Map Showing Former Location of Important
Indian Groups of North America, North of Mexico: North.

Map Showing Former Location of Important
Indian Groups of North America, North of Mexico: South.

[pg iii]

This Little Book About

American Indians

Is Dedicated To

Bedros Tatarian

[pg v]

Preface.

This book about American Indians is intended
as a reading book for boys and girls in school.
The native inhabitants of America are rapidly
dying off or changing. Certainly some knowledge
of them, their old location, and their old life
ought to be interesting to American children.

Naturally the author has taken material from
many sources. He has himself known some
thirty different Indian tribes; still he could not
possibly secure all the matter herein presented
by personal observation. In a reading book for
children it is impossible to give reference acknowledgment
to those from whom he has drawn.
By a series of brief notes attention is called to
those to whom he is most indebted: no one is
intentionally omitted.

While many of the pictures are new, being
drawn from objects or original photographs, some
have already appeared elsewhere. In each case,
their source is indicated. Special thanks for
assistance in illustration are due to the Bureau
of American Ethnology and to the Peabody
Museum of Ethnology at Cambridge, Mass.
[pg vi]

While intended for young people and written
with them only in mind, the author will be pleased
if the book shall interest some older readers.
Should it do so, may it enlarge their sympathy
with our native Americans.

Mandan Chief in Full Dress. (After Catlin.)

[pg 001]

I. Some General Facts About Indians.

We all know how the native Americans found
here by the whites at their first arrival, came to
be called Indians. Columbus did not realize the
greatness of his discovery. He was seeking a
route to Asia and supposed that he had found it.
Believing that he had really reached the Indies,
for which he was looking, it was natural that the
people here should be called Indians.

The American Indians are often classed as a
single type. They are described as being of a
coppery or reddish-brown color. They have
abundant, long, straight, black hair, and each
hair is found to be almost circular when cut
across. They have high cheek-bones, unusually
prominent, and wide faces. This description will
perhaps fit most Indians pretty well, but it would
be a great mistake to think that there are no differences
between tribes: there are many. There
are tribes of tall Indians and tribes of short ones;
some that are almost white, and others that are
nearly black. There are found among them all
[pg 002]
shades of brown, some of which are reddish,
others yellowish. There are tribes where the
eyes appear as oblique or slanting as in the
Chinese, and others where they are as straight
as among ourselves. Some tribes have heads
that are long and narrow; the heads of others
are relatively short and wide. A little before the
World's Columbian Exposition thousands of Indians
of many different tribes were carefully
measured. Dr. Boas, on studying the figures,
decided that there were at least four different
types in the United States.

There are now living many different tribes of
Indians. Formerly the number of tribes was still
greater. Each tribe has its own language, and
several hundred different Indian languages were
spoken. These languages sometimes so much
resemble each other that they seem to have been
derived from one single parent language. Thus,
when what is now New York State was first settled,
it was largely occupied by five tribes—the
Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas—called
"the Five Nations." While they were
distinct and each had its own language, these were
so much alike that all are believed to have grown
from one. When languages are so similar that
they may be believed to have come from one
parent language, they are said to belong to the
same language family or stock.

The Indians of New England, the lower Hudson
region, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Virginia,
[pg 003]
formed many different tribes, but they all
spoke languages of one family. These tribes are
called Algonkins. Indians speaking languages
belonging to one stock are generally related in
blood. Besides the area already named, Algonkin
tribes occupied New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, a
part of Canada, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan,
and other districts farther west. The Blackfeet,
who were Algonkins, lived close to the Rocky
Mountains. So you see that one linguistic family
may occupy a great area. On the other hand,
sometimes a single tribe, small in numbers and
occupying only a little space, may have a language
entirely peculiar. Such a tribe would stand quite
alone and would be considered as unrelated to
any other. Its language would have to be considered
as a distinct family or stock.

A few years ago Major Powell published a map
of America north of Mexico, to show the distribution
of the Indian language families at the time
of the white settlement of this country. In it he
represented the areas of fifty-eight different families
or stocks. Some of these families, like the
Algonquian and Athapascan, occupied great districts
and contained many languages; others, like
the Zuñian, took up only a few square miles of
space and contained a single tribe. At the front
of this book is a little map partly copied from
that of Major Powell. The large areas are nearly
as he gave them; many smaller areas of his map
are omitted, as we shall not speak of them. The
[pg 004]
Indians of the Pueblos speak languages of at least
four stocks, which Major Powell indicates. We
have covered the whole Pueblo district with one
color patch. We have grouped the many Californian
tribes into one: so, too, with the tribes of
the Northwest Coast. There are many widely
differing languages spoken in each of these two
regions. This map will show you where the
Indians of whom we shall speak lived.

Many persons seem to think that the Indian
was a perpetual rover,—always hunting, fishing,
and making war,—with no settled villages. This
is a great mistake: most tribes knew and practiced
some agriculture. Most of them had settled
villages, wherein they spent much of their
time. Sad indeed would it have been for the
early settlers of New England, if their Indian
neighbors had not had supplies of food stored
away—the result of their industry in the fields.

The condition of the woman among Indians is
usually described as a sad one. It is true that she
was a worker—but so was the man. Each had
his or her own work to do, and neither would have
thought of doing that of the other; with us, men
rarely care to do women's work. The man built
the house, fortified the village, hunted, fished,
fought, and conducted the religious ceremonials
upon which the success and happiness of all
depended. The woman worked in the field,
gathered wood, tended the fire, cooked, dressed
skins, and cared for the children. When they
[pg 005]
traveled, the woman carried the burdens, of course:
the man had to be ready for the attack of enemies
or for the killing of game in case any should
be seen. Among us hunting, fishing, and dancing
are sport. They were not so with the
Indians. When a man had to provide food for
a family by his hunting and fishing, it ceased to
be amusement and was hard work. When Indian
men danced, it was usually as part of a religious
ceremony which was to benefit the whole tribe;
it was often wearisome and difficult—not fun.
Woman was much of the time doing what we
consider work; man was often doing what we
consider play; there was not, however, really much
to choose between them.

The woman was in most tribes the head of the
house. She exerted great influence in public
matters of the tribe. She frequently decided the
question of peace and war. To her the children
belonged. If she were dissatisfied with her husband,
she would drive him from the house and
bid him return to his mother. If a man were
lazy or failed to bring in plenty of game and fish,
he was quite sure to be cast off.

While he lived his own life, the Indian was
always hospitable. The stranger who applied for
shelter or food was never refused; nor was he
expected to pay. Only after long contact with the
white man, who always wanted pay for everything,
did this hospitality disappear. In fact, among
some tribes it has not yet entirely gone. One time,
[pg 006]
as we neared the pueblo of Santo Domingo, New
Mexico, the old governor of the pueblo rode out
to meet us and learn who we were and what we
wanted. On explaining that we were strangers,
who only wished to see the town, we were taken
directly to his house, on the town square. His
old wife hastened to put before us cakes and
coffee. After we had eaten we were given full
permission to look around.

We shall consider many things together. Some
chapters will be general discussions of Indian life;
others will discuss special tribes; others will treat
of single incidents in customs or belief. Some
of the things mentioned in connection with one
particular tribe would be equally true of many
others. Thus, the modes of hunting buffalo and
conducting war, practiced by one Plains tribe,
were much the same among Plains tribes generally.
Some of the things in these lessons will
seem foolish; others are terrible. But remember
that foreigners who study us find that we have
many customs which they think strange and even
terrible. The life of the Indians was not, on the
whole, either foolish or bad; in many ways it was
wise and beautiful and good. But it will soon be
gone. In this book we shall try to give a picture
of it.

Franz Boas.—Anthropologist. German, living in America.
Has made investigations among Eskimo and Indians. Is now
connected with the American Museum of Natural History, New
York.

[pg 007]

John Wesley Powell.—Teacher, soldier, explorer, scientist.
Conducted the first exploration of the Colorado River Cañon;
Director of the U. S. Geological Survey and of the Bureau of
American Ethnology. Has written many papers: among them
Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico.

II. Houses.

The houses of Indians vary greatly. In some
tribes they are large and intended for several
families; in others they are small, and occupied
by few persons. Some are admirably constructed,
like the great Pueblo houses of the southwest,
made of stone and adobe mud; others are frail
structures of brush and thatch. The material
naturally varies with the district.

Iroquois Long House. (After Morgan.)

An interesting house was the "long house" of
the Iroquois. From fifty to one hundred or more
feet in length and perhaps not more than fifteen
in width, it was of a long rectangular form. It
[pg 008]
consisted of a light framework of poles tied together,
which was covered with long strips of
bark tied or pegged on. There was no window,
but there was a doorway at each end. Blankets
or skins hung at these served as doors. Through
the house from doorway to doorway ran a central
passage: the space
on either side of
this was divided
by partitions of
skins into a series
of stalls, each of
which was occupied
by a family.
In the central
passage was a series
of fireplaces
or hearths, each
one of which
served for four
families. A large
house of this kind
might have five or
even more hearths, and would be occupied by
twenty or more families. Indian houses contained
but little furniture. Some blankets or
skins served as a bed; there were no tables or
chairs; there were no stoves, as all cooking was
done over the open fire or the fireplace.

Algonkin Village of Pomeiock, on Albemarle
Sound, in 1585. (After John Wyth: Copied in Morgan.)

The eastern Algonkins built houses like those
of the Iroquois, but usually much smaller. They,
[pg 009]
too, were made of a light framework of poles over
which were hung sheets of rush matting which
could be easily removed and rolled up, for future
use in case of removal. There are pictures in old
books of some Algonkin villages.

These villages were often inclosed by a line of
palisades to keep off enemies. Sometimes the
gardens and cornfields were inside this palisading,
sometimes outside. The houses in these pictures
usually have straight, vertical sides and queer
rounded roofs. Sometimes they were arranged
along streets, but at others they were placed in a
ring around a central open space, where games
and celebrations took place.

Many tribes have two kinds of houses, one for
summer, the other for winter. The Sacs and
Foxes of Iowa, in summer, live in large, rectangular,
barn-like structures. These measure perhaps
twenty feet by thirty. They are bark-covered and
have two doorways and a central passage, somewhat
like the Iroquois house. But they are not
divided by partitions into sections. On each side,
a platform about three feet high and six feet wide
runs the full length of the house. Upon this the
people sleep, simply spreading out their blankets
when they wish to lie down. Each person has
his proper place upon the platform, and no one
thinks of trespassing upon another. At the back
of the platform, against the wall, are boxes, baskets,
and bundles containing the property of the different
members of the household. As these platforms
[pg 010]
are rather high, there are little ladders
fastened into the earth floor, the tops of which
rest against the edge of the platform. These ladders
are simply logs of wood, with notches cut
into them for footholds.

Winter House of Sacs and Foxes, Iowa. (From Photograph.)

The winter house is very different. In the
summer house there is plenty of room and air;
in the winter house space is precious. The framework
of the winter lodge is made of light poles
tied together with narrow strips of bark. It is an
oblong, dome-shaped affair about twenty feet long
and ten wide. Some are nearly circular and about
fifteen feet across. They are hardly six feet high.
Over this framework are fastened sheets of matting
made of cat-tail rushes. This matting is very
light and thin, but a layer or two of it keeps out
[pg 011]
a great deal of cold. There is but one doorway,
usually at the middle of the side. There are no
platforms, but beds are made, close to the ground,
out of poles and branches. At the center is a
fireplace, over which hangs the pot in which food
is boiled.

The Mandans used to build good houses almost
circular in form. The floor was sunk a foot or
more below the surface of the ground. The framework
was made of large and strong timbers. The
outside walls sloped inward and upward from the
ground to a height of about five feet. They were
composed of boards. The roof sloped from the
top of the wall up to a central point; it was made
of poles, covered with willow matting and then
with grass. The whole house, wall and roof, was
then covered over with a layer of earth a foot and
a half thick. When such a house contained a
fire sending out smoke, it must have looked like
a smooth, regularly sloping little volcano.

In California, where there are so many different
sorts of climate and surroundings, the Indian tribes
differed much in their house building. Where
the climate was raw and foggy, down near the
coast, they dug a pit and erected a shelter of redwood
poles about it. In the snow belt, the house
was conical in form and built of great slabs of
bark. In warm low valleys, large round or oblong
houses were made of willow poles covered with
hay. At Clear Lake there were box-shaped houses;
the walls were built of vertical posts, with poles
[pg 012]
lashed horizontally across them; these were not
always placed close together, but so as to leave
many little square holes in the walls; the flat roof
was made of poles covered with thatch. In the
great treeless plains of the Sacramento and San
Joaquin they made dome-shaped, earth-covered
houses, the doorway in which was sometimes on
top, sometimes near the ground on the side. In
the Kern and Tulare valleys, where the weather
is hot and almost rainless, the huts are made of
marsh rushes.

Skin Tents. (From Photograph.)

Many persons seem to think that the Indian
never changes; that he cannot invent or devise
new things. This is a mistake. Long ago the
Dakotas lived in houses much like those of the
Sacs and Foxes. At that time they lived in Minnesota,
near the headwaters of the Mississippi
River. From the white man they received horses,
[pg 013]
and by him they were gradually crowded out of
their old home. After getting horses they had
a much better chance to hunt buffalo, and began
to move about much more than before. They
then invented the beautiful tent now so widely
used among Plains Indians. The framework consists
of thirteen poles from fifteen to eighteen feet
long. The smaller ends are tied together and
then raised and spread out so as to cover a circle
on the ground about ten feet across. Over this
framework of poles are spread buffalo skins which
have been sewed together so as to fit it. The
lower end of this skin covering is then pegged
down and the sides are laced together with cords,
so that everything is neat and tight. There is a
doorway below to creep through, over which hangs
a flap of skin as a door. The smoke-hole at the
top has a sort of collar-like flap, which can be
adjusted when the wind changes so as to insure
a good draught of air at all times.

This sort of tent is easily put up and taken
down. It is also easily transported. The poles
are divided into two bunches, and these are
fastened by one end to the horse, near his neck—one
bunch on either side. The other ends are
left to drag upon the ground. The skin covering
is tied up into a bundle which may be fastened
to the dragging poles. Sometimes dogs, instead
of horses, were used to drag the tent poles.

Among many tribes who used these tents, the
camp was made in a circle. If the space was too
[pg 014]
small for one great circle, the tents might be
pitched in two or three smaller circles, one within
another. These camp circles were not chance
arrangements. Each group of persons who were
related had its own proper place in the circle.
Even the proper place for each tent was fixed.
Every woman knew, as soon as the place for a
camp was chosen, just where she must erect her
tent. She would never think of putting it elsewhere.
After the camp circle was complete, the
horses would be placed within it for the night to
prevent their being lost or stolen.

Lewis H. Morgan.—Lawyer. One of America's earliest
eminent ethnologists. A special student of society and institutions.
Author of important books, among them, Houses and
House-life of the American Aborigines, and The League of the
Iroquois.

Stephen Powers.—Author of The Indians of California.

III. Dress.

In the eastern states and on the Plains the
dress of the Indians was largely composed of
tanned and dressed skins such as those of the
buffalo and the deer. Most of the Indians were
skilled in dressing skins. The hide when fresh
from the animal was laid on the ground, stretched
as tightly as possible and pegged down all around
the edges. As it dried it became still more taut.
[pg 015]
A scraper was used to remove the fat and to
thin the skin. In old days this scraper was made
of a piece of bone cut to proper form, or of a
stone chipped to a sharp edge; in later times it
was a bone handle, with a blade of iron or steel
attached to it. Brains, livers, and fat of animals
were used to soften and dress the skin. These
materials were mixed together and spread over
the stretched skin, which was then rolled up and
laid aside. After several days, when the materials
had soaked in and somewhat softened the skin,
it was opened and washed: it was then rubbed,
twisted, and worked over until soft and fully
dressed.

The men wore three or four different articles
of dress. First was the breech-clout, which consisted
of a strip of skin or cloth perhaps a foot
wide and several feet long; sometimes its ends
were decorated with beadwork or other ornamentation.
This cloth was passed between the legs
and brought up in front and behind. It was held
in place by a band or belt passing around the
waist, and the broad decorated ends hung down
from this something like aprons. Almost all
male Indians on the continent wore the breech-clout.

The men also wore buckskin leggings. These
were made in pairs, but were not sewed together.
They fitted tightly over the whole length of the
leg, and sometimes were held up by a cord at the
outer upper corner, which was tied to the waist-string.
[pg 016]
Leggings were usually fringed with
strips of buckskin sewed along the outer side.
Sometimes bands of beadwork were tied around
the leggings below the knees.

Skin Jacket. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

A jacket or shirt
made of buckskin
and reaching to
the knees was generally
worn. It was
variously decorated.
Buckskin
strip fringes bordered
it; pictures
in black or red or other
colors were painted upon
it; handsome patterns
were worked into it with
beads or porcupine quills,
brightly dyed; tufts of
hair or true scalps might
be attached to it.

Over all these came the
blanket or robe. Nowadays
these are got from
the whites, and are simple
flannel blankets; but in the old times they were
made of animal hides. In putting on a blanket,
the male Indian usually takes it by two corners,
one in each hand, and folds it around him with
the upper edge horizontal. Holding it thus a
moment with one hand, he catches the sides, a
[pg 017]
little way down, with the fingers of the other
hand, and thus holds it.

Even where the men have given up the old
style of dress the women often retain it. The
garments are usually made, however, of cloth instead
of buckskin. Thus among the Sacs and
Foxes the leggings of the women, which used
to be made of buckskin, are now of black broad-cloth.
They are made very broad or wide, and
reach only from the ankles to a little above the
knees. They are usually heavily beaded. The
woman's skirt, fastened at the waist, falls a little
below the knees; it is made of some bright cloth
and is generally banded near the bottom with
tape or narrow ribbon of a different color from
the skirt itself. Her jacket is of some bright
cloth and hangs to the waist. Often it is decorated
with brooches or fibulæ made of German
silver. I once saw a little girl ten years old
who was dancing, in a jacket adorned with nearly
three hundred of these ornaments placed close
together.

All Indians, both men and women, are fond of
necklaces made of beads or other material. Men
love to wear such ornaments composed of trophies,
showing that they have been successful in war
or in hunting. They use elk teeth, badger claws,
or bear claws for this purpose. One very dreadful
necklace in Washington is made chiefly of
the dried fingers of human victims. Among the
Sacs and Foxes, the older men use a neck-ring
[pg 018]
that looks like a rope of solid beads. It consists
of a central rope made of rags; beads are strung
on a thread and this is wrapped around and
around the rag ring, until when finished only
beads can be seen.

Before the white man came, the Indians used
beads made of shell, stone, or bone. Nowadays
they are fond of the cheap glass beads which
they get from white traders. There are two kinds
of beadwork now made. The first is the simpler.
It is sewed work. Patterns of different colored
beads are worked upon a foundation of cloth.
Moccasins, leggings, and jackets are so decorated;
sometimes the whole article may be covered with
the bright beads. Almost every one has seen
tobacco-pouches or baby-frames covered with such
work. The other work is far more difficult. It
is used in making bands of beads for the arms,
legs, and waist. It is true woven work of the
same sort as the famous wampum belts, of which
we shall speak later. Such bands look like solid
beads and present the same patterns on both
sides.

The porcupine is an animal that is covered
with spines or "quills." These quills were formerly
much used in decorating clothing. They
were often dyed in bright colors. After being
colored they were flattened by pressure and were
worked into pretty geometrical designs, color-bands,
rosettes, etc., upon blankets, buckskin shirts,
leggings, and moccasins. Very little of this work
[pg 019]
has been done of late years: beadwork has almost
crowded it out of use.

Blackfoot Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

Sioux Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

Sioux Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

The moccasin is a real Indian invention, and it
bears an Indian name. It is the most comfortable
foot-wear that could be devised for the Indian
mode of life. It is made of buckskin and closely
fits the foot. Moccasins usually reach only to
the ankle, and are tied close with little thongs of
buckskin. They have no heels, and no part is
stiff or unpleasant to the foot. The exact shape
of the moccasin and its decoration varies with the
tribe.

In some tribes there is much difference between
the moccasins of men and those of women.
Among the Sacs and Foxes the woman's moccasin
has two side flaps which turn down and nearly
reach the ground; these, as well as the part over
the foot, are covered with a mass of beading; the
man's moccasin has smaller side flaps, and the
[pg 020]
only beading upon it is a narrow band running
lengthwise along the middle part above the foot.

The women of the Pueblos are not content
with simple moccasins, but wrap the leg with
strips of buckskin. This wrapping covers the
leg from the ankles to the knees and is heavy and
thick, as the strips are wound time after time
around the leg. At first, this wrapping looks
awkward and ugly to a stranger, but he soon
becomes accustomed to it.

Omaha Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

Iroquois Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

Kutchin Moccasin. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

Not many of the tribes were real weavers.
Handsome cotton blankets and kilts were woven
by the Moki and other Pueblo Indians. Such
are still made by these tribes for their religious
ceremonies and dances. Nowadays these tribes
have flocks of sheep and know how to weave
good woollen blankets. Some of the Pueblos
also weave long, handsome belts, in pretty patterns
of bright colors. Their rude loom consists
of just a few sticks, but it serves its purpose
[pg 021]
well, and the blankets and belts
are firm and close.

A Pueblo Woman. (From Morgan.)

The Navajo, who are neighbors
of the Pueblos, learned
how to weave from them, but
are to-day much better weavers
than their teachers. Every one
knows the Navajo blankets,
with their bright colors,
pretty designs, and texture so
close as to shed water.

Some tribes of British
Columbia weave soft capes
or cloaks of cedar bark,
and in Alaska the Chilcat
Indians weave beautiful
blankets of mountain-sheep
wool and
mountain-goat hair.
These are a mass of
odd, strikingly colored,
and crowdedly
arranged symbolic
devices.

Among some California
Indians the women wore dresses made of
grass. They were short skirts or kilts, consisting
of a waist-band from which hung a fringe of
grass cords. They had nuts and other objects
ornamentally inserted into the cords. They
reached about to the knees.
[pg 022]

IV. The Baby And Child.

Indian babies are often pretty. Their big
black eyes, brown, soft skin, and their stiff,
strong, black hair form a pleasing combination.
Among many tribes their foreheads are covered
with a fine, downy growth of black hair, and
their eyes appear to slant, like those of the
Chinese. The little fellows hardly ever cry,
and an Indian parent rarely strikes a child,
even when it is naughty, which is not often.

Most Indian babies are kept strapped or laid
on a papoose-board or cradle-board. While these
are widely used, they differ notably among the
tribes. Among the Sacs and Foxes the cradle
consists of a board two feet or two and a half
feet long and about ten inches wide. Near the
lower end is fastened, by means of thongs, a thin
board set edgewise and bent so as to form a
foot-rest and sides. Over the upper end is a
thin strip of board bent to form an arch. This
rises some eight inches above the cradle-board.
Upon the board, below this arch, is a little
cushion or pillow. The baby, wrapped in cloths
or small blankets, his arms often being bound
down to his sides, is laid down upon the cradle-board,
with his head lying on the pillow and
his feet reaching almost to the foot-board. He
[pg 023]
is then fastened securely in place by bandages
of cloth decorated with beadwork or by laces
or thongs. There he lies "as snug as a bug
in a rug," ready to be carried on his mother's
back, or to be set up against a wall, or to be
hung up in a tree.

Cradle of Oregon Indians. (After Mason.)

Birch-Bark Cradle from Yukon River, Alaska. (After Mason.)

When his mother is busy at work, the little
one is unwrapped so as to set his arms and
hands free, and is then laid upon the blankets
and cloths, and left to squirm and amuse himself
as best he can.

The mother hangs all sorts of beads and
bright and jingling things to the arch over the
baby's head. When he lies strapped down, the
[pg 024]
mother sets all these things to jingling, and
the baby lies and blinks at them in great wonder.
When his little hands are free to move,
the baby himself tries to strike and handle the
bright and noisy things.

Blackfeet Cradle, Made of Lattice-work and Leather. (After Mason.)

Noki Cradle: Frame of Fine Wicker. (After Mason.)

In the far north the baby-board is made of
birch bark and has a protecting hood over the
head; among some tribes of British Columbia,
it is dug out of a single piece of wood in the
form of a trough or canoe; among the Chinooks
it has a head-flattening board hinged on, by
which the baby's head is changed in form; one
baby-board from Oregon was shaped like a great
[pg 025]
arrowhead, covered with buckskin, with a sort of
pocket in front in which the little fellow was
laced up; among some tribes in California, the
cradle is made of basket work and is shaped
like a great moccasin; some tribes of the southwest
make the cradle of canes or slender sticks
set side by side and spliced together; among
some Sioux the cradle is covered completely at
the sides with pretty beadwork, and two slats
fixed at the edges project far beyond the upper
end of the cradle.

Apache Cradle. (After Mason.)

Hupa Wicker Cradle. (After Mason.)

But the baby is not always kept down on the
cradle-board. Sometimes among the Sacs and
Foxes he is slung in a little hammock, which
[pg 026]
is quickly and easily made. Two cords are
stretched side by side from tree to tree. A
blanket is then folded until its width is little
more than the length of the baby; its ends are
then folded around the cords and made to overlap
[pg 027]
midway between them. After the cords are
up, a half a minute is more than time enough
to make a hammock out of a blanket. And a
more comfortable little pouch for a baby could
not be found.

Cree Squaw and Papoose. (From Photograph.)

Among the Pueblos they have a swinging
cradle. It consists of a circular or oval ring
made of a flexible stick bent and tied together
at the ends. Leather thongs are laced back and
forth across it so as to make an open netting.
The cradle is then hung from the rafters by cords.
In it the baby swings.

The baby who is too large for his baby-board
is carried around on his mother's or sister's, or
even his brother's, back. The little wriggler is
laid upon the back, and then the blanket is bound
around him to hold him firmly, often leaving
only his head in sight, peering out above the
blanket. With her baby fastened upon her back
in this way the mother works in the fields or
walks to town.

Among some tribes, particularly in the southern
states and in Mexico, the baby strides the
mother's back, and a little leg and foot hang out
on either side from the blanket that holds him
in place. Among some tribes in California the
women use great round baskets tapering to a
point below; these are carried by the help of
a carrying strap passing around the forehead.
During the season of the salmon fishing these
baskets are used in carrying fish; at such times
[pg 028]
baby and fish are thrown into the basket together
and carried along.

The Indian boys play many games. When I
used to meet Sac and Fox boys in the spring-time,
each one used to have with him little sticks
made of freshly cut branches of trees. These
had the bark peeled off so they would slip better.
They were cut square at one end, and bluntly
pointed at the other. Each boy had several of
these, so marked that he would know his own.
When two boys agreed to play, one held one of
his sticks, which was perhaps three feet long and
less than half an inch thick, between his thumb
and second finger, with the forefinger against the
squared end and the pointed end forward. He
then sent it sliding along on the grass as far as it
would go. Then the other boy took his turn,
trying of course to send his farther.

The young men have a somewhat similar game,
but their sticks are carefully made of hickory and
have a blunt-pointed head and a long slender tail
or shaft. These will skim a long way over snow
when it has a crust upon it.

One gambling game is much played by big
boys and young men among the Sacs and Foxes.
It is called moccasin. It is a very stupid game,
but the Indians are fond of it. Some moccasins
are turned upside down, and one player conceals
under one of them a small ball or other
object. Another tries then to guess where the
ball lies.
[pg 029]

Group of Ball Sticks.

Many of the Indian tribes had some form of
ball game. Sometimes all the young men of a
town would take part. The game consisted in
driving the ball over a goal. The players on
both sides were much in earnest, and the games
were very exciting. In the play a racket was
used consisting of a stick frame and a netting of
thongs. The shape of this racket or ball stick
differed among different tribes. Sometimes one
racket was used by one player, sometimes two.
Among the Iroquois the game is called by the
French name of lacrosse. The young men of one
village often played against those of another.
They used a curious long racket consisting of a
curved stick with netting across the bend. The
[pg 030]
Choctaws, Cherokees, and other tribes near them
have two rackets for each player.

Catlin tells us that in their games there would
sometimes be six to eight hundred or a thousand
young men engaged. He says: "I have made
it an uniform rule, whilst in the Indian country,
to attend every ball-play I could hear of, if I could
do it by riding a distance of twenty or thirty
miles; and my usual custom has been on such
occasions to straddle the back of my horse and
look on to the best advantage. In this way I
have sat, and oftentimes reclined and almost
dropped from my horse's back, with irresistible
laughter at the succession of droll tricks and
kicks and scuffles which ensue, in the almost
superhuman struggles for the ball. Their plays
generally commence at about nine o'clock, or
near it, in the morning; and I have more than
once balanced myself on my pony from that
time till nearly sundown, without more than one
minute of intermission at a time, before the game
has been decided."

But these great games of ball with hundreds of
players are quite past, and the sport, where still
kept up, grows less and less each year.

Otis T. Mason.—Ethnologist. In charge of the department
of Ethnology in the U. S. National Museum, Washington.
Has written some books and many articles. Among the last
is Cradles of the American Aborigines.

V. Stories Of Indians.

The Indians everywhere are fond of stories.
Some of their stories are about themselves and
their own deeds; others recount the past deeds
of the tribe; many are about some wise and good
man, who lived long ago, and who taught them
how they should live and what dances and ceremonies
they should perform; some are attempts
to explain why things are as they are; others tell
of the creation of the world.

Of these many stories some may be told at any
time and anywhere, while others are sacred and
must only be told to certain persons on particular
occasions. Among some tribes the "old stories"
must not be told in the summer when the trees
are full of green leaves, for the spirits of the
leaves can listen; but when winter comes, and
snow lies on the ground, and the leaves have
fallen, and the trees appear to be dead, then
they may tell their stories about the camp-fire
in safety. We can give only a few of these
stories from three different tribes.

An Iroquois Story Of The Pleiades.

You all know the stars that are called the
Pleiades. Sometimes, but wrongly, they are
called the Little Dipper. They are a group of
[pg 032]
seven little stars that look as if they were quite
close together.

The Iroquois tell this story about them:
There were once seven little Indian boys who
were great friends. Every evening they used to
come to a little mound to dance and feast.
They would first eat their corn and beans, and
then one of their number would sit upon the
mound and sing, while the others danced around
the mound. One time they thought they would
have a much grander feast than usual, and each
agreed upon what he would bring for it. But
their parents would not give them what they
wanted, and the little lads met at the mound
without their feast. The singer took his place
and began his song, while his companions started
to dance. As they danced they forgot their sorrows
and "their heads and hearts grew lighter,"
until at last they flew up into the air. Their
parents saw them as they rose, and cried out to
them to return; but up and up they went until
they were changed into the seven stars. Now,
one of the Pleiades is dimmer than the rest, and
they say that it is the little singer, who is homesick
and pale because he wants to return but
cannot.

A Story Of Glooskap.

The Algonkin tribes of Nova Scotia, Canada,
and New England had a great many stories
about a great hero named Glooskap. They believed
[pg 033]
he was a great magician and could do
wonders. In stories about him it is common to
have him strive with other magicians to see
which one can do the greatest wonders and overpower
the other. Glooskap always comes out
ahead in these strange contests.

Usually Glooskap is good to men, but only
when they are true and honest. He used to
give people who visited him their wish. But
if they were bad, their wish would do them far
more harm than good.

One of the Glooskap stories tells of how he
fought with some giant sorcerers at Saco.
There was an old man who had three sons
and a daughter. They were all giants and
great magicians. They did many wicked things,
and killed and ate every one they could get at.
It happened that when he was young, Glooskap
had lived in this family, but then they were not
bad. When he heard of their dreadful ways he
made up his mind to go and see if it was all
true, and if it were so, to punish them. So he
went to the house. The old man had only one
eye, and the hair on one half of his head was
gray. The first thing Glooskap did was to
change himself so that he looked exactly like
the old man; no one could tell which was which.
And they sat talking together. The sons, hearing
them, drew near to kill the stranger, but
could not tell which was their father, so they
said, "He must be a great magician, but we
[pg 034]
will get the better of him." So the sister giant
took a whale's tail, and cooking it, offered it to
the stranger. Glooskap took it. Then the eldest
brother came in, and seizing the food, said, "This
is too good for a beggar like you."

Glooskap said, "What is given to me is mine:
I will take it." And he simply wished and it
returned.

The brothers said, "Indeed he is a great
magician, but we will get the better of him."

So when he was through eating, the eldest
brother took up the mighty jawbone of a whale,
and to show that he was strong bent it a little.
But Glooskap took it and snapped it in two between
his thumb and finger. And the giant
brothers said again, "Indeed he is a great magician,
but we will get the better of him."

Then they tested him with strong tobacco
which no one but great magicians could possibly
smoke. Each took a puff and inhaled it and blew
the smoke out through his nose to show his
strength. But Glooskap took the great pipe and
filled it full, and at a single puff burnt all the
tobacco to ashes and inhaled all the smoke and
puffed it out through his nostrils.

When they were beaten at smoking, the giants
proposed a game of ball and went out into the
sandy plain by the riverside. And the ball they
used was thrown upon the ground. It was really
a dreadful skull, that rolled and snapped at Glooskap's
heels, and if he had been a common man or
[pg 035]
a weak magician it would have bitten his foot off.
But Glooskap laughed and broke off a tip of a
tree branch for his ball and set it to rolling. And
it turned into a skull ten times more dreadful
than the other, and it chased the wicked giants as
a lynx chases a rabbit. As they fled Glooskap
stamped upon the sand with his foot, and sang a
magic song. And the river rose like a mighty
flood, and the bad magicians, changed into fishes,
floated away in it and caused men no more
trouble.

Scar-Face: A Blackfoot Story.

There was a man who had a beautiful daughter.
Each of the brave and handsome and rich
young men had asked her to marry him, but she
had always said No, that she did not want a husband.
When at last her father and mother asked
her why she would not marry some one, she told
them the sun had told her he loved her and that
she should marry no one without his consent.

Now there was a poor young man in the
village, whose name was Scar-face. He was a
good-looking young man except for a dreadful
scar across his face. He had always been poor,
and had no relatives and no friends. One day
when all the rich young men had been refused
by the beautiful girl, they began to tease poor
Scar-face. They said to him:—

"Why don't you ask that girl to marry you?
You are so rich and handsome."
[pg 036]

Scar-face did not laugh at their unkind joke,
but said, "I will go."

He asked the girl, and she liked him because
he was good; and she was willing to have him
for her husband. So she said: "I belong to the
sun. Go to him. If he says so, I will marry
you."

Then Scar-face was very sad, for who could
know the way to the sun? At last he went to
an old woman who was kind of heart. He asked
her to make him some moccasins, as he was going
on a long journey. So she made him seven pairs
and gave him a sack of food, and he started.

Many days he traveled, keeping his food as
long as he could by eating berries and roots or
some animal that he killed. At last he came to
the house of a wolf.

"Where are you going?" asked the wolf.

"I seek the place where the sun lives," said
Scar-face.

"I know all the prairies, the valleys, and the
mountains, but I don't know the sun's home,"
said the wolf; "but ask the bear; he may know."

The next night the young man reached the
bear's house. "I know not where he stops. I
know much country, but I have never seen the
lodge. Ask the badger; he is smart," said the
bear.

The badger was in his hole and was rather
cross at being disturbed. He did not know the
sun's house, but said perhaps the wolverine would
[pg 037]
know. Though Scar-face searched the woods, he
could not find the wolverine.

In despair he sat down to rest. He cried to
the wolverine to pity him, that his moccasins
were worn out and his food gone.

The wolverine appeared. "Ah, I know where
he lives; to-morrow you shall see: it is beyond
the great water."

The next morning the wolverine put the young
man on the trail, and at last he came to a great
water. Here his courage failed; he was in despair.
There was no way to cross. Just then
two swans appeared and asked him about himself.

When he told his story, they took him safely
over. "Now," said they, as he stepped ashore,
"you are close to the sun's house. Follow that
trail."

Scar-face soon saw some beautiful things in the
path,—a war-shirt, shield, bow, and arrow. But
he did not touch them.

Soon he came upon a handsome young man
whose name was Morning Star. He was the
child of the sun and the moon. They became
great friends.

Together they went to the house of the sun,
and there Morning Star's mother was kind to
Scar-face because her son told her that Scar-face
had not stolen his pretty things. When
the sun came home at night, the moon hid Scar-face
under some skins, but the sun knew at once
that some one was there. So they brought him
[pg 038]
forth and told him he should always be with
Morning Star as his comrade. And one day he
saved his friend's life from an attack of long-beaked
birds down by the great water.

Then the sun and moon were happy over what
he had done and asked what they could do for
him. And Scar-face told them his story, and the
sun told him he should marry his sweetheart.
And he took the scar from his face as a sign
to the girl. They gave him many beautiful
presents, and the sun taught him many things,
and how the medicine lodge should be built and
how the dance should be danced, and at last Scar-face
parted from them, and went home over the
Milky Way, which is a bridge connecting heaven
and earth.

And he sat, as is the custom of strangers coming
to a town, on the hill outside the village. At
last the chief sent young men to invite him to the
village, and they did so. When he threw aside
his blanket, all were surprised, for they knew him.
But he wore rich clothing, he had a beautiful
bow and arrow, and his face no longer bore the
scar. And when he came into the village, he
found the girl, and she knew that he had been to
the sun, and she loved him, and they were married.

Erminnie A. Smith.—A highly accomplished woman.
Shortly before her death she made a study for the Bureau of
American Ethnology upon Myths of the Iroquois.

Charles Godfrey Leland.—Poet, prose writer, and traveler.
His poems appear under the nom de plume of "Hans
[pg 039]
Breitmann." His Algonquin Legends of New England is
important.

George Bird Grinnell.—Writer. His Pawnee Hero Stories
and Folk-Tales and Blackfoot Lodge Tales are charming
works. We have drawn upon him for much material, especially
here and in XVI. and XX.

VI. War.

All Indians were more or less warlike; a few
tribes, however, were eminent for their passion
for war. Such, among eastern tribes, were the
Iroquois; among southwestern tribes, the Apaches;
and in Mexico, the Aztecs.

The purpose in Indian warfare was, everywhere,
to inflict as much harm upon the enemy,
and to receive as little as possible.

The causes of war were numerous—trespassing
on tribal territory, stealing ponies, quarrels
between individuals.

In their warfare stealthiness and craft were
most important. Sometimes a single warrior
crept silently to an unsuspecting camp that he
might kill defenseless women, or little children,
or sleeping warriors, and then as quietly he withdrew
with his trophies.

Indian Spears, Shield, and Quiver of Arrows.

In such approaches, it was necessary to use
every help in concealing oneself. Of the Apaches
it is said: "He can conceal his swart body
amidst the green grass, behind brown shrubs or
[pg 040]
gray rocks, with
so much address
and judgment
that any
one but the
experienced
would pass him
by without detection
at the
distance of
three or four
yards. Sometimes
they will
envelop themselves
in a gray
blanket, and by
an artistic sprinkling
of earth
will so resemble
a granite bowlder
as to be
passed within
near range
without suspicion.
At others,
they will cover
their person
with freshly
gathered grass,
and lying prostrate,
appear as
[pg 041]
a natural portion of the field. Again, they will plant
themselves among the yuccas, and so closely imitate
their appearance as to pass for one of them."

At another time the Indian warrior would depend
upon a sudden dash into the midst of the
enemy, whereby he might work destruction and
be away before his presence was fairly realized.

Clark tells of an unexpected assault made upon
a camp by some white soldiers and Indian scouts.
One of these scouts, named Three Bears, rode a
horse that became unmanageable, and dashed with
his rider into the very midst of the now angry and
aroused enemy. Shots flew around him, and his
life was in great peril. At that moment his friend,
Feather-on-the-head, saw his danger. He dashed in
after Three Bears. As he rode, he dodged back and
forth, from side to side, in his saddle, to avoid shots.
At the very center of the village, Three Bears'
horse fell dead. Instantly, Feather-on-the-head,
sweeping past, caught up his friend behind him
on his own horse, and they were gone like a flash.

A favorite device in war was to draw the enemy
into ambush. An attack would be made with a
small part of the force. This would seem to make
a brave assault, but would then fall back as if
beaten. The enemy would press on in pursuit
until some bit of woods, some little hollow, or
some narrow place beneath a height was reached.
Then suddenly the main body of attack, which
had been carefully concealed, would rise to view
on every side, and a massacre would ensue.
[pg 042]

After the white man brought horses, the war
expeditions were usually trips for stealing ponies.
These, of course, were never common among
eastern tribes; they were frequent among Plains
Indians. Some man dreamed that he knew a
village of hostile Indians where he could steal
horses. If he were a brave and popular man,
companions would promptly join him, on his announcing
that he was going on an expedition.
When the party was formed, the women prepared
food, moccasins, and clothing. When ready, the
party gathered in the medicine lodge, where they
gashed themselves, took a sweat, and had prayers
and charms repeated by the medicine man. Then
they started. If they were to go far, at first they
might travel night and day. As they neared their
point of attack, they became more cautious, traveling
only at night, and remaining concealed during
the daylight. When they found a village or
camp with horses, their care was redoubled. Waiting
for night, they then approached rapidly but
silently.

Each man worked by himself. Horses were
quickly loosed and quietly driven away. When
at a little distance from the village they gathered
together, mounted the stolen animals, and fled.
Once started, they pressed on as rapidly as
possible.

It was the ambition of every Plains Indian to
count coup. Coup is a French word, meaning a
stroke or blow. It was considered an act of great
[pg 043]
bravery to go so near to a live enemy as to touch
him with the hand, or to strike him with a short
stick, or a little whip. As soon as an enemy had
been shot and had fallen, three or four often would
rush upon him, anxious to be the first one to
touch him, and thus count coup.

There was really great danger in this, for a
fallen enemy need not be badly injured, and may
kill one who closely approaches him. More than
this, when seriously injured and dying, a man in
his last struggles is particularly dangerous. It
was the ambition of every Indian youth to make
coup for the first time, for thereafter he was considered
brave, and greatly respected. Old men
never tired of telling of the times they had made
coup, and one who had thus touched dreaded enemies
many times was looked upon as a mighty
warrior.

Among certain tribes it was the custom to
show the number of enemies killed by the wearing
of war feathers. These were usually feathers
of the eagle, and were cut or marked to show
how many enemies had been slain. Among the
Dakotas a war feather with a round spot of red
upon it indicated one enemy slain; a notch in
the edge showed that the throat of an enemy was
cut; other peculiarities in the cut, trim, or coloration
told other stories. Of course, such feathers
were highly prized.

Every one has seen pictures of war bonnets
made of eagle feathers. These consisted of a
[pg 044]
crown or band, fitting the head, from which rose
a circle of upright feathers; down the back hung
a long streamer, a band of cloth sometimes reaching
the ground, to which other feathers were attached
so as to make a great crest. As many as
sixty or seventy feathers might be used in such a
bonnet, and, as one eagle only supplies a dozen,
the bonnet represented the killing of five or six
birds. These bonnets were often really worn in
war, and were believed to protect the wearer from
the missiles of the enemy.

The trophy prized above all others by American
Indians was the scalp. Those made in later
days by the Sioux consist of a small disk of
skin from the head, with the attached hair. It
was cut and torn from the head of wounded
or dead enemies. It was carefully cleaned and
stretched on a hoop; this was mounted on a stick
for carrying. The skin was painted red on the
inside, and the hair arranged naturally. If the
dead man was a brave wearing war feathers, these
were mounted on the hoop with the scalp.

It is said that the Sioux anciently took a much
larger piece from the head, as the Pueblos always
did. Among the latter, the whole haired skin,
including the ears, was torn from the head. At
Cochiti might be seen, until lately, ancient scalps
with the ears, and in these there still remained
the green turquoise ornaments.

Apache and Sioux Scalps.

While enemies were generally slain outright,
such was not always the case. When prisoners,
[pg 045]
one of three other fates might await them: they
might be adopted by some member of the tribe,
in place of a dead brother or son; they might
be made to run the gauntlet as
a last and desperate chance of
life. This was a severe test of
agility, strength, and endurance.
A man, given this chance,
was obliged to run between two
lines of Indians, all more or
less armed, who struck at him
as he passed. Usually the
poor wretch fell, covered with
wounds, long before he reached
the end of the lines; if he
passed through, however, his
life was spared. Lastly, prisoners
might be tortured to
death, and dreadful accounts
exist of such tortures among
Iroquois, Algonkin and others. One of the least
terrible was as follows: the unfortunate prisoner
was bound to the stake, and the men and women
picked open the flesh all over the body with knives;
splinters of pine were then driven into the wounds
and set on fire. The prisoner died in dreadful
agony.
[pg 046]

VII. Hunting And Fishing.

To the Indian hunting and fishing were serious
business. Upon the man's success depended
the comfort and even the life of the household.
Game was needed as food. The Indians had to
learn the habits of the different animals so as to
be able to capture or kill them. Boys tried early
to learn how to hunt.

Clark tells of an Indian, more than eighty
years old, who recalled with great delight the
pleasure caused by his first exploit in hunting.
"When I was eight years of age," he said, "I
killed a goose with a bow and arrow and took
it to my father's lodge, leaving the arrow in it.
My father asked me if I had killed it, and I said,
‘Yes; my arrow is in it.’ My father examined
the bird, fired off his gun, turned to an old man
who was in the lodge, presented the gun to him
and said, ‘Go and harangue the camp; inform
them all what my boy has done.’ When I killed
my first buffalo I was ten years old. My father
was right close, came to me and asked if I killed
it. I said I had. He called some old men who
were by to come over and look at the buffalo
his son had killed, gave one of them a pony,
and told him to inform the camp." Such boyish
successes were always the occasion of family
rejoicing.
[pg 047]

To the Indians of the Plains the important
game was buffalo; and for buffalo two great hunts
were made each year,—a summer and a winter
hunt. Sometimes whole villages together went
to these hunts. Few cared to stay behind, for
fear of attack by hostile Indians. Provisions and
valuables which were not needed on the journey
were carefully buried, to be dug up again on the
return. At times the people of a village went
hundreds of miles on these expeditions. Baggage
was carried on ponies in charge of the women.
At night it took but a few minutes to make camp,
and no more was necessary in the morning for
breaking camp and getting on the way.

In journeying they went in single file. Scouts
constantly kept a lookout for herds. When a
herd was sighted, it was approached with the
greatest care: everything was done according to
fixed rules and under appointed leaders. When
ready for the attack, the hunters drawn up in a
single row approached as near as possible to the
herd and waited for the signal to attack. When
it was given, the whole company charged into the
herd, and each did his best to kill all he could.
All were on horseback, and armed with bows and
arrows. They tried to get abreast of the animal
and to discharge the weapon to a vital spot.
One arrow was enough to kill sometimes, but
usually more were necessary. A single successful
hunter might kill four or five in a half hour.

After the killing a lively time ensued. The
[pg 048]
dead animals were skinned, cut up, and carried
on ponies into camp. There the skins were
pegged out to dry, the meat was cut up into
strips or sheets for drying, or made up into
pemmican. Every one was busy and happy in
the prospect of plenty of food.

Sometimes, however, no herds could be found.
Day after day passed without success. The
camp was well-nigh discouraged. Then a buffalo
dance was held. In this the hunters dressed
themselves in the skins and horns of buffalo, and
danced to the accompaniment of special music
and songs.

In dancing, they imitated the movements of
the buffalo, believing that thus they could compel
the animals to appear. Hour after hour, even
day after day, passed in such dancing until some
scout hurrying in reported a herd in sight. Then
the dance would abruptly cease, its object being
gained.

Of course many ingenious devices were employed
in hunting. Antelope were stalked; fur-bearing
animals were trapped or snared. Sometimes
all the animals in a considerable area were
driven into a central space where they were killed,
or from which they were driven between lines of
stones or brush, to some point where they would
fall over a cliff and be killed in the fall. Such
drives used to be common in the Pueblo district.
To-day deer are rarer there; so are the mountain
lion and the bear. Hunts there are more likely
[pg 049]
nowadays to be for rabbits than for larger game.
These are caught in nets, but are more frequently
killed by rabbit sticks, which may be knot-ended
clubs or flat, curved throwing sticks, a little like
the boomerangs of Australia.

Group of Weapons. (From Originals in Peabody Museum, Cambridge.)

The great weapon for hunting was the bow and
arrow. Indian bows ranged from frail, weak
things, hardly suitable for a child, to the "strong
bow" of the Sioux and Crows, which would send
an arrow completely through a buffalo; the most
powerful Colt's revolver—so Clark says—will
not send a ball through the same animal. The
Crows sometimes made beautiful bows of elk
horn; such cost much labor and were highly
valued. Three months' time was spent in making
a single one. Arrows required much care
in their making. In some tribes each man
made all his arrows of precisely one length,
[pg 050]
different from all others. This was an aid in
recognizing them. Many carried with them a
measure, the exact length of their arrows so as to
settle disputes. This was necessary to determine
who had killed a given animal: the carcass belonged
to the man whose arrow was found in it.

Among some eastern tribes, and particularly
in the south, where fine canes grow near streams,
the blow-gun is used. This consists of a piece
of cane perhaps eight or ten feet long, which
is carefully pierced from end to end and then
smoothed inside. Arrows are made from slender
shafts of rather heavy and hard wood. They are
perhaps a foot and a half long and hardly more
than a quarter or an eighth of an inch thick.
They are cut square at one end and pointed at
the other; around the shaft, toward the blunt
end, a wrapping of thistle-down is firmly secured
with thread. This surrounds perhaps three or
four inches of the arrow's length, and has a
diameter such as to neatly fit the bore of the
blow-gun. The arrow is inserted in the tube,
and a sudden puff of breath sends it speeding
on its way. An animal the size of a rabbit or
woodchuck may be killed with this weapon at
an astonishing distance.

Among inland tribes, fishing was usually a matter
of secondary importance. Fish pieced out the
food supply rather than formed its bulk. But
along some seacoasts fish is a very important
food. The tribes of the Northwest Coast live
[pg 051]
almost entirely upon fish. The salmon is particularly
important among them. These tribes
have devised many kinds of lines, hooks, nets,
fish-baskets, traps, and wiers. Everywhere the
commonest mode of securing fish is and was by
spearing.

Birch-Bark Canoe.

Once I went out at night with some Indian
boys of Gay Head, Martha's Vineyard, "neeskotting."
These boys have a good deal of
Indian blood, but they dress, talk, and act in
most ways just like white boys. I think neeskotting,
however, is truly Indian. "We rode down
to the shore in an ox-cart, carrying lanterns with
us. Each boy had a pole, at the end of which
was firmly tied a cod-hook. The tide was falling,
and the wind was blowing in toward shore.
Walking along the beach, with lantern held in
one hand so as to see the shallow water's bottom,
and with the pole in the other hand ready for
use, the boys watched for fish. Hake, a foot or
more long, frost fish, lighter colored and more
slender, and eels, are the usual prey. The hake
and eels rarely come into water less than six
inches deep. Frost fish, on the contrary, come
[pg 052]
close into shore, and on cold nights crowd out on
the very beach. When a fish has been seen, a
sudden stroke of the pole and a quick inpull are
given to impale the prey, and drag it in to shore.
It was an exciting scene. Hither and thither the
boys darted, with strokes and landings, with cries
of joy at success or despair at failure. Finally,
with perhaps fifty hake, twenty frost fish, and one
shining eel, the bottom of our cart was covered,
and we turned homeward."

"Bull-Boat" or Coracle.

In fishing, hunting, and journeying, the woodland
Indians needed some sort of water craft.
They had a number of different kinds of canoes.
The "dug-out," cut from a single tree trunk, is
still used in many of our Southern streams; the
Cherokees in their lovely North Carolina home
have them. Along the Northwest Coast, magnificent
war-canoes, capable of carrying fifty or sixty
persons, were made from single giant logs; these
canoes often had decorative bow and stern pieces
carved from separate blocks. The birch-bark
canoes were made over light wooden frames with
[pg 053]
pieces of birch bark neatly fitted, sewed, and
gummed, to keep out the water. Almost all the
Algonkin tribes and the Iroquois used them upon
their lakes and rivers; they were light enough
to be carried easily across the portages. A few
tribes, the Mandans among others, had the light
but awkward "bull-boat," or coracle, nearly circular,
consisting of a light framework covered with
skin: such were chiefly used in ferrying across
rivers.

VIII. The Camp-Fire.

One of the first things after reaching camp
was to build the camp-fire. Among Indians the
camp-fire not only served for heat and cooking,
but for light, and to scare away animal foes and
bad spirits. You and I would probably have a
hard time making a fire without matches. The
Indian had no matches until he got them from
the whites. There are two ways in which the
Indians made fire. One was by striking two hard
pieces of stone—such as chert or pyrites—together,
which gave a spark, which was caught on
tinder and blown to a flame. Of course white
men used to make fire in much the same way—only
they had a flint and steel. When whites
first came into contact with Indians, they used
the flint and steel, and it was not long before the
[pg 054]
Indians had secured them from the white traders.
Many Indians still use the old-fashioned flint and
steel. Some old Sac and Fox men always carry
them in their tobacco pouch, and use them for
lighting their pipes.

Another Indian method of making fire was by
rubbing two pieces of wood together. It is said
that this is not difficult, but one needs to know
just how, in order to succeed. In the cliff ruins
of the southwest two little sticks are often found
together. One may be a foot or two long, and
the lower end is bluntly pointed, worn smooth,
and blackened as if it had been slightly burned.
The other stick is of the same thickness, but may
be only a few inches long; in it are several conical
hollows, which are charred, smooth, and usually
broken away at the edge. These two sticks
were used by the "cliff-dwellers” for making fire.
The second one was laid down flat on the ground;
the pointed end of the other was placed in one of
the holes in the lower piece, and the stick was
whirled between the hands by rubbing these back
and forth. While the upright stick was being
whirled, it was also pressed down with some little
force. By the whirling and pressure fine wood
dust was ground out which gathered at the broken
edge of the conical cavity. Soon, in the midst
of this fine wood dust, there appeared a spark.
Some dry, light stuff was at once applied to it,
and it was blown into a flame.

Certainly this mode of making fire was hard
[pg 055]
on the hands—it must soon have raised blisters.
Some tribes had learned how to grind out a spark
without this disadvantage. The lower stick was
as before. A little bow was taken, and its cord
was wrapped about the upright stick and tightened.
The two sticks were then put into position,
the top of the upright being steadied with
a small block held in the left hand; the bow
being moved back and forth with the right hand,
the upright was caused to whirl easily and rapidly.
This was used among many of our tribes.

Although making it themselves, many Indians
think the fire made with the bow-drill is sacred,
and that it comes from heaven. Among the
Aztecs of Mexico there was a curious belief and
ceremony. The Aztecs counted their years in
groups of fifty-two, just as we count ours by hundreds
or centuries. They thought the world
would come to an end at the close of one of
these fifty-two year periods. Therefore, they were
much disturbed when such a time approached.
When the end of the cycle really came, all the
fires and lights in the houses had been put out;
not a spark remained anywhere. When it was
night, the people went out along the great causeway
to Itztapalapa, at the foot of the Hill of
the Star. On the summit of this hill was a small
temple. At the proper hour, determined by observing
the stars, the priests cast a victim on the
altar, tore out his heart as usual, and placed the
lower stick of the fire-sticks upon the wound.
[pg 056]
The upright stick was adjusted and whirled. For
a moment all were in great anxiety. The will of
the gods was to be made known. If no spark
appeared, the world would at once be destroyed;
if there came a spark, the gods had decreed at
least one cycle more of existence to the world.
And when the spark appeared, how great was
the joy of the people! All had carried unlighted
torches in their hands, and now these were lighted
with the new fire, and with songs of rejoicing the
crowd hurried back to the city.

Boys know pretty well how Indians cooked
their food. Most of us have roasted potatoes in
the hot ashes, and broiled meat or frogs' legs over
the open fire. The Indians did much the same.
Pieces of meat would be spitted on sharp sticks,
and set so as to hang over the fire. Clams, mussels,
and other things, were baked among the hot
coals or ashes. One time "Old Elsie," a Lipan
woman, took a land turtle, which I brought her
alive, and thrust it head first into the fire. This
not only killed the turtle, but cooked it, and split
open the hard shell box so that she could get at
the meat inside.

Over the fireplace the Indians usually have a
pot or kettle suspended in which various articles
may be boiling together. The Indians invented
succotash, which is a stew of corn and beans; we
have borrowed the thing and the name. At the
first meal I ate among the Sacs and Foxes, we
all squatted on the ground, outside the house
[pg 057]
and near the fire, and took a tin of boiled fish
off the coals. We picked up bits of the fish with
our fingers, and passed the pan around for every
one to have a drink of the soup.

All this is easy cooking; but how would you
go to work to boil buffalo meat if you had no
kettle, pot, nor pan of any kind? A great many
Indian tribes knew how. When a buffalo was
killed, the hide was carefully removed. A bowl-like
hole was scraped out in the ground and lined
with the buffalo skin, the clean side up. This
made a nice basin. Water was put into this and
the pieces of meat laid in. A hot fire was kindled
near by, and stones were heated in it, and then
dropped into the basin of water and meat. So
the food was boiled. A number of tribes cooked
meat in this way, but one was called by a name
that means "stone-boilers"—Assinaboines.

Meat was often dried. In some districts where
the air is clear and dry and the sun hot, the meat
is cut into strips or sheets, and dried by hanging
it on lines near the house. At other places it
was dried and smoked over a fire. Where there
was buffalo meat, the Indian women made pemmican,
which was good. The buffalo meat was
first dried as usual. The dried meat was heated
through over a low fire, and then beaten with
sticks or mauls to shreds. Buffalo tallow was
melted and the shredded meat stirred up in it.
All was then put into a bag made of buffalo skin
and packed as tightly as possible; the bag was
[pg 059]
then fastened up and sewed tight. Sometimes
the marrow-fat was also put into this pemmican,
and dried berries or choke-cherries. Pemmican
kept well a long time, and was such condensed
food that a little of it lasted a long time. It was
eaten dry or stewed up in water into a sort of
soup.

Smoke Signaling. (After Mallery.)

A curious use for fire among some Indians was
in giving signals. A place visible from a great
distance was selected. Upon it a little fire was
built with fuel which gave a dense smoke. Sometimes
the signal depended upon the number of fires
kindled side by side. Thus when Pima Indians
returned from a war-party against Apaches, they
gave smoke signals if they had been successful.
A single fire was built first; its one smoke column
meant success. Then a number of little
fires, kindled in a line side by side, indicated the
number of scalps taken. Sometimes messages
were given by puffs of smoke. When the fire
had been kindled, a blanket was so held as to
prevent the smoke rising. When a lot of smoke
had been imprisoned beneath it, the blanket was
suddenly raised so as to let it escape. It was
then lowered, held, and raised so as to cause a
new puff. These puffs of smoke rose regularly
in long, egg-shaped masses, and according to their
number the message to be sent varied. Such
signaling by smoke puffs was common among
Plains tribes.
[pg 060]

IX. Sign Language On The Plains.

Every one talking with another person who
speaks a different language will, in his effort to
make himself understood, quite surely make some
use of signs. Often the signs so used will seem
naturally to express the desired idea. Once, a
Tonkaway Indian in trying to tell me that all
white men were untruthful, put the first two
fingers of his right hand, slightly separated, near
his mouth and then moved the hand downward
and outward, at the same time slightly spreading
the fingers. By this he meant to say that white
men had two tongues, or were liars. They say
one thing and mean another.

While it is natural for all people to use signs
to convey meaning, the use of signs will be most
frequent where it is a common thing for several
people speaking different languages to come into
contact. While all American Indians use some
gestures, the Plains Indians, who were constantly
meeting other tribes, necessarily made much use
of them. In fact, a remarkable sign language had
grown up among them, whereby Sioux, Crows, Assinaboines,
Pani, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Kiowas,
could readily converse upon any subject.

It is not probable that the sign language was
invented by any one tribe. Many writers have
[pg 061]
claimed that it was made by the Kiowas. Rather,
it grew up of itself among the tribes because
gesturing is natural to peoples everywhere.

Deaf-mutes left to themselves always use signs.
These signs are of two kinds. They either picture
or copy some idea, thing, or action, or they
point out something. It is interesting to find
that the gestures made by deaf-mutes and Indians
are often the same. So true is this, that deaf-mutes
and Indians quite readily understand each
other's signs. Parties of Indians in Washington
for business are sometimes taken to the Deaf-Mute
College to see if the two—Indians and
deaf-mutes—can understand each other. While
they cannot understand every sign, they easily
get at each other's meaning. One time a professor
from a deaf-mute school, who knew little
of Indians and nothing at all of Indian languages,
had no difficulty while traveling through Indian
country in understanding and in making himself
understood by means of signs.

Sign Language on the Plains. (After Mallery.)

We will look at a few examples of Indian
signs. Try and make them from the description,
and see whether you think they are natural
or not. The signs for animal names usually
describe or picture some peculiarity of the animal.

Badger.—The right hand is held with the back
up, fingers extended, touching and pointing to the
front, in front and to the right of the body. This
shows the height of the animal. Then the first and
[pg 062]
second fingers are slightly separated (the rest of the
hand being closed) and drawn from the nose upward
over the top of the head. This shows the striped
face. The two hands are then held in front of
the body, with fingers curved, the backs up,
and drawn as if pawing or scratching.
This has reference to the digging of the
animal. The complete sign thus gives the size, the most
striking mark, and the habit of the animal.

Beaver.—Hold out the left hand, with
the back up, pointing to the right and front,
in front of the body, with the lower part of the arm
horizontal; cross the right hand under it so that the
back of the right hand is against the left palm. Then
leaving the right wrist all the time against the left
palm, briskly move the right hand up and down so it
shall slap against the left palm. The beaver has a
broad, flat tail, with which he strikes mud or water.
The sign imitates this action.
[pg 063]

Buffalo.—Close the hands except the forefingers;
curve these; place the hands then against the sides
of the head, near the top and fairly forward. These
curved forefingers resemble the horns of the buffalo
and so suggest that animal.

Dog.—Place the right hand, with the back up,
in front of and a little lower than the left breast:
the first and second fingers are extended, separated,
and point to the left. The hand is then drawn several
inches to the right, horizontally. I am sure you
never would guess how this came to mean dog. You
remember how the tent poles are dragged by ponies
when camp is moved? Well, before the Indians had
horses as now, the dogs used to have to drag the
poles. This sign represents the dragging of the
poles.

Skunk.—The skunk is a little animal, but it has
rather a complicated sign. (a) The height is indicated
as in the case of the badger. (b) Raise the
right hand, with the back backward, a little to the
right of the right shoulder; all the fingers are closed
except the forefinger, which is curved; the hand is
then moved forward several inches by gentle jerks.
This represents the curious way in which the broad,
bushy tail is carried and the movement of the animal
in walking. (c) Raise right hand toward the
face, with the two first fingers somewhat separated,
to about the chin. Then move it upward until the
nose passes between the separated finger tips. This
means smell. (d) Hold both hands, closed with
backs up, in front of the body, the two being at the
same height. Move them down and outward, at
the same time opening them. This is done rather
briskly and vigorously. It means bad. Thus in the
sign for skunk we give size, character of tail and
movement, and bad smell.

[pg 064]

There are of course signs for the various Indian
tribes, and some of these are interesting
because they usually present some striking characteristic
of the tribe named.

Crow.—Make with the arms the motion of flapping
wings.

Arapaho.—The fingers of one hand touch the
breast in different parts to indicate the tattooing of
that part in points.

Arikara.—often called "corn-eaters," are represented
by imitating the shelling of corn, by holding
the left hand still, the shelling being done with the
right.

Blackfeet.—Pass the flat hand over the outer edge
of the right foot from the heel to beyond the toe, as
if brushing off dust.

Comanche and Shoshone.—Imitate with the hand
or forefinger the crawling motion of the snake.

Flathead.—The hand is raised and placed against
the forehead.

We will only give one more example. The
sign for crazy is as follows:—

Slightly contract the fingers of the right hand without
closing it; bring it up to and close in front of the
forehead; turn the hand so that the finger tips describe
a little circle.

Bad boys sometimes speak of people having
wheels in their head. This Indian sign certainly
seems to show that the Indian idea of craziness is
about the same as the boys'.

Captain Clark wrote a book on the Indian
[pg 065]
sign language, in which he described great numbers
of these curious signs. Lieutenant Mallery,
too, made a great collection of signs and wrote
a long paper about them. A third gentleman
has tried to make type which shall print the
sign language. He made more than eight hundred
characters. With these he plans to teach
the old Indians to read papers and books printed
in the signs. He thinks that the Indian can take
such a paper, and making the signs which he
sees there pictured, he will understand the
meaning of the article.

W. P. Clark.—Soldier. Author of Indian Sign Language,
which not only is a convenient dictionary of signs, but contains
much general information regarding Indians.

Garrick Mallery.—Soldier, ethnologist. Connected with
Bureau of Ethnology from its establishment until his death.
His most extended papers are: Sign Language among North
American Indians, Pictographs of the North American Indians,
Picture Writing of the American Indians.

Lewis Hadley.—Inventor of Indian Sign Language type.

X. Picture Writing.

The Indians did not know how to write words
by means of letters. There were, however, many
things which they wished to remember, and they
had found out several ways in which to record
these.
[pg 066]

Thus among the Sacs and Foxes there is a
long legend with songs telling about their great
teacher, the good, wise, and kind Wisuka. It
is difficult to remember exactly such long narratives,
but with objects to remind the reciter of
each part, it is not so hard. So the persons who
are to repeat the legend have a micäm. This
is a wooden box, usually kept carefully wrapped
up in a piece of buckskin and tied with a leathern
thong; in it are a variety of curious objects,
each one of which reminds the singer or reciter
of one part of the narrative. Thus he is sure
not to leave out any part. In the same way
mystery men among other Algonkin tribes have
pieces of birch bark upon which they scratch
rude pictures, each of which reminds them of
the first words of the different verses in their
songs. Such reminders are great helps to the
memory. Among the Iroquois and some eastern
Algonkins, they used, as we shall see, wampum
belts to help remember the details of treaties
or of important events.

Among many tribes pictures were used for
recording matters of importance. Many Sioux
chiefs have written the story of their life in pictures.
They took several large sheets of paper
and gummed the edges together so as to make
one long strip. Upon this they made pictures
representing the important incidents in their
lives. Thus in one picture was shown where,
as a boy, the artist shot his first deer; in another
[pg 067]
was represented his first hunting party; in another,
how he went on the war-path to gain
the name of brave; in another, where he danced
the sun dance; again, how he went to Washington
to see the white men's officers, on business.

The most important record made by the Sioux
is the Dakota Calendar. More than a century
ago a Sioux Indian determined to keep a count
of the years and of their happenings. So he
began a record which was called a "winter
count," where the events of the different years
were shown by pictures. His idea became popular,
and a number of these winter counts were
begun by other Indians. The most important
of these is one which has been called the Dakota
Calendar. It belonged for a long time
to an Indian named Lone Dog. The one he
had was a copy on cloth from a still older one,
which had been made upon a buffalo skin. This
count appears to have begun about the year
1800.

The Dakota Calendar. (After Mallery.)

Each year its maker selected some important
event, by which the year was to be remembered,
and made a picture for it. The first five or six
pictures run in a nearly straight line to the left;
the line of pictures then coils around and around
this, the last picture always being added to the
end of the coiled line. The pictures are in
black and red, and while rudely drawn, most
of them can be easily recognized. In 1801 the
[pg 069]
Sioux had a terrible attack of smallpox, and
many of them died; the picture for the year is
a man covered with red spots. Whooping-cough
is a disease of which white people have little
fear, but it is sometimes very destructive to
Indians; in 1813 it was among the Sioux, and
the picture for that year was a man coughing,
as shown by lines diverging from in front of his
mouth. In 1840 the Sioux made a treaty of
peace with the Cheyennes; the picture shows
two hands extended for a friendly grasp. In
1869 there was a total eclipse of the sun, which
is represented by a blackened sun and two stars
in red: "The stars were seen in the daytime."
In 1833 was the famous display of meteors or
falling stars, which was witnessed in all parts of
the United States, causing great excitement;
many white people believed that it portended
the destruction of the world. This star shower
was noticed by the Sioux keeper of the winter
count, and is represented by a black moon and
a lot of red stars represented as falling. You
can pick out these different figures in the picture,
which represents Lone Dog's winter count,
or the Dakota Calendar as it would look on a
buffalo hide.

Indian Letter on Birch Bark. (From Schoolcraft.)

Probably you have all seen pictures of a birch-bark
letter written many years ago by an Ojibwa
Indian. It was written by one of Schoolcraft's
guides. Mr. Schoolcraft, with a party of assistants
and soldiers, was on a journey of exploration
[pg 070]
in the Northwest. One morning as they were
leaving camp, Schoolcraft saw an Indian putting
a bit of birch bark, upon which he had drawn
some pictures in black, into a cleft at the end of
a pole. This pole was then stuck slantingly into
the ground and three notches were cut in it.
When Mr. Schoolcraft asked his guide for an
explanation, he said this letter would inform any
Ojibwa Indians who might pass, about their
party. The eagle in the upper corner showed
that they were from Washington—government
people. The other pictures showed that there
were eight common soldiers each with a gun;
that there were six officers, the duty of each being
indicated by something carried in the hand,—the
captain by his sword, the secretary by
his book, the geologist by his hammer, etc.; that
[pg 071]
soldiers and officers were white men, as shown
by their wearing hats; that there were two
guides, Indians, as shown by their having no
hats and carrying spears; that the night before
there were three fires in the camp, soldiers,
officers, and guides, camping separately; that
during the day there had been secured a prairie
hen and a turtle, both of which had been taken
by the officers for supper. But other facts were
shown besides those told in the pictures. The
pole stuck into the ground pointed the direction
in which the party would journey; the three
notches on the pole told that they would journey
in that direction three days.

Of all American Indians those who went
farthest in the direction of developing writing
were some of those living in Mexico and Central
America. The Aztecs had an extensive system
of picture writing. By means of pictures they
recorded their traditional history and gave full
directions regarding the worship of the gods.
They had real books written with these pictures.
These books were written sometimes on
skin, sometimes on paper. The Aztecs made
two kinds of paper, one of the soft inner bark of
a tree, the other from the maguey plant. The
latter sort was beaten out of the mass of leaf
fibres after they had been soaked in water. The
maguey plant is much like the century plant
which you have seen in parks and greenhouses.
The paper or dressed skin was made into long
[pg 072]
narrow strips many feet in length. These strips
were folded back and forth like a screen, and the
ends were fastened to two thin boards which
served as covers for the book. Sometimes bits
of polished green stone were inlaid into these
covers to make them pretty. Some of these old
books are still in existence, though most of them
have long been destroyed. We cannot read any
of them very well because pictures are uncertain
means of conveying information. Still we can
tell something about their meaning.

Page of Aztec Book. (From Photograph.)

Charles V, to know about them,
and ordered three skilled painters of the Aztecs
to prepare a book to be sent to the Emperor.
Each artist took a different subject, so the book
[pg 073]
consists of three parts. The first gives a picture-written
story of the Aztecs from the time when
they began their wanderings; the second gives a
list of the towns that paid tribute to the city of
Mexico and a statement of the kind and amount
of tribute each paid; the third shows how children
were trained, how they were punished when
they were naughty, and what kind of work they
were taught. Of course the Emperor would not
understand the meaning of all these queer pictures,
far different from anything he had ever
seen; so Mendoza had an explanation or translation
written with all the pictures. This is as
fortunate for us as it was for the Emperor: in
this way we can learn something about the use
and meaning of these characters.

XI. Money.

Indians have always been fond of beads and of
shells. Wampum is shell beads of an especial
shape—cylindrical, with square cut ends, and
with a length one and a half times their thickness
or more. This wampum was made from a thick
and heavy sea-shell. A piece was split off, and
then ground down until it was like a wheat straw
in shape and size. It was then cut into lengths
[pg 074]
and drilled. The drilling was slow and tedious
work. A point of stone, or, after the whites
came, of metal, was struck into a cane or reed.
The bit of shell to be drilled was held in the left
hand; the drill was rolled on the thigh with the
right hand. There were two kinds of wampum—white
and purple. The purple was most
valued. Thomas Morton quaintly wrote in 1630—that
is, it sounds quaint to us now,—"White
with them is as silver with us, the other as our
gould."

Originally wampum was simply ornamental.
But it is always easy for things that are prized as
ornament to be used in trade. So wampum was
used as a medium of exchange; it was really the
money of the eastern Indians. Strings of it
passed from hand to hand as coin does with us.
Sometimes the ornamental string worn a moment
before would be removed to buy some object seen
and desired. The famous New England chief,
King Philip, is said to have had a coat "made
all of wampampeog, which when in need of
money, he cuts to pieces and distributes it plentifully."

Among the Algonkin and Iroquois tribes broad
belts or bands of wampum were neatly woven.
The work consisted, like all weaving, of two sets
of threads. The long warp threads were crossed
by threads laden with beads. These belts were
neat and handsome and often contained thousands
of beads. The differently colored beads
[pg 075]
were so combined as to make striking designs
and figures.

Wampum Belt. (After Holmes.)

These fine belts were often given as pledges of
faith and agreement at the making of treaties.
Some which were kept in the tribe were made
to help in remembering the terms of the treaty.
Thus, when an orator was speaking, he would
hold up a wampum belt, and in making a point
of special importance would call attention to
some figure in the belt, which would serve ever
after to remind every one present of what he had
said. Among the Onondagas (Iroquois) there
was an officer known as the "keeper of the belts,"
whose business it was to know all these figures
and the different ideas connected with them, and
to make them known to the people from time to
time.

There is a common little sea-shell found in the
Pacific Ocean called the dentalium. It is pretty,
clear white, very smooth, and shaped much like
a wee elephant's tusk. The natives of the coast
are fond of it as ornament, and among them
strings of dentalium shells serve for money just
as wampum did in the east. They were secured
usually by a peculiar mode of fishing. Thus we
[pg 076]
are told at Forward Inlet a number of split sticks
or twigs were tied together into a bunch; this was
tied to the end of several poles lashed together
so as to reach the bottom in deep water. It was
driven down into the mud, and then brought up
with the shells caught or tangled in it. The
value of the shells depended on their length.
Little ones were good enough to be worn as
ornaments, but the larger they were, the more
value they had as money. Powers, speaking of
the Hupa (California) Indians, says: "The standard
of measurement is a string of five shells.
Nearly every man has ten lines tattooed across
the inside of his left arm about half way between
the wrist and the elbow; and in measuring shell-money
he takes the string in his right hand, draws
one end over his left thumb-nail, and if the other
end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines,
the five shells are worth $25 in gold, or $5 a
shell. Of course it is only one in ten thousand
that is long enough to reach this high value.
The longest ones usually seen are worth about
$2, that is $10 to the string. Single shells are
also measured on the creases on the inside of the
left middle finger, a $5 shell being one which will
reach between the two extreme creases. No shell
is treated as money at all unless it is long enough
to rate at 25 cents. Below that it degenerates
into squaw money, and goes to form part of a
woman's necklace."

Shell beads are much prized among the Pueblo
[pg 077]
Indians, and are sometimes in size and shape very
like true wampum. At other times they are thin,
flat, rather broad pierced disks. These Indians
also delight in ornaments made out of haliotis or
"abalone" shell. This shell is a large single
valve, shaped a little like the ear of some large
animal, and hence sometimes called "ear-shell."
The outside is rough and unattractive, but the
interior is pearly and of rich colors,—purple,
green, blue, red, crimson, often many of these
bright colors showing in a small space. Where
the rough outside of the shell is ground away the
whole material is found to be pearly and rich in
color. This shell is cut into elliptical, oblong, or
fancifully formed plates which are pierced and
hung by a cord. Men used to make long journeys
to the Pacific Coast to secure shells. Even
from the eastern pueblos on the Rio Grande such
journeys were customary, and many of the men
at Cochiti delight to tell of their journey, perhaps
the most important event of their lives.
They loaded their burros with things to trade
and with supplies, and then struck across a country,
desert and hostile, in the hope of bringing
back a great load of the precious shell material.

For another precious material they had not far
to go. Turquoise was highly prized. This is a
hard, fine-grained blue, bluish green, or green
stone, that is found at several localities in New
Mexico. It has been mined for a long time near
[pg 078]
Los Cerillos, and the old diggings and the old
stone tools with which they were worked may still
be seen. Modern Indians still work the same
precious veins, and bits of the rough stone may
pass from hand to hand in trade. In drilling the
shell and turquoise beads to-day a little drill is
used which is called a pump-drill. An upright
stick bears a point of hard stone or iron at the
bottom. This passes through a hole in a little
flat board an inch or so wide and six or eight
inches long; strings or thongs pass from the ends
of this board to the top of the upright stick. On
the upright stick, not far from the lower end, is
fastened a thin, wide disk of wood, three inches
across. This serves as a fly-wheel to regulate the
whirling of the stick. When this little machine
is properly adjusted, it is made to whirl by pressing
down on the crossbow, and then releasing
the pressure, pressing down again, etc. It
works very well, and drills the hard turquoise and
the softer shell neatly. These beads and ornaments
of shell or turquoise are so highly prized
that they easily serve the purposes of trade. So
much do the Navajo desire the turquoise that
they readily exchange for it their beautiful blankets,
neat silver-work, or finest ponies.

Blankets have always been greatly prized by
all Indians, whether they be made out of skins,
bark, or wool. The white man has taken advantage
of this fact, and to-day his blankets are to be
found everywhere. In some places they have
[pg 079]
become the real money and have regular set
values. In British Columbia, most of the tribes
reckon all values in Hudson Bay blankets. These
blankets are traded out by the Hudson Bay company
and are of various sizes. These sizes are
always indicated by some black lines worked into
the blanket along the edge. The largest size is
called a "four point," the smallest a "one point"
blanket. One size is considered the standard; it
is the "two-and-a-half point" size. When any
one speaks of "a blanket," a two-and-a-half point
blanket is meant. Skins of different animals are
said to be worth so many "blankets."

The Tlingit and Haida Indians of Alaska and
Queen Charlotte Islands used to feel very proud
if they were owners of "coppers." They did not
smelt copper, but they used to beat it into various
forms. The form most prized, called "a copper,"
was of no use, but indicated wealth. "Coppers"
were flat sheets of equal thickness throughout
except at the edges, which were thicker than the
body; there was also upon them a raised pattern
something like a T; sometimes also a face was
scratched upon their upper part. Such coppers
were formerly worth ten slaves each. Lately,
however, the whites have taken to making them
for trade, and they have become so common that
they are much less prized. Still, until quite
lately, they were worth from forty to eighty
blankets, or from sixty to one hundred and twenty
dollars.
[pg 080]

William Henry Holmes.—Geologist, archæologist, artist.
At present he is at the head of the anthropological work of the
United States National Museum. Has written important works:
among them, Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans and Archæological
Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico.

XII. Medicine Men And Secret Societies.

All Indians believe in spirits. Some are good
and help men who please them; others are bad
and always anxious to do harm. The spirits are
all about us. They are in plants, and trees, and
rustling leaves; they are in the wind and cloud
and rain; they are in the mountain and in the
brook. It is spirits that cause trouble, suffering,
and death. When a man is ill, some bad spirit
has taken away his soul or has entered into him.

It is not strange, then, that the Indians should
wish to gain power over these spirits. If a man
knows some words, the saying of which will protect
him against them, he is fortunate; fortunate
is he, too, if he knows some object which, carried,
will disarm them, or if he can perform some trick
which will put them to flight. Such knowledge
is what the Indians mean by "medicine" or
"mystery." Men who spend their lives in trying
to gain such knowledge are called medicine men,
mystery men, or Shamans.

Rattles and Masks: Alaska. (From Originals in Peabody Museum.)

The Shaman among the tribes of the Northwest
[pg 081]
Coast is an important person. He decided, when
a boy, that he would become a Shaman. He
selected some old Shaman for his teacher and
learned from him his secrets. By experiments,
by dreaming, and by trading with other Shamans
he got other secrets. To help him in his dealings
with spirits the Shaman makes use of many
devices. He sleeps upon a wooden pillow, which
is carved with otter heads; these are believed to
[pg 082]
whisper wisdom to him while he sleeps. Upon
his dancing-dress little carved figures, in ivory,
are hung, which give him spirit influence, partly
by the forms into which they are cut, and partly
by the jingling noise they make when he dances.
He wears a mask, the animal carvings on which
control spirits. He uses a rattle and a tambourine
to summon spirits. He has a spirit pole or wand
quaintly carved, with which he fences, fighting
and warding off spirits which he alone can see.
The people sitting by see his brave fighting and
hear his shrieks and cries; in this way only they
can judge how many and how powerful are the
spirits against whom he is fighting, for their
good.

Sometimes when dancing the Shaman becomes
so excited that he falls in a fit—quivering, gasping,
struggling. It is believed, at such times,
either that some mighty spirit has taken possession
of him, or that his own soul has gone to the
land of spirits. Sometimes when he comes to
himself he tells of his wonderful journeys and
battles.

Among the Haida of the Queen Charlotte
Islands, when a sick man is to be cured, three or
four Shamans come together at his side. All
sing and rattle until they find out where the soul
of the sick man is. It may be in the possession
of the salmon or the oolachen fish, or it may be
held a prisoner by some dead Shaman. They go
to the place where it is supposed to be, and by
[pg 083]
singing and charms succeed in getting it into a
carved hollow bone used only for this purpose.
Various precious things are then burned and the
soul bone held in the smoke. The bone is then
laid by the side of the patient's head that his soul
may return.

Many astonishing stories are told of the powers
of medicine men. A missionary among the Crees,
Edgerton R. Young, told me of a white man who
was once out hunting. He came upon an old
medicine man, who begged him for game, as he
was hungry. The white man made sport of him,
saying, "You are a great medicine man; why not
get game for yourself?" The old man was enraged.
He cried out, "White man, see yonder
goose," and pointed his finger into the air. The
goose fell fluttering at their feet, and the old man
picked it up and walked away. The white man
really thought this thing happened. Perhaps the
old medicine man had hypnotized him; if so,
the only goose anywhere around was probably the
white man.

The eastern Algonkins were fond of medicine
or mystery. Two great medicine men would
have a contest to see which was more powerful.
Many of their stories tell of such contests. Two
powers, which they did seem to have, attracted
much attention and caused much terror. These
were screaming and sinking into the ground.
Leland quotes an Indian regarding these: "Two
or three weeks after, I was in another place,
[pg 084]
we spoke of m'teoulin [mystery men]. The
white folks ridiculed them. I said there was
one in Fredericton, and I said I would bet ten
dollars that he would get the better of them.
And they bet that no Indian could do more than
they could. So the m'teoulin came, and first he
screamed so that no one could move. It was
dreadful. Then he took seven steps through
the ground up to his ankles, just as if it had been
light snow. When I asked for the ten dollars,
the white men paid."

Ojibwa medicine men have often been tested
by white men who doubted their powers. Thus
one old medicine man had two little houses built
at some distance apart. He was shut up in one,
and the whites built a ring of fire around it.
Then, no one could tell how, he appeared unharmed
walking out of the other house. These
things are no doubt tricks or delusions, but the
medicine man's apparent ability to do them
greatly increased his influence among the people.

Much use is made of words as charms and of
sacred numbers. Four and seven are sacred
numbers among the Cherokees. Once, wishing
to see his method of curing disease, I asked the
old medicine man to treat my lame arm. He
sent out for four kinds of leaves, which were to
be fresh and young, and one other sort which
was to be dry and dead. The latter had little
thorns along its edges. The old man pounded
up the four kinds in warm water. He then
[pg 085]
scratched the arm with the other, nearly drawing
blood. The arm was rubbed with the bruised
leaves. The medicine man then blew upon my
arm seven times. He went through this operation
of rubbing and blowing four times, thus
combining the numbers four and seven. He
repeated charms all the time as he rubbed.

The Shaman does business as an individual.
He expects pay from those who employ him.
His knowledge and power over spirits is individual
and for individuals. Among some tribes
we find not single medicine men, but great secret
societies which have learned spirit wisdom to use
for the benefit of the society, or for the good of
the whole tribe. Such secret societies are notable
in the Southwest—and elsewhere. They
may work to cure disease in individuals; they
also work for the whole tribe. Among the Moki
Pueblos, the societies of the Snake and of the
Antelope carry on the snake dance, that the
whole people may have rain for their fields.

XIII. Dances And Ceremonials.

The dances of Indians are sometimes, like
our own, simply social and for pleasure. They
are more frequently religious or for some important
purpose.
[pg 086]

They are always accompanied by music. Indian
music is in perfect swing or time. Most
Indian musical instruments are simply time
beaters. The commonest is the rattle. This
varies with place and tribe. Among Northwest
Coast tribes it is of wood, elaborately carved,
both in form and decoration. A common rattle
in that district is cut into the form of a bird—the
raven. Some of the old rattles, made and
used by Shamans a hundred years ago, are still
in existence: they were probably carved with
knives and chisels of stone, but they are better
done than most of the modern ones, which have
been cut out with metal tools. Some of the
Plains tribes had leather rattles,—balls of dried
skin fastened over the end of a little wooden
handle. Many tribes used gourds for rattles.
Some of these are round, about the size of an
apple; such were pierced and a wooden handle
thrust through. Others are flask or bottle
shaped; such need no handle beyond the one
supplied by nature.

Drums and tambourines of various kinds are
used in time beating. The beaters usually take
no other part in the dance, but sit by themselves
at one side. Frequently each dancer has a rattle.
Sometimes a stick notched across with
deep notches is used. Across these notches a
thin bone, usually a shoulder-blade, is rubbed
with a good deal of force. Such rubbed sticks
are very good time beaters. They are used by
[pg 087]
Apaches, Pueblos, and Tonkaways. Among the
old Aztecs, they had a similar instrument, but
made of a long bone instead of from a stick.

Indians prepare for dances with much care.
The hair is combed and arranged. The face
and body are painted. A special dance dress
is frequently worn. This dress is often of ancient
form and decoration. Sometimes all this
preparation is just to make the dancers look
pretty; more frequently, however, the dress and
decoration have some meaning, and often they
mimic some creature or copy the dress worn by
some great person of their legends. Thus in
the buffalo and the bear dances, skins of buffalo,
with the head, skin, and horns attached,
or the skins of bears, were put on, to make the
dancers look like these animals.

The meaning and uses of dances differ greatly.
The war dance, in which the men are painted
as if for war and have about them everything
that can make them think of war, is intended
to influence them for battle. The music, songs,
movements, prayers, and offerings all relate to
the coming conflict. The scalp dance is in
celebration of victory. The buffalo dance is
magical and is to compel the coming of herds
of that animal. At some dances the story told
by the tribe in regard to the creation of the
world and how man learned things is all acted
out; the dancers are dressed to represent the
spirits, or beings who made, helped, or taught
[pg 088]
the tribe, and the dance is a real drama. Among
the Pueblos and some other southwestern tribes,
many dances are prayers for rain; the songs sung
and the movements made all have reference to the
rain so much desired.

In one of these dances the drummers make
curious, beckoning gestures to bring up the
rain clouds. In some the dancers carry sticks
curiously jointed together so as to open and
shut in zigzag movements, which are meant to
look like lightning and are believed to bring
it; other dancers imitate the thunder. Sometimes
the dancers and others are drenched with
water thrown upon them, in order that the town
and its fields may be drenched with rain.

Many dances are only a part of some great
religious ceremonial. Thus the sun dance follows
several days of fasting and prayer, and the
snake dance is but a small part of a nine days'
ceremonial. Indian religion abounds in such
long ceremonials with a vast number of minute
details. The songs, prayers, and significant actions
used in some of them must number many
hundreds.

In order that the desired result of ceremonials
should be secured, it was necessary that the persons
performing it should be pure. There were
many ways to purify or cleanse oneself. Sometimes
a sweat bath was taken, after which the body
was rubbed with sweet-smelling plants. The person
might sit in smoke that came from burning
[pg 089]
some sacred herb or wood. He might fast for
several days. He might refuse to touch or come
into contact with his friends, or with the objects
he was in the habit of using. Many times it was
thought necessary that the objects which he was
to use in the ceremony must be new, or must be
purified by being held in sacred smoke.

In ceremonies, much attention is paid to sacred
numbers. The number most often sacred is four.
Four men are often concerned in one act; four
drums may be used; the men may fast four days;
an action may be repeated four times. If a thing
is done sixteen times, four times four, it might be
still better. In the snake-dance ceremonial there
are sixteen sacred songs, which are sung at one
sitting.

Seven is a sacred number among the Cherokees;
it is less important than four, but the two
may be combined, and twenty-eight often occurs.
Thus the scratcher used upon the ball-players has
seven teeth and is drawn four times, making
twenty-eight scratches.

Connected with the sacred number four, the
Indians give much importance to the cardinal
points—north, west, south, and east. They always
pay attention to these when they dance and
pray. Some tribes recognize more than four
world's points, adding the up and the down, or
the above and the below, making six in all. A
few think of the place where they themselves
are, and speak of seven points; so the Zuñi have
[pg 090]
the north, west, south, east, above, below, and the
center. When they prepared their medicine lodge
for the sun dance, the Mandans put one of their
curious, turtle-shaped, skin water-drums at each
of the four world quarters. Usually in ceremonials,
Indians pray to each of these quarters, and
make an offering toward it.

One of the commonest offerings made in ceremonials
is the smoke of tobacco. Gods and spirits
are believed to be fond of it. In smoking to their
honor, a puff is blown in turn to each of the
four points, and then perhaps up, and possibly
down. In the Pueblos, every religious act is
accompanied by the scattering of sacred meal.
This sacred meal is a mixture of corn meal and
pounded sea-shells. It is sprinkled everywhere to
secure kindly spirit influence. A pinch of it is
thrown to the north, west, south, east, up and
down. Frank Cushing once took a party of
Zuñi Indians to the Atlantic Ocean to get sea-water
for certain ceremonials. On the way, the
Indians saw many novel and strange things which
they did not understand. When they saw such,
they sprinkled sacred meal to render them harmless
and kindly.

Prayer sticks are much used among the Pueblos.
They are bits of stick to which feathers are
attached. They are set up wherever it is desired
to have the good will of spirit powers. For
several days before the Moki snake dance, messengers
are sent out with prayer sticks to be set
[pg 091]
up near springs and sacred places. Such prayer
sticks are put up near fields where corn is planted,
or buried in the earth in corrals where ponies or
burros are kept. Other offerings are made at especially
sacred spots. In mountain caves there
are often masses of prayer sticks, miniature bows
and arrows, and other tiny things meant as gifts
to the gods.

Each of the cardinal points may have a color
that is proper to it. The use of sacred colors for
the cardinal points is found among the Pueblos,
Navajo, many Siouan tribes, the Pani, and others.
It was the custom also among the old Aztecs in
Mexico. A curious example of the use of these
colors is found in the sand altars of the Pueblos
and Navajo. They are made in many ceremonials.
They are made of different colored sands
produced by pounding up rocks. The sand altars
are rectangular in form, and are made on the
floor. A layer of one color of sand may be spread
out for a foundation; upon it may be put a sheet
of sand of a different color and of smaller size, so
that the margin of the first serves as a border of
the second; additional layers may be added, each
bordering the one that follows it. Finally, upon
the topmost layer, curious and interesting designs
may be made. One sand altar in the Moki snake
dance had an outer broad border of brownish
yellow sand; then followed broad borders of white
and black; upon this black border were four
snakes in red, green, yellow, and blue, one on each
[pg 092]
side of the square; then came narrower borders
of white, red, green, yellow, one within the other;
within these was a central square of green, upon
which was a yellow mountain lion.

You see that Indian ceremonials are often very
complex, with many dances, decorations, purifyings,
prayers, gifts, and altars.

XIV. Burial And Graves.

Almost all savage and barbarous peoples look
upon death as due to bad spirits, to witchcraft, or
to violence. They cannot realize that men should
die of old age. Disease is generally thought to
be due to bad spirits or to the influence of some
medicine man.

After a man dies there are many ways of treating
the body. Usually the face is painted almost
as if the person were preparing for a feast or a
dance. The Otoes and many other tribes dress
out the body in its choicest clothing and finest
ornaments.

Probably burial in the ground is the commonest
way of disposing of the dead body. The
exact method varies. The grave may be deep, or
it may be so shallow as hardly to be a grave at
all. The body may be laid in extended to its
full length, or it may be bent and folded together
[pg 093]
into the smallest possible space, and tied securely
in this way. Great attention is frequently given
to the direction toward which the face or the body
is turned. Among some tribes it makes no difference
whether the earth touches the body; in
others the greatest care is taken to prevent this.

The Sacs and Foxes in Iowa have their graveyards
on the side of a hill, high above the surrounding
country. The graves are shallow; the
body, wrapped in blankets, is laid out at full
length; little, if any, earth is thrown directly
upon the body, but a little arched covering made
of poles laid side by side, lengthwise of the body,
is built over it, and a little earth may be thrown
upon it. A pole is set at the head of the grave
to the top of which is hung a bit of rag or a little
cloth, the flapping of which, perhaps, keeps off
bad spirits. Various objects are laid upon the
grave: for men, bottles, and perhaps knives; for
women, buckets and pans, such as are used in
their daily work; for little children, the baby-boards
on which they used to lie, and the little
toys of which they were fond.

Sometimes grave-boxes were made of slabs of
stone. Such are known in various parts of the
United States, but are most common in Tennessee,
where ancient cemeteries, with hundreds of
such graves, are known. (See XV. Mounds and
their Builders.) Sometimes the bodies of those
lately dead were buried in these, but sometimes
there were placed in them the dry bones of people
[pg 094]
long dead, who had been buried elsewhere, or
whose bodies had been exposed for a time on
scaffolds or in dead-houses. Among several
northeastern tribes it was the custom to place the
bodies for some time in dead-houses, or temporary
graves, and at certain times to collect together all
the bones, and bury them at once in some great
trench or hole.

Most tribes buried objects with the dead.
With a man were buried his bow and arrows, war-club,
and choicest treasures. The woman was
accompanied by her ornaments, tools, and utensils.
Even the child had with it its little toys
and cradle, as we have seen in connection with
the Sacs and Foxes. The Indians believed that
people have souls which live somewhere after the
men die. These souls hereafter delight to do the
same things the men did here. There they hunt,
and fish, and war, work and play, eat and drink.
So weapons and tools, food and drink, were placed
with the body in the grave.

They knew perfectly well that the things do
not go away; they believed, however, that things
have souls, as men do, and that it is the soul of
the things that goes with the soul of the man into
the land of spirits. Among tribes that are great
horsemen, like the Comanches, a man's ponies
are killed at his death. His favorite horse, decked
out in all his trappings, is killed at the grave, so
that the master may go properly mounted. When
a little child among the Sacs and Foxes dies, a
[pg 095]
little dog is killed at the grave to accompany the
child soul, and help the poor little one to find its
way to the spirit world. Such destruction or
burial of property may be very nice for the dead
man's soul, but it is not nice for the man's survivors,
who are sometimes quite beggared by it.

Sometimes the objects put into or upon a grave
are broken, pierced, or bent. The purpose in
thus making the objects "dead" has sometimes
been said to be to set free the soul of the object;
far more frequently, it is likely that it is to prevent
bad persons robbing the grave for its treasures.

Cremation or burning the dead body was found
among a number of Indian tribes, particularly
upon the Pacific Coast. The Senel in California
and some Oregon tribes are among these. So
are the Tlingit of Alaska and their near neighbors
and kin, the Haida of Queen Charlotte
Islands. Among the last two tribes all but the
Shamans were usually burned. The Shamans
were buried in boxes raised on tall posts. After
a Tlingit or Haida body was burned the ashes
were usually gathered and placed in a little box-like
cavity excavated in an upright post near its
base; at the top of this post was a cross-board on
which was carved or painted the totem or crest of
the dead man.

Where there were great caves (as in Kentucky),
and where the people dwelt in caverns (as at one
time in the Southwest), the dead were often laid
[pg 096]
away in some corner of the cave. In almost all
such cases the body was folded into the smallest
space, with the knees drawn up against the
chin; it was then wrapped up in blankets and
robes and corded. Such bodies were generally
not buried, but simply stowed away. These dried
bodies are sometimes called "mummies," but that
name should only be used when something has
been done to the body with the definite purpose
of preserving it.

Scaffold Burial. (After Yarrow.)

Mention has already been made of box burial
in connection with the Tlingit and Haida Shamans.
Many Eskimos bury their dead in boxes
supported on posts. The weapons, tools, and
utensils of the dead are usually stuck upon the
posts or hung over the boxes. The Ponkas also
[pg 097]
bury in raised boxes, and at their present reservation
in Oklahoma there are two extensive cemeteries
of this kind.

Among some tribes in the extreme northwestern
part of the United States canoes are
used instead of boxes. They are supported
above ground by posts. Usually two canoes are
used; the body is placed in the lower, larger one;
the smaller one is turned upside down over the
corpse and fits within the larger. In the Mississippi
and Missouri valley region many Siouan
tribes placed their dead upon scaffolds, supported
by poles at a height of six or eight feet in the air.
Extensive cemeteries of this kind used to occupy
high points overlooking the rivers; they could
be seen—dreary sights—a long way across the
country. Some tribes in wooded districts placed
the dead in trees. Often scaffold and tree burial
were only temporary, the body being later taken
elsewhere for permanent burial. One time, visiting
a winter camp of the Sacs and Foxes, far
from their permanent village, we saw a strange
bundle in a tree. It was the blanketed corpse of
an old woman who had died a few days before;
the party took it with them when they returned
home in the spring.

We should find some of the mourning customs
interesting. The friends of the dead wail and
scream fearfully; they cut off their hair; they
gash their bodies; they sometimes even chop off
their finger tips or whole joints. They watch by
[pg 098]
the grave—this is particularly
true of women. Food and drink
are often carried to the grave
for some time after the burial.
Fires are kindled to supply light
or heat to the soul on its long
journey.

Ojibwa Gravepost. (From Schoolcraft.)

Not many tribes have special posts or marks at the grave. A
few do. The Ojibwa made such with much care. Usually
they bore pictures or marks telling about the dead man.
His totem animal was often represented, usually upside
down to indicate that the bearer of the emblem was
dead.

H. C. Yarrow.—Army physician, ethnologist. Wrote, among
other papers, A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary
Customs of the North American Indians.

XV. Mounds And Their Builders.

In many parts of the United States, from
western New York to the Rocky Mountains and
even beyond, there are great numbers of artificial
heaps and extensive embankments of earth.
[pg 099]
These show skill in construction, and from them
have been dug many relics of artistic merit and
good workmanship. At one time these earthworks
and relics were generally believed to be
the work of a single, highly civilized people, who
preceded the Indians, who were not related to
them, and who are now extinct. To this people
the name "mound-builders" was given.

There are three ways in which we can learn
about these so-called "mound-builders." We
may learn something from the mounds themselves,
from the relics found in the mounds, and
from the bones of persons who were buried in
them.

Studying the mounds themselves, we find that
they differ in different areas. We will look at
three areas:

(1) In Ohio there are thousands of mounds
and earthworks. Near every important modern
town there are groups of them. Cincinnati,
Chillicothe, Dayton, Xenia, are all near important
mounds.

The regular enclosures are numerous in this
area: these are great embankments of earth inclosing
a regular space. Some are in the form
of circles; others are four-sided; in a few cases
they are eight-sided. Sometimes a square and a
circle are united. There is one such combination
at Hopeton; one of the embankments is a
nearly true circle containing twenty acres; joined
to it is a square of almost the same area.
[pg 100]

At Newark there was a wonderful group of
enclosures. The group covered about two miles
square and consisted of three divisions, which
were connected with one another by long parallel
embankment walls. One circle in this group
contained more than thirty acres: the walls were
twelve feet high and fifty feet wide; a ditch seven
feet deep and thirty-five feet wide bordered it on
the inner side; a gap of eighty feet in the circle
served as an entrance. In the center of the area
enclosed by this great circle was a curious earth
heap somewhat like a bird in form. Northwest
from this great circle, nearly a mile distant, were
two connected enclosures, one octagonal, the
other circular: the former contained more than
fifty acres, the latter twenty. East from these
and northeast from the great circle was a fine
twenty-acre enclosure, nearly a square in form.
Besides these great walls, there were long parallel
lines of connecting embankment walls, small
circular enclosures, and little mounds in considerable
variety. This great mass of works represented
an enormous amount of time and labor.

What was the purpose of these regular enclosures?
Some writers claim that they were
forts for protection; others consider them protections
for the corn-fields; others think they were
places for games or religious ceremonials; one
eminent man insists that they were foundations
upon which were built long and narrow houses.

"Altar mounds" occur in Ohio. Professor
[pg 101]
Putnam and his assistants opened a number of
these. They are small, rounded heaps of earth.
At their center is a basin-shaped mass of hard
clay showing the effect of fire. These basins are
a yard or four feet across and contain ashes and
charcoal. Upon these are found many curious
objects. On one altar were two bushels of ornaments
made of stone, copper, mica, shells, bears'
teeth, and sixty thousand pearls. Most of these
objects were pierced with a small hole and were
apparently strung as ornaments. These objects
had all been thrown into a fire blazing on the
altar and had been spoiled by the heat. After
the kindling of the fire, and the destruction of
these precious things, earth had been heaped up
over the altars, completing the mound.

The most famous mound in Ohio is the great
serpent in Adams County. It lies upon a narrow
ridge between three streams, which unite. It is
a gigantic serpent form made in earth; across the
widely opened jaws it measures seventy-five feet;
the body, just behind the head, measures thirty
feet across and five feet high; following the curves
the length is thirteen hundred forty-eight feet.
The tail is thrown into a triple coil. In front of
the serpent is an elliptical enclosure with a heap
of stones at its center. Beyond this is a form,
somewhat indistinct, thought by some to be a frog.
Probably this wonderful earthwork was connected
with some old religion. While there are many
other earthworks of other forms in Ohio, the
[pg 102]sacred enclosures, the altar mounds, and the great
serpent are the most characteristic.

Great Serpent Mound: Ohio. (From The Century Magazine.)

(2) In Wisconsin the most interesting mounds
are the effigy mounds. There are great numbers
of them in parts of this and a few adjoining states.
They are earthen forms of mammals, birds, and
reptiles. They are usually in groups; they are
generally well shaped and of gigantic size. Among
the quadrupeds represented are the buffalo, moose,
elk, deer, fox, wolf, panther, and lynx. Mr. Peet,
who has carefully studied them, shows that quadruped
[pg 103]
mammals are always represented in profile
so that only two legs are shown; the birds have
their wings spread; reptiles sprawl, showing all
four legs; fish are mere bodies without limbs.
We have said these earth pictures are gigantic:
some panthers have tails three hundred and fifty
feet long, and some eagles measure one thousand
feet from tip to tip of the outspread wings. Not
only are these great animal and bird pictures found
in Wisconsin in relief; occasionally they are found
cut or sunken in the soil. With these curious
effigy mounds there occur hundreds of simple
burial mounds.

The purpose of the effigy mounds is somewhat
uncertain. Some authors think they represent
the totem animals after which the families of
their builders were named, and that they served
as objects of worship or as guardians over the

Ground Plan of Earthworks at Newark, Ohio. (After Squier and Davis.)

(3) Farther south, in western Tennessee, another
class of mounds is common. These contain
graves made of slabs of stone set on edge. The
simplest of these stone graves consist of six
stones: two sides, two ends, one top, and one
bottom. There may be a single one of these
graves in a mound, or there may be many. In
one mound, about twelve miles from Nashville,
which was forty-five feet across and twelve feet
high, were found about one hundred skeletons,
mostly in stone graves, which were in ranges, one
above another. The upper graves contained the
[pg 105]
bones of bodies, which had been buried stretched
at full length; the bones were found in their
natural positions. The lower graves were short
and square, and the bones in them had been
cleaned and piled up in little heaps. This mound
was very carefully made. The lids of the upper
graves were so arranged as to make a perfectly
smooth, rounded surface. Sometimes these stone
graves of Tennessee are not placed in mounds,
but in true graveyards in the level fields. In
these stone graves are found beautiful objects of
stone, shell, and pottery. The stone-grave men
were true artists in working these materials.

In the same district are found many dirt rings
called "house-circles." These occur in groups
and appear to mark the sites of ancient villages,
each being the ruin of a house. These rings are
nearly circular and from ten to fifty feet across,
and from a few inches to two or three feet high.
Excavation within them shows old floors made of
hard clay, with the fireplace or hearth. The stone-grave
people lived in these houses. They often
buried little children who died, under the floor.
Their stone coffins measured only from one to
four feet long. They contain the little skeletons
and all the childish treasures—pretty cups and
bowls of pottery, shell beads, pearls, and even the
leg bones of birds, on which the babies used to
cut their teeth as our babies do on rubber rings.

These are but three of the areas where mounds
are found; there are several others. If the
[pg 106]
"mound-builders" were a single people, with
one set of customs, one language, and one government,
it is strange that there should be such
great differences in the mounds they built. If
we had space to speak about the relics from the
mounds, they would tell a story.

Shell Gorgets: Tennessee. (After Holmes.)

They would show that the builders of the
mounds, while they made many beautiful things
of stone, shell, bone, beaten metals, could not
smelt ores. They were Stone Age men, not
civilized men. The objects from different areas
differ so much in kind, pattern, and material as
to suggest that their makers were not one people.
Study of skulls from mounds in one district—as
Ohio or Iowa—show that different types of
men built the mounds even of one area.

So neither the mounds, the relics, nor the
remains prove that there was one people, the
"mound-builders," but rather that the mounds
[pg 107]
were built by many different tribes. These
tribes were not of civilized, but of barbarous,
Stone Age men. It is likely that some of the
tribes that built the mounds still live in the
United States. Thus the Shawnees may be
the descendants of the stone-grave people, the
Winnebagoes may have come from the effigy-builders
of Wisconsin, and the Cherokees may
be the old Ohio "mound-builders."

E. G. Squier and E. H. Davis.—Authors of Ancient
Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, published in 1847. It
was the first great work on American Archæology.

Increase Allen Lapham.—Civil engineer, scientist. His
Antiquities of Wisconsin was published in 1855.

Stephen D. Peet.—Minister, antiquarian, editor. Established
The American Antiquarian, which he still conducts.
Wrote Emblematic Mounds.

Cyrus Thomas.—Minister, entomologist, archæologist. In
charge of the mound exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology.
Wrote Burial Mounds of the Northern Sections of the United
States and Report of the Mound Explorations of the Bureau
of Ethnology.

Frederic Ward Putnam.—Ichthyologist, archæologist,
teacher. For many years Curator of the Peabody Museum of
Ethnology, at Cambridge, Mass. Has organized much field
work upon mounds of Ohio and Tennessee. Also Curator in
Anthropology at the American Museum of Natural History in
New York.

[pg 108]

XVI. The Algonkins.

Algonkin tribes occupied the Atlantic seacoast
from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick south to
Virginia, and stretched west as far, at places, as
the Rocky Mountains. They also occupied a
large area in the interior of British America north
of the Great Lakes. Brinton names more than
thirty tribes of this great group. Among the
best known of these were the Lenape (Delawares),
Blackfeet, Ojibwas, and Crees.

It was chiefly Algonkin tribes with whom the
first white settlers met. The Indians who supplied
the Pilgrims with corn in that first dreadful
winter were Algonkins; so were Powhatan
and Pocahontas, King Philip and Massasoit. Of
course whites came into contact with the Iroquois
in New York, and with the Cherokees, the
Creeks, and their kin in the south, but much the
larger part of their early Indian acquaintance was
Algonkin.

There are a number of borrowed Indian words
in our English language of to-day. Wigwam,
wampum, squaw, papoose, moccasin, are examples.
These have been taken from the Indian languages
into our own, and most of them—all
of those mentioned—are Algonkin. They
soon became common to English speakers, and
[pg 109]
were carried by them everywhere they went. All
the western tribes had their own names for all
these objects, but we have forced these upon
them, and to-day we may hear Utes speak of wigwams
and Navajo talk about squaws or moccasins.

We shall speak of two Algonkin tribes. One—the
Lenape—is eastern; the other—the Blackfeet—is
western. The former are woodland, the
latter Plains Indians. The Lenape lived in settled
villages, and had a good deal of agriculture; they
were also hunters, fishermen, and warriors. Their
houses were like those of their Iroquois neighbors,
but each family had its own. They were
huts of poles and interwoven branches with a
thatching of corn leaves, the stalk of sweet-flag,
or the bark of trees. Sometimes at the center
of the village, surrounded by the houses, was a
sort of hillock or mound from which the country
around might be overlooked. The women made
good garments of deerskin with skillful beadwork.
In cooking they used soapstone vessels. For
pounding corn they had mortars of wood, dug
out of a section of a tree trunk, and long stone
pestles.

In districts where the wild rice or zizania grew
abundantly great quantities of it were gathered.
The women in canoes paddled out among the
plants, bent the heads over the edge of the canoe
and beat out the grain. This was a food supply
of no importance to the Lenape, but the Ojibwas
and their neighbors used much of it.
[pg 110]

Ojibwa Women Gathering Wild Rice. (After Schoolcraft.)

[pg 111]

In war, the men used the bow and arrows, spear
and tomahawk. They protected themselves with
round shields. They speared fish in the streams
and lakes or caught them in brush nets or with
hooks of bone or bird-claws.

There were three totems of the Lenape. Every
man was either a wolf, turkey, or turtle. He had
one of these three animals for his emblem, and
was as fond of drawing or carving it as a boy
among us is of writing his name. This emblem
was signed to treaties, it was painted on the
houses, it was carved on stones. But only those
who were turtles drew their totem entire; usually
the wolf or the turkey were represented only by
one foot. Between a person and his totem there
was a curious friendship, and it was believed that
the animal was a sort of protector and friend of
those who bore his name. All who had the same
totem were blood-relations.

All Algonkins were accustomed to draw pictures
to record events. The blankets of chiefs
were decorated with such pictures. The Ojibwas
were fond of writing birch-bark letters. One of
the most interesting Indian records known is the
Walam olum; this means the red score or red
record. Probably it at first consisted of a lot of
little sticks or boards with some quaint red pictures
upon them. These were probably kept tied
together into a little bundle. The original sticks
have long been lost, but the one hundred and
eighty-four pictures were copied and are still
[pg 112]
preserved. They were intended to assist in remembering
a long poetical legend in which the
Algonkin ideas regarding the creation of the
world and their tribal history were told.

At first everything was good. Animals and
men lived in peace. Then a wicked serpent
tried to drown the world. Only a few persons
escaped to the back of a great turtle. Their
great hero Nanabush helped them. The waters
subsided. As the land where they now found
themselves was cold, the people determined to
move southward. The story of their quarrels
and divisions on the journey is told, and also the
way in which they seized their new home, destroying
or driving out the original owners.

The song in which this story is told is long
and full of old words difficult to understand.
The Indians themselves must have had difficulty
in remembering it. It was a great help to have
these little sticks with the red pictures to remind
them of its different parts.

Far to the west, close against the base of
the Rocky Mountains, lived a famous Algonkin
tribe—the Blackfeet. They were great buffalo
hunters and warriors. We often think of Indians
as being stern and morose, never smiling, never
amused. Yet most tribes had sunny tempers
like children. Mr. Grinnell, to show this side
of Indian nature, describes a day in camp in the
olden, happy time. Two parts of his description
describe feasts and gambling. Feasts were in
[pg 113]
constant progress: sometimes one man would
give three in a day; men who were favorites
might go from feast to feast all day long. If a man
wished to give a feast, he ordered the best food
he had to be cooked. Then, going outside, he
called out the list of invited guests: the name
of each one was cried three times. At the close
of his invitation he announced how many pipes
would be smoked: usually three. When the
guests came, each was given a dish, with his
share of the food; no one might have a second
help, but it was quite polite to carry away what
was not eaten.

While the guests were feasting, the man of the
house prepared a pipe and tobacco. After the
eating was over, the pipe was lighted and passed
from hand to hand, each person giving it to the
one on his left. Meantime stories of hunting
and war were narrated and jokes cracked. Only
one man spoke at one time, the rest listening until
he was through. Thus they whiled away the time
until the last pipe was smoked out, when the
host, knocking the ashes from the pipe, told them
they might go.

All Indians are gamblers, and they have many
gambling games. The Blackfeet played one
which was something like the famous game of
Chunkey, played among the Creeks. (See XIX.)
A wheel about four inches in diameter with five
spokes on which were beads of different colors,
made of horn or bone, was used. It was rolled
[pg 114]
along upon a smooth piece of ground at the ends
of which logs were laid to stop it. One player
stood at each end of the course. After a player
set the wheel to rolling, he hurled a dart after it.
This was done just before the wheel reached the
end of its journey. Points were counted according
to the way in which the wheel and dart fell
with reference to each other. Ten counts made
the game. This game always attracted great
crowds of spectators, who became greatly excited
and bet heavily on the result.

Blackfoot Squaw Traveling.

At night about their camp-fires the Blackfeet
delighted to tell their sacred stories, which they
did not dare repeat in daylight. In telling a
story of personal adventure, Indians, like white
people, were often tempted to make it larger than
it really was.
[pg 115]

The Blackfeet and some other Indians had the
following mode of getting at the truth. When a
man told an improbable story some one handed
a pipe to the medicine man, who painted the stem
red and prayed over it, asking that the man's life
might be long if his story were true, but cut short
if the story were false. The pipe was then filled
and lighted and given to the man. The medicine
man said, as he handed it to him: "Accept
this pipe, but remember that if you smoke, your
story must be as sure as that there is a hole
through this pipe and as straight as the hole
through this stem. So your life shall be long
and you shall survive; but if you have spoken
falsely, your days are counted." If he refused to
smoke, as he surely would if he had not spoken
true things, every one knew that he was a braggart
and a liar.

Daniel Garrison Brinton.—Physician, anthropologist. Has
written many books, mostly about American Indians. The
Lenape and their Legends, in which the Walam olum is given
in full, is a volume in his Library of Aboriginal American
Literature.

XVII. The Six Nations.

When white men began to settle what is now
the state of New York, that part of it extending
from about the Hudson River west along the
[pg 116]
Mohawk and on beyond it to the Niagara, was
occupied by the Iroquois or Five Nations. The
separate tribes, naming them from the east, were
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and
Senecas. These were flourishing tribes; they
had important villages and towns and large cornfields;
they were, however, also hunting tribes and
powerful in war. In fact, they were the terror
of their milder Algonkin neighbors. Personally,
Iroquois Indians were finely built, strong,
energetic, and active.

They spoke languages much alike and probably
derived from one ancient language. This was
believed by them to prove that the five tribes
were related. Still they were at one time frequently
at war with each other. This was before
the white men came. Finally, a man named
Hayenwatha was a chief among the Onondagas.
He was wise, kind, and peaceable. There was at
this same time another Onondaga chief named
Atotarho, who was in character the opposite of
Hayenwatha. He was a bold warrior and the
dreaded foe of the Cayugas and Senecas, against
whom he led war-parties; he was feared and disliked
by his own people. When these two men
were chiefs among the Onondagas, the Mohawks
and the Oneidas were much harassed by their
Algonkin neighbors, the Mohicans. Hayenwatha
thought much over the sad condition of the
Iroquois tribes. Constantly warring with their
kindred in the west and troubled by outside foes
[pg 117]
in the east, their future looked dark. He thought
of a plan of union which he believed would bring
peace and prosperity.

Most Indian tribes consisted of a few great
groups of persons, the members of which were
related to each other and lived together. Such
groups of related persons are called gentes; the singular
of the word is gens. There were three gentes
among the Mohawks, three among the Oneidas,
and eight in each of the other three tribes. These
gentes usually bore the name of some animal;
thus the Oneida gentes were the wolf, bear, and
turtle. The people belonging to a gens were
called by the gens name. Thus an Oneida was
either a wolf, bear, or turtle. Every wolf was
related to every other wolf in his tribe; every
turtle to every other turtle; every bear to every
other bear.

Each tribe was ruled by a council which contained
members elected from each gens. Each
gens had one or more councillors, according to
its size and importance. Each member of the
council watched with care to see that his gens
got all its rights and was not imposed upon by
others. Every tribe was independent of every
other tribe.

Hayenwatha's idea was to unite the tribes into
a strong confederacy. Separately the tribes were
weak, and a foe could do them much harm; united
they would be so strong that no one could trouble
them. He did not wish to destroy the tribes;
[pg 118]
he wished each to remain independent in managing
its own affairs; but he desired that together
they should be one great power which would help
all. Three times he called a council of his people,
the Onondagas, to lay his plan before them; three
times he failed because the dreaded Atotarho, who
did not desire peace, opposed his scheme.

When he found he could not move his own
people, Hayenwatha went to the Mohawks, where
he found help; they agreed that such a union was
needed. Next the Oneidas were interested. Two
great chiefs, one Mohawk and one Oneida, then
went to the Onondagas to urge these to join with
them; again the plan failed because Atotarho
opposed it. The two chiefs went further westward
and had a council with the Cayugas, who
were pleased with their plan. With a Cayuga
chief to help them, they returned to the Onondagas.
Another council was held, and finally the
Onondagas were gained over by promising the
chieftaincy of the confederacy to Atotarho. There
was then no trouble in getting the consent of the
Senecas. Two chiefs were appointed by them to
talk over the plan with the others. Hayenwatha
met the six chiefs at Onondaga Lake, where the
whole plan was discussed and the new union was
made.

It was at first "The Five Nations." At that
time the Tuscaroras lived in the south. Later
on, perhaps more than two hundred years later,
they moved northward, and joined the confederacy,
[pg 119]
making it "The Six Nations." The Five Nations
formed one government under a great council.
This council consisted of fifty members—nine
Mohawks, nine Oneidas, fourteen Onondagas, ten
Cayugas, eight Senecas. The names of the first
councillors were kept alive by their successors
always assuming them when they entered the
council. The government did not interfere with
the rights of the different tribes. It was always
ready to receive new tribes into itself. Its purpose
was said to be to abolish war and bring
general peace. It did this by destroying tribes
that did not wish to unite with it. At times the
Iroquois Confederacy really did receive other
tribes, such, for example, as the Tuteloes, Saponies,
Tuscaroras, and fragments of the Eries and
Hurons. They themselves always called the confederacy
by a name meaning the "long house"
or the extended or drawn-out house. The confederacy
was thus likened "to a dwelling, which
was extended by additions made to the end, in
the manner in which their bark-built houses were
lengthened. When the number of families inhabiting
these long dwellings was increased by
marriage or adoption, and a new hearth was
required, the end wall was removed, an addition
of the required size was made to the edifice, and
the closing wall was restored."

The confederacy became a great power, and is
often mentioned in history. When the French
or English went to war, it was important for either
[pg 120]
side to get the help of the Iroquois. In the council
meetings of the tribes, and in the meetings of the
great council of the confederacy, there were often
important discussions. We have spoken of the
warlike spirit of the Iroquois. A man who was a
great warrior had great influence. So, however,
had the man who was a great speaker. Oratory
was much cultivated, and the man who, at a
council, could move and sway his fellows, influencing
them to war or peace, was an important
person.

There were a number of the Iroquois orators
whose names are remembered, but none is more
famous than Red Jacket. We will give a passage
from one of his speeches as an example of Indian
oratory. The speech was made in 1805, at a
council held at Buffalo. A missionary, named
Cram, had come to preach to them, and invited a
number of chiefs and important men to attend,
that he might explain his business to them. After
he had spoken, the old Seneca orator rose, and in
his speech said the following words:

"Brother, listen to what we say. There was a
time when our forefathers owned this great island.
Their seats extended from the rising to the setting
sun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use
of Indians. He had created the buffalo, the deer,
and other animals, for food. He made the bear
and the beaver, and their skins served us for
clothing. He had scattered them over the country,
and taught us how to take them. He had
[pg 121]
caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All
this he had done for his red children because he
loved them. If we had any disputes about hunting
grounds, they were generally settled without
the shedding of much blood, but an evil day came
upon us; your forefathers crossed the great water,
and landed on this island. Their numbers were
small; they found friends and not enemies; they
told us they had fled from their country for fear
of wicked men, and came here to enjoy their
religion. They asked for a small seat; we took
pity on them, granted their request, and they sat
down among us; we gave them corn and meal;
they gave us poison [whisky] in return. The
white people had now found our country; tidings
were carried back, and more came amongst us,
yet we did not fear them; we took them to be
friends; they called us brothers; we believed
them, and gave them a larger seat. At length
their numbers had greatly increased; they wanted
more land; they wanted our country. Our eyes
were opened, and our minds became uneasy.
Wars took place; Indians were hired to fight
against Indians, and many of our people were
destroyed. They also brought strong liquors
among us; it was strong and powerful, and has
slain thousands.

"Brother, our seats were once large, and yours
were very small; you have now become a great
people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread
our blankets; you have got our country, but are
[pg 122]
not satisfied; you want to force your religion
upon us."

Horatio Hale.—Explorer, linguist, ethnologist. One of
the earliest prominent American ethnologists. Among his important
works is The Iroquois Book of Rites.

XVIII. Story Of Mary Jemison.

Years ago, when I was a small boy, some one
pointed out to me the "old white woman's
spring," and told me a part of the story of
Mary Jemison.

In the year 1742 or 1743 an Irishman named
Thomas Jemison, with his wife and three children,
left his own country for America, on a
ship called the William and Mary. On the
voyage a little girl was born into the family, to
whom they gave the name of Mary. She had
a light, clear skin, blue eyes, and yellow or
golden hair. After landing at Philadelphia, the
family soon moved to Marsh Creek (Pennsylvania),
which was then in the far West and quite
in the Indian country. There Thomas Jemison
had a farm, built a comfortable house, and by
industry prospered. In the new home two
younger children were born, both boys.

In 1754 they moved to a new farm, where
they lived in a log house. Here they spent
[pg 123]
the winter. Spring came, and every one was
busy in the fields. It was the time of the
French and Indian wars against the English.
A number of attacks had been made upon settlers.
One day Mary was sent to a neighbor's
for a horse; she was to spend the night, returning
in the morning. At that time some
strangers were living at Mary's house—a man,
his sister-in-law, and her three little children.
Mary had secured the horse for which she had
been sent, and had ridden home in the early
morning. As she reached the house, the man
took the horse and rode off to get some grain,
taking with him his gun, in case he should see
some game. Every one about the house was
busy. Mary, years afterward, told the story of
what then took place:

"Father was shaving an ax-helve at the side
of the house; mother was making preparations
for breakfast; my two oldest brothers were at
work near the barn; and the little ones, with
myself and the woman and her three children,
were in the house. Breakfast was not yet
ready, when we were alarmed by the discharge
of a number of guns that seemed to be near.
Mother and the woman before mentioned almost
fainted at the report, and every one trembled
with fear. On opening the door, the man and
horse lay dead near the house, having just been
shot by the Indians. I was afterward informed
that the Indians discovered him at his own
[pg 124]
house with his gun, and pursued him to father's,
where they shot him as I have related. They
first secured my father, and then rushed into
the house and without the least resistance made
prisoners of my mother, brothers, and sister, the
woman, her three children, and myself.... My
two brothers Thomas and John, being at the
barn, escaped."

The party which had seized them was composed
of six Shawnee Indians and four Frenchmen.
The first day was terrible. They were
kept rapidly marching until night; they had no
food or water during the whole day. One Indian
went behind the party with a whip, with
which he lashed the little ones to make them
keep up with the party. At night there was
no fire and they had no covering. They were
afoot again before daylight, but as the sun rose,
stopped and ate breakfast. The second night
they camped near a dark and dreary swamp, and
here they were given supper, but were too tired
and sad to care much for food. After supper,
an Indian stripped off Mary's shoes and stockings
and began putting moccasins upon her.
The same thing was done to the woman's little
boy. Noticing this, Mary's mother believed the
Indians intended to spare the two children. She
said to the girl:

"My dear little Mary, I fear the time has arrived
when we must be parted forever. Your
life, I think, will be spared; but we shall probably
[pg 125]
be tomahawked here in this lonesome place,
by the Indians. Alas! my dear, my heart bleeds
at the thought of what awaits you; but if you
leave us, remember your name, and the names
of your father and mother. Be careful and not
forget your English tongue. If you shall have
an opportunity to get away from the Indians,
don't try to escape; for if you do, they will find
and destroy you. Don't forget, my little daughter,
the prayers that I have learned you; say
them often; be a good child, and God will bless
you. May God bless you, my child, and make
you comfortable and happy."

Just then an Indian took Mary and the little
boy by the hand and led them away. As they
parted, the mother called out to the child, who
was crying bitterly, "Don't cry, Mary! Don't cry,
my child! God will bless you! Farewell, farewell!"

The Indian took the children into the woods,
where they lay down to sleep. The little boy
begged Mary to try to escape, but she remembered
her mother's warning. The next morning
the other Indians and the Frenchmen rejoined
them, but their white captives were not with them.
During the night, in that dark and dismal swamp,
Mary's father and mother, Robert, Matthew, and
Betsey, the woman, and two of her children had
been killed, scalped, and fearfully mangled. When
they camped again, Mary saw with horror the
Indians at work upon the scalps of her parents.
[pg 126]

A fourth and fifth day the party journeyed on,
and then, driven by bad weather, camped for three
nights in one place. Finally the party came near
Fort Du Quesne, where Pittsburg now stands.
They had been joined by other Indians who had
a young white man prisoner. When they reached
this place, the Indians carefully combed the hair
of the three prisoners, and painted their faces and
hair with red as Indians do.

The next morning after they reached the fort,
the little boy and young man were given to the
French. Mary was given to two young Seneca
women. By them she was taken to their town
some distance down the Ohio River. Here they
washed her and dressed her nicely in Indian
clothing. They publicly adopted her in place of
a brother who had just been killed. These women
and their brothers were kind to Mary, treating
her as their real sister, and she came to love them
dearly. She was with them for three winters
and two summers on the Ohio River, when, at
their wish, she married a Delaware Indian named
Shenanjie. He was a good husband, but died
when they had been married but two or three
years.

We will tell but one more incident in Mary's
life. Not long after marrying Shenanjie, she
moved with her sisters and their brothers to the
Genesee Valley in New York. The wars were
now over. Mary was a young widow with a little
son. The King of England offered a bounty to
[pg 127]
any one who would find white prisoners among
the Indians and bring them in to the forts to be
redeemed. A Dutchman named Van Sice, who
knew that Mary was a captive, determined to take
her to the fort and get his bounty. Mary learned
of his plan, but had no wish to leave the Indians.
She was afraid of the man. One day, when she
was working in the field alone, she saw him coming
to seize her. He chased her, but she escaped
and hid herself for three days and nights. The
Indian council then decided that she could not
be taken back against her wish, and her fear of
Van Sice ceased.

But she had a more dangerous enemy. An old
chief of the tribe determined himself to return
her and get the bounty. He told one of Mary's
Indian brothers of his intention to take her to
Niagara to be redeemed. A quarrel took place
between the two men, and her brother declared
that he would kill her with his own hand before
he would allow the old man to carry her off
against her will. This threat he made known to
his own sister. She at once told Mary to flee
with her babe and hide in some weeds near the
house. She also told Mary that at night their
brother would return, informed of the old chief's
plans, and that if the sachem persisted in carrying
her off, he would surely kill her. The woman
told her, after it was dark to creep up to the
house, and if she found nothing near the door, to
come in, as all would be safe. Should she, however,
[pg 128]
find a cake there, she must flee. Poor Mary
hid in the weeds with her baby boy; at night,
when all was still, she crept up to the house; the
little cake was there! Taking it, she fled to the
spring now called, for that reason, "the white
woman's spring." Her sister had suggested the
place. That night the old chief came to the
house to get Mary, and her brother sought her
to kill her, but neither could find her. The old
sachem gave up the hunt and set out for Niagara
with his other prisoners. After he was gone, and
the excitement was past, Mary's sister told her
brother where Mary was hidden. He went there,
and at finding her, greeted her kindly and brought
her home.

James E. Seaver has written the story of Mary Jemison as
she told it to him in her old age. The name of the book is
The Life of Mary Jemison: the White Woman of the Genesee.

XIX. The Creeks.

The Creeks or Muskoki were one of the strongest
tribes of the southern states. To them were
related in language a number of important tribes—the
Apalachi, Alibamu, Choctaw, Chicasaw,
and others. Several of these tribes were united
with the Creeks into a so-called confederacy.
This union was not to be compared with that of
[pg 129]
the Iroquois or the Aztecs, but was a loose combination
against foes.

The Creeks and their kindred tribes present a
number of points of rather peculiar interest. In
the olden time there were two kinds of Creek
towns—white towns and red towns. The red
towns were war towns, governed by warriors.
The white or peace towns were governed by
civil chiefs. It is said by some of the early
writers that the white towns were "cities of
refuge" to which those who were being pursued
for some crime or unfortunate accident could flee.
The red towns could be known as such as soon as
a stranger entered the public square, as the posts
of the "great house" were painted red.

Warriors were the most honored of men among
the Creeks. Until a young man was successful
in battle he was treated hardly different from a
servant. The Creek boys had a pretty hard time.
They were made to swim in the coldest weather;
they were scratched with broken glass or fish teeth,
from head to foot till the blood ran; these things
were intended to toughen them to the endurance
of pain. When the boy was fifteen to seventeen
years old he was put through a test, after which
he was no longer a boy, but a man. At the proper
time he gathered an intoxicating plant. He ate
the bitter root of it for a whole day, and drank a
tea made of its leaves. When night came he ate
a little pounded corn. He kept this up for four
days. For four months he ate only pounded maize,
[pg 130]
which could only be cooked for him by a little
girl. After that his food might be cooked by any
one. For twelve months from the time of his first
fast he ate no venison from young bucks, no turkeys
nor hens, no peas nor salt; nor was he permitted
to pick his ears or scratch his head with
his fingers, but used a splinter of wood for the
purpose. At the time of new moon he fasted four
days, excepting that he ate a little pounded maize
at night. When the last month of his twelve
months' test came, he kept four days' fast, then
burned some corncobs and rubbed his body with
the ashes. At the end of that month, he took a
heavy sweat and then plunged into cold water.

Men who wished to become great warriors
selected some old conjurer to give them instruction.
Four months were spent with him alone.
The person desiring to learn fasted, ate bitter
herbs, and suffered many hardships. After he
had learned all the old conjurer could teach him,
it was believed that he could disarm the enemy
even at a distance, and if they were far away,
could bring them near, so that he might capture
them.

In the center of every large Creek town there
was a public square. In this square there were
three interesting things,—the great house, the
council house, and the playground. The great
house consisted of four one-story buildings, each
about thirty feet long; they were arranged about
a square upon which all faced. The side of these
[pg 131]
which opened on the central square was entirely
open. Each of the four houses was divided into
three rooms or compartments by low partitions of
clay. At the back of each compartment were
three platforms or seats, the lowest two feet high,
the second several feet higher, the third as much
higher than the second. These were covered
with cane matting, as if for carpeting. New mats
were put in each year, but the old ones were not
removed. Each of these four buildings was a
gathering-place for a different class of persons.
The one facing east was for the miko and people
of high rank; the northern building was for
warriors; the southern was for "the beloved
men"; and the eastern for the young people.
In the great house were kept the weapons, scalps,
and other trophies. Upon the supporting posts
and timbers were painted horned warriors, horned
alligators, horned rattlesnakes, etc. The central
court of the great house was dedicated ground,
and no woman might set foot in it. In the center
of it burned a perpetual fire of four logs.

The council house was at the northeast corner
of the great house. It stood upon a circular
mound. It consisted of a great conical roof supported
on an octagonal frame about twelve feet
high. It was from twenty-five to thirty feet in
diameter. Its walls were made of posts set upright
and daubed with clay. A broad seat ran
around the house inside and was covered with
cane mats. A little hillock at the center formed
[pg 132]
a fireplace. The fire kept burning upon this was
fed with dry cane or finely split pine wood which
was curiously arranged in a spiral line.

The council house was used as a gathering or
meeting place, much as the great house, but it
was chiefly for bad weather, especially for winter.
Here, too, private meetings of importance were
held at all times. Here young men prepared for
war-parties, spending four days in drinking war-drink,
and counseling with the conjurers. This
council house was also the place for sweat baths.
Stones were heated very hot; water was thrown
upon them to give steam. Those desiring the
bath danced around this fire and then plunged
into cold water.

The playground was in the northwest corner
of the public square; it was marked off by low
embankments. In the center, on a low, circular
mound, stood a four-sided pole, sometimes as
much as forty feet high. A mark at the top
served as a target for practice with the bow and
arrow. The floor of this yard was beaten hard
and level. The chief game played here was
called Chunkey. It was played with neatly polished
stone disks. These were set rolling along
on the ground, and the players hurled darts or
shafts at them to make the disk fall. (Compare
with the wheel game of the Blackfeet.) Ball
games and sometimes dances were also held upon
this playground.

The great celebration of the Creeks was the
[pg 133]
annual busk. They called it puskita, or fast. The
ceremony was chiefly held at the great house.
The time was determined by the condition of the
new corn and of a plant named cassine. The
ceremony lasted eight days and included many
details. Among them we can mention a few.
On the first day a spark of new fire was made
by rubbing two pieces of wood together. With
this a four days' fire was kindled; four logs of
wood were brought in and arranged so that one
end of each met one end of the others at the
middle, and the four formed a cross, the arms of
which pointed to the cardinal points; these were
fired with the spark of new fire. Bits of new fire,
at some time during the four days, were set outside
where the women could take them to kindle
fresh fires on their home hearths.

At noon of the second day, the men took ashes
from the new fire and rubbed them over their
chin, neck, and body; they then ran and plunged
themselves into cold water. On their return, they
took the new corn of the year and rubbed it
between their hands and over their bodies. They
then feasted upon the new corn. On the last,
eighth day, of the busk, a medicinal liquid was
made from fourteen (or fifteen) different plants,
each of which had medicinal power; they were
steeped in water in two pots and were vigorously
stirred and beaten. The conjurers blew into the
liquid through a reed. The men all drank some
of this liquid and rubbed it over their joints.
[pg 134]

They did other curious things during this day.
When night came, all went to the river. "Old
man's tobacco" was thrown into the stream by
each person, and then all the men plunged into
the river and picked up four stones from the
bottom. With these they crossed themselves
over the breast four times, each time throwing
back one stone into the river.

Mr. Gatschet thinks that much good resulted
from the busk. After it all quarrels were forgotten;
crimes, except murder, were forgiven;
old utensils were broken and new ones procured.
Every one seemed to leave the past behind and
begin anew.

Albert S. Gatschet.—A Swiss, living in America: linguist,
ethnologist. Connected with Bureau of American Ethnology.
Edited A Migration Legend of the Creeks.

XX. The Pani.

All the Plains Indians were rovers, buffalo
hunters, and warriors; none of them were bolder
or braver than the Pani. This tribal name is
more frequently spelled Pawnee. The tribe belonged
to the Caddoan family, which includes
also the Caddoes and Wichitas and perhaps the
Lipans and Tonkaways. The Pani were formerly
numerous and occupied a large district in Nebraska.
[pg 135]
To-day they are few, and rapidly diminishing.
In 1885 they numbered one thousand
forty-five; in 1886, nine hundred ninety-eight; in
1888, nine hundred eighteen; in 1889, eight hundred
sixty-nine. To-day they live upon a reservation
in Oklahoma.

It is believed that the Pani came from the
south, perhaps from some part of Mexico. They
appear first to have gone to some portion of what
is now Louisiana; later they migrated northward
to the district where the whites first knew them.
The name Pani means wolves, and the sign language
name for the Pani consists of a representation
of the ears of a wolf. Several reasons have
been given for their bearing this name. Perhaps
it was because they were as tireless and enduring
as wolves; or it may be because they were skillful
scouts, trailers, and hunters. They were in the
habit of imitating wolves in order to get near
camp for stealing horses. They threw wolfskins
over themselves and crept cautiously near.
Wolves were too common to attract much attention.

In the olden time the Pani hunted the buffalo
on foot. Choosing a quiet day, so that the wind
might not bear their scent to the herd, the
hunters in a long line began to surround a little
group of grazing buffalo. Some of the men were
dressed in wolfskins, and crept along on all
fours. When a circle had been formed around
the animals, the hunters began to close in.
[pg 136]
Presently one man shouted and shook his blanket
to scare the buffalo nearest him. The others did
the same, and in a short time the excited herd
was running blindly, turning now here and now
there, but always terrified by one or another of
the men in the now ever smaller circle. Finally
the animals were tired out with their running and
were shot and killed.

The way in which the Pani used to make
pottery vessels was simple and crude. The end
of a tree stump was smoothed for a mold. Clay
was mixed with burnt and pounded stone, to
give it a good texture, and was then molded over
this. The bowl when dry was lifted off and
baked in the fire. Sometimes, instead of thus
shaping bowls, they made a framework of twigs
which was lined with clay, and then burnt off,
leaving the lining as a baked vessel.

As long as they have been known to the
Whites, the Pani have been an agricultural
people. They raised corn, beans, pumpkins, and
squashes, which they said Tirawa himself, whom
they most worshiped, gave them. Corn was
sacred, and they had ceremonials connected with
it, and called it "mother." In cultivating their
fields they used hoes made of bone: these were
made by firmly fastening the shoulder-blade of a
buffalo to the end of a stick.

Two practices in which the Pani differed from
most Plains Indians remind us of some Mexican
tribes: they kept a sort of servants and sacrificed
[pg 137]
human beings. Young men or boys who were
growing up often attached themselves to men of
importance. They lived in their houses and
received support from them: in return, they
drove in and saddled the horses, made the fire,
ran errands, and made themselves useful in all
possible ways.

The sacrifice of a human being to Tirawa—and
formerly to the morning star—was made
by one band of the Pani. When captives of
war were taken, all but one were adopted into
the tribe. That one was set apart for sacrifice.
He was selected for his beauty and strength. He
was kept by himself, fed on the best of everything,
and treated most kindly.

Before the day fixed for the sacrifice, the people
danced four nights and feasted four days.
Each woman, as she rose from eating, said to
the captive: "I have finished eating, and I hope
I may be blessed from Tirawa; that he may
take pity on me; that when I put my seeds in
the ground they may grow, and that I may have
plenty of everything." You must remember that
this sacrifice was not a merely cruel act, but was
done as a gift to Tirawa, that he might give good
crops to the people. On the last night, bows
and arrows were prepared for every man and
boy in the village, even for the very little boys;
every woman had ready a lance or stick. By
daybreak the whole village was assembled at
the western end of the town, where two stout
[pg 138]
posts with four cross-poles had been set up.
To this framework the captive was tied. A fire
was built below, and then the warrior who had
captured the victim shot him through with an
arrow. The body was then shot full of arrows
by all the rest. These arrows were then removed,
and the dead man's breast was opened
and blood removed. All present touched the
body, after which it was consumed by the fire,
while the people prayed to Tirawa, and put
their hands in the smoke of the fire, and hoped
for success in war, and health, and good crops.

Almost all these facts about the Pani are from
Mr. Grinnell's book. I shall quote from him
now the story of Crooked Hand. He was a
famous warrior. On one occasion the village
had gone on a buffalo hunt, and no one was
left behind except some sick, the old men, and
a few boys, women, and children. Crooked
Hand was among the sick. The Sioux planned
to attack the town and destroy all who had been
left behind. Six hundred of their warriors in all
their display rode down openly to secure their
expected easy victory. The town was in a panic.
But when the news was brought to Crooked
Hand lying sick in his lodge, he forgot his illness
and, rising, gave forth his orders.

They were promptly obeyed. "The village
must fight. Tottering old men, whose sinews
were now too feeble to bend the bow, seized
their long-disused arms and clambered on their
[pg 139]
horses. Boys too young to hunt grasped the
weapons that they had as yet used only on
rabbits and ground squirrels, flung themselves
on their ponies, and rode with the old men.
Even squaws, taking what weapons they could,—axes,
hoes, mauls, pestles,—mounted horses
and marshaled themselves for battle. The force
for the defense numbered two hundred superannuated
old men, boys, and women. Among
them all were not, perhaps, ten active warriors,
and these had just risen from sick-beds to take
their place in the line of battle.

"As the Pawnees passed out of the village
into the plain, the Sioux saw for the first time
the force they had to meet. They laughed in
derision, calling out bitter jibes, and telling what
they would do when they had made the charge;
and, as Crooked Hand heard their laughter, he
smiled too, but not mirthfully.

"The battle began. It seemed like an unequal
fight. Surely one charge would be enough
to overthrow this motley Pawnee throng, who
had ventured out to try to oppose the triumphal
march of the Sioux. But it was not ended so
quickly. The fight began about the middle of
the morning; and, to the amazement of the
Sioux, these old men with shrunken shanks and
piping voices, these children with their small,
white teeth and soft, round limbs, these women
clad in skirts and armed with hoes, held the
invaders where they were: they could make no
[pg 140]
advance. A little later it became evident that
the Pawnees were driving the Sioux back. Presently
this backward movement became a retreat,
the retreat a rout, the rout a wild panic. Then
indeed the Pawnees made a great killing of their
enemies. Crooked Hand, with his own hand,
killed six of the Sioux, and had three horses
shot under him. His wounds were many, but
he laughed at them. He was content; he had
saved the village."

From 1864 until 1876 the famous Pani scouts
served our government faithfully. Those years
were terrible on the Plains. White settlers were
pressing westward. The Indians were desperate
over the encroachments of the newcomers.
Troubles constantly occurred between the pioneers
and the Indians. During that sad and
unsettled time, Lieutenant North and his Pani
scouts served as a police to keep order and to
punish violence.

XXI. The Cherokees.

The old home of the Cherokees was in the
beautiful mountain region of the South—in
Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, but
especially in Georgia. They were Indians of
great strength of character, and ready for improvement
[pg 141]
and progress. When Oglethorpe settled
Georgia, the Cherokees were his friends and
allies. But after our government was established,
the tribe, which had been so friendly to the whites,
began to suffer from our encroachments. Treaties
were made with them only to be broken.
Little by little, the Indians were crowded back:
sacred promises made by our government were
not fulfilled.

Finally they refused to cede any more of their
land to the greedy white settlers, and demanded
that the United States protect them in their
rights. The quarrel was now one between the
United States and Georgia, and the central government
found itself unable to keep its pledges.
So orders were given that the Cherokees should
be removed, even against their wish, to a new
home.

At this time the Cherokees were most happy
and prosperous. Their country was one of the
most lovely portions of our land. A writer says:
"The climate is delicious and healthy; the winters
are mild; the spring clothes the ground with the
richest scenery; flowers of exquisite beauty and variegated
hues meet and fascinate the eye in every
direction. In the plains and valleys the soil is
generally rich, producing Indian corn, wheat, oats,
indigo, and sweet and Irish potatoes. The natives
carry on considerable trade with the adjoining
states; some of them export cotton in boats
down the Tennessee to the Mississippi, and down
[pg 142]
that river to New Orleans. Apple and peach
orchards are quite common, and gardens are cultivated,
and much attention paid to them. Butter
and cheese are seen on Cherokee tables. There
are many public roads in the nation, and houses
of entertainment kept by natives. Numerous
and flourishing villages are seen in every section
of the country. Cotton and woolen cloths are
manufactured; blankets of various dimensions,
manufactured by Cherokee hands, are very common.
Almost every family in the nation grows
cotton for its own consumption. Industry and
commercial enterprise are extending themselves
in every part. Nearly all the merchants in the
nation are native Cherokees. Agricultural pursuits
engage the chief attention of the people.
Different branches of mechanics are pursued.
The population is rapidly increasing."

This was written in 1825. Only about ten
years later, this happy, industrious, and prosperous
people were removed by force from their so
greatly loved home. Two years were allowed
in which they must vacate lands that belonged
to them, and which the United States had pledged
should be always theirs. Few of them were gone
when the two years had ended. In May, 1838,
General Winfield Scott was sent with an army to
remove them. He issued a proclamation which
began as follows:—

"Cherokees,—The President of the United
States has sent me with a powerful army to cause
[pg 143]
you, in accordance with the treaty of 1835, to join
that part of your people who are already established
on the other side of the Mississippi. Unhappily,
the two years which were allowed for the
purpose you have allowed to pass away without
following, and without making any preparations
to follow; and now, or by the time that this solemn
address reaches your distant settlements, the emigration
must be commenced in haste, but I hope
without disorder. I have no power, by granting
a further delay, to correct the error you have
committed. The full moon of May is already on
the wane, and before another shall have passed
away, every Cherokee man, woman, and child in
these states1 must be in motion to join their
brethren in the West."

And so this harmless, helpless people left for
their long journey. Their only offense was that
they owned land which the whites wanted.
There are still old Indians who remember the
"great removal." Most of them were little children
then, but the sad leaving their beloved
mountains and the sorrow and hardship of the
long journey is remembered after sixty years.

A few years since, we visited the Eastern Cherokees.
Perhaps two thousand of them now live
in the mountains of North Carolina and Tennessee.
Some of these are persons who never
went to the Indian Territory, but hid themselves
[pg 144]
in rocks and caves until the soldiers were gone;
some ran away from the great company as it
moved westward, trudging back a long and toilsome
journey; some are the children and grandchildren
of such refugees; some are persons who
drifted back in later years to the hills and forests,
the springs and brooks, which their fathers had
known and loved. They are mostly poor,—unlike
their relatives in the West,—but they are
industrious and happy. Their log houses are
scattered over the mountain slopes or perched
upon the tops of ridges or clustered together in
little villages in the pretty valleys. Their fields
are fenced and well cultivated. They work them
in companies of ten or twelve persons; such companies
are formed to work the fields of each
member in order. They dress like white people,
and most of the old Indian life is gone.

Still there are some bits of it left. The women
are basket-makers, and make baskets of wide
splints of cane, plain or dyed black or red, which
are interwoven to make striking patterns. Some
old women weave artistically shaped baskets from
slender splints of oak. Old Catolsta, more than
ninety years old, still shapes pottery vessels and
marks them with ornamental patterns which are
cut upon a little paddle of wood, and stamped on
the soft clay by beating it with the paddle. They
still sometimes use the bow and arrow, though
more in sport than in earnest, as most of them
have white men's guns. The arrow race is still
[pg 145]
sometimes run. Several young men start out
together, each with his bow and arrows. The
arrows are shot out over the course; they run as
fast as possible to where these fall and picking
them up shoot them on at once.
And so they go on over the whole
course, each trying to get through
first. Ball is largely
a thing of the
past, and great
games are not common.
Still there
are rackets at many houses. One
day we got a "scratcher" from
old Hoyoneta, once a great medicine
man for ball-players. This
scratcher consisted of seven splinters
of bone, sharpened at
one end and inserted into
a quill frame which held
them firmly, separated from
one another by about a
quarter of an inch or less. When a young man
was about to play his first great game of ball, he
went to Hoyoneta, or some other medicine man,
to be scratched.

Indian Ball-Player. (After Catlin.)

He had already fasted and otherwise prepared
himself for the ordeal. The old man, after muttering
charms and incantations, drew the scratcher
four times the length of the young man's body,
burying the points each time deeply in the flesh.
[pg 146]
Each time the instrument made seven scratches.
One set of these ran from the base of the left
thumb, up the arm, diagonally across the chest,
down the right leg to the right great toe; another,
from the base of the right thumb to the left
great toe; another, from the base of the left little
finger, up the back of the arm, across the back,
down the right leg to the base of the little toe;
the other, from the base of the right little finger,
to the left little toe. The young man then
plunged, with all these bleeding gashes, into a
cold running brook. He was then ready for the
morrow's ball play, for, had he not been scratched
twenty-eight times with the bones of swift running
creatures, and been prayed over by a great
medicine man?

Every one should know of Sequoyah or George
Guess or Guest, as he was called in English. He
was a Cherokee who loved to work at machinery
and invent handy devices. He determined to
invent a system of writing his language. He saw
that the writing of the white men consisted in the
use of characters to represent sounds. At first
he thought of using one character for each word;
this was not convenient because there are so
many words. He finally concluded that there
were eighty-six syllables in Cherokee, and he
formed a series of eighty-six characters to represent
them. Some of these characters were borrowed
from the white man's alphabet; the rest
were specially invented. It took some little time
[pg 147]
for the Cherokees to accept Sequoyah's great
invention, but by 1827 it was in use throughout
the nation. Types were made, and soon books
and papers were printed in the Cherokee language
in Sequoyah's characters. These are still
in use, and to-day in the Indian Territory, a
newspaper is regularly printed by the Cherokee
Nation, part of which is in English, part in the
Cherokee character. This newspaper is, by the
way, supplied free to each family by the Cherokee
government.

Examples of Sequoyah's Characters.

Helen Hunt Jackson.—Writer. Her nom de plume was
"H. H." Wrote two books about Indians, A Century of
Dishonor and Ramona. Every American boy should read the
former.

XXII. George Catlin And His Work.

A famous man in America fifty years ago was
George Catlin. He was born at Wyoming, Pennsylvania,
in 1796, and lived to a good old age,
[pg 148]
dying in 1872. His father wished him to be a
lawyer, and he studied for that profession and
began its practice in Philadelphia. He was, however,
fond of excitement and adventure, and found
it hard to stick to his business. He was fond of
painting, though he considered it only an amusement.
While he was living in Philadelphia a
party of Indians from the "Far West" spent some
days in that city on their way to Washington.
Catlin saw them, and was delighted with their
fine forms and noble bearing. He determined to
give up law practice and to devote his life to
painting Indians, resolving to form a collection of
portraits which should show, after they were gone,
how they looked and how they lived.

He made his first journey to the Indian country
for this purpose in 1832. For the next
eight years he devoted himself to the work. He
traveled many thousands of miles by canoe and
horse, among tribes some of which were still quite
wild. His life was full of excitement, difficulty,
and danger. He made paintings everywhere:
paintings of the scenery, of herds of buffalo, of
hunting life, Indian games, celebrations of ceremonies,
portraits—everything that would illustrate
the life and the country of the Indian.

Portrait of George Catlin.

Among the tribes he visited were the Mandans,
who lived along the Missouri River. Some of
his best pictures were painted among them. He
there witnessed the whole of their sun-dance
ceremony, and painted four remarkable pictures
[pg 150]
of it. These represent the young men fasting in
the dance lodge, the buffalo dance outside, the
torture in the lodge, the almost equally horrible
treatment of the dancers outside after the torture.
Although a terrible picture, we have copied the
painting showing the torture in the lodge (see
next chapter) as an example of his work. Other
pictures by him are the ball-player (see XXI.)
and the chief in war dress (see I.).

Sometimes the Indians did not wish to be
painted. They thought it would bring bad luck
or shorten life. At one Sioux village the head
chief was painted before any one knew it. When
the picture was done, some of the headmen were
invited to look at it. Then all the village wanted
to see it, and it was hung outside the tent. This
caused much excitement. Catlin says the medicine
men "took a decided and noisy stand against
the operations of my brush; haranguing the populace
and predicting bad luck and premature death
to all who submitted to so strange and unaccountable
an operation! My business for some days
was entirely at a stand for want of sitters; for the
doctors were opposing me with all their force;
and the women and children were crying with
their hands over their mouths, making most pitiful
and doleful laments."

At another town up the Missouri River, near
the Yellowstone, there was a still greater excitement
over one of Catlin's pictures. About six
hundred Sioux families were gathered at a trading
[pg 151]
post from the several different sub-tribes
of that great people. There had been some
trouble over his painting, and the medicine men
threatened that those who were painted would
die or have great misfortune. An Uncpapa Sioux
chief named Little Bear offered to be painted.
He was a noble, fine-looking fellow, with a strong
face which Catlin painted in profile. The picture
was almost finished when a chief of a different
band, a surly, bad-tempered man whom no one
liked, came in. His name was Shonko, "The
Dog." After looking at the picture some time,
he at last said in an insolent way, "Little Bear is
but half a man." The two men had some words,
when finally The Dog said, "Ask the painter, he
can tell you; he knows you are but half a man—he
has painted but one half your face, and knows
the other half is good for nothing." Again they
bandied words back and forth, Little Bear plainly
coming out ahead in the quarrel. The Dog
hurried from the room in a great rage. Little
Bear knew he was in danger; he hurried home,
and loaded his gun to be prepared. He then
threw himself on his face, praying to Wakanda
for help and protection. His wife, fearing that
he was bent on mischief, secretly removed the
ball from his gun. At that moment the insolent
voice of The Dog was heard. "If Little Bear is
a whole man, let him come out and prove it; it is
The Dog that speaks." Little Bear seized his
gun and started to the door. His wife screamed
[pg 152]
as she realized what she had done. It was too
late; the two men had fired, and Little Bear fell
mortally wounded in that side of his face which
had not been painted in the portrait. The Dog
fled.

The death of Little Bear called for vengeance.
Such an excitement arose that Catlin soon left,
going further up the river. The warriors of the
two bands organized war-parties, the one to protect,
the other to destroy, The Dog. The Dog's
brother was killed. He was an excellent man,
and his death was greatly mourned. The Dog
kept out of reach. Councils were held. When
the matter was discussed, some things were said
which show the Indian ideas regarding portraits.
One man said:

"He [Catlin] was the death of Little Bear!
He made only one side of his face; he would not
make the other; the side he made was alive, the
other was dead, and Shonko shot it off." Another
said: "Father, this medicine man [Catlin]
has done us much harm. You told our chiefs
and warriors they must be painted—you said
he was a good man and we believed you! you
thought so, my father, but you see what he has
done! he looks at our chiefs and our women and
then makes them alive! In this way he has
taken our chief away, and he can trouble their
spirits when they are dead! they will be unhappy."
On his return voyage Catlin had to be
cautious, and avoided the Uncpapa encampment.
[pg 153]
Some months later The Dog was overtaken and
killed.

Catlin's pictures varied much in quality. Some
were fine; others were poor. Often he made the
outlines and striking features wonderfully well.

Catlin was among the Mandans in 1832.
Thirty-three years later Washington Matthews
was in the Upper Missouri country. He had
with him a copy of Catlin's book with line pictures
of more than three hundred of his paintings.
The Indians had completely forgotten Catlin and
his visit, but were much interested in his pictures.

The news soon spread that the white man had
a book containing the "faces of their fathers."
Many went up to Fort Stevenson to see them.
They recognized many of the portraits and expressed
great emotion. That is, the women did,
weeping readily on seeing them. The men
seemed little moved. One day there came from
the Mandan town, sixteen miles away, the chief,
Rushing Eagle, son of Four Bears, who had been
a favorite of Catlin's. Catlin painted him several
times (see opposite page 1). When the son saw
his father's picture, though he gazed at it long
and steadily, he showed no emotion. Dr. Matthews
was called away on some errand, and told
the chief that he would be away some time and
left him alone with the book. He was obliged,
however, to return for something, and was surprised
to find Rushing Eagle weeping and earnestly
addressing his father's portrait.
[pg 154]

Catlin not only painted hundreds of pictures
among many tribes; he also secured many fine
Indian objects—dress, weapons, scalps, objects
used in games, painted blankets, etc. With his
pictures and curiosities, which had cost him
so much time, labor, and danger, he traveled
through the United States.

He exhibited in Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
Washington, and many less important cities,
and everywhere attracted crowds. He went to
Europe and exhibited in France, Belgium, and
England. Every one spoke of him. He was the
guest of kings and prominent men everywhere.
Louis Philippe, King of France, was so much
interested in his work that he proposed to buy
the pictures and curiosities for the French nation.
But just then came the Revolution which dethroned
him, and the sale fell through. Many of
Catlin's pictures and some of his curiosities are
still in existence, and the greater part of these
are in the United States National Museum at
Washington.

Washington Matthews.—Physician, ethnologist. Author
of important works regarding the Hidatsa and Navajo Indians.
Wrote The Catlin Collection of Indian Paintings.

[pg 155]

XXIII. The Sun Dance.

The Sioux or Dakota Indians are one of the
largest tribes left. They live at present chiefly
in the states of North and South Dakota. There
are a number of divisions or sub-tribes of them—the
Santee, Sisseton, Wahpeton, Yankton,
Yanktonnais, and Teton Sioux. The Tetons in
turn are divided into several bands each with its
own name. These are all Sioux proper, but there
are many other tribes that speak languages that
are related to the Sioux. Among these Siouan—but
not Sioux—tribes are the Winnebagoes,
Mandans, Ponkas, Assinaboines, Omahas, and
Otoes.

The Sioux are tall, finely built Indians, with
large features and heavy, massive faces. They
are a good type of the Plains Indians who until
lately lived by hunting buffalo. There are now
nearly thirty thousand true Sioux and about ten
thousand Siouans of related tribes.

Among all peoples of the Siouan family it is
probable that the terrible sun dance was practiced.
It differed somewhat from tribe to tribe. It was
seen and described by a number of whites, but
to-day it has been forbidden by the United States
government, and it is some years since it last took
place.
[pg 156]

The sun dance was made to please Wakantanka,
the sun. If there were a famine or disease,
or if one wished success in war, or to have a good
crop, a young man would say, "I will pray to
Wakantanka early in the summer." The man at
once began to prepare for the event. He took
sweat baths, drank herb teas, and gave feasts to
his friends, where herb teas were used. He had
to be careful of what things he touched; used a
new knife, which no one else might use; must
not touch any unclean thing. He could not go
in swimming. He and his friends gathered together
all the property they could, that he might
give many gifts at the time of the dance.

At his house every one had to treat him kindly
and not vex him. An umane was made near the
back of the tent. This was a space dug down to
the lower soil. Red paint was strewn over it, and
no one might set foot upon it. Any of those who
were to take part in the dance, after he had
smoked would carefully empty the ashes from his
pipe upon this spot. The spot represented life
as belonging to the earth.

Invitations to neighboring tribes were sent
early, and long before the dance parties began
to arrive. Some of these would spend several
weeks about the village. At first they pitched
their camps wherever it best suited them. A
little before the dance orders were given, and all
the visitors camped in one large camp circle, each
tribe occupying a special place. The space within
[pg 157]
this circle was carefully leveled and prepared. A
special building was erected in the center of this
circle in which the young men made their preparations.
In it were buffalo skulls,—one for each
dancer,—a new knife and ax, and couches of
sage for the dancers to lie upon.

A sacred tree was next secured and set up.
This was an important matter. Men of consequence
were first sent out to select it. When
they had found one they announced it in the village,
and a great crowd rode out on horseback to
the spot. Many strange things were done in getting
it, but at last it was cut down. A bundle
of wood, a blanket, a buffalo robe, and two pieces
of buffalo skin—one cut to the shape of a man,
the other to that of a buffalo—were fastened in
the tree. It was then carried in triumph back
to the camp and set up.

A dance house was built around this tree. It
was like a great ring in shape, and the space
between it and the tree was not roofed. The
dance house was built of poles and leaves. In it
all the more important parts of the ceremony were
performed. After the tree was set up and the
dance house built, all the town was in excitement;
men, dressed in all their finery, went dashing on
horseback around the camp circle, shooting their
pistols and making a great noise. The old men
shot at the objects hung in the sacred tree. At
evening the young men and women rode around,
singing.
[pg 158]

During all this time the young men had been
preparing for the dance. They were especially
dressed, they had sung, drummed, and smoked.
When the evening came that has been described,
the dance really began. The young men danced
from the lodge, where they had been making
preparation, to the dance lodge.

The leader carried a buffalo skull painted red.
All cried as they went. On entering the dancing
house they saluted the four cardinal points and
seated themselves at the back of the lodge, singing.
A spot, shaped like a crescent, was then
cut in the ground, and the dancers placed in it
the buffalo skulls they carried. Shortly afterward
began the tortures, which have made this
dance so famous. They were intended to test
the bravery of the young men and to please the
sun. Sometimes a man stood between four posts
arranged in the form of a square. His flesh was
cut in two places in the back, and thongs were
passed through and tied to the post in front.
Another had a buffalo skull hung to the thong
passed through his back, and danced until the
weight of the skull tore out the thong. From a
pole hung eight thongs; one man took two of
these and passed them through his cuts and fastened
them; he then hung back and looked upward
at the sun. Other men, who did not take
part in the dance itself, sat near the sun pole, and
with new knives cut bits of flesh from their shoulders
and held them up to the sun pole. Sometimes
[pg 159]
a man took his horse with him into the
dancing lodge. His chest was pierced in two
places and thongs from the pole were inserted;
he was then tied to his horse, and the animal
was whipped up. The thongs were thus suddenly
jerked and the flesh torn.

Tortures of the Mandan Sun Dance. (After Catlin.)

These are only a few of the dreadful things
that have been told of sun-dance tortures. They
are taken from a description given by an Indian
named George Bushotter. He not only described
the dance, but drew a curious lot of rude pictures
showing it.

Years before, George Catlin saw the sun dance
of the Mandans, and left four terrible pictures of
[pg 160]
it. The celebration at that time among the
Mandans exceeded in the horror of its tortures
that which we have described.

While these tortures were going on in the
dancing lodge, all sorts of things were being done
outside. The old women danced. Songs were
sung in honor of the young men. Children were
gathered together and their ears were pierced.
Presents were given away. A double fence of
poles connected the house of preparation and the
dance house, and upon it objects of all kinds were
hung. These were free gifts to any one who chose
to take them.

From the time the sacred tree was set up until
the dance was over, the young men taking part
fasted and took no drink. While they suffered,
and as they gazed at the sun or lifted up their
hands toward it, they continually prayed, saying,
"Please pity me; bring to pass the things I desire."
When all was over, the young men were taken
home, and each was given four sips of water and a
bit of food. A little later they might eat all they
liked. Then they went into the sweat lodge.
They were now through, and ever after might
boast of having danced to Wakantanka.

J. Owen Dorsey.—Missionary, ethnologist. Was connected
with the Bureau of Ethnology. Wrote many papers, one of
which is Siouan Cults.

[pg 161]

XXIV. The Pueblos.

The most interesting Indians of the Southwest
are the Pueblos, so called from their habit of living
in towns. The word Pueblo is Spanish, and
means a village or town. More than three hundred
years ago the Spaniards, exploring northward
from Mexico, found these clusters of industrious
Indians living in their quaint towns. They conquered
them and brought them missionaries.
They taught them their beautiful language, and
even to-day Spanish is spoken in all the pueblos
in addition to the native Indian tongue. When
the Spaniards entered New Mexico there were
more than one hundred pueblos; to-day there are
about twenty. Most of these are in New Mexico,
but seven, the Moki towns, are in Arizona.

The home of the Pueblos is a wonderful land.
It is a country of desert, of flat-topped mesas, of
sharp-pinnacled crests, of broad valleys, and deep
and narrow cañons. It is a land where the sky
is almost always blue, and where the air is clear.
There are but few streams, and every spring is
precious. The people always built near water,
and selected some spot in a valley where there
was room for the corn-fields.

The largest of the present pueblos is Zuñi, in
New Mexico. Some years ago a white man,
[pg 162]
Frank Cushing, went to Zuñi and lived for a long
time there to learn about the life and customs of
the Pueblo Indians. They were kind to him, at
first taking him into their own houses, and later
allowing him a little house by himself. Since Mr.
Cushing went to live at Zuñi, a number of other
persons have lived at other pueblos, so that we
know a good deal about them now.

View of Pueblo: Taos, N. M. (From Photograph.)

In former times a pueblo consisted of one
great house, or, at most, of a few great houses,
each the home of a large number of people.
Taos, in northern New Mexico, is, perhaps, as old-fashioned
as any of the pueblos now occupied.
Even to-day it consists almost entirely of two
large houses, one on each side of the little Taos
River. The houses are so built that the flat roofs
[pg 163]
of the different stories form a set of steps as one
looks at them from in front. In a three-story
building the lower floor would have three sets of
rooms, one in front of another. The roof of the
front line of rooms would form a flat platform in
front of the front rooms of the second story,
which consisted only of two lines of rooms. The
roof of the front line of these, in turn, was a
platform in front of the single line of third-story
rooms. Formerly there were no doors in the
lower rooms, but ladders were placed against the
wall, and persons climbed up on the roof; then
through a hole in the roof, by means of another
ladder they climbed down into the room. By
ladders from the roof of the first floor they climbed
to the top of the second story; there were doors
in the rooms of the second and third stories.
Nowadays there are usually doors into the lower
rooms, but they still use ladders for getting into
the upper stories.

The people are fond of sitting on the house-tops
as they work. There they spin, shell corn,
cut and dry squashes, shape pottery vessels, etc.
There they gather in crowds when there are
dances in the pueblo, and when there are foot
races or pony races.

The walls of these houses are built of stone
covered over with adobe mud, or of sun-dried adobe
bricks. They did not formerly have what we
would call windows, but there were small openings
in the walls for air, or for peepholes. In
[pg 164]
the pueblos of to-day we find true sashes with
glass in a few of the houses. There are also some
rather old rooms that have windows made of
"isinglass" or gypsum, a mineral found in the
mountains, which can be split into thin sheets,
which are transparent. The chimneys in these
houses are made of broken water-jars laid up, one
on another, and the joints plastered with mud.

Pueblo Pottery. (From Originals in Peabody Museum.)

The Pueblo Indians are industrious. The men
have to attend to their fields, their orchards of
peaches and apricots, and their flocks and herds.
The women tend the gardens, make pottery and
baskets, and prepare the food. Men are also
weavers of blankets and belts. The produce of
the fields is chiefly corn, but some wheat is also
raised. Considerable crops are made of watermelons,
muskmelons, squashes, and gourds. The
[pg 165]
most important domestic animals are ponies, the
little donkeys called burros, and goats. Near
the pueblos are always several enclosures built of
poles set in the ground, called corrals. These
are for the animals, and one kind only is usually
kept in one corral. The Indian boys have great
fun at evening when the burros are brought
home from pasture and put into the corral.
They go in among them and play until dark
with the patient little beasts. They climb up
on to them and ride, push, pull, and tease them.
Early the next morning the whole herd is taken
out to pasture by two or three boys, whose work
it is to stay with them all day.

Estufa at Cochiti, N. M. (From Photograph.)

A visitor to a pueblo would be sure to notice
the estufas. These differ with the pueblo, but
the characteristic Rio Grande pueblo type is a
large, round, single-roomed, flat-topped building.
[pg 166]
They are smoothly coated outside with adobe
clay. A flight of steps leads to the roof, and a
long ladder projecting through a hole in the
roof leads down to the inside. The floor of the
estufa is considerably lower than the ground
outside. Years ago, before the Spanish priests
taught the Indians our ideas of family life, all
the men and large boys slept in the estufa at
night, while the women and little children slept
in the big houses. Nowadays the estufas are
somewhat mysterious places where the dancers
practice for the great dances, and where, on the
day of celebration, they dress and ornament for
the event.

At the pueblos are many little round-topped
buildings of clay and stone. They have a small
opening or door at the bottom. They are the
ovens for baking bread. The women build a fine
fire of dry brush inside the oven until it is heated
thoroughly. The ashes and coals are then raked
out, and the loaves of bread, shaped like large
rolls, are put inside on the floor, and a sheepskin
is hung at the door. In about an hour the bread
is removed, well baked and piping hot. Some
years ago a lady visiting Taos wrote a description
of that pueblo. She mentioned these clay
ovens, and said, "When not in use for baking
bread, they make nice dog kennels." We have
never seen any except such as had the doorway
carefully filled up with stones when they were
not in use for baking.
[pg 167]

The bread baked in these ovens is made of
wheat flour. Another kind, called paper-bread,
is made of corn. The chief work of the Pueblo
woman is grinding corn meal. The grinding is
done upon a stone set slantingly on the ground.
This stone is called a metaté. The woman kneels
in front of it and holds a rubbing stone in her
hands. Throwing a handful of grains of corn
upon the metaté, she rubs it to meal with the
rubbing stone. It is hard work, and the woman's
body moves up and down, up and down, as she
grinds. Usually she sings in time to her movements.
Sometimes three or four grindstones are
set side by side, separated from each other by
boards. Several women grind together, each at
one of the stones. The first grinds the corn to
a coarse meal; she then passes it to the next,
who grinds it finer, and then passes it along to
be made still finer.

In making paper-bread fine corn meal is mixed
with water into a dough or batter. A fire is
then built under a flat stone with a smooth top.
When this is hot, the woman spreads a thin sheet
of dough upon it with her hand; in a moment
this is turned, and then the sheet, which is almost
as thin as paper, is folded or rolled up and is ready
to eat. The color of paper-bread varies, but commonly
it is a dull bluish-green and tastes sweet
and good.

For threshing wheat the Pueblos prepare a
clean, round spot of ground, perhaps twenty feet
[pg 168]
across. It is smooth, with a hard, well-trodden
floor of clay. It is surrounded with a circle of
poles stuck in the ground, to which ropes are
fastened in order to make an enclosure.

The grain, cut in the fields, is brought in and
heaped up on the clay floor. Ponies are driven
into the enclosure, and a boy with a whip keeps
them running around. They tread the grain
loose from the chaff or husk. In the afternoon,
when the wind has risen, men with wooden
shovels and pitchforks throw the grain and chaff
into the air. The wheat, being heavy, falls,
while the chaff is blown away. When the grain
has thus been nearly cleaned, the women come
with great bowl-shaped baskets. Spreading a
blanket or skin robe on the ground, a woman
takes a basketful of the grain, holds it up above
her head, and gently shakes it from side to side,
pouring out a little stream of the grain all the
time. As this falls, the wind blows out the last
of the chaff and dirt, and the grain is left clean,
ready for use.

XXV. The Snake Dance.

In northeastern Arizona, in a region of unusual
wildness, even for the Southwest, lies the
Moki Reservation. There are seven Moki pueblos
[pg 169]
built on the crests of the mesas. All are
built of stone. The two largest are Walpi and
Oraibe. Six of these towns speak a language
related to that of the Shoshones; the seventh,
Hano, is a settlement of strangers from the east,
who speak the language of Taos on the Rio
Grande. The Moki pueblos are, in some ways,
particularly old-fashioned. Here the women do
their hair up curiously: it is parted in the middle,
and neatly smoothed out at the sides; behind
it is done up in two queer, rounded masses,
like horns. Formerly, perhaps, the women at
some other pueblos wore their hair in this same
way. In these Moki towns they weave the dark
blue or black woolen mantas, or dresses, which
are worn by women in all the other pueblos.

In most respects the life of the Moki is like
that of other Pueblo Indians. There is, however,
among them a great religious ceremony,
which is famous, and is perhaps the wildest and
weirdest of all Indian rituals. This is the Snake
Dance. It is held at any one town only once
in two years, but it occurs at some town or other
every year. Thus it is held at Walpi in the
odd years—1899, 1901; it is held at Oraibe,
the even years—1900, 1902, etc. It is celebrated
about the middle of August, and always
attracts a crowd of Indian and white visitors.

The whole ceremony, of which the snake
dance is a part, requires nine days or more, for
its celebration. Most of the things are done in
[pg 170]
the kiva, or estufa, secretly. Dr. Fewkes has
given a full account of these, some of which are
very curious. During the earlier days runners
are sent out to place prayer sticks at the springs
and sacred places. The first days they are sent
out the messengers go to the more distant shrines,
but each day take in places nearer and nearer
home. During the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth
days snake hunts take place; the hunter priests
go out to capture living snakes. The first day
they go to the north, the second to the west, the
third to the south, the fourth to the east. All
kinds of snakes are taken, though perhaps the
rattlesnakes are most prized. Few white men
have ever seen the snake hunt. One who has
seen it writes:

"In a short time a low call came from a man
who was thrusting his stick into a dense clump of
greasewood, and as the hunters gathered, there
was found to be a large rattlesnake, lying in the
heart of the thicket. Without hesitation they at
once proceeded to cut away the bushes with their
hoes, and strangely enough, although the snake
lay in coil and watching them, it made no rattling
or other display of anger. One of the twigs
fell upon it, and the man nearest stooped down
and deliberately lifted the branch away. Each one
then sprinkled a pinch of meal upon the snake,
and the man who had found it bent over and
tapped it lightly with the feathers of his snake
whip, and then it straightened out to make off,
[pg 171]
but just as it relaxed from coil, the hunter, using
his right hand, in which he held his snake whip,
instantly seized it a few inches back of the head.
Holding it out, he gave it a quick shake, and then
proceeded to fold it up and put it in one of the
small bags carried for this purpose, showing no
more concern in its handling than if it had been
a ribbon." All these snakes are cared for, being
put into jars or vessels in the kiva.

We can speak of few things in the kiva. The
altars of colored sands, the dances, the songs,
the sacred vessels, and other objects used, the
dramatic representation of passages from their
legends, are all curious. We have not time to
speak of them. On the eighth day, the priests
of the antelope society dance, sing the sixteen
songs, and perform a drama, all in the kiva.
At last the ninth day arrives.

The plaza, or square, in the middle of the
town has been prepared. In it is the kisi, built
of green boughs, intended as a shelter for the
snakes. In front of it is a board in which is a
hole, called the sipapu. This hole is supposed
to lead down into the lower world, where people
used to live. Early in the morning there was a
race between boys and girls. They went first
to the fields, and then raced in, each bringing a
load of melon vines, corn plants, or other vegetable
life. These they placed in the plaza.

At noon the snakes are washed in the kiva. A
great bowl is brought in and carefully set down.
[pg 172]
Into it liquid is poured from the north, west,
south, and east. The snakes, which have been
kept in jars at the corners of the room, are taken
and handed to certain priests near the washbowl.
All those in the kiva begin to shake their rattles
and to sing in a low, humming voice. The priests
holding the snakes begin to beat time with them
up and down above the liquid. The song increases,
becoming "louder and wilder, until it
bursts forth into a fierce, blood-curdling yell, or
war-cry. At this moment the heads of the snakes
were thrust several times into the liquid, so that
even parts of their bodies were submerged, and
were then drawn out, not having left the hands
of the priests, and forcibly thrown across the
room upon the sand mosaic.... As they fell
on the sand picture, three snake priests stood in
readiness, and while the reptiles squirmed about,
or coiled for defense, these men, with their snake
whips, brushed them back and forth in the sand
of the altar.... The low, weird song continued
while other rattlesnakes were taken in the hands
of the priests, and as the song rose again to the
wild war-cry, these snakes were also plunged into
the liquid and thrown upon the writhing mass,
which now occupied the place of the altar....
Every snake in the collection was thus washed."

Late in the afternoon, near sunset, the antelope
priests in all their finery and paint appear
in a procession and circle four times around the
plaza, dancing as they go and thumping heavily
[pg 173]
upon the board in front of the kisi as they pass
over it. Then they draw up in line before the
kisi. Then the snake priests come out of their
kiva, with bodies painted red and their chins black,
with white lines. They wear dark red kilts and
moccasins. They dance four times around the
plaza, but with more energy and wildness than
the antelope priests had done. They then draw
up in a line opposite the antelope priests and go
through with strange singing and movements.

Moki Snake Dance. (After Fewkes.)

Suddenly the party of snake priests divides
into bands of three persons. These little bands
approach the kisi, where the snakes have been
placed. One of the men kneels, and when
he rises holds a snake in his hand. This he
places squirming in his mouth, holding it at
about the middle of its body. One of his companions
throws an arm about the neck of the
snake carrier; in his other hand he holds a
feather wand or brush, with which he brushes at
the snake as if to attract his attention. The
third man of the band follows the other two. In
this way they go with the wriggling snake. Four
times these bands of three go around the plaza,
when the snakes are dropped. The followers
catch them up at once. When all the snakes
have been danced with and are gathered into the
arms of the followers, an old priest advances into
the center of the plaza and makes a ring of sacred
meal. Those holding the snakes run up and
throw them into one squirming, writhing mass
[pg 175]
within this ring. All the priests then rush in,
seize what snakes they can, and dart with them,
down the trail, out into the open country, where
they release the snakes to go where they please.
Meantime, the antelope priests close the public
ceremony by marching gravely four times round
the plaza.

This ceremony is a prayer for rain. It also
celebrates in a dramatic form the story of how
the great snake and antelope societies began.
The snakes gathered in the fields hear the prayers
of the people, and when they are loosed carry
them to the gods.

Jesse Walter Fewkes.—Naturalist, ethnologist. Now with
the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D.C. Has written a
number of papers about the snake dance.

John G. Bourke.—Soldier, ethnologist. Was the first
American ethnologist to describe the Snake Dance of the Moki.

XXVI. Cliff Dwellings And Ruins Of The
Southwest.

Through a large area in Colorado, New Mexico,
Arizona, and Utah, also in parts of northern Mexico,
there are found several kinds of ancient ruins.
At some places they are pretty well preserved, and
walls still stand to a considerable height. At
others they are mere heaps of stone blocks or
crumbling adobe bricks. The three best defined
[pg 176]
types of buildings found in these ruins are old
pueblos, cliff ruins, and cave houses.

Zuñi is the largest inhabited pueblo. Not far
from it lies Old Zuñi; and under the ruins of
Old Zuñi lie the ruins of a yet older pueblo.
Such ruins of old pueblos number hundreds in
the Southwest. Sometimes the old walls were
built of stone, carefully laid, and with the cracks
neatly chinked with splinters of stone; sometimes
the stones of the walls were laid in adobe cement;
sometimes the walls were constructed of great
adobe bricks. These old pueblos were in style
and character like those now inhabited. They
were often three or four stories high and terraced
from in front back. Sometimes they were elliptical
or rounded in general form, but more commonly
they were built around the three sides of
a central court, upon which the buildings faced.
Some of these old pueblos were larger than any
now occupied, and many of them were better built.

The cliff dwellings were built on ledges of rock
along the sides of cliffs. Many of the streams of
the Southwest flow through deep and narrow
gorges cut in the solid rock. Such gorges are there
called cañons. Among the famous cliff-dwellings
are those in the cañon of the Chelley River,
and those in Mancos Cañon. Here are houses
perched up on ledges or stowed away in natural
caverns. Some of them are hundreds of feet
above the stream, and have a perpendicular rock
wall for one hundred feet below them. These
[pg 177]
houses are carefully built with stone laid in
cement. Besides houses of many rooms, and
of two or more stories, there are circular towers.
Plainly, the people who built these houses did it
to secure themselves from attack. Their gardens
and fields must have been far below in the valley.

Cliff Ruins at Mancos Canyon. (After Photograph.)

The cave houses were usually dug out in the
rocks by human beings. They were cut in the
soft rock with picks or axes of stone. Some of
these dwellings were cut out as simple open caves.
In such, there were walls erected at the front.
The cave might be so cut that the rock face remained
for the front wall of the house; a hole
was first cut for a doorway, and then the room or
rooms would be dug out from it behind the cliff
wall.

Some persons believe these three kinds of
[pg 178]
houses were built by three distinct peoples or
tribes. This is not likely, for sometimes two or
all three kinds are found together, so related as
to show that all were occupied at one time by the
people of one village.

About twenty or twenty-five miles up the Rio
Grande from the pueblo of Cochiti, New Mexico,
is a brook called El Rito de los Frijoles, which
means "the brook of the beans." It runs in a
fine gorge with rock banks; large pine trees grow
in the valley and cap the summits of the chasm.
In one of the side cliffs are hundreds of holes,
the remains of old dug cave rooms and houses.
In most of them the rock cliff face itself forms
the front wall of the house. We entered one
single-roomed house that looked almost as if it
had been used yesterday.

We crept in through a little doorway about
a dozen feet up in the cliff and found ourselves
in a small room about fifteen feet square. We
could see the marks on the roof and the upper
part of the walls, where stone picks had been
used in cutting out the house. The floor was
neatly smoothed, and covered with hard clay.
The lower part of the wall was finished smooth
with clay, washed over with a thin coat of fine
cream-colored clay. The roof was black with
the smoke of ancient fires; a little smoke-hole
pierced the forward wall, near and above, but
at one side of, the door. There were niches
cut out in the wall, where little treasures used to
[pg 179]
be kept. Ends of poles set in the rock seemed
to be pegs upon which objects were hung; their
unevenly cut ends showed the marks of stone
axes. In the floor we found a line of loops to
which the bottom pole of the old blanket-weaving
loom must have been fastened.

But these cave houses are not the only ruins
at El Rito. Along certain parts of the cliff are
remains of ancient buildings of the true pueblo
type, which had been built against the base of the
cliff. They are often placed in such a way with
reference to cave rooms in the cliff as to show
that both were parts of one great building. Thus,
on the ground floor there might be two pueblo
rooms in front of a cave room, on the second
floor there might be one pueblo room in front of
one cave room, and on the third floor there might
be only cave rooms. Following up the cañon a
little way from this mass of ruins, passing other
cave houses, and heaped-up rubbish of old pueblo
walls, on the way, we see, perhaps a hundred feet
up the cliff, a great natural cavern. Climbing
to it, we find as genuine cliff houses constructed
therein as those of Mancos Cañon itself. It is
certain that at El Rito the people built at one
time the three kinds of houses,—the pueblo, the
cliff house, the cave house.

At El Rito we find what is common near these
ruins in many places,—great numbers of pictures
cut in the rock wall. These pictures are sometimes
painted as well as cut in, and often represent
[pg 180]
sent the sun, the moon, human beings, and animals.

Many relics are found at these ruins. The
old metatés and rubbing stones for grinding
meal are common. Axes, adzes, and picks of
stone are not rare, and once in a while a specimen
is found with the old handle still attached.
These stone tools have a groove around the
blade. A flexible branch was bent around this
and tied, thus forming the handle. Many round
pebbles are found which are much battered;
these were hammers. Pieces of sandstone are
found with straight grooves worn across them;
they were used to straighten and smooth arrows
on. Arrow heads and spear heads made of chert,
jasper, chalcedony, and obsidian, are common.
Sometimes yarns of different colors, bits of cloth,
and objects made of hair are found. Sandals
neatly woven of yucca fiber are common.

In many of these old caves dried bodies have
been found. They are usually called "mummies,"
but wrongly so. Sometimes sandals are found
still upon their feet, and not rarely the blankets
made of feather cloth, in which they were
wrapped, are preserved. This was made by
fastening feathers into a rather open-work cloth
of cords.

The art of all arts, however, among the people
who built these ancient houses is the one in
which modern Pueblos excel,—pottery. Thousands
of whole vessels have been taken from
[pg 181]
these ruins. There are many forms,—great
water-jars, flasks, cups, bowls, ladles,—and, in
ware and decoration, they are much better than
those made by modern Pueblos. The ware is
generally thinner, better baked, firmer, and gives
a better ring when struck. The decorations are
usually good geometrical designs.

The ancient builders were, in culture, mode
of life, and architecture, much like the modern
Pueblos. It is probable that some of them
were the ancestors of the Pueblo Indians. The
Mokis claim that some of the ruins of the
McElmo Cañon were the old homes of their
people; and the inhabitants of Cochiti assert
that it was their forefathers who lived at El
Rito de los Frijoles. We cannot say of every
ruined building who built it, but certainly the
builders were Indians very like the Pueblos.

Adolf F. Bandelier.—Historian, archæologist; made an
extended study of the ruins of New Mexico, Arizona, and
northern Mexico.

XXVII. Tribes Of The Northwest Coast.

A long and narrow strip of land stretches
from Vancouver Island northward to Alaska. It
is bounded on the east by the great mountains,
on the west by the Pacific Ocean. Its coast
[pg 182]
line is irregular; narrow fiords run far into the
land. The climate is generally temperate, but
there is much rain. Dense forests of pine, cedar,
hemlock, and maple cover the mountain slopes.
Many kinds of berries grow there abundantly,
supplying food for man. In the mountain forests
are deer, elk, caribou; both black and grizzly
bears are found; wolves are not uncommon. In
the remoter mountains are mountain sheep and
mountain goats. Beaver and otter swim in the
fresh waters, while the seal, fur seal, sea-lion, and
whale are found in the sea. In the waters are
also many fish, such as halibut, cod, salmon, herring,
and oolachen; shell-fish are abundant.

In this interesting land are many different
tribes of Indians, speaking languages which in
some cases are very unlike. Among the more
important tribes or group of tribes, are the Tlingit,
Haida, Tshimpshian, and Kwakiutl. While all
these tribes are plainly Indians, there are many
persons among them who are light-skinned and
brown-haired. The hair is also at times quite
wavy. The forms are good and the faces pleasing.

But these Indians are not always satisfied with
the forms and faces nature gives them. They
have various fashions which change their appearance.
Among these is changing the shape of
the head. Formerly the Chinooks, living near
the Columbia River, changed the shape of all the
baby boys' heads. The bones of the head in a
little baby are soft and can be pressed out of
[pg 183]
shape. As the child grows older, the bones become
harder and cannot be easily altered. The
Chinooks made the little head wedge-shaped in
a side view. This was
done by a board, which
was hinged to the cradle-board,
and brought down
upon the little boy's
forehead. It forced the
head to broaden in front
and the forehead to
slant sharply. After the
pressure had been kept
on for some months,
the shape of the head
was fixed for life. From
the strange shape of
their heads thus produced,
the Chinooks
were often called "Flat-heads."
On Vancouver Island the head of the
Koskimo baby girl was forced by circular bandages
wrapped around it to grow long and
cylindrical.

Chinook Baby in Cradle. (From Mason.)

Another fashion among the women of some
tribes was the piercing of the lower lip for the
wearing of a plug as an ornament. Thus, when
a little girl among the Haida was twelve or
thirteen years old, her aunt or grandmother took
her to some quiet place along the seashore; there
she pierced a little hole in the lower lip of the
[pg 184]
child, using a bit of sharp shell or stone. To
keep the hole from closing when it healed, a bit
of grass stalk was put into it. For a few days
the place was sore, but it soon got well. The bit
of stalk was then removed, and a little peg of
wood put in. Later a larger peg or plug was
inserted. When the girl had grown to be an old
woman, she wore a large
plug in her lower lip, which
would hold it out flat almost
like a shelf.

Tattooing on a Haida Man. (From Mallery.)

Many of the Northwest
Coast tribes tattooed; generally
the men were more
marked with this than women.
The patterns were
usually animal figures, showing
the man's family. The
Haida were fond of having
these queer pictures pricked
into them. Upon their breasts
they had the totem animal;
on their arms other suitable
patterns.

Gold Chief's House. Queen Charlotte's Island. (From Photograph.)

The villages of these tribes are almost always
on the seashore. The houses were generally in
one long line, and all faced the sea. The houses
of the different tribes differed somewhat. The
house of the Haida was almost square, measuring
perhaps forty or fifty feet on a side. In
olden times they were sunk several feet into the
[pg 185]
ground. On entering the house the visitor found
himself upon a platform several feet wide running
around the four sides; from it he stepped
down upon a second platform, and from it upon
a central square of dirt which contained the fireplace.
The eating place was around this hearth;
the place for lounging, visiting, and sleeping was
on the upper platform. There each person of the
household had his or her own place. At its rear
edge, near the wall, were boxes containing the person's
treasures and the household's food. There
was but one doorway and no windows in a Haida
house. Outside the house, at the middle of the
front, stood a curious, great, carved post of wood.
These were covered with queer animal and bird
[pg 186]
patterns, each with some meaning (see XXIX.).
In Haida houses the doorway was cut in the
lower part of this great post or pole.

The beach in front of the village used to be
covered with canoes dragged up on the sand.
These canoes were "dugouts" of single tree
trunks. The logs were cut in summer time, the
best wood being yellow cedar. The chief tool
used was the adze, made of stone or shell. Fire
was used to char the wood to be cut away. After
it had been partly cut out inside it was stretched
or shaped by steaming with water and hot stones,
and then putting in stretchers. Sometimes single-log
canoes were large enough to carry from thirty
to sixty people. They were often carved and
painted at the ends. The paddles used in driving
these canoes were rather slender and long-bladed,
often painted with designs.

The present dress of these Indians is largely
the same as our own. In the days of the first
voyagers, they wore beautiful garments of native
manufacture. They had quantities of fine furs
of seals and sea-otters. These were worn as
blankets; when not in use they were carefully
folded and laid away in boxes. They wore close
and fine blankets of the wool of the mountain
sheep and the hair of the mountain goat. These
were closely woven and had a fine long fringe
along the lower border. They were covered with
patterns representing the totem animals. The
blanket itself was a dirty white in color, but
[pg 187]
the designs were worked in black, yellow, or
brown. Further south, among the Tshimpshian
Indians of British Columbia, fine blankets were
woven of the soft and flexible inner bark of the
cedar; these were bordered with strips of fur.

Blanket: Chilcat Indians, Alaska. (From Niblack.)

These Indians still wear the ancient hat.
Among the southern tribes it is made of cedar
bark, and is soft and flimsy. In the north it is
made of spruce or other roots, and is firm and
unyielding. The shape of the lower part of the
hat is a truncated cone. Among the Tlingit and
Haida this is surmounted by a curious, tall cylinder,
which is divided into several joints, or segments,
called skil. The number of these shows
the importance of the wearer.
[pg 188]

Halibut Hooks of Wood. (From Originals in Peabody Museum.)

The food of these tribes came largely from the
sea. Fish were speared, trapped, and caught with
hook and line. For halibut, queer, large, wooden
hooks were used.
When the fish had
been drawn to the
surface, they were
killed with wooden
clubs. Both hooks
and clubs were curiously
carved. Flesh
of larger fishes, like
halibut and salmon,
was dried in the sun
or over fire, and packed
away. Clams were
dried and strung on
sticks. Seaweed was
dried and pressed into
great, square flat
cakes; so were berries and scraped cedar bark.
The people were fond of oil, and got it from many
different fish. The most prized was that of the
oolachen or candle-fish. This fish is so greasy
that when put into a frying-pan, there is soon
nothing left but some bones and scales floating
about in the grease! To get this oil, the little fish
were thrown into a canoe full of water. This was
heated with stones made very hot in a fire, and
then dropped into it. The heat drove out the
oil, which floated on the top and was skimmed off
[pg 189]
and put into natural bottles—tubes of hollow
seaweed stalk. At all meals a dish of oil stood
in the midst of the party, and bits of dried fish,
seaweed cake, or dried bark were dipped into it
before being eaten.

XXVIII. Some Raven Stories.

All the Northwest Coast tribes had many
stories. Some of these stories had been borrowed
from tribe to tribe, and were told at many different
places. Usually, however, the single tribes had
stories that were favorites with them and really belonged
to them. The favorite stories among the
Tlingit and Haida were about the raven, whom
they called yetl. There were many stories told of
him and his doings. It is difficult sometimes to
tell just what yetl was—whether bird or man. He
could take on many forms, and was usually the
friend of the Indians. In the olden time they
did not have fire, daylight, fresh water, or the
oolachen fish. It was yetl, the raven, called also
Nekilstlas, who got them these good things.

All of these precious things belonged to a
great chief who had a lovely daughter. The
raven made love to this maiden. Once when at
their house he pretended to be thirsty and begged
her for a drink of water. The girl brought it to
[pg 190]
him in a bucket. He drank a little and laid the
rest aside. By and by every one in the house
was fast asleep except the raven; he was watching.
He then got up quietly, put on his feather
coat, took up the bucket in his bill and flew away
with it. He was in such a hurry that he spilled
the water here and there, and where it fell there
have since been rivers and lakes. Never since
that time have the Indians been without water.

But it was much harder to get the fire. Nekilstlas
no longer dared to go to the chief's house
or to make love to the maiden. He, however,
changed himself into a spruce needle and floated
on the water. He was thus got into the house
without any one's knowing it, and there he
changed into a little boy baby, whom the girl
treated like her own son. He stayed there a
long time, waiting his chance. At last, one day,
he seized a burning brand from the fire and flew
out of the smoke-hole in the roof with it. He
was so careless that he set fire to many things.
At the north end of Vancouver Island many of
the trees are black, almost as if they were burned,
and they say that was done by Nekilstlas when
he flew away with the fire. However that may
be, since then the Indians have had fire.

The old chief had the sun and the moon, but
he kept them away from the people, and was very
proud to think that he alone had light. Nekilstlas
had to think a long time before he could make a
plan to secure these for the Indians. At last he
[pg 191]
made himself an imitation sun and put on it
something which made it shine. He then taunted
the chief by telling him that he too had a light.
For a time the chief did not believe him. At last
Nekilstlas drew back his feather coat and let a
piece of his bogus sun be seen. The chief believed
it, and was so angry that he placed his real
sun and moon in the sky, where they have been
lights to the Indians ever since.

The last of the four possessions which the
raven wanted to get from the old chief for his
human friends was the oolachen fish, which yields
the oil of which the Indians are so fond. The
shag is a dirty seaside bird that has the unpleasant
habit of vomiting up its food when it is
excited. He was, however, a special friend of the
chief, and one of the few whom he used to invite
to eat oolachen with him. One time the shag had
been eating pretty heartily at the chief's house,
and afterward the raven set him and the sea-gull
to fighting. In his excitement the shag threw
up the fish he had eaten. The raven took the
scales and smeared himself and his canoe all over
with them. Going then to the chief's house, he
asked if he might come in and rest, that he was
tired out from catching oolachen. The chief
thought at first that he was telling a lie, but when
he saw the scales, he thought there must be other
oolachen besides his, and in his rage he opened
the boxes in which he kept them and let them all
loose. Since then the Indians have had abundance
[pg 192]
of the oolachen to give them the oil they
need.

Besides these stories of the things the raven
got for them, there are others. The raven is not
always the friend of men, and sometimes he does
them harm and not good. There is a story of the
raven and the fisherman. This fisherman had
much trouble from some one stealing the bait and
fish from his fish-hook. The thief was no one
else than the raven. The fisherman finally put
a magic hook on his line and let it down.
When the raven tried to steal from this he was
caught. When he had been pulled up to the
surface of the water, he struggled fearfully, by
pressing against the canoe with his feet and his
wings. The fisherman, however, was too strong
for him. He pulled so hard that he tore the
raven's beak off, and then, seizing him, dragged
him in shore. When he pulled off the raven's
beak, the bird turned into a man, but he kept his
face so covered up with his feather garment that
only his eyes could be seen. The fisherman could
not make him uncover his face; but one young
man who stood by picked up a handful of dirt
and rubbed it into the raven's eyes. Smarting
with pain and taken by surprise, the raven threw
off his mantle, and the men saw who he was.
The raven was so angry, that ever since then
ravens and their friends, the crows, have constantly
troubled fishermen.

The Tshimpshian, who live south of the Tlingit,
[pg 193]
on the mainland, have a story of the raven. They
say that two boys lived in a village. One of them
was the son of a chief. One day the chief's son
said to the other, when they were playing, "Let
us take skins of birds and fly up to heaven."
They did so, and found things up there quite like
this world. They found a house there, near a
pond of water; and in this house lived a chief,
who was a sort of deity. The daughters of this
deity caught the two boys and were finally married
to them, although the deity did not like them, and
tried in every way to do them harm. They always
escaped, however. They lived together there for
a long time, and at last the wife of the chief's son
had a little boy baby. One day, when she was
playing with the baby, the little one slipped out
of her hands, and fell down, down, from the sky
into the sea. It happened that it was found and
saved by the chief, who was really the baby's
grandfather, though no one knew it at the time.
When the little one had been taken to the village,
it would not, for some time, eat anything. They
offered it salmon and berry cake and hemlock
bark, but he would not touch any of them. At
last his grandfather said, "Feed him some fish
stomachs." Then the little fellow began to eat
very greedily, and before he got through he had
eaten up all the food that the village had stored
away for use. Then he surprised every one by
saying, "Don't you know who I am? I am the
raven."
[pg 194]

Indian Carrier: Alaska. (From Krause.)

[pg 195]

But the stories of the raven, if they were all
written out, would make a large book. The
naughty, greedy, dirty bird was the great hero
of these peoples. They were anxious to explain
everything, and most of their stories are to tell
how things came to be.

Many persons have made collections of the stories of the
Northwest Coast tribes. Boas, Chamberlain, Niblack, and
Deans are among them.

XXIX. Totem Posts.

On approaching villages of many tribes on
the Northwest Coast, the traveler sees great numbers
of carved wooden posts. The largest, most
striking, and most curious are no doubt those
of the Tlingit of Alaska, and the Haida of
Queen Charlotte Islands. Some of these posts
stand in front of the houses, or very near them;
others are set near the beach, beyond the village.
When old they are weather-beaten and gray.
They are sometimes compared to a forest of
tree trunks left after a fire has swept through
a wooded district.

Chief's House: Queen Charlotte's Inlet. (From Photograph.)

There are three kinds of these carved posts,—totem
posts, commemorative posts, and death
posts. The death posts are the simplest of the
three. Among the Tlingit and Haida the dead
[pg 196]
were usually burned. If the man had been important,
a display was made of his body. He was
dressed in his finest clothing, and
all his treasures were placed around
him. People came for some days
to see his riches. At last the day for
the burning of his body arrived.
Many persons were present. The
faces of the mourners were
blackened, their hair cut short, and
their heads were sprinkled with eagle-down.
After the body had been
burned, the ashes were gathered and
put into a box, which was placed in a cavity
hollowed out in the lower part of the death
post. This was the old custom; nowadays the
ashes may be put somewhere else. At the top
[pg 197]
of the death post was a cross-board on which
was carved or painted the totem of the dead
man.

The second kind of carved post is the commemorative
post, put up to celebrate some important
event. An old chief named Skowl once
erected a great post near his house. He had
erected it to commemorate the failure of the
Russian missionaries to convert his village to
Christianity. When the last missionary had
gone, he put it up to recall their failure and to
ridicule their religion. It was curiously carved.
At the top was an eagle; below it a man with
his right hand lifted, pointing to the sky; below
it an angel; then a priest with his hands
crossed upon his breast; then an eagle; lastly
a trader.

The totem posts are, however, the most interesting.
They are taller, more carefully made,
and more elaborately carved than the others.
They stand in front of the houses; among Tlingit
at one side, among Haida at the very middle
and close to the house. In fact, among the
Haida the doorway of the house was a hole
cut through the lower end of the totem post.
The carvings on these posts refer to the people
living in the house. Thus, in one Haida totem
post there was a brown bear at the top—the
totem of the man of the house; next came four
skil or divisions of a hat; then came the great
raven; then the bear and the hunter; then a
[pg 198]
bear—the last being the totem of the woman
of the house.

Among the Tlingit and Haida every one bears
the name of some animal or bird. Thus, among
the Tlingit there are eighteen great families,
with the name of wolf, bear, eagle, whale, shark,
porpoise, puffin, orca, orca-bear; raven, frog,
goose, beaver, owl, sea-lion, salmon, dogfish,
crow. The first nine of these are considered
related to one another; so are the last nine
related. A man may not marry a woman of
his own animal name or totem; nor can he
marry one of the related families. Thus a wolf
man could not marry a woman who was a wolf,
or an eagle, or a shark, but he might marry a
raven or a frog.

With us a child takes its father's name, but
with these people it takes its mother's name.
If a bear man married a raven woman, all the
children would be ravens. The animal whose
name a man bears is his totem. There is
always some story told by people as to how
they came to have their totem. Every one believes
that the animal that is his totem can help
him, and he pays much respect to it.

One story of how the bear became a totem is
as follows: Long, long ago an Indian went into
the mountains to hunt mountain goats. When
far from home he met a black bear who took him
home with him, and taught him to build boats
and catch salmon. The man stayed two years
[pg 199]
with the bear, and then went home to his village.
Every one feared him, for they thought him a
bear; he looked just like one. One man, however,
caught him and took him home to his house.
He could not speak, and could not eat cooked
food. A great medicine man advised that he
should be rubbed with magic herbs. When this
was done, he became a man again. After that,
whenever he wanted anything, he went out into
the woods and found his bear friend, who always
helped him. What the bear taught him was of
great use to him, and he caught plenty of salmon
in the winter time when the river was covered
with ice. The man built a fine new house, and
painted the picture of a bear upon it. His sister
made him a new dancing blanket, and into it she
wove a picture of a bear. Ever since then the
descendants of that man's sister have the bear for
their totem.

Now you see something of the meaning of the
totem posts. Upon them are carved the totems
of the people living in the house. They are a
great doorplate, giving the names of the family.
This is important, because among Indians all the
persons who have the same totem must help one
another. If a man were in trouble, it was the
duty of his totem-fellows to aid him. If he were
a stranger, it was their duty to receive him. When
a Tlingit or Haida found himself in a strange
village, his first care would be to examine the
totem posts to find one that bore his own totem.
[pg 200]
At the house marked by it he would surely be
welcome.

Hat of Northwest Coast, Top and Side View. (From Original in Peabody Museum.)

But it was a rare thing for a totem post to have
only the figures of the totems of the man and his
wife. Other designs were carved in between
these. These other designs might tell of the
man's wealth or his importance, or they might
represent some family story. The people of every
totem had many stories which belonged only to
them. In the totem post, already described, probably
the great raven, and the bear, and the hunter,
represented such stories. The four skil probably
indicated that the man was important, for a man's
importance is shown by the number of skil in his
hat. The carving at the bottom, however, was
most significant, for it gave the name of the
woman and all her children.
[pg 201]

Albert P. Niblack, of the United States navy, has written
The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British
Columbia.

XXX. Indians Of California.

Nowhere among American Indians are more
languages found in a smaller space than in California.
Those spoken near the Coast, within
the area of the Missions, appear to belong to
at least nine language families or stocks. In
Powell's map the state looks like a piece of
patchwork, so many are the bits of color, which
represent different languages. These Coast Indians
of California were ugly to see. They were
of medium stature, awkwardly shaped, with
scrawny limbs; they had dull faces, with fat
and round noses, and looked much like negroes,
only their hair was straight. In disposition they
were said to be sluggish, indolent, cowardly, and
unenterprising. Some tribes in the interior were
better, but none of the California Indians seem
to have presented a high physical type or much
comfort in life.

We shall say little about the life and customs
of the California Indians, and what we do say
will be chiefly about the Coahuilla tribe. These
Indians live in the beautiful high Coahuilla Valley
in Southern California. Formerly at least
part of the tribe were "Mission Indians." Some
[pg 202]
of them were connected with the San Gabriel
Mission near the present city of Los Angeles.
They appear to present a better type than many
of the Mission Indians, being larger, better built,
and stronger. Ramona, who was the heroine of
Helen Hunt Jackson's story, is a Coahuilla Indian,
still living. If she ever was beautiful, it
must have been long ago, although she is not
an old woman. These Indians live in little
houses, largely built of brush, scattered over
the valley. They have some ponies and cattle,
and cultivate some ground. Near every house,
perched upon big boulders, are quaint little
structures made of woven willows and like big
beehives in form; they are granaries for stowing
away acorns or grain.

Granary at Coahuilla. (From Photograph.)

[pg 203]

Acorns are much used by California Indians.
They are bitter and need to be sweetened.
They are first pounded to a meal or flour. A
wide basket is filled with sand, which is carefully
scooped away so as to leave a basin-shaped
surface; the acorn meal is spread upon this,
and water is poured upon it. The bitterness is
soaked out, and the meal left sweet and good.

Coiled Baskets: California. (From Photograph.)

A fine art among most Californian tribes is the
making of baskets. Those made at Coahuilla
are mostly what is known as "coiled work."
A bunch of fine, slender grass is taken and
treated as if it were a rope. It is coiled around
and around in a close coil. Long strips of reed
grass are then taken and wrapped like a thread
around the coiled rope, sewing the coil at each
[pg 204]
wrapping to the next coil. In this way the
foundation coiled rope of grass is entirely covered
and concealed by the wrapping of reed
grass, and at the same time firmly united. By
using differently colored strips of the reed
grass, patterns are worked in. Horses, men,
geometrical patterns, and letters are common.
Among some Californian tribes such baskets
were covered with brilliant feathers, which were
woven in during the making.

Among the delicacies of some south Californian
tribes was roasted mescal. Mescal is
a plant of the desert, with great, pointed, fleshy
leaves. At the proper time it throws up a
huge flower-stalk, which bears great numbers
of flowers. Mr. Lummis describes the roasting
of its leaves and stalks: "A pit was dug, and
a fire of the greasewood's crackling roots kept
up therein until the surroundings were well
heated. Upon the hot stones of the pit was
laid a layer of the pulpiest sections of the mescal;
upon this a layer of wet grass; then another
layer of mescal, and another of grass, and so on.
Finally the whole pile was banked over with
earth. The roasting—or, rather, steaming—takes
from two to four days.... When he
banks the pile with earth, he arranges a few long
bayonets of the mescal so that their tips shall
project. When it seems to him that the roast
should be done, he withdraws one of these plugs.
If the lower end is well done, he uncovers the
[pg 205]
heap and proceeds to feast; if still too rare, he
possesses his soul in patience until a later experiment
proves the baking." This method of
roasting mescal is about the same pursued farther
north with camas root.

A gambling game common among Californian
tribes is called by the Spanish name peon. It is
very similar to a game played in many other
parts of the United States by many Indian tribes.
It consists simply of guessing in which of two
hands the marked one of two sticks or objects
is held. The game is played by two parties,
one of which has the sticks, while the other
guesses. Each success is marked by a stick
or counter for the winner, and ten counts make
a game. Among the Coahuillas there are four
persons on a side. Songs are sung, which become
loud and wild; at times the players break into
fierce barking. Then the guess is made. Great
excitement arises, which grows wilder and wilder
toward the end of a close game. Violent movements
and gestures are made to deceive the carefully
watching guessers. Sometimes men will
bet on this game the last things they own, even
down to the clothes they wear.

Mr. Barrows, who has described the game of
peon tells of the bird dances of the Coahuillas.
These Indians highly regard certain birds. Of
all, the eagle is chief. In the eagle dance the
dancer wears a breech-clout; his face, body, and
limbs are painted in red, black, and white; his
[pg 206]
dance skirt and dance bonnet are made of eagle
feathers. In his dancing and whirling he imitates
the circling and movements of the eagle. At
times he whirls about the great circle of spectators
so rapidly that his feather skirt stands up straight
below his arms. The music of this dance is so
old that the words are not understood even by
the singers.

Mission of Santa Barbara, California. (From Photograph.)

They took possession in
1697 and built a Mission at San Dionisio, in
Lower California. By 1745, they had fourteen
Missions established, all in what is now Lower
California. The Jesuits gave way to the Franciscan
[pg 207]
monks, and these began in 1769 their first
Mission in California proper, at San Diego. One
after another was added, until, in 1823, there were
twenty-one Franciscan Missions, stretching from
San Diego to San Francisco. Each mission had
a piece of ground fifteen miles square. The
center of the Mission was the church, with cloisters
where the monks lived. The houses of the
Indian converts—which were little huts—were
grouped together about the church, arranged in
rows. Unmarried men were housed in a separate
building or buildings, as were young women
also. During the sixty-five years of these Missions
about seventy-nine thousand converts were
made. Every one at these Missions was busy.
The men kept the flocks and herds, sheared the
sheep, and cared for the fields and vines. Women
cared for the houses and the church. There was
spinning, weaving, leather work, and plenty else
to be done. Still the Indians were not hard
worked, and they ought to have been happy.
Their time was regularly planned out for them.
At sunrise all rose and went to mass; soon after
mass breakfast was ready and sent to the houses
in baskets; then every one worked. At noon
dinner was sent around again from house to
house; then came the afternoon work. After
evening mass, there was a supper of sweet gruel.
There was a good deal of time left after the
services and work were through. The monks
allowed the Indians to keep up their native dances
[pg 208]
and amusements so far as they believed them
harmless.

Some persons seem to think that the monks
made slaves of the Indians. Rather they considered
them children, who needed oversight, direction,
and sometimes punishment. However, the
Indians were probably better dressed and housed
and fed than ever before, and, perhaps, happier.
But the Missions are now past. Their twenty-one
old churches still stand,—our most interesting
historical relics,—but the Indian converts have
scattered, and in time they will forget, if they
have not already forgotten, that they or their
people were ever Mission Indians.

XXXI. The Aztecs.

When the Spaniards reached Mexico, that
country was filled with Indians belonging to
many different tribes. These differed in language
and in customs. Perhaps the most powerful
and warlike tribe was that of the Aztecs, who
lived in the central high table-land, with a chief
city named Tenochtitlan. This city, occupying
the same site as the present city of Mexico, was
situated upon the shores of, and partly within, the
lake of Texcoco. The lake lay in a beautiful valley
which was occupied not only by the Aztecs,
but also by a number of other tribes related to
[pg 209]
them in speech. Among these tribes were the
Acolhuas, with their chief city of Texcoco, and
the Tecpanecans, whose chief city was Tlacopan.

These three tribes spoke about the same language,
and, after a great deal of quarreling among
themselves, they united in a league or confederacy
something like that of the Iroquois. Together,
they were so strong that they carried on successful
war against their neighbors. When they conquered
a tribe, they did not take its land away
nor interfere with its government, but compelled
the people to pay an annual tribute to the confederacy.
At the head of the confederacy was a
great war-chief, who was called by the title of the
Chief of Men. When Cortez conquered Mexico,
the name of this "Chief of Men" was Montezuma.

The Aztecs raised crops of corn, beans, squashes,
and chili peppers. Still they got a considerable
amount of food from hunting, and they knew how
to make snares and traps for capturing animals.
Their lake used to be covered with ducks, and to
capture these they employed a clever trick. Calabashes
are large gourds. The Aztec hunters
left calabashes floating at places where ducks
were plenty so that the birds should be used to
seeing them, and pay no attention to them. When
a man wished to catch ducks, he placed a big calabash
over his head, and waded cautiously out
into the water until it was just deep enough for it
to look as if his calabash were floating. Little
by little, he moved over toward the swimming
[pg 210]
ducks, and, when among them, he seized one by
the legs and dragged it under water; then another,
and another, and so on. Ducks were not the only
food taken from the lake. The scum or dirt floating
on the water was skimmed off, and pressed
into cakes; the eggs of a fly, which were laid in
bunches on the rushes, near, or in the water, were
gathered and eaten. These eggs are still a favorite
food with modern Mexicans.

The Aztecs knew how to spin and weave.
They had cotton, and they also had a fine, stout
fiber from the maguey plant. From these they
made good cloths which they sometimes dyed in
bright colors. The dress of the men consisted of
a sort of blanket or cloak—worn knotted over
one shoulder—and the breech-clout. The women
wore a skirt, which was only a long strip of cloth
wrapped around the body, and held firmly in place
by a belt; they also wore a pretty sleeveless waist.
Men wore sandals on the feet, but usually went
bareheaded. Great officials, however, were finely
dressed, and one might tell from the clothing
what official he met. Men often wore lip-stones.
These were in idea like the lip-plugs of the Haida
women, but were different in shape and material.
Most of them were made of obsidian,—a fine-grained,
glassy, black mineral. Their shape was
that of a little stovepipe hat. The brim was
inside the lip and prevented the stone from slipping
out; the crown projected from the hole in
the lower lip.
[pg 211]

The common people lived in huts made of mud
or other destructible material; but the buildings
intended for the government and for religion were
sometimes grand affairs, built of stone and covered
with plaster. This plastering was sometimes
white, sometimes red, and upon it were at times
pictures painted in brilliant colors. These pictures
generally represented warriors ready for
battle, or priests before the altar. Temples were
usually built upon flat-topped pyramids. These
were often large, and were terraced on one or
more sides. Sometimes they were coated with
plaster. Flights of steps, or sloping paths, led to
the summit. There would be found the temple
and the gods. The gods of the Aztecs were like
the Aztecs themselves, bloodthirsty and cruel.

In war the Aztecs used clubs, wooden swords,
bows and arrows, spears or darts, slings and
stones. They had wooden swords with broad,
flat blades, grooved along the sides; into these
grooves were cemented sharp pieces of obsidian.
These were fearful weapons until dulled or broken
by use. Spears and darts were often thrown with
a wooden stick or hurler called an atlatl. Important
warriors carried round or rectangular shields
upon their left arms to ward off attack. These
shields often bore patterns worked in bright
feathers. Sometimes the whole dress of warriors
was covered with feathers, and famous braves
wore helmets of wood on their heads, from which
rose great masses of fine feathers. Often warriors
[pg 212]
wore a sort of jacket covering the upper
part of the body and reaching the knees. This
was padded thickly with cotton, and arrows shot
with great force could hardly penetrate it.

Calendar Stone. (From Photograph.)

In battle the Aztecs did not desire to kill the
enemy, but preferred to capture prisoners to sacrifice
to the gods. When a man was captured
he was very well treated until the day for his sacrifice
came. He was taken up to the temple on
the pyramid and thrown on his back upon a sacrificial
[pg 213]
stone. He was held by several priests,
while the high priest, with a knife of stone, cut
open his breast. The heart was torn out, and
offered to the gods; some other parts were cut
off for them or for the priests. The rest of the
body was then thrown down to the soldier who
had captured the victim,
and who waited below.
He and his friends bore it
away and ate it, or parts
of it, as a religious duty.
All the time the sacrifices
were being made, the great
drum was beaten. It made
a mournful noise that could
be heard to a great distance.
In the National
Museum in the city of
Mexico is a great carved
stone which is believed by
many persons to be one of
these old sacrificial stones
upon which victims were
sacrificed.

Stone Idol: Mexico. (From Photograph.)

In the same museum is a great stone idol. It
was dug up about a hundred years ago in the
central square of the city of Mexico. It probably
stood in the great temple of the old Aztecs, which
was totally destroyed by Cortez and his soldiers
when they finally captured the city of Tenochtitlan.
What an ugly thing it is! It is more
[pg 214]
than eight feet high and more than five feet across,
but is cut from a single block of stone. It has
a head in front, and another one behind; they
look something like serpent heads. While the
general form of this great idol is human, it has
neither the feet nor hands of a man. The skirt
it wears is made of an intertwined mass of rattlesnakes.
A human skull is at the front of the
belt. Four human hands apparently severed from
their bodies are displayed upon the chest. This
is only one of many curious and dreadful Aztec
gods.

It would take a book larger than this to describe
the Aztecs properly. It would take another
to describe the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards.
Cortez had only a handful of men to fight
against many thousands. But he had guns,
powder, and horses, all of which were unknown
before to the Aztecs and which they greatly
feared. Sometime you must read Bernal Diaz del
Castillo's story of the Conquest. He was one of
Cortez's soldiers. He tells us that he was present
in one hundred and nineteen battles and engagements.
He also says: "Of the five hundred and
fifty soldiers, who left the island of Cuba with
Cortez, at the moment I am writing this history
in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight,
no more than five are living, the rest having
been killed in the wars, sacrificed to idols, or died
naturally."
[pg 215]

XXXII. The Mayas And The Ruined Cities Of
Yucatan And Central America.

Of all North American tribes the Mayas were
perhaps the most advanced in culture, the nearest
to civilization. They lived in the peninsula of
Yucatan and in the adjacent states of Tabasco
and Chiapas in Mexico, and in Honduras and
Guatemala in Central America. While true
Mayas did not occupy the whole of this district,
it was practically occupied by them and peoples
speaking languages closely related to theirs.

There are many Mayas now alive. It is a
common but serious mistake to imagine that
Aztecs, Mayas, and other tribes of Mexico and
Central America at the time of the Conquest are
extinct. Many tribes have died out; but the
famous Aztecs and Mayas are still numerous.
The Mayas to-day are short, well-built, broad-shouldered
peoples with unusually dark skin.
They have much energy and are notable for their
independent spirit. Within the last few years
they have given the Mexican government much
trouble. They have not given up their own language,
but have learned to write it, and a considerable
number of books and papers have been
printed in it. They retain their ancient dress to
some degree. Almost every one who sees the
[pg 216]
modern Mayas speaks well of them,—as clean,
neat, straightforward, and reliable.

It is not the Mayan peoples of to-day, but those
of the past, of whom we desire to speak. They
were the best builders in North America, and the
ruins of their cities testify to their skill. More
than fifty years ago, John L. Stephens, with an
artist named Catherwood, traveled in Honduras,
Guatamala, Chiapas, and Yucatan. Mr. Stephens
described their travels and the ruins they explored,
and Mr. Catherwood drew pictures of them.
Americans were astonished at these researches.
These travelers visited forty ruins of ancient
cities in Yucatan alone. Since that time many
other travelers have been there, and much is
known of Mayan architecture.

Most of the ruins appear to be those of buildings
intended for governmental or religious purposes.
Few, if any, were houses for individuals.
Probably these fine, large buildings were at the
center of towns, the dwelling houses of which
were frail huts of poles, branches, canes, etc.
These have disappeared, leaving no sign of their
former existence. All through Mexico, to-day, in
Indian towns, the only permanent constructions
which would leave ruins are the church and the
town house. Everything else is frail hut.

Nearly every one of these old towns presents
some peculiarity of interest. We can, however,
only briefly describe three. Palenque appears to
be one of the oldest. It is in the most southern
[pg 217]
state of Mexico, Chiapas. The more important
ruins are those of the "palace" and five temples
near it. The buildings were all raised upon
terrace platforms; they were long and narrow;
the walls were thick, and built of stones and mud,
with cement. The walls were faced with slabs of
stone, often carved with figures of gods, hieroglyphic
characters, etc. Usually two long corridors
ran lengthwise, side by side, through the building.
These open upon the supporting platform by a line
of rectangular doorways of uniform size. There
were no true arches, but the corridors had pyramidal
arched vaultings. The roof went up from
all four sides, at a low and then at a sharper
angle. A curious crest or roof-comb surmounted
the roof. Much plastering was used in these
buildings; the walls were sometimes thickly and
smoothly covered. Stucco figures were worked
upon some of the walls. One temple, called the
"Temple of the Beau Relief," had a great tablet
of stucco work, with the figure of a man seated
upon a sort of rounded stone seat; he wore a
coiled cap, with great waving plumes. His hands
were making some sort of signs; he wore a necklace
of beads, with a pendant carved with a human
face. The stone upon which he sits is supported
on a bench, the arms at the ends of which are
lion heads, and the supports of which are four
heavily carved, but well-made, lion feet. In other
temples there were tablets of carved stone. Two
of these are famous. One represents the sun, as
[pg 218]
a human face, placed upon two crossed shafts;
on either side of this central object stands a profile
figure, one of which appears to represent a
priest, the other a worshiper. Both stand on
curiously bent human figures. In the second
tablet, two similar figures are shown, but they
stand at the two sides of a cross, upon which
perches a bird. On these tablets of the sun and
cross are many curious hieroglyphs forming an
inscription.

Copan in Honduras is another famous location
of ruins left by some Mayan people. The most
interesting objects there are great stone statues
or figures with stone altars before them. These
statues are taller than a man and are cut from
single blocks of stone. They differ so much in
face and dress that they have been believed by
some writers to be portraits. The persons ate
usually beautifully dressed and ornamented. They
wear beads, pendants, tassels, belts, ear ornaments,
and headdresses. The headdresses are
usually composed of great feathers. The sides
and sometimes the back of these figures are covered
with hieroglyphics of the same kind as those
at Palenque. The "altars" in front of these
stone figures, differ in form and size, but are cut
from single blocks of stone. One which is
nearly square has at the sides a series of figures
of human beings sitting cross-legged; there are
four of these on each side, or sixteen in all.

Ruined Building at Chicken Itza. (After Stephens.)

At Chichen Itza, the buildings are remarkable
[pg 219]
for the mass of carved stone work with
which they are decorated, outside and inside.
Great horrid masks, geometrical patterns, intertwined
snakes, occur. At some corners of buildings
are curious hook-like projections, which
some persons have thought were meant to represent
elephant trunks. Mr. Holmes describes
carefully carved pillars resting upon gigantic
snake-head carvings. One room in the "Temple
of the Tigers" has the inside wall composed of
blocks of stone, each of which is sculptured. The
carvings represent persons richly dressed. When
[pg 220]
the building was first made, these figures were
brightly painted and traces of the colors still
remain.

We can tell a good deal about the lives of the
builders of these old buildings from a study of the
figures and carvings. These show their dress and
modes of worship. The ruins themselves show
how they built. Figures on tablets at Palenque
show that they changed their head forms by bandaging
like some tribes of whom we know.

At Lorillard City, ruins explored by Mr. Charnay,
are some curious figures. Among them one
represents a person kneeling, with his tongue out,
and a cord passed through a-hole in it. The old
Mayas really used to torture themselves this way
to please their gods. They pierced their tongues
and passed a rough cord through the hole, and
drew it back and forward.

Map Showing Indian Reservations of the United States in 1897. (West)

Map Showing Indian Reservations of the United States in 1897. (East)

No one can read the characters on the tablets
of Palenque and the stone figures at Copan. Similar
characters occur at other ruins. At Tikal
some were cut upon beautiful wooden panels.
They were carved on greenstone ornaments,
scratched upon shells, and painted upon pottery,
There were plenty of books among the Mayas,
Some of these still exist, and four have been quite
carefully studied. They contain many quaint pictures
of priests, gods, worshipers, etc. They also
contain many numbers and day names. There
are also in them many of the same strange hieroglyphs,
already mentioned. These are called
[pg 221]
"calculiform" or "pebble-shaped" characters, because
they present a generally roundish outline,
as of a pebble cut through. It is plain that they
were at first simply pictures. Some of them, no
doubt, are still simple pictures of ideas; others
convey ideas different from those at first pictured;
many can no longer be seen to be pictures at all;
some, perhaps, represent sounds, and are not now
pictures for ideas. It is possible, in a general
way, to make out something of the sense of parts
of Mayan books and inscriptions, but it is quite
likely that they will never be exactly read as we
read our own written books.

XXXIII. Conclusion.

An old Pani, in speaking of what was perhaps
the first official visit by whites to his tribe, said:

"I heard that long ago there was a time when
there were no people in this country except
Indians. After that the people began to hear of
men with white skins; they had been seen far to
the east. Before I was born they came to our
country and visited us. The man who came was
from the Government. He wanted to make a
treaty with us, and to give us presents—blankets
and guns and flint and steel and knives.

"The head chief told him that we needed none
[pg 222]
of those things. He said, ‘We have our buffalo
and our corn. These things the Ruler gave us,
and they are all that we need. See this robe.
This keeps me warm in winter. I need no blanket.’

"The white men had with them some cattle,
and the chief said, ‘Lead out a heifer here on
the prairie.’ They led her out, and the chief,
stepping up to her, shot her through behind the
shoulder with his arrow, and she fell down and
died. Then the chief said, ‘Will not my arrow
kill? I do not need your guns.’ Then he took
his stone knife and skinned the heifer, and cut off
a piece of fat meat. When he had done this, he
said, ‘Why should I take your knives? The
Ruler has given me something to cut with.’

"Then, taking the firesticks, he kindled a fire
to roast the meat; and while it was cooking, he
spoke and said, ‘You see, my brother, that the
Ruler has given us all that we need: the buffalo
for food and clothing; the corn to eat with our
dried meat; bows, arrows, knives, and hoes—all
the implements that we need for killing meat or
for cultivating the ground. Now go back to the
country from whence you came. We do not want
your presents, and we do not want you to come
into our country.’ "

And the old chief was right. The Indians
were supplied with all they needed; what the
white man offered them was unnecessary, often it
was harmful. They were happy and contented.
They were doing very well in their own way.
[pg 223]

But the old times are gone. To-day the Indians
are few in number, and they are growing fewer.
There are many ingenious arguments to prove
the contrary. Three facts, however, are perfectly
plain. First, there were whole tribes that have
disappeared. The Beothuks and the Natchez
are but two tribes which are gone; such tribes
may be numbered by scores. Their names are
on record; their old locations are known; sometimes
we have some knowledge of their customs
and ways, but they are dead. Secondly, many
tribes are rapidly dwindling. The Pani, between
1885 and 1889, a period of five years, fell from
one thousand and forty-five to eight hundred and
sixty-nine. When I knew the Tonkaways in the
Indian Territory, they numbered but thirty-five
persons, and had been disappearing at the rate of
one-third of the population in eight years. The
Haidas of Queen Charlotte Islands are becoming
fewer. Dawson says: "One intelligent man
told me that he could remember the time—which
by his age could not have been more than
thirty years ago—when there was not room to
launch all the canoes of the village in a single
row, the whole length of the beach, when the
people set out on one of their periodical trading
expeditions to Port Simpson. The beach is about
half a mile long, and there must have been from
five to eight persons in each canoe." There are
to-day less than five hundred people in that village,
Skidgate. Thirdly, there are some tribes, like
[pg 224]
the Cherokees and Sioux, which are large, prosperous,
and wealthy. It is a money advantage to
belong to such tribes, and a great many men who
should be considered white men are counted with
such tribes and help to make them look as if they
were not dwindling. It is quite certain that true
Indians of pure blood are rapidly diminishing.

The whites have brought them whisky, which
has killed thousands. They have brought vices
and diseases which have swept off thousands
more. They have put an end to the old free,
open-air life. They have taught them unwholesome
means of cookery that cause scrofula and
other diseases. They have taught them to build
close, stuffy houses, which cause consumption,
which is fearfully destructive to the Indians. It
seems to make little difference whether it is an
open foe with the whisky bottle, or an apparent
friend with money for a "civilized home" ("a nice,
comfortable, little house") who comes; the white
man's touch destroys the Indians.

Whether the Indians really die out or not, their
old life will surely disappear. One after another
many of the things we have here read of together
have, disappeared. Others will soon die out. The
houses, dress, weapons, games, dances, ceremonials,
will go. It is only a matter of time. But
they ought always to be interesting to us as
Americans.

The condition of the Indians to-day is a sad
and pathetic one. They may all echo the words
[pg 225]
of Red Jacket. They have been crowded upon
by the white man's hunger for land until now
they have little left. Not long ago they held the
continent; to-day they are almost prisoners upon
a few patches of land called reservations. They
are secure of these only until the white man
wants them. Time after time Indians have given
up their lands and removed to distant places because
their old homes were wanted by white men.
Every time they have been promised that in their
new homes they should be undisturbed. Yet
whenever, in their onward march, white men came
to be neighbors, the old troubles came again.
Encroachment, aggression, then perhaps open
warfare, and then, another removal. Helen Hunt
Jackson's Century of Dishonor tells only a part
of the story. Every boy and girl in the United
States should read it.

Here on a map you see the present location of
most of the Indians. The reservations vary in
size and in quality. Some of them have little
that can attract the whites. In these the Indians
may be left in peace. The present idea of what
to do with the Indians is shown by the Dawes
Bill. This is apparently a benevolent scheme for
happily settling the Indians on individual farms.
Imagine a reservation belonging to some tribe.
A part of the reservation is cultivated by the
more progressive Indians. The rest is not used
except perhaps for hunting or fishing, or wandering
over. The whole belongs to the tribe absolutely,
[pg 226]
and we have promised that it shall never
be taken away from them. But now the Dawes
Bill is passed. It is said, a little farm apiece is
all that is necessary for these Indians. It would
be much better to give each of them just what
he needs and then to buy the balance of the
land (cheap of course), and give it to white people.
Whenever the Indians agree to it, we will divide
up the land, allot each his land in severalty, and
the Indian problem is solved. All this sounds
very well, but it is enough to make one's heart
bleed to see the way in which it is carried out.
Many times the Indians do not wish to take their
land in severalty. Certainly they ought not to
be forced to do so against their will. Yet commission
after commission, special agent after
special agent, is sent to tribes to persuade, beg,
and harass them into accepting allotment. Many
times half threats are made; hints are vaguely
thrown out as to what may happen if they don't
take their little farms and sell the balance of their
reservation. Surveyors are hired to go and survey
within the reservation so as to make the
Indians think their land will be taken away anyway.
At last the poor harassed tribe yields. The
men take their farms; they give up the balance
of their land for a small price. Those who were
industrious before take care of their land as they
did before, no better, no worse. But the unprogressive
Indian is not made industrious. He
rents his land to some white man and spends his
[pg 227]
money in strong drink. As long as they were
on the reservation there were laws to protect
them from bad neighbors and whisky. But on
his little farm the Indian may be next door to
bad white men who sell him liquor whenever it
is to their advantage.

There are many persons who think that missions
and schools will make the Indians good and
happy. So far as schools are concerned there
are many. Some of them are simple day schools
at the agency. Others are boarding schools still
at the agency. Still others are great industrial
schools at a town more or less distant. Of
all these schools we think that those at the
agency are the best kind. Such schools, well
managed by thoroughly good teachers, ought to
do the most good. They ought not to try to
teach high branches, but to speak, read, and write
English, a little arithmetic and a little knowledge
of the great world. They ought to be industrial
schools to the extent of teaching handiness
in all the little things that need to be done about
the house or the farm. They ought to aim to
reach the parents and to interest them in their
work. Progress in such schools is slow, but it is
better for all to make a little progress, than for a
few to get a great mass of information that they
cannot use.
[pg 229]

Glossary Of Indian And Other Foreign Words Which May Not
Readily Be Found In The English Dictionary.

The spellings of Indian words vary much with different authors:
in the following list the word as spelled in this book is first given,
then the pronunciation, then the number of a page on which the
meaning of the word will be found.

Single and combined consonants have their usual English
sounds except c, which is equal to sh; s is always as in so; final
s as in gems is represented by z; soft g is represented by j.