Northern California History
Transcribed by Kathy Sedler
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A Memorial and Biographical History of Northern California - Chicago, Lewis
Publ. Co., 1891
AMERICAN INVASION.
In historic events like that of the taking of Sonoma and the hoisting of
the bear flag, we naturally expect to find some continuity of antecedent causes
leading up to the occurrence. But that great event stands out, in bold relief, a
conspicuous exception to the rule. Like Topsy, who averred "I was not born'd�I
jes growed up," the Bear Flag party seemed to be laboring under equal perplexity
as to their origin and ultimate destiny. The happy outcome of their venture can
be compressed into the single sentence, "All is well that ends well." Search and
sift history as we may there can be found no authentic connection between the
little band of adventurers and any responsible United States authority. There
has been a great deal said and written upon the subject that inclines the casual
reader of history to believe that the taking of Sonoma was but the first act in
a well matured plan which was to ultimate in placing California under the stars
and stripes of the United States; but we find nothing to warrant such
conclusion. The majority of the Bear Flag party were frontiersmen with more
nerve than education, and to believe them capable of carrying out to a
successful conclusion the secret orders of the United States Government
authorities, and never after disclosing the same, would be too great a tax upon
even extreme credulity. It is true that General Fremont had been in California
for some time, ostensibly at the head of a scientific expedition, but with a
force at his back ample to render secure his travels while here, but till now it
has never been revealed that he was clothed by the government that he
represented with any powers of a revolutionary character. While his attitude had
been defiant of California authority and his hoisting of the American flag on
Gabilan Peak, almost in sight of the California capital, a bold affront to
Castro, California's military chieftain, yet there is no evidence, as yet, that
his acts were other than the effervescence of an individual disposed to magnify
the importance of his mission. The effects of Fremont's acts were two-fold. The
Californians believing him to be acting under instructions from his government,
naturally believed that he was here for the purpose of fomenting a revolutionary
spirit among foreigners resident here, and they were more disposed than ever to
enforce the laws prohibitory of indiscriminate immigration. The American
settlers finding themselves more and more the objects of suspicion by the
California authorities, naturally took it for granted that as Fremont had been
the instrument of inciting the authorities to a more rigid enforcement against
them of existing immigration laws, he knew what he was about, and would stand by
them if trouble came.
Aside from the fact that all knew that war was imminent between the
United States and Mexico, California was rent and torn by internal discord. The
Territorial government had ever been, at best, a weak one, but during the past
decade it had gone from bad to worse, until chaos seemed to brood over the
Territory from Sonoma to San Diego. The government was divided; one part being
administered from Los Angeles and the other from Monterey, and each wing in open
revolt against the authority of the other. In the very teeth of a threatened
danger from without, Governor Pio Pico at Los Angeles and General Castro at
Monterey were seemingly only intent on each other's overthrow. The action of
Fremont, already referred to, in flaunting the stars and stripes upon Gabilan
Peak seems to have brought General Castro to something like a correct
appreciation of the fact that there was great need of unification and effort
among California authorities. This he tried to impress upon Pico in the south,
but the suspicious governor saw fit to construe the efforts of Castro to get the
military upon a defensive basis, into a menace to himself; and the people of the
entire South seemed to be in entire accord with him on the subject. In truth,
the people of the lower and upper portion of the Territory seem to have been as
completely estranged and soured against each other as if their origin had been
from distinct races. Hence, was witnessed the pitiful endeavor of Pio Pico to
gather together a force sufficient to proceed to Monterey for the purpose of
subjugating Castro, at the very time the latter was equally intent upon
gathering a force to meet what he conceived to be a great danger on the northern
frontier. To California, the early months of 1846 seems to have been a dark
period to all fruitful of junto meetings and dark-room cabals, when all were
suspicious of each other, and it seemed politic for no man to let his right hand
know what his left hand was doing.
While this condition of doubt and uncertainty was unmistakably true as
related to the Californians, it was only less true, in a modified degree, as
related to the Americans then resident here. While they were united in heart and
sentiment, they were completely out at sea without chart or compass, in the face
of a brewing storm. If Fremont's action in Monterey County had encouraged them
to believe that he had authority to raise the standard of revolution in
California, that belief must have received a chill when he, a few weeks later,
with his sixty men started northward to Oregon, with the avowed purpose of
returning East by that route. That this was not a strategic movement on his part
is evidenced by letters he wrote at the time both to his wife and his
father-in-law, Hon. Thomas H. Benton.
Thomas O. Larkin was the secret and confidential agent of the United
States Government in California and he certainly had no commission to do
anything in the direction of encouraging the raising of the standard of revolt
in California. Fremont's conduct seems to have been to him a complete enigma.
Larkin's instructions were to feel the pulse of Californians as well as
Americans in reference to peaceable annexation to the United States, and any
demonstration on the part of the Americans in the direction of violence and
force could but complicate and render more difficult his task. He had sagacity
enough to understand this, and seems to have directed all his energies in the
direction of a peaceable solution of the problem he was to assist in working
out. It must be borne in mind that Thomas O. Larkin had long been a resident
merchant in California and that his intimate connection and association with the
leading men of California, both natives and foreigners, peculiarly fitted him
for this labor of paving the way for peaceable annexation of California to the
United States. But that he was not taken into all the secret councils of the
nation is manifest from the instructions of Hon. George Bancroft, then the
Secretary of War under President Polk, under date of June 24,1845, nearly a year
before war was declared between the United States and Mexico. The Secretary's
instructions to Commodore Sloat were:
"If you ascertain that Mexico has declared war against the United
States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, and
occupy such other ports as your force may permit. You will be careful to
preserve, if possible, the most friendly relations with the inhabitants, and
encourage them to adopt a course of neutrality."
On the 13th of May, 1846, war was declared. On that very day Secretary
Bancroft again instructed Commodore Sloat to carry out his first orders "with
energy and promptitude." Only two days later we find Secretary Bancroft writing
the following instructions to Commodore Sloat: "A connection between California
and Mexico is supposed scarcely to exist. You will, as opportunity offers,
conciliate the confidence of the people of California. You will conduct yourself
in such a manner as will render your occupation of the country a benefit," etc.
In a dispatch dated June 8th, 1846, the American Secretary comes out a little
plainer. He says: "If California separates herself from our enemy, the central
Government of Mexico, and establishes a government of its own under the auspices
of the American flag, you will take such measures as will best promote the
attachment of the people of California to the United States. You will bear in
mind that this country desires to find in California a friend; to be connected
with it by near ties; to hold possession of it," etc. On July 12 he speaks still
plainer: "The object of the United States has reference to ultimate peace, and
if at that peace the basis of the 'uti possidetis' shall be adopted, the
Government expects to be in possession of California."
While the instructions to Larkin seem to have been of an entirely
pacific and diplomatic character, it is quite evident that the authorities at
Washington did not intend to allow the formalities of red tape to stand in the
way of the acquisition of California.
There were two men on the northern frontier, both occupying commanding
positions, and each destined to fill a conspicuous place in the history of those
stirring times. One was General M. G. Vallejo, and the other Captain John A.
Sutter. At this time, when California was nearing her final struggle with
manifest destiny, it is important to know just how and where they stood. Much
has been said and written on the subject, so much that it has become confusing
and difficult to always determine where history ends and fiction begins. Vallejo
and Sutter both were officers of the California government and as such owed good
faith and allegiance to their country. We find nothing to warrant the conclusion
that either proved recreant to their trust.
Vallejo evidently had a very strong premonition that California had
reached the beginning of the end. So believing, he evidently had little heart or
concern about the personal quarrels of Pico, Castro and other factious would-be
leaders of California. When called into council on the alarming condition of the
times, he was free to express his opinions, and so far as reliable evidence
goes, it was always to the effect that if it came to the worst and a change of
government had to be made, it was to the United States that California could
look for the strongest arm of protection and speedy development of her latent
resources. While those were his sentiments expressed in council with his
country�men, he in no wise seems to have abandoned hope that California might
yet be safely steered through her dangers. This is evidenced by two
circumstances. Governor Pico addressed a letter to Vallejo, probably in April,
in which he chided him somewhat sharply for his apparent adhesion to Castro, the
every act of whom Pico seemed to regard as dangerous usurpation of military
power, the ultimate aim of which was the overthrow of the civil government.
Vallejo's reply to Pico was both temperate and patriotic. He did not hesitate to
admonish Pico that he was allowing his jealousy to befog his better
judgment�that Castro was making an effort to properly face a real danger, and he
warned Pico that the time had come when unity of action was imperative if
California would continue to exist in her present form. He pointed out to the
Governor the folly of expecting a general in the face of a threatened danger, to
wait for the transmission of orders such a long distance as intervened between
Los Angeles and Monterey. These wise and temperate counsels of Vallejo seem to
have been wasted upon Pico, for he appears to have gone forward in his endeavor
to marshal a sufficient force to march to Monterey and overthrow Castro. The
second circumstance which shows that Vallejo had not yet lost all hope is the
fact that early in June Castro visited Sonoma on his mission of gathering war
supplies, and secured a large number of horses. Of these horses more will be
said a little further on. Of what occurred between Vallejo and Castro at that
time there seems to be little of record. Intelligent reflection draws two
conclusions somewhat difficult to harmonize. That a matter of 170 horses was
furnished by Vallejo to Castro would clearly indicate that the former was
willing to contribute liberally toward the common defense, for Castro lacked the
power, if he had the will, to exact from Vallejo forced contributions. The next
question to harmonize with a cheerful desire of Vallejo to heartily second
Castro's seeming patriotic efforts is, why was it that Sonoma with an armament
of nine cannons of various caliber, and at least two hundred muskets, was not
brought into requisition in a time of such great peril? It was to the east and
north that Castro was looking for lurking danger, and if that General and
Vallejo were working together in perfect accord, it seems little short of
amazing that Sonoma was left to repose in sleepy security without a cannon
shotted or a musket in hand or sentinel to signal the alarm of an approaching
foe.
Of Captain John A. Sutter little in this connection need be said. Being
a citizen by naturalization, his position was different from that of Vallejo. It
is true he was holding position under the California government, but his
attachment to the country of his adoption never seems to have outweighed his own
personal objects and aims in business. But even he is not chargeable with having
been guilty of gross perfidy to the land that had given him wealth and honor.
This is evidenced by the two-fold fact that he took pains to warn the government
at Monterey that a man named Gillespie, who had been at Monterey and was then
following Fremont north, was a secret emissary of the United States. At the same
time, and with possibly a less patriotic motive, he again called the attention
of the California government to the importance of strengthening itself in the
Sacramento Valley, and for that purpose offered to sell his establishments at
New Helvetia. This, on his part, was business, simon pure, and should not be
allowed to counterbalance too much of the good deeds and kind offices of that
historic pioneer to the weary travel-worn American immigrants, so many of whom
enjoyed his benefactions. Sutter was a man of pretty good common sense and was
not blind to the fact that California was liable to be in an eruptive state at
any moment; and, like Micawber, was "just waiting for something to turn up."
It was now in early May of 1846, and General Fremont, with his sixty
explorers, was well on his way northward, having pitched camp on the shores of
Klamath Lake. General Castro, doubtless elated at having achieved a bloodless
victory in taking the abandoned fort of Fremont on Gabilan Peak, was now seeking
new fields of glory. Pio Pico was yet in the south intent upon marshaling a
sufficient force to warrant him in visiting the northern end of the Territory of
which he was governor. Consul Larkin was inditing confidential epistles to all
such as to whom he thought could be entrusted the secret and work of peaceable
annexation of California to the United States. General M. G. Vallejo was in
quiet repose at Sonoma, apparently having converted his sword into a plow�share,
his spear into a pruning hook, and his martial field-glasses into a medium
through which to watch his herds and flocks upon a thousand hills. Captain John
A. Sutter was looking after his fields of waving grain at Hawk Farm, doubtless
anticipating a paying harvest, for the incoming immigration expected from over
the mountains was variously estimated at from 1,000 to 5,000 souls. The hills
and valleys of this genial clime were doubtless clad in verdure and flowers; and
yet the very air was oppressive with the forecast of revolution and sanguinary
strife.
A new Richmond, with closed visor, had now appeared upon the field. He
answered to the plain name of Archibald H. Gillespie, and had reached Monterey
the 17th of April. Larkin had already received a letter from James Buchanan, the
then Secretary of State, informing him that, "Lieutenant Archibald H. Gillespie,
of the marine corps, will immediately proceed to Monterey, and will probably
reach you before this dispatch. He is a gentleman in whom the President reposes
entire confidence. He has seen these instructions, and will co-operate as a
confidential agent with you in carrying them into execution." Gillespie was a
month behind time in reaching Monterey in consequence of unavoidable delays in
Mexico. That his dispatches to Larkin were of a very important and secret
character is evidenced by the fact that lest they might fall into Mexican hands,
Gillespie had memorized them and then destroyed the paper upon which they were
written. On reaching Monterey he was plain Mr. Gillespie, an American merchant,
traveling for the benefit of his health. He was also the bearer of a letter of
introduction from Hon. Thomas H. Benton to his son-in-law, General Fremont, as
well as a package of private letters from the same distinguished statesman to
the "Pathfinder." After lingering a little at Monterey, doubtless to give color
to his assumed character, Lieutenant Gillespie one night embarked for New
Helvetia, and arriving there at once began to arrange for an escort to accompany
him on the trail of Fremont. It was then, as already stated, that Captain Sutter
conveyed to the authorities at Monterey his suspicion that Gillespie was a
secret emissary of the United States Government. Lieutenant Gillespie made all
haste northward. Historian Bancroft gives the following graphic account of this
journey and the tragic occurrences attending it:
"This officer, of whose arrival I will have more to say presently, had
reached Sutter's April 28th, and Lassen's the 1st of May. From that point, with
only five companions, Lassen, Neal, Sigler, Stepp and a negro servant named Ben,
he started May 2, on Fremont's trail. On the 7th two men were sent in advance,
and the others encamped at the outlet of Klamath Lake, unable to ford the river,
and having nothing to eat for forty hours. On the morning of the 9th a party of
Indians made their appearance, who, with great apparent kindness, gave the
travelers a fresh salmon for food, and ferried them over the water in canoes.
After a day's journey of some thirty miles, Gillespie met Fremont at sunset, at
a stream named from the events of that night, Ambuscade Creek. The sixteen tired
travelers retired early after the two parties were united on May 9th, and were
soon sleeping soundly�Fremont sitting up later than the rest to read his
dispatches and letters from home. The Indians were deemed friendly, and no watch
was kept. Just before midnight the camp was attacked by savages, Basil
Lajeunesse and a Delaware were killed as they slept, by blows from axes. The
sound of these blows aroused Carson and Owens, who gave the alarm; when the
Indians fled, after killing with their arrows a Delaware named Crane, and
leaving dead a chief of their number, who proved to be the very man from whom
Gillespie had that morning been furnished with food and aid further south. Next
morning they started northward to join the main body, burying the bodies of
their slain comrades on the way. The whole party started on the 11th down the
eastern side of the lake, wreaking terrible vengeance on the innocent natives
along the route, if we may credit the statement of Kit Carson, who played a
leading part in the butcheries. They reached Lassen's rancho on their return the
24th, and a few days later moved their camp down to the Buttes."
This awakens the reflection that the greatest of human events are
subject to the modifying influence of currents and cross-currents; for had the
Indians who made that midnight attack been successful in their evident design to
massacre all in that unguarded camp, it is more than probable that the Bear Flag
revolution would never have formed a chapter of California history. Mr. Bancroft
expresses the opinion that Gillespie's meeting with Fremont had nothing to do
with the latter's return northward�that "the Captain had nearly determined, on
account of the difficulty of crossing the mountains into Oregon on account of
the snow," to retrace his steps. We dissent from this view of the subject. If
Gillespie was only the bearer of instructions to Fremont couched in the same
language of diplomacy as that used by Secretary Buchanan in imparting to Larkin
the duties devolved upon him by the President, then the continued presence of
Fremont could have served no good end. In truth, his continued presence would be
detrimental to the very object Larkin was expected to achieve. Gillespie must
have had full knowledge of what Fremont had done at Gabilan Peak, and as he was
the duly accredited secret agent of the United States government it is but
reasonable to suppose that he would have at least some advisory influence with
Fremont. Then, again, Fremont and Larkin were occupying entirely different
positions, and it is quite probable that while the latter was expected only to
use the weapons of diplomacy, the former may have been accorded discretionary
power, if circumstances seemed to warrant, to use more weighty arguments. But
outside of all this it must he remembered that Gillespie had placed in Fremont's
hands letters from Hon. Thomas H. Benton. The latter was just as near to the
war-making power as was James Buchanan, and he was under no trammel to measure
his words with red tape. While he was not in a position to give Fremont either
instructions or orders, it is fair to presume that he would intimate to the
husband of his favorite daughter the true condition of affairs and impress upon
him the importance of holding himself in readiness to improve any opportunities,
such as were liable to suddenly arise, for preferment and position. To believe
that Fremont had any serious intention of leaving California just at a time when
he must have known that right here and then he was upon the very eve of the
fruition of Benton's most ardent expectation, would be to impute to him a lack
of regard for name and fame singularly at variance with reputed character of
either himself or Mr. Benton.
But we now put behind us matters speculative and enter upon the domain
of thrilling facts. During Fremont's absence north there were all kinds of wild
rumors afloat, and they lost nothing as they passed from mouth to mouth.
Castro's war preparations had been magnified into an expressed purpose on his
part to drive the American settlers out of the country. It was rumored and so
believed, that the Indians of the Sacramento Valley were being incited to an
uprising, and that as soon as the grain fields were far enough advanced to be
combustible, the torch would be applied. Captain Sutter seems to have given
credence to these stories, for he was on an active Indian campaign against some
of the lawless tribes. Fremont had moved camp from the Buttes to Bear River,
near where Nicholas now stands. It was but natural that his camp should become
the head centre, around which the hopes and expectations of his
fellow-countrymen should cluster. The settlers knew that Gillespie was acting
upon some authority of the United States government, and his swift haste
northward after Fremont, and the latter's equally speedy return, had to them a
significance that they were close to exciting times. There is nothing of record
to show that General Fremont either counseled action, or quiet, on the part of
American settlers. He seems to have been a passive listener to the recital of
their plans and grievances, but somehow, the most unlettered of those
frontiersmen, gathered from his very silence, assent that he would stand between
them and harm. The people were ripe for revolution and the favored chance to
strike the first blow opportunely came.
As has already been stated, General Castros' visit to General Vallejo in
the first week of June resulted in his securing 170 horses. Having achieved this
much toward placing himself upon a stable war footing, Castro returned by boat
to Yerba Buena, entrusting the horses to the care and management of his private
secretary, Francisco Arce, Lieutenant Jos� Maria Alviso and an escort of eight
men, for safe conduct to Santa Clara. Leaving Sonoma with the band of horses,
they reached what is now Knight's Landing, on the Sacramento River, where a
crossing was effected, and on June 8th they reached Sutter's Fort. It is alleged
that Arce told some one on his route that the horses were for Castro, and to be
used in driving the American settlers out; but this was probably idle rumor. But
whether true or not, it served to intensify the excitement, which was now at
about white heat. On the afternoon of June 9th, eleven or twelve Americans
started on the trail of Arce and Alviso and their band of horses. These men are
said to have started from the neighborhood of Fremont's camp, and a man named
Hensley is the authority that they were sent by Fremont; but this lacks the
evidence that should back a historic fact. In passing New Helvetia, this company
was increased by two new recruits. Ezekiel Merritt commanded the expedition.
Of its members, Semple, Henry L. Ford and Granville P. Swift, afterward
for long years a resident of Sonoma County, are the only names known with
certainty. Crossing the American River late in the evening, they made their
first stop at the rancho of Allen Montgomery, who not only furnished them a
supper, but he, with another man, accompanied them to lend a hand at striking
this first blow of revolution. Arce and Alviso had stopped for the night at the
rancho of Murphy, using his corral for their horses. Merritt and his men camped
within three miles of the place, and at early dawn, on the morning of the
ever-memorable 10th of June, 1846, swooped down upon the unsuspecting Arce and
Alviso, and in a trice had them and their men disarmed. That Merritt and his men
were not heartless desperadoes is apparent from the fact that they allowed the
vanquished to retain each a horse, and recognized Alviso's claim to a few more
as private property; after which their arms were restored to them and they were
made the bearers of a message to Castro, that if he wanted his horses he could
come after them. Arce also reported to Castro that the insurgents had declared
their purpose to take Sonoma. This declaration of their intent was a subject of
official announcement at Monterey two days before Sonoma was captured, which
proves that Arce and Alviso had not falsely reported the utterance of Merritt
and his followers. The revolutionists, with their band of horses, were back to
the neighborhood of Fremont's camp within forty-eight hours after they set out
on their mission. While there seems to have been no preconcerted action on the
part of the American settlers in this high-handed act, they all seemed to have
assented to the fact that the bridges had been burned behind them, and all they
had to do now was to "fight it out on that line if it took them all summer."
It was the 11th of June that Merritt and his followers returned with
Castro's horses. They seem to have acted on the principle of "making hay while
the sun shines," for on that afternoon the company was increased to twenty men,
still led by Ezekiel Merritt, who took their departure in the direction of
Sonoma. That night they reached Gordon's, on Cache Creek, where they halted for
refreshments, and then made a night march to Napa Valley, which they reached on
the forenoon of June 12th. In Napa Valley they remained two days, evidently for
the purpose of strengthening their force, which they did by the enrollment of
twelve or thirteen additional men. The force now numbered either thirty-two or
thirty-three, who, so far as is now ascertainable, responded to the following
names: Ezekiel Merritt, William B. Ide, John Grigsby, Robert Semple, H. L. Ford,
William Todd, William Fallon, William Knight, William Hargrave, Sam Kelsey, G.
P. Swift, Sam Gibson, W. W. Scott, Benjamin Dewell, Thomas Cowie, William B.
Elliott, Thomas Knight, Horace Sanders, Henry Booker, Dav. Hudson, John Sears,
and most of the following: J. H. Kelly, C. C. Griffith, Harvey Porterfield, John
Scott, Ira Stebbins, Marion Wise, Ferguson, Peter Storm, Pat. McChristian,
Bartlett Vines, Fowler, John Gibbs, Andrew Kelsey, and Benjamin Kelsey. It was
about midnight of Saturday, the 13th of June, that this motley crowd of
frontiersmen took to saddle and proceeded across the hills intervening between
Napa Valley and the Pueblo of Sonoma. Just at break of day they reached that
fortified stronghold of Northern California, and neither baying of watch-dog nor
cackling of goose aroused the sleeping Sonomans to a sense of impending danger.
Every reader will expect to hear, in detail, exactly what transpired on that
memorable occasion. Bancroft has in his possession many of the original
documents connected with that event, or authenticated copies. He is certainly in
a position to give as near the absolute facts in connection therewith as will
ever be attainable, as very many of the participants in the capture of Sonoma
are now dead. We have had from General Vallejo's own lips a statement of the
individual part he played in the event, and it is substantially the same as
recited by Mr. Bancroft. Believing that historian Bancroft gives a true and
reliable version of the whole occurrence, we incorporate it here. It is as
follows:
"At daylight Vallejo was aroused by a noise, and on looking out saw that
his house was surrounded by armed men. This state of things was sufficiently
alarming in itself, and all the more so by reason of the uncouth and even
ferocious aspect of the strangers. Says Semple: Almost the whole party was
dressed in leather hunting-shirts, many of them very greasy; taking the whole
party together, they were about as rough a looking set of men as one could well
imagine. It is not to be wondered at that any one would feel some dread in
falling into their bands. And Vallejo himself declares that there was by no
means such a uniformity of dress as a greasy hunting-shirt for each man would
imply. Vallejo's wife was even more alarmed than her husband, whom she begged to
escape by a back door, but who, deeming such a course undignified as well as
impracticable, hastily dressed, ordered the front door opened, and met the
intruders as they entered his sala, demanding who was their chief and what their
business. Not much progress in explanation was made at first, though it soon
became apparent that the Colonel, while he was to consider himself a prisoner,
was not in danger of any personal violence. Lieutenant-Colonel Prudon and
Captain Salvador Vallejo entered the room a few minutes later, attracted by the
noise, or possibly were arrested at their houses and brought there; at any rate,
they were put under arrest like the Colonel. Jacob P. Leese was sent for to
serve as interpreter, after which mutual explanations progressed more favorably.
"Early in the ensuing negotiations between prisoners and filibusters, it
became apparent that the latter had neither acknowledged leader nor regular plan
of operations beyond the seizure of government property and of the officers.
Some were acting, as in the capture of Arce's horses, merely with a view to
obtain arms, animals, and hostage�to bring about hostilities, and at the same
time to deprive the foe of his resources; others believed themselves to have
undertaken a revolution, in which the steps to be immediately taken were a
formal declaration of independence and the election of officers, Merritt being
regarded rather as a guide than captain. All seemed to agree, however, that they
were acting under Fremont's orders, and this to the prisoners was the most
assuring feature in the case. Vallejo had for some time favored the annexation
of California to the United States. He had expected and often predicted a
movement to that end. There is no foundation for the suspicion that the taking
of Sonoma and his own capture were planned by himself, in collusion with the
filibuster chiefs, with a view to evade responsibility; yet it is certain that
he had little, if any, objection to an enforced arrest by officers of the United
States as a means of escaping from the delicacy of his position as a Mexican
officer. Accordingly, being assured that the insurgents were acting under
Fremont, he submitted to arrest, gave up keys to public property, and entered
upon negotiations with a view to obtain guarantees of protection for
non-combatants.
"The guarantees sought were then drawn up in writing and signed by the
respective parties. The originals of those documents are in my possession, and
are given in a note.
The following are the documents referred to by Mr. Bancroft:
SONOMA, June 14,1816.
Be it known by these presents, that, having been surprised by a numerous armed
force which took me prisoner, with the chief and officers belonging to the
garrison of this place that the said force took possession of, having found it
absolutely defenseless, myself as well as the undersigned officers pledge our
word of honor that, being under the guarantees of prisoners of war, we will not
take up arms for or against the said armed forces, from which we have received
the present intimation, and a signed writing which guarantees our lives,
families, and property, and those of all the residents of this jurisdiction, so
long as we make no opposition.
M. G.
VALLEJO,
VICTOR
PRUDON,
SALVADOR
VALLEJO.
We, the undersigned, have resolved to establish a government upon
republican principles, in connection with others of our fellow-citizens, and
having taken up arms to support it, we have taken three Mexican officers as
prisoners, General M. G. Vallejo, Lieutenant-Colonel Victor Prudon, and Captain
D. Salvador Vallejo, having formed and published to the world no regular plan of
government, feel it our duty to say it is not our intention to take or injure
any person who is not found in opposition to the cause, nor will we take or
destroy the property of private individuals further than is necessary for our
support.
EZEKIEL
MERRITT,
R.
SEMPLE,
WILLIAM
FALLON,
SAMUEL
KELSEY.
Mr. Bancroft, continuing, says :
"It was naturally to be expected, under the circumstances, that the
arrested officers would be released on parole. Such was evidently the view taken
on both sides at first. Ford says there were some who favored such a course.
Leese, who had the best opportunities for understanding the matter, and who
gives a more detailed account than any other writer, tells us that such a
decision was reached; and finally, the documents which I have presented, Nos. 1
and 2, being to all intents and purposes regular parole papers, leave no doubt
upon the subject. But now difficulties arose, respecting some phase of which
there is contradictory testimony.
Thus far only a few of the insurgent leaders had entered, or at least
remained in, the house; and the negotiations had in reality been conducted by
Semple and Leese very much in their own way. Ide testifies that Merritt, Semple
and Wm. Knight, the latter accompanying the expedition merely as an interpreter,
were the first to enter the house, while the rest waited outside; that
presently, hearing nothing, they became impatient, determined to choose a
captain, and elected John Grigsby, who thereupon went in; and after waiting what
appeared an age, the men again lost patience and called upon the writer, Ide, to
go and investigate the causes of delay. Now the discrepancies in testimony
begin. Ide describes the state of things which met his view as follows: "The
General's generous spirits gave proof of his usual hospitality, as the richest
wines and brandies sparkled in the glasses, and those who had thus
unceremoniously met soon became merry companions; more especially the merry
visitors. There sat Dr. S., just modifying a long string of articles of
capitulation. There sat Merritt, his head fallen; there sat Knight, no longer
able to interpret; and there sat the new-made captain, as mute as the seat he
sat upon. The bottles had well-nigh vanquished the captors!" Leese also states
that the brandy was a potent factor in that morning's event; but according to
his version, it was on the company outside that its influence was exerted,
rendering them noisy and unmanageable, though an effort had been made by his
advice to put the liquor out of reach. I do not, however, deem it at all likely
that the leaders drank more than it was customary to drink in a Californian's
parlor, or more than they could carry; but that some of the rough characters in
the company became intoxicated we may well believe.
"At any rate, disagreement ensued; the men refused entirely to ratify
the capitulation made by the former leaders, insisting that the prisoners must
be sent to the Sacramento; some of them were inclined to be insubordinate and
eager for plunder; while the lawless spirits were restrained from committing
outrages by the eloquence of Semple and the voice of the majority; yet the
leaders could not agree. Captain Grigsby declined to retain the leadership that
had been conferred upon him. So William B. Ide was chosen in his stead, and the
revolutionists immediately took possession of all public property, as well as of
such horses and other private property as they needed, at the same time locking
up all citizens that could be found. It would seem that the second of the
documents I have presented was torn, and the third drawn up and signed at an
early stage of the disagreements, after it became apparent that it might be best
to send the prisoners to the Sacramento, the signatures showing that it could
not have been later. Vallejo, though not encouraged at seeing that the leaders
were not permitted by their followers to keep their promises, was not very much
displeased at being sent to New Helvetia. He was assured that the insurgents
were acting by Fremont's orders; his own views were known to be favorable to the
schemes of the United States; and he had no reason to doubt that on meeting
Fremont he and his companions would at once be released on parole.
"Before the departure of the prisoners and their escort a formal meeting
of the revolutionists was held. That Semple, secretary, made a speech
counselling united action and moderation in the treatment of the natives, and
that William B. Ide was chosen captain, is all that is known of this meeting,
except what we may learn from Ide's narrative. The leaders differed in their
ideas, not only respecting the disposition to be made of the prisoners, but
about the chief object of the movement. Evidently there had been no definitely
arranged plan of operations. Fremont had succeeded in bringing about a state of
open hostility without committing himself. Some of the men regarded their
movement as merely intended to provoke Castro to make an attack on Fremont; or
at least they dreaded the responsibility of engaging in a regular revolution,
especially when it was learned that no one could produce any definite promise
from Fremont in black and white to support such a movement. Others were in favor
of an immediate declaration of independence. That such differences of opinion
did exist as Ide states, is in itself by no means improbable; and it is
confirmed to some extent by the fact that Grigsby did resign his leadership, and
by the somewhat strange circumstance that three such prominent men as Grigsby,
Merritt and Semple should have left Sonoma to accompany the prisoners. Ide
writes that when Grigsby heard that no positive orders from Fremont could be
produced, his fears of doing wrong overcame his patriotism, and he interrupted
the speaker by saying: "Gentlemen, I have been deceived; I cannot go with you; I
resign and back out of the scrape. I can take my family to the mountains as
cheap as any of you ;" �and Dr. S. at that moment led him into the house.
Disorder and confusion prevailed. One swore he would not stay and guard the
prisoners; another swore we would all have our throats cut; another called for
fresh horses; and all were on the move, every man for himself, when the speaker
[Ide] resumed his efforts, raising his voice louder and more loud, as the men
receded from the place, saying: "We need no horses; saddle no horse for me; I
can go to the Spaniards and make freemen of them. I will lay my bones here
before I will take upon myself the ignominy of commencing an honorable work and
then flee like cowards, like thieves, when no enemy is in sight. In vain will
you say you had honorable motives. Who will believe it? Flee this day and the
longest life cannot wear out your disgrace! Choose ye this day what you will be!
We are robbers or we must be conquerors!" and the speaker in despair turned his
back on his receding companions. With new hope they rallied around the
desponding speaker, made him their commander, their chief; and his next words
commanded the taking of the fort. Subsequently the three leaders of the party of
the primitive plan of "neutral conquest" left us alone in our glory.
I find no reason to doubt that this version, though somewhat highly
colored, is in substance accurate; that Merritt, having captured horses and
prisoners, was content to rest on his laurels; that Grigsby was timid about
assuming the responsibility of declaring independence without a positive
assurance of Fremont's co-operation; that Semple, while in favor of
independence, preferred that Sacramento should be the centre of operations,
unless �what Vallejo and Leese also favored�Fremont could be induced to
establish his headquarters at Sonoma; or finally, that Ide and his associate
influenced the majority to complete their revolutionary work and take no
backward steps. I think, however, that Ide and all the rest counted confidently
on Fremont's support; and that Semple and Grigsby were by no means regarded as
abandoning the cause when they left Sonoma.
It was about 11 A. M., on June 14th, when the three prisoners,
accompanied by Leese as interpreter at their request and that of the captors�not
himself a prisoner as has been generally stated�and guarded by Grigsby, Semple,
Merritt, Hargrave, Knight and four or five others, started on horses from
Vallejo's herds for the Sacramento. It will be most convenient to follow them
before proceeding to narrate later developments at Sonoma. Before starting, and
on the way, Vallejo was often questioned by Californians as to the situation of
affairs; but could only counsel them to remain quiet, announcing that he would
probably return within four or five days. His idea was that Fremont, after
releasing him and his companions on parole, might be induced to establish his
headquarters at Sonoma, an idea shared by Semple, Grigsby and Leese. Relations
between captives and captors were altogether friendly, except in the case of
some hostile feeling among a few individuals against Don Salvador.
They encamped that night at Vaca's rancho. No special pains were taken
to guard the prisoners, who, with Leese, slept on a pile of straw near the camp.
Vallejo had desired to travel all night; but the men declined to do so, having
had no sleep the night before. Before dawn on the morning of the 15th, a
Californian succeeded in reaching the captives, and informed Vallejo that a
company of his countrymen had been organized to effect his rescue, and only
awaited his orders. The Colonel refused to permit such an attempt to be made,
both because he had no reason to fear any unpleasant results from his enforced
visit to the Sacramento, and because he feared retaliation at Sonoma in case an
attempt to escape should bring harm to any of the guards. On the 15th the party
reached Hardy's place on the Sacramento. Here Merritt left the others, intending
to visit Fremont's camp and return next morning, but as he did not come back
Leese, with one companion, started in the forenoon of the 16th, also in quest of
Fremont. Arriving at Allgeier's place, they learned that the Captain had moved
his camp to the American River; and starting for that point, they rejoined their
companions before arrival. Here Grigsby presented an order from Fremont for
Leese's arrest, for which, so far as known, no explanation was given.
Late in the afternoon they reached the camp, and the prisoners were
brought into the presence of Fremont. That officer's reception of them was very
different from what had been anticipated. His words and manner were reserved and
mysterious. He denied when Vallejo demanded for what offenses and by what
authority he had caused their arrest, that he was in any way responsible for
what had been done; declared that they were prisoners of the people, who had
been driven to revolt for self-protection ; refused to accept their paroles, and
sent them that same night, under a guard composed in part if not wholly of his
own men�Kit Carson and Merritt being sent in advance�to be locked up at Sutter's
Fort.
THE BEAR FLAG �STARS AND STRIPES.
General Vallejo certainly had a right to be surprised at the foregoing
treatment by Fremont. That he appreciated the real condition of affairs is made
very plain by the following correspondence, a careful perusal of which will show
that General Vallejo, when taken prisoner at Sonoma, felt warranted in looking
to United States authorities for protection. From John B. Montgomery, commanding
United States ship Portsmouth, he certainly received more of consideration and
cheer than from General Fremont, and yet in both instances the action of the
Bear Flag party seems to have been repudiated and ignored entirely. Viewed from
this stand-point it is not a matter of wonder that Captain Grigsby and others of
the Bear Flag party may have felt a tickling sensation around the neck when they
ascertained that their taking of Sonoma was not backed by any positive authority
from Fremont or any body else clothed with United States authority. The rank and
file of the Bear Flag party evidently acted upon the principle that a "wink was
as good as a nod of assent;" and taking their lives in their hands they struck
the blow, and took the chances. Like John Adams who, after affixing his name to
the Declaration of Independence, remarked, "Well, if we hang we all hang
together," they captured Sonoma, and left to the future what the outcome of the
venture should be. The following is the correspondence referred to:
HISTORICAL CORRESPONDENCE.
General Vallejo's message to Captain Montgomery, the day of the capture of
Sonoma�Montgomery's reply�Lieutenant Missroon's account of the
revolutionists�Highly creditable conduct of the Bears�Ide's pledge to Missroon.
UNITED STATES SHIP
PORTSMOUTH,
SAN FRANCISCO, August
17, 1846.
MY DEAR GENERAL:�I am now about to sail for Monterey, and avail myself
of this mode of expressing to you my regret that I shall thus most probably he
deprived of seeing you on your contemplated visit to Yerba Buena to-morrow,
having anticipated much pleasure from this event; but you well know how little
we servants of the public are left to the disposition of our own time. I reached
the Portsmouth from Sonoma very comfortably on Friday last about 6 o'clock in
the afternoon, greatly pleased with my visit, and gratified by the very kind and
hospitable attentions of my esteemed friends there, the remembrance of which I
shall long continue to cherish.
In compliance with your expressed wishes while I was at Sonoma, I
herewith enclose you, my dear General, copies of the document forwarded to you
by De la Rosa in the commencement of the late revolution, and those having
reference to Lieutenant Missroon's visit to Sonoma by my orders, with overtures
to the insurgent chief in behalf of prisoners and the helpless inhabitants of
that place, which you are at liberty to use as you shall think proper.
From Monterey it is most probable I shall make a cruise to the
southward, and am not without hopes of soon returning with the pleasing
intelligence of peace between the United States and Mexico, which I feel assured
will be most welcome tidings for you and all who are interested in the
prosperity of California.
Be pleased to present my most respectful regards to Madam Vallejo and
all the members of your interesting family, and express to them my sense of
their kind hospitality and attention to me and my little son during our recent
visit; and believe me, my dear General, I am and shall ever be, with highest
esteem and friendship, sincerely your obedient servant,
JOHN B. MONTGOMERY.
Gen. Guadalupe Vallejo, Sonoma.
Statement of the interview between Senor Don Jos� de la Rosa and Commander John
B. Montgomery, commanding United States ship Portsmouth, Lieutenant W. A.
Bartlett, United States Navy, interpreter. By order of the commander, John B.
Montgomery.
Don Jose de la Rosa, on coming on board the ship, desired to inform
Captain Montgomery that he brought information from Don Guadalupe Vallejo,
military commandante of Sonoma, which he desired to give the moment Captain
Montgomery could receive him.
On being received by Captain Montgomery I was directed to act as
interpreter, when Se�or de la Rosa proceeded to deliver his message, which I
wrote, as follows: Don Guadalupe Vallejo desires to inform Captain Montgomery of
the proceedings which took place at Sonoma yesterday morning at 5 o'clock. There
arrived at Sonoma a party of about eighty men, as they said, from the
Sacramento. They at once took forcible possession of the place, and posted
themselves on the "Cuartel." They then made prisoners of General Vallejo,
Captain Don Salvador Vallejo, and Lieutenant-Colonel Don Victor Prudhon, all of
whom are officers of the Mexican army.
Then a Mr. Merritt, who appeared to have command or exercise the
authority with the party, handed the General a convention demanding of him the
surrender of all the arms and government property in Sonoma, which place they
should not leave.
The General replied that he must surrender to the force in arms and did
so surrender, when the party demanded further that all the above named officers
should go with them to their camp on the Sacramento River.
General Vallejo then requested them to show their authority or
determination (ahajo que plano); and as they said they were Americans, he
desired they should exhibit their authority from the Government of the United
States. They replied that they did not come under the authority of the United
States; but having seen a proclamation of General Castro, threatening to drive
all foreigners out of the country, they had taken up arms in self-defense.
They then made a prisoner of the Alcalde, and told him that if any
person in the place or neighborhood attempted to notify other places of this
act, or raise a force to oppose them, they would at once shoot the officers they
then held prisoners. The Alcalde was then set at liberty, but told that if he
did not prevent any opposition to them he would also be shot.
General Vallejo desires to inform Captain Montgomery of these facts, and
to ask him to use his authority or exert his influence to prevent the commission
of acts of violence by this party, inasmuch as they seemed to be without any
effectual head or authority. To this end he hoped for an officer to be sent to
the place, or a letter that would have the effect of saving the helpless
inhabitants from violence and anarchy.
Se�or Don Jos� de la Rosa was directed by General Vallejo (at 11 A. M.
yesterday) to come with this message, but could not leave until 3 P. M. A few
moments past 11 the party left a garrison of twenty-five men at Sonoma protected
by seven pieces of cannon. The others, with the prisoners, left for the
Sacramento.
Reply of Commander Montgomery to the message of General Vallejo.
SIR :�You will say to General Vallejo, on my part that I at once and
entirely disavow this movement as having proceeded under any authority of the
United States, or myself as the agent of my Government in this country, or on
this coast. It is a movement entirely local, and with which I have nothing to
do; nor can I in any way be induced to take part in the controversy which
belongs entirely to the internal politics of California.
If they are Americans, as they avow themselves, they are beyond the
jurisdiction of the laws and officers of the United States, and must now take
all the responsibilities of the position in which they have placed themselves,
being answerable to the laws of Mexico and California.
I have now for the first time heard of this movement, and in making the
most positive disavowal, for myself and for my Government, having in any wise
instigated or aided this. I also disavow the same on the part of Captain
Fremont, United States topographical engineer, now in the country for scientific
purposes.
If my individual efforts can be at any time exercised to allay violence or
prevent injury to innocent persons, it shall be exerted; but as an officer of
the Government of the United States I cannot have anything to do with either
party. They must take the responsibilities of their own acts. From what has
already transpired I think it clear that no violence will be committed on any
one who is not found with arms in their hands. You will assure General Don
Guadalupe Vallejo of my sympathy in his difficulties; but I cannot positively
interfere in the local politics of California.
Se�or de la Rosa then thanked Captain Montgomery for his sentiments and
sympathy; stated that all was distinctly understood and translated, and that he
would place his statement in the hands of Don Guadalupe Vallejo at the earliest
moment.
I hereby certify that the preceding statement is a fair translation of
the message and reply read to Captain Montgomery and Se�or de la Rosa.
(Signed)
W. A. BARTLETT,
Lieutenant United States Navy.
United States Ship Portsmouth, Sausalito, June 15, 1846.
(COPY OF ORDER TO LIEUTENANT MISSROON.)
UNITED STATES SHIP PORTSMOUTH.
SAN FRANCISCO, June 15, 1846.
SIR:�By an especial messenger sent to me by Don Guadalupe Vallejo, I am
notified of the forcible occupation of the town of Sonoma by a party of
insurgents (foreign residents) of the country, among whom are said to be some
persons from the United States, and that General Don Guadalupe Vallejo, with
several other Mexican officers, have been sent prisoners to the Sacramento and
threatened to he detained as hostages for the quiet submission of the
surrounding country, leaving their families and other inoffensive persons in and
about Sonoma in a painful state of agitation through apprehensions of violence
and cruel treatment from the insurgent party in charge of the town. In
consequence of this state of things, General Vallejo has appealed to me,
requesting the interposition of any authority or influence I may possess over
the insurgents to prevent the perpetration of acts of violence on their part
upon the defenseless people.
I have, in my reply to General Vallejo (by the messenger), stated my
previous ignorance of the popular movement in question; distinctly and
emphatically disavowed all agency of the United States Government or myself as
her representative in producing it, and disclaimed all right or authority to
interfere between the opposing parties or in any way to identify my movements
with theirs. But, in compliance with the urgent calls of humanity, I deem it my
duty to use my friendly endeavors with the dominant party to secure (by the
power of God) for the defenseless people of Sonoma that security of life,
property and privilege to which all are entitled.
In pursuance of these views, sir, you are directed to proceed in one of
the ship's boats to Sonoma, and on your arrival there, you will wait on the
officer or person commanding the party having possession of the town; and as it
is possible he is not fully aware of the extent and nature of the feelings
produced in the minds of the population by this recent movement you will inform
him of the state of apprehension and terror into which it seems to have thrown
them, and disclaiming all right or purpose on my part of interference between
them and their actual opposers; and without touching upon the merits of their
cause further than may not be avoided in course of conversation, be pleased (in
such terms as your own sense of propriety will dictate) respectfully to request
from me, that he will extend his protecting care over the defenseless families
of their prisoners and other inoffensive persons of Sonoma, and exert his
influence with others in order to secure to them the uninterrupted enjoyment of
their domestic and social privileges.
You will afterward wait on the Alcalde, or presiding civil officer of
Sonoma, and inform him of what has been done (at the instance of Don Guadalupe
Vallejo), communicating any satisfactory assurances which you may have received
from the insurgent chief calculated to allay the general apprehension; after
which, when sufficiently recruited, you will return to this ship and render to
me a written report.
Respectfully, I am, sir, your obedient servant,
(Signed) JOHN B. MONTGOMERY,
Commander.
To Lieutenant John S. Missroon, Executive Officer United States Ship
Portsmouth.
APPENDAGE TO MR. MISSROON'S ORDER.
DEAR SIR:---- As an appendage to the orders handed you last evening, I
wish you to endeavor in as forcible a manner as possible, to represent to the
person or persons of the insurgent party with whom you may confer at Sonoma and
to impress their minds with a sense of the advantages which will accrue to their
cause (whatever its intrinsic merits may be) from pursuing a course of kind and
benevolent treatment of prisoners, as well as toward the defenseless inhabitants
of the country generally, with whom they may have to do, and endeavor, as far as
propriety will permit, to obtain a promise of kind and humane treatment toward
General Vallejo and his companions in their possession as prisoners.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant.
(Signed) JOHN B. MONTGOMERY,
Commander.
To Lieutenant John S. Missroon, United States Ship Portsmouth.
Report of Lieutenant Missroon on his return from Sonoma, with accompanying
documents B.
UNITED STATES SHIP
PORTSMOUTH,
SAN FRANCISCO,
June 17, 1846.
SIR:�In pursuance of your order of the 16th instant, to proceed to
Sonoma and endeavor by all proper means in my power to secure to the female and
unoffending portion of the population of that district some degree of security
for their persons and property during the occupancy of the place by certain
insurgents, chiefly foreigners, I have the honor to report, in obedience to that
order, that I left the ship on the day of receiving your instructions, and
reached the town about sunset, where I found about twenty-five men under arms,
and having six or seven pieces of artillery with several hundred stand of arms.
The whole party is only thirty-five.
I waited upon the commanding officer, Wm. B. Ide, and received from him
both verbal and written assurances of his intention to maintain order and to
respect both the persons and property of all persons residing within the limits
of his command. He also handed me a copy of a proclamation which he had issued
on the day after his occupation of the town, and which I herewith present to
you, marked "A," in which you will observe that these promises of protection are
set forth in explicit terms, and which I would remark to you, seemed to me to
have fully assured the inhabitants of their safety, although Sonoma is evidently
under martial law.
By this proclamation you will also observe that California is declared
to be an independent republic. The insurgent party has hoisted a flag with a
white field, with a border or stripe of red on its lower part, and having a star
and bear upon it.
I informed the commanding officer of the state of terror into which his
movement upon Sonoma had thrown the inhabitants in and about the Yerba Buena, as
directed by my instructions.
I then waited upon the Alcalde of the place, informed him through my
interpreter that my visit was entirely of a peaceful character, and that it had
been induced by the message which my commander had received from the late
Mexican commander, General Vallejo, now a prisoner in the hands of the
insurgents, asking his (my commander's) interference for the protection of
females and unoffending inhabitants; that assurances of respect and protection
were freely given me by the commanding officer of the party under arms, and that
I explicitly made it known to him, for the information of the surrounding
country, that my commander disclaimed any and all interference in the matter
other than what was dictated by motives of humanity.
After these interviews I then called upon the family of General Vallejo
and moderated their distress, by the assurance of safety for the General, which
I had received, and informing them that the prisoners were held as hostages.
Having completed the object for which I went to Sonoma, I left the place
yesterday with the thanks of both parties, about meridian, and reached the ship
about sunset. Before taking my departure I deemed it best to reassure the
Alcalde, in order to prevent any necessity for future explanation, which is so
apt to grow out of a business transacted with Mexicans, especially through an
interpreter. I therefore addressed the letter marked "B," appending to it the
written pledge, or a copy of the pledge, which I had obtained from the commander
of the foreigners in possession of the place, and which I herewith hand you a
copy of.
It only remains, sir, for me to add that, so far as I could judge and
observe, the utmost harmony and good order prevail in the camp, and that I have
every reason to believe that the pledges kind treatment toward all who may fall
into their hands will be faithfully observed.
Respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,
(Signed) J. S. MISSROON,
First Lieutenant United States ship Portsmouth.
To Commander Jno. B. Montgomery, commanding United States ship
Portsmouth, Bay of San Francisco.
Document B, accompanying the foregoing report.
SONOMA, June 17, 1846.
SIR:�As you were informed yesterday, through my interpreter, my visit to
this place is of a strictly mediatorial character, and was induced by the
application of General Vallejo through his messenger, Se�or Rosa, to Captain
Montgomery, requesting of him to adopt measures for the protection of the
females and peaceable inhabitants of Sonoma.
I have the pleasure to assure you of the intention of the foreigners now
in arms and occupying Sonoma, to respect the persons of all individuals and
their property, who do not take up arms against them, and I leave with you a
copy of the pledge which the commander of the party has voluntarily given to me,
with a view to the pacification of all alarm.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed) J. S. MISSROON,
Lieutenant United States
Navy.
TO THE ALCALDE OF SONOMA.
I pledge myself that I will use my utmost exertion to restrain and
prevent the men in arms under my command, all of whom present acknowledge my
authority and approve the measure of forbearance and humanity, from perpetrating
any violence, or in any manner molesting the peaceable inhabitants, in person or
property, of California, while we continue in arms for the liberty of
California.
(Signed) WM. B. IDE,
Commander.
Witness to the above signature,
(Signed), J. S. MISSROON,
Lieutenant United States Navy, and Executive Officer of the United States Ship
Portsmouth.
SONOMA, June 17, 1846.
The revolutionists were now master of the situation, having control of
nine cannons and about two hundred muskets. While William B. Ide, then the
leader of the Bear Flag party, may have been a man of some eccentricity of
character, he seems to have been a man of considerable culture, and there is
little room for doubt that he shaped and controlled, to a large degree, the
conduct of' those under him. It was no sinecure position, this of Commander Ide.
It is true, the prisoners sent to Sacramento were taken charge of by General
Fremont, under the saving clause that he had nothing to do with their arrest;
and it is also true that Commander
Montgomery of the Portsmouth in an unofficial way, and in obedience to the
dictates of humanity, sent Lieutenant Missroon to Sonoma, to counsel moderation
and kindness on the part of the revolutionists toward the vanquished; but in
neither case was there aught said or done that could be construed into leaving
the door ajar for a safe retreat of the Bear Flag party out of their difficulty
should their rebellion prove abortive. To stand their ground and successfully
maintain their position under such adverse circumstances required not only nerve
but real heroism.
That they knew that they were acting outside of the pale of any
responsible authority is apparent from the tact that one of the very first
matters to claim their consideration was the adoption of a flag. There is little
question that the bear flag was made on the day of the taking of Sonoma,
although it is quite possible it was not completed so as to be hoisted until the
morning of the 15th of June. As there has been much controversy as to how and by
whom that flag was made, we give place to the following, which we believe to be
authentic:
Wm. L. Todd, in a letter to the editor of the Los Angeles Express, under
date of January 11, 1878, gives the following version of the construction of the
bear flag:
Your letter of the 9th inst. came duly to hand, and in answer I have to
say in regard to the making of the original bear flag of California at Sonoma,
in 1849, that when the Americans. who had taken up arms against the Spanish
regime, had determined what kind of a flag should be adopted, the following
persons performed the work: Granville P. Swift, Peter Storm, Henry L. Ford and
myself; we procured in the house where we made our headquarters, a piece of new
unbleached cotton domestic, not quite a yard wide, with stripes of red flannel
about four inches wide, furnished by Mrs. John Sears, on the lower side of the
canvas. On the upper left-hand corner was a star, and in the center was the
image made to represent a grizzly bear passant, so common in this country at the
time. The bear and star were painted with paint made of linseed oil and Venetian
red or 'Spanish' brown. Underneath the bear were the words "California
Republic." The other person engaged with me got the materials together, while I
acted as artist. The forms the bear and star and the letters were first lined
out with pen and ink by myself, and the two forms were filled in with the red
paint, but the letters with ink. The flag mentioned by Mr. Hittell with the bear
rampant, was made, as I always understood, at Santa Barbara, and was painted
black. Allow me to say, that at that time there was not a wheelwright shop in
California. The flag I painted I saw in the rooms of the California Pioneers in
San Francisco, in 1870, and the secretary will show it to any person who will
call on him at any time. If it is the one that I painted, it will be known by a
mistake in tinting out the words "California Republic." The letters were first
lined out with a pen, and I left out the letter I, and lined out the letter C in
its place. But afterward I lined out the letter I over the C so that the last
syllable of "Republic" looks as if the two last letters were blended.
Yours respectfully,
Wm. L. TODD.
On the occasion of the Centennial exercises, held at Santa Rosa on the
4th of July, 1876, General M. G. Vallejo made the following statement in
reference to the capture of Sonoma in 1846 by the Americans:
I have now to say something of the epoch which inaugurated a new era for
this country. A little before dawn on June 14, 1846, a party of hunters and
trappers, with some foreign settlers, under command of Captain Merritt, Doctor
Semple and William B. Ide, surrounded my residence at Sonoma, and without firing
a shot, made a prisoner of myself, then commander of the northern frontier; of
Lieutenant-Colonel Victor Prudon, Captain Salvador Vallejo, and Jacob P. Leese.
I should here state that down to October, 1845, I had maintained at my own
expense a respectable garrison at Sonoma, which often, in union with the
settlers, did good service in campaign against the Indians; but at last, tired
of spending money which the Mexican Government never refunded, I disbanded the
force, and most of the soldiers who had constituted it left Sonoma. Thus in
June, 1846, the Plaza was entirely unprotected, although there were ten war
pieces of artillery, with other arms and munitions of war. The parties who
unfurled the bear flag were well aware that Sonoma was without defense, and lost
no time in taking advantage of this fact, and carrying out their plans. Years
before I had urgently represented to the government of Mexico the necessity of
stationing a sufficient force on the frontier, else Sonoma would be lost, which
would be equivalent to leaving the rest of the country an easy prey to the
invader. What think you, my friends, were the instructions sent me in reply to
my repeated demands for means to fortify the country ? These instructions were
that I should at once force the immigrants to recross the Sierra Nevada, and
depart from the territory of the Republic. To say nothing of the inhumanity of
these orders, their execution was physically impossible�first, because the
immigrants came in autumn when snow covered the Sierra so quickly as to make a
return impracticable. Under the circumstances, not only I, but Commandante
General Castro, resolved to provide the immigrants with letters of security,
that they might remain temporarily in the country. We always made a show of
authority, but well convinced all the time that we had had no power to resist
the invasion which was coining upon us. With the frankness of a soldier I can
assure you that the American immigrants never had cause to complain of the
treatment they received at the hands of either authorities or citizens. They
carried us as prisoners to Sacramento, and kept us in a calaboose for sixty days
or more, until the United States made itself respected, and the honorable and
humane Commodore Stockton returned us to our hearths.
On the seizure of their prisoners the revolutionists at once took steps
to appoint a captain who was found in the person of John Grigsby, for Ezekiel
Merritt wished not to retain the permanent command; a meeting was then called at
the barracks, situated at the northeast corner of the Plaza, under the
presidency of William B. Ide, Dr. Robert Semple being secretary. At this
conference Semple urged the independence of the country, stating that having
once commenced they must proceed, for to turn back was certain death. Before the
dissolution of the convention, however, rumors were rife that secret emissaries
were being dispatched to the Mexican rancheros, to inform them of the recent
occurrences, therefore to prevent any attempt at a rescue it was deemed best to
transfer their prisoners to Sutter's Fort, where the danger of such would be
less.
In order that the conquest of California should be accomplished in a decent and
orderly way and the record thereof be properly handed down to future
generations, Captain William B. Ide formulated the following declaration of
purposes which was duly published to the world on the 18th of June:
A proclamation to all persons and citizens of the distract of Sonoma
requesting them to remain at peace and follow their rightful occupations without
fear of molestation.
The commander-in-chief of the troops assembled at the fortress of Sonoma
gives his inviolable pledge to all persons in California, not found under arms,
that they shall not be disturbed in their persons, their property, or social
relation, one with another, by men under his command.
He also solemnly declares his object to be: First, to defend himself and
companions in arms, who were invited to this country by a promise of lands on
which to settle themselves and families; who were also promised a Republican
government; when, having arrived in California, they were denied the privilege
of buying or renting lands of their friends, who instead of being allowed to
participate in or being protected by a Republican government, were oppressed by
military despotism; who were even threatened by proclamation by the chief
officers of the aforesaid despotism with extermination if they should not depart
out of the country, leaving all their property, arms and beasts of burden; and
thus deprived of their means of flight or defense, were to be driven through
deserts inhabited by hostile Indians, to certain destruction.
To overthrow a government which has seized upon the prosperity of the
mission for its individual aggrandizement; which has ruined and shamefully
oppressed the laboring people of California by enormous exactions on goods
imported into the country, is the determined purpose of the brave men who are
associated under my command.
I also solemnly declare my object, in the second place, to be to invite
all peaceable and good citizens of California who are friendly to the
maintenance of good order and equal rights, and I do hereby invite them to
repair to my camp at Sonoma without delay to assist us in establishing and
perpetuating a Republican government, which shall secure to all civil and
religions liberty; which shall encourage virtue and literature; which shall
leave unshackled by fetters agriculture, commerce and manufactures.
I further declare that I rely upon the rectitude of our intentions, the
favor of heaven and the bravery of those who are bound and associated with me by
principles self-preservation, by the love of the truth and the hatred of
tyranny, for my hopes of success.
I furthermore declare that I believe that a government to be prosperous
and happy must originate with the people who are friendly to its existence, that
the citizens are its guardians, the officers its servants, its glory its reward.
WIILLIAM B. IDE.
Thus far the revolution had been a bloodless one, but it was not
destined to continue so to the end. There were two occurrences of thrilling
character that came in quick succession�the killing of Cowie and Fowler and the
battle of Olompali. As Robert A. Thompson, who has gathered much of the early
history of Sonoma County, got his information about the battle referred to from
one of the participants therein, we here incorporate his graphic account of
those two events.
About this time one of the most distressing events of the revolution
occurred. It was discovered that the garrison had an insufficient supply of
powder. It was known that Moses Carson, at the Fitch ranch, on Russian River,
had some on hand. Two men named T. Cowie and -- Fowler, who had joined the
party in Napa, volunteered to go and get the powder. They imprudently took the
main traveled road, or returned to it near Santa Rosa, and were captured by a
scouting party, or, rather, a roving band of cut-throats and thieves under the
lead of Juan Padillo. The two men were kept in the Carillo house all night. The
next morning they were taken up the little valley, near the present county farm,
were first inhumanly treated, and then shot. Not satisfied with this, their
bodies were mutilated in a horrid manner and were then thrown into a ditch. An
Indian named Chanate, who knew the men, told Moses Carson of their fate and
condition, and he came and buried them under a pine tree, piling up a few rocks
to mark the spot.
Finding that Cowie and Fowler did not return, there was mach uneasiness
in Sonoma. A party was sent up the valley to make inquiry, who learned the
circumstances of their cruel murder and mutilation. Two others of the party, who
were out in search of horses, had been taken, and it was feared that they, too,
would be killed.
The Bear Flag men were not of the class to suffer any indignity, much
less a horrid outrage like this. It demanded instant and exemplary punishment.
Volunteers were called for to go in search of the murderers. The whole garrison
volunteered. All could not go. Twenty-three were selected and put under command
of Lieutenant W. L. Ford. Among the number was Frank Bidwell, to whom the writer
is indebted for this account of the pursuit. Captain Ford and his command came
first to Santa Rosa. Padillo had fled. From Santa Rosa he went to the Roblar de
la Miseria, ranch. He was there told by some Indians that the marauding band had
gone, some three hours before, to the Laguna de San Antonio. Captain Ford pushed
on to that point and bivouacked half a mile from the supposed headquarters. He
charged upon the house next morning and found only four men there, whom he took
prisoners. He left some of his men to guard the prisoners and horses which he
had captured.
With fourteen men he continued the pursuit. After a brief ride of a few
miles he came to the Olompali ranch, now Dr. Burdell's place, in Marin County.
He saw a number of horses in a corral near the house apparently in charge of a
vaquero. He dashed up rapidly to prevent the man in charge from turning them
loose, as he proposed to confiscate them. Getting nearer he was astonished to
see the Californians pouring out of the house and hastily mounting their already
saddled horses. He had run upon the combined forces of Captain Joaquin de la
Torre and the Santa Rosa murderers, numbering all told eighty-three men. Both
parties had been surprised. Fortunately there was a willow thicket about sixty
yards from the house. While the enemy were getting in motion Captain Ford
ordered his men to fall back to the brush and to dismount, tie their horses,
take position in the brush, and by no means to fire until "sure of a man." There
was a mountaineer in the party who went by the name of "Old Red." He was a dead
shot, and was stationed in the upper end of the wood. Frank Bidwell was some
distance below him. The Californians, made bold by the supposed retreat, formed
their lines and came up handsomely. Their advance was lead by a gallant young
sergeant. All was still in the willows. The sharp crack of a rifle broke the
silence, followed by a puff of smoke which burst through the brush. It was "Old
Red," who could not hold his fire. This brought on the fight. Other shots came
in quick succession. In a very few moments eight of the assaulting party lay
dead upon the plain, two were wounded, and a horse with an ugly bullet-hole in
his neck was struggling in the field. The young sergeant was the last to fall,
whereupon the whole band broke for the cover of the hills, receiving as they
left a volley at long range as a parting salute. Twenty-three shots had been
fired; eleven took effect. "Old Red's" excuse for firing so soon was, that he
was "sure of a man" anywhere in range.
As soon as the fight began a woman in the house cut Todd's bonds, and he
joined his comrades before it was over. Captain Ford rested on his arms for some
time thinking that the enemy would rally and renew the fight, but they made no
sign. It was enough. He thereupon set out on his return to Sonoma with his
rescued prisoners and his captives. The captured horses he drove before him as
the spoil of war. The murder of Cowie and Fowler was avenged on the field of
Olompali.
On the 20th of June, Castro made his first move in the direction of
trying to recover lost ground north of the bay. On that date Captain Joaquin de
la Torre crossed the bay with about seventy Californians and being joined by
Padea and Correo, took a position near San Rafael. Of these movements Fremont
was speedily apprised, and now for the first time gave open recognition of the
claims of the revolutionists upon him for active aid. On the 23d of June,
Harrison Pierce, a pioneer settler of Napa Valley, made a forced ride of eighty
miles to Fremont's camp announcing the presence of Castro's troops on the north
side of the bay and the consequent peril of those who had captured Sonoma. He
received a promise from Fremont to come to their aid just as soon as he could
put ninety men into the saddle. Pierce, with this cheering news, retraced the
eighty miles formerly passed over, with but one change of horse, and soon
carried the news to the little garrison at Sonoma, that Fremont was coming. On
the evening of the day he had received the tidings Fremont and his men were on
their way toward Sonoma. Of the make-up of Fremont's force, one of the party
wrote as follows:
"There were Americans, French, English, Swiss, Poles, Russians,
Prussians, Chilians, Germans, Greeks, Austrians, Pawnees, native Indians, etc.,
all riding side by side and talking a polyglot lingual hash never exceeded in
diversibility since the confusion of tongues at the tower of Babel. Some wore
the relics of their home-spun garments, some relied upon the antelope and the
bear for their wardrobe, some lightly habited in buckskin leggings and a coat of
war-paint, and their weapons were equally various. There was the grim old hunter
with his long heavy rifle, the farmer with his double-barreled shot-gun, the
Indian with his bows and arrows; and others with horse-pistols, revolvers,
sabres, ships' cutlasses, bowie-knives, and pepper-boxes (Allen's revolvers)."
Fremont, with his incongruous band, made forced marches and reached Sonoma on
the morning of June 25th. After a rest Fremont started for San Rafael in quest
of Castro and Torre's forces. Castro had not crossed over as supposed, and Torre
was invisible. A decoy letter of Torre fell into Fremont's hands, the purport of
which was that Torre's force, with some other imaginary ally was to proceed
against Sonoma. Fremont at once called to saddle and his command went toward
Sonoma as fast as muscle and tendon of mustang horses would carry them. Arrived
there, Fremont became satisfied that he had been deceived, and made swift haste
back toward San Rafael; but it was of no avail: the wily Torre had succeeded in
getting his troops across the bay and was out of reach of the clutches of the
"Path Finder."
It was on this occasion of the return of Fremont to San Rafael that
occurred what has the resemblance of wanton sacrifice of human life. We allude
to the shooting of Ramon and Francisco de Haro. They were of a respectable
family living at Yerba Buena. They reached the San Rafael Embarcadero in a boat
managed by Jose R. Berryessa. The Haros are said to have been quite young�only
sixteen or eighteen years of age. One version is that they were taken prisoners,
as spies, and were regularly sentenced and shot. But the statement that Bancoft
seems to give credence to is, that when they were seen to land, Kit Carson asked
Fremont, on starting with a squad of men to meet them, whether he should take
them prisoners, and that Fremont's reply was, "We have no use for prisoners." It
is then claimed that Carson and his men as soon as in shooting distance opened
fire, killing them on the spot. The late Jasper O'Farrell is given as the
authority for this version, and claimed to have witnessed the whole transaction.
Unless there is more light cast on this transaction than we have had as yet, the
killing of those young men will always seem wanton and cruel.
Captain William D. Phelps of Lexington, Massachusetts, who was lying at
Sausalito with his bark, the "Moscow," remarks, says Mr. Lancey:----
"When Fremont passed San Rafael in pursuit of Captain de la Torre's
party, I had just left them, and he sent me word that he would drive them to
Sausalito that night, when they could not escape unless they got my boats. I
hastened back to the ship and made all safe. There was a large launch lying near
the beach; this was anchored further off, and I put provisions on board to be
ready for Fremont should be need her. At night there was not a boat on shore.
Torre's party must shortly arrive and show fight or surrender. Toward morning we
heard them arrive, and to our surprise they were seen passing with a small boat
from the shore to the launch. A small boat had arrived from Yerba Buena during
the night which had proved their salvation. I dispatched a note to the commander
of the Portsmouth, sloop-of-war, then lying at Yerba Buena, a cove (now San
Francisco) informing him of their movements, and intimating that a couple of his
boats could easily intercept and capture them. Captain Montgomery replied that
not having received any official notice of war existing he could not act in the
matter.
It was thus the poor scamps escaped. They pulled clear of the ship and
thus escaped supping on grape and canister which we had prepared for them.
Fremont arrived and camped opposite my vessel, the bark Moscow, the
following night. They were early astir the next morning when I landed to visit
Captain Fremont, and were all variously employed in taking care of their horses,
mending saddles, cleaning their arms, etc. I had not up to this time seen
Fremont, but from reports to his character and exploits my imagination had
painted him as a large-sized, martial-looking man or personage, towering above
his companions, whiskered and ferocious looking.
I took a survey of the party, but could not discover any one who looked,
as I thought, the captain to look. Seeing a tall, lank, Kentucky-looking chap
(Dr. R. Semple), dressed in a greasy deer-skin hunting shirt, with trousers to
match, and which terminated just below the knees, his head surmounted by a
coon-skin cap, tail in front, who, I supposed, was an officer as he was giving
orders to the men, I approached and asked if the captain was in camp. He looked
and pointed out a slender-made, well-proportioned man sitting in front of a
tent. His dress a blue woolen shirt of somewhat novel style, open at the neck,
trimmed with white, and with a star on each point of the collar (a man-of-war's
shirt), over this a deer-skin hunting shirt, trimmed and fringed, which had
evidently seen hard times or service, his head unincumbered by hat or cap, but
had a light cotton handkerchief bound around it, and deer-skin moccassins
completed the suit, which, if not fashionable for Broadway, or for a
presentation dress at court, struck me as being an excellent rig to scud under
or fight in. A. few minutes' conversation convinced me that I stood in the
presence of the King of the Rocky Mountains.
Fremont remained in the neighborhood of San Rafael until July 2, when he
returned to Sonoma
On the 4th of July, our national holiday was celebrated with due pomp
and ceremony, and on the 5th the California Battalion of mounted riflemen, 250
strong, was organized. Brevet Captain John C. Fremont, Second Lieutenant of
Topographical Engineers, was chosen commandante; First Lieutenant of Marines,
Archibald H. Gillespie, Adjutant and Inspector, with the rank of captain. Both
of these gentlemen named were officers of the United States Government, yet this
organization was consummated under the fold of the Bear flag that yet kissed the
breezes of the "Valley of the Moon." The next day, the 6th of July, Fremont at
the head of his mounted riflemen, started to make the circuit of the head of the
bay, to go south in pursuit of Castro. As there were now no California soldiers
north of the bay it did not require a large garrison of the Bear party to hold
Sonoma.
But the end was hastening. On the 7th of July Commodore John Drake
Sloat, having received tidings that war existed between the United States and
Mexico, demanded and received the surrender of Monterey. The news was
immediately sent to San Francisco, where was anchored the American war vessel,
Portsmouth. At two o'clock on the morning of July 9th, Lieutenant Warren Revere
left that vessel in one of her boats, and reaching the Sonoma garrison at noon
of that day lowered the bear flag and hoisted in its place the stars and
stripes. And thus ended the Bear Flag revolution at Sonoma. Lieutenant Revere
also sent American flags to be hoisted at Sutter's Fort and at the establishment
of Captain Stephen Smith at Bodega.
Lieutenant Revere was sent to Sonoma by Montgomery of the Portsmouth, to
command the garrison, consisting of Company B of the battalion, under Captain
Grigsby. Lieutenant Grigsby tells us that "a few disaffected Californians were
still prowling about the district, in pursuit of whom on one occasion he made an
expedition with sixteen men to the region of Point Reyes. He did not find the
party sought, but he was able to join in a very enjoyable elk-hunt." In August
the Vallejos, Prudon, Leese and Carrillo were released from durance vile, and
restored to their families and friends. That very amicable relations existed
between the victors and vanquished is evidenced by the fact that in September,
while Lieutenant Revere was absent on an expedition, the Vallejos were
commissioned to protect the Sonoma frontier with a force of Christian Indians.
Some date previous to September 11th, Lieutenant John S. Missroon, of the
Portsmouth, assumed command of the Sonoma garrison.
On the 25th of September, a meeting of the "Old Bears" was held at
Sonoma, at which J. B. Chiles presided and John H. Nash acted as secretary, and
a committee of three was appointed to investigate and gather all the information
possible in relation to the action of the Bear Flag party, and report at a
subsequent meeting. Semple, Grigsby and Nash were appointed the committee.
Manuel E. McIntosh was now alcalde of Sonoma. From the Bear Flag conquest of
Sonoma, down to the discovery of gold in California in 1848, there is little to
note in connection with Sonoma. Grigsby, Revere, Missroon and Brackett were
successive military commandants, and the Indians were easily held in subjection
by Vallejo as sub-agent of Indian affairs. In 1848 Sonoma had a total population
of about 200 souls. Jos� de los Santos Berryessa under Mexican rule had been at
the head of municipal affairs. There was then an interregnum of military rule,
after which John H. Nash became alcalde, and was superseded in 1847 by Lilburn
W. Boggs, who, aided by a council of six, administered the municipal government
of Sonoma until 1848.
THE BEAR FLAG: HOW MADE, ETC.
R. A. Thompson published the following communication in the Sonoma
County Democrat of September 9, 1885:
The Independents were very proud of their flag. The bear made an apt
illustration of their situation. The grizzly attended strictly to his own
business, and would go on munching his berries and acorns if you let him and his
cubs alone. If you undertook to crowd him out, or to make him go any other way
or any faster than he wanted to go he would show fight, and when once in a fight
he fought his way out or died in his tracks.
The Independents were here, had come in good faith, and come to stay;
were quiet and peaceable if let alone. General Castro undertook to crowd them.
His grandiloquent proclamations were harmless, but vexatious. At last the crisis
came. The Independents, weary of threats and rumors of war, were forced, for the
sake of peace, to fight, and having "gone in," to use the identical words of one
of them, they did not intend to "back out." The bear was typical of that idea.
The difference of opinion about the make-up of the bear flag arises from
the fact that there was more than one made. The first was a very rude affair. It
is described in Lieutenant Missroon's report to Captain Montgomery. Lieutenant
Missroon arrived in Sonoma Tuesday, the 16th of June, about forty-eight hours
after the capture. He reports to Captain Montgomery on the 17th that "the
insurgent party had hoisted a flag with a white field, with a border or stripe
of red on the lower part, and having a bear and star upon it." The words
"California Republic " were not on it at this time, or of course so important a
feature would have been noted by Lieutenant Missroon, who was on a special and
exceedingly important mission from his commander. That these words were
afterwards added is undoubtedly true. It is a matter of very little importance,
but if any one wishes an exact description of the flag as first raised, he can
satisfy himself by an examination of the above-mentioned report. The flag with
the bear standing is an after production, as is also the silk guerdon which
Lieutenant Revere presented to the pioneers. The description of the flag given
by Lieutenant Missroon accords with the account of several of the party whom the
writer has personally interviewed. Of course, as there were several flags made;
each differed from the other, in the material, from whom the material was
obtained, by whom the flag was made, and just how the figures were placed upon
it. Hence the confused and many diverse accounts of it. All are right as to what
they describe; but what they describe is not the flag first raised by the
Independents. That was rather a rude affair. In fact, the representation of the
bear upon it resembled the species porcus as much as it did the Ursus ferox or
horribilis.
There were thirty-three men in the Bear Flag party, more than half of
whom came from the Sacramento Valley. Among the latter was the brave and gallant
blacksmith, Samuel Neal, and Ezekiel Merritt, the captain of the company.
Following is the first list ever published of the names of all the
party. A number came into Sonoma the day after the capture, and they continued
to come in for some time. It is very difficult to separate these from the actual
members of the party who rode into Sonoma on the morning of June 14th. The
accompanying list has been a number of years making, and has been revised many
times and corrected from written records and by personal interviews. There are,
doubtless, still some errors, which may be corrected upon a satisfactory
showing:
SACRAMENTO VALLEY.�Ezekiel Merritt, R. Semple, William Fallon, W. B.
Ide, H. L. Ford, G. P. Swift, Samuel Neal, William Potter, Sergeant Gibson, W.
M. Scott, James Gibbs, H. Sanders, P. Storm.
NAPA.�Samuel Kelsey, Benjamin Kelsey, John Grigsby, David Hudson, Will
Hargrave, Harrison Peirce, William Porterfield, Patrick McChristian, Elias
Barrett, C. Griffith, William L. Todd, Nathan Coombs, Lucien Maxwell.
SONOMA.�Franklin Bidwell, Thomas Cowie, �Fowler., W. B. Elliott,
Benjamin Dewell, John Sears, "Old Red."