The blast comes three weeks after a bomb exploded at Harare's main
police station, shattering windows and causing minor damages but no
injuries.

State-owned Herald newspaper reported that junior police
officers had been arrested over the explosion.

Last year, Zimbabwe
was hit by a spate of fire bombings targeting police stations, with police
blaming the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party.

The MDC however denies the accusations.

Zimbabwe has been
plagued by political turmoil and violence, heightened after the country's
March election results, in which the opposition won the legislative vote and
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of presidential
voting.

In June, veteran president Robert Mugabe was re-elected in a
one-man run-off boycotted by Tsvangirai.

Power-sharing negotiations
between the ruling party and the MDC, aimed at resolving the country's
political impasse, were suspended a week ago.

MPs elected in the March
poll will be sworn in Monday, while President Robert Mugabe is expected to
convene the new parliament the following day, in a move Tsvangirai
opposes.

Talks reach dead end as ZPF politburo vows no power for Tsvangirai

By
Alex Bell22 August 2008

The ZANU PF politburo has reportedly resolved
that Robert Mugabe should not concede to MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai's
demands to become executive prime minister, even if the dialogue between the
two party leaders collapses - a move that has seen the talks reach a dead
end.

Mugabe apparently reported back to the Soviet-style politburo about
the failure of the weekend SADC summit in South Africa to break the impasse
between him and Tsvangirai in the power sharing negotiations. The politburo
resolved not to grant any concessions demanded by Tsvangirai, resulting in
the present political stalemate.

At the same time Mugabe has
allegedly been told by war veterans and military chiefs to pull out of the
dialogue with the opposition. Zimbabwe's military chiefs are of the view
that Mugabe had already ceded too much power to Tsvangirai in the deal now
on the SADC appointed mediator, Thabo Mbeki's table.

In the current
deal, which Tsvangirai refused to sign, he would be in charge of all
economic, social and humanitarian affairs ministries while Mugabe would be
responsible for all security ministries. Tsvangirai described as
"non-negotiable" his position that he should become executive head of
government in charge of appointing the cabinet, chairing the cabinet and
formulating and implementing government policies, among other
things.

Mugabe's army commanders and war veterans are now urging the
dictator to dissolve parliament, soon after it resumes sitting next week,
and order fresh elections in which Mugabe would win through a campaign of
violence. South African based journalist Basildon Peta told Newsreel on
Friday it is "unlikely that Mugabe will resort to that drastic step", but he
added it was far more likely that he will launch a campaign of "targeted
assassinations" against Tsvangirai's MDC MPs - at least seven of whom are
still in hiding.

Peta said this will force a session of by-elections,
"which Mugabe will win by violence".

Zimbabwe war veterans say Tsvangirai stalling talks

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe's war veteran allies accused opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai on Friday of stalling power-sharing talks on orders from
Western powers.

War veterans, backed by the army and ruling party
militants called "green bombers," served as Mugabe's political shock troops
in his campaign to retain power in a widely condemned June election run-off
which Tsvangirai boycotted over attacks on his
supporters.

Jabulani Sibanda, Zimbabwe National Liberation War
Veterans Association Chairman, said Mugabe would never bow to what he called
Tsvangirai's attempts to grab more power in talks aimed at ending the crisis
that has deepened since the election.

In remarks published on Friday,
Tsvangirai said Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF was to blame for the
stalemate.

Political tensions rose on Thursday after Tsvangirai said
Mugabe's decision to go ahead with opening parliament next week was a
"repudiation" of the basis for talks and he suggested Mugabe might have
decided to abandon negotiations.

"The war veterans, who are
custodians of the country's revolution, welcome the convening of parliament
set for next week," Sibanda told state media, urging Mugabe to form a new
cabinet.

Sibanda said "the West had engineered the impasse in the talks
so that their preferred leader takes over."

Western countries, key to
the funding that Zimbabwe needs to emerge from economic collapse, have said
they would only recognise a government led by Tsvangirai. He defeated Mugabe
in a first round vote in March.

DEADLOCK OVER ROLES

Mugabe has
often accused his old foe, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), of being a puppet of the United States and former colonial power
Britain and ignoring Western sanctions he blames for Zimbabwe's economic
decline.

Tsvangirai denies the accusations.

On Thursday,
Tsvangirai confirmed that the power sharing talks were deadlocked over the
roles of president and prime minister in a new government.

Mugabe is
expected to remain as president but, backed by security chiefs, he is
reluctant to cede key powers. Tsvangirai wants a real executive power as
prime minister.

"Tsvangirai keeps demanding more, and the more he
demands the more (Western) sanctions are imposed so that we yield to his
demands," said Sibanda.

"That is a condition that will never happen, a
step that will never be taken by ZANU-PF as a party and the people of
Zimbabwe."

Tsvangirai suggested the talks could make progress if ZANU-PF
showed some flexibility.

"Let them demonstrate what powers they have
ceded to the prime minister or to the other party," he said in an interview
published in South Africa's The Star newspaper.

"Identify those areas
and you will see who is the stumbling block."

Both Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF and Tsvangirai's main MDC are under intense pressure from within
Africa and around the world to reach an agreement that will pave the way for
rebuilding Zimbabwe's devastated economy.

Zimbabwe's inflation rate
rocketed to over 11 million percent in June and chronic food, fuel and
foreign currency shortages are worsening.

"With or without him
(Tsvangirai), Zimbabwe can still stand despite the sanctions imposed on the
country," said Sibanda.

MDC looks to Mbeki to stop parliament convening

Tension is running high between Zimbabwe's opposition party
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the ruling Zanu-PF following
the latter's insistence on convening parliament next Monday.

The MDC
is now looking at the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mediator
President Thabo Mbeki to stop Zanu-PF going ahead with the move. The
opposition party argues that it will effectively kill power-sharing talks.
MDC Secretary-General, Tendai Biti, says they will however attend the
opening of parliament.

Meanwhile, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai is
back in South Africa as uncertainty remains when power-sharing talks will
resume. Tsvangirai has been on a whirlwind tour to Southern African
countries to garner support for his party's position regarding the talks.
Biti says it is up to Mbeki to decide when to reconvene all role
players.

Tsvangirai has been critical of President Robert Mugabe's
decision to reconvene parliament next week, especially if it leads to him
appointing a cabinet. Biti says parliament cannot be convened while 15 MDC
MP's are still in hiding. Biti says by going ahead with the opening of
parliament, Zanu-PF will be opting out of the dialogue.

Tsvangirai's dwindling options

The Zimbabwean opposition should enter a
coalition with Robert Mugabe but insist on a framework for
reforms

Murithi Mutigaguardian.co.uk,Friday August 22 2008 18:30
BST

Political scientists Stephen Brown, Chandra Lekha Sriram and
Marie-Joëlle Zahar are right in pointing out the perils of a quick-fix
power-sharing solution in Zimbabwe.

They view a unity government as
an untidy and "inherently undemocratic" outcome but they are less successful
in outlining possible alternatives for ending the political deadlock in
Harare. Their suggestion that Zimbabwe should hold fresh elections under a
caretaker government is fanciful at best because Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF
party is unlikely to agree to a new poll.

In any case it is difficult to
see how a credible election can be held in the toxic environment that Mugabe
and his shock troops have created in Zimbabwe today. Given Zimbabwe's weak
institutions and partisan security forces, fresh elections would do very
little to deepen the democratic culture.

The international community
has been urging the main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, and his MDC
party to push for "full executive authority". Although this is desirable,
Mugabe and Zanu-PF are unlikely to cede complete control - therefore
Tsvangirai needs to take a more realistic approach.

Rather than quibbling
over what amount of power he will exercise in a new coalition government,
the opposition leader might be wiser to demand a framework for genuine
reforms under a unity government.

Constitutional changes that would
shield the judiciary from executive interference and change the current
system where judges are handpicked by a compliant Judicial Service
Commission, for example, would offer a significant check on the all-powerful
presidency. An independent judiciary could be a powerful guarantor of
Zimbabwe's democracy down the road while serving as a deterrent to the
militias that have wreaked havoc in the country, safe in the knowledge that
there would be no consequences for their actions.

Similar changes to
guarantee the independence of the electoral commission and strip the
presidency of powers to appoint its members would be an invaluable tool in
safeguarding the integrity of future elections.

The impact of genuine
reforms would be to insulate Zimbabwe against a reversion to one-man rule,
entrench the concept of separation of powers between various arms of
government and possibly offer a window for cleaning up the security forces.
This would be a far better platform for sustainable change in Zimbabwe than
fresh elections in the current poisoned environment.

Tsvangirai and the
MDC have time on their side, mainly because of coming changes in South
Africa where ANC leader Jacob Zuma is expected to replace Thabo Mbeki as
president in a year's time. This transition will be uncomfortable for Mugabe
and Zanu-PF. The Zimbabwean leader has profited from his close ties to Mbeki
with whom, as Mbeki's biographer William Gumede has noted, he shares a
kinship rooted in class and history.

Mbeki and Mugabe are both well
educated and were involved in the liberation struggle. Tsvangirai, by
contrast, is a former trade unionist of modest education who did not take
part in the guerrilla movement that helped to end white minority rule, a
fact that informs Mbeki and Mugabe's dim view of his suitability to
lead.

The rise of Zuma - like Tsvangirai a man who has been propelled to
his position by the powerful trade unions in South Africa - is likely to
change all that. Zuma and other powerful figures within the ANC initially
regarded Mugabe with sympathy as he cast himself as a champion resisting
neo-colonialism and as a victim of imperial conspiracy. As Mugabe has
increasingly turned his guns on his own people in his attempts to cling to
power that admiration has given way to revulsion. Where Cosatu, the umbrella
body of South African trade unions, was once a keen supporter of Mugabe, its
members are now more likely to be found leading demonstrations against him.
Zuma has also been far more strident in his public criticisms of Mugabe than
Mbeki, a fact which does not portend well for the Zanu-PF
leaders.

Considering the leverage that South Africa has over Zimbabwe's
leadership, it is inconceivable that under a Zuma presidency Mugabe would be
able to get away with the virtual impunity he has exercised under Mbeki's
watch.

If, on the other hand, Tsvangirai refuses to take part in a unity
government, his stance could give Zanu-PF an opportunity to go ahead with a
unilateral arrangement that excludes the main opposition leader and present
this to the rest of Africa as a fait accompli borne of the opposition's
intransigence.

A lot of commentators have drawn parallels between the
deal Mugabe wants to strike with Tsvangirai and the 1987 unity government
with another former trade unionist, Joshua Nkomo. That arrangement ended
unhappily for Nkomo whose Zapu party was overshadowed by Zanu and whose
career never recovered.

But Mugabe may be looking further back into
history as he discusses a new coalition government. The state media in the
last few weeks have been < a href="http://www.herald.co.zw/inside.aspx?sectid=817&cat=1">activelysupporting a deal that would see Mugabe enter a coalition with the smaller
MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara. Zanu-PF would then attempt to poach
opposition MPs with offers of front bench positions to maintain control of
parliament. With the Zimbabwean national assembly convening on Tuesday, the
next few weeks could yield movements in this direction.

Such an
arrangement would have echoes of the deal struck between Bishop Abel
Muzorewa and the Ian Smith regime in 1979. Smith hoped to freeze out what he
viewed as the more radical liberation movement players such as Mugabe and
Nkomo by working with Muzorewa. It was a desperate attempt to hold on to
power and it did not ultimately succeed. Mugabe's attempt will similarly
fail in the long run, though in the short term it will keep him in power
while deepening the economic crisis in Zimbabwe.

The MDC has few real
options outside some form of unity government, but it must insist on enough
guarantees to ensure a process of reform with an eye to the Mugabe
succession.

If nothing else, this arrangement will help to pave the way
for badly-needed investment to help lift the economic siege that has
enveloped Zimbabwe under Zanu-PF rule. Unlike the politicians, the suffering
masses do not have time on their side.

Mugabe
outmaneuvers us again

EVEN by Zimbabwe's rather lofty standards of pessimism, this has
been a particularly depressing week. It is the week in which, I believe, the
naïve optimism of Zimbabweans finally died.

Firstly, the subject of
our hope for the last few months was finally laid to rest. The circus called
"The talks", having run their predictable course, petered out without
conclusion. Thabo Mbeki, the SADC mediator, finally pulled his head out of
the sand and realised that he was part of a much smaller singing group whose
discordant melodies no longer appealed to anyone. He thus stopped singing,
and passed the music on to an organ of the said SADC - The Troika on
security and defense - whose history does not exactly inspire
confidence.

Then President Levy Mwanawasa of Zambia, died. President
Mwanawasa was one of a small but growing band of African leaders who have
broken away from the tradition of eulogising "liberation war heroes" long
after their "sell by" dates have passed. He was prepared, along with
President Ian Khama of Botswana, to break ranks with fellow African leaders
and call President Robert Mugabe what he is - an embarrassment to Africa. At
58, he was only three years older than yours truly and his death brought
home to me the real possibility that I could die and leave president Mugabe
still in power!

Not that my being alive would mean much to the average
Zimbabwean. I am just disappointed for me. Having lived the first half of my
life under colonial oppression, I hope to see an independence that is
somewhat different from Robert Mugabe's one. Imagine going to one's grave
having never known true freedom! Utterly depressing!

As if this was
not enough, I wake up one morning to read in The Herald that Arthur
Mutambara and Welshman Ncube are now cow-towing to Robert Mugabe. But, hang
on, is this something new? After all, how has a party that since breaking
away from the Movement for Democratic Change has consistently come a distant
third behind The MDC and Zanu-PF suddenly find themselves the kingmakers?
Their eight seats in Parliament now hold sway!

I think it is very simple
and is another example of Robert Mugabe's genius. Since the breakaway, this
faction of the MDC has always got less hostile press from the state media -
to the extent that even though they are clearly the breakaway, they are
referred to in official circles as the MDC while the main MDC is called the
MDC(Tsvangirayi)!

On March 29, 2008, the ballot papers had two MDC's -
MDC and MDC Tsvangirayi - with identical party symbols. Is it not reasonable
to suggest that, given Mutambara's faction's performance at previous
elections, the seats they got were a result of confusion on the part of the
electorate? Many voters knew Morgan Tsvangirayi as the leader of the MDC and
they voted for Mutambara's people thinking that they were voting for
Tsvangirai's MDC. And, of course, even if there were no seats won by the
break away, I would not put it past Zanu-PF that they "doctored" the votes
(through the now completely discredited Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) to
ensure that there were these seats that could be "bought" as and when
required.

So now, plans are under way to open parliament and swear in
members. If, as seems likely, Mutambara and his people, who had no hope of
getting into power by any other means, accept Cabinet posts from the wily
Mugabe and move their lot in with Zanu-PF, the need for talks falls away as
Mugabe has a majority in Parliament! He can rule for another term.
Tsvangirayi and the world have been outmaneuvered once
again!

Meanwhile, things go on as "usual" in Zimbabwe. Inflation
continues on its unrelenting upwards path, real income is going the other
way, electricity is now more off than on and many of the supermarkets now
resemble looted warehouses with most shelves completely empty - there is not
even enough stock to "hide" the empty shelves by stocking them with whatever
is available (they used to just put row after row of toilet paper, or sweets
or cold drinks. Now they do not have even those!).

But, then again,
this could be part of Mugabe's master plan. The entrepreneurs who own these
supermarkets will soon be so discouraged they will close down and, in the
name of "indigenisation" they will be taken over by black Zimbabweans, most,
if not all of whom will belong to Zanu-PF and their newly found coalition
partners. They have to benefit for acting in "The National
Interest".

As any good conman will tell you, dangle instant wealth to
anybody and they are yours, for a while at least.

Still, there was
some good news this week. I got unequivocal confirmation that my
contributions to The Zimbabwe Times actually get read! Thank you, Vukani
Madoda. I found friends I did not know existed.

Zimbabwe Parties Maneuver Before Reopening of Parliament

Zimbabwe's main political parties are maneuvering for
position and tension is on the rise in the run-up to the scheduled reopening
of parliament next Tuesday.

The Movement for Democratic Change
formation of Morgan Tsvangirai warned that reopening parliament before a
power-sharing deal is reached could scuttle the talks. But the formation is
expected to see its members sworn in Monday and attend the reopening
Tuesday.

President Robert Mugabe's hopes of forming a coalition
government with the MDC grouping led by Arthur Mutambara appeared Friday to
have been dashed - formation members were threatening to jump to the
Tsvangirai formation if such an alliance were proposed.

The Mutambara
MDC leadership had tried to justify an alliance with Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF
saying Tsvangirai was rigid and unreasonable in the now-stalled
power-sharing talks.

But sources told VOA the Mutambara leadership had to
assure its parliamentarians-elect at a meeting on Wednesday that they would
not join hands with Mr. Mugabe.

Sources in the formation reported a
lengthy debate amidst charges Mutambara had signed a "sell-out" deal to join
Mugabe and abandon former opposition partner Tsvangirai.

There was
general speculation that Mr. Mugabe, having recalled parliament, would
attempt to appoint a cabinet and form a government with the help of the
Mutambara formation.

The grouping has put forth the name of Paul
Themba Nyathi as candidate for speaker of the house, while refusing to back
a candidate from the Tsvangirai grouping. But MPs from the Mutambara
formation told VOA they were willing to support a Tsvangirai
candidate.

Mutambara MDC Secretary General Welshman Ncube told reporter
Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that his grouping is better
positioned than the formation led by Tsvangirai to secure the post of
speaker in a hung parliament.

Meanwhile, war veteran leader Jabulani
Sibanda weighed in on the question of reconvening parliament, telling the
state-controlled Herald newspaper that President Mugabe won the June 27
presidential run-off election, thus recalling parliament is his
prerogative.

Tsvangirai had warned that if Mr. Mugabe did recall
parliament, the power-sharing talks under way since July could collapse.
Some argued that this is Mr. Mugabe's intention, as Tsvangirai is demanding
powers as prospective prime minister that Mr. Mugabe is loath to
concede.Sibanda told the Herald that Tsvangirai is merely a "protégé" of the
United States and Britain , which he charged are seeking to bring about
illegal regime change.

Elsewhere, South African President Thabo Mbeki
was to attempt to relaunch power-sharing negotiations once the Zimbabwean
parliament has convened, sources said.

Tsvangirai
stages coup on Mutambara

THE Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has reportedly
secured the support of eight legislators aligned to a rebel MDC faction led
by Dr Arthur Mutambara.

Insiders in both the Tsvangirai led MDC party
and the breakaway MDC faction disclosed on Friday that the opposition party
which ended Zanu-PF leader Robert Mugabe's majority in parliament after
routing the former ruling party in the March general elections had made a
major breakthrough by securing the support of eight disgruntled MP'
belonging to the Mutambara faction.

Without revealing the names of the
legislators the MDC sources said the MPs aligned to Mutambara had assured
them of their vote during next week's elections to choose the powerful posts
of Speaker of Parliament and Deputy Speaker.

"We are together in this
struggle. We can never be in bed with Zanu-PF at the expense of our
colleagues whom we identify with," said one of the legislators
concerned.

The Tsvangirai led MDC has chosen its Matobo MP and the
party's national chairman Lovemore Moyo as its candidate for the post of
Speaker while the smaller MDC faction has picked up former Gwanda legislator
Paul-Themba Nyathi who lost the March parliamentary elections to a
Tsvangirai loyalist. Zanu-PF has not yet named its choice amid allegations
that the former ruling party will support a Mutambara nominee.

Both
Tapiwa Mashakada, the spokesperson of the Tsvangirai led faction and Edwin
Mushoriwa, his counterpart in the rebel faction could not be reached for
comment by The Zimbabwe Times.

If the Mutambara affiliated MPs choose to
vote for Moyo on Monday, this would be an indication of growing rebellion in
the party. Already most of the MPs representing constituencies in
Matabeleland have threatened to ditch Mutambara if he strikes any
power-sharing deal with Mugabe while excluding Tsvangirai.

Some of
the 10 MPs belonging to the breakaway Mutambara faction reacted angrily last
week to reports of a secret deal between their leader and Mugabe.

The
mainstream MDC led by Tsvangirai has 100 MPs, while Zanu-PF has 99. Former
Zanu-PF member and former Minister of Information, Jonathan Moyo holds the
remaining seat as independent MP for Tsholotsho North constituency. He won
the seat in the March election after sealing a deal with the main MDC
whereby that party would not nominate a candidate in that constituency. But
Moyo now appears to have turned his back on the MDC in favour of a close
relationship with Zanu-PF once again.

Although some of Mutambara's
officials hastened to deny any such deal had been signed, the legislators
all representing constituencies in Matabeleland, distanced themselves from
any signing of a power-sharing deal between Mutambara and Mugabe behind the
back of Tsvangirai.

The State-owned Herald newspaper, which is the
government's official mouthpiece, has consistently reported that Mugabe and
Mutambara signed a power sharing deal after Tsvangirai walked out of the
talks last week. The newspaper maintains that the signing would pave the way
for a government of national unity between Mugabe and the Mutambara
MDC.

However, legislators aligned to the Mutambara breakaway faction, who
are mostly from Matabeleland South and North provinces have warned that they
will not work with Mugabe if Mutambara signed any deal with the octogenarian
leader in the absence of Tsvangirai.

Battleground Zimbabwe

IOL

August 22 2008 at
11:33AM

By By Basildon Peta and Peter Fabricius

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe convenes parliament on Monday amid
widening divisions within the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and
fears that the negotiations between it and Zanu-PF are effectively
dead.

Tendai Biti, chief negotiator of the main MDC faction led by
Morgan Tsvangirai, warned on Friday that parliament would become a
"battleground" which could do fatal damage to the negotiations.

The main issue is expected to be the appointment of a Speaker. Biti said his
party believed this important position should go to the MDC. But it has only
a majority of one over Zanu-PF and unless it can get all its MPs to
parliament on Monday, the position might go to Zanu-PF - bringing it level
with the main MDC faction, since the Speaker need not be an elected
MP.

The danger for Tsvangirai's faction is that some of its MPs are
still in hiding from the terror unleashed by Mugabe's security agents during
the campaign for the June 27 presidential run-off election and may not be
able to make it to parliament. Biti said some were believed to be in
prison.

The other MDC faction, headed by Arthur Mutumbara, has 10
seats, which should guarantee the combined MDC a clear majority over
Zanu-PF. But growing mistrust and divisions between the two factions have
made it uncertain whether they will join forces.

Biti said on
Friday that his party was still committed to the negotiations mediated by
President Thabo Mbeki, but he believed Zanu-PF had abandoned them. He said
he had heard that Zanu-PF hardliners had told Mugabe that he had al-ready
made too many concessions to Tsvangirai.

Biti had said convening
parliament would violate the negotiators' Memorandum of Understanding, but
leaders at the Southern African Development Community summit in Sandton last
week gave Mugabe the go-ahead to do so.

This article was
originally published on page 1 of Cape Argus on August 22, 2008

Mutambara,
Ncube accused of CIO links

LEGISLATORS and national council members of the MDC faction
led by Dr Arthur Mutambara have raised concerns at the behaviour of some of
their national executive council members, accusing them of being on the
payroll of Zanu-PF or the Central Intelligence Organization
(CIO).

The allegations were raised at a meeting held in Harare on
Wednesday where the faction sought to chart the way forward following the
announcement by the clerk of parliament, Austin Zvoma that the legislative
assembly will convene next Tuesday.

The meeting was convened to
decide whether the Mutambara faction should attend Parliament's official
opening which is expected to be presided over by President Robert
Mugabe.

Legislators in the camp who spoke on condition of anonymity,
given the blanket ban imposed on them by the camp's leadership, said there
was furor at the meeting which was eventually marked by threats of
unspecified action.

"We were accused of a number of things which include
working in cahoots with Tsvangirai to displace Mugabe from power. We were
told that if we harboured those ambitions, it would be better for us to stop
them because we were going to be forced out of Parliament through means that
were not specified," said one legislator.

It was revealed that the
legislators were threatened by secretary-general, Welshman Ncube who
reportedly said the MPs, should they be forced out, were not likely to sit
in Parliament "ever again".

Another legislator said Ncube was visibly
angry over rumors that the legislators in the camp had been working with the
Tsvangirai formation.

"For the first time, that smile disappeared and he
was frothing at the mouth, claiming that we had been bought by Tsvangirai to
ensure that they (Mutambara and Ncube) did not get the positions (in
government that) they desire. We were told that should they succeed with
their plan, those of us suspected to be working with Tsvangirai would be
pushed out and there would be by-elections in our constituencies which Ncube
equivocally said we were not going to win and that we would cease sitting in
Parliament for ever," said the legislator.

Ironically, Ncube is
tipped for the Speaker of Parliament in case Tsvangirai sticks to his guns
not to sign the power sharing deal. Mutambara is said to be eyeing the prime
ministerial post.

It is alleged Ncube said Zanu-PF would reclaim all the
10 seats occupied by the breakaway faction's MPs if by-elections were
held.

However, when the legislators were given the opportunity to
respond, they accused the national executive of being on the payroll of
Zanu-PF and the Central Intelligence Organization, an allegation which the
leadership is reported to have failed to effectively respond
to.

"When they were asked to clarify whether they had received funds from
Zanu-PF and the CIO, they all chickened out and said those were not issues
that could be addressed at that meeting. None of them attempted to give an
answer on the allegations, which gives rise to suspicion that Mutambara
could have signed the unity pact with Mugabe when Tsvangirai walked out of
their negotiation meetings in Harare two weeks ago," the legislator
added.

There was speculation that Mutambara had appended his signature on
the power-sharing agreement with Mugabe after Tsvangirai's walk-out last
week. While addressing a press conference in Harare soon after the
Tsvangirai walk-out Mutambara claimed that it was impossible for him to sign
a power-sharing agreement with Mugabe when the Memorandum of Understanding
agreed to in Harare last month had a provision for a tri-partite
power-sharing agreement.

Asked to respond to a report published in
The Zimbabwe Times that several of his party's 10 MPs had threatened to
cross back to the mainstream MDC of Tsvangirai if Mutambara signed an
agreement with Mugabe, Ncube said he was not aware of the issue being
raised.

"I do not recall that issue coming up," he said. "I remember
there was an agreement on the issues we raised during that meeting and the
resolutions thereof. If at all that was an issue that was brought up, why
should that be an issue for the media. Members are clear on the agreed
protocol and way of dealing with our internal matters. There is an agreement
that no-one speaks to the media and I am surprised why some people breach
that protocol."

Mutambara set to cut deal with ZANU PF & cut ties with Tsvangirai

By
Alex Bell22 August 2008

Leader of the breakaway MDC faction, Arthur
Mutambara, looks set to benefit from striking a deal with Robert Mugabe's
ZANU PF, which could see a member of his faction elected speaker of
parliament - the biggest post in the House of Assembly.

Mugabe's ZANU
PF has reportedly backed the move, which will effectively side line the main
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. The speaker assumes power temporarily
if the incumbent president is unable to perform the duties of office through
illness or death.

Tsvangirai has said a mediator will need to intervene
if Zimbabwe's parliament convenes next week, because the move violates the
Memorandum of Understanding. He was addressing the media in Kenya on
Thursday after comparing notes on the experience of power sharing with
Kenya's Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Tsvangirai stated that by convening
parliament Mugabe may have decided to abandon the power-sharing
talks.

At the same time, Mutambara's party appears to be distancing
itself further away from Tsvangirai after the party's Secretary General
Welshman Ncube told South African media the coalition agreement signed with
the Tsvangirai MDC is no longer valid. He said: "The discussions which took
place between the two elections were founded on the fact that Morgan
(Tsvangirai) had won the 29 March election and would win the 27 June
elections. That did not happen and therefore what was agreed then does not
constitute a coalition."

Dr John Makumbe, a political analyst from the
University of Zimbabwe, told Newsreel on Friday the political situation
shows there are "no permanent friends and no permanent foes" in Zimbabwe's
politics. He said Mutambara's party will be completely swallowed up by ZANU
PF if any deal is signed with Mugabe. But he added that both Mutambara and
Mugabe should be aware that such an arrangement "will not result in Zimbabwe
being recognised as a democratic country". He called the two party leaders
efforts at sidelining Tsvangirai a "futile exercise" and said they are
risking valuable foreign investment by cutting Tsvangirai out of the
picture.

MDC may boycott opening of parliament

By Violet Gonda22 August
2008

Robert Mugabe will open parliament on Tuesday but the Tsvangirai-led
MDC may boycott the ceremony. Acting spokesperson Tapiwa Mashakada said a
strategic planning meeting will be held on Sunday to decide whether to
participate in the opening ceremony. However the MDC parliamentarians will
attend the swearing in ceremony on Monday.

There is growing concern
that by convening parliament ZANU PF will have declared the ongoing talks
between the political parties a non event. The rivals signed a Memorandum of
Understanding in which they agreed that parliament would not be convened,
until there was consensus by all the party leaders.

The MDC says it
will participate in the swearing in of parliamentarians because it is the
completion of the election process. They will be sworn in by the clerk of
parliament. Mashakada said the swearing in is a technical exercise. He said:
"This is the fulfilment of the democratic mandate that was imposed on them
(MPs) by the electorate on the 29th of March, but what happens on Tuesday is
a matter of conjecture. We still have to meet on Sunday to map our attitude
and respond to the Tuesday event as a party and as a parliamentary
caucus."

Another MDC official said the mood in the party is to boycott
Mugabe's convening of parliament. The official, who spoke on condition of
anonymity, said: "We see the opening ceremony by a person who is being
contested as President coming in to masquerade as the legitimate leader.
Effectively Mugabe faces the risk of addressing a ZANU PF conference in
parliament on Tuesday."

The other MDC faction led by Arthur
Mutambara, which has 10 seats in parliament, is expected to attend both
functions this coming week.

Mugabe refuses 'concessions'

IOL

Basildon
Peta August 22 2008 at 06:56AM

Zimbabwe's deadlocked
negotiations might have effectively reached a dead end now that Robert
Mugabe's ruling party has resolved not to grant any of the concessions
demanded by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

Mugabe on
Wednesday reported back to a meeting of his party's top decision making
body, the Soviet-style-politburo, about the failure of the SADC summit to
break the impasse between him and Morgan Tsvangirai in negotiations mediated
by President Thabo Mbeki.

Highly placed sources said the politburo
had then resolved that Mugabe should not concede to Tsvangirai's demands to
become executive prime minister even if the dialogue collapsed.

Mugabe has also been told by war veterans and military chiefs to pull out of
the dialogue with the opposition.

Authoritative sources said
Zimbabwe's military chiefs, led by Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander
Constantine Chiwenga, were of the view that Mugabe had already ceded "too
much power" to Tsvangirai in a deal now on Mbeki's table which the
opposition leader has flatly refused to sign.

Sources said the
military chiefs and the leadership of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War
Veterans' Association had told Mugabe to make no further concessions to
Tsvangirai.

Instead, the army commanders and war veterans are
urging Mugabe to dissolve parliament, soon after it resumes sitting next
week, and order fresh elections in which Mugabe would win through a campaign
of violence.

It is unlikely that Mugabe would resort to that
drastic step. Tsvangirai's MDC instead fears a campaign of targeted
assassinations against its MPs to force by-elections which Mugabe would win
by violence to regain his parliamentary majority.

Mugabe
controls 99 seats, Tsvangirai 100, while a smaller faction of the MDC led by
Arthur Mutambara controls 10. The remaining seat belongs to an independent.
Mugabe only needs to regain seven seats to take control of
parliament.

He is already trying to woo opposition MPs by
offering them incentives.

Chiwenga is opposed to a proposal to
make Tsvangirai sit on the Joint Operations Command, to be renamed the
National Security Council in the proposed unity government.

Chiwenga is still fiercely opposed to any elevation of Tsvangirai and he is
said to have told Mugabe that he would still not salute Tsvangirai even if
the unity government deal was eventually signed and Tsvangirai assumed the
prime minister's position.

In the current deal, Tsvangirai would be
in charge of all economic, social and humanitarian affairs ministries while
Mugabe would be responsible for all security ministries.

This
is among reasons why Tsvangirai refused to sign the deal.

He said
that a situation in which the prime minister was asked to take
responsibility for a certain category of ministries while other ministers
reported to the president directly was wholly untenable and unheard
of.

He described as "non-negotiable" his position that he should
become executive head of government in charge of appointing the cabinet,
chairing the cabinet and formulating and implementing government policies,
among other things.

In this stance, Tsvangirai appears to have
the support of many Zimbabweans who believe that "having no deal is better
than a bad deal". The major achilles heel for Tsvangirai appears to be his
plan B outside of a negotiated settlement.

Tsvangirai believes
Zimbabwe's economic spiral, underlined by official inflation of more than 11
million percent, will eventually force Mugabe to compromise. But Mugabe, who
will open parliament on Tuesday, despite an agreement with Tsvangira to
avoid doing so until the negotiations are completed, appears to have
abandoned the dialogue in view of his latest action, a fact conceded by
Tsvangirai on Thursday.

"The economy would have forced Mugabe to
comprise if he cared about the suffering of his people. Unfortunately, he
does not," said Trymore Chigudu, a Zimbabwean political
observer.

"The opposition would now have to do much more - in terms
of generating adequate internal resistance - to force Mugabe to
compromise."

Mbeki also appears to have given up on the mediation.
Sources said Mbeki would now only get involved in terms of encouraging
Tsvangirai to sign the deal currently on the table.

This
article was originally published on page 2 of The Mercury on August 22,
2008

Mugabe's functions under Constitution before power
sharing

Zimbabwe's opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) refuses to sign a power-sharing deal with
the ruling Zanu PF party in a dispute over the amount of power transferred to
its leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a Prime Ministerial role from the executive
functions of President Robert Mugabe (READ ROLE OF PRIME
MINISTER).

As a way to promote public debate on the issues, we
publish below the Presidential functions as laid out in the Constitution of
Zimbabwe. Most but three of the functions have either been shared with the Prime
Minister, cross-referenced with Cabinet or transferred in the envisaged
deal.

The remaining
functions are the power to declare a state emergency, declare clemency and
declare war or make peace................................
Last updated: 22/08/2008 19:27:03

(EXTRACT FROM THE CONSTITUTION OF ZIMBABWE,
AS AMENDED BY AMENDMENT 17)

CHAPTER IV
THE EXECUTIVEPART 1The President27 The
President(1) There shall be a President who shall be Head of State
and Head of Govern-ment and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces.(2) The
President shall take precedence over all other persons in
Zimbabwe.

PART
3Executive Functions31H Executive functions of
President(1) The executive authority of Zimbabwe shall vest in the
President and, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, may be exercised
by him directly or through the Cabinet, a Vice-President, a Minister or a Deputy
Minister.

(2) It shall be the duty
of the President to uphold this Constitution and ensure that the provisions of
this Constitution and of all other laws in force in Zimbabwe are faithfully
executed.

(3) The President shall
have such powers as are conferred upon him by this Con-stitution or by or under
any Act of Parliament or other law or convention and, subject to any provision
made by Parliament, shall, as Head of State, in addition have such prerogative
powers as were exercisable before the appointed day.

(4) Without prejudice to
the generality of subsection (3), the President shall have power, subject to the
provisions of this Constitution—(a) to appoint, accredit, receive and
recognize diplomatic agents and consular officers; and(b) to enter into
international conventions, treaties and agreements; and(c) to proclaim and
to terminate martial law; and(d) to declare war and to make peace; and
(e) to confer honours and precedence.

(5) In the exercise of
his functions the President shall act on the advice of the Cabinet, except in
cases where he is required by this Constitution or any other law to act on the
advice of any other person or authority:Provided that the President shall
not be obliged to act on the advice of the Cabinet with respect to—(a) the
dissolution or prorogation of Parliament; or(b) the appointment or removal
of a Vice-President or any Minister or Deputy Minister; or [Paragraph as
amended by section 9 of Act 15 of 1990 - Amendment No. 10] (b1) subject
to the provisions of an Act of Parliament such as is referred to in section
111A, the appointment or removal of a Provincial Governor in terms of such Act;
or[Paragraph as inserted by section 5 of Act 4 of 1989 - Amendment No. 8
and as amended by section 9 of Act 15 of 1990 - Amendment No. 10]
(c) the assignment or reassignment of functions to a Vice-President or
any Minister or Deputy Minister or with respect to the cancellation of any such
assignment or reassignment of functions; or

(c1) the designation of
a Vice-President or Minister in terms of section 31(1); or[Paragraph as
inserted by section 5 of Act 15 of 1990 - Amendment No. 10] (c2) the
appointment of members of Parliament in terms of section 38(1)(d);
or[Paragraph as inserted by section 5 of Act 15 of 1990 - Amendment No.
10] (d) the appointment of any person to an office or post in terms of
this Constitu-tion or any other law, or the removal of any person from such an
office or post, where the President is required by this Constitution or by the
law con-cerned, as the case may be, to consult any other person or authority
before making the appointment or effecting the removal.

(6) Nothing in this
section shall prevent Parliament from conferring or imposing functions on
persons or authorities other than the President.

31I Prerogative
of mercy(1) The President may, subject to such lawful conditions as
he may think fit to impose—(a) grant a pardon to any person concerned in or
convicted of a criminal offence against any law; or(b) grant a respite,
either indefinite or for a specified period, from the execution of any sentence
for such an offence; or(c) substitute a less severe punishment for that
imposed by any sentence for such an offence; or(d) suspend for a specified
period or remit the whole or part of any sentence for such an offence or any
penalty of forfeiture otherwise imposed on account of such an offence.(2)
Where a person resident in Zimbabwe has been convicted in another country of a
criminal offence against a law in force in that country, the President may
declare that that conviction shall not be regarded as a conviction for the
purposes of this Con-stitution or any other law in force in
Zimbabwe.

31J Public
emergencies(1) The President may at any time, by proclamation in
the Gazette, declare in rela-tion to the whole of Zimbabwe or any part thereof
that—(a) a state of public emergency exists; or(b) a situation exists
which, if allowed to continue, may lead to a state of public
emergency.

(2) A declaration under
subsection (1), if not sooner revoked, shall cease to have effect at the
expiration of a period of fourteen days beginning with the day of publica-tion
of the proclamation in the Gazette unless, before the expiration of that period,
the declaration is approved by resolution of Parliament:Provided that, if
Parliament is dissolved during the period of fourteen days, the declaration,
unless sooner revoked, shall cease to have effect at the expiration of a period
of thirty days beginning with the day of publication of the proclamation in the
Gazette unless, before the expiration of that period, the declaration is
approved by resolution of Parliament.

(3) Where a declaration
under subsection (1)—(a) is not approved by resolution under subsection (2),
the President shall forth-with, after Parliament has considered the resolution
and failed to approve it or, if Parliament has not considered the resolution, on
the expiration of the appropriate period specified in subsection (2), by
proclamation in the Ga-zette, revoke the declaration;(b) is approved by
resolution under subsection (2), the declaration shall, subject to the
provisions of subsection (4), continue in effect for a period of six months
beginning with the day of publication of the proclamation in the
Ga-zette:Provided that, where Parliament has in the resolution under
subsection (2) speci-fied that the declaration shall continue in effect for a
period of less than six months, the President shall, by proclamation in the
Gazette, make provision that the declaration shall, subject to the provisions of
subsection (4), be revoked on the expiration of the period so
specified.

(4) If Parliament
resolves that it considers it expedient that a declaration under subsection (1)
should be continued for a further period not exceeding six months, the President
shall forthwith, by proclamation in the Gazette, extend the declaration for such
further period as may be so resolved.

(5) Notwithstanding any
other provision of this section, Parliament may at any time—(a) resolve that
a declaration under subsection (1) should be revoked; or (b) whether in
passing a resolution under subsection (2) or (4) or subsequently, resolve that a
declaration under subsection (1) should relate to such lesser area as Parliament
may specify;and the President shall forthwith, by proclamation in the
Gazette, revoke the declara-tion or provide that the declaration shall relate to
such lesser area, as the case may be.

(6) Without prejudice to
the provisions of subsections (1) to (5), Parliament may at any time resolve in
relation to the whole of Zimbabwe or any part thereof that a situation exists
which—(a) if allowed to continue, may lead to a state of public emergency;
and(b) may require the preventive detention of persons in the interests of
defence, public safety or public order.

(7) A resolution under
subsection (6) shall, subject to the provisions of subsection (8) and unless
Parliament has specified that it shall have effect for a period of less than one
year, have effect for a period of one year beginning with the day on which it is
passed.

(9) Notwithstanding any other
provision of this section, Parliament may at any time resolve—(a) that a
resolution under subsection (6) shall cease to have effect; or(b) that a
resolution under subsection (6) shall relate to such lesser area as Par-liament
may specify.

(12) Where Parliament
passes a resolution under subsection (6), (8) or (9), the Clerk of Parliament
shall forthwith cause to be published in the Gazette a notice of such resolution
and the effect thereof.

31K Extent to
which exercise of President’s functions justiciable(1) Where the
President is required or permitted by this Constitution or any other law to act
on his own deliberate judgement, a court shall not, in any case, inquire into
any of the following questions or matters—(a) whether any advice or
recommendation was tendered to the President or acted on by him; or(b)
whether any consultation took place in connection with the performance of the
act; or(c) the nature of any advice or recommendation tendered to the
President; or(d) the manner in which the President has exercised his
discretion.

(2) Where the President
is required or permitted by this Constitution or any other law to act on the
advice or recommendation of or after consultation with any person or authority,
a court shall not, in any case, inquire into either of the following questions
or matters—(a) the nature of any advice or recommendation tendered to the
President; or(b) the manner in which the President has exercised his
discretion.

Leaked: The document Tsvangirai refuses to
sign

This is the document
detailing the role of a Prime Minister in an envisaged "Inclusive Government" in
Zimbabwe. The leaked document was sent anonymously to New Zimbabwe.com, and
verified as authentic with several sources.

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
has so far declined to sign this document, saying his powers are
insufficient.

All but except
three of the President's powers as set out in the Constitution of Zimbabwe are
now cross-referenced either with the Prime Minister, Cabinet or both (SEE MUGABE'S POWERS
BEFORE POWER SHARING). The remaining presidential powers are the power to
declare a state of emergency, the power to make pardons and the power to declare
war or make peace. Those three, however, still require the president to consult
Cabinet.

In the
interest of debate, we publish the full document below (Emphasis in the
document is as is in the original PDF file sent to us):...............................

Last
updated: 22/08/2008 14:59:11ROLE
OF THE PRIME MINISTER

1. Cabinet is the organ of
state that carries the principal responsibility of formulating and implementing
the government policies agreed to in the Global Agreement. The Executive
Authority of the Inclusive Government resides in the President, the Prime
Minister and the Cabinet.

2. The Prime Minister is a
Member of the Cabinet and its Deputy Chairperson. In that regard, he carries the
responsibility to oversee the formulation of policies by the
Cabinet.

3. The Prime Minister must
ensure all the policies formulated are
implemented in accordance with the programme developed by the
Ministries and agreed to in Cabinet.

4. In overseeing the
implementation of the agreed policies, the Prime Minister must ensure
that the state has sufficient resources and appropriate operational
capacity to carry out its functions effectively. Accordingly, the Prime
Minister will necessarily have to ensure that all state organs are geared
towards the implementation of the policies of the inclusive
government.

5. The President and the
Prime Minister will agree on the allocation of Ministries between them for the
purpose of day-to-day supervision.

6. The Prime Minister must
ensure that the legislation necessary to enable government to carry out
its functions is in place. In this regard, he carries the
responsibility of conducting the business of government in
Parliament.

7. The Prime Minister also
advises the President on key appointments the President is
required to make under and in terms of the Constitution or any Act of
Parliament.

8. The Prime Minister can
make recommendations on such disciplinary measures as may be
necessary.

9. The Prime Minister shall
serve as a member of the National Security Council and this
will ensure his participation in deliberations on matters of national security
and operations pertaining thereto.

10. As the work of the
Inclusive Government evolves, the President or Cabinet may assign such
additionalfunctions as necessary to further
enhance the work of the Inclusive Government.

The
hypocrisy of Dr Arthur Mutambara

SOMETIMES, all I can do is look on in dumb befuddlement as the
world explodes into complete and utter madness.

Two stories caught my
eye this week, the drugged horses at the Olympic Games in Beijing and the
now infamous interview in which Arthur Mutambara told the West, all of it,
from Australia to the United Kingdom, to go hang. Presumably, the
non-expansionist Scandinavians are included, as is neutral Switzerland. Why
stop at America and Britain when you can damn the entire West, even the tiny
Principality of Monaco and harmless Luxembourg? Mutambara's "go hang" was
brilliantly inclusive in its generalization, but it lacked a certain, oh I
don't know, Charambesque rhetorical flourish.

Go hang a thousand times,
said George Charamba.

Go hang, said Mutambara.

I was at first
amused by this interview, and I was going to roll my eyes and move on to the
next instance of human folly. I have written enough about the man, I
thought, and I will let this one slide by. Then I started thinking about the
hypocrisy of it all and I thought, handingajaidzi makudo neanokamhina (Why
allow anyone to get away with murder, literally. - Editor). If the editor
can find the appropriate translation, he will put it in, but the gist of it
is that people should not be allowed to get away with their
ridiculousness.

In a stunning feat of Orwellian doublespeak, Arthur both
boasted about his Oxford credentials and said the West could go hang. Here
is the hypocrisy: Arthur's entire professional life in the US, with the
exception of a few months at McKinsey, was a series of post-doctoral
research fellowships at different universities and at the NASA John Glenn
Centre. Incidentally, we have all seen puffed up CVs, and Mutambara's is a
classic example - how is it possible that a post-doctoral researcher in his
20s is given the sole responsibility, with no supervision, to manage a
project that is worth more than half a million dollars, as he claims in one
of the highlights of his CV?

It is clear that he never held a tenure
track position.

This by the way, as some have already observed, makes his
Professor title a wee bit dubious, I would have thought Dr. Mutambara would
be good enough, but if the Prof thing is such an essential part of his
self-mythology, that is his business. The mythology surrounding Thandiwe
Newton, the Hollywood actress with a Zimbabwean mother, is that Newton's
mother is a Zimbabwean princess. So if Mutambara wants to mythologise
himself as a Professor that is for him and the man in his mirror.

The
main issue here is not the self-mythology, but that he was the beneficiary
of one post-doctoral fellowship from one Western university after the other.
This, in addition to his Rhodes scholarship at Oxford, builds a pattern of a
man who has taken rather a lot from the reviled West. Then there is the
much-published fact that when his wife was pregnant, rather than have the
baby in South Africa where they lived, she flew to the US to give birth
there returning with a child with, no doubt, a nice spanking brand new US
passport. And as he boasted at a gathering at Geoff Nyarota's house in 2007,
and as he has confirmed on his CV, he still has his US Green Card if
everything goes belly up with his political career in Zimbabwe.

So
this is the same Arthur who is telling the West to go hang.

When the MDC
split, David Coltart sat on the fence, before deciding to throw his lot in
with Welshman Ncube's formation. After they head-hunted Arthur and
parachuted him in to be their president, sidelining Sibanda, Chimanikire and
others and thus ignoring the very democratic principles which they claimed
had been flouted by Tsvangirai, Coltart, Ncube, Misihairabwi and Mutambara
went on a tour of Washington, and of European capitals, to introduce their
new leader.

I do not recall them going to the Far East, but maybe I was
not paying attention.

I can tolerate many things from people in
public life, but I cannot bear hypocrisy. It is hypocritical for Mugabe and
his ministers to slam the West and still send their children to universities
there, it is hypocritical for Reason Wafawarova and Peter Mavhunga to be
electronic cheerleaders of Zanu-PF's oppression, and to slam the West while
enjoying good public transport, and access to doctors, and all the food they
can afford to buy.

Mutambara's interview also revealed the close affinity
that he has to Zanu PF. Like Zanu PF, Mutambara has a misplaced sense of
entitlement. Zanu PF's is based on the claim that they "liberated" us, while
Mutambara's appears to rest solely on his superior academic qualifications.
"I am coming out of Oxford," says Mutambara. "Tsvangirai is an intellectual
midget", he said on a previous occasion.

And this is the man who has
ambitions to be our President.

At law school at the UZ from 1991 to 1994,
we had a fellow student whom I will call Oliver. The first thing that we
knew about Oliver was that he had 15 points. The next thing we knew was that
Oliver had 15 points. And after that, we knew that Oliver had 15 points. You
get the picture. All Oliver could talk about were his 15 points in English,
Geography and History. It was how he tried to impress girls and win the awe
of his peers. Never mind that a quarter of the class had 15 points, Oliver
had 15 points and everyone knew it. We graduated from law school, with
Oliver surprisingly failing to fulfil his brilliant early promise, but more
significantly, within two years, Oliver had been struck off the Law Society
register because he embezzled money from his law firm.

Good grades do
not amount to intelligence, and intelligence is not the same thing as
wisdom. And intelligence certainly does not amount to
character.

Mutambara achieved excellent grades at school and university,
but that is not a mark of character. Mutambara may be brilliant in his field
of robotics, but he is also vain and egocentric. His arrogance and pomposity
simply diminish him.

The harder he tries to sound impressive, the
more he just sounds foolish and clueless. You can be sure that if you stood
next to him at a party, the only subject would be the luminous brilliance of
Arthur Oliver Guseni Mutambara. He has no humility, no sense of humour about
himself, no self-awareness. He is contemptuous of others and dismissive of
even the mildest criticism to a degree that causes concern. And he is a
hypocrite.

For the love of all that is beautiful and good about our
country and ourselves, keep the man away from real power.

Tantrums
of a pre-mature political baby

Rejoice Ngwenya shares with Kubatana his
take on the power plays between Mutambara, Mugabe and Tsvangirayi. In the
realm of big boy (or bully boy) politics in Zimbabwe, may the best man win .
. .

I do not know as much of Ancient Roman war strategy as I do about
Tshaka Zulu's short stabbing spear and assegai tactics. However, my limited
encounter with Prussian and Babylonian siege techniques in the biblical era
reveals an amazing tendency for desperate citizens to turn on one another
when vital life-support systems have been blockaded. It is human tendency
that when the enemy is untouchable, expend one's anger on the nearest
object, even if the object is one's friend.

Such is the dilemma in
which Movement for Democratic Change [MDC] break-away formation leader
Professor Arthur Mutambara is in. For some reason or other, Zimbabwe's
opposition body politic is defined, or rather seen through a Morgan
Tsvangirayi prism of excellence. Political integrity, continuity, courage,
consistence and persistence can only receive a popular vote of confidence if
it confines itself within the Tsvangirayi school of thought.

There are
several reasons for this paradox, one of which is that between 1998 and
now, Tsvangirayi has been elevated to a symbol of resistance against Robert
Mugabe's tyrannical rule. Much like in Gene Healey's "The Cult of the
Presidency", once gullible society sets on a dangerous path of hero
worshiping, the leader himself begins to feel and act infallible. This is
the curse of mankind. It becomes more dangerous when, like with Woodrow
Wilson and Robert Mugabe, such authority assumes uncontrolled military
adventurism.

The other is Mutambara's routine frolic into the murky
waters of demagoguery. Come to think of it, politics is really more words
than action. As a signal tune of differentiating himself from Tsvangirayi's
puppet-of-the-west tag, Mutambara has bent over backwards to show that he is
a Pan Africanist who can define his own space without Western leverage. This
has been necessary. The African Unity [AU] and Southern African Development
Community [SADC] have of late assumed a mettle of credibility when it comes
to resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis. Since they have been, for want of a
better term, contaminated with Mugabe's anti-imperialism euphoria, African
leaders, especially Thabo Mbeki, have developed a soft spot for Mutambara,
much to the chagrin of pro-Tsvangirayi extremists. Whether it is by
coincidence or design, Mutambara's anti-West demagoguery has now been
interpreted as an extension of Mugabe's symphony.

And so, at a time
when Zimbabwe is about to deliver a political baby, she has, according to
anti-Mugabe critics, come too early for MDC. Electronic tongues are wagging
in Zimbabwe's vibrant global websites, mostly against Mutambara who is seen
as a spoiler. The vitriol is directed at the professor's alignment with the
rest of Africa - and Mugabe - that Tsvangirayi is asking for too much power.
Those in Mutambara's camp are at pains to remind the world that left to his
own devices, Tsvangirayi routinely lapses into Wilsonian autocracy, the main
reason why MDC split in the first place. They argue that the cult of
leadership reigns supreme at Harvest House [MDC headquarters] where
Tsvangirayi can never be seen to err, and if this attitude is brought
forward to State House, it will mature into fully fledged national
dictatorship.

The last reason is based on pure market politics. Everyone
wants to be powerful and for Mutambara, the transition from student activism
to national leadership has been swift, though, as some internet sites would
want to portray, a short circuit, benefiting from what they term
'self-cetred opportunism'. Yes, politics is about opportunism. Had
Tsvangirayi not exploited an opportunity to be chairperson of the National
Constitutional Assembly Task Force Committee, he would still be wallowing in
monotonous trade union politics. Mugabe himself displaced Joshua Nkomo as
the leader of preferred choice in Zimbabwe's guerrilla war. The fact that
Mutambara has not been part of the mainstream struggle against Mugabe is as
insignificant as the demand by the Joint Operations Command [JOC] that they
will not salute Tsvangirayi because he lacks liberation war credentials.
This world is cruel, you snooze, you loose. Tsvangirayi must accept that he
is up against intelligent and skimming competition in Mutambara and Mugabe.
May the best man, I mean, political baby survive!

Welshman Ncube on "sell-out deal" claims etc

Politicsweb

Welshman
Ncube22 August 2008

Statement issued by the Mutambara faction of
the MDC August 21 2008

MDC COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS IN THE SADC
DIALOGUE

The MDC National Council held an all day meeting on 20 August
2008 and deliberated on various issues affecting the country. Council
received the report of the negotiating team to the SADC mediated dialogue on
the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis and

a. Noted that the draft
agreement provides for power sharing among the political parties on the
basis of the results of the 29th March 2008 harmonised elections

b.
Noted that the draft agreement is a fair and reasonable compromise on power
sharing on the basis of which the parties may move forward to rebuild the
country in the interest of the people.

c. Resolved to appeal to the
parties to the dialogue to seriously consider finalising the dialogue and
signing the global agreement.

d. Resolved to endorse the resolutions of
the SADC Extraordinary Summit of the Organ on Peace, Defence and Security of
the 17 August 2008 encouraging and appealing to the parties to sign any
outstanding agreements and conclude the negotiations as a matter of
urgency.

e. Expressed appreciation and thanked His Excellency, President
Thabo Mbeki, President of the Republic of South Africa and his facilitation
team of Minister Sydney Mufamadi, Director General, Frank Chikane and Legal
Counsel, Mr Mojanku Gumbi for their commitment and dedication in helping
Zimbabwe resolve her problems and in particular expressed appreciation to
the South African government for the resources and facilities it committed
to the dialogue process.

f. Expressed gratitude and appreciation to
the SADC Heads of State and governments for the commitment and determination
to assist the people of Zimbabwe in finding solutions to the country's
crisis.

g. Expressed thanks to and congratulated the party's negotiating
team for the good work they are doing in the negotiations.

h.
Deliberated extensively on the issue which appeared in the media alleging
that some of the party's MPs had attacked the party leadership on
allegations that they (the leadership) had signed a sell-out deal to form a
government with ZANU (PF) without the MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirai.

i. Council noted the denials of the Members of Parliament
repudiating and disassociating themselves from statements attributed to them
in the media.

j. Reiterated the party's policy that only its official
spokespersons are permitted to speak to the media on party affairs and
underlined that as the party's supreme organ in between Congresses all
officers of the Party including its Members of Parliament are bound by and
must at all times submit themselves to the authority and resolutions of the
Council in terms of the Party's Constitution.

Professor Welshman
NcubeSecretary General

Statement issued by the Arthur Mutambara led
breakaway faction of the MDC August 21 2008

Brass to Mugabe: get out of talks

THE generals who support Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe have
forced him to withdraw from talks that might have solved the beleaguered
nation's crisis.

The military chiefs, led by Constantine Chiwengwa,
believe Mugabe has already agreed to cede too much power to opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai, British newspaper The Independent
reported.

Mugabe has declared that he will reopen Zimbabwe's parliament
next Tuesday, even though talks with the opposition on a power-sharing
agreement remain unfinished.

The military chiefs have pushed Mugabe
to dissolve parliament after it resumes sitting. He would then be able to
order a new election, in which his ZANU-PF party could overturn the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change's narrow victory in the election
held in March.

It is thought such a step is unlikely. But MDC leaders
fear their MPs could be targeted for assassination, The Independent said
yesterday.

ZANU-PF holds 99 seats, and the MDC has 100 and an MDC
offshoot led by maverick Arthur Mutambara holds 10. An independent holds the
remaining seat.

Mugabe needs seven more MPs to regain legitimate power in
the parliament.

The deal hammered out during the talks would give Mugabe
executive control of the security services, and Mr Tsvangirai would take on
the task of repairing the economy and facing the humanitarian disaster
created by the regime.

Mr Tsvangirai was quoted as saying: "If
President Mugabe goes ahead to convene parliament and appoint a new cabinet,
it means he is proceeding to violate the conditions of the memorandum of
understanding, which means he may have abandoned the basis for the talks.
But we don't know what his intentions are."

South African President
Thabo Mbeki, the mediator of the talks, appeared to have sided with Mugabe
and was reported to have been pressing the MDC to accept the deal on
offer.

CIO threatens MDC MPs

Friday, 22 August 2008 13:33Bulawayo -
The Movement for Democratic Change (the MDC) lead by Morgan Tsvangirai says
its newly-elected members of parliament are being harassed and intimidated
by state agents. "We are getting reports of State agents harassing and
trying to intimidate MDC membvers of Parliament. These reports are from the
midlands and involve both the police and the CIO. They are concerned about
what might happen on Monday and Tuesday in Harare when MP's and Senators are
due to be sworn-in and then select the Speaker for the House of Assembly,"
says a statement from the party.

The newly-elected members of
parliament are due to be sworn-in on Monday next week. Military junta
leader, Robert Mugabe is expected to open it officially on Tuesday. The MDC
has said it regards this as a breach of the memorandum of understanding that
was signed last month between the Mugabe regime and the two factions of the
MDC. It is not yet clear whether the MDC (T) will boycott the opening
ceremony as they have done in the past.

No where to go

Mr Kobus Joubert reports
that Mr Gilbert Moyo arrived at the farm with a hostile group of people who
insisted that he vacates the property.

Instead he drove off to
speak to a group of war veterans who he had befriended at another camp. When
he came back to the farm with about 20 of them Mr Moyo and his team were
sent packing and Mr Joubert was told to remain in his house.

At
midnight the group pestered Mr Joubert for alcoholic beverage but he
declined.

The next morning the Police Dispol arrived in the form of
a very strict and straight forward lady. She is reported to have told the
war veterans in no uncertain terms that she was also a war veteran and that
they were a disgrace to their group. She insisted that she was the only
person who could sign an eviction order and that was only after a successful
court case. She laid down the law and ordered them to be off the farm and to
return the vehicle they stole by 6pm or would face charges for the livestock
they had stolen and consumed.

Update 30 June

It is
reported that the stolen vehicle was not returned as reported and was used
during the recent assaults in the district. The Dispol who did assist was
from Norton. The vehicle has now been seen at the Chegutu Police Station.
240 litres of diesel were also stolen at the time.

342. SCOTSDALE -
CHEGUTU - 23 JULY

Mr Hendrik Stein is renting one of the houses on
the property and is caretaking the property whilst Mr Kobus Joubert is away
on holiday. Before Mr Joubert left he reportedly held a meeting with
Minister Mutasa in Harare who allegedly said that he will soon be given back
the rest of his property together with another property, which he had
previously lost.

However, Mr Stein was telephoned whilst on a trip
to Harare by the local Lands officer and the Officer-in-Charge of Chegutu
saying there would be a meeting at the farm which he must attend, as he
would be given 24-hours to leave the property.

He returned to
the farm and met with the group who showed him an offer letter, dated 7 July
2008. Mr Joubert had been with the Minister on 3 July 2008. The alleged
beneficiary said that Mr Stein should move out immediately because he was
authorised to start farming right away. He said that he had been with the
Minister in Harare on the 3 July 2008 shortly after Mr Joubert had left his
office.

Mr Stein said he was not the landlord and therefore had no
authority over such decisions to be made. He managed to negotiate a deal
that he could stay another two weeks until Mr Joubert had returned and the
matter could be discussed with the new beneficiary and the
committee.

Update 24 July

The alleged beneficiary of
the property has been named as an officer in the President's Office, Mr
Felix Mhlanga Pambukani, 63-547693D-63, who is alleged to have been hired by
the now notorious Mr Gilbert Moyo to carry out the previous attempts at
jambanja which was resolved by the Propol from Norton. He is also alleged to
be related to Minister Webster Shamu.

Update 25 July

The Officer-in-Charge of Selous, Inspector Sithole, telephoned Mr Stein to
inform him that the beneficiary has started to throw his furniture out of
the house. However he later admitted that this was just a threat and gave
him until 4pm to attend a meeting with him on the farm failing which he
would break in and empty the house.

Mr Stein has previously
experienced a similar situation 2 ½ hears ago when he was forcefully evicted
from his own house in a similar fashion on his property.

Mr
Joubert's daughter is presently waiting at Norton Police Station waiting to
see Dispol and hopes to receive an offer letter for her father today to
resolve the issue. Mr Joubert is due back from holiday tonight.

Update 28 July

Mr Stein reports that he went home on Friday
afternoon and was given various demands by the beneficiary and staff before
they eventually left. Some of the beneficiary's staff approached Mr Stein
later wanting him to clear room in the house for some 15 people which he
said was impossible. They asked if he was going to the office, and at what
time in the morning. After giving that information he felt he was to be set
up. Later his driver came to the house to warn him that he had overheard the
beneficiaries saying they wanted to ensure when he was out of the house in
the morning and then to move into the house when it was open and his wife
was alone. They indicated they did not want to break and enter the house,
but once they were inside they would chuck everything out onto the lawn. He
locked the gated but left the house saying he was going to Lomagundi to
collect his child at school there. He locked up the house securely before he
left.

Mr Joubert came back from leave and has been trying to make
appointments to meet with Minister Mutasa and the lawyers. He said that soon
after the Minister had promised him the offer letter Mr Pambukani had spoken
to the Minister and accused him of holding an MDC victory party at him home
so he should go. Hence he was given an offer letter instead. Mr Joubert
telephoned home and everything was normal and nobody had moved into either
of the houses.

SCOTSDALE - CHEGUTU - 15 AUGUST

Mr Kobus Joubert reports that the beneficiary, Mr Felix Pambukani, mounted a
full-scale jambanja against him on Friday and Saturday. He was later
accompanied by the Chegutu Police who insisted he vacate the property
immediately. Although he tried to argue that the occupation of his property
could only occur with vacant possession of the property - that is after he
had been lawfully and finally evicted by a competent court of law, (which
has not happened in this case), they would not listen. Neither has he either
been made an offer or any form of payment of compensation for his
investment.

He and his wife slept outside their house on the
lawn to guard their possessions, which were thrown out of the house, after
he had explained to the Police that it was impossible to pack up 40 years of
possessions immediately.

Update 16 August

He was
served with an eviction order, which had been granted in the Chegutu
magistrates Court following an application made by the beneficiary. Although
the application by a beneficiary to evict the owner is technically
impossible, the Police insisted that the eviction order was in order and
lawful and that they would enforce it. The Chegutu Messenger of the Court
also arrived and he also informed Mr Joubert that he had to vacate the
property immediately or would face arrest.

The beneficiary, Mr
Pambukani, reportedly said that it was no use Mr Joubert trying to defend
himself through the courts as he will not win because he has tied everything
up in the courts to make sure he does not have any success. He said he knows
farmers always try to defend themselves in the court but he will not
win.

Information just received seems to indicate that Mr Pambukani
is an impostor and is not linked to the President's Office as he
alleges.

Mr and Mrs Joubert and their workers were then physically
pushed off the farm together with what furniture and equipment they could
load onto their vehicles and trailers. They have nowhere else to go to as
they do not own any other property or house, so they are now camping on the
nearest lay-bye to their property on the main Harare - Bulawayo
highway.

Update 17 August

The plight of the Joubert
family and their workers camping on the edge of the main Harare - Bulawayo
highway has created a lot of interest from passers by, many of whom are
stopping and talking to Mr Joubert, who is fluent in Shona. Many of the
people he has spoken to say they did not realise that the Zimbabwean
Government is forcefully evicting white farmers and their workers off their
properties like this.

Many influential black Zimbabweans, who have
stopped there, (including Environmental Minister Francis Nhema, are
encouraging Mr Joubert to stay where he is and to rest because they insist
they are going to ensure he gets his entire farm back. They say he should
conserve all his strength because once he is back on the farm he is going to
be extremely busy indeed.

However, the local party chairman was
critical of him living at the lay-bye as he said it was an embarrassment to
the party. Mr Joubert's comments in response are reserved.

Update 18 August

The Joubert family and their workers are still
living in the lay-bye.

An application has been made to the Chegutu
magistrates Court to set aside the eviction order on the grounds that it is
illegal because a beneficiary cannot apply to a court for the eviction of a
farmer from his property. The case is set down for Thursday 21
August.

Update 19 August

There is no change in the
situation except that the Police are now becoming embarrassed by his
constant interest shown by passers by and want to try to remove him from
public view. However, Mr Joubert has spoken to the farm owner on whose
property the lay-bye sits and has authority to move over the fence onto his
property should he be forcefully moved.

Update 20
August

The same eviction notice was used today to evict Mr Hendrik
Stein, who has been renting a cottage on the farm following his own previous
violent from his own property. He also has no other home to go to so he too
is now camped at the same lay-bye as Mr Joubert.

Update 21
August

The matter of the illegal eviction notice will be heard in
the Chegutu magistrates Court this morning. Mr and Mrs Joubert and their
staff have been camped at the lay-bye since last Saturday.

Economy in freefall

The
MDC's policy co-odinator Eddie Cross on Friday warned that the country would
soon come to a 'standstill' as the economic crisis reaches unprecedented
levels.

The MDC MP for Bulawayo South said the situation is being
compounded by the skyrocketing inflation which now stands at over 50 million
percent.

'The currency that was introduced by government three weeks ago
is now worthless.

The country's economy has been in recession for
over a decade, as a result of gross mismanagement and corruption by Mugabe's
regime. A power-sharing deal between Zanu-PF and the two MDC formations is
currently on hold following disagreements over the issue of executive powers
between Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai.

'If there is no deal anytime
soon, things will only get worse. Many firms are closed, retail stores are
empty and wholesalers are closed down. The food industry is in dire straits
and there are no raw materials in the country,' Cross added.

The MDC
was also receiving reports that a lot of their members were being harassed
as a result of the talks' deadlock. State security agents were also
intimidating MPs.

'These reports are from the midlands and involve
both the police and the CIO. They are concerned about what might happen on
Monday and Tuesday in Harare when MP's and Senators are due to be sworn in
and then select the Speaker for the House of Assembly,' said
Cross.

Reporter
arrested in provincial town as she watches police violence

Reporters without Borders

Zimbabwe 22 August 2008

Reporters
Without Borders calls for the release of reporter Rutendo Mawere of The
Standard weekly newspaper, who was arrested yesterday in Gweru (in Midlands
province), 280 km southwest of Harare, while watching police beat residents
who had been queueing outside a shop for basic staples.

"As the search
for a negotiated solution to the political crisis continues, journalists are
still being subjected to police brutality, arbitrary arrest and constant
intimidation," Reporters Without Borders said. "Trying to hide the
destitution of the population by arresting witnesses is shameful. Orders
should be given for Mawere to be freed at once."

After being
arrested, Mawere was taken Gweru police station where she is still being
held without being formally charged. She has the required press
accreditation from the Media Information Commission.

Her arrest comes
two weeks after freelance photographer Tsvangirai Mukwazhi fled Zimbabwe
with his family after being attacked and beaten at his home on 29 July by
the Harare police, who accused him of owning an improperly registered car.
The police still have his vehicle. Mukwazhi and his family have found refuge
abroad.

Executive Equality: Zimbabwe must have a life again

I'm not a
legal guru, never can I claim to be one. However, if indeed, Zimbabweans are
serious about achieving a workable power-sharing deal that will lead us to
the "promised land", then I propose the following, based on what is known to
date:

1.. Mugabe remains President and Commander-in-chief
(answerable to Senate) 2.. MDC - Mutambara provides speaker of
parliament (as they literally wield balance of power) 3.. Tsvangirai
becomes Prime Minister with powers to appoint, dismiss and chair cabinet;
manage day-to-day govt operations (answerable to Parliament) 4.. Any
transitional government runs for 4 yrs, which is mid-way between 3 and 5
years 5.. Rule of law is restored forthwith, govt, in consultation with
Senate and Parliament, draws a line when amnesty can be granted 6..
With immediate effect, start depoliticising all state institutions 7.. No
executive President or Prime Minister during the transitional
period

This is a very simple matrix that may change the dynamics
of our political deadlock. Zimbabwe is our country, our heritage, and our
identity. Let's all work together in bringing back sanity, tolerance,
success, and development. Semunye (we are one)!!!

Comment from Correspondent

I would like to pose a question to the MDC-M faction, through your "comments
from correspondence"

The rhetoric of this robotic mechanic (Arthur
Mutambara ) of resent weeks has baffled me beyond belief. He claims to be
very well educated, but yet, he only demonstrates his infinitesimal absence
of any moral understanding, knowledge, comprehension, wisdom and or
astuteness of all things worldly. Basically the man is an academically
qualified idiot, professor stupid himself.

Question:MDC-M
faction, Mutambara and Nube, claim they are an independent political party,
a party that is neither for MDC-T nor against Zanu-PF. Yet I must ask, does
anyone truthfully believe that MDC-M would have won a single parliamentary
seat if they were campaigning under there own unique party name or branded
identity. The answer would be a resounding NO. The fact is the MDC-M only
won the seats they did because they are riding on and milking the laurels of
the true MDC.

Let the party bigwigs make the brave and final break from
the MDC by formulating their own party name and brand. Lets see how popular
they would be as an independently identifiable party. The fact that the
MDC-M stalwarts failed to secure any seats themselves speak volumes for
their popularity with their respective constituents.

Now how long do you think Mutambara/Ncube/Sibanda and co. will
last in politics as lackey and subservient dogs to Mugabe's new government
of unity.

I appeal to the elected Mp's of MDC-M faction, "MOVE NOW" back
into the fold of the MDC (under Tsvanigrai) and lets finish what we started,
which is the democratic freedom we have been denied for the last 28 years
under Mugabe. The peoples will shall prevail and time will be the
judge.