The settlers against the "Deal"!

Netanyahu placed 34 seats in his fifth government in order to satisfy aspirants from both the parties in the coalition and his Likud party. In the inauguration session of the Knesset, it seemed like removed a heavy nightmare, his concerns begin with the end of his political life and conclude by sitting on the accusation seat in the courtroom.

After ten consecutive years of government, Netanyahu sees in his tenure at the head of the fifth government a sufficient extent to accomplish the closing episode of his colonial project, by completing the annexation plan and declaring the establishment of the Greater Israel state with its united Jerusalem.

Perhaps this is one of the reasons that he insisted on specifying the first of next July, as a date to start the annexation procedures upon signing with Gantz on the government formation agreement.

The Trump administration began its mandate with a new approach to settlement that put it in a "non-conflict with peace" position, and this approach was one of the foundations of the "deal of the century", which was put forward when declaring its political split that the annexation is also justified on this basis. Netanyahu did not deviate from this framework when he announced in the inauguration speech of the new government that the annexation measures serve the peace and accelerate its solutions.

Despite talking about a difference between Washington and Tel Aviv over the annexation mechanism and its timing, the Netanyahu government, and its predecessors, know that the United States, with its successive administrations, opposed the settlement continuously, but did not prevent its occurrence and spread, before the settlement process began, during and after it. Moreover, Netanyahu does not find any justification for concern about the course of achieving the annexation, in light of the presence of an enthusiastic American administration for the Israeli expansion project, and it has moved from a state of support and protection for this project to a position of partnership in achieving its goals through the initiative to implement.

However, the American talk about the importance of Israeli negotiations with the Palestinian side is inconsistent with Netanyahu's urgent agenda in starting the annexation measures. And perhaps this is the primary and the only angle of discrepancy between the two parties on this issue, as Netanyahu considers that the negotiation and the annexation are two issues that are independent of each other, given that the Trump administration itself stressed that the annexation is a purely Israeli issue. Netanyahu wants to negotiate at a later stage when the annexation process has come a long way on the land. It will thus be too late for the Palestinian side to find what to negotiate about in the event before that.

Although Washington did not express a public objection to Netanyahu's goals, it wants to be the one who controls the pace of implementation of this process, from the point of view of linking all axes of the deal in the framework of achieving its interests throughout the region, and in the context of controlling the path of pressure on the parties concerned which link to these interests. The Trump administration seems to have an expectation that the dual pressure and financial "incentives" that uses to bring about a change in the position of the Palestinian side will open up to a form of dialogue that can be used to market the scene as an introduction to the "negotiation." Of course, the US administration is keen to present itself as the owner of a solution that all parties "interact" with, albeit to different degrees, at the beginning of the presidential elections in the United States.

In light of this non-essential disparity between Netanyahu and Trump's team, the so-called the "settlement council" in the occupied West Bank announced its rejection of the "deal of the century" because, according to his statement, "it includes an initial approval for negotiationsprocedure " with the Palestinian side, in a way that guarantees him a "future state", in addition to it states that "freezing the settlement expansion in isolated outposts" and prevents the government from annexing about half of Area C. It does not need much exploration until we discover the goals of the message that Netanyahu wants to send to the American administration first by the settlement council, and it can be summarized by saying that the delay in the annexation procedures and linking them to negotiations will open to more protests whose owners want to achieve more than what the deal offers them in their texts.

It is also a message to the Israeli military and security establishment, which warned of the direct implications of unilateral annexation of stability in the occupied Palestinian territories, and this, is a counter-warning message of the indirect effect of the stability of the Israeli internal situation.

Netanyahu understands that the delay in starting the annexation procedures means writing off one of the foundations of the government formation agreement, which is considered an achievement on the way to achieving his project, and this has implications, especially as it is accompanied by widespread and sharp international objections. Israel has warned of the danger of implementing the annexation plan and threatened to take punitive measures against it as the European Union did recently. In addition to that, Israeli voices demanded the return of the political process according to the foundations of the previous stage, and these voices can be considered as an echo of the speech that presented by the Democratic Party candidate in the United States in this regard at the beginning of the presidential elections, which in any case is an call for to enter to the previous dark path. However, it confuses Netanyahu's efforts to speed up the annexation procedures.

In this regard, the settlers play a major role in pushing to resolve the identity of the occupied Palestinian territories in terms of Judaizing them and enabling them to take over most of the West Bank, and the Likud and the general right-wing camp and the extreme right provide them with all forms of support, as they are the main supporter in the survival of this camp holding the helm of government, they maintained his support throughout the previous years, in contrast to the audience of many Zionist parties and alliances that raised the slogan of overthrowing Netanyahu, and then its contract was broken.The return of Netanyahu was a victorious return to prime minister was again.

It is important to emphasize that talking about the discrepancy between Netanyahu and the Trump team on the determinants of the annexation in the mechanism and timing, does not affect from soon or far the two parties' partnership in the project to liquidate the rights of the Palestinian people, and it is covered under this goal that leaves no room for thought by anyone with the possibility of a space between The two parties expand to the position of another, seeking to achieve a goal that reflects the goals of the American-Israeli project. The only natural place for those who are against this project is to ditch its battle in the field and in politics.

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