4 Statement of Authorship: This dissertation is the result of my own work. Material from the published or unpublished work of others, which is referred to in the dissertation, is credited to the author in the text. Vienna,

5 Table of Contents List of Illustrations... V List of Tables... VII 1. Introduction Aims of this Study Structure and Methods Acknowledgements Media and Democracy Theories of Democracy and Political Information The Role of the Mass Media The Effects of the Mass Media Does Political Information Matter? TV as a Source of Political Information Avoidance of Political Information Too Much Information? Conclusion Young People, Mass Media, and Political News Teenagers and Media The Generational Gap Digital Natives and the News The Aging Audience of TV News Conclusion Political Information: A Different Approach Politics as Fun: The Daily Show with Jon Stewart The Rejuvenation of BBC Current Affairs The Mouthpiece of a Generation: Neon Is There Something to Learn? Entertainment and Emotion Relevance and Authenticity Information and Social Experience Conclusion and Implications Bibliography IV

9 1. Introduction 1.1 Aims of this Study On January 26, 2007, an election took place in Austria. The leading candidates were a woman and two young men. Their last encounter on TV, before the votes were cast, was seen by 1,135,000 people; the market share of 42% meant that almost half of all Austrians, who watched TV that evening, had tuned in. Among TV viewers younger than thirty, the market share reached a stunning 68%. A few months earlier, another election had taken place. Before the votes were cast, the last TV debate of the five candidates, on September 28, 2006, was seen by 1,262,000 people, and it attained an even larger market share of 47%. Yet, of the younger audience less than 25% watched the debate, while three quarters had switched to another channel. Why was this debate so much less attractive to the younger crowd, drawing just 85,000 viewers under thirty, whereas the candidates of the other election were watched by three times as many teenagers and twentysomethings? The answer is obvious. In September 2006, the TV audience saw a 90-minute prime-time debate of five leading politicians, competing for a majority in the parliamentary elections a few days later, and for the post of Austria s chancellor. In January 2007, the viewers watched the two-hour finale of Starmania, Austria s version of American Idol, with three gorgeous youngsters on the stage, performing pop songs, and competing for a recording contract. While the average viewer of the music show was 39 years of age, the audience of the political debate had a median age of 56. Yet this was by no means an outlier. For a two-hour hard core political program on TV the audience was even youthful. The average viewer of the premier evening newscast in Austria is 61 years old, and the audience of a one-hour Sunday morning talk show on politics (a local version of Meet the Press) has a median age of An Austrian phenomenon? Not at all. What prompted me to contrast the ratings of Starmania and the political debate was a similar comparison in a book by American journalism scholar David Min- 1

10 dich (2005), with the catchy title Tuned Out. Why Americans Under 40 Don t Follow the News. Mindich was alarmed by the fact that more Americans watched the finale of American Idol than a Presidential debate between George Bush and Al Gore shortly before the election of This and further evidence led him to the thesis of his book that across America, young people have abandoned traditional news (ibid., 3-4). And the same picture can be seen in every so called media democracy: traditional or old media seem to have lost much of their attraction to significant parts of the population, in particular to most people born after The average consumer of TV newscasts everywhere is around 60 (and growing older) and total viewership is shrinking year by year, as is the circulation of newspapers and political magazines around the world. New media are obviously more successful, with hundreds of millions of people active on social networking sites such as Facebook or MySpace, watching and sharing videos on YouTube, listening to music on their ipods, searching for information on Google or Wikipedia, or playing World of Warcraft. One might argue that it does not make much of a differerence whether (especially young) people entertain themselves by watching television and listening to the radio, or by pulling videos and music from the web. Or, that this is primarily an economic problem for media conglomerates which have stuck to long to tried and tested media formats, and are now rapidly losing their profit-generating target audience of 14 to 49-year-olds who are so much cherished by the advertising industry. 2 Yet, this is not the focus of this study. For mass media not only have the purpose to entertain (or to generate profits) but also as the founders of the BBC famously put it to inform and educate. Democratic societies are built on the premise that their citizens participate in the public discourse. Even in the most minimal form of representative democracies, citizens ought to cast their votes based on considered opinions on the parties and candidates standing for election. The basic prerequisite for forming such 1 These internal data were provided by the audience research department of ORF, Austria s public broadcaster, where the author is employed as a senior editor of the news division. The data are not publicly available and not meant for further publication. 2 In the face of its aging viewership, the broadcast industry is slowly adapting its concept of a 14 to 49-year-old target audience. The concept was originally introduced by commercial TV channels, which are financed through advertising and had a much younger audience than public TV. Over the last few years, however, the median viewer age of commercial broadcasters has also increased steadily. In 2007, for instance, the audiences of the dominant German private channels RTL and Sat1 were on average 48 and 52 years of age, respectively (Feldmeier 2008). 2

11 considered opinions is information and knowledge about politics. As former U.S. President James Madison wrote almost two hundred years ago in a famous letter, A popular government, without popular information or the means of acquring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps both (cited in Delli Carpini/Keeter 1996, 22). Since most citizens don t have direct access to politics beyond their local community, they have to rely on information provided by others. This task is usually fulfilled by the mass media, which employ professional journalists to report on political, economic and cultural affairs. For many decades the primary sources of political information for most citizens were newspapers and printed journals, until television became the prevalent medium of the 20 th century. TV was, of course, a perfect venue for entertainment, but from the beginning it was also seen as a service for the public interest. Very early on, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission asserted that the foundation stone of the American system of broadcasting is the right of the public to be informed and mandated that the newly founded broadcasting networks air public affairs programming (Baym 2010, 11). In Europe, a system of public broadcasters was established, with the BBC becoming its widely admired role model. In the 1970s, BBC director general (and three-term President of the European Broadcasting Union) was Charles Curran, who stated: It is the broadcasters role, as I see it, to win public interest in public issues it is their duty, for the sake of the successful government of society, to persuade their audiences to feel themselves involved in the issues which have to be debated Broadcasters have a responsibility, therefore, to provide a rationally based and balanced service of news which will enable people to make basic judgements about public policy in their capacity as voting citizens of a democracy. (Curran 1979, ; orig. emphasis) But what if (broadcast) news cannot win public interest in public issues any longer, at least among younger people, as seems to be the case from the declining ratings of newscasts and the shrinking circulation of newspapers? For U.S. media scholar David Mindich (2005, 5) the consequences are clear: America is facing the greatest exodus of informed citizenship in its history. he writes. Yet, is it that dramatic? For many years the informed and enlightened citizen was the ideal of western democracy and the mission of professional journalism in print, radio and television. But is this ideal still (and was it ever) realistic? And more 3

12 fundamentally is this ideal even necessary? Or are there ways to provide the public with the essential knowledge to participate in the community and make informed decisions in the voting booth, without overloading them with information which many especially younger citizens do not use anyway? This is the basic question I will try to answer in this thesis. I will do this by compiling the latest available research on the media habits of young people and putting it into the context of relevant theoretical concepts of democracy theory, media and communication studies, and research on political learning. By doing so, I will cover topics such as: How much information do citizens actually need to participate in the public sphere? How much information do they get? Are young people indeed abandoning political news? How do they use media in general? Are they less informed than their elders, or perhaps just differently informed? And, will the Digital Natives of the 21 st century pick up the news habits of their parents and grandparents as they get older and start reading newspapers, and watching television news? Are there forms of political information, that are attractive to young people? And what could be learned from this to create new, innovative media formats? Given my profession as a TV journalist, and the fact that television is still the most popular medium, even among youngsters as will be shown, I will focus my research on television, nevertheless, many findings and conclusions of this thesis will be applicable to other media as well. 1.2 Structure and Methods In a first step (Chapter 2), I review the traditional concept of informed citizenship and the role of political information in a democratic society. I discuss the most important theories of democracy and their specific take on the functions of information and public discourse. The concept of a public sphere and the relevance of mass media as the central arena of the public debate are examined, as well as the effects of mass media, and television in particular, on political interest, knowledge and behavior. I present a model of political learning, and concepts of practical political knowledge and monitorial citizenship. The chapter concludes with a section on information avoidance and information overload. It is based on theoretical literature and academic research, mainly from the fields of political science, media studies, and communications. 4

13 Chapter 3 investigates in great detail the media habits of young people. I have not gathered original data by conducting surveys, interviews, or focus groups, as this is already a very well researched field of study. Extensive quantitative and qualitative research has been done by industry groups, think tanks, consulting firms, media companies, political institutions, and academics. I have compiled the most relevant and recent surveys, studies, and statistics (some of which are not publicly available), and merged them into a comprehensive overview, which will provide a detailed picture of how young people use media and consume news. Most of the data stem from the U.S., as the world s most important (and in some respects most advanced) media market, and from major European countries, above all Germany and the U.K. Many studies, however, come from Austria which is, with its 8 million inhabitants, not a particularly important media market. Yet, for all purposes of this study the media landscape of Austria (which is heavily influenced by neighboring Germany), and the media habits of its youngsters are typical enough of any modern media democracy. As a 25-year veteran of Austria s public broadcaster ORF, I have had access to a plethora of internal audience research data and unpublished surveys and studies, which were generously made available to me. These data provide empirical evidence to confirm, refute, or complement various assumptions and conclusions of publicly available research. Chapter 3 focuses first on the media usage of teenagers as the youngest segment of the audience. The vital question (for the part of broadcasters and newspaper publishers) of whether young people will take up the media habits of their elders, when they get older, is the focus of the next section, followed by an extensive examination of how Digital Natives perceive political information and news. Drawing on broad audience research data, I finally show the trends and changes in the viewership of television news over the last thirty years. In Chapter 4, I present three case studies: tree very different media formats, from the U.S., Britain, and Germany, which are each successful in reaching young audiences with political information, yet by very distinct means. None of them is a traditional news format. First of all, because I have not found a single serious newscast (that is more than just a quick news update) covering mainly hard news, that does attract a predominantly young audience. And secondly, as we will see, young viewers don t even want entirely different TV news (a striking paradox that is discussed in Chapter 3). Yet, there are also forms of political information other than traditional news. Two of the case studies cover television pro- 5

14 grams, one is a print magazine. While all three cases are based on and exemplified through actual material from the programs and the magazine, the further methodological approach is different. One of the TV shows (The Daily Show with Jon Stewart) has already been the subject of extensive academic discourse which will be reviewed. 3 The discussion of the successful relaunch of BBC s current affairs programs is based on an elaborate presentation by one of the senior editors responsible for the project. The section on the German magazine Neon draws mainly on an extensive personal interview with one of its founders and chief editors, and on internal market research of the magazine s publisher. All three case studies are complemented by further material from audience research and press reports (for a more detailed discussion of sources and references see Chapter 4). Finally, I discuss extensively what editors, producers, and journalists could learn from these successful approaches to make political information more attractive to young audiences, and I make some suggestions based on further research by scholars and industry experts. In the final Chapter, I summarize the findings of my study and discuss them in the context of the previously described ideal of an informed citizenry, a model of political learning, and the concepts of practical knowledge and monitorial citizenship. This thesis investigates a topic that is very high on the agenda of many journalists and executives in the media industry. Reaching young audiences is the Holy Grail. reads the first sentence of a newspaper association report (WAN 2007, 5). Industry officials are, understandably, concerned about the economic future of their businesses. Yet this is not the primary focus of this study, even though it is a master s thesis for an M.B.A. program. My emphasis is on the potential implications of young people s different media usage for public discourse and democratic practice. And, of course, this study does not aspire to deliver definite solutions and final answers, but instead to offer a few insights and suggestions, hopefully of some avail. One more note on my use of references: Some of the books, articles, surveys, presentations, and interview transcripts are originally in German. All direct citations were translated by me and are marked by an asterisk (*). 3 Unfortunately, no senior producer of The Daily Show was available for a personal interview, and the press department of Comedy Central refused to provide any data on the show s audience. There was, however, sufficient material publicly available. 6

15 1.3 Acknowledgements Even though this thesis is the result of my own work, it would not have been possible without the support of many people and institutions. From the audience research departments at ORF and ZDF I have received invaluable internal data on television audiences. (Thank you, Christian Troy and Hedwig Zehetner!) Forrester Research Inc., Pricewaterhouse Coopers, Deloitte Consulting GmbH, IP/RTL Group, and the Austrian newspaper association VÖZ generously provided me with extensive studies which are usually sold at considerable rates and were immensely helpful. GfK Austria let me use the results of several unpublished surveys. Niko Alm was kind enough to share with me a very useful study he had bought for his company Super-Fi. Michael Parkin of Oberlin College sent me some of his articles on political learning through entertainment, and my friend and classmate Pit Gottschalk of Axel Springer AG helped me get access to several newspaper industry reports. Furthermore, I am grateful to Paul Read for his meticulous proofreading of these pages. All of their support improved this thesis, and for all remaining mistakes I bear the sole responsibility. I want to thank my superiors at the ORF news division for granting me an unpaid leave of absence to research and write this thesis. But first and foremost I am indebted to Michael Conrad and his congenial wife Helga, who were so generous in awarding me their scholarship to attend the Berlin School. Just listening and talking to Michael and to the godfather of our class, his friend Keith Reinhard, was one of the most inspiring learning experiences I have ever had. Doug Guthrie and David Slocum are not only the supervising tutors of this project, but the intellectual pillars of the Berlin School, who strive tirelessly to make the School even better. Clark Parsons, Sheridan Jones, and the wonderful Jeannine Konrad were the most efficient organizational team, always affable, and extremely helpful, whatever the special request. I want to thank my classmates, a marvelous group of smart and creative people, from whom I have learned as much as from our professors; and my special thanks to the better three of the Fantastic Four, who made these past 18 months so much fun! My final and biggest debt is to my family, Euké, Jana, and Luis, for their love and support; and for allowing me to disappear for weeks to Berlin, Tokyo, New York, and Los Angeles, and for months in my study. Nothing is more important to me than the three of you! 7

16 2. Media and Democracy The most famous and probably the shortest definition of democracy was delivered by Abraham Lincoln in his historic Gettysburg Address of 1863: Government of the people, for the people, by the people. As accurate as this quip is, democracy as a concept is, of course, far more complex, something which is documented by the abundance of modern democracy theories (Saage 2005, Schmidt 2008). 4 A central feature which differentiates these competing theories from one another is the level of participation and the forms of engagement they expect from citizens (Dahlgreen 2009). I will discuss this in further detail below. However, one minimal civic duty is shared by all modern theories of democracy: The citizens ought to keep themselves informed about public issues (although the necessary levels of information are contended), in order to be able to participate in the public discourse, to form qualified political opinions and to execute their right to vote on a rational basis. 2.1 Theories of Democracy and Political Information A common framework used to differentiate theories of democracy identifies three main traditions (Martinsen 2009): (1) liberal theories, (2) deliberative (or public sphere) theories, and (3) participatory (or republican) theories. The main focus of liberal theories lies on the election of representatives in accordance with a constitution that facilitates the chance to periodically unseat the ruling government by a majority of the voting population. The most important contribution of the citizens is to choose periodically who among competing teams of would-be office holders will exercise public authority (Gamson 2001, 56). In such a limited citizenship model too much civic involvement is not necessary and not even desired, as the basis of liberal tradition is representative government, and a necessity to actively involve average citizens in the execution of public affairs would rather indicate a functional disturbance. Central to liberal theories is the 4 The historian Michael Schudson (1998) has shown that in reality the Founding Fathers were not very keen of citizens trying to participate in public affairs beyond casting their votes on Election Day. Government was strictly regarded as the business of elected officials ( esteemed leaders with sound character and good family ), who carefully deliberated how to form the will of the people into law. Further public participation was regarded neither necessary nor useful. 8

17 idea of a plurality of social groups with specific interests which compete for support. Each relevant group must have the chance to make itself heard and put a collectively important topic on the public agenda. The public debate then mainly serves as a kind of sound board that provides reliable information about public concerns for political decision makers. The voters first and foremost need information about the differences in the agendas of the competing teams and about possible malfunctions in the political process such as corruption or incompetence of office holders. This should enable citizens to judge as to whether office seekers are to be trusted with the authority of public office. The participatory or republican school of democracy theories is much more ambitious and demanding. Instead of the top-down perspective of representative government the participatory paradigm advocates a bottom-up approach. The citizen is not merely regarded as a sort of political customer who chooses from different offerings made by political entrepreneurs (parties, individual candidates) and pays with his vote for the service of having his interests represented. In participatory concepts the authors and the addressees of laws should, ideally, be identical the citizens act as their own representatives. In modern territorial states this is, of course, not easily put into practice and can only be achieved sporadically and gradually, e.g. at a local level or by holding referendums. Yet the public debate is not restricted to keeping citizens up-to-date on public affairs carried out by professional politicians and bureaucrats its primary function is to include the citizens as active actors and participants in the political decisionmaking process and the building of communities. The third major string of democracy paradigms are so called deliberative theories. Their most prominent advocate is the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, whose seminal book Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere) of 1962 laid ground for the since much debated concept of deliberative discourse in the public sphere. Its central notion is a continuous rational exchange of ideas without privileged arguments or outside pressure in order to generate a consensus about collectively binding decisions. This public discourse is to act as a permanent feedback loop between a critically reasoning civic society and a strategically oriented system of political decision making: 9

18 As an essential element of the democratic process, deliberation is expected to fulfill three functions: to mobilize and pool relevant issues and required information, and to specify interpretations; to process such contributions discursively by means of proper arguments for and against; and to generate rationally motivated yes and no attitudes that are expected to determine the outcome of procedurally correct decisions. To put it in a nutshell, the deliberative model expects the political public sphere to ensure the formation of a plurality of considered public opinions. (Habermas 2006, 415) Even though these three main traditions of democratic theories have rather different normative expectations concerning the active engagement and involvement of citizens in the political process, they have one central requirement in common, expressed in its most concentrated form by Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee in their influential study Voting (1954, 308): The democratic citizen is expected to be well informed about political affairs. There is no consensus, however, as to what being well informed about political affairs is exactly supposed to entail. Berelson and his colleagues state rather ambitious expectations: He [the democratic citizen] is supposed to know what the issues are, what their history is, what the relevant facts are, which alternatives are proposed, what the party stands for, what the likely consequences are (ibid.). On a more theoretical level Anthony Downs, in his groundbreaking book An Economic Theory of Democracy, gets even more specific and elaborates the following main steps of rationally deciding how to vote (1985, 209): 1. Gathering information relevant to each issue upon which important political decisions have been (or will) be made. 2. For each issue, selecting from all the information gathered which will be used in the voting decision. 3. For each issue, analyzing the facts selected to arrive at specific factual conclusions about possible alternative policies and their consequences. 4. For each issue, appraising the consequences of every likely policy in light of relevant goals. [ ] 5. Coordinating the appraisals of each issue into a net evaluation of each party running in the election. [ ] 6. Making the voting decision by comparing the net evaluations of each party and weighting them for future contingencies. 7. Actually voting or abstaining. It is obvious without further research that such an extensive information gathering process is neither feasible nor practical for most individual voters, and therefore 10

19 not implemented in real life voting decisions. Downs even holds that in fact it would be irrational for a voter trying to collect and analyze all the necessary information in order to decide rationally, for the information costs are much higher than the marginal return, i.e. the chance of influencing the outcome of an election with a single vote. As a cost-minimizing alternative, citizens can gain accidental political information either as free by-products of non-political (mainly entertainment) activities, or they can seek straight political information purely for its entertainment value because they enjoy political rivalry and warfare (ibid., 223). Yet in any case a rational citizen will try to reduce his costs by delegating most parts of the laborious information-gathering and decision-making process to specialized agencies and professional evaluation experts (e.g. journalists in the mass media) or he will use information short-cuts (such as ideology or party affiliation). Other authors are less demanding and specific about how much information is necessary for taking part in the democratic discourse. Tilley and Wlezien (2008, 192), for example, claim rather broadly: It is not that people need to know everything, but they do need to know something. James Barber (1973, 44) holds a citizen would need to know what the government is and does. Delli Carpini and Keeter (1996, 65) add that citizens should also know who the government is. Maier (2009, 395) summarizes all these different normative expectations as knowledge about structures, knowledge about topics and knowledge about actors. By such standards the voters fall short. stated Berelson, Lazersfeld and McPhee more than 50 years ago. That democracies have survived nevertheless that is the paradox. Individual voters today seem unable to satisfy the requirements for a democratic system of government outlined by political theorists (1954, 312). Since then several scholars have attempted to resolve this apparent dilemma (which was originally conveyed by the American journalist Walter Lippmann in the early 1920s 5 ) by modifying the concept of being an informed citizen. Pippa Norris (2000, ) for example asks voters to acquire practical knowledge about politics, which she describes as information sufficient to enable citizens to estimate the probable risks and benefits of their decisions. [ ] There is no rational incentive to memorize facts that have no practical relevance 5 In his seminal book Public Opinion Lippmann (1997, 19) famously called it an intolerable and unworkable fiction that each of us must acquire a competent opinion about all public affairs. His pessimistic assessment of the average citizen s ability to formulate sound opinions on public affairs was promptly disputed by the 11

20 to citizens multiple political roles. Thus, practical knowledge is situational and varies with the context of a political decision. It can be different for referendums, or for general elections, or for the selection of political candidates. The necessary information can, depending on the context, be very factual and rather abstract or personal and soft, but it does not have to be encyclopedic: Just as drivers do not need to know the principles of mechanics, or even how a spark plug works, to accelerate a car, so citizens do not need to plumb the depths of how a bill becomes law to understand the probable consequences of their political decisions (ibid., 211). Michael Schudson (1998; 1999) is even more generous with his widely discussed concept of the monotorial citizen. Like Downs and Norris, Schudson argues that the ideal of an all-informed citizen, who carefully studies political issues, party platforms, and the record of candidates, is in need of modification for it is simply not realistic. To be well informed even about a single local issue such as the construction of a highway would require months of study (Schudson 1999, 14). Instead of permanent information gathering, citizens should engage in what he calls environmental surveillance, which does not imply that citizens should know all the issues all of the time. It implies that they should be informed enough and alert enough to identify danger to their personal good and danger to the public good. When such danger appears on the horizon, they should have the resources in trusted relationships, in political parties and elected officials, in relationships to interest groups and other trustees of their concerns, in knowledge of and access to the courts as well as the electoral system, and in relevant information sources to jump into the political fray and make a lot of noise (ibid., 21). Yet, according to Schudson, in some ways such monitorial citizenship is even more demanding than the traditional ideal of informed citizenship for it implies that one s peripheral vision should always have a political or civic dimension (ibid.). Irrespective of its range or depth, acquiring any (political) knowledge depends on three conditions according to the OMA-framework, devised by Delli Carpini and Keeter (1996): (1) abilities, (2) motivations, and (3) opportunities. Individual abilities range from physical capabilities (e.g. being able to see and hear), to cogniphilosopher John Dewey and led to a still frequently quoted debate between the two famous public intellectuals (see Allan 2010). 12

21 tive and intellectual skills like the competence to process and retain information (the latter are strongly influenced by formal education). Motivation describes the individual willingness to deal with political questions and issues, e.g. political interest, the frequency and intensity of interpersonal communication about politics, or the consumption of political news in the mass media. Opportunities mean the general availability of information about public affairs which can come from different sources and forms of exchange in the public sphere. The German scholars Gerhards and Neidhardt (1993, 58-67*) call the public sphere an intermediary system that provides for the exchange between the political system and the citizens. It is a system of communication, where the production of a certain kind of knowledge takes place and where public opinions emerge. In their influential article they distinguish three different levels of public sphere: (1) personal interaction and encounters, (2) public events and assemblies, and (3) mass media. The central function of all levels of the public sphere is: generating, processing, and using information in order to define topics and opinions for the political system. Encounters are mainly accidental. They are direct, unmediated, often spontaneous interactions, taking place at shops, restaurants or on the street. Their nature is open, fragile and without much structure. Topics and participants fluctuate. Due to the small number of attendees and the episodic character of personal interaction, the likelihood of encounters exercising a strong impact on public opinion is rather limited. Assemblies, mostly in the form of events or demonstrations, are open to a more general public. They are planned and organized, they usually have a theme and a schedule, and participants emerge in different (but exchangeable) roles: as speakers and audience. Since assemblies can reach a larger audience (directly via participants or indirectly via media coverage) they have a bigger chance to shape public opinion. But by far the most important venue for communication about politics in modern societies is the mass media. Mass media communication requires an elaborate technical infrastructure, and information is gathered, processed, and distributed by professional communication specialists embedded in complex organizations, i. e. journalists. The role of the audience is different: it is more abstract (not physically present), much larger and its chance to participate in and influence the communication process is vastly reduced. The roles of provider and consumer of information are generally clearly separated. Therefore Gerhards and Neidhardt describe the mass media as a relatively closed and not very sensitive system. 13

22 Yet a public sphere in complex societies would not be possible without the mass media (ibid., 66*). This was written, of course, before the emergence of the internet and what is now known as social media. In the terminology of Gerhards and Neidhardt, the so called Web 2.0 or social networks (e.g. Facebook, MySpace, and Twitter) would be a sort of hybrid of all three levels of the public sphere: communication in social media consists of direct and personal interactions (encounter), which take place without physical presence but in front of a theoretically unlimited audience via the complex technical infrastructure of the World Wide Web (mass media); and every interaction can not only be followed but also easily joined and influenced by every known or anonymous member of the audience, thereby becoming a participant (assembly). Some contemporary authors hail social media as the ideal venue for the emergence of engaged and interactive political deliberation, for it enables the transformation of participants from passive consumers into active contributors (Meißelbach 2009). Many others remain skeptical, though first and foremost the originator of the concept of deliberative discourse, Jürgen Habermas (2006, 423) who suspects: The rise of millions of fragmented chat rooms across the world tends to lead to the fragmentation of large but politically focused mass audiences into a huge number of isolated issue publics. Even though Habermas became famous with his fundamental critique of the mass media, in 2006 he referred to the political journalism to which we are accustomed as the centerpiece of deliberative politics (ibid.). In his much quoted book Die Realität der Massenmedien (The Reality of Mass Media) the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann (a lifelong academic adversary of Habermas) even went so far to flatly declare: What we know about our society, yes, about the world we inhibit, we know through the mass media (1996, 9*). 14

23 2.2 The Role of the Mass Media While Luhmann s famous dictum is, obviously, a factual overstatement, 6 most scholars name the mass media as the most important source of political information and the central platform of political discourse. According to political scientist Ralph Negrine (1996, 107) the mass media act as an important link between the public, and the opinion of the public and the decision-making processes of government; as a key player in the construction or creation of the public and of public opinion; as a means by which the public can come to play a direct and indirect part in the democratic process. Along these lines mass media in democratic societies are expected to perform different functions (Strohmeier 2004, 71-99): Their primary function is the creation of a public sphere as described above. Mass media constitute the public space that is the direct basis for their secondary and the indirect basis for their tertiary functions. Secondary functions are information and control. As for information the mass media provide a forum for candidates and political parties to debate their qualifications for office before a national audience and contribute to informed citizenship by providing a variety of perspectives on the important issues of the day (Iyengar/McGrady 2007, 19). Furthermore they control and monitor politicians, government agencies and other authorities by serving as watchdogs, exposing possible mismanagement, abuses of power or corruption, thus holding the government accountable to the public. As tertiary functions Strohmeier names political socialization and integration by conveying the shared values and rules of a society; political education by providing basic knowledge about political institutions and processes; and the formation of public opinion by setting topics, acting as gate keepers, and shaping the public debate: Media not only survey the events of the day and make them the focus of public and private attention, they 6 Perhaps it is not even so much of an exaggeration. After a fascinating experiment, the American journalist Bill McKibben (1993) had to conclude: Television is the chief way that most of us partake of the larger world. For his book The age of missing information, McKibben had watched every single hour of programming on all 93 TV channels which were available in Fairfax, Virginia on May 3, 1990, and compared these 2,200 hours of watching television to the experience of spending 24 hours alone on a mountain top (a likewise artificial setting, of course). Twenty years later the cable service company Comcast alone provided up to 270 channels to its customers in Northern Virginia (http://comcast.usdirect.com/va-fairfax-comcast-cable.html, as of ) 15

24 also interpret their meaning, put them into context, and speculate about their consequences (Graber 1997, 10). In a very similar categorization Norris (2000, 24) connects the central functions of the news media to the main characteristics of democratic societies: (1) act as civic forum to enable pluralistic competition, (2) act as mobilizing agent to foster public participation, (3) act as watchdog to guard civil liberties and political rights. Conditions for Representative Democracy Pluralistic Competition Public Participation Civil Liberties and Political Rights Role of the News Media Civic Forum Mobilizing Agent Watchdog Performance Indices Availability and balance of news in terms of: Civic engagement of news users in terms of: Independence and effectiveness of the news media in terms of: Stopwatch balance Practical knowledge Abuses of power Directional balance Political interest Public scandals Agenda balance Civic activism Government failures Source: Norris 2000, 24 Tab. 1: Standards of Media Performance in Democratic Societies The importance of the mass media for the political process in modern democracies has significantly increased over time, mainly due to a phenomenon known to political scientists as dealignment. It describes the process by which partisanship or loyalty to one party, among the electorate has reduced over the last half century (Lilleker 2006, 66). For many decades voters held strong affective, often lifelong attachments to one political party and this was usually heavily influenced by social status or class. Voting patterns were very stable, and could be predicted and explained to a large extent by a voter s profession, religious activity and place of residence. A unionized factory worker who lived in a large city was almost certain to vote for a socialist or social democratic party, whereas factory owners, farmers or small-town entrepreneurs overwhelmingly voted conservative, as did those who regularly attended Sunday mass. However, with the erosion of traditional class divisions due to modernization, individualization and secularization these quasi natural political attachments diminished almost completely. Over the last few decades, a rising number of voters have begun to change their party affiliations from one election to the other. Today, the rise of the floating voter is a global phenomenon (ibid.). Yet if citizens do not vote for a party due 16

25 to tradition or to an affective or ideological attachment, candidates and parties have to persuade them before each election anew. Hence, the immense proliferation and professionalization of political communication emerged. In an influential article Blumler and Kavanagh (1999) identified three successive phases or ages of political communication in most post-war democracies: The First Age, which lasted to the mid-1960s, was characterized by stable social structure, firm and long-lasting party identifications, a high level of confidence in political and public institutions, and substantive messages by politicians about alternative political directions and policies which were readily and extensively covered in the mass media and disseminated through party-affiliated organizations and media. There was a paradox at play though: while the public debate was meaningful and elaborate, it had little effect on the voters who still made their decisions according to traditional group-based loyalties. The Second Age of political communication dawned when nationwide television became the dominant medium while the party loyalties of voters increasingly eroded. The traditional TV networks in the U.S. and then-dominant public television in most (Western) European countries obliged to an ideal of fair, non-partisan and neutral political coverage, thus replacing old-style party propaganda. With TV becoming immensely popular, the audience for political communication was considerably enlarged. News about political and public affairs could reach a sector of the electorate that was previously hard to access. This had a profound effect on the communication efforts of political parties and marked the birth of modern political marketing. Advised by professional consultants, parties adopted an array of tactics to get into the news and shape the media agenda. Political events, arguments and even candidates were chosen according to the needs of television with its focus on pictures, personalities, sound bites and short production cycles. The paradox of this Second Age was that at a time when many citizens had become more openminded and receptive to different political views, they were served an emptier and less nourishing communications diet (ibid., 213). The Third Age of political communication, beginning in the 1990s, is marked by the proliferation of the main means of communication, media abundance, ubiquity, reach, and celerity (ibid.). Cable and satellite technology, digitization and the deregulation of the communications industry led to an explosive multiplication of media outlets; hundreds of 24-hour television channels, thousands of radio stations and above all the boundless offerings of the internet. The news cycle has tremendously acce- 17

26 lerated and competition between media outlets and journalists is fierce. To politicians the third-age media system must loom like a hydra-headed beast, the many mouths of which are continually clamoring to be fed (ibid.). This leads to a hugely intensified professionalization of political communication through highly specialized experts and consultants; to a reorganization of parties as centralized communication platforms, conducting permanent campaigns; the rise of negative campaigning; a growing antagonism between politicians and journalists who increasingly resist being used and exploited by political handlers as mere messengers of painstakingly staged and focus-group tested arguments. They react with a more judgmental and critical coverage and by focusing on the tactical and horse-race aspects of political campaigning, thus losing sight of the more substantive side of policy debates. This trend is reinforced by the soaring commercialization of the media industry. The concentration on profits and market shares puts political journalists under great pressure to compete with more easily accessible and more popular entertainment, adopting story formulas of fiction formats and neglecting complex and boring policy issues. As for the audience, the third phase of media system means an enormous fragmentation. An almost limitless number of media outlets compete for the naturally limited attention of viewers, listeners, readers and users: Communicators who wish to inform, persuade or simply keep the attention of their auditors must therefore adapt more closely than in the past to what ordinary people find interesting, engaging, relevant and accessible (ibid., 220). 2.3 The Effects of the Mass Media There is an ongoing and still undecided academic debate about the effects and influences that mass media actually have on their audiences (Norris 2000). The assumptions range from the very optimistic (mass media as the ideal venue for political education and as an activator for civic engagement) to the very pessimistic (promotion of cynicism and political apathy, undermining confidence in public institutions). German communication scholar Winfried Schulz has compiled all these different hypotheses and theories into the following chart: 18

27 Influence on citizens (micro perspective) Influence on political organizations and systems (macro perspective) Optimistic assumptions Political learning from political news Formation of political opinions through arguments in the media discourse Political socialization by the conveyance of values and patterns of behavior Political activation, promotion of political participation Empowering of underprivileged groups of the electorate (e.g. women, minorities) Extension of channels and formats of political communication Formation of a public sphere and public opinion Media as intermediaries in the political system Selection and definition of political relevant issues (agenda-setting) Surveillance of political power, prevention of abuse Pessimistic assumptions Decline of political interest and political knowledge, increase of political apathy De-ideologization and personalization of voting behavior Cultivation of political alienation and malaise, disenchantment with politics Mainstreaming of political convictions, support of the status quo Entertainization and trivialization of political communication Emotionalization and personalization of election campaigns Fragmentation of the public sphere Adaption of political organizations to the logic of media production, mediatization of politics Loss of political autonomy, de-authentication of politics Source: Schulz 2009, 105* Growing knowledge gap in society Tab. 2: Assumptions on the Political Effects of Mass Media Strohmeier (2004) classifies the possible effects of mass media on their audiences into three categories: they can have an impact (1) on the knowledge, (2) on the attitudes, and (3) on the behavior of the recipients. Studies on mass media effects have a long tradition with a huge body of empirical research from which very different and even contradictory results and theories have emerged, not least because most effects are very complex and difficult to measure. But some concepts and hypotheses have been extensively empirically tested and are currently broadly accepted (Graber 1997, ; Strohmeier 2004, ; Iyengar/McGrady 2007, ): 19

28 - Uses and gratification theories: this approach contends that media recipients ignore messages that are personally irrelevant to them and unattractively presented. Yet they pay attention to messages they find useful and intellectually or emotionally gratifying, if these messages do not consume too much time or effort. Uses and gratifications can be grouped into three broad categories (Bennett 2009, 94): (1) curiosity and surveillance, (2) entertainment and escape, (3) social and psychological adjustment. Doris Graber (1997) has surveyed American media recipients for their reasons for paying attention to or avoiding news reports, and her findings confirm that personal relevance, emotional appeal and importance are the most important qualities of a story. Reasons for attention % Reasons for inattention % Personal relevance 26 Missed the story 47 Emotional appeal 20 No interest 28 Societal importance 19 Too remote 10 Interesting story 15 Too busy 6 Job relevance 12 Doubt media 3 Chance reasons 1 Too complex 3 Miscellaneous 7 Redundant/boring 2 Doubt story 1 Source: Graber 1997, 200 (n=453 for reasons of attention; 1,493 for inattention) Tab. 3: Reasons for Attention or Inattention to News Stories - Agenda-setting theories: one of the strongest effects of media coverage is its influence on focusing the attention of the audience and selecting the issues and topics of public discourse. Extensive media coverage does usually guarantee that a topic will be publicly noticed (awareness). If mass media assign primary importance to a topic by featuring it in banner headlines, cover stories and extensive reports, this topic will usually be seen as relevant by the audience as well (salience). Yet the audience will not necessarily give the issue the same relative rank of importance (priority), and it will also note and appreciate information that is not given prominent media coverage: Audiences follow media guidance but not slavishly (Graber 1997, 201). Agenda-setting effects also vary with the type of topic, media and form of presentation and with the patterns of media use by the recipients. However, since the agenda setting-approach was first for- 20

29 mulated in the early 1970s, the strong influence of media coverage on the choice and salience of topics in the public debate has been frequently tested and confirmed. As an extension of the agenda-setting function, two further effects became known as framing and priming. Framing refers to the ability of mass media to alter opinions about an issue by emphasizing or de-emphasizing particular aspects of that issue. The media interpretation of an event or issue affects the perception of the recipients. Priming describes the phenomenon whereby the audience tends to judge political actors on the basis of issues and events which it has previously followed in the news. It seems that the media exert a certain influence on the criteria which voters use to assess politicians and their actions. If, for example, a candidate is seen as particularly competent in a certain area such as security which is given high priority in the media, this will have a positive effect on the evaluation of the candidate by the voters. 2.4 Does Political Information Matter? More controversial is the debate about how much information recipients actually gain from following the mass media and how they process this information. In a comparative study in 2005, media scholars from California and Switzerland surveyed citizens of the two countries about their knowledge of international politics and compared the coverage of foreign affairs in selected media (Bonfadelli/Marr 2008). They found the respondents from Switzerland to be significantly more knowledgeable: for example, 75% could name the U.N. secretary general, 70% could name at least two countries which fought alongside the U.S. in Iraq and 57% knew the principal aims of the Kyoto protocol. In California none of these questions was answered correctly by more than 20% of the interviewees. The knowledge gap could not be explained by the differences in overall media coverage though, as it had been expected by the authors of the study. A frequency analysis of the coverage of international topics in Swiss and American media showed no significant disparity. The decisive factor explaining the differences in knowledge (aside from other factors like the different political and educational systems) were the differences in media use. Whereas the Swiss respondents primarily read newspapers and watched public television news, the Californians mainly watched local TV news. Thus the findings from this study suggest that 21

30 political information in the media, if used, does actually increase political knowledge. In an interesting comparison of polling results the Pew Research Center (2007a) found, that the level of knowledge about politics in the U.S. population has remained fairly stable over several decades, despite dramatic changes in the media landscape and in audience behavior (often dubbed as the information revolution ). The surprising result: different news sources (like the internet) or different news formats (like 24-hour cable news), which were not available 20 years ago, are not having a great deal of impact on how much the public knows about national or international affairs (ibid., 1). 7 Source: Pew Research Center 2007a, 1 (n= 1,502) Tab. 4: Political Knowledge (U.S.) However, this survey again found a strong correlation between how much respondents knew and how avidly the followed the news media. In the 2007 polling, 69% of the most knowledgeable third of the group said they enjoy keeping up with the news a lot, compared with only 16% of the least informed third of the 1,502 respondents. Three quarters of those who said they didn t follow the news regularly (from any news source) fell into the low knowledge third of the group, whereas half of those who regularly used news media scored in the high knowledge third. But mastering facts about politics alone does not mean much in itself. Political information matters if it leads to the forming of opinions and judgments 7 Prior (2007) explains this phenomenon with the uneven distribution of news consumption in a high choice environment. While fewer news junkies follow more news sources than ever, a growing share of entertainment seekers is able to use multiple media channels without ever encountering news. 22

31 as a premise to participate in the public discourse or to take considered voting decisions. In a recent elaborate experiment, British scholars provided randomly assigned groups of participants with different information about political parties in the European Parliament and measured to what extent this new knowledge altered the perception of these parties among the respondents (Tilley/Wlezien 2008). The main conclusions were that previously well informed participants did not profit much from additional knowledge, but those with relatively low levels of political sophistication were indeed influenced by extra information and changed their party assessments accordingly. These findings are particularly important in regard to younger segments of the population, since surveys consistently show that young people are the age group that is by far the least knowledgeable about political affairs. The Pew Research Center study of 2007(a), for example, found 56% of 18 to 29-year-olds among the least informed third of respondents, whereas only 22% of 50 to 64-year-olds fell into that group. The opposite picture was to be seen among the most knowledgeable third: 15% of the ages 18-29, but 47% of the 50 to 64-year-olds were in the high knowledge group. Level of Political Knowledge High Medium Low Total population 35% 31% 34% year-olds Source: Pew Research Center 2007a, 6 (n=1,502) 8 Tab. 5: Political Knowledge by Age Group (U.S.) Furthermore, the survey found a strong correlation between the level of knowledge about political affairs and political engagement: more informed respondents 8 Those who correctly answered 15 or more questions out of 23 were classified as having a High level of knowledge. Those who correctly answered 10 to 14 questions were classified as Medium, while those who correctly answered nine or fewer were classified of having Low levels of knowledge about politics and news events. Knowledge levels increase by age group but were a little lower in the oldest demographic group of 65+ compared to year-olds. According to the authors of the study this is likely caused by the very different life circumstances of the two oldest age groups, with many of those 65 and older already retired and having to deal with health problems which can diminish the interest or ability to keep up with the news. 23

32 were not only significantly more likely to regularly follow the news, but also to be registered to vote than people who knew less. Media scholar Pippa Norris (2000) has conducted a wide ranging set of comparative studies in the U.S. and Europe which provide impressive evidence for a strong interrelation between news media consumption, political knowledge, interest in politics and civic engagement. Despite elaborate methodological efforts it was, unsurprisingly, not possible to establish a direct causality but Norris concludes: Those most exposed to the news media [ ] consistently proved more knowledgeable, not less; more trusting towards government and the political system, not less; and more likely to participate in election campaigns, not less (Norris 2000, 314). Other scholars, however, have challenged the importance of factual information and knowledge, arguing that voters usually rely on so called lowinformation rationality when making political decisions. They utilize information shortcuts, cues and heuristics, defined as easily obtained and used forms of information that serve as second-best substitutes for harder-to-obtain kinds of data (Popkin 1994, 44). Such shortcuts can be provided by friends, commentators in the media, or endorsements; through party loyalties, ideological affiliations, and lobby groups; or they can be obtained as a by-product of every-day activities, such as planning for retirement, managing a business, or looking for a job. In various studies on referendums, Arthur Lupia has shown that citizens who are not very well informed on the issues but rely on heuristics (such as endorsements by third parties or trusted advisers ) do not decide differently to citizens who possess a high level of factual knowledge. Their voting behavior does differ, though, from voters who are neither well informed nor use information shortcuts (Lupia 2001; Lupia/McCubbins 1998). Yet also shortcuts are usually acquired through the mass media, if voters do not rely solely on cues such as the advice of personal friends or party affiliation. Even low-information rationality is not conceivable without any knowledge. 2.5 TV as a Source of Political Information But which forms of media are used and should be used to acquire information? Are they all equal in their capacity to inform and educate about political affairs? The results of academic research provide a rather complex and ambivalent picture. First of all, despite the convergence of technological developments in recent 24

33 decades, modern media societies can still be clearly distinguished based on their use of traditional media. Norris (ibid., 84-89) differentiates between newspapercentric societies, which are characterized by extensive reading of the press and relatively little attention to TV entertainment (e.g. all the Scandinavian nations and many smaller European states like Switzerland, Austria, the Czech Republic, or the Netherlands, as well as South Korea), and television-centric countries, where newspaper circulation is low and the use of TV entertainment is prevalent (the U.S., Mexico, Mediterranean countries like Spain, Greece, Italy and Turkey, as well as Poland and Hungary). 9 But despite those different patterns in media usage, in almost every modern society the majority of people name television as their most important source of information about politics. Plasser (2002, 255) has compared survey data from 35 different countries and found that in Northern America 70% of the respondents rely on TV as their primary source of political information, in Latin America the average number is 77%, in Western Europe 74%, in Eastern and Central Europe 69%, in Australia 69%, and in East Asia 74%. These data are about ten years old and one could assume that the relevance of news sources could have changed with the proliferation of the internet. But a very recent poll in all 27 member states of the EU confirms the pattern (European Commission 2009): Which 2 means of getting information about political matters would you prefer? Source: European Commission 2009: 137 (n=27,718) Tab. 6: Preferred Information Media for Political Matters (EU) Asked about their two favorite sources of political information 67% of the nearly respondents mentioned TV. To the surprise of the researchers even the Digital Natives in the youngest age group of 15 to 24-year-olds most frequently named television, despite their comparatively strong reliance on the internet. 9 Two particular cases are Portugal, which scores very low on both counts, and Japan with by far the highest combined use of newspapers and television. (Norris 2000, 85) 25

34 Even in typical newspaper-centric societies such as Germany or Austria, TV still holds the top position in this ranking of news media, with more than 60% of the respondents naming it as one of their preferred sources. A slightly different question was asked by the Pew Research Center (2008a) in the U.S.: Where do you get most of your national and international news? Source: Pew Research Center 2008a (n=1,489) Fig. 1: Most Important News Sources (U.S.) But it led to a very similar result: a huge majority of 70% named TV, 40% the internet and 35% newspapers. Yet it was the first time that more people in the general population (and not only among the younger demographics) said they relied more on the internet than on newspapers. Furthermore, television is the type of media that still commands the highest trust among its audience. Which are the 2 information media you trust the most? Source: European Commission 2009: 137 (n=27,718) Tab. 7: Most Trusted Media (EU) Almost two thirds of Europeans call it one of the two most trustworthy media. Surprisingly the level of confidence among the youngest group of respondents is higher than among the 25 to 54-year-olds. Hence, even in the internet age and 26

35 despite a dramatic decline in the market shares of traditional evening news shows and a sheer endless abundance of entertainment programs, television, of all media types, is still the one most highly valued for political information. But how effective is it in providing political news and enabling the learning about politics? Recent empirical evidence is ambiguous. Doris Graber is one of the most vocal advocates of TV as an eligible source of political information. She highlights the potential of visual presentation for a more comprehensive and error-free grasp of information, better recall, and greater emotional involvement (Graber 1996, 85). In her experiments, recall rates for audiovisual information were twice as high as for verbal information alone. Graber stresses that the attractiveness of dramatic visuals enhances learning because it attracts and holds attention by engaging the viewer s emotions; pictures add new information (in her research two thirds of the audiovisuals in average newscasts amplify the verbal information or add completely new information, ibid., 91); additional visual cues facilitate the correct interpretation of meanings; and finally, TV reaches a wider audience of citizens less interested in politics. But despite the huge potential television has, it does miss many opportunities: traditional political newscasts are too brief to present much information and the method of presentation generally is not conducive to learning, because most topics are presented in unconnected, decontextualized snippets (ibid., 93). Yet those are not weaknesses which are intrinsic to the medium but instead to certain formats and types of presentation. This argument seems in line with the results of the above cited study about the political knowledge of American citizens (Pew Research Center 2007a). Of the four audience groups with the highest knowledge levels, three were regular viewers of TV shows, albeit not the main network newscasts but of satirical comedy shows (Daily Show and Colbert Report), the Newshour with Jim Lehrer on PBS (which is twice as long as the network newscasts), and the political talk show O Reilly Factor. The comedy shows had the most knowledgeable audience ahead of websites of major newspapers and the two other TV shows (I will discuss this further in Chapter 4). Norris research on the relationship between media use and different indicators of political knowledge exposed a slightly different pattern: after controlling for factors like education, age, gender, income, and willingness to engage in political discussion, internet users showed again the highest level of information. Yet the 27

36 second strongest predictor of political knowledge was the regular use of network television news. According to Norris (2000, 286) studies are suggesting that television news does provide American voters with important information about politics. Through multivariate regressions of comprehensive data about the spread of TV, political knowledge levels, and political participation in the U.S., the political scientist Markus Prior (2007) shows that the introduction of television has indeed considerably increased political knowledge and voter turnout among lesser educated segments of the population (ibid., There is no comparable effect for the better educated). Prior argues that for viewers with low levels of political knowledge even casual or accidental consumption of TV news has a positive effect: Broadcast viewers are likely to learn about politics even in the absence of strong intrinsic political interest. Even those who would prefer to watch entertainment programs acquire at least basic political knowledge in passing if they happen to turn on their television at a time when only news is on (ibid., 45). According to Prior s model of Conditional Political Learning knowledge is not necessarily acquired intentionally but also as a by-product when political information is presented as part of an activity that offers payoffs from entertainment (ibid., 31). By presenting information in less cognitively demanding ways television news in principle is able to reduce differences in political knowledge between less and better educated citizens. However, these effects depend on the actual consumption of political information on TV, which has been decreasing with the constantly growing choice of fiction and entertainment programming. The same conclusion is drawn by Robert Putnam in his seminal book Bowling Alone: Tracking comprehensive data on media consumption and different forms of civic engagement over several decades, Putnam concludes that regularly watching TV news and reading newspapers are highly correlated, yet even those Americans who rely solely on TV news are nevertheless more civic than most other Americans (2000, 220). The overall audience of television news, however, has been shrinking dramatically since the early 1980s, from more than 60% of adults to less than 30% (I will examine these numbers in detail in Chapter 3). In a very different media environment (with a much stronger public television sector), Schmitt-Beck and Mackenrodt (2009) surveyed more than 2,000 German voters before the parliamentary elections of The most used media sources during the last six weeks of the election campaign were the evening newscasts on public television ahead of news shows on commercial TV and political talk 28

37 shows, thus confirming the leading role of television as source of political information (ibid., 441*). Furthermore, the researchers detected an interesting mobilizing effect: For respondents with a self declared high interest in politics, elaborate regression analysis showed an almost perfect and very stable correlation between the use of newscasts on public TV and intended voter turnout. But for viewers of news on public TV with a low interest in politics, the analysis showed over the course of the election campaign a remarkably strong increase in their intension to vote. A very similar effect was established for regular readers of quality newspapers, but not for the audience of the very popular tabloid Bild (ibid., 431). Tenscher (2009), in contrast, is quite skeptical about any mobilizing efforts of TV. His analysis of Eurobarometer data from 25 European countries exposed positive effects for regular newspaper readers but not for television viewers or radio listeners. On the other hand, he could not find any cues for demobilizing effects either, concluding that in sharp contrast to the popular video malaisehypothesis, political information on TV has no negative effects on the confidence of voters in political institutions. Maurer (2009) argues that television s capacity as a source of political information is overestimated. He calls TV a multifunctional all-round medium which is primarily used for entertainment. Measuring the total range of national programs on German TV (which has two very popular public broadcasting networks) Maurer points out that only 3% of all programming (barely 6 out of 192 hours per day) can be regarded as political information. In addition, most of these six hours are not followed by very large audiences with the exception of the main evening newscasts on public TV, and they are watched mostly by habit. Therefore, the qualities of TV as a source of information are clearly limited (ibid., 148*). Some segments of the audience, especially younger viewers, employ an outright strategy of avoidance and deliberately seek only fiction and entertainment programming. Maurer s findings are consistent with a recent analysis drawing on electronically measured audience research data (Gerhards/Klingler 2009), which found that although on an average day of 2008 one fifth of all TV viewers in Germany had contact with at least one informational program covering politics, economics, or history, this amounted to only 3% of total daily TV consumption. The average age of the viewers who watched one of those informational programs was 58 years, compared to 51 for the general TV audience (ibid., 669). 29

38 2.6 Avoidance of Political Information In examining the television viewing habits of Americans, Prior (2007) identified a large segment of the audience that does indeed avoid news programs. They are either explicit entertainment seekers who turn on their TV sets exclusively to watch entertainment (10%), or so called switchers (34%) who consume news as long as there is no program alternative, yet switch to entertainment as soon as it is offered (ibid., 42). Three percent of the respondents in his survey disliked news explicitly, exactly 50% were indifferent (not ranking news as one of their four most preferred out of ten genres of TV programs), and 5% rated news as their most preferred genre (ibid., 105). According to Prior, the so-called Relative Entertainment Preference of TV viewers determines to a large extent their consumption of political information and their likelihood to vote. With the constantly increasing media choice over the last decades, those who prefer entertainment and fiction programming have increasingly turned away from political news. In a Pew Research survey of 2008, 15% of the 3,600 respondents said they enjoyed keeping up with the news not much or not at all. Yet the lack of interest for news was highly correlated to age: among 18 to 24-year-olds the number was 26%, among those older than 50 only 10% (ibid., 31). In total the study classifies 14% of the adult population in the U.S. as disengaged, meaning that they don t follow any local, national, international, or business and finance news. The Disengaged are younger, less educated and less affluent than average and almost two thirds of them are female (ibid., 45). Still, a number of only 14% who don t follow the news seems surprisingly low, at least compared to survey results from Europe. There is no reason to assume that the eschewal of political information should be several times higher in Western Europe than in the U.S.; however, according to an extensive research project from the mid-1990s (Massenkommunikationsstudie V cited by Werlberger 2008, 24) about 40% of adults in Germany consistently avoid political information in all media channels. Werlberger herself surveyed a sample of 501 Austrian citizens and 30% of them said they had no or almost no interest in political information. Again, interest was especially low with younger (15 to 29 years) and with female respondents. Furthermore, information avoiders tend to live in households with two or more children and predominantly in rural areas. 30

39 The main reasons stated by the avoiders and confirmed by in-depth interviews were: a perceived lack of influence ( I can t do anything about it anyway. Politicians are not interested in the problems of the man on the street. ), lack of relation ( This has nothing to do with my life. ), lack of knowledge ( I don t understand it anyway. ), and lack of trust ( Politicians only care about themselves. Politicians are all crooks. The only thing they do is fight with each other. ) (ibid., *). Not surprisingly, information avoiders have a very skeptical view of the media. More than two thirds of the respondents think that media coverage in general is too negative (86% of 15 to 29-year-olds). Three quarters say the media are not credible enough. A stunning 78% believe that the media often invent or provoke conflicts (with 57% agreeing fully with this statement). 58% are not interested in party politics. Almost half of the surveyed information avoiders agree fully or somewhat with the statement political topics are boring. Just as many regard political coverage as not personally relevant. Nearly half of the respondents complained about the complexity and the media s focus on details. Do you agree with the following statement? Agree fully % Agree somewhat % The political coverage in the media is too negative The political coverage in the media is not credible The topics that are covered are not important to me personally It bothers me that the media often invent or provoke conflicts The political coverage is too complicated The political coverage contains too many details I am not interested in news reports on party politics The political topics are boring For me following the news depends on the topics Source: Werlberger 2008, * (n=501) Tab. 8: Information Avoiders and their Perception of Political News However, 76% of the avoiders agree somewhat or fully with the statement: For me following the news depends on the topics. Hence, Werlberger sees a potential of about three quarters of avoiders who are basically open to political information as long as they perceive it as newsworthy and as personally relevant (ibid., ). Yet, not only people who actively avoid political information have a 31

40 critical view of the media. The Pew Research Center (2007b) has been tracking public attitudes towards the media in the U.S. over the last few decades and reports a steady decline in favorable opinions. Source: Pew Research Center 2007b (n 2007=1,503) Tab. 9: Perceptions of the News Media (U.S.) 53% of the public believe that news stories are often inaccurate, just 39% think that the media usually get the facts straight. This result is almost exactly reverse to the public perception about twenty years earlier. And even though a plurality still agree that the media protect democracy, it is the smallest plurality since Pew Research started to ask that question. More than a third of the public even believe the media hurt democracy. 2.7 Too Much Information? In 1989, the American author and information architect Richard Wurman published a book called Information Anxiety with a famous, since often cited comparison: A weekday edition of The New York Times contains more information than the average person was likely to come across in a lifetime in seventeenth-century England (Wurman 1989, 32). The author did not say how he might have measured the information consumption of an average person who lived more than 300 years ago, but the empirical evidence for the dramatic rise in the amount of information available for everybody is abundant. 32

41 In 2008 in Germany alone, 135 daily newspapers were published, 1,482 periodical magazines and 94,276 different books; 436 new movies were released in 4,639 cinemas; 3,508 DVD stores made a turnover of 1.55 billion Euros; almost 31 million people attended the 115,224 performances in theaters, concert halls and at festivals; about 158 million CDs, LPs, singles and MCs were sold. In 2009 more than 97% of all households in Germany possessed at least one television set, 98% had radios, 84% a DVD device, 61% a desktop and 39% a laptop computer, and 72% a hard-wired internet connection (MediaPerspektiven 2009, 45-61). In 2005 (latest data available) an average German adult spent 600 minutes (exactly ten hours) per day consuming different media, up from 351 minutes per day only 20 years earlier (MediaPerspektiven 2008, 65). This figure is probably even higher today, for latest research shows that internet use in Germany rose by 24 minutes per day from 2005 to 2009, whereas TV consumption simultaneously fell by only 3 minutes, showing a combined net increase of 21 minutes per day for those two media (MediaPerspektiven 2009, 77. Data of 2009 for other types of media were not available). I am using to be able to join in a conversation I N F O R M A T I O N Television % Radio % Newspaper % Internet % to get food for thought because I want to be informed because it helps me to get along because it s fun E S C A P I S M because I can relax because I don t feel alone because it helps to get away from it all because I am used to it Source: MediaPerspektiven 2008, 66* (latest data available for 2005) Tab. 10: Reasons for Media Use (Germany) The main reasons cited for the use of the traditional mass media and the internet were quite different depending on the type of media. Figures are generally higher for the most popular medium, i.e. television, which is consumed by almost 90% for some sort of escapism and relaxation, although around 70% use it to seek information and to stay up-to-date. The study found a stark difference, though, in the motives to watch public TV or commercial television channels (not shown in 33

42 the chart above). While 72% of the respondents claim to watch public television to be informed and 58% for food for thought, the respective numbers for commercial TV are 21% and 31% respectively. Whereas more than 60% say they watch commercial TV to relax and because it s fun, less than 30% name this as a motive to watch public TV. Information seeking is the main motive to read newspapers, even though the numbers are lower than for TV. Radio seems to be primarily a medium to relax while the internet was rather used for information purposes, even though in 2005 internet usage in general was not yet as widespread as it is today. In two seminal articles about Digital Natives Marc Prensky estimated in 2001 that American youth have played over 10,000 hours of video games, sent and received over s, talked for over 10,000 hours on digital cell phones, watched over 20,000 hours of TV with over 500,000 commercials, and read at the very most 5,000 books (Prensky 2001b, 1). According to a recent study on information consumption in the U.S. (Bohn/ Short 2009) an average American citizen spends 11.8 hours per day consuming 100,500 words and 34 gigabytes of data, thus bringing the total information consumption in the U.S. in 2008 to 10,845 trillion words and 3.6 zettabytes, not surprisingly an all-time high. A zettabyte is bytes or a million million gigabytes. Time spent on consuming information has increased by an average rate of 2.6% per year since 1980, whereas the amount of data has increased more than twice as fast, by an annual rate of 5.4%. Source: Bohn/Short 2009: 12 Fig. 2: Sources of Information in the Digital Age An average American spent 60% more time on consuming media in 2008 than in 1980, receiving 450% more data and 140% more words from a wide range of 34

43 information sources. More than half of the 34 gigabytes consumed daily are spent playing computer and video games which generate huge streams of data but account for less than 10% of the time spent. About five times as many hours (41% of total information time) are spent watching television. Yet despite the continuing popularity of TV and the proliferation of so many new sources of information, time used for reading tripled from 1980 to 2008, because it is the primary mode of receiving words on the internet. Source: Bohn/Short 2009, 11 Fig. 3: Daily Hours of Information Consumption in the U.S. The authors concede, though, that it is actually very hard to measure and compare information, and illustrate this with a comparison of Abraham Lincoln s Gettysburg Address to an average episode of a popular TV series. The famous speech of 1863 took roughly two and a half minutes to deliver and contains 244 words or 1,293 bytes of text to read. In contrast, an episode of the TV series Heroes runs 44 minutes in length (without commercials) and occupies about 10 gigabytes of digital storage; after digital compression for broadcasting, a TV household receives roughly 500 megabytes of information, still in numbers more than 400,000 times the amount of data contained in the Gettysburg Address. The researchers rightly conclude: The pure volume of information does not necessarily determine its value or impact (ibid., 15). According to the study an average American spends nearly three hours a day in front of a computer, not including time at work. These three hours are used for reading and writing s, web-browsing, spending time on social networks, watching online-videos and playing computer games all types of very attention- 35

44 demanding media that did not exist thirty years ago. One third of the time spent on the internet, for example, is used for correspondence. An average user can process 30 to 60 s per hour, involving a sequence of read, respond, assign, delay or delete actions for each message (ibid., 20). In 2002, researchers studied the history of a 24-year-old college graduate in the U.S. and found, that within five years he had sent and received 80,941 messages to and from 15,537 different people (Jackson 2008, 55). In 2009, a poll of more than 2,000 American adults showed that the average time spent on the internet excluding time spent on correspondence is 13 hours per week or nearly two hours per day: almost twice as much as % of all adults in the U.S. use a computer at home, at work or at school and 98% of the computer users are online (Harris Interactive 2009). Four fifths of those watch videos on the web. In November 2009 alone Americans watched 31 billion (!) online-videos, an increase of almost 100% within only six months (Comscore 2010). Almost half of all American internet users are active on Facebook, the most popular social network. The number of users in the U.S. rose by a stunning 171% to more than 80 million within one year from August 2008 to 2009 (O Reilly Research 2009). According to Facebook s own statistics, its more than 400 million users worldwide (as of March 2010) spend on average 55 minutes per day on the site and have 130 friends each. Every month more than 1.8 billion status updates and 3 billion photos are posted on Facebook alone (Facebook 2010), not taking into consideration other social networks or immensely popular file sharing sites such as YouTube, Flickr, or the very rapidly growing micro-blogging service Twitter. Whereas up to the early 1990s interactive communication through media was possible almost exclusively via landline telephone connections, it is estimated that currently roughly one third of all verbal information, and 55% of data bytes are received interactively an overwhelming transformation of our habits to communicate and stay informed (Bohn/Short 2009, 28). How does this affect information about politics? Of course, the internet provides limitless space for and easy access to political actors, enabling them to present themselves and to communicate directly with voters. Every major news outlet has a usually very sophisticated web presence and monetary information costs for users are very low (if they already possess a computer and have an internet connection). Yet research still warns against an overly optimistic assessment of the web s potential as a source of political knowledge: Expectations that by means 36

45 of the internet the information society will simultaneously become a (better) informed society have to be extenuated (Marr 2006, 280*). According to a recent study from Germany 71% of onliners (i.e. people who are at least occasionally online ) still turn to television to get information about current events; only 33% use the internet for that purpose, even though the number is rising fast, up from 24% in 2008 (van Eimeren/Frees 2009, 342). However, the information found on the web overwhelmingly originates from traditional media like newspapers and TV, as latest research has shown. A comprehensive study of the total output of all 53 local news outlets in the area of Baltimore in the U.S. showed, that 95% (!) of all coverage containing new information came from newspapers, local TV or other traditional media source: only 5% were originally reported by online media (Journalism.org 2010). Of course the news was disseminated widely over the internet, not least through the websites of traditional media organizations. Another aspect is stressed by Swiss media scholar Otfried Jarren (2009*), who argues that in contrast to the pull medium internet, only traditional media as push media have the capacity to structure the information behavior of a majority of recipients in a specific manner. Modern societies need intermediary entities to facilitate meaningful public communication. And only mass media as specialized social institutions command the specific technical and professional capabilities, the scope of audience and the trust of the recipients to fulfill this essential function. 2.8 Conclusion In this chapter I have examined the role of political information as an essential constituent of the democratic process. I have outlined the different normative concepts of the main traditions in democracy theory and shown that, despite their many differences, they all regard information as a conditio sine qua non for enabling citizens to form justifiable political opinions, make decisions, and participate actively in the public sphere. The public sphere encompasses three levels: personal encounters, assemblies and the mass media. I have explained how the importance of political communication has grown over the last few decades due to a general dealignment process of weakening ideological attachments among the electorate, declining party loyalties, and changing voting patterns that can be witnessed in all modern democracies. In the process of political communication the mass media act as a functional link between the public and the political actors by creating a venue for public discourse. The media provide facts, perspectives, 37

46 and opinions on important issues and actors; they select, interpret, and contextualize, thus structuring the public debate; they monitor and thereby control political authorities; they facilitate political education, socialization, and integration. However, the ideal of an all-informed citizen, which emerged in the late 19 th century, is difficult to reconcile with democratic reality. As Anthony Downs has shown it would be even irrational for a citizen to try to acquire perfect political knowledge, for information costs are too high. In real life political information cannot and does not have to be all-embracing or encyclopedic. Instead we can refer to concepts such as practical knowledge (Norris) or monitorial citizenship (Schudson), which do not demand citizens to be perfectly, yet just sufficiently informed to estimate the probable consequences of their decisions and to identify danger to their personal and the public good. According to the O-M-A framework (Delli Carpini and Keeter) acquiring knowledge about politics, as with any learning, requires opportunities, abilities and motivations. While motivation and ability are intrinsic and personal, opportunities are primarily constituted by the (media) environment which has dramatically changed over the last few decades, due to fundamental technological, economic and political transformations. The media landscape at the beginning of the 21 st century is characterized by an abundance of media outlets, either traditional (newspapers, magazines, books, radio, television) or new (digital media, internet, mobile) and a tremendous information overload. In 2009 the average American spent 11.8 hours per day consuming information. The media usage of Germans is estimated at more than 10 hours per day, and with the proliferation of the internet and explosive growth of time-consuming social networking sites these figures will continue to rise. I have shown that mass media can indeed have effects on the knowledge, the attitudes, and the behavior of the recipients, although the nature and extent of these effects is not undisputed. While optimists assume that political news enables recipients to learn and form opinions about politics, conveys values, empowers disenfranchised segments of the electorate, and promotes political participation, pessimists warn against a mediatization, de-ideologization and personalization of politics, which could lead to a decline in political interest and a rise of political apathy, alienation, and cynicism. Many studies, though, have demonstrated a strong correlation between news consumption, political knowledge, and 38

47 engagement (Norris virtuous circle). Yet any additional information shows its strongest effects among citizens who have comparatively low levels of political knowledge while previously well informed participants seem not to profit much. Despite the fast growing importance of the internet, the most widely used media channel for political information in modern media societies is still television. Several surveys show that usually more than 60 percent of respondents rank TV as their primary source of information and as particularly trustworthy. However, research on television s capacity to enable political learning is ambiguous. While some studies indicate that newspapers and the internet are better suited for the understanding of politics, others suggest that the combination of visual and verbal information and the emotional aspect of TV enhance learning and facilitate the comprehension of abstract subjects. Furthermore, television reaches a wider audience of citizens less interested in politics than any other medium, and there is evidence that basic political knowledge can even be acquired unintentionally as a by-product (Downs; Prior) of television viewing. Yet the essential premise for any learning is the actual consumption of some kind of information, even when only used as heuristics and cues instead of extensive fact-gathering. According to various studies, between 15 and 40 percent of the adult population in countries such as Germany or the U.S. do not regularly follow political news. And all research shows that the avoidance of political information is particularly high among the youngest segments of the electorate, which, at the same time, possess on average the lowest level of political knowledge. In the following chapter I will examine in detail the media habits of the Generations X and Y, as they are frequently called. I will review a wide range of very recent surveys, studies, and analyses, several of them conducted by consulting firms or for internal use and not publicly available. Ultimately, the following chapter aspires to provide a comprehensive account of how young people at the beginning of 2010 use mass media and acquire political information, with a special focus on television. 39

48 3. Young People, Mass Media, and Political News 3.1 Teenagers and Media In July 2009, the investment bank Morgan Stanley published a report that caused a media frenzy around the world: Media & Internet. How Teenagers Consume Media was just four pages long, and its author Matthew Robson, a summer intern at Morgan Stanley s London office, a mere 15 years old. Yet the bank called his report one of the clearest and most thought provoking insights we have seen (Morgan Stanley 2009, 1). According to Robson, who claims to depict the collective wisdom of about three hundred peers in his circle of friends, school mates, and acquaintances (Pavia/Kishtwari 2009), teenagers still do watch TV a lot, but solely for entertainment purposes. Most use YouTube to watch videos, and web services such as the BBC iplayer, which allow for not time-bound TV-watching, are becoming increasingly popular. Teenagers do not listen to radio on a regular basis, since they can get music online for free. Print media seem to be irrelevant in any case: No teenager that I know of regularly reads a newspaper, as most do not have the time and cannot be bothered to read pages and pages of text while they could watch the news summarised on the internet or on TV (Morgan Stanley 2009, 2). Every teenager has access to the internet, which is used mainly for communication through social networking sites (Facebook being the most popular) and as a source of information mainly via Google. Teenagers listen to a lot of music but are very reluctant to pay for it (ibid. 3, orig. emphasis), go to the cinema quite often, particularly when they are under 15, play computer games online or on game consoles (but not on PCs), and enjoy viral marketing (when it s humorous). According to the 15-year-old author his peers are extremely price sensitive and much of their media habits seem to be influenced by the usual lack of disposable income at this age. Matthew Robson s account was widely reported in the media, even though Morgan Stanley had to concede that it could not claim representation or statistical accuracy. A few weeks later, the British research firm Forrester released the results of an online-survey of 1,400 teens, aged 12 to 17, in seven major European 40

49 countries. 10 The explicit aim of the study was to substantiate the many different assumptions on the media behavior of teenagers with more robust statistical data, and to compare them with the media patterns of older demographics (Forrester Research 2009; all the following data is from this study). 11 Its major findings: Teenagers watch more TV than Matthew Robson assumes. With more than ten hours viewing time (in a typical week ) it still is the medium that takes up the biggest share of 12 to 17-year-old s media consumption: TV is still the primary media channel for European teens. conclude the authors. The death of TV has been greatly exaggerated (ibid., 2). Source: Forrester Research 2009, 3 Fig. 4: Media Consumption of Teenagers (Europe) According to this survey, the second most used medium among European teens is the internet, followed by computer and console based games, videos and DVDs, and radio. However, the study found significant country-level differences. For example, on a typical day between 5 and 8 p.m. (the peak time of teen s media consumption throughout Europe) three quarters of all British teens watch TV, compared to only one third in Spain. According to this study, teenagers watch less TV, use the internet less (!), and listen to the radio less than Europeans who are older than 18. Instead teens spend more time playing on PCs or consoles and watching videos. More than half of the teenagers use the internet to watch user-generated content at least once a week (mostly on YouTube). Unfortunately the study did not survey the use of print media. 10 France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the UK. 41

50 Source: Forrester Research 2009, 4 Fig. 5: Online Activities of Teenagers (Europe) 41% of the respondents visit a social networking site at least once a week (Facebook is dominant here) a surprisingly low number which does not correspond with other studies, as we will see later on. About one in three reads blogs at least once a week, and one in five claims to maintain a blog. All these numbers are considerably higher for 12 to 17-year-olds than for the rest of the population in the seven surveyed countries, even though the total amount of internet usage was found to be lower for this young user segment than for users over 18. While youngsters are online, they usually do something else as well. Multitasking is the dominant modus operandi of teenagers using media: only 9% say they never do anything else while online. They listen to music, watch TV, use their mobile phones, or eat. And they like to talk to their friends about the content on TV or on the web. Thus the authors of the study recommend to anybody who wants to reach teenagers via media: Create multi-platform content experiences (ibid., 7). In contrast to the report of 15-year-old Matthew Robson, the Forrester study had an empirical base of more than one and statistical relevance. However, surveying 1,400 teenagers in seven different countries leads to rather general (and sometimes even contradicting) conclusions. Thus, it seemed interesting to review several country-specific studies with larger samples of respondents and more detailed (and probably more reliable) results. 11 The study itself is not in the public domain (only an Executive Summary see Bibliography) but is sold by Forrester Research, Inc. for US $ 499. The complete report was generously made available to the author for the sole purpose of being used for this thesis. 42

51 Every year since 1998, the so-called JIM study is published in Germany, Europe s biggest media market. 12 For its latest installment of 2009, 1,200 teens, aged 12 to 19, were interviewed by telephone. This was followed up by in-depth interviews with 102 of the respondents, thus providing a comprehensive assessment of the media equipment of Germany s seven million teenagers, as well as their media usage and habits (all following data is from this study if not indicated otherwise). Mobile Phone Computer/Laptop Internet-Access TV Digital camera MP3-Player/iPod DVD-Player VCR 72 Gaming Console TV/PC 68 Mobile gaming console 62 TV flat sreen DVD-Recorder % Source: JIM 2009, 6* (n=1,200) Fig. 6: Media Equipment of Households with Teenagers (Germany) German households with teenage kids are extremely well equipped. More than 95% possess PCs or laptops, mobile phones, TV sets and internet access. Digital cameras, MP3 devices and DVD players are also prevalent. An average household owns 3.9 mobile phones, 2.6 computers or laptops, 2.4 TV sets, and 1.6 internet access points. While TV and radio sets were already available in 100% of households when the first JIM-Study was conducted in 1998, the increase in the availability of mobile phones (from 47% to 100%), computers and laptops (from 78% to 100%), and internet access (from 65% in 2001 to 98%) have been enormous. 13 Television and internet are the two most used media among German teenagers. 90% watch TV or go online daily or several times a week. Almost as many use their mobile phone regularly (79% do it daily for talking and text- 12 JIM stands for Jugend, Information, (Multi-)Media (Youth, Information, Multimedia). 13 For data from earlier JIM-Studies see Klingler

52 ing; mobile internet surfing or checking s via phone is not very common for teenagers, mainly due to the cost), and listen to music on their MP3 players. Combined with radio, music CDs and tapes, music listening is the most popular leisure time activity of teenagers. 42% claim to read a newspaper at least several times a week and 29% read print magazines, while visiting the websites of magazines and newspapers is not very popular. TV Internet Mobile phone 79 9 MP Radio Music CDs/tapes Newspaper Books Computer/console games (offline) 8 27 Computer (offline) Digital photography Print magazines DVD/Video Newspapers (online) 9 7 Audio books 7 7 Magazines (online) Shooting digital videos daily in % several times a week in % Movie theater Source: JIM 2009, 16* (n=1,200) Fig. 7: Recreational Media Usage of Teenagers (Germany) Boys and girls show different patterns of media usage, with male teenagers playing PC and console games to a much larger extent, while female teenagers read significantly more books (and also take digital photos, use their mobile phones, and watch TV more often). Asked about the importance of different media, nine out of ten name music (on different devices) and the internet, seven out of ten mobile phones and television (live or time-shifted). Five out of ten say it is important to read a newspaper (print or online). On an average day, according to their own assessments, German teenagers watch 137 minutes of TV. This is a very interesting number, for it is a gross overestimation. TV usage in Germany is measured electronically (and therefore independent of self-reporting) by GfK- 44

53 Fernsehforschung, and according to its latest data viewers aged 12 to 19 watch exactly 98 minutes daily on average. The authors of the study take this considerable over-assessment (by 40%) as evidence for the high relevance attributed to TV. Even though Germany has a very strong public broadcasting sector (with a combined market share of almost 40% in the overall audience; MediaPerspektiven 2009, 69), public TV seems to play almost no role in the life of teenagers. Asked for their favorite TV channels, 45% name the strictly entertainmentfocused and youth-oriented Pro7, 30% name other commercial channels such as RTL, SAT1, MTV, Nick (a children s channel), Viva, RTL2 and SuperRTL. Less than 3% name the public ARD, while mentions of ZDF were obviously so rare that they were not even included in the survey report. Almost two thirds of the surveyed teenagers like that content is presented to them on TV and must not be searched for actively. Yet about the same number of respondents say they would watch more television if they could determine broadcasting times. In 2009, 18 out of 20 German teens went online at least several times a week, compared to one in twenty eleven years earlier, when the first JIM-Study was conducted and the internet was still in its infancy. 95% use it at least sometimes. No other medium has seen such a dramatic increase in usage and relevance. For teenagers the internet is primarily a means of communication: Around 70% use instant-messaging services such as ICQ or MSN several times a week and visit social networking sites such as Facebook, MySpace (or the very popular German sites StudiVZ and SchülerVZ) where they have on average 144 friends. 55% use the internet regularly for correspondence. Thus the JIM-Study finds many more teens active on social networks than the above-cited Forrester survey of European teens (70% vs. 41%), but many less engaged in other web 2.0- activities. According to JIM, for example, only 8% of German teens regularly read blogs (Forrester Resarch: 30%), and only 4% maintain a blog (20%). 14 If youths, who visit social network sites at least sometimes, are taken into account, the number of users increases to 85%. Only 15% of German teens do not participate in any online community. Almost half of the time spent online is used for communication, followed by entertainment (music, videos, photos) and gaming which 14 Forrester Research has not published country-specific data but it can be assumed that JIM s sample of 1,200 respondents for Germany alone should provide a more accurate assessment for the situation in this country than Forrester s sample of 1,400 throughout Europe. The Forrester study was reviewed despite its presumably raw results because it was the only recent cross-national survey among European teens available. 45

54 account for another 40%, while 14% are spent on information seeking. To get informed online primarily means using search engines like Google or looking something up on Wikipedia. Only one out of ten teenagers regularly visits the website of a newspaper or a print magazine and a mere 6% use the websites of TV broadcasters, while ten times as many visit video portals like YouTube (mainly to listen to music). Yet the authors conclude that the internet is no direct substitute for TV: Different content is used online than on television. So far much indicates that both media complement each other (JIM 2009, 29). The transformation of the media landscape, propelled by the proliferation of the internet, has had, however, a profound effect on the usage of print media among youngsters. Whereas the consumption of TV and radio has decreased only slightly since 1998, reading newspapers fell by 16 and of print magazines by 20 percentage points to a historic low (while there was no significant change in the usage of books). We will encounter this pattern again in studies from other countries, albeit at an even lower level than in Germany, which still is one of the most newspapercentric countries worldwide. Very similar findings were reported in a recent elaborate online survey of 1,200 media users aged 12 to 24 in neighboring Austria (which is also German speaking and where most German TV channels are available on cable TV in almost every household). What makes this study particularly interesting is the comparison of results between teenagers (12-19) and young adults (20-24) and respective data for the total population (GfK 2009a). This medium is very important for me yrs yrs 81 Total population Internet Mobile phone TV Radio Books Newspapers Magazines Source: GfK 2009a* (n=1,200 for 12 to 24 year-olds, n=5,000 for total population) Fig. 8: Importance of Media Channels by Age Group (Austria) 46

55 The data show that internet, mobile phones and TV are particularly important to teenagers, much more than to the average population, while newspapers are not very relevant to the youngest demographic. Only 22% of teenagers name newspapers as very important compared to 36% of young adults and 48% in the overall population. Interestingly, the importance of television is lowest for young adults (probably due to other leisure time activities such as going out more often). Though music is particularly popular among young people, radio is not as relevant to them as to the overall population (which can be explained by the proliferation of MP3 players and online music consumption). According to another GfK online survey (2009b 15 ) of October 2009, a stunning 100% of all 14 to 19-year-old respondents in Austria use social network sites on the internet (20-29 years: 94%, 30-39: 70%) and 75% regularly visit YouTube. 16 A very comprehensive study similar to JIM was conducted in the U.S. from October 2008 to May 2009 by the Kaiser Family Foundation (2009). A total of 2,000 American 3 rd to 12 th grade students aged 8 to 18 were interviewed and a subsample of 700 kept seven-day media use diaries. 17 Since it was already the third wave of a series of surveys after 1999 and 2004, the study provides insightful comparisons over time. Paralleling the European studies, the researchers found a huge increase in media use facilitated by new technologies and by a considerable increase in multitasking (i.e. using two or more media concurrently). Hence, American teenagers are able to pack a total of 10 hours and 45 minutes worth of media content into 7½ hours of media usage, an increase of almost 2¼ hours of daily media exposure over the past five years (ibid., 2; all the following data from this study, if not indicated otherwise). The availability of new media technologies has risen tremendously over the last decade, with the percentage of youth living in households with computers increasing from 73% in 1999 to 93% ten years later, and households with internet access almost doubling to 84%. While DVRs (digital video recording devices, TiVo being the most popular in the U.S.) were not existent in 1999, every second household with kids had at least one by Still, media equipment available to teenagers differs between the U.S. and Ger- 15 1,000 respondents, representative for Austrian internet users aged The studies GfK 2009a and 2009b were not published. Power Point presentations with the main results of both surveys were made available to the author by GfK Austria. 17 The survey is, of course, not directly comparable to the JIM study for it used somewhat different questions and measurements and because it included younger children (8 to 11 years) as well. Yet it can still provide insightful parallels and contrasts. 47

56 many with the former having considerably more TVs (3.8 per household, compared to 2.4), and the latter having more computers (2.6 to 2.0). Internet access is more prevalent in Germany as well. TV U.S. % Germany % Computer Internet access Source: JIM 2009, 6* (n=1,200, yrs), Kaiser Family Found. 2009, 9 (n=2,002, 8-18) Fig. 9: Media Equipment in Households with Teens (U.S./Germany) American youth spend the most time by far with television. On an average day they report watching for 269 minutes, an increase of more than half an hour since 1999 (compared to the self-reported 137 minutes of teenage TV use in Germany) Source: Kaiser Family Foundation 2009, 2 (n=2,002) Tab. 11: Media Use of Children over Time (U.S.) Two and a half hours are spent listening to music, one and a half using computers, a little less playing video games and less than 40 minutes reading books, newspapers, and magazines. While the use of video games and computers has 18 Items which share a common superscript do not differ significantly, but do differ at least on the p<.05 level from items with different superscript. For example, in line 1 (TV content) the data for 2004 and 1999 differ from 2009 but not from each other. In line 3 (computers) all items differ reliably. 19 Mobile phone use not included. 48

57 roughly tripled over the last ten years, and already abundant TV use increased by another 15%, time for reading has gone down. Yet this is all due to a significant drop in the popularity of magazines and newspapers, for the time spent reading books has even increased. A mere 6% of total media time is used for any form of print media (including books), less than half a percent for newspapers. The decrease in overall print usage, though, is due to a sharp decline in the proportion of youths who read magazines (from 55% of all 8 to 18-years-olds in 1999 to 35% in 2009) and newspapers (from 42 to 23%). Those who still read, spend about the same amount of time doing so as readers their age did ten years ago. One tenth of the respondents report reading magazines or newspapers online regularly, which according to the study makes up for about a quarter of the overall eight-minute drop in magazine and newspaper reading since Strikingly, older teenagers do not spend significantly more time reading newspapers than the youngest respondents: it is 3 minutes a day for 8 to 10-year-olds and 4 minutes for those aged 15 to 18. An interesting development was also reported concerning TV, which is still by far the dominant medium in the lives of American youths. While total consumption time has increased considerably again, the amount of time young people spent watching regularly scheduled programming on a TV set has actually declined (for the first time since 1999) by 25 minutes per day. According to the survey, in 2009 only 59% of young people s television viewing occurred live on a TV set, the rest was either time-shifted or on a platform other than a TV set (DVD, DVR, online, ipod, cell phone). 20 The most popular activities online are going to social networking sites (82% of all teenagers do it at least sometimes), playing computer games, and watching videos. Two of those media social networks and online video services didn t even exist five years ago, which leads the authors of the study to the conclusion: The story of media in young people s live today is primarily a story of technology facilitating increased consumption. (ibid.) Almost one third of the time young people use media, they use two or more simulta- 20 These numbers, however, are strongly contradicted by a Nielsen study (2009, 3) which puts the share of live television at 92% of teenager s total TV consumption. Thus, only 5% occur via DVR and 2% online. Nielsen counted DVDs, ipods and cell phones separately, but total numbers for time-shifted consumption were still far below those of the Kaiser Foundation poll. According to Nielsen, 18 to 24-year olds, for example, spend almost twice as much time watching online videos than teenagers (ibid., 5). The Nielsen data are backed up by the Video Consumer Mapping Study of 2009, which found that Americans aged 18 to 24 watched 210 minutes of live television daily, but less than 6 minutes of online video, and 17 minutes on DVRs (Atkinson 2009). 49

58 neously. This is most common while listening to music, using a computer, or watching TV, less so while reading, or playing video games. And eventually, the researchers found a significant correlation between the total amount of media consumption and school grades, with half of all heavy users reporting fair or poor grades, but only a third of moderate and a fifth of light users. 21 There is one remarkable exception from this pattern: while the correlation holds up for all other types of media, it is reverse for print: those with lower grades spend less time reading in their leisure time than other children do. 3.2 The Generational Gap The media habits of teenagers clearly differ from adults, even from those who are only slightly above their age. On the next few pages these differences are examined in more detail, especially concerning the attention to (political) news and, above all, I will try to answer whether the media use patterns of today s teens will change as they grow older (and will then approximate the usage of the average population), or if we may linearly extrapolate their media habits into the future. In 2007, the Shorenstein Center at Harvard University asked 1,800 teenagers, young adults (aged 18 to 30) and older adults (31 years and older) in the U.S. about their news habits and detected startling differences. Fig. 10: Daily Exposure to News Media (U.S.) 21 The correlation withstood statistical controls for other possibly relevant factors like age, gender, race and parent education. However, it does not prove any cause and effect relationship. 50

59 Whereas more than a third of older adults in the U.S. reported reading a newspaper every day (still far less than in countries like Germany), only one sixth of young adults and not even one tenth of the teenagers read a newspaper daily. The differences are not as dramatic, yet still substantial for all other traditional media, with the disparities being larger between Americans over and under thirty than between teenagers and young adults. Only online news consumption seems to be quite evenly distributed, even though 55% of older adults, who obtain news from the internet, actively seek it, while two thirds of the teens say they get news online when they just happen to come across it (Shorenstein Center 2007, 11). The pattern remained when the authors distinguished the respondents into categories according to the frequency of their news consumption combined with the depth of their exposure. Only 5% of teens are heavy users of newspaper news, 8% use online news heavily and 17% national TV news. The numbers are somewhat, but not dramatically different for young adults: 9% newspapers, 13% online, 16% national TV. However, there is a huge gap to older adults, of whom 21% are heavy users of newspapers, 40% of news on national TV (more than twice the usage of younger adults) and still 15% of online news. According to the study around 60% of teens, 50% of young adults but only 25% of older adults pay little or no attention to daily news coverage (ibid., 14; emphasis added). This seems to indicate that the real crack in news consumption might not happen between teenage years and adulthood but later on, between younger and older adults. And this is in line with an argument pointed out by Prior (2007) who has studied media habits in the U.S. since the beginning of the 20 th century. Around 1980, a transformational shift occurred, with the deregulation of the TV industry and the proliferation of cable TV with its multitude of channels, leading to a transition from a Low-Choice to a High-Choice media environment. Before cable TV and the advent of the internet, Americans had no choice but to read newspapers, listen to the radio, or watch TV news in the early evening, for the traditional networks had decided to broadcast their news programs roughly at the same time. And many people rather followed the news than not watch TV at all. Yet, with cable television and its many entertainment offerings not only the audience for TV news fell dramatically but newspaper readership as well, writes Prior, for interest in politics was simply never as high as audience shares for evening news suggested people had hardly any viewing alternatives (ibid., 263). 51

60 Some older viewers disbanded network TV news as well, but in general they had already formed their media habits and most continued to follow the news on television and in newspapers (some consume even more news than ever before, primarily on all-news channels). Source: Prior 2007, 13 Fig. 11: The Media Environment (U.S.) Younger generations, though, who grew up in the 1980s and later on were already confronted with a High-Choice media landscape that did not force them to consume news but gave them many alternatives which they eagerly embraced. While Prior has focused his research on the U.S., the development in Europe was not much different. Instead of the big three American networks, up to the 1980s most European countries had public broadcasting monopolies which showed even more news programming. Yet Government deregulation of TV markets, digitalization, and new broadcast technology prompted the launch of an immense number of commercial TV channels all across Europe (Küng- Shankleman 2000, 23-44). Today more than 7,000 television channels operate in EU countries. In 2009 alone 245 new channels started transmission (European Commission 2010). Given the constantly growing choice of different media offerings (multiplied by the endless supply of online content), Prior is very skeptical of whether today s teenagers and young adults will ever emulate the news habits of the baby boom generation and their parents: Technological progress is the ultimate cause of this, and we cannot simply go back to low choice (Prior 2007, 281). And, If your first experiences have taught you that entertainment pro- 52

61 gramming can reliably offer you greater enjoyment than news programming, you have little reason to try news programming again (ibid., 288). This pessimistic line of argument is backed by Robert Putnam s empirical research. Drawing on three decades worth of data from the U.S. Social General Survey archives, Putnam (2000, 219) found that interest in the news is declining generationally. As evidence, he points to the development of newspaper readership over time. Source: Putnam 2000, 219 Fig. 12: Generational Decline in Newspaper Readership (U.S.) The percentage of daily newspaper readers in each age group does not (or only incrementally) increase as the group grows older. Every new cohort, the data suggest, basically carries its news habit along with age. Young people, who start out with a lower affinity to newspapers, obviously don t grow into the behavior patterns of their elders. And since newspaper readership and watching news on TV are highly correlated, the continuous fall in daily newspaper reading from one 15-year cohort of the population to the next, amounts, according to Putnam, to a general decline in news consumption. This was confirmed when people were asked whether they need to get the news (world, national, sports, and so on) every day. and their answers were grouped according to age. Over time around two thirds of people born before 1930 say they definitely or generally need to be up to date. Among the generation of their children and grandchildren, though, general interest in keeping up with the news is about half as great, and the data show absolutely no evidence of a life cycle growth in news interest among the 53

62 younger generations that might eventually bring them to the level of their parents and grandparents (ibid., 220). Source: Putnam 2000, 220 Fig. 13: Generational Decline in News Interest (U.S.) Putnam s research confirmed the result of a widely cited study of 1990, which was not without reason titled The Age of Indifference (Times Mirror Center 1990). Comparing news attitudes of Americans aged 18-29, 30-49, and 50+ years, the authors found a deep information gap between younger and older Americans that defied historical patterns: Over most of the past five decades younger members of the public have been at least as well informed as older people. That is no longer the case. Age 30 is the demarcation line for the knowledge gap (ibid., 1). Younger respondents were much less likely to follow and to have knowledge of news about national or international politics, the economy or science. Only sports and entertainment, stories of death and destruction on a large scale and news with a particular focus on youth-related themes gained roughly the same attention among all age groups. As with many other studies since, the Times Mirror poll showed that the decline of interest and information occurred despite sharply increasing levels of formal education. 22 And this is not an American phenomenon. While the data in the Times Mirror study end in the late 1980s and Putnam s ten years later, the Allensbach Institute in Germany has compiled data up to 2008 and found a similar generational gap. 22 Although all studies reviewed here confirm that there is a strong correlation between news consumption and levels of education within every age cohort. 54

63 Source: Allensbach 2008* Fig. 14: News Interest by Age Group (Germany) The news interest of Germans younger than 30 is considerably lower than in the general population (since 2003 the gap averaged 17 percentage points). This can be seen also in the data for newspaper readership, which Allensbach compared back to the 1980s. Alarmingly for newspaper editors and owners, the gap between German youth and those over 30 years of age is widening enormously. Read a newspaper yesterday Source: Allensbach 2008* Fig. 15: Newspaper Readership by Age Group (Germany) In 1980 there were almost as many regular newspaper readers below the age of 30 than above; thirty years later still 70% of all German adults over 30 report having read a newspaper yesterday, but only 40% of the younger generation. And according to further research, each age cohort maintains its news habits even while getting older: 55

64 Tab. 12: Newspaper Readership by Age Group over Time (Germany) As can be seen in line 1 of Table 12, in 1989 regular newspaper readership was lowest for teenagers (yet still relatively high with 49%) and increased continuously with every age group. More than 70% of Germans in their 40s reported reading a newspaper almost every day. That was in Yet when the teenagers of then became older, practically none of them began to regularly read a newspaper. Even when, by 2008, the teens of 1989 were in their thirties, not more of them read a newspaper than when in high school. Exactly the same can be seen for the twentysomethings of Being almost 20 years older in 2008, they were by no means more avid newspaper readers than they had already been in their twenties. If this pattern holds for those segments of the population who were teens in 2000 or 2008, a dramatic further decline of newspaper readership can already be foreseen. Thus, twenty years from now, only about a third of 45-yearold German citizens are likely to read a newspaper regularly, and one generation later only about a quarter of 45-year-olds compared to almost three quarters in 1989, just two decades ago. These are still numbers far higher than in the television-centric U.S. However, the decline of newspaper readership and news interest by age can be witnessed in most modern societies (which have experienced the technological and economic transformations described above), varying only by different starting levels which stem from country specific media cultures. In Japan, for instance, which traditionally has the highest newspaper readership of any industrial country, still more than half of all 20 to 29-year olds are regular newspaper readers (by U.S. standards an astonishing number). Yet this is more than 30 percentage points below the rate for people over 60. (The Economist 2010, 63) And the current generation of Digital Natives, born after 1980, obviously continues to turn away from traditional news sources. 56

65 Fig. 16: Newspaper Readership by Age Group (Japan) In Germany, within less than a decade the percentage of young adults who would read newspaper articles to get informed on a topic fell by a third. The decline for reading articles in magazines or watching TV news is almost as steep. However, the percentage of young adults who would search information online almost quadrupled from 1999 to If you want to get more information on a topic you pay attention to TV reports you read newspaper articles you read articles in magazines you search the internet you pay attention to radio reports Source: Köcher 2009* Tab. 13: Information Patterns of 20 to 29-Year Olds (Germany) Yet does that mean that the deterioration of traditional news consumption will be compensated by new media? Not really. As we have already seen, for young internet users seeking information online does not necessarily mean going to the websites of media companies where they would find news stories on current affairs, but rather typing a search term into Google or Wikipedia. And research shows that even for teens TV is still their primary source of news. When asked where they first learnt about a news story they were aware of, 40% of American teenagers named TV, by far the most cited source, way ahead of the internet which was named by 18% (Shorenstein Center 2007, 18). And this is not surprising: TV is still the medium all age groups, including teens and young adults, 57

66 spend most time with, and going online for teenagers means primarily communication (social networks, messaging, ), entertainment, and games. Less than one fifth of the time teens are online is used for information purposes (JIMstudy 2009, 33). Seeking information, though, is not equal to following news, even less political news. 34% of young American adults (aged 18 to 24) say they get no news at all on a typical day, up from 25% ten years earlier (Pew Research 2008b, 5). The authors of a comprehensive study about Young People and News (Shorenstein Center 2007, 22) speak of a historic moment : For 150 years the daily news audience had been expanding. Yet the same media system that provides for a rich array of news content also makes it possible for citizens to avoid the news with ease. And large numbers of Americans, particularly young Americans, largely ignore the daily news. 3.3 Digital Natives and the News Similar to Prior, Putnam and other authors, Doris Graber (2001) dates the critical shift back to the second half of the 1970s and early 1980s. Younger baby boomers who were already raised on television were the first to show a significantly lower news interest than preceding generations. The gap widened with the socalled Generation X (born between 1965 and 1980) who knew television as an omnipresent baby sitter and had lived through a major communications revolution with the proliferation of cable TV, and the following Generation Y (born after 1980) who grew up with computers and the internet. According to Graber s research GenXers and their successors are far more visually oriented than older media users and prefer non-textual information. Used to videogames, they look for suspense and high drama, cherish interactivity, and feel bored quickly with stories they do not like. The media they consume share six important characteristics: (1) the predominance of visual formats, (2) the proliferation of media venues, (3) the ending of time-clock tyranny, (4) the weakening of gatekeeper control, (5) the growth of interactivity, and (6) the emergence of niche programming. (ibid., 438) In Europe, where the dissemination of television happened at a slower pace than in the U.S. and (before the deregulation of TV markets in the 1980s) was an almost exclusive domain of public, non-commercial broadcasters, Bonfadelli and 58

67 Marr (2008) see very similar generational shifts in media patterns. They speak of a TV Generation ( Fernsehgeneration, having grown up with the then new medium from the mid-1960s on), followed by the Commercial TV Generation ( Privatfernsehgeneration ) and the present growing up with the internet (ibid., 370*). though, is not necessarily the best suited label for this age cohort, since as a means of communication is already rapidly losing ground among young internet users who prefer communicating via social networks and instant messaging. 23 Much more useful seems the term Digital Natives (as opposed to the older Digital Immigrants) which was coined by the American author and game designer Marc Prensky for the native speakers of the digital language of computers, video games and the Internet (2001a, 1). According to Prensky Digital Natives are used to receiving information very fast, they like to multi-task and network, they prefer graphics to text, like non-linear hypertext formats and games, and they thrive on instant gratification. In a very recent book on the topic, German media expert Jens Frieling (2010) argues that Digital Natives need to apply a rigorous selection process to manage the enormous complexity and abundance of information available to them. This selection process can either be self-organized (very time consuming) or ceded to some kind of agent (RSS-feeds, professional news organizations, etc.). In any case, Digital Natives will pay attention only to content that promises palpable information or entertainment value (ibid., 51*). Research shows that most users restrict themselves to certain, not too many favorite sources, with a fraction of all available websites attracting the overwhelming share of attention. The selection problem is one of the reasons for Frieling to believe that conventional TV will remain popular. The pre-selection of topics and formats allows for a convenient leanback mode of consumption and relieves the audience of the permanent pressure to interact (ibid., 50*). Being online, Digital Natives often also engage in a passive mode of use, satisfying basic needs for entertainment (mainly on YouTube) and information (on Wikipedia). At the same time many young people are very 23 Other popular labels for the generation born after 1980 are Millennials (Howe/Strauss 2000), DotNets (Pew Research Center 2006), Generation V(irtual) (Gartner Group 2008), Net Generation (Tapscott 2009), or Three-Screen-Generation (for their permanent use of TV, computer and mobile phone screens; AOL 2009). A very recent study suggests, however, that not age but life stages would be a better indicator for (media) consumption patterns, for people of the same age can have very different media habits due to the respective circumstances of life. The authors thus distinguish eight major life stage groups: teens, college students, recent graduates, single no kids, new nesters, established families, married couples with no children and empty nesters (AdWeek 2010). 59

68 actively communicating online (Frieling calls it the communication-oriented participation mode), whereas only a relatively small segment is active with more elaborate and laborious contributions (blogs, videos, etc. creative participation mode; ibid., 51). In their frequently cited book Born Digital, Palfrey and Gasser (2008) object to the notion that Digital Natives are less informed than previous generations. They are, according to the authors, just differently informed: Digital Natives pick up bits and pieces of news and information as they go about their day, not in a single sitting at the breakfast table in the morning or in front of the television in the evening. Digital Natives are quite sophisticated in the ways that they gather information through a multistep process that involves grazing, a deep dive, and a feedback loop. (ibid., 241) They are perfecting the art of grazing through the huge amount of information they encounter every day on Google, Facebook, blogs and chat-rooms, via e- mail, text messages, on radio, or TV. If a story seems valuable insofar as it is timely, relevant, and easy to process the user may decide that he wants to learn more about the topic to take a deep dive. This means searching for additional information, usually online and frequently on websites of traditional news organizations, NGOs, or governmental institutions. And some users might even want to talk back to the news, by writing a blog post, sending an , uploading a video, or passing the information around: Digital information has a social life in the hands of Digital Natives. Palfrey and Gasser write. They concede that it is not a majority of young people who will involve themselves so intensely, however the generation of Digital Natives is coping with more information, and that information comes to their attention in new ways (ibid., ). In 2008 the Media Management Center of Northwestern University conducted an in-depth study with 89 young adults, aged 17 to 22, on their usage of political information on websites. One of the central findings from their interviews was summed up by the researchers as follows: Millennials want to become informed, but they don t want to follow the news (MMC 2008, 13). Thus, becoming informed means learning enough to understand something, being able to follow conversations on a topic, and to form an opinion, but it does not require to be updated constantly, since the information worth being informed about does not change every day. In contrast, following the news means keeping up with incremental day-to-day developments 60

69 which are often confusing, overwhelming, and permanently changing. According to the participants in the study, there are fundamental differences between becoming informed and following the news: One is a pleasurable, personal, sitback experience while the other is a functional, lean-forward experience that feels more like an obligation (ibid.). Most participants of the study checked headlines a few times a day to make sure they didn t miss anything important, but in general they wanted to spend as little time as possible following the news, for they felt they had too little time anyhow. As 17-year-old May told the researchers: I m already busy as it is, I barely have time to do what I need to do There s so many new things happening every day that you can t really keep up. This relates very much to what the Associated Press has found out about the media habits of young people by commissioning in 2007 an immersive ethnographic study of 18 young adults, aged 18 to 34, in the U.S., the UK, and India (AP 2008). Again, it showed a prevalent news habit of grazing, scanning, zapping, and snacking (mainly online or on TV), consuming a steady diet of bite-size pieces of news in the form of headlines, updates and quick facts (ibid. 37). AP tried to illustrate this contemporary news consumption model by dividing a typical news topic into four different levels of substance and focus. Today s consumers of news therefore get an oversupply of quick updates and facts but not enough context and substance in the form of back stories (What does it mean?) and future stories (What happens next?). Source: AP 2008, 37 Fig. 17: A Model of Contemporary News Consumption The participants of the study were not satisfied with their news diet, yet they would only occasionally actively start in-depth searches on a topic, digging up back stories and context on the internet, something they described as work. They often got frustrated by the sheer abundance, redundancy, negativity, and 61

70 complexity of news and showed signs of news fatigue, going into a passive mode of consumption. As one participant told the researchers: I don t go hunting for news, I just accept it when it comes. Or as another one said: News kind of comes to me from other people who read the paper or watch the morning news (ibid., 44). Irene Meijer (2006) encountered the same attitude when she interviewed 450 youngsters, aged 15 to 25, in the Netherlands in 2006, who saw no need either to read newspapers or watch the evening news as part of a daily routine. As two 15-year-old high school students explained to the researcher: Liselotte: When truly something big happens Jona: Then you automatically hear about it. (ibid., 11) Probably the single most famous quote illustrating this approach stems from an anonymous college student cited in the New York Times: If the news is that important, it will find me (Stelter 2008a) The Aging Audience of TV News Television is still the most popular medium in practically all industrial democracies and in all age groups, even with today s teenagers and young adults. It is a different story, however, for TV news. Ratings and market shares for news shows have been going down for many years, while the medium age of news audiences is going up steadily. The decline in viewership began around 1980 with the increasing competition of cable and commercial TV channels in the U.S. and Europe. In 1980, the evening newscasts of the three traditional TV networks in the U.S. combined reached 42% of all U.S. households with a television set (household rating), and 75% of all households where the TV was switched on at the time of the evening news (market share). In total, 52 million people (total viewership) were watching network news every night. Barely three decades later, in 2008 (a Presidential election year), the combined household ratings of the three network newscasts were down by 61%, market shares by 64% and total viewership had decreased by 53%. 24 In the article on youth and social media, the unnamed student was quoted by a market researcher who had conducted a focus group with young adults, and the remark rapidly spread across the web. A Google search for the ten-word sentence generates more than 50,000 hits (in most versions that is omitted and the quote reads: If the news is important, it will find me. ), and it is not only cited in hundreds of blogs and articles but in several books as well (e.g. Jarvis 2009, 126; Coddington 2010), 62

71 Source: Pew Project 2009 (Percentage of all television households tuned to this program) Fig. 18: Evening News Household Ratings (U.S.) On average the network news audience has fallen by about 1 million every year, while the U.S. population has grown by 2.8 million a year (Pew Project 2009). Furthermore, the TV news audience has not only been shrinking, but aging as well. Source: Pew Project 2009 Fig. 19: Median Age of Evening News Audiences (U.S.) In 2009 the median age of evening news viewers for all three networks was 62.2 years, up from 59.8 only five years earlier. The audience of the (more entertainment-centered) morning news shows, watched by 13 million people in 2008, is comparatively young with 53.9 years on average. Still, this is an increase of more 63

72 than a year since At the same time more people than ever watched allnews cable channels in 2008 (mainly due to the election cycle). The median viewership in prime time (for CNN, Headline News, Fox News and MSNBC) more than tripled within 10 years, to a total of 3.6 million in 2008 (ibid. 25 ) yet still a very low number. Source: Pew Project 2009 (Median prime-time audience in millions) Fig. 20: Cable News Prime-time Viewership (U.S.) Unfortunately the comprehensive annual State of the News Media report by the Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism does not provide data on the demographics of the cable news audience (except for their political orientation), and reliable recent figures are not publicly available. However, in 2008 an article in The New York Times (referring to Nielsen Media research) gave the median age for the audience of Fox News as 63.9 years. According to the article, this was nearly four years older than the audience of CNN and eight years older than the audience of MSNBC (Stelter 2008b). For Germany more detailed data on the composition of TV news audiences are available. They show a very similar picture to the U.S. In 2008 the main evening newscasts on the two public TV channels and the two most popular commercial 25 Cable news viewership is hard to measure since all-news channels broadcast news programs (or newsrelated talk shows, documentaries, etc.) 24 hours a day, thus their viewership cannot be compared to the audience of the half-hour network newscasts. Cumulative audience, for instance, measures every viewer who watches a channel for at least six minutes over the course of a month. In 2008 all four cable news channels combined had median cumulative monthly audience of million. Yet this number does not say anything about the viewership of particular programs. In November 2008 (the month of the Presidential Election) the most watched regular program on any of the four news channels was O Reilly Factor on Fox News with an average audience of 3.8 million (Pew Project 2009). During most of the day the viewers of cable news channels can be counted in the tens of thousands, though. 64

73 channels had a combined average daily viewership of 14 million. Yet only about 800,000 of those viewers were younger than 30 and less than 2 million were under 40. More than 10 million of the 14 million viewers, or 73% of the total evening news audience, were over 50. Source: ZDF-Medienforschung 26 Tab. 14: Evening News Audiences by Age Group 2008 (Germany) The age gap is especially wide for the well regarded evening newscasts of the public broadcasters (on ZDF 96% of the audience is over 40), yet even on the two major private channels only about 20% of the news audience is younger than 40, while the median age of the German population is 43.4 years (2008) ,59 4,54 0,15 3,54 0,76 2,89 0,33 1,03 1, yrs 40+ yrs ARD- Tagesschau ZDF-heute RTL-aktuell Sat1- Nachrichten Combined Audience Source: ZDF-Medienforschung (Average daily viewership in millions) Fig. 21: Evening News Audiences by Age Group 2008 (Germany) Still commercial TV s news shows are more successful in attracting younger audiences. RTL s market share among 30 to 49-year olds is almost twice as high as for the public channels. There are two major reasons for that. First of all, the age 26 These internal data are not publicly available and were generously provided to the author by ZDF- Medienforschung, the audience research department of public broadcaster ZDF. They are not meant for further publication. 65

74 of news viewers is highly correlated to the overall audience of a television channel. In 2008 the average viewer of ARD was 58.8 years old, ZDF viewers were 60.6, while RTL s and Sat1 s overall audience was on average 45 years old (Giersch 2008, 23). The second reason is commercial newscasts strong focus on soft news. ARD-Tagesschau, for example, reports almost three times as much on politics and considerably more on the economy and legal affairs than RTL-aktuell, whereas RTL has three times as many stories on crime, twice as many on catastrophes and accidents, and 15 times as many on human interest topics (Media- Perspektiven 2009, 21). The very youth-oriented private channels Pro7 and RTL2 are even more effective in drawing younger audiences (with the highest market share of their evening news being among 20 to 29-year olds). Their news shows, however, hardly qualify as serious newscasts that enable learning about political affairs, for they devote almost all their stories to celebrities, fashion, the latest consumer goods, or human interest, and barely report on politics, foreign affairs, or the economy. 27 Furthermore, their audience is indeed rather young, yet also rather small (with about 800,000 viewers each, compared to more than 5 million for the market leader ARD). Due to the support of the audience research department of public broadcaster ORF, the most detailed data for this chapter are available for Austria. 28 Despite differences in the media landscape, 29 the viewing patterns for television in general and news programs in particular are very similar to other European countries like neighboring Germany, or the U.S., as can be seen, for instance, from the development of TV news audiences. Since 1980, the ratings for Austria s dominant evening newscast, ORF s Zeit im Bild, have decreased by two thirds, from 43% of all television households to less than 14%. This is, of course, mainly due to a steep increase in competition. Whereas in 1980 almost all Austrian house- 27 A typical comment of an enthusiastic fan of RTL2 s news show, romina77, in an online forum reads: In my opinion the absolutely best TV news program of all. Since I m not at all interested in politics and totally into celebrity gossip this news is exactly right for me. All the others are just a boring drag for old-age pensioners. (http://is.gd/akgml; URL shortened, as of *) 28 These internal research data were provided by the audience research department of ORF (ORF-Medienforschung). They are not publicly available and not meant for further publication. 29 Due to the comparatively late liberalization of the domestic TV market in the 1990s, Austria still has a very dominant public broadcaster, ORF, commanding almost 40% combined market share with its two TV channels. The two major commercial channels ATV and Puls4 have a combined market share of less than 10%, for a majority of TV viewers in Austria (a German speaking country) regularly watch private channels from Germany, most of which are available via cable or satellite (for more details see Plasser 2010; Neumüller 2010). 66

75 holds could only watch the two public ORF channels (only a tiny minority living near the borders was able to receive foreign TV signals) and commercial television was not yet allowed, in 2009 an average household had 88 different channels available, 63 of them broadcasting in German. 30 Source: ORF-Medienforschung 31 Fig. 22: Evening News Audience (Austria) Another aspect is the proliferation of news on television. Not only are there allnews cable channels, which did not exist in 1980 (there is no domestic all news channel in Austria, yet more than 90% of households can receive CNN and the German news channels NTV and N24), but many (public) broadcasters in Europe cannibalize their own evening news audience by putting more and more newscasts on air over the course of the day. ARD, for instance, has up to 13 different news shows daily, beginning with morning news at 5.30 a.m., hourly news updates from p.m. until 8 p.m. when the Tagesschau begins, followed by the news magazine Tagesthemen at p.m. and the nightly news sometimes as late as 3.00 a.m. It is not much different with Austria s ORF, which has ten different newscasts on air each weekday from 9.00 a.m. until midnight. Thus, on a typical day such as December 3, 2009, a total of 975,000 viewers watched the evening newscast Zeit im Bild, many fewer than several years ago. But over the course of the day, the ten different news shows on both ORF channels were seen by a total audience of 2,928, If one can already watch six different news- 30 In households with digital satellite or cable (58% of all households by December 2009) 138 channels are available: (as of ) 31 The sharp decline between 2005 and 2007 was due to the decision to terminate the simultaneous transmission of Zeit im Bild on both ORF channels. Since April 2007 it has been broadcast on ORF2 only, while ORF1 carries entertainment programming and has now a new (six-minute long) newscast ZiB20 at 8 p.m. 32 Discounting viewers who watched more than one of the ten newscasts reduces unique viewers (i.e. the number of different people who were reached by at least one ORF newscast on this day) to 1.952,000. This 67

76 casts before the evening news even begins (not taking into consideration the 24/7 news offerings on cable channels, radio and the internet), it is not surprising that the news audience in the evening is considerably smaller today than it was in the 1980s, when the viewers could choose from two public channels which both simultaneously carried the news. Yet the evening news audience has not only shrunk drastically, it is also comparatively old. In 2009, the viewers of Zeit im Bild were on average 61 years of age. Only 11% were younger than 40 and only 23% were younger than 50. Almost two thirds of the audience were 60 and older. ZEIT IM BILD, 7.30 p.m. Audience in 1,000 Source: ORF-Medienforschung Fig. 23: Evening News Audience by Age Group (Austria) ORF thus provides another example for the importance of a newscast s program environment. Since 2007 Zeit im Bild has been broadcast on ORF2 only, the elder of the two public channels. Until then it had also been on the air simultaneously on the much more youth-oriented ORF1, which is focused on entertainment, movies, and sports, and has a much younger overall audience. The data for 2006 show that while the audience of Zeit im Bild on ORF2 then was on average 63 years old, the average viewer of the same newscast on ORF1 was only 50. Although on ORF2 the newscast had almost three times as many viewers (934,000 vs. 351,000), it was watched on ORF1 by more people who were younger than 40 (97,000 vs. 94,000). This became even more obvious when the 20-minute Zeit im Bild was replaced by a new newscast on ORF1 in The new ZiB20 has a duration of only six minutes and only five to seven very short stories, but it focuses on hard news very similar to Zeit im Bild (both shows and all other newscasts on ORF share the same editorial team). The total audience means, around one million people watched ORF news, without having watched the main evening newscast Zeit im Bild at 7.30 p.m. 68

77 for ZiB20 is much smaller (189,000 in 2009 vs. 976,000 for Zeit im Bild), yet it is much younger: the average viewer is only 43 years old, compared to 61. The influence of the program environment could also be witnessed at another ORF newscast. In 2007, the 20-minute midnight-news ZiB3 (which was originally introduced in 1998 as a late-night news show especially designed for younger viewers) was moved from ORF2 to the more youth-oriented ORF1 and renamed ZiB24. The format, content, and presenters of the program remained unchanged, yet just by switching the channel the average age of the audience declined considerably, from 55 to 48 years. The market share among 12 to 29-year olds rose from 7% in 2006 (the last full year on ORF2) to 16% in 2008 (the first full year on ORF1), and among 12 to 49-year olds from 12% to 19%, whereas it fell from 28% to 17% among viewers older than 50. While in 2006 only one third of the viewers were younger than 50, it was more than half of the audience in Just the switch-over from an older to a younger channel altered the demographic composition of the very same program s viewership remarkably. Hence, the program environment and the age of a TV channel in general are clearly very important factors, but even more so are the format and content of a program. The more traditional in format and the more focused on hard news a news program, the older its audience usually is. This shows, for instance, with Pressestunde, ORF s equivalent to NBC s Meet the Press in the U.S. The onehour 11 a.m.-sunday morning program shows nothing other than a leading politician interviewed by two political journalists. Of its 106,000 average viewership in 2009, a mere 9,000 or 8% were younger than 40. Two thirds were over 60, and the average viewer was 64 years old. Does that mean that younger viewers only appreciate short headline updates and soft news formats? Not necessarily, as audience research in Germany suggests. Although Pro7 is by far the most popular TV channel for young viewers (ahead of RTL, MTV, RTL2) and only 3% name one of the public broadcasters as their favorite channel, a clear majority of younger viewers cite the public ARD as having the best news programs (ahead of RTL, ZDF, and N24; Feierabend/Kutteroff 2008, 617). After the general election in Germany in 2009, 1,200 adults were surveyed on their opinions on the media coverage of the election campaign. More than 70% of the respondents rated the coverage of the public channels ARD and ZDF as very good or good (compared to 41% for RTL and 27% for Sat1). However, the public channels received their 69

78 best ratings from 12 to 29-year-old viewers. At the same time the youngest audience rated the political coverage on the commercial channels worse than older viewers (Geese et al. 2009, 646). For important political events, even young people seem to value the serious news of public broadcasters. On September 13, 2009, the TV debate of the two major candidates for the post of German chancellor was broadcast simultaneously on ARD, ZDF, RTL, and Sat1. Interestingly, the two public channels combined did not only draw a much bigger overall audience, they were also watched by twice as many viewers aged 14 to 39 as the two commercial broadcasters combined. 33 An extensive research project among 450 youngsters aged 15 to 25 in the Netherlands (Meijer 2006), brought an interesting paradox to light. Even though young people don t watch traditional newscasts regularly, they do not want them to change. In-depth interviews with hundreds of the young viewers revealed that they do not appreciate the soapification of news Youngsters want news to address major issues, to be reliable and not to be more entertaining (ibid., 11). The respondents in Meijer s interviews want quality news they can turn to when something of importance happens. And being brand-aware as young consumers are, they associate quality news with traditional serious newscasts even if they regard it as grey, boring and not meant for people like us (ibid. 12). If the news is too entertaining, too much fun, or too relaxing it conveys the impression of not being important. As one of the interviewees told Meijer: News is like a wholewheat sandwich: you eat it because it is healthy, not because it is tasty (ibid., 1). 34 This does not mean, though, that young people in the Netherlands watch the evening news any more than in the U.S., Germany, or Austria. They don t. They just want serious TV news to be there; according to Meijer (ibid., 13), as a basic social service, comparable to social security, health insurance, or family care: you have to be able to rely on its availability when you need it, preferably free of charge, around the clock and seven days a week. This concept of the news as a basic social service makes the obvious discrepancy between the high regard for quality news and its low ratings among young people explicable. Yet it also makes clear that a transformation of traditional 33 Internal audience research data, provided to the author by ZDF-Medienforschung. 70

79 newscasts into more entertaining, less boring, faster paced, soft news-driven news light is no viable alternative. 3.5 Conclusion As all available studies confirm, young people indeed have very different habits of media use and news consumption than older demographics. Television is still their most used medium, yet they watch it much less than their parents and grandparents, and they watch it primarily for entertainment. Newspaper consumption among youngsters has been decreasing for decades and is now at a historic low. The favorite media particularly among teenagers are TV, the internet, and mobile phones (which are used least for making phone calls). However, the critical cleavage in media use between age groups is not between teenagers and adults but somewhat later, between younger and older adults, around the age of thirty. For instance, 60% of American teenagers and 50% of young adults but only 25% of those over thirty pay little or no attention to daily news coverage. However, this does not mean that by becoming older today s young people will grow into the news habits of their parents or grandparents, who read newspapers more often and watch so much more TV news. Long term studies show that news interest is declining generationally and every age cohort maintains its learned media habits while growing older. Today s 50-year-olds read newspapers about as regularly as they did 15 years ago and 30 years ago, which was already less than the newspaper reading of their parents; and this gap has never closed. The same is to be seen with today s 35-year-olds whose news interest has remained at the same level where it was when they were 20 (and has not risen to the level of the 35-year-olds of 15 years ago). This means that the media habits of today s teenagers will never emulate those of today s adults. Most of them will never become avid newspaper readers or sit in front of their TV sets every evening, watching the news. This generational decline in news interest can be dated back to around 1980, to the fundamental transformation from a Low-Choice to a High-Choice media environment (Prior). With the proliferation of cable TV and its abundant entertainment 34 This parallels what an MMC study on the online news consumption of American youngsters found. They don t expect and don t want serious news sites to be entertaining. As 17-year-old Jorge told the researchers: News isn't supposed to be fun. It's supposed to be just facts and seriousness (MMC 2008, 18). 71

80 offerings, the viewership for TV evening news and the readership of newspapers (which are highly correlated) decreased sharply. Another transformation took place in the mid-1990s with the rapid spread of the internet. Today s Digital Natives are confronted with a 24/7 supply of traditional and digital media offerings they can only cope with by heavy multitasking, thus cramming almost 11 hours of media consumption into 7½ hours of daily media usage in their leisure time alone (U.S. teenagers in 2008). Most of it is taken up by entertainment, communication and games. To cope with the excessive supply of news on all available media channels, Digital Natives have developed a distinctive habit of news consumption that can be described as grazing, scanning, zapping, and snacking. They encounter headlines and updates throughout the day from different sources (mostly online or mobile), but seldom read a whole story or watch a long-form documentary on TV. Only if a topic catches their interest because it is personally relevant, dramatic, or funny and entertaining, and if it can prompt a conversation, they decide to take a deep dive and search for context and background. They want to become informed but they don t want to follow the news. conclude the authors of an in-depth study on the news habits of youngsters. Thus, most young people consume news quite passively. Or, as the participant of a study told an interviewer: The news kind of comes to me. Television is still the most used medium for young people and they still cite it most frequently as the source of the news stories they are aware of, however traditional TV newscasts are not watched by many youngsters and in general by far less people than in the past. The viewership for the evening news on U.S. networks or European public broadcasters has shrunk by about 60% since 1980, due to the dramatically increased competition through cable TV, and the increasing entertainment orientation of the audience, especially of younger people. Today, the average viewer of a traditional evening newscast in the U.S. and Europe is over 60 years of age, and less than 20% of the audience are younger than 40. If young viewers follow TV news at all, they watch more entertaining soft news-formats on commercial television, which can hardly qualify as serious news. However, according to research, young people don t want traditional newscasts to change much. They do not watch it regularly, but they acknowledge the quality of real news and regard it as a valuable and necessary service they can turn to when something of importance happens. Even though it might be boring, it is necessary in a case of emergency. 72

81 Yet if serious news is not a regular ingredient of young people s daily media diet, are there different ways of supplying them with the earlier cited practical knowledge of political affairs that informed citizens should possess? In the following chapter I will examine three different media formats (two on TV, one in print) from the U.S., the UK, and Germany that are all successful in reaching young people with political information, albeit in different ways. 73

82 4. Political Information: A Different Approach The previous chapter has provided ample evidence that traditional news programming has tremendous difficulties attracting young audiences. Making the newscasts younger, i.e. more entertaining, softer, less boring, and shorter does not seem to be a promising alternative. By changing the content away from serious topics and the format to infotainment, the shows may gain younger viewers, yet at the same time they will likely lose much of their potential to seriously inform about political affairs and enable political learning. Furthermore, young people tell researchers explicitly that they want serious news outlets to remain serious. There are, however, examples of journalistic approaches that do provide substantive political information, and are nevertheless very popular with young people. In this chapter I will review three such examples more closely: The Daily Show with Jon Stewart from the U.S., the Current Affairs 2008 project at the BBC, and the German print magazine Neon. While The Daily Show has already been the topic of an extensive body of academic and journalistic discourse, the sections on Current Affairs 2008 and Neon (which so far have obviously not been of interest to academic research) are based on original material from the BBC program and the magazine respectively, as well as an elaborate presentation by a BBC executive and a wide-ranging interview with Neon s chief editor. 4.1 Politics as Fun: The Daily Show with Jon Stewart After the death of legendary CBS anchor Walter Cronkite in the summer of 2009, Time magazine conducted an online poll asking: Now that Walter Cronkite has passed on, who is America s most trusted newscaster? A clear majority of 44% of the more than 9,000 respondents chose Jon Stewart, host of the Daily Show, 15 percentage points ahead of NBC Evening News presenter Brian Williams (Time 2009). Almost exactly one year earlier The New York Times had titled a 3,000-word article: Is Jon Stewart the Most Trusted Man in America? citing a poll that placed him at number four on the list of the most admired jour- 74

83 nalists in the U.S. (Kakutani 2008). The Washington Post lauded Stewart as an icon to many journalists (Kurtz 2010), and The Independent called him the most influential voice in American politics and his broadcast increasingly the epicenter of real news (Doyle 2008). This is somewhat surprising, as the program in question is a satirical fake news show that is aired on Comedy Central, and its 47-year-old host has insisted publicly for years that he is not a journalist, and his mandate is to entertain, not inform (Moyers 2007; Kakutani 2008). Yet even communication scholars and political scientists regard the Daily Show as a central site for news and political discussion in an increasingly complicated media environment (Baym 2010, 5). 35 In a widely cited poll, almost half of the respondents under the age of 30 said they were informed at least occasionally about the election campaign of 2000 by late-night talk shows (Pew Research 2000, 6). Four years later, more than a fifth of young adults reported to regularly learn something from comedy TV shows such as The Daily Show. As the pollsters noted: For Americans under 30, these comedy shows are mentioned almost as frequently as newspapers and evening network news programs as regular sources for election news (Pew Research 2004, 2) 36. The Daily Show with Jon Stewart airs four days a week (Monday through Thursday) at 11 p.m. on the cable TV channel Comedy Central, and reruns are broadcast several times throughout the day. The 30-minute show is a hybrid format, mixing the settings of traditional newscasts and late-night talk shows and is recorded in front of a live audience. Two commercial breaks divide the show into three distinct segments: during the first ten minutes host Jon Stewart delivers his monologue, a satirical round-up of the day s political events supported by the show s trademark video montages of politicians embarrassing or contradicting themselves; during the second segment the host interviews his fake correspondents, who are presented as senior experts or special correspondents, and often pretend to speak from actual locations such as the White House; the last segment consists of Stewart interviewing a guest, usually politicians, political experts, journalists, authors, or celebrities. On the show s website its mission is aptly described: Jon Stewart and the Best News Team Ever bring you the news like you've never seen it before unburdened by objectivity, journa- 35 For a comprehensive review of the academic and journalistic discourse on The Daily Show see Tenenboim- Weinblatt For a critical assessment of the findings in those surveys see Jones

84 listic integrity or even accuracy (The Daily Show 2010). What distinguishes the comedy program (and its successful spin-off The Colbert Report) from other latenight shows is its strong focus on national politics. According to a content analysis of all Daily Show episodes of 2007 (PEJ 2008), almost half of the show s content was dedicated to U.S. foreign affairs (mainly the war in Iraq, frequently referred to in a segment called Mess O Potamia ), electoral politics, and federal governance. Another major topic of the show is media criticism. In 2007, the media was the subject of almost one tenth of the program s content. Source: PEJ 2008, 4 (Percentage of total air time) Fig. 24: Top 10 Topics in The Daily Show in 2007 The line-up of guests on The Daily Show is also very distinct from other late-night talk shows. 41 of the 136 different guests who appeared on the show in 2007 were the regular fare of celebrities from the entertainment industry, yet more than two thirds were politicians, pundits, journalists, and non-fiction authors (ibid., 11). Political guests on the show included Barack Obama, Joe Biden, John McCain, John Edwards (who announced his 2004 candidacy on the show), John Kerry, Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter and foreign dignitaries such as Tony Blair, Pervez Musharraf, and Evo Morales. During the U.S. election campaign of 2008 The Daily Show featured 21 studio interviews with presidential candidates (CMPA 2008, 3). An appearance of Barack Obama a few days before the election drew a record audience of 3.6 million viewers, 2.2 million of whom were aged 18 to 49 (TVWeek.com 2008). The average viewership of the show in 2008 was 1.8 million (PEJ 2008, 3), and the latest available report put the median age of Daily Show viewers in 2009 at 41.4 years very young for a TV program so heavy on political content, yet an increase of almost five years compared to only one year earlier (Pomerantz 2009). This can, at least partly, be explained by the rising 76

85 overall viewership (plus 8%), which was mainly due to a growing market share among older audiences. Still, the average Daily Show viewer is about 20 years younger than the audience of the network evening newscasts. The show s eclectic mixture of real and fake news, jokes, criticism, banter, commentary, irreverence, moral outrage, sarcasm, and extensive political interviews is obviously successful in attracting young people. However, do they gain political knowledge by watching Jon Stewart and his cast making jokes about the absurdity that we see in government and the world (Stewart, cited in Moyers 2007)? According to a Pew Research survey (2007, 2), the audiences of The Daily Show and its spinoff The Colbert Report belong to the most knowledgeable segments of the electorate, at least when measured by their factual knowledge about public figures and news events. While only a third of all respondents of the survey fell in the high knowledge group defined by the researchers, more than half of the Daily Show and Colbert Show audience were among the best informed. They could answer more questions correctly than regular readers of newspapers and news magazines, or regular viewers of CNN and network evening news. This reinforced the findings of a 2004 survey of 19,000 American adults that found Daily Show viewers demonstrate higher campaign knowledge than national news viewers and newspaper readers - even when education, party identification, following politics, watching cable news, receiving campaign information online, age, and gender are taken into consideration (Annenberg 2004, 1). Academic research on the learning effects of comedy and late-night talk shows remains ambiguous, though. Hollander (2005) ran extensive regression analyses of the factual answers to a 2004 Pew Research study and the respondents self-reported news sources, and concluded that Daily Show viewers did not score higher than average, neither in the recall nor the recognition of political events. After an experiment presenting segments of The Daily Show to more than 700 students, Baumgartner and Morris (2006) hold that the program generates cynicism toward the media and the electoral process among its audience. At the same time, it makes its young viewers more confident about their own ability to understand politics (ibid., 353). Parkin (2009) has examined the learning effects of comedy shows by presenting to different groups of participants a political interview (with then presidential candidate John Kerry originally conducted by late-night host David Letterman) in the context of a comedy show (Late Night with David Letterman), or a traditional political interview program (Face the Nation). He found that among young, politically not interested viewers the exact same information led to increased political know- 77

86 ledge and participation when they read it on the Late Night website, however it had no effect when presented on a (fake) Face the nation website. Hence, Parkin concludes that presenting political information in an entertaining mode can indeed encourage and support political learning especially among less politically interested and young audiences. Considering the content of The Daily Show, it is not at all surprising that viewers would gain political knowledge from the program. Jones (2007) has compared news segments of The Daily Show and of CNN on the presidential campaign of 2004 and finds that both programs provide roughly the same amount and type of information. Yet not being restricted by professional journalistic norms such as balance and objectivity, Stewart goes much farther than just offering facts and analysis, by drawing conclusions, stating opinions, and most of all ridiculing and satirizing the topics and guests of his show. Jones calls this an entertainmentized version of a news analysis or op-ed journalism that can provide quality information that citizens can use in making informed choices about electoral politics (ibid.). The American media scholar Geoffrey Baym (2010) even calls Stewart (and Colbert) the vanguard of a new kind of public affairs media, a much-needed reimagination of the possibilities of political journalism in a post-network age (ibid, 20). He argues that more than traditional TV newscasts the two comedy shows critically interrogate public figures, expose contradictions and falsehoods, and thus hold the political leadership accountable. Referring to Habermas, Baym even states: The Daily Show ultimately advocates a deliberative theory of democracy the notion that only civil and honest conversation can provide the legitimate foundation for governance (ibid, 118). Apart from its (obviously very important) entertainment value, many analysts explain the Daily Show s attraction to young audiences with Jon Stewarts s authenticity, engagement, blunt language, and his constant effort of speaking truth to power (Smolkin 2007; Kakutani 2008; PEJ 2008, 15). In interviews about their media habits (AP 2008), young adults who are fans of the show praise Jon Stewart s clever presentation and his ability to take even the most serious news, spin it and make it palatable. One participant in the study called the comedy show host the human face of news. and another one explained, For a lot of news it s a case of if we don t laugh, we ll cry. I d rather trust a satirist than a wax-faced suit on network news (ibid., 43-45). 78

87 4.2 The Rejuvenation of BBC Current Affairs With its audience aging year by year and youngsters flocking to commercial TV, the BBC, the world s oldest and largest public broadcasting corporation, is facing very similar problems as public broadcasters in Germany and Austria, and the traditional U.S. television networks. Britons older than 65 years of age spend more than three quarters of their TV viewing time with one of the five major public TV channels. Viewers younger than 35, though, not only watch much less television in general, but moreover spend around 70% of their viewing time with commercial TV (Ofcom 2009, 42). Two thirds of the audiences of the flagship channels BBC One and BBC Two are older than 45, one third is older than 65, and only 10% are younger than 25. The picture is somewhat different for BBC Three, a digital channel, specifically directed at very young viewers with a targeted core audience of 16 to 34. BBC Three viewers are quite young indeed, with more than half being under 35 and more than two thirds under 45. Source: Ofcom 2009, 47 (percentage of respective audience in age group) Fig. 25: BBC Television Audiences by Age Group in 2008 Yet the overall audience is small compared to the flagship channels, and BBC Three has very little factual content. Until recently there had been no regular 79

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