Second Inaugural Address
March 4, 1813
About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a second
call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, I find in the
presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity of publicly repeating
my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence and of the responsibility
united with it The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence
that my faithful endeavors to discharge my arduous duties have been
favorably estimated, and by a consideration of the momentous period at which
the trust has been renewed From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it
I should be compelled to shrink if I had less reliance on the support of an
enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply a conviction that the
war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent a feature in our
situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven
on the means of conducting it to a successful termination
May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect on the
characters by which this war is distinguished?
It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long
made on them, in reality though not in name, until arguments and
expostulations had been exhausted, until a positive declaration had been
received that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued, nor until
this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit
of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political
institutions, and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering or
regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles our lost rank
and respect among independent powers
On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the high seas
and the security of an important class of citizens, whose occupations give
the proper value to those of every other class Not to contend for such a
stake is to surrender our equality with other powers on the element common
to all and to violate the sacred title which every member of the society has
to its protection. I need not call into view the unlawfulness of the
practice by which our mariners are forced at the will of every cruising
officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages
inseparable from it. The proofs are in the records of each successive
Administration of our Government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion
of the American people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the
sympathies of human nature.
As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in its objects, we
can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it on no principle of
justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy or
humanity, have been infringed. The war has been waged on our part with
scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of liberality
which was never surpassed.
How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the enemy!
They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States not
liable to be so considered under the usages of war.
They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to punish
as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraint to the
United States, incorporated by naturalization into our political family, and
fighting under the authority of their adopted country in open and honorable
war for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such is the avowed purpose
of a Government which is in the practice of naturalizing by thousands
citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but compelling them
to fight its battles against their native country.
They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and the
knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loose the
savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into their
service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut their
savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish the work of
torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives. And, what was never
before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over the unconquerable
valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of their chief captives
awaiting massacre from their savage associates.
And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare,
supplying the place of a conquering force, by attempts to disorganize our
political society, to dismember our confederated Republic. Happily, like
others, these will recoil on the authors; but they mark the degenerate
counsels from which they emanate: and if they did not belong to a series of
unexampled inconsistencies, might excite the greater wonder, as proceeding
from a Government which founded the very war in which it has been so long
engaged, on a charge against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of
its adversary.
To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the
reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest
manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was
scarcely out of the scabbard, before the enemy was apprized of the
reasonable terms on which it would be resheathed. Still more precise
advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every
reliance not placed on the military resources of the nation.
These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable issue.
Our nation is, in number, more than half that of the British isles. It is
composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people. Our
country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and the comforts of life. A
general prosperity is visible in the public countenance. The means employed
by the British Cabinet to undermine it, have recoiled on themselves; have
given to our national faculties a more rapid development; and draining or
diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults,
have poured them into those of the United States. It is a propitious
consideration, that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable
facility for the contributions required to support it. When the public voice
called for war, all knew and still know, that without them it could not be
carried on through the period which it might last; and the patriotism, the
good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens, are pledges for the
cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden.
To render the war short, and its success sure, animated, and systematic
exertions alone are necessary; and the success of our arms now may long
preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already
have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our
inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If the reputation
of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of
heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting to correspondent
triumphs there also, but the discipline and habits which are in daily
progress.