Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi is to inaugurate the 240 Mega Watts Uri-II Hydroelectric Project in
Baramulla district of Kashmir, on July 4th. It was CM Omar Abdullah, who during
his meeting with Modi on 20th June had urged the PM to inaugurate this
power project. Ironically yet, as with majority of other power projects in
Kashmir, this project too will mean nothing but depravity for common Kashmiris.
When the Indian PM inaugurates this power project, he is likely to claim about
the ‘importance of such power projects
for J&K’, which will be a contradiction to reality.

Of the utilized generation
capacities in J&K, NHPC controls and ‘owns’ a major chunk, more than two
third. It not only maintains a monopoly over power
generation in the state, but extends this oppressive monopoly by paying a
meager 12% royalty to the state, in contrast to much higher power royalty it
pays elsewhere. From all projects NHPC operates across India, almost half of
its power generation comes from J&K alone (2009 MW from seven projects here
and more generation to follow), majority of its profits, almost 50%, coming
from this state. Add to the tragic irony, NHPC then sells back some of the same
power that it generates from J&K to the state at far higher prices, thereby
not only vandalizing water resources of the state but also making the state pay
thru its nose for this loot.

The extent
of this loot by Indian NHPC, nicknamed the ‘East
India Company’ in Kashmir, was further exposed when an RTI
filed in 2009 revealed that ‘NHPC was
generating electricity illegally in Kashmir’. Came to fore that out of the
total 14 projects handed over to NHPC during the regime of then CM Farooq
Abdullah in 2000, MoU had only been signed in 7 projects, while major other power
projects had been grabbed by them without any formal agreement.

This ‘East India Company’ started in
J&K with the Salal project, while this power
project was itself started in 1973, NHPC was formed in 1975. As per decision of the J&K state cabinet (537
taken on 15 December 1980) it was conveyed to GOI that
NHPC should be allowed to go ahead with the project, provided it agreed to
share the generated power & profits with the state on a 50-50 basis.
Contrary to this, the state has been till date only getting 12% (at times even
that 12% is denied under the excuse of low generation). Also per rules the
state should have been handed over the project in 2003 after the stipulated
depreciation period was over and against a payment of 10% of the project cost
(the JKSE Act 1971), which again was defaulted on and refused by NHPC. Later strangely many of the files
within J&K government related to Salal project and NHPC were reported missing, including draft agreement,
land transfer / lease records between J&K govt & NHPC and files
regarding transfer of Salal to J&K govt. No strange coincidence, this not
only pointed to foul play at the highest level but also to a systematic erosion
of local governance systems by New Delhi. No wonder then,
all attempts by the state authorities to get back Salal project, being pathetically halfhearted, have failed.

Uri-II is one of seven projects
in J&K undertaken by the Government of India under the much touted ‘Prime Minister’s Reconstruction Plan (PMRP)’,
an Rs 19,000 crore power generation plan part of the earlier Prime Minister’s ‘Economic Reconstruction Programme’ that
was used to fund NHPC under the garb of helping J&K. This ‘Economic Reconstruction Program’ never
reached the state exchequer, instead went to the NHPC for developing power
projects that only supply electricity to Indian northern grid from the waters
of Kashmir. ‘Chankya politics’ of
deceit at its best by New Delhi.

Controlling power generation
projects and water resources in Kashmir is seen as a geo strategic tool used by
India at the cost of common Kashmiris. Some years ago when J&K government
had secured IFI (International Financial Institutions) funding for various
hydroelectric projects including the Kishenganga project in north Kashmir, New
Delhi refused to give the required counter guarantees for such funding. Not
surprisingly Kishenganga project (330 MW) was later gifted to NHPC on the same
old exploitative terms.

When Mr. Modi inaugurates the Uri-II
project, accompanying pro Delhi politicians from Kashmir shall stand close by,
hands folded in subservience, only to be momentarily raised in applause,
cheering more loot by Indian corporations here. Hollow rhetoric has for long
been used by politicians to deceive commoners in Kashmir. These politicians,
like faithful appointees of New Delhi, will not dare speak up for our rights in
front of PM Modi, nor push for return of our power projects. Incidentally the
site of Uri-II is not far from Uri-I where in January 2012 a youth was shot
dead and two critically injured by Indian CISF, when locals were protesting
against lack of electricity in their villages; same villages where NHPC was
generating electricity from, only to export to mainland India. Neither
electricity nor justice for this killing was ever delivered to these
villagers.

Modi coming to Kashmir brings no ‘acche
dinn’ for the commoners here, but only a continuity of ‘bahut acche dinn’ for ‘East
India Companies’ like NHPC and New Delhi’s appointees here, who only thrive on our
exploitation.