Manuski means humanism in Marathi. A term used by Dr B.R.Ambedkar, a great humanist of India. This blog want stimulating debate without any prejudices of caste, religion and nationalism. It is about humanism and human rights. All freethinkers are welcome to contribute and participate in stimulating debates.

Friday, August 07, 2015

Twenty Five Years of Mandal Report

The biggest assault on brahmanical structure since independence

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

We commemorate the 25th year of the
acceptance of Mandal Commission report which changed the entire polity of India
as the negligence and denial of rights to India’s Bahujan communities was
finally admitted by the government and specific measures were being taken to
undo the historical injustice done to these communities. It is important to do
an impact-analysis of the wider influence that Mandal had on the Indian polity.
It might, at the first look, seem that Mandal was just a ‘fight for quota’, but
the fact was that it unleashed forces of social justice and political change in
India. For the first time in our history, we saw Dalits, Aadivasis and Bahujan
communities joining hands in their endeavor to get their rights denied by the
racist brahmanical social order. We also saw the unambiguous contempt by the people
wishing to uphold status quo - who felt threatened with the rise of the Shudras
and other Bahujan communities. It was a direct challenge to Brahmanism and the
social order it had created, as the influence of Mandal was much beyond mere
quotas in the government services. It extended itself to the socio-political
life too. It is important to remember this historical event, its vast
influences and how the Brahmanical corporates joined hands to destroy the
historical alliance of all the oppressed communities of India.

On August 7th, 1990 that Prime Minister V.
P. Singh announced in the Parliament that his government has accepted the
Mandal Commission Report in full, which asked the government to provide 27%
reservation for the OBC candidates in the central government jobs. It was a normal announcement by a government
whose manifesto had clearly indicated that once in power, the government will
accept the report. In that sense, it was just fulfilling an election promise
which our political parties normally forget once they come to power. OBCs have
been demanding for years that Mandal Commission Report must be accepted and
they should be given special treatment as per its recommendations to the
government. There is no doubt that India’s Bahujan working masses have been
victim of vicious hierarchical system where power was enjoyed by those who used
‘divinity’ and ‘knowledge’ to deprive fellow human beings and segregated them
on the basis of their birth in particular communities.

As we know during the formative years of the Janata
Dal in middle 1980s, which constituted its leader from the old Janata family
including Lokdal, one of the major
demands from the constituent parties was the implementation of Mandal Commission
Report, which had been pending for years, after having been submitted to the
government of India. But, the successive governments were not keen to implement
it, as they knew its wider implications.

For centuries, the backward communities, who many
termed as the Shudras, but who were actually ‘arjak’, or working masses, and who constituted over 55% of our population,
were denied their legitimate share in the power structure. Political movement
for the rights of the backward communities had begun much before India’s
independence. In Madras province, revolutionary Dravidian leader EVR Periyar
had raised the issue of reservation for non-Brahmins in the state, while
Chhattrapati Sahuji Maharaj took initiative in his Kolhapur state, now in
Maharashtra.

Formation of
Backward Classes Commission

After Independence, the government formed the Kaka
Kalelkar Commission in January 1953, to look into the matters related to the backward
communities under article 340 of the constitution which says, ‘“The President may by
order appoint a Commission consisting of such persons as he thinks fit to
investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes
within the territory of India and the difficulties under which they labour and
to make recommendations as to the steps that should be taken by the Union or
any State to remove such difficulties and to improve their condition and as to
the grants that should be made for the purpose by the Union or any State the
conditions subject to which such grants should be made, and the order
appointing such Commission shall define the procedure to be followed by the
Commission.’

The Commission
submitted its report in March 1955 and categorised around four thousands castes
as ‘backward castes’ and over eight hundred of them as ‘most backwards’. The
criteria was clear, that the backward communities were at the lowest level of
the caste system, lack of education among the vast segments, inadequate or no
representation in government services and similar criteria in art, trade and
commerce.

Idea
of caste census

One of the most important recommendations of Kalelkar
Commission was to initiate the caste census from 1961, so that the exact number
of people could be identified. This is one of the most threatening aspects of
the caste debatethat we all want to
speak about it patronizingly, but don’t want to know hard facts. Why are we
afraid of castes so much that since 1931 the country abandoned the caste census,
even when our society is running on the basis of castes and it is a strong
basis of discrimination at all levels, defying the values of our modern Constitution?
It is important to understand the power games of ruling castes in denying the
Dalit Bahujan their legitimate rights.

Let us understand the issue in perspective, as to what
stops the political leadership in taking action on caste census. Perhaps, it is
the fear of revelation of the numbers which is so far by all counts around 55%.
If we add 17% Dalits, 8% Aadivasis then it comes out to be 80%. If we add
religious minorities with it, the number crosses 90% of our total population.
In the current phase of capitalist democracy where the poor are being denied
rights, an addition of upper caste poor makes it a nearly 97-98%. Facts such as
these pose a threat to the extent that it may stop the businesses of many
powerful upper caste-upper class elite of this country. A caste census might
reveal much dirtier facts than we can imagine, but then there are people who
will play with figures, as ‘experts’ in the governments are ever ready to
create a divide among the Dalit-Shudra communities further. Caste census will
also bring out the socio economic status of the communities and therefore there
is a legitimate ‘danger’ of people questioning the deprivation and denial. How
come less than 2% Brahmins or miniscule Kayasthas have such a high percentage
in higher echelons of our elite civil services and judiciary? Now, this is
answered through the merit argument and deeply disparaging remarks about the
Bahujans of this country which we have often witnessed when there is a campaign
against reservation.Kalelkar Commission
asked for 70% reservation for the OBCs in its report apart from putting all the
women as ‘backwards’. The government felt that the Commission’s findings were
not objective, and hence dumped the report without making any efforts on its
own.

In 1977 the country saw the first non-congress
government headed by Morarji Desai, which came on the basis of lots of promises
made to the people. Majority of the veteran socialist leaders were part of this
government. The Prime Minister announced formation of second Backward Classes
Commission headed by veteran leader from Bihar Mr B. P. Mandal on January 1st
1979. It took nearly two years for the Commission to complete the report. The
terms and conditions fixed for the Commission were following:

·To determine the criteria for defining the socially and educationally
backward classes

·To recommend the steps to be taken for their advancement.

·To examine the desirability or otherwise for making any provision for the
reservation of appointments or posts in their favour.

·To present a report setting out the facts found by the commission.

The findings of the report were as follows:

·Government
should provide 27% reservation at all levels of its services to backward class
candidates who constitute around 52% of country’s population irrespective of
their religion. The reservation must be carried forward to next year if seats
are found vacant due to some reasons or others and it should also be provided
in promotion too. And this should be applicable to all Central government
institutions including Public Sector Institutions as well as nationalized
banks.

·OBC students
should get 27% reservations in all the educational institutions.

·Students should
also be provided financial assistance for vocational training.

·Government must
implement strictly land reform measures and Land Ceiling Act shouldalso be
implemented. It felt that a large number of landless people are actually not
just SC-STs but also most backward
communities who are agricultural laborers.

·

Many
communities like Banzaras, Bansfors, Fishermen, Khatiks face stigma of
untouchability and have been wrongly placed in OBC category. Government must include
them in Scheduled Caste category.

·

Backward
classes commission must be set up to deal with the issues and problems of the
communities.

The Commission submitted its report to the government of India in 1980. By
that time the government at the Centre had changed and Indira Gandhi had taken
over as prime minister. Those in power had seen the report and understood the
‘damage’ it could do if truly implemented, hence they silently buried it. There
were no discussions in the media as well, despite demands from backward
communities and their political leaders. The report was exhaustive and
absolutely an enlightenment for researchers interested in the history of
backward class movements in India. It not only went to study minute details all
over the country, but searched for all kind of data as well, such as
socio-political movements, various courts judgments, studies undertaken by
prestigious institutions regarding the backward communities. The study also
analyses critically why the issue of backward communities could not get
priority in the successive regimes in the states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar,
particularly when states such as Tamilnadu and Karnataka had provided huge
reservation to OBCs, even facing the courts and central government head on.

Interestingly, Mandal CommissionReport also acknowledges Periyar’s visit to Kanpur in 1946 to mobilise
backward classes who were denied representation regularly, as the leadership as
well as the bureaucracy in the state was dominated by Brahmins and Kayasthas
who understood the ‘danger’ of non-Brahmin communities posing serious political
and social threat to power elite. The Rajputs were already sulking, having lost
their feudal domain in the implementation of Zamindari Abolition Act in 1952
and subsequently imposition of Land Ceiling Act. One fact cannot be missed here,
that Periyar survived an attack on his life by the right wingers in 1960, when
he came to address a gathering in Lucknow. He was termed as anti-Ram to deflect
from their agenda; the fact that the upper caste Hindus feared that Periyar
might convert Uttar Pradesh into another Tamilnadu – where Brahmins were
politically marginalized completely and
it was the Shudras who ran the political show, whether in power or in
opposition. Most of the Brahmanical national parties actually were completely
wiped out from Tamilnadu.

Were the fears of the upper castes in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
unfounded? No, because the Mandal report unleashed the forces of social justice
in the mainstream, and became the biggest factor for political mobilization of
Dalit-Aadivasis and OBCs in north India. The status quo-defenders had found the
danger that Mandal could open the floodgates of opportunities for many, and
bring an end to the hegemony of the upper class-upper caste combine. Those who
had enjoyed unquestioned power for centuries would not leave their comfortable
zones easily, unless compelled to do so.

The Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh’s announcement
to accept the Mandal Report, therefore, shook the foundation of many political
leaders as well as other status quo-defenders, who began their next plan of
action, but for the general public things were moving as usual. There were
small protests in the Delhi University campus, but none paid any heed to them.
Inside the Janata family, some of the leaders were unhappy, but most of them
were supporters of the move, as for the first time in the history of Indian
Parliament, a majority of the members belonged to OBCs, Dalits and Aadivasi
segments, and hence they realized that the right moment for Dalit-Bahujan
communities has arrived.

It took time for the Brahmanical elite to understand
the real impact of the government decision though maverick politicians realized
this as a death knell for their politics but the biggest challenge was for the
Brahmanical media which systematically launched a sinister campaign against
this report and the Dalits and OBCs in general. It also targeted the government
selectively by refusing to publish news items favoring the report and regularly
reporting the anti-Mandal agitation carried out by the upper caste fringe, terming
government’s tough and unrelenting stand as anti-people and insensitive.
Editorials were written and news items were editorialized in support of those
who were against the Mandal Commission Report. Protests took such a dirty and
nasty turn that upper caste India was projected as the voice of India. V P
Singh, who, till that date was considered as icon of morality and cleanest
among all the politicians, overnight became one of the most hated persons in
India. First time in India, we saw, a prime minister and his colleagues were
hounded and abused by the media and there was no control over the protests in the streets of Delhi. Other parts of north India were led by
the upper castes against the acceptance of Mandal Commission Report and the
media jumped into it making it the whole issue of allowing ‘non meritorious’
candidate to join the government services.The protests turned violent with active assistance of the ruling castes.
The media started giving political shape to the entire situation and V P Singh
became a person who the young upper caste youth loved to abuse. Never in the
history of India saw an iconic prime minister being relegated to crude jokes
and dirty abuses. In fact, Arun Shourie, the then editor of Indian Express,
started a smear campaign with first page signed editorial, in which he actually
supported students for taking the extreme step of committing suicide.Shourie asked people to support the move till
the government is brought back to its knees. It was quite strange to see former
socialist icons Chandra Shekhar, Madhu Limaye, Hindutva mascot Lal Krishna
Advani and ‘secular Rajiv Gandhi found common cause’ in silently supporting the
protests against it. Perhaps the worst phase of the life of Chandrashekhar, who
always remained a different and dissident voice, was when he could not stop
opposing the ‘political’ move of the government to foil the rally being
organized by Devi Lal at the Ram Lila ground in Delhi and at the end formed government
with the help of manipulators of the congress party which was buying time for a
comeback with upper caste support.

The media, as usual, showed caste
Hindus abusing all those who defended the government decision.Two young leaders, along with the PM, who
became the target of the hatred, were Sharad Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan. The
young boys of Delhi University would sweep the streets and beg suggesting that
‘beggars were now choosers’ and that ‘merit’ was being compromised. The
newspapers never really reported the grievances and protests being organized by
Dalit-Aadivasi-OBC students.

The fact is that Mandal’s first battle was fought
more by the Dalits than the OBC students. Forces of social justice had joined
hand forgetting their minor differences and its success could have permanently
eliminated the brahmanical hegemony.

Mandal’s phase showed the dirtiest
side of racist Indian media which enjoying reporting ‘poor’ people but not
ready to give them space. While we appreciate many in the media reporting about
Dalits-OBCs and aadivasis but never gave an opportunity to these segments in
its newsrooms. Most of the media houses in India are dominated by caste
Hindus.While media continued to vilify
the entire Mandal event and sided with casteiest middle classes in urban India
who felt that the ‘generals’were being discriminated against. Dalits were
targeted, Ambedkar was abused forno
fault of theirs. The issue was not just merely of social justice but
participation in power structure. Why the caste forces were so threatened when
they equated representation of OBCs with merit ? Howis merit going to be affected with that as
allthe students have to qualify the
minimum eligibility tests.

One needs to ask simple question
as how come less than 2% of brahmins and Kayasthas have dominated our
bureaucracy and other government services. Why there is no fair representation
of the Dalit-OBC-Aadivasis in our judiciary and media ? How come the
brahmanical classes enjoyed unquestioned hegemony in academia ? How many
SC-ST-OBC-Muslims are there in our Dalal streets and private sector companies ?
If the power elite and mischief makers want us to believe that there is not
enough eligible meritorious candidates available from these segments then we
would like to challenge them there on the issue. The hate Mandal campaign was
from this threat that now OBCs who can give back the caste Hindus in their same
language.

The real fear of the caste forces
was that of growing alliance and bonhomie between different marginalized castes
and hence they began to think to destroy thisunity which was threatening the brahmanical status quo. Soon Advani
understood the danger and decided to go on a (w)rath-yatra for building up a
‘majestic’ Ram Temple in India. Kamandal was discovered to counter Mandal.
Growing assertion of Dalit OBC-Adivasis could only have been arrested once you
create a religious frenzy so that all of them fall under the trap of those
caste forces who had subjugated them for centuries. It was therefore shocking
to see that a government was voted out in the Lok Sabha to defend the unity and
integrity of India. We are witness to those years when VP-Mulayam-Lalu-Sharad-Paswan
were abused vehemently by these caste forces terming them rustic and casteist
leaders. None of them were appreciated for protecting the Babari Masjid and
saving India from worst communal riots in the aftermath of October 31st,
1990 when police had to open fire at the so-called Rambhakts determined to
destroy the Babari Masjid at Ayodhya.

VP Singh government lost but as
he said in an interview that though he injured his leg in the battle for social
justice yet he was able to score the winning goal. Now, Mandal has become a
reality and therefore the brahmanical forces had to find ways to dilute its
impact. The first major victory of Mandal was the growing powers of leaders
like Lalu Yadav, Mulayam Singh, Karunanidhi, Mayawati, Sharad Yadav, Ram Vilas
Paswan and many others. State after state knew the powers of the Bahujan
communities. A collaboration ofMulayam Singh Yadav and Kanshi Ram actually
decimated the Hindutva juggernaut in Uttar Pradesh in the aftermath of Babari
demolition and new elections in 1993 in Uttar Pradesh. Mainstream political
parties went the same way in Uttar Pradesh as has been happening in Tamilnadu
where both ruling as well as opposition parties belonged to Dravidian thoughts.

It is important to understand
that Mandal’s battle has not ended as the communal forces are using religion
and religiosity to finish Mandal agenda. On the one hand they are talking to
corporate and engaged in vicious land grab which is affecting mostly the
Aadivasis and farming communities dominated by OBCs and the other side it has
privatized most of the government services therefore denying the OBCs their due
share in power structure. It is important to know that Brahmanism has joined
hand with ugly forces of capitalism to deny the Bahujan masses their legitimate
share in power structure. Hence the biggest assault on the rights of Dalit
Bahujan came from P.V.Narsimharao whose government opened up India’s door for
corrupt and greedy corporate and therefore clandestinely attempting to finish
Mandal agenda.

Forces of social justice need to
understand that India’s corrupt crony corporate want to grab all the land a and
other natural resources of the Bahujan masses of the country and develop a
fictitious and superfluous nationalism and anti-minorities tirade so that they
forget their own issues and question of representation. Capitalism and withdrawal
of state from welfare measures is indirect dilution of the reservation which
cannot be accepted at any cost till we have achieved our goals. Social justice
will never be completed unless we acknowledge that reservation and
participation of India’s Dalits, Bahujans, Muslims, Aadivasis and their women
is necessary in our judiciary, media and private sector organisations. We need
to protect the interest of our farmers and warn people against hatemongers in
the name of religion as it is these forces who are anti reservation and anti-socialjustice.

The most unfortunate thing is
that most of experts’ link Mandal to
mere job reservations but the fact is that it talked of land reforms too
through effective implementation of land ceiling laws which affect the most
marginalized and landless people. Reservations were meant to break brahmanical
hegemony but not to create other hegemonies and therefore it is important to
heed the advice of Dr L.R.Nayak’s dissenting note on the commission to think
about the Most Backward Communities and provide them separate quota with in
Mandal framework to save the unity of these communities from fragmenting.
Today, forces of social justice are dissipating in different camps and they
need to come together in the greater interest of society and a secular India
and it will only be possible if the most marginalized communities also get
their share in power structure through reservation in government services and through
equitable distribution of land and other resources so that India’s villages are
democratized and forces of feudalism, Brahmanism and hatred are permanently
defeated. Let us remember our history for the betterment of our society and
therefore celebrate Mandal victory day on August 7 every year.

Followers

About Me

Learning through working. Working at the grassroots made me realise the big difference between those who claim to represent communities as well as the communities themselves. Common man is crushed between the ambitions of various individuals to lead and dominate. The dominant and high numbered communities will always dominate our discourse and the most marginalised are losing in this entire discourse. That is the reason why Mushahar remain at the marginalised and the issue of manual scavenging still not on our top agenda and to eliminate that the community has to decide its own organisations..

I am devoted to freedom of ideas and expression. I personally feel that we in the subcontinent want to dominate and control our discourse and each one of is a ultra nationalist in terms of their caste and community. Nationalism is not just national and political but it is equally in term of religion and caste. I feel each kind of nationalism is a dominant discourse which deny the dissenter a right to speak.

At the end, we all want to listen the truth suitable to us.. we have become expertised in the art of speaking truth of convenience. As long as that remain hall mark of our society and we speak to already converts, this society will remain stagnant, it will always try to control our ideas and choices. We need to oppose any such perception, ideas that want to control our mind and victimise us.

To understand India further, I feel, it is good to do foot walk, ( Padyatras) to various parts of the country. I have so far done it thrice covering nearly 1500-2000 kilometers. It is always interesting to see how people are coping their issues and what is the reason of their exploitation.