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UNCLAS GABORONE 000021
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR DIFFILY
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOVECONPHUMSOCIKHIVBCKPRPSANCKGR
SUBJECT: OUTLOOK FOR RURAL AREA DWELLERS BLEAK
¶1. SUMMARY: The outlook for Botswana's Remote Area
Dwellers (RADs) is bleak, despite the Government of
Botswana's multifaceted efforts to improve their standard
of living. RADs endure high rates of poverty and
unemployment, exacerbated by limited access to natural
resources (especially land), a dearth of skills and their
isolation from potential markets. Prejudice against San
(Basarwa), who constitute the majority of RADs, is
widespread. A climate of despair and dependence has
emerged within this most marginalized community, further
inhibiting progress. The RADs' best hope may lie in
migration to towns in search of employment. In spite of
the hardships, RADs are generally pro-Government. This
is because they generally agree with the Government's
policy objectives and lack leaders capable of mobilizing
RADs and advocating for their interests. Formation of a
San Council might give RADs more effective representation
in dealing with the Government. END SUMMARY.
----------------------
BACKGROUND OF THE RADP
----------------------
¶2. In 1975, the Government of Botswana established the
Basarwa Development Program, to address the "cultural,
social and spatial" impediments to development within
this marginalized community. Three years later, the
Government expanded that program to include residents of
remote areas from all ethnic groups and renamed it the
Remote Area Development Program (RADP). San, or Basarwa,
still constitute the overwhelming majority of RADs.
Other ethnic groups commonly found in RAD settlements
include the Kgalagadi, Herero and Bayei. In 1989, the
program further evolved to focus on establishing
permanent settlements in regions where RADs were most
concentrated: Northwest, Kweneng, Central, Ghanzi,
Kgalagadi, Southern, and Kgatleng Districts. The
Government encouraged RADs to move to these locales so
that it could more efficiently provide public services
and promote productive economic activities. PolOff
traveled to several RAD settlements in December to
evaluate conditions there.
¶3. The RADP aims to achieve sustainable social and
economic development of Batswana living in remote areas
and to ensure equal access to the benefits of the
country's overall material progress. The Government
intends to accomplish this objective through the
following: providing infrastructure and public services
comparable to those available elsewhere in the country,
promoting gainful employment, enhancing access to land
and other natural resources, encouraging participation in
the nation's political process and the cultivation of
community leaders, ensuring access to education and
training at all levels, and facilitating the integration
of RADs into the mainstream of society. Through the
RADP, the GOB has built clinics, schools, police stations
and administrative centers, granted livestock, offered
free vocational training, and provided for the education
of RAD children including the costs of transportation,
books and uniforms. After nearly thirty years, however,
the RADP is far from successful.
---------------------------------
EMPLOYMENT VIRTUALLY NON-EXISTENT
---------------------------------
¶4. The key to the failure of the RADP is the lack of
income-generating opportunities in the rural areas.
Regular employment at RAD settlements is virtually non-
existent. In some places, a few individuals work for an
NGO or a cooperative; anyone else with a job works for
the Government. Many of those employed by the Government
in these settlements are not RADs themselves but civil
servants on a temporary assignment.
¶5. Almost everyone in a RAD settlement depends upon
state aid of some kind for subsistence. The elderly
receive pensions, and most receive destitute rations
(food and clothing in kind with a small cash allowance).
It is not uncommon for those who qualify for such
assistance not to receive it. The able-bodied
occasionally find employment with the Government as
laborers on public works projects through the Drought
Relief Program. The miniscule dimensions of the cash
economy in each of these settlements require almost any
would-be entrepreneur to target external markets. The
isolation of these settlements -- vehicles are scarce,
roads are poor and tarred roads are often over an hour
away by car -- makes selling to larger villages and towns
difficult.
--------------------------------------------
LIVESTOCK DISTRIBUTION AN IMPERFECT SOLUTION
--------------------------------------------
¶6. The GOB has pursued livestock-rearing as the most
immediate solution to poverty in RAD settlements, but
with mixed results. Through the RADP, a family can
receive five head of cattle or fifteen goats free of
charge. The Government encourages recipients not to
slaughter any of these animals until five years has
passed, in the hope that they will have reproduced enough
to become a self-sustainable herd. When owners are ready
to sell, district councils assist them in transporting
the animals to a Botswana Meat Commission abattoir and to
collect payment.
¶7. According to a report prepared by the Ghanzi District
Council, however, this aspect of the program has yielded
"very poor" results there. That document attributed this
dismal performance to "poor management, lack of
commitment and indiscriminate slaughter of livestock."
Residents of Kaudwane in Kweneng District complained to
PolOff that lions decimated their herds and that they
received inadequate compensation (less than half the
replacement cost) from the Government.
¶8. Local governments have not ignored these problems.
The Ghanzi District Council, for example, provided
workshops and seminars to improve livestock management
and decided to experiment with establishing a herd in the
name of a particular settlement. The District currently
manages that herd but plans eventually to turn over
control to the community, which will own the cattle.
The Kweneng District has assigned an animal health
professional to reside and work in Kaudwane and has
tasked that person with looking at ways to improve the
productivity of goat herding there.
----------------------
ACCESS TO LAND LIMITED
----------------------
¶9. While unemployment and poverty are common nationwide --
recent estimates place unemployment at about 24 percent
and the incidence of poverty at about 30 percent --
limited access to land exacerbates these problems in RAD
settlements. The Government designates land for communal
use around each settlement and allocates residential
plots within them but has not facilitated private holding
of farm/pasture land by RADs. They are free to apply for
land allocation like any other citizen, but they face
difficulty in meeting the requirements of this process,
including completion of application forms and preparation
of a management plan. Not surprisingly, land boards tend
to favor large-scale commercial land use proposals that
require capital inputs beyond the resources of most RADs.
Indeed, a senior local government official told PolOff
that he had yet to hear of a RAD acquiring his or her own
farm. Another indicated that the Government prefers "to
keep them in the settlements for now."
¶10. In some areas of Botswana, land available for use by
RADs is growing scarce. The GOB is gradually converting
communal land to privately held land by offering long
term leases on concessional terms for farmers who will
use and improve the land. Improvement includes sinking a
borehole and fencing the property, which, of course,
requires capital. Any RADs living on communal land
reallocated to a private holder become squatters subject
to eviction.
¶11. Some NGOs have assisted RADs to form consortia and
apply for leases jointly. One organization found,
however, that all of the groups it helped to apply that
consisted only of San were denied, while some groups that
included other ethnicities were approved. This ensued
despite the fact that they all had roughly equal
qualifications and the same help in preparing their
applications. A second NGO had helped a consortium of
three RAD settlements to secure a lease for a plot, but
the group lacked the capital to implement its business
plan. Another RAD settlement had established a community
trust which had obtained a lease but was similarly
delayed in initiating its enterprise due to insufficient
funds.
-----------------------------------------
ACCESS TO OTHER NATURAL RESOURCES LIMITED
-----------------------------------------
¶12. Access to other natural resources, such as wildlife
products, is even more restricted. Rights to hunt game
are allocated through a lottery, and one must pay a fee
to the Government based on the numbers of each type of
animal killed. Residents of Kaudwane and New Xade, the
vast majority of whom were relocated there from the CKGR,
were promised Special Game Licenses allowing them to hunt
a limited amount of game without having to pay any fee.
But because game was sparse in the areas surrounding
these settlements where hunting was permitted, the
Special Game Licenses were rarely used.
¶13. Entrance to the CKGR, like any other national park
in Botswana, requires a permit obtainable only from the
Department of Wildlife in Gaborone if the visitor intends
to remain in the park overnight. Hunting is prohibited
in the CKGR, and RADs who travel into the Reserve are not
allowed to bring out any wildlife products. Such
restrictions inhibit the potential for income-generating
activities that would utilize natural resources. An NGO
working with RADs to produce craft products, for example,
must import ostrich egg shells from South Africa because
regulations do not permit collection of sufficient
quantities locally.
¶14. Residents of both New Xade and Kaudwane explained to
PolOff that they had ideas for setting up eco-/cultural
tourism enterprises. To succeed, however, they would
need access to some land within the CKGR due to the
absence of game and veld food (the wide variety of plants
that San traditionally relied upon for food, water,
medicine, etc.) outside the Reserve. At one point, the
Government had considered designating areas within the
CKGR as community use zones for just such projects. One
resident of New Xade told PolOff that the former Minister
of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism subsequently had
visited the community and told them to "forget about"
that possibility and suggested setting up a "cultural
village" as a tourist attraction instead. The GOB has
yet to issue a final master plan for land use management
in the CKGR.
---------------------------
DIAMOND EXPLORATION PLANNED
---------------------------
¶15. No diamond mining is occurring in the CKGR at present
but a subsidiary of BHP Billiton, Sekaka Diamonds, plans
to conduct aerial surveys over the Reserve in 2005. A
poster nailed to a tree in the village of Gugamma in the
CKGR announced that ground surveys will follow if the
company encounters any "interesting" results. Residents
told PolOff that Sekaka representatives had visited to
consult with them about the matter in early December.
According to Roy Sesana, head of the First People of the
Kalahari, the organization challenging the Government's
relocation policy in court, he met with the same
officials in November to discuss potential employment
opportunities for those who live in the reserve in
conjunction with such exploration.
¶16. This is not, however, a "smoking gun" demonstrating
that the Government displaced people to obtain mining
profits. The Reserve encompasses enough territory to
accommodate a mine in one area, residents in another, and
protected wildlife elsewhere. Diamond exploration
licenses cover much of the Botswana's land area, not just
the CKGR. While previous surveys and mining attempts
determined that the ore in the Reserve was not economical
to extract, technological advances have made renewed
exploration worthwhile.
----------------------------------------
VOCATIONAL TRAINING MAKES LITTLE HEADWAY
----------------------------------------
¶17. Lack of marketable skills also contributes to poverty
and unemployment among RADs. The GOB offers RADs
vocational training free of charge and seed capital to
return to one's settlement and begin a small business.
RADP officers complained, however, that few RADs take
advantage of this opportunity. Many of those who start
such training abandon it. Visits by PolOff to several
RAD settlements found no one who had derived a regular
income from skills acquired through this program.
Several had started working, only to fold after a few
months, usually, but not always, due to a lack of
clients. In one instance, a sewing and knitting project
was offered the opportunity to supply garments to the
local school, but the artisans simply did not want to
produce the volume of garments the school would require.
Absent success in forming their own businesses, the RADs'
best job prospects to counter this culture of despair and
dependency may lie in finding employment in towns.
--------------------------------------------
EDUCATIONAL ASSISTANCE SUBSTANTIAL BUT TROUBLED
--------------------------------------------
¶18. Local government interlocutors generally pointed to
formal education as the ultimate key to development among
RADs. Residents of RAD settlements likewise emphasized
to PolOff the importance of education and their
appreciation of the Government's assistance in that
regard. The Government has established primary schools
in almost every RAD settlement and pre-schools in many of
them. RAD children pay no school fees, eat two meals a
day at school, and receive uniforms for free. The
Government also bears the expense of sending children to
boarding school for secondary education, including costs
of transportation and pocket money for the students.
¶19. These benefits not withstanding, the educational
aspect of the RADP faces problems. In Ghanzi District,
thousands of RADs live on private farms, either as
workers or squatters. Children of these individuals, as
well as of the few remaining residents of the CKGR, must
live in hostels located in villages with schools from a
young age. The fact that instruction is in Setswana and
English after pre-school and not in the mother tongue
discourages some students. Additionally, different
practices regarding disciplinary customs - San typically
do not use corporal punishment, whereas paddling is a
common practice in Botswana's public schools - and
prejudice against San children make school a difficult
environment for some RAD children. Thus, truancy is
high.
-------------------------
CULTURAL OBSTACLES ABOUND
-------------------------
¶20. Prejudice against San remains widespread. PolOff
encountered assertions that they could not "think for
themselves," did not teach their children right from
wrong, or did not value education. Officials frequently
emphasized the need for the Government to patiently guide
RADs in the process of development. One official
described the GOB's objective as instilling a "cattle-
rearing culture" in RADs. A resident of New Xade
confirmed this effect of the RADP, telling PolOff that
the migration from the CKGR entailed adoption of the
culture of "the rest of Botswana" and the loss of the
traditions practiced by his parents.
¶21. Residents of RAD settlements and members of NGOs who
worked with them pointed to a number of cultural
obstacles to development among RADs themselves. RADs
relocated in New Xade and Kaudwane grew up largely in a
hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Thus, some find the idea of
working all day on the same (sometimes monotonous task)
unacceptable, as in the case of sewers and knitters noted
above. Some interlocutors described a spirit of despair
and dependence that dominated the atmosphere of these
locations. According to these contacts, RADs tended to
assume that a significant improvement in their situation
was not possible or thought that any such change could
only come from the Government or an NGO. Participation
in different income generation programs, as a result, was
low. The prevalence of alcoholism further undermined
hope for progress.
¶22. Historically, San organized themselves into family
groups. With no chiefs, they are unrepresented on
Botswana's Council of Chiefs, where other Batswana groups
have a voice. The Government has instituted the practice
of appointing headmen in the RAD settlements, but no
overarching leadership has emerged to promote RAD
interests in Botswana's narrowly constructed political
arena.
---------------------------
HIV-AIDS IN RAD SETTLEMENTS
---------------------------
¶23. Although the isolation of RAD settlement might
afford some measure of protection from HIV-AIDS, the
disease remains a problem nevertheless. The headman in
Kaudwane noted to PolOff that the construction teams
working on roads and buildings in the settlement
contributed to its spread there. Services related to HIV-
AIDS, such as counselling, testing, and treatment are not
as readily-available to RADs as to other Batswana. They
must often travel long distances just to test, and this
deters many from bothering. Keeping down the HIV-AIDS
rate in remote settings will be necessary to boost
economic development in those areas.
-----------------------------
RADS GENERALLY PRO-GOVERNMENT
-----------------------------
¶24. The bleak situation in RAD settlements has not
translated into resentment toward the state or the ruling
party. Interlocutors in these places generally observed
that while the GOB had not done all it could, or even all
that it had promised, it was not neglecting them. Some
expressed frustration with policies limiting access to
the CKGR as fatally undermining the best prospects for
income generation in these settlements. Others faulted
the Government for not providing infrastructural
improvements it had promised. These criticisms revealed
a general consensus that the Government was doing the
right things, but not rapidly enough or with sufficient
resources.
¶25. A vocal minority dismissed these concerns as
secondary to the fundamental issue of land rights. They
argued that resettlement from the CKGR wrongfully
alienated them from their ancestral territory. The
election in New Xade and Kaudwane, where animosity toward
the GOB over the relocation policy runs highest, of
district councillors from the ruling BDP, illustrates the
general perception among most RADs that the Government is
an imperfect ally, not an enemy.
¶26. Conversations with residents of New Xade and
Kaudwane, to which former residents of the CKGR were
resettled, indicate that only a minority wish to return.
A small number of San are trickling back into the
Reserve. If the First People of the Kalahari were to win
its court case and secure restoration of basic public
services, most notably the provision of water, others
probably would join them. A number of those who had left
the CKGR suggested to PolOff, however, that any returnees
would consist primarily of the elderly, especially those
relocated in 2002. Only a minority of those relocated
before 2002 appear to be interested in living in the
Reserve.
-------
COMMENT
-------
¶27. Contrary to the rhetoric of some critics, the GOB is
not perpetrating genocide against the San or other RADs.
The Government's efforts have focused on improving the
standard of living for the RADs. While programs may have
been under-funded and the results sketchy, district
councils are trying new approaches to improve outcomes.
Many of the problems plaguing RADs -- HIV/AIDS,
unemployment, loss of livestock to predators -- afflict
all rural Batswana, not just RADs. Prejudice against the
San, while common, has not precluded meaningful
assistance from the Government.
¶28. Enhancing access to natural resources, especially
land, is key to further improvement in the living
conditions of RADs. With the Government open to the idea
of diamond mining within the CKGR, it might also consider
controlled use of parts of the Reserve by its former and
current residents for enterprises in the tourism.
¶29. Sustained improvement of the RADP would require
political leadership that could credibly represent RADs
in negotiation with the Government. First People of the
Kalahari foreclosed the possibility of playing this role
when it internationalised its dispute with the
Government. Less confrontational organizations that work
with RADs, such as Permaculture Trust, Kuru Trust and the
Botswana Center for Human Rights might be able to lobby
more effectively should they choose to do so.
¶30. One solution posited by RADS to assure more
effective representation is to form a San Council.
Embassy received a Democracy and Human Rights Fund
proposal in 2004 from the Kuru Trust to assist in the
formation of such a council, but the proposal lacked
details. In an early December visit to Shakawe, DCM
asked the Kuru Trust to focus and resubmit its proposal
so that the Embassy would be better able to evaluate it.
With the RADs in a single organization, the Government
would have a stronger partner for discussion.
¶31. Support for mother-tongue education could help
preserve San culture and, in the long term, cultivate
leadership indigenous to RAD communities. Kuru Trust has
requested assistance from Debswana to set up two such
schools to cater for RADs. Although the linguistic
diversity among San would pose an obstacle, this effort
could decrease truancy rates, counter the effects of
prejudice, and provide focal points for community
organization, all leading to a brighter future for RADS.
HUGGINS
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