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1 Music & Letters, Vol. 99 No. 3, ß The Author(s) (2018). Published by Oxford University Press. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License ( which permits unrestricted reuse, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi: /ml/gcy081, available online at CLEAR, HAPPY, AND NAI«VE : WILHELM STENHAMMAR S MUSIC FOR AS YOU LIKE IT BY LEAH BROAD SWEDISH COMPOSERS ARE LARGELY ABSENT from musicological studies of the early twentieth century. Without a single figurehead like Carl Nielsen or Jean Sibelius, Sweden s musical climate in this period has remained relatively underexplored. Key personalities such as Wilhelm Stenhammar (1871^1927) have yet to receive the scholarly attention recently enjoyed by their Nordic colleagues. 1 Consequently little is known about Swedish musical modernism, despite the extensive exchange of ideas between Sweden and the rest of Europe. This article puts Stenhammar on the cultural map of the early twentieth century, situating his 1920 incidental music for Shakespeare s AsYou Like It within contemporaneous discourse on modernism and modernity. It argues that Stenhammar rejected musical modernism çwhich by the 1920s was synonymous with atonalityçto create instead what was termed modern music. In Sweden, whether an art form was modern or not was determined by its political, not stylistic, affiliation. Modern culture was aimed at a mass audience, designed to be appropriate for Sweden s new political status as a social democracy. 2 Modern had the same meaning across disciplines, but modernism did not. Modernism was used to refer to particular styles, so it did not mean the same thing to a musician as to a theatre director. As a multidisciplinary collaborative art form, theatre is uniquely placed to illuminate competing attitudes towards the concepts modern and modernism, and indeed the different associations and definitions that modernism had throughout the early 1900s. Stenhammar and the collaborators he worked with for As You Like It had different attitudes to modernism within their disciplines, but were nonetheless united by the common goal of creating popular, modern theatre. Stenhammar is one of the most prominent figures of Swedish music history, and crucial when considering Swedish debates about modernism. As the principal conductor of the Gothenburg Symphony Orchestra from 1907 to 1922, his programming University of Oxford. This work was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council [Grant Number ]. I am immensely grateful to Sebastian Lindblom and Marianne Seid at the Teaterbibliotek for all their tireless assistance answering queries about manuscripts, and to Daniel Grimley for his input on early drafts of the article. 1 The most extensive study of Stenhammar is in Swedish: Bo Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar och hans tid, 3 vols. (Stockholm, 1991). In English-language scholarship are a few paragraphs in John Horton s and Antony Hodgson s survey histories of Scandinavian music from the 1960s and 1980s respectively: John Horton, Scandinavian Music: A Short History (London, 1962), and Antony Hodgson, Scandinavian Music (London, 1984). 2 Universal suffrage had only just been passed in 1918, and it came into effect in the 1921 election. Byron J. Nordstrom, The History of Sweden (London, 2002), 72^3. 352

2 choices were reflective of the composers more broadly considered progressive within Sweden. He performed music by central European composers such as Richard Strauss, Max Reger, and Claude Debussy, but particularly championed Jean Sibelius, Carl Nielsen, and Ture Rangstro«m, regularly scheduling their work and inviting them to guest-conduct the orchestra. 3 As a composer, Stenhammar collaborated with some of the most pioneering practitioners of his time. Not least among these was the director Per Lindberg (1890^1944), with whom Stenhammar worked for As You Like It. 4 Lindberg s significance for twentieth-century Swedish theatre is difficult to overstate. He studied with Max Reinhardt in Berlin, bringing the ideas and techniques he had learned in the German capital back to Sweden. He experimented at the Lorensberg Theatre in Gothenburg, where he was the artistic director from 1919 to 1923, and where the premiere of As You Like It took place. Lindberg s productions provided a fruitful creative meeting space for practitioners from Sweden and abroad. Frederick J. and Lise-Lone Marker claim that Lindberg produced the most influential new Swedish theatre of the period, and that his creative teams were the leading revolutionary force in Scandinavian theatre. 5 Alongside his directing he was also a theorist and author, disseminating his ideas through both talks and publications. His output in this area was so extensive that Stenhammar s biographer, Bo Wallner, posits that Lindberg might be Sweden s most important theatre theorist to date. 6 Coming from different disciplines with different points of reference, modernism had different figureheads and geographical centres for Stenhammar and Lindberg. Accordingly, the term accrued subtly different connotations for each. Within theatrical circles, modernism was defined negatively; a production was termed modernist if it was not realist. Realism was defined by Lindberg as using a historically accurate environment for the play s aesthetic. 7 Lindberg objected to realism, as embodied by the Meiningen players and later by Konstantin Stanislavsky, terming it an ethnographic accuracy [which] is the rich man s amiable weakness. 8 As a result, he actively embraced many aspects of theatrical modernism in order to move away from realism. But for musicians, modernism became associated primarily with atonality throughout the 1910s, particularly the music of Arnold Schoenberg. For the most part, this was greeted with ambivalence by Swedish composers. 9 Stenhammar viewed musical modernism as unnecessarily complex and convoluted, and identified instead with figures like Nielsen and Sibelius, who also had equivocal relationships with atonality. Stenhammar sought a musical idiom that was modern but not modernistça music that he characterized in 1911 as clear, happy, and naïve, as discussed in detail below Despite being regularly criticized for his lack of conducting technique, Rangstro«m succeeded Stenhammar as the principal conductor in Stenhammar wrote six of his seven incidental scores during the four years he spent working with Lindberg: Lodolezzi sjunger ( Lodolezzi sings, 1919), As You Like It (1920), Hamlet (1920), Turandot (1920), Chitra (1921), and Romeo and Juliet (1922). 5 Frederick J. and Lise-Lone Marker, A History of Scandinavian Theatre (Cambridge, 1996), 227, om han inte med sina stora kunskaper (a«ven kulturhistoriskt)...a«r den fra«mste teaterskribent som vi o«verhuvudtaget haft. Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar, iii All translations are my own, unless otherwise stated. 7 Att spela en pja«s i historiskt riktig miljo«. Per Lindberg, Kring RidÔn (Stockholm, 1932), etnografisk noggrannhet a«r rikemans a«lskva«rda svaghet. Ibid For example,ture Rangstro«m labelled atonal music ultraviolet, implying that it was totally beyond the realm of human comprehension. Ture Rangstro«m, Stockholms Dagblad, 13 Apr. 1929, quoted in Axel Helmer, Ture Rangstro«m (Stockholm, 1999), klar, glad och naiv. Wilhelm Stenhammar, letter to Bror Beckman, 18 Sept (Musik och Teaterbiblioteket, Stockholm, Wilhelm Stenhammar collection). 353

3 The 1910s and 1920s saw a cultural and political shift within Sweden, during which the term modern began to be attached to cultureçof any disciplineçthat aimed to be popular, accessible, and politically minded. Before the First World War, there was no especial emphasis on the creation of popular art. This is particularly demonstrated by the proliferation of small theatres that targeted a bourgeois audience. The most influential of these was the Intimate Theatre, established by August Strindberg in Based on models such as Andre Antoine s The a tre Libre in Paris and Max Reinhardt s Kammerspiele in Germany, the Intimate Theatre staged chamber productions of Strindberg s smaller dramas such as Spo«ksonaten ( The Ghost Sonata, 1907) and Svanehvit ( Swanwhite, 1901). After 1918, however, the cultural atmosphere changed. Lindberg s appraisal of the years immediately following the end of the war indicates a far less forgiving attitude to socially exclusive cultural practices across Europe and Sweden: When the armies returned from the fronts, when the major revolutions and economic crises reshaped societies, when the proletariat became an increasingly dominant power in society...then began a new era, with a new society and a new mentality. Shouldn t this newness also remodel the theatre?...a vindictive criticism of the mentality that produced world war sparked a general distrust of the concepts of culture, aesthetics and morals. Art...the unfortunate art had to pay for bourgeois culture s sins. 12 In his concern about responding to reshaped societies, Lindberg was in accord with the preoccupations of many Swedish critics and practitioners in the 1920s. Antibourgeois rhetoric permeated writing on modern theatre, including Lindberg s own, no doubt fuelled by the ongoing financial crisis. Sweden was heading into a depression caused by a post-war speculation boomçfrom the start of the decade the prices of global goods fell, destabilizing Sweden s export income, which had been so buoyant during the war, leading to an increase in domestic inflation. 13 In 1917 bread riots broke out across Sweden in cities including Gothenburg, instigated by rioters influenced by the Russian Revolution, and from 1919 accelerating inflation was widely discussed in the newspapers. 14 From Stenhammar s perspective, musical modernism only appealed to a limited audience and was therefore antithetical to the social goals of modern music. But for Lindberg, theatrical modernism was perfectly compatible with the social goals of modern theatre. He associated realism with the older, more established theatres that aimed at a bourgeois audience, and he argued that realist theatre could not be popular or accessible because of its cost. He claimed that most theatres could not afford the level of detail that realistic stagings required, which made it difficult for small theatres to put on productions. Covering the cost of the intricate sets and 11 It is fittingly symbolic that during the 1920s the Intimate Theatre closed as a theatrical venue, and began to be used as a meeting place for trade unions. 12 Na«rarme erna Ôterva«nde frôn fronterna, na«r de stora revolutionerna och de ekonomiska kriserna omskapade samha«llena, na«r proletariatet blev en alltmera framtra«dande makt i samha«llet...dô bo«rjade en ny tid, med ett nytt samha«lle och en ny mentalitet. MÔste inte detta nya ocksô omskapa teatern?...en ha«mndlysten kritik mot den mentalitet, som framkallet va«rldskriget, drev upp en allma«n misstro mot begreppen kultur, estetik och moral. Konst...den stackars konsten fick betala borgarkulturens synder. Lindberg, Kring RidÔn, Mikael Lo«nnborg, Anders O«gren, and Michael Rafferty, Banks and Swedish Financial Crises in the 1920s and 1930s, Business History, 53 (2011), 230^48 at 234^6. 14 Erik Filip Lundberg,The Development of Swedish and Keynesian Macroeconomic Theory and its Impact on Economic Policy (Cambridge, 1996),

4 costumes also kept ticket prices high, meaning that only the wealthy could afford to attend. Additionally, realism did away with spectacle and resulted in an elitist theatre by extracting theatricality and making productions less interesting to watch. 15 Lindberg s solution to this problem was twofold: first, to stage contemporary repertory, which he felt better allowed the theatre to be a mirror of contemporary life ; 16 and second, to adopt whichever style guaranteed visual spectacle and attracted an audience. These styles were very often modernist. Thanks to Lindberg, therefore, modern theatre largely became synonymous with theatrical modernism in Sweden. Whether theatres should maintain realist stagings or not was widely discussed in 1920s Sweden and was colloquially termed the modern theatre problem. Newspapers in both Stockholm and Gothenburg referred to this issue and divided Swedish theatres into the old (realist) and new (anti-realist) accordingly. While Stockholm s theatres, particularly the Royal Theatre, were seen as bastions of the old style, Lindberg and his team at the Gothenburg Lorensberg were depicted as the trailblazers among the new, staunchly rejecting any pretence to realism in their productions. 17 To demonstrate how Stenhammar and Lindberg s competing attitudes towards modernism were subsumed by a larger goal of creating modern theatre in As You Like It, I first discuss Stenhammar s approach to creating a new way for music. I place this in the context of similar endeavours by his friend and colleague Carl Nielsen and discussions about the naïve within Sweden. The category of the naïve was frequently invoked to describe artistic enterprises that aimed to be anti-elitist and anti-academic, which was the explicit goal for As You Like It. IthenlayoutLindberg sideasaboutthe importance of popular theatre and how it should be achieved, before turning to Stenhammar and his views on the topic. I focus on Stenhammar s most extensive statement about the theatre, written in 1909 as a response to a questionnaire about Gothenburg s lack of a theatre by the newspaper Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning. 18 The paper published twenty-three responses to three questions, asking participants whether they felt that Gothenburg s theatrical resources were sufficient for the town s size and cultural ambitions, and if not what should be done about it. As the conductor and artistic director of the city s Symphony Orchestra, Stenhammar was invited to comment. His response demonstrates that, beyond being an avid audience member, he had thought extensively both about the purpose of theatre, and how his ideal theatre might be constructed. He presented a vision of a theatre for the whole of Gothenburg, calling for a large institution that could keep its ticket prices low enough to attract a broad audience. In addition, he argued that incidental music should only be included where it had been written specifically for the play in question, a comment that is especially illuminating regarding his own approach to theatrical composition. With this in mind, I turn to Stenhammar s music for As You Like It and the roles that it played in the production as a whole. I argue that the primary purpose of Stenhammar s music was to create spectacle and to cultivate a style that would have mass appeal. The merits of Stenhammar s score in the context of modern theatre were, therefore, its diatonic language, repetitive structure, extensive integration with 15 Lindberg, Kring RidÔn, 31^3. 16 en spegel av samtidens liv. Per Lindberg, Inbjudan, Folkteatern, 1932 (Musik och Teaterbiblioteket, Stockholm, Ga«ddviken archive, Per Lindberg Collection). 17 See August Brunius, Estetiska bordssamtal, Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning, spring Go«teborgs teaterfrôga, Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning, 21 Oct. 1909^1 Dec

5 the play s text, and visual flamboyancy, as the musicians were often placed on the stage and included as part of the visual spectacle of the production. STENHAMMAR S NEW WAY Discussing his relationship to Schoenberg, Stenhammar wrote in revealing terms to his colleague Bror Beckman in Regarding his own musical style, Stenhammar claimed that he was seeking a whole new way, a way for which I may have to search for a long time before I find it. It is therefore not a whim or a temporary fancy of mine, not a desperate attempt to deaden the pain and seek oblivion, when I sit in the evenings and study counterpoint. It is simply returning to the starting point and an attempt to find a new and better line from which to try again. It is...not resignation, it is a secret, trembling hope.... In this time of Arnold Schoenberg I dream of an art far beyond Arnold Schoenberg: clear, happy, and naïve. 19 Stenhammar s letter is illuminating for a number of reasons. First, it indicates an antagonistic attitude towards Schoenberg; second, that he believed that the study of counterpoint (which, according to the dates in his notebooks, he embarked upon in 1909 and continued until at least 1918) 20 was the most profitable way of constructing a route past Schoenberg; and third, that this new way could be described as clear, happy, and naïve. Within Sweden, Schoenberg s music was greeted apathetically by many composers who were in contact with Stenhammar. Their comments suggest that they chose to eschew atonality not through ignorance nor lack of interest, but due to a fundamentally different conception of what music s new way should be. Compare, for example, Sibelius s 1912 comment where he stated that Arnold Schoenberg s theories interest me. But I find him one-sided! 21 Nonetheless, Sibelius s and Stenhammar s responses were quite differentçschoenberg prompted in Stenhammar none of Sibelius s later anxiety regarding his music s place in, as James Hepokoski calls it, the institution of art music. 22 Instead, Stenhammar envisaged his contrapuntal study as a way to disentangle himself from Schoenberg and the attendant furore surrounding him. He positioned himself less in dialogue with Austrian developments than Sibelius would and turned to his Scandinavian colleagues for inspiration, particularly Carl Nielsen and the Swedish composer Ture Rangstro«m. Stenhammar was in regular correspondence with both, and their attitudes towards Schoenberg and musical modernism remained largely negative, even if they varied in degree. Rangstro«m s critical writing about Schoenberg bordered on the vituperative, calling his first Chamber Symphony a monstrosity of sterile and pitiable musical fantasy in Nielsen, meanwhile, wrote that Schoenberg s Gurrelieder and Verkla«rte Nacht were merely melodies of the old kind 19 en helt ny va«g, en va«g som jag kanske a«nnu la«nge môste so«ka, innan jag finner den. Det a«rda«rfo«rickeennyck eller en tillfa«lligt infall af mig, icke ett fo«rtvivast fo«rso«kattdo«fva sma«rtan och so«ka glo«mska, a«n jag om kva«llarna sitter och plitar kontrapunkt. Det a«r helt enkelt a«r ÔtergÔende till utgôngspunkten och ett fo«rso«kattfinnaennyoch ba«ttre linen fo«r att fo«rnyadt fo«rso«k att nô fram. Det a«r...icke resignation, det a«retthemligt,ba«fvande hopp.... I den Arnold Scho«nberg tiden dro«mmer jag om en konst lôngt bortom Arnold Scho«nberg, klar, glad och naiv. Stenhammar letter to Beckman, 18 Sept Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar, ii. 194^5. The manual Stenhammar studied was by Heinrich Bellermann. 21 Arnold Scho«nbergs teorier intressera mig. Dock finner jag honom ensidig!, 8 May Jean Sibelius: Dagbok 1909^1944, ed. Fabian Dahlstro«m (Helsinki, 2005), James Hepokoski, Sibelius Symphony No. 5 (Cambridge, 1993), ett monster av steril och ja«mmerlig musikalisk fantasi. Stockholms Dagblad, 13 Apr. 1929, quoted in Helmer, Rangstro«m,

6 that are so banal and sentimental they appeal to a half-educated public, later declaring in 1927 that Schoenberg s later music was on the way to being out-moded. 24 In the same letter castigating Schoenberg s early pieces for being banal and sentimental, Nielsen justified his critique by stating that the music lacked a firm ground çnamely, a contrapuntal basis. 25 Stenhammar was not alone in his turn to counterpoint during these years. As Daniel Grimley notes: In its polemically charged diversity, counterpoint became the primary tool with which to promote or resist the advance (or, indeed, the retreat) of musical modernism. 26 Nielsen saw polyphony as a rejuvenating source and as a way of rejecting musical modernism, returning instead to music s basic principles to avoid the sultry sentimentality or empty, storming passion that he felt beleaguered the music of many of his contemporaries. 27 This sentiment is reflected in Stenhammar s desire to find a new and better line from which to try again. Throughout their years of correspondence, Nielsen actively encouraged Stenhammar in his counterpoint studies. In 1911, he asked whether Stenhammar had noticed how many young composers have approached music from the wrong end...they begin by expressing moods, feelings, colours and sensations, instead of voice-leading counterpoint. 28 Later in 1921, while Stenhammar was writing his cantata SÔngen ( The Song ), Nielsen wrote to him that he should begin composing with long half-notes, like dry cantus firmi, like wooden beams that are laid out to give the basic form of a house.... You are after all a master in counterpoint, so use that. 29 Wallner describes Stenhammar s counterpoint study as being a strict exercise in the elements of melody and harmony...the simplest means subordinated to the most inexorable rules: absolute diatonic melody, smallest possible use of leap, only consonant harmony, note against note. 30 This could be used as a description for the music in As You Like It, which encapsulated the clear, happy, and naïve music that Stenhammar described to Beckman, moving away from the ethereal chromatic sonorities of his earlier Ett dro«mspel ( A Dream Play, 1916). In a musical culture that was increasingly being defined by atonality, Stenhammar s almost entirely diatonic score for As You Like It was an ideological statement. Each movement has a clear key and relies on repetitive structures and uncomplicated rhythms. Reviewers applauded Stenhammar s approach, saying that his music contained forest life s free gladness and nature s jubilation, 31 and was exquisitely simple and unpretentious, 32 fresh and confident, Carl Nielsen: Selected Letters and Diaries, ed. and trans. David Fanning and Michelle Assay (Copenhagen, 2017). Nielsen to Julius Clausen, 19 Aug. 1922, p. 547, and Nielsen to Moses Pergament, 20 Oct. 1927, p Nielsen to Julius Clausen, 19 Aug. 1922, ibid Daniel M. Grimley, Carl Nielsen and the Idea of Modernism (Woodbridge, 2010), Nielsen to Knud Harder, 13 Feb Carl Nielsen: Selected Letters and Diaries, ed. and trans. Fanning and Assay, Nielsen to Stenhammar, 27 Jan. 1911, ibid Tag og begynd med lange, halve Noder, som törre Cantus firmi, som Tr bj lker der skal ligge og danne Grundformen for Huset....Du er jo en Mester i Kontrapunkt, benyt det. Carl Nielsen letter to Wilhelm Stenhammar, 17 Sept. 1921, in Irmelin Eggert MÖller and Torben Meyer (eds.), Carl Nielsens Breve (Copenhagen, 1954 ), en stra«ng o«vning i melodikens och samklangens elementa...de enklaste medel sta«llda mot de mest obo«nho«rliga reglar: absolute diatonisk melodik, minsta mo«jliga anva«ndning av sprông, endast konsonerande harmonik, not mot not. Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar, iii skogslivets fria gla«dje och naturens jubel. Ejnar Smith, Som ni behagar : En Scenstudie, Svenska Dagbladet,20 Apr utso«kt enkel och okonstlad. E. A. [Edvard Alkman], Som ni behagar : Ett par mo«jligheter till, Go«teborgs Posten, Apr friskt och sa«kert. E. A. [Edvard Alkman], Som ni behagar, GÔrddagens Shakspere-premia«r[sic], Go«teborgs- Posten, 10 Apr

7 and strong and genuine. 34 The overarching consensus was that the strength of Stenhammar s music derived from its simplicity, the author for Hvar 8 Dag saying that the production marked a new epoch in Swedish theatre history. 35 The whole was wrapped in an atmosphere of music, another author ( C. R. U-s ) enthused, a musical reverie which lifted the events up a level to a peak of unreality, a reality more real than reality. 36 For both Nielsen and Stenhammar, there was a political dimension to their counterpoint studies. The pursuit of music s basic principles formed an integral aspect of their attempts to make their music popular. For Nielsen in Denmark, this was manifested in the idea of folkelig, which in relation to culture means popular or accessible, in way that is implied to be beneficial. 37 The composer Thomas Laub wrote to Nielsen in 1914 to request that they collaborate on a songbook, stating that the intention with these songs would be to address the ordinary Danish people,andthattodosotheymustbe set simply...to give people good words to sing to good folkelige melodies. 38 Nielsen had been producing folkelige songs for several years already, so he embraced Laub s project enthusiastically, writing in 1918 that he believed that the folkelig was where we should begin; otherwise the whole of our musical life is just floating in mid-air. 39 This is not to say that Nielsen was interested in altering his musical style to gain popularity: he wrote to Edvin Kallstenius in 1917 that he hoped that the music of the future would move away from public effect, which...is trying to destroy or coarsen our taste and culture. Instead, by maintaining legitimate harmonic and polyphonic technique, music would be inherently artistically edifying. 40 For Nielsen, then, popular music had to be culturally beneficial for the public, and this was not achieved simply by being the cause of widespread discussion, like Schoenberg. Stenhammar, similarly, saw it as a necessity to write music that appealed to as many people as possible. But he diverged subtly from Nielsen in that he adopted a specific attitude of anti-elitism, a position shared by Lindberg. A common goal of trying to create popular music led Nielsen and Stenhammar in slightly separate directions, in the different contexts of Denmark and Sweden. Nielsen moved towards the idea of music as a vitalist current, as Grimley puts it, an art form that was both physically and intellectually stimulating, rooted in vigour and physical health. 41 Stenhammar s approach was slightly softer-edged; as highlighted by his letter to Beckman, a central facet of his new way was to be the naïve. He continued to refer to the naïve as a state to which he aspired, writing in 1916 that he admired Kandinsky for being a soul who is beautiful and deep and naïve, and that Kandinsky s work dug into somewhere far down and deep in my soul, so that it vibrates as if with a young, great love s grief and happiness stark och a«kta. T. R-E., Som ni behagar pô Lorensbergsteatern, Go«teborgs Morgon-Posten, 10 Apr en epok i svensk teaterhistoria. RED, En ma«rklig premia«rpôgo«teborgs Lorensbergsteatern, Hvar 8 Dag, 22 (1920/21). 36 Den hela var insvept i en atmosfa«r af musik, blef ett musikaliskt dro«mmeri som lyfte ha«ndelsernas plan upp till en ho«jd af overklighetçeller ra«ttare o«fververklighet, en verklighet verkligare a«n verkligheten. C. R. U-s, Som ni behagar, Lorensbergsteaterns premia«r pô Shakespeares lustspel, Go«teborgs Dagblad, 10 Apr The word literally translates as folklike, but the connotations are more nuanced. 38 Thomas Laub to Nielsen, 2 Dec. 1914; emphasis in original. Carl Nielsen, ed. and trans. Fanning and Assay, Nielsen to A. C. Meyer, 23 Feb. 1918; ibid Nielsen to Edvin Kallstenius, 30 Jan. 1917; ibid Grimley, Nielsen,74, en sja«l som a«rsko«n och djup och naïv, gra«vt in sig nôgonstans lôngt in och djupt i min sja«l, sô att den vibrerar som av en ung och stor fo«ra«lskelses kval och lycka. Quoted in Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar, ii

8 The category of the naïve became increasingly important for Swedish practitioners throughout the 1910s. It eventually developed an associated artistic movement, naï vism. Exhibitions by naïvist artists were widely covered in the press towards the end of the decade, to the extent that by 1919 the poet and art critic Gunnar Mascoll Silfverstolpe called naïvism one of today s slogans. 43 It was widely considered to be one of the most stylistically adventurous of contemporary art movements, referred to as modernist and associated with the political left. 44 The figureheads of the movement included Axel Nilsson, Hilding Linnqvist, and Nils von Dardel (who designed for the Ballets Sue dois, exporting this style of art to Paris as distinctly Swedish ). Naïvism found its precursors and models in symbolism and the art of Paul Gauguin and Henri Rousseau. When reviewing the naïvist works at a 1918 exhibition at Liljevachs Konsthall (Liljevach s Art Hall) in Stockholm, Karl Asplund provided his readers with a short history of the movement, connecting it to Rousseau. He wrote that Swedish artists had adopted Rousseau s characteristic traits including a stylization which can be said to represent a primitive schematic rewriting of reality. 45 Nonetheless, Swedish naïvism was distinct from the French school in that there was no implication in the Swedish term that the artist was entirely unschooled or lacking a formal art education. Instead, this was a genre that was naïve in appearance only. It was characterized by a tension between an adult s awareness of the world and its presentation beneath a veneer of oblivious innocence. The technical language employed was deliberately infantile, using bold colours, asymmetric shapes, and eschewing realistic proportions. This was not due to technical incompetence but was rather a self-conscious stylistic choice, the heart of naïvism lying in the juxtaposition between its surface simplicity and the usually more sinister symbolism presentedçoften through dense intertextual referenceçwithin a childlike frame. Naïve, then, was not a neutral term. Although naïvism as a movement with a particular stylistic language only concerned the visual arts, the term naïve was used much more broadly to refer to practitioners who used deliberately simple languages that were designed to have mass appeal, and it is this use of the term with which Stenhammar identified. The characteristics and associations of the Swedish naïve were as follows, described by Cecilia Widenheim: The naïve can be a disarming strategy against the view of art as technical finesse and brilliance. It can be the expression of vulnerability, playfulness, popular and everyday reality, or sheer artistic coquetry. But also a reaction against academicism, or the tendency to assert the intrinsic value of line, form and color. 46 The way in which Stenhammar invoked the concept of naïvety in his letter to Beckman implies that he also conceived of the naïve as an antidote to academicism. Additionally, naïve art forms were associated with the provincial, which correlates with Stenhammar sçand Lindberg sçdesires to embrace outsider identities within Sweden, 43 ett av Dagens slagord. G. M. S-e, En tjeckisk môlare, Dagens Nyheter,11Nov See K. A., En modernist-utsta«llning: Go«sta Nystro«m i Nya konstgalleriet, Dagens Nyheter, 30 Dec en stilisering som kan sa«gas utgo«ra en primitiv schematisk omskrivning av verkligheten. K. A., Naïvism, Dagens Nyheter, 12 Oct The exhibition included works by Gideon Bo«rje, Eric Hallstro«m, Hilding Linnqvist, Einar Jolin, Axel Nilsson, and Nils von Dardel. 46 Cecilia Widenheim, Utopia and Reality, in Cecilia Widenheim (ed.), Utopia and Reality, trans. Henning Koch, Sylvester Mazzarella, and David McDuff (London, 2002), 42^85 at

9 building a regional theatre in Gothenburg in direct opposition to Stockholm s institutions. REPLACING REALISM In place of realism, Lindberg adopted a stylistic approach based on instinct, specific to each play in question. In his 1927 publication Regiproblem ( Directing Problems ), he discussed how subjective a drama s staging should be, stressing the importance of the individual in the interpretative process: A drama is grown out of a person s mind. There is something in the highest degree unreal, a personal spirituality. This mentality must be present above all on stage. The art work on the stage can never be what Zola felt an art work to be: a piece of nature, seen through a temperament. The art work on the stage must at least be: a piece of art (the poem), seen through a temperament. 47 According to Lindberg, all available theatrical apparatus should be called upon to bring a drama to the stageçlight, sound, and movement were as important as the text in creating the unique tone of every production. He found his model in the theatre of his mentor, Reinhardt, describing how Reinhardt created the unreal personal spirituality that Lindberg felt should underpin theatrical productions: he melted together all the elements of the scenic mixture, actors, poetry, stage design, lighting and music, into one great unity of imagination and rhythm...he searched for a special way of playing each piece, he sought its distinctive rhythm and tone, its atmosphere, its music. 48 Lindberg stressed the intangible nature of his practice, and how he behaved almost unconsciouslyçhis was a theatre based on intuitions and impulses, not logic and rationality. Depicting himself in this way was part of the anti-establishment, anti-theory narrative which Lindberg built around himself during his lifetime, shaping his image of the modern theatre in opposition to the established theatre institutions in Sweden. He distanced himself and his colleagues from theoretical models by depicting these models as unnecessarily restrictive forms of categorization developed by academics and theoreticians, which were then imposed on practitioners who relied on their impulses and had no need or desire for such labels. Discussing Reinhardt s style, Lindberg expressed disdain for attempts to contain his work within various isms associated with mainland European scholarship: If one reads any German account of Reinhardt s development, one is hampered by a series of isms which he is said to have gone through. Presumably he found it easier to go through them than we did to read of them. 49 This was reiterated in his comparison of Reinhardt and Gordon Craig, Lindberg writing that, while the latter had been a theoretical pioneer, Reinhardt 47 Ett drama a«r vuxet fram ur en ma«nniskas hja«rna. Det a«r nôgonting i ho«gsta grad overkligt, en personlig andlighet. Detta mentala môste bevaras vid framfo«randet pô scenen. Konstverket pô scenen kan aldrig vara, vad Zola ansôg att ett konstverk var: ett stycke natur, sett genom ett temperament. Konstverket pô scenen môste Ôtminstone bli: ett stycke konst (dikten), sedd genom ett temperament. Per Lindberg, Regiproblem (Stockholm, 1927), han sma«lt om alla scengestaltningens element, skôdespelare, dikt, scenbild, ljus och musik, till en enda stor enhet av fantasi och rytm...han so«kte ett speciellt spelsa«tt fo«r varje pja«s, han so«kte dess sa«regna rytm och ton, dess atmosfa«r, dess musik. Lindberg, Kring RidÔn, 82, La«ser man nôgon tysk redogo«relse fo«r Reinhardts utveckling sto«ter man pô en rad begrepp pô ism, som han la«r ha gôtt igenom. Fo«rmodligen har han haft la«ttare att gô igenom dem a«n vi att la«sa om dem. Ibid

10 avoided theorization. Instead he was surrounded by those who translated his impulses into slogans, a process by which Lindberg was clearly unimpressed. 50 There is contradiction within Lindberg s conceptions: he repeatedly disavowed theory and isms when applied to Reinhardt by other sources, but was content to label Reinhardt s theatre scenic impressionism, and referred to the modernists whose plays Reinhardt staged. 51 And having a coherent aesthetic standpoint that rejects categorization and promotes personal impulse is, in itself, a form of theory. He chose to make a theoretical virtue of the unconscious and ineffable, but he associated himself with these attributes as way of allowing himself the creative freedom to move between styles, rather than being associated with any one particular aesthetic. Although Lindberg drew heavily on Italian Renaissance painting for the aesthetic of As You Like It, for his production of Till Damaskus (III) only six years later he hired the cubist John Jon-And as his set designer and adopted a style more associated with German Expressionism (Pl. 1). Lindberg s only concern was that whatever style was adopted, the result should not be aimed solely at a bourgeois audience. STENHAMMAR ON THEATRE In his views on the purpose of theatre, Stenhammar revealed himself to be remarkably similar to Lindberg. In his 1909 response to the Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning survey, Stenhammar argued in favour of a financially and conceptually accessible theatre. He, too, wished for a theatre that would appeal to a broad audience, set in opposition to the capital s institutions. Gothenburg had an established rivalry with Stockholm, which Stenhammar drew on throughout the article, to the point that his response sometimes reads as something of a propaganda piece. His choice of language displays an acute awareness of the newspaper s audience, arguing that the existence of a theatreçand how it would be runçwas of utmost importance for local identity. This is best demonstrated by his description of the Royal Theatre in Stockholm, and in comparison how he envisaged Gothenburg s theatre being built. Having produced a damning critique of Stockholm s opera, he turned his attention to the Royal Theatre: Shining white and gilded, expensively decorated and adorned, so that a poor wretch feels ashamed of his not-so-newly-pressed informal suit when he steps inside. The house cost nearly seven million, a million was certainly wasted on its adornment with art work....because the auditorium has a relatively limited number of seats, to keep the books balanced the prices have to be kept at a rate that can hardly be called popular...but we did not dream of our national theatre in this way....our theatre will be big, so that there are seatsçand cheap seatsçfor many, the house will be erected simply and without obtrusive finery, so that even the lowly in society dare venture into it. 52 Stenhammar s attitude towards Stockholm parallels what Lindberg was attempting to achieve. Both practitioners set themselves against more established institutions, por- 50 som o«versatt hans impulser i slagord. Ibid. 51 det var scenisk impressionism, and spelade Reinhardt modernister och klassiker av all slag, ibid. 81, Skinande hvit och fo«rgylld, dyrbart smyckad och pyntad, sô att en fattig stackare ska«ms fo«r sin icke alldeles nypra«ssade kavajkostym, na«r han skall stiga da«r in. BortÔt sju millioner har huset kostat, en million a«r visst nedlagd endast pô dess prydande med konstva«rk....dô ÔskÔdarerummet har ett ganska begra«nsat antal platser, môste man fo«r att fô affa«rerna att gô ihop, hôlla biljettpriser, som svôrligen kunna kallas popula«ra...men a«ndô. Inte dro«mde vi oss nationalteatern pô det sa«ttet....stor skall teatern vara, sô att da«r blir plats, och billig plats fo«r mônga, enkelt och utan prôlande grannlôt skall huset resas, sô att a«fven de ringa i samha«llet skola vôga sig da«rin. Wilhelm Stenhammar, Go«teborgs teaterfrôga: En enque te, Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning, 1 Dec

11 PL. 1. Till Damaskus (III) dir. Per Lindberg, All images are reproduced by permission of the Musik och Teaterbibliotek, Stockholm traying themselvesçand their cityças the audacious outsiders who represented a more genuine, no-nonsense alternative to the profligate waste of the monied bourgeoisie. For the shipping city on the country s west coast, pragmatism was an indispensable attribute of their local identity, opposed to the decadent capital. Stenhammar wrote that Gothenburg should sort its theatre question in a manner that was dignified and simple, calm and earnest 53 to set an example to the rest of the country, encapsulating the city s identification with a sensible and unsentimental approach. Related to this stance was Stenhammar s argument that the theatre should be accessible to as many members in society as possible. As quoted above, Stenhammar wanted the ticket prices to be kept affordable. But audiences were not his only concern. Additionally, his was a vision of a community-run theatre. Regarding the theatre s organization, he wrote that he did not have the expertise to judge whether the municipality should intervene, but in any case he preferred a less directed mode of theatrical management. Stenhammar s plan for the Gothenburg theatre was that citizens should each contribute according to his ability, 54 favouring a collective method of organization over municipal leadership. 53 va«rdigt och enkelt, lugnt och med allvar. Ibid. 54 Vi môste...bidraga hvar eter sin fo«rmôga. Ibid. 362

12 He did not, however, offer any practical solutions for how this organizational structure might work. Idealism and unshakeable belief in the power of artistic conviction characterizes both Stenhammar s questionnaire response and his attitude towards theatre in general. He believed that the theatre should be a place of edification, not a place of amusement, not an institution for temporary time-consuming distraction; but an art institution to pay attention to our language, for the refinement of emotion, for the awakening of thought, for elevation and for liberation from the monotony of everyday life. 55 Consequently his choice of repertory was motivated by the wish for the theatre to house all the ideal figures of high drama, which the human spirit created to refresh itself, 56 naming Sophocles, Shakespeare, Molie' re, and Holberg among acceptable playwrights, as well as all good modern and, naturally, especially Swedish drama. 57 Stenhammar emphasized that of all art forms, it was drama that was best able to provide healthy community spirit and strengthening nutrition. 58 This claim for an aesthetic hierarchy needs to be read with the caveat that it appears within an article trying to convince readers of the necessity for building a theatre in Gothenburg, even in a period of economic hardship. Nonetheless, that Stenhammar viewed drama as nourishment for the soul is corroborated elsewhere in his writings, as documented in a 1909 letter in which he said that he had received a taste of artistic nourishment during his trips to the Intimate Theatre. 59 Having extolled the virtues of building a theatre in Gothenburg, Stenhammar finally turned to how the orchestra might fruitfully be able to collaborate with any theatrical enterprise in the city. He was quite clear that he wanted a partnership between the two institutions. Throughout the article he presented the Orchestral Association as an important predecessor for any theatre in Gothenburg, particularly as it had gained Gothenburg its artistic reputation. Again, he used Gothenburg s orchestra to berate Stockholm, saying that their recent tour to the capital had provided an invaluable service for Stockholm s musical life. 60 The new theatre, then, should (in a selfpromotional vein) build on the foundations laid down by Stenhammar and the Orchestral Association. He argued that the two should work together for the greater good of the city and its people, as a means of public education and improvement. The role that Stenhammar envisaged the orchestra having in the theatre, however, was extremely specific. He cautioned that the city should beware of setting up a standing opera, as it had too small a population to sustain it. 61 He wanted to provide incidental music, but only of a particular type: Personally I hope that we will do away with the obligatory, stylistically repulsive interval music in our theatre. But even without it the orchestra s role is poisoned where incidental music is to a greater or lesser extent prescribed, particularly in the classical literature for 55 icke ett fo«rlustelsesta«lle, icke en anstalt fo«r tillfa«llig tidsfordrifvande fo«rstro«else, utan en konstanstalt till vôrdande af vôrt sprôk, till ka«nslans fo«ra«dlande, till tankens va«ckande, till lyftning och till befrielse frôn hvardagslifvet enahanda. Ibid. 56 det ho«ga dramats idealgestalter, som ma«nniskoanden skapat sig sja«lf till vederkvickelse. Ibid. 57 all god moda«rn och naturligtvis fo«retra«desvis svensk dramatik. Ibid. 58 samha«llssja«len sund och sta«rkade na«ring. Ibid. 59 Wilhelm Stenhammar, 23 Mar. 1909, quoted in Wallner, Wilhelm Stenhammar, iii att gifva Stockholm g jort dess musiklif en ova«rderlig tja«nst. Stenhammar, Go«teborgs teaterfrôga. 61 vi bo«ra akta oss fo«r att ta«nka pô nôgon stôende opera. Ibid. 363

13 which valuable music has been composed: A Midsummer Night s Dream, Egmont, Antigone, Master Olof, etc. 62 This comment offers considerable insight into Stenhammar s aesthetic preferences regarding incidental music. Besides intermission music, Stenhammar also rejected the practice of replacing or supplementing incidental scores with pre-existing pieces of music that were not part of the original incidental music. Beyond signalling Stenhammar s appreciation of staples of the incidental repertory, this indicates that he believed that incidental music was most effective when composed specifically for the play in question. For Stenhammar, incidental music needed to be a part of the play, not separate and detachable from it, which shaped his own approach to incidental composition, as discussed in detail below. In 1909, then, Stenhammar s vision of an ideal theatre was remarkably similar to Lindberg s. He hoped for a theatre that was run by and for the Gothenburg population, a symbol of local pride that could be used as a means of defining themselves against Stockholm. But this theatre was not just for Gothenburg s benefit: Stenhammar hoped that putting Gothenburg on the theatrical map would act as an example to other cities to build their own theatres and concert houses. Diversifying Sweden s cultural map would decentre Stockholm, in the hope that Sweden would eventually have multiple artistic cities. Music and drama would be intertwined in this ideal theatreçthe Orchestra Association would work in tandem with the theatre and perform the incidental music that had been written for the productions in question. AS YOU LIKE IT AS POPULAR SPECTACLE Ahead of the first performance of As You Like It, Lindberg published an essay on the play in his theatre magazine Mellanakt ( Intermission ). 63 He set up the small publication in 1919 to give context for and provide information about his performances. In this essay he laid out a clear manifesto for his Lorensberg Shakespeare: it should be playful, spectacular, and above all accessible. In his bid to create this kind of production, his first concern was the music, and he spent the entirety of the essay s first paragraph discussing it. The production s sound was foremost for Lindberg and he clearly expected it to be an attraction for the audience as well, presenting the play as an opportunity to hear a new score by the city s celebrated composer and conductor, highlighting the newly composed music by Stenhammar from the outset. 64 He continued that it is not just small solo numbers, songs, choruses, string pieces, dances, hunting songs, it is also accompanying music....a whole little pastoral, densely interwoven with the poem. 65 Besides their shared principles on the theatre, choosing Stenhammar as the drama s composer was a shrewd (and convenient) publicity move by Lindberg, given the 62 Fo«r min personliga del vill jag hoppas, att vi skola slippa den obligatoriska, stilvidriga mellanaktsmusiken pô vôr teater, men a«fven den fo«rutan a«r orkesterns medva«rkan gifven i de mônga dramatiska va«rk, sa«rskilt ur den klassiska litteraturen, till hvilken va«rdefull musik finnes komponerad, Midsommarnattsdro«mmen, Egmont, Antigone, Ma«ster Olof m. fl., samt da«r scenmusik i sto«rre eller mindre utstra«ckning a«rfo«reskrifven. I have altered the order and punctuation of this sentence to give greater clarity in translation. Ibid. 63 An abridged form of the essay was republished in Go«teborgs Morgon-Posten and Go«teborgs Posten two days before the premiere. 64 nykomponerad musik av Stenhammar. Per Lindberg, Som ni behagar, Apr. 1920, reprinted in Bertil Nolin (ed.), Lorensbsergsteatern 1916^1934 (Gothenburg, 1991), 133^70 at 144. Henceforth cited as Lindberg, Som ni behagar. 65 det a«r inte bara sma«rre solonummer, sônger, ko«rer, stra«ngaspel, dans, jaktlôtar, det a«r ocksô beledsagande musik till sonetter, madrigaler och littera«rt stiliserade blankverstirader. En hel liten pastoral, ta«t infla«tad i dikten. Ibid. 364

14 former s already considerable standing within Gothenburg in his role as conductor and artistic director of the Symphony Orchestra. Like Stenhammar, Lindberg was aware of how extensively the city s identity was connected to its reputation as a musical city. The unusually high number of references to music in As You Like It was one of the reasons Lindberg chose the text, stating that he would have liked to stage an opera, but instead opted for a musical piece with quite a bit of music. 66 This was not lost on reviewersçbirger B ckstro«m observed: The selection of As You Like It for the Gothenburg public is especially well calculated. 67 The primary goal for the music was to contribute to the spectacle of the production. The flamboyancy that Lindberg stressed as being necessary for modern theatre is clearly evident in his staging of As You Like It, with enormous sets and highly stylized costume designs. The extravagance of the staging was mentioned in the essay, pointing out that the sets contained city and sea and mountains and woods and barn and ferry. 68 Stenhammar s music played a central role in this image of spectacle, both sonically and visually. His score comprises twenty-four numbers and an Intrada. The music runs throughout the entire play, including songs, underscoring, and entr actes (shown in Table 1). The entirety is scored for a combination of strings, woodwinds, horns, and trumpets, with the onstage actors providing the singers for numbers 7, 11, 18, and 22. This was by far his most extensive incidental offering to date, significantly surpassing the three numbers that he provided for his first collaboration with Lindberg, Lodolezzi sjunger ( Lodolezzi sings, 1919). Additionally, the musicians were incorporated into the visuals of the production. Lindberg highlighted in his publicity article that The orchestra does not sit together in their usual placesçthey are spread around widely, with the effect that their music will sound as though from inside the forests and across the expanses. 69 During the Intrada the trumpeters walked through the auditorium in costume, 70 exploiting the Lorensberg s rich acoustic, which Stenhammar had previously commented on when composing Ett dro«mspel. Hewrotein November 1916 that it was a room where my music swims around, so I can only sit uncritical, happy, and bask in the wonderful sound. 71 This overt spatializing of the musical experience was part of Lindberg s attempt to create the collective audience immersion that he deemed central to the experience of modern theatre. Describing the ideal audience experience in Kring RidÔn, hespoke of Reinhardt s circus theatres thus: An arena where the audience did not just consist of small art-political coteries but all of us in such a mass that we can really feel the connection with each otherçthere is something more than the ever-so-delicate pleasure of leisurely quiet enjoyment of the traditional theatre s half-private world Ibid. 67 Valet av Som ni behagar a«rfo«rgo«teborgspublikens del sa«rskilt va«lbera«knat. B. B-m [Birger B ckstro«m], Som ni behagar pô Lorensbergsteatern, Go«teborgs Handels- och Sjo«fartstidning,10 Apr stad och hav och berg och skog och ladugôrd och feerier. Lindberg, Som ni behagar, Orkestern sitter inte samlad pô sin vanliga platsçden a«r spridd vida omkring och dess musik skall liksom tona inifrôn skogarna och uto«ver vidderna. Ibid Per Lindberg and Wilhelm Stenhammar, Musikregimanus (Musik och Teaterbiblioteket, Stockholm, Wilhelm Stenhammar Collection). 71 ett rum, da«r min musik simmar omkring, sô jag bara sitter kritiklo«st lycklig och lapar i mig den underbara klangen. Wilhelm Stenhammar quoted in Wallner, Stenhammar, ii En arena, da«r publiken inte bara bestôr av smô konstpolitiska kotterier utan av oss alla i sôdan massa, att vi verkligen kan ka«nna sambandet med varannçdet a«rdocknôgotfo«r mer a«n det aldrig sô delikata behaget att i maklig ro njuta av den traditionella teaterns halvprivata va«rld. Lindberg, Kring RidÔn,

16 TABLE 1. Continued Number Cue Key Time signature Used in performance 10. Allegretto Close of Act II, Scene vi 11. Allegretto moderato Act II, Scene vii: Song Blow, blow, thou winter wind 12. Presto Originally Act III, Scene i; music direction book suggests moved to close of Act I, Scene iii Amajor 6/8 Yes E minor 4/4 Yes D minor 6/8 ^ 2/4 Yes 13. Andante Act III, Scene ii G major 12/8 ^ 4/4 Yes 14. Act III, Scene ii G minor 4/4 Yes 15. Act III, Scene ii G major 4/4 Yes 16. Allegretto Close of Act III, Scene ii C major 6/8 Yes 17. Lento grazioso 18. Allegro vivace/adagio Act III, Scenes iv & 5, Act IV, Scene i Act IV, Scene ii: Song What shall he have that killed the deer C minor 3/4 Second half only B minor/ G major 6/8^4/4 19. Lento Unknown C minor 3/4 Yes 20. Adagio Act V, Scene i G major 4/4 Yes 21. Act V, Scene ii Bb major 4/4 Yes 22. Allegretto Act V, Scene iii: Song It was a lover and his lass F major 6/8 Yes 23. Andante Act 5, Scene iv Bb major 6/8 Yes 24. Maestoso Act 5, Scene iv: Play, D major 3/4 Yes Music! Stenhammar s music was designed to create a similar experience for Gothenburg s audiences. The placement of the musicians was later picked up by the critics, who seemed to be in agreement that it was the music that created the sense of an expansive forest and enhanced (or perhaps generated) an atmosphere of jubilant theatrical extravagance. Ejnar Smith spoke of how The party was blown in by the green-clad trumpeters from the side of the auditorium; they sang out their last fanfare into the air before the scenery s red velvet draperies. 73 Another rapturous reviewer wrote that the Yes 73 festen blôses in av gro«nkla«dda trumpetare frôn ÔskÔdaresalens sidor; de sjunga ut sin sista ga«lla fanfar framfo«r scenens ro«da sammetsfo«rlôt. Ejnar Smith, En Scenstudie. 367

17 trumpet fanfares characterized the mood of the entire production, giving it a triumphal atmosphere, a proud tone of victory and festival. 74 Furthermore, this author recorded that the overall impression left by the production was sonic, concluding the review with the observation: Even at the time of writing the hunting chorus and horn calls ring in my ears, mocking laughter and languorous sighs, the whole of Shakespearean drama s peerless melody. I believe that they might continue for a long time yet. 75 For both director and critics, the audience experience offered by Lindberg s modern theatre was centred around music. As well as the distribution of the musicians, the manner in which Stenhammar composed the music around the text contributed to the impression of a seamless, coherent world in which the drama plays out. The defining aspect of Stenhammar s score is how closely it is interwoven with the spoken text. As discussed above, Stenhammar had expressed vehement opposition to the practice of substituting incidental scores for other pieces not originally intended for the play in question. His own approach to composing incidental music explains the strength of his convictions on the topic. In an article published posthumously in 1954, Lindberg recalled Stenhammar s compositional process for As You Like It. He wrote that Stenhammar was often present at the company s rehearsals, and in the final week came with watchinhand. 76 Given how much of the music was either in dialogue with the actors or playing while they were speaking, Stenhammar timed the actors to ensure that the music would fit exactly with their speeches. Throughout his manuscript there are often annotations which indicate times, and in many movements he wrote music that could be repeated for an indefinite period of time to allow for variations in how the actors performed on the night. As a consequence the interaction between actors and musicians is so precise that Wallner argues that Stenhammar s method made the music extremely difficult to transfer to other productions and would have been better suited to the exactitude required of music for radio dramas. 77 Numbers 2b and 2c (Ex. 1) are illustrative of this precise scoring. Number 2b constitutes a trumpet fanfare and string underscoring for Charles and Orlando s fight, and 2c a string melody and accompaniment that underscores Duke Frederick and Orlando s subsequent conversation. During the fight, Stenhammar repeats alternating bars of fortissimo tonic and minor dominant chords within D minor until the fight ends, using the punctuating chords to add energy to the onstage violence. As Charles is carried offstage, however, the mood immediately shifts through a series of small but significant changes to the texture, moving the emphasis from physical altercation to emotional tension. The first violin enters with a sequential melody that still alternates around tonic and minor dominant chords, but the melodic line concludes on the fifth scale degree. In part this is practical, as it allows the melody to be repeated until Orlando and the Duke finish their conversation, but emotively it also robs the music of a sense of conclusion, creating an increased emphasis on the strained relationship between the two characters. This is emphasized by the alteration of the minor dominant harmonyç Stenhammar moves the third of the scale and replaces it with a dissonant fourth and seventhçand the inclusion of a tremolo in the second violin throughout. 74 en triumfsta«mning, en stolt ton af seger och ho«gtid. C. R. U-s, Som ni behagar. 75 A«nnu i skrifvandets stund klingar i mina o«ron ja«garko«rer och valdthorn, ga«ckande skratt och sma«ktande suckar, hela det shakespeaerska dramats ofo«rlikneliga melodi. Jag tror, att de komma att fo«lja la«nge a«n. Ibid. 76 Med klockan i hand. Per Lindberg, Wilhelm Stenhammar och Lorensbergsteatern, Morgon Tidningen, 24 Jan Wallner, Stenhammar, iii

18 EX.1. As You Like It, Nos. 2b and 2c 369

19 The main motif from No. 2c is then used as the basis for No. 3a, which underscores Rosalind s banishment from the court, creating a symmetry between Orlando and Rosalind s emotional states. Again, this movement is constructed from short, enclosed sections designed to be repeated for as long as the actors are speaking. This type of melodic construction is only used for the court scenes, associating the court with a tense, almost nervous sound that is quite opposed to the more expansive material used for the scenes in Arden. This contrast is made explicit in Act III, Scenes i^ii, which constitute Duke Frederick instructing Oliver to find Orlando, underscored by No. 12, and Orlando pinning his love poetry to Arden s trees, accompanied by No. 13. Material from No. 2c is reused for No. 12, but No. 13 is in a simple pastoral style, a single melody line over a series of sustained chords in G major in the strings. The sudden drop in both tempo and rate of harmonic change is drastic, Stenhammar using the immediate juxtaposition to create the sense that the court and Arden exist in two separate temporal and emotional spheres. Orlando s love-poetry scene drew attention from reviewers, not all of it favourable. Edvard Alkman, for one, complained that the trees on which Orlando hangs his verses were grotesque hawthorn trees ç Is this Arden s romantic and protective forest, one asks oneself. 78 For this critic, it was only the horns and hunting calls 79 that signalled that scene was indeed in a forest setting, the disjuncture between the musical and visual signifiers preventing Lindberg s Arden from being bucolic. AS YOU LIKE IT AS ANTI-ACADEMICISM Beyond the effects created within the performance itself, Lindberg s publicity essay elaborated on As You Like It s ability to appeal to contemporary audiences through the simplicity of its text. He foregrounded an image of Shakespeare as a layman s poet, penning the lives of ordinary people. His summary of the play was that it does not portray some big events. It is simply a theatre piece, in the pastoral style and written for a wedding party, to the young lovers delight! 80 His actual appreciation of the text seems to have been much more multifaceted, hinting briefly that of much more is told. Of culture diseases, of cunning, cruelty, betrayal....exultant joy and overarching melancholy go side by side. 81 But within this essay, Lindberg did not choose to rest on Shakespeare as philosophical extemporizer. Instead, he presented As You Like It as the comic result of Shakespeare s happiest time, among the comedies which, generation after generation, have been one of mankind s best sources of joy. 82 Furthermore, he drew parallels between Shakespeare s audiences and his own, writing that the former were just like ourselves, only more cheerful, more defiantly happy, more full of life s delightful adventure. 83 The publicity image of Lindberg s As You Like It was a truly restorative Shakespeare, presented as a cultural balm for the post-war years. In keeping with this conception of Shakespeare as both timeless and spectacular, the design choices made for As You Like It were motivated by a rejection of historically 78 groteska hagtornstra«den ; A«r detta Ardennernas romantiska och ha«gnande skog, frôgar man sig. E. A., Som ni behagar, GÔrddagens Shakspere-premia«r. 79 Valthornen och jaktskallen ; ibid. 80 skildrar icke nôgra stora ha«ndelser. Det a«rra«tt och sla«tt ett teaterstycke, i herdestil och skrivet fo«renbro«llopsfest, till de unga a«lskandes gla«dje! Lindberg, Som ni behagar, om mycket annat bera«ttas det. Om kultursjukdomar, om lo«mskhet, grymhet, svek....jublande gla«dje och o«verblickande vemod gôr sida om sida. Ibid. 146^7. 82 A ren kring 1600 a«r hans lyckligaste tid, generation efter generation, varit en av ma«nsklighetens ba«sta gla«djeka«llor. Ibid alldeles lika oss sja«lva, bara mera jublande, mera trotsigt glada, mera fyllda av livets ljuvliga a«ventyr. Ibid

20 informed, academic theatre. The set designer was Knut Stro«m, who had previously studied in Dresden and later went on to direct productions at the Lorensberg and elsewhere in Sweden. He was as enthusiastic about theatrical modernism as Lindberg. Consequently he drew on a variety of influences from different time periods, eschewing the sense of concrete periodization that defined the realist productions that Lindberg so despised. As Isaac Gru«newald put it, All simple realism was excommunicated 84 ç the visual aspects of the production referred to an eclectic mix of eras, often appearing on stage simultaneously. Many of the costumes (particularly those of the men of the court) are recognizably Elizabethan, but they appeared in the context of an enormous staircase and balustrade for the court scenes that is redolent of Italian Renaissance architecture (Pl. 2) and the grand neo-baroque style adopted by Reinhardt for his production of Jedermann ( Everyman ) at the Salzburg Festival, also in For the forest scenes, however, Stro«m constructed a small forest hut that is more reminiscent of rural Sweden than medieval or Elizabethan England (Pl. 3). The stage and set offered a potpourri image of Shakespeare s England as seen through multiple sources. This decision was not prompted by ignorance on the part of the creative team. Lindberg gave a series of lectures on Shakespeare, his notes for which indicate his extensive knowledge of Shakespeare s stage and the realities of theatre life in Jacobethan England. 85 The choice to mix styles was deliberate. Lindberg s friend, Axel Romdahl, elaborated on how Lindberg decided on a stage style for each production, in an essay published in 1944: First the director came to a decision about the essential content of the respective paragraphs, and marked the time and style in which it should be dressed. The selection is by no means obvious. Should Hamlet be set in the Middle Ages or Renaissance...As You Like It played in a Nordic court or in the South [?]...Per Lindberg worked intensively on this problem and sought different solutions until he came to one which seemed to him the best answer to the idea of the piece. 86 As part of his process of seeking different solutions, Lindberg would consult with friends to get their input. A meeting with friends is, according to Romdahl, how As You Like It acquired its visual aesthetic. Lindberg decided to base the scenery on paintings by Titian after a friend lent him a book on the artist s work. Romdahl explained that the justification for this was the desire to evoke the piece s style...not copy the time s style, but added that a learned specialist would probably have had cause to object to some of his costumes. 87 Stenhammar adopted a similar approach to historical and geographical accuracy, the overall result of which is a score that is as stylized as the visuals. Multiple numbers that directly follow each other employ contrasting idioms, for example Nos Alla simpel realism bannlyst. Isaac Gru«newald, En mo«nstergill Shaksperefo«resta«llningçi Go«teborg!, Stockholms Tidningen, Apr Per Lindberg, Shakespeare anteckningen (Musik och Teaterbibliotek, Ga«ddviken archives, Per Lindberg collection). 86 Fo«rst valdes efter den uppfattning regisso«ren kommit till om respektive styckes va«sentliga innehôll och pra«gel den tids- och stildra«kt i vilken det skulle kla«das. Valet a«r ingalunda sja«lvfallet. Skall Hamlet fo«rla«ggas till medeltid eller rena«ssans...som Ni behagar spela vid ett nordiskt hov eller i So«dern....Per Lindberg arbetade intensivt med dessa problem och so«kte olika lo«sningar efter varandra till dess han kom pô den som syntes honom ba«st svara mot styckets ide. Axel Romdahl, Lorensbergsteatern 1919^1923, in Signe Lindberg (ed.), En bok om Per Lindberg (Stockholm, 1944), 37^80 at Det var styckets stil han ville tra«ffa, icke kopiera tidens stil...en la«rd specialist skulle nog haft en del att invanda mot vissa av hans kostymer. Ibid. 44. Emphases original. 371

21 PL. 2. Duke Frederick s Court PL. 3. Arden Forest 372

22 EX.2. As You Like It, No.8,bb.12^19 and 9. The eighth (Ex. 2) evokes a Romantic, dream-like atmosphere, using a decorative flute melody over a G major pedal in the strings that is remarkably similar to the texture used by Grieg for Morning Mood in his incidental music to Peer Gynt. This is the first music heard throughout the play that introduces the idea of the forest as a possible site of erotic encounter, and the opening of the flute melody is later developed in No. 13 in Orlando s love-poetry scene. However, the succeeding movement (No. 9) 373

23 EX.3. As You Like It, No.9,bb.1^12 374

24 uses a Baroque topic, scored for an oboe melody over a walking bass (Ex. 3). The walking bass is particularly evocative: No. 9 was used for Scenes iv and vi in Act II, accompanying the entry of Rosalind, Celia, Adam, and Orlando into the forest declaring that they are weary and in need of food, the bass line expressing their fatigue and melancholy. As with Stro«m s visuals, Stenhammar s score does not evoke a particular era, but instead adopts whichever style he felt was most appropriate to the scene in question. Even where Stenhammar drew directly on historical sources, he did not aim for historical correctness. His manuscript contains sketches with transcriptions of horn calls and fanfares by Marquis Marc Antoine de Dampierre (1676^1756), Louis XV s Master of the Hunt from 1727 (the first page of these is shown in Pl. 4). 88 These seem to have constituted Stenhammar s research for the Intrada, which is comprised entirely of trumpet fanfares and horn calls. The French fanfares provided the very loose basis on which Stenhammar based the sections for brass instruments, but he transferred over only intervals and rhythms, rather than lifting the melodies directly (Ex. 4a). In the final event the Intrada is closer to a paraphrase of the hunt scherzo from Bruckner s Symphony No. 4, a work that would definitely have been familiar to Stenhammar (Ex. 4b). 89 The Intrada was a twentieth-century Swedish imagining of Elizabethan England, as filtered through both German Romanticism and the French Baroque. SONGS IN AS YOU LIKE IT All the critics who reviewed Lindberg s production agreed that AsYou Like It was a play of two humours, displaying the simultaneous presence of frivolity and lugubriousness. The reviewer for Go«teborgs-Posten labelled it a symphony...a Nordic symphony mostly in the minor mode, despite all the play s gaiety...with much pain and anguish at the bottom....it is the struggle between evil and good, between light and darkness. 90 Shakespeare creates this doubleness partly through opposing merry and melancholy world-views, the latter represented primarily by Jaques. Of all the movements in Stenhammar s score, the songs seem to have made a particular impression on the reviewers. Almost unanimously, they agreed that the songs most cogently expressed the dualism of a light-heartedness that knowingly conceals an underlying gloom, and that they were so successful because of the simplicity of Stenhammar s musical language. One of the rare ambivalent reviews criticized Stenhammar s score for not being extensive enough, but wished the whole work could have been of the same quality as the songs: In the exquisitely simple and unpretentious fashion maintained by the songs...more inspired by Jaques s melancholy than by the Arden forest s coolness, one got an impression of how intimately Stenhammar had penetrated into the drama s spiritual depths They are taken from Dampierre s set of horn calls published in 1734 as an appendix to Les Dons des Enfans de Latone ( The Gifts of the Children of Latona ). 89 Stenhammar particularly admired Bruckner, introducing Sweden to his music in 1900 with a performance of the Seventh Symphony. Given the forest and hunting associations of the Fourth Symphony s scherzo, it would be a particularly appropriate point of reference for the incidental score. 90 Det a«r en symfoni...en nordisk symfoni mest i moll, trots all den spelande munterheten...med mycken sma«rta och vônda pô botten....det a«r kamp mellan ont och gott, mellan ljus och mo«rker. E. A., Som ni behagar, GÔrddagens Shakspere-premia«r. 91 Av de i utso«kt enkel och okonstlad viston hôllna sôngerna...mera av Jaques melankoli a«n av Ardennerviddens kyla inspirerade...fick man intryck av, hur intimt Stenhammar tra«ngt in i dramats andliga djup. E. A, Som ni behagar : Ett par mo«jligheter till. 375

25 PL. 4. Stenhammar s transcriptions of horn calls by Dampierre The first song in the play is Amiens s Under the greenwood tree (Act II, Scene v), where he sings of a blissful union between human and nature. In Shakespeare s text, this is a distinctly jovial, communal moment, with the rest of the Lords joining Amiens for the refrain. Stenhammar s setting, however, changes the mood entirely. The song is in E minor, introduced by a horn call that imparts a plaintive 376