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NUGGETS FEOM HABRISON.
Protection and AmericanHomes Defended
by the Nation's President.
One fact is enough for me. The gates
of Castle Garden swing inward. They
do not swing outward to any American
laborer seeking a better country than
this.v These men who have toiled at
wagers in other lands that barely sustained
life, and opened no avenue of promise to
them or their children, know the good
land of hope as well as the swallow
knows the land of summer.
Buys more and has more to buy with.—
It is known to you all that our 65,000,
000 people furnish per capita a larger
market than any other like number of
people. This grows out of the fact that
our capacity for purchasing is larger than
is found in those countries where prover
ty holds a larger sway. The working
man buys more, has more to buy within
America than in anv other land in the
world.
The wages of skilled labor bears on
all.—The attempt is often made to create
the impression that only particular clas
hes of workingmen are benefited by pro
tective tariff. There can be nothing
more untrue. The wages of all labor—
labor upon the farm, labor upon our
streets—has a direct and essential 1 ela
tion to the scale of wages that is pai to
skilled labor. One might as well say
that vou could bring down the piice of a
higher grade of cotton cloth without af
fecting the price of lower grades as to
say that you can degrade the price of
skilled labor without dragging down the
wages of unskilled labor.
Tin plate and commercial indepen
dence.—I cannot quite understand how
an American can doubt that we have the
mechanical skill and business sagacity to
establish successfully here the manufac
ture of tin plate. No other country cer
tainl} surpasses us in the inventive genius
of its citi/ens or in the business sagacity
of its capitalists. It is surprising to me
.that any patriotic American should ap
proach this question with a desire to see
this meat and interesting experiment fail,
or with an unwillingness to accept the
c\ idences of its success. It will be a
great step in the direction of commercial
independence when wc produce our own
tin plate.
Free trade must mean let-s work and
lower wages.—Less work and lower
wages must be accepted as the inevitable
result of the increased offering of for
eign goods in our market. By way of
recompense for this reduction in his
ages, and the loss of the American mar
ket, it is suggested that the diminished
wages of the workingman will have an
undiminished power, and that he will be
able to make up for the loss of the home
market by an enlarged foreign market.
Our workingmen hs§&& tHe settlement of
the question in their own hsth$s.
Axioms of political economy. Cer
tainly ou do not need to be told that
that -shop or mill that has the smallest
pay-roll in proportion to its production
will take the market. Certainly you do
not need to be told that the wages now
enjoyed by our American workmen are
greatly larger and the comforts they en
joy greatly more than those enjoyed by
the working people of any othei land.
Certainly you do not need to be told
that if the American Government, in
stead of patronizing home industries,
buys its blankets for the public service
in England there is just that much less
work for American workmen to do.
Our disinterested foreign critics.—The
criticisms of the bill that have come to
us from foreign sources may well be re
jected for repugnancy. If these critics
really believe that the adoption by us of
a free trade policy, or tariff rates having
reference solely to revenue, would dimin
ish the participation of their own coun
tries in the commerce of the world,their
advocacy and promotion by speech and
other forms of organized effort of this
movement among our people is a rare
exhibition of unselfishness in trade. And
on the other hand, if they sincerely be
lieve that the adoption of a protective
tariff policy by this country inures to
their jirofit and our hurt, it is noticeably
strange that they should lead the out
cry against the authors of a policy so
helpful to their countrymen, and crown
with their favor those who would snatch
from them a substantial share of a trade
with other lands already inadequate to
their necessities, ^ts 1., *..„,
The American wage-system must le
upheld.—As the great German chancel
lor, that student of human government
and affairs, turning his thoughtful study'
toward the history of our country since
the war, has declared that in his judg
ment our protective tariff system w&§
the source of our strengh, that by reasons
of it we were able to deal with a war
debt that seemed to be appalling and
insurmountable, I do not doubt that you,
too, men who believe in work and in
thrift, and so many of whom are every
where sheltered under a roof of their
own, will unite with us in this struggle
to preserve our Americas market for our
own workingmen, and to maintain here
a living standard of wages.
If any is robbery, all is.— Our Demo
cratic friends say a protective tariff is
robbery. You see this written at the
head of campaign tracts circulated by
their committees. You hear it said in
the public speeches of their leaders. You
have not once, I think, in the campaign
heard any Democratic speaker admit
that even a low protective tariff was
desirable. Those who, like Mr. Randall,
have in former campaigns been used to
allay the apprehension of our working
people by talking protection have been
silenced. On the other hand, the Re
publican party declares by its platform
and by its speakeis that a protective ta
riff is wise and necessary. There is the
issue. Make your oAvn choic e. If you
approve by your votes the doctrine that
a protective tariff is public robbery, you
will expect your representatives to stop
this public robbery, and if they are faith
ful they will doit not seven per cent,
of it, but all of it.
A. National and common policy. It
seems to me that when this fuller deve
lopment of our manufacturing interests,
this building up of a home market for
the products of our farms, which is sure
to produce here that which has been so
obvious elsewhere—a great increase in
the value of farms and farm products—
is opening to us the pleasant prospect of
a rapid growth in wealth, we should be
slow to abandon that system of protec
tive duties wdiich looks to the promotion
and development of American industry
and to the preservation of the highest
possible scale of wages for the American
workman. The development of our
country mast be on those lines that bene
fit all our people. Any de\elopment
that does not reach and beneficially affect
all oui people i5 not to be desired, and
cannot be progressive or permanent.
Students of Maxims not Markets "We
cannot doubt, without impugning their
integrity, that if free to act upon
their con\ictions they would so revise
our laws as to lay the burden of the cus
toms revenue upon articles that are not
produced in this country, and to place
upon the free list all competing foreign
products. I do not stop to refute this
theory as to the effect of our tariff du
ties. Those who advance it are students
of maxims and not of the markets. They
may be safely allowed to call their pro
jects "Tariff Reform" if the people un
derstand that in the end the atgument
compels free trade in all competing pro
ducts.
The essential difference.—The Repub
lican party proposes that our tariff duty
shall be ot an intelligent purpose, be
levied chiefly upon competing articles.
That our American workmen shall have
the benefit of disenrninating duties up
on the products of their labor. The De
mociatic policy increases importation,
and, by so much, diminishes the work to
be done in America. It transfers work
from the shops of South Chicago to Bir
mingham.
Cheap products from abroad as bad as
cheap labor at home.—Closely connec
ted with the subject of the tariff is that
of the importation of foreign laborers
under contracts of service to be per
formed here. The law now in force pro
hibiting such contracts received my cor
dial support in the Senate, and such
amendments as may be found necessary
effectively to deliver our working men
and women from this most inequit
able form of competition will have my
sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting
the incorporation of laborers under con
tract to serye here will, however, afford
very inadequate relief to our working
people if the system of protective duties
is broken down." If the products of Am
erican shops must compete in the Amer
can market, without favoring duties,\vith
the products of cheap foreign labor the
effect will be different, if at all, only in
degree, whether the cheap labor is across
thestreet or over the sea. Such competi
tion will soon reduce wages here to the
level of those abroad, and when that
condition is reached we will not need
any laws forbidding the importation of
laborers under contract—they will have
no inducement to come, and the employ
er no inducement to send for them.
O E ISTO 40. E ULM E O COUNTY MESTN*, W E N E S A OCTOBE E 12,1892. j&fJFTH
DOLUVER'S ELOQUENCE.
Extract From one of the most Brilliant
f- Tariff Speaches Ever Delieverd. |§f
Perhaps there is no other political ora
tor in the west, whom the people so much
love to here as the young and brilliant
Jonathan P. Dolliver of Iowa. Polished,
witty and eloquent, his speeches go
straight to th& sympathies of the people
who hear and read them and are mak
ing for him a national reputation as
well as doing effective work for the Re
publican cause. One of the best that he
ever delivered was made in the lower
house of congress in March and one of
the most eloquent poitions goes as fol
lows:
I hold in my hand a clipping from the
Boston Herald of February 16, which I
cut out the other day an inadvertent
editorial admission called out by the
exigencies of the silver question, liich
says that the undeniable tendency of the
times is "toward a steady decrease in
the value of the products of labor with
a steady advance in the value of labor
itself."
That is the most conspicuous fact in
our industrial situation, and constitutes
the miracle of our national progress
which in thirty years has repaired the
waste of civil war, restored the losses of
a disordcrd currency, and so multiplied
the national wrealth that the luxuries of
yesterday are the necessities of today,
and the comforts of life are brought with
in easy reach of a greater number of peo
ple than ever before enjoyed them in the
history of the human race.
But what chance does a great fact like
that stand with my friend from Tennes
see who opened this debate, or with my
friend fiom Indiana, who cherishes with
apparent affection a newspaper para
graph predicting an exceptional and
easily explainable strike in the iron re
gions? Absolutely none. Coming into
this House, it is kicked and stripped and
beaten and left for dead, to the apparent
satisfaction and glee of the entire Demo
cratic paity. Or what chance does a fact
like that stand with my young friend
from Nebraska, who the other day took
one of his joung farmer constituents
down from the cannibal tree long enough
to use him for the purpose of pointing
the moral and adorning that tale of the
"plundered homestead" or "the adven
tures of a young married couple." You
remember that he represents a young man
in the act of selecting "a young woman
wrho is willing to trust her future to his
strong right aim," and beginning to
build a home, which is the unit of so
ciety.
The picture represents that he is robbed
by the tariff on lumber, on paint, on
furniture, on carpets, on tablecloths,
"on knives, forks, and dishes, on spoons,
on everything that enters into the con
struction and operation of that home."
And to make the picture all the more
pathetic and absolutely hopeless, the ar
tist gives the unhappy couple no sign of
defense except the lung capacity of the
Democratic party yelling at the top of
its voice, "Hands off!" (Great laughter.)
Nowr, without stopping to point out
that the actual price of every article that
enters into the "construction and opera
tion of that home" has been I educed in
price by the Republican policy of mak
ing them in the United States instead of
buying them in Europe, I want to ask my
friend, or any other man in this House,
to name to me a country in the Old World
where a young man without money can
slip his strong right arm around a girl
without means and take her into a home
of their own or give her even the pros
pect of a home, which is the unit of so
ciety? (Applause? on the Republican
side.) 7
I have talked to hundreds of, people
from Ireland, from Scotland, from Den
mark, from Germany, from the moun
tains of Norway and Sweden, and they
all tell me that a clay's work in the Uni
ted States goes further than anywhere
else in the world towards putting a roof
over the head of a family, paint on a
cottage, music in the parlor, newspapers
on the stand, carpets on the floor, dishes
on the table, something to eat in the
dishes, and the divine light of love and
joy in the sweet faces of wife and child-
ftsn* {*i&ff 1
ss
Theyfiave"oD%d^mto^my^offic%"fa^ain.
and again, husband and wife together,
speaking in broken English the language
of the thriftiest countries in Europe, to
ask my help and advice in mailing a
little American money to the Old World
for father or mother or sister or sweet
heart, living in lands where the labor of
&J&L~
&Ai$f$g.
a lifetime is not enough, after paying
daily expenses, to pay their passage upon
an ocean steamer. I have seen their tears
falling upon the paper as they wrote out
their message of hope and courage from
the only country on earth where human
life is rifted above, the leyel of hopeless
drudgery for the poor. ,**M
1
jd have often stood in Castle Garden,
at the gateway of the Republic, watch
ing that restless throng out of every kin
dred tongue and tribe of people. I have
seen young men standing there holding
in their hands a suit of taxed American
clothes for a brother arriving on these
shores out of the very countries where
clothes are the cheapest, I have seen
young women timidly hiding under a
taxed American cloak the bright colors
of a new hat lor a sister who had just
come from a land where everything is
so cheap that nobody can buy anything.
Nor could I keep out of my heart
wrords of welcome to those who have
loved our flag even afar off, and have
come hither to better their condition and
open the pathway of fortune to them
selves and to their children. And the
day is cc ming, is nearer than the Demo
cratic leaders of to-da may think, when
these fugitives from the hard conditions
of the Old World, and their children af
ter tliem, will stand as a unit with the
Republican party to keep the shield of
American law before the cottages of
American laboi.
I have not as much interest as some in
the current agitation that seeks to shut
the doors of the great Republic in the
face of mankind. I do not feel that we
have been here long enough ourselves to
begin to complain about the arrival of
other people. I believe that men and
women who know by experience the bur
dens of other countries are likely to serve
the commonwealth as well as those per
sons born among us who go about com
plaining that American life is not worth
living that our pockets are picked, and
that our houses are entered by duly auth
orized burglars, and our household goods
so nearly all stolen that it is hardly worth
while to interrupt the larceny. (Laugh
ter.) They say that anarchy is abroad in
the land.
May be it U, but the most complete
statement of the popular creed of the
anarchist was not by" John Most, the
German, but by the son of an American
clergyman who teaches that "a man is
no more responsible for his character
than for his height, for his conduct than
for his dreams." And the only time we
have ever seen anarchy on exhibition in
the West was the day when Knute Matt
son, a Norwegian sheriff, managed the
hanging of a native Virginian for the
murder of Michael Degan, an Irish police
man of Chicago. But if it is thought
necessary to stop immigration, especially
of the degraded and the illiterate, there
is an easier way than by legislation.
Let the societies interested translate
into the languages of Europe a fewr
specimen Democratic speeches those
masterpieces of rhetoric which reflect
sentiments like those which wrung the
heart of the Hebrew poet when he cried
out, "Woe is me, that I sojourn in Me
sech that I dwell in the tents of Kedar."
Let them take my fiiend's picture of the
young married couple and hang it up at
the steamboat landings of Europe. It
will sift and assort immigration in the
most approved fashion, for it will frigh
ten away the unintelligent mob, and af
ter such a wTarning only those will go
down into the ships who have sense
enough to see that the gentleman from
Nebraska does not know what he is
talking about. (Laughter on the Repub
lican side.)
We should not forget that we have work
ingwomen in America. None more than
they are interested in this policy of pro
tection which we advocate. If wTant and
hard conditions eome into the home the
women bear a full share.
Even if we were to experience a com
plete revolution in prices we do not be
lieve that the Democratic party would
cease to pray for tariff reform. Even
to-day the cost of the great majority of
the necessities of life has been reduced,
the balance of trade in favor of the Uni
ted States in 1892 was 38 millions of
dollars in excess of the previous year,
and the increase in our commerce rela
tions over the annual average prior to
1890 was $400,000,000 and still Dan
Lawler comes around this year with the
same old story that we are burdened
with the cost of living, that our govern
ment isn't doing buisiness in the markets
of the world and our people are oppresed.
Such nonsense!
BAPIDLIC PROGRESSING.
A Eejrablican Bejoinder to a Democra
1? tic Oritiscism./ -T
T*
An Iowa Fanner Eebukes the Comments
of a Democratic Paper on the Our— I
rent Political Issues.1
Sometime ago there appeared in the
Winona Herald a criticism of the Repub
lican platform adopted by the conven
tion which nominated Senator Tawney
for congress. J. H. A. Lacher, an Iowa
farmer, thereupon penned a reply to the
ideas of the Herald, which contains as
concise and accurate a summary of the
effects of McKinleyism as we have seen.
Here it is:
Before the enactment of the McKinley
bill we imported from Canada about 11,
000,000 bushels of barley and malt an
nually, upwards of 8,000,000 bushels of
potatoes, about 2,000,000 bushels of beans
and peas, 100,000 tons of hay, 7,000,000
pounds of hops, 1,583,000 bushels of
flax seed, 16,000,000 dozen of eggs, be
sides buckwheat and vegetables aggrega
ting a large sum. We also imported
about 72,000 head of cattle, 60,000 hor
ses and large quantities of leaf tobacco.
The McKinley tariff raised the duties on
the above articles materially, the increase
in barley alone being from 10 to 30 cents
per bushel. The imposition of these
higher duties may not have given the
"impetus to agriculture," yet I recollect
very vividly that when an effort was
made last winter by the maltsters of New
York to secure a reduction of the duty
on barley, the Democratic maltsters of
Wisconsin and the Democratic barley
king of Minnesota circulated petitions
by the hundred, which wdien signed by
farmeis and merchants, irrespective of
party, were forwarded to Democratic
congressmen at Washington to influence
their views on tariff reform. Evidently
there must haAe been some virtue in that
duty. Though you may not know it,the
farmers of this district know that the
M^KinlcA bill effectually checked the
importation af the aitides enumerated
above and hence ga\ an "impetus to
agriculture." The fanners ot this dis
trict know that the McKinley bill ga-^
them free sugar and cheaper binding
twine, lecollecting light well that Mills
taxed sugar about 68 per cent, and that
the present Democratic governor of Newr
York when in congress opposed the re
duction of the duty on the latter article.
The farmers knowr that the reciprocity
feature of the Mckinley bill removed the
Canadian export duty on logs, they know
that it opened the gates of France and
and Germany to American pork, that it
reduced the Cuban duty of $5.08 per bar
rel on American flour to 9.0 cents, giving
the United States control of her flour
market, that under the reciprocity
treaty with Brazil duties were reduced
25 per cent and in some industries entire
ly abolished and that as a consequence
our exports with these countries have in
creased enormously. The McKinley bill
was not framed, as you declare, for the
purpose of checking our commerce, but
for the purpose ot firmly establishing in
dustries which fiom their nature can
flourish here, once established, and for
the purpose of increasing our foreign
commerce by making conditions and
concessions regarding certain non-com
peting products. Democratic free trade
would not open foreign ports to our goods,
but our ports to foreign goods.
In his last annual report Gen. Rusk
stated that notwithstanding the abundant
yield of crops in 1891, values wrere well
sustained, and he estimated that the in
crease in the value of agricultural pro
ducts over the previous year could not be
less than $700,000,000. According to
the unanimous report of the Senate com
mittee appointed to investigate the effect
of the new tariff law upon the consumer
and producer "the average price of all
the agricultural products except flax seed,
when put at their proper relative import
ance, was 18.87 per cent, higher in Sep
tember, 1891, than in June, 1889."
Although the information has been ac
cessible in every metropolitan and trade
paper, the data concerning the enormous
foreign commerce and enormous free im
ports, seem to have escaped your atten
tion, for you flippantly speak of "dried
blood, acorns, dragoon's blood, fossils,
hoofs,", etc., but it doea seem strange
when you rummaged around for those
articles you should have failed to find
the item sugar, because with religious
care you avoid all mention of any of the
190 articles on which the duties were re
duced by the McKinley bill, the absence
of binding twine being especially note-
OL E 3STITMBEB 770|1
orthy. During the fiscal year 1892 the *?*3
total value of our imports and exports
reached the unprecedented total of $1,- 7
857,726,910. Our exports were valued
$1,030,335,626 against $884,480,810
during the fiscal year 1891, and our im
ports were valued at $827,391,284. The
balance of trade in our favor was $202,
944,324. Free imports amounted to
$458,001,145, or $91,759,793 more goods
ere imported free of duty than during
th'- preceding year. In the face of this
enormous sum of free imports, of this
ast increase in free imports, in spite of*
the fact that upwards of 55 per cent, of
our importations came into the country
without paying any duty whatever, you
have the temerity to speak sarcastically
of "acorns, dried blood, etc.," for the
purpose of discrediting the McKinley
bill. It is an insult to intelligent rea
ders and in keeping with the Democracy
cry that the McKinley bill is a Chinese
Avail that shuts out trade. I sincerely
hope that the eminent political econom
ist of the Herald has not persuaded his
Democratic readers that we imported
$458,000,000 of "acorns, ashes, stuffed
birds and such other articles as he enum
erates, in the fiscal year of 1892.
By "the Republican gamblers in ork
ingmen's blood," do you mean that the
Democrat Frick has turned Republican,
or do you mean Calvin $. Brice of New
York, Ohio and Briceville, Tenn., whom
your party has exalted to a seat in the
U. S. Senate, who is one of the great lea
ders of your party, and whose employ
ment of cemicts in place of honest labor
precipitated bloody riots, which a Dem
ocratic governor quelled by calling out
the militia? Yet, if you will, you may
blame Carnegie for paying "the highest
wages I have ever heard of," as theDem
ociatic Congressman Oatcs characterized
them. I am, how ever, ashamed of m\
self for making use of expressions as de
mogogical as yours. The Republican
party is not any more responsible for the
strikes in this country, than is free trade
for the strikes in England. Strikes will
occur hereA er labor has the liberty to
oiganize. There may have been strikes
in Russia and Turkej, but I ha\e ne%er
heard of them.
Apiopos, allow me to quote from a
recent article of the fiee trader, Edward
Atkinson: "There has ne\ erbeen a peri
od in the history of this or any other
country when the general rate ot wages
was as high as it is now, or the price of
goods 1 datively to the wages as
low as they are to-day, nor a period when
the workman, in the strictest sense of the
word, lias so fully secured to his own use
and enjoyment such a strictly and pro
gressively increasing proportion of a con
stantly increasing product."
One, and One's Won.
On Wednesday evening of last week
in the brilliantly lighted home of Mr.
and Mrs. JohnHauenstein there occurred
the happy eclding of their daughter,
Emih, to Mr. Fred Seiter, son of Mrs.
Helen Seiter of this city. A large num
ber of intimate friends andrelative*. were
present as guests and the preparations
that had been made to render the scene
attractive ancVthe event memorable were
beautiful in every particular. At seven
o'clock the ceremony was performed and
as the soft sweet strains of the wedding
march floated through the building the
bridal procession entered the room and
formed in the foreground of an arched
window that was tastefully adorned with
lovely flowers. At that moment it was
a pretty scene. Three little girls, the
very picture of sweetness, lead the group
and carried baskets of roses. Then came
the bride and groom attended by the
Misses Frida Hauenstein and Emma and
Ella Seiter and Mr. Oscar Seiter of St.
Paul, Mr. F. W. Johnson and Mr. Henry
Furst of Chicago." The bride was dressed
in soft white silk, trimmed with rich lace
and niyrtle,and carried a boquet of white
roses. The bridesmaids were also dressed
in white and wrore roses.
Judge Brandt performed the marriage
ceremony and at its close congratulations
were tendered the young couple A ith a
genuine feeling of good wishes. A tempt
ing feast was then served to the guests
and from that time until early in the morn
ing the minutes winged there wa' wi'plea
sure. Dancing occupied the time of both
young and old and music by the Concor
dia Band, Pfacnder's Orchestra and the
festive "charivaree" added cheer to the
joy of the occasion.
To the young couple wrho are now to
be known as Mr. and Mrs. Seiter the
Review extends congratulations, bur
dened with wishes for their mutual hap
piness. They are among the most popu
lar young me^mbers of New Ulm society
and deservedly so, for the pleasant dis
position and kindly nature of each enti
tles them to friendship of the enduring
kind. They will continue to make their
residence in New Ulm and their acquain
tences here will be pleased to know it.
•fM
3
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