South Korea’s Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning has signed a wide-ranging partnership with its Iranian counterparts in science and information and communications technology, reports the Korea Herald.

Park Geun-hye went on to reiterate “an Iranian desk will be launched in South Korea while we will set up a Korean desk at an Iranian bank to support the business and management issues; moreover, Iran plans to provide oil and gas industry infrastructure worth 185 billion dollars by the year 2020 in order to establish a giant holding in the field of energy.”

“The construction power of South Korea combined with the mobility of Iran will certainly produce desired and fruitful outcomes in railroad, airport and urban development,” highlighted the Korean president expressing hope that MoUs on cooperation in the field of infrastructure and water resources would mark a catalyst to strengthen ties.

The official Korean Central News Agency (KNCA) announced on 24 April that a test of a SLBM with a "high-power, solid-fuel engine" had "confirmed and reinforced the reliability of the Korean-style underwater launching system and perfectly met all technical requirements for carrying out the Juche [self-reliance doctrine]-based underwater attack operation".

While North Korea has a history of doctoring photographs, it revealed on 23 March that it can make a 1.25 m diameter solid rocket motor. It is possible that North Korea has obtained solid rocket motor technology from Iran that has a two-stage solid-fuel missile called the Sejjil, which is 1.25 m in diameter and uses exhaust vanes for steering.

One only needs to stroll amid Seoul’s skyscrapers on Teheran Boulevard to understand Iran’s influence on South Korea’s economic development. The East Asian country’s industrial revolution in the 1970s depended strongly on ties in the Middle East with the very conglomerates whose buildings line these streets.

But Park was seen pulling off a smooth tour by focusing on economic ties — toting her largest-ever traveling business delegation of over 230 executives, signing $45.6 billion worth of memorandums of understanding, and paving the way for major infrastructure projects — and playing her soft power card to win over Iranians.

“South Korea’s policies are very clear: They want to cut off North Korea’s outside connections by building closer relationships with countries like Iran,” Ma said, adding that cooperating with Iran could help South Korea and other countries get a glimpse of North Korea’s intelligence situation.

Beyond this bilateral effort, the bigger picture reflects Seoul’s aim to expand its diplomatic ties with other middle-power countries — those that are not superpowers but are economically independent, which gives them the freedom to cooperate with more countries than power players do.

The benefit goes both ways. With Iran understanding the importance of the middle power club, it is trying to improve its relationship with Turkey and even enemy Saudi Arabia, Ma notes. That makes South Korea a prime partner not only for Iran, but the overall Middle East, which has adopted a “look East” policy that includes China, Japan, India, and South Korea.

The successful tour not only demonstrates a growing Iran-South Korea relationship, but also opens the doors to more ties in the east, from India to China and Japan., while helping to ease the United States’ wariness. Now that Iran has many cooperation options — such as with China, Russia and Japan — it could easily let go of its partnership with North Korea, Ma said.

If South Korea wanted, he added, it could even help Iran develop its military tech, thus outplaying North Korea’s high card.

“Obviously there’s much potential for the two countries to cooperate in the future,” Ma said.

The obscurity of this issue in Washington contrasts with coverage given to it overseas. Reputable newspapers in Great Britain, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Israel and Australia have issued numerous reports since the late 1990s on North Korea-Iran collaboration in developing missiles and nuclear warheads.

In September 2012, North Korea and Iran signed an agreement for technology and scientific cooperation.

The Washington correspondent of Japan’s Kyodo News Service reported in July 2012 that North Korea and Iran signed a secret agreement in April 2012 to deepen collaboration on “strategic projects.”

Luft- und Raumfahrttechnologie

Reports soon emerged, based in part on South Korean government sources, that Iran sent missile experts to North Korea to be stationed there indefinitely. These experts reportedly helped the North Koreans prepare for the successful test launch of a long-range missile in December 2012.

Atomwaffen

Reports from Kyodo and the London Sunday Times described arrangements for a high-level Iranian delegation to observe the February 2013 North Korean nuclear test.

NEW DELHI: In a likely beefing up of India's ambitions in Afghanistan and Central Asia, Japan is reported to be considering partnering India in developing the strategically located Chabahar port project in Iran, which is seen as a counterweight to China's presence at Gwadar in Pakistan's Balochistan province.

PM Narendra Modi is visiting Iran later this month and both countries are hoping to sign a commercial contract for the Chabahar port as well as modalities for India extending a $150 million line of credit for the project. The port located in southeastern Iran is expected to act as a gateway for India not just to Afghanistan but to the whole of Central Asia, allowing India to sidestep Pakistan.

Apart from looking at developing the port jointly with India, Japan is also said to be considering building an industrial complex in Chabahar. In what will be a first in almost 38 years, Japan PM Shinzo Abe is expected to visit Iran in August this year. The visit is likely to see Japan announcing investments into some major infrastructure projects in Iran.

India and Iran today pledged to combat terrorism and radicalism as the two nations signed 12 agreements including a "milestone" pact on developing the strategic Chabahar port , giving a boost to economic partnership in the post-sanctions era.

India committed around $500 million for the important port in Iran's southern coast, which will serve as a "point of connectivity" between India, Afghanistan, Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries and East Europe.

"We have agreed to consult closely and regularly on combating threats of terrorism, radicalism, drug trafficking and cyber crime. We have also agreed to enhance interaction between our defence and security institutions on regional and maritime security," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said here.

Indien ist daran interessiert Pakistan (und somit China) zu umgehen.

Chabahar port, located in the Sistan-Balochistan Province on the energy-rich Persian Gulf nation's southern coast, is of great strategic utility for India. It lies outside the Persian Gulf and is easily accessed from India's western coast, bypassing Pakistan.

Chabahar port, located in the Sistan-Balochistan Province on the energy-rich Persian Gulf nation's southern coast, is of great strategic utility for India. It lies outside the Persian Gulf and is easily accessed from India's western coast, bypassing Pakistan.

India and Iran have also agreed to enhance interaction between their defence and security institutions on regional and maritime security. Terming the "dosti" (friendship) between India and Iran as old as history, he said, "through centuries, our societies have stayed connected through art and architecture, ideas and traditions, and culture and commerce."

Iran was among the first countries to come forward to help when earthquake struck Gujarat in 2001, said Modi who was the then Chief Minister of the state. Describing the agenda and scope of partnership as truly substantial, Modi said, "the outcomes and agreements signed today open a new chapter in our strategic partnership... Expanded trade ties, deeper connectivity, including railways, partnerships in oil and gas sector, fertilizers, education and cultural sphere are driving our overall economic engagement."

"We have agreed to consult closely and regularly on combating threats of terrorism, radicalism, drug trafficking and cyber crime. We have also agreed to enhance interaction between our defence and security institutions on regional and maritime security," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said here.

"Due to the importance of stability and security in the region and especially in the countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Yemen and because a big problem called terrorism is running rife and rampant in the region.

TEHRAN: 'History is being created,' Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in Tehran today as Iran, India and Afghanistan signed a tripartite agreement to turn the Chabahar port into a transit hub bypassing Pakistan.

The envoy said that both are sister ports, and Chabahar port authorities would extend cooperation to Gwadar. “The deal is not finished. We are waiting for new members. Pakistan, our brotherly neighbours and China, a great partner of the Iranians and a good friend of Pakistan, are both welcome. India was a good friend during the sanctions, the only country to import oil from us during sanctions,” Honerdoost said. The deal is still on the table for both Pakistan and China, assuring that “Chabahar is not a rival to Gwadar”, Ahmed Saffee, a research fellow at the ISSI, quoted the Iranian envoy as saying. On Monday, a “milestone” pact on the strategic Chabahar port in southern Iran which will give India access to Afghanistan and Europe bypassing Pakistan was signed by India and Iran. - See more at:

Impoverished Afghanistan is a mineral rich country. The U.S. Geological Survey has verified previous Soviet finds. Afghanistan may hold 60 million tons of copper, 2.2 billion tons of iron ore, and 1.4 million tons of rare earth elements such as lanthanum, cerium and neodymium, in addition to aluminum, gold, silver, zinc, mercury, and lithium. Rare earth deposits in Helmand province alone are valued at $89 billion. Total Afghan mineral wealth is estimated between $1 to 3 trillion, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. Such mineral deposits have remained untapped due to the lack of connectivity to a major economy, among other factors. No more, with new connectivity to India. Afghanistan might be able to jump-start the engine of modern economic growth and move beyond poppy cultivation. Also, a successful corridor further enforces Afghanistan as a transit route for oil and natural gas exports from Central Asia to the Arabian Sea. The resources generated from mining, the export of raw materials and later finished commodities like iron and aluminum could have a transformational impact on Afghanistan’s economy, society, and politics.

This potential will not be realized without ensuring peace and security, particularly in Afghanistan. This is the graveyard of empires. The British and the Soviets have tasted bitter defeats; Americans are the latest to fail. Why should India and Iran succeed? The intertwined answers lie in economics, connectivity, and resulting security.

The British, Soviet, and American campaigns were military interventions of occupation, with little in direct economic benefit for Afghanistan. The Chabahar corridor is not an intervention. This corridor unleashes economic opportunities that did not exist in the past and it offers Afghanistan the most tangible prospect to build a modern economy.

The Indian road to Afghanistan leads through Iran; in event of internal chaos in Afghanistan, India and Iran will be required to collaborate closely in bringing about peace. This makes the two countries with civilizational links the newest strategic partners in The Great Game, with a direct stake in long-term peace and prosperity.

The undeclared but principal paradigm-breaking impact of this deal is on Pakistan. India, Iran, and Afghanistan constitute over 95 percent of Pakistan’s territorial borders. A pact of such magnitude among Pakistan’s bordering states, aimed at excluding Pakistan, is an enormous indictment of Pakistan’s policies with its neighbors and a sharp reminder of its isolation in the region. But Pakistani losses extend beyond the symbolic to the tangible. The advantage Pakistan enjoyed due to its geography has been minimized and will perhaps be eliminated over time.

First, with the envisioned trade corridor, Iran usurps the all the economic fruits that fittingly belong to Pakistan as the natural transit route between India, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. As Indian supply chains mature via Iran, Pakistan — lacking in energy, raw materials or other major economic incentives — will find it hard to claw its way back to the center stage.

Second, Pakistan loses its stranglehold over the land-locked Afghanistan. After the Soviet withdrawal, Pakistan managed near absolute control over Afghanistan through Taliban proxies. As the U.S. Afghan campaign unfolded, Pakistani leverage continued due to supply lines passing through Karachi port. This resulted in billions in American aid to Pakistan, despite duplicity and subterfuge. This leverage over Afghanistan, built due to Pakistan’s monopoly on land routes to Afghanistan, will be a thing of the past. Connectivity introduces new players to the game: India and Iran. Afghans secure a second lifeline, this one also laced with economic booty. Pakistan will lose hegemony in Afghanistan. In the long run this could be an enduring blow to the Pakistani idea of seeking strategic depth in Afghanistan.

Finally, compared to Chabahar, the alternative China–Pakistan Economic Corridor looks lop-sided. This corridor links the backward and restive Chinese west, the autonomous Xinjiang region and autonomous Tibet region, to the Pakistani port of Gwadar in the equally restive Balochistan province. The question this corridor faces is who will benefit? The convincing logic of connecting energy sources and raw materials to big and hungry markets is obviously absent. Why build across thousands of kilometers of inhospitable Himalayas, through restive and disputed territories, when Xinjiang and Tibet can be connected to much closer ports through Southeast Asia or Kolkata?

Can America's New Ford-Class Aircraft Carriers Take on Russia, China or Iran's A2/AD?

The United States has decided to spend many billions of dollars on the CVN-78 (“Ford”) class of aircraft carriers to replace the venerable Nimitz class. The latter has served the U.S. Navy since 1975, with the last ship (USS George H. W. Bush) entering service in 2009. The Fords could be in service, in one configuration or another, until the end of the 21st century.

Just as the U.S. government has determined to make this investment, numerous analysts have argued that the increasing lethality of anti-access/area denial systems (especially China’s, but also Russia and Iran) has made the aircraft carrier obsolete. If so, investing in a class of ships intended to serve for 90 years might look like a colossal waste of money.

The point is that even if the ships of the CVN-78 class cannot penetrate advanced A2/AD systems, they can still serve other useful purposes. Indeed, American carriers since 1945 have entirely earned their keep on these other missions, which include strike in permissive environments, displays of national power and commitment, and relief operations. “Obsolescence” for one kind of mission does not imply uselessness across the range of maritime military operations.

Photos released by North Korea of its launch of long-range ballistic missiles are the latest proof of the close military cooperation between Pyongyang and Tehran, an Israeli expert in the field told the news site IsraelDefense on Tuesday.

Until now, such warheads — first detected by Inbar in Iran in 2010 — have not been seen in North Korea. At the time, Inbar dubbed them NRVs (or, “new entry vehicles”), which became their nickname among missile experts around the world.

Inbar told IsraelDefense: “The configuration that we saw [on Tuesday] is identical to what we saw in Iran six years ago. In principle, its penetrating body (warhead) is identical to that of Scud missiles, but is mounted on the Shahab-3, and creates a more stable entity than other Shahab/Nodong warheads.”

Inbar said this was the third time that something of this nature had appeared in Iran before it did in North Korea. “But we must remember that the two countries engage in close cooperation where military and space-directed missiles are concerned,” he said. “It is thus possible that both plans and technology are being transferred regularly from one to the other.”

North Korea claimed after its nuclear test this month that it had mastered the ability to mount a warhead on a ballistic missile, a worrying prospect for neighbors South Korea and Japan. Developing an effective intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) would put the continental United States in range of the North's nuclear weapons.

Joshua Pollack, editor of the U.S.-based Nonproliferation Review, said North Korean media's description of a rocket engine with 80 tonnes of thrust would make it "a very powerful rocket, well beyond anything the North Koreans have shown the world before."

The U.S. Treasury said in a January announcement of sanctions on people involved in Iran's missile program that Iranian technicians had in recent years "traveled to North Korea to work on an 80-ton rocket booster being developed by the North Korean government."

Despite North Korea providing the Nodong to Iran in the early years and much back-and-forth sharing of technology and knowhow, the experts largely agreed that Tehran has since surpassed Pyongyang with its ballistic missile and space programs. Iran now possesses more advanced long-range ballistic missiles than does North Korea. Furthermore, Iran has been much more successful at using its missiles as launch platforms for putting satellites into orbit. Tehran’s advances, though, could potentially be transferred to North Korea one day in the future, furthering Pyongyang’s own missile program.

“The Iranians are running forward faster than the North Koreans – at least as far as it goes regarding ballistic missile space launches,” said Rubin. “They’ve already orbited three satellites. After one failed attempt, the second one was successful. In comparison, the North Koreans – their program started not that long ago, starting in the ’80s. And the Korean program, it’s a really slow moving program with a lot of failures, and years of hiatus between tests.

“Now, the Iranians are fielding four types of ballistic missiles that you don’t see in North Korea and I’m sure the North Koreans would like to have them.” Rubin said. “Like the two stage Sejil, which is really a quantum leap forward in capability of ballistic missiles…and I didn’t see anything like that in North Korea…well, maybe, the North Koreans are hiding something, but they didn’t show anything like that up to now.”

These developments corroborate the assessment of private intelligence and national security analyst Ilana Freedman. See The Freedman Report on Januay31st, "A Friendlier Iran? Or Have They Just Moved Their Nukes to North Korea?" We were prompted to interview Freedman following a discussion of this report during a security conference call. In her published report Freedman cited the following:

According to my sources, Iran began moving its bomb manufacturing operations from Iran to North Korea in December 2012. Two facilities near Nyongbyon in North Pyongan province, some 50 miles north of Pyongyang, have become a new center for Iran’s nuclear arms program.

Over the last year, Iran has been secretly supplying raw materials to the reactor at Nyongbyon for the production of plutonium. At a second facility, located about fifteen miles north and with a code name that translates to ‘Thunder God Mountain’, nuclear warheads are being assembled and integrated with MIRV platforms. MIRVs are offensive ballistic missile systems that can support multiple warheads, each of which can be aimed at an independent target, but are all launched by a single booster rocket. Approximately 250-300 Iranian scientists are now reported to be in North Korea, along with a small cadre of IRGC personnel to provide for their security.

According to the reports, the Iranian-North Korean collaboration has already produced the first batch of fourteen nuclear warheads. A dedicated fleet of Iranian cargo aircraft, a combination of 747′s and Antonov heavy-lifters, which has been ferrying personnel and materials back and forth between Iran and North Korea, is in place to bring the assembled warheads back to Iran.

In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping introduced the new "Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Maritime Silk Road" initiative to connect stronger logistics networks with Asia, Africa and Europe by building more roads, railways and airports.

Beijing has launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) with $100 billion in capital and the New Silk Road Fund with a capital of $40 billion to fund major infrastructure projects in the region, including those pertaining to the development of the New Silk Road.

Iran is strategically-located in the Middle East, sharing land borders with 15 nations, and sea channels on its northern and southwestern coasts. China has already made it clear that it sees Iran as a country that can play a crucial role in its New Silk Road initiative given its access to extensive delivery routes connecting to the Middle East and Eurasia.