Looking back now, there are times when it is hard to believe that 10
years have passed since those momentous days in April 1998. The
Belfast Agreement marks an historic and defining point of change in
the history and development of this island.

However, George Mitchell got it exactly right when he said that
getting the agreement was the easy bit, but implementing it would be
another matter. Progress has been slow and tortuous. But progress has
been made.

The Belfast Agreement is unique. The extent and depth of the
difficulties it seeks to resolve are evident in the scope of the
measures it covers: constitutional issues, political matters,
institutional arrangements, human rights, equality, policing, justice,
language and culture issues.

As a consequence, it differs in many ways from earlier efforts to
reach agreement - most importantly because it is inclusive. But it
also secured significantly more progress in the areas of policing and
justice; equality and human rights; the Irish language; constitutional
and political matters; and measures to end discrimination and
sectarianism than heretofore.

At its heart the agreement is about change: political, social,
economic and constitutional. It is essentially about establishing a
level playing field.

It emerged out of a hesitant co-operative effort by nationalist and
republican Ireland, initiated by Sinn Féin, to put in place a peace
process. The goal of that peace process was to agree a political
arrangement that could end decades of violence by addressing the root
causes of conflict, and by allowing all of the participants to pursue
their respective political objectives peacefully and democratically,
and without fear of discrimination or repression.

This presented huge challenges to everyone, not least to Irish
republicans, who in developing our peace strategy through the late
1980s and early 1990s came to understand that republicans would need
to take significant political initiatives in order to help create the
political climate in which progress was possible.

The fierce opposition from within unionism and the British system to
the Belfast Agreement has stemmed from the recognition that the
agreement is a powerful instrument for change.

Its opponents fear that the achievement of equality and the
entrenchment of people’s rights and entitlements will erode the very
reason for the existence of the union with Britain.

The birth of the northern state is well-known. The sectarian and
political divisions that existed before partition were cemented more
deeply into place after it by the unionist government at Stormont.
This led to decades of institutional violence and discrimination
against the nationalist community.

Tens of thousands had no vote; electoral boundaries were
gerrymandered; Sinn Féin and the Republican Clubs were banned
organisations; religious discrimination in housing, employment and in
all walks of life was rife; and the institutions of the state openly
trampled on the rights and entitlements of nationalists and
republicans.

And then 40 years ago - in 1968 - the civil rights movement in the
North took to the streets. It included many republicans, socialists,
communists, liberals, trade unionists, community activists and others,
including initially some unionists. But 1968 was also the year that
witnessed the violent reaction of unionism and of the unionist state
to the civil rights campaign.

The attack on the civil rights marchers in Derry in October of that
year was the beginning of the slide into an escalating conflict that
lasted for more than a quarter of a century. Republicans and
unionists, and British and Irish governments, played a part in that
war.

It has been more difficult for some within unionism, and among
elements on the British side, to appreciate and understand that all of
us also need to play a part in building the peace.

But despite these many difficulties, and to the surprise and delight
of many, significant progress has been made.

The fact is that Ian Paisley, and whoever replaces him as leader of
the DUP, will be sitting as an equal with Martin McGuinness in a
powersharing Executive in the North. In recent months the powersharing
Executive has agreed a programme for government, a budget and an
investment strategy. And the all-Ireland political institutions are up
and running.

At the start of this year a delegation of Ministers from the Irish
Government met an equal number of Ministers from the North and set
about taking decisions on a range of issues that will affect all of
the people of this island.

But these are not the only changes to have been brought about by the
Good Friday Agreement. There have been scores - some hugely
significant, others less so, but all nonetheless contributing to a sea
change in the political life and fortunes of the people of this
island.

For example:

The Government of Ireland Act 1920 was repealed, coupled with an
explicit and unprecedented British government commitment to observe
the outcome of any future “Border poll” in favour of territorial unity
on the island;

The establishment of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference
gives the Irish Government a permanent consultative role in the
British government’s daily administration of non-devolved matters in
the six counties, with a mandate to “intensify cooperation” in a range
of areas, such as rights and justice;

Section 75 and Schedule 9 to the Northern Ireland Act 1998 enshrine
the statutory duty on all designated public authorities in the six
counties to “have due regard for the need to promote equality of
opportunity” and introduces the equality impact assessment (EQIA)
process;

Establishment of the human rights commissions in the six and 26
counties, including establishment of a joint all-Ireland committee of
both commissions;

Establishment of the Equality Commission in the six counties and the
Equality Authority in the 26 counties, followed by establishment of a
Joint Equality and Human Rights Forum;

Establishment of the Police Ombudsman to independently investigate all
complaints of police misconduct, including significant historical
cases;

Introduction of a 50:50 recruitment policy to promote representative
membership of PSNI, with Catholic membership of the full-time regulars
almost trebling in last 10 years from 8.3 per cent to 23.7 per cent;

Establishment of a representative Policing Board and new district
policing partnerships to hold the PSNI to account;

Successive Police Acts (2000 and 2003) and accordingly revised
implementation plans to progressively enact the recommendations of the
Independent Commission on Policing;

Bloody Sunday public inquiry to re-investigate the entire case,
including cross-examination of thousands of witnesses and documents -
not least the most senior members of the British government and
British army, such as former prime minister Edward Heath and Gen Mike
Jackson;

Millions of euro of “peace funding” from Europe for development and
community projects on either side of the Border corridor;

Significant all-Ireland transport developments, such as upgrading of
Dublin-Belfast rail link; Irish Government multi-million euro
investment in City of Derry airport; substantial Irish Government
funding for new road infrastructure between the port of Larne and
Belfast for the east-coast corridor; major ongoing all-Ireland road
projects to link Dublin and the northwest; and the re-opening of the
Ulster Canal;

All-Ireland Oireachtas Committee on the implementation of the Belfast
Agreement. Although this is insufficient, and less than the Government
promised, nevertheless it provides six-county representatives with
speaking rights for the first time since partition;

Equal recognition of victims and survivors from every background,
particularly republicans and state forces - in the composition of the
new Victims Commission.

These are just some of many positive changes that have been introduced
as a direct result of the Belfast Agreement.

And there will be more in the time ahead as we conclude progress on
issues such as the Bill of Rights, the Irish Language Act, and the
transfer of powers on policing and justice.

I am confident that we can continue to make progress on all of this.
In the time ahead republicans will also seek to further enhance and
develop our changing relationship with unionism. Already I see greater
evidence at community level of unionists recognising the sense of
working with Sinn Féin to overcome common problems and improve the
quality of life of their families and neighbours.

And of course, as Irish republicans our goal is to achieve the
reunification of Ireland and to end British jurisdiction on this
island. This goal did not end with the formation of the Executive and
the Assembly and the All-Ireland Ministerial Council and other
institutional arrangements. These institutions are part of our
strategy - markers on the road to achieving our priority goal.

I believe that we are closer to bringing that about than at any time
in our past. There is growing support for Irish unity and there is a
growing awareness of the importance of the all-Ireland economy to this
nation’s future prosperity and growth.

But none of this will happen by chance. Republicans need to set out
how we can reach this historic goal and create the conditions for a
united Ireland. I have established a high-powered taskforce within
Sinn Féin to produce a strategy to achieve this - to drive forward the
roadmap to Irish unity.

And we are asking all of those who support Irish unity and the right
of the Irish people to determine our own future to join with us in
this extraordinary endeavour, and to make it a genuine movement for
change over the next number of years.

Sinn Féin has played a key role in the peace process and in bringing
about the extraordinary changes that have occurred in recent years.
And Irish republicans are determined and committed to achieving
greater change in the time ahead.

At no time in the last 800 years have the people of this island opened
a new century with such great hope and confidence in the future.