... importantly Pearce doesn't convey any sense of the wider, political dimension of that Cold War Anglo-American relationship. Pearce gives us minute details about debates inside the Labour Party in the 1950s but only has this say about that relationship: 'Healey shared, with a whole generation of Labour right-wingers from Hugh Gaitskell to Shirley Williams, a deep affinity with democratic liberal America' (p. 156). This is true but it isn't the point. In practice that 'affinity' led them to deal with, sometimes be funded and sponsored by, the institutions of the American state. It wasn't 'democratic liberal America' which paid for the American tendency in Labour to spend the 1950s visiting America, ...

... a large number of relatively orthodox far left publications, (21) it is often difficult to determine if this is done consciously by Soviet-controlled agents- which would place it within the first category- or unwittingly by communist sympathisers with an idealised view of the Soviet Union. Either way, such propaganda is rarely picked up by mainstream conservative and liberal publications in the West which, if anything, tend to gullibly accept and promote the propaganda lines of their own governments. (22) In any event, the literature in this category usually adds little in the way of new information and- like that in the first category- is generally produced by people who are clearly sympathetic to ...

... more substantial. They may demonstrate just how little serious work has been done so far on the wider context of the war and, perhaps, that the current concentration on the sinking of the Belgrano is a mistake. With all due respect to the dead, there are more serious issues at stake. RR Oil...The received liberal version of the Falklands War now seems to be something like this. By a combination of cockups (the information on the threat of an Argentine invasion didn't get to the right people), luck (the Argentine bombs were wrongly fused), authentic British ruthlessness (sinking the Belgrano), and large dollops of near-racist, sickly patriotic ...

... Tyrrell of the Henley Centre (part of Sorrell's WPP Group) represented the new media and communications sector which were a key element in the Demos model of the universe. There was, of course, a Financial Times intelligentsia connection as well represented by both Martin Taylor and Ian Hargreaves who might be regarded, at the time, as 'social liberal action intellectuals', drawn towards Europe and liberal globalisation, much like the newspaper. Of course, none of these necessarily bought into the Marxist analysis but there was a growing convergence of views between the more liberal 'capitalists' and the revisionists of 'New Times'. I could spend pages giving the inside dope on the ideology but all ...

... Wells. He joined the right when such ideas could no longer be held by people on the left. Why did he believe in the superiority of Europeans in spite of genocides, two world wars, etc? I believe he worshipped power and for him the global power of European culture meant that it must be right. He was a liberal and believed that liberalism – belief in freedom, rights, democracy, equality of women – was essentially a European idea, linked to a 'European structure of mind' and protected by a homogeneous community which was threatened by immigration. GKY's aims But who was he trying to impress? The 'correspondents' themselves, the party leaders – or ...

... normal give and take of politics. It looks like the onward march of a particular agenda (neo-liberalism), promoted (and this is the point) by the inner core of all the major political parties, leaving no settled institutional outlet for opposition or the construction of alternative policies and strategies. The most telling example of this was the Liberal performance last year: having gone into the General Election on a Keynesian politico- economic platform some way to the left of the other two major parties, they appeared just a week after polling day in a Conservative-dominated coalition committed to an economic strategy which could have come from the 1920s; and which committed them to policies they had been ...

... (c) www.lobster-magazine.co.uk (Issue 27) June 1994 Last| Contents| Next Issue 27 The Strange Case of Patrick Daly, MI5 agent Don Bateman Pat Daly was the prime prosecution witness at the trial of two Irish National Liberation Army men at the Old Bailey in 1993. They were accused of conspiracy to steal explosives, conspiracy to cause explosions and possession of firearms with intent to endanger life. Daly lived in Bristol at Southmead from 1969 to 1989. Before this he lived in Highbury Villas, Kingsdown, with an IRA leader known as Jim Flyn. He admitted to having been an informer in Bristol since the mid-seventies- which some of us had guessed- and after ...

... (c) www.lobster-magazine.co.uk (Issue 11) April 1986 Last| Contents| Next Issue 11 Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Conclusions Of the three major aims of the network described by Wallace- removing the Labour Party, neutralising the Liberals as potential allies of the Labour Party, and getting a right-wing leader of the Tory Party in place of the despised Edward Heath- only the third was completely achieved. Jeremy Thorpe was destroyed but Hain survived his fit-up for robbery and for all the rumour-mongering about Clement Freud and Cyril Smith, the Liberals didn't crumble. (180) Our thesis is not original. Other people, Private Eye and ...

... of the strength of anti-Soviet feeling among some of the West's intellectuals and a response to the Soviet 'Peace offensive' then underway.(5) At the time funds for these gatherings were said to have come from the American Federation of Labour, via Jay Lovestone- a story offered up again recently by CCF apologist Peter Coleman in his The Liberal Conspiracy. In fact they came from the CIA, something alleged by the Soviet bloc's media at the time but not believed.(6) The one thing the Congress for Cultural Freedom's paymasters were not interested in was cultural freedom. Peter Coleman does his best. Of the first big 1950 jamboree he writes, 'almost all the participants ...

... . In 1998, two councillors decided to prevent a Labour victory in the elections of Hackney Council, North London. So enthusiastic were their efforts that the prosecutor at their subsequent trial described their efforts as 'the largest attempt to subvert the democratic process' ever discovered in Britain. (3) Isaac Leibowitz (Conservative) and Zev Leiberman (Liberal Democrat) pulled off the Tipp-Ex trick on a grand scale. Under their careful watch, Hackney's population of proxy voters rose by over 2,000 per cent over four years. 88 of these 'proxies', for example, were registered at the local Talmudical college, whose 30 boarders were all under 18. The two crooked councillors ...