books on Oswald
Mosley - books on British Fascism - books on Union Movement - books on European Socialism - books on the Corporate State -books
on Europe a Nation - books on Modern Economics - books on Agricultural policy, books on Industrial policy - books on the Middle
East - books on the Banking System - books on the Chain Stores and Monopoly

above) European conference
in Milan organised by Pierfranco Bruschi (standing to the left of OM) of the Jeune Europe Movement on July 23 1964. Oswald
Mosley is standing near the centre with Jean Thiriart, standing third from right. Solidarity among the youth of Europe for
closer co-operation.

Write
to European Action, PO Box 415, Ramsgate, Kent CT11
9WW (UK) for a one-time-only FREE SAMPLE BACK ISSUE COPY of our paper, enclosing a first class stamp for large letter. Details
of subscription rates on home page.We are National Europeans and European Action exists to propagate that view and that
view alone. Do not confuse us with those who dream of a revived fascism, the resurrection of a creed that belonged to the
1930s. European Action is essentially post-fascist and calls for a
new synthesis of ideas best suited to the world of today.In our pages you will find only serious political thinking
on the issues of the day.

The National Party of Europe, as it became, was launched at the Conference of Venice on March 1, 1962. The principal
signatories being the aristocratic Adolf von Thadden of the Reichspartei (later a leader of the NPD), Giovanni Lanfre of the
post-fascist Movemiento Socialiste Italiano and Jean Thiriart of Jeune Europe and author of some of the most radical works
on the National Communitarian State … and, of course, Oswald Mosley of Union Movement. Their hopes and aspirations
were high, being attended by seasoned and experienced exponents of the European idea. Their declaration at this conference
included regular liaison between the parties and an intention to change the names of their parties to the NATIONAL PARTY OF
EUROPE.An important principle was to accept a common policy under a centralised leadership, meeting as equals in the
interests of common action.

EUROPEAN ACTION is published every two months and is in a large newspaper format. It is non-profit making and serves
only to impart information in support of a patriotic European point of view. All material, both textual and graphic, is the
copyright property of the individual contributors. All contributors are volunteers. The current issue is now available throughout
the duration. Extra copies can be obtained from the editor upon request at a nominal charge. The price per copy will be £2.50
(plus p&p), enough to cover costs, hopefully. EUROPEAN ACTION is a purely British publication, printed and published in
Britain. It is the British representative of the broader European nationalist movement, promoting the creation of an embryonic
European party for ALL Europeans. We will publish readers' letters in future issues, which should be short and to the point.
We welcome both critics and the complimentary. They should be posted to the above PO box number or e-mailed to: webmaster@europeanaction.com... with "Readers'
Letters" in the subject box.

EUROPEAN ACTION is not a political party per se but exists to
publish views compatible with those that serve to create a pan-European movement for the future.A National Party of
Europe was formed and existed briefly in 1962 ... it is our intention and our duty to play a role in reviving such a great
and noble concept.

"ABOVE AND
BEYOND THE FAILURE OF MEN AND OF PARTIES, WE OF THE WAR GENERATION ARE MARCHING ON, AND WE SHALL MARCH ON UNTIL OUR SACRIFICE
IS ATONED AND OUR END IS ACHIEVED. EUROPE ARISE, WE WIN TOMORROW!"

From European Action No 9 : Where We Stand Today

[The editor attempts to answer the many questions from readers concerning
the position we take on the National Party of Europe as more than an idea.]

Nearly
sixty years on, many readers of European Action want to know what happened to the concept
of a National Party of Europe and what are we doing about it today. I can first tell them that the idea is kept very
much alive through the pages of this publication and that one of our immediate aims is to spread the word as far and as wide
as is possible with the meagre resources we have at our disposal. For, without the idea and the words that go with it, there
can never be its ultimate realisation.

For this reason, European Action stands
as the flagship of the idea, the only truly effective voice of Europe a Nation in the world today. In the eighteen months
of our existence, the paper has steadily grown in political stature; through perseverance, hard work and resilience we have
at last made a name for ourselves in certain important areas of influence. Before then, there was nothing to inspire. We have
kept faithful to the original concept formulated by Sir Oswald Mosley and others at the Conference of Venice way back in March
of 1962.

Several nationalist groups across Western Europe (the East was still under communism) got together to
agree on a formula that would establish the existence of a National Party of Europe, this being regarded as an extension of
their patriotism in what Mosley had termed the “higher nationalism” of Europe a Nation. In our supplement to this
issue, we publish the aims and conclusions of that conference ... this being the foundation of the revived concept as propagated
by European Action.

It was said that most of the parties involved at the conference were
far too nationalistic, with some of them enjoying limited later electoral successes as nationalistic groups ... the Italian
MSI being an example. The lesson from this being that the sum total of several nationalistic parties do not make the “higher
nationalism” ... just as a larger number of pygmies will never make a giant. Today, there are some nationalistic
parties that will occasionally pay lip service to the idea of European “co-operation” but will go no further.
It is, after all, pure lip service without any will for going beyond their limited territorial loyalties. Their nationalism
will always be fundamentally anti-European by simple definition of their nationalist titles.

On May 1, 1964, ACTION published
an appraisal by Mosley in which he began, “How stands the National Party of Europe? May 1964 is a good
time to make some report on this matter. The first fact is that the work at Venice stands. It was a very great advance after
years of long effort to secure some effective union between European patriots. Indeed, the success of that conference went
beyond my expectations. We had for years encountered so many difficulties that I did not anticipate such complete accord on
our full programme”.

The fact that the Union Movement and Jean Thiriart’s Belgian
party had embarked on an active propaganda campaign immediately after the conference and that the Germans and Italians had
failed in this respect because they were both side-tracked by imminent elections, left the entire undertaking in a state of
quandary.

Mosley explained that, for the Germans and Italians, the Declaration of Venice was a bigger departure
from their previous positions. They had considered their separate national interests to be more important. Perhaps the vital
step of setting up a central bureau would have helped things along but Mosley argued that this had failed to transpire through
lack of funding. In his words, “But without the central bureau the practical basis of the National
Party of Europe can not be established. Certainly we can not effectively implement the fifth point of central direction until
we have the means for a central bureau”.

The Nationaldemokratischepartei Deutschlands
(the NPD), the successor to the Deutsche Reichspartei, enjoyed limited
electoral success in the mid-1960s but only on a strictly German nationalist platform. Its leader then, Adolf von Thadden,
was given maximum international publicity. This Prussian aristocrat had been an MI6 agent since 1946, it transpired, his anti-Nazi
sister having been executed for treason by the Nazis. With such a family history it was difficult to realistically view von
Thadden as a “neo-Nazi”, a media term then coined to describe the rising virulent German nationalism.

These points
are important when evaluating the potential of the Venice Conference and why it was virtually suspended .

Jean Thiriart,
perhaps one of the most visionary of genuine European unionists, turned towards a form of “national Bolshevism”,
albeit within a European context, which involved seeking an accommodation with the Soviet Union. He took a very anti-American
position in this regard. But his contribution in terms of ideas and theory has been phenomenal and remains an inspiration
to many today.

In 1962, Mosley was to be at the receiving end of a concerted campaign of violence by communists and Jewish
groups in Britain, with Union Movement’s last Trafalgar Square meeting being smashed up by organised Red violence, even
though he was still in his flat in Lowndes Square before leaving for the meeting. Previous meetings in the Square had passed
off without any trouble at all. In fact, previously there was a very successful meeting in which Mosley stood up and spoke
on behalf of the National Party of Europe. The violence followed him to other parts of the country and there is no doubt the
potential success of the Conference of Venice, as reported in the press around the world, was the reason for it all.
They feared our success.

At a press conference in the Union Movement’s Vauxhall Bridge Road offices after the
attack upon the last Trafalgar Square meeting, Mosley said that he did not blame the police for what happened. “But
I do”, he said, “blame the Government for having lost control of the streets to Red anarchy”.

There
is no doubt that a campaign for the NPE here in Britain would have got off the ground were it not for this series of orchestrated
violent attacks upon Mosley and Union Movement. With that, the other parties on the Continent would possibly have felt emboldened
to follow suit. As it is, most of them reverted to narrow nationalistic programmes. But, to Mosley, this was not the end.
To him, the Conference of Venice was a success insofar that it was initially established as fact. In his autobiography My
Life he hoped that a future generation would again pick it up and bring about its reality.

Curiously,
on another page in the same issue of ACTION of May 1st 1964, he replies to a correspondent on the question of what happens
in the event of the death or disablement of the Leader. Very rarely was this discussed but he clarified his position thus:

In
this event the Movement will be conducted by a council until a new Leader emerges who will be chosen by that council. There
is no mystery about the council which is already in existence and meets frequently to give me advice and to perform a variety
of duties undertaken by its members. This council is selected on the principles in my article [see “Union
Movement as the New Model Party” in ACTION of March 13th] according to the work men and women do for
the Movement. They are most of them well-known to members of Union Movement. Those among them who will conduct the Movement
in the event of my death are all well-known to members and their names will then be published. In addition at present we have
secondary council members who attend for specific purposes and, on occasion, some whose names can not be published.

The work
of the Movement will be carried on with the same round table method I have advocated and employed in Europe by the people
who have served the Movement best until a new Leader emerges by his proved ability.

A Directorate of Union Movement
was established in the mid-1960s, as, soon after, I became West London Area Organiser when Martin Moloney was appointed a
Directorate member. Jeffrey Hamm remained the Secretary of the Movement with Mosley pursuing his aims, quite successfully,
as a man above party politics. He was to remain the Leader to all of us until his death in 1980.

Now we come to the key point
of this article: whither the National Party of Europe as previously established? It is very clear that any council appointed
by Mosley was not successful in pursuing the ideas of Europe a Nation after his death but reverted to being a kind of memorial
society with annual dinners of remembrance being the year’s highlight. The political Movement had been effectively wound
up ... until European Action decided to remind the world of a great idea.

Where others
failed to continue the struggle for whatever reasons, we have picked up the standard of the Movement. To the Bailey brothers
and other members of the Directorate that have passed on, we salute you. Ever loyal to the Leader, you fought the fight.

Now it is
time for the end of reflection and what could have been. Rather we turn to the beginning of a revitalised vision and what
can still be done for our Europe and its people.

The first thing we need to do is to perfect our propaganda good enough
and powerful enough to influence as many of our countrymen as we can. Because, without that, the idea would whither and die.

I would claim
that this publication has the potential, as it stands, to persuade the best of our people in the direction of forming a political
organisation for all Europeans. This is our main aim.

Secondly, we must learn the lesson of the Conference of Venice of
1962. Quite simply it is that, collectively, the nationalistic parties of the separate parts of Europe are totally unsuited
for the creation of a pan-European political force. We need those who already possess a European consciousness ... people
like Mosley and Thiriart who had been Europeans from the beginning and were Europeans to the end.

This is not a philosophy
or doctrine cobbled together for a quick win in a local election, based on purely populist opportunism and expediency. It
is revolutionary and requires patience and hard work. There is a group of political parties in the European Parliament collectively
called “Alliance of Europe of the Nations” ... each one is strictly petty-nationalist
and virulently opposed to European unity. Do not be fooled by its title because it is the antithesis of Europe a Nation.
We have no allies because it is we alone that propagate this great European idea and we alone who will see it through.

Our position
today is very clear. We must make this paper a great success by distributing it to as many people we should find to be good
Europeans. First, is the idea and then the word. Keep alive the spirit of Mosley’s vision, my comrades, and one day
we shall win.

PROGRESS - SOLIDARITY - UNITY

(above: Sir Oswald Mosley speaks at the first public meeting in Trafalgar
Square in 1962 after the foundation of the National Party of Europe)

THE EUROPEAN DECLARATION
AT VENICE - March 1st 1962

We, being Europeans conscious of a tradition which derives from
classic Greece and Rome, and of a civilisation which during three thousand years has given thought, beauty, science and leadership
to mankind, and feeling for each other the close relationship of a great family whose quarrels in the past have proved the
heroism of our peoples but whose division in the future would threaten the life of our continent with the same destruction
which extinguished the genius of Hellas and led to the triumph of alien values, now declare with pride our European communion
of blood and of spirit in the following urgent and practical proposals of our new generation which challenge present policies
of division, delay and subservience to the destructive materialism of external powers before which the splendour of our history,
the power of our economy, the nobility of our traditions and the inspiration of our ideals must never be surrendered:

(1) That Europe a Nation shall forthwith be made a fact. This means that Europe
shall have a common government for purposes of foreign policy, defence, economic policy, finance and scientific development.
It does not mean Americanisation by a complete mixture of the European peoples which is neither desirable nor possible.

(2) That European government shall be elected by free vote of
the whole people of Europe every four years at elections which all parties may enter. This vote shall be expressed in the
election of a parliament which will have power to select the government and at any time to dismiss it by vote of censure carried
by a two-thirds majority. Subject to this power of dismissal, government shall have full authority to act during its period
of office in order to meet the fast moving events of the new age of science and to carry out the will of the people as expressed
by their majority vote.

(3) That national parliaments in each
member country of Europe a Nation shall have full power over all social and cultural problems, subject only to the overriding
power of European Government in finance and its other defined spheres, in particular the duty of economic leadership.

(4) That the economic leadership of government shall be exercised by means of
the wage-price mechanism, first to secure similar conditions of fair competition in similar industries by payment of the same
wages, salaries, pensions and fair profits as science increases the means of production for an assured market, thus securing
continual equilibrium between production and consumption, eliminating slump and unemployment and progressively raising the
standard of life. Capital and credit shall be made available to the underdeveloped regions of Europe from the surplus at present
expatriated from our continent.

(5) That intervention by government
at the three key points of wages, prices, where monopoly conditions prevail and the long term purchase of agricultural and
other primary products alone is necessary to create the third system of a producers' state in conditions of a free society
which will be superior both to rule by finance under American capitalism or rule by bureaucracy under communist tyranny. It
is at all times our duty in the solidarity of the European community to assist each other to combat the destruction of European
life and values from without and from within by the overt and covert attack of communism.

(6) That industries already nationalised will be better conducted by workers' ownership or syndicalism
than by state bureaucracy, but the system of the wage-price mechanism will, in full development, make irrelevant the question
of the ownership of industry by reason of the decisive economic leadership of elected government, and will bring such prosperity
that workers will have no interest in controversies which belong to the 19th century.

(7) With the creation of Europe a Nation as a third power strong enough to maintain peace, a primary
object of the European government will be to secure the immediate and simultaneous withdrawal of both Russian and American
forces from the occupied territories and military bases of Europe. Europe must be as strongly armed as America or Russia until
mutual disarmament can be secured by the initiative of an European leadership which will have no reason to fear economic problems
caused by disarmament as has capitalist America, nor to desire the force of arms for purposes of imperialist aggression as
does communist Russia.

(8) The emergence of Europe as a third
great power will bring to an end the political and military power of UNO, because these three great powers will then be able
to deal directly and effectively with each other. The peace of the world can best be maintained by direct and continuous contact
between these three great powers which represent reality instead of illusion and hypocrisy. The production of nuclear weapons
will be confined to these three great powers until mutual disarmament can be secured.

(9) Colonialism shall be brought to an end. A way will be found to maintain or to create in Africa
states under government of non-European but African origin amounting to about two-thirds of the continent, and other states
under government by peoples of European and Afrikaner origin amounting to about one-third. In non-European territory, any
European who chose to remain should stay without vote or political rights. He would be in the same position as any resident
in another country, subject to the maintenance of human rights within their own communities, by reciprocal arrangement between
European and non-European territories. Conversely, any non-European remaining in European territory would have neither vote
nor political rights, subject to the maintenance of the same basic human rights. Multi-racial government breaks down everywhere
in face of the non-European demand for one man one vote which they learnt from the West and becomes a squalid swindle of loaded
franchises to postpone the day of surrender rather than to solve the problem. Better by far is the clean settlement of clear
division. Europe must everywhere decide what it will hold and what it will relinquish. The Europeans in union will have the
power of decision. Today they lack only the will. We will hold what is vital to the life of Europe, and we will in all circumstances
be true to our fellow-Europeans, particularly where they are now threatened in African territory.

(10) The space of a fully united Europe including the lands to be liberated by American and Russian
withdrawal, the British Dominions and other European overseas territories, and approximately one-third of Africa is a just
requirement for tile full life of the Europeans in a producer and consumer system which shall be free of usury and capitalism,
of anarchy and communism. Within the wide region of our nation the genius of modern science shall join with the culture of
three millennia to attain ever higher forms of European life which shall continue to be the inspiration of mankind.

NATIONAL PARTY OF EUROPETHE name agreed by Conference
to be recommended by the parties represented at the Conference is "National Party of Europe" in English, "Nationale
Partei Europas" in German, "Partie Nationale Europeene" in French and "Partitro Nation-ale Europa"
in Italian. It will be noted that in Britain and Germany the party will have the same initials N.P.E. and in the other countries
will have the same letters. As stated, the representatives of Britain, Germany and Belgium agreed at once to ask their parties
to change their names accordingly.It was stressed that wherever the name National Party of Europe is used in any language,
underneath should be written in smaller letters the words "Progress - Solidarity - Unity". It was agreed that we
should never permit ourselves to be misrepresented by our opponents as a policy of reaction. On the contrary our policy is
far in advance of any other policy before the European peoples today.For years we have emphasised in the policy of our
movements that we combine the great principles of patriotism and of progress. Our principles are a synthesis at a higher level
of the conflict between patriotism and progress in the policies of the old parties. So we are the National Party of Europe
with the principles of Progress - Solidarity - Unity.

THE
SYMBOL OF THE MOVEMENTThe question of symbols for the National Party of Europe was discussed. As symbols are not used
in Germany and Italy in the way we use them here, the questions of symbols in those countries was left in abeyance. On the
other hand, our symbol, the Flash and Circle is much used by our Movement in Britain, and the Celtic Cross is much used by
Jeune Europe and M.A.C. in Belgium. It was finally agreed between us that we should both use simply the Flash. Our badge means
the flash of action in the circle of union. We feel now that in the National Party of Europe the long fight to achieve unity
has been achieved. We now need the action.The Celtic Cross can be seen everywhere in Belgium, others elsewhere have
imitated it. But we are most of us not Celts, who are the people living on the periphery, the edges of Europe and Great Britain.
We British are mostly of Saxon, Norman and Viking, descent. Most Belgians are of similar origin. On the Continent, also, what
we call the Flash is similar to the letter "5", which stands for "Solidarity". So we will both concentrate
on the Flash which stands for both "Action" and "Solidarity".