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Also known as "social fascism" and the "theory of the Permanent Revolution." Named for its founder, Leon Trotsky believed that Lenin's pre-1917 idea of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" needed to be re-worded to emphasize the importance of the proletariat's leadership in such an alliance, because the peasantry were dialectically less capable of leadership. In order to finish a socialist revolution, the revolution would have to be world-wide. This is in sharp contrast to Joseph Stalin's idea of "socialism in one country;" Trotsky felt that if a socialist nation-state was isolated, it would soon be destroyed by outside imperialist forces. Trotsky emphasized the importance of soviets (independent councils of workers) and the idea that a communist society will be a "workers' democracy."

Accordiing to Trotskyite doctrine,[3] the Soviet Union became a "degenerated workers state" and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as "bureaucratic centralist." Trotskyites considered the Soviet degenerated workers state still as "revolutionary workers' state" or "proletarian dictatorship." As such, the Soviet state was "historically progressive" in relation to "reactionary capitalism." Hence it was the duty of revolutionists in all nations, even if they were opponents of Stalin and his regime, to defend the Soviet Union against any "imperialist" state, including their own fatherland. Another revolution was necessary however to unseat the Stalinists, who would destroy the workers state until it became fully capitalist.

Browder accepted the Hitler-Stalin pact of August 1939 without hesitation. Comintern did find it necessary to fine-tune the CPUSA’s stance. Immediately after the Pact, Georgi Dimitrov, chief of the Comintern, sent a ciphered message to Browder explaining that the CPUSA’s line supporting the Pact was not fully correct because while it broke with President Franklin Roosevelt’s policy of supporting Britain, France, and Lend-Lease aid, it failed to take the additional step of breaking with FDR’s domestic policies as well. Browder and the CPUSA immediately made the required changes in its policies, and in 1940 the CPUSA did its best to oppose FDR’s reelection to the presidency.[5]

World War II reduced the direct organization ties of CPUSA to Comintern and drastically reduced the volume of communications. Postal communications was less reliable and often delayed and subject to government inspection. International cable traffic was routinely reviewed by war-time security officials. Travel to the USSR became increasingly difficult. In 1940 the Voorhis Act was passed imposing regulatory requirements on domestic American organizations with foreign government ties. To avoid the Voorhis Act, in November 1940, CPUSA, with Comintern permission, severed its official membership in the Communist International, and the last officially designated CPUSA representative in Moscow left in 1941.[6]

Browder developed the doctrine of indefinite collaboration with capitalism and the Harry Bridges doctrine of postwar extension of the no-strike pledge.

The wartime coalition gave Browder the vision of an Americanized Communist Party working with other American parties to solve the urgent questions facing the Nation. To this end he began a policy of naturalizing the party, relaxing its discipline, and moderating its sectarianism. He transformed the wartime tactic of national unity into a postwar strategy and argued the possibility that progressive capitalism, to save itself, would embark on policies favorable to the workers at home and to the Soviet Union abroad.

In April 1945, however, Jacques Duclos of the French Communist Party, formerly high in the Comintern, published a repudiation of Browderism.[7] Publication of the attack by the New York World-Telegram panicked the CPUSA into drastic action against Browder and he was unceremoniously expelled in February 1946.

Maoism mixes orthodox Stalinism with populism. Named after its originator Mao Zedong, the ideology relies on militant, insurrectionary and populist strategies in movement organizing (People’s Wars, Cultural Revolution, Peasant Uprising, etc.). Like Stalin, Mao’s China relied on Five-Year Plans, the best-known of which was the Great Leap Forward. Maoists also believe that the world socialist revolution will begin in the "Third World."[8]

The Maoist strategy for world revolution is based on the global version of the strategy employed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which led to Mao's victory in 1949. The analogy went like this: through "people's war" the CCP forces who controlled the countryside of China encircled the cities of China, isolated the foe, and destroyed it piecemeal. The logic followed that the countryside of the world as a reaction to the super-exploitation suffered at the hands of the city of the world would become united and defeat the latter, and in the process establish a world socialist order.

This grand design would come about not through the struggles of working classes in revolutionary fervor inside the advanced capitalist countries as prescribed by Marx, but through the vehicle of national liberation struggles of the colonial and former colonial peoples of the Third World.

This view of the CCP contrasted sharply with the view of Moscow whose ideology was in line with orthodoxy of historical materialism of Marxism's early thinkers, that socialist societies must be preceded by capitalist societies, which would provide the material basis for a socialist economy. This orthodox theory of Marxism relied heavily on a dialectical "force of history" that would inevitably bring about the "objective conditions" necessary for a proletarian revolution to succeed. Any ideological concepts running counter to this thesis, that is, any formulations which called for skipping stages of historic development were considered in the orthodox view as adventuristic and counter revolutionary.[9]

In 2002 the Religious Affairs Minister of Brunei used the same term to describe what he considered to be incorrect, non-mainstream Islamic teachings.[11]

The Ffestiniog Railway found another use for the word "Deviationists", for the gang of voluntary enthusiasts who formed the construction gangs to build its deviation after part of its route was flooded for a reservoir.