Mr McCartney spent 17 years in prison. During that time hebecame the IRA's officer commanding in the Maze and spent53 days on hunger strike.

Eamonn MacDermott spent 15 years in prison and has workedfor the Derry Journal for the last ten years.

Speaking outside court, Mr McCartney said: "This isvindication for all those who took to the streets andmarched on behalf of prisoners at that particular time.

"This has to be set in the context of RUC interrogationtechniques in Strand Road and Castlereagh and it alsohighlights the willingness of Diplock courts to takeconfession-type statements and send republicans to jail."

The case against the only man charged with the œ26.5mNorthern Bank robbery moved a step closer to trialyesterday after a court was told a preliminary inquiry intothe heist may be held in April.

Christopher Ward (25), from Colinmill in the Poleglass areaof Belfast, remains the only person charged with the multi-million pound armed robbery carried out at the bank'sheadquarters in Donegall Square on December 20, 2004 aftercharges against two co-accused were dropped.

Ward, who was employed at the bank at the time of theheist, has consistently denied the charge. He attendedyesterday's hearing at Belfast Magistrate's Court withrelatives.

A prosecutor told Magistrate Ken Nixon that the Crown maybe in a position to hold a preliminary enquiry, duringwhich Ward is expected to be returned for trial at BelfastCrown Court, in April.

However, defence barrister Neil Fox expressed concerns thatthe Crown has still not provided Ward's legal team with thepapers relating to the case.

The case was adjourned for four weeks, when it is hoped adate for the preliminary enquiry will be fixed. Ward, whois still signing at a police station on a daily basis, wasreleased on continuing bail.

Embattled PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde has deniedrefusing to meet the family of a police informer's victim.The brother of north Belfast woman Sharon McKenna, one ofthe first victims of UVF informer Mark Haddock, saidyesterday he was "very, very disappointed" Sir Hugh hadrefused to meet him.

Mr McKenna's solicitor has written to Sir Hugh twice to askfor meetings. The Chief Constable first suggested he meetthe PSNI's legal team, and responded to the second requestyesterday by saying he should contact the HistoricEnquiries Team.

The HET has been re-examining Ms McKenna's murder. She wasshot dead while cooking dinner for a Protestant friend justreleased from hospital.

In last month's Ombudsman report, Nuala O'Loan said therewas intelligence rated "reliable and probably true"indicating an agent known as Informant One took part in thekilling.

Informant One has been named in the Dail as Mark Haddock, aNorth Belfast loyalist currently in prison for assault.

Mr McKenna said yesterday, "Bearing in mind that this is ahigh-profile case, and I believe he is prepared to meetRaymond McCord soon, I would have thought he would see us."

He said he will request to see Sir Hugh a third time.

A PSNI spokeswoman said: "The Chief Constable did notdecline to meet Mr McKenna."

"He did, however, write to Mr McKenna's solicitorexplaining that it would be of most benefit for the familyto meet in the first instance with senior management fromthe Historical Enquires Team, the bespoke unit establishedto re-examine the unresolved cases from the period of theTroubles and which reports directly to the ChiefConstable."

It resulted in him paying the Commons back excess claimstotalling œ2,454.

The official report to MPs on the case said Mr Beggs had"increased his family's income at public expense".

The official House of Commons rule book on expenses -called the Green Book - now tells members to "avoid anyarrangement which may give rise to an accusation that you -or someone close to you - is obtaining an element of profitfrom public funds".

In reply to questions from this newspaper, a spokesman forthe Northern Ireland Assembly confirmed that theWestminster prohibition is not applied at Stormont.

He said: "There is no rule which prevents a member fromleasing constituency office accommodation from a familymember.

"There are clear guidelines which prevent a member fromleasing office accommodation that he or she owns."

Blair Gibbs, of the Taxpayers' Alliance, said: "This is aloophole that can make the job of being a politician justthat little bit more lucrative.

"It's already a job that gets a very good deal out of thepublic purse - excellent salaries, superb expenses and someof the best pension arrangements in the western world."

The Belfast Telegraph last year revealed that MLAs werebeing paid a higher car mileage expenses rate than MPs,despite the fact that the Assembly had been out ofoperation since 2002.

This newspaper launched a Fair Dues campaign to demand anend to the anomaly.

Secretary of State Peter Hain agreed and reduced theStormont mileage rate to the Westminster level.

The Taxpayers' Alliance is also pressing for greatertransparency over politicians' expenses.

The Assembly has followed Westminster practice in annuallypublishing overall payments to members for such categoriesas office costs and travel.

By contrast, the Scottish Parliament issues more detailedbreakdowns of claims made by its members. The House ofCommons moved towards the Scottish model this week, butonly after a lengthy freedom of information battle.

Separate payments made to MPs for car travel, car hire andtaxis, rail, air and bicycle journeys were released for thefirst time yesterday.

Commons chiefs had fought against this level of disclosurefor two years, after refusing a freedom of informationrequest from Liberal Democrat MP Norman Baker. The tusslewas eventually settled when the independent InformationTribunal ruled in Mr Baker's favour.

The next Stormont Assembly will face similar pressure formore openness on the sums paid to MLAs.

Mr Gibbs said that the Taxpayers' Alliance believed a'matter of principle' is at stake. "Politicians and civilservants have to be accountable for how they spend publicmoney," he added.

Sinn Fein's decision to back policing is expected to impacton the trio's pulling power among hardline republicans inDerry.

Peggy O'Hara (76) the mother of hunger striker PatsyO'Hara, who died after starving for 61 days in 1981, willbe seeking election on an anti-policing ticket as anabstentionist independent republican.

She is backed by the IRSP, the 32 County SovereigntyMovement, ex-Sinn Fein members and Concerned Republicans.

If Sinn Fein is to make any gains, it is likely to be tothe SDLP's detriment.

SDLP leader Mark Durkan MP, who topped the polls in 2003with 16.7% of the vote, is expected to take the first seatagain.

The fight for the second and possibly the third SDLP seatswill be thrashed out between Pat Ramsey and Mary Bradley,and current Mayor of Derry Helen Quigley, who is standingfor the first time.

Policing aside, social issues look set to play a major partin the Foyle election.

At present, Foyle has the unenviable record of having themost long-term unemployed, with almost one in five adultson income support.

It is predicted that water charges will make a bleaksituation worse.

The threat posed by centralisation to local government jobsand the almost total lack of new jobs above the minimumwage has also sparked major concerns.

On top of this, ongoing vandalism, underage drinking andanti-social behaviour in Londonderry will be foremost inthe minds of many voters, with criminal damage accountingfor almost a third of all crimes committed in Foyle.

Widespread concern has also been expressed over theswelling numbers of people on social housing lists as houseprices in the private sector continue to soar.

The candidate for the Socialist Environmental Alliance,veteran activist and journalist Eamonn McCann, could throwa spanner in the works this year.

Mr McCann, who polled 5.5% of the vote in 2003, has gaineda high profile in the city since, due to his pro-activestance against the global arms trade, his advocation ofmass non-payment of water charges and his party's bid tohelp integrate the thousands of Polish and other immigrantswho are now living in the North West.

Meanwhile, to the consternation of the DUP in Derry, theUlster Unionist Party has put forward fresh-faced candidatePeter Hay.

It's a move which the former party fears may split theunionist vote in Foyle.

Fears of a split were added to when victims campaignerWillie Frazer also threw his hat into the ring as anindependent.

At the polls in 2003, however, DUP candidate William Haybeat the UUP's only remaining councillor in Derry, MaryHamilton, securing a 15% share of the vote, second only toMark Durkan.

Perhaps it is the combination of sea and mountain air thathas blessed the residents of South Down with better healththan people living anywhere else in Northern Ireland.

The area, which incidentally has the second highest numberof people living in caravans in Ulster, is home to thegreatest number of healthy residents in the province.

According to census information some 76,000 people in thearea - more than 70% of the growing South Down population -have described their general health as good.

With the rugged Mourne Mountains providing a scenicbackdrop for most of the South Down constituency (whichencompasses the seaside resort of Newcastle, the markettown of Banbridge and historical Downpatrick), a thrivingpopulation and healthy residents, life appears to be prettygood for those living in the area.

It may not be as affluent as its North Down neighbour, butin terms of employment South Down has a higher than averagenumber of residents who are economically active.

The tourist town of Newcastle, which is home to therenowned Royal County Down golf course, generates quite alot of income, particularly during the summer months.

Last year the town's promenade received a long-awaitedfacelift which has injected new life into the resort.

So with the main tourist town revamped it is now down tothe South Down voters to decide if they also want tofreshen up the local political scene.

The battle for supremacy will be between the SDLP and SinnFein.

The SDLP, who once had virtual hegemony in the area, facesan uphill struggle to win back the seat it lost to SinnFein in the 2003 elections.

Four years ago the SDLP's vote slumped by 10% while SinnFein's soared by more than 11%, leaving both parties withtwo MLAs and the SDLP smarting from the loss of theinfluential Eamonn O'Neill, who had been chairman of theAssembly's environment committee.

Last week the SDLP was dealt a further blow to its hopes ofregaining dominance with the news that Mr O'Neill has ruledhimself out of the running, citing personal reasons.

That just leaves Margaret Ritchie and PJ Bradley and thirdparty candidate Hugh Carr pitching for three seats.

Up against them are Sinn Fein's Caitriona Ruane and WillieClarke, who were victorious in 2003 and are expected to bereturned again in March. The pair complement each otherwell - Ruane has a high-profile role within the partyhierarchy while Clarke is a highly effective grassrootsoperator.

They will be joined at the hustings by former IRA prisonerturned councillor Eamon Mac Con Midhe.

It could all come down to the grand old man of SDLPpolitics, long-standing MP Eddie McGrady, to turn hisparty's fortunes around by appealing for the middle groundto come out in greater numbers than they did in 2003, whichhe blames for the loss of O'Neill's seat.

Sitting MLA Jim Wells of the DUP topped the poll in 2003,the first time his party had ever beaten the UlsterUnionists in a South Down election.

The Ulster Unionists have selected a complete unknown totake over from former Environment Minister Dermot Nesbitt,who has retired.

David McCallister, who only joined the UUP two years ago,will be the party's sole candidate.

However, it is not looking particularly good for theRathfriland dairy farmer as his inexperience and lowprofile is causing concern among UUP die-hards in the northof the constituency.

The Ulster Unionist Party has begun the battle to win backvoters who deserted it for the DUP.

On the eve of its election manifesto launch, the party'smessage to former supporters was: "The DUP promised you adeal - but they cannot deliver."

A senior party source said: "The fact is you do not know ifyou vote DUP whether you will get Stormont back or not.With us, you do."

Referring to the DUP's continued refusal to meet Sinn Fein,the source added: "We know because we have been there thatto attempt to run an administration with people you havenever even spoken to is barking mad."

The UUP will tomorrow become the first of the four majorparties to launch its manifesto, which is attempting tomake a step-change by focusing on social and economicrather than the constitutional issues.

It is expected to include a number of radical ideasincluding free prescriptions, an induction year for newteachers and every secondary school becoming a 'specialist'centre of excellence.

On the policing issue, however, the party document will notgive a date when it envisages the devolution of justicepowers to the Assembly could take place.

That, a senior figure explained, will depend on the levelof confidence in the unionist community. which he feltcould increase significantly relatively quickly.

UUP attempts to woo back voters came as the DUP announcedit would not be focussing on attacking other unionistparties.

Leader Ian Paisley said: "I am not fighting fellowunionists in this election. My focus is on the real enemy -republicans."

The DUP leadership calculates Ulster Unionists will fail towin even one extra seat, although the UUP reckons there areseveral potential gains, including Lagan Valley.

The UUP figures its backers in the constituency will swingback behind their candidates, following the defection offormer UU members Jeffrey Donaldson and Norah Beare to theDUP after the last Assembly election in November 2003.

The DUP's move to deflect attention from unionist divisionsalso came after United Kingdom Unionist leader RobertMcCartney challenged the party to a public debate.

The DUP, however, argued Mr McCartney's strategy, standingin six constituencies to attract the anti-Agreement vote,was designed to make Sinn Fein the largest party.

"The fact is that the programme the DUP promised has notbeen delivered. What happened to photographic evidence ofdecommissioning? Why is the D'Hondt mechanism (for theappointment of ministers) which they said was out of thequestion, still with us?"

But DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson said: "The battlewithin unionism with the Ulster Unionist Party has beenfought and won. Our focus is not on the UUP but on stayingahead of Sinn Fein."

Incoming: a text from a former associate of RobertMcCartney - who is standing in no less than sixconstituencies - wonders if the UK Unionist will get sixsalaries.

The answer is No. But Bob's half-dozen is causing somemirth nevertheless. "It's amazing," a unionist opponentquips, " I mean, even God is only three-in-one." Of course,one knows the QC is relatively well-off but surprise wasexpressed that he can afford FIVE clones. Will they allattend the party conference?

But at least multi-tasking Bob is standing in an electoralentity which actually exists. A North Down opponent,independent "voice" Chris Carter, refers in a statement tothe officials of 'Doyle Erin'. Maybe he means PopeyeDoyle's Irish cousin.

SDLP's boss Mark Durkan admits running for office isn'teasy. In a tonic-for-the-troops address he candidlyconfessed: "As a candidate, you have to be prepared for ahard time. You're never quite sure what sort of receptionyou're going to get. There's always the possibility of acold shoulder. And that's before you even leave the house."He quickly turned to his wife, adding: "Only joking,Jackie."

Cross? Sometimes, yes. But cross-dressers? Definitely 'NO'.The DUP had planned to give a media briefing in the RamadaHotel this morning, where they would have been cheek byjowl with a transvestite conference. Purely a coincidence,then, that the party decided last night to slip into adifferent venue.

(Republican) Sinn F‚in Poblachtach is taking theopportunity of the present election in the Six Counties toput before the electorate a positive programme for an endto English rule in Ireland. We seek national independencefor ALL 32 Counties of our country.

Believing the Stormont Assembly to be an obstacle to Irishnational liberation, our candidates will not, when elected,take part in that body. They will act as spokespersons athome and abroad for those opposed to English rule here andmake themselves available to sit in an All-Irelandparliament of the future.

For close on four decades (Republican) Sinn F‚inPoblachtach has adhered to the noble concept of IRE NUA -a totally New Ireland of the four provinces, including anine-county Ulster.

With optimum devolution of power and decision-making tostrong regional boards and local councils, every section ofour people would have maximum control over their own futurebased on local majorities. A community of communities isour aim.

Our social and economic programme, SAOL NUA, A New Way ofLife, is based on Republican, Democratic Socialist,environmental and self-reliance principles. We seek an endto exploitation of humankind by any section and wish to"cherish all the children of the nation equally".

In particular we reject English police, English courts,English laws in Ireland. Those who accept theseinstitutions here betray the many generations of Irishpeople who have struggled valiantly for long-downtroddenhumanity.

What the Provisional leadership is doing is in directconflict with the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic andwith the Declaration of Independence of the First (All-Ireland) D il. Their recent decisions also conflict withthe high ideals for which so many men and women of allcreeds have struggled, suffered and died over thecenturies.

To approve of and work the institutions designeddeliberately by a foreign power to subjugate and hold usdown as a people is to strengthen English rule here andweaken our effort for national liberation.

A previous generation smashed Stormont. Efforts are nowunder way to undo the gains which were made then andStormont is to be re-imposed on us. Vote Republican SinnF‚in and smash Stormont again.

People of the Six Counties! Do not give away what earliergenerations won for us by their sacrifices. Stand by theRepublican prisoners who are a living reproach to those whoallowed the political status won by Bobby Sands and hiscomrades on hunger strike to be ended under the StormontAgreement of 1998.

Remember an English government more than a century agoattempted to "kill Home Rule with kindness". Those who camebefore us did not allow that to succeed. You, today, mustnot permit the advances already made to be given away bythose who are selling us out step by step to the Englishgovernment.

To those of the Unionist persuasion we would say that thisnew Stormont arrangement can only lead to continuinginstability which is not in the interest of any section ofthe community. We would ask them to look again at our IRENUA proposals for a four-province federal Ireland which, webelieve, is the blueprint for a true and lasting peace inIreland.

The 1916 Proclamation declared "the right of the Irishpeople to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfetteredcontrol of Irish destinies, to be sovereign andindefeasible". Stand by that right in this election.

For the small Crossmaglen community, yesterday's historicevent was long overdue.

Those who turned out to see the dismantling of the lastsignificant military structure in south Armagh were nothingshort of delighted.

For more than 30 years the armoured sangar was the Army'sbase in what was often referred to as 'bandit country'.

Yesterday's historic dismantling was part of the ArmedForces' withdrawal of security infrastructure throughoutNorthern Ireland.

It's expected that the removal of the sangar will becompleted by March 31.

Many residents who witnessed the event have expressed adesire for the land to be returned to the families.However, it is understood the site will continue to be usedas a police station.

Patricia Quinn, who has lived in Crossmaglen all her life,said she thought it was a great day for the town.

"I can remember the day it went up. It didn't go up all atonce, it was in bits and pieces over the course of a fewyears but I am very glad to see it go.

"That is the feeling of most people here - we do not needpolicing in that fashion."

Another man said he was happy it was being removed. Formore than 30 years, he and his family had enduredhelicopters flying in and out all day.

"It would depend on what was going on but on average theywould be flying in and out three or four times a day.

"I am just glad that we are going to have a bit ofnormality now. Everybody deserves to live in normality.

"I am happy to see it go but accept we need a policestation. We do need law and order. I am just glad it willlook normal."

Local Sinn Fein councillor Terry Hearty was also in thesmall crowd of residents who watched the crane removing thelook-out post.

He said: "It is great but it is long overdue. This shouldhave been done 10 years ago. I would welcome the removalbut would like to see the land returned to locals."

Fellow party colleague and MP for the area, Conor Murphysaid: "I think it is progress and I welcome the removal. Itwas long overdue. I expected it to be gone earlier but I amglad it has finally been shifted.

That's because the Ulster Unionists are the first to turnto internet colossus YouTube as a forum for their partypolitical broadcasts in the run- up to the March 7 poll.

Sir Reg said he saw 'electronic electioneering' incyberspace as a way of making politics accessible to morethan just the "political anoraks" .

"We launched onto the YouTube website at noon today," hesaid.

"I think it's a victory for us. We're trying to openpolitics up so that people can get the newest informationwhen it suits them."

He added: "I think it will not only help us stay ahead, butit will hopefully help attract younger voters.

"It is a marketing and information-gathering tool and wewant it to be entertaining, with blogs and diary pieces,for example.

"We want to bring politics to life for generations ofpeople who think we're old and stodgy. We need to liventhings up. We don't just want to attract politicalanoraks."

The Green Party's North Down candidate, Brian Wilson, hasalso posted an election video on YouTube.

"My 24-year-old son actually suggested it," he said.

"But I'd seen previous politicians doing this and I thoughtit was an interesting way to get through to people,especially young people."

Political parties like Sinn Fein, who are no strangers tocyberspace, have used websites such as MySpace and Bebo totheir advantage in the past.

Meanwhile, the 2007 Assembly Elections Prediction Contesthas hit the web, offering prizes for political observerswho correctly guess the number of seats each party will winnext month. Enter at www.ark.ac.uk/elections

Killed by the IRA for supplying the security forces - aKilkeel woman on her dad's brutal slaying

Kenneth Graham (46), the owner of J Graham and Sons, abuilding suppliers in Kilkeel, Co Down, was killed by anIRA bomb underneath his car on April 27, 1990. The IRA saidit was because he supplied building materials to thesecurity forces. His daughter Manya was 13 and her sisterAshley was 10. Manya is now 30 and married to Kilkeelfisherman Gary Dickinson (34), with two daughters of herown, Kenzie (7) and three-year-old Heidi. Here, she tellsChrissie Russell about that fateful day

I was 13 and on my way back from a school hockey trip toHolland when it happened. As I came off the boat, my mumwas waiting. She told me, 'Bad men have killed your dad'.This April, dad will be dead and buried 17 years, but Istill feel we're left picking up the pieces, with no oneever held accountable.

Everyone thinks 'It's all over now', but it's nowhere nearover for the innocent families left behind. It will neverbe over for us. People ask me if it gets easier over time -it doesn't. The pain never goes away, you just learn tolive with it.

Dad was the owner of a family business in Kilkeel supplyingbuilding materials. Mum and dad always kept it from Ashleyand me, but the IRA had been threatening dad because hesupplied building materials to the security forces. Dad'sattitude was that he 'wasn't going to let them beat him',but on April 27, 1990, he was killed when a bomb explodedunder his car outside his house.

I remember shortly after his funeral mum, Ashley and I werein Kilkeel when a carload of lads drove past. They wounddown the window, spat at us and cheered 'We got him'.

Both sides

My mum always told me that religion was not an issue in ourhouse and dad built houses for both sides of the community.Until dad's death the Troubles had been a very distantthing to me, and it was very hard for me to understand whya republican would want to kill a Protestant just becausehe was supplying building materials. After his death, thefirm stopped supplying the security forces - dad would havehated that.

I still feel very angry and I'm getting more angry as timegoes on. Everything that happens in my life, I find myselfwishing dad was there. When I did my GCSEs and my drivingtest and on my 18th and 21st birthdays - he wasn't there.When I married Gary we went to the Bahamas and did it onour own, because I couldn't face walking up the aislewithout my dad there to give me away. But the worst thingis knowing that my children will never know their granddad.

It's insulting to hear Gerry Adams talking about a 'newbeginning' - it doesn't work like that. He needs to sitdown with me and give me answers that I feel make sense ofwhat happened. The IRA's apology meant absolutely nothingto me. What they did never should have happened in thefirst place and I disagreed with prisoners being let outunder the Good Friday Agreement. No one who killed innocentpeople should have been let out of prison, either IRA orloyalist. The IRA killed more during the Troubles, but nofamily from any background should have to go through whatour family went through.

Marriage pressure

Sometimes I feel people aren't sure if they should mentionDad because they're worried they'll upset me, but Ashleyand I talk about him all the time and I like to tell mydaughters about him. He used to take us to the show houseshe'd built in Newcastle and let us play house - he lovedhaving us with him, and I know he would have loved mydaughters, Kenzie and Heidi.

My parents divorced when I was nine because the threats dadwas getting put their marriage under pressure. The factthey were divorced almost made my grief more difficult,because I felt like I hadn't seen him as much as I wantedto.

I suffered from anorexia and bulimia for 10 years and onlyrecovered quite recently. My family were very worried aboutme, but counselling helped me realise that it was my way ofdealing with the trauma of dad's death. I now work part-time with Families Acting for Innocent Relatives (FAIR) andI'm studying at Queen's University, Belfast, for aqualification in counselling - it helped me so much, I wantto be able to do the same for other people. The familiesleft behind need more support and need to know that theywon't be forgotten. Everybody keeps saying 'You must moveforward', but most of us can't do that. It feels like nowthe IRA have supposedly decommissioned, the victims don'tcount anymore.

Realistically, I know there will probably never be peoplebehind bars for killing dad, but if I could even get thenames of the people who did it and make those names public,it would be something. I want it publicly recognised thatpeople killed my dad ... I don't want his death just to bea statistic.

My sister and I never received any financial recompense fordad's death, but it really wouldn't have made a differenceif we had. I would rather have justice than a cheque. Myfamily and I now live in the house that dad built for mymother when they got married. Sometimes it's difficult,because every room is a memory. There are times I look outthe window and I can see his car there.

I want to make sure dad's name is not forgotten; he needs avoice and for someone to keep fighting for him. I can't letit go and I know that he wouldn't. There are so manyunheard voices, but maybe if mine is heard something willbe done to recognise the others.

Ronnie Finlay was a former corporal in the UDR, havingserved part time for 18 years. His widow Kathleen tellsChrissie Russell about the enduring horror of witnessingher husband's murder. Plus, almost 11 years ago an IRA gangshot dead Garda Jerry McCabe. His widow Anne tells LaurenceWhite how anger continues to fuel her fight for justice

Ronnie and Kathleen Finlay from Castlederg, Co Tyrone, hadbeen married for 14 years when he was shot dead on August15, 1991. Ronnie (47), was a former corporal in the UDR,having served part time for 18 years. Kathleen (55) haslived in Baronscourt, Co Fermanagh, for the past 10 yearswith her sons Andrew (18), a pupil at Strabane Grammar, andBryan (25), who works for an import/export business inDundee. She tells Chrissie Russell about the enduringhorror of witnessing her husband's murder.

We buried Ronnie on August 17, 1991. Our youngest son,Andrew, turned three just a few days later. He says heremembers his dad, but he was so young that I'm not sure hecan. I want people to know about Ronnie because I don'twant him to become a statistic. He was a real person whowas a husband and a father.

He was gunned down by three men as I left him off to workon the morning of Thursday, August 15. I was dropping himat the gate of the farm where he worked in Sion Mills whenI heard a burst of automatic gunfire and saw him fall tothe ground. When I ran round to him there was another burstof gunfire and I knew he'd been killed.

I got the boys out of the back of the car and, liftingAndrew and walking Bryan, I tried to walk towards thefarmhouse, thinking it would be a place of safety, but oneof the gunmen had a gun trained on me and told me to getback to the car.

I tried to shield the boys as the men shot out my tyresbefore they escaped in the farmer's car. I had no way ofgetting away and when I went inside the farmhouse thefarmer had been tied up and the phone lines were cut. Iwalked with the boys to the nearest house three-quarters ofa mile away to raise the alarm.

Bryan was hysterical and kept asking would dad be ok andshouldn't we get a doctor ... It's strange, but the wholetime I never felt hysterical. I just knew Ronnie was dead.

Ronnie had been in the forces when I met him. He was acorporal based part-time with the Ulster Defence Regimentin St Lucia barracks in Omagh. He served for almost 19years, but he had been out of the regiment a little overtwo years when he was killed. He'd left because we both hadfull-time jobs and wanted to have more time together as afamily.

As far as I know, Ronnie never received any threats eitherbefore or after leaving the UDR, but I suppose I didn'tthink he would be in the same danger as he had been in whenactively serving.

There was never any reason given for why Ronnie was killedand no one ever claimed responsibility. That tortured mefor a long time. It was clear that the gunmen had beenwatching us and knew our movements, so the timing ofRonnie's death was cold and calculated.

I don't know how anyone can kill another human being,especially in front of his young family. If they wanted tokill Ronnie they could have done it any time, it didn'thave to be in front of his children. It's difficult toimagine a more psychologically damaging event, and we allneeded support through counselling after it happened.

Bryan became my shadow for about 18 months afterwards. Hedidn't like to leave my side, but neither of the boys evertalked much about what happened, I think they were tryingto protect me.

I don't know if what happened ever really sank in with me.If I zoom in on it too much, it makes me feel physicallysick. I can't bring myself to forgive the people who killedRonnie, but I really don't think about them any more.Ultimately, I think forgiveness comes from God, so it'sbetween them and God.

I used to think about them every day and wish something badwould happen to them, but it takes so much energy out ofyou to be angry all the time and it doesn't have any effecton the people you're angry at, nor can it change anything.

I think you learn to live with your pain and walk with it abit easier as time passes, but I can't pretend Ronnie neverexisted. He was my husband and there's not one day goes bywhen I don't think about him. I feel we've been cheated outof so much. The boys were cheated out of a father and neverhad that male influence that is so fundamental to a family.

I think a balance needs to be struck between moving on andnot forgetting, because we can't just forget the sacrificepeople have made or the pain and suffering of peopleinjured. I feel the politicians who are trying to build apeace settlement are pretending everything is fine, butmost terrorist organisations are insatiable in theirdemands and I think agreements have been built on deceit. Ithink a lot of things have been swept under the carpet inpursuit of political expediency.

Nothing can change what has gone before, but it would besomething if we could live in a normal, peaceful societywhere the law held people accountable for their actions.Most of all, the misery of the Troubles should never, everbe allowed to happen again.

I don't really think of myself as a 'victim'. I think it'sa very negative word. I was the victim of a horrificattack, but I never sought victim status, it was inflictedupon me and if I sat feeling victimised then I would nevermake a go of anything.

I see myself as being determined to make a go of things forme and my family and the best thing I can do is bring mychildren up to be good citizens and do nothing that willtarnish the memory of my husband and their father.

Almost 11 years ago, an IRA gang shot dead Garda JerryMcCabe during a botched robbery of a security van in Adare,Co Limerick. His widow, Anne, a 61-year-old mother-of-five,two of whom are now gardai, has fought an unceasingcampaign to ensure that his killers serve their full termsin prison in the Republic. She tells Laurence White howanger continues to fuel her fight for justice

You were scathing in your criticism of the comments made byGerry Adams that Sinn Fein would "put manners on the RUC".

I read an article by Gerry Adams in which he said this andI felt I had to speak out. I thought he had an absolutecheek to say what he did. He should look over his ownshoulder and put manners on his own people. Does he alsofeel they should put manners on An Garda Siochana? How darehe say he would put manners on anyone!

You are an outspoken critic of Sinn Fein and the IRA and ofattempts to release your husband's killers. What keeps yougoing?

First of all, I don't keep bringing up my husband's death.Sinn Fein keeps bringing it up by their continuing callsfor the release of the two men. I got assurances from theprevious Government in the Republic from day one that thesemen would not be released early under the terms of the GoodFriday Agreement. I got the same assurances from thepresent Government.

If there were no attempts to get these men released youwouldn't hear from me.

The two went to the High Court last December to ask to bereleased under the Good Friday Agreement, but they lost.Then, last week, they were ordered to pay the costs of thatchallenge. I think that is only fair.

They have said in the past that they didn't want to bepawns in the peace process and that appeals for their earlyrelease should be shelved. Then they go to the High Court.What am I supposed to do?

How does your family cope with the repeated publicity aboutyour husband's death?

They would rather I didn't speak out so often. It isfrustrating to keep my mouth shut at times, but I have tothink of my family. I also have to speak up for myself attimes. There are periods when I could be on the air or inthe newspapers every day if I wanted. I had my human rightstaken away when my husband was shot dead. He also had hishuman rights taken away. My rights are also being violatedevery time Sinn Fein or the prisoners bring up the issue.

What other comments do you have to endure?

Someone recently said that my husband knew he was puttinghimself in a life-threatening situation that day. Hewasn't. He was doing his job, which was minding the pensionmoney in the security van. He just went to work and did hisjob. The people who set out to rob the van were not takingmoney for 'the cause'. It was a simple post office robberyand nothing to do with 'the cause'.

Someone else said I was so fond of using the rhetoric ofthe DUP that I should join them. Such comments don't matterto me.

Have you much contact with the relatives of other victimsof terrorism?

I have quite a lot through the Irish Peace Institute herein Limerick. It works both north and south of the borderwith relatives of victims and their children. They bringchildren down here on holidays.

I was at a peace concert in the Waterfront Hall in Belfasta couple of years ago with members of the Peace Institute.Sitting in front of me was Ian Paisley jnr. He didn't knowme and I didn't immediately recognise him. At one stage,everyone was asked to shake hands and say "peace be withyou" . I never thought I would be doing that with IanPaisley jnr.

However, I could envisage saying "peace be with you" withGerry Adams. I had a confrontation with him in New York,where he was addressing a meeting of his supporters. I wentinto the meeting incognito. When I introduced myself to theaudience, they were astonished.

I asked Mr Adams a couple of questions: did he condemn myhusband's killers and would he ask two of the gang who areon the run to turn themselves into the gardai? All I gotwas the usual rhetoric. If Sinn Fein is now endorsing thePSNI, why will it give information to the gardai on wherethese two gang members are?

Do you ever feel that you and the death of your husbandhave been used as pawns in a wider political game?

I did feel for some time that I was being used as a pawn.But now I know that the men in jail will be doing theirtime.

There are many people who lost loved ones who have neverseen their killers brought to justice, or else saw themreleased from jail early. Do you feel in a better position?

To some extent, yes. But the men in prison did not, in myeyes, get long enough jail sentences. They should have beenlonger, but witnesses were intimidated.

Do you think there has been progress in the peace process?

We have to hope that progress has been made. We cannot goback to where we were.

We have to move forward with accepting the rule of law andaccepting the PSNI as a legitimate police force. You cannotjust say that you support them in civil policing matters.

I accept there have been problems with some police officersnorth and south, but what organisation doesn't haveproblems?

Does Sinn Fein accept the role of Special Branch in theGardai?

My husband was a member of the Special Branch dealing withsubversives.

Where else but Northern Ireland would there be candidatesbidding for election in more than one constituency? Thissimple fact illustrates what a confused and confusingAssembly election this will be, with no deal done betweenthe likely partners in a power-sharing government andtherefore no certainty that a working executive will emergeby March 26.

As expected, the line-up of 256 candidates shows that bothDUP and Sinn Fein will face several dissidents from theirown ranks, and beyond, who oppose the principles of power-sharing and Stormont rule. The parties themselves have yetto speak to each other, let alone agree to sit ingovernment, but even the prospect of Ian Paisley and MartinMcGuinness as First and Deputy First Ministers hasseparated the "provisional" power-sharers from the rest.

How much damage the dissidents and independents will do isa key issue in the election, since both the DUP and SinnFein will want to be at maximum strength for thenegotiations that will follow the March 7 vote. Althoughthere have been some high-profile defections, and themultiple challenge of Robert McCartney will test thestrength of unionist commitment to the St AndrewsAgreement, fear of splits in the tribal vote may ensure itscontinuation.

The only certainty is that the two parties - the UUP andSDLP - who reached the honourable compromise of the GoodFriday Agreement will again be under severe pressure. Theirvote has steadily declined, as the government has coaxedtheir rivals towards power-sharing, and their best chancemay be to emphasise doubts about the long-term viability ofa DUP-Sinn Fein partnership.

Nevertheless, even the sceptics have to admit that therehas been enormous progress since the last Assembly electionin November 2003. No executive emerged, despite years ofnon-stop negotiation by Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, buteventually the IRA has decommissioned its weapons and SinnFein, belatedly, has offered to support the PSNI - twoevents that were previously unthinkable.

Meanwhile, the peace process has continued to improve thequality of life for everyone, fuelling investment, cuttingunemployment and ensuring that there would be no supportfor a return to violence. The only fly in the ointment isresentment of the dictates of the direct rule regime, onsuch diverse issues as water tax, rates, the 11-plus andreform of local government.

Matters that should be decided by a local Assembly - andwould be, in Scotland or Wales - are the reluctantresponsibility of Labour ministers without a singleNorthern Ireland vote. That is what the election should beabout, building a better political and economic future, soattempts to turn it into a sectarian headcount must bestrenuously resisted.

FRESH questions are being asked about the terrorist past ofMartin McGuinness, one-time IRA commander and would-bedeputy first minister.

An old comrade, admittedly one who no longer shares hispolitical outlook, claims that McGuinness was still activein the Provisionals in the 1980s - an assertion whichdirectly contradicts the Sinn Fein MP's sworn

evidence to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. There is alsospeculation that McGuinness will be questioned by policeinvestigating the murder of a man in Newry in 1990.

Any phase of conflict resolution is always going to behaunted by the past and Sinn Fein themselves have beenquick to demand full disclosures from other parties,notably those who served in the RUC or the armed forces inNorthern Ireland. The Bloody Sunday Inquiry itself was bornof a desire to get to "the truth" about the state's role,and has been attempting to fulfil its remit at huge expenseto British taxpayers.

In general, the Government seems to be at a loss as to howto deal with our recent history in any coherent andconsistent manner. On the one hand, ministers

suggest that "a line should be drawn" allowing us to focuson a better future, while on the other they are committingvast sums of money to investigating individual incidents.

One can only presume that Sinn Fein's conversion to law andorder will not be retrospective and Martin McGuinness willprobably never reveal the full extent of his involvementwith the IRA. In the absence of a full account of hisactivities, there will almost certainly be more deeplyuncomfortable moments ahead and particularly if and whenhe takes office at Stormont.

Northern Ireland traders made huge profits from slaverybefore Ireland eventually closed its ports to "one of themost shameful enterprises in the history of humankind",Secretary of State Peter Hain has told an audience in NewYork.

Mr Hain was speaking at a reception at New York's Britishconsulate to honour the late African-American singer andhuman rights activist, Paul Robeson, who had a longassociation with Mr Hain's native Wales.

Mr Hain said that he was proud to learn that Ireland closedits ports to the slave trade and noted that when Britainbanned the trade, it gave compensation for the lostearnings of slavers without compensating the slaves.

He said that because Britain and Ireland profited from theslave trade, they needed to speak out against modern daybonded labour and human trafficking.

The UN body, the International Labour Organisation,estimates that 27m people are still held as slaves, afigure which would rise to 100m if human trafficking wasincluded, he added.

Mr Hain said he was proud to commemorate the life of PaulRobeson, who had campaigned for striking Welsh miners inthe 30s and who was banned by the US government fromtravelling to Wales in 1957 because of his communistsympathies.

The Secretary of State - a former anti-apartheid activist -drew laughter from the audience when he mistakenly saidthat Nelson Mandela had been jailed for 10,000 days inNorthern Ireland.

He corrected his mistake, before adding: "I got that wrong,didn't I? I should, of course, have said South Africa."

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain has been caught up ina political storm today over an apology he made in theUnited States about the slave trade.

He appeared to apologise in a BBC Wales televisioninterview for Northern Ireland and Wales's role in theslave trade.

Mr Hain, who addressed an event on slavery, said: "I'm hereon behalf of both Northern Ireland and Wales to say we havehad a part to play in the slave trade.

"We acknowledge that. We take responsibility for it and wenow are going to try and at least say that historicallegacy must be recognised and we are sorry for it," Mr Hainsaid.

The Northern Ireland Secretary's comments puzzledhistorians in the North, who insisted that there was nosympathy for slavery in Belfast.

Democratic Unionist MP Sammy Wilson said: "I think a lot ofpeople would love Peter Hain to apologise for the things hehas done while he has been in charge of the NorthernIreland Office rather than for him to delve into the pastand apologise for things we had no responsibility norsympathy for," he said.

"If you look at slavery, Belfast and the people of Belfastwere at the cutting edge of enlightened attitudes, andthere was no association between Northern Ireland and theslave trade."

The Northern Ireland Office insisted Mr Hain had praisedBelfast's stance against slavery in the speech he made inNew York to the event organised by the Welsh Office.