace in Assisi and a castle on
the slope of Mount Subasio. Such at least is the traditional
account. Her mother, Bl. Ortolana, belonged to the noble family
of Fiumi and was conspicuous for her zeal and piety. From her
earliest years Clare seems to have been endowed with the rarest
virtues. As a child she was most devoted to prayer and to
practices of mortification, and as she passed into girlhood her
distaste for the world and her yearning for a more spiritual
life increased. She was eighteen years of age when St. Francis
came to preach the Lenten course in the church of San Giorgio at
Assisi. The inspired words of the Poverello kindled a flame in
the heart of Clare; she sought him out secretly and begged him
to help her that she too might live "after the manner of the
holy Gospel". St. Francis, who at once recognized in Clare one
of those chosen souls destined by God for great things, and who
also, doubtless, foresaw that many would follow her example,
promised to assist her. On Palm Sunday Clare, arrayed in all her
finery, attended high Mass at the cathedral, but when the others
pressed forward to the altar-rail to receive a branch of palm,
she remained in her place as if rapt in a dream. All eyes were
upon the young girl as the bishop descended from the sanctuary
and placed the palm in her hand. That was the last time the
world beheld Clare. On the night of the same day she secretly
left her father's house, by St. Francis's advice and,
accompanied by her aunt Bianca and another companion, proceeded
to the humble chapel of the Porziuncula, where St. Francis and
his disciples met her with lights in their hands. Clare then
laid aside her rich dress, and St. Francis, having cut off her
hair, clothed her in a rough tunic and a thick veil, and in this
way the young heroine vowed herself to the service of Jesus
Christ. This was 20 March, 1212.
Clare was placed by St. Francis provisionally with the
Benedictine nuns of San Paolo, near Bastia, but her father, who
had expected her to make a splendid marriage, and who was
furious at her secret flight, on discovering her retreat, did
his utmost to dissuade Clare from her heroic proposals, and even
tried to drag her home by force. But Clare held her own with a
firmness above her years, and Count Favorino was finally obliged
to leave her in peace. A few days later St. Francis, in order to
secure Clare the greater solitude she desired, transferred her
to Sant' Angelo in Panzo, another monastery of the Benedictine
nuns on one of the flanks of Subasio. Here some sixteen days
after her own flight, Clare was joined by her younger sister
Agnes, whom she was instrumental in delivering from the
persecution of their infuriated relatives. (See AGNES, SAINT, OF
ASSISI.) Clare and her sister remained with the nuns at Sant'
Angelo until they and the other fugitives from the world who had
followed them were established by St. Francis in a rude dwelling
adjoining the poor chapel of San Damiano, situated outside the
town which he had to a great extent rebuilt with his own hands,
and which he now obtained from the Benedictines as a permanent
abode for his spiritual daughters. Thus was founded the first
community of the Order of Poor Ladies, or of Poor Clares, as
this second order of St. Francis came to be called.
The history of the Poor Clares will be dealt with in a separate
article. Here it suffices to note that we may distinguish,
during the lifetime of St. Clare, three stages in the
complicated early history of the new order. In the beginning St.
Clare and her companions had no written rule to follow beyond a
very short formula vitae given them by St. Francis, and which
may be found among his works. Some years later, apparently in
1219, during St. Francis's absence in the East, Cardinal
Ugolino, then protector of the order, afterwards Gregory IX,
drew up a written rule for the Clares at Monticelli, taking as a
basis the Rule of St. Benedict, retaining the fundamental points
of the latter and adding some special constitutions. This new
rule, which, in effect if not in intention, took away from the
Clares the Franciscan character of absolute poverty so dear to
the heart of St. Francis and made them for all practical
purposes a congregation of Benedictines, was approved by
Honorius III (Bull, "Sacrosancta", 9 Dec., 1219). When Clare
found that the new rule, though strict enough in other respects,
allowed the holding of property in common, she courageously and
successfully resisted the innovations of Ugolino as being
entirely opposed to the intentions of St. Francis. The latter
had forbidden the Poor Ladies, just as he had forbidden his
friars to possess any worldly goods even in common. Owning
nothing, they were to depend entirety upon what the Friars Minor
could beg for them. This complete renunciation of all property
was however regarded by Ugolino as unpractical for cloistered
women. When, therefore, in 1228, he came to Assisi for the
canonization of St. Francis (having meanwhile ascended the
pontifical throne as Gregory IX), he visited St. Clare at San
Damiano and pressed her to so far deviate from the practice of
poverty which had up to this time obtained at San Damiano, as to
accept some provision for the unforeseen wants of the community.
But Clare firmly refused. Gregory, thinking that her refusal
might be due to fear of violating the vow of strict poverty she
had taken, offered to absolve her from it. "Holy Father, I crave
for absolution from my sins", replied Clare, "but I desire not
to be absolved from the obligation of following Jesus Christ".
The heroic unworldliness of Clare filled the pope with
admiration, as his letters to her, still extant, bear eloquent
witness, and he so far gave way to her views as to grant her on
17 September, 1228, the celebrated Privilegium Paupertatis which
some regard in the light of a corrective of the Rule of 1219.
The original autograph copy of this unique "privilege"--the
first one of its kind ever sought for, or ever issued by the
Holy See--is preserved in the archive at Santa Chiara in Assisi.
The text is as follows: "Gregory Bishop Servant of the Servants
of God. To our beloved daughters in Christ Clare and the other
handmaids of Christ dwelling together at the Church of San
Damiano in the Diocese of Assisi. Health and Apostolic
benediction. It is evident that the desire of consecrating
yourselves to God alone has led you to abandon every wish for
temporal things. Wherefore, after having sold all your goods and
having distributed them among the poor, you propose to have
absolutely no possessions, in order to follow in all things the
example of Him Who became poor and Who is the way, the truth,
and the life. Neither does the want of necessary things deter
you from such a proposal, for the left arm of your Celestial
Spouse is beneath your head to sustain the infirmity of your
body, which, according to the order of charity, you have
subjected to the law of the spirit. Finally, He who feeds the
birds of the air and who gives the lilies of the field their
raiment and their nourishment, will not leave you in want of
clothing or of food until He shall come Himself to minister to
you in eternity when, namely, the right hand of His consolations
shall embrace you in the plenitude of the Beatific Vision.
Since, therefore, you have asked for it, we confirm by Apostolic
favour your resolution of the loftiest poverty and by the
authority of these present letters grant that you may not be
constrained by anyone to receive possessions. To no one,
therefore, be it allowed to infringe upon this page of our
concession or to oppose it with rash temerity. But if anyone
shall presume to attempt this, be it known to him that he shall
incur the wrath of Almighty God and his Blessed Apostles, Peter
and Paul. Given at Perugia on the fifteenth of the Kalends of
October in the second year of our Pontificate."
That St. Clare may have solicited a "privilege" similar to the
foregoing at an earlier date and obtained it viva voce, is not
improbable. Certain it is that after the death of Gregory IX
Clare had once more to contend for the principle of absolute
poverty prescribed by St. Francis, for Innocent IV would fain
have given the Clares a new and mitigated rule, and the firmness
with which she held to her way won over the pope. Finally, two
days before her death, Innocent, no doubt at the reiterated
request of the dying abbess, solemnly confirmed the definitive
Rule of the Clares (Bull, "Solet Annuere", 9 August, 1253), and
thus secured to them the precious treasure of poverty which
Clare, in imitation of St. Francis, had taken for her portion
from the beginning of her conversion. The author of this latter
rule, which is largely an adaptation mutatis mutandis, of the
rule which St. Francis composed for the Friars Minor in 1223,
seems to have been Cardinal Rainaldo, Bishop of Ostia, and
protector of the order, afterwards Alexander IV, though it is
most likely that St. Clare herself had a hand in its
compilation. Be this as it may, it can no longer be maintained
that St. Francis was in any sense the author of this formal Rule
of the Clares; he only gave to St. Clare and her companions at
the outset of their religious life the brief formula vivendi
already mentioned.
St. Clare, who in 1215 had, much against her will been made
superior at San Damiano by St. Francis, continued to rule there
as abbess until her death, in 1253, nearly forty years later.
There is no good reason to believe that she ever once went
beyond the boundaries of San Damiano during all that time. It
need not, therefore, be wondered at if so comparatively few
details of St. Clare's life in the cloister "hidden with Christ
in God", have come down to us. We know that she became a living
copy of the poverty, the humility, and the mortification of St.
Francis; that she had a special devotion to the Holy Eucharist,
and that in order to increase her love for Christ crucified she
learned by heart the Office of the Passion composed by St.
Francis, and that during the time that remained to her after her
devotional exercises she engaged in manual labour. Needless to
add, that under St. Clare's guidance the community of San
Damiano became the sanctuary of every virtue, a very nursery of
saints. Clare had the consolation not only of seeing her younger
sister Beatrix, her mother Ortolana, and her faithful aunt
Bianca follow Agnes into the order, but also of witnessing the
foundation of monasteries of Clares far and wide throughout
Europe. It would be difficult, moreover, to estimate how much
the silent influence of the gentle abbess did towards guiding
the women of medieval Italy to higher aims. In particular, Clare
threw around poverty that irresistible charm which only women
can communicate to religious or civic heroism, and she became a
most efficacious coadjutrix of St. Francis in promoting that
spirit of unworldliness which in the counsels of God, "was to
bring about a restoration of discipline in the Church and of
morals and civilization in the peoples of Western Europe". Not
the least important part of Clare's work was the aid and
encouragement she gave St. Francis. It was to her he turned when
in doubt, and it was she who urged him to continue his mission
to the people at a time when he thought his vocation lay rather
in a life of contemplation. When in an attack of blindness and
illness, St. Francis came for the last time to visit San
Damiano, Clare erected a little wattle hut for him in an olive
grove close to the monastery, and it was here that he composed
his glorious "Canticle of the Sun". After St. Francis's death
the procession which accompanied his remains from the
Porziuncula to the town stopped on the way at San Damiano in
order that Clare and her daughters might venerate the pierced
hands and feet of him who had formed them to the love of Christ
crucified--a pathetic scene which Giotto has commemorated in one
of his loveliest frescoes. So far, however, as Clare was
concerned, St. Francis was always living, and nothing is,
perhaps, more striking in her after-life than her unswerving
loyalty to the ideals of the Poverello, and the jealous care
with which she clung to his rule and teaching.
When, in 1234, the army of Frederick II was devastating the
valley of Spoleto, the soldiers, preparatory to an assault upon
Assisi, scaled the walls of San Damiano by night, spreading
terror among the community. Clare, calmly rising from her sick
bed, and taking the ciborium from the little chapel adjoining
her cell, proceeded to face the invaders at an open window
against which they had already placed a ladder. It is related
that, as she raised the Blessed Sacrament on high, the soldiers
who were about to enter the monastery fell backward as if
dazzled, and the others who were ready to follow them took
flight. It is with reference to this incident that St. Clare is
generally represented in art bearing a ciborium.
When, some time later, a larger force returned to storm Assisi,
headed by the General Vitale di Aversa who had not been present
at the first attack, Clare, gathering her daughters about her,
knelt with them in earnest prayer that the town might be spared.
Presently a furious storm arose, scattering the tents of the
soldiers in every direction, and causing such a panic that they
again took refuge in flight. The gratitude of the Assisians, who
with one accord attributed their deliverance to Clare's
intercession, increased their love for the "Seraphic Mother".
Clare had long been enshrined in the hearts of the people, and
their veneration became more apparent as, wasted by illness and
austerities, she drew towards her end. Brave and cheerful to the
last, in spite of her long and painful infirmities, Clare caused
herself to be raised in bed and, thus reclining, says her
contemporary biographer "she spun the finest thread for the
purpose of having it woven into the most delicate material from
which she afterwards made more than one hundred corporals, and,
enclosing them in a silken burse, ordered them to be given to
the churches in the plain and on the mountains of Assisi". When
at length she felt the day of her death approaching, Clare,
calling her sorrowing religious around her, reminded them of the
many benefits they had received from God and exhorted them to
persevere faithfully in the observance of evangelical poverty.
Pope Innocent IV came from Perugia to visit the dying saint, who
had already received the last sacraments from the hands of
Cardinal Rainaldo. Her own sister, St. Agnes, had returned from
Florence to console Clare in her last illness; Leo, Angelo, and
Juniper, three of the early companions of St. Francis, were also
present at the saint's death-bed, and at St. Clare's request
read aloud the Passion of Our Lord according to St. John, even
as they had done twenty-seven years before, when Francis lay
dying at the Porziuncula. At length before dawn on 11 August,
1253, the holy foundress of the Poor Ladies passed peacefully
away amid scenes which her contemporary biographer has recorded
with touching simplicity. The pope, with his court, came to San
Damiano for the saint's funeral, which partook rather of the
nature of a triumphal procession.
The Clares desired to retain the body of their foundress among
them at San Damiano, but the magistrates of Assisi interfered
and took measures to secure for the town the venerated remains
of her whose prayers, as they all believed, had on two occasions
saved it from destruction. Clare's miracles too were talked of
far and wide. It was not safe, the Assisians urged, to leave
Clare's body in a lonely spot without the walls; it was only
right, too, that Clare, "the chief rival of the Blessed Francis
in the observance of Gospel perfection", should also have a
church in Assisi built in her honour. Meanwhile, Clare's remains
were placed in the chapel of San Giorgio, where St. Francis's
preaching had first touched her young heart, and where his own
body had likewise been interred pending the erection of the
Basilica of San Francesco. Two years later, 26 September, 1255,
Clare was solemnly canonized by Alexander IV, and not long
afterwards the building of the church of Santa Chiara, in honour
of Assisi's second great saint, was begun under the direction of
Filippo Campello, one of the foremost architects of the time. On
3 October, 1260, Clare's remains were transferred from the
chapel of San Giorgio and buried deep down in the earth, under
the high altar in the new church, far out of sight and reach.
After having remained hidden for six centuries--like the remains
of St. Francis--and after much search had been made, Clare's
tomb was found in 1850, to the great joy of the Assisians. On 23
September in that year the coffin was unearthed and opened, the
flesh and clothing of the saint had been reduced to dust, but
the skeleton was in a perfect state of preservation. Finally, on
the 29th of September, 1872, the saint's bones were transferred,
with much pomp, by Archbishop Pecci, afterwards Leo XIII, to the
shrine, in the crypt at Santa Chiara, erected to receive them,
and where they may now be seen. The feast of St. Clare is
celebrated throughout the Church on 12 August; the feast of her
first translation is kept in the order on 3 October, and that of
the finding of her body on 23 September.
The sources of the history of St. Clare at our disposal are few
in number. They include (1) a Testament attributed to the saint
and some charming Letters written by her to Blessed Agnes,
Princess of Bohemia; (2) the Rule of the Clares, and a certain
number of early Pontifical Bulls relating to the Order; (3) a
contemporary Biography, written in 1256 by order of Alexander
IV. This life, which is now generally ascribed to Thomas of
Celano, is the source from which St. Clare's subsequent
biographers have derived most of their information.
PASCHAL ROBINSON
St. Clare of Montefalco
St. Clare of Montefalco
Born at Montefalco about 1268; died there, 18 August, 1308. Much
dispute has existed as to whether St. Clare of Montefalco was a
Franciscan or an Augustinian; and while Wadding, with Franciscan
biographers of the saint, contends that she was a member of the
Third Order of St. Francis, Augustinian writers, whom the
Bollandists seem to favour, hold that she belonged to their
order. It seems, however, more probable to say that St. Clare,
when she was still a very young girl, embraced the rule of the
Third Order of St. Francis (secular), together with her older
sister and a number of other pious young maidens, who wore the
habit of the Third Order of St. Francis and followed that
particular mode of life in community which their piety and
fervour suggested. When later, however, they became desirous of
entering the religous state in its strict sense, and of
professing the three vows of religion, they petitioned the
Bishop of Spoleto for an approved rule of life; and, the Third
Order of St. Francis (regular) not being then in existence as an
approved religious institute, the bishop imposed upon them in
1290 the rule of the Third Order (regular) of St. Augustine.
From her very childhood, St. Clare gave evidence of the exalted
sancity to which she was one day to attain, and which made her
the recipient of so many signal favours from God. Upon the death
of her older sister in 1295, Clare was chosen to succeed her in
the office of abbess of the community at Santa Croce; but it was
only in obedience to the command of the Bishop of Spoleto that
she could be prevailed upon to accept this new dignity. Kind and
indulgent towards others, she treated herself with the most
unrelenting severity, multiplying her fasts, vigils, and other
austeri ties to such an extent that at one time her life was
even feared for. To these acts of penance she added the practice
of the most profound humility and the most perfect charity,
while the suffering of her Redeemer formed the continual subject
of her meditation.
Shortly after the death of St. Clare, inquiry into her virtues
and the miracles wrought through her intercession was
instituted, preparatory to her canonization. It was not,
however, until several centuries later that she was canonized by
Pope Leo XIII in 1881.
STEPHEN M. DONOVAN
Blessed Clare of Rimini
Blessed Clare of Rimini
(Chiara Agolanti), of the order of Poor Clares, born at Rimini
in 1282; died there 10 February, 1346. Deprived at an early age
of the support and guidance of her parents and of her pious
husband, Clare soon fell a prey to the dangers to which her
youth and beauty exposed her, and began to lead a life of sinful
dissipation.
As she was one day assisting at mass in the church of the Friars
Minor, she seemed to hear a mysterious voice that bade her say a
Pater and an Ave at least once with fervour and attention. Clare
obeyed the command, not knowing whence it came, and then began
to reflect upon her life. Putting on the habit of the Third
Order of St. Francis, she resolved to expiate her sins by a life
of penance, and she soon became a model of every virtue, but
more especially of charity towards the destitute and afflicted.
When the Poor Clares were compelled to leave Regno on account of
the prevailing wars, it was mainly through the charitable
exertions of Clare that they were able to obtain a convent and
means of sustenance at Rimini. Later, Clare herself entered the
order of Poor Clares, along with several other pious women, and
became superioress of the convent of Our Lady of the Angels at
Rimini. She worked numerous miracles and towards the close of
her life was favoured in an extraordinary manner with the gift
of contemplation. Her body now reposes in the cathedral of
Rimini. In 1782 the cult of Blessed Clare was approved by Pius
VI, who permitted her feast to be celebrated in the city and
Diocese of Rimini on the tenth of February.
STEPHEN M. DONOVAN
William Clark
William Clark
English priest, date of birth unknown, executed at Winchester,
29 Nov., 1603. He was educated at Douai College, which he
entered 6 August, 1587. Passing to the English College at Rome
in 1589, He was ordained priest and returned to Engla nd in
April, 1592. Active in the disputes between the seculars and the
Jesuits on the appointment of Blackwell as archpriest, he was
one of thirty-three priests who signed the appeal against
Blackwell dated from Wisbeach Castle, 17 November, 1600. Conse
quently he was included in the attack which Father Persons made
against the characters of his opponents. When Clement VIII
declared in favour of the appellant clergy (5 October,1602) and
restored to them their faculties, an attempt was made, but in
vain, to exclude Clark from participation in the privilege. At
this time he was in the Clink prison. On Low Sunday he was
discovered preparing to say Mass in the prison and was placed in
still closer confinement. Shortly after this he became connected
with the mysterious conspiracy known as the "Bye Plot". He was
committed to the Gatehouse, Westminister, thence to the Tower,
and finally to the Castle at Winchester. Nothing was proved
against him in relation to the plot save various practices in
favour of Catholic interests; nevertheless he was condemned to
death 15 November, and executed a fortnight later. He protested
that his death was a kind of martyrdom. He is the author of "A
Replie unto a certain Libell latelie set foorth by Fa. Parsons",
ect. (16 03, s.l.).
G.E. HIND
Claudia
Claudia
(Klaudia), a Christian woman of Rome, whose greeting to Timothy
St. Paul conveys with those of Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, "and all
the brethren" (II Tim., iv, 21). Evidently, Claudia was quite
prominent in the Roman communtiy. The Linus mentioned in the
text is identified by St. Irenaeus (Adv. haer., III, iii, 3)
with the successor of St. Peter as Bishop of Rome; and in the
"Apost. Const." VII, 46, he is called the son of Claudia, Linos
ho Klaudias, which seems to imply that Claudia was at least as
well known as Linus. It has been attempted to prove that she was
the wife of Pudens, mentioned by St. Paul; and, further, to
identify her with Claudia Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens who
was the friend of Martial (Martial, Epigr., IV, 13; XI, 54).
According to this theory Claudia would be a lady of British
birth, probably the daughter of King Cogidubnus. Unfortunately
there is not sufficient evidence to make this identification
more than possibly true.
W.S. REILLY
Claudianus Mamertus
Claudianus Mamertus
(The name Ecdicius is unauthorized).
A Gallo-Roman theologian and the brother of St. Mamertus, Bishop
of Vienne, d. about 473.
Descended probably from one of the leading families of the
country, Claudianus Mamertus relinquished his worldly goods and
embraced the monastic life. He assisted his brother in the
discharge of his functions, and Sidonius Apollinaris describes
him as directing the psalm-singing of the chanters, who were
formed into groups and chanted alternate verses, whilst the
bishop was at the altar celebrating the sacred mysteries.
"Psalmorum hic modulator et phonascus ante altaria fratre
gratulante instructas docuit sonare classes" (Epist., IV, xi, 6;
V, 13-15). This passage is of importance in the history of
liturgical chant. In the same epigram, which constitutes the
epitaph of Claudianus Mamertus, Sidonius also informs us that
this distinguished scholar composed a lectionary, that is, a
collection of readings from Sacred Scripture to be made on the
occasion of certain celebrations during the year.
According to the same writer, Claudianus "pierced the sects with
the power of eloquence", an allusion to a prose treatise
entitled "On the State of the Soul" or "On the Substance of the
Soul". Written between 468 and 472, this work was destined to
combat the ideas of Faustus, Bishop of Reii (Riez, in the
department of Basses-Alpes), particularly his thesis on the
corporeity of the soul. Plato, whom he perhaps read in Greek,
Porphyry, and especially Plotinus and St. Augustine furnished
Claudianus with arguments. But his method was decidedly
peripatetic and fore tokened Scholasticism. Even his language
had the same characteristics as that of some of the medieval
philosophers: hence Claudianus used many abstract adverbs in ter
(essentialiter, accidenter, etc.; forty according to La Broise).
On the other hand he revived obsolete words and, in a letter to
Sapaudus of Vienne, a rhetorician, sanctioned the imitation of
Naevius, Plautus, Varro, and Gracchus. Undoubtedly his only
acquaintance with these authors was through the quotations used
by grammarians and the adoption of their style by Apuleius,
whose works he eagerly studied. Of course this tendency to copy
his predecessors led Claudianus to acquire an entirely
artificial mode of expression which Sidonius, in wishing to
compliment, called a modern antique (Epist., IV, iii, 3).
Besides the treatise and the letter from Claudianus to Sidonius
Apollinaris, found among the letters of the latter (IV, ii).
Some poetry has also been ascribed to him, although erroneously.
For instance, he has been credited with the "Pange, lingua",
which is by Venantius Fortunatas (Carm., II, ii); "Contra vanos
poetas ad collegam", a poem recommending the choice of Christian
subjects and written by Paulinus of Nola (Carm., xxii); two
short Latin poems in honour of Christ, one by Claudius
Claudianus (Birt ed., p. 330; Koch ed., p. 248) and the other by
Merobaudus (Vollmer ed., p. 19), and two other Greek poems on
the same subject, believed to be the work of Claudius
Claudianus.
Two facts assign Claudianus Mamertus a place in the history of
thought: he took part in the reaction against Semipelagianism,
which took place in Gaul towards the close of the fifth century
and he was the precursor of Scholasticism, forestalling the
system of Roscellinus and Abelard. The logical method pursued by
Claudianus commanded the esteem and investigation of Berengarius
of Tours, Nicholas of Clairvaux, secretary to St. Bernard, and
Richard de Fournival.
SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS, Epistulae, IV, iii, si, V, ii; Gennadius,
GENNADIUS, De Viris illustribus, 83; R. DE LA BROISE, Mamerti
Claudiani vita eiusque doctrina de anima hominis (Paris, 1890);
the best edition is by ENGELBRECHT in the Corpus scriptorum
ecclesiasticorum latinorum of the Academy of Vienna (Vienna,
1887); for supplementary information cf. CHEVALIER, Repertoire
des sources historiques du moyen-age, Bio-bibliographie (Paris,
1905), II, 2977.
PAUL LEJAY
Claudiopolis (Bithynia)
Claudiopolis
A titular see of Asia Minor. It was a city in Cilicia Tracheia
or Byzantine Isauria. The old name is perhaps Kardabounda; under
Claudius it became a Roman colony, Colonia Julia Augusta Felix
Ninica Claudiopolis. None of its coins are known. It was
situated at the lower end of the central Calycadnus valley,
before the river enters the narrow gorge which conducts it to
the coast lands. Laeke (Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, 107
sq.) has identified it with Mut, the chief village of a caza in
the vilayet of Adana, a view which has since been confirmed by
epigraphical evidence (Hogarth, Supplem. Papers, Royal Geogr.
Society, 1893, III, 651). It was a suffragan of Seleuceia. Only
six bishops are mentioned by Lequien (II, 1027); the first,
AEdesius, was present at Nicaea in 325; the last John, was
present at Constantinople in 533, and is probably identical with
the prelate who was a friend of Severus in 508-11 (Brooks, The
Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Severus, II, 4, 7, 11). In
the tenth century Claudiopolis is mentioned by Constantine
Porphyrogenitus (Them., xxxvi), as one of the ten cities of
Isaurian Decapolis. It figures still in the "Notitiae
episcopatuum" in the twelfth or thirteenth century. Mut has
about 900 inhabitants, and exhibits vast ruins.
Ramsay, Asia Minor, passim; Ruge in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyk.,
III, 2662; Headlam, Eccl. Sites in Isauria. in Soc. For The
Promotion Of Hellenic Studies, Supplem. Papers, I, 22 sq.;
Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, II, 78.
S. PETRIDES
Claudiopolis
Claudiopolis
A titular see of Bithynia, in Asia Minor. Strabo (XII, 4, 7)
mentions a town, Bithynium (Claudiopolis), celebrated for its
pastures and cheese. According to Pausanias (VIII, 9) it was
founded by Arcadians from Mantinea. As is shown by its coins, it
was commonly called Claudiopolis after Claudius. It was the
birthplace of Antinous, the favourite of Hadrian, who was very
generous to the city; afterwards his name was added to that of
Claudius on the coins of the city. Theodosius II (408-50) made
it the capital of a new province, formed at the expense of
Bithynia and Paphlagonia, and called by him Honorias in honour
of the Emperor honorius. Claudiopolis was the religious
metropolis of the province (so in all "Notitiae episcopatuum").
Lequien (I, 567) mentions twenty titulars of the see to the
thirteenth century; the first is St. Autonomus, said to have
suffered martyrdom under Diocletian; we may add Ignatius, a
friend and correspondent of Photius. The Turkish name for
Claudiopolis is Bolou or Boli. It is now the chief town of a
sanjak in the vilayet of Castamouni, with 10,000 inhabitants
(700 Greeks, 400 Armenians, few Catholics). The town is on the
Filias Sou (River Billaeus). There are no important ruins, but
many ancient fragments of friezes, cornices, funeral cippi, and
stelae.
Texier, Asie Mineure, 149; Perrot, Galatie et Bithynie, 42-45;
Cuinet, Turrquie d'Asie, IV, 508 sq.; Smith, Dict. of Gr. and
Rom. Geogr. (London, 1878), s.v. Bithynium.
S. PETRIDES
Francisco Saverio Clavigero
Francisco Saverio Clavigero
Born at Vera Cruz, Mexico, 9 September, 1731; d. at Bologna,
Italy, 2 April, 1787. At the age of seventeen he entered the
Society of Jesus. Father Jose Rafael Campoi, S.J., at the
College of St. Peter and St. Paul in Mexico, directed his
attention to the valuable collection of documents on Mexican
history and antiquities deposited there by Siguenza y Gongora,
and he became an enthusiastic investigator in these fields. When
the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico in 1767, Father Clavigero
went to Bologna, where he founded a literary academy and pursued
diligently his documentary studies in Mexican aboriginal
history. He complied there his "Historica antica del Messico
(Cesena, 1780), in opposition to the works of De Pauw, Raynal,
and Robertson. While the "Historia antica" is the principal work
of Clavigero, he had already published in Mexico several
writings of minor importance. After his death there appeared
"Storia della California", less appreciated but still not to be
neglected by students.
The "Ancient History of Mexico" made considerable impression and
met with great favor. Following the book of the Cavaliere
Boturini he included a list of sources, paying particular
attention to the Indian pictographs, on tissue and other
substances, forming part of the Boturini collection, and
increasing the list by specimens then extant in various parts of
Europe. The catalogue of Indian writers is also taken from
Boturini, as Clavigero is careful to state. While materially
enlarged since then, and though much additional information has
been gained, his catalogue always remains of value. Finally he
added a history of the conquest of Mexico. While other Jesuit
writers on America, who wrote after the expulsion of the order,
like Molina for instance, have maintained in their books an
attitude of dignified impartiality, Clavigero has not been able
to conceal his resentment for that measure. He does not allude
to it, but criticizes the conquerors harshly, extolling at the
same time, beyond measure, the character and culture of the
Indians. The writings of de Pauw, Adair, and Robertson are
severely criticized. The two former have, in their hypercritical
tendencies, gone entirely too far in denying to the Indians of
certain kind and degree of polity, but Robertson was much more
moderate, hence nearer the truth, and more reliable than
Clavigero himself. The later is an unsafe guide in American
ethnology, on the account of his exaggeration of the culture of
the Mexican sedentary tribes. But the systematic arrangement of
his work, his style, and the sentimental interest taken in the
conquered peoples insured to his book a popular sympathy that
for a long time controlled the opinions of students as well as
of general readers. The "Storia antica del Messico" was
translated into English by Cullen (London, 1787); there is a
German translation of the English version (Leipzig, 1789);
Spanish editions (London, 1826; Mexico 1844 and 1853).
Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca hispano-americana septentrional
(Mexico, 1816 and 1883); Diccinario universal de Historia y
Geografia (Mexico, 1853).
AD. F. BANDELIER
Christopher Clavius
Christopher Clavius
Christoph Clau, mathematician and astronomer, whose most
important achievement related to the reform of the calendar
under Gregory XIII; born at Bamberg, Bavaria, 1538; died at
Rome, 12 February, 1612. The German form of his name was
latinized into "Clavius". He entered the Society of Jesus in
1555 and his especial talent for mathematical research showed
itself even in his preliminary studies at Coimbra. Called to
Rome by his superiors as teacher of this branch of science at
the well-known Collegium Romanum, he was engaged uninterruptedly
there until his death. the greatest scholars of his time, such
men as Tycho Brahe, Johann Kepler, Galileo Galilei, and Giovanni
Antonio Magini, esteemed him highly. He was called the "Euclid
of the sixteenth century"; and even his scientific opponents,
like Scaliger, said openly that they would rather be censured by
a Clavius than praised by another man. There has, however, been
no lack of persistent disparagement of Catholic scholars even
down to our own times; and therefore much that is inexact,
false, and mythical has been put into circulation about Clavius,
as for example that he was originally named "Schluessel"
(clavis, "key"), that he was appointed a cardinal, that he met
his death by the thrust of a mad bull, etc. His relations with
Galilei, with whom he remained on friendly terms until his
death, have also been often misrepresented. The best evidence of
the actual achievements of the great man is presented by his
numerous writings, which at the end of his life he reissued at
Mainz in five huge folio volumes in a collective edition under
the title, "Christophori Clavii e Scoietate Jesu opera
mathematica, quinque tomis distributa". The first contains the
Euclidian geometry and the "Spheric" of Theodosius (Sphaericorum
Libri III); the second, the practical geometry and algebra; the
third is composed of a complete commentary upon the "Sphaera" of
Joannes de Sacro Bosco (John Holywood), and a dissertation upon
the astrolabe; the fourth contains what was up to that time the
most detailed and copious discussion of gnomonics, i.e. the art
of constructing all possible sun-dials; finally, the fifth
contains the best and most fundamental exposition of the reform
of the calendar accomplished under Gregory XIII.
Many of these writings had already appeared in numerous previous
editions, especially the "Commentarius in Sphaeram Joannis de
Sacro Bosco" (Rome, 1570, 1575, 1581, 1585, 1606; Venice, 1596,
1601, 1602, 1603, 1607, Lyons, 1600, 1608, etc.); likewise the
"Euclidis Elementorum Libri XV" (Rome 1574, 1589, 1591, 1603,
1605; Frankfort 1612). After his death also these were
republished in 1617, 1627, 1654, 1663, 1717, at Cologne,
Frankfort, and Amsterdam, and were even translated into Chinese.
In his "Geometria Practica" (1604) Clavius states among other
things a method of dividing a measuring scale into subdivisions
of any desired smallness, which is far more complete than that
given by Nonius and must be considered as the precursor of the
measuring instrument named after Vernier, to which perhaps the
name Clavius ought accordingly to be given. The chief merit of
Clavius, however, lies in the profound exposition and masterly
defence of the Gregorian calendar reform, the execution and
final victory of which are due chiefly to him. Cf. "Romani
calendarii a Gregorio XIII restituti explicatio" (Rome, 1603);
"Novi calendarii Romani apologia (adversus M. Maestlinum in
Tubingensi Academia mathematicum)" (Rome, 1588). Distinguished
pupils of Clavius were Grienberger and Blancanus, both priests
of the Society of Jesus.
ADOLF MUeLLER
Claudius Clavus
Claudius Clavus
(Or NICHOLAS NIGER.)
The latinized form of the name of the old Danish cartographer
Claudius Claussoen Swart, born in the village of Salling, on the
Island of Fuenen, 14 September, 1388; date of death unknown. He
was the first man to make a map of North-Western Europe, which,
moreover, included the first map of Greenland. He was apparently
an ecclesiastic. In the course of his frequent journeys he went
to Italy, where in 1424 he aroused much interest among the
Humanists of Rome by announcing that in the Cistercian monastery
of Soroe, near Roeskilde, he had seen three large volumes which
contained the "Ten Decades" of Livy; according to his own
statement he had read the titles of the chapters (decem Livii
decades, quarum capita ipse legisset). Through his intercourse
with the Humanists he became acquainted with the maps and
descriptions of Ptolemy, and was thus led to supplement the work
of Ptolemy by adding to it a chart and description of the
North-West country. Clavus first turned his knowledge of
Scandinavia and Greenland to account in the geographical drawing
and description which has been preserved in the Ptolemy
manuscript of 1427 of Cardinal Filiaster. The manuscript is now
in the public library of Nancy. Descriptions of it have been
repeatedly given by Waitz, Nordenskjold, Storm and others. The
facsimile of Clavus's map and his description of the parts
contained, which were published by Nordenkiold and Storm, show
that he gave Greenland and Iceland the correct geographical
position, namely, west of the Scandinavian Peninsula.
Far more important, however, for the history of cartography is
the second map and description of North-Western Europe and
Greenland that Clavus produced. As yet, unfortunately, the
original of this work has not been found, nor does any copy
contain both the map and the description. This second map has
been preserved in the works of the German cartographers, Donnus
Nicholas Germanus and Henricus Martellus Germanus, who lived at
Florence in the second half of the fifteenth century. Until
recently, second descriptive text belonging to the map has only
been known by the citations of Schoner and Friedlieb (Irenicus);
the complete text was not known until it was found by Bjornbo in
two codices in the imperial library at Vienna. Bjornbo's
discovery is especially important as it is now certain that
Claudius Clavus was actually in Greenland and that he claims to
have pushed his journey along the west coast as far as 70DEG10'
N. lat. Another fact that lends importance to this discovery is
that an explanation has at last been found for the
incomprehensible names on the old maps of Greenland. Local names
in Greenland and lceland, so entirely different from those that
appear in the Icelandic sagas, for a long time served the
defenders of the zeni as an argument that the map of Greenland
was the work of the elder Zeno. It is now clear from the list of
names given by Clavus that the Icelandic names on the map are
not the real designations of places, but merely the names of
Runic characters. In the same manner, when he came to Greenland,
Claudius Clavus used the recessive words of the first stanza of
an old Danish folk-song, the scene of which is laid in
Greenland, to designate the headlands and rivers that seemed to
him most worthy of note as he sailed from the north-east coast
of coast. In the linguistic form of the words the dialect of the
Island of Fuenen is still evident. The discovery also makes
clear how the younger Zeno was able to add to the forged story
of a journey made in 1558 a comparatively correct map of the
northern countries, and how he came to make use of the lines
beginning: Thaer boer eeynh manh ij eyn Groenenlandz aa etc.,
which run in English:
There lives a man on Greenland's stream,
And Spieldebodh doth he be named;
More has he of white herrings
Than he has pork that is fat.
From the north drives the sand anew.
The second map of Clavus exercised a great influence on the
development of cartography. As Clavus in drawing his map of
North-Western Europe and Greenland made use of all authorities
to be had in his time, e.g. Ptolemy's portolanos (marine maps)
and itineraries, so the map-makers of succeeding centuries
adopted his map, either directly or indirectly: thus, in the
fifteenth century, Donnus Nicholas Germanus and Henricus
Martellus; in the sixteenth century, Waldseemuller, Nicolo Zeno,
Rusclli, Moletius, Ramusio, Mercator, Ortelius; in the
seventeenth century, Hondius, Blaeu, and others; in the
eighteenth century, Homann and his successors. It is evident
that scarcely any other map has exerted so permanent an
influence as of Greenland by Claudius Clavus, "the first
cartographer of America".
JOSEPH FISCHER
James Clayton
James Clayton
Priest, confessor of the faith, b. at Sheffield, England, date
of birth not know; d. a prisoner in Derby gaol, 22 July, 1588.
He was the son of a shoemaker, and, being apprenticed to a
blacksmith for seven years, spent his leisure hours in educating
himself, giving special attention to the study of Latin. His
studies led him to embrace the Catholic religion, and he was
sent to the English College at Reims (1582), where he was
ordained priest in 1585, and immediately returned to England to
labour in his native county. Four years later, while visiting
the Catholic prisoners in Derby gaol, he was apprehended and
condemned to death for exercising his priestly office. His
brothers pleaded for his pardon and his execution was delayed,
though he was still kept a prisoner. Prison life brought on a
sickness of which he died.
FOLEY, Records S.J. (London, Roehampton, 1875-1879), III, 47,
230, 802, Douay Diaries, ed. KNOX (London, 1878), 12,29,184,
186, 200, 205, 262, 296; ELY, Certain Brief Notes, etc. (Paris,
1603), 206.
G.E. HIND
Clazomenae
Clazomenae
A titular see of Asia Minor. The city had been first founded on
the southern shore of the Ionian Sea (now Gulf of Smyrna), about
15 miles from Smyrna; it was one of the twelve cities of the
Ionian Confederation, and reached the acme of its importance
under the Lydian kings. After the death of Croesus its
inhabitants, through fear of the Persians, took refuge on the
island opposite their town (today St. John's Isle), which was
joined to the mainland by Alexander the Great; the pier has been
restored and is yet used as means of communication between the
modern Vourla and the island, on which there is now an important
quarantine hospital. Clazomenae is the birthplace of the
philosophers Hermotimus and Anaxagoras. The see was a suffragan
Ephesus. Lequien (I, 729) mentions two bishops: Eusebius,
present at Ephesus and chalcedon, in 431 and 451; and Macarius,
at the Eighth Ecumenical Council, in 869. When Smyrna was raised
to the rank of a metropolis (perhaps as early as the sixth
century) Clazomenae was attached to it, as is shown by Parthey's
"Notitiae", 3 and 10. In 1387 it was given again to Ephesus by a
synodal act of the patriarch Nilus (Miklosich and Mueller, "Acta
Patriarchatus Constantinopol.", II, 103). After this date there
is no apparent trace of its history; nothing remains of the city
except the ancient pier.
S. PETRIDES
Clean and Unclean
Clean and Unclean
The distinction between legal and ceremonial, as opposed to
moral, cleanness and uncleanness which stands out so prominently
in Mosaic legislation (q.v.).
Jan van Cleef
Jan Van Cleef
A Flemish painter, b. in Guelderland in 1646, d. at Ghent, 18
December, 1716. He was a pupil of Luigi Primo (Gentile) and
Gaspard de Craeyer. When Craeyer died, Cleef was commissioned to
complete his master's work in the churches and to finish the
cartoons for the tapestry ordered by Louis XIV. The churches and
convents in Flanders and Brabant are rich in his paintings.
He was a splendid draughtsman, a good colourist celebrated for
his management of drapery and for his charming portrayal of
children's heads and the attractive faces of his women. In a
school pre-eminent in portraiture Jan held a high place. He
accomplished a vast amount of work, all showing the influence of
his masters and tending more to Italian than Flemish methods.
His favourite subjects were Scriptural and religious, and his
treatment of them was simple and broad. His masterpiece, "Nuns
Giving Aid during the Plague", in the convent of the Black Nuns,
at Ghent, rivals the work of Van Dyck.
For bibliography, see CLEEF, Joost Van.
LEIGH HUNT
Joost van Cleef
Joost van Cleef
(JOSSE VAN CLEVE).
The "Madman", a Flemish painter born in Antwerp c. 1520, died c.
1556. He was one of twenty van Cleefs who painted in Antwerp,
but whether the well-known Henry, Martin, and William (the
younger) were kin of his cannot be determined. Of his father,
William (the elder), we know only that he was a member of he
Antwerp Academy, which body Joost joined. Joost was a brilliant
and luminous colourist, rivalling, in this respect, the
Italians, whose methods he followed. Severity and hardness of
outline somewhat marred his otherwise fine draughtsmanship.
Portraiture in the sixteenth century was represented by Joost
van Cleef; and Kugler places him, artistically, between Holbein
and Antonio Moro, his "Portrait of a Man" in Munich
(Pinakotheck) being long attributed to Holbin. He painted in
France, England, and Germany. The celebrated portrait painter of
Cologne, Bruyn, was a pupil. Imaging himself unappreciated, he
went to Spain and was presented to Phillip II by Moro, the court
painter.
Because Henry VIII, according to English authorities chose
Titian's pictures in preference to his, van Cleef became
infuriated, and his frenzy later developed into permanent
insanity. The French contend that it was Philip, in Spain, who
gave Titian the preference. The most distressing feature of
Joost insanity was that he retouched and ruined his finished
pictures whenever he could gain access to them, and his family
finally had to place him under restraint. Beautiful altar-pieces
by van Cleef are found in many Flemish churches, notably "The
Last Judgment" (Ghent). Perhaps the most celebrated of his works
is the "Baccus" (Amsterdam), whose young face is crowned with
prematurely grey hair. "A Virgin" (Middleburg) is noteworthy as
having a charming landscape for the background, a combination
rare in those days. Other works are: "Portrait of the Painter
and his wife", at Windor Castle; "Portrait of a Young Man", at
Berlin; and "Portrait of a Man", at Munich.
LEIGH HUNT
Martin van Cleef
Martin Van Cleef
A Flemish painter, born at Antwerp in 1520; died in 1570; was
the son of the painter William (the younger William) and was
throughout his life closely associated with his brother Henry,
who exerted great influence over his artistic career. Deschamps
asserts that Martin and Joost were brothers, but the majority of
writers on Flemish art agree that Joost was the son of the elder
William. Martin studied under Franz Floris, "the incomparable
Floris", and at first exhibited a strong predilection for
landscape work. Later on, however, persuaded by Henry, devoted
himself wholly to figure-painting. Historical subjects were his
favourites, but he also achieved great success in genre
painting. The latter has been stigmatized as vulgar and
suggestive, but while coarse, and reflecting the peasant life of
the Flemings, it differed but little in this respect from
canvases of the great Dutchmen. After a few early attempts in
large compositions after the Italian manner of Floris, he
painted small pictures only, and these with great spirit and
thorough technic. His work is delicate and refined in treatment,
harmonious in colour, and excellent in draughtsmanship.
Martin van Cleef painted in the landscapes the figures of many
eminent contemporaries, Gilles and Franz Floris among them, and
he continually collaborated with his brother Henry in that way.
Henry reciprocated and added to Martin's s figure-pieces
landscape backgrounds charming in colour and design, and
harmonizing well with the rest of the picture. On many of his
works Martin painted, as a mark, a small ape -- playing thus on
his name -- and in consequence is frequently called the "Master
of the Ape". He was admitted to the Antwerp Academy, and in 1551
became a member of the St. Luke's Guild of Artists. He never
travelled from his native Flanders, and died of gout at the age
of fifty, leaving four sons -- all of them painters.
LEIGH HUNT
Mathieu-Nicolas Poillevillain de Clemanges
Mathieu-Nicolas Poillevillain de Clemanges
(Or CLAMANGES)
A French Humanist and theologian, b. in Champagne about 1360; d.
at Paris between 1434 and 1440. He made his studies in the
College of Navarre at Paris, and in 1380 received the degree of
Licentiate, later on that of Master of Arts. He studied theology
under Gerson and Pierre d'Ailly, and received the degree of
Bachelor of Theology in 1393. He had begun to lecture at the
university in 1391 and was appointed its rector in 1393, a
position he filled until 1395. The Church was then agitated by
the Western Schism, and three methods were proposed to
re-establish peace: compromise, concession, and a general
council. From 1380 to 1394 the University of Paris advocated a
general council. In 1394 another tendency was manifest; i.e.
both Boniface IX and Clement VII were held responsible for the
continuance of the schism, and their resignations decreed to be
the means of obtaining peace. To this end a letter was written
to King Charles VI by three of the most learned masters of the
university, Pierre d'Ailly, Gilles des Champs, and Clemanges.
The two first prepared the content, to which Clemanges gave a
Ciceronian elegance of form. The letter was unsuccessful, and
the university was ordered to abstain from further discussion.
Clemanges, forced to resign the rectorship of the university,
then became canon and dean of Saint-Clodoald (1395), and later
on canon and treasurer of Langres. The antipope Benedict XIII,
who admired his Latin style, took him for his secretary in 1397,
and he remained at Avignon until 1408, when he abandoned
Benedict because of the latter's conflict with Charles VI.
Clemanges now retired to the Carthusian monastery of Valfonds
and later to Fontain-du-Bose. In these two retreats he wrote his
best treatises, "De Fructu eremi" (dedicated to Pierre d'Ailly),
"De Fructu rerum adversarum", "De novis festivitatibus non
instituendis", and "De studio theologico", in which latter work
he exhibits his dislike for the Scholastic method in philosophy.
In 1412 he returned to Langres, and was appointed Archdeacon of
Bayeux. His voice was heard successively at the Council of
Constance (1414), and at Chartres (1421), where he defended the
"liberties" of the Gallican Church. In 1425 he was teaching
rhetoric and theology in the College of Navarre, where, most
probably, he died. Clemanges is also credited with the
authorship of the work "De corrupto Ecclesiae statu", first
edited by Cordatus (possibly Hutten) in 1513, a violent attack
on the morality and discipline of the contemporary Church; hence
he is sometimes considered a Reformer of the type of Wyclif and
Hus. Schubert, however, in his book "Ist Nicolaus von Clemanges
der Verfasser des Buches De corrupto Ecclesiae statu?"
(Grossenhain, 1882; Leipzig, 1888) has shown that, although a
contemporary, Clemanges was not the author of the book. His
works were edited in two volumes by J. Lydius, a Protestant
minister of Frankfort (Leyden, 1613). His letters are in
d'Achery (below) I, 473 sqq.
J.B. DELAUNAY
Charles Clemencet
Charles Clemencet
Benedictine historian, b. at Painblanc, in the department of
Cote-d'Or, France, 1703; d. at Paris, 5 August, 1778. Clemencet
entered the Congregation of Saint-Maur at an early age; for a
short time he was lector of rhetoric at Pont-le-Voy, but, on
account of his great abilities, was soon called to Paris. Here
he took part in almost all of the important literary labours of
his congregation, showing a marked preference for historical
research. At first his superiors commissioned him to edit the
"bibliotheca" (Myriobiblion) of Photius. Clemencet soon retired
from this task and devoted all his powers to a chronological
work for which Dantine, another member of the congregation, had
made the preparatory studies. This chronology, Clemencet's
principal work, had the very prolix title: "l'art de verifier
les dates ou faits historiques des chartes, des chroniques, et
anciens monuments depuis la naissance de Jesus-Christ, par le
moyen d'une table chronologique, ou l'on trouve les annees de
Jesus-Christ et de l'Ere d'Espagne, les Indictions, le Cycle
pascal, les Paques de chaque annee, les Cycles solaires et
lunaires. Avec un Calendrier perpetuel, l'Histoire abregee des
conciles, des papes, des empereurs romains, grecs, franc,ais,
allemands et tures; des rois de France, d'Espagne et
d'Angleterre, d'Ecosse, de Lombardie, de Sicile, de Jerusalem,
etc., des duccs de Bourgogne, de Normandie, de Bretagne; des
Comtes de Toulouse, de Champagne et de Blois par des religieux
benedictins de la congregation de Saint Maur" (Paris, 1750). The
work was compiled with extraordinary industry, and contains, as
the title shows, a large amount of historical material. In its
judgment of persons and facts, however, it betrayed a strong
bias to Jansenism and Gallicanism, and was, consequently,
frequently attacked, one opponent in particular being the Jesuit
Patouillet. The assertion was made, and not without reason, that
the title out to read: "L'art de verifier les dates et falsifier
les faits".
Clemencet also wrote volumes X and XI, issued at Paris, 1756 and
1759, of the monumental work "Histoire litteraire de la France".
The volumes prepared by Clemencet are a rich collection of
authorities and are of importance not only for the literary
history of France but also for the history of the development of
all the nations of the Middle Ages. It was intended that he
should edit volume XII of the "Histoire litteraire", preparing
for it the life of St. Bernard of Clairvaux, but he gave up the
undertaking and wrote instead an independent work entitled:
"Histoire des vies et ecrits de Saint-Bernard et de Pierre le
Venerable" (Paris, 1773). His strong predilection for Jansenism
is shown in two of his writings, namely: "Histoire generale de
Port-Royal depuis la reforme de cette abbaye jusqu'`a son
entiere destruction (10 vols., Amsterdam, 1755-1757), and
"Conferences de la Mere Angelique de Saint-Jean, Abbesse de
Port-Royal" (3 vols., Utrecht, 1760). Of the former of these two
works only the first half could be published, as the second part
contained too strong a defence of Jansenism. On account of his
leaning to Jansenism, Clemencet was a bitter opponent of the
Jesuits. He attacked them in several exceedingly sharp pamphlets
and worked for the suppression of the Society. Among his
literary labours should also be mentioned his share in an
excellent edition of the works of St. Gregory of Nazianzus.
Prudentius Maranus, another member of the Congregation of
Saint-Maur, had begun the task. Clemencet issued the first
volume under the title: "Gregorii Theologi opera quae extant
omnia" (Paris, 1778). This edition is still valuable and far
surpasses all the earlier editions.
PATRICIUS SCHLAGER
Franz Jacob Clemens
Franz Jacob Clemens
A German Catholic philosopher, b. 4 October, 1815, at Coblenz;
d. 24 February, 1862, at Rome. After spending some time in an
educational institutional at Metz, he entered, at the age of
sixteen, the Jesuit College of Fribourg, Switzerland, attended
the Gymnasium at Coblenz, and thence passed to the University of
Bonn. In 1835 he matriculated at the University of Berlin, where
he devoted special attention to the study of philosophy and
received the doctorate in philosophy (1839). At the end of a
literary journey through German and Italy, he became, in 1843,
instructor in philosophy at the University of Bonn, and taught
there with great success until 1856. In 1848 he was elected a
member of the Frankfort Parliament, and attended, at Mainz, the
first General Congress of German Catholics, at which he
suggested the foundation of the St. Vincent de Paul Society in
Germany. In 1856 he was appointed professor of philosophy in the
Academy of Munster. So great was his popularity as a teacher at
Bonn that, when he removed to Munster, he was followed by some
seventy students. The attendance at his lectures in the
Westphalian capital was an extraordinarily large one; but his
health failed after a few years. In 1861, upon the advice of his
physicians, he sought relief in a southern climate; he died at
Rome in the beginning of the following year and was buried at
the Gesu.
Clemens was a layman of sound Catholic principles, who ably
defended the Church even on theological questions. He published
his first great work, "Giordano Bruno und Nikolaus von Cusa", in
1847, at Bonn. He also wrote in defence of the Holy Coat of
Trier, "Der heilige Rock zu Trier und die protestantische
Kritik" (1845), against Gildemeister and von Sybel. His other
principal writings were connected with two controversies in
which he became involved. His book, "Die speculative Theologie
A. Guenthers" (Cologne, 1853), a clear demonstration of the
contradiction between Catholic doctrine and the views of
Guenther, elicited answers from Professors Baltzer and Knoodt,
to which Clemens replied. His "De Scholasticorum sententia,
philosophiam esse theologiae ancillam, commentatio" (Muenster,
1856) treated of the subordinate position which philosophy
should occupy in regard to theology. It brought him into
conflict with Professor Kuhn of Tuebingen, against whom he
published, in defence of his position: "Die Wahrheit etc."
(Muenster, 1860) and "Ueber das Verhaeltniss, etc." (Mainz,
1860).
Der Katholic (1862), I, 257-80; Lit. Handweiser (1862), 88-89;
Stockl in Allg. deut. Biog. (Leipzig, 1876), IV, 315-17; Dublin
Rev. (1862-63), LII, 417-18).
N.A. WEBER
Clemens Non Papa
Clemens non Papa
(Jacques Clement).
Representative of the Flemish or Netherland School of music of
the sixteenth century; d. 1558. All that is known with
reasonable certainty of his life is that he preceded Nicolas
Gombert (1495-1570) as choirmaster at the court of Charles V. An
indication of his fame is his nickname non Papa, given to
distinguish him from the contemporaneous Pope Clement VII
(1523-34). While his style is always noble and fluent, he shows
the fault of his time and school of elaborating contrapuntal
forms at the expense of a clear and distinct declamation of the
text. Clemens was, nevertheless, one of the chief forerunners of
Palestrina and Orlandus Lassus, who alone were able to
overshadow him. Some of his more important works are: ten
masses, one for six, five for five, and four for four voices,
published by Petrus, Phalesius at Louvain (1555-80), a large
number of motets, and four volumes of "Souter Liedekens", that
is psalms set to familiar Netherland melodies, published by
Tylmann Susato at Antwerp (1556-57). Ambros, Gesch. der Musik
(Leipzig, 1881); Riemann, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte (Leipzig,
1907).
JOSEPH OTTEN
Pope St. Clement I
Pope St. Clement I
Pope Clement I (called CLEMENS ROMANUS to distinguish him from
the Alexandrian), is the first of the successors of St. Peter of
whom anything definite is known, and he is the first of the
"Apostolic Fathers ". His feast is celebrated 23 November. He
has left one genuine writing, a letter to the Church of Corinth,
and many others have been attributed to him.
I. THE FOURTH POPE
According to Tertullian, writing c. 199, the Roman Church
claimed that Clement was ordained by St. Peter (De Praescript.,
xxxii), and St. Jerome tells us that in his time "most of the
Latins" held that Clement was the immediate successor of the
Apostle (De viris illustr., xv). St. Jerome himself in several
other places follows this opinion, but here he correctly states
that Clement was the fourth pope. The early evidence shows great
variety. The most ancient list of popes is one made by
Hegesippus in the time of Pope Anicetus, c. 160 (Harnack
ascribes it to an unknown author under Soter, c. 170), cited by
St. Epiphanius (Haer., xxvii, 6). It seems to have been used by
St. Irenaeus (Haer., III, iii), by Julius Africanus, who
composed a chronography in 222, by the third- or fourth-century
author of a Latin poem against Marcion, and by Hippolytus, who
see chronology extends to 234 and is probably found in the
"Liberian Catalogue" of 354. That catalogue was itself adopted
in the "Liber Pontificalis". Eusebius in his chronicle and
history used Africanus; in the latter he slightly corrected the
dates. St. Jerome's chronicle is a translation of Eusebius's,
and is our principal means for restoring the lost Greek of the
latter; the Armenian version and Coptic epitomes of it are not
to be depended on. The varieties of order are as follows:
1. Linus, Cletus, Clemens (Hegesippus, ap. Epiphanium, Canon of
Mass).
Linus, Anencletus, Clemens (Irenaeus, Africanus ap. Eusebium).
Linus, Anacletus, Clemens (Jerome).
2. Linus, Cletus, Anacletus, Clemens (Poem against Marcion),
3. Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus [Hippolytus (?), "Liberian
Catal."- "Liber. Pont."].
4. Linus, Clemens, Anacletus (Optatus, Augustine).
At the present time no critic doubts that Cletus, Anacletus,
Anencletus, are the same person. Anacletus is a Latin error;
Cletus is a shortened (and more Christian) form of Anencletus.
Lightfoot thought that the transposition of Clement in the
"Liberian Catalogue" was a mere accident, like the similar error
"Anicetus, Pius" for "Pius Anicetus", further on in the same
list. But it may have been a deliberate alteration by
Hippolytus, on the ground of the tradition mentioned by
Tertullian. St. Irenaeus (III, iii) tells us that Clement "saw
the blessed Apostles and conversed with them, and had yet
ringing in his ears the preaching of the Apostles and had their
tradition before his eyes, and not he only for many were then
surviving who had been taught y the Apostles ". Similarly
Epiphanius tells us (from Hegesippus) that Clement was a
contemporary of Peter and Paul. Now Linus and Cletus had each
twelve years attributed to them in the list. If Hippolytus found
Cletus doubled by an error (Cletus XII, Anacletus XII), the
accession of Clement would appear to be thirty-six years after
the death of the Apostles. As this would make it almost
impossible for Clement to have been their contemporary, it may
have caused Hippolytus to shift him to an earlier position.
Further, St. Epiphanius says (loc. cit.): "Whether he received
episcopal ordination from Peter in the life-time of the
Apostles, and declined the office, for he says in one of his
epistles 'I retire, I depart, let the people of God be in
peace', (for we have found this set down in certain Memoirs), or
whether he was appointed by the Bishop Cletus after he had
succeeded the Apostles, we do not clearly know." The "Memoirs"
were certainly those of Hegesippus. It seems unlikely that he is
appealed to only for the quotation from the Epistle, c. liv;
probably Epiphanius means that Hegesippus stated that Clement
had been ordained by Peter and declined to be bishop, but
twenty-four years later really exercised the office for nine
years. Epiphanius could not reconcile these two facts;
Hippolytus seems to have rejected the latter.
Chronology
The date intended by Hegesippus is not hard to restore.
Epiphanius implies that he placed the martyrdom of the Apostles
in the twelfth year of Nero. Africanus calculated the fourteenth
year (for he had attributed one year too little to the reigns of
Caligula and Claudius), and added the imperial date for the
accession of each pope; but having two years too few up to
Anicetus he could not get the intervals to tally with the years
of episcopate given by Hegesippus. He had a parallel difficulty
in his list of the Alexandrian bishops.
Hegesippus Africanus (from Eusebius) Interval Real Dates A.D.
Linus 12 Nero 14 12 Nero 12 66
Cletus 12 Titus 2 12 Vesp 10 78
Clemens 9 Dom 12 (7) Dom 10 80
Euaristus 8 Trajan 2 (10) Tajan 2 99
Alexander 10 Trajan 12 10 Trajan 10 107
Sixtus 10 Hadrian 3 (9) Hadrian 1 117
Telesphorus 11 Hadrian 12 (10) Hadrian 11 127
Hyginus 4 Anton 1 4 Anton 1 138
Pius 15 Anton 5 15 Anton 5 142
Anicetus Anton 20 Anton 20 157
If we start, as Hegesippus intended, with Nero 12 (see last
column), the sum of his years brings us right for the last three
popes. But Africanus has started two years wrong, and in order
to get right at Hyginus he has to allow one year too little to
each of the preceding popes, Sixtus and Telesphorus. But there
is one inharmonious date, Trajan 2, which gives seven and ten
years to Clement and Euaristus instead of nine and eight.
Evidently he felt bound to insert a traditional date -- and in
fact we see that Trajan 2 was the date intended by Hegesippus.
Now we know that Hegesippus spoke about Clement's acquaintance
with the Apostles, and said nothing about any other pope until
Telesphorus, "who was a glorious martyr." It is not surprising,
then, to find that Africanus had, besides the lengths of
episcopate, two fixed dates from Hegesippus, those of the death
of Clement in the second year of Trajan, and of the martyrdom of
Telesphorus in the first year of Antoninus Pius. We may take it,
therefore, that about 160 the death of St. Clement was believed
to have been in 99.
Identity
Origen identifies Pope Clement with St. Paul's fellow-labourer,
Phil., iv, 3, and 80 do Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Jerome -- but
this Clement was probably a Philippian. In the middle of the
nineteenth century it was the custom to identity the pope with
the consul of 95, T. Flavius Clemens, who was martyred by his
first cousin, the Emperor Domitian, at the end of his
consulship. But the ancients never suggest this, and the pope is
said to have lived on till the reign of Trajan. It is unlikely
that he was a member of the imperial family. The continual use
of the Old Testament in his Epistle has suggested to Lightfoot,
Funk, Nestle, and others that he was of Jewish origin. Probably
he was a freedman or son of a freedman of the emperor's
household, which included thousands or tens of thousands. We
know that there were Christians in the household of Nero (Phil.,
iv, 22). It is highly probable that the bearers of Clement's
letter, Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Vito, were of this number,
for the names Claudius and Valerius occur with great frequency
in inscriptions among the freedmen of the Emperor Claudius (and
his two predecessors of the same gens) and his wife Valeria
Messalina. The two messengers are described as "faithful and
prudent men, who have walked among us from youth unto old age
unblameably", thus they were probably already Christians and
living in Rome before the death of the Apostles about thirty
years earlier. The Prefect of Rome during Nero's persecution was
Titus Flavius Sabinus, elder brother of the Emperor Vespasian,
and father of the martyred Clemens. Flavia Domitilla, wife of
the Martyr, was a granddaughter of Vespasian, and niece of Titus
and Domitian; she may have died a martyr to the rigours of her
banishment The catacomb of Domitilla is shown by existing
inscriptions to have been founded by her. Whether she is
distinct from another Flavia Domitilla, who is styled "Virgin
and Martyr", is uncertain. (See FLAVIA DOMITILLA and NEREUS AND
ACHILLEUS) The consul and his wife had two sons Vespasian and
Domitian, who had Quintilian for their tutor. Of their life
nothing is known. The elder brother of the martyr Clemens was T.
Flavius Sabinus, consul in 82, put to death by Domitian, whose
sister he had married. Pope Clement is rep resented as his son
in the Acts of Sts. Nereus and Achilleus, but this would make
him too young to have known the Apostles.
Martyrdom
Of the life and death of St, Clement nothing is known. The
apocryphal Greek Acts of his martyrdom were printed by Cotelier
in his "Patres Apost." (1724, I, 808; reprinted in Migne, P. G.,
II, 617, best edition by Funk, "Patr. Apost.", II, 28). They
relate how he converted Theodora, wife of Sisinnius, a courtier
of Nerva, and (after miracles) Sisinnius himself and four
hundred and twenty-three other persons of rank. Trajan banishes
the pope to the Crimea, where he slakes the thirst of two
thousand Christian confessors by a miracle. The people of the
country are converted, seventy-five churches are built. Trajan,
in consequence, orders Clement to be thrown into the sea with an
iron anchor. But the tide every year recedes two miles,
revealing a Divinely built shrine which contains the martyr's
bones. This story is not older than the fourth century. It is
known to Gregory of Tours in the sixth. About 868 St. Cyril,
when in the Crimea on the way to evangelize the Chazars, dug up
some bones in a mound (not in a tomb under the sea), and also an
anchor. These were believed to be the relics of St. Clement.
They were carried by St. Cyril to Rome, and deposited by Adrian
II with those of St. Ignatius of Antioch in the high altar of
the basilica of St. Clement in Rome. The history of this
translation is evidently quite truthful, but there seems to have
been no tradition with regard to the mound, which simply looked
a likely place to be a tomb. The anchor appears to be the only
evidence of identity but we cannot gather from the account that
it belonged to the scattered bones. (See Acta SS., 9 March, II,
20.) St. Clement is first mentioned as a martyr by Rufinus (c.
400). Pope Zozimus in a letter to Africa in 417 relates the
trial and partial acquittal of the heretic Caelestius in the
basilica of St. Clement; the pope had chosen this church because
Clement had learned the Faith from St. Peter, and had given his
life for it (Ep. ii). He is also called a martyr by the writer
known as Praedestinatus (c. 430) and by the Synod of Vaison in
442. Modern critics think it possible that his martyrdom was
suggested by a confusion with his namesake, the martyred consul.
But the lack of tradition that he was buried in Rome is in
favour of his having died in exile.
The Basilica
The church of St. Clement at Rome lies in the valley between the
Esquiline and Coelian hills, on the direct road from the
Coliseum to the Lateran. It is now in the hands of the Irish
Province of Dominicans. With its atrium, its choir enclosed by a
wall, its ambos, it is the most perfect model of an early
basilica in Rome, though it was built as late as the first years
of the twelfth century by Paschal II, after the destruction of
this portion of the city by the Normans under Robert Guiscard.
Paschal II followed the lines of an earlier church, on a rather
smaller scale, and employed some of its materials and fittings
The marble wall of the present choir is of the date of John II
(533-5). In 1858 the older church was unearthed, below the
present building, by the Prior Father Mulooly, O. P. Still lower
were found chambers of imperial date and walls of the Republican
period. The lower church was built under Constantine (d. 337) or
not much later. St. Jerome implies that it was not new in his
time: "nominis eius [Clementis] memoriam usque hodie Romae
exstructa ecclesia custodit" (De viris illustr., xv). It is
mentioned in inscriptions of Damasus (d. 383) and Siricius (d.
398). De Rossi thought the lowest chambers belonged to the house
of Clement, and that the room immediately under the altar was
probably the original memoria of the saint. These chambers
communicate with a shrine of Mithras, which lies beyond the apse
of the church, on the lowest level. De Rossi supposed this to be
a Christian chapel purposely polluted by the authorities during
the last persecution. Lightfoot has suggested that the rooms may
have belonged to the house of T. Flavius Clemens the consul,
being later mistaken for the dwelling of the pope; but this
seems quite gratuitous. In the sanctuary of Mithras a statue of
the Good Shepherd was found.
II. PSEUDO-CLEMENTINE WRITINGS
Many writings have been falsely attributed to Pope St. Clement
I:
1. The "Second Clementine Epistle to the Corinthians", discussed
under III.
2. Two "Epistles to Virgins", extant in Syriac in an Amsterdam
MS. of 1470. The Greek originals are lost. Many critics have
believed them genuine, for they were known in the fourth
century to St. Epiphanius (who speaks of their being read in
the Churches) and to St. Jerome. But it is now admitted on all
hands that they cannot be by the same author as the genuine
Epistle to the Corinthians. Some writers, as Hefele and
Westcott, have attributed them to the second half Or the
second century, but the third is more probable (Harnack,
Lightfoot). Harnack thinks the two letters were originally
one. They were first edited by Wetstein, 1470, with Latin
translation, reprinted by Gallandi, "Bibl. vett. Patr.", I,
and Migne, P. G., I. They are found in Latin only in Mansi,
"Concilia", I, and Funk "Patres Apost.", II. See Lightfoot,
"Clement of Rome" (London, 1890), I Bardenhewer, "Gesch. der
altkirchl. Litt." (Freiburg im Br., 1902), I; Harnack in
"Sitzungsber. der k. preuss. Akad. der Wiss." (Berlin, 1891),
361 and "Chronol." (1904), II, 133.
3. At the head of the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals stand five
letters attributed to St. Clement. The first is the letter of
Clement to James translated by Rufinus (see III); the second
is another letter to James, found in many MSS. of the
"Recognitions". The other three are the work of Pseudo-Isidore
(See FALSE DECRETALS.)
4. Ascribed to Clement are the "Apostolical Constitutions",
"Apostolic Canons", and the "Testament of Our Lord", also a
Jacobite Anaphora (Renaudot, Liturg. Oriental. Coll., Paris,
1716, II; Migne, P.G., II). For other attributions see
Harnack, "Gesch. der altchr. Lit." I, 777-80. The
"Clementines' or Pseudo-Clementines. (q.v.)
III. THE EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS
The Church of Corinth had been led by a few violent spirits into
a sedition against its rulers. No appeal seems to have been made
to Rome, but a letter was sent in the name of the Church of Rome
by St. Clement to restore peace and unity. He begins by
explaining that his delay in writing has been caused by the
sudden calamities which, one after another, had just been
falling upon the Roman Church. The reference is clearly to the
persecution of Domitian. The former high reputation of the
Corinthian Church is recalled, its piety and hospitality, its
obedience and discipline. Jealousy had caused the divisions; it
was jealousy that led Cain, Esau, etc., into sin, it was
jealousy to which Peter and Paul and multitudes with them fell
victims. The Corinthians are urged to repent after the example
of the Patriarchs, and to be humble like Christ himself. Let
them observe order, as all creation does. A curious passage on
the Resurrection is somewhat of an interruption in the sequence:
all creation proves the Resurrection, and so does the phoenix,
which every five hundred years consumes itself, that its
offspring may arise out of its ashes (23-6). Let us, Clement
continues, forsake evil and approach God with purity, clinging
to His blessing, which the Patriarchs so richly obtained, for
the Lord will quickly come with His rewards, let us look to
Jesus Christ, our High-Priest, above the angels at the right
hand of the Father (36). Discipline and subordination are
necessary as in an army and in the human body, while arrogance
is absurd for man is nothing. The Apostles foresaw feuds, and
provided for a succession of bishops and deacons; such,
therefore cannot be removed at pleasure. The just have always
been persecuted. Read St. Paul's first epistle to you, how he
condemns party spirit. It is shocking that a few should disgrace
the Church of Corinth. Let us beg for pardon- nothing is more
beautiful than charity; it was shown by Christ when He gave His
Flesh for our flesh, His Soul-for our souls; by living in this
love, we shall be in the number of the saved through Jesus
Christ, by Whom is glory to God for ever and ever, Amen (58).
But if any disobey, he is in great danger; but we will pray that
the Creator may preserve the number of His elect in the whole
world.--Here follows a beautiful Eucharistic prayer (59-61). The
conclusion follows: "We have said enough, on the necessity of
repentance, unity, peace, for we have been speaking to the
faithful, who have deeply studied the Scriptures, and will
understand the examples pointed out, and will follow them. We
shall indeed be happy if you obey. We have sent two venerable
messengers, to show how great is our anxiety for peace among
you" (62-4). "Finally may the all-seeing God and Master of
Spirits and Lord of all flesh, who chose the Lord Jesus Christ
and us through Him for a peculiar people, grant unto every soul
that is called after His excellent and holy Name faith, fear,
peace, patience, long-suffering, temperance, chastity, and
soberness, that they may be well-pleasing unto His Name through
our High Priest and Guardian. Jesus Christ, through whom unto
Him be glory and majesty, might and honour, both now and for
ever and ever, Amen. Now send ye back speedily unto us our
messengers Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, together with
Fortunatus also, in peace and with joy, to the end that they may
the more quickly report the peace and concord which is prayed
for and earnestly desired by us, that we also may the more
speedily rejoice over your good order. The grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ be with you and with all men in all places who have
been called by God and through Him, through whom is glory and
honour, power and greatness and eternal dominion, unto Him, from
the ages past and for ever and ever. Amen." (64-5.)
The style of the Epistle is earnest and simple, restrained and
dignified, and sometimes eloquent. The Greek is correct, though
not classical. The quotations from the Old Testament are long
and numerous. The version of the Septuagint used by Clement
inclines in places towards that which appears in the New
Testament, yet presents sufficient evidence of independence; his
readings are often with A, but are less often opposed to B than
are those in the New Testament; occasionally he is found against
the Septuagint with Theodotion or even Aquila (see H. B. Swete,
Introd. to the 0. T. in Greek, Cambridge 1900). The New
Testament he never quotes verbally. Sayings of Christ are now
and then given, but not in the words of the Gospels. It cannot
be proved, therefore, that he used any one of the Synoptic
Gospels. He mentions St. Paul's First Epistle to the
Corinthians, and appears to imply a second. He knows Romans and
Titus, and apparently cites several other of St. Paul's
Epistles. But Hebrews is most often employed of all New
Testament books. James, probably, and I Peter, perhaps, are
referred to. (See the lists of citations in Funk and Lightfoot,
Westcott and Zahn on the Canon, Introductions to Holy Scripture,
such as those of Cornely, Zahn, etc., and "The New Test. in the
Apost. Fathers", by a Committee of the Oxford Society of Hist.
Theology, Oxford, 1906.) The tone of authority with which the
letter speaks is noteworthy, especially in the later part (56,
58, etc.): "But if certain persons should be disobedient unto
the words spoken by Him through us let them understand that they
will entangle themselves in no slight transgression and danger;
but we shall be guiltless of this sin" (59). "It may, perhaps,
seem strange", writes Bishop Lightfoot, "to describe this noble
remonstrance as the first step towards papal domination. And yet
undoubtedly this is the case." (I, 70.)
Doctrine
There is little intentional dogmatic teaching in the Epistle,
for it is almost wholly hortatory. A passage on the Holy Trinity
is important. Clement uses the Old Testament affirmation "The
Lord liveth", substituting the Trinity thus: "As God liveth, and
the Lord Jesus Christ liveth and the Holy Spirit -- the faith
and hope of the elect, so surely he that performeth", etc. (58).
Christ is frequently represented as the High-Priest, and
redemption is often referred to. Clement speaks strongly of
justification by works. His words on the Christian ministry have
given rise to much discussion (42 and 44): "The Apostles
received the Gospel for us from the Lord Jesus Christ; Jesus
Christ was sent from God. So then Christ is from God, and the
Apostles from Christ. Both [missions] therefore came in due
order by the will of God..... So preaching everywhere in country
and town, they appointed their first-fruits, having proved them
by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons for those who should
believe. And this in no new fashion, for it had indeed been
written from very ancient times about bishops and deacons; for
thus saith the Scripture: 'I will appoint their bishops in
justice and their deacons in faith"' (a strange citation of Is.,
lx, 17). . . . "And our Apostles knew through our Lord Jesus
Christ that there would be strife over the name of the office of
bishop. For this cause therefore, having received complete
foreknowledge, they appointed the aforesaid persons, and
afterwards they have given a law, so that, if these should fall
asleep, other approved men should succeed to their
ministration." Rothe, Michiels (Origines de l'episcopat,
Louvain, 1900, 197), and others awkwardly understand "if they,
the Apostles, should fall asleep". For epinomen dedokasin, which
the Latin renders legem dederunt, Lightfoot reads epimonen
dedokasin, "they have provided a continuance ". In any case the
general meaning is clear, that the Apostles provided for a
lawful succession of ministers. Presbyters are mentioned several
times, but are not distinguished from bishops. There is
absolutely no mention of a bishop at Corinth, and the
ecclesiastical authorities there are always spoken of in the.
plural. R. Sohm thinks there was as yet no bishop at Corinth
when Clement wrote (so Michiels and many other Catholic writers;
Lightfoot leaves the question open), but that a bishop must have
been appointed in consequence of the letter; he thinks that Rome
was the origin of all ecclesiastical institutions and laws
(Kirchenrecht 189). Harnack in 1897 (Chronol., I) upheld the
paradox that the Church of Rome was so conservative as to be
governed by presbyters until Anicetus; and that when the list of
popes was composed, c. 170, there had been a bishop for less
than twenty years; Clement and others in the list were only
presbyters of special influence.
The liturgical character of parts of the Epistle is elaborately
-discussed by Lightfoot. The prayer (59-61) already mentioned,
which reminds us of the Anaphora of early liturgies, cannot be
regarded, says Duchesne, "as a reproduction of a sacred
formulary but it is an excellent example of the style of solemn
prayer in which the ecclesiastical leaders of that time were
accustomed to express themselves at meetings for worship"
(Origines du culte chret., 3rd ed., 50; tr., 50). The fine
passage about Creation, 32-3, is almost in the style of a
Preface, and concludes by introducing the Sanctus by the usual
mention of the angelic powers: "Let us mark the whole host of
the angels, how they stand by and minister unto His Will. For
the Scripture saith: Ten thousand times ten thousand stood by
Him, and thousands of thousands ministered unto Him, and they
cried aloud: Holy holy, holy is the Lord of Sabaoth; all
creation is full of His glory. Yea, and let us ourselves then
being gathered together in concord with intentness of heart, cry
unto Him." The combination of Daniel, Vii, 10, with Is., vi, 3,
may be from a liturgical formula. It is interesting to note that
the contemporary Apocalypse of St. John (iv, 8) shows the four
living creatures, representing all creation, singing the Sanctus
at the heavenly Mass.
The historical references in the letter are deeply interesting:
"To pass from the examples of ancient days, let us come to those
champions who lived very near to our time. Let us set before us
the noble examples which belong to our generation. By reason of
jealousy and envy the greatest and most righteous pillars of the
Church were persecuted, and contended even until death. Let us
set before our eyes the good Apostles. There was Peter, who by
reason of unrighteous jealousy endured not one or two, but many
labours, and thus having borne his testimony went to his
appointed Place of glory. By reason of jealousy and strife Paul
by his example pointed out the prize of patient endurance. After
that he had been seven times in bonds, had been driven into
exile, had been stoned, had preached in the East and in the
West, he won the noble renown which was the reward of his faith
having taught righteousness unto the whole world and having
reached the farthest bounds of the West; and when he had borne
his testimony before the rulers, so he departed from the world
and went unto the holy place having been found a notable pattern
of patient endurance (5). It is obvious that these two Apostles
are mentioned because they suffered at Rome. It seems that St.
Paul went to Spain as he intended (Rom., xv, 28) and as is
declared by the spurious Acts of Peter and by the Muratorian
fragment. "Unto these men of holy lives was gathered a vast
multitude of the elect who through many indignities and
tortures, being the victims of jealousy, set a brave example
among ourselves. By reason of jealousy women being persecuted,
after that they had suffered cruel and unholy insults as Danaids
and Dircae, safely reached the goal in the race of faith, and
received a noble reward, feeble though they were in body" (6).
The "vast multitude" both of men and women "among ourselves" at
Rome refers to the horrible persecution of Nero, described by
Tacitus, "Ann.", XV, xliv. It is in the recent past, and the
writer continues: "We are in the same lists, and the same
contest awaits us" (7)- he is under another persecution, that of
Domitian, covertly referred to as a series of "sudden and
repeated calamities and reverses", which have prevented the
letter from being written sooner. The martyrdom of the Consul
Clement (probably patron of the pope's own family) and the exile
of his wife will be among these disasters.
Date and authenticity
The date of the letter is determined by these notices of
persecution. It is strange that even a few good scholars (such
as Grotius Grabe, Orsi, Uhlhorn, Hefele, Wieseler) should have
dated it soon after Nero. It is now universally acknowledged,
after Lightfoot, that it was written about the last year of
Domitian (Harnack) or immediately after his death in 96 (Funk).
The Roman Church had existed several decades, for the two envoys
to Corinth had lived in it from youth to age. The Church of
Corinth is called archai (47). Bishops and deacons have
succeeded to bishops and deacons appointed by the Apostles (44).
Yet the time of the Apostles is "quite lately" and "our own
veneration" (5). The external evidence is in accord. The dates
given for Clement's episcopate by Hegesippus are apparently
90-99, and that early writer states that the schism at Corinth
took place under Domitian (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xvi, for
kata ton deloumenon is meaningless if it is taken to refer to
Clement and not to Domitian; besides, the whole of Eusebius's
account of that emperor's persecution, III, xvii-xx, is founded
on Hegesippus). St. Irenaeus says that Clement still remembered
the Apostles, and so did many others, implying an interval of
many years after their death. Volkmar placed the date in the
reign of Hadrian, because the Book of Judith is quoted, which he
declared to have been written in that reign. He was followed by
Baur, but not by Hilgenfeld. Such a date is manifestly
impossible, if only because the Epistle of Polycarp is entirely
modelled on that of Clement and borrows from it freely. It is
possibly employed by St. Ignatius, c. 107, and certainly in the
letter of the Smyrnaeans on the martyrdom of St. Polycarp, c.
156.
The Epistle is in the name of the Church of Rome but the early
authorities always ascribe it to Clement. Dionysius, Bishop of
Corinth, wrote c. 170 to the Romans in Pope Soter's time:
"To-day we kept the holy day, the Lord's day, and on it we read
your letter- and we shall ever have it to give us instruction,
even as the former one written through Clement" (Eusebius, Hist.
Eccl., IV, xxx). Hegesippus attributed the letter to Clement.
Irenaeus, c. 180-5 perhaps using Hegesippus, says: "Under this
Clement no small sedition took place among the brethren at
Corinth and the Church of Rome sent a most sufficient letter to
the Corinthians, establishing them in peace, and renewing their
faith, and announcing the tradition it had recently received
from the Apostles" (III, iii). Clement of Alexandria, c. 200,
frequently quotes the Epistle as Clement's, and so do Origen and
Eusebius. Lightfoot and Harnack are fond of pointing out that we
hear earlier of the importance of the Roman Church than of the
authority of the Roman bishop. If Clement had spoken in his own
name, they would surely have noted expressly that he wrote not
as Bishop of Rome, but as an aged "presbyter" who had known the
Apostles. St. John indeed was still alive, and Corinth was
rather nearer to Ephesus than to Rome. Clement evidently writes
officially, with all that authority of the Roman Church of which
Ignatius and Irenaeus have so much to say.
The Second Letter to the Corinthians
An ancient homily by an anonymous author has come down to us in
the same two Greek MSS. as the Epistle of Clement, and is called
the Second Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians. It is first
mentioned by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., III, xxxvii), who considered
it spurious, as being unknown to the ancients; he is followed
(perhaps not independently) by Rufinus and Jerome. Its inclusion
as a letter of Clement in the Codex Alexandrinus of the whole
Bible in the fifth century is the earliest testimony to a belief
in its authenticity; in the sixth century it is quoted by the
Monophysite leaders Timothy of Alexandria and Severus of
Antioch, and it was later known to many Greek writers. This
witness is a great contrast to the very early veneration paid to
the genuine letter. Hilgenfeld's theory that it is the letter of
Pope Soter to the Corinthians, mentioned by Dionysius in the
fragment quoted above, was accepted by many critics, until the
discovery of the end of the work by Bryennios showed that it was
not a letter at all, but a homily. Still Harnack has again and
again defended this view. An apparent reference to the Isthmian
Games in ~7 suggests that the homily was delivered at Corinth;
but this would be in character if it was a letter addressed to
Corinth. Lightfoot and others think it earlier than Marcion, c.
140, but its reference to Gnostic views does not allow us to
place it much earlier. The matter of the sermon is a very
general exhortation, and there is no definite plan or sequence.
Some citations from unknown Scriptures are interesting.
The editio princeps of the two "Epistles to the Corinthians" is
that of Patrick Young, 1633 (2d ed., 1637), from the famous
Codex Alexandrinus (A) of the whole Bible in Greek. A number of
editions followed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
(enumerated by Funk, Gebhardt, and Lightfoot). in the nineteenth
we may notice those of C. J. Hefele (Tubingen, 1st ed., 1839),
Jacobson (Oxford, 1st ed., 1840, etc.), Dressel (Leipzig, 1857),
in the editions of the Apostolic Fathers by these writers. An
edition by Bishop J. B. Lightfoot appeared in 1869 (London and
Cambridge), one by J. C. M. Laurent in 1870 (Leipzig), and one
by 0. von Gebhardt and A. Harnack in 1875 (Leipzig). All these
editions are founded on the one MS., which gives both letters
incompletely, and not always legibly. On its doubtful readings
Tischendorf wrote in 1873 (Clementis Rom. Epistulae, Leipzig),
and he gave a so-called facsimile in 1867 (Appendix codicum
celeberrimorum Sinaitici et Vaticani, Leipzig). A photographic
reproduction of the whole codex was published at the British
Museum in 1879. In 1875 the complete text of both Epistles was
published by Bryennios at Constantinople, from-a MS. in the
Patriarchal library of that city. It was used in Hilgenfeld's
"Clementis Romani Epistulae" (2d ed., Leipzig, 1876), in the
second edition of Gebhardt and Harnack (1876). In Lightfoot's
edition of 1877 (London) a Syriac version was also used for the
first time. The MS. was written in 1170, and is in the Cambridge
University Library. It has been published in full by R. L.
Bensley and R. H. Kennett, "The Epistles of St. Clement to the
Corinthians in Syriac" (London,1899). Dr. Funk's "Opera Patrum
Apostolicorum" first appeared in 1878-81 (Tubingen). The greut
and comprehensive posthumous edition of Lightfoot's "Clement of
Rome" (which contains a photographic facsimile of the
Constantinople MS.) was published in 1890 (2 vols. London). The
Greek text and English translation are reprinted by Lightfoot,
"The Apostolic Fathers" (1 vol., London, 1891). In 1878 Dom
Germain Morin discovered a Latin translation of the genuine
Epistle in an eleventh-century MS. in the library of the
Seminary of Namur (Anecdota Maredsolana, 2 vols., "S. Clementis
ad Corinthios Epistulae versio antiquissima", Maredsous, 1894).
The version is attributed to the second century by Harnack and
others. It has been employed to correct the text in Funk's
latest edition (1901), and by R. Knopf, "Der erste Clemensbrief"
(in "Texte und Unters.", New Series, Leipzig, 1899). Besides
Lightfoot's excellent English rendering, there is a translation
of the two Epistles in "Ante-Nicene Chr. Lit." (Edinburgh, 1873,
I).
JOHN CHAPMAN
Pope Clement II
Pope Clement II
(Suidger.)
Date of birth unknown; enthroned 25 December, 1046; d. 9
October, 1047. In the autumn of 1046 the King of Germany, Henry
III, crossed the Alps at the head of a large army and
accompanied by a brilliant retinue of the secular and
ecclesiastical princes of the empire, for the twofold purpose of
receiving the imperial crown and of restoring order in the
Italian Peninsula. The condition of Rome in particular was
deplorable. In St. Peter's, the Lateran, and St. Mary Major's,
sat three rival claimants to the papacy. (See Benedict IX.) Two
of them, Benedict IX and Sylvester III, represented rival
factions of the Roman nobility. The position of the third,
Gregory VI, was peculiar. The reform party, in order to free the
city from the intolerable yoke of the House of Tusculum, and the
Church from the stigma of Benedict's dissolute life, had
stipulated with that stripling that he should resign the tiara
upon receipt of a certain amount of money. That this heroic
measure for delivering the Holy See from destruction was
simoniacal, has been doubted by many; but that it bore the
outward aspect of simony and would be considered a flaw in
Gregory's title, consequently in the imperial title Henry was
seeking, was the opinion of that age.
Strong in the consciousness of his good intentions, Gregory met
King Henry at Piacenza, and was received with all possible
honours. It was decided that he should summon a synod to meet at
Sutri near Rome, at which the entire question should be
ventilated. The proceedings of the Synod of Sutri, 20 December,
are well summarized by Cardinal Newman in his "Essays Critical
and Historical" (II, 262 sqq.). Of the three papal claimants,
Benedict refused to appear; he was again summoned and afterwards
pronounced deposed at Rome. Sylvester was "stripped of his
sacerdotal rank and shut up in a monastery". Gregory showed
himself to be, if not an idiota, at least a man mirae
simplicitatis, by explaining in straightforward speech his
compact with Benedict, and he made no other defence than his
good intentions, and deposed himself (Watterich, Vitae Rom.
Pont., I, 76); an act by some interpreted as a voluntary
resignation, by others (Hefele), in keeping with the
contemporary annals, as a deposition by the synod. The Synod of
Sutri adjourned to meet again in Rome 23 and 24 December.
Benedict, failing to appear, was condemned and deposed in
contumaciam, and the papal chair was declared vacant. As King
Henry was not yet crowned emperor, he had no canonical right to
take part in the new election; but the Romans had no candidate
to propose and begged the monarch to suggest a worthy subject.
Henry's first choice, the powerful Adalbert, Archbishop of
Bremen, positively refused to accept the burden and suggested
his friend Suidger, Bishop of Bamberg. In spite of the latter's
protests, the king took him by the hand and presented him to the
acclaiming clergy and people as their spiritual chief. Suidger's
reluctance was finally overcome, though he insisted upon
retaining the bishopric of his beloved see. He might be pardoned
for fearing that the turbulent Romans would ere long send him
back to Bamberg. Moreover, since the king refused to give back
to the Roman See its possessions usurped by the nobles and the
Normans, the pope was forced to look to his German bishopric for
financial support. He was enthroned in St. Peter's on Christmas
Day and took the name of Clement II. He was born in Saxony of
noble parentage, was first a canon in Halberstadt, then chaplain
at the court of King Henry, who on the death of Eberhard, the
first Bishop of Bamberg, appointed him to that important see. He
was a man of strictest integrity and severe morality. His first
pontifical act was to place the imperial crown upon his
benefactor and the queen- consort, Agnes of Aquitaine. The new
emperor received from the Romans and the pope the title and
diadem of a Roman Patricius, a dignity which, since the tenth
century, owing to the uncanonical pretensions of the Roman
aristocracy, was commonly supposed to give the bearer the right
of appointing the pope, or, more exactly speaking, of indicating
the person to be chosen (Hefele). Had not God given His Church
the inalienable right of freedom and independence, and sent her
champions determined to enforce this right, she would now have
simply exchanged the tyrrany of Roman factions for the more
serious thraldom to a foreign power. The fact that Henry had
protected the Roman Church and rescued her from her enemies gave
him no just claim to become her lord and master. Short-sighted
reformers, even men like St. Peter Damiani (Opusc., VI, 36) who
saw in this surrender of the freedom of papal elections to the
arbitrary will of the emperor the opening of a new era, lived
long enough to regret the mistake that was made. With due
recognition of the prominent part taken by the Germans in the
reformation of the eleventh century, we cannot forget that
neither Henry III nor his bishops understood the importance of
absolute independence in the election of the officers of the
Church. This lesson was taught them by Hildebrand, the young
chaplain of Gregory VI, whom they took to Germany with his
master, only to return with St. Leo IX to begin his immortal
career. Henry III, the sworn enemy of simony, never took a penny
from any of his appointees, but he claimed a right of
appointment which virtually made him head of the Church and
paved the way for intolerable abuses under his unworthy
successors.
Clement lost no time in beginning the work of reform. At a great
synod in Rome, January, 1047, the buying and selling of things
spiritual was punished with excommunication; anyone who should
knowingly accept ordination at the hands of a prelate guilty of
simony was ordered to do canonical penance for forty days. A
dispute for precedence between the Sees of Ravenna, Milan, and
Aquileia was settled in favour of Ravenna, the bishop of which
was, in the absence of the emperor, to take his station at the
pope's right. Clement accompanied the emperor in a triumphal
progress through Southern Italy and placed Benevento under an
interdict for refusing to open its gates to them. Proceeding
with Henry to Germany, he canonized Wiborada, a nun of St. Gall,
martyred by the Huns in 925. On his way back to Rome he died
bear Pesaro. That he was poisoned by the partisans of Benedict
IX is a mere suspicion without proof. He bequeathed his mortal
remains to Bamberg, in the great cathedral of which his marble
sarcophagus is to be seen at the present day. He is the only
pope buried in Germany. Many zealous ecclesiastics, notably the
Bishop of Liege, now exerted themselves to reseat in the papal
chair Gregory VI, whom, together with his chaplain, Henry held
in honourable custody; but the emperor unceremoniously appointed
Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, who took the name of Damasus II. (See
Gregory VI; Benedict IX.)
Baronius, Annales Eccl., ad ann. 1046, 1047; Lafiteau, La
vie de Clement II (Padua, 1752); Will, Die Anfaenge der
Restauration der Kirche im XI. Jahrhundert (Marburg, 1859);
Wittmasnn, Clemens II. in Archiv. f. kathol. Kirchenrecht
(1884), LI, 238; Von Reumont, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin,
1867), II, 339-44; Artaud de Montor, History of the Roman
Pontiffs (New York, 1867); Heinemann, Der Patriziat d. deutschen
Koenige (Halle, 1887); Hefele, Conciliengesch., IV, 7606-14.
James F. Loughlin
Pope Clement III
Pope Clement III
(Paolo Scolari).
Date of birth unknown; elected 19 December, 1187; d. 27 March,
1191. During the short space (1181-1198) which separated the
glorious pontificates of Alexander III and Innocent III, no less
than five pontiffs occupied in rapid succession the papal chair.
They were all veterans trained in the school of Alexander, and
needed only their earlier youthful vigour and length of reign to
gain lasting renown in an age of great events. Gregory VIII,
after a pontificate of two months, died on 17 December, 1187, at
Pisa, whither he had gone to expedite the preparations for the
recovery of Jerusalem; he was succeeded two days later by the
Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina, Paolo Scolari, a Roman by birth.
The choice was particularly acceptable to the Romans; for he was
the first native of their city who was elevated to the papacy
since their rebellion in the days of Arnold of Brescia, and his
well-known mildness and love of peace turned their thoughts
towards a reconciliation, more necessary to them than to the
pope. Overtures led to the conclusion of a formal treaty, by
which the papal sovereignty and the municipal liberties were
equally secured; and in the following February Clement made his
entry into the city amid the boundless enthusiasm of a
population which never seemed to have learned the art of living
either with or without the pope.
Seated in the Lateran, Pope Clement turned his attention to the
gigantic task of massing the forces of Christendom against the
Saracens. He was the organizer of the Third Crusade; and if that
imposing expedition produced insignificant results, the blame
nowise attaches to him. He dispatched legates to the different
courts, who laboured to restore harmony among the belligerent
monarchs and princes, and to divert their energy towards the
reconquest of the Holy Sepulchre. Fired by the example of the
Emperor Barbarossa and of the Kings of France and England, a
countless host of Christian warriors took the road which led
them to Palestine and death. At the time of Clement's death,
just before the capture of Acre, the prospects, notwithstanding
the drowning of Barbarossa and the return of Philip Augustus,
still seemed bright enough.
The death of the pope's chief vassal, William II of Sicily,
precipitated another unfortunate quarrel between the Holy See
and the Hohenstaufen. Henry VI, the son and successor of
Barbarossa, claimed the kingdom by right of his wife Constanza,
the only legitimate survivor of the House of Roger. The pope,
whose independence was at an end, if the empire and the Two
Sicilies were held by the same monarch, as well as the Italians
who detested the rule of a foreigner, determined upon
resistance, and when the Sicilians proclaimed Tancred of Lecce,
a brave but illegitimate scion of the family of Roger, as king,
the pope gave him the investiture. Henry advanced into Italy
with a strong army to enforce his claim; an opportune death
reserved the continuation of the contest to Clement's successor,
Celestine III. By a wise moderation Clement succeeded in
quieting the disturbances caused by contested elections in the
Dioceses of Trier in Germany and St. Andrews in Scotland. He
also delivered the Scottish Church from the jurisdiction of the
Metropolitan of York and declared it directly subject to the
Holy See. Clement canonized Otto of Bamberg, the Apostle of
Pomerania (d. 1139), and Stephen of Thiers in Auvergne, founder
of the Hermits of Grammont (d. 1124).
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement IV
Pope Clement IV
(Guido Le Gros).
Born at Saint-Gilles on the Rhone, 23 November, year unknown;
elected at Perugia 5 February, 1265; d. at Viterbo, 29 November,
1268. After the death of Urban IV (2 October, 1264), the
cardinals, assembled in conclave at Perugia, discussed for four
monthe the momentous question whether the Church should continue
the war to the end against the House of Hohenstaufen by calling
in Charles of Anjou, the youngest brother of St. Louis of
France, or find some other means of securing the independence of
the papacy. No other solution offering itself, the only possible
course was to unite upon the Cardinal-Bishop of Sabina, by birth
a Frenchman and a subject of Charles. Guido Le Gros was of noble
extraction. When his mother died, his father, the knight
Foulquois, entered a Carthusian monastery where he ended a
saintly life. Guido married, and for a short time wielded the
spear and the sword. Then devoting himself to the study of law
under the able direction of the famous Durandus, he gained a
national reputation as an advocate. St. Louis, who entertained a
great respect and affection for him, took him into his cabinet
and made him one of his trusted councillors. His wife died,
leaving him two daughters, whereupon he imitated his father to
the extent that he gave up worldly concerns and took Holy
orders.
His rise in the Church was rapid; 1256, he was Bishop of Puy;
1259, Archbishop of Narbonne; December, 1261, Cardinal-Bishop of
Sabina. He was the first cardinal created by Urban IV (Babel,
Hierarchia Catholica, 7). He was in France, returning from an
important legation to England, when he received an urgent
message from the cardinals demanding his immediate presence in
Perugia. Not until he entered the conclave, was he informed that
the unanimous vote of the Sacred College had confided into his
hands the destinies of the Catholic Church. He was astonished;
for only a man of his large experience could fully realize the
responsibility of him whose judgment, at this critical juncture,
must irrevocably shape the course of Italian and ecclesiastical
history for centuries to come. His prayers and tears failing to
move the cardinals, he reluctantly accepted the heavy burden,
was crowned at Viterbo, 22 February, and, to honour the saint of
his birthday, assumed the name of Clement IV. His contemporaries
are unanimous and enthusiastic in extolling his exemplary piety
and rigorously ascetic life. He had a remarkable aversion to
nepotism. His first act was to forbid any of his relatives to
come to the Curia, or to attempt to derive any sort of temporal
advantage from his elevation. Suitors for the hands of his
daughters were admonished that their prospective brides were
"children not of the pope, but of Guido Grossus", and that their
dowers should be extremely modest. The two ladies preferred the
seclusion of the convent.
The Neapolitan question occupied, almost exclusively, the
thoughts of Clement IV during his short pontificate of 3 years,
9 months, and 25 days, which, however, witnessed the two
decisive battles of Benevento and Tagliacozzo (1268), and the
execution of Conradin. The negotiations with Charles of Anjou
had progressed so far under the reign of Urban IV that it is
difficult to see how the pope could now well draw back, even
were he so inclined. But Clement had no intention of doing so.
The power of Manfred and the insecurity of the Holy See were
increasing daily. Clement had already, as cardinal, taken an
active part in the negotiations with Charles and now exerted
himself to the utmost in order to supply the ambitious but needy
adventurer with troops and money. Papal legates and mendicant
friars appeared upon the scene, preaching a formal crusade, with
the amplest indulgences and most lavish promises. Soldiers were
obtained in abundance among the warlike chivalry of France; the
great difficulty was to find money with which to equip and
maintain the army. The clergy and people failed to detect a
crusade in what they deemed a personal quarrel of the pope, a
"war hard by the Lateran, and not with Saracens nor with Jews"
(Dante, Inf., canto xxvii); though, in reality, Saracens,
implanted in Italy by Frederick II, made up the main strength of
Manfred's army. Although reduced at times to utter destitution,
and forced to pledge everything of value and to borrow at
exorbitant rates, the pope did not despair; the expedition
arrived, and from the military point of view achieved a
brilliant success.
Charles, preceding his army, came to Rome by sea, and upon the
conclusion of a treaty, by which the liberties of the Church and
the overlordship of the Holy See seemed to be most firmly
secured, he received the investiture of his new kingdom. On 6
January, 1266, he was solemnly crowned in St. Peter's; not, as
he had wished, by the pope, who took up his residence in Viterbo
and never saw Rome, but by cardinals designated for the purpose.
On 22 February was fought the battle of Benevento, in which
Charles was completely victorious; Manfred was found among the
slain. Naples opened her gates and the Angevin dynasty was
established. Though a good general, Charles had many weaknesses
of character that made him a very different ruler from his
saintly brother. He was harsh, cruel, grasping, and tyrannical.
Clement was kept busy reminding him of the terms of his treaty,
reproving his excesses and those of his officials, and warning
him that he was gaining the enmity of his subjects.
Nevertheless, when a little later, young Conradin, disregarding
papal censure and anathemas, advanced to the conquest of what he
deemed his birthright, Clement remained faithful to Charles and
prophesied that the gallant youth, received by the Ghibelline
party everywhere, even in Rome, with unbounded enthusiasm, "was
being led like a lamb to the slaughter", and that "his glory
would vanish like smoke", a prophecy only too literally
fulfilled when, after the fatal day of Tagliacozzo (23 August,
1268), Conradin fell into Charles' merciless hands and was
beheaded (29 October) on the marketplace of Naples. The fable
that Pope Clement advised the execution of the unfortunate
prince by saying "The death or life of Conradin means the life
or death of Charles", is of a later date, and opposed to the
truth. Even the statement of Gregorovius that Clement became an
accomplice by refusing to intercede for Conradin, is equally
groundless; for it has been shown conclusively, not only that he
pleaded for his life and besought St. Louis to add the weight of
his influence with his brother, but, moreover, that he sternly
reproved Charles for his cruel deed when it was perpetrated.
Clement followed "the last of the Hohenstaufen" to the grave
just one month later, leaving the papacy in a much better
condition than when he received the keys of St. Peter. He was
buried in the church of the Dominicans at Viterbo. Owing to
divergent views among the cardinals, the papal throne remained
vacant for nearly three years. In 1268, Clement canonized St.
Hedwig of Poland (d. 1243).
Jordan, Le registres de Clement IV (Paris, 1893, sqq.); Life and
Letters in Mansi, XIV, 325; Heidemann, Papst Klemens IV.
(Muenster, 1903, pt. 1); Hefele, Concilieng. VI, 1-265;
HergenrOether - Kirsch, Kirchengesch., 4th ed. (Freiburg, 1904),
II, 566; Priest, Hist. de la Conquete de Naples par Charles
d'Anjou (Paris, 1841); Brayda, La risponsabilita di Clemente IV
e di Carlo X d'Anjou nella morte di Corradino di Soevia (Naples,
1900).
James F. Loughlin
Pope Clement V
Pope Clement V
(Bertrand de Got.)
Born at Villandraut in Gascony, France, 1264; died at
Roquemaure, 20 April, 1314. He was elected, 5 June, 1305, at
Perugia as successor to Benedict XI, after a conclave of eleven
months, the great length of which was owing to the French and
Italian factions among the cardinals. Ten of the fifteen (mostly
Italian) cardinals voting elected him. Giovanni Villani's story
(Hist. Florent., VIII, 80, in Muratori, SS. RR. Ital., XIII,
417; cf. Raynald, Ann. Eccl., 1305, 2-4) of a decisive influence
of Philip the Fair, and the new pope's secret conference with
and abject concessions to that king in the forest of
Saint-Jean-d'Angely, is quite unhistorical; on the other hand,
the cardinals were willing to please the powerful French king
whom the late Benedict XI had been obliged to placate by notable
concessions, and it is not improbable that some kind of a mutual
understanding was reached by the king and the future pope. As
Archbishop of Bordeaux, Bertrand de Got was actually a subject
of the King of England, but from early youth he had been a
personal friend of Philip the Fair. Nevertheless, he had
remained faithful to Boniface VIII. The new pope came from a
distinguished family. An elder brother had been Archbishop of
Lyons, and died (1297) as Cardinal-Bishop of Albano and papal
legate in France. Bertrand studied the arts at Toulouse and
canon and civil law at Orleans and Bologna. He had been
successively canon at Bordeaux, vicar-general of the Archbishop
of Lyons (his aforesaid brother), papal chaplain, Bishop of
Comminges under Boniface VIII, and eventually Archbishop of
Bordeaux, then a difficult office because of the persistent
conflict between England and France for the possession of
Normandy. The cardinals besought him to come to Perugia and go
thence to Rome for his coronation, but he ordered them to repair
to Lyons, where he was crowned (14 November, 1305) in presence
of Philip the Fair and with great pomp. During the usual public
procession the pope was thrown from his horse by a falling wall;
one of his brothers was killed on that occasion, also the aged
Cardinal Matteo Orsini who had taken part in twelve conclaves
and seen thirteen popes. The most precious jewel in the papal
tiara (a carbuncle) was lost that day, an incident prophetically
interpreted by German and Italian historians, and the next day
another brother was slain in a quarrel between servants of the
new pope and retainers of the cardinals. For some time (1305-
1309), Pope Clement resided at different places in France
(Bordeaux, Poitiers, Toulouse), but finally took up his
residence at Avignon, then a fief of Naples, though within the
County of Venaissin that since 1228 acknowledged the pope as
overlord (in 1348 Clement VI purchased Avignon for 80,000 gold
gulden from Joanna of Naples). Strong affection for his native
France and an equally influential fear of the quasi-anarchical
conditions of Italy, and in particular of the States of the
Church and the city of Rome, led him to this fateful decision,
whereby he exposed himself to the domination of a civil ruler
(Philip the Fair), whose immediate aims were a universal French
monarchy and a solemn humiliation of Pope Boniface VIII in
return for the latter's courageous resistance to Philip's
cunning, violence, and usurpations (Hergenroether).
STATES OF THE CHURCH
The government of the States of the Church was committed by
Clement to a commission of three cardinals, while at Spoleto his
own brother, Arnaud Garsias de Got, held the office of papal
vicar. Giacomo degli Stefaneschi, a senator and popular chief,
governed within the city in a loose and personal way. Confusion
and anarchy were prevalent, owing to the implacable mutual
hatred of the Colonna and Orsini, the traditional turbulence of
the Romans, and the frequent angry conflicts between the people
and the nobles, conditions which had been growing worse all
through the thirteenth century and had eventually driven even
the Italian popes to such outside strongholds as Viterbo,
Anagni, Orvieto, and Perugia. No more graphic illustration of
the local conditions at Rome and in the Patrimony of Peter could
be asked than the description of Nicholas of Butrinto, the
historiographer of Emperor Henry VII, on his fateful Roman
expedition of 1312 [see Von Raumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom,
Berlin, 1867, II (1), 745-65]. Among the untoward Roman events
of Pope Clement's reign was the conflagration 6 May, 1308, that
destroyed the church of St. John Lateran, soon rebuilt, however,
by the Romans with the aid of the pope. Clement did not hesitate
to try the conclusions of war with the Italian state of Venice
that had unjustly seized on Ferrara, a fief of the Patrimony of
Peter. When excommunication, interdict, and a general
prohibition of all commercial intercourse failed, he outlawed
the Venetians, and caused a crusade to be preached against them;
finally his legate, Cardinal Pelagrue, overthrew in a terrific
battle the haughty aggressors (28 August, 1309). The papal
vicariate of Ferrara was then conferred on Robert of Naples,
whose Catalonian mercenaries, however, were more odious to the
people than the Venetian usurpers. In any case, the smaller
powers of Italy had learned that they could not yet strip with
impunity the inheritance of the Apostolic See, and an example
was furnished which the greatest soldier of the papacy, Gil
d'Albornoz (q.v.), would better before the century was over.
PROCESS OF BONIFACE VIII
Almost at once King Philip demanded from the new pope a formal
condemnation of the memory of Boniface VIII; only thus could the
royal hate be placated. The king wished the name of Boniface
stricken from the list of popes as a heretic, his bones
disinterred, burned, and the ashes scattered to the winds. This
odious and disgraceful step Clement sought to avert, partly by
delay, partly by new favours to the king; he renewed the
absolution granted the king by Benedict XI, created nine French
cardinals out of a group of ten, restored to the Colonna
cardinals their places in the Sacred College, and accorded the
king titles of church property for five years. Finally, he
withdrew the Bull "Clericis Laicos", though not the earlier
legislation on which it was based, and declared that the
doctrinal Bull "Unam Sanctam" affected in no disadvantageous
manner the meritorious French king, and implied for him and his
kingdom no greater degree of subjection to the papal see than
formerly existed. The pope was also helpful to Charles of
Valois, the king's brother, and pretender to the imperial throne
of Constantinople, by granting him a two years' tithe of church
revenues; Clement hoped that a crusade operating from a
reconquered Constantinople would be successful. In May, 1307, at
Poitiers, where peace was made between England and France,
Philip again insisted on a canonical process for condemnation of
the memory of Boniface VIII, as a heretic, a blasphemer, an
immoral priest, etc. Eventually, the pope made answer that so
grave a matter could not be settled outside of a general
council, and the king for a while seemed satisfied with this
solution. Nevertheless, he returned frequently and urgently to
his proposition. It was in vain that the pope exhibited a
willingness to sacrifice the Templars (see below); the merciless
king, sure of his power, pressed for the opening of this unique
trial, unheard of since the time of Pope Formosus. Clement had
to yield, and designated 2 February, 1309, as the date, and
Avignon as the place for the trial of his dead predecessor on
the shameful charges so long colported about Europe by the
Colonna cardinals and their faction. In the document (citation)
that called (13 September, 1309) for the witnesses, Clement
expressed his personal conviction of the innocence of Boniface,
at the same time his resolution to satisfy the king. Though the
pope had soon (2 February, 1310) to protest against a false
interpretation of his own words, the process was really begun in
a consistory of 16 March, 1310, at Avignon. Much delay followed,
on one side and the other, apropos chiefly of methods of
procedure. Early in 1311, witnesses were examined outside of
Avignon, in France, and in Italy, but by French commissaries and
mostly on the above-mentioned charges of the Colonna (see
BONIFACE VIII). Finally, in February, 1311, the king wrote to
Clement abandoning the process to the future council (of Vienne)
or to the pope's own action, and promising to cause the
withdrawal of the charges; at the same time he protested that
his intentions had been pure. One price of these welcome
concessions was a formal declaration by Pope Clement (27 April,
1311) of the king's innocence and that of his friends; these
representatives of France, the "Israel of the New Alliance", had
acted, said the pope, in good faith and with a pure zeal, nor
should they fear in the future any canonical detriment from the
events of Anagni. William Nogaret was excepted, but on his
protestation of innocence, and at the intercession of Philip, a
penance was imposed on him and he too received absolution. Only
those who detained ecclesiastical property were finally excluded
from pardon. The religious zeal of Philip was again
acknowledged; all papal acts detrimental to him and his kingdom
since November, 1302, were rescinded; the erasures are yet
visible in the "Regesta" of Boniface VIII, in the Vatican
Archives (see Tosti, "Storia di Bonifazio VIII", Rome, 1886, II,
343-44). This painful situation was closed for Clement V by the
Council of Vienne (16 October, 1311), most of whose members were
personally favourable to Boniface. It is not certain that the
council took up formally the question of the guilt or innocence
of Boniface. In their present shape the official Acts of the
council are silent, nor do all contemporary writers mention it
as a fact. It is true that Giovanni Villani describes Philip and
his counsellors as urgent for the condemnation of Boniface by
the council, but, he says, the memory of the pope was formally
purged from all adverse charges by three cardinals and several
jurists; moreover, three Catalonian knights offered to defend
with their swords the good name of the Gaetani pope against all
comers, whereupon the king yielded, and demanded only that he be
declared guiltless of any responsibility for the turn affairs
had taken. With the death of his personal enemies, opposition to
Boniface diminished, and his legitimacy was no longer denied
even in France (Balan, "Il processo di Bonifazio VIII", Rome,
1881).
CLEMENT V AND THE TEMPLARS
Since the final expulsion (1291) of the crusading forces from
the Holy Land, the ecclesiastico-military orders in Europe had
aroused much adverse criticism, partly because to their
jealousies (Templars, Hospitallers or Knights of St. John,
Teutonic Order) was attributed the humiliating defeat, partly
because of the vast wealth they had acquired in their short
existence. The Templars (so-called from the Temple of Jerusalem,
pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Solomonici, i.e. poor
fellow-soldiers of Christ and of the Temple of Solomon) were the
richest. Their fortress-like monasteries, known as Temples,
arose in every European land, and by the end of the thirteenth
century sheltered the chief banking- system of Europe; the
knights were trusted by popes and kings and by persons of wealth
because of their uprightness, the good management of their
affairs, and their solid credit based on the countless estates
of the order and its widespread financial relations. Already
before the accession of Pope Clement, their status was growing
perilous; apart from the envy aroused by their riches,
accusations of pride, exclusiveness, usurpation of episcopal
rights, etc. were raised against them. They had resisted several
attempts to unite their order with the Hospitallers, and while
it is no longer easy to fix the degree of their popularity with
the common people, it is certain that in many quarters of Europe
they had aroused the cupidity of princes and the jealousy of
many higher ecclesiastics, especially in France; without the
co-operation of the latter they could never have fallen in so
tragic a manner. Their story is told in full in the article
Templars; hence, to avoid repetition, it will suffice to mention
here the principal facts. In the first year of the pontificate
of Clement V the French king began to demand from the pope the
suppression of this ecclesiastical order and to set afoot a
campaign of violence and calumny such as had so far succeeded in
the case of Boniface VIII. If the pope, as was naturally to be
feared, refused finally to yield in the matter of the process
against his predecessor's memory, he would surely be glad to buy
relief with the sacrifice of the Templars. Owing to the weakness
and irresolution of Pope Clement, the royal plan succeeded.
After an unsuccessful attempt of the pope (in August, 1307) to
unite the Templars and the Hospitallers, he yielded to the
demands of King Philip and ordered an investigation of the
order, against which the king brought charges of heresy
(renunciation of Christ, immorality, idolatry, contempt of the
Mass, denial of the sacraments, etc.). Philip, however, did not
wait for the ordinary operation of the Inquisition, but, with
the aid of his confessor, Guillaume de Paris (the inquisitor of
France), and his clever, unscrupulous jurists (Nogaret, de
Plaisians, Enguerrand de Marigny) struck suddenly at the whole
order, 12 October, 1307, by the arrest at Paris of Jacques de
Molay, the Grand Commander, and one hundred and forty knights,
followed by the inquisitor's mandate to arrest all other members
throughout France, and by royal sequestration of the property of
the order. Public opinion was cunningly and successfully
forestalled by the aforesaid jurists. It was also falsely made
to appear that the pope approved, or was consentingly aware, of
the royal action, while the co-operation of French inquisitors
and bishops put the seal of ecclesiastical approval on an act
that was certainly so far one of gross injustice.
While Philip invited the other princes of Europe to follow his
example, Clement V protested (27 October) against the royal
usurpation of the papal authority, demanded the transfer to his
own custody of the prisoners and their property, and suspended
the inquisitional authority of the king's ecclesiastic and the
French bishops. Philip made an apparent submission, but in the
meantime Clement had issued another Bull (22 November)
commanding an investigation of the anti-Templar charges in all
European countries. (It may be said at once that the results
were generally favourable to the order; nowhere, given the lack
of torture, were confessions obtrained like those secured in
France.) The feeble efforts of Clement to obtain for the order
strict canonical justice (he was himself an excellent canonist)
were counteracted by the new Bull that dignified and seemed to
confirm the charges of the French king, neither then nor later
supported by any material evidence or documents outside of his
own suborned witnesses and the confessions of the prisoners,
obtained by torture or by other dubious methods of their
jailers, none of whom dared resist the well-known will of
Philip. The alleged secret Rule of the Templars, authorizing the
aforesaid charges, was never produced. In the meantime William
Nogaret had been busy defaming Pope Clement, threatening him
with charges not unlike those pending against Boniface VIII, and
working up successfully an anti- Templar public opinion against
the next meeting (May, 1308) of the States-General. In July of
that year it was agreed between the pope and the king that the
guilt or innocence of the order itself should be separated from
that of its individual (French) members. The former was reserved
to a general council, soon to be convoked at Vienne in Southern
France, and to prepare evidence for which, apart from the
examinations now going on through Europe, and a hearing before
the pope of seventy-two members of the order brought from the
prisons of Philip (all of whom confessed themselves guilty of
heresy and prayed for absolution), there were appointed various
special commissions, the most important of which began its
sessions at Paris in August, 1309. Its members, acting in the
name and with the authority of the pope, were opposed to the use
of torture, hence before them hundreds of knights maintained
freely the innocence of the order, while many of those who had
formerly yielded to the diocesan inquisitors now retracted their
avowals as contrary to truth. When Nogaret and de Plaisians saw
the probable outcome of the hearings before the papal
commissions, they precipitated matters, caused the Archbishop of
Sens (brother of Enguerrand de Marigny) to call a provincial
council (Sens was then metropolitan of Paris and seat of the
local inquisition tribunal), at which were condemned, as
relapsed heretics, fifty-four knights who had recently withdrawn
before the papal commissioners their former confessions on the
plea that they had been given under torture and were quite
false. That same day (12 May, 1310), all these knights were
publicly burned at Paris outside the Porte StAntoine. To the end
all protested their innocence.
There could no longer be any question of liberty of defence; the
papal commission at Paris suspended tits sessions for six
months, and when it met again found before it only knights who
had confessed the crimes they were charged with and had been
reconciled by the local inquisitors. The fate of the Templars
was finally sealed at the Council of Vienne (opened 16 October,
1311). The majority of its three hundred members were opposed to
the abolition of the order, believing the alleged crimes
unproven, but the king was urgent, appeared in person at the
council, and finally obtained from Clement V the practical
execution of his will. At the second session of the council, in
presence of the king and his three sons, was read the Bull "Vox
in excelsis", dated 22 March, 1312, in which the pope said that
though he had no sufficient reasons for a formal condemnation of
the order, nevertheless, because of the common weal, the hatred
borne them by the King of France, the scandalous nature of their
trial, and the probable dilapidation of the order's property in
every Christian land, he suppressed it by virtue of his
sovereign power, and not by any definitive sentence. By another
Bull of 2 May he vested in the Hospitallers the title to the
property of the suppressed order. In one way or another,
however, Philip managed to become the chief legatee of its great
wealth in France. As to the Templars themselves, those who
continued to maintain their confessions were set free; those who
withdrew them were considered relapsed heretics and were dealt
with as such by the tribunals of the Inquisition. It was only in
1314 that the Grand Master, Jacques de Molay and Geoffroy de
Charnay, Grand Preceptor of Normandy, reserved to the judgment
of the pope, were condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Thereupon
they proclaimed the falsity of their confessions, and accused
themselves of cowardice in betraying their order to save their
lives. They were at once declared relapsed heretics, turned over
to the secular arm by the ecclesiastical authority, and were
burned that same day (18 March, 1314). Of Pope Clement it may be
said that the few measures of equity that appear in the course
of this great crime were owing to him; unfortunately his sense
of justice and his respect for the law were counterbalanced by a
weak and vacillating character, to which perhaps his feeble and
uncertain health contributed. Some think he was convinced of the
Templars' guilt, especially after so many of the chief members
had admitted it to himself; they explain thus his recommendation
of the use of torture, also his toleration of the king's
suppression of all proper liberty of defence on the part of the
accused. Others believe that he feared for himself the fate of
Boniface VIII, whose cruel enemy, William Nogaret, still lived,
attorney-general of Philip, skilled in legal violence, and
emboldened by a long career of successful infamy. His strongest
motive was, in all probability, anxiety to save the memory of
Boniface VIII from the injustice of a formal condemnation which
the malice of Nogaret and the cold vindictiveness of Philip
would have insisted on, had not the rich prey of the Temple been
thrown to them; to stand for both with Apostolic courage might
have meant intolerable consequences, not only personal
indignities, but in the end the graver evil of schism under
conditions peculiarly unfavourable for the papacy. (See Philip
the Fair; Vienne, Council of; Templars.)
CLEMENT V AND EMPEROR HENRY VII
In pursuance of the vast ambitions of the French monarchy
(Pierre Dubois, "De recuperatione terrae sanctae", ed. Langlois,
Paris, 1891), King Philip was anxious to see his brother Charles
of Valois chosen King of Germany in succession tot he murdered
Adolph of Nassau, of course with a view of obtaining later the
imperial crown. Pope Clement was apparently active in favour of
Philip's plan; at the same time he made it known to the
ecclesiastical electors that the selection of Count Henry of
Luetzelburg, brother of the Archbishop of Trier, would be
pleasing to him. The pope was well aware that further extension
of French authority could only reduce still more his own small
measure of independence. Though elected, 6 January, 1309, as
Henry VII, and soon assured of the papal agreement to his
imperial consecration, it was only in 1312 that the new king
reached Rome and was consecrated emperor in the church of St.
John Lateran by cardinals specially delegated by the pope.
Circumstances forced Henry VII to side with the Italian
Ghibellines, with the result that in Rome itself he found a
powerful Guelph party in possession of St. Peter's and the
greater part of the city, actively supported also by King Robert
of Naples. The new emperor, after the humiliating failure of his
Italian expedition, undertook to compel the Angevin king to
recognize the imperial authority, but was crossed by the papal
action in defence of King Robert as a vassal of the Roman
Church, overlord of the Two Sicilies. On the eve of a new
Italian campaign in support of the imperial honour and rights
Henry VII died suddenly near Siena, 24 August, 1313. He was the
last hope of Dante and his fellow-Ghibellines, for whom at this
time the great poet drew up in the "De Monarchia" his ideal of
good government in Italy through the restoration of the earlier
strong empire of German rulers, in whom he saw the ideal
overlords of the European world, and even of the pope as a
temporal prince.
CLEMENT V AND ENGLAND
Ambassadors of Edward I assisted at the coronation of Clement V.
At the request of King Edward, the pope freed him from the
obligation of keeping the promises added to the Charter in 1297
and 1300, though the king afterwards took little or no advantage
of the papal absolution. Moreover, to satisfy the king, he
suspended and called to the papal court (1305) the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Robert of Winchelsea, who had previously suffered
much for adhering to the side of Boniface VIII, and whom Edward
I was now pursuing with unproved charges of treason. (See
Clericis Laicos.) It was only in 1307, after the accession of
Edward II, that this great churchman, at the royal request, was
permitted by Clement to return from Bordeaux to his See of
Canterbury, whose ancient right to crown the kings of England he
successfully maintained. Clement excommunicated (1306) Robert
Bruce of Scotland for his share in the murder of the Red Comyn,
and he deprived of their sees Bishops Lambarton and Wishart for
their part in the subsequent national rising of the Scots. The
Lords and Commons at the Parliament of Carlisle (1307) exhibited
a strong anti- papal temper, apropos, among other complaints, of
the granting of rich English benefices to foreigners, and though
no positive action followed, the later Statutes of Provisors and
Praemunire look back to this event as indicative of English
temper. (See Gasquet, "The Eve of the Reformation", essay on
"Mixed Jurisdiction", and for other items of English interest
the "Regestra" of Clement V, and Bliss, "Calendar of
Ecclesiastical Documents relating to England", London, 1893
sqq., Rolls series.)
CLEMENT V AND THE CANON LAW
He completed the medieval "Corpus Juris Canonici" by the
publication of a collection of papal decretals known as
"Clementineae", or "Liber Clementinarum", sometimes "Liber
Septimus" in reference tothe "Liber Sextus" of Boniface VIII. It
contains decretals of the latter pope, of Benedict XI, and of
Clement himself. Together with the decrees of the Council of
Vienne it was promulgated (21 March, 1314) at the papal
residence of Monteaux near Carpentras. It follows the method of
the "Decretals" of Gregory IX and the "Liber Sextus" of Boniface
VIII, i.e. five books with subdivision into titles and chapters.
As the pope died (20 April) before this collection had been
generally published, its authenticy was doubted by some,
wherefore John XXII promulgated it anew, 25 October, 1317, and
sent it to the University of Bologna as a genuine collection of
papal decretals to be used in the courts and the schools.
(Laurin, "Introd. in corpus juris canonici", Freiburg, 1889; cf.
Ehrle, "Archiv f. Litteratur und Kirchengesch.", IV, 36 sqq.)
Clement's official correspondence is found in the nine
folio volumes of the Regesta Clementis V (Benedictine ed., Rome,
1885-92); Baluze, Vita paparum Avenionensium (Paris, 1693), I;
Raynauld, Ann Eccl., ad ann. 1303-13; Hefele, Conciliengesch.
(2d ed.), VI, 393 sqq.; Ehrle, Archiv f. Litt. u. Kirchengesch.
(1867-89); Christophe, Hist. de la papaaute pendant le
quatorzieme siecle (Paris, 1853), I; Souchon, Papstwahlen von
Bonifaz VIII. bis Urban VI. (1888); Rabanis, Clement V et
Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1858); Boutaric, La France sous Philippe
le Bel (Paris, 1861); Renan, Etudes sur la politique de Philippe
le Bel (Paris, 1899); Wenck, Clement V. und Heinrich VII.
(1882); Lacoste, Nouvelles etudes sur Clement V (Paris, 1896);
Berchon, Hist. du Pape Clement V (Paris, 1896); Berchon, Hisat.
du Pape Clement V (Bordeaux, 1898), and the exhaustive
bibliography in Chevalier, Bio-Bibl. For the literature of the
Templars, see Templars . It will suffice to mention here:
Lavocat, Le proces des freres de l'ordre du Temple (Paris,
1888); SchottmUeller, Der Untergang des TemplerOrdens (1893);
Ch. Langlois, Histoire de France, ed. Lavisse (Paris, 1901), III
(ii), 174-200; Lea, History of the Inquisition (New York, 1887),
III, 238-334; Delaville Le Roulx, La suppression des Templiers
in Revue des questions historiques (1890), XLVII, 29; and
Grange, The Fall of the Knights of The Temple in Dublin Review
(1895), 329-46.
Thomas J. Shahan
Pope Clement VI
Pope Clement VI
(Pierre Roger)
Born 1291 in the castle of Maumont, departmentof Correze,
France, elected pope, 7 May, 1342, at Avignon, where he died 6
December, 1352. At the age of ten he entered the Benedictine
monastery of La Chaise-Dieu (Haute- Loire), where he made his
religious profession. After devoting some time to study at
Paris, he graduated as doctor and became professor in that city.
Subsequent to his introduction to Pope John XXII by Cardinal
Pierre Grouin de Mortemart, he rapidly rose from one
ecclesiastical dignity to another. At first prior of
Saint-Baudile at Nimes, then Abbot of Fecamp in Normandy, he
became Bishop of Arras and Chancellor of France in 1328, was
promoted to the Archbishopric of Sens in 1329, and to that of
Rouen the following year. In the latter city a provincial
council, which promulgated several disciplinary decrees, was
held under his presidency in 1335. He was created cardinal
(1338) by Benedict XII, whom he succeeded as pontiff. One of the
characteristic traits of his policy as head of the Universal
Church was his excessive devotion to the interests of France and
those of his relatives. His French sympathies impeded his
efforts to restore and maintain peace between England and
France, although his mediation led to the conclusion of a short
general truce (Malestroit, 1343). Most of the twenty-five
cardinals whom he crreated were French, and twelve of them were
related to him. The King of France was given permission (1344)
to Communicate under both kinds. Clement accepted the senatorial
dignity offered him as "Knight Roger" by a Roman delegation,
which numbered Petrarch as one of its members. He also granted
their request for the celebration of a jubilee every fifty,
instead of every hundred, years (Bull "Unigenitus", 1343), but
declined their invitation to return to Rome. Greater permanency
seemed to be assured to the papal residence abroad by his
purchase of the sovereignty of Avignon for 80,000 florins from
Joanna of Naples and Provence (9 June, 1348). About the same
time he also declared this princess innocent of complicity in
the murder of her husband. The pope's success in Roman affairs
is evidenced by his confirmation of the ephemeral but then
unavoidable rule of Cola di Mienzi (20 May to 15 Dec., 1347).
His later condemnation of this arrogant tribune was largely
instrumental in bringing about his fall from power. Shortly
after these events the jubilee year of 1350 brought an
extraordinarily large number of pilgrims to the Eternal City. In
his attempt to strengthen the Guelph party in Italy the pope met
with failure, and was constrained to cede the city of Bologna to
the Archbishop of Milan for a period of twelve years.
Clement took up with ardour the long-standing conflict between
the Emperor Louis the Bavarian and the papacy. The former had
offended the religious feelings of many of his adherents by
arbitrarily annulling the marriage of Marguerite Maultasch,
heiress of Tyrol, and John Henry, Prince of Bohemia. The popular
discontent was still further intensified when the emperor
authorized his own son to marry the same princess. Louis
consequently was ready to make the greatest concessions to the
pope. In a writing of September, 1343, he acknowledged his
unlawful assumption of the imperial title, declared his
willingness to annul all his imperial acts and to submit to any
papal penalty, but at the same time wished to be recognized as
King of the Romans. Clement demanded as further conditions that
no law should be enacted in the empire without papal sanction,
that the binding force of Louis's promulgated royal decrees
should be suspended until confirmation by the Holy See, that he
should depose all bishops and abbots named by himself, and waive
all claim to the sovereignty of the Papal States, Sicily,
Sardinia, and Corsica. Louis submitted the pope's demands to the
consideration of the German princes, at a time when anti-papal
feeling ran very high in Germany, as a result of the separation
of the Archbishopric of Prague from the ecclesiastical province
of Mainz (30 April, 1344). The princes declared them
unacceptable, but also spoke of the necessity of electing a new
king in place of Louis, whose rule had been so disastrous to the
empire. The pope on 7 April, 1346, deposed Henry of Virneburg,
Archbishop of Mainz and an ardent partisan of the reigning
emperor, and named the twenty-year-old Gerlach of Nassau to the
see. On 13 April of the same year he launched a severe Bull
against the emperor, in which he requested the electors to give
him a successor. Charles of Luxemburg, the pope's candidate and
former pupil, was elected King of Germany (11 July, 1346), by
his father, John of Bohemia, by Rudolf of Saxony, and the three
ecclesiastical electors. Charles IV (1346- 78) substantially
accepted the papal demands, but his authority was not
immediately recognized throughout Germany. The country was on
the verge of civil war, when Louis the Bavarian suddenly died
while engaged in a boar-hunt near Munich (11 October, 1347). The
opposition of Guenther of Schwartzenburg (d. 14 June, 1349) to
Charles was but of short duration. Left without a protector,
through the death of Louis, William of Occam and the
schismatical Friars Minor now made their submission to the pope.
About 1344 Clement VI granted the sovereignty of the Canary
Islands to the Castilian Prince Louis de la Cerda, on condition
that no other Christian ruler had acquired any right to their
possession. The new sovereign, who was accorded the title of
Prince of Fortunia, agreed to introduce Christianity into the
islands and to pay tribute to the Holy See. He could not,
however, take effective possession of the territory, which was
not permanently converted at this time, even though a special
bishop (the Carmelite Bernard) was named for the islands in
1351. the pope's attempts to reunite the Greeks and Armenians
with the Roman Church led to no definite results. The East
desired not so much a return to doctrinal unity as assistance
against the Turks. A crusade against the latter, which was
undertaken in 1344, ended in a barren truce.
More of a temporal prince than an ecclesiastical ruler, Clement
was munificent to profusion, a patron of arts and letters, a
lover of good cheer, well-appointed banquets and brilliant
receptions, to which ladies were freely admitted. The heavy
expenses necessitated by such pomp soon exhausted the funds
which the economy of Benedict XII had provided for his
successor. To open up new sources of revenue, in the absence of
the ordinary income from the States of the Church, fresh taxes
were imposed and an ever-increasing number of appointments to
bishoprics and benefices was reserved to the pope. Such
arbitrary proceedings led to resistance in several countries. In
1343 the agents of two cardinals, whom Clement had appointed to
offices in England, were driven from that country. Edward III
vehemently complained of the exactions of the Avignon Court, and
in 1351 was passed the Statute of Provisors, according to which
the king reserved the right of presentation in all cases of
papal appointments to benefices. The memory of this pope is
clouded by his open French partisanship and by the gross
nepotism of his reign. Clement VI was nevertheless a protector
of the oppressed and a helper of the needy. His courage and
charity strikingly appeared at the time of the Great Pestilence,
or Black Death, at Avignon (1348-49). While in many places,
numerous Jews were massacred by the populace as being the cause
of the pestilence, Clement issued Bulls for their protection and
afforded them a refuge in his little State. He canonized St. Ivo
of Treguier, Brittany (d. 1303), the advocate of orphans (June,
1347), condemned the Flagellants, and in 1351 courageously
defended the Mendicant friars against the accusations of some
secular prelates. Several sermons have been preserved of this
admittedly learned pope and eloquent speaker. He died after a
short illness, and, according to his desire, was interred at La
Chaise-Dieu. In 1562 his grave was desecrated and his remains
burned by some Huguenots.
Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenion. (Paris, 1693), I, 243- 322,
829-925; Christopher, Hist. de la papaute pendant le XIV ^e
siecle (Paris, 1853); HOefler, Die avignonensichen Paepste
(Vienna, 1871); MUentz, L'argent et le luze `a la cour pontif.
in Rev. des quest. hist. (Paris, 1879), v, 378; Werunsky,
Excerpta ex registris Clementis VI et Innocentii VI (Innsbruck,
1885); Idem, Gesch. Karls IV. (Innsbruck, 1889-92); Desprez,
Lettres closes patentes et curiales des papes d'Avignon se
rapportant `a la France, Clement VI (Paris, 1901); BOehmer,
Fontes rerum germanicarum (Stuttgart, 1843, 1868), I, IV;
Klicman, Monumenta Vaticana res gestas Bohemicas illustrantia,
I, Acta Clementis VI; Gay, Le Pape Clement VI et les affaires
d'Orient (Paris, 1904); Kirsch, Die Verwaltung der Annaten unter
Klemens VI, in Roemische Quartalschrift (1902), 125-51; Hefele-
KnOepfler, Conciliengesch. (Freiburg, 1890), VI, 663-75, passim;
Pastor, Gesch. der Paepste (Freiburg, 1901), I, 89-95, passim,
tr. Antrobus (London, 1891), I, 85-92; Creighton, Hist. of the
Papacy (London, 1892), I, 44-48; BerliEre, Suppliques de Clement
VI (Paris, 1906), Chevalier, Bio-Bibl. (Paris, 1905), I, 954-55;
HergenrOether- Kirsch, Kirchengesch. (4th ed., 1904), II,
735-37.
N.A. Weber
Pope Clement VII
Pope Clement VII
(Giulio de' Medici).
Born 1478; died 25 September, 1534. Giulio de' Medici was born a
few months after the death of his father, Giuliano, who was
slain at Florence in the disturbances which followed the Pazzi
conspiracy. Although his parents had not been properly married,
they had, it was alleged, been betrothed per sponsalia de
presenti, and Giulio, in virtue of a well-known principle of
canon law, was subsequently declared legitimate. The youth was
educated by his uncle, Lorenzo the Magnificent. He was made a
Knight of Rhodes and Grand Prior of Capua, and, upon the
election of his cousin Giovanni de' Medici to the papacy as Leo
X, he at once became a person of great consequence. On 28
September, 1513, he was made cardinal, and he had the credit of
being the prime mover of the papal policy during the whole of
Leo's pontificate. He was one of the most favoured candidates in
the protracted conclave which resulted in the election of Adrian
VI; neither did the Cardinal de' Medici, in spite of his close
connection with the luxurious regime of Leo X, altogether lose
influence under his austere successor. Giulio, in the words of a
modern historian, was "learned, clever, respectable and
industrious, though he had little enterprise and less decision"
(Armstrong, Charles V., I, 166). After Adrian's death (14
September, 1523) the Cardinal de' Medici was eventually chosen
pope, 18 November, 1523, and his election was hailed at Rome
with enthusiastic rejoicing. But the temper of the Roman people
was only one element in the complex problem which Clement VII
had to face. The whole political and religious situation was one
of extreme delicacy, and it may be doubted if there was one man
in ten thousand who would have succeeded by natural tact and
human prudence in guiding the Bark of Peter through such
tempestuous waters. Clement was certainly not such a man. He had
unfortunately been brought up in all the bad traditions of
Italian diplomacy, and over and above this a certain fatal
irresolution of character seemed to impel him, when any decision
had been arrived at, to hark back upon the course agreed on and
to try to make terms with the other side.
The early years of his pontificate were occupied with the
negotiations which culminated in the League of Cognac. When
Clement was crowned, Francis I and the Emperor Charles V were at
war. Charles had supported Clement's candidature and hoped much
from his friendship with the Medici, but barely a year had
elapsed after his election before the new pope concluded a
secret treaty with France. The pitched battle which was fought
between Francis and the imperial commanders at Pavia in
February, 1525, ending in the defeat and captivity of the French
king, put into Charles' hands the means of avenging himself.
Still he used his victory with moderation. The terms of the
Treaty of Madrid (14 January, 1526) were not really extravagant,
but Francis seems to have signed with the deliberate intention
of breaking his promises, though confirmed by the most solemn of
oaths. That Clement, instead of accepting Charles' overtures,
should have made himself a party to the French king's perfidy
and should have organized a league with France, Venice, and
Florence, signed at Cognac, 22 May, 1526, must certainly have
been regarded by the emperor as almost unpardonable provocation.
No doubt Clement was moved by genuine patriotism in his distrust
of imperial influence in Italy and especially by anxiety for his
native Florence. Moreover, he chafed under dictation which
seemed to him to threaten the freedom of the Church. But though
he probably feared that the bonds might be drawn tighter, it is
hard to see that he had at that time any serious ground of
complaint. We cannot be much surprised at what followed.
Charles' envoys, obtaining no satisfaction from the pope, allied
themselves with the disaffected Colonna who had been raiding the
papal territory. These last peretended reconciliation until the
papal commanders were lulled into a sense of security. Then the
Colonna made a sudden attack upon Rome and shut up Clement in
the Castle of Sant' Angelo while their followers plundered the
Vatican (20 September, 1526). Charles disavowed the action of
the Colonna but took advantage of the situation created by their
success. A period of vacillation followed. At one time Clement
concluded a truce with the emperor, at another he turned again
despairingly to the League, at another, under the encouragement
of a slight success, he broke off negotiations with the imperial
representatives and resumed active hostilities, and then again,
still later, he signed a truce with Charles for eight months,
promising the immediate payment of an indemnity of 60,000
ducats.
In the mean time the German mercenaries in the north of Italy
were fast being reduced to the last extremities for lack of
provisions and pay. On hearing of the indemnity of 60,000 ducats
they threatened mutiny, and the imperial commissioners extracted
from the pope the payment of 100,000 ducats instead of the sum
first agreed upon. But the sacrifice was ineffectual. It seems
probable that the Landsknechte, a very large proportion of whom
were Lutherans, had really got completely out of hand, and that
they practically forced the Constable Bourbon, now in supreme
command, to lead them against Rome. On the 5th of May they
reached the walls, which, owing to the pope's confidence in the
truce he had concluded, were almost undefended. Clement had
barely time to take refuge in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, and
for eight days the "Sack of Rome" continued amid horrors almost
unexampled in the history of war. "The Lutherans", says an
impartial authority, "rejoiced to burn and to defile what all
the world had adored. Churches were desecrated, women, even the
religious, violated, ambassadors pillaged, cardinals put to
ransom, ecclesiastical dignitaries and ceremonies made a
mockery, and the soldiers fought among themselves for the spoil"
(Leathes in "Camb. Mod. History", II, 55). It seems probable
that Charles V was really not implicated in the horrors which
then took place. Still he had no objection against the pope
bearing the full consequences of his shifty diplomacy, and he
allowed him to remain a virtual prisoner in the Castle of Sant'
Angelo for more than seven months. Clement's pliability had
already given offence to the other members of the League, and
his appeals were not responded to very warmly. Besides this, he
was sorely in need of the imperial support both to make head
against the Lutherans in Germany and to reinstate the Medici in
the government of Florence from which they had been driven out.
The combined effect of these various considerations and of the
failure of the French attempts upon Naples was to throw Clement
into the emperor's arms. After a sojourn in Orvieto and Viterbo,
Clement returned to Rome, and there, before the end of July,
1529, terms favourable to the Holy See were definitely arranged
with Charles. The seal was set upon the compact by the meeting
of the emperor and the pope at Bologna, where, on 24 February,
1530, Charles was solemnly crowned. By whatever motives the
pontiff was swayed, this settlement certainly had the effect of
restoring to Italy a much-needed peace.
Meanwhile events, the momentous consequence of which were not
then fully foreseen, had been taking place in England. Henry
VIII, tired of Queen Catherine, by whom he had no heir to the
throne, but only one surviving daughter, Mary, and passionately
enamoured of Anne Boleyn, had made known to Wolsey in May, 1527,
that he wished to be divorced. He pretended that his conscience
was uneasy at the marriage contracted under papal dispensation
with his brother's widow. As his first act was to solicit from
the Holy See contingently upon the granting of the divorce, a
dispensation from the impediment of affinity in the first degree
(an impediment which stood between him and any legal marriage
with Anne on account of his previous carnal intercourse with
Anne's sister Mary), the scruple of conscience cannot have been
very sincere. Moreover, as Queen Catherine solemnly swore that
the marriage between herself and Henry's elder brother Arthur
had never been consummated, there had consequently never been
any real affinity between her and Henry but only the
impedimentum publicae honestatis. The king's impatience,
however, was such that, without giving his full confidence to
Wolsey, he sent his envoy, Knight, at once to Rome to treat with
the pope about getting the marriage annulled. Knight found the
pope a prisoner in Sant' Angelo and could do little until he
visited Clement, after his escape, at Orvieto. Clement was
anxious to gratify Henry, and he did not make much difficulty
about the contingent dispensation from affinity, judging, no
doubt, that, as it would only take effect when the marriage with
Catherine was concelled, it was of no practical consequence. On
being pressed, however, to issue a commission to Wolsey to try
the divorce case, he made a more determined stand, and Cardinal
Pucci, to whom was submitted a draft instrument for the purpose,
declared that such a document would reflect discredit upon all
concerned. A second mission to Rome organized by Wolsey, and
consisting of Gardiner and Foxe, was at first not much more
successful. A commission was indeed granted and taken back to
England by Foxe, but it was safeguarded in ways which rendered
it practically innocuous. The bullying attitude which Gardiner
adopted towards the pope seems to have passed all limits of
decency, but Wolsey, fearful of losing the royal favour, egged
him on to new exertions and implored him to obtain at any cost a
"decretal commission". This was an instrument which decided the
points of law beforehand, secure from appeal, and left only the
issue of fact to be determined in England. Against this Clement
seems honestly to have striven, but he at last yielded so far as
to issue a secret commission to Cardinal Wolsey and Cardinal
Campeggio jointly to try the case in England. The commission was
to be shown to no one, and was never to leave Compeggio's hands.
We do not know its exact terms; but if it followed the drafts
prepared in England for the purpose, it pronounced that the Bull
of dispensation granted by Julius for the marriage of Henry with
his deceased brother's wife must be declared obreptitious and
consequently void, if the commissioners found that the motives
alleged by Julius were insufficient and contrary to the facts.
For example, it had been pretended that the dispensation was
necessary to cement the friendship between England and Spain,
also that the young Henry himself desired the marriage, etc.
Camapeggio reached England by the end of September, 1528, but
the proceedings of the legatine court were at once brought to a
standstill by the production of a second dispensation granted by
Pope Julius in the form of a Brief. This had a double
importance. Clement's commission empowered Wolsey and Campeggio
to pronounce upon the sufficiency of the motives alleged in a
certain specified document, viz., the Bull; but the Brief was
not contemplated by, and lay outside, their commission.
Moreover, the Brief did not limit the motives for granting the
dispensation to certain specified allegations, but spoke of
"aliis causis animam nostram moventibus". The production of the
Brief, now commonly admitted to be quite authentic, though the
king's party declared it a forgery, arrested the proceedings of
the commission for eight months, and in the end, under pressure
from Charles V, to whom his Aunt Catherine had vehemently
appealed for support as well as to the pope, the cause was
revoked to Rome. There can be no doubt that Clement showed much
weakness in the concessions he had made to the English demands;
but it must also be remembered, first, that in the decision of
this point of law, the technical grounds for treating the
dispensation as obreptitious were in themselves serious and,
secondly, that in committing the honour of the Holy See to
Campeggio's keeping, Clement had known that he had to do with a
man of exceptionally high principle.
How far the pope was influenced by Charles V in his resistence,
it is difficult to say; but it is clear that his own sense of
justice disposed him entirely in favour of Queen Catherine.
Henry in consequence shifted his ground, and showed how deep was
the rift which separated him from the Holy See, by now urging
that a marriage with a deceased husband's brother lay beyond the
papal powers of dispensation. Clement retaliated by pronouncing
censure against those who threatened to have the king's divorce
suit decided by an English tribunal, and forbade Henry to
proceed to a new marriage before a decision was given in Rome.
The king on his side (1531) extorted a vast sum of money from
the English clergy upon the pretext that the penalties of
praemunire had been incurred by them through their recognition
of the papal legate, and soon afterwards he prevailed upon
Parliament to prohibit under certain conditions the payment of
annates to Rome. Other developments followed. The death of
Archbishop Warham (22 August, 1532) allowed Henry to press for
the institution of Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury, and
through the intervention of the King of France this was
conceded, the pallium being granted to him by Clement. Almost
immediately after his consecration Cranmer proceeded to
pronounce judgment upon the divorce, while Henry had previously
contracted a secret marriage with Anne Boleyn, which marriage
Cranmer, in May, 1533, declared to be valid. Anne Boleyn was
consequently crowned on June the 1st. Meanwhile the Commons had
forbidden all appeals to Rome and exacted the penalties of
praemunire against all who introduced papal Bulls into England.
It was only then that Clement at last took the step of launching
a sentence of excommunication against the king, declaring at the
same time Cranmer's pretended decree of divorce to be invalid
and the marriage with Anne Boleyn null and void. The papal
nuncio was withdrawn from England and diplomatic relations with
Rome broken off. Henry appealed from the pope to a general
council, and in January, 1534, the Parliament pressed on further
legislation abolishing all ecclesiastical dependence on Rome.
But it was only in March, 1534, that the papal tribunal finally
pronounced its verdict upon the original issue raised by the
king and declared the marriage between Henry and Catherine to be
unquestionably valid. Clement has been much blamed for this
delay and for his various concessions in the matter of the
divorce; indeed he has been accused of losing England to the
Catholic Faith on account of the encouragement thus given to
Henry, but it is extremely doubtful whether a firmer attitude
would have had a more beneficial result. The king was determined
to effect his purpose, and Clement had sufficient principle not
to yield the one vital point upon which all turned.
With regard to Germany, though Clement never broke away from his
friendship with Charles V, which was cemented by the coronation
at Bologna in 1530, he never lent to the emperor that cordial
co-operation which could alone have coped with a situation the
extreme difficulty and danger of which Clement probably never
understood. In particular, the pope seems to have had a horror
of the idea of convoking a general council, foreseeing, no
doubt, grave difficulties with France in any such attempt.
Things were not improved when Henry, through his envoy Bonner,
who found Clement visiting the French king at Marseilles, lodged
his appeal to a future general council on the divorce question.
In the more ecclesiastical aspects of his pontificate Clement
was free from reproach. Two Franciscan reforms, that of the
Capuchins and that of the Recollects, found in him a
sufficiently sympathetic patron. He was genuinely in earnest
over the crusade against the Turks, and he gave much
encouragement to foreign missions. As a patron of art, he was
much hampered by the sack of Rome and the other disastrous
events of his pontificate. But he was keenly interested in such
matters, and according to Benvenuto Cellini he had excellent
taste. By the commission given to the last-named artist for the
famous cope-clasp of which we hear so much in the autobiography,
he became the founder of Benvenuto's fortunes. (See Cellini,
Benvenuto.) Clement also continued to be the patron of Raphael
and of Michelangelo, whose great fresco of the Last Judgment in
the Sistine Chapel was undertaken by his orders.
In their verdict upon the character of Pope Clement VII almost
all historians are agreed. He was an Italian prince, a de'
Medici, and a diplomat first, and a spiritual ruler afterwards.
His intelligence was of a high order, though his diplomacy was
feeble and irresolute. On the other hand, his private life was
free from reproach, and he had many excellent impulses, but
despite good intention, all qualities of heroism and gtreatness
must emphatically be denied him.
Pastor, Geschichte der Paepste (Freiburg, 1907), IV, pt.
II; Fraiken, Nonciatures de Clement VII (Paris, 1906-); Idem in
Melanges de l'ecole franc,aise de Rome (1906); Gairdner, The New
Light on the Divorce of Henry VIII in English Histor. Rev.
(1896-1897); Ehses, Roemische Dokumente zur Geschichte der
Ehescheidung Heinrichs VIII. (Paderborn, 1893); Thurston, The
Canon Law of the Divorce in Eng. Histor. Rev. (Oct., 1904); Am.
Cath. Quart. (April, 1906); Hemmer in Dict. de theol. cath., in
which and in Pastor a fuller bibliography will be found.
Herbert Thurston
Pope Clement VIII
Pope Clement VIII
(IPPOLITO ALDOBRANDINI).
Born at Fano, March, 1536, of a distinguished Florentine family;
died at Rome, 5 March, 1605. He was elected pope 30 January,
1592, after a stormy conclave graphically described by Ranke
(Geschichte der r?mischen P?pste, 9th ed., II, 150 sqq.). In his
youth he made excellent progress in jurisprudence under the
direction of his father, an able jurist. Through the stages of
consistorial advocate, auditor of the Rota and the Datary, he
was advanced in 1585 to the dignity of Cardinal-Priest of the
Title of St. Pancratius and was made grand penitentiary. He won
the friendship of the Hapsburgs by his successful efforts,
during a legation to Poland, to obtain the release of the
imprisoned Archduke Maximilian, the defeated claimant to the
Polish throne. During the conclave of 1592 he was the unwilling
candidate of the compact minority of cardinals who were
determined to deliver the Holy See from the prepotency of Philip
II of Spain. His election was greeted with boundless enthusiasm
by the Italians and by all who knew his character. He possessed
all the qualifications needed in the Vicar of Christ. Blameless
in morals from childhood, he had at an early period placed
himself under the direction of St. Philip Neri, who for thirty
years was his confessor. Upon Clement's elevation to the papacy,
the aged saint gave over this important office to Baronius, whom
the pope, notwithstanding his reluctance, created a cardinal,
and to whom he made his confession every evening. The fervour
with which he said his daily Mass filled all present with
devotion. His long association with the Apostle of Rome caused
him to imbibe the saint's spirit so thoroughly, that in him St.
Philip himself might be said to have ascended the papal chair.
Though vast political problems clamoured for solution, the pope
first turned his attention to the more important spiritual
interests of the Church. He made a personal visitation of all
the churches and educational and charitable institutions of
Rome, everywhere eliminating abuses and enforcing discipline. To
him we owe the institution of the Forty Hours' Devotion. He
founded at Rome the Collegio Clementino for the education of the
sons of the richer classes, and augmented the number of national
colleges in Rome by opening the Collegio Scozzese for the
training of missionaries to Scotland. The "Bullarium Romanum"
contains many important constitutions of Clement, notably one
denouncing duelling and one providing for the inviolability of
the States of the Church. He issued revised editions of the
Vulgate (1598), the Breviary, the Missal, also the
"Caeremoniale", and the "Pontificale".
The complicated situation in France presented no insuperable
difficulties to two consummate statesmen like Henry of Navarre
and Clement VIII. It was clear to Henry that, notwithstanding
his victories, he could not peacefully retain the French Crown
without adopting the Catholic Faith. He abjured Calvinism 25
July, 1593. It was equally clear to Pope Clement that it was his
duty to brave the selfish hostility of Spain by acknowledging
the legitimate claims of Henry, as soon as he convinced himself
that the latter's conversion was something more than a political
manoeuvre. In the autumn of 1595 he solemnly absolved Henry IV,
thus putting an end to the thirty years' religious war in France
and winning a powerful ally in his struggle to achieve the
independence of Italy and of the Holy See. Henry's friendship
was of essential importance to the pope two years later, when
Alfonso II, Duke of Ferrara, died childless (27 Oct., 1597), and
Pope Clement resolved to bring the stronghold of the Este
dynasty under the immediate jurisdiction of the Church. Though
Spain and the empire encouraged Alfonso's illegitimate cousin,
Cesare d'Este, to withstand the pope, they were deterred from
giving him aid by Henry's threats, and the papal army entered
Ferrara almost unopposed. In 1598 Pope Clement won still more
credit for the papacy by bringing about a definite treaty of
peace between Spain and France in the Treaty of Vervins and
between France and Savoy. He also lent valuable assistance in
men and money to the emperor in his contest with the Turks in
Hungary. He was as merciless as Sixtus V in crushing out
brigandage and in punishing the lawlessness of the Roman
nobility. He did not even spare the youthful patricide Beatrice
Cenci, over whom so many tears have been shed. (Bertolotti,
Francesco Cenci e la sua famiglia, Florence, 1879.) On 17 Feb.,
1600, the apostate Giordano Bruno (q.v.) was burned at the stake
on the Piazza dei Fiori. The jubilee of 1600 was a brilliant
witness to the glories of the renovated papacy, three million
pilgrims visiting the holy places. In 1595 was held the Synod of
Brest, in Lithuania, by which a great part of the Ruthenian
clergy and people were reunited to Rome (Likowski, Union zu
Brest, 1094). Although Clement, in spite of constant fasting,
was tortured with gout in feet and hands, his capacity for work
was unlimited, and his powerful intellect grasped all the needs
of the Church throughout the world. He entered personally into
the minutest detail of every subject which came before him,
e.g., in the divorce between Henry IV and Margaret of Valois,
yet more in the great controversy on grace between the Jesuits
and the Dominicans (see BANEZ, MOLINA). He was present at all
the sessions of the Congregatio de auxiliis (q.v.), but wisely
refrained from issuing a final decree on the question. Clement
VIII died in his seventieth years after a pontificate of
thirteen years. His remains repose in Santa Maria Maggiore,
where the Borghesi, who succeed the Aldobrandini in the female
line, erected a gorgeous monument to his memory.
Vita Clem. VIII in LABBE AND COSSART, Coll. Conc., XXI, 1323;
WADDING, Vita Clem. VIII (Rome, 1723); VON RANKE, The Roman
Popes in the Last Four Centuries (1834-37); PELESZ, Gesch. der
Union der ruthenischen Kirche mit Rom (W?rzburg, 1881); ROSSI,
Di una controversia tra la republica di Venezia e Clem. VIII in
Archivio Veneto (1889), fasc. 74; SERRY, Hist. controv. de
auxiliis (Antwerp, 1709); R?GNON, Ba-ez et Molina (Paris, 1883);
DE MONTOR, Lives of the Roman Pontiffs (New York, 1857).
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement IX
Pope Clement IX
(GIULIO ROSPIGLIOSI)
Born 28 January, 1600, at Pistoja, of an ancient family
originally from Lombardy; elected 20 June, 1667; d. at Rome, 9
December, 1669. He made a brilliant course of studies at the
Roman Seminary, and the University of Pisa, where he received
the doctorate in his twenty-third year and was made professor of
philosophy. His talents and virtuous life brought him rapid
promotion in the Roman Court at a period when Tuscan influence
under Tuscan pontiffs was everywhere predominant. He enjoyed the
special favour of Urban VIII, like himself fond of literature
and poetry, and was made titular Archbishop of Tarsus and sent
as nuncio to the Spanish Court. He lived in retirement during
the pontificate of Innocent X, who disliked the Barberini and
their adherents, but was recalled to office by Alexander VII and
by him appointed secretary of state and Cardinal-Priest of the
Title of San Sisto (1657). Ten years later, one month after the
death of Alexander, Cardinal Rospigliosi was elected to the
papacy by the unanimous vote of the Sacred College. He was the
idol of the Romans, not so much for his erudition and
application to business, as for his extreme charity and his
affability towards great and small. He increased the goodwill of
his subjects by buying off the monopolist who had secured the
macinato, or privilege of selling grain, and as his predecessor
had collected the money for the purpose, Clement had the decree
published in the name of Alexander VII. Two days each week he
occupied a confessional in St. Peter's church and heard any one
who wished to confess to him. He frequently visited the
hospitals, and was lavish in his alms to the poor. In an age of
nepotism, he did little or nothing to advance or enrich his
family. In his aversion to notoriety, he refused to permit his
name to be placed on the buildings erected during his reign. On
15 April, 1668, he declared blessed, Rose of Lima, the first
American saint. On 28 April, 1669, he solemnly canonized S.
Maria Maddalena dei Pazzi and St. Peter of Alcantara. He
reorganized the Church in Portugal, after that nation had
achieved its independence from Spain. By a mild compromise in
the affair of French Jansenism, known as the Clementine Peace,
(Pax Clementina), he procured a lull in the storm, which,
unfortunately, owing to the insincerity of the sectaries, was
but temporary. He brought about, as arbiter, the Peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle between France and Spain, and gravely admonished
Louis XIV against the aggressive career upon which he was
setting forth. By strict economy he brought the papal finances
into good order, and was able to furnish material aid to Venice
for the defence of Crete, then besieged by the Turks. Had the
European powers listened to his exhortations, that important
island would not have been lost to Christendom. The news of its
fall, after a gallant resistance of twenty years, hastened the
pope's death. He died after a pontificate of two years, five
months, and nineteen days. He ordered his remains to be buried
under the pavement of Santa Maria Maggiore, with the simple
inscription Clementis IX, Cineres, but his successor, Clement X,
erected in his honour the sumptuous monument which stands at the
right-hand side of the nave, near the door. The death of the
beloved pontiff was long lamented by the Romans, who considered
him, if not the greatest, at least the most amiable of the
popes.
FABRONI, Vita Clem. X, in Vitae Italorum doctrina excellentium,
II, 1; DE MONTOR, Lives of the Roman Pontiffs (New York, 1867),
II; G?RIN, Louis XIV et Clement IX dans l'affaire des deux
mariages de Marie de Savoie (1666-68) in Rev. des quest. hist.
(1880).
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement X
Pope Clement X
(EMILIO ALTIERI).
Born at Rome, 13 July, 1590; elected 29 April, 1670, and died at
Rome, 22 July, 1676. Unable to secure the election of any of the
prominent candidates, the cardinals finally, after a conclave of
four months and twenty days, resorted to the old expedient of
electing a cardinal of advanced years; they united upon Cardinal
Altieri, an octogenarian, whose long life had been spent in the
service of the Church, and whom Clement IX, on the eve of his
death, had raised to the dignity of the purple. The reason a
prelate of such transcendent merits received the cardinalate so
late in life seems to have been that he had waived his claims to
the elevation in favour of an older brother. He protested
vigorously against this use of the papal robes as a funeral
shroud, but at length was persuaded to accept, and out of
gratitude to his benefactor, by ten years his junior, he assumed
the name of Clement X. The Altieri belonged to the ancient Roman
nobility, and since all but one of the male scions had chosen
the ecclesiastical career, the pope, in order to save the name
from extinction, adopted the Paoluzzi, one of whom he married to
Laura Caterina Altieri, the sole heiress of the family.
During previous pontificates the new pope had held important
offices and had been entrusted with delicate missions. Urban
VIII gave him charge of the works designed to protect the
territory of Ravenna from the unruly Po. Innocent X appointed
him nuncio to Naples; and he is credited with no slight share in
the re-establishment of peace after the stormy days of
Masaniello. Under Alexander VII he was made secretary of the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. Clement IX named him
superintendent of the papal exchequer. On his accession to the
papacy, he gave to his new kinsman, Cardinal Paoluzzi-Altieri,
the uncle of Laura's husband, the office of cardinal nephew, and
with advancing years gradually entrusted to him the management
of affairs, to such an extent that the biting Romans said he had
reserved to himself only the episcopal functions of benedicere
et sanctificare, resigning in favour of the cardinal the
administrative duties of regere et gubernare. Nevertheless, the
Bullarium Romanum contains many evidences of his religious
activity, among which may be mentioned the canonization of Sts.
Cajetan, Philip Benitius, Francis Borgia, Louis Bertrand, and
Rose of Lima; also the beatification of Pope Pius V, John of the
Cross, and the Martyrs of Gorcum in Holland. He laboured to
preserve the peace of Europe, menaced by the ambition of Louis
XIV, and began with that imperious monarch the long struggle
concerning the regale, or revenues of vacant dioceses and
abbeys. He supported the Poles with strong financial aid in
their hard struggle with their Turkish invaders. He decorated
the bridge of Sant' Angelo with the ten statues of angels in
Carrara marble still to be seen there. To Clement we owe the two
beautiful fountains which adorn the Piazza of St. Peter's church
near the tribune, where a monument has been erected to his
memory.
ARISIO, Memorie sulla vita di Clemente X (Rome, 1863); VON
REUMONT, Gaesch. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), III, ii, 635-36;
CERROTI, Bibliografia Romana (Rome, 1893), 226, 563; NOVAES,
Elementi della storia de' romani pontefici da S. Pietro fino a
Pio VI (Rome, 1821-25); DE MONTOR, History of the Roman Pontiffs
(New York, 1867), II.
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement XI
Pope Clement XI
(GIOVANNI FRANCESCO ALBANI).
Born at Urbino, 23 July, 1649; elected 23 November, 1700; died
at Rome 19 March, 1721. The Albani (q.v.) were a noble Umbrian
family. Under Urban VIII the grandfather of the future pope had
held for thirteen years the honourable office of Senator of
Rome. An uncle, Annibale Albani, was a distinguished scholar and
was Prefect of the Vatican Library. Giovanni Francesco was sent
to Rome in his eleventh year to prosecute his studies at the
Roman College. He made rapid progress and was known as an author
at the age of eighteen, translating from the Greek into elegant
Latin. He attracted the notice of the patroness of Roman
literati, Queen Christina of Sweden, who before he became of age
enrolled him in her exclusive Accademia. With equal ardour and
success, he applied himself to the profounder branches, theology
and law, and was created doctor of canon and civil law. So
brilliant an intellect, joined with stainless morals and piety,
secured for him a rapid advancement at the papal court. At the
age of twenty-eight he was made a prelate, and governed
successively Rieti, Sabina, and Orvieto, everywhere acceptable
on account of his reputation for justice and prudence. Recalled
to Rome, he was appointed Vicar of St. Peter's, and on the death
of Cardinal Slusio succeeded to the important position of
Secretary of Papal Briefs, which he held for thirteen years, and
for which his command of classical latinity singularly fitted
him. On 13 February, 1690, he was created cardinal-deacon and
later Cardinal-Priest of the Title of San Silvestro, and was
ordained to the priesthood.
The conclave of 1700 would have terminated speedily with the
election of Cardinal Mariscotti, had not the veto of France
rendered the choice of that able cardinal impossible. After
deliberating for forty-six days, the Sacred College united in
selecting Cardinal Albani, whose virtues and ability
overbalanced the objection that he was only fifty-one years old.
Three days were spent in the effort to overcome his reluctance
to accept a dignity the heavy burden of which none knew better
than the experienced curialist (Galland in Hist. Jahrbuch, 1882,
III, 208 sqq.). The period was critical for Europe and the
papacy. During the conclave Charles II, the last of the Spanish
Hapsburgs, had died childless, leaving his vast dominions a prey
to French and Austrian ambition. His will, making Philip of
Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV, sole heir to the Spanish Empire,
was contested by the Emperor Leopold, who claimed Spain for his
second son Charles. The late king, before making this will, had
consulted Pope Innocent XII, and Cardinal Albani had been one of
the three cardinals to whom the pontiff had entrusted the case
and who advised him to pronounce secretly in its favour. This
was at the time unknown to the emperor, else Austria would have
vetoed the election of Albani. The latter was finally persuaded
that it was his duty to obey the call from Heaven; on 30
November he was consecrated bishop, and on 8 December solemnly
enthroned in the Vatican. The enthusiasm with which his
elevation was greeted throughout the world is the best evidence
of his worth. Even Protestants received the intelligence with
joy and the city of Nuremberg struck a medal in his honour. The
sincere Catholic reformers greeted his accession as the
death-knell of nepotism; for, though he had many relatives, it
was known that he had instigated and written the severe
condemnation of that abuse issued by his predecessor. As
pontiff, he did not belie his principles. He bestowed the
offices of his court upon the most worthy subjects and ordered
his brother to keep at a distance and refrain from adopting any
new title or interfering in matters of state. In the government
of the States of the Church, Clement was a capable
administrator. He provided diligently for the needs of his
subjects, was extremely charitable to the poor, bettered the
condition of the prisons, and secured food for the populace in
time of scarcity. He won the good will of artists by prohibiting
the exportation of ancient masterpieces, and of scientists by
commissioning Bianchini to lay down on the pavement of Sta Maria
degli Angioli the meridian of Rome, known as the Clementina.
His capacity for work was prodigious. He slept but little and
ate so sparingly that a few pence per day sufficed for his
table. Every day he confessed and celebrated Mass. He entered
minutely into the details of every measure which came before
him, and with his own hand prepared the numerous allocutions,
Briefs, and constitutions afterwards collected and published. He
also found time to preach his beautiful homilies and was
frequently to be seen in the confessional. Though his powerful
frame more than once sank under the weight of his labours and
cares, he continued to keep rigorously the fasts of the Church,
and generally allowed himself but the shortest possible respite
from his labours.
In his efforts to establish peace among the powers of Europe and
to uphold the rights of the Church, he met with scant success;
for the eighteenth century was eminently the age of selfishness
and infidelity. One of his first public acts was to protest
against the assumption (1701) by the Elector of Brandenburg of
the title of King of Prussia. The pope's action, though often
derided and misinterpreted, was natural enough, not only because
the bestowal of royal titles had always been regarded as the
privilege of the Holy See, but also because Prussia belonged by
ancient right to the ecclesiastico-military institute known as
the Teutonic Order. In the troubles excited by the rivalry of
France and the Empire for the Spanish succession, Pope Clement
resolved to maintain a neutral attitude; but this was found to
be impossible. When, therefore, the Bourbon was crowned in
Madrid as Philip V, amid the universal acclamations of the
Spaniards, the pope acquiesced and acknowledged the validity of
his title. This embittered the morose Emperor Leopold, and the
relations between Austria and the Holy See became so strained
that the pope did not conceal his satisfaction when the French
and Bavarian troops began that march on Vienna which ended so
disastrously on the field of Blenheim. Marlborough's victory,
followed by Prince Eugene's successful campaign in Piedmont,
placed Italy at the mercy of the Austrians. Leopold died in 1705
and was succeeded by his oldest son Joseph, a worthy precursor
of Joseph II. A contest immediately began on the question known
as Jus primarum precum, involving the right of the crown to
appoint to vacant benefices. The victorious Austrians, now
masters of Northern Italy, invaded the Papal States, took
possession of Piacenza and Parma, annexed Comacchio and besieged
Ferrara. Clement at first offered a spirited resistance, but,
abandoned by all, could not hope for success, and when a strong
detachment of Protestant troops under the command of the Prince
of Hesse-Cassel reached Bologna, fearing a repetition of the
fearful scenes of 1527, he finally gave way (15 Jan., 1709),
acknowledged the Archduke Charles as King of Spain "without
detriment to the rights of another", and promised him the
investiture of Naples. Though the Bourbon monarchs had done
nothing to aid the pope in his unequal struggle, both Louis and
Philip became very indignant and retaliated by every means in
their power (see Louis XIV). In the negotiations preceding the
Peace of Utrecht (1713) the rights of the pope were studiously
neglected; his nuncio was not accorded a hearing; his dominions
were parcelled out to suit the convenience of either party.
Sicily was given to Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, with whom from
the first days of his pontificate Clement was involved in
quarrels on the subjects of ecclesiastical immunities and
appointments to vacant benefices. The new king now undertook to
revive the so-called Monarchia Sicula, an ancient but
much-disputed and abused privilege of pontifical origin which
practically excluded the pope from any authority over the church
in Sicily. When Clement answered with bann and interdict, all
the clergy, about 3000 in number, who remained loyal to the Holy
See were banished the island, and the pope was forced to give
them food and shelter. The interdict was not raised till 1718,
when Spain regained possession, but the old controversy was
repeatedly resumed under the Bourbons. Through the machinations
of Cardinal Alberoni, Parma and Piacenza were granted to a
Spanish Infante without regard to the papal overlordship. It was
some consolation to the much-tried pope that Augustus of Saxony,
King of Poland, returned to the Church. Clement laboured hard to
restore harmony in Poland, but without success. The Turks had
taken advantage of the dissensions among the Christians to
invade Europe by land and sea. Clement proclaimed a jubilee,
sent money and ships to the assistance of the Venetians, and
granted a tithe on all benefices to the Emperor Charles VI. When
Prince Eugene won the great battle of Temesvar, which put an end
to the Turkish danger, no slight share of the credit was given
by the Christian world to the pope and the Holy Rosary. Clement
sent the great commander a blessed hat and sword. The fleet
which Philip V of Spain had raised at the instigation of the
pope, and with subsidies levied on church revenues, was diverted
by Alberoni to the conquest of Sardinia; and though Clement
showed his indignation by demanding the dismissal of the
minister, and beginning a process against him, he had much to do
to convince the emperor that he was not privy to the treacherous
transaction. He gave a generous hospitality to the exiled son of
James II of England, James Edward Stuart, and helped him to
obtain the hand of Clementina, John Sobieski's accomplished
granddaughter, mother of Charles Edward.
Clement's pastoral vigilance was felt in every corner of the
earth. He organized the Church in the Philippine Islands and
sent missionaries to every distant spot. He erected Lisbon into
a patriarchate, 7 December, 1716. He enriched the Vatican
Library with the manuscript treasures gathered at the expense of
the pope by Joseph Simeon Assemani in his researches throughout
Egypt and Syria. In the unfortunate controversy between the
Dominican and the Jesuit missionaries in China concerning the
permissibility of certain rites and customs, Clement decided in
favour of the former. When the Jansenists provoked a new
collision with the Church under the leadership of Quesnel, Pope
Clement issued his two memorable Constitutions, "Vineam Domini",
16 July, 1705, and "Unigenitus", 10 September, 1713 (see
UNIGENITUS; VINEAM DOMINI; JANSENISM). Clement XI made the feast
of the Conception of the B.V.M. a Holy Day of obligation, and
canonized Pius V, Andrew of Avellino, Felix of Cantalice, and
Catherine of Bologna.
This great and saintly pontiff died appropriately on the feast
of St. Joseph, for whom he entertained a particular devotion,
and in whose honour he composed the special Office found in the
Breviary. His remains rest in St. Peter's. His official acts,
letters, and Briefs, also his homilies, were collected and
published by his nephew, Cardinal Annibale Albani (2 vols.,
Rome, 1722-24).
POLIDORI, De vita et rebus gestis Clementis XI libri sex
(Urbino, 1724), also in FASSINI, Supplemento to NATALIS
ALEXANDER, Historia Ecclesiastica (Bassano, 1778); REBOULET,
Histoire de Clement XI (Avignon, 1752); LAFITEAU, Vie de Clement
XI (Padua, 1752); BUDER (non-Catholic), Leben und Thaten des
klugen und ber?hmten Papstes Clementis XI. (Frankfort, 1721);
NOVAES, Elementi della storia deO sommi pontefici da S. Pietro
fino a Pio VI (Rome, 1821-25); LANDAU, Rom, Wien, Neapel wahrend
des spanischen Erbfolgekrieges (Leipzig, 1885);
HERGENR...THER-KIRSCH, Kirschengeschichte (4th ed., Freiburg,
1907), III. See also on the Albani, VISCONTI in Famiglie di Roma
(I), and VON REUMONT in Beitrage zur ital. Geschichte, V, 323
sqq., and Gesch. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), III, ii, 642 sqq.
Cf. ARTAUD DE MONTOR, History of the Roman Pontiffs (New York,
1867), II.
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement XII
Pope Clement XII
(LORENZO CORSINI).
Born at Florence, 7 April, 1652; elected 12 July, 1730; died at
Rome 6 February, 1740. The pontificate of the saintly Orsini
pope, Benedict XIII, from the standpoint of the spiritual
interests of the Church, had left nothing to be desired. He had,
however, given over temporal concerns into the hands of
rapacious ministers; hence the finances of the Holy See were in
bad condition; there was an increasing deficit, and the papal
subjects were in a state of exasperation. It was no easy task to
select a man who possessed all the qualities demanded by the
emergency. After deliberating for four months, the Sacred
College united on Cardinal Corsini, the best possible choice,
were it not for his seventy-eight years and his failing
eyesight.
A Corsini by the father's side and by the mother's a Strozzi,
the best blood of Florence coursed through his veins.
Innumerable were the members of his house who had risen to high
positions in Church and State, but its chief ornament was St.
Andrew Corsini, the canonized Bishop of Fiesole. Lorenzo made a
brilliant course of studies, first in the Roman College, then at
the University of Pisa, where, after five years, he received the
degree of Doctor of Laws. Returning to Rome, he applied himself
to the practice of law under the able direction of his uncle,
Cardinal Neri Corsini, a ma of the highest culture. After the
death of his uncle and his father, in 1685, Lorenzo, now
thirty-three years old, resigned his right of primogeniture and
entered the ecclesiastical state. From Innocent XI he purchased,
according to the custom of the time, for 30,000 scudi (dollars)
a position of prelatial rank, and devoted his wealth and leisure
to the enlargement of the library bequeathed to him by his
uncle. In 1691 he was made titular Archbishop of Nicomedia and
chosen nuncio to Vienna. He did not proceed to the imperial
court, because Leopold advanced the novel claim, which Pope
Alexander VIII refused to admit, of selecting a nuncio from a
list of three names to be furnished by the pope. In 1696 Corsini
was appointed to the arduous office of treasurer-general and
governor of Castle Sant' Angelo. His good fortune increased
during the pontificate of Clement XI, who employed his talents
in affairs demanding tact and prudence. On 17 May, 1706, he was
created Cardinal-Deacon of the Title of Santa Susanna, retaining
the office of papal treasurer. He was attached to several of the
most important congregations and was made protector of a score
of religious institutions. He advanced still further under
Benedict XIII, who assigned him to the Congregation of the Holy
Office and made him prefect of the judicial tribunal known as
the Segnatura di Giustizia. He was successively Cardinal-Priest
of S. Pietro in Vincoli and Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati.
He had thus held with universal applause all the important
offices of the Roman Court, and it is not surprising that his
elevation to the papacy filled the Romans with joy. In token of
gratitude to his benefactor, Clement XI, and as a pledge that he
would make that great pontiff his model, he assumed the title of
Clement XII. Unfortunately he lacked the important qualities of
youth and physical strength. The infirmities of old age bore
heavily upon him. In the second year of his pontificate he
became totally blind; in his later years he was compelled to
keep his bed, from which he gave audiences and transacted
affairs of state. Notwithstanding his physical decrepitude, he
displayed a wonderful activity. He demanded restitution of
ill-gotten goods from the ministers who had abused the
confidence of his predecessor. The chief culprit, Cardinal
Coscia, was mulcted in a heavy sum and sentenced to ten years'
imprisonment. Clement surrounded himself with capable officials,
and won the affection of his subjects by lightening their
burdens, encouraging manufacture and the arts, and infusing a
modern spirit into the laws relating to commerce. The public
lottery, which had been suppressed by the severe morality of
Benedict XIII, was revived by Clement, and poured into his
treasury an annual sum amounting to nearly a half million of
scudi (dollars), enabling him to undertake the extensive
buildings which distinguish his reign. He began the majestic
fac,ade of St. John Lateran and built in that basilica the
magnificent chapel of St. Andrew Corsini. He restored the Arch
of Constantine and built the governmental palace of the Consulta
on the quirinal. He purchased from Cardinal Albani for 60,000
scudi the fine collection of statues, inscriptions, etc. with
which he adorned the gallery of the Capitol. He paved the
streets of Rome and the roads leading from the city, and widened
the Corso. He began the great Fontana di Trevi, one of the noted
ornaments of Rome.
In order to facilitate the reunion of the Greeks, Clement XII
founded at Ullano, in Calabria, the Corsini College for Greek
students. With a similar intent he called to Rome Greek-Melchite
monks of Mt. Lebanon, and assigned to them the ancient church of
Santa Maria in Domnica. He dispatched Joseph Simeon Assemani to
the East for the twofold purpose of continuing his search for
manuscripts and presiding as legate over a national council of
Maronites. We make no attempt to enumerate all the operations
which this wonderful blind-stricken old man directed from his
bed of sickness. His name is associated in Rome with the
foundation and embellishment of institutions of all sorts. The
people of Ancona hold him in well-deserved veneration and have
erected on the public square a statue in his honour. He gave
them a port which excited the envy of Venice, and built a
highway that gave them easy access to the interior. He drained
the marshes of the Chiana near Lake Trasimeno by leading the
waters through a ditch fourteen miles long into the Tiber. He
disavowed the arbitrary action of his legate, Cardinal Alberoni,
in seizing San Marino, and restored the independence of that
miniature republic. His activity in the spiritual concerns of
the Church was equally pronounced. His efforts were directed
towards raising the prevalent low tone of morality and securing
discipline, especially in the cloisters. He issued the first
papal decree against the Freemasons (1738). He fostered the new
Congregation of the Passionists and gave to his fellow-Tuscan,
St. Paul of the Cross, the church and monastery of Sts. John and
Paul, with the beautiful garden overlooking the Colosseum. He
canonized Sts. Vincent de Paul, John Francis Regis, Catherine
Fieschi Adorni, Juliana Falconieri, and approved the cult of St.
Gertrude. He proceeded with vigour against the French Jansenists
and had the happiness to receive the submission of the Maurists
to the Constitution Unigenitus. Through the efforts of his
missionaries in Egypt 10,000 Copts, with their patriarch,
returned to the unity of the Church. Clement persuaded the
Armenian patriarch to remove from the diptychs the anathema
against the Council of Chalcedon and St. Leo I. In his dealings
with the powers of Europe, he managed by a union of firmness and
moderation to preserve or restore harmony; but he was unable to
maintain the rights of the Holy See over the Duchies of Parma
and Piacenza. It was a consequence of his blindness that he
should surround himself with trusted relatives; but he advanced
them only as they proved their worth, and did little for his
family except to purchase and enlarge the palace built in
Trastevere for the Riarii, and now known as the Palazzo Corsini
(purchased in 1884 by the Italian Government, and now the seat
of the Regia Accademia dei Lincei). In 1754, his nephew,
Cardinal Neri Corsini, founded there the famous Corsini Library,
which in 1905 included about 70,000 books and pamphlets, 2288
incunabula or works printed in the first fifty or sixty years
after the discovery of printing, 2511 manuscripts, and 600
autographs. Retaining his extraordinary faculties and his
cheerful resignation to the end, he died in the Quirinal in his
eighty-eighth year. His remains were transferred to his
magnificent tomb in the Lateran, 20 July, 1742.
FABRONIUS, De vita et rebus gestis Clementis XII (Rome, 1760),
also in FASSINI, Supplemento to the Historia Ecclesiastica of
NATALIS ALEXANDER (Bassano, 1778); PASSERINI, Genealogia e
Storia della famiglia Corsini (Florence, 1858); VON REUMONT,
Gesch. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), III, iii, 653-55; NOVAES,
Elementi della storia de' sommi pontefici (Rome, 1821-25);
HERGENR...THER-KIRSCH, Kirchengeschichte (4th ed., Freiburg,
1907) III (bibliography); ARTAUD DE MONTOR, History of the Roman
Pontiffs (New York, 1867), II.
JAMES F. LOUGHLIN
Pope Clement XIII
Pope Clement XIII
(Carlo della Torre Rezzonico).
Born at Venice, 7 March, 1693; died at Rome, 2 February, 1769.
He was educated by the Jesuits at Bologna, took his degrees in
law at Padua, and in 1716 was ppointed at Rome referendary of
the two departments known as the "Signatura Justitiae" and the
"Signatura Gratiae". He was made governor of Rieti in 1716, of
Fano in 1721, and Auditor of the Rota for Venice in 1725. In
1737 he was made cardinal-deacon, and in 1743 Bishop of Padua,
where he distinguished himself by his zeal for the formation and
sanctification of his clergy, to promote which he held a synod
in 1746, and published a very remarkable pastoral on the
priestly state. His personal life was in keeping with his
teaching, and the Jansenist Abbe Clement, a grudging witness,
tells us that "he was called the saint (by his people), and was
an exemplary man who, notwithstanding the immense revenues of
his diocese and his private estate, was always without money
owing to the lavishness of his alms-deeds, and would give away
even his linen". In 1747 he became cardinal-priest, and on 6
July, 1758, he was elected pope to succeed Benedict XIV. It was
with tears that he submitted to the will of the electors, for he
gauged well the force and direction of the storm which was
gathering on the political horizon.
Regalism and Jansenism were the traditional enemies of the Holy
See in its government of the Church, but a still more formidable
foe was rising into power and using the other two as its
instruments. This was the party of Voltaire and the
Encyclopedists, the "Philosophers" as they liked to call
themselves. They were men of talent and highly educated, and by
means of these gifts had drawn over to themselves many admirers
and adherents from among the ruling classes, with the result
that by the time of Clement XIII, they had their representatives
in power in the Portugese and in all the five Bourbon Courts.
Their enmity was radically against the Christian religion
itself, as putting a restraint on their licence of thought and
action. In their private correspondence they called it the
Infame (the infamous one), and looked forward to its speedy
extinction through the success of their policy; but they felt
that in their relations with the public, and especially with the
sovereigns, it was necessary to feign some kind of Catholic
belief. In planning this war against the Church, they were
agreed that the first step must be the destruction of the
Jesuits. "When we have destroyed the Jesuits", wrote Voltaire to
Helvetius in 1761, "we shall have easy work with the Infame."
And their method was to persuade the sovereigns that the Jesuits
were the chief obstacle to their Regalist pretensions, and
thereby a danger to the peace of their realms; and to support
this view by the diffusion of defamatory literature, likewise by
inviting the co-operation of those who, whilst blind to the
character of their ulterior ends, stood with them for doctrinal
or other reasons in their antipathy to the Society of Jesus.
Such was the political situation with which Clement XIII saw
himself confronted when he began his pontificate.
PORTUGAL
His attention was called in the first instance to Portugal,
where the attack on the Society had already commenced. Joseph I,
a weak and voluptuous prince, was a mere puppet in the hands of
his minister, Sebastiao Carvalho, afterwards Marquis de Pombal,
a secret adherent of the Voltairian opinions, and bent on the
destruction of the Society. A rebellion of the Indians in the
Uruguay Reductions gave him his first opportunity. The cause of
the rebellion was obvious, for the natives had been ordered to
abandon forthwith their cultivated lands and migrate into the
virgin forest. But, as they were under the care of the Jesuit
missionaries, Carvalho declared that those must have instigated
the natives. Moreover, on 3 September, 1758, Joseph I was shot
at, apparently by the injured husband of a lady he had seduced.
Pombal held a secret trial in which he pronounced the whole
Tavora family guilty, and with them three Jesuit Fathers,
against whom the sole evidence was that they had been friends of
the Tavoras. Then, on the pretext that all Jesuits thought
alike, he imprisoned their superiors, some hundred in number, in
his subterranean dungeons, and wrote in the king's name to Rome
for permission from the Holy See to punish the guilty clerics.
Clement did not see his way to refuse a request backed by the
king's assurances that he had good grounds for his charges, but
he begged that the accused might have a careful trial, and that
the innocent might not be included in a punishment they had not
deserved. The pope's letter was written with exquisite courtesy
and consideration, but Pombal pronounced it insulting to his
master and returned it to the sender. Then he shipped off all
the Jesuits from Portugal and its colonies, save the superiors
who were still detained in their prisons, and sent them to
Civitavecchia, "as a present to the pope", without a penny from
their confiscated funds left to them for their maintenance.
Clement, however, received them kindly, and provided for their
needs. It was to be expected that diplomatic relations would not
long continue after these events; they were severed in 1760 by
Pombal, who sent back the nuncio, Acciajuoli, and recalled his
own ambassador; nor were these relations restored till the next
pontificate. Pombal had seen the necessity of supporting his
administrative measures by an endeavour to destroy the good name
of his victims with the public. For this purpose he caused
various defamatory publications to be written, chief among which
was the "Brief Relation", in which the American Jesuits were
represented as having set up an independent kingdom in South
America under their own sovereignty, and of tyrannizing over the
Indians, all in the interest of an insatiable ambition and
avarice. These libels were spread broadcast, especially through
Portugal and Spain, and many bishops from Spain and elsewhere
wrote to the pope protesting against charges so improbable in
themselves, and so incompatible with their experience of the
order in their own jurisdictions. The text of many of their
letters and of Clement XIII's approving replies may be seen in
the "Appendices" to Pere de Ravignan's "Clement XIII et Clement
XIV".
FRANCE
It was to be expected that the Society's many enemies in France
would be stimulated to follow in the footsteps of Pombal. The
attack was opened by the Parlement, which was predominantly
Jansenist in its composition, in the spring of 1761. Taking
advantage of the financial difficulties into which the French
Jesuits had been driven over the affair of Father Lavalette,
they proceeded to examine the constitutions of the Society in
which they professed to find grave improprieties, and to demand
that, if the Jesuits were to remain in the country, these
constitutions should be remodelled on the principle of reducing
the power of the general and practically substituting for him a
commisioner appointed by the Crown. They also drew up a famous
document, named the "Extraits des assertions", made up entirely
of garbled extracts from Jesuit writers, and tending to show
that their method was to establish their own domination by
justifying almost every form of crime and licentiousness,
particularly tyrannicide. Louis XV, like Joseph I, had a will
enervated by lust, but unlike him, was by no means a fool, and
had besides an underlying respect for religion. Thus he sought,
in the first instance, to save a body of men whom he judged to
be innocent, and for that purpose he referred their
constitutions to the French bishops assembled at Paris in
December, 1761. Forty-five of these bishops reported in favour
of the constitutions, and of the Jesuits being left as they
were, twenty-seven or more, not then in Paris, sending in their
adhesion; but the king was being drawn the other way by his
Voltairian statesmen and Madame de Pompadour, and accordingly
preferred the advice of the one bishop who sided with the
Parlement, Bishop FitzJames of Soissons. He therefore issued an
edict in March, 1762, which allowed the Society to remain in the
kingdom, but prescribed some essential changes in their
institute with the view of satisfying the Parlement.
Clement XIII intervened in various ways in this crisis of the
French Jesuits. He wrote to the king in June, 1761, and again in
January, 1762, on the former occasion to implore him to stay the
proceedings of his Parlement, on the latter to protest against
the scheme of setting a French vicar- general, independent of
the general in Rome, over the French provinces; it was likewise
on this latter occasion that, whilst blaming their general for
the compliance of some of his French subjects, he used the
famous words "Sint ut sint aut non sint". To the French bishops
who wrote to him protesting against the doings of the Parlement,
he replied in words of thankfulness and approval, e.g. to the
Bishop of Grenoble on 4 April, 1762, and to the Bishop of Sarlat
(with special reference to the "Extraits des assertions") on 14
November. 1764; and to the bishops collectively in June, 1762,
exhorting them to use all their influence with the king to
induce him to resist his evil counsellors. To the arret of 2
August, 1762, by which the Parlement suppressed the Society in
France, and imposed impossible conditions on any of its members
wishing to remain in the country, Clement replied by an
Allocution of 3 September, in which he protested against the
invasion of the Church's rights, and annulled the arrets of the
Parlement against the Society. Finally, when the king, weakly
yielding to the pressure of his entourage, suppressed the French
provinces by his edict of November, 1764, the Holy Father felt
it his duty, besought as he was by so many bishops from all
parts, to publish the Bull "Apostolicum", of 9 January, 1765.
Its object was to oppose to the current misrepresentations of
the Society's institute, spiritual exercises, preaching
missions, and theology, a solemn and formal approbation, and to
declare that the Church herself was assailed in these
condemnations of what she sanctioned in so many ways.
SPAIN
The statesmen who had the ear of Charles III were in regular
correspondence with the French Encyclopedists, and had for some
years previously been projecting a proscription of the Society
on the same lines as in Portugal and France. But this was not
known to the public, or to the Jesuits, who believed themselves
to have a warm friend in their sovereign. It came then as a
surprise to all when, on the night of 2-3 April, 1767, all the
Jesuit houses were suddenly surrounded, the inmates arrested and
transferred to vehicles ordered to take them to the coast,
thence to be shipped off for some unknown destination-forbidden
to take anything with them beyond the clothes which they wore.
Nor was any other explanation vouchsafed to the outer world save
that contained in the king's letter to Clement XIII, dated 31
March. There it was stated that the king had found it necessary
to expel all his Jesuit subjects for reasons which he intended
to reserve for ever in his royal breast, but that he was sending
them all to Civitavecchia that they might be under the pope's
care, and he would allow them a maintenance of 100 piastres
(i.e. Spanish dollars) a year-a maintenance, however, which
would be withdrawn for the whole body, should any one of them
venture at any time to write anything in self-defence or in
criticism of the motives for the expulsion. The pope wrote back
on 16 April a very touching letter in which he declared that
this was the cruelest blow of all to his paternal heart,
beseeching the king to see that if any were accused they should
not be condemned without proper trial, and assuring him that the
charges current against the institute and the whole body of its
members were misrepresentations due to the malice of the
Church's enemies. But nothingh could be extracted from the king,
and it is now known that this idea of a royal secret was merely
a pretext devised in order to prevent the Holy See from having
any say in the matter.
Foreseeing the difficulty of so large an influx of expelled
religious into his states, Clement felt compelled to refuse them
permission to land, and after various wanderings they lhad to
settle down in Corsica, where they were joined by their brethren
who had been similarly sent away from Spanish America. When, a
year and a half later, they were forced to move again, the
pope's compassion overcame his administrative prudence, and he
permitted them to take refuge in his territory. On the throne of
Naples was seated a son of Charles III, and on that of Parma his
nephew. Both were minors, and both had Voltairian ministers
through whose instrumentality their policy was directed from
Madrid. Accordingly the Jesuits in their dominions were
similarly banished, and their banishment drew similar
remonstrances from the pope. But in the case of Parma there was
a complication, for this state having been for centuries
regarded as a fief of the Holy See, the pope had felt himself
bound to condemn by his Monitorium of 30 January, 1768, some
laws passed by the duke to the detriment of the Church's
liberties. The Bourbon Courts thereupon united in demanding the
withdrawal of the Monitorium, threatening, if refused to deprive
the pope by armed force of his territories of Avignon and the
Vanaissin in France, and of Benevento and Montecorto in Italy.
Finally, on 18, 20, 22 January, 1769, the ambassadors of France,
Spain, and Naples presented to him identical notes demanding the
total and entire suppression of the Society of Jesus throughout
the world. It was this that killed him. He expired under the
shock on the night of 2-3 February. In one sense, no doubt, his
pontificate was a failure, and he has been blamed for a lack of
foresight which should have made him yield to the exigencies of
the times. But in a higher sense it was a splendid success. For
he had the insight to see through the plausible pretences of the
Church's enemies, and to discern the ultimate ends which they
were pursuing. He viewed the course of events ever in the light
of faith, and was ever faithful to his trust. He always took up
sound positions, and knew how to defend them with language
conspicuous for its truth and justice, as well as for its
moderation and Christian tenderness. His pontificate, in short,
afforded the spectacle of a saint clad in moral strength
contending alone against the powers of the world and their
physical might; and such a spectacle is an acquisition forever.
There were other aspects under which Clement XIII had to contend
with the prevailing errors of Regalism and Jansenism in France,
Germany, Holland, Poland, and Venice, but these by comparison
were of minor moment. Among the pernicious books condemned by
him were the "Histoire du peuple de Dieu" of the Jesuit
Berruyer, the "Esprit" of Helvetius, the "Exposition de la
doctrine chretienne" of Mesenguy, the "Encyclopedie" of
D'Alembert and Diderot, and the "De Statu Ecclesiae" of
Febronius. He greatly encouraged devotion to the Sacred Heart,
and ordered the Preface of the Blessed Trinity to be recited on
Sundays.
Barberi and Spetia, Bullarii Romani Continuatio (Rome, 1835);
Cordara, Commentarii in DOellinger, Beitrage zur politischen,
kirchlichen und Kulturgeschichte (1882), III; Proces-verbaux du
clerge franc,ais (1882), VIII; Novaes, Elementi della storia de'
sommi pontefici (Rome, 1822), XV; de Montor, Histoire de
souverains pontifes romains (Paris, 1851); da Ranke, Die
roemischen Paepste, III; CrEtineau- Joly, Clement XIV et les
Jesuites (Paris, 1847); Idem, Histoire de la compagnie de Jesus
(Paris, 1851), V; Theiner, Histoire du Pontificat de Clement XIV
(Paris, 1852); Ravignan, Clement XIII et Clement XIV (Paris,
1854); Ferrer del Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III
(Madrid, 1857); DAvila y Collado, Reinado de Carlos III in
CAnovas de Castillo, Historia General de Espana (Madrid, 1893);
Smith, The Suppression of the Society of Jesus articles in the
Month (1902, 1903); Rousseau, Expulsion des Jesuites en Espagne
in the Revue des questiones historiques (Jan., 1904).
Sydney Smith
Clement XIV
Pope Clement XIV
(Lorenzo-or Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio- Ganganelli).
Born at Sant' Arcangelo, near Rimini, 31 October, 1705; died at
Rome, 22 September, 1774.
At the death of Clement XIII the Church was in dire distress.
Gallicanism and Jansenism, Febronianism and Rationalism were up
in rebellion against the authority of the Roman pontiff; the
rulers of France, Spain, Naples, Portugal, Parma were on the
side of the sectarians who flattered their dynastic prejudices
and, at least in appearance, worked for the strengthening of the
temporal power against the spiritual. The new pope would have to
face a coalition of moral and political forces which Clement
XIII had indeed manfully resisted, but failed to put down, or
even materially to check. The great question between Rome and
the Bourbon princes was the suppression of the Society of Jesus.
In France, Spain, and Portugal the suppression had taken place
de facto; the accession of a new pope was made the occasion for
insisting on the abolition of the order root and branch, de
facto and de jure, in Europe and all over the world.
The conclave assembled 15 February, 1769. Rarely, if ever, has a
conclave been the victim of such overweening interference, base
intrigues, and unwarranted pressure. The ambassadors of France
(d'Aubeterre) and Spain (Azpuru) and the Cardinals de Bernis
(France) and Orsini (Naples) led the campaign. The Sacred
college, consisting of forty-seven cardinals, was divided into
Court cardinals and Zelanti. The latter, favourable to the
Jesuits and opposed to the encroaching secular, were in a
majority. "It is easy to foresee the difficulties of our
negotiations on a stage where more than three-fourths of the
actors are against us." Thus wrote Bernis to Choiseul, the
minister of Louis XV. The immediate object of the intriguers was
to gain over a sufficient number of Zelanti. D'Aubeterre,
inspired by Azpuru, urged Bernis to insist that the election of
the future pope be made to depend on his written engagement to
suppress the Jesuits. The cardinal, however, refused. In a
memorandum to Choiseul, dated 12 April, 1769, he says: "To
require from the future pope a promise made in writing or before
witnesses, to destroy the Jesuits, would be a flagrant violation
of the canon law and therefore a blot on the honour of the
crowns." The King of Spain (Charles III) was willing to bear the
responsibility. D'Aubeterre opined that simony and canon law had
no standing against reason, which claimed the abolition of the
Society for the peace of the world. Threats were now resorted
to; Bernis hinted at a blockade of Rome and popular
insurrections to overcome the resistance of the Zelanti. France
and Spain, in virtue of their right of veto, excluded
twenty-three of the forty-seven cardinals; nine or ten more, on
account of their age or for some other reason, were not
papabili; only four or five remained eligible. Well might the
Sacred College, as Bernis feared it would, protest against
violence and separate on the plea of not being free to elect a
suitable candidate. But d'Aubeterre was relentless. He wished to
intimidate the cardinals. "A pope elected against the wishes of
the Courts", he wrote, "will not be acknowledged"; and again, "I
think that a pope of that [philosophical] temper, that is
without scruples, holding fast to no opinion and consulting only
his own interests, might be acceptable to the Courts". The
ambassadors threatened to leave Rome unless the conclave
surrendered to their dictation. The arrival of the two Spanish
cardinals, Solis and La Cerda, added new strength to the Court
party. Solis insisted on a written promise to suppress the
Jesuits being given by the future pope, but Bernis was not to be
gained over to such a breach of the law. Solis, therefore,
supported in the conclave by Cardinal Malvazzi and outside by
the ambassadors of France and Spain, took the matter into his
own hands. He began by sounding Cardinal Ganganelli as to his
willingness to give the promise required by the Bourbon princes
as an indispensable condition for election. -- Why Ganganelli?
This cardinal was the only friar in the Sacred College. Of
humble birth (his father had been a surgeon at Sant' Arcangelo),
he had received his education from the Jesuits of Rimini and the
Piarists of Urbino, and, in 1724, at the age of nineteen, had
entered the Order of Friars Minor of St. Francis and changed his
baptismal name (Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio) for that of Lorenzo.
His talents and his virtues had raised him to the dignity of
definitor generalis of his order (1741); Benedict XIV made him
Consultor of the Holy Office, and Clement XIII gave him the
cardinal's hat (1759), at the instance, it is said, of Father
Ricci, the General of the Jesuits. During the conclave he
endeavoured to please both the Zelanti and the Court party
without committing himself to either. At any rate he signed a
paper which satisfied Solis. Cretineau-Joly, the historian of
the Jesuits, gives its text; the future pope declared "that he
recognized in the sovereign pontiff the right to extinguish,
with good conscience, the Company of Jesus, provided he observed
the canon law; and that it was desirable that the pope should do
everything in his power to satisfy the wishes of the Crowns".
The original paper is, however, nowhere to be found, but its
existence seems established by subsequent events, and also by
the testimony of Bernis in letters to Choiseul (28 July, and 20
November, 1769). Ganganelli had thus secured the votes of the
Court cardinals; the Zelanti looked upon him as indifferent or
even favourable to the Jesuits; d'Aubeterre had always been in
his favour as being "a wise and moderate theologian"; and
Choiseul had marked him as "very good" on the list of papabili.
Bernis, anxious to have his share in the victory of the
sovereigns, urged the election. On 18 May, 1769, Ganganelli was
elected by forty-six votes out of forty-seven, the forty-seventh
being his own which he had given to Cardinal Rezzonico, a nephew
of Clement XIII. He took the name of Clement XIV.
The new pope's first Encyclical clearly defined his policy: to
keep the peace with Catholic princes in order to secure their
support in the war against irreligion. His predecessor had left
him a legacy of broils with nearly every Catholic power in
Europe. Clement hastened to settle as many as he could by
concessions and conciliatory measures. Without revoking the
constitution of Clement XIII against he young Duke of Parma's
inroads on the rights of the Church, he refrained from urging
its execution, and graciously granted him a dispensation to
marry his cousin, the Archduchess Amelia, daughter of Maria
Theresa of Austria. The King of Spain, soothed by these
concessions, withdrew the uncanonical edict which, a year
before, he had issued as a counterblast to the pope's
proceedings against the infant Duke of Parma, the king's nephew;
he also re-established the nuncio's tribunal and condemned some
writings against Rome. Portugal had been severed from Rome since
1760; Clement XIV began his attempt at reconciliation by
elevating to the Sacred College Paulo de Carvalho, brother of
the famous minister Pombal; active negotiations terminated in
the revocation, by King Joseph I, of the ordinances of 1760, the
origin and cause of the rupture between Portugal and the Holy
See. A grievance common to Catholic princes was the yearly
publication, on Holy Thursday, of the censures reserved to the
pope; Clement abolished this custom in the first Lent of his
pontificate. But there remained the ominous question of the
Jesuits. The Bourbon princes, though thankful for smaller
concessions, would not rest till they had obtained the great
object of their machinations, the total suppression of the
Society. Although persecuted in France, Spain, Sicily, and
Portugal, the Jesuits had still many powerful protectors: the
rulers, as well as the public conscience, protected them and
their numerous establishments in the ecclesiastical electorates
of Germany, in the Palatinate, Bavaria, Silesia, Poland,
Switzerland, and the many countries subject to the sceptre of
Maria Theresa, not to mention the States of the Church and the
foreign missions. The Bourbon princes were moved in their
persecution by the spirit of the times, represented in Latin
countries by French irreligious philosophism, by Jansenism,
Gallicanism, and Erastianism; probably also by the natural
desire to receive the papal sanction for their unjust
proceedings against the order, for which they stood accused at
the bar of the Catholic conscience. The victim of a man's
injustice often becomes the object of his hatred; thus only the
conduct of Charles III, of Pombal, Tanucci, Aranda, Monino can
be accounted for.
An ever-recurring and almost solitary grievance against the
Society was that the Fathers disturbed the peace wherever they
were firmly established. The accusation is not unfounded: the
Jesuits did indeed disturb the peace of the enemies of the
Church, for, in the words of d'Alembert to Frederick II, they
were "the grenadiers of the pope's guard". Cardinal de Bernis,
now French ambassador in Rome, was instructed by Choiseul to
follow the lead of Spain in the renewed campaign against the
Jesuits. On the 22nd of July, 1769, he presented to the pope a
memorandum in the name of the three ministers of the Bourbon
kings, "The three monarchs", it ran, "still believe the
destruction of the Jesuits to be useful and necessary; they have
already made their request to Your Holiness, and they renew it
this day." Clement answered that "he had his conscience and
honour to consult"; he asked for a delay. On 30 September he
made some vague promises to Louis XV, who was less eager in the
fray than Charles III. This latter, bent on the immediate
suppression of the order, obtained from Clement XIV, under the
strong pressure of Azpuru, the written promise "to submit to His
Majesty a scheme for the absolute extinction of the Society" (30
November, 1769). To prove his sincerity the pope now commenced
open hostilities against the Jesuits. He refused to see their
general, Father Ricci, and gradually removed from his entourage
their best friends; his only confidants were two friars of his
own order, Buontempo and Francesco; no princes or cardinals
surrounded his throne. The Roman people, dissatisfied with this
state of things and reduced to starvation by maladministration,
openly showed their discontent, but Clement, bound by his
promises and caught in the meshes of Bourbon diplomacy, was
unable to retrace his steps. The college and seminary of
Frascati were taken from the Jesuits and handed over to the
bishop of the town, the Cardinal of York. Their Lenten
catechisms were prohibited for 1770. A congregation of cardinals
hostile to the order visited the Roman College and had the
Fathers expelled; the novitiate and the German College were also
attacked. The German College won its cause, but the sentence was
never executed. The novices and students were sent back to their
families. A similar system of persecution was extended to
Bologna, Ravenna, Ferrara, Modena, Macerata. Nowhere did the
Jesuits offer any resistance; they knew that their efforts were
futile. Father Garnier wrote: "You ask me why the Jesuits offer
no defence: they can do nothing here. All approaches, direct and
indirect, are completely closed, walled up with double walls.
Not the most insignificant memorandum can find its way in. There
is no one who would undertake to hand it in" (19th Jan., 1773).
On 4 July, 1772, appeared on the scene a new Spanish ambassador,
Joseph Monino, Count of Florida Blanca. At once he made an
onslaught on the perplexed pope. He openly threatened him with a
schism in Spain and probably in the other Bourbon states, such
as had existed in Portugal from 1760 to 1770. On the other hand,
he promised the restitution of Avignon and Benvento, still held
by France and Naples. Whilst Clement's anger was roused by this
latter simoniacal proposal, his good, but feeble, heart could
not overcome the fear of a widespread schism. Monino had
conquered. He now ransacked the archives of Rome and Spain to
supply Clement with facts justifying the promised suppression.
Monino must be held responsible for the matter of the Brief
"Dominus ac Redemptor", i. e. for its facts and provisions; the
pope contributed little more to it than the form of his supreme
authority. Meanwhile Clement continued to harass the Jesuits of
his own dominions, perhaps with a view to preparing the Catholic
world for the Brief of suppression, or perhaps hoping by his
severity to soothe the anger of Charles III and to stave off the
abolition of the whole order. Until the end of 1772 he still
found some support against the Bourbons in King Charles Emmanuel
of Sardinia and in the Empress Maria Theresa of Austria. But
Charles Emmanuel died, and Maria Theresa, giving way to the
importunate prayers of her son Joseph II and her daughter the
Queen of Naples, ceased to plead for the maintenance of the
Society. Thus left to himself, or rather to the will of Charles
III and the wiles of Monino, Clement began, in November, 1772,
the composition of the Brief of abolition, which took him seven
months to finish. It was signed 8 June, 1773; at the same time a
congregation of cardinals was appointed to administer the
property of the suppressed order. On 21 July the bells of the
Gesu rang the opening of the annual novena preceding the feast
of St. Ignatius; the pope, hearing them, remarked: "They are not
ringing for the saints but for the dead". The Brief of
suppression, signed on 8 June, bears the date 21 July, 1773. It
was made known at the Gesu to the general (Father Ricci) and his
assistants on the evening of 16 August; the following day they
were taken first to the English College, then to Castel Sant'
Angelo, where their long trial was commenced. Ricci never saw
the end of it. He died in prison, to his last moment protesting
his innocence and that of his order. His companions were set
free under Pius VI, their judges having found them "not guilty".
The Brief, "Dominus ac Redemptor" opens with the statement that
it is the pope's office to secure in the world the unity of mind
in the bonds of peace. He must therefore be prepared, for the
sake of charity, to uproot and destroy the things most dear to
him, whatever pains and bitterness their loss may entail. Often
the popes, his predecessors, have made use of their supreme
authority for reforming, and even dissolving, religious orders
which had become harmful and disturbed the peace of the nations
rather than promoted it. Numerous examples are quoted, then the
Brief continues: "Our predecessors, in virtue of the plenitude
of power which is theirs as Vicars of Christ, have suppressed
such orders without allowing them to state their claims or to
refute the grave accusations brought against them, or to impugn
the motives of the pope." Clement has now to deal with a similar
case, that of the Society of Jesus. Having enumerated the
principal favours granted it by former popes, he remarks that
"the very tenor and terms of the said Apostolic constitutions
show that the Society from its earliest days bore the germs of
dissensions and jealousies which tore its own members asunder,
led them to rise against other religious orders, against the
secular clergy and the universities, nay even against the
sovereigns who had received them in their states". Then follows
a list of the quarrels in which the Jesuits had been engaged,
from Sixtus V to Benedict XIV. Clement XIII had hoped to silence
their enemies by renewing the approbation of their Institute,
"but the Holy See derived no consolation, the Society no help,
Christianity no advantage from the Apostolic letters of Clement
XIII, of blessed memory, letters which were wrung from him
rather than freely given". At the end of this pope's reign "the
outcry and the complaints against the Society increasing day by
day, the very princes whose piety and hereditary benevolence
towards it are favourably known of all nations -- our beloved
Sons in Jesus Christ the Kings of France, Spain, Portugal, and
the two Sicilies -- were forced to expel from their kingdoms,
states and provinces, all the religious of this Order, well
knowing that this extreme measure was the only remedy to such
great evils." Now the complete abolition of the order is
demanded by the same princes. After long and mature
consideration the pope, "compelled by his office, which imposes
on him the obligation to procure, maintain, and consolidate with
all his power the peace and tranquillity of the Christian people
-- persuaded, moreover, that the Society of Jesus is no longer
able to produce the abundant fruit and the great good for which
it was instituted -- and considering that, as long as this order
subsists, it is impossible for the Church to enjoy free and
solid peace", resolves to "suppress and abolish" the Society,
"to annul and abrogate all and each of its offices, functions,
and administrations". The authority of the superiors was
transferred to the bishops; minute provisions were made for the
maintenance and the employment of the members of the order. The
Brief concludes with a prohibition to suspend or impede its
execution, to make it the occasion of insulting or attacking
anyone, least of all the former Jesuits; finally it enhorts the
faithful to live in peace with all men and to love one another.
The one and only motive for the suppression of the Society set
forth in this Brief is to restore the peace of the Church by
removing one of the contending parties from the battlefield. No
blame is laid by the pope on the rules of the order, or the
personal conduct of its members, or the orthodoxy of their
teaching. Moreover, Father Sydney Smith, S. J. (in "The Month",
CII, 62, July 1903), observes: "The fact remains that the
condemnation is not pronounced in the straightforward language
of direct statement, but is merely insinuated with the aid of
dexterous phrasing"; and he contrasts this method of stating
grounds for the suppression of the Society with the vigorous and
direct language used by former popes in suppressing the
Humiliati and other orders. If Clement XIV hoped to stop the
storm of unbelief raging against the Bark of Peter by throwing
its best oarsmen overboard, he was sorely mistaken. But is
unlikely that he entertained such a fallacy. He loved the
Jesuits, who had been his first teachers, his trusty advisers,
the best defenders of the Church over which he ruled. No
personal animosity guided his action; the Jesuits themselves, in
agreement with all serious historians, attribute their
suppression to Clement's weakness of character, unskilled
diplomacy, and that kind of goodness of heart which is more bent
on doing what is pleasing than what is right. He was not built
to hold his head above the tempest; his hesitations and his
struggles were of no avail against the enemies of the order, and
his friends found no better excuse for him than that of St.
Alphonsus: What could the poor pope do when all the Courts
insisted on the suppression? The Jesuit Cordara expresses the
same mind: "I think we should not condemn the pontiff who, after
so many hesitations, has judged it his duty to suppress the
Society of Jesus. I love my order as much as any man, yet, had I
been in the pope's place I should probably have acted as he did.
The Xompany, founded and maintained for the good of the Church,
perished for the same good; it could not have ended more
gloriously."
It should be noted that the Brief was not promulgated in the
form customary for papal Constitutions intended as laws of the
Church. It was not a Bull, but a Brief, i. e. a decree of less
binding force and easier of revocation; it was not affixed to
the gates of St. Peter's or in the Campo di Fiore; it was not
even communicated in legal form to the Jesuits in Rome; the
general and his assistants alone received the notification of
their suppression. In France it was not published, the Gallican
Church, and especially Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris, resolutely
opposing it as being the pope's personal deed, not supported by
the whole Church and therefore not binding on the Church of
France. The King of Spain thought the Brief too lenient, for it
condemned neither the doctrine, nor the morals, nor the
discipline of his victims. The court of Naples forbade its
publication under pain of death. Maria Theresa allowed her son
Joseph II to seize the property of the Jesuits (some
$10,000,000) and then, "reserving her rights", acquiesced in the
suppression "for the peace of the Church". Poland resisted a
while; the Swiss cantons of Lucerne, Fribourg, and Solothurn
never allowed the Fathers to give up their colleges. Two
non-Catholic sovereigns, Frederick of Prussia and Catherine of
Russia, took the Jesuits under their protection. Whatever may
have been their motives, whether it was to spite the pope and
the Bourbon Courts or to please their Catholic subjects and
preserve for them the services of the best educators, their
intervention kept the order alive until its complete restoration
in 1804. Frederick persevered in his opposition only for a few
years; in 1780 the Brief was promulgated in his dominions. The
Jesuits retained possession of all their colleges and of the
University of Breslau until 1806 and 1811, but they ranked as
secular priests and admitted no more novices. But Catherine II
resisted to the end. By her order the bishops of White Russia
ignored the Brief of suppression and commanded the Jesuits to
continue to live in communities and to go on with their usual
work. Clement XIV seems to have approved of their conduct. The
empress, in order to set at rest the scruples of the Fathers,
engaged in several negotiations with the pope and had her will.
In France, too, the persecuted Jesuits were not altogether
without friends. Madame Louise de France, daughter of Louis XV,
who had entered the Carmelite Order and was, with her sisters,
the leader of a band of pious women at the court of her royal
father, had worked out a scheme for re-establishing the Jesuits
in six provinces under the authority of the bishops. Bernis,
however, defeated their good intentions. He obtained from the
pope a new Brief, addressed to himself and requesting him to see
that the French bishops conformed, each in his diocese, to the
Brief "Dominus ac Redemptor".
After the death of Clement XIV it was rumoured that he had
retracted the Brief of abolition by a letter of 29 June, 1774.
That letter, it was said, had been entrusted to his confessor to
be given to the next pope. It was published for the first time
in 1789, at Zurich, in P. Ph. Wolf's "Allgemeine Geschichte der
Jesuiten". Although Pius VI never protested against this
statement, the authenticity of the document in question is not
sufficiently established (De la Serviere).
The first and almost the only advantage the pope reaped from his
policy of concessions was the restoration to the Holy See of
Avignon and Benevento. These provinces had been seized by the
Kings of France and Naples when Clement XIII had excommunicated
their kinsman the young Duke of Parma (1768). The restitution,
following so closely on the suppression of the Jesuits, seemed
the price paid for it, although, to save appearances, the duke
interceded with the two kings in favour of the pope, and
Clement, in the consistory of 17 January, 1774, took occasion
from it to load the Bourbon princes with praises they little
deserved. The hostile and schismatical manoe;uvres against the
Church continued unabated in many Catholic countries. In France
a royal commission for the reformation of the religious orders
had been at work for several years, notwithstanding the
energetic protests of Clement XIII; without the pope's consent
it had abolished in 1770 the congregations of Grandmont and of
the exempt Benedictines; it had threatened the
Premonstratensians, the Trinitarians, and the Minims with the
same fate. The pope protested, through his nuncio to Paris,
against such abuses of the secular power, but in vain. The
Celestines and the Camaldolese were secularized that same year,
1770. The only concessions Louis XV deigned to make was to
submit to Clement the general edict for the reformation of the
French religious before its publication. This was in 1773. The
pope succeeded in obtaining its modification in several points.
In 1768 Genoa had ceded the Island of Corsica to France. At once
a conflict arose as to the introduction of "Gallican usages".
The pope sent a visitor Apostolic to the island and had the
gratification of preventing the adoption of usages in opposition
to the Roman practice. Louis XV, however, revenged himself by
absolutely refusing to acknowledge the pope's suzerainty over
Corsica. Louis XV died in 1774, and one is rather surprised at
the eulogy which Clement XIV pronounced in a consistory on "the
king's deep love for the Church, and his admirable zeal for the
defence of the Catholic religion". He also hoped that the
penitent death of the prince had secured his salvation. It may
be surmised that he was prompted by a desire to please the
king's youngest daughter, Madame Louise de France, Prioress of
the Carmelites of SaintDenis, for whom he had always shown a
great affection, attested by numerous favours granted to herself
and to her convent.
During Clement XIV's pontificate the chief rulers in German
lands were Maria Theresa, of Austria, and Frederick the Great,
of Prussia. Frederick, by preserving the Jesuits in his
dominions, rendered the Church a good, though perhaps
unintended, service. He also authorized the erection of a
Catholic church in Berlin; the pope sent a generous contribution
and ordered collections for the same purpose to be made in
Belgium, the Rhineland, and Austria. Maria Theresa lived up to
the title of Regina Apostolica bestowed on her by Clement XIII.
But the doctrines of Febronius were prevalent at her court, and
more than once she came into conflict with the pope. She refused
to suppress a new edition of Febronius, as Clement XIV
requested; she lent a willing ear to the "Grievances of the
German nation", a scheme of reforms in the Church making it more
dependent on the prince than on the pope; she legislated for the
religious orders of her dominions without consulting Rome. She
maintained her edict on the religious against all the pope's
remonstrances, but withdrew her protection from the authors of
the "Grievances", the Electors of Cologne, Mainz, and Trier. She
also obtained from Clement in 1770 the institution of a
Ruthenian bishop for the Ruthenian Catholics of Hungary. In
other parts of Germany the pope had to face similar
difficulties. The number and wealth of the religious houses, in
some instances their uselessness, and occasionally thier
disorders, tempted the princes to lay violent and rapacious
hands on them. Numerous houses were to be suppressed in Bavaria
for the endowment of the new University of Ebersberg, in the
Palatinate the reception of new religious was to be stopped;
Clement opposed both measures with success. Westphalia is
indebted to him for the University of Muenster, erected 27 May,
1773.
In Spain Clement approved the Order of the Knights of the
Immaculate Conception, instituted by Charles III. The king also
desired him to define the dogma of the Immaculate Conception,
but France blocked the way. Portugal, whilst it made a certain
outward show of goodwill towards Rome, continued to interfere in
ecclesiastical affairs and to impose on colleges and seminaries
an education more in accord with French philosophism than with
the spirit of the Church. At Naples the minster Tanucci hindered
the recruitment of religious orders; episcopal acts required the
royal placet; the anti- religious press enjoyed high protection.
Poland and Russia were another source of deep grief for Clement
XIV. Whilst, politically, Poland was preparing its own ruin, the
Piarists openly taught the worst philosophism in their schools
and refused to have their houses visited by the papal nuncio at
Warsaw. King Stanislaus planned the extinction of the religious
orders and favoured the Freemasons. The pope was powerless; the
few concessions he obtained from Catherine II for the Catholics
of her new province were set at naught by that headstrong woman
as soon as it suited her politics. Of her own authority she
created for the annexed Catholic Ruthenians a new diocese
(Mohileff) administered by a bishop (Siestrencewicz) of
schismatic temper. Clement XIV had the satisfaction of seeing
his nuncio, Caprara, favourably received at the Court of
England, and of initiating measures for the emancipation of
English Catholics. This turn in the relations between Rome and
England was due to the granting of royal honours to the king's
brother when he visited Rome in 1772; the same honours being
refused to the Pretender. In the East, the Nestorian Patriarch,
Mar Simeon, and six of his suffragans, were reunited to Rome. In
Rome the pope found little favour with either the Roman
patriciate or the Sacred College; none of the many measures he
took for the betterment of his people could atone, in their
eyes, for his subserviency to the Bourbon Courts and for the
suppression of the Jesuits. The last months of his life were
embittered by the consciousness of his failures; at times he
seemed crushed under the weight of sorrow. On the 10th of
September, 1774, he took to his bed, received Extreme Unction on
the 21st and died piously on the 22nd of the same month. Many
witnesses in the process of canonization of St. Alphonsus of
Liguori attested that the saint had been miraculously present at
the death-bed of Clement XIV to console and fortify him in his
last hour. The doctors, who opened the dead body in presence of
many spectators, ascribed death to scorbutic and haemorrhoidal
dispositions of long standing, aggravated by excessive labour
and by the habit of provoking artificial perspiration even
during the greatest heat. Notwithstanding the doctors'
certificate, the "Spanish party" and historical romancers
attributed death to poison administered by the Jesuits. The
mortal remains of Clement XIV rest in the church of the Twelve
Apostles. (See also Society of Jesus.)
Bullarium Romanum: Clementis XIV epistolae et brevia, ed.
Theiner (Paris, 1852); Cordara, Memoirs on the suppression of
the Jesuits, published by DOellinger in Beitrage zur
politischen, kirchlichen u. Culturgeschichte (Vienna, 1882). --
As to the Lettres interessantes de Clement XIV, published by the
Marchese Caracciolo in 1776, Father Sydney Smith, S. J., says,
in a note to one of the articles in The Month (CI, 180, Feb.,
1903) referred to below: "There has been much discussion about
these letters. The Marchese Caracciolo in his Preface is
suspiciously reticent as to the channels through which he
obtained them, and gives them in a French translation instead of
in the original Italian. On this account, and because it is
difficult to believe that some of the contents come from Fra
Lorenzo [as Clement XIV was called in religion], many critics
have rejected the entire collection as spurious. But da Reutmont
thinks (Ganganelli-Papst Clement-seine Briefe und seine Zeit,
1847, Preface 40-42) that it is in substance a genuine
collection, though some of the letters are spurious and
interpolated. Von Reumont argues very justly that it would
hardly be possible to fabricate so many letters, addressed to
correspondents most of whom were alive at the time of the
publication, and yet impart to them the unity, distinctness, and
spontanedity of a living character."- Chretineau Joly, Clement
XIV et les Jesuites (Paris, 1847); Le Pape Clement XIV, Lettres
au P. Theiner; Masson, Le Cardinal de Bernis (Paris, 1884);
Rousseau, Expulsion des Jesuites en Espagne (Paris, 1907); De la
ServiEre in Vacant, Dict. de theol. cath. (Paris, 1907), s. v.
Clement XIV; The Dublin Review (1855), XXXIX, 107; Smith, The
Suppression of the Society of Jesus, articles in The Month
(London, 1902-3), XCIX, C, CI, CII; Ravignan, Clement XIII et
Clement XIV (Paris, 1854).
J. Wilhelm
Caesar Clement
Caesar Clement
Date of birth uncertain; died at Brussels 28 Aug., 1626,
great-nephew of Sir Thomas More's friend, Dr. John Clement. He
was a student at Douai when in 1578 the college was removed to
Reims, but was shortly sent to the English College, Rome, being
admitted 5th September, 1579. He was ordained priest in 1585,
but remained in Rome till Oct., 1587. He took the degree of
Doctor of Theology in Italy, probably in Rome itself. Though
originally destined for the English mission, he never went to
England. but held the important positions of Dean of St.
Gudule's, Brussels, and vicar-general of the King of Spain's
army in Flanders. He was a great benefactor to all English
exiles, especially the Augustinian Canonesses of Louvain. In
1612 he, with the Rev. Robert Chambers, was commissioned from
Rome to make a visitation of Douai College so as to put an end
to the dissatisfaction with the administration there. (See Dodd,
"Church Hist. of Eng.", Tierney ed., V, 3 sqq.)
DODD, Church History of England (London, 1737), II, 388; MORRIS,
Troubles of our Cath. Forefathers (London, 1872), I, 40, 41, 47,
57; Douay Diaries (London. 1877); FOLEY, Records Eng. Prov. S.
J. (London. 1880), VI, 138; GILLOW, Bibl. Dict. Eng. Cath.
(London, 1885), I, 497-8; COOPER in Dict. Nat. Biog. (London,
1887). XI, 32; HAMILTON, Chronicles of the English Augustinian
Canonesses of Louvain (London, 1904-6).
EDWIN BURTON.
Francois Clement
Franc,ois Clement
A member of the Benedictine Congregation of Saint-Maur and
historian; born at Beze in the department of Cote-d'Or, France,
1714; died at Paris, 29 March, 1793. He made his first studies
at the college of the Jesuits at Dijon. Soon after his
profession in 1731 his superiors sent him to the monastery of
the "Blancs-Manteaux" at Paris to assist in the learned labours
of the congregation. To great intellectual gifts Clement added
scientific acumen and an unflagging industry which especially
fitted him for his task. He knew no fatigue and at night gave
barely two or three hours to sleep. He first busied himself with
the preparations for volumes XI and XII of the "Histoire
litteraire de la France"; these volumes covered the years
1141-1167 and were edited by Clemencet. He then edited, in
collaboration with Dom Brial, a fellow-Benedictine, volumes XII
and XIII of the work begun by Bouquet in 1738, "Recueil des
historiens des Gaules et de la France" (Paris, 1786), or as the
title is generally given "Scriptores rerum gallicarum et
francicarum". These volumes contain altogether 439 original
documents, accompanied by exhaustive introductions, numerous
explanatory remarks, and acute critical notes. Clement's chief
work is a revised edition of the chronology first issued by
Clemencet in one volume, entitled: "L'art de verifier les dates
des faits historiques". The new edition in which the original
work appeared in an entirely changed form was published at Paris
in 1770. A third edition (Paris, 1783-1787) embraced three folio
volumes; in this the original underwent even greater
alterations, and the labour on it cost Clement more than ten
years of toil. In contrast to Clemencet he treated his matter
objectively, and was influenced neither by prejudices against
the Jesuits nor by a blind predilection for the Jansenists. His
position met with the approval of scholars and he was made a
member of the "Academie des Inscriptions". The work is still of
value, and it has been well called "the finest memorial of
French learning of the eighteenth century". Clement was engaged
in the preparation of a fourth and much enlarged edition when a
stroke of apoplexy caused his death. The unfinished work was
completed by Viton de Saint-Allais and appeared with additional
matter in eighteen volumes (Paris, 1818-19). Viton de
Saint-Allais also published from the literary remains of Clement
the treatise "L'art de verifier les dates des faits historiques
avant l'ere chretienne" (Paris, 1820). A work of less importance
was one begun by Dom Poncet and edited by Clement, entitled:
"Nouveaux eclaircissements sur l'origine et le Pentateuque des
Samnaritains" (Paris, 1760). Clement's industry in collecting
material is shown by the "Catalogus manuscriptorum codicum
Collegii Claramontani, quem excipit catalogus domus professae
Parisiensis, uterque digestus et notis ornatus" (Paris, 1764).
For information concerning his letters see the "Revue
benedictine", XII, 508.
DE LAME, Bibliotheque des ecrivains de la congregation de
Saint-Maur, 484.
PATRICIUS SCHLAGER.
John Clement
John Clement
President of the College of Physicians and tutor to St. Thomas
More's children, born in Yorkshire about 1500; died 1 July,
1572, in the Blocstrate, St. John's parish, Mechlin. Educated at
St. Paul's School and Oxford, St. Thomas More admitted Clement
as one of his household to help in the education of his children
and to assist him in linguistic studies. In 1519 we find Clement
at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, when Wolsey constituted him
the Rhetoric Reader in the university; later he became professor
of Greek there. About 1526 he married the daughter of a Norfolk
gentleman, Margaret Gibbs, who lived and studied with More's
family. Applying himself to the study of medicine, he was
admitted a Fellow of the College of Physicians (1 Feb., 1528),
and was chosen by Henry VIII to attend Wolsey when the latter
was dangerously ill at Esher (1529). He was consiliarius of the
college from 1529 to 1531, in 1547, and again from 1556 to 1558.
He held the office of president in 1544, and that of censor in
1555. After the accession of Edward VI he retired to Louvain to
escape religious persecution; so obnoxious was he to the
Protestant authorities that he was exempted from the general
pardon granted by Edward VI. He returned to England in Mary's
reign and practised his profession in Essex, but fled abroad
again when Elizabeth came to the throne. Mechlin was his last
place of exile. He lies buried in the cathedral church of St.
Rumbold in that city. He wrote: "Epigrammatum et aliorum
carminum liber"; and also translated from Greek into Latin:
+ (1) "The Epistles of St. Gregory Nazianzen";
+ (2) "The Homilies of Nicephorus Callistus concerning the Greek
Saints";
+ (3) "The Epistles of Pope Celestine I to Cyril, Bishop of
Alexandria".
DODD, Church History (Brussels, 1737-1742), I, 202; PITS, De
Anglioe Scriptoribus (Paris, 1619), 767; WOOD, Athenoe
Oxonienses, ed. BLISS (London, 1813-1820), I, 401; ROBINSON,
Registers of St. Paul's School (London, s. d.), 19; MUNK,
College of Physicians (London, 1878), I, 26.
G. E. HIND.
Clementines
Clementines
(Klementia; Clementine Pseudo- Writings)
Clementines is the name given to the curious religious romance
which has come down to us in two forms as composed by Pope St.
Clement I. The Greek form is preserved only in two Manuscripts
and consists of twenty books of homilies. The Latin form is a
translation made from the Greek by Rufinus, who died in 410. It
is called the "Recognitions". Two later epitomes of the Homilies
exist also, and there is a partial Syriac translation, embracing
Recog. i-iii, and Hom. x-xiv, preserved in two British Museum
Manuscripts, one of which was written in the year 411. Some
fragments are known in Arabic and in Slavonic. The writings are
curious rather than admirable, and their main interest lies in
the extraordinary theories which they have been made to support
during the nineteenth century. The existence of the Clementine
Homilies was first made known in 1572 and 1578 by the Jesuit
Turrianus, who was a diligent searcher of libraries. He seems to
have found a Manuscript of quite a different version from that
which we possess. The first edition was that of G. B. Cotelier,
1672, from the Paris Manuscript, in which the 20th book and part
of the 19th are wanting. This was re-edited in 1847 by
Schwegler. The complete Vatican Manuscript was first used in
Dressel's edition, 1853, reprinted in Migne, P. G., II; another
edition by Lagarde, 865. The "Recognitions" are found in
numerous Manuscripts, for they were very popular in the Middle
Ages: indeed the strange history of Clement and his father
Faustus, or Faustinianus, is said to have originated the Faust
legend (cf. Richardson, "Papers of Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist.", VI,
1894). The first edition, by Faber Stapulensis, appeared in
1504; Migne, P. G., I, gives a reprint of Gersdorf's edition of
1838. A new and much-needed edition is expected from E. C.
Richardson. To the Homilies are prefixed two letters and an
account of the reception of one of them. That from Clement to
James was translated by Rufinus at an earlier date than the
Recognitions (best edition by Fritzsche, 1873).
CONTENTS
Large portions of the Homilies (H.) and Recognitions (R.) are
almost word for word the same. Yet larger portions correspond in
subject and more or less in treatment. Other parts contained
only in one of the two works appear to be referred to or
presupposed in the other. The two works are roughly of the same
length, and contain the same framework of romance. H. was
considered to be the original by Neander, Baur, Schliemann,
Schwegler, and others. Lehmann thought the first three books of
R. to be original, and H. for the remainder. Uhlhorn argued that
both were recensions of an earlier book, "Preachings of Peter",
R. having best preserved the narrative, H. the dogmatic
teaching. Cave, Whiston, Rosenmueller, Ritschl, Hilgenfeld, and
others held R. to be the original. It is now almost universally
held (after Hort, Harnack, Waitz) that H. and R. are two
versions of an original Clementine romance, which was longer
than either, and embraced most of the contents of both.
Sometimes H., sometimes R., is the more faithful to the
archetype. With the eLaborate philosophical and dogmatic
discourse which forms the bulk of both works is interwoven a
story which, when we consider its date, may he described as
positively exciting and romantic. It differs slightly in the two
books. The narrative is addressed to St. James, the Bishop of
Jerusalem, and is related in the person of Clement himself. He
begins by detailing his religious questionings, his doubts about
immortality, etc. He hears at Rome the preaching of a man of
Judea who relates the miracles of Christ. This man (R.) was
Barnabas; Clement defends him from the mob, and follows him to
Palestine. (In H., evidently the original form, no name is
given. Clement sets out for Palestine, but is driven by storms
to Alexandria; there he is directed by philosophers to Barnabas,
whom he defends from the mob and follows to Caesarea.) At
Caesarea Clement hears that Peter is there and is about to hold
a disputation with Simon Magus. At Peter's 1odging he finds
Barnabas, who introduces him. Peter invites Clement to accompany
him from city to city, on his way to Rome, in order to hear his
discourses. Clement (so R., or Peter himself, H.) sends a report
of this to James, from whom Peter has an order to transmit to
him accounts of all his teaching.
So far H. i. and R. i., 1-21. Then the two recensions vary. The
original order may have been as follows: Clement arises at dawn
(H. ii, 1) and finds Peter, who continues to instruct him (2-18,
cf. R. ii, 33 and iii, 61). Peter sends for two of his
disciples, Nicetas and Aquila, whom he describes as foster-sons
of Justa, the Syro-Phoenician woman who was healed by Christ.
They had been educated from boyhood by Simon Magus, but had been
converted by Zacchaeus, another disciple of Peter (19-21).
Aquila relates Simon's parentage and his Samaritan origin, and
declares that he claims to be greater than the God who created
the world (H. ii, 22, R. ii, 7). He had been a disciple of St.
John the Baptist, who is represented in H. as the head of a sect
of "daily baptizers"; Dositheus succeeded John as head of it,
and Simon supplanted Dositheus (23-4). In R. the Baptist has
been omitted, and the sect is that of Dositheus. The woman,
Helena, whom Simon took about with him, is described (in R. she
is called the moon -- R. ii, 12, H. ii, 26), and the sham
miracles he claimed to do (H. ii, 32, R. ii, 10). He can make
himself visible or invisible at will, can pass through rocks as
if they were clay, throw himself down from a mountain unhurt,
loose himself when bound; he can animate statues, make trees
spring up; he can throw himself into the fire without harm, can
appear with two faces: "I shall change myself into a sheep or a
goat. I shall make a beard to grow upon little boys. I shall
ascend by flight into the air, I shall exhibit abundance of
gold. I shall make and unmake kings. I shall be worshipped as
God, I shall have divine honours publicly assigned to me, so
that an image of me shall be set up, and I shall be adored as
God." (R. ii, 9.) Next day at noon Zacchaeus announces that
Simon has put off the promised dispute (H. ii, 35-7, R. ii,
20-1). Peter instructs Clement till evening (H. ii, 38-53).
[Probably before this should come a long passage of R. (i,
22-74) in which Peter speaks of Old Testament history (27-41)
and then gives an account of the coming of the true Prophet, His
rejection, Passion, and Resurrection, and relates the preaching
to the Gentiles. The Church at Jerusalem having been governed by
James for a week of years, the Apostles return from their
travels, and at James's request state what they have
accomplished. Caiphas sends to ask if Jesus was the Christ. Here
Peter, in a digression, explains why the true Prophet is called
Christ and describes the Jewish sects. Then we are told how the
Apostles argued before Caiphas, and refuted successively the
Sadducees, Samaritans, Scribes, Pharisees, disciples of John,
and Caiphas himself. When Peter foretells the destruction of the
Temple, the priests are enraged, but Gamaliel quells the tumult,
and next day makes a speech. St. James preaches for seven days,
and the people are on the point of being baptized, when an enemy
(not named, but obviously Simon) excites them against James, who
is thrown down the steps of the Temple and left for dead. He is
carried to Jericho, with 5000 disciples. On recovering he sends
Peter to Caesarea to refute Simon. He is welcomed by Zacchaeus,
who relates Simon's doings to him. The author of H. probably
thought all this story inconsistent with Acts, and omitted it.]
Next morning before dawn Peter arouses his disciples (H. iii, 1,
R. ii, 1), who are enumerated (H. ii, 1, R. ii, 1). Peter gives
a private preparatory discourse (H.) and then goes out to the
public discussion with Simon. Only one day of it is related in
H. (iii, 38-57), but the whole matter of the three days is given
in R. (ii, 24-70, iii, 12-30, 33-48). But what H. has omitted R.
gives largely, though in a different form, in xvi, xvii, xviii,
and partly in xix, as another discussion with Simon in Laodicea.
It is clear that R. has the original order. Simon, being
worsted, flies in the night to Tyre. Peter determines to follow,
leaving Zaccaeus as bishop at Caesarea (H. iii, 58-72, R. iii,
63-6). H. adds that Peter remained seven days longer and
baptized 10,000 people, sending on Nicetas and Aquila to stay at
Tyre with Bernice, daughter of their stepmother, Justa (iii,
73). But R. relates that seven other disciples were sent on,
while Clement remained at Caesarea for three months with Peter,
who repeated in private at night the public instructions he gave
during the day. All this Clement wrote down and sent to James.
In ch. 74 are described the contents of the ten books of these
sermons as sent to Jerusalem. H. now makes Clement, Nicetas, and
Aquila go on to Tyre. Bernice tells them how Simon has been
raising ghosts, infecting the people with diseases, and bringing
demons upon them, and has gone to Sidon. Clement has a
discussion with Simon's disciple Appion (H. v, 7 -- vi, 25). All
this is omitted by R., but the same subjects are discussed in R.
x, 17-51. Peter goes on northward by Tyre, Sidon, Berytus, and
Byblus to Tripolis (H. vii, 5-12). (R. adds Dora and Ptolemais,
omitting Byblus, iv, 1.) Peter's discourses to the multitude at
Tripolis are detailed in H. viii, ix, x, xi, and in R. (three
days only) iv, v, vi, with considerable differences. Clement is
baptized (H. xi, 35, R. vi, 15). After a stay of three months he
goes through Ortosias to Antaradus (H. xii, 1, R. vii, 1).
At this point Clement recounts his history to the Apostle. He
was closely related to the emperor. Soon after his birth his
mother had a vision that unless she speedily left Rome with her
twin elder sons, she and they would perish miserably. His father
therefore sent them with many servants to Athens, but they
disappeared, and nothing could be learned of their fate. At
last, when Clement was twelve years old, his father himself set
out upon the search; and he too was no more heard of (H. xii,
9-11, R. vii, 8-10). In the island of Aradus, opposite the town,
Peter finds a miserable beggar woman, who turns out to be
Clement's mother. Peter unites them, and heals the woman (H.
xii, 12-23, R. vii, 11-23). H. adds a discourse by Peter on
philanthropy (25-33). The party now leave Aradus (Mattidia,
Clement's mother, journeying with Peter's wife) and go by
Balaneae, Palates, and Gable to Laodicea of Syria. Nicetas and
Aquila receive them, and hear Clement's story with amazement;
they declare themselves to be Faustus and Faustinianus, the twin
sons of Mattidia and brothers of Clement. They had been saved on
a fragment of wreck, and some men in a boat had taken them up.
They had been beaten and starved, and finally sold at Caesarea
Stratton to Justa, who had educated them as her own sons. Later
they had adhered to Simon, but were brought by Zacchaeus to
Peter. Mattidia is now baptized, and Peter discourses on the
rewards given to chastity (H. xii, R. vii, 24-38). Next morning
Peter is interrupted at his prayers by an old man, who assures
him that prayer is a mistake, since all things are governed by
genesis or fate. Peter replies (H. xiv, 1-5 -- in R. Nicetas);
Aquila and Clement try also to refute him (viii, 5 -- ix, 33;
cf. H. xv, 1-5), but without success, for the old man had traced
the horoscope of himself and his wife, and it caine true. He
tells his story. Clement, Nicetas, and Aquila guess that this is
their father. Peter asks his name and those of his children. The
mother rushes in, and all embrace in floods of tears. Faustus is
then converted by a long series of discourses on evil and on
mythology (R. x, 1-51, to which correspond H. xx, 1-10 and iv, 7
-- vi, 25 -- the discussion between Clement and Appion at Tyre.
The long discussions with Simon before Faustus in H. xvi, xvii,
xviii were in their right place in R. as part of the debate at
Caesarea). Simon is driven away by the threats of Cornelius the
Centurion, but first he changes the face of Faustus into his own
likeness by smearing it with a magic juice, in hopes that
Faustus will be put to death instead of himself. Peter frightens
away Simon's disciples by what are simply lies, and he sends
Faustus to Antioch to unsay in the person of Simon all the abuse
Simon has been pouring on the Apostle there. The people of
Antioch in consequence long for Peter's coming, and nearly put
the false Simon to death. Peter restores him to his proper form,
and thenceforth they all live happily.
A letter from Clement to James forms an epilogue to H. In it
Clement relates how Peter before his death gave his last
instructions and set Clement in his own chair as his successor
in the See of Rome. James is addressed as "Bishop of bishops,
who rules Jerusalem, the holy Church of the Hebrews, and the
Churches everywhere". To him Clement sends a book, "Clement's
Epitome of the Preachings of Peter from place to place". Another
letter, that of Peter to James, forms an introduction. The
Apostle urges that the book of his teachings is not to be
committed to anyone before initiation and probation. A note
follows the letter, relating that James on receipt of the letter
called the elders and read it to them. The book is to be given
only to one who is pious, and a teacher, and circumcised, and
even then only a part at a time. A form of promise (not an oath,
which is unlawful) is prescribed for the reader, by heaven,
earth, water, and air, that he will take extraordinary care of
the writings and communicate them to no one; he invokes upon
himself terrible curses in case he should be unfaithful to this
covenant. The most curious passage is: "Even if I should come to
acknowledge another God, I now swear by him, whether he exist or
not." After the adjuration he shall partake of bread and salt.
The elders, on hearing of this solemnity, are terrified, but
James pacifies them. The whole of this elaborate mystification
is obviously intended to explain how the Clementine writings
came to be unknown from Clement's time until the date of their
unknown author. Many parallels can be found in modern times; Sir
Walter Scott's prefaces -- the imaginary Mr. Oiled and his
friends -- will occur to everyone. Nevertheless a good many
modern critics accept the "adjuration" with the utmost gravity
as the secret rite of an obscure and very early sect of
Judaizers.
DOCTRINE
The central and all-important doctrine of the Clementines is the
Unity of God. Though transcendent and unknowable, He is the
Creator of the World. Though infinite, He has (according to the
Homilies) shape and body, for He is the Archetype of all beauty,
and in particular the exemplar after which man was fashioned.
He, therefore, even has members, in some eminent way. He is the
self-begotten or unbigoted, from whom proceeds His Wisdom like a
hand. To His Wisdom He said: "Let us make man", and He is the
"Parents" (i. e., Father and Mother) of men.
The Homilies also explain that the elements proceed from God as
His Child. From them the Evil One proceeded by an accidental
mingling. He is therefore not the Son, nor even to be called
brother of the Son. God is infinitely changeable, and can assume
all forms at will. The Son proceeds from the most perfect of
these modifications of the Divine nature and is conceptional
with that modification, but not with the Divine nature itself.
The Son is not God, therefore, in the full sense, nor has He all
the power of God. He cannot change Himself, though He can be
changed at will by God. Of the Holy Ghost we learn nothing
definite. The whole of this extraordinary teaching is omitted in
R., except the accidental generation of the devil. Instead we
find a long passage, R. iii, 2-11, in corrupt and unintelligible
Latin, preserved also in the early Syriac Manuscripts. Rufinus
in his preface tells us that he omitted it, and in his work on
the adulteration of the books of Origin he declares that it is
so Origin in doctrine that one seems to hear Enemies himself
speaking. It is naturally not found in the best Manuscripts of
R., but as preserved in many Manuscripts it is an interpolation
by some Arian editor, who seems to have translated it, from the
original Greek without always understanding the meaning. The
doctrine is, as Rufinus says, the Arianism of the second half of
the fourth century. The Son is a creature; the Holy Ghost the
creature of the Son.
Of demons much is said. They have great power over the
self-indulgent, and are swallowed with food by those who eat too
much. Magic is constantly mentioned, and its use reprobated.
Idolatry is argued against at length. The immorality of the
Greek stories of the gods is ridiculed, and attempts at mystical
explanation are refuted. Various virtues are praised:
temperance, kindness or philanthropy, chastity in the married
state; asceticism of a most rigorous kind is practised by St.
Peter. The introduction after the Deluge of eating meat,
according to the Book of Genesis, is violently denounced, as
having naturally led to cannibalism. The use of meat is,
however, not forbidden as a sin, and is probably permitted as a
bad, but ineradicable, custom. There is no trace of any
Judaistic observance, for though the letter of Peter and the
speech of James allow the books to be given to none who is not
"a circumcised believer", this is only a part of the
mystification, by which the number of adepts is limited as far
as possible.
It is now becoming recognized by all critics that the original
writings were not intended for the use of baptized Christians of
any sect. Most of the latest critics say they are meant for
catechumens, and indeed the office of a teacher is highly
commended; but it would be more exact to say that the arguments
are adapted to the needs of inquiring heathens. Of baptism much
is said, but of repentance little. There is little
characteristically Christian doctrine to be found; atonement and
the sacrifice of the Cross, sin and its penalty, forgiveness,
grace, are far to seek. Once the Eucharist is mentioned by name:
"Peter broke the Eucharist" (H. xi, 36, R. vi, 15). Christ is
always spoken of as "the true Prophet.", as the revealer to men
of God, of truth, of the answers to the riddle of life. The
writer knows a complete system of ecclesiastical organization.
Peter sets a bishop over each city, with priest and deacons
under him; the office of bishop is well defined. It was
principally this fact which prevented critics of the TUBING
School from dating H. and R. earlier than the middle of the
second century. The writer was not an Ebonite, since he believes
in the pre-existence of the Son, His Incarnation and miraculous
conception, while he enjoins no Jewish observances.
Antagonism to St. Paul is commonly asserted to be a
characteristic of the Clementines. He is never mentioned, for
the supposed date of the dialogues is before his conversion, and
the writer is very careful to avoid anachronisms. But his
Epistles are regularly used, and the grounds for supposing that
Simon always or sometimes represents St. Paul are exceedingly
feeble. The latest critics, who still admit that St. Paul is
occasionally combated, do not attribute this attitude to the
Clementine writer, but only to one of some presumed sources. In
fact, there is a clear prophetic reference to St. Paul as the
teacher of the nations in R. iii, 61. But it is not safe to
admit any polemic against. St. Paul's person in any part of the
writings, for the simple reason that there is nowhere any trace
of antagonism to his doctrines.
It seems to be universally held that the Clementines are based
upon the doctrines of the Book of Elchasai or Helga, which was
much used by the Ebonites. The contents of it were said to have
been revealed by an angel ninety-six miles high to a holy man
Elchasai in the year 100, and this is gravely accepted by
Hilgenfeld and Waitz as its real date. It does not however, seem
to have been known until it was brought to Rome about the year
220, by a certain Allahabad of Apia. We know its doctrines from
the "Philosophers" and from Epiphanies. It taught a second
baptism (in running streams with all the clothes on) for the
remission of sins, to be accompanied by an adjuration of seven
elements; the same process was recommended as a cure for the
bite of mad dogs and for similar evils. This is not particularly
like the calling of four (not seven) elements to witness a
solemn promise by the side of water (without bathing) in the
Clementines. For the rest, Elchasai taught magic and astrology,
made marriage compulsory, celebrated the Eucharist with bread
and water, caused all believers to be circumcised and to live by
the Jewish law, held that Christ was born of a human father. All
this is contradictory to the Clementines. The only point of
resemblance seems to be that the Homilies represent Christ as
having been in Adam and Moses, while Elchasai said He had been
frequently incarnate in Adam and since, and would be again. The
Clementine writer is fond of pairs of antitheses, or syzygia,
such as Christ and the tempter, Peter and Simon. But these have
no connexion with any Gnostic or Marcionite antitheses, nor is
there any trace of the Gnostic genealogies. He is simply airing
his own pseudo-philosophic speculations. Polemic against
Marcionism has often been pointed out. But the denial of two
Gods, a transcendental God and a Creator, is directed against
popular neo-Platonism, and not against Marcion. Again, replies
are made to objections to Christianity drawn from immorality or
anthropomorphism in the Old Testament, but these objections are
not Marcionite. The writer is fond of citing sayings of Christ
not found in Scripture. His Scripture text has been analyzed by
Hilgenfeld, Waltz, and others. He never cites a book of the N.
T. by name, which would be an anachronism at the date he has
chosen.
EARLY USE OF THE CLEMENTINES
It was long believed that the early date of the Clementines was
proved by the fact that they were twice quoted by Origen. One of
these quotations occurs in the "Philocalia" of Sts. Gregory of
Nazianzus and Basil (c. 360). Dr. Armitage Robinson showed in
his edition of that work (1893) that the citation is an addition
to the passage of Origen made by the compilers, or possibly by a
later editor. The other citation occurs in the old Latin
translation of Origen on Matthew. This translation is full of
interpolations and alterations, and the passage of
Pseudo-Clement is apparently an interpolation by the translator
from the Arian "Opus imperfectum in Matt." (See Journal of
Theol. Studies, III, 436.) Omitting Origen, the earliest witness
is Eusebius. In his "Hist. Eccl.", III, xxxviii (a.d. 325) he
mentions some short writings and adds: "And now some have only
the other day brought forward other wordy and lengthy
compositions as being Clement's, containing dialogues of Peter
and Appion, of which there is absolutely no mention in the
ancients." These dialogues need not have been the complete
romance, but may have been an earlier draft of part of it. Next
we find the Clementines used by Ebionites c. 360 (Epiphanius,
Haer., xxx, 15). They are quoted as the "Periodi" by St. Jerome
in 387 and 392 (On Gal., i, 18, and "Adv. Jovin.", i, 26). Two
forms of the "Recognitions" were known to Rufinus, and one of
them was translated by him c. 400. About 408 St. Paulinus of
Nola, in a letter to Rufinus, mentions having himself translated
a part or all, perhaps as an exercise in Greek. The "Opus
imperfectum" above mentioned has five quotations. It is
apparently by an Arian of the beginning of the fifth century,
possibly by a bishop called Maximus. The Syriac translation was
made before 411, the date of one of the Manuscripts. After this
time citations occur in many Byzantine writers, and from the
commendation given by Nicephorus Callisti (fourteenth century)
we may gather that an orthodox version was current. In the West
the translation by Rufinus became very popular, and citations
are found in Syriac and Arabic writings.
MODERN THEORIES OF ORIGIN AND DATE
Baur, the founder of the "Tuebingen School" of New Testament
criticism, rested his ideas about the New Testament on the
Clementines, and his ideas about the Clementines on St.
Epiphanius, who found the writings used by an Ebionite sect in
the fourth century. This Judaeo-Christian sect at that date
rejected St. Paul as an apostate. It was assumed that this
fourth-century opinion represented the Christianity of the
Twelve Apostles; Paulinism was originally a heresy, and a schism
from the Jewish Christianity of James and Peter and the rest;
Marcion was a leader of the Pauline sect in its survival in the
second century, using only the Pauline Gospel, St. Luke (in its
original form), and the Epistles of St. Paul (without the
Pastoral Epistles). The Clementine literature had its first
origin in the Apostolic Age, and belonged to the original
Jewish, Petrine, legal Church. It is directed wholly against St.
Paul and his sect. Simon Magus never existed; it is a nickname
for St. Paul. The Acts of the Apostles, compiled in the second
century, have borrowed their mention of Simon from the earliest
form of the Clementines. Catholicism under the presidency of
Rome was the result of the adjustment between the Petrine and
Pauline sections of the Church in the second half of the second
century. The Fourth Gospel is a monument of this reconciliation,
in which Rome took a leading part, having invented the fiction
that both Peter and Paul were the founders of her Church, both
having been martyred at Rome, and on the same day, in perfect
union.
Throughout the middle of the nineteenth century this theory, in
many forms, was dominant in Germany. The demonstration, mainly
by English scholars, of the impossibility of the late dates
ascribed to the New Testament documents (four Epistles of St.
Paul and the Apocalypse were the only documents generally
admitted as being of early date), and the proofs of the
authenticity of the Apostolic Fathers and of the use of St.
John's Gospel by Justin, Papias, and Ignatius gradually brought
Baur's theories into discredit. Of the original school, Adolf
Hilgenfeld may be considered the last survivor (died 1907). He
was induced many years ago to admit that Simon Magus was a real
personage, though he persists that in the Clementines he is
meant for St. Paul. To a priori critics it counts as nothing
that Simon holds no Pauline doctrine and that the author shows
no signs of being a Judaeo-Christian. In 1847 Hilgenfeld dated
the original nucleus (Preachings of Peter) soon after the Jewish
war of 70; successive revisions of it were anti-Basilidian,
anti-Valentinian, and anti-Marcionite respectively. Baur placed
the completed form, H., soon after the middle of the second
century, and Schliemann (1844) agreed, placing R., as a
revision, between 211 and 230. This writer sums up the opinions
of his predecessors thus:
+ R. 2nd century: Sixtus Senensis, Blondellus, Nourri,
Cotelerius, Natalis Alexander, Cave, Oudin, Heinsius,
Rosenmueller, Fluegge, Gieseler, Tholuck, Bretschneider,
Engelhardt, Gfroerer.
+ R. 2nd or 3rd century: Schroeck, Stark, Lumper, Krabbe,
Locherer, Gersdorf.
+ R. 3rd century: Strunzius (on Bardesanes, 1710), Weismann
(17l8), Mosheim, Kleuker, Schmidt (Kirchengesch.).
+ R. 4th century: Corrodi, Lentz (Dogmengesch.).
+ H. 2nd century (beginning): Credner, Bretschneider, Kern,
Rothe.
+ H. 2nd century: Clericus, Beausobre, Fluegge, Muenscher,
Hoffmann, Doellinger, Hilgers; (middle of 2nd) Hase.
+ H. end of 2nd century: Schroeck, Coelln, Gieseler (3rd ed.),
Schenkel, Gfroerer, Luecke.
+ H. 3rd century: Mill, Mosheim, Gallandi, Gieseler (2nd ed.).
+ H. 2nd or 3rd century: Neander, Krabbe, Baur, Ritter, Paniel,
Daehne.
+ H. 4th century: Lentz.
Uhlhorn in his valuable monograph (1854) placed the original
document, or Grundsrhrift, in East Syria. after 150; H. in the
same region after 160; R. in Rome after 170. Lehmann (1869) put
the source (Preaching of Peter) very early, H. and R. i-ii
before 160, the rest of R. before 170. In England Salmon set R.
about 200. H. about 218. Dr. Bigg makes H. the original, Syrian,
first half of second century, R. being a recasting in an
orthodox sense. H. was originally written by a Catholic, and the
heretical parts belong to a later recension. Dr. Headlam, in a
very interesting article, considers that the original form was
rather a collection of works than a single book, yet all
products of one design and plan, coming from one writer, of a
curious, versatile, unequally developed mind. While accepting
the dependence on the Book of Elchasai, Dr. Headlam sees no
antagonism to St. Paul, and declares that the writer is quite
ignorant of Judaism. Under the impression that the original work
was known to Origen, he is obliged to date it at the end of the
second century or the beginning of the third. In 1883 Bestmann
made the Clementines the basis of an unsuccessful theory which,
as Harnack puts it. "claimed for Jewish Christianity the glory
of having developed by itself the whole doctrine, worship. and
constitution of Catholicism, and of having transmitted it to
Gentile Christianity as a finished product which only required
to be divested of a few Jewish husks" (Hist. of Dogma, I, 310).
Another popular theory based upon the Clementines has been that
it was the Epistle of Clement to James which originated the
notion that St. Peter was the first Bishop of Rome. This has
been asserted by no lesser authorities than Lightfoot, Salmon,
and Bright, and it has been made an important point in the
controversial work of the Rev. F. W. Puller, "Primitive Saints
and the Roman See". It is acknowledged that in St. Cyprian's
time (c. 250) it was universally believed that St. Peter was
Bishop of Rome, and that he was looked upon as the type and
origin of episcopacy. Modern criticism has long since put the
letter of Clement too tate to allow this theory to be tenable,
and now Waitz places it after 220, and Harnack after 260. We
shall presently see that it probably belongs to the fourth
century.
The "Old Catholic" Professor Langen in 1890 elaborated a new
theory. Until the destruction of Jerusalem in 135, he says, that
city was the centre of the Christian Church. A new pivot was
then needed. The Church of the capital made a bold bid for the
vacant post of pre-eminence. Shortly after 135 was published the
original form of the Clementine romance. It was a Roman forgery,
claiming for the Church of Peter the succession to a part of the
headship of the Church of James. James indeed had been "bishop
of bishops", and Peter's successor could not claim to be more
than Peter was among the Apostles, primus inter pares. The Roman
attempt was eventually successful, but not without a struggle.
Caesarea, the metropolis of Palestine. also claimed the
succession to Jerusalem. The monument of this claim is H., a
recension of the Roman work made at Caesarea before the end of
the second century in order to fight Rome with her own weapons.
(The intention must be admitted to have been closely veiled.) In
the beginning of the third century the metropolis of the Orient,
Antioch, produced a new edition, R., claiming for that city the
vacant primacy. Langen's view has found no adherents.
Dr. Hort complained that the Clementines have left no traces in
the eighty years between Origen and Eusebius, but he felt
obliged to date them before Origen, and placed the original c.
200 as the work of a Syrian Heixaite. Harnack, in his "History
of Dogma", saw that they had no influence in the third century;
he dated R. and H. not earlier than the first half of that
century, or even a few decades later. All the foregoing writers
presupposed that the Clementines were known to Origen. Since
this has been shown to be not proven (1903), Waitz's elaborate
study has appeared (1904), but his view was evidently formed
earlier. His view is that H. is the work of an Aramaean
Christian after 325 (for he uses the word homoousios) and
earlier than 411 (the Syriac Manuscript). R. probably after 350,
also in the East. But the Grundschrift, or archetype, was
written at Rome, perhaps under the syncretistic system of cult
in favour at the court of Alexander Severus, probably between
220 and 250. Harnack, in his "Chronologie" (II), gives 260 or
later as the date, but he thinks H. and R. may he ante-Nicene.
Waitz supposes two earlier sources to have been employed in the
romance, the "Preachings of Peter" (origin in first century, but
used in a later anti-Marcionite recension) and the "Acts of
Peter" (written in a Catholic circle at Antioch c. 210). Harnack
accepts the existence of these sources, but thinks neither was
earlier than about 200. They are carefully to be distinguished
from the well-known second-century works, the "Preaching of
Peter" and "Acts of Peter", of which fragments still exist.
These are quoted by many early writers, whereas the supposed
sources of the Clementines are otherwise unknown and therefore
probably never existed at all. A long passage from
Pseudo-Bardesanes "De Fato" occurs in R. ix, 19 sqq. Hilgenfeld,
Ritschl, and some earlier critics characteristically held that
Bardesanes used the Clementines. Merx, Waitz, and most others
hold that R. cites Bardesanes directly. Nau and Harnack are
certainly right, that R. has borrowed the citation at second
hand from Eusebius (Praep. Evang., vi, 10, 11-48, a.d. 313).
PROBABLE DATE OF THE CLEMENTINES
We now know that the Clementine writer need not have lived
before Origen. Let us add that there is no reason to think he
was a Judaeo-Christian, an Elchasaite, or anti-Pauline, or
anti-Marcionite, that he employed ancient sources, that he
belonged to a secretive sect. We are free, then, to look out for
indications of date without prejudice.
R. is certainly post-Nicene, as Waitz has shown. But we may go
further. The curious passage R. iii. 2-11, which Rufinus
omitted, and in which he seemed to hear Eunomius himself
speaking, gives in fact the doctrine of Eunomius so exactly that
it frequently almost cites the Apologeticus" (c. 362-3) of that
heretic word for word. (The Eunomian doctrine is that the
essence of God is to be unborn, consequently the Son Who is
begotten is not God. He is a creature, the first-born of all
creation and the Image of God. The Holy Ghost is the creature of
the Son.) The agreement with Eunomius's ekthesis pisteos of
381-3 is less close. As the Eunomian passage was found by
Rufinus in both the recensions of Clement known to him, we may
suppose that the interpolation was made in the original work by
a Eunomian about 365-70, before the abridgment R. was made about
370-80. (The word archiepiscopus used of St. James suggests the
end of the fourth century. It occurs in the middle of that
century in some Meletian documents cited by Athanasius, and then
not till the Council of Ephesus, 431.)
H. has also a disquisition on the generation of the Son (xvi,
15-18, and xx, 7-8). The writer calls God autopator and
autogennetos, and both Mother and Father of men. His idea of a
changeable God and an unchangeable Son projected from the best
modification of God has been mentioned above. This ingenious
doctrine enables the writer to accept the words of the Nicene
definition, while denying their sense. The Son may be called
God, for so may men be, but not in the strict sense. He is
homoousios to Patri, begotten ek tes ousias, He is not treptos
or alloiotos. Apparently He is not ktistos, nor was there a time
when He was not, though this is not quite distinctly enunciated.
The writer is clearly an Arian who manages to accept the formula
of Nicea by an acrobatic feat, in order to save himself. The
date is therefore probably within the reign of Constantine (died
337), while the great council was still imposed on all by the
emperor -- say, about 330.
But this is not the date of H., but of the original behind both
H. and R.; for it is clear that the Eunomian interpolator of R.
attacks the doctrine we find in H. He ridicules autopator and
autogennetos, he declares God to be unchangeable, and the Son to
be created, not begotten from the Father's essence and
consubstantial. God is not masculo-femina. It is clear that the
interpolator had before him the doctrine of H. in a yet clearer
form, and that he substituted his own view for it (R. iii,
2-11). But it is remarkable that he retained one integral part
of H.'s theory, viz., the origin of the Evil One from an
accidental mixture of elements, for Rufinus tells us (De Adult.
libr. Origenis) that he found this doctrine in R. and omitted
it. The date of the original is therefore fixed as after Nicaea,
325, probably c. 330; that of H. may be anywhere in the second
half of the fourth century. The Eunomian interpolator is about
365-70, and the compilation of R. about 370-80.
The original author shows a detailed knowledge of the towns on
the Phoenician coast from Caesarea to Antioch. He was an Arian,
and Arianism had its home in the civil diocese of the Orient. He
uses the "Praep. Evang." of Eusebius of Caesarea (written about
313). In 325 that historian mentions the dialogues of Peter and
Appion as just published -- presumably in his own region; these
were probably the nucleus of the larger work completed by the
same hand a few years later. Citations of Pseudo-Clement are by
the Palestinian Epiphanius, who found the romance among the
Ebionites of Palestine; by St. Jerome, who had dwelt in the
Syrian desert and settled at Bethlehem; by the travelled
Rufinus; by the "Apostolical Constitutions", compiled in Syria
or Palestine. The work is rendered into Syriac before 411. The
Arian author of the "Opus imperfectum" cited it freely. It was
interpolated by a Eunomian about 365-70. All these indications
suggest an Arian author before 350 in the East, probably not far
front Caesarea.
The author, though an Arian, probably belonged nominally to the
Catholic Church. He wrote for the heathens of his day, and
observed the stiff and often merely formal disciplina arcani
which the fourth century enforced. Atonement, grace, sacraments
are omitted for this cause only. "The true Prophet" is not a
name for Christ used by Christians, but the office of Christ
which the author puts forward towards the pagan world. He shows
Peter keeping the evening agape and Eucharist secret from
Clement when unbaptized; it was no doubt a Eucharist of bread
and vine, not of bread and salt.
The great pagan antagonist of the third century was the
neo-Platonic philosopher, Porphyry; but under Constantine his
disciple Iamblichus was the chief restorer and defender of the
old gods, and his system of defence is that which we find made
the official religion by Julian (361-3). Consequently, it is not
astonishing to find that Simon and his disciples represent not
St. Paul, but Iamblichus. The doctrines and practices repelled
are the theurgy and magic, astrology and mantic, absurd miracles
and claims to union with the Divinity, which characterized the
debased neo-Platonism of 320-30. It is not against Marcion but
against Plato that Pseudo-Clement teaches the supremacy of the
Creator of all. He defends the Old Testament against the school
of Porphyry, and when he declares it to be interpolated, he is
using Porphyry's own higher criticism in a clumsy way. The
elaborate discussion of ancient history, the ridicule cast on
the obscene mythology of the Greeks, and the philosophical
explanations of a higher meaning are also against Porphyry. The
refutation of the grossest idolatry is against Iamblichus.
It is perhaps mere accident that we hear nothing of the
Clementines from 330 till 360. But about 360- 410 they are
interpolated, they are revised and abridged in H., yet more
revised and abridged in R., translated into Latin, translated
into Syriac, and frequently cited. It seems, therefore, that it
was the policy of Julian which drew them from obscurity. They
were useful weapons against the momentary resurrection of
polytheism, mythology, theurgy, and idolatry.
The principal editions have been mentioned above. The literature
is so enormous that a selection from it must suffice. Somewhat
fuller lists will be found in HARNACK, Chronologie, II, in
BARDENHEWER, Patrologie and Geschichte der kirchlichen
Litteratur and in CHEVALIER, Repertoire. -- SCHLIEMANN, Die
Clementinen (1844); HILGENFELD, Die Clem. Recogn. und Hom. nach
ihrem Ursprung und Inhalt (Jena, 1848); Kritische Untersuchungen
ueber die Evangelien Justins, der Clem. Hom. und Marcions
(Halle, 1850); UHLHORN, Die Hom. und Recogn. des Clemens Romanus
(Goettingen, 1854); LEHMANN, Die clementinischen Schriften
(Gotha, 1869) LIPSIUS, Quellen der roemischen Petrussage (1872)
and Apokr. Apostelgeschichte (1887), II; SALMON in Dict. Chr.
Biog. (1877); LANGEN, Die Clemensromane (Gotha, 1890): FUNK in
Kirchenlex. (1884); BIGG, The Clementine Homilies in Studia
Biblica (Oxford, 1890), II; BUSSELL, The Purpose of the
World-Process and the Problem of Evil in the Clementine and
Lactantian Writings in Studia Biblica (1806), IV; W. C[HAWNER],
Index of noteworthy words and phrases found in the Clementine
writings in Lightfoot Fund Public. (London, 1893); HORT,
Clementine Recognitions (lectures delivered in 1884; pub.
London, 1901); MEYBOOM De Clemens Roman (1902); HEADLAM, The
Clementine Literature in Journ. Theol. Stud. (1903), III, 41;
CHAPMAN, Origer and Pseudo-Clement in Journ. Theol. Stud., III,
436; HILGENFELD, Origenes und Pseudo-Clemens in Zeitschr. fuer
Wiss. Theol. (1903), XLVI, 342; PREUSCHEN In HARNACK, Gesch. der
altchristl. Literatur (1893), I, 212; and II, Chronologie, 518;
WAITZ, Die Pseudoclementinen in Texte und Unters., New Series,
X, 4; CHAPMAN, The Date of the Clementines in Zeitschr. fuer
Neu-Test. Wiss. (1908). An English translation of the
Recognitions, by the REV. T. SMITH, D. D., will be found in the
Ante-Nicene Library. III, and of the Homilies, ibid., XVII
(Edinburgh, 1871-2).
JOHN CHAPMAN.
Blessed Clement Mary Hofbauer
Blessed Clement Mary Hofbauer
(JOHN DVORAK)
The second founder of the Redemptorist Congregation, called "the
Apostle of Vienna", born at Tasswitz in Moravia, 26 December,
1751; died at Vienna 15 March, 1821. The family name of Dvorak
was better known by its German equivalent, Hofbauer. The
youngest of twelve children, and son of a grazier and butcher,
he was six years old when his father died. His great desire was
to become a priest, but his family being unable to give him the
necessary education he became a baker's assistant, devoting all
his spare time to study. He was a servant in the
Premonstratensian monastery of Bruck from 1771 to 1775, and then
lived for some time as a hermit. When the Emperor Joseph II
abolished hermitages he went to Vienna, where he worked once
more as a baker. After two pilgrimages to Rome he again tried a
hermit's life (1782-3), this time under the protection of
Barnaba Chiaramonti, Bishop of Tivoli, afterwards Pope Pius VII,
taking the name of Clement, by which he was ever afterwards
known. He once more returned to Vienna, where at length by the
generosity of benefactors he was enabled to go to the university
and complete his studies; In 1784 he made a third pilgrimage on
foot to Rome with a friend, Thaddaeus Huebl, and the two were
received into the Redemptorist novitiate at San Giuliano on the
Esquiline. After a shortened probation they were professed on 19
March, 1785, and ordained priests a few days later. They were
sent, towards the end of the same year, to found a house north
of the Alps, St. Alphonsus. who was still alive, prophesying
their success. It being impossible under Joseph II to found a
house in Vienna, Clement and Thaddaeus turned to Warsaw, where
King Stanislaus Poniatowski, at the nuncio's request, placed St.
Benno's, the German national church, at their disposal. Here, in
1795, they saw the end of Polish independence. The labours of
Clement and his companions in Warsaw from 1786 to 1808 are
wellnigh incredible. In addition to St. Benno's, another large
church was reserved for them, where sermons were preached in
French, and there were daily classes of instruction for
Protestants and Jews. Besides this Clement founded an orphanage
and a school for boys. His chief helper, Thaddaeus Huebl, died
in 1807; In the next year, on orders from Paris, the house at
Warsaw and three other houses which Clement had founded were
suppressed, anti the Redemptorists were expelled from the Grand
Duchy. Clement with one companion went to Vienna, where for the
last twelve years of his life he acted as chaplain and director
at an Ursuline convent. During these years he exercised a
veritable apostolate among all classes in the capital from the
Emperor Francis downward. Unable to found a regular house of his
congregation, which was however established, as he had
predicted, almost immediately after his death, he devoted
himself in a special way to the conversion and training of young
men. "I know but three men of superhuman energy", his friend
Werner had said, "Napoleon, Goethe, and Clement Hofbauer."
"Religion in Austria", said Pius VII, "has lost its chief
support." Indeed it was to Clement Hofbauer perhaps more than to
any single individual that the extinction of Josephinism was
due. He was beatified by Leo XIII, 29 January, 1888; (See
AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY, II, 129.)
His life in German by HARINGER, translated into English by LADY
HERBERT (New York, 1883). Another life by O. R. VASSALL PHILLIPS
(New York, 1893); BERTHE, Saint Alphonse de Liguori (Paris,
1900), tr. Life of St. Alphonsus de Liguori (Dublin, 1905).
J. MAGNIER.
Clement of Alexandria
Clement of Alexandria
(Properly TITUS FLAVIUS CLEMENS, but known in church history by
the former designation to distinguish him from Clement of Rome).
Date of birth unknown; died about the year 215. St. Clement was
an early Greek theologian and head of the catechetical school of
Alexandria. Athens is given as the starting-point of his
journeyings, and was probably his birthplace. He became a
convert to the Faith and travelled from place to place in search
of higher instruction, attaching himself successively to
different masters: to a Greek of Ionia, to another of Magna
Graecia, to a third of Coele-Syria, after all of whom he
addressed himself in turn to an Egyptian, an Assyrian, and a
converted Palestinian Jew. At last he met Pantaenus in
Alexandria, and in his teaching "found rest".
The place itself was well chosen. It was natural that Christian
speculation should have a home at Alexandria. This great city
was at the time a centre of culture as well as of trade. A great
university had grown up under the long-continued patronage of
the State. The intellectual temper was broad and tolerant, as
became a city where so many races mingled. The philosophers were
critics or eclectics, and Plato was the most favoured of the old
masters. Neo-Platonism, the philosophy of the new pagan
renaissance, had a prophet at Alexandria in the person of
Ammonius Saccas. The Jews, too, who were there in very large
numbers breathed its liberal atmosphere, and had assimilated
secular culture. They there formed the most enlightened colony
of the Dispersion. Having lost the use of Hebrew, they found it
necessary to translate the Scriptures into the more familiar
Greek. Philo, their foremost thinker, became a sort of Jewish
Plato. Alexandria was, in addition, one of the chief seats of
that peculiar mixed pagan and Christian speculation known as
Gnosticism. Basilides and Valentinus taught there. It is no
matter of surprise, therefore, to find some of the Christians
affected in turn by the scientific spirit. At an uncertain date,
in the latter half of the second century, "a school of oral
instruction" was founded. Lectures were given to which pagan
hearers were admitted, and advanced teaching to Christians
separately. It was an official institution of the Church.
Pantaenus is the earliest teacher whose name has been preserved.
Clement first assisted and then succeeded Pantaenus in the
direction of the school, about A.D. 190. He was already known as
a Christian writer before the days of Pope Victor (188-199).
About this time he may have composed the "Hortatory Discourse to
the Greeks" (Protreptikos pros Ellenas) It is a persuasive
appeal for the Faith, written in a lofty strain. The discourse
opens with passages which fall on the ear with the effect of
sweet music. Amphion and Arion by their minstrelsy drew after
them savage monsters and moved the very stones; Christ is the
noblest minstrel. His harp and Iyre are men. He draws music from
their hearts by the Holy Spirit: nay, Christ is Himself the New
Canticle, whose melody subdues the fiercest and hardest natures.
Clement then proceeds to show the transcendence of the Christian
religion. He constrasts Christianity with the vileness of pagan
rites and with the faint hope of pagan poetry and philosophers.
Man is born for God. The Word calls men to Himself. The full
truth is found in Christ alone. The work ends with a description
of the God-fearing Christian. He answers those who urge that it
is wrong to desert one's ancestral religion.
The work entitled "Outlines" (Hypotyposeis) is likewise believed
to be a production of the early activity of Clement. It was
translated into Latin by Rufinus under the title
"Dispositiones". It was in eight books, but is no longer extant,
though numerous fragments have been preserved in Greek by
Eusebius, Oecumenius, Maximus Confessor, John Moschos, and
Photius. According to Zahn, a Latin fragment, "Adumbrationes
Clementis Alexandrini in epistolas canonicas", translated by
Cassiodorus and purged of objectionable passages, represents in
part the text of Clement. Eusebius represents the "Outlines" as
an abridged commentary, with doctrinal and historical remarks on
the entire Bible and on the non-canonical "Epistle of Barnabas"
and "Apocalypse of Peter". Photius, who had also read it
describes it as a series of explanations of Biblical texts
especially of Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, Ecclesiastes and the
Pauline and Catholic Epistles. He declares the work sound on
some points, but adds that it contains "impieties and fables",
such as the eternity of matter, the creatureship of the Word,
plurality of words (Logoi), Docetism, metempsychosis, etc.
Conservative scholars are inclined to believe that Photius has
thrown the mistakes of Clement, whatever they may have been,
into undue relief. Clement's style is difficult, his works are
full of borrowed excerpts, and his teaching is with difficulty
reduced to a coherent body of doctrine. And this early work,
being a scattered commentary on Holy Writ, must have been
peculiarly liable to misconstruction. It is certain that several
of the more serious charges can rest upon nothing but mistakes.
At any rate, his extant writings show Clement in a better light.
Other works of his are the "Miscellanies" (Stromateis) and "The
Tutor" (Paidagogos). The "Miscellanies" comprise seven entire
books, of which the first four are earlier than "The Tutor".
When he had finished this latter work he returned to the
"Miscellanies", which he was never able to finish. The first
pages of the work are now missing. What has been known as the
eighth book since the time of Eusebius is nothing more than a
collection of extracts drawn from pagan philosophers. It is
likely, as von Annin has suggested, that Clement had intended to
make use of these materials together with the abridgement of
Theodotus (Excerpts from Theodotus and the Eastern School of
Valentinus) and the "Eclogae Propheticae". Extracts from the
Prophets (not extracts, but notes at random on texts or
Scriptural topics) for the continuation of the "Miscellanies".
In the "Miscellanies" Clement disclaims order and plan. He
compares the work to a meadow where all kinds of flowers grow at
random and, again, to a shady hill or mountain planted with
trees of every sort. In fact, it is a loosely related series of
remaks, possibly notes of his lectures in the school. It is the
fullest of Clement's works. He starts with the importance of
philosophy for the pursuit of Christian knowledge. Here he is
perhaps defending his own scientific labours from local
criticism of conservative brethren. He shows how faith is
related to knowledge, and emphasizes the superiority of
revelation to philosophy. God's truth is to be found in
revelation, another portion of it in philosophy. It is the duty
of the Christian to neglect neither. Religious science, drawn
from his twofold source, is even an element of perfection, the
instructed Christian -- "the true Gnostic" is the perfect
Christian. He who has risen to this height is far from the
disturbance of passion; he is united to God, and in a mysterious
sense is one with Him. Such is the line of thought indicated in
the work, which is full of digressions.
"The Tutor" is a practical treatise in three books. Its purpose
is to fit the ordinary Christian by a disciplined life to become
an instructed Christian. In ancient times the paedagogus was the
slave who had constant charge of a boy, his companion at all
times. On him depended the formation of the boy's character.
such is the office of the Word Incarnate towards men. He first
summons them to be HIS, then He trains them in His ways. His
ways are temperate, orderly, calm, and simple. Nothing is too
common or trivial for the Tutor's care. His influence tells on
the minute details of life, on one's manner of eating, drinking,
sleeping, dressing, taking recreation, etc. The moral tone of
this work is kindly; very beautiful is the ideal of a
transfigured life described at the close. In the editions of
Clement "The Tutor" is followed by two short poems, the second
of which, addressed to the Tutor, is from some pious reader of
the work; the first, entitled "A Hymn of the Saviour Christ"
(Hymnos tou Soteros Christou), is, in the manuscripts which
contain it, attributed to Clement. The hymn may be the work of
Clement (Bardenhewer). or it may be of as early a date as the
Gloria in Excesis (Westcott).
Some scholars see in the chief writings of Clement, the
"Exhortation", "The Tutor", the "Miscellanies", a great trilogy
representing a graduated initiation into the Christian life --
belief, discipline, knowledge -- three states corresponding to
the three degrees of the neo-Platonic mysteries -- purification,
initiation, and vision. Some such underlying conception was
doubtless before the mind of Clement, but it can hardly be said
to have been realized. He was too unsystematic. Besides these
more irnportant works, he wrote the beautiful tract, "Who is the
rich man who shall be saved? (tis ho sozomenos plousios). It is
an exposition of St. Mark, x, 17-31, wherein Clement shows that
wealth is not condemned by the Gospel as intrinsically evil; its
morality depends on the good or ill use made of it. The work
concludes with the narrative of the young man who was baptized,
lost, and again rewon by the Apostle St. John. The date of the
composition cannot be fixed. We have the work almost in its
entirety. Clement wrote homilies on fasting and on evil
speaking, and he also used his pen in the controversy on the
Paschal question.
Duchesne (Hist. ancienne de l'Eglise, I, 334 sqq.) thus
summarizes the remaining years of Clement's life. He did not end
his life at Alexandria. The persecution fell upon Egypt in the
year 202, and catechumens were pursued with special intent of
law. The catechetical school suffered accordingly. In the first
two books of the "Miscellanies", written at this time, we find
more than one allusion to the crisis. At length Clement felt
obliged to withdraw. We find him shortly after at Caesarea in
Cappadocia beside his friend and former pupil bishop Alexander.
The persecution is active there also, and Clement is fulfillmg a
ministry of love. Alexander is in prison for Christ's sake,
Clement takes charge of the Church in his stead, strengthens the
faithful, and is even able to draw in additional converts. We
learn this from a letter written in 211 or 212 by Alexander to
congratulate the Church of Antioch on the election Asclepiades
to the bishopric. Clement himself undertook to deliver the
letter in person, being known to the faithful of Antioch. In
another letter written about 215 to Origen Alexander speaks of
Clement as of one then dead.
Clement has had no notable influence on the course of theology
beyond his personal influence on the young Origen. His writings
were occasionally copied, as by Hippolytus in his "Chronicon",
by Arnobius, and by Theodoret of Cyrus. St. Jerome admired his
learning. Pope Gelasius in the catalogue attributed to him
mentions Clement's works, but adds, "they are in no case to be
received amongst us". Photius in the "Bibliotheca" censures a
list of errors drawn from his writings, but shows a kindly
feeling towards Clement, assuming that the original text had
been tampered with. Clement has in fact been dwarfed in history
by the towering grandeur of the great Origen, who succeeded him
at Alexandria. Down to the seventeenth century he was venerated
as a saint. His name was to be found in the martyrologies, and
his feast fell on the fourth of December. But when the Roman
Martyrology was revised by Pope Clement VIII his name was
dropped from the calendar on the advice of Cardinal Baronius.
Benedict XIV maintained this decision of his predecessor on the
grounds that Clement's life was little known that he had never
obtained public cultus in the Church, and that some of his
doctrines were, if not erroneous, at least suspect. In more
recent times Clement has grown in favour for his charming
literary temper, his attractive candour, the brave spirit which
made him a pioneer in theology, and his leaning to the claims of
philosophy. He is modern in spirit. He was exceptionally
well-read. He had a thorough knowledge of the whole range of
Biblical and Christian literature, of orthodox and heretical
works. He was fond of letters also, and had a fine knowledge of
the pagan poets and philosophers; he loved to quote them, too,
and has thus preserved a number of fragments of lost works. The
mass of facts and citations collected by him and pieced together
in his writings is in fact unexampled in antiquity, though it is
not unlikely that he drew at times upon the florilegia, or
anthologies, exhibiting choice passages of literature.
Scholars have found it no easy task to sum up the chief points
of Clement's teaching. As has already been intimated, he lacks
technical precision and makes no pretense to orderly exposition.
It is easy, therefore, to misjudge him. We accept the
discriminating judgment of Tixeront. Clement's rule of faith was
sound. He admitted the authority of the Church's tradition. He
would be, first of all, a Christian, accepting "the
ecclesiastical rule", but he would also strive to remain a
philosopher, and bring his reason to bear in matters of
religion. "Few are they", he said, "who have taken the spoils of
the Egyptians, and made of them the furniture of the
Tabernacle." He set himself, therefore, with philosophy as an
instrument, to transform faith into science, and revelation into
theology. The Gnostics had already pretended to possess the
science of faith, but they were, in fact, mere rationalists, or
rather dreamers of fantastic dreams. Clement would have nothing
but faith for the basis of his speculations. He cannot,
therefore, be accused of disloyalty in will. But he was a
pioneer in a diffficult undertaking, and it must be admitted
that he failed at times in his high endeavour. He was careful to
go to Holy Scripture for his doctrine; but he misused the text
by his faulty exegesis. He had read all the Books of the New
Testament except the Second Epistle of St. Peter and the Third
Epistle of St. John. "In fact", Tixeront says, "his evidence as
to the primitive form of the Apostolic writings is of the
highest value." Unfortunately, he interpreted the Scripture
after the manner of Philo. He was ready to find allegory
everywhere. The facts of the Old Testament became mere symbols
to him. He did not, howerer, permit himself so much freedom with
the New Testament.
The special field which Clement cultivated led him to insist on
the difference between the faith of the ordinary Christian and
the science of the perfect, and his teaching on this point is
most characteristic of him. The perfect Christian has an insight
into "the great mysteries" of man, of nature, of virtue -- which
the ordinary Christian accepts without clear insight. Clement
has seemed to some to exaggerate the moral worth of religious
knowledge; it must however be remembered that he praises not
mere sterile knowledge, but knowledge which turns to love. It is
Christian perfection that he extols. The perfect Christian --
the true Gnostic whom Clement loves to describe -- leads a life
of unalterable calm. And here Clement's teaching is undoubtedly
colored by Stoicism. He is really describing not so much the
Christian with his sensitive feelings and desires under due
control, but the ideal Stoic who has deadened his feelings
altogether. The perfect Christian leads a life of utter devotion
the love in his heart prompts him to live always in closest
union with God by prayer, to labour for the conversion of souls,
to love his enemies, and even to endure martyrdom itself.
Clement preceded the days of the Trinitarian controveries. He
taught in the Godhead three Terms. Some critics doubt whether he
distinguished them as Persons, but a careful reading of him
proves that he did. The Second Terrn of the Trinity is the Word.
Photius believed that Clement taught a plurality of Words,
whereas in reality Clement merely drew a distinction between the
Father's Divine immanent attribute of intelligence and the
Personal Word Who is the Son. The Son is eternally begotten, and
has the very attributes of the Father. They are but one God. So
far, in fact, does Clement push this notion of unity as to seem
to approach Modalism. And yet, so loose a writer is he that
elsewhere are found disquieting traces of the very opposite
error of Subordinationism. These, however, may be explained
away. In fact, he needs to be judged, more than writers
generally, not by a chance phrase here or there, but by the
general drift of his teaching. Of the Holy Ghost he says little,
and when he does refer to the Third Person of the Blessed
Trinity he adheres closely to the language of Scripture. He
acknowledges two natures in Christ. Christ is the Man-God, who
profits us both as God and as man. Clement evidently regards
Christ as one Person -- the Word. Instances of the interchange
of idioms are frequent in his writings. Photius has accused
Clement of Docetism. Clement, however, clearly admits in Christ
a real body, but he thought this body exempt from the common
needs of life, as eating and drinking, and the soul of Christ
exempt from the movement of the passions, of joy, and of
sadness.
EDITIONS
The works of Clement of Alexandria were first edited by P.
Victorius (Florence,1550). The most complete edition is that of
J. Potter, "Clementis Alexandrini opera quae extant omnia"
(Oxford, 1715; Venice, 1757), reproduced in Migne, P.G. VIII,
IX. The edition of G. Dindort (Oxford, 1869) is declared
unsatisfactory by competent judges. A new complete edition by O.
Stahlin is appearing in the Berlin "Griechisehen christlichen
Schriftsteller", etc. So far (1908) two volumes have been
published: the "Protrepticus" and the "Paedagogus" (Leipzig,
1905), and the "Stromata" (Bks. I -VI, ibid., 1906). The preface
to the first volume (pp. 1-83) contains the best account of the
manuscripts and editions of Clement. Among the separate editions
of his works the following are noteworthy: Hort and Mayor,
"Miscellanies", Bk. VII, with English translation (London,
1902); Zahn, "Adumbrationes" in "Forschungen zur Geschiehte des
Neutestamentlichen Kanons", III, and "Supplementum Clementinum"
(Erlangen, 1884); Koester, "Quis dives salvetur?" (Freiburg,
1893). The last-mentioned work was also edited by P.M. Barnard
in "Cambridge Texts and Studies" by W. Wilson (1897), and
translated by him in "Early Church Classics" for the S.P.C.K.
(London, 1901). For an English translation of all the writings
of Clement see Ante-Nicene Christian Library (New York).
FRANCIS P. HAVEY
St. Clement of Ireland
St. Clement of Ireland
Also known as CLEMENS SCOTUS (not to be confounded with Claudius
Clemens).
Born in Ireland, towards the middle of the eighth century, died
perhaps in France, probably after 818. About the year 771 he set
out for France. His biographer, an Irish monk of St. Gall, who
wrote his Acts, dedicated to Charles the Fat (d. 888), says that
St. Clement with his companion Albinus, or Ailbe, arrived in
Gaul in 772, and announced himself as a vender of learning. So
great was the fame of Clement and Ailbe that Charlemane sent for
them to come to his court, where they stayed for some months.
Ailbe was then given the direction of a monastery near Pavia,
but Clement was requested to remain in France as the master of a
higher school of learning. These events may have taken place in
the winter of the year 774, after Charlemagne had been in Italy.
St. Clement was regent of the Paris school from 775 until his
death. It was not until 782 that Alcuin became master of the
royal school at Aachen, but even the fame of Alcuin in no wise
diminished the acknowledged reputation of Clement. No serious
writer of today thinks of repeating the legend to the effect
that St. Clement was founder of the University of Paris, but, as
there is a substratum of truth in most legends, the fact remains
that this remarkable Irish scholar planted the mustard seed
which developed into a great tree of learning at Paris. Many
anecdotes are related of St. Clement's life, especially as
regards his success as a teacher of youth. Among his pupils were
Bruno, Modestus, and Candidus, who had been placed under his
care in 803 by Ratgar, Abbot of Fulda. When Alcuin retired to
Tours in 796, his post as rector of the School of the Palace was
naturally given to St. Clement. In 803, as an old man, Alcuin
wrote from his retirement to Charlemagne, querulously commenting
on "the daily increasing infuence of the Irish at the School of
the Palace". Alcuin died 19 May 804, and Charlemagne survived
till 28 January 814. St. Clement is probably identical with the
person of this name who wrote the biography of Charlemagne, but
the question has not been definitely settled. Colgan says that
he was living in 818, and gives the date of Clement's death as
20 March and the place as Auxerre where he was interred in the
church of Saint-Amator.
W.H. GRATTAN-FLOOD
Maurice Clenock
Maurice Clenock
(Or Clynog.)
Date of birth unknown; died about 1580. He was b. in Wales and
educated at Oxford, where he was admitted Bachelor of Canon Law
in 1548. During Mary's reign he became almoner and secretary to
Cardinal Pole, prebendary of York, rector of Orpington (Kent),
and dean of Shoreham and Croydon, and chancellor of the
prerogative court of Canterbury. In 1556 he was made rector or
Corwen in the Diocese of St. Asaph, and on the death of the
Bishop of Bangor in 1558 was nominated to the vacant see, but
was never consecrated, owing to the change of religion under
Elizabeth. Surrendering all his preferments, he accompanied
Bishop Goldwell of St. Asaph to Rome, where they resided in the
English hospital, of which Clenock was camerarius in 1567. In
1578 he was made its warden. At the sme time Gregory XIII
ordered the hospital to be converted into a college until Englad
should return to the Church. The warden was made the first
rector of the college by the pope; but Cardinal Allen judged him
unfit, thought he described him as "an honest and friendly man
and a great advancer of the students' and seminaries' cause"
(Letter to Dr. Lewis, 12 May 1579). Depsite his personal good
qualities he did not prove a competent ruler. He was accused of
unduly favouring his fellow-countrymen at the expense of the
English students, who numbered thirty-three as against seven
Welshmen. Feeling ran so high that, as Allen wrote, "Mischief
and murder had like to have been committed in ipso collegio"
(letter cited above). The students, having unsuccessfully
appealed to the pope, left the college, and finally the pope, in
April, 1579, appointed Father Agazzari, S. J., rector, leaving
Dr. Clenock still warden of the hospital. He retired, however,
in 1580 to Rouen, where he took ship for Spain, but was lost at
sea. In contemporary documents he is frequently referred to as
"Dr. Morrice".
Dodd, Church History (Brussels, 1737), I, 513, also Tierney's
edition (London, 1839), II, 167 sqq.; Kirk, Catholic Miscellany
(London, 1826), VI 255; Knox, Historical Introduction to Douay
Diaries (London, 1878); Foley, Records Eng. Prov. S.J. (London,
1880), Introduction; Knox Letters and Memorials of Cardinal
Allen (London, 1882); Gillow, Bibl. Dict. Eng. Cath. (London,
1885), I, 501; Cooper in Dict. Nat. Biog. (London, 1887), XI 37;
Law, Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Elizabeth (London,
1889); Sander, Report to Cardinal Moroni in Cath. Record Soc.
Miscellanea (London, 1905), I; Parsons, Memoirs in Cath. Record
Soc. Miscellanea (London, 1906), II.
EDWIN BURTON
Cleophas
Cleophas
According to the Catholic English versions the name of two
persons mentioned in the New Testament. In Greek, however, the
names are different, one being Cleopas, abbreviated form of
Cleopatros, and the other Clopas. The first one, Cleopas, was
one of the two disciples to whom the risen Lord appeared at
Emmaus (Luke, xxiv, 18). We have no reliable data concerning
him; his name is entered in the martyrology on the 25th of
September. (See Acta Sanctorum, Sept., VII, 5 sqq.) The second,
Clopas, is mentioned in St. John, xix, 25, where a Mary is
called Maria he tou Klopa, which is generally translated by
"Mary the wife of Clopas". This name, Clopas, is thought by many
to be the Greek transliteration of an Aramaic Alphaeus. This
view is based on the identification of Mary, the mother of James
etc. (Mark, xv, 40) with Mary, the wife of Clopas, and the
consequent identity of Alphaeus, father of James (Mark, iii,
18), with Clopas. Etymologically, however, the identification of
the two names offers serious difficulties: (1) Although the
letter Heth is occasionally rendered in Greek by Kappa at the
end and in the middle of words, it is very seldom so in the
beginning, where the aspirate is better protected; examples of
this, however, are given by Levy (Sem. Fremdwoerter in Griech.);
but (2) even if this difficulty was met, Clopas would suppose an
Aramaic Halophai, not Halpai. (3) The Syriac versions have
rendered the Greek Clopas with a Qoph, not with a Heth, as they
would have done naturally had they been conscious of the
identity of Clopas and Halpai; Alphaeus is rendered with Heth
(occasionally Aleph). For these reasons, others see in Clopas a
substitute for Cleopas, with the contraction of eo into w. In
Greek, it is true, eo is not contracted into w, but a Semite,
borrowing a name did not necessarily follow the rules of Greek
contraction. In fact, in Mishnic Hebrew the name Cleopatra is
rendered by Clopatra, and hence the Greek Cleopas might be
rendered by Clopas. See also, Chabot, "Journ. Asiat.", X, 327
(1897). Even if, etymologically, the two names are different
they may have been borne by one name, and the question of the
identity of Alphaeus and Clopas is still open. If the two
persons are distinct, then we know nothing of Clopas beyond the
fact recorded in St. John; if, on the contrary, they are
identified, Clopas' personality is or may be closely connected
with the history of the brethren of the Lord and of James the
Less. (See Brethren of the Lord; James The Less.)
Schegg, Jakobus der Bruder des Hern (Munich, 1883); Nicoll,
Alphaeus and Klopas in The Expositor (1885), 79 sqq; Wetzel,
Alphaeus u. Klopas in Theolog. Stud. u. Krit. (1883), 620 sq.;
Jaquier in Vig, Dict. de la Bib., s.v. Alphee; also commentaries
on John xix, 25.
R. BUTIN Mary Claire Lynch
Clerestory
Clerestory
A term formerly applied to any window or traceried opening in a
church, e. g. in an aisle, tower, cloister, or screen, but now
restricted to the windows in an aisled nave, or to the range of
wall in which the high windows are set. Sometimes these windows
are very small, being mere quatrefoils or spherical triangles.
In Large buildings, however, they are important features both of
beauty and utility. The clerestory is especially used in
churches where the division into nave and side aisles permits
the introduction of light into the body of the church from above
the aisle roofs. According to Fergusson's theory, the interior
of Greek temples was lighted by a clerestory, similar internally
to that found in the great Egyptian temples, but externally
requiring such a change of arrangement as was necessary to adapt
it to a sloping instead of a flat roof. This seems to have been
effected by countersinking into the roof, so as to make three
ridges in those parts where the light was admitted, though the
regular shape of the roof was retained between these openings.
Thus, neither the ridge nor the continuity of the lines of the
roof was interfered with. This theory is borne out by all the
remains of Greek temples that now exist, and by all the
descriptions that have been handed down from antiquity. Simpson,
however, regards the theory as extremely improbable.
FLETCHER AND FLETCHER, A History of Architecture (London, New
York, 1896), 690; GWILT, Encyc. of Arch. (London, 1881), 1648;
PARKER, Glossary of Arch. (Oxford, 1850), I. 104; STURGIS, Dict.
of Arch. and Building (London, 1904); FERGUSSON, A History of
Architecture in all Countries (New York); SIMPSON, A history of
Architectural Development (New York, 1905).
THOMAS H. POOLE.
Cleric
Cleric
A person who has been legitimately received into the ranks of
the clergy. By clergy in the strict sense is meant the entire
ecclesiastical hierarchy. Consequently a cleric is one who
belongs in some sense to the hierarchy. For this it is necessary
that he have received at least the tonsure (see TONSURE). The
clergy by Divine right form an order or state which is
essentially distinct from that of the laity. (Conc. Trid., Sess.
XXIV, De sac. ord., can. i, 6.) Christ did not commit the
preaching of the Gospel and the administration of the sacraments
to the faithful in general, but to certain carefully defined
persons, as the Apostles and seventy-two Disciples. They also
received the power of governing the flocks; which power is
represented by the Keys, a well-known Oriental symbol for
authority. That the distinction between clergy and laity was
recognized in New Testament times is plain from St. Paul's
statement that the bishops have been placed by the Holy Ghost to
rule the Church (Acts, xx, 28), for the right to rule implies a
correlative obligation to obey. Presbyters are continually
distinguished from the laity throughout the Pualine Epistles.
The word cleric (Lat., clericus from clerus) is derived from the
Greek kleros, a "lot". In the Septuagint, this word is used in
the literal sense quite frequently, though not in its later
technical sense. In the First Epistle of St. Peter (v, 3) it is
applied to entire body of the faithful. The use of the word in
its present restricted meaning occurs, however, as early as the
third century. It is found in Tertullian (De idol., c. viii),
Origen (Hom. in Jer., xi, 3) and Clement of Alexandria (Quis
dives salvetur, c. xlii) in this sense. It is not easy to
determine exactly how the word came to have its present
determinate meaning. The "Pontificale Romanum" refers to clerics
as being those whose "lot" is the Lord Himself, and St. Jerome
explicitly derives the name from that fact. These statements do
not give us, however, the steps by which kleros, "lot" became
"clergy" or "cleric". Probably the best suggested explanation
is, that from lot or portion, it came to mean a particular lot
or office assigned to some one, and finally the person himself
possessing the lot or office.
EXTENSION OF MEANING
While cleric in its strict sense means one who has received the
ecclesiastical tonsure, yet in general sense it is also employed
in canon law for all to whom clerical privileges have been
extended. Such are the members of religious orders: Monks and
nuns, and even lay brothers and novices. It is also applied to
tertiaries of the mendicant orders. If they be men, however,
they must live in community, but if they be women they many
enjoy the privilege even when living at home. Hermits and
virgins, or celibates whose vows are approved by the bishop,
have likewise clerical immunities. Members of the military
religious orders, such as formerly the Knights Templars, and at
present the Teutonic Knights and Knights of Malta, rank as
clerics. The meaning of the word has been so extended as to
include even laics, men or women, who render service to a
regular community, such as by begging, provided they wear a
clerical dress and reside near the monastery or convent. The
privileges enjoyed by thus obtaining the benefit of clergy were
once great (see IMMUNITY), and were formerly recognized by
secular governments. In modern times, however, these privileges
in as far as they were guaranteed by the civil power have been
almost entirely swept away in every country of the world. It is
only when there is question of favours, or as canonists say, in
a favourable sense, that cleric has this wide signification.
When there is question of penalties, on the contrary, it becomes
so restricted as to mean only the lower orders of the secular
clergy. In England in medieval times the term clerk acquired in
common parlance the significance of an educated man.
CLERICAL RELIGIOUS ORDERS
Among the regular orders in the strict sense, namely those whose
members have solemn vows, is a large class designated as clerks
regular (clerici regulares) because living according to a rule
(regula). In contradistinction to the monastic orders, these
clerical orders were instituted for the purpose of exercising a
ministry similar to that of the secular clerics, by promotion of
the Divine worship and procuring the salvation of souls. Their
main object is the spiritual and temporal service of their
neighbour in educating youth, preaching, serving the sick, etc.
Orders of clerks regular were first founded in the sixteenth
century. To this class belong the Jesuits, Theatines,
Barnabites, and others. Many religious congregations, which are
not orders in the strict sense, such as the Passionists and
Redemptorists follow a similar mode of life.
REGIONARY CLERICS
Regionary clerics, who are also called clerici vagantes and
acephali, were those who were ordained without title to a
special church. They were received into the sacred ministry by
the bishops for the purpose of supplying the dearth of the
clergy in the outlying districts of the dioceses where no
benefices existed. Here they were to act as missionaries and in
course of time, if possible, to gather together congregations
who would build and endow a church. Many of these clerics became
mere wanderers without settled occupation or abode, sometimes
supporting themselves by filling temporary chaplaincies in the
castles of noblemen. In course of time, numbers of these
untitled clerics returned to the settled portions of their
dioceses and acted as assistants to such beneficed clergymen as
chose to accept their help. Owing to the abuses arising from the
unsettled state of these vagrant clerics, the Council of Trent
(Sess, XXIII, c. xvi, De ref.) forbade the ordaining in future
of any candidate who was not attached to a definite church or
pious institute.
OBLIGATIONS OF CLERICS
(1) They must wear a costume suited to their state. While the
common canon law does not determine in every detail what the
dress of clerics should be, yet many and various prescriptions
on the subject are found in the canons, the pontifical
constitutions, and the decrees of councils. These ordain that
the clerics are not to wear the dress of laymen. They must
abstain from gaudy colours, unbecoming their state. The wearing
of the soutane or cassock on all occasions, even in public, is
prescribed for clerics living in Rome, and bishops may command
the same in their dioceses. In non-Catholic countries, synods
generally prescribe that for public use the dress of clerics
should be such as to distinguish them from laymen; that is of
black or of a sober colour, and that the so-called Roman collar
be worn. In private, clergymen are commonly required to wear the
soutane.
(2) Clerics are forbidden to engage in trade and secular
business. In the early ages of the Church, it was allowable to
seek necessary sustenance by labour, and that is not forbidden
now if the cleric does not receive proper support from
ecclesiastical sources. What is specially prohibited is to
engage in trade for the sake of gain. The buying and selling,
however, which is necessary in the administration of the lands
or the goods of a benefice do not fall under the prohibition.
Neither is it forbidden to clerics nowadays to place their money
out at interest and receive the increment; for this is
equivalent, allowing for modern circumstances, to the economic
management of the lands of ecclesiastical benefices. Gambling in
stocks, however, remains an illicit form of trade for clergymen
(Lehmkuhl, Theol. Mor., II, n. 612).
(3) There are stringent laws concerning the relations of clerics
with persons of the other sex. They must conform to the canons
in all that regards allowing females to dwell in their houses.
Above all must they avoid associating with those whose moral
character causes the least suspicion.
(4) Unbecoming amusements are also forbidden to them, such as
the frequenting of improper plays and spectacles, the visiting
of taverns, indulgence in games of chance, carrying of arms,
following the chase, etc. When in the above amusements, however,
there is no necessary impropriety, lawful custom and synodal
prescriptions may make a participation in them allowable.
(5) Clerics are bound to obey their diocesan bishops in all
matters determined by the canon law. Various Roman decisions
have declared that by his ordinary authority, the bishop cannot
oblige clerics to render to him any service not expressed in the
canons. While the obligation of obedience is binding on all
clerics, it is strengthened for priests by the solemn promise
made at ordination, and for all holders of benefices by the
canonical oath. The obligation to be subject to the bishop in
lawful matters is not, however, a vow.
LOSS OF CLERICAL PRIVILEGES
Although the sacramental character received in Sacred orders may
not be obliterated, yet even the higher orders of clergy may be
degraded from their dignity and reduced to what is technically
called lay communion. The same holds, of course, likewise for
the lower clergy. When, however, a cleric who has received only
minor orders or even tonsure, after losing his privileges, has
been restored to the clerical state, this restitution, even when
solemn, is merely ceremonious and is not considered as a new
conferring of tonsure or minor orders. Even minor clerics are
therefore considered to have a stable connection with the
hierarchical order. See MINOR ORDERS; DEACON; SUBDEACON; PRIEST;
HIERARCHY; LAITY.
WERNZ, Jus Decretalium (Rome, 1899), II; FERRARIS, Prompta Bibl. (Rome, 1886),
II; LAURENTIUS, Inst. Jur. Eccl. (Freiburg, 1903).
WILLIAM H.W. FANNING
Giovanni Clericato
Giovanni Clericato
Canonist, born 1633, at Padua; died 1717. He was of English
descent, and the name is variously written CLERICATUS,
CHERICATO, CHERICATI, and CHIERICATO, probably from CLARK, the
original family name. The charity of a pious woman made it
possible for him to satisfy his strong inclination for study;
and, being raised to the priesthood he came to be considered one
of the ablest men of his time in matters of ecclesiastical
jurisprudence. Cardinal Barbarigo, whose life he afterwards
wrote, made him Vicar-General of the Diocese of Padua. He wrote
many works on civil and canon law; his "Decisiones
Sacramentales" was published in 1727, and in 1757 in three
volumes, and merited the encomiums of Benedict XIV (notific. 32,
n. 6). His name is held in honour in Italian ecclesiastical
literature.
MORERI, Gr. Dict. Hist. (Paris, 1759); SBERTI, Memorie (Padua,
1790); TIRABOSCHI, Storia della Lett. Ital. (Milan, 1825).
JOHN H. STAPLETON.
Clericos Laicos
Clericis Laicos
The initial words of a Bull issued 25 Feb., 1296, by Boniface
VIII in response to an earnest appeal of the English and French
prelates for protection against the intolerable exactions of the
civil power (see Boniface VIII.) The decree was inserted among
the papal decretals and is found in Lib. Sextus, III, tit. 23.
After a preamble in which the pope complains that the laity are,
and have always been, bitterly hostile to the clergy; that,
although they possess no authority over ecclesiastical persons
or property, they impose all sorts of heavy burdens on the
clergy and seek to reduce them to servitude; that several
prelates and other dignitaries of the Church, more fearful of
giving offence to their earthly rulers than to the majesty of
God, acquiesce in these abuses, without having obtained
authority or permission from the Apostolic See; he, therefore,
wishing to put an end to these iniquitous proceedings, with the
consent of his cardinals and by Apostolic authority decrees that
all prelates or other ecclesiastical superiors who under
whatsoever pretext or colour shall, without authority from the
Holy See, pay to laymen any part of their income or of the
revenue of the Church; also all emperors, kings, dukes, counts,
etc. who shall exact or receive such payments incur eo ipso the
sentence of excommunication from which, except in articulo
mortis, no one can absolve them without special faculties from
the pope; no privileges or dispensations to be of avail against
the decree.
The two underlying principles of this Bull, viz. (1) that the
clergy should enjoy equally with the laity the right of
determining the need and the amount of their subsidies to the
Crown, and (2) that the head of the Church ought to be consulted
when there was question of diverting the revenues of the Church
to secular purposes, were by no means strange or novel in that
age of Magnae Chartae; and outside of France and England it was
accepted without a murmur. But what excited the wrath of the two
chief culprits, Philip the Fair and Edward I, was that from its
fiery tone, from the express mention of sovereigns, and the
grave ipso facto penalties attached, they felt that behind the
decree there stood a new Hildebrand resolved to enforce it to
the letter. The Bull has been criticized for the unconventional
vehemence of its tone, for its exaggerated indictment of the
hostile attitude of the laity of all ages towards the clergy,
and for its failure to make clear the distinction between the
revenues of the purely ecclesiastical benefices and the lay fees
held by the clergy on feudal tenure. The unscrupulous advisers
of Philip the Fair were quick to take advantage of the pope's
hasty language and, by forcing him to make explanations, put him
on the defensive and weakened his prestige.
For sources and literature, see BONIFACE VIII.
James F. Loughlin
John Clerk
John Clerk
Bishop of Bath and Wells; date of birth unknown; died 3 January,
1541. He was educated at Cambridge (B. A., 1499; M A., 1502) and
Bologna, where he became Doctor of Laws. When he returned to
England he attached himself to Cardinal Wolsey, and much
preferment followed. He became Rector of Hothfield, Kent, 1508;
Master of the Maison Dieu at Dover, 1509; Rector of Portishead
(Somerset) 1513; Ivychurch (Kent), West Tarring (Sussex), and
Charlton, all in 1514; South Molton (Devonshire) and Archdeacon
of Colohester, 1519; Dean of Windsor and judge in the Court of
Star Chamber, 1519. He was also Dean of the King's Chapel. He
was useful in diplomatic commissions both to Wolsey and the
king. In 1521 he was appointed ambassador to the Papal Court, in
which capacity he presented King Henry's book against Luther to
the pope in full consistory. He acted as Wolsey's agent in Rome
in the conclave on the death of Leo X. He returned to England to
be appointed Master of the Rolls in October, 1522, which office
he held till 9 October, 1523. When Wolsey resigned the See of
Bath and Wells, in 1523, Clerk was appointed bishop in his
stead. As bishop-elect he went on another political embassy to
Rome, where he received episcopal consecration, 6 December,
1523. He remained in Rome for two years and once more
unsuccessfully represented Wolsey's interests at the conclave in
which Clement VII was elected pope. He left Rome in November,
1525, but was so useful as a diplomatic agent that he was never
long in England, and his diocese was administered by his two
suffragan bishops. When the question of the royal divorce was
raised Clerk was appointed as one of the queen's counsellors,
but Wolsey persuaded him to agree on her behalf that she should
withdraw from proceedings at Rome. Afterwards he joined in
pronouncing sentence of divorce, and is believed to have
assisted Cranmer in works on the supremacy and the divorce. His
last embassy was in 1540, to the Duke of Cleves, to explain the
king's divorce of Anne of Cleves. On his return he was taken ill
at Dunkirk, not without suspicion of poison, but he managed to
reach England, though only to die. He lies buried at St.
Botolph's, Aldgate, not at Dunkirk, as sometimes stated.
Clerk wrote "Oratio pro Henrico VIII apud Leonem pontif. Max. in
exhibitione operis regii contra Lutherum in consistonio habitam"
(London, 1541), translated into English by T. W. (Thomas
Warde?), 1687.
Letters and State Papers of Henry VIII (London, 1830-52);
CHERBURY, Life and Reign of Henry VIII (London, 1714); HUNT in
Dict. of Nat. Biogr., s. v.; DODD, Church Hist. (London, 1737),
I, 181-2; COOPER, Athenae. Cantab. (Cambridge, 1858), I, 77;
GILLOW, Bibl. Dict. Eng. Cath. The account of PITTS, De Ang.
Scriptoribus (Paris, 1619), is erroneous.
EDWIN BURTON.
Agnes Mary Clerke
Agnes Mary Clerke
Astronomer, born at Skibbereen, County Cork, Ireland, 10
February, 1842; died in London, 20 January 1907. At the very
beginning of her study she showed a marked interest in
astronomy, and before she was fifteen years old she had begun to
write a history of that science. In 1861 the family moved to
Dublin, and in 1863 to Queenstown. Several years later she went
to Italy where she stayed until 1877, chiefly at Florence,
studying at the public library and preparing for literary work.
In 1877 she settled in London. Her first important article,
"Copernicus in Italy", was published in the "Edinburgh Review"
(October, 1877). She achieved a wold-wide reputation in 1885, on
the appearance of her exhaustive treatise, "A Popular History of
Astronomy in the Nineteenth Century". This was at once
recognized as an authoritative work. Miss Clerke was not a
practical astronomer; in 1888, however, she spent three months
at the Cape Observatory as the guest of the director, Sir David
Gill, and his wife. There she became sufficiently familiar with
spectroscopic work to be enabled to write about this newer
branch of the science with increased clearness and confidence.
In 1892 the Royal Institution awarded to her the Actonian Prize
of one hundred guineas. As a member of the British Astronomical
Association she attended its meetings regularly, as well as
those of the Royal Astronomical Society. In 1903, with Lady
Huggins, she was elected an honorary member of the Royal
Astronomical Society, a rank previously held only by two other
women, Caroline Herschel and Mary Somerville. Her work is
remarkable in a literary as well as in a scientific way. She
compiled facts with untiring diligence, sifted them carefully,
discussed them with judgment, and suggested problems and lines
of future research. All this is expressed in polished, eloquent,
and beautiful language. With this scientific temperament she
combined a noble religious nature that made her acknowledge
"with supreme conviction" the insufficiency of science to know
and predict the possible acts of Divine Power. Her works, all
published in London, include, "A Popular History of Astronomy in
the Nineteenth Century" (1885, 4th revised ed., 1902); "The
System of the Stars" (1890; 2nd ed., 1905); "The Herschels and
Modern Astronomy" (1895); "The Concise Knowledge Astronomy" --
in conjunction with J. E. Gore and A. Fowler (1898); "Problems
in Astrophysics" (1903); "Modern Cosmogonies" (1906). To the
"Edinburgh Review" she contributed fifty-five articles, mainly
on subjects connected with astrophysics. The articles on
astronomers in the "Dictionary of National Biography"; on
"Laplace" and some on other astronomers and astronomical
subjects in the "Encyclopaedia Britannica"; and on "Astronomy"
in The Catholic Encyclopedia were from her pen, as well as
numerous contributions to "Knowledge", "The Observatory", the
London "Tablet", and other periodicals.
The Tablet, files (London, March, 1906; January, 1907); Obituary
in Monthly Notices of the R.A.S. (London, 1907); Macpherson in
Popular Astronomy (London, March, 1907); The Messenger Magazine
(New York, March, 1907).
WILLIAM FOX
Ellen Mary Clerke
Ellen Mary Clerke
Sister of preceding, journalist and novelist, b. at Skibbereen,
County Cork, Ireland, 1840; d. in London, 2 March 1906. A gifted
and accomplished writer, she was for many years an editorial
writer for the London "Tablet". Her knowledge of the intricacies
of the religious and political problems of Continental Europe
was remarkable. A seven years' stay in Italy made her intimately
familiar not only with its language and literature, but also
with every phase of its public life. She contributed a series of
stories, perfect in Italian phrase, idiom, and local colour, to
periodicals in Florence. Her pamphlets, "Jupiter and His System"
and "The Planet Venus", were valuable additions to the
literature of popular astronomy. In 1899 she published "Fable
and Song in Italy", a collection of essays and studies and
specimens of Italian poetry rendered into English in the
original metres. A novel, "Flowers of Fire" (1902), was her last
work.
WILLIAM FOX
Clerks Regular
Clerks Regular
Canonical Status
By clerks regular are meant those bodies of men in the Church
who by the very nature of their institute unite the perfection
of the religious state to the priestly office, i.e. who while
being essentially clerics, devoted to the exercise of the
ministry in preaching, the administration of the sacraments, the
education of youth, and other spiritual and corporal works of
mercy, are at the same time religious in the strictest sense of
the word, professing solemn vows, and living a community life
according to a rule solemnly approved of by the sovereign
pontiff. In the Corpus Juris Canonici the term clerks regular is
often used for canons regular, and regular clerks are classed by
authors as a branch or modern adaptation of the once
world-famous family of regular canons (see CANONS AND CANONESSES
REGULAR). This is because of the intimate connection existing
between the two; for while separated from the secular clergy by
their vows and the observance of a community life and a rule,
they form a distinct class in the religious state, the clerical,
in opposition to the monastic, which includes monks, hermits,
and friars.
Clerks regular are distinguished from the purely monastic
bodies, or monks, in four ways:
+ They are primarily devoted to the sacred ministry; not so the
monks, whose proper work is contemplation and the solemn
celebration of the liturgy.
+ They are obliged to cultivate the sacred sciences, which, if
cultivated by the monks, are yet not imposed upon them by
virtue of their state of life.
+ Clerks regular as clerics must retain some appearance of
clerical dress distinct from the habit and cowl of the monk.
+ And lastly, because of their occupations, they are less given
to the practice of austerity which is a distinct feature of
the purely monastic life.
They are distinguished from the friars in this, that though the
latter are devoted to the sacred ministry and the cultivation of
learning, they are not primarily priests. Finally, clerks
regular differ from canons regular in that they do not possess
cathedral or collegiate churches, devote themselves more
completely to ministerial work in place of choir-service, and
have fewer penitential observances of rule.
History
The exact date at which clerks regular appeared in the Church
cannot be absolutely determined. Regular clerks of some sort,
i.e. priests devoted both to the exercise of the ministry and to
the practice of the religious life, are found in the earliest
days of Christian antiquity. Many eminent theologians hold that
the clerks regular were founded by Christ Himself. In this
opinion the Apostles were the first regular clerks, being
constituted by Christ ministers par excellence of His Church and
called by Him personally to the practice of the counsels of the
religious life (cf. Suarez). From the fact that St. Augustine in
the fourth century established in his house a community of
priests, leading the religious life, for whom he drew up a rule,
he has ordinarily been styled the founder of the regular clerks
and canons, and upon his rule have been built the constitutions
of the canons regular and an immense number of the religious
communities of the Middle Ages, besides those of the clerks
regular established in the sixteenth century. During the whole
medieval period the clerks regular were represented by the
regular canons who under the name of the Canons Regular or Black
Canons of St. Augustine, the Premonstratensians or White Canons,
Canons of St. Norbert, etc., shared with the monks the
possession of those magnificent abbeys and monasteries all over
Europe which, even though they are in ruins, compel the
admiration of the beholder.
It was not until the sixteenth century that clerks regular in
the modern and strictest sense of the word came into being. Just
as the conditions obtaining in the thirteenth century brought
about a change in the monastic ideal, so in the sixteenth the
altered circumstances of the times called for a fresh
development of the ever fecund religious spirit in the Church.
This development, adapted to the needs of the times, was had in
the various bodies of simple clerics, who, desirous of devoting
themselves more perfectly to the exercise of their priestly
ministry under the safeguards of the religious life, instituted
the several bodies which, under the names of the various orders
or regular clerics, constitute in themselves and in their
imitators one of the most efficient instruments for good in the
Church militant to-day. So successful and popular and well
adapted to all modern needs were the clerks regular, that their
mode of life was chosen as the pattern for all the various
communities of men, whether religious or secular, living under
rule, in which the Church has in recent times been so prolific.
The first order of clerks regular to be founded were the
Theatines (q.v.) established at Rome in 1524; then followed the
Clerks Regular of the Good Jesus, founded at Ravenna in 1526,
and abolished by Innocent X in 1651; the Barnabites (q.v.) or
Clerks Regular of St. Paul, Milan, 1530; The Somaschi (q.v.) or
Clerks Regular of St. Majolus, Somasca, 1532; the Jesuits or the
Society of Jesus, Paris, 1534; the Regular Clerks of the Mother
of God, Lucca, 1583; the Regular Clerks Ministering to the Sick,
Rome, 1584; the Minor Clerks Regular, Naples, 1588; and the
Piarists or Regular Clerks of the Mother of God of the Pious
Schools, Rome, 1597. Since the close of the sixteenth century no
new orders have been added to the number, though the name Clerks
Regular has been assumed occasionally by communities that are
technically only religious, or pious, congregations (see
CONGREGATIONS, RELIGIOUS).
SUAREZ, De Religione, tr. 9: HUMPHREY, Elements of Religious
Life (London, 1884); IDEM, The Religious State (London, 1903),
II; ANDRE-WAGNER, Dict. de droit canonique (Paris, 1901);
VERMEERSCH, De Religious Institutis et Personis (Bruges, 1904),
I; WERNZ, Jus Decretalium (Rome, 1899), III; HELYOT, Dict. des
ordres religieux (Paris, 1859), ed. MIGNE, III; HEIMBUCHER, Die
Orden und Kong. der kath. Kirche (Paderborn, 1907), III.
JOHN F.X. MURPHY
Clerks Regular of Our Saviour
Clerks Regular of Our Saviour
A religious congregation instituted in its present form in 1851,
at Benoite-Vaux in the Diocese of Verdun, France. The
constitutions and spirit of the congregation are those of the
Canons Regular of Our Saviour, who were established as a reform
among the various bodies of regular canons in Lorraine by St.
Peter Fourier, canon of Chamousay in 1623, and confirmed by
Urban VIII in 1628. The scope of the reformed order, as outlined
in the "Summarium Constitutionum" of St. Peter, was the
Christian education of youth and the exercise of the sacred
ministry among the poor and neglected. The order flourished
exceedingly throughout the Duchy of Lorraine and made its way
into France and Savoy; but was completely destroyed by the
French Revolution. In 1851 four zealous priests of the Diocese
of Verdun, anxious to see revived the apostolic labours of the
sons of Fourier, withdrew to the retired shrine of Our Lady of
Cenoite-Vaux, and there began a religious life according to the
rule given to his canons by St. Peter Fourier. Three years later
they received the approbation of the Holy See, which changed
their name from Canons Regular, the title of the earlier
organization to Clerks Regular. During the next half century the
congregation spread and it now numbers several houses, its
special work being the education of youth. The members of the
congregation are of three grades, priests, scholastics, and lay
brothers. Though possessing the title "clerks regular" they are
not such in the strict sense of the word, as their vows, though
perpetual, are simple, according to the present practice of the
Roman authorities of establishing no new institutes of solemn
vows.
HEIMBUCHER, Die Orden und Kong. der kath. Kirche (Paderborn,
1907), II, 47 sq.; HELYOT, Dict. des ordres religieux, (Paris,
1859), ed. MIGNE, IV.
JOHN F.X. MURPHY
Clerks Regular of the Mother of God of Lucca
Clerks Regular of the Mother of God of Lucca
Clerks Regular of the Mother of God of Lucca, a congregation
founded by the Blessed Giovanni Leonardi, son of middle-class
parents, who was born in 1541 at Diecimo, a small township in
the Republic of Lucca, though at that time the chief place of a
fief of the same name held by the bishops of Lucca from the
republic. At seventeen years of age he was sent to Lucca to
learn the apothecary's trade, but having from a tender age been
most piously inclined, he, after many difficulties, including
the necessity of educating himself, embraced the sacerdotal
state, and was ordained 22 December, 1572. His congregation may
be said to have begun in 1574. Two or three young laymen,
attracted by his sanctity and the sweetness of his character,
had gathered round him to submit themselves to his spiritual
guidance and help him in the work for the reform of manners and
the saving of souls which he had begun even as a layman.
Giovanni rented the beautiful little church of Santa Maria della
Rosa, and in a quarter close by, something like community life
was started. It was here, when it became evident that Giovanni's
lay helpers were preparing for the priesthood and that something
like a religious order was in process of formation, that a storm
of persecution broke out against the devoted founder. The
Fathers of the republic seem to have had a real fear that a
native religious order, if spread over Italy, would cause the
affairs of the little state to become too well known to its
neighbours. The persecution, however, was so effective and
lasting, that the Blessed Leonardi practically spent the rest of
his life in banishment from Lucca, only being now and again
admitted by special decree of the Senate, unwillingly extracted
under papal pressure. In 1580 Giovanni acquired secretly the
ancient church of Santa Maria Cortelandini (popularly known as
Santa Maria Nera) which his sons hold to this day. In 1583 the
congregation was canonically erected at the instigation of Pope
Gregory XIII by Bishop Alessandro Guidiccioni, of Lucca, and
confirmed by the Brief of Clement VIII "Ex quo divina majestas",
13 October, 1595.
The congregation at this time only took simple vows of chastity,
perseverance, and obedience, and was known as the "Congregation
of Clerks Secular of the Blessed Virgin". In 1596 Clement VIII
nominated the Blessed Giovanni commissary Apostolic for the
reform of the monks of the Order of Monte Vergine, and in 1601
the cardinal protector appointed him to carry out a similar work
among the Vallombrosans. In 1601 he obtained the church of S.
Maria in Portico in Rome. In the same year Cardinal Baronius
became protector of the congregation. Giovanni died in Rome 9
October, 1609, aged sixty-eight, and was buried in Santa Maria
in Portico. The present church of the congregation in Rome,
obtained in 1662, is Santa Maria in Campitelli (called also
Santa Maria in Portico) interesting to Englishmen as the first
titular church of the Cardinal of York. The body of the founder
was removed to this church and lies there under the altar of St.
John the Baptist. Giovanni Leonardi was declared Venerable in
1701, and beatified by Pius IX in 1861. Leo XIII, in 1893,
caused his name to be inserted in the Roman Martyrology and
ordered the clergy of Rome to say his Mass and Office, an honour
accorded to no other Blessed in that city except the beatified
popes. In 1614 Paul V confided to the congregation the care of
the so-called Pious Schools. It is in his Brief "Inter
Pastoralis" that the congregation is first called "of the Mother
of God", having until then been known by its original name of
"Clerks Secular of the Blessed Virgin". The care of these
schools being considered outside the scope of the congregation,
it was relieved of their charge by the same pontiff in 1617.
It was not until 1621 (3 November) that Gregory XV, carrying out
what was always in the founder's mind, erected the congregation
into a religious order proper by permitting its members to take
solemn vows, and it henceforth became the Clerks Regular of the
Mother of God. The Blessed Leonardi received many offers of
churches during his life, but with a view of conciliating the
governing body of the republic thought it better to refuse them.
In all its history the order has never had more than fifteen
churches, and never more than seven at one time. It was
introduced into Naples in 1632, Genoa 1669, and Milan 1709. The
only churches of the order now existing are Santa Maria
Cortelandini, Lucca; Santa Maria in Campitelli, Rome; Santa
Maria in Portico di Chiaja, and Santa Brigida, Naples; the
Madonna della Stella Migliano (1902); and the parish church of
S. Carlo in Monte Carlo (1873), the only church of the order
outside the borders of modern Italy. In the sacristy of Santa
Maria Cortelandini is preserved a large portion of a hair-shirt
of St. Thomas of Canterbury whose feast is celebrated there with
considerable ceremony; in 1908 half of this relic was presented
to the Benedictine Abbey of St. Thomas, Erdington, England. The
former residence of the clerks, who kept a large boys' school
until the suppression in 1867, is now the public library of
Lucca. Two of the original companions of the holy founder,
Cesare Franciotti and Giovanni Cioni, have been declared
Venerable. The order justly enjoys great fame for its learning
and its numerous scholars and writers. Suffice it to mention
Giovanni Domenico Mansi, editor of the "Councils" and a hundred
other works. The arms of the order are azure, Our Lady Assumed
into Heaven; and its badge and seal the monogram of the Mother
of God in Greek characters.
HELYOT, Hist. Ord. Rel., especially the Italian version by
FONTANA, clerk of this congregation (Lucca, 1738), IV, 268-295;
BONANNI, Cat. Ord. Relig., I; MARRACCI, Vita del V. P. Giovanni
Leonardi (Rome, 1673); GUERRA, La Vita del B. Giov. Leonardi
(Monza, 1895); BARBOSA, Jur. Eccl. Univ., I, xli, 162; Bullar.
Rom., III; SARTESCHI, De Scriptoribus Cong. Cler. Matris Dei.
MONTGOMERY CARMICHAEL.
Diocese of Clermont
Diocese of Clermont
(CLERMONT-FERRAND; CLAROMONTENSIS)
Comprises the entire department of Puy-de-Dome and is a
suffragan of Bourges. Although at first very extensive, in 1317
the diocese lost Haute-Auvergne through the creation of the
Diocese of Saint Flourandin 1822 the Bourbonnais, on account of
the erection of the Diocese of Moulins. The first Bishop of
Clermont was St. Austremonius (Stramonius). (See AUSTREMONIUS.)
According to local tradition he was one of the seventy-two
Disciples of Christ, by birth a Jew, who came with St. Peter
from Palestine to Rome and subsequently became the Apostle of
Auvergne, Berry, Nivernais, and Limousin. At Clermont he is said
to have converted the senator Cassius and the pagan priest
Victorinus, to have sent St. Sirenatus (Cerneuf) to Thiers, St.
Marius to Salers, Sts. Nectarius and Antoninus into other parts
of Auvergne, and to have been beheaded in 92. This tradition is
based on a life of St. Anstremonius written in the tenth century
in the monastery of Mozat, where the body of the saint had
rested from 761, and rewritten by the monks of Issoire, who
retained the saint's head. St. Gregory of Tours, born in
Auvergne in 544 and well versed in the history of that country,
looks upon Austremonius as one of the seven envoys who, about
250, evangelized Gaul; he relates how the body of the saint was
first interred at Issoire, being there the object of great
veneration.
Clermont counted amongst its bishops a large number of saints,
as St. Urbicus (c. 312); St. Leoguntius; St. Illidius (Allyre),
who, about 385, cured the daughter of the Emperor Maximus at
Trier; the saint's name was given to the petrifying springs of
Clermont, and his life was written by Gregory of Tours; St.
Nepotianus (died 388); St. Artemius (died about 394); St.
Venerandus (Veau, died about 423); St. Rusticus (424-46); St.
Namatius (446-62), founder of the Clermont cathedral, where he
deposited the relics of Sts. Vitalis and Agricola brought from
Bologna; Sidonius Apollinaris (470-79), the celebrated Christian
writer who brought to Clermont the priest St. Amabilis; St.
Aprunculus (died about 491); St. Euphrasius (491-515); St.
Quintianus (died about 527), whose life was written by Gregory
of Tours; St. Gallus (527-51), of whom Gregory of Tours was the
biographer and nephew; St. Avitus (second half of the sixth
century), founder of Notre Dame du Port; St. Caesarius (c. 627);
St. Gallus II (c. 650); St. Genesius (c. 660); St. Praejectus
(Prix), historian of the martyrs of Clermont and assassinated at
Volvic 25 January, 676; St. Avitus II (676-91); St. Bonitus,
intimate friend of Sigebert II (end of seventh century); St.
Stabilis (823-60). and St. Sigo (866). Among the Bishops of
Clermont should also be mentioned: Pierre de Cros (1301-04),
engaged by St. Thomas Aquinas to complete his "Summa"; Etienne
d'Albert (1340-42), later Pope Innocent VI (1352-62); Guillaume
du Prat (1528-60), founder of the Clermont College at Paris and
delegate of Francis I to the Council of Trent; and Massillon,
the illustrious orator (1717-42). The Diocese of Clermont can
likewise claim a number of monks whom the Church honours as
saints, viz: St. Calevisus (Calais, 460-541), a pupil in the
monastery of Menat near Riom, whence he retired to Maine, where
he founded the Abbey of Anisole; St. Maztius (died 527), founder
at Royat near Clermont of a monastery which became later a
Benedictine priory; St. Portianus (sixth century), founder of a
monastery to which the city of Saint-Pourc,ain (Allier) owes its
origin; St. Etienne de Muret (1046-1124), son of the Viscount of
Thiers and founder of the Order of Grandmont in Limousin, and
St. Peter the Venerable (1092-1156), of the Montboissier family
of Auvergue, noted as a writer and Abbot of Cluny.
Several famous Jansenists were natives of Clermont: Blaise
Pascal, author of the "Pensees" (1623-62); the Arnauld family,
and Soanen (1647-1740), Bishop of Senez, famous for his stubborn
opposition to the Bull "Unigenitus". On the other hand the city
of Riom was the birthplace of Sirmond, the learned Jesuit
(1559-1651), confessor to Louis XIII and editor of the ancient
councils of Gaul. Other natives worthy of mention in church
history were the Abbe Delille, poet (1738-1813), and Montlosier,
the publicist (1755-1838), famous for his memoir against the
Jesuits and to whom Bishop Ferou refused ecclesiastical burial.
Pope Urban II came to Clermont in 1095 to preside at the
organization of the First Crusade; Pope Paschal II visited the
city in 1106, Callistus II in 1120, Innocent II in 1130,
Alexander III in 1164, and, in 1166, St. Thomas Becket. It was
also at Clermont that, in 1262, in presence of St. Louis, the
marriage of Philip the Bold and Isabella of Aragon was
solemnized. The cathedral of Clermont, dating from the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, is not of equal
archaeological importance with the church of Notre-Dame du Port,
which stands to-day as it was rebuilt in the eleventh century,
and is one of the most beautiful of Romanesque churches in the
Auvergnese style. One of the capitals in Notre-Dame du Port,
ascribed to the eleventh century, is among the most ancient
sculptured representations of the Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin. This cathedral is much frequented as a place of
pilgrimage, as are also Notre Dame d'Orcival and Notre Dame de
Vassiviere at Besse. The "dry mass" (without Consecration or
Communion) was celebrated in the Diocese of Clermont as late as
the seventeenth century.
Before the Law of 1901 was carried into effect, there were in
the Diocese: Capuchins, Jesuits, Marists, Fathers of the African
Missions, Fathers of the Holy Ghost, and Sulpicians. Several
local congregations of women are engaged in teaching, among them
being the religious of Notre-Dame de Clermont, founded in 1835,
with mother-house at Chamalieres; the Sisters of St. Joseph of
the Good Shepherd, founded by Massillon in 1723, with
mother-house at Clermont; the Sisters of the Heart of the Infant
Jesus, mother-house at Lezoux; and the Sisters of Mercy, founded
in 1806, with mother-house at Billom. The diocese has the
following religious institutions: 2 maternity hospitals, 40
infant schools, 1 school for the blind, 4 schools for deaf
mutes, 3 boys' orphanages, 16 girls' orphanages, 2 houses of
refuge and of protection, 23 hospitals and hospices, 35 houses
for nursing sisters, and 1 insane asylum. Statistics for the end
of 1905 (the close of the period under the Concordat) show a
population of 529,181, with 54 parishes, 447 succursal parishes
(mission churches), and 175 curacies remunerated by the State.
GREGORY OF TOURS, Historia Francorum; IDEM, Vitoe Patrum (nine
out of twenty being devoted to saints of Auvergne); Gallia
Christiana (nova) (1715), II, 222-316, 416-418; Instrumenta,
73-128; RESIE, Histoire de L'Eglise d'Auvergne (3 vols.,
Clermont-Ferrand, 1855); MORIN, L'Auvergne chret. du premier
siecle `a 1880 (Roanne, 1880); DUCHESNE, Fastes episcopaux, I,
20, II, 31-39, 117-22; DESDEVIZES DU DESERT, Bibliographie du
centenaire des croisades `a Clermont-Ferrand (Clermont-Ferrand,
1895); CHEVALIER, Rep. des sources hist., Topo-Bibl., s. v.
GEORGES GOYAU.
Pope St. Cletus
Pope St. Cletus
This name is only another form for Anacletus, the second
successor of St. Peter. It is true that the Liberian Catalogue,
a fourth-century list of popes, so called because it ends with
Pope Liberius (d. 366), contains both names, as if they were
different persons. But this is an error, owing evidently to the
existence of two forms of the same name, one an abbreviation of
the other. In the aforesaid catalogue the papal succession is:
Petrus, Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus. This catalogue,
however, is the only authority previous to the sixth century
(Liber Pontificalis) for distinguishing two popes under the
names of Cletus and Anacletus.
The "Carmen adv. Marcionem" is of the latter half of the fourth
century, and its papal list probably depends on the Liberian
Catalogue. The "Martyrologium Hieronymianum" (q. v.) mentions
both "Aninclitus" and "Clitus" (23 and 31 December), but on each
occasion these names are found in a list of popes; hence the
days mentioned cannot be looked on as specially consecrated to
these two persons. Apart from these lists, all other ancient
papal lists, from the second to the fourth century, give as
follows the immediate succession of St. Peter: Linos,
Anegkletos, Klemes (Linus, Anencletus, Clemens), and this
succession is certainly the right one. It is that found in St.
Irenaeus and in the chronicles of the second and third
centuries. Both Africa and the Orient adhered faithfully to this
list, which is also given in the very ancient Roman Canon of the
Mass, except that in the latter Cletus is the form used, and the
same occurs in St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, Rufinus, and in many
fifth- and sixth-century lists. This second successor of St.
Peter governed the Roman Church from about 76 to about 88. The
"Liber Pontificalis" says that his father was Emelianus and that
Cletus was a Roman by birth, and belonged to the quarter known
as the Vicus Patrici. It also tells us that he ordained
twenty-five priests, and was buried in Vaticano near the body of
St. Peter.
There is historical evidence for only the last of these
statements. The feast of St. Cletus falls, with that of St.
Marcellinus, on 26 April; this date is already assigned to it in
the first edition of the "Liber Pontificalis". (See CLEMENT I,
SAINT, POPE.)
L IGHTFOOT, Apostolic Fathers, Pt. I: St. Clement of Rome (2nd
ed., London, 1890), 201-345; D UCHESNE, Liber Pontificalis, I,
LXIX-LXX, 2-3, 52-53; H ARNACK, Gesch. der alt-christl. Lit. bis
Eusebius, II-I, 144-202; Acta SS., April, III, 409-11; DE S
MEDT, Dissertationes selectae in hist. eccles. (Ghent, 1876),
300-04.
J.P. KIRSCH
Cleveland
Cleveland
The Diocese of Cleveland (Clevelandensis), established 23 April,
1847, comprises all that part of Ohio lying north of the
southern limits of the Counties of Columbiana, Stark, Wayne,
Ashland, Richland, Crawford, Wyandot, Hancock, Allen, and Van
Wert, its territory covering thirty-six counties, an area of
15,032 square miles.
EARLY HISTORY
The Jesuit Fathers Potier and Bonnecamp were the first
missionaries to visit the territory now within the limits of
Ohio. They came from Quebec in 1749 to evangelize the Huron
Indians living along the Vermilion and Sandusky Rivers in
Northern Ohio. Two years later they received the assistance of
another Jesuit, Father de la Richardie, who had come from
Detroit, Michigan, to the southern shore of Lake Erie. Shortly
after his arrival he induced a part of the Huron tribe to settle
near the present site of Sandusky, where he erected a chapel --
the first place of Catholic worship within the present limits of
Ohio. These Hurons assumed the name of Wyandots when they left
the parent tribe. Although checked for a time by Father Potier,
they took part in the Indian-French War. Soon they became
implicated in the conspiracy of Pontiac, in consequence of which
the Jesuits were unjustly forced in 1752 to leave the territory
of Ohio, Father Potier being the last Jesuit missionary among
the Western Hurons. The Indian missions, established and cared
for by the Jesuits for nearly three years, had now to depend
exclusively on the chance visits of the priests attached to the
military posts in Canada and Southern Michigan. Despite the
spiritual deprivation which this implied, the Hurons (Wyandots)
kept the Faith for many years, although their descendants were
ultimately lost to the Church through the successful efforts of
Protestant missionaries. After the forced retirement of the
Jesuits no systematic efforts were made to continue the
missionary work begun by them until 1795, when the Rev. Edmund
Burke, a secular priest from Quebec, came as chaplain of the
military post at Fort Meigs, near the present site of Maumee.
Father Burke remained at the post until February, 1797,
ministering to the Catholic soldiers at the fort, and
endeavouring though with little success, to Christianize the
Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, in the neighbourhood.
In the meantime the See of Bardstown was erected (1810),
embracing the entire State of Ohio, as well as Michigan and
Kentucky. Bishop Flaget sent (1817) the Rev. Edward Fenwick,
O.P. (later first Bishop of Cincinnati), from the Dominican
monastery at Somerset, Ohio, to attend the few families who had
settled in Columbiana and Stark Counties, in the north-eastern
part of Ohio. From that time forward he and other Dominican
Fathers, especially the Revs. Nicholas D. Young and John A.
Hill, continued to visit at regular intervals the Catholic
families in that section of Ohio (notably in Columbiana, Stark,
Mahoning, and Wayne Counties), then very sparsely settled. It
is, therefore, from this period that Catholicity in Northern
Ohio really dates its beginning. In the course of time the
Dominican Fathers gradually gave up to the secular clergy their
pastoral charges in the above-named counties until, in 1842,
they withdrew altogether. St. John's, Canton, was their last
mission. Meanwhile the central portion of Northern Ohio (Huron,
Erie, Sandusky, and Seneca Counties) had received a considerable
influx of Catholic immigrants, principally from Germany. Similar
conditions were obtaining elsewhere in the State, and the need
of more compact organization to minister to growing wants made
Cincinnati an episcopal see in 1822, with the entire State for
its jurisdiction. Little seems to have been done, however, for
the northern part of the State, and but little could be done, as
Catholics were so few, until the advent of its second bishop,
John B. Purcell. He succeeded (13 Oct., 1833) the saintly Bishop
Fenwick, who, while engaged in a confirmation tour, died at
Wooster, Ohio (26 September, 1832) of cholera, then raging in
Ohio. In 1834 Bishop Purcell commissioned the Redemptorist
Fathers, who had just arrived in America, to take charge of the
widely scattered German missions then existing in these
counties, and to organize others where needed. The Rev. Francis
X. Tschenhens, C.SS.R., was the first priest assigned to this
task. Later on he was assisted by other members of his
community, among them the Revs. Peter Czakert, Francis
Haetscher, Joseph Prost, Simon Saenderl, Louis M. Alig, and John
N. Neumann (later Bishop of Philadelphia). The Redemptorists
remained in Northern Ohio until November, 1842. They were
succeeded, January, 1844, by seven Sanguinist Fathers, (the
Revs. Francis S. Brunner, M.A. Meier, J. Wittmer, J. Van den
Broek, P.A. Capeder, J. Ringele, and J.B. Jacomet), who came
from Europe at that time at the solicitation of Bishop Purcell.
They settled at St. Alphonsus church, Peru, Huron County, whence
they attended all the missions formerly under the care of the
Redemptorists. They also accepted charge of the scattered
missions in Lorain, Medina, and Wayne Counties, besides
attending the Catholic Germans in Cleveland. Their advent was
hailed with delight wherever they went, and their priestly
labours were signally blessed. Under their vigilant care
religion flourished, so that the healthy growth of Catholicity
in Northern Ohio may justly, under God, be ascribed in large
measure to their untiring zeal and self-sacrifice.
The secular clergy are no less deserving of mention, as they,
too, laboured in this part of the Lord's vineyard, amid trials
and difficulties, often side by side with their brethren of the
religious orders, and more often alone in the widespread
missions of Northern Ohio. They did yeoman service, blazing the
way for those who succeeded them, and laying the foundations for
many missions, which have long since developed into vigorous and
prosperous congregations. The first of these secular clergy was
the Rev. Ignatius J. Mullen of Cincinnati. Between 1824 and 1834
he frequently attended the missions in Stark, Columbiana,
Seneca, and Sandusky Counties. Other pioneer secular priests of
prominence were the Revs. Francis Marshall (1827), John M. Henni
(later Bishop and Archbishop of Milwaukee), resident pastor of
Canton (1831-34), Edmund Quinn, at Tiffin (1831-35), William J.
Horstmann, at Glandorf (1835-43), James Conlon, at Dungannon
(1834-53), Matthias Wuerz, at Canton (1835-45), John Dillon,
first resident pastor of Cleveland (1835-36), Basil Schorb, in
charge of missions in Stark, Wayne, and Portage Counties
(1837-43), Patrick O'Dwyer, second pastor of Cleveland
(1836-38), where he built the first church in 1838, Michael
McAleer, in Stark and Columbiana Counties (1838-40), Joseph
McNamee, at Tiffin (1839-47), Projectus J. Machebeuf (later
Bishop of Denver), at Tiffin and Sandusky (1839-51), Amadeus
Rappe (later first Bishop of Cleveland), stationed at Maumee for
a short time, and then, as first resident pastor, at Toledo
(1840-47), Louis de Goesbriand (later Bishop of Burlington,
Vermont), at Louisville, Toledo, and Cleveland (1840-53), Peter
McLaughlin, resident pastor of Cleveland (1840-46), Maurice
Howard, at Cleveland and later at Tiffin (1842-52), John J.
Doherty, at Canton (1843-48), John H. Luhr, at Canton, and later
at Cleveland (1844-58), John O. Bredeick, founder of Delphos and
its first pastor (1844-58), Cornelius Daley, first resident
pastor of Akron, and later stationed at Doylestown (1844-47),
Philip Foley, at Massillon and Wooster (1847-48). The Rev.
Stephen Badin, proto-priest of the thirteen original United
States, and the Rev. Edward T. Collins occasionally came from
Cincinnati, between 1835 and 1837, to attend the missions in
Northern Ohio, the former those of Canton, Fremont, and Tiffin,
and the latter those of Dungannon, Toledo, and along the Maumee
River. The first permanent church in Northern Ohio was erected
near the present village of Dungannon, in 1820, under the
direction of the Rev. Edward Fenwick, O.P., the "Apostle of
Ohio," and later the first Bishop of Cincinnati. Until 1847
churches of brick or wood were built in the following places:
Canton (St. John's, 1823), Chippewa (1828), Randolph, Canal
Fulton (1831), Tiffin (St. Mary's, 1832), Glandorf, Navarre, New
Riegel (1833), Peru (1834), Louisville, La Porte (1835), Shelby
Settlement (1836), McCutchenville (1837), Thompson (1839),
Cleveland, East Liverpool (1840), Toledo, Maumee, New
Washington, Norwalk (1841), Sandusky (Holy Angels), Landeck,
Liberty, Liverpool, Sheffield (St. Stephen's, 1842), Delphos,
Massillon (St. Mary's), Akron (St. Vincent's), Fremont (St.
Anne's), French Creek (1844), Canton (St. Peter's), Harrisburg,
New Berlin, Tiffin (St. Joseph's), Providence (1845), Sherman
(1846), Poplar Ridge (1847).
From 1922 until October, 1847, Northern Ohio was part of the
Diocese of Cincinnati, of which the first bishop was Edward
Fenwick (1822-32), and its second bishop, John B. Purcell, who
succeeded in October, 1833. He petitioned the Holy See, in 1846,
for a division of his jurisdiction, then comprising the entire
State of Ohio. The petition was granted (23 April, 1847), by the
appointment of the Rev. Louis Amadeus Rappe as the first Bishop
of Cleveland, and the assignment to his jurisdiction of "all
that part of Ohio lying north of 40 degrees and 41 minutes,
N.L." As this division intersected several counties it was
changed in January, 1849, to the present limits, as described at
the beginning of this article.
BISHOPS OF CLEVELAND
(1) LOUIS AMADEUS RAPPE, consecrated 10th October, 1847, was
born 2 Feb., 1801, at Andrehem, France. He was ordained priest
at Arras, France, 14 March, 1829. His cathedral church was St.
Mary's on the "Flats," Cleveland, the first, and at that time
the only, church in his episcopal city. In November, 1852, he
completed the present cathedral, an imposing brick structure of
Gothic architecture, still ranking with the many fine churches
of the diocese. During his administration of the diocese, which
ended in August, 1870, he convoked five diocesan synods (1848,
1852, 1854, 1857, 1868). He established the diocesan seminary
(1848), St. John's College, Cleveland (1854), St. Louis College,
Louisville (1866); these two colleges, however, being closed a
few years later, owing to lack of patronage. Under his direction
the following educational and charitable institutions were also
established: in Cleveland, the Ursuline Academy; St. Vincent's
Orphanage, for boys; St. Mary's Orphanage, for girls (1861); St.
Joseph's Orphanage, for girls (1862); Charity Hospital (1865);
House of the Good Shepherd (1869); Home for the Aged Poor
(1870).
In Toledo, Ursuline Academy (1854), St. Vincent's Orphanage
(1855); in Tiffin, Ursuline Academy (1863), St. Francis' Asylum
and Home for the Aged (1867). He founded the community of
Sisters of Charity of St. Augustine (1851), whose work is the
care of orphans, waifs, and the sick. In 1869 he introduced into
the diocese the Franciscan and Jesuit Fathers, giving to the
former the care of St. Joseph's church, Cleveland, and to the
latter St. Mary's, Toledo. Wherever possible he insisted on the
support of parish schools. He was a strong advocate of total
abstinence, which he practised from the time he was a missionary
priest in North-Western Ohio until his death. He never spared
himself in the discharge of his manifold and exacting duties. By
his affability and disinterestedness he gained the love of his
people, as also the respect of his fellow-citizens regardless of
creed. He resigned his see in August, 1870, and retired to the
Diocese of Burlington, Vermont, where he did missionary work
almost to the day of his death (8 September, 1877). Between the
time of Bishop Rappe's resignation and the appointment of his
successor, the Very Rev. Edward Hannin administered the affairs
of the diocese.
(2) RICHARD GILMOUR, consecrated 14 April, 1872. In November of
the same year he convoked the Sixth Diocesan Synod, in which
many of the statutes by which the diocese is at present governed
were promulgated. It also embodied considerable of the
legislature of previous synods, notably that of 1868. This synod
made provision for a diocesan fund for the support of the
seminary, bishop, etc., and another for the support of sick and
disabled priests, by annual assessments on the parishes of the
diocese. Among other diocesan statutes published then were those
urging anew the support of parochial schools, regulating the
financial affairs of parishes, and the manner of electing parish
councilmen and of conveying church property. Bishop Gilmour
established "The Catholic Universe," its first issue appearing 4
July, 1874. In 1875 he organized "The Catholic Central
Association," composed of representatives from all the parishes
and church societies in Cleveland; its influence for the
betterment of social and religious conditions and for the
defence of Catholic interests was soon felt not only in
Cleveland, but elsewhere as well, and continued during almost
its entire existence of nearly eighteen years. It also proved a
tower of strength to its organizer in his forced contention for
the civic rights of Catholics, in the face of bitter opposition
from bigotry and a hostile press. In 1875 the Catholic school
property in Cleveland was placed on the tax duplicate in spite
of the decision (1874) of the Supreme Court of Ohio, that such
property was not taxable. A suit of restraint was entered by the
bishop, and finally carried to the Supreme Court, which
reaffirmed its former decision. The present episcopal residence
was begun in 1874 and completed two years later. It serves also
as the residence of the cathedral clergy.
In 1872 the Sisters of St. Joseph, and in 1874 the Sisters of
Notre Dame, were welcomed to the diocese. Both communities have
flourishing academies in connexion with their convents, besides
supplying many parish schools with efficient teachers. The same
also is the case with the Ursulines of Cleveland, Tiffin,
Toledo, and Youngstown, and the Sisters of the Humility of Mary.
The following institutions were established between 1873 and
1891: St. Anne's Asylum and House of Maternity, Cleveland
(1873); Ursuline Convent, Youngstown (1874); St. Vincent's
Hospital, Toledo (1876); St. Joseph's Franciscan College,
Cleveland (1876-80); Convent of Poor Clares (1877); Ursuline
Academy, Nottingham (1877); St. Alexis' Hospital, Cleveland
(1884); St. Louis' Orphanage, Louisville (1884); Little Sisters
of the Poor, Toledo (1885); St. Ignatius' College, Cleveland
(1886); St. Joseph's Seminary, for young boys, Nottingham
(1886). The diocesan seminary was remodelled and considerably
enlarged in 1884-85. A diocesan chancery office was established
(1877) for the transaction of the official business of the
diocese. In 1878 the first attempt was made to gather historical
data in connexion with every parish and institution in the
diocese, and in a few years a great mass of matter, covering the
history of Catholicity in Northern Ohio and the Diocese of
Cleveland as far back as 1817, was collected and is now a part
of the diocesan archives. In May, 1882, the Seventh Diocesan
Synod was held, which resulted in the legislation at present in
force. With the exception of about half a dozen of its 262
statutes, it is in perfect harmony with the decrees of the Third
Plenary Council of Baltimore, held in November, 1884. Like his
predecessor, Bishop Gilmour made it obligatory on every parish
at all financially able to support a parochial school. In
consequence, the Diocese of Cleveland has more parochial
schools, in proportion to its number of churches and its
population, than any other diocese in the United States, and
many of its school buildings vie, in size, appointments, and
beauty of architecture, with the public-school buildings. With
very few exceptions the parish schools are in charge of teachers
belonging to male and female religious communities, Bishop
Gilmour had an eventful episcopate, lasting nineteen years. He
left his strong, aggressive personality indelibly stamped, upon
the diocese he had ruled. During the interim between his death
(13 April, 1891) and the appointment of his successor, the Rev.
Monsignor F.M. Boff was administrator of the diocese.
(3) IGNATIUS FREDERICK HORSTMANN, chancellor of the Archdiocese
of Philadelphia, was appointed to succeed Bishop Gilmour. Born
in Philadelphia, 16 December, 1840, after graduating from the
Central High School, he attended St. Joseph's College and then
entered the diocesan Seminary. In 1860 he was sent by Bishop
Wood to the American College, Rome, where he was ordained
priest, 10 June, 1865. In the following year he received the
degree of Doctor of Divinity and returning to Philadelphia
became a professor in St. Charles's Seminary where he remained
eleven years and was then appointed rector of St. Mary's church,
Philadelphia. In 1885 he was made chancellor. His consecration
as Bishop of Cleveland took place in Philadelphia, 25 February,
1892. He died suddenly of heart disease on 13 May, 1908, while
on an official visit to Canton, Ohio. He had proved himself a
zealous pastor of souls, a wise and prudent ruler, a fearless
defender of truth. Among the noteworthy accomplishments of his
episcopate were the founding of Loyola High School, Cleveland
(1902); St. John's College, Toledo (1898); and the establishment
of the diocesan band of missionaries -- the first in any diocese
of the United States. He was foremost in encouraging every
missionary movement, and his zeal for Christian education was
one of the dominant purposes of his life. He served as a trustee
of the Catholic University and in spite of many duties found
time to contribute to the "American Catholic Review" and other
periodicals and to edit the American edition of "The Catholic
Doctrine As Defined by the Council of Trent" and "Potter's
Catholic Bible."
A few months before he died he asked for an auxiliary bishop,
with jurisdiction over the growing foreign population,
especially of the Slav races, in the diocese. The Rev. Joseph M.
Koudelka, rector of St. Michael's church, Cleveland, was named,
29 Nov., 1907, and consecrated, 25 Feb., 1908, being the first
auxiliary bishop of special jurisdiction appointed for the
United States. He was born in Bohemia, 15 August, 1852, and
emigrated to the United States when sixteen years of age. After
making his studies at St. Francis's Seminary, Milwaukee, he was
ordained priest, 8 October, 1875. He was for some time editor of
"Hlas" (Voice), a Bohemian Catholic weekly paper, and compiled a
series of textbooks for Bohemian Catholic schools.
RECENT TIMES
In 1894 the "St. Vincent's Union," composed of the laity who
contribute towards the support of St. Vincent's Orphanage,
Cleveland, was organized; and it has proved of great financial
assistance to that institution. In 1893 Bishop Horstmann opened
the Calvary Cemetery, which covers nearly 250 acres, near the
southern limits of Cleveland. About fifty acres of the
cemetery's whole area are improved. In 1892 the Cleveland
Apostolate was established, an association of secular priests,
having for its object the giving of lectures and missions to
non-Catholics. Besides making many converts this association has
removed much prejudice and brought about a kindlier feeling
towards the Church and its members. The Golden Jubilee of the
diocese was celebrated, 13 October, 1897. It was a memorable
event, observed with great religious pomp in Cleveland, Toledo,
and elsewhere. At the bishop's solicitation the Jesuit Fathers
of Toledo opened (September, 1898) St. John's College. In the
same city a home for fallen women was established (1906) by the
Sisters of the Good Shepherd. A fine school building was erected
(1906) in connexion with St. Vincent's Asylum, Cleveland, in
which the boys have every facility for a thorough education. The
diocese is in a prosperous condition, spiritually and
financially, and healthy growth is apparent in every direction.
CAUSES OF GROWTH
The growth of the diocesan population down to 1860 was due
chiefly to emigration from Ireland and Germany. Since 1870 it
has been receiving other large accessions, but from quite
another source. The Slav race, manifold in its divisions, has
been pouring in, more notably since 1895. The early immigrants
were drawn hither by the market for their labour which the
opening of a new country offered. The Irish found employment on
public works, such as the construction of canals and railroads;
the Germans turned more to agriculture. The various branches of
the Slav race are engaged in foundries, mills, and factories,
and many are also employed as longshoremen and at common labour.
The same holds also for the Italians, of whom there is a large
percentage. Nearly all the recent immigration has settled in
cities like Cleveland, Toledo, Youngstown, Lorain, and
Ashtabula, where employment is had in abundance and at a fair
wage.
STATISTICS
In December, 1907, the clergy numbered 388, of whom 315 were
diocesan priests and 73 regulars (Sanguinists, Franciscans, and
Jesuits). There were 21 Brothers of Mary and 5 Christian
Brothers, teaching in 6 parochial schools. The Sisters
(Sanguinists, Ursulines, Sisters of Charity of St. Augustine,
Sisters of Notre Dame, Franciscans, Sisters of St. Joseph,
Ladies of the Sacred Heart of Mary, Sisters of the Humility of
Mary, Grey Nuns, Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Poor Clares,
Little Sisters of the Poor, Dominicans, Sisters of St. Agnes,
Sisters of Charity, Sisters of Loretto, Felician Sisters,
Sisters of St. Benedict, Sisters-Servants of the Immaculate
Heart of Mary) number 1141, of whom 684 teach in 138 parochial
schools. The parishes with resident pastors number 241; mission
churches, 60; parochial schools, 186; attendance, 43,544; 1
diocesan seminary with 96 students; diocesan students in
colleges and other seminaries, 45; colleges and academies for
boys, 4; attendance, 515 pupils; academies for girls, 11;
attendance, 2113 pupils; 9 orphanages and one infant asylum,
total number of inmates, 1251; hospitals, 9; homes for the aged,
3; Houses of Good Shepherd, 2.
The Catholic population is about 330,000, and is composed of 13
nationalities, exclusive of native Americans, viz., Irish,
German, Slovak, Polish, Bohemian, Magyar, Slovenian, Italian,
Lithuanian, Croatian, Rumanian, Ruthenian, Syrian.
SHEA, Catholic Missions (New York, 1854), 293, and in Catholic
Universe (Cleveland, 13 September, 1881); IDEM, Hist. of the
Catholic Church in the United States (New York, 1889, 1892);
Leben u. Wirken des hochw. Franz Sales Brunner, C.PP.S.; The
Catholic Miscellany (Charleston, S.C., 1824-30); The Catholic
Telegraph (Cincinnati, 1831-47); HOUCK, A History of Catholicity
in Northern Ohio and Diocese of Cleveland (Cleveland, 1902);
IDEM, The Church in Northern Ohio (Cleveland, 1889);
Reminiscences of the Right Rev. P.J. Machebeuf in the Catholic
Universe (18 Oct., 1883, and 31 Jan., 1889); Reminiscences of
the Right Rev. Louis de Goesbriand in The Catholic Universe (27
December, 1888.)
GEORGE F. HOUCK
Josse Clichtove
Josse Clichtove
(Jodocus Clichtovaeus).
A theologian, b. 1472 at Nieuport (Flanders); d. 1543 at
Chartres (France). He began his studies at Louvain and went to
Paris for his philosophical and theological studies. After
receiving the doctorate in theology (1506) he was appointed
professor at the Sorbonne. In 1515 he was asked to direct the
studies of Louis Guillard, the Bishop-elect of Tournai, and four
years later accompanied him to this latter place. After a short
stay there, he returned to Paris, and in 1527 to Chartres,
whither Guillard had been transferred. He took an active part in
the Council of Sens, convoked at Paris by Cardinal Duprat, and
he gathered in a volume the various arguments brought forward
against the Protestants. A champion of reform in philosophical
and theological studies during the earlier part of his life, he
devoted himself later almost exclusively to combating the
doctrines of Luther. His works are numerous and belong to almost
every department of theology and philosophy. He began with
commentaries on many Aristotelean treatises: logic, natural
philosophy, ethics, arithmetic, and geometry. He also wrote
studies on several books of Holy Scripture, edited and commented
the writings of some of the Fathers and Doctors of the Church.
Among his original works must be mentioned "De vera nobilitate
opusculum" (Paris, 1512); "Elucidatorium ecclesiasticum" (Paris,
1516); "De vita et moribus sacerdotum" (Paris, 1519), and
several other works of instruction and edification;
"Antilutherus" (Paris, 1524); "Propugnaculum ecclesiae adversus
Lutheranos" (Paris, 1516); "De Sacramento Eucharistiae contra
AEcolampadium" (Paris, 1526); "Compendium veritatum ad fidem
pertinentium contra erroneas Lutheranorum assertiones ex dictis
et actis in concilio provinciali Senonensi apud Parisios
celebrato" (Paris, 1529); "Sermones" (Paris, 1534); "Convulsio
calumniarum Ulrichi Veleni quibus S. Petrum nunquam Romae fuisse
cavillatur" (Paris, 1535).
Clerval, De Judoci Clichtovei. . .vita et operibus (Paris,
1895); Idem in Dict. de theol. cath., III, 236; Van Der Haeghen,
Bibliographie des oeuvres de Josse Clichtove in Bibl. Belgica
(Ghent, 1888).
C.A. DUBRAY
William Clifford
William Clifford
(Alias Mansell), divine, d. 30 April, 1670; he was the son of
Henry Clifford, by his wife Elizabeth Thimelby, who as a widow
joined the English Augustinian nuns at Louvain, and died, aged
about seventy-seven, 3 September, 1642. Through humility
Clifford never asserted his right to the Barony of Cumberland.
After education and ordination at Douai, he came on the English
mission. As vice-president, he helped the English College at
Lisbon through difficult times, and became superior of Tournay
College (Paris), assigned by Cardinal Richelieu to the English
clergy. He evaded being made bishop in 1660, declined in 1670
the presidency of Douai, and closed his life in the Hopital des
Incurables in Paris. Clifford's works are: "Christian Rules
proposed to a vertuous Soule" (Paris, 1615), dedicated to Mrs
Ursula Clifford; "The Spirituall Combat", translated by R.R.
(Paris, 1656), dedicated to Abbot Montague; "Little Manual of
Poore Man's Dayly Devotion" (2nd edition, Paris, 1670), often
reprinted; "Observations upon Kings' Reigns since the Conquest"
(MS.); "Collections concerning Chief Points of Controversy"
(MS.)
Little Manual, 5th ed., preface; Dodd, Church History, III, 297;
Gillow, Bibl. Dict. Eng. Catholics, I, 514, s.v.; Idem, Lisbon
College, 9 and 189; Cooper in Dict. Of Nat. Biog., s.v.;
Chronicle of St. Monica's, Louvain (Edinburgh, 1904), I, 127;
Kirk, Biographies (London, 1908), s.v.
PATRICK RYAN
Diocese of Clifton
Clifton
(Cliftoniensis).
Diocese of England, consisting of Gloucestershire,
Somersetshire, and Wiltshire. It was founded by Pius IX when he
restored the English hierarchy in 1850. Previously to that the
diocese formed part of the Western District, one of the four
vicariates established by Innocent XI in 1688, and including
Wales and the six south-western counties of England. In 1840
Wales became a separate vicariate, and thenceforth the district
consisted of the English counties only. As the vicars Apostolic
resided chiefly at Bath in Somerset, when the district was
divided into the two dioceses of Clifton and Plymouth, it was
fitting that the last Vicar Apostolic of the Western District,
Dr. Joseph William Hendren, O.S.F. (1791-1866), consecrated in
1848, should become the first Bishop of Clifton. Thus the
diocese is, in a special sense, the representative of the old
vicariate. In this capacity the Bishop of Clifton retains
possession of the archives of the Western District, one of the
most important sources of information for the history of the
Church in England from 1780 to 1850. The papers earlier in date
perished during the Gordon Riots in 1780. Besides these valuable
archives there is at Bishop's House an interesting series of
portraits of the vicars Apostolic of the Western District and of
the bishops of Clifton.
A year after the foundation of the new diocese Dr. Hendren was
translated to the See of Nottingham and was succeeded by Dr.
Thomas Burgess (1791-1854). On 28 June, 1852, a cathedral
chapter, consisting of a provost and ten canons, was erected. On
the death of Bishop Burgess, 27 Nov., 1854, there was a long
vacancy, and the administration of the diocese was given
provisionally to Archbishop Errington, coadjutor to Cardinal
Wiseman. This arrangement lasted until Feb., 1857, when the Hon.
and Rev. William Joseph Hugh Clifford (1823-1893), son of the
seventh Lord Clifford, was appointed bishop, being consecrated
by Pope Pius IX in person. His long pontificate lasted for
thirty-six years, ending with his death, 14 Aug., 1893. His
successor was Dr. William Robert Brownlow (1836-1901), famous as
an archaeologist, and whose well-known work on the catacombs,
written conjointly with Dr. James Spencer Northcote, is a
classical work of reference. Dr. Brownlow died 9 Nov., 1901, and
was succeeded by the Rt. Rev. George Ambrose Burton, consecrated
1 May, 1902. The diocese, which is under the patronage of "Our
Lady Conceived without Sin" and Sts. Peter and Paul, is divided
into six rural deaneries. There are 57 public churches and
chapels, besides 24 private chapels belonging to communities.
The clergy number about 50 secular priests and about 80
regulars, the latter including the Benedictines of the famous
abbey and school at Downside. The Dominicans, Franciscans,
Carmelites, Cistercians, and Jesuits are also represented in the
diocese. The College of Sts. Peter and Paul, Prior Park, founded
by Benedictines and afterwards conducted by secular priests, is
now in the hands of the Fathers of the Society of the Holy
Ghost.
Catholic Directories (1850-1907); Brady, Annals of the Catholic
Hierarchy (1877).
EDWIN BURTON
Jose Climent
Jose Climent
Spanish bishop, b. at Castellon de la Plana (Valencia), 1706; d.
there 25 Nov., 1781. Distinguished for his charities,
educational efforts, eloquence, and exemplary life, he studied
and afterwards professed theology at the University of Valencia,
laboured for several years as parish priest, and was consecrated
Bishop of Barcelona in 1766; he resigned his see in 1775. His
episcopal activity was directed to the founding of hospitals,
the establishing of free schools, and the diffusion of knowledge
among the people by means of low-priced publications. He
translated into Spanish several works, among them Fleury's
"Moeurs des Israelites et des Chretiens". His pastoral
instructions contributed largely to his fame. That of 1769, on
the renewal of ecclesiastical studies, caused him to be
denounced to the court of Charles III for having eulogized the
Church of Utrecht; but a commission composed of archbishops,
bishops, and heads of religious orders, appointed to examine his
case, returned a decision favourable to the prelate. The sway he
held over his people was shown by his success in quelling a
dangerous uprising in Barcelona against military conscription;
but this only served still further to render him obnoxious to a
suspicious court. He refused, on conscientious grounds, a
promotion to the wealthy See of Malaga, and withdrew to his
native place. His life was published in Barcelona in 1785.
Michaud, Biog. Univers, (Paris, 1843-66).
JOHN H. STAPLETON
St. Margaret Clitherow
St. Margaret Clitherow
Martyr, called the "Pearl of York", born about 1556; died 25
March 1586. She was a daughter of Thomas Middleton, Sheriff of
York (1564-5), a wax-chandler; married John Clitherow, a wealthy
butcher and a chamberlain of the city, in St. Martin's church,
Coney St., 8 July, 1571, and lived in the Shambles, a street
still unaltered. Converted to the Faith about three years later,
she became most fervent, continually risking her life by
harbouring and maintaining priests, was frequently imprisoned,
sometimes for two years at a time, yet never daunted, and was a
model of all virtues. Though her husband belonged to the
Established Church, he had a brother a priest, and Margaret
provided two chambers, one adjoining her house and a second in
another part of the city, where she kept priests hidden and had
Mass continually celebrated through the thick of the
persecution. Some of her priests were martyred, and Margaret who
desired the same grace above all things, used to make secret
pilgrimages by night to York Tyburn to pray beneath the gibbet
for this intention. Finally arrested on 10 March, 1586, she was
committed to the castle. On 14 March, she was arraigned before
Judges Clinch and Rhodes and several members of the Council of
the North at the York assizes. Her indictment was that she had
harboured priests, heard Mass, and the like; but she refused to
plead, since the only witnesses against her would be her own
little children and servants, whom she could not bear to involve
in the guilt of her death. She was therefore condemned to the
peine forte et dure, i.e. to be pressed to death. "God be
thanked, I am not worthy of so good a death as this", she said.
Although she was probably with child, this horrible sentence was
carried out on Lady Day, 1586 (Good Friday according to New
Style). She had endured an agony of fear the previous night, but
was now calm, joyous, and smiling. She walked barefooted to the
tolbooth on Ousebridge, for she had sent her hose and shoes to
her daughter Anne, in token that she should follow in her steps.
She had been tormented by the ministers and even now was urged
to confess her crimes. "No, no, Mr. Sheriff, I die for the love
of my Lord Jesu", she answered. She was laid on the ground, a
sharp stone beneath her back, her hands stretched out in the
form of a cross and bound to two posts. Then a door was placed
upon her, which was weighted down till she was crushed to death.
Her last words during an agony of fifteen minutes, were "Jesu!
Jesu! Jesu! have mercy on me!" Her right hand is preserved at
St. Mary's Convent, York, but the resting-place of her sacred
body is not known. Her sons Henry and William became priests,
and her daughter Anne a nun at St. Ursula's, Louvain.
Her life, written by her confessor, John Mush, exists in two
versions. The earlier has been edited by Father John Morris,
S.J., in his "Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers", third
series (London, 1877). The later manuscript, now at York
Convent, was published by W. Nicholson, of Thelwall Hall,
Cheshire (London, Derby, 1849), with portrait: "Life and Death
of Margaret Clitherow the martyr of York". It also contains the
"History of Mr. Margaret Ward and Mrs. Anne Line, Martyrs".
[ Note: St. Margaret Clitherow was canonized by Pope Paul VI in
1970.]
BEDE CAMM
Clogher
Clogher
DIOCESE OF CLOGHER (CLOGHERENSIS)
A suffragan of Armagh, Ireland, which comprises the County
Monaghan, almost the whole of Fermanagh, the southern portion of
Tyrone, and parts of Donegal, Louth, and Cavan. It takes its
name from Clogher, the seat of the Prince of Oriel, with whose
territory the old Diocese of Clogher was, practically speaking,
coextensive. The see was founded by St. Patrick, who appointed
one of his household, St. Macarten, as first bishop. There does
not seem to be any evidence that St. Patrick governed Clogher as
a distinct diocese before taking up his residence at Armagh, as
is stated by Jocelyn. There is great difficulty in tracing the
succession of bishops in Clogher, as indeed in every Irish
diocese from the sixth to the eleventh century, on account of
the confusion of the bishops with the abbots of the monastic
establishments; the difficulty is increased in Clogher in view
of the diversity existing between the lists as given in the
Irish Annals, and the "Register of Clogher", compiled by Patrick
Culin, Bishop of Clogher (1519-34), and Roderick Cassidy,
archdeacon of the diocese. The "Register of Clogher" is of very
little historical value.
In 1241 Henry III ordered that Clogher should be united to
Armagh, on account of the poverty of both dioceses, but this was
not carried out, though under Bishop David O'Brogan large
portions of Tyrone were cut off from Clogher and given to
Ardstraw (now united with Derry), while the greater part of the
present County Louth, including Dundalk, Drogheda, and Ardee,
was taken over by Armagh. In 1535 Bishop Odo, or Hugh
O'Cervallan, was appointed to the See of Clogher by Paul III,
and on the submission of his patron Con O'Neill to Henry VIII,
this prelate seems to have accepted the new teaching and was
superseded by Raymond MacMahon, 1546. From his time there are
two lines of bishops in Clogher, the Catholic and the
Protestant. The apostate Miler Magrath was appointed Protestant
bishop by Queen Elizabeth in 1570, but on his promotion to
Cashel, resigned Clogher in the same year. Heber or Emer
MacMahon (1643-50) took a prominent part in the war of the Irish
Confederates, and on the death of Owen Roe O'Neill, was chosen
general of the Confederate forces. He was defeated at
Scariffhollis near Letterkenny, taken prisoner by Coote, and
beheaded at Enniskillen. Owing to the persecutions of the Irish
Catholics, Clogher was governed by vicars during the periods
1612-43, 1650-71, 1687-1707, 1713-27. The chapter of Clogher was
allowed to lapse, but towards the end of the eighteenth century
it was re-established by papal Brief.
A very important provincial synod was held at Clones in 1670 by
Oliver Plunkett, Archbishop of Armagh (see Moran, Life of
Plunkett). The most remarkable shrines of the diocese are at St.
Patrick's, Lough Derg, near Pettigo, still frequented by
thousands of pilgrims from all parts of the world (see ST.
PATRICK'S PURGATORY); Devenish Island in Lough Erne (see
McKenna, Devenish, its History and Antiquities, Dublin, 1897);
Innismacsaint, also in Lough Erne, where the "Annals of Ulster"
were composed; Lisgoole, Clones, and Clogher. The most
celebrated works of ancient ecclesiastical art connected with
the diocese are the Domnach Airigid, a shrine enclosing a copy
of the Gospels, said to have been given by St. Patrick to St.
Macarten, and the Cross of Clogher, both of them now in the
National Museum in Dublin. The Catholic population of the
diocese is 101,162, distributed in forty parishes and ministered
to by about 100 priests.
JAMES MacCAFFREY
Cloister
Cloister
The English equivalent of the Latin word clausura (from
claudere, "to shut up"). This word occurs in Roman law in the
sense of rampart, barrier, [cf. Code of Justinian, 1. 2 sec. 4;
De officiis Praef. Praet. Africae (1, 27), 1. 4 De officiis mag.
officiorum (I, 31)]. In the "Concordia Regularum" of St.
Benedict of Aniane, c. xli, sec. 11, we find it in the sense of
"case", or "cupboard" (Migne, P.L., CIII, 1057). In modern
ecclesiastical usage, clausura signifies, materially, an
enclosed space for religious retirement; formally, it stands for
the legal restrictions opposed to the free egress of those who
are cloistered or enclosed and to the free entry, or free
introduction, of outsiders within the limits of the material
clausura.
I. SYNOPSIS OF EXISTING LEGISLATION
The actual legislation distinguishes between religious orders
and institutes with simple vows; institutes of men and those of
women.
(1) RELIGIOUS ORDERS
(a) Male
Material Clausura.
According to the present common law every convent or monastery
of regulars must, on its completion, be encloistered. A convent
is defined as a building which serves as a fixed dwelling-place
where religious live according to their rule. According to the
common opinion of jurists (Piat, "'Praelectiones juris
Regularis", I, 344, n, 4; Wernz, "Jus Decretalium" 658, n. 479)
the houses where only two or three religious dwell permanently,
and obseve their rule as they can, are subject to this law; it
is not necessary that the religious be in a number which secures
them the privilege of exemption from the bishop's jurisdiction.
The Congregation of Propaganda seems to have in this opinion its
own, in decreeing that, in missionary countries, the law of
cloister applies to the religious houses which belong to the
mission, and which serve as a fixed dwelling for even two or
three regular missionaries of the Latin Rite (Collectanea
Propagandae Fidei, Replies of 26 Aug., 1780, and of 5 March,
1787, n. 410 and 412, 1st edit., n. 545 and 587, 2d ed). On the
other hand, the law of cloister does not apply to houses which
are simply hired by religious, and which cannot therefore he
looked upon as fixed and definitive homes, nor to the
Villa-houses to which the religious go for recreation on fixed
days or for a few weeks every year.
Strictly speaking, the whole enclosed space -- house and garden
-- ought to be encloistered. Custom, however, allows the
erection, at the entrance to the convent, of reception rooms to
which women may be admitted. These reception rooms should he
isolated from the interior of the convent, and the religious
should not have free access to them. The church choir, and even
the sacristy, when it is strictly contiguous to the church, are
neutral territory, here women may enter, and the religious are
free to go thither without special permission. It may be asked
whether a strictly continuous material barrier is a necessary
part of the clausura. Lehmkuhl (in Kirchenlex., s.v. Clausura)
is of the opinion that a door which can be locked should
separate the cloistered from the other parts of a house of
religious. Passerini, however, thinks (De hominum statibus, III,
461, n. 376) that any intelligible sign suffices, provided it
sufflciently indicates the beginning of the cloistered part. And
even in the Roman law, the clausurae were sometimes fictitious.
Finally, it may be added that it is for the provincial superior
to fix the limits of the cloister and the point at which it
begins, in comformity with the usages of his order and with the
local needs; of course his power is limited by the dispositions
of the law.
Formal Clausura.
Obstacle to the Free Egress of the Religious. The cloistered
religious may not go outside their material cloister without
permission, still, the religious man who transgresses this
prohibition does not incur any ecclesiastical censure. In two
cases, however, he would commit a grave sin: if his absence were
prolonged (i.e. exceeding two or three days); and if he should
go out by night. Going out at night without permission is
usually a reserved case. But what constitutes going out by
night? The present writer is of the opinion that the common
estimation (which may vary in different countries) defines it.
It consists in leaving the cloister without a good and serious
motive, at a late hour, when people would be surprised to meet a
religious outside his monastery. Canonical legislation carefully
provides that religious, when not employed in the functions of
the sacred ministry, shall reside in monasteries. The Council of
Trent had already forbidden them to leave the monastery without
permission under pretext of meeting their superiors. If they are
sent to follow a university course, they must reside in a
religious house. The bishop can and must punish the violators of
this law of residence (Sess. XXIV, De Reg. et Mon., c. iv).
Certain decrees of reform, primarily intended for Italy alone,
but probably extended by usage, specially forbid religious to go
to Rome without permission of the superior general.
Obstacle to the Entrance of Outsiders
Women are strictly forbidden to enter the encloistered portions
of a house of male religious. In his "Apostolicae Sedis" (1869),
sec. 2, n. 7, Pius IX renewed the sentence of excommunication
against violators of this law. This excommunication is
absolutely reserved to the Holy See; it affects the women who
enter as well as the superior or religious who admits them. The
penalty always supposes, of course, a serious sin on the
offender's part, but the moralists are very severe in their
appreciation of cases. The fact of having just fully crossed the
boundary suffices, according to them, for the commission of a
serious sin and incurs the penalty. Such severity is
comprehensible when a continuous material barrier separates the
cloistered and noncloistered parts of the monastery; still, the
present writer is rather inclined to exonerate that person from
a grievous sin who should just step over the boundary and retire
immediately. Where there is no such barrier, somewhat more
latitude may be allowed. The law makes exceptions for queens and
women of like rank, as, for example, the wife of the president
of a republic; such persons may also be accompanied by a
suitable retinue. Exception is also sometimes made for notable
benefactresses, who must, however, previously obtain a
pontifical indult. It should be noted that young girls under
twelve do not incur this excommunication, but the religious who
should admit them would incur the penalty. It is not certain
that young girls under seven come under the law; hence the
religious who should admit them would not commit a grave fault
or incur the excommunication.
(b) Female
Material Clausura
Those parts of the convent to which the nuns have access are all
within the cloister, the choir not excepted. Here the law
recognizes no neutral territory. If the convent church be
public, the nuns cannot go into those parts accessible to the
people. Further, the building should be so constructed that
neither the sisters can look outside their enclosure, nor their
neighbours see into the court-yards or gardens at the disposal
of the sisters. Before establishing a women's convent with
cloister, it is the desire of the Holy See -- if it be not a
condition of validity -- that the beneplacitum Apostolicum
should be obtained; this is a certain obligation for countries,
like the United States, which are subject to the Constitution of
Leo XIII "Romanos Pontifices", 8 May, 1881. (See also the Letter
of 7 Dec., 1901, of the Congregation of Propaganda.)
Formal Clausura
Obstacle to Egress. Under no pretext may be sisters go outside
their cloister without a legitimate cause approved of by the
bishop. Such is the legislation of the Council of Trent (Sess.
XXV, De. Reg. et Mon. c.v.) St. Pius V. restricting still more
this law, recognized only three legitimate causes: fire,
leprosy, and contagious malady. Without keeping rigorously to
this enumeration, we may say that an analogous necessity is
always required in order that the bishop may accord the
permission. The nuns who transgress this law incur an
excommunication reserved absolutely to the Holy See ("Apost.
Sedis", see. 2, n. 6).
Obstacle to the Free Entrance of Outsiders.
The law is much more severe for female than for male houses; in
fact, even women are rigorously excluded from the cloistered
parts. The penalty for those who enter and for those who admit
or introduce them is the same -- an excommunication absolutely
reserved to the Holy See ("Apost. Sed.", sec. 2, n. 6). The
penalty affects all those, and only those, who have reached the
age of reason. Hence, in spite of the general terms of the law,
it seems probable that the sister who should introduce a child
under seven would not incur the ecclesistical censure. This
regime, however, admits of exceptions; corporal or spiritual
needs demand the physician's or the confessor's presence, the
garden must be cultivated, the building kept in repair. Hence
general permissions are given to doctors, confessors, workmen,
and others. The confessor of the nuns has this permission in
virtue of his offlce, so also the bishop who must make the
canonical visitation, and the regular superior. If the convent
be under the jurisdiction of regulars, outsiders who need to
enter the cloister probably require only one permission, that of
the regular superior, except where custom requires also the
permission of the bishop or of his delegate (St. Alph., "Theol.
mor." VII, 224). Benedict XIV, Lehmkuhl, and Piat, basing their
view on the jurisprudence of the congregation of the Council,
hold that the bishops permission is always required. This
permission, whether coming from the bishop or from the regular
superior, should be in writing, according to the wording of the
law; but an oral permission is sufficient to avoid the censure
(St. Alph., "Theol. mor.", VII, 223). We may follow the opinion
of St. Alphonsus (loc cit), who maintains that when one has an
evident reason for entering within the cloister, he avoids both
the censure and the sin, even though he have only an oral
permission. It should be observed that girl-boarders are subject
to this legislation. Hence the solemnly professed nuns who wish
to occupy themselves with the education of the young must be
provided with a pontifical indult.
However, cloistered nuns are not absolutely forbidden all
intercourse with the outside world. They may of course receive
letters; they may also receive visitors in the convent parlour,
provided that they they remain behind the grating, or grille,
erected there. For such visits a reasonable cause and a
permission from the bishop is usally needed . The permission,
however, is not required in case of those who, by virtue of
their office, are obliged to have relations with a convent, viz.
the ecclesiastical superior, the confessor (for spiritual
affairs), the canonical visitor, etc. Except in Advent and Lent,
relatives and children are permitted once a week. The conditions
for a visit by a male religious are very severe; according to
some authors he can only receive permission if he is a blood
relation to the first or second degree, and then only four times
a year. Further, although an irregular visit on the part of a
lay person or secular priest does not constitute a grave a
fault, any visit without leave is a mortal sin for the
religious. Such is the severity of the prohibition contained in
the decree of the Congregation of the Council, dated 7 June,
1669. However, the conditions commonly required for a mortal sin
must be present. For that reason some eminent theologians do not
think there is a mortal sin if the conversation does not last
for a quarter of an hour (C. d'Annibale, Summula theol., III, n.
228). It should be noted, at the same time, that certain usages
have mitigated the rigour of the laws here mentioned. In Spain,
for instance, the permission of the diocesan authority is never
asked for making such visits. And of course the law itself
affects only convents where the inmates pronounce solemn vows.
(2) INSTITUTES WITH SIMPLE VOWS ONLY
Generally speaking, in a convent or monastery where there are no
solemn vows there is no cloister protected by the
excommunication of the "Apostolicae Sedis"; further, women
cannot make solemn vows except in a convent which has the
clausura. Sometimes, however, this papal clausura is granted to
convents of women who make only simple vows. Except in this case
the institutes of simple vows are not subject to the laws
above-described. As a matter of fact, the only female convents
in the United States with either solemn vows or the papal
clausura are those of the Visitation Nuns at Georgetown, Mobile,
St. Louis, and Baltimore. (See Bizzarri, "Collectanea: Causa
Americana", lst. edit. X, page 778, and the decree, page 791.)
The fifth convent mentioned in the decree, Kaskaskia, no longer
exists. The same is true of Belgium and France, with the
exception of the districts of Nice and Savoy. In these
countries, therefore, the nuns forming part of the old religious
orders have only the cloister imposed by their rules or by such
vows as that of perpetual enclosure taken by the religious of
St. Clare. It is worth noting that this vow, although it forbids
the inmates to leave the cloister, does not forbid them to
receive people from outside. They are not, then, acting contrary
to their vow which they admit secular persons to the inside of
their convents. But in countries where the absence of solemn
vows exempts convents of women from the papal enclosure, the
bishop, whom the Council of Trent (Sess. xxv, De Reg. et Mon.,
c.v.) constitutes the guardian of nuns cloister, can censure and
punish with ecclesiastical penalties infractions of cloister,
and can thus establish an episcopal clausura (cf. Reply, "In
Parisiensi", 1 Aug. l839). In the institutes of simple vows,
there is nearly always a partial cloister which reserves
exclusively to the religious certain arts of their convents.
This partial cloister in the nuns' convents has been committed
to the special vigilance of the bishops by the Constitution,
"Conditae", 8 December, 1900, second part, and, if we may judge
by the present action of the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars, the clausura in this form tends to become obligatory
on all such Institutes. (See "Normae" of the Congreg. of Bishops
and Regulars, 28 June, 1901.)
II. REASONS FOR THIS LEGISLATION
This legislation has for its principal object to safeguard the
virtue of chastity. The religious consecrates his person to God,
but he is not on that account impeccable in the matter of
chastity; indeed, his very profession, if he does not live up to
his ideal, exposes him to the danger of becoming a scandal and a
source of the gravest harm to religion. To this principal reason
inculcated in the Constitution "Periculoso" of Boniface VIII may
be added others; for instance, the calm and recollection
necessary for the religious life. The Church has therefore acted
wisely in forestalling such dangers and protecting those who aim
at leading a perfect life; and for this the external rigour is
certainly not excessive. Moreover, this external rigour (as,
e.g., the grille) varies much according to local needs and
circumstances; and it seems that the recent institutes succeed
admirably with their partial cloister, which is not protected by
the severe penalties of the Church. The more perfect form,
however, is undoubtedly better adapted to the mystic life.
III. SOURCES OF THE EXISTING LEGISLATION
(1) RELIGIOUS ORDERS
(a) Male
There is no pontifical constitution of universal application
which prohibits the egress of the religious. The only written
law that might be invoked is the decree of Clement VIII "Nullus
Omnino", 25 June, 1599; and it would be difficult to prove that
this Constitution is binding outside of Italy. Hence, this
element of cloister results partly from usage, partly from
special laws. A constitution of universal hearing was projected
at the Vatican Council ("De Clausura", c. ii, "Collectio
Lacensis", VII, 681). The interdict against the admission of
women rests nowadays on the Constitution of Benedict XIV,
"Regularis Disciplinae", 3 Jan., 1742, and on that of Pius IX,
"Apostolicae Sedis", see. 2, n. 7, 12 Oct., 1869, which renews
the censures against offenders.
(b) Female
Here the Apostolical Constitutions abound. We cite some of the
more recent which sanction at the same time the two elements of
cloister "Salutare", 3 Jan., 1742, and "Per binas alias", 24
Jan. 1747, of Benedict XIV; add also, for the censures, the
"Apostolicae Sedis", see. 2, n. 6, of Pius IX.
(2) INSTITUTES WITH SIMPLE VOWS ONLY
For these institutes there is no other law of universal
application besides the constitution, "Conditae a Christo",
which indeed rather supposes than imposes a certain clausura.
IV. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF LEGISLATION
From the very first, the founders of monasteries and the masters
of the spiritual life sought to guard against the dangers which
commerce with the world and interaction with the other sex
offered to those devoted to the life of perfection. So we find
from the earliest times, both in the counsels and the rules of
the initiators of the religious life, wise maxims of practical
prudence. In the Synod of Alexandria (362) we find at the head
of the minor ordinances a rule forbidding monks and religious
celibates (continentes) to meet women, to speak to them, and, if
it can be avoided, to see them, (Revillout, "Le Concile de
Nicee", II, 475, 476). Still, cloister, as we understand it
today, did not exist for the first Eastern monks. Their rules
concerning monastic hospitality prove this; otherwise, how could
St. Macrina have received the visits of which her brother, St.
Gregory of Nyssa, speaks ("Vita S. Macrinae", in P.G., XLVI,
975)? St. Basil's rules, in recommending discretion in the
relations between monks and nuns, prove indirectly the
non-existence of a cloister properly so called ("Regulae fusius
tractatae, Q. and R., XXX, P.G., XXXI, 997; "Regulae brevius
tractatae", 106-11, P.G. XXXI, 1155-58). What seems stranger
still in our eyes, in the East there existed double monasteries
where, in contiguous houses, if not actually under the same roof
sometimes also pious men and women observed the same rule;
sometimes also pious women (agapetai) shared their their homes
with monks. As regards Africa, in St. Augustine's day the visits
of clerics or of monks to the "virgins and widows" were made
only with permission, and in the company of irreproachable
Christians (Conc. Carth. III, can. xxv, Hardouin, I, 963). but
the cloister proper was unknown, so much so that the nuns
themselves used to go out, though always accompanied (Aug.,
Epist., ccxi, P.L., XXXIII, 963).
In Europe, St. Caesarius of Arles (536) forbade women to enter
men's monasteries, and even prevented them from visiting the
interior part of a nun's convent (Regula ad monachos, xi; Ad
virgines, xxxiv, P.L., LXVII, 1100, 1114); so also St. Aurelius,
who further forbade nuns to go out except with a companion
(Regula ad monachos, xv; Ad virgines, XL P.L., LXVIII, 390,
401). The Rule of St. Benedict says nothing about the cloister,
and even the Rule of St. Francis only forbids monks to enter
convents of nuns. It is worth noting that other religious so far
surpassed in severity the authorizations of current law as to
place their churches under cloister (Carthusians; see "Guigonis
Consuetudines", c. xxi, P.L., CLIII, 681, 682), or to prohibit
the introduction of foods which the monks were forbidden to use
(Camaldolese). St. Gregory (P.L., LXXVII, 717) in his letter
(594) to the Abbot Valentine (letter xlii or xl, bk. IV)
complained that the said abbot used to admit women into his
monastery frequently, and used to allow his monks to act as
godfathers at baptisms, thus associating with the women who
acted as godmothers. This last permission appeared to him more
reprehensible than the former. In the middle of the fifth
century (450-56) an Irish council presided over by St. Patrick
forbade (can. ix) the religious and consecrated virgins to lodge
in the same inn, ride in the same carriage, or frequently meet
together (Hard, I, 1791). About the same time, the Fourth
Ecumenical Council (451) subjected to the bishop's jurisdiction
the monks who lived outside their monastery. In 517 the Council
of Epao (a locality which has not been identified hitherto. See
Hefele, "Conciliengeschichte", II, 681; Loning, "Geschichte des
deutschen Kirchenrechts", I, 569, n. 2, identifies it with
Albon, between Valence and Vienne; the "Mon. Germ. Hist.": Conc,
I, l7, refer to Loning) prescribed measures (can. xxxviii)
prohibiting any but women of known integrity or priests on duty
from entering the monasteries of virgins (puellarum -- Hard.,
II, 1051). In the Constitution ("Novella") 133 of Justinian I,
peri monachon 16 or 18 March, 539, we meet with a prescription
which resembles much more closely our cloister. In the third
chapter the emperor forbids women to enter men's monasteries
even for a burial service, and vice versa. In the Council of
Saragossa (69l) the Fathers assembled protested against the
facility with which lay persons were admitted into monasteries
(Hard., III,1780). Next come the Council of Freising (about
800), which forbids either laymen or clerics to enter nuns'
convents (can. xxi in the collection reproduced in the "Mon.
Germ. Hist: Capitularia Regum Francorum", I, 28), and the
Council of Mainz (813), which forbids (can. xii) monks to go out
without the abbot's leave, and which seems (can. xiii) to forbid
absolutely all egress for nuns, even for the abbesses, except
with the advice and permission of the bishop (Hard., IV, 1011,
1012). In the acts of the synods of 829 presented to Louis le
Debonnaire, we find a measure to prevent monks from conversing
with nuns without the bishop's permission ["Mon. Germ. Hist.:
Capitularia", II, 42, n. 19 (53)]. The Second General Council of
the Lateran (1139) forbade nuns to dwell in private houses (can.
xxvi) and expressed the wish that they should not sing in the
same choir with the canons or monks (Hard., VII, 1222). The
Third Council of Lateran (1179) required a cause of clear
necessity to justify clerics in visiting convents of nuns. We
may add here the decree of Innocent III (1198) inserted in the
Decretalia (I, 31, 7), which gives to the bishop the right to
supplement the negligence of prelates who should not compel
wandering monks to return to their convents.
Thus far we have surveyed the beginnings of the present
legislation. In 1298 Boniface VIII promulgated his celebrated
Constitution "Periculoso" (De Statu Regularium, in VIDEG, III,
16) in which he imposed the cloister on all nuns. According to
this law all egress is forbidden to them; only persons of
irreproachable life are admitted to see the sisters, and that
only when there is a reasonable excuse previously approved of by
the competent authorities. The bishops (in the convents which
are subject to them, as well as in those which depend
immediately on the Holy See) and the regular prelates (in other
convents) are charged to watch over the execution of these
dispositions. The Council of Trent (Sess. XXV, De Reg. et Mon.,
c.v.), confirming these measures, confided to the bishops all
responsibility for the cloister of nuns; it further directed
that no man might go out without a written permit from the
bishop, and that outsiders, under pain of excommunication, might
not enter without a written permit from the bishop or the
regular superior, which permit might not be given except in case
of necessity. St. Pius V, in his "Circa Pastoralis" (29 May,
1566), urged the execution of Boniface's law, and imposed the
cloister even on the third orders. Shortly after, the same
pontiff, in his "Decori" (1 February, 1570), defined the cases
and the manner in which a professed nun might go outside of her
cloister. In this connection may also be mentioned the "Ubi
Gratiae" of Gregory XIII (13 June, 1575), explained by the Brief
"Dubiis" (23 Dec., 1581). The decree of 11 May, 1669, and the
declaration of 26 November 1679 of the congregation of the
Council, forbid religious men to see nuns, even at the grating
except within the limits referred to above.
This legislation is still further confirmed by the Constitutions
of Benedict XIV, "Cum sacrarum", 1 June, 1741, "Salutare" of 3
Jan, 1742, concerning the entrance of outsiders; "Per binas
alias", 24 Jan, I747, on the same subject; and the Letter
"Gravissimo", 31 October, 1749, to the ordinaries of the
pontifical territory on access of externs to the gripes, or
gratings, through which they might communicate with cloistered
religious; finally, by the constitution "Apostolicae Sedis", 12
October, 1869, which passed sentence of excommunication on all
offenders, and abrogated all usages contrary to the Constitution
of Pius V on the egress of cloistered nuns (cf. reply of Holy
Office 22 December, 1880).
The Apostolical constitutions about the cloister of regulars,
and notably the exclusion of women, are all posterior to the
Council of Trent. As regards the entrance of women, we have to
quote: Regularium", 24 Oct. 1566, and "Decet", 16 July, 1570,
both of St. Pius V; "Ubi Gratiae", 13 June, 1575, of Gregory
XIII; "Nullus", section 18, of Clement VIII, 25 June 1599;
"Regularis Disciplinae", 3 Jan., 1742, of Benedict XIV, lastly,
the "Apostoliae Sedis" of Pius IX (1869), for the censures.
Concerning the egress of religious, the reader may refer to the
following constitutions: "Ad Romanum spectat", sections 20 and
21, 21 Oct., 1588, of Sixtus V; "Decretum illud", 10 March,
1601, of Clement VIII (on the question of journeys to Rome);
also the decree "Nullus omnino", 25 June, 1599, of Clement VIII
(for Italy).
V. LEGISLATION IN THIS EASTERN CHURCH
In our historical survey we have already cited the Greek sources
of legislation prior to the seventh century. In 693 the Trullan
Council, so called from the hall of the palace at Constantinople
where it was held, is more precise than which preceded it. The
forty-sixth canon (Hard., III, 1679) forbade monks and nuns to
go out, except during the day, for a necessary cause, and with
the previous authorization of their superior; the forty-seventh
canon forbade men to sleep in a convent of women, and
vice-versa. The Second Council of Nicaea (787), which Photius
cites in his "Nomocanon" (P.G. CIV, 1091), in its eighteenth
canon forbids women to dwell in men's monasteries (Hard., iv,
497, 498), and in the twentieth it condemns double monasteries,
occupied by both monks and nuns (Hard., IV, 499, 500). Neither
Balsamon nor Aristenes, in their commentaries on the canons of
the councils (P.G., CXXXVII), nor Blastaris (1332), in his
alphabetical list of the canons (P.G., CXLV, under the titles,
"Hermits", "Nuns", col. 45-48, 49-50), nor the Maronite council
of 1736, has any more recent general law to cite. This Maronite
council cites two other Maronite synods of 1578 and 1596 (Coll.
Lac., II. 36). In an article like the present it would be
impossible to follow the evolution of the Eastern legislation
and the Eastern usages in this matter, owing to the multitude of
rites and of communities into which the Orientals tend to split
up.
We may cite two Catholic Maronite synods of Mt. Lebanon, held in
1736 ancl 1818. The former of these (De monasteriis et monachis,
IV, c.ii) recalls the old canons forbids double monasteries,
imposes on the monks a cloister similar to that of the Western
regulars, penalizing women offenders with sentence of
excommunication, reserved to the patriarch. In the third
chapter, devoted to sisterhoods, the Fathers recognize that the
strict cloister is not of obligation in their church. They allow
the nuns to go out for the needs of their convent, but they
desire that the nuns shall never go out alone. The execution of
these decrees was very slow, and met with much difficulty; and
the synod of 1818 had to be convened in order to finally
separate the convents of men from those of women.(cf. Coll.
Lac., II, 365-368; 374, 382, 490, 491,496, 576.)
The provincial synod of the Ruthenians of the United Greek Rite
(1720) introduced what is practically the Roman clausura the
excommunication protecting their cloister is reserved to the
pope {Coll. Lac. II, 55,58). In the patriarchical council of the
Greek Melchite United Church (1812), we find nothing but a
simple prohibition to the monks to go on journeys without
written permission from their superior, and to pass the night
outside of their monastery, except when assisting the dying
(Coll. Lac. II, 586). In the Coptic Catholic and Syrian Catholic
Churches there are at present no religious whatever. It may be
affirmed, as a matter of fact, that the cloister is often
relaxed among Eastern monks, especially the schismatics; the
exclusion of women, however, is very rigorous in the twenty
convents of Mt. Athos and among the Egyptian monks. There we
find even more than the ancient rigour of the Studists for no
female animal of any kind is allowed to exist on the promontory
(see St. Theodore the studiste, "Epistula Nicolao discipulo, et
testamentum" section 5, in P.G. XCIX, 941, 1820). The Basilian
nuns of Russian Church also observe a strict cloister.
For CLOISTER in the architectural sense, see under ABBEY.
ARTHUR VERMEERSCH
School of Clonard
School of Clonard
Clonard (Irish, Cluain Eraird, or Cluain Iraird, Erard's Meadow)
was situated on the beautiful river Boyne, just beside the
boundary line of the northern and southern halves of Ireland.
The founder of this school, the most famous of the sixth
century, was St. Finnian, an abbot and great wonder-worker. He
was born at Myshall, County Carlow, about 470. At an early age
he was placed under the care of St. Fortchern, by whose
direction, it is said, he proceeded to Wales to perfect himself
in holiness and sacred knowledge under the great saints of that
country. After a long sojourn there, of thirty years according
to the Salamanca MS., he returned to his native land and went
about from place to place, preaching, teaching, and founding
churches, till he was at last led by an angel to Cluain Eraird,
which he was told would be the place of his resurrection. Here
he built a little cell and a church of clay and wattle, which
after some time gave way to a substantial stone structure, and
entered on a life of study, mortification, and prayer. The fame
of his learning and sanctity was soon noised abroad, and
scholars of all ages flocked from every side to his monastic
retreat -- young laymen and clerics, abbots and bishops even,
and those illustrious saints who were afterwards known as the
"Twelve Apostles of Erin". In the Office of St. Finnian it is
stated that there were no fewer than 3000 pupils getting
instruction at one time in the school in the green fields of
Clonard under the broad canopy of heaven. The master excelled in
exposition of the Sacred Scriptures, and to this fact must be
mainly attributed the extraordinary popularity which his
lectures enjoyed. The exact date of the saint's death is
uncertain, but it was probably 552, and his burial-place is in
his own church of Clonard. For centuries after his death the
school continued to be renowned as a seat of Scriptural
learning, but it suffered at the hands of the Danes, especially
in the eleventh century, and two wretched Irishmen, O'Rorke of
Breifney and Dermod McMurrough, helped to complete the unholy
work which the Northmen had begun. With the transference by the
Norman Bishop de Rochfort, in 1206, of the See of Meath from
Clonard to Trim, the glory of the former place departed forever.
Irish Life in Book of Lismore; HEALY, Ireland's Ancient Schools
and Scholars (Dublin, 1890).
JOHN HEALY
Clonfert
Clonfert
(Clonfertensis, in Irish Cluain-fearta Brenainn).
The Diocese of Clonfert, a suffragan see of the metropolitan
province of Tuam, was founded in 557 by St. Brendan the
Navigator, in a sheltered cluain or meadow near the Shannon
shore, at the eastern extremity of the County Galway. The
diocese was nearly coextensive with the tribe-land of the Hy
Many or O'Kelly country. It still contains twenty-four parishes
in the south-east of the County Galway, including one small
parish east of the Shannon, which formed a part of the ancient
Hy Many territory. The renown of Brendan as a saint and
traveller by land and sea attracted from the very beginning many
monks and students to his monastery of Clonfert, so that it
became a very famous school of sanctity and learning, numbering
at one time, it is said, no less than three thousand students.
Brendan was not a bishop himself, but he had as coadjutor, his
nephew, Moinenn, who, after his death, became an abbot-bishop
and head of the monastic school. At a later period a still more
celebrated man, Cummian Fada, or Cummian the Tall, presided over
the school and Diocese of Clonfert. He took a leading part in
the famous Paschal controversy and wrote a very learned work on
the subject, known as his "Paschal Epistle", which fortunately
still survives (P.L., LXXXVIII) and furnishes conclusive
evidence of thevaried learning cultivated in the school of
Clonfert.
Clonfert being on the highway of the Shannon suffered greatly
from the ravages of the Danes, and also of some Irish chieftains
who imitated their bad example; yet the school and monastery
lived on through those stormy times, and we have a fuller list
of bishops and abbots of Clonfert than we have of any other see,
at least in the West of Ireland. It was richly endowed with
large estates of fertile land, and hence we find that the Bishop
of Clonfert, according to a scale fixed in 1392, paid to the
papal treasury on his appointment three hundred florins in gold,
the Archbishop of Tuam being taxed only at two hundred florins.
At the general suppression of religious houses by Henry VIII,
the Abbot O'Gormacan, with the help of Clanrickarde, contrived
to hold the abbey lands of Clonfert until his death in spite of
royal decrees. Roland de Burgo became bishop in 1534, and being
an uncle of the Earl of Clanrickarde was able to keep his lands
and his see for more than forty years under Henry, Edward VI,
Mary, and Elizabeth. He was always a Catholic prelate, although
it is probable that he took the Oath of Supremacy in order to
get the temporalities from Henry VIII. Queen Elizabeth wrote to
Sir H. Sydney suggesting the founding of a national university
at Clonfert, on account of its central position on the highway
of the lordly river, to be endowed with the abbey lands. But the
project was never carried out.
The old cathedral of Clonfert still exists, and is one of the
few ancient churches still used for religious worship, for it
was seized by the Protestants in the reign of Elizabeth and has
continued since in their hands. There is, however, practically
no Protestant congregation. The church was small, being only
fifty-four by twenty-seven feet in the clear, but its two
characteristic features, the west doorway and the east windows,
are very beautiful examples of the Irish Romanesque. Brash, and
expert authority, has described the doorway with great
minuteness, and declares that in point of design and execution
it is not excelled by any similar work that he has seen in these
islands. Of the east altar-window he says, "the design is
exceedingly chaste and beautiful, the mouldings simple and
effective, and the workmanship superior to any I have seen
either of ancient or modern times." He attributes the building
of this beautiful Romanesque church to Peter O'Mordha, a
Cistercian monk, first Abbot of Boyle and afterwards Bishop of
Clonfert. He belonged to a family of the highest artistic
genius, to whom we also owe the noble arches of the old
cathedral of Tuam, and the beautiful monastery of Cong.
In 1266, as we learn from the annals of Lough Ce', a certain
John was sent over from Rome as Bishop-elect of the See of
Clonfert. He must have received the sanction of the crown, and
could not have been inducted to his see without the help of
Walter de Burgo, Earl of Ulster. Hence we are told he was
consecrated at the English town of Athenry as Bishop of
Clonfert. This was on the Sunday before Christmas, 1266. He was
also appointed papal nuncio, and we find (apud Theiner) a letter
from Pope John XXI (1276) authorizing him to collect the
crusaders' tax for the recovery of the Holy Land. This John, one
of the few Italian prelates ever appointed to an Irish see, was
a great benefactor to his cathedral church, and he is believed
to have erected the statues and other carvings which decorate
the western end of his cathedral. This can hardly be true, so
far as the Romanesque doorway is concerned, for the Romanesque
had then gone out for at least half a century as a feature in
Irish architecture, and given place to the pointed style. It is
said that he governed Clonfert for no less than 30 years, and
was then transferred by the pope to the Archbishopric of
Benvento in Italy, about 1296. It is doubtless true that John,
with his artistic Italian tastes, finding in his diocese a
cathedral of the best type of the Irish Romanesque, probably a
hundred years old, did much to renovate and decorate with
statuary the beautiful building. This no doubt would explain the
ancient tradition that connects his name with the glories of the
old cathedral. It is interesting to note in conclusion that
Concors, an Abbot of Clonfert, was one of the three
plenipotentaries who were sent by Roderick O'Connor, the last
King of Ireland, to conclude the Treaty of Windsor, in the year
1175, by which Roderick renounced forever the sceptre and
Kingdom of Ireland. The city of St. Brendan is now a vast
solitude. The episcopal palace is falling into ruins; the
beautiful church is there, but there is no resident clergyman,
and only two houses -- that of the sexton and the police
barrack.
O'DONOVAN, "Four Masters" (Dublin, 1856), passim; HEALY,
"Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars" (Dublin, 1890);
WARE-HARRIS, "Lives of the Bishops of Ireland (Dublin, 1739);
ARCHDALL, "Monasticon Hibernicum", ed. MORAN (Dublin, 1873).
JOHN HEALY
Abbey and School of Clonmacnoise
Abbey and School of Clonmacnoise
Situated on the Shannon, about half way between Athlone and
Banagher, King's County, Ireland, and the most remarkable of the
ancient schools of Erin. Its founder was St. Ciaran, surnamed
Mac an Tsair, or "Son of the Carpenter", and thus distinguished
from his namesake, the patron saint of Ossory. He chose this
rather uninviting region because he thought it a more suitable
dwelling-place for disciples of the Cross than the luxuriant
plains not far away. Ciaran was born at Fuerty, County
Roscommon, in 512, and in his early years was committed to the
care of a deacon named Justus, who had baptized him, and from
whose hands he passed to the school of St. Finnian at Clonard.
Here he met all those saintly youths who with himself were
afterwards known as the "Twelve Apostles of Erin", and he
quickly won their esteem. When Finnian had to absent himself
from the monastery, it was to the youthful Ciaran that he
deputed his authority to teach and "give out the prayers", and
when Ciaran announced his intended departure, Finnian would fain
resign to him his cathair, or chair, and keep him in Clonard.
But Ciaran felt himself unripe for such responsibility, and he
knew, moreover, he had work to do elsewhere.
After leaving Clonard, Ciaran, like most of the contemporary
Irish saints, went to Aran to commune with holy Enda. One night
the two saints beheld the same vision, "of a great fruitful
tree, beside a stream, in the middle of Ireland, and it
protected the island of Ireland, and its fruit went forth over
the sea that surrounded the island, and the birds of the world
came to carry off somewhat of its fruit". And when Ciaran spoke
of the vision to Enda, the latter said to him:
The great tree which thou beholdest is thou thyself, for thou art
great in the eyes of God and men, and all Ireland will be full of
thy honour. This island will be protected under the shadow of thy
favour, and multitudes will be satisfied with the grace of thy
fasting and prayer. Go then, with God's word, to a bank of a stream,
and there found a church.
Ciaran obeyed. On reaching the mainland he first paid a visit to
St. Senan of Scattery and then proceeded towards the "middle of
Ireland", founding on his way two monasteries, in one of which,
on Inis Ainghin, he spent over three years. Going farther south
he came to a lonely waste by the Shannon, and seeking out a
beautiful grassy ridge, called Ard Tiprait, or the "Height of
the Spring," he said to his companions: "Here then we will stay,
for many souls will go to heaven hence, and there will be a
visit from God and from men forever on this place". Thus, on 23
January, 544, Ciaran laid the foundation of his monastic school
of Clonmacnoise, and on 9 May following he witnessed its
completion. Diarmait, son of Cerball, afterwards High King of
Ireland, aided and encouraged the saint in every way, promising
him large grants of land as an endowment. Ciaran's government of
his monastery was of short duration; he was seized by a plague
which had already decimated the saints of Ireland, and died 9
September, 544.
It is remarkable that a young saint dying before he was
thirty-three, should have been the founder of a school whose
fame was to endure for centuries. But Ciaran was a man of prayer
and fasting and labour, trained in all the science and
discipline of the saints, humble and full of faith, and so was a
worthy instrument in the hands of Providence for the carrying
out of a high design. St. Cummian of Clonfert calls him one of
the Patres Priores of the Irish Church, and Alcuin, the most
illustrious alumnus of Clonmacnoise, proclaims him the Gloria
Gentis Scotorum. His festival is kept on 9 September, and his
shrine is visited by many pilgrims.
Ciaran left but little mark upon the literary annals of the
famous school he founded. But in the character which he gave it
of a seminary for a whole nation, and not for a particular tribe
or district, is to be found the secret of its success. The
masters were chosen simply for their learning and zeal; the
abbots were elected almost in rotation from the different
provinces; and the pupils thronged thither from all parts of
Ireland, as well as from the remote quarters of France and
England. From the beginning it enjoyed the confidence of the
Irish bishops and the favour of kings and princes who were happy
to be buried in its shadow. In its sacred clay sleep Diarmait
the High King, and his rival Guaire, King of Connaught; Turlough
O'Conor, and his hapless son, Roderick, the last King of
Ireland, and many other royal benefactors, who believed that the
prayers of Ciaran would bring to heaven all those who were
buried there.
But Clonmacnoise was not without its vicissitudes. Towards the
close of the seventh century a plague carried off a large number
of its students and professors; and in the eighth century the
monastery was burned three times, probably by accident, for the
buildings were mainly of wood. During the ninth and tenth
centuries it was harassed not only by the Danes, but also, and
perhaps mainly, by some of the Irish chieftains. One of these,
Felim MacCriffon, sacked the monastery three times, on the last
occasion slaughtering the monks, we are told, like sheep. Even
the monks themselves were infected by the bellicose spirit of
the times, which manifested itself not merely in defensive, but
some- times even in offensive warfare. These were evil days for
Clonmacnoise, but with the blessing of Ciaran, and under the
"shadow of his favour", it rose superior to its trials, and all
the while was the Alma Mater of saints and sages.
Under date 794, is recorded the death of Colgu the Wise, poet,
theologian, and historian, who is said to have been the teacher
of Alcuin at Clonmacnoise (see Coelchu). Another alumnus of vast
erudition, whose gravestone may still be seen there, was
Suibhne, son of Maclume, who died in 891. He is described as the
"wisest and greatest Doctor of the Scots", and the annals of
Ulster call him a "most excellent scribe". Tighernach, the most
accurate and most ancient prose chronicler of the northern
nations, belongs to Clonmacnoise, and probably also Dicuil
(q.v), the world-famed geographer. In this school were composed
the "Chronicon Scotorum", a valuable chronicle of Irish affairs
from the earliest times to 1135, and the "Leabhar na h-Uidhre",
which, excepting the "Book of Armagh", is the oldest Irish
historical transcript now in existence. In the twelfth century
Clonmacnoise was a great school of Celtic art, architecture,
sculpture, and metal work. To this period and to this school we
owe the stone crosses of Tuam and Cong, the processional cross
of Cong, and perhaps the Tara Brooch and the Chalice of Ardagh.
The ruined towers and crosses and temples are still to be seen;
but there is no trace of the little church of Ciaran which was
the nucleus of Clonmacnoise.
JOHN HEALY
St. Clotilda
St. Clotilda
(Fr. CLOTILDE; Ger. CHLOTHILDE).
Queen of the Franks, born probably at Lyons, c. 474; died at
Tours, 3 June, 545. Her feast is celebrated 3 June. Clotilda was
the wife of Clovis I, and the daughter of Chilperic, King of
Burgundians of Lyons, and Caretena. After the death of King
Gundovic (Gundioch), the Kingdom of Burgundy had been divided
among his four sons, Chilperic reigning at Lyons, Gondebad at
Vienne, and Godegisil at Geneva; Gondemar's capital is not
mentioned. Chilperic and probably Godegisil were Catholics,
while Gondebad professed Arianism. Clotilda was given a
religious training by her mother caretena, who, according to
Sidonius Apollinaris and Fortunatus of Poitiers, was a
remarkable woman. After the death of Chilperic, Caretena seems
to have made her home with Godegisil at Geneva, where her other
daughter, Sedeleuba, or Chrona, founded the church of
Saint-Victor, and took the religious habit. It was soon after
the death of Chilperic that Clovis asked and obtained the hand
of Clotilda.
From the sixth century on, the marriage of Clovic and Clotilda
was made the theme of epic narratives, in which the original
facts vere materially altered and the various versions found
their way into the works of different Frankish chroniclers, e.
g. Gregory of Tours, Fredegarius, and the "Liber Historiae".
These narratives have the character common to all nuptial poems
of the rude epic poetry found among many of the Germanic
peoples. Here it will suffice to summarize the legends and add a
brief statement of the historical facts. Further information
will be found in special works on the subject. The popular poems
substituted for King Godegisil, uncle and protector of Clotilda,
his brother Gondebad, who was represented as the persecutor of
the young princess. Gondebad is supposed to have slain
Chilperic, thrown his wife into a well, with a stone tied around
her neck, and exiled her two daughters. Clovis, on hearing of
the beauty of Clotilda, sent his friend Aurelian, disguised as a
beggar, to visit her secretly, and give her a gold ring from his
master; he then asked Gondebad for the hand of the young
princess. Gondebad, fearing the powerful King of the Franks,
dared not refuse, and Clotilda accompanied Aurelian and his
escort on their return journey. They hastened to reach Frankish
territory, as Clotilda feared that Aredius, the faithful
counsellor of Gondebad, on his return from Constantinople
whither he had been sent on a mission, would influence his
master to retract his promise. Her fears were justified. Shortly
after the departure of the princess, Aredius returned and caused
Gondebad to repent to the marriage. Troops were despatched to
bring Clotilda back, but it was too late, as she was safe on
Frankish soil. The details of this recital are purely legendary.
It is historically established that Chilperic's death was
lamented by Gondebad, and that Cartena lived until 506: she died
"full of days", says her epitaph, having had the joy of seeing
her children brought up in catholic religion. Aurelian and
Aredius are historical personages, though little is known of
them in the legend is highly improbable.
Clotilda, as wife of Clovis, soon acquired a great ascendancy
over him, of which she availed herself to exhort him to embrace
the Catholic Faith. For a long time her efforts were fruitless,
though the king permitted the baptism of Ingomir, their first
son. The child died in his infancy which seemed to give Clovis
an argument against the God of Clotilda, but notwithstanding
this, the young queen again obtained the consent of her husband
to the baptism of their second son, Clodomir. Thus the future of
Catholicism was already assured in the Frankish Kingdom. Clovis
himself was soon afterwards converted under highly dramatic
circumstances, and was baptized at Reims by St. Remigius, in 496
(see CLOVIS). Thus Clotildas accomplished the mission assigned
her by Providence; she was made the instrument in the conversion
of a great people, who were to be for centuries the leaders of
Catholic civilization. Clotilda bore Clovis five children: four
sons, Ingomir, who died in infancy, and Kings Clodomir,
Childebert, and Clotaire, and one daughter, named Clotilda after
her mother. Little more is known of Queen Clotilda during the
lifetime of husband, but it may be conjectured that she
interceded with him, at the time of his intervention in the
quarrel between the Burgundian kings, to win him to the cause of
Godegisil as against Gondebad. The moderation displayed by
Clovis in this struggle, in which, though victor, he did not
seek to turn the victory to his own advantage, as well as the
alliance which he afterwards concluded with Gondebad, were
doubtless due to the influence of Clotilda, who must have viewed
the fratricidal struggle with horror.
Clovis died at Paris in 511, and Clotilda had him interred on
what was then Mons Lucotetius, in the church of the Apostles
(later Sainte-Genevieve), which they had built together to serve
as a mausoleum, and which Clotilda was left to complete. The
widowhood of this noble woman was saddened by cruel trials. Her
son Clodomir, son-in-law of Gondebad, made war against his
cousin Sigismund, who had succeeded Gondebad on the throne of
Burgundy, captured him, and put him to death with his wife and
children at Coulmiers, near Orleans. According to the popular
epic of the Franks, he was incited to this war by Clotilda, who
thought to avenge upon Sigismund the murder of her parents; but,
as has already been seen Clotilda had nothing to avenge, and, on
the contrary, it was probably she who arranged the alliance
between Clovis and Gondebad. Here the legend is at variance with
the truth, cruelly defaming the memory of Clotilda, who had the
sorrow of seeing Clodomir perish in his unholy war on the
Burgundians; he was vanquished and slain in the battle of
Veseruntia (Vezeronce), in 524, by Godomar, brother of
Sigismund. Clotilda took under her care his three sons of tender
age, Theodoald, Gunther, and Clodoald. Childebert and Clotaire,
however, who had divided between them the inheritance of their
elder brother, did not wish the children to live, to whom later
on they would have to render an account. By means of a ruse they
withdrew the children from the watchful care of their mother and
slew the two eldest, the third escaped and entered a cloister,
to which he gave his name (Saint-Cloud, near Paris).
The grief of Clotilda was so great that Paris became
insupportable to her, and she withdrew to Tours where close to
the tomb of St. Martin, to whom she had great devotion, she
spent the remainder of her life in prayer and good works. But
there were trials still in store for her. Her daughter Clotilda,
wife of Amalaric, the Visigothic king, being cruelly maltreated
by her husband, appealed for help to her brother Childebert. He
went to her rescue and defeated Amalaric in a battle, in which
the latter was killed, Clotilda, however, died on the journey
home, exhausted by the hardships she had endured. Finally, as
though to crown the long martyrdom of Clotilda, her two sole
surviving sons, Childebert and Clotaire, began to quarrel, and
engaged in serious warfare. Clotaire, closely pursued by
Childebert, who had been joined by Theodebert, son of Thierry I,
took refuge in the forest of Brotonne, in Normandy, where he
feared that he and his army would be exterminated by the
superior forces of his adversaries. Then, says Gregory of Tours,
Clotilda threw herself on her knees before the tomb of St.
Martin, and besought him with tears during the whole night not
to permit another fratricide to afflict the family of Clovis.
Suddenly a frightful tempest arose and dispersed the two armies
which were about to engage in a hand-to-hand struggle; thus,
says the chronicler, did the saint answer the prayers of the
afflicted mother. This was the last of Clotilda's trials. Rich
in virtues and good works, after a widowhood of thirty-four
years, during which she lived more as a religious than as a
queen, she died and was buried in Paris, in the church of the
Apostles, beside her husband and children.
The life of Saint Clotilda, the principal episodes of which,
both legendary and historic, are found scattered throughout the
chronicle of St. Gregory of Tours was written in the tenth
century, by an anonymous author, who gathered his facts
principally from this source. At an early period she was
venerated by the Church as a saint, and while popular
contemporary poetry disfigures her noble personality by making
her a type of a savage fury, Clotilda has now entered into the
possession of a pure and untarnished fame, which no legend will
be able to obscure.
GODEFROID KURTH
Clouet
Clouet
The family name of several generations of painters.
Jean (Jean the Younger)
Born at Tours, France, 1485; died, probably at Paris, between
1541 and 1545. He was the son and pupil of Jean the Elder, a
Flemish painter who went to Paris from Brussels in 1460 and
afterwards settled at Tours. Francis I made the son court
painter at Paris, and, in 1518, a valet de chambre, a post of
distinction. The court called him familiarly "Janet", a name
which became generic, comprising his father, his son Franc,ois,
and their numerous imitators. Ronsard sang:
Peins moy, Janet, peins moy je t'en supplie.
His numerous portraits of royalty and nobility are all in the
antique, or Gothic, style, like that of the Van Eycks. His
outlines are sharp and precise, all the lines are clear, and he
gives great attention to details. Clouet painted his sitter with
fidelity and avoided theatrical (Italian) effects, hence the
result is a portrait, simple, reticent, and naive. Much of his
work was until recently attributed to Holbein. In 1524 he
painted the celebrated portrait of Francis I in full armour on
horseback, and in 1528 another, a life-size bust (now at
Versailles), long ascribed to Mabuse. Some authorities claim
that of his many pictures only one is authentic: the portrait of
Francis I in the Louvre. Other notable works of Clouet's are
"Eleanor of Spain" (wife of Francis I) in Hampton Court, and
"Margaret of Valois" in Liverpool.
Franc,ois, called Franc,ois Janet and Maitre Jehannet
Born probably at Tours, between 1500 and 1520; died at Paris,
between 1570 and 1580. He was the son and pupil of Jean the
Younger and was naturalized in 1541. At the age of thirty-five
he succeeded his father as court painter to Francis I, to whom
he was also appointed a valet de chambre. Franc,ois was also
court painter to Charles IX, at the close of whose reign all
traces of him disappear. Clouet's work in oil, while Flemish in
its scrupulous attention to details, is, however, distinctively
French, and he carried to its highest the fame of "the Janets".
He was the last of the French primitifs. His pictures are
painted solidly, in pale, delicate tones, and without
chiaroscuro. Clouet's portraits are true, accurate, and devoid
of sentimentality; they show forth the moral and intellectual
qualities of each sitter; and they "have the charm of intime
painting" (Blanc). Two portraits of great brilliancy and
distinction are the "Francis II as a Child" (1547) now at
Antwerp, and "Henry II" (1553) in the Louvre; but Berlin
possesses what are, perhaps, his masterpieces: "Francis II" and
the "Duc d'Anjou" (Henry III). Clouet's office required him to
depict every great court function, and as late as 1709 such a
group of pictures was in existence. He made many sketches in
black and red chalk, showing perfect draughtsmanship and
splendid modelling. Castle Howard contains eighty-eight such
drawings, all in the manner of Holbein. Clouet also painted
miniatures; that of greatest historical interest is "Mary Queen
of Scots" (Windsor Castle), which has never been out of royal
possession since catalogued, in the time of Charles, as "by
Jennet a French limner". It is probably the only authentic
picture of the unhappy Mary. Clouet's work was highly valued
during his lifetime, and he was a power at the courts of Francis
I, Henry II, Francis II, and Charles IX. The brilliant men and
women about these monarchs felt that "the Janets" had elevated
art and France. To-day their pictures are so highly prized that
many forgeries are made of them. Besides those mentioned, other
great canvases by Franc,ois are "Elizabeth of Austria", "Charles
IX", both in the Louvre, and four portraits in Stafford House
(London). Collections of his drawings are in the Louvre, British
Museum, and Albertina Museum (Vienna).
LEIGH HUNT
Councils of Clovesho
Councils of Clovesho
Clovesho, or Clofeshoch, is notable as the place at which were
held several councils of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The locality
itself has never been successfully identified. It is supposed to
have been in Mercia, and probably near London (Bede, ed.
Plummer, II, 214). Lingard, in his appendix to the "Antiquities
of the Anglo-Saxon Church", takes it to be Abingdon, and Kemble
(Saxons in England, II, 191) to be Tewkesbury, and others have
thought it might be Cliff-at-Hoo, in Kent, but Haddan and Stubbs
(Councils, III, 121, n.) consider all these conjectures to be
based upon unreliable evidence. Whatever uncertainty exists in
determining the place which was known as Clovesho, there is no
doubt as to the fact of the councils or to the authenticity of
their Acts. When Archbishop Theodore held the Council of
Hertford in 673, in which he declared to the assembled bishops
that he had been "appointed by the Apostolic See to be Bishop of
the Church of Canterbury", a canon was passed to the effect that
in future yearly synods should be held every August "in the
place which is called Clofeshoch". (Bede, H. E., IV, ch. v.)
Notwithstanding this provision, `it was not until seventy years
later that the first Council of Clovesho of which we have an
authentic record was assembled. It is true that in the
Canterbury Cartulary there is a charter which says that the
Privilege of King Wihtred to the churches was "confirmed and
ratified in a synod held in the month of July in a place called
Clovesho" in the year 716; but the authenticity of this
document, though intrinsically probable, is held by Haddan and
Stubbs to be dependent upon that of the Privilege of Wihtred.
The councils of Clovesho of which we have authentic evidence are
those of the years 742, 747, 794, 798, 803, 824, and 825.
+ (1) The Council of Clovesho in 742 was presided Over by
Ethelbald, King of Mercia, and Cuthbert, Archbishop of
Canterbury. According to the record of its proceedings (given
in Kemble's "Codex Diplomaticus AEvi Saxonici", 87), the
council "diligently enquired into the needs of religion, the
Creed as delivered by the ancient teaching of the Fathers, and
carefully examined how things were ordered at the first
beginning of the Church here in England, and where the honour
of the monasteries according to the rules of justice was
maintained". The privilege of King Wihtred assuring the
liberty of the Church was solemnly confirmed. Beyond this, no
mention is made of particular provisions.
+ (2) The Second Council of Clovesho, in 747, was one of the
most important in the history of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Its
acts were happily copied by Spelman (Councils, I, 240) from an
ancient Cottonian Manuscript now lost. They are printed in
Wilkins, I, 94; in Mansi, XII, 395; and in Haddan and Stubbs,
III, 360. They state that the council was composed of "bishops
and dignitaries of less degree from the various provinces of
Britain", and that it was presided over by Cuthbert,
Archbishop of Canterbury. According to the Manuscript
preserved by William of Malmesbury, "King Ethelbald and his
princes and chiefs were present". It was thus substantially
representative of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The Acts relate that
"first of all, the Metropolitan, as president, brought forth
in their midst two letters of the Apostolic Lord, Pope
Zachary, venerated throughout the whole world, and with great
care these were plainly read, and also openly translated into
our own language, according as he himself by his Apostolic
authority had commanded". The papal letters are described as
containing a fervent admonition to amendment of life,
addressed to the English people of every rank and condition,
and requiring that those who contemned these warnings and
remained obstinate in their malice should be punished by
sentence of excommunication. The council then drew up
thirty-one canons dealing mostly with matters of
ecclesiastical discipline and liturgy.
The thirteenth and fifteenth canons are noteworthy as showing
the close union of the Anglo-Saxon Church with the Holy See.
The thirteenth canon is: "That all the most sacred Festivals
of Our Lord made Man, in all things pertaining to the same,
viz.: in the Office of Baptism, the celebration of Masses, in
the method of chanting, shall be celebrated in one and the
same way, namely, according to the sample which we have
received in writing from the Roman Church. And also,
throughout the course of the whole year, the festivals of the
Saints are to be kept on one and the same day, with their
proper psalmody and chant, according to the Martyrology of the
same Roman Church." The fifteenth canon adds that in the seven
hours of the daily and nightly Office the clergy "must not
dare to sing or read anything not sanctioned by the general
use, but only that which comes down by authority of Holy
Scripture, and which the usage of the Roman Church allows".
The sixteenth canon in like manner requires that the litanies
and rogations are to be observed by the clergy and people with
great reverence "according to the rite of the Roman Church".
The feasts of St. Gregory and of St. Augustine, "who was sent
to the English people by our said Pope and father St.
Gregory", were to be solemnly celebrated. The clergy and monks
were to live so as to be always prepared to receive worthily
the most holy Body and Blood of the Lord, and the laity were
to be exhorted to the practice of frequent Communion (Canons
xxii, xxiii). Persons who did not know Latin were to join in
the psalmody by intention, and were to be taught to say, in
the Saxon tongue, prayers for the living or for the repose of
the souls of the dead (Can. xxvii). Neither clergy nor monks
were in future to be allowed to live in the houses of the
people (Can. xxix), nor were they to adopt or imitate the
dress which is worn by the laity (Can. xxviii).
+ (3) The record of the Council of Clovesho in 794 consists
merely in a charter by which Offa, King of Mercia, made a
grant of land for pious purposes. The charter states that it
has been drawn up "in the general synodal Council in the most
celebrated place called Clofeshoas". At or about the time when
the papal legates presided at the Council of Chelsea in 787,
Offa had obtained from Pope Adrian I that Lichfield should be
created an archbishopric and that the Mercian sees should be
subjected to its jurisdiction and withdrawn from that of
Canterbury. Consequently at this Council of Clovesho in 794,
Higbert of Lichfield, to whom the pope had sent the pall,
signs as an archbishop.
+ (4) A council was held at Clovesho in 798 by Archbishop
Ethelheard with Kenulph, King of Mercia, at which the bishops
and abbots and chief men of the province were present. Its
proceedings are related in a document by Archbishop Ethelheard
(Lambeth Manuscript 1212, p. 312; Haddan and Stubbs, III,
512). He states that his first care was to examine diligently
"in what way the Catholic Faith was held and how the Christian
religion was practised amongst them". To this inquiry, "they
all replied with one voice: 'Be it known to your Paternity,
that even as it was formerly delivered to us by the Holy Roman
and Apostolic See, by the mission of the most Blessed Pope
Gregory, so do we believe, and what we believe, we in all
sincerity do our best to put into practice.'" The rest of the
time of the council was devoted to questions of church
property, and an agreement of exchange of certain lands
between the archbishop and the Abbess Cynedritha.
+ (5) The Council of Clovesho in 803 is one of the most
remarkable of the series, as its Acts contain the declaration
of the restitution of the Mercian sees to the province of
Canterbury by the authority of Pope Leo III. In 798 King
Kenulph of Mercia addressed to the pope a long letter, written
as he says "with great affection and humility", representing
the disadvantages of the new archbishopric which had been
erected at Lichfield some sixteen years previously by Pope
Adrian, at the prayer of King Offa. King Kenulph in this
letter (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 521) submits the whole case to
the pope, asking his blessing and saying: "I love you as one
who is my father, and I embrace you with the whole strength of
my obedience", and promising to abide in all things by his
decision. "I judge it fitting to bend humbly the ear of our
obedience to your holy commands, and to fulfil with all our
strength whatever may seem to your Holiness that we ought to
do." Ethelheard, Archbishop of Canterbury, went himself to
Rome, and pleaded for the restitution of the sees. In 802 Pope
Leo III granted the petition of the king and the archbishop,
and issued to the latter a Bull in which by the authority of
Blessed Peter he restored to him the full jurisdiction enjoyed
by his predecessors. The pope communicated this judgment in a
letter to King Kenulph (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 538). This
decision was duly proclaimed in the Council of Clovesho held
in the following year. Archbishop Ethelheard declared to the
synod that "by the co-operation of God and of the Apostolic
Lord, the Pope Leo", he and his fellow-bishops unanimously
ratified the rights of the See of Canterbury, and that an
archbishopric should never more be founded at Lichfield, and
that the grant of the pallium made by Pope Adrian, should,
"with the consent and permission of the Apostolic Lord Pope
Adrian, be considered as null, having been obtained
surreptitiously and by evil suggestion". Higbert, the
Archbishop of Lichfield, submitted to the papal judgment, and
retired into a monastery, and the Mercian sees returned to the
jurisdiction of Canterbury.
+ (6-7) In 824 and again in 825 synods were held at Clovesho,
"Beornwulf, King of Mercia, presiding and the Venerable
Archbishop Wulfred ruling and controlling the Synod",
according to the record of the first, and "Wulfred the
Archbishop presiding, and also Beornwulf, King of Mercia",
according to the second. The first assembly was occupied in
deciding a suit concerning an inheritance, and the second in
terminating a dispute between the archbishop and the Abbess
Cwenthrytha (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 593, 596).
It is evident from the records that the councils held at
Clovesho and those generally of the Anglo-Saxon period were
mixed assemblies at which not only the bishops and abbots, but
the kings of Mercia and the chief men of the kingdom were
present. They had thus the character not only of a church synod
but of the Witenagemot or assembly fairly representative of the
Church and realm. The affairs of the Church were decided by the
bishops presided over by the archbishop, while the king,
presiding over his chiefs, gave to their decisions the
co-operation and acceptance of the State. Both parties signed
the decrees, but there is no evidence of any ingerence of the
lay power in the spiritual legislation or judgments of the
Church. While it must be remembered that at this period the
country was not yet united into one kingdom, the councils of
Clovesho, as far as we may judge from their signatures,
represented the primatial See of Canterbury and the whole
English Church south of the Humber.
KEMBLE, Codex Diplomaticus AEvi Saxonici (London, 1839-48);
THORPE ed., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (London, 1861); BEDE,
Historia Eccl. Gentis Anglorum, ed. PLUMMER (Oxford, 1896);
WILKINS, Concilia Magnoe Britannioe (London, 1737); HADDAN AND
STUBBS, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents (Oxford, 1869-78);
SPELMAN, Concilia, decreta, etc., in re ecclesiarum orbis
Britannici (London, 1639-64).
J. MOYES.
Giorgio Clovio
Giorgio Clovio
(Also known as Giulio Clovio)
A famous Italian miniaturist, called by Vasari "the unique" and
"little Michelangelo", b. at Grizani, on the coast of Croatia,
in 1498; d. at Rome, 1578. His family appear to have come from
Macedonia, and his original name was perhaps Glovic. Coming to
Italy at the age of eighteen, he soon won renown, and became a
protege of Cardinal Grimani, for whom he engraved medals and
seals. One of his first pictures was a Madonna after an
engraving by Albert Durer. In 1524 Clovio was at Buda, at the
court of King Louis II, for whom he painted the "Judgment of
Paris" and "Lucretia". In 1526 he returned to Rome, and a year
later, falling into the hands of the Constable Bourbon's
banditti, he made a vow to enter religion if he could escape
from them. He accordingly took orders at Mantua, and illustrated
several manuscripts for his convent, adopting in religion the
name Giulio, perhaps in memory of Giulio Romano, who had been
one of his early advisers. Thanks to the intervention of
Cardinal Grimani, he was soon released from his vows, and spent
several years in the service of this prelate, for whom he
executed some of his most beautiful works -- a Latin missal,
1537 (in Lord Hertford's collection), and a Petrarch (in the
Trivulzio Library at Milan). He was at Venice in 1538, but in
1540 was summoned to Rome by Pope Paul III. Cosimo II then lured
him to Tuscany, and princes disputed over his achievements.
Philip II ordered from Clovio a life of his father, Charles V,
in twelve scenes, and John III or Portugal paid him 2000 ducats
for a psalter, but a prayer book which he made for Cardinal
Farnese, and which Vasari calls a "divine work", was considered
Clovio's masterpiece. The binding was made after a design by
Cellini. Clovio died in Rome at the age of eighty; his tomb is
to be seen in the church of San Pietro in Vincoli, and his works
are preserved in all the libraries of Europe, especially that of
the Vatican.
This famous artist, although one of the most highly esteemed in
his own line, was nevertheless among those who helped to injure
it. By introducing into it the ideas and monumental style of the
Renaissance and replacing rich costumes, delicate arabesques,
and gothic foliage by the nude, by antique ornaments, trophies,
medallions, festoons, etc., Clovio contributed largely to the
decadence of the charming art of miniature-painting, and his
example of extreme elaboration was imitated throughout Europe at
a time when printing had not yet supplanted manuscripts for
editions de luxe. However sumptuous his work, it lacked the
quality which distinguished that done by the French illuminators
at an earlier period for Charles V and the Duc de Berry.
LOUIS GILLET.
Clovis
Clovis
(CHLODWIG, or CHLODOWECH)
Son of Childeric, King of the Salic Franks; born in the year
466; died at Paris, 27 November, 511. He succeeded his father as
the King of the Franks of Tournai in 481. His kingdom was
probably one of the States that sprang from the division of
Clodion's monarchy like those of Cambrai, Tongres and Cologne.
Although a Pagan, Childeric had kept up friendly relations with
the bishops of Gaul, and when Clovis ascended the throne he
received a most cordial letter of congratulation from St.
Remigius, Archbishop of Reims. The young king early began his
course of conquest by attacking Syagrius, son of Aegidius, the
Roman Count. Having established himself at Soissons, he acquired
sovereign authority over so great a part of Northern Gaul as to
be known to his contemporaries as the King of Soissons.
Syagrius, being defeated, fled for protection to Alaric II, King
of the Visigoths, but the latter, alarmed by a summons from
Clovis, delivered Syagrius to his conqueror, who had him
decapitated in 486. Clovis then remained master of the dominions
of Syagrius and took up his residence at Soissons. It would seem
as if the episode of the celebrated vase of Soissons were an
incident of the campaign against Syagrius, and it proves that,
although a pagan, Clovis continued his father's policy by
remaining on amicable terms with Gaulish episcopate. The vase,
taken by the Frankish soldiers while plundering a church, formed
part of the booty that was to be divided among the army. It was
claimed by the bishop (St. Remigius?), and the king sought to
have it awarded to himself in order to return it intact to the
bishop, but a dissatisfied soldier split the vase with his
battle-axe, saying to this king: "You will get only the share
allotted you by fate". Clovis did not openly resent the insult,
but the following year, when reviewing his army he came upon
this same soldier and, reproving him for the the defective
condition of his arms, he split his skull with an axe, saying:
"It was thus that you treated the Soissons vase." This incident
has often been cited to show that although in time of war a king
has unlimited authority over his army, after the war his power
is restricted and that in the division of booty the rights of
the soldiers must be respected.
After the defeat of Syagrius, Clovis extended his dominion as
far as the Loire. It was owing to the assistance given him by
the Gaulish episcopate that he gained possession of the country.
The bishops, it is quite certain mapped out the regime that
afterwards prevailed. Unlike that adopted in other barbarian
kingdoms founded upon the ruins of the Roman Empire, this regime
established absolute equality between the Gallo-Roman natives
and their Germanic conquerors all sharing the same privileges.
Procopius, a Byzantine writer has given us an idea of this
agreement, but we know it best by its results. There was no
distribution of Gaulish territory by the victors; established in
the Belgian provinces, they had lands there to which they
returned after each campaign. All the free men in the kingdom of
Clovis, whether they were of Roman or of Germanic origin, called
themselves Franks, and we must guard against the old mistake of
looking upon the Franks after Clovis as no more than Germanic
barbarians.
Master of half of Gaul, Clovis returned to Belgium and conquered
the two Salic kingdoms of Cambrai and Tongres (?), where his
cousins Ragnacaire and Chararic reigned. These events have been
made known to us only through the poetic tradition of the Franks
which has singularly distorted them. According to this tradition
Clovis called upon Chararic to assist him its his war against
Syagrius, but Chararic's attitude throughout the battle was most
suspicious, as he refrained from taking sides until he saw which
of the rivals was to be victorious. Clovis longed to have
revenge. Through a ruse he obtained possession of Chararic and
his son and threw them into prison; he then had their heads
shaved, and both were ordained, the father to the priesthood and
the son to the diaconate. When Chararic bemoaned and wept over
this humiliation his son exclaimed: "The leaves of a green tree
have been cut but they will quickly bud forth again; may he who
has done this perish as quickly!" This remark was reported to
Clovis, and he had both father and son beheaded.
Tradition goes on to say that Ragnacaire King of Cambrai, was a
man of such loose morals he hardly respected his own kindred,
and Farron, his favourite, was equally licentious. So great was
the king's infatuation for this man that, if given a present, he
would accept it for himself and his Farron. This filled his
subjects with indignation and Clovis, to win them over to his
side before taking the field, distributed among them money,
bracelets, and baldries, all in gilded copper in fraudulent
imitation of genuine gold. On different occasions Ragnacaire
sent out spies to ascertain the strength of Clovis's army, and
upon returning they said: "It is a great reinforcement for you
and your Farron." Meanwhile Clovis advanced and the battle
began. Being defeated, Ragnacaire sought refuge in flight, but
was overtaken; made prisoner, and brought to Clovis, his hands
bound behind him. "Why", said his conqueror have you permitted
our blood to be humiliated by allowing yourself to be put in
chains? It were better that you should die." And, so saying,
Clovis dealt him his death-blow. Then, turning to Richaire,
Ragnacaire's brother, who had been taken prisoner with the king,
he said: "Had you but helped your brother, they would not have
bound him", and he slew Richaire also. After these deaths the
traitors discovered that they had been given counterfeit gold
and complained of it to Clovis, but he only laughed at them.
Rignomir, one of Ragnacaire's brothers, was put to death at Le
Mans by order of Clovis, who took possession of the kingdom and
the treasure of his victims.
Such is the legend of Clovis; it abounds in all kinds of
improbabilities, which cannot be considered as true history. The
only facts that can be accepted are that Clovis made war upon
Kings Ragnacaire and Chararic, put them to death and seized
their territories. Moreover, the author of this article is of
opinion that these events occurred shortly after the conquest of
the territory of Syagrius, and not after the war against the
Visigoths, as has been maintained by Gregory of Tours, whose
only authority is an oral tradition, and whose chronology in
this matter is decidedly misleading. Besides Gregory of Tours
has not given us the name of Chararic's kingdom; it was long
believed to have been established at Therouanne but it is more
probable that Tongres was its capital city, since it was here
that the Franks settled on gaining a foothold in Belgium.
In 492 or 493 Clovis, who was master of Gaul from the Loire to
the frontiers of the Rhenish Kingdom of Cologne, married
Clotilda, the niece of Gondebad, King of the Burgundians. The
popular epic of the Franks has transformed the story of this
marriage into a veritable nuptial poem the analysis of which
will be found in the article on Clotilda. Clotilda, who was a
Catholic, and very pious, won the consent of Clovis to the
baptism of their son, and then urged that he himself embrace the
Catholic Faith. He deliberated for a long time. Finally, during
a battle against the Alemanni--which without apparent reason has
been called the battle of Tolbiac (Zulpich)--seeing his troops
on the point of yielding, he invoked the aid of Clotilda's God,
promised to become a Christian if only victory should be granted
him. He conquered and, true to his word was baptized at Reims by
St. Remigius, bishop of that city, his sister Albofledis and
three thousand of his warriors at the same time embracing
Christianity. Gregory of Tours, in his ecclesiastical history of
the Franks has described this event, which took place amid great
pomp at Christmas, 496. "Bow thy head, O Sicambrian", said St.
Remigius to the royal convert "Adore what thou hast burned and
burn what thou hast adored." According to a ninth-century legend
found in the life of St. Remigius, written by the celebrated
Hinemar himself Archbishop of Reims, the chrism for the
baptismal ceremony was missing and was brought from heaven in a
vase (ampulla) borne by a dove. This is what is known as the
Sainte Ampoule of Reims, preserved in the treasury of the
cathedral of that city and used for the coronation of the kings
of France from Philip Augustus down to Charles X.
The conversion of Clovis to the religion of the majority of his
subjects soon brought about the union of the Gallo-Romans with
their barbarian conquerors. While in all the other Germanic
kingdoms founded on the ruins of the Roman Empire the difference
of religion between the Catholic natives and Arian conquerers
was a very active cause of destruction, in the Frankish kingdom,
on the contrary, the fundamental identity of religious beliefs
and equality of political rights made national and patriotic
sentiments universal and produced the most perfect harmony
between the two races. The Frankish Kingdom was thenceforth the
representative and defender of Catholic interests throughout the
West, while to his conversion Clovis owed an exceptionally
brilliant position. Those historians who do not understand the
problems of religious psychology have concluded that Clovis
embraced Christianity solely from political motives, but nothing
is more erroneous. On the contrary, everything goes to prove
that his conversion was sincere, and the opposite cannot be
maintained without refusing credence to the most trustworthy
evidence.
In the year 500 Clovis was called upon to mediate in a quarrel
between his wife's two uncles, Kings Gondebad of Vienne and
Godegisil of Geneva. He took sides with the latter, whom he
helped to defeat Gondebad at Dijon, and then, deeming it prudent
to interfere no further in this fratricidal struggle, he
returned home, leaving Godegisil an auxiliary corps of five
thousand Franks. After Clovis's departure Gondebad reconquered
Vienne, his capital in which Godegisil had established himself.
This reconquest was effected by a stratagem seconded by
treachery, and Godegisil himself perished on the same occasion.
The popular poetry of the Franks has singularly misrepresented
this intervention of Clovis, pretending that, at the instigation
of his wife Clotilda, he sought to avenge her grievances against
her uncle Gondebad (see CLOTILDA) and that the latter king,
besieged in Avignon by Clovis, got rid of his opponent through
the agency of Aredius, a faithful follower. But in these poems
there are so many fictions as to render the history in them
indistinguishable.
An expedition, otherwise important and profitable was undertaken
by Clovis in the year 506 against Alaric II, King of the
Visigoths of Aquitaine. He was awaited as their deliverer by the
Catholics of that kingdom, who were being cruelly persecuted by
Arian fanatics, and was encouraged in his enterprise by the
Emperor Anastasius, who wished to crush this ally of Theodoric,
King of the Ostrogoths. Despite the diplomatic efforts made by
the latter to prevent the war, Clovis crossed the Loire and
proceeded to Vouille, near Poitiers, where he defeated and slew
Alaric, whose demoralized troops fled in disorder. The Franks
took possession of the Visigoth Kingdom as far as the Pyrenees
and the Rhone, but the part situated on the left bank of this
river was stoutly defended by the armies of Theodoric, and thus
the Franks were prevented from seizing Arles and Provence.
Notwithstanding this last failure, Clovis, by his conquest of
Aquitaine, added to the Frankish crown the fairest of its
jewels. So greatly did the Emperor Anastasius rejoice over the
success attained by Clovis that, to testify his satisfaction, he
sent the Frankish conqueror the insignia of the consular
dignity, an honour always highly appreciated by the barbarians.
The annexation of the Rhenish Kingdom of Cologne crowned the
acquisition of Gaul by Clovis. But the history of this conquest,
also, has been disfigured by a legend that Clovis instigated
Chloderic, son of Sigebert of Cologne, to assassinate his
father, then, after the perpetration of this foul deed, caused
Chloderic himself to be assassinated, and finally offered
himself to the Rhenish Franks as king, protesting his innocence
of the crimes that had been committed. The only historical
element in this old story, preserved by Gregory of Tours, is
that the two kings of Cologne met with violent deaths, and that
that Clovis, their relative, succeeded them partly by right of
birth, partly by popular choice. The criminal means by which he
is said to have reached this throne are pure creation of the
barbarian imagination.
Master now of a vast kingdom, Clovis displayed the same talent
in governing that he had displayed in conquering it. From Paris,
which he had finally made his capital, he administered the
various provinces through the agency of counts (comites)
established in each city and selected by him from the
aristocracy of both races, conformably to the principle of
absolute equality between Romans and barbarians, a principle
which dominated his entire policy. He caused the Salic Law (Lex
Salica) to be reduced to written form, revised end adapted to
the new social conditions under which his fellow barbaricans
were subsequently to live. Acknowledging the Church as the
foremost civilizing force, he protected it in every way
possible, especially by providing for it the National Council of
Orleans (511), at which the bishops of Gaul settled many
questions pertaining to the relations between Church and state.
Hagiographic legends attribute to Clovis the founding of a great
many churches and monasteries throughout France, and although
the accuracy of this claim cannot be positively established, it
is nevertheless certain that the influence of the council in
this matter must have been considerable. However, history has
preserved the memory of foundation which was undoubtedly due to
Clovis: the church of the Apostles, later of Sainte-Genevieve,
on what was then Mons Lucotetius, to the south of Paris. The
king destined it as a mausoleum for himself and his queen
Clotilda, and before it was completed his mortal remains were
there interred. Clovis died at the age of forty-five. His
sarcophagus remained in the crypt of Sainte-Genevieve until the
time of the French Revolution, when it was broken open by the
revolutionists, and his ashes scattered to the winds, the
sanctuary of the beautiful church being destroyed.
The history of this monarch has been so hopelessly distorted by
popular poetry and so grossly disfigured by the vagaries of the
barbarian imagination as make the portrayal of his character
wellneigh impossible. However, from authentic accounts of him it
may be concluded that his private life was not without virtues.
As a statesman he succeeded in accomplishing what neither the
genius of Theodoric the Great nor that of any contemporary
barbarian king could achieve: upon the ruins of the Roman Empire
he built up a powerful system, the influence of which dominated
European civilization during many centuries, and from which
sprang France, Germany, Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland,
without taking into account that northern Spain and northern
Italy were also, for a time, under the civilizing regime of the
Frankish Empire.
Clovis left four sons. Theodoric, the eldest, was the issue of
union prior to that contracted with Clotilda, who was, however,
the mother of the three others, Clodomir, Childebert, and
Clotaire. They divided their father's kingdom among themselves,
following the barbarian principle that sought promotion of
personal rather than national interests, and looked upon royalty
as the personal prerogative of the sons of kings. After the
death of Clovis his daughter Clotilda, named after her mother,
married Amalric, king of the Visigoths. She died young, being
cruelly abused by this Arian prince, who seemed eager to wreak
vengeance on the daughter of Clovis for the tragic death of
Alaric II.
ARNDT (ed.), GREGORY OF TOURS, Historia ecclesiastica Francorum
in Mon. Germ. Hist:. Script. RR. Merovingicarum; JUNGHANS, Die
Gesdichte der frankischen Konige Childerich und Chlodovich
(Gottingen, 1857), tr. by MONOD as Histore critique de rois
Childeric et Clovis (Paris, 1879); RAJNA, Le origini dell'
epopea francese (Florence, 1884); KURTH, Histoire poetique des
Merovingiens (Paris 1893): IDEM, Clovis (Tours, 1896, and Paris,
1901).
GODEFROID KURTH
Diocese of Cloyne
Diocese of Cloyne
(Gaelic Cluain-uania, Cave-meadow. Latin Clonensis or
Cloynensis.)
Comprises the northern half of County Cork. It has 140 priests,
47 parishes, 16 convents, 8 Bothers' schools, 235 primary
schools, and, for higher education, St. Colman's College and
Loreto Convent (Fermoy), besides high schools at Queenstown
[Cobh] and elsewhere. St. Colman's Cathedral, Queenstown, begun
in 1869 under Bishop Keane, continued under Bishop McCarthy, in
1908 near completion, is one of the most beautiful of modern
Gothic cathedrals. The medieval diocesan cathedral, used by
Protestants since the sixteenth century, still stands at Cloyne.
St. Colman MacLenin (560-601), diverted from his profession of
poet-historian by Sts. Ita and Brendan, became (560) first
Bishop of Cloyne, where he got a royal grant of land. Some
religious poems, notably a metrical life of St. Senan, are
attributed to him.
Fergal, Abbot-Bishop of Cloyne, was massacred in 888 by the
Danes. There are seven recorded devastations of Cloyne from 822
to 1137. The ecclesiastical records were destroyed, so that few
prelates' names before 1137 are known; we have nearly all of
them since that year. In 1152 (Synod of Kells) Cloyne was made
one of Cashel's twelve suffragan sees. From 1265 to 1429 the
bishops of Cloyne were mostly Englishmen. Effingham (1284-1320)
probably built Cloyne cathedral. Swafham (1363-1376), who wrote
"Contra Wicklevistas" and "Conciones", commenced the "Rotulus
Pipae Clonensis", the rent-roll of the see. Robbery of church
property by nobles impoverished the Sees of Cloyne and Cork,
which were united in 1429, by papal authority, under Bishop
Purcell. Blessed Thaddeus MacCarthy was bishop from 1490 to
1492. The last Catholic bishop who enjoyed the temporalities was
Benet (1523-1536). Tirry, appointed in 1536 by Henry VIII, and
Tirry's successor, Skiddy, are ignored in the Consistorial Acts.
Macnamara succeeded Benet; O'Heyne succeeded in 1540; Landes in
1568; Tanner in 1574; MacCreaghe in 1580; Tirry in 1622; Barry
in 1647; Creagh in 1676; Sleyne in 1693; MacCarthy in 1712;
MacCarthy (Thaddeus) in 1727. The bishops of penal times were
ruthlessly persecuted, and some suffered cruel imprisonment or
died in exile. John O'Brien, author of an Irish dictionary,
poems, and tracts, was Bishop of Cloyne and Ross (1748-1769). He
died in exile in Lyons. His successors were Matthew MacKenna,
appointed in 1769; William Coppinger in 1791; Michael Collins in
1830; Bartholomew Crotty in 1833; David Walsh in 1847. Since the
separation of Ross (1849) the bishops of Cloyne have been:
Timothy Murphy, appointed in 1849; William Keane, 1857; John
MacCarthy, 1874; Robert Browne, 1894.
Over a century ago, when persecution relaxed somewhat, the
diocese, despoiled of all its ancient churches, schools, and
religious houses, had to be fully equipped anew. About 100 plain
churches were erected between 1800 and 1850. Recently a fourth
of these have been replaced, especially in towns, and the new
structures are admirably designed and finished. Between 1800 and
1907, notwithstanding great difficulties and loss by emigration,
besides 103 parish churches, all the existing schools, colleges,
religious and charitable institutions were built, and all are
now doing useful and excellent work.
BRADY, Records of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross (Dublin, 1864); BRADY,
Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland and Ireland (Rome,
1876); CAULFIELD, ed., Rotulus Pipae Clonensis (Cork, 1869);
ARCHDALL (ed. MORAN), Monasticon Hibernicum (Dublin, 1873);
Irish Catholic Directory (Dublin, 1907).
JOHN O'RIORDAN
Congregation of Cluny
Congregation of Cluny
(CLUNI, CLUGNI, or CLUGNY)
The earliest reform, which became practically a distinct order,
within the Benedictine family. It originated at Cluny, a town in
Saone-et-Loire, fifteen miles north-west of Macon, where in 910
William the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine, founded an abbey and
endowed it with his entire domain. Over it he placed St. Berno,
then Abbot of Gigny, under whose guidance a somewhat new and
stricter form of Benedictine life was inaugurated. The reforms
introduced at Cluny were in some measure traceable to the
influence of St. Benedict of Aniane, who had put forward his new
ideas at the first great meeting of the abbots of the order held
at Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) in 817, and their development at
Cluny resulted in many departures from precedent, chief among
which was a highly centralized form of government entirely
foreign to Benedictine tradition. The reform quickly spread
beyond the limits of the Abbey of Cluny, partly by the founding
of new houses and partly by the incorporation of those already
existing, and as all these remained dependent upon the
mother-house, the Congregation of Cluny came into being almost
automatically. Under St. Berno's successors it attained a very
widespread influence, and by the twelfth century Cluny was at
the head of an order consisting of some 314 monasteries. These
were spread over France, Italy, the Empire, Lorraine, England,
Scotland, and Poland. According to the "Bibliotheca
Cluniacensis" (Paris, 1614) 825 houses owed allegiance to the
Abbot of Cluny in the fifteenth century. Some writers have given
the number as 2000, but there is little doubt that this is an
exaggeration. It may perhaps include all those many other
monasteries which, though no joining the congregation, adopted
either wholly or in part the Cluny constitutions, such as
Fleury, Hirschau, Farfa, and many others that were subject to
their influence.
During the first 250 years of its existence Cluny was governed
by a series of remarkable abbots, men who have left their mark
upon the history of Western Europe and who were prominently
concerned with all the great political questions of their day.
Among these were Sts. Odo, Mayeul, Odilo, and Hugh, and Peter
the Venerable. Under the last named, the ninth abbot, who ruled
from 1122 to 1156, Cluny reached the zenith of its influence and
prosperity, at which time it was second only to Rome as the
chief centre of the Christian world. It became a home of
learning and a training school for popes, four of whom, Gregory
VII (Hildebrand), Urban II, Paschal II, and Urban V, were called
from its cloisters to rule the Universal Church. In England the
Cluniac houses numbered thirty-five at the time of the
dissolution. There were three in Scotland. The earliest
foundation was that of the priory of St. Pancras at Lewes
(1077), the prior of which usually held the position of
vicar-general of the Abbot of Cluny for England and Scotland.
Other important English houses were at Castleacre, Montacute,
Northampton, and Bermondsey.
After the twelfth century the power of Cluny declined somewhat,
and in the sixteenth century it suffered much through the civil
and religious wars of France and their consequences. The
introduction also of commendatory abbots, the first of whom was
appointed in 1528, was to some extent responsible for its
decline. Amongst the greatest of its titular prelates were
Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, who tried to restore it to some
of its former greatness, though their efforts did not meet with
much success. Claude de Vert, Prior of Saint-Pierre, Abbeville
(d. 1708), was another would-be reformer of the congregation,
inspired no doubt by the example of the Maurists.
The abbey-church of Cluny was on a scale commensurate with the
greatness of the congregation, and was regarded as one of the
wonders of the Middle Ages. It was no less than 555 feet in
length, and was the largest church in Christendom until the
erection of St. Peter's at Rome. It consisted of five naves, a
narthex, or ante-church, and several towers. Commenced by St.
Hugh, the sixth abbot, in 1089, it was finished and consecrated
by Pope Innocent II in 1131-32, the narthex being added in 1220.
Together with the conventual buildings it covered an area of
twenty-five acres. At the suppression in 1790 it was bought by
the town and almost entirely destroyed. At the present day only
one tower and part of a transept remain, whilst a road traverses
the site of the nave. The community of the abbey, which had
numbered three hundred in the thirteenth century, dwindled down
to one hundred in the seventeenth, and when it was suppressed,
in common with all the other religious houses in France, its
monks numbered only forty.
The spirit and organization of the congregation was a distinct
departure from the Benedictine tradition, though its monks
continued all along to be recognized as members of the
Benedictine family. Previous to its inception every monastery
had been independent and autonomous, though the observance of
the same rule in all constituted a bond of union; but when Cluny
began to throw out offshoots and to draw other houses under its
influence, each such house, instead of forming a separate
family, was retained in absolute dependence upon the central
abbey. The superiors of such houses, which were usually
priories, were subject to the Abbot of Cluny and were his
nominees, not the elect of their own communities, as is the
normal Benedictine custom. Every profession, even in the most
distant monastery of the congregation, required his sanction,
and every monk had to pass some years at Cluny itself. Such a
system cut at the root of the old family ideal and resulted in a
kind of feudal hierarchy consisting of one great central
monastery and a number of dependencies spread over many lands.
The Abbot of Cluny or his representative made annual visitations
of the dependent houses, and he had for his assistant in the
government of so vast an organization a coadjutor with the title
Grand-Prior of Cluny. The abbot's monarchical status was
somewhat curtailed after the twelfth century by the holding of
general chapters, but it is evident that he possessed a very
real power over the whole congregation, so long as he held in
his own hands the appointment of all the dependent priors. (For
the sources of information as to the rule, government, and
conventual observance of the congregation, see bibliography at
end of this article.) With regard to the Divine Office, the
monks of Cluny conformed to the then prevailing custom,
introduced into the monasteries of France by St. Benedict of
Aniane, of adding numerous extra devotional exercises, in the
shape of psalms (psalmi familiares, speciales, prostrati, and
pro tribulatione) and votive offices (Our Lady, The Dead, All
Saints, etc.) to the daily canonical hours prescribed by the
Benedictine Rule.
The library of Cluny was for many centuries one of the richest
and most important in France and the storehouse of a vast number
of most valuable MSS. When the abbey was sacked by the
Huguenots, in 1562, many of these priceless treasures perished
and others were dispersed. Of those that were left at Cluny,
some were burned by the revolutionary mob at the time of the
suppression in 1790, and others stored away in the Cluny town
hall. These latter, as well as others that passed into private
hands, have been gradually recovered by the French Government
and are now in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. There are
also in the British Museum, London, about sixty charters which
formerly belonged to Cluny. The "Hotel de Cluny" in Paris,
dating from 1334, was formerly the town house of the abbots. In
1833 it was made into a public museum, but apart from the name
thus derived, it possesses practically nothing connected with
the abbey.
For the rule, constitutions, etc., see BERNARD OF CLUNY, Ordo
Cluniacensis in HERRGOTT, Vetus Disciplina Monastica (Paris,
1794); and UDALRIC OF CLUNY, Consuetudines Cluniacensis in P.L.,
CXLIX (Paris, 1882). For the history of the congregation, etc.,
DUCKET, Charters and Records of Cluni (Lewes, 1890); MAITLAND,
Dark Ages (London, 1845); MABILLON, Annales O. S. B. (Paris,
1703-39), III-V; SAINTE-MARTHE, Gallia Christiana (Paris, 1728),
IV, 1117; HELYOT, Hist. des ordres religieux (Paris, 1792), V;
MIGNE, Dict. des abbayes (Paris, 1856); LAVISSE, Hist. de France
(Paris, 1901), II, 2; LORAIN, Hist. de l'abbaye de Cluny (Paris,
1845); CHAMPLY, Hist. de Cluny (Macon, 1866); HEIMBUCHER, Die
Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche (Paderborn,
1896), I; HERZOG AND HAUCK, Realencyklopadie (Leipzig, 1898),
III; SACKUR, Die Cluniacenser (Halle a. S., 1892-94).
G. CYPRIAN ALSTON
John Clynn
John Clynn
(Or CLYN).
Irish Franciscan and annalist, b. about 1300; d., probably, in
1349. His place of birth is unknown, and the date given is only
conjecture; but, as he was appointed guardian of the Franciscan
convent at Carrick in 1336, it is concluded that he was then at
least 30 years of age. He was afterwards in the Franciscan
convent at Kilkenny, and there he probably died. He is credited
by Ware, in "Writers of Ireland", with having written a work on
the kings of England and another on the superiors of his own
order; but these works have not been published, and his
celebrity rests on his "Annals of Ireland", from the birth of
Christ to the year 1349. Latin, the entries are at first meagre
and uninteresting; but from 1315 Clynn deals with what he
himself saw, and, though such things as the building of a choir
and the consecration of an altar would interest only his own
order and time, other entries throw much light on the general
history of the country. Being Anglo-Irish, he speaks harshly of
the native chiefs; but neither does he hesitate to condemn the
Anglo-Irish lords, their impatience of restraint, their contempt
for the Government at Dublin, their oppression of the poor. His
account of the plague in 1348-9 is vivid. Surrounded by dead and
dying, he laid down his pen, wondering if any of the sons of
Adam would be spared, and the scribe who copied the work adds
that at this date it seems the author died. His "Annals" were
edited by Richard Butler for the Irish Archaeological Society
(December, 1849).
WARE-HARRIS, Writers of Ireland (Dublin, 1764); WEBB, Compendium
of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878).
E.A. D'ALTON
Bernabe Cobo
Bernabe Cobo
Born at Lopera in Spain, 1582; died at Lima, Peru, 9 October,
1657. He went to America in 1596, visiting the Antilles and
Venezuela and landing at Lima in 1599. Entering the Society of
Jesus, 14 October, 1601, he was sent by his superiors in 1615 to
the mission of Juli, where, and at Potosi, Cochabamba, Oruro,
and La Paz, he laboured until 1618. He was rector of the college
of Arequipa from 1618 until 1621, afterwards at Pisco, and
finally at Callao in the same capacity, as late as 1630. He was
then sent to Mexico, and remained there until 1650, when he
returned to Peru. Such in brief was the life of a man whom the
past centuries have treated with unparalleled, and certainly
most ungrateful, neglect. Father Cobo was beyond all doubt the
ablest and most thorough student of nature and man in Spanish
America during the seventeenth century. Yet, the first, and
almost only, acknowledgement of his worth dates from the fourth
year of the nineteenth century. The distinguished Spanish
botanist Cavanilles not only paid a handsome tribute of respect
to the memory of Father Cobo in an addressed delivered at the
Royal Botanical Gardens of Madrid, in 1804, but he gave the name
of Cobaea to a genus of plants belonging to the Bignoniaceae of
Mexico, Cobaea scandens being its most striking representative.
Cobo's long residence in both Americas (sixty-one years), his
position as a priest and, several times, as a missionary, and
the consequently close relations in which he stood to the
Indians, as well as to Creoles and half-breeds, gave him unusual
opportunities for obtaining reliable information, and he made
the fullest use of these. We have from his pen, two works, one
of which (and the most important) is, unfortunately, incomplete.
It is also stated that he wrote a work on botany in ten volumes,
which, it seems, is lost, or at least its whereabouts is unknown
today. Of his main work, to which biographers give the title
"Historia general de las Indias", and which he finished in 1653,
only the first half is known and has appeared in print (four
volumes, at Seville, 1890 and years succeeding). The remainder,
in which he treats, or claims to have treated, of every
geographical and political subdivision in detail, has either
never been finished, or is lost. His other book appeared in
print in 1882, and forms part of the "History of the New World"
mentioned, but he made a separate manuscript of its in 1639, and
so it became published as "Historia de la fundacion de Lima", a
few years before the publication of the principal manuscript.
"The History of the New World" places Cobo, as a chronicler and
didactic writer, on a plane higher than that occupied by his
contemporaries not to speak of his predecessors. It is not a dry
and dreary catalogue of events; man appears in it on a stage,
and that stage is a conscientious picture of the nature in which
man has moved and moves. The value of this work for several
branches of science (not only history) is much greater than is
believed. The book, only recently published, is very little
known and appreciated. The "History of the New World" may, in
American literature, be compared with one work only, the
"General and Natural history of the Indies" by Oviedo. But
Oviedo wrote a full century earlier than Cobo, hence the
resemblance is limited to the fact that both authors seek to
include all Spanish America -- its natural features as well as
its inhabitants. The same may be said of Gomara and Acosta. Cobo
enjoyed superior advantages and made good use of them. A century
more of knowledge and experience was at his command. Hence we
find in his book a wealth of information which no other author
of his time imparts or can impart. And that knowledge is
systematized and in a measure co-ordinated. On the animals and
plants of the new continent, neither Nieremberg, nor Hernc,ndez,
nor Monardes can compare in wealth of information with Cobo. In
regard to man, his pre-Columbian past and vestiges, Cobo is, for
the South American west coast, a source of primary importance.
We are astonished at his many and close observations of customs
and manners. His description of some of the principal ruins of
South America are usually very correct. In a word it is evident
from these two works of Cobo that he was an investigator of
great perspicacity, and, for his time, a scientist of unusual
merit.
Torres Saldamando, Antiguos Jesuitas del Perc, (Lima, 1882);
Cabanilles, Discures sobre algunos botc,nicos espauoles del
siglo XVII in the Anales de historia natural (Madrid, 1804).
AD. F. BANDELIER
Viatora Coccaleo
Viatora Coccaleo
A Capuchin friar, so called from his birthplace, Coccaglio in
Lombardy, date of birth unknown; d. 1793. For a time he was
lector in theology and wrote several works that give him a place
among the noteworthy theologians in a period of theological
decline. These are: "Tentamina theologico-scholastica" (Bergamo,
1768-74); "Tentaminum theologicorum in moralibus Synopsis"
(Venice, 1791); "Instituta moralia" (Milan, 1760). His defence
of papal supremacy, "Italus ad Justinum Febronium" (Lucca, 1768;
Trent, 1774), is one of the principal apologies against
Febronius. Besides writing several works against Jansenism, he
took part in the discussion concerning the devotion to the
Sacred Heart and the sanctification of Holy Days, made famous by
the Synod of Pistoja (1786), and published: "Riflessioni sopra
l'origine e il fine della divozione del S. Cuore di Gesu"
(Naples, 1780); "Riposta sul dubbio, se la sola Messa basti a
santificare le feste" (Bologna, 1781). To these may be added his
studies on the text and meaning of the poem of Prosper of
Aquitaine, "Contra Ingratos" (2 vols., Brescia, 1756 and 1763)
and his work on the philosophic spirit of Prosper's epigrams
(Brescia, 1760).
JOHN OF RATISBON, Appendix ad Bibliothec. Script. Capuccinorum
(Rome, 1852), 40; SCHEEBEN, Dogmatik, I, 455.
JOHN M. LENHART
Cochabamba
Cochabamba
(COCABAMBENSIS).
The city from which this diocese takes its name is the capital
of the department of Cochabamba, Bolivia. Founded in 1563 it was
called originally Oropesa. It is situated on the Rio de la Rocha
and is the second largest city and one of the most important
commercial centres of the republic. According to the census of
1902, the population is over 40,000, of whom practically all are
Catholics.
The Diocese of Cochabamba was erected by a Bull of Pius IX, 25
June, 1847, and is a suffragan of Charcas (La Plata). It was the
fourth diocese established in Bolivia, the Archdiocese of
Charcas (La Plata) and the Dioceses of La Paz and Santa Cruz
having been created early in the seventeenth century. It
comprises the department of Cochabamba and part of the adjoining
department of Beni. The population, mostly catholic, in 1902 was
over 330,000. Besides a number of schools and charitable
institutions the diocese has 55 parishes, 80 churches and
chapels, and 160 priests.
Konversations-Lex. (St. Louis, Missouri, 1903), s. v.; Gerarchia
Cattolica (Rome, 1908).
Martin of Cochem
Martin of Cochem
A celebrated German theologian, preacher and ascetic writer,
born at Cochem, a small town on the Moselle, in 1630; died in
the convent at Waghaeusel, 10 September, 1712. He came of a
family devotedly attached to the Faith, and while still young
entered the novitiate of the Capuchins, where he distinguished
himself by his fervour and his fidelity to the religious rule.
After his elevation to the priesthood, he was assigned to a
professorship of theology, a position which for several years he
filled most creditably. However, it was in another sphere that
he was to exercise his zeal and acquire fame. Of the evils which
befell Europe in consequence of the Thirty Years War, the plague
was by no means the least, and when, in 1666, it made its
appearance in the Rhenish country, such were its ravages that it
became necessary to close the novitiates and houses of study.
Just at this crisis, Father Martin was left without any special
charge and, in company with his fellow monks, he devoted himself
to the bodily and spiritual comfort of the afflicted. What most
distressed him was the religious ignorance to which a large
number of the faithful had fallen victims on account of being
deprived of their pastors. To combat this sad condition, he
resolved to compose little popular treatises on the truths and
duties of religion, and in 1666 he published at Cologne a resume
of Christian doctrine that was very well received. It was a
revelation to his superiors, who strongly encouraged the author
to continue in this course.
Thenceforth Father Martin made a specialty of popular preaching
and religious writing and, in the Archdioceses of Trier and
Ingelheim, which he traversed thoroughly, multitudes pressed
about him, and numerous conversions followed. The zealous priest
continued these active ministrations up to the time of his
death, and even when he had passed his eightieth year he still
went daily to the chapel of his convent, where, with the aid of
an ear-trumpet, he heard the confessions of the sinners who
flocked to him. The intervals between missions he devoted to his
numerous writings, the most voluminous of which is an
ecclesiastical history in 2 vols, fol., composed for apologetic
purposes and provoked by the attacks made upon the Church by
Protestantism. However, the author brought it down only to the
year 1100. Father Martin's other works embrace a great variety
of subjects: the life of Christ, legends of the saints, edifying
narratives, the setting forth of certain points in Christian
asceticism, forms of prayer, methods to be followed for the
worthy reception of the sacraments, etc. These widely different
themes have as points of similarity a pleasing, graceful style,
great erudition, and a truly seraphic eloquence. They bespeak
for their author sincere piety and deep religious sentiment,
coupled with an intimate knowledge of the popular heart and the
special needs of the time. But the best known of all the learned
Capuchin's works is unquestionably "Die heilige Messe", upon
which, according to his own statement, he spent three entire
years, perusing Holy Writ, the councils, Fathers and Doctors of
the Church, and the lives of the saints, in order to condense
into a small volume a properly abridged account of the Holy
Sacrifice. As soon as it appeared this book proved a delight to
the Catholics of Germany, nor has it yet lost any of its
popularity, and, since its translation into several languages,
it may be said to have acquired universal renown.
It demanded a great expenditure of energy on the part of the
worthy religious to bring these undertakings to a successful
issue. Even when in his convent he spent most of the day in
directing souls and following the observances prescribed by the
Capuchin Rule, hence it was time set aside for sleep that he was
wont to give to his literary labours. Sometimes after the Office
of Matins he would obtain permission of the superior to go to
Frankfort to confer with his publisher and, this accomplished,
he would return on foot to his convent at Koenigstein,
catechizing little children, hearing confessions, and visiting
the sick along the way. While still in the midst of his labours
he was attacked by an illness to which he soon succumbed, at the
age of eighty-two. The works published during Father Martin's
lifetime are: "Die Kirchenhistorie nach der Methode des Baronius
und Raynaldus bis 1100" (Dillingen, 1693): "Die christliche
Lehre"; "Heilige Geschichten und Exempel"; "Wohlriechender
Myrrhengarten" (Cologne, 1693); "Buechlein ueber den Ablass"
(Dillingen, 1693); "Exorcismen und fuer Kranke" (Frankfort,
1695); "Goldener Himmelsschluessel" (Frankfort, 1695);
"Gebetbuch fuer Soldaten" (Augsburg, 1698); "Anmuthungen
waehrend der heiligen Messe" (Augsburg, 1697); "Die Legenden der
Heiligen" (Augsburg, 1705); "Leben Christi" (Frankfort, 1689;
Augsburg, 1708); "Gebete unter der heiligen Messe" (Augsburg,
1698); "Kern der heiligen Messe" (Cologne, 1699); "Liliengarten"
(Cologne, 1699); "Gebetbuch fuer heilige Zeiten" (Augsburg,
1704); "Die heilige Messe fuer die Weitleute" (Cologne, 1704);
"Traktat ueber die goettlichen Vortrefflichkeiten" (Mainz,
1707); "Geistlicher Baumgarten" (Mainz and Heidelberg, 1709);
"Neue mystische Goldgruben" (Cologne, 1709); "Exemepelbuch"
(Augsburg, 1712). This list does not include all the author's
writings. In 1896 there appeared a small work never before
published, "Das Gebet des Herzens", which at the end of its
third year went into a seventh edition.
ILG, Geist des heiligen Franciscus Seraphicus (Augsburg, 1883);
Etudes franciscaines (Paris), III, 448; Analecta Ord. Min. Cap.,
XXIII, 279; SISTER MARIA BERNARDINE, Martin von Cochem, sein
Leben, sein Wirken, seine Zeit (Mainz, 1886).
F. CANDIDE.
Diocese of Cochin
Diocese of Cochin
(COCHINENSIS) on the Malabar coast, India.
The diocese was erected and constituted a suffragan of the
Diocese of Goa, of which it had previously formed a part, by the
Bull "Pro excellenti praeeminentia" of Paul IV, 4 February, 1558
(cf. Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae Regum, I, 193). It was
later reorganized according to the Concordat of 23 June, 1886,
between Leo XIII and King Luiz of Portugal and the Constitution
"Humanae Salutis Auctor" of the same pope, 1 September, 1886. It
is suffragan to the patriarchal See of Goa (cf. Julio Biker,
Collecc,ao de Tractados, XIV, 112-437). The diocese consists of
two strips of territory along the sea-coast, the first about
fifty miles long, by eight in its broadest part, the second
thirty miles in length. There are two important towns, Cochin
and Alleppi (Alapalli) in which the higher educational and
charitable institutions of the diocese are situated.
I. HISTORY
The chief religions professed in Malabar at the arrival of the
Portuguese were: Hinduism, Christianity (the Christians of St.
Thomas or Nestorians), Islam, and Judaism, the last represented
by a large colony of Jews. From these the Catholic community was
recruited, mostly from the Nestorians and the Hindus. Islam also
contributed a fair share, especially when Portugal was supreme
on this coast; among the Jews conversions were rare. To Portugal
belongs the glory of having begun regular Catholic missionary
work in India, and Cochin has the honour of being the cradle of
Catholicism in India. The first missionaries to India were eight
Franciscan friars, who set sail from Lisbon on the fleet of
Pedro Alvarez Cabral (q.v.), 9 March, 1500: Father Henrique de
Coimbra, Superior; Fathers Gaspar, Francisco da Cruz, Simao de
Guimaraens, Luiz do Salvador, Masseu, Pedro Netto, and Brother
Joao da Vitoria. Three of them were slain at Calicut in the
massacre of 16 November, 1500. The survivors arrived at Cochin
on or about the 26th of that month, and settled there (except
the superior, who went back with the fleet to obtain more help
for the mission), thus laying the foundation of the Diocese of
Cochin (Histor. Seraf. Chron. da Ordem de S. Francisco na
Provincia de Portugal, III, 489, 494, 495). They were followed
by large contingents of zealous missionaries, who worked from
the city of Cochin as a centre. The harvest of souls was rich,
the Christians multiplied along the coast and in the interior,
and in course of time a bishop was assigned to them
The Nestorian Christians in the vicinity of Cochin naturally
attracted the attention of the missionaries, and Fathers Simao
de Guimaraens and Luiz do Salvador were soon occupied in
refuting their errors and reforming their discipline and customs
(Hist. Seraf., III, 497). These two missionaries were the
pioneers of the Faith among the Nestorian Christians. Members of
the same order continued this missionary work till the middle of
the sixteenth century, when these missions were handed over to
the Jesuits, who continued the good work with such earnestness
and zeal that most of the Nestorian Christians were converted
before 1600. The chief public record of their conversion is to
be found in the Proces of the Synod of Diamper (of Udiamperur),
held in June, 1599, by Alexio de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa,
Metropolitan and Primate of the East ("Bull. Patron. Por. reg.",
a collection of papal and royal documents pertaining to the
Portughese missions in India, App. tom. I, 147 sqq.; see also
"Subsidium ad Bull. Patr. Por.", Alleppi, 1903). In December,
1502, the Nestorian or Syrian Christians (they used the Syrian
language in their liturgy) presented to Vasco da Gama, who had
arrived at Cochin, the sceptre of their former kings, and
applied to him for assistance against their Mohammedan
neighhours. Gama formally accepted the sceptre in the name of
the King of Portugal. The Syrian bishop of those Christians
promised obedience to the pope through the Franciscan
missioriaries and two Nestorian priests accompanied Gama to
Lisbon en route for Rome. Thus began the protectorate of the
Portuguese over the Syrian Christians, a protectorate which
lasted for 160 years (cf. Joao de Barras, "Asia", Dec. I, bk. V,
ch. viii; also "Historia Serafica"). Till 1542 the Franciscans
were the only regular missionaries in India, though they had the
cooperation of some secular priests, as Father Pedro Gonsalves,
Vicar of Santa Cruz church in the city of Cochin, and father
Miguel Vaz, a zealous preacher of the Faith, as well as of some
isolated members of other religious communities, who had come
out as chaplains to the fleets ("Commentarios do Grande Affonso
d'Albuquerque", 3d ed., 1774, I, ch. v, 19-20), and "Ethiopia
Oriental", II, bk. II, ch. i).
Among the pioneer priests of Cochin mention should be made of
the Franciscans Joao d'Elvas and Pedro d'Amarante, who till 1507
preached the Gospel at Vypeen, Palliport, Cranganore, and other
important places; Father Manuel de S. Mathias with his eleven
companions, who laboured for the conversion of the pagans at
Porroead, Quilon, Trivellam, and elsewhere. Father Vincent de
Lagos, who in 1540 established the college of Cranganore to
train the Nestorian Christians in the purity of Catholic Faith,
a college highly praised by St. Francis Xavier, and the first
built in India. In 1542 it had eighty students (Amado, Hist. da
Egreja em Portugal e colonias, Vol. VlI, pt. II, 117-21).
After St. Francis Xavier's arrival in India, 6 May, 1542, the
Society of Jesus quickly spread over India, and the members were
always most successful in the missions under their charge. St.
Francis often visited Cochin, where the citizens gave him the
church of Madre de Deus, and asked him to establish in the city
a residence of the Society. It was accordingly founded by Father
Balthazar Gago, S.J., in l550. In the same year Father Nicolao
Lancelot, S.J., built the residence and college of Quilon, and
Affonso Cipriano, S.J., the residence of Mylapore, soon after
the residence and college of Punicail were established, and the
residence of Manar. In 1560 the King of Portugal built for the
Society of Jesus the college of Cochin, and in 1562 a novitiate
of the Society was established there. In 1601 the Jesuit
Province of Malabar was founded, and Cochin was made the
residence of the provincial. Among the early Jesuits must be
mentioned in addition to St. Francis Xavier, foremost of
missionaries, Fathers Mansilha, Criminal, B. Nunes, H.
Henriques, F. Peres, F. Rodrigues; Brothers Adam Francisco, N.
Nunes. Later, the Dominicans, Augustinians, and other orders
followed the Society of Jesus to India. The Dominicans built
their monastery and college at Cochin in 1553; some years later
their example was followed by the Augustinians, and still later
by the Capuchins. Cochin thus became the stronghold of the
Faith, and it was the missionaries of Cochin who carried the
Gospel throughout all Southern India and Ceylon, everywhere
establishing missions, and building churches, charitable and
educational institutions, all of which were endowed by the kings
of Portugal.
Apart from the heroic zeal of the priests, the most powerful
element in the propagation of the Faith was the protection the
Portuguese Government always accorded to the converts. It
provided them with good situations, employing them in civil
offices, freed them the molestations of their masters, elevated
them in the social scale, exempted them from the operation of
Hindu law, appointed for them a judicial tribunal composed of
Catholics, which in rural districts was presided over by the
local priest. It induced the rajahs to treat the converts
kindly, and obliged them to allow their converted subjects all
the civil rights, e.g. of inheritance, which their Hindu
relatives enjoyed. ("Collecc,ao de Tractados", treaties made
with the rajahs of Asia and East Africa, passim in the first
thirteen vols; also "Archivo Portuguez Oriental" Nova Goa, 1861,
Fasc. III, parts I and II passim; "Oriente Conquistado", Bombay
reprint, 1881, I, II, P. Jarric, S.J., "Thesaurus Rerum
Indicarum", Cologne, 1615, I, III, on the Malabar Missions of
the Society.)
The above-mentioned Bull of Paul IV, by which the diocese was
constituted, raised the collegiate church of the Holy Cross
(Santa Cruz), the parish church of Cochin, to the dignity of
cathedral of the diocese, and established therein a chapter
consisting of five dignitaries and twelve canons. At the same
time the pope gave the patronage of the new diocese and see to
the kings of Portugal (Bull. Patr. Port. Reg., I, 194).
Until 1506 Hindu law, which was rigorously observed, forbade the
use of lime and stone in other constructions than temples. Hence
the early Portuguese, to avoid displeasing the rajah, built
their houses of wood. Finally the viceroy, Francisco de Almeida,
induced the Rajah of Cochin to permit him the use of lime and
stone, and on 3 May, 1506, the first stone for the fortress and
city was laid by the viceroy with great pomp. It was the feast
of the Finding of the Holy Cross, which thus became the patronal
feast of the city, and gave to the parish church its title. The
church of the Holy Cross (Santa Cruz) was begun in, or rather
before, 1506, for in l505 we find Portuguese soldiers
contributing towards the construction of the church of Cochin
1000 xerafins (about $150 a large sum four hundred years ago),
the result of an auction of the rich booty of a naval combat
(Gaspar Correa, "Lendas da India", I, 522; II, 182). Some years
later this church was raised to collegiate rank, endowed by the
king, and provided with a vicar and six beneficed ecclesiastics.
It was a magnificent buildings the mother church of the ancient
Diocese of Cochin, which the Malabar, Coromandel and Fishery
boasts, and Ceylon once obeyed and under whose teaching and
discipline they flourished. There are now not less than eleven
bishoprics in the territory of the original Diocese of Cochin.
The first Bishop of Cochin was Dominican, Father Jorge Tremudo,
an illustrious missionary on this coast. The Brief "Pastoralis
officii cura nos admonet" of Gregory XIII, 13 Dec., 1572,
permited the Bishop of Cochin, on occasion of the vacancy of the
See of Goa, to take possession of that see and administer it
till the Holy See provided for the vacancy. This is why many
bishops of Cochin were appointed archbishops of Goa.
In 1577 Brother Joao Gonsalves, S.J., engraved at Cochin, for
the first time, the Malealam type, from which was printed the
first Malealam book, "Outlines of Christian Doctrine", written
in Portuguese by St. Francis Xavier for the use of children. In
1578 Fr. Joao de Faria, S.J., engraved at Punicail the Tamil
type, with which the "Flos Sanctorum" was printed in Tamil for
the Fishery Coast (Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, "India Orient.
Christiana" Rome, 1794, 179 sqq.; "Oriente Conquistado", Vol. I,
Pt. I, Cong. I, Div. I, section 23).
Cochin was taken, 6 Jan. 1663, by the Dutch, after a siege of
six months. The city was reduced in size; the clergy were
expelled; the monasteries and colleges, bishop's palace and 2
hospitals, 13 churches and chapels, were razed to the ground.
The church of St. Francis of Assisi, belonging to the Franciscan
monastery was spared by the conquerors and converted to their
religious use. When the English expelled the Dutch, 20 October,
1795, they kept this church for the same purpose; it stands
today a witness to the events of the past four centuries, and is
considered the oldest existing church in India. The magnificent
cathedral was turned by the Dutch into a warehouse for
merchandise. In 1806 it was blown up by the English.
From 1663 until the diocese was reorganized in 1886, the bishops
of Cochin resided at Quilon. In 1896 work was begun on the
Cathedral of the Holy Cross of Cochin by Bishop Ferreira amid
great sacrifices. In April, 1897, when almost complete, the
building collapsed, entailing a heavy loss. Bishop Ferreira died
at Goa, 4 May, the same year. Bishop Oliveira Xavier took charge
of the diocese in March, 1898, removed the debris of the fallen
building and successfully carried the work to completlon. The
cathedral was opened for Divine Worship, 9 August, 1903. Brother
Moscheni, the famous Italian painter of India, belonging to the
Jesuit mission of Mangalore, was secured to decorate the church,
but hardly finished the sanctuary when he died, 14 November,
1905. The cathedral was consecrated 19 November, 1905, by Bishop
Pereira of Damaum, Archbishop ad honorem of Cranganore.
II. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
The Church of Cochin has suffered some rigorous persecutions.
The most severe was that of 1780, commenced by Nagam Pillay,
Dewan of Travancore, in which 20,000 converts fled to the
mountains, to escape his cruelties, and many died as martyrs.
Father Joao Falco S.J., was the only priest left to console the
sufferers. There were other less severe persecutions in 1787,
1809, and 1829 (Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, "India Orient.
Christiana", 165 sqq.: also "Church History of Travancore",
Madras, 1903, lntroduction, 55). In a general way there has
always been a kind of mild persecution or animosity on the part
of Hindu Governments and authorities against Christians. The
growth of the Catholic Church is at present affected especially
by the "Law of Disability" in force in the Native States of
Malabar, by which a convert becomes a stranger to his family,
and forfeits all rights of inheritance. The government schools,
in which the young are reared in religious indifferentism, form
also a remarkable hindrance to conversions, especially among the
higher classes.
III. STATISTICS
In all, twenty bishops of Cochin have actually taken possession
of the see ("Mitras Lusitanas no Oriente", I, III; Annuario da
Arch. de Goa", 1907). The total population of the diocese is
398,000; Catholics, 97,259. The number of conversions averages
300 a year. The diocese contains 30 parishes, 9 missions, 77
churches and chapels, 62 secular priests (58 natives of India),
4 Jesuits; Anglo-vernacular parochial schools, with an
attendance of 480 boys and 128 girls, 77 vernacular parochial
schools, with an attendance of 6592. The Sisters of the
Canossian Congregation number 15 in two convents. The following
educational and charitable institutions are at Cochin: Santa
Cruz High School for boys, under the Jesuit Fathers, and St.
Mary's High school for girls under the Canossian Sisters, both
of which prepare students for the Indian universities; they have
an average daily attendance respectively of 335 and 153; at
Alleppi the Jesuit Fathers conduct the Leo XIII High School for
boys, with an average daily attendance of 380, an orphanage with
16 orphans; a catechumenate with 5 catechumens, a printing
office; an industrial school. They also have charge of the
preparatory seminary of the diocese, in which 20 students are
now enrolled. For philosophy and theology students are sent
either to the patriarchal Seminary at Rachol, Goa, or to the
papal seminary at Kandy, Ceylon; at the former there are now 6,
at the latter 5, students from Cochin. The Canossian Sisters at
Alleppi conduct the following institutions for girls: St.
Joseph's Intermediate School, attendance 160, a normal training
School, attendance 7; a technical School, attendance 29; an
orphanage with 56 orphans; a catechumenate, attendance 21, and a
dispensary for the benefit of the poor. The religious
associations of the diocese are as follows: confraternities, 64,
congregations of the Third Order of St Francis, 3; Association
of the Holy Family, 1; Conferences of St. Vincent de Paul, 2;
Society for the relief of the Souls in Purgatory, 2; Sodalities
of the Children of Mary 6, Misericordia Confraternity, 1; The
Apostleship of Prayer is established in all the parish churches,
and the Association of Christian Doctrine in all churches and
chapels of the diocese. (See GOA; PORTUGAL; INDIA.)
Besides documents mentioned above see also Madras Cath.
Directory (1908); Mullbauer, Kahl. Miss. in Ostindien (Freiburg,
1852); De Silva, The Cath. in India (Bombay, 1885); Werner, Orb.
Terrarum (Freiburg, 1890).
J. MONTEIRO D'AGUIAR
Jacques-Denis Cochin
Jacques-Denis Cochin
A preacher and philanthropist, born in Paris, 1 January, 1726;
died there 3 June, 1783. His father, Claude-Denis Cochin (d.
1786), was a famous botanist. Jacques-Denis followed a course of
theological studies in the Sorbonne and was graduated with the
degree of Doctor. In 1755 he was ordained priest. The next year
he was given charge of the parish of Saint-Jacques-du-Haut-Pas.
There he spent his whole life working for the material as well
as the spiritual betterment of his people. He won great fame for
the unction and strength of his preaching. His published works
include: Four books of Sunday sermons (Paris, 1786-1808);
"Exhortations on the Feasts, Fasts and Ceremonies of the Church"
(Paris, 1778); "Retreat Exercises" (Paris, 1778); "Spiritual
Writings", a posthumous work published by his brother (Paris,
1784). Cochin is noted especially for his philanthropy. The
needs of his own parish suggested the foundation of a hospital.
The idea, conceived in 1780, resulted in the completion of a
building of which The Sisters of Charity took charge. The
inscription on the building, Pauper clamavit et Dominus
exaudivit eum, is an index of Cochin's intentions. He devoted
his whole fortune to the work. The hospital was inaugurated with
thirty-eight beds; today the number is nearly four hundred. It
was originally called Hopital Saint-Jacques. In 1801 the General
Council of the Paris hospitals gave it the name of its
charitable founder, which it still preserves.
J.B. DELAUNAY
Pierre-Suzanne-Augustin Cochin
Pierre-Suzanne-Augustin Cochin
Born in Paris, 12 Dec., 1823; died at Versailles, 13 March,
1872. He took an early interest in economical and political
questions and contributed articles to the "Annales de Charite"
and "Le Correspondant". In 1850 he was elected vice-mayor, and
in 1853 mayor of the tenth district of Paris. His publications
won for him membership in the Academie des sciences morales et
politiques (1864). He was at that time prominent among the
"Liberal Catholics", an ardent friend of Montalembert and
Lacordaire, and was supported by his party for the office of
deputy of Paris. He received 6000 votes, but his democratic
opponent won by an overwhelming majority. Among his many
religious, pedagogical, and sociological works we may name:
"Essai sur la vie, les methodes d'instruction et d'education, et
les etablissements de Pestalozzi" (Paris, 1848); "Lettre sur
l'etat du pauperisme en Angleterre" (Paris, 1854); "Progres de
la science et de l'industrie au point de vue chretien" (Paris,
1854); "Abolition de l'esclavage" (Paris, 1861), crowned by the
French Academy; "Quelques mots sur la vie de Jesus de Renan"
(1863); "Condition des ouvriers franc,ais" (1862); "Esperances
chretiennes" (posthumous publication).
J.B. DELAUNAY
Johann Cochlaeus
Johann Cochlaeus
(Properly Dobeneck), surnamed Cochlaeus (from cochlea, a snail
shell) after his birthplace Wendelstein, near Schwabach.
Humanist and Catholic controversialist, b. 1479; d. 11 Jan.,
1552, in Breslau. His early education he received at the house
of his uncle, Hirspeck. About 1500 he began his humanistic
studies under Grienniger at Nuremberg. From 1504 he pursued his
studies at Cologne and there relations sprang up between
Cochlaeus and the champions of humanism. In 1510 he obtained the
rectorate in the Latin school of St. Lawrence in Nuremberg,
where the "Quadrivium Grammatices" (1511 and repeatedly
afterwards) and the "Tetrachordum Musices" appeared. At
Nuremberg he became an intimate friend of Pirkheimer. With the
latter's three nephews he went to Bologna to continue his
humanistic and legal studies. His main object, however, was to
pursue a course of theology, in which he obtained his doctorate
in 1517, and then by the advice of Pirkheimer went to Rome.
There, under the influence of the Oratorio del Divino Amore,
Cochlaeus turned his attention to the cultivation of a religious
life. Ordained at Rome, he went to Frankfort, and after some
hesitation, arising no doubt from consideration for his friends,
he entered the arena as the opponent of the Lutheran movement.
His first works were "De Utroque Sacerdotio" (1520) and several
smaller writings published in rapid succession. In 1521 he met
the nuncio Aleander at Worms and worked untiringly to bring
about the reconciliation of Luther. During the following years
he wrote tracts against Luther's principal theses on the
doctrine of justification, on the freedom of the will, and on
the teaching of the Church (especially the important work, "De
Gratia Sacramentorum", 1522; "De Baptismo parvulorum", 1523; "A
commentary on 154 Articles"; etc). Luther, to the vexation of
Cochlaeus wrote in answer only a single work, "Adversus Armatum
Virum Cocleum".
After a short sojourn at Rome Cochlaeus accompanied Compeggio to
the negotiations at Nuremberg and Ratisbon. The Lutheran
movement and the Peasants' War drove him to Cologne in 1525.
From there he wrote against the rebellion and Luther, its real
author. In 1526 he received a canonry at Mayence and accompanied
Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg to the Diet of Speyer. After
Emser's death Cochlaeus took his place as secretary to Duke
George of Saxony, whom he defended against an attack of Luther
based on the false charge of an alliance between the Catholic
princes at Breslau (cf. The Affaire of Otto v. Pack). Conjointly
with Duke George he laboured strenuously in 1530, to refute the
Augsburg Confession, and later directed against Melanchthon, its
author, his bitter "Philippicae". Because of a pamphlet against
Henry VIII of England he was transferred in 1535 to a canonry in
Meissen. After the duke's death, owing to the advance of the
Reformation, his further stay in Saxony became quite impossible.
For the time being he found a refuge as canon first at Breslau
and later at Eichstatt. With indomitable ardour he published
pamphlet after pamphlet against Luther and Melanchthon, against
Zwingli, Butzer, Bullinger, Cordatus, Ossiander, etc. Almost all
of these publications, however, were written in haste and bad
temper, without the necessary revision and theological
thoroughness, consequently they produced no effect on the
masses. His greatest work against Luther is his strictly
historical "Commentaria de Actis et Sciptis M. Luther"
(extending to his death), an armoury of Catholic polemics for
all succeeding time. Forced to resign his benefice at Eichstatt
in 1548, Cochlaeus remained for a short time in Mayence to edit
a work of Abbot Conrad Braun. In 1549, however, he returned to
Breslau where he died shortly after. Naturally of a quiet and
studious disposition he was drawn into the arena of polemics by
the religious schism. There he developed a productivity and zeal
unparalleled by any other Catholic theologian of his time. He
did not, however, possess the other requisites for success in
the same degree. Among his two hundred and two publications
(catalogued in Spahn, p. 341 sq.) Are to be found, besides
tracts bearing on the topics of the day, also editions of
ecclesiastical writers and historical publications. Among these
latter the work "Historiae Hussitarum XII Libri" (1549) is of
great value even today because of the authorities used therein.
De Weldige-Kremer, De Joannis Cochlaei Vita at Scriptis
(Muenster, 1865); Otto, Johannes Cochlaeus (Breslau, 1874);
Gess, Johannes Cochlaeus (Berlin, 1898); Schlecht, IV
Cochlaeusbriefe in Histor. Jahrbuch XX (1899), 768 sq.
JOSEPH SAUER
Co-Consecrators
Co-consecrators
Co-consecrators are the bishops who assist the presiding bishop
in the act of consecrating a new bishop. It is a very strict
rule of the Church that there should be two such assistant
bishops, or three bishops in all-though an exception is made for
missionary countries where it is practically impossible to bring
so many bishops together, the Holy See there allowing two
priests to act as assistants to the consecrator. The part
assigned by the Roman Pontifical in its present form to the
assistant bishops is, after helping to place the book of the
Gospels on the shoulders of the elect, to join the consecrator
in laying hands on his head, and in saying over him the words
Accipe Spiritum Sanctum. But it is the consecrator alone who,
with extended hands, says the Eucharistic prayer, which
constitutes the "essential form" of the rite. In the Oriental
rites, Uniat and schismatic, no words of any kind are assigned
to the assistant bishops; this was also the case with the
ancient Western rites, the words Accipe Spiritum Sanctum being a
late medieval addition.
HISTORY OF THE USAGE
The earliest times the ides was to Assemble as many bishops as
possible for the election and consecration of a new bishop, and
it became the rule that the comprovincials at least should
participate under the presidency of the metropolitan or primate.
But this was found impracticable in a matter of such frequency;
so in thc Council of Nic a we find it enacted that "a bishop
ought to be chosen by all the bishops of his province, but if
that is impossible because of some urgent necessity, or because
of the length of the journey, let three bishops at least
assemble and proceed to the consecration, having the written
permission of the absent" (can. iv). There was, indeed, one
exception, which is referred to in the letter of Pope Siricius
to the African bishops (386), "That a single bishop, unless he
be the Bishop of Rome, must not ordain a bishop". This exception
has long since been discontinued, but it bears witness to the
reason for which the intervention of several bishops was
ordinarily rerequired, a reason expressly stated by St. Isidore
(about 601) in his "De Eccles. Off." (Bk. II, ch. v, no. 11 in
P. L., LXXXIII, 785): "[The custom] that a bishop should not be
ordained by one bishop, but by all the comprovincial bishops, is
known to have been instituted on account of heresies, and in
order that the tyrannical authority of one person should not
attempt anything contrary to the faith of the Church." Such a
consideration was not applicable to the case of the Bishop of
Rome. In these provisions of the earlier councils the conditions
of the time were presupposed. Gradually other conditions
supervened, and the right of appointing to the episcopate was
reserved to the metropolitans in the case of simple bishops, and
to the Holy See in the case of metropolitans, and finally in all
cases to the Holy See. But the practice of requiring at least
three bishops for the consecration ceremony, though no longer
needed for its ancient purpose, has always been retained as
befitting the solemnity of the occasion.
THE MODE OF THEIR CO-OPERATION
The question has been raised, Do the co-consecrators equally
with the consecrator impart the sacramental gift to the
candidate? That they do has been contended on the ground of a
well-known passage in Mart ne's "De Antiquis Ecclesi Ritibus"
(II, viii, art. 10), in which he says that "beyond the
possibility of a doubt they are not witnesses only but
co-operators." But Mart ne's reference to Ferrandus's "Brevatio
Canonum" (P. L., LXVII, 948), and through Ferrandus to the
decree of Nic n and the words of St. Isidore already quoted,
shows that his meaning is that they are not mere witnesses to
the fact that the consecration has taken place, but, by taking
part in it, make themselves responsible for its taking place.
Moreover, though Gasparri (De Sacr . Ordinatione, II, 265)
thinks otherwise, it is not easy to see how the assistant
bishops can be said to comply with the essentials of a
sacramental administration. They certainly do not in the use of
the Oriental rites, nor did they in the use of the ancient
Western rite, for they pronounced no words which partook of the
nature of an essential form. And, though in the modern rite they
say the words Accipe Spiritum Sanctum, which approximate to the
requirements of such a form, it is not conceivable that the
Church by receiving these words into her rite wished to transfer
the office of essential form from the still-persisting
Eucharistic Preface, which had held it previously and was
perfectly definite, to new words which by themselves are
altogether indefinite.
Besides the authors quoted, see THOMASSIN, Vetus et nova Ecclesi
Disciplina, II, pt, II, Bk II. ch. iv; DUCHESNE, Origines du.
culte chretien (Paris, 1905); Pontificale Romanum, ed. CATALANI
(Paris, 1801); MARTINUCCI. Manuale ss. C rimoniarum (Rome,
1869); KENRICK, Form of the Consecration of a Bishop (Baltimore,
1886); WOODS, Episcopal Consecration in the Anglican Church in
The Messenger (New York, November, 1907); BERNARD, Cours de
liturgie romaine: Le Pontifical (Paris, 1902), I, 318-22.
SYDNEY E. SMITH
Cocussus
Cocussus
(Cocusus, Cocussus, Cocusus).
A titular see of Armenia. It was a Roman station on the road
from Cilicia to Caesarea, and belonged first to Cappadocia and
later to Armenia Secunda. St. Paul the Confessor, Patriarch of
Constantinople, was exiled thither by Constantius and put to
death by the Arians in 350 (Socrates, Hist. Eccl., II, xxvi). It
was also the place of exile to which St. John Chrysostom was
banished by Arcadius; his journey, often interrupted by fever,
lasted seventeen days (Sozomen, Hist., eccl., VIII, xxii). The
great doctor was received most kindly by the bishop and a
certain Dioscurus. He lived three years at Cocussus (404-407),
and wrote thence many letters to the deaconess Olympias and his
friends. The Greek panegyric of St. Gregory the Illuminator,
Apostle of Armenia, attributed to St. John Chrysostom (Migne,
P.G., LXIII, 943), is not authentic; an Armenian text, edited by
Alishan (Venice, 1877), may be genuine. Cocussus appears in the
"Synecdemus" of Hierccles and in the "Notitiae episcopatuum", as
late as the twelfth century, as a suffragan of Melitene. The
name of St. John Chrysostom's host is unknown. Bishop Domnus was
represented at Chalcedon in 451. Longinus subscribed the letter
of the bishops of Armenia Secunda to Emperor Leo in 458. John
subscribed at Constantinople in 553 for his metropolitan.
Another John was present at the Trullan Council in 692 (Lequien,
I, 452). The army of the first crusaders passed by Cocussus. In
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there were Armenian
bishops of Cocussus. It is today a village called Guksun by the
Turks, Kokison by the Armenians, in the caza of Hadjin, villayet
of Adana. The site is most picturesque, but the climate is very
severe during winter, owing to the altitude, 4000 feet above the
level of the sea.
Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. Of Asia Minor, passim; Alishan, Sissouan
(Venice, 1899), 217-21.
S. PETRIDES
Codex
Codex
The name given to a manuscript in leaf form, distinguishing it
from a roll. The codex seems to have come into use about the
beginning of the fourth century; the material ordinarily
employed in it was parchment, but discovery has shown that
papyrus was sometimes used in the making of codices, though
really too brittle to be a satisfactory material. The great
manuscripts of the Bible are in codex form and generally of
parchment; hence the name, Codex Vaticanus etc. For convenience'
sake, we group here the four great codices of the Greek Bible,
Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, and Ephraemi, together with
the Greek Codex Bezae, so remarkable for it's textual
peculiarities; also, Codex Amiatinus, the greatest manuscript of
the Vulgate. For other codices, see MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BIBLE, or
the particular designation, as ARMAGH, BOOK OF; KELLS, BOOK OF;
etc.
Codex Alexandrinus
Codex Alexandrinus
A most valuable Greek manuscript of the Old and New Testaments,
so named because it was brought to Europe from Alexandria and
had been the property of the patriarch of that see. For the sake
of brevity, Walton, in his polyglot Bible, indicated it by the
letter A and thus set the fashion of designating Biblical
manuscripts by such symbols. Codex A was the first of the great
uncials to become known to the learned world. When Cyril Lucar,
Patriarch of Alexandria, was transferred in 1621 to the
Patriarchate of Constantinople, he is believed to have brought
the codex with him. Later he sent it as a present to King James
I of England; James died before the gift was presented, and
Charles I, in 1627, accepted it in his stead. It is now the
chief glory of the British Museum in its manuscript department
and is on exhibition there.
Codex A contains the Bible of the Catholic Canon, including
therefore the deuterocanonical books and portions of books
belonging to the Old Testament. Moreover, it joins to the
canonical books of Machabees, the apocryphal III and IV
Machabees, of very late origin. To the New Testament are added
the Epistle of St. Clement of Rome and the homily which passed
under the title of II Epistle of Clement -- the only copies then
known to exist. These are included in the list of New Testament
books which is prefixed and seem to have been regarded by the
scribe as part of the New Testament. The same list shows that
the Psalms of Solomon, now missing, were originally contained in
the volume, but the space which separates this book from the
others on the list indicates that it was not ranked among New
Testament books. An "Epistle to Marcellinus" ascribed to St.
Athanasius is inserted as a preface to the Psalter, together
with Eusebius's summary of the Psalms; Psalm 151 and certain
selected canticles of the Old Testament are affixed, and
liturgical uses of the psalms indicated. Not all the books are
complete. In the Old Testament there is to be noted particularly
the lacuna of thirty psalms, from 5:20, to 80:11; moreover, of
Genesis 14:14-17; 15:1-5, 16-19; 16:6-9; I Kings 12:20-14:9. The
New Testament has lost the first twenty-five leaves of the
Gospel of St. Matthew, as far as chapter 25:6, likewise the two
leaves running from John 6:50, to 8:52 (which, however, as the
amount of space shows, omitted the formerly much disputed
passage about the adulterous woman), and three leaves containing
II Corinthians 4:13-12:6. One leaf is missing from I Clement and
probably two at the end of II Clement. Codex A supports the
Sixtine Vulgate in regard to the conclusion of St. Mark and John
5:4, but, like all Greek manuscripts before the fourteenth
century, omits the text of the three heavenly witnesses, I John
5:7. The order of the Old Testament books is peculiar. In the
New Testament the order is Gospels, Acts, Catholic Epistles,
Pauline Epistles, Apocalypse, with Hebrews placed before the
Pastoral Epistles. Originally one large volume, the codex is now
bound in four volumes, bearing on their covers the arms of
Charles I. Three volumes contain the Old Testament, and the
remaining volume the New Testament with Clement. The leaves, of
thin vellum, 12 3/4 inches high by 10 inches broad, number at
present 773, but were originally 822, according to the ordinary
reckoning. Each page has two columns of 49 to 51 lines.
The codex is the first to contain the major chapters with their
titles, the Ammonian Sections and the Eusebian Canons complete
(Scrivener). A new paragraph is indicated by a large capital and
frequently by spacing, not by beginning a new line; the enlarged
capital is placed in the margin of the next line, though,
curiously, it may not correspond to the beginning of the
paragraph or even of a word. The manuscript is written in uncial
characters in a hand at once firm, elegant, simple; the greater
part of Volume III is ascribed by Gregory to a different hand
from that of the others; two hands are discerned in the New
Testament by Woide, three by Sir E. Maunde Thompson and Kenyon
-- experts differ on these points. The handwriting is generally
judged to belong to the beginning or middle of the fifth century
or possibly to the late fourth. An Arabic note states that it
was written by Thecla the martyr; and Cyril Lucar the Patriarch
adds in his note that tradition says she was a noble Egyptian
woman and wrote the codex shortly after the Nicene Council. But
nothing is known of such a martyr at that date, and the value of
this testimony is weakened by the presence of the Eusebian
Canons (d. 340) and destroyed by the insertion of the letter of
Athanasius (d. 373). On the other hand, the absence of the
Euthalian divisions is regarded by Scrivener as proof that it
can hardly be later than 450. This is not decisive, and Gregory
would bring it down even to the second half of the fifth
century. The character of the letters and the history of the
manuscript point to Egypt as its place of origin.
The text of Codex A is considered one of the most valuable
witnesses to the Septuagint. It is found, however, to bear a
great affinity to the text embodied in Origen's Hexapla and to
have been corrected in numberless passages according to the
Hebrew. The text of the Septuagint codices is in too chaotic a
condition, and criticism of it too little advanced, to permit of
a sure judgment on the textual value of the great manuscripts.
The text of the New Testament here is of a mixed character. In
the Gospels, we have the best example of the so-called Syrian
type of text, the ancestor of the traditional and less pure form
found in the textus receptus. The Syrian text, however, is
rejected by the great majority of scholars in favour of the
"neutral" type, best represented in the Codex Vaticanus. In the
Acts and Catholic Epistles, and still more in St. Paul's
Epistles and the Apocalypse, Codex A approaches nearer, or
belongs, to the neutral type. This admixture of textual types is
explained on the theory that A or its prototype was not copied
from a single manuscript, but from several manuscripts of
varying value and diverse origin. Copyist's errors in this codex
are rather frequent.
Codex Alexandrinus played an important part in developing the
textual criticism of the Bible, particularly of the New
Testament. Grabe edited the Old Testament at Oxford in 1707-20,
and this edition was reproduced at Zurich 1730-32, and at
Leipzig, 1750-51, and again at Oxford, by Field, in 1859; Woide
published the New Testament in 1786, which B. H. Cowper
reproduced in 1860. The readings of Codex A were noted in
Walton's Polyglot, 1657, and in every important collation since
made. Baber published an edition of the Old Testament in
facsimile type in 1816-28; but all previous editions were
superseded by the magnificent photographic facsimile of both Old
and New Testaments produced by the care of Sir E. Maunde
Thompson (the New Testament in 1879, the Old Testament in
1881-83), with an introduction in which the editor gives the
best obtainable description of the codex (London, 1879-80).
JOHN F. FENLON
Codex Amiatinus
Codex Amiatinus
The most celebrated manuscript of the Latin Vulgate Bible,
remarkable as the best witness to the true text of St. Jerome
and as a fine specimen of medieval calligraphy, now kept at
Florence in the Bibliotheca Laurentiana. The symbol for it is
written am or A (Wordsworth). It is preserved in an immense
tome, measuring in height and breadth 19 1/4 inches by 13 3/8
inches, and in thickness 7 inches -- so impressive, as Hort
says, as to fill the beholder with a feeling akin to awe. Some
consider it, with White, as perhaps "the finest book in the
world"; still there are several manuscripts which are as
beautifully written and have besides, like the Book of Kells or
Book of Lindisfarne, those exquisite ornaments of which
Amiatinus is devoid. It contains 1029 leaves of strong, smooth
vellum, fresh-looking today, despite their great antiquity,
arranged in quires of four sheets, or quaternions. It is written
in uncial characters, large, clear, regular, and beautiful, two
columns to a page, and 43 or 44 lines to a column. A little
space is often left between words, but the writing is in general
continuous. The text is divided into sections, which in the
Gospels correspond closely to the Ammonian Sections. There are
no marks of punctuation, but the skilled reader was guided into
the sense by stichometric, or verse-like, arrangement into coda
and commata, which correspond roughly to the principal and
dependent clauses of a sentence. This manner of writing the
scribe is believed to have modelled upon the great Bible of
Cassiodorus (q.v.), but it goes back perhaps even to St. Jerome;
it may be shown best by an example:
QUIA IN POTESTATE ERAT
SERMO IPSIUS
ET IN SYNAGOGA ERAT HOMO HABENS
DAEMONIUM INMUNDUM
ET EXCLAMAVIT VOCE MAGNA
DICENS
SINE QUID NOBIS ET TIBI IHU
NAZARENE VENISTI PERDERE NOS
SCIO TE QUI SIS SCS DI
ET INCREPAVIT ILLI IHS DICENS
It will be noticed that the section "ET IN" and the coda begin
at about the same perpendicular line, the commata begin further
in under the third or second letter, and so likewise does the
continuation of a colon or comma which runs beyond a single line
(see facsimile page). This arrangement, besides aiding the
intelligence of the text, gave a spacious, varied, and rather
artistic appearance to the page. The initial letter of a section
was often written in ink of a different colour, and so also was
the first line of a book. Beyond that there was no attempt at
decorating the text.
The codex (or pandect) is usually said to contain the whole
Bible; but it should be noted that the Book of Baruch is
missing, though the Epistle of Jeremias, usually incorporated
with it, is here appended to the Book of Jeremias. Besides the
text of the Scriptural books, it contains St. Jerome's "Prologus
Galeatus" and his prefaces to individual books; the capitula, or
summaries of contents; and, in the first quaternion, certain
materials which have been much discussed and have proved of the
greatest service in tracing the history of the codex, among them
dedicatory verses, a list of the books contained in the codex, a
picture of the Tabernacle (formerly thought to be Solomon's
Temple), a division of the Biblical books according to Jerome,
another according to Hilary and Epiphanius, and a third
according to Augustine. Part of Solomon's prayer (III K., viii,
22-30) in an Old Latin text is reproduced at the end of
Ecclesiasticus. A Greek inscription at the beginning of
Leviticus, recording that "the Lord Servandus prepared" this
codex or part of it, has entered largely into the discussion of
its origin.
The recovery of the history of Codex Amiatinus, which has
important bearings upon the history of the Vulgate itself and of
the text of the Bible, was due to the labours of many scholars
and the insight of one man of genius, de Rossi. At the beginning
of the pandect, as we have mentioned, there are certain
dedicatory verses; they record the gift (of the codex) to the
venerable convent of St. Saviour by a certain Peter who was
abbot from the extreme territory of the Lombards. The Latin text
is as follows:
CENOBIUM AD EXIMII MERITO
VENERABILE SALVATORIS
QUEM CAPUT ECCLESIAE
DEDICAT ALTA FIDES
PETRUS LANGOBARDORUM
EXTREMIS DE FINIB. ABBAS
DEVOTI AFFECTUS
PIGNORA MITTO MEI
St. Saviour's is the name of the monastery on Monte Amiata
(whence Amiatinus) near Siena; here this codex was kept from the
ninth century till the year 1786, when it was brought to
Florence after the suppression of the monastery. Naturally, the
codex was supposed to be a gift to this house, but nothing was
known of the donor. Bandini, the librarian of the Laurentiana,
into whose hands the codex came, noticed that the names of
neither the donor nor the recipient belonged to the original
dedication. They were written in a different hand over parts of
the original inscription, as betrayed by evident signs of
erasure. The letters italicized above were by the second hand,
while the initial letter C of the first line and the E in the
fifth were original. Bandini noticed, also, that cenobium
replaced a shorter word and that the last five letters of
salvatoris were written on parchment that had not been erased,
and so that the ten letters of this word replaced five of the
original word. The metre also was entirely at fault. The clue
for reconstructing the original lines he found in the expression
caput ecclesiae, which he judged referred to St. Peter. And as
in the Middle Ages a favourite title for the Apostolic See was
culmen apostolicum, he reconstructed the line in this fashion:
CULMEN AD EXIMII MERITO VENERABILE PETRI
This conjecture produced a correct hexameter verse, retained the
original initial C, supplied a word of proper length at the
beginning and another at the end, and afforded a sense fitting
in perfectly with the probabilities of the case. In the fifth
line, instead of Petrus Langobardorum, Bandini suggested
Servandus Latii, because of the inscription about Servandus
mentioned above. This Servandus was believed to be a friend of
St. Benedict, to whom he made a visit at Monte Cassino in 541;
he was abbot of a monastery near the extremity of Latium.
These conjectures were accepted by the learned world;
Tischendorf, for instance, writing seventy-five years later,
said Bandini had so well proved his case that no doubt remained.
Accordingly, it was settled that the Codex Amiatinus dated from
the middle of the sixth century, was the oldest manuscript of
the Vulgate, and was written in Southern Italy. A few protests
were raised, however; that, for instance, of Paul de Lagarde. He
had edited St. Jerome's translation of the Hebrew Psalter, using
freely for that purpose a codex of the ninth century; Amiatinus
he judged, with a not unnatural partiality, to be "in all
probability" from the hand of the scribe of his ninth-century
Psalter, written "at Reichenau on the Lake of Constance". But,
to quote Corssen, it was G. B. de Rossi, "that great Roman
scholar, whose never-failing perspicacity and learning
discovered at once the birthplace of our famous manuscript"
(Academy, 7 April, 1888).
De Rossi followed Bandini in his reconstruction of the first
verse, but he thought it unlikely that an abbot, presenting a
book to the pope at Rome, should speak of "the extreme limits of
Latium", really but a short distance from Rome. Anzizni, the
librarian of the Laurentiana, pointed out to him that the space
erased to make room for Petrus Langobardorum was greater than
called for by the conjecture of Bandini. De Rossi was at the
time engaged on an inquiry into the ancient history of the
Vatican library, and, recalling a passage of Bede, he divined
that the lost name was Ceolfridus. The erasures, which were
irregular, seeming to follow the letters very closely,
corresponded perfectly to this conjecture. He proposed then the
verse:
CEOLFRIDUS BRITONUM EXTREMIS DE FINIB. ABBAS
The phrase exactly suited an abbot from the end of the world, as
England was then regarded and styled; and the story of Ceolfrid
made de Rossi's conjectures acceptable at once, especially to
English scholars. Ceolfrid was the disciple of Benedict Biscop
(q.v.), who founded the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow in
Northumberland towards the end of the seventh century. England,
in those days, was the most devoted daughter of the Roman See,
and Abbot Benedict was enthusiastic in his devotion. His
monasteries were dependent directly on Rome. Five times during
his life he journeyed to Rome, usually bring back with him a
library of books presented by the pope. Ceolfrid, who had
accompanied him on one of these visits, became his successor in
686 and inherited his taste for books; Bede mentions three
pandects of St. Jerome's translation which he had made, one of
which he determined in his old age, in 716, to bring to the
church of St. Peter at Rome. He died on the way, but his gift
was carried to the Holy Father, then Gregory II. This codex de
Rossi identified with Amiatinus.
This conjecture was hailed by all as a genuine discovery of
great importance. Berger, however, objected to Britonum,
suggesting Anglorum. Hort soon placed the matter beyond the
possibility of doubt. In an anonymous life of Ceolfrid, the
chief source of Bede's information, which, though twice
published, had been overlooked by all, Hort found the story of
Ceolfrid journeying to Rome and carrying the pandect inscribed
with the verses:
CORPUS AD EXIMII MERITO VENERABILE PETRI
DEDICAT ECCLESIAE QUEM CAPUT ALTA FIDES
CEOLFRIDUS, ANGLORUM EXTIMIS DE FINIBUS ABBAS
etc. Despite the variations, there could be no doubt of their
identity with the dedicatory verses of Amiatinus; Corpus was of
course the original, not Culmen, and Anglorum, not Britonum; the
other differences were perhaps due to a lapse of memory, or this
version may represent the original draft of the dedication. De
Rossi's chief point was proved right. It established that
Amiatinus originated in Northumberland about the beginning of
the eighth century, having been made, as Bede states, at
Ceolfrid's order. It does not follow, however, that the scribe
was an Englishman; the writing and certain peculiarities of
orthography have led some to believe him an Italian. We know
that these two monasteries had brought over a Roman musician to
train the monks in the Roman chant, and they may also, for a
similar purpose, have procured from Italy a skilled
calligrapher. The handwriting of Amiatinus bears a strong
resemblance to some fragments of St. Luke in a Durham
manuscript, to New Testament fragments bound up with the Utrecht
Psalter, and to the Stonyhurst St. John; these facts, together
with Bede's statement that Ceolfrid had three pandects written,
indicate that "there was a large and flourishing school of
calligraphy at Wearmouth or Jarrow in the seventh and eighth
centuries, of which till lately we had no knowledge at all"
(White). This conclusion is confirmed by peculiarities in the
text and in certain of the summaries.
The contents of the first quaternion of Amiatinus coincide so
remarkably with descriptions of the celebrated Codex Grandior of
Cassiodorus that it has been supposed that the leaves were
transferred from it bodily; the conjecture has been rendered
more credible by the fact that this codex was actually seen in
England by Bede, perhaps before Amiatinus was carried to Rome.
Moreover, the contents of our codex do not correspond exactly to
the list prefixed which purports to give the contents. These
reasons, however, would only prove that the Codex Grandior
served as the model, which seems indubitable; while, on the
other hand, weighty reasons have been urged against the other
attractive hypothesis (see White and de Rossi).
Despite the lowering of its date by a century and a half,
Amiatinus holds the first place for purity of text among the
manuscripts of the Vulgate. Its excellence is best explained on
the ground that its prototype was an ancient Italian manuscript,
perhaps one of those brought from Rome by Benedict Biscop,
perhaps one brought by Adrian, abbot of a monastery near Naples,
when in 668 he accompanied Benedict and Theodore to England. It
is remarkable that Amiatinus and the other Northumbrian codices
are nearest in text to Italian manuscripts, especially to
Southern Italian, and to manuscripts betraying Italian descent.
The group to which it belongs bears the closest relationship to
the best-esteemed Greek manuscripts extant, aleph, B. (Cf.
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BIBLE; CRITICISM, BIBLICAL, sub-title
Textual.) In the Old Testament, the text is not of equal purity
throughout; Berger, e.g., notes the inferiority of Wisdom and
Ecclesiasticus, and Tischendorf of Machabees. The Psalter does
not present the Vulgate text, but St. Jerome's translation from
the Hebrew (cf. PSALTER; VULGATE). The excellence of the
Amiatine text is not a new discovery: it was well known to the
Sixtine revisers of the Vulgate, who used it constantly and
preferred it, as a rule, to any other. To this is largely due
the comparative purity of the official Vulgate text and its
freedom from so many of the corruptions found in the received
Greek text, which rests, as is well known, on some of the latest
and most imperfect Greek manuscripts.
JOHN F. FENLON
Codex Bezae
Codex Bezae
(CODEX CANTABRIGIENSIS), one of the five most important Greek
New Testament manuscripts, and the most interesting of all on
account of its peculiar readings; scholars designate it by the
letter D (see BIBLICAL CRITICISM, sub-title Textual). It
receives its name from Theodore Beza, the friend and successor
of Calvin, and from the University of Cambridge, which obtained
it as a gift from Beza in 1581 and still possesses it. The text
is bilingual, Greek and Latin. The manuscript, written in uncial
characters, forms a quarto volume, of excellent vellum, 10 x 8
inches, with one column to a page, the Greek being on the left
page (considered the place of honour), the parallel Latin facing
it on the right page. It has been reproduced in an excellent
photographic facsimile, published (1899) by the University of
Cambridge.
The codex contains only the Four Gospels, in the order once
common in the West, Matthew, John, Luke, Mark, then a few verses
(11-15), in Latin only, of the Third Epistle of St. John, and
the Acts. There are missing, however, from the manuscript of the
original scribe, in the Greek, Matt., i, 1-20; [iii, 7-16]; vi,
20-ix, 2; xxvii, 2-12; John i, 16-iii, 26; [xviii, 14-xx, 13];
[Mk. xvi, 15-20]; Acts, viii, 29-x, 14; xxi, 2-10, 16-18; xxii,
10-20; xxii, 29-xxviii, 31; in the Latin, Matt., i, 1-11; [ii,
21-iii, 7]; vi,8-viii, 27; xxvi, 65-xxvii, 1; John, i, 1-iii,
16; [xviii, 2-xx, 1]; [Mk., xvi, 6-20]; Acts viii, 20-x, 4; xx,
31-xxi, 2, 7-10; xxii, 2-10; xxiii, 20- xxviii, 31. The passages
in brackets have been supplied by a tenth-century hand. It will
be noticed that St. Luke's Gospel alone, of the books contained,
is preserved complete. The condition of the book shows a gap
between the Gospels and Acts; and the fragment of III John
indicates that, as in other ancient manuscript, the Catholic
Epistles were placed there. The fact that the Epistle of Jude
does not immediately precede Acts is regarded as pointing to its
omission from the codex; it may, however, have been placed
elsewhere. We cannot tell whether the manuscript contained more
of the New Testament, and there is no indication that it was,
like the other great uncial manucripts, ever joined to the text
of the Old Testament. Besides the hand of the original scribe,
there are corrections in several different hands, some probably
contemporary with the original, later liturgical annotations and
the sortes sanctorum, or formulae for telling fortunes; all
these are important for tracing the history of the manuscript
Beza wrote in the letter accompanying his gift that the
manuscript was obtained from the monastery of St. Irenaeus in
Lyons, during the war in 1562. Lyons was sacked by the Huguenots
in that year and this manuscript was probably part of the loot.
The reformer said it had lain in the monastery for long ages,
neglected and covered with dust; but his statement is rejected
by most modern scholars. It is claimed, in fact, that this codex
is the one which was used at the Council of Trent in 1546 by
William Dupre (English writers persist in calling this Frenchman
a Prato), Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, to confirm a Latin
reading of John, xxi, si eum volo manere, which is found only in
the Greek of this codex. Moreover, it is usually identified with
Codex beta, whose peculiar readings were collated in 1546 for
Stephens' edition of the Greek Testament by friends of his in
Italy. Beza himself, after having first denominated his codex
Lugdunensis, later called it Claromontanus, as if it came not
from Lyons, but from Clermont (near Beauvais, not Clermont of
Auvergne). All this, throwing Beza's original statement into
doubt, indicates that the manuscript was in Italy in the middle
of the sixteenth century, and has some bearing upon the locality
of the production.
It has commonly been held that the manuscript originated in
Southern France around the beginning of the sixth century. No
one places it at a later dare, chiefly on the evidence of the
handwriting. France was chosen, partly because the manuscript
was found there, partly because churches in Lyons and the South
were of Greek foundation and for a long time continued the use
of Greek in the Liturgy, while Latin was the vernacular- for
some such community, at any rate, this bilingual codex was
produced- and partly because the text of D bears a remarkable
resemblance to the text quoted by St. Irenaeus, even, says
Nestle, in the matter of clerical mistakes, so that it is
possibly derived from his very copy. During the past five years,
however, the opinion of the best English textual critics has
been veering to Southern Italy as the original home of D. It is
pointed out that the manuscript was used by a church practising
the Greek Rite, as the liturgical annotations concern the Greek
text alone; that these annotations date from the ninth to the
eleventh century, exactly the period of the Greek Rite in
Southern Italy, while it had died out elsewhere in Latin
Christendom, and show that the Byzantine Mass-lections were in
use, which cannot have been the case in Southern France. The
corrections, too, which concern the Greek text but rarely the
Latin, the spelling, and the calendar all point to Southern
Italy. These arguments, however, touch only the home of the
manuscript, not its birthplace, and manuscripts have travelled
from one end of Europe to the other. Ravenna and Sardinia, where
Greek and Latin influences also met, have likewise been
suggested. It can only be said that the certainty with which
till recently it was ascribed to Southern France has been
shaken, and the probabilities now favour Southern Italy.
Following Scrivener, scholars universally dated it from the
beginning of the sixth century, but there is a tendency now to
place it a hundred years earlier.. Scrivener himself admitted
that the handwriting was not inconsistent with this early date,
and only assigned it a later date by reason of the Latinity of
the annotations. But the corrupt Latin is not itself
incompatible with an earlier date, while the freedom with which
the Latin N.T. text is handled indicates a time when the Old
Latin version was still current. It probably belongs to the
fifth century. Nothing necessitates a later date.
The type of text found in D is very ancient, yet it has survived
in this one Greek manuscript alone, though it is found also in
the Old Latin, the Old Syriac, and the Old Armenian versions. It
is the so-called Western Text, or one type of the Western Text.
All the Fathers before the end of the third century used a
similar text and it can be traced back to sub-Apostolic times.
Its value is discussed elsewhere. D departs more widely than any
other Greek codex from the ordinary text, compared with which as
a standard, it is characterized by numerous additions,
paraphrastic renderings, inversions, and some omissions. (For
collation of text, see Scrivener, Bezae Codex, pp. xlix-lxiii;
Nestle, Novi Test. Graeci Supplementum, Gebhardt and Tischendorf
ed., Leipzig, 1896.) One interpolation is worth noting here.
After Luke, vi, 5, we read :B3On the same day seeing some one
working on the Sabbath, He said to him:8CO man, if you know what
you do, blessed are you; but if you do not know, you are cursed
and a transgressor of the law'." The most important omission,
probably, is the second mention of the cup in Luke's account of
the Last Supper.
The Latin text is not the Vulgate, nor yet the Old Latin, which
it resembles more closely. It seems to be an independent
translation of the Greek that faces it, though the fact that it
contains two thousand variations from its accompanying Greek
text have led some to doubt this. Of this number, however, only
seven hundred and sixteen are said to be real variant readings,
and some of these are derived from the Vulgate. If the
translation be independent, both the Vulgate and Old Latin have
influenced it greatly; as time went on, the influence of the
Vulgate grew and probably extended even to modifications of the
Greek text. Chase, however, traces many of the variants to an
original Syriac influence. The text, which was in so great
honour in the Early Church, possesses a fascination for certain
scholars, who occasionally prefer its readings; but none
professes to have really solved the mystery of its origin.
JOHN F. FENLON
Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus
Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus
(Symbol C).
The last in the group of the four great uncial manuscripts of
the Greek Bible, received its name from the treatises of St.
Ephraem the Syrian (translated into Greek) which were written
over the original text. This took place in the twelfth century,
the ink of the Scriptural text having become partially effaced
through fading or rubbing. Several Biblical codices are
palimpsests (see MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BIBLE), of which Codex
Ephraemi is the most important. After the fall of Constantinople
it was brought to Florence; thence it was carried to Paris by
Catherine de' Medici, and has passed into the possession of the
National Library.
Through Pierre Alix, Montfaucon, and Boivin, attention was
called to the underlying text, and some of its readings given to
the world. The first complete collation of the New Testament was
made by Wetstein (1716). Tischendorf published the New Testament
in 1843 and the Old Testament in 1845. The torn condition of
many leaves, the faded state of the ink, and the covering of the
original writing by the later made the decipherment an extremely
difficult task; some portions are hopelessly illegible.
Tischendorf, then a young man, won his reputation through this
achievement. His results, however, have not been checked by
other scholars, and so cannot yet be accepted without caution.
The codex, of good vellum, measures 12 1/4 inches by 9 inches;
there is but one column to a page, C being the earliest example
of this kind. The writing is a little larger than that of
Codices Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, and Vaticanus; the first hand
inserted no breathings or accents, and only the occasional
apostrophe. The period is marked by a single point. Large
capitals are frequent, as in the Codex Alexandrinus. The margin
of the Gospels contains the Ammonian Sections, but not the
numbers of the Eusebian Canons, which were probably written in
vermilion and have faded away. The Euthalian chapters are
missing; the subscriptions are brief. From these indications and
the character of the writing, Codex C is placed in the first
half of the fifth century, along with A. Tischendorf
distinguishes two scribes (contemporaries), one for Old
Testament, the other for New Testament, and two correctors, one
(C2) of the sixth, the other (C3) of the ninth century; he
conjectured that Egypt was the place of origin. With the
exception of Tischendorf no modern has really studied the
manuscript.
Originally the whole Bible seems to have been contained in it.
At present, of the Old Testament only some of the Hagiographa
survive, in an imperfect state, namely nearly all of
Ecclesiastes, about half of Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, with
fragments of Proverbs and Canticles -in all 64 leaves. About
two-thirds of the New Testament (145 leaves) remain, including
portions of all the books except II Thess. and II John; no book
is complete. The text of C is said to be very good in Wisdom,
very bad in Ecclesiasticus, two books for which its testimony is
important. The New Testament text is very mixed; the scribe
seems to have had before him manuscripts of different types and
to have followed now one now another. "Sometimes", says Kenyon,
"it agrees with the neutral group of manuscripts, sometimes with
the Western, not unfrequently with the Alexandrian and perhaps
oftenest with the Syrian". From certain displacements in the
apocalypse, Hort infers that the book was copied from a codex of
small leaves. Such an exemplar would not be used in church
services and would have no guarantee of a good text. Possibly
the rest of the manuscript was copied from similar codices.
JOHN F. FENLON
Codex Sinaiticus
Codex Sinaiticus
(The symbol is the Hebrew character Aleph, though Swete and a
few other scholars use the letter S.)
A Greek manuscript of the Old and New Testaments, of the
greatest antiquity and value; found on Mount Sinai, in St.
Catherine's Monastery, by Constantine Tischendorf. He was
visiting there in 1844, under the patronage of Frederick
Augustus, King of Saxony, when he discovered in a rubbish basket
forty-three leaves of the Septuagint, containing portions of I
Par. (Chron.), Jer., Neh., and Esther; he was permitted to take
them. He also saw the books of Isaias and I and IV Machabees,
belonging to the same codex as the fragments, but could not
obtain possession of them; warning the monks of their value, he
left for Europe and two years later published the leaves he had
brought with him under the name of Codex Friderico-Augustanus,
after his patron. They are preserved at Leipzig. On a second
visit, in 1853, he found only two short fragments of Genesis
(which he printed on his return) and could learn nothing of the
rest of the codex. In 1859 he made a third visit, this time
under the patronage of the Czar, Alexander II. This visit seemed
likewise fruitless when, on the eve of his departure, in a
chance conversation with the steward, he learned of the
existence of a manuscript there; when it was shown to him, he
saw the very manuscript he had sought containing, beyond all his
dreams, a great part of the Old Testament and the entire New
Testament, besides the Epistle of Barnabas, and part of the
"Shepherd" of Hermas, of which two works no copies in the
original Greek were known to exist. Thinking it "a crime to
sleep", Tischendorf spent the night copying Barnabas; he had to
leave in the morning, after failing to persuade the monks to let
him have the manuscript. At Cairo he stopped at a monastery
belonging to the same monks (they were of the Orthodox Greek
Church) and succeeded i having the manuscript sent to him there
for transcription; and finally, in obtaining it from the monks
as a present to the Czar, Tischendorf's patron and the protector
of their Church. Years later, in 1869, the Czar rewarded the two
monasteries with gifts of money (7000 and 2000 roubles each) and
decorations. The manuscript is treasured in the Imperial Library
at St. Petersburg. Tischendorf published an account of it in
1860; and, under the auspices of the czar, printed it in
facsimile in 1862. Twenty-one lithographic plates made from
photographs were included in this edition, which was issued in
four volumes. The following year he published a critical edition
of the New Testament. Finally, in 1867, he published additional
fragments of Genesis and Numbers, which had been used to bind
other volumes at St. Catherine's and had been discovered by the
Archimandrite Porfirius. On four different occasions, then,
portions of the original manuscript have been discovered; they
have never been published together in a single edition.
The Codex Sinaiticus, which originally must have contained the
whole Old Testament, has suffered severely from mutilation,
especially in the historical books from Genesis to Esdras
(inclusive); the rest of the Old Testament fared much better.
The fragments and books extant are: several verses from Gen.,
xxiii and xxiv, and from Num., v, vi, vii; I Par., ix, 27-xix,
17; Esdras, ix,9 to end; Nehemias, Esther, Tobias, Judith, Joel,
Abdias, Jonas, Nahum, Habacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias,
Malachias, Isaias, Jeremias, Lamentations, i, 1-ii, 20; I
Machabees, IV Machabees (apocryphal, while the canonical II
Machabees and the apocryphal III Machabees were never contained
in this codex). A curious occurrence is that Esdras, ix, 9
follows I Par., xix, 17 without any break; the note of a
corrector shows that seven leaves of I Par. were copied into the
Book of Esdras, probably by a mistake in the binding of the
manuscript from which Codex Sinaiticus was copied. Our Esdras is
called in this codex, as in many others, Esdras B. This may
indicate that it followed Esdras A, as the book called by Jerome
III Esdras (see ESDRAS) is named in ancient codices; the proof
is by no means sure, however, as IV Machabees is here designated
Machabees D, as was usual, although the second and third books
of Machabees were absent from the manuscript. The New Testament
is complete, likewise the Epistle of Barnabas; six leaves
following Barnabas are lost, which probably also contained
uncanonical literature: the "Shepherd" of Hermas is incomplete,
and we cannot tell whether other works followed. In all, there
are 346 1/2 leaves. The order of the New Testament is to be
noted, St. Paul's Epistles preceding Acts; Hebrews following II
Thess. The manuscript is on good parchment; the pages measure
about 15 inches by 13 1/2 inches; there are four columns to a
page, except in the poetical books, which are written
stichometrically in two columns of greater width; there are 48
lines to a column, but 47 in the Catholic Epistles. The four
narrow columns give the page the appearance of an ancient roll;
it is not impossible, as Kenyon says, that it was in fact copied
from a papyrus roll. It is written in uncial characters, well
formed, without accents or breathings, and with no punctuation
except (at times) the apostrophe and the single point for a
period. Tischendorf judged that there were four hands engaged in
the writing of the manuscript; in this he has been generally
followed. He has been less happy in obtaining acceptance of his
conjecture that one of these scribes also wrote the New
Testament of the Vatican Codex. He recognized seven correctors
of the text, one of them contemporaneous with the writing of the
manuscript. The Ammonian Sections and the Eusebian Canons are
indicated in the margin, probably by a contemporary hand; they
seem to have been unknown to the scribe, however, who followed
another division. The clerical errors are relatively not
numerous, in Gregory's judgment.
In age this manuscript ranks alongside the Codex Vaticanus. Its
antiquity is shown by the writing, by the four columns to a page
(an indication, probably, of the transition from the roll to the
codex form of manuscript.), by the absence of the large initial
letters and of ornaments, by the rarity of punctuation, by the
short titles of the books, the presence of divisions of the text
antedating Eusebius, the addition of Barnabas and Hermas, etc.
Such indications have induced experts to place it in the fourth
century, along with Codex Vaticanus and some time before Codex
Alexandrinus and Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus; this conclusion is
not seriously questioned, though the possibility of an early
fifth-century date is conceded. Its origin has been assigned to
Rome, Southern Italy, Egypt, and Caesarea, but cannot be
determined (Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New
Testament, London, 1901, p. 56 sqq.). It seems to have been at
one time at Caesarea; one of the correctors (probably of seventh
century) adds this note at the end of Esdras: "This codex was
compared with a very ancient exemplar which had been corrected
by the hand of the holy martyr Pamphilus [d. 309]; which
exemplar contained at the end of the subscription in his own
hand: `Taken and corrected according to the Hexapla of Origen:
Antonius compared it: I, Pamphilus, corrected it'." Pamphilus
was, with Eusebius, the founder of the library at Caesarea. Some
are even inclined to regard Codex Sinaiticus as one of the fifty
manuscripts which Constantine bade Eusebius of Caesarea to have
prepared in 331 for the churches of Constantinople; but there is
no sign of its having been at Constantinople. Nothing is known
of its later history till its discovery by Tischendorf. The text
of Codex Sinaiticus bears a very close resemblance to that of
Codex Vaticanus, though it cannot be descended from the same
immediate ancestor. In general, Codex Vaticanus is placed first
in point of purity by contemporary scholars and Codex Sinaiticus
next. This is especially true, for the New Testament, of the
Gospels. The differences are more frequent in the Old Testament
where the codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus often agree.
JOHN F. FENLON
Codex Vaticanus
Codex Vaticanus
(CODEX B), a Greek manuscript, the most important of all the
manuscripts of Holy Scripture. It is so called because it
belongs to the Vatican Library (Codex Vaticanus, 1209).
This codex is a quarto volume written in uncial letters of the
fourth century, on folios of fine parchment bound in quinterns.
Each page is divided into three columns of forty lines each,
with from sixteen to eighteen letters to a line, except in the
poetical books, where, owing to the stichometric division of the
lines, there are but two columns to a page. There are no capital
letters, but at times the first letter of a section extends over
the margin. Several hands worked at the manuscript; the first
writer inserted neither pauses nor accents, and made use but
rarely of a simple punctuation. Unfortunately, the codex is
mutilated; at a later date the missing folios were replaced by
others. Thus, the first twenty original folios are missing; a
part of folio 178, and ten folios after fol. 348; also the final
quinterns, whose number it is impossible to establish. There are
extant in all 759 original folios.
The Old Testament (Septuagint Version, except Daniel, which is
taken from the version of Theodotion) takes up 617 folios. On
account of the aforementioned lacunae, the Old Testament text
lacks the following passages: Gen., i-xlvi,28; II Kings,
ii,5-7,10-13; Pss. cv,27-cxxxvii, 6. The order of the books of
the Old Testament is as follows: Genesis to Second
Paralipomenon, First and second Esdras, Psalms, Proverbs,
Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles, Job, Wisdom,
Ecclesiasticus, Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Minor Prophets from
Osee to Malachi, Isaias, Jeremias, Baruch, Lamentations and
Epistle of Jeremias, Ezechiel, Daniel; the Vatican Codex does
not contain the Prayer of Manasses or the Books of Machabees.The
New Testament begins at fol. 618. Owing to the loss of the final
quinterns, a portion of the Pauline Epistles is missing: Heb.,
ix,14-xiii,25, the Pastoral Letters, Epistle to Philemon; also
the Apocalypse. It is possible that there may also be some
extra-canonical writings missing, like the Epistle of Clement.
The order of the New Testament books is as follows: Gospels,
Acts of the Apostles, Catholic Epistles, St. Paul to the Romans,
Corinthians (I-II), Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
Thessalonians (I-II), Hebrews.
In the Vatican Codex we find neither the Ammonian Sections nor
the Eusebian Canons (q.v.). It is, however, divided into
sections, after a manner that is common to it with the Codex
Zacynthius (Cod. "Zeta"), an eighth-century Scriptural
manuscript of St. Luke. The Acts of the Apostles exhibits a
special division into thirty-six chapters. The Catholic Epistles
bear traces of a double division, in the first and earlier of
which some believe that the Second Epistle of Peter was wanting.
The division of the Pauline Epistles is quite peculiar: they are
treated as one book, and numbered continuously. It is clear from
this enumeration that in the copy of the Scriptures reproduced
by the Vatican Codex the Epistle to the Hebrews was placed
between the Epistle to the Galatians and the Epistle to the
Ephesians.
The Vatican Codex, in spite of the views of Tischendorf, who
held for the priority of the Codex Sinaiticus, discovered by
him, is rightly considered to be the oldest extant copy of the
Bible. Like the Codex Sinaiticus it represents what Westcott and
Hort call a "neutral text", i.e. a text that antedates the
modifications found in all later manuscripts, not only the
modifications found in the less ancient Antiochene recensions,
but also those met with in the Eastern and Alexandrine
recensions. It may be said that the Vatican Codex, written in
the first half of the fourth century, represents the text of one
of those recensions of the Bible which were current in the third
century, and that it belongs to the family of manuscripts made
use of by Origen in the composition of his Hexapla.
The original home of the Vatican Codex is uncertain. Hort thinks
it was written at Rome; Rendel Harris, Armitage Robinson, and
others attribute it to Asia Minor. A more common opinion
maintains that it was written in Egypt. Armitage Robinson
believes that both the Vaticanus and the Sinaiticus were
originally together in some ancient library. His opinion is
based on the fact that in the margins of both manuscripts is
found the same special system of chapters for the Acts of the
Apostles, taken from the division of Euthalius, and found in two
other important codices (Amiatinus and Fuldensis) of the Latin
Vulgate. Tischendorf believed that three hands had worked at the
transcription of the Vatican Codex. He identified (?) the first
hand (B1), or transcriber, of the Old Testament with the
transcriber of a part of the Old Testament and some folios of
the New Testament in the Codex Sinaiticus. This primitive text
was revised, shortly after its original transcription, with the
aid of a new manuscript, by a corrector (B2 -- For the Old
Testament B2 is quoted by Swete as Ba). Six centuries after
(according to some), a third hand (B3,Bb) retraced the faded
letters, leaving but very little of the original untouched.
According to Fabiani, however, this retracing was done early in
the fifteenth century by the monk Clemens (qui saeculo XV
ineunte floruisse videtur). In modern times (fifteenth-sixteenth
century) the missing folios were added to the codex, in order,
as Tregelles conjectures, to prepare it for use in the Vatican
Library. Old catalogues show that it was there in the fifteenth
century. The addition to the New Testament was listed by
Scrivener as Cod. 263 (in Gregory, 293) for the Epistle to the
Hebrews, and Cod. 91 for the Apocalypse. Napoleon I had the
codex brought to Paris (where Hug was enabled to study it), but
it was afterwards returned to the Holy See, with some other
remnants of Roman booty, and replaced in the Vatican Library.
There are various collations, editions, and studies of the
Vatican Codex. The collations are:
+ that of Bartolocci (Giulio di S. Anastasia), formerly
librarian of the Vatican; it was done in 1669 and is preserved
in manuscript -- Gr. Suppl. 53 of the Bibliotheque Natonale --
at Paris (quoted under the sigla: Blc);
+ that of Birch (Bch) published at Copenhagen in 1798 for the
Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles, in 1800 for the
Apocalypse, in 1801 for the Gospels;
+ that executed for Bentley (Btly) by the Abbate Mico about 1720
on the margin of a copy of the Greek New Testament which was
published at Strasburg, 1524, by Cephalaeus; this copy is
among Bentley's books in the library of Trinity College,
Cambridge -- the collation itself was published in Ford's
appendix to Woide's edition of the Codex Alexandrinus in 1799;
+ a list of the alterations executed by the original copyist or
by his correctors, edited at the request of Bentley by the
Abbate Rulotta with the aid of the Abbate de Stosch (Rlt);
this list was supposed to have perished, but it is extant
among the Bentley papers in the library of Trinity College,
Cambridge, under the sigla: B. 17.20;
+ in 1860 Alford, and in 1862 Cure, examined a select number of
the readings of the Vatican Codex, and published the results
of their labours in the first volume of Alford's Greek
Testament.
Many other scholars have made special collations for their own
purposes e.g. Tregelles, Tischendorf, Alford, etc. Among the
works written on the Vatican Codex we may indicate: Bourgon,
Letters from Rome" (London, 1861). In the second volume of the
Catalogue of Vatican Greek manuscripts, executed according to
the modern scientific method for the cataloguing of the Vatican
Library, there is a description of the Codex Vaticanus.
As to the editions of this codex, the Roman edition of the
Septuagint (1587) was based on the Vaticanus. Similarly, the
Cambridge edition of Swete follows it regularly and makes use of
the Sinaiticus and the Alexandrinus only for the portions that
are lacking in the Vaticanus. The first Roman edition appeared
in 1858, under the names of Mai and Vercellone, and, under the
same names, a second Roman edition in 1859. Both editions were
severely criticized by Tischendorf in the edition he brought out
at Leipzig in 1867, "Novum Testamentum Vaticanum, post A. Maii
aliorumque imperfectos labores ex ipso codice editum", with an
appendix (1869). The third Roman edition (Verc.) appeared under
the names of Vercellone (died 1869) and Cozza-Luzi (died 1905)
in 1868-81; it was accompanied by a photographic reproduction of
the text: "Bibliorum SS. Graecorum Cod. Vat. 1209, Cod. B, denou
phototypice expressus, jussu et cura praesidum Bibliothecae
Vaticanae" (Milan, 1904-6). This edition contains a masterly
anonymous introduction (by Giovanni Mercati), in which the
writer corrects many inexact statements made by previous
writers. Until recently the privilege of consulting this ancient
manuscript quite freely and fully was not granted to all who
sought it. The material condition of the Vatican Codex is
better, generally speaking, than that of its contemporaries; it
is foreseen, however, that within a century it will have fallen
to pieces unless an efficacious remedy, which is being earnestly
sought for, shall be discovered.
U. BENIGNI
Thomas Codrington
Thomas Codrington
(Died 1691?), Catholic divine, chiefly known for his attempt to
introduce into England the "Institute of Secular Priests Living
in Community", founded in Bavaria by Bartholomaus Holzhauser. He
was educated and ordained priest at Douai, where he taught
humanities for a time. Later on he lived with Cardinal Howard at
Rome, acting as his chaplain and secretary. He returned to
England in July, 1684, and on the accession of James II in the
following year, he was appointed one of the royal chaplains and
preachers in ordinary. While he was in Rome he had joined the
institute above mentioned, in which Cardinal Howard took a great
personal interest, and his return to England seemed to the
superior, Father Hofer, a favourable opportunity for extending
the institute. Accordingly Mr. Codrington and his companion, Mr.
John Morgan, were appointed procurators to introduce the
institute into England. The object of the society, the
constitutions of which had been approved by Innocent XI in 1680,
was to encourage community-life among the secular clergy. This
was to be attained by priests residing together, and doing their
work from a common centre, all being subject to the bishop. In
this work he received much assistance from Cardinal Howard, who
addressed letters both to the secular clergy and to the dean of
the chapter, exhorting all English priests to join the
institute. Even before leaving Rome he had been active in
propagating the institute, and had, with his colleagues,
endeavoured not only to introduce it into all the English
colleges abroad, but even to make it obligatory on the superiors
by a decree. Some progress was in fact made, but before much
could be effected the Revolution took place, and in 1688 James
II fled from England. Mr. Codrington followed his patron abroad
to Saint-Germain, where he continued to act as chaplain until
his death, which took place about 1691. For some years strenuous
efforts were made to spread the institute in England, and in
1697 special constitutions, designed to meet the peculiar
circumstances of English priests, were published with a preface,
which shows that several of the leading missionaries had joined
it. The chapter, however, were unrelenting, on the ground that
it was unsuitable in England and would lead to dissentions among
the clergy, and ultimately Bishop Giffard suppressed it. Mr.
Codrington published a sermon preached before the king and
queen, 28 November, 1686, and another preached before the
queen-dowager, 6 February, 1687. The former of these was
republished in the 1741 reprint entitled "Catholic Sermons".
EDWIN BURTON
Co-Education
Co-education
The term is now generally reserved to the practice of educating
the sexes together; but even in this sense it has a variety of
meanings.
+ Mere juxtaposition; this implies the use of the same buildings
and equipment under the same teaching staff for the education
of both sexes, but does not oblige the sexes to follow the
same methods or to live under the same regimen.
+ Co-ordinate education; the students are taught by the same
methods and the same teachers and are governed by the same
general administration; but each sex has its own classes and,
in the case of a university, its separate college.
+ Identical education; both sexes are taught "the same things,
at the same time, in the same place, by the same faculty, with
the same methods and under the same regimen. This admits age
and proficiency, but not sex, as a factor in classification"
(Clarke, op. cit. below, p. 121). It is in this third and
narrowest sense that co-education has been the subject of
widespread discussion for some time past. In the United States
especially the practice has grown rapidly during the last
fifty years, while in European countries it has developed more
slowly.
EXTENT
Elementary Schools
At present co-education is practically universal in the
elementary grades of the public schools of the United States. It
also prevails to a large extent in the elementary grades of
private and denominational schools, including those which are
under Catholic direction, notably the parochial schools.
Secondary Schools
According to the Commissioner's Report for 1905-6, there were in
the United States 40 public high schools for boys only, with
22,044 students, and 29 schools for girls only, with 23,203
students; while the co-educational high schools numbered 7,962
having on their rolls 283,264 boys and 394,181 girls; the
difference indicated by these last figures is noteworthy. During
the same year there were under private direction 304 high
schools for boys only, with 22,619 students; 500 high schools
for girls only, with 27,081 students; while the private
co-educational schools numbered 725 with an attendance of 26,487
boys and 25,568 gifts. From these statistics it appears that
even in private high schools the number of boys is larger where
co-education prevails than it is in schools exclusively for
boys; and that the number of girls in co-educational schools is
not very far below the number in schools exclusively for girls
Higher and Technical Educational Institutions
Of 622 universities, colleges, and technological schools
reporting to the United States Bureau of Education for the year
ended June, 1906, there were for men only, 158; for women only,
129; for both men and women, 335. Comparison with earlier
statistics shows a decided advance in co-education. In 1889-90
the women in co-educational colleges numbered 8075, in schools
of technology, 707, and in colleges for women only, 1979; the
men in all colleges numbered 44,926. In 1905-6 there were 31,443
women in co-educational colleges and 6653 in colleges for women
only; the number of men students was 97,738.
The tendency in Europe, generally speaking, is to admit women to
university courses of study. but under restrictions which vary
considerably from one country to another. In Germany, women, for
the most part, attend the university as "hearers", not as
matriculated students. The custom in England is that women
should reside in colleges of their own while receiving the
benefit of university education. There is also considerable
variety in the regulations concerning the granting of degrees to
women. Replies to an inquiry issued by the English Department of
Education in 1897, with later revision (United States
Commissioner's Report for 1904, chap. xx), showed that of 112
universities on the Continent, in Great Britain, and in the
British colonies, 86 made no distinction between men and women
students, 6 admitted women by courtesy to lectures and
examinations, 20 permitted them to attend some lectures only; of
these 20 universities, 14 were German and 6 Austrian. The
proportion of women students to the total enrollment in the
universities of Central Europe is shown in the following
table:--
Country Total No.
of Students Women
Austria 22,749 1,323
France 33,618 1,922
Germany 51,535 1,938
Switzerland 9,483 2,594
In England, provision for the higher education of women began
with the founding of Queen's College, London (1848) and Bedford
College (1849). In 1878 the University of London admitted women
to examinations and degrees. The honour degree examinations of
Cambridge were opened to women (students of Girton and Newnham
colleges) in 1881; some of the Oxford examinations were opened
to women (students of Somerville College and Lady Margaret Hall)
in 1884; the Scottish universities admitted women in 1892; the
University of Durham in 1895; the University of Wales from its
foundation in 1893. In Ireland, both the Royal University and
Trinity College, Dublin, receive women students. It should,
however, be noted that the number of women following university
courses in England is still comparatively small. In 1905-6 the
colleges mentioned above in connexion with Oxford had in
residence 136 students, and those at Cambridge, 316. On the
other hand, the movement is stronger in some of the recently
founded universities. Thus the institutions for women affiliated
with the London University (Bedford, Halloway, Westfield, and
Royal Free hospital) in 1905-6 numbered 628 students. It may
therefore be said that co-education in Europe, though it has
made a beginning, is by no means so prominent a feature of the
schools as it is in the United States. Its growth and effects
are for this reason best studied in American institutions; and
in these the historical facts are the more important inasmuch as
they are said to furnish ample justification of the policy.
CAUSES
The explanation of these facts is to be sought in a variety of
conditions, some of which are naturally connected with the
general development of the country while others may be called
artificial, in the sense that they are the application of
theories or policies rather than direct responses to needs, or
final solutions of problems. Thus it is significant that
co-education has found its stronghold in the Northern, Central,
and Western States of the Union which profited most by the
Congressional land grants of 1787 and 1862 and by similar grants
on the part of the several States. It was easy to argue, on the
basis of democratic principles, that institutions supported by
public funds should offer the same advantages to all citizens.
From the founding of Oberlin College, Ohio (1833), which was the
first institution of its class to introduce co-education (1837).
the policy spread at such a rate that by 1880 more than half the
colleges, and by 1900 nearly three-fourths, had adopted it. In
the more conservative East segregation was the general practice
until the last quarter of the nineteenth century. But the
precedent established by Boston University (1869) and by Cornell
(1872) was soon followed by many other Eastern institutions.
A still more powerful factor has been the public high school,
which since 1850 has held an important place in the educational
system. Some schools of this class, notably those in the West
were co-educational from the start; others were opened at first
for boys only, but eventually they admitted girls on the same
terms; this was the case in the larger cities of the East. In
1891, only 15 out of 628 leading cities of the country had
separate high schools, in 1901 the number had fallen to 12. The
growth of these schools coincided with the movement in favour of
higher education for women. The leaders of this movement
insisted on the right of women to have equal advantages with men
in the line of education; they quite overlooked or disregarded
the fact that equality in this case does not mean identity. But
any defect in their reasoning on the subject was more than
compensated for by their enthusiasm and perseverance. Their
efforts, however, were in accordance with the demands made by
industrial changes. The introduction of labour-saving machinery
which gradually brought about the factory organization of
industry, took from woman, one by one, her traditional
employments in the home and compelled her to seek new
occupations in fields hitherto occupied exclusive by man: hence
the very natural demand for equal educational opportunities, not
merely to secure the more complete development of woman's
faculties, but also as a necessary means to equip her for her
new position. The demand of course grew more imperative as the
professions were opened to women. Once it was admitted that a
woman might, for instance, take up the practice of medicine, it
was quite obvious as a matter of public policy that she should
receive the training given to every physician. How fully her
claims have been recognized will appear from statistics given
above of the growth of universities, colleges, and schools of
technology since 1889.
The rapid spread of co-education aroused intense interest not
only among educators but also in the mind of the public at
large. The subject was discussed from every point of view,
moral, medical, and economic, no less than educational. Special
inquiries were sent out by school committees, State boards, and
the United States Bureau of Education, with a view to obtaining
statistics and expressions of opinion. Replies to these
inquiries served as a basis for numerous reports, such as that
of the Boston School Committee (Document 19, 1890) and that. of
the Commissioner of Education based on the inquiry of 1891. (See
Commissioner's Report for 1900-1901, chap. xxviii.) The outcome
of the discussion may be summarized as follows:
+ the tendency towards co-education as a universal policy was
freely admitted by all parties;
+ considerable divergence of opinion was manifested as to the
wisdom of co-education, particularly in secondary schools;
+ in many cases the issue was obscured by treating co-education
as though it were synonymous with the higher education of
women.
In order to set this phase of the question in a somewhat clearer
light, it should be noted first of all that the reasons advanced
in favour of the higher education of women, valid as they
certainly are, do not of themselves require that this education
shall be identical with that given to men. Passing over for the
present the question whether both sexes should study the same
subjects by identical methods for the same length of time, or
even supposing that this question should be answered in the
affirmative, one is not thereby compelled to admit that
co-education is the only acceptable policy. The efficient work
of those colleges which are exclusively for women tells strongly
in favour of separate education. On the other hand, it should be
remarked that the unification of the schools into a system does
not necessarily imply co-education all the way through. While
endorsing the practice in the elementary school for certain
reasons and in the university for other reasons, one may
consistently refuse to approve its introduction in the secondary
school. A third consideration turns on the moral factor. This
is, and always has been, of paramount importance in Catholic
education. Whatever advantages of an intellectual sort may be
claimed for the co-educational school, these must, from the
Catholic point of view, be waived if they cannot be obtained
without danger to morality. This view of course is shared by
many non-Catholic parents and teachers, some of whom have made
it the basis of their criticism of co-education. Doubtless, too,
it would have counted for more in the discussion if the whole
problem of moral education had received the attention bestowed
in late years on everything pertaining to purely intellectual
culture. Where that problem is overlooked or lightly dismissed,
some of the most serious objections to co-education naturally
lose their force, while too much weight is attached to some of
the reasons on the opposite side.
PRACTICE AND ATTITUDE OF CATHOLIC SCHOOLS
As noted above co-education prevails in most of the Catholic
elementary schools. That women should also share in the
advantages of higher education is quite in keeping with Catholic
policy. An instance of this is the authorization granted by Rome
for women to follow, under requisite conditions, courses at the
English universities (Decision of Propaganda, 13 July, 1907).
Another is furnished by such institutions as the Anna-Stift, a
university school for Catholic teaching sisters founded at the
University of Muenster in 1899 to meet the wishes of the German
bishops. Instruction is given by university professors not in
the halls of the university but in the institute itself, an
arrangement that is equivalent to what has been mentioned above
as co-ordinate education. (See Engelkemper in Cath. Univ.
Bulletin, May, 1908.) But in secondary schools, the Catholic
policy is decidedly Opposed to co-education. The high schools,
academies, and colleges for boys are altogether separate from
those for girls. Boys are taught by male teachers, girls by
women, usually religious. Nothing in fact so strongly emphasizes
the Catholic attitude in this matter as the work of various
orders of men established to teach boys, and of no less various
orders of women to teach girls. This is the century-old practice
of the Church, and it is observed in all countries. Catholics,
moreover, have followed with interest the discussions concerning
co-education; and though in many other respects they have
adopted in their own work the methods approved by experience in
non-Catholic schools, they have not been convinced by the
arguments advanced in favour of the co-educational plan.
From the viewpoint of economy co-education might seem the wiser
plan; but as a matter of fact, by increasing the number of
pupils in each class it throws a heavier burden on the teacher
and it makes difficult if not impossible that individual
instruction, the need of which is now so generally recognized. A
saving that impairs the efficiency of the school is hardly
desirable. The advantage also that is claimed on the score of
improved discipline, is more apparent than real. While the boys
probably part with some of their roughness it is by no means
certain that the delicacy of feeling and the refinement of
manner that are expected in girls, gain much by the association.
Moreover, if there is a demand for better discipline, the right
way to meet it is to train teachers more thoroughly in the art
of school management. A skilful teacher will easily control a
class either of boys or of girls by arousing and maintaining
their interest in what is really the work of the school. On the
other hand, it can do no harm to young people, especially boys,
to cultivate betimes a spirit of obedience to law for its own
sake, and not merely teach them to behave themselves out of
deference for the opposite sex. There is no doubt a decided
benefit to be gotten from social intercourse, provided this is
accompanied by the proper conditions. The place for it is in the
home, under the supervision of parents, who will see to it that
their children have the right kind of associates, and will not
leave them to the chance companionships which the mixed school
affords. It has often been held that the co-educational system
extends to the school the "good effects that flow from the
mutual influence of mingling the sexes in the family circle";
but this contention evidently overlooks the profound difference
between the home situation which associates children by natural
ties of kindred, and the situation in school where these ties do
not exist. And it further forgets, apparently, that the home
influence itself has latterly been weakened in many ways and by
various causes; how far co-education has contributed to this
result is of course another question. At any rate, it avails
nothing to argue that because boys and girls live together in
the same family, it is more natural that they should be educated
in the same classes. When appeal is taken to the "natural" order
of things, the decision is plainly in favour of separate
schools.
On physiological grounds, identical education presents serious
difficulties. As no arrangement has been devised, and as none
can be devised, to make the conditions of study exactly the same
for both sexes, co-education really means that girls are
subjected to a regimen intended and conducted for boys. To the
physical strain which is thus imposed on them, girls as a rule
are not equal; in particular they are apt to suffer from that
very rivalry which is often cited as a desirable feature of the
mixed school. If education is to take as its first principle
conformity to nature, it must certainly make allowance for
differences of organism and function. This need becomes the more
imperative in proportion as the dependence of mind upon organic
processes is more fully realized and turned to practical account
in educational work. It then appears beyond question that from a
psychological standpoint woman should have a different training
from that which men receive. There is no question here as to the
superiority or inferiority of either sex, nor will it profit to
say that "soul has no gender". The fact is that each sex has its
own mental constitution and its special capacities. To develop
these is the work of education; but this does not mean that
unlike natures shall be moulded into a superficial resemblance
to each other. Even if it were desirable to have the finished
product exactly the same in both sexes, it does not follow that
this result is to be obtained by subjecting men and women to the
same discipline. Educationists are agreed that the need of the
developing mind is the first thing to be consulted in framing
methods and in organizing the work of the school. They rightly
condemn not only a system which treats the boy as though he were
a man, but also any feature of method that fails to secure
adaptation, even in detail, of the teaching to the present
condition of the pupil's mind. Yet many of them, strangely
enough, insist that the same training shall he given to boys and
girls in the secondary schools, that is at a period which is
chiefly characterized by the manifestation of profound mental
differences between one sex and the other. The attempt now so
generally made to obviate the physiological and psychological
difficulties of co-education by adapting the work of the school
to the capacities and requirements of girls, can evidently have
but one result, and that not a desirable one, so far as boys are
concerned.
It must further be pointed out on vocational grounds that, since
woman's work in the world is necessarily different from man's,
there should he a corresponding difference in the preparation.
Here again it is singular that while the whole trend of our
schools is towards specialization in view of the needs of
after-life, no such consideration should be had for diversity of
calling based on diversity of sex. The student is encouraged to
take up as early as possible the special lines of work that fit
him for his chosen career in business, in literary work, or in
any of the professions; yet for the essential duties of life,
widely different as these are, men and women receive an
identical education. However great be the share which woman is
to take in "the public expression of the ideal energies, for
morality and religion, for education and social reforms, and
their embodiment, not in the home, but in the public
consciousness" -- it still remains true that her success as a
supporter of these ideal endeavours is closely bound up with the
right discharge of those duties which are at once the lot and
the privilege of her sex. Any influence that tends to make those
duties less sacred to her or less attractive, is a menace to her
individual perfection and may lead to far-reaching calamity. The
lowering of sex tension, which is the strongest argument brought
forward to support Co-education from the view-point of morality,
turns out on closer inspection to be a fatal objection; it
proves too much. The "indifference" which it is said to produce
has its consequences beyond the limit of school-life, and these
if left to work out their own results would be, as they
undoubtedly are in many instances, antagonistic to the essential
interests of family and home, and eventually of the national
life as well.
The element of religious instruction, essential to Catholic
schools, has a peculiar significance in the present problem. It
not only gives free scope to ideal and aesthetic tendencies, but
it also provides effectual safeguards against the dangers to
which adolescence is exposed. As President Hall has said, "every
glow of aesthetic appreciation for a great work of art, every
thrill aroused by an act of sublime heroism, every pulse of
religious aspiration weakens by just so much the potential
energy of passion because it has found its kinetic equivalent in
a higher form of expression" (Pedagogical Seminary, March,
1908). The "prophylactic value" of religious training is, from
the Catholic point of view, far greater than that of the
conditions which co-education involves and on which it depends
for the development of character and morals. But this value of
course can be got only hr teaching religion with the same
thoroughness and the same perfection of method that
characterizes the teaching of other subjects, and in such a way
as to make the duties which religion imposes on both the sexes
not merely pleasing items of knowledge, but also vital elements
in habit and action. (See Education; Schools.)
For extended bibliographies see U. S. Commissioner's Report for
1900-01, xxviii; ibid. for 1903, xx: CLARK, Sex in Education
(Boston, 1873); VAN DE WACHER, Woman's Unfitness for higher
Education (New York, 1903); BRONS, Ueber die gemeinsame
Erziehung beider Geschlecter an den hoeheren Schulen (Hamburg,
1889); HARRIS, Co-education of the Sexes in Report on Public
Schools of St Louis Mo., 1872-3; DE GARMO, Differentiation in
the Higher education of Women in Educ. Rev., 25, 301; SHIELDS,
The Education of Our Girls (New York, 1907).
THOMAS E. SHIELDS.
Nicolas Coeffeteau
Nicolas Coeffeteau
Preacher and controversialist, born 1574, at Chateau-du-Loir,
province of Maine, France; died Paris, 21 April, 1623. Ha
entered the Dominican convent of Sens, 1588, and after his
profession, 1590, was sent to St-Jacques, the house of studies
at Paris. There in 1595 he began to teach philosophy. On 4 May,
1600, he received the doctorate and was appointed regent of
studies, which position he filled until 1606 and again from 1609
to the spring of 1612. He also served two terms as prior and was
vicar-general of the French congregation from 1606 to 1609. At
this time Coeffeteau had already acquired distinction by his
preaching at Blois, Chartres, Angers, and in Paris. Queen
Margaret of Valois had made him her almoner in 1602, and in 1608
he received the appointment of preacher in ordinary to King
Henry IV. In June, 1617, he was proposed by Louis XIII and
confirmed by Pope Paul V as titular Bishop of Dardania and
Administrator of the Diocese of Mets. By his vigilance and
zealous preaching he checked the spread of Calvinistic errors,
renewed and re-established Divine services, and restored
ecclesiastical discipline, especially in the great abbeys of
Mets and in the monasteries of the diocese. After four years he
was transferred, 22 Aug., 1621, to the Diocese of Marseilles;
but ill-health kept him from his see. He secured Franc,ois de
Lomenie as his coadjutor, but he himself remained at Paris until
his death. He was buried in St. Thomas's chapel of the convent
of St-Jacques. Coeffeteau's writings are chiefly polemical. Five
treatises on the Eucharist were occasioned by a controversy with
Pierre du Moulin, Calvinist minister of Charenton. Another
series on ecclesiastical and pontifical authority was prompted
by the action of the Fremich Protestants in relation to
political and religious disturbances in England. At the request
of Gregory XV, Coeffeteau wrote a refutation of the "De
Republica Christiana" by the apostate Archbishop of Spalato,
Marc' Antonio de Dominis. In all these writings, at a time in
which partisanship was wont to be violent, Coeffeteau maintained
an equable temper and a praiseworthy spirit of moderation,
always handling his subjects objectively and dispassionately.
His erudition was extraordinary and he was possessed of a rare
and penetrating critical judgment. On the question of papal
power and authority, Coeffeteau's position is described as that
of a modified Gallicanism. He held that the infallibility of the
pope or of an oecumenical council was restricted to matters of
faith and did not bear upon questions of fact or of persons. A
council, he held, was not superior to a pope except in the case
of schism, when it could depose the doubtful incumbent to elect
one whose right and authority would be beyond question. In this
Coeffeteau differed from the Sorbonne, which asserted the
council's superiority in all cases. Besides being called the
father of French eloquence, Coeffeteau was a recognized master
of the French language. He was the first to use it as a means of
theological expression, and the purity of his diction,
especially in his historical writings and translations, is
admitted and commended by many excellent authorities.
QUETIF-ECHARD, Scriptores Ord. Proed., II, 434; COULON in
VACANT, Dict. de theol. cath. (Paris, 1906), fase. XVIII, col.
267; URBAIN, Nicolas Coeffeteau (Paris, 1894).
JOHN R. VOLZ.
Coelchu
Coelchu
Also COLGA, COLCU (Lat. Colcus)
A distinguished Abbot of the School of Clonmacnoise in Ireland,
who flourished during the latter half of the eighth century. He
had been a student of this school, and had devoted himself
especially to the study of St. Paul, whom he looked upon as his
special patron. Coelchu was remarkable for his learning, and was
surnamed the Scribe, and also the Wise. Colgan (Acta Sanctorum
Hiberniae) mentions one tract from the pen of Coelchu which was
then extant, and which was entirely of a devotional character.
He is generally assumed to be the person with whom Alcuin
apparently had some correspondence. A letter of Alcuin's to him
has been published by Ussher (Sylloge, Ep. xviii) and
republished by Colgan. It is headed "Albini Magistri ad Colcum
lectorem in Scotia. Benedicto magistro et pio patri Colcu
Alcuinus humilis levita salutem". There can hardly be any doubt
that the Colcu spoken of was the Abbot of Clonmacnoise, and that
the writer of the letter was Alcuin, not Albin the companion of
Clement, though there is no reason for concluding from the style
of the address that Alcuin had ever been a student of Coelchu's
at Clonmacnoise. In this letter Alcuin gives Coelchu an account
of the state of religion on the Continent, mentions Joseph, one
of Coelchu's pupils then in France, speaks of disputes between
King Charles and Offa of Mercia, on account of which he himself
was likely to be sent as negotiator into England. This clearly
proves that the letter was written shortly before 790. He sends
Coelchu presents of money from King Charles and from himself for
the monastery of Clonmacnoise and for other monks in Ireland,
and asks their prayers for himself and the king. There is
another reference to Coelchu in Alcuin's letter to Joseph,
mentioned already in the letter to Coelchu. Though Coelchu was
spoken of as the Scribe or Doctor of all the Irish, none of his
writings have come down to us.
COLGAN, Acta SS. Hibernioe Louvain, 1645), 20 Feb., 378; USSHER,
Sylloge (Dublin, 1632), Ep. xviii; WARE-HARRIS, Writers of
Ireland (Dublin, 1739-64), 511; MABILLON, Annales O. S. B., ad
annum 790; LANIGAN, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland (Dublin,
1829) III, 228-232.
JAMES MacCaffrey.
Theodore Coelde
Theodore Coelde
(THEODORE OF MUeNSTER; THEODORE OF OSNABRUeCK; DERICK, DEDERICK,
or DIETERICH, COeLDE)
Friar Minor and missionary, born at Muenster, in 1435; died at
Louvain, 11 December, 1515. He was a different person from the
Dominican, Theodore of Muenster, and from the Augustinian,
Theodore of Osnabrueck; and was called Theodore von Muenster
(Theodoricus a Monasterio) from the place of his birth; and
Theodore von Osnabrueck from his father's native town. Coelde
made his first studies at Cologne, and entered the Order of the
Hermits of St. Augustine at an early age. In 1454 he was
received into the Franciscan Order in the Netherlands. When the
plague broke out at Brussels in 1489, Coelde went about
administering the last sacraments to the dying; and when the
sacristan accompanying him fell a victim to the plague, Coelde
attached the lantern to his girdle, and, with the pyx in one
hand and the bell in the other, continued his ministrations.
Before the end of the plague, more than thirty-two thousand had
received the last rites of the Church from the heroic friar. In
1470 Coelde composed a brief, popular treatise on the truths of
the Catholic Faith, entitled "Kerstenspiegel" or
"Christenspiegel" (The Christian's Mirror), which is considered
to be the first German catechism. It went through thirty-two
editions in Low German and two in High German, and came to be
used throughout Germany and the Netherlands as the principal
work of popular instruction in religious matters. At the request
of his friend and admirer, Archbishop Hermann, he wrote a series
of meditations on the sufferings of Christ, which appeared
probably about the same time as the "Christenspiegel". In 1618
the remains of Coelde were exhumed, and, after the suppression
of the Franciscan convent at Louvain, were transferred to
Saint-Trond, where they now repose behind the high altar.
SCHLAGER, Beitraege zur Geschichte der koelnischen
Franziskaner-Ordensprovinz (Cologne, 1904), 190, passim;
SCHOUTENS, Martyrologium Minoritico-Belgicum (Hoogstraeten,
1902), 211, 213.
STEPHEN M. DONOVAN.
St. Kevin (Coemgen)
St. Kevin (Coemgen)
Abbot of Glendalough, Ireland, b. about 498, the date being very
obscure; d. 3 June, 618; son of Coemlog and Coemell. His name
signifies fair-begotten. He was baptized by St. Cronan and
educated by St. Petroc, a Briton. From his twelfth year he
studied under monks, and eventually embraced the monastic state.
Subsequently he founded the famous monastery of Glendalough (the
Valley of the Two Lakes), the parent of several other monastic
foundations. After visiting Sts. Columba, Comgall, and Cannich
at Usneach (Usny Hill) in Westmeath, he proceeded to
Clonmacnoise, where St. Cieran had died three days before, in
544. Having firmly established his community, he retired into
solitude for four years, and only returned to Glendalough at the
earnest entreaty of his monks. He belonged to the second order
of Irish saints and probably was never a bishop. So numerous
were his followers that Glendalough became a veritable city in
the desert. His festival is kept throughout Ireland. Glendalough
became an episcopal see, but is now incorporated with Dublin.
St. Kevin's house and St. Kevin's bed of rock are still to be
seen: and the Seven Churches of Glendalough have for centuries
been visited by pilgrims.
O'HANLON, Lives of Irish Saints (Dublin, 1875), VI, 28 sqq.;
HEALY, Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars (Dublin, 1890);
LANIGAN, Ecclesiastical Hist. or Ireland (Dublin, 1829), II;
OLDEN in Dict. Nat. Biog., s.v.
COLUMBA EDMONDS
Coenred
Coenred
(Or CENRED, also COENRAED, COINRED, KENRED, and CHRENRED)
King of Mercia (reigned 704-709); date of birth and death
unknown. He was the son of King Wulfhere and his Queen
Eormengild. When Wulfhere died, in 675, Coenred was probably too
young to succeed, and his uncle AEthelred ascended the throne.
The A. S. Chronicle speaks of Coenred becoming King of the
Southumbrians (a name very rarely used) in 702, and succeeding
to the throne of Mercia in 704, when AEthelred retired to the
cloister. Southumbria probably designates the northern portion
of Mercia, which AEthelred recovered from Northumbria. It is
inferred that the people of this region rebelled against
AEthelred and chose Coenred for their king, and later induced
AEthelred to resign the whole of Mercia in favour of Coenred in
704. A reaction against the Southumbrians took place in 709,
when Coenred abdicated in favour of Coelred, the son of
AEthelred. Coenred then accompanied Offa, King of the East
Saxons, to Rome, where he received the monastic habit from Pope
Constantine. He was present at a council of the Mercian clergy
in 705, and his name appears on several charters granting lands
to Waldhere, Bishop of London, to Cuthswith, Abbess of
Worcester, and also to the Abbey of Evesham. It does not appear
that he was ever married. A great lover of peace, and of a pious
disposition, he was more suited for the cloister than the
throne. St. Bede tells us that he befriended St. Wilfrid when in
exile, and relates in detail his efforts to convert to a better
life one of his chief nobles, who finally died in despair.
LINGARD, Hist. of England, I. iii; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ad ann.
702, 704, 709; BEDE, Eccl. Hist., bk. V, xiii, xix, xxiv;
WILLIAM OF MALMESBURY, Gest. Reg. (Eng. Hist. Soc.), i, iii;
IDEM, Gest. Pont., 239, 317, 351-2, 386; HADDAN AND STUBBS,
Councils, III, 273.
G. E. HIND.
Coeur d'Alene Indians
Coeur d'Alene Indians
A small tribe of Salishan stock formerly ranging along the lake
and river of the same name in Northern Idaho, U. S. A., and now
residing upon a reservation established in 1873 within the same
boundaries. The name by which they are commonly known,
signifying "awl heart", is said, although doubtfully, to have
been originally a nick-name given by the French traders to a
chief of the tribe noted for his stinginess. They call
themselves Skitswish. When first noticed by the American
explorers, Lewis and Clark, in 1805, the Coeur d'Alene were a
wandering, poverty-stricken people, dwelling in mat-covered
communal houses on the border of the lake, and subsisting
chiefly upon fish and wild roots. In disposition they were
peaceful, brave and honest, and at a later period, having
acquired through the French and Iroquois employees of the Hudson
Bay Company an idea of the Catholic religion, many of them, as
well as the Flatheads, Nez Perces, and others, voluntarily
adopted a system of Christian prayers and church forms. In 1841
the Jesuit, Nicholas Point, a companion of De Smet, established
the Sacred Heart (now De Smet) mission among them, with such
wonderful success that within ten years the entire tribe had
become Christian, civilized, and comfortably self-supporting.
In his official report to the Indian Office in 1854, Governor
Stevens of Washington says: "It is indeed extraordinary what the
good fathers have done at the Coeur d'Alene mission. They have a
splendid church nearly finished by the labours of the fathers,
laymen, and Indians; a large barn; a horse mill for flour; a
small range of buildings for the accommodation of the priests
and laymen; a store room; a milk or dairy room; a cook room, and
good arrangements for their pigs and cattle. they are putting up
a new range of quarters, and the Indians have some twelve
comfortable log cabins. The church was designed by the superior
of the mission, Pere Avile, a man of skill as an architect, and
undoubtedly, judging from his well-thumbed books, of various
accomplishments. Pere Gazzoli showed me several designs for the
altar, all of them characterized by good taste and harmony of
proportion. The church, as a specimen of architecture, would do
credit to anyone, and has been faithfully sketched by our
artist, Mr. Stanley. The massive timbers supporting the altar
were from larch trees five feet in diameter, and were raised to
their place by the Indians, simply with the aid of a pulley and
rope. They have a large cultivated field of some 200 acres, and
a prairie of from 2000 to 3000 acres. They own a hundred pigs,
eight yoke of oxen, twenty cows, and a liberal proportion of
horses, mules, and young animals. The Indians have learned to
plough, sow, till the soil generally, milk cows, and do all the
duties incident to a farm. They are some of them expert wood
cutters, and I saw some thirty or forty Indians at work getting
in the harvest." All this in thirteen years in the heart of the
wilderness, two thousand miles from the frontier town of St.
Louis.
The mission still continues to mould the tribal life, and
official reports show that the same high standard is maintained,
each year showing an advance in prosperity and general
intelligence. The tribe is increasing, and numbered 492 souls in
1906.
Annual Report of the Commission of Indian Affairs (Washington,
1831-1906); LEWIS AND CLARK, Original Journals (New York, 1905);
MOONEY, art. Missions in Handbook of American Indians
(Washington, 1907); SHEA, Catholic Missions (New York, 1855); DE
SMET, Oregon Missions (New York, 1847); STEVENS, in Report of
Commission of Indian Affairs (Washington, 1854).
JAMES MOONEY
Edward Coffin
Edward Coffin
(Alias HATTON.)
An English Jesuit and missionary, born at Exeter, 1570; died 17
April, 1626, at Saint-Omer's College. After studies at Reims and
Ingolstadt he was ordained at the English College, Rome, and
sent to England. In 1598 he entered the Society. On his way to
the novitiate in Flanders, he was seized by the Dutch, near
Antwerp, and taken to England, where he was imprisoned for five
years. Banished from England in 1603, he acted for twenty years
as confessor at the English College, Rome. He volunteered for
England again, but died on the journey. He wrote the preface to
Father Person's "Discussion of Mr. Barlowe's Answer"
(Saint-Omer, 1612), Refutation of Hall, Dean of Worcester's
"Discourse for the Marriage of Ecclesiastical Persons" (1619),
"Art of Dying Well", from the Latin of Bellarmine (1621); "True
Relation of Sickness and Death of Cardinal Bellarmine", by C.E.
of the Society of Jesus (1622), tr. into Latin, "De Morte", etc.
(Saint-Omer 1623 8vo.); "Marci Antonii de Dominis Palinodia"
(Saint-Omer, 1623), tr. by Dr. Fletcher in 1827 as "My Motives
for Renouncing the Protestant Religion"; "De Martyrio PP.
Roberts, Wilson et Napper" (Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, III, n.
103).
PATRICK RYAN
Robert Aston Coffin
Robert Aston Coffin
An ecclesiastical writer and bishop, b. at Brighton, England, 19
July, 1819; d. at Teignmouth, Devonshire, 6 April, 1885. He
received his secondary education at Harrow and in 1837 went to
Christ Church, Oxford, where he took his B.A. degree with
honours in 1840. He then prepared himself for the ministry and,
having received Anglican orders from the Bishop of Oxford, he
was appointed in 1843 vicar of St. Mary Magdalen, Oxford. While
at Oxford he had become a follower of Dr. Newman, and like so
many others who had joined the Oxford or Tractarian Movement he
left the Anglican Church and was received into the Catholic
Church at Prior Park on the feast of St. Francis Xavier, 3
December, 1845, two months after the reception of Dr. Newman.
Having spent a year as tutor in the family of Mr. Ambrose de
Lisle, he followed Newman to Rome to prepare himself for the
priesthood, and was ordained 31 October, 1847, by the cardinal
vicar. In the meantime Dr. Newman had been authorized by Pius IX
to found the Oratory of St. Philip Neri in England. When, in
June, 1848, the Oratory was established, Father Coffin with
other convert priests joined it, and he was appointed superior
of St. Wilfrid's, Cotton Hall. The next year he followed a
strong attraction he had felt since his conversion for the
Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, left the Oratory, and
entered the Redemptorist novitiate at Saint-Trond, in Belgium.
Having made his profession on 2 February, 1852, he returned to
England and began his long and fruitful career as a zealous
Redemptorist missionary. From 1850 to 1865 he was rector of St.
Mary's, Clapham and from the latter year till 1882 he held the
office of provincial of the English Redemptorists. These
offices, however, did not prevent him from zealously labouring
with pen and tongue, for, from 1852 to 1872, he was almost
constantly engaged in giving missions and clergy retreats
throughout England, Ireland, and Scotland, and in publishing
many ascetical books.
After the death of Dr. Danell, the second Bishop of Southwark,
Father Coffin was chosen as his successor, and was consecrated
in Rome by Cardinal Howard, in the church of S. Alfonso, 11
June, 1882, taking possession of his see on 27 July. After an
illness of several months, borne with great fortitude, Bishop
Coffin died at Teignmouth, in the house of the Redemptorists
which he himself had founded when provincial. "Although his name
was at no time conspicuously before the world, his influence had
been widely and deeply felt, and few ecclesiastics in England
were held in greater esteem or affection. By the publication of
many of the works of St. Alphonsus, by his labours as a preacher
and missionary in his younger days, by his numerous retreats,
especially to the clergy, and still more by his government of
the Province of the Congregation of the Most Holy redeemer in
England, Scotland, and Ireland during nearly twenty vears, he
performed a quiet, solid and enduring work which will be felt
for many generations" ("The Tablet", London). Among his
publications are the following English translations of the
Italian works of St. Alphonsus: "The Glories of Mary" (London,
1862, 1868), "The Mysteries of the Faith: The Incarnation"
(London, 1854); "The Christian Virtues" (London, 1854), "The
Mysteries of the Faith: The Eucharist" (London, 1855), "Visits
to the Most Holy Sacrament" (London, 1855); "The Eternal Truths"
(London, 1857); "A Devotion in Honour of St. Joseph" (London,
I860); "The Mysteries of the Faith: The Redemption" (London,
1861); "Hymns and Verses on Spiritual Subjects" (London, 1863).
He also published a translation of "The Oratory of the Faithful
Soul" by Blosius (London, 1848), and several pastoral letters.
GILLOW, Bibl. Dict. of Eng..Cath., s. v.; The Tablet (London, 11
April, 1885).
B. GUIDNER
Cogitosus
Cogitosus
An Irishman, an author, and a monk of Kildare; the date and
place of his birth and of his death are unknown, it is uncertain
even in what century he lived. In the one work which he wrote,
his life of St. Brigid, he asks a prayer pro me nepote
culpabili, from which both Ware and Ussher conclude that he was
a nephew of St. Brigid, and, accordingly, he is put down by them
among the writers of the sixth century. But the word nepos may
also be applied to one who, like the prodigal, had lived
riotously, and it may be, that Cogitosus, recalling some former
lapses from virtue, so uses the word of himself. At all events,
his editor, Vossius, is quite satisfied that Cogitosus was no
nephew of St. Brigid, because in two genealogical menologies
which Vossius had, in which were enumerated the names of
fourteen holy men of that saint's family the name of Cogitosus
is not to be found. Nor did the latter live in the sixth century
because he speaks of a long succession of bishops and abbesses
at Kildare, showing that he writes of a period long after the
time of St. Brigid, who died in 525, and of St. Conleth, who
died a few years earlier. Besides this, the description of the
church of Kildare belongs to a much later time; and the author
calls St. Conleth an archbishop, a term not usual in the Western
church until the opening of the ninth century. On the other
hand, he describes Kildare before it was plundered by the Danes,
in 835, and before St. Brigades remains were removed to Down.
The probability therefore is that he lived and wrote the life of
St. Brigid about the beginning of the ninth century. His work is
a panegyric rather than a biography. He gives so few details of
the saint's life that he omits the date and place of her birth
and the date of her death; nor does he make mention of any of
her contemporaries if we except St. Conleth, the first Bishop of
Kildare, an Macaille from whom she received the veil. He gives
the names of her parents, but is careful to conceal the fact
that she was illegitimate, and that her mother was a slave. On
the other hand, he dwells with evident satisfaction on her
piety, her humility, her charity, her zeal for religion, the
esteem in which she was held by all. And he narrates at length
the many miracles she wrought, and tells of the numbers who came
as pilgrims to Kildare, attracted by her fame. In his anxiety to
exalt her he says she had as abbess authority over all the
abbesses of Ireland, although as a matter of fact she could
govern only those who followed her rule; and his statement that
she appointed the Bishop of Kildare could not, of course, mean
that she conferred any jurisdiction. Cogitosus writes in fairly
good Latin, much better indeed than might be expected in that
age, and his description of the church of Kiildare with its
interior decorations is specially interesting for the history of
early Irish art and architecture.
E.A. D'ALTON
Diego Lopez de Cogolludo
Diego Lopez de Cogolludo
One of the chief historians of Yucatan. His work, the "Historia
de Yucatan", which appeared at Madrid in 1688, and was reprinted
in 1842 and 1867, is an important work, full of information
personally gathered at a time when older sources, written and
oral, that have now partly disappeared, were accessible.
Cogolludo consulted and used the writings of Bishop Diego de
Landa to a considerable extent, but many of his statements must
be taken with cautious criticism. He was a native of Alcala de
Henares in Spain, and took the habit of St. Francis at the
convent of San Diego, 31 March, 1629. He emigrated to Yucatan,
where he became successively lector in theology, guardian, and
finally provincial of his order.
AD. F. BANDELIER
Hermann Cohen
Hermann Cohen
A Discalced Carmelite (Augustin-Marie of the Blessed Sacrament,
generally known as Father Hermann), born at Hamburg, Germany, 10
November, 1820; died at Spandau, 20 January, 1871. The son of a
Jewish merchant, he devoted himself to music, which he studied
under Liszt at Paris, where he joined a brilliant but frivolous
circle, to the detriment of his morals. One day, in May, 1847,
while leading the choir at Benediction in the church of
Sainte-Valerie, he felt himself touched by Divine grace, and,
after a short sojourn at Ems, resolved to become a Christian.
Baptized 28 August, he instituted with De la Bouillerie the
pious practice of the nocturnal adoration; he entered the
Carmelite novitiate at Broussey, made his profession 7 October
1850, and was ordained priest 19 April of the following year.
His fiery eloquence and the stir caused by his conversion made
him a favorite preacher, notwithstanding insufficient studies.
He was instrumental in the foundation of convents at
Bagneres-de-Bigorre (1853), Lyons (1857), the Desert of
Tarasteix near Lourdes (1857), and in London (1862), where he
had been known during his artistic career. After some years
spent in England he went on a preaching tour through Germany and
France and ultimately to Tarasteix. At the outbreak of the
Franco-German War he fled to Switzerland, and later on took
charge of the lazaretto at Spandau, where he contracted
smallpox. He was buried in St. Hedwig's church, Berlin. Among
his works are Le Catholicisme en Agnleterre, a speech delivered
at Mechlin, also in English (Paris, 1864); Gloire `a Marie
(1849); Amour `a Jesus (1851); Fleurs du Carmel; Couronnement de
la Madonne; Thabor (1870), five collections of sacred songs with
accompaniment, pious but somewhat shallow; this also holds good
of his Mass (1856).
B. ZIMMERMAN
Diocese of Coimbatore
Diocese of Coimbatore
(KOIMBATUR; COIMBATURENSIS).
The City of Coimbatore is the capital of the district of
Coimbatore in Madras, British India, situated on the River
Noyel. Its population in 1901 was 53, 080 of these 3, 000 are
Catholics. The diocese embraces the Collectorate of Coimbatore
(except the Taluk of the Collegal), the Nilgiris with the
south-eastern Wynaad, the Taluks of Palgat, Collancodoo,
Tamalpuram, and part of Wallavanad, the Chittur Taluks, and the
Nelliampathy Hills in the Cochin territoty. In 1846 Coimbatore
was separated from the Vicariate Apostolic of Pondicherry, and
in 1850 was made a vicariate Apostolic. On 1 Sept., 1886, it was
constituted a diocese, and the Right Rev. Joseph Louis Bardon,
Bishop of Telmessus, who had been vicar Apostolic, was chosen as
its bishop.
The total population of the diocese is 2,500,000, of whom 37,080
are Catholics. There are 41 European and 13 native priests. In
the ecclesiastical seminary are 14 students. The diocese has 2
religious communities of men and 3 of women. There are for boys
a second-grade college, a middle school, and a high school; and
for girls eighteen convent schools. There are also 67 elementary
schools, with 4239 pupils. There are 2 hospitals, 4 orphanages,
and an industrial school.
LEO A. KELLY Transcibed by Joseph P. Thomas
Diocese of Coimbra
Diocese of Coimbra
(Conimbricensis).
In Portugal, suffragan of Braga, in the province of Beira. The
cathedral city has 13,369 inhabitants. The first known bishop
was Lucentius, who assisted (563) at the first council of Braga,
the metropolitan See of Coimbra, until the latter was attached
to the ecclesiastical province of Merida (650-62). Titular
bishops of Coimbra continued the succession under the Arab
conquest, one of whom witnessed the consecration of the church
of Santiago de Composotela in 876. The see was re-established in
1088, after the re-conquest of the city by the Christians
(1064). The first bishop of the new series was Martin. Among the
more famous bishops have been Pedro (1300), chancellor of King
Diniz, and Manoel de Menezes (1573-78), rector of the
university, who fell with Dom Sebastian on the field of
Kassr-el-Kaber. The old cathedral of Coimbra, built in the first
half of the twelfth century, partly at the expense of Bishop
Miguel and his chapter, is a remarkable monument of Romanesque
architecture; the new cathedral, a Renaissance building dating
from 1580, is of little interest. The episcopal palace was also
built in the eighteenth century. The principal monastery of the
diocese is that of Santa Cruz, founded in 1131 by Alfonso VII,
and for some time the most important in the kingdom by reason of
its wealth and privileges. Its prior was authorized by
Anastasius IV and Celestine III to wear the episcopal insignia.
In 1904 the diocese had a population of 875,853, divided among
308 parishes.
Florez, Espaua Segrada (Madrid, 1759), XIV, 71-96; Borges de
Figueiredo, Coimbra antiga e moderna (Lisbon, 1886).
EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA
University of Coimbra
University of Coimbra
The earliest certain information concerning a university in
Portugal dates from 1288, when the Abbott of Alcobaza, several
priors of convents, and parish priests, made known to Nicholas
IV that they had obtained from King Diniz the foundation of a
"Studium Generale" at Lisbon and had arranged among themselves
to defray the salaries of the doctors and masters from the
revenues of their monasteries and churches; they besought the
pope to confirm this agreement and to protect the work they were
undertaking "for the service of God and the glory of their
country". In a Bull of 9 August, 1290, addressed to the
"University of the masters and students of Lisbon", the pope
acceded to their request and expressed his satisfaction with the
creation of this new seat of studies. This Bull sanctions
taxation of lodgings in the Paris and Bologna fashion, grants
dispensation from residence to masters and students and
authorizes the Bishop of Lisbon (or, sede vacante, the
Vicar-capitular), to confer the jus ubique docendi on all
faculties except Theology. Frequent quarrels between the
students and the citizens led the King of Portugal to request
the pope to transfer the new school to Coimbra, a more tranquil
place, and to grant at the same time to the new foundation, all
of the "privileges" of the former one. The transfer took place
15 February, 1308, on which date King Diniz issued the charter
of foundation, quite similar to that of Alfonso the wise for the
University of Salamanca in Castile. The sciences then taught at
Coimbra were canon and civil law, medicine, dialectic, and
grammar. Theology was taught in the convents of the Dominicans
and the Franciscans. For reasons unknown to us, the university
was again moved to Lisbon in 1339, by order of Alfonso IV. In
1354 it returned to Coimbra, only to be transferred to Lisbon in
1377. From this time until its final transfer to Coimbra in
1537, the university enjoyed greater prosperity. At the
beginning of the fifteenth century theology appears regularly as
one of the sciences taught there.
During the reign of John III (1521-57) important reforms were
carried out, and the university reached the acme of its career.
The faculties hitherto widely scattered in different edifices
were brought together under one roof in the "Palacio del Rey",
new and illustrious professors were invited from Castile; for
the faculty of theology, Alfonso de Prado and Antonio de
Fonseca, the latter a doctor of Paris; for the faculty of law
the famous canonist Martin de Aspilcueta (Doctor Navarrus),
Manuel de Costa, and Antonio Suarez, all three from Salamanca;
and for medicine Francisco Franco and Rodrigo Reinoso. The
classical languages and literatures were taught in the Colegio
de la Artes, as a preparation for the graver studies of the
university; this college was at first quite independent of the
latter, but was eventually incorporated with it and confided to
the Jesuits. One of its first professors was the Scotch
Latinist, George Buchanan, later a follower of John Knox and a
reviler of Mary Stuart. The colleges of Sio Pedro and Sio Paolo
were founded for graduates (doctors) who purposed to devote
themselves to teaching; other colleges were founded for the
students of various religious orders in which they might follow
the common life while pursuing their studies at the university.
New reforms were inaugurated in 1770, when (23 December) King
Jose I, on the initiative of the Marquis de Pombal, appointed a
commission to consider the reorganization of the university. The
commission advised the creation of two new faculties,
mathematics and natural philosophy, leaving intact the older
faculties of theology, canon law, civil law, and medicine. New
professors were brought from Italy, Michele Franzini for
mathematics, and Dominican Vandelli for natural history. The
former Jesuit college, confiscated at the time of the expulsion
of the Society from Portugal, was turned over to the faculty of
medicine for its clinics and laboratories. The laboratories for
physics, chemistry, and natural history were also located there;
finally a botanical garden was added. At the end of the
eighteenth century, metallurgy was taught by Jose Bonifacio de
Andrade, and hydraulics by Manoel Pedro de Mello, both scholars
of repute. In 1907 the University of Coimbra had five faculties,
theology, law, medicine, mathematics, and philosophy. Its
professors numbered (1905-06) 68, and its students 2916. The
library now contains about 100,000 volumes. (See
Conimbricenses.)
Denifle, Die Entstehung der Universiteten des Mittelalters bis
1440 (Berlin, 1885), 519-534; Visconde de Villa-Major, Eposiioa
succinta da organisaiao actual da Universidade de Coimbra
(Lisbon, 1892-1902), I-IV; Minerva, Jahrbuch des gelehrten Welt
(Strasburg, 1907).
EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA
Jean-Baptiste Colbert
Jean-Baptiste Colbert
Marquis de Seignelay, statesman, b. at Rheims, France, 1619; d.
at Paris, 1683. Noticed by Mazarin and recommended by him to
Louis XIV he became at the latter's death, controller of
finances. Through the control of finances he organized nearly
every public service in France. Of him, Mme. de Sevigne said:
"M. de Colbert thinks of finances only and never of religion."
This should not, however, be taken too literally. Colbert was
deeply religious, but his religion was tinctured with the evils
of the day, Gallicanism and Jansenism. It was Colbert who
suggested to Louis XIV the convening of the famous Assembly of
the Clergy in 1682 which formulated the four propositions of
Gallicanism. In the conflicts which arose between the court of
France and Rome Colbert used his influence against Rome.
Protestants looked to him as to their protector. The Jansenist
De Bourseys was his evil genius as well as his informant on
religious questions. Influenced by De Bourseys, he failed to see
the real danger of Jansenism, and by treating it with levity,
gave it encouragement. The Colbert family gave to the Church a
number of nuns and ecclesiastics. Charles Gerin says: "His
sisters controlled the great abbeys of Sainte-Marie de Challot,
of Sainte-Claire de Reims and of the LeLys near Melun. One of
his brothers (Nicolas, 1627-1676) Bishop of Luc,on and
afterwards of Auxerre, having died, he caused to be appointed in
his place his cousin Andre (1647-1702) who was a member of the
assembly of 1682, with another of his cousins, Colbert de St.
Pouange, Bishop of Montauban." This passage omits the following
three best known kinsmen of the great Colbert.
II. JACQUES-NICOLAS COLBERT (1655-1707)
Archbishop of Rouen. Fisquet (La France pontificale, Rouen, p.
253) describes him as a worthy and learned prelate giving his
principal care to the training of his clerics. C. Gerin (loc.
cit., p. 188), however, reproaches him for being worldly, a
spendthrift, and, in spite of his pompous declarations of
orthodoxy, no less sympathetic to Jansenism than his cousin, the
Bishop of Montepellier.
III. CHARLES-JOACHIM COLBERT (1667-1738)
Bishop of Montepellier, and a militant Jansenist. He firt
appeared to submit to the Bull "Vineam Domini" of Innocent XI,
1705, but when Clement XI issued the Bull "Unigenitus", 1713, he
openly sided with the appellants Soanen of Senez, de la Broue of
Mirepoix, and Langle of Boulogne. The works published under his
name (Montepellier, 1740) are probably, at least in part, from
the pen of his advisers, Gaultier and Croz, who are moreover
charged with the perversion of their master. In 1702, one of his
priests, the Oratorian Pouget, published, at his request, the
"Catechisme de Montpellier" a remarkable book but tinctured with
Jansenism and condemned by the Holy See, 1712 and 1721.
IV. MICHEL COLBERT (1633-1702)
An ascetic writer and superior of the Premonstrants. His
election was somewhat irregular and had to be validated by papal
rescript. He is the author of "Lettres d'un Abbe `a ses
religieux" and "Lettre de Consolation".
FISQUET, La France pontificale (Paris, s. d.) under the various
dioceses referred to above; G=C9RIN, Recherches sur l'assemblee
du clerge de 1682 (Paris,1869); BESOIGNE, Vie des Quatre
ev=EAques engages dans la cause de Port-Royal (Cologne, 1756);
CLEMENT, Histoire de Colbert (Paris, 1875); RAPIN, Memoires
(Paris, 1865); JAL, Dict. critique (Paris, 1867); GAUCHIE in
Rev. Hist. Eccl. (Louvain, 1903), III, 983; WAKEMAN, Europe (New
York, 1905), 202.
J.F. SOLLIER
Henry Cole
Henry Cole
A confessor of the Faith, b. at Godshill, Isle of Wight, about
1500; d. in the Fleet Prison, February, 1579 or 1580. He was
educated at Winchester and New College Oxford, admitted a
perpetual fellow there (1523), received the degree of B.C.L.
(1525), and then went to Italy for seven years, residing chiefly
at Padua. During his career he was successively prebendary of
Yatminster (1539) rector of Chelmsford, Essex, prebendary of
Holborn, sweting (1541), and Wenlakesbarn (1542), warden of New
College (1542-51), and rector of Newton Longue-ville in
Buckinghamshire. Created a D.C.L. at Oxford (1540), he resigned
his fellowship the same year. At first he conformed to the
Protestant religion but afterwards saw his error, returned to
the Catholic Faith about 1547, and eventually resigned all his
preferments. In Mary's reign he became Archdeacon of Ely, a
canon of Westminster (1554), vicar-general of Cardinal Pole
(1557), and a judge of the archiepiscopal Court of Audience. He
was one of the commissioners who restored Tunstal and Bonner to
their bishoprics, a disputant against Cranmer, Ridley, and
Latimer at Oxford (1554), a delegate for the visitation of
Oxford (1556), and Visitor of All Souls College in 1558, in
which year he received the rectory of Wrotham, and was sent to
Ireland with a commission for the suppression of heresy there.
Cardinal Pole appointed Cole one of his executors. During
Elizabeth's reign he remained true to the Catholic Faith and
took part in the discussions begun at Westminster in 1559. Then
began his sufferings: first, he was fined 500 marks ($1600),
then deprived of all his preferments, committed to the Tower (20
May, 1560), and finally removed to the Fleet (10 June), where he
remained for nearly twenty years, until his death. He wrote:
letters to Dr. Starkey and Sir Richard Morysin from Padua, 1530,
and Paris, 1537; "Disputation with Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer
at Oxford", in Fox's "Acts and Monuments", "Sum and effect of
his sermon at Oxford when Archbishop Cranmer was burnt", in
Fox's "Acts and Monuments"; "Answer to the first proposition of
the Protestants at the disputation before the Lords at
Westminster 1559", in Burnet's "Hist. Reform. Records"; "Copie
of a Sermon at Paule's Crosse 1560" (London, 1560), "Letters to
John, Bishop of Sarum" (London, 1560); "Answers to certain
parcels of the Letters of the Bishop of Sarum", in Jewel's
works.
G.E. HIND
Edward Coleman
Edward Coleman
A controversialist, politician, and secretary of the Duchess of
York, date of birth unknown; executed at Tyburn, 3 December,
1678. He was the son of a Suffolk clergyman and, after a
distinguished career at Cambridge, became a Catholic and was
employed by the Duchess of York. As her secretary he became
acquainted with continental statesmen from whom he sought
pecuniary help when in difficulties. In 1675 he offered his
services in favour of Catholicism to Pere La Chaise, the
confessor of Louis XIV; again in 1676 he was in communication
with Father Saint-Germain, offering his assistance to prevent a
rupture between England and France. These attempts to procure
money failed, but he succeeded later in obtaining -L-3500 from
three successive French ambassadors whom he supplied with daily
information regarding the proceedings of Parliament. He became a
suspected character, and on the discovery of the Titus Oates
Plot, conceived in 1678 for the ruin of the Duke of York whose
Catholicity was suspected Coleman was named as one of the
conspirators. Conscious of his innocence he took no steps to
protect himself, allowed his papers to be seized, and gave
himself up for examination. He was tried 28 Nov., 1678, being
accused of corresponding with foreign powers for the subversion
of the Protestant religion, and of consenting to a resolution to
murder the king. His defense was that he had only endeavoured to
procure liberty of conscience for Catholics constitutionally
through Parliament, and had sought money abroad to further this
object. He denied absolutely any complicity with the plot
against the king's life. His foreign correspondence of 1675 and
1676, when examined, proved him to be an intriguer, but
contained nothing that could connect him in any way with designs
on the king's life. However, in spite of the flagrantly false
testimony of Oates and Bedloe, he was found guilty, drawn to
Tyburn, and there executed. He was a good linguist, writer, and
controversialist. His controversy with Drs. Stillingfleet and
Burnet resulted in the conversion of Lady Tyrwhit to the
Catholic religion. His writings were: "Reasons for Dissolving
Parliament", "Two Letters to M. La Chaise, the French King's
Confessor" (London 1678, reprinted in Cobbett's "Parliamentary
History"; "The Tryal of Edward Coleman" etc. (London, 1678);
"Legacies; a Poem", etc. (London, 1679).
G.E. HIND
Henry James Coleridge
Henry James Coleridge
A writer and preacher, b. 20 September 1822, in Devonshire,
England; d. at Roehampton, 13 April 1893. He was the son of Sir
John Taylor Coleridge, a Judge of the King's Bench, and brother
of John Duke, Lord Coleridge, Chief Justice of England. His
grandfather, Captain James Coleridge, was brother to Samuel
Taylor Coleridge, the poet and philosopher. He was sent to Eton
at the age of thirteen and thence to Oxford, having obtained a
scholarship at Trinity College. His university career was
distinguished; in 1844 he took the highest honours in a
fellowship at Oriel, then the blue ribbon of the university. In
1848 he received Anglican orders. The Tractarian movement being
then at its height, Coleridge, with many of his tutors and
friends, joined its ranks and was an ardent disciple of Newman
till his conversion. He was one of those who started "The
Guardian" newspaper as the organ of the High Church partly being
for a time its Oxford sub-editor. Gradually various incidents,
the secession of Newman, Dr. Hampden's appointment as Regius
Professor of Theology, the condemnation and suspension of Dr.
Pusey, the condemnation and deprivation of W.G. Ward, and the
decision in the celebrated Gorham case, seriously shook his
confidence in the Church of England. In consequence Dr. Hawkins,
Provost of Oriel, declined to admit him as a college tutor, and
he therefore accepted a curacy at Alphinton, a parish recently
separated from that od Ottery St. Mary, the home of his family,
where his father had built for him a house and school. Here,
with most congenial work, he was in close connection with those
to whom he was already bound by a singular affection. His doubts
as to his religious position continued, however, to grow and
early in 1852 he determined that he could no longer remain in
the Anglican Communion.
On Quinquagesima Sunday (February 22) he bade farewell to
Alphington, and in April, after a retreat at Clapham under the
Redemptorist Fathers he was received into the Catholic Church.
Determined to be a priest he proceeded in the following
September to Rome and entered Accademia dei Nobili, where he had
for companions several of his Oxford friends, and others,
including the future Cardinals Manning and Vaughan. He was
ordained in 1856 and six months later took the degree of D.D. In
the summer of 1857 he returned to England, and on the 7th of
September entered the Jesuit Novitiate, which was then at
Beaumont Lodge, Old Windsor, his novice master being Father
Thomas Tracy Clarke, for whom to the end of his life he
entertained the highest admiration and esteem. In 1859 he was
sent to the Theological College of St. Bruno's, North Wales, as
a professor of Scripture, and remained there until, in 1865, he
was called to London to become the first Jesuit editor of "The
Month", a magazine started under other management in the
previous year. Then cornmenced a course of indefatigable
literary labour by as which he is best known. Besides the
editorship of "The Month", to which, after the death of Father
William Maher, in 1877, he added that of "The Messenger", and
for which he was one of the most prolific writers, Father
Coleridge projected and carried on the well known Quarterly
Series to which he himself largely contributed, both with his
great work "The Public Life of Our Lord" and others, such as
"The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier" and "The Life and
Letters of St. Teresa". Worthy of mention also is his Harmony of
the Gospels, "Vita Vitae Nostrae", a favourite book for
meditation, published also in an English version. Studies based
on the New Testament were his work of predilection, a taste
which seems to have been acquired, at least in part from his old
Oxford tutor, Isaac Williams. For a time he was also superior of
his religious brethren in Farm Street, London. In 1881 failing
health obliged him to resign "The Month" to another Oxonian,
Father Richard F. Clarke, but he continued to labour on "The
Life of Our Lord" which he earnestly desired to finish. In 1890
a paralytic seizure compelled him to withdraw to the novitiate
at Roehampton, where, with indomitable spirit, he succeeded in
completing his magnum opus before passing away. The chief
sources for his life are articles in The Month, June, 1893, by
his friend James Patterson, Bishop of Emmaus, and Father Richard
F. Clarke, S.J.
JOHN GERARD
John Colet
John Colet
Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral and founder of St. Paul's School,
London; b. in London, 1467; d. there 18 Sept., 1519. He was the
eldest son of Sir Henry Colet, twice Lord Mayor of London.
Having finished his schooling in London, he was sent to Oxford,
but no particulars of his life there have been preserved, not
even the name of his college. While at Oxford he determined to
become a priest and even before ordination obtained through
family influence much preferment, including the livings of St.
Mary Dennington, Suffolk, St. Dunstan, Stepney, and the
benefices in the counties of Huntingdon, Northamptos, York, and
Norfolk. In 1493 he began a tour through France and Italy,
studying as he went and acquiring that love of the new learning
which marked his after-life. Returning to England in 1496, he
prepared for ordination, and became deacon on 17 Dec., 1497, and
priest on 25 March, 1497-8. He lectured at Oxford on St. Paul's
Epistles, introducing a new treatment by abandoning the purely
textual commentary then usual, in favour of a study of the
personality of St. Paul and of the text as a whole. In 1498 he
met Erasmus at Oxford, with whom he immediately became intimate,
arousing in him especially a distrust of the later schoolmen.
Colet's lectures on the New Testament continued for five years,
until in 1504 he was made Dean of St. Paul's proceeding D.D
before he left Oxford. In London he became the intimate friend
and spiritual adviser of Sir Thomas More. At the death of his
father in 1505 he inherited a fortune, which he devoted to
public purposes. His administration of the cathedral was
vigorous, and in 1509 he began the foundation of the great
school with which his name will ever be associated. The cost of
the buildings and endowments is estimated at forty thousand
pounds in present value. The object was to provide a sound
Christian education. Greek was to be at least of equal
importance with Latin. William Lilly was the first head master,
but Colet exercised a close personal supervision over the
school, even composing some of the textbooks. In 1512 he was
accused of advanced views and was in difficulties with his
bishop, but on the trial Archbishop Warham dismissed the charges
as frivolous. It may well be that Colet, irritated by obvious
abuses and not seeing how far the reaction would go, used
language on certain points which in the light of after-events is
regrettable, but there can be no doubt as to his own orthodoxy
and devotion. In 1518 he completed the revised statutes of his
school. At his death the following year he was buried in St.
Paul's Cathedral. His school remained on its original site until
1884, when it was removed to Hammersmith.
Colet's works are: "Convocation Sermon of 1512"; "A righte
fruitfull admonition concerning the order of a good Christian
man's life" (1534); "Joannis Coleti Theologi olim Decani Divi
Pauli Aeditio" (1527 and often reprinted), the original of
almost all Latin Grammars of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries; "Opus de Sacramentis Ecclesiae" (1867), which with
the following treatises, long preserved in MS., was finally
edited by the Rev. J. H. Lupton, sur-master of the school; two
treatises on the "Hierarchies" of Dionysius (1869); "An
Exposition of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans" (1873); "An
Exposition of St. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians"
(1874); "Letters to Radulphus" on the Mosaic account of the
Creation, and some minor works (1876); "Statutes of St. Paul's
School" (often reprinted). Pitts (de Ang. Scriptoribus, Paris,
1619) gives several additional works by Colet, none of which are
extant. Many of his letters are in the works of Erasmus.
The account of Colet by Erasmus in "Epistolae" (Leyden, III,
cccxxxv, tr. LUPTON (London, 1883), was the foundation of most
of his biographies published before the end of the seventeenth
century. Since then there have been several lives published,
none by a Catholic writer.-KNIGHT, "Life of John Colet" (London,
1724; republished Oxford, 1823; written with strong Protestant
bias); SEEBOHM, "Oxford Reformers: Colet, Erasmus and More"
(London, 1867); LUPTON, "Life of John Colet" (London, 1887). For
a bibliography see LUPTON, "Introduction to Colet's Letters to
Radulphus"; GARDINER, "Register of St. Paul's School" (London,
1884); LEE in "Dict. Nat. Biog." (London, 1887), XI, 321-328,
with account of various Colet MSS. Still existing.
EDWIN BURTON
Nicola Coleti
Nicola Coleti
(COLETTI)
Priest and historian, b. at Venice, 1680; d. in the same city,
1765. He studied at Padua, where he received the degree of
Doctor. He was sent to the church of San Mois=E8 at Venice, and
there devoted himself to historical and antiquarian research.
His first work of importance was a new edition of Ughelli's
"Italia Sacra" published in ten volumes from 1717 to 1722.
Besides correcting many errors, Coleti continued Ughelli's
history to the beginning of the eighteenth century. Coleti then
undertook the compilation of his large work entitled "Collectio
Conciliorum". Up to this time there had been two standard
histories of the councils, that of Labbe and Cossart (Paris,
1671-72), and that of Hardouin (Paris, 1715). Baluze had begun a
similar work, but only the first volume had appeared. Coleti's
collection was based on that of Labbe, though he availed himself
of the labours of Baluze and Hardouin. The work was published by
his brother Sebastiano at Venice from 1728 to 1733 in
twenty-three volumes. The last two were called "Apparatus
primus" and "Apparatus secundus", containing the indexes, for
which the collection was especially valuable. Other works of
Coleti's were "Series episcoporum Cremonensium aucta" (Milan,
1749); "Monumenta ecclesiae Venetae S. Moisis" (1758) -- this is
valuable to the historian for the ancient documents it makes
known. Coleti also annotated a manuscript of Maffei now
preserved in the Biblioteca Vallicellana at Rome and bearing the
title: "Supplementum Acacianum monumenta nunquam edita
continens, quae marchio Scipio Maffeius a vetustissimis
Veronesis capituli codicibus eruit atque illustravit, editum
Venetiis apud Sebastianum Coleti anno 1728". In addition to the
above, two posthumous dissertations, said to have been published
by his brothers, have been attributed to Coleti, but the only
mention of them is found in an old catalogue.
VACANT, Dict. de theol. cath., s. v.; HURTER, Nomenclator;
RICHARD AND GIRAUD, Biblioteca Sacra, s. v.; DANDOLO, La caduta
della republica di Venezia (Venice, 1855).
LEO A. KELLY
St. Colette
St. Colette
(Diminutive of NICOLETTA, COLETTA).
Founder of Colettine Poor Clares (Clarisses), born 13 January
1381, at Corbie in Picardy, France; died at Ghent, 6 March,
1447. Her father, Robert Boellet, was the carpenter of the
famous Benedictine Abbey of Corbie; her mother's name was
Marguerite Moyon. Colette joined successively the Bequines, the
Benedictines, and the Urbanist Poor Clares. Later she lived for
a while as a recluse. Having resolved to reform the Poor Clares,
she turned to the antipope, Benedict XIII (Pedro de Luna), then
recognized by France as the rightful pope. Benedict allowed her
to enter to the order of Poor Clares and empowered her by
several Bulls, dated 1406, 1407, 1408, and 1412 to found new
convents and complete the reform of the order. With the approval
of the Countess of Geneva and the Franciscan Henri de la Beaume,
her confessor and spiritual guide, Colette began her work at
Beaume, in the Diocese of Geneva. She remained there but a short
time and soon opened at Besancon her first convent in an almost
abandoned house of Urbanist Poor Clares. Thence her reform
spread to Auxonne (1410), to Poligny, to Ghent (1412), to
Heidelberg (1444), to Amiens, etc. To the seventeen convents
founded during her lifetime must be added another begun by her
at Pont-`a-Mousson in Lorraine. She also inaugurated a reform
among the Franciscan friars (the Coletani), not to be confounded
with the Observants. These Coletani remained obedient to the
authority of the provincial of the Franciscan convents, and
never attained much importance even in France. In 1448 they had
only thirteen convents, and together with other small branches
of the Franciscan Order were suppressed in 1417 by Leo X. In
addition to the strict rules of the Poor Clares, the Colettines
follow their special constitutions sanctioned in 1434 by the
General of the Franciscans, William of Casale, approved in 1448
by Nicholas V, in 1458 by Pius II, and in 1482 by Sixtus IV.
St. Colette was beatified 23 January, 1740, and canonized 24
May, 1807. She was not only a woman of sincere piety, but also
intelligent and energetic, and exercised a remarkable moral
power over all her associates. She was very austere and
mortified in her life, for which God rewarded her by
supernatural favours and the gift of miracles. For the convents
reformed by her she prescribed extreme poverty, to go
barefooted, and the observance of perpetual fast and abstinence.
The Colettine Sisters are found to-day, outside of France, in
Belgium, Germany, Spain, England, and the United States.
MICHAEL BIHL
John Colgan
John Colgan
Hagiographer and historian, b. in County Donegal, Ireland, about
the beginning of the seventeenth century; d. probably in 1657.
Having joined the Franciscan Order he was sent to study in the
Irish Franciscan College of St. Anthony of Padua in Louvain.
Here he is said to have acted as professor of theology for some
time, but he soon forsook the professorial chair in order to
devote himself to the Irish studies for which that college is
justly famous. Father Hugh Ward (d. 1635) had projected a
complete history of the Irish saints, and for this purpose had
sent some of his brethren, notably Michael O'Clery, to Ireland
to collect materials. Ward died before he could make any
progress in his work, but the materials that had been gathered
remained. Colgan, being a competent master of the Irish
language, had thus ready at hand a collection of manuscripts
unequalled in the department of Irish hagiology. He undertook a
great work, to be published in six volumes, dealing with the
whole range of Irish ecclesiastical history and antiquities. In
1645 he published at Louvain the third volume of this series
(Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae, etc.), containing the lives of the
Irish saints whose feasts occur in the calendar for the months
of January, February, and March. The lives of the saints whose
feasts occur in the succeeding months were to have been
published in the last three volumes of the series. Wadding, in
his "Annales Minorum", informs us that the volume dealing with
the saints for April, May, and June was in the press at Colgan's
death; this seems incorrect, since, if the work had been so far
advanced, it would have been published by some one of the many
competent colleagues who assisted Colgan.
The second volume of the series, entitled "Trias Thaumaturga",
etc., appeared at Louvain in 1647. It deals with the three great
national saints of Ireland, Patrick, Brigid, and Columbcille. In
it are contained seven of the ancient lives of St. Patrick, five
of St. Columba, and six of St. Brigid. For a long time the
"Trias Thaumaturga" was nearly the only source of information on
St. Patrick, and even since the Whitley Stokes edition of the
"Vita Tripartita" (Rolls Series), Colgan's work cannot be
dispensed with. It should be noted that Colgan gives a Latin
version of the "Vita Tripartita" which represents a different
text from that edited by Stokes; Colgan's manuscript seems to
have entirely disappeared. Besides the "Lives" in the "Trias
Thaumaturga", there are also contained in this volume many
valuable "Appendices", dealing with the ecclesiastical
antiquities of Ireland, and critical and topographical notes,
which, though not always correct, are of invaluable assistance
to the student. In 1655 he published at Antwerp a life of Duns
Scotus, in which he undertook to prove that this great
Franciscan doctor was born in Ireland, and not in Scotland, as
was then frequently asserted. In the "Bibliotheca Franciscana"
Colgan is said to have died in 1647, but this is evidently a
mistake, as a note in his work on Duns Scotus proves clearly
that he was alive in 1655.
Colgan's work on Irish hagiology is of undoubted value. Though
unfortunately of very weak constitution, he was a man of great
ability and industry, and with a sound critical sense. His
knowledge of the Irish language enabled him to turn to good
account the vast collection of manuscripts (now unfortunately
for the greater part lost) which had been collected at the
instigation of Ward, while his acquaintance with the traditions
existing among the native Irish of his time, about the various
names of persons and places, gave him an advantage over writers
of the present day. It must be remembered, however, that Colgan,
though a fluent Irish speaker, had not, and from the nature of
things could not have, a knowledge of the grammatical forms of
Old and Middle Irish. Hence his judgments about the dating of
the manuscripts and about the meaning of certain difficult
expressions ought not to be put forward as irreversible. In
other words, Colgan should be judged by the criteria of his
time; from this point of view his work on the ecclesiastical
history of Ireland is unequalled. But his opinions are not
decisive evidences of truth at the present day, especially when
pitted against the view of the most skilled students of Old and
Middle Irish grammar and texts. His principal works are: "Acta
Sanctorum veteris et majoris Scotix seu Hibernix, Sanctorum
Insulx, partim ex variis per Europam MS. Codicibus exscripta,
partim ex antiquis monumentis et probatis Auctoribus eruta et
congesta; omnia Notis et Appendicibus illustrata. Tomus primus
qui de Sacris Hibernix Antiquitatibus est tertius, Januarium,
Februarium et Martium complectens" (Louvain, 1645); "Triadis
Thaumaturgx, seu Divorum Patricci Columbx et Brigidx, trium
Veteris et Majoris Scotix, seu Hibernix, Sanctorum Insulx,
communium Patronorum Acta, Tomus Secundus Sacrarum ejusdem
Insulx Antiquitatum" (Louvain, 1647); "Tractatus de Vita,
Patria, Scriptis Johannis Scoti, Doctoris Subtilis" (Antwerp,
1655). Besides these he left in manuscript "De Apostolatu
Hibernorum inter exteras Gentes cum Dice Alphabetico de exteris
santis" (852 pages); "De Sanctis in Anglia, Britannia,
Aremorica, in reliqua Gallia, in Belgio" (1068 pages); "De
Sanctis in Lotharingia et Burgundia, in Germania ad senestram et
dexteram Rheni, in Italia" (920 pages). Some of these invaluable
manuscripts, though eagerly sought for, have not yet been traced
(see Gilbert, National MSS. of Ireland, London, 1884; or
Doherty, op. cit. below, 81-82).
WADDING-SBARALEA, Scriptores Ordinis Minorum (ed. Rome, 1806;
Quaracchi, 1908 sqq.); Bibliotheca Universa Franciscana (Madrid,
1732); WARE-HARRIS, Writers of Ireland (Dublin, 1746); DOHERTY,
Inis-Owen and Tirconnell, being some account of Antiquities and
Writers of the County of Donegal (Dublin, 1895), 49-52, 71-106;
HYDE, A Literary History of Ireland (New York, 1902).
JAMES MACCAFFREY
Colima
Colima
(COLIMENSIS).
The city of Colima, the capital of the State of the same name in
Mexico, is situated on the Colima River, at an altitude of 1400
feet, and was founded in the year 1522 by Gonzalo de Sandoval.
Its population in 1900 was 20,698. The Diocese of Colima was
erected by Leo XIII, 11 December, 1881, by the Constitution "Si
principum". Before its erection as a diocese, Colima formed part
of the Archdiocese of Guadalajara (Guadalaxara), of which it is
now a suffragan. It includes all the State of Colima and the
southern part of the State of Jalisco. The population in 1901
numbered 72,500, many of whom are Indians.
Gerarchia Catt. (Rome, 1908); Konversations-Lex. (St. Louis,
Missouri, 1903), s.v.
Frederic-Louis Colin
Frederic-Louis Colin
Superior of the Sulpicians in Canada, b. at Bourges, France, in
1835; d. at Montreal, 27 November, 1902. After pursuing a course
of scientific studies he entered the Seminary of Saint-Sulpice
at Paris where he was ordained priest in 1859. Transferred to
Canada in 1862 he at first took up parochial work; later he
became successively professor of theology and director of the
higher seminary at Montreal. From 1881 until his death he was
superior of the priests of Saint-Sulpice in Canada. Colin
distinguished himself both as an orator and as a man of action.
Many of his sermons have been printed; among them are one to the
papal zouaves returning from Rome (1871), and a funeral oration
on Mgr. Bourget (1885). For twenty years Father Colin was the
promoter in Montreal of higher education for the clergy and
laity. For the clergy he founded the Canadian College at Rome
(1885), intended to enable young Canadian priests to pursue a
higher course of ecclesiastical studies by attending the Roman
universities; besides this he established the seminary of
philosophy at Montreal (1892).
For the benefit of laymen Colin established, despite many
obstacles, the Laval University. Aided by Ferdinand Brunetiere,
on whom he exercised a salutary influence, he advocated the
erection of a chair of French literature to be occupied by a
lecturer from France, and he himself defrayed the costs. In this
way he quickened interest in the French language and literature
among the intelligent classes of Canada and introduced the
custom of calling on French and Belgian specialists for the
higher scientific and commercial instruction of young
French-Canadians. To Father Colin is also due the practice of
inviting a preacher from abroad to deliver the Lenten sermons at
Notre-Dame of Montreal. His wise advice was also much sought for
by the ecclesiastical and civil authorities.
L'Univers (Paris, 15 Jan., 1903); BRUNETIERE in Le Gaulois (30
Dec., 1902); Bulletin trimestriel des anciens eleves de
Saint-Sulpice (February, 1903); Semaine religieuse de Montreal
(6 and 13 Dec., 1902).
A. FOURNET
Jean-Claude-Marie Colin
Jean-Claude-Marie Colin
A French priest, founder of the Marists, b. at
Saint-Bonnet-le-Troncy, now in the Diocese of Lyons, 7 Aug.,
1790; d. at Notre-Dame-de-la-Neyliere (Rhone) 28 Feb., 1875.
After his preliminary studies at St-Jodard, Alix, and Verrieres,
he entered the Grand-Seminaire de Saint-Irenee, at Lyons, and
was ordained priest in 1816. The idea of a religious society
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin originated with a group of
seminarians at Saint-Irenee. Although the most retiring and
modest of the group, Colin became the real founder. While
serving as assistant pastor at Cerdon, then in the Diocese of
Lyons, he drew up provisional rules which met the warm approval
of such men as Bigex, Bishop of Pignerol, Bonald, Bishop of Puy,
Frayssinous, minister of ecclesiastical affairs, etc. The town
of Cerdon having passed to the newly reorganized Diocese of
Belley, Colin obtained from its bishop, Mgr. Devie, permission
to take a few companions and preach missions in the neglected
parts of the diocese. Their number increased, and in spite of
the opposition of the bishop, who wished to make the society a
diocesan congregation, Colin obtained (1836) from Gregory XVI
the canonical approbation of the Society of Mary as an order
with simple vows. In the same year Father Colin was chosen
superior general.
During the eighteen years of his administration (1836-1854)
Colin showed great activity, organizing the different branches
of his society, founding in France missionary houses and
colleges, and above all sending to the various missions of
Oceanica, which had been entrusted to the Marists, as many as
seventy-four priests and forty-three brothers, several of whom
gave up their lives in the attempt to convert the natives. In
1854 he resigned the office of superior general and retired to
Notre-Dame-de-la-Neyliere, where he spent the last twenty years
of his life revising and completing the constitutions of the
Society, impressing on them the spirit of the Blessed Virgin, a
spirit of humility, self-denial, and unwavering loyalty to the
Holy See, of which he was himself a perfect model. Two years
before his death he had the joy of seeing the Constitutions of
the Society of Mary definitively approved by the Holy See, 28
Feb., 1873. The cause of beatification of Father Colin is now
(1908) before the Congregation of Rites.
Le Tres-Reverend Pere Colin (Lyons, 1898); Le Tres-Reverend Pere
Colin (Lyons, 1900); Summarium processus ordinarii in causa J.
C. M. Colin (Rome, 1905).
J.F. SOLLIER
The Coliseum
The Coliseum
The Coliseum, known as the Flavian Amphitheatre, commenced A.D.
72 by Vespasian, the first of the Flavian emperors, dedicated by
Titus A.D. 80. The great structure rises in four stories, each
story exhiting a different order of architecture; the first
Doric, the second Ionic, the third Corinthian, the fourth
composite. The material is the famous travertine. The site was
originally a marshy hollow, bounded by the Caelian, the Oppian,
the Velian and the Palatine Hills, which Nero had transformed
into the fishpond of his Golden House. Its form is that of an
ellipse 790 feet in circumference, its length 620, its width
525, and its height 157 feet. The arena, in which took place the
gladiatorial combats (ludi gladiatori) and with the wild beasts,
for which the Coliseum was erected, was of wood, covered with
sand. Surrounding the arena was a low wall, surmounted by a
railing high enough to protect the audience from danger of
invasion by the furious, non-human contestants. As an additional
security against this peril, guards patrolled the passageway
between this stall and the podium, or marble terrace, on which
were the seats of the senators, the members of the sacred
colleges, and other privileged spectators. From the southern
side of the podium projected the suggestum, or imperial gallery,
for the accommodation of the emperor and his attendants. Next to
these sat the Vestals. Back of the podium twenty tiers of seats
were reserved for the three divisions of the equestrian order;
the upper tiers of seats were occupied by the ordinary citizens.
Last of all was a Corinthian colonnade in which the lower orders
were accommodated with standing room only. The Coliseum,
according to the "Chronographia" of 354, could contain 87,000
spectators. Professor Huelsen (quoted by Lanciani), however, has
calculated that it will seat not more than 45,000 people. From
the external cornice projected a circle of pine masts, from
which awnings could readily be suspended over parts of the
audience for the moment exposed to the sun's rays; the imperial
gallery was covered with a special canopy. The arena was never
shaded. Nothing is known of the architect of the Coliseum,
although an inscription, afterwards shown to be a forgery,
attributed its design to a Christian.
THE COLISEUM IN THE MIDDLE AGES
Although seriously damaged by two earthquakes in the fifth
century, it is generally held that the Coliseum was practically
intact in the eighth century when Bede wrote the well-known
lines:
Quandiu stabit coliseus, stabit et Roma;
Quando cadit coliseus, cadet et Roma
Quando cadet Roma, cadet et mundus.
(While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall stand;
when falls the Coliseum, Rome shall fall;
when Rome falls the world shall fall.)
Lanciani attributes the collapse of the western portion of the
shell to the earthquake of September, 1349, mentioned by
Petrarch. Towards the end of the eleventh century it came into
the hands of the Frangipani family, with whose palace it was
connected by a series of constructions. During the temporary
eclipse of the nobility in the fourteenth century, while the
popes resided in Avignon, it became the property of the
municipality of Rome (1312). The last shows seen in the Coliseum
were given in the early part of the sixth century, one by
Eutaricus Cilia, son-in-law of Theodoric, in 519, and a second
in 523 by Anicius Maximus. The story of a bullfight in 1332, in
which eighteen youths of the Roman nobility are said to have
lost their lives, is apocryphal (Delehaye, L'Amphitheatre
Flavien, 5). In 1386 the municipality presented a third of the
Coliseum to the "Compagnia del Salvatore ad sancta sanctorum" to
be used as a hospital, which transaction is commemorated by a
marble bas-relief bust of Our Saviour, between two candles, and
the arms of the municipality, above the sixty-third and
sixty-fifth arches. During the next four centuries the enormous
mass of stone which had formed the western part of the structure
served as a quarry for the Romans. Besides other buildings, four
churches were erected in the vicinity from this material. One
document attests that a single contractor in nine months of the
year 1452 carried off 2522 cartloads of travertine from the
Coliseum. This contractor was not the first, however, to utilize
the great monument of ancient Rome as a quarry; a Brief of
Eugenius IV (1431-47), cited by Lanciani, threatens dire
penalties against those who would dare remove from the Coliseum
even the smallest stone (vel minimum dicti colisei lapidem). The
story of Cardinal Farnese who obtained permission from his
uncle, Paul III (1534-49), to take from the Coliseum as much
stone as he could remove in twelve hours is well known; his
eminence had 4000 men ready to take advantage of the privilege
on the day appointed. But a new tradition, which gradually took
hold of the public mind during the seventeenth century, put an
end to this vandalism, and effectually aided in preserving the
most important existing monument of imperial Rome.
THE COLISEUM AND THE MARTYRS
Pope St. Pius (1566-72) is said to have recommended persons
desirous of obtaining relics to procure some sand from the arena
of the Coliseum, which, the pope declared, was impregnated with
the blood of martyrs. The opinion of the saintly pontiff,
however, does not seem to have been shared by his
contemporaries. The practical Sixtus V (1585-90) was only
prevented by death from converting the Coliseum into a
manufactory of woollen goods. In 1671 Cardinal Altieri regarded
so little the Coliseum as a place consecrated by the blood of
Christian martyrs that he authorized its use for bullfights.
Nevertheless from the middle of the seventeenth century the
conviction attributed to St. Pius V gradually came to be shared
by the Romans. A writer named Martinelli, in a work published in
1653, put the Coliseum at the head of a places sacred to the
martyrs. Cardinal Carpegna (d. 1679) was accustomed to stop his
carriage when passing by the Coliseum and make a commemoration
of the martyrs. But it was the act of Cardinal Altieri, referred
to above, which indirectly effected a general change of public
opinion in this regard. A pious personage, Carlo Tomassi by
name, aroused by what he regarded as desecration, published a
pamphlet calling attention to the sanctity of the Coliseum and
protesting against the intented profanation authorized by
Altieri. The pamphlet was so completely successful that four
years later, the jubilee year of 1675, the exterior arcades were
closed by order of Clement X; from this time the Coliseum became
a sanctuary. At the instance of St. Leonard of Port Maurice,
Benedict XIV (1740-58) erected Stations of the Cross in the
Coliseum, which remained until February, 1874, when they were
removed by order of Commendatore Rosa. St. Benedict Joseph Labre
(d. 1783) passed a life of austere devotion, living on alms,
within the walls of the Coliseum. "Pius VII in 1805, Leo XII in
1825, Gregory XVI in 1845, and Pius IX in 1852, contributed
liberally to save the amphitheatre from further degradation, by
supporting the fallen portions with great buttresses"
(Lanciani). Thus at a moment when the Coliseum stood in grave
danger of demolition it was saved by the pious belief which
placed it in the category of monuments dearest to Christians,
the monuments of the early martyrs. Yet, after an exhaustive
examination of the documents in the case, the learned
Bollandist, Father Delehave, S.J., arrives at the conclusion
that there are no historical grounds for so regarding it (op.
cit.). In the Middle Ages, for example, when the sanctuaries of
the martyrs were looked upon with so great veneration, the
Coliseum was completely neglected; its name never occurs in the
itineraries, or guide-books, compiler for the use of pilgrims to
the Eternal City. The "Mirabilia Romae", the first manuscripts
of which date from the twelfth century, cites among the places
mentioned in the "Passions" of the martyrs the Circus Flaminius
ad pontem Judaeorum, but in this sense makes no allusion to the
Coliseum. We have seen how for more than a century it served as
a stronghold of the Frangipani family; such a desecration would
have been impossible had it been popularly regarded as a shrine
consecrated by the blood, not merely of innumerable martyrs, but
even of one hero of the Faith. The intervention of Eugenius IV
was based altogether on patriotism; as an Italian the pope could
not look on passively while a great memorial of Rome's past was
being destroyed. "Nam demoliri urbis monumenta nihil aliud est
quam ipsius urbis et totius orbis excellentiam diminuere."
Thus in the Middle Ages no tradition existed in Rome which
associated the martyrs in any way with the Coliseum; it was only
in the seventeenth century and in the manner indicated, that it
came to he regarded with veneration as a scene of early
Christian heroism. Indeed, little attention was paid by the
Christians of the first age to the actual place of a martyr's
sufferings; the sand stained with his blood was, when possible
gathered up and treasured as a precious relic, but that was all.
The devotion of the Christian body centred wholly around the
place where the martyr was interred. Father Delehaye calls
attention to the fact that although we know from trust-worthy
historical sources of the execution of Christians in the garden
of Nero, yet popular tradition preserved no recollection of all
event so memorable (op. cit., 37). The Acts of Roman Martyrs, it
is true, contain indications as to the places where various
martyrs suffered: in amphitheatro, in Tellure, etc. But these
Acts are often merely pious legends of the fifth, sixth, and
following centuries built up by unknown writers on a feast
reliable historical facts. The decree formerly attributed to
Pope Gelasius (492-96) bears witness to the slight consideration
in which this class of literature was held in the Roman Church;
to read it in the churches was forbidden, and it was attributed
to unknown writers, wholly unqualified for their self-imposed
task (secundum antiquam consuetudinem, leguntur, quia et eorum
qui conscripsere nomina penitus ignorantur, et ab infidelibus et
idiotis superflua aut minus apta quam rei ordo fuerit esse
putantur.-- Thiel. Epist. Rom. Pont., I, 458). The evidence,
therefore, which we possess in the Roman Acts in favour of
certain martyrs suffering in the Coliseum is, for these reasons
among others, regarded by Father Delehaye as inconclusive. He
does not deny that there may have been martyrs who suffered in
the Coliseum, but we know nothing on the subject one way or the
other. (Je ne veux pas nier qu'il y ait eu des martyrs de
l'amphitheatre Flavien; mais nous ne savons pas non plus s'il y
en a eu, et en tout cas leurs noms nous sont inconnus.--Op.
cit., 37.) It is, of course, probable enough that some of the
Christians condemned ad bestias suffered in the Coliseum, but
there is just as rnuch reason to suppose that they met their
death in one of the other places dedicated to the cruel
amusements of imperial Rome; for instance, in the Circus
Flaminius, the Gaianum, the Circus of Hadrian, the Amphitheatrum
Castrense, and the Stadium of Domitian. Even as regards St.
Ignatius of Antioch, the evidence that he was martyred in the
Coliseum is far from decisive, the terms employed by St. John
Chrysostom and Evagrius in reference to this matter convey no
precise meaning (Delehaye, op. cit. 43). The same is true of the
term used by Theodoret in reference to the death of St.
Telemachus, who sacrificed his life to put an end to the bloody
spectacles which, as late as the early fifth century, took place
in Rome. There is no reason to doubt the fact of the heroic
death of St. Telemachus, but there is, on the other hand, no
clear proof that its scene was the Coliseum. Theodoret, the only
writer who records the incident, says that it happened eis to
stadio (in the stadium), a different place from the Coliseum.
MAURICE M. HASSET
Diego Collado
Diego Collado
A missionary, born in the latter part of the sixteenth century
at Miajadas, in the province of Estremadura, Spain. He entered
the Dominican Order at Salamanca about 1600, and in 1619 went to
Japan, where the Christians were suffering persecution. After
the martyrdom of Luis Flores, a fellow-Dominican, in 1622,
Collado repaired to Rome, and later to Spain, in the interest of
Oriental missions. He obtained important concessions, though not
without incuring some animosity. Bearing Apostolic and royal
letters, he returned to the Orient in 1635. The following year
he endeavoured to establish in the Philippines an independent
convent devoted solely to the Chinese and Japanese missions,
but, owing to the opposition of the Spanish civil authorities,
his effort was unsuccessful. Recalled to Spain, he was
shipwrecked, in1638, on his way to Manila. He could have saved
himself, but he remained with the unfortunates among his
fellow-voyagers, hearing their confessions and preparing them
for death. The following are his more important writings: "Ars
grammatica japonicae linguae" (Rome, 1631, 1632); "Dictionarium
sive thesauri linguae japonicae compendium" (Rome, 1632); "Modus
confitendi et examinandi paenitentem japonensem formula suamet
lingua japonica", (Rome 1631, 1632); " Formula protestandae
fidei", (Rome); "Historia eclesiastica de los sucesos de la
cristianidad del Japon desde el ano de MDCII, que entro en el la
orden de predicadores hasta el de MDCXXI por el P. Hiacintho
Orfanel, anadida hasta el fin del ano MDCXXII por el Padre Fray
Diego Collado" (Madrid, 1632, 1633); "Dictionarium linguae
sinensis cum explicatione latina et hispanica charactere sinensi
et latino" (Rome, 1632).
JOHN R. VOLZ
Collect
Collect
The name now used only for short prayers before the Epistle in
the Mass, which occur again at Lauds, Terce, Sext, None, and
Vespers. The word collecta corresponds to the Greek synaxis. It
is a noun, a late form for collectio (so missa for missio,
oblata for oblatio, ascensa, in the Gelasian Sacramentary, for
ascensio, etc.). The original meaning seems to have been this:
it was used for the service held at a certain church on the days
when there was a station somewhere else. The people gathered
together and became a "collection" at this first church; after
certain prayers had been said they went in procession to the
station-church. Just before they started the celebrant said a
prayer, the oratio ad collectam (ad collectionem populi); the
name would then be the same as oratio super populum, a title
that still remains in our Missal, in Lent for instance after the
Post-Communion. This prayer, the collect, would be repeated at
the beginning of the Mass at the station itself (Bona, Rer.
liturg., II, 5). Later writers find other meanings for the name.
Innocent III says that in this prayer the priest collects
together the prayers of all the people (De Sacr. altaris myst.,
II, 27; see also Benedict XIV, De SS. Missae sacr., II, 5). The
Secret and Post-Communion are also collects, formed on the same
model as the one before the Epistle. Now the name is only used
for the first of the three. Originally there was only one
collect (and one Secret and Post-Communion) for each Mass. The
older sacramentaries never provide more than one. Amalarius of
Metz (d. 857) says (De officiis eccl., in P.L., CV, 985 sqq.)
that in his time some priests began to say more than one
collect, but that at Rome only one was used. Micrologus [De
eccl. observ., probably by Bernold of Constance (d.1100), in
P.L., CLI, 973 sqq.] defends the old custom and says that "one
Prayer should be said, as one Epistle and one Gospel". However,
the number of collects was multiplied till gradually our present
rule was evolved.
The way in which our collects are now said at Mass is the
fragment of a more elaborate rite. Of this longer rite we still
have a vestige on Good Friday. The celebrant, after greeting the
people (Dominus vobiscum), invited them to pray for some
intention: Oremus, dilectissimi nobis, etc. The deacon said:
Flectamus genua, and all knelt for a time in silent prayer. The
subdeacon then told them to stand up again (Levate), and, all
standing, the celebrant closed the private prayers with the
short form that is the collect. Of this rite -- except on Good
Friday -- the shortening of the Mass, which has affected all its
parts, has only left the greeting Oremus and the collect itself.
Here, as always, it is in Holy Week that we find the older form.
It should be noted, then, that the Oremus did not refer
immediately to the collect, but rather to the silent prayer that
went before it. This also explains the shortness of the older
collects. They are not the prayer itself, but its conclusion.
One short sentence summed up the petitions of the people. It is
only since the original meaning of the collect has been
forgotten that it has become itself a long petition with various
references and clauses (compare the collects for the Sundays
after Pentecost with those for the modern feasts). On all
feast-days the collect naturally contains a reference to the
event whose memory we celebrate. Its preparation is the kissing
of the altar and the Dominus vobiscum. Before inviting the
people to make this prayer the celebrant greets them, and,
before turning his back to the altar in order to do so, he
salutes it in the usual way by kissing it. The form Dominus
vobiscum is the common greeting in the West. It occurs in the
Gallican, Milanese, and Mozarabic Liturgies under the form:
Dominus sit semper vobiscum. Germanus of Paris notes it as the
priest's (not bishop's) greeting (P.L., LXXVII, 89). It is taken
from the Bible. When Booze came from Bethlehem he said, "The
Spirit be with you", to the reapers (Ruth, ii, 4), and St.
Gabriel used the same form to Our Lady at the Annunciation
(Luke, i, 28; cf. II Thess., iii, 16). A bishop here says, Pax
vobis, unless the Mass has no Gloria, in which case his greeting
is the same as that of the priest (Ritus celebr., V, I). This
distinction is as old as the tenth century (Ordo Rom., XIV, 79,
notes it). The Pax is a joyful and solemn greeting to be left
out on days of penance. Its connection with the Gloria, that has
just gone before (et in terra pax hominibus), is obvious. The
greeting of peace (eirene pasin) is the common one in the
Eastern liturgies. In either case the answer is: Et cum spiritu
tuo. This is a Hebraism that occurs constantly in both the Old
and the New Testament. "Thy spirit" simply means "thee" (Cf.
e.g. Dan., iii, 86; Gal., vi, 18; Phil., iv, 23; Philem., 25).
Nefesh (Heb.), Nafs (Ar.), with a pronominal suffix, in all
Semitic languages means simply the person in question. The
Eastern liturgies have the same answer, kai meta tou pneumatos
sou (and with thy spirit), as in the Apostolic Constitutions
(Brightman, Eastern Lit. 3, 13), or kai to pneumati sou (ibid.,
49, 137, etc.).
At the Dominus vobiscum the celebrant, facing the people,
extends and then again joins his hands. It is here a gesture of
greeting. With folded hands he turns back to the altar and goes
to the Missal at the Epistle side. Here, again extending and
joining the hands and bowing towards the cross, he sings or says
Oremus, and then, with uplifted hands (not above the shoulder,
Ritus Celebr., V, 1), goes on at once with the collect or
collects. The present rule about the collects is this: on
doubles only one collect is said (that of the feast), unless any
other feast be commemorated, or the pope or bishop order an
oratio imperata. The imperata is, moreover, omitted on doubles
of the first class, Palm Sunday, Maundy Thursday, the eves of
Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday, in Requiems, and solemn
votive Masses. On doubles of the second class it is left out in
high and sung Masses, and may be said at the others or not, at
the celebrant's discretion. For a very grave cause an imperata
may be ordered to be said always, even on these occasions. It
always comes last (De Herdt, I, 72). The collect of the Blessed
Sacrament, to be said when it is exposed, and that for the pope
or bishop on the anniversary of their election, coronation, or
consecration, are particular cases of imperatae. The rules for
commemoration of feasts, octaves, ember days, and ferias of
Advent and Lent are given in the rubrics of the Missal (Rubr.
Gen., VII; cf. De Herdt, I, 70-71). On semi-doubles, Sundays,
and days within an octave, three collects must be said; but on
Passion Sunday, on Sundays within an octave and throughout the
octaves of Easter and Whitsunday there are only two (Rubr. Gen.,
IX; De Herdt, I, 75, where the rules for these collects will
found). But in these cases the number may be greater, if there
are commemorations. On simples, ferias, and in Requiems and (not
solemn) votive Masses, the celebrant may also add collects, as
he chooses, provided the total number be an uneven one and do
not exceed seven (Rubr. Gen., IX, 12; De Herdt, I, 83).
The rule about the uneven numbers, on which the S. Congr. Rit,
has insisted several times (2 December, 1684; 2 September, 1741;
30 June, 1896), is a curious one. The limit of seven prevents
the Mass from being too long. In any case the collect of the day
always comes first. It has Oremus before it and the long
conclusion (Per Dominum, etc.). The second collect has a second
Oremus, and all that follow are joined together without
intermediate ending nor Oremus till the last, which again has
the long conclusion. This separates the collect of the day from
the others and gives it a special dignity, as a remnant of the
old principle that it alone should be said. The conclusions of
the collects vary according to their form and references (Rubr.
Gen., IX, 17). The people (choir or server answer Amen. During
the conclusions the celebrant folds his hands and bows towards
the cross at the words Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. It should
be noted that the great majority of the collects are addressed
to God the Father (so all the old ones; the common form is to
begin: Deus, qui); a few later ones (as on Corpus Christi, for
example) are addressed to God the Son, none to the Holy Ghost.
At low Mass collects are said aloud so that they can be heard by
the people, at high (or sung) Mass they are sung to the festive
tone on doubles, semi-doubles, and Sundays. On simples, ferias,
and in Masses for the dead, they have the simple ferial tone
(entirely on one note, fa). The rules of the tones, with
examples, are in the "Caeremoniale Episcoporum" I, xxvii. At
high Mass the deacon and subdeacon stand in a straight line
behind the celebrant (the deacon on the top step, the subdeacon
in plano) with joined hands. At the collects, in high Mass, the
people should stand. This is the old position for public prayer;
originally the subdeacon explicitly told them to do so (Levate).
The custom of standing during the collects, long neglected, is
now being happily revived. At low Mass they kneel all the time
except during the Gospel (Rubr. Gen., XVII, 2).
"Rubricae generales Missalis," VII, IX, XVI, XVII; "Ritus
celebrandi," V"; Caeremoniale Episcoporum," I, xxvii; BENEDICT
XIV, "De SS. Missae Sacrificio", II, v; GIHR, "Das heilige
Messopfer" (Freiburg im Br., 1897), II S:39, 374-399. See also
the sacramentaries, texts, and commentaries quoted in the
article Canon of the Mass.
ADRIAN FORTESCUE
Collectarium
Collectarium
(Sometimes COLLECTARIUS, COLLECTANEUM, ORATIONALE, CAPITULARE),
the book which contains the Collects. In the Proprium de Tempore
of the Roman Missal the title Statio, with the name of some
saint or mystery, is frequently prefixed to the Introit of the
Mass. It signifies that in early times, probably down to the
fourteenth century, the clergy and people celebrated on those
days the Divine mysteries in the churches dedicated in honour of
that saint or mystery. Before going in procession to the statio
they assembled in some nearby church to receive the pontiff, who
recited a prayer which was called the Collect. This name was
given to the prayer either because it was recited for the
assembled people, or because it contained the sum and substance
of all favours asked by the pontiff for himself and the people,
or because in an abridged form it represented the spirit and
fruit of the feast or mystery. In course of time it was used to
signify the prayers, proper, votive, or prescribed by the
ecclesiastical superiors (imperatae), recited before the
Epistle, as well as the Secrets and the Post-Communions. Later
it was applied to the prayers said at Divine Office or any
liturgical service.
ZACCARIA, Bibliotheca Ritualis (Rome, 1776), I; BERNARD, Cours
de Liturgie Romaine: La Messe (Paris, 1898), II; VAN DER
STAPPEN, Sacra Liturgia (Mechlin, 1902), II; CARPO, Compendiosa
Bibliotheca Liturgica (Bologna, 1879); GIHR, The Holy Sacrifice
of the Mass, tr. (St. Louis, Missouri, 1903).
A.J. SCHULTE
Collections
Collections
The offerings of the faithful in their special relation to the
Holy Sacrifice of the Mass will claim fuller and more general
treatment under Offertory and Mass (Pt. B, S:(1), (c); text p.
20). We will confine ourselves here to the particular
development which took the form of a contribution in money,
corresponding particularly to what is conveyed by the French
word quete. Of collections for general church purposes we find
mention already in the days of St. Paul, for we read in I Cor.,
xvi, 1-2: "Now concerning the collections that are made for the
saints, as I have given order to the churches of Galatia, so do
ye also. On the first day of the week let every one of you put
apart with himself, laying up what it shall well please him;
that when I come, the collections be not then to be made." This
seems to imply that on every Sunday (the first day of the week)
contributions were made, probably when the faithful assembled
for "the breaking of bread" (Acts, xx, 7), and that then
contributions were put by, if not required for some immediate
and local need, e. g. the relief of the poor, in order that St.
Paul might assign them for the use of other more destitute
churches at a distance (cf. II Cor., viii and ix). How far such
offerings were allocated to the support of the clergy and how
far to the poor there is nothing to tell us, but it is plain
that as a matter of principle the claims both of the clergy and
of the poor were recognized from the very first. (For the clergy
see I Cor., ix, 8-11; II Thess., iii, 8; I Tim., v, 17-18; and
for the poor see Acts, iv, 34-35, vi, 1, xi, 29-30; I Tim., v,
16, etc.) Again there can be no doubt that from an early date
such alms were administered according to some organized system.
The very institution of deacons and deaconesses proves this, and
we can appeal to the existence in certain places, for example at
Jerusalem, of a roll (breve ecclesiasticum, see the recently
recovered "Life of St. Melania", S: 35) bearing the names of
those in receipt of relief. Gregory of Tours gives the name of
matricularii (De Mirac. B. Martin., iii, 22) to those who were
entered on this roll. Speaking generally, the allocation of all
offerings was recognized as belonging to the bishop (i. e. in
the period before the modern system of parishes and parish
priests had evolved itself with any clearness), and the rule was
formally enunciated in the West that all offerings were to be
divided by the bishop into four parts: the first for the clergy,
the second for the poor, the third for the fabric and up-keep of
the churches, and the last part for the bishop himself, that he
might the better exercise the hospitality which was expected of
him. This arrangement seems to date back at least to the time of
Pope Simplicius (475), and a hundred years later it is stated by
Pope Gregory the Great in the following form when he was
consulted by St. Augustine about the English Church which he had
just founded: "It is the custom of the Apostolic See to deliver
to ordained bishops precepts that of every oblation which is
made there ought to be four portions, one, to wit, for the
bishop and his household, on account of hospitality and
entertainment, another for the clergy, a third for the poor, a
fourth for the repairing of churches" (Bede, Hist. Eccles., I,
xxvi).
At a latter date we find some modification of this rule for in
the Capitularies of Louis the Pious a third of the offerings are
assigned to the clergy and two-thirds to the poor in more
prosperous districts, while a half is to be given to each in
poorer ones. During all this earlier period offereings in money
do not seem to have been connected with the Sacrifice of the
Mass, but they were either put into an alms-box permanently set
up in the church or they were given in collections made on
certain specified occasions. With regard to the former
Tertullian already speaks (Apol., xxxix, Migne, P. L., I, 470)
of "some sort of chest" which stood in the church and to which
the faithful contributed without compulstion. It seems to have
been commonly called gazophylacium or corbona (Cyprian, "De op.
et eleemos."; Jerome, Ep. xxvii, 14). The collections on the
other hand probably took place on days of which notice was given
beforehand. Apart from a mention in the "Apology" of Justin
Martyr (I, lxvii), from which we should suppose that a
collection was made every Sunday, our principal source of
information is the series of six sermons "De Collectis",
delivered by St. Leo the Great in different years of his
pontificate (Migne, P. L., LIV, 158-168). All these, according
to the brothers Bullerini, probably have reference to a
collection annually made on 6 July, on which day in pagan times
certain games were held in honour of Apollo, at which a
collection took place. The Church seems to have continued the
custom and converted it into an occastion of almsgiving for
pious purposes upon the octave day of the feast of Sts. Peter
and Paul. It may be noted that both Tertullian (De Jejun., xiii,
Migne, P. L., II, 972) and St. Leo seem to regard such
contributions of money as a form of mortification, and
consequently sanctification, closely connected with fasting.
That similar collections were everywhere common in the Early
Church and that considerable pressure was sometimes brought to
bear to extort contributions we learn from a letter of St.
Gregory the Great (Migne, P. L., LXXVII, 1060).
As already noted, these methods of gathering alms seem to have
had nothing directly to do with the liturgy. The offerings which
were invariably made by the faithful during the Holy Sacrifice
were long confined to simple bread and wine, or at least to such
things as wax, candles, oil, or incense which had a direct
relation to the Divine service. According to the so-called
Apostolic Canons (see APOSTOLIC CANONS) other forms of produce
which might be offered for the support of the clefgy were to be
taken to the residence of the bishop, where he lived a sort of
community life with his priests (See Funk, Didascalia et
Constitutiones Apostolorum, I, 564). However, the bread and wine
which were brought tot he altar at the Offertory of the Mass
were commonly presented in quantities far in excess of what was
needed for the Holy Sacrifice, and they thus formed, and were
intended to form, a substantial contribution towards the
maintenance of those who served in the sanctuary. Various
enactments were passed during the Carlovingian period with the
object of urging the people to remain faithful to this practice,
but it seems gradually to have died out, save in certain
functions of solemnity, e. g. the Mass celebrated at the
consecration of a bishop, when two loaves and two small casks of
wine are presented to the celebrant at the Offertory. On the
other hand, this oblation of bread and wine seems to have been
replaced in many localities by a contribution in money. At what
period the substitution began is not quite clear. Some have
thought that a trace of this practice is to be recognized as
early as St. Isidore of Seville (595) who speaks of the
archdeacon "receiving the money collected from the communion"
(Ep. ad Leudof., xii). A less ambiguous example may be found in
a letter of St. Peter Damian (c. 1050) where there is mention of
gold coins being offered by the wives of certain princes at his
Mass (Migne, P. L., CXLIV, 360). In any case it is certain that
from the twelfth to the fifteenth century a money offering,
known in England as the "mass-penny", was commonly made at the
Offertory all over the Western Church. Kings and personages of
high rank often had a special coin which they presented at Mass
each day and then redeemed it afterwards for a specified sum.
Chaucer says of his Pardoner:-
Well could he read a lesson or a storie
But althebest he sang an offertorye;
For well he wyste, when that song was songe,
He moste preach and well affyle his tongue
To wynne silver, as he right wel cowde.
Therefore he sang full merrily and lowde.
The offering was voluntarily, and each one brought what he had
to give to the altar-rail. Burckard at the beginning of the
sixteenth century gives this direction: "If there be any who
wish to offer, the celebrant comes to the epistle corner and
there standing bareheaded with his left side turned towards the
altar, he removes the maniple from his left arm and taking it in
his right hand, he presents the end of it to kiss to those who
offer, saying to each: 'May thy sacrifice be acceptable to God
Almighty', or 'Mayst thou receive a hundredfold and possess
eternal life'." This rubric was not retained in the first
official and authoritative edition of the Roman Missal, printed
in 1570. Possibly the struggle for precedence in going up to
make the offering, of which we read in Chaucer, tended to bring
this method of contributing into disfavour and led to the
carrying round of an alms-dish or bag from bench to bench as is
commonly done at present. Collections for special objects, e. g.
the building of a church, the construction of a bridge, the
relief of certain cases of distress, etc. have at all times been
common in the Church, and during the Middle Ages the people were
constantly stimulated to give more generously to particular
funds for pious purposes, e. g. the Crusades, by the grant of
special Indulgences. These grants of Indulgence were often
entrusted to preachers of note ("Pardoners") who carried them
from town to town, collecting money and using their eloquence to
recommend the good work in question and to enhance the spiritual
privileges attached to it. This led to many abuses. The Council
of Trent frankly recognized them and abolished all grants of
Indulgence which were conditional upon a pecuniary contribution
towards a specified object. Other collections during the Middle
Ages were associated with special objects of piety-for example,
noteworthy shrines, statues, or relics. Some few specimens still
remain of stone alms-boxes joined to a bracket upon which some
statue formerly stood, or united to Easter sepulchres, shrines,
etc. One collection, that for the Holy Places, was commonly
associated with the creeping to the Cross on Good Fridays, as it
still is to-day.
The strain put upon the charity of the lay-folk in the Middle
Ages by the large number of mendicant orders was often severely
felt. Some remedy was provided by confining the appeals of those
who solicited alms to certain assigned districts. The mendicants
so licensed were in England often known as "limitours". A like
difficulty is not unfamiliar in our own day, and the principle
has consequently been recognized that a bishop has a right to
prohibit strangers from collecting alms in his diocese without
authorization. Although it is not always easy to exercise
adequate control over these appeals, a certain check may be put
upon importunate ecclesiastics by withholding permission to say
Mass in the diocese. This method of exercising pressure, to be
followed by complaint to the Congregation of Propaganda in case
such prohibitions are neglected, is indicated in a strongly
worded decree drawn up by the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore
(n. 295). Similar regulations requiring that the bishop's
authorization should be obtained before strangers can be allowed
to collect money for charitable purposes in the diocese also
prevail in England. Restrictions are further commonly imposed,
eiher by synodal decrees or by the command of the bishop, upon
certain methods of collecting money which may be judged
according to local circumstances to be likely to give scandal or
to be attended with danger to souls. The sometimes intricate and
delicate questions arising from the collection of money by
religious when entrusted with quasi-parochial functions have
been legislated for in the Apostolic Constitution "Romanos
Pontifices" of 8 May, 1881.
There is a short article s. v. Collecten in the
Kirchenlexikon, but there seems to be no one source of
information which brings together in moderate compass the facts
discussed above. The reader may, however, be referred for
various points to different treatises, of which the following
are the most noteworthy: Fourneret in Dict. de theol. cath.
(1905), s. v. Biens ecclesiastiques; Thalhofer, Liturgik
(Freiburg, 1893), Vol. II, Pt. I; Gihr, The Mass (tr. Freiburg,
1902), 496-514; Haddan, Scudamore, and Armfield in Dict. Christ.
Antiq., s. vv. Alms; Oblations; Poor; Scudamore, Notitia
Eucharistica (London, 1876), 346 sq.; Bondroit, De Capacitate
Possidendi Ecclesiae (Louvain, 1900); Biederlack, De Bonis
Ecclesiae Temporalibus (Innsbruck, 1892); Wernz, Jus Decretalium
(Rome, 1908), III, 134 sq.; Laurentius, Institutiones Juris
Ecclesiastici (Freiburg, 1908), 631-657.
Herbert Thurston
Collectivism
Collectivism
The term Collectivism is sometimes employed as a substitute for
socialism. It is of later origin, and is somewhat more precise
in use and content. Socialism, while sufficiently definite in
the minds of those who have a right to class themselves as
socialists, is frequently employed in a loose way by others. The
single-tax theory government ownership of public utilities such
as railways and telegraphs, stricter public regulation of
industry, and even moderate measures of social reform, are
sometimes called socialism by individuals and newspapers.
Collectivism is scarcely ever used except to designate that
system of industry in which the material agents of production
may be earned and managed by the public, the collectivity. And
it usually indicates merely the economic side of socialism,
without reference to any philosophical, psychological, ethical,
or historical assumptions. Socialism means primarily an ideal
industrial order as just described, but it is also quite
properly used to characterize the entire idealogical foundation
upon which International or Marxian socialists build as well as
the concrete movement that is actively strirving the realization
of this ideal order. Hence economic determinism, the class
struggle and the catastrophic concentration of industry would be
called socialist rather than collectivist theories.
Notwithstanding these advantages of definiteness, the word
collectivism has not been widely employed, even in France and
Belgium; nor does it promise to supplant the older term in the
future.
While collectivism implies the substitution of collective for
private property in the means of production, it is susceptible
of considerable diversity in its application throughout the
realm of industry. One of the most thoroughgoing of the German
socialists, Karl Kautsky, in his forecast of what might be
expected to happen the day after the industrial revolution,
suggests that when the State has taken a possession of the
capitalistic industries it could sell a portion of them to the
labourers who work them, another portion to co-operative
associations, another to muncipalities, and still another to
provincial subdivisions of the nation (in America, the several
States). All industries that had already become monopolized by
the nation, and the national form of industry would probably be
the predominant one ultimately. Land would be collectively
owned, but not always collectively operated. According to
Kautsky, the small non-capitalistic farms (embracing by far the
greater part of all agricultural land) might well remain in the
hands of individual farmers. While not owning the ground that he
tilled, and while -- in all probability -- paying rent to the
State in proportion to the value of the land, the small farmer
would own and manage his agricultural business, the machinery,
seeds, horses etc., that he used, and the product that he
produced. Thus his position would approximate that of a farmer
under the single-tax system. He would not be a wage-receiver in
the employ of State. Finally there are certain non-agricultural
small industries which could continue to be privately owned and
managed. This is especially true of those in which hand labour
predominates, and which produce for immediate consumption, for
example, the work of barbers, artists, custom-tailors and
dressmakers. Since the supreme aim of collectivism is the
abolition of that capitalistic regime which enables one man or
one corporation arbitrarily to exploit the labour and the
necessities of many men, it obviously does not -- in theory at
least -- imply equal compensation for all individuals, nor the
destruction of individual initiative, nor the establishment of a
bureaucratic despotisrn. Hence the theoretical possibility of
different rates of pay, of many and diverse industrial units, of
a considerable member of small industries, and of private
property in the goods that minister to immediate enjoyment. As
the American socialist John spargo puts it, "we want social
ownership only of those things which cannot be controlled by
private owners except as means of exploiting the labour of
others and making them bondsmen" (Capitalist and Labor. etc.,
120). As in the matter of the ownership and operation of the
means of production, so with regard to the ultimate directive
power, the governmental functions, collectivism does not
theoretically necessitate the depotic supremacy of a highly
centralized State. Indeed, the Continental socialists, who
detest the military governments under which they live, favour
decentralization rather than the opposite; hence so many of them
lay stress upon the development of the local political unit, and
the inevitable increase of provincial and municipal functions in
the collectivist State. Their ideal, and the ideal of
collectivists generally, is a State organized on industrial
lines, in which each industry whether local or national, and its
workers will be substantially autonomous, and in which
government of persons will be replaced by an administration of
things.
From this outline of what may be regarded as the prevailing
theory of collectivism, it appears that many of the arguments
against collectivism have lost something of their former
strength and pertinency. This is particularly true of those
objections which assume a completely centralized management of
industry, equal compensation for all workers, and the entire
absence of individual initiative in production. On the other
hand, the very diversity of industrial direction, the vast scope
given to local and provincial autonomy, and the very small part
assigned to coercive and repressive activity in the collectivist
system would undoubtedly prove fatal to its efficiency and
stability. To suppose that the local industrial unit, say, the
municipal gas works, or the local branch of the national shoe
manufacture, could be operated effectively on a basis of
complete industrial democracy, requires a faith surpassing that
of children. The workers would lack the incentive to hard work
that comes from fear of discharge, would be under constant
temptation to assume that they were more active and more
efficient than their equally paid fellows in other workshops of
the same class. Hence sufficient centralization to place the of
industry outside of the local unit or branch would seem to be
indispensable. This means a combination of industrial and
political power that could easily put an end to freedom of
action, speech, and writing. Since the form of authority would
be democratic, the people could no doubt vote such a government
out of power; but in the concrete the people means the majority,
and a majority might continue for a long series of years to
impose intolerable conditions on a minority almost equal in
numbers. For collectivism there seems to be no middle ground
between inefficiency and despotism. An industrial system which
would increase rather than lessen social ills is obviously
contrary to the interests of morality and religion. Furthermore,
any collectivist regime which should seize private land or
capital without compensation is condemned by Catholic doctrine
concerning the lawfulness of private ownership and unlawfulness
of theft. Setting aside these questions of feasibility and
compensation are we obliged to say, or permitted to say, that
collectivism as described in this article has formally been
condemned by the Catholic Church? In the Encyclical "Rerum
Novarum" (On the condition of labour), Pope Leo XIII clearly
denounced those extreme forms of socialism and communism which
aim at the abolition of all or practically all private property.
Perhaps the nearest approach to an official pronouncement on the
subject of essential and purely economic collectivism is Holy
Father declares that man's welfare demands private ownership of
"stable possessions" and of "lucrative property". (See
SOCIALISM.)
JOHN A. RYAN
Colle di Val d'Elsa
Colle di Val d'Elsa
(Collis Hetruscus)
A Diocese of (Collensis), suffragan to Florence. Colle is
situated in the province of Siena, Tuscany, on the top of the
lofty hill which overlooks the River Elsa. It is said to have
been built by the inhabitants of Gracchiano, who had suffered
greatly in the frequent wars between Forence and Siena. The
Gospel is supposed to have been preached there by St. Martial, a
reputed disciple of St. Peter. Colle had at first a collegiate
church, exempt from the ordinary jurisdiction of the
neighbouring bishop, and widely known through the merits of its
archpriest, St. Albert, who flourished about 1202. In 1598,
Clement VIII, at the request of Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany
erected the Diocese of Colle, the first bishop being Usimbardo
Usimbardi. The Diocese has 72 parishes, 117 churches and
chapels, 115 secular and 20 regular priests, 3 religious houses
of men and 3 of women.
U. BENIGNI
College
College
(Fr. college, It. collegio, Sp. colegio)
The word college, from the Latin collegium, originally signified
a community, a corporation, an organized society, a body of
colleagues, or a society of persons engaged in some common
pursuit. From ancient times there existed in Rome corporations
called collegia, with various ends and objects. Thus the guilds
of the artisans were known as collegia or sodalica; in other
collegia persons associated together for some special religious
worship, or for the purpose of mutual assistance. This original
meaning of the word college is preserved in some modern
corporations, as the College of Physicians, or the College of
Surgeons (London, Edinburgh). There were in Rome other, more
official bodies which bore the title collegium, as the Collegium
tribunorum, Collegium augurum, Collegium pontificum, etc. In a
similar sense the word is now used in such terms as the College
of Cardinals (or the Sacred College), the College of Electors,
the College of Justice (in Scotland), the College of Heralds (in
England).
From the fourteenth century on the word college meant in
particular "a community or corporation of secular clergy living
together on a foundation for religious service". The church
supported on this endowment was called a collegiate church,
because the ecclesiastical services and solemnities were
performed by a college, i. e. a body or staff of clergymen,
consisting of a provost, or dean, canons, etc.; later, the term
"collegiate" or "college church" was usually restricted to a
church connected with a large educational institution. Some of
these institutions, besides carrying out the Divine service in
their church, were required to take charge of an almshouse, or a
hospital, or some educational establishment. It is here that we
find the word college introduced in connexion with education, a
meaning which was to become the most prominent during succeeding
centuries. It seems that in the English universities the term
was first applied to the foundations of the so-called second
period, typified by New College, Oxford, 1379; from these the
name gradually spread to the earlier foundations (Merton,
Balliol) which originally were designated by the term aula or
domus; then it was taken by the foundations of the third period,
the colleges of the Renaissance. As used in educational history,
college may be defined, in general, as "a society of scholars
formed for the purposes of study or instruction"; and in
particular as "a self-governing corporation, either independent
of a university, or in connexion with a university, as the
College of the Sorbonne in the ancient University of Paris, and
the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge". In some instances, where
in a university only a single college was founded or survived,
the terms "college" and "university" are co-extensive and
interchangeable. This is the case in Scotland and, to a great
extent, in the United States. Although in the United States many
small institutions claim the ambitious title of university, it
is more appropriate to apply this term to those institutions
which have several distinct faculties for professional study and
thus resemble the universities of Europe. They differ, however,
from the continental universities in one important point,
namely, in the undergraduate department which is connected with
the university proper. In some places, as in Harvard, the term
"college" is now in a special sense applied to the undergraduate
school. This is the most common and most proper acceptation of
the term: an institution of higher learning of a general, not
professional, character, where after a regular course of study
the degree of Bachelor of Arts, or, in recent years, some
equivalent degree, e. g. Bachelor of Philosophy, or Bachelor of
Science, is given. (See ARTS, BACHELOR OF, and DEGREES,
ACADEMIC.) It is this meaning of college which will be treated
in this article; all professional schools called colleges are
excluded, such as teachers' colleges (training schools for
teachers), law and medical colleges, colleges of dentistry,
pharmacy, mechanical engineering, agriculture, business, mines,
etc. Nor will colleges be included which are divinity schools or
theological seminaries, as the numerous colleges in Rome, e. g.
the Collegium Germanicum, Collegium Latino-Americanum, Collegium
Graecum, or the English, Irish, Scotch, North-American Colleges,
and many other similar institutions.
As the origin and evolution of the college, or of its
equivalent, have not been the same in different countries, it
will be necessary, in order to avoid confusion, to treat
separately of the colleges peculiar to England. These deserve
special attention for the further reason that the American
college is an outgrowth of the English college. Even at the
present day the distinguishing characteristic of the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge is the existence of the
colleges. Nothing like it is to be found in any other country,
and the relation between these colleges and the university is
very puzzling to foreigners. The colleges are distinct
corporations, which manage their own property and elect their
own officers; the university has no legal power over the
colleges, although it has jurisdiction over the individual
members of the colleges, because they are members also of the
university. Mr. Bryce has used the relation between the
university and the colleges as an illustration of the relations
between the Federal Government and the separate States of the
American Union. But one great difference has been pointed out by
Mr. Rashdall: "in place of the strict limitation of spheres
established by the American Constitution, the jurisdiction of
both University and College, if either chose to exercise them,
is legally unlimited. Expulsion from a College would not involve
expulsion from the University, unless the University chose so to
enact; nor could expulsion from the University prevent a man
from continuing to be a member or even a Fellow of a College.
The University's monopoly of the power of granting degrees is
the only connecting link which ensures their harmonious
co-operation" (Universities of Europe, II, 793). The professors
at Oxford are university officials; tutors and lecturers are
college officials; these two bodies form two different systems.
The majority of students receive the greater part of their
education from the tutors and lecturers. (For further details
see "The University of Oxford" in "Ir. Eccl. Rec.", Jan., 1907.)
Although at the present day the collegiate system is peculiar to
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, it was not so
formerly, nor can England claim the honour of having had the
first colleges. This distinction belongs to the University of
Paris, the greatest school of medieval Europe. To understand the
origin of the colleges and their character, it is necessary to
know the social conditions in which the medieval students lived.
Large numbers of youths flocked to the famous university towns;
there may have been 6000 or 7000 students at Paris, 5000 at
Bologna, 2000 at Toulouse, 3000 at Prague, and between 2000 and
3000 at Oxford. Writers of the latter part of the Middle Ages
have, it is true, asserted that in preceding centuries Paris had
over 30,000, and Oxford from 20,000 to 30,000 students; some
popular writers of our days have repeated these statements, but
the foremost historians who have dealt with this subject, as
Rashdall, Brodrick, Paulsen, Thorold Rogers, and many others,
have proved that these fabulous numbers are gross exaggerations
(Rashdall, op. cit., II, 581 sqq.). Still the numbers were
large, many students very young, some not more than fourteen or
fifteen years old; many lived in private houses, others in halls
or hostels; the discipline was lax, and excesses and riots were
frequent; above all, the poorer students were badly lodged and
badly fed, and were at the mercy of unscrupulous and designing
men and women. Generous persons, inspired by the spirit of
active charity, which was very pronounced during these
centuries, sought to alleviate the lot of the poor students. The
result was the foundation of the "houses of scholars", later
called colleges. Originally they were nothing but endowed
hospicia, or lodging and boarding-houses for poor students; the
idea of domestic instruction was absent in the early
foundations. The first Parisian colleges were homes for
ecclesiastical students, "academical cloisters specially planned
for the education of secular clergy". About 1180 the College of
the Eighteen was founded (so called from the number of
students); then Saint-Thomas de Louvre (1186), and several
others in the first half of the thirteenth century. The most
famous of the colleges in Paris was the Sorbonne (see SORBONNE,
COLLEGE OF THE) founded about 1257, and intended for sixteen,
later for thirty-six, students of theology. In succeeding
centuries the Sorbonne came to stand for the whole theological
faculty of the University of Paris. In the course of time the
university set aside the original autonomy of the colleges and
gained complete control over them; in this the colleges of Paris
differed widely from the English colleges. Another difference
lay in the fact that most English colleges admitted students for
faculties other than the theological. The first English college,
Balliol, founded about 1261, at Oxford, was largely an imitation
of the earlier foundations of Paris, and differed from the
general type of English colleges. The real beginning of the
English college system was the foundation of Walter de Merton,
who afterwards became Bishop of Rochester. Merton College,
established 1263 or 1264, became the archetype of the colleges
of Oxford and Cambridge. The scholars were to begin the study of
the arts, and then to proceed to theology, a few to the study of
canon and civil law. Besides the thirteen full members of the
society (the socii, or Fellows), a number of young boys were to
be admitted (twelve at first), as "secondary scholars", who were
to be instructed in "grammar" until they were enabled to begin
the study of arts.
The foundation of the secular colleges was greatly stimulated by
the presence of the regular colleges, i. e. the establishments
of the religious orders in connexion with the universities. The
religious orders early profited by the advantages offered in
these educational centres, and in their turn had a considerable
share in the further development of the universities,
particularly the Dominicans and Franciscans. (See UNIVERSITY.)
The Dominicans established a house of study in the University of
Paris in 1218, the Franciscans 1219, the Benedictines 1229, the
Augustinians in 1259. At Oxford the Dominicans opened a house
1220, the Franciscans 1224. Their example was followed by the
Benedictines, who founded Gloucester Hall and Durham College.
These religious houses formed each a miniature Studium in the
midst of a great university. The young members of the orders
lived in well-organized communities which gave freedom from
cares and favoured quiet study, whereas other students were left
to contend with the many hardships and temptations which
surrounded them on all sides. It was natural that men who
realized the advantages of such a well-regulated life should
endeavour to adapt this system to the needs of students who had
no intention of entering religious communities. "The secular
college would never perhaps have developed into the important
institution which it actually became but for the example set by
the colleges of the mendicants" (Rashdall, op. cit., I, 478). An
erroneous view has been expressed by some writers, viz., that
the foundation of the colleges was a symptom of the growing
opposition to ecclesiastical control of education, and
especially a sign of hostility to the religious orders. The
majority of secular colleges were founded by zealous
ecclesiastics, in England especially by bishops, most of whom
were very friendly to the religious orders. Mr. Bass Mullinger
admits that Trinity Hall, Cambridge, seems to have been founded
with the intention of furthering "Ultramontane interests" (Hist.
of Un. of Cambridge, 41). Hugh de Balsham, a Benedictine, was
the founder of Peterhouse, the first college at Cambridge
(1284); the third Cambridge college, Pembroke Hall, was founded
in 1347 by Marie de Valence, a friend of the Franciscans; one of
two rectors was to be a Friar Minor, and the foundress adjured
the fellows to be kind, devoted, and grateful to all religious,
"especially the Friars Minor". Gonville hall, Cambridge, was
founded in 1350 by Edmund Gonville, an equally warm friend of
the Dominicans, for whom he made a foundation at Thetford. The
same can be shown with regard to Oxford. To give an instance,
according to the statutes of Balliol, one of the outside
"procurators" was to be a Franciscan. The indirect influence of
religious institutions is discernible also in the semi-monastic
features of colleges, some of which have survived to our own
times, as the common life and obligatory attendance at chapel.
With regard to the latter point it is surprising to learn that
the earlier colleges enjoined attendance at Mass only on
Sundays, Holy Days, and vigils. At Oxford, the statutes of New
College are, as far as is known, the first which require daily
attendance at Mass; towards the end of the fifteenth century
this daily attendance was enforced also on the students living
in the Halls (Rashdall, op. cit., II, 506, 651).
The members of a college were one another's socii or "Fellows".
In the beginning the terms "Scholars" and "Fellows" were
interchangeable, but gradually the term "Fellows" was restricted
to the senior or governing members, the term "Scholars" to the
junior members. The Senior Scholars or Fellows were largely
employed in looking after college business, in later times
particularly in teaching the Junior Scholars. In the early
foundations it was understood that the inmates should receive
most of their instruction outside the walls of the college; but
where younger members were admitted, it was necessary to
exercise supervision over their studies, and give some
instruction supplementing the public lectures. This
supplementary teaching gradually became more prominent; although
it is not known exactly when this important educational
revolution took place, it seems to belong chiefly to the
fifteenth century; finally the colleges practically monopolized
instruction. The number of students living in the colleges was
small at first; most statutes provided only for between twelve
and thirty or forty, a few for seventy or more. Most of the
students continued to live outside the colleges in licensed
halls or private lodgings. The lodging-house system was checked
in the fifteenth century, and later the colleges absorbed most
of the student population. But from the first the colleges
reacted favourably on the whole student body and exercised a
most salutary influence on the manners and morals of the
university towns. As Cardinal Newman has said: "Colleges tended
to break the anarchical spirit, gave the example of laws, and
trained up a set of students who, as being morally and
intellectually superior to other members of the academical body
became the depositaries of academical power and influence"
(Hist. Sketches, III, 221). Thus the university itself was
largely benefited by the colleges; it derived from them order,
strength, and stability. It is true, at a much later date, the
university was sacrificed to the colleges, and the colleges
themselves became inactive; contrary to the intention of the
founders, who had established them for the maintenance of the
poor, they were occupied by the wealthy, especially after the
paying boarders, "commoners", or "pensioners", became numerous.
They were at times sinecures and clubs rather than places of
serious study.
William of Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, founded the first
college outside a university, namely Winchester College, in
1379, for seventy boys who were to be educated in "grammar", i.
e. literature. Grammar colleges had indeed existed before, in
connexion with universities and cathedrals; but Winchester was
the first elaborate foundation for grammatical education,
independent of either a cathedral or a university. From
Winchester College the students were to enter New College,
Oxford founded by the same patron of education. The example of
Winchester was imitated in the foundations of Eton (1440), and
in the post-Reformation schools of Harrow, Westminster (both on
older foundations), Rugby, Charterhouse, Shrewsbury, and
Merchant Taylors. These institutions developed into the famous
"public schools". During this period, as for a long time after
there was no such hard and fast line between the higher and more
elementary instruction as exists at the present day. Many
grammar schools of England did partly college work. Contrary to
the common opinion, as voiced by Green, Mullinger, and others,
the number of grammar schools before the Reformation was very
great. Mr. Leach states that "three hundred grammar schools is a
moderate estimate of the number in the year 1535, when the
floods of the great revolution were let loose. Most of them were
swept away either under Henry or his son; or if not swept away,
they were plundered and damaged" (English Schools at the
Reformation, 5-6). Be it remembered that the term "grammar
school" is used in the sense common in England, denoting a
higher school where the classical languages form the staple
subject of instruction.
A most powerful influence on the further development of the
colleges was exercised by the humanistic movement. It cannot be
denied that during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
study of the classics had been comparatively neglected, as men's
minds were absorbed in scholastic studies. John of Salisbury and
Roger Bacon complained bitterly about the neglect of the study
of the languages. (Cf. Sandys, Hist. of Class. Scholarship, 568
sqq.) This was completely changed when the enthusiasm for the
ancient classics began to spread from Italy throughout Western
Christendom. The "new learning" gradually made its victorious
entry into the old seats of learning, while new schools were
established everywhere, until, about the year 1500, "Catholic
Europe presented the aspect of a vast commonwealth of scholars"
(Professor Hartfelder, in Schmid's "Geschichte der Erziehung",
II, ii, 140). The schools of Vittorino da Feltre, "the first
modern schoolmaster", and of Guarino da Verona, became the
models for schools in other countries. English scholars had
early come in contact with Italian humanists and schools;
Grocyn, Linacre, William Latimer, William Lily, Dean Colet were
humanists, and tried to introduce the new learning into the
English schools. The influence of the Renaissance is most
clearly noticed in St. Paul's School, founded by Dean Colet in
1512, and in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
1516, where greater stress is laid on the study of Latin and
Greek than in any previous foundation. When humanism had gained
the day, largely through the encouragement and influence of men
like Bishop John Fisher, Thomas More, and Cardinal Wolsey,
English college education had assumed the form and character
which were to remain for centuries. The medieval curriculum of
the trivium and quadrivium (see ARTS, THE SEVEN LIBERAL) had not
been entirely abandoned; it survived in the new scheme of
education, but greatly changed and modified. Henceforth the
classical languages were the principal subject of instruction,
to which mathematics formed the most important addition.
"Letters" were the essential foundation; the rest were
considered accessory, subsidiary. This humanistic type of
schools lasted longer in England than in any other country.
In the medieval universities outside of France and England there
existed colleges, but nowhere did they obtain the importance and
the influence which they gained in Paris, and most of all in
Oxford and Cambridge. The colleges in the German universities,
e.g. at Prague, Vienna, Cologne, as well as the Scotch colleges,
were primarily intended for the teachers, and only secondarily,
if at all, for the students. For the students hostels, called
bursoe, were established which were merely lodging-houses. The
colleges of the Netherlands, especially those of Louvain, came
nearer the English type. The most famous college was the
Collegium Trilingue at Louvain, founded in 1517 by Busleiden,
after the model of the College of the Three Languages at Alcala,
the celebrated foundation of Cardinal Ximenes for the study of
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. At present, there is, on the European
continent, no exact equivalent of the English colleges, but as
far as the subjects of instruction are concerned, the French
lycee and college, the German gymnasium, and similar
institutions, in their higher classes, resemble the English
colleges. Many celebrated gymnasia of Teutonic countries
developed from pre-Reformation schools. In Schmid's "Geschichte
der Erziehung" (V, i, 50 sqq.) there is a long list of such
schools which grew out of medieval institutions, e. g. the
Elbing gymnasium (Protestant), established in 1536, which
developed from a Senatorial school founded in 1300; the
Marienburg gymnasium, from a Latin school established by the
Teutonic Knights in the fourteenth century; the Berlin gymnasium
(1540), formerly St. Peter's School (1276); the Mary Magdalen
Gymnasium of Breslau, a Protestant school (1528), which grew out
of City School (1267); the Gymnasium Illustre of Brieg (1569), a
combination of the ancient Cathedral School and the City School;
the Lutheran school of Sagan (1541), originally a Franciscan
school (1294). During the Renaissance and Reformation period a
few institutions of this kind went by the name of Collegium, but
more were styled Gymnasium, Lyceum, Athenoeum, Poedagogium, or
Academia, although these names in some cases were given to
schools which were rather universities. Institutions of
collegiate rank were also termed Studia Particularia, to
distinguish them from a Studium Generale, or university. In its
character the gymnasium was a humanistic school, the classical
languages being the main subject of instruction. Not only the
Catholic colleges of the post-Reformation period, but also the
Protestant school systems, were based on the pre-Reformation
schools, particularly those of the Netherlands. The famous
school of Zwickau in Saxony was organized between 1535 and 1546
by Plateanus, a native of Liege, on the model of the school of
the Brethren of the Common Life in Liege. John Sturm had studied
in the same school at Liege, in the Collegium Trilingue at
Louvain, and in the University of Paris, and from these schools
he derived most of the details of his gymnasium at Strasburg,
which was one of the most typical and most celebrated of early
Protestant schools. Sturm's ideas in turn largely influenced
another class of German institutions, the famous Fuerstenschulen
of Grimma, Pforta, etc. Again, Melanchthon, honoured by the
title of "founder of the German gymnasium", based his system on
the educational principles of Erasmus and other humanists.
Many features of college life are legacies of the past; some
have already been pointed out, namely attendance at chapel and
the common life in the great boarding-schools. Various forms of
distinctly academical dress have grown out of college practices;
no particular form of garment was prescribed by university
authority in medieval institutions, but in colleges they soon
began to wear a "livery" of uniform colour and material. The
modern viva voce examination is the successor of the former oral
disputation, the examiners now taking the place of the
"opponents" of olden times. As has been shown, the support of
poor and deserving scholars was the root idea of the foundation
of colleges; the scholarships in English and American schools,
the bursarships and stipendia in the schools of Germany and
other countries, have sprung from, and perpetuate, the same
idea. In the provision for the Senior Scholars, in the
fellowships of the medieval colleges, and in the practice of
endowing professorships with prebends, there was an early
systematic attempt at solving the question of professors
salaries. In these and other features, modern college systems
are intimately linked with the Catholic past.
THE AMERICAN COLLEGE
The continuity of educational ideals, and the diversity of their
application, according to national needs and characteristics, is
well illustrated by the American college. As regards its origin,
it is an outgrowth of the English college, in particular of
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where John Harvard had been
educated. In more than one respect, especially in the
fundamental idea of liberal training as the proper preparation
for the higher or professional studies, it perpetuates the
educational traditions which spread from Paris, and later from
the humanistic schools of Italy, to Oxford and Cambridge, and
thence were transplanted to the New World. However, the elements
derived from Europe were modified from the very beginning and
have been still more changed since the foundation of Harvard, so
much so that at present there is no exact counterpart of the
American college in any other country. There are at present
(1908) in the United States over four hundred and seventy
institutions which confer degrees and are called universities or
colleges, not counting those which are for women exclusively. In
some cases, as has well been said, the name "university" is but
a "majestic synonym for college", and some of the colleges are
only small high schools. Before the American Revolution 11
colleges were founded, chief among them Harvard (1636), William
and Mary (1693), Yale (1701), Princeton (1746), University of
Pennsylvania (1751), Columbia (1754), Brown (1764), Dartmouth
(1770); from the Revolution to 1800, 12, one of them Catholic,
at Georgetown, District of Columbia; 33 from 1800 to 1830; 180
from 1830 to. 1865; and about 240 from 1865 to 1908. The older
foundations in the East are independent of State control, but
possess charters sanctioned by legislation. Many of the more
recent foundations, especially in Western and Southern States,
are supported and controlled by the State; on the other hand,
denominational control has largely disappeared from the old
colleges and is excluded from most new foundations. At present
about one-half of the colleges are registered as non-sectarian.
From the early part of the nineteenth century efforts were made
to offer to women the same educational opportunities as to men.
Mount Holyoke Seminary, Massachusetts (1837), and Elmira College
(1855), were nearly equivalent to the colleges for men. Vassar
College, Poughkeepsie, New York (1865), however, has been styled
the "legitimate parent" of the colleges for women, as it
established the same standard as that of colleges for men.
Vassar College, Wellesley College (1876), Smith College (1875),
Mount Holyoke College (1893), Bryn Mawr (1885), and the Woman's
College, Baltimore (1885), are the most important women's
colleges in the United States. Others are affiliated with
colleges or universities for men, as Radcliffe, with Harvard.
Many Western and Southern colleges are co-educational.
The American college has been the main repository of liberal
education, of an advanced education of general, not technical or
professional, character. The "old-fashioned" college had a
four-year course of prescribed studies: Latin and Greek, the
inheritance of the humanistic period, and mathematics, to which
had been added in the course of time natural sciences, the
elements of philosophy, and still later, English literature.
Modern languages, especially French, were taught to some small
extent. Since the Civil War changes have been introduced which
are truly revolutionary. Some colleges have grown into
universities with different faculties after the model of
European, especially German, universities; these institutions
have two principal departments, the university proper, for
graduate, or professional work, and the collegiate department in
the stricter sense of the word. But this very collegiate course
has undergone a far-reaching transformation; the line of
separation between university and college proper has been
largely effaced, so that the college is a composite institution,
of a secondary and higher nature, giving instruction which in
Europe is given partly by the secondary schools, partly by the
universities. the causes of this and other changes are manifold.
The nineteenth century saw the extraordinary development of the
"high school", a term, which in the United States, means a
secondary school with a four-year course between the elementary
(public) school and the college. In 1900, there were over 6000
public and nearly 2000 private schools of this grade with over
630,000 pupils, more than one-half of these being female
students. Part of the work of these schools was formerly done in
the college. The result of this separation and development of
the secondary schools was, first, an increase of the age of
applicants for college, and, secondly, higher entrance
requirements. In consequence of the increase of age, many
students now pass directly from the high school to professional
studies, as few professional schools require a college diploma
for admission. On the other hand, in order to gain a year or
two, some colleges have shortened the course from four to three
years (Johns Hopkins); others have kept the four-year college
course, but allow the students to devote the last year, or even
the last two years partly to professional work (Harvard,
Columbia).
A second cause of the modifications mentioned, and one that
affected the college seriously was the excessive expansion of
the college curriculum, the pressure of many new subjects for
recognition, some of which pertain rather to professional
schools. The advance in, and enthusiasm for, the natural
sciences during the nineteenth century effected changes in the
schools of all civilized countries. In many quarters there was a
clamour for "practical" studies, and the old classical course
was decried as useless, or merely ornamental; its very
foundation, the theory of mental or formal discipline, well
expressed in the term gymnasium for classical schools in
Germany, has been vigorously assailed, but not disproved. At
present the pendulum seems to swing away from the utilitarian
views of Spencer and others, and the conviction gains ground
that the classics, although they can no longer claim the
educational monopoly, are after all a most valuable means of
liberal culture and the best preparation for professional
studies. To meet the difficulty arising from the multitude of
new studies and the growing demand for "practical" courses, the
elective system was introduced. This system, in its more extreme
form, is by many regarded as detrimental to serious work; few
students are able to make a wise choice; many are tempted to
choose subjects, not for their intrinsic value, but because they
are more easy or agreeable; they follow the paths of least
resistance and avoid the harder studies of greater educational
value. To avoid these evils a compromise has been invented in
some colleges in the form of a modified election, the group
system, which allows the choice of a certain field of studies,
of groups of subjects regulated by the faculty. Some choice in
certain branches has been found profitable, but it is now a very
general opinion that the elective system can be employed in the
college only with many limitations and safeguards, and that
certain valuable literary, or "culture" studies in the best
sense of the term, should be obligatory. American educators of
the highest repute have come to regard early specialization as a
dangerous pedagogical error, and they maintain that the elective
principle has its proper place in the university. Another result
of the encroachment of the university on the college is the
disappearance of the old-fashioned teacher with a good general
knowledge and practical skill as an educator; his place is taken
by the specialist, who more resembles the university professor,
who lectures rather than teaches, and comes little in contact
with the individual student; the classes are broken up, and
courses take their place. This means the loss of an important
educational factor, namely, the personal influence of the
teacher on the pupil. The larger colleges are particularly
exposed to this danger; in the smaller colleges there is more
personal intercourse between the faculty and the students,
generally also stricter discipline.
The American college is, at the present time, in a state of
transition, in a condition of unrest and fermentation. The
questions of the length of the college course, of the proper
function of the college, of its relation to university work, of
the elective system, of the relative value of classics and
modern languages, natural and social sciences -- all these are
topics of general discussion and matters of vital importance
and, at the same time, questions beset with great difficulties.
Hence it is not surprising to find prominent educators ranged on
different sides, some advocating far-reaching changes, others,
more conservative, warning against hazardous experiments. Modern
conditions undoubtedly demand changes in the college; it would
be most desirable if the old literary curriculum and instruction
in sciences and other new subjects could be combined into a
harmonious system. The present tendency of the college seems to
be to undertake too much in subjects and methods, instead of
remaining the culmination of secondary training, the final stage
of general education.
RASHDALL, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford,
1895), I, II; BRODRICK, History of the University of Oxford
(London, 1886); MULLINGER, The University of Cambridge (2
viols., Cambridge, 1883); IDEM, History of the University of
Cambridge (London, 1888); DENIABLE AND CHATELAINE, Chartering
Universalism Parisians (Paris, 1889-1896); BOUZOUKI, The
University of Paris in Catholic University Bulletin (July, Oct.,
1895, Jan., 1896); BROTHER ACACIAS, University Colleges in Am.
Cathy. Q. Rev. (Oct., 1893., Jan., 1804); WOODWARD, Vittorino da
Feltre and other Humanist Educators (Cambridge, 1897); IDEM,
Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance
(Cambridge, 1906); EINSTEIN, The Italian Renaissance in England
(New York, 1902); RUSSELL, German Higher Schools (New York,
1899); PAULSEN, Geisha. des gilchrist Underprices au den
deutsche Schoolmen undo Universities (2nd ed., 2 viols.,
Leipzig, 1896); SCHMIDT, Geschichte der Erziehung (Stuttgart,
1889 and 1901), II, ii and V, i; NEWMAN, Historical Sketches,
III: Rise and Progress of Universities (charmingly written, but
with no great value as history). -- For the history of the word:
New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, ed. MURRAY
(Oxford, 1893), II.
Monographs on Education in the United States, ed. NICHOLAS
MURRAY BUTLER, particularly WEST, The American College (Albany,
1899); SCHWICKERATH, Jesuit Education (St. Louis, 1905), with
special reference to American college conditions, chapter x: The
Intellectual Scope; xi: Prescribed Courses or Elective Studies?;
xii: Classical Studies; Special Report on Educational Subjects
(London. 1902), IX-XI; Educational Review (New York, Jan., 1901;
May, 1902; Sept., 1906, etc.); articles in The Atlantic Monthly
and in The Forum.
ROBERT SCHWICKERATH.
College (In Canon Law)
College (in Canon Law)
A collection (Lat. collegium) of persons united together for a
common object so as to form one body. The members are
consequently said to be incorporated, or to form a corporation.
Colleges existed among the Romans and Greeks from the earliest
times. The Roman laws required at least three persons for
constituting a college. Legal incorporation was made, at least
in some cases, by decrees of the Senate, edicts of the emperor,
or by special laws. There were, however, general laws under
which colleges could be formed by private persons, and if the
authorities judged that the members had conformed to the letter
and spirit of these laws, they had incontestable rights as
collegia legitima; if the requisites were not adhered to they
could be suppressed by administrative act. The Colleges could
hold property in common and could sue and be sued. In case of
failure this common property could be seized, but that of the
individual members was not liable to seizure. The Roman
collegium was never instituted as a corporation sole; still,
when reduced to one member, that individual succeeded to all the
rights of the corporation and could employ its name (J. F.
Keating, "Roman Legislation on Collegia and Sodalicia" in "The
Agape", London, 1901, p. 180 sqq.). Colleges were formed among
the ancient Romans for various purposes. Some of these had a
religious object, as the college of the Arval Brothers, of the
Augurs, etc.; others were for administrative purposes, as of
quaestors, tribunes of the people; others again were trade
unions or guilds, as the colleges of bakers, carpenters. The
early Roman Christians are said to have sometimes held church
property during times of persecution under the title of
collegium. For the evidence of this, see H. Leclercq, Manuel
d'Archeolog. Chret. (Paris, 1907, I, 261-66). It is not admitted
by Mgr. Duchesne, Hist. anc. de l'Eglise (Paris 1906, I).
Canon Law
Most of the prescriptions of the ancient civil law were received
into the church law and they are incorporated in the "Corpus
Juris". By canonists, a college has been defined as a collection
of several rational bodies forming one representative body. Some
authors consider university and community as synonymous terms
with college, but others insist that there are points of
difference. Thus, there are canonists who define university as a
collection of bodies distinct from one another, but employing
the same name specially conferred upon them. Pirhing remarks
that a community of priests attached to the same church do not
form a college unless they are members of one body whose head is
a prelate elected by that body. According to canon law three
persons are required to form a college. Some authors maintained
that two were sufficient for the purpose, because Pope Innocent,
alluding to St. Matthew, xviii, 20, says that no presbyter is to
be chosen for a church where two or three form the congregation,
except by their canonical election. As congregation here
evidently means college, these writers contend that two can
therefore form a college. As a matter of fact, however, the
pontiff is simply affirming that the right of election will
remain with an already constituted college even though only two
of its members remain after the death of the prelate. Pirhing
gives as the reason why two cannot constitute a college, that
though it be not necessary that the college actually have a
head, yet it must be at least capable of giving itself a
presiding officer, or rector of the college. If, then, there be
only two members and one be constituted the head, the other can
not form the body, for the body requires several members, and
the head is distinct from the body. He does not mean to assert,
however, that if a college be reduced to two members, it can not
preserve its corporate rights. On the contrary, the canon law
explicitly affirms that one surviving member can conserve the
privileges of the corporate body, not for himself personally,
but for the college. When a legally constituted college has been
reduced to two members, one can elect the other as prelate. If
the college be reduced to one member, it becomes a virtual, not
an actual, corporation. The single remaining member can exercise
the acts belonging to the college, and although he can not elect
himself prelate, yet he can choose or nominate some other proper
person to the prelacy. He may also commit the election to other
persons, or even to one, as the bishop.
The ancient canonists, when stating that three constitute a
college, give also the numbers requisite for other canonical
bodies, thus: five are necessary to form a university, two a
congregation, more than two a family, and ten a parish. Among
conspicuous ecclesiastical colleges may be mentioned the Sacred
College of Cardinals (see CARDINAL) and cathedral and collegiate
chapters (see CHAPTER and COLLEGIATE). The name college is
specially applied also to corporate educational bodies within
the Church, as without it. Before the Reformation, and even in
the first years of Queen Elizabeth, the colleges of Oxford and
Cambridge were always spoken of as ecclesiastical corporations.
By the present English law they are purely lay corporations,
even though all their members be clergymen. The title "Apostolic
College" is applied in Rome to those institutions which are
immediately subject to and controlled by the Holy See, and are
consequently exempt from any other spiritual or temporal
authority; the students are declared to be under the direct
protection of the pope. Such institutions are, among others, the
College of the Propaganda, the German, English, Irish, and
Scotch Colleges, and the North and South American Colleges. (For
the Apostles of Jesus Christ as a collective authority, see
APOSTOLIC COLLEGE.)
PIRHING, Jus Canonicum Universum (Venice, 1759), I; FERRARIS,
Biblioth. Canon. (Rome, 1886), II; SMITH, Dictionary of Greek
and Roman Antiquities (London, 1901).
WILLIAM H. W. FANNING.
Apostolic College
Apostolic College
This term designates The Twelve Apostles as the body of men
commissioned by Christ to spread the kingdom of God over the
whole world and to give it the stability of a well-ordered
society: i.e. to be the founders, the foundation, and pillars of
the visible Church on earth. The name "apostle" connotes their
commission. For an Apostle is a missionary, sent by competent
authority, to extend the Gospel to new lands: a tradition,
beginning with the sending of The Twelve, has consecrated this
meaning of the term to the exclusion of all others which it
might derive from its etymology. When we speak of the Apostles
as a "college", we imply that they worked together under one
head and for one purpose. Referring the reader to the article
APOSTLES for the Scriptural and positive treatment of the
question, we may now deal with its dogmatic aspects.
It is evident, a priori, that Revelation must be transmitted and
communicated by means of envoys and teachers accredited by God.
The consideration of the nature of revelation and its object
shows that no other theory is practically possible. In fact,
Christ founded a teaching, governing, and ministering
Apostolate, whose charter is contained in Matthew, xxviii,
18-20.
All power is given to Me in Heaven and in earth. Going therefore [in
virtue of, and endowed with, this My sovereign power: "As the Father
hath sent Me, I also send you" (John, xx, 21)], teach ye
[matheteusate -- make to yourselves disciples, teach as having power
-- Mark, i, 22] all nations; baptizing them in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Teaching them
[didaskontes] to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you
[eneteilamen] and behold I am with you all days, even to the
comsummation of the world.
This college of rulers, teachers, and ministers of the
sacraments was placed under the headship of St. Peter, the rock
upon whom the foundations of the Church were established. The
many texts refering to this subject (see APOSTLES) may be
summarized as follows: After accomplishing His own mission,
Jesus Christ, in virtue of His power and authority, sent into
the world a body of teachers and preachers presided over by one
head. They were His representatives, and had for their mission
to publish to the world all revealed truth until the end of
time. Their mission was not exclusively personal; it was to
extend to their successors. Mankind were bound to receive them
as Christ Himself. That their word might be His word, and might
be recognized as such, He promised them His presence and the aid
of the Holy Ghost to guarantee the infallibility of their
doctrine; He promised external and supernatural signs as
vouchers of its authenticity; He gave their doctrine an
effective sanction by holding out an eternal reward to those who
should faithfully adhere to it, and by threatening with eternal
punishments those who should reject it. This conception of the
Apostolate is set forth in the writings of St. Paul and realized
in the practice of all the Apostles (Rom., x, 8-l9; Eph., iv,
7-14). It runs through the whole Catholic tradition, and is the
very soul of the Church at the present day. The College of the
Apostles lives forth in the episcopate, which gradually took its
place and filled its functions. There are, however, between the
attributes of the original Apostles and those of the succeeding
hierarchy some differences arising from the circumstance that
the Apostles were personally chosen and trained by Christ to lay
the foundation of the Church. That circumstance creates for them
an exceptional and intransmissible eminence over their
successors.
(1) Although both, bishops and Apostles, are appointed by Divine
authority, yet the Apostles received their commission
immediately from Christ, whereas the bishops receive theirs but
mediately, i.e. through the medium of human authority. The power
of order and jurisdiction is the same in the Apostles and in
their successors, but, whereas the Apostles receive it from the
Divine Founder Himself, the bishops receive it through the
channel of other bishops. Immediate commission implies, in the
missionary, the power to produce, at first hand, credentials to
prove that he is the envoy of God by doing works which God alone
can work. Hence the charisma, or gift, of miracles granted to
the Apostles, but withheld from the generality of their
successors whose mission is sufficiently accredited through
their connection with the original Apostolate.
(2) Another prerogative of the Apostles is the universality of
their mission. They were sent to establish the Church wherever
men in need of salvation were to be found. Their field of action
had no limits but those of their own convenience and choice, at
least if we take them collectively; directions by the chief
Apostle are not excluded, for on them may have depended the good
order and the success of their work.
(3) A third Apostolic prerogative is the plenitude of power. As
planters of the Church the Apostles required and possessed the
power to speak with full authority in their own name, without
appealing to higher authorities; also the power to found and
organize local churches, to appoint and consecrate bishops and
to invest them with jurisdiction. The limit to their powers in
this respect was: not to undo the work already done by their
colleagues. Such power, if needed, could have been exercised
only by the head of the Church.
(4) A fourth privilege of the Apostles is their personal
infallibility in preaching the Gospel. Their successors in the
hierarchy owe what infallibility they possess to the Divine
assistance watching, with unfailing care, over the magisterium,
or teaching office as a whole, and over its head; the Apostles
received each personally, the Holy Ghost, Who revealed to them
all the truth they had to preach. This Pentecostal gift was
necessary in order to establish each particular church on the
solid foundation of unshakable truth.
The prerogatives of the Apostles as founders of the Church were,
of course, personal; they were not to be transmitted to their
successors because to these they were not necessary. What was
passed on is the ordinary powers of order and jurisdiction. The
Apostolate was an extraordinary and only temporary form of the
episcopate; it was superseded by an ordinary and permanent
hierarchy as soon as its constitutional work was done. There is,
however, one Apostle has a successor of equal powers in the
Roman pontiff. Above the prerogatives of his colleagues St.
Peter had the unique distinction of being the principle of the
Church's unity and cohesion. As the Church has to endure to the
end of time, so has the unifying and preserving office of St.
Peter. Without such a principle, without a head, the body of the
Bride of Christ would be no better than a disjointed congeries
of members, unworthy of the Divine Bridegroom. In fact the
connection of the Church with Christ and the Apostles would be
loosened and weakened to the breaking-point. The history of
Churches separated from Rome affords abundant proof of this
statement. In the Roman pontiffs, then, the Apostolate is still
living and acting. Hence from the earliest times the office of
the pope has been honoured with the title of Apostolate, as
continuing the functions of the Apostolate; the Roman See has,
in the same order of ideas, been styled the Apostolic See, and
the reigning pope, in the Middle Ages, used to be addressed
Apostolatus vester and Apostolicus. In the Litany of Saints we
pray; "That thou wouldst vouchsafe to preserve our apostolic
prelate [ domnum nostrum apostolicum] and all orders of the
Church in holy religion".
The difference between the Apostolate of St. Peter and that of
his successors bears on two points only:
+ St. Peter was chosen and appointed directly by Our Lord; the
pope receives the same Divine appointment through the channel
of men; the electors designate the person or whom God bestows
the office.
+ The papal infalliltility also differs from that of St. Peter.
The pope is only infallible when, in the full exercise of his
authority, ex cathedra, he defines a doctrine concerning faith
and morals to be held by the whole Church. His infallibility
rests on the Divine assistance, on the permanent presence of
Christ in the Church. The infallibility of St. Peter and the
Apostles relied on their being filled and penetrated by the
light of the indwelling Holy Spirit of truth.
The charisma of working miracles, granted to the Apostles, is
not continued in the popes. If it was necessary to convince the
first believers that the hand of God was laying the foundations
of the Church, it ceases to be so when the strength, the beauty,
and the vastness of the structure proclaims to the world that
none but the Father in Heaven could have erected it for the good
of His children.
SCHEEBEN, Manual of Catholic Theology, tr. WILHELM AND SCANNEL
(London, 1906), 1, 8, 9, 11.
J. WILHELM
The College de France
The College de France
The College de France was founded in the interest of higher
education by Francis I. He had planned the erection of this
college as far back as 1517, but not until 1530, and then under
the inspiration of Bude and Jean du Bellay, did he realize his
idea. As the University of Paris taught neither Hebrew nor
Greek, he established chairs of these two languages, and secured
for them the best teachers obtainable, Paradisi and Guidacerio
Vatable for Hebrew, and Peter Danes and Jacques Toussaint for
Greek. Their salaries were paid from the king's coffers, and
they were to receive students gratuitously, a ruling which
caused great rivalry on the part of the professors of the
University of Paris, who depended on tuition fees; The
professors of the college were accused before Parliament by Noel
Beda, on the plea that the Vulgate would lose its authority
since Hebrew and Creek were taught publicly. G. de Marcillac
defended the "Royal Lectors", as they were called, and won their
case. Later on they were accused of a leaning towards Calvinism,
and the Parliament forbade them to read or interpret any of the
Sacred Books in Hebrew or Greek; however, the protection of the
king prevented the execution of the sentence.
In 1534 a chair of Latin eloquence was added to the college. The
succeeding kings favoured the college. During the Revolution the
courses were unmolested; the Convention even raised the
salaries, by decree, from one and two thousand francs to three
thousand. The College de France was first ruled by the Grand
Aumonier de France, who appointed the professors until 1661,
when it became a part of the University of Paris, from which it
was afterwards separated for a time, and finally reaffiliated in
1766. In 1744 the king himself took it under his direct
authority. In 1795 the minister of the interior was in charge;
in 1831 the minister of public works; in 1832 the minister of
public instruction, who has retained the charge to the present
day. It is independent of the university, and administered by
its own faculty. The college has been known by different names:
in 1534 it was called the "College of the Three Languages";
under Louis XIII, the "College Royal"; during the Revolution,
the "College National"; Napoleon called it the "College
Imperial", and under the Restoration, it bore the name of
"College Royal". Through the munificence of kings and
governments the college grew steadily. In 1545 Francis added to
the three chairs of language already established another with
two teachers for mathematics, one teacher for medicine, and one
for philosophy. Charles IX introduced surgery; Henry III gave it
a course in Arabic languages; Henry IV, botany and astronomy;
Louis XIII gave it canon law and Syriac; Louis XV, French
literature; Louis XVIII endowed it for the Sanskrit and Chinese
literatures. In 1831 political economy was introduced, and since
then the progress of the sciences has necessitated new chairs,
such as those of organic chemistry, physio-psychology, etc.
Renan clearly characterized the tendencies and methods of the
College de France. In comparing them with those of the
University of Paris. he wrote: "The Sorbonne guards the deposit
of acquired knowledge -- it does not receive sciences before
they have shown the life in them -- on the contrary the College
de France favours the sciences in the process of formation. It
favours scientific research;" An edict of 1572 forbade any but
Catholics to teach in the College de France. This law was
strictly obeyed as long as the college remained under Catholic
authority, but in recent times it has had among its professors
such enemies of Catholicism as Michelet, Renan, and Havet. On
the whole, however, the faculty of the College de France has
counted in its ranks brilliant men irrespective of creed, such
as Aubert, Lalande, Daubenton, Delille, Cuvier, Vauquelin,
Ampere, Biot, Rollin, Sylvestre de Sacy, Abel Remusat,
Boissonade, Daunou, Burnouf, Tissot, etc. In 1907 there were
fifty-nine professors and instructors.
DUVAL, Le College de France (Paris, 1644); GOUGET, Memoire
historique et litteraire sur le College royal de France (3
vols., Paris, 1753); BOUCHON AND BRANDELY, Le College de France
(Paris, 1873); LEFRANC, Histoire du College de France (Paris,
1892); RENAN, Questions contemporaines (Paris, 1868), 143 sqq.;
LEFRANC, Les Origines de College de France in Revue intern. de
l'Enseign. (15 May, 1890).
J.B. DELAUNAY.
Collegiate
Collegiate
(Lat. collegiatus, from collegium)
An adjective applied to those churches and institutions whose
members form a college (see COLLEGE). The origin of cathedral
and collegiate chapters, springing from the common life of
clerics attached to cathedrals and other important churches, has
been treated in the article CHAPTER, where special attention is
given to what regards cathedral capitulars (see CHAPTER).
Collegiate churches were formed on the model of cathedral
churches, and the collegiate canons have rights and duties
similar to the capitulars of a cathedral, except that they have
no voice in the government of the diocese, even when the see is
vacant. Their main object is the solemn celebration of the
Divine Office in choir. Already in the time of Charlemagne many
wealthy collegiate churches had been founded throughout his
empire, especially in Germany and France, of which that at
Aachen was the most celebrated. In England there was also a
large number of these institutions, and at the Reformation, when
they were dissolved, the revenues of some of them were used for
founding public schools. The founding of a collegiate church
gives the founder no right to nominate its members unless he
have received a special papal indult to that effect.
For the erection of collegiate institutions, the authority of
the Holy See is necessary. The pope refers the matter to the
consideration of the Congregation of the Council, which makes a
favourable report if certain conditions are found fulfilled,
such as: the dignity of the city, the large number of clergy and
people, the size and beauty of the church structure, the
splendour of its belongings, and the sufficiency of the income.
Although the bishop cannot erect a collegiate church, yet, if
the college, owing to the death of canons or other similar
cause, should cease as an active corporation but still retain,
de jure, its status as a college, the bishop can restore it, for
this would not be a canonical erection. As the ordinary cannot
erect a collegiate church, so neither can he reduce it to a
merely parochial status, and still less has he the power to
suppress one. Only the pope can formally dissolve a collegiate
foundation. A church loses its collegiate dignity by the will of
the members, or the act of the supreme ecclesiastical authority,
or the death of all the canons. When the right of an institution
which claims the collegiate dignity is disputed, the question is
to be decided by certain signs which create a presumption in its
favour. These are, among others, an immemorial reputation as a
collegiate institution, a common seal proper to a college,
capitular meetings of the members under the presidency of a
dean, the making of contracts in the name of the college, the
right of electing a prelate, the cure of souls dependent on the
chapter.
Although collegiate churches are ordinarily under the
jurisdiction of the bishop, yet its members are not obliged to
render any service to the ordinary outside of their own
churches, except in case of necessity or through contrary
custom. Neither can the cathedral chapter interfere with the
chapter of a collegiate church when the latter remains within
its own right and privileges. Collegiate churches are
distinguished into insignes (famous) and non insignes. There
are, however, no rules given in canon law to discern one from
the other. Canonists declare that a church is insignis if it be
the mother church of the locality, have right of precedence in
solemn functions, be of ancient foundation, and conspicuous by
its structure and the number of its dignitaries and members, and
likewise be situated in a famous or well-populated city. The
canons of a church which is insignis have precedence over the
canons of other collegiate institutions at Synods and in public
processions. When a parochial church is elevated to collegiate
rank, the right to the cure of souls does not necessarily pass
to the chapter, but may remain with the parish priest. When the
chapter has the right of presentation and its votes are equally
divided, the bishop may decide as to which part of the canons
has presented a candidate of superior merit to the other. If,
however, the merits of the candidates be equal, the decision
must be referred to the pope, if the chapter cannot agree after
taking two ballots. The chapters of collegiate churches, by
common law, have the right of electing or presenting candidates
for the dignities and canonries of their chapter. The rights of
confirmation and installation belong to the bishop. Many
innovations on these rights have been made by special decrees or
customs, and, according to the prevailing discipline, account
must be taken of the so-called pontifical reservations, or the
rights which the pope has reserved to himself, especially as
regards the highest dignity of the chapter, and also of the
legitimate privileges possessed by patrons in Spain, Austria,
Bavaria, etc. of nominating and presenting candidates. These
privileges are still in force in many instances.
WERNZ, Jus Decretalium (Rome, 1899) II; DE LUCA, Proelectiones
Jur. Can. (Rome, 1897), II; FERRARIS. Bibliotheca Canonica
(Rome, 1886), II; LUCIDI, De Visit. S. Liminum (Rome, 1899),
III.
WILLIAM H. W. FANNING.
St. Colman of Kilmacduagh
St. Colman
Bishop and patron of Kilmacduagh, born at Kiltartan c. 560; died
29 October, 632. He lived for many years as a hermit in
Arranmore, where he built two churches, both forming the present
group of ruins at Kilmurvy. Thence he sought greater seclusion
in the woods of Burren, in 592, and at length, in 610, founded a
monastery, which became the centre of the tribal Diocese of
Aidhne, practically coextensive with the present See of
Kilmacduagh. Although the "Martyrology of Donegal" assigns his
feast to 2 February, yet the weight of evidence and the
tradition of the diocese point to 29 October, on which day his
festival has been kept from time immemorial, and which was fixed
by a rescript of Pope Benedict XIV, in 1747, as a major double.
Martyrology of Donegal, ed. TODD AND REEVES (Dublin, 1864);
Customs of Hy-Fiachrach, ed. O'DONOVAN; LANIGAN, Ecclesiastical
History of Ireland (Dublin, 1829); II; COLGAN, Acta Sanct. Hib.
(Louvain, 1645); PETRIE, Round Towers (Dublin, 1845); FAHEY,
Hist. and Ant. of Kilmacduagh (1893).
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Colman of Templeshambo
St. Colman
Saint Colman of Templeshambo was a Connacht saint, and has been
confounded with the patron of Kilmacduagh, but he lived somewhat
earlier, and the sphere of his ministry lay in the present
County Wexford. He Was a contemporary of Saint Aidan, who
appointed him Abbot of Templeshambo, the mother church of
Enniscorthy. Many legends are told of Saint Colman and of his
holy well with its sacred ducks, but certain it is that he
laboured zealously at the foot of Mount Leinster, his monastery
being known as Temple Sean Bothe. He died c. 595 on 27 October,
on which day his feast is recorded in the "Martyrology of
Donegal".
Customs of Hy-Fiachrach; COLGAN, Acta. Sanct. Hib.; Martyrology
of Donegal; FAHEY, Hist. and Ant. of Kilmacduagh (1893);
GRATTAN-FLOOD, Hist. of Enniscorthy (1898); SHEARMAN, Loca
Patriciana (Dublin, 1882).
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Colman Mac Lenine
St. Colman Mac Lenine
Saint Colman Mac Lenine, founder and patron of the See of
Cloyne, born in Munster, c. 510; died 24 November, 601. He was
endowed with extraordinary poetic powers, being styled by his
contemporaries "Royal Bard of Munster". The Ardrigh of Ireland
gave him Cloyne, in the present County Cork, for his cathedral
abbey, in 560, and he laboured for more than forty years in his
extensive diocese. Several of his Irish poems are still extant,
notably a metrical panegyric on St. Brendan. Colgan mentions a
metrical life of St. Senan by him. His feast is observed on 24
November. Another St. Colman is also venerated on the same day,
as recorded by St. Aengus in his "Felire": --
Mac Lenine the most excellent
With Colman of Duth-chuilleann.
ARCHDALL, Monasticon Hibernicum, ed. MORAN (1873); COLGAN, Acta
Sanct. Hib.; HYDE, Literary History of Ireland (New York, 1901);
SMITH, History of Cork; OLDEN, Some Notices of St. Colman of
Cloyne (1881); STOKES, Anecdota Oxon. (1890).
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Colman of Mayo
St. Colman
Founder of the Abbey and Diocese of Mayo, born in Connacht, c.
605; died 8 August, 676. He became a monk of Iona, and so famous
were his virtues and learning, as testified by St. Bede, that on
the death of St. Finan, in 661, he was appointed Bishop of
Lindisfarne. During his brief episcopacy, the Synod of Whitby
was held, in 664, as a result of which (St. Colman being a
determined protagonist of the old Irish computation), owing to
the decision of King Oswy on the Paschal controversy, he
resigned his see. Between the years 665 and 667 St. Colman
founded several churches in Scotland, and, at length,
accompanied by thirty disciples, sailed for Ireland, settling
down at Innisboffin, County Mayo, in 668. Less than three years
later he erected an abbey, exclusively for the English monks in
Mayo, subsequently known as "Mayo of the Saxons". His last days
were spent on the island of Innisboffin. His feast is celebrated
8 August.
HEALY, Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum (1902); O'HANLON, Lives of
the Irish Saints, VIII; MORAN, Irish Saints in Great Britain
(1903); KNOX, Notes on the Dioceses of Tuam (1904); BEDE,
Ecclesiastical History of England, ed. PLUMMER (London, 1907).
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Colman, Bishop of Dromore
St. Colman
Born in Dalaradia, c. 450; date of death uncertain. His feast is
celebrated 7 June. He founded the See of Dromore, of which he is
patron and over which he presided as bishop. He studied at
Noendrum (Mahee Island), under St. Mochae or Coelan, one of the
earliest disciples of St. Patrick. Many interesting stories are
told of his edifying life at Noendrum and the miracles he worked
there. To perfect his knowledge of the Scriptures St. Colman
went to the great school of Emly, c. 470 or 475, and remained
there some years. At length he returned to Mahee Island to see
his old master, St. Mochae, and remained under his guidance for
a long period, acting as assistant in the school. Among his many
pupils at Mahee Island, in the first quarter of the sixth
century, was St. Finian of Moville.
COLGAN, Acta Sanct. Hib.; HEALY, Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum
(4th ed.); O'LAVERTY, Down and Connor, I; O'HANLON, Lives of the
Irish Saints, VI; BUTLER, Lives of the Saints.
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Elo Colman
St. Elo Colman
Famed in Irish hagiology. He was founder and first Abbot of
Muckamore, and from the fact of being styled "Coarb of
MacNisse", is regarded as Bishop of Connor. He was born c. 555
in Glenelly, in the present County Tyrone, and died at Lynally
in 611, 26 September, on which day his feast is celebrated. He
studied under his maternal uncle, St. Columcille, who procured
for him the site of a monastery now known as Lynally (Lann Elo).
Hence his designation of Colmanellus or Colman Elo. Subsequently
he founded the Abbey of Muckamore, and was appointed Bishop of
Connor. He is also known as St. Colman Macusailni.
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. MacCathbad Colman
St. MacCathbad Colman
Famed in Irish hagiology. He was distinguished as MacCathbad,
whence Kilmackevat, County Antrim, was Bishop of Kilroot, a
minor see afterwards incorporated in the Diocese of Connor. He
was a contemporary of St. Ailbe, and his feast has been kept
from time immemorial on 16 October.
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
St. Colman (Patron of Austria)
St. Colman
Saint Colman, one of the patrons of Austria, was also an Irish
saint, who, journeying to Jerusalem, was martyred near Vienna,
in 1012, 13 October, on which day his feast is observed. His
life, written by Erchenfrid of Melk, is in "Acta SS.", VI, 357
and "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", IV, 647.
ADAMNAN, Life of St. Columba; O'LAVERTY, Down and Connor, V;
Calendar of Donegal; COLGAN, Acta Sanct. Hib.: O'HANLON, Lives
of the Irish Saints, IX; BUTLER, Lives of the Saints; HOGAN, St.
Colman of Austria; URWALEX. Der koenigliche Pilgen St. Colomann
(Vienna, 1880)).
W. H. GRATTAN-FLOOD.
Walter Colman
Walter Colman
Walter Colman, Friar Minor and English martyr: date of birth
uncertain; died in London, 1645. He came of noble and wealthy
parents and when quite young left England to study at the
English College at Douai. In 1625 he entered the Franciscan
Order at Douai, receiving in religion the name of Christopher of
St. Clare, by which he is more generally known. having completed
his year of novitiate, he returned to England at the call of the
provincial, Father John Jennings, but was immediately imprisoned
because he refused to take the Oath of Allegiance. Released
through the efforts of his friends, he went to London, where he
was employed in the duties of the sacred ministry and where,
during his leisure moments, he composed "The Duel of Death"
(London, 1632 or 1633), an elegant metrical treatise on death,
which be dedicated to Queen Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles
I. When the persecution broke out anew in 1641, Colman returned
to England from Douai, whither he had gone to regain his health.
On 8 Dec. of the same year he was brought to trial, together
with six other priests, two of whom were Benedictines and four
members of the secular clergy. They were all condemned to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered on 13 Dec., but through the
interposition of the French ambassador the execution was stayed
indefinitely. Colman lingered on in Newgate for several years
until he died, exhausted by starvation and the hardships of the
dungeon where he was confined.
THADDEUS, The Franciscans in England (London, 1898), 62, 72,
106; COOPER in Dict. Nat. Bioq., s. v. Colman; HOPE, Franciscan
Martyrs in England (London, 1878), xi, 123 sqq; MASON, Certamen
Seraphicum (Quaracchi, 1885), 211, 228; LEO, Lives of the Saints
and Blessed of the Three Orders of St. Francis (Taunton, 1887),
IV, 368.
STEPHEN M. DONOVAN.
Joseph Ludwig Colmar
Joseph Ludwig Colmar
Bishop of Mainz; born at Strasburg, 22 June, 1760; died at
Mainz, 15 Dec., 1818. After his ordination (20 Dec., 1783) he
was professor of history and Greek at the Royal Seminary, and
curate at St. Stephen's, Strasburg. During the reign of terror,
brought about at Strasburg by the apostate monk, Eulogius
Schneider, he secretly remained in the city, and under various
disguises administered the sacraments. After the fall of
Robespierre he went about preaching and instructing, and worked
so successfully for the restoration of religion in the city of
Strasburg that Napoleon appointed him Bishop of Mainz; he was
consecrated at Paris, 24 August, 1802. The metropolitan see of
St. Boniface had been vacant for ten years; the cathedral had
been profaned and partially destroyed in 1793; a new diocese had
been formed under the old title of Mainz, but subject to the
Archbishop of Mechlin; revolution, war, and secularization of
convents, monasteries, and the property of the former
archdiocese had ruined his new diocese spiritually and
financially. Colmar worked like a true apostle; he rebuilt and
reconsecrated the profaned cathedral, and by his influence saved
the cathedral of Speyer which was about to be destroyed by order
of the Government. After many difficulties he opened a seminary
(1804), which he placed under the direction of the Venerable
Libermann; he visited every parish and school, and reorganized
the 1iturgical services, confraternities, devotions, and
processions, which the Revolution had swept away. His principal
aim was to organize a system of catechetical instruction, to
inspire his priests with apostolic zeal, and to guard them
against the false enlightenment of that age. He was an active
adversary of Wessenberg and the rationalistic liberal tendencies
represented by him and the Illuminati. He tried to reintroduce
several religious communities in his diocese, but accomplished,
however, only the restoration of the Institute of Mary Ward
(Dames Anglaises). Shortly before his death he established the
sisters of Divine Providence in the Bavarian part of his diocese
(the former Diocese of Speyer). During the epidemic of 1813 and
1814, after the battle of Leipzig, he personally served the sick
and dying. Colmar edited a collection of old German church hymns
(1807) and several excellent prayer books. His sermons were
published in seven volumes (Mainz, 1836; Ratisbon, 1879).
SELBST, J. L. Colmar (1902); REMLING, Gesch. der Bischoefe von
Speyer (Speyer, 1867); see also life by SAUSEN in both editions
of Colmar's sermons.
FREDERICK G. HOLWECK.
Cologne
Cologne
(Ger. KOeLN or COeLN), German city and archbishopric.
THE CITY
Cologne, in size the third city of Prussia, and the capital of
the district (Regierungsbezirk) of Cologne, is situated in the
lowlands of the lower Rhine on both sides of the river. Its area
is 45 square miles; its population (1 December, 1905), 428,722,
of whom 339,790 are Catholics, 76,718 Protestants, 11,035 of
other sects.
The history of Cologne goes back to the first century before
Christ. After Marcus Agrippa transplanted the Ubii from the
right to the left bank of the Rhine (38 B.C.), Ara Ubiorum, the
centre of the civil and religious life of this tribe, occupied
the site of the modern Cologne. In A.D. 50 Agrippina, the
daughter of Germanicus, founded here a colony of veterans called
Colonia Agrippina; the inhabitants of the two settlements
mingled freely with each other, while the Germans gradually
assumed Roman customs. After the revolt of the Batavians,
Cologne was made the capital of a Roman province and was
repeatedly the residence of the imperial court. At an early date
Christianity came to Cologne with the Roman soldiers and
traders; according to Irenaeus of Lyons, it was a bishop's see
as early as the second century. However, Saint Maternus, a
contemporary of Constantine, is the first historically certain
Bishop of Cologne. As a result of its favourable situation, the
city survived the stormy period of the migrations of the
Teutonic tribes. When the Ripuarian Franks took possession of
the country in the fifth century, it became the residence of
their king. On account of the services of the Bishops of Cologne
to the Merovingian kings, the city was to have been the
metropolitan see of Saint Boniface, but Mainz was chosen, for
unknown reasons, and Cologne did not become an archbishopric
until the time of Charlemagne. The city suffered heavily from
invasions of the Northmen, especially in the autumn of 881, but
recovered quickly from these calamities, especially during the
reign of the Saxon emperors and of such vigorous archbishops as
Bruno, Heribert, Piligrun, and others.
In the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Cologne
attained great prosperity. The basis of this prosperity was the
commercial activity of the city, which placed it in relation not
only with Northern Europe, but also with Hungary, Venice, and
Genoa. The local crafts also flourished; the spinners, weavers,
and dyers, the woollen-drapers, goldsmiths, sword-cutlers, and
armour-makers of Cologne were especially celebrated. The
ecclesiastical importance of the city was equally great; no city
north of the Alps was so rich in great churches, sanctuaries,
relics, and religious communities. It was known as the "German
Rome," and was annually visited by pilgrims, especially after
Rainald of Dassel, Archbishop of Cologne (1159-67), brought
thither the remains of the Three Magi from Milan. Learning was
zealously cultivated in the cathedral school, in the collegiate
chapters, and the cloisters; famous philosophers taught here,
among them Rupert of Deutz, Caesarius of Heisterbach, Duns
Scotus, and Blessed Albertus Magnus. The arts also flourished,
on account of the numerous churches and civil buildings. With
the growth of the municipal prosperity, the pride of the
citizens and their desire for independence also increased, and
caused them to feel more dissatisfied with the sovereignty of
the archbishop. This resulted in bitter feuds between the
bishops and the city, which lasted for two centuries with
varying fortunes. The first uprising occurred under Anno II, at
Easter of the year 1074; the citizens rose against the
archbishop, but were defeated within three days, and severely
punished. They received important concessions from Archbishop
Henry I of Molenark (1225-38) and his successor, the powerful
Conrad of Hostaden (1238-1261), who laid the corner-stone of the
cathedral. The bloody battle of Worringen in 1288, in which the
citizens of Cologne allied with Brabant took prisoner Archbishop
Siegfried of Westerburg (1274-97), resulted in an almost
complete freedom for the city; to regain his liberty, the
archbishop recognized the political independence of Cologne, but
reserved certain rights, notably the administration of justice.
A long period of peace with the outside world followed. Cologne
joined the Hanseatic League in the thirteenth century, and
became an imperial free city in the fourteenth. On the other
hand internal dissensions frequently disturbed the city. After
the close of the twelfth century the government of the city was
in the hands of patrician families, who filled all the offices
in the city government with members of their own order. In time
the craft organizations (guilds) increased in strength and
demanded a share in the government. As early as 1370, in the
uprising of the weavers, they gained the upper hand for a short
time, but it was not until 1396 that the rule of the patricians
was finally abolished. On 14 September of that year the new
democratic constitution was adopted, in accordance with which
only representatives of the guilds sat in the city council. The
last act of the patricians was the foundation of the university
(1388), which rapidly began to prosper. By their firmness and
wisdom the new rulers maintained themselves against the
patricians, against Archbishop Dietrich of Moers (1419), and
against Charles the Bold, who, in alliance with Archbishop
Ruprecht, sought to bring the city again under archiepiscopal
rule. It also suppressed domestic uprisings (for instance in
1481 and 1512). Throughout this period the city retained its
place as the first city of the German Empire, in which learning,
the fine arts, and the art of printing were vigorously
cultivated.
In the religious upheavals of the sixteenth century Cologne
remained true to Catholic doctrine, thanks chiefly to the
activity of the university, where such men as Cochlaeus, Ortwin
Gratianus, Jacob of Hoogstraeten, and others taught. Under their
influence, the city council held fast to Catholic tradition and
energetically opposed the new doctrines, which found many
adherents among the people and the clergy. Cologne remained a
stronghold of the old beliefs, and gave active support to the
Counter-Reformation, which found earnest champions in Johannes
Gropper, the Jesuits, Saint Peter Canisius, and others. The
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were a time of decadence
for the city; its importance diminished especially after the
Thirty Years War (1618-48) in which it was loyal to the emperor
and the empire, and was never captured. The university
eventually lost its prestige, because through over-caution it
opposed the most justifiable reforms; trade was diverted to
other channels; only its ecclesiastical glory remained to the
city, which was governed by a narrow-minded class of tradesmen
and often suffered from the dissensions between council and
citizens (in 1679-86 and the bloody troubles caused by Nicholas
Guelich). The outbreak of the French Revolution found it a
community with but slight power of resistance. The French
entered Cologne, 26 October, 1794, and the citizens were soon
severely oppressed by requisitions, forced loans, and
contributions. On 27 September, 1797, the old city constitution
was finally annulled, the French administrative organization
established, and the city made a part of the French department
of the Roer of which Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) was the capital.
The university was discontinued in 1798; it had dragged out a
miserable existence owing to the establishment of the University
of Bonn and the confused policy of the last archbishop. After
the downfall of French domination in Germany, Cologne was
apportioned by the Congress of Vienna to the Kingdom of Prussia.
It was made neither the seat of the government of the Rhenish
Province, nor the seat of the university, but it was restored to
its rank of metropolitan see, and in the nineteenth century,
under Prussian rule became the third largest city of Prussia and
attained unusual prosperity, economic, intellectual, and
ecclesiastical.
Only brief ecclesiastical statistics can be given here. In 1907,
besides the archbishop and assistant bishop, there were in
Cologne 214 priests, of whom 24 were members of the cathedral
chapter and 38 were parish priests, and 128 others engaged in
pastoral occupations. There are 12 Dominicans and 9 Franciscans.
The two deaneries of the city embrace 39 parish and 3 military
churches; in addition to the 39 parish churches, there are 22
lesser churches and 26 chapels. Religious societies are numerous
and powerful among more than 400 religious societies and
brotherhoods we may mention: Societies of Saint Vincent, Saint
Elizabeth, and Saint Charles Borromeo, Marian congregations for
young men and for young women, rosary confraternities,
Associations the Holy Childhood, Holy Family, of Christian
Mothers, etc. Among the trades organization the most powerful
are the four Catholic Gesellenvereine, with 4 hospices and 18
Catholic workingmens' unions. The male religious orders and
congregations are represented by Dominicans, Franciscans,
Alexian Brothers, Brothers of Charity, and Brothers of Saint
Francis; the female orders and congregations by Sisters of Saint
Benedict, the Borromean Sisterhood, the Cellites, Sisters of
Saint Dominic, Sisters of Saint Francis, Sisters of the Good
Shepherd, Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus, the Ursuline Sisters,
and Sisters of Saint Vincent; a total of 43 religious houses
with about 1140 inmates. The Alexian Brothers, the Brothers of
Charity, and the Brothers of Saint Francis, as well as almost
all the female religious orders, conduct numerous charitable and
educational institutions.
Among the churches of Cologne, the foremost is the cathedral,
the greatest monument of Gothic architecture in Germany. Its
cornerstone was laid by Archbishop Conrad of Hostaden, 14
August, 1248; the sanctuary was dedicated in 1322; the nave made
ready for religious services in 1388; the southern tower was
built to a height of about 180 feet in 1447; then the work of
building was interrupted for almost four hundred years. During
the French Revolution the cathedral was degraded to a hay barn.
In the nineteenth century the work of building was resumed,
thanks above all to the efforts of Sulpice Boisseree, who
excited the enthusiasm of the Crown Prince, afterwards King
Frederick William IV, for the completion of the work. The
restoration was begun in 1823; in 1842 the Cathedral Building
Society was founded, and generous contributions from all parts
of Germany resulted. The interior was finished, 15 October,
1863, and opened for Divine service; and 15 October, 1880, the
completion of the entire cathedral was appropriately celebrated
in the presence of the German emperor. The whole edifice covers
an area of about 7370 square yards; it has a nave 445 feet long,
five aisles, and a transept 282 feet wide with three aisles; the
height of the nave is about 202 feet, that of the two towers,
515 feet. Among the numerous works of art, the most famous are
the picture (Dombild) painted by Stephen Lochner about 1450, the
triptych over the high altar, the 96 choir seats of the
sanctuary, and the shrine in which are kept the relics of the
Three Kings in the treasury of the sacristy. The last is
considered the most remarkable medieval example of the
goldsmith's art extant. Among the other churches of the city,
the most noteworthy of those dating from the Romanesque period
are Saint Gereon, Saint Ursula, Saint Mary in the Capitol, Saint
Pantaleon, and the church of the Apostles; from the Transition
and the Gothic periods, Saint Cunibert, Saint Mary in
Lyskirchen, the church of the Minorites; from more recent times,
the Jesuit church, Saint Mary Pantaleon, and Saint Mauritius.
The city contains about 25 charitable institutions under
Catholic management.
THE ARCHBISHOPRIC
According to ancient legend a disciple of Saint Peter was the
first Bishop of Cologne, but the first historically
authenticated bishop was Saint Maternus, who was present in 314
at the Synod of Arles. Among the earliest bishops the most
prominent are: Euphrates, who took part in the Council of
Sardica (344) and in 346 was deposed as a heretic by a general
synod of Gaul; Saint Severinus (347-400), Saint Cunibert
(623-63?), councillor of the Frankish kings Dagobert and
Sigibert; Anno I (711-15), who brought the remains of Saint
Lambert from Maastricht to Liege; Saint Agilulfus (747-51);
Hildebold (785-819), chancellor under Charlemagne and, in 799,
first metropolitan of Cologne, whose suffragan sees were Liege,
Utrecht, Muenster, Bremen, Osnabrueck, and, after 829, Minden.
During the vacancy of the archiepiscopal office (842-50) Bremen
was cut off from the Archdiocese of Cologne, in spite of the
protests of Gunthar (850-71). Willibert (870-89) assisted Ludwig
the German to overcome Charles the Bald, by which action the
archbishopric became finally a part of the German Empire. Under
Hermann I (890-924) Bremen was definitively separated from
Cologne. In 954 Bruno I (953-65) was made Duke of Lorraine by
his brother, the Emperor Otto the Great; in this way the
foundation was laid for the temporal power of the archbishopric
of Cologne. For though Bruno's successors did not inherit the
ducal rank, they retained a considerable territory (the
Koelngau, or district of Cologne), in time increased by the
family possessions and acquisitions of many archbishops. Saint
Heribert (999-1021) was very active in promoting the welfare of
his diocese, was made chancellor for Italy by Otto III, and
aided Henry II at the time of his expedition to Rome in 1004.
Piligrim (1021-36), who accompanied Henry II and Conrad II on
their expeditions to Italy, obtained for himself and for his
successors the office of imperial chancellor for Italy. Hermann
II (1036-56) was followed by Saint Anno II, who did much for the
authority and honour of the See of Cologne; at the same time he
was the first archbishop to come into open conflict with the
city, now rapily growing in numbers and wealth.
As princes of the German Empire, the archbishops were very
frequently involved in dissensions between popes and emperors,
often to the injury of their Church, since they were frequently
in opposition to the pope. Frederick I (1100-31) was the last
Archbishop of Cologne to be invested with the episcopal ring and
crosier; in 1111, during the three-days fight in the streets of
Rome, he saved the Emperor Henry V from defeat, after his
imprisonment of Pope Paschal II, but in 1114 abandoned the
imperial party. His successor, Bruno II (1132-37), was again
imperial chancellor for Italy, which office, after the
incumbency of Arnold II of Wied (1151-56), was permanently
attached to the Archbishop of Cologne. Rainald of Dassel
(1159-67), the chancellor of Frederick Barbarossa, and Philip I
of Heinsberg (1167-91) increased the prestige of the see; the
latter prelate, after the fall of Henry the Lion, obtained as a
fief for himself and his successors the western part of the
Duchy of Saxony, under the title of Duke of Westphalia and
Engern. One of the most energetic archbishops in the following
years was Saint Engelbert. In his short reign (1216-21) he
furthered the moral and religious life by several synods, and by
the favour he showed the new orders of Franciscans and
Dominicans; he also restored order within the limits of his see,
and successfully opposed the continued efforts for civic
independence. The long political conflict between the
archbishops and the city, during which Conrad of Hostaden
(1238-61) and Engelbert II of Falkenburg (1261-74) made many
concessions was finally, as above stated, settled in favour of
the city, under Siegfried of Westerburg (1274-97). The
reconciliation of the archbishops with the city effected by
Wikbold of Holte (1297-1304) brought with it increasing
influence in the affairs of the German Empire. To the injury of
his see, Henry II of Virneburg (1304-32) allied himself with
Frederick the Handsome, while Walram of Juelich (1332-49)
obtained many privileges from the Emperor Charles IV, whom he
had raised to the imperial dignity against Louis of Bavaria. In
his time the Black Death spread over Germany and entailed great
misery. In 1356, under William of Gennep (1349-62), the dignity
of imperial elector, recognized since about the middle of the
thirteenth century as belonging to the archiepiscopal office,
was formally acknowledged by the Golden Bull. Kuno of
Falkenstein (1366-71), also Archbishop of Trier, added (1370) to
the temporalities of the see the County of Arnsberg. After his
resignation he was succeeded by Frederick III of Saarwerden
(1370-1414), who adhered to Urban VI on the occasion of the
Western Schism; after Urban's death he followed a vacillating
policy. His successor, Dietrich II of Moers (1414-63), sought to
make Cologne the strongest territorial power in Western Germany,
but he was unfortunate in his political enterprises, and brought
a heavy burden of debt on his see. Under him the city of Soest
was lost to Cologne. After his death, and before the appointment
of a new archbishop, the cathedral chapter, the nobility
(Ritterschaft) and the cities of the archiepiscopal state
(Erzstift) concluded an agreement (Erblandsvereinigung) with
regard to the archbishop's hereditary lands, whereby the
prelate's rights as temporal lord were considered limited in the
archepiscopal State, whose territory, it must be remembered, did
not coincide with the ecclesiastical limits of the archdiocese.
This agreement was henceforth sworn to by each archbishop at his
election. Ruprecht von der Pfalz (1463-80) squandered the
revenues of the see, sought by force to gain control of the
cities and castles previously mortgaged, and thereby entered
into conflicts with the holders of the mortgages. Violence,
arson, and devastation visited the diocese in consequence. In
1478 Ruprecht was captured and remained a prisoner until his
death. His successor, Hermann IV of Hesse, devoted his energy to
the restoration of order, paid a part of the public debt, and,
by the diocesan synod of 1483, whose decrees he vigorously
enforced, furthered the intellectual and moral elevation of
clergy and people. Philip II of Daun (1508-15) walked in the
footsteps of his predecessor.
The government of Hermann V of Wied (1515-47) brought trouble
and disaster on his see. At the Diet of Worms he at first
opposed the religious doctrines of Luther. He urged the banning
of the Reformer and held a provincial synod in 1536; gradually,
however, he turned away from the Catholic Faith, chose adherents
of Luther for his counsellors, and allowed the new doctrines to
be preached in his diocese. When he openly favoured the spread
of Protestantism, he was suspended in 1546, and forced to resign
(1547). By the advice of excellent men, such as Gropper,
Billick, and others, Adolph III of Schauenburg (1546-56) took
strong measures against the preachers brought in by Hermann, and
published vigorous decrees against immoral priests. His brother
Anton (1556-58) followed a similar course. Under Johann Gebhard
of Mansfeld (1558-62) Utrecht ceased to be a suffragan of
Cologne, and the Deanery of Zyfflich was incorporated with the
newly founded See of Roermond. After the brief reign of
Frederick IV of Wied (1562-67) and that of the vigorous Salentin
of Isenburg (1567-77), who resigned because he did not wish to
take priest's orders, Gebhard II Truchsess of Waldburg,
succeeded to the office. He followed the evil course of Hermann
of Wied. At first loyal to the Church, he became a Calvinist in
1582, owing to his passion for Agnes von Mansfeld, and sought to
Protestantize the see in 1583; he was put under the ban of the
empire and deposed, and Duke Ernest of Bavaria chosen as his
successor. With Protestant aid Gebhard sought to keep possession
of his diocese. But the War of Cologne (Koelnischer Krieg),
which lasted five years, and brought untold misery on the land,
ended in victory for the Catholic party. These attempts of
Hermann of Wied and Gebhard to alienate the archdiocese from the
Catholic Faith led to the establishment of a permanent papal
nunciature in Cologne which existed from 1584 to the extinction
of the archiepiscopal State at the end of the eighteenth century
(see NUNCIO; SECULARIZATION).
Ernest of Bavaria (1583-1612) was the first of the five princes
of the house of Wittelsbach who held the Electorate of Cologne
until 1761. Ferdinand of Bavaria (1612-50), Maximilian Henry
(1650-88), Joseph Clemens (1688-1723), and Clemens Augustus I
(1727-61) succeeded him. Following the tradition of their
princely house, these five archbishops were intensely loyal to
the Church, and upheld Catholicism in the archdiocese, which,
however, had lost 122 parishes in consequence of the
Reformation. However, in consequence of the repeated union of
several bishoprics in the hands of these Bavarian prelates, the
political administration of the territory was held to be of
primary, its religious government of secondary, importance.
Moreover, the foreign policy of these five Bavarian archbishops
was not always fortunate. By their alliance with France,
especially during the Spanish and Austrian Wars of Succession,
they furthered the political dissolution of the old German
Empire (begun in the Thirty Years War) and encouraged the
anti-Hapsburg policy of France which aimed at the final
overthrow of the German imperial power. Similarly, their
friendly relations to France favoured the introduction of
rationalism into Cologne. This spirit of opposition to the
Church and to the authority of the popes had a still stronger
hold upon Archbishop Maximilian Frederick of Koenigseck
(1761-84). In 1771 he founded an academy at Bonn in opposition
to the loyal Catholic University of Cologne, and in 1781 issued
in favour of the new academy an order according to which
attendance at the University of Cologne was punished by
inability to hold any office, either ecclesiastical or civil, in
the diocese. The last Elector of Cologne, Maximilian Francis of
Austria (1785-1801), took part in the anti-papal Congress of Ems
(q. v.), nominated Eulogius Schneider as professor in the
Academy of Bonn, which he raised to the rank of a University in
1786, and instituted reforms similar to those enacted by his
brother, the Emperor Joseph II, in Austria. As brother of Marie
Antoinette, he was at first opposed to the French Revolution,
but soon adopted a policy of inactivity which ultimately
resulted in the loss of independence both by the city and the
electorate. At the approach of the victorious French army the
elector left his residence at Bonn, never to see it again. The
French entered Cologne, 26 October, 1794, and Bonn, 8 November.
The conquered territory between the Meuse, the Rhine, and the
Moselle was divided into four departments governed by a civil
commissioner at Mainz, and incorporated with France by the Peace
of Luneville in 1801. In 1796 all the ecclesiastical property in
the part of the archdiocese held by the French was seized by the
civil authority; in 1802 all religious orders and congregations
were suppressed, and their property confiscated. By the
Concordat of 1801 between the Apostolic See and Napoleon I,
nearly all of the former archdiocese on the left bank of the
Rhine was given to the newly founded See of Aachen. The old
ecclesiastical organization remained undisturbed in the
archdiocesan territory on the right bank of the Rhine. After the
death of Maximilian Francis (1801), the cathedral chapter, which
had taken refuge in Arnsberg, chose the Austrian Archduke
Anthony as his successor, but he never occupied his see, owing
to Prussian opposition. In 1803 the remainder of the electorate
was secularized, an inglorious end for the ancient Archbishopric
of Cologne. The loss to the Catholic Church in Germany was
great. The archbishopric, i.e., the territory in which the
archbishop was also temporal ruler, included in its Rhenish
territory alone (without Westphalia) 60 square miles and about
199,000 inhabitants (in 1797), of whom 180,000 were on the left
bank of the Rhine.
In 1750 the archdiocese contained 860 parishes with as many
parish churches, 300 benefices, 400 chapels, 42 collegiate
chapters, 21 abbeys (10 Benedictine, 4 Premonstratensian, 7
Cistercian), 5 Benedictine provostships, 18 Minorite and 24
Franciscan monasteries, 2 Franciscan houses of the Third Order.
There were also 20 Capuchin houses, 6 Dominican, 3 Carthusian,
11 Augustinian, 8 of Knights of the Cross, 9 Jesuit (suppressed
in 1773), 2 Servite, and 2 Alexian. The Brothers of Saint
Anthony, the Carmelites, the Zionites, the Brothers of Saint
Martin had each one house. There were five establishments of the
Teutonic Order and nine of the Knights of Malta. The female
orders had a total of 146 nunneries (see below, Mooren, II1, 426
sqq.). The loss in costly gold and silver church plate,
vestments and the treasures of the libraries and archives, is
incalculable. When the disorders of the Napoleonic regime had
passed, the archdiocese was re-established by Pius VII. Its
territory had previously been made a part of Prussia by the
Congress of Vienna, in 1815. On 16 July, 1821, by the Bull "De
Salute animarum" the Archdiocese of Aachen was abolished, the
church of St. Peter in Cologne was again made a metropolitan
church, and the territories of the Archdiocese of Cologne
defined anew, with its present boundaries, except for a few
unimportant changes. It then included 44 deaneries and 685
parishes (536 on the left bank of the Rhine and 149 on the right
bank). On the 20th of December, 1824, Ferdinand August von
Spiegel was named by the pope as the first archbishop of the new
see; on 20 May, 1825, he took charge of the ecclesiastical
government, which had been carried on by the vicar capitular,
Johann Hermann Joseph von Caspars zu Weiss, from 1801 till his
death (1822), and after that time by Prothonotary Johann Wilhelm
Schmitz. Archbishop von Spiegel's administration (1824-35) was
in many ways beneficial. He alleviated many evils which had
crept in during the previous years and made serious efforts for
the education of the clergy and for the reorganization of his
diocese; nevertheless, he was too subservient to the Prussian
Government, and entered into a secret agreement with it in
regard to mixed marriages, contrary to the spirit of the
ecclesiastical marriage laws. His successor, Clemens Augustus,
Freiherr von Droste zu Vischering, who vigorously opposed the
spread of the Hermesian heresy, soon came into conflict with the
Prussian Government on the question of mixed marriages, as a
result of which he was taken prisoner, 20 November, 1837, and
confined in the castle of Minden. This event caused great
excitement throughout Germany, and helped to revive the
religious life and activity of the German Catholics. When
Frederick William IV came to the throne, the archbishop resigned
his office in favour of his coadjutor, Johann von Geissel,
Bishop of Speyer. As archbishop (1845-64), he displayed a most
auspicious activity and infused fresh religious vigour into his
diocese. Great injury was done the Church of Cologne by the
Prussian Kulturkampf. During its course Archbishop Paul Melchers
(1866-85) was imprisoned by the Government in 1874 (till 9
October), and then was forced to leave his diocese. The number
of priests fell from 1947 to about 1500, and many parishes
remained for years without a priest. After the conclusion of
peace between Rome and Prussia, Archbishop Melchers abdicated
his see. His successors, Philip Krementz (1885-99; cardinal,
1893), Hubert Simar (1899-1902), and Anton Fischer (since 6
November, 1902; cardinal since 22 June, 1903) devoted themselves
to repairing the evil done by the Kulturkampf and developing to
a prosperous state the religious and ecclesiastical life of the
diocese.
STATISTICS
The Archdiocese of Cologne includes the Prussian administrative
districts of Cologne and Aachen, the greater part of the
district of Duesseldorf and small portions of the districts of
Coblenz, Trier, and Arnsberg, altogether, 4219 square miles,
with about 2,700,000 Catholics (census of 1 December, 1900,
2,522,648). The parishes in 1907 numbered 917, with 51
deaneries; the priests included 1934 secular priests (of whom
214 were stationed in the cathedral city), 208 regulars, and
about 60 priests from other dioceses. The metropolitan chapter
consists of 1 cathedral, provost (Domprobst), 1 cathedral dean
(Domdechant), 10 residential, and 4 honorary canons. The
archbishop is chosen by the cathedral chapter, the Bishops of
Trier, Muenster, and Paderborn are his suffragans. Within the
city of Cologne there are 39 parishes and 3 military churches
grouped in two deaneries. In addition to the cathedral chapter
there is a collegiate chapter at Aachen. The educational
institutions under ecclesiastical control include the
archiepiscopal seminary for priests at Cologne, with 83 students
(1906-07), the Collegium Albertinum at Bonn (175 students), the
Collegium Leoninum at Bonn (104 students), the archiepiscopal
seminaries for boys at Neuss, Muenstereifel, Rheinbach, and
Opladen, 4 high schools and boarding-colleges for boys, and 26
boarding-schools for girls (the latter conducted by female
orders). For the higher education of the clergy there is the
Catholic faculty of theology at the University of Bonn, with 14
ecclesiastical professors, in addition to the (Cologne) seminary
for priests already mentioned. Ecclesiastical teachers are also
employed at 102 secondary schools (gymnasia, technical gymnasia,
high schools, academies, and Latin schools, etc.), and 5
Catholic teachers' seminaries, at 42 Catholic girls' high
schools and 5 Catholic training schools for women teachers. The
total attendance at all the intermediate and higher schools of
the archdiocese averages almost 17,400 Catholic boys and 11,700
Catholic girls. The total attendance at the primary schools
(Volksschulen) is 428,000 children in 11,560 classes. (For the
educational relations between the Church and the State see
PRUSSIA.)
The religious orders of men in the archdiocese have 42
establishments with about 1100 members, and the orders and
congregations of women have 401 with 6200 sisters, there being
in the cathedral city alone 43 religious houses with 1140
inmates. The following orders or congregations are represented:
Benedictines (1 establishment), Dominicans (2), Franciscans (9),
Camillians (1), Capuchins (2), Carthusians (1), Redemptorists
(2), Trappists (1), Fathers of the Holy Ghost and Immaculate
Heart of Mary (2), Alexian Brothers (9), Brothers of Charity
(6), Brothers of Saint Francis (6), Benedictine Sisters of
Perpetual Adoration (3), Borromean Sisters (18), Cellites (86)
Sisters of Christ (4), Congregation of the Blessed Virgin Mary
of Saint Peter Fourier (1), Handmaids of Christ (69), Sisters of
Saint Dominic (10), Order of Saint Elizabeth (35), Sisters of
Saint Francis (96), Ladies of the Good Shepherd (3), Sisters of
the Holy Child Jesus (10), Carmelite Sisters (3), Daughters of
the Holy Cross (15), Sisters of Christian Charity (4), Penitent
Recollects (1), School Sisters of Notre Dame (2), Ursulines (9),
Sisters of Saint Vincent (31). The orders of men are devoted
partly to pastoral and mission work, partly to charitable work;
the orders of women devote themselves almost entirely either to
educational work (instruction and care of young girls in various
establishments, sewing schools, girls' high schools, and
boarding-schools) or to charitable work in refuges,
working-women's homes, servant-girls' homes, the care of the
sick in hospitals, hospices, etc.
It is impossible to mention here all the numerous charities and
organizations found within the limits of the archdiocese;
complete statistics are given in M. Brandt's book, "Die
katholischen Wohlthaetigkeits-Anstalten und Vereine sowie das
katholischsociale Vereinswesen ins besondere in der Erzdioecese
Koeln" (Cologne, 1896). In the cathedral city alone there are
more than 400 religious societies and brotherhoods. The most
important of the organizations and charitable institutions in
the archdiocese which are not limited to a single parish are as
follows: 182 congregations and 71 societies for young men, 160
Catholic working-men's clubs, 74 Catholic journeymen's
associations (Gesellenvereine), 26 miners' associations, 29
congregations and societies of merchants, 10 societies for women
employed in stores, 55 homes and schools for working-women, 22
homes for the insane and idiots, 10 homes for servant girls, 9
refuges for fallen women, 90 orphanages; also the Elizabeth
societies and 225 conferences of the Society of Saint Vincent de
Paul, the Saint Regis societies, and others.
The most important churches are the cathedral (Dom) of Cologne
(see above), the cathedral of Aachen, the churches at Cologne
mentioned above, the cathedral churches at Bonn and Essen, the
church of Saint Quirinus in Neuss, the churches of the former
Abbots of Werden, Knechtsteden, Cornelimuenster, and Steinfeld,
the double church in Schwarz-Rheindorf, etc.
A complete bibliography of the city by KRUDEWIG is given in Die
Kunstdenkmaeler der Stadt Koeln (Duesseldorf, 1906), I, Pt. I
The most important works are: BIANCO, Die alte Universitaet
Koeln (Cologne, 1855), I; KEUSSEN, Die Matrikel der Universitaet
Koeln (Bonn, 1892); ENNEN, Frankreich und der Niederrhein oder
Geschichte von Stadt und Kurstaat Koeln siet dem 30 jahrigen
Kriege (2 vols., Cologne, 1855-56); IDEM, Geschichte der Stadt
Koeln (5 vols., Cologne and Neuss, 1863-80); Quellen zur
Geschichte der Stadt Koeln, ed. by EENNEN and ECKERTZ (6 vols.,
Cologne, 1860-79); Chronikender deutschen Staedte, vols. XII-XIV
(Leipzig, 1875-77); Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Koeln
(32 vols., Cologne, 1883-1904); Koelner Schreinsurkunden des 12.
Jahrhunderts, ed. by HOENIGER (2 vols., Bonn, 1884-94);
HOEHLBAUM-LAU, Das Buch Weinsberg, Koelner Denkwuerdigkeiten aus
den 16. Jahrhundert (4 vols., Leipzig and Bonn, 1886-98); Koeln
und seine Bauten (Cologne, 1888); MOHR, Die Kirchen von Koeln
(Berlin, 1889); KORTH, Koeln in Mittelalter (Cologne, 1891),
good bibliography; STEIN, Akten zur Geschichte der Verfassung
und Verwaltung der Stadt Koeln in 14. und 15. Jahrhundert (2
vols., Bonn, 1893-95); MERLO, Koelnische Kuenstler in alter und
neuer Zeit (Duesseldorf, 1895); SCHIEBLER AND ALDENHOVEN,
Geschichte der Koelner Malerschule (2 vols.. with 100
photogravures, Luebeck, 1894-96); KNIPPING, Die Koelner
Stadtrechnungen des Mittelalters (2 vols., Bonn, 1897-98); LAU,
Die Entwicklung der kommunalen Verfassung und Verwaltung der
Stadt Koeln bis zum Jahre 1396 (Bonn, 1898); HELMKEN, Koeln und
seine Sehenswuerdigkeiten (20th ed., Cologne, 1903); H. v.
LOESCH, Koelner Zunfturkunden (2 vols., Bonn, 1905); KEUSSEN,
Historische Topographie der Stadt Koeln in Mittelalter (Bonn,
1906); STEFFENS, Koelner Kirchenkalender fuer das Jahr 1907
(Cologne, 1907). For the cathedral consult: BOISSEREE,
Geschichte und Beschreibung des Doms zu Koeln (2nd ed., Munich,
1842); BOCK, Der Kunst- und Reliquienschatz des Koelner Doms
(Cologne and Neuss, 1870); SCHMITZ, Der Dom zu Koeln (150
tables, with text by ENNEN, Cologne, 1868-76); WIETHASE, Der Dom
zu Koeln (40 plates with text, Frankfurt, 1884-1889); HELMKEN,
Der Dom zu Koeln (4th ed., Cologne, 1899); LINDNER, Der Dom zu
Koeln (plates, Haarlem, 1904).
The older sources and works that treat of the Archdiocese of
Cologne are given by WALTER in Das alte Erzstift und die
Reichsstadt Koeln (Bonn, 1866), 3-18. Full bibliographical
references, especially for the individual archbishops, are found
in the Handbuch der Erzdioecese Keoln (4th ed., Cologne, 1905),
also the list of the assistant bishops, general vicars, and
nuncios of Cologne. The most important works of reference are:
BINTERIM AND MOOREN, Die alte und neue Erzdioecese Koeln (4
vols., Mainz, 1828-30; 2d ed. in 2 vols., Duesseldorf, 1892-93);
LACOMBLET, Urkundenbuch fuer die Geschichte des Niederrheins (4
vols., Duesseldorf, 1840-58); LACOMBLET, Archiv fuer die
Geschichte des Niederrheins (7 vols., Duesseldorf, 1832-70);
SIEBERTZ, Urkundenbuch fuer Landes- und Rechtsgeschichte des
Herzogtums Westfalen (3 vols., Arnsberg, 1839-54); MERING AND
REISCHERT, Die Bischoefe und Erzbischoefe von Koeln (2 vols.,
Cologne, 1842-44); BINTERIM, Die geistlichen Gerichteinder
Erzdioecese Koeln (Duesseldorf, 1849); ENNEN, Geschichte der
Reformation im Bereiche der alten Erzdioecese Koeln (Cologne,
1849); KAMPSCHULTE, Kirchlich-politische Statistik des vormals
zur Erzdioecese Koeln gehoerigen Westfalen (Lippstadt, 1869);
PODLECH, Geschichte der Erzdioecese Koeln (Mainz, 1879); DUMONT,
Descriptio Archidioecesis Coloniensis (Cologne, 1879); IDEM,
Geschichte der Pfarreien der Erzdioecese Koeln (Cologne, 1883-
1900), I-X; LEY, Die koelnische Kirchengeschichte im Anschluss
an die Geschichte der koelnischen Bischoefe und Erzbischoefe
(Cologne, 1883); Geschichtlicher Atlas der Rheinprovinz (Bonn,
1894-1901); KLEINERMANNS, Die Heiligen auf den bishoeflichen
bzw. erzbischoeflichen Stuhle von Koeln (Cologne, 1895), I;
JANSEN, Die Herzogsgewalt der Erzbischoefe von Koeln in
Westfalen (Munich, 1895); KNIEPING, Die Regesten der
Erzbischoefe von Koeln im Mittelalter (vol. II., Bonn, 1900;
vol. III in press, 1907); SAUERLAND, Urkunden und Regesten zur
Geschichte der Rheinlande aus dem vatikanischen Archiv (vol.
I-III., Bonn, 1902-05; vol. IV in press, 1907); KORTH, Die
Patrocinien der Kirchen und Kapellen im Erzbistum Koeln
(Duesseldorf, 1904); Kunstdenkmaeler der Rheinproivinz
(Duesseldorf, 1891-); Bau- und Kunstdenkmaeler von Westfalen
(Paderborn, 1893-); WOLF, Aus Kurkoeln im 16. Jahrhundert
(Berlin, 1906); EWALD, Die Siegel der Erzbischoefe von Koeln
948-1795 (Bonn, 1906); Westfaelisches Urkundenbuch, vol. III,
Die Urkunden des kolnischen Westfalen vom Jahre 1200- 1300
(Muenster, 18__-1907). For the Reformation period see: DROUVEN,
Die Reformation in der koelnischen Kirchenprovinz zur Zeit
Hermanns V. von Wied (Bonn, 1876); LOSSEN, Der koelnische Krieg
(I, Gotha, 1882; II, Munich, 1897), also Nuntiaturberichte aus
Deutschland (Pt. I, Paderborn, 1895 and 1899; Pt. III, vols. I
and II, Berlin, 1892 and 1894). The most important periodicals
are: Annalen des historischen Vereins fuer den Niederrhein ins
besondere die alte Erzdioecese Koeln (at present 83 vols.,
Cologne, 1855-). Jahrbuecher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden
im Rheinland (Bonn, 1842-); Westdeutsche Zeitschrift fuer
Geschichte und Kunst (Trier, 1882-), with supplementary volumes.
JOSEPH LINS
University of Cologne
University of Cologne
Though famous all through the Middle Ages for its cathedral and
cloister schools and for eminent scholars -- Albertus Magnus,
St. Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Scotus -- Cologne had no university
until near the end of the fourteenth century, when Urban VI, at
the instance of the Town Council, issued (21 May, 1388) the Bull
of foundation. The university was inaugurated the following year
with twenty-one magistri and 737 matriculated students. Further
privileges were granted by Boniface IX (1389, 1394), Duke
Wilhelm von Geldern (1396), and Emperor Frederick III (1442);
while special favour was shown the university by Gregory XII
(1406), Nicholas V (1447), and Pius II; the last-named Pope
addressed his "Bull of Retractation" (In minoribus agentes) to
the Rector and University of Cologne (26 April, 1463). The
university was represented at the Councils of Constance and
Basle, and was involved in the controversy regarding the
authority of council and pope. It took sides with the antipope
Felix V, but eventually submitted to Nicholas V. The Renaissance
movement met with opposition at Cologne, though among its
professors were the humanists Caesarius, Buschius, Glareanus,
Gratius, Phrissemius, and Sobius. During the same period may be
mentioned the theologians Arnold of Tongres and Hoogstraaten,
O.P. All these were involved in the conflict which centred about
Reuchlin (q.v.) and which did the university great harm. The
"Epistolae obscurorum virorum" were directed against the
theologians of Cologne. At the time of the Reformation, but few
of the professors joined the Protestant movement; the university
as a whole was strong in its defence of the Catholic Faith and
some of its students, as Cochlaeus and Eck, were afterwards
foremost champions of the Church. Failing on the other hand to
introduce the reforms needed in its own work and organization,
the university declined rapidly during the sixteenth century.
The vicissitudes of war, lack at means, and withdrawal of its
students reduced it to a nominal existence in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. In 1786 the founding of the University
of Bonn (q.v.) decided the fate of Cologne, which was unable to
withstand its more vigorous rival. The French troops entered
Cologne in October, 1794; in April, 1796, the university was
closed.
RASHDALL, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford,
1895, II, 25); BIANCO, Die alte Universitaet Koeln (Cologne,
1855), KEUSSEN, Die Matrikel d. Universitaet Koeln 1389 bis 1559
(Bonn, 1892); DENIFLE, Die Universitaeten des Mittelalters
(Berlin, 1885).
E.A. PACE
Blessed Colomba of Rieti
Blessed Colomba of Rieti
Born at Rieti in Umbria, Italy, 1467; died at Perugia, 1501.
Blessed Colomba of Rieti is always called after her birthplace,
though she actually spent the greater part of her life away from
it. Her celebrity is based -- as it was eve n in her lifetime --
mainly on two things: the highly miraculous nature of her career
from its very beginning, and her intense devotion to the Blessed
Sacrament. She was one amongst a number of saintly Dominican
women who seem to have been expressly raised up by God in
protest against, and as a sharp contrast to, the irreligion and
immorality prevalent in Italy during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. These women, nearly all of the Third Order, had an
intense devotion to St. Catherine of Siena, and ma de it their
aim to imitate her as nearly as possible. Many seculars, men as
well as women, shared this devotion, amongst these being Ercole
I, Duke of Ferrara, who had a deep admiration for Colomba and
for some other holy Dominican religious, her contemp oraries,
the most notable of whom were Blessed Osanna of Mantua and
Blessed Lucy of Narni. For the latter Ercole's veneration was so
great that he never rested until he had got her to come with
some of her nuns to live in Ferrara, where he built her a co
nvent and where she died after many troubles. She began when
quite a girl to practise austere penances and to subsist almost
entirely on the supernatural food of the Holy Eucharist, and
continued this for the greater part of her life. At nineteen she
jo ined the Dominican Tertiaries, of whom there were many in
town, though still living at home; and she soon won the
veneration of her fellow townspeople by her personal holiness as
well as by some miracles that she worked. But Colomba was not
destined to r emain in Rieti. In 1488 she left home and went to
Perugia, where the inhabitants recieved her as a saint, and in
the course of time built her the convent of St. Catherine, in
which she assembled all the Third Order Dominicanesses, who
desired her as superior in spite of her youth. In 1494, when a
terrible plague was raging in Perugia, she offered herself as
victim for the city. The plague was stayed, but Colomba herself
was struck down by the scourge. She recovered only to save her
sanctity severly tried by widely spread calumnies, which reached
Rome, whence a commssion was sent to examine into her life. She
was treated for some time as an imposter, and desposed from her
office of prioress; but finally her innocence triumphed. In 1495
Alexander VI, having heard of Colomba's holiness and miracles
from his son the Cardinal Caesar Borgia, who had been living in
Perugia, went himself to the city and saw her. She is said to
have gone into ecstasy at his feet, and also to have boldy told
him of all personal sin s. The pope was fully satisfied of her
great sanctity, and set the seal of approval on her mode of
life. In the year of 1499 she was consulted, by authorities who
were examining into the manner, concerning the stigmata of
Blessed Lucy of Narni, and spok e warmly in favour of their
being genuine, and of her admiration for Blessed Lucy's
holiness. Her relics are still venerated at Perugia, and her
feast is kept by her order on 20 May.
F.M. CAPES
Colombia
Colombia
(Republic of Colombia; formerly United States of Colombia)
Colombia forms the north-west corner of the South American
Continent. It is bounded on the north by the Caribbean Sea, on
the east by Venezuela, on the south by Brazil and Peru, on the
south-west by Ecuador. The Pacific Ocean bounds it on the west
and on the north-west the Republic of Panama and the Gulf of
Darien. Its area is variously calculated at from 450,000 to
about 500,000 square miles, but exact data are not obtainable.
Colombia has at least eleven active or dormant volcanoes, the
tallest of which, Huila, rises to about 19,000 feet and seems to
be the highest point in the country. Almost on the Caribbean
shores are the mud-volcanoes of Turbaco. The republic is highly
favoured by nature in most parts of its territory, and capable
of producing nearly every staple. It is very rich in useful
tropical plants. The animal kingdom, too, is far better
represented than farther south along the Pacific coast. The
climate shows all possible varieties, from the moist heat of the
lowlands to the bitter cold of the mountain wastes.
Since 1870 no census of the population has been attempted.
To-day the number of inhabitants is variously estimated, four
millions being a likely conjecture. One estimate (made in 1904)
gives 3,917,000 souls; another, two years later, 4,680,000, of
which 4,083,000 for the sixteen departments,