they are willing to share in their oral testimonies. 8
Yet despite these limitations, migration historians have successfully championed the important role oral history can and does play. They have argued that the benefits stretch beyond recording what is the migrant’s otherwise untold story, offering a more balanced insight into the process of migration, and granting recognition to members of what can sometimes constitute marginalised communities. Oral history also allows, for example, the capturing of the inherent complexity and diversity of the migration process

Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

's failure to consider race as ‘an aggravating factor in a crime’. 23 This may consequently diminish the motivation to concentrate on racism that was experienced by the victims in the investigation by the Gardaí. 24
Additional factors that compound what victims regard as a limited response on behalf of the authorities include issues around defining and recording racism. From their experiences, the Immigrant Council's clients provided evidence of a lack of knowledge among the Gardaí of what constitutes racism, resulting in inappropriate recording

famed Olympia theatre. All of the important
groups of the nascent French scene – including Stinky Toys, Métal Urbain,
Bijou, and Les Guilty Razors – performed that night, and the so-called ‘La nuit
de punk’ was recorded for release to capitalise on the growing popularity of
punk rock in France. The recording’s cover photograph captures the nearly 300
seats that were destroyed during the concert, as if to underscore its significance
by referencing the earlier destruction.1 Just as the students destroyed the seats
in the Sorbonne to protest the administration

is fourfold: those aspects that
benefit the victims of injustice, those that benefit the victims and the apologiser (or those assuming responsibility for redress), those that benefit the
apologiser and those which extend beyond the parties directly involved. There
may be some degree of overlap in such classification and some of the terms
may be open to contestation; however it is a useful way to analyse the claims.
There are three main benefits to the victims of the injustice contained in the
apology. The first can be termed ‘the recording’. This term attempts to

(‘Help you me, help you me, help you me’) as the Gardaí look
for her evidence (Ní Dhuibhne 2012a, p. 126). Whether or not Martha
will withhold the vital clue, the tale reveals much of present urban actuality, work stresses and prevailing economic realities. Ní Dhuibhne’s
recording of constructive qualities in urban and rural environments
is, interestingly, set against the grain or in spite of the expected: it is
noted approvingly in ‘The Moon Shines Clear, the Horseman’s Here’
that Conor’s Dublin-­born grandmother has ‘an underlying toughness,
an urban edge that is

-operatives of the 1980s have since been disbanded,
including the co-operative school in Corofin, while some of the surviving
agricultural co-operatives have mutated into global corporations.
Ivan Illich’s Tools for Conviviality
141
Renowned for his disruptive ideas and ways, Illich that evening did not
adhere to the conventions of a good guest, beginning with a refusal to use
a microphone to facilitate the recording of the evening’s deliberations for
broadcast by RTÉ Radio 1. On his arrival in Ireland two days previously, he
had already refused to participate in the making

/get involved (The True punk
ethic!)’ (R149, age 37, respondent’s emphasis). This accessibility, in turn,
derives from DIY punk’s democratic nature, which also explains the fact that
its participants are its performers, organisers, distributors and advisers too.
Participants saw DIY music-making as autonomous because the artists
have full creative control; they, rather than a record company, decide if and
when to release a recording: ‘we don’t have to deal with capitalist scum for
bands to make music – no parasite managers, or major blood sucking, controlling bastards’ (R149

is also shown in Scotland, this is not
made with the Scottish audience in mind but is tailored to a UK-​wide
viewership that was not directly involved in the referendum.
In the final month some of the regular news programmes extended
their duration from thirty minutes to one hour and several one-​off special programmes and debates about the referendum were shown, considerably more than in previous months. Interest in the referendum among
audiences also peaked in that time with BBC Scotland recording up to
one million Scottish viewers for its televised debates. Both