However, on Nov. 2, Johnson learned that his protests had not shut
down the Nixon operation. The FBI intercepted the most incriminating
evidence yet of Nixon's interference when Anna Chennault contacted
Ambassador Bui Diem to convey "a message from her boss (not further
identified)," according to an FBI cable.

According to the intercept, Chennault said "her boss wanted her to
give [the message] personally to the ambassador. She said the message
was that the ambassador is to 'hold on, we are going to win' and that
her boss also said, 'hold on, he understands all of it.' She repeated
that this is the only message ... 'he said please tell your boss to hold
on.' She advised that her boss had just called from New Mexico."

In quickly relaying the message to Johnson at his ranch in Texas,
Rostow noted that the reference to New Mexico "may indicate [Republican
vice presidential nominee Spiro] Agnew is acting," since he had taken a
campaign swing through the state.

That night, at 9:18, an angry Johnson from his ranch in Texas telephoned Dirksen again, to provide more details about Nixon's activities and to urge Dirksen to intervene more forcefully.

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"The agent [Chennault] says she's just talked to the boss in New
Mexico and that he said that you must hold out, just hold on until after
the election," Johnson said. "We know what Thieu is saying to them out
there. We're pretty well informed at both ends."

Johnson then renewed his thinly veiled threat to go public. "I don't
want to get this in the campaign," Johnson said, adding: "They oughtn't
be doing this. This is treason."

Dirksen responded, "I know."

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Johnson continued: "I think it would shock America if a principal
candidate was playing with a source like this on a matter of this
importance. I don't want to do that [go public]. They ought to know that
we know what they're doing. I know who they're talking to. I know what
they're saying."

The President also stressed the stakes involved, noting that the
movement toward negotiations in Paris had contributed to a lull in the
violence. "We've had 24 hours of relative peace," Johnson said. "If
Nixon keeps the South Vietnamese away from the [peace] conference, well,
that's going to be his responsibility. Up to this point, that's why
they're not there. I had them signed onboard until this happened."

Dirksen: "I better get in touch with him, I think."

"They're contacting a foreign power in the middle of a war," Johnson
said. "It's a damn bad mistake. And I don't want to say so. ... You just
tell them that their people are messing around in this thing, and if
they don't want it on the front pages, they better quit it."

A Worried Nixon

After hearing from Dirksen, Nixon grew concerned that Johnson might
just go public with his evidence of the conspiracy. Nixon discussed his
worries with Sen. George Smathers, a conservative Democrat from Florida,
who, in turn, called Johnson on the morning of Nov. 3, just two days
before the election.

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Smathers recounted that "Nixon said he understands the President is
ready to blast him for allegedly collaborating with [Texas Sen. John]
Tower and [Anna] Chennault to slow the peace talks," according to a White House summary
of the Smathers call to Johnson. "Nixon says there is not any truth at
all in this allegation. Nixon says there has been no contact at all. ...
Nixon told Smathers he hoped the President would not make such a
charge."

At 1:54 p.m., trying to head off that possibility, Nixon spoke directly to Johnson, according to an audiotape released by the LBJ Library.

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at
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