Do Not Allow Liars and Cheats Rob You of the Flag of the Islamic Republic

In the Name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful

“Indeed, God commands you to render trusts in your care back to their owners; and when you judge between people, that you judge with justice.” (Qur’an, 4:58)

The Dignified and Astute People of Iran:

In these days and nights, a historical crossroads is taking shape in the history of our nation. People ask each other, and they ask me, as to what should be done and what path should be taken.

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I feel compelled to share with you my beliefs—to tell you and to learn from you. May it be that we not forget our historical mission, and not shirk from the responsibility that [future] generations and epochs have placed on our shoulders.

Thirty years ago, a revolution took place in our country in the name of Islam—a revolution for freedom, a revolution to revive the honor of mankind, a revolution to promote truth and righteousness.

Since then—and in particular, during the lifetime of our enlightened Leader [Ayatollah Khomeini]—substantial investments, in terms of lives, property, and dignity, were poured into the blessed foundation [of the Republic], resulting in significant achievements.

A light we had never previously experienced enveloped our society, which, despite formidable difficulties, was sweet for the people. Our people earned honor, dignity, and the shimmer of a purified existence.

I have no doubt that the people who experienced those days will not settle for anything less.

Did we the people cease to deserve that soulful existence?

I came to say that this is not so. That it’s not too late. And that we’re not too distant from that effulgent ambiance.

I was prepared to show that it’s possible to lead a spiritual life in a modern world.

I was ready to convey the warnings of our Leader [Ayatollah Khomeini] about [the dangers of] stone-age mentality.

I was prepared to say that circumventing the law leads to dictatorship.

I was prepared to remind [those in power] that to honor the dignity of humans does not weaken, but in fact strengthens, the foundation of the Republic.

I was prepared to say that the people expect truth and forthrightness from their civil servants, and that many a problem plaguing us stems from deceit.

I was prepared to say that regression, poverty, waywardness, and injustice are not our fate.

I came to invite [us all] to the Islamic Revolution as it used to be, and to the Islamic Republic as it ought to be.

In this mission, I was not eloquent. Despite my deficient speech, the genuine message of the Revolution touched the hearts of the young generation—which had not experienced those [early] days. Having found a large crevasse between itself and the lofty ideals [of the Revolution], the youth reconstructed scenes that we had not witnessed since the early days of the movement [to depose the Shah] and the Sacred Defense [against Saddam’s Iraq].

The self-propelling movement of the people chose green as its iconic color. I admit that in this I followed their lead.

A generation had been accused of having fallen out of religion. But it rose with the chants of of “Allahu Akbar” (God is the Greatest) and “نصر من الله و فتح قريب” (“Assistance from God [leads to] imminent victory,” Qur’an 61:13), and “Oh Husayn,” and the name of Khomeini, thus proving that the fruit of the noble tree is always the same—pure.

[Translator’s Note: Imam Husayn, a Grandson of Prophet Muhammad, rose against the tyranny and oppression of Caliph Yazid.]

None other than the inspirer of man’s primordial nature [i.e., God] taught them these chants. How iniquitous are those whose minor self-interests propel them to declare this Islamic miracle as a foreign manufacture and a “velvet revolution.”

But you’re aware that as we moved to revive our national lifeblood and attain the goals rooted in the hearts and minds of our young and old, we were confronted with deception and fraud. And what we had predicted as the consequence of circumventing the law materialized overtly and rapidly.

Mass participation in the recent election was due, first and foremost, to the efforts made to raise the people’s hope and trust. They participated to find a graceful solution to the management crisis, and the consequent widespread social dissatisfaction, that threatened the very essence of the Revolution and the Republic.

If the people’s good opinion and trust is not reciprocated by protecting their votes, or if they’re denied civil and peaceful channels to defend their rights, then dangerous paths will lie ahead. And those who refuse to tolerate peaceful conduct will bear the responsibility for any consequences.

If the very large magnitude of the cheating and vote-rigging, which has fueled popular discontent, is cited as proof of the absence of cheating, then the Republic is headed for the slaughterhouse, and the allegation that Islam and republicanism are contradictory will have been proven.

[Translator’s Note: This is in reference to a comment made by Mr. Khamenei in his Friday sermon of 19 June 2009, where he suggested that if the contested votes had been on the order of up to a million ballots, then there may have been merit to the allegations of vote-rigging, but that cheating could not explain an eleven-million difference in the vote counts.]

Such a fate will gladden two groups.

One group, from the beginning of the Revolution, had fortified itself against the Leader [Ayatollah Khomeini]. It insisted that an Islamic government must be run like the dictatorship of the righteous. Adherents of this group, in their defunct thinking, surmised that they could drag people to paradise by force.

The second group were those who, under the guise of defending the people’s rights, declared religion and Islam contradictory to a republican form of government.

The Leader [Khomeini] maneuvered astutely to neutralize the sorceries of these two groups.

Relying on the path of the Leader [Khomeini], I came to neutralize the sorcerers who have resurfaced since then.

By validating what has come to pass in the election, the authorities now bear its consequent responsibilities. They have limited the scope of any investigation into the polling so as to ensure that the purported validity and the results of the election will remain intact.

This is despite the fact that in over 170 electoral precincts the number of votes exceeded the number of eligible voters.

We’ve been asked to pursue our grievance through the Guardian Council. But the Council proved its bias before, during, and after the election [in favor of Ahmadinejad].

The first requisite of adjudication is neutrality.

I still uphold, strongly, that the demand to invalidate the election is an indisputable right, which ought to be addressed by an impartial committee trusted by the nation. The outcome of such deliberations should not be declared a priori.

[Translator’s Note: This is in reference to Mr. Khamenei’s Friday sermon of 19 June 2009, in which he again endorsed the election results, even though he has officially asked the Guardian Council to revisit the vote counts, a task the Guardian Council has yet to complete.]

Nor should the people be intimidated—by veiled threats of potential bloodshed—from demonstrating and protesting.

[Translator’s Note: This is in reference to comments made by Mr. Khamenei in his Friday Sermon of 19 June 2009, in which he placed the responsibility for bloodshed on the shoulders of the opposition leaders.]

Nor should the National Security Council (NSC) equivocate—in response to legitimate demands for clarification about the role of plain-clothed individuals attacking the people and destroying public property, thereby inflaming popular sentiment—and instead place the responsibility for the recent calamities on others.

[Translator’s Note: This is in reference to the NSC’s response to Mousavi’s letter to them in which he had demanded an investigation into the recent aggressions by quasi-official, plain-clothed persons attacking people and damaging property. In response, the NSC, failing to provide an explanation, turned the table and held Mousavi responsible.]

As I gaze upon the political landscape, I find it engineered for purposes that transcend the mere imposition of an unwanted Chief Executive. It’s an attempt to impose a new political reality on the nation.

As a companion who has seen the beauty of your green wave, I will never permit myself to endanger your lives by my actions. Nevertheless, I’m firm in my view that the recent election is invalid, and I insist on the fulfillment of the people’s rights.

Despite my limited authority and influence, I continue to believe that your motivation and creativity—expressed through novel civic activities—will enable you to pursue, and attain, your legitimate rights.

Rest assured that I continue to be at your side.

In the pursuit of innovative solutions, what I, as your brother, suggest to our beloved youth is that you should not allow liars and cheats rob you of the flag of the Islamic Republic. Nor should you allow the illegitimate and the wayward confiscate from you the priceless Islamic heritage that your righteous forbears paid for with their blood.

Entrust your affairs with God, maintain hope, and rely upon your own strengths as you pursue your social movement—based on the explicit freedoms articulated in the Constitution and on the principle of eschewing violence.

In this path, we’re not the opponents of the Basiji; the Basiji is our brother.

In this path, we’re not the opponents of the Revolutionary Guard; the Revolutionary Guard is the protector of our Revolution and our Republic.

We’re not the opponents of the armed forces; the armed forces protect our borders.

We’re not the opponents of our Sacred Establishment or its legal infrastructure; this infrastructure is the guarantor of our independence, freedom, and our Islamic Republic.

We’re the opponents of deviations and lies, and we seek to reform them—a reform based on the genuine principles of the Islamic Revolution.

We advise the authorities to promote calm in the streets by upholding Article 27 of the Constitution—and ask that they not merely accommodate peaceful public congregations, but, in fact, to encourage them, and to purge the national radio and television of slanderous and one-sided coverage.

[Translator’s Note: Article 27 of Iran’s Constitution: “Public gatherings and marches may be freely held, provided arms are not carried and that they are not detrimental to the fundamental principles of Islam.”]

Before voices turn into shouts, the authorities should allow for a logical, more beautiful discourse to take place on the national media, so any wrong views get corrected and tempered.

The authorities should allow the media to critique, to report events as they are, and, in a sense, to provide a platform where agreements and disagreements can be aired freely.

Let us allow those who want to chant “God is the Greatest” to do so, and let us not consider it as an expression of opposition to ourselves.

Clearly, in such a case, there will be no need for the presence of military and [riot] police on the streets. Nor would we have to endure the painful sights and sounds that molest the heart of anyone who loves the country and the Revolution.