Saturday, September 12, 2015

The Extraordinary General Meeting (“EGM”) of the Malaysian Bar, that took place at the Renaisance Hotel on 12/9/2015 achieved quorum at 9:59 am, with 502 Members signed in. The attendance thereafter swelled to 1,040. The EGM was adjourned at 12.47pm.

One motion tabled by Steven Thiruneelakandan, as Chairman of the Bar Council and on behalf of the Bar Council was considered and passed with a thumping majority.

The resolution,which includes 2 Appendixes, is a good read as it captures almost all relevant matters, and it has many footnotes that directs us to the sources.

The Resolution, amongst others, mandates the Bar Council to even consider the possibility of '...instituting a legal suit(s)...'..if deemed appropriate.See Resolution (e) below in bold red for the exact words used.

The full text of the resolution adopted at the EGM is reproduced below.

Resolution on the
allegations of financial impropriety concerning 1MDB and its related companies,
the transfer of MYR2.6 billion and the flow of MYR42 million into the Prime Minister’s
personal bank accounts, and matters in connection therewith

WHEREAS:

(1) There have been numerous media reports on
allegations of serious financial impropriety concerning 1Malaysia Development
Berhad (“1MDB”), a company wholly-owned by the Government of Malaysia.

(2) On 11 May 2015, the
then-Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (“PAC”) of Parliament and Member
of Parliament for Pulai, Datuk Nur Jazlan bin Mohamed, issued a statement,
stating that the PAC would start its inquiry into 1MDB and that it intended to
question several persons, including the present Chief Executive Officer of
1MDB, Arul Kanda Kandasamy, as well as his predecessor, Datuk Shahrul Ibrahim
Halmi.1 Both were initially scheduled to give evidence on 26 May
2015.2 This was later adjourned to 4 and 5 August 20153 at their request (but did not ultimately take place).

(3) On 2 July 2015, the Wall
Street Journal (“WSJ”)4 and Sarawak Report (“SR”)5 reported that government investigation documents had
disclosed that:

(a) funds amounting to
approximately USD700 million (MYR2.6 billion) were transferred into the
personal bank accounts of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib
bin Tun Abdul Razak (“Prime Minister”) in AmIslamic Bank Berhad in March 2013.
WSJ also reported that the original source of the funds was unclear and the
subsequent use of the funds was unknown; and

(b) another set of funds totalling
MYR42 million was transferred from SRC International Sdn Bhd (“SRC”, a former
subsidiary of 1MDB) to Gandingan Mentari Sdn Bhd, then to Ihsan Perdana Sdn
Bhd, and finally to the personal bank accounts of the Prime Minister.

(4) On 3 July 2015, the Prime
Minister responded to the aforementioned reports by WSJ and SR, stating, “I
have never taken funds for personal gain as alleged by my political opponents —
whether from 1MDB, SRC International or other entities, as these companies have
confirmed.”6
On 8 July 2015, the Prime Minister issued
another statement reiterating, “I have never taken 1MDB funds for personal
gain.”7

(8) On 7 July 2015, in a joint
media statement, the Special Task Force announced that based on the
investigations undertaken by the agencies represented in the Special Task
Force, an order to freeze six bank accounts of suspected parties was issued on
6 July 2015.11
In addition, investigators seized documents
relating to 17 bank accounts from two banks to facilitate the investigation.
Investigators also seized documents pertaining to noncompliance of BNM’s rules
and procedures by the banks involved.

(8A) On 8 July 2015, the Special
Task Force raided the office of 1MDB in Kuala Lumpur and seized documents and
computers. Earlier, on 3 July 2015, the Special Task Force had also raided the
offices of SRC, Gandingan Mentari Sdn Bhd and Ihsan Perdana Sdn Bhd, and also
seized documents.

(9) On 8 July 2015, the Malaysian
Bar issued a press statement12 urging:

(a) The Special
Task Force to conduct a comprehensive, detailed, and unfettered investigation
into the allegations made by WSJ and SR; and

(b) The Prime Minister to take a
leave of absence from office pending the outcome of the ongoing investigation
of the Special Task Force, to avoid any perception of interference by him in
the investigation, as the Attorney General is the chief legal advisor to the
Government, the MACC is under the purview of the Prime Minister’s Department,
and BNM falls under the portfolio of the Minister of Finance (who is the Prime
Minister).

(10) Between 21 to 26 July 2015, five individuals were detained by
the MACC over the investigation into 1MDB, and subsequently released. They were
Jerome Lee, group executive director of Putrajaya Perdana Berhad, Datuk Shamsul
Anwar Sulaiman of Ihsan Perdana Sdn Bhd, and three other individuals — Ariffin
Ismail Shahul Hameed, Datuk Rosman Abdullah and Tazri Talib.13

(11) Various actions, including administrative action,
have been taken to harass and intimidate those who have been critical of 1MDB
and the Prime Minister:

(a) On 24 June 2015, the Minister of Home Affairs,
Dato’ Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid bin Hamidi, accused The Edge Media Group (the
publisher of The Edge FinancialDaily) and its owner Datuk Tong Kooi Ong, of publishing inaccurate
reports and false information relating to 1MDB.14 On 29
June 2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a show-cause letter to The
Edge Financial Daily over its reports on 1MDB15, giving it seven days to provide a written explanation on
why action should not be taken against it under the Printing Presses and
Publications Act 1984;

(b) On 1 July 2015, the publisher and Chief Operating
Officer of The Edge Media Group, Ho Kay Tat, in response to the show-cause
letter, sought clarification as to 4 which were the offending articles relied
upon by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and reiterated that all their articles
were based on carefully evaluated evidence and were truthful;16

(c) On 19 July 2015, the Malaysian Communications and
Multimedia Commission issued an administrative order17 under Section 211 and Section 233 of the Communications and
Multimedia Act 1998 to block the SR website, due to perceived threats to
national security. SR has been one of the sources of allegations of wrongdoing
involving 1MDB, which has implicated the Prime Minister;

(d) On 20 July 2015,
subsequent to the said disclosure by WSJ and SR, The Edge Financial Daily, which had been publishing a series of articles critical
of financial transactions involving 1MDB, published a flow-chart detailing the
money trail involving global banks in an article titled, “How Jho Low &
PetroSaudi schemed tosteal money from the people of Malaysia via 1MDB”. 18 In an accompanying note, the publisher stated that its report
was based on evidence that included bank transfer documents and bank
statements, and that they would be handing over these documents and the hard
disk that contained them to the investigators. The publisher maintained that
their reports on 1MDB “had exposed how a group of individuals —Malaysians and foreigners — schemed a multi-billion ringgit fraud against
the people of Malaysia”;

(e) On 22 July 2015, it was discovered that the
Director General of Immigration, under the Immigration Act 1959/63, had imposed
a ban on overseas travel on Member of Parliament for Petaling Jaya Utara, Tony
Pua Kiam Wee; Member of Parliament for Pandan, Mohd Rafizi Ramli;19 and Datuk Tong Kooi Ong,20 without
providing any reason. These persons had been at the forefront of criticism of
1MDB or in the exposé of alleged wrongdoing concerning 1MDB;

(f) On 23 July
2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs, under Section 7(1) of the Printing Presses
and Publications Act 1984, imposed a three-month suspension order on TheEdge Weekly and The Edge Financial Daily, on grounds of possible
public alarm over the publication of reports concerning 1MDB and allegations in
them that implicate the government and national leaders.21 The Edge has commenced a judicial review action against the
Minister of Home Affairs, and has been granted leave to challenge the
suspension order but has failed to obtain a stay against the order;22 and

(g) On 23 July 2015, Ho Kay Tat was summoned for
questioning by the Royal Malaysian Police (Polis DiRaja Malaysia, “PDRM”) over
articles relating to 1MDB that were carried in The Edge Financial Daily, for
an offence under Section 124B of the Penal Code.23 On 28
July 2015, it was reported that PDRM had summoned Ho Kay Tat for questioning
again and further, Datuk Tong Kooi Ong as well.24

(a)
Tan Sri Gani, the then-Attorney General and a pivotal member of the Special
Task Force, was abruptly removed from office, barely 69 days from his
retirement date, purportedly due to his failing health. In his place, the
Government appointed Federal Court Judge Tan Sri Dato’ Sri Haji Mohamed Apandi
bin Haji Ali (“Tan Sri Apandi”);26

(b) The Director of the
Special Branch (“SB”) of the PDRM, Datuk Seri Akhil Bulat, was abruptly
replaced, three weeks before his contract expired, and put on retirement leave;27

(c) The then-Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin; and
the then-Minister of Rural and Regional Development, Dato’ Seri Haji Mohd
Shafie bin Haji Apdal (both of whom had publicly called on the Prime Minister
to explain the scandal engulfing 1MDB) were dismissed from Cabinet by the Prime
Minister;28 and

(d) Four of the 13 members of the PAC — which
had been investigating the 1MDB allegations — including its Chairman,
were appointed Minister or Deputy Minister, in effect disqualifying them from
membership of the PAC and crippling the PAC’s ongoing investigation into 1MDB.29 The PAC proceedings scheduled on 4 and 5 August 2015, for
the evidence of the present and former CEO of 1MDB to be taken, were postponed
by the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, who said the PAC could not proceed until
the new Chairman is selected.30

(14) On 29 July 2015, the
five MACC oversight panels issued a joint press statement appealing for the
Special Task Force to be allowed to conduct the investigation without any
interference or pressure from third parties.31

(15) On 30
July 2015, SR disclosed two purported draft charge sheets in an article
entitled“Arrest Warrant for the Prime Minister — The Real Reason the Attorney
General WasFired”, and alleged that the purported draft charge sheets were the
reasons for the removal of Tan Sri Gani.32 The first
alleged charge sheet stated that the Prime Minister and other persons had
committed corruption offences under the MACC Act 2009. The second alleged
charge sheet stated that the Prime Minister, as Finance Minister and “Ameritus
[sic] Advisor” to SRC, had committed criminal breach of trust under the
Penal Code. Both Tan Sri Apandi33 and the MACC34 have denied the existence of these alleged charge sheets.

(16) On 30 July 2015, MACC issued a press statement,35 denying that its officers were involved in a conspiracy to
topple the Government, and that, as an independent 6 commission, it is
responsible for conducting investigation freely, transparently and
professionally, without fear and favour, regardless of the persons involved.

(17) On 1 August 2015, a former adviser to the MACC, Tan Sri Rashpal Singh; a
member of the secretariat for administration and finance of the anti-money
laundering task force at the Attorney General’s Chambers (“AGC”), Jessica
Gurmeet Kaur; and a Deputy Public Prosecutor seconded from the AGC to the MACC,
Ahmad Sazilee Abdul Khairi; were arrested, and subsequently released.36 The office and home of at least one of them was raided, and
documents related to MACC’s investigations were reportedly removed.37

(18) As at early August 2015, MACC personnel became the
focus of police investigation into allegations of leaking of confidential
information and involvement in a supposed conspiracy to overthrow the
Government, purportedly in violation of Section 124B of the Penal Code. These
actions taken by the authorities against the MACC are listed in
Appendix A. In this regard:

(a) Minister in the Prime Minister’s
Department in charge of governance and integrity, Senator Datuk Paul Low Seng
Kuan, reportedly stated on 6 August 2015 that PDRM“are showing high-handedness”, and that it “is important that [MACC]
do what they need to do.”38

(b) The Chairman of MACC’s
Consultation and Corruption Prevention Panel Tan Sri Johan Jaaffar expressed “dismay
over the spate of raids and arrests by the police”, and “reiterated the
need for the agency to be allowed to execute its dutiesunhindered”. 39

(19) On 3 August 2015, the
MACC issued a statement stating that the MYR2.6 billion in the Prime Minister’s
personal bank accounts did not originate from 1MDB but was a“donation”. 40 The MACC also announced that
it intended to question the Prime Minister on the “donation”.41 To date, there has been no indication that the MACC have
indeed questioned the Prime Minister.

(20) On 5 August 2015, PDRM obtained a
warrant of arrest42 against Clare Rewcastle-Brown
@ Clare Louise Brown, a journalist based in the UK who runs the SR website, in
relation to investigation under Sections 124B and 124I of the Penal Code, for
publishing a false report on the purported draft charge sheets in the article
entitled “Arrest Warrant for thePrime Minister — The Real Reason the Attorney General Was Fired” in
order to implicate the Prime Minister for criminal offences. PDRM subsequently
submitted a request for a “red notice” to Interpol. The request was reviewed by
Interpol, and subsequently refused on 9 August 2015.43

(21) On 5 August 2015, the Special Task Force was
disbanded by Tan Sri Apandi Ali.44 Further, it was reported
that a new task force named the National Revenue Recovery Enforcement Team
(“NRRET”) — consisting of the AGC, BNM, PDRM, the Customs Department and
the Inland Revenue Board — was set up by the AGC.45 The Acting Chief Commissioner of the MACC reportedly said
that the MACC had been excluded from the NRRET but it will continue with its
investigation.46
Subsequently, on 25 August 2015, the AGC
announced that the MACC is one of the eight entities in NRRET, and that “NRRETis not in any way involved with any investigations involving 1MDB and its
related companies.”47

(22) On 9 August 2015, the
IGP announced that the investigation into the MACC has been temporarily
postponed to avoid “various assumptions that were made that had alteredpublic perception”,48 and the MACC has recently
announced that it is still investigating the “donation”49 as well as the funds transferred from SRC into the Prime
Minister’s personal bank accounts.

(23) On 13 August 2015, the IGP stated that
PDRM had questioned seven BNM officers under the Financial Services Act 2013
over the leak of confidential information/documents.50 He had earlier said that PDRM would haul up several
officers from BNM and other commercial banks for questioning in its
investigation into the leaking of confidential information/documents.51 PDRM have also taken action against the officers of BNM.

(24) On 13 August 2015, Tan Sri Zeti stated that BNM had completed its
investigation, which were relating to transactions by 1MDB, and had submitted
its investigation papers to the Attorney General with the recommendations for
the appropriate enforcement action.52 She also
said, “I have to be very careful with what I say that it has to be within
the confines ofthe law. Otherwise, the moment I step out ofthis door, I will face arrest
for talking about an individual account. I am sure you don’t want that to happen.”53

(24A) Also on 13 August 2015, Tan Sri Zeti is reported to
have said that investigating MYR2.6 billion in donations to the Prime
Minister’s personal bank accounts is not within BNM’s purview.54

(25) Subsequent to the replacement of the Director of the
Special Branch on 28 July 2015, the Deputy Director of the Special Branch of
the PDRM, Datuk Abdul Hamid Bador, was abruptly transferred out of the Special
Branch on 19 August 2015 to the Prime Minister’s Department.55 He has since alleged that there was a secret “Hang Tuah”
gang behind moves to hide information56 and witnesses57 relating to 1MDB, and that his transfer to the Prime
Minister’s Department was to put him in “cold storage” in a post that
was “nonexistent”.58 He has also alleged that
witnesses are hiding abroad with the help of certain parties.59 He has since been issued with a show-cause letter.60

(25A) On 20 August 2015, it was reported that the AGC had
terminated the services of Jessica Gurmeet Kaur, and there were subsequently
issues concerning the revocation of her permanent residency status in Malaysia.61

(26) In an interview to the press on 16 August 2015,62 the Urban Wellbeing, Housing and Local Government Minister
Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan appeared to imply that the Prime Minister had
interfered in the MACC’s investigation into the deposit of funds from SRC and
the transfer of MYR2.6 billion, into the Prime Minister’s personal bank
accounts.

(27) In the said interview, Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan spoke of an
alleged deliberate attempt to “criminalise” the Prime Minister and force
him out of office. It was also reported that he had stated that “drastic
action” was needed to “take these people out first”, and there was a
“… flurry of action taken by the Prime Minister”.

(28) On 30 August
2015, former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad held a press conference,
where he is reported to have said, “… He (The Prime Minister) had no proof so to tackle the PAC, Public Accounts Committee, he offered them jobs to
become DeputyMinister. This is a kind of bribery. And now the PAC is not functioning. The
other agencies also cannot work because whenever you make a report, the police
will not take action. And the new AG will not take action. So, he has undermined the
constitution and the legal system of this country. There is no more rule of law ... He
created 1MDB to borrow money and then the money disappeared. And suddenly 2.6bil ringgit
appeared inhis account. Not in UMNO but in his account. He is using this money to bribe
people.So, we want to ask, why did you stop the investigation on your 2.6bil. Where
did thismoney come from? Don’t tell lies about Arabs giving 2.6bil. No Arab will
give toanybody that kind of money. Nobody will give a lot of money to anybody, not
that amount,2.6bil. So, where does the money come from? The only money that can come
maybethrough 1MDB.”63

(29) The categorisation of the
funds as a “donation” raises more questions than answers. There has been
further varying and contradictory accounts or explanations as to the origin and
purpose of the “donation”, as seen in Appendix B. Questions also abound
as to why a substantial part of the funds were subsequently remitted out of the
country to Singapore. The Prime Minister’s personal bank account was then
closed.64

(30) The series of events since the disclosure by WSJ and
SR have given rise to the inference that there has been interference in, and
obstruction of, the investigation to the point where investigation has been
compromised.

(31) The drastic, oppressive and chilling measures taken since 28
July 2015 appear to have derailed, hindered or obstructed the investigations or
inquiries into 1MDB, the remittance of MYR2.6 billion, and the remittance of
MYR42 million by SRC into the personal bank accounts of the Prime Minister.

(32) The far-reaching actions taken since 28 July 2015 have been an assault on
the independence of the Special Task Force that had been investigating the
allegations made by WSJ and SR that implicated the Prime Minister, and these
actions have further impaired or compromised the integrity of the investigation
by the Special Task Force.

(32A) The abovementioned measures and actions have
been attributed to the Prime Minister, the Government, and/or agencies under
the Government.

(33) The manner in which the PAC has been crippled and its
investigation stymied gives rise to serious questions about the ongoing
proceedings of the PAC and the ability of the Legislature to act as an
effective check and balance on the activities of the Executive.

(34) The action
taken by PDRM against the MACC was intimidatory and oppressive, and is widely
seen as having interfered with, and obstructed, MACC’s investigation into the transfer
of funds into the Prime Minister’s personal bank accounts as well as an attack
on the independence of the MACC and its emasculation as a corruption-combating
agency.

(35) The abrupt and unexplained disbanding of the Special Task Force,
which was established to solely focus on investigating the allegations of funds
transferred to the Prime Minister’s personal bank accounts, and issues relating
to 1MDB before the completion of its tasks casts doubt on the sincerity and
commitment on the part of the Government to investigate the said allegations.
The announcement by Tan Sri Apandi that the individual agencies that were
represented in the Special Task Force would continue carrying out their 9
individual investigations within their respective purview detracts from the
original focus and coordinated collaboration between the heads of the agencies
of the Special Task Force.

(36) In light of the action taken against officers
of BNM, and the statements made by Tan Sri Zeti, there are serious concerns
raised as to whether the investigation by BNM, as a member of the Special Task
Force, has been thwarted and compromised. Further it is inexplicable that BNM
has concluded that the “donation” of MYR2.6 billion is not within its
remit, despite the relevant provisions in the Central Bank of Malaysia Act
1958; Financial Services Act 2013; Exchange Control Act 1953; Capital Markets
and Services Act 2007; and Anti-Money Laundering, Anti-Terrorism Financing and
Proceeds of Unlawful Activities Act 2001.

(37) The replacement of the Director
of the Special Branch and now the transfer of the Deputy Director of the
Special Branch suggest that there has also been interference with, and
obstruction of, the investigation conducted by the Special Branch of the PDRM.

(38) Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan’s statements in reference to the pre-emptive
measures taken by the Prime Minister appear to validate the already pervasive
public perception that there had been active and deliberate steps taken by the
Prime Minister or the authorities to interfere, impede and derail the
investigation to mask wrongdoings and exculpate wrongdoers.

(39) In light of
Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan’s statements, it can be inferred that the Prime
Minister or the authorities — under his instruction or the instruction
of his subordinates — have undermined and subverted the investigation
into the transfer of funds into the Prime Minister’s personal bank accounts.

(40) There appears to be a
concerted effort to weaken and compromise various institutions involved in the
investigation into the transfer of funds into the Prime Minister’s personal
bank accounts.

(41) There are grave concerns that there would be a cover-up or
whitewash of wrongdoing and the exoneration or exculpation of wrongdoers.

(42)
In light of the above, and the tremendously grave concerns that have arisen and
recalling the objects of the Malaysian Bar as set out in Section 42(1) of the
Legal Profession Act 1976, and in particular:

Section 42(1)(a): to uphold the cause of justice without regard to its own
interests orthat of its members, uninfluenced by fear or favour; ...

Section 42(1)(d): where requested so to do, to express its view on matters
affecting legislation and the administration and practice of the law in Malaysia; ...

Section 42(1)(g): to protect and assist the public in all matters touching
ancillary or incidental to the law;

THEREFORE, it is hereby resolved that:

(a) The Malaysian Bar condemns
the interference with, and the subversion of, the cause and administration of
justice, and the investigation and inquiry into the allegations of financial
impropriety concerning 1MDB and its related companies, and the transfer of
MYR2.6 billion and the flow of MYR42 million from SRC, both into the Prime
Minister’s personal bank accounts;

(b) The Malaysian Bar condemns the abrupt
removal of Tan Sri Gani; the crippling of the PAC; and the harassment,
intimidation and oppression of investigating officers or personnel of the AGC,
MACC, BNM, and the Special Branch of the PDRM;

(c) The Malaysian Bar demands
that the Malaysian Government immediately advises the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to
establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry (“RCI”), that should comprise members
who are independent, impartial and of unimpeachable integrity, to inquire into
and investigate:

(i) the allegations of financial impropriety concerning 1MDB
and its related companies;

(ii) the transfer of MYR2.6 billion into the Prime
Minister’s personal bank accounts; and

(iii) the flow of MYR42 million from SRC
into the Prime Minister’s personal bank accounts; and to report on, and make
public, its findings and recommendations, including any further action that
needs to be taken.

(d) The Malaysian Bar notes that several members of the
administration are advocates and solicitors of the High Court of Malaya, and
the Malaysian Bar reminds such members of the administration that, whether in
active practice or not, all advocates and solicitors are expected at all times
to protect and further the rule of law and to uphold justice. The Malaysian Bar
further reminds such members of the administration that the failure to maintain
the core values of the legal profession would render them liable to
disciplinary action under the Legal Profession Act 1976.

(e) The Malaysian Bar
mandates the Bar Council to take any and all steps that it deems appropriate in
order to affirm and preserve the rule of law, to uphold the Federal
Constitution, and to protect the administration of justice, including but not
limited to, instituting a legal suit(s) against any person(s) responsible for
the interference with, impediment to, or obstruction or perversion of, the
administration of justice, and the investigation into:

(i) the allegations of
financial impropriety concerning 1MDB and its related companies;

(ii) the
transfer of MYR2.6 billion into the Prime Minister’s personal bank accounts;
and

(iii) the flow of MYR42 million from SRC into the Prime Minister’s personal
bank accounts.

(1) On 4 August 2015, it was reported that the MACC held a special “solat hajat” session to
pray for MACC staff, their families, their community and for a corruption-free
country.1

(2) On 5 August 2015, MACC Special Operations Division Director Dato’
Haji Bahri Mohamad Zin reportedly said that he was baffled by the arrest of Deputy
PublicProsecutor Ahmad Sazilee Abdul Khairi, and raised the ominous spectre of
“hidden hands” at work. He also reportedly said, “You may have
(political) powers, but I have Allah.”2

(3) As at 5 August 2015, the police had
questioned senior MACC officers, including Director of the Special Operations
Division, Dato’ Haji Bahri Mohamad Zin; Deputy Director of the Special
Operations Division, Datuk Tan Kang Sai; Director of the Forensic Division,
Datuk IG Chandran; and Officer in the Special Operations Division, Tuan Roslan
Tuan Mat. 3 The police reportedly arrested two officers who were investigating the
SRC — who were subsequently released. In addition, the police raided the MACC’s
Special Operations Division and reportedly removed documents from the
possession of MACC personnel.4

(4) On 5 August 2015, MACC Deputy Chief
Commissioner (Prevention), Datuk Hj Mustafar Ali, was reported to have said
that “when action is taken on an investigating officer [duringan ongoing investigation], it somewhat jeopardises the investigation”.5

(2) The Minister for Urban Wellbeing,
Housing and Local Government, Datuk Haji Abdul Rahman bin Haji Dahlan was
reported, on 1 August 2015,2 to have said: “I wish to inform that the Umno constitution provides
for the party president to have a trust account on behalf of the party. It is not impossible or surprising if the
(current) Umno president and previous presidents have a trust account for the party.”
It was further reported that Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan and fellow party members
felt more confident with the donations being placed in the president's account
as it was safer there, further stating, “in fact it is the responsibility of
the party president to find funds forparty activities.”3

(3) The Minister for Youth and Sports, Khairy
Jamaluddin was reported, on 4 August 2015,4 to have said: “Not only Umno and BN, every politician receive
donations from their supporters to helpthem in political works … So there’s nothing to prohibit an individual from
receiving it as long as he receives it in trust for the party.” Khairy Jamaluddin was
further reported to have said that he “was made to understand thecontribution came from supporters and donors. We hold to MACC’s statement
that the donation came from one donor and supporter.”5

(4) A statement by Member of Parliament for Johor Bahru, Tan Sri Datuk
Seri Shahrir bin Abdul Samad who, in a report dated 8 August 2015,6 in response to questions posed by the Chief Minister of Johor, Datuk
Seri Khaled Nordin’s son, Akmal Saufi, was reported to have said: “… As
stated by MACC, the money was a donation. Were these donations contributed to
the government, for UMNO's purpose or personal purposes?Answer: For politics - UMNO and BN...” … .”

(5) Further statements
made by Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan in a report dated 11 August 2015 state that “there
are donors out there who believe in certain objective that they want todonate and in this case, they donated to UMNO.” He added, “[t]hey
(donors) do want “orang kampong” houses and rural roads to be fixed, giving better access to
education and raise the quality of lives.”7

(6) The Minister of Tourism and Culture, Dato’
Seri Mohamed Nazri bin Abdul Aziz, stated in a report dated 11 August 2015,
that “[t]he donation was given to us by a friendly nation, anation which is not much stronger than us. Not like the US that can
influence us.” He went on to state that “this is just a brotherly nation
which wants to see certain parties win in the general election because we are friendly to them. There’s nothing wrong.”
He also said that the “money [was] a donation for the election.”8

(7) A statement by, UMNO Kuantan division chief, Dato’ Wan Adnan bin
Wan Mamat, saying that the money was a form of appreciation to Malaysia stating
that “[i]t was an appreciationto Malaysia for championing Islam and for practising Sunni Islam (Ahli
Sunnah Wal Jamaah)”, as reported on 17 August 2015.9

(8) Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs, Dato’ Seri Dr
Ahmad Zahid bin Hamidi confirmed, in a report dated 22 August 2015, “that
the donation was from theMiddle East because I saw the documents and met with the chief investment
officer of the donor and the financial trustee of the family of the donor.” As to why
the money was donated to Malaysia, he added, “He gave three reasons – the
first because Malaysia is fully committed to anti-terrorism and Malaysia had the Prevention of Terrorism Act
(POTA), the Penal Code and the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012, as we do
not want terrorists to disrupt (the nation).”10

(9) A statement by the Deputy Minister of Transport, Datuk Abdul Aziz
bin Kaprawi, who claimed that DAP was funded by the Jews during the 13th General Election in 2013, saying “[i]f we loose [sic],
DAP will be in power. DAP with its Jewish funds will control the country.” He then went on to say that it was “[b]ased on this fact,
[that] our friends in the Middle East saw the Jewish threat through DAP.”11

(10) According to Kepong UMNO Division Chief, Datuk Haji Rizuan bin
Abdul Hamid, in a report dated 23 August 2015, the donation was donated by an “Arab
king and prince”, stating that it was because of the Prime Minister’s
anti-Jewish stance that the Arab royal family decided to make the large
contribution. He went on to state that it was “[b]ecause ofthat, the Arab king, Arab prince generously made the political donation for
use during the 13th general election.”12

Number of Visits

By 15th June 2008, we 1,328,396 visits...and by 2010, we would have easily crossed the 2 million mark..We started counting visits again in May 2010, and soon we expect to be crossed the million mark yet again. As such, we have had over 3 million visits to our site. On an average, we have about 700-750 visits per day.
Thank you all for your support and encouragement..

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