Japan: Iraq deployment shows the East German syndrome

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Japan: Iraq deployment shows the East German syndrome

Japan: Iraq deployment shows the East German syndrome
Japan:
Iraq deployment shows the
East German syndrome
Washington, 17 Dec (IPS/Tim Shorrock) — Four years ago, the author and Critic
Chalmers Johnson wrote a prescient book about US foreign policy that
Unfavourably compared Japan’s postwar prime ministers to the East German leaders Walter Ulbricht and Erich Honecker.
“Just as the two satraps of the German Democratic Republic faithfully followed
every order they ever received from Moscow, each and every Japanese prime
minister, as soon as he comes into office, gets on an air plane and reports to
Washington,” Johnson wrote.
Those words stung in Tokyo, largely because they were true. Since World War II,
Japan has played a subservient role to the United States in foreign policy on nearly every issue to come its way. Its servile role has often been embarrassing, and
frequently left many observers with the impression that Japan was no more than
a bit player to its master in Washington.
In 1972, for example, US President Richard Nixon gave Prime Minister Eisaku
Sato just a few minutes notice before announcing to the world that he was recognising the People’s Republic of China as the official representative of China.
Nixon’s “shock” reversed years of official policy that Japanese diplomats and
businessmen had been dreaming about for decades, and reportedly brought Sato
to tears.
Nearly 10 years later, former US Ambassador Edwin Reischauer confessed in an
offhand interview that US warships had been routinely bringing nuclear weapons
into Japanese ports and territorial waters since 1960 with the full knowledge of
Japanese leaders, thus violating Japan’s anti-nuclear stance.
Now, nearly four years into the 21st century and more than a decade after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the relationship between the United States and Japan that
was forged in the early days of the Cold War does not seem to have changed
much at all.
Johnson also wrote that even at the height of Japan bashing in the US over
Japan’s economic and trade power, the US Pentagon was the best lobbyist for
Japan on Capitol Hill.
In fact, as the two nations celebrated the 50th anniversary of the US-Japan
Security Treaty in November, Japanese leaders appeared to be bent on deepening their reliance on the United States, seemingly without any national debate
about whether a close US military alliance with the United States is in Japan’s best
interest or not.
The best example of Japan’s willingness to do the US bidding is the Middle East,
where the cabinet of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi agreed last week to deploy
1,000 soldiers from Japan’s Self-Defence Forces (SDF) to Iraq at Washington’s
request.
Koizumi’s dispatch of the SDF, which comes in the aftermath of the killing of two
Japanese diplomats in Iraq, marks the largest overseas deployment of Japanese
troops since the Second World War.
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But this significant turn in Japanese policy would never have taken place if
President Bush had not reversed two centuries of US policy with his unilateralist,
pre-emptive strike on Iraq. “Rebuilding Iraq is necessary for the stability of the entire Middle East and the rest of the world, and is in Japan’s best interests,”
Koizumi said in a nationally broadcast news conference on Dec. 10.
This, of course, exactly mirrors Bush’s belief that rebuilding Iraq is necessary for
the stability in the Middle East and the world, as Bush has made clear in his many
speeches on the subject.
Koizumi went on to say that Japan was meeting its responsibility as a long-time
US ally, as opposed to a sovereign nation with its own obligations to the world.
“The US is Japan’s only ally, and it is striving very hard to build a stable and democratic government in Iraq,” he said.. “Japan must also be a trustworthy ally to the
US.”
Apparently those words were designed to assuage the Japanese public, which is
overwhelmingly opposed to his decision to involve Japan in America’s overseas
ventures. Recent polls show that only about one-third of Japanese voters approve of the sending the non-combat troops to Iraq.
According to Nobukatsu Kanehara, a counsellor for political affairs in the
Japanese Embassy in Washington and the former director of the Japan-US
Security Treaty Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan’s adherence to
US foreign policy goals will only increase in the coming years.
“We are dependent on the US-Japan alliance,” he declared at a December 10
forum on the Security Treaty sponsored by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation in
Washington.
Kanehara described Japan’s current policies as a continuation of the national
strategy its leaders adopted in 1952 at the height of the Korean War, when Japan
agreed to keep US bases on its territory indefinitely.
At that time, “we jumped into the new world and extended our national interests,”
he said. “Japan needs friends to expand its global influence. Our choice was the
United States.”
But Japan “won’t be an expanding country,” assured Kanehara, because its military is defensive in nature and lacks offensive capabilities.
Because the United States withdrew nearly all of its army forces from Japan after
the Korean War, “that left the burden on Japan’s ground forces,” which remain
three times larger than its air force, which has no ability to strike, and its navy,
which can only monitor sea lanes out to 1,000 miles. “The US Seventh Fleet is
our friendly fleet,” said Kanehara.
Japan’s overseas deployments have been closely aligned with US policy goals as
well. Its first overseas peacekeeping mission, which took place under UN auspices in 1993 in Cambodia, was widely seen in Japan as an experiment to gauge
both foreign and domestic reaction. It was followed by another “blue helmet” peacekeeping mission to Kenya.
In 1998, however, Japan’s overseas military capacity expanded significantly when
it signed a major agreement to provide logistics support to US forces in Asia.
Then, following the 11 September attacks on the United States in 2001, which
took the lives of 24 Japanese citizens, Japan sent 24 naval ships to the Indian
Ocean. These oilers, Kanehara said, eventually carried 50% of the oil for the
coalition forces fighting in Afghanistan.
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Japan: Iraq deployment shows the East German syndrome
Responding to Kanehara, James J. Przystup, a research professor at the Institute
of National Strategic Studies at the National Defence University and the former
director of Asian Studies at the conservative Heritage Foundation, called the USJapan alliance a “central element” in the US global strategy. The alliance is important because it defends Japan in North-east Asia, provides “regional stability,” and
is “part of US global military strategy,” said Przstup. He noted that the “first foreign
deployment after Sep. 11 came from Japan.” He concluded that “Japan’s policies
have changed remarkably over the last 10 years.”
If Japan was an independent player on the world stage, that might be true. But as
a junior partner to the United States in an alliance that has remained unchanged
for over half a century, Japan may merely be moving in sync with the changes
taking place in Washington - just as the former satellites of the Soviet Union might
still be orbiting Moscow if their long-dead patron was still alive.
Vor vier Jahren schrieb der Kritiker Chalmers Johnson ein Buch über die
Außenpolitik der USA und verglich darin die Premierminister Japans nach dem 2.
Weltkrieg mit den ostdeutschen Staatsoberhäuptern Walter Ulbricht und Erich
Honecker. Johnson schrieb, dass die japanischen Premiers ähnlich wie die beiden DDR-Politiker, die jeder Order aus Moskau gutgläubig gefolgt seien, sofort
nach Amtsantritt in ein Flugzeug stiegen und in Washington vorsprächen.
Diese Worte trafen Tokio, weil sie wahr sind. Seit dem 2. Weltkrieg hat Japan
außenpolitisch bei fast jeder Gelegenheit gegenüber den Vereinigten Staaten
eine unterwürfige Rolle gespielt. Nach nahezu vier Jahren im 21. Jahrhundert und
mehr als eine Dekade nach dem Zusammenbruch der Berliner Mauer scheinen
sich die Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Japan, die im Kalten Krieg
geschmiedet wurden, nicht sehr verändert zu haben.
So folgte Japan den Befehlen aus Washington, als das Kabinet von
Premierminister Koizumi letzte Woche einem Einsatz von 1.000 Soldaten der
japanischen Selbstverteidigungskräfte im Irak zustimmte, die von den Vereinigten
Staaten angefragt worden waren. Dieser Einsatz stellt die größte Entsendung von
Truppen nach dem 2. Weltkrieg dar. Nach den Worten von Kanehara, ehemaliger
Direktor der Abteilung Sicherheitsvertrag Japan - USA im Außenministerium, jetzt
außenpolitischer Berater an der japanischen Botschaft in Washington, werde sich
die Orientierung an den außenpolitischen Zielen der USA in den kommenden
Jahren noch intensivieren. Man hoffe, im Bündnis mit den USA einen stärkeren
Einfluss in der Welt zu erlangen.
Man könnte meinen, mit Japans zunehmendem militärischen Engagement in der
Welt trete es mehr und mehr als eigenständiger Akteur auf der weltpolitischen
Bühne in Erscheinung. Aber Japan ist seit mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert
lediglich ein Junior-Partner für die USA, der sich wie die ehemaligen
Satellitenstaaten der Sowjetunion synchron zu den politischen Entscheidungen in
Washington bewegt.
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