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As the military tutelage is under heavy assault, another wave of counter-attack comes from the pro-military circles. That definitely does not mean anyone suspecting of a possible civilian fascism era is pro-military. But hegemonic issues are complicated and thus it is hard to detect who is who in these hegemonic struggles. A sincerely concerned columnist’s ideas may easily be manipulated. Like Şerif Mardin’s ideas on “neighborhood pressure” before, some sincere ideas seems to be manipulated these days. My brief ideas for the moment:

1. It is a normalization baby.In many fronts. Turkey’s leadership was so distanced from the ordinary citizens. A total separation of worlds. Now it looks a bit similar. Is this good? I don’t know. But arrogant materially westernized but mentally oriental and distanced Turkish elites are replaced arrogant materially local and mentally local and seemingly less distanced elites.This annoys circles associated with older elites. These maybe sincerely democratic in thought but class counts. Social class reflexes rise unconsciously as the transformation of elites continue…

2. Just having a larger historical perspective: Was there any time in Turkish Republican that is better than now? This strongly worded “civilian fascism” always existed if one has to admit its existence. But there was always a military tutelage to this civilian fascism. (As if military tutelage was possible without civilian backing). Now the latter is gone (I am still not sure about that, too), civilians can enter into intelligible communication about democratization. Now that some parties will not call the Army for help!

If you put the two words, in despair, into Google, you may end up disappointed. Do not blame the search engine; it is doing its best. It is merely having a hard time keeping up with the ?geniuses? (!) at work in Turkey.

Yesterday, a headline in the Taraf daily featured the best illustration of the irony of fate. The headline read, ?Gül in Çankaya, Mr. 367 in court.? Yes, Sabih Kanadoğlu, the inventor of the 367 quorum, gave his deposition to Ergenekon prosecutors for four-and-a-half hours.

As Turkey takes groundbreaking steps to normalize civilian-military relations and save politics from long-standing military tutelage, some interpret these developments in a negative way and argue that Turkey is heading toward civilian fascism under the single-party government of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party).

The Erzincan chief prosecutor is investigating claims about a conspiracy in which Third Army Commander Gen. Saldıray Berk is a lead figure, and the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) and the gendarmerie as well as a public prosecutor are also involved.

While Europeans partied this Christmas, on the Islamic side of the Bosphorus Turkish army personnel were busy undermining their country?s shaky democracy. According to The Economist, two Turkish Special Forces agents were arrested over a plot to assassinate deputy prime minister Bulet Arinc. For the first time in the country?s history, civilian authorities were able

Two recent statements made by the General Staff and the Gendarmerie General Command in which they both denied the existence of a unit called ?JİTEM? in their organizations have brought this controversial group into the spotlight.

In response to criticism of the military, Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ has long argued that some people in the country are conducting an ?asymmetric psychological war? against the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). It is unknown to the public what evidence Gen. Başbuğ has in his hands to make such an accusation, but what he is saying is a serious allegation. He should prove his claims.

The closure of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party, or DTP, and the arrests of Kurdish political leaders have seemed to annoy Kurdish political representatives.

Diyarbakır Mayor Osman Baydemir and the deputies of the Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP, used obscenities in Parliament. Their remarks created tension among parliamentarians who want to lynch Kurdish officials. As usual, judicial measures came into force.

A high-level attempt to diffuse the confusion over ?what is going on in this country? came from the president himself. In a New Year?s interview at his residence, Abdullah Gül answered the question, ?Was a rift between institutions averted thanks to your coordination or just because things have flowed in their course??

Turkey has been going through rapid changes and developments recently. However, defenders of the status quo seem to have been caught in such mental disarray this time that their responses to these developments are beyond any reason or legal bounds. This will definitely not contribute positively to the development of full democracy, the rule of law and civil society in Turkey.

Osman Can is the most famous Constitutional Court rapporteur, an associate professor of constitutional law, the co-chairman of newly established Judges and Prosecutors Association for Democracy and Freedom, but also a taboo breaker in the judicial sphere which has been the focus of the recent regime discussions in Turkey.

Speaking to two seasoned Turkish journalists, Cengiz Candar and Hasan Cemal, President Abdullah Gül said that the period of military coups and memoranda is over in Turkey. This is a remarkable statement coming from a president whose candidacy the famous April 27, 2007 e-memorandum tried to abort only two years ago.

A recent public survey conducted by the Ankara-based International Strategic Research Organization (ISRO/USAK) shows a high level of public support behind Turkish foreign policy, much higher than political support the incumbent Justice and Development Party (AK Party) may have.

A Turkish court?s decision to turn down a request by the military judiciary to halt the examination of secret files currently taking place as part of an investigation on the grounds that nobody can hide behind state secrets is a breakthrough in the redefinition of the controversial concept of state secrets in this country.

A particular expectation has formed in some circles with the closure of the Democratic Society Party (DTP). It is the expectation that a more liberal movement, such as the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), will emerge from the DTP (similar to the case of the now-disbanded Virtue Party [FP]).

What would I do if I was the chief of General Staff? I would tell those who criticize the military?s attitude regarding the dark formations exposed by the Ergenekon investigation that I want to clean up the mess myself if I was the chief of General Staff.

Steps taken in pursuit of democracy with the laws introduced for European Union harmonization; legislation passed in relation to military-civilian relations within this scope; the opening of negotiations in the EU as a result of the political will displayed in Cyprus; a Turkey that has started to hold generals responsible for ?coup plans? with the will behind exposing Ergenekon and the amendments made to some laws; a judiciary that has started to pursue unsolved murder cases.

Now the AKP calibrates TSK’s balanceHürriyetIn 2008 ?calibrating of balance? of the Turkish Armed Forces started to take place, which was called Ergenekon. Erdoğan understood that if he could not

The military continues to surprise everyone. This institution has been so indoctrinated into our brains starting from primary school and so glorified in our eyes that we never expect them to blunder and panic. However, the developments of the last week added clumsiness to the military?s pro-coup and manipulation-obsessed image.