Nigeria

Published from Socialist Democracy – newspaper of the Democratic
Socialist Movement (DSM), August - September 2002, published in Lagos,
Nigeria

A new, positive development in the struggle for a genuine multi-party
democracy in the country took place on Friday, 26th July, 2002, when the
Court of Appeal, sitting in Abuja, declared as unconstitutional,
illegal, null and void the guidelines used by the Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC) in the last registration of political
parties exercise.

The court, in its ruling on the appeal filed by 5 political parties,
including the National Conscience Party (NCP), which INEC had refused
registration, ruled that INEC and the National Assembly has no power to
set additional criteria for the registration of parties outside what is
provided in sections 222 and 223 of the 1999 constitution. Vindicating
the standpoint of NCP and pro-democracy activists, the judges declared
that once a political association meets the provisions of this section,
such an association automatically becomes a political party, "

capable of sponsoring candidates and canvassing for votes in any
constitutionally recognised elective office throughout Nigeria".

Expectedly, the judgement has been welcomed by NCP, labour and
pro-democracy activists. It has boosted the morale of NCP members in
particular and change-seeking Nigerians in general who are sick of the
present anti-poor policies and misrule of the ruling elites.
Undoubtedly, the ruling represents a step forward in the struggle for
the enthronement of a truly multi-party political system in the country.
We in the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) calls on INEC to
immediately obey the court decision and accord recognition to NCP and
other political parties and to respect their right to present candidates
for all subsequent elections.

But INEC has announced that it would challenge the Court of Appeal
judgment at the Supreme Court. According to INEC’s national commissioner
in charge of publicity, Okpo Sam Okpo, " for now there are six
registered parties in the country, but when we go on appeal and the
Supreme Court rules otherwise, then we will act based on the new
development" (The Guardian, 30th July, 2002).

This decision, once again, betrays the evil determination of the
leadership of INEC to rob the Nigerian masses of their democratic right
to belong to and vote for political parties of their choice. It shows
that while the Appeal Court judgement is a step forward, the struggle is
far from being totally won. Therefore, we call on the NCP in particular
to continue to organise mass political actions to compel INEC to
recognise the right of NCP and other associations to function as
political parties.

What can we do?

The party members and activists should not allow the antics of the
ruling class and INEC to dampen their morale or reduce their commitment
towards the building of the party. We need to understand that the
attainment of a genuine multi-party democracy in particular and the
emancipation of the working masses in general will be a product of a
protracted struggle. Historically and world-wide the struggle for the
liberation of the masses has never been a simple and easy task as the
capitalist oppressors and the beneficiaries of the present unjust
capitalist order will do everything possible to defend the system and
hang on to power by hook or crook. But with persistence, perseverance
and correct policies and tactics, the working masses and their party
will ultimately triumph.

This is the lesson to be learnt from the experience of the African
National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, for instance. Founded in 1912
to fight for black majority rule, the ANC was banned for many decades by
the white minority capitalist ruling class. On its part, the ANC even
boycotted several undemocratic, kangaroo elections organised by the
apartheid regime. But when the regime was eventually compelled by mass
struggles to organise the first one person-one vote election in South
Africa’s history in 1994, the ANC won an overwhelming majority. Suffice
to say that the degeneration of the ANC leadership and their embrace of
capitalism makes it necessary for the South African masses to build a
new working people’s party.

In Russia, the victorious October 1917 socialist revolution would not
have been possible without the correct programme and the several years
of patient preparations, propaganda, agitation and organisation by the
Bolshevik Party led by Lenin.

Against the background of the above analysis, what steps must now be
taken by NCP activists to actualise the recognition of the party’s right
to exist and contest elections? What kind of programmes and activities
would make the NCP to realise its goal of becoming a party of the
working masses and achieving its objective of abolition of poverty?

First and foremost, the NCP must continue to organise political actions
to challenge the INEC and ruling class conspiracy not to register it.
Mass protests, picketing and rallies should be organised in many parts
of the country by the party. There must be production and circulation of
thousands of posters and leaflets. These activities should be aimed at
exposing to the masses the ruling class conspiracy and fraud behind the
so-called party registration exercise. Also, the party will explain the
need to continue to struggle until a genuine multi-party democracy which
recognises the right of groups and individuals to belong to political
parties and contest elections without registration by the government or
any of its agencies such as INEC is achieved. In addition, there should
be freedom for independent candidates to stand in elections.

Secondly, through these activities, the party must continue to recruit
change-seeking workers and youth into its ranks and continue to put up
party structures at all levels: wards, local governments, states,
national, campuses, communities, etc.

A party of struggle

However, this will not be possible unless the NCP continues to be
organised as a party of struggles, whether or not it is allowed to
contest election at any point in time by the powers-that-be. In other
words, the party must be prepared at all times to organise and lead mass
struggles against capitalist attacks on the living and working
conditions of the masses and for the provision of water, electricity,
food, education, healthcare, transportation and telecommunication and
other basic necessities of life. The party must continue to oppose and
mobilise against the anti-poor programmes such as privatisation of
public wealth, commercialisation of social services, and retrenchment of
workers being implemented by all the money-bag parties. In short,
whether registered or not, the party must continue to make itself
relevant to the attainment of the rights, aspirations and yearnings of
the masses.

Socialist programme

But most importantly, the NCP members and activists need to understand
that in order to satisfy the need of the masses for economic prosperity,
political freedom and social security on a lasting basis, the party must
be built on an anti-capitalist, socialist ideology. Its goal should be
the coming to power of a workers’ and poor peasants’ government that
will make the abundant resources of society truly available for the use
of the entire society and not only to further enrich a wealthy few.

This type of government will put the commanding sectors of the economy
such as petroleum, mineral resources, manufacturing, banking and
finance, and all the big multinational and local companies under public
ownership with democratic control and management by the working people.
It is only this democratic socialist arrangement that will make it
possible to launch a massive programme for food production, housing
construction, free and qualitative education and medicare, full
employment, telephones, and create a basis for the eradication of mass
poverty, crimes, corruption, prostitution, ethnic and religious
conflicts, and political instability which have continued to ravage the
country despite the end of military dictatorship

The 1999 constitution and party registration

However, while the provisions contained in the 1999 constitution on
party registration are relatively more democratic than those in
constitutions imposed by earlier military regimes, labour and youth
activists must demand that INEC conforms to them, we still need to
recognise that they still fall short of what are required in a truly
genuine multi-party democracy.

Among the undemocratic conditions for party registration which are in
the 1999 constitution are (i) that party secretariat to be located at
the federal capital city (ii) that party executives must come from
two-thirds of the states of the federation and (iii) that religious or
ethnic parties are forbidden. With these draconian rules, parties which
enjoy local support or has members in only some parts of the country
cannot stand candidates even in a local government election. A group
like the DSM is not eligible to contest election in those areas in which
it already has influence due to the fact that it cannot yet satisfy the
two-third condition concerning members of the national executive. An
organisation like MOSOP with enormous support among the Ogonis cannot
field candidates for local, state and national elections even in
Ogoniland due to this absurd two-third conditionality. This shows how
restrictive, undemocratic and unrepresentative the present constitution
is.

As socialists, we in the DSM are opposed to ethnic and religious
politics. However, it is undemocratic to deprive those who believe in
voting for either a Christian or Islamic, Arewa, Oodua or Ijaw party the
right to so do. It is not by force or decree, but through persuasion and
education, that the masses should be made to realise that their
interests and aspirations cannot be genuinely served by political
parties with parochial and sectarian religious or ethnic agenda.

The restrictive and undemocratic character of these sections concerning
party registration in the 1999 constitution imposed by the military
underscore the need for a democratically-elected Sovereign National
Conference (SNC). This conference should be dominated by elected
representatives of the working people as its composition should be
according to the numerical strength of the various social groups in the
country. It will among other things, decide on the way forward for the
country and agree on a new constitution.

However, while an SNC may represent a step forward from the present
military-imposed arrangement, the working masses and labour activists
will need to use it as a stepping stone towards a workers’ and poor
farmers’ government that will implement a socialist and anti-capitalist
programme. It is only this type of government that can guarantee lasting
improvements in the political rights and economic and social conditions
of the masses.