REPORT OF THE COMMISSION TO LOCATE THE SITE OF
THE FRONTIER FORTS OF PENNSYLVANIA.

VOLUME TWO.

CLARENCE M. BUSCH.

STATE PRINTER OF PENNSYLVANIA.

1896.

THE FRONTIER FORTS
OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA.

Pages 332-357.

CARNAHAN'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Mention is frequently made of Carnahan's Blockhouse,
especially during the latter part of the Revolution, although it was in existence much
earlier. This blockhouse was erected on the land of Adam Carnahan, and the tract of land
is now known as the William McCauley farm, from the name of its late owner, in Bell township,
a short distance northeast of Perryville, about two miles from the Kiskiminetas river.
This point was near eleven miles northwest of Hannastown. Not far from this locality is
the place known as Old Town, otherwise Kiskiminetas Old Town, in ancient times an Indian
village.

It was within the limits of what is now Westmoreland,
and at that time on the frontier. The earliest mention of it indicates that it was a conspicuous
place in the neighborhood. Dr. Lyman C. Draper, who collected much early history from
personal interviews with those who could give him direct and positive information, devoted
much time with the patience and persistency of a confirmed antiquary to the object of
securing his material at first hands. His collection of facts and statements on the subject
of the Indian wars of this frontier was made about the year 1846, he intending to use
this data in a History of the Pioneers. His manuscripts, a voluminous bulk not yet properly
arranged or indexed, are in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and are
designated "The Draper MSS." From them, by the courtesy of the Hon. Reuben G.
Thwaites, Librarian, we extract the following:

"Adam Carnahan's Blockhouse was located about
a mile south of the Kiskiminetas, and about six miles below the mouth of the Conemaugh.
A party of six or seven men, my informant [James Chambers] one of the number, were in
August, 1777, engaged in reaping oats six miles from Carnahan's, and one of the men had
taken his gun and wounded a deer, and while hunting for it in the woods adjoining the
oat held he discovered an Indian and signs of others. He immediately gave notice to the
reapers, and they thought it prudent to leave and notify the people; took the guns which
they had with them, and went to John McKibben's where Fort Hand was made the ensuing winter
and where several families had collected for safety in McKibben's large log house. The
intelligence was sent to Carnahan's. Next day, which was Saturday, a party went out from
McKibben's to scout, and in the neighborhood of the oat field found the signs plenty,
and the spot near the field where the Indians had the day before secreted themselves.
That day the Indians plundered several cabinsMr. Chambers for onewhich had
been deserted by the occupant and property left behind. That afternoon Robt. Taylor and
David Carnahan went from Carnahan's Blockhouse to McKibben's to learn what intelligence
they could of the Indians, and when they were returning and had nearly reached the blockhouse
they espied several Indians some distance from them making for Carnahan'sand the
two men dashed there in great haste, got there a few minutes before the Indians, and had
the doors made fast, etc. It was now towards night. The Indians proved to be fourteen
in number. There were but few men in the blockhouse, some being absent. John Carnahan
opened the door and stepped out to get a good shot and was instantly shot and fell into
the door. His body was dragged in and the door again fastened. The firing now briskly
commenced and continued until dark, when the Indians decamped taking with them a couple
of horses, probably to aid in carrying their wounded."

Carnahan's, as we have seen, became a regular station
and a place of more importance after the garrison had been withdrawn from Fort Hand and
placed along the line of the Allegheny river. Brodhead, Nov. 27th, 1779, (Archives xii,
193), ordering Lieut. John Jameson to evacuate Fort Armstrong, says that he can get some
pack-horses to transport his stores if needed, from Capt. [James] Carnahan's where these
horses were under his care to recover flesh. James Carnahanafterward called Colonel,
and John Carnahan who was killed at the blockhouse, were sons of Adam Carnahan.

Col. Archibald Lochry's force, which was intended
to join Gen. Clark and take part in his expedition against the Indians in the northwest,
rendezvoused at Carnahan's blockhouse July 24, 1781. From here they left for Wheeling,
but on arriving there they found that Clark had gone twelve miles down the river, (from
Wheeling the point at which they expected to join him,) leaving for them some provisions
and a traveling boat, with directions to follow him thither. There were about 120 men
of Westmoreland with Lochry. This force failing to join Clark, who still continued to
precede them, was decoyed into an ambush and cut off to a manall being either killed
or taken prisoners. Their terrible fate is one of the most distressing episodes in the
history of Western Pennsylvania.

Col. Edward Cook, who had succeeded Col. Lochry
as County Lieutenant, writes to Gen. Irvine, April 8th, 1782, (Wash.-Irv. Cor, 323): "I
must request you to furnish those militia with arms, such of them as want that article,
likewise ammunition. It will be necessary to send those to Carnahan's blockhouse in order
to scout toward Ligonier, etc., where I expect they will be joined by a draft from the
north side of the Youghiogheny."

On the 18th of April, 1782, Cook writes to Irvine:
"Last Thursday, the draft from the battalion in which I live (being the second) set
out for their place of rendezvous at Widow Myres'. They consist of about fifty men. I
cannot tell whether the other company at Carnahan's blockhouse is complete, but I have
ordered Captain [Joseph] Beckett, who commands this draft, to detach from his so as to
make them complete. I have instructed him in the mode of defense agreeable to the arrangement.
I furnished them with ammunition and expect they will obtain arms from those they relieve
sufficient to equip them. Capt. Beckett will take the first opportunity to give you a
return of those under his command. I was not at home when the drafts from the fourth or
upper battalion went along being at court. I left orders for them to proceed to Carnahan's
blockhouse. Col. [John] Pumroy of the first battalion [of Westmoreland county militia]
is near Hannastown." (Id., 324.)

John Carnahan (said by the Carnahan family to have
been a brother of James Carnahan and both sons of Adam Carnahan), "was killed just
outside the blockhouse, and was buried not more than twenty rods from there, and the spot
of ground has never been broken. The ground where he is buried is surrounded by timber."
[MS. Mr. L. Carnahan, Sauna, Pa.]

Remarks: Old Town. This was the site of an old Indian
town, and was located on the banks of the Kiskiminetas opposite the present site of Saltsburg,
Indiana county, some distance below the junction of the Loyalhanna. It was on the path
which was a fork of the Kittanning Path. In Conrad Weiser's Journal for Aug. 25, 1778,
is this entry"Crossed Kiskeminetoes creek and came to Ohio [Allegheny] river
that day." Mr. Smith in his History of Armstrong county, p. 157, commenting on this
says: "The point where they crossed the Kiskiminetas must have been at the ford just
below the mouth of Carnahan's (formerly Old Town) Run, having the latter name on Reading
Howell's Map, so called from Old Town, on the opposite or Westmoreland side of the river.
That must have been the town mentioned in Post's Second Journal, for Nov. 11th, 1758.
Traveling on the path from Loyalhanna he says: "Pisquetomen [a friendly Indian with
him), led us upon a steep hill, that our horses could hardly get up; and Thomas Hickman's
[another Indian with him] horse tumbled, and rolled down the hill like a wheel; on which
he grew angry, and would go no further with us and said, he would go by himself. It happened
we found a path on the top of the hill. At three o'clock we came to Kiskemeneco, an old
Indian town, a rich bottom, well timbered, good fine English grass, well watered, and
lays waste since the war began."

Mr. Smith thus says further: "The writer infers
that Kiskemeneco must have been Old Town, from which the first name of Carnahan's run
was derived, and that Weiser and his party crossed the Kiskiminetas at the ford just below
the mouth of that run. According to the recollection of Phillip Mechling, who was, in
his boyhood, familiar with the Kiskiminetas from Livermore to the Allegheny, that was
the only ford between Kelly's, near Livermore, and the junction of those two rivers. In
some old deeds, land about Leechburg is mentioned as being a mile or so below "Old
Town."

On the meadow lands of this bottom the old and worn
pack horses were sent to regain strength. This is sometimes mentioned in connection with
Carnahan's Blockhouse and Old Town. (Arch. xii, 253, et seq.)

James Carnahan went out as second lieutenant with
Captain Joseph Erwin's Company, raised in Westmoreland county, joined the Penna. Rifle
Regiment, Col. Samuel Miles, at Marcus Hook. This company was subsequently included in
the Thirteenth Penna. Regiment, then in the Second, and finally discharged at Valley Forge,
Jan. 1, 1778, by reason of expiration of term of enlistment. He was made first lieutenant;
was missing since the battle, Aug. 27th, 1776; upon release he reported to headquarters
in Dec. 1776, and served as a volunteer at Trenton and Princeton; promoted first lieutenant
in Eighth Penna., on Jan. 15th, 1777. Was in command of the company Mar. 1st, 1777. His
services on the frontier and at the various posts along the Allegheny river were continued
until the end of the War.

FORT CRAWFORD.

In the autumn of 1777, as we have seen, the border
settlements were overrun by scalping parties. Many of these parties coming from eastern
Ohio were known to cross the Allegheny river at a shallow place used by them as a fording.
This point was about sixteen miles northward from Pittsburgh; and it was too remote from
the posts at Kittanning or Fort Pitt to be guarded successfully by the military. It was
therefore deemed necessary to erect a fort to cover this pathway, and to serve as a rallying
point for scouts, as well as to afford protection to troops who were intended to garrison
it. In the spring of 1778 as the inroads of the savages seemed to increase, one of the
first duties assigned Colonel William Crawford, who in May of 1778 took command of the
Virginia regiment station in the Western Department, was the building of this fort. General
McIntosh was then in command of the department with headquarters at Fort Pitt. Colonel
Crawford, taking with him a small party of men went up the river to determine the most
eligible site for the post, and to begin its erection. The place agreed upon was on the
southeastern, or Fort Pitt side of the Allegheny river, a short distance above the mouth
of Puckety creek. There a stockade was built, which, by direction of Brigadier General
McIntosh, was called Fort Crawford. Colonel Crawford commanded here at intervals during
the years 1778, 79 and 80. (1.)

From this time on to the close of the Revolutionary
war, Fort Crawford was kept up as a depot and distributing place of supplies and munitions
of war for the military; as a place of refuge for the surrounding inhabitants; of resort
and as headquarters for scouts, and as post garrisoned by the continental soldiers under
the General Commanding in the department, or by independent companies of militia who were
called out by the County Lieutenant for short service. It served all the purposes of a
frontier stockade fort.

Colonel Crawford at intervals during the year 1778,
and the two following years, commanded at that post. When Colonel Brodhead succeeding
McIntosh took command of the Western Department, his first order, April 13th, 1779, was
to direct Lieutenant Lawrence Harrison of the Thirteenth Virginia Regiment to take a detachment
from Fort Pitt to occupy Fort Crawford, then vacant. The soldiers were then instructed
to scout on the waters of the Allegheny, as well as on Puckety creek and upon the Kiskiminetas
as far as Fort Hand, in order to protect thereby, as much as possible, the exposed settlements,
to the eastward of Pittsburgh. (2.)

Captain Samuel Moorehead who was in command of a
company stationed here resigned in June, 1779, and the command of his company was turned
over to James Carnahan, a subordinate officer, who had been recommended by Moorhead [sp?]
for the vacancy. The company at that time contained only seventeen men. (3.)

Under date June 25th, 1779, Col. Brodhead reports
that "Captain Brady with twenty white men and one young Delaware chief (all well
painted) set out toward the Seneca country and some of the Indian warriors came in to
the inhabitants. They killed a soldier between Forts Crawford and Hand, and proceeded
towards the Sewickley settlement where they killed a woman and four children, and took
two children prisoners. (4.)

Ensign Coleman commanded at Fort Crawford, July
19th, 1779, as on that date Col. Brodhead writes him a letter that he hoped Capt. Brady
had fallen in with the party of Indians which Coleman's men had discovered and which the
Ensign had reported. Brady had discovered their tracks and was after them.

Oct. 2d, 1779, the following orders were issued
to Capt. Thomas Campbell by Col. Brodhead:

"On receipt hereof you are immediately to march
your company with all your stores from Fort Hand to Fort Crawford, which post you are
to garrison until further ordersCaptain Erwin will be ordered to Kittanning, and
I will order you a sufficient quantity of provisions. You are to send me an exact return
of your company, accounting for all absentees, and sick present. You will keep out scouts
daily between your garrison and the Kiskamanitis creek, and between your post and Fort
Pitt; and upon any discovery of the enemy or their tracks, you are immediately to send
an express to me, with proper intelligence. Your officers and men must be kept strictly
to their duty, and not suffered to straggle from the fort. I wish you may find your new
post more agreeable than Fort Hand, and heartily wish you success." (5.)

Within a few days of the order to Capt. Campbell,
Col. Brodhead sent a quantity of salt pork to Fort Crawford, and at the same time ordered
another quantity to Fort Armstrong, (Kitanning), and as Campbell had not yet arrived at
this post, the whole of the pork was taken to Fort Armstrong; (6), at which place he was
directed, Oct. 16th, 1779, to get his supplies. In the letter acquainting Campbell of
this circumstance, Brodhead wishes that it was in his power to supply "your men with
blankets and shoes; I have wrote to the President and Council for them, which I expect
will be forwarded, and if I had been made acquainted with the terms on which they are
engaged perhaps I could now furnish some shoes, but neither, the Council or Board of War
have yet informed me a word about them." Campbell had evidently felt the need of
a suitable barracks for his men, and had doubtless so written to the Colonel, for in the
same letter to Campbell from which we have quoted, it is added further that "when
you come to headquarters I will consider the propriety of building barracks for your company."
(7.)

Nov. 4th, 1779, Colonel Brodhead in a letter to
Campbell approves of his sending scouts up and down the river in the manner mentioned
by him, and he advises that the practice should be invariably pursued. He thinks, however,
that the Captain had better not build any barracks at the station as yet, it being uncertain
whether his continuance there would be so long as to render it necessary. In the meantime
he sends him two kegs of whiskey, and twenty pounds of soap, which were to be issued sparingly
to the men, and only at such times as they appeared to really stand in need. The Captain
was also directed to send a small party, soon as possible, to Pittsburgh, to drive some
live cattle for the use of the garrison. (8.)

Nov. 20th, 1779, a request from Capt. Campbell for
pack horses was thought by Col. Brodhead to be unnecessary for the reason that "the
season is now in which the river never fails to rise sufficiently for transporting provisions,
or anything between your post and Fort Armstrong. I have sent you three head of cattle,
and two-horse load of flour to answer your present necessity, and hope you will endeavor
to find those which are lost. I expected that the two kegs of liquor which I sent you
the 4th inst., would have lasted your men considerably longer; nor can I comply with your
requisitions for a further supply at present, as I expect to have occasion to make use
of the stock on hand in a matter of more absolute necessity." In a post script to
this letter, the Colonel adds: "Please send down to this place one subaltern officer,
one sergeant, and fifteen rank and file to assist in laying in a quantity of provisions;
if you have any butchers, coopers or masons, let them compose part of the number; and
let any of your men that have been enlisted into the Eighth Penna. Regt. also be included
in the number, and sent down as soon as possible." (9.)

Shortly after this the companies of rangers which
had been stationed at Kittanning, (Fort Armstrong), and at Puckety [otherwise Pucketos]
(10) (Fort Crawford), were ordered by Col. Brodhead to Fort Pitt. He gave as his reason
for doing this that the terms of the men were nearly expired; that the river was soon
likely to close with ice, and because he apprehended no danger from the enemy in the winter
season. (11.)

November 27th, 1779, orders were issued from headquarters
by Col. Brodhead to Capt. Campbell, which will best explain themselves. These were as
follows:

"The terms for which your men were engaged
being nearly expired, renders it both inconvenient to erect barracks or lay in a magazine
of provisions, and as I do not apprehend any danger will ensue to the frontier by the
evacuation of your post, and have no reason to expect blankets or clothing for your men,
I apprehend your company can be best accommodated here where they are likewise wanted.
You will therefore, on receipt hereof, evacuate Fort Crawford, and bringing off the stores
of every kind march your company to headquarters. (12.)

There appears to have been some personal feeling
about this time, or shortly after, between Col. Brodhead and Capt. Campbell. It would
seem that one of these causes arose from the desire of Col. Brodhead to have the Eighth
Pennsylvania Regiment in regular service, kept up by transferring those who had enlisted
in the ranging companies into the regiment to serve out their time. This was resisted
by the County Lieutenant, Lochry, who evidently sided with Campbell. It was also the opinion
of Lochry and others that it was of the utmost importance to have this post constantly
garrisoned. Campbell was sent to the Council of Safety with letters from Lochry and others,
to lay their complaint before that body. President Reed in his letter to Col. Brodhead,
throws some light on the contention. (13.)

Fort Crawford, as well as Fort Armstrong, was thus
evacuated late in 1779, but both the posts were garrisoned in the spring of 1780.

On April 2d, 1780, Col. Lochry, the Lieutenant of
Westmoreland, was directed by Brodhead to order out from the militia of the county, sixty
able bodied, rank and file, and a proportionate number of commissioned and non-commissioned
officers. A proper rendezvous was to be fixed upon, where a small quantity of provisions
was to be laid up by the commissaries, and the men equipped with all possible expedition.
One-third of the above number was to be detached to take post at Fort Crawford, one-third
at Fort Armstrong, and the remaining third part was to go to the forks of Black Legs where
the officer was to make choice of a commanding ground convenient to water, and act agreeable
to such orders as they should receive from the commander. They were to be drafted for
two months if not sooner discharged. This body of men with a number of regulars to support
those detached to Fort Armstrong, the Colonel commanding hoped would give sufficient countenance
and protection to the inhabitants of the county, (Westmoreland.) (14.)

May 6th, 1780, Brodhead, upon receiving news by
express from Captain Thomas Beal, who was then in command at Fort Crawford, that a number
of Indian warriors had been discovered opposite the fort, wrote him that, in order to
discover their number and where they came from, he had sent two Indians with Billy Brady
to gather information. But if the alarm should prove false, or if the Westmoreland militia
under Guthrie, whom it was reported Captain Beal had sent for, should arrive, then the
Captain was to proceed immediately to Fort Armstrong. (15.)

In the latter part of the summer of 1780, various
detachments and companies of rangers were at different times at Fort Crawford. Capt. James
Carnahan was probably here as well as at Fort Hand. Capt. Thomas Stokely having asked
for supplies for his company, was answered by Brodhead, August 3rd, 1780, (16) that he
had no provisions for the garrison at Fort Pitt, except what he seized. He was referred
to Col. Lochry to learn whether any State Commissary was employed to furnish provisions
for the militia in service; and if he received a negative answer then he was directed
immediately to march his garrison headquarters to Fort Pitt, bringing with him all the
stores belonging to The United States, and assist in foraging until a sufficient supply
of provisions was served, "when you can again take your station at Fort Crawford.
When it is known whether you continue or not, I will upon future application afford you
any necessary stores you may stand in need of. If you want craft for transporting the
public stores, send a party for it."

The garrisons, so far as they were under Colonel
Brodhead, were seemingly withdrawn, but on the 19th of August, 1780, Brodhead in a letter
to Colonel Lochry, says that the Monongahela is rising a little, and he hopes it will
be speedily in his power to return the garrison of Armstrong and Crawford to their stations.
(17.)

This post and fort were heard of from time to time
until the close of the Revolutionary War, during which time its relative position was
such as might be inferred from the foregoing account. From the Revolution nothing is heard
of this station until the Indian troubles of 1791-'93. During this period it was suggested
at one time that a company of State Militia to range from Fort McIntosh (Beaver) to Fort
Crawford at the head of Pine run, a distance estimated at about thirty-three miles, would
afford protection to that part of southwestern Pennsylvania, which had been in earlier
times on the route of the Indians in their incursions from beyond the Allegheny. (18.)

The structure itself was one of those stockades
which required constant care and attention to keep in repair, and which when abandoned
even temporarily soon fell into decay. It was similar in design to Fort Armstrong (Kittanning).
(19.) Being intended for a garrison, it was partly fitted up with temporary barracks,
as they probably might be called; but which scarcely answers the description usually given
of such appurtenances. It stood a little way above the mouth of Puckety creek within now
Burrell township, Westmoreland county, and near the line of the Allegheny Valley railroad,
on the eastern side of the Allegheny river, on land of the heirs of Mr. J. W. Logan, dec'd,
now in the borough of Parnassus. The exact location cannot be found.

Wm. Ross, Esq., Braeburn, Pa., an aged gentleman
who has resided in the locality all his life, writes: "I have not found anyone who
can tell anything as to the time when the last remains were seen."

From the best information at present obtainable,
Wallace's Fort was erected probably as early as 1774. It contained about half an acre
of ground, and had a good blockhouse within the enclosure. In case of an actual attack
by the Indians, the women and children were placed in the lower story, while the men proceeded
above, and used their rifles from the portholes in the walls.

The Fort was erected on the farm of Richard Wallace,
who was one of the first settlers of that part of Derry township in Westmoreland county,
which lay between the old Forbes road and the Conemaugh river. John Pomroy, James Wilson,
William Barr, Alexander Barr and William Guthrie belonged to this settlement.

This fort was the place of resort and refuge for
the inhabitants of the frontier lying north of the Old Road and east of Hannastown and
Fort Hand, all through the Revolution; and particularly for those who lived along the
Conemaugh river and north of that as far as settlements were made. In that direction there
was no other fort and no place of harborage worth speaking of; so that in the more perilous
times the people gathered together there while it was dangerous to be abroad. (1.) At
some periods, particularly during the open part of 1777 and 1778 and 1780 and 81
that frontier, for the most part, was deserted. Arms and ammunition were kept here; it
was a designated place for the supply of salt; and it was an objective point for the rangers.
It thus was an attractive spot for the savages. In their incursions they came in mostly
from beyond the Allegheny river, crossing it either above or below Fort Crawford, and
frequently following the old Kittanning Path and the path which led down the Ligonier
Valley (2.)

Some idea of the condition of affairs here in 1777
may be had from the Journal of Fort Preservation (Ligonier). * * * On the 4th of May,
1778, Col. John Piper, of Bedford, writes to President Wharton: "In the county of
Westmoreland, at a little fort called Fort Wallace, within some sixteen or twenty miles
from Fort Ligonier, there were nine men killed and one man, their captain, wounded last
week, the party of Indians was very numerous, so that between Indians and the still more
savage Tories, these backward counties are in real distress." (3)

It is probable this affair was the same which is
spoken of in a letter from Col. Lochry to President Wharton, of date May 13th, 1778, in
which is this paragraph: "On the 28th April, the Indians came into the settlement
at and about Wallace's Fort, attacked 20 of our men which were reconnoitering the woods,
and killed 9 of our men and wounded Capt. Hopkins slightly, and we lost nine guns"
(4)

"From the time of the return of Brodhead from
his expedition against the Seneca Indians to the end of the year (1779), a good degree
of quietude existed along the northern frontier. Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford were
evacuated The principal points garrisoned were Wheeling Holliday's Cove (in what is now
Hancock county, W Va), and Fort McIntosh, down the Ohio, Fort Pitt, at Pittsburgh, and
Fort Hand, Fort Wallace and Hannastown, on the northern frontier, the two last mentioned
were occupied by the ranging companies of Captains Irwin and Campbell (Thomas), whose
terms of service expired during the ensuing winter. Meanwhile, Captain Moorhead's independent
company, which, for nearly three years, had been doing duty on the frontiers of Westmoreland
county, was removed to Fort Pitt, and made a part of the Eighth regiment." (5.)

Wallace's Fort is connected with the controversy
between Col. Brodhead and Col. Lochry about the disposition of the two companies of militia
under Capt. Erwin and Capt. Campbell, in the latter part of 1779. Brodhead ordered these
companies to Fort Pitt upon the evacuation of Fort Armstrong (Kittanning), and Fort Crawford;
but Lochry thereupon ordered them elsewhere for the immediate protection of the settlements
over which he had command. Capt. Erwin was stationed at Hannastown and Capt. Campbell
was ordered to Fort Wallace, upon which, he was arrested by Brodhead for disobeying his
orders. Campbell addressed a letter to the Council, of which the following is a copy:

"To the Honorable Members in Council, I Beeg
Leav to present a true Copy of a Letter to Col. Brodhead, Which I am aristed for, and
giv som Reasons for the Warmth Expressed in my Leter. Being ordered by Col. Loughry to
March my Company to fort Wallis, I then applied to Col. Brodhead for horses and provision
to transport my Company to my New post. Was Refused Supplies of every kind; Likeways teen
of My Men being inlisted into the 6 Pennsylvania Regt., Before the terms of their inlistments
are expired. Now Wher the Discharged from My Company, the wher also Detained, and Not
Sufered to March with the Company; therefore I submit My Celf to this Honourable bord."
(6.)

It would appear that this fort, however, was maintained
for the most part by the exertions and through the care of the surrounding inhabitants,
and that the men who were kept there in the capacity of a garrison were for the most part
volunteers or rangers called out for special emergencies. There is, therefore, not frequent
mention made of this place in the civil or military records extant; but interest in it
has been kept up by contributions of a very respectable character, which, for the most
part, are founded upon direct tradition and which are corroborated by many authentic circumstances.
It is true that these accounts sometimes are mistaken in the matter of dates, associating
incidents of indisputable occurrence with periods of time different from the actual fact.
Wherever we have changed these accounts in this particular it is where we have been warranted
in doing so.

The following is on the authority of Rev. William
Cunningham: (7.)

"The Indians generally made their incursions
in the fall of the year. During harvest time, also, they often became very troublesome.
They lurked in the woods, and cut off the unsuspecting settler when he least apprehended
danger. They plowed, they reaped, rifle in hand. Major Wilson used to relate how he stood
with his rifle, in his cabin door, while his wife brought water from the spring.

"On certain occasions, the 'signs' of Indians
had been seen in the woods, for several days, and it was supposed that Barr's Fort would
be attacked the following morning. This fort (Barr's) stood about a mile north of New
Derry. While they expected an attack there, they were much surprised to hear firing at
Wallace's Fort, about five miles distant. Great anxiety was felt by those at Barr's Fort
for their friends at Wallace's. Major Wilson with others volunteered to go to their aid.
Leaving therefore a barely sufficient force at Barr's to protect the fort, and to keep
the women in heart, they started. The firing continued all the time as they approached.

"When they reached Wallace's, the little party
within were engaged in hot conflict with a large number of Indians, who had made an early
attack on the fort. The enemy no sooner perceived Wilson and his company than they turned
upon them. There was formerly a bridge over the ravine, which is about 500 yards above
the fort. Wilson, with a few of his party, had crossed this. Being compelled to retreat,
he found the Indians had taken possession of the bridge. Here he was engaged hand-to-hand
with them. He knocked several of them off, and thus prepared the way for himself and his
friends.

"He then took his position near a large oak,
on the bank beyond, and plied his rifle with deadly effect on them. But the Indians were
too numerous for the little band, and they were compelled to retreat. They kept up a retreating
fire all the way to Barr's Fort. About a mile from Wallace's, [Alexander?] Barr was killed.
When they had nearly reached the fort, Robert Barr also fell. He was engaged with several
Indians, fighting manfully with the butt of his gun. Major Wilson shot one of the Indians,
who fell dead on Barr. The next instant a tomahawk was buried in Barr's skull.

"Shortly after this an alarm was again given
of the approach of Indians. All in the vicinity of Wallace's Fort fled to it. Major Wilson
happened to be among them. A man named Reddick when seeking the fort, was attacked by
a party who had concealed themselves under the bridge afore mentioned, but he was fortunate
to make good his escape to the fort. It was supposed that the Indians were few in number,
and Major Wilson, with characteristic bravery, proposed to attack them with a small party.

"Taking some six or eight men, he pursued,
and in a short time came up with them. They were found lying in the grass, on the top
of what is known as Culbertson's Hill, about a mile from the fort, on the farm now belonging
to John Stouffer. The Indians immediately fired. The band of Indians was much larger than
they supposed, and Wilson and his party, with the Indians in pursuit, made for the fort.

"Loading and firing as they ran, they supposed
they had killed several, but never certainly ascertained. These are a few of the many
instances which occurred around the old fort, and give us some idea of the scenes through
which the settlers of the regions were called to pass."

In a biographical sketch of the Rev. James Finley,
by the Rev. Joseph Smith, D. D., published in Old Redstone, mention is made of this fort.
(8.) It would appear that in 1772 Mr. Finley came over the mountains for his ministrations
here. This was his third trip, and he brought with him his son Ebenezer, then a lad of
fourteen years of age, whom he placed on a farm that he had purchased in Fayette county,
in the bounds of Dunlap's creek congregation.

"This son, about three or four years after,
had a perilous adventure with the Indians at Fort Wallace. This place is supposed to have
been in or near the bounds of Salem congregation, not far from the Kiskiminetas. Young
Finley had gone from Dunlap's creek on a short tour of militia duty to this, then, frontier
settlement, in place of Samuel Finley, who then lived with him, though not a relative.
While this young man was in the fort, tidings were brought by a man on horseback in breathless
haste, that Indians had made their appearance at a little distance; that he had left two
men and a woman on foot trying to make their way to the fort; and that, unless immediately
rescued or protected they would be lost. Some 18 or 20 men, and, along with them, young
Finley, started immediately for their rescue. About a mile and a half from the fort, they
came unexpectedly upon a considerable force of savages. They were, for a while, in the
midst of them. A sharp fire began immediately, and a zig-zag, running fight took place.
Our people making their way back toward the fort, numbers of them were shot down or tomahawked.
Finley's gun would not "go off." He stopped for a moment to pick his flint,
and fell behind. An Indian was seen leveling his gun at him, but was fortunately shot
down at the moment. Being fleet of foot, he soon was abreast of one of his companions;
and, in passing round the root of a tree, by a quick motion of his elbow against his companion's
shoulder, succeeded in passing him, when, the next moment, his comrade sunk under the
stroke of a tomahawk. A Mr. Moore, seeing Finley's imminent danger from a bridge on which
he stood, stopped, and by his well directed fire, again protected him, and enabled him
to pass the bridge. At last, after several doublings and turnings, the Indians being sometimes
both in the rear and ahead of him, he reached the fort in safety." (9)

In a sketch of the life of Randall Laughlin, the
particulars of which were obtained from his immediate family, we learn that he came to
this country from Ireland when a young man, probably about the year 1770, that he arrived
in this section prior to the Revolutionary War; purchased the improvement right to a large
tract of land lying partly in Blacklick and partly in Centre townships (Indiana county),
on which a small quantity of ground had been cleared; that he remained for a while, built
a cabin and otherwise increased his improvement; after which he returned to Franklin county,
where he had formerly lived a short time.

"Some time in the winter of 1777, he was married, and the next spring came back to
his farm, intending to remain here permanently. But he was sadly disappointed. Some time
in the spring or summer, owing to the presence of hostile Indians in the neighborhood
who were prowling about in all directions, but more especially in the north, he with his
wife went to Wallace's Fort, a short distance south of Blairsville, where a number of
persons were congregated.

"During their stay at Wallace's, the farmers
went out occasionally to the different farms in small parties, always armed with their
rifles, and prepared to meet the savage foe. His horses having strayed away from the fort,
and supposing that they had returned to the farm, Laughlin, accompanied by Charles Campbell,
Dixon, John Gibson and his brother went in search of them.

"While the party were in Laughlin's cabin preparing
some dinner, they were surrounded by a number of Indians led by a Frenchman, and summoned
to surrender, the leader telling them if they would submit none of them should be injured,
but in case they resisted, their bodies should be burned up with the cabin. After consultation,
it was resolved to surrender. They were permitted to write a statement on the cabin door,
of what had happened, and assure their friends that they all expected to escape death,
and return home again. (10.)

The captives were next marched off, well guarded
by the Indians. They were taken to Detroit by way of Sandusky and thence to Montreal,
thence to Quebec. After being exchanged, Laughlin, Charles Campbell and John Gibson returned
to their homes, but two of their companions died on the way. Charles Campbell, who is
spoken of above, was Colonel Charles Campbell, a very prominent officer of the rangers;
he was a sub-lieutenant of the county at the time, and later, succeeded Edward Cook as
the county lieutenant. In later life he was well known as Gen. Campbell. These men were
taken prisoners at the time when the British Gov. of Detroit, Hamilton, was by the Tory
agents and renegade whites, scattering proclamations and offering inducements to all those
who should leave the service of the colonies and join that of the King. At the time Campbell
was taken, these proclamations were found at the cabin in which the above party were captured.
Col. Campbell kept a journal of his travels during the period of his captivity, which
was lately in existence. From it, it seems, they began their journey on Thursday, the
25th of Sept., 1777, and on the 14th of Sept., 1778, they came in sight of Cape Ann, and
got into Boston Harbor that night. From Boston, Campbell traveled to Pennsylvania, sometimes
afoot and sometimes riding in a vehicle, being about six weeks on the route.

Various accounts have been told of Richard Wallace,
identified with this fort, touching his captivity among the Indians. The most of these
are traceable to verbal representations; and while in substance, the published ones are
mainly correct, yet they differ in the time in which the capture should have occurred.
It is altogether probable that it had its origin in the following state of facts: When
Colonel Lochry, Lieutenant of the county, led out a company to join Gen. Clark in the
summer of 1781, in his expedition against Detroit, as contemplated, Lochry's s command
were assailed, surprised and surrounded when they had landed at the mouth of a small creek
on the Ohio river, to this day called Lochry's creek. Lochry's force were all either killed
or taken prisoners. Richard Wallace accompanied him as Quartermaster to his command. In
a memorial directed to President Moore, endorsed July 3d, 1782, subscribed by Isaac Anderson,
Lieut. of Capt. Shearer's company of rangers, and Richard Wallace, late Quartermaster
to Col. Lochry, it was represented that "they had the misfortune to be made prisoners
by the Indians on the 24th of August last and carried to Montreal, and there kept in close
confinement till the 26th of May last, when they were so fortunate as to make their escape,
and after a long and fatiguing march through the wilderness, they got to the city [Philadelphia]
yesterday at 3 o'clock." They further represented that they were then destitute of
money and clothes, without which they could not get home, wherefore they prayed the Governor
and Council to take their case into consideration, and order them their pay from the time
they were made prisoners to then; saying that they were under the command of Col. Lochry
when taken, and that they had a list of these, both officers and privates, who were then
prisoners of that party, together with such information as was in their power. (11.)

Col. Lochry to Col. Brodhead, April 2d, 1781: "I
am just returned from burying a man killed and scalped by the Indians at Col. Pomroy's
house, one other man is missing and all Pomroy's effects carried off. I have been attempting
to get some militia to cover our frontier until some other succor arrives, which I hope
will be soon. I am afraid from the disposition of the people you have little to expect
from us." He here refers to the prospect of raising the volunteers for a projected
expedition against the Indians. (12.)

The fort was still used when circumstances demanded.
After the peace of 1783 it was rarely resorted to. It fell gradually into decay until
the stockade walls, the monuments of troublous times in which they were built, had finally
disappeared. Not a vestige now remains.

"This fort was a stockade enclosing half an
acre or more. It stood on the hill a little west of the brick house, now occupied by Samuel
Dixon and covered the mill and spring of water west of the brick house. The stockade on
the side next the mill (for there was a flouring mill there then about where the present
one stands) was about 60 yards distant, and on the high ground above McGee's run, which
propels the mill. The mill and spring were both within rifle-range of the fort."
(13.)

The site of Wallace's fort with regard to present
surroundings, was on a rising ground running northward and southward, on something of
an abrupt bank, the second rise above McGee's run, about a mile south from the Conemaugh,
and one and a half miles from Blairsville. The spring which was enclosed within the stockade
walls is still there. There is a mill on the old mill site of Wallace's Mill, which was
within a stone's throw of the fort. The present farm house, occupied by W. T. McFarland,
whose wife, the daughter of Samuel Barr, dec'd, is the owner of the premises, is about
one hundred yards north of the old fort.

Notes to Fort Wallace.

(1.) St. Clair in his letter to Gov. Penn, June
12th, 1774 ,referred to elsewhere says that "All that great country between that
Road (Forbes Road) and that River (Allegheny), being totally abandoned, except a few who
are associated with the people who murdered the Indian (Joseph Wipey), and are shut up
in a small Fort on Connymack (Conemaugh), equally afraid of the Indians and officers of
Justice." * * * * There can he no doubt that he means Wallace's Fort.

"It became necessary to erect defences against
Indian hostility, and two forts, as they were called, were built; one at Barr's, called
Barrs Fort, on the farm occupied by Wm. Gibson (now Calvin Gilson); the other at Wallace's,
called Wallace's Fort. They were stockades similar to those ordinarily erected against
the Indians, and about five miles apart. After their erection, guard was kept in each,
and in prospect of danger, the women and children were placed there for protection."
[Greensburg Herald. Contribution by Richard McCabe, Esq.]

(2.) Some cabins were fitted temporarily as places
of defence. It is said that George Findley's cabin, north of the Conemaugh, was so fitted.
[Hist. Indiana Co.]

(3.) Arch., vi. 469.

(4.) Arch., vi, 495.

(5.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 46.

(6.) Arch., viii, 36. Arch., viii, 106.

(7.) Hist. of the Cunningham family. Mr. Cunningham
drew largely upon the contributions which were furnished to various journals, at different
times, some of these as early as 1810,by Richard B. McCabe. Esq., and Jonathan Bow,
Esq. Indiana Register, 1859)both excellent authorities. He also made use of the
traditionary accounts furnished him from the family of the Wallaces, and others with whom
he was related.

Major (at a later period frequently called Colonel),
James Wilson, was one of the most conspicuous leaders in that section during the Indians
troubles before and during the Revolution.

(8.) Old Redstone; or, Historical Sketches of Western Presbyterianism, its Early Ministers,
its Perilous Times, and its First Records, by J0s. Smith, D. D., Phila.: 1854, p. 284.

(9.) The narrative continues: "But the most
extraordinary part of this matter remains to be told. Mr. Finley, the father, then at
home, east of the mountains, 300 miles off, had, as he thought, one day, a strange and
unaccountable impression that his son was in imminent danger of some kind, but no distinct
conception of its nature or cause. He betook himself to intense and agonizing prayer for
his son; continued in this exercise for some time; felt at length relieved and comforted,
as though the danger was passed. It was altogether to himself an extraordinary thing;
such as he had never before experienced. He made a note of the time. A few weeks afterward,
he received from his son, upon his return to his father's, an account of his narrow escape
from death. The time precisely corresponded with the time of Mr. Finley's strange experience.
This is the substance of the statement we have received. Its accuracy, in its most essential
features, may be fully relied on. What shall we say of it? Mr. Finley was a man of most
scrupulous veracity. We leave the simple statement of the case to the reflections of the
reader." Id.

(10.) Note to "Randall Laughlin"Hist.
Indiana Co., p. 140. Jonathan Row in Indiana Register, 1859. * * * * John Pomroy was one
of the five commissioners appointed by the Assembly in 1785 to locate a county seat for
the county of Westmoreland, whose labors resulted in the selection of Greensburg. * *
* * The mention of "Frenchmen" accompanying these Indian parties about this
period arose from the fact that the French Canadians were largely in the service of the
British Governor of Detroit.

Query.Did Campbell hold out any inducement
to his captors that he would accept a commission? It is probable he did, as their treatment
of him can he explained in no other reasonable way. He might have done so without any
question as to his integrity. He did good service after his return; was County-Lieutenant
after Edward Cook, as stated; and is addressed as Colonel and General in 1791-4. 2d Arch.,
iv..

Lieutenant Lochry to President Wharton, on the 4th Nov., 1777, says: "Lieut. Col.
Charles Campble and four other persons are made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs creek;
four other men killed and scalped near the same place; one man kill'd near Wallace's Fort
on Connomouch." * * * * Archives, v, 741. See notes to Journal kept during the erection
of Fort Ligonier, or "Fort Preservation."

(11.) Rec., xiii, 325, et seq. See compensation
allowed them at that date.

(12.) Arch., ix, 51.

(13.) The Cunningham Family.

______

BARR'S FORT.

The tract of land upon which Barr's Fort was built,
was located on April 3d, 1769the day upon which the land office was openedwarranted
and granted to Robert Barr, for whom it was surveyed in 1789. At the time of the location,
the parties adjoining were Herman Gertson, James Fulton, James Eaton and others, among
whom was James Barr, Esq. In 1796, Thomas Barr, eldest son of Robert Barr, deceased, conveyed
to William Gilson, then late of Cumberland county, Pa., from whom it has descended to
his great grandson, Calvin Gilson, the present owner and occupier. The grandfather of
Mr. Gilson was born in the blockhouse.

This fort, originally the house of the early Barr,
but later a stockade fort, was in the Derry settlement, where the Barrs, the Wallaces,
George Findley, John Pomroy, James Guthrie, and others settled very earlymost of
them before the opening of the land office (1769). Col. John Pomroy's (Pumroy) wife was
Isabella Barr, daughter of the elder Barr and sister of James and Alexander. The graveyard
in this place contains, besides the grave of Major James Wilson, one of the most conspicuous
men of the settlement, many other settlers, and is supposed to be, and doubtless is, the
oldest burying-place in that section.

About five or six miles towards the Conemaugh was Wallace's Fort; Shields' Blockhouse
was three or four miles away toward the southward, on the Loyalhanna. Events and incidents
connected with Fort Barr are mentioned in the account of Wallace's Fort. The site is about
a mile from Now Derry village, and a little over two miles from Derry Station on the Penn'a
Railroad, and in Derry township, Westmoreland county.

A stockade fort was erected here early, and was
used throughout the Revolution. The area inclosed by the stockade was near one-half an
acre, and included a spring, still in use. It is likely that within the stockade there
were other cabins and accommodations adequate for those who here, for irregular periods,
sought shelter with their families and effects. The blockhouse, which is habitually designated
as "the fort" by those who speak of it, was at the northeast angle of the stockade,
and the garden of Mr. Calvin Gilson, the present owner, marks its location. This stockade
fort is in some places called Gilson's Fort, from the name of the succeeding owner from
the Barrs; but Mr. Gilson, the elder, did not acquire title until after the border wars
were over.

The stockade at Barr's was built, as said, probably
very early in the Revolution, and the original house might have been used as a stronghouse
as early as 1768. It was not so exposed in its situation on the frontier as was Wallace's
Fart, but it was part of the Derry settlement, and the two forts were so near each other
as to be mostly the common object of molestation. They were about five or six miles apart;
and it would seem that during those times a series of danger signals was adopted by which
alarms were given from one of the posts to the other, and to settlers around. The intervening
land rises and falls in hills and valleys, so that shouts or gun-shots fired in quick
succession could be recognized, and the tidings carried very rapidly.

During the Revolution the inhabitants surrounding
this fort fled to it frequently. Mention is often made of these circumstances but not
in a connected way, for as the fort was purely a settler's fort, it has little written
history. It, however, served its purpose well. On one occasion a party under Major Wilson
had left Barr's Fort, for Wallace's Fort then surrounded by savages, but were compelled
to return to Barr's, on which occasion oneat leastof the Barrs, Alexander,
was killed before he got back; and it has been long asserted, and not contradicted, that
two of them fell on that occasion, as related in the mention of Wallace's Fort.

Supplies of salt were distributed to this point
for the inhabitants thereabout, of which circumstances there are various notices; one
mentioned in the Journal of the building of Fort Preservation, now (Ligonier), in 1777.

Col. Cook, Lieutenant of the county, August 8th,
1782, issued the following order to Lieutenant Richard Johnson: "You are to proceed
with the militia under your command to Myre's Station where you will receive arms and
ammunition either there or by applying either through the field officer or in person to
the general. You will have to detach a few men to Rayburn's, Waltour's and Fort Barr.
I cannot inform you of the number necessary to each. You will be directed by the strength
of your party or the number you can spare; and in this matter you will consult the field
officer who superintends the different stations." (Wash.-Irvine Correspondence, 330.)

Michael Huffnagle in a letter to Gen. Irvine from
Hannastown, July 17th, 1782, after the attack on that place, says: "I am much afraid
that the scouting parties stationed at the different posts have not done their duty. We
discover where the enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at least about
ten days, as they had killed several horses and eat them about six miles from Brush Run
and right on the way towards Barr's Fort" (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 383)

The memory of the trials and troubles of the settlers
about Barr's Fort during the pioneer period, lingered long in the Derry settlement; and
traditions of the place were carried by the descendants of the first settlers to remote
parts. Very little, however has been available to us of an authentic character, beyond
the references here given and the corroborating circumstances which naturally follow on
the line of inquiry which these references suggest.