10. See John Wilmore, The Case of John Wilmore Truly and Impartially Related (London, 1682); John Wilmore, The Legacy of John Wilmer, Citizen and Late Merchant of London (London, 1692); Roger North, Examen: or An inquiry into the credit and veracity of a pretended complete history (London: F. Gyles, 1740), p. 591; North, Lives of the Norths, vol. 2, p. 25n.; John Hawles, Remarks upon the Tryall of Edward Fitzharris, Stephen College etc. (London, 1689), esp. pp. 5, 16–17, 52; Smith, Colonists in Bondage, pp. 75–76. Stephen College, a London joiner and arch anti-papist, was arrested on a charge of treason for riding fully armed to Oxford in March 1681. He was first tried at the Old Bailey, where Wilmore and his colleagues returned a verdict of ignoramus, after which the case was removed to Oxford, where College was convicted. For his actions in the matter Wilmore was imprisoned for fifteen weeks in the Tower on a charge of treason and only released on £9,000 bail. Almost immediately afterward came a charge of spiriting involving a runaway like Farwell Meredith who had begged passage abroad. For Wilmore’s own connection to Shaftesbury, see HMC, Fourteenth Report, app. 4, p. 128. [BACK]

11. North, Lives of the Norths, vol. 2, pp. 24–27; Seyer, Memoirs, vol. 2, pp. 531–32; Latimer, Annals, pp. 433–36. The Bristol aldermen were accused of permitting vagrants and even felons to accept transportation to the colonies, a practice which undoubtedly went on, as North makes clear. For an instance in the 1650s, see BRO, MS 04273 (1), f. 45r. [BACK]

13. William Grigg, The Quaker’s Jesus (London, 1658), pp. 37, 38–52; Ralph Farmer, The Great Mysteries of Godlinesse and Ungodlinesse (London, 1655), p. 24; Ralph Farmer, Sathan Inthron’d (London, 1657), p. 28. See also Richard Baxter, The Quaker’s Catechisme (London, 1651[?]), epistle; Richard Baxter, One Sheet for the Ministry against the Malignants of all sorts (London, 1657), p. 5. Grigg was a Presbyterian glover in Bristol and a member of the city’s Common Council during the Interregnum; Farmer we have already met, above, pp. 222–23, 235–37. At this time he was the Presbyterian minister of St. Nicholas Church in the city, as well as city lecturer. [BACK]

21. On this theme see, in general, Hill, The World Turned Upside Down; Richard Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics and Locke’s Two Treatises of Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), chap. 2. This is not to deny that many of them also saw it as a religion of submission to God’s will. I owe this point to discussion with J. C. Davis. [BACK]

23. George Bishop, An Illumination to Open the eyes of the Papists (so called) and of all other sects (London, 1661), p. 11. [BACK]

24. Robert Purnell, The Way to Heaven Discovered (London, 1653), epistle, sig. B4d. See also Hayden, ed., Records, p. 47. Purnell was a carpet-weaver by occupation. For examples of his support of the Commonwealth, see Robert Purnell, Good Tydings for Sinners, Great Joy for Saints (London, 1649), pp. 73–75; Robert Purnell, No Power but of God (London, 1651), pp. 166–67; Purnell, Way to Heaven Discovered, pp. 197–204; Robert Purnell, England’s Remonstrance (London, 1653). For his attacks on the Quakers, see Robert Purnell, A Little Cabinet Richly Stored with all sorts of Heavenly Varieties (London, 1657), epistle; [Robert Purnell], The Church of Christ in Bristol Recovering her Vail (London, 1657). For a general discussion of Baptist views, see J. F. McGregor, “The Baptists: Fount of all Heresy,” in McGregor and Reay, eds., Radical Religion, pp. 23–64. [BACK]

25. Purnell, No Power but of God, pp. 89–90; Robert Purnell, The Way Step by Step to a Sound and Saving Conversion (London, 1659), p. 103. [BACK]

31. Robert Simpson to Edward Terrill, 27 June 1664, signed from Newgate, printed in Edward B. Underhill, ed., The Records of a Church of Christ, meeting in Broadmead, Bristol, 1640–1687 (London: J. Haddon, 1847), p. 79. [BACK]

47. Bishop et al., Cry of Blood, pp. 106–7. Foord’s case shows how quickly a purely economic matter could become a religious cause célèbre. When called before the magistrates by the milleners, Foord showed them “his unmannerly carriage…in ye Tolzey by keeping on his hatt on his head though commended to take it of.” For this he was ordered to find sureties for his good behavior. At Quarter Sessions he reappeared to clear those who stood bond for him, and the whole matter reopened again when the town clerk, Robert Aldworth, asked him if he was sorry for keeping strangers. He said “he had committed no evill, therefore he hd no cause for sorrow, nor had he broken any Law.” For all this he was recommitted to Newgate: BRO, MS 04417 (1), f. 20v; Bishop et al., Cry of Blood, pp. 132–34. [BACK]

49. The common practice in Bristol in dealing with newcomers to the city, as a condition of allowing them to stay, was to take certificates from them that saved the parish harmless from supporting them on the poor rates. The Quakers seem to be referring to this practice in their defense of the migration of strangers into the town: see Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, pp. 231–32; Latimer, Annals, pp. 13–14. In general, see Philip Styles, “The Evolution of the Law of Settlement,” University of Birmingham Historical Journal 9 (1963): 35–42; A. L. Beier, “Vagrants and the Social Order in Elizabethan England,” Past and Present, no. 64 (August 1974): 3–29. [BACK]

55. On the significance of this position for the later development of capitalism, see Max Weber, “The Protestant Sects and the Spirit of Capitalism,” in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 312. For discussion of the roots of this position in Quaker thought, see Isabel Grubb, Quakerism and Industry Before 1800 (London: Williams and Norgate, 1930), pp. 9–46; Richard Bauman, Let Your Words Be Few: Symbolism of Speaking and Silence among Seventeenth-Century Quakers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), chap. 7. [BACK]

56. Charles Marshall, Sion’s Travellers Comforted, and the Disobedient Warned: In a Collection of the Books and Epistles of the Faithful Minister of Christ Jesus, Charles Marshall (London, 1704), pp. 14–15. [BACK]

59. John Bunyan, Life and Death of Mr. Badman and The Holy War, ed. John Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1905), pp. 23, 31, 34, 37, and 118–25, esp. pp. 124–25; for discussion of this work, see Christopher Hill, A Tinker and a Poor Man: John Bunyan and His Church, 1628–1688 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989), pp. 231–39. Richard Baxter, while permitting some bargaining and variation in pricing according to circumstances, also agreed on the whole with the principle of the fixed price: see Richard Baxter, A Christian Directory: Or, A Summ of Practical Theologie and Cases of Conscience…in Four Parts (London, 1678), part 4, pp. 97, 103–6 [misnumbered as 206] see also part 1, pp. 353–62 [misnumbered as 382]. On these themes, see Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism, pp. 183–87; Grubb, Quakerism and Industry, pp. 28–29. [BACK]

60. John Locke, “Venditio. 95,” dating from 1695, in his Commonplace Book of 1661, as printed with modernized spelling in John Dunn, “Justice and the Interpretation of Locke’s Political Theory,” Political Studies 16 (1968): 84–87; see also Dunn’s discussion of this document in the body of his article, pp. 68–84. [BACK]

61. Raymond de Roover, “The Concept of the Just Price: Theory and Economic Policy,” Journal of Economic History 18 (1958): 418–34; Raymond de Roover, San Bernardino of Siena and Sant’Antonio of Florence: Two Great Economic Thinkers of the Middle Ages (Boston: Baker Library, Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1967), esp. pp. 16–23; Raymond de Roover, “Monopoly Theory Prior to Adam Smith: A Revision,” in Raymond de Roover, Business, Banking and Economic Thought in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Julius Kirshner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), pp. 273–305; Raymond de Roover, “Scholastic Economics: Survival and Lasting Influence from the Sixteenth Century to Adam Smith,” in ibid., pp. 306–35; Raymond de Roover, “The Scholastic Attitude Toward Trade and Entrepreneurship,” in ibid., pp. 336–45; see also John T. Noonan, Jr., The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957). It is possible that Locke was familiar with some of the scholastic literature on economic morality to which de Roover refers in his important articles. For example, Locke’s account of the moral obligations of a merchant bringing food to a famine-stricken market is virtually the same as the argument put forward by San Bernardino: see de Roover, San Bernardino of Siena and Sant’Antonio of Florence, pp. 20–21. [BACK]

62. Malynes, Lex Mercatoria, p. 67; for Malynes’s debt to scholastic economics, see Raymond de Roover, “Gerard de Malynes as an Economic Writer: From Scholasticism to Mercantilism,” in de Roover, Business, Banking and Economic Thought, pp. 346–66. [BACK]

63. For a good account of how such a market operates in practice, see Clifford Geertz, Peddlers and Princes: Social Change and Economic Modernization in Two Indonesian Towns (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), pp. 28–47. [BACK]

64. The system of regulation in Bristol is discussed in detail in Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chaps. 3–4; for an overview of economies run by “custom and command,” see John R. Hicks, A Theory of Economic History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 9–24. [BACK]

72. For surveys of the transformation of the Quakers after the Restoration, see William C. Braithwaite, The Second Period of Quakerism (London: Macmillan, 1919); Reay, The Quakers and the English Revolution, pp. 103–22; Christopher Hill, The Experience of Defeat: Milton and Some Contemporaries (New York: Viking, 1984), pp. 129–69. For comments on the Baptists in the same period, see Hill, A Tinker and a Poor Man, pp. 101–53. On the history of the dissenters during the Restoration in general, see, along with Hill’s Experience of Defeat, Hill, The World Turned Upside Down, pp. 278–91; Greaves, Deliver Us from Evil; Hutton, The Restoration; see also Barry, “Parish in Civic Life,” p. 161. [BACK]

73. See Mortimer, ed., Minute Book, pp. xviii–xxv, 76–77, 87, 88–89, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 108, 117–18, 124–25, 153–54; see also Grubb, Quakerism and Industry, chap. 5. For an account of the operations of this system in Philadelphia, see Frederick B. Tolles, Meeting House and Counting House: The Quaker Merchants of Colonial Philadelphia, 1682–1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1948), pp. 73–80. The Baptists were somewhat less active in this regard, but see Hayden, ed., Records, pp. 55–56, 121, 128–29, 187–88, 191, 202; see also Barry, “Parish in Civic Life,” p. 161. [BACK]

75. Mortimer tells us that issues relating to marriage occupied about a quarter of the business of the Men’s Meeting in Bristol; apprenticeship, while not taking as much time, was also important: Mortimer, ed., Minute Book, p. xxiii; for evidence on apprenticeship, see ibid., pp. 1, 2, 3, 6, 41, 59, 60, 69, 70, 74, 76, 80, 84, 85, 107, 143, 178, 183, 215, 221. References to marriage matters can be found on nearly every page. [BACK]

76. On officeholding as recognition of one’s worthiness and honor, see Phythian-Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen,” esp. pp. 62–64. [BACK]

77. On the legal system in force in the city, see Sacks, Trade, Society and Politics, vol. 1, chap. 4. [BACK]

81. Beaven, Lists, compared to Hayden, ed., Records, and Mortimer, ed., Minute Book. If we knew more about the membership of the dissenting churches, we would probably find this number to be higher. [BACK]

82. John Brewer, “Commercialization and Politics,” in Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society in Eighteenth-Century England (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), pp. 203–30. [BACK]

86. On the organization and sociology of the shipping industry, see Davis, Rise of the English Shipping Industry, chaps. 3, 5–8; see also Marcus B. Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), esp. chaps. 1–2. [BACK]

92. See Barry, “Politics of Religion,” pp. 168–69; Barry, “Parish in Civic Life,” pp. 157, 159; Pincus, “Protestantism and Patriotism,” chap. 3. See also Steven C. A. Pincus, “Popery, Trade and Universal Monarchy: The Ideological Origins of the Second Anglo-Dutch War,” English Historical Review (forthcoming). I owe the term “Anglican royalist” to Dr. Pincus. I have also benefited from discussions with him about the points made in this paragraph. [BACK]

97. John Cary, An Essay on the State of England in Relation to its Trade, Its Poor, and its Taxes, For carrying on the present War against France (Bristol, 1695), p. 43. [BACK]

98. In other respects, too, Cary’s ideas approached those of the dissenters. Since he believed that labor created all wealth, he argued that those economic activities were best that most encouraged productive employment. He favored the colonial trades because they supplied raw materials for manufacturers; he condemned the luxury trades because they drained away England’s coin without promoting its industry. As a result he was one of England’s greatest advocates for putting the poor on work, and as a member of Parliament and citizen of Bristol he led the movement for the creation of district workhouses under consolidated corporations of the poor. For further discussion of Cary’s ideas, see below, pp. 339–43 and the works cited at p. 449, n. 24. [BACK]

101. See Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism Before Its Triumph (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), pp. 56–63, 69ff.; Albert O. Hirschman, Rival Views of Market Society, pp. 105–41; see also Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, chaps. 13–14. For a recent and penetrating discussion of the problems brought to political discourse by these developments in economics, see J. G. A. Pocock, “The Political Limits to Pre-Modern Economics,” in Dunn, ed., Economic Limits to Modern Politics, pp. 121–41. [BACK]