Useful collection of material on the Rohingya and their situation....
"The Rohingya are often described as "the world's most persecuted minority".
They are an ethnic Muslim group who have lived for centuries in the majority Buddhist Myanmar. Currently, there are about 1.1 million Rohingya Muslims who live in the Southeast Asian country.
The Rohingya speak Rohingya or Ruaingga, a dialect that is distinct to others spoken in Rakhine State and throughout Myanmar. They are not considered one of the country's 135 official ethnic groups and have been denied citizenship in Myanmar since 1982, which has effectively rendered them stateless..."....Analysis/description under several headings interspersed with 11 videos, texts, pictures...:
Who are the Rohingya?...Where are the Rohingya from?...How and why are they being persecuted? And why aren't they recognised?...How many Rohingya have fled Myanmar and where have they gone?...Chart showing Rohingya movement since the late '70s...What do Aung San Suu Kyi and the Myanmar government say about the Rohingya?...What does Bangladesh say about the Rohingya?...What does the international community say about the Rohingya?...What is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army?...

"The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State was founded [on August 23, 2016] as a neutral and impartial body which aims to propose concrete measures for improving the welfare of all people in Rakhine state. It is composed of six local and three international experts, and is chaired by Kofi Anna...At the behest of the Ministry of the Office of the State Counsellor of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and in collaboration with the Kofi Annan Foundation, the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State has been founded as a neutral and impartial body which aims to propose concrete measures for improving the welfare of all people in Rakhine state. It is composed of six local and three international experts, and is chaired by Kofi Annan. In its work, it considers humanitarian and developmental issues, access to basic services, legal questions including citizenship and the assurance of basic rights, and security to all people in all communities. It will submit its final report and recommendations to the Government of Myanmar in the second half of 2017."

"The internal conflict in Myanmar refers to a series of ongoing insurgencies within Myanmar that began shortly after the country, then known as Burma, became independent from the United Kingdom in 1948. The conflict has been labeled as the world's longest running civil war....."Main fronts:
Kachin State...
Kayah State...
Kayin State...
Rakhine State...
Shan State..."

"​​ADVOCATING AND AMPLIFYING THE VOICE OF THE ROHINGYA WITH INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS, GOVERNMENTS, CORPORATIONS, AND CIVIL SOCIETY...The Rohingya are a Muslim minority group from the northern Rakhine State in western Burma. Despite having lived in Burma for generations, the Rohingya are considered “foreigners” by the Burmese government.
The Burmese government has isolated the 1.3 million Rohingya in Burma. Burma’s 1982 Citizenship Act denies the Rohingya people citizenship. They are limited in their rights to marry, have children, work, obtain healthcare, and go to school.
Fleeing violence, over 140,000 Rohingya live in what many describe as “concentration camps” where they face severe restrictions and are denied basic necessities including medical care. Since 2012, an estimated 100,000 Rohingya have fled Burma by boat. Apart from the risk of drowning, many of those who flee fall into the hands of human traffickers, and are forced to work on rubber plantations or in the sex trade.
Ultranationalist groups in Burma have also dehumanized the Rohingya through rampant hate speech. This demonization of the Rohingya, coupled with the government’s denial of their rights, has created an environment in Burma that, according to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, puts the Rohingya at grave risk of mass atrocities and even genocide..."

Judgement of the Peoples' Tribunal on Myanmar...
Rohingya: The silence of Aung San Suu Kyi and the betrayal of human rights...Rohingya crisis ruled as genocide by Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal...17 RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE PEOPLES’ TRIBUNAL ON MYANMAR...PRELIMINARY JUDGMENT AND DISPOSITIONS...VIDEO OF JUDGMENT’S ANNOUNCEMENT (22.SEPT.2017)

Extensive and wide-ranging online collection of useful documents. The archive ends in October 2016 when Network Myanmar closed. The main link here, however, contains some updates beyond the 2016 cut-off.

"The UN says the March monsoon season poses a serious threat to thousands living in Bangladeshi refugee camps...To date roughly 670,000 Rohingya have fled their homes in Myanmar, to Bangladesh, in an effort to escape violence. More than 1,500 refugees have fled this month alone and thousands more are expected.
The mass exodus began back in August when the Myanmar military began attacking the Rohingya and torching their villages after a small Rohingya armed group attached an army checkpoint. The United Nations and human rights groups have said the campaign amounts to ethnic cleansing.
The UN estimates 107,000 refugees are living in areas of Bangladesh prone to flooding or landslides.
"We are now in a race against time," says Filippo Grandi, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
"The [Bangladeshi] Government is steering a massive emergency preparedness effort, but international support must be stepped up to avert a catastrophe," he said in a statement to the U.N. Security Council .
Meanwhile, an explosive expose by Reuters about a massacre in a Rohingya village has landed two Reuters journalists in jail. Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo investigated the killing of 10 Rohingya muslims in Northern Rakhine state who were reportedly were shot and hacked to death by a group that included their Buddhist neighbors and Myanmar soldiers. The journalists are charged with receiving government secrets and face up to 14 years in prison. They appeared in court Wednesday, just one day after receiving a major press award for their investigation..."

"LAST WEEK’S explosive Reuters investigation into the killings of 10 Rohingya at Inn Din in northern Rakhine State in September made for grim reading.
In what is one of the best, most detailed reports on the crisis, the Reuters team – including journalists Ko Wa Lone and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo who were arrested in December while researching the story and remain in jail – documented how government troops and Buddhist villagers carried out the killings and buried the victims in a single grave.
Few who have seen it will forget the haunting photograph of the kneeling men surrounded by security forces shortly before their death. In this case, the “picture tells a thousand words” cliché rang true. But the text was just as powerful; a 4,500-word indictment of the authorities’ brazen denials that its forces have been responsible for systematic human rights abuses.
Of course, the military has already admitted that its forces, together with Buddhist villagers, killed the 10 men. It did this to pre-empt the release of the Reuters report, and after its own investigation had claimed that no such killings took place...".....This editorial appears in the February 15 edition of Frontier. Tags:
Rakhine State Inn Din Rohingya Tatmadaw refugees

Author/creator:

Editorial

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

"Frontier Myanmar" This editorial appears in the February 15 edition of Frontier.

"Rohingya refugees are still not allowed to return to Myanmar, the United Nations high commissioner for refugees has told the UN Security Council.
According to Filippo Grandi, "conditions in Myanmar are not yet conducive" for the 668,000 Rohingya to return home.
The refugees fled to neighbouring Bangladesh after the Myanmar authorities launched a violent crackdown in northern Rakhine state last August.
"The causes of their flight have not been addressed, and we have yet to see substantive progress on addressing the exclusion and denial of rights that has deepened over the last decades, rooted in their lack of citizenship," he said.
Grandi also said the office of the UNHCR lacks access to Rakhine, where hundreds of villages have been burned down by the Myanmar military.
"Humanitarian access, as you have heard, remains extremely restricted. UNHCR has not had access to affected areas of the northern part of Rakhine state, beyond Maungdaw town, since August 2017, and our access in central Rakhine has also been curtailed," he said.
READ MORE
Myanmar: Who are the Rohingya?
"UNHCR presence and access throughout the state are essential to monitor protection conditions, provide independent information to refugees, and accompany returns as and when they take place."..."

"Abdu Salam stayed in his village as Myanmar soldiers and local vigilantes burned down dozens of homes there last August. He stayed as news spread of atrocities that soldiers had committed in other Rohingya villages across northern Rakhine State. He stayed because Hpon Nyo Leik village was his home, the only home he’d known, and he wanted to protect his family’s property and right to live there.
But when, at the end of 2017, the Myanmar military’s starvation tactics left Abdu Salam’s family struggling to find food, they were forced to join the exodus to Bangladesh.
On 13 February, the UN Security Council will be briefed again on the situation in Myanmar. The briefing comes as the Myanmar government says it’s ready to start repatriating people from Bangladesh. But the military’s efforts to drive the Rohingya population out of the country haven’t even ground to a halt. The Security Council’s inaction, amid a weak international response to the ongoing crimes against humanity, has been a key part of the problem..."

"How Myanmar forces burned, looted and killed in a remote village...
On Sept. 2, Buddhist villagers and Myanmar troops killed 10 Rohingya men in Myanmar's restive Rakhine state. Reuters uncovered the massacre and has pieced together how it unfolded. During the reporting of this article, two Reuters journalists were arrested by Myanmar police.NN DIN, Myanmar – Bound together, the 10 Rohingya Muslim captives watched their Buddhist neighbors dig a shallow grave. Soon afterwards, on the morning of Sept. 2, all 10 lay dead. At least two were hacked to death by Buddhist villagers. The rest were shot by Myanmar troops, two of the gravediggers said.
“One grave for 10 people,” said Soe Chay, 55, a retired soldier from Inn Din’s Rakhine Buddhist community who said he helped dig the pit and saw the killings. The soldiers shot each man two or three times, he said. “When they were being buried, some were still making noises. Others were already dead.”
The killings in the coastal village of Inn Din marked another bloody episode in the ethnic violence sweeping northern Rakhine state, on Myanmar’s western fringe. Nearly 690,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled their villages and crossed the border into Bangladesh since August. None of Inn Din’s 6,000 Rohingya remained in the village as of October..."

"BALUKHALI REFUGEE CAMP, Bangladesh (AP) — The faces of the men half-buried in the mass graves had been burned away by acid or blasted by bullets. Noor Kadir finally recognized his friends only by the colors of their shorts.
Kadir and 14 others, all Rohingya Muslims in the Myanmar village of Gu Dar Pyin, had been choosing players for the soccer-like game of chinlone when the gunfire began. They scattered from what sounded like hard rain on a tin roof. By the time the Myanmar military stopped shooting, only Kadir and two teammates were left alive. Days later, Kadir found six of his friends among the bodies in two graves.
They are among at least five mass graves, all previously unreported, that have been confirmed by The Associated Press through multiple interviews with more than two dozen survivors in Bangladesh refugee camps and through time-stamped cellphone videos. The Myanmar government regularly claims such massacres of the Rohingya never happened, and has acknowledged only one mass grave containing 10 “terrorists” in the village of Inn Din. However, the AP’s reporting shows a systematic slaughter of Rohingya Muslim civilians by the military, with help from Buddhist neighbors — and suggests many more graves hold many more people..."

"The AP uncovered evidence of at least five mass graves at one location, Gu Dar Pyin, that bolster charges leveled by the U.S. and United Nations of ethnic cleansing in the country's northern Rakhine state.
About 200 soldiers, known as Tatmadaw, swept into the area on Aug. 27, according to witnesses. One of them, Mohammad Sha, 37, a shop owner and farmer, told the news agency that he "hid in a grove of coconut trees near a river with more than 100 others. They watched as the military searched Muslim homes and dozens of Buddhist neighbors, their faces partly covered with scarves, loaded the possessions they found into about 10 pushcarts. Then the soldiers burned down the homes, shooting anyone who couldn't flee, Sha said."..."

"At least five previously unreported mass graves have been uncovered in Burma, in the newest piece of evidence for what looks increasingly like genocide against the Rohingya in Rakhine state.
The Associated Press confirmed the existence of the graves around the village of Gu Dar Pyin, through interviews with more than two dozen survivors in Bangladesh refugee camps and time-stamped mobile phone videos.
The government regularly claims massacres like Gu Dar Pyin never happened, and has acknowledged only one mass grave containing 10 “terrorists” in the village of Inn Din.
The AP findings suggest not only the military’s slaughter of civilians but the presence of many more graves with many more people...The UN special envoy on human rights in Burma [Yanghee Lee] said the military’s violent operations against Rohingya Muslims bear “the hallmarks of a genocide”..."

"Crisis Group’s early-warning Watch List identifies up to ten countries and regions at risk of conflict or escalation of violence. In these situations, early action, driven or supported by the EU and its member states, would generate stronger prospects for peace. It includes a global overview, regional summaries, and detailed analysis on select countries and conflicts.
The Watch List 2018 includes Afghanistan, Bangladesh/Myanmar, Cameroon, Colombia, Egypt, Iraq, Sahel, Tunisia, Ukraine and Zimbabwe".....
Myanmar/Bangladesh section of ICG's "Watchlist 2018": "Violent operations by the military, border police and vigilante groups in Myanmar have forced some 750,000 Rohingya to flee northern Rakhine for Bangladesh over the last twelve months. These numbers represent more than 85 per cent of the Rohingya population in the three affected townships. Significant bilateral and multilateral criticism – in the UN Security Council, General Assembly and Human Rights Council – has failed to temper the approach of the Myanmar government and military. The UN, as well as the U.S. and other governments, have declared the 2017 campaign against the Rohingya “ethnic cleansing” and likely crimes against humanity; some have raised the possibility that it may constitute genocide....While relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar are tense, there appears to be little risk of direct conflict between the two countries’ armies. Likewise, in the view of Bangladeshi security forces, the possibility of the displaced Rohingya being recruited or used by Bangladeshi or transnational jihadist groups is low. Perhaps more dangerous, ahead of national elections to be held near the end of 2018, is that the presence of a large refugee population could ignite the simmering communal conflict among Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus as well as ethnic minorities, especially in the highly militarised Chittagong Hill Tracts. It also is worth noting that these refugees – whose presence Bangladeshi politicians privately suggest could well be permanent – are located in a part of the country where the influence of Hefazat-e-Islam (Protectors of Islam), a hardline coalition of government-allied Islamist organisations, is strongest. The Hefazat was first to respond to the refugee crisis. It has since threatened to launch a jihad against Myanmar unless it stops persecuting the Rohingya. Hefazat has in recent years gained significant influence over the nominally secular Awami League, the ruling party, and now holds effective veto power over the government’s social and religious policies..."

"Frustration over Myanmar's handling of the Rohingya crisis has boiled over into an argument between Aung San Suu Kyi and her former friend, now critic, Bill Richardson.
The former US ambassador to the UN resigned from an advisory panel set-up by the government after accusing members of trying to 'whitewash' the crisis.
And in his resignation letter, Richardson accused members of being a 'cheerleading squad' for the government.
Officials reacted by accusing Richardson of having his own agenda.
His criticisms raise further doubts about a deal to repatriate nearly 700,000 Rohingya refugees stuck in Bangladesh...
Presenter: Mohammed Jamjoom
Guests:
Tun Khin - President, Burmese Rohingya Organisation in the UK
Matthew Smith - Chief executive, Fortify Rights
Phil Robertson - Deputy director, Human Rights Watch Asia Division

"For the past two months, I have served on an international panel designed to help the Myanmar government arrive at just and reasonable policies for its conflict in Rakhine state, including its long-suffering Rohingya minority. This week I resigned. The reason: I have little confidence in the body’s ability to address the critical challenges facing the region and the country.
Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s effective leader, is isolated and unwilling to listen to constructive criticism. Her government is focused on getting things done quickly instead of getting them done right. If Myanmar, also known as Burma, is to have any hope of preventing a further downward spiral to the crisis in Rakhine state and restoring its international reputation, immediate and dramatic changes are required. A continuation of the current approach is likely to lead to a dangerous cycle of violence that threatens both Myanmar’s hopes for peace and democracy and broader regional stability..."

"Bangkok: Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi is living in a “bubble” and blames her country’s woes on the media, United Nations, human rights groups and other countries, according to one of her most powerful international allies.
US diplomat Bill Richardson quit a 10-member international panel set up to advise Myanmar on the Rohingya crisis, saying it was conducting a “whitewash” and accusing Suu Kyi of lacking “moral leadership"..."

"Like 90% of countries around the world, every year Burma (now Myanmar) marks the day its corner of the world was supposed to have changed for the better. Here it’s January 4th, when the country gained its independence from Britain. As arbitrary as it can sometimes feel, Independence Day is at least a good opportunity for reflection. Even more so when it’s a nice round number like 2018, which marks exactly 70 years of independence for Myanmar..."

"The High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein announced on December 20, 2017 that he wouldn’t be seeking a second mandate, due to the “appalling climate for advocacy” in the current geopolitical system. This comes as a worrying warning regarding the inability of the UN system to respond to multiplying conflicts across the globe, from Syria to Yemen, and from Myanmar to Iraq, with acts amounting to crimes against humanity.
His nomination in 2014— which was unanimously approved by all 193 member states of the UN General Assembly— was at the time perceived as a positive sign, showing a political will to strengthen human rights within the UN system.
The former professional diplomat, who has acquired a strong reputation as a fierce defender of human rights, never shied away from speaking truth even to the most powerful states within the UN. He was especially vocal in his criticism of Russian support to the Syrian government, and regularly denounced the Trump administration’s faux pas, from the travel bans against citizens from Muslim majority countries to the administration’s reaction to the demonstrations organized by white supremacists in Virginia..."

"Ending Myanmar's ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya will require confronting both local elites and foreign capital...In Myanmar’s ongoing massacre of the Rohingya — a two-million person strong Muslim minority — the country’s military has burned hundreds of villages, destroyed thousands of homes, and slaughtered 6,700 people. Gang rape, torture, and infanticide have punctuated the egress of the Rohingya, more than 660,000 of whom have fled from northwestern Rakhine state into Bangladesh. These obscenities have not been occasional excesses but rather, according to a United Nations Human Rights investigation, part of a “consistent, methodical pattern” — an ethnic cleansing.
The horror, in its seeming boundlessness, feels alien. And yet, in its popular renderings, there is also something all too familiar about it. The images of Rohingya enduring injustice blur with images of other groups, enduring other injustices in other places..."

"The exodus of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar's western Rakhine state has created one of the world's most urgent refugee crises and perhaps the most pressing humanitarian challenge to face Asia over recent decades. Estimates suggest that as many as 600,000 have left Myanmar for neighbouring Bangladesh over recent months, following a military crack-down in the aftermath of attacks by Rohingya militant groups. Media commentary of the crisis has focused on allegations of ethnic cleansing, which have been strongly denied by Myanmar's government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy. However, both the deeper causes of the current problems and what now needs to happen to resolve the crisis remains little understood. This event will focus on both of these issues — what caused the current events, and what now needs to be done to bring it to an end? — with together an expert panel with direct experience of Myanmar and attempts to resolve similar humanitarian crises in other parts of the world..... The panelists consist of: ## Mr Adam Cooper, Myanmar Country Representative, Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue ## Assoc Prof Francesco Mancini, Associate Dean and Visiting Associate Professor, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy ## Ms Moe Thuzar, Coordinator, Myanmar Studies Programme, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies ## Ms Emma Hogan, South-East Asia Correspondent, The Economist This event is moderated by: Mr James Crabtree, Senior Visiting Research Fellow, Centre on Asia and Globalisation, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy".....It is not quite clear when the discussion took place. The page states that the video was "published" on 26 December 2017, but is this the actual date of the discussion?

"Most went back home from Bangladesh in two earlier exoduses, but this time is different... The signing of a repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh on 23 November has raised expectations — and concerns — of an imminent return of Rohingya refugees to northern Rakhine state. But the reality is that no repatriation is likely in the foreseeable future.
Many of the 700,000 Rohingya who fled over the past year would choose to return under the right circumstances — Myanmar is their home, where they have lived for generations, and they see no future for themselves and their children in the Bangladesh camps. But much would need to change.
First and foremost is physical security. This is a deeply traumatized population, many of whom suffered or witnessed acts of horrific violence. They will not be ready to return unless they are assured of their safety. This seems an unlikely prospect, given that the government and military both deny the extent of the abuses that occurred — the military exonerated itself through an internal investigation that found not a single shot had been fired at civilians and state media regularly denies allegations of abuses reported by human rights organizations and the international media. Many of the abuses, including sexual violence, were perpetrated by military-backed vigilante groups made up of non-Muslim villagers in the area, who operate with considerable impunity.
Second is the ability to sustain livelihoods. The repatriation agreement provides that people will be able to return to their places of origin. If this is allowed in practice, and they are able to reclaim their land, they fundamentally require freedom of movement, to reach their farms and fishing grounds, to go where their day labor is needed and to access markets. This requires reassurance on physical security, as well as lifting the onerous movement restrictions and curfews put in place following attacks in late 2016 and August 2017 by Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army militants..."

"The UN independent investigator into human rights in Myanmar is calling for stronger international pressure to be exerted on Myanmar's military commanders after she was barred from visiting the country for the rest of her tenure.
Yanghee Lee said she had been due to visit in January to assess human rights across Myanmar — including alleged abuses against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State.
But Myanmar told her she was no longer welcome.
"From what I see right now, I'm not sure if they are feeling pressured. I'm not sure if there is the right kind of pressure placed on the military commanders and the generals," she later told Reuters by phone from Seoul.
Myanmar security forces may be guilty of genocide against Rohingya: UN
Destruction of Rohingya villages continues: Human Rights Watch
She said it was alarming that Myanmar was strongly supported by China, which has a veto at the UN's top table in New York. Other countries, including the United States, and human groups were advocating targeted sanctions on the military, she said..."

It had been several years since I had seen my Burmese friends, and I knew the Rohingya crisis would come up. When it did, they looked at each other apprehensively, then one of them spoke up: “You might not like what we have to say.”
"My friends are Burman Buddhists. I got to know them in the early 2000s in the context of the pro-democracy struggle, which they enthusiastically supported. In those days, Aung San Suu Kyi was considered beyond criticism by many people in the opposition movement. In the Western media, Suu Kyi was practically deified..."

"SOUTHEAST BANGLADESH, NEAR THE MYANMAR BORDER — “Ethnic cleansing” and even “genocide” are antiseptic and abstract terms. What they mean in the flesh is a soldier grabbing a crying baby girl named Suhaifa by the leg and flinging her into a bonfire. Or troops locking a 15-year-old girl in a hut and setting it on fire.
The children who survive are left haunted: Noor Kalima, age 10, struggles in class in a makeshift refugee camp. Her mind drifts to her memory of seeing her father and little brother shot dead, her baby sister’s and infant brother’s throats cut, the machete coming down on her own head, her hut burning around her … and it’s difficult to focus on multiplication tables.
“Sometimes I can’t concentrate on my class,” Noor explained. “I want to throw up.”
In the past I’ve referred to Myanmar’s atrocities against its Rohingya Muslim minority as “ethnic cleansing,” but increasingly there are indications that the carnage may amount to genocide. The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, backed by a Myanmar-focused human rights organization called Fortify Rights, argues that there is “growing evidence of genocide,” and Yale scholars made a similar argument even before the latest spasms of violence.
Romeo Dallaire, a legendary former United Nations general, describes it as “very deliberate genocide.” The U.N. human rights chief, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, told me, “It would not surprise me at all if a court in the future were to judge that acts of genocide had taken place.”..."

"On November 22, Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a Chinese-brokered accord for the tentative repatriation of hundreds of thousands of refugees currently living in Bangladesh. The agreement will in principle allow for the return of over 620,000 Rohingya refugees, most of whom fled Myanmar in the wake of a recent military government-backed crackdown under circumstances that many, including myself, have dubbed genocide.
News of the repatriation agreement has been generally well received by the international community. The majority of States undoubtedly breathed a sigh of relief that they would not be forced to wrestle with the intricacies and international legal implications of—as French President Macron uniquely dubbed the crisis—“this genocide which is unfolding.” After all, under international law, for one State to acknowledge that a genocide is occurring in another obliges the recognizing State to act to stop the atrocities.
Yet for all the world’s lofty “never again” rhetoric in the aftermath of the Holocaust (when the Genocide Convention was enacted), what nations would wish to embroil themselves in yet another far-flung conflict—this time in Rakhine State, a location of little geopolitical or economic significance to most outside players? And what chance is there that the United Nations would take any action, particularly with China—one of the few players with important ties to Myanmar and major investments in Rakhine—holding veto rights on the Security Council?..."

"Surveys conducted by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in refugee settlement camps in Bangladesh estimate that at least 9,000 Rohingya died in Myanmar, in Rakhine state, between 25 August and 24 September. As 71.7% of the reported deaths were caused by violence, at least 6,700 Rohingya, in the most conservative estimations, are estimated to have been killed, including at least 730 children below the age of five years..."

"Not only is a continuation of humanitarian support of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees badly needed in Burma, but a change of strategy by the international community is required to get the Burmese government and military to abide by international law and respect the human rights of all its peoples.
Burma has to be seen in the context of not just the horrific events in Rakhine State but also in light of the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government’s policies leading up to, and its reaction to, those events..."

"Renaud Egreteau asks how the legislature could provide more oversight on the recent Rakhine State crisis...When the Arakan Rohingya Solidarity Army (ARSA) launched attacks against military and police outposts in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State on August 25, the fifth session of the Union parliament was about to go into recess. Minister of Home Affairs Lt-Gen. Kyaw Swe and his deputy, Maj-Gen. Aung Soe, quickly provided details about the response of the armed forces and police to lawmakers in both parliamentary houses, which have been controlled by the National League for Democracy since the 2015 elections.
They explained at length how the country’s constitution and laws, particularly the counter-terrorism legislation passed in 2014, governed the actions of the security forces. The military-appointed lawmakers seconded their report, stressing the commitment of the armed forces, or Tatmadaw, to protect the nation and safeguard its territorial integrity. Little was said, however, about the brutal operations that subsequently triggered the exodus of more than 650,000 refugees into neighbouring Bangladesh.
The regular session then adjourned on August 31 and no extraordinary session was convened in response to the crisis. No state of emergency was declared either. Instead, the Union legislature simply went into a six-week recess, reconvening on October 17 for its sixth plenary session.
"Could Union lawmakers raise their voices and become meaningfully involved in policy discussions regarding security-related events in Rakhine State? For a country with a relatively young but once active parliament, it is a moment for the legislature to seize the opportunity to assert itself and play a central role in conflict oversight and crisis management..."

Conclusion:
"The actions of the Myanmar military in northern Rakhine State have created a major humanitarian catastrophe, a crisis for the country and a security threat to the region. It has strengthened an ugly strand of nationalism that will be long-lasting and could lead to the targeting of other minorities in the future. The crisis will define Myanmar in the eyes of much of the world for years to come, with hugely negative consequences across the board on trade, investment, tourism. The country has squandered its considerable reserves of global good-will just when it needed them most, as it was emerging from decades of isolation from the West. Myanmar has also put itself at much greater risk of attack by transnational jihadist groups. Priority long-term aims of balancing China’s geostrategic influence and economic dominance in the country and rehabilitating the military’s international image have been significantly set back.
The abuses against the Rohingya minority have captured global public opinion, and the uncompromising posture of the government has exacerbated the situation. Western countries almost certainly will re-impose some of the sanctions that had been lifted in recent years. As they do so, they should acknowledge their inherent limitations and approach them in a manner that can maximise leverage while minimising collateral damage on Myanmar’s long-suffering population."

"...Everyone wants the Rohingya problem to just disappear. So the news that Burma and Bangladesh have agreed on a framework to begin returning the Rohingya — without referring to the continuing violence that is driving their exodus, and without any clear role for international human rights monitoring bodies — is as expected as it is depressing.
For this is the third Rohingya refugee crisis in 40 years, and the third precipitous return of refugees to a state unwilling to recognize the Rohingya minority’s right to citizenship. In these refugee crises, the international community chose repatriation as an expedient solution rather than trying to impose real change within Burma to end the persecution. If there is to be any hope that these coming returns will not end in disaster — in starvation, in violence, in repatriation while staring down the barrel of a gun — then the disastrous histories of the Rohingya repatriations in 1978 and 1992 must be exposed to critical scrutiny..."

"The furious debate over when the ethnic group first arrived in Rakhine state will not easily be resolved ...he recent visit of Pope Francis to Myanmar provoked a storm of controversy over his decision to avoid using the term “Rohingya”, with some accusing the pontiff of unwittingly emboldening ultra-nationalist forces who refuse to accept the term. Others defended the pope’s blatant omission of the word as sound diplomacy at a delicate juncture.
The highest authority of the Catholic Church eventually used the word “Rohingya” during his visit to Bangladesh, where over 600,000 Rohingya refugees have fled Myanmar military-led “clearance operations” the United Nations has said represent a textbook example of “ethnic cleansing.”
The dailyReport
Must-reads from across Asia - directly to your inbox
The controversy over the Pope’s use of the term in Bangladesh but not in Myanmar speaks volumes about the gap between how the spiraling humanitarian crisis emanating from western Rakhine state is being viewed inside and outside of Myanmar. And the debate over the use of the word “Rohingya” will intensify in the weeks ahead as the two sides begin a repatriation program that will again put the term in a spotlight.
Myanmar’s citizenship criterion is based on the taingyintha, or “national races”, concept. It is defined somewhat arbitrarily as those ethnic groups that were settled in Myanmar in 1823, a year before the first Anglo-Burmese war in which the British conquered Arakan (as Rakhine was officially known until 1989) and other regions of the country.
The Citizenship Law passed in 1982 made belonging to one of the national races the primary, though not only, criterion for full citizenship. Nine years later, the government issued a list of 135 official national races, and the Rohingya were notably not on it. Arguably, Myanmar’s military-led state erased them from its national history..."

"Muslims in Burma, most of whom are Sunni, constitute at least 4 per cent of the country’s entire population (CIA World Factbook, 2006), with the largest concentration in the north of Rakhine State (also known as Arakan), especially around Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Akyab and Kyauktaw.
There are a number of distinct Muslim communities in Burma, not all of which share the same cultural or ethnic background. While the country’s largest Muslim population resides in Rakhine State (also known as Arakan), it is actually made up of two distinct groups: those whose ancestors appear to be long established, going back hundreds and hundreds of years, and others whose ancestors arrived more recently during the British colonial period (from 1824 until 1948).
The majority of Muslims in Rakhine State refer to themselves as ‘Rohingya’: their language (Rohingya) is derived from the Bengali language and is similar to the Chittagonian dialect spoken in nearby Chittagong, in Bangladesh. There is some dispute as to whether the Rohingya are indigenous to the region or are more ‘recent’, being in the main the descendants of those who arrived in Rakhine State during the British colonial administration.
A second group of Muslims in the Rakhine State does not consider themselves as Rohingya, as they speak Rakhine which is closely related to the Burmese language, claim their ancestors have lived in the state for many centuries, and tend to share similar customs to the Rakhine Buddhists. They identify themselves ‘Arakanese Muslims’, ‘Burmese Muslims’ or simply ‘Muslims’..."

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

Minority Rights Group (World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples)

"In August 2017, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked police posts and an army base in western Rakhine state, Myanmar, claiming to fight for the rights of Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority living in western Myanmar. Within a few weeks, under the pretext of “clearance operations”, more than 600,000 Rohingya people fled across the border into neighbouring Bangladesh amidst reports of extrajudicial killings, sexual violence and arson by Myanmar’s state military, the Tatmadaw. The United Nations has declared this to be “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”. This categorisation is only strengthened in private conversations with humanitarian actors working in Bangladesh, who describe the sheer scale of war crimes that have been committed against civilian populations since August.
And yet the Tatmadaw’s campaign has been disturbingly popular within Myanmar. Many of my friends from fieldwork, including members of other long-oppressed ethnic minorities, have posted in support of what they consider to be a mission to rid the country of illegal immigrants and terrorists. In the midst of the horror, I have been left wondering what my role as a researcher is. Indeed, while the anthropologist in my head cautions me to maintain reflexivity and consider the events more critically, this perspective and my pedagogical training seem inadequate right now..."

Fighting malnutrition in Bangladesh
"A former member of the US Navy, Lucas Alamprese became a nutritionist as he wanted to do something that would make a difference in people’s lives. As Emergency Surge Nutritionist for the World Food Programme (WFP), he is now at the forefront of efforts to fight malnutrition among Rohingya refugees..."

"The Rohingya people in Myanmar are trapped in a vicious system of state-sponsored, institutionalised discrimination that amounts to apartheid, said Amnesty International today as it publishes a major new analysis into the root causes of the current crisis in Rakhine State.
“Caged without a roof” puts into context the recent wave of violence in Myanmar, when the security forces killed Rohingya people, torched whole villages to the ground, and drove more than 600,000 to flee across the border into Bangladesh.
The two-year investigation reveals how authorities severely restrict virtually all aspects of Rohingyas’ lives in Rakhine State and have confined them to what amounts to a ghetto-like existence where they struggle to access healthcare, education or in some areas even to leave their villages. The current situation meets every requirement of the legal definition of the crime against humanity of apartheid.
“The Myanmar authorities are keeping Rohingya women, men and children segregated and cowed in a dehumanising system of apartheid. Their rights are violated daily and the repression has only intensified in recent years,” said Anna Neistat, Amnesty International’s Senior Director for Research.
“This system appears designed to make Rohingyas’ lives as hopeless and humiliating as possible. The security forces’ brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing in the past three months is just another extreme manifestation of this appalling attitude.
“Although these rights violations may not be as visible as those that have hit the headlines in recent months, they are just as horrific. The root causes of the current crisis must be addressed to end the cycle of abuse and make it possible for Rohingya refugees to return to a situation where their rights and dignity are respected.”..."

Policy
summary:
3.1.1
"Official
and societal
discrimination against Rohingya in
Burma
is
widespread.
Denial
of citizenship
severely restricts
their rights to study, work,
move
freely, marry, practise their religion and
access health services.
In security
operations,
there have been consistent allegations
of
Rohingya been victims
of
torture, indiscriminate killings, burning of houses and rape
by the security
forces
and other state actors.
3.1.2
In
general,
the level and cumulative
effect
of the denial of rights and state
discrimination against the Rohingya population in Rakhine State is such that
it amounts
to persecution.
3.1.3
Rohingya who live outside of Rakhine State may also be able to
demonstrate a need for international protection depending on their personal
circumstances.
3.1.4
Where a claim
is
refused, it is unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’..."

There are two main reports plus a video - See the main and Alternate URLs...."Since August 25, 2017, Burmese security forces have committed widespread rape against women and girls as part of a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Rakhine State.
Killings, rapes, arbitrary arrests, and mass arson of homes by Burmese security forces in hundreds of predominantly Rohingya villages have forced more than 600,000 Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh. Rohingya women, men, and children have arrived in Bangladesh in desperate condition—hungry, exhausted, and sometimes with rape, bullet, or burn injuries. The humanitarian crisis caused by Burma’s atrocities against the Rohingya has been staggering in both scale and speed.
The Burmese military’s brutal campaign follows attacks on 30 police posts and an army base by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on the morning of August 25, 2017 in northern Rakhine State. The government reported that 11 security force personnel were killed. While the government had a duty to respond to the attacks, the Burmese military, supported by Border Police and armed ethnic Rakhine villagers, not only pursued those responsible, but immediately launched large-scale attacks against scores of Rohingya villages under the guise of counter-insurgency operations. Human Rights Watch has found that the violations committed by members of Burma’s security forces against the Rohingya population in northern Rakhine State since August 25 amount to crimes against humanity under international law..."

"Depending on who you ask, the Rohingya people in Myanmar are facing ethnic cleansing, genocide, or simply a complicated situation.
Myanmar's government has exonerated itself and says accusations against the military are completely false. Many people across the world disagree.
Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau calls the plight of the Rohingya a "tremendous concern".
US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has also visited Myanmar and denounced "horrific" violence.
What now for the persecuted minority?.."

"On October 9, 2016, a previously unknown Rohingya militant group
calling itself Harakah al-Yaqin attacked three police
outposts in Maungdaw and Rathedaung Townships in
Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State. Armed mostly with
sticks, knives, and improvised explosive devices, the group
killed nine state security officials. After renaming itself
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in March
2017, the group waged a second attack on 30 police outposts
and an army base on August 25, 2017, killing 12 officials.
ARSA claimed the attacks were a response to protracted
discriminatory treatment and persecution of the Rohingya
Muslim minority in Myanmar.
Immediately following both of those attacks, the Myanmar
Army launched clearance operations—a term the military
uses to describe ongoing multiagency efforts to combat and
apprehend Rohingya militants.
In practice, the military and the Government of Myanmar
used such operations as a mechanism to commit mass
atrocities against Rohingya men, women, and children.
Over the past year, Fortify Rights and the Simon-Skjodt
Center documented how the Myanmar Army, Air
Force, Police Force, and armed civilians carried out an
unprecedented, widespread, and systematic attack on
Rohingya civilians throughout northern Rakhine State
with brutal efficiency. Eyewitness testimony documented in
this report reveals how Myanmar state security forces and
civilian perpetrators committed mass killings. State security
forces opened fire on Rohingya civilians from the land and
sky. Soldiers and knife-wielding civilians hacked to death
and slit the throats of Rohingya men, women, and children,
and Rohingya civilians were burned alive. Soldiers raped
and gang-raped Rohingya women and girls and arbitrarily
arrested men and boys en masse..."

"These are the harrowing accounts of villagers of Tula Toli where Rohingya Muslims were massacred - a special investigation by BBC Newsnight, Reporter Gabriel Gatehouse, Producer James Clayton; Filmed and Edited by Jack Garland..."

"The Rohingya, a Muslim minority of Burma of approximately two million people, are enduring a protracted and ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign. In September alone the Myanmar military burned hundreds of villages and forced nearly half a million to flee to Bangladesh. Journalist Francis Wade, the author of Myanmar’s Enemy Within: Buddhist Violence and the Making of a Muslim ‘Other' (2017), joins James C. Scott, Kyaw Hsan Hlaing, and Myo Win in an panel moderated by Elliott Prasse-Freeman to explore the deep roots of these events, examining how violent prejudices were nurtured by the military and activated during the democratic transition and what potential there is for peace and security in Burma not only for the Rohingya but for the country's other minorities."

Information released by the Tatmadaw True News Information Team on the findings of the
Investigation Team in connection with the performances of the security troops during the
terrorist attacks in Maungtaw region, Rakhine State..."

"Sitagu Sayadaw is one of the most respected religious leaders in Myanmar. He is very well known for his teachings and for his philanthropic work. He has considerable influence. It therefore surprised many in his native Myanmar and worldwide when he gave a sermon in Kayin State on 30 October with a particularly striking message. The sermon appeared to suggest that the killing of those who are not Buddhist could be justified on the grounds that they were not complete humans, or indeed humans at all.
A photo of Sitagu Sayadaw with Barack Obama in 2012 (via Burma Dhamma blog)
There has been much online discussion about the passage. In its extreme form, there is the idea that Sitagu Sayadaw argued that non-Buddhists are less than human, and that on this basis it is permissible to cause them harm. How could such a revered teacher as Sitagu Sayadaw preach such a message? Particularly troubling was that the sermon was given to a group of army officers likely to be involved in the conflict against Muslim Rohingyas. The interpretation could be that this was a Buddhist justification for the killing of Rohingyas.
The sermon was indeed delivered to army officers at the Bayintnaung garrison and military training school in Kayin State. In reflecting on the relationship between the actions of the Burmese military and the consequences of a soldier’s duty to protect the Myanmar nation, Sitagu Sayadaw used the 5th Century CE Sri Lankan chronicle, the Mahavamsa. He also chose to quote from a notorious passage from the 25th chapter of the Mahavamsa, “The Victory of Dutthagamani”. The passage in question appears to go against many of what most people would understand to be the key ideas of Buddhism. One possible way to interpret it is simply to suggest that “Buddhists are as capable of hypocrisy, double standards and special pleading as anyone.”
I would suggest that the primary intention of the Dutthagamani passage is not to justify the killing of living beings who are not Buddhist per se. The point of the passage—however much we might disagree with its logic—is the idea that actions performed with the idea of protecting and defending Buddhism, or “bringing glory to the doctrine of the Buddha”, overrides more accepted ethical norms such as the precept of not killing living beings. Protecting the Dhamma circumvents the usual operation of karma. All actions have consequences, but the effects of these actions can be lessened if the motivation for them is a noble one.
In case I am misunderstood, I would like to state clearly that the use of the passage was unwise in the extreme by the revered Sayadaw. It is also a passage which sits very uneasily with mainstream Buddhist thinking on the use of violence. However, it can, has, and is being used by Buddhists to describe how “unwholesome actions” (Burmese: arkhutho Pali: akusala-kamma) can be used to defend and preserve Buddhism.
In the famous episode recounted in the Mahavamsa, Dutthagamani, having waged a long and bloody war in which millions were killed, suffers from extreme unease and remorse. Through their supernatural powers, a group of eight Arahants become aware of this remorse and travel to see Dutthagamani. Using their supernatural powers, they travel through the air from the Island of Piyangudipa to comfort him. However, Dutthagamani tells the Arahants:
How shall there be any comfort for me, O venerable sirs, since by me was caused the slaughter of a great host numbering millions?
He is then famously advised:
From this deed arises no hindrance in thy way to heaven. Only one and a half human beings have been slain here by thee, O lord of men. The one had come unto the (three) refuges, the other had taken on himself the five precepts. Unbelievers [they have “wrong-views”, micchādiṭṭhi] and men of evil life were the rest, not more to be esteemed than beasts. But as for thee, thou wilt bring glory to the doctrine of the Buddha in manifold ways; therefore cast away care from thy heart, O ruler of men!..."

"What does the future hold for the Rohingya in Bangladesh, one of the world's poorest countries?...The UN calls it a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing" - more than 600,000 Rohingya have fled their homes in Myanmar, seeking sanctuary in Bangladesh.
They've brought stories of burning villages, murder, rape and babies being thrown into fires. This human catastrophe is happening under the leadership of Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Those who've made it to the squalid refugee camps in Bangladesh may have escaped with their lives, but they now face an uncertain future in one of the world's poorest countries.
101 East investigates the plight of the Rohingya.

"... Kim Jolliffe continues looking at impacts of the Rakhine State crisis on Myanmar’s international relations. Part I of this series can be found here...
As I introduced in Part I, much of Myanmar’s population has shown unwavering support for Aung San Suu Kyi and her government’s handling of the Rakhine State crisis. This has given rise to a popular narrative that criticism from the international community is unfounded and unfair, and that Myanmar just needs to focus on building unity and moving forward its agenda of political and economic reform.
In these two posts, I argue that – whoever we blame for events in Rakhine State – in today’s globalised world, Myanmar cannot simply dismiss international responses and focus on its own vision. Actions have reactions, and any good government needs to manage international relations in a way that suits its people’s long-term interests. In other words, Myanmar’s peace and development will require efforts to maintain good relations with other countries..."

"Myanmar’s most revered Buddhist leader gave a speech on Monday in which he urged hundreds of military officers to not to fear the sinfulness of taking human life. Despite building a reputation on his interfaith and humanitarian activities, Sitagu Sayadaw has long made excuses for the military’s abuses against Rohingya Muslims. This week, critics said the monk veered into promoting genocide.
During his speech, which was delivered at a military base in Kayin State and broadcast live in Myanmar to over 250,000 viewers, Sitagu Sayadaw shared a parable about an ancient Sri Lankan king who was assured by Buddhist clerics that the countless Hindus he had killed only added up to one and a half lives.
“Don’t worry King, it’s a little bit of sin. Don’t worry,” Sitagu Sayadaw said. “Even though you killed millions of people, they were only one and a half real human beings.”..."

"Kim Jolliffe highlights impacts of the Rakhine State conflict on Myanmar’s international relations in a two-part post...
On October 12, Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi delivered a “report to the people” on the recent crisis in Rakhine State. She explained, “just as no one can fully understand the situation in our country as we do, no one can desire peace and development for our country more than us”. This and other comments in the speech reflect two positions widely held in Myanmar: that criticism of the government from overseas is unfair and patronising, and that the country needs to remain patriotic and stay focused on its broader political and economic agenda.
Unavoidably, however, Myanmar’s journey towards “peace and development” will be deeply impacted by its relations with other countries. In today’s globalised world, the reactions of other countries have real consequences; managing them is a crucial responsibility of good government. Dismissing international relations and relying only on internal “unity” is a risky strategy for any government, even in times of hardship. This includes cooperating on international humanitarian and security norms and preventing transnational crises.
In this two-part blog series, I explore three sets of foreign relations challenges that Myanmar could face as a result of the Rakhine crisis. This post, Part I, looks at impacts on Myanmar’s high-level strategic relations. Part II will look at, first, the relations with majority Muslim countries and, second, the increased threat from transnational Islamist terrorists. Whoever we choose to blame for recent events, Myanmar’s handling of these risks going forward will have significant ramifications for the country as a whole. Self-isolation could only make things worse..."

"Experts of the Independent International Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar conclude visit to Bangladesh.....The Human Rights Council on 24 March 2017 decided (through Resolution A/HRC/RES/34/22) to dispatch urgently an independent international fact-finding mission, to be appointed by the President of the Human Rights Council, to establish the facts and circumstances of the alleged recent human rights violations by military and security forces, and abuses, in Myanmar, in particular in Rakhine State, including but not limited to arbitrary detention, torture and inhuman treatment, rape and other forms of sexual violence, extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary killings, enforced disappearances, forced displacement and unlawful destruction of property, with a view to ensuring full accountability for perpetrators and justice for victims, and requests the fact-finding mission to present to the Council an oral update at its thirty-sixth session and a full report at its thirty-seventh session"

"The international community’s failure to address Myanmar’s Rohingya crisis has resulted in massive displacement from Rakhine state. The crisis poses a clear threat to Myanmar’s democratic transition. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2017 – Third Update early warning report for European policy makers, Crisis Group urges the European Union and its member states to support strong Security Council action and push for multilateral and bilateral engagement with Myanmar’s civilian and military leaders... Since Crisis Group’s warning in its February Watch List, Rakhine state’s “alarming trajectory” has deteriorated further. The views of most people in Myanmar and those of much of the international community on the crisis are diametrically opposed. Domestically, the situation is seen to stem from terrorist attacks and a legitimate security response to them; internationally, the focus is on the disproportionate military response to those attacks involving serious abuses characterised as possible crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Myanmar’s political direction in relation to the crisis has now been set and is very unlikely to be altered. Views domestically and internationally are hardening in different directions, with huge implications for domestic politics and Myanmar’s standing in the world..."

"Critiques of (neo)liberalism broadly aim to reveal the insidious ways that dispossession is depoliticized and justified qua economies and arts of government. Yet the recent scramble among scholars and journalists to understand the role of state power and (neo)liberal ideology in shaping Rohingya displacement has revealed few surprising insights about the mechanisms underpinning violence in Myanmar, nor has it revealed any new possibilities for undermining the structures and discourses that frame this violence as inevitable. Of course, this is not to say that (neo)liberal ideology does not harm minorities and the poor. It most certainly does.
Drawing on James Ferguson, I argue that a myopic focus on (neo)liberal ideology belies its polyvalence and overlooks its uses for radical and subversive ends. Here neoliberalism is understood as the particularly insidious refusal to see liberalism as a political rather than economic project (Brown, 2010). This piece engages with current debates over analyses of Rohingya displacement and the controversial positioning of well-known Burma studies scholar, Dr. Jacques Leider. The aim is to identify a productive politics of scholarly engagement with Rohingyas and violence in Myanmar. I argue that radical feminisms and feminist methods decenter (neo)liberalism as an organizing principle of intellectual life, enable the (co)production of knowledge that resists co-optation, and subvert narratives that render vulnerable people less than human..."

"An overwhelming body of published accounts has detailed the Myanmar Army’s campaign of killing, rape and arson in Rakhine, which has driven more than 600,000 Rohingya out of the country since late August, in what the United Nations says is the fastest displacement of a people since the Rwanda genocide.
But in Myanmar, and even in Rakhine itself, there is stark denial that any ethnic cleansing is taking place.
The divergence between how Myanmar and much of the outside world see the Rohingya is not limited to one segment of local society. Nor can hatred in Myanmar of the largely stateless Muslim group be dismissed as a fringe attitude.
Continue reading the main story
Related Coverage
THE INTERPRETER
Myanmar, Once a Hope for Democracy, Is Now a Study in How It Fails OCT. 19, 2017
NEWS ANALYSIS
Hands Tied by Old Hope, Diplomats in Myanmar Stay Silent OCT. 12, 2017
Rohingya Recount Atrocities: ‘They Threw My Baby Into a Fire’ OCT. 11, 2017
New Surge of Rohingya Puts Aid Workers Back on ‘Full Alert’ OCT. 10, 2017
In Grim Camps, Rohingya Suffer on ‘Scale That We Couldn’t Imagine’ SEPT. 29, 2017
Government officials, opposition politicians, religious leaders and even local human-rights activists have become unified behind this narrative: The Rohingya are not rightful citizens of Buddhist-majority Myanmar, and now, through the power of a globally resurgent Islam, the minority is falsely trying to hijack the world’s sympathy..."

"The Policy and Advocacy Task Team of the Gender-based Violence Area of Responsibility (GBV AoR)[1] recognizes the continuing generosity of the Government and people of Bangladesh in keeping their borders open to the hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing conflict and violence in Myanmar.
The GBV AoR, in support of the Bangladesh GBV Sub-Sector, calls upon donors and states to:
Release funds immediately to cover Gender-based Violence (GBV) needs for at least one year. The GBV needs of this crisis are too large and too complex to be responded to with smaller, short-term funding. The Response Plan estimates that the funding required to meet the affected population’s needs currently stands at US$434,000,000, with $13,400,000 requested by the GBV Sub-sector to meet humanitarian need until February 2018 alone. Further, the Response Plan estimates that there are currently at least 448,000 people [2] in need under the GBV sector – 92% of whom are female, and 58% are under the age of 18.[3]
Work with the Bangladesh government to ensure that humanitarian space and access is secured and that clearance for agencies to provide humanitarian assistance is granted swiftly for new partners.
Use the 2015 Interagency GBV Guidelines and the 2006 Gender Handbook in Humanitarian Action as a criteria on which the release of all humanitarian funding is based. Agencies failing to meet these minimum standards of humanitarian action should not receive funding in line with the humanitarian principle of do-no-harm. Donor assistance is requested by the GBV AoR in requiring that the above guidelines are incorporated into humanitarian agencies’ response plans and strategies.
Immediately fund: (1) the expansion of scaled-up life-saving interventions, in particular clinical management of rape survivors, using mobile and facility based approaches in existing settlements and establishment of these services in new settlements; (2) integrated sexual and reproductive health and gender-based violence response services for survivors; (3) interventions which seek to mitigate risk and support a protective environment through mainstreaming approaches in other sectors; (4) Safe Space Centres for women and adolescent girls which provide case management and other psychosocial support programming.
Put in place funding mechanisms to support interventions which prevent and respond to intimate partner violence and child, early and forced marriage..."

"There has long been a lively debate about the origins of the Rohingya Muslims—and it’s far from clear-cut. Active Rohingya campaigning is a relatively recent phenomenon, aiming to establish a separate state in Myanmar rather than seek outright independence.
Yet throughout time, the Rohingya and their political goals have not been taken seriously. When Burma progressed towards independence in 1948, the Rohingya failed to efficiently collectivise and represent their political aspirations, instead seeking ambiguous terms such as “social and economic development”, or even expressing their aims in conjunction with other political organisations.
In fact, Myanmar’s political consensus on the Rohingya has always been questionable. The attitudes of Buddhist authorities have been inconsistent—sometimes appearing to recognise the Rohingya as citizens in specific practical cases, such as paying taxes, voting in elections before 2015, etc—while at other times, denying the Rohingya temporary residence claims outright..."

"The liberal analyst always works in the best interests of “the people”. He himself has no stake in the issue at hand – he merely offers the world his insights. His crisp analysis carefully rummages through events sorting fact from fiction– each false claim uncovered elevating his writing above the humdrum. He weighs up one side against the other. He never takes sides- centrism is his sanctuary. He is always careful to avoid strong sentiments. He always has the long term in mind. His game is truth and objectivity – as long as he is the one producing that truth and policing objectivity. He can always see the entire field where others are blinded or led astray by passions and politics. He determines who’s to blame, who took the wrong path and who is acting short sightedly. But above all he is pragmatic. He knows what must be done to achieve the best outcome for all involved – or the least worse. But his pragmatism is always confined to the safe limits of the liberal worldview. As a man who has been nurtured by state thinking, he naturally tends toward the state as the ultimate fixer and either ignores or looks on with disdain at the struggles of people who have real stakes in an issue..."

"As thousands of Rohingya refugees continue to pour into Bangladesh, Clive Myrie reports on the world's fastest growing humanitarian crisis. The plight of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people is said to be the world's fastest growing refugee crisis. Risking death by sea or on foot, more than half a million have fled the destruction of their homes and persecution in the northern Rakhine province of Myanmar (Burma) for neighbouring Bangladesh since August 2017. The United Nations described the military offensive in Rakhine, which provoked the exodus, as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing". Myanmar's military says it is fighting Rohingya militants and denies targeting civilians..."

(New York, 19 October 2017) " The United Nations Special Adviser on the
Prevention of
Genocide, Adama Dieng, and the Special Adviser of the Responsibil
ity to Protect, Ivan
Simonovic, call on the Government of Myanmar to take immediate action to stop and addres
s the
commission of atrocity crimes that are reportedly taking place in nort
hern Rakhine state.
The Special Advisers have been following the situation in northern Ra
khine state for several
years and have warned that there was a risk that atrocity cri
mes could be committed there. Risk
factors they identified included very deeply rooted and long-standin
g discriminatory practices
and policies against the Rohingya Muslims population, a failure to
stop acts of violence against
that group and a failure to put in place conditions that would support
the peaceful coexistence of
different communities in Rakhine state. “Despite warnings issued
by us and by many other
officials, the Government of Myanmar has failed to meet its o
bligations under international law
and primary responsibility to protect the Rohingya population fr
om atrocity crimes. The
international community has equally failed its responsibilities
in this regard”, the Special
Advisers stated..."

"Early in the morning of 25 August 2017, members of a Rohingya armed group, the Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army (ARSA), attacked approximately 30 security force outposts in northern Rakhine State.1 In its
response, the Myanmar Army, rather than targeting ARSA, launched an attack on the Rohingya population
in northern Rakhine State as a whole. Often working with Border Guard Police (BGP) and local vigilantes, the
military has carried out a campaign of violence that has been systematic, organized, and ruthless.
In this briefing, Amnesty International presents evidence that the Myanmar military has killed at least
hundreds of Rohingya women, men, and children; raped and perpetrated other forms of sexual violence on
Rohingya women and girls; and carried out organized, targeted burning of entire Rohingya villages. This
briefing builds on Amnesty International’s published findings since the crisis began, including on the
Myanmar military’s use of anti-personnel landmines. In seven weeks, the relentless human rights violations
have forced more than 520,000 Rohingya to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh. More cross the border daily.
The attack on the Rohingya population has been both systematic and widespread, constituting serious
human rights violations and crimes against humanity under international law (see text box below). The
violations and crimes have been committed within a context of decades of systematic, state-led
discrimination and persecution of the Rohingya population and occasional large-scale outbursts of violence.
After ARSA attacks on security force outposts in October 2016, the Myanmar military carried out “clearance
operations” marked by widespread and systematic human rights violations, including unlawful killings,
sexual violence and other forms of torture, enforced disappearances, and arbitrary arrests, which Amnesty
International concluded may have amounted to crimes against humanity. The current campaign is an
escalation, with the targeted burning of villages on a massive scale seemingly designed to push the Rohingya
population in northern Rakhine State out of the country and make it incredibly difficult for them to return..."

"United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs Jeffrey Feltman visited Myanmar from October 13 to October 17 at the invitation of the Government. In Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw, he met with State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Tatmadaw Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, among other officials, as well as with representatives of Myanmar’s civil society. He attended the ceremony commemorating the signing of Myanmar’s historic National Ceasefire Agreement and met with the signatory ethnic organizations. He also met with the resident diplomatic community and representatives of international NGOs.
Most of Under-Secretary-General Feltman’s discussions focused on the situation in Rakhine State and the plight of the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled to Bangladesh in the aftermath of the 25 August attacks on security positions and subsequent military action. He reiterated Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ call that humanitarian actors be given full and unhindered access to northern Rakhine State and that refugees be allowed voluntary, safe and dignified return to their place of origin..."

"On 25 August
2017
, violence dramatically escalated in
northern
Arakan/Rakhine State, after
insurgents staged a major coordinated attack against
security forces outposts.
The Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army (ARSA) claimed responsibility for the offensive,
in order to
“liberate our people from
dehumanized oppression perpetrated by all successive Burmese regimes”.
The
ensuing military
clearance
operations
killed
hundreds
of
people
and
forced
over
507,000
civilians
from
all
communities
to
flee
their
homes.
Independent
reports
documented
that
"operations"
mostly
involved
the
Tatmadaw
indiscriminately
burning
Rohingya
villages
and
opening
fire
on
their
residents,
with
some
instances
of
villagers
joining
the
militants
to
fight
the
security
forces.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al
Hussein declared
“[t]his turn of events is
deplorable. It was
predicted and could have been prevented”. He noted that
“decades of persistent and systematic human rights
violations, including the very violent security responses to
the attacks since October 2016 [see
Escalation of violence],
have almost certainly contributed to the nurturing of violent
extremism, with everyone ultimately losing”.
The latest wave of deadly violence in Arakan State did not
happen overnight. Independent
accounts, including a flash
report issued by the Office of the UN
High Commissioner
on Human Rights (OHCHR) on 3 February 2017, showed
that,
since 9 October 2016, the Tatmadaw has targeted
Rohingya
with
“unprecedented”
violence.
Burmese
authorities, including military
Commander-in-Chief Sr Gen Min Aung Hlaing and
State Counsellor Aung
San Suu Kyi, have repeatedly
denied
the
accusations of
human rights violations [see Government "terrorist ”
narrative].
The outbreak of violence took place just hours after the Advisory Commission
on Rakhine State –
also
known as Annan Commission –
released its final report, jeopardizing the
implementation of its
recommendations.
The Annan Commission -
inaugurated on 5 September 2016 at the behest of Aung San Suu Kyi and chaired by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
–
was mandated
with
providing recommendations to secure peace and prosperity in Arakan State.
Its final report, which did
not name the Rohingya at Aung San Suu Kyi’s request, urged
Burma
to eliminate all restrictions on
the
people’s ability to gain citizenship, move free
ly and participate in politics..."

" 11 October 2017 – Brutal, well-organized, coordinated and systematic attacks have been carried out against the minority Muslim Rohingya community in Myanmar, with the intention of not just driving them away but also preventing their return, a new United Nations human rights report has revealed.
Based on on-the-ground interviews in Cox’s Bazar, in Bangladesh, where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have sought refuge, the report also draws attention to a strategy to “instil deep and widespread fear and trauma – physical, emotional and psychological” among the Rohingya population.
“The [UN human rights] team documented consistent accounts of the Myanmar security forces surrounding or entering villages or settlements, sometimes accompanied by Rakhine Buddhist individuals firing indiscriminately at Rohingya villagers, injuring some and killing other innocent victims, setting houses on fire, and announcing in other villages that the same would befall them if they did not comply with the order to immediately abandon their homes,” notes the report, issued Wednesday by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)..."

"...Credible information indicates that the Myanmar security forces purposely destroyed the
property of the Rohingyas, scorched their dwellings and entire villages in northern Rakhine
State, not only to drive the population out in droves but also to prevent the fleeing Rohingya
victims from returning to their homes. The destruction by the Tatmadaw of houses, fields,
food-stocks, crops, livestock and even trees, render the possibility of the Rohingya returning
to normal lives and livelihoods in the future in northern Rakhine almost impossible. It also
indicates an effort to effectively erase all signs of memorable landmarks in the geography of
the Rohingya landscape and memory in such a way that a return to their lands would yield
nothing but a desolate and unrecognizable terrain. Information received also indicates that the
Myanmar security forces targeted teachers, the cultural and religious leadership, and other
people of influence in the Rohingya community in an effort to diminish Rohingya history,
culture and knowledge..."

"Region’s head of human rights calls on Aung San Suu Kyi to stop violence as report says ‘clearance operations’ include killings, torture and rape...Myanmar security forces have driven out half a million Muslim Rohingya from northern Rakhine state, torching their homes, crops and villages to prevent them from returning, the UN human rights office said on Wednesday.
Jyoti Sanghera, head of the Asia and Pacific region of the UN human rights office, called on the Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to “stop the violence” and voiced fear that if the stateless Rohingya refugees return from Bangladesh they may be interned.
“If villages have been completely destroyed and livelihood possibilities have been destroyed, what we fear is that they may be incarcerated or detained in camps,” she told a news briefing.
'We die or they die': Rohingya insurgency sparks fresh violence in Myanmar
Read more
The UN political affairs chief, Jeffrey Feltman, is due to visit Myanmar on Friday, said UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric.
In a report based on 65 interviews with Rohingya who have arrived in Bangladesh in the past month, the UN human rights office said that “clearance operations” had begun before insurgent attacks on police posts on 25 August and included killings, torture and rape of children.
The UN’s Jyoti Sanghera: ‘If villages have been completely destroyed ... what we fear is that they may be incarcerated or detained in camps.’
Facebook Twitter Pinterest
The UN’s Jyoti Sanghera: ‘If villages have been completely destroyed … what we fear is that they may be incarcerated or detained in camps.’ Photograph: Martial Trezzini/EPA
The UN high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein – who has described the government operations as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing” – said in a statement that the actions appeared to be “a cynical ploy to forcibly transfer large numbers of people without possibility of return”..."

"Since August 25, Burmese security forces have been carrying out a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State. Over half a million Rohingya have fled to neighboring Bangladesh to escape killings, arson, and other mass atrocities. The Rohingya, effectively denied citizenship under Burmese law, have faced decades of repression and discrimination. About 120,000 remain internally displaced from waves of violence in 2012 and 2016, in dire humanitarian conditions. Human Rights Watch researchers are reporting from the field on the crisis and its global impact.....Children's Rights ...Refugees and Migrants ...Refugee Rights... Asylum Seekers ...Internally Displaced People... United Nations... Women's Rights... Sexual Violence and Rape ...

"Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority group, are fleeing persecution in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, fueling a historic migration crisis...Discriminatory policies of Myanmar’s government since the late 1970s have compelled hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya to flee their homes in the predominantly Buddhist country. Most have crossed by land into Bangladesh, while others have taken to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.
Renewed violence, including reported rape, murder, and arson in 2017, triggered a massive exodus of Rohingya amid charges of ethnic cleansing against Myanmar’s security forces. Those forces claim to be carrying out a campaign to reinstate stability in the western region of Myanmar..."
Backgrounder by Eleanor Albert

"Despite Myanmar’s recent transition to civilian leadership, the military has retained significant power and is most to blame for the sectarian violence against the Rohingya...State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi has faced the brunt of international criticism for what has been described as ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, but Myanmar’s military, which has executed the crackdown in Rakhine State, is largely to blame, says Francis Wade, a journalist and author of Myanmar’s Enemy Within: Buddhist Violence and the Making of a Muslim ‘Other.’ The military still retains a great deal of political and economic power despite the country’s recent transition to a civilian-led government, explains Wade. Still, he says that in echoing the military’s rhetoric against the Muslim minority group, Aung San Suu Kyi and her civilian government have only fueled the sectarian violence..."

Statement following government-organized visit to northern-
Rakhine 2 October 2017The UN appreciates the Government of Myanmar’s invitation to participate in the visit to northern Rakhine organized by national authorities for diplomatic community and the UN. This was a positive step and such visits, under appropriate conditions, could help in our efforts to explore potential areas where the UN could cooperate with the Myanmar authorities in alleviating the dire situation in northern Rakhine.
Three UN representatives participated in the field visit --
the UN Resident Coordinator Ms. Renata Lok-Dessallien; the WFP representative and Deputy Humanitarian Coordinator, Mr. Domenico Scalpelli, and senior UNHCR official Ms. Cécile Fradot.
Thescale of human sufferingis unimaginable and the UNextends
its deepest condolences to all those affected.
The UN advocatesfor the end to the cycle of violence and for establishing law and order and the rule of law; to
allow unfettered access for humanitarian support; and to ensure the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable
return of the refugees to their areas of origin.
The UN used the field visit also to send a signal of hope to the people in the affected areas, as well as to connect
with its staff in northern Rakhine.
The UN delegation reiterated the need for a greater access for humanitarian and human rights actors to conduct
comprehensive assessments of the situation on the ground in order to address the concerns and needs of all
communities in affected areas. The UN called also for access for the media. Building on this visit, the UN looks forward to strengthening trust and cooperation with all communities and the Myanmar Government. This will be critical in addressing the root causes and setting a sustainable path towards peace and prosperity of all people in Rakhine State, irrespective of ethnicity, religion or citizenship status.
The UN stands ready to provide its full support to the authorities in responding to the humanitarian and human
rights crisis in northern Rakhine, as well as the implementation of the recommendations of the Advisory
Commission on Rakhine State.
Contact Stanislav Saling from the Office of the UN Resident Coordinator in Myanmar for more information at stanislav.saling@one.un.org or +95-942 651 9871.

STATEMENT ON THE DIPLOMATIC TRIP TO NORTHERN RAKHINE ON 2 OCTOBER 2017
At the invitation of the Myanmar Government, we visited Northern Rakhine today. We went to a number of villages in Maungdaw and Rathedaung districts and met a mixture of local communities.
This initiative by the Government of Myanmar allowed us to show support for the many people of all communities in northern Rakhine who have suffered and still feel great insecurity.
We reiterate our condemnation of the ARSA attacks of 25 August and our deep concern about violence and mass displacement since. This was not an investigation mission and could not be in the circumstances. Investigation of allegations of human rights violations needs to be carried out by experts. We welcome the commitment of the State Counsellor to address human rights violations in accordance with strict norms of justice and call again on the Myanmar authorities to fully investigate allegations of human rights violations and bring prosecutions against those responsible. We also urge them to allow the UN Fact-Finding Mission to visit Rakhine.
We saw villages which had been burned to the ground and emptied of inhabitants. The violence must stop. The security forces have an obligation to protect all people in Rakhine without discrimination and to take measures to prevent acts of arson. We welcome the State Counsellor’s statement that the security forces have been instructed to adhere strictly to a code of conduct, to exercise all due restraint and to take full measures to avoid collateral damage and the harming of innocent civilians. We encourage the Myanmar Government to move quickly to enable the voluntary, dignified and safe return to their places of origin of the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled to Bangladesh.
We saw on our visit the dire humanitarian need. We call once more for unimpeded humanitarian access to northern Rakhine and resumption of life-saving services without discrimination throughout the state. We welcome the media access that has already been allowed but call once more for journalists to be allowed full, unimpeded access to all parts of Rakhine.
We have stressed to the Union and State Government and to local authorities in Rakhine that the people we saw during this visit must not be subject to, and should be protected from, any reprisals, such as physical attacks or arbitrary arrest.
As friends of Myanmar we remain ready to work with the Myanmar Government to help Rakhine reach its potential. The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State has set out recommendations for a stable, peaceful and prosperous future for all communities in the state, irrespective of ethnicity, religion or citizenship status. We support full implementation of the report.
We sincerely hope that our visit is only the very first step in an urgently needed opening up of access for all, including the media, to all parts of Northern Rakhine.
This statement is issued by the following diplomats in Myanmar who all took part in a government arranged trip to northern Rakhine state on 2 October 2017: Ambassador Nicholas Coppel, Australia; Ambassador Karen MacArthur, Canada; Ambassador Jaroslav Dolecek, Czech Republic; Ambassador Peter Lysholt Hansen, Denmark; Ambassador Olivier Richard, France; Ambassador Ito Sumardi, Indonesia; Ambassador Giorgio Aliberti, Italy; Ambassador Wouters Jurgens, the Netherlands; Ambassador Steve Marshall, New Zealand; Ambassador Tone Tinnes, Norway; Ambassador Miodrag Nikolin, Serbia; Ambassador Paul Seger, Switzerland; Ambassador Kerem Divanlioglu, Turkey; Ambassador Scot Marciel, the United States; Ambassador-designate Kristian Schmidt, the European Union; Ambassador-designate Dorothee Janetzke-Wenzel, Germany; Mr. Bibian Zamora Giménez, Chargée d’Affaires a.i. Spain; Mr. Johan Hallenborg, Head of the Swedish Section Office; Mr. David Hall, Deputy Head of Mission, the United Kingdom; Ms. Silja Rajander, Deputy Head of Mission, Finland.

"Following the violent expulsion of some 400,000 Rohingya in Myanmar in the course of three weeks (now more
than 500,000), Refugees International (RI) President Eric Schwartz and Senior Advocate for Human Rights Daniel
Sullivan traveled to Bangladesh to assess the situation and bear witness. This policy brief is based on that mission,
which involved interviews with Rohingya refugees who recently arrived from Myanmar as well as with United
Nations and Bangladesh government officials and international aid workers in Bangladesh. Schwartz and Sullivan
visited a hospital in Cox’s Bazar which treats recently arrived Rohingya from Myanmar, four makeshift settlements
for Rohingya (Kutupalong, Balukhali, Thaingkhali, and Unchiprang) as well as border crossing areas and a “no-
man’s land” where many Rohingya have gathered between the borders of Myanmar and Bangladesh. This policy
brief is largely adapted from testimony given by Sullivan before the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia
and the Pacific on September 27, 2017...he Myanmar military has been executing a campaign
of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people of
Myanmar, marked by abuses that constitute crimes
against humanity.
More than 500,000 Rohingya have fled their homes
in the course of a month, approaching half of the
entire Rohingya population that had been living in
Myanmar up to a month ago. Vast swaths of villages
have been burned by the Myanmar security forces
and Rakhine Buddhist mobs. Rohingya refugees who
have arrived in Bangladesh share consistent accounts
of Myanmar soldiers surrounding villages, burning
homes to the ground, stabbing, shooting, and raping
the inhabitants, leaving the survivors to flee for their
lives.
The Rohingya have faced decades of persecution,
but the violence and large-scale displacement have
intensified in recent years. The current crisis that
began just over a month ago is of an entirely new
scale and level of inhumanity. The current campaign
began after attacks on 30 security posts in Rakhine
State in western Myanmar and the killing of 12
Myanmar security officials by poorly armed Rohingya
insurgents, but the military’s response to those attacks
has been grossly disproportionate and has broadly
targeted the Rohingya civilian population. Many
people from other ethnic groups, including Rakhine
Buddhists and Hindus have been displaced and killed
as well, reportedly in attacks by Rohingya insurgents,
but the attacks on other groups has been nowhere on
the scale of the attacks on the Rohingya.
The outflow of half a million Rohingya has also
created a humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh as existing
capabilities have been overwhelmed. To its credit,
the Bangladesh government has generally welcomed
the Rohingya refugees, but much more international
assistance is needed to address the still growing
humanitarian crisis. Ultimately, the root causes of the
crisis will have to be addressed by bringing pressure
on the Myanmar government that has continued
policies of persecution and on the Myanmar military
that has carried out egregious human rights abuses."

"The Permanent People’s Tribunal (PPT) on Myanmar last week found the Myanmar government guilty of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The tribunal’s seven judges, comprising legal and human rights experts, handed down the preliminary judgement after hearings took place in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, from September 18-22, announcing that: “The State of Myanmar is fully responsible for genocide against the Rohingya people.
“It is further responsible not only for genocidal intent against the Kachin and the Muslim minority, but also and more specifically for crimes of war against the Kachins and crimes against humanity against the Kachins and the Muslim groups,” it added.
The tribunal based its judgement off witness testimonies both in person in Kuala Lumpur and over video from London, as well as a long list of well documented atrocities including systemic rape, murder and eradication of identity and culture, presented by a team of prosecution lawyers.
“The qualification of genocide corresponds to the highest level of criminal responsibility and its foundations are analysed and documented in all its aspects: in the systematic policies of discrimination and physical elimination, in the active denial of identity and culture, including even the prohibition from using the term Rohingya,” the tribunal said..."

"YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar’s government will manage the redevelopment of villages torched during violence in Rakhine state that has sent nearly half a million Rohingya Muslims fleeing to Bangladesh, a minister was reported on Wednesday as saying. The plan for the redevelopment of areas destroyed by fires, which the government has blamed on Rohingya insurgents, is likely to raise concern about prospects for the return of the 480,000 refugees, and compound fears of ethnic cleansing.
“According to the law, burnt land becomes government-managed land,” Minister for Social Development, Relief and Resettlement Win Myat Aye told a meeting in the Rakhine state capital of Sittwe, the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper said..."

"By now, the main contours of the recent events in Rakhine State, in western Myanmar, are well-known. On August 25, an insurgent group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) (previously Harakah al-Yaqin) attacked police posts in northern Rakhine, eliciting a broad counterinsurgency response from the Myanmar military that has displaced over 400,000 Rohingya people into Bangladesh. As in previous cycles of violence, the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, has reportedly targeted civilians in its “clearance operations,” leading to allegations of killings, rape, and the burning of villages. The UN’s human rights body has referred to this latest outbreak of violence as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”
The crisis in, and now, beyond, Rakhine is part of a much longer story of Rohingya oppression and persecution in Myanmar. This history has almost certainly contributed to the growth of the ARSA insurgency. In contrast to its own claims and those of the Myanmar government and media, ARSA comes across as a poor, small, and desperate movement, staging its attacks in a haphazard manner with homemade weapons like knives, swords, and sticks. The Myanmar government and Burmese media, however, have painted ARSA— and in many ways, Rohingya people more broadly— as part of global Islamist networks. In government communications, “extremist Bengali terrorists” is the favored term for the military’s current foe in Rakhine. Notably, the current crisis is unfolding under the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She is Myanmar’s long-time opposition leader, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and the leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD). The NLD swept into power in the country’s nationwide elections of late 2015, the first open national elections in generations..."

"In the last few weeks, over 400,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled a bloody pogrom in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, crossing into Bangladesh. Among the horrified and largely moralistic reactions in the West, some have pointed to economic factors supposedly behind these events. They are right to highlight the importance of political economy drivers of conflict, but their analysis is disappointingly superficial and crude. This post critiques their approaches and briefly outlines a better one...In short, while simple pecuniary motives can never be entirely discounted, particularly in Myanmar’s borderlands, the political economy underpinning the current Rohingya crisis is far more complicated than is suggested in articles making a few sloppy references to megaprojects and land grabs. Ultimately, like Myanmar’s other ethnic conflicts, it reflects the crisis-ridden nature of the Burmese state since its inception.
Burma was founded with no real meaningful consensus among its population groups over the nature of the state or nation, or the extent of power and resource sharing. Bamar-Buddhist chauvinists, unprepared to make the concessions needed to secure others’ consensual participation in nation-building, have instead sought to impose their vision by force, leading to brutality across the borderlands. However, the Rohingya have suffered particularly harshly because their claim to ethnic-minority status is not even recognised. While the Bamar state seeks to coercively incorporate recognised ethnic minority groups into the Union, it seeks to coercively exclude the unrecognised Rohingya. That is, ultimately, traceable to British colonialism and its legacy..."

"It’s difficult to imagine a more dramatic drop in public stature than the one Aung San Suu Kyi has experienced these past few weeks. No doubt due in large part to the overwhelming sense of betrayal felt by many, the Nobel Laureate has been harshly criticized for her country’s recent treatment of the Rohingya. Words like “Genocide” and “Ethnic Cleansing” have, to my mind, been aptly used to define the situation in Rakhine State. With hundreds dead and hundreds of thousands fleeing across the border to Bangladesh, it’s difficult to imagine a more systematic and purposeful deprivation of life and human rights currently unfolding. In the bloody corpus of human suffering, this chapter should without a doubt serve as the stereotypical example of ethnic cleansing.
To a large extent, the international media agrees with that statement. And yet, though their denunciation of recent events has been forceful, the condemnation of Aung San Suu Kyi has proved a qualified one especially in more analytically minded circles. As it turns out, holding a Nobel prize inclines people, specifically those who consider themselves thoughtful, towards leniency. This is why you’ll hear arguments claiming that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has no good options, that she must appease the military leaders who are truly behind this massacre, that she risks damaging Myanmar’s fledgling democracy with too strong a denunciation of violence, and that the majority Bamar would turn against her should she speak out too strongly in defense of the Rohingya. Suu Kyi’s chief moral failing, by these accounts, is one of inaction. Her silence, rather than any active effort to tangibly harm people, is the main cause for disappointment..."

Myanmar (Burma)
After almost four weeks of so-called “clearance operations” by the security forces, nearly half of Myanmar’s ethnic Rohingya population has fled the country, with more than 420,0000 people, including 250,000 children, arriving in Bangladesh since 25 August.
Satellite imagery obtained by Human Rights Watch shows that at least 210 Rohingya villages in Rakhine State have been burned and destroyed. Actions taken by the Myanmar security forces indicate a clear, targeted and sustained policy of ethnic cleansing aimed at expelling the Rohingya minority from the country.
In her first major televised address on the crisis, on 19 September State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi spoke of the need to uphold human rights in Myanmar. She also raised the plight of other ethnic minorities who had been affected by violence unleashed since 25 August. However, the State Counsellor’s speech failed to specifically address the reality of ethnic cleansing in Rakhine State and the security forces’ campaign of extrajudicial killings and forced displacement.
The State Counsellor also asserted that the government was prepared to repatriate refugees who can establish that they are Myanmar nationals, ignoring the fact that the overwhelming majority of Rohingya lack such documentation as a result of previously being denied citizenship due to discriminatory laws.
Yesterday, 19 September, the government of the United Kingdom announced that it was suspending financial aid and training programs with Myanmar’s military. All UN member states with significant ties to Myanmar’s security forces should immediately take similar action.
As world leaders gather at the annual UN General Assembly in New York this week, they have a responsibility to draw attention to the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya and put pressure on the Myanmar authorities – particularly State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing – to immediately stop the violence and facilitate the voluntary return of Rohingya refugees.
The UN Security Council should also impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military and targeted sanctions directed at senior officers with command responsibility for forces engaged in ongoing ethnic cleansing.
Central African Republic
Friday, 15 September 2017, marked three years since the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) began its operations. Despite political advances made in the Central African Republic (CAR), such as President Faustin Archange Touadéra taking office on 30 March 2016 following relatively peaceful elections, recent fighting between armed groups from the anti-balaka, the Front Populaire pour la Renaissance de la Centrafrique (FPRC) and the Union pour la Paix en Centrafrique (UPC) has reached levels not seen since the height of the conflict during 2014.
In a climate of growing insecurity, impunity and lawlessness, armed groups continue to fight over resources and trade routes in CAR, targeting ethnic and religious communities in the process. An estimated 1.1 million people remain displaced by violence in CAR, with a 37 percent increase in the past three months in the number of displaced civilians.
Due to the deteriorating security situation, MINUSCA is no longer fit for purpose. Armed groups still control nearly 70 percent of the country and the CAR government is unable to provide adequate protection to civilians who live outside of Bangui, the country’s capital.
A leaked report reveals that MINUSCA’s leadership has appealed for the authorization of 750 additional troops to help fill a “security vacuum” in the southeast of the country. As the UN Security Council prepares to review MINUSCA’s mandate, it should authorize an immediate increase in troops and help improve the protective capacity of the peacekeeping mission. The Council should also authorize the establishment of an additional Quick Reaction Force within MINUSCA and continue to support the CAR government’s efforts to uphold its responsibility to protect all its people.

(New York) – New analysis of satellite imagery from Burma’s Rakhine State shows the near total destruction of 214 villages, Human Rights Watch said today. World leaders meeting at the United Nations should urgently adopt a General Assembly resolution condemning the Burmese military’s ethnic cleansing, while the UN Security Council should impose targeted sanctions and an arms embargo.
The detailed satellite images, made possible due to a clearing of monsoon cloud on September 16, 2017, reveal destruction from burning much greater than previously known. They show the destruction of tens of thousands of homes across Maungdaw and Rathedaung Townships, part of the Burmese security forces’ campaign of ethnic cleansing that has forced over 400,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.
“These images provide shocking evidence of massive destruction in an apparent attempt by Burmese security forces to prevent the Rohingya from returning to their villages,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “World leaders meeting at the UN should act to end this mounting crisis and show Burma’s military leaders they will pay a price for such atrocities.”
New maps of the damage show near-total destruction of the 214 villages seen in satellite imagery analyzed by Human Rights Watch, with more than 90 percent of the structures in each village damaged. The images corroborate accounts gathered by Human Rights Watch from refugees who have described arson, killing, and looting by the Burmese military, police, and ethnic Rakhine mobs.
World leaders meeting at the UN should act to end this mounting crisis and show Burma’s military leaders they will pay a price for such atrocities.
Phil Robertson
Human Rights Watch
The Burmese military has rejected credible accounts of widespread abuses and said it is conducting operations against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a militant group that attacked about 30 police posts and an army base on August 25, 2017, killing about a dozen members of the security forces. The Burmese military alleges that ARSA militants and Rohingya villagers have burned down their own homes but has provided no evidence to substantiate this claim. The scale, scope, and timing of the burnings, many of which occurred after hundreds of thousands of Rohingya had already fled, is inconsistent with this claim.
Burmese army commander Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing recently linked Rohingya demands to be recognized as an ethnic group under Burmese law with the army’s actions. Using “Bengali,” a Burmese ethnic slur for Rohingya, he stated in a Facebook post that, “They have demanded recognition as Rohingya, which has never been an ethnic group in Myanmar. [The] Bengali issue is a national cause and we need to be united in establishing the truth.”
On September 15, the Burmese Government Information Committee stated that, “Those who fled the villages made their way to the other country for fear of being arrested as they got involved in the violent attacks” – implying that the hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children who fled to Burma were responsible for militant attacks against the government.
Although “ethnic cleansing” is not formally defined under international law, a UN Commission of Experts has described ethnic cleansing as a “purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas… This purpose appears to be the occupation of territory to the exclusion of the purged group or groups.”
On September 19, Burma’s Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi is scheduled to deliver a speech on the state of the nation, including the situation in Rakhine State.
Rohingya Crisis
Rohingya Crisis
Human Rights Watch reporting on the Burmese military’s ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing.
Read More
“While Aung San Suu Kyi may not have the power or authority to rein in the Burmese military, she can speak out and also ensure the UN Fact-Finding Mission is able to enter Burma,” Robertson said. “Concerned governments should not wait for her to act. They should impose targeted sanctions on those most responsible for the terrible atrocities taking place.”

"The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) has been labeled a terrorist organisation. It has caused a number of deaths—local civilian as well as security personnel. It is to be condemned and rooted out—no doubt about that at all. Indeed, since over two years ago, think tanks and diplomats in neighbouring countries have warned me personally about Islamist terrorist groups making their advent in Myanmar and I had passed this information on. The violence erupted as these friends had foretold, and we are now seeing the nature and the extent of the Myanmar state’s response. At this point we need to deeply consider one fundamental question: is ARSA and its attacks the cause or the consequence?
The Rohingya issue has a long provenance, but beginning from the first military junta period (also known as the Burma Socialist Programme Party regime) that community began to be regarded as a problem from at least the 1970s. Immigration operations were carried out in the northern Rakhine border townships of Buthidaung and Maungdaw. At least on two occasions, hundreds of thousands of Muslims (mostly Rohingya) fled into neighbouring Bangladesh. Official negotiations had to be held and most of those who had fled were taken back.
The Myanmar government’s next response was to bottle up the Rohingya in those and adjacent townships, in the process stripping them of many basic rights. That region became a ghetto or quarantined area, and the situation festered for decades. The communal violence that erupted in 2012 started in another area of Rakhine state, and quickly spread to central Myanmar and also to north Rakhine. There were burnings and counter-burnings of homes and entire villages, in addition to other atrocities. As a result many Muslim communities were moved into IDP camps ‘for their own safety’, these became in actuality 21st century concentration camps. Rakhine Buddhists have been displaced too, and there are a number of Buddhists from Bangladesh who have sought refuge in Rakhine..."

"Horrendous bloodshed would result should the notion of ethnic cleansing take hold in Asia...HONG KONG – The real significance of the crisis of the Rohingya minority of Myanmar extends far beyond the two issues currently at the center of global attention.
Yes, it is a humanitarian crisis of huge dimension, and true as well that it has revealed the fragility of Aung San Suu Kyi’s status as a Nobel Peace Prize winner.
But what is not properly appreciated yet is that, unless handled with much greater care than seen to date, this issue will long reverberate through all of Southeast Asia, far beyond Bangladesh..."

"Less than two weeks after coordinated attacks by Muslim insurgents in Rakhine State, the Myanmar military has responded with a campaign of violence that the UN secretary general has said is tantamount to ethnic cleansing. On Wednesday, Secretary General Antonio Guterres called for an end to the violence that has resulted in nearly 400,000 Rohingya Muslims to be uprooted from their homes in Rakhine State and forced across the border into Bangladesh.
The day before the secretary general’s statement, on September 12, al Qaeda leadership released a statement, calling “upon all Mujahid brothers in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and the Philippines to set out for [Myanmar] to help their Muslim brothers, and to make the necessary preparations—training and the like—to resist this oppression against their Muslim brothers, and to secure their rights, which will only be returned to them by use of force.”..."

"...Almost 400,000 Rohingya refugees have surged into Bangladesh from Myanmar’s Rakhine State over the last three weeks. They come on foot, plodding for days through underbrush and dirt trails; they arrive by boat, risking the monsoon season waves along the coast, or the currents of the Naf River, which divides the two countries along Bangladesh’s southern edge.Aid groups say the influx has exhausted relief supplies and pushed existing refugee camps – filled by earlier waves of Rohingya refugees – to the breaking point. With no space left in the camps, refugees are spreading out on roadsides, or spontaneously forming new settlements in open spaces.
“It’s beyond overcrowded,” says Vivian Tan, a spokeswoman for the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR. “A few days ago, we thought it was at saturation point. Since then, more people have arrived. And they’re still coming.”
For mile after mile, refugees line the roads around the overflowing camps. Some sit on old rice bags, filled with what belongings they managed to bring with them. Luckier ones carry a solar panel, or a chicken. Others carry their elderly relatives on their backs. For now, the Rohingya are safe in Bangladesh – but they have nowhere to go..."

"More than 80 sites set ablaze in orchestrated campaign since 25 August...
More than 370,000 Rohingya fled across border in less than three weeks...
Testimonies show attacks were planned, deliberate and systematic...
Amnesty International can reveal new evidence pointing to a mass-scale scorched-earth campaign across northern Rakhine State, where Myanmar security forces and vigilante mobs are burning down entire Rohingya villages and shooting people at random as they try to flee.
The organization’s analysis of active fire-detection data, satellite imagery, photographs and videos from the ground, as well as interviews with dozens of eyewitnesses in Myanmar and across the border in Bangladesh, shows how an orchestrated campaign of systematic burnings has targeted Rohingya villages across northern Rakhine State for almost three weeks.
“The evidence is irrefutable – the Myanmar security forces are setting northern Rakhine State ablaze in a targeted campaign to push the Rohingya people out of Myanmar. Make no mistake: this is ethnic cleansing,” said Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Director..."
Additional articles and images

"Rohingya exodus puts pressure back on UN rights probe
While the international community mulls action, deep-rooted Buddhist distrust of aid groups grows in Rakhine State...
An unfolding humanitarian emergency along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border is intensifying pressure on the UN to take action, with fears that an unprecedented exodus of Rohingya refugees fleeing a military clampdown in Myanmar’s Rakhine State could amount to ethnic cleansing.
A long-delayed UN fact-finding mission to Myanmar is renewing attempts to investigate allegations of serious rights violations, while the UN Security Council is set to hold a meeting on the crisis today after a request from Britain.
Since 25 August, more than 370,000 Rohingya refugees have surged over the conflict-torn Myanmar border into crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh, bringing stories of razed villages, executions, and forced expulsions.
The violence has underscored the urgency of the UN probe. The fact-finding mission was mandated in March by the Human Rights Council to investigate allegations of severe rights violations, particularly in Rakhine State, where the Buddhist majority has badly strained relations with international agencies and aid groups.
“We are working day and night to send a team as soon as it is practically possible to establish the facts,” Marzuki Darusman, an Indonesian lawyer who chairs the three-member team, told IRIN in a statement. "The fact-finding mission is very concerned about the reports coming out on recent developments.”..."

"International media were overwhelmed at the end of August 2017 by reports of widespread attacks by Myanmar’s military forces against elements of the Rohingya population. This occurred once again in northern Rakhine state, near Myanmar’s border with Bangladesh.
More than 160,000 Rohingya were reported to have fled to Bangladesh to avoid getting caught up in the violence [at time of posting, UNHCR estimates 313,000—Editor], but were reportedly turned back by the Bangladesh security authorities, or arrested. More than 100 are reported to have been killed in the various military operations that took place.
Such fighting has occurred in the past, sometimes resulting in mass illegal movements of Rohingya into Bangladesh border areas, but this may have been the first time such violence was witnessed first hand by international media..."

"KhinZaw Win on the worsening, bloody business-as-usual in Rakhine...I returned to Myanmar to find the country locked in yet another Rohingya crisis, one that is far more serious this time. Before I left I stated that military administration in Rakhine could be imminent. Then on 25 August there were fresh attacks and the situation blew up again. Security personnel as well as civilians have been killed. On Friday 1 September there was a press conference by the Defence Ministry where the spokesman said that the military had proposed that military administration be installed in north Rakhine but the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had turned it down. If military rule had been established and the violence grew worse, the onus would have been on the military. But now she and the NLD government have to bear the blame for not heeding this advice.
The fact of people getting killed and brutalized, whoever they are, is no longer a matter for explanation or blame, much less denial. The inadequacy of such responses stands out. There does not appear to be any well-thought-out approach to the Rohingya issue, much less a national security strategy. Since the beginning of this year there have been calls to convene a meeting of the National Defence and Security Council but the state counselor was extremely reluctant to do so. More is the pity, I should say..."

"About 294,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar since violence erupted last month. Rohingyas say the military is waging a brutal campaign against them, burning their villages. Myanmar rejects this, saying its military is fighting against Rohingya "terrorists". The BBC's Jonathan Head investigates..."

"The violence since 25 August that has driven 270,000 Rohingya civilians over Myanmar’s border into Bangladesh is not just causing a humanitarian catastrophe. It is also driving up the risks that the country’s five-year-old transition from military rule will stumble, that Rohingya communities will be radicalised, and that regional stability will be weakened... Since 2012, the International Crisis Group repeatedly has warned that, if left unresolved, Rakhine State’s volatile dynamics pose a major risk to Myanmar’s transition. If dealt with primarily through a heavy-handed, indiscriminate security response, rather than in the framework of a political strategy, the dangers were clearly set to become far worse. The events of recent weeks are not just causing enormous suffering to civilians, but bring Myanmar precipitously close to just such an unraveling of much that has been achieved since the end of military rule.
The 25 August attacks on Myanmar security forces by the militant group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), also known as Harakah al-Yaqin, which the government has designated a terrorist group, undoubtedly were intended as a provocation. Neither these attacks nor the reported killing of non-Rohingya civilians, at least some of which are undoubtedly the work of the group, are excusable, no matter what political agenda they claim to represent. Any government has the responsibility to defend itself and the people living in the country. At the same time, such government security responses need to be proportionate and not target civilians..."

"Early on the morning of August 25, armed militants from a Rohingya insurgent group in Myanmar mounted coordinated attacks on 30 government targets, including police outposts and an army base, in the northern part of Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Equipped with small arms, machetes, and hand-held explosives, the insurgents killed 10 police officers, a soldier, and an immigration official. Seventy-seven insurgents were killed, with one insurgent captured in the attacks. In response, the Myanmar military has begun conducting “clearance operations” across Rakhine state. Over the past week, this crackdown has forced many Rohingya from their homes, some fleeing across the border to Bangladesh..."

Myanmar (Burma)
The government of Myanmar has been carrying out “clearance operations” in Rakhine State since Friday, 25 August, after an armed group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) carried out coordinated attacks on multiple police posts and an army base. At least 109 people have been killed since 25 August, including civilians, members of the security forces and ARSA militants.
There have been reports of widespread burning of villages, large-scale displacement, extrajudicial killings and attacks on ethnic Rohingya communities in northern Rakhine by the security forces.
Government authorities evacuated civilians from some areas of Rakhine State during the weekend, but reportedly only provided assistance to non-Muslims. In response, thousands of Rohingya have fled towards the border with Bangladesh, with eyewitness reports stating that the security forces were firing on civilians as they attempted to escape.
The government has denounced the ARSA as “Bengali terrorists” and on 27 August the Office of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi accused international non-governmental organizations of helping the “extremist terrorists” who staged the 25 August attacks. There is no evidence to support this claim, which the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect and other human rights organizations have described as profoundly irresponsible and dangerous.
The Myanmar government’s latest “clearance operations” come less than a year after a major counterinsurgency operation was launched in response to October 2016 attacks by Rohingya militants on three border guard posts. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the “widespread and systematic” attacks against Rohingya civilians during those operations may amount to crimes against humanity. The Myanmar authorities have repeatedly denied any atrocities have taken place and no perpetrators have been brought to justice.
The government refuses to acknowledge the plight of more than 1.1 million ethnic Rohingya in Myanmar, who are subjected to systematic discrimination and statelessness. The latest “clearance operations” mean that Rohingya civilians are again facing potential mass atrocity crimes as the security forces attack Rohingya communities that they presume support the ARSA.
Such an approach will not end inter-communal conflict in Rakhine, nor assist Myanmar in its transition to democracy. The security forces have a responsibility to protect all populations in Myanmar, regardless of their citizenship status, religious affiliation or ethnic identity. All counter-insurgency operations directed against the ARSA must strictly adhere to international humanitarian and human rights law.
The Myanmar government should also expeditiously implement the Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which was submitted to the government on 23 August. Led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the Advisory Commission’s report offers practical recommendations that address the root causes of conflict in Rakhine, including through reforming the 1982 Citizenship Law.
Today, 30 August, the UN Security Council (UNSC) will receive a briefing on the situation in Myanmar under "any other business" at the request of the United Kingdom. The UNSC must end its silence on the crisis confronting one of the largest stateless populations in the world. The UNSC and the international community should make it clear to the government of Myanmar that it must immediately end atrocities and protect the human rights of all of the diverse populations in Myanmar, including the Rohingya.

"In the early hours of 25 August, militants from Harakah al-Yaqin � a Rohingya insurgent group that noww refers to itself in English as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army – mounted coordinated attacks on 30 police posts and an army base in the north of Myanmar’s Rakhine state, in the townships of Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung. The government reports that the attackers, equipped with hand-held explosive devices, machetes and a few small arms, killed ten police officers, a soldier and an immigration official. Reportedly, 77 insurgents also were killed and one captured. In response, the military is conducting “clearance operations” across the area and police in rural outposts have moved to more secure locations in case of further attacks. Clashes continue in some locations, and there are reports of vigilantism against Rohingya communities. Both Rohingya and Buddhist residents are attempting to flee the areas affected. Time is not on the government’s side if Rakhine state is to be pulled back from the brink. It must quickly take bold measures to address legitimate Rohingya concerns...The Rohingya insurgent attacks that killed twelve Myanmar soldiers and officials and perhaps 77 of their own number is a serious escalation of a ten-month-old crisis. They make implementation of this week’s recommendations to address Rohingya grievances from Kofi Annan’s Advisory Commission both harder and more urgent."

"After one year of consultations held across Rakhine State and in other parts of the country and the region, the Advisory Commission submitted its final report to national authorities on 23 August. The report recommends urgent and sustained action on a number of fronts to prevent violence, maintain peace, foster reconciliation and offer a sense of hope to the State’s hard-pressed population.
The final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, chaired by Kofi Annan, puts forward recommendations to surmount the political, socio-economic and humanitarian challenges that currently face Rakhine State. It builds on the Commission’s interim report released in March of this year.
“Unless concerted action – led by the government and aided by all sectors of the government and society – is taken soon, we risk the return of another cycle of violence and radicalisation, which will further deepen the chronic poverty that afflicts Rakhine State”, said Kofi Annan, Chair of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State.
The final report addresses in depth a broad range of structural issues that are impediments to the peace and prosperity of Rakhine State. Several recommendations focus specifically on citizenship verification, rights and equality before the law, documentation, the situation of the internally displaced and freedom of movement, which affect the Muslim population disproportionally. An overview of the thematic focus areas of the report and its recommendations can be found here.
The report is the outcome of over 150 consultations and meetings held by the Advisory Commission since its launch in September 2016. Commission members have travelled extensively throughout Rakhine State, and held meetings in Yangon and Naypyitaw, Indonesia, Thailand, Bangladesh, and Geneva.
“The Commission has put forward honest and constructive recommendations which we know will create debate,” Commission Chair Kofi Annan said. “However, if adopted and implemented in the spirit in which they were conceived, I firmly believe that our recommendations, along with those of our interim report, can trace a path to lasting peace, development and respect for the rule of law in Rakhine State.”
With the submission of its final report, the Advisory Commission on Rakhine has completed its mandate. However, the Commission’s report recommends a national mechanism be established to ensure the effective implementation of its recommendations.
“We propose a ministerial-level appointment to be made with the sole function of coordinating policy on Rakhine State and ensuring the effective implementation of the Rakhine Advisory Commission’s recommendations,” says Commission Chair Kofi Annan. “The appointee should be supported by a permanent and well-staffed secretariat, which will be an integral part of the Central Committee on Implementation of Peace and Development in Rakhine State and support its work.”

"Many of them have become internally displaced by government moves to exploit land, provoking long-standing friction. In fact, the conflict between Myanmar's ethnic minorities and the ruling Burmese majority represent one of the world's longest ongoing conflicts..."

Progress Achieved to Protect Children in Past 20-Years Threaten by Ongoing Crisis - UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict Annual Report to General Assembly
Attacks on Schools and Denial of Humanitarian Access Particularly Worrisome in 2016
New York 29 August 2017 – The Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, Ms. Virginia Gamba, released today her annual report to the General Assembly. The 16-page document outlines immediate priorities as well as a longer-term vision for improving the protection of children affected by armed conflict, with a reflection on the achievements of the children and armed conflict agenda over the past two decades.
“The UN engagement with governments and armed groups has enabled positive achievement over the past two decades benefiting children affected by conflict; but lasting wars and complex conflicts could reverse the positive gains, as we keep seeing occurrences of all six grave violations including re-recruitment of freed children, abduction, sexual violence and killing and maiming,” highlights Ms. Gamba.
Covering the period from August 2016 to July 2017, the report also depicts emerging issues and challenges including alarmingly high numbers of attacks on schools and protected personnel and cases of military use of schools. With over 245 million children estimated to be living in conflict zones, a whole generation is at risk of missing out on education due to the effects of conflict, with dramatic consequences for the personal development of children but also for long term peace and security.
The Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict also condemns the increasing politicization of the provision of humanitarian access for aid delivery, even when it is intended for children. “Besiegement as a method of warfare has dramatic consequences, especially for children. In 2016, 994 incidents of denial of humanitarian access were verified by the United Nations, almost half of them in South Sudan; in Syria, nearly 650,000 people have been deprived from food and life-saving items like medicine; this is unacceptable,” Ms. Gamba adds.
The report thus highlights the necessity of depoliticizing the delivery of humanitarian aid to children and of protecting education in situations of armed conflict, including through the deterrence of the military use of schools and the endorsement of the Safe Schools Declaration. Other recommendations include the necessary political, technical and financial support to reintegration programmes for children formerly associated with armed forces or armed groups, giving special attention to the needs of girls, and enhancing legal protection frameworks.
20 Years of Work for Children Affected by Armed Conflict
The report also provides an opportunity to reflect on the achievements of the mandate since its inception 20 years ago, and the Special Representative looks forward to building on the gains made since to end and prevent grave violations against children in conflict. Among the accomplishments, the report underlines the signature of 28 action plans by parties to conflict; the delisting of nine parties to conflict; and the success of the Campaign “Children, Not Soldiers” as a catalyst for strengthening the overall child protection architecture.
All eight countries that were initially part of the “Children, Not Soldiers” campaign have signed an action plan with the United Nations and thousands of children have been released and reintegrated. Chad has met the benchmarks set out in its action plan on the recruitment and use of children. Solid progress has been observed in the Democratic Republic of Congo, although other violations remain of concern in the country, including cases of rape and other forms of sexual violence and killing and maiming.
In addition, the engagement by the United Nations with non-State armed groups has resulted in the signing of two new action plans to end and prevent the recruitment and use of children during the reporting period; in Sudan with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM/N) and in Mali with the Coordination des Mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA).
Sadly, ongoing crisis have hampered the progress in implementing action plans in Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen. Reflecting on more recent trends, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General is very concerned at the many violations attributed to non-State actors in general, and violent extremists in particular, and notes a rise in the use of children and their abduction by these groups.
Building on lessons-learned, a new campaign to increase public awareness on the six grave violations is currently under development. The Special Representative also intends to engage additional actors and enhance engagement with its current partners, including UN agencies, international, sub-regional and regional organizations, as well as civil society, to pursuing best practices in strengthening the protection of children affected by armed conflict.
Read the full report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict to the General Assembly.

Note by the Secretary-General
The Secretary-General has the honour to transmit to the members of the General Assembly the joint report of the Special Rapporteur on the sale and sexual exploitation of children, including child prostitution, child pornography and other child sexual abuse material, Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, and the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children, Maria Grazia Giammarinaro, submitted in accordance with General Assembly resolution 71/177 and Human Rights Council resolutions 34/16 and 35/5.
Joint report of the Special Rapporteur on the sale and sexual exploitation of children, including child prostitution, child pornography and other child sexual abuse material and the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children
Summary
The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 71/177 and Human Rights Council resolutions 34/16 and 35/5. The Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children, and the Special Rapporteur on the sale and sexual exploitation of children, including child prostitution, child pornography and other child sexual abuse material have described herein their activities undertaken in accordance with their respective mandates since their previous reports to the Assembly (A/71/303 and A/71/261, respectively).
They also provide a study on the vulnerabilities of children to sale, trafficking, and other forms of exploitation in situations of conflict and humanitarian crisis. Their recommendations, at the end of the report, are aimed at reducing the vulnerabilities of those children and enhancing their protection.

"Nine months ago, the first of more than 74,000 ethnic minority Rohingya streamed into Bangladesh, seeking refuge from abuses in Myanmar. The influx of refugees and the harrowing stories they carried brought needed international attention to the abuses taking place in Myanmar. But less focus has been given to the humanitarian crisis and inadequate support the situation exposed not only for the new arrivals, but also for the 33,000 Rohingya officially recognized as refugees and as many as 500,000 undocumented Rohingya already living in Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh has long refused to recognize the vast majority of Rohingya in the country as refugees and has been reluctant to do more to address their humanitarian needs or to accept international assistance to do so. The response has improved in recent months, but significant gaps remain, particularly regarding needs for food, adequate shelter, and protections against gender-based violence and trafficking risks. Many Rohingya continue to live in crowded conditions in makeshift shelters vulnerable to the high winds and heavy rains of the ongoing monsoon season, some within heartbreaking sight of their homeland. Recent pledges by the Government of Bangladesh on the global stage are encouraging and should be implemented along with ideas for better coordination being discussed by international humanitarian agencies. For more durable solutions, bilateral and multilateral engagement along with pressure when necessary on the Government of Myanmar on issues of safe returns, accountability, and citizenship will be crucial for addressing the root causes of the plight of the Rohingya..."

"This policy brief draws on many years of Refugees International (RI) reporting on the Rohingya, as well as a recent RI mission to Bangladesh, where RI Senior Advocate for Human Rights Daniel Sullivan interviewed recent Rohingya arrivals who fled Myanmar beginning in late 2016. This policy brief is being issued in advance of a separate report on the situation of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, which will be issued on July 13, 2017.
RI is issuing this policy brief out of concern that Myanmar’s political reforms have not benefitted the Rohingya. In fact, the Government of Myanmar, and the military in particular, has engaged in, supported or condoned widespread, egregious, and systematic human rights abuses that may constitute crimes against humanity. And while we note statements by the government expressing an intention to address the well-being of all communities in Rakhine State (home to the vast majority of Rohingya in Myanmar), governments and international organizations must not confuse talk with action..."

FOOD SECURITY: "In line with the previous remote emergency assessments, the survey confirmed a worsening of the food security situation in already highly vulnerable areas after the October 2016 incidents and subsequent security operations. Nearly one third of the population was severely food-insecure and in need of humanitarian assistance. Only 14 percent of women achieved minimum dietary diversity and none of the children met the minimum adequate diet. Income opportunities were scarce and households could not access sufficient food to cover their needs. About half of the markets were not functioning or were only partially operational, food prices were highly volatile and supply of affordable foods in many markets was scarce...OVERALL SITUATION:
Maungdaw district is among the most vulnerable and chronically food-insecure areas in Myanmar and the assessment confirmed a further deterioration of the food security situation.
Measured by the food consumption score, about two third of the households could not meet an adequate diet and 28 percent of them had a poor food intake the week prior to the survey. With respect to previous surveys (2014-16), an increase was registered in diet inadequacy rates, from 43 to 62 percent, and in the share of households with poor food consumption, from 9 to 29 percent . During thirty days prior to the survey, about one third of the households faced extreme experiences of food insecurity, such as no food of any kind in the household (28 percent), went to bed hungry (34 percent), or went for the whole day and night without eating (28 percent).
Income opportunities were scarce, households could not access sufficient food to cover their needs, and were employing disruptive coping strategies to manage the food gaps. Compared to the period of January-April 2016, food prices have increased on average by 7.4 percent while the purchasing power of households has dropped by 44 percent. Nearly half of the markets were not or only partially functioning. Food prices were highly volatile, and supply of affordable dried fish, a main source of proteins for the population, was scarce.
High food insecurity, limited access to essential services including health care, and poor ac-cess to safe water and sanitation may have exacerbated an already serious malnutrition situ-ation (based on DHS 2015-16 for Rakhine State, the Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) was at 13.9 percent while the Severe Acute malnutrition (SAM) - 3.7 percent). None of the children from 6 to 23 months met the minimum adequate diet, only 2.5 percent reached minimum dietary diversity and 8.5 percent met the minimum meal frequency.
It was observed that 24 percent of the households in Maungdaw and 17 percent in Buthidaung were composed of female adult members only. This was in line with focus group discussions findings indicating that many male adults had to leave their household due to the security operations. With the highest frequency of episodes of severe hunger, this group was the most vulnerable to food insecurity (Figure 2).
Under these circumstances and with the upcoming rainy season that may aggravate an already fragile situation, the capacity of the most vulnerable population to access sufficient food in the long-term is severally undermined and will depend on the humanitarian assistance in the near future. It is estimated that about 38,000 households corresponding to 225,800 people are in need of humanitarian assistance. Preliminary data of early 2017 shows an increase in children requiring treatment of acute malnutrition, and it is estimated that 80,500 children under the age of five are expected to be in need of treatment for acute malnutrition over the next twelve months.

Executive Summary
Major developments in Myanmar’s peace process have brought to the fore a critical debate about the future of the country’s security sector. In October 2015, the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), which ruled the country for decades and retains significant political powers, signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with eight ethnic armed organisations (EAOs).
The NCA is yet to be signed by more than ten other EAOs and so is still far from ‘nationwide’ in practice. Nonetheless, the deal is significant because it has committed all sides to undertaking political dialogue towards the establishment of a federal system of government, as long demanded by most EAOs but resisted by the Tatmadaw.
Additionally, an agreement has been made regarding a dual process of security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), referred to in the NCA as ‘security re-integration’. This raises important questions about what a transition from a de facto unitary structure to a more federal security structure in Myanmar would look like, and how EAOs might be incorporated into it.
This discussion paper aims to support an inclusive and evidence-based approach to SSR in Myanmar and to help contextualise the ongoing discourse and upcoming negotiations. It is based on desk-research of existing open-source materials, supplemented by the authors’ many years experience of researching security issues in Myanmar. The paper was written to inform all stakeholders involved in, or supporting, the peace process about Myanmar’s previous experiences with SSR and future visions among the major stakeholders: the National League for Democracy (NLD), the Tatmadaw and Myanmar’s multiple EAOs. It examines previous attempts at security integration, considers the current state of play in relation to the political context and peace process, and reflects on the positions and perspectives of key stakeholders regarding the future structure and governance of Myanmar’s security sector.
From the 1960s through the late 2000s, the Tatmadaw initiated multiple programmes to convert EAOs into paramilitary forces under its command, typically offering EAO leaders security and business concessions in return for their military cooperation.i While dozens of units have been formed over the decades, such programmes have also often led to new conflicts, EAOs have splintered or tensions have arisen between EAOs and the Tatmadaw. In 2009 while still in power, the Tatmadaw demanded all of the country’s 40 ceasefire EAOs to form Border Guard Forces (BGFs), under direct Tatmadaw control, which led to a wave of new and renewed conflicts that still persist today. Furthermore, BGFs and other paramilitaries have poorly-defined roles and are often primarily focused on business activities.
The concept of integrating EAOs into the state security forces is therefore not new and has a complex history. Nevertheless, there are hopes that the current peace process will achieve better negotiated and more sustainable arrangements.
Since signing the NCA, political dialogue has been broadly structured around a threeway discourse between the Tatmadaw, EAOs and the National League for Democracy (NLD) – led by Aung San Suu Kyi – which has been in power since March 2016. Each of these stakeholders have widely divergent positions on what forms ‘federalism’ and ‘security integration’ should take.
The Tatmadaw – a powerful and well-established institution, deeply entrenched in Myanmar’s political and economic life – holds firm to its perceived role as defender of the nation’s sovereignty and integrity. Its vision for the future of the armed forces is primarily focused on the accelerated modernisation of its capabilities, and it has often emphasised the need for EAOs to enter a process of DDR or simply to come under the command of the existing Tatmadaw.
The NLD has been long focused on the need for democratic reform of the Tatmadaw, for it to relinquish its political role and come under civilian control, and for it to rebuild trust with the people. Nevertheless, Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly voiced a personal commitment to the Tatmadaw, as it was founded by her father,ii and has indicated it remains a crucial institution of the state.iii While Aung San Suu Kyi has loosely given support for the EAOs’ long-held demand of a Federal Union Armed Forces, the NLD has given little indication of if and how it envisages the integration of Myanmar’s numerous EAOs into a reformed Tatmadaw.
EAOs vary greatly in their size, history, and interests, and in their positions on SSR. For a core bloc of pro-federal EAOs, the demand for the reform of the armed forces along federal lines has been of paramount importance since at least the late 2000s, and remains their central SSR principle. Informed by the experience of the state’s previous attempts to convert EAOs into BGFs, the EAOs will continue to be sceptical of any SSR process that they regard to be redeploying their capacities to serve the Tatmadaw, unless there is comprehensive decentralisation of the state, including the military.
To develop a lasting solution to the interlinked political and security complexes that drive armed conflict in Myanmar, all three of the main stakeholder groups – the Tatmadaw, NLD and EAOs – will need to develop a shared vision of security integration. Reconciling the divergent perspectives outlined above – or even identifying where there is common ground – will be far from easy, and will likely become a long-term and incremental endeavour.
While much more research is needed to fully understand these dynamics and to make well-informed policy recommendations, this report concludes with some broad reflections on what the major challenges and key questions will be going forward. It also recommends some particular topics on which further research and learning work could be carried out.
Saferworld will publish a companion paper that focuses on comparative models and experience of federal models of security and security integration to equip Myanmar’s stakeholders with knowledge that will help them to participate constructively in discussions about the future of Myanmar’s security sector.

"Are there crimes against humanity taking place in Myanmar? And is Aung San Suu Kyi turning a blind eye? Newsnight and BBC Our World's joint investigation reveals the extent of the appalling treatment of the minority Rohingya Muslim community. Jonah Fisher has this report - which contains some shocking images..."

RANGOON – "An Arakan State Advisory Commission delegate who participated in a three-day trip to Bangladesh, Al Haj U Aye Lwin, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the living conditions for Muslim refugees on the Bangladeshi border were “inappropriate even for animals.”..."

Executive Summary:
"The deadly attacks on Border Guard Police (BGP) bases in Myanmar’s northern
Rakhine State on 9 October 2016 and the days following, and a serious escalation on
12 November when a senior army officer was killed, signify the emergence of a new
Muslim insurgency there. The current violence is qualitatively different from anything
in recent decades, seriously threatens the prospects of stability and development
in the state and has serious implications for Myanmar as a whole. The government
faces a huge challenge in calibrating and integrating its political, policy and
security responses to ensure that violence does not escalate and intercommunal
tensions are kept under control. It requires also taking due account of the grievances
and fears of Rakhine Buddhists.
Failure to get this right would carry enormous risks. While the government has a
clear duty to maintain security and take action against the attackers, it needs, if its
response is to be effective, to make more judicious use of force and focus on a political
and policy approach that addresses the sense of hopelessness and despair underlying
the anger of many Muslims in Rakhine State. Complicating this is that Aung
San Suu Kyi has some influence, but under the constitution no direct control over
the military.
The insurgent group, which refers to itself as Harakah al-Yaqin (Faith Movement,
HaY), is led by a committee of Rohingya émigrés in Saudi Arabia and is commanded
on the ground by Rohingya with international training and experience in modern
guerrilla war tactics. It benefits from the legitimacy provided by local and international
fatwas (religious judicial opinions) in support of its cause and enjoys considerable
sympathy and backing from Muslims in northern Rakhine State, including
several hundred locally trained recruits.
The emergence of this well-organised, apparently well-funded group is a gamechanger
in the Myanmar government’s efforts to address the complex challenges in
Rakhine State, which include longstanding discrimination against its Muslim population,
denial of rights and lack of citizenship. The current use of disproportionate
military force in response to the attacks, which fails to adequately distinguish militants
from civilians, together with denial of humanitarian assistance to an extremely
vulnerable population and the lack of an overarching political strategy that would
offer them some hope for the future, is unlikely to dislodge the group and risks
generating a spiral of violence and potential mass displacement.
HaY would not have been able to establish itself and make detailed preparations
without the buy-in of some local leaders and communities. Yet, this has never been a
radicalised population, and the majority of the community, its elders and religious
leaders have previously eschewed violence as counterproductive. The fact that more
people are now embracing violence reflects deep policy failures over many years
rather than any sort of inevitability.
It is important for the government’s response to start from an appreciation of
why a violent reaction from some Muslims in Rakhine State has emerged. The population
has seen its rights progressively eroded, its gradual marginalisation from
social and political life, and rights abuses. This has become particularly acute since
the 2012 anti-Muslim violence in Rakhine. Disenfranchisement prior to the 2015 elections severed the last link with politics and means of influence. At the same time,
the disruption of maritime migration routes to Malaysia closed a vital escape valve,
particularly for young men whose only tangible hope for the future was dashed. An
increasing sense of despair has driven more people to consider a violent response,
but it is not too late for the government to reverse the trend.
It requires recognising first that these people have lived in the area for generations
and will continue to do so. Ways must be found to give them a place in the
nation’s life. A heavy-handed security response that fails to respect fundamental
principles of proportionality and distinction is not only in violation of international
norms; it is also deeply counterproductive. It will likely create further despair and
animosity, increasing support for HaY and further entrenching violence. International
experience strongly suggests that an aggressive military response, particularly
if not embedded in a broader policy framework, will be ineffective against the armed
group and has the potential to considerably aggravate matters.
So far, though there are indications of some training and solidarity, HaY does not
appear to have a transnational jihadist or terrorist agenda. But there are risks that if
the government mishandles the situation, including by continued use of disproportionate
force that has driven tens of thousands from their homes or across the border
to Bangladesh, it could create conditions for further radicalising sections of the
Rohingya population that transnational jihadists could exploit to pursue their own
agendas in the country. To avoid that requires subordinating the security response
and integrating it into a well-crafted, overarching political strategy – building
stronger, more positive relations between Muslim communities and the Myanmar
state and closer cooperation and intelligence sharing with regional countries."

"High-definition satellite imagery shows widespread fire-related destruction in ethnic Rohingya villages in Burma's Rakhine State, Human Rights Watch said today. The Burmese government should immediately invite the United Nations to assist in investigating reported destruction of villages in the area.
“New satellite images not only confirm the widespread destruction of Rohingya villages but show that it was even greater than we first thought,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Burmese authorities should promptly establish a UN-assisted investigation as a first step toward ensuring justice and security for the victims.”
Human Rights Watch identified a total of 430 destroyed buildings in three villages of northern Maungdaw district from an analysis of very high resolution satellite imagery recorded on the mornings of October 22, November 3, and November 10, 2016. Of this total, 85 buildings were destroyed in the village of Pyaung Pyit (Ngar Sar Kyu), 245 in Kyet Yoe Pyin, and 100 in Wa Peik (Kyee Kan Pyin). Damage signatures in each of the assessed villages were consistent with fire, including the presence of large burn scars and destroyed tree cover. Because of dense tree cover it is possible that the actual number of destroyed buildings is higher..."

"The establishment of a high-level commission headed by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan is a welcome step towards addressing the human rights situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, Amnesty International said today.
“Today’s announcement is a sign that Myanmar’s authorities are taking the situation in Rakhine state seriously. But it will only have been a worthwhile exercise if it paves the way for the realization of human rights for all people in the state,” said Rafendi Djamin, Amnesty International’s Director for South East Asia and the Pacific...."

"Nay Pyi Taw, August 23
The Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, committed to finding lasting solutions to the complex and delicate issues in the Rakhine State, will establish an Advisory Commission on Rakhine State. A Memorandum of Understanding is to be signed between the Ministry of Office of the State-Counsellor and the Kofi Annan Foundation. The nine-member Advisory Commission, a national initiative to resolve protracted issues in the region, will be chaired by former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Chairman and Founder
of the Kofi Annan Foundation and noble laureate, Mr. Kofi Annan and will be composed of (3) international and (6) national persons of Eminence who are highly experienced, respected and neutral individuals. The commission members are :
• U Win Mra, Chair of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
• Dr. Thar Hla Shwe, President of Myanmar Red Cross Society
• Mr. Ghassan Salame’, Lebanese Minister of Culture (2000- 2003), UN Special Advisor to Secretary-General (2003-2006)
• Ms Laetitia van den Assum, Special Advisor to the UNAIDS (2005-2006), the Netherlands’ Ambassador to the United Kingdom (2012-2015)
• U Aye Lwin, Core Member and Founder of Religious for Peace, Myanmar
• Dr. Mya Thida, President of Obstetrical and Gynecological Society of MMA, Member of the Myanmar Academy of Medical Science
• U Khin Maung Lay, Member of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
• Daw Saw Khin Tint, Chairperson (Rakhine Literature and Culture association, Yangon) and Vice-Chairperson (Rakhine Women Association)
The Commission will undertake meetings with all relevant stakeholders, international experts and foreign dignitaries to hear their views and to analyze relevant issues with a view to finding the best possible solutions to prevailing problems..."

Rohingyas are a Muslim minority who reside in Myanmar. They have stayed here for several generations and account for 7% of "Myanmar’s population. However, the 1982 citizenship law of Myanmar prohibits Rohingyas from being citizens. This has made nearly 1 million Rohingyas stateless. Know about the Rohingya crisis in 2 minutes by watching the below video..."

SUBMISSION TO THE COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN (CEDAW)
For the Examination of the combined 4th and 5th periodic State Party Reports (CEDAW/C/MMR/4-5)
- MYANMAR -
June 2016.....RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE CEDAW COMMITTEE:
"The Committee should urge the Government of Myanmar:
* To take immediate steps to eradicate all discriminatory policies and practices against the Rohingya population;
* To combat all acts of incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence against religious and ethnic minorities, in particular against the Rohingya, condemn such acts publicly and take swift legal action against perpetrators;
* To take all necessary measures to establish the rule of law in Rakhine State, end impunity, and provide security and equal protection of the law to all, including Rohingya women;
* To engage in a confidence-building process with all communities in Rakhine State, inclusive of women, and to promote interfaith and intercommunal dialogue;
* To ensure that any Action Plan for Peace and Reconciliation in Rakhine State is in line with international human rights principles, especially those relating specifically to women...
On Citizenship and birth registration:
* To review the 1982 Citizenship Law in accordance with international standards in order to prevent and eradicate statelessness in Myanmar, to bring Myanmar law into compliance with the universally respected prohibition of racial discrimination and with Myanmar’s obligations under Article 7 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) with the intention of granting citizenship and associated rights to the Rohingyas;
* To urgently resolve the legal status of Rohingyas through a transparent process that will provide incentives to all stakeholders to participate in the process in order to grant citizenship and associated rights to the Rohingyas;
* To issue birth certificates to all Rohingya children born in Myanmar in compliance with domestic law and Myanmar’s obligations under the CRC (Article 7.1);
* To immediately register all Rohingya children by removing burdensome requirements which make it difficult to insert their names in their parents’ family list.
* To abolish without delay all local orders restricting movement and marriage, and which seek to limit the number of children a family can have, orders which are exclusively applied on the Rohingya in Rakhine State...
On freedom of movement:
* To revise and repeal all orders and regulations that restrict the freedom of movement of the Rohingya;
* To lift the curfew still in place in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships;
* To establish conditions conducive to the voluntary return of the displaced Rohingyas to their place of origin or to other places of voluntary resettlement in safety and dignity, and to ensure adequate reintegration and security...
On access to livelihood and basic services:
* To substantially improve access to quality health care and education services to Rohingya children, in IDP camps as well as in all other locations;
* To guarantee unhindered humanitarian access to all Rohingya communities in Rakhine State;
* To withdraw the Population Control Healthcare Bill in particular, as this law could result in new restrictions targeting Rohingya women as it allows authorities to impose 3-year birth spacing in any region of the country, in particular as it could further increase discrimination against Rohingya women;
* To conduct extensive teacher training among Rohingyas, including for women, and to restore access to higher education, including university education, to Rohingya students;
* To ensure access to food and eradicate malnutrition so that women and children can meet their physical and mental needs and responsibilities...
On violence against women and access to justice:
* To establish support mechanisms for women victims of all forms of violence, including sexual and gender-based abuses;
* To increase training, capacity-building and awareness-raising for all actors involved in assisting women subject to violence, including police forces, health practitioners and teachers, community volunteers and other service providers;
* To provide legal aid and effective access to justice to encourage women victims of violence to seek redress;
* To take legal action against perpetrators of sexual violence against women, and, in particular, investigate and prosecute members of State authorities committing rape and sexual harassment against Rohingya women...
On ratifying other international human rights treaties:
* To accede to the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness;
* To become a State Party to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women; and,
* To accede to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other relevant human rights instruments."

Human Rights Council
Thirty-second session
Agenda item 2...
Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the
High Commissioner and the Secretary-General.....
Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other
minorities in Myanmar
Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights....."The present report, submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 29/21,
examines the situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in
Myanmar. It analyzes patterns of human rights violations and abuses, particularly
discrimination, and concludes with recommendations on measures to be taken by the
Government to improve the situation of minorities in Myanmar."

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (A/HRC/32/18) - Advance Unedited Version

"...What assistance has the ICRC been providing to IDPs in Kachin and Shan states?
I have had the opportunity to see two camps and a settlement where displaced people are living. One in Myitkyina, where people have been living for several years, and then two in Kutkai in northern Shan State, where displaced people had just arrived. I really feel that there is quite a difference in terms of living standards in one camp where there are people newly arrived. There, we provide emergency assistance. Whereas in Myitkyina we support livelihoods, for instance, in providing cash grants, so that people can open their own shop, earn their own money and stand on their own feet.
What short- and long-term aid does the ICRC provide to IDPs?
In the short term, it is basically humanitarian assistance, for instance the provisions of shelters. It was the first need that I saw in the camps that I visited in the north of Kutkai and we provided material to every family to build shelters. Then, it is about improving access to water, access to health care and to basic food. In order to provide access to food items, for instance, we distribute cash to every family every month so that they can buy their own food. We provide K7,000 per person per month. For a family of five, it’s K35,000 per month.....
For the longer term, we develop other supports for families who show interest in developing economic projects, what we call conditional cash grants. With that money, I saw families in a camp in Myitkyina who opened their own shops, for instance, small grocery shops, or started to raise pigs. .....We have a program called Weapon Contamination [to raise awareness among the public]. We have specialists who are working with Myanmar Red Cross volunteers to sensitise the population on the risks of mines. Myanmar is not a signatory to the mine-ban convention known as the Ottawa Treaty. In our sensitisation work with the army and the armed groups, we very much base our arguments on the fact that we say that we understand why they use it for defence.
But the problem is that if you use landmines, they will be there for a long time, and 30 years after, even if there is peace they might explode. So you are really creating a problem that will last for many decades and that will make the lives of people in these areas extremely difficult for a very long time. Landmines are a weapon that have lasting consequences. We see it in countries like Colombia, Afghanistan, even in Bosnia there are still landmines more than 20 years after the end of the conflict and people are at risk of getting hurt or their livestock affected. I think Myanmar is facing, not the whole country, but in certain areas, a serious problem with landmines.
So our work consists not only of physical rehabilitation but also to encourage all parties to conflict to address this issue urgently, to start talks in order to clear the affected areas of mines so the population will be able to use the land for farming, to have access to water and grazing land. We are ready to help..."

"The Muslim minority living in
western
Myanmar/Burma's
Rakhine State –
at least
800 000 people
–
identify
themselves
as Rohingya. For
decades
they have suffered legal
and social discrimination
.
While
there are historical economic
relations
with the Buddhist
Rakhine community there are
also
long-standing
tensions
between the two communities.
The
Rohingyas
have been denied
the right to citizenship
and even
the right to
self-identify
, and
were stripped
of
their voting
rights
in the last national and
local elections.
They are also
subject to many restrictions
in
day to day life: banned from
travelling without authorization
and
prohibited from working
outside their villages,
they
cannot
even
get married without
permission from the authorities,
and,
because of movement
restrictions,
they lack
sufficient
access
to
livelihood
opportunities, medical care and
education. The number of
children
per
couple
is
theoretically restricted to two
but, because it cannot be
enforced, there are thousands of
children
without
any
administrative
existence..."

"United Nations representatives are continuing to pressure Myanmar on the international stage over its treatment of Muslim minorities and internally displaced people.
A high-ranking UN official who recently toured IDP camps in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan states yesterday spoke of his “heartbreaking” experiences.
John Ging, director of operations for the Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), stressed that the welfare of these groups cannot be forgotten in the aftermath of the election as the country continues to transform economically and politically.
In Rakhine State, Mr Ging met with some of the 120,000 Muslim Rohingya – who are officially called Bengalis by the government – and 5000 ethnic Rakhine who remain displaced after communal violence in 2012, which saw more than 150 killed and several villages razed.
While acknowledging that the government has made progress in improving the living conditions for some, he also described temporary shelters in a state of collapse and appalling sanitation conditions. Many of the camps lack running water or an operational sewage system.
UNOCHA noted that Muslim camp inhabitants continue to face extreme restrictions on their movement, and are denied access to local hospitals.
“One mother told me that her baby, less than a month old, died from lack of oxygen in December after she was denied access to treatment at the nearby township hospital in Myebon,” Mr Ging said.
He appealed for an end to such discriminatory policies. “[These policies] do not reflect the values of the people of Myanmar or the historical diversity of the country. Segregation and disenfranchisement are flawed and inhumane policies, and history teaches us that they fail every time.”..."

Summary:
"In 2015, mixed maritime movements in South-East Asia were characterized by two
distinct phases: from January to May, when the volume crossing the Bay of Bengal
and Andaman Sea was significantly greater than during the same period in previous
years; and from June to December, when such movements all but disappeared
following the abandonment of thousands of refugees and migrants at sea in May.
Some 1,600 refugees and migrants were estimated to have departed by sea from
the Bay of Bengal in the second half of 2015, 96% less than in the second half of
2014. By contrast, the 31,000 departures estimated in the first half of 2015 were
34% higher than in the first half of 2014.
Refugees familiar with the route told UNHCR in interviews that the sharp decline in
departures in the second half of 2015 was a result of increased scrutiny by—and of
—authorities at both departure and arrival points and harsher conditions upon
arrival, as demonstrated by the discovery of mass graves and the continued detention
in Malaysia of the hundreds of refugees who disembarked in May.
In total, approximately 33,600 refugees and migrants travelled through South-East
Asia in mixed maritime movements in 2015, including approximately 1,000 who
either crossed the Strait of Malacca or attempted to reach Australia from Indonesia,
Sri Lanka, and Viet Nam.
Mixed maritime movements originating from the Bay of Bengal in particular
continued to result in scores of deaths at a fatality rate three times higher than in
the Mediterranean Sea. In 2015, approximately 370 refugees and migrants who
departed from the Bay of Bengal are estimated to have died before reaching land,
mostly from starvation, dehydration, disease, and abuse by people smugglers."

Executive Summary:
"In May 2015 scenes of desperate people stranded without food or water on captain-less boats off the
coasts of Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia brought global attention to the Rohingya,
a 1.1 million-strong
Muslim ethnic group in Rakhine state, Myanmar (formerly Burma).
The immediate humanitarian crisis,
however, masked a much deeper and more unpalatable crisis – a genocidal persecution organised by the
Myanmar State from which the Rohingya were fleeing.
Reports of this persecution led researchers from the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) to
explore whether or not well-documented state crimes against Myanmar’s Rohingya do indeed amount
to genocide. ISCI’s detailed research found ample evidence that the Rohingya have been subjected to
systematic and widespread violations of human rights, including killings, torture, rape and arbitrary detention; destruction of their homes and villages; land confiscation; forced labour; denial of citizenship;
denial of the right to identify themselves as Rohingya; denial of access to healthcare, education and
employment; restrictions on freedom of movement, and State-sanctioned campaigns of religious hatred.
It also found compelling evidence of State-led policies, laws and strategies of genocidal persecution
stretching back over 30 years, and of the Myanmar State coordinating with Rakhine ultra-nationalists,
racist monks and its own security forces in a genocidal process against the Rohingya.
The persecution entered a
new and more devastating phase in 2012. Organised massacres left over 200
Rohingya men, women and children dead. Up to 60 Rakhine were also killed during the June violence.
Hundreds of homes, the vast majority belonging to Rohingya, were destroyed.
Around 138,000 Rohingya were displaced and ended up in what are effectively detention camps.
A further 4,500 desperate Rohingya people live in a squalid ghetto in Sittwe, Rakhine state’s capital.
The Myanmar government’s escalating institutionalized discrimination against the Rohingya has allowed
hate speech to flourish, encouraged Islamophobia and granted impunity to perpetrators of the violence. The systematic, planned and targeted weakening of the Rohingya through mass violence and other
measures, as well as the regime’s successive implementation of discriminatory and persecutory policies
against them, amounts to a process of genocide. This process emerged in the 1970s, and has accelerated
during Myanmar’s faltering transition to democracy.
Part I of this report describes the history, politics and economics of the State’s persecution of the
Rohingya, affording particular attention to the relationship between the Rakhine Buddhist community and
the State. Part II then analyses these processes of persecution using Daniel Feierstein’s delineation of
genocide’s six stages, as outlined in his book, Genocide as Social Practice.
Specifically, we will focus on
genocide’s first four stages: 1) stigmatisation and dehumanisation; 2) harassment, violence and terror; 3)
isolation and segregation; and 4) the systematic weakening of the target group.
The systematic weakening process that has accompanied the dehumanisation, violence and segregation
has been so successful that the Rohingya in Myanmar can be described as a people whose agency has
been effectively destroyed. Those who can, flee, while those who remain endure the barest of lives.
Now, the Rohingya potentially face the final two stages of genocide – mass annihilation and erasure of
the group from Myanmar’s history.
The report documents in detail the evidence for genocide, its historical genesis and the political, social
and economic conditions in which it has emerged. It identifies the architects of the genocide as Myanmar
State officials and security forces, Rakhine nationalist civil society leaders and Buddhist monks, and
points to a significant degree of coordination between these agencies in the pursuit of eliminating the
Rohingya from Myanmar’s political landscape.
The report is based on a 12-month period of research, four of which were spent in the field between
October 2014 and February 2015. The research included 176 interviews, observational fieldwork and
documentary sources.
ISCI concludes that genocide is taking place in Myanmar and warns of the serious and present danger of
the annihilation
of the country’s Rohingya population"

CONTENTS:-
I. SUMMARY...
II. METHODOLOGY...
III. HISTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES AGAINST ROHINGYA
IN MYANMAR:
A. ROHINGYA UNDER MILITARY RULE: FROM MYANMAR’S
INDEPENDENCE THROUGH 2011:
1. Denial of Citizenship...
2. Forced Displacement...
3. Forced Labor...
4. Religious Persecution...
5. Marriage Restrictions and Population Control.....
B. THEIN SEIN’S ADMINISTRATION:
1. Arbitrary Detention...
2. Forced Labor...
3. Sexual Violence...
4. Restrictions on Freedom of Movement...
5. Marriage Restrictions and Population Control.....
C. 2012 UNREST IN RAKHINE: STATE.....
D. THE CONTINUED PLIGHT OF THE ROHINGYA: 2013 – PRESENT:
1. Conditions in Internally Displaced Person (IDP) Camps...
2. Discriminatory Laws and Government Practices Against Rohingya.....
IV. APPLICATION OF THE LAW OF GENOCIDE TO THE
CASE OF THE ROHINGYA:
A. INTRODUCTION TO THE LAW OF GENOCIDE....
B. THE “GROUP” ELEMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE:
1. National, Ethnical, Racial, or Religious Group...
2. Rohingya as an Enumerated Group....
3. Conclusion on the “Group” Element.....
C. THE “ACTS” ELEMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE...
1. Killing Members of the Group...
2. Causing Serious Bodily or Mental Harm to Members of the Group...
3. Deliberately Inflicting on the Group Conditions of Life Calculated
to Bring About its Physical Destruction in Whole or in Part...
4. Imposing Measures Intended to Prevent Births Within the Group...
5. Conclusion on the “Acts” Element.....
D. THE “INTENT” ELEMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE:
1. Anti-Rohingya and Anti-Muslim Rhetoric...
2. Evidence Indicating Intent to Inflict Conditions of Life on Rohingya
Calculated to Bring About Their Physical Destruction...
3. Mass Scale of Acts Targeting Rohingya...
4. Conclusion on the “Intent” Element.....
V. STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE:
A. STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR ACTS OF STATE ORGANS...
B. STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR ACTS OF NON-STATE ACTORS...
C. STATE DUTY TO PREVENT GENOCIDE...
VI. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION.

"In May 2015 three boats carrying 1,800 women, men and children landed in Aceh, Indonesia. Most of the passengers were Muslim Rohingya, a persecuted religious and ethnic minority from Myanmar. All those who arrived had endured weeks or months at sea, in overcrowded boats controlled by ruthless traffickers or abusive people-smugglers. The report includes testimonies from the Rohingya on the shocking conditions and human rights abuses they suffered on the boats for weeks or sometimes months on end, including killings and beatings while they were held hostage for ransom."

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "The situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State is driving a regional crisis. Systematic discrim-ination against Rohingya Muslims has contributed to the largest regional outflow of
asylum seekers by sea in decades. Humanitarian conditions in Rohingya villages and
internally displaced persons (IDP) camps are dire, and Rohingya suffer frequent abuses
at the hands of Myanmar authorities.
In May 2015, the region was forced to grapple with the results of these conditions, as
thousands of Rohingya asylum seekers were stranded on boats in the Andaman Sea,
making international headlines. ASEAN leaders met at the time in the hopes of resolving
the crisis, but failed to craft a regional response to the drivers of the outflow, which are
rooted in Rakhine State.
In the months since, these underlying drivers have been compounded by an increasing
sense of desperation among Rohingya, driven principally by political exclusion. The
disenfranchisement of an estimated one million Rohingya voters, as well as the rejection
of dozens of Rohingya parliamentary candidates in advance of the 8 November general
election, has led many Rohingya to believe that there is little hope for their future in
Myanmar. With no opportunity to take part in perhaps the most consequential election
in Myanmar’s history and no hope of any political representation, Rohingya feel they are
being forced out of the country.
Furthering this perception is the proliferation of anti-Muslim hate speech and sentiment
across Myanmar and the government’s failure to address this growing threat. If left
unchecked, Buddhist extremists will continue to vilify Rohingya for political purposes,
and further episodes of inter-communal violence could erupt in Rakhine State and other
areas, driving still more Rohingya to flee their homes.
During 2015, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) undertook two
fact-finding missions to Myanmar to assess the situation and further investigate the
root causes of the Rohingya exodus. APHR’s team of parliamentarians and researchers
met with government officials, religious leaders, civil society representatives, and UN
agencies, as well as Rohingya and Rakhine community members and IDPs.
The findings were clear: ASEAN risks another full-blown crisis as a result of unresolved
conditions in Myanmar. Unless serious steps are taken to address the situation of depri-vation and despair in Rakhine State, many Rohingya will have no other option but to flee
in search of asylum elsewhere.
The next wave of refugees is coming. Tens of thousands of Rohingya have already fled by
sea, but nearly a million more are still undergoing heavy persecution throughout Rakhine
State. When the remaining Rohingya begin to leave, they will be extremely vulnerable to
human trafficking to Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia..."

"The controversy surrounding Myanmar’s Rohingya people is evident in conflicting stories about the ethnic
group’s origin. The Burmese government and Burmese historians argue that the Rohingya are actually
Bengali Muslims, refusing to recognize the term “Rohingya.” They claim that the Rohingya migrated to
Rakhine state in Myanmar from Bengal during and after the British colonial era of 1824-1948. However,
most experts outside of Myanmar agree that the Rohingya have been living in Rakhine state since at least
the 15th century, and possibly as early as the 7th century. Claims that the Rohingya are recent immigrants
from Bangladesh are simply untrue.
WHO ARE THE ROHINGYA?
While the government has played a significant role in the oppression of the Rohingya, it has not been
without the help of Burmese citizens. There is widespread dislike and even hatred toward the Rohingya in
Myanmar. The Burmese government has ingrained this disdain into it’s citizens, using dislike for the
Rohingya as a way to mobilize support. Leading up to November 2015 elections, President Thein Sein has
pointed to the passage of numerous discriminatory laws as evidence that he is a strong leader and should
be elected for another term. His campaign is fueled, at least in part, by anti-Muslim rhetoric. The Rohingya
are a stateless people, hated in their own country and forced to live in appalling living conditions.
1.
For the sake of clarity, the term “Myanmar” will be used throughout the report except when referring to
the country before 1989, when it’s name was still “Burma.”
There are between 800,000 and 1,100,000
Rohingya in Myanmar today, 80% of whom
live in Rakhine state. The Rohingya primarily
reside in the two northern townships in
Rakhine state--Maungdaw and
Buthidaung--along the border with
Bangladesh. Rakhine Buddhists are the major
population group residing in Rakhine state.
Tensions leading to violence between these
two groups is a regular occurrence..."

"Amidst the political and humanitarian crises faced by Rohingya people in Arakan, a powerful tropical
cyclone had made its landfall in Arakan, setting off a new wave of humanitarian crises in several
townships in the Arakan state. On the political side, the date for the General Election in Myanmar is set
for 8 November, 2015. While the ruling military’s USDP-dominated Government continues to deny the
basic rights and citizenship of Rohingya and reject their ethnic identity, it has renewed its old strategy — reminiscent to what USDP did in the 2010 General Election — to secure the votes from Rohingya.
Simultaneously, the main opposition party of the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy, reportedly has also taken dramatic steps against Muslims in Myanmar. Currently, the
Rohingya are not in the voters’ list issued by the Government...".....Written NGO statements to the 29th Session of UN Human Rights Council." .....Written NGO statement to the 30th Session of UN Human Rights Council.

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

Maarij Foundation for Peace and Development via UN Human Rights Council (A/HRC/30/NGO/60)

Summary: "The underlying reasons for the use of the word “Rohingya” in 1950-
60s by the AFPFL Government to describe Muslim Community of
Northern Arakan is examined. A possible State-Military bilateral
agreement in 1960s between Burma and Pakistan with regards to that
Arakan Muslim community has been identified. Verified the consistent
pattern that the Burmese Government since 1960 had agreed to take
responsibility, i.e. providing the legal residency, for the Muslim
Community of Northern Arakan."

Author/creator:

Ne Oo

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

The Network for International Protection of Refugees via Network Myanmar

"GELUGOR, Malaysia — The young woman had been penned in a camp in the sweltering jungle of southern Thailand for two months when she was offered a deal.
She fled Myanmar this year hoping to reach safety in Malaysia, after anti-Muslim rioters burned her village. But her family could not afford the $1,260 the smugglers demanded to complete the journey.
A stranger was willing to pay for her freedom, the smugglers said, if she agreed to marry him.
“I was allowed to call my parents, and they said that if I was willing, it would be better for all the family,” said the woman, Shahidah Yunus, 22. “I understood what I must do.”
She joined the hundreds of young Rohingya women from Myanmar sold into marriage to Rohingya men already in Malaysia as the price of escaping violence and poverty in their homeland.
While some Rohingya women agree to such marriages to escape imprisonment or worse at the hands of smugglers, others are tricked or coerced. Some are only teenagers.
Continue reading the main story
RELATED COVERAGE
France and Britain Seek Help on Calais Migrants From E.U.AUG. 2, 2015
A Bangladeshi Town in Human Trafficking’s GripJULY 23, 2015
Jubair, 13, was left behind when his mother and siblings fled Myanmar for Malaysia. “I didn’t know about it,” he said. “She could not find me. She could not tell me.”A Migrant Mother’s Anguished ChoiceJULY 5, 2015
Oma Salema, 12, holding her undernourished brother, Ayub Khan, 1, in Sittwe Camp.Myanmar to Bar Rohingya From Fleeing, but Won’t Address Their PlightJUNE 12, 2015
Malaysia offers at least some modicum of opportunity for Rohingya migrants. Rohingya gathered at an apartment block in Kuala Lumpur that is home to several families.Even in Safety of Malaysia, Rohingya Migrants Face Bleak ProspectsJUNE 3, 2015
Rohingya migrants with airdropped food. A boat carrying them and scores of others, including young children, was found floating in Thai waters; passengers said several people had died.Rohingya Migrants From Myanmar, Shunned by Malaysia, Are Spotted Adrift in Andaman SeaMAY 14, 2015
How Myanmar and Its Neighbors Are Responding to the Rohingya CrisisMAY 14, 2015
Their numbers are difficult to gauge, but officials and activists estimate that in recent years hundreds, if not thousands, of Rohingya women every year have been married off this way, and that their numbers have been increasing..."

"Disturbing images and reports of decrepit vessels crammed with Rohingya people from Myanmar adrift in the Andaman Sea have featured prominently in Western newspapers and media websites of late. In April, a Thai government crackdown on human trafficking prompted smugglers to abandon their human cargoes at sea, leaving dozens of boats packed with migrants drifting aimlessly for weeks. Almost without missing a beat, media and rights groups condemned Myanmar for creating this humanitarian crisis – in the process reviving the old narrative of the pariah state.
The perpetual refrain about desperate attempts by Rohingya (or “Bengalis,” as they are widely called in Myanmar) to flee persecution by powerful Buddhists does not give the full picture – in fact, this narrative of one-sided victimhood will help neither readers who wish to understand the roots of the crisis nor the Rohingya themselves.
The people who call themselves Rohingya are a Muslim minority originally from Bangladesh but with a longstanding presence in Myanmar’s western Rakhine state. Some Muslim families can trace their history in Rakhine to the 16th century. When Mughals invaded Bengal in 1575, many Muslim Bengalis sought refuge in neighboring territory, where ethnic Rakhine people had been living and reigning independently for more than three thousand years..."

Text plus links and short videos....."Torture, rape, corruption, and ransom demands - the horror experienced by migrants has been allowed to flourish for decades, according to a source inside the Southeast Asian trafficking industry from Yangon and Bangladesh.
Each year thousands of Rohingya refugees flee from Myanmar to camps at Cox's Bazar across the border in Bangladesh. Seeking to continue their journey to countries such as Malaysia, they are vulnerable to the gangs who organise boat travel..."

"This week, the full impact of the Burmese government repression [2] of Rohingyas, one of its internal minority populations, was exposed to the world. Thousands of Burmese refugees have been stranded in boats [3] in the Andaman Sea and Malaccan Straits as Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia try to prevent them from landing on their shores [4]. There are great fears for the well being of these people. The recent stand by Australian governments to reject asylum seekers and turn boats around [5] has helped to create this inhumane situation by empowering other countries to do the same."

"In March 2015, staff of the
SIMON-SKJODT CENTER FOR THE PREVENTION OF GENOCIDE
traveled to Burma, also called Myanmar, to investigate the threats facing the
Rohingya, a Muslim minority group that has been subject to dehumanization
through rampant hate speech, the denial of citizenship, and restrictions on freedom of movement, in addition to a host of other human rights violations that put
this population at grave risk of additional mass atrocities and even genocide....
STARKEST EARLY WARNING SIGNS
OF FUTURE MASS ATROCITIES:
This list represents some of the concerns we heard the
most often from Rohingya leaders and survivors:
•
Physical violence targeted against Rohingya people,
homes, and businesses
•
Physical segregation of the Rohingya from members
of other ethnic groups
•
Blockage of humanitarian assistance, including
necessary health care
•
Deplorable living conditions for those displaced
from their homes
•
Rampant and unchecked hate speech against
Rohingya and other Muslims
•
Restrictions on movement
•
Stripping of citizenship
•
Destruction of mosques, onerous processes for
Rohingya to maintain or fix mosques, and other
restrictions on freedom of religion
•
Extortion and illegal taxation
•
Land confiscation
•
Two-child policy and restrictions on marriage in
some areas of Rakhine State
•
“Supply checks” or raids by security forces on
Rohingya homes
•
Sexual violence and arbitrary arrest and detention
•
Abuses in detention
•
Revocation of legal or other documents
•
Inability to pursue livelihoods and restrictions on
business opportunities
•
Lack of opportunities to pursue education
•
Restrictions on voting
•
Government blockage of information flow in and
out of Rohingya communities..."

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM (IMON-SKJODT CENTER FOR THE PREVENTION OF GENOCIDE)

Executive Summary:
"The longstanding persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar has led to
the highest outflow of asylum seekers by sea since the U.S. war in Vietnam. Human rights
violations against Rohingya have resulted in a regional human trafficking epidemic, and
there have been further abuses against Rohingya upon their arrival in other Southeast Asian
countries.
This protracted culture of abuse threatens Myanmar’s political transition, puts strains on
regional economies, and supports the rise of extremist ideologies that pose potential security
threats throughout the region. Ongoing human rights abuses against Rohingya pose a threat
to regional peace and security and must end.
Broader anti-Muslim rhetoric and violence has also flared up in locations across Myanmar
in recent years. These incidents, as well as ongoing abuses against ethnic minority groups
throughout the country, pose similar risks for Myanmar and the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN).
In April 2015, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR), an organization of
members of parliament from several ASEAN countries, conducted a fact-finding mission in
Myanmar. APHR is deeply concerned about the current dynamics there and how they affect
the region and the broader global community. APHR is equally concerned with the failure of
ASEAN nations to adequately respond.
Critical national elections in Myanmar are slated for the end of 2015. APHR has found an
alarmingly high risk of atrocities against Rohingya, other Muslims, and other ethnic minority
groups in the lead up to the election. These risks constitute a regional concern, not only due to
potential cross-border spillover effects, but also because ASEAN member states share a moral
responsibility to take all possible measures to prevent the commission of atrocities within
ASEAN.
Despite these troubling realities, the Rohingya issue remains conspicuously absent from the
agenda of the ASEAN Summit. ASEAN and other global leaders ignore these dynamics at
their own peril. The Rohingya crisis and broader animosity toward other Muslims and ethnic
minorities in Myanmar are not just a Myanmar problem—they are an ASEAN problem.
Nearly every common risk factor for atrocity crimes identified in the United Nations’
Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes is present in Myanmar today. This report draws
upon APHR’s collective knowledge to analyze the situation in Myanmar within the context of
this United Nations’ Framework. Based on this analysis, it is clear that there is a high risk of
ongoing atrocity crimes in Myanmar in 2015 and beyond.
The report represents a call to action. It demonstrates that the escalating human rights crisis
in Myanmar and Southeast Asia more broadly is exacerbated by the failure of ASEAN to take
effective action. ASEAN should:..."

Written statement
submitted by
the
Society for Threatened
Peoples, a non
-
governmental organization in special
consultative status...."Currently, the Myanmar parliament is debating a controversial legislative package called the “Laws on Protection of
Race and Religion” which includes the Religion Conv
ersion Bill, Interfaith Marriage Bill, Population Control Bill, and
the Monogamy Bill. The legislation has been proposed by an extremist Buddhist organization called the Association for
the Protection of Race and Religion, which is connected to the nationa
list Buddhist monk Wirathu and the 969
Movement.
This group of bills is not only violating human rights in several ways but it is also endangering the peace and unity of
the country.
The Religion Conversion Bill includes restrictions on converting to an
other religion especially for those who are
wishing to convert from Theravada Buddhism to a minority religion or to atheism. The bill set out a process for
applying for official permission to convert from one religion to another, giving Township
-
level offi
cial from various
government departments the power to determine whether an applicant has exercised free will in choosing to change
religion. Penalties up to two years are foreseen for those who are found to be applying for conversion “with the intent of
in
sulting or destroying a religion” or “undue influence or pressure...".....Written NGO statement to the 28th Session of UN Human Rights Council.

"...Bamar Muslims began to actively express their
awareness of being Bamar Muslims as indigenous citizens around the 1930s, almost at the
same time that Burmese nationalism was on the rise. Bamar Muslims continued to raise
their voices during the last military regime, yet most Buddhist Burmese did not recognize
them as native. Using documents and interviews, this study will explore how the idea of
Muslims as indigenous citizens emerged during the colonial period, and how it evolved up
through the present time..."

"Two years after a wave of violence hit the region, Myanmar’s Rakhine State has become a segregated zone. Two million ethnic Rakhine live apart from 1.2 million stateless Rohingya, who are trapped inside displacement camps or barred from leaving their villages. Ending this segregation and protecting the rights of the Rohingya are necessary components of Myanmar’s move toward democracy. However, the Rakhine leadership has rejected – both politically and with force – any reintegration of the two communities, and it is seeking to exclude the Rohingya from any role in the state’s development, distribution of resources, and political representation.
Recently, Myanmar’s central government developed a draft “Rakhine Action Plan” that would provide some Rohingya with the opportunity to apply for citizenship, but only if they identify as ethnically “Bengali.” Those who are found ineligible for citizenship, or who refuse to comply, would be rendered to internment camps. The plan as currently drafted is indefensible, and the international community must demand that it be revised to reflect the rights of Rohingya to self-identify; secure citizenship; and live without arbitrary restrictions on their movement, religion, education, and livelihoods. The plan must also support the positive development of all communities in Rakhine State..."

"Two years after a wave of violence hit the region, Myanmar’s Rakhine State has become a
segregated zone. Two million ethnic Rakhine live apart from 1.2 million stateless Rohingya,
who are trapped inside displacement camps or barred from leaving their villages. Ending this
segregation and protecting the rights of the Rohingya are necessary components of Myanmar’s
move toward democracy. However, the Rakhine leadership has rejected – both politically and
with force – any reintegration of the two communities, and it is seeking to exclude the Rohingya
from any role in the state’s development, distribution of resources, and political representation.
Recently, Myanmar’s central government developed a draft “Rakhine Action Plan” that would
provide some Rohingya with the opportunity to apply for citizenship, but only if they identify as
ethnically “Bengali.” Those who are found ineligible for citizenship, or who refuse to comply, would
be rendered to internment camps. The plan as currently drafted is indefensible, and the international
community must demand that it be revised to reflect the rights of Rohingya to self-identify; secure
citizenship; and live without arbitrary restrictions on their movement, religion, education, and
livelihoods. The plan must also support the positive development of all communities in Rakhine State..."

"The Rohingya are an ethnic minority who have lived in Myanmar for generations – and according to Human Rights Watch, they're victims of an ongoing ethnic cleansing. Myanmar recently emerged from half a century of military dictatorship, but democracy hasn't come for all of its citizens. The Rohingya have been burned out of their homes, massacred, held in de facto open-air prisons and were recently excluded from the country's first census in 30 years..."

"...We need to see this diversity inherent in Myanmar’s population, and this includes within the Muslim communities. How do we begin to capture the diversity and richness of Myanmar’s Muslim mosaic? Central to the politics of belonging is how Muslims define themselves. Let me take the 2014 census as an example of how Muslims are seeking to redefine their identity.
International commentary on the census primarily focused on the categories the government would use to mark religion and ethnicity, and specifically whether it would allow individuals to identify as ‘Rohingya’. But there was an absence of coverage of broader Muslim responses to the census. Observers failed to see the fierce discussion and debate within Muslim communities about what categories they wanted to use to define their religious and ethnic status in the census.
Many in the Burmese Muslim community were confused: they did not want to list their ethnicity as ‘Burman’, even if they identified as part Burman. This was because they felt that the ethnic category ‘Burman’ may be conflated by the government with ‘Buddhists’, and therefore overestimated the numbers of Buddhists. On the other hand, as Muslims who take pride in their ‘Burmeseness’ – both in terms of their ancestry as well as the use of Burmese language, clothing and culture – wanted recognition that they belong to Myanmar too..."

The International Crisis Group’s latest report, Myanmar: The Politics of Rakhine State, looks at how the legacy of colonial history, decades of authoritarian rule and state-society conflict have laid the foundation for today’s complex mix of intercommunal and inter-religious tensions. Rakhine State, whose majority ethnic Rakhine population perceive themselves to be – with some justification – victims of discrimination by the political centre, has experienced a violent surge of Buddhist nationalism against minority Muslim communities, themselves also victims of discrimination. The government has taken steps to respond: by restoring security, starting a pilot citizenship verification process and developing a comprehensive action plan. However, parts of this plan are highly problematic, and risk deepening segregation and fuelling tensions further, particularly in the lead-up to the 2015 elections.
The report’s major findings and recommendations are:
Rakhine Buddhists have tended to be cast as violent extremists, which ignores the diversity of opinions that exists and the fact that they themselves are a long-oppressed minority. They are concerned that their culture is under threat and that they could soon become a minority in their state. These fears, whether well-founded or not, need to be acknowledged if solutions are to be developed. The desperate situation of Muslim communities including the Rohingya, who have been progressively marginalised, must also be frankly recognised and resolutely addressed.
The government faces a difficult challenge: the demands and expectations of Rakhine and Rohingya communities will be very difficult to reconcile. Ways must be found to allay Rakhine fears, while ensuring the fundamental rights of Muslim communities are respected. To end the climate of impunity, the government must bring to justice those who organised and participated in violence.
Clarifying the legal status of those without citizenship is important. But many Muslims will likely refuse to identify as “Bengali”, fearing this is a precursor to denial of citizenship. A negotiated solution should be pursued, or the citizenship process may stall. Coercion is likely to spark violence.
The international community – especially UN agencies on the ground – have a critical role in supporting the humanitarian and protection needs of vulnerable communities, which are likely to persist for years. The government itself must do more in this regard.
Unless Myanmar is successful in creating a new sense of national identity that embraces the country’s cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, peace and stability will remain elusive nationwide.
“Any policy approach to the problem must start from the recognition that there will be no easy fixes and that reconciliation will take a long time” says says Jonathan Prentice, Chief Policy Officer and Acting Asia Program Director. “Halting extremist violence requires starting a credible process now that can demonstrate to the Rakhine and Muslim communities that political avenues exist in which their legitimate aspirations might be realised”.

The highly volatile situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State adds dangerously to the country’s political and religious tensions. Long-term, incremental solutions are critical for the future of Rakhine State and the country as a whole.

"The most controversial aspect of the census recently held in Burma has been the denial of the large Muslim population in Arakan to identify themselves as Rohingya, the term of their choice. The government ban means as many as one million people remain uncounted in Arakan. That is scarcely surprising, as the Burmese government, Rakhine ultra-nationalists and seemingly a majority of the Burmese population have denied for years the existence of the Rohingya identity. According to them, the Rohingya ethnicity is an invention devised by immigrants from Bangladesh to take over the land in Arakan.
Few people have made more effort to deny the claims of ethnicity by the Rohingya than Derek Tonkin, former British ambassador to Thailand and editor of the website Network Myanmar. Mr. Tonkin has reached his conclusions after digging deeply in colonial British archives, where he has not found a single use of the term Rohingya. His command of the British colonial records is nothing less than impressive, but by relying almost solely on these sources he only offers a partial picture, from which I think he draws incorrect conclusions..."

"Already widely reduced to statelessness and in many cases forced into camps for displaced people, an 800,000-strong population of Muslims in western Myanmar now faces increasing efforts to eradicate the very word they use to identify themselves as a group. Under pressure from Myanmar’s nominally-civilian government, the international community sometimes appears complicit in the airbrushing of “Rohingya” from official discourse.
In this briefing, IRIN breaks down some of the questions about a group of people that has been called one of the most persecuted minorities in the world.

"For quite a long time during the nineteenth and twentieth century, ethnicity was defined by cultural
and
racial
criteria supported by the underlying assumption that cultural characteristics were
markers of a fixed identity. People could thus be divided and subdivided into essentialized ethnic
categories. It is this “culturalist”
and racial
understanding of ethnic
identity, read back into history
and widely spread in Myanmar, that has led to the formulation of the so-called list of 135 ethnic
groups, a list that reflects political choices based on ethnic, cultural and historical
criteria. These
groups are hierarchi
zed and co-exist in a multi-layered context that is determined by historical
precursors, socio
-
economic environments and changing political conditions. Some are arguably
more dominant and prominent than others. In Myanmar the constitutionally defined ethnic
categories are often said to derive from the colonial state. But one may as well trace the concept of
such categories back to various lists of 101 peoples found in precolonial Myanmar, Rakhine and
Mon texts.1
While ethnicity is a rigid concept that dominates political and social relations in
Myanmar, contemporary scholarship would not support the inflexibility of such categories, because
it rejects the “reification of ethnic distinctions” and the “obscuring” of processes of ethnic change.2
Anthropological research tells us that ethnic identity is not intrinsically given and fixed, but subject
to change as much as society as a whole is nowhere fitting a once-for-all model. Identities undergo
transformation, as people migrate and adapt to new places, to socio-economic change and to
cultural challenges. The close observation and analysis of such changes is precisely one of the
objects of social studies in general and historians, in particular, have been interested in identities
that fade and new collective id
entities that take shape. Collective self-awareness and cultural
markers form the visible and vocal parts of novel identities, but it is the creation of new political
borders (or state-building) and the emergence of divisive political projects that appear,
at hindsight,
as the key determinant factors. When
the formation of identities
is analyzed, the deeply political
nature of this process cannot escape our attention. Identity, in the view of modern scholars, is not
merely a naturally given, but it is very m
uch written into a collective, open-ended historical
experience, both construed and fluid. This does not mean though that newly emergent identities
will automatically take hold, go socially and legally uncontested and obtain recognition. The issue
can be highly controversial. When social scientists focus, for example, on the building of a collective
national identity in the State of Singapore, a relatively new country, or the issue of recognition of
the Palestinians as a nation, they face such highly complex, historically individualized and
eventually contested contexts..."

"Khaing Hla Pyaint is an incredibly determined young Arakanese man who decided that whatever it takes, he will work for his country and help his people. On a long journey from Arakan State near Bangladeshi border to the Thai border town of Mae Sot, Khaing Hla Pyaint experienced deportation, imprisonment, and torture, until he could finally reach his goal and become a soldier in the jungles of Karen State. Despite the hardship, Khaing Hla Pyaint has never regretted the choices he has made. Why was he so determined to work for his country? How did his childhood experiences and further education make him realise he wants to help his people? Read the second part of the unbelievable story of this young dedicated soldier and learn how he feels about the root causes of the conflict, and how he thinks the international community and donors can promote change instead of funding more arms and training for the Burma Army."...See the Alternate link for part 2.

Introduction:
"The plight of Myanmar’s Muslim Rohingya people has received
renewed
international
attention over
the
past
year
as a result of ongoing
sectarian
violence and displacement in the country’s
western
state of
Rakhine.
A report
published
in
The Economist
in
November
2012
provides
a
compelling
summary
of
the Rohingya’s plight:
The political transformation in Myanmar this past year or more has so far seemed one of
history’s more remarkable revolutions. It has seemed, indeed, to be a revolution without losers.
The army, which brutalised the country for half a century, remains influential and unpunished.
Political prisoners have been freed by the hundreds. The opposition and
its heroine, Aung San
Suu Kyi, have successfully entered mainstream politics.
...
One group, however, has lost, and lost terribly. Around 1m members of the mostly Muslim
Rohingya minority remain in Myanmar’s impoverished western state of Rakhine. They are
survivors of relentless rounds of persecution that have created a diaspora around the world that
is perhaps twice as big
...
Rakhine
politicians say frankly that the only alternative to mass
deportation is a Burmese form of apartheid, in which more Rohingyas
are corralled into squalid,
semi
-
permanent internal
-
refugee camps.
This
Research Paper
surveys the issues
and regional responses, including that of Australia,
surrounding
the current conflict and humanitarian
situation
in Rakhine state.
It
argues
that while the ongoing humanitarian
emergency
presents the most pressing concern for
Myanmar,
its neighbours and its international partners
, the conflict
also
highlights
a
n intensification
of
a
dangerous uncertainty surrounding the
future
place
of
the Rohingya,
and possibly Muslims more
generally,
within a
multi
-
ethnic
and
plural
Myanmar
.
This uncertainty threatens Myanmar
’
s current
reform process and, through
the
large
-
scale
displacement of communities, undermines wider
regional security".

Executive Summary:
1. Introduction
"On August 17th, 2012, President U Thein Sein established the Rakhine
Commission of Inquiry through a Presidential Executive Order. This
Commission composed of prominent historians, social scientists, legal
experts, and civil society leaders, from a broad range of sectors was asked to
examine the following 8 areas: (1) investigate the root causes that led to the
disturbance of peace and security; (2) verify the extent of loss of life, property
and other collateral damage; (3) examine the effort to restore peace and
promote law and order; (4) outline means to provide relief and implement
resettlement programs; (5) develop short- and long-term strategies to
reconcile differences; (6) establish mutual understanding and promote
peaceful co-existence between various religious and ethnic groups; (7) advise
on the promotion of the rule of law; (8) advise on the promotion of social and
economic development. The Commission drafted its report after an extensive
survey and archival research on Rakhine state. The Commission received
support from various government agencies, civil society organisations,
political parties, and the general public. In gathering and analyzing the data it
received the Commission aimed to maintain its impartiality.
The overarching goal of the Commission’s final report was to promote peace
and development in the region rather than place the blame on a specific group
or community. The implementation of its recommendations will require close
cooperation between the various government agencies, the general public
and all sectors of society, as well as from all citizens to create and sustain the
desired environment of peace and communal stability.
This stand-alone précis was drafted on the basis of the translation of the
original report from Myanmar into English, which after editing is still over 60
pages long. The Commission would like to make a shorter version available to
the international community to give it access to the essential information with
some more details than the original Executive Summary. It does not change
the essence of the original report, but in the interest of conciseness has
regrouped some of the issues and recommendations, and therefore does not
follow the structure of the original report exactly.
Two caveats have to be made to understand the original report or this
summary: on one hand, the Commission faced several constraints in its work:
(a) the nature of the Commission’s mandate was not easily understood and its
neutrality was often rejected by Rakhine; (b) outside actors, in particular some
Bengali leaders in Yangon, exercised undue influence by trying to impose
interviewees on the Commission, and by controlling the answers interviewees
gave to the Commission; (c) access to people in more remote areas was
hampered by the fact that not all Bengalis speak Myanmar language. In order
to counter these constraints the Commission trained local young people on
how to collect data, and used purposive and quota sampling instead of
probability or random sampling. The Commission also enlisted the help of
moderate Muslim and Bengali leaders in Yangon. On the other hand, the use
of certain terms needs to be made clear: the report uses the term “Bengalis”
when referring to people of Bengali origin. The term “Rohingya” is not
recognized in Myanmar and its use has become increasingly politicized; as to
the term of “Kala”, it was traditionally used for all foreigners from west of the
country. The Brits were referred to as Kala Hpyu (white kala). Today it is
used colloquially for people originating from the Indian subcontinent. Opinions
differ as to what it is derogatory or not..."

"The 1953/54 Census was partial due to security issues in various parts of Burma. Based on the complete
urban enumeration and
partial rural sampling, the nation’s population in 1955 w
as projected to be 20.4
million. The proportion of urban population is not given, but was independently estimated at 19% in
1960 by a World Bank source. The 1953/54 Census found 8% of urban national population was Muslim
and 3% of rural, for a weighted average of 4% for the whole country. The Arakan population had 52% of
the national rural Muslim population and 10% of the urban Muslim population. Using the 1955
population, there would have been 805 thousand Muslims
in all of Burma, 310 thousand in urban and
495 thousand in rural areas. In the Arakan (now Rakhine) state, there would have been 31 thousand
urban Muslims and 257 thousand rural Muslims for a total of 288 thousand Muslims out of a total state
population of 1.4 million or 20.6% Muslim to total pop
ulation in the state.
25
After 1962, Buddhists but
not Muslims in Rakhine were allowed to migrate to other
parts of Burma, which may have raised the
Muslim share of the total population since then..."

"SITTWE, 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers are calling for better health access for an estimated 140,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, most of them Rohingya Muslims.
Although a number of NGOs and government mobile clinics are providing basic health services inside the roughly 80 camps and settlements, they are limited, and emergency health referrals remain a serious concern, they say.
According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), conditions inside the camps, combined with the segregation of ethnic Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya and ongoing movement restrictions, are having a severe impact on health care.
Movement restrictions were slapped on Rohingyas around Sittwe, the Rakhine State capital, after bouts of sectarian violence in June and October 2012.
Another concern is the negative attitude of many ethnic Rakhine to assistance provided to Muslim IDPs.
“With threats and intimidation both to health provider and patient, this becomes an irreconcilable dilemma,” Carol Jacobsen of the medical NGO Merlin told IRIN, adding that “hostile access”, limited transportation and poor security were obstacles to health care for the Muslim population..."

A written statement submitted to the Human Rights Council, 23rd session
by the Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC), a non-governmental organisation with general consultative status...
1. Following the communal violence that wracked the western parts of Myanmar near the border of Bangladesh in 2012, the country's president established a commission of inquiry comprising of retired public servants, religious figures, politicians, academics and members of civil society. The commission handed down its findings on 22 April 2013. Despite high expectations, the 119-page report is gravely flawed. Although it contains a few useful recommendations and observations, to which the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar alluded in a press release of 1 May 2013, the commission's positive contributions are outweighed by a range of omissions and misrepresentations and by an us-versus-them mentality that pervades the document..."

"Key Conclusions:
Three interconnected and difficult issues need attention for the country to move forward—citizenship for the Rohingya; building capacity in the police to prevent violence against Muslims; and re-envisioning the country as one that is multi-ethnic, multilingual, and multi-religious.
The transition from authoritarian rule to democracy could take decades. Key waypoints are the 2015 elections, implementing constitutional reforms, and the achievement of true civilian leadership.
The US should engage on a broad range of issues and stop using sanctions as a diplomatic tool. An enduring partnership would involve sustained support for the transition across the spectrum of political interests, and transitional development assistance would expand to include programs for education, health, and the media..."

"A red Storm Alert remains in effect for Tropical Cyclone Mahasen which is currently moving across the Indian Ocean towards Bangladesh and Myanmar. The cyclone does appear to have weakened and it is has been downgraded to a category-1 cyclone. It is expected to reach land now early on Friday morning (17 May). In its current path the cyclone is expected to hit north of Chittagong, Bangladesh but could, depending on its final trajectory, bring life threatening conditions for 8.2 million people in northeast India, Bangladesh and Myanmar. The highest impact, tidal surge and rainfall predictions are for the Chittagong and Cox's Bazaar areas of Bangladesh...n Myanmar, relocation and evacuation efforts according to the Government's plan are underway. As part of stage-1, the plan is to move 38,000 IDPs yesterday and today (14 May). It is unclear how many people have been relocated. Teams from humanitarian agencies have been monitoring the relocation efforts. Some IDPs are reluctant to relocate and some communities have refused to use military vehicles or to shelter in military barracks. Discussions between Government and communities in Sittwe are ongoing to negotiate alternative sites. The Government agrees that relocations are to be done in consultation with the IDPs. Muslim leaders have issued a statement encouraging people to cooperate with authorities. Humanitarian agencies are keen to understand what the triggers are for starting stage-2 of the evacuation plan which involves moving 100,000 IDPs..."

GENEVA (1 May 2013) – "The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, today welcomed some forward thinking recommendations from the Rakhine Investigation Commission report. However, he expressed concerns over the lack of recommendations to address impunity and ensure investigations into credible allegations of widespread and systematic human rights violations targeting the Muslim community in Rakhine State..."

The recommendations are in the form of a 7-page table listing Task, Implementation Department and Responsible Committees for the following issues:
Internally Displaced
Persons (IDP)
Situation...
Temporary Shelters
before the Monsoon
Season...
Resettlement...
Reopening of
Schools...
Food
Security and
Malnutrition...
Livelihoods...
Permanent
Settlement...
Social
Kaman Ethnic Group Issue...
Population Growth...Social Integration...
Formation of
Truth-Finding
Committee...Citizenship...Economy...
Health...
Education...Religion...INGO and LNGO
Interaction...Security and Administration...Rule of Law...Peaceful
Coexistence...Media

Language:

English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ

Source/publisher:

Rakhine State Conflicts Investigation Commission via "The New Light of Myanmar"

"Myanmar's Rohingya suffer brutal state crime because of deeply entrenched and unchecked Islamophobia...The Rohingya are an ethnic group with ancient traditions in Myanmar and a continuous physical presence there for at least past two centuries. But they are defined by the Myanmar state as Bangladeshi nationals with no right to the privileges of Myanmar citizenship.
Abu Tahay, chair of the Union National Development Party, shows me the historical evidence which positions the Rohingya ethnic minority in Myanmar before the military's pre-colonial citizenship cut-off date of 1823. He shows me research from the Australian National University which identifies 8th century Rohingya stone monuments, in the Myanmar state of Arakan (also known as Rakhine). It is compelling evidence and he leaves nothing out.
On its basis, the Rohingya are surely entitled to Myanmar citizenship and ethnic minority recognition. Instead, theirs is a "bare life" in which every aspect of social and political life is restricted and diminished..."

"Recommendations in a government-backed report investigating last year's devastating violence in Myanmar fail to effectively tackle discrimination against Rohingya Muslims and could trigger more human rights abuses, Amnesty International said.
The government-appointed Rakhine Commission this week issued a briefing on its investigation into violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine state, western Myanmar, which first erupted in June 2012. The clashes have resulted in a considerable loss of life and left thousands displaced.
The Commission, which did not include any Rohingya on its panel, called on the government to “double” the presence of security forces in Rakhine state, including the Border Security Force (NaSaKa)..."

"British bring in large numbers of Bengali from neighbouring country" - Nay Pyi Taw, 29 April—The Rakhine State Conflicts Investigation Commission released its report. The executive summary of the report is as follows:-

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

Rakhine State Conflicts Investigation Commission via the "The New Light of Myanmar" 30 April 2013

"RANGOON — Rohingya leaders have reacted angrily to the findings of the official investigation into a wave of brutal violence that hit Arakan State in 2012, slamming the report findings as selective and slanted.
Speaking after members of a commission formed last year to investigate the violence presented a summary of their report today in Rangoon, Myo Thant, a Rohingya representative of the Democracy and Human Rights Party, told The Irrawaddy that the report did not present a completely accurate picture of the Arakan situation.
“This report has some good suggestions, but in ways it is biased and incomplete,” he said.
Commission members, including former political prisoners Ko Ko Gyi and Maung Thura, better known as Zarganar, launched the summary of the commission’s findings today at the Myanmar Peace Center..."

"This 153-page report describes the role of the Burmese government and local authorities in the forcible displacement of more than 125,000 Rohingya and other Muslims and the ongoing humanitarian crisis. Burmese officials, community leaders, and Buddhist monks organized and encouraged ethnic Arakanese backed by state security forces to conduct coordinated attacks on Muslim neighborhoods and villages in October 2012 to terrorize and forcibly relocate the population. The tens of thousands of displaced have been denied access to humanitarian aid and been unable to return home..."

"Ongoing tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar's western Rakhine State have created a threatening environment for aid workers, hindering assistance to more than 127,000 displaced persons.
'Access to IDPs [internally displaced persons] is being seriously hampered by ongoing intimidation [of aid workers] by some members of the local community,' noted the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Yangon.
Humanitarian organizations, including medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières, report aid staff have faced accusations by the local Rakhine community - who are mostly Buddhist - that their assistance favours the Muslim Rohingya minority.
The majority of the displaced are Rohingya, but there are also hundreds of Buddhists among them, according to government estimates..."

"This briefing paper finds that Burma’s
treatment of the Rohingya violates at least
eight international laws, treaty obligations and
international human rights guidelines. Burma’s 1982 Citizenship Law violates the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
Convention on the Rights of the Child, and
international norms prohibiting discrimination
of racial and religious minorities, such as
the UN General Assembly Resolution on the
International Convention on the Elimination of all
forms of Racial Discrimination. Burma’s treatment of the Rohingya violates UN
definitions of the rule of law.
The investigation committee set up by the
government of Burma violates international
human rights guidelines.
Burma and the international community are
failing in their duty of Responsibility to Protect"

HIGHLIGHTS:
•
Preparedness Plan for the
rainy season focuses on
m
eeting the immediate
shelter needs
of 69,000
people
deemed the most
vulnerable.
•
HC/RC
highlight
s
priority
actions needed
by
Government
for a swift
implementation of the Plan
.
•
The
Central Committee for
Peace and Development in
Rakhine chaired by the Vice
President
formed last month.
•
CERF
contributes $5 million
in response to immediate
needs in Rakhine

"This document has been elaborated by humanitarian partners to address existing humanitarian concerns in
view of protracted displacement and the likelihood
of the worsening of the humanitarian situation in Rakhine
State anticipating the upcoming rains and the possibility for further violence across the State and possibly
beyond. It is composed of three sections: a) Introduction, b) Preparedness Plan for the rains (to be
implemented between March and June 2013) and c) Contingency Planning for natural and human-made
disasters. Chapter a) and b) are included in this document, while chapter c) is under elaboration.
Inter-communal conflict in Rakhine State started in
early June 2012 and resurged in October 2012. This
has
resulted in the displacement of people, loss of lives and livelihoods and restricted movement for many.
Conditions in most camps are still far below international emergency standards eight months after the
crisis
started: shelter, water and sanitation, health and
other services are insufficient. Access to livelihood and basic
services has been further complicated by prolonged
displacement of people or their living in isolated
villages.
Rakhine State is prone to impacts of cyclones and s
uffered of severe floods and the situation of IDPs
camps is
going to further worsen during the rainy season which will start in May unless immediate action is taken.
Meeting the immediate shelter needs of 69,000 people before the rainy season is a top priority
as they are
located in flood-prone camps and/or living in tents
and makeshift shelters which will not withstand the rains.
The situation is particularly concerning in
13 camps in
Sittwe (40,000 people), Pauktaw (20,000 people),
Myebon (3,900)
people
which
will be inundated
as they are in former paddy fields or close to the
shore and at
risk of storm surge. Another
5,000 IDPs are not in appropriate shelters
to withstand the rains. Flooding will
result in a rapid deterioration of shelter, water a
nd sanitation and health conditions. Overflowing of
latrines
and lack of drainage will increase risks of water-borne diseases, morbidity and mortality.
The following actions, which can only be taken by the Government are needed..."

Towards a historical appreciation: "

The Myanmar conquest of
Rakhine

Important chapter of
Rakhine’s
history: period of dramatic changes
and a point of historical no-return
 Negatively viewed from a
Rakhine
nationalist point of view

Need for a critical historical review:

A complex picture

The past (what happened), history (what is written down), memory
(what and how people chose to remember), identity (who you are),
autonomy (to stand on one’s own feet) and connection

The central perspective of the conqueror
vs
the view of the victims

Political and economic context

Long decline of
Rakhine
monarchy and receding political and
economic role in the Bay of Bengal: not a threat anymore

Rise of Western colonialism: East India Company in Bengal (the
British in India)

Resurgence of Myanmar expansionism (early
Konbaung
dynasty..."

"The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received detailed information concerning the case of a prominent retired medical doctor and Islamic community leader in the west of Burma imprisoned for allegedly sending news abroad about the first wave of violence in his town during mid-2012. Border security personnel detained Dr Tun Aung in June and accused him not only of sending news but failing to notify them of events that would lead to violence, even though he had reportedly put his own life at risk to stop the violence from occurring. A court in November sentenced Dr Tun Aung to 11 years in jail in a patently unfair trial. He is currently imprisoned and suffering from serious health conditions that require specialist treatment but have so far gone unattended..."

"YANGON, 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) will be a key issue for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State as the weather gets warmer, say aid workers.
“As the hot season approaches, intervention measures are needed to solve the problem of drinking water shortages and reduce the risks of water-borne disease,” said Tun Thaung, project supervisor of Myanmar Health Assistant Association (MHAA), speaking from Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State.
According to the UN, some 115,000 people are still displaced in Rakhine following inter-communal violence in June and October 2012, in which thousands of homes and buildings were burned or destroyed and dozens of people killed. About 85 percent of the IDPs are in and around Sittwe..."

"The sectarian violence that erupted in Rakhine (Arakan)
state in Myanmar has prompted heated discussions over
ethnicity, citizenship and belonging. Subsequently, in an effort
to determine accurate numbers, a fortnight-long registration
exercise was conducted by government authorities in Pauktaw
Township in Rakhine state in November 2012.
However, the Rohingya reportedly refused to register
because the authorities erased the term ‘Rohingya’ from
completed forms and replaced it with ‘Bengali’. The Rohingya
fear that, once registered as ‘Bengali’, they would be declared
illegal immigrants by the authorities and summarily deported
from the country. The Rohingya’s claim to being a bona fide
ethnic group of Myanmar, and hence their claim to citizenship,
is steeped in controversy. They assert that they have been
living in Rakhine state for thousands of years, even before
the Burmans conquered the Arakan kingdom in 1748. This is
disputed by the government and certain sectors of Myanmar
society who assert that the Rohingya are, in fact, illegal
migrants from Chittagong in Bangladesh who crossed into
Burma in the nineteenth century.
The classification of ethnicity in the registration exercise may
be inaccurate, but it is not accidental. The Rohingya’s refusal
to being labelled ‘Bengali’ highlights their acute awareness of
the politics of labelling, and is a way of resisting state-imposed
definitions and manipulations of ethnicity, and thus criteria
of belonging..."

"...On the matter of annual increase or decrease in the Indian population in Burma due to immigration
from and emigration to India, the report notes, “Unfortunately, the records are so flagrantly at
variance and lead to conclusions so widely different that it seems hardly worth while trying to draw
any inferences whatsoever from such dubious material.” As to the nature of such trends, the report says,
“Indian immigrants ordinarily spend from two to four years in Burma before going home, the period
being shorter or longer according s the savings they accumulate are greater or less. Immigrants arriving
in 1927 and 1928 would expect to revisit their homes in India in about 1930 and 1931. High immigrant
figures in 1927 and 1928 would therefore connote high emigrant figures about 1930 and 1931.”
As to the causes governing periodic fluctuations in the volume of Indian immigration and emigration,
the report says, “Immigrants are in search of work and it would seem reasonable to suppose that they
come to Burma either because employment at home is hard to find or is not sufficiently remunerated to
content them and because they expect to find work more easily in Burma or earn higher wages. The
evidence indicates that wage levels in Burma, though only sufficient to support a low standard of
living, are attractive to the Indian immigrant in comparison with the levels in his province of origin. As
already stated, he comes with the intention of staying in Burma for three years or thereabouts after
which he revisits his home and in the majority cases returns to Burma after an interval varying from a
few months to the best part of a year, but probably on an average of about six months.”
A closer look at the Baxter Report, therefore, shows that the Chittagonian workers who came to Arakan
came as seasonal workers and left when their job was terminated or ended in Burma. Unlike Indian
workers, who had to save enough money to return to their homes, the proximity of Chittagong did not
require them to overstay. It would be a terrible mistake to confuse those migrant workers with the
indigenous community of Arakanese Muslims (e.g., the Rohingyas of Burma), who were culturally
Indian/Bengali/Muslim."

"Earlier this year a Buddhist woman was raped and murdered in western Myanmar. The authorities charged three Muslim men.
A week later, 10 Muslims were murdered in a revenge attack. What happened next was hidden from the outside world.
Bloodshed pitted Buddhists against minority Rohingya Muslims. Many Rohingya fled their homes, which were burned down in what they said was a deliberate attempt by the predominantly Buddhist government to drive them out of the country.
"They were shooting and we were also fighting. The fields were filled with bodies and soaked with blood," says Mohammed Islam, who fled with his family to Bangladesh.
There are 400,000 Rohingya languishing in Bangladesh. For more than three decades, waves of refugees have fled Myanmar. But the government of Bangladesh considers the Rohingya to be illegal immigrants, as does the government of Myanmar. They have no legal rights and nowhere to go.
This is a story of a people fleeing the land where they were born, of a people deprived of citizenship in their homeland. It is the story of the Rohingya of western Myanmar, whose very existence as a people is denied.
Professor William Schabas, the former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, says: "When you see measures preventing births, trying to deny the identity of the people, hoping to see that they really are eventually, that they no longer exist; denying their history, denying the legitimacy of their right to live where they live, these are all warning signs that mean it's not frivolous to envisage the use of the term genocide."

"The Burmese history is replete with accusations against the British government of following a policy of
divide and rule; deliberately separating the hilly people from the
Burmans/Burmese.
According to historian Maung Aung, this policy had the full support of the
Christian missions, who wanted to convert the hilly people to Christianity.
The British government also kept the racial groups further apart by denying
military training to the Burmans and Shans, and giving that privilege to
Chins, Kachins and Karens.
The latter fought alongside the British and Indian forces – drawn mostly
from the Gurkha (Nepalese) and Sikh population - in campaign against the guerillas. The Burmese also
hated that in the Anglo-Burmese wars, the Indian troops had fought side by side with the British in their
regiments..."

"When the British occupied Arakan, the country was a scarcely populated area. Consequently, formerly
high-yield paddy fields of the fertile Kaladan and Lemro river valleys
germinated nothing but wild plants for many years.
It is worth noting here that those valleys in the pre-Burman colonization
period used to be cultivated by Rohingya Muslims and Hindus, whose
forefathers were abducted from Bengal in the 16th and 17th centuries by
the Magh and Portuguese pirates to work as slave labors..."

"...This independent assessment and report has been written to raise awareness of the on-going
impact cyclone Giri has had on Arakan state and its citizens. Victims and witnesses have had
the opportunity to speak out and reach a wider audience and we wish to spread their voices and
the situation to the international community, but also to the rest of Burma who seem to have
forgotten about their people in the west who are still dealing with the impact of cyclone Giri
two years on. The damage and the role of the local population in the relief and recovery effort
has been recorded so that these stories are not forgotten. More details are needed, and this
report should be the beginning of internal and external enquiries into the on-going state of the
situation there..."

KEY DEVELOPMENTS: "A resurgence of violence between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya, as well as non-Rohingya, Muslims that began on October 21 in Rakhine State had resulted in nearly 90 deaths, the displacement of approximately 36,000 people, and the destruction of 5,300 houses or religious buildings, primarily as a result of arson, as of November 15. The violence had diminished by early November, with the Government of Burma (GoB) deploying security forces to affected areas and enforcing curfews, but sporadic clashes continue. In a letter to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon dated November 16, Burma’s President Thein Sein condemned the violence in Rakhine State and noted that the GoB was prepared to address contentious political issues concerning Rohingya, including resettlement of displaced populations, granting of citizenship, birth registration, work permits, and permits for moving within the country. On November 21, President Sein announced that the GoB would pursue a multifaceted plan aimed at addressing tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine State, according to international media sources. Components of the plan include reducing prejudices, promoting education, creating jobs, and introducing a birth control program in accordance with international standards. In a speech delivered during a November 19 visit to Burma, President Barack Obama called for the end of sectarian violence in Rakhine State and for national reconciliation. President Obama also announced $170 million in new U.S. Government assistance for Burma to be provided over a two-year period and encompassing a range of programs, including governance, development, humanitarian, and reconciliation interventions. USAID’s Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (USAID/OFDA), USAID’s Office of Food for Peace (USAID/FFP), and the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (State/PRM) continue to address the humanitarian needs of Rakhine’s conflict-affected populations, particularly those displaced by violence, through ongoing programs funded in FY 2012 and new programs initiated in FY 2013..."

"To many Burmese and Rakhine Buddhists of today’s Myanmar the existence of the non-Buddhist Rohingya people is mostly seen as a direct result of Indian, or more particularly, Bengali immigration during the post-1826 era of British occupation of the territories.
To them, the Rohingya history starts with the British occupation of Burma, dating back to 1826 after the First Anglo-Burmese War of 1824-26 in which Arakan and Tenasserim came under the East India Company, with its bases in Calcutta (today’s Kolkata in West Bengal of India). The so-called Indian immigration to Burma is intimately linked with the colonial administration’s desire to transform Burma into a rice bowl for the British Empire.
In this paper an attempt is made to reappraise the events during the British occupation of Burma starting with its annexation of Arakan and its commercial attractiveness which drew people from other parts of the region to settle – mostly temporarily – there. The questionable influx of Bengalis, or more particularly Chittagonians (from nearby Chittagong District of British Bengal), to beef up the number of Arakanese Muslims, especially, the Rohingyas of Burma is also examined from available sources..."

"...There is a deep ignorance within both communities regarding the other that the policy of absolute segregation applied by the authorities since June is doing nothing to remedy. Both Muslims and Buddhists consistently told The Irrawaddy that they lived peacefully and amiably before the violence first broke out in June.
But now there is no daily interaction between these estranged communities, and both are abuzz with rumors depicting the other people as little more than blood-thirsty monsters. It seems that each day of segregation will only make it more difficult for Buddhists and Muslims to live together ever again."

"The inter-community conflict in Rakhine State, which started in early June 2012 and resurged in October 2012, has resulted in displacement and loss of lives and livelihoods. As of early November, the number of people displaced in Rakhine State has surpassed 115,000, of whom about 75,000 individuals have remained displaced since June and over 36,000 people were displaced following a resurgence of violence in late October 2012. Others continue living in tents close to their places of origin while their houses are being rebuilt, or with host families. Life-saving assistance for this caseload is urgently needed.Notwithstanding these 115,000 people, there are also many others who out of fear are unable to move and have had restricted access to livelihood, food, and medical services, which has in the past attracted them to the IDPs camps with potential for further displacement. Government sources indicate that 167 people were killed (78 in June and 89 in October); 223 injured (87 in June and 136 in October); and 10,100 private, public and religious buildings were burned or destroyed (4,800 in June and 5,300 in October).Curfews have been imposed since June in seven locations and in two additional ones in October. Additional military personnel have been dispatched to the area to control the situation..."

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) with humanitarian partners

'Rohingya leaders are condemning recent comments by opposition leader Daw Aung Suu Kyi during her trip to India.
“There's a lot of illegal crossing of the border still going on that they have got to put a stop this," Suu Kyi said in interview with the Indian NDTV television network.
Nurul Islam, president of Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO), said the comments Suu Kyi made about Rohingyas in Arakan State is unacceptable.
“Her silence or so-called neutrality cannot be justified because such standpoint encourages Rakhine extremists and the elements in the governments to carry on their campaigns of systematic racism, racial extermination and campaigns of genocide against the Rohingyas and Kamans.”
The ARNO President said Suu Kyi's comments belie the truth, either by choice or ignorance, when she stated that there is still illegal immigration of people from Bangladesh into Arakan State. On the contrary, expulsion of Muslim Rohingyas from Arakan into Bangladesh and other countries is a regular phenomenon. If Suu Kyi needed to be convinced she could have visited thousands of Rohingya refugees from Burma within the vicinity of Delhi. There are also thousands of Rakhines and Mramas from Bangladesh who have entered and settled down in Arakan under a state administered program, said Nurul Islam...'

"... The violence in Rakhine State represents a major test for the government as it seeks to maintain law and order without rekindling memories of the recent authoritarian past. It also represents a challenge for Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy to demonstrate a greater commitment, publicly and privately, to the fundamental rights of all those who live in Myanmar.
Above all, both government and opposition need to show moral leadership to calm the tensions and work for durable solutions to a problem that could threaten Myanmar’s reform process and the stability of the country."

Executive Summary: "Myanmar’s leaders continue to demonstrate that they have the political will and the vision to move the country decisively away from its authoritarian past, but the road to democracy is proving hard. President Thein Sein has declared the changes irreversible and worked to build a durable partnership with the opposition. While the process remains incomplete, political prisoners have been released, blacklists trimmed, freedom of assembly laws implemented, and media censorship abolished. But widespread ethnic violence in Rakhine State, targeting principally the Rohingya Muslim minority, has cast a dark cloud over the reform process and any further rupturing of intercommunal relations could threaten national stability. Elsewhere, social tensions are rising as more freedom allows local conflicts to resurface. A ceasefire in Kachin State remains elusive. Political leaders have conflicting views about how power should be shared under the constitution as well as after the 2015 election. Moral leadership is required now to calm tensions and new compromises will be needed if divisive confrontation is to be avoided...The ongoing intercommunal strife in Rakhine State is of grave concern, and there is the potential for similar violence elsewhere, as nationalism and ethno-nationalism rise and old prejudices resurface. The difficulty in reaching a ceasefire in Kachin State underlines the complexity of forging a sustainable peace with ethnic armed groups. There are also rising grassroots tensions over land grabbing and abuses by local authorities, and environmental and social concerns over foreign-backed infrastructure and mining projects...A key factor in determining the success of Myanmar’s transition will be macro-political stability. In 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) will compete for seats across the country for the first time since the abortive 1990 elections. Assuming these polls are free and fair, they will herald a radical shift in the balance of power away from the old dispensation. But an NLD landslide may not be in the best interests of the party or the country, as it would risk marginalising three important constituencies: the old political elite, the ethnic political parties and the non-NLD democratic forces. If the post-2015 legislatures fail to represent the true political and ethnic diversity of the country, tensions are likely to increase and fuel instability. The main challenge the NLD faces is not to win the election, but to promote inclusiveness and reconciliation. It has a number of options to achieve this. It could support a more proportional election system that would create more representative legislatures, by removing the current “winner- takes-all” distortion. Alternatively, it could form an alliance with other parties, particularly ethnic parties, agreeing not to compete against them in certain constituencies. Finally, it could support an interim “national unity” candidate for the post-2015 presidency. This would reassure the old guard, easing the transition to an NLD-dominated political system..."

"...For the Rohingya, straddling post-colonial borders, losing one nationality was a predictable misfortune. Losing two was a matter of calculated, official carelessness - in the most literal sense.
The rocky road began back in the 1960's, during General Ne Win's "Burmanisation" campaign. Eager to clear up racial business left over from Burma's British days, when Indian and Chinese traders swanned across the border, Ne Win's Revolutionary Council embarked on a campaign of nationalization. Confiscating their businesses ensured the ethnically-foreign enterprising classes got the message. Approximately 300,000 Indians and 100,000 Chinese fled, hobbling vital rice and timber export industries and ensuring vital goods like medicine and petrol were in short supply.
To ensure these "foreigners" didn't return, and to give Burmanisation official meaning, the government passed an Emergency Immigration Act in 1974. This required all citizens to carry identity cards (registration cards), which neatly gave the military government the practical means of saying who was and was not entitled to Burmese nationality. The Rohingya weren't, they got "Foreign Registration Cards".
At this stage, citizenship-stripping proved more ominous than critical to Rohingya. They lived in a remote part of a rebellious province, largely outside the realm of official Burma. For two decades after independence, Arakan/Rakhine separatists had fought with the Rangoon government and armed Rohingya Jihadi occasionally lent a hand. But during the late 1970s and early 1980s, Ne Win, his generals and their Burma Socialist Programme Party extended central control over some of Burma's recalcitrant provinces, including Arakan. Non-citizens found their rights to travel and marry curtailed, and then citizenship started to matter very much indeed..."

"The ethnic conflict that ravaged much of Rakhine State in western Myanmar last month was an opportunity for more than settling old and new scores between Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhines and co-religionist new arrivals from elsewhere in the country.
Those involved were also clearing land in a densely populated area that is set to be among the country's prime bits of real estate as energy-related projects start transforming the impoverished state.
More than 100 people (some reports indicate many times that number) were killed last month, untold others were wounded, and an estimated 28,000 fled or were driven from their homes in clashes between the stateless Rohingya and Buddhist citizens in a recurrence of violence last June. They are the latest incidents involving evicted ethnic groups around the country weeks before US President Obama visits Myanmar later this month.
"The government has taken the opportunity to create more violence allowing a destabilized and vulnerable state which they can then take the natural resources from. This is believed to be the main reason to why so many villages [in Rakhine State] were razed to the ground," the representative of one non-government organization (NGO) told Asia Times Online, citing the source as a Rakhine resident..."

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• The Government reports that the total estimated number of IDPs in Rakhine reached over 110,000 people, including some 36,400 people displaced in October.
• As of 4 November, inter-agency rapid needs assessment was conducted in most IDP locations in Minbya, Mrauk-U, Myebon, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw and Rathedaung townships. At the same time, emergency relief supplies were distributed, including food and plastic sheets to some 27,200 people.
• Preliminarily findings of the assessments indicate that urgent needs are food, health, shelter, water sanitation and hygiene (WASH).

"The Rakhine State government is unable to accept more Rohingya refugees seeking shelter in Sittwe, an official said last week, as aid workers warned of a deepening humanitarian crisis with critical shortages of food, water and medicine.
More than 100,000 people have been displaced since June in two major outbreaks of violence in Rakhine State, where renewed clashes last month between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims uprooted about 30,000 people.
Dozens were killed on both sides and thousands of homes were torched.
Rakhine State Attorney-General U Hla Thein said the Sittwe camps could only take care of those displaced during violence in June..."

"Renewed violence in Myanmar's western Rakhine State threatens to spread across the country as rising sentiment against ethnic Rohingyas becomes more generally anti-Muslim. Surging Buddhist versus Muslim violence underscores the urgent need for reforms related to ethnic minorities and the rule of law, issues that were neglected or exploited for political gain during the era of direct military rule..."

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
* The total IDPs caseload in Rakhine reached close to 110,000 people. The Rakhine State Government’s
estimates of 31 October indicates that over 35,000 people were displaced in the recent wave of violence, and
about 75,000 IDPs are in Sittwe and Kyauktaw since June.
* The October violence also caused 89 fatalities and 136 injuries. Over 5,300 houses and religious buildings
were burned or destroyed.
* The Government requested the international community’s assistance for all those affected.
* Inter-agency assessment/distribution teams visited Minbya, Mrauk-U and Myebon. IDPs need urgent food,
shelter and health care assistance. Some 48.5 MT of food and 240 non-food items have been distributed to
about 3,000 people in Minbya and in Mrauk-U townships. Other items are being dispatched but stocks are
low. The Government and the private sector are also distributing food, health and non-food items to affected
people.

Dire humanitarian needs P.1...
Access constraints P.2...
Funding requirements P.3...
Sector needs and responses P.4.....
HIGHLIGHTS
The Government reports that the total estimated number of IDPs in Rakhine reached 115,000 people, including over 36,000 newly displaced in late October.
Up to 75,000 people are estimated to have been displaced by insecurity in Kachin and northern Shan States which started in June 2011.
The Government indicates that at least 17 people were killed and 114 injured due to an earthquake in upper Myanmar.

Language:

English

Source/publisher:

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) with humanitarian partners

"...“If the country is to be successful in the process of democratic transition, it must be bold in addressing the human rights challenges that exist,” said the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana. “In the case of Rakhine State, this involves addressing the long-standing endemic discrimination against the Rohingya community that exists within sections of local and national Government as well as society at large.”...“The Government has an obligation to protect all of those affected by recent violence, including the Muslim Rohingya community which is particularly vulnerable, to guarantee their safety and respond urgently to their needs, including shelter, food and medical care,” said the UN Independent Expert on minority issues, Rita Izsák. “It must act rapidly to ensure that this situation does not deteriorate leading to further loss of life and displacement of communities..."...the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Chaloka Beyani, said that “the Government must take urgent steps to halt further displacement and destruction of homes.” “All displaced groups, including the Rohingya community, must be assisted to return and rebuild their homes with assurances of their human rights and security in the short, medium and long-term,” Mr. Beyani said. “All humanitarian agencies must have full access to the
affected populations.” The human rights experts underscored that this situation must not become an opportunity to permanently remove an unwelcome community, and expressed their deep concern about the assertion of the Government and others that the Rohingya are illegal immigrants and stateless persons..."

"For decades, Burmese Rohingya fleeing persecution have sought refuge in Bangladesh. June’s
inter-communal violence in Burma’s Rakhine State, as well as subsequent state-sponsored
persecution and targeted attacks against Muslim populations, have cast an international spotlight on this neglected population, and offered an opportunity to resolve the status of both stateless Rohingya inside Burma and those Rohingya who are refugees in neighboring countries. This could be an opportunity for Bangladesh to engage fully on this issue and develop its long-awaited refugee policy. Instead, the nation is rallying against the Rohingya by refusing entry to refugees and restricting humanitarian assistance. This response, besides representing a breach of international law, will weaken Bangladesh’s ability to secure international support as discussions of the Rohingya’s plight intensify. The governments of Bangladesh and Burma should be engaging in bilateral – and perhaps multilateral – discussions about how to protect the rights of the Rohingya community..."

CONCLUSION:
"Long one of the most persecuted peoples in the world, the stateless Rohingya community has endured even greater
suffering since the June inter-communal violence and subsequent displacement of tens of thousands of people. Violence is already recurring, with further deaths and over 1,000 more houses destroyed by fire in October. This crisis could even de-rail the Burmese government’s overall reform process if the underlying structural discrimination against Rohingya, including their lack of citizenship, is not addressed. In the short-term, there is a humanitarian imperative to urgently improve the conditions in the displacement camps and to allow humanitarian access to all communities in need of
assistance. The rule of law in Rakhine State must be restored, the segregation of communities in Sittwe must come to an end, and the Rohingya should be recognized as citizens of Burma. For the long-term, Burma’s government must
commit to the robust economic, social, and political development of Rakhine State. But that will not be enough. While a functioning economy, political representation, and land ownership will go a long way toward reconciliation, hostilities will not end until Burma’s government commits to promoting and protecting the human rights of both communities."

Author/creator:

Melanie Teff and Sarnata Reynolds, with Chris Lewa of the Arakan Project

Photos and maps of incidents, estimates of numbers of IDPs...Destruction in Myebon... Anti-Rohingya demonstation in Myebon... IDP location in Myebon... Villages affeted in Mrauk-U and Minbya...People who lost their houses in several villages of Minbya township...IDP locations in Kyaukpyu and Ramree...IDP accommodation in GAD office...Destruction in Ramree...Destruction in Ramree...Destruction in Kyaukpyu...IDP camps - Giri response tents being used...Pauktaw affected areas...Rathedaung affected areas.

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• Although the figures are most likely to increase, as of the evening of 28 October the Government’s partial estimate indicates that over 28,000 people have been displaced and that at least 76 persons have been killed in the recent violence that started on 21 October. More than 4,600 houses and several religious buildings have been destroyed in the unrest.
• A high-level delegation led by the Resident/Humanitarian Coordinator and the heads of UNCHR, WFP and OCHA accompanied the Ministers of Border Affairs to affected areas of Rakhine State.
• The Government requested the international community assistance for all those affected.

"The government of Burma should take immediate steps to stop sectarian violence against the Rohingya Muslim population in Arakan State, in western Burma, and ensure protection and aid to both Rohingyas and Arakanese in the state, Human Rights Watch said today. New satellite imagery obtained by Human Rights Watch shows extensive destruction of homes and other property in a predominantly Rohingya Muslim area of the coastal town of Kyauk Pyu – one of several areas of new violence and displacement.
Human Rights Watch identified 811 destroyed structures on the eastern coastal edge of Kyauk Pyu following arson attacks reportedly conducted on October 24, 2012, less than 24 hours before the satellite images were captured. The area of destruction measures 35 acres and includes 633 buildings and 178 houseboats and floating barges adjacent on the water, all of which were razed. There are no indications of fire damage to the immediate west and east of this zone of destruction. Media accounts and local officials said that many Rohingya in the town fled by sea toward Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, 200 kilometers to the north. Violence renewed between Arakan Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims on October 21 and continued all week in at least five townships: Minbya, Mrak-U, Myebon, Rathedaung, and Kyauk Pyu. This was the first time violence had reached Kyauk Pyu and most of these other parts of the state since the sectarian violence and related abuses by state security forces against the Rohingya began in early June. The Rohingya have suffered the brunt of the violence..."

"...We should all acknowledge and commend the Government of Myanmar for what has been achieved thus far, which I have previously stated has improved the country’s human rights situation. Yet, recent developments highlight that Myanmar continues to grapple with ongoing human rights concerns that could pose risks to the reform process..."

"The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, today highlighted the importance of keeping human rights on the agenda for Myanmar. This, he stressed, is particularly relevant in light of the ongoing violence in Rakhine State. The Special Rapporteur expressed concern that more lives have been lost in the violence and emphasised that the underlying causes of the tension and conflict between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine State must be addressed as a priority...NEW YORK (25 October 2012) – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, today highlighted the importance of keeping human rights on the agenda for Myanmar. This, he stressed, is particularly relevant in light of the ongoing violence in Rakhine State. The Special Rapporteur expressed concern that more lives have been lost in the violence and emphasised that the underlying causes of the tension and conflict between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine State must be addressed as a priority..."

"It is difficult for general Burmese to understand the legal status of Rohingya. Majority does not know the Geo-Political and historical background of Arakan. To general Burmese, a Burmese is a Buddhist. If a pure Burmese happens to be a Muslim he is regarded as a Kalah or a foreigner. Here, Rohingyas are Muslims, their complexions are different from general Burmese, so they are generally seen as foreigners or descendants of foreigners that mean Rohingyas are regarded as non-natives.
However, Bokyoke Aung San, father of the nation and the leaders of post-independence period studied the affairs of all minorities in the nation and generously accepted Rohingyas as an indigenous race of Burma at the same par with Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon and Rakhine. He (Bokyoke) sought the cooperation of Rohingyas. He assured them of their genuine nationality in Myanmar during his meeting with Muslim elders at Akyab in May 1946. U Aung Zan Wai and Mr. Sultan Mahmood (Ex-Health Minister) were said to have been assigned to go up to Maungdaw to organize Rohingyas there for AFPFL.
In early British census Rohingya, Kaman, Myedu and Chittagonians or Bengalis were all censured under the column of Muslims. Sometimes Arakanese (Rakhine) Muslims were categorized as Sheikhs and sometimes they were put under the column of Indian Muslims. Arakanese Muslims protested not to mix them with foreign Muslims. So in 1921 census only some Rakhine speaking Muslims were shown under separate column as Arakan Mohammedan. Then again in 1931 census Myedu and Kaman only were separately listed, whence some Rohingyas still remained under general Muslim headline. Yet Rohingyas are not foreigners in independent Burma. Grounds for this claim are:..."

"...Global Movement of Moderates Chairman Tan Sri Razali Ismail has called on the Myanmar government to consider giving citizenship to the Rohingya community. Razali, who was formerly the United Nations’ special envoy to Myanmar, talks to the New Straits Times on the role of Malaysia and the international community in forming solutions to the plight of the Rohingya.
Q :. You took part in the recent Perdana Global Peace Foundation Conference on the Plight of the Rohingyas, in which they came up with 16 resolutions to be handed to various parties including to the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak), the Myanmar government, and the United Nations. What is the progress on the resolutions?...A FORMER Amnesty International Thailand researcher said violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar was because of systemic discrimination, which was manifested in law, policy and practices of the Myanmar government...DID THE GOVT. INCITE THE RACIAL VIOLENCE TARGETING THE ROHINGYA ?... Reply To The Demands to the Government from the People’s Gathering in Yathetdaung, Arakan (Part-1)[separate link]...The social and economic conditions of refugees should be improved...

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• The Government of Myanmar estimates that approximately 75,000 IDPs are accommodated in 40 camps and temporary locations in Sittwe and Kyauktaw Townships as of 2 October. However, most are in nine camps outside of Sittwe.
• A two-day workshop on Rakhine organized by the Ministry of Border Affairs and UN agencies concluded with recommendations/ways forward to address ongoing concerns as well as to achieve sustainable development for Rakhine State.

Text of the resolution adopted by the PERDANA GLOBAL PEACE FOUNDATION INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON
“PLIGHT OF THE ROHINGYA: SOLUTIONS?” held on 17 September 2012 in Kuala Lumpur. Also,extracts and summaries of some of the presentations and many photos... "The Conference is divided into 3 sessions which will be moderated by Y. Bhg. Tan Sri Razali Ismail, UN Secretary-
General’s Special Envoy for Myanmar (2000-2005), Y. Bhg. Tan Sri Dr. Mohd. Rais Karim, acting Secretary-General
PERKIM/former Vice Chancellor UPSI) and Y. Bhg. Tan Sri Ahmad Fuzi Abdul Razak (former Secretary-General Ministry
of Foreign Affairs Malaysia) for each session respectively.
The speakers are experts and renowned personalities including Mr. Nurul Islam (President of ARNO), Dr. Maung Zarni
(Civil Society and Human Security Unit, LSE), Mr. Jacob Zenn (International Affairs Analyst, Washington DC), Mr.
Benjamin Zawacki (former Researcher of Amnesty International), Mr. Matthew Smith (Human Rights Watch), Mr.
Saiful Huq Omi (Research Consultant, Equal Rights Trust, Bangladesh), Dr. Sriprapha Petcharmesree (Human Rights &
Peace Studies, Mahidol University Thailand and Dr. Abdullah Ahsan, International Movement for Just World (JUST)
Malaysia.
The Conference is attended by participants comprising representatives from the diplomatic corps, international
organisations, parliamentarians, human rights groups, academia, civil society movements, non-governmental
organisations, members of the media, as well as leaders of Rohingya organisations who are based in countries outside
Myanmar.
“It is indeed a collective and united call to action as part from calling upon the Myanmar authorities to acknowledge
and resolve the crisis, UN and international agencies could very well play their part in ensuring their “responsibility to
protect”, said Norian Mai, Chairman of Perdana Global Peace Foundation in his closing remarks"

"Reviled in Myanmar and unwanted in Bangladesh, where does one of the world's most persecuted minorities really belong?...
The Rohingya are a stateless people described by the UN as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.
They are reviled in Myanmar, the country many Rohingya call home, and unwelcome in neighbouring Bangladesh, where tens of thousands live in refugee camps.
And now they could be facing their worst crisis yet.
Violent ethnic clashes in Myanmar's Rakhine state have led to calls for their expulsion from the country. Boatloads of Rohingya refugees have been denied entry into Bangladesh. Those already there live on the fringes of society, undocumented and at risk of exploitation.
In late May, news broke of the brutal rape and murder of a Buddhist woman in Myanmar's Rakhine state. It was, by all accounts, a horrific crime.
What made it worse for some was that the alleged perpetrators were men from the Muslim Rohingya minority.
Five days later a crowd attacked a bus and killed nine Muslims in what appeared to be a retaliatory attack. The clashes erupted suddenly, and ferociously.
Rakhine state has since become the scene of more violence. Entire villages have been burnt down and people driven from their homes. Both sides accuse each other of atrocities and the Myanmar government has declared a state of emergency in the region.
Tens of thousands of Rohingya people now live in refugee camps, with their movements being restricted.
In Myanmar they are not recognised as citizens and their access to opportunities are severely curtailed.
In the aftermath of the Rakhine riots, human rights observers fear they might become the target of more discrimination.
Myanmar does not want them. But neither does neighbouring Bangladesh, the country with the second-largest concentration of the Rohingya.
So where do the Rohingya really belong? 101 East looks at who should take responsibility for the community."

[Edited version of Dr Farrelly's presentation at the ANU conference "'The Western Gate is Broken': Myanmar's Rohingya Problem" - link to the podcast in the Alternate URL]...."In early June 2012 we were confronted with the lacerations of violence pitting Buddhist Rakhine against Muslim Rohingya. While Myanmar’s old wounds fester – across the gamut of political, economic, social and cultural issues – new incisions have cut to the bone of a brittle body politic, still scarred by generations of hardship and horror. Big questions are raised by the fresh wounds in western Myanmar, where at least 90 people have been killed and around 90,000 displaced in recent spurts of sectarian violence. We want to know how bad the damage has been, whether the prognosis is bleak, and what remedies can be prescribed.
Introducing the violence that erupted only 3 months ago requires sensitivity to the competing interpretations of these events. Today, it is my task to briefly summarise the violence; providing a general framework for our discussions. I will, first, very briefly describe the recent violence in western Myanmar; second, highlight the broader social and demographic situation; third, explain the reception in the media and online; and fourth introduce a brief interpretation of the political and geopolitical ramifications..."

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• The Rakhine State Government estimates that over 70,000 IDPs are accommodated in 50 camps and temporary locations in Sittwe, Kyauktaw and Maungdaw Townships as of 31 August.
• Following an inter-agency assessment to villages in Kyauktaw affected by inter-communal violence in early August, assistance in the form of food, NFIs and health care has been provided to over 3,800 people.....This report is produced by OCHA on behalf of the Humanitarian Coordinator. It covers the period from 16 August to 4 September.

"As a Mandalay-born dissident with deep roots in Buddhism, I find it revolting that thousands of Buddhist monks, human rights dissidents and the public in my hometown of Mandalay staged an anti-Rohingya rally this past weekend.
They mimicked the regime’s discourse that promotes “national security” and “national sovereignty”, while espousing an anachronistic view of blood-based citizenship as opposed to the notions of multicultural citizenship.
Where has the vociferous human rights rhetoric gone when it comes to the persecuted Rohingyas?
We listened in vain for the metronomic chants of the saffron-robed monks who defied threats and flooded the streets of Rangoon and other towns proclaiming their “loving kindness” for all sentient beings in 2007. Now the very same monks chant mantras supporting exclusive citizenship. When a mob protests against an ethnic group then, it is no longer a citizens’ protest. It is a Nazi rally..."

"Concurrent emergencies in Rakhine and Kachin. Approximately 150,000 persons remain displaced in Kachin and Rakhine States and many more have been affected in the two crises. These emergencies continue to place serious pressure on humanitarian partners to meet the needs of the most vulnerable, in an environment where resources are inadequate and access is challenging.
The number of IDPs in Kachin and northern Shan states increased to some 75,000 in September from approximately 70,000 in August, following the intensification of clashes in some areas and the forced return from China of some 5,900 people.
Since mid-July international humanitarian partners have not been permitted to reach some 54 percent of the IDPs (over 39,000 people). Between April and mid-July, access was officially granted to all but 14,000 IDPs in hard to reach areas. Humanitarian assistance provision is urgently required, especially for those who have been recently displaced. An additional concern is also the situation of some 8,000to 10,000 IDPs in or around Hpakan being stranded due to ongoing clashes with several civilian casualties being recorded. By mid-October, clashes moved out of urban areas and some of the civilians managed to return home.

"Additional Submission to the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) for consideration by the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR) – ILO Convention 29
31 August 2012.....The systemic and discriminatory practice of forced labour against the Rohingya, has continued, or even intensified, across large areas of North Arakan/Rakhine State in Burma/Myanmar, since deadly communal violence broke out in June 2012...in areas not directly affected by the June 2012 violence, ie. North Maungdaw and Buthidaung Township, forced labour remains much the same as in previous years and has even intensified in some areas.
Large contingents of army troops have been deployed after a state of emergency was declared on 10 June. As a result, there was a substantial increase in demands for porters and guides in North Maungdaw and North Buthidaung to carry additional rations or to accompany soldiers on patrol in border areas. Villagers were forced to remain 4 to 5 days at a time in the hills along with army patrols. Large groups of forced labourers have also been summoned for road clearing and emergency camp repair damaged by monsoon rains and forced cultivation in army camps and paddy fields has been reported in many parts of Buthidaung..."

"As most countries in continental Southeast Asia, Burma/Myanmar
is home since many
centuries to
Muslim communities whose ethnic and geographic origins are traced to either
China, India, Malaysia and more recently Persia. Since the 1950s, leaders of the Muslim
community in Arakan (Rakhine; Western Burma/Myanmar) have raised the claim of being a separate ethnic group within Burma’s already highly complex patchwork of ethnicities.
By
that way the Arakan Muslims set themselves consciously apart from other Indian
immigrants who took root in Burma/Myanmar mostly during the British colonial period.
This claim has been contested for various reasons.
It is clear that the country of origin of
most Muslims from Arakan is Bengal. Both
the old Muslim community that lived in Arakan
before the fall of the kingdom in 1785 and
the more recent and much more numerous one
that developed during the British colonial period (after 1825)
trace their origins
overwhelmingly to Bengal.
This is not surprising as
Bengal/East Pakistan/Bangladesh
is the
neighbouring
country
and historical relations have existed for centuries between
East Bengal
and Arakan.
Chittagong, today the second biggest city of Bangladesh, was controlled by the
Arakanese kings
for
over eighty years. The
language
of the Muslims
is derived from
Chittagonian Bengali.
North-south migrations (and earlier deportations) of the population
are the rule rather than the exception, as well for Tibeto-Burman as for Aryan populations
..."

"...The Pali Canon has a very strong and unequivocal teaching that mental attachment is extremely
detrimental – a biased view which asserts that people achieve freedom from suffering in any way other
than their conduct is a distorted and perverted view. It is a mental attitude that leads to a very
detrimental rebirth, and to pain and unhappiness in this life. It can be stated then with some certainty
that in the Pali Canon there is a very strong teaching that any form of discourse that proposes a racist
opinion is a wrong view, it will lead to suffering and, indeed, is dukkha itself.
Those holding such opinions will not only suffer in the future but are themselves an expression of
mental turmoil while holding such views. They are immersed in dukkha not metta."

"AGARTALA and IMPHAL - As a rising number of Rohingya Muslims flee sectarian conflict in Myanmar and take sanctuary in India's northeastern states, the flow of refugees is putting a new strain on bilateral relations. New Delhi has called on Naypyidaw to stem the rising human tide, a diplomatic request that Indian officials say has so far gone unheeded.
Ongoing sporadic violence between Rohingya Muslims and Buddhist Rakhines in western Myanmar has left more than 80 dead and displaced tens of thousands. The Myanmar government's inability or unwillingness to stop the persecution of Rohingyas has provoked strong international reaction, raising calls for retribution in radical corners of the Islamic world, including a threat from the Pakistani Taliban to attack Myanmar's diplomatic missions abroad.
Fears are now rising that Myanmar-borne instability is spreading
to India's northeastern frontier regions, threatening to spiral into a wider regional security dilemma. At the same time that Muslim Rohingyas and Buddhist Rakhines clashed in Myanmar, fighting erupted between Muslims and Hindus in India's northeastern Assam State. As in Myanmar, where the Rohingyas are considered illegal Bangladeshi settlers, the Muslims targeted in Assam are accused of being ethnic Bengalis who have migrated illegally from Bangladesh..."

HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
* The Rakhine State Government estimates that over 68,500 IDPs are accommodated in 63 camps in Sittwe, Kyauktaw and Maungdaw Townships...
* A response plan prepared by the UN and NGO partners estimates that US$32.5 million are required to provide assistance to some 80,000 vulnerable people until December 2012...."Of the over 100,000 people affected at the beginning of the crisis, many have already returned home as the overall security situation is improving across the state. As of 11 August, the Rakhine State Government estimates that over 68,500 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are accommodated in 63 camps in Sittwe, Kyauktaw and Maungdaw Townships, of which nine camps in Sittwe are sheltering close to 60,000 IDPs..."

[Author’s Note: Keynote speech delivered at the International Conference on “Contemplating Burma’s Rohingya People’s Future in Reconciliation and (Democratic) Reform,” held on August 15, 2012 at the Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand].....A legal and historical analysis

"Does a solution to the persecution and discrimination of one of Myanmar's ethnic minorities lie within its own borders?...The UN calls Myanmar's Rohingya community one of the world's most persecuted minorities. It has made an appeal for more than $30m to get aid to displaced Rohingya in Myanmar's western Rakhine state.More than a million Rohingya are currently caught in a cycle of violence and poverty. They are without a country to call their own after being denied citizenship in Myanmar under a law that was passed 30 years ago.
Tens of thousands of them, mostly Muslims, are now living in makeshift camps in Myanmar after clashes with Buddhist locals.
Hundreds of thousands more are being denied access to aid in neighbouring Bangladesh, where an estimated 30,000 registered Rohingya refugees are living in UN camps..."

"Exclusive report from Rakhine state exposes an entire region divided by religious and racial discrimination...A recent journey to western Myanmar has revealed a provincial capital divided by hatred and thousands of its Muslim residents terrorised by what they say is a state-sponsored campaign to segregate the population along ethno-sectarian lines.
Decades-old tension between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in coastal Rakhine state exploded with new ferocity in June, leaving at least 78 people dead and tens of thousands homeless.
Exclusive reporting conducted last week in the highly restricted region suggests that the long-term fallout from recent violence could be even more damaging than the bloodshed.
The United Nations has estimated that 80,000 people are still displaced around the cities of Sittwe and Maungdaw, and international rights groups continue to denounce Myanmar for its role in the conflict.
As it stands, any thought of reconciliation between local Buddhists and Muslims appears a distant dream.
Many Rohingya have fled the polarised region, fearing revenge attacks and increasing discrimination. Their status has sparked international concern and disagreement.
Rights groups have condemned the violence. The Myanmar government has denied any wrongdoing, while neighbouring Bangladesh has rejected an influx of refugees and slashed access to aid.
For those Rohingya caught up in the dispute, the day-to-day situation is rapidly slipping from desperate to dire..."

Summary:
"In June 2012, deadly sectarian violence erupted in western Burma’s Arakan State between
ethnic Arakan Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims (as well as non-Rohingya Muslims). The
violence broke out after reports circulated that on May 28 an Arakan woman was raped and
killed in the town of Ramri allegedly by three Muslim men. Details of the crime were
circulated locally in an incendiary pamphlet, and on June 3, a large group of Arakan
villagers in Toungop stopped a bus and brutally killed 10 Muslims on board. Human Rights
Watch confirmed that local police and soldiers stood by and watched the killings without
intervening.
On June 8, thousands of Rohingya rioted in Maungdaw town after Friday prayers, destroying
Arakan property and killing an unknown number of Arakan residents. Sectarian violence
then quickly swept through the Arakan State capital, Sittwe, and surrounding areas.
Mobs from both communities soon stormed unsuspecting villages and neighborhoods,
killing residents and destroying homes, shops, and houses of worship. With little to no
government security present to stop the violence, people armed themselves with swords,
spears, sticks, iron rods, knives, and other basic weapons, taking the law into their own
hands. Vast stretches of property from both communities were razed. The government
claimed that 78 people were killed—an undoubtedly conservative figure—while more than
100,000 people were displaced from their homes. The hostilities were fanned by
inflammatory anti-Muslim media accounts and local propaganda.
During the period after the rape and killing was reported and before the violence broke out,
tensions had risen dramatically in Arakan State. However, local residents from each
community told Human Rights Watch that the Burmese authorities provided no protection
and did not appear to have taken any special measures to preempt the violence.
On June 10, fearing the unrest would spread beyond the borders of Arakan State, Burmese
President Thein Sein announced a state of emergency, transferring civilian power to the
Burmese army in affected areas of the state. At this point, a wave of concerted violence by
various state security forces against Rohingya communities began. For example, Rohingya
in Narzi quarter—the largest Muslim area in Sittwe, home to 10,000 Muslims—described
“THE GOVERNMENT COULD HAVE STOPPED THIS” 2
how Arakan mobs burned down their homes on June 12 while the police and paramilitary
Lon Thein forces opened fire on them with live ammunition. In northern Arakan State, the
Nasaka border guard force, the army, police, and Lon Thein committed killings, mass
arrests, and looting against Rohingya.
In the aftermath, local Arakan leaders and members of the Arakan community in Sittwe
have called for the forced displacement of the Muslim community from the city, while local
Buddhist monks have initiated a campaign of exclusion, calling on the local Buddhist
population to neither befriend nor do business with Muslims..."

"Inter-community conflict in Rakhine State, which
started in early June 2012, has resulted in displacement,
loss of lives and livelihood. Of the over 100,000
people affected at the beginning of the crisis, many
have already returned home, and as of 29 July, official
Government statistics indicate that some 64,000
people remain displaced and are accommodated in
61 camps in Sittwe and Maungdaw townships. Population
movement continues, and figures are being
revised on a weekly basis. The Ministry of Information
also indicated that 78 people were killed and 87
injured as a result of the violence and that over 4,800
buildings were destroyed.
Since the beginning of the unrest, the Government
has been providing assistance such as food, shelter,
non-food-items (NFIs) and medical supplies to Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs). In order to support the
Government response, UN and NGO staff have been
mobilized and relief supplies are being distributed.
An inter-agency multi-sectoral rapid needs assessment
was conducted between 20 June and 10 July in
121 locations in four townships (109 in Sittwe, four in
Rathedaung, seven in Maungdaw, one in Pauktaw),
covering 107,886 IDPs (18,697 households). The assessment
identified as major needs in food, shelter,
NFI, WASH and health sectors, together with access
to sanitation facilities and drinking water.
In an effort to enhance assistance and coordination,
humanitarian partners undertook an analysis of the
present situation and identified scenarios for the
coming six months, against which sectoral plans and
priorities were identified, taking into consideration
the results of the inter-agency rapid assessment as
well as the response priorities indicated by the Government
and affected communities.
The plan concentrates on the immediate relief requirements
until December 2012, and will be revised
in September 2012. Priorities of sectoral interventions
include:..."

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES
• Some IDPs returned home and the Government indicates that, as of 24 July, some 61,000 people are displaced in 58 locations in Maungdaw and Sittwe...II. Situation Overview: "The general security situation across Rakhine State remains stable even though the level of tension is reportedly high in some areas. The curfew is still in force in six townships. The level of economic and livelihood activities has increased in Sittwe with shops, markets and banks in operation, although there are concerns as parts of the population is yet to resume their economic activities.
The Government has taken some measures to address concerns related to anti UN and NGO sentiments by some members of the public. While hostile slogans on posters, t-shirts and stickers still circulating in Sittwe, assistance is now welcome in some camps previously inaccessible.
The IDPs are slowly returning to their place of origin or sources of livelihood. As of 24 July, the Rakhine State Government estimated that there are over 61,000 IDPs accommodated in 58 camps in Maungdaw and Sittwe townships..."

Compendium of 30 or so reports...
Introduction:
"By virtue of its geography (great river valleys, plains, plateaus and mountain chains) and history (migration and settlement along the rivers and in the uplands) Burma is a multicultural crossroads of Southeast and South Asia. Peoples, ways of life and religions from the Indian subcontinent, Himalayas, Indo-China and beyond, have intermingled in a land which became a nation under British colonization and has struggled with ethnic identities ever since. Although the vast majority of inhabitants are Buddhists, with the overwhelmingly Buddhist Burmans the largest ethnic group, nearly all other religions are represented in the population. Tolerance and cosmopolitanism were among Burma's strengths in times of peace.
Unfortunately, military rule and the promulgation of ethnic-majority nationalism have been in effect since General Ne Win's takeover in 1962, and even in the post-British democracy of U Nu, establishment of Buddhism as a state religion appeared to sideline Burma's people of other faiths. Ne Win's dictatorship favored the assimilation of Buddhist groups like the Rakhines, Mons and Shans into a Burman nationalism, discouraging those peoples' knowledge of their own languages, civilized history and cultures. Targeting Christians and Muslims, Ne Win's armed forces often burned churches and mosques, torturing and killing pastors and imams.
In western Burma's Arakan State (aka Rakhine State), military rule brought decreased rights for the Buddhist Rakhine people and absolute denial of citizenship for the Muslim Rohingya people. The mass exodus of Rohingyas fleeing repression to neighboring Bangladesh took place in 1978 and 1991, resulting in tens of thousands of refugees cordoned off in squalid camps in Bangladesh or permanently stranded overseas (Gulf States, Pakistan, Malaysia, India, Thailand.) As Rohingyas left the northern Arakan region, particularly Buthidaung and Maungdaw, out of fear of extreme repression, Burma's post-1988 junta settled Buddhist Rakhine and Burman villagers in the area -- a scenario guaranteed to make both groups resent each other. Rohingyas who remained were often preyed upon by border security forces and other military personnel, and were severely restricted in rights such as marriage and travel. Military rape and other violent victimization of Rohingyas was well-documented by respected international human rights organizations..."

"They have been persecuted and discriminated against for decades but few can even pronounce their name let alone know their plight. The UN describes them as one of the most persecuted minorities, yet the suffering of Myanmar's Rohingya population increases..."

I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• The Government indicates that over 70,000 people are currently displaced.
• An inter-agency multi-sectoral rapid needs assessment was conducted in 114 locations in four townships (102 in Sittwe, 4 in Rathedaung, 7 in Maungdaw, 1 in Pauktaw), covering 104,719 IDPs. Major needs are identified in food, shelter, NFI, WASH and health.....II. SITUATION OVERVIEW:
Although tensions continue to be high, the number of security incidents across Rakhine State is reportedly decreasing. Additional military and Myanmar Police Force personnel have been deployed in affected locations. The state of emergency and curfew from 6 pm to 6 am continue in six townships of the state. In the capital of the state, Sittwe, Government offices, banks, markets, several basic education schools and technical university reopened since early July.
Some organizations continue to issue statements against communities and against UN/NGOs, fueling tensions and hampering assessments and delivery of relief support to the victim of the violence in the State. In Maungdaw and Sittwe, T-shirts and stickers against UN/INGOs have appeared in several locations. The Government is taking steps to resolve the situation. On 11 July, UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres, visited Myanmar and met with the President and other senior Government officials. Mr. Guterres expressed the willingness of UNHCR and the humanitarian community in general to work with the Government to provide humanitarian assistance ‘to the victims of the incident, namely to those that were displaced by the incident, of both communities, the Rakhine community and the Moslem community without any discrimination and in the spirit of attending to the needs of the people, whoever they are, and wherever they are’. He stressed his hope that ‘our efforts might also give a humble contribution to hopefully what will be a true reconciliation between communities’ and ‘after these events, it will be slowly possible, to establish in (…) Rakhine State a situation where the rule of law will prevail in a human-rights minded way and the communities will be able to respect each other and look positively into the future’. On 8 July, Pyithu Hluttaw Speaker U Thura Shwe Mann visited Rakhine to provide relief aid to IDPs in Maungdaw, Rathedaung and Sittwe townships. On 11 July, the Myanmar Human Rights Commission issued a statement, highlighting the need for strengthening of rule of law, effective legal action against the perpetrators of the violence and building mutual trust among communities to restore normalcy to the situation. From 16 to 18 July, a high level Government delegation led by the Minister for Border Affairs with the participation of representatives from UN and NGOs visited Rakhine to assess the situation and discuss the way forward. The Minister indicated that a longer-term solution to the problem needs to be found, in respect of the rule of law. This includes a comprehensive town planning exercise that will take into consideration the situation of all those that have land property certificates, and that have been displaced, as well as the requirements for those who are in need of other forms of aid and support.

The U.N. has rejected an offer by the Burmese government to resettle Royingya Muslims, a stateless people who live in western Burma and who have been denied citizenship in the country. The Burmese president told the U.N. refugee representative on Thursday that non-citizen Rohingya Muslims in far western Burma should be placed in refugee camps or deported, following sectarian violence in the country in June which claimed up to 79 lives of both Muslims and Buddhists.
The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres on Thursday rejected the suggestion by Burmese President Thein Sein, saying it was not the U.N.’s job to resettle the Rohingya, who the U.N. calls one of the most persecuted people in the world.
“The resettlement programs organized by UNHCR are for refugees who are fleeing a country to another, in very specific circumstances. Obviously, it's not related to this situation,” Guterres told the media after a meeting with the president..."

"In the past, the people who called themselves “Rohingya” had to contend with successive
military governments’ indifference to recognizing — or regularizing - their status as persons
living on the territory of Myanmar. The latest incidence of anger against the Rohingyas,
however, did not have immigration woes at its source. An unfortunate crime of rape and
murder — committed by Muslim men against a Buddhist woman in a strongly nationalistic
state — escalated into communal violence fraught with racial and religious undertones. The
views, many of them inflammatory, on social media platforms indicate deep-seated prejudices
that threaten the unconsolidated stability in Myanmar under President Thein Sein’s
reform-minded administration. President Thein Sein made a statement on 10 June to calm
seething sentiments on the present conflict. Myanmar also received the visit of United Nations
(UN) Special Envoy Vijay Nambiar to the conflict areas. The measures have resulted
in lessening tensions somewhat, and won praise from the European Union and the United
States2. Responding to questions by media, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi highlighted the importance
of handling the situation with “delicacy and sensitivity” while also underscoring the
need for the rule of law as “essential [..] to put an end to all conflicts in the country”.
However, the Rohingya issue is still far from reaching a lasting solution...".....THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND EVOLUTION OF THE CONFLICT...THE ROHINGYA AND THE CITIZENSHIP LAWS...CHALLENGES AHEAD

"This report is produced by OCHA on behalf of the Humanitarian Coordinator. It covers the period from 28 June to 5 July. The next report will be issued on 12 July...
I. HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
• The Government indicates that some 55,000 people are currently displaced. Humanitarian partners estimate that some 100,000 persons have been affected.
• A high-level delegation, led by the Union Ministers of Defense, of Border Affairs, and of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, with the participation of representatives from UN agencies, NGOs and donors visited Rakhine state between 27 and 30 June.
• The Government highlighted that urgent needs include shelter, food, WASH and NFIs, with priority areas being Sittwe, Rathedaung and Maungdaw. Support in all other sectors is also required. The Inter-Agency assessment is ongoing. Results will provide a clearer indication of the needs. Preliminary observations confirm Government prioritization..."

"...this report documents the severity of the human rights abuses suffered by Rohingya within Myanmar – including mass violence, killings and attacks, the burning and destruction of property, arbitrary arrests, detention and disappearances, the deprivation of emergency healthcare and humanitarian aid. Such human rights abuses are being carried out with impunity by civilians and agents of the state alike. The organised and widespread nature of this state sponsored violence raises serious questions of crimes against humanity being committed by Myanmar.
This report also documents the refoulement of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh and related human rights violations, including the push-back of boats carrying Rohingya into dangerous waters and the failure to provide refuge, shelter and humanitarian aid to those fleeing persecution. Historically, the Rohingya have faced acute discrimination and human rights abuse in Myanmar, and Rohingya refugees fleeing persecution to Bangladesh have faced severe hardships including the lack of humanitarian aid, shelter and security. This present crisis is a tragic reminder of the vulnerabilities of stateless people when their countries of habitual residence and the international community fail to protect them. Urgent action is required to end the violence, protect the victims and bring those responsible to justice. Of equal importance is the need for a long-term process of reinstating Myanmar nationality to Rohingya who were arbitrarily deprived of a nationality in 1982, resolving ethnic conflicts and protecting the human rights and freedoms of Rohingya within Myanmar and in other countries.
The Equal Rights Trust makes the following urgent and long-term recommendations to the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh and to the UNHCR and international community..."

HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
"• The overall security situation is reported to be stable. Emergency rule and curfew remain in
place in six Townships across Rakhine State.
• According to official figures, 78 people are dead, 87 injured and 3,000 residential buildings are
damaged as of 24 June. Over 52,200 people remained newly displaced across Rakhine State.
Humanitarian partners estimate that around 90,000 people are affected, including the newly
displaced people.
• As of 25 June, WFP has provided 725 metric tons of food commodities (rice, pulses, oil and
salt) to over 92,000 affected people in five townships, Sittwe, Pauktaw, Maungdaw, Rahtedaung
and Buthidaung.
• A total of 14 representatives from six UN agencies, six INGOs and two donor agencies left for
Sittwe on 27 June to take part in a mission organized by the Government to observe the
situation in Rakhine State and to strengthen coordination with the State Government as a
primary focal point for the response.
• The traffic on the road between Buthidaung and Maungdaw is interrupted due to a landslide..."

• The rape and murder of a 27-year-old Buddhist Rakhine woman and the murder of 10
Muslim pilgrims trigger deadly sectarian clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in
Arakan State starting on 8 June.
• According to the regime, as of 21 June, 62 people had died and over 2,000 buildings,
including seven mosques and nine Buddhist monasteries, had been destroyed as a
result of the unrest. However, various organizations say that the death toll might be
much higher as a result of escalating attacks and reprisals affecting Muslim Rohingya
and Buddhist Rakhine.
• Regime imposes a curfew and a ban on public gatherings of more than five people in
six of 17 townships in Arakan State. President Thein Sein declares an indefinite state
of emergency which allows the military to take over administrative control of Arakan
State.
• World Food Program estimates that 90,000 people have been displaced due to the
unrest. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees warns of a risk of a
severe humanitarian crisis due to ongoing violence and poor conditions in IDP camps.
• Bangladeshi authorities push back more than 2,000 Rohingya fleeing violence in
Arakan State. Bangladeshi FM Dipu Moni says Bangladesh is already “overburdened”
with Rohingya refugees and cannot take any more “under any circumstances.”
• Regime warns journalists that they could be charged under existing laws, including
the Emergency Provisions Act, if they publish inflammatory reports on the ongoing
violence in Arakan State.
• Daw Aung San Suu Kyi expresses concern over the handling of the situation by local
Rakhine authorities, in particular their failure to dampen anti-Muslim sentiment. Daw
Suu also calls on Buddhists to “have sympathy for minorities.”
• International reactions: UN warns that discrimination against ethnic and religious
minorities poses a threat to Burma’s democratic transition; US, UK are “deeply
concerned” over the ongoing violence; EU welcomes the regime’s “measured
response” to the crisis; OIC “condemns systematic acts of violence and intimidation
against the peaceful Rohingya population.”
• The authorities’ decades-long discriminatory policies and practices targeting
Rohingya have reinforced the racial and religious animosity between the two
communities in Arakan State. Rohingya have suffered restrictions on marriage,
freedom of movement, and religious practice. In addition, the regime has routinely
subjected Rohingya to forced labor, extortion, land confiscation, and other human
rights abuses.

HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES"
"• According to official Government statistics dated 18 June, over 52,200 people have been
displaced and are accommodated in 66 camps/villages. Unofficial estimates indicated that
80,000 to 90,000 people have been affected.
• The Government has requested the RC/HC and humanitarian partners to support its response
efforts. Humanitarian assistance delivery is ongoing. It includes food, medical, water and
sanitation interventions. Food distribution that reached some 82,000 people as of 19 June.
• The situation in Rakhine State has somewhat eased, although sporadic incidents continue to be
reported..."

HIGHLIGHTS/KEY PRIORITIES:
"• Instability in Rakhine State that started since 28 May has resulted in displacement of over
36,000 people who are now located in 43 camps/locations, loss of lives and damages to houses
and communal buildings. This is an initial estimate which will need to be revised as more
information becomes available and assessment are carried out.
• The violence prompted the Government to impose curfew in six locations and declare the state
of emergency on 10 June across the State.
• At the invitation of the Minister for Border Affairs, a UN delegation led by Special Advisor of the
UN Secretary-General and the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar visited
IDPs locations in Maungdaw.
• The Government called for humanitarian partners to support the Government’s efforts to
respond to the crisis. The UN and its humanitarian partners confirmed their readiness to provide
humanitarian assistance all the affected people across Rakhine."

"...the AHRC strongly urges you to communicate with one another so as to open the border immediately to allow for the movement of people seeking shelter from the violence, and to make appropriate arrangements for the temporary settlement of persons fleeing the parts of Myanmar affected by violence. Furthermore, in order to enable the provision of adequate food and health services to the affected populations, both of your governments are requested to cooperate with one another so as to provide complete, unimpeded, secure access to international agencies at the earliest possible opportunity, in order that these agencies can assess the situation and make arrangements for the necessary provision of emergency relief supplies..."

As sectarian tensions run high in the country's west, we ask how it will impact the government's fragile reform plan. Myanmar is on a very uneven and fragile road towards democracy but around 25 people have been killed and 41 others wounded in five days of riots in the country's western region. The coastal state of Rakhine saw Buddhists once again fighting Muslims, including Rohingya migrants - most of whom are stateless. They are described by the United Nations as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.
The violence seems to have started after a Buddhist woman was raped and murdered last month.
The Rohingya were blamed and since then, more people have been killed on both sides of the religious divide.
In response, the government has imposed a state of emergency in the area and the UN is relocating its staff. But for a country that has been under military control for five decades, the latest clashes could threaten some of the democratic reforms that President Thein Sein has been introducing since taking office last year.
In April, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of the NLD party was elected to parliament in a landmark by-election. And the EU has agreed to suspend most sanctions against the country, as have the US and Australia.
But how the government handles the latest crisis will be a test of its fragile reform programme.
So what does the fighting mean for the future of Myanmar and what is behind this ethnic tension? Is it religious - Buddhist against Muslim? Or is it a case of the minority being persecuted for being stateless? Could attempts at reform be halted because of this unrest?
Inside Story, with presenter Stephen Cole, discusses with guests: Nurul Islam, the president of the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation; Nyo Myint, a spokesman and head of foreign affairs at the National League for Democracy; and Wakar Uddin, a Rohingya from Myanmar and director general of the Arakan Rohingya Union (ARU) - a group supported by the Organisation of Islamic Conference.
"What is currently happening in the Rakhine state is about putting grievances, hatred, and desire for revenge at the forefront based on racial and religious grounds and that's why anarchic actions are becoming widespread."
Thein Sein, Myanmar's president..."...FACTS ABOUT ETHNIC TENSION IN MYANMAR
The government has declared an emergency in Rakhine state after seven people were killed during riots
The alleged rape and murder of a Buddhist woman last month led to the initial attacks
The latest unrest is reaction to the killing of 10 Muslims by Buddhists
Government troops were deployed to Rakhine to help the police keep order
Many Muslims in Myanmar are ethnic Rohingya from Bangladesh
The minority Rohingya Muslims are denied citizenship in Myanmar
Many in Myanmar consider the Rohingya to be illegal immigrants
The Rohingya are not recognised by either Myanmar or Bangladesh
800,000 Rohingya live in Rakhine, with another 200,000 in Bangladesh
There are concerns that the unrest could derail Myanmar's recent democratic reforms
Myanmar's new civilian government was elected in 2010

"The communal bloodshed in Myanmar’s Rakhine State represents both a consequence of, and threat to, Myanmar’s current political transition. While communal tensions and discrimination against Myanmar’s Muslim minority long predate the country’s recent opening up, the loosening of authoritarian constraints may well have enabled this current crisis to take on a virulent intensity. Equally, failure to both halt the crisis and address its underlying causes risks halting or even eroding Myanmar’s current reform initiatives.
Unless the government takes steps not just to end the violence but also lay the groundwork for protection of minority communities there is a risk of the violence spreading. How the government handles this case will be a major test of the police and courts in a country that has just begun to emerge from an authoritarian past. It will also test the government’s will and capacity to reverse a longstanding policy of discrimination toward the Muslim Rohingya..."

"In recent months, the Rohingyas have been making headlines again. Who are they?
It was reported1 recently that Myanmar Foreign Minister U Nyan Win had told his ASEAN2
counterparts in Hua Hin, Thailand, prior to the ASEAN Summit, that the SPDC is "willing to
accept the return of refugees from Myanmar if they are listed as Bengali Muslim minorities but
not if they are Rohingyas, because Rohingyas are not Myanmar citizens". What does this
signify? To the uninitiated, what difference does it make if they are Bengalis or Rohingyas? Are
they not from Burma? In Burmese politics, however, it makes a world of difference..."

The Rohingyas have a history
which dates back to the
beginning of the 7th century
when Arab Muslim traders
settled in Arakan (Rakhine).
They were recognised as an
indigenous ethnic group by
the U Nu government during
the parliamentary era in the
1950s but lost their political and
constitutional identity when
the military government of
General Ne Win promulgated
the Citizenship Act of Burma
in 1983. This effectively denied
the Rohingyas recognition of
their status as an ethnic minority
group. Harsh discrimination
against them soon followed.

"...Whether the exact beginnings of Muslim settlement in Arakan is still to be determined, it is
reasonable to understand that they have been residing there since the period of the Arakan
Kingdom (Mrauk-U dynasty). They were the origin of the Muslims in Arakan. Also it has been
questioned whether those Muslims are equivalent to the present Rohingyas, Yegar's discussion
is convincing: that those Muslims who had resided since the days of Mrauk-U dynasty and the
Muslims from Chittagong who immigrated into Arakan in 19th and 20th century were integrated
to some extent and comprised the present Rohingyas. The naming of Rohingya by themselves is
a relatively recent invention, but there is no reason to deny there existence as an ethnic group
whether their naming was old or new.
Taking these understandings into consideration, the Rohingya have a right to be recognized as a
national group in present Burma and to be treated equal to other ethnic nationals. Even if a
strong image of the ex-immigrants from Chittagong sticks on them, it is meaningless to avoid
those people as foreigners. There is no rational reason to put the year of 1823 as a criterion for
dividing the people in Burma between indigenous and non-indigenous. In order to change the
situation in the border of Burma and Bangladesh from an explosive area of another possible
exodus to a stable area where the border trade can be increased and be prospered, the first step
to be taken is to "qualify" those Rohingyas as a Burmese national ethnic group. Without taking
this measure, nothing will be improved and a thorny obstacle may remain for another
uncountable decades. Not only the Government of Bangladesh but also the international
community in all are expected to make efforts to persuade the military government of Burma to
accept the Rohingyas into their national community." (from the Conclusion)

Introduction: "The Expansion of Islam in Southeast Asia1: "Much before the first century, there is evidence of commerce between the Roman
Empire and other Mediterranean lands, the cargo making its way mainly aboard
Roman and Indian vessels. At the large port which sprang up on the southern coast
of Ceylon, merchandise was exchanged between the Roman Empire, India, South­
east Asia, and China. One route went around the Indian subcontinent in the direc­tion of the Straits of Hormuz to the Gulf of Oman and the Persian Gulf, and from
there up the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers to ports on the Mediterranean. Another
route skirted the Arabian subcontinent to the port of Hadramaut, from there to the
Straits of Bab al Mandeb and then to the Red Sea and Akaba. Alternately, the land
route went from Hadramaut to Mecca and continued from there to Gaza or Da­mascus. Merchandise was transported via all these routes from China and India
to Mediterranean ports and Europe; merchandise was transported along the same
routes from the Middle East back to China and India. In the Mediterranean littoral,
the appetite for merchandise from Asia motivated Indian merchants to develop
their contacts in Southeast Asia and even further afield. In the Middle East, from
at least the first century, Arab merchants were also acquainted with trade routes
through Asian waters. Most of these merchants came from trade centers along the
Red Sea, southern Arabia, or the Persian Gulf. By the third century, there were
already Persian merchants along the Malay Peninsula. These Arabs and Persians
acted as go-betweens for European merchants who dealt with Asian merchants
active in India and the western parts of the Malaysian archipelago. Arab commerce
extended to China. It is likely that a group of Arab merchants, and perhaps Per­sians as well, were in the city of Canton as early as the third century. Apparently
the sea lanes from Egypt and Persia to India on the one hand, and from India to
Southeast Asia on the other, were in Arab hands, and the number of Arab and
Persian merchants grew in the first decade of the seventh century. But, because
their ships were technically inferior and so had to stay close to the shore, the
Chinese were not as involved in trade in the southern waters until long after the
Indians, the Arabs, and the Malays of Southeast Asia, each of whom had learned
enough about seasonal winds and navigation to sail in the open sea. In time, this
commerce became a Muslim monopoly at both its western and eastern ends..."

"The following
monograph
is
a draft background paper from
a presentation delivered
at a conference, “The Muslim ‘Rohingyas’ of Burma”, organised
by the Burma
Centrum Nederland
in Amsterdam in December 1995. Given the paucity of available
data
at the time, the paper did not seek to be definitive. Rather, it was intended as a
draft for discussion, explaining dilemmas that the author had come across during the
previous decade when researching about ethnic politics in the country. The hope was
that, with the door to
Burma
gradually opening, other
analysts
and researchers would
be able to develop understanding about the sensitive ethnic
and political issues
involved.
Since this time,
the crisis in the Arakan-Bangladesh borderlands has further worsened,
with new violence, refugee outflows and a broader spread of ethnic nationality and
Buddhist-Muslim tensions within the country. In response, there has been greater
international awareness and research inter
est, but the divisions in local society and
politics have only become deeper.
This
monograph,
still
as a background draft for consultation, was published by the
Burma Centrum Nederland in a “Rohingya Reader II” in October 1996. Scanned
versions have also
appeared on the Internet.
This version is a 2017-generated
document in
PDF. The original text has been maintained, and there are no updates. It
is intended that the text should be read in the context of the understandings and
landscape of the
Arakan-Bangladesh
borderlands in 1995."

"BURMA’S MUSLIM BORDERLAND...
Arakan State, in western Burma, was the scene in 1978 of a mass exodus of some 200,000 Muslims into Bangladesh. Though most of the refugees were subsequently allowed back, Muslims in Arakan still suffer harassment from the authorities. Martin Smith examines recent developments in Arakan, and the plethora of groups there opposing the central government."

"During the past year the problems of international refugees have received much coverage in the world press -most of it devoted to the Vietnamese "boat people" arriving on the shores of Malaysia and other Southeast Asian nations. Another refugee movement of almost equal magnitude in the area, however, has received little attention: the 200,000 Muslim refugees from Burma in Bangladesh. Some press coverage appeared in May and June, 1978, when tens of thousands of the Muslim minority community were pouring into Bangladesh from neighboring Burma. And the signing of an agreement between the two governments on July 9th, allowing the refugees to return, merited short articles in many papers. But from then on there was virtually no news for six and a half months until January 26, 1979, when the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva announced to the press that since June 1, 1978, more than 10,000 of the Burmese refugees had died in the
Bangladesh camps. Between late March and mid-July, 1978, approximately 200,000 of the estimated 1,400,000 Bengali Muslims (called Rohingyas) living in the state of Arakan in north-western Burma fled into nearby Bangladesh. The roots of this mass exodus can evidently be traced to increased immigration from Bangladesh in recent years into this isolated area somewhat tenuously controlled by the central government of the Union of Burma, and to the apparent growth of a movement for the autonomy or independence of the Arakan among both the Buddhists and the Muslims of the area. While some of the Buddhist community wanted independence for the Arakan state, they were also afraid of absorption into Bangladesh..."

CONTENTS: I. Muslims in Burma in the Days of the Kings...
The Beginnings of Muslim Settlement in the Irrawaddy Valley...
Muslim Settlement in Arakan...
Why Burma Did Not Become Muslim ......
II. Muslims in Burma During British Rule:
Immigration from India...
Organizations of Muslim Immigrants from India..
Organizations of Burmese Muslims....
The Burma Moslem Society...
The General Council of Burma Moslem Associations...
The Renaissance Movement...
The Japanese Occupation......
III. Muslims in Burma Since Independence:
Structural Changes in the Muslim Community...
The General Council of Burman Moslem Associations...
The Burma Muslim Congress...
The Burma Muslim Organization...
The Indian Muslims after World War II...
Religious Activities...
The Arakanese Muslims......
IV. Conclusion:
Major Aspects of Muslim Community Life......
Appendices:
A. How Many Muslims Are There in Burma?...
B. Legislation on Islamic Subjects ...
C. Various Documents of the General Council of Burman Moslem Associations ...
D. Muslim Press ...
E. Persons Interviewed ...
F. Burma Newspapers Consulted...
Bibliography...
Indices...
Personal Names...
Geographical Names...
Institutions...
Groups.