Tag Archives: Inaugural

If you’re unsure of the meaning of any of the rhetorical devices highlighted below, or just need a quick reminder, read my article Rhetorical devices

“Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

Each time we gather to inaugurate a President we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We (TRICOLON & ANAPHORA) recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names (POLYSYNDETON & PARALLELISM). What makes us exceptional — what makes us American (AMPLIFICATION) — is our allegiance to an idea articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”( SENTENTIA)

Today we continue a never-ending journey to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they’ve never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few (ANTITHESIS) or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a republic, a government of, and by, and for the people (SENTENTIA), entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed (ANASTROPHE).

And for more than two hundred years, we have.

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by (ANAPHORA) sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce, schools and colleges to train our workers.

Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.

Together, we resolved that a (TRICOLON, ANAPHORA & PARALLELISM) great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise, our (ANAPHORA) insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding (ALLITERATION) principles requires new responses to new challenges; that (TRICOLON & ANAPHORA) preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias (2 x ALLITERATION) No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation and one people.

This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience (PARALLELISM). A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it — so long as we seize it together.

For we, the people (SENTENTIA), understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know (TRICOLON, ANAPHORA & PARALLELISM) that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American; she is free, and she is equal (TRICOLON, ANAPHORA & PARALLELISM) not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.

We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. So we must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools (TRICOLON, ANAPHORA & PARALLELISM), and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, reach higher (TRICOLON & ASYNDETON). But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what (ANAPHORA) will give real meaning to our creed.

We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future (ANTITHESIS). For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn.

We do not believe that in this country freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us at any time may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away (TRICOLON & POLYSYNDETON) in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other through Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security (TRICOLON), these things do not sap our initiative, they strengthen us (ANTITHESIS). They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks (ANTITHESIS) that make this country great.

We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity (ANTITHESIS) We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires and crippling drought and more powerful storms.

The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition, we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries, we must claim its promise. That’s how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure — our forests and waterways, our crop lands and snow-capped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will (TRICOLON & ANAPHORA) lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war (ANTITHESIS). Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war; who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends (ANTITHESIS) — and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will (ANAPHORA) show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully —- not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear.

America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe. And we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa, from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice —- not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed (ALLITERATION) describes: tolerance and opportunity, human dignity and justice.

We, the people (ANAPHORA), declare today that the most evident of truths —- that all of us are created equal (SENTENTIA) – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall (TRICOLON & ALLITERATION); just as it guided (ANAPHORA) all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.

It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity, until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until (ANAPHORA) all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia, to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for and cherished and always safe (TRICOLON & POLYSYNDETON) from harm.

That is our generation’s task — to make these words, these rights, these values (TRICOLON & ANAPHORA) of life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness (SENTENTIA) real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life. It does not mean we all define liberty in exactly the same way or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time, but it does require us to act in our time.

For now decisions are upon us and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that (ANAPHORA) today’s victories will be only partial and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years and 40 years and 400 years (TRICOLON, POLYSYNDETON & CLIMAX) hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.

My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction (ANTITHESIS). And we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.

They are the words of citizens and they represent our greatest hope. You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course. You and I, as citizens, have the (ANAPHORA) obligation to shape the debates of our time — not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift (ANTITHESIS) in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.

Let us, each of us, now embrace with solemn duty and awesome joy what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common (ANAPHORA) purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.

Thank you. God bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.”

OK, OK – I know you’re probably ‘inauguralled out’ after reading two dozen articles about the President’s second Inaugural address, but this one’s a bit different. (And yes, I realize ‘inauguralled’ isn’t a real word – I made it up. When Shakespeare couldn’t find a word that said what he wanted to say, he invented one. And what’s good enough for Shakey is good enough for me.) But I obviously can’t let an Inaugural Address go unanalyzed.

You can read the full speech in my next blog, with the various rhetorical devices highlighted and named (my slogan really should be ‘I do the work so you don’t have to ...’) but in this article I want to one real observation about it, not on its political content but on its crafting and design. It’s how the President deliberately tried not to unleash his audience’s ‘Lizards’ (if you don’t know what I mean by that, I’d recommend you read my article Getting past your audience’s Lizard brain before continuing or a lot won’t make sense).

One of the key things to do before any speech or presentation is to consider your audience. What’s motivating them, what’s scaring them, what’s worrying them, and …. is there any way they could possibly view what you’re about to say as a threat. Because if there’s the slightest possibility that their Lizards can view it as a threat … they will. So let’s look at that from Obama’s perspective.

First things first – who was his audience? Theoretically, of course, it was the entire US population, but practically I think it was much narrower than that. He had two audiences. The first was undoubtedly his own political base and supporters and the second was ‘moderate’ Republicans and independents who may be fed up with what he considers to be the unreasonable tactics of the GOP. (On the day before the speech, David Plouffe – the President’s senior political advisor – claimed that Republicans in Washington are a “barrier to progress” and “out of the mainstream“, contrasting them with “Republicans in the country who are seeking compromise, seeking balance.”)

The third potential audience – staunch Republicans – just didn’t get considered at all. He attacked both the top 1% and the Tea Party with one sentence: “The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob” and Paul Ryan’s comments about the 47% who pay no federal income tax as being ‘takers’ instead of ‘makers’ with “Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security …… do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.”

Although not mentioning Republicans by name, he castigated them as people who don’t want their wives, mothers and daughters to “earn a living equal to their efforts,” who would cause some citizens “to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote.” They’re those who mistake “absolutism for principle”, “substitute spectacle for politics” and “treat name-calling as reasoned debate.” They’d have people’s “twilight years . . . spent in poverty” and ensure that the parents of disabled children have “nowhere to turn.” They’d reserve freedom “for the lucky”, “deny the overwhelming judgment of science” on climate change, and apparently contemplate “perpetual war.” They probably also beat up old ladies, pull the wings off flies and don’t like apple pie.

The message for his primary audience – his power base and supporters – was an unapologetic argument for ‘big government’. The difficulty facing him was how to please this audience without alienating and switching off ‘moderate’ Republicans and independents.

Because his message was unequivocal, and would probably scream ‘THREAT!’ at them. It was a powerful, muscular, almost pugnacious statement of a political philiosphy that effectively said, ‘The last three decades of Reaganite conservatism is over‘ (I know the Democrats were in power for some of that period, but even Bill Clinton said the country needed “a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less“).

It would be difficult to think of an Inaugural address other than FDR’s of 1937 that unabashedly made more of a case for a strong federal government. It was the antithesis of Ronald Reagan’s 1981 Inaugural (when he said, “It is time to check and reverse the growth of government …. It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment”):

“The American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation and one people.”

“… a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers” (a better articulation of the idea he clumsily defended during the campaign, reduced to the instantly infamous slogan “You Didn’t Build That”)

“… a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.”

“… a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.”

So what can do? He knows that if he says the things that will please his supporters, he’ll lose his secondary audience. They’ll switch off, stop listening and say, “Romney was right about this guy!” The Lizards will be let loose! So to make sure this doesn’t happen, he does three things.

First, he lulls them into a false sense of security by talking as if their views are his own, as if he is actually wary of big government and is a believer in individualism: “We have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise, our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.” Nothing for moderate Republicans to disagree with there. Everyone’s singing from the same hymn sheet.

But there’s a twist. In a line that echoes Reagan’s famous “Government is nor the answer to the problem. Government is the problem“, the President says, “… preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action.” It’s as if he’s saying, “Strong government isn’t an obstacle to individual freedom. It’s the way to get more individual freedom.“)

Secondly, he never actually uses the words ‘strong federal government.’ He talks about it without actually mentioning it, talking about ‘collective action’ and ‘doing things together’ instead. Instead, it’s all about ‘we’:

“(we) must do these things together, as one nation and one people.”

“We vowed to move forward together.”

“… we will seize (this moment) — so long as we seize it together.”

“We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations.”

Hardly a sentence is spoken that doesn’t have ‘we’, ‘us’ or ‘our’ in it. I counted 54 uses of the word ‘we’ and 51 of ‘us’ or ‘our’. In contrast, the word ‘I’ is used only 4 times, and 2 of those were ‘you and I’, so that’s really 2 more instances of ‘us.’

Thirdly, he deliberately wraps his speech with the Constitution, effectively stealing one of the GOP’s (and the Tea Party’s) main tactics and pulling the rug from beneath their feet. But with a twist. He interprets it in a way that supports his central message, not theirs. After quoting directly from it, he says the country’s task is “… to bridge the meaning of these words with the realities of our time.”

“…our generation’s task (is) to make … these values of life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness real for every American.”

“… the most evident of truths —- that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still.”

“… history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they’ve never been self-executing.” (The best line of the speech in my opinion.)

He draws a direct line from the language of the Founding Fathers to the case for more government by grounding it directly in the nation’s founding values. The words “We the people” start five(!) paragraphs.

As John B Judis points out in The New Republic, the use of this phrase goes back to the debates between the Federalists and Anti-Federalists over the Constitution itself. In arguing for a strong national government as opposed to the weak state-based government laid out in the Articles of Confederation, the Federalists invoked the idea of popular sovereignty and “we the people.”

. If the Federalists had openly advocated a strong national government run by a President and Senate, neither of which was elected directly by the people, they would have incurred accusations of trying to replicate Britain’s monarchy and House of Lords. So instead they talked of “we the people” (a phrase inserted by a Federalist author) and of popular sovereignty. The Federalists “expropriated and exploited the language that more rightfully belonged to their opponents.”

None of the above is a criticism. In fact it’s a compliment. And an excellent example of how to deliver a ‘tricky’ message without releasing your audience’s collective Lizard.