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Media in Politics: the Good and the Bad

Chapter 14 begins with the author Sabato arguing against “junkyard-dog” journalism when it comes to covering presidents and presidential candidates in elections (p.183). He separates this “junkyard-dog journalism” from “lapdog journalism,” in which reports do and say whatever politicians wish them to report (p.182). Sabato lists two cases of attack journalism: Dukakis and Quayle in the 1988 Presidential Election. Dukakis was accused of receiving mental treatments for depression, and press coverage of this rumor basically cost him the election. Quayle ran for vice president, and he was slapped with various rumors: his National Guard Service, an alleged affair with Paula Parkinson, his academic record, and others. Sabato questions how much attention should be spent on a candidate’s life “in his early twenties” compared with what one has done later. A consequence of attack journalism, according to Sabato, is that the press learns less about a candidate because the candidate is smart enough not to disclose too much information about his past. A consequence for the presidential candidates is that they, obviously, could lose the election due to the information. A consequence for voters, according to Sabato, is that the voters “often appear to be irate…that irreversible political verdicts are rendered by journalists instead of by the rightful jury of citizens at the polls” (p.188). Sabato says that there are consequences for the political system too. Positive consequences are that there are increased openness and accountability in the political campaigns; the negative are the “trivialization of political discourse and the dissuasion of promising presidential candidates” (p.189).

Chapter 16 begins with the author Patterson announcing that the U.S. is the “only democracy that organizes its national election campaign around the news media” (p.202). He says that the press’s role in presidential elections is “in large part” the result of a “void” that was created when the political parties surrendered their control over the nominating process (p.203). He says that the modern journalists not only are expected to point out the flaws in a campaigns, but they’re also obligated to “inspect the candidates’ platforms, judge their fitness to the nation’s highest office, and determine their electability,” all the while enabling voters to “exercise their discretion effectively” (p.204). Patterson also points out that even if voters had “perfect information” regarding candidates, they wouldn’t necessarily be able to make the “optimal choice” (p.207). Patterson also argues not only that the press is assigned to acting as the “watchdog,” but also that they have the “assumed responsibility” for protecting the public against “deceitful, corrupt, or incompetent candidates” (p.209). He says journalists “necessarily” play the watchdog role, and that they are “vital” to the elections.

Chapter 17 begins with author Hayden introducing Bill Clinton’s “underdog” winning of the presidency in 1993. Hayden lists Clinton’s pre-election “political baggage” in which he evaded the Vietnam War draft and lied about his actions thereafter, lied about his experience with marijuana, and lied and denied his “penchant for adulterous affairs” (p.212). Hayden then introduces Clinton’s “youthful but surprisingly experienced staff if dedicated political advisors” (p.213). His staff knew that the press was too fixated on Clinton’s past, so they sat out to find ways to showcase his then-current attributes and his ideas for future policies. Clinton had a “solicitous, reassuring compassion” and to show that, his staff scheduled longer and more leisurely interviews with amicable hosts, informal settings, and younger audiences (p.214). Hayden says Clinton relied on his attractive, engaging personal manner, and his likeability to win support from the American people. Clinton’s appearance on the Arsenio Hall Show marked the “new manner” of political campaigning, and he “set the standard” for talk show performances.

Chapter 18 deals with the referendums on issues of European integration and how the “lack of systematic knowledge” about the media coverage in European political affairs is an example of underdeveloped understanding. The authors de Vreese and Semetko introduce the Danish Campaign in the news through the use of a content analysis that ultimately led them to believe that the referendum was quite visible in the news. A referendum affects the media because it forces media organizations to prepare and to plan how to report the campaign. A referendum affects the citizens because the media and political journalism contribute to political alienation, political inefficacy, and a decline in participation in elections (p.223). de Vreese and Semetko theorize that new information can affect the parameters by which we evaluate political leaders. Information in the final weeks of a campaign matters to how one votes in the referendum. They also said that information effects were dependent upon the characteristics of the news coverage in the various outlets.

Chapter 14’s author annoyed me. Sabato said that the press learns less about a candidate due to attack journalism. Au contraire, as one of my journalism professors says, the press needs to create a full press—referencing basketball’s use of the full press. Journalists have unlimited access to general free records, including criminal records. By simply using a phone book, a journalist can easily contact important people from a candidate’s past. It is important for a journalist to report on a candidate’s past—as well as his plans for the future—so that the people know more information about a person that could possibly become president. Journalists are excellent in finding information. A candidate looks suspicious if he wishes to keep certain information away from the press. A simple public record search, as I have easily done for my own journalism stories, reveals information about a person that a journalist can use during interviews. This information allows a journalist to better prepare questions and can then provide the public with a better sense of who this candidate is.

Chapter 16’s author wrote more truthfully, honestly, and unbiased than Sabato. Sabato condemned journalists from the beginning. Patterson, on the other hand, carefully looked at journalism as a whole through the years, and concluded that journalism has changed over the years and because of this change, there has been controversy as to what the actual role of journalists is. I agreed with Patterson throughout his essay and I felt that he better grasped the idea of journalism far better than Sabato.

Chapter 17’s author introduced more notions concerning Clinton’s election of which I was previously unaware. Hayden pointed out Clinton’s use of new media and how Clinton’s easy-to-talk-to personality allowed him to really relate to the people, which ultimately got him elected. I also didn’t know of Clinton’s “baggage” before the election, or that he had had an affair previously to the Lewinsky affair. I have always like Clinton, regardless of his Lewinsky affair, and I thought it was really interesting how Clinton was finally able to turn the media attention from his past to his present.

Chapter 18’s authors’ essay was interesting, though I found it hard to follow because I don’t know a lot of information about elections in European countries.