6

Conclusion

We have
come to the end of our observations, and we shall briefly mention the
connexion
between Rosa Luxemburg's theoretical mistakes and
a number of her
practical-political ones. The relation of correct
and incorrect is
identical in
both sectors. In theory, the basic thesis of the
‘necessity' of
imperialism and
of the collapse of capitalism proved to be correct. In practice
the
same
applies to the basic thesis: to overthrow imperialism, one has to
overthrow the
capitalist system. But, as with the theoretical conclusions, so with
the chain
of arguments that were to justify the thesis of the necessity of
imperialism,
which showed itself to have many false links; thus a number of tactical
opinions, which ought to have delivered the practical proof of the
theory and
changed the weapon of criticisms into the criticism of weapons, proved
to be
incorrect.

Capitalism
will inevitably decay because of a lack of ‘third persons'. In this
lies its
objective limit, which cannot be surpassed. Even if it decays ‘long
before' the
'third persons' have disappeared, then nevertheless in that lies the
final
cause of the decay of capitalism and its collapse. That is one of Rosa
Luxemburg's basic logical postulates.

If that
is
so, it is obvious that the picture of capitalist collapse bears a much
duller,
more colourless, hypertrophically exaggerated ‘industrial' character.

If that
is
so, then it is understandable that the problem of the ‘third persons'
as
potential allies of the proletariat in the class struggle against the
bourgeoisie is of no overwhelming importance. The dullness of the
picture of
the collapse corresponds to the seclusion of the forces which fight and
overthrow imperialism.

From this
follows consequently another reading of the postulates, as follows:

1.
Incorrect
position on the national question.

2.
Underestimation and incorrect position on the colonial question.

3.
Underestimation and incorrect position on the peasant question.

We arrive
at quite different results from our theoretical conceptions. Capitalism
develops its internal contradictions; they, not
the lack of ‘third
persons',
finally cause its collapse, however many 'third persons' there may be,
even
three quarters of the world's population. If capitalism reproduces its
contradictions to such an extent that a decline of the productive
forces
begins, which makes impossible the existence of the labour force and
drives the
working class to rebellion, undermining the power of the metropolitan
countries, unchaining the forces of the colonial slaves and sharpening
national
antagonisms, then the contradictions of capitalism will split the bloc
of the
ruling classes with the peasantry, and allow the important section of
the
peasantry to turn against capitalist domination – obviously,
in this situation,
tactics, the slogans of the struggle and the
attitude towards the
problem of
the ‘allies' will turn out to be different. Then, the necessity of
‘connecting
proletarian revolutions with peasant wars', colonial revolts and
national
liberation movements comes to the forefront.

Leninism
dealt with precisely this question with unusual consistency and
theoretical rigour. Thus, in overcoming Rosa Luxemburg's mistakes, we
are
inevitably led back time and time again to the theoretical postulates
and
practical conclusions of our departed teacher.