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LIBRARY BOARD
s<0* °' ia o^:
KEXE "THE GOOD,"
KING OF SICILY, NAPLES, AND JERUSALEM, DUKE OF ANJOL AND LORRAIN AND
COUNT OF PROVENCE.
THE
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
MARGARET OF ANJOU,
QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
By MARY ANN HOOKHAM.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND.
1872.
THE
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
MAEGAKET OF ANJOU,
QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE;
AND OF HER FATHER
BENE "THE GOOD,"
KING OF SICILY, NAPLES, AND JERUSALEM.
WITH
MEMOIRS OF THE HOUSES OF ANJOU.
BY
MAKY ANN HOOKHAM.
WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON :
TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND.
1872.
S¥&</3
LONDON :
BRADBURY, EVANS, AND CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
I
V
j)V
HIZ
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
a.d. 1455-1459.
PAGE
The battle of St. Alban's— King Henry's illness— York again " Pro-
tector" — The King and Queen go to Coventry — They invite the
Lords to repair thither — Invasions of the French and Scots — The
reconciliation of the Lords — Their procession to St. Paul's— An
affray — Warwick assaulted — Salisbury takes up arms — The battle
of Bloreheath — Lord Audley is slain — Ludlow spoiled — Parliament
held at Coventry — Yorkists attainted — Rebellion in Kent— The
insurgents enter London 1
CHAPTER II.
a.d. 1460-1461.
The battle of Northampton — The Tower of London besieged — Death of
Lord Scales — The Duke of York's claims discussed in Parliament
— York becomes absolute — Queen Margaret flies to Durham, Wales,
and Scotland — She excites the northern barons to take up arms —
The battle of Wakefield— The Duke of York killed— Battle of
Mortimer's Cross— Second battle of St. Alban's — Edward, son of the
Duke of York, proclaimed King . . . . . . .68
CHAPTER, III.
a.d. 1461-1464.
The Queen raises a large army — Yorkists defeated at Ferrybridge —
Battle of Towton — King Henry, his Queen, and their son fly to
Scotland— They are well received by the Scots — Incursions in
England — Henry repulsed at Durham — A defeat in Wales — King
Edward's first Parliament — Somerset submits to Edward — Lord
Oxford beheaded — Queen Margaret goes to France — Death of
Charles VII. and of his wife, Marie of Anjou— Louis XL lends
money to Queen Margaret, and some troops, headed by Pierre de
Breze — They return with the Queen to England — They take several
castles, but are repulsed by the Yorkists — A shipwreck — Warwick
retakes the castles — Margaret in Scotland — Breze departs . . 112
X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
a.d. 1464-1465.
FAGE
Battles of Hedgely Moor and Hexham — King Edward's treatment of
the Lords — The Queen's adventure in the forest — She escapes to
Flanders, and settles in Lorraine with her son — Education of Prince
Edward — Sir John Fortescue — The distress of the Lancastrians —
King Rene's tastes and occupations — The Tournaments — The Order
of the Crescent — Death of Isabella of Lorraine — Rene's war with
the Genoese — Marriage of Rene to Jeanne de Laval — King Henry's
concealment in "Wales and elsewhere — He is discovered, and brought
to London — 111 treatment of him by "Warwick — He conducts him
through London — Heriry VI. in prison in the Tower . . .161
CHAPTER V.
a.d. 1465-1470.
King Edward's marriage — Warwick offended — The "Widdevilles are
promoted — Jealousy of the nobility — Marriage of the sister of
King Edward — Warwick's revenge — His plot against Edward — He
marries his daughter to Clarence — Insurrection in Yorkshire —
Battle of Banbury — Earl Rivers and his son beheaded — King Ed-
ward taken prisoner— He escapes — A rising under Sir Robert Wells
— Lord Wells beheaded — The battle of Ernpyngham — Warwick and
Clarence, with their families, fly to Devonshire — Sail from Dart-
mouth — Land at Honfleur — They go to Amboise — Louis XL sends
for Queen Margaret — She is reconciled to Warwick, and Prince
Edward marries Lady Ann — Warwick returns to England, and
restores Henry VI. to the throne 210
CHAPTER VI.
a.d. 1470-1471.
Rejoicings in France— Queen Margaret's reception in Paris — Burgundy's
discontent — King Edward at the Hague — Parliament called by
Warwick — Edward's party attainted — The Earl of Worcester be-
headed — "Warwick sends for Margaret, and waits for her at Dover
— The league " du bien public" — Rene's conduct — John of Anjou
in Spain — His death — Rene's letters, genius, paintings, writings —
His good nature and love of his people — His Institutions— The
Duke of Burgundy's policy — Affairs in England — Edward returns
and lands in Yorkshire — Warwick opposes him — Clarence joins his
brother— Restoration of Edward IV. — His affability— King Henry
sent to the Tower 263
CONTENTS. X]
CHAPTER VTI.
A.D. 1471.
PAGE
Battle of Barnet — Warwick killed — Edward enters London in triumph
— Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth — She takes refuge at Cearn —
Then at Beaulieu — Her alarm for her son's safety — She goes to Bath
— The Lords assemble the Lancastrian forces — King Edward col-
lects his army — Battle of Tewkesbury — Somerset and others taken
prisoners and executed — Murder of Prince Edward — Queen Mar-
garet taken prisoner — Sir John Fortescue taken, and set free — The
Queen led in triumph to London, and imprisoned in the Tower —
Henry VI. murdered — His burial — His own choice of the place of
his sepulture — Three parties claim the right of the interment of his
body — A licence granted by the Pope for his removal — The design
of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. to repair his tomb— His character 292
CHAPTER VIII.
a.d. 1471-1480.
Queen Margaret in prison in the Tower— Removed to Windsor — Then
to Wallingford — Rene's age and misfortunes— Death of Charles of
Anjou, and of Ferri de Vaudemont ; also the death of Nicholas of
Anjou— Louis XI. seizes on Anjou — Rene retires to Provence — His
pursuits, tastes, and disposition — Rene's letter to Queen Margaret
— Louis XI. meets Rene at Lyons — Rene appoints Charles of Maine
his heir — Cession of the rights of Rene — Louis treats with King
Edward — Margaret's ransom — She leaves England — Yields up all
her rights — Her melancholy — Rene at Gardane — He instructs his
grand-daughter — The defeat and death of "Charles the Bold" by
the Duke of Lorraine — Rent's illness — Death — Will — Removal of
his body — Interment, monument, and epitaph — Rene's Institutions
— His character — Charles of Anjou his successor — His death—
Louis XL his heir 330
CHAPTER IX.
a.d. 1480-1482.
Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI. — Her pension — Her re*
sidence atDampierre — Her last days — Her death, burial, and will —
The cathedral of St. Maurice — Character of Queen Margaret — The
sequel to Jeanne de Laval, Yoland of Anjou, Margaret of Lorraine,
Cecily Duchess of York, Elizabeth Woodville, and other prominent
characters, in conclusion S68
Xll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X.
PAGE
Review of the fifteenth century — Causes of the Wars of " the Roses " —
Religion, politics, arts and sciences, literature, manners, and
customs ........... 384
APPENDIX 427
MARGARET OF ANJOU.
CHAPTER I.
(Warwick to Plantagenet.) " In signal of my love to thee,
" Will I upon thy party wear the rose ;
" And here I prophesy — this brawl to-day,
" Grown to this faction in the Temple Gardens,
" Shall send, between the Red rose and the White
" A thousand souls to death, and deadly night."* — Shakespeare.
White and Red Roses— Battle of St. Alban's— Somerset is slain — The Yorkists
conduct the King to London — King Henry's illness — York made " Pro-
tector " — Henry recovers, and York is deprived of his office — He retires
into Yorkshire — He consults with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick
— The King and Queen go to Coventry — Margaret's stratagem, and
her attempt to reconcile the two parties — They come to London — The
reconciliation and procession to St. Paul's — The Yorkists withdraw
from Court — An affray in London — Warwick assaulted — Salisbury takes
up arms — Battle of Blackheath — Lord Audley slain — Queen Margaret
assembles a large army at Coventry —Remonstrates with the King,
who advances to Ludlow — He offers pardon to the rebels — Complaints
of the Yorkists — The Duke of York's stratagem — Trollop goes over to
the King, and the Yorkists disperse — The castle and town of Ludlow
spoiled — A Parliament held at Coventry — The Yorkists attainted —
The Duke of York in Ireland — Somerset sent to gain Calais — Inter-
view between York and W r arwick in Ireland — The punishment of the
Yorkists — Rebellion of the Kentishmen, who are joined by the Lords
from Calais — An army of 25,000 march to London — The gates of the
city are thrown open to receive them.
The two contending parties had assumed the badge
of a rose ; a white one being borne by the Yorkists,
whilst a red one distinguished the party of the Lan-
castrians. It seems strange that so lovely a flower,
* Shakespeare seems to have chosen from tradition, rather than history*
the locality of the Temple Gardens, as the scene where the two badges were
first assumed by the Yorkists and Lancastrians.
VOL. II. B
;
2 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
always emblematical of beauty, of innocence, and of
love, should in those days have been used as the
badge of destruction, hatred, and bloodshed ; but it
affords another instance amongst the many of man's
perversion of the good gifts in nature, when excited
by his passions to the destruction of his fellow-men in
civil warfare.
As early as the time of John of Ghent, the rose
was used as an heraldic emblem ; and when he mar-
ried Blanche, the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster,
he used the red rose for his device. Edmund of Lang-
ley, his brother, the fifth son of Edward III., adopted
the white rose in opposition to him ; and their fol-
lowers afterwards maintained these distinctions in the
bloody wars of the fifteenth century. There is, how-
ever, no authentic account of the precise period when
these badges were first adopted. The " House of
" Clifford" bore the white rose, being descended by a
female line from Edmund of Langley. We are further
told that the white rose was the device of the castle
of Clifford, one of the possessions of the Duke of York.
The bads;e of the House of York was first the white
falcon, and it was not until the time of his claiming
the crown that the Duke of York adopted the white
rose, when it is probable he chose it for his followers
from its contrast to that of his rival.*
1455. In the town of St. Alban's, on the 23rd of May,
Baker • .
HoHnshed; 1455, was fought the first battle in the memorable
Sandford. ' ^^ of the Roseg>
* The white dog-rose, " rosa arrensis," which is most common in the west
of Yorkshire, has been generally named as the rebel rose ; but both white and
red were rebellious emblems, as the blood of our ancestors has proved. Some
have said that during the civil wars a rose-tree, found at Longfleet, bore
white flowers on one side and red ones on the other, prognosticating the
union of the two Houses ; also, that after the marriage of Henry VII. a
rose was first seen with red and white petals, called the " York and Lan-
caster," an emblem of that happy union. — Sandford ; Pennant ; Londiniana ;
Willemonfs Regal Heraldry ; Camden's Remains ; Phillips 's Sylva Florifcra.
MARGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 3
The two armies met on level ground, where there
appeared to be no impediment to fighting, and an
ens;a2;ement seemed inevitable. Before its commence-
ment King Henry sent a herald to the Duke of York,
commanding him to keep the peace as a dutiful sub-
ject, and thus to avoid the shedding of blood. To
this the Duke, who, in all his actions sought to make
it appear that he was consulting the public good,
replied, that he would dismiss his troops if the King-
would deliver up the Duke of Somerset to submit to
the ordinary course of justice. The King refused,
declaring, with firmness, " That, sooner than abandon
" one of the Lords who was faithful to him, he was
" prepared that day to live or die in their quarrel."
Thus was the Duke's offer rejected, the Court only
regarding it as a vain pretext ; and finding no other
way to accommodate their differences but by the
sword, both parties prepared for battle.
The King's banner was placed in St. Peter's Street.
The attack was commenced in three places by the
insurgents, who, headed by the Earl of Warwick,
vigorously pressed the royalists, shouting the tre-
mendous name of their leader, as they broke in
through the gardens into Holywell Street. The
Duke of York also entered the town, when a dread-
ful fight ensued. The suddenness as well as the
force of the assault had thrown the royalists into
great confusion, and the Duke of Somerset found it
impossible to repair the disorder. The opportunity,
indeed, was scarcely afforded him, for the Duke of
York, perceiving the advantage which his friend had
gained, seconded him with so much alacrity that the
battle was quickly decided, with the loss of 5,000, or
as some say, 8,000 * men, on the side of the royalists.
* Pennant says orders had been given by the King, or Queen, that no
quarter should be given. Authors differ much in their computations. Some
b 2
4 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
Many of the chief nobility were slain. Amongst
those who fell were the commander, the Duke of
Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland (son of the
noted Hotspur), Humphrey Earl of Stafford, the
valiant John Lord Clifford, who had defended the
barriers, and several others of less note. The Duke
of Buckingham, the Lords Dorset, Dudley, and Wen-
lock, with others, who were also wounded, withdrew
from the battle, and thus the defeat was complete.*
King Henry, finding himself deserted by his chief
nobility, and having received a wound in the neck
with an arrow, retired to a neighbouring dwelling,
which was quickly invested. The Duke of York,
with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, hastened
thither, and, throwing themselves on their knees
before their Sovereign, with mock humility assured
him of their readiness to obey all his commands, now
that their common enemy, the " Traitor " Somerset
was no more. The affrighted monarch exclaimed,
" Let there be no more killing, and Til do what you
" will have me ! ' A retreat was immediately sounded,
and King Henry was conducted by the Duke of York,
first to the shrine of St. Alban's, and afterwards to
London.
The lively interest so universally felt for the King
was evinced on this occasion. A letter written im-
mediately after this battle ends thus : — " And as for
11 our sovereign Lord, thanked be God he hath no
" great harm." This first battle of St. Alban's was
chiefly gained by the archers. The Duke of Somerset
sr.y that many thousands were slain in this battle. One writer tells us 800
common men, besides the nobles. A letter, dated the day after the battle,
reduces the number to six score. The day of the battle has also varied ; by
some it is placed on the 2nd, 22nd, 23rd, or 28th of May.
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Rapin ; Carte ; Harding's Chron. ;
Milles's Catalogue ; Sandford ; Pennant ; Henry ; Daniel ; Stow ; Lond.
Chron. ; Howel ; Toplis ; Lingard ; Hume ; Paston Letters ; Ptot. Pari. ;
Bridge's Xorthampt. ; Phillips's Shrewsbury.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 5
lost his life beneath the sign of the "Castle," thus
fulfilling the prophecy of Margery Jourdemayne, the
" witch of Eye," which has thus been given by
Shakespeare : —
" Let him shun castles,
" Safer shall he be on the sandy plains,
" Than where castles mounted stand."*
In the chapel of St. Mary, at St. Alban's, were interred
the bodies of Somerset, Northumberland, Clifford, and
others, to the number of forty-seven, slain in this
battle. |
Theiimid monks of St. Alban's Abbey had anxiously
" listened to the clash of arms and the groans of the
" wounded, and on the morning after the battle issued
" from their cells to behold the melancholy spectacle.
" The maimed and mangled corpses lay in the streets,
" transfixed with barbed darts, which had made such
" havoc amidst the partisans of the red rose." Fear-
ful of offending the victor, these monks would not
remove the bodies of the slain, until permission had
been given them. Then the pious brethren performed
their obsequies, and interred them in a line in the
chapel, each one of the nobles and others according
to their birth and rank. J
Sir Philip Wentworth, who had borne the King's
standard in the field, cast it down and fled ; thus he
drew upon himself the contempt of all parties by this
base desertion of the royal colours. The Duke of Nor-
folk, although on the Yorkist side, would have hanged
him for his cowardice, had he not concealed himself in
Suffolk, not daring to appear before the King. §
In the reverse of fortune which King Henry at this
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ;
Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Lingard.
f Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pennant ; Daniel.
X Wethamstede ; Gough.
§ Paston Letters.
MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
1455.
Holinshed
Milles's
Catalogue ;
Paston
Letters.
time experienced, he did not so much lament his own
misfortunes, as he grieved at the death of the Duke of
Somerset. He had placed such great confidence in
him, and could not but regret that, after his conduct
in France, and the great valour he had shown abroad,
he should at length be slain at home by his own
countrymen.
It is recorded, of this first battle of St. Alban's, that
no executions were commanded by the victorious party.
The ties of kindred were yet unbroken by the ambi-
tious and vindictive spirit of the nobles and heads of
families ; but, it being a point of honour to rQvenge
offences, these high-born chiefs, yielding more and
more to their resentment, became at length implac-
able, and daily wudened the breach between the two
parties. In this fatal contest of "the Koses," the first
blood shed was in this battle of St. Alban's. It w T as
the commencement of an era quite unprecedented in
English history, and signalized by twelve pitched
battles, in which alternately the banners of York and
Lancaster floated triumphantly ; the utmost fierceness
and cruelty being exhibited during a period of thirty
years, in which it is computed not less than eighty
princes of the blood lost their lives, and almost all the
ancient nobility of this land were annihilated.
After the battle of St. Alban's and the King's return
to the metropolis, a Parliament was summoned by
this monarch, which was appointed for the 9th of July
following. | The Lords were commanded to attend
with only their own household servants, such fear was
there, that this meeting would lead to discord and
contention.
A letter of that period informs us that the King,
Queen and Prince then repaired to Hertford, to remain
* Toplis ; Hume.
f This was prorogued on the 31st of July to the 12th of November.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 1
until the opening of Parliament. The Duke of York
also went to the Friars at Ware, the Earl of Warwick
to Hunsdon, and the Earl of Salisbury to Rye, to await
the time of this important session.
The Duke of Buckingham had, it appears, taken an
oath of submission to the Yorkists, and was bound, as
were his two brothers, by recognizance in notable sums
to adhere to their party. Previous to the late engage-
ment the Earl of Wiltshire had been in attendance on
the King's person, and desiring to return to this office
he addressed a letter from Petersfield to the victorious
Lords for their permission to do so, or in case of their
refusal, to allow him to depart to Ireland and live there
on his own estate ; but, previously to this, these lords
were advised to require of him, the same as of the
Duke of Buckingham.
Tlie Baron Dudley was in the Tower, having accused
many persons ; and the Earl of Dorset was in the
custody of the Earl of Warwick.
Three persons were, at this time, accused of con-
spiring to stab the Duke of York in the King's chamber,
but tliey were able to clear themselves of the charge ;
yet this occasioned a great commotion throughout
London, on Corpus Christi, the 5th of June.
In this month also a blazing star is recorded by the
chroniclers to have appeared, extending its beams to
the south : the ominous precursor of this Parliament
and of the coming disasters.*
The unfortunate King Henry was at this season 1455.
again attacked by his former disorder, and the session
was opened by the Duke of York, as his Lieutenant.
The next day the Commons petitioned that if the King
were incapable of attending to the protection of the
country an able person should be appointed as " Pro-
" tector," to whom they might have recourse, to redress
* Paston Letters ; HoweFs Medulla Histories Anglicanas.
8 MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
their grievances ; especially as great disturbances had
lately arisen in the West, through the feuds of the Earl
of Devonshire and Lord Bonville.
Upon this the Lords conjured the Duke of York to
undertake this charge. In reply, the Duke, with
affected humility, alleged his incapacity ; but, on their
renewed entreaties accompanied with compliments on
his wisdom and abilities, he accepted this office, but
conditionally, that the "Protectorate" should not be,
as before, revocable at the will of the King, but by the
Parliament, with the consent of the Lords temporal
and spiritual. The powers of government were vested
in the Council ; but this provision was only intended
by the Duke to blind the eyes of the nation, as he had
previously secured a majority in his favour in the
Council, and his two friends Salisbury and Warwick
had already been appointed to fill the offices of Chan-
cellor and Governor of Calais.
A declaration was next made to this effect, viz., that
the Queen and the Duke of Somerset had imposed on
the King's kindness and condescension, and had admi-
nistered badly in his name. Also that they had laid
a false accusation against the Duke of Gloucester, who
was declared in this Parliament to have been a true
and loyal subject.
The alienations of crown lands of this reign were
now revoked, and an attempt was made to justify the
late rebellion, under the plea that the King required
to be set free from his thraldom. All the blame was
cast on Somerset and his party, whose concealment of
the Duke of York's letter had been the cause of the
late commotions. This letter, so maliciously withheld
from the knowledge of the King by the Duke of
Somerset, Thomas Thorp, Baron of the Exchequer, and
William Joseph, Esquire, their confidant, was intended,
they said, to promote the peace and welfare of the
MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 9
kingdom ; for therein they had merely required, as
good and loyal subjects, that the King would be
pleased not to listen to the misrepresentations of their
enemies, until, by their presence, they might be enabled
to confute them. Further, they had humbly craved
permission to approach their sovereign, in order to
exhibit the causes of their appearing in arms, by which
they purposed only to show their fidelity to his person,
and to promote his security and honour. The sup-
pression of this letter furnished them with a pretext in
Parliament to justify their subsequent conduct, as well
as for the battle which had ensued, in the result of
which they were triumphant. A general pardon was
granted by them to all who had committed crimes and
offences previous to the first day of this session.
The Yorkists, having established their authority,
decided that King Henry should be permitted to main-
tain his dignity ; yet they suffered him to enjoy but
the name of King. They dared not take his life, lest
by this act they should provoke the anger of the
people, who were strongly attached to him, for his
peaceful and holy life and for his clemency. The
Duke of York, therefore, as well as the Duke of
Clarence and the Earls of Warwick and Oxford made
a great show of favour and condescension to the
King, calling themselves his best friends. They even
took oath on the 24th of July in the most solemn
maimer, and swore allegiance to their King, promising
to defend his person and maintain his authority ; and
this oath was ordered to be enacted in the Parlia-
mentary Roll, and also incorporated in the " Book of
' the Council " to be left on record. ° Nor would the
Duke of York allow it to appear that King Henry
acted by compulsion. For this reason a petition had
* This ' ; Book of the Council " referred to no longer exists, and probably
with it have perished many important records of the reign of Henry VI.
10 HAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
been several times presented to the King during his
illness, and while residing at Hertford, praying him to
nominate a Protector, being himself incapacitated for
paying attention to affairs of state. This monarch at
length appointed the Duke of York to fill that high
office until removed by Parliament, or the young
Prince should be of age to govern.
This was the second time that York was made Pro-
tector, and it lasted but a brief period.
The illness of King Henry at this time was not so
severe as in the preceding year. The condition of
apathy into which he had fallen was not mental
only, but also bodily, being obliged to be assisted
from one room to another by two of his attendants.
1455. On the 5th of June this year the Dean of Salisbury,
named Kemer, a man approved of as expert and
notable in " the craft of medecine," was, by order of
Parliament, sent " to wait upon the King at "Windsor,
" he being (as the doctor was well aware) labouring
" under sickness and infirmities."
Henry was, notwithstanding all this, still capable of
attending to public affairs at times, as the proceedings
of the period show ; many things being referred to
him by the Council. He also declared his son, the
young Edward, to be Prince of Whales and Duke of
Cornwall, and passed an act of resumption of all
grants made since the first vear of his reio*n.
Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of December
to the 14th of January following, partly on account of
the departure of the Duke of York, who was com-
pelled to repair into the west, to quell the riots and
rebellion which were giving rise to murders and
various crimes in that part of the kingdom. While
the " Protectorate " lasted, the King was obliged to
approve of the conduct of the Duke, however despotic,
and to commit the sole direction of affairs into his hands.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 11
The Earl of Salisbury at this time surrendered the U55.
King's Great Seal of silver, and two others also, one
of gold, and the other of silver. On the 7th of
March, 1455, these three seals were by the King
placed in the charge of Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop
of Canterbury, who took the oath of Chancellor.
In the late Parliament the Duke of York had caused U55 -
a bill to be passed, granting to Queen Margaret for
life an annual pension of £1,000, to be drawn from
the rights and imposts of the customs of the port of
Southampton, and from several manors and heritages
in the counties of Northampton, Southampton, and
Oxfordshire. The Protector at the same time com-
mitted the care of the King during his sickness, and of
her infant son, to the Queen, and assigned their resi-
dence at Hertford. Margaret was not in a position to
resist this arrangement, and she seemed to be absorbed
in her duty and solicitude as a wife and mother ; but
ere long she found means to repair with her husband
and child to Greenwich, where she speedily assembled
her friends around her.
During these times the election of members for the
House of Commons, even for counties, was much
influenced by the great men of the day. Thus we
find the Duke of York, while in the exercise of chief
authority, meeting by appointment the Duke of Nor-
folk at Bury St. Edmunds, passed there a day with
this staunch adherent of his cause, and they together
determined on the persons whom they chose to be
returned as knights of the shire for the county of
Norfolk. A schedule of the intention of the Duke,
with the names of those chosen, was forwarded to Sir
John Paston by the 18th of October this year, 1455,
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Carte ; Kymer's Fcedera ; Milles's Cata-
logue ; Rot. Pari. ; Stow ; Sir H. Nicolas' Proceedings of Privy Council ;
Paston Letters ; Hallam ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; Daniel and Trussel ;
Wethamstede ; Lingard.
12 MAEGABET OF AXJOU.
by the Earl of Oxford. This noble Earl had ever
been faithfully a Lancastrian, but he had just married
the daughter and heir of Sir John Howard, knight,
and the lady's possessions were at Winch, in Nor-
folk, from which place the above letter was dated.
The Earl had joined the party of the Duke of York
(who had not yet advanced his claims to the crown),
and he, therefore, resolved to second his intentions.
When he became, however, acquainted with the
Duke's ambition and treasonable purpose, Oxford
reverted to his former allegiance/''
1455. During this season, when the Yorkists openly
Latere ; triumphed, they ventured even to accuse some of the
Hoiinshed. friends of the House of Lancaster with being guilty
of numerous outrages and offences. They openly
charged Lord Scales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir
Miles Stapylton, and John Heydon, of being confede-
rate together and causing riots, so that, but for the
care and loyalty of the Yorkists, much evil would
have arisen amongst the liege subjects of the King
during their late stay at Norwich.
The Duke of York and his party contrived to put
aside from the Council all those " whom the King
" loved or the Queen favoured," and substituted
others more disposed to their own views. All public
offices were supplied in like manner, until the three
Richards (York, Salisbury, and Warwick), like the
famed triumvirate of old, governed all things according
to their own will and pleasure. Some writers affirm
that it was in order to exercise their despotic rule, and
to be able to deprive King Henry of his kingdom, or
his life, when they pleased, that they removed his
former counsellors and substituted others. However
this might be, justice was duly administered and no
bribery allowed ; the only complaint was made by the
* Paston Letters.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 13
Abbot of Westminster, on account of the removal from
the sanctuary of Westminster of John Holland, Duke
of Exeter, whom they had dismissed to the Castle of
Pomfret. They also released from sanctuary Sir
William Oldhall, a follower of Wickliff.®
The meek Henry listened to the various arguments
of the Yorkists in excuse for their proceedings. He
affected to believe them, and even acquitted them of
disloyalty, pardoned their offences, and received from
his peers their renewed oaths of fealty.
These lords, however, upon the same clay that they
had assured their captive monarch of their allegiance,
quarrelled amongst themselves. Some high words
passed between the Earl of Warwick and Lord Crom-
well in the King's presence, each seeking to excuse
his own conduct relative to the battle of St. Alban's ; at
length, on Warwick accusing Lord Cromwell of being
the first instigator of the late rebellion, so much anger
was excited, that, fearing some danger to himself,
Cromwell made an appeal to the Earl of Shrewsbury,
who, for his protection, lodged him in the Hospital of
St. James's, beside the Mews.f
The spirit of contention was spreading through the li '
metropolis ; civil commotions disturbed the peace of
the city. The lawless inhabitants of St. Martin's
exhibited at this time more boldness and audacity than
they had done before. In a body they issued forth on
one occasion, and assaulted and wounded several of
the citizens, and then withdrew into the Sanctuary.
The Mayor and Aldermen, heading the citizens, forced
open the gates of St. Martin's, and secured the ring-
leaders. The Dean complained of breach of privilege ;
and the King sent for the Mayor to come to him, in
* Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Pastor. Letters ; Stow ;
Rymer ; Lingard.
f Stow ; Rot. Pari. ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; Lingard.
14 MAEGAEET OP ANJOTJ.
Hertfordshire ; but more respect was afterwards shown
to the citizens, who detained their prisoners until a
further investigation of the affair. Another serious
affray occurred in the following year, between the
citizens and the foreigners residing in London, when
the men of the Sanctuary joined in the plunder of the
unfortunate strangers.
It would be difficult to exhibit faithfully the con-
vulsed and agitated state of society in England during
this brief season, the Protectorate of York.
After the battle of St. Alban's continual quarrels
arose between the two parties, the first being that
between Warwick and Cromwell before the King.
From this time the Yorkists, ever apprehensive of
some danger to themselves, wore armour in the
streets, and carried offensive weapons in their barges.
It was in vain that the King forbade this hostile
array. The fierce spirit of the two factions was so
easily excited, that even upon an idle rumour they
drew their swords, and were ready to shed each
other's blood. Gradually the same state of public
feeling and excitement spread throughout the king-
dom, and lawlessness and anarchy became general.
The nobles, thirsting for each other's possessions, and
setting no bounds to their ambition or to their private
pique, seemed to be no longer amenable to justice or
to the laws. The age of barbarism appeared to have
returned.
The remote parts of England were no less troubled
with frequent riots and depredations ; and in the west,
the ancient feucl of Courtnev, Earl of Devonshire, and
William, Lord Bonville of Shute, still threatened to
involve in its pitiless fury even the innocent, as victims
1455. of party rage. The affray between these two noble-
PaJston ie( ' men, which caused great consternation, occurred upon
* Paston Letters.
Letters.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 15
Cliftheath, near Exeter. The occasion of their
quarrel was but trivial ; some say a clog, others a
couple of hounds ; but no mediation of friends could
appease the wrath of these noblemen, until a single
combat had ensued at Cliftheath, and ultimately many
were slain, or wounded, on both sides. Lord Bonville
was victorious, and soon after came to Exeter to take
shelter, when the citizens threw open their gates to
receive him, at which the Earl of Devonshire took
such displeasure, thinking that it was done out of dis-
respect to himself, that he constantly, from that time,
endeavoured to be revenged, j"
It is a painful task for the truthful historian to nar-
rate the instances of summary vengeance too often
taken by the turbulent leaders of factions. A melan-
choly record exhibits one of the results of this feud.
When the variance between Lord Bonville and
the Earl of Devonshire had continued many days, and,
as the chronicler adds, " much debate was like to grow
" thereby," on the 23rd of October, at night, the son
of the Earl of Devonshire came, accompanied by sixty
" men-at-arms," to Radford's Place, in Devonshire.
Nicholas Radford, who was an eminent lawyer, lived
at Poghill, near Kyrton. This infirm old man, an
adherent of Bonville, was prevailed upon by some
stratagem to open his gates to this party, who plundered
his residence, and after various kinds of ill-treatment,
barbarously murdered him. This conduct, directed by
the son and heir of the Earl of Devonshire, shows the
lawless violence of the times.J
These outrages demanded the prompt attention of
* Some date this affray in 1453. W. of Worcester tells us that Bonville
was besieged in Taunton Castle by this earl, and that the Duke of York,
with Lord Moleyns, William Herbert, and others took them by surprise, after
which Bonville joined the Yorkists.
f Holinshed ; Izaacke's Exeter ; Worthies of Devon.
% Paston Letters ; Carte.
16 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
the "Protector," who repaired immediately to the
West, to put an end to the tumults and appease the
two irascible noblemen, and to terminate their quarrel.
In all these his endeavours at pacification the Duke
of York was successful, but his absence from the
metropolis greatly favoured the party of the Lancas-
trians, which was now beginning to recover some of
its former influence.
The activity of Queen Margaret, when not engaged
in warfare, is very remarkable. She was always inde-
fatigable in visiting the places where she hoped to find
succour, or in forming acquaintance with such persons
H55. as were likely to assist her cause. In her progress
this year, the Queen honoured the city of Chester with
her presence ; she was accompanied by many lords
and ladies, and was graciously received and welcomed
by the mayor and the citizens. |
1455. It was on the 25th of November of this year that
Chester.* George Neville, the second son of the Earl of Salisbury,
was elected and consecrated Bishop of Chester, being,
at that time, not quite twenty years of age. Five years
afterwards he was made Lord Chancellor. J
The beauty and wit of Queen Margaret, aided by
her intellectual qualities, rendered her condescensions
agreeable to all classes of her subjects to whom she
made herself known. She was fond of learning, and
acquainted with all those accomplishments which in
her age were deemed desirable for a woman to possess ;
and these, doubtless, contributed to endear her to the
King, her husband, and gave her such great influence
over his mind, which influence, we are told, was
unbounded.
Henry the Sixth, himself a learned prince, found in
* Some writers say that this progress of Queen Margaret was in 14.53.
+ Holinshed ; Annals of Chester ; Harl. MSS. ; Lysons' Mag. Brit. ;
Heningay's Hist, of Chester.
i. Izaacke's Chester.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 17
his beloved consort an agreeable companion, and one
who could assist and participate in his favourite studies.
It may therefore be presumed that their frequent pro-
gresses through the country were peculiarly pleasing
to King Henry, and no less gratifying to the Queen,
had not the anxiety she had begun to feel for the safety
of her crown, served to counterbalance her enjoyments.
The style and manner in which King Henry addresses
the Queen, and their confidence, which appears to have
been mutual, is pleasing to dwell upon. The King
writes, concerning the woods of Kenilworth (included
with others in the dowry of Margaret), and which were
entirely under her control, "Right dere and right
" entirely best beloved wyf, we grete you hertly. And
" forasmoche as We, of oure grace especiall, have
" granted unto John Barham X oks for tymbre, to be
" taken in your outwods of Kenelworth, of our yefte, We
" therefore desire and praye you, that ye wol see that
" the said John may have c^lyverance of the said oks,
" after th' 'entent of oure saide grante, etc., etc.
" Yeven, etc., the yere of oure reign, xxvii. (1449).
"To our right dere wyf the Queen."
Queen Margaret went to visit her favourite city of 145*
Coventry in 1455, accompanied by King Henry and
her little son. She arrived there on the Feast of the
exaltation of the Holy Cross ; and many curious and
quaint pageants were exhibited at her reception.
At the gate she was addressed by Isaiah and Jere-
miah, as Empress and Queen ; and they also congratu-
lated her on the birth of her son. Also, at the church
gate, King Edward the Confessor, St. John the Evan-
gelist, and St. Margaret, each addressed the Queen
and Prince in verse ; and these lines, from their singu-
larity, have been deemed worthy of recording. They
run thus : —
* Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou, edited by Cecil Monroe.
vol. ir. c
Lvsms.
18 MARGAKET OF AXJOTJ.
(St. Echcard.) " Model of mekenes, dame Margarete, princess most excellent,
1 ' I, King Edward, welknowe you with affection cordial,
' ' Testefying to your higlines mekely myne intent
" For tlie wele of the King and you, liertily pray I shall
' ' And for prince Edward my gostly chylde, who I love principal,
' ' Praying the, John Evangelist, my help therin to be
" On that condition right humbly I give this ring to thee."
(John Evangelist.) " Holy Edward, crowned king, brother in verginity,
' " My power plainly I will prefer thy will to amplefy,
1 ' Most excellent princes of wymen mortal, your bedeman will I be.
' •' I know your life so virtuous that God is pleased thereby
' ' The birth of you unto this reme shall cause great melody :
1 ' The vertuous voice of prince Edward shall dayly well encrease,
" St. Edward his godfader, and I shall pray therefore doubtlese."
(St. Margaret) " Most notable princes of wymen earthle, Dame Margarete, the
chefe myrth of this empyi*e,
" Ye be hertely welcome to this cyte.
' ' To the plesure of your highnesse I will set my desyre ;
" Both nature and gentleness doth me require,
' ' Sith we be both of one name, to shew you kindness ;
" Wherefore by my power ye shall have no distress.
' ' I shall pray to the Prince that is endlese,
' ' To sucour you with solas of his high grace ;
" He will here my petition, this is doubtlesse,
' ' For I wrought all my life that, his will wase,
' ' Therefore lacly, when you be in any dreadful case,
' ' Call on me boldly therefore I pray you,
" And trust in me feythfully, I will do that may pay you." *
There was also a pageant of the nine worthies,
in which " Hector welcomed her tenderly," and at the
cross were " divers angels."
Joshua promised to fight for her as " knvghte for
" hys ladye," and David eulogized her many virtues.
The conduit was "arraied" " with as many vergyns
" as might stande thereon," and a a grete dragon,
" breathing flames, and St. Margaret killing him " (as
in her legend), at the same time assuring her namesake
"quean that, both nature and gentilness bound her
" to do all kindness to Margaret of Anjou."
The city of Coventry was at this time well worthy
of royal notice. In the ancient records it is called the
* Warton's Eng. Poetiy.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 19
" Prince's Chamber," ° and it was chosen to be one of
the first visited by the infant Edward. The notice of
its fair sovereign also obtained for this city the appella-
tion of the " Queen's Chamber," and that it was particu-
larly favoured by Queen Margaret is evident, from its
being likewise styled the "secret harbour," or "bower"
of that Queen.
When Henry VI. came to Coventry in 1451, he
constituted this city with the contiguous district into a
separate county, independent of the county of War-
wick. He also conferred many favours on Coventry
at that time. He created the first sheriff, and pre-
sented a gown of cloth of gold to St. Michael's church,
where he attended mass. Coventry was the resort of
devotees, and had numerous splendid religious build-
ings, and its massive embattled walls were in high
state of preservation. Its merchants, too, were
spirited and enterprising, as well as rich and generous.
The citizens of Coventry zealously supported King
Henry in all the contests between the two Houses of
York and Lancaster, and vainly did King Edward IV.
seek to win over that city, when he came in 1465, and
kept festival there. He could not shake the fidelity
of the inhabitants to their beloved monarch.
The most beautiful buildings of Coventry were
•erected during the reign of Henry VI., and of these
the body of St. Michael's Church and St. Mary's Hall
are the most remarkable. Within the hall of St.
Mary's were portrayed, on the splendid tapestry with
which it was adorned, the portraits of King Henry
and his consort, each with their attendants ; and as
the tapestry was made, and affixed there, during the
* London was then called the " King's Chamber," or " Camera Regia," a
title, Camden tells us, it obtained soon after the Conquest. Lydgate, writing
of London, says, " The King's Chambre of custom, men the calle."
c 2
20 MARGARET OF ASTJOTJ.
lifetime of these sovereigns, the portraits may be re-
garded as authentic.
H56. The chief purpose of the Queen s visit to Coventry
appears to have been to remove and guard the King
from the machinations of the Yorkists. Queen Mar-
garet also vent to Bristol, in 1456, with many of the
nobility, and was received there with much honour and
well entertained. |
In this year she likewise revisited Chester, and by
her courtesy and regal hospitality, gained the hearts of
the people of that city, i While the Queen was at
Chester King Henry remained at Shene, having as his
only companion his half-brother the Earl of Pembroke,
whilst the Earl of Richmond, his other brother, and
Griffith were engaged in war in Wales.§
The Earl of Warwick was at Warwick about this
time, and the Duke of Buckingham at Writtle. The
Earl of Salisbury, who was Chancellor and Treasurer,
was the only lord who was staying in London on the
dav of the commencement of the great Council. As
for the Duke of York, though Calais and Guisnes were
threatened with siege, and many fleets upon the seas ;
though Kentish men were again rebellious and "much
in doing " amongst them ; yet, says the writer of
these "novelties," "my Lord of York is still at
" Sandall, and waiteth on the Queen, and she upon
" him." Their mutual suspicion made them watch
each other's movements.
The Duke of York, after having established his
authority as Protector, made no further attempts to
* Hall; Lond. Chron.: Pennant; Fabyan ; Henry ; Smith's Costume of
Brit. ; Encyclopaedia Britannica.
f Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol.
i. Heningay's Chester.
§ The Earl of Richmond died in November of 145G. He had married,
about the year 14.">5, Lady Margaret Beaufort, daughter of theDuke of Somer-
set, and their son was but an infant at his father's death. He afterwards
conquered Richard III. and succeeded to the English throne.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 21
advance himself, but gave himself up to a life of
apparent security and indifference, which surprised
even his enemies ; and whilst he permitted the King
and Queen to remain at liberty, he vainly imagined
that they could not deprive him of the Protectorate.
Thinking it too dangerous to lay open claims to a
crown which, for fifty-six years had been worn by
the Lancastrians, he contentedly awaited a more
favourable season for the consummation of his am-
bitious projects ; meanwhile, seeking to secure the
favour of the people, as the only certain means for
its attainment. By a show of equity and moderation,
the Duke sought to win the affections of the people,
and to undermine the Queen's credit ; yet the irresolu-
tion which he manifested at the same time, served to
balance the power between the two parties ; for, while
it restrained him from openly asserting his claims to
the crown, at so favourable a juncture, it no less per-
mitted the Queen to preserve her influence by means
of her superior energy and firmness of character.
Queen Margaret easily penetrated the design of her
adversary, and was not slow in exerting herself to
disappoint it. Her lofty and enterprising spirit was
not discouraged by difficulty or danger, and she sought
every opportunity to oppose the pretensions of the
Duke. Displeased with the late proceedings, the
Queen endeavoured to excite a spirit of resistance in
the Lords of her party, representing to Humphry
Duke of Buckingham, that these traitors had slain his
son at St. Alban's, and to Hemy, Duke of Somerset,
who had succeeded his father in the dukedom, that it
was these rebels who had also killed his father. Both
these noblemen were attached to their King, and
grieved at his adverse situation ; and they reminded
the Queen of the indignity done to her by the Yorkists,
in depriving her husband, King Henry of all authority,
22 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
while they ruled themselves with despotic power ; thus
they sought to rouse her to opposition. Most of the
Lancastrian Lords, being well aware of the intentions
of the Duke of York, which only waited a fitting time
for execution, were eager to oppose his attempts at
the crown, and had resolved to take some steps
against the usurper. Some writers say that the
Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, with other
Lords, first went to Queen Margaret secretly, and ac-
quainted her with their determination, representing to
her that the Duke of York sought to deceive the
King, and even, unawares, to kill him ; and they urged
her timely exertions to prevent these evil conse-
quences, and required her to remove King Henry
from these wicked counsellors. Upon this admoni-
tion, Queen Margaret, who was much affected, and
alarmed for her own and her husband's safety, seized
the opportunity, not many days after, to prevail upon
the King, under pretence of seeking a more whole-
some residence, to repair to Coventry.
This city was ever devoted to the interests of Queen
Margaret ; and afforded her a haven of refuge in all
the political storms which threatened to destroy her
peace, or her life. It was in this city that King
Henry, perceiving his imminent peril at this time, as-
sembled his friends and adherents, and took measures
for his future safety. After mature deliberation it was
resolved that the Duke of York should be deprived of
his office as " Protector," and the Earl of Salisbury of
his, as Chancellor. By command of the Queen a
Council was called for this purpose, to assemble at
Greenwich.*
It was not to be expected that the Queen would
suffer the Duke of York to retain very long his office,
* Holinsked ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ;
Pol. Vergil ; Lingard; Hume.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 23
which gave him such great influence in the kingdom;
and she soon found a pretext for his removal in the
restoration of the King's health. During a tempo-
rary absence of the Duke, Queen Margaret caused the 1456.
King to appear in Council, and there, after stating Hume;
that, by the grace of God, he had been restored to ^^ d:
health, and found himself again able to undertake the
government of the kingdom, he demanded the Duke
of York's resignation.
The members of Parliament who were present
readily agreed to the dismissal of the Duke, either
considering this demand was reasonable, or being
secretly won over by the royalists.*
The Duke of York was accordingly deprived of his
office on the 25th of February, 1456, and the Earl of
Salisbury displaced. These noblemen, as well as the
Earl of Warwick, were summoned to appear before
the Council, at Greenwich, but they did not obey the
command, affirming " that no power could call them
ic to account." t The unconcern of the Duke had
arisen from the opinion of his security in his office of
" Protector : ' he was therefore thunderstruck on
finding himself so suddenly, and unexpectedly, re-
moved from his dignity ; but, conscious that the
power which had effected it was too strong to be
overcome, he smothered his resentment, and appeared
to acquiesce in the new arrangement. His friends
followed his example ; and, under the plea, that they
had no employment at Court, they all, soon^afterwards,
withdrew into Yorkshire. Here frequent conferences
were held by Salisbury and Warwick with the Duke of
York ; and Queen Margaret, fearing some treason,
resolved to break their confederacy. J Queen Mar-
* Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Eapin ; Hume ; Lingard; Henry ;
Nicolas' s Acts of Privy Council. f Sanclford ; Baker ; Lingard ; Fabyan.
% Pol. Vergil ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; Sir H.
Nicolas's Proceedings of Council.
24 MAEGARET OF ANJOU.
garet called to the royal Council the Dukes of Buck-
ingham and Somerset, and Thomas Bouchiere, on the
11th of October, resigned the Chancellorship to Wayn-
fleet, his personal friend. The gentle character of
Henry YI. had preserved him many friends, who were
unwilling to see him deprived of his authority. The
sudden change, however, from the administration of
the Yorkists to that of Queen Margaret, who governed
again entirely according to her own will and pleasure,
occasioned some commotions in London, where the
majority favoured the Duke o f York. So powerful,
indeed, was this faction, tnat the Queen could not pro-
ceed against the Duke in that city, and even judged
the person of the King unsafe in the capital.
1456. Some disturbances had arisen there on 15th May,
Letter*. between the citizens and some merchants of Lombardy,
which she suspected had been raised by the Yorkists.
It is indeed probable that the leaders of this party
took some share in these turmoils, of which many false
reports were circulated ; viz., that Lord Beaumont
was slain, the Earl of Warwick much hurt, that 1,000
men were killed, and six score knights and esquires
wounded. Two of the Lombards were hanged, and
peace was restored.
The Kino- was at this time still at Shene * and the
* It has been said that no trace can be found of Henry VI. having been
at Shene ; the following letter, however, shows that both King Henry and
Queen Margaret did resort thither, at any rate for hunting : —
" By the Quene,
" Trusty and welbeloved, for as moche as we suppose that in
" short tyme, we shall come right negh unto my lord's manoir of Shene, we
" desire and praye you hertly that ye will kepe ayeinst one resortinge
" thedre, for our disporte and recreation, two or iii of the gretest bukkes in
" my lord's pare there, saving alwayes my lord's owne commandment there
" in his presence. As we trust, etc. To my lord's squier and ours, J. B.,
" Keper of Shene Parke, or his depute there. "
There is no means of fixing the date of this letter. — Letters of Queen
Margaret, edited by Cecil Monro.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 25
Queen and Prince at Tutbury, in Staffordshire, or, as
most of the historians say, at Coventry.*
In this year there appears to have been a little 1457.
respite from domestic feuds, but the alarm and mis- Ra P hi.'
trust was still general, and these were doubtless aug-
mented by the frequent incursions of foreign enemies.
A party of Bretons first landed on the coasts, and
committed some depredations, but was repulsed.
Then, the French, taking advantage of the divisions
among the English nobility, made an attempt at Fulney,
or Foy,t m Cornwall, and plundered this town and
some others. This expedition was conducted by
William, Lord Poinyers. Another, and a more con-
siderable ^invasion, on the part of the French, was
headed by Pierre de Breze, whose forces amounted to
1,500 men, but after doing some injury at Sandwich,
they were compelled to depart.^
The French historians have furnished us with very
minute details of this descent upon Sandwich, which
they considered reflected much glory on their country-
men. They inform us, that the chief originator of this
enterprise was the Queen of England. It may not be
uninteresting to trace these details ; for, in so doing, we
become acquainted with the source of this movement,
the Queen's motives, and the great power of the Duke of
York, at this early commencement of the civil contest. §
It was during the King's inability to govern, owing
to his indisposition, that the Duke of York obtained
supreme authority, in the year 1454 ; when, taking
advantage of his high position, he showed great favour
to the family of Douglas, in opposition to the Scottish
monarch James II., who, in conjunction with France,
maintained the interests of Henry VI.
* Stow ; Holinshed ; Rapin.
t Fowey.
J Monstrelet.
§ Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; London Chron. ; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters.
26
MAKGARET OF ANJOU.
1457.
Pinkerton.
The Earl of Douglas, in rebellion with his own
sovereign, sought the protection and allegiance of the
King of England.* By the Yorkists he was freely
admitted to the titles of an English subject, and a
pension granted him for his services until he should
recover his estates, of which King James had deprived
him. This monarch was enraged at the reception of
Douglas in this country ; and, entering the northern
counties, ravaged Northumberland with fire and sword,
and levelled many castles with the ground.
Hearing of the recovery of King Henry, in 1455,
that monarch intended to dismiss an embassy to
England, but when the battle of St. Alban's restored
the power of the Yorkists, he abandoned his purpose.
No sooner, however, did the Lancastrians resume their
authority, than the Scots negotiated a truce with this
country, which was signed at Coventry in 1457, to be
continued until July, 1459. |
Queen Margaret on her part must have been anxious
to form close ties with Scotland, and by every possible
means to counteract the growing power of that party,
whose rebellious spirit even threatened to desolate the
kingdom. It is evident from the preceding circum-
stances how much the Duke of York must have incensed
the Queen and her party by his astonishing boldness,
in giving shelter to the Scottish chief, and by this act,
exciting a warfare with the sister-kingdom, in opposi-
tion to the efforts of the royalists to preserve peace.
We are told that Queen Margaret, perceiving the force
of the tide against her, thought to make a diversion in
her own favour, by means of a descent of the French
on the English coast, hoping by their assistance to
injure, if not to destroy, the faction of York 4
* Douglas continued in this allegiance until the reign of Richard III.
f Pinkerton.
J Daniel's Hist, of France ; Monstrelet.
MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 27
To accomplish her purpose, the Queen interposed
the influence of her father, Rene of Anjou, and her
uncle the Count of Maine, who together incited the
King of France to this enterprise. It was confided to
Pierre de Breze, the Seneschal of Normandy, who was
accompanied by the bailiff of Evreux, and many other
lords and men-at-arms.
They sailed with a fleet equipped at Honfleur, con-
sisting of 4000 soldiers. They set out on the 20th of
August, and were driven into Nantes by stress of
weather ; thus they did not reach the coast of England
until the 28th of August, of this year 1457. De Breze Daniel;'
landed two leagues from Sandwich, and dividing his Monstrelet -
troops into three bodies, each having a brave leader,
he commanded them to attack the town on the land
side, while he endeavoured to force the place by the
port.
The English were totally unprepared for this
assault. There were in this port three vessels of war,
of the largest size, and several smaller ones, filled with
troops, who resolved to fight desperately. A herald was
sent to them by De Breze, to inform them that if they
fired a single cannon, or drew a bow, they should have
no quarter ; but that, if they ceased from hostilities, he
would allow them to quit their vessels uninjured.
These conditions were accepted. The Seneschal made
his descent with great order and vigour ; and the port
was taken by Pierre de Louvaine. The resistance was
greater on the land side, and many were slain ; but
the French, sword in hand, entered the town ; and
about the same time that the port was taken, a fierce
and bloody combat ensued, the English defending
their town with great courage ; but at last they yielded,
and the invaders hoisted their banners on the gates,
under which they formed themselves in battle array,
and for ten hours the bailiff of Evreux with some troops
28 MARGAKET OF ANJOTJ.
guarded the city without, while the town was pillaged
by those who had entered it.
The Seneschal upon this occasion justified the renown
he had acquired. He forbade his followers, under pain
of death, to touch the effects of the churches, to set
fire to the houses, to attempt the honour of the women,
or to kill any one in cold blood, all which commands
were strictly obeyed. A moderation, so unusual in
those times, obtained for this general the commenda-
tions, even of his enemies. The English hastened from
all parts in great numbers to the aid of the town, and
skirmishes were kept up for six hours ; many were
slain on both sides, but at last the French made a
retreat. They effected this with much order, carrying
off considerable booty and many prisoners, who were
afterwards ransomed. In this attack 300 of the English
were killed, but only thirty of the French troops, whose
numbers amounted, according to Monstrelet, to between
1600 and 1800° combatants.
Besides the Seneschal, all who shared in this enter-
prise gained great renown by it, and as a reward for
their valour, twenty of them were honoured with
knighthood.
This expedition produced, in part, the effect which
the Queen had expected. To guard their coasts, the
English removed from the frontiers of Scotland, but
the terror of the arms of France was not enough to
reunite the twopowerful factions of York and Lancaster, f
1457. Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, on the 2nd of
Liters. April, in 1457, had the great seal delivered to him.
Robert Neville, Bishop of Durham, died this year, who
was a son of the Earl of Westmoreland : he had filled
this office nineteen years. Laurence Booth was then
consecrated on the 15th of September, and filled his
* Other writers say 1500.
f Daniel ; Carte ; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; Davies's Eng. Chron.
Hume.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU. 29
place as Bishop of Durham. He afterwards became
Lord Chancellor. He built the gates of the College at
Auckland at his own expense, and w r as, twenty years
later, translated to York.
Several authors relate, that in this year, or in the „ 145 , 7 -
, . Davies s
beginning of 1458, the Earl of Devonshire was put chron.
to death in the Abbey of Abingdon by means of
poison. He was at that time with Queen Margaret,
and his life, it is said, was sacrificed to appease the
malice between the young lords (whose fathers were
slain at St. Alban's), and those who adhered to the
Duke of York.f
Perceiving the small respect paid to her party by 1457.
the Londoners, Queen Margaret persuaded the King Lmgard;
to make a progress into Warwickshire, under pretence
of benefiting his health, and affording him recreation.
The King set out, amusing himself with hunting and
hawking by the w r ay, and the Queen was apparently
occupied with nothing but these pastimes. Amidst
these sports, however, and while they stayed at
Coventry, Margaret did not forget her projects for dis-
placing and getting rid of her enemies. She dismissed
kind letters to the Duke of York and his friends, who
had retired into the north, requiring their immediate
presence at the court, then held at Coventry, to consult
on a matter of great importance.
In giving this invitation to the rebellious lords, the
Queen has been accused of having formed some design
against them ; and that, finding herself at the head of
a feeble government, totally unable to take any
vigorous measures by which to restore tranquillity to
the kingdom, she allowed her fears, or her hatred, to
prevail over the nobler feelings of her nature, and
sought to get rid of her enemies by treacherous means.
* Paston Letters ; Antiquities of Durham ; Carter's Cambridge,
f Holinshed ; Stow ; Davies's Eng. Chron.
30 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
To effect this object, she is said to have removed the
King to Coventry, where, it was probable, less favour
would be shown to the rebellious lords than in the
capital.* It may be alleged as some excuse for this
attempt, if indeed this charge be true (for it has not
been explained), that the Duke of York was an enemy
the more dangerous, inasmuch as his designs were not
openly asserted ; and the caution with which he pro-
ceeded, colouring his actions with a view to the public
good, prevented any legal steps being taken against
him. He had indeed become a formidable adversary, it
being impossible to prove anything against him.
His intentions, however, though disguised from the
public, could not be so easily concealed from Queen
Margaret, who was so deeply interested in opposing
him, and who possessed such talents and penetration, f
The Duke of York was aware of this ; and it argues
much in the Queen's favour, that he set out without
any apprehension of danger, accompanied by his two
friends, Salisbury and Warwick, in order to obey her
royal commands and repair to Coventry.
These partisans even flattered themselves that the
King had at last discovered the mismanagement of his
counsellors, and required their presence, to assist him
in forming new arrangements ; but they were quickly
undeceived. On their way they were met by some
secret messengers, who assured them that they would
be unsafe in the city to which they were proceeding.
This intelligence arrested the progress of these lords,
who instantly concerted new plans ; and they all sepa-
rated. The Duke of York retired to his castle of
Wigmore, in Wales ; the Earl of Salisbury to Middle-
ham, in Yorkshire ; and the Earl of Warwick to Calais,
* Holinshed ; Sandf ord ;' Stow ; Baker ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Daniel
and Trusse].
f Rapin ; Paston Letters.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 31
of which town he had been appointed Governor after
the battle of St. Alban's. The Queen, it is said, was
much disappointed at having failed in the snare she
had laid for her enemies ; but she was consoled in
having separated them, which, for a time, made their
power less dangerous.*
The Earl of Salisbury afterwards feigned sickness, 1457,
to avoid putting himself in the power of the King and
Queen.
The peace with foreign nations had been restored,
but the intestine divisions continued. The prejudice
against the Queen and her ministers increased. The
young Duke of Somerset seemed to fill the same posi-
tion which his father had so lately occupied, and with
it shared the same ill-will of the nation ; every failure
or disappointment being attributed to the misconduct
of the ministers.")"
Amongst the many tumults and commotions which
occurred throughout the land was a great affray in the
north, which took place this year, 1457, between Sir U57 -
Thomas Percy, Lord Egremond, and the sons of the
Earl of Salisbury, in which many were wounded and
slain. Lord Egremond was taken, and sentenced to pay
large sums of money to the Earl of Salisbury, and mean-
while was committed to Newgate ; but Lord Egremond
soon after escaped with his brother, Sir Richard Percy,
out of this prison in the night and went to the King.
" The other prisoners took the leads of the gate, and
" defended it for a great while against the sheriffs and
" all their officers," so that they were compelled to
call in more aid from the citizens to subdue them,
in which they at last succeeded, and " laid them in
" irons."J
* Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ;
Rapin ; Hume; Lingard ; Henry; Paston Letters; Daniel and Trussell.
f Rymer ; Holinshed ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; Rapin.
% Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed ; London Chron. ; Daniel and Trussel.
32 MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
During this unhappy period the spirit of rebellion
had prevailed in Ireland no less than in England. In
this reign the Earl of Ormond, as Lord Lieutenant,
was first employed against the Earl of Desmond, who
affected the state of an independent prince in Ireland,
and prevailed so far as to get Ormond removed from
office.
John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, succeeded him,
and united with Desmond in accusing the late Governor
of many crimes ; but the King refused to listen to these
charges, and took no measures against the Earl, and
hence, it is believed, arose the lasting attachments of
the Butler family to the House of Lancaster.
The effect, however, of these turbulent and unprin-
cipled factions was that the spirit of party prevailed,
even in the King's Council and courts, and no business
was allowed free progress or execution in law, when it
touched any of the said two parties.
One of the most violent of Ormond's accusers was
Thomas Eits-Thomas, the prior of Kilmainham, who
having impeached him for treason the Earl appealed
to arms, and a day was fixed for the combat which
should decide their quarrel. Ormond was permitted
to remove to the neighbourhood of Smithfield " for his
" breathing and more ease," and in order to prepare
and train himself for the fight, while the pugnacious
prior was engaged in this interval in learning " certain
"points of arms" from Philip Treherne, a fishmonger
of London, who was paid by the King for giving these
instructions. The parties met on the ground as
appointed, but, at the moment of encounter, the King
stopped the fight and took the quarrel into his own
hands — it is said through the instance of Worthington.
At this period the doctrines of Wickliff had begun
to be disseminated in England, and all, whose opinions
* Moore's Ireland ; Stow.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 33
favoured the Reformer, were subjected to controversy.
The persecutions of the Lollards in the previous reign
had doubtless originated many of the contests and
disagreements in the times of Henry VI., occasioned by
the resentment of this party against the House of
Lancaster. The strife produced by the political leaders
in the kingdom was not a little augmented by the con-
tentions in the Church, as if adding fuel to the flame.
A new doctrine had just emanated from the Papal
See, viz., that the Pope teas the source of all power, to
whom all Bishops were subordinate, even as his dele-
gates ; and, at a time when the English clergy were
seeking to maintain the liberty of the Church, one of the
Bishops, more talented and more vain than the others,
became a strenuous advocate and supporter of the
Pope. This secular doctor of divinity had laboured
many years to translate the Holy Scriptures into
English, and was accused of having passed the bounds
of Christian belief in certain articles, and of dissent
from the established creed. These opinions, which
were deemed heretical, Reginald Peacock ° came for-
ward to maintain, and with much display of learning
and eloquence he preached at St. Paul's Cross, in
1447, in support of the decision of His Holiness. In
the year 1458 the ostentatious prelate was compelled 1458 -
to abjure, at St. Paul's Cross, before which his books
were burnt, and he was sentenced to confinement for
life. He was deprived of his bishopric, and a pension
assigned him to live upon in an abbey. f
Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, is described
as being of an ardent temperament, a logical mind,
and a powerful imagination. He looked with contempt
* A Welshman by birth, Reginald Peacock became a Fellow of Oriel
College, Oxford, in 1417. He was a student of divinity, and distinguished
for his talents. He was appointed to the See of Asaph in 1444, and conse-
crated by Archbishop Stafford.
t Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Baker ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops ; Stow.
VOL. II. d
34 MARGARET OF AHJOTT.
on the intellectual abilities of others, and liked to per-
plex them, sometimes speaking ironically, sometimes in
earnest. Such a character might advance false doc-
trine, and he was proclaimed a heretic. He had at one
time been befriended by the Duke of Gloucester, who
was ever temperate in his line of conduct towards those
who professed the doctrines of Wickliffe. The opinions
of Peacock, and his vanity and sarcasm, soon raised
him many enemies : all classes condemned him. By
exalting the Pope, and thus disregarding the esta-
blished laws of the land, he raised such indignation
amongst the clergy, that he was summoned before the
Primate to have his writings investigated ; but Arch-
bishop Stafford, having himself yielded to the new
doctrine of papal supremacy, allowed Peacock to escape
censure at this time. Bouchiere, however, afterwards
acted with great severity towards him. He caused
him to appear before him, William Waynflete being
present and other bishops and prelates, at Lambeth,
where they condemned his writings as heretical. We
are told that this was a " party movement to deprive
" the Lancastrians of a spirited writer." One charge
against him was that he sought to affect a change in
the religion of England, by the introduction of Popery,
or Ultramontanism. Even more than this was inferred,
from a letter addressed by Peacock to the Mayor of
London, viz., that his design was not only to excite the
people to a change of faith, but to raise an insurrec-
tion. Thus it became a political offence, and he was
again cited to appear before a Council at Westminster,
at which King Henry was present. This was towards
the close of the year 1457, when such hostility was
shown towards him, that he was compelled to with-
draw before the temporal Bishops could proceed with
their business. This was a full council and the
Yorkists were powerful, and an attack on the unfor-
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 35
tunate prelate had been previously arranged. Certain
doctors of divinity arrived, who demanded of the Arch-
bishop copies of the works of the Bishop of Chichester,
in order to examine them. Finally, being required to
abjure, or to suffer the punishment of a heretic, Peacock
decided on the former. The court adjourned until the
next day, when doubtless some political feeling swelled
the tide of inveterate anger which rose against this
talented and apparently good man. On the 3rd of
December the Archbishop, his assessors, and the
twenty-four divines, were again sitting in Lambeth
Chapel. The Bishop of Chichester w r as summoned,
and repaired thither to abjure, in a positive form, the
condemned conclusions. The court again " adjourned
:; to meet on the following day, when a solemn assem-
" bly was to be held at St. Paul's."
" Here the Primate attended, his cross borne before
' him, and he appeared, accompanied by the Bishops
" of London, of Durham, and of Chichester. An im-
" mense crowd surrounded the Cathedral. From the
" great west door the bishops, in full pontificals, were
' seen to come forth ; one by one each silently and
" sadly took the seat assigned to him at St. Paul's
" Cross. Before the cross a fire blazed. When the
''' Archbishop was seated, he turned a silent look tc-
" wards the Bishop of Chichester. Peacock was seen
' ■ the next moment prostrate at the Primate's feet.
" His voice could not be distinctly heard ; but his
,; attitude notified to the spectators that he was making
' his public recantation. The Primate was motionless.
' Peacock rose from the ground and stood before the
' pyre. One by one his books were brought forth,
' the labour of years, containing some of the most
' powerful writings of the day ; eleven quarto volumes
and three folio volumes were handed by him to the
T> 2
a.
36 MAEGABET OF AXJOU.
" public executioner, whose ruthless hands committed
" them to the flames.
" The only consolation was that they had been
" transcribed, and that transcriptions of them might
" be hereafter produced. But the ascending flames
" ignited the passions of the surrounding multitude.
" The assembled people were inflamed into fury against
" the man who exalted the Pope above the Church,
" and denounced the statutes, by which papal aggres-
" sions had been restrained. The bishops, the lords,
c: the commons, the people all condemned Peacock.
" The infuriated mob rushed towards the unfortunate
" prelate, and sought to hurl him into the flames which
" were consuming his books. The Archbishop and
" the civil authorities interfered to preserve order.
" Peacock trembled, and, while looking on the martyr-
*'' dom of his books, he was heard to say, 'My pride
" 'and presumption have brought upon me these trou-
" 'bles and reproaches.' "
The Primate was still unsatisfied. Peacock was
deprived of his See of Chichester, and sent a prisoner
first to Cambridge, then to Maidstone.
Finding that his moral degradation did not appease
his enemies, Peacock resolved to resist them. He
appealed to the Pope, in whose cause he had
suffered ; and was responded to by His Holiness.
" Forth came fulminating from Rome three bulls,
,: directed against the Primate of England, in vindica-
t: tion of the Bishop of Chichester." Bouchiere re-
fused these bulls ; and, in spite of the Pope, Peacock
was degraded, and another appointed his successor,
while he was placed in stricter confinement ;° and sub-
sequently he ended his life in prison.
* He was placed in a secret chamber with one attendant, and " allowed
** no books, but a breviary, a mass book, a psalter, a legend, and a bible ;
" nothing to write with, no stuff to write upon." What a condition of re-
straint for such an intellectual man !
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 37
The severities exercised over his unfortunate pri-
soner exhibit in no favourable light the character of
the offended Primate. His zeal for the Church seems
to have made him forgetful of mercy and Christian
charity.
The device of Queen Margaret had separated the H ^^ d
Yorkists, but they still contrived to keep up a
correspondence, and were no less united in their
views than before. While the Duke sought to in-
gratiate himself with the people, he well knew that
it was no easy matter to wrest the crown from a
monarch who had so long held it by hereditary right ;
and neither party had so decided a superiority as to be
sure of victory should they have recourse to arms.f
An attempt was made at this time, by Queen Mar-
garet, to effect a reconciliation between the two
parties. She perceived the advantage which had
been taken of their dissensions by the foreign powers,
and that the blame of every unfortunate measure fell
upon her, or her ministers, of which the Duke of York
availed himself. Margaret, therefore, adopted the
wise policy of composing their grievances, and of
restoring unanimity amongst the nobility ; and this
was the more expedient, since the late untoward
events appeared to favour the Duke of York's
projects.
The task of restoring peace and unanimity to two
powerful factions was found by no means easy ; and
the ingenuity of the Queen was called forth in pro-
curing their obedience to her wishes. This was
evinced by the summons being sent in the name of
the King. Queen Margaret's former commands having
failed to draw together the rebel chiefs, an express
invitation was, by her means, dismissed from the
* Birch's Illus. Persons of Great Brit. ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops,
t Rapin ; Holinshed.
38 3IAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
King to the Duke of York, requiring him and all his
friends to repair to London ; angl it was expected that
these commands would be readily obeyed, the King
being much beloved for his pure and innocent life, and
his uprightness.
tj. 2 ^ 8 - Some historians say that the Kins:, ignorant of, or
stow. being displeased at, the proceedings of Queen Mar-
garet at Coventry, " as contrary to his good inten-
" tion/' upon his return to London called a Council ;
and, after representing the miserable condition to
which the kingdom was reduced by intestine division,
which had induced the Scots and the French to insult
them, and to commit devastations on the borders,
he spoke of the necessity of a reconciliation, and
offered willingly to pardon and forget the injuries
which he had himself received. It is added, that the
Queen and the Duke of Somerset, each made a
similar offer to the Duke of York, at the instances of
the King. It seems improbable that King Henry
took so active a part, yet if, influenced by his strong
aversion to the shedding of blood, he really did by his
persuasions effect this reconciliation, there can be little
doubt that the Queen was previously disposed to
unanimity, and equally sincere in her endeavours to
promote it.
The letter of Henry, in his own handwriting,
addressed to the Duke of York, after requiring his
presence, and that of his friends, solemnly engaged
that no injury should be offered them, and contained
assurances that the King was perfectly sincere in his
purpose of reconciliation.
Finding no plausible objection to make against this
invitation, it was resolved by the Duke of York and
his adherents to accept it ; they were, however, still
* Biondi ; Sandford ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; Stow ; Rapin ; Henry ;
Ecliard Hist. Eng\ ; Daniel and Trussel.
e.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 39
jealous of Queen Margaret, who, on her part, retained
some mistrust of her enemies. Amidst these mutual
suspicions it is not improbable, that each party hoped
to obtain some advantage by the meeting, and it is
even more likelv still, that neither in their hearts
resolved upon giving up entirely their former purposes.
The Duke of York might, doubtless, be induced, by
the moderation of character for which he was so
remarkable, or by that timidity which withheld him
from seizin o- on the crown when it w T as within his
reach, to agree to this reconciliation. The Queen
meanwhile w r as too penetrating to expect that the
Duke would suddenly, or tamely give up his claims,
yet might hope that kindness and conciliatory
measures would delay the execution of his projects,
until she might, by some fortunate circumstances,
have recovered her popularity with the people.
To remove the possibility of any apprehensions, it
was mutually agreed that the parties should come to
the capital, with a certain number of their armed
retainers ; and the King even granted permission to
the Earl of Warwick to bring with him from Calais
eighty foreigners, in addition to his English fol-
lowers.!
After all these preparatory arrangements, the Duke H58.
of York came to London on the 26th of January, Poi.Vergii;
1458, attended by 400 of his adherents,;): and lodged c^ron*-
in his own residence, Baynard's Castle,§ still doubt- ^ aker ;
ing the faith of the Queen. The Earl of Salisbury Letters;
arrived on the 15th of January, bringing with him Rapin; '
Hume.
* Baker ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin.
f Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Pennant's London.
J Another writer tells us that the Duke of York came to London with
only his own household, amounting to 140 horsemen.
§ Baynard's Castle had belonged to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who
rebuilt it. Upon his death, Henry VI. granted it to Richard, Duke of
York.
40
MARGARET OF ANJOU.
500 horsemen, and lodged in his own house, called the
" Herbour." °
The Duke of Somerset, who arrived on the last day
of January, had 200 horse. Another writer says
that Somerset and the Duke of Exeter, who had
been lately released, came with 300 men, and lodged
without Temple Bar. The Earl of Northumberland,
Lord Egremont, and Lord Clifford came with 1,500
men, and lodged in Holborn. The Earl of Warwick,
who arrived a month later, brought with him GOO
men, in red jackets, with white ragged staves, em-
broidered behind and before. These lodged at Grey
Friars. | The delay in the arrival of this earl was
only caused by contrary winds ; and we learn, from
the Paston Letters, that the Duke of Exeter enter-
tained great displeasure " that my Lord of Warwick
" occupieth his office, and taketh the charge of the
" keeping of the sea upon him."
The Duke of Buckingham also came, and with him
his grandson Henry, Earl of Stafford. They entered
the capital in the train of the King and Queen, who,
with a great retinue, arrived in London on the 17th
day of March. On entering the metropolis, they
fixed their residence at the Bishop's palace, near St.
Paul's, which at this period was surrounded by stone
walls, afterwards hidden by dwelling-houses. It should
be remarked also that this royal abode, chosen
for this brief and momentous season, was situated
at an equal distance from both the factions.
When the Lancastrians, as well as the Yorkists,
had assembled in London, the greatest precautions
were taken to prevent any disorders ; and as these
* Other writers say, the Earl of Salisbury had but 400 horse, and four-
score knights and esquires. By some it is asserted that the Queen and her
eon remained at Berkhampstead until the conference was ended.
+ Pennant says that Warwick and his followers lodged in Warwick
Lane.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 41
would doubtless have arisen, had they occupied the
same quarters, care was taken that they should lodge
in different parts of the city ; and it was further con- U5S -
sidered requisite, for the maintenance of order, that
the Lord Mayor, Sir Godfrey Boleyn, should ride
round the city every night, with a competent number
of his trainbands, which amounted to 10,000 men.")"
To what an extent must the general suspicion have
prevailed ! Besides all this, the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men kept a standing watch in arms day and night.
The Lords who lodged within the city held a daily
council at Blackfriars,^ while those without, met in
the Chapter House, at Westminster. The resolves
of the Yorkists, were communicated to the Royalists
by the Primate, and other prelates ; and the proceed-
ings of each day, were in the evening laid before the
King, who, as umpire between the two parties, pro-
nounced his award. Mediators were unanimously
chosen, and finally a reconciliation was effected, on the
3rd of April ; the Archbishop of Canterbury, and
others of the clergy, having used the utmost diligence
and activity to promote it.
Many arrangements were entered into by the op-
posing parties. The Earl of Warwick agreed to give
to Lord Clifford 1,000 marks, " in good, and sufficient
" assignment of debts."
Lord Egremont, and his brother Richard Percy (the
sons of the Countess of Westmoreland), who, for
certain trespasses and transgressions, had been con-
demned, at the sessions of York, to pay to the Earl of
Salisbury 8,000 marks, to his son Thomas Neville
1,000 marks, and to the said Thomas and his wife
* This Sir Godfrey (or Jeffrey) Bollen or Boleyn was the great-grand-
father of Queen Anne Boleyn, second wife of Henry the Eighth.
f Baker says the number of the trainbands was 500 ; Lingard says 5000 ;
Stow 2000.
X Stow tells us that these meetings were held in Warwick Lane.
42 MABGAEET OF ANJOU.
2,000 ; also to John Neville, another son of the
earl, 800 marks, were released from the payment of
these sums, and from the custody in which thev had
been held by the late sheriffs of London ; being, how-
ever, bound over to keep the peace towards the Earl
and his family.
The Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and
Warwick consented to bestow a yearly rent of £45 on
the monastery of St. Alban's, for suffrages, obits to be
kept up, and alms to be employed, for the souls of the
late Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland,
Lord Clifford, and others, slain in the battle of St.
Alban's ; and it was determined, that both those who
were dead, and those who had caused their death,
should be reputed faithful subjects. The Duke of
York also agreed to zixe to the Duchess of Somerset,
and Henry her son, the sum of 5,000 marks, which
were due to him from the King, for his services in
Ireland.
At length all parties evinced their perfect satisfac-
tion. Thev mutually agreed that, setting aside their
J J CJ O
several animosities, they would live together in unity
and obedience to their sovereign, and that, to obviate
complaints, the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury
and Warwick, as well as several others of their
party, should take their seats in the Cabinet. All
these articles being agreed upon, they were after-
wards ratified under the Great Seal of England, and
a public thanksgiving was appointed for the 5th of
April, in token of the universal joy at this reconcilia-
tion.
Accordingly, on that day the King, Queen, and all
the Lords, went in a solemn procession to St. Paul's.
In proof of their amity, one of each party walked
hand in hand, proceeding in couples after each other.
Before the King walked Henry Beaufort, Duke of
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
43
Somerset, and Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury ; next
came John Holland, Duke of Exeter, and Richard
Neville, Earl of Warwick ; after King Henry followed
the Duke of York, leading the Queen by the hand,
who showed, by her great complacency, that she was
at least sincere in her desire to please.*
To the people this was a spectacle promising future
peace and harmony ; but these external forms could
not avail to eradicate the passions of ambition and
revenge which secretly influenced the two factions ;
and this important convention of the nobles of the land,
Avas indeed, but a prelude to civil broils, and ceaseless
warfare.
The following lines from the pen of Lydgate, com-
memorate this reconciliation between the Lords of the
Yorkist faction and the King and his adherents : —
1 When Charyte ys chosen -with stats to stonde,
' Stedfast and styll, with oute distaunce,
' Then wreth may be exilid out of thys londc,
' And God oure gide to have governaunce ;
' Wysdom and welthe with all plesaunce,
' May rightfulle reigne, and prosperite,
' For love hath underleyde wrethfull vengeaunce,
' Reioyse Englond the Lords accordid bee.
' Reioyse and thonke God, and sorw no more,
' For now shal encresc thi consolacone ;
' Our enemes quake for drede ful sore,
1 That pees ys made that was divisione,
' Whiche ys to them grete confusione,
' And to us joy and felicite ;
' God hold them longe in every seasone,
' That Englond may reioyce, the concord and unite.
1 Now ys sorw with shame fled yn to Fraunce,
' As a felon that hath forsworne thys lond ;
' Love hath put owte malicius governaunce,
' In every place both fre and bonde ;
' In Yorke, in Somersett, as ye undyr stonde,
' In Warwikke also ys love and charite,
' In Salisbury eke, and yn Northumberlond
' That every man may reioyce the concord and unite.
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Fabyan ; Stow ; Sandford ; London Chron. ;
Pol. Vergil ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Pennant's London ; Rapin.
44
MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
Egremond, and Clyfford, and other forseyd,
Ben sett yn the same opynyone ;
In every quarter love i£ thus leide,
Grace and wisdome hath the doniinacione,
Awoke vv-elth, and walk in thys regione,
Rewnde abowte in towne and cite,
And thonke them that brought it to thys conclusion ;
Reioyse Englond the concord and unite.
At Poules in London, with grete renowne,
On oure Lady day, the pes was wrought ;
The King, the quene, with Lords many one,
To worshyppe that virgine as they oght,
"Went a prosession, and sparyd right noght,
In sight of alle the comonialty ;
In tokyn that love was in hart and thoght ;
Reioice Englond, the concord and unite.
There was by twene them lovely countenance,
Whyche was grete joy to alle that there were,
That long tyme hadd ben in variaunce,
As frynds for ever they went yn fere,
They went togedre, and made good chere ;
Fraunce and Bretagne, repent shall ye,
For the bergeyne shall ye bye fulle dere ;
Reioice Englond the concord and unite.
Our sovereyn lord the kynge, God kepe alway,
The quene and bisshope of Canterbury
And other that have labored to thys love day,
Grod preserve them we pray hertly ;
And London for they fulle diligently ;
Kept the pees in trobull and in adversite ;
To brynge yn rest they labored ful treuly ;
Reioice Englond the peas and unite.
Off thre things, y preys thy worshypfull citee :
The first, of trewe feythe that they owe to the kyng ;
The secounde, of love of eache comonialte ;
The thyrde, of good rule evermore kepyng ;
The whyche God inayntene ever long durynge,
And save the maire and all the hole citee,
And that ys amys brynge to amendyng,
That Englond may reioice the pees and unite." *
1458.
Stow ;
Fabyan.
In Whitsun week following, tlie Duke of Somerset,
Sir Anthony Rivers, and four others, kept jousts before
the Queen, in the Tower of London, against three of
* Cottonian MS. ; Lydgate.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 45
the Queen's esquires and others. In like manner they
jousted at Greenwich the Sunday following.*
After all the fair appearances of confidence and
friendship on the part of both Yorkists and Lancas-
trians, the former soon began to evince their mistrust -
of the Royalists, and under various pretences, withdrew
from court.
The Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury re-
paired to York, and the Earl of Warwick w T ent over to
Calais. An accidental quarrel arose beween the ships
which bore this Earl and his followers to Calais, and
some vessels belonging to Genoa and Lubeck ; the
latter carried their complaints to the King, and Henry ?
having appointed commissioners to inquire into the
affair, the Earl of Warwick was compelled to return to
London, to answer to the charge. f During the Earl's
stay in this city another quarrel arose, equally trivial
in its commencement, but far more important in its
results. The Earl had gone to the Council-chamber,
and while detained there one of his people fell out
with a servant belonging to the King, and wounded
him ; upon which his comrades, to revenge the offence,
seized upon whatever weapons were at hand, but the
aggressor escaped, and they vented their fury on the
rest of the Duke's followers.
Another affray happened in April this year, be-
tween the inhabitants of Fleet Street and the men
of Court, in which the Queen's attorney lost his life.
The governors of the courts of law, and many others,
were upon this imprisoned by the King's orders.^
The Queen's Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Shernborne,
died on the 3rd of February in this year. He had 1458,
married Jamina de Cherneys, a French woman, and
one of Queen Margaret's maids of honour.
* Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed.
+ Baker ; Holinshed ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hall ; Lingard. % Holinshed.
4G :makgaket op anjotj.
Sir Thomas was buried at Shernborne, in Norfolk,
in the family sepulchre. The inscription on his tomb
(now effaced) was as follows : —
" Thome Sherneborne camerar. d'neMargarete regine
" Anglie, et Jamine uxor ejus quo da domicellarie
11 ejusd 1 regine.' 1 ' *
The Earl of Warwick was also assaulted in his
way from the Council to his barge upon the Thames ;
and he narrowly escaped the fury of the populace,
several of his train being killed in this affray. Shortly
after the Earl was informed that the King, or, as some
say, the Queen, had issued orders for his arrest, and
confinement in the Tower. Had he been taken, the
Earl of Warwick would probably have lost his life;
but he contrived to elude those who had been sent to
apprehend him. He was persuaded that this tumult
had been raised by the Queen's contrivance, who, as
he thought, wished to get rid of him without being con-
cerned in the affair; and he resolved to be revenged of
this affront. The Earl repaired instantly to Warwick,
to his father, the Earl of Salisbury, and they together
proceeded into Yorkshire, to the Duke of York, to con-
sult with him as to the measures to be adopted.")"
It was thus that an accidental affray drew upon this
unfortunate Queen all the burden of this Earl's resent-
ment ; and it seems even more than probable that she
was altogether ignorant of the affair. It is, besides,
not unlikely that the Court, having noticed that the
Earl of Warwick's men had raised a tumult, had
suddenly issued an order for the apprehension of their
leader. The circumstances by no means lead to a
conviction that Margaret had any share in the attack
on this high-spirited lord, but only prove the danger
* Gough's Sepulchral Monuments.
f Holinshcd : Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Henry ; Lingard ; Daniel.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 47
of want of confidence between a sovereign and her
subjects. The haughty Warwick, having once enter-
tained a deep-rooted mistrust of his royal mistress, no
promises — no compliance, could afterwards eradicate
it ; on the contrary, every accidental circumstance was
construed to the prejudice of the Queen.*
When the Duke of York and his friends consulted
together, they came to the conclusion that the
late reconciliation was designed to ensnare them, in
order that they might be more easily dispatched when
they were separated, by some secret means, which
would not excite suspicion. Indignant at the offence
which they considered had been offered them, they
spoke of it in! sharp and bitter terms, saying, that " it
" was nothing less than the deceit and fury of a
" woman (meaning the Queen), who, thinking she
" might do whatever she pleased, sought to torment
a and utterly destroy all the nobility of the land." It
is probable, that these lords did not regret being
furnished with a pretext for having again recourse to
arms ; and declaring that they could no longer depend
upon the assurances of the Court, they immediately
prepared for war. The Earl of Warwick once more
evinced his suspicion in the haste with which he em-
barked for Calais, fearing that this place would be
seized by the Royalists. f
Resolved upon demanding satisfaction of the King
for the affront offered to his son, the Earl of Salisbury
set out from Middleham Castle with a sufficient escort
to defend his person. While passing through Lan-
cashire, either towards Coleshill, in Warwickshire,
where King Henry was, or being in quest of the
Duke of York, who, after his return from Ireland,
* Even Rapin, who is always severe against Queen Margaret, acknow-
ledges that it is difficult to decide if this were the act of the Queen, or
merely accidental.
f Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Holinshed.
48 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
was staying at Ludlow, in Shropshire (for it is doubt-
ful which was his object), news was brought him that
the Queen, while at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire, had
commanded Lord Audley to collect all the forces of
that county, and of the adjoining ones of Salop and
Chester, to oppose the Yorkists. This information
arrested the progress of the Earl of Salisbury, and he
determined to strengthen his party, before he en-
countered the Royalists. He raised a new army in
AVales, and his forces were augmented to 4,000 or
5,000 men by the time he had arrived at Bloreheath,
in Staffordshire.
Queen Margaret had at this time the advice and
assistance of the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham,
and she had also kept a vigilant eye on her own
affairs. It was her opinion that the Earl of Warwick
had excited this new rebellion, purposely to establish
the Duke of York upon the throne.
In appointing Lord Audley to the command of the
forces, which she ordered to advance against the in-
surgents, the Queen was led to make this choice
because this lord had most influence in the county
through which the Earl of Salisbury had to pass.
Queen Margaret also suspected that the Earl of Salis-
bury, in seeking a conference with the King, had no
good intention towards his sovereign or herself, and
therefore commissioned Lord Audley to apprehend
him, should it be in his power.*
The activity of the Queen, previous to the engage-
ment at Bloreheath, was remarkable. After issuing
her commands to Lord Audley to raise a new army in
the King's name, she proceeded next to exert her
personal influence in rousing the energy of her adhe-
* Sanclford ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Wethamstede :
Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Pennant ; Hume ; Henry ;
Lins-ard : Daniel.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 49
rents. Her amiable manners, and artful and insinuating
address, soon gained the affections of the people.
Margaret next went on a progress with the King,
probably to awaken the public sympathy for him, and
their zeal in his cause, through Warwick, Stafford, and
Chester ; but in the first of these counties was less
successful than in the others, owing to the surprising
influence which the Earl of Warwick maintained there.
The magnificence in which this nobleman lived, added
to his extreme gallantry, and the boldness and energy
which he exhibited in his actions, gained him the hearts
of all who approached him. He was besides extremely
generous and hospitable, and the openness and sincerity
of his character secured the friendship of those who
surrounded him. His words were regarded by them
as truth itself, and his gifts were no less certain proofs
of his sincerity. At his table no less than 30,000
persons were daily maintained in his numerous castles
and manors in England ; and those who entered his
service were more devoted to him than to their sove-
reign, or to the laws of their country. Stow tells us,
that at his palace in Warwick Lane, London, " where
" he ' kept house,' six oxen were consumed at every
" breakfast ; that every tavern was full of his meat ; and
11 every guest was allowed to carry off as much roasted
u or boiled as he could bear upon his long dagger." *
To counteract the influence of this powerful lord was
Queen Margaret's chief care, and to win, by her kind-
ness and condescension, all the nobility and gentry of
these midland counties. In her progress through
Cheshire she was highly successful, and ingratiated
herself everywhere, persuading the lords to espouse her
cause. The more effectually to attach the lords and
gentry to her, the Queen "kept open house" amongst
them, and commanded the young Prince, her son, to
* Stow ; Pennant ; Baker ; Barante ; Hume : Lingard.
VOL. II. B
oO MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
distribute a profusion of collars of white embroidered
swans to the commander of her forces, Lord Audley,
and to all the gentry of Cheshire, to be worn by them
in token of their attachment to herself, the King, and
her son.
These white swans, the badge of the young Edward,
were borne by all who fought for the Lancastrians in
the memorable battle which ensued at Bloreheath.
Similar badges were also sent by the Queen to many
others of her adherents in different parts of England ;
for she had hopes that she might be able to unite a
party strong and powerful enough to overcome her
enemies.* The two armies met on a plain called
Bloreheath, near Drayton, in Staffordshire, on the 23rd
Baker 59 ' °^ September, 1459. Lord Audley, in obedience to
Hoiinsiied ; the Queen's commands, had drawn together his forces
Lingard; with the utmost expedition. These amounted to
pm ' 10,000 men, twice the number of the forces of the
Earl ; but the latter, far from being intimidated, re-
solved to obtain by stratagem a victory which he could
not hope to win by force.
Lord Audley having encamped on the banks of a
small river, the Earl of Salisbury stationed his army
on the opposite side, apparently to guard the pass and
to prevent an attack. He then suddenly withdrew in
the night, so ordering his march that, when daylight
appeared, the rear of his army only could be discovered
by the Royalists. This seemingly hasty retreat roused
the ardour of the King's forces, and these, thinking
they had but to pursue an army already taking flight,
began to pass the river in great disorder ; but, before
they had accomplished their purpose of gaining the
opposite bank, even while some were just landed, others
* Hoiinsiied ; Srow ; Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Lysons' Cheshire ;
3Iagna Britannia ; Baudier ; Lingard : Ormerod's Chester ; Fabyan ; Daniel :
Heningay's Hist, of Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of Eng.
MARGARET OP ANJOU. 51
still in the water, and the rest preparing to pass it,
the Earl of Salisbury suddenly turned back, and fell
upon them. So sudden and unexpected was this
movement, that the Lancastrians had scarcely time to
draw up for battle. An obstinate fight was main-
tained for four or five hours, during which the Royalists
were supported by fresh supplies continually crossing
the river ; but the confusion, inevitable in a battle
fought in such a manner, occasioned their defeat. The
loss of the Lancastrians was estimated at 2,400 men.
Lord Audley and all the principal officers were slain.
Amongst those enumerated were Sir Thomas Dutton,
Sir John Done, Sir Hugh Venables, Sir Richard Moli-
neux, Sir William Troutbeck, Sir John Legh, of Booths,
and Sir John Egerton, who were all left dead on the
field of battle.* Dudley, and many knights were made
prisoners, amongst whom were Sir John and Sh
Thomas Neville, knights, two sons of the Earl of Salis-
bury,")" and Sir Thomas Harrington, Raufe Rokesby,
Thomas Ashton, Robert Evereux, and others, who
were all sent to Chester, jj. § The extent to which party
animosity had reached at the period of this fatal battle
has been strongly depicted in the words of the poet,
who thus describes the death of these brave men, each
having fallen by the hand of a relative : —
" There Dutton, Dutton kills ; a Done doth kill a Done ;
' ' A Booth a Booth ; and Leigh by Leigh is overthrown,
" A Venables against a Venables doth stand,
" And Troutbeck fighteth with a Troutbeck hand to hand :
* To these should be added that of Sir Robert Booth of Denham, whose
monumental brass fixes his decease on this day.
f These two sons of Salisbury were travelling- with Sir Thomas Harrington
into the North, but were taken. A message from the " March " men caused
them to be set free.
J They were released from their prison in the castle of Chester by order
of the King, and delivered by Sir John Mainwaring to Lord Stanley.
§ Hall ; Sandf ord ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Fabyan : Drayton's Poly-olbion ;
Toplis ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Mag. Britannia ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Henry ; Daniel ; Lingard ; Ormerod's Chester ; Chron. Lond. ; Heningay'a
Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of England.
e 2
52 MARGABET OF AXJOU.
" Then Molineux doth make a Molineux to die ;
" And Egerton the strength of Egerton doth try.
" Oh Cheshire ! wast thou mad of thine own native gore,
' ' So much until this day thou never shedd'st before !
" Above two thousand men upon the earth were thrown,
" Of whom the greater part were naturally thine t
During the battle of Blorelieatli Queen Margaret
remained at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire, where, from
the tower of the church in that town, she beheld this
fierce encounter, so fatal to the Lancastrian cause.*
The King was staying at Coleshill. The quarrel
between the two parties, at first confined to the higher
classes, now began to occasion division and strife in
almost everv family in the kingdom : it found its way
into the recesses of the convents, and even into the
cottages of the poor. One party called the Duke of
York a traitor, who was only spared through the
clemencv of the Kino- ; the other party, taking the
side of the rebels, considered their chief had been
injured, and, with his associates trampled under foot
by the Court minions, and compelled to unsheath the
sword for self-preservation, f
The unfortunate, yet faithful and high-spirited con-
sort of King Henry, finding that she had failed in her
purpose of apprehending the Earl of Salisbury, and
that the battle was lost by her party, was yet not
wanting in expedients, although disappointed, and
thrown more than ever upon her own resources. Being
convinced that nothing but superiority of numbers
could avail her, she caused to be assembled a large
army. These forces met at Coventrv, where the Kino;
joined them, but would fain have been excused from
ao'ain having recourse to arms.i He would gladly
* A great stone was placed on the spot where the commander, Lord
Audler, fell.
t Wethamstede ; Cont. Croyland ; Lingard : Holinshed.
X Stow ; Holinshed ; Pennant ; Rapin.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 53
have quelled the rebellion by means of a treaty, but
the Queen, undaunted by the late failure, resolved to
oppose the Duke of York to the utmost of her power
in the field, as she had before done in the Cabinet.
After the defeat at Bloreheath, the' Royalists, whose
ardour was unabated, pressed onward to Ludlow, and
in their way experienced many difficulties from the
inclemency of the season, the bad roads, and want of
accommodation ; to which hardships King Henry sub-
mitted with cheerfulness, halting only on Sundays.
He often spent his nights in the open fields ; but the
life of a soldier was far from agreeable to this monarch,
who on all occasions advocated peace.
Queen Margaret was at this time most earnestly
bent on the subjugation of the Yorkists. Some histo-
rians assure us that the Queen, being convinced that it
was in vain for her to attempt to persuade the King
her husband to second or approve her measures ; (he,
either through the feebleness of his understanding,
or his pacific disposition, becoming unmanageable,)
being disappointed in her projects for want of his
concurrence, resolved at last to endeavour to place
her son on the throne, seeking to prevail on King J459
Henry to resign it in his favour. She had even en-
gaged some lords to aid her in this attempt, and these
noblemen actually moved the King to abdicate, but
could not succeed in obtaining his consent.*
The sagacity of the Queen enabled her to perceive
that the Duke of York aimed at the crown ; and, being
persuaded of this, she earnestly sought to arouse the
King to a sense of the danger he incurred from the
pretensions of so formidable a rival. She reminded
him of the preparations which were then making b}^
the Duke, showing the necessity for action, as by his
delay the Duke always became the aggressor. She
* Stow ; Baudier ; Fabyan.
Fabyan.
54 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
conjured him, then, to. march with the utmost expedi-
tion, and by a prompt and courageous attack to displace
and confound the insurgents. *
The arguments of Queen Margaret, although they
induced the King to set out in quest of the rebels, did
not prevail on him to assault them, until he had first
made use of every pacific means to recall them to
their allegiance.
The royal army consisted of 60,000 men, headed by
the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter. They marched in
the direction of Wales, but stopped short at Worcester,
when King Henry dismissed Richard Beauchamp,
Bishop of Salisbury, to the rebels, who had encamped
at Ludlow, with an offer of pardon, upon condition of
their laying down their arms within six days, j"
The Earl of Salisbury, after his victory at Bloreheath,
had proceeded into Wales, where the Duke of York
was employed in levying troops. These noblemen
held a long conference. They perceived that the King
and Queen had penetrated their design, and it was
therefore no longer of use to dissemble. They resolved
to make one more desperate effort to accomplish their
purpose, or to lose their lives in the attempt. Uniting
all their forces, they redoubled their exertions to
assemble a large army, and dismissed a summons to
the Earl of Warwick, who speedily joined them, bring-
ing with him a part of his garrison from Calais, under
the command of Sir John Blount and Sir Andrew
Trollop, who had distinguished himself in the wars in
France.;); To the proposal of King Henry the York-
ists only replied by alleging that they could not rely
on promises, which were evidently meant to ensnare
* Baudier.
f Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Green's Worcester ;
Bapin.
t Pennant says that Salisbury j oined the Duke at Ludlow.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 55
them, as had been seen in the late ^attempt on the Earl
of Warwick; and that there was no trusting to the
King's word, as long as the Queen had such predomi-
nant power ; but that they were willing to submit to
their sovereign, if he could devise means to ensure their
safety. *
Upon receiving this answer, the King commanded
his forces to advance, with ^design to give them
battle ; he then obtained from the rebels a most
submissive letter, beseeching him to remember that
they had been compelled to adopt defensive measures,
to protect themselves from their enemies ; that it was
evident they entertained no treasonable designs from
their remaining in a distant part of the kingdom, where
they had attempted nothing ; that they wished only to
obtain redress for the grievances of the people, which
had been occasioned by the faults of the ministers.
Finally, they prayed the King to consider them as
loyal subjects, and receive them again into his
favour. |
This address failed in its object. The Royalists,
inspired with a contemptible opinion of the enemy's
courage, from the humble manner in which they
wrote, approached within half a mile of their camp,
resolved to come to an engagement on the following
day. The King's proclamation was meanwhile dis-
persed amongst the enemy, offering pardon to all who
would lay down their arms ; and this had a powerful
effect. The troops of the Duke, thinking the King's
pardon was offered on account of the superior numbers
of the forces of the Royalists, lost no time in abandon-
ing the apparently weaker side. Sir Andrew Trollop,
and those who had accompanied him from Calais, who
* Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Stow ; Sanclford ; Rot. Pari. ; Wetharnstede ;
Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Green's Wor-
cester.
f Stow ; Holinshed ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury.
56
MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
1459.
Holinshed
Hume ;
Henry ;
Bnrdy's
Ireland ;
Lin^ard.
had long served the King with fidelity, but had been
deceived by the fair speeches of their employers, now,
for the first time, discovered the treasonable intentions
of the Duke of York, who, to keep up the spirits of
his men, had spread a report that King Henry died
the day before, and even commanded mass to be
chaunted for the repose of his soul.
This report reached the King, who, to refute it,
immediately appeared in the midst of his troops, and
harangued them with a martial air, and greater spirit
and energy than he was ever known to exhibit on any
other occasion.
This much gratified the Lancastrian lords and
soldiers, and all who were eager to show their loyalty
to their sovereign. The falsehood of the Duke of
York being thus made apparent, Sir Andrew Trollop
and his followers went over, in the night, to the King,
and thus threw the Yorkists into the utmost confusion.
Consternation and distrust spread through the camp,
and the defection became so general, that the con-
federate lords, in great alarm, lest they should fall
into the King's hands, fled precipitately into the heart
of AYales. The Duke of York proceeded thence, with
his son, the Earl of Rutland, to Ireland. The Earl of
March, the eldest son of the Duke of York, and the
Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, proceeded into
Devonshire, where, assisted by John Denham, Esq.,
they escaped from Exmouth to Guernsey, and thence
to Calais. The remainder of the army submitted to
the King's mercy ; and all received a pardon, except a
few, who were executed as a public example.
This bloodless victory was highly satisfactory to the
merciful monarch ; and the next day Kino- Henry con-
yoked a Parliament to meet at Coventry. After the
* Baker : Sandford ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Moore's Ire-
land ; Lond. Chron. : Rapin ; Lingard ; Fabvan ; Hume ; Henry ; Daniel.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 51
flight of his enemies, the King proceeded by long
journeys into Wales, hoping to overtake the Duke of
York ; but the latter eluded his pursuers. The King-
then returned to Ludlow, from whence he dismissed
his army, having first spoiled the Castle of Ludlow,
and sent the Duchess of York, with two of her
younger sons, to be kept in ward with the Duchess of
Buckingham, her sister. The town of Ludlow, be-
longing to the Duke of York, was spoiled to the bare
walls.
While staying at Ludlow, the King decided some
old controversies, and received under his protection
the people of those parts, who flocked around him,
rejoicing in his success. Here also King Henry
appointed some noblemen of approved loyalty to
govern and defend the counties of Durham and
York.
All the adherents of the House of York were ill-
treated and plundered throughout the kingdom, which
only served to inflame the animosity of the two parties.
Those who had served the King were recompensed with
the estates and spoils of the insurgents, according to
their respective services and condition. Amongst
these, Thomas de Roos was rewarded for his loyalty 1459.
with an annuity of £40 per annum, out of the for-
feited estate of the Earl of Salisbury.
From the time of the dispersion of the Yorkists,
near Ludlow, the King regained his due authority;
and the Lancastrians only were employed in public
affairs, which were so conducted until the following
summer. During this period the King, by the advice
of his lords, caused the Yorkists to be proclaimed
traitors, and treated with great severity.
* Lingard ; Allen's York ; Hall ; Stow ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Paston
Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Baudier ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ;
Fabyan.
58 MAEGxlEET OF ANJOU.
1459. A Parliament was held in the Chapter House of the
Pasted Priory at Coventry, in 1459, which was subsequently
Letters. called by the Yorkists, the " Parliamentum diaboli-
" cum" on account of the numerous attainders passed
against this party.*
These attainders, while they marked [the spirit of
the times, were both unwise and impolitic, as was the
conduct of Queen Margaret afterwards, in her attempts
to exterminate the party opposed to her. By this
conduct the Duke of York was almost left without the
choice of remaining as a subject with impunity.
Queen Margaret seems to have relied on the fidelity
of the people of Coventry, and in all the seasons of
her greatest alarm and anxiety she fled there. Her
influence in this city was very great at the time the
memorable Parliament alluded to was held there.
The Queen's enemies styled this place her " secret
" arbour," and tell us the members were wholly
devoted to her interests ; and they subsequently
charged her with having procured their election by
illegal power.
The proceedings of this Parliament were marked by
great severity, and formed a precedent to the House of
York in their after-conduct. In the list of attainders
in this Parliament we find, not only the Duke of York
and his chief friends, but also his adherents, and some
also amongst them who afterwards joined the Lan-
castrian cause. They were all declared guilty of high
treason, and their heirs disinherited to the sixth
degree,! an d their estates confiscated.;):
* Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Stow ; Baudier ; Paston Letters ; Phillips's
Shrewsbury; Daniel.
f Stow and others say to the ninth degree.
\ A list of persons attainted in this Parliament : —
Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, half brother to Henry VI.
Cicely, daughter of Ealph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland.
George Neville, sixth son of Eichard, Earl of Salisbury, and brother of the
Earl of Warwick, afterwards the Archbishop of York.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 59
When King Henry was called upon to sign these
acts of attainder, such was his anxiety for, and love of,
mercy, that he caused a proviso to be added, by which
he was enabled, at any time, and without the authority
of Parliament, to pardon these noblemen, and to re-
establish them in their former estates and dignities,
should they sincerely implore his forgiveness and
favour ; nor would he give his consent to the con-
fiscation of the property of the Lord Powis, and two
others, who had craved his mercy the morning after
their leaders had fled.°| What the poet said of Csesar,
might with justice be applied to King Henry ; viz.,
" that he was slow to punish, and sad when he was
" constrained to be severe," —
" Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox ;
" Cuique dolet, quoties cogitur esse f erox." £
Richard, Duke of York, after being betrayed and 1459
defeated, was driven to take refuge in Ireland ; where
he was not, however, received as a fugitive, but as
a chief, or Governor, owing to his former conduct in
that country. The Duke was now even joyfully wel-
comed by the Irish. They not only treated him with
great respect, but voluntarily offered him their ser-
Lord Grey of Ruthin, afterwards Earl of Kent.
The Duke of York. Sir Thomas Parre.
The Earl of March. Sir John Conyers.
The Earl of Rutland. Sir John Wenlock.
The Earl of Warwick. Sir William Oldhall.
The Earl of Salisbury. Edward Bouchier, Esq.
The Lord Powis. Thomas Vaugh'n.
Lord Clynton-. Thomas Colte.
The Countess of Saer. Thomas Clay.
Sir Thomas Nevylle. John Denham.
Sir John Nevylle. Thomas Thoryng.
Sir Thomas Harryngton. John Oter.
* The Bishop of Exeter and Lord Grey of Ruthin submitting themselves
obtained the King's favour.
+ Holinshed ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Allen's York ; Encyclopedia Bri-
tannica ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury.
X Ovid,
Burdy.
60 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
vices, to live or die for him, as if he were their lawful
sovereign, and they his faithful subjects. While the
Duke had been in England, a period of eight years,
a succession of deputies had been appointed by him to
rule in Ireland. At the time of his return, Thomas,
Earl of Kildare, was deputy, and the prevailing party
was the Geraldines, by whom the safety of the Duke,
and of his colleagues, was provided for. Such Acts
of Parliament were also passed as almost declared the
colony independent of the English Crown.
It was in vain that they were opposed by the Earl
of Ormond, who earnestly maintained the King's
cause ; so much so, that some of the agents of this
earl were executed for attempting an arrest on the
royal warrant, as violators of the acts of the party of
the Geraldines.*
The friends of the Duke of York, who had fled to
Calais for refuge, were welcomed there by Lord
Fauconbridge. All the Yorkists who assembled at
this place consulted together, each proposing some
fresh expedient to effect their purpose, and they were
none of them deficient in courage or inclination."]"
At this very time, when the Irish were exhibiting
all the warmth of affection for the Duke of York, he
was formally attainted in the Parliament at Coventry,
and all his adherents proclaimed rebels and traitors.^
The attention of the English Government was at
this period directed to a new object. Somerset had,
1459. by the Queen's means, been appointed Governor of
S ow f ; w Calais, the King giving him a grant of it previous
cester; to the late engagement. He was dismissed with some
Letters. troops to take possession of the town ; but, upon his
approach, the garrison fired on him, and prevented
his landing. He was thus compelled to withdraw to
* Stow ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Leland ; Burdy's Ireland ; Moore's Ireland,
f Holinshed ; Stow. $ Leland.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 61
Guisnes, whence he made frequent sallies, but was
unable to recover that town, which was strongly for-
tified ; and in one of his conflicts, on St. George's
day, he lost many of his followers, at a place called
Newnham Brigge.°
When informed of the difficulty which Somerset
experienced in effecting his object, the Queen equipped
a fleet to bear him succours, under the command of
the Earl of Rivers and his son.
Another account is, that the Queen was so incensed
at the opposition the Duke met with, that, in a great
passion, she gave orders to prepare all the King's
ships lying at Sandwich, to render him assistance.
These, while they awaited a favourable opportunity to
set sail, were surprised by Sir John Denham, a friend
of the Earl of March, who, with some troops, had
been dismissed by the Earl of Warwick. These forces,
arriving at Sandwich by daybreak, Lord Rivers and
his son, Sir Antony, and most of his officers, were
surprised in their beds, and taken prisoners ; and the
rest were won over by Sir John Denham, who finally
departed with the King's vessels to Calais, taking with
him also Lord Rivers, his son, and officers. These
ships were employed by Warwick to carry him over
to Ireland, and there he desired to consult the Duke of
York as to the means they should adopt for their own
defence. When Lord Rivers was brought before the
lords at Calais, " there were eight score torches, and
" there my Lord of Salisbury rated him, calling him
" knave's son, that he should be so rude to call him,
" and these other lords, traitors, for," he said, " they
" should be found the King's true liege men, when he
" should be found a traitor." Lord Rivers was also
" rated '' by my Lords Warwick and March ; but this
* Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Wor-
cester ; Paston Letters ; Bapin ; Lingard ; Daniel.
62
MABGABET OF ANJOU.
1459.
W. of Wor-
cester.
was a show of great moderation on the part of these
Yorkists, who, according to the cruel customs in these
civil wars, might have ordered their prisoner for im-
mediate execution.
After the Earl of Warwick's conference with the
Duke of York, he returned to Calais. He met in
his passage the new Admiral, the Duke of Exeter,
who did not dare to arrest the Earl's progress, and
Warwick reached Calais in safety. He brought with
him his mother, the Countess of Salisbury, who,
through fear, had fled to Ireland.* The Duke of
Somerset about this time returned from Guisnes,
500 men having been sent over to reconduct him to
England.
1459. Sir Simon Montford was appointed to guard the
w. of Wor- Cinque Ports, having^some ships under his command,
to prevent the approach of the Earl of Warwick ; but
all these precautions were unavailing. The Earl sur-
prised Sir Simon before his vessels were ready, and
having ransacked the town of Sandwich, he carried
off Sir Simon and his officers to Calais, where they
say the Earl of March, to revenge those who had
suffered in his father's cause, had twelve of them
beheaded.
1459 In February this year, 1459, nine persons were
w. of Wor- apprehended hi the metropolis who were Yorkists,
one of them a lawyer, named Roger Neville, the rest
tradesmen of the city of London. They were drawn,
hanged, and beheaded ; the offence for which they
suffered being, that they were desirous of approaching
Calais to aid the Earl of Warwick, f
A conspiracy was also discovered, the object of
which was to besiege the Tower of London. The
* Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabyan ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ;
Psston Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Daniel,
f Baker ; Paston Letters ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 63
Duke of Exeter was implicated, and five of his family,
and also Thomas Brount, knight, of Kent. They
were all tried in July this year, 1459, at Guildhall, 1459 -
J J ' ' W. of Wor-
and convicted, and were then drawn to Tyburn and cester.
beheaded ; also, soon afterwards, another person, named
John Archer, who was engaged in the same plot.*
It had been anticipated by the Queen and her
ministers, that the interview between the Duke of
York and the Earl of Warwick would be productive
of a new rebellion ; consequently, a Council was held
on the subject, wherein it was determined that a dili-
gent search should be made throughout the kingdom
for all the friends and adherents of the Duke of York,
and that such of them as should be found faithful to
him, and most capable of rendering him assistance,
should be executed. James Butler,")" Earl of Wilt-
shire, Lord Scales, and others, were employed in the
office of discovering those who had sided with the
Yorkists, and they were authorised to punish the
offenders according to law.
These severities, however, had a different effect from
that which had been anticipated. The general dis-
content increased, and scarcely had these two lords
begun to execute their commission, having condemned
to death a few persons in some towns where the
Duke's cause had been boldly espoused, than the in-
habitants of Kent flew to arms, and the people, who
had before eagerly flocked to the standard of Cade (an
adventurer, with a feigned title), now exhibited great
zeal and excitement in favour of one they called the
rightful heir, and true descendant of the House of
York4
* W. of Worcester.
f James Butler was the son of the Earl of Orrnond, and was created Earl
of Wiltshire by Henry VI. during his father's lifetime. He had been ten
years Deputy of Ireland, and became Lord High Treasurer of England.
J Stow ; Paston Letters ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Rapin.
64 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
1459. In 1459, Pope Pius II. sent into England a Legate,
with a view to assist in the reconciliation of the rival
parties of York and Lancaster ; and also to prevail on
King Henry VI. to join the forces of this nation in
a crusade. The Legate employed on this occasion
was Francesco de Copini, Bishop of Teramo, who, far
from executing the purposes of his mission, fostered
the dissensions of the rival parties, when he should
have composed them ; he joined the army of the
Yorkists, and even proceeded to excommunicate the
adherents of the Lancastrians.
This is stated by the Pope himself. Copini had
arrived at Calais, when he received a letter from the
leaders of the Yorkist party, Richard, Earl of Warwick,
who was Captain of Calais, Edward, Earl of March,
Richard, Earl of Salisbury, and William Neville, Lord
Fauconbridge. The letter was dated from Calais,
and had the seals, as well as the signs-manual, of all
these persons attached to it.
They offered to Copini a vessel, to go speedily and
urge upon King Henry the " honour and integrity of
" the intentions of these lords, both to him and to
" the country, confirmed by oath." They alluded to
their having obtained possession of the King's fleet,
which they hadjseized upon previously at Sandwich.
Copini much [incensed the Pope by the perversion
of his mission, and by the enormous bribes, in plate
and money, which he had received. He was recalled
by him, and put into prison, in the castle of St. Angelo.
The Legate made a full confession of his guilt.
He was deprived of his bishopric, and changed his
name from Francesco to Ignatius. Afterwards he
became a monk in the Benedictine monastery of St.
Paul, at Rome, and died in obscurity.
The Yorkist Jords showed their sense of obligation
to Copini by granting him the sum of £100 annually,
MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 65
payable from the ports of Southampton ; and this was
granted until such time as he should obtain prefer-
ment in the church.*
The impolitic scheme of Queen Margaret, for the
extirpation of the Yorkists, had raised universal alarm
in the minds of the people of Kent.
Their strong attachment to the Duke of York had
been often manifested ; and perceiving the method
adopted in other counties, for the destruction of his
party, they could but anticipate that their own ruin
would follow. With this impression they made a
timely appeal to the Lords at Calais, inviting them
to make a descent on the coast of Kent, promising to
join them, and risk their lives and fortunes in their
cause. It may well be imagined that this offer was
far from displeasing to the lords who received it ;
but, being unwilling to engage too hastily in this
enterprise, they dismissed Lord Fauconbridge to as-
certain the real disposition of the people.")"
When Lord Fauconbridge arrived at Sandwich he
found the inhabitants throughout Kent were sincere
in their professions to'the Lords at Calais, and earnestly
desired to support the pretensions of the Yorkists.
He sent immediately this intelligence to Calais, adding
that nothing but the utmost despatch could save this
county from the ruin which appeared inevitable ; and
that if prompt assistance be rendered to the inhabi-
tants of Kent, those of. other counties might be en-
couraged to join them.J
The Lords of Calais could no longer hesitate ; but
previous to engaging in their new projects, they con-
veyed information of them to the Duke of York, in
Ireland, and caused a public protestation to be made
throughout Kent and the adjoining counties, to the
* Ellis's Letters. f Stow ; Baker ; Rapin ; Henry ; Daniel.
% Stow ; Rapin ; Lingard.
VOL. II. F
CG MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
effect that their only motive for taking up arms was to
free the poor from oppression, and to preserve their
rights and privileges. They further added, that they
doubted not that all worthy Englishmen would unite
their efforts for so noble an enterprise. The Earls of
Wiltshire and Shrewsbury and Lord Beaumont were
charged by them with misguiding the King. They
asserted, that the King of France had been written to, to
besiege Calais ; and that the people of Ireland had been
commanded to expel the English. Finally, that the
Yorkists were loyal subjects, which it was their in-
tention soon to make manifest.
1460. This declaration had so great an effect over the
London minds of the people, that when the Earls of Salisbury,
chron.j Warwick, and March reached Sandwich, bringing with
them 1500 men, they found there already assembled
an army of 400 * strong, under the command of Lord
Cobham. f With this additional army the Yorkists
began their march towards London, and before they
arrived at the metropolis their numbers were increased
to 25,000 or, according to some writers, 40,000 men.
Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury (who was in-
debted for his exaltation to that See to the Duke of
York), joined their party, as did the Bishops of Lincoln
and London, and many barons. Also, the Pope's
Legate had joined them. Besides these, William Grey,
Bishop of Ely, and George Neville, Bishop of Exeter,
brother of the Earl of Warwick, declared for them,
and with some armed men met the warlike leaders
with their army at Southwark, and conducted them
to the city by London Bridge ; J when they reached
* Lingard says 600.
| Stow ; Hall ; London Chron. ; Leland ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York ;
Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Daniel.
J One historian tells us that in this approach to the city, thirteen of the
strongest of the Bishop's armed men were suffocated, having fallen on the
bad roads, and being unable to rise through the weight of their armour, and
the concourse of people.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. C7
tlie capital the gates were thrown open to receive
thern.
They entered the city on the 2nd of July, 1460. It 1460.
appears that resistance was vain, for London was at
that time " kept without watch, and nothing furnished
" like a town of war, and therefore of necessity open
"to the first assailants." They all proceeded to St.
Paul's, and there, in the presence of the prelates who
had espoused their cause, the Yorkists swore that they
intended nothing contrary to the continuance of King
Henry's authority.*
* Pol. Vergil ; Sandford ; Baker : W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Maitland's
London.
F 2
CHAPTER II.
(Queen Margaret.)
' ' Oft have I heard that grief softens
" The mind,
" And makes it fearftd and degenerate ;
" Think therefore on revenge, and cease to weep."
Shakespeare.
(Queen Margaret.)
'* What are you made of ? you'll not fight
"Nor fly:
" Now is it manhood, wisdom and defence
" To give the enemy way ; and to secure us
** By what we can, which can no more but fly ?
[Alarm afar of.
** If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom
11 Of all our fortunes ; but if we haply 'scape,
" As well we may, if not through your neglect,
" We shall to London get, where you are lord,
" And where the breach now in our fortunes made
" May readily be stopped." — Shakespeare.
The King and Queen at Coventry — Margaret's activity — She raises a new
army — Edward, Earl of March, opposes her — The battle of Northampton
— Buckingham and others slain — The Queen escapes to Durham —
Respect paid to the King — Parliament meets — York's pretensions dis-
cussed — The Duke of York appointed successor to King Henry — A
procession to St. Paul's — York becomes absolute — He attempts to
ensnare the Queen— Margaret robbed near Chester — She goes to "Wales
and Scotland — Affairs in Scotland — The Queen returns to the North
of England — She raises an army in Yorkshire, and is joined by the
northern barons — Promises of plunder — The Queen goes southward
with an army of 20,000 — The Duke of York advances to meet her, and
withdraws to Wakefield — Queen Margaret harangues her troops —
Battle of W T akefield Green— Death of the Duke of York, and of his
son — Earl of Salisbury beheaded — The Queen advances towards Lon-
don — Battle of Mortimer's Cross— Owen Tudor beheaded — Warwick
leads another army against the Queen — Battle of Bernard's Heath —
Interview of the King, Queen, and Prince Edward— Lord Bonville and
Sir Thomas Kiriel beheaded — The plunder of St. Alban's — The Queen
applies to the Lord Mayor for provisions, and is refused— The Earl of
March advances to London, and Queen Margaret retires to the North —
The Earl of March enters London, and is proclaimed King.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 69
Queen Margaret, who was at Coventry, found
herself a second time excluded from the capital, where
she had vainly endeavoured to prevent the entrance of
the rebels, by sending thither a considerable force,
under the command of Lord Scales. So general was
the disaffection in this city, that, even previous to the
entrance of the insurgents, the Mayor had shut the
gates upon Lord Scales, who, thus repulsed, threw
himself into the Tower, and threatened to destroy the
city with his cannon, should the enemy be allowed to
enter. The citizens, however, were not intimidated by
this menace, and boldly permitted the Yorkists to
establish themselves in the capital.*
The King and Queen were meanwhile collecting
forces at Coventry with the utmost expedition. The
Duke of Somerset, who had returned to England, and
the Duke of Buckingham, took the command of this
army, an office chiefly nominal, for Queen Margaret
was herself in reality the general. No step could be
taken, no measure adopted, but with her concurrence ;
and, although the King was present also in person, the
Queen was the only real commander. f Eagerly did
Margaret desire to come to an engagement, which her
ardent mind inclined her to expect would decide the
contest. How vain were these expectations ! How
unlike the judgment of riper years ! At this time
Margaret could not have been more than thirty-one
years of age, when her masculine understanding and
her courage led her to brave the fortunes of war, and
even death itself, in her earnestness to recover by force
of arms, that which by policy she could not preserve,
viz., the peaceable possession of the throne.
The Queen would not listen to any parley ; and the
* Baker ; Hall ; Rapin ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London.
f Sandford ; Hall ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ;
Female Worthie3.
TO MAEGAEBT OF ANJOU.
King, intent on his devotions, did not even receive
the messengers sent by the enemy to seek an accom--
modation ; the Duke of Buckingham also refused to
admit them, even upon a second and a third ap-
plication. *
The Earl of March, a youth of about twenty years
of age, set out from London, with 25,000 men, to oppose
the Queen, who, as he had heard, was on her way to
the metropolis ; and he hoped to come to an engage-
ment with her before she could collect a larger army.
The Earl was accompanied by the Earl of Warwick
and Lord Cobham, as lieutenants, whilst the Earl of
Salisbury remained in the city with a great part of his
forces. Lord Scales, taking advantage of the departure
of these noblemen, caused his cannon to play against
the city, and effected some mischief ; but the vigilance
of the Earl of Salisbury, in stopping his supplies, occa-
sioned him great distress. f
Upon approaching the army of the Eoyalists, en-
camped near Northampton, the Earls of March and
Warwick had dismissed the Bishop of Salisbury with
proposals of accommodation. These offers, as we have
seen, were not made known to the King ; but the
Court, esteeming them as mere j^rofessions, refused to
listen to them, and both armies prepared for battle.
The Queen, in her eagerness to decide the quarrel
by an engagement, had crossed a little river called
Nen, or Nyne, which lay behind the plain upon which
she had encamped, making haste to effect this passage
lest the Yorkists should take advantage of it to avoid
a battle : this circumstance was ultimately of great
disadvantage to her. j
The memorable battle of Northampton was fought
* Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Stow ; Wethamstede.
f Baker ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Rapin.
% Sandford ; Stow ; Baudier ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Pol. Vergil.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 71
t
on the 19th of July * 1460. t The Dukes of Somerset ueo.
Baker •
and Buckingham having the command of the royal Sandford;
forces, the Queen withdrew to a distance, to watch the p^ton'
encounter, and to issue her orders as circumstances Letters ;
. . Stow;
should require. In the army of the Yorkists the right Pennant ;
wing was commanded by the Earl of Warwick, the Henry';
left by Lord Cobham, and the Earl of March fought in i^lSi.
the centre. The King only remained inactive on this
eventful day, which seemed to promise to establish
him on the throne, or to dispossess him of it for ever.
Eetiring to his tent, within the precincts of the camp,
he there patiently awaited the issue of the battle.
Such respect had the pacific character of King Henry
obtained for him amongst the Yorkists, that the lords
of this party had proclaimed throughout their army,
that great care should be taken not to injure the person
of their sovereign. They also ordered that the com-
mon soldiers should be spared, and their leaders only
sacrificed to their vengeance.
The engagement, which was commenced by the
Yorkists, lasted two, or, as some say, five hours, with
great fury and equal obstinacy on both sides, until Lord
Grey, of Ruthin, who had headed part of the King's
forces, suddenly deserted to the enemy. The Royalists,
discouraged by this unexpected event, and fearing that
others would follow this example, began to give way,
and were finally routed with considerable loss. In
their flight they were impeded by the river Nen, which
occasioned a greater slaughter, besides that many were
drowned in attempting to repass it. Amongst the
slain were the Duke of Buckingham, the Lords Beau-
mont and Egremont, the Earl of Shrewsbury (son of
* Toplis says on the 10th of July ; also Allen's Hist, of York.
f Some tell us that the Bishop of Hereford, a white friar and the King's
confessor, encouraged the Lancastrians to fight ; and for this he was after-
wards committed to the castle of Warwick, where he long remained a
prisoner.
72 MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
the great Lord Talbot, killed in the French war), and
many others of high rank and merit. There were
10,000 men killed in this battle.* The slaughter was
chiefly of the nobility, and many prisoners were taken. f
Lord Beaumont was the first nobleman who bore
in England the title of viscount, with which King
Henry had distinguished him, in 1439, and he had
ever proved his faithful adherent. The Duke of
Buckingham had also been firm in the interests of his
royal master. In 1454 he had prepared the " Stafford
"knots," to distinguish his party; in 1455, at St.
Alban's, he had been wounded while fighting by the
King's side, and in that encounter he had lost his eldest
son, Lord Stafford. For a short time, in 1456, how-
ever, he joined the Yorkists, being offended by the
Queen's removal of his two relatives from the offices
of Chancellor and Treasurer ; but he soon returned to
the Lancastrian side, and joined the royal standard at
Northampton, where he lost his life. His remains
were interred in the church of Grey Friars, at
Northampton.:);
The unfortunate issue of the battle of Northampton
may be attributed to the treachery of Lord Grey of
Ruthin, of whom we are assured that he was tempted
to betray the trust reposed in him, through his love of
lucre, which led him to negotiate, previous to this
battle, with the Earl of March, who promised him the
estates of Ampethill (belonging to Lord Fanhope, a
partisan of King Henry, and to which Lord Grey pre-
tended a title), on condition that he would desert the
* Stow tells us, that " on the day of this battle, there was so great a rain
" that the King's ordnance of guns might not be shot."
•f* Hall says " 10,000 talle Englishmen and their King were taken."
% Paston Letters ; Stow ; Hall ; Toplis ; Sandford ; Baker ; Pennant ;
Lingard ; Milles's Catalogue ; W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Lond. Chron. ;
Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Morant ; Magna Britannica ; Phillips's
Shrewsbury ; Bridge's Northampton ; Allen's York.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 73
Lancastrians with his followers, a strong body of
Welshmen. This account appears more credible, when
we consider the mercenary disposition of Lord Grey,
as exhibited in the Paston Letters. This Lord, who
carefully regarded his own interests, survived through
four stormy reigns, and contrived to preserve his
property with the favour of King Edward IV.,
Richard III., and Henry VII.*
Alas ! for the unfortunate Queen, thus suddenly
deprived of her once loyal adherent ! yet many others
supported her cause, and sought to retrieve the mis-
fortune by a vigorous resistance, until, driven back,
and discomfited, on the edge of a stream, swollen by
the heavy rains, they had no escape from the flood, or
the sword, but to end the contest by a precipitate
flight. The bodies of those who were slain were
buried in the hospital of St. John, or in the church of
the convent, called the Abbey de la Pre, in the town
of Northampton.
The Queen, the young Prince, and the Duke of
Somerset, with others who had escaped the battle,
rode away with the utmost expedition into Yorkshire,
and thence to Durham ; they were, indeed, in the
utmost alarm, lest they should fall into the hands of
their enemies. They still had hopes that they should
be able to augment their forces, or to escape into
Scotland, until a more favourable season for renewing
the war.f
The King fell again into the power of the Yorkists,
from whom, however, he received all the homage due
to his rank, and even as much respect as he could
have demanded in his most prosperous circumstances.
This monarch, we are assured, if insensible to his
change of fortune, received some consolation in his
♦ * Dugdale ; Paston Letters.
f Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin.
74 1CAB0ABET OF ANJOU.
reverses from the deference shown him. He
seemed born to a life of calamity, and he must have
deeply felt the loss of his steady friends, experienced
generals, and near relatives, who, one by one, fell in
this ruthless warfare. He had, at this time, to regret
the Duke of Buckingham, the proudest of England's
lords, who had been granted the precedence of all
other dukes, those excepted of the blood-royal. He
had been advanced to his dukedom by the Kino: him-
self, and was by blood allied to this monarch. Far
different were his fortunes to those of Lord Grey of
Eu thin. His grandson, the only heir to his estates,
being but four years of as;e, became a ward to the
King, and was consigned, along with Humphrey, his
brother, to the care of Anne, Duchess of Exeter,
with an allowance of 500 marks annually for their
maintenance.
The victorious lords conducted King Henry, in a
kind of procession to Northampton, soon after the
battle, and there stayed until he came to London,
which city he entered on the 16th of August following,
attended by a o-reat manv of the Yorkists, who had so
lately been in arms against him. These lords, with
triumph, conducted their submissive monarch through
the capital, and lodged him in the Bishop's palace.
From this time until the meeting of Parliament, which
was called in the name of the King to meet at West-
minster on the 7th of October, (for the acknowledged
object of healing the dissensions of the two parties),
the Yorkists continued to pay their court assiduously
to their meek and passive King. In all public affairs,
meanwhile, they took upon themselves to act in the
King's name, and they prevailed upon Henry to sign
whatever orders were agreeable to their own interests.*
* Baker ; Toplis ; Hall ; Lond. Chron. ; W. of Worcester ; Hume t Stow :
Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry ; Bridge's Northampton.
MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 75
William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester, had been
appointed High Chancellor in 1456, in the room of
Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, who
had held this office under the Yorkists. This Bishop
was a learned and zealous prelate, eminent for his
piety, amiability of temper, and his great compassion
towards the poor. These distinguishing characteristics
marked him as one of those beloved of the saintly
monarch, who delighted in rest and peace and holy
converse. With such a companion as this King Henry
passed his time ; and we find that even when com-
pelled to approach the battle-field, and listen to the
din of war, previous to the encounter at Northampton,
this Bishop was with his beloved sovereign.* The
object of this prelate was to resign his chancellorship ;
not that he was less firm in his attachment to his
royal master's interests, but that this had been im-
puted to him by Pope Pius II. To free him from this
charge, . the King addressed a letter to his Holiness,
wherein he speaks of the bishop's services to him in
the administration, and adds, that such had been his
conduct as should preserve his character from censure.")"
It was on the 7th of July, 1460, that Waynfleet made
this resignation to the King, in the presence of the
Bishops of Hereford and Durham, and others, in King
Henry's tent, then pitched in a field called " Harding-
" stone Field," near the Abbey of St. Mary " cle
1 Pratis," not far from Northampton. This great seal
of silver was, by the King's orders, deposited in a
chest, in his tent, the key of it being delivered to him.
The Yorkists, having again recovered their authority, H60
through their success at Northampton, now furiously Baker ;
assaulted the Tower of London, which was besieged PastoiT
Letters.
* Birch's Illust. Persons of Great Britain.
f Edward IV., when established on the throne, treated Waynfleet with
consideration, notwithstanding his attachment to King- Henry VI.
76 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
by the Earl of Salisbury, Lord Cobliam, and Sir John
Wenlock. This fortress had been held by the Lords
Scales and Hungerford, having with them also the
High Sheriff of Kent, and John Dalamara of the
county of Berks, and others ; but all their loyalty was
unavailing — they were compelled to surrender to their
besiegers. This they did, but conditionally, that they
should depart free — a privilege, however, which was
not accorded them by the new Governor, the Earl of
Warwick ; for it appears that Lord Scales, attempting
to escape from the Tower, in order to reach the
Sanctuary at Westminster, and having, as described
by the chronicler, " explored the Thames by night, in
" disguised apparel, was descried by a woman," and
was killed in a conflict by the sailors of the Earls of
Warwick and March, beneath the wall of the Bishop
of Winchester's house, on the banks of the river. He
was despoiled of his clothes, and left naked for many
hours, lying on the earth in the cemetery, near the
porch of the church of St. Mary of Overy, in South-
ward At length, on the same day, he was honour-
ably interred by the Earls of Warwick, March, and
others. Thomas Lord Scales was regarded as a noble-
man of distinguished worth and great loyalty. He was
sixty-two years of age.*
The contest between the two parties seemed now to
have terminated, the chief of the Lancastrians being
killed, or imprisoned, Queen Margaret and her son
having fled, and the weak King Henry being at the
disposal of his enemies ; but torrents of blood were yet
to be shed before this fatal quarrel should be ended.
This was owing chiefly to the political timidity of the
Duke of York, and the courage and activity of the
Queen. George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, was ap-
* Stow ; Baker ; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters ; Mait-
land's London.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 77
pointed Chancellor on the 25th of July, and Lord
Bouchiere, Treasurer.
At the meeting of Parliament on the 7th of October, Ho J^ed ■
1460, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, the Earls w. ofWor-
of Northumberland and Devonshire, as well as others Hume'; \
of the Lancastrian party, did not dare to appear. Only ai ' m '
the Yorkists were present. The Earl of Warwick
obtained from the King a grant of the government of
Calais, and the Duke of Somerset was commanded to
give up to him that of Guisnes. The Duke of York
and his friends, viz., the Earls of Salisbury and War-
wick, Lords Clifford and Clinton, Sir Thomas Harring-
ton, Sir John Wenlock, and others, were all declared
good and loyal subjects. Also, in this Parliament, all
the acts were repealed which had been passed at the
last meeting at Coventry. The King was obliged to
sanction all these measures with his authority, and
indeed whatever the victors required. Almost all the
archbishops, bishops, and abbots attended during this
session.
The victory of the Yorkists at Northampton had
once more called the Duke from Ireland, on which
occasion the attachment of his adherents was eminently
evinced in this country. They flocked around him in
vast numbers, uttering violent professions of fidelity
and of resolution.f
The friends of the Duke of York were anxiously
desiring his presence in London to direct their future
proceedings. Nor did the Duke fail to take advantage
of this turn of fortune in his favour. He hastened to
London, and entered the capital with sound of trum-
pets, an armed retinue of 500 horsemen, and a drawn
sword was carried before him. It was the second day
of the meeting of Parliament when the Duke arrived.
* W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry,
f Leland.
76 MABGABET OF AXJOTJ.
He aliglited from his horse at Westminster, and pro-
ceeded directly to the House of Lords, placed himself
under the canopy of state, and with his hand upon the
throne stood for some minutes, as if expecting to be
invited to take the seat. During this period of
suspense the total silence of the house sufficiently
convinced the Duke that the members were not all
favourable to his purpose, and to add to the confusion
he evinced, the Archbishop of Canterbury, advancing
towards him, inquired " if he would not go and pay his
"respects to the King?" Upon this the Duke
coloured deeply, and hastily replying, that " he knew
" no one to whom he owed that honour," withdrew
instantly to his own house.
The Duke perceived that it was quite in vain
to expect to be solicited to receive the crown, and
resolved to throw aside the mask with which he
had hitherto disguised his actions, and openly
assert his claims. Accordingly, on the following
morning, he sent in to Parliament a written state-
ment of the grounds whereon he rested his preten-
sions, and these were debated, according to the
several abilities and dispositions of the members, with
great earnestness.*
The Duke began by stating that he derived his
descent from Henry III., by Lionel, third son of
Edward III., Eichard II. having resigned; Henry,
Earl of Derby, who was the son of John of Ghent, the
younger brother of Lionel, contrary to all right, inher-
ited the crowns of England and France and the Lord-
ship of Ireland, which lawfully belonged to Eoger
Mortimer, Earl of March, great grandson to the said
Lionel, and thence by right, law, and custom descended
to himself, being the lineal representative of Eoger
* Pol. Vergil ; Leland ; Baker ; Allen's York ; ZMoore's Ireland ; Hume ;
Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; London Chron. ; Fabvar.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU. 79
Mortimer. The following day the Duke required an
immediate answer.
It was the first time that the Duke of York had
publicly urged his claims to the crown. The people
were not yet prepared to depose their beloved monarch.
His inoffensive character had attached his subjects to
him. His family had filled the throne for three gene-
rations. He had himself reigned thirty-nine years.
Most of the Yorkists had received their honours, and
some their estates, from him. The Duke of York had
sworn fealty to King Henry when he succeeded to the
inheritance of the Earl of March, from whom he
derived his claims ; he had done so when he was ap-
pointed to the government of Normandy, and again'
when made Lieutenant of Ireland. When he became
Protector he had acknowledged him as his king ; and
he had, besides, frequently sworn on the Sacrament to
be faithful to him. All this had induced many of his
adherents to think that he did not, in reality, aim at
the crown ; and this also accounts for their apathy
upon his first endeavours to attain his object, and for
the murmurs of the people. The Lords resolved to
wait on the King and receive his commands.
When these claims were made known to the King, „ 1460.
he replied, " My father was king ; his father was also
" king. I have worn the crown forty years from my
" cradle : you have all sworn fealty to me as your
" sovereign, and your fathers have done the like to
" my fathers. How then can my right be disputed ? "
To this he added, " therefore I say with King David,
" my lot is fallen in a fair ground, I have a goodly
" heritage : my help is from the Lord, which saveth
" the upright in heart."
It must be remembered that, in England, there was
no Salic law, by which females were excluded from
the succession, and Richard of York was descended by
Lingard.
80 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
the female line from the second son of Edward III.,
while King Henry's rights and those of his father and
grandfather came only from the third son ; nevertheless
the crown had been confirmed by Parliament to those
Lancastrians more than sixty years, and the Duke was
obliged to act with caution in gaining to his interests
the members of that body, since he required their
assistance to carry out his designs.
The Parliament, in favour of Henry, agreed that
his grandfather, Henry IV., took possession of the
throne without opposition. To this the Duke's friends
replied, that the Earl of March, then alive, could not
without danger dispute it with him, but that his silence
ought not to be construed into consent. Secondlv, it
was said that Henry IV. obtained the crown by
consent of Parliament ; but, it was answered for the
Duke, that he was not disposed to act without that
power, but that Parliament, having once deviated from
established custom in favour of the House of Lancaster,
they had no less powerful inducements to render justice
to the Duke of York. Thus much was said respecting
the authority of Parliament without calling it in ques-
tion ; as it was intended that its power should be
instrumental in raising the Duke of York to the
throne. Thirdly, Richard II. 's resignation was next
brought forward by the Lancastrians. Here the
Yorkists expressed a doubt as to the power of a
monarch while in the hands of his enemies, about to
depose him, to determine the succession. It was also
denied that it favoured the House of Lancaster, or
even Henry IV. himself. Fourthly, it was asserted,
that the Earl of Cambridge having been put to
death for high treason, his posterity were thus ren-
dered incapable of any inheritance. But, in reply, it
* Lingard ; Wethamstede ; Rapin ; Howel's Med. Hist. Angl. ; Milles's
Catalogue.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 81
was urged that the Duke of York had been acknow-
ledged by this title, as well as that of Earl of March,
not only by the King, but by all the nation, and that
he had also been restored to all his rights and honorary
distinctions. Fifthly, it was argued that the crown
had remained in the Lancastrian line during a period
of forty years. The Duke's friends reasoned that the
crown was a natural right, and ought not to be set
aside by any positive law. Sixthly, it was finally
represented for the King, that having, during a reign
of thirty-eight years, led so harmless and pacific a life
that no person had conceived any offence against him,
it would be cruel to deprive him of the crown. This
argument had great influence over the minds of the
ministers, so much were they prepossessed in favour
of the King ; but the Duke's friends again replied,
that by leaving the crown to Henry no kindness was
conferred upon him, owing to his inability to govern ;
but that it was rather bestowing it on the Queen and her
ministers, who had already made such bad use of their
power ; nor did they deem it just, that the nation should
suffer for the sake of the King, or an injustice be
allowed from a charitable motive. Though all this
was urged, the Council came to the decision, that the
King should still wear the crown during his life, but
that the Duke of York should be acknowledged his
successor.
In all the proceedings of these Lords their attach-
ment to King Henry appears to have been great,
for, since the title of the Duke could not be defeated,
they yet refused to proceed to the next step, namely,
to dethrone their monarch.
An act of Parliament was then passed to this effect,
that the Duke of York, notwithstanding his undoubted
right to the crown, willingly agreed that King Henry
should enjoy it during his life, and would readily
VOL. II. G
82 MABGABET OF ANJOTJ.
swear to obey him as bis lawful sovereign ; but that,
should this agreement be in any way broken through
by the King, the Duke of York, or his heirs, should
immediately succeed to the throne ; that the Duke
should be proclaimed heir apparent and protector of
the King's person, lands, and dominions. The Duke
and his two sons, the Earls of March and Rutland,
took oath not to molest the King, and to support him
on the throne. The royal assent was obtained to
this bill, which, besides declaring the Duke of York
heir apparent, granted to him and his sons certain
estates on that account, and made it high treason for
any one who should make any attempts against his
person.*
It can hardly be imagined that the ambitious views
of the Duke of York did not carry him beyond this
arrangement, by which it might be a considerable time,
if, indeed, he should ever be able to attain to the rank
of sovereignty ; but probably the very extraordinary
^moderation of Richard Duke of York disposed him to
concede a point which he foresaw could only be gained
by the sword ; and he adopted a line of conduct very
different from what might have been expected from
him, considering that he had at this time a victorious
army to support his title, which had been acknow-
ledged to be just in the Council ; so that it seemed
but a little more effort was required on his part to
secure the throne. Some persuasion only was neces-
sary for him to get the crown awarded to him by
Parliament, it being the custom of that House to decide
in favour of the stronger party. It is evident, how-
ever, that its members were not overawed by thje
Duke's power, but felt at liberty to decide, according
to their unbiased judgment ; yet it is the more sur-
* Baker ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Lond.
Chron. ; Rapin ; Henry ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Fabyan.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 83
prising that the Duke did not make use of his advan-
tage, since it must be remembered that, being older
than Henry, he could hardly expect to outlive him.
The decision of Parliament was succeeded by a
formal procession to St. Paul's, where the King ap-
peared wearing his crown, attended by the Duke of
York, as heir apparent. This happened on All Saints'
Day, and on the Saturday following Richard Duke of
York was proclaimed, with sound of trumpet, heir ap-
parent to the crown, and " Protector" of the realm.*
The agreement into which King Henry had entered
was highly prejudicial to his family ; especially to the
young prince, his son ; yet this monarch made no
effort to alter the situation of affairs, but quietly sub-
mitted the management of public business to the care
of the Duke of York and his party, with whose
arrangements he appeared contented, while he was
consoled under this species of servitude by occupying
himself wholly in religious exercises, f
Two portentous omens were at this time noticed
by the superstitious. While the Duke of York was
declaring his title in the upper house, in the lower a
crown, which was hanging in the middle of this build-
ing, being an ornament to a chandelier, without any
wind or movement to occasion it, fell down, as did
also another crown from the top of Dover castle ; both
indicating, as was thought, a change in the dynasty.
Polydore Vergil says, " Such was the pleasure of
" God, that King Henry, a most holy man, should by
" so many calamities wherewithal he was continually
" afflicted, be deprived of this earthly kingdom, to
" enjoy forthwith the everlasting ; for a good man can
" never be but good, though he suffer a thousand
" afflictions." j
* Rot. Pari. ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Lingard ; Rapin.
f Rapin ; Allen's York. % Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil.
G 2
84 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
The Duke of York, who had now become not only
absolute master of the government, but also of the
King's person, prevailed upon Henry to sign an order
for the Queen to repair to him. Letters were despatched
into Scotland requiring, in the name of the King, that
Queen Margaret, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter,
and all others of the English nobility in that kingdom,
should speedily repair to the royal presence in London.
1460. By this manoeuvre the Duke of York hoped to find a
Hume/ pretext to banish Margaret the kingdom, for he felt
his own power would be insecure while the Queen's
influence might clash with his interests. He well
knew that, in the present posture of affairs, she dared
not to obey this command of her husband, and ven-
ture iuto the midst of her enemies ; and by thus
rendering her criminal by her 'refusal, he hoped to
justify his future proceedings against her. He thought
he should have the good fortune to get rid of his rival,
by raising an impediment to her return, and he vainly
imagined that Margaret would be left without re-
source.
In this Richard of York had formed an erroneous
estimate of the Queen's character. Her masculine
spirit was not to be so easily intimidated by dangers
and difficulties, and, far from being dismayed by her
late misfortunes, she appears to have been, on the
contrary, stimulated to the most active exertions.*
The Queen had, after the defeat at Northampton,
fled with Somerset and others, to Durham ; but she
secretly withdrew from that city, attended only by
eight persons, bearing with her the young prince, her
son, for whose safety she showed great anxiety.
Margaret, when flying with this little escort from
Eccleshall to Chester, narrowly escaped being taken
prisoner by John Cleger, one of Lord Stanley's
* Ilall ; Baker ; Stew ; Fabyan ; It a pin ; Hume ; Henry.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 85
servants ; and was also robbed of her jewels and
apparel * by her own attendants, but finally suc-
ceeded in reaching Wales, where Queen Margaret
thought herself secure.
King Henry had been passing his time during the H6o.
last session of Parliament at Eltham and Green- Letters.
wich, in hunting, while his consort and son were,
with the Duke of Exeter and a few trusty followers,
enduring many adversities in Wales; although, for a
brief period, protected by the valour of David-ap-
Jevan-ap-Enion, governor of the fortress of Harlech,')'
in Merionethshire, where these fugitives had sought
refuge.^
The Duke of Somerset, it would appear, had gone
to Dieppe, and with him the Lords Whittingham,
John Ormond, Sir Andrew Trollop, and others of the
garrison of Guisnes, having a safe conduct from the
King of France. It was rumoured that Somerset
purposed to join the Queen in Wales.
The Queen made but a short stay in Wales, where H6o.
she had experienced many disasters, and after- l^mant-
wards sailed, with her son, to one of the ports of Rudlan d;
. . Lmgard.
Scotland. It is deeply interesting to contemplate at
this time the maternal solicitude of Queen Margaret ;
who, from the period of the disastrous issue of the
late engagement, seemed to be no less occupied in
the care of her son's personal safety than in maintain-
ing the interests of her unfortunate husband. §
James II., King of Scotland, on hearing of the
* Stow says this robbery was to the amount of 10,000 marks.
f There is still a tower in Harlech Castle called by the name of Margaret
of Anjou, where she abode during this season of adversity.
J Paston Letters ; Stow ; Toplis ; Fabyan ; Allen's York ; Hay's Biog. ;
Rapin ; Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Henry ; Lingard ; WraxalPs Tour. ;
Lewis's Topographical Dictionary.
§ Paston Letter ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ;
Pennant's Wales ; Toplis ; Lingard ; Rudland's Snowden ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Henry ; Fabyan ; Lewis's Top. Diet.
86 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
defeat of the Lancastrians, at Northampton, was in-
stantly excited by this event to take up arms.
With a numerous army he laid siege to Roxburg
castle, a fortress which had long been in the power
of the English, and was at this time held by Willliam
Neville, Lord Fauconberg. While engaged upon this
siege, the Scottish monarch was accidentally killed
by the bursting of a cannon-ball, when in the flower
of his age, and to the great grief of his widow, his
army, and his people. His country was again ex-
posed to a minority, and was from this period torn by
divisions, and similar troubles to those which were
occurring in England. Some consolation might have
been felt by this people at first, while deploring the
loss of their young and warlike monarch ; when they
beheld his spirited and energetic Queen, Mary of
Gueldres, who, arriving immediately in the camp,
with the infant heir, and showing him to the army,
with tears in her eyes, conjured them, by the memory
of their sovereign, and by the renown of Scottish
valour, not to quit the siege until they had reduced
this fortress. The eloquence of the Queen prevailed
— the castle was taken, and levelled to the ground.
In the wars of the Roses, the party of the Lancas-
trians had ever been espoused by King James, from
his personal relation to the families of Somerset and
Gaunt ; also because his ally, the King of France,
lent his assistance to the English monarch, which is
proved by his treaties whenever King Henry resumed
his authority.
The death of King James was preceded a few days
by that of Charles VII., of France, who was said to
have starved himself to avoid the risk of being poi-
soned by his own son, Lewis XL, his successor.*
* Stow ; Holinshed ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 87
From Scotland, Queen Margaret returned to the
north of England, where she employed every persua-
sion in her power to induce the Barons to aid her
cause ; and she succeeded in a short time in raising a
new army in Yorkshire.
Upon the 'decision of Parliament, with respect to
the succession of Richard Duke of York to the throne,
Queen Margaret, whose maternal feelings were in-
sulted, publicly expressed her displeasure at the injury
done to her son by his exclusion from the throne of
his forefathers, which she fully resolved and declared
she would revenge, and also release her husband from
his present thraldom. Her courage and natural abili-
ties seconded this determination ; for she was indeed
gifted, not only with the accomplishments of her own
sex, but richly endowed with the courage and talents
of the other, without their failings.*
This Queen's vigour and spirit supporting her small
power, enabled her to maintain the interests of her
son, and of those who [still adhered to the House of
Lancaster.
Unfurling her standard in the neighbourhood of
York, there soon rallied around it the Earl of North-
umberland, the Lords Clifford, Dacre, and Neville, and
these were speedily joined by the Duke of Somerset
and the Earl of Devonshire, with their followers from
those counties, who came* by way of Bath, Cirencester,
Evesham, and Coventry.
A Council was then held^by these northern chieftains
at York, in which the destruction of the Yorkists was
determined upon.f
These northern barons could not but compassionate
the helpless condition of their Queen ; and when they
* Hall ; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath ; Leland ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Female Worthies.
f Sandford ; Hall ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Henry ; Historical View
of Northumberland.
88 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
beheld her affability and condescension, as well as the
dexterity she displayed in winning their favour, for she
spared no pains to insinuate herself by promises and
assurances, their admiration of her talents inspired
them with the resolution to endeavour to restore her
to the throne.
The pride of these nobles, who regarded themselves
as the most valiant in the kingdom, had been wounded
by the disposal of the crown without their having been
consulted, and their indignation at this stimulated them
to revenge themselves. Thus their private pique came
to the aid of the Queen's enterprise. Their desire of
revenge also sufficiently accounts for the rapacity and
thirst for plunder which marked the subsequent pro-
gress of these northern barons ; they having promised
the people, in order to allure them to join in the war,
that they would permit them to plunder all the country
south of the Trent. By these means an army of
18,000, or 20,000 men was collected with an expedi-
tion which surprised the friends of Queen Margaret,
and no less astonished her enemies.*
Almost all the northern barons joined this army, and
thus powerfully supported, the Queen set out, bending
her course to the south, and taking her son with her.
Information had been conveyed to the Duke of York
of the Queen's attempts to raise an army, and although
ignorant of her great success, he prepared immediately
to oppose her, thinking that he could not be too speedy,
as he well knew that her spirit and activity were the
enemies he had most to apprehend.
Parliament having been adjourned in December, the
w.^of Wor- Duke of York took with him the Earl of Salisbury and
an army amounting to 4000, or 5000 f men, and having
* Hume ; Baker ; Stow ; Henry ; Historical Survey of Northumberland ;
Allen's York.
f One writer says C0OO men.
1460.
cester,
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 89
first committed the care of the King to his trusty friends,
the Earls of Norfolk and Warwick, he marched from
London towards York. As he proceeded, he obtained
intelligence of the Queen's superior numbers, and
considered it advisable to delay an engagement until
his son, the Earl of March, whom he had commanded
to follow him, with the rest of his forces, should join
him. Upon reaching Wakefield, therefore, he with-
drew to Sandal Castle, where he arrived on the 21st
of December. Here he kept the Christmas Day, along
with the Earl of Salisbury ; while the Duke of Somer-
set, the Earl of Northumberland, and the rest of the
Queen's forces, were lying at Pontefract. The castle
of Sandal was strongly fortified, and the Duke of York
thought himself secure, for he w T as convinced that the
Queen could not force it.*
Queen Margaret dared not, indeed, attack this castle,
being unprovided with artillery ; and she was much
mortified to see her enemy thus sheltered from her
assault, especially, as in her present circumstances,
having the superiority in numbers, she had every reason
to expect success, could she engage the Duke in battle.
She could not feel equally certain that, after the delay
which would give time for the arrival of the Earl of
March, she should have as good a chance of success ;
she therefore did all she could to provoke her enemy,
and entice him to come out and meet her in the field.
She exerted all her ingenuity to effect her purpose;
she placed some troops in ambush on each side of
Wakefield Green, one of them commanded by Lord
Clifford, the other by the Earl of Wiltshire, while the
main body of her army was led on by the Dukes of
Somerset and Exeter. Then, making her appearance
before the walls of Sandal Castle, she sought, by various
* Stow ; Hall ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Paston Letters ; Leland ;
Allen's York ; Eapin ; Hume ; Henry.
90 MAKGABET OF ANJOU,
means, to provoke the Duke to battle ; by turns she
threatened and challenged him, and even taunted him
with aspiring to wear a crown, when he had not even
courage to fight a woman.*
The Duke of York had hitherto been distinguished
for prudence and sound judgment, and during the
wars in France had obtained great credit for discretion
and good conduct; but, unfortunately for himself on
this occasion, he suffered his valour to get the better
of his reason, or his animosity against the Queen to
blind him, so as to make him commit an error, which
was unpardonable in so great a general. Rapin says
he was driven to it by the failure of provisions in the
castle, and another historian confirms this. He tells
us, that " while the troops of the Duke of York were
" wandering through the country in search of provisions,
" a dreadful battle took place ; " however this may
have been, the Duke sallied forth from his retreat, and
on hearing the taunts of the Queen, exclaimed, "What,
" shall it be said, that York was blocked up in his camp
" bv a woman, without daring to fight ! "
•/ 7 Cj CD
Quite contrary to the advice of his friends, the Duke
of York drew up his forces on Wakefield Green, relying
on his own courage and experience to compensate for
the deficiency of his numbers. This was exactly what
the Queen desired ; and, drawing up her army in order
of battle, she was the first to begin the engagement. |
Upon this day the Queen is said to have harangued
her troops in person, and the Chevalier Baudier has
thus transmitted to us her speech :
" You bear this day, my loyal English, the justest
" arms that ever appeared in any war, as being em-
" ployed to restore liberty to your King, who is now a
* Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Female Worthies.
+ Hall ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Scow ; Pol. Vergil ;
Allen s York ; Female Worthies ; Ptapin ; Henry ; Hume ; LingarcL
MAEGAKET OF ANJOU. 91
" prisoner, and the succession of the crown to his son,
" which a lawless tyrant has taken from him by
" violence ; for this reason, I ought not to doubt but
" that you will behave yourselves valiantly, and that
" each of you have already proposed to yourselves the
" illustrious name which you are going to acquire, of
" deliverers of your King, and protectors of the prince,
" his son.
" If you have a woman for your general, and fight
" under her command, the advantage you will receive
" from thence is not inconsiderable ; for, if the King
" were here present in person, the booty would be the
" only share you would have in the consequences of
" the victory, whilst he would engross all the glory of
" the success. The King being absent, you will now
" have both, and the world will sooner give the
" honour of the victory to your valour, than to my
" conduct.
" I hope, however, you will see to-day that there is
" no other difference between the generals of the two
" armies, besides that of their sex. I see already in
" your looks the courage which inspires your hearts,
" and the resolution you have taken either to conquer
" or die, and that none shall be able to reproach you
" that, on so important an occasion, you have done less
"than a woman, who puts herself at your head."
As Queen Margaret concluded her speech, the whole
army set up a loud shout, and held up their arms in
token of their willingness to serve her.
When the fight began, the Queen, who commanded
in person, rode through all the battalions, animating
and encouraging her soldiers to do their duty.*
These were not deficient in valour, for, at the first
onset, they attacked the Duke with such fury, that he
instantly felt the superiority which the Royalists had
* Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Biograpliie Universelle.
92 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
over him in point of numbers ; and while he was thus
hard pressed by the army in front, the troops, who had
been placed in ambush, issuing forth, fell upon him in
the rear so unexpectedly, that his forces were thrown
into the utmost disorder, and in less than half an hour
were completely routed. The Duke himself was killed
while fighting with great valour, and his son, the Earl of
Rutland, a boy of but twelve years of age, flying with
his tutor from the field, was taken prisoner by Lord Clif-
ford, who barbarously despatched him with his dagger,
in spite of the earnest prayers of his tutor that his life
might be spared. It has been said, probably in excuse
for this cruel action, that the father of Lord Clifford
had been slain in the battle of St. Albans, and his son
had taken an oath not to leave one branch of the line
of York standing. In this battle were killed Sir John
and Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh
Hastings, Sir Thomas Neville, son of the Earl of Salis-
bury, Lord Harrington, Thomas Harrington, and
others. Many of those who perished at this time, were
young gentlemen of distinction, and heirs of noble
families in the south of England.
The body of the Duke of York being afterwards dis-
covered by Lord Clifford, he cut off the head, and,
affixing it to his lance, with a paper crown placed on
it, by way of derision, presented it thus to the Queen,
saying, " Madam, your war is done ; here is your
" king's ransom," upon which we are told Queen Mar-
garet commanded that it should be set up on the
walls of York. The Earl of Salisbury was taken
prisoner, and beheaded by martial law, with several
others, persons of distinction, at Pontefract. At this
place were interred, by the consent of the lords, the
bodies of the Duke of York,* the Earls of Salisbury
* The remains of the Duke of York were afterwards removed to the
collegiate church of Fotheringay.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 93
and Rutland, and others, and their heads were placed
over different parts of York. *
Thus ended the battle of Wakefield Green, f fought 1460.
on the 29th of December,! 1460; in this encounter T pUs°;
3,000 § Yorkists were slain; yet, this victory served ^ t ^ Wor "
only to accelerate the downfall of the Lancastrians, Ridpath;
Some writers inform us that the Duke of York was Henry';
taken alive, and was made the subject of derision by Lingard.
his conquerors ; who, placing him on a molehill, with
a garland on his head made of bulrushes (instead of
a crown), knelt before him, crying, " Hail King without
rule ; hail King without heritage ; hail Duke and
Prince, without people, or possessions !" Having thus,
with many angry words, vented their scorn and re-
proach, they cut off his head, and presented it to the
Queen. ||
The Duke of York was much lamented by his
followers, and not without reason. His faults were
such as only spring from qualities calculated to render
him beloved and esteemed, and he doubtless deserved
a better fate. His enemy, the Duke of Somerset,
used to say of him, " That, if he had not learnt to
11 play the king, by his Regency in France, he had
M never forgot to obey as a subject. " The Duke
lost his life in the fiftieth year of his age. He left
three sons and three daughters ; the former were
Edward, Earl of March, George, and Richard ; the
latter were Anne, Elizabeth, and Margaret.^[
* Stow ; Baker ; Sandford ; Hall ; Toplis ; Lei and ; Allen's York ;
Wethamstede ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters ; Milles's Catalogue ;
Rapin ; Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; Ridpath ; London Chron. ; Female
Worthies ; Hume ; Habington ; Watson's Halifax ; Pennant ; Burdy's
Ireland ; Henry ; Lingard ; Femmes Celebres ; Rudland's Journey to
Snowden.
+ This battle, we are also informed, was fought in the south fields, near
Wakefield, by the bridge of nine arches.
X Some writers date this engagement the 24th, some the 31st, of December.
§ Lingard tells us 2000 only were slain.
II Milles's Catalogue. % Sandford ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Holinshed.
94 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
Shakespeare has faithfully exhibited the character of
the Duke of York, where he makes him to despise the
inequality of the number of his forces, to those of the
Queen, and to exclaim, —
u Five men to twenty, though the odds be great,
* ' I doubt not, uncle, of our victory.
" Many a battle have I won in France,
" When as the enemy hath been ten to one ;
** Why should I not now have the like success ? "
*
But this rash confidence cost him his castle and his
life. On the spot where he fell, a stone memorial was
erected, when his party were again in the ascendant,
and continued there until the contests of the seven-
teenth century, which occasioned its removal.*
This great victory at Wakefield, which may be said
to have been achieved by the courage and perseverance
of Queen Margaret, seemed to promise security to
King Henry's crown, but its ultimate effects were the
contrary. The defeat of their leader aroused the
fiercest animosities of all the supporters of the House
of York ; it excited the energies of Edward, the son
of the Duke of York, and aroused the pride and
talents of the potent Warwick ; in short, all the latent
zeal of this party was, at once, called forth against
their conquerors, and all became ambitious of wiping
away the dishonour of the late encounter. A deadly
retaliation ensued, which neither the talents of the
Queen, or of her generals, or the sanctity and virtues of
the King, could arrest. The contest, from this time, bore
a decided character; the desire for revenge giving to
the parties a firmness they had never before exhibited.!
Amidst the rejoicings of the Queen for her late
victory, she, unhappily, did not exhibit those feelings
of compassion for the vanquished, which ever adorn
* Warner's Tour. ; Lingard ; Hist, and Antiquities of York.
f Lingard.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 95
humanity ; and, either yielding to her resentment
against the Duke of York, or, possibly, in compliance
with the wishes of Lord Clifford, she commanded the
head of her great enemy, Richard of York, to be set
up on the walls of York, and in ridicule of his pre-
tensions, as it was said, " that York might overlook
u the town of York."
The brutality of character of Lord Clifford has been
already exhibited, and it seems far more probable that
this act, commanded by the Queen, was granted to his
suggestions rather than to gratify herself. In like
manner, Queen Margaret might have conceded her
own sentiments to the exigency of the times, in per-
mitting the northern Barons to use the privilege of
plundering the country south of the Trent; for this
permission was indeed highly injurious to her interests ;
and we find the further progress of the' army marked
by fire and sword, to which the monasteries, churches,
and private houses, were alike sacrificed.*
Thus did the Queen, with her northern army,
hasten on to make sure of the capital, without which
neither party could be established.
While advancing towards London, she received
information that the Earl of March was on his way to
meet her ; but, being ignorant of the number of his
forces, she continued her route; sending only a detach-
ment against him, under the command of the Earl of
Pembroke.f
Edward, Earl of March, was at Gloucester, when he
learnt the melancholy news of the fate of his father
and brother. He went immediately to Shrewsbury,
where the inhabitants w T ere strongly attached to him,
and desired their help to avenge his father's death.
He increased his army to 23,000 men in these parts ;
and then set out in quest of the Queen. He had
* Henry. f Baker ; Rapin ; Hume.
96 MAKGAEET OF ANJOU.
been much dismayed bv the defeat and death of his
father, for whose assistance he had been then pre-
paring, and he now resolved, not only to revenge
himself, but to maintain the quarrel of his House,
whatever it might cost him ; indeed, there appeared
no retreat ; for, having once been driven to such
desperate measures, nothing short of the extinction of
one of the factions could -give peace, and establish the
authority of the other.
The Earl of March had been encouraged by the
hope of aid from the Earl of Warwick, who had been
left in London, by the Duke of York, for the defence
of that city. When, as he proceeded on his march,
Edward learnt that Queen Margaret was bending her
course towards the capital, he altered his route, and
made an attempt to get to London before her.
Finding, however, that some troops had been dis-
missed by Queen Margaret to oppose him, and that
thus he had two enemies to encounter, between whom
he must necessarily have passed, had he proceeded
towards the metropolis, he suddenly changed his
resolution, and, turning back, prepared to meet the
Earl of Pembroke, who, by the Queen's orders, was
advancing, accomp,anied by the Earls of Ormond and
Wiltshire, with their forces, chiefly composed of Welsh
and Irish.*
At this time, when the son of the Duke of York
was thus engaged, seeking to avenge his father's
death, letters were addressed by King Henry (in this
last year of his reign, as it proved) to the Earl of
Arundel, the Lords Dacre, Delaware, Cobham, and
Abergavenny ; also to some of the sheriffs and justices
of the peace, mayors, and private individuals in Kent,
dated on the 28th of January, 1461. That Henry
* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry ;
Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Fosbroke's Gloucestershire.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 97
was in the power of the Yorkists, is evidenced by the
statements in these letters, " that the King had certain
" information that those misruled and outrageous
" people in the north parts of this realm had been
" coming towards these parts to the destruction there
" of you, and subversion of all our land ; and the
" persons addressed were commanded to come to the
" King, in all possible haste, with as many followers
" as they could collect, he being about to proceed in
" person against his enemies."*
These armies met on a small level plain, called H6i.
Kingslancl Field, near Mortimer's Cross, in Hereford- p as ton'
shire, on Candlemas-day, the 2nd of February, jj-JS.
1461. Lingard.
The superiority of numbers was, upon this occasion,
great on the side of the Yorkists ; and the Earl of
Pembroke was speedily defeated, with a loss of 2,800
men. | The disparity of numbers, although very
great (and some say that the Earl of March had
60,000, others asserting he had 51,000 men, while
Pembroke had but 8,000), was not the only cause
of the success of the young heir of York. The his-
torians relate that this engagement took place in the
morning, when the sun appeared of such dazzling-
brightness, that the Earl of March is recorded to have
beheld three suns, which again suddenly united into
one ; and this sight so animated the courage of
the youthful Edward, that he rapidly dispersed his
enemies. J It has been supposed that, on account of
this circumstance, the Earl of March gave the sun in
its full brightness for his cognizance. The Earl of lm.
Pembroke saved himself by flight ; but Owen Tudor,
* Sir H. Nicolas' s Proceedings of the Privy Council,
f One writer tells us that the loss was 3,800 ; others, 4,000.
% Lingard dates this battle the 1 st of February, and says 4,000 royalists
were slain ; Toplis says also 4,000 ; Baker, 3,800 ; Stow, 3,800.
VOL. II. h
98 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
his father, being taken with some others, suffered
death at Hereford, to revenge the like punishment
inflicted upon the Earl of Salisbury and his friends
after the battle of Wakefield Green. Owen Tudor
was interred in the church of Grey Friars at Hereford."
The news of this defeat reached Queen Margaret,
but did not arrest her progress. She was bent on
entering the capital, and did not think her late victory
complete, until she had released her husband from his
captivity. This she resolved to effect, even though
she might lose her life in the attempt. Accordingly,
after the battle of Wakefield Green, she led on her
victorious troops towards London. The progress of
this great army, composed of Scots, Welsh, foreigners,
as well as English, was, from this time, marked by
rapine and destruction. Presuming on the license
granted them, and having passed the river Trent, they
spared neither towns nor churches. They destroyed
the towns of Grantham, Stanford, Peterborough,
Huntingdon, Royston, and others, all, indeed, in their
way to the capital. They robbed the churches of all
that was valuable, bearing away crosses, chalices,
books, or ornaments ; and thus indulging their licen-
tiousness, they arrived at Dunstable and St. Alban's.
At this last place no command, even from the King
himself, could stay their ravages of the town, and of
its venerable abbey.
The Abbey of St. Alban's had been, in stormy times,
a place of refuge for the poor peasants, who even
drove thither their cattle for safety, while the battle
raged without its walls. All the woods and forests
of the land provided its timber and game ; and corn,
* Sandford ; Toplis ; Hall ; Milles's Catalogue ; Willement ; Baker ;
Paston Letters ; Howel ; W. of Worcester ; Peck's Stanford ; Stow ; Pol
Vergil ; Pennant ; Ridpath ; Hume ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Lingard ;
Eapin ; Henry.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 99
wine, and other produce, in abundance, were supplied
to the needy applicants by the hospitable monks.
The first battle of St. Alban's, in 1455, had spread
devastation, both in the town and country, around this
noble sanctuary ; but houses were rebuilt, and the
lands had just recovered their fertility, when a second
battle renewed all the horrors of the former one ; once
again the wounded and the dying tottered to its
sheltering walls, and the continual tolling bell an-
nounced the last sad office and closing service ren-
dered for each one of those departed.
More ruthless this second warfare was than the
first, which had seemed like the contest of brothers
or relatives struggling for their much-vaunted rights ;
but far more sanguinary and cruel was the vengeance
of these northern lords, whose pride had urged them
forward to rush upon their country's ruin.
The progress of this destructive army, headed by
the Queen herself, was arrested by the appearance
of new forces, led on by the Dukes of Norfolk and
Suffolk, with the Earls of Warwick and Arundel, Lord
Bonville, and others, who came from London to op-
pose the Lancastrians.
It was the belief of Queen Margaret, that when she
should appear before the capital, as the conqueror of
the Duke of York, the gates would be thrown open to
her, and that the inhabitants would, in their terror,
drive out the Earl of Warwick. That this nobleman
held the same opinion, there can be little doubt, since
he preferred to go out of the city to meet the Queen ;
and, in doing so, he had his army considerably aug-
mented by a body of the " trainbands " of London,
which had been chiefly induced to join him through
the alarm inspired by the ravages committed by the
northern troops. They anticipated, doubtless, the im-
minent hazard of all their possessions, should these
H 2
100 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
"barbarians," as they called thein, be admitted into
the city.°
The Earl of Warwick, taking with him the unfortu-
nate King Henry, who seemed to be led about as a
state prisoner, advanced to Bernard's Heath, near
St. Alban's, where the two armies met, on Shrove
Tuesday, the 17th of February, 1461.
i46i. The Queen had with her the Prince, her son, the
StowV Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Earls of North-
SMuitord; umberland, Devonshire, and Shrewsbury, the Lords
Lingard. Eoos, Graycodnore, Fitzhughe, Graystoke, Wells, and
Willoughby, with many others ; the total number of
her forces beino- 4,000 men. With this armv Mar-
garet entered St. Alban's, intending to pass the town ;
but they were arrested, near to the Cross in the
market-place, by a body of archers, who dismissed
such a volley of arrows, that they were speedily
repulsed, with some loss, and compelled to return to
the west end of the town, where again they had a
sharp encounter ; but at length, after great slaughter
on both sides, they passed the town, and arrived
at Bernard's Heath. Near the little town of Sun-
bridge, at a place named " No Man's Land," they
met the army of the Yorkists, whose forces amounted
to 4,000 or 5,000 men. Then came on a very severe
and bloody conflict ; and, owing to some negligence or
treachery on the part of Lovelace, one of the com-
manders of the Earl's army, who quitted the field, the
Queen gained the advantage, and finally defeated the
Earl of Warwick, whose loss was estimated at 2,800
men.")*
No person of distinction was killed in this engage-
ment. Amongst the wounded, however, was Sir
* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Eapin ; Henry.
f Rapin and Toplis say, 2,300, W. of Worcester 2,000, Stow 1,91 G were
slain.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 101
James Lutterel, who died on the following day ; also
Sir John Gray, Lord Ferrers, of Grosby, who only
survived this battle a few days ; he died on the 28th
of February, 1461. This nobleman had been a zealous
supporter of the Lancastrian cause. He had led on
the cavalry in the late battle, in which he received his
mortal wound. He was not only valiant, but young*
and handsome ; and after losing his father, Sir Ed-
ward Gray, Lord Ferrers, in 1457, when he inherited
the family estates, had married Elizabeth, the
eldest daughter of Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, by
whom he had two sons. At the close of the battle,
Sir John was conveyed to the village of Colney. As
night drew on, the Yorkists escaped by flight from
apparent destruction, leaving their King alone f in
the tent of the Earl of Warwick. It was here that he
was discovered by Queen Margaret, when a tender
interview took place between King Henry, his con-
sort, and the young Prince ; the King embracing and
kissing them " in most loving wise, and yielding
" hearty thanks to Almighty God for the restoration
" of his son."
Those who have called Queen Margaret an enemy
of her husband, and of the English nation, must have
formed this opinion from the political errors into which
she had the misfortune to fall, owing to her youth, her
inexperience, or her alliance to the royal family of
France. Nothing has been transmitted to us by
which we can entertain any doubt of the affection and
fidelity of Queen Margaret to her husband.
We'are informed that at the Queen's request, upon
the occasion of their happy meeting, the King knighted
* This lady, after the death of Sir John Gray, became the queen of
Edward IV.
f&W. of Worcester and some others say, the King was found in the camp
with Lord Montague, his chamberlain.
102 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
his son, Edward, Prince of Wales (who was then seven
years of age), as'well as thirty noblemen and gentle-
men,* who had displayed great valour in the preceding
battle, f
They afterwards proceeded to St. Alban's Abbey,
where the Abbot welcomed them, and anthems were
sung. A humble petition was offered to the King
for the protection of this abbey, and the town, from
the outrages of the soldiers. He at once granted this
request ; but, although proclamation was made to that
effect, it was in vain ; the northern soldiers declaring
that they had been promised the spoils wherever they
went south of the Trent, they presumed on their
privilege, and continued their ravages.
King Henry alsojssued orders for the arrest of the
Earl of March, but this command was as futile as
the preceding one 4
It is related that the King, with his accustomed
kindliness of heart, visited the young Lord Gray, who,
at the village of Colney, was drawing near the close
of his mortal career. Possibly he was clinging to
life, as mostly is the case in youth, and Henry sought
to afford him consolation in the approach of death, by
directing his thoughts to the only refuge upon which
he had based his own hopes. A contemporary writer
tells us, also, that the dying lord received the honour
of knighthood from his beloved monarch, who then
conferred upon him the distinction for the sake of his
two sons,§ Sir Thomas and Sir Kichard ; their father,
Sir John, having been prevented by the intestine divi-
* Among these were the Earl of Shrewsbury and Lord Boos.
f Hall ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ;
Milles's Catalogue ; Morant ; Loud. Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Pennant ; Lingard ; Henry : Femmes Celebres.
J Baker ; Rot. Pari. ; Lingard.
§ Of one of these sons we learn that Sir Thomas was created, in 1471,
Earl of Huntingdon, and in 1475 Marquis of Dorset.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 103
sions in the country, from taking his seat in the House
of Peers. Twelve persons, besides Sir John, were
knighted at this time by the King, 1 at the village of
Colney.
Several persons of distinction were beheaded after
the late battle ; although, as it is said, their lives had
been granted by the King. Amongst those were Lord
Bonville and Sir Thomas Kiriel, knight, who were
seized and put to death in the presence of Prince
Edward, at St. Alban's, upon Ash Wednesday ; and it
was reported this barbarity was in retaliation for the
execution of Lord Hungerforcl, at Hereford.*
Queen Margaret has been charged with this cruelty,
and it is probable the Queen did, in the heat of vic-
tory, and in the spirit of retaliation, give this command.
Barbarous as it may appear, we must pause at the
consideration of her reprehensibleness, when we are
called upon to do justice to the varied accounts of
this period. Two questions arise ; viz., were these
orders given for the indulgence of her own private
animosity, or for the gratification of some of the Lan-
castrian faction ? Stow relates that Bonville was put
to death through party violence, at the instance of the
Queen, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of Devonshire.")"
Many of our historians cast the odium of this trans-
action on the Queen only. They state that, when the
flight of the Yorkists became general, the Lords about
the King's person, perceiving the danger, withdrew
themselves, " Lord Bonville, only coming in a compli-
" mentary manner to the King, and saying it grieved
" him to leave his majesty, but that necessity for the
" safeguard of his life enforced it, was importuned by
" the King to stay, and also Sir Thomas Kiriel, a knight
* Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Hall ; Baker ; Rapin ; Toulmin ;
Hume ; Morant ; Henry ; Ling-ard.
f Stow ; Lyson's Mag. Brit.
104 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
" of Kent, lie passing his royal word that their stay
" should be no danger to them." Upon this promise
they stayed ; but the Queen, hearing that the Commons
had beheaded Baron Thorp, at Highgate,* in revenge
thereof caused both their heads to be struck off.f
Some very powerful motive must have influenced
the Queen to make her act thus — in contempt of the
King's word, and in defiance of all good faith, to
issue her command for the execution of these noble-
men, and thus to sullv the glory of her late victory.
One suggestion only is supplied to us as the proba-
ble cause, and it is certain that private injuries are
always most keenly felt and resented. It has been
asserted that Lord Bonville, after the battle of North-
ampton, in which his party was triumphant, had
the custody of the King's person, and possibly, by
some indignity he had offered to the meek monarch,
this nobleman had incurred the Queen's resentment.
Whether this opinion be correct or no, it is probable
that Lord Bonville suffered for his attachment to the
Yorkists, whose party he espoused in 14-19, when he
was besieged at Taunton.;): This lord was the last
of an ancient Devonshire family, and it is remarkable,
that the havoc of civil war annihilated three genera-
tions within the short space of two months. At Wake-
field Lord Bonville had witnessed the death of his son,
Sir William Bonville, and of his grandson, AVilliam,
Lord Harrington, § who were killed in battle in De-
cember, 14G0, and in the following February the aged
grandfather lost his life.
* Thomas Thorp, one of the barons of the Exchequer, made an attempt
to join the Queen, and for this purpose disguised himself in the habit of a
monk, with his " crown shorn ; " but he was discovered, sent to the Tower,
and afterwards beheaded by the people at Haringay Park, Highgate, on
17th of February, 1461.
f Baker ; Hall ; Pennant ; Fabyan ; Stow. % Toulmin.
§ This title he enjoyed in right of his wife, the heiress of Lord Harring-
ton, of Harrington.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 105
In these wars of the Roses, or, as they might be
designated, of bloody retaliation, the law of life for life
appears to have been strongly adhered to by the
victors on either side ; and this might be adduced as
some excuse, if any could be made, for the hasty and
cruel proceeding just related, which has even caused
Queen Margaret to be designated by one writer, the
" barbarous queen."
The astonishing success which had attended the
arms of this Queen in the battles in which she com-
manded in person, has led some to believe that, had
the King's forces always had her able direction, the
Lancastrians might have been more fortunate.*
The grand error of Queen Margaret, like that of the
celebrated Carthaginian general of old, was delay, and
to this, has been attributed her ultimate want of success.
After so memorable a battle as that of Bernard's
Heath, had she marched on, with her victorious army,
to London, and demanded admittance, there is little
doubt that she would have been welcomed. In this,
however, she was even less faulty than Hannibal, as it
did not originate in her own neglect ; on the contrary,
being indebted for her late victory to the exertions of
a band of northern troops, (whose services she was
utterly unable to recompense, and who had voluntarily
attended her in this war, conditionally, that they
should ravage the country south of the Trent), these
soldiers now firmly insisted on the exercise of this
privilege, and no prohibition, or intreaties could induce
them to march forward. Thus' the interests of the
Queen were sacrificed to their rapacity, and so unruly
became these northern soldiers, that the most peremp-
tory orders could not deter them from their purpose.
While presuming on their agreement, the prohibi-
tions of the King and of the Queen were equally clis-
* Baudier.
106 MARGABET OF ANJOU.
regarded by them, and they continued their plunder
of St. Alban's and its Abbey, and, in defiance of all
authority, ransacked and pillaged the country in the
most horrible manner. Several days were passed by
them in spreading devastation around, and they even
extended their ravages as far as the gates of the
metropolis. How little cause had the triumphant
Queen to rejoice in her victory, on beholding the mis-
conduct of her powerful adherents, and the vain efforts
of the King to save his favoured Abbey from their
destructive force !
In consequence of these continued depredations, the
people of London, and the inhabitants of the counties
around, who had been thus allowed time to recover
from the consternation into which the defeat of the
Earl of Warwick had thrown them, resolved to expose
themselves to every peril, rather than to admit such
cruel plunderers. They felt the necessity for the pro-
tection of their property, and many attached themselves
to the Yorkist party.* The terror with which the
northern army had inspired their minds was highly
injurious to the Queen ; and the confusion and con-
tentions of the Londoners must have been considerable.
One writer describes it thus: "At this tyme during
" the troubelous season, great watches were kept daily
" and nightly, and divers opinions amongst the
" citizens ; for the mayor and many of the chief com-
" moners held to the Queen's party, and the common-
" alty was witli York and his affinity." Thus when
the Queen, finding herself distressed for provisions,
owing to the licentiousness of her followers, sent to the
Lord Mayor of London, requesting of him supplies ;
he, fearing to offend her at this moment, gave orders
for several carts to be loaded with provisions ; when,
* Sandf ord ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; Hume ;
Henry; Lingard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 107
however, they were about to convey them from the
city, they were stopped by the populace, near Cripple-
gate ; and the adverse party declared to the Lord
Mayor, that they would not permit any succours to be
conveyed to an army, whose avowed object was to plunder
the country. Upon this, the mayor prevailed upon
three ladies, the Duchess of Bedford, the Duchess of
Buckingham, and Lady Scales, to go, accompanied by
several prelates, to the Queen and her counsellors,
then at Barnet, to intercede for him, excusing him for
not using force with the citizens, in order to comply
with her request, as he feared to excite their anger in
such doubtful times, when it might not be easy to
allay it. The ladies were successful in their embassy.
They not only pacified the Queen, but prevailed in
persuading her, that, if some of the lords of the council
with a guard of 400 good soldiers, were sent to
London to appease the tumult, by riding through the
streets, some of the aldermen would then come out to
meet her, and would introduce both the King and
Queen quietly into the city.*
Queen Margaret prudently and wisely concealed her
displeasure at the indignity offered her by the citizens,
and appeared to acquiesce in the plan proposed to her.
While this negotiation was carried on, the Earl of 1461.
March was advancing with rapid strides towards Hemy' ;
London. His purpose was to encourage the citizens Hume '
to oppose the entrance of Queen Margaret ; indeed, the
news only of the Earl's approach caused the Lord
Mayor to lengthen his treaty with the Queen, until her
affairs became desperate. f
When the Queen was informed that the Earl of
March was so near at hand, and that he had united his
own army with the remains of that of the Earl of
* Biondi ; Baker ; Habington ; Stow ; W. of Worcester; Hall ; Sandfordj;
Rapin ; Henry ; Maitland's London ; Lingard. f Ibid.
10S MARGARET OF AXJOU.
Warwick, she determined upon retiring to the north.
She thus wisely provided for a safe retreat, showing
prudence, which is called "the better part of valour."
Margaret was well aware that her army, with their
present licentious habits, were not able to encounter
the enemy with any reasonable hope of success, and
foreseeing that she would be compelled to fight at a
great disadvantage, at the very gates of the capital,
where she could not anticipate a favourable reception
from the people, she resigned it to her rival, whose
favour there, seemed greater than her own. The
Queen then hastily withdrew from St. Alban's to
Dunstable, and thence to a remote part of the
kingdom.*
U61 Edward, Earl of March, now triumphantly entered
??*J*j. the metropolis on the 28th February, 1461, overjoyed
Hemy ; ' at his good fortune, and welcomed by the unanimous
voice of the people.
His friends, perceiving how much the timidity and
caution with which the Duke of York, his father, had
acted, was prejudicial to his interests, advised him to con-
sent to bolder measures, and even resolved, by a des-
perate effort, to establish him at once upon the throne.
After several consultations, they determined to set aside
the ordinary modes of proceeding, and, without waiting
for the sanction of Parliament, to endeavour to obtain,
first, the suffrages of the people, and then those of the
nobility. They hoped, also, to justify this by the act
of Parliament, which confirmed the agreement made
between the King and the Duke of York. Without
further delay, the Earl of Warwick, pursuant to this
resolve, assembled his troops in St. John's Fields, and
the people, who crowded thither, being drawn up in the
form of a ring, the Earl, standing in the midst of them,
* Sandford ; Hall ; Stow ; Biondi ; Ridpath ; W. of Worcester ; Hume ;
Henry ; Rapin ; Lingard.
Rapin.
MAKGARET OF ANJOTJ. 109
first read to them the agreement entered into between
the King and the Duke of York, and the act of Par-
liament confirming it. He next proceeded to assert
that Henry, having notoriously violated this agree-
ment, thereby had forfeited the crown. Then, raising
his voice, the Earl demanded of the people "if they
" would have Henry of Lancaster for their king?"
and being answered in the negative, he further re-
quired of them to say " if, in compliance with the
" agreement they had just heard, they would receive
" Edward, son of the Duke of York, for their sove-
" reign ?' : Upon which the people set up a loud
shout in token of their consent. The news was
quickly conveyed to the Earl of March, then at Bay-
nard's Castle.*
One point being thus gained, the Yorkists next con-
vened an assembly of all the clergy, nobility, and gentry
in London and its vicinity, and at their meeting the
Earl of March, having set forth his title by birth, as
well as by the agreement entered into by his father,
demanded " that the crown should be adjudged to
" him." As no one had courage at such a moment to
support the cause of the Lancastrians, a declaration
was made, by the unanimous consent of all present,
that " Henry VI. had forfeited the crown, to which
" Edward, Earl of March, had now an indisputable
" right."
The youthful Edward received the crown with
modest protestations of his incompetence, and fears to
undertake so great a responsibility ; but when ex-
horted by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops
of Exeter and London, and the Earl of Warwick, he
concluded with lively promises of promoting the hap-
piness of his people.
* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Biondi ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ;
Pennant ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard.
110 MAEGAKET OF AXJOU.
Edward of York was, in his nineteenth year, both
handsome and accomplished, which, as well as the
fame of his late success, and the commiseration felt for
the unfortunate fate of his father and brother, attracted
the people to him, who had been estranged from the
other party by the ravages they had committed.
The following day Edward assumed all the para-
phernalia of royalty : he received the homage of the
nobility assembled for this purpose at Baynard's
Castle. The next day he went in procession to St.
Paul's, and offered there ; and appointed the solemn
Te JDeum to be sung. Then he was conveyed in
royal state to Westminster, and there in the great
hall took the king's seat, having the sceptre of St.
Edward in his hand. He then returned by water to
St. Paul's, and finally established himself in the Bishop
of Exeter's palace, the usual residence of Henry VI.
1461. On the day after, being the 4th of March, he was pro-
Worcester ; claimed king, under the title of Edward IV.*
catalogue- Thus terminated the unhappy reign of Henry of
Rapin; Lancaster, whose life had always been spent in a
Lmgard. private and uniform manner, having taken no share in
the administration during the thirty-eight years and a
half of his sovereignty. His personal character com-
manded respect, even from his enemies ; and it has been
truly observed, that " it would be unjust to ascribe the
" peculiar difficulties of his situation to his misconduct ;
" since they arose from causes over which he had no
" control."
No one ever became king so soon after his birth, or
lived so long after his deposition ; he was crowned king
* Biondi ; Habington ; Milles's Catalogue ; Fabyan ; Baker ; W. of
Worcester ; Sandford ; Stow's Surrey ; Lelaud's Coll. ; Ridpatb ; Pol.
Vergil ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrews-
bury.
MAKGAKET OP ANJOU. Ill
at nine months old, and lived twelve years after he was
deposed. He was thirty-nine years of age when de-
throned, his son being then only seven years old.*
* Lingard ; Baker ; Stow ; Rapin.
CHAPTER III.
(Queen Margaret.)
1 ' Great lords, -wise men ne'er sit and wail their loss,
" But clearly seek how to redress their harms. " — Shakespeare.
{King Henry.)
" My crown is in my heart, not on my head ;
11 Not deck'd with diamonds and Indian stones,
" Nor to be seen : my crown is call'd content, —
" A crown it is, that seldom kings enjoy." — Shakespeare.
(King Henry.)
1 ' From Scotland am I stol'n, even of pure love,
" And thus disguis'd to greet my native land ;
" No, Harry, Harry, 'tis no land of thine ;
1 ' Thy place is fill'd, thy sceptre wrung from thee ;
" Thy balm wash'd off, wherewith thou wast anointed :
' ' Xo bending knee will call thee Caesar now,
' ' No humble sxiitors press to speak for right,
" No, not a man comes for redress to thee ;
" For how can I help them, and not myself ! " — Shakespeare.
The Queen raises a large army in Yorkshire — She is opposed by King-
Edward and Warwick — The Yorkists defeated at Ferrybridge — Fitz-
walter slain — Battle of Towton — King Edward returns to London —
His coronation — The King and Queen fly with their son to Scotland —
They are well received by the Scottish monarch, but obtain no succours
— Queen Margaret's exertions— Incursions into England— King Henry
repulsed at Durham — A defeat in Wales — Two earls are beheaded —
King Edward's first Parliament — Somerset and others submit to
Edward — Earl of Oxford beheaded — King Edward's manoeuvre — No
effectual succours from France — Alnwick Castle taken — Queen Mar-
garet goes to France, and returns with some troops — Some castles
taken — The Queen is driven back — A shipwreck — Warwick regains the
castles— Queen Margaret retires into Scotland.
It is not necessary to be an able politician to perceive
that the monarch, who is competent and willing to hold
the reins of government in his own hands, has the best
MABGARET OF ANJOU. 113
chance of success and prosperity, and his people the
fairest opportunity for happiness.
The prince who delegates to one or more favoured
individuals the duties and cares of his high station, that
he may yield himself up to idleness and luxury, richly
merits the consequent evils, viz., the loss of his people's
esteem, the annoyance of popular discontents, and, as
it has sometimes proved, the rebellion of the whole
kingdom. Henry VI. may be called a truly unfortu-
nate monarch, since we find that he experienced all
these evils, being himself a good man. He was ever
willing to promote the peace and happiness of his sub-
jects ; but nature had not gifted him with talents to
rule, and ill health, added to a meek disposition, caused
him to give up to each contending party. He was at
this time no longer in the power of the victorious
Yorkists — no longer did he succumb to their direful
influence, and sign their deeds, so destructive of his
own interests and happiness ; yet was he far from the
goal of peace to which he seemed to be ever looking.
Restored to his natural and true position, by the side of
his beloved and courageous Queen, yet was he again
cast into a humiliating condition, and into no less un-
happy and perilous circumstances. Deprived of his
crown, and of his former semblance of royalty, and
driven away from his capital, a new campaign seemed
opened to the unhappy monarch, who, we are told,
" could not endure the sight of blood/' He was hastily
carried northward with the stream of destructive
warriors, who, not unlike their antecedents, the Goths
and Vandals, had effectively removed all within their
reach, that time had stamped both in art and nature as
beautiful or good.
Queen Margaret had retired into Yorkshire, where 1461.
she soon obtained a considerable increase to the number Toplis ;
of her followers, owing to the licence in which she was u^vd
VOL. II.
114 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
compelled to indulge her troops of plundering the
country. Many also joined her standard, influenced by
party animosity, and thus were the royal forces aug-
mented to 60,000 men.
With this army the Queen might have advanced to
offer her enemies battle ; but the adventurous Edward
hastened to oppose her. This young monarch, being
well aware that although he had assumed the title of
King, he held it but by a precarious tenure, set out
speedily from London for the north, to arrest the pro-
gress of the Lancastrians ; and as he advanced the
people flocked to him from all the towns and villages
throughout the kingdom.
The Earl of Warwick accompanied him, and wdien
he reached Pomfret his army amounted to 49,000 *
men. From thence a body of soldiers was despatched,
commanded by Lord Fitz waiter, | who obtained posses-
sion of the passage of Ferrybridge over the river Aire,
which lay between the two armies. To dislodge them
from this post the Lancastrians dismissed Lord Clifford,
whose attack was so successful, that the Yorkists were
driven across the river with great slaughter, and Fitz-
walter and several distinguished officers were killed.;):
On hearing of this defeat, the Earl of Warwick was
greatly alarmed lest it might discourage his troops.
He immediately informed King Edward of this event,
and evinced by his emotion his fears for the results;
yet he feared not for himself, but lest the disaster
might damp the energies of his soldiers, when they
were on the eve of a decisive battle. He gave orders
* Some authors say King Edward's army amounted to 40,000 only, while
by another statement it is 40,600.
f Some historians tell us, there was no Lord Fitzwalter at the time ; but
in the " Fragment," by Hearne, we find him called John Ratcliff, then Lord
Fitzwalter.
X Baker ; Habington ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Hearne's Frag-
ment ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hall ; Toplis ; Paston
Letters ; Antiq. of York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Henry ; Rapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 115
for his horse to be brought him, and, stabbing it in the
presence of the whole army, kissed the hilt of his
sword, made in the form of a cross, and swore, that if
all his followers took to flight, he alone would defend
the cause in which he had engaged. Upon this, King
Edward issued a proclamation, giving liberty to any
who desired it to retire, promising also liberal rewards
to all those who should do their duty ; but denouncing
the severest punishment against all who should betray
signs of fear in the approaching conflict.
The Yorkists, as well as their leader King Edward,
had unanimously resolved "not to cease from their
" exertions, until they had removed the dishonour of
" the fight at Wakefield ; ' and indeed the deadly
retaliation exhibited in the ensuing engagement was
proof of this. The war between the two Roses had
now become one of extermination, no forgiveness being
hoped for from either party ; they thought not of their
lives, and it was proclaimed that no prisoners should
be taken. To conquer, or to die, was their aim at this
crisis. It was an important crisis truly. Each party
had employed the utmost efforts, and tried every expe-
dient, to be successful in the fight to which they were
looking, and each man nerved himself for the awful
struggle.
Lord Falconbridge was dismissed by the Yorkists
to recover the post which had been lost. He passed
the river Aire, or Are, at Castleford, three miles from
Ferrybridge, along with Sir William Blount and Robert
Home, intending to surprise Lord Clifford ; but he
retired in great haste towards the main body. In his
retreat, however, he fell in unawares with a party of
his enemies, and his helmet being off, either from heat
or pain, he was shot in the throat with an arrow, as
some say without a head, and was instantly killed.
This Lord Clifford was much hated for his barbarous
I 2
116 MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
murder of the innocent Earl of Rutland, a boy of only
twelve years of age (the youngest son of the late Duke
of York) ; the piteous intercessions of this stripling might
have awakened compassion in the roughest heart. For
this and other cruel acts the Yorkists had surnamed
Lord Clifford * " the butcher." They now felt revenged
for the defeat at Ferrybridge by his death. f
The King, Queen, and the young prince their son
were staying at York. They were desirous of this
engagement J as their only means of success. The
command of the Lancastrian forces had been bestowed
on the Duke of Somerset ; but the Queen, although
absent from the field, was not idle ; she had been,
previous to this battle, employing all her address to
confirm the loyalty of her adherents, and to arouse their
courage.
When King Henry heard of the near approach of
his enemies, he did not sally forth to meet them on
account of Palm Sunday being on the morrow, a solemn
feast day, and one, on which he preferred rather to
pray than fight, in order that the day after he might
be more successful in battle. Such was his faith ! but
his piety was not regarded. The soldiers liked not
* This John, twelfth Lord Clifford, left two sons very young, who were
living with their mother at Londesborough. Lady Clifford, to save her
children from the vengeance of the Yorkists, sent Richard, the youngest,
into the Netherlands ; and placed Henry, the eldest, with a shepherd, who
was the husband of one of her maids. This young nobleman was removed
from Londesborough and conveyed into the mountains of Cumberland,
where he continued to lead the life of a shepherd until he attained the age
of thirty-two, having never learnt to read, when King Henry the Seventh,
in his first Parliament, restored him to the estates and hereditary distinc-
tions of his family.
f Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Drake's Hist, of York ; Allen's
York ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Antiquities of York ; Hume ; Lingard ;
W. of Worcester ; Historical View of Northumberland.
J John de Wethamstede, the monk of St. Alban's, composed a poem in
Latin, soon after the battle of Towton, giving an account of the wars of
the Roses, especially as they related to St. Alban's monastery. — Wright's
Political Songs.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 117
tarrying, and we are told the saintly monarch was
constrained to sound the alarm for this cruel massacre
of friend and foe. Doubtless he then gladly withdrew
from the scene of strife to the shelter of the battlements
of York.*
When the armies met face to face, the men shouted
aloud — it was a portentous shout ! — each party ex-
pecting to be victorious : for were they not equal,
both in courage and resolution, all Englishmen, all
alike proud of their power, and disdainful of their
enemies ?
Yet was their strength and power insufficient when
one party resorted to artifice, and when the elements,
intermingling in the fray, lent their assistance to end
this direful conflict. Thus was the truth made mani-
fest, that " the race is not to the swift, neither is the
" battle to the strong."
Between the villages of Towton and Saxton, about i*6i.
. . Toplis ;
ten miles from the city of York, on a " goodly plain," Ridpath;
the two armies met ; and on Palm Sunday, the 29 th f York - s
of March, 1461, was the bloody battle fought, called Knke'rton;
' ' J & ' Sharon
by some the "Pharsalia" of England.^ It has been Turner;
considered the most sanguinary engagement ever ^tl '
fought in this land ; and to augment the horrors, con-
temporary writers tell us, that the fight began " at four
" of the clock at night, and continued all night till on
" the morrow at afternoon." The commands of King
Edward were, that no prisoners should be taken, but
that all should indiscriminately be put to the sword, §
and this was responded to by a similar dreadful pro-
clamation from the Lancastrians.
The right wing of King Edward's army was led on
* Pol. Vergil.
t Toplis ssljs it was the 28th March.
X This battle is sometimes called " Palm-Sunday Field.''
§ Historians say that King- Edward did not give this command from
cruelty, but that his army should not be encumbered with prisoners.
118 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
by the Earl of Warwick ; the left by Lord Falcon-
bridge, in the absence of the Duke of Norfolk, who
was sick ; and the main body was commanded by the
King, while the rear guard was entrusted to Sir John
Wenlock and Sir John Denham, two valiant com-
manders.
At the commencement of this engagement the
Yorkists obtained the advantage, owing to a heavy
fall of snow, which, driving in the faces of the royal
troops, almost blinded them. Lord Falconbridge, per-
ceiving this circumstance, employed the following
stratagem to turn it to his own advantage. He
ordered some of his infantry to advance before the
lines, and discharge a volley of arrows amidst the
enemy, and then to retire. The Lancastrians were
thus led to believe, that the army of the Yorkists was
within their reach, and they exhausted all their arrows
without doing any execution, as they fell short of the
enemy. ■ King Edward, then advancing, committed
great slaughter. The dismayed Lancastrians had re-
course to their swords, but their valour was quite
unavailing.
The Earl of Northumberland and Sir Andrew Trol-
lop, seeing the disadvantage, left the vanguard and
urged on their men to the fight, hand to hand. Then,
indeed, the battle became desperate, each man stand-
ing his ground until slain, or knocked down, and then
another took his place. Needless were the orders to
give no quarter ; such was the extreme of hatred
manifested by the two parties, that it called for
nothing short of blood, or death. They continued
fighting with great desperation, for an almost in-
credible length of time ; * for contemporary writers
assert, that the battle commenced three hours before
darkness came on, and that they fought all night, and
* Some writers say they fought for four or five, others for ten hours.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 119
until past midday. About noon, John, Duke of Nor-
folk, came, with a fresh band of " men of war," to
the aid of King Edward, and completed the defeat of
the royal forces, which were pursued to Tadcaster.
Much courage was displayed by King Edward in
this battle, and the conduct of Falconbridge greatly
promoted the victory.
A graphical account of the conclusion of this direful
conflict has been given by one of our historians, who
says, " The Lancastrians gave way, and fled to York ;
but, seeking, in a tumultuous manner, to gain the
bridge at Tadcaster, so many of them fell into the
rivulet Cock,* as to quite fill it up, and the Yorkists
passed over their backs in pursuit of their brethren.
" This rivulet, and the river Wharfe, into which it
empties itself hereabouts, were dyed with blood ; nor
is this surprising, so many falling a sacrifice at this
time for their fathers' transgressions, and their
wounds, being made by arrows, battle-axes, or
swords, would bleed plentifully. The blood of the
slain lay caked with the snow which covered the
ground, and afterwards dissolving with it, ran down,
in a most horrible manner, the furrows and ditches
of the fields, for two or three miles' distance."
No one of note was taken prisoner, except the Earl
of Devonshire, and he seemed to be saved when they
were weary of killing. Many of the chief nobility lost
their lives. There were slain three earls, ten lords,
and a prodigious number of knights and gentlemen, of
the Lancastrians. The following were amongst the
most distinguished of those killed ; the Earl of West-
moreland, and the Earl of Northumberland, Sir An-
drew Trollop, Viscount Beaumont, the Lords Neville,
* We are told that this rivulet is so narrow that a man may easily leap
over it, its breadth being-, in most places, less than four yards, which renders
this account more credible, to those who may be inclined to doubt it.
120
MARGAKET OF ANJOU.
1461.
Riclpath ;
Sharon
Turner ;
Chalmer's
Caledonia ;
W. of Wor-
cester.
Henry Stafford, of Buckingham, Scales, Willoughby y
Wells, Dacre, and Malley ; also Sir Ralph Grey, Sir
Richard Fency, and Sir Harry Belingham. The total
loss of the Lancastrians was estimated by a contem-
porary writer at 38,000 men ; but King Edward,
writing in confidence to his mother, told her that the
loss sustained by his enemies in this battle was 28,000
men. The total loss on both sides has been variously
computed by historians at 20,000,- 33,000, 35,091,
36,776, and 38,000 ; this last being, however, as we
are told, the statement of those who buried the dead.
The prisoners and wounded amounted to 10,000. This
was, indeed, " a sore-fought field ! "
The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, who had fled
from the dreadful conflict, conveyed immediately the
fatal news of their defeat to the King and Queen at
York. The Lancastrian army, but a short time before
so powerful, had been, contrary to all expectations,
completely routed. All hope was thus extinguished ;
and the King, Queen, and Prince Edward, all precipi-
tately fled towards Scotland. They did not consider
themselves safe while in England, and used their
utmost efforts to escape, flying all night, lest they
should be overtaken by the cavalry which King Ed-
ward had sent in pursuit of them. They first went to
Newcastle, and proceeding thence on the second day
of their flight, they arrived in safety on the borders of
Scotland.
The royal fugitives were attended by the Dukes of
Exeter and Somerset, the Lords Eoos and Hunger-
ford, the Lord Chief Justice Fortescue, and other
lords and gentlemen of rank, who all submitted to this
voluntary exile.* It was not in vain that the Lan-
* Drake's York ; Baker ; Makenzie's Newcastle-on-Tyne ; Leland ; W.
cf Worcester ; Fabyan ; Sandford ; Howel ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Allen's
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 121
castrians had so hastily departed from York ; for King
Edward repaired thither on the morning after his
victory, hoping to surprise Ills enemies, and secure
the unfortunate Henry, but in this object he was dis-
appointed. The Lords Montague and Barnes having
besought the King's grace for the city of York, which
he granted, the victorious monarch, with great solem-
nity, entered this city, and kept the feast of Easter
there, being well 1 received by the citizens, and many
processions being made to his honour. Edward's first
care was the removal of his father's head, and that of
the Earl of Salisbury, from the city walls, and to order
their interment with their bodies. In the spirit of
retaliation, the victor commanded that several of his
prisoners should be executed. Amongst these were
Thomas Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the Earl of
Kyme, Sir William Hill, and Sir Thomas Foulford,
whose heads were cut off, and each of them affixed to
a pole, and then fastened over the gates of York.* It
may be remembered that, in the commencement of
the career of the Duke of York, the Earl of Devon-
shire had espoused the cause of the Yorkists, and had
afterwards returned to his allegiance to King Henry.
He seems, at last, to have suffered for his incon-
stancy, f
The Earl of Northumberland, who was a powerful
baron, had a palace in the city of York, situated in
Walmgate.
Modern antiquarians assure us that the body of
this Earl was brought home by his retainers, and
buried in the Church of St. Dionysius, or St. Dennis,
York ; Hearne's Fragment ; Pol. Vergil ; Archaeological Journal ; Collin -
son's Somerset.
* James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire, was also beheaded at Newcastle.
t This was the fifth Earl of Devon. His son, Thomas Courtney, was
beheaded in 14G1 ; and his brother, Henry Courtney, in 14G6, was also
beheaded at Salisbury.
122 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
in this northern capital, and that a large blue stone in
the north aisle marks his burial place.
The villagers have a tradition, which points out the
spot where Lord Dacre fell. It is called Towton Dale,
or Tartingdale ; and a road, running between two
stone quarries, is said, with great probability, to have
been the scene of the battle. From the same source
is the following tradition, also verified by facts : — ■
" It is reported that the soldiers were buried in
" large mounds, on the field of battle, and that the
" Yorkists, either in affection, or in triumph, planted
" some rose trees on the tombs of their fallen country-
" men. These mounds, through the lapse of four
" centuries, have worn nearly clown to the level sur-
" face of the soil ; but vou may vet see a kind of
" circles in the field, above the quarry, already men-
" tioned, and these circles are covered with patches
" and clusters of rose trees. The rose is white, and
" now and then, on the appearance of a pink spot on
" the flower, the rustic, happy in his legendary lore,
" traces the blood of Lancaster." *
From the chronicles of those times we learn that
those who fell in the desperate conflict at Towton,
were at first interred in five pits. They were after-
wards buried in the churchyard at Saxton, where a
mean tomb has been erected to the memory of Lord
Dacre. This flat marble stone, although now much
* Archaeological Journal ; Hume.
It has been asserted by some historians that King Henry escaped, after
the battle of Towton, to a place called Coroumber, in Yorkshire, which,
they say, was closely besieged by Edward's soldiers under Sir Robert Ode
and Sir John Conyers. They add, that some of the Earl of North umber-
land's esquires raised an army of o or 6000 men to fight with the besiegers,
hoping that, in the meantime, Henry VI. might be fortunate enough to
make his escape through a postern gate. It was rumoured, also, that Queen
Margaret, her son, and the Duke of Somerset, were at this place, and not
less than four thousand of the north countrymen were slain upon this
occasion.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 123
broken and defaced, still bears this imperfect inscrip-
tion : —
" Hie jacet Ranulphus Ds. de Dakre et . . .
miles et occisus erat in bello principe
Henrico VI. Anno Dom. m,cccc,lxi, xxix
die Martii, videlicet dominica, die
palmarum. Cujus anime
proprietur Deus. Amen."
The five pits in the field near to Saxton church, could
not have contained, as we are told, the hundredth part
of those who were slain, and many must have been
buried in other parts of that field ; indeed the plough-
share oft discovers some of their remains, and this has
called forth the following lines from the poet's pen : —
' ' As oft as the ploughman turns the fields,
" Half -buried human bones the soil still yields,
" The dire remains of civil strife,
" An hundred thousand bereft of life
" This quarrel claims ; and Tadcaster may boast
" That thirty thousand in her fields were lost."
The citizens of London at this period evinced their
strong attachment to their unfortunate monarch. The
following passage may be quoted in proof of this, from
a letter written immediately after the battle of Towton.
" We send no sooner unto you, because he had none
" certain until now, for unto this day London was as
11 sorry as city might be."*
From the city of York King Edward proceeded to
Durham, where, having set things in order in the
North, and committed the charge and governance
there to the Earl of Warwick, whom he left behind
him, he then returned in great triumph to London. On
* Hall ; Biondi ; Sandford ; Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Leland ; Fabyan ;
Pol. Vergil ; Habington ; Rapin ; W. of Worcester ; Milles's Catalogue ;
Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Toplis ; Sharon Turner ; Anti-
quities of York ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; Pennant.
124
MARGARET OF AXJOU.
1461.
Baker ;
W. of Wor-
cester ;
Stow ;
Paston
Letters ;
Hearn's
Chron. ;
Henry.
1461.
Chalmer's
Caledonia ;
W. of Wor-
cester.
the 1st of June he reached the manor of Shene, where
he remained until the 26th of June while preparations
were making for his coronation. The day fixed for
this ceremony was Sunday the 29th of June, 1461,
being St. Peter's da}'. On the Thursday preceding
he came from Shene to the Tower of London, whither
he was conducted by the Mayor and Aldermen and
400 citizens, who met him on the road, on horseback,
clad in splendid scarlet liveries. While at the Tower
King Edward, in the most sumptuous manner, enter-
tained the chief of the nobility and gentry who were
favourable to the House of York ; and on the morning
of Saturday he made thirty-two new knights of the
Bath, who being arrayed in blue gowns with hoods and
tokens of white silk upon their shoulders, rode before
the King the same afternoon, and thus "in goodly
" order " brought him to Westminster. On the follow-
ing day, Sunday, King Edward was solemnly crowned
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed
ceremony and honours in the Abbey of Westminster.
The new monarch's attention was next turned to
Scotland, whither he dismissed ambassadors to propose
a truce with that kingdom, fearing that by the succours
the Scots would in all probability afford to the fugitive
Queen, they might enable her to attempt the recovery
of the crown, and thus make the Lancastrians more
formidable than ever.* 1
Queen Margaret and her little escort had meanwhile
arrived at Berwick, where they all embarked, except-
ing the Duke of Somerset, and finally reached Scot-
land in safety. f They first proceeded in four vessels
* Sproti Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Stow ; Heame's Frag-
ment ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London ; Sharon
Turner ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Allen's York ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume.
■f Baker ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Rapin ; Pol. Vergil ; Toplis ; Paston
Letters ; Lingard ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Antiquities of York ; W. of
Worcester.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 125
to Kirkcudbright, where they were honourably re-
ceived.
Finding, while at this place, that the mental infir-
mities of her husband rendered it necessary for him to
remain there, the Queen left him with four persons, and
a boy, to attend upon him, while she proceeded with
her son and her court to meet the Scottish Queen at
Edinburgh. It was the 30th of August, 1461, when
Queen Margaret left Kirkcudbright. The chief atten-
dants on the exiled Queen were Lord Roos, and his son,
John Ormond, William Talyboys, Sir John Fortescue,
Sir Thomas Fyndern, Sir Edmund Hampden, John
Courtney and others, in number less than thirty. Lord
Hungerford* was also amongst the faithful adherents
of Margaret. He had fled after the battle of Towton,
with his royal mistress into Scotland ; but as he soon
afterwards accompanied the Duke of Somerset to
France, it is probable that he was employed by the
Queen, to bear some message to the French King.
This monarch f had, even while at war with England,
issued orders to all his ports that the Lancastrians
should be well received, and many Englishmen pre-
suming on this favourable reception, took refuge in
France at this period.^
While at Berwick, the unfortunate King and Queen
had sent to request of James III. an honourable recep-
tion, and the royal protection during their stay in his
dominions ; and in return they had received a most
gracious reply. The Scottish monarch, then but seven
years of age, expressed great concern for the defeat of
the Lancastrians, and regret, that he could not receive
them under better circumstances ; he concluded with
* This nobleman was attainted by King Edward, and bis estates were
forfeited to the crown.
f This was Charles VII.
% Paston Letters ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ;
Chalmer's Caledonia ; Daniel ; Collinson's Somersetshire.
126 }IAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
assurances that, under whatever condition they might
apply to him, they should receive every succour and
protection which his kingdom could afford.* This
young monarch also testified his respect and attention
by going out in person to welcome the Lancastrian
exiles ; and after showing them all kinds of honours,
he finally lodged them in his own palace.
His mother, Mary of Gueldres, hastened to embrace,
and sympathize in the sufferings of the unfortunate
Margaret of Anjou. In her, she beheld a form beautiful
and elegant as her own ; she found her endowed with
a genius as lofty and aspiring, and a temper so much
resembling that which she herself possessed, that it was
impossible for her to witness her distress without be-
coming her friend. She received her with every kind-
ness, appointed for her and King Henry an honourable
maintenance, and promised to assist them in the
recovery of their kingdom.
Queen Margaret, notwithstanding all this show of
courtesy, could not procure much help from the court
of Scotland, to enable her to recover her crown. The
Council, composed of the chief of the Scottish nobility,
had the guardianship of the young king. Two parties
had laid claim to the Regency ; one of them headed by
Mary of Gueldres, the other by the Earl of Angus ;
and the states, in order not to offend either of them,
had selected two Regents from each, at the same time
petitioning the Queen to be satisfied with the direction
of her children's education. Under this arrangement
both of these parties continued to subsist, and Queen
Margaret, amidst these dissatisfactions, found the king-
dom in such a state of agitation, that she could pro-
cure little attention to her solicitations. f She first
* Sandford ; Baker ; Baudier ; Pol. Vergil; Bidpath.
f Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Bidpath ; Baudier ; Kapin ;
Hume ; Carte ; Stow.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 127
pleaded her claims to their assistance, through the
connexion between the House of Lancaster and the
royal family of Scotland ; but she obtained, in reply,
only the expression of their good wishes. When,
however, she offered to deliver up to them the town
and fortress of Berwick,* and to contract her son to
the Princess Mary, the sister of their king, they lent a
more willing ear to her proposals, and were finally
prevailed upon to assist her.f
In order to secure the friendship and aid of the
powerful George Douglas, Earl of Angus, the lands
between the Trent and Humber, of the yearly value of
2000 marks sterling, were promised to him, to be
erected into a dukedom. It was, however, agreed,
that Angus should be at any time at liberty to make
war upon England, at the Scottish king's command,
and that he should not be amenable to the English
Parliament, or courts of justice. This nobleman, who
was tutor to the young King of Scots, was so flattered
by the prospect of an English dukedom, that he readily
engaged in the service of the Lancastrians, and was
soon after enabled to render them a signal service.
When the Duke of Burgundy heard of the proposed
marriage of Prince Edward and the daughter of the
Scottish Queen, he dispatched the Lord of Gruthuse to
break it off. He did this, as some affirm, on account of
the enmity he bore to King Rene ; but others tell us,
with more probability, that he was equally attached
to King Edward and to the King of Scotland, being
uncle to Mary of Gueldres, and he did not wish to
see them become irreconcilable. Through this inter-
ference the marriage was rather deferred than broken
* This town and castle were surrendered on the 25th April, 1461, and the
young King" of Scots visited, on the 15th June, his new acquisition.
f Stow ; Carte ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Monstrelet ;
Daniel ; Henry ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; W. of Worcester.
Paston
Letters
128 MABGABET OF AXJOU.
off; yet the Duke of Burgundy was eventually suc-
cessful.*
Queen Margaret had, by her exertions, to overcome
not only the prejudices of the Scots, but the machi-
nations of her enemies from the English court, there-
fore was her success the more extraordinary.
The Regents of Scotland had felt disposed to agree
to the truce desired by King Edward IV., but the
eloquence of the Lancastrian Queen overcame their
scruples, in her favour, and the only effect which this
embassy from England produced, was the prevention
of any declaration in favour of the exiled family.
Many individuals, nevertheless, of all ranks, espoused
their cause, and it was not until the following year,
that any truce was established between the kingdoms.!
i46i. In return for the surrender of Berwick, an object
which had been often wished, and attempted by the
iingard. Scots, since the invasion of Edward, a Scottish army
entered England, and advancing to Carlisle, laid siege
to the city, which was held by the Yorkists.
The English, under Lord Montague, raised the
siege, and the Scots were defeated, with a loss of
G000 men, amongst whom was a brother of Lord
Clifford.
King Henry, meanwhile, with some faithful ad-
herents, advanced into the county of Durham, but
he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, owing to
the superior number of his enemies.:):
The Lancastrian Queen still retained possession of
several castles in Northumberland ; and when the
negotiations with the Scots were ended, and they
had promised to assist her, Queen Margaret's measures
* Barante ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Lingard.
f W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Stow ; Sharon Turner ; Ridpath ; Rapin ;
Hume ; Henry : Lingard.
J Paston Letters ; Pinkerton ; Hallam ; Rynier ; Sharon Turner ;
Monstrelet ; Lingard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 129
were promptly and vigorously taken. It cannot be
doubted that the Queen had accompanied King Henry in
his expedition to Durham, although no records furnish
the details of this precise period, beyond the fact, that
Laurence Booth, who, through the intercessions of
Queen Margaret, had been appointed to the see of
Durham, had taken part, in these times of trouble,
with his royal patroness, and had thereby incurred
the ire of the Yorkist King.
It was supposed that the Queen had nearly reached
the city of York, when King Edward penned the fol-
lowing letter, which he addressed to his adherents :
" Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well, 146L
" and thank you of the great truth, love, and kindness
" shewed unto us at all times herebefore, and specially
" to the days and time of our great necessity, for the
" defence of our land and subjects ; wherein ye ap-
" proved your said truth and devoure of such largesse*
" as we will ever remember in the mightiest part of
il the affection of our heart ; not holding doubted, but
'' ascertained, that we shall be assured of the perfect-
" ness of your hearty perseverance in the same ; letting
" you witt, that yesterday, and this day it come certainly
" to our knowledge, that on Thursday last past it was
" fully determined, concluded, and assented, in the
" Council of our great enemy, the King of Scots, in
" Edinburgh, between him and Margaret, late called
" Queen, under the form following :
" The same Margaret, in the name of Henry, late
" called King, our great traitor and rebel, hath granted
"unto the said King of Scots, to his heirs and suc-
" cessors, seven sherifwicks of our realm of England ;
" his son Edward in marriage to the sister of the same
" King, and to be, for the same intent, for seven years
" under the keeping and governance of the Bishop of
* Liberality.
VOL. II.
130 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
" Saint Andrew's, to whom she hath granted the
" Archbishopric of Canterbury ; to divers clerks of
" Scotland, divers bishoprics in this our realm, and
" the livelihood lands of the lords, gentles, and nobles
" thereof, to divers Scots and Frenchmen, having
''thereof petitions, by the said King Henry signed;
" and by the consequence and sequel, the obeisance of
" our said realm, and of our subjects thereof, as much
" as she may, under the domination and power of the
'* same Scots and Frenchmen ; whom she hath excited
" and provoked to show them of the greatest and
" largest cruelty and tyranny against our said subjects
" that they can, unto the execution of the end of her
" insatiable malice toward them ; whereunto her joy
" and consolation is most disposed and applied.
" Over this, the said Margaret hath, inasmuch as
" she may, in the name of the said Henry, bounden
" the realm to be adjoined to the league of antient
"time made and renovelled* betwixt France and
" Scotland.
" And to the observing and performing of all the
" promises for the party f of the said Henry, Margaret
"hath made solemn oath, the said Thursday, openly
" in the said council, upon the Four Evangelists ; for
" the which the said Scots there also bodily made like
" oath to the said Henry and Margaret, to take whole
and full party with them, against us and our
subjects, to put them in divoire, to the execution
of the said malice ; and to the same intent to enter
" our land on Friday next coming; arreadyingj their
" great ordnance to besiege our castle of Northam,
" authorised by the said Bishop, with the clergy of
" Scotland ; the lords, gentlemen, and commonalty
" thereof, intending to accompany and bring the said
" Henry and Margaret into our said realm. The
* Eemodelled. f On the part of. ^ Making ready.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 131
" which we purpose to resist with God's grace, and
" arready us thereto, and to the rebuke of the said
" malice, and of the great presumption and customable
" pride of the said Scots, grounded and established
" upon unrighturse covetise,* that we trust in the
" Lord shall be the occasion of their fall and decline,
" if they persevere in their said purpose."
King Edward becomes more and more vehement as
he proceeds with this address, and in conclusion of
this appeal, he says —
" We, therefore, pray you to pray heartily to God for
' our good speed in our righturse cause and quarrel, and
" true intent in the defence and tuition of our said land
" and subjects ; whereunto we will join our body,
" blood and life ; and that you will joyfully courage"]"
" yourselves and our subjects of that our city, under
" the trust of God, and the mystery of His grace and
" might, wherein we establish our surety and progress,
" and trust thereunto, that ye shall hear such tidings
" of the resistance of our said enemies, as shall be in
" perpetual memory to their rebuke and confusion,
" and singular and assured comfort to you and all our
" said subjects. "|
Another letter was addressed by King Edward to
the King of Scots, in which he alludes to his reception
into Scotland ; he says of the "traitors and rebels,
" Henry, late usurpant king of our said realm, Mar-
"garet his wife, and her son, and other our traitors
"and rebels," not being his liegemen, and exhorting
him to deliver them up unto him, without delay, if they
become not his lieges and subjects, and if it so be, to
certify the same.§
After this the heaviest punishments were denounced
by this monarch, against all those who should be found
* Unrighteous covetousness. + Embolden.
t Stow ; HalliweU's Letters. § HalliweU's Letters.
k 2
1461.
132 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
favouring, or giving reception to King Henry, Queen
Margaret, or any of their partizans.
The same ill success which attended the efforts of
Turn°r ^ ne Lancastrians in the north of England, pursued
them in their ineffectual attempts in Wales during this
year. A guard was set by Edward on the northern
marches, lest any should desert and join King Henry
in Scotland ; for although victorious, his rival feared,
that Margaret would return and excite the people to
renew the war.*
i46i. King Henry, while in adverse circumstances, took
refuge at one time in Muncaster Castle, in Lancashire.
There is a room there still bearing the name of " King
"Henry the Sixth's room," where he was concealed,
when pursued by his enemies in 1461, probably when
he fled from Durham. The possessor of the castle was
Sir John Pennington, who gave the unfortunate
monarch a secret reception. The King, upon his
departure, addressed to Sir John many kind and
courteous acknowledgments for his loyalty and
hospitality, lamenting, at the same time, that he could
present him with nothing more valuable, as a testi-
mony of his goodwill, than the cup out of which he
crossed himself. This he gave into the hands of Sir
John, and accompanied the present with the following
benediction, " The family shall prosper as long as they
preserve it unbroken."
The superstition of the times caused it to be
imagined, that it would carry good fortune to the
descendants of this house, whence it was called
the "luck of Muncaster." It was a curiously
wrought glass cup, studded with gold and white
enamel spots. The blessing attached to its security
occasioned the family to consider it important for their
prosperity, at the time of the usurpation, that the
* Henry ; Pol. Vergil.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 133
"luck of Muncaster" be deposited in some place of
security, and consequently it was buried, until, by the
cessation of hostilities, this care was rendered no
longer necessary.
It happened, however, unfortunately, that the
person permitted to disinter this precious cup let
the box fall in which it was enclosed ; and this gave
such alarm to the remaining members of the family,
that they could not summon courage to open it, and
quiet their apprehensions. It therefore remained (as
tradition tells us) for more than forty years unopened ;
at the end of which period, one of the Penningtons,
more courageous than his ancestors, unlocked this
casket, and joyfully proclaimed the safety of the
"luck of Muncaster."*
King Edward had fortified the frontiers ; he had
built forts on those parts of the sea-coast which were
most convenient for landing ; particularly in the south
of England. He also gained possession of all the
castles and holds both in North and South Wales ;
and the Duke of Exeter, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pem-
broke, and other noblemen, were defeated by King
Edward's army, on the 13th of October, 1461, at 146L
Tatehill, near Carnarvon, and compelled to fly to the
mountains. Many of the Lancastrians likewise went
over to Edward, f
All England and Wales was at length in the
possession of the young King ; Harlech Castle only
held out. This fortress had been kept by Richard
Tunstall; and afterwards by Lord Herbert. The
former held this castle previous to the Welsh chieftain,
David ap Jevan, who protected the Queen, when she
took refuge at Harlech, after the battle of North-
ampton.
* Roby's Lancashire.
f Biondi ; Paston Letters ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Pol. Vergil.
J 1
134 ALAEGABET OF AXJOU.
After Lis defeat in Wales, Jasper Tudor, Earl of
Pembroke, passed over into Ireland; where, in the
following rear, 1462, lie endeavoured to procure some
further assistance for his unfortunate half-brother,
King Henry the Sixth.
This monarch, doubtless, on his departure from
Aluncaster Castle, found means to return to the
Scottish court, where the Queen still remained, with
some of her adherents ; we learn that Kins; Henry
with his attendants, resided at Edinburgh.
1461. It was at this time that Sir John Fortescue, Lord
Chief Justice of England from the year 1422, was
made Lord Chancellor by his beloved sovereign.
While at Edinburgh the King, Queen, and Prince
Edward lodged at the Friar preacher's house, also
Exeter, Somerset, and others. Not long after the
Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, and Robert
W hittingham, with four or five esquires, came from
Scotland into Normandv. It was rumoured that
" they were like to be deemed prisoners ;" indeed, the
English refugees were exposed to numerous perils,
for many fled to France, relying on the favourable
reception of King Charles,, at whose court Somerset
and others had hoped to find an asylum. When
these persons, however, reached Dieppe, they were
immediately arrested by the officers of the new
King, Louis XL, and were apprised of the death of
Charles VII. Surprised and disappointed, and while
in uncertainty concerning their fate, the following
letter was addressed by Lord Hungerford to his
roval mistress in Scotland : —
" To the Queen of England in Scotland. —
" Madam, please it your good God, we have, since our
" corning hither, written to vour Highness thrice : the
* Paston Letters ; Barry's Itinerary of Wales.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 135
" first we sent by Bruges, to be sent to you by the
" first vessel that went into Scotland ; the other twa
" letters we sent from Dieppe — the one, by the carvel
; ' in which we came, and the other, in another vessel ;
" but, Madam, all was one thing, in substance, of
" putting you in knowledge of the King your uncle's
" death* (whom God pardon), and how we stood
" arrested, and do yet. But on Tuesday next we trust
" and understand we shall up to the King,f your
" cousin german. His commissaries, at the first of our
" tarrying, took all our Letters and Writings, and bare
" them up to the King ; leaving my Lord of Somerset
"in keeping at the castle of Arkes ; and my Fellow
" Whityngham and me (for we had safe conduct) in
11 the town of Dieppe ; where we are yet. But on
" Tuesday next we understand, that it pleaseth the
" said King's Highness that we shall come to his
" presence ; and are charged to bring us up, Monsieur
" cle Cressell, now bailiff of Canse, and Monsieur de
" la Mot.
" Madam, fear you not, but be of good comfort,
" and beware that ye adventure not your person, ne
" my Lord the Prince, by the sea, till ye have other
" word from us ; in less than your person cannot be
" sure there, as ye are, and that extreme necessity
" drive you thence. And for God's sake, let the
" King's Highness be advised the same ; for, as we be
" informed, the Earl of March | is into Wales by land,
" and hath sent his navy thither by sea. And,
" Madam, think verily, we shall not sooner be de-
" livered, but that we will come straight to you, with-
" out Death take us by the way, the which we trust
" he will not, till we see the King and you peaceable
" again in your realm ; the which we beseech God
* Charles VII. of France. f Lewis XI.
t This^as King Edward IV.
1461.
Paston
136 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
" soon to see, and to send you that your Highness
" desireth.
" Written at Dieppe, the 30th day of August, 1461.
Otters. " Your true subjects and liege men,
" HuNGERFORD.
" Whytyngham."
The suspicious position in which these lords sud-
denly found themselves prevented the efforts they
intended making for the interests of their royal mis-
tress at the court of France, whither thev had been
dismissed to obtain assistance for the Lancastrians.
U6i. Lord TTenlock and others, who had been sent over
ambassadors to the French King, on the part of
Edward, were awaiting a safe conduct at Calais. The
treasurer of this town, with many soldiers, some join-
ing them also from the Marches, were engaged in
besieging the castle of Hammes, near Calais, " both
parties making great war." *
The Count of Charolois, who was related to the
Duke of Somerset, interested himself in his favour,
having a high esteem for him, on account of his
preference for the Lancastrian party ; and at his peti-
tion, the King of France gave the Duke his liberty,
besides making him handsome presents of gold and
silver. He was also conducted to Tours, and well
received there.
After this, the Duke of Somerset, desiring to return
to Scotland, was informed that King Edward had placed
spies there, to watch his conduct, upon which he
withdrew to Bruges, where he remained in privacy
a considerable time. It was not until March in the
following year that he returned to Scotland, as
appears from the deposition of certain Frenchmen,
taken prisoners at Sharringham, in Norfolk, who,
* Daniel ; Paston Letters.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 137
being examined relative to Queen Margaret's affairs,
stated that the Duke of Somerset was gone into Scot-
land from France, and that Lord Hungerford had, a
few days before, passed before Sharringham in a
carvel of Dieppe, on his way to Scotland, having
however, but few followers.*
The Scottish Queen, as it appears, entertained great
hatred against the Duke of Somerset, because he had
discovered an intrigue between her and the King of
France, and she even employed Lord Halys to lie in
wait for the Duke to kill him. j"
On the 4th of November, 1461, King Edward ? Hfli.
held his first Parliament, when his title to the crown Howei.'
was confirmed. All the acts which had been made in
the reigns of his predecessors against the House of
York were repealed. Henry VI., after having reigned
thirty-eight years, by the unanimous consent of the
people, was, in this session, declared an usurper. An
act of attainder and forfeiture was passed against King
Flenry, his Queen, and their son, the Prince of Wales ;
also against Henry, Duke of Somerset, the Earls of
Northumberland and Devonshire; Lord Roos; Thomas
Beaumont ; Henry, Duke of Exeter ; Jasper, Earl of
Pembroke; the Earl of Wiltshire; John, Lord Clifford ;
the Lords Hungerford and Dacre ; John Fortescue, Esq. ;
and many others, even, according to some authorities,
to the number of one hundred and forty persons.
This act, indeed, extended to almost every individual
who had distinguished himself in the cause of the
Lancastrians. In excuse for this severity it was
alleged that the power of that House ought at
once to be annihilated. Every Lancastrian, who had
not perished in the struggle to support his sovereign
on the field of battle, was adjudged to suffer all the
* Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel ; Barante.
t W. of Worcester.
13S
MAEGABET OF AXJOU.
1461-
Btow ;
Sandford ;
Milles's
Catalogue.
1461
Paston
Letters.
penalties of treason, the loss of his honours, the for-
feiture of his estates, and an ignominious death. Another
motive probably led to this unexampled severity ; it
was the necessity of providing funds to satisfy the
expectations and reward the services of those to whose
exertions King Edward was indebted for the posses-
sion of the crown.
AVhen this first Parliament of King Edward was
held, the nobility of England consisted of only one
Duke, four Earls, one Viscount, and twenty-nine
Barons, such numbers having been slain in battle, put
to death on the scaffold, or having fled from their
native country to save their lives. During this session
King Edward created his eldest brother, George Plan-
tagenet, Duke of Clarence, and his youngest brother,
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester. Lord
Falconbridge he created Earl of Kent ; and Plenry
Bouchier, the brother of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, Earl of Essex. Also John, Lord Neville, the
brother of the Earl of Warwick, he created first Vis-
count Lord Montague ; * likewise Lord Wenlock he
created Baron TTenlock. Anthony Widville was sum-
moned to this Parliament as Lord Scales. The Duke
of Exeter had married King Edward's sister, who pre-
ferred to remain with her brother rather than to share
the misfortunes of her husband : the Duke having fol-
lowed King Henry into Scotland, his estates were
bestowed at this time on his Duchess.
The new Earls of Kent and Essex, with the Lords
Audley and Clinton, Sir John Howard, and others,
were dismissed by King Edward, with forces amount-
ing to 10,000, to scour the seas. They landed in
Brittany, assailed the town of Conquet, and the isle of
* This Lord Montague was rewarded with the earldom of Northumber-
land, although the late Earl had left one son.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 139
Bee, but were repulsed by the inhabitants, who,
headed by the Sire de Kimerch and Rosmadec, Ber-
trand de Chaffault, and others, compelled them to
retreat hastily to their vessels, after which they re-
turned to England.*
The vengeance of the Yorkists was still unsatisfied,
even after so many bloody battles. Fresh victims
were found after a diligent search, and every culprit
was brought to a summary execution. Neither old nor
young were spared. The first of these was the aged
Earl of Oxford, who was both wise and valiant, and of
an unimpeachable character. He was arrested by
John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, then Constable of
England, and, without being allowed any trial, was
sentenced to die, under pretence that he had cor-
responded with Queen Margaret. He was beheaded i*6i
on Tower Hill, on the 22nd of February, 1461 ; and at Paston
the same time, and under the same charge, viz., of FabyaL'
having received letters from the Queen, were also
executed on Tower Hill, Aubrey cle Vere, the eldest
son of the Earl of Oxford, Sir Thomas Tudenham,|
Sir William Tyrrel, and Sir John Montgomery. J John
Clopton was also arrested, but his life was spared.
These and other cruelties distinguished the first year
of the reign of King Edward IV., who rewarded his
own adherents with the lands and effects of these
victims.
The Earl of Oxford had disputed in Parliament the
question concerning the precedency of the Barons
temporal and spiritual, a bold attempt in those days,
and judgment was given in favour of the Lords
* Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Howel ; Milles's Catalogue ;
Henry ; Allen's York ; Bridge's Northamptonshire ; Collinson's Somerset-
shire ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ; Paston Letters ; Hallam ; Mon-
strelet ; Eapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Barrow ; Roujoux, Dues de Bretagne.
f Or Tiddingham.
X Or Walter Montgomery.
140 MAEGABET OF AXJOTJ.
temporal, through his arguments. This Earl had
accompanied King Henry V. in his wars in France.
He left one son, named John de Vere, then only nine
months old.
Another of King Henry's faithful adherents, Thomas
de Eoos, died this year, at Newcastle, after sharing
the exile of his master, who had rewarded his services
with an annuity of £40 for his life, out of the Earl of
Salisbury's forfeited estate. The battle of Towton had
caused the confiscation of his property. His eldest
son Edmund joined the Lancastrians.!
At this time King Edward was at war with France,
Brittany, the Low Countries, and Scotland ; yet it was
only respecting the last of these that he entertained
any uneasiness. He justly expected that the Queen's
active mind would invent some fresh enterprise, and if
supported by the Scottish chieftains' valour and num-
bers, she would become truly formidable. To prevent
this, he adopted the advice of the Earl of Douglas,
who had long been a refugee in England, and enjoyed
an annual pension there, and who at this time recom-
mended him to enter into a negotiation with the Earl
of Ross, Lord of the Isles.J
This nobleman had revolted from King James, and
he at once concluded a treatv with the English monarch.
It was agreed that the Earl of Ross should lay waste
the northern parts of Scotland with fire and sword ;
and, by this treaty, it was stipulated that he should,
with all his vassals, become the liege subjects of Ed-
ward, and that if Scotland should be vanquished through
* Baker ; London Chron. ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hume ; Paston
Letters ; Barrow ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Monstrelet.
f Stow ; Monast. Anglic. ; Dugdale ; Barrow ; Leland's Collect.; Bridges's
Northamptonshire.
% Douglas was afterwards taken prisoner by the Scots, and kept in con-
finement until his death, in 1488.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 141
this alliance, the northern part should be assigned to
Ross, and the remainder to Douglas.
Thus did King Edward seek to balance the influence
of Henry VI. in Scotland, and by the invasion of the
territories of King James to prevent his rendering him
any effectual assistance. We are even told that
Edward purchased the fealty of the Earl of Ross by
the payment of an annual pension, and that he also, to
amuse the Queen Dowager, Mary of Scotland, made
her a deceitful offer of marriage. In April, 1462, im.
the Earls of Warwick and Essex, Lord Wenlock, the L^te^.
Bishop of Durham, and others were sent on an embassy
into Scotland, and at Dumfries met the Scottish Queen
on this fruitless offer.*
King Edward addressed a letter from Stamford on
the 8th of March, 1462, to Thomas Cooke, whom he
calls c his trusty and well-beloved alderman of our
" city of London."
In this epistle he alludes to information he has re-
ceived respecting the designs of his " great adversary
" Harry, naming himself King of England, who through
" the malicious counsel and excitation of Margaret his
" wife, naming herself Queen of England, have conspired,
" accorded, concluded, and determined with our out-
" ward enemies, as well of France, and Scotland, as of
" other divers countries, that our said outward enemies
" in great number shall in all haste to them possible
" enter this our realm of England, to make in the same
" such cruel, horrible, and mortal war, depopulation,
"robbery, and manslaughter as heretofore hath not
" been used among Christian people, and with all ways
" and means to them possible, to destroy utterly the
"people, the name, the tongue, and all the blood
" English of this our said realm ; insomuch that in the
* Pinkerton ; Bidpath ; Paston Letters ; Barrow ; Henry ; Lingard ;
Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Bymer.
142 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
" said conspiracy, among other tilings, it is agreed and
" accorded by our said adversary Harry, moved thereto
" by the malicious and subtle suggestion and enticing
"of the said malicious woman Margaret his wife, that
" in case they shall and may perform this their mali-
" dons and cruel purpose (which God forfend!), that
" then his uncle Charles of Anjou with the Frenchmen
" shall have the nomination, rule, and governance of this
" our realm aforesaid." King Edward continues his
letter with stating, that " for the furtherance of their
" wicked intent, the said Harry and Margaret his wife,
" had granted to Louis de Valois, naming himself King
" of France, a renunciation and release of the right and
" title that the crown of England hath to the crown
" and realm of France, and also to the duchies and
"countries of Guienne ; and besides hath granted to
" the same intent to the Scots not only the town and
" castle of Berwick, now by his deliverance occupied
" by the same Scots, and also a great part of our realm
" of England. Which things diligently considered, it
" appeareth that the said Harry and Margaret his wife,
" not only to us, but to all our realm and true liege
"people, have been mortal and cruel enemies." King-
Edward continues, " We intending with all our might
" and power to resist our enemies, and in no wise to
" spare our own person, body, or goods, neither refuse
" any peril for the defence of our realm and of our true
" subjects ; we desire and pray you, in the most especial
" wise, that you, immediately upon the receipt of these
" our letters assemble all the householders and in-
" habitants within your ward, as well citizens as
" foreigners,* and declare unto them the malicious
" intent of our adversary and enemies, and exhort and
" pray them with such words of benevolence as shall
* Strangers coming from the country. It is still customary in Norfolk
for the country people to call the inhabitants of a distant village foreigners.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 143
" be thought to you behoveful, that they, for the defence
" and surety of themselves and of all this land, and in
" the eschewing of the great and horrible mischiefs
" and inconveniences above rehearsed, will at this
"time, and in this great and urgent necessity, show
" effectually and indeed their good will, zeal, and affec-
" tion unto us, and to the common weal of this land
" and prosperity of themselves.
" Further, for the relief of the great charges that we
" must of necessity bear, they and every of them will
" grant unto us certain sums of money, to be given of
" their free will, and that they will not suffer wilfully
" all this realm and themselves to perish and utterly be
u destroyed ; that trusting in the infinite goodness and
f - righteousness of Almighty God, who hath declared for
" our right and title, that if our true and faithful subjects
" will at this time apply themselves benevolently to
" our desire in this behalf, that we shall so defend and
" preserve them from such perils and mischiefs, and all
" this land, that within a few days they shall have cause
" to think that they never herebefore better expended
" their money. Over this for your direction and more
" speedy execution of this matter, we send you certain
a instructions, praying you, that ye will effectually
" labour to the accomplishment of our desire in this
" behalf, and that ye fail not us, as ye desire the wel-
" fare and prosperity of us, yourselves, and all this
"land."*
In this year, 1462, John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, p J£f ■
was appointed by King Edward to fill the office of Lord Letters.
Treasurer, as he had done in the reign of King Henry, f
It was about this time that the displeasure of the
Yorkist King was evinced against the Bishop of Dur-
ham ; he seized his temporalities, which he retained for
two years ; when restored to him, the Bishop deserted
* Halliwell's Letters. f Paston Letters.
Hume
144 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
the Lancastrian cause, and was employed by Edward,
who rewarded his services by making him Lord High
Chancellor of England, in 1473. Afterwards he was
translated to York.*
Queen Margaret had repeatedly applied to the Court
of France for assistance, but had received no effectual
succours.
1462. Louis XL. who had lately succeeded his father King
Charles upon the throne, was at this time exerting his
political genius to subdue the independent spirit of his
vassals ; and in this attempt had raised so great an
opposition throughout his kingdom, that he found him-
self unable to take any advantage of the divisions of
the English nation. Nor was this monarch willing to
afford Queen Margaret the assistance she required in
money and troops, although he evinced great regard
for her, and wished well to her cause. He even favoured
the Lancastrians at the court of Rome, and in all the
states of Europe, and promised this Queen an asylum
in his dominions should she be obliged to quit her
kingdom. This, however, he advised her not to leave,
but at the utmost extremity.
This King of France never concluded any treaty
with Kino- Henry, saying that it would be time enough
to do so when the King of England had subdued his
enemies and resumed his authority. The offers of the
Yorkists were alike refused by Louis, who declared "it
" was not a good quarrel/ 5 and that " the enterprise of a
" subject who wishes to dethrone his sovereign, is neither
"just, reasonable, nor worthy of support." f
At length, despairing of foreign aid, Queen Margaret
resolved, in spite of fatigue or danger, to go in person
to France, to solicit the assistance of her friends and
* Dugdale's Monasticon.
The only act recorded of this bishop was that he built the gate of the
college of Auckland, and adjoining edifices.
t Hume ; Barante ; Madlle. Lussan.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 145
relatives. She left the King and Prince in Scotland,
and sailed from Kirkcudbright, in Galloway, on the pi n k er ton;
16th of April (or, as some say, on the 28th of June), 2^ er . s .
1462, accompanied by the Duke of Somerset and a fcrajoux;
small retinue, in four vessels. They sailed between Hume ; '
Wales and Ireland, and upon landing at Ecluse, in Henry *
Brittany, the Queen was kindly and honourably re-
ceived by the Duke of Brittany. Compassionating
her condition, he afterwards sent her a present of
12,000 crowns, upon her arrival at Eouen, and even
promised to furnish her with a squadron, in addition
to those she might be able to collect with the help of
her friends and relations.*
The unfortunate Queen passed through Brittany,
and thence proceeded to the city of Rouen. A regis-
ter of this city gives the following account of the
Queen's reception : —
"On Tuesday, the 13th of July, 1462, after
" canonical hours, and towards evening, the Queen
" Margaret of Anjou, wife of the King of England,
" Henry VI., arrived before the King our Lord, in
" this town of Rouen ; and was received with much
" honour, by the gentlemen of the King's suite, the
" counsellers, and others of the four-and-twenty of
" the Council of this town, together with ten distin-
M guished individuals of each quarter, who went forth
11 to meet that Queen on horseback, and met her on
" the road between Grammont and Sotteville ; and
11 the reception was given, and the oath administered,
' in obedience to the letters and commands of the
" King, our Sire, by Germain Mancial, Knight, the
" Lieutenant - General of the bailiwick of Rouen,
" speaking on foot, by the side of his horse, to the
* Carte ; Paston Letters ; Roujoux ; Hume ; Ridpath ; W. of Worcester ;
Daniel ; Henry ; Lobineau ; Pinkerton ; Lingard ; Tillet's Recueil des Rois ;
Wright's History of Scotland.
vol. it. L
146 HARGAEET OF AXJOU.
"said Queen; and answer was made, and thanks
" returned for the said Queen Margaret, by the Arch-
" bishop of Narbonne, Master Antoine Crespin ; and
" this Queen was presented, and handed, and escorted
" to her dwelling, which was in the hotel of the
" ' Golden Lion,' in face of the church of La Ronde,
" belonging to Regnault de Villene, barrister of
" Rouen." *
The first application which Queen Margaret made
was to her father, the King of Sicily ; but Rene,
although abounding in nominal dignities, was in great
distress, and could not afford any succour to his
daughter. He could only unite his earnest solicita-
tions with those of the exiled Queen at the Court of
France ; and he endeavoured to prevail upon all true
knights to avenge the wrongs of the English monarch, j"
The unfortunate Queen had reason, at this period, to
feel some regret for the loss of King Charles VII. ,
her kind-hearted uncle, who had parted from her with
such marked forebodings of misfortune, when she
quitted her native country for England. How wel-
come would have been his generous sympathy upon
her return to France in such adverse circumstances !
The death of King Charles had happened about a
year before, and had been accelerated by the beha-
viour of his son, who he believed had entertained a
design to poison him, and, yielding to the fear and
grief to which this conviction gave rise, be obstinately
refused all nourishment, and died at the age of
sixty.
Charles VII. was one of the greatest monarchs
who had reigned over France. He had a heart and
* Collection Universelle des Memoires pariiculiers relatif a THistoire de
France. Jean de Troye, from a Register of the city of Rouen.
f Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Roujoux's
Dues de Bretaigne.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 147
head equally well disposed ; he was religious, honest,
and upright, and selected good and great men to rule
for him ; he paid respect to and listened to their
advice, which caused it to be said of him that he
allowed himself to be governed. He loved his sub-
jects, and taxed them but little. He easily forgave ;
but, when the offender happened to be one who ap-
proached his person, after granting his pardon, he
would never see that person again. Few reigns have
been productive of so many great men, both political
and warlike : Charles attached to himself these by his
beneficence and goodness. After the defeat of the
English nothing would have been wanting to his
happiness, had not the conduct of the Dauphin dis-
turbed his peace, and weakened his mind by grief.
The regrets and sorrow of his subjects for his loss,
form his best eulogy.
The great events of the reign of Charles VII.
seem to contradict the opinion of the mediocrity of
the genius of this prince ; who, driven from his throne
at so early an age, and finding so many obstacles and
difficulties, yet arrived at so much power, and
recovered his regal authority. If he did not act
himself, he, at least, had great discernment in the
choice of those who served him.*
The Princes of the blood under the late reign
had been accustomed to rule, or to contend for rule,
and they were ill-disposed to Charles VII. , who was
jealous of their power. These Princes saw the con-
stitution verging to an absolute monarchy, in the
direction of which they would have no share: the
fear of such a calamity occasioned several attempts at
rebellion during this reign, and gave rise to the war
commonly called " du bien public." f
The death of King Charles was soon followed by
* Daniel. f Hallam's Middle Ages.
i 2
148 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTX.
that of his consort, Mary of Anjou. She was distin-
guished by her virtue and prudence, but more especially
by her moderation and patience under the rude trials
to which her husband's infidelities subjected her. Such
was her conduct that satire, so much in vogue in
France, could not touch her reputation. She was
exempt from the faults of the court of King Charles,
and preserved the love of the people, the esteem of
the courtiers, and even of Charles himself. It is
related of Mary of Anjou, that, when some persons
noticed the irregular conduct of that King, and even
attributed it to a weakness that she did not resent his
infidelities, the Queen replied : " He is my lord, and
" has all power over my actions, but I have none
" over his." *
Rene of Anjou was tenderly attached to his sister,
who, indeed, bv her behaviour to her husband, showed
herself to be a model for wives and princesses who in
her sphere might find themselves in similar circum-
stances. Strongly united to her husband while living,
she was no less inconsolable at his death, and in
her widowhood wept daily at his tomb. The poor and
unfortunate regarded her as a parent, and respect for
her many virtues silenced the malignant.
On her return from a pilgrimage Mary was taken
ill, and died in the Abbey of Chatellier, in Poitou, on
the 29th of October, U63.t
The son and successor of King Charles was not
easily influenced by the claims of relationship, or
alive to the intercessions of beauty in distress ; he was
naturally selfish and unfeeling ■ notwithstanding, he
received the unhappy Queen at his court at Chinon,
with apparent kindness. When Queen Margaret
* Anquetil; Daniel; Memoirs of Queens and Regents of France.
f Moreri ; Montstrelet ; 3Ionfaucon ; Daniel ; Villeneuve Bargemont ;
Godard Faultrier ; Anquetil.
Pinkerton.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 149
urged her distressed condition, and with earnest en-
treaties besought him to assist her dethroned hus-
band and her helpless son, she found him deaf to her
arguments, and unwilling to grant her any supplies,
until she promised to deliver up to him the town and
castle of Calais, should she, by his means, be restored
to the throne.
Upon this assurance, Louis engaged to lend Queen
Margaret 20,000 crowns, and to furnish her with a
small body of troops, amounting to 500 men-at-arms,
who, with their usual attendants, comprised a force
of 2,000 men. These were to be under the command
of Pierre de Breze, Grand Seneschal of Normandy.
The agreement, signed at Chinon, on the 23rd of June, ^ ue%
1462, was to this effect : — " Margaret, Queen of Eng-
" land, being empowered by the King of England,
" Henry VI., her husband, acknowledges the sum of
" twenty thousand livres, lent to her by the King
' Louis XL, to the restitution of which she obliges
" the town and citadel of Calais, promising that as
" soon as the king, her husband, shall recover it, he
" will appoint there as Captain, his brother Jasper,
' Count of Pembroke, or her cousin, Jean de Foix,
" Count of Caudale, who will engage to surrender the
' said town to King Louis XL, within one year, as his
" oion, or pay to the said King Louis XL forty thou-
" sand pounds (double the amount of the loan)."
De Breze had already been distinguished as a brave
general, and had enjoyed the royal favour in the pre-
ceding reign. Lie had been made Governor of Rouen
after the defeat of Somerset, but having incurred the
displeasure of the present King, had been thrown
into prison. Louis now gave him his liberty, on
condition that he should engage in the service of King
Rene, and conduct this expedition into England. It is
said, that the French King hoped by these means to
150 MARGARET OF AKJOTJ.
get rid of him, having furnished him with forces so
inadequate to the enterprise.*
The crafty Louis, not thinking it to his interest to
espouse the cause of the Lancastrians openly, per-
mitted, notwithstanding, a secret treaty to be entered
into between Queen Margaret and Pierre de Breze, by
which it was agreed "that, in consideration of the
" assistance he should bring to King Henry, her
" husband, the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney,
" and others, adjoining, should be made over to him
" and his heirs for ever, to hold them independently
" of the crown of England." This reward, which has
been considered vastly disproportionate to any service
the Count might be able to render, could never be
fully bestowed upon him ; it was therefore judged
necessary that Breze, in taking possession of these
islands, should do it by surprise, making his act
appear to the world as unpremeditated. Yet even
then, the Count could never fully obtain possession of
them, as will appear in the sequel.
It is not difficult to perceive by this treaty, and
the secret part taken in it by Louis XL, the great
importance of these islands at that period, nor
can it be supposed that the Norman baron would have
been permitted to hold his acquisitions independently
of the French crown ; and some have said, that it
can scarcely be doubted that he acted under the
guidance of the King of France. However this may
have been, it is certain that Pierre de Breze speedily
assembled 2,000 veterans, which he had the greater
facility in doing, having already been engaged in the
wars of France. With this body of soldiers he passed
* Daniel ; Baudier ; Ridpath ; Pinkerton ; Stow ; Tillet's Recueil des
Rois ; Carte; Bodin ; Collection des Memoires particuliers relatif a l'Histoire
de France ; Barante ; Leland ; Monstrelet : Female Worthies ; Tresor des
Chartres.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 151
over into England, where he rendered all the services
in his power to the cause of Queen Margaret.
The Count, meanwhile, to secure the reward of his
services, which indeed were great (for he did all it
was possible for him to do, in the support of a sinking
cause), sent a Norman gentleman named Surdeval,
with a sufficient force, to take possession of Mount
Orgueil Castle, the commander of which had received
secret orders from the Queen to deliver it up. As it
had been preconcerted, the French arrived in the
night, when the garrison was unprepared for resist-
ance, and the commander was taken in his bed, in
order that to the world it might appear as a surprise,
rather than a premeditated treachery.*
While at the French Court, Queen Margaret had
the mortification of beholding the ambassadors of
King Edward, who were negotiating a truce, well
received and frequently admitted to audience.
The Lancastrian Queen was doubtless an un-
welcome visitor, and it was on this account that
Louis XL gave her some troops ; he promised, how-
ever, further supplies, and gave orders that all the
adierents of the House of Lancaster should be well
received in his dominions.
After her tedious and almost fruitless application,
which occupied this Queen at least five months, she at
length set sail for England, in October,")" 1462, having w/oTwor
witi her only the small forces granted her from p^ t e ^ ;
Fraice, and which were scarcely deserving the name Letters ;
Pinkerton ;
of an army ; indeed she seemed so poorly attended, Barrow,
that it was remarked she had scarcely a sufficient
retinue for so great a Princess.
It must not here be omitted to state that during
this visit of Queen Margaret to France, and while
* Falle's Jersey ; Warner's Hampshire ; Plees's Jersey ; Inglis's Channel
Islands ; Crutwell's Tour through Great Britain.
•f Jean de Troye says it was November.
1462.
152
MARGARET OF ANJOU.
1462.
Bidpath ;
Henry ;
Lingard ;
"W. of Wor-
cester.
staying at the court of Louis XI. at Chinon, she
became sponsor to the only son of the ransomed poet,
the Duke of Orleans, and his wife Mary of Cleves. The
child was named Louis by the King of France, who stood
godfather, and became long afterwards Louis XII. *
King Edward had guarded the seas, with the inten-
tion of waylaying the Queen, on her return from
France, but she succeeded, after a rough passage, in
landing at Tynemouth. Here Queen Margaret un-
furled her standard, and invited the Scottish allies, and
the friends of her family, to rally around her ; and she
was, at this time, once more cheered by a transitory
gleam of hope in the success of her cause. She vas,
however, disappointed in her expectation that the
people of Northumberland would declare for her ; for
they had heard that King Edward's army of 20,000
men, commanded by the Earl of Warwick, was ap-
proaching, so that finding the Queen had bat few
auxiliaries from the continent, they remained for the
most part quiet. Thus Queen Margaret only succeeded
in taking the castles of Bamborough, Dunstanburg aid
Alnwick. This last surrendered through the want of
provisions. Some write that the castle of Warkworth
was also taken. The care of Alnwick Castle was en-
trusted to the son of Pierre de Breze, Lord Hungerford,
Eobert Whittingham, and others, having a garrison of
three hundred men. During the time of these sieges
the King was staying at Durham. |
When the Earl of AVarwick arrived in the north
with his army of 20,000, and intelligence was brought
of King Edward's approach with an equal number, the
Lancastrians separated; some to garrison the castles
* Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Tillet's Recueil des Rois : Duclos ; Fabyan
Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Monstrelet ; Baker ; Bodin ; Rapin ; Henry ; Carte
Paston Letters ; Femmes Celebres ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Barante
Daniel ; Jean de Troye ; Lingard ; Barrow.
t Some "writers say the Queen advanced as far as Durham.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 153
they had just taken, whilst others, with the French
auxiliaries, retired with the Queen on board their ships
with great precipitation. Lizard-
Within a few hours after their departure from Tyne- w - of Wor-
mouth, they encountered a severe storm. The Queen's
vessel was separated from the other ships, and it was
not without the utmost exertions that it was brought
into the Tweed, and reached Berwick. The remainder
of this little fleet had dispersed towards Bamborough,
where the Frenchmen would have landed, but Lord
Ogle and Sir John Manners, at the head of some troops,
prevented them. Upon this they retired to the little
isle of Lindisfarne, but were pursued thither by Lord
Ogle and his followers, who completely defeated them,
slew five hundred, and took the rest prisoners, Pierre de
Breze only excepted, who escaped in a fisherman's boat
to Berwick. In this wreck Queen Margaret lost all the
treasure which she had obtained from the King of France.
After these continued misfortunes the Queen
gave up the care of defending her castles, now be-
sieged by the Yorkists, to the Duke of Somerset,
Pierre de Breze, and others of her party, while she
withdrew with her husband and son to Edinburgh ;
and there, for some time, they continued to reside.
They seemed left almost alone, deprived of friends, of
money, and even of hope.
The cause of the Red Rose appeared, indeed, to be
desperate, but it was still supported by the courage
and intrepidity of Queen Margaret. f
* At one of these castles, viz. Bamborough, when the garrison was taken
by the Queen's forces, Sir William Tunstall was taken, and in danger of
being beheaded. His brother, Richard Tunstall, at this time bore arms for
the Queen against him.
f Sandford ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Henry ; Lingard ; Female Worthies ;
Fabyan ; Biondi ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; London Chron. ;
Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner ;
Howel ; Mackenzie's Newcastle ; Monstrelet ; Duclos ; Paston Letters ;
Carte.
154 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
King Edward had advanced as far as Newcastle,
when, hearing of Queen Margaret's shipwreck, he
returned to London. Another account is that the
King was compelled to withdraw, being visited by the
small-pox.
1463. The Earl of Warwick had been made commander of
Letters. the forces of the Yorkists after the battle of Towton,
and had received the title of Warden of the East and
West Marches. This Earl divided his army into three
bodies, and besieged at the same time the three castles
of Bamborough, Dunstanburg, and Alnwick. The
besieged made an obstinate resistance, and displayed
much valour.
Bamborough Castle had been entrusted to the care of
the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Pembroke, Lord
Roos, and Sir Ralph Percy, with a garrison of 300
men. Sir Richard Tunstall, and some others of less
note, defended Dunstanburg Castle with 120 men. The
Lords Montague, Ogle, Arundel, and many others, ad-
vanced against Bamborough with an army of 1,000
men, and besieged it ; while the Earl of Worcester and
Sir Ralph Grey, with 10,000, assailed the castle of
Dunstanburg. Meanwhile the Earl of Kent, Lords
Scales,"!" Powis, Cromwell, and Baron Grey stock, with
10,000 men, assisted at the siege of Alnwick. This
castle was held by the son of Breze, with the Lords
Hungerford and AVhittingham.
The Earl of Warwick, taking up his residence at
Warkworth Castle, three miles from Alnwick, daily
superintended these sieges, sending provisions to the
besiegers, and other supplies. The Duke of Norfolk
had also been placed at Newcastle, to assist the Earl
of Warwick, and send to him the ordnance.
* Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; Fabyan ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Hurne ;
Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Historical View of Northumberland.
+ This Lord Scales was Anthony WidYille. The new Earl of Kent was
William Neville, Lord Fauconbridge.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 155
This undertaking of the Earl of Warwick would
appear gigantic, but it will be well to consider the
relative position of these castles, which doubtless
afforded great facilities for the enterprise.
The little town of Alnwick, which, from its boundary
position, has ever been an important possession to the
monarchs of either kingdom, was situated in the midst
of green vales, overlooked by a castle of most pic-
turesque appearance, beneath which the river Aln
meandered towards the sea, which terminated the view
to the east and south. Northward might be seen the
Farn isles and the shipping, and upon a bold rock near
the shore stood Bamborough Castle ; to the south that
of Dunstanburg, and above all appeared conspicuous
the castle of Warkworth, and Coquet island. Lastly,
at the south-west, lay the forest of Haydon. The
vicinity of these castles to each other probably afforded
the means of speedy communication, and renders less
surprising the taking and retaking of them so rapidly
in these civil wars. Northumberland thus became the
scene of many memorable exploits, in which much
skill and courage were exhibited.
The fortress of Bamborough surrendered on Christ- Ria P ath;
mas eve, three days later that of Dunstanburo;, after ^nkerton
making a gallant resistance. The conditions upon
which the besieged surrendered were, that the Duke of
Somerset, and Sir Richard Percy, with some others,
should, upon taking the oath of fealty to King Edward,
be pardoned and restored to their estates and honours ;
and that the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Roos, and the
rest of the two garrisons should be permitted to with-
draw into Scotland.
Alnwick Castle still held out. The Earl of War- 1463.
Paston
Letters.
* Stow ; Howel ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; W. of
Worcester ; Pinkerton ; Sharon Turner ; Monstrelet ; Grose's Antiquities ;
Hist. View of Northumberland.
156 MAEGAEET OP ANJOTJ.
wick closely besieged it, assisted by Sir Ralph Grey,
and many others. This was in January, 1463. An
army of the adherents of Queen Margaret hastened to
its assistance. It was valiantly defended for some
time by Pierre de Breze's son and his 300 Frenchmen.
This general boldly sallied forth and attacked the
camp of Warwick, but was repulsed. Soon after he
was joined by George Douglas, Earl of Angus, who,
at the request of Queen Margaret, had bravely under-
taken to bring off the garrison. For this purpose he
hastily collected a body of horse, amounting to 10,000
(or as some say, 13,000) and advanced, as if with intent
to charge the English army, which had invested the
castle ; and while the latter prepared for battle, he
brought up a party of his stoutest horse to the postern
gate. The garrison, headed by Pierre de Breze, bravely
sallied forth to meet them ; and then, every soldier
mounting behind a trooper, or, as some tell us, upon a
number of spare horses brought for them, they were all
successfullv carried off into Scotland, in sisdit of the
whole English army, which, being inferior in numbers,
was unable to resist them. Lord Hungerford and a
few knights sallied from the castle, and, cutting a pas-
sage through the enemy, joined their partisans, and
accompanied them in their retreat.
The small garrison remaining, left to its own
guidance, capitulated ; for Angus, having accomplished
his design of freeing the besieged, abandoned the
castle to the enemy, and the Earl of Warwick was
well contented that, without shedding blood, he was
thus enabled to get possession of the deserted castle. |
* The Earl of Angus eagerly seized this opportunity of rendering a
service to the exiled Queen, ■who had promised him a dukedom and lands
in England.
f Biondi ; Stow; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Buchanan ;
Pinkerton ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; Historical View of Northumberland :
Grose's Antiquities ; Daniel.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 157
At the time of this memorable retreat, the Duke of
Somerset, Sir Eichard Percy, and others, were seen
fighting on the side of King Edward.
This monarch, pleased to gain over these noblemen,
who had hitherto been such firm allies of his rival,
not only repealed their attainder, and restored their
lands, but rewarded their services with many marks of
favour. Somerset obtained an annual pension of 1,000
marks, and Percy was re-established in the possession
of Bamborough and Dunstanburg. Alnwick was be-
stowed upon Sir John Ashley, to the great displeasure
of Sir Ralph Grey, a partisan of the Yorkists, who,
having once gained it for King Edward, hoped to be
again put in possession of this castle.
The desertion of Somerset from the Lancastrians has
been attributed to his dread of the resentment of Mary
of Gueldres, the Scottish queen, he having incurred
her displeasure. Many Lancastrians, despairing of
the restoration of Henry the Sixth, followed the
example of Somerset, and, throwing themselves on
Edward's mercy, obtained his pardon. f
About this time the inhabitants of Lancashire and 1463>
Cheshire assembled, to the number of 10,000 men, in J*^ 011
7 ' ' Letters ;
support of the Lancastrian cause, but they were soon Henry,
overcome, and several of them were beheaded at
Chester. \
The affairs of Queen Margaret had become desperate.
Almost all the powerful friends of King Henry had
been either slain in battle, put to death on the scaffold,
or banished the kingdom. When the Yorkists had
* King Edward, in a letter to his Chancellor, gives the account of the
surrender of these castles in the North, and of the submission of Somerset
and Percy. The King writes from the monastery at Durham.
+ Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Sandford ; Fabyan ; Rot. Pari. ; Rapin ;
Ridpath ; Carte ; Monstrelet ; Sharon Turner ; Henry ; Lingard ; Female
Worthies.
i Paston Letters.
158 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
regained possession of the castles of Northumberland,
the French auxiliaries capitulated, and gladly obtained
permission to return to France.
After so many had espoused the cause of King
Edward, the only remaining faithful adherents of the
deposed monarch, and of his exiled family, were the
Duke of Exeter and a small party, whose loyalty re-
mained unshaken under the most adverse fortunes.
When the struggle between the two powers seemed
to be over, and the unfortunate issue compelled the
Lancastrians to seek refuge in France, Breze also
departed from England, and went to Jersey. There he
took upon himself supreme authority, styling himself
in all public acts set forth in his name : " Pierre de
" Breze, Count de Maule verier, &c, Lord of the islands
" of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, and the others ad-
" joining, Counsellor and Chamberlain of our sovereign
" Lord the King of France," by which proclamation
he showed his own dependence on the King of France,
giving the inhabitants to understand that they must
henceforth consider themselves as subjects of the same
monarch, which greatly enraged them. Nay, it even
seemed to them more intolerable to be thus betrayed
to the French, than to have been conquered by arms.
It was in vain that the Count sought to soothe their
discontents. His promises of kind treatment and
gentle sway, if they would but acknowledge him and
transfer their allegiance to France, were all unavailing.
Breze had obtained possession of the Castle of Mount
Orgueil, but the stronghold did not carry with it the
island, of which it was the defence. The six parishes
adjacent to Mount Orgueil Castle yielded a reluctant
obedience to the rule of the Norman chiefs ; while
the western half of this island, influenced by Philip de
Carteret, Lord of St. Ouen, maintained its allegiance
* Rapin ; Henry ; Monstrelet ; Bodin ; Daniel ; Ling-ard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 159
to the King of England. Thus, during six years, Jer-
sey continued to be a divided possession.
Philip de Carteret obtained the castle of Grosnez, and
defended himself and his followers, setting the French
at defiance ; and frequent encounters occurred between
the two parties. Those also who had submitted to the
authority of Breze were but ill affected towards him.
Such was the condition of these islanders, at the time
King Edward IV. obtained quiet possession of the
English throne, and a scheme was immediately formed
for the expulsion of the French and Normans.
Sir Richard Harliston, Vice Admiral of England,
coming with his fleet into the Channel, Philip cle Car-
teret made known to him the hard struggle he had had
to preserve to the English a portion only of this island
of Jersey ; upon which, the Admiral, leaving his ships at
Guernsey, hastened to the Manor of St. Ouen, in Jer-
sey. There he held a private consultation with De
Carteret, and they together planned a surprise for their
enemies, which scheme they accomplished with pru-
dence and skill.
The French were not aware that an English fleet
was near, when Philip de Carteret with his followers
invested the castle of Mount Orgueil in the night;
meanwhile, the fleet sailed from Guernsey to assist
them ; and thus, in the morning, the Frenchmen found
themselves surrounded both by sea and land. The
besieged vigorously resisted for some time, but finding
no hope of relief, (there being no communication with
France,) and being greatly distressed, they capitulated.
The castle and neighbouring country joyfully returned
to the domination of England, and Jersey received a
new charter, in which the services of the people were
especially acknowledged.
Sir R. Harliston, for his reward, was appointed to be
Governor of the island which he had been instrumental
160 MAEGAKET OF ANJOTJ.
in recovering ; but how De Carteret, who had been
most active in its preservation, was recompensed, is
unknown. "He could not," however, "fail," as one
writer says, " to procure that which always attends the
" doing of brave and worthy actions, viz., the public
" esteem, and the inward satisfaction of having faith-
" fully and honourably acquitted himself to his King
" and country, following therein the example of his
" ancestors."
When the standard of England was raised upon
Mount Orgueil Castle, it diffused such universal joy
amongst the people that " it could not be expressed! ' :
So obnoxious had the French Count become to the
inhabitants of Jersey, that they had even ventured to
burn him in effigy while in their island.
De Breze had left Jersey before the siege. He was
killed, not long after, at the battle of Montlebery, fight-
ing for Louis XL against the Burgundians.* The
French writers highly extol his valour, and say that he
died the death of a hero.f
* Falle's Jersey ; Warner's Hampshire ; Plees's Jersey ; Inglis's Channel
Islands.
t Bodin ; Annals of Aquitaine.
CHAPTER IV.
[Queen Margaret.)
" We will not from the helm to sit and weep,
" But keep our course, though the rough winds say no,
" From shelves and rocks that threaten us with wreck,
" As good to chide the waves, as speak them fair."
Shakespeare.
{Queen Margaret.)
" No, sirs ! my regal claim, my rightful crown,
" The honour'd title of your sovereign wife,
" No bribe shall e'er incline me to lie down,
" Nor force extort it, save but with my life."
Eltham's Margaret of Anjou.
Successes of the Lancastrians — Queen Margaret at Durham — The plunder
of the country — Battle of Hedgeley Moor — Defeat at Hexham — The
King and Queen take to flight — Three lords put to death — Queen
Margaret's adventure in the forest — She escapes to Bamborough, and
to France — King Edward's treatment of the Lancastrian lords — Queen
Margaret and her followers in Flanders — The reception of Margaret
by the Duke of Burgundy and his son — Sir John Fortescue — Education
of Prince Edward — Margaret settles in Lorraine — Attempts to console
her — The distress and poverty of the Lancastrians — Margaret goes
with her son to reside with her father — Rene's tastes for the arts,
chivalry, and the tournament, and for the " belles lettres " — His life
in Anjou and Provence, and his correspondence — The fetes of Rene in
Anjou and Provence— The Order of the Crescent — Suppressed by the
Pope — Rene joins the King of France in his wars against the English
— Rene at Angers, Saumur, and Bauge — His taste for building — The
castle and town of Bauge— Rene's house at Saumur — The manor-house
of Reculee and hermitage — The illness and death of Isabella of
Lorraine — Her burial — The grief of Rene — His device — The children
of Rene and Isabella — Rend joins in the war of Sforza, Duke of Milan
— He is soon disgusted with the intrigues in the camp, and returns to
France — His son, John, carries on the war for a time, and then with-
draws also — Rend gives Lorraine to his son, John of Anjou — Rene marries
Jeanne de Laval — They go to Provence — Rent's occupations — Alphonso
makes war in Italy — The Duke of Calabria takes part with the Fre-
goses — Rene comes to Genoa — A battle with the Genoese — Death of
Alphonso — Ferdinand, his son, succeeds him in Naples — The barons
VOL. II. m
162 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
cabal, and send for the Duke of Calabria — Pope Pius II. invests Ferdi-
nand with Naples — This offends Rend — Battle of Sarno — The Duke of
Calabria's expedition fails — Provence only remains from the adoption
of Joanna I. — Louis XL mounts the throne of France — Henry VI. has
taken refuge in Wales — He is discovered, brought to London, and
committed to the Tower.
1463. The courage of Queen Margaret was not overcome
Barrow kv the numerous disasters she had encountered. She
passed the whiter of 1463 in Scotland, and in the
spring assembled all her English adherents, and
allured to her standard many of the Scots, by the
promise of reward and permission to plunder. The
government of the Scots had, in effect, abandoned the
cause of the Lancastrians, having concluded, in the
preceding December, a truce with King Edward.
The interest which Queen Margaret had, notwith-
standing, cultivated with some of the Scottish chief-
tains, enabled her, once again, to form a considerable
army, with which she made a descent upon North-
1464. umberland, in the month of April, 1464. In this
luaplth. expedition the Queen was accompanied by her hus-
band, but the young Prince was left at Berwick. He
soon afterwards rejoined the army, and was present at
the battle which ensued at Hexham.
Affairs began to assume a more favourable aspect.
The Lancastrians speedily regained the three castles
which they had so lately lost.* The care of two
of these castles, Bamborough and Alnwick, had been
committed to Sir John Ashley, to the great disappoint-
ment of Sir Ralph Grey, whose personal resentment
for this neglect instigated him to take by surprise
the castle of Bamborough, which he garrisoned with
Scotch troops, and then held it for Queen Margaret,
who made him Governor of the fortress. Sir Ralph
Grey also contrived to expel Sir John Ashley from
* Stow ; Carte ; Ridpath ; Baker ; Henry ; Hume ; W. of Worcester.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 163
Alnwick Castle ; then was Dunstanburg easily gained
over.
The courage of the Queen seemed to be aroused,
more and more, in proportion to the difficulties of her
situation, and the uncertainty of her success. As
she advanced to Durham, her numbers were daily
increasing ; but many of those who joined her, pre-
ferred plunder to fighting, and Margaret well knew
the little dependence she could place on such followers,
who needed leaders to enforce discipline amongst them.
At Durham she was joined by the Duke of Somerset,
who, as soon as he had heard of the Queen's successes,
suddenly and privately quitted North Wales, where
he had been secreted, and hastened to her assistance
with all his followers ; which example was followed
by Sir Ralph Percy, with his adherents.*
This conduct of the Duke of Somerset was very
reprehensible ; he had been nobly treated by King
Edward, and in return for His generosity in restoring
his lands and dignity, he only took the earliest oppor-
tunity of deserting him. Ungrateful, indeed, he must
have appeared to the Yorkists ; but historians justly
censure him for his submission to Edward, being him-
self descended from the House of Lancaster, whose
interests he would have naturally espoused. Still it
must be said for him, that he reproached himself for
quitting his royal master, the unfortunate Henry, in
the extremity of his distress.
This defection greatly alarmed King Edward. He
dispatched Lord Montague, whom he had, the pre-
ceding year, appointed Warden of the Eastern Marches,")"
* Sandf ord ; Biondi ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Howel ; Ridpath ;
Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Barrow ; Lingard ; Paston Letters ; Female
Worthies ; Carte ; Fabyan.
f He likewise gave him charge of his dominions in Scotland, viz., Ber-
wick and Roxburg.
m 2
164 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
with all the forces he had ready, to oppose the Queen,
while he remained to collect a large army, both by sea
and land. He issued a proclamation, commanding
every man, from the age of sixteen to sixty, through-
out the kingdom, to be ready to march against his
Alien" 4 ' enemies, at a day's notice. At length, having as-
*°rk; sembled a powerful army, and having with him a
Carte. *"
splendid train of nobility, he set out from London, and
arrived at York about the end of May.*
Queen Margaret, meanwhile, traversed the north of
England, plundering and ravaging wherever she went.
Lord Montague had advanced as far as Durham,
where he halted for several days ; and when he had
received a reinforcement from King Edward, proceeded
in quest of the Queen's army. He met a detachment
of her forces, commanded by the Lords Roos and
Hungerford, at Hedgeley Moor, near TTooler, on
U64 the 20th j of April, 1464. The Lancastrians, with
Hmne; onr ) T ^00? defended themselves against this attack
H^m-' w ^ tn 8 Tea ^ bravery, but were, at last, defeated. The
carte. ' courageous Sir Ralph Percy was killed. His last
words were, "I have saved the bird in my bosom," in
allusion to his loyalty to King Henry. A stone pillar,
having the Percy arms rudely cut upon it, marks the
spot where this action took place. Roos and Hunger-
ford escaped to the Queen.
Much elated at his success, Montague resolved to
have the honour to himself of Queen Margaret's
defeat, before King Edward could possibly join him.
He, therefore, boldly advanced to attack her, with an
army of 4,000 men. The Lancastrians, who had but 500
men, commanded by the Duke of Somerset, encamped
on a plain called the Linnels,^ on the south bank of
* Sandford; Stow; Eidpath; Baker: Henry ; Eapin ; Allen's York.
t Toplis and others say it was on the 25th of April.
t Or Lennolds, where the line of entrenchment is still visible.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 165
the Devil's Water,* near Hexham, where they awaited
the approach of their enemies. These soldiers were
emboldened by the presence of King Henry, whose
only hope of restoration to the throne depended, as
they well knew, on the success of this battle ; there-
fore, when the contest began, they fought desperately.
This engagement took place on the 15th of May, ^ uql
1464. The Queen's forces were taken by surprise by Topiis;
Lord Montague, who, inarching by night, attacked ^^f
them in their trenches, before they knew of his ap- Hume;
x Henry •
proach, and a long and bloody battle ensued. The Lingard ;
skill and bravery of Montague enabled him, at last, to Turner ;
gain a complete victory. King Henry owed his safety llvTIier -
to the fleetness of his steed. | He fled to the Castle
of Harlech, in Wales, which fortress was still held by
Davycld ap Jevan ap Eynion, who, in defiance of re-
peated acts of attainder, refused to yield to King
Edward.
The Duke of Somerset was taken prisoner as he TJ ?. 46 f- ,
1 g m Hohnsned.
fled from the field of battle, and was immediately
beheaded at Hexham. The Lords Roos and Hunger-
ford, whose personal bravery and unwavering attach-
ment to their unfortunate monarch deserved a better
fate, were discovered, the following day, in a wood,
and were executed, with many of their followers, at
Newcastle.
On account of the illustrious dignity of his family,
Lord Hungerford's body was, by permission, removed
to Salisbury, and there interred in the north aisle of
the cathedral. The Duke of Somerset was buried in
the Abbey, at Hexham. From this Duke, as it is sup-
posed, the name of Duxfielcl was given to a field near
the scene of action.
* This has been contracted into Dilswater by some writers.
f Biondi ; Stow ; Topiis ; Howel ; Wright's Hist, of Hexham ; Holinshed ;
Ridpath ; Hutchinson's Durham ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Carte ; Rymer ; Rapin ;
Hume ; Lingard ; Femmes Celebres ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Henry ;
166 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
The prisoners taken and beheaded with the Duke
were the Lords Basse, Molehs, Wentworth, Hussey,
and Sir John Findern, knight. There were also
others decapitated ; viz., Edward Fysshe, knight,
Bluke Jukes, John Bryce, and Thomas Hunt ; and,
within a short period afterwards, other executions fol-
lowed, at York and other places. The victims were
twenty-five in number, who, haying escaped from the
field of battle, had secreted themselves, but were dis-
covered by the Yorkists. Of these were Sir Richard
Tunstall and William Tavlbois, Earl of Kvme, who
was apprehended at Riddesdale, brought to Newcastle,
and beheaded. Sir Humphrey Neville was taken in
Holderness, and lost his head at York, as did also
John Botler, knight, and others.
Nothing but utter extermination appeared to be the
purpose of the victors. Unhappily, they found but too
plausible an excuse for this in the previous example of
the Lancastrians.
King Edward bestowed all the estates of his victims
on his own followers.*
After the battle of Hexham, Queen Margaret had
immediately separated herself from the King, her
husband, in order that she might be better able to
conceal herself in England, while she awaited an
opportunity to embark for the continent, as she feared
any longer to trust the Scots.
Once more a fugitive with her son, without resource,
and apparently in worse circumstances than those in
which she had ever before been placed, she was com-
Sharon Turner ; Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Fabyan ;
Pol. Vergil.
* Lingard ; Holinshed ; Biondi : Toplis : Stow : Baker : Pol. Vergil ;
Sandford ; Milles's Catalogue ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath : Bridge's
Northamptonshire ; Eapin ; Carte ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; Monstrelet ;
Barante ; Paston Letters ; Barrow ; Allen's York : Historical View of
Northumberland ; Sharon Turner ; Henry : Hume ; Fabyan.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 167
pelled to seek shelter and concealment in the adjacent
forest. Her adventures that night were so romantic
as to raise the tone of history, and while they form
an interesting digression from all the honours of the
battle-field, they exhibit the energetic character of
Queen Margaret, whose noblest phase appeared in this
her greatest peril.
The dark recesses of Hexham forest, and the rocky
banks of the river Devil, had been the retreat of a
ruffian horde, who, during this period of civil strife,
found a plea for their abandoned life in neglected laws,
and the example of their superiors. A band of these
ruffians met the Queen while she was wandering, with
her little son, in the darkness of the night, and un-
awed by her rank, and untouched by pity for her sex
or situation, they seized her, stripped her of her jewels,
and would have treated her with'greater indignity, had
not a quarrel arisen amongst the banditti about the
division of their spoil. From words they proceeded to
blows, which afforded the unhappy Queen, (who trem-
bled for herlife, and that of her son,) an opportunity to
escape. She pursued her flight across the forest,
carrying her child in her arms. She wandered on,
although oppressed with fatigue and hunger, and al-
most overcome with terror and anxiety, when another
robber crossed her path, with his sword drawn ; but the
great soul of Queen Margaret would never succumb
under any accumulation of misfortunes. In this moment
of exigence she approached the man, assuming an air
of confidence, and presenting her son, she exclaimed,
u Here, my friend, I entrust to your care the safety of
"your King's son." Impulse is often unerring; the
Queen's confidence was not misplaced. The robber,
who had been outlawed for adhering to the House of
Lancaster, still retained a humane and generous spirit,
which had not been destroyed by his licentious course
168 MAEGARET OF ANJOU.
of life. The unexpected appeal to his feelings, joined
to the sight of his Queen and his Prince in distress,
and the beauty and dignity of the unhappy Margaret,
completely softened his heart. He instantly accepted
the sacred trust reposed in him ; he swore to refrain
from injury, and assured her of his protection and
fidelity. He assisted the Queen to a secure but
wr etched asylum, where she remained concealed with
her son. This place of refuge obtained the name of
the "Queen's Cave." Its roof was supported by a
pillar of rude stone work, which, according to tradition,
formed part of a wall, and divided the cave longi-
tudinally, to accommodate the Queen and her son. This
cave has been described by an author who, in 1822,
visited it, as follows : — " The Queen's Cave lies be-
" neath the southern bank of the little river, exactly
" opposite the farm-house on the Black Hill. Its situa-
" tion is extremely secluded. An idea of the Queen's
" accommodation in this wretched retreat may be con-
" ceived from its present extent, which does not exceed
" 31 feet in length, and 14 feet in breadth, while the
" height will scarcely allow of a person standing up-
" right." After remaining in this melancholy seclusion
in the forest for some time, the robber conducted her
in safety to a village on the sea-coast. She was then
received for a time by Sir Ralph Grey into Bam-
borough Castle, and thence sailed for the continent.*
Many indeed were the victims to party resentment^
yet we are told that the Earls of Montague and War-
wick were empowered to receive rebels to mercy, upon
their submission. They were also permitted to reward,
out of the estates of the rebels, such as might serve
King Edward faithfully in reducing the northern castles r
which were still in the hands of the Lancastrians.
* Ridpath ; Toplis ; Biondi ; Barante ; Rapin ; Carte ; Raleigh ; Henry r
Lingard ; Hume ; Barrow ; Female Worthies ; Wright's Hist, of Hexham.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 169
King Edward, at this time, made an extraordinary
grant to the citizens of York ; by which it would appear
that they had greatly favoured this monarch's cause.
The patent, dated at York the 10th of June, 1464, ex-
presses the King's concern for the sufferings and hard-
ships the city had undergone during these wars, and
for the poverty which they had occasioned, on account
of which he not only relinquished his usual demands
upon that city, but assigned it for the twelve succeed-
ing years, an annual rent of £40, to be paid from the
Customs of Hull.*
The fortunate Montague met the King on Trinity
Sunday at York, who rewarded him with the earldom
of Northumberland, and the estates and honours be-
longing to Sir Ralph Percy. He then dismissed him,
with his brother the Earl of Warwick, and the Lords
Scroop and Fauconbriclge, to recover the places which
still remained in the possession of the Lancastrians.
They quickly regained the castles of Dunstanburg and
Alnwick. That of Bamborough, where Queen Mar-
garet and many of the Lancastrian adherents had
taken refuge with Sir Ralph Grey, was closely
besieged. This fortress was strong enough to defend
itself, and the siege continued until July, but a wall
accidentally falling on the commander, placed the life
of Sir Ralph Grey in great danger, and his adherents
finding themselves left to their own discretion, im-
mediately surrendered the castle, on condition of
pardon from the King. They made no stipulation
for the life of their commander, who only recovered
from the severe contusions he had received to suffer
the punishment of his desertion from Edward. He U64.
had no hopes of pardon. He was led into the presence ^ e ; r .
of the incensed monarch, at Doncaster, and Lord Rfpm;
Worcester, a ready minister of King Edward's cruel- Hutchin-
* Ridpath ; Baker ; Carte ; Allen's York.
170 MAKGAEET OF AXJOU.
ties, pronounced his sentence, which was speedily exe-
cuted. His knightly spurs were struck off, the heralds
in attendance took from him his coat of arms, which
they reversed, and compelled him to wear them thus
to the place of execution ; they also broke his sword
over his head. Thus disgraced, he was conducted to
the end of the town, where the executioner terminated
his earthly sufferings. This knight, and Sir Humphrey
Neville, were the only exceptions to the general pardon
which King Edward had offered to all those who had
been in arms against him.
From Bamborough the Earl of Warwick advanced
to Berwick. He took the town, and laid waste the
adjacent country. He then burnt the towns of Jed-
burg, Lochmaban, and others, taking revenge of the
Scottish borderers, to whom probably the late inroad
into England was mainly attributable."
In the escape of the unfortunate Henry VI. from the
battle of Hexham, he was so closely pursued, that three
of his servants who accompanied him, and rode on his
horses of state, were taken prisoners. They were
dressed in gowns of blue velvet, and one of them
carried King Henry's cap of state, called " Abacot,"|
adorned with two rich crowns of gold, and ornamented
with pearls, which was taken immediately to King
1464. Edward, and with which this monarch caused himself
Lmgard. .£ ^ e crownec [ w ith great solemnity at York.
Many writers affirm that King Henry, after the battle
of Hexham, returned to Scotland, where he found
a temporary asylum .J This report seemed to be pro-
* Biondi ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Rymer ; Baker ; Bidpath :
Hutchinson's Durham ; Fabyan ; Bapin ; Henry ; Historical View of
Northumberland.
f This word " Abacot," Spelman says, signified " a royal cap, ensigned
with two crowns," which, doubtless, were those of England and France.
+ Biondi ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Fabyan ; Grafton ; Lingard ; Pinkeiton ;
Allen's York ; Henry ; Barrow.
MARGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 171
bable, as the interval between the two last battles had
been passed by him in that country. Subsequently,
however, he went southward, and arrived in a part of
the country called Craven, then but little known ; or,
as others affirm, at the castle of Harlech.
The Scots had hitherto shown much affection for the
House of Lancaster, but the issue of the late battle of
Hexham had rendered their cause more irretrievable,
and had cooled the ardour and friendship of these allies.
The Earl of Warwick had, in the preceding year,
with consummate art shaken the attachment of Mary
of Gueldres to the interests of Henry by proposing
her marriage with King Edward, and the Scottish
Queen met that nobleman at Dumfries on the subject ;
she even advanced as far as Carlisle to hasten the
negotiations, and at this place she was met by some of
the chief nobility of England. Mary's doubtful repu-
tation, however, and the ruin of King Henry's affairs,
occasioned this match to be broken off, and the
mortified Queen fell a victim to her feelings. She
died in the flower of her age, on the 16th of November,
1463.*
The English and Scotch ambassadors met at York,
and concluded a truce for one year, which was after-
wards prolonged to fifteen years. By this treaty, it
was agreed that the Scots should abandon the cause
of King Henry, and no longer afford protection to this
monarch, to his Queen, his son, or to any of their
followers. King Edward resigned the friendship of
the Earl of Douglas in order to confirm this treaty."]"
Another truce was concluded by King Edward, which
was also for one year ; this was with Louis XL The
* Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Gent's Mag-., 1841 ; Paston
Letters.
f Douglas was afterwards seized by his countrymen, and thrown into
prison, where he remained until his death in 1488.
' 172 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
Duke of Burgundy likewise renewed the truce of com-
merce with England and the Low Countries, and it
was finally agreed that these several kings and rulers
should lend no assistance to their respective enemies.
This truce was to continue until the year 1467. The
conclusion of this truce had been somewhat hindered
by the Count of Charolois, who showed much favour
to the party of Queen Margaret.*
H64 After these reverses Queen Margaret sailed, with
her son Prince Edward, from Bamborough to Sluys
in Flanders. The Queen was accompanied in her
flight from England by Edmond Duke of Somerset,
and his brother, John Beaufort, their elder brother
having been beheaded at Hexham ; also by the Duke
of Exeter, Pierre de Breze, Sir John Fortescue,
Edmond Mundford, E. Hampden, Henry Roos,
Thomas Ormonde, Robert AVhittingham, knights ;
John Morton, Robert Mackeret, doctors, besides many
other knights and gentlemen, and also some ladies ;
the number amounting to about two hundred. They
all arrived at Sluys in safety, f From thence Queen
Margaret proceeded with her son to Bruges, where
she was honourably received. | Leaving Prince Ed-
ward at this place, she passed on to Lisle, where
she was hospitably entertained by the Count of
Charolois, who, being descended by his mother's
side from the House of Lancaster, showed her real
kindness.
From Lisle the Queen went to Bethune, to hold a
conference with Philip " the Good," Duke of Bur-
gundy, the father of the Count of Charolois, and the
most magnificent prince of his age. Being at this
* Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters ;
Henry ; Carte ; Barrow.
+ Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Pinkerton ; Lingard ;
Barante ; Henry ; Hume ; Femmes Celebres.
* Monstrelet ; Baudier.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 173
time at St. Pol, the Duke dismissed a party of horse
to escort Queen Margaret thither, and to protect her
against the excursions of the garrison of Calais. They
safely lodged her near the Carmelites.
The Duke received her with much outward dis-
tinction and respect, generously overlooking the ani-
mosities which had existed between their families,
in order to afford her all the succours she required
in her present distress. When introduced to the
Duke, Queen Margaret, in the most pathetic manner,
related to him her misfortunes and the loss of her
kingdom, and besought him to assist her in the
recovery of her possessions ; but, while the Duke
sought to console the unhappy Queen, he refused to
listen to her solicitations in favour of her husband.
He gave her, however, a supply of money for her
present expenses ; it is said that he bestowed upon
her 2,000 crowns of gold ;*and gave, at the same time,
1,000 to Pierre de Breze (called the Lord of Varennes),
who had shared her misfortunes, and 100 also to each
of the ladies who had attended her. The Duke also
furnished her with an escort to the duchy of Bar,
in Lorraine, which belonged, at this time, to her
brother, the Duke of Calabria. Queen Margaret re-
gretted much that she had not earlier thrown herself
upon the generosity of this noble Duke, thinking that
her affairs might have been more prosperous.*
At length she settled, with her son and her principal
followers, in the Castle St. Michel, in Barrois, which,
with the estate annexed to it, was bestowed upon her
by her father, Rene of Anjou. From this period
Queen Margaret remained for several years secluded
from the world ; yet she still watched with anxiety
the course of events, sustained with the hope of one
* W. of Worcester ; Rot. Pari. ; Monstrelet ; Baudier ; Rapin ; Hume ;
Lingard ; Fern ale" Worthies.
174 MAEGAEET OE AXJOTJ.
day being able to place her husband or her son on the
English throne.*
In her retirement she did not fail to exert all her
influence with the friends of her family, to persuade
them to assist her in some future effort to wrest the
crown from Edward ; and her active mind was,
doubtless, forming continually new schemes to effect
this object. She was also employed in the education
of her son, a most promising boy, who had for his
preceptor Sir John Fortescue, the greatest lawyer
of that period, and who has been described as " the
" ornament of his honourable profession," and " as one
" of the most learned and best men of the age in
"which he flourished." Sir John had been made
Chief Justice of the King's Bench in 1-1-12, and
presided in that court many years with wisdom and
integrity. His attachment to his sovereign had
caused him to be attainted of high treason by King*
Edward, in 1461 ; and, after sharing the misfortunes
of his master when he fled into Scotland, he was
there made Lord Chancellor, an office, nevertheless,
which he was unable to fulfil. He followed Queen
Margaret to her retreat in France ; and there sought
to soothe and cheer her solitude, bv assisting her
with his counsels, and superintending the education
of her son. It was for the instruction of the young
Prince of "Wales that he composed, during his exile,
his excellent little treatise " De laudibus legum
Anglise/'f The following passage shows the author's
motives for undertaking this work, and his zeal as pre-
ceptor, and exhibits a good specimen of this excellent
work, which blends religion and morality sd admirably
with the laws, in explaining them to the young prince,
of whose habits it gives us some idea.
* W. of Worcester ; Pinkerton ;\ Henry ; Lingard ; Hume,
f Pinkerton ; Morant ; Lingard ; Heniy.
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 175
" The Prince, shortly after growing to man's estate,
" applied himself wholly to feats of arms, much
" delighting to ride upon wild and unbroken horses,
" not sparing with spurs, to break their fierceness.
" He practised also sometimes with the pike, and
" sometimes with the sword, and other warlike
" weapons, after the manner and guise of warriors,
" according to the use of martial discipline, to assail
" and strike his companions, that attended upon his
" person ; which thing, when a certain ancient knight,
" being Chancellor to the aforesaid King of England,
" saw, who also in the miserable time did there
" remain in exile, he spake thus to the Prince :
" Your singular towardness, most gracious Prince,
"maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly
" you do embrace martial feats ; for, it is convenient
" for your grace to be thus delighted, not only, for
" that you are a soldier, but much rather, for that you
" shall be a king. For it is the office and duty of
" a king, to fight the battles of his people, and also
" rightly to judge them, as in the eighth chapter of
" the First Book of Kings, you are plainly taught.
" Wherefore I would wish your grace, to be, with as
" earnest zeal, given to the study of the laws, as you
" are to the knowledge of arms, because, that like as
" wars by force of chivalry are ended, even so judg-
" ments by the laws are determined. Which thing
" Justinian the Emperor, well, and Wisely, and ad-
"visedly pondering, saith thus : It behoveth the
"imperial majesty, not only to be guarded with arms,
" but also to be armed with laws, to the end that he
" may be able rightly to execute, the government of
'both times, as well of war as of peace. Howbeit,
" for your most earnest endeavour to the study of
" the law, the exhortation of the chiefest law maker,
" Moses, sometime captain of the synagogue, ought
1TG MARGARET OF AXJOU.
" to be of much more force with you, than the words
" of Justinian; whereas, in the seventh chapter of
" Deuteronomy, he doth, by the authority of God,
" strictly charge the kings of Israel to be readers
" of the law, all the days of their life ; saying
" thus : When the king shall sit upon the princely
" seat of his kingdom, he shall write him out this
" law in a book, taking the copy there of the priests,
"the Levites ; and he shall have it with him, and
" he shall read it all the days of his life, that he
" may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep
" His commandments and ordinances, written in this
" law. And Helynandus, expounding the same, saith
"thus: 'A prince, therefore, must not be ignorant of
" the law, neither is it tolerable that he, under the
" pretence of warfare, should be unskilful in the law.'
" And a little after, he is commanded, saith he, ' to
"receive the copy of the law of the priests, the
" Levites, that is to say, of Catholic and learned men.'
" Thus much he : for the book of Deuteronomy is
" the book of the laws, wherewith the kings of Israel
" were bound to rule and govern their subjects. This
" book doth Moses command kings to read, that
" they may learn to fear God and keep his com-
" mandments, which are written in the law."*
It may be conjectured that it was at this time of
Queen Margaret's retirement from the world, when,
doubtless, she occasionally indulged in a melancholy
retrospect of the past, or dwelt with painful interest
on the condition of her meek and patient consort,
whose separation from her, and incarceration, must
have been a source of grief to her, that the little
volume called " Le petit Bocace " was written for her
diversion.
This rare manuscript was composed by George
* Fortescue : De Laudibus Legnm An^Kae.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 1 77
Chastelain, historiographer to the Dukes of Burgundy ?
esteemed one of the best writers of his times ; and
was written at Tours.* It is in the form of dialogues
between Jehan Bocace and the Queen, introducing
subjects of moral and religious contemplation, calcu-
lated to dispose the mind to resignation under the
reverses of fortune.
" C'est cy le temple de Bocace
" Miroir pour tons tirans de la terre,
" Auquel la reyne d'Angleterre
" C'est venu plaindre a triste face." f
Queen Margaret obtained much consideration
amongst her own countrymen and kindred ; but
when she received the news of the capture of King
Henry, she departed secretly to the court of King
Rene, her father, with whom she remained until,
through another revolution in her favour, she was
enabled once more to reappear in England. This
was her last attempt.:);
The scanty documents relating to the exile of this
Queen, and of her residence with the good King Rene,
afford but little information respecting her tastes and
occupations during this season of seclusion and melan-
choly. Neither do we learn how far she was able to
participate in the recreations of her respected parent, or
solace herself by the society of her friends and
kindred. By the latter she was always esteemed and
had much attention shown her. We may instance a
little note to be found in the archives of Milan, dated
Chartres, May 5th, 1467.
Giovanni Pietro Panicherolla to the Duchess and
" Duke of Milan.
" The Marquis de Pont, son of the Duke John, has.
* MS. of the fifteenth century, dated 1498.
+ MS. in the library of the late Lord Stuart de Rothsay.
X Sandford.
VOL. II. N
U
ITS MARGARET OF ANJOU.
" quitted Nanci, in Lorraine, and is gone to visit his
" aunt, late Queen of England, who has also wiih-
" drawn into Lorraine, with a son of hers, aged thir-
" teen, having no other place of refuge. She is subse-
" quently to come and reside here at the court." *
It was while in attendance on the Queen and Prince
at St. Michel-in-Barrois, in Lorraine, that Sir John
Fortescue wrote to the Earl of Ormond, then in Por-
tugal. In his letter he does not speak of himself as
Chancellor, but merely as one of the knights who were
at that time with the Queen. Their means of living
must have been much straitened, for Sir John speaks of
their great poverty, and adds, " but yet the Queen sus-
" teyneth us in mete and drinke, so as we be not in
" extreme necessity." Another letter was also sent
from Prince Edward to the same nobleman, urging him
to intercede with the King of Portugal, to assist King
Henry in the recovery of his kingdom, and subduing of
his enemies.")"
The tastes of Prince Edward, so different from those of
his father, and his love of martial exploits, seem almost
an inheritance from his maternal grandfather Rene,
at whose court he probably found encouragement for
his favourite amusements. Chivalry, although on the
decline in Europe, was still maintained in its original
character in the province of Anjou, by King Piene, of
whom Bourdigne says, "his gentle and chivalrous
" heart delighted in knightly deeds " — that the young-
prince must have been stimulated by the picturesque
observances of chivalry ; and his tutor tells us that he
grew up " in a warlike spirit, and was a gallant horse-
" man, and expert in the use of the lance."
Queen Margaret, however, had resolved that her son
should not onlv become a martial character, but receive
* Sforza's Archives of Milan.
f Archaeological Journal ; Fosse's Lives of the Judges.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 179
an education of a superior kind, and with this intent
had placed him in his early childhood under the care of
Sir John Fortescue, to whom no little honour was clue
for his diligent instructions in the free institutions of
his native land. Much praise is also due to Queen
Margaret for her choice of such a preceptor for her son ;
for although brought up in arbitrary doctrines, her
enlightened mind had led her to desire that her son
should be filled with noble and liberal sentiments. At
this period of her seclusion from public life, the care of
her son's education must have afforded no small satis-
faction to the mind of the dejected Queen. When we
consider how the fortitude of Margaret sustained in
her breast the constant hope and desire for the restora-
tion of her husband, or the future establishment of her
son on the throne, her perseverance in renewing every
possible friendly aid to this end, her grief at the King's
imprisonment, and the extreme distress and ruin of her
true and constant adherents, we should find it difficult
to pronounce, as some writers have done, this period
of our heroine's existence, which she passed with her
father and her son at Angers, as the happiest of Queen
Margaret's life.
The most considerable noblemen attached to the
interests of the Lancastrians, amongst whom were the
Duke of Somerset, his brother, the Duke of Exeter,
and others, who had all escaped with Queen Margaret
to the Low Countries, suffered great distress. Fearing
that their rank being discovered, would cause them to
be delivered up to King Edward, these noblemen en-
dured, during their exile, all the extremities of want
and poverty.
It is related that the Duke of Exeter, whose wife
was sister to King Edward, was seen following the
train of the Duke of Burgundy, bare-footed and bare-
legged, and begging his bread from door to door. In
K 2
180 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTT.
tlie most severe weather these unfortunate noblemen
ran about as errand boys to the lowest classes of the
people ; but, when the Duke of Burgundy learnt their
rank, he gave to each of them, a small pension, barely
sufficient for their support.*
Let us now turn for a brief space to the interesting,
yet unfortunate events, of the life of this heroine's
father, Bene of Anjou.
Contented at beholding his beloved daughter raised
to one of the first thrones in Europe, and at the same
time, feeling disgusted with war, upon beholding the ill
success of all his efforts to secure the crown of Naples,
Bene appeared from this period in a new character, and
his life assumed a different aspect. AVe have hitherto
beheld him only as a warrior, the very plaything of
fortune, by turns a conqueror, a prisoner, a traveller,
or a fugitive, as if in cruel expiation for a rapid
exaltation ; and only consoling himself amidst his mis-
fortunes, by dispensing benefits around him, and by
the consciousness that his glory was untarnished, and
must ennoble him, even in reverses.
Bene at this season disposed himself for tranquillity;
and we have now the more agreeable office of re-
cording him from the year 14^6 (for we are reverting
somewhat to the past), when, as the philosopher, he
was devoting himself to letters, to poetry, or to paint-
ing, reviving for his amusement the ancient chivalry,
and leading the tournament! For the first time in
his life this prince found himself at peace ; and being
in quiet possession of Lorraine, Frovence, and Anjou,
he tasted of that repose which he had so dearly bought,
and was content in the bosom of his family, and in
conferring happiness on his subjects. In yielding to
* Philip de Comines ; Sandford ; Rapin ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ;
Baudier ; S. Turner ; Henry : Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland.
f Moreri : Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargernont ; Bodin.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 181
his taste for chivalric fetes, this Duke of Anjou en-
livened his court, both in Anjou and in Provence ; and
passing his time alternately in these beautiful pro-
vinces, he also relieved himself, after the cares of go-
vernment, in cultivating the arts and belles-lettres in
his hours of retirement, having previously so often ex-
perienced their salutary influence while under the pres-
sure of misfortune and in imprisonment.*
Banishing all ambitious thoughts, except that of
making himself beloved, Rene determined that hence-
forth his abode should be in the fertile and charming
country of Anjou, the place of his birth, and the cradle
of his ancestors. In this favoured province, where
nature lavishes her treasures, he enjoyed with tran-
sport the liberty of frequenting those spots where he
had passed his childhood, and this good monarch
created for himself a course of life analogous to his
tastes. He called around him the elite amongst the
Angevins, and invited to his court, gentlemen, literati,
and artists, consecrating to pleasure all the hours
which were not devoted by him to the arts or litera-
ture. These occupations and amusements of Rene
obtain a peculiar interest with us, by their showing in
a remarkable way the manners and customs of the age
in which he lived.
Rene was engaged about this time of his life in a
poetical correspondence with the gifted Charles, Duke
of Orleans, and also with the Dukes of Bourbon, Bur-
gundy, and Nevers. He painted landscapes, portraits
or miniatures, and even was employed in drawing out
plans for the gardens of his palace ; still more than in
all these., did he enjoy himself in the marvellous fetes
which he instituted, in which, without incurring clanger,
much honour might be acquired.")"
In imitation of the Greeks and Romans, the Go-
* Bodin ; Moreri. t Bodin.
182 MAEOAEET OF ANJOU.
vernors of the Middle Ages had introduced military
games, the object of which, was the same as that of
the ancients. These fetes, or "Tournays," as they
were called, afforded for several centuries infinite de-
light to the people of France ; and, indeed, these com-
bats appeared well calculated to sustain the spirit of
the young cavaliers, and by exciting emulation and the
love of glory, to prove the source of virtuous and great
actions. The tastes and example of Rene contributed
much to this passion for fetes amongst the Angevins.
He composed a treatise on the form and manner of the
Tournays, which he embellished with several sketches
by his own hand, representing the characters in the
costume and attitudes which they should adopt in their
different parts.* To add example to precept, Rene"
announced the first of his military fetes in 1446, called
the " Emprise de la gueule du dragon," or the "pas de
joute."f To increase the eclat of their " Emprise," four
gentlemen of Anjou chose for its announcement the
time when Potou de Saintrailles, Dunois, Louis de
Beauveau, and Jean de Cossa, followed by a multitude
of other lords of the courts of Provence and Sicily,
were preparing to visit their beloved monarch, with
whom they had gained laurels in their youth. Ever
zealous for renown, these brave chieftains seized with
ardour the opportunity of again distinguishing them-
selves with him while partaking his pleasures. Thus
were they seen to rush into the presence of Rene and
Isabella at the moment when they were departing from
their gothic palace at Angers, surrounded by a brilliant
cortege of ladies of honour, officers, and pages, and
were proceeding to the spot appointed by the champions
for their amusement .
* This manuscript vras in the Royal Library.
+ The entertaining of the '*' dragon's mouth, or the Pace of the Tilt/*
maintained by King Rene in favour of the ladies.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 183
It was on the banks of the beautiful Loire, on a vast
plain, enamelled by the varied flowers of spring, beneath
some majestic trees, in short, amidst some of the most
enchanting scenery of this province, that there as-
sembled, on one of those smiling mornings, whose
serenity is unclouded by a single speck, all the most
illustrious which France at this time possessed and
gloried in. Here were to be seen warriors grown
hoary in the fight, and beside them, ladies resplendent
in youth and beauty, adorned with flowers, golden
diadems, and jewels.
These, mounted on white palfreys, covered with cloth
of velvet, embroidered with gold, animated by their
graceful movements and melodious voices, the scenery
around. Near them, mounted on fiery coursers, was
an assembly of young knights, equerries, or suitors,
entertaining one another with the great exploits in the
field of departed heroes, and seeking to attract the
notice of the fair ones, by letting them read in their
eyes, so full of fire, their desire of signalising them-
selves, or even more tender sentiments. It may well
be imagined that there was a succession of enchant-
ments on the banks of the Mayenne at Chinon, for,
says the historian, " these illustrious knights were going
" to strive, for the acquisition of honour, to exercise
" themselves more and more in the noble deeds of arms,
" and testify their courage and valour to those they
" loved the best."
This last avowal of a gallantry quite chivalric, was
by no means foreign at this moment to the prince who
was looked upon as the hero of the tilt announced.
The anonymous manuscript f assures us that Rene
presented himself there, with the intention of making
known his devotion to the ladies in general : yet truth
constrains us to mention here one of the first weak-
* Notes written by Rene.
184 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
nesses of the heart, remarkable in the life of this
monarch. jlalgre his boundless affection for his
Queen Isabella, and that conjugal fidelity which ever
remained unshaken, Rene could not encounter, without
experiencing for her the strongest interest, the noble
daughter of Guy de Laval. This princess was scarcely
thirteen years of age, but her beauty, graces, and
mental qualifications were so much developed, that
Rene was captivated by them, and sought, as one
writer tells us, " to make his expertness shine, for the
" esteem with which it inspired the young and beautiful
" Jeanne de Laval." It must, however, be added,
that this attachment had less the character of ardent
passion than of those romantic affections " on which
" imagination feasts, and which each knight felt him-
" self obliged to feign, if he did not actually feel it, by
" addressing his vows to an object, which was often
" ideal, under the name of ' lady of his thoughts.'
" Thus Isabella of Lorraine had nothing to cause
" her alarm, and indeed there was no indication that she
" noticed it, for she always treated the young Jeanne
" de Laval with marked esteem and distinction. It
" may also be said, en passant, that if Rene, during
" the rest of his life, was accused of more than one
"fault of this kind, he surrounded them with so much
" secrecy that he even veiled the real names of the
" objects of his tenderness from observation." In an
age when his contemporary princes openly boasted of
their triumphs over the fair sex, this conduct of Rene
was the more remarkable.
" It was not by the brilliancy of his armour, or by
" the magnificence of his apparel, that Rene sought to
" distinguish himself in the eyes of Jeanne de Laval.
" Still afflicted by the loss of his mother and his son,
u and grieved at the departure of his daughter, Margaret
" of Anjou, he appeared in the lists, dressed in armour
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 185
" entirely black, his shield being sable, studded with
" silver spangles. His lance was black, and his horse
" was caparisoned in black, reaching down to the
" ground.
Of the other circumstances of the " Emprise de la
" gueule du dragon," we learn from the same author
merely "that the King of Sicily went and touched the
" shields of the champions, and tilted so skilfully and
" so fortunately, that the honour and prize of the combat
" were publicly decreed to him." *
On the superb plain near Saumur,f chosen for the
celebration of this tournament, Rene had caused to be
constructed a spacious palace of wood, decorated within
and without with elegance and splendour. It was
furnished with rich tapestry, and a prodigious number
of silk and velvet cushions for the accommodation of
the ladies, for whom especially this entertainment was
given. In this royal pavilion, called by Rene, in imita-
tion of those named by ancient novelists in chivalry, " le
" chateau de la joyeuse garde/' several weeks passed in
an uninterrupted succession of pleasures of all kinds.
The Duke of Anjou held there a kind of plenary court,
inventing daily new fetes, cavalcades, banquets, and
dances, to amuse his illustrious guests, while they
awaited the complete assemblage of the brave champions
called by honour to carry off the prize decreed by the
Queen of Sicily, and which was announced three times
in a loud voice by the poursuivant d'armes.
The following minute details have been given by
one of the historians of Anjou of this interesting pas
cTarmes.
" On the day of the tournament King Rene set out
" from his castle for the place appointed for the tilts,
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin.
+ It was between Eazilly and Chinon. This fete was sometimes called
" Emprise de la joyeuse garde."
186 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
"and in the following order was the procession : Two
" Turks dressed in damask of carnation and white, each
" leading a lion, tied with a huge chain of silver, marched
" first. Then followed drummers, fifers, and trum-
" peters of the King on horseback, all dressed in the
"livery of Anjou, carnation and white. Next came
" two kings-at-arms, carrying their books or charters
" of honour and nobility, in order to note down in them
" the high deeds and valorous combats which were
' c going to be performed. ' ' After these came four judges
of the camp, mounted on superb horses, whose cover-
ings reached to the very ground, and were ornamented
with richly-worked coats of arms. Two of these judges
had been chosen from amongst the oldest and wisest
knights, and the other two from the equerries, all
skilful in combat. " The King's dwarf next appeared,
"mounted on a beautiful and well-caparisoned horse,
" bearing the shield and device chosen by Rene for this
"fete, the bottom of it was of gules, strewed with
" pansies c au naturel.' Similar to the coats of arms
" were the banners, the head-gear, the coverings and
" caparisons of the horses of the knights, the equerries
" of the King, and all the champions. A very beau-
tiful young lady, dressed magnificently, and mounted
"on a superb white palfrey then followed ; she held
" in her hand a very rich scarf tied to the bridle of
" the horse on which King Rene was mounted. This
" lady's office was to conduct all the champions,
" when the time came for them to tilt against the
" assailants. The King was followed by Ferri, of
"Lorraine, the Lord of Beauvau, and his brother,
" Guy de Laval, Lenoncourt, Cossi, Plessis, and many
" other champions of renown.
" Arrived at the spot where the lists were esta-
" blished, in the order mentioned, they found a large
"tent erected, richly decorated, also scaffoldings for
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1ST
the judges, for the kings-at-arms, as well as for the
ladies, adorned with tapestries and cushions with
gold lace, which were placed round the lists, but
separated the one from the other by spaces so as to
allow the people to enjoy the brilliant spectacle.
There was also a stage raised several steps, and a
marble column placed on it, to which was appended
the shield of the device. Those of the assailants who
wished to tilt against the champions were obliged to
come and touch the shield with the end of their lance,
and at the foot of this column were the two lions
chained, of which we have spoken.
" According to express agreement on the part of
both champions and assailants, each of the vanquished
was obliged to present a diamond, a ruby, or courser,
or some other gift previously agreed upon.
" These prizes were intended for their mistresses, and
we learn that, at this fete, there were no less than fifty-
four diamonds and thirty-six rubies given to the ladies
by those who were vanquished ; besides these, there
were two principal prizes given at the expense of
King Rene, which were, by the command of the judges
of the camp, presented to the conquerors by Jeanne
de Laval. The first prize was a noble courser, and
was gained by Florigny ; the second was a clasp or
box of gold, enriched w T ith diamonds, and was decreed
to Ferri of Lorraine." •
Of those who assisted at this tournament w^ere Mont-
morency, Breze, Daillon du Lude d'Harcourt, Tancar-
ville, de la Jaille, Jean de la Haye, Guillaume de la
Jumalliere, Lord of Martigne, Briant, Florigny, and
Ferri de Vaudemont. Above all, the Duke of Alengon
was remarkable, wearing the Order of the Golden
Fleece, and still more distinguished by his fine form
and noble features, which gained for him the surname
of " la beau prince."
188 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
The chevaliers were also guided by Pontou de
Saintrailles, the brave Gascon, who had already figured
in the pas cV amies of Razilly. There were also present
Charles of Bourbon, father-in-law to the Duke of
Calabria, the Counts d'Evreux, d'Eu, and Charles
d'Artois. Lastly should be mentioned the Count of
Nevers, who, having vainly aspired to the hand of Mar-
garet of Anjou, found himself, perhaps unconsciously,
the rival of Rene, in addressing at this time his secret
vows to the beautiful heroine of the fete, Jeanne de
Laval.
"These tilts terminated fortunately without accident,
" which seldom happened. Afterwards the King,
" Queen, and all their brilliant assembly, returned to
"the castle of Saumur, where Rene continued for
" several, some say fifteen, days, his magnificent balls
"and entertainments.*
" The helmet and cuirass were now laid aside by the
" brave knights, who, having signalised themselves
" before in the combat by their courage and agility,
" and by the rudeness and simplicity of their attire, on
" this occasion vied with one another in the richness
" and elegance of their apparel, and their gallantry
" towards the ladies. The gratification of these heroes
" in the series of amusements which King Rene had
" prepared for them was great, yet we may justly add,
" that it was equalled, even surpassed, by the satisfac-
tion which the 'merry monarch,' as Rene has been
" styled, experienced himself on this occasion, in the
"presence of his family and court, and placed between
" his much-beloved Queen Isabella, and the fascinating
" Jeanne de Laval."
The joust, thus renewed upon the return of this
excellent prince to his native province, became subse-
* A picture representing this Tonrn anient was painted by King Rene,
who offered it to his brother-in-law, King Charles VII.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 189
quently, in a degree, the expression of joy at his
appearance amongst the Angevin nobility, who had
retained a lively inclination for these ancient amuse-
ments of their own sovereigns.
It is easy to imagine how this monarch, brought up
in hereditary ideas so worthy of him, would indulge
in the chivalric spirit, and delight in and occupy him-
self in these noble games, which were not in his age
regarded as vain amusements.
He did not, however, forget his duties as a sovereign.
Always assiduous to render his people happy, he
sought every means of ameliorating their condition,
and he was well informed of all the events which con-
cerned the interest of his subjects.*
Soon after his arrival at Angers, a frightful drought
desolated nearly all Provence. The harvests had been
destroyed, the springs dried up, and the miserable
inhabitants of Aix had to send to a great distance to
have their corn ground, and were obliged to fetch
water several leagues distant. Rene, touched with
this calamity, immediately ordered his grand seneschal
to exempt each city or village afflicted by this scourge,
from taxation during a year. This rare example of
humanity was more than once displayed, on similar
occasions, by this prince, whose disinterestedness knew
no bounds ; and while we read of the regal pomp and
luxury which was exhibited at the celebration of his
attractive tournaments, we are reminded that the same
monarch who commanded these expensive tilts, assisted
in drying the tears of the distressed and indigent. f
In December, 1447, Rene was engaged in a holy
tour to Provence, to collect the bones of saints. In
July following, he assisted at the council held by the
Archbishop of Tours. The termination of the year
* Bodin ; Oodard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f Bodin ; Gcdard Faultrier.
190 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
1448 Rene passed in tranquillity at Angers. He then
traversed Provence, resting at Aix, Marseilles, at Aries,
and lastly at the chateau of Tarascon, where he
announced another fete, three years after his former
one in 1449.*
This tournament at Tarascon has been described by
the Seneschal of Anjou, Louis de Beauvau. At this epoch
but few of the French nobility had acquired the know-
ledge of reading and writing ; but, at the court of Anjou,
on the contrary, most of the great people, imitating the
example of their king, were men of letters, and several
of them have left honourable traces of it.
The manuscript of Louis de Beauvau, relating to the
tournament of Tarascon, is written in verse, and ad-
dressed to Louis of Luxembourg. A miniature etching
placed at the head of his book represents the first
scene of the fete. It exhibits a shepherdess seated in
the middle of the landscape, " near a barn, having on
" a grey dress, and her head covered with a little red
'' hood, such as the simple bourgeoises usually wore ;
" her lap was filled with white, blue and red flowers;
" her clog and her crook were near her; and at some
" distance, appended to a large tree, were two cuirasses,
u one black, the other white. In the middle distance
" was seen a flock of sheep in a fold."
" The tournay of Saumur had been quite of a mili-
" tary character. That of Tarascon was almost a fete
" champetre. The knights appearing each in a shep-
" herd's dress, which they wore over their armour.
" The prize was a bouquet, and a kiss from the shep-
" herdess. We are not told the name of this lady, but
" the author gives us to understand that, malgre the
" simplicity of her attire, she was a person of high
" rank. Amongst the knights who figured on this
" occasion were Philippe de Lenoncourt, Tauneguy
* Bodin ; G-odard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 191
" Duchatel, and Ferri cle Lorraine. Louis de Beauvau
" appeared with great eclat ; he was on a bay horse,
" armed in red, and on his shield were these words, in
" golden letters, ' les plus rouges y sont pres/ After
" a violent and doubtful combat against Philibert cle
" Laigle, he at last shivered to atoms the lance of his
u adversary. Philippe de Lenoncourt next entered
u the lists. Tauneguy Duchatel, carrying with great
" mirth the lady of Ponteve behind him, advanced
" against him. They attacked each other so vigorously
" that their lances both broke at the same instant, and
" Lenoncourt shivered two others also of his antagonist,
" who then yielded him the victory, and departed, with
" his courageous lady, who kept her seat throughout
" this terrible encounter."
" The fete being ended, the shepherdess mounted
" her horse, and to the sound of instruments, twice
" made the tour of the lists, accompanied by her two
" admirers, and preceded by the heralds and judges.
" She thus arrived at the house of Louis de Beauvau,
" who furnished her with a. magnificent supper. She
" then went to the castle, preceded by a herald, who
" bore a white wand in one hand, and in the other
" the grand prize, which was a golden rod and a
' brilliant diamond. The poursuivant-at-arms de-
,l manclecl of the King, who was the victorious knight
u to whom he adjudged the prize ? Guy de Laval and
" Louis de Beauvau had each of them broken three
'' lances, the number prescribed for the grand prize,
" but Ferri of Lorraine had broken four, and it was
' awarded to him. This valiant knight accepted it,
' but only as an ornament for the head of the noble
" shepherdess."
This tournament, which was executed in true pas-
toral style and good taste, and which attracted nume-
rous actors and spectators to Tarascon, lasted three
192 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
davs only ; and we learn from the poem of Louis de
Beauvau that the handsome women of Provence saw
with regret the conclusion of the "Emprise." * This
was Rene's last tournament.
The gratification experienced by this prince in these
romantic entertainments, led him to seek "the exalta-
" tion of knighthood, and to found an Order to promote
" it still more for the ' honour of God and of the
" ' church/ and that ' all noble hearts should daily
" ' increase and augment their well doings,' in courtesy
" and fair behaviour, and likewise in valiancy and
" feats of arms."
So says Bourdigne, the historian of Anjou ; but we
do not learn whether the young prince, Edward, became
a member of this " Order;" and it is probable he did
not, as his arrival in France with the Queen, his mother,
was about the time of the suppression of this Order bv
Pope Paul II. f
The chivalric fetes were suspended in 1448, when
Rene had to mourn for the loss of his two relatives,
Marie Duchess of Calabria and Antoine de Vandemont ;
the former was an amiable princess, adored by her
husband, family, and subjects. The latter had, before
his death, entirely overcome the enmity which had
previously existed between himself and Rene.J It was
in the year 1448 that Rene, while at Angers, instituted
the military Order of the Knights of the Crescent, which
Pope Paul II. suppressed in 1464.§ The knights
of this Order bore on the collar a Crescent, pendant,
with the words inscribed, "Los en Croissant," after-
wards familiar to King Charles VIII. of France.
The symbol of this Order, a crescent of gold, had
" the word ' Loz ' enamelled in letters of blue, which
" formed, with the crescent on which it was written, a
* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. t Bourdigne.
t Yilleneuye Bargemont. § Some say 1460.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 193
" sort of rebus, signifying that one acquires ' Loz/
" that is, praise, by growing in virtue." The knights
attached to this Crescent a tagged point of gold,*
enamelled in red, after each action in which they had
distinguished themselves. Their costume was a cas-
sock and a mantle "j" of white velvet, over which they
wore a great cloak of crimson velvet ; bordered with
ermine for the princes, and with linen of two colours
for the gentlemen. Under the right arm they wore
the decoration of the Order of the Golden Crescent,
suspended from a chain of the same metal, attached to
the upper part of the sleeve, j St. Maurice became
the patron of this new Order, and the south wing of
the cathedral of Angers was covered with heraldry,
for it became the chapel of these knights. § The
statutes of this Order commanded fraternity and mutual
succour.
The knights swore by their " share of Paradise," and
by " the redemption of their souls." Their chief was
called Senator, and his office annual. It was first
filled by Guy de Laval. The object of Pope Paul II.,
who was the enemy of Rene, in suppressing this Order,
was to free the Neanolitan knights, who were members
of the " Crescent," from their oaths, and to prevail on
them to unite in the interests of Ferdinand of Arragon,
against Rene of Anjou, who, nevertheless, continued to
bear the badges of this Order even to the time of his
death. §
The rupture of the truce between England and
France, drew Rene of Anjou from his pleasing occupa-
tions, and, at the head of his veteran troops and the
Provencal nobility, he came to the aid of the King
* Aiquillette.
f Mantlet.
t Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont :
Seidell's Title of Honour.
§ Godard Faultrier.
vol. it. O
194 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
of France against the English. He was present at the
taking of several cities, and when King Charles VII.
entered in triumph the city of Rouen, Rene marched
on his right hand, and the Count of Maine on his left.
Rene has been described as " brilliant, mounted on a
" palfrey, with a horse-covering of azure velvet, inter-
" spersed with lily flowers of gold, and the cross of
" Jerusalem."
Rene was also in the battle of Fourmigni, and at
the capture of Caen and Falaise. The valour and
conduct of the Angevine prince in these wars, may
have deserved eulogium, but his neutrality would have
been doubtless very serviceable to the interests of his
daughter, Queen Margaret, who, upon the loss of
Xormandy and Guienne, was, with her ministers, sus-
pected of treachery ; and throughout England great
disorders arose owing to the discontents of the
people.*
AVhen in Anjou, Rene inhabited by turns the castles
of Angers, Saumur, and Bauge. He was popular and
liberal, living without pomp, whether in town or
country. He was fond of building, and when not thus
occupied for himself, he employed himself about the
houses of the poorest of his subjects, or for those who
were encumbered by a numerous family.
A writer of his times says, that, to this taste of
Rene for construction, we must attribute the numerous
escutcheons on the houses of Anjou. They were
placed upon the houses which Rene rebuilt or repaired,
and this has rendered the name of the "Good Duke-"
so popular hi Angers.")"
Out of respect to his patron saint, Rene rebuilt the
Chateau de Possonniere and the Chapelle de St. Rene.
* Villeneuve Bargemont : Godard Faultrier.
f Bodin ; Bourdigne.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 195
This reconstruction was in the middle of the fifteenth
century. The charming ogival windows of the chapel
were ornamented with coloured glass, and one of them
represented the resurrection of St. Rene.*"* The Castle
of Bauge was also built by Rene, who was regarded as
the founder of the town of Bauge.
In the midst of a forest a beautiful lodge had been
erected, in former times, by Foulques Nerra, around
which a small village had been formed. It became a
bourg, and a little church was added. The name of
this place was derived from the muddy soil (the resort
of wild boars), whereon this place was built, and in
Rene's time it became a handsome town, although
without commerce or manufactures. Rene was greatly
attached to this place, and also to Saumur, where he
built a house in the Faubourg of the Bridges, called by
the people the " Palace of the Queen of Sicily." The
front of this dwelling was enriched with the armorial
bearings of King Rene. These became in part effaced
by time, but the shield long remained visible, bearing
the decoration of the Order of the Knights of the
Crescent. Round the escutcheon was a chaplet of
large berries, in the midst of which were the words:
" Devot lui suis." This was a device of this good
king to testify his love for his Queen Isabella, and he
afterwards assumed a new one, expressive of his grief
for her loss. Not far from Angers, where his consort
resided, Rene constructed the charming hermitage of
La Baumette j" (named by him from Saint Baume, so
celebrated in Provence), and this he caused to be
erected on a rock, watered by the Mayenne. It was
to divert the attention of Isabella in her dangerous ill-
ness, that Rene undertook this work, and to accom-
* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f La Baumette (the Little Balna), a monument of conjugal piety, may
still be seen ; and at Saumur, " La maison de la Reine de Cecile," though,
defaced by time.
o 2
196 MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
plish a vow he had made to re-establish it. About
the same period, Rene, indulging his taste for archi-
tecture, built a little manor house in Reculee, as well
as a hermitage, afterwards resorted to by Queen Mar-
garet of Anjou, when she made the cession of her
rights to Louis XL*
Isabella of Lorraine had been for some years subject
to attacks of a disease, which, at this time, returned
with increased violence. She had renounced the
pleasures of a court whose ornament she had been,
and had been living in Anjou, in the most profound
solitude, no longer joining in the fetes or the politics
of the times, her only amusement being the educa-
tion of her young grandchildren, and religious exer-
cises. She adopted an extreme simplicity in her
manner of living, in place of the magnificence formerly
observed in her palace. She also put a stop to all
superfluous expense, in order to augment, by her own
economy, the money requisite for the King, her hus-
band. Rene still preserved for his consort, after
thirty-two years of marriage, the most tender affec-
tion ; and the good understanding so visible in their
union, contributed to increase the admiration with
which his subjects regarded him. Often would he
seek to delude himself on the subject of this incurable
malady, which bore with it the marks of a decay
which Isabella sought by every means to conceal from
him ; and at times he would try to escape from the
cruel thoughts which haunted him, by hunting in the
forests of Saumur, Beaufort, and Bauge ; but these
scenes were even less frequently the witness of his
skill in these sports, than of his melancholy reveries,
excited by the dangerous condition of his beloved
Isabella. Then would restlessness and vague presenti-
ments bring him back to her side, where, with new
* Bodin ; Godard Fatiltrier.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 197
ardour, lie would return to those pious reflections
which had never been extinguished in his soul. At
length, Isabella's strength visibly diminished from day
to day, and she expired on the 28th of February,
1453.* She was buried in the church of St. Maurice,
at Angers, near the tomb of the second family of
Anjou-Sicily.|
It is needless to dwell on the grief of King Rene
when bereft of his beloved consort. In solitude, on
the banks of the rivers, amongst the willows, and
in the green meadows, he would indulge his sad
thoughts : sometimes fixing his eyes on the water,
he would give himself up to a placid reverie, per-
haps beholding, in the now tranquil, now noisy wave,
some image of his own chequered life. To those
who sought to console him he only replied by an
Italian device, J in imitation of a verse of Petrarch :
" Arco per lentare defender e piaga non sana" §
" Relacher l'arc ne guerit pas la plaie."
King Rene had, by Isabella of Lorraine, nine
children : five sons and four daughters. Of these,
five died in their infancy. || Those who were distin-
guished in history were John, Duke of Calabria, the
eldest son ; Louis de Pont-a-Mousson, Duke of Bar ;
Yoland, Duchess of Lorraine ; and Margaret, Queen
of England.^
To sooth his grief, and in remembrance of his love
for his consort, Rene painted on the walls some vessels
filled with fire, with these words : " Uardant desir ; ' :
* Some date this event on the 22nd of February ; others say the death
of Isabella occurred in the year 1452.
+ Moreri ; Monfaucon ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Barge-
mont.
X This new device was a bow, of which the cord was loose, with the
Italian saying-, " To unstring the bow does not heal the wound."
§ Godard Faultrier ; Bodin.
|| They were Charles, Rene, Nicholas, Isabella, and Anne.
^[ Moreri.
198 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
round this symbol lie put a cliaplet of pater-nosters, in
which was expressed, in Italics, " Devot ltd sv
In the year 1453, Rene of Aujou again took up
arms, at the solicitation of Francois Sforza, Duke of
Milan, and of the Florentines, his old allies, who were
attacked, at this time, bv the Kins; of Arrasron and
the Republic of Venice. Sforza held out hopes to
him of making war against Xaples, when the contest
on this side the Alps should be ended ; and Rene
again flattered himself with the hope of chasing Al-
phonso from Italy. He repassed the Alps, continually
giving proofs of his talents and bravery ; but was soon
induced to abandon this enterprise. The intrigues
of Alphonso in the Milanese camp, and amongst the
Milanese, their unjust rivalry, and insufferable pre-
tensions, quite disgusted him, and he returned into
France, leaving behind him his son John to maintain
the cause ; but even he also became displeased, and
withdrew from this war.
Some write that the Angevine Prince came to
Geneva, with but two vessels, and so small were his
forces, and mean the condition of his court, that con-
tempt only was excited towards him, while doubts
arose respecting his skill and capability of governing.
This opinion was also adopted by some of the French :
the Dauphin, (afterwards Louis XL), had led on a
body of infantry.
1453. The French, who eagerly undertook this enterprise,
advanced as far as Asti ; but, at the expiration of
three months, they all returned to their own country.
apparently without any reason.
John, Duke of Calabria, was extremely chagrined
to see himself thus abandoned, and especially by the
King, but it is probable that he might have perceived the
futility of these struggles for the kingdom of Xapl
Daniel ; 3Iariana ; Godard Faultrier ; Moreri ; Bodin.
Daniel.
I— I c - 1
F
I
>
P
b
C
o
3
N3
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 199
Upon his return from Italy Rene gave up the dueliy
of Lorraine to Ins son,* and again returned to his
beloved Anjou. He was more than ever disgusted with
public affairs, and resigned himself to the arts, especially
to that of miniature painting on vellum. Ennui still
followed him amidst these peaceful occupations, and
yielding to the susceptibility of his heart, he united
himself in marriage with Jeanne de Laval, the same
Princess who had been so much distinguished by him
at the tournament in Anjou, eight years before.
Rene was at this time forty-seven years of age, and
his second consort was twenty-two. Their marriage
was celebrated in the Abbey of St. Nicholas, at
Angel's, on the 16th of September, 1455. The Car-
dinal of Foix, Archbishop of Aries, officiated.
Jeanne de Laval was the daughter of Guy, 14th
Count of Laval, and of Isabella of Brittany, his second
wife.
Guy de Laval succeeded Raoul de Montfort, his
paternal grandfather, in the estates and titles of
Montfort, and obtained such favour with King
Charles VII., that he erected his barony of Laval
into the seventeenth county, in July, 1429. This was
granted with Margaret of Brittany, the daughter of
John, sixth Duke of Brittany, and of Joanna of France,
the sister of Charles VII. When this Princess died,
Guy de Laval married Isabella of Brittany, elder
sister of Louis III., Duke of Anjou.f The offspring
of this union were three sons and seven daughters.
Of these the third daughter was married to Rene of
Anjou.
The articles of Rene's marriage were signed, 3rd
* Some write, that John of Anjou reigned in Lorraine from the time of
the death of his mother, Isabella of Lorraine.
+ G-uy de Laval became again a widower, and married Francoise de
Dinan, Lady of Chateaubriant, only daughter of Jaques de Dinan.
200 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
September, 1455, by Louis de Beauvau, Guy de Laval,
and the sire of Loue, in the presence of Anne de
Laval, the grandmother of the bride, the Counts of
Venclome and Tancarville, the Lord of Loheac, Raoul
de Bosket, and Olivier de Feschal.
The dower of Jeanne de Laval was valued at 40,000
crowns of gold, about 368,000 francs.*
From the period of this second marriage the Ange-
vine Prince appears to have renounced all projects of
conquest. He conducted his new wife through Anjou,
and into Provence, where they remained several
months : Rene so regulating his time as to divide it
between the administration of his States and the
amusements afforded him by poetry, painting, and
music. I But it seemed to be the destiny of Rene
never to be allowed to taste of the quietude for which
he so constantly longed.
Italy had enjoyed, for some time, the sweets of re-
pose ; but, in 1456, Alphonso, King of Arragon, again
began to trouble it. He ravaged the territories of the
Siennois, who were defended by the Venetians and
the Duke of Milan, and they compelled him to make
compensation for the injuries he had done, by the
payment of a sum of money.
Two years elapsed, and Alphonso attacked Genoa
by sea and land. The city was divided into two
factions, the Fregoses and the Adornes. Of these
Alphonso took part with the latter, while the former
was supported by the Duke of Calabria, to whom
succours were dismissed by the King of France ; and
King Rene came in sight of Genoa, with ten galleys,
to the help of the commander, who had been acting
on the defensive with great valour.
* Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par
Andre Du Chesne ; Godard Faiiltrier : Villeneuve Bargemont.
t Godard Faultrier ; Mariana ; Daniel.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 201
Rene's fleet consisted of 1,000 good soldiers, united
with those of the King of France, amounting to
6,000 men, sent from Dauphine, with other reinforce-
ments from Savoy. A fierce battle ensued, but the
Genoese, by a stratagem, obtained the victory, and
the French were obliged to fly to their galleys, the
Genoese pursuing them, and making great slaughter.
The city was on the point of surrender, when Alphonso
was attacked by a malignant fever, which in a few
days terminated his life, in July, 1458. This Prince
left no legitimate children, therefore his brother, Don
John, King of Navarre, became his true heir ; but
Alphonso had bequeathed the kingdom of Naples to
his natural son, Ferdinand, who took peaceable pos-
session of the throne.* The Neapolitan barons, how-
ever, began to cabal against his succession, and even
intreated Don John to come to Naples ; but this
prince contented himself with the kingdom of Arra-
gon and the island of Sicily, which his brother had
left him, upon which the lords of Naples called in
the Duke of Calabria, son of Rene of Anjou. This
brave Prince was easily prevailed upon to undertake
the invasion of Naples, and, accompanied by his rela-
tive, Ferry de Vaudemont, hastened into Italy.
Unfortunately, at this crisis, Pope Calixtus died ; . v W6i.
and his successor, Pope Pius II., declared for the
Arragonese, and gave the investiture of Naples to
Ferdinand, at which King Rene was so indignant that
he forbade his people to obey the decrees which might
issue from the Court of Rome.
Florence and Venice united with the An ge vine
prince ; but Sforza continued in alliance with Fer-
dinand, thinking this the best safeguard for his own
dynasty.
Orsini, Prince of Tarentum, the most powerful
* Mariana: Daniel.
Daniel.
202 MAHGABET OF AXJOTJ.
vassal of the crown, and a large proportion of the
Neapolitan nobles, besides Piccinino, the last of the
great Condottieri, with whom were the veterans of the
former wars, all joined in supporting the banner of
Anjou. But in spite of this, the Duke of Calabria was
destined to experience the fate of all his family, in
their competition for the throne of Naples. He had
at first brilliant success, and gained a battle near
Sarno ; but the Pope would never be reconciled to
the House of Anjou, and this expedition failed
through one of those defections so common amongst
the Italians. The desertion of the Genoese, on whose
enmity to the House of Arragon the Duke of Cala-
bria had relied, was aggravated by this Prince's want
of resources : this being perceived by the barons
of his party, they all returned, one by one, to the
allegiance of Ferdinand.*
This was the last attempt made by the Angevine
Princes for the possession of their Neapolitan do-
minions ; and Rene was the last sovereign of Naples,
of the race of Anjou. f
In conclusion, says Bodin, " it behoves us to
destroy a calumny, by refuting a great error which
has escaped Villaret in his History of France.
This author says, ' that at the time of the expedition
of Charles VII., in 1461, against the town of Genoa,
in which Rene of Anjou commanded a thousand
gens d'armes, whom he had embarked at Marseilles,
this Prince remained during the action on board his
galleys ; and that, seeing his troops beaten and in con-
fusion, enraged to find that his gens d'armes had not
gained a victory, which he had not had the courage to
dispute at their head, he commanded that his vessels
* Hallanrs Mid. Ages ; Eccles. Hist. ; Moreri ; Universal Hist. ; Mon-
faucon ; Mariana ; Daniel.
+ Bodin ; Villaret ; Mezerai ; Universal Hist.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 203
" should set sail from the coast, thus abandoning those
" unfortunate French to the discretion of the con-
" queror. This action, equally cowardly and barbar-
" ous, covers the memory of King Rene with an
" indelible shame.' Happily, this act, affirmed on
" such slight evidence by Villaret, and contradicted by
" the well-known character of the Prince, is found
" only in one single contemporary historian, Jean
" Simonetta, who, in reporting it in the life of Ludovic
" Sforza, sworn enemy of Rene, still gives it only as a
" popular report, to which he dared not attach credit.
" How then could a French historian admit, without
" examination, so odious a calumny, one which tends to
" tarnish the glory of a prince whose life was distin-
" guished by so many acts of bravery and humanity."*
By the adoption of Queen Joanna I., the only ad-
vantage derived by the second branch of the House of
Anjou was the county of Provence ; for, after so many
unfortunate struggles for the crown of Naples, fortune
decided in favour of the crown of Arragon.f
At the time when Louis XL ascended the throne
Rene was residing peaceably at Angers ; and had it
not been for the presence of their Prince, the county
of Anjou would have been involved in fresh troubles.
The nobles detested the new monarch of France ; or
rather his hostile system towards the feudal families,
and they readily united to compel him to modify his
government 4 Godard
There is much obscurity in the writings of this a * ri0r '
period concerning the locality in which King Henry
concealed himself during this season of his adverse for-
tunes. The first account we have quoted, viz., that he
took refuge in Harlech castle, conveys no further par-
ticulars of his stay in that fortress, or of the time of his
departure from it. Stow's account differs materially
* Bodin. f Gibbon. J Godard Faultrier.
im.
204 MARGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
from the other historians. He says, " King Henry fled
" four clays before the battle of Hexham into Lancashire,
" where he and others lived in caves full hardly, un-
" known more than a year." It is certain that he had
in Lancashire and in Westmoreland many friends ;
the natives of these counties were sincerely attached
to his interests, and their fidelity enabled him to con-
ceal himself for some months.*
During this period, however, he endured many priva-
tions. He was often secreted in the house of John
Machell, at Crakentkorpe, in Westmoreland. He
also dwelt at Waddington Hall, in Lancashire, and
memorials of his presence were traced at Whalley Abbey
and Bracewell ; but the chief residence of this unfor-
tunate monarch appears to have been at Bolton Hall,
in Yorkshire. One apartment, on the western side of
the court which he occupied, was called, " King
" Henry's room," and the canopy | still remains under
which, says Whitaker, "the unhappy Prince ate the
" bread of affliction during his seclusion from the
" world."
The probable cause why Henry sought refuge at Bol-
ton has been thus accounted for : the proprietor of this
hall, Sir Ralph Pudsey, had married Margaret Tunstall,
the daughter of Sir Thomas Tunstall, who was esquire
of the body to the King, and attended him on this
occasion.:): Thurland Castle, the residence of Tunstall,
being in clanger, and in a less retired situation, the
King came to Bolton, where the loyalty of Sir Ralph
afforded him a secure asylum ; nor was this the first
occasion upon which this family had sheltered their
persecuted sovereign. The race of thePudseys had been
* Stow ; Rymer ; Lingard ; Carte.
t This canopy resembles those in the halls of the College of Manchester
and of the Carthusians, the Charter House, in the metropolis.
± Whitaker's History of Craven.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 205
distinguished by a course of loyalty and hospitality,
and the fidelity of Sir Ralph was never impeached
in the treacherous proceedings which subsequently
deprived this King of his freedom. The dutiful
attachment of Pudsey was not, however, sufficient
safeguard to the dethroned monarch, who, probably,
being under some apprehension that his retreat was
about to be discovered, quitted Bolton Hall, where
he had passed some months in security, and repaired
to Waddington Hall.
While at Bolton, Henry had given orders for a well
to be dug, and walled round for a bath ; this well still
bears his name, and, even at the present day, con-
tinues to be venerated by the peasants for many
remarkable cures said to have been wrought there.*
Some relics of interest were left at Bolton by King
Henry ; these were a pair of boots, a pair of gloves,
and a spoon. The gloves reached to the elbow, and,
by them, it would appear that the hands were exactly
proportioned to the feet, and not larger than those
of a middle-sized woman.j It has been remarked
that " in an age when the habits of the great, in peace
" as well as in war, required perpetual exertions of
" bodily strength, this unhappy Prince must have
" been equally contemptible from corporeal and from
" mental imbecility."
His enemies probably thus regarded him ; but if
this were the case, how much more does it argue
in favour of the benevolent qualities of this monarch,
who, undoubtedly, inspired much respect for his
character, and even so attached those to him, who
* Roby's Lancashire ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Stow.
f The relics left at Bolton by the King were, for their better preserva-
tion, deposited in an ark in the year 1822, which was constructed for the
head of the present family. The ark was made of oak, and beautifully de-
signed and executed in the architecture of the fifteenth century. On a
brass plate within, an account is given of the circumstances under which
these relics were left.
206 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
were his immediate attendants, that they never for-
sook him, and even shared his captivity.* When
Henry fled for safety to the "Peel of Bolton," as
this castle was called, he was accompanied by Doctor
Manning, Dean of Windsor, Doctor Bedle, and young
Ellerton, who all shared his dangers and cheered his
solitude ; they were even conveyed with him on his
capture, to the Tower of London.
The castles of Bracewell and Waddington, at this
time, belonged to Sir John Tempest ; and an alliance
having just been formed between the Tempests and
Talbots,t it may be inferred, that to preserve their
estates, they consented to deliver up the unfortunate
monarch to Sir John Harrington, for after this
treacherv thev were suffered to eniov their lands in
quiet possession ; while Sir John Harrington " was
"rewarded," as expressed in the grant to him, "for
"his great and laborious diligence in taking our great
" traitor and rebel Henry, latelv called Henrv the
" Sixth, with the estates of Sir Richard Tunstall, of
" Thailand Castle, to the amount of £100, by King
" Edward the Fourth, on the 9th of July, 1465."| After
having been concealed by his faithful subjects for
many months, some sav even for a whole year, while
the most diligent search was made after him, Henry's
retreat was at last discovered through the perfidy of a
black monk of Abingdon; and Sir John Harrington, with
a party of soldiers, surprised the King whilst at dinner,
at Waddington Hall, and made him their prisoner:
The account of Leland concurs with the tradition of
the countrv, that he was betraved by Thomas Talbot
* Roby's Lancashire ; Gent.'s Mag. ; Baker ; Stow ; W. of Worcester.
+ The Tempests and Talbots bad annuities out of Holland and Ticbel
till they could be provided with lands.*
J Rymer.
* Rot. Pari. ; Baker ; Henrv ; Roby's Lancashire ; W. of Worcester ;
Gent.'s Magazine ; Stow.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 207
and his cousin, John Talbot, of Colbey (Salisbury) ;
that when the house was beset, the King, by some
means, escaped, and ran across the fields, when he
passed the Ribble by a ford, called Bungerly Hipping-
stones, into Clitterwoocl, and there, being closely
pursued, was taken. He was treated with great
indignity by his captors, who, strictly guarding him,
conveyed him to London. The capture of King Henry
took place on the 29th of June, 1465 ; and Sir John . 1465.
Tempest shared with the Talbots in the rewards be- Arundel'
stowed for this act by King Edward.
On his approach to London, King Henry was met
at Islington by the Earl of Warwick, who formally
arrested him as "Henry of Lancaster," and "forth-
"with," says the chronicler, "his gilt spurs were
" taken from his feet."* The Earl of Warwick did
not come out to meet him to show his respect, but
to see him conducted in safety to the Tower. He
caused his legs to be bound with leather straps to the
stirrups of the small pony which he rode, and in other
respects showed him much indignity : a great barbarity
towards one, whose meek and patient conduct under
adversity, entitled him to universal respect. In this
degraded manner King Henry entered London, by
way of Chepe and Cornhill. It had been proclaimed
that no man should, under pain of death, salute him,
or pay him the smallest mark of respect. His public
and humiliating entrance into the metropolis, exposed
him to the insults of the fickle multitude, who, on
former occasions, had been accustomed to testify their
reverence for his virtues by shouts of applause ; some
of the citizens, indeed, were much disturbed by this
proceeding, but did not dare to betray their senti-
* Holinshed ; Stow ; Baker ; Carte ; Fabyan ; W. of Worcester ; Pol.
Vergil ; Rymer ; Pinkerton ; G-ent.'s Mag. ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ; Barnes's
Lancashire.
208 MABGAEET OF AXJOU.
merits. The Earl of Warwick not only behaved
towards him in the most insulting manner, but even
encouraged the mob to deride him : he preceded
the deposed monarch to the Tower, crying " Treason!
"treason! behold the traitor!' and when they
reached the place, King Henry was led three tunes
round a tree, which was placed in the front of the
Tower (in the manner of a pillory), and then confined
within that fortress, a strong guard being set to watch
over him.
This monarch's personal safety at this time
was less owing to the generosity of the Yorkists,
than to their opinion of his inability to give them any
uneasiness.
"While in prison King Henry was treated with
humanity, but kept in the most rigorous confinement.
To an ambitious mind, a tedious imprisonment in the
Tower of London would have been insupportably irk-
some ; but, to the gentle and unassuming Henry of
Lancaster, it seemed but a haven of refuge from
the storms and troubles of life.*
It was during this captivity that the unfortunate
monarch probably penned the following lines, which
exhibit the composure of a truly pious and resigned
heart.
' ' Kingdoms are but cares ;
" State ys devoyd of staie ;
" Ryches are redy snares,
" And hastene to decaie.
1 ' Who meaneth to remoffe the rocke
" Owte of the slynrie mudde,
1 ' Shall myre hymself e and hardlie scape
" The swellynge of the flodde." +
* Biondi ; Fabyan ; Stow : Toplis ; Baker ; Addit. MS. ; Rymer ; W. of
Worcester ; John Rous ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Hume :
Barante ; Root's Lancashire ; Barrow ; Monstrelet ; Bayley's Hist, of the
Tower ; Daniel.
t Xugas Antiqua?.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 209
Fortune appeared now to have utterly deserted the
House of Lancaster ; yet the contest between the two
Roses was not altogether ended, seeming, rather, to be
hushed to a temporary rest, while the energies of
Queen Margaret reposed, only to become invigorated
and to prepare for more desperate resolves. Mean-
while, one might exclaim, in the language of the
poetess, —
' ' Oh Rose ! who long hath bloom'd the pride
" Of England's garden, hang thy head !
" The dew upon thy leaves is dried !
" The generous, bright, exulting red,
' ' The triumph of thy cheek, is fled !
" And one less beautiful shall raise
" Her stem, where now thy bloom decays !
" York's rose is now the garden's queen !
' ' York's star to fortune lights the way !
" Nay, Heaven is pledged ! York's eyes have seen,
" Responsive to their glances keen,
" Three golden, glorious suns at once illume his day." *
Many, indeed, were the British hearts by whom the
Lancastrian rose was still cherished ; but, humbled
and abashed, they sought refuge at a distance from
the gaze of a court, or the allurements and splendours
of society.
* Miss Holford's Margaret of Anjou.
VOL. II.
CHAPTER V.
{King Edward.)
' ' Her looks do argue her replete with modesty ;
" Her words do show her art incomparable ;
" All her perfections challenge sovereignty;
" One way or other she is for a king,
" And she shall be my love, or else my queen."
Shakespeare,
{The Earl of WaricicL)
" Did I impale him with the regal crown ?
' ' Did I put Henry from his native right ?
' ' And am I guerdon'd at the last with shame ?
" Shame to himself ! for my desert is honour ;
" And to repair my honour, lost for him,
" I here renounce him, and return to Henry. "
Shakespeare.
King Edward's marriage projected — "Warwick sent to demand the hand of
Bona of Savoy — Edward's interview with. Elizabeth Woodville, and
their marriage — Warwick offended — He returns to England — Enmity
between Edward and Warwick, who withdraws from court — Jealousy
of the nobility — Of Clarence and Montague — Marriage of the King's
sister — Anger of Warwick against King Edward — He meditates re-
venge, and engages the Archbishop of York to assist him — Clarence
marries — Insurrection in Yorkshire — Battle of Banbury — King Edward
in prison — He escapes — Lord Wells is beheaded — Battle of Loosecoat
Field — Vauclier's manoeuvre — Louis attempts a reconciliation — War-
wick meets Queen Margaret in France — They are reconciled — Marriage
of Prince Edward — Clarence won over to Edward — Warwick returns
to England — His army — Henry VI. proclaimed— Edward's flight —
King Henry released from prison and restored to the throne.
The youthful Edward was now enjoying the sun-
shine of prosperity, acknowledged as the lawful sove-
reign of a people who rejoiced in his favour and success.
No longer fearing civil discord, this monarch gave
himself up to the dissipations and amusements of his
high station. He lived in the most social and familiar
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 211
manner with his subjects, especially with the Lon-
doners. His gallantry and handsome person rendered
him a general favourite with the fair sex, while the
young and gay of his own, found him all condescension
and affability.
It was during this season of tranquillity, while King-
Henry was in captivity and Queen Margaret banished
the kingdom, that Edward was, by the advice of his
ministers, persuaded to confirm to his posterity his
right to the crown, by his marriage with some foreign
princess. The ladies who were selected were Isabella
of Castile, who was afterwards married to Ferdinand
of Arragon, and Bona of Savoy, the sister of the Queen
of France. This last was chosen by King Edward,
and the Earl of Warwick was dismissed to Paris to
demand the hand of the lady.*
The King of France, whose thoughts were wholly
occupied in his project of making himself absolute, was,
in pursuance of this object, engaged in many quarrels
with his barons. He was, however, highly gratified
with the proposal of an alliance with England, by which,
while increasing his own power, his vassals were pre-
vented seeking foreign aid in their wars against him.
To make sure of his advantage, Louis delayed the
negotiation, while by the help of the Earl of Warwick
he secured a personal friendship with King Edward.
This wise foresight was, however, rendered fruitless
by the precipitate conduct of the English monarch,
who, unaccustomed to control his passions, had during
this interval wandered to a new object, accidentally
presented to him, but calling forth so much romantic
sentiment as to fix at once his affections.
While in Northamptonshire Edward had resolved to
pay a visit to Grafton, the residence of Jacqueline of
Luxembourg, the widow of the Duke of Bedford. Her
* Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ; Rapin ; Hume.
p 2
212 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
second marriage to Sir Richard Woodville had brought
upon her much censure and contempt, because of her
union with a private gentleman. She had, however,
obtained the favour of Queen Margaret for her daughter
Elizabeth, who first left her home at Grafton to visit
the court of this Queen, now there was no longer any
favour or promotion from the House of Lancaster.
The brave and devoted husband of Elizabeth had lost
his life in supporting King Henry's cause, and his inno-
cent children were exposed to the rancour of party
feeling. They were deprived of their inheritance, their
lands confiscated, and their old mansion bestowed on
one of the Yorkists, who, taking possession, obliged
Elizabeth with her children to seek refuse under the
paternal roof. While she continued to reside there,
and was dependent on her father's bounty, she devoted
herself to the education of her sons, the eldest of whom
was but four years of age. It was at Grafton, or, as
some say, in the forest of Whittlebury,that King Edward
first beheld Elizabeth ; for this lady, thinking it a
favourable opportunity to obtain the grace of the young
King, threw herself on her knees before him, and
besought him to restore the lands of her husband, and
to take compassion on her destitute children.* King
Edward was instantly smitten with the charms of the
beautiful widow, and, touched by her distress, not only
granted her request, but assured her that it was not in
his power to refuse her anything. Shortly after, in a
private interview, he made known to her his passion,
which had so suddenly taken root in his breast under
the guise of compassion ; but all his importunities were
unavailing, the virtuous Elizabeth, while she modestly
confessed her unworthiness to become his queen, obsti-
nately rejected every dishonourable proposal.
The esteem of Edward was heightened by the rigid
* Guthrie ; Wethamstede ; Hearne's Chron.
Baker.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 213
inflexibility of the lady, and he at last resolved to share
his throne, as well as his affections, with the woman
whose personal charms and dignity of character ap-
peared to render her so worthy of them. King Edward
was but twenty-two years of age, and he did not question
his right to marry a subject.
This union was privately solemnised at Grafton, and
for some time it was kept secret.* We are assured
that none were present at these espousals, on the 1st of
May, 1464, except the Duchess of Bedford, the priest, 1464.
and two gentlewomen, with a young man to assist in
singing."]" It was not until this monarch prepared for
the coronation of his Queen, that his marriage was
divulged to the astonished people, who were expect-
ing the match with Bona of Savoy to be speedily
concluded.^
The Earl of Warwick, who had hastened the negotia-
tions, when they were drawing to a conclusion, dis-
covered that all his exertions were fruitless, through the
unruly passions of the monarch who had employed him.
He could not brook the affront which was put upon him.
He had thought that King Edward entertained too
much regard for him, to treat him so unworthily, and
he felt indignant at this conduct in one, to whom he had
rendered such essential services. He complained to
the King of France, who could not fail to resent the
slight thus offered to his family ; and his anger was
augmented by this monarch, whose situation at this
time not allowing him to demand satisfaction, he wisely
* Some say that this marriage was not even known to Elizabeth's father,
Lord Rivers. Carte places the date of this marriage on the 1st of May,
1463. He says it was concealed for more than a year previous to the
battle of Hexham. The same date is given in Hearne's Fragment.
f The priest who married them was buried before the altar in the church
of the Minories, at London Bridge.
X Baker ; Rapin ; Hume ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Lin-
gard ; Allen's York ; Hearne's Chron. ; Ridpath ; Henry ; Paston Letters.
214 MAEGARET OF AXJOU.
concealed his sentiments, and awaited a more favour-
able opportunity of revenging himself.*
Meanwhile, the Earl of Warwick returned to Eng-
land, but with a heart swelling with hatred and
revenge. He abhorred the ingratitude of Edward, but
perceived the necessity for concealing his sentiments ;
yet even in this endeavour he could not help betraying
his disgust, and the King, although he still showed
some favour to the Earl, gradually began to regard
him in the light of an enemy. Their mutual hatred,
in spite of their attempts to disguise it, became aggra-
vated, and caused them much uneasiness.
King Edward gave the Earl great occasion for com-
plaint, and this he did either to gratify himself, or to
lessen the credit of the Earl with the people. Warwick
perceived the King's design, but let it pass unnoticed,
lest by untimely resentment he should place himself in
such a situation that he could not revenge the insult
which had been offered him.
Finding himself no longer regarded with the same
favour as formerly, Warwick withdrew from Court,
under the plea of indisposition ; and, seizing an oppor-
tunity, he obtained leave to retire to the castle of
Warwick. This Earl could not bear to witness the
exaltation of Sir Richard Woodville, the Queen's father,
who was created Lord Eivers, and engrossed the King's
confidence, to the exclusion of Warwick, who was
scarcely employed in public affairs, nor could the latter
endure the diminution of his credit at Court. His
ambitious mind made him discontented, although the
grants which he had received from the Crown had
increased his patrimonial estate to 80,000 crowns per
annum ; and he was displeased at beholding King
Edward, jealous of the power which had supported
him, daily advancing the authority of the Queen's
* Daniel ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 215
relatives as his rivals. The King justified his partiality
to these individuals, seeking thus to counterbalance
the great influence of Warwick, whom he had before
assisted to exalt.* The Earl, on his part, acted with
great dissimulation.
About Michaelmas, after the King's marriage, when 1464.
Edward desired to make his union known to the public,
Warwick and Clarence led Elizabeth by the hand to the
Abbey of Reading, in the King's presence, and declared
her Queen of England before the nobility and people there
assembled, when the former paid her their compliments.
Edward passed the Christmas at Eltham, and thence
removed to Westminster ; and about this time lands to
the value of 4,000 marks were settled upon the Queen.
Preparatory to her coronation, the King made, on 1465.
Ascension Day, at the Tower of London, thirty-eight
Knights of the Bath, amongst whom were several of
the nobility, viz., Lord Dumas, SirBartelot de Ribaire,
and Sir John Wooclville, the Queen's brother, besides
four citizens, viz., Thomas Cooke, Matthew Philip,
Ralph Josselyn, and Harry Waver.
The coronation of the Queen took place on the 26th B 2 m '
of May, 1465. On the 24th, Elizabeth was met at
Shooter's Hill, in her way from Eltham to London, by
the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and citizens, nobly mounted
and richly attired, who conducted her to the Tower. |
On the next clay, the 25th, she was conveyed in a horse
litter, preceded by the new-made knights, to West-
minster, where, on Sunday, the 26th, she was crowned
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed
* Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Carte ;
Hume ; Lingard ; Maitland's London.
f In Edward IV.'s reign the Tower of London was frequently a royal
residence, perhaps from its proximity to the city, where the King so much
sought to ingratiate himself with the people, who had assisted in his
elevation. He kept his court there in this year (1165), and on other occa-
sions also.
216 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
ceremonies. The pomp of the coronation was aug-
mented by the presence of Count James of St. Pol, a
prince of the House of Luxembourg, and the uncle of
the Duchess of Bedford, who, with his hundred knights
and their attendants, had been especially appointed and
sent to England by the Duke of Burgundy.*
This array had been made purposely to please King
Edward, and at his request, to show the high descent
of his Queen, and to impress on the minds of his peers
and subjects the worthiness of the object of his
choice. Thus it was shown that the relatives who
had disdained to notice the Duchess of Bedford,
because she married a private gentleman, although
" the handsomest in England," were ready to claim
kindred again when her daughter was about to ascend
the throne ; and, proud of their connection, their en-
mities were all forgotten. The coronation was suc-
ceeded by splendid tournaments, held at Westminster
for several days.f
1465. At this time King Edward kept his court with great
splendour at the Tower of London. Here it was
that Edward began his career, by bestowing, with a
lavish hand, favours, honours, and emoluments on the
family and relatives of the Queen.
Her father, Lord Rivers, was made Treasurer and
Grand Constable ; her brother, Sir Anthony Wood-
ville, was united to the greatest heiress of the land,
the only daughter of Lord Scales, and this greatly
offended the Duke of Clarence, the King's elder
brother, who thought that the hand of that lady
should have been bestowed .on himself. Also John, a
vounger brother of the Queen, was wedded to the
* At the dinner and jousts which followed the coronation, tho Etrl of
Warwick and his two brothers were not present.
f Baker ; Hearne's Fragment ; Fabyan ; Henry ; Ridpath ; W. of Wor-
cester ; Lingard.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 217
wealthy Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, who was
then in her eightieth year, the bridegroom being
only twenty years of age. The five sisters of the
Queen were also bestowed in marriage by King
Edward. Catherine was given to the young Duke
of Buckingham ; Mary to William Herbert, created
Earl of Huntingdon ; Anne to the son of Gray,
Lord Ruthyn, created Earl of Kent ; Margaret to
Thomas, Lord Maltravers, son and heir of the Earl
of Arundel ; and Jaquette to John, Lord Strange, of
Knocking.
The daughter and heiress of the Duke of Exeter,
who was the niece of King Edward, was affianced to
Sir Thomas Gray, one of the Queen's sons, and 4,000
marks were given to the bride, by Elizabeth. This
match greatly offended Lord Montague, who had
been treating for a marriage between his son and
that lady, and he took it as an affront to the whole
family of the Nevilles ; this afforded another grievance
also to the Earl of Warwick. Besides this Earl,
many others of the nobility were dissatisfied and
jealous at the sudden elevation and favour shown to
the Queen's relatives, and their promotion to the first
offices of the kingdom. Lord Montjoy had been dis-
placed from his office of Treasurer, which was sup-
plied by Lord Rivers ; and that of High Constable,
which had belonged to the Earl of Worcester had been
also given to the same Lord Rivers ; the King, mean-
while, created the Earl of Worcester Lieutenant of
Ireland, under the Duke of Clarence. Many nobles
also, who had formed projects for the advancement of
their own children, saw themselves superseded. The
affability of the Earl of Warwick had rendered him
popular, and the nobility had become accustomed to
his magnificence and power, but sore complaints were
raised against the new favourites. Although Warwick
218 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
at this time was not in office, his brothers were per-
mitted to retain their former position. The Marquis
of Montague held his post of Governor over the
northern counties, there being no cause for apprehen-
sion on the side of Scotland ; and the Archbishop of
York was still Lord Chancellor.*
"We may regard the marriage of King Edward with
one of his subjects as the origin, in a great measure,
of the rise of the middle-class in this country. The
landed aristocracy was at this time all powerful, and
fearing their influence, King Edward sought to coun-
terbalance it, by making concessions to the lesser
gentry and rich citizens, looking to them for protection
and assistance. He continued to displace from office,
and reduce the authoritv of the ancient nobilitv, who
had maintained his pretensions, and, indeed, had placed
him on his throne. By these means society became
changed, and soon presented a new phasis ; while the
peculiar characteristics of feudalism gradually disap-
peared in England, as was also the case in France,
through the efforts of monarchical power to remove
vassalage and baronial independence.
It was the policy of' the English monarch to keep
on good terms with the foreign princes, that he might
not create new enemies against himself; since the
Lancastrians, although subdued, were still very nu-
merous. The treaty with Scotland had been pro-
longed by him ; and he had besides entered into a truce
with Brittany, and also with France. After the affront
which Edward had put upon the King of France, he
could only regard him as a secret enemy, who would
not fail, one day, to revenge himself; however, he
resolved to keep on good terms with him, fearing he
might yet be disposed to assist the House of Lancaster, f
* Baker ; Stow : W. of Worcester ; Eapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard.
f Rapin.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 219
Still more did King Edward desire to keep fair with
Louis at this time, while he hastened the conclusion of
a marriage between his third sister, Margaret, and the
Earl of Charolois. Having sprung from the House of
Lancaster, Charles, Earl of Charolois, had ever faith-
fully adhered to King Henry ; but policy now insti-
gated his alliance with Edward, in order that he might
strengthen himself against the power of France.
This marriage did not meet the approval of
Warwick, who avowed himself the enemy of this
Earl; and it has been said that this was the com-
mencement of the coolness between King Edward and
his haughty subject.* However this might be, we w. of Wor-
find the Earl of Warwick, in 1466, employed, with cester-
Lord Hastings, [in concluding the league of amity
between King Edward and Charles of Burgundy, and
also in conferring about the marriage. He had like-
wise been, in the same year, negotiating the peace
with France. The French ambassadors returned
with the Earl to London, their object being to prevent
the marriage of King Edward's sister ; but they had
only a cool reception from the King, who then left the
capital, appointing an inferior agent to reject their
proposals, while the Earl of Warwick endeavoured,
by his attentions to them, to compensate for the
King's slight.
Amongst his own friends the Earl spared not his
menaces, and when the ambassadors had departed, he
retired to Middleham, much discontented."}"
Warwick hated most the ingratitude of Kino: Ed-
ward. Certainly nothing can be more injurious to a
monarch's reputation than behaviour which exposes
him to such an imputation. No king ever was more
indebted to a subject than Edward was to Warwick ;
and, in like manner, also to his two brothers :
* Lingard. f Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Ling-ard.
Rapin
220 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
indeed, to the exertions of these three, all members
of one family, he owed his crown ; they were noble
relatives, and superior characters, cast in no common
mould.
Had the King esteemed them as he ought, and
as sentiments of gratitude would have dictated,
they might have survived the reign of faction, and,
like valued gems, have adorned and sustained his
crown. The King, however, permitting his passions
to rule him, allowed these distinguished noblemen,
whose admirable qualities, great fortunes, and digni-
ties gave them naturally astonishing influence in all
affairs of state, to be depressed and superseded by the
rising power of the Woodvilles.
During the late absence of the Earl of Warwick in
France, the bastard of Burgundy had come to London,
under the pretext of performing feats of arms with
Lord Scales, but also to negotiate the proposed
marriage.
The Parliament met, but, under the plea of sickness,
the Chancellor absented himself, when Edward, who
had become suspicious of Warwick from his con-
ferences with King Louis, went, with a great retinue,
to the house of the prelate, and required him to give
up the seals, and at the same time took from him two
manors, which he had previously obtained from the
crown. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, one of the
1467. Queen's friends, was then appointed Lord Chancellor.*
An emissary from Queen Margaret having been
taken in Wales about this time, gave information
to King Edward that the Earl of Warwick was
regarded in the French court as a secret partisan of
the Lancastrians. Warwick refused to leave Middle-
ham, and the accuser was brought there and con-
fronted with him ; but the charge was dismissed as
* Firmer : Lingard ; Moustrelet ; Rapin.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 221
groundless. The King*, however, ordered a body- 1467.
guard of 200 archers to attend upon his person, and ces ter.
a rupture seemed inevitable ; but it was prevented
through the interference of their common friends, the
Archbishop of York and the Earl of Rivers, who met
at Nottingham, and arranged the terms of a recon-
ciliation.* The Archbishop conducted his brother to
Coventry, where King Edward received him graciously,
and all offences between him and the Lords Herbert,
Stafford, and Auclley being reciprocally pardoned, the
Archbishop was rewarded for his services by the
restoration of his two manors.
Warwick, after this, appeared at Court, and when
the marriage of King Edward's sister was finally
settled, in 1467, and she departed, she rode through
London behind the Earl of Warwick. The Princess
Margaret was conveyed to Bruges, being accompanied
by her two sisters, the Duchess of Exeterf and the
Duchess of Suffolk, J with a splendid retinue.
A contemporary writer tells us that the Duke of
Somerset, who had been staying with the Duke of
Burgundy, " departed and all his bands, well be seen
" out of Bruges, a day before that my lady the
" Duchess Margaret, sister of Edward IV., came
" hither ; and they say that he is to Queen Margaret
"that was, and shall no more come here again, nor be
" holpen by the Duke."
From this time King Edward took part with his new
relative, the Earl of Charolois, who, at this time, by
the death of his father, Philip "the Good," became
Duke of Burgundy. Edward also united with the
Duke of Brittanv. It was not for the interest of
* W. of Worcester ; Lingard.
f The Duke of Exeter, her husband, was still in France, in great distress.
$ This lady's husband was the son of Queen Margaret's favourite
minister.
222 MABGABET OF AXJOU.
England to permit these Dukes to be subdued, by
which the French King would gain a great ac-
cession of power, and become formidable to Edward,
who neither loved Louis, nor cared to keep well with
him any longer than policy required. We also find
that when a conspiracy was discovered in favour of
King Henry, the Earl of Warwick sat amongst the
judges upon the trial.
In spite, however, of all these outward appearances,
no real confidence existed ; and the people, who per-
ceived the approaching conflict, pitied their favourite,
and blamed the ambition of the Queen and her
relatives.*
The Earl of Warwick still harboured in his breast
the keenest resentment. He resolved to make known
that no one could affront him with impunity ; and he
secretly meditated revenge upon Edward.
He was the most haughty Earl that England had
ever seen, and his pride was augmented by the services
he had rendered to the House of York. The insult which
the King had offered him, by marrying, while he was
negotiating another match, could not be forgotten by
him, and, besides, he had not been consulted by the
King on the subject of his choice. Had any apology
been offered by Edward, it is probable that the
Earl's anger had been mitigated, and the affair over-
looked ; but the King treated him with contempt and
silence, and even sought to lessen his credit with the
people, thus greatly increasing the Earl's indignation.
Another cause has been assigned, by some authors,
for this Earl's displeasure, viz., an injury of a private
nature, which Edward had offered to one of his
daughters, and which does not seem to be improbable;
however that may be, the Earl of Warwick only
* Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Henry : Hume ;
Paston Letters ; Ling-ard.
MAKGAEET OF ANJOU. 223
concealed his anger more surely to effect his re-
venge.*
It appears uncertain whether King Edward, who
might wish to get rid of his imperious counsellor, dis-
missed the Earl of Warwick or not ; but, in the month
of June, 1467, he was engaged in a negotiation „ 1 ^-
1 . . . -r Commes ;
relative to commerce, and visited Louis XL at Rouen. Barante ;
Some writers assure us that it was by invitation of Henry.'
this monarch, who sought to gain over a nobleman
so influential in the kingdom ; and, indeed, it was to
the interest of Louis to have England on his
side in his quarrels with Burgundy. To this end he
sent rich presents to Warwick, and sought to win his
friendship, especially as he observed his increasing
discontent with Edward. He sent messengers with
flattering compliments to him ; nor was the Earl
insensible to his favours, perceiving how much the
power of the French would support his credit in
England, which was then on the decline. He there-
fore accepted the invitation of Louis, and, quitting
England, landed at Harfleur. The French King ad-
vanced to meet the Earl as far as the village of La
Bouille, on the Seine, four leagues from Rouen, at-
tended by several of his nobles. At this place
Warwick arrived on the 7th of June, where a splendid
repast had been prepared, of which having partaken,
he paid his respects to the King, and then proceeded
to Rouen by water, while the French King went
thither by land. This was the first time that Louis
had beheld the haughty Earl, whom he so much
desired to conciliate.
The magistrates of Rouen, " in their formalities,"
advanced to receive the Earl as he landed at the Quay
of St. Eloy, and then the priests came in their copes,
bearing crosses, banners, holy water, and relics of
* Monf aucon ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin.
224 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
saints, and with great pomp and ceremony con-
ducted him in procession to the Church of Notre
Dame, where he made his offerings, and then pro-
ceeded to an apartment prepared for his reception,
and magnificently ornamented, at the Jacobins, one
of the religious houses.
Soon afterwards the Queen and Princesses came to
Eouen, and the King remained there during a fortnight,
(some say twelve days,) with the Earl of Warwick.
He showed him all the respect due to a sovereign,
appointed him a residence next his own, and, by a
private door, he frequently visited him secretly.
When the Earl took his leave and returned to
England, he was accompanied by the Admiral of
France, the Bishops of Laon, St. John de Pompain-
court, St. Olivier le Poux, and several others, whom
the King had appointed to attend him. From this
time the Earl of Warwick became more the servant
of Louis than of Edward, and daily assumed more
boldness in manifesting his discontent.
While at Eouen the Earl of Warwick received from
Louis XL several fine and costly presents, one being
a piece of gold plate, and another a large gold cup,
set with precious stones. The Duke of Bourbon also
presented him with a rich diamond ring, and other
handsome gifts. He had, moreover, all his expenses
and those of his attendants defrayed by the French
King, from the time of his landing at Harfleur until
he embarked for England.
In return for the handsome gifts made to the Earl
of Warwick and his suite, King Edward afterwards
sent to France some rich presents of hunting horns,
bottles of leather, &c, and this seems to make it
probable that Edward really did employ Warwick
at the French Court. The potent Earl, if this was
the case, doubtless seized the opportunity to secure
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 225
the assistance of Louis in accomplishing the object
nearest his heart, viz., the dethronement of Edward;
and from this time the Earl maintained a constant
correspondence, in secret, with the French monarch.*
After his return to England, the Earl of Warwick
began to carry his designs into execution. He first
sought to win over his own brothers, the Archbishop
of York and the Marquis of Montague. He repre-
sented to them the great services they had all three
rendered to King Edward, and how ill he had requited
them, their rewards being inadequate to their merits.
He charged the King with ingratitude, and with seeking
to degrade their family in a manner intolerable to men
of honour; and especially in the insult offered to himself
in the affair of the marriage of the King. He concluded,
by assuring them that he had resolved to let King
Edward see that the hand which could assist him to
a throne, was not less powerful in pulling him down ;
and he desired only their help in his undertaking.
The Archbishop of York was easily prevailed upon
to enter into this project ; Montague hesitated, made
some objection, and adduced arguments, to which
Warwick replied with eagerness. At length Montague
conceded ; but it was more out of complacence to his
brother, than from his desire to participate in this plot.f
The Earl next proceeded to communicate his project
to the Duke of Clarence, who, having evinced great
dissatisfaction at the conduct of the King, for bestowing
on Lord Scales, the Queen's brother, the hand of the
richest heiress in the kingdom, the Earl of Warwick
had reason to think that he would gladly seize the
opportunity of revenging himself; nor was he mis-
taken. Clarence heartily entered into his views, and
* Barante ; Monf aucon ; Philip de Comines ; Monstrelet ; Rymer ; Lin-
gard ; Sharon Turner ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lussan's Louis XI.
f Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Allen's York ; Rapin.
VOL. II. Q
226 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the Earl of Warwick, to secure him, proffered him the
hand of his daughter Isabella, to whom Clarence was
attached, and he bestowed a considerable fortune as
her dower, being the half of the lands which Warwick
held in right of his wife. Thus the King's eldest
brother became strictly united with his greatest enemy,
who had even plotted to dethrone him. Surely the
ties of blood and of affection should have for ever
deterred him from engaging in this conspiracy. It
was ambition which stifled the voice of nature ; and
pride, wounded pride, urged on to the most desperate
and unlooked-for events.
Warwick even attempted to prevail on the Duke of
Gloucester to join this confederacy, but he found him
so reserved that he dared not close with him.*
The Duke of Clarence was, at this time, next heir to
the crown, and King Edward, who was not ignorant
of Warwick's ambition, anxiously endeavoured to pre-
vent his brother's marriage ; but in vain.
w 1 ™ Soon after the interview between the Earl of Wor-
cester, wick and Clarence, they proceeded together to Calais,
where the marriage was solemnised in the church of
St. Nicholas. The ceremony was performed by the
Archbishop of York, the bride's uncle ; but whether in
privacy, or with the King's consent, the historians have
been unable to decide. There is, indeed, much room
for doubt on some events of this period.
Some authors assert, that it was only on the morning
of the day of this marriage that the Earl of Warwick
made known to Clarence, his project for the restoration
of King Henry ; and that the Duke, who until that
time was in ignorance of it, then agreed to it. These
two noblemen remained at Calais for some time after
the marriage ; and King Edward felt much secret dis-
* Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Eapin ; Hume ; Barante ;
Villaret.
Stow,
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 227
pleasure towards the Earl of Warwick on account of
this union.
Others write that the Earl and Clarence returned to
England, and enjoyed the favour of the King, who, as
if regretting his former misconduct towards Warwick,
made him Justiciary of South Wales, and afterwards
Seneschal of the whole of that country. Edward must
indeed, if this were true, have been in ignorance of the
projects formed against him.°
In the year 1467, a servant of Robert Whittingham, w 1 t 6 i r
named Cornelius, by trade a shoemaker, was seized cester;
at Queenborough, and letters being found upon him
from Queen Margaret, who was then in France, he was
tortured by fire, in order to make him discover the
names of such noblemen and gentlemen as corresponded
with the exiled Queen. | This cruel means of extort-
ing confession was not uncommon in England at this
time ; the civil warfare, and the violence of party, being
a great hindrance to the regular and impartial adminis-
tration of justice throughout the kingdom. A kind of
military government prevailed, and the High Constable,
being invested with authority to inflict punishment,
even of death, upon the most exalted subjects, without
so much as having recourse to the proceedings of law,
he not unfrequently acted on his own private convic-
tion of their guilt. Persons of rank were sometimes
put to death without any inquiry after evidence ; and
occasionally the Constable, in order to obtain a show
of justice, would s#ek for proof by means of the rack,
as in this case of Cornelius.^
One of the letters found upon Cornelius was from
his master, Whittingham, addressed to Thomas Dan-
* Stow ; W. of Worcester; Pol. Vergil; Baker; Lond. Chron. ; Lingard;
Barante ; Rapin ; Cont. Hist. ; Croyl. ; Villaret.
+ Henry ; W. of Worcester.
% Henry.
Q 2
228 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
vers, which caused the latter to be arrested and com-
mitted to the Tower. Many confessions were made
by Cornelius, which occasioned the apprehension of
several persons ; and amongst them of one John
Hawkins, on a similar charge, viz., of receiving letters
from Queen Margaret. Hawkins impeached Sir
Thomas Cooke, Lord Mayor of London, of treason, and
he was sent to the Tower. Lord Rivers was appointed
to his office. Some writers assert that this nobleman
contrived the removal of Cooke, and was assisted in
this by his wife, the Duchess of Bedford ; and we
further learn that thev also obtained the dismissal
from his office of Chief Justice Markham, for having
decided that Sir Thomas Cooke was not guilty of
treason. These circumstances exhibit the his;h autho-
rity assumed by the new favourites.
This was the same Thomas Cooke to whom King-
Edward wrote, in confidence, from Stamford, in 1462,
calling him " his trusty and well-beloved alderman of
London," and earnestly beseeching his assistance at
this time, when he felt in the midst of perplexities and
alarms respecting the " designs of his great adversary
" Harry, naming himself King of England, who,
" through the malicious counsel of Margaret his wife,
" naming herself Queen of England, had conspired
" with others, his enemies, against him." Since that
season of trial and difficulty the King had shown
favour to Sir Thomas by making him, with others, a
Knight of the Bath ; this was at the Tower, on the
15th of May, previous to the coronation of his Queen.
This distinction was probably to reward his services ;
but how were the times now changed with this worthy
mayor, that the power and influence of a party, or
family, should have so easily displaced him from
his high position of trust and authority ! The mis-
fortunes of Sir Thomas Cooke arose, not only from his
MARGABET OF ANJOU. 229
adherence to the Lancastrian interests, but also from
his great wealth and possessions, at a time when
he had so powerful an enemy as Lord Rivers, the
Treasurer.
The affair has been thus related. When Hawkins
came to Sir Thomas Cooke, requesting him to lend a
thousand marks on good security, he, hearing that
this sum was designed for the use of Queen Margaret,*
refused to lend it. Two or three years after, the said
Hawkins, being imprisoned in the Tower, and being
brought to the " Brake " (called the Duke of Exeter's
daughter*)"), he confessed, amongst other things, this
demand upon Sir Thomas Cooke. Hawkins was put
to death, and Sir Thomas was sent, first to the Compter,
in Bread Street, and thence to the King's Bench, in
South wark, and he was detained from Whitsuntide to
Michaelmas. His residence in Essex, called Gyddihal,
was spoiled, and the deer in his park destroyed ; and
although arraigned upon life and death, and acquitted
on his trial at Guildhall, he was not set free until he
had paid to the King £8,000, and to the Queen £800.
Some writers say his estates were confiscated.^ His
lady shared in his misfortunes ; for upon his appre-
hension she was, with her servants, turned out of her
house, and only regained possession upon the acquittal
of Sir Thomas, when they found their dwelling in an
evil plight, the servants of Sir John Fogg§ and Lord
Rivers having made havoc of whatever they pleased ;
and this they had done at their town, as well as country
residence. They seized on their jewels and plate,
and chief merchandise in cloth of silk, and cloth of
* This money was intended to pay an army the Queen was raising in
France.
f So called because she had invented the torture.
% To this they also add that Cooke's wife was committed to the care of
the present mayor.
§ Sir John Fogg was under-treasurer.
230
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU.
1468.
W. of Wor-
cester.
1468.
Stow;
Kudland.
arras, which, being discovered, came into the Treasurer's
hands.
Cooke had, at an earlier period, been befriended by
the Lady Margaret, the sister of King Edward ; but
when she had quitted England, all these troubles fell
heavily upon him.*
Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, held Denbigh
Castle, and other places in Wales, in 1459, in behalf of
King Henry VI., his half-brother ; but in 1460, when
the Yorkists were victorious, they wrested them from
him. In the year 1468, this Earl of Pembroke re-
turned with fifty followers, and but little money ; yet,
when reinforced by 2,000 Welshmen, they boldly
marched to the royal palace at Denbigh, which they
plundered, and set on fire, and burnt the town. Their
object appeared to be destruction rather than conquest.
Upon the arrival, however, of Lord Herbert, in North
Wales, with an army of 10,000 men, Jasper Tudor was
defeated, and of the prisoners taken, twenty were be-
headed.")"
The castle of Harlech still held out against Edward.
Davydd ap Jevan ap Eynion, a British nobleman, who
sided with the House of Lancaster, was still in posses-
sion of this fortress. This governor, a man of great
stature and dauntless courage, was a firm supporter of
King Henry's cause ; and when Lord Herbert came,
on the part of Edward, to summon him to surrender
this castle, he gave a humorous reply, to this effect :
" That having held out a castle in France, till all the
" old women in Wales talked of him, he would now
" defend his Welsh castle, till all the old women in
" France should hear of it."
To effect the reduction of this stronghold, King
Edward had supplied Herbert, Earl of Pembroke,
* Stow ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London.
f Dugdale's Baronage ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Rudland's Snowden.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 231
with a powerful body of men. They had to en-
counter the greatest difficulties ; their march was truly
formidable, lying through a rough, alpine territory.
This rugged line was afterwards called " Le Her-
bert," or " Herbert's Way," by which the castle was
invested.
The prosecution of the siege was committed by the
Earl to his brother, Sir Richard Herbert, a knight
equal in prowess and valour to the commander of the
castle. After a lengthened siege, beyond the ordinary
duration, this fortress was found to be impregnable,
and only to be reduced by famine. Then the general of
the Yorkists entered into terms of honourable capitula-
tion with Davydd, promising him safety and protection
through his intercessions with the King. In this, how-
ever, he was not successful at first, until he boldly
offered his own life, and threatened to reinstate the
Welsh hero in the fortress, informing King Edward of
the difficulty of gaining possession of it.*
William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, with his large
army wasted and desolated the counties of Carnarvon
and Merionethshire to the utmost, as the Welsh rhyme
bears witness —
" Hardleck a Duibeck pob dor
Yn Cunnev
" Nanconway yn farvor
' ' Mil a pkedwarcant nae Jor
" Athrugain ag wyth rhagor."
" In Harleck and Duibeck every bouse
" Was basely set on fire,
" But poor Nantconwy suffered more,
' ' For there the flames burnt higher ;
" 'Twas in the year of our Lord
' ' Fourteen hundred and sixty-eight,
' ' That these unhappy towns of Wales
" Met with such wretched fate."
* Barry's Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales ; Lewis's
Topographical Dictionary of Wales ; Eudland's Journey to Snowden .
232 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
In the castle of Harlech were taken Richard Tunstall r
Henry Belingham, and William Stoke, knights, Whit-
tinghain, and others, to the number of fifty persons.
They were conveyed to London by Lord Herbert, and
imprisoned in the Tower. Two of these, named
Thomas Elwick and Trublote, were beheaded on Tower
Hill.*
U68. When Queen Margaret learned the news of the im-
prisonment of King Henry she was much distressed ;
but, far from desponding, she only redoubled her solici-
tations for help at the French Court. Rene had already
given her all the assistance in his power.
With only a small force, Margaret and her son, Prince
Edward, passed through Normandy on their way to
England ; for the Queen had resolved to make an
attempt to rejoin her husband. Along with Prince
Edward she visited the Abbey of Bee, situated nine
leagues from Rouen, and stayed five days in that
monastery, where they were received by Geofrey
d'Espagne, surnamed Benedict, who is said to have
presided over this abbey for twenty-four years, with
the greatest wisdom and prudence.
Queen Margaret afterwards pursued the road to
Montfort, and thence to Honfleur, where she was to
1 AGO
w. of Wor- embark for England. This was about the end of
cester. October, 1468.
King Edward received intelligence at this time of
the intention of Queen Margaret to invade England,
and that with her son and some troops she lay at
Honfleur, and he immediately sent out the Lords
Scales and Montjoy with 5,000 men, in two large
vessels, and with several galleys to guard the seas, and
to prevent their landing. They were cruising up and
down continually from the 25th of October until the
* Sir John Wynne's Hist, of the Gweder Family ; Barry's Itinerary i
Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rudland's Snowden.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 233
end of November, when the rough weather drove them
into the Isle of Wight, of which Lord Scales was the
Governor.*
After this, it may be presumed that the Queen gave
up her project.
There was an insurrection in Yorkshire in the month gj^ 69 '
of October, 1469. This was generally attributed to j&ipath
Rapin •
the Marquis of Montague, and his brother, the Arch- Henry';
bishop of York; some historians say, it was preconcerted
by the Earl of Warwick, who was preparing to assist
in it, with his new son-in-law, the Duke of Clarence.
This mutiny was raised by some persons who had
been bribed to do it. They caused a report to be cir-
culated that the funds, which were raised voluntarily
to maintain an hospital at York, had been misapplied,
and were only used to enrich the directors of the hos-
pital ; that these contributions, which had in course of
time become a kind of right, were not necessary, the
hospital being sufficiently endowed. Upon this slight
pretext, the people assembled to the number of 15,000,
and, after killing some of the collectors, proceeded to
York, having at their head Robert Holdern, or Hilyard,
commonly called Robin of Riddesdale.
Montague collected a body of citizens, and sallied
forth to meet the insurgents ; he despatched a great
many, and seized the chief, whom he ordered to be
decapitated. This conduct would seem to remove any
suspicion of the influence of Montague in raising this
rebellion, but his subsequent behaviour bears a more
decided character.")'
Wlien the news of this insurrection reached King
Edward, he instantly dismissed orders for Sir William
* History of the Abbey of Bee ; W. of Worcester ; Bently's Excerpta
Historica ; Female Worthies.
f Howel ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Ridpath ; Allen's
York ; Barante ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Henry.
234 MABGAKET OF ANJOU.
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, Governor of Wales, to
assemble all the forces he could collect, and prepare to
march. Still the King did not suspect his own brother,
or the Earl of Warwick, although he could not doubt
that these commotions were occasioned by some of the
Lancastrian party.
1469. The insurgents, not discouraged by their late failure,
had again recourse to arms, and placed at their head
Henry, son of Lord Fitzhugh, and Henry Neville, son of
Lord Latimer ; one of these was a nephew, the other
a cousin-german of the Earl of Warwick. These young
commanders were guided by the experience of Sir
John Conyers, a skilful warrior and a valiant man.
This party at first proposed to get possession of York,
but suddenly altered their minds and marched towards
London. As they advanced they proclaimed " King
Edward an unjust prince and an usurper." No
motive could be assigned for the change in their course,
and the affair of the hospital was altogether a pretext
to assemble the people.*
The Earl of Pembroke and his brother set out to
meet the disaffected, whose numbers were increasing
in their march to the metropolis. The forces of Pem-
broke amounted to 10,000 men,*)" mostly Welshmen,
and were joined by Lord Stafford, with a reinforcement
of 800 archers. The insurgents first gained a slight
advantage over a detachment headed by Sir Richard
Herbert, the brother of Lord Pembroke, who had been
dismissed to reconnoitre. The King exhorted Pembroke
not to be disheartened by so inconsiderable a loss, and
promised that he would join him with a large army.
The rebels, meanwhile, fearing to meet King Ed-
ward's army, resolved to withdraw to Warwick, but
* Howel ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Bidpath. ; Allen's York ; Bapin ; Lingard ;
Hume ; Henry.
f Stow says 18,000; Baker 7,000.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 235
were prevented doing so, by Pembroke, who, to revenge
himself, marched towards them, and compelled them to'
halt.
The two armies encamped near each other upon
Danesmoor, near Hedgecote, about four miles from
Banbury. The battle which ensued has been variously
called by the name of Hedgecote, Banbury, or Cots-
wold, and took place on the 26th of July, 1469. 1469.
Before its commencement, a quarrel arose between the TopKs ;
Earl of Pembroke and Lord Stafford about quarters, q™*™.
and the latter deserted during the night with his 800 i^gard
archers. The rebels, having received news of this
defection, resolved to take advantage of it, and on the
following morning, at break of day, they advanced in
good order to attack the royalists. Henry Neville, one
of the commanders, eagerly seeking to engage the
enemy, lest they should endeavour to withdraw, was
sharply encountered, taken prisoner, and put to death
in cold blood. Irritated almost to fury by this bar-
barity, these northern adherents rushed impetuously
upon their enemies, who seemed on the point of victory,
when one John Clapham, a servant of the Earl of
Warwick, joining in with 500 men, set up a cry of a
Warwick ! a Warwick ! and then displayed the colours
of this nobleman, with the white bear and the ragged
staff, which, the Welshmen perceiving, they took to
flight, believing the Earl had himself come. In spite
of the heroism of Sir Richard Herbert, whose conduct
that day has been highly commended, the Yorkists
were completely routed. The Earl of Pembroke * and
his brother, while valiantly fighting, were encompassed
and taken prisoners. They were conveyed to Banbury,
and, with ten other gentlemen, had their heads struck
off to avenge the death of Henry Neville.
Their judges were Sir John Conyers and John
* Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, had been newly created to this title.
236 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
Clapharo ; but some tell us that they were beheaded by
command of the Duke of Clarence and the Earl of
Warwick.
After this signal victory, the insurgents continued
their march to Warwick, where they were joyfully
received by the Earl of Warwick.*
King Edward was justly enraged against Lord
Stafford for his desertion of Pembroke from a light
quarrel, and for thus having caused the late defeat.
He gave orders for his public execution, which took
place in the town of Bridge water. This Earl bore the
disgraceful title of " an Earl of three months' standing
1469 and no more."")" A few days after the battle of
Bidpath. Banbury, the people of Northamptonshire assembled in
great numbers, and, joining the rebels, proceeded in a
tumultuous manner to Grafton House, the seat of the
Earl of Rivers, the father of the Queen. They seized
this nobleman and his son, and brought them to North-
ampton, where they were both beheaded in the most
summary manner. J
After these proceedings, it is surprising that King
Edward did not discover that the Earl of Warwick
was the real author of these insurrections. He was
well aware that he was the sworn enemy of the Earl
of Rivers, and the insurgents had been willingly
received into the town of "Warwick ; yet the King,
although acquainted with the Earl's discontent, and
that of his brother, the Archbishop, did not at this
time suspect them.
The citizens of Warwick acted, doubtless, by com-
* Sandf ord ; Stow ; Baker : Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Toplis :
Howel ; Ridpatli ; London Chron. ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry - r
Paston Letters.
f Stow : Milles's Catalogue ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Hume ;
Ridpath ; Baker ; Henry.
J Sandf ord : Stow : Baker ; Ridpatli : Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Barante ;
Bentley's Excerpta Historica ; Fabyan.
MARGABET OF ANJOU. 237
pulsion in favouring the Earl's party ; but this conduct
was afterwards severely visited with the displeasure
of the King, who deprived them of their privileges,
and made them pay 500 marks to recover them.*
In proof how little King Edward suspected his
brother Clarence and the Earl of Warwick, when
they again re-appeared in England, (supposed to have
been in the month of February, 1470,) he employed 1470.
them soon afterwards to levy troops against the rebels. Hume.'
This commission they executed, but only for their own
purposes ; and the forces they raised were afterwards
employed to augment the army of the rebels.
King Edward, meanwhile, thinking that the design
of Warwick and Clarence was to fly into Ireland,
issued a proclamation forbidding the Irish to obey
the Duke, and commanding them to take him prisoner,
as well as the Earl of AVarwick, should it be in their
power. As a reward for this service, he offered an
annuity of £1,000, or £10,000 in ready money. He
also conferred the government of Ireland upon the
Earl of Worcester.
After this, King Edward proceeded to levy troops
in all those counties which acknowledged his au-
thority. In a similar manner, the Earl of Warwick
and Clarence had been employed, and when they
received intelligence that the King was upon his
march, they united their forces with those of the
rebels, and when Edward reached them he found
them prepared for battle.")"
The power of the Nevilles was most formidable in
the north, for, as Wardens of the Marches, they had
successively inherited an office which gave great
influence, first to the Earl of Westmoreland, to his son
* Pennant ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin ; John Fordum ; Scoti Chronicon.
f Ridpath ; Rapin ; Hume ; Villaret.
238 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
Salisbury, and then to the Earl of Warwick, whose
brother, John Neville, lastly succeeded, being raised
to this dignity on the ruins of the Percy family. This
John Neville was also, at that time, President of York-
shire, and his brother George being Archbishop of
York, the three brothers became in effect masters of
the most warlike part of the kingdom. King Edward
afterwards adopted the policy of reducing the great
authority of these noblemen, who, although they had
been his friends, were powerful enough to act against
him.
1469. Soon after the rebellion in Yorkshire, the King,
aiiS? ; *° e ff" ec t this object, received the fealty of Henry
York. Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumber-
land, who, fighting for the Lancastrians, had fallen
in the battle of Towton. From the time of this battle
Henry Percy had been detained a prisoner in the
Tower ; but, on his swearing fealty to the King, he
was immediately liberated, and went to his residence
at Leckonfield.
The gentry and people of Northumberland also
petitioned King Edward to restore Henry Percy to the
estates and honours of his ancestors, which, being
effected, he received, in addition to the title of his
ancestors, the AYardenship of the East and Middle
Marches, which John Neville resigned, being pro-
moted to the higher title of Marquis of Montague.
Of these appointments Montague would never have
consented to be deprived, merely for an empty title,
had not other inducements been held out to gratify
his ambition ; but King Edward, seeking to attach
him to himself, and alienate him from his brother's
interests, had previously signified his intention to
unite his eldest daughter, then apparent heir to the
crown, to George, the only son of the Marquis of
Montague, who was male heir of all the three Nevilles,
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 239
and upon whom he conferred the dignity of Duke of
Bedford.*
During the late internal commotions King Edward
must have felt his crown somewhat insecure, the
insurgents being numerous in those places where he had
fixed his quarters. On this account, while he was at
Fotheringay, being alarmed at their numbers, the
Wydvilles had withdrawn from the army, and retired
to their country places.
At Newark the disaffection was so great that the W6.
King fled to the castle of Nottingham, from whence Letters,
he wrote to request Clarence, Warwick, and the Arch-
bishop to hasten to him there, with their usual at-
tendants in time of peace. To Warwick his note
conveyed these significant words : " And we do not
" believe that ye should be of any such disposition
"towards us, as the rumour here runneth, considering
" the trust and affection we bear you. And, cousin,
" do not think but ye shall be to us welcome. "|
In obedience to this summons the Earl of Warwick,
the Duke of Clarence, and the Archbishop repaired to
King Edward, whom they found at Olney, in great
distress at the defeat of Pembroke and the murder
of the Wydvilles, as well as the desertion of his
adherents. He freely told them his suspicions and
displeasure ; but, though he was deceived at first by
their expressions of respect, he quickly perceived his
imprudence ; finding himself actually in their power,
he accepted their excuses, which it would not have
been safe to refuse. The few who had supported him
dispersed, by permission of Warwick. By his com-
mand also the insurgents withdrew to their houses,
laden with booty, and King Edward accompanied the
two brothers to Warwick as their prisoner. He was
* Ridpath ; Stow ; Rot. Pari. ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Lingard.
f Paston Letters ; Lingard.
240 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
soon after removed, for greater security, to Middleharn
Castle, and entrusted to the care of the Archbishop of
York.
By some writers, however, we are informed that
King Edward was surprised by the Earl of Warwick
in the night, and taken in his bed, at a place called
Woolney, four miles from Berwick ; but these authors
all agree that he was conveyed to Middleharn, and
placed in the custody of the Archbishop.
i4<39. England exhibited at this period the novel spectacle
of two rival monarchs, each of them a prisoner, the
one in the Tower of London, the other in York-
shire. 5 *
Thus terminated the war, for the two victorious
Lords, trusting in their good fortune, disbanded their
forces. They next turned their attention to affairs of
government, yet they did not evince any anxiety to
restore King Henry, and whatever their inten-
tions might have been, they were unexpectedly de-
feated.
While in the custody of the Archbishop of York,
King Edward conducted himself in so affable and
obliging a manner, that he prevailed on that prelate to
permit him the liberty of occasionally hunting in the
park, attended by only a few persons.
Having thus far succeeded in the design he had
formed, Edward next conveyed, by means of one of
his keepers, a letter to two of his adherents, who
dwelt in that neighbourhood, to whom he made known
a means of aiding him in his release.
These gentlemen, who were delighted to serve the
King in this affair, privately assembled their friends,
and, lying in ambush near the park, seized the oppor-
* Sandford ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hall ; Stow ; Howel ; Paston
Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Eapin ;
Barante : Cont. Hist. Croyland.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 241
tunity while King Edward was out on his diversion, to
carry him off.
King Edward having thus regained his freedom,
proceeded instantly to York. In this city he did not
long remain, perhaps not confiding in its fidelity, but
hastened into Lancashire, where he was joined by
Lord Hastings, his High Chamberlain, with some
troops. Taking a circuitous route in order to elude
the Earl of Warwick, Edward went to London, where
he was readily admitted by the citizens, to the great
astonishment of the Earl, who, little expecting such
a circumstance, had not provided for the defence of
the place.* He could hardly forbear suspecting the
Archbishop, his brother, of having yielded to bribery,
so much was he amazed at his want of discretion ; but
Warwick had no time now to arraign him, being com-
pelled to reassemble his forces with the utmost expe-
dition, to meet the King in battle.
Edward also raised an army with great exertions.
Meanwhile, some of the most pacific of the Lords at-
tempted a mediation between the two parties ; but this
failed, although at first it was acceded to; and when a
conference was held at Westminster, the King and
his opponents, Clarence and Warwick, spent the time
in mutual reproaches, tending to widen the breach
between them.f
After this, King Edward allowed the Archbishop to 1470.
remain at his seat, The Moor, in Hertfordshire, but Letter!
left some of his own servants with him to watch him.
He treated the Earl of Oxford in the same manner.
Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, and his relatives
about this time landed in Devonshire, and there
obtained some power.
* Stow ; Baker ; Hall ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Allen's
York ; Comines ; Rot. Pari,
t Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin.
vol. 11. R
242 MAKGARET OF ANJOU.
In the North there were also so many in arms, that
Percv was unable to resist them, and King Edward
purposed to assist him.
Some conferences were held at this time at Barnard's
Castle, under the mediation of Cecily, Duchess of
York, the King's mother, and a reconciliation was
effected between King Edward, the Earl of Warwick
and his party : but it proved altogether insincere.*
The Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick
repaired to Lincoln, where they assembled their forces,
under the command of Sir Robert Wells, son of Lord
Wells. This family having great interest in Lincolnshire,
the people readily collected under their leader, who
was a man of valour and experience, and as they
sought to arouse the gentry and people to join their
standard, they everywhere proclaimed " King Henry ! "
On being informed that Sir Robert Wells had taken
up arms against him, King Edward sent an express to
Lord Wells to appear at Court immediately, intending
to compel him to use his influence with his son to induce
him to abandon the rebels. Lord Wells, however,
having reached London, learnt that the King was greatly
enraged against his son, and fearing to meet him, took
sanctuary in Westminster Abbey ; but when King
Edward sent him a safe conduct he immediately
appeared before him, and, in compliance with this
1470. monarch's wishes, he wrote to his son to prevail on
stow. Yiim to desert the Earl of Warwick and dismiss his
followers. Youno; Wells refused to obey these com-
mands, which so much incensed the King that he
ordered Lord Wells to be beheaded, together with his
brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Dymock, who had accom-
panied him.f A summons was then sent to Sir
* Lingard ; Paston Letters ; Stow.
t Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Henry ; Rapin ; Fabyan ;
Hume.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 243
Robert Wells, from whom the King received the
indignant reply " that he never would trust the per-
" fidy of the man who had murdered his parent."
It has been alleged, in excuse for King Edward's
cruelty, that he suspected these noblemen of con-
niving at the proceedings of his enemies ; nor was
he mistaken, for these unfortunate persons acknow-
ledged, in their last moments, that they had been
encouraged in their rebellion by Clarence and
Warwick.
This act of cruelty was, nevertheless, very injurious
to the reputation of King Edward.*
Young Wells, when he heard the news of his
father's death, was inspired with so violent a thirst
for revenge that it occasioned his ruin, and was of
great prejudice to the Earl of Warwick.
Sir Robert Wells was encamped near Stamford,
whither the King's troops had advanced, with intent
to come to an engagement before Clarence and War-
wick could bring him succour. Wells would have
withdrawn to Stamford, but his impatience to revenge
his father's death, made him run all hazards rather
than retreat. He fought with great valour while
supported by his followers, 30,000 in number, and at
length, finding himself defeated, he urged his enemies
to take his life, but this they refused to do, reserving
him for an ignominious death, a few days after, on
the scaffold. Lord Willoughby was also beheaded at
Doncaster, and several knights and gentlemen were
put to the most barbarous and ignominious death by
command of Lord Worcester, who was High Constable
at this time.
This battle, which took place on the 13th of March, wo.
1470, was fought at Ernpyngham, in a field called TopS-
' Home Felde," about five miles north-west of Stam- Howei-
* Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry.
r 2
244 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
Hume; ford, near the road to York, and it still retains the
Liters; name of " Bloody Oaks." Some of the Lancastrians,
L\nSA wnen Ay m o f rom the field, threw off their coats, that
they might not be encumbered by their weight in
their flight ; and this occurred in a field which, from
this circumstance, has, by tradition, been erroneously
considered as the place of the engagement, and thence
this was called the battle of " Loose-coat-field." * The
victory was decisive for King Edward, and 10,000 of
his enemies were slain, f
1470. The King was prevented by want of provisions
from following after Warwick and Clarence, who, with
their adherents, had gone to Manchester, to solicit the
aid of Lord Stanley, who had married the sister of
Warwick.
A proclamation was now issued by King Edward
against the rebellious party, enumerating their offences,
and exhorting them to return to their duty within a
certain time.
The King assured them, that, if they would vindicate
themselves he would admit their justification with
pleasure ; and if not, he should still remember that
they were allied to him by blood, and had been once
numbered amongst his dearest friends.
The measures of Clarence and Warwick had been
interrupted by the defeat at Ernpyngham, and they
were hardly prepared to meet the King, when he
might be on the road to attack them. They found
that they had no alternative but to screen themselves
by flight, and accordingly they proceeded rapidly to
Exeter, taking with them the Countess of Warwick
* This field, called " Loosecoat Field," was between Stamford and Little
Casterton : perhaps they were here closely pursued by the enemy. This
battle is sometimes called the battle of Stamford.
f Sandford ; Toplis ; Baker ; Stow ; Howel ; Blore's Rutland ; Pol.
Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; London Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ;
Lingard : Henry ; Rapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 245
and her two daughters. Here they arrived on the
3rd of April, 1470, but only stayed while shipping 147 °-
was provided for them, when they embarked at Dart-
mouth, and sailed to Calais.
Meanwhile, King Edward, with all speed, had mus-
tered his forces, consisting of 40,000 men, and fol-
lowed to the city of Exeter, which he reached on the
14th of April, but too late to overtake his adversaries.
He had with him the Bishop of Ely, the Dukes of
Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earls of Arundell, Wiltshire,
Worcester, and Shrewsbury, Lord Hastings and others.
The Mayor and four hundred citizens gave the King
a most gracious reception ; clad in red gowns (the
city livery), they assembled at the south gate, await-
ing his arrival. The Recorder, in a humble oration,
congratulated his coming ; the Mayor, yielding the
keys of the gates and mace of his office, with them
presented a purse of one hundred nobles in gold, which
was thankfully accepted by Edward, who restored the
keys and mace. The Mayor then, bare-headed, bore
the mace through the city, as he conducted his sove-
reign to his lodging. King Edward on the next day,
being Palm Sunday, attended divine service in the
church of St. Peter, and afterwards went in procession,
according to the custom of the day, round the church-
yard, " to the great joy and comfort of all the people."
Three davs after Kino; Edward returned to London.
The Earl of Warwick's design was to return to
Calais, where he had left Vaucleir, deputy Lieutenant,
in his absence. He trusted much in the fidelity of
this person ; but what was his astonishment when,
upon his approach to Calais, he was fired upon from
that town !
He sought to move Vaucleir by representing the
situation of the Duchess of Clarence, who had just
given birth to a son ; but, in return, Warwick could
246 MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
olny procure from liim some wine for the relief of his
daughter. This was sent by a trusty messenger, who
informed the Earl, that Vaucleir was still attached to
his service, but was compelled to act thus, because had
he permitted the Earl to enter Calais, he would not
have been safe there ; and he added, also, assurances
of his future fidelity.
King Edward, being ignorant of the motives for
this conduct, was so gratified by it, that he made Vau-
cleir Governor of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy
voluntarily added the annual pension of 1000 crowns.
Thus repulsed at Calais, the Earl and his party
landed at Dieppe, and proceeded to Honfleur, in Nor-
mandy, where they were kindly and hospitably received
by the French Admiral, the bastard of Bourbon, who
provided good accommodation for the ladies and their
attendants at Valongis, and conducted the Earl of
Warwick, the Duke of Clarence, Jasper Tudor, Earl
of Pembroke, and John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to
the court of Louis, at Amboise, where the French
King gave them a cordial reception.*
Louis XL had beheld with a jealous eye the strict
alliance formed between King Edward and the Duke
of Burgundy ; he also still harboured the desire of
revenging the affront he had received in the affair of
King Edward's marriage, and he now found it would
be to his interest to oppose both these powers. He
was likewise offended at the assistance given by the
English monarch to the Duke of Brittany, and he
feared that, should the former remain on the throne,
his protection would be readily procured by the French
Princes, whom he was anxious to subjugate. These
* Philip de Comines ; Paston Letters ; Ryrner ; Baker ; Monfaucon •
Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Monstrelet ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Hume ;
Holinshed ; Villaret ; Jean de Troye ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Chastellain ;
Barante.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 247
various motives induced Louis, not only to treat the
English nobles with civility, but also to promise them
his assistance in rekindling the civil war in England.
It is not improbable that he might even have pre-
viously concerted measures with Warwick for that
purpose, especially as he hoped that, by raising fresh
troubles in England, he might prevent Edward's inter-
fering in his affairs.
It was no easy task which the King of France had
at this time undertaken. His object was to effect a
reconciliation between two of the most bitter enemies
that perhaps ever existed, namely, Queen Margaret of
Anjou, and the Earl of Warwick.
The Earl regarded Margaret as his mortal foe ; yet
this Queen had even more just cause for resentment,
since she might attribute to Warwick her greatest
misfortunes.
Queen Margaret had been residing for some time H ^ 47 °-
with her father, the King of Sicily, at Angers, having Monstreiet.
her son with her, when the messenger of Louis XL
arrived, with orders, to conduct King Rene, his daugh-
ter, Queen Margaret, and her son, Prince Edward,
to the court at Amboise.* The summons was readily
obeyed. The King of France sought to induce Queen
Margaret to comply with the terms of the Earl of
Warwick, but great was his astonishment to find she
objected firmly, even to the very first article.
Margaret of Anjou was unfortunate, an exile, and
beheld all her hopes blighted ; yet was she high-
minded, resolute, and resentful. She had been de-
throned by the Earl of Warwick, and could not forgive
him or feel confidence in him, neither could she suffer
herself to be governed by him.
Three conditions were required by the Earl. First,
* Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Jean de Troye ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard :
Henry; Monfaucon ; Chastellain ; Monstreiet; Baranbe ; Villaret.
248 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
a complete pardon from the Queen and her son ;
secondly, that Prince Edward should marry his
younger daughter, Anne ; and thirdly, that she
should send a strong army to England to support her
rights.
To the first point the Queen made reply to the
King, in the presence of the Duke of Guienne and
many others, that she could not, consistently with her
own and her son's honour, pardon the man who had
been the chief cause of the downfall of the King, her
husband, herself, and her son, and that, from her
heart, she could never forgive him, or be reconciled
to him.
She declared that it would be prejudicial to their
interests to join with the Earl, having many adherents
who would desert her, should she enter into such a
treaty, which might cause more hindrance to their
cause than the union of the Earl and his followers
might advantage them ; wherefore she entreated the
King to desist from urging this alliance.
This refusal, although dictated by resentment, was
dignified and consistent. Never did Queen Margaret
upon her throne exhibit the lofty superiority of her
character so much as she did in rejecting these pro-
posals of the Earl of Warwick.
When the Queen's disdainful answers were conveyed
to the mortified Earl, he acknowledged that he had
deserved them; but in excuse he said, that King Henry
and his Queen, influenced by evil counsels, had sought
his destruction and that of his party, without cause ;
he urged that, by their ill-treatment of him, they had
furnished him with sufficient motive to labour for their
injury ; and finally, he justified his conduct as being
that of an injured and persecuted nobleman. He
acknowledged that he had been the means of placing
King Edward upon the throne, but that his treatment
MAEGAEET OF ANJOIL 249
of him had been such that he would now, with all his
might, labour for his dethronement and banishment ;
and then, beseeching the Queen and Prince to believe
him and forgive him that which in time past he had
done against them, he offered himself to be bound to
be their true and faithful subject in time to come, and
required of Louis to be his surety;; for the fulfilment
of this promise.
To this the King of France readily agreed, and he
also "prayed the Queen at his request to pardon the
" Earl of Warwick," representing to her " the great
" love which he had unto him," and "that he was more
"bound and beholden to this Earl than to any other
" man, and therefore would do as much and more for
" him than for any man living." After the Queen had
been thus required by the King, many were the treaties
and interviews which took place with her relatives, and
the servants of her father, King Rene ; yet Margaret
continued to resist these importunities. She could not
forget the wrongs she had experienced from this Earl,
who now sought her friendship. She could only think
of him as the Earl of Warwick who had deprived her
husband of his throne, and exalted his own friend, the
Yorkist, to the regal power. She dwelt on his personal
treatment of her beloved lord, the meek King Henry,
with such insult and .contempt at the time when he
conducted him to the Tower of London, where he had
since remained a prisoner. Then, again, the Queen
remembered that when flying from England with her
beloved son, she had to endure all the obloquy cast
upon the birth of this child by the same Earl of War-
wick, who, from some political motive, chose to declare,
in the most public manner, that he was not the
King's son, and thus traduced the character of Margaret
herself.
At length, through the united persuasions of her
250 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
father's friends and others, the Queen yielded a reluct-
ant consent to the request of Louis ; but this was con-
ditionally, that Warwick should publicly, before kings
and princes, declare that he had sworn falsely and
injuriously of her person, and that he should do the
same in England and also before all the people, all
which the Earl of Warwick promised to fulfil. Then
the Earl came to Queen Margaret, and falling on his
knees before her, said all that could touch her, and
prayed humbly for her mercy and pardon. To all this
the Queen would scarcely reply, although the proud
Earl knelt to her a quarter of an hour ; but at last she
pardoned him, as did her son also. After that, they
pardoned also the Earl of Oxford, who came with
Warwick ; and the Queen said to him, " that his
"pardon was easy to purchase, for she well knew how
"he and his friend had suffered for King Henry's
"quarrels." Finally, it was agreed that Warwick
should go to England, taking with him supplies from
France.
Queen Margaret still continued resolute in refusings
her consent to the projected marriage, saying that it
was neither honourable nor profitable, for herself, nor
for the young prince her son. Again, she would assert
that she could, if she desired it, find another alliance
more advantageous, showing the King of France a
letter she had but just received from England, in which
" my lady the princess," the daughter of King Edward,
was offered to her son. Thus, during fifteen days
King Louis perseveringly supported the Earl of War-
wick, while the haughty Queen endured a severe con-
flict. At last, overcome by the importunities of all
around her, she gave a qualified consent to the marriage,
but required the throne to be Anne's dower.
It was finally determined that this lady should be
placed under the care of Queen Margaret, and that the
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 251
marriage should not be completed until the Earl had
with a large army invaded England, and had restored
King Henry to the throne.
The Earl of Warwick assured the King of France
that he had letters from England promising him that
when he landed he would have ready for his service an
army of 50,000 men. He required only a few troops,
ships, and money of the French King ; and he proved
that he was, by his own means, providing 2,000 French
archers, and provisions for 66,000 men. Astonishing
as this appears at first, it will seem less surprising and
improbable, when we consider how much the Earl of
Warwick had always been the favourite of the people.
Every popular ballad contained his praises, every
pageant or public exhibition made allusion to his
virtues and misfortunes, and his exile had made him
even more idolized than before ; nay, it was " as if
" the populace had lost their sun, when he was
" absent."
When the Earl of Warwick first resolved to dethrone
King Edward, it was not his intention to restore his
rival, but to place the Duke of Clarence on the throne.
He found this plan, however, to be impracticable, being
equally opposed to the interests of the Yorkists and of
the Lancastrians ; he therefore adopted the suggestion
of Louis XL, and determined to restore King Henry, in
which project all parties would be disposed to render
him assistance. The hatred which had rankled in the
breast of Warwick against King Edward, with the in-
dignities he had received from him, added to his present
unfortunate situation, obliterated the remembrance of
the injuries he had previously experienced from the
Lancastrians, and especially from Queen Margaret, by
whose orders his father had been executed. Finding
therefore the need of a plausible pretext for the de-
thronement of Edward, no other offered so effective as
252 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
the restoration of Henry ; but in this enterprise the
Queen's assistance appeared to the Earl to be essen-
tially requisite, and it became their mutual interest to
lay aside their animosity. The joy of Louis was great
in the success of his endeavours to reconcile these two
mortal foes, and in the prospect of restoring the Lan-
castrian dynasty. This monarch had also another
cause for infinite satisfaction in the birth of an heir
to his throne, which he had earnestly desired. It was
during the stay of Queen Margaret at Amboise that the
Queen of France gave birth to a son. This infant was
1470. born on the 30th of June, 1470, at the castle of Am-
boise, and received the name of Charles when baptized
by the Archbishop of Lyons, who was his godfather.
The other sponsor was Edward, Prince of Wales,
and the godmother was the Duchess of Bourbon.
Queen Margaret also was present at this ceremony,
which was succeeded by public fetes, prolonged to
commemorate the arrival of the royal infant.*
After this, the noble company who had been as-
sembled by the King of France at Amboise to meet
the Earl of Warwick and others, all repaired to Angers,
to complete the contract entered into. In this fine
city, the birthplace of King Rene, the English exiles
were joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, who rejoiced
at the prospect that the daughter of their sovereign
would be again restored to her kingdom. " They
" provided them all right willingly," says Bourdigne,
"the choicest wines, the rarest meats, and every de-
" lightful pastime; so that the English were well content,
" and thought no place in the world like Angers."
Here they seem to have stayed some time ; and while
they tarried, the Earl of Warwick took oath upon the
cross, in St. Mary's church in Angers, that he would
faithfully hold to the party and quarrel of King Henry,
* Jean de Troye ; Monstrelet ; Monfaucon.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 253
and as a true and loyal subject serve him, the Queen,
and the prince. Also, " the King of France and his
" brother, clothed in canon's robes in the said church
" of St. Mary, sware that they would help, bear and
" sustain to their power, the said Earl of Warwick hold-
" ing the said quarrel of Henry. After this, the said
" Queen sware, and promised from henceforth to treat
"the said Earl as true and faithful to King Henry
" here, and the prince, and for the deeds passed never
"hereafter to make him reproach."
Many other points were also at this time spoken of
relating to the treaty of marriage, and finally all the
parties agreed to these terms ; viz., that the Earl of
Warwick and the Duke of Clarence should endeavour
to their utmost to restore King Henry to the throne ;
that Queen Margaret should engage by oath to permit
them to conduct the affairs of government during the
King's lifetime ; and that the same arrangement should
continue during the minority of the prince, his son,
should Henry die before he came of age ; lastly, to
confirm this, that the Prince of Wales should be married
to Anne, the younger daughter of the Earl of Warwick.
This alliance was required by the Earl in the month of
July, 1470, and at that time refused by Margaret ;
and it has been doubted by many, that the marriage
took place before Warwick left France. In the month
of August, however, the Queen gave her consent to
this union, as an additional contract only, and not for its
solemnization ; indeed, there is no contemporary account
of its celebration at Angers, where most historians
assert that it actually took place immediately. If this
were the case, we may infer that the scruples of the
Queen were at last overcome, and that she deemed the
marriage to be expedient under her adverse circum-
stances.
There appears to be much presumptive evidence in
254 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
the absence of the records of this marriage to prove,
that it really was celebrated at Angers. The presence
in this city of the royal family of France, together with
the relatives of Queen Margaret, the engagement of
the Duke of Guienne to aid the Lancastrian cause, and
his approval of the marriage of Prince Edward to the
daughter of the Earl, which was signed by the Duke
1470. on the 30th of July, 1470,* seem to point to this union
as called for and urgent, because confirming the com-
pact entered into by all parties. The Earl of Warwick
did not quit France until the autumn, and on the 6th
of October released King Henry from his prison and
replaced him on the throne. Perhaps the Earl tamed
at Angers to witness the espousals to which the Queen
still felt so repugnant : it might possibly be that
Warwick had his private opinion or hope of one day
seeing his daughter with the prince mount the throne,
and therefore the marriage must be completed.
By this union the Duke of Clarence became the
1470 brother-in-law of Prince Edward, and the Earl of
c<mt. Hist. Warwick equally allied to the Houses of York and
Croyland. 1 J .
Lancaster. We are told by some writers, that " after
"these nuptials Clarence and Warwick took a solemn
" oath never to cease from war until King Henry or
" his son should be established on the throne. In like
" manner, all the adherents of this party professed,
" and engaged, speedily and faithfully to observe and
" execute the compact of their leaders. Then was
" confidence and satisfaction restored to all, being
" confirmed to future ages by the marriage of the prince
" and the Lady Anne."
In this contract made at Angers, it was resolved
also that should the young prince die without heirs the
crown should devolve on the Duke of Clarence. A
perpetual alliance was likewise made between Eng-
* This document is still preserved in the British Museum.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 255
land and France, and a league offensive which should
last until the subjugation of the House of Burgundy.*
The new arrangements were not satisfactory to the
Duke of Clarence, who was secretly discontented ; nor
was his Duchess better pleased, having the expecta-
tion of beholding her younger sister advanced to the
throne, while she would thus remain only a subject.
King Edward received information of the league
which had been formed against him, from the Duke of
Burgundy ; but believing that Warwick had fled for
want of friends to support him, he did not think that
he could so suddenly rise into favour, neither did he
concern himself about the preparations which they
were making in France. Kelying on the affections of
his people, and neglecting affairs of importance, he
resigned himself to effeminate and voluptuous plea-
sures. He could not, however, help feeling uneasy at
beholding his brother, the Duke of Clarence, united
with his enemies, and fearing it might in time produce
fatal consequences, he endeavoured to wean him back
to his former allegiance.
For this purpose he gave instructions to one of the
women belonging to the Duchess of Clarence, whom
he bribed to act this part, and giving her a passport,
dismissed her to her mistress. This woman acted
with much address, and, fortunately for King Edward,
she was successful. When she reached her mistress,
she conveyed to the Duke of Clarence the sentiments
of the King, his brother, viz., that he would inevitably
involve himself in ruin by the step he had just taken ;
that, even should the Earl of Warwick succeed in his
designs, it could not be expected that the Lancastrians
* Chastellain ; Cont. Hist. Croyland ; Stow ; Hall ; Baker ; Toplis ; Pol
Vergil ; Jean de Troye ; Milles's Catalogue ; Comines ; Baudier ; Daniel ;
Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Monfaucon ; Villaret ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ;
Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner.
256 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
would trust a prince of the House of York, when they
should perceive that he was no longer useful. That
his life would not be safe ; that he ought not to relv on
J CD xi
the oath of the Queen, which might be only intended
to ensnare him. That he might expect to be oppressed
by Warwick, who would wish to despatch him, not
liking an associate in the government, and expecting
that he might one day seek to revenge the injuries
done to his family ; also, that the King had but one
daughter, who was very young, and in case of her
death, he would inherit the crown ; but should the
House of Lancaster be restored, he would lose that
prospect, as Prince Edward might have many children.
Other arguments were added, with assurances of affec-
tion, and of future kindness from King Edward.
Clarence was won over by this reasoning, and per-
ceived the folly of his conduct. He bade the woman
inform his brother that he would declare for him, on
the first opportunity for doing so with safety, and of
thereby rendering him any service.*
Having received this reply, King Edward made
himself quite easy, believing that the Earl of Warwick
would attempt nothing without the aid of his son-in-
law ; but while he thus amused himself in fancied secu-
rity, Warwick was making very great preparations for
a descent upon England. To forward this enterprise
the King of France had supplied him with money and
troops, and, as an old author expresses it, " Eene also
" helped the same what he might."
All the Lancastrian adherents and friends were in-
formed of the Earl's project, and he could not doubt of
being joined by a strong party when he should arrive
upon the English coast. f His attempt was difficult.
* Baker ; Stow ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Philip de Comines ; Daniel ; Henry ;
Hume.
f Pol. Vergil ; Comines ; Eapin ; Morstrelet : Lingard.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 257
The fleet of the Duke of Burgundy lay at the mouth
of the Seine, prepared to engage the French whenever
they set sail. Louis had appointed the Bastard of
Bourbon to convey the Earl of Warwick with some
ships of war ; but as these could not encounter a much
larger force, the Earl repaired to Havre de Grace to
watch an opportunity for embarking. Shortly after a
great storm dispersed the Flemish ships, and compelled
them to seek for shelter in their harbours. Warwick
and Clarence then set sail, and safely arrived at Dart-
mouth in Devonshire ; from which place they had
departed for France, four or five months before. Be-
sides these two chiefs, there were of this party, the
Earl of Oxford, Fauconbridge, Jasper Earl of Pem-
broke, and others, some of whom landed at Plymouth.
When the Earl of Warwick reached England he
immediately dismissed a body of his partisans two
miles up the country to seize an English baron, who
was peaceably asleep in his bed, and quite unsuspect-
ing the new invasion. He was brought into the pre-
sence of Warwick, who commanded that he should be
instantly decapitated. Such was the summary ven-
geance of these times.*
King Edward, far from being alarmed at the arrival 14 '°-
of his enemies, evinced much satisfaction, not dreaming
of the Earl's success. He fancied that he had now
come to put himself into his power ; and under this
impression requested the Duke of Burgundy to guard
the seas, that he might not again escape to France.
Warwick, however, had no sooner landed than he
beheld himself at the head of an army of 60,000 men.
From Dartmouth he advanced to Bristol, where he met
with a favourable reception, for it was at this place,
* Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Lond. Chron. ; Hall ; Holinslied ; Paston Letters ;
Hot. Pari. ; Rymer ; Fabyan ; Pol. Vergil ; Monfaucon ; Monstrelet ; Comines
Jean'de Troye ; Chastellain ; Buchan ; Hume ; Henry ; Linjrard.
VOL. II. s
258 MAEGAEET OP ANJOTJ.
that he had left his baggage and artillery when he fled
into Normandy.
As the Earl proceeded, he caused Henry VI. to
be proclaimed,* and in his name gave orders for all his
subjects from sixteen to sixty to arm themselves, to
expel the usurper Edward. Numbers were ready to
obey the summons, and the claims of King Henry
seemed again about to be recognised.
One Dr. Goddard, a chaplain, had ventured, on the
Sunday after Michaelmas day, to preach at St. Paul's
Cross in favour of the Earl of Warwick, and to assert,
that King Henry VI. was the lawful monarch of
England, which moved many of his auditors to favour
the Lancastrians.
King Edward was, at length, aroused from his dream
of enjoyment by this very unexpected turn of affairs ;
and he gave orders for his troops to be assembled,
appointing their rendezvous at Nottingham. Soon
afterwards, news was brought to him that the Marquis
of Montague, who commanded for him in the north,
had revolted to the Lancastrians, with 6,000 fol-
lowers. He had advanced almost to Nottingham,
and then, alleging King Edward's ingratitude to his
friends, he withdrew and joined in the cry of " King
Henry ! King Henry ! a Warwick ! a Warwick ! '
This defection gave King Edward great uneasiness,
as he feared that it would be followed by that of
others ; and scarce knowing who were his real friends
he sought to retire, and to avoid an engagement. He
encamped near Lynn, in Lincolnshire, by the sea-shore,
and lodged himself in the castle. He had with him
the Duke of Gloucester, Lord Scales, and Lord
Hastings, his Chamberlain, who had married the
sister of the Earl of Warwick, yet adhered to King
Edward.
Warwick approached within three miles of the" place
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 259
where the King had encamped, making the air resound
with shouts of "King Henry ! King Henry ! " which,
being re-echoed by some means in Edward's camp,
caused that monarch to close the gates of the castle,
and to hold a council to determine how he should
proceed ; but before he could resolve, the acclamations
became louder and louder, and he perceived no
alternative but to embark in haste, with only four or five
hundred* men, in three vessels, which had been em-
ployed to bring his troops provisions. Lord Hastings
guarded the rear while they embarked, in order to pro-
vide against any attempt to arrest them in their flight.
In this melancholy situation. King Edward gave orders
to sail to Holland, thinking he could best obtain pro-
tection from the House of Burgundy. King Edward
and the few Lords who attended him, but seven or
eight in number, amongst whom were Lords Hastings
and Say, had all departed in such haste, that they were
unprovided with provisions, and apparel, except what
they had on ; and so little money had they, that the
King could only reward the master of his vessel with
one of his own garments, a gown lined with martins.
While crossing the seas, the ships narrowly escaped
being boarded by pirates, who were only restrained by
the authority of Lord Gruthyse, Governor of Holland,
who, by chance, being at Alcmar, waited upon the
King, and defended him, also showing him all Jhe
respect due to his rank, he conducted him to the
Hague. Such was Edward's precipitate flight, who,
by his presumption and inactivity, lost his crown, with-
out even hazarding a battle to preserve it.f
When Edward's Queen, who had remained in the
* Some say he had 800.
f Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Howel ; Pennant ; Sandford ; Cont. Croyland ;
Comines ; Barante ; Jean de Troye ; Monf aucon ; Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ;
Eapin; Paston Letters; Chastellain; Fabyan ; Monstrelet; Lingard; Allen's
York ] Hume ; Henry ; Villaret.
s 2
260 MARGARET OF ANJOTT.
Tower, with her children and the Duchess of Bedford,
found that the tide of lovaltv had turned to King
Henry, she secretly fled by night, taking with her her
mother and three daughters, to the Sanctuary of West-
U70 minster. Here also took refuge with their Queen,
those Yorkists who were in London.* It was under
Letters.
these melancholy auspices that Elizabeth gaye birth to
a son, the heir of King Edward's throne. This child
of adversity had for his godfathers the Abbot and
Prior of Westminster, and the Lady Scroop for his
godmother.
Some writers affirm that there were 500 Yorkists in
the Tower, and that all the great and powerful inhabi-
tants of the metropolis favoured King Edward, but
when they found this monarch did not come to their
assistance, they took part with the Earl of Warwick.
From this time every one assumed the badge of this
Earl, " the bear and ragged staff," and no one dared
to appear wearing the rose.")"
The Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence
triumphantly pursued their way to London, and in like
1470. manner entered this city on the 6th J of October, 1470.
Lingard. They proceeded to the Tower, attended by many lords,
and also by the Lord Mayor, Sir Richard Lee, with the
Aldermen, followed by a great concourse of people.
The Earl of Warwick entered the Tower, and released
Eapm ; King Henry, who had been detained there a prisoner
many years, and restored him to his regal dignity.
^Warwick first showed this monarch to the people,
then threw himself upon his knees before him,
confessing his fault, in having offended so good a
* The Bishop of Ely and other Bishops fled to St. Martin's ; other sanc-
tuaries were likewise full of Edward's party.
f Baker : Chastellain : Holinshed j Henry : Stow : Paston Letters ; Sand-
ford ; Barley's Hist, of the Tower : Fleetwood's Chron.
% Some date this on the 1st October, others 021 the 23rd : Stow places
the event in 1467.
Hcurv.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 261
King, and asking pardon of God, and of the English
people.
The latter, who were still attached to Henry, set up
a shout of joy. King Henry was then conducted to
the Bishop's palace, where he remained : and a pompous
court was held there until the 13th of October, on
which day he walked in solemn procession to St.
Paul's, wearing his crown, and appareled in a long
gown of blue velvet, the Earl of Warwick bearing up
his train, and the Earl of Oxford carrying the sword
before him, while the people cried, " God save King-
Henry ! ' ; In the cathedral the confederate lords took
their oath of allegiance to their King. Henry VI.
was then solemnly proclaimed, and King Edward
denounced as an usurper, and his goods confiscated,
and his adherents as traitors to God and their King.
In London great rejoicings were made upon this
sudden change in the restoration of Henry, and the
Earl of Warwick sent all the French prisoners home
free of ransom. The King's friends considered that
his restoration to the throne was the undoubted inter-
nosition of heaven.*
Thus it was that Warwick, who had raised King
Edward to the throne, and upon a slight quarrel had
effected his downfall, now replaced King Henry in
that dignity from which he had before been the means
of deposing him. From these circumstances the Earl
of Warwick was called the "King Maker," a title
which he ever after retained. In all these acts, from
his manner of doing them, he obtained more and more
popularity with the people. Amongst foreign nations
this remarkable revolution of events excited wonder or
ridicule. To Henry himself it may be doubtful if it
* Stow's Survey ; Baker ; Cont. Croyland ; Monfaucon ; Holinshed ;
Sandford ; Female Worthies ; Jean de Troye ; Barante ; Lingard ; Bayley's
Tower of London ; Maitland's London.
262 MARGAEET OF AXJOU.
caused joy or sorrow ; and it is probable that the Earl
of Warwick rejoiced more than he did. Certain it is,
that Henry of Lancaster only exchanged the condition
of a captive to Edward, to become the slave of
Warwick.*
* Stow ; Sandford ; Howel : Baker : Pol. Vergil : John Rous ; Pastcn
Letters ; S. Turner ; Allen's York ; Chastellain : Barante ; Monf aucon ;
Comines ; Jean de Troye ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard.
CHAPTER VI.
{Clarence.)
" And so, proud -hearted Warwick, I defy thee,
" And to my brother turn my blushing cheeks !"
Shakespeare.
{King Edward. )
" Yet, Warwick, in despight of all mischance
" Of thee thyself, and all thy complices,
" Edward will always bear himself as king :
" Though fortune's malice overthrow my state,
" My mind exceeds the compass of her wheels."
Shakespeare.
Rejoicing-s in France — Queen Margaret's reception in Paris — Discontent of
the Duke of Burgundy — He sends for Vauclier — King Edward at the
Hague — Parliament called by Warwick — King Edward and his party
attainted — Alderman Cooke restored — Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, be-
headed — The Grand Prior of St. John's sent to France to fetch over the
Queen — Warwick waiting at Dover to receive her — Affairs in France —
The League " du bien public " — Rene's conduct — John of Anjou — His
wars in Spain — His death — Rene's letters — His genius, paintings,
writings in prose and verse — His good nature — The love of his people
and rule over them — Improvements in the arts — His personal appear-
ance and institutions, la Pelotte, &c. — Duke of Burgundy's policy —
Affairs in England — King Edward returns to England — He goes to
York — Is joined by Clarence — Warwick prepares to oppose King Ed-
ward — Restoration of Edward — His affability — Henry the Sixth is sent
to the Tower.
Queen Margaret beheld with extreme delight the
return of good fortune to her " House" ; her husband
again restored to liberty and to his throne, and the
cloud which had overshadowed the destiny of her son,
suddenly dispersed. The news of the success of her
party was first conveyed to her by the Earl of War-
1-170.
264 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
wick, and the assurance of King Henry's freedom by
letters from himself.*
So strange and so rapid was this revolution that
any one might have been called mad, who had asserted
a fortnight before, that King Edward would be so soon
expelled his kingdom by the power of Warwick, yet in
the short period of eleven days, this Earl obtained
possession of the kingdom. f
When Louis XL received the intelligence of the
restoration of Henry from the Earl of Warwick, his
Monstrelet. . 1 , i i i r 1
joy was so great that lie commanded leasts and re-
joicings throughout his kingdom ; also general proces-
sions of all the principal clergy and laity for three day&
in Paris, and in all the large towns of France, to rendei
thanks to God and the Virgin Mary for having restored
Henry of Lancaster, a prince of the blood of France,
to the English throne, and for the expulsion of their
great enemy, King Edward. Amidst these great re-
joicings and feastings, messages were passing con-
tinually between Louis and the Earl of Warwick for
their mutual encouragement.
The French King had a mortal enmity against the
Duke of Burgundy, and Warwick was no less his
enemv, on account of his union with Edward. This
Earl therefore immediately caused a proclamation of
war to be made at Calais against Burgundy ; whilst
Louis XI. at the same time dismissed a splendid
embassy to London, to compliment the English monarch
upon his release from prison, and restoration to the
throne ; likewise to conclude a treaty of peace for
fifteen years between the two kingdoms. This peace
was proclaimed throughout France, and also war
declared against King Edward and all his adherent s.J
* Baudier ; Hays's Biography,
f Philip de Comines ; Jean de Trove ; Baudier.
\ Chastellain ; Monstrelet ; Henry ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Philip
de Comines ; Jean de Troye.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. '2Q3
The exiled Queen Margaret, who had for several
years been living in retirement, neglected and almost
forgotten, was now conducted to Paris, with her
son, his wife, the daughter of the Earl of Warwick,
the Countess of Warwick, her mother, Lady Wilt-
shire and several other English ladies. They were
attended by the Counts d'Eu, de Vendosme, de
Dunois, Mosieur de Chastillon, and other noblemen
and persons of distinction. By the King's command
the Bishop, University, Court of Parliament, the
Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Paris, in their
robes and formalities, and also numerous bodies of the
principal inhabitants, handsomely dressed, advanced
to meet the royal cavalcade, and in the name of their
sovereign they complimented Queen Margaret. The
same distinctions were conferred upon the Queen also,
when welcomed in Paris, as were usually bestowed on
a Queen of France ; and amidst the most splendid and
expensive rejoicings which could be exhibited, she was
finally conveyed to the palace, where apartments,
handsomely decorated, had been prepared for her recep-
tion.* How flattering this entree into the capital of
France must have been to the pride of the once
portionless daughter of Pene !
Some write that the Queen remained in Paris clur- im
ing the winter, and early in the spring set out for
England, but was detained by contrary winds.f
Others again tell us that immediately Queen Margaret
learnt from King Henry of the success of the Lan-
castrian party in England, she, with the Prince her
son and all her train, entered their ships to proceed to
England, but the sharp winter and stormy weather
drove them back to land, and obliged her to defer this
passage.
* Jean de Troye ; Henry ; Philip de Comines ; Lingard ; Female
Worthies ; Villaret.
f Miss Lawrence ; Holinshed.
266 MABGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
Whilst Louis XL and the people of France were
indulging the utmost joy upon the sudden revolution in
the affairs of England, considerable uneasiness was
manifested in the court of Burgundy. Duke Charles
was full of consternation ; having engaged in war with
France, he was now apprehending an attack on the side
of England. To prevent this, he despatched Philip de
Gomines to the Governor of Calais, whom he believed
to be on his side ; but before the arrival of this mes-
senger, Vauclier had hoisted the ensigns of the Earl of
Warwick, and had protested against Burgundy. This
change was so sudden that within a quarter of an hour
after the express had arrived from England, with the
news of King Edward's flight, the whole town had
adopted the new livery. Many compliments were paid
by Vauclier to his guest, and some excuses for his
master, the Earl of Warwick, who, he said, had shown
him numerous favours and civilities. The only advan-
tage which the Duke of Burgundy obtained through this
embassy, was the prevention of an immediate rupture.
King Edward, meanwhile, was remaining at the
Hague in a somewhat unhappy position, until his
brother-in-law should be made acquainted with his
distress. It was not to be expected that this news
could have given the Duke any great satisfaction;
indeed, it threw him into much perplexity, and an eye-
witness even assures us that he would have been less
disturbed, had he heard of Edward's death.*
1470 . Henry the Sixth, although restored to the throne
Rapin. through the exertions of the Earl of Warwick and
the Lancastrian party, did not obtain that authority
in the kingdom which he had formerly enjoyed.
In pursuance of the agreement entered into between
Queen Margaret, the Earl of Warwick, and the Duke
* Lingard ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Henry,
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 267
of Clarence, these noblemen were declared governors
of the kingdom. A parliament was convened by them
in the name of King Henry, to meet on the 12th of
November, at Westminster, in which the new form of
government was confirmed, and King Edward declared
an usurper and a traitor, and his estates confiscated.
All his adherents were also declared traitors, and their
property likewise confiscated. The Duke of Clarence
was adjudged heir of the Duke of York, whose duchy
was settled on him and his descendants, setting aside
the right of his elder brother. All the statutes made
in King Edward's reign were annulled, and the crown
confirmed to Henry and his heirs ; but, in the event of
this monarch dying without any heir, the Duke of
Clarence was appointed to succeed him, to the exclusion
of Edward, his brother, on account of his rebellion.
The Lords who had suffered for the Lancastrian
cause were restored to their titles and property.
These were Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, and
John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had been attainted
in the reign of Edward. The Marquis of Montague
came also to this Parliament, pleading, in excuse for
his siding with King Edward, that he had done so
through the fear of death. His excuse was accepted,
and he was restored to the government of the northern
counties, an office of which he had been deprived by
Edward, who had bestowed it on the Duke of
Gloucester. The Duke of Clarence was made Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, and received also other grants.
Warwick re-assumed his office of Chamberlain of
England and Captain of Calais, to which was added
that of Lord High Admiral. His brother, the Arch-
bishop, was once more entrusted with the seals, and,
having obtained Warwick's forgiveness for allowing
the escape of King Edward, he obtained a grant of
Woodstock Park and of many other manors, as well
268 MAKGABET OF ANJOTJ.
as the confiscated estates of some persons condemned
for the late rebellion.
Warwick and Clarence were made Governors of the
King, as well as of the kingdom.
The members of this Parliament did not hesitate,
out of complacence to the Earl of Warwick, to establish
a kind of Salic law in England, for, by the arrange-
ment now entered into, the female line of the House
of Lancaster was totally excluded from the succession
to the throne.
The restoration of Henry VI. brought again into
favour the ill-treated Alderman Cooke, who was ap-
pointed locum tenens to the Lord Mayor, John Stock-
ton, who, being a zealous partisan of King Edward,
found it dangerous to make known his sentiments, and
being unwilling to join in the rejoicings for King-
Henry, feigned illness, and the Earl of Warwick called
upon Sir Thomas Cooke to fill his office. The estates
of Cooke were at this time restored to him.
It may be said to the praise of the Lancastrians,
that, while as conquerors they were amply providing
for themselves, they did not stain their conquests with
blood, for the only person put to death on the resto-
ration of Henry VI. was John Tiptoft, Earl of Wor-
cester, made Governor of Ireland by King Edward,
and High Constable of England, and whose cruelties
in this last office had procured him from the populace,
the title of "the butcher." He was taken in Wey-
bridge forest, Huntingdonshire, attempting to conceal
himself in a tree, having absconded on the departure
of his master, King Edward.
When brought to London he was attainted on a
charge of cruelty, and having been beheaded on Tower
1470 Hill the 18th October, 1470, was afterwards buried
Paston a j- Blackfriars. Such was the general detestation in
Letters. t , °
which the High Constable was held that, it is added,
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 269
he laid one night in the Flete, lest the people should
tear him in pieces.
The Earl of Warwick was now occupied in the
regulation of the affairs of the kingdom. He signed
the treaty with Louis XL, and dismissed the Grand
Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem to France,
on the 16th February, to fetch over Queen Margaret,
the Prince, her son, and others, and to urge their
speedy return to England. This messenger employed
by the Earl was Sir John Longstrother, bailiff of the
Eagle, and seneschal of the Reverend the High Master
of Rhodes. He had been elected Prior of the Hospital
of St. John of Jerusalem in England, in the previous
year, 14G9, and had sworn fealty to King Edward on
the 18th of November.
Again he took this oath, to King Henry after his
restoration, on the 20th of October, 1470, and was
the same day made Treasurer of the Exchequer. He
was a devoted Lancastrian, and when appointed to
conduct the Queen and Prince from France into
England, he had a grant from King Henry of 200
marks " of his gifte " and " by way of rewarde for his
" costs and expences in that behalve."* The Prior,
however, although he was first and chief Baron of this
land, was not able to procure the speedy re-appearance
of King Henry's consort, to aid the potent Earl of
Warwick, who, finding delay in the arrival of
Margaret, became impatient, and rode to Dover to
receive her ; but he tarried there a long time in vain,
and then returned with vexation, at a circumstance
which appeared so unaccountable, f
* On the 28th of the same month he was, conjunctly with John Delves,
Esq., appointed warden of the Mint.
+ Baker ; Stow ; London Chron. ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard ; Holinshed ;
Barante ; Paston Letters ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ; Baudier ; Villaret ;
Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Rymer ; Patent Rolls ; Howel's Med.
Hist. Anglicanae ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Blore's Rutland ; Maitland's
London.
2 TO MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
Rene had taken the side of royalty in the league
called " du bien public," for although he perceived in
Louis XL an ambitious spirit, he also could discern
that the results of his conduct were profitable to his
country. At the head of this league were the Dukes
of Berri, Bourbon, Brittany, and Nevers, the Count of
Charolois, and John of Anjou.
In vain did Rene seek to dissuade his son, who
had really to complain of his cousin, the King of
France ; but Rene himself remained faithful to his
sovereign. His example was followed by the people
of Angers, and thither, in 1464, did Louis XL repair
to encourage their loyalty.
The rendezvous of the league was at Etampes. To
get there, the Duke of Brittany had to pass the river
at Bouchemaine. The Ano;evins formed the design
of closing up his passage, but Rene opposed this
courageous project, for he hoped that a reconciliation
would be effected by pacific means. Louis XL was,
however, much displeased with Rene for this, but ever
after held the Angevins in higher estimation on this
account.*
This affair probably had some influence in the treat-
ment which Louis afterwards showed to his aged
relative, in the seizure of Angers and other places, and
the province of Anjou, which had been restored to
King Rene upon the marriage of his daughter Mar-
garet to Henry VI. j"
John of Anjou perceived at length that the con-
federates sought only to gratify their own ambitious
views, and he desired to put an end to the war. He
was one of the chief authors of the treaties of Con-
flans and of St. Maceriles-Fosses. Peace was finally
established, and Louis promised to remit to John of
Anjou a considerable sum, with a large body of troops,
* Bourdigne ; Gcdard Faultrier. + Bodin ; Monstrelet.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 271
to enable him to sustain the rights of his family to the
crown of Naples. This Duke, however, despaired of
any further good fortune in Italy, and prayed the King
to grant him these supplies for another object, viz.,
to prosecute his claims to the throne of Arragon.
The King of France from this time, instead of
acceding to his request, vowed hatred to John of
Anjou, and as he regarded it as a crime in all those who
had embraced the cause called " le bien public," he
did not scruple to violate all his sacred promises to
this Prince. To this conduct of Louis has been at-
tributed the subsequent ill-success of the Duke of
Calabria in his campaign in Catalonia.
By the unanimous voice of the nation, the crown of
this country had been offered, in 1468, to Rene of Anjou.
Could he have accepted it, he would have had an
opportunity, which he ardently desired, of avenging-
the affronts he had received in the kingdom of Naples
from the Arragonese ; and, besides, he had un-
doubted claims to the succession, in right of his
mother Yolancl ; but Rene was now too aged to
engage in so perilous an expedition, and he was
obliged to refuse this mark of esteem, resigning
his rights to his son John, Duke of Calabria, whom
he dismissed to take possession of the principality of
Catalonia.
This Prince set out with a formidable army, and in
his first attack was very successful, but afterwards
was less fortunate. Barcelona opened her gates to
him with rejoicings, and the inhabitants were ardent
in his cause. He next turned his arms against Lam-
pourdon, which the King of Arragon, who was both
old and blind, came to succour, but his troops were
beaten in a tumultuous combat. This French army
next marched to Gironne, where the people came out
to oppose them, and on both sides they fought with
272 MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
ardour, but greater loss was sustained by the besiegers,
and when Prince Ferdinand arrived with fresh suc-
cours, the siege was raised.
Soon after, Ferdinand made a sally from the town,
and was utterly defeated near Villademare, and was
forced to fly. The Duke of Calabria most of all de-
sired to take Gironne, thinking that he should thereby
facilitate the execution of all his projects. He there-
fore passed into France to raise new troops, and to
make preparations to prosecute the war with vigour.
He soon returned with a new army of 15,000 men
from Roussillon and Sardinia, which, united to his old
troops, made his forces superior to those of the Arra-
gonese. He then renewed his attacks, and Gironne,
after being twice besieged, was at last taken. This
war was carried on during three years, by the Duke
of Calabria, with alternate good and bad success. In
1470, he routed the* army of John, King of Arragon,
and besieged the town of Peralto, upon which he
returned to Barcelona, intending to pass the winter
there, when he was seized with a fever, which caused
1470. liis death, on the 16th of December, 1470, at the age
Daniel : . . .
Eodin. of forty-five. This Prince was on the eve of obtaining
possession of Arragon when his career was thus ter-
minated. He was interred without pomp, as a private
individual, in the cathedral of Barcelona,
This Duke of Calabria left two sons, who survived
him but a short time. He was much regretted, being
a virtuous and wise Prince. He was also distin-
guished for his bravery, and was so great a general
that it has been said, " he wanted only fortune to be
" one of the most illustrious men of the times."
Philip de Comines says of him that he was " as great
" a commander as any one in the army, upon which
" account a mutual friendship arose between him and
" the Count of Charolois."
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 273
He also adds that " upon occasions of alarm that
" Duke was the first to mount his horse and sally
" forth amongst the soldiers, to direct them or give his
" commands, which were as readily obeyed as those
" of the Count himself; and, to say the truth, he
" deserved it." *
The loss of their chief did not put an end to the
civil discord amongst the Catalonians ; the rebels kept
up their courage, and called to their aid Gaston, who
would not, they knew, despise the prospect of their
principality being added to Sardinia and Roussillon.
They also prohibited any governor being placed in the
towns and fortresses, which had none, until Eene of
Anjou, or a son of John, the late Duke, should arrive.
These young Princes had already assumed the titles
of Prince of Arragon and Duke of Calabria ; yet they
were but vain titles, adding nothing to their revenues.
The age also of these Princes would not admit of
either of them enduring the fatigues of war, and the
Catalonians finally sought more efficient help from
another quarter ; but in the end, they all submitted to
the King of Arragon. f
Rene of Anjou had been, during the military expe-
ditions of his son John, inhabiting by turns the castles
of Angers, Saumur, Pont de Ce, Beaufort, and Bauge,
devoting himself entirely to the pursuits of private life.
During the years 1468, 1469, and 1470 he employed
himself in writing a collection of letters, 290 in num-
ber, relative to the Roman Chancellorship.
This Prince was versed in mathematics and theo-
logy ; especially was he acquainted with the scriptures.
His love of letters united him with the most remark-
* Some writers say that he died on the 7th or 9th of July, and others
date this event in 1471.
f Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Bodin ; Mariana ; Mezerai ; Monfaucon ;
IMoreri ; Chastellaine ; Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet.
VOL. II. t
274 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
able of the learned men of France and Italy ; amongst
the latter was the Doge of Genoa, Thomas de Carnpo-
fregosa, a man no less distinguished by his situation,
than by his knowledge.
Few monarchs have been gifted with so much
genius as Rene ; for instance, his fine illustrated
book on the laws of chivalry, in the King's library,
at Paris. Several of his works he dedicated to
Louis XI. He wrote upon the functions of the Pour-
suivantes d'armes.* He cultivated literature and the
arts in general. Boru with talents for war and politics,
he only gave himself up with more ardour to peaceful
occupations, forgetting, in the calm of a private life,
those tumultuous cares which had for so long a time
agitated his soul. He became, indeed, persuaded that
" to be happy he ought to forget that he was a king."
In his leisure hours he composed verses, as well as
wrote in prose. He composed several moral treatises,
rondos, and ballads, and formed devices, inscriptions,
and tableaux. His poems place him in the rank of
the troubadours of his age, and some very pleasing^
Provencal songs, which he composed, he also orna-
mented with beautiful vignettes by his own hand."}"
King Rene was, according to some historians, one
of the most excellent painters of his age. Brantome
says this, and it was the general opinion of his times.
The portrait of Rene, painted by himself, has been
preserved, and is called by Monfaucon a masterpiece.
This picture was painted by Rene when he was grey-
headed. It was placed in the chapel of the Carme-
lites at Aix.J
Speaking of Rene as an artist, Bodin says, " this
<c modest qualification was Rene's first title to glory/ 5
* Hist. General de Provence.
f Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. Ge'neral de Provence.
J Monfaucon ; Horace Walpole ; Bodin.
MABGABET OF ANJOTJ. 27 d
and, "the fine arts have woven him a crown." To
these, indeed, he was a protector and a friend. His
works contributed greatly to the progress of painting
in France, and his painting in the cathedral of Aix
has been considered, on account of the manner in
which it was executed, as one of the most precious
monuments of the arts in France. At this time the
arts were but in their infancy in Italy, and it was the
residence of the Popes at Avignon, which gave rise to
their cultivation in Provence. Coloured miniatures
were much in vogue, in which less taste than finish is
exhibited. Rene was very successful in that line,
and he also made several oil paintings in the style of
the Flemish artists.
The principal paintings which are known of Rene's
are, the skeleton which decorated his tomb in the
church of St. Maurice, at Angers, and the " Burning
" Bush," which is in the cathedral of Aix. Eene ex-
celled in painting figures on glass, and some of these
figures are still to be seen.*
Notwithstanding the magnificence of the court of
the Duke of Burgundy, who loved to gratify his
vanity, by drawing a numerous concourse of knights
to his fetes, the French barons preferred the less
ostentatious court of the King of Sicily, where the
simplicity of the manners of Rene, and his affable
reception had more attractions for them. In his
private, as well as in his public life, King. Rene was
admirable for good nature. To great benevolence he
united a gay and lively disposition. He was very
witty. Ever fertile in sallies, he one day exclaimed,
Cl Truly you will see, that in the end, he will ask of me
" my county of Provence," speaking of a gentleman,
who did not think his services were sufficiently re-
compensed, and became importunate in his demands,
* Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. General de Provence.
t2
276 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
and as he spoke, Eene cast a look at another person
similarly situated.
This Prince was very sober. "We are assured that
he drank no wine. One day, some Neapolitan lords,
asked him his reason for this. "It is," he replied,
" in order to give the lie to Livy, who pretended
" that, the Gauls only passed the Alps to drink the
" wines." *
Eene held his court alternately in Anjou and Pro-
vence, and encouraged in both these provinces a taste
for the belles letires and the arts. This was doubtless
the occasion of the remark of a modern author, that
a there exists a great similarity between the Angevins
" and the Provencals in their customs, profane and
" religious ; in their manners, both public and private ;
" their patriotism, language, attachment to their sove-
" reign, and their love of letters ; which all prove,"
says he, " that these two charming countries have
" been governed by the same masters." By his rela-
tions with Italy, as well as by his benevolent character,
Eene softened the manners of the Angevins. Litera-
ture, the arts, the theatre, all flourished under his
reign.
He loved his people sincerely, and thus became
popular ; for although his talents were great and his
judgment good, the kindness of his heart was still
more observable than these. f
The ambition of enlarging his domains did not in-
fluence this monarch, who had long experienced the
inconstancy, and perfidy of men, and conceived a
sort of contempt for all that flatters the pride of
kings.
The reign of this Prince was daily marked by new
* Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence ; Villeneuve Barge-
mont.
t Bodin ; Moreri ; Gcdard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence.
MARGARET OP ANJOU. 277
benefits. His life was that of a philosopher and a
good Christian, and his meditations and religious
exercises made him forget the adversities and troubles
of his stormy life. He had all the qualities of a great
man. Rene's love of justice has been much boasted
of, and indeed he had been sometimes seen returning
from battle to listen to the complaints of individuals,
or to sign despatches, before he had laid aside his
armour. The letters which he signed with the greatest
pleasure were letters of pardon, or those, by which he
recompensed services. This occasioned him to say,
that "the pen of princes ought never to be idle."
He also said, when speaking of the attention with
which prompt justice ought to be rendered, that long
expeditions caused the loss of the good will, and affec-
tion of the people ; and these opinions became the rule
of his conduct.
The misfortunes of his reign, and of those of his
predecessors, had occasioned the loss of the custom of
the Grand Seneschal's going throughout the province
in order to watch over the administration of justice.
Rene, himself a skilful administrator, restored this im-
portant function of their office with vigour, in the year
1443 ; and commanded them to punish severely those
who would have oppressed the people by their injustice.
In 1448 he adjudged the criminal proceedings, prescrib-
ing a more simple form of law-suit ; regulated the
salaries of attorneys, and sheltered the litigious from
cunning and trickery. He also prevented by a wise
law, the misdemeanors of guardians and trustees, and
restrained impiety, blasphemy, and gambling. He
diminished taxation, and favoured the sessions of the
states, at which he habitually presided.
At Marseilles he reorganized the jurisdiction of the
"prud' hommes pecheurs ; " and by the establishment
of the ordinance companies, in concert with King
278 3IAKGARET OF ANJOTT.
Charles VII. lie contributed to substitute, in lieu of the
feudal system, a regular standing army.*
King Rene's institution for the honest fishermen of
Marseilles, withstood all the storms of the Revolution.
This tribunal may be traced back to the tenth century,
and it received, in 1471, from King Rene its definitive
organization. The four judges who composed it, and
their assistants, were elected annually on the day of
Pentecost. At their sittings they wore judges' gowns,
and were informed in all the points of contention
relative to fishing ; each one pleaded his own cause,
and gave for costs two sous. The jury decided always
justly, and the president expressed it, by saying to him
whose complaint was "without foundation, " La loi
" vous condanme." Against this sentence, returned by
the peers, there was no appeal.
Rene loved much the fishermen, doubtless from pious
motives, for his simple faith tended to a regard for all
that recalled to him the Apostles. He permitted the
fishermen to carry to the Fete Dieu a large wax taper,
or torch, preceded by three minstrels. This custom
still exists, the same as the fete of the Charibande, in
imitation of the beacons of St. John. The Syndic of
the. fishery of Reculee was called "The King of the
" Roach," and in this quality presided at the Chari-
bande. |
King Rene has by some been called the " Merry
" Monarch," whilst others have regarded him with
contempt, and doubtless there were instances of his
peculiar genius and taste, which led to such remarks,
and perhaps the following may serve as an instance : —
Some lords being at variance in a matter of interest,
Rene went from Anjou into Brittany to conciliate
them. He came to Carbai, a small parish in the
* Bodin ; Moreri ; G-odard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence.
f Moreri ; Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 279
Canton of Pouance, which in time of war furnished a
dozen men to the garrison of his castle of Angers, and
paid annually twelve poulets and an hundred bushels
of oats. The King was touched at perceiving the
extreme poverty of the inhabitants of this village. He
released them from the tribute of provision, but on the
following condition : He commanded that each year,
the d£,y after Easter, the people should assemble and
appoint by a majority of votes a king, whom they
should choose from amongst his vassals, born in their
parish, and unmarried ; that they should place a crown
on his head of the bark of the willow, surrounded by
the ears of hares. This King, being naked, was to
jump into the pond, near to the town of Carbai, and
after tiis feat, the parish should obtain a quittance of
this impost. The same day the King of Carbai, accom-
panied by all the vassals of the parish, assisted at high
mass, with the crown on his head and a white wand
in his hand. After mass he made several declarations
in his name. The prior, who was the lord temporal
and spiritual of Carbai, gave to this King, during the
day of his royalty, lodging, fire, and fifteen pounds of
butter, and a frying-pan. The rector offered up prayers
for Mm, and every householder gave two eggs, and in
default of payment all their poulets were confiscated
for his profit. Each individual married within the
twelvemonths owed him a tribute of four farthings, and
in default of payment he was taken to the pond.*
King Rene has been reproached by some historians,
who say he possessed all the qualities valuable to a
private individual, but none of those required by
kings, and which made him forget in the pursuit of
studies and amusements his duties as a sovereign.
Rene encouraged industry amongst his people as
much as it was possible to do so, at a time when the
* Bodin.
280 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
means of encouraging and extending it were not yet
known. He made a treaty with the King of Bone, in
Africa, in order to establish the safety of navigation
between their respective subjects. He afterwards
found that liberty only could give activity to commerce,
and he granted freedom to all vessels that might enter
the port of Marseilles, of whatever nation they night
be, but, with the ignorance partaking of the spirit of
that age, he restricted them to one year.
Kins: Rene contributed much to the establishment
of the first manufactory for glass ever known, at
Goult, about two leagues from the town of Apt, in
Provence. He declares by an edict that the gentle-
men of Provence shall, without derogation, be able to
employ themselves in this kind of industry. H3 also
favoured the works in the mines, by grants almost
gratuitous.
Rene was the first to restrain the cupidity of gold-
smiths, which he effected by commanding that the ser-
vices of gold and silver newly made, should be marked
with the arms of the city of Aix, by persons appointed
to examine if the title were not altered.
In agriculture Rene confined himself to the culture
of flowers and trees, and the still imperfect an of
embellishing gardens. The northern provinces of the
kingdom were indebted to him for their carnations,
roses of Provence, the musk rose, and muscadine
grapes. He likewise favoured the plantations of mul-
berry trees, which had become of importance since
luxury had rendered the use of silk more general.
Rene also bestowed his care and affection on the
most rare and various species of birds. In his manu-
script life we read that he was the first who introduced
into France white, black, and red peacocks. Also he
brought into notice the large red partridge, and several
species of rabbits. He forbade the hunting of hares
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 281
and partridges in the vineyards of Aries, Tarascon, and
Marseilles, perhaps to reserve them for himself alone,
for there appears no other reason that he could have
had, for allowing the increase of these two kinds of
game in Lower Provence.
Rene was tall and well made. He was of an agree-
able countenance, and very gallant. Some writers,
have even reproached him with too great love for the
female sex, and say, that his regard for them amounted
to a weakness, to which he became the slave in his old
age. Traces of this passion are found in several of his
acts and writings ; for instance, one of the articles of
the statutes of the " Order of the Crescent," which
was founded by Rene, expressly prohibits the knights
from slandering women, of whatever rank they might
be. The Courts of Love in Provence, which had been
so conducive to chivalric gallantry throughout Europe,
no longer existed in the time of this Prince, who, find-
ing he could not re-establish them, instituted a " Prince
" of Love," to whom he gave annual officers, similar
to those of the " Parliament of Love." These officers,
accompanied their " Prince of Love " to the grand
procession of the Fete Dieu, at Aix, and for them he
established a right, vulgarly called "pelotte," which
widows and widowers had to pay when they married
again, as if to punish them for their inconstancy ; and
this was also exacted from such persons as married
foreigners. This singular law the Parliament of Aix
confirmed by several decrees, and it was preserved
until the year 1789.*
The Duke of Burgundy had formed his alliance with
King Edward not from affection, but from state policy.
His mother was a princess of the Lancastrian line, and
had been brought up in an habitual hatred of the
" House of York ; ' but even this the Duke had sacri-
* Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin.
282 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
ficed to his interests in his marriage with Edward's
sister.
He now saw himself reduced to the alternative of
abandoning his brother-in-law, who had thrown himself
on his protection, or of becoming involved in a war
with the allied powers of France and of England.*
The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset who had been
well received at this court, and who had become more
distinguished since the revolution in England, urged
the Duke to abandon the fugitive prince.
The Earl of Warwick had dismissed a body of troops
to Calais, to await his orders for an invasion of the Low
Countries ; and Vaucleir, the governor of Calais, took
this opportunity of showing his fidelity to the Earl, by
his reception of these forces, and by other means.
It was of so much importance to the interests of the
Duke of Burgundy to preserve peace with England,
that he dared not to exasperate the Earl of Warwick ;
he therefore pretended, that it was with reluctance he
had received the unfortunate Edward into his dominions,
and that he was not at all disposed to give him any
succours. He manoeuvred, however, to assure Edward
privately, that he would give him all the assistance he
required, when an opportunity should offer of doing so,
without incurring hazard. King Edward was but ill
pleased, desiring earnestly that the Duke would declare
for him openly, hoping it would be a means of keeping
his party alive in England. Finding the Duke was
resolved, and that the Duchess his sister failed to per-
suade him, Edward sought to gain a private audience.
He was admitted, for the Duke knew not how to refuse
him, when Edward represented to him that while he
delayed to declare for him, the Earl of Warwick was
strengthening his party in England, and that nothing
but speedy succour could retrieve his fallen fortunes.
* Philip de Comines ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; Villaret ; Hume.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 283
He then informed him of the promise of Clarence, and
urged the necessity of instant measures, lest he should
again change his mind, or Warwick impede the execu-
tion of his design, which should he discover he could
prevent by removing him from public affairs. King
Edward next reminded the Duke of their mutual oaths
of friendship and assistance in adversity, and added,
that by relieving him at this moment he would be pro-
moting the good of his family, who might one day
require a similar assistance, and he would besides enjoy
the honour of restoring a king to his throne. Finally,
he engaged to enter into a firm alliance with him, to
assist him in his war with France as soon as he should
have recovered his authority in England, and that thus
there w T oulcl be a greater chance of success. He con-
cluded by saying, that the Duke's attempt to dissemble
with the Earl and the King of France would be ineffec-
tual, and would not prevent their uniting to effect his
ruin.* These arguments had great weight with the
Duke of Burgundy, especially that which related to his
war with Louis XL, whom he could not expect to re-
pulse without the help of England, and which could
only be procured by the restoration of Edward. He
was, however, unable to render this monarch much
assistance in the present posture of affairs ; and should
the attempt fail, it would inevitably draw upon him the
indignation of Warwick, who only wanted an excuse
to attack him. A thought now struck him, of a means
by which to save his credit with both parties. He gave
orders for four vessels to be fitted up at Vere, a port in
Holland, under the names of some persons, to whom he
remitted the necessary sums ; he also hired fourteen
ships of the Easterlings to convey King Edward, and
to guard the English coast for fifteen days, that in the
event of his failure he might re-embark.
* Philip de Comines ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Rapin.
1471.
284 MABGABET OF ANJOU.
The Duke of Burgundy next bestowed on the English
monarch a large sum of money, viz., 50,000 florins of
gold, with which he left him in Holland, while he re-
turned himself into Flanders.
When the preparations were completed, King Ed-
ward sailed ; upon which, notice of his disappearance
was carried to the Duke, who instantly proclaimed that
no one should, on pain of death, give him any aid.
This manoeuvre would not have imposed upon the Earl
of Warwick, had not Edward's project been crowned
with success.*
We are informed that the Duke of Somerset and
other nobles, who had been banished the kingdom,
were already preparing to embark with Queen Margaret
and her son, when another revolution, no less sudden
and extraordinary than the last, took place in England.
In the month of January, 1471, the Earl of Warwick
Eapm; received some intimations of the proceedings of the
Yorkists ; and in consequence issued orders for the
Marquis of Montague to levy an army in the north.
The Duke of Clarence also, received a commission to
assemble troops to oppose King Edward, should he
attempt to land in England.*)*
i47i. This enterprise was soon after undertaken by Ed-
tSSSI war d> wno m March of this year, 1471, sailed from the
Hume; p 0r t f Vere, taking with him 2,000 men. When in
AlJen s x . • »-r
York. sight of Cromer, m Norfolk, he sent on shore Sir
Robert Chamberlaine, Sir Gilbert Debenham, and
others to see how the country stood affected towards
him ; but, through the vigilance of the Earl of Oxford,
such great preparations had been made on the part of
Henry to oppose him, that Edward found it would be un-
safe to stay there, and they steered northwards. They, at
* Philip de Comines ; Monfaucon ; Baker ; Chastellain ; Eapin ; Eume ;
Lingard ; Henry ; Villaret.
t Rapin ; Henry.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 285
length, succeeded in landing at Ravenspur, in Yorkshire,
and Edward expected to be received here with every
demonstration of joy, but in this he was mistaken.
Many of the inhabitants of these parts were well
affected towards King Henry, while others feared to
run the risk of espousing the cause of Edward.
It is worthy of remark, that it was at Ravenspur
that Henry IV. landed to dethrone Richard II. King
Edward was induced to imitate that monarch in his
dissimulation and perjury. He showed a safe conduct
from the Earl of Northumberland, and pretended that
he did not come to claim the crown, but his father's
inheritance.
No opposition being offered, Edward proceeded
cautiously, making it appear that he came only as Duke
of York to recover his property which had been confis-
cated. His motive for this line of conduct was, that he
believed the people were attached to him, although the
magistrates were against him. This might have been
owing to the foresight of the Earl of Warwick, who,
upon the restoration of Henry VI. , had filled up these
offices with persons attached to his service, and to these
he had just sent orders not to admit Edward as Duke
of York.
By coming thus only to claim his inheritance, Edward
gave the people an opportunity of declaring for him,
while the magistrates had not so good a pretext for the
exercise of their authority as they might have had if he
had advanced his pretensions to the crown. To con-
vince the people of his sincerity, he even took an oath
to the effect, and received the sacrament upon it, that
he came, not to disturb King Henry, but only to recover
his inheritance. He wore the ostrich feather, the
ensign of Prince Edward, and ordered his followers to
cry " King Henry ! " in every town and village through
which they passed. Styling himself Duke of York, he
286 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
thus made his way to the city of York, much displeased,
however, at the indifference shown him by the people.*
Hume"!' Warwick and Clarence were levying forces with the
Eapin ; greatest activity, from the time they were informed of
York. King Edward's arrival. They issued orders for the
magistrates of the different towns to close their gates
against the Yorkists, and Montague, who had an army
at Pontefract, was commanded to march against Ed-
ward, and prevent his gaining admission into York ;
but, for some reason which has never been explained,
the Marquis remained where he was, and did not oppose
the invader's progress. This conduct has been attri-
buted to various causes : the most probable is, that
Montague, thinking that Edward might be successful,
adopted this course, in order to be afterwards reconciled
to him, and believing he could make his peace with
Warwick, should he gam the day.
At the city of York, King Edward was met by two
of the aldermen of that city, who, as representatives of
the magistrates, entreated him to march another way,
as they could not possibly receive one, who came to
wrest the crown from their lawful sovereign. Edward
mildly replied that such was not his purpose ; but,
since the nation had again acknowledged Henry for
their King, he also had received him, and intended no
harm towards him. He came but to require him to
restore his estates, having; but a few followers with
him ; he looked to Parliament to decide his cause, and
he wished but to end his days in peace in that alle-
giance which became a faithful subject. That, as for
the rest, he ought not to be denied admittance into
York, since not only his title, but his lands being in
their county, made him especially a countryman of
* Sandford ; Baker ; Daniel ; Stow ; Lond. Chron. ; Paston Letters ;
Allen's York ; Monstrelet ; Comines ; Xonfaucon ; Eapin ; Lingard ;
Hume ; Henry ; Villaret.
MARGAKET OF ANJOU. 287
theirs. In short, he reminded them of the favours they
had received from his family.
The magistrates were but ill pleased with this reply,
yet they could not appease the clamours raised by the
Duke's friends, who were numerous in that city. These
represented that the Duke ought to be admitted, as he
acknowledged the authority of King Henry, and was
willing to submit to the decisions of Parliament;
finally, that they should not refuse one, who came only
to claim his own inheritance.
At length some deputies were sent by the magis-
trates to Edward to make terms with him, and prevent
the plunder of the city. Their proposals were at once
agreed to by Edward, who assured them that he had
no intention of injuring the city, and that he was sin-
cere in his obedience to King Henry. These declara-
tions procured him a ready admission into the city,
where he proceeded to the cathedral, and confirmed
his engagements by a sacred oath. This obtained him
the good will of the citizens, so that they lent him
money to defray his expenses, and he was thus enabled
to proceed to London. His army was much augmented
while at York, and he had great expectations of still
more increasing it on his route ; moreover, he relied
on the promise of Clarence to come over to him.
At Nottingham, Edward was joined by Lord Stanley,
Sir Thomas Parr, Sir James Harrington, Sir Thomas
Montgomery, and several others, who brought him re-
inforcements. Finding himself now at the head of an
army of 4,000 men, or more, he threw off the mask,
and, in violation of the oath he had just taken in the
cathedral of York, he assumed the name of King.*
During these transactions Warwick and Clarence H7i
had been employed in raising two separate armies, Henry.'
* Baker ; Stow ; Rapin ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Lingard.
288 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
which they intended to unite, and to place the young
Prince Edward at their head, as chief commander, but,
this Prince had not yet returned from France ; when
"Warwick, who had not doubted that Montague would
have been powerful enough to repel King Edward,
heard to his great amazement, that the Marquis had
permitted him to pass on without opposition, and that
Edward's army was increasing continually in numbers
as it advanced towards the metropolis.
The Earl of Warwick was much puzzled to know
the motives of Montague's conduct, yet he resolved to
act with caution. He first despatched express orders
for the Marquis to come and join him ; and at the
same time, desiring the Duke of Clarence to advance
with haste, he came to the resolution of encamping
near Coventry. At this place he intended to await
the approach of King Edward, and seek to amuse him
until these two bodies of troops should be able to join
him. These set out in obedience to the Earl's com-
mands, but, before they could reach him, Edward
approached very near the camp of Warwick, who,
rinding himself too weak to encounter him, sent several
despatches to hasten the assistance of Clarence ; the
latter excused his delay, when, just as the two armies
were on the point of engaging, the Duke of Gloucester
rode off to the camp of his brother, with a few followers,
and without having asked a safe conduct. He was
affectionately received by Clarence, and, after a short
conference, King Edward was proclaimed throughout
the army, all the officers being prepared for this event,
and having previously been persuaded to espouse his
cause.
It was thus that this monarch, but a short time
before a fugitive and suppliant to a foreign prince,
beheld himself once more, at the head of a powerful
army, and acknowledged King by the chief nobility of
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 289
England, being the same day joined by Clarence and
all his forces.
Warwick, notwithstanding this very unexpected
blow, would not listen to any accommodation, although
the Duke of Clarence, who felt some compunction for
his own conduct, sent to offer his mediation between
his brother and the Earl.
The latter replied with indignation, " Tell your
41 master," said he, " that Warwick, true to his word,
" is a better man than the false and perjured Clarence.
" The sword he had appealed to, was the only arbiter
" he would admit between him and his enemies."
The Earl of Warwick had hoped that the Londoners
would refuse to admit Edward, should he appear be-
fore the capital, and resolved, in this case, to follow
him thither, as soon as he should be joined by the
Marquis of Montague, and either compel him to retire,
or fight him before the gates, at a great disadvantage.*
The Earl, when rejoined by Montague and others,
sent to his brother, the Archbishop of York, to endea-
vour to keep possession of the capital. For this pur-
pose the latter sought to arouse the loyalty of the
citizens towards the Lancastrian King. He caused
this monarch to ride from St. Paul's, through the
Cheap, down Walbroke ; yet this expedient had but
little effect, so many of the Londoners being favourable
to King Edward. Finding his efforts so unsuccessful,
the Archbishop secretly sent to obtain the pardon of
Edward, which was granted him, upon his assurances
of future fidelity.
As it had been expected, King Edward marched
directly to London. He had many friends there, and
he flattered himself that, when they beheld him ap-
proach with so powerful an army, they would use their
* Cont. Hist. Croy. ; Speed ; Stow ; Baker ; Comines ; Ling-ard ; Howel ;
Paston Letters ; Monf aucon ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry.
VOL. II. U
290 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
influence with the people to procure him admission.
Nothing could be more advantageous to him than to
gain over this city to his interests ; and the army of
Warwick being at a distance favoured his design.
Many of the citizens also owed him large sums of
money, of which he stood in need ; and he could not
calculate upon entire success in his restoration, unless
he had command of the capital. It was also of great
consequence to him that he should obtain possession of
King Henry's person. He had therefore resolved to
run all hazards, which he knew would be great, should
the citizens refuse to receive him.
In London great consternation had prevailed when
the news arrived of the Duke of Clarence having
joined his brother's standard. Despair of Warwick's
success spread universally, and inspired a kind of
terror into the minds of- the people, which Edward's
friends artfully sought to augment, by reminding them
of the clanger to which they were exposed from this
King's resentment, should they not adopt some speedy
means of submission. All those who had taken refuge
in the Sanctuaries, no less than 2,000 in number, came
forward now to advance the interests of their King,
whilst his enemies drew back in dismay, lest they
should involve themselves in some new trouble. In
vain did the Duke of Somerset and the Archbishop of
York seek to oppose the tide of popularity towards
Edward ; they were not listened to, and their assur-
ances that, within three days, Warwick would be at
their gates to relieve them, were equally unavailing ;
the sight of Edward's army made them disbelieve all
they said. In short, the Lancastrians were compelled
to withdraw from the city, while the people hailed
King Edward's return, and went out in crowds to meet
him, sending forth the loudest acclamations of joy.
Amidst these contending interests, no one so much as
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 291
thought of aiding the escape of the unfortunate King
Henry.
In a triumphal manner King Edward entered the jJ n 4 R 0U .
city of London on the 11th of April, 1471. He rode Topiis;
first to St. Paul's, and thence to the Bishop's Palace, Rapin.
where the Archbishop of York presented himself, lead-
ing King Henry by the hand, whom he delivered up
to Edward. The Lancastrian monarch was, after a
reign of only six months, since his release, again com-
mitted to the Tower.
King Edward then proceeded to Westminster, and
there returned thanks to God for his safe return. He
also expressed, in lively terms, his gratitude to the
people, for their demonstration of attachment to him,
promising to bear it in remembrance ; and he per-
formed several acts of clemency, which served to
heighten his popularity. He then immediately re-
assumed the government of the kingdom.*
* Sandf ord ; Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Hume ; Daniel : Monf aucon j
Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry ; John Rous ; Topiis ; Paston Letters.
u 2
CHAPTER VII.
{ Warwick. )
11 My blood, my want of strength, my sick heart shows,
1 ' That I must yield my body to the earth,
" And by my fall, the conquest to my foe."
Shakespeare.
{King Henry. )
" Ah ! kill me with thy weapon, not with words !
" My breast can better brook thy dagger's point,
" Than can my ears that tragic history.
" But wherefore dost thou come ? is't for my life ?"
Shakespeare.
The Earl of Warwick resolves to fight — Battle of Barnet — King Edward
enters London in triumph — Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth — She
goes to Beaulieu — Her alarm for her son's safety — She goes to Bath —
The lords assemble the Lancastrian forces — King Edward collects his
army — The battle of Tewkesbury — Queen Margaret taken prisoner —
The Duke of Somerset and the Grand Prior of St. John's taken, and
executed — Prince Edward murdered — Sir] John Fortescue taken" prisoner,
and liberated by King Edward — Queen Margaret led in triumph to
London, and imprisoned in the Tower — Henry VI. murdered- — His
character, &c.
The Earl of Warwick advanced with great speed
towards London. He had entertained hopes that the
citizens would detain King Edward at least a few
days, in the expectation of his succours ; but, rinding
himself disappointed, he had no resource left but to
give his enemies battle, however uncertain he might
feel of the result. Of his success in this engagement
he could not but be doubtful, his army being less
numerous than that of the King, and the uncertain
conduct of his brother, the Marquis of Montague,
having given him great cause for mistrust.
The Marquis had joined in his plot with evident
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 293
reluctance, and he had since twice neglected to assist
him, under circumstances which ought to have called
forth the greatest exertions. He could not dismiss
him, without discouragement to his army ; still, after
beholding the conduct of Clarence, he feared much
that his own brother might have been corrupted. At
length Warwick resolved to risk his fortunes on the
event of a battle, and, should he lose it, to perish.
He arranged it so, however, that his brother Mon-
tague should be placed in as much peril as himself,
since his conduct, upon this occasion, would alone
prove his fidelity.
The army of AVarwick was encamped in a large
plain called Gladsmore Heath, near Barnet, ten miles
north of London, and here these forces were met
by King Edward. A terrible engagement followed,
which decided the quarrel of the two parties. It was
fought on the 14th of April, being Easter Day, in the
year 1471.*
The unfortunate Henry the Sixth was brought to 1471 «
the field by his rival, King Edward, who did not think Topiis;
it safe to trust any one with the care of him. Happily Letters ;
for that monarch, amidst the various changes of ^^ t;
fortune to which he was subject, his natural weakness Hem "y ;
of mind caused him to view with less anxiety, the Lmgard,
difficulties and dangers which another of more energy
and spirit would, doubtless, have regarded with the
utmost alarm, j"
The Earl of Warwick, upon this eventful day, wore
an ostrich feather, to show his sincerity, as his cog-
nizance — the badge of the young Prince Edward. He
appointed to the command of the right wing of his
army, which consisted of horse, the Marquis of Mon-
* An obelisk was erected to commemorate this battle by Sir Jeremy
Sambroke, of Gobion, in the year 1740, near Barnet.
f Sandf ord ; Stow; Speed; Topiis; Pennant ;• Rapin; Henry; Lingard;
Cont. Hist. Croyland ; Philip de Comines.
294 MARGARET OF AJS T JOU.
tague, and the Earl of Oxford, and the left, consisting
also of horse, he led on himself, with the Duke of
Exeter, while the main body, consisting of bills and
bows, was conducted by the Duke of Somerset.
On the King's side the Duke of Gloucester led the
vanguard, King Edward the main body, and Lord
Hastings brought up the rear. The fight commenced
at an early hour in the morning, some say four o'clock,
and continued until noon.* Both sides fought with
great obstinacy and various success. Never, perhaps,
was more undaunted courage displayed, than upon this
occasion.
As no one could expect any favour from his
adversary, each exerted himself to the utmost,
fighting with deadly hatred, knowing that certain
destruction followed, if defeated. The Earl of War-
wick's followers especially strove with desperation,
and at first had reason to expect the victory ; indeed,
it appeared to them so certain, that a few from the
squadrons of the Earl, rode off with the news to
London of the defeat of the Yorkists.
King Edward, however, bringing up a body of
reserve, fell upon the flank of the Earl of Warwick's
army, and put it into great confusion. The Earl's
forces were too small to admit of his making a detach-
ment to prevent this accident, and a movement of the
Earl of Oxford assisted in turning the fortunes of the
clay against the Earl of Warwick. Oxford had been
successful against King Edward, but, thinking that he
had left his line too much exposed, he wheeled back
again. Unfortunately his badge, a staff* with streams,
too much resembling the King's, which was a sun, it
* Others say the fight was over at ten o'clock.
f Speed tells us that Oxford's men had his star or mullet embroidered
on their coats, and King Edward's soldiers the sun ; but it was a little white
rose, with the rays of the sunbeams pointing round about it. — Lotvers's
Heraldry.
MABGAKET OF ANJOTJ. 295
was mistaken, and a fine mist arising, the Lancastrians
were unable to distinguish between them. Thus, when
Oxford returned to his post, his squadrons were taken for
those of the enemy, and this Earl's prudent precaution
eventually became his ruin, for his followers were
routed before he could convince them of their error.
Great disorder then prevailed ; some thinking that
they were betrayed, being attacked by their own
forces, cried "Treason! treason!" and went over to
the enemy ; while others, seeing them fly, believed
that they were attacked in the rear, and were dread-
fully alarmed, and at a loss how to act. Finally, King
Edward, taking advantage of the mistake, despatched
all wio fled towards him, and Warwick's efforts were
quite ineffectual towards restoring order. He exerted
himself to the utmost, striving by his own example
to encourage his army. He rushed on foot into the
thickest of the fight, and ere long met his death, being
covered with wounds. His brother Montague, seeking
tc rescue him, shared the same fate. The Lancastrian
anny was entirely routed. No less than 10,000 were
slain ; for King Edward, who had on former occasions,
commanded that the soldiers should be spared, but no
quarter given to the generals, had, upon this day,
issued orders for an indiscriminate slaughter. Twenty-
three knights were slain on the side of the Lancastrians,
amongst whom was Sir William Tyrell.
The Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Oxford fled
into Wales to the Earl of Pembroke, who was at this
ime levying troops there for the Earl of Warwick.
The Duke of Exeter had fought with much bravery
in this battle, and was left for dead on the field ; but
he recovered, and, crawling to the nearest house,
prevailed upon some friends to convey him to the
Sanctuary of Westminster.
On the side of King Edward were slain Humphrey
29(3 MAEGARET OF AXJOU.
Bouchier, Lord Cromwell, Lord Barnes, and Sir
John Lisle, Lords Say, Mountjoy, and others. Most of
those who were killed in this battle were buried upon
the plain where they had fought, and a chapel was
afterwards built there by King Edward, who appointed
a priest to say mass for the souls of the departed.*
Such was the termination of this bloody engage-
ment, and the tragic end of Warwick, the most power-
ful and conspicuous subject England ever beheld,
having obtained such great influence that he was able
to raise to the throne, or to remove from it, kings at
his own will; thence was he styled " the king-maker."
The death of this Earl was more important to King
Edward than any victory could have been ; fa the
continued success of this nobleman had so gained on the
superstitious minds of the people, as to cause the belief
that the party he supported must eventually triumph."}
The bodies of the Earl of Warwick and his brother
Montague were exposed to view for three or four da^s
in St. Paul's, that all might know of then death, aid
no more pretend the contrary, and cause sediticn,
and then they were interred in the monastery at
Bisham, in Berkshire, which had been founded by tie
Montacutes, their maternal ancestors. The remains
of Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, who had been
beheaded at York, in 1460, for his adherence to the
Lancastrian cause, had been also buried there.J
Some writers affirm that Montague deserted to
* Sir John Paston, who fought in this battle for the Lancastrians, wr<)te-
to his mother four days after, that the loss of life, on both sides, amounted
to more than a thousand men : other writers say 4,000. Fabyan and TopLis
tell us 1,500 fell on the side of the victors ; Hall, 10,000 at the least ; aJBo
Howel, 10,000.
f Stow ; Sandford ; Howel ; Toplis : Baker ; Hall ; Fabyan ; Paston
Letters; Lond. Chron. ; Pennant; Leland Coll. : Monstrelet; Allen's York:
Monfaucon : Daniel ; Biographic Universelle ; Bapin : Barante ; Lingard :
Henry ; Hume ; Lysons' Magna Britannia.
J Stow ; Paston Letters ; Hardyng's Chron. : Magna Britannia ; Bridges';
Xc rthamptonshire : Lingard : Baker's Northamptonshire.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 207
Edward, and thus caused the defeat of Warwick, and
that when the Earl of Warwick's followers discovered
that he had changed his livery, they slew him imme-
diately. Also that Warwick, seeing his brother slain,
Oxford fled, and the fortune of the clay turned against
him, leaped upon a horse, in hopes of escaping, but,
coming to an impassable wood, was there killed.*
It is possible that the Earl of Warwick might have
been more fortunate had he awaited the arrival of
Queen Margaret, whose presence, at least, would have
drawn to his standard, all the most zealous friends of
the House of Lancaster ; but the pride of the Earl
would not permit this delay, as he did not choose to
share the honours of his triumph with his Queen } .
desiring that they should be exclusively his own. No
doubt his hatred to Queen Margaret had some influ-
ence, and also his fear of the Duke of Somerset,
whose father and brother he had put to death.")"
Warwick, also, might have relied much on his own
popularity, which speedily drew a numerous party
around his standard, everyone being proud of bearing
his cognizance, " the bear and ragged staff," in his
cap ; some of gold enamelled, others of silver, and
those who could not afford the precious metals, cut
them out of white silk or cloth.
No one was better fitted to obtain partizans than this
noble Earl, for besides his wealth, valour, and warlike
skill, his manners were authoritative and persuasive,
and he well knew how to inspire affection in those
whom he would unite in his cause.;):
Once again king, Edward entered London tri-
umphantly (bringing his prisoner, King Henry the
Sixth with him), and having, to all appearance, by this
* Pennant ; Monstrelet ; Baker.
+ Barante ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Baudier.
% Barante ; Pol. Vergil.
298 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
victory, secured his crown. He was welcomed anew
with joy by the citizens, who had feared AYarwick's
return, even if successful.
After returning thanks to God in St. Paul's, King
Edward remanded the unfortunate Henry to his former
prison in the Tower. A pardon was also issued by
the King for the Archbishop of York, whom, through
mistrust, he had before committed to prison ; probably
not wishing to offend the clergy, and also desirous of
showing his gratitude to the Archbishop for having,
whether purposely, or inadvertently, permitted his
escape from Middleham Castle.*
There were others who sought for King Edward's
favour, but were less fortunate. Henry Holland, Duke
of Exeter, from the Sanctuary of Westminster, where
he had taken refuge, addressed his prayer to the
King to spare his life, and he had hopes that, through
the intercession of his wife, the sister of Edward, he
should obtain his pardon. This lady, however, far
from commiserating the unhappy position to which
the adverse fortunes of her husband had brought him,
not only neglected him, but in the following year
sued for and obtained a divorce (November 12th,
1472), and then married Sir Thomas St. Leger.
The Duke of Exeter, meanwhile, had been cast
into prison, where he received only the weekly allow-
ance of half a mark. He afterwards escaped and went
abroad, where he lived in great distress and poverty.
Finally, in 147-1, his dead body was found on the
sea-shore, on the coast of Kent ; but we have no
account of the means of his escape from prison, or of
the authors of his death. |
* Stow ; Fabyan ; Hardyng's Clxron. ; Allen's York ; Toplis ; Pastoii
Letters : Baker ; Rapin ; Lingarcl.
f To this Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, Henry VI. was godfather. —
Sandford ; Jlilh-s's Catalogue; Stow; PJdlij) de Comines ; Paston Letters;
Lingard ; Lela/nd Coll.; Monstrelet.
MAKGAKET OP ANJOU. 299
Another of the Lancastrians, John de Vere, Earl
Oxford, became a fugitive after the unfortunate issue
of the battle of Barnet. Some authors write that he
fled to Scotland, where, discovering a plot to betray
him, he escaped into Wales, to join the Earl of Pem-
broke. Others say, that after the encounter at Barnet p* 471 *
he went into Wales and France ; but all agree that he Letters,
preferred a life of activity, and collected a few troops,*
and, with his squadron of twelve sail, he swept the
seas, carrying off rich prizes, and making inroads in
the maritime counties. He surprised the strong for- 1472.
tress of St. Michael, in Cornwall. Coming to Mont itlXaiy.
St. Michael, with his followers disguised as pilgrims,
to pay their devotions, as customary, at the church,
they were admitted to the castle.
They soon overpowered the small garrison, and re-
pulsed the assaults of Sir John Arundell, who was sent
to recover this castle, and who lost his life in the
attempt. From this strong position Lord Oxford
made depredations in the neighbouring counties, when
he was assisted by the friends of the House of Lan-
caster, in his endeavours to wreak his vengeance on the
Yorkists. Sir Henry Brodrugan, Esq., next besieged
the Mount, but, his fidelity being suspected, he was
superseded by Sir John Fortescue. This commander
had been received into the favour of King Edward ;
we are not told, if he reluctantly entered on this office,
but he exhibited his skill and judgment, in using per-
suasions and promises rather than arms. He was at
first unsuccessful, but, after a long siege, the Earl of
Oxford, becoming fearful of the treachery of his fol- pj^ 3 "
lowers, surrendered, conditionally that their lives, as Letters -
well as his own, should be spared. f The mercy of
King Edward, however, only extended to the life of
* Some writers say lie had 400 men.
f A free pardon was granted to the accomplices of the Earl in this rebellion.
300 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
this nobleman, who was imprisoned for eleven years,
in the castle of Ardennes, in Picardy. After the sur-
render of the Earl of Oxford at St. Michael's Mount,
his estates were confiscated. His countess was left
destitute, and during the period of her husband's im-
prisonment, supported herself by needlework — a strange
reverse of fortune for one who was the daughter
of the great Earl of Salisbury, and the sister of the
potent "king-maker"! Yet such vicissitudes often
mark the times of civil rebellion.*
i47i Nor was the Countess of Oxford the only distin-
guished female who suffered in these perilous times.
After the death of the Earl of Warwick, his lady,
Anne, was also deprived of her possessions, by the
authority of Parliament, which were settled on her
two daughters, Isabella and Anne. The former had
been married to the Duke of Clarence ; the latter to
the young Prince Edward, son of Henry VI. By this
arrangement it was made to appear as though their
mother was naturally dead.
This Countess of Warwick took sanctuary at Beau-
lieu, in Hampshire, where she continued a long time
in a mean condition. She afterwards, privately, went
into the north, where she also experienced great diffi-
culties. Some years later, after the death of her
daughters, when Henry VII. desired himself to possess
Barnard Castle (which belonged to her inheritance),
he annulled the former act, and restored her posses-
sions.*)"
During this succession of events Queen Margaret
had been detained at Harfleur. She had arrived on
the coast with the Prince, her son, in the month of
* Paston Letters ; Milles's Catalogue ; Stow ; Eot. Pari. ; Lysons' Mag.
Brit. ; Lingard ; Leland Collection ; Seyer's Bristol.
*j* It was not until the year 1488 that this countess recovered her lands. —
Hutchinson's Durham.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 301
November, and had remained there all the winter. 14 ?i.
When at last she embarked, on the 4th of March, she Magna
was tossed about by winds and waves, which, as if in BapST* '
forgetfulness of their natural inconstancy, had been g"™ e;
uniformly adverse to her voyage during five entire
months, thus preventing her landing in England in
time to prevent the misfortunes which had just befallen
her party. This unfortunate heroine was, at last,
destined to land at Weymouth,* after being detained
three weeks in the channel, in total ignorance of all
that had happened. It was the 14th of April,
1471,f on the evening of the very day upon which
the battle of Barnet, so fatal to her hopes, had taken
place. X
Having at length attained the shore, after so many
vicissitudes, with a few French troops, she might well,
in the impulse of feeling, have exclaimed —
" I weep for joy
' c To stand upon my country once again.
" Dear earth, I do salute thee ! "
Fortune had often been the cruel enemy, and again
befriended Queen Margaret. Upon this occasion she
seemed to have driven her to the brink of despair at a
time when she had been allowed to indulge the most
brilliant hopes of prosperity and of happiness. It was
but a short time since the Earl of Warwick, his brother,
and the Duke of Clarence had all united their interests
with hers. Clarence had now proved traitor. War-
wick, who had months before impatiently awaited on
the shore a long time for her arrival, but in vain, — alas !
he was no more. Montague had also fallen, and all the
* Lingard says she landed at Plymouth ; Monstrelet, in Devonshire.
t Some tell us the Queen landed the week before Easter.
X Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Baudier ; Fabyan ; Shakespeare ; London
Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; Biographie Universelle ; Daniel ; Ellis's
Hist, of Weymouth ; Henry ; Mag-. Britannia ; Lingard ; Leland's Itin.
302 MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
noble army of the Lancastrians was now entirely dis-
persed. The beloved husband and pacific King Henry
had been again consigned to a prison. What chances
were these? Queen Margaret could but look upon
herself as destitute and helpless, and again thrown
upon her own resources ; and all these changes had
happened at a moment when she had fondly imagined
that nothing but the contrary winds had impeded her
restoration to authority, to honour, to her husband, and
to her throne. Nay, her imagination, ever lively,
might have even pictured her triumphal entrance into
the capital, amidst the acclamations of the people ; —
but what a reverse was here !
The transition from joy to sorrow, from the most
buoyant hopes to the most heartfelt despondency, was
too much — too much even for the heroic mind of
Margaret of Anjou. She no sooner understood the
extent of her losses and misfortunes than she sank
down senseless on the floor, and could with great
difficulty be recovered to life, and never, we are told,
again was restored to the renewal of that hope which
had animated her to her greatest exertions. She no
longer perceived the possibility of her restoration to
the throne, and all her wishes, all her thoughts, became
concentrated in the protection of her son. That admir-
able firmness of mind which had so long distinguished
her, now entirely forsook her, and, perceiving no
remedy in her misfortunes, she abandoned herself to
grief. She fled with her son for refuge, first to an
abbey called Cearne, close by, and thence to the
monastery of Beaulieu, in Hampshire.*
* At this period all churches and churchyards were sanctuaries, which
afforded protection to traitors and delinquents of every kind for forty days.
The most eminent of these sanctuaries in England were St. John's of Be-
verly, St. 3Iartin's-le-Grand in London, Eipon in Yorkshire, St. Barsen's
in Cornwall, and Westminster. — Pasion Letters.
Baiter; Henry ; Handier ; Villaret; Rapin; Llngard; Hardyng's Citron.:
Pol. Vergil; Hume; WraxalVs Tour ; Hay's B log. ; Warner's Hampshire.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 303
The Queen had with her the Grand Prior of St. 1471.
John's, then called the Treasurer of England, who
had been dismissed from England to fetch her, Lord
Wenlock, and several knights and esquires. The
intention of Margaret was to remain with these, her
friends, in the Abbey of Beaulieu until she could safely
return with them to France.* While Queen Margaret
continued in this state of despondency, she was re-
joined by Edmond, Duke of Somerset, and his brother
John Beaufort, the Earls of Pembroke and Devonshire,
and some others. f These noblemen sought to console
the despairing Queen by representing to her that she
still had reason for hope ; for although King Edward
had been victorious in the last battle, he might yet be
vanquished ; that the friends of her husband were still
numerous in the kingdom, and that it would not be so
difficult as she imagined to raise a new army to arrest
the usurper's progress ; that, as one battle gained had
restored to him the crown, so there was a chance that
another lost might hurl him from it. They reminded her
of the various changes which had occurred since the
commencement of the quarrel between the two
Houses, and thence bade her infer that there was still
reasonable hope of success, provided she did not, by
yielding herself up to unwarrantable fears, resign the
interests of her family. That when she had herself
acted as general, her armies had frequently been
successful, and that it was still probable, that she might
be victorious. Finally, that as her son, the Prince of
Wales, was regarded as the true heir to the crown, his
appearance at the head of her troops might be pro-
ductive of a change in her favour. All these argu-
ments, however, although set forth in the most per-
suasive manner, could not restore Queen Margaret to
* Baker ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Henry ; Blore's Rutland ; Fleetwood's MS.
| Lingard ; Hardyng's Chron. ; Rapin ; Henry ; Villaret.
304 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
lier wonted energy. She either despaired of success
after so many accumulated disasters, which had befallen
her in such rapid succession, or else the hasty glance
and anticipation of the future which great minds are
ever disposed to take, and of which the past experience
she had had enabled her to judge, prevailed to convince
Margaret that her husband's restoration to the throne
for so brief a period, was but as the flash of expiring
light, previous to the extinction of the Lancastrian
dynasty. When again she beheld her son, she longed
to restore him to his rights, but was restrained by her
maternal anxiety. She was evidently reluctant to
expose herself once more to the changes of fortune ;
but it was not that she feared for her personal safety,
it was her affection for her son that made her appre-
hensive of the unhappy consequences of an unsuccess-
ful enterprise. She perceived, that she could not
attempt the recovery of the crown, without the imminent
hazard of her son's life, and this reflection had so much
weight with her, that it prevented her taking any
decided step. She even proposed sending the young
Prince back to France to await the event of their
present undertaking ; but in this she was opposed by
the Duke of Somerset, who relied upon the presence
of Prince Edward, to attract many to his standard, and
to inspire his followers with an ardent desire to fight
in his cause. At last, when the Queen perceived that
the lords were earnest to have her son present in battle,
she violently opposed it, urging his youth, inexperience,
and the great risk he would run, and adding that if he
perished, every hope would be extinguished. She
urged, that by sending him to France he would be in
safety, and he might in the event of the failure of this
enterprise remain in that country, and when advanced
in years and strength would be able to return and
assert his rights. Maternal feelings, however, at last
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 305
yielded, but it was only after a severe conflict between
the dread of losing her son, and the desire of placing
him on the throne, which was his lawful right, that
this unfortunate Queen adopted the advice of her
friends. She had risked much ; she now resolved to
hazard all in one last, desperate effort, to defend her
fortunes.*
This resolution being once taken, Queen Margaret
no longer displayed the same despondency, but con-
sidered the measures most politic in her present
desperate circumstances. It was proposed that the
Queen should retire with the Prince and Princess of
Wales to Bath, and thither they hastened with a few
attendants, while the Duke of Somerset and the noble-
men and others, separated, to collect their adherents.
These were to be united to the remains of the Earl
of Warwick's army. Many, in a short time joined
them at Exeter from Cornwall and Devonshire, through
the influence of Sir Hugh Courtney, and Sir John
Arundel.
The Earl of Pembroke set off to levy troops, in
Wales, where his interest was greatest, having requested
of the Duke of Somerset, who was Commander-in-
chief under Prince Edward, not to engage in any con-
test, until he should rejoin him with his followers.
With almost incredible speed this new army was
assembled. On the 27th of April, thirteen days after
the battle of Barnet, these forces of the Lancastrians li71
were drawn together, amounting to 40,000 men. With Hui ? e ;
this army it was the intention of the commanders to Carew;
march into Wales, and there join the Earl of Pembroke, eniy "
and from thence to proceed into Cheshire, where they
expected to strengthen their army with a body of
archers, which would have made them very formid-
* Habing-ton • Baker ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Viilaret ; Henry ; Hume.
VOL. II. x
306 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
able.* At Bath the Dukes of Somerset and Devon-
shire had many friends, and the name of Prince Ed-
ward attracted multitudes to their party. The Queen,
however, did not yet feel sufficient confidence in her
forces to risk a battle. Therefore she awaited the rein-
forcements which the Earl of Pembroke was expected
to bring from Wales.
King Edward, meanwhile, receiving news of the
Queen's intentions, reassembled his troops lately dis-
banded after the battle of Barnet, and with great expe-
dition marched forwards, in order to prevent the union
of Queen Margaret's forces with those of the Earl of
Pembroke. He issued a proclamation declaring his
right to the crown was unquestionable, being founded
on justice and equity, confirmed by several parliaments,
and established by his repeated victories. That, not-
withstanding all this, many persons had risen up against
him, and he now thought proper to add a list of the
disaffected whom he proscribed. These were, Margaret,
calling herself Queen of England, Edward her son, the
Duke of Somerset, and Iris brother, John Beaufort, the
Duke of Exeter, John, Earl of Oxford, John Courtney,
Earl of Devonshire, William, Viscount de Beaumont,
Hugh Courtney, and eleven others, j"
The Queen was anxious to avoid an engagement in
which she would labour under some disadvantages, and
determined to retire into Wales, a country the situa-
tion of which was very favourable to her object, of
putting off any fighting until the forces of Pembroke
should join her army, and enable her to give battle to
her enemies 4
King Edward encamped at Marlborough, fifteen
* Biondi ; Habington ; Baker ; Magna Britannia ; Carew's Cornwall ;
Henry ; Lingard ; Daniel ; Bapin : Leland/s Itinerary. .
f Habington ; Bapin.
J Bicndi : Baker ; Bapin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 307
miles from Bath ; and by the interposition of his army,
prevented any succours reaching the Queen. Upon
this near approach, Queen Margaret was alarmed, and,
thinking herself unsafe, left Bath : she withdrew to
Bristol. Her next object was to pass the Severn at
Gloucester ; but she was refused the passage of the
river at that place by Lord Beauchamp, the governor
of that city and castle. The Queen was much provoked
at this, but, in her present circumstances, she dared
not revenge herself; and, passing by Gloucester, she
proceeded to Berkley, in her way to Tewkesbury. The
Queen also lost some of her artillery by the enemy,
owing to the negligence of her own soldiers.
Now. did King Edward hasten on, at the head of his
troops, intent on charging the Lancastrians before they
could obtain assistance from Wales. He had the ad-
vantage both in arms and ammunition, and succeeded
in pursuing the Queen's forces so closely that he
arrived in sight of them, before they could reach
Tewkesbury.
Again the Queen became alarmed, so much so, that
in a fit of desperation she began to consider the means
of escape. Once again, the Duke of Somerset over-
came her fears, and she gave up her intention of con-
sulting her safety by flying into Wales, where a large
army raised by the Earl of Pembroke was prepared to
defend her, and resolved to remain where she was and
run all hazards.* A council was called by her generals
to deliberate on the propriety of passing the river, with
the risk of beholding their rear-guard put to the route,
or whether they should entrench themselves in the park
adjoining the town, until they could procure assistance
from Pembroke. Being quite engrossed by the con-
sideration of her son's safety, Margaret advised the
* Baker ; Habington ; Biondi ; Rapin ; Holinshed ; Fosbroke ; Leland's
Itinerary.
308 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
passage of the river, and many, from complacence to
their Queen, supported this opinion. Somerset, how-
ever, opposed it, alleging that before the army could
have time to pass, the enemy would be near enough to
attack them ; and that all those who should be so
unfortunate as to be left behind would be cut to pieces ;
that this disaster, which would be unavoidable, would
nevertheless be fatal to their cause, since it would be the
means of discouraging those who were faithful to their
interests. In short, he judged, that the deficiences in
their numbers might be made up by entrenching in the
park, and by drawing lines which could counterbalance
the enemy's superior numbers. This opinion was
adopted, after some deliberation. The Duke of Somer-
set has been charged by historians with imprudence
and rashness ; but perhaps they were ignorant of the
difficulty of passing such a river as the Severn with the
enemy in their rear. It had been well had this general
committed no other faults, the Queen's affairs might
then have been more prosperous ; but his advice obliged
the Queen to fight the enemy upon unequal terms.*
The Lancastrians having taken the resolution to
wait the approach of King Edward without moving,
laboured all night in forming entrenchments around
the park, which they accomplished before daybreak,
so anxious were they to be prepared against a sudden
attack.
When the forces of the King approached within
sight of this encampment, it was resolved by him to
begin the attack immediately, without allowing them
time to establish themselves more firmly.
King Edward drew up his army in two lines, giving
the command of the first to the Duke of Gloucester,
and conducting the second himself, with the Duke of
Clarence.
" Stow ; Biondi ; Habington ; Eapin.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 309
The Queen's army was divided into three bodies.
The first, commanded by Somerset, was prepared to
sustain the first attack, the second was led on by Prince
Edward, who was regarded as Commander-in-Chief,
having Lord Wenlock and the Lord Prior of St. John's
under him, and the third was conducted by the Earl of
Devonshire. From the opinion which King Edward
had formed of the valour and self-conceit of the Duke
of Somerset, he had made his own arrangements, hoping
to entrap him. It was the belief of the King, that the
Duke expected to repel the first attack, and that he
intended to sally forth and improve the opportunity,
should any disorder arise amongst the Yorkists ; con-
sequently, it was ordered that Gloucester, who was to
commence the fight, should fall back suddenly if vigo-
rously resisted, and that, when the enemy should
pursue him, he should turn round, and attack them
with renewed energy, and he was promised that the
rest of the army should support him.
When Queen Margaret perceived the hour of battle
could no longer be delayed, and that nothing but the
utmost valour and intrepidity could compensate for the
deficiency of her numbers, she resolved to harangue
her troops, and endeavour to animate their courage.
Taking the Prince her son with her, she rode through
their ranks, her countenance exhibiting the utmost
firmness and resolution, while her words inspired con-
fidence of success. As the old writer hath it, " so
" skilfully did she conceal the wound which despair
" had given her, that it only bled inwardly.
" The Queen reminded them, that upon their valour
11 that day depended the restoration of their imprisoned
" monarch to his throne, and to the enjoyment of his
" freedom ; while for themselves would be secured, not
" only safety, but honour and recompense.
" That the wealth of the cities of their enemies would
310 MABGABET OF ANJOU.
" be their spoil, the kingdom their inheritance, which
" would be divided amongst them, and the titles, in
" which their enemies now gloried, would become their
" reward. If alarmed at the inequality of numbers, she
" assured them that the disparity was not so great, but
" that by their courage, animated by the justice of their
" cause, it might be overcome. She then bade them
" behold their Prince, whose presence, she thought (for
" as a fond mother she spoke) would make them ena-
" moored of danger, and who, she said, would fight
" amongst them, share their danger, and when possessed
" of his throne would remember those to whom he was
"indebted for it."*
1471. Then commenced the famed battle of Tewkesbury,
Topiis; which was fought on the 4th of May, 1471.
Letted ■ The a ^tack upon the entrenchments was vigorously
Howei; besrun by the Duke of Gloucester. The Lancastrians
Baker: ° J
Muies's bore the assault with great intrepidity, and, being pre-
Eapin; " pared for the attack, they maintained their ground,
Hume/ whereupon the Duke of Gloucester retreated so hastily
towards the second line, that Somerset believed that
they were totally dismayed, and, yielding to the impetu-
osity of his disposition, and thinking to improve the dis-
advantage of the moment, he sallied from his entrench-
ments to attack the enemy, whom he expected to find
in confusion ; he also despatched orders to "Wenlock to
come immediately to his assistance. The Duke of
Gloucester, who had by this time, according to the
orders he had previously received, drawn up his men
at a distance from the entrenchments, perceiving the
advance of Somerset, came forth to meet him with
great fury. This unexpected and vigorous attack, so
much astonished the Lancastrians, that, perceiving no
relief, they betook themselves, in confusion, to their
camp. The Duke of Somerset was much enraged at
* Habington.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 311
not being seconded by Wenlock, upon whose assistance
he had depended in this attack upon Gloucester, and
he now beheld him idle within the entrenchments. He
had already doubted his fidelity, and being at this
moment unable to restrain his fury, he rushed upon
him, and with his battle-axe clove his head in pieces.*
The young Prince, deprived, by this summary act of
vengeance, of the assistance of Wenlock, knew not what
to do, and Somerset was too much transported with
passion either to issue proper orders or to enforce
obedience.
The Duke of Gloucester, meanwhile, invading their
camp caused an immense slaughter, and created the
utmost confusion throughout the army. King Edward
followed, and his presence threw the Lancastrians into
such disorder, that they thought no longer of resist-
ance, but all endeavoured to save themselves by flight.
Thus was the army of the Queen entirely routed. The
loss on her side has been estimated at 3,000f men,
the two last lines having run away without fighting.
The Earl of Devonshire and Sir John Beaufort, the
brother of the Duke of Somerset, were slain,
also Sir John Delves, Sir Edward Hampden, Sir
Robert Whittingham, Sir John Leukner, and 300
others.
The Prince of Wales was taken prisoner. The
Duke of Somerset and about twenty other persons of
distinction took refuge in the Abbey.
Thither King Edward repaired immediately after
his victory, in order to return thanks to God for his
success, and finding there a great many Lancastrians,
he gave them all a free pardon. Some add that this
* Lord Wenlock had shown great fickleness in these civil wars. He
fought bravely for the Lancastrians in the first battle of St. Alban's, but
afterwards deserted to Edward (in 1459), who conferred many favours on
him, and created him a baron.
f Some write that only 300 were slain.
312 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
favour was obtained through the intercessions of a
priest. These promises, however, on the part of the
conqueror, were as insincere, and as little to be relied
on, as the former oaths of this Yorkist King. These
sacred engagements and the rights of the sanctuary
were inviolate only so long as his political position re-
quired it. The Lancastrians, on the contrary, had ever
respected the sanctuary, to which even King Edward
had, but just before been indebted, for the safety of his
Queen and her children. On this occasion all was
forgotten ; and upon the third day after the battle a
band of armed men rushed into the sanctuary, and, in
violation of the King's promises and of the sanctity of
the spot, they dragged out their unhappy victims and
brought them into the presence of the Duke of
Gloucester, sitting that day as Constable, and the
Duke of Norfolk, as Marshal. Before these were
arraigned and condemned to die, the Duke of Somerset,
John Longstrother, Prior of St. John's, Sir Thomas
Tresham, Sir Gervase Clifton, and several others,
knights and esquires. Upon May 7th they were
beheaded, along with twelve other knights, upon a
scaffold set up in the middle of the town ; but they
were not dismembered, and the victors afterwards
permitted their interment.* This engagement! took
place eighteen days after the battle of Barnet. It was
the twelfth battle since the beginning of the quarrel
of the Roses.
The Earl of AVarwick had subdued England in
eleven days, and in twenty days King Edward re-
* Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Bicmdi ; Milles's Catalogue ; Henry ; Blore's
Rutland ; Habington ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Toplis ; Pennant ;
Leland's Collect. ; Sandford ; Lond. Chron. ; Rapin ; Daniel ; Barante ;
Hume ; Lingard ; Collinson's Somersetsh. ; Biographie Universelle ; Fabyan ;
Monstrelet ; Philip de Comines.
t The scene of this battle, which destroyed the hopes of the Lancastrians,
has received the name of " Bloody Meadow." — Warner's Tour.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 313
covered it, but not until he bad fought two desperate
battles to effect his object.*
Most extraordinary it appears that, in England,
within the short period of half a year, there was held
one Parliament in which King Edward was proclaimed
an usurper, and King Henry a lawful monarch ; and
another proclaiming King Edward a lawful monarch,
and King Henry an usurper, to show us, adds the
chronicler, that in human affairs there is nothing
certain but uncertainty, nothing stable but instability.f
The Queen was discovered in a chariot half dead
with grief, upon beholding this unfortunate turn in
her affairs, and still being ignorant of the fate of her
son. She was conducted to King Edward. Another
account informs us, that it was not until two days after
the battle, that she was found in a nunnery, where she
had sought refuge, and was brought into the presence
of the triumphant monarch, then at Worcester. £
When Prince Edward appeared in the presence of
the King he preserved an undaunted air, and would
not be persuaded to make any submission derogatory
to his birth. The King, surprised at his fearless
countenance, inquired " how he dared to appear in
" arms against him ;" to which the Prince replied,
" that he had come to recover his own inheritance,
" which had been unjustly taken from him." His
boldness excited the King's indignation, and, striking
him on the mouth with his gauntlet, he turned away
from him. This was the signal for the death of this
unfortunate Prince, for, no sooner had the King with-
drawn, than the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the
Earl of Dorset, and Lord Hastings, falling upon him,
* Baker ; Kapin ; Philip de Comines ; Henry.
f Baker.
+ Holinshed ; Sandf ord ; Toplis ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Daniel ;
Baker ; Femmes Celebres ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan :
Bayley's History of the Tower.
314 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
despatched him with their daggers. It has been sup-
posed that King Edward had previously given orders
for this cruel execution. There is some difference of
opinion as to the death of this Prince, yet there is little
doubt that, if he did not receive it from these noble-
men, the act was done in their presence.
Some historians tell us that Prince Edward, having
escaped from the battle, a reward of £500 sterling was
offered by the King for his apprehension, dead or alive,
engaging that should he be alive, he would not put
him to death. Upon this promise Sir Richard Crofts
brought him to King Edward, who, however, did not
find this monarch disposed to keep his word. Prince
Edward was but eighteen years of age when he was
thus cruelly put to death.* He was buried without
solemnity, with some persons of mean condition, in the
church of Blackfriars, in Tewkesbury. In the same
church were also interred those Lancastrians who had
been beheaded after the late engagement.! Some of
the monuments erected to their memory may still be
seen. An altar tomb in the north wall of the nave
has been ascribed to Lord Wenlock,^ and a similar
one at the upper end of the south aisle near the choir,
under an arch, is that of the Duke of Somerset. In
the middle, under the great tower, at the entrance of
the choir, a large grey marble slab, with brass plates
affixed (but which have been since removed), marked
the spot where the remains of Prince Edward were
thought to have been deposited. § This Prince
* Tradition has preserved the memory of the spot where Prince Edward
was murdered in a house on the north side of the Tolsey. — Warner's Tour.
f Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Howel ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Lingard ; Or-
merod's Cheshire ; Milles's Catalogue ; Paston Letters ; London Chron. ;
Caradoc of Lhancarvan ; Daniel ; Barante ; Philip de Comines : Monstrelet ;
Sharon Turner ; Willis's Abbeys ; Henry ; Hume ; Bapin : Jean de Troye ;
Fabyan ; Villaret.
% The effigy of Lord Wenlock in full proportion is lying thereon.
§ Some state that Prince Edward's remains were thrown into one com-
mon srrave with others who had fallen in this battle.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 315
deserved a better fate ; he had excellent qualities of
mind and heart, which caused him to be much re-
gretted. It has been remarked that every one who
had participated in this murder came to an untimely
end.
To the monastery and convent of Tewkesbury
Henry VII. afterwards granted the parochial church
of Towton, to pray for the souls of this Duke of
Somerset, his brother John, and others, who lost
their lives in the quarrel of the Roses.
It may be well to remark that, in these turbulent
times, the remains of the dead seldom found their
resting-place in the vaults of their ancestors, and often
those who in life were nearest allied, were by death
widely separated. Thus was it with Sir John Wen-
lock, who, in 1461, when he was created Baron
Wenlock, had erected a chapel in the parish church
of Luton, in Bedfordshire, where there was an in-
scription and a portrait of Sir John, with the arms of
the family. In this place it is probable that Lady
Wenlock was buried, and that Lord Wenlock intended
it for his own place of sepulture.*
The renowned Chancellor, Sir John Fortescue, was
taken prisoner in the battle of Tewkesbury. He had
accompanied Queen Margaret and her son throughout
their last unfortunate expedition. The life of this
venerable sage was spared by King Edward, who
afterwards restored him to freedom. He also granted
him his estates, and admitted him to his favour.
While in Scotland with King Henry, during the time
of his exile, he had written a treatise in proof of the
claims of the House of Lancaster. With the same
ability he now composed for the rival monarch, a
second treatise in support of the title of the House
* Willis's Abbeys ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Fox's Monks and Monast. ; Eccles.
Hist. ; Magna Britannia ; Pennant.
316 MARGARET OF AXJOU.
of York, and tins, we are assured, was the price of his
pardon.*
King Edward entered London on the 21st of May,
and, in order to make his triumph resemble those of
the Eomans, he brought with him his chief captive,
the afflicted Queen Margaret. She had lost every
hope of re-ascending the throne, and by the death of
her son was deprived of her greatest consolation. A
new cause for grief awaited her when she reached the
Tower, whither she was conducted, she was not permitted
to see King Henry ; and there she remained a prisoner
several years. Thus left to her own reflections, it had
been well for Margaret could she have been able, like
her noble sire, to seek the consolations of religion, of
literature, and of the arts ; but her life had been a
scene of activity, even from her childhood, and her
tastes were rather those inspired by busy life. AYith
her son she had now lost the spring for action, and
even her mind became captive to her situation. She
sunk into despondency. f
King Edward had been indebted to the Archbishop
of York for many services, yet he was not at ease on
his throne while Neville enjoyed his liberty. This pre-
late had hunted at Windsor with the King, who had
promised him, in return, to hunt with him at the Moor,
in Hertfordshire. Preparations were made on a grand
scale for the royal visitor. All the plate which the
Archbishop had concealed since the time of his brother's
death, had been collected for this occasion, and all the
chief nobility of the neighbourhood had been invited
to partake of the banquet. The King, however, com-
manded this prelate to come to Windsor, and he was
* Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Ling-ard.
f Habington ; Holinshed ; Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Hume ; Rapin ;
Henry ; Baker ; Daniel ; Fabyan : Villaret : Bayley's History of the Tower
of London.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 317
then arrested on a charge of having lent money to the
Earl of Oxford. The revenue of his bishopric was
seized, and his valuable plate confiscated : his mitre
was converted into a crown, and his jewels appropriated
by the King and the Prince of Wales. The Arch-
bishop lingered for three years in prison, partly in
England, and partly at Guisnes. He recovered his
freedom only a few weeks before his death, in 1476.
This is a marked instance of ingratitude in the cha-
racter of Edward IV.*
Thomas Neville, called the Bastard of Falconbridge,! 1*71.
who was a faithful adherent of the House of Lancaster,
had been Vice-Admiral of the Channel during the
time of King Henry's restoration, but lost this office
on the change of the dynasty. He then turned pirate ;
but having lands, and some influence in the county of
Kent, he collected a considerable army and attempted
to surprise London, with a view to rescue King Henry
from the Tower. He was repulsed, and withdrew with
his troops into Kent. Lord Scales, with the assistance
of Nicholas Faunte, Mayor of Canterbury, contrived
means with fair words only, to prevail on Falconbridge
to return to Blackheath. From them, however, he
stole away in the night with 600 horsemen to Rochester,
and after to Sandwich, where he awaited the King's
coming. He submitted to King Edward, and was not
only pardoned, but also knighted, and again appointed
Vice-Admiral, in this year, 1471. From this time his
career was short, for between the 13th and 29th of the
following September he was beheaded, but for what
offence is unknown. His head, and the heads of nine
others, placed on spears, were exhibited on London
* Leland Collect. ; Stow ; Rymer : Bayley's Tower of London ; Lingard.
f He was a natural son of William, Lord Falconbridge. One account
of his death is, that he was beheaded by the Duke of Gloucester in
Yorkshire.
31 S MAKGAEET OF AXJOU.
bridge, exposed to the birds and elements, until the
bones only were left. It is probable that those who
shared his fate were some of his own men from Kent,
thirty of whom we are told, joined him in his enter-
prise.*
The King granted to William Waynfleet, Bishop of
Winchester, who had been a staunch friend of the
Lancastrians, a complete pardon. He did not exhibit
the same generosity towards his rival, Henry the Sixth.
After having twice spared the life of this monarch,
doubtless on account of his innocence and simplicity of
character, King Edward began to fear that he should
not enjoy any confirmed peace whilst Henry was alive.
He would perhaps have suffered him to die a natural
death, had not the repeated attempts to re-enthrone
him pointed out to him his own insecurity. He there-
fore resolved to despatch him, and Queen Margaret's
last attempt to recover the crown, hastened the ca-
tastrophe.
There is little doubt that, had Queen Margaret won
the last battle, and taken King Edward prisoner, she
would have put him to death ; but the good fortune of
this monarch, caused the same fate to fall upon her
husband and her son, and she was herself only indebted
to her sex, for her preservation.
1471. It was on the night of the 21st of May, 1471, of
that same day upon which the King had entered Lon-
don triumphantly, and his royal captive, the Lancas-
trian Queen, had been consigned to the Tower, but
a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury, that the
good and meek King Henry the Sixth, while engaged
in his devotions, in his prisou in the Tower, was put to
death. It was generallv believed that he was stabbed
with a dagger, by the hand of the Duke of Gloucester,
* Paston Letters ; Lingard ; Bentley's Exceipta, Hist. ; Miss Lawrence ;
Mackay's Thames.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 319
who has been almost unanimously called a cruel, and a
bloodthirsty prince.*
The great hall in the Wakefield tower has been
said, by tradition, to have been the scene of Henry's
murder.
To appease the public, it was reported that King-
Henry had died of grief. His body was brought to
St. Paul's a few days after, with guards and torches,
in an open coffin, barefaced, where it rested a day
uncovered, and here the body bled afresh ; it was
thence conveyed to the church of Blackfriars, where it
again bled ; it was then taken in a boat to Chertsey
Abbey, f and without ceremony, " there being neither
" priest nor clerk,, torch nor taper, saying or singing,
11 he was there interred," within the cloisters.
King Henry's corpse was afterwards removed by
King Edward's order to Windsor, and buried in St.
George's Chapel, in the south aisle, between the choir
and the altar, under the arch on the south side, but no
monument placed over it.
The remains of King Edward were afterwards in-
terred in the same chapel, which he had himself
rebuilt.
Thus did the rival monarchs at last repose in death
under the same roof.;J; This circumstance was sug-
gestive of the following lines from the poet's pen : —
" Let softest strains ill-fated Henry mourn,
" And palms eternal flourish round his urn.
" Here, o'er the martyr King, the marble weeps,
' ' And fast beside him once f ear'd Edward sleeps ;
* This character of Gloucester has been given by his enemies, historians
who favoured the House of Lancaster.
f Chertsey Abbey was founded for Benedictine monks, in 666, and was
dissolved by Henry VIII. in 1538.
J Sandford ; Stow; Howel; Toplis; Baker; Grafton; Milles's Catalogue;
Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Pennant's London ; Henry ; Lingard ; Monfau-
con ; Londiniana ; Philip de Comines ; Rous of Warwick ; Mag. Britannia
Ashmole's Berkshire.
,320 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
" Whom not th' extended Albion could contain,
" From old Belerium to the northern main.
" The grave unites ; where e'en the great find rest,
" And blended lie th' oppressor and th' opprest !"*
The reputed sanctity of Henry VI. , and the desire
of Henry VII. to establish his right to the crown upon
the Lancastrian descent, caused this monarch to apply
to the Papal See for his canonization. It was his
intention to found a chapel at Windsor to the memory
of Henry VI., and to place in it a stately monument
over his remains (which were said to have wrought
miracles) ; but the abbot and convent of Westminster
at this time sent a petition to the King, claiming to
have King Henry's body removed to their church, that
being the place chosen by this monarch himself during
his lifetime.
The aged workmen of the abbey well remembered
the visits of King Henry for the purpose of fixing the
place for his sepulture. It was during that unhappy
period, between the battles of St. Alban's and that of
Wakefield, that the King frequented the abbey at all
hours of day or night to decide on the spot where he
should be interred. He came at one time between
seven and eight o'clock in the evening from his palace,
accompanied by his Confessor, Thomas Manning, who
was afterwards Dean of Windsor. He was received
by the abbot by torchlight at the postern, and they
went together round the Confessor's Chapel. It was
proposed to move the tomb of Eleanor, when the
King replied "that he could in no wise do it," and
when this was pressed upon him, he fell into one of
his fits of silence, and gave no reply. He then pro-
ceeded to the Lady Chapel, where he beheld his
mother's coffin in its neglected state. It was proposed
that it should be " more honourably apparelled," and
* Pope.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 321
that he should be laid between it and the altar in the
same chapel, but Henry gave no answer.
The remains of Queen Catherine had been placed in
a rude coffin in " this chapel, in a ' badly apparelled
1 state, the body open to view ; and there she remained
1 many years.' When this chapel was destroyed by
her grandson, it was placed on the right side of her
husband, and so it continued to be seen, the bones
being firmly united, and thinly clothed with flesh-like
scrapings of fine leather. This strange neglect was
probably the result of the disfavour into which her
memory had fallen from her ill-assorted marriage,
but the legends of the abbey tell us, that it was by
her own appointment in regard of her disobedience
to her husband, for being delivered of her son,
Henry VI., at Windsor, the place which he for-
bade."
On another day, he visited the Confessor's Chapel,
with Flete, the prior of the abbey. Henry inquired of
him the names of the kings whose tombs were around
him, till he came to the grave of his father, where he
prayed. He then entered the chantry, and surveyed
the whole chapel for one hour. He was asked if the
tomb of Henry V. should be pushed a little on one side,
and his own placed beside it ; when, with more than
his customary regal spirit, he exclaimed, " Nay, let him
u alone ; he lieth like a noble prince — I would not
" trouble him." The abbot proposed at last that the
great reliquary should be moved from its position at
that time, close beside the shrine, so as thus, to leave a
vacant space for another tomb.
The King anxiously inquired, whether any other
spot could be found where the relics might be deposited,
and being informed that they might be placed at the
back side of the altar, he then marked with his foot
* Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey.
VOL. II. Y
322 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
seven feet, and turning to the nobles who were with
him, " Lend me your staff," he said to Lord Cromwell ;
" is it not fitting I should have a place here, where my
"father and my ancestors lie, near St. Edward?"
Then, pointing with the staff to the spot, he said,
" Here methinketh is a convenient place ; " and again
more emphatically, and with the peculiar asseveration,
which, in his pious lips, took the place of the savage
oaths of the Plantagenets, " Forsooth, forsooth, here
" will we lie ! Here is a good place for us."
The master mason of the abbey, named Thirsk, then
traced with an iron instrument the circuit of the grave.
The relics were removed three days after, and the tomb
was ordered. The "marbler" (or statuary) and the
coppersmith were paid forty groats for their instalment,
and one groat was given to the workmen, who long
remembered their master's conversation by this token.
The religious establishments of Chertsey and of Wind-
sor disputed the claim of Westminster, and an exami-
nation of the parties took place in the King's presence
in council. A decision was given on the third hearing
unanimously, in favour of Westminster, and not long
after, the license was obtained from Pope Julius II.
for the removal of King Henry's remains to the abbey ;
but the intention of canonisation was given up, the
King being unwilling to yield to the exorbitant de-
mands of the Court of Rome.
In the will of Henry VIII. there was mention made
of his design to repair the tombs of his predecessors,
Henry VI. and Edward IV. The former being still in
St. George's Chapel, we may affirm that this monarch's
remains were never taken away from Windsor.
During the civil wars, the tomb of King Henry VI.,
as well as that of his rival, Edward IV., were despoiled
of their ornaments, and nothing now remains to mark
* Londiniana ; Baker ; Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 323
the place of sepulture of the meek monarch than the
royal arms beneath an arch.* No monument, indeed,
was needed for this pious king, although by some
regarded with contempt, beholding in him but a weak
and imbecile sovereign. Yet did he become distin-
guished by good acts and patient endurance, as a
Christian and a saint. To the memory of this holy king
no monument was ever raised ; and in allusion to this,
Walpole has written the following lines : —
" But say, what shrine ? My eyes in vain require
" Th' engraven brass, and monumental spire ;
" Henry knows none of these. Above, around !
" Behold where'er this pensile quarry 's found,
" Or swelling into vaulted roofs its weight,
" Or shooting columns into Gothic state, —
" Where'er this fane extends its lofty frame,
" Behold the monument to Henry's name ! "
The noble works of art of his day were themselves
monuments of lasting praise, if such were needed, to
the memory of this good king.")"
Henry VI. died in the fiftieth year of his age,
having reigned thirty-eight years before he was de-
throned, and seven months after his restoration. He
was twice crowned, and twice buried.J
This monarch was revered as a martyr, and it was
whispered that miracles were wrought at his tomb. In
St. Leonard's church, Norwich, was an image of
Henry VI., which was visited by pilgrims from all
parts, who, being afflicted with various diseases, re-
paired thither in the hope of their cure. Thus this
image became famous, and the church in which it was
placed. §
The virtues of King Henry, and the endowments of
his mind, were indeed enough to make him a saint.
He was so devout as to think nothing adversity which
* Londiniana. f Walpole. + Toplis ; Rapin.
§ Parkin's Norwich.
y 2
324 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
was not a hindrance to devotion. His confessor said
of him that, " in ten years' confession he never found
" that he had done, or said anvthino; for which he
11 might justly be enjoined penance ; }> and on this
account Henry VII. would have had him canonized for
a saint.*
Upon one occasion King Henry is said to have
foretold the exaltation of the Earl of Richmond, who
being brought to him by Jasper, Earl of Pembroke
when scarcely ten years of age, this monarch, after
regarding him for some time, said to the lords about
him, "Lo! this is he to whom both we and our ad-
" versaries, having the possession of all things, shall
" hereafter give place " — a prophecy so many years
after fulfilled, that it was the more remarkable.
Henry has been described as tall, slight, and hand-
some in person, and of a beautiful countenance. His
hair was of a moderate length ; he had no beard,
or whiskers, and wore broad shoes. He usually had
on a cap, or hood of red velvet, which was preserved
a long time afterwards upon his tomb, and it was by
the superstitious thought to cure the headache of all
those who put it on.f
This meek and gentle monarch of a turbulent
and rebellious people, whom during a long life he
was unable to rule, was yet of so virtuous and
estimable a character that he deserved the universal
admiration of posterity. He has been described as
a man of pure simplicity of mind ; truthful almost
to a fault. He never made a promise he did not
keep, and never knowingly did an injury to any-
one. Rectitude and justice ruled his conduct in all
public affairs. Devout himself, he sought to cherish a
love for religion in others. He would exhort his
* Baker.
f Milles's Catalogme ; Stow ; Baker ; Strntt ; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 325
" visitors, particularly the young, to pursue virtue and
" eschew evil. He considered sports and pleasures
" of the world as frivolous, and devoted his leisure to
" reading the Scriptures and the old chronicles.
11 Most decorous himself when attending public
" worship, he obliged his courtiers to enter the sacred
" edifice without swords, or spears, and to refrain from
" interrupting the devotion of others by conversing
" within its precincts. He exhorted his clergy in
" frequent letters, and charged them to consider their
" trust as emanating from the authority of the Most
" High.
" He delighted in female society, and blamed the
" immodest dress which left exposed the maternal
" parts of the neck." When he observed this on one
occasion, at a masque proposed for his entertainment,
he exclaimed, " Fie, fie ! forsooth you are much to
" blame ; " and he hastened from the apartment. " Fond
" of encouraging youth in the path of virtue, he would
" frequently converse familiarly with the scholars from
" his college of Eton, when they visited his servants
" at Windsor Castle. He generally concluded with
a this touching address, adding a present of money :
u c Be good lads, meek and docile, and attend to your
" c religion.'
" He was liberal to the poor, and lived among his
" dependents as a father among his children. He
" readily forgave those who had offended him. When
" one of his servants had been robbed, he sent him
" a present of twenty nobles, desiring him to be more
" careful of his property in future, and requesting him
" to forgive the thief. Passing one day from St.
" Alban's to Cripplegate, he saw a quarter of a man
" impaled there for treason. Greatly shocked, he
" exclaimed, ' Take it away, take it away. I will
" ' have no man so cruelly treated on my account.'
326 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
" Hearing that four men of noble birth were about
" to suffer for treason to him, he sent them his par-
" don with all expedition to the place of execution.
" In his dress he. was plain, and would not wear
" the shoes with the upturned points, then so much
" in fashion and considered the distinguishing mark
" of a man of quality.
" He was careful to select proper persons in the
" distribution of church preferment, and, anxious to
" promote the real happiness of his two half-brothers,
" the Earls of Richmond and Pembroke, he had them
" carefully brought up under the most upright and
" virtuous ecclesiastics.
M Such a King in more peaceable times would have
" been a blessing to his country ; but in those tur-
" bulent days, when personal prowess was considered
" the first of virtues, it is not to be wondered, that he
11 should have been looked upon almost in the light
" of an idiot."*
No monarch could be less fitted to wield a sceptre
than Henry VI. ; for, being made King at nine months
old, his knowledge and skill in affairs of state did
not " grow with his growth," neither did he in
maturer years evince the least capacity for the regu-
lation of a people, who, being attached to him as their
lawful ' sovereign, yet had become discontented, and
rebellious.
His mind was so weak that all counsels appeared to
him equally good, being unable to perceive the conse-
quences of any advice given to him.f This natural
weakness totally unfitting him to govern, Henry
yielded himself up to the guidance of others, some-
* This extract is from one who had well studied the King's cha-
racter from personal observation. — J. Blachman ; Hearne ; Otterhourne ;
Wetlvamstede.
f Habington ; Rapin ; Hume.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ. 327
times to that of Queen Margaret, at other times, to that
of the most ambitious of his subjects, without making
any resistance, or the least effort to assert his own
power.* The great deficiencies in King Henry for the
exercise of regal sway were, however, supplied by all
the virtues of the man. He was chaste, temperate,
meek, and holy, and so good and amiable, that he was
beloved by his people, and even by his enemies. His
disposition was so forgiving, and benevolent, and such
was his love of peace, that he sought on all occasions
to conciliate the contending parties ; and would always
try pacific measures before he consented to engage in
warfare. It is even said of him that he did himself a
violence when he had recourse to arms. When the
weakness of his understanding made him at times
appear contemptible in the eyes of those who ought to
have reverenced his authority, the purity and innocence
of his life preserved their affection to him. Thus, the
victorious Yorkists, when wreaking their vengeance on
their most deadly enemies, were seen to fall on their
knees before their humbled and unfortunate monarch,
who was their prisoner, and the greatest object of their
pity ; then did they conduct him respectfully, and with
all the dignity due to his rank, to the metropolis. They
even preserved, at a time when they grasped at absolute
power, that show of decorum and propriety due to
majesty, which nothing but their sympathy in his mis-
fortunes, and affection for his person could have
extorted. His integrity, modesty, and patience were
wonderful, taking and suffering all losses, chances, dis-
pleasures, and such worldly torments in good part, and
with a patient manner, as though they had chanced by
his own fault, or negligent oversight.
King Henry abhorred cruelty and injustice, and he
desired neither riches, nor honour. He studied only
* Malcolm's Manners and Customs ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin.
32 S MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
for the health of his soul, the saving whereof he
esteemed the greatest wisdom, and the loss thereof the
greatest folly that could be. He might have been
called unhappy, had he not been endued with such piety
as raised him above his fortune, and united him to his
God. By some he was regarded as a saint, and his
virtues were extolled in order to render more odious
the King who had robbed him of his crown and life.
His manners were simple and inoffensive, and it was a
peculiarity in his character that he did not swear in
common conversation, and reproved the practice in all
those who approached his person.
The conduct of King Henry when deprived of his
crown was exemplary, and when reduced to the level
of his subjects, he bore lnVmisfortunes with such meek-
ness and patience, as totally disarmed his successor of
any desire to take away his life.
The indignity with which this monarch was treated
by the Earl of Warwick, and others, reflects but little
credit on the manners and feelings of the age. Many
great offences Henry willingly forgave ; and one day,
having received a blow from a wicked person, who
sought to take his life, he only said, " Forsooth, ye do
" wrong yourself, more than me, so to smite the Lord's
" anointed." He had many injuries offered him, yet
he never sought to revenge himself, but gave thanks to
God, that he did send them to punish his sins in this
life, that he might escape punishment in the life to
come.
King Henry had a singular devotion to Saint Ed-
mond, and we are told, that, " he nowhere enjoyed so
" much comfort, peace, and joy, as in his retreats in the
" monastery of St. Edmondsbury."
This monarch is universally described as amiable,
and although of a weak understanding, as possessing
uncommon goodness of heart. As a private individual
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 329
he might have shone conspicuous, but as a king his
virtues were lost sight of, in the evident deficiency of
the sterner requisites for regal power.*
* Biondi ; Habington ; Hall ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Howel ; Lin-
gard ; Henry ; Hume ; Rapin ; Malcolm ; Camden's Remains ; Butler's
Lives ; Gent.'s Magazine.
CHAPTER VIII.
" To be a queen in bondage is more vile
" Than is a slave in base servility ;
" For princes should be free." — Shakespeare.
" Now Margaret
' ' Must strike her sail, and learn awhile to serve
" Where kings command. I was, I must confess,
1 ' Great Albion's queen in former golden days ;
11 But now mischance hath trod my title down,
' ' And with dishonour laid me on the ground ;
1 ( Where I must take like seat unto my fortune,
" And to my humble seat conform myself."
Shakespeare.
Queen Margaret imprisoned in the Tower, also at Windsor and at Walling-
ford — Rene — His age and misfortunes — The death of Charles of
Anjou, also that of Ferri de Yaudemont, and of Nicolas, of Anjou —
Louis XI. seizes on Anjou — Rene retires to Provence — Rene's pursuits,
tastes, and disposition — Rene's letter to Queen Margaret — Louis XI.
meets Rene at Lyons — He appoints Charles of Maine his heir —
Manoeuvre of Louis — The cession of the rights of Rene — His condi-
tions — Louis enters into a treaty with Edward IT. — Queen Margaret
is ransomed — She departs from England — Having renounced her claims
on England, she yields to Louis her rights in Anjou and Provence —
Queen Margaret's melancholy — Rene at G-ardane — He instructs his
granddaughter — The defeat and death of Charles the Bold by the Duke
of Lorraine — Rene's last illness and death — The will of Rene — The
Provencaux oppose the removal of his corpse— His body is carried to
Angers — His monument and epitaph, statues, coat of arms — The .in-
stitutions of Rene — His character — Charles of Anjou his successor —
The death of Charles of Anjou — Louis XI. his heir.
The vanquished Queen Margaret, consigned to the
solitude of a prison, was overcome by melancholy, and
during five years endured a comfortless captivity. Her
heroic spirit, which had braved every danger, and sus-
tained such great trials, no longer bore up under the
MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 331
pressure of misfortune. She had not even a ray of
hope to cheer the future, being now deprived of her
husband, her son, her friends, and of her kingdom, and
no" other prospect before her than of an endless im-
prisonment. At first she was confined in the Tower of
London, where she was treated with the utmost harsh-
ness, until by the kind intercession of Elizabeth Wood-
ville, who probably retained a lively recollection of the
benefits which her royal mistress had bestowed upon
her, while in attendance on her formerly at court, she
obtained through her compassion some mitigation of
her cruel treatment. The widowed Queen was next 1472.
imprisoned at Windsor, in 1472, and afterwards re-
moved to Wallingford Castle, where she was placed
under the charge of Alice Chaucer, Duchess Dowager
of Suffolk, one of her early friends, whose residence
was at Ewelin, in Oxfordshire, not far from Walling-
ford. Doubtless it must have been consoling to the
unhappy Queen to receive the sympathy of her former
companion and friend, who in the joyous hours of her
maidenhood had, with her ill-fated husband, conducted
her to the shores of England, and whose bereavement
Margaret had so deeply felt.*
Five marks weekly was all the allowance granted to
her from King Edward for her support, and that of her
servants. This seems an inconsiderable sum compared
to that allowed to the Duke of Orleans, which was
400 marks annually for his maintenance. This shows
that she was no longer treated as a Queen.
Thus this unfortunate heroine passed the time of
her widowhood, a season always sorrowful and desolate,
but to her it must have been truly unhappy, having
not the slightest hope of regaining her freedom, f
The " good King Rene," her father, was now stricken
* Paston Letters ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Toplis.
+ Toplis ; Lingard ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters.
332
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
1472.
Godard
Faultrier.
1473.
Bodin ;
Paston
Letters ;
Monstrelet.
in years, and worn out with a series of misfortunes,
yet, he was tenderly attached to his daughter Margaret,
and much distressed at her imprisonment. He found
himself, however, unable to effect her liberation, or to
assist her as he anxiously desired.
He was not in a condition to pay such a ransom, as
would probably be demanded for her liberty. He had
throughout his life been very necessitous, and was now
in greater distress than ever ; for, although he had been
of great service to the French in the conquest of Nor-
mandy, and in then endeavours to expel the English
from France, Louis XL had treated him with great
ingratitude.
Rene had mourned the death of his son John, Duke
of Calabria. This loss had occurred at the same epoch
as the disasters of Queen Margaret, and the sensible
heart of Rene was greatly afflicted. Soon after this,
his brother, Charles of Anjou, followed to the grave ;
and next Ferri de Vaudemont, Duke of Lorraine.
Nicholas, son of John of Anjou, also died ; his death
happened on the 24th of May,* 1473 ; he was but
twenty-five years of age.f He had been for some time
before, in treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, for the
hand of his daughter Mary, his only child, and the pre-
sumptive heir to his dominions. It appears, that
Louis XI. had offered his eldest daughter in marriage to
Duke Nicholas, who had broken his faith, preferring the
daughter of Burgundy, the King s vassal. Thus the
marriage became obnoxious to Louis, and the young
man's sudden death, just at the time when there seemed
no longer any obstacle to this union, gave occasion to
the report, that he died by poison, administered by the
same hand that had taken off the Duke of Berri.
Monstrelet tells us, however, that this Duke Nicholas
* Monstrelet says he died in July.
+ Bodin; Monstrelet; Habington: Female Worthies : Paston Letters.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTL 333
died of the plague, in his duchy of Lorraine, and adds
that, by his death the male line of Rene of Anjou became
extinct; and the inheritance of Lorraine passed to
Yoland, the eldest daughter of Rene, whose husband
had lately died.
Rene II., Count of Vaudemont, became Duke of
Lorraine ; but some write, that this crown was offered
to Rene, who rejected it in favour of his grandson.
The Duke of Burgundy, probably disappointed at
the failure of his project, for uniting the duchies of Bur-
gundy and Lorraine by the marriage of his daughter,
very unjustly imprisoned Rene II., but was soon obliged
to liberate him.*
King Rene at this time of sorrow and regret with-
drew to his castle of Bauge, where he sought the most
perfect quiet, and the sweetest recollections. Here he
thought he might mourn in peace. He wandered by
its river, then traversed the rooms of his castle, then
repaired to seek peace in its chapel, alternately he
prayed, and wept, and then silently meditating, appeared
to seek " another and a better country." His features
seemed to be changed by grief; but, alas ! the good
King Rene s time for sorrowing was not yet over. He
had still renewed troubles, and even his cherished soli-
tude was about to be ravished from him, and while
this aged monarch was seeking strength to sustain his
afflictions, his nephew, Louis XL, meditated the seizure
of Anjou, under the most unjust pretexts. This artful
king, abusing the kindness of his relative, had de-
nounced Rene to the parliament of Paris as a conspi-
rator, ordaining that he should be criminally sued, and
expecting that he might thus obtain a pretext for con-
fiscating his estates to his own advantage. The par-
liament, however, being acquainted with the prudence
* Paston Letters ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ;
Hi^t. General de Provence.
334 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU.
and good conduct of the Duke of Anjou, would not
follow up this unjust accusation.
Bodit'- 1 " ^he King of France then, without any form of pro-
Godard cedure, seized upon Anjou, and established a strong
garrison in the castle of Angers, giving the command
of it to William of Cerazai, who became first mayor of
Angers. Louis was at this time, marching at the head
of 50,000 men against Francis II., Duke of Brittany,
and he made it his pretext, that King Rene was in
alliance with the Bretons. He even feigned great rage
at this. Bene, meanwhile, although only seven leagues
distant, at his castle of Bauge, was so far from suspect-
ing it, that hearing the King was at Angers, he ordered
his horse, intending to go there to congratulate him.
His servants, knowing his love for his country of Anjou,
dared not at first to tell him the truth ; but, finding he
determined on going to Angers, one of his familiar
friends declared to him the facts. This good prince,
accustomed to control his affections, which of late had
been much tried by his misfortunes, bore this shock
with fortitude, and he even finished the painting upon
which he was engaged at the time. Afterwards his
affliction overcame him for a brief space, and he was
shocked at this new, and unexpected instance of his
relative's unkindness. His piety, however, made him
seek the strength he needed. " The will of God be
" done," said he, " who hath given me all, and can
" take all away from me at his pleasure. The King
" shall have no war with me, for my age is no longer
" suitable to arms. I have determined to live the rest
" of my time in this world in peace and repose of spirit,
"and shall do so if possible."*
Bene has been reproached by several historians be-
cause when the news of his loss of Anjou was brought
to him, being engaged in painting a bartarelle, a kind
* Baudier ; Habinglon ; Aiiquetil ; Bodin.
MARGABET OF ANJOTJ. 335
of partridge of which he was very fond, he did not
discontinue his work, and showed no other regret, than
that, of being obliged to leave for ever a country to
which he was sincerely attached. These writers say,
that in the pursuit of the pleasing arts this prince had
forgotten the duties of the sovereign, whose first care
should be the preservation of his state.
Again they say, that Rene possessed all the quali-
ties valuable to a private individual, but scarcely any
of those which are indispensable to kings. The in-
justice of these opinions will be apparent, when we come
to speak of the great talents of King Rene, and espe-
cially of the numerous, and essential benefits he conferred
on the states over which he ruled, and of the love his
subjects bore him. He showed, indeed, great com-
mand of his passions and resignation of soul on many
occasions.
When so abruptly driven from the cradle of his fore-
fathers, Rene wisely resolved to sustain this outrage
with stoical firmness, and not long after, he retired to
Aix, in Provence, carrying with him the regrets and
benedictions of all ranks of the Angevins, by whom
he was cherished as the best of princes, or rather as a
father.
The affectionate reception he had so frequently ex-
perienced from the Provengaux, determined Rene upon
fixing his abode amongst them. He devoted himself
to a country life, and, as in the days of Saturn and
Rhea, he was sometimes seen, crook in hand, guarding
his sheep, along with his Queen, Jeanne de Laval.
He likewise amused himself in the cultivation of poetry,
painting, and gardening, and in this manner the good
King passed beneath the clear sky of Provence the
remaining years of his life.
The treatment of Louis was, however, more deeply
felt by him, as it was altogether unexpected from one.
336 MAKGARET OF ANJOU.
whom he believed to be his friend; but, perceiving no
remedy, Rene resolved to submit with patience.*
The tastes of Rene, which had been formed in the
school of adversity, differed much from those which
usually characterise princes.
In his country house at Gardane, where he passed
the summer, he lived without pomp, everything around
him wearing such an air of antiquity that, upon glanc-
ing over the inventory of the furniture of his dwelling,
one cannot help thinking of Fabricius or Socrates.
The same simplicity distinguished him at Marseilles,
where he sometimes withdrew during the winter season.
He was often seen walking quite alone on the port, or
conversing familiarly with any one he might chance to
meet, and this, at the time, when the sun, so fine in
that climate, shed that gentle heat, which in the Basse
Provence reanimates nature, even when dormant else-
where. Thus, arose the saying amongst his subjects,
of " se chauffer a la cheminee du roi Rene," to warm
oneself by King Rene's chimney, when any one sought
the warmth of the sun's rays.f His palace neither
exhibited splendour nor magnificence. His annual ex-
penditure only amounted to 15,000 florins, or 144,000
livres, and the strictest accounts were rendered.^
In his travels, Rene would not always lodge at the
house of a lord, or a bishop ; he sometimes preferred the
humble roof of a private individual whom he loved ; and
when he wished to enhance the favour, he would do so
by sketching his portrait as an honourable monument on
the door, or the wall of the chamber, with this verse
under it —
" Sicelidum Regis effigies est ista Renati."
" This is the portrait of Rene, King of Sicily."
* Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Baudier.
t " Or when seeking shelter from the sun in King Rene's walk."
X Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 337
Rene took great pleasure in being in the country,
not for the enjoyment of sporting, but for the sake of
promoting agriculture, and of comforting his people, by
the advancement of works of utility.*
Amidst his various occupations nothing disturbed
the peace of mind of Rene, but the recollection of the
miserable situation of his daughter Margaret, whom
he was unable to release from her prison, and with
whose sorrow he could so well sympathise, having
himself suffered a severe captivity.
It was at the time that Rene inhabited his modest
castle of Gardane, in Provence, that he addressed the
following letter to his unfortunate daughter, Queen
Margaret, and which would seem to have been dic-
tated by the most profound melancholy.
"My daughter! may God assist you in your
" counsels ; for we should rarely expect the help of
" man under the reverses of fortune ! When you
" desire to alleviate your misfortunes, think of mine.
"They are great, my child, and yet I offer you con-
"solation."!
Rene could not expect, after the treatment he
had received from the French King, to obtain from
him anything on the score of friendship or generosity.
He therefore endeavoured to purchase the favour of
Louis by giving up the succession of Provence, upon
the death of his nephew, as the price of his daughter's
freedom. The conditions on which he made this 3475.
cession were, that Louis should pay to the Queen of p^jj 1 '
Sicily, Rene's second wife, in case she should survive Letters;
him, "a reasonable and sufficient dower;" that he
should procure the liberation of his daughter Margaret,
Queen of England ; and that he should assign to her
an annual pension in France, to enable her to live in a
manner suitable to her rank and dignity.
* Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence. t Villeneuve Bargemont.
VOL. 11. z
338
MARGARET OF AXJOU.
1475.
Biondi ;
Toplis ;
Henry ;
Moustrclet.
1470.
147o.
Carte ;
Daniel.
According to this arrangement, Louis entered into
a treaty with King Edward IV., at Amiens, for the
ransom of Queen Margaret, which was finally con-
cluded on the 13th of November, in the same year,
1475. It was then stipulated that the King of France
should pay the sum of 50,000 crowns of gold to
Edward, and that Queen Margaret of Anjou should
renounce all claim to any portion, jewels, or other
things to which she might have, or pretend to have a
right, through her marriage with King Henry the Sixth.
King Edward resigned all power over his captive, and
Louis bound himself never to make any demand in her
favour.*
Thus this unfortunate Queen was released from her
imprisonment, and on the 29th of January, 1476, was
delivered up by King Edward's ambassador, Sir
Thomas de Montgomery, to John d'Hangest sieur de
Jenlis, and John Raguenet, Receiver-General of Nor-
mandy, who was appointed by the King of France to
receive her at Rouen.
Queen Margaret readily made the renunciation re-
quired of her, giving up all her claims upon England.
She also ceded to Louis XL, at this time, viz., on the
1st of March after her liberation in 1476, all her rights
to the property and pretensions of her father. Full
of gratitude to her deliverer for having advanced so
much money for her ransom, as well as in consideration
of the essential services he had before rendered to her
and her son, by the loan of both money and ships in
her last expedition to recover her crown, Queen Mar-
garet by this act yielded up to the French King
all the rights she then held, or might hold, in the
* Biondi ; Toplis ; Baker ; Howel ; Jean de Troye ; Anquetil ; Paston
Letters ; Carte ; Habington ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; Baudier ; Monstrelet ;
Bodin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Female Worthies ; Henry ; Russi's Contes de Pro-
vence ; Toplis ; Bayley's Tov;er of London.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 331)
duchies of Anjou, Lorraine, and Bar, and in the comity
of Provence.*
The ambitious and once powerful Queen Margaret
thus became divested of all her worldly grandeur, and
deprived of every hope of regaining her former pos-
sessions. She beheld herself at once despoiled of all
accorded by established law to her in England, and of
every privilege she could have enjoyed from her birth,
and from the succession of the House of Anjou, of
which she was the sole heiress. Her life had been a
scene of constant change and vicissitude, and she had
not only lost her crown, but had endured the severest
afflictions.
From this period either her spirit was entirely
broken, or she considered it useless to endeavour to
raise herself above her misfortunes. Overcome with
grief and melancholy she withdrew to the town of Aix,
where she sought retirement and tranquillity for the
remainder of her existence, which had hitherto been so
much disturbed by calamity.
It may be well imagined that while in this state of
dejection, Queen Margaret could be but little disposed
to share in and sympathise with the rural delights of
her aged father; yet she continued at Aix, where
Bene was residing, and so long as he lived she dwelt
there, " in absolute seclusion from every kind of
" business." One historian tells us that the regret of
this Queen was not occasioned by the loss of her
kingdom, or even of her husband, but by the death
of her son, of that beloved son, the recollection of
whom accompanied her to the grave. The last six
or seven years of her life were the most tranquil since
her marriage. Her adversities had made her feel the
sweetness of repose, which, otherwise, was not agree-
* Carte ; Hume : Baudier ; Daniel; Habingtc-n ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ;
Jean de Troye ; Monfaucon ; Bodin ; Henry : Biondi.
Z 2
340 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
able to the disposition of Margaret, who was ever
after melancholy and unhappy.* She might have
exclaimed with the poet —
" No, no ; our joys away like shadows slide,
11 But sorrows firm in memory abide."
The similarity in the fortunes of Rene and his
daughter, and the joy of again beholding his beloved
child released from prison, must have awakened in
him all the tenderness of parental affection ; and who
could better sympathise with the fallen Queen, than
one who had himself so often been, as it were, the
plaything of fickle fortune, tossed from the heights
of prosperity and joy to the depths of misfortune and
despair? Who better than such a parent could point
out the greatest consolation under calamity, or solace
the grief of the desponding Margaret ? but, alas ! how
are we struck at the contrast in the character of this
Princess with that of her venerable sire ! The his-
torian is silent, and the philosopher would descant on
the weakness of her sex ; but it is for all true
Christians to witness and lament in this admirable
woman the want of "that peace which the world
" cannot give." Only peace of heart can ensure
tranquillity in life, and when its close approaches that
countenance only is cheerful, which is lighted by the
blessed hope of another, and a better world. That ray
of heavenly hope which had sustained Queen Margaret
in her troubles, it would seem had been lost amidst
the strife and tumults of party animosities, and in the
struggle for worldly power and an earthly coronet,
awful indeed was the peril in which she stood of losing
her heavenly crown.
Had Queen Margaret possessed that inward peace
which her aged father so evidently enjoyed, she might
* Habington ; Baudier ; Baker ; Hume ; Bo-din ; Daniel ; Biondi.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOIL 341
like him have found a solace in each object presented
in nature for her observation and reflection. Even
the daisy, chosen by this Queen as her device in her
joyful maidenhood, might have brought to her mind
a lesson of content, and conveyed the sentiments, if
not the language of the poet, who exclaims —
" Bright flower, whose home is everywhere !
1 ' A pilgrim bold in nature's care !
" And oft, the long year through, the heir
" Of joy or sorrow.
" Methinks that there abides in thee
" Some concord with humanity,
" Given to no other flower, I see,
' ' The forest through.
' ' And wherefore ? Man is soon deprest :
' ' A thoughtless thing ! who, once emblest,
" Does little on his memory rest,
" Or, on his reason.
' ' But thou wouldst teach him how to find
' ' A shelter under every wind ;
" A hope for times that are unkind,
" And every season." *
During the tranquil hours which Rene enjoyed at
his residence at Aix, one of his most agreeable relax-
ations was the occupation of giving instruction to his
grand-daughter, Margaret of Lorraine, the daughter
of Yoland of Anjou and of Ferri of Vaudemont.
This Princess afterwards espoused Rene of Valois,
Duke of Alengon.
Thus did King Rene, who had outlived his dearest
relatives, make his happiness consist in paternal cares,
and his sweetest enjoyment, in witnessing the graces
and amiability of his beloved pupil.
His greatest satisfaction was in having his grand-
daughter in his chamber, where he taught her himself
to pray to God ; and nothing delighted him so much
as to see the gradual development of the mind of this
little creature, who was then but twelve or thirteen
* Wordsworth.
312 MABGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
years of age. Nor were these pious instructions for-
gotten by this Princess, as her subsequent life gave
proof.*
The Duke of Burgundy conquered Lorraine in 1475.
He then attacked the Swiss, and took the town of
Granson, and a body of troops coming to the relief of
this place, the Duke went out to meet them as they
were hastening down the narrow passes of the moun-
tains, but his army was seized with a panic, and fled,
leaving his baggage to the enemy. He renewed his
attack, but was finally routed.
Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, had been solicited by
the King of France and the Emperor to make war
upon Charles of Burgundy. In this warfare he had
lost his duchy, but subsequently, having received con-
siderable succours, he again assailed his enemy, who
was then besieging Xanci. He obtained a complete
victory over him, and Charles, called " the Bold," was
dismounted, and slain. This happened on the 3rd of
January, 1477.
li7 - The death of this Prince was looked upon by all the
Bodin ; politicians of that day, as an event of great importance
Wraxaii. to all Europe. Charles, Duke of Burgundy, was very
ambitious, and fond of state and magnificence. He was
but forty-five years of age when he was killed.
The Duke of Lorraine caused the body of Charles
the Bold to be transported to Xanci, and laid on a bed
of state, in an apartment hung with black velvet. He
afterwards paid him all the customary funeral honours,
which were of a very peculiar kind. AYe are told that
Piene II. adorned himself with a irreat beard of
threads of gold, reaching to his middle, after the
manner of the ancient brave knights, and assisted at
the funeral. Previous to his sprinkling holy water on
* Villeneuve Bargemont.
f By some this Duke's death, is dated January 5, 1470.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 343
the corpse, he advanced up to the deceased Prince,
and taking his hand, thus addressed him, " God rest
' thy soul, thou hast given us much trouble and
" grief! "
Thus did the aged Rene of Anjou behold before he
died, the fulfilment of the prediction made at the
coronation of King Charles VI. ; when Philippe " le
J Hardi," Duke of Burgundy, so presumptuously
placed himself at table above the Duke of Anjou, and
it was foretold by an astrologer present that " the race
" of Anjou should exterminate that of Burgundy before
u a century should elapse."*
Rene obtained from his subjects the title of " the
" Good," which he truly deserved. He suffered the
loss of all his dominions, yet he was one of the very
few princes who did not merit to lose them. Good-
ness formed the essence of his character, of which
much might be said that was truly admirable. In his
actions, private as well as public, he evinced a simplicity
amounting to true greatness, when accompanied, as it
was in Rene, by intrepid courage, a lively beneficence,
and uncommon talents for war and politics. This Prince,
if he had not sufficient genius and moral power, as
events seemed to show, to maintain himself on a con-
tested throne, and to become a great King, had, how-
ever, all those qualifications necessary for a good
King and an honest man. He was generous, compas-
sionate, and the protector of the oppressed, and rendered
justice, with impartiality, to all his subjects. To these
virtues he owed his honourable surname, and the
glory of being called to wear the crown of Arragon.f
" Rene united to inexhaustible charity, active piety,
il and exquisite sensibility, lively and original wit, and
* Paston Letters ; Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Bodin ; Roujoux's Dues de
Eretagne ; WraxalPs France.
f Hist. General de Provence ; Walpole.
344
MAEGABET OF AXJOU.
1474.
" a mild philosophy, which neither the injustice nor
u the misfortunes he suffered could alter. His kind-
" ness would indeed sometimes degenerate into weak-
" ness, and his generosity into prodigality ; but he had
" the glory of having encouraged, and caused to be
" appreciated, the sciences, letters, and arts, all of
" which he cultivated himself in a remarkable manner.
" These tastes, which surround as with a charm the
11 memory of the princes who have encouraged them,
" would stamp Rene as the precursor of Leo X. and
" Francis I."*
By the will which Rene made at Marseilles, 22nd
of July, 1473, he left to his two daughters, Yoland,
Duchess of Lorraine, and Margaret, Queen of England,
each the sum of a thousand golden crowns, or 13,060
livres.f Besides this sum, bequeathed to his second
daughter for her right of institution, Rene also
gave, for her use as long as she should remain a
widow, 2,000 livres de rentes, on the revenues of
Bar.J
The next year Rene declared Charles of Maine, son
of Charles of Anjou, his heir, and he hoped that hence-
forth nothing would trouble his repose, but Louis XL
being informed that the good old King, justly incensed
at his conduct in the seizure of Angers, proposed
to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir, speedily
altered his behaviour towards him. He went to
Lyons and invited Rene to come to him there from
Aix, where he was then residing : he reluctantly
accepted the invitation, although well aware that he
had everything to fear from his perfidious nephew.
When they met, the deceitful King used all sorts of
means to make his uncle forget the injuries he had
* Hist. General de Provence.
f Paston Letters ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Hist. General de Provence.
$ Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 34 a
done him, and at this conjuncture did not fail to receive
him with all the honours due to his rank.
Jean Cossa, Seneschal of Provence, on this occasion,
accompanied his master, and at the first conference
between the two Kings took upon himself to address
the French monarch in these terms, " Sire, be not sur-
prised if the King, my master, your uncle, has offered
his succession to the Duke of Burgundy. He has
followed in that the advice of his council, that of his
most faithful servants, and of mine in particular.
That which has determined us to advise thus has
been the ill-treatment which he has received from
you, and above all the seizure you have made of the
castle of Bar, and of the city of Angers. Our inten-
tion, in fact, was, that this treaty should never be
accomplished, and we have had no other view but
that of obliging you thereby, to give a reason to the
King, our master, for the wrongs you have done him,
and to remind you that he is your uncle."
This freedom from Cossa was received by Louis very
well, and he even praised the wisdom of the Seneschal.
The differences were quickly accommodated, and the
treaty which had been commenced in favour of the
Duke of Burgundy, was entirely broken off, under the
most provoking circumstances for him.
The good Rene was, at this time, enfeebled by age
and misfortunes, yet his soul was still noble and disin-
terested. He was persuaded to make his will, and, by
an irrevocable act, to declare the King of France his
heir ; and we are told that he suffered himself to be
gained over by the numerous presents which Louis
conferred upon him, all of which were artfully made
conformable to his tastes. They consisted of books,
paintings, medals, and antique morceaux ; and for
these, they say, the aged King resigned his beautiful
county of Provence, of which he made a cession to
S4G MARGARET OF AKJOU.
Louis XL* Rene, it is said, "Ecrivit de son joug
" Finstrument authentique." In fact, he traced on
vellum, in letters of gold, to which he added vignettes,
and flower-work of the most beautiful colours, this act,
which appeared to be extorted from him by trickery
1479. and persecution. It was at the Cordelliers at Lyons
that this cession was made in favour of Charles, Count
of Maine, the nephew of King Rene ; yet the artful
monarch of France, who worded it, well knew that he
could contrive to substitute himself for the Count. In
this agreement Rene included all his rights to the county
of Provence, the duchy of Anjou, and even of Lorraine ;
but, Philip de Comines, who was present at this con-
ference, declares that Louis was not instituted the
heir of Rene, but that this monarch only engaged not
to conclude the treaty with Burgundy, and even ad-
hered to the will Rene had made a year before, in
favour of Charles of Anjou.
It is, however, certain, that it was at this time
that Rene transmitted to Louis all his rights to the
kingdom of Naples ; and thus originated the wars in
Italy, under the reign of Charles VIII. , which were
as sharply contested, as bloody, and as fruitless as
any of the preceding contests. Nowhere in history
can we find a better example of the truth of that
saying, that " the faults of the fathers never serve as
" lessons to their children."!
1479 In the year 1479, the King of France made a treaty
of alliance with Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, which
probably he never intended to execute, since he ceded
to him the duchy of Luxembourg and the earldom of
Bourgoyne, being most reluctant to give up his right
* One author adds, that Louis conducted his uncle to the fair held at
Lyons, where all the beautiful ladies of that place were assembled.
+ Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Daniel ; Jean de Troye ; Godard Faultrier ;
Hallam ; Barante.
J ): i rant e
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 347
to them when he entertained suspicions that this Duke
would become heir to his grandfather, King Rene.
This was, indeed, the ambition of the Duke of Lor-
raine, who had consented to a lease for the duchy of
Bar, and had entered upon the government of it. He
afterwards went to Provence, hoping to change the
will which had been made in favour of Charles of
Anjou.
Louis XL had strong friends in Provence, and he
had one especially in Palamede de Fourbin, who
directed everything in that country ; and we are told,
that advantage was taken of the old King, whose
mind was enfeebled, to advise him to require that
Duke Rene should give up the arms of his duchy and
his House, " and take the escutcheon of Anjou, which
" this Prince refused, saying that he would only
" quarter his arms." This answer, it is reported,
incensed King Rene against his grandson. *
Not long after, the King of France sent the Lord
of Blanchefort, Mayor of Bourdeaux, and Maitre Fran-
cois Genas, general of the finances, to watch over his
interests. They made rich presents to King Rene,
and also to his advisers ; upon which the Duke of
Lorraine took the alarm, and hastily embarked ; but,
not being willing to incur the peril of traversing the
kingdom, he disembarked at Venice.
Louis XL about this time being elated by the dona-
tion of Queen Margaret of Anjou, sent to reclaim the
duchy of Bar. Duke Rene had not returned, and his
mother, Yoland, who was a proud and courageous
princess, gave for answer that "the King might act
" as he thought proper, but that she would never
" abandon the duchy of Bar." On being advised she
requested to wait her son's return. The French King,
meanwhile, obtained from King Rene, a lease of six
* Barante.
1470.
348 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTT.
years, which granted him the government of the duchy
of Bar. This lease which Rene agreed to was never
acknowledged as valid, either by the Duchess Yoland
or her son. They referred to an act made in 1476,
in which the King protested beforehand against any
disposition he might thereafter make to the prejudice
of his daughter Yoland or her son Rene, who alone
ought, as they argued, to possess the duchy of Bar,
assigned to them by King Rene's will. This difference
did not terminate even on the death of King Rene.
Charles, Count of Maine, inherited Provence, and
the King of France re-united Anjou to the crown.
The town of Bar, with some others, were held in the
name of the King, and the rest of the duchy of Bar
was given up to Duke Rene, who maintained he had
a right to the whole of it.*
It would appear, indeed, that in the latter years of
his life the good King Rene could no longer act from
his own free will.
Another account has been given of this disposition
respecting the duchy of Bar, by which we learn that
King Rene, on the 1st of October, 1479, received at
Aix, the deputies of the city of Aries, who came to
do him homage in the name of this city. Soon after-
wards, the Duke of Anjou ceded the revenues of the
duchy of Bar to Louis XL for 6000 livres,| condition-
ally that he should preserve the sovereignty of it, and
that evervthino; should be executed in his name. This
disposition Rene in a manner revoked in the following
December, stipulating that at his death, the duchy of
Bar should return to Yoland of Anjou, his daughter,
and after her to her son Rene II., on condition that
they should put an end to the troubles which desolated
this unfortunate country, and in addition to pay
40,000 crowns of gold which were still due to Mar-
* Barante. f Tornois de pension.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 349
garet of Savoy, the widow of Louis III. and Countess
of Wurtemberg. This alteration undoubtedly took
place contrary to the will of Louis XL, who had, for a
long time, persecuted his uncle, in order to obtain
possession of his states.
The following phrase, found in a letter written by
this monarch, and addressed to one of his agents,
shows his purpose — " Si vous ne pouvez seduire, ou
" intimider les commissaires da Roi Rene, tachez de
" faire inserer quelque bon mot, dont je puisse me
" servir dans la suite." Louis did not obtain-his object,
and his intrigues failed. Justice triumphed, and it
was decided that the Duchy of Bar should remain in
the House of Lorraine.
This was the last sovereign act of Rene of Anjou.
His health had been considerably impaired since his
misfortunes, and he seemed to get weaker and weaker
in the course of this year, 1479.* 1479.
Having a presentiment that his end was approach-
ing, this Prince desired to have near him his grandson,
Rene II., and the Count of Maine, the only remaining
princes of his once numerous family. Charles of
Anjou did not leave him any more, although Bourdigne
relates that he returned to Mans, after a journey of
some time in the principal towns of Provence, where
his grandfather had conducted him, in order that he
might become more attached to those, whom he would
have to govern. This was apparently the last time
that Rene left his palace at Aix. The decline of his
strength, his exhaustion and melancholy, were visibly
augmented by the frightful ravages of the plague,
which had reappeared in Provence. In the endeavour
to stay the ravages of this distemper, the aged Prince
seemed to forget himself; and in the exercise of an
inexhaustible charity, he was fearless of danger, so
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Mariana ; Barante.
350 MARGARET OF AXJOTJ.
that he could but protect his people. His benefits
even preceded the attacks of this destructive disease,
and they were received by the indigent in the most
obscure and remote dwellings.
It was in vain, however, that this kind monarch dis-
pensed his riches on these unfortunate objects ; equally
vain was his endeavour to awaken benevolence, and
that he unceasingly employed workmen, in erecting
various buildings necessary to the salubrity or the em-
bellishment of the city of Aix. The heartrending
picture of the effects of this contagion, the cruel
images which met his eyes, the despair of so many
families, the sad aspect of his depopulated capital,
all seemed to unite to break his heart and to over-
whelm him. At this period he evinced, as he had
done throughout his life, great courage and resignation
as regarded his own misfortunes, although he was
unable to support with fortitude, those, of which his
subjects became the victims. Such a lively sensibility
necessarily increased the infirmities with which King
Rene had been attacked for some months, and he was
not slow to perceive the dangerous alteration in his
health, and to foresee that death was approaching.*
He was prepared for that hour by the exercise of a
fervent piety, as well as by strength of soul ; and the
remembrance of the cruel plague had detached him
beforehand, from a perishable and deceitful world.
During the first months of the year 1480 his malady
was not aggravated, and being alternately suffering
and convalescent, his court again indulged the hope
that this good prince would be yet a long while pre-
served to them.
Towards the end of June, Rene, perhaps in order
to keep in mind his own situation, demanded a renewal
of his dispositions in favour of Charles of Maine, ap-
* Villeneuve Bargemoxit.
MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 3,31
pointing after him, in case he left no male offspring,
Louis XL his successor, to whom he sent his will, at
this time, recommending to his especial care, Queen
Jeanne de Laval, and his daughter, Margaret of Anjou.*
Thus the last act of authority of this Prince, viz., his
will, was consecrated to the interests of his subjects ;
and having ended this important duty, which he
seemed to foresee he must hasten, his strength, more
impaired by adversity than age, appeared to abandon
him, and the alteration in his countenance no longer
left a doubt with the Lords admitted to his intimacy,
that his life was in imminent danger.
No sooner had this news spread through the city
than a profound sentiment of grief was felt by the
people of Aix. Their affection for their sovereign
banished every other idea, and they hastened to their
churches to implore for his life, of Him who held in
his hand the lives of men and of kings.
Notwithstanding her grief, the Queen of Sicily set
the example of this religious faith, and the people were
inspired with attachment to her, as they perceived her
hastening from her palace, with a long veil thrown
over her head, to enter the metropolis, and prostrate
herself before the image of the holy Virgin. She was
also known to pass in her oratory some portion of her
time daily in prayer. The divers bodies of state, by
turns, repaired to the churches ; there, indeed, every
age, rank, or sex was confounded, all being alike
occupied in expressing the same vows, feeling the
same anxiety, and mingling together their prayers,
sighs, and tears. Without the sacred vaults, scenes no
less touching, warmly attested the public grief.
Seated beneath the Linden trees, which lined the
avenues of the palace, or crowding into the courts,
were to be seen men, women, and children, asking
* Carte ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
352 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
with sobs the news of their common father. Every
passer-by thus arrested, they mutually communicated
their hopes and fears. At sunrise the multitude were
before the royal mansion in tears ; the approach of
night did not disperse them. A picture of no less
interest was presented on the roads which led to the
capital. Messengers from the principal towns, and
even from the most simple hamlets, were passing along
continually, for all desired to know if there was no
amelioration in the condition of their King, and the
return of these messengers was watched for with im-
patience and alarm. It appeared as though the entire
county of Provence were but one great family, alarmed
for the life of its head, and as if upon this good Prince
alone depended also, the fate of each individual, of each
citv, nay even of the state itself.
These demonstrations of sincere affection reached
the dying monarch, and they served to reanimate him.
Deeply affected by the love of his people, tears of
gratitude escaped from his eyes, about to close for
ever, and once again he looked with kindness upon
those who were respectfully pressing his feeble hands,
and encircling his humble bed. Then he mustered the
little strength remaining to him, as if in an effort to
measure the depth of that eternity opening before him,
yet not a word was he heard to utter concerning his
bodily health, and indeed he ceased not to repeat to
those who addressed their prayers to God for his
recovery, "It 'is for the soul, yes! it is for the soul
" only, that I conjure you to offer up your petitions." °
Finding that his strength was failing him, Rene
sent for Charles of Maine, Elizar Gamier, his confessor,
the prior of the royal convent of St. Maximin, John of
Matheron, the venerable Fouquet D'Agoult, the grand
seneschal, Pierre de la Juille, and Palemade de
* Villeneuve Banremont.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 353
Forbin; at the same time arrived, escorted by the
Queen, Jeanne de Laval, the Countess of Maine, and
her sister, Margaret of Lorraine.
King Rene then addressing himself to Charles of
Anjou, and making an effort to raise his voice, said,
" My son, it seems there is something lacking in the
" love I have shown you. It is not enough that I
a have testified it in giving you my states, I must still
" teach you how you will enjoy them happily. To this
11 end, the sole maxim you have to practise is, to love
11 your people as I have loved them, and you will then
a find the Provencaux faithful and zealous. Consider
a
" what they have done for me, by these means, in my
" wars of Naples, Catalonia, and even in Normandy,
" when I assisted the late King Charles VII. You
" know what has been said of them, that there never
" was a better people under a good King, and that
" there never was a worse under a bad one. Test
" again this proof in your own person. Preserve
" amongst this people the same affection that you find
" there, and remember that God wills, that kings
" should resemble Him more by their goodness than
" their power."
Full of an admirable presence of mind, Rene gave
to his successor yet other counsels upon the duties of
a sovereign towards his people. Like St. Louis, dying
on the banks of Carthage, he could leave him the
example of his life. Rene then presented with his
feeble hand Charles of Maine to all his attendants, who
were ranged round his death-bed, and he recommended
him to his ministers, and to the principal lords who had
served under him, and who were listening to his
paternal exhortations. These faithful servants, seek-
ing to stifle their sobs and restrain their tears, were
unable to answer him, and Rene then, with his eyes
almost closed, and his lips half fixed, bade them fare-
VOL. II. .* A
354
MAEGAKET OF ANJOTJ.
1480.
Villeneuvc
Barge-
mont ;
Moreri ;
Baudier ;
Barante ;
Bodin ;
Godard
Faidtriev.
well in terms of affection. His countenance preserved
the serenity of a pure conscience, and his dying looks,
turned towards heaven, still expressed benevolence.
The little group of mourners respectfully withdrew.
When alone, as he desired to be, with his confessor,
Rene seemed no longer to belong to this earth, but
appeared to linger here yet a few instants, as if to
abandon himself entirely to the thoughts which ought
to terminate the life of a good christian and a wise man.
He recalled passages of his life, as though in the
presence of his great Judge. He confessed himself
anew, meditated, and then received the Sacrament, with
a fervour, which edified the priest himself. He then
wished for the last time to hear the holy Scriptures,
and to have the Psalms read to him by Elezar Gamier,
who afterwards related that up to the moment of his
death Rene preserved his memory, and the use of his
other intellectual faculties, and that while he read to him
he w T as absorbed in pious, profound, and touching reflec-
tions, upon divers passages which struck his attention.
Thus he breathed his last, without grief or pain.
He expired on Monday, the 10th of July, 1480, at the
hour of vespers. Rene was seventy -two years of age
when he died, and it was the forty-seventh year of
his reign.*
The lamentations without the Palace speedily an-
nounced to the people the loss they had sustained, and
each individual suspended his labours, or forgot at the
moment his matters of domestic interest, and coming
forth, they accosted one another, and with tears in their
eyes, repeated their praises of their venerable monarch,
each one adding some touching details of his own
reminiscence. Their manufactories and shops were
shut, and funereal hangings were at every door ; as
* Moreri; Carte; Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monf aucon ; Baudier;
Barante ; Mariana ; Eccles. Hist. ; Godard Faultrier.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. - 3oo
the news reached the cottages on the outskirts, the
labourers, deserting their fields, entered the town in a
body, crying, " The father of our country, the father of
the poor, is no more ! "
The people of Aix and of the country, united by
their common affliction, gained permission to visit the
chamber of their Prince, where they pressed around
his bed, kissed his hands and feet, and gazed for the
last time on the features of their beloved benefactor,
and a concert of praises, the last sad homage rendered
by them to the virtues of their good King, re-echoed
during several hours about the inanimate remains of
this friend and father of the poor and needy.
The corpse of Rene, having been embalmed, was
placed in a leaden coffin, and laid in state, during three
days and nights preceding the burial. And now, as
the moment approached when this " father of his
"people" was about to disappear for ever from all
eyes, tears flowed afresh, and new praises were lavished
upon his beneficence and piety.
The obsequies of this best of Princes were cele-
brated on the 14th of July, in the presence of all the
communities of Provence, those deputies of the town
who were able to arrive in time, the sovereign courts
of justice, the clergy and inhabitants of Aix, without
distinction, bearing torches in their hands. The officers
of the Palace and the numerous servants of Rene were
likewise there, and weeping. The streets were hung
with black, and it might have been thought that death
had visited each house with an especial blow. A
mournful silence prevailed everywhere, interrupted
ouly by the tolling of the bells or the chaunts of the
priests, whose voices were often drowned by dolorous
sobs. Fouquet cVAgoult, who for many years had
been honoured with his sovereign's confidence, presided
at this sad ceremony, which lasted until the evening.
A A 2
So6 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
The funeral procession, passing though the populace
who were all weeping, arrived at the Church of St.
Saviour's, where the service was performed for the
dead amidst cries and tears ; all were alike inconsol-
able, for indeed the house and table of Rene had been
the refuge of the poor.
The coffin was laid in one of the chapels until a
tomb, more worthy of this lamented Prince, could be
made, and as yet no one thought that the remains of
King Rene, could be buried elsewhere than in Provence.
This monarch had, however, commanded in his will,
that his remains should be conveyed to Angers, and
be placed by the side of his first Queen, Isabella of
Lorraine, " his very dear wife, in the Cathedral of St.
"Maurice," where he had prepared for himself a
magnificent tomb. In this church he had been bap-
tised, and there reposed the ashes of almost all his
ancestors.*
Rene had taken great pleasure in enriching the
Church of St. Maurice. He had presented to it a very
beautiful urn of porphyry, j" which was brought from
Jerusalem by his orders, and the pious believed that
this vase was the same used by our Lord at the feast
of Cana, when he changed the water into wine. In
remembrance of this miracle the vase was filled with
wine every year, on the second Sunday after Epiphany,
and it was distributed to the people after the blessing.
This was established as a perpetual custom by King
Rene. To this church also Rene bequeathed his rich
woollen tapestry, comprising the visions and figures of
* Within this church might be seen eight statues of Dukes of Anjou. —
Vllleneuve Bargemont ; Bodin ; Godard Fault rier.
f Eene also gave to this church a vase, of oblong form, of green antique
marble, from Marseilles. This piece of antiquity is more precious for the
rarity of its material than for its workmanship. It is a baignure of verd
antique, -t feet 8 inches long (French), and 21 inches high, and serves still
as a baptismal font at this church. The sword of St. Maurice was also to
be seen in this antique building supported on lions.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 3o7
the Apocalypse, an infinite number of chappes and
draperies, gold and velvet ornaments, bearing his coat
of arms, and other things for the ceremonies of the
worship of God.* Both his Queens were represented
on the painted windows of St. Maurice.*
The will of this Prince was sworn to by Jeanne de
Laval, who, believing herself bound to fulfill strictly
the last wishes of her husband, announced her purpose
of transporting his remains to Angers. This deter-
mination was no sooner made public, than it was fol-
lowed by a general insurrection in the town of Aix ;
all classes expressed their dissatisfaction, and for the
first time murmurs were heard against the "good
"King." "He gave himself to us long before his
"death," they exclaimed everywhere. "No people
" have loved him so well as the Provencaux, and none
" can, or ought to dispute their right to his precious
" remains."
In this fervour they even persuaded themselves that
the honour of their country was interested in preserv-
ing in their capital a monarch whom they had delighted
in so much, and they came to the decision that they
would oppose with open force, if necessary, the removal
of the corpse of Rene to Angers. This resolution,
which they considered as patriotic, they adhered to,
and universally protested against the transfer of their
old master's remains, demanding that a mausoleum
should be erected to his memory at the expense of the
faithful Provencaux.
Charles of Anjou, Olivier de Penant, Archbishop of
Aix, and other eminent persons of the court, who be-
held this excitement, yielded to the general feeling which
had been so energetically manifested, and which in its
source was too touching to be any longer disregarded.
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; G-odard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Baudier ; Mon-
faucon ; Moreri.
3,58 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
They also considered themselves the less wanting to
the memory of King Rene, since the monks of St.
Maximin offered to affirm upon oath that the attach-
ment of the people of Aix, had so deeply affected that
Prince, as to cause him upon his death bed, to revoke
verbally the clause in his will, expressive of his
desire to be buried in the Church of St. Maurice, at
Angers.
This concession, authorised by the Queen, and in a
manner extorted from her, was no sooner made known,
than it produced in its turn a strong sentiment of joy ;
and when the public peace was re-established, the
universal subject of their thoughts was the construction
of a monument worthy of their beloved sovereign,
which should attest to posterity the gratitude and
affection of the Provengaux. A plan was speedily pro-
jected by the most skilful artists, and submitted for the
approval of the Count of Provence, and the foundation
was laid without delay. Amongst the bas relievos in
white marble were some intended to retrace the
memorable combats in which this Prince had signalized
his valour, others to remind them of the virtues which
had made him so beloved. Some symbolical figures in
marble were also destined to represent history, mathe-
matics, poetry, painting, sculpture, and music, all weep-
ing for a Prince, who had alike protected and cultivated
them. They omitted nothing, in short, which could
recall to mind their excellent sovereign.*
1480. Whilst the people of Aix were exerting every
means for the prompt erection of their national monu-
ment, having no longer any doubts, that the precious
remains of their sovereign would continue amongst
them, Jeanne de Laval quitted Provence on her
return to Anjou, where she had determined to reside
for the future, in the castle of Beaufort.
* Godard Faultrier : Villeneuve Barsremont.
MARGABET OF ANJOU. 359
This chateau, formerly laved by the waters of the
Loire, was built on a rock, overlooking the whole
valley, and from its battlements might be seen the
two fine towns of Angers and Saumur.
King Rene had purchased this residence, in 1469,
for 30,000 golden crowns, and had assigned it for
dowry to Jeanne de Laval, who passed in it the last
eighteen years of her life.
This Princess, in departing from the place where
the corpse of King Rene reposed, perhaps repenting
of her condescension, or touched by the grief of the
Angevins, resolved yet to accomplish the will of her
husband. It appears that before her departure, she
secretly persuaded a monk of the chapter of St.
Saviour, to undertake the execution of her project.
This monk was obliged to delay for some time, the
performance of the Queen's orders ; but he concerted
his measures well; the coffin was removed from the
cathedral during the night, placed in a cask, then
carried on a cart to the banks of the Rhone, where
being embarked, they conveyed it by water to the
Pont de Ce. This enterprise was conducted with
such secresy, that the result was unknown at Aix
until such time as precautions could be taken to pre-
vent another commotion.
All that remained in Provence of this Prince were
his entrails, deposited at the foot of the altar of the
great Carmelites, under a large plate of copper, sur-
rounded by an iron railing and again covered with
wood, on which was inscribed —
" Hie sunt viscera serenissimi Siciliae
" Hierosolymis regis Renati Andegavia, ac
" Bari ducis et Provinciae comitis."
While on the one hand the inhabitants of Aix were
plunged into sullen grief on finding their confidence
360 MARGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
betrayed, and that they were compelled thus to
abandon their project of erecting a mausoleum, to
attest thereby to futurity their respect for King Rene,
the Angevins, with transports of joy and gratitude,
received the royal coffin. Upon the arrival of this
precious deposit on the confines of Anjou, a sweet
satisfaction united to a religious melancholy was ex-
hibited on all sides. At last it was brought by night to
St. Laud, near Angers, in the month of August, 1481,
more than a year after the death of Kins; Rene.*
1481. The citizens could not at first give entire credence
BargemcmL to a circumstance which appeared so little probable,
and, influenced by the popular reports on this matter,
the dean and canon of St. Maurice, even doubted if
it was really the body of their monarch, which had
been restored to them. They required that the leaden
coffin should be opened in their presence, and before
other witnesses. This request being granted, they
found King Rene as entire and perfect and unde-
composed as if he had only died a few days before. f
After this the body was placed in a double coffin of
lead, and the heart was laid in a silver box.
The sacred remains of this Prince rested secretly at
St. Laud from the month of August till the 9th of
October, about seven weeks. Then the heart was
taken to the Cordeliers, in the chapel of St. Bernardin,
and the body to the cathedral of St. Maurice. This
solemn transfer was effected with the greatest pomp,
and the most extraordinary expense. Six doctors in
law, canon and civil, held the pall ; twenty licentiate
scholars, all gentlemen, carried the coffin, and at the
head walked the rector of the University. This
homage to the talents of Rene shows, at the same
time, the supreme rank which the members of
* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Barg-emont ; Bodin.
+ Moreri ; G-odard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 361
the university occupied amongst the dignitaries of
Angers.
This ceremony ended, Rene was placed at the left
side of the great altar of St. Maurice, near to Isabella
of Lorraine, who had been interred there in 1453.
A rich mausoleum was soon raised by the pious
care of Jeanne de Laval, over the tomb of her hus-
band ; and she caused to be executed upon it, the
designs which Rene had himself traced for it. This
funeral monument was eight feet in length and six in
width, and it was entirely covered with black marble,
and decorated on the three sides with elegant pilasters,
between which were placed the escutcheon of Anjou
and Lorraine, sculptured with the utmost delicacy and
refinement. The statues of the King and Queen were
lying down, and formed of white marble of Carrara ;
they were placed on a pedestal of porphyry. That
of King Rene was resting on a cushion, his fore-
head encircled by a diadem, leaving visible a kind of
cap, which covered the top of his head, and under his
long tunic with large sleeves, was to be seen his coat
of arms. A lion, symbol of his rare strength and
courage, reposed at his feet, and at the feet of the
Queen were placed two dogs, emblems of fidelity.*
This mausoleum was placed under an arch, the
bottom of which was filled by a large tableau on
wood, which it is pretended that King Rene painted
himself, or, at least, that he commenced it, because, in
his will, he gave orders "that the picture on his tomb
" be finished." This painting represented death in the
figure of a skeleton, covered with a cloak of gold cloth,
edged with ermine. The figure is leaning on the
arms of a throne, on which he is seated, and bears
a crown, which appears to be falling from his
head.
* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin : Monfaucon.
362 MAKGABET OF ANJOU.
Above tins tableau were engraved the follow-
ing Latin verses ; they were the composition of
Rene :
" Regia scepter luis, rutilis fulgentia tronis,
" Dum quondam recolis pressa et nunc pulvere cemis
1 ' Marcescunt flores, mundi laudes et honores,
1 ' Gloria, f ama levis, pomparum f astus inanis.
" Una parit reges et vulgus terra potentes,
" Quod dedit hsec repetit, mortalia cuncta recludit
" Mors, dominis servos, et turpibus sequat honestos
" Unus erunt tumulus, rex, pastor, inersque peritus. "
Once regal sceptres shining from bright thrones,
Adorned thy hands, and beamed their precious stones.
Now pressed in dust, earth's flowers fade away :
Fame, glory, honour, praise alike decay.
One earth is mother both of prince and slave ;
She asketh back, and hides, whate'er she gave.
Death levels master, servant, bound and free ;
Kings, shepherds, high and low, one heap shall be.*
The blazon of the second " House of Anjou and
" Sicily ' Avas composed, at the death of Rene, of
the arms of Hungary, Naples, Jerusalem, France,
Bar, Lorraine, and Arragon.f
Towards the close of his life Rene assumed the title
of King of Arragon, Sicily, and Jerusalem ; but these
were only imaginary and useless titles to him, since he
had no longer any hope of recovering what he had
lost.J Although he was styled King of Sicily, Naples,
Hungary, and Jerusalem, Arragon, Valencia, Sardinia,
Majorca, and Corsica, Duke of Anjou, Lorraine, and
Bar, Count of Provence and Forcalquier, all these
pompous titles served only to enrich his coat of arms,
while no other monarch of his age had so little power,
or money, as Rene of Anjou.
Often was he obliged to have recourse to the purse
of his subjects, and proof of this may be found in the
* Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont.
f Godard Faultrier.
% Mariana.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 363
registers of the Cathedral of Angers. The chapter
lent him, on pledges, in 1465, five hundred crowns,
and again twelve thousand crowns. The taxes, how-
ever, which had been extremely heavy in former
reigns, were very moderate in his ; and he was not
forced, like his ancestor, Louis I. of Anjou, to make
an ordinance at the time of his death, to alleviate the
remorse of his conscience, for the distribution to the
poor shop-keepers and peasants of Anjou, and Tour-
raine, of 20,000 livres (145,000 francs) to remunerate
them for the unjust taxes he had levied upon them.*
With Rene, the last hero of the old chivalry, ended
the " House of Anjou," and their illustrious pretensions
to numerous crowns, f
One author, in his history of Provence says, that
;c this Prince needed only to complete his glory, his-
torians worthy of him ;" and adds, that "if pains
" were taken to collect, in the different provinces
' which he governed, the anecdotes and actions re-
" lating to him, it might be found, that his character
" would be a worthy parallel to that of the renowned
"Henry IV. "t
" The faults of Rene partook of the spirit of the age
" in which he lived ; his virtues were his own. No
" one better fulfilled the external duties of religion,
" but his piety, was but the piety of his age. He
" loaded the churches with his favours, at a time when
" he was not able to pay his debts." He had made a
vow to pay a visit to the Holy Sepulchre, and it was
then the heroism of devotion, but the events of his life
did not permit him to undertake this pilgrimage, and
* Bodin.
f Asa testimony how much the merits and virtues of King- Rene have
been appreciated by posterity, it may be added, that, as late as May, 1823, a
marble statue was erected to the memory of the " Good King Rene " in one
of the finest places in the city of Aix.
% Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence.
364 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
he consequently bequeathed three thousand ducats, to
enable his heirs to send his substitute.
" During the last years of his life, Rene retained
" nothing of royalty, but the habit of thinking and
11 feeling as a king, in all that related to religion and
u government ; in everything else he was the philo-
" sopher."*
At Saumur there was formerly to be seen on the
great altar of St. Peter's Church, the statues of the
King and Queen of Sicily, in stone. They were kneel-
ing, and between them was an angel covered with a
cope, and holding a great cross. On the left of the
angel was Jesus Christ showing his side uncovered,
and pierced, and also his hands. On the right was
St. Peter, in an attitude expressive of surprise, which
he is said to have felt, when, as] he left the city of
Rome, to avoid death, our Saviour met him, and
showed him his hands and side, which caused the
Apostle to say, ""Where are you going, Lord?" This
meeting retains the name " Quo vadis?" and has since
afforded, both to the sculptor, and painter, a subject
for the decoration of our churches.
Amongst the treasures of this parish of St. Peter,
there was formerly preserved Rene's letter to the
clergy of this church, which he wrote when he sent
these statues, and below it is related, as by St. Ber-
nard in his memoirs, " I send you the ' Quo vadis,'
" with the figures of us, and of our companions." All
these figures have been destroyed. That of Rene
must be regretted ; for he was looked upon, says our
author, as one of the best sovereigns that ever reigned
in Anjou.f
After the death of Rene, the pretensions of the
House of Anjou to the crown of Naples legally de-
scended to his grandson, Rene II. : but, his mother
* Hist. General de Provence. f Bodin.
MAKGABET OF ANJOU. 365
Yoland, having married into the House of Lorraine,
had thus given such displeasure to her father, that he
bequeathed his Neapolitan title, along with his real
patrimony, the county of Provence, to his nephew, the
Count of Maine.
Charles of Anjou obtained possession of Provence,
but he did not long survive his aged relative. He died
at Marseilles, on the 10th of December, 1481, leaving 1481.
no children.* Louis XL was by this prince instituted BsSe.'
his heir. He recommended to this monarch the care
of Provence, her customs and privileges. Thus was
this province reunited to the crown.
We learn that Charles of Anjou was influenced in
making his will by Palamecle de Fourbin, Seigneur de
Lollier, who prevailed upon him to give the succession
to the King, to the prejudice of Rene, Duke of Lorraine ;
who, in vain asserted his pretensions to it. The King
of France, in gratitude to Palamede de Fourbin, made
him lieutenant-general in Provence, with extensive
authority.
Louis XL took possession of Provence, but gave
himself no trouble about the kingdom of Naples.*)"
King Rene had invested his grandson, Rene II.,
with the duchies of Lorraine and of Bar. This he
appears to have been constrained to do, but the rest of
his inheritance he bestowed on the Count of Maine ; to
the great displeasure of Duke Rene, who, upon the
death of his grandfather, earnestly endeavoured to
form a party in Provence, in order to secure this
prince's dominions, but his efforts were vain, and he
was obliged to fly precipitately.
These attempts served only to incense the King of
France against Duke Rene ; the former seeking to
* Some write that he died on the 11th of December.
f Monfaucon ; Mezerai ; Barante : Eccles. Hist. ; Daniel; Hallam's Mid.
Ages ; Wraxall ; Gibbon's Miscel.
366 MABGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
deprive him of the duchy of Bar, and asserting bis own
right to it, according to the lease granted to him by
King Rene, and the cession of Queen Margaret of
England.
Louis XL, having seized and fortified Bar, and other
cities, refused to submit this difference to any arbi-
tration, but that of the Pope.* Eventually Louis
triumphed; and in the reign of his successor, Rene II.
was still demanding the restoration of his duchv of
Bar, kept from him by Louis XL. and also the county
of Provence. Bar was restored to him for a sum of
money, which the King insisted upon ; and the Duke
of Lorraine being in great favour at court, and having
many friends, was permitted to lead a company of a
hundred lances in an expedition against Naples ; which
he claimed, in right of his mother, Yoland of Anjou.
A pension of 36,000 francs was granted him also for
four years ; in which time, his title to Provence was to
be examined into. Before the expiration of that
period, however, objections were raised to Duke Rene's
inheritino- this countrv. and he finallv left the French
court in disgust. This prince also lost, by his delay,
all chance of success in Xaples ; where the Lords had
rebelled against Ferdinand, and had, with the Pope,
united their solicitations to Duke Rene to assume the
crown.
In taking possession of Provence, Louis XL, and
after him Charles YIIL, did so because, it was a male-
fief, and the male line was extinct, on which account
Rene II. could have no claim to it. There was no
Salic law in the kingdom of Xaples ; therefore,
although Duke Rene was allowed to proceed thither,
with his company of a hundred lances, it was after-
wards discovered, from ancient testaments of Charles I.
and others of the Angevine princes, that the kingdom
* Daniel : Barante.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 307
of Naples, and the county of Provence, were irrevocably
united. Thus Charles VIII. drew this conclusion, that
being Count of Provence by the will of Charles of
Maine, he was also lawful heir to the crown of Naples ;
and the rights of the Duke of Lorraine, Avho had no
power to enforce them, were from this time forgotten.
In right of his mother Yoland, Rene II. assumed
the title and arms, of the King of Sicily and Arragon.
Duke Rene II. died on the 10th of December, 1508.*
* Philip de Comines ; Gibbon ; Sismondi ; Moreri ; Barante.
CHAPTER IX.
" Strong is the arm of fate ! we fall to rise no more ! "
Miss Holford.
Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI. — Her pension — Her sister's
cession — The Queen's residence at Darnpierre — Her last days — Her
death — Burial and will— The Cathedral of St. Maurice — Queen Mar-
garet's character — Her advice to the Earl of Richmond — Sketches of
some of her relatives and distinguished persons of her times — Of
Jeanne de Laval— Yoland of Anjou — Margaret of Lorraine — Cecily,
Duchess of York— Elizabeth Woodville and others, in conclusion.
Queen Margaret had been residing in the city of
Aix, under the protection of her father ; and upon his
death she went into Anjou, and there made a second
cession to Louis XL of the provinces of Lorraine,
Bar, and Provence. This act was signed by her in
the hall of the mansion of Reculee, built by Rene,
near Angers, on the 19th of October, 1480.* It was
also signed by her sister, the Duchess of Lorraine,
and one writer tells us, that this cession was made in
November, of 1480.
The French monarch then granted to the unfor-
tunate Queen an annual pension for her maintenance,
consisting of the sum of 10,500 livres,")" chargeable
on the revenues of the duchy of Bar, to be paid to
her during the remainder of her life.
This brief period of her existence was passed by
Queen Margaret in the Chateau de Darnpierre, near
* Bourdigne ; Baudier ; Bodin ; Monstrelet ; Hist. General de Provence ;
Godard Faultrier : Female Worthies,
f This was 2000 livres tournols.
MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 369
Saumur, where she found an asylum in the house of
a private individual, Francis de Vignolles,* Seigneur de
Moraens, who had formerly been an officer of the
household of King Rene, whom he had served during
forty years, and from whom he had received some
benefits.
It is interesting to consider this Queen in the entire
seclusion of this Chateau of Dampierre, f when she
had lost her wealth, rank, and possessions, and above
all, had been deprived of the most beloved objects
of her affections. Her decline was hastened by melan-
choly and regret ; it was not the gradual decay of a
noble edifice by the hand of time, but in far more
striking characters exhibited the most abrupt anni-
hilation of the human fabric.
This once high-minded and courageous Princess,
whose beauty and talents were the admiration of all
Europe, passed the two last years of her eventful life
in this tranquil retreat, mourning over her misfor-
tunes, and those of her family.
The situation of her habitation must have peculiarly
favoured the indulgence of her dejected spirits. From
many spots on the hill on which the Chateau de Dam-
pierre stood, Queen Margaret could behold the Castle
* His brother, John de la Vignolles, was dean of the church at Angers.
+ This old turreted house has still considerable beauty, besides its
peculiar interest as the last habitation of this Angevine Princess. Nothing
now remains but a small narrow tower, with a winding staircase much
dilapidated, and also a part of a massive wall, richly ornamented with
carved stone work. Monsieur de la Riviere, a canon, possessed the chateau
at the time of the French revolution ; after which, all ecclesiastical pro-
perty being sold, Dampierre was purchased by M. Richeaudieu, and it now
belongs to his son-in-law, M. Fontenailles. Very near to Dampierre there
were also a few rooms and a chapel, for the most part excavated from the
rock, which is said to have formed an occasional summer residence for
Queen Margaret ; but it is many years since they were wholly removed.
The spot on which they were built was the property of M. de Tigney in
1845. Of this last edifice there remains only a small narrow tower with a
winding staircase in a dilapidated condition, and part of a massive wall,
richly ornamented with carved stone-work.
VOL. II. B B
370 MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ.
of Saumur, which she had often inhabited in her
youthful days, when crowds of gay and brilliant knights
and ladies, joined the court of Anjou, to share in the
various gratifications of the tournament.
The unhappy Princess could see towards the south,
the Chateau of Breze, which must have recalled to her
recollection the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, Pierre
de Breze, her valiant champion, who in her greatest
perils had come to her aid, having been dismissed
by the perfidious Louis XL, rather with the intent
to get rid of him, than with a view to succour the
Queen. It was to reward this knight for his valour
and fidelity in her cause, that she bestowed upon him
the Channel Islands — a recompense which afterwards
involved him in much peril and disgrace.
Queen Margaret fell a victim to disappointment and
grief. While brooding over her unhappy fate, one
might imagine the bitter words which would escape
her lips —
" "Who sues, who kneels, who says ' God save the Queen ? '
1 ' Where be the bending peers that flatter'd thee ?
" Where be the thronging troops that follow'd thee ?
1 ' Decline all this and see what now thou art :
" For happy wife, a most distressed widow ;
11 For joyful mother, one that wails the name ;
" For Queen, a very caitiff, — crown'd with care."*
The decline of Queen Margaret has been well pour-
trayed by the graphic pen of one old author, who says,
" Her blood, corrupted by so many sombre emotions,
"became like a poison, which infected all the parts
" that it should nourish ; her skin dried up, until it
" crumbled away in dust; her stomach contracted, and
" her eyes, as hollow and sunken as if they had been
tc driven into her head, lost all the fire, which had, for
" so long a time, served to interpret the lofty senti-
* Shakespeare.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 37 1
"ments of her soul."* What a picture of the once
beautiful Queen Margaret !
This unfortunate heroine died of grief, at the Chateau 1432.
de Dampierre, near Saumur, at the age of fifty-three, ^^ ;
on the 25th of August, 1482.t Godar(I
Faultrier
The mortal remains of this Princess were transported Hume :
to the magnificent tomb of the " good King Rene," ingar *
her father, in the Church of St. Maurice, at Angers ;
but there was no epitaph, or inscription to her memory.
The deficiency in this respect was, however, in some
measure compensated by an annual ceremony per-
formed there. Every year, at the feast of All Saints,
the Chapter of St. Maurice, after vespers for the dead,
perform a semicircular procession around the tomb,
singing a subvenite for the unhappy Queen. J
Twenty-three days before her decease, Queen Mar-
garet confirmed by her will, dated August the 2nd,
1482, the conveyance of all her rights to her father's
territories, to the King of France, Louis XI.§
We are told that in the year 1783, when the deco-
ration of the choir of the Church of St. Maurice
was begun, the tomb containing the last remains of
the " good King Rene," and of his daughter, Queen
Margaret of Anjou, was transferred beneath an arch of
the nave of this Church, where it remained until the
year 1793, the period of its destruction during the
Revolution. The same author says, that the coffin of
Rene was never removed from the vault, but still re-
mains, along with two others, presumed to be those of
his wife Isabella and his daughter Margaret. Another
* Bodin.
f Moreri ; Bodin ; Dom Calniet ; Baudier ; Baker ; Toplis ; Habington ;
Lingard ; Hume ; Godard Faultrier ; Encyclopaedia Britannica ; Female
Worthies ; Bodin.
X Bodin ; Toplis ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier ; Female Worthies ; En-
cyclopaedia Britannica.
§ Carte.
b b 2
372 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
writer informs us that the tomb of Rene was conveyed
to the place where the altar memoriale mortis is
situated.*
No Queen of England has ever enjoyed so great a
meed of praise and admiration, and deservedly so, as
Margaret of Anjou, for no other Queen has equalled
her in character.
She has been extolled by all the writers of her times
for her virtues, her beauty, her conjugal fidelity, and
for her maternal love ; for her patience under adver-
sity, her courage and martial conduct ; also, for her
sympathy with the unfortunate, and earnestness in the
advancement of those who needed her assistance ; and
above all for her persevering activity during her hus-
band's misfortunes.
In early life her pride or ambition, we are told, made
her aspire to one of the highest thrones in Europe ;
but, when so exalted, how soon did she exhibit her
natural good sense and feeling, by her concealment of
the weaknesses and failings of her husband, when he
betrayed his inability to rule. Surely her readiness to
assist the unfortunate Henry ought rather to call forth
praise than blame, since it would naturally appear to
her as the path of duty, especially being conscious of
her own abilities for the position of command.
When established on the throne, Queen Margaret
began by exerting great power over all who surrounded
her, uniting to the regal sway her female influence, her
personal charms not a little contributing to further her
purposes.
The extreme youth of Margaret should be admitted
in palliation of the faults which she committed in the
* " The architecture of St. Maurice is exquisite, and at this day, the fine
" painted glass and tapestry of the fifteenth century have happily remained
" uninjured from the civil ■wars."
It has been projected to re-establish the mausoleum of King Rene.
Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 373
commencement of her reign, and Henry's inability to
govern caused her to be placed at the helm while she
was yet unable to direct it. Her first step unfor-
tunately, was to adopt a peculiar party in the king-
dom ; but this eventually became the ruin of herself
and of all her house.
When surrounded at her early age by trials and
difficulties, her talents and energy enabled her to over-
come them. She seized the reins of government with
all the confidence of youth, not having gained the
experience requisite for her position. While, however,
she was assisted by the wise Cardinal of Winchester
the public affairs were prosperous. But the death of
Gloucester, followed by that of the Cardinal, left her
alone to guide the helm.
The mysterious close of Gloucester's life (which
remains an enigma in English history) first caused her
unpopularity with the people. Nothing has been
proved against the Queen in this affair ; although it
may be admitted that she yielded to her prejudices
against him, and sought to remove him from the King
and his Council. In this it was her object to rule her-
self for King Henry. In allusion to this, one author
writes that, " had she adopted the nobler part of suc-
" couring the oppressed party, her character would
" have shone with greater lustre to posterity ; " and in
conclusion he infers that " she could not be guiltless,
" for she might have saved the life of Gloucester."
Truly she could have been more perfect, but it is hard
to judge another by what they might have done. She
was besides influenced by the Cardinal and his party,
who were the enemies of Gloucester. This Duke was,
nevertheless, by contemporary writers said, to have died
a natural death.
The epithets of arbitrary and tyrannical, so often
applied to this Queen's early rule, doubtless by her
374 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
enemies, do not seem applicable to the daughter of
the "good King Rene " and his noble consort, the
former so distinguished by his refinements and
clemency. The talents and courage, born and nursed,
so to speak, in the very age and country of chivalry,
would surely revolt from harshness and cruelty. It
does not appear that any historian has dwelt on the
peculiar difficulties of the situation of this Queen,
united to a monarch who, far from assisting her by his
advice in affairs of difficulty, required to be governed
himself. Margaret was compelled, in addition to the
responsibility and uncertainty of ruling a turbulent and
rebellious people, to bear the weight of every unpopular
measure herself, without the advice of ministers of
worth, who, having the Lancastrian interest at heart,
might have alleviated her anxiety.
Queen Margaret was more illustrious by her un-
daunted spirit in adversity, than by her moderation in
prosperity. She was not subject to the weaknesses of
her sex ; yet it is just to observe, that she has been
charged with being "mutable and changeable.'' When
in prosperous circumstances she assumed haughtiness,
or imperiousness, on finding a reverse she could lay
these aside, and employ all her personal charms,
insinuation, persuasion, and address to gain over the
people to her interests. The nobility were envious of
Suffolk and Somerset, who engrossed all her favour.
Having lost these favourites, her preference was
shown to everybody who could render her service, or
whose merits deserved her good opinion. In spite of
her eminent beauty, we are told, that her look inspired
terror in all those who displeased her.
Queen Margaret's surprising talents for war, her
conduct as a general, her martial spirit, and her presence
of mind in her adverse fortunes, all came with the
troubles of her times, which, like the thorns around the
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 37.3
" Rose," she patiently endured to preserve her crown.
This she deserved to wear, but it was wrested from
her. She had shown feminine weakness in the insur-
rection of Cade, but the utmost firmness in the conflicts
which ensued. Her courage and intrepidity might
have reflected honour on the most renowned generals
of her age.
Some authors assure us that, her martial spirit was
not seen until she found it was needful to protect her
son. This, if it be the case, manifests her sincere
maternal love.
It is needless to refer to the mysterious accounts
of this Queen's illicit intercourse with the Earl of
Suffolk, which could only be the product of the malice
of her enemies, and positively contradictory to all the
tenour of her life. Also her genuine piety has never
been disputed, any more than her moral fortitude.
Her destiny was to launch her little bark on the
noontide of prosperity, and after tossing on the waves
of a troubled ocean, to become at last a solitary wreck,
lost to the world, and to herself, and like a bright
meteor, to perish in oblivion. No monument was
erected to her memory, and none was needed. As
long as much worth, greatness of soul, filial duty, con-
jugal fidelity, and maternal tenderness have admirers
amongst mankind, the name of Margaret of Anjou
cannot be forgotten.
After the unsuccessful termination of the affairs of
the Lancastrians, the young Earl of Richmond (after-
wards Henry VII.) escaped from Wales in 1470, with
his uncle, the Earl of Pembroke. They bent their
course towards Normandy, but a tempest cast them
on the coast of Brittany. Duke Francois II., hearing
of their disaster, sent them an honourable escort, and
caused them to be conducted to Vannes, where he
received them with every demonstration of friendship.
376 MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT.
King Edward required that these two noblemen should
be delivered up to him ; but Duke Francois only pro-
mised that they should cause the King of England no
disquietude. Having promised protection to these
suppliants, he would not betray them, but they were
kept in a kind of honourable confinement during the
lifetime of King Edward IV. By this policy they
were preserved; and, in the reign of his successor,
they reappeared in England, to inflict vengeance on
the House of York.*
It was during Queen Margaret's residence at
Dampierre that she was visited by Henry, Earl of
Richmond ; and it was by the advice and instigation of
the Lancastrian Queen that, this young nobleman was
determined in his resolution to attempt the overthrow
of the House of York ; in which purpose he was ulti-
mately successful ; but Margaret did not live to witness
his triumph.
John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, when he escaped, in
1485, from the castle of Hammes, after his long im-
prisonment, joined the Earl of Richmond, and subse-
quently fought in the battle of Bos worth, wmere he
was captain of the archers. This Earl became a per-
son of great importance in the state in the reign of
Henry VII. He died in 1512, in the fourth year of
Henry VIII.|
This nobleman experienced many vicissitudes in
these stormy times, sometimes cast into the shade, at
others enjoying a gleam of sunshine. His father had
been deprived of his inheritance ; but his son, John de
Vere, was restored to them, then attainted, and again
after their being forfeited, again restored. Finally he
died in possession of them. He is described as valiant,
wise, magnificent, and learned, and also a religious
* Stow ; Philip de Comines ; Roujoux's Brittany ; Lingard.
t Paston Letters.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 377
man. His prudence and bravery contributed much to
the success of the Lancastrian cause. When he
escaped from the castle of Hammes, he persuaded the
governor of this fortress to declare for the Earl of
Richmond, and carried him to Paris, to vouch for his
fidelity.
When Richard III. afterwards besieged the castle
of Hammes, the Earl of Oxford gathered together a
few troops in France, and proceeded to its relief; he
had the gratification to carry the garrison, which sur-
rendered to the Earl of Richmond.*
Jeanne de Laval, generally distinguished by the
name of the Queen of Sicily, after the death of her
husband, whom she survived many years, lived at her
Chateau de Beaufort during eighteen years, employing
herself in so many good works, that her memory has
ever been cherished by the Angevines ; who, even at
the present clay, still delight in attributing to her name
(which has remained proverbial) everything great that
was done in Anjou in the Middle Ages. They speak
of her with affection in these days ; and such was the
interest she excited, that many buildings and acts
have been attributed to her, in which she never parti-
cipated. Amongst these we have the following in-
stance. William de Haraucourt, Bishop of Verdun,
invented a cage of wood, in 1469, some of which were
used at the Bastille, two at the Chateau de Loches,
and one at Angers. At this city the people, ever fond
of the marvellous, were accustomed to call it the
" cage of the Queen of Sicily," because they pretended
that she had been imprisoned therein ; and they some-
times persisted that her sabots,| beautifully sculptured
and transparent, might be seen there in the daytime.
But this Queen of Sicily was no other than Jeanne
• Rymer ; Caister Castle.
f These sabots are now preserved in the Museum.
:}78 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
de Laval, who, however, had never been im-
prisoned.*
Jeanne de Laval had no children. She died at the
Chateau de Beaufort, in 1498, and was interred by
the side of Rene, in the church of St. Maurice at
Angers ; also her statue was placed by his upon the
tomb.
At the feet of Rene had been carved a lion, the
symbol of strength and courage ; and at the feet of
Queen Jeanne de Laval, his second wife, were plac
two dogs, emblematical of fidelity.
The heart of Jeanne, " so full of love," says one
author, "and so tenderly beloved," was deposited
with the Cordeliers of Angers, in the chapel of
St. Bernardin. Jeanne de Laval is represented on
the painted glass windows of the Cordeliers at
Angers.
In her escutcheon were seen, the arms of all her
husband's states, and those of Laval. |
Jeanne de Laval, at her death, instituted as her
heir, Guy, 15th Count of Laval, her brother, and after
him Nicolas de Laval, Seigneur de la Roche.J
With this Princess ended the second House of Anjou
and Sicily. §
In the choir of St. Maurice at Angers reposed the
ashes of Louis I. of Anjou, his wife Mary of Blois. and
his second son Charles ; Louis II. of Anjou. and his
wife Yoland of Arragon ; Louis III. of Anjou ; Rene,
his two wives, Isabella of Lorraine and Jeanne de
Laval, and also his noble-minded son John, Duke of
Calabria ; lastly, were deposited there also, the remains
of Margaret of Anjou, Queen of England. Of these
* Godard Faultrier.
+ Montf aucon ; Moreri : Bodin ; Godard Faultrier.
t Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par Andre du Chesne.
§ Beaufort was afterwards reunited to the crown.
MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 379
eleven individuals, all so distinguished in their day,
scarcely a vestige remains.*
From this period Anjou returned to the crown, and
ceased to be an independent government. "The
" nationality of Anjou, gave place to the nationality of
" France." Some of the younger sons of France after-
wards assumed the title of " Duke of Anjou," but only
as apanagistes, viz., having only a useful enjoyment,
with certain rights and revenues which were limited.
Of these princes of the House of France, who bore the
name of Anjou with the most eclat, were Edward, who
became Henry III., and Francois, Duke of Alengon,
his brother ; Philip, grandson of Louis XIV., made
King of Spain in 1700 ; Louis XV. ; and Louis
Stanislaus Xavier, Count of Provence, afterwards
Louis XVIII., who was the last apanagiste.f
Yoland of Anjou, the eldest daughter of Rene, and
the wife of Ferri, Count de Vaudemont, the sister of
Queen Margaret, became Duchess of Lorraine and
Bar, which estates she inherited upon the death of her
nephew, Nicolas of Anjou, in 1473. When her cousin
Charles of Anjou died, this princess took the title of
Queen of Jerusalem and Sicily, and the escutcheon
which belonged to John, Duke of Calabria, her brother.
The Duchess of Lorraine did not long survive her
father and sister ; she died on the 21st February, 1483,
at Nanci, at the age of fifty-seven, \ and was interred
in St. Laurent de Joinville.§
Margaret of Lorraine, the daughter of Yoland, and
the grandchild of Rene, who had taken such pleasure
in giving her instruction, employed herself in the
education of her son and daughters, in a manner
* Godard Faultrier ; Bodin. + Godard Faultrier.
\ Dom Calmet says her age was oo, but this must be an error, as we
cannot doubt the historians who speak of her birth in 1426.
§ Dom Calmet ; Moreri ; Montfaucon.
380 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
suitably to their birth, and with high sentiments of
religion. After the death of her husband, she solaced
herself in her retirement by the exercise of piety and
the care of the poor ; and having founded a charitable
institution at Argenton, she daily conversed with the
holy sisters, and with her own hands, distributed her
gifts to the indigent ; she even condescended to serve
them at table, and bathe their wounds, without showing
any symptoms of disgust. Finally, she retired to the
convent of St. Clair, putting on the habit of the order
of that establishment, in the presence of her son, the
Duke of Alengon, and the Bishop of Sees, but declaring
that, in taking this habit, she did not pretend to greater
poverty than formerly : for which she assigned three
reasons, 1st, that she would preserve the power of still
recompensing her servants as they deserved ; 2ndly,
that she might be able to pay the debts of her hus-
band ; and 3rdly, to finish the building, &c, of the
monastery where she desired to live and die.
This declaration she made only that she might per-
form more perfectly the three solemn vows she had
taken.
This pious Duchess of Lorraine died on All-Saints'
Day, in 1521, leaving a great example of virtue,
charity, contempt of the world, and of perfect devotion. *
Cicely, Duchess of York, the daughter of Ralph
Nevill, Earl of Westmoreland, survived her husband,
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, many years. Her
life, an eventful one, extended beyond that of her son,
King Edward IV. ; and if her ambition was to behold
her family enjoy the regal dignity, the measure of her
days afforded ample' opportunity for the contemplation
of the " ills which flesh is heir to." She first witnessed
the vain struggle for power which her husband origi-
nated, and which brought his defeat and death ; then
* Doui Calmet.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 381
her own son's contentions, usurpations, cruelties, and
untimely death. These succeeded one by one, and
sorrowful indeed must have been the heart of the
widow and mother of that house which brought such
cruel strife amongst her kindred and through every
portion of her native land. Cicely, of Raby, died in
May, 1495, at an advanced age, at her castle of Berk-
hamsted, and was buried near her husband, in the
choir of the collegiate church of Fotheringay, in
Northamptonshire. *
The romantic fortunes of Elizabeth Woodville may,
by some, have been thought to have been great
happiness ; but let those who too highly estimate ex-
alted rank, contemplate her subsequent reverses — how,
at first she drew upon herself the envy of the nobility,
which was ultimately the cause of King Edward's
flight, and in whose absence she gladly took refuge in
the sanctuary of Westminster, and there gave birth to
a son, 'the heir to the throne.
She survived her husband, and afterwards had the
misfortune to witness the cruel murder of her two
infant sons ; and finally, she was herself confined in
the Monastery of Bermondsey, in South wark, and her
effects confiscated by her own son-in-law. f
John de la Pole, the son of the Duke of Suffolk,
married Elizabeth Plantagenet, sister of Edward IV.
His son became Earl of Lincoln, and afterwards joined
in the rebellion of Lambert Simnel, and was killed in
battle in 1487. His brother Edmund, the last who
bore the title of Earl of Suffolk, having excited the
suspicions of Henry VII., was imprisoned by this
monarch during seven years in the Tower of London,
and was finally put to death by Henry VIII. With
this nobleman expired the honours of that family ;
which arose, in the time of Edward III., from a mer-
* Paston Letters. + Baker.
382 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
cantile station, and flourished during a period of 120
years. The handsome palace in Hull, called Suffolk
Palace, and all the family possessions were confiscated
to the crown. The town of Hull was much indebted
for its prosperity to this family.* John de la Pole
died in 149 1.|
There were other partizans of the House of Lan-
caster, the chief of whom, when they had lost all
hope of maintaining this cause, after the death of
King Henry VI. and his son, and the capture of
Queen Margaret, condescended to implore the mercy
of King Edward. No longer having a rival to fear,
this monarch listened to their petitions, reversed their
attainders in the next Parliament, and sought to
render some of them useful to him.
Of these were Dr. Morton, parson of Bokesworth,
and Sir John Fortescue, the Lord Chief Justice.
They had both been present in the battle of Towton,
and had been attainted in the following Parliament.
Their petitions to the King were very similar, and
were thus expressed : — " They are as sorrowful and
repentant as any creature may be, for whatever
they have done to the displeasure of the King's
highness ; and protest they are, and ever will be,
true liegemen and obeissant subjects to him, their
sovereign lord."
King Edward had already granted to Morton his
pardon, and, knowing his talents, he made him Keeper
of the Rolls, and afterwards preferred him to the
bishopric of Ely. The attachment of Morton to the
sons of Edward, his benefactor, drew on him the dis-
pleasure of Richard III., and at a subsequent period
his counsels led to the deposition of the usurper,
and the termination of civil discord by the mar-
riage of Henry VII. to the daughter of Edward IV.,
* Allen's York : Biographia Britannica. f Paston Letters.
MAKGARET OF ANJOU. 383
and thus were united the Houses of York and Lan-
caster.*
Henry, Lord Percy, the son and heir of Henry
Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who lost his life in
the battle of Towton, continued to be styled Lord
Percy, although his father had been attainted. He
was fully restored to his title and honours in 1472,
and his father's attainder made void.
In the year 1488 this nobleman was murdered by a
tumultuous mob, in Yorkshire. f
Charles VIII. , in 1492, was inspired with the desire
of making the conquest of the kingdom of Naples ;
and after meditating on this enterprise during two
years, and several times abandoning it, he set out for
Italy in 1494.
The claims of this monarch were founded thus : —
Rene of Anjou, heir to Joanna II., Queen of Naples,
had left to Charles, Count of Maine, Provence and all
his rights to the kingdom of Naples and Sicily ; and
this Count had made Louis XI. his successor.
The princes of Italy all united in this war, each one
according to his private interest.
King Charles marched to Rome, and entered that
city in triumph ; he made an easy conquest of the
kingdom of Naples, with which the Pope invested
him, although he was the enemy of the French. He
also crowned him Emperor of Constantinople.
But all these rapid conquests, which occupied this
King but six months, were again lost to him in as
short a space of time.J
* Lingard ; Rot. Pari. t Paston Letters.
X Eccles. Hist.; Montfaucon ; Hallam ; Universal Hist.
CHAPTER X.
Review of the Fifteenth Century — Causes of the Wars of the Roses —
Religion — Politics — Literature — Arts and Sciences — Manners and
Customs.
In the concluding pages of this volume it may not
be uninteresting to the general reader to take a sum-
mary review of England during the fifteenth century,
the period in which King Henry YI. and Queen
Margaret reigned in this country. Many w T ere the
peculiarities of that age, and singular the contrast
afforded to the present century of modern refinement ;
its religion being then guided by the Papal power, and
its forms Roman Catholic, though becoming modified
by the exercise of private judgment, through the light
of the Reformers. Then came the interference of
religion with politics and with monarchical rule, and,
what was still more astonishing, the part it took in
the wars of the times. The three divisions of Western
Europe at this time most prominent were France and
Spain, Germany divided into monarchical states, and
Italy into small principalities and republics.
The fifteenth century was a remarkable epoch,
especially interesting as preceding the times 'Of the
Reformation, in which, from the midst of darkness,
infatuation, and superstition, the light of Christianity
shone forth. In the ages preceding, the Holy Scrip-
tures had not been universally read. The clergy, king,
and men of high rank, whose minds were, however,
enlightened by Holy Writ, had greater power to rule
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 383
by its precepts, and thus gained an especial influence
over the multitude, who seemed grovelling in dark-
ness and superstition. One of the greatest blessings
resulting from the Reformation, was the " free circu-
" lation of the Word of God." Also it effected a
"diminution of cruel punishments," and, lastly, it
" raised the tone of morals ; " while the blessing of
God, which He gave to the nations zealous in this
cause, was manifested in the enjoyment of civil
liberty.
Tn the preceding century, the Roman Catholic
religion had prevailed throughout Christendom. The
Pope had exerted his power to subject all the
kingdoms to his rule, some of which yielded to his
domination, whilst others resisted it. In England the
papal doctrines prevailed, although the new opinions
of Wickliffe and other Reformers had begun to pave
the way for the Reformation. England could, how-
ever, scarcely be charged at this time with entire
subserviency to Rome, when we remember the stream
of legislation continuously poured forth against the
papal usurpations, the influence of Wickliffe, and
also that Lollardism had not yet been effectually
suppressed.*
There was, at various times in England, a strong
resistance to the papal influence, and especially to the
Pope's exactions from the clergy, which occasioned
much subterfuge, and even led to open disobedience
on their part, as they sought to fortify themselves with
laws against the court of Rome.
Of this we have an instance, in the early part of
the reign of Henry VI., when " the Bishop of Win-
" chester did presumptuously, as Legate of the Pope,
" enter this land contrary to the law, and it was pub-
" licly made known by the King's Procurator, Richard
* The Debate.
TOT, ii. C C
386 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
11 Caudroy, tliat this was not by the King's consent,
" or by the advice of his Council. Neither would
" they assent to the exercise of his authority Legatine,
" or to any future acts contrary to the laws and
" liberties of the realm." The same document states
also, that, " the King, and his predecessors on the
11 throne, had ever preserved the special privilege and
" custom observed in the realm, that no Legate from
" the Apostolic See should enter this land except by
11 the request and desire of the King; thus, had the
" Cardinal of St. Eusebius (Henry, Bishop of Win-
" Chester), as the Pope's Legate, presumptuously done,
" without being called, or sent for by the King, who
" had no intent to approve of his thus coming in
" derogation of the laws, nor would he assent to the
" exercise of his authority Legatine, or to any attempts,
" or acts contrary to the laws and liberties of this
" realm." *
The Bishop of Winchester had, notwithstanding,
great control over his sovereign, and much of the
violent ecclesiastical transactions of this epoch were
attributable to the undue influence gained by the
clergy over their monarch, in this, and the two pre-
ceding reigns.
The strength and wealth of the country for a time
remained wholly in the hands of the clerical autho-
rities. It was necessarily an ecclesiastical government,
and each successive King, who courted its influence,
only augmented its abuses, and increased the oppres-
sion of every other class in the state. It was in vain
that the Barons, in the incursion into Wales, in 1403,
proposed to the King, who was in difficulties, to seize
upon a portion of the riches of those members of the
clergy who accompanied them, and employ it for
the common good ; they were overruled by the pri-
* Fox's Martyrs, or Eccles. Hist.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 387
mate Arundel, who menaced with awful retribution
any who should dare to touch the effects of the
Church. It was also in vain, that in a Parliament held
at Coventry, in 1404, the Commons represented to
Henry IV. in the House of Lords the excessive riches
of the clergy, and prayed that the wealthy prelates
might be taxed, for the demands of the state. In this
instance, Arundel is reported to have fallen on his
knees before the King, and besought him to remember
his coronation oath of protection to the Church ; and
finally the Commons were obliged " to beg pardon for
" their presumption ! " * Again the Commons exem-
plified the same presumption and weakness, in the
Parliament at Westminster, in 1409, in which his
Majesty was informed, that the superfluous estates of
the bishops, abbots, and clergy would support fifteen
earls, 1,500 knights, 6,200 esquires, and one hundred
hospitals. We are told that the Peers presented a
counter-petition, while that of the Commons was
rejected. At last, however, the attention of Henry V.
was drawn to the subject in the year 1415, when he
commanded the University of Oxford to make out a
catalogue of abuses, to be presented to the Council of
Constance. It contained forty-six articles for reforma-
tion, and represented particularly the avarice and pro-
fligacy of the clerical body. But if the father of
Henry VI. was disposed to listen to the voice of his
distressed people in this matter, the case was far
different with his immediate successor, Edward IV.,
who, to gain the support of the affluent clergy, actually
made a charter, which placed everyone in Holy Orders
without the pale of the law, and enabled them to
commit all manner of crimes with impunity. The
consequence was, the most gross violation of every
decorum of society, by a class of " vile reprobates and
* Henry's Hist, of Great Britain.
c c a
3S8 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
" ignorant vagabonds," for such were the epithets
used by the Primate in his description of them. This
was Archbishop Bouchier, who was himself able to
effect some degree of reformation, though only tempo-
rary. Superstition and profaneness were often united
in the religious belief of the Middle Ages."*
England was at this time divided, ecclesiastically,
into two provinces, and the Archbishop of York, as
well as of Canterbury, had each the power of making
canons for his own province, which were not always
conformable to those of the other See.
Some very singular laws were constituted in 14G6,
by Xeville, Archbishop of York, which show the
various religious tenets of this period. Xeville details
thirty-seven sins which could be pardoned only by the
Pope, or a bishop, of which the first, and greatest, was
heresy. Pope Martin V., in 1427, had published several
Bulls against the support of the law premunire by the
Parliament of England.")" The object of this law was
to prevent the Pope from disposing of all the benefices
in the kingdom, which he seemed to consider as part
of his prerogative.
The usurpation of undue authority at this period,
in both Church and State, seems to have been the
main root of evil, from which sprung the hatred and
revenge that soon desolated the land. Indeed it is
with kings and potentates as with individuals of inferior
rank, the greater their power and influence, the greater
their responsibility ; and proportionate is the reward,
or chastisement, of the good or bad exercise of their
authority.
Many writers have been led to suggest as the true
source, whence arose the cruel and lengthened contest
* Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey.
f In these Bulls it appears that he treated Chicheley, and even Henry
the Sixth himself, as his menial.
MAKGAKET OF AXJOU. 389
between the Houses of York and Lancaster, the
usurpation of Henry IV. ; and, if correct, this crime
was indeed severely visited on his descendant. The
meek and holy King Henry VI., inheriting the natural
imbecility of his maternal grandfather, Charles VI.,
was incapable of maintaining his regal dignity, and
his crown, and incurred the penalty of the ambition
and usurpation of his headstrong predecessor.*
Again, this dreadful era of war and confusion, some
authors have traced back, only to the times of
Henry V., to which period they have looked for the
causes of the quarrels of the "Roses."
In the first year of this monarch's reign, he had
issued his commands for the seizure of the effects, and
confiscation of the property, of Henry, Lord Scrope, of
Masham, whose head was placed on the top of Mickle-
gate Bar, York. When this nobleman was beheaded,
the same fate befell Sir Thomas Gray, and the Earl of
Cambridge, for high treason, at Southampton. This
Earl of Cambridge had married the heiress of the
House of York. Hence came the claims of Richard,
Duke of York, which availed him in his contests with
the reigning monarch, and against which, the latter
was unable to remove the original defect in his own
cle scent, f
The long minority of Henry VI. and his feeble
character, added to his exclusion from affairs of state,
left ample room for the dissensions of his uncles, and
for the indulgence of the pride and grasping ambition
of the ancient nobles of the land.J The peculiar
quality of a " wise man," namely contentment, is sel-
dom found with the wealthy ; envy and discord too
often arise with the means for self-indulgence, and
chase it away to the modest retreats of mediocrity, or
* Allen's York ; Leigh's Kings. f Allen's York ; Lingard.
± Lin~ard.
390 MAEGABET OF ANJOU.
to the humble dwelling of the peasant. From the
evil passions of the human heart have always origi-
nated the contentions of factions, or parties, which,
bringing in civil dissensions, have been more injurious
to a country, than even foreign war, famine, or
pestilence.*
It was a distinguishing characteristic of this age,
that the divines took an active part in the religious
wars ; and strange indeed appeared the conjunction of
the two professions, the religious and military. It
was not enough, that with pretended zeal for their holy
callings, they should burn human beings alive, but they
must rush with pater nosters on their lips, to strike
down their fellow-man in the field of carnage. There
seems less excuse for this, because the members of the
military profession, were all " sworn to defend God's
" law against infidels, as their primary and standing
14 duty." Writers on the Middle Ages have compared
the knightly, to the priestly character, in an elaborate
parallel, and the investiture of the one, was supposed
to be analogous to the ordination of the other.
The quarrels of families were a fertile source of the
evils which prevailed at this period of anarchy. The
feuds of some of the high-born families of England, had
great influence in general society. Their personal
quarrels were not settled, as in after days, by an
appeal to the laws, or even decided by arbitration, but
often the sword was drawn, and hundreds of the
retainers of these powerful families were involved in
these feuds, and many even became victims of the
result of indulgence of their passions or follies. Such
outrages were frequent in the early part of the reign
of Henry VI.
One of them has been especially narrated by the
old chroniclers. It was a violent quarrel between two
* Pol. Vergil.
MAKGARET OF AXJOU. 391
tranches of the Neville family, supported by three
members on each side, two of them being earls, one a
countess, and the fourth a baron, nearly connected
with the richest and most influential families in the
kingdom.* Their feud assumed " the appearance of a
14 civil war ; they proceeded against each other by
" manner of war and insurrection, and assembled in
" great routs and companies in the field, committing
44 horrible offences, both in the slaughter and destruc-
44 tion of the King's subjects as otherwise." The
King's commands were issued to suppress this alarm-
ing riot ; but all the chroniclers and biographers are
silent as to its conclusion, as well as to its origin.
The most probable cause would seem to have been,
a claim upon some lands, the parties being all descen-
dants of the Earl of Westmoreland ; those on the one
side, from his first wife ; and those on the other, being
the two sons of his widow. This family feud appears-
to have occurred between the years 1432 and 1440,
the date of the death of Joan, Countess of West-
moreland.*)"
44 The strong attachments also, which, at this period,
men of the same relationship bore towards each
other, and the vindictive spirit which prevailed
amongst those of opposite interests, to indulge which
they regarded as a point of honour, caused the high
families to be implacable, and widened every breach
between them." "j:
Civil war is never the product of the tyrannical
commands of one, or more of the reigning despots of
the age ; and thus the anarchy which prevailed during
the reign of Henry VI. was not the ebullition of a
* See " Appendix." The genealogy of Ralph Neville, first Earl of West-
moreland.
f Bentley's Excerpta Historica.
± Hume.
392 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ.
moment, excited by the call of one or more influential
persons, but the result of a long succession of party
animosities and family resentments, which, amidst the
misgovernment of bad ministers, like a pent-up vapour,
suddenly burst into a flame, and the high-born chiefs,
who had been ever ready to retaliate their petty
injuries and insults, when once drawn out into the
field, fought with desperation, forgetful of the ties of
kindred and of human nature.
In proof of this may be adduced the conduct of
Somerset, and many others, who vacillated between
the two parties. This Duke was attached to the
Lancastrian interests, on account of his personal hatred
to the House of York ; but he was seen to change
sides, although he was himself the representative of
the House of Lancaster, should King Henry's issue
fail.
• " Margaret of Anjou's favouritism, and spirit of
" political intrigue, hastened the crisis which the dis-
" putes and jealousies of the feudal aristocracy of
" England were already preparing ; " but it is an
erroneous idea, entertained by some, that the Wars of
,: the Eoses " resulted from the mismanagement of the
reins of government by this energetic Queen. Intes-
tine war is like a consuming flame, ever indiscriminate
in its objects, but its appearance is always preceded
by a long train of evils, discontent, miseries, hatred,
variance, not of a few, but many individuals ; until the
kindling spark is given by some unforeseen, perhaps
trivial incident ; thus arose the contests of York and
Lancaster.
The great wealth and power of the clergy, even
superior to that of the King, or the aristocracy, caused
them to be so firmly established, that they could not
be shaken except by a convulsion in the country.
The system they pursued was to prevent the union of
MAKGAEET OP ANJOU. 393
the crown and the nobility, which they considered and
felt dangerous to themselves, and induced them to
join the House of Lancaster, which had deposed
Richard II. By this means they followed up, under
the reigns of Henry IV., V., and VI., a course of
persecution, imprisonment, and burning, which, by
supplying continual fuel to the discontents of the
nation, contributed greatly to the intestine wars of the
Yorkists and Lancastrians.*
One modern writer, after alluding to the political
changes which succeeded the feudal times, goes on to
say, that " from the peculiar and extraordinary systems
" of those times, resulted, almost as naturally, as cause
" and effect, the state of this, and the ensuing period."
It has been aptly expressed, " que c'est du frotte-
" ment des idees, que sort la lumiere ! " Thus from
the agitation of European kingdoms was elicited
stability and order. The wars of families brought
about changes in governments, and the increase of
kingly power in France, in England, and in Spain ;
the monarchs, with their ambitious relatives, leading
on the warfare. First the wars of the English in
France, then the French war called, " du bien public,"
and then the wars, of " the Roses," in England. When
these wars were terminated, the laws and institutions
of society were established on a more permanent basis,
family rivalries were annihilated, and the unity of the
state conferred tranquillity. Thus terminated the
fifteenth century ; but if during this period the in-
fluence of religion had been great, it became still
more powerful in the following era.|
In the early ages of Christianity the heavenly doc-
trines of Our Lord, arose upon the heathen world, like
the mild light of the rising sun, gradually extending
* Sharon Turner's Middle Ages.
Van Praet's Essay on Political History.
394 MABGASEI OF AKJOU.
its Learns over the broad expanse. The purest of mural
creeds, sent forth, from Our Saviour, was. through his
Apostles, instilled into the minds and hearts of all true
diseiples, who manifested their faith, by love and good
works. Man felt for his fellow-man, and his brother's
affliction became his own ; thus, a new and spiritual
life, east a benign aspect over the existence of man-
kind. But human degradation prevailed, and paganism
and tyranny raised persecutions and terror amongst
the early Christians, and the Apostles, following in the
way of their Master, one by one. suffered. Their bright
examples no longer led the way to true devotion and
self-sacrifice, and a cloud of oppression rapidly dis-
pelled the transcendent light which had been diffus
at Our Lord's first advent. Numerous bishops then
ruled the church, seeking, but vainly, to supply
apostles' rule ; then sects arose, and much division,
one calling himself of Paul, another of Apollos, and
all forgetful of the unity of the One Body of Christ.
Soon came division amongst the shepherds of the flock,
with the grasping of earthly power, and the mingling
of secular honours with their clerical office, — St. Peter's
chair filled unworthily, and his position disputed, until
two. and even three, arrogated this high authority. Xo
7 CD CJ •/
wonder that a gloomy obscurity overspread the Chris-
tian hemisphere in succeeding centuries, since divine
truth became hidden by the grossest superstition, and
ignorance, and spiritual darkness, universally prevailed.
Such was the condition of the Christian world in the
fifteenth century !
This era commenced with the persecutions of the
Waldenses, many of whom were murdered, and others
starved to death.* Then succeeded the persecutions of
the ki Lollards," the followers of one of the early re-
formers, Wickliffe. His doctrines met with great oppo-
* BEflnc s hHist ty.
MARGARET OF ANJOTJ. 395
sition in England ; but, protected by the Duke of
Lancaster, lie had escaped the severities directed
against him by Courtney, Bishop of London, whose
vengeance, however, fell upon the unfortunate Lol-
lards. None of them had yet suffered death, although
these persecutions had been sanctioned by Richard the
Second ; but in his reign the power of his consort, Anne
of Bohemia, and of the Duke of Lancaster, had prevented
these cruelties, the former being a patroness of the Wick-
liffites, and styled the link between Wickliffe and Huss.*
The Lollards, by exposing the disorders of the clergy,
occasioned much discord. These abuses were not re-
formed ; but an apprehension arose, that Henry IV.
would abridge the privileges of the clergy. A revolt
followed, headed by the Archbishop of York, who was
punished with death, f
Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had crowned
Henry IV., commenced, with the support of his sove-
reign, a powerful persecution of the Lollards. The
first victims for their opposition to popery, were Sir
William Sawtree, J who was burnt to death in 1400 ;
and another, named Thomas Badley, in 1409. After
this Arundel continued to pursue his plans, for the
extirpation of the Lollards, being sanctioned by the
new King, Henry V. ; and Lord Cobham fell a sacrifice
to their vengeance.
Henry V. was, however, naturally averse to cruelty,
and had in private listened to the opinions of Lord
Cobham, who had frequently appeared before the heads
of the clergy concerning his faith. He boldly spoke of
his belief in the gospel of Christ uncorrupted by human
institutions. He ventured to expose the follies, and to
smile at the threatenings of the Church, which he con-
sidered repugnant to the truth. By this conduct he
* Milner's Church History. + Eccles. Hist.
% He was rector of St. Oswyth, London.
396 MAEGJlRET OF ANJOU.
raised the resentment of Archbishop Chicheley, who
committed him to prison. A Parliament was called to
prosecute the Lollards, and while the King was fol-
lowing his wars with France, Chicheley was domineer-
ing over the Church at home. This continued from
1414 to 1443. Chicheley was even supported in his
measures for a time by the King's brother, the Duke
of Bedford. In order the more effectually to check the
progress of AVickliffe's doctrines, the clergy attacked
the principal promulgator, Sir John Oldcastle, Baron
of Cobham, and sought to persuade Kiug Henry, that
the Lollards were conspiring against the throne, and
state. There was indeed a meeting in St. Giles's
fields of 20,000 men, headed by Sir John Oldcastle, and
the King, at length, was prevailed on to think he was
taking a treasonable part.*
At this time in Germany, as well as in England, the
cupidity of the government was called forth by the
wealth of the clergy; while in Italy the taxes were paid
by the priests, in common with the other citizens, and
often in a greater proportion; thus, "no one thought
" of despoiling them, and no jealousy seconded the
tc projects of the Reformers."
This country was the first, however, to assert re-
ligious independence ; and while indifferent to the
reform of the Church, feared not the menaces of the
Popes at this period, when their threats and excom-
munications made all other powers in Europe to
tremble."!"
France suffered for some years the papal exactions,
but, at length, the decrees of the Council of Basle,
caused her to assert her independence ; and the famous
Pragmatic Sanction was enacted by Charles VII. By
this law a general council was declared superior to the
Pope ; bishops were freely elected, grants in expect-
* Fox's Hist. Gf Christian Martyrdom. f Sismondi.
MABGAJBET OF ANJOU. 397
ancy, and reservation of benefices were taken away,
and first-fruits abolished.
Pius II. (iEneas Sylvius) used every means to get
this ordinance repealed, and finally prevailed with
Louis XL ; who, partly out of hatred to his father's
memory, and partly from a delusive hope that the
Pope would support the Angevine cause in Naples,
repealed the Pragmatic Sanction.* This law has been
deemed a sort of Magna Charta of the Gallican church ;
for, although it was so speedily abrogated, its prin-
ciple has remained fixed, as the basis of ecclesiastical
liberty. |
The Angevines were deeply interested in the deci-
sions of the Council of Basle, which occurred about
the time of Rene of Anjou's accession. This assembly
of distinguished persons, during twelve years, held
forty-five sessions. Its object was not only the union
of the Greek and Roman churches, but also, the uni-
versal reformation of the church, both in its head and
in its members.;);
In England there were but fourteen bishops, and
two archbishops, if we omit the Welsh bishoprics, and
that of Sodor and Man ; the former of these was the last
to assert independence, and the latter was bestowed on
the Stanley family by King Henry IV. In the public
councils of this kingdom, especially in Parliament, the
clergy had great influence ; and as their numbers ex-
ceeded that of the laity, they could carry their own views
without opposition. The bishops were expected to
attend at all the meetings of Parliament. The power
they obtained was not so much effected by their superior
knowledge and holiness, which they did not much
affect, but was the result of their constant residence in
this country, and of their attendance at these councils,
* Hallam's Mid. Ages. t Hallam.
J Godard Faultrier.
398 MAEGARET OF ANJOU.
while the nobility and great men were absent, being
engaged in the wars with France, or Scotland. Twenty-
five abbots and their priors were summoned to each
Parliament, and even more, which doubled the number
of the lords spiritual over those temporal. Thus did
the clergy obtain sanguinary laws, punish heretics, and
preserve their immense possessions.*
Yielding to their cruel dispositions, the clergy passed
sentence of death on Lord Cobham, both as a traitor
and a heretic. He was led from the Tower, on the
day of his execution, with his arms tied behind him,
and drawn on a hurdle into St. Giles's fields. Re-
signed and cheerful, he prayed for God's forgiveness
of his enemies, and then addressed the people, and
conjured them to observe the laws of God, as delivered
in the Scriptures ; then with Christian resignation he
gave himself up to his fate. He was hanged in chains,
on a new gallows, under which a fire was lighted, to
torment him by a lingering death, while impious monks,
and priests, sent forth curses and imprecations at the
time their noble victim was expiring by the flames.
Such was the treatment of Lord Cobham from his
enemies, who pretended to be ministers of the gospel
of peace ! f
The rapacity of the Popes, and the profligacy of the
Court of Rome, were excessive. The following account
has been given by two well-known historians : — De-
nina assures us, that, "the licentiousness of the clergy
" became excessive, and universal from the time that
" the scandals of Avignon had removed all restraint
" and shame;" and Sismondi also declares that, "that
" people, and that court, made themselves manners, out
" of the vices of all other nations." These historians
do not exceed the testimony of contemporary autho-
rities.
* The Debate ; Henry's Hist. Great Britain. t Throsby's Leicester.
MARGARET OF AXJOU. 399
The city of Avignon, at one time, became the seat
of papal power.* It had been purchased of Queen
Joanna of Naples (who was also Countess of Pro-
vence), in the time of her poverty, for 80,000 golden
florins, by Clement VI. , who thus obtained this valu-
able possession, and there completed the splendid
palace commenced by Benedict XII. At this period
the cardinals began to imitate the luxury of the popes. f
Then came the grand schism of the Roman Catholic
church, and divided the church for about forty years ;
this only terminated in 1429, and hastened the decline
of the papal power.
Catholic despotism led to a threat of appeal to a
general council. " That there was a power superior
" to the Pope, within the church" was a principle which
had many advocates, even in the ecclesiastical body.
Attempts were made at reformation, and the means of
education were multiplied ; then arose divisions and here-
sies. The flagrant conduct of the clergy, and especially
of the popes, and cardinals, aroused many reflective
minds to a sense of their unworthiness. Intellectual
men, who looked to the examples of the early Chris-
tians, and who walked in the fear of God, sought, with
earnest zeal, to ameliorate the spiritual condition of
mankind. They had no longer the rule of Apostles,
nor the prophetic light to guide them ; but they yielded
to the benevolence of their characters, and looking, in
the simplicity of faith, to their Lord, they raised a
kind of reflected light over the ignorance, superstition,
and darkness which surrounded them.
Mosheim,^ who has diligently and profoundly studied
the subject of the early reformers, tells us, that the
Lollards were a society of pious laymen at Antwerp,
* The Holy See, transferred to Avignon, lasted there for seventy years.
+ Denina ; Sismondi ; Waddington's Ch. Hist.
J Eccles. Hist.
400 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
whose object was to visit the sick, and bury the dead,
during a time of pestilence, when the clergy neglected
to fulfil their duties, because they were attended with
danger. The good motives, and religious actions of
this new sect, obtained throughout Flanders and Ger-
many, not only the respect of the magistrates, but the
love of the inhabitants. " The clergy were excited to
" jealousy, especially the mendicants, who found their
" own profits diminished by this charity ; and clamours
" were raised against them. They were denounced at
11 the pontifical throne, and their names passed to de-
" signate, sanctified hypocrites. They were afterwards
" persecuted in Austria."*
One unfortunate Lollard, named John Clay don, a
furrier of London, suffered death. He was tried and
burnt at Smithfield, on the 19th of August, 1415.
Heretical books were produced on the evidence, and
one in particular, called "The Lantern of Light," was
declared to contain fifteen heresies. After this followed
a general prosecution of the Lollards. Immense num-
bers were imprisoned and cruelly tormented ; but from
this time they appear to have cherished their opinions
in secret, or, if exposed, they recanted, as was the
case with Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester,
in the reign of Henry VI. , already detailed in this
history. The persecutions to which this highly talented
man was subjected, reflect little credit on the primacy
of Archbishop Bouchier, or the character of the con-
temporary clergy. Bouchier would seem to have been
favourable to the Roman Pontiff, and his conduct to
the unfortunate Bishop was dictated by political as well
as religious motives.
The following account has been given by one of our
old chroniclers of the doctrines of Reginald Peacock,
which awakened such general enmity against him : —
* Mcsheim.
MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 401
" Some say lie held that spiritual persons by God's
11 law ought to have no temporal possessions, nor that
" personal titles, by God's law, were due ; nor that
" Christian men were to believe in the Catholic church,
" nor in the communion of saints ; but, to believe that
" a Catholic church, and a communion of saints there
"is," and that he held, " how the universal church
" might err in matters of faith, and that it is not of
u necessity, to believe all that is ordained by general
" councils ; nor, all that which they call the universal
" church ought to be allowed and holden of all Chris-
" tian people. Moreover, that it was meet to every
" man, to understand the Scriptures in the true and
" plain sense."*
Reginald Peacock, however, after much persecution,
and to save his life, recanted his opinions, and at length
sided with the Pope, who, at this time, had succeeded
in silencing the Councils.
The bad conduct of the Roman Pontiffs, of whom
two, and even three, appeared at one time, in the
antagonistic character, gave rise to the forming of
Councils, for the direction of the Church. First, in
a.d. 1409, was the Council of Pisa, when Gregory XII.
and Benedict XIII. were deposed, and Alexander elected.
Secondly, the Council of Constance, in 1414, when
Martin V. was elected Pope.f Thirdly, the Council of
Basle, in 1431. These grand Councils had declared that
the Pope was the servant of the Church, and answer-
able to her, for his conduct in a general Council. He
might even be deposed by the bishops representing the
different Churches.
When the Pope subsequently triumphed over the
Councils, and silenced them, he asserted the opposite
* Holinshed.
+ At this time John Huss and Jerome of Prague were condemned to be
burnt.
VOL. II. D D
402 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
principle, viz., that the Pope was the source of all
power.
The last struggle between the Pope and the Councils
was in the reign of Henry the Sixth ; and the real
offence of Peacock (whose history has been related) was
this, that in order to make the Pope the sole bishop in
the Church, he laboured to depress the authority of the
general Councils. After this, Martin and his successors
maintained the supremacy of the Pope, and the Coun-
cils having been defeated, the Western Church gradually
yielded to the Pope ; but this had not been completely
accomplished in either the Gallican or the Anglican
Church by the papal party before the period of the
Reformation.*
Our astonishment and indignation in these days of
humanity, if we may so style them, will be naturally
great, while reading of the fanatical excesses of the
holy fathers of that period, and more particularly of
that wicked and cruel act of bigotry, the practice of
burning human beings alive for heresies in faith. Even
if it were not coupled with the ignorance of the Middle
Ages, even if there were indisputable proof, that the
Church of Rome was the only true Church, we could
not contemplate this act, as other than brutal, bar-
barous, and disgusting in the utmost degree. These
acts seem to have belonged, almost always, to the
fanaticism of the Roman Catholics. Such cruel deeds
cannot be too much held up to the general odium of
mankind ; and they must have been, at least, an aggra-
vation to the wars of the fifteenth century, in which the
burning of the heroic Maid of Orleans, at its com-
mencement, would almost lead to the decision that this
was a barbarous age.
"The ravages of Attilawere less fatal to the Church of
" France, than those of England in the fifteenth century.
* Hook's Archbishops.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 403
" Christianity found no solid tie amongst a people, who
" professed and gloried in warfare, and dreadful were the
" evils brought upon France, by the long and cruel wars
" of Henry V. This monarch's sole motive had been
11 ambition, and the invasion of France caused much
" disorder and confusion in the Church. The English
" nation was next visited by the judgments of God.
" By the death of Henry V. England became the seat
u of intestine divisions, while the French gained time
" to respire, and found means to recover their
" territories. "*
When Church and State fail to preserve their rela-
tive position to each other, many evils arise. In the
countries where the papal dominion has been disre-
garded, the Church has been controlled and oppressed
by the State ; while the contrary has resulted in the
dominions of the Pope, in which its oppressive govern-
ment has absorbed the powers and offices of state.
Ignorance of their relative duties was the occasion in
the fifteenth century of much interference on the part
of the clergy with affairs of state, and in England,
especially, involved both in the party strife of that
period. Churchmen often failed to show the example
of obedience to authority, and to set forth a life of
holiness ; thus they were unable to inculcate in
others religious and moral principles, for while the
Church should instruct men, the State should uphold
and aid the Church, to carry out her high and holy
vocation.
It is worthy of remark how seldom Christians in
those unhappy times, respected the sacred ties which
attached them to their sovereigns. When a people are
unfaithful to God, there is truly great reason to fear
they will become so, also to their King.")"
There can be little doubt that the agitations and
* Eccles. Hist. f Ibid.
D D 2
404 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
contentions on religious subjects throughout England,
greatly augmented in those " troublous times " the
disrespect shown to King Henry the Sixth, whose
excellent qualities and meek disposition rendered him
worthy of a better fate. This monarch at last preserved
but the bare title of King, yet " as the dignity of a
" Prince consisteth in his sovereignty," so Henry being
unable to rule, his prerogative was taken from him by
his nobility, as it were by stealth, each turbulent
and ambitious spirit rising up to gratify its individual
passions at the expense of the country, some, effecting
this by sundry indirect practices, others, by open force.*
We cannot be surprised at the frequent and strong
resistance to the authority of the Pope in this country,
when we consider the dreadful anathemas so often
issued from the papal throne against those who trans-
gressed. Also the mortifying atonements to which
persons, even of exalted rank, were subjected, and which
showed the force in those times of ecclesiastical
censures.
These severe decrees of the Roman Catholic Church
might be called the stepping-stones which, in the
Middle Ages led on, from darkness and ignorance to the
light of the Reformation.
The delegates of the Pope in England had also, the
power to pronounce anathemas on such as were
offenders. An instance of this is given in the life of
Chicheley. The Archbishop having held a Synod in
1417, at the dismissal, gave a mandate to the Dean and
Chapter of St. Paul's to denounce a solemn anathema
against certain persons unknown who had murdered
three priests within the sanctuary of that cathedral.
The revenging of personal wrongs was carried to
such an extreme in the Middle Ages, as to afford many
instances of the forgetfulness in men's minds of Our
* Malcolm.
MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 405
Lord's doctrine of forgiveness of sins. Tims we read
of frequent outrages in churches, and affrays, too violent
to be appeased. One of these occurred in 1459 in the
Cathedral of St. Peter's, at Exeter, between some young
gentlemen, and many of them being grievously
wounded, this church was closed, being generally
considered to be unhallowed, and polluted by blood-
shed ; and the services were suspended, by orders
of the Dean and Chapter, until the building was con-
secrated anew. In the absence of the Diocesan, they
procured one Thomas, who was then suffragan to the
Bishop of Bath, to restore it as before.*
Life for life was the law of the Middle Ages, and the
widow, or relations of a murdered person had the right,
which society converted into an imperative duty, to
avenge his death. This right was established in
Europe, although differently regulated, according to
municipal law,f and in England modified by Magna
Charta, and other ancient statutes. Its power was so
great, as even to set aside the royal prerogative of
mercy ; for when a criminal was condemned under this
law, the king could not extend his forgiveness to the
culprit.
In the religion of the Middle Ages, the obscurity of
men's minds caused them to exhibit an entire forget-
fulness of the Advent of Our Lord ; but there was often
a greater observance of the Old Law and Jewish
ceremonies.
Customs and privileges were adopted which were
even established, and confirmed for centuries, through
the superstition and ignorance of those times. One of
the most remarkable of these in Europe, was a custom
which prevailed at Rouen, in Normandy, from a very
early period until the French Revolution. It may be
* Life of Chicheley ; Izaak's Exeter.
f This right was not abolished in this country until the present century.
406 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
traced by authentic documents more than six hundred
years.* This custom was called the privilege of St.
Romain, or "La Fierte," according to which " in every
" year, on the day of Ascension, a prisoner was selected
" by the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral of Notre
" Dame, and delivered up to them by the magistrates ;
" and after many solemn ceremonies and a procession,
" in which figured an immense dragon called la gar-
" gonille, the prisoner received a full pardon."!
This privilege was confirmed by many distinguished
monarchs, amongst whom were Henry the Fourth, of
France, and Henry the Fifth and Sixth, of England,
also by members of noble families in Normandy, besides
several English men .\
The early history of Scotland shows, that the ordina-
tion of Scotch bishops took place in their own country,
but afterwards, the Bishops of St. Andrew's were con-
secrated by the Archbishop of York ; and successively,
until Pope Calixtus IV. made the Bishop of St.
Andrew's Primate of all Scotland, appointing twelve
bishops under him. This took place in the primacy of
George Neville, and during the reign of Edward IV. §
Before the Reformation the Church of Scotland was,
like England, subject to the Pope, but it had its own
Church also. The people were subject to the despotic
rule of their kings and a debasing superstition.
In January, 1450, a Bull was issued by Pope
Nicholas the Fifth for the erection of a university in
Glasgow. The papal Bull was solemnly read at the
market cross, and a plenary indulgence was promised
* See Appendix (p. 43G).
f This may remind our readers of the Jewish custom of releasing a
prisoner at the Passover.
J By letters patent of 1512, Louis XII. confirmed this custom, under the
name of " La Fierte," and it continued in use, till the year 1789, when the
National Assembly abolished all the peculiar privileges of cities and
provinces.
§ Allen's Antiquities of York.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 407
to all who should visit the Cathedral during the current
year. This university, although obscure at first, in
time shone with a degree of splendour. In 1453, it
had the royal protection from James the Second, who
was an energetic monarch, and framed good laws."*
The Pope sent as his legate, Patrick Grahame, who
met with the opposition of the ruling party, the Boyds,
to his election to the See of St. Andrew's, and he went
to Rome, to establish his claim through the papal
influence, which afforded an opportunity to the Arch-
bishop of York (Neville) to attempt to recover the
spiritual supremacy of Scotland. In this attempt the
Archbishop failed, and the result was that Sixtus IV.
granted a Bull creating Grahame Archbishop of St.
Andrew's and Primate of Scotland. The Pope also
appointed him his legate, to add grace to the first
Archbishop of Scotland, and he gave him full power
to reform all abuses in the Church, and correct the
dissoluteness of the clergy. From this time the spiritual
independence of Scotland was secured.
Grahame expected to be received on his return with
triumph, but his enemies still prevailed, and they
appealed to the Pope, offering to prove the invalidity
of his documents, and finally the King ordered him to
retire to his bishopric, and refrain from wearing the
archiepiscopal pall till the cause was determined.
The two kings, James I. and James II. , prohibited
the clergy from purchasing benefices of the court of
Rome, but it was reserved for James III. to divert the
stream of wealth which had hitherto flowed into the
Pope's treasury, that it might be poured into his own.
Amongst the privileges conferred by papal power on
certain of the monasteries, was that of the Sanctuary,
which had often a pernicious tendency, for although
the unfortunate obtained protection within their walls,
* Cunninffliam's Hist, of Scotland.
408 MAEGAEET OP AXJOU.
many delinquents fled thither, after the commission of
crimes, to seek concealment in the precincts of those
abbeys. Here they found personal shelter from the
Church, and were enabled, during forty days, to defy
the laws. The arm of justice could not reach them,
since the magistrates dared not drag a culprit from his
place of refuge, without incurring the resentment of the
Church, and the severest penalties of the law.*
In the absence of the lio-ht of truth and Divine
guidance, many were the superstitions of the [Middle
Ages. Amid the darkness that prevailed, how great
was the need of a faithful guide in spiritual, as well as
in temporal affairs.
Popes had, by despotic rule arid cruel bigotry, given
mortal offence in this, and other lands, while many of
the clergy, by their unworthy deeds, had dishonoured
their high and holy calling. In the State the usurpa-
tion of undue authority by those of noble birth, failed to
secure the ready obedience which springs only from
respect and love, and thus, disorder and anarchy ensued
throughout the land.
Yet even at this dark epoch an earnest desire arose
from many hearts that a ruler, wise and good, might
be found to quell the party spirit of contention, and to
restore harmony and peace. Not, however, in the
reign of the meek Henry was this to occur, but at a
later period, when the precepts of Holy Writ had
become disseminated through the land, was the bless-
ing of peace again bestowed.
How marvellously is the welfare of nations ordered
by Him, who has His witnesses in every age, and who
is bringing them by the rays of His righteousness to
* The dissolution of monasteries, as at the Reformation, had a precedent
in the times of Henry the Sixth, when many of the religious houses were
suppressed, and others converted to the foundations of colleges, by Arch-
bishop Chichelcy and others.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 409
the light of that Perfect Day, when His will shall be
" done on earth, as it is in heaven," and His Kingdom
shall be made manifest.
To return to the stirring events of the fifteenth
century, when the social, as well as religious aspect
was so stormy and disturbed.
The political changes in England, and other countries
throughout Europe, may be said to have commenced
when the feudal system terminated. Kings and rulers
had, in those preceding times, been much constrained
in action and authority, by the petty sovereigns of
principalities and fiefs, who only nominally deferred to
the crown ; while as kings and independent rulers, they
warred with each other for their own rights and terri-
tories. One might say, that feudality was absorbed
by monarchy, for it became the wisdom of kings, to
bring about the unity of states, upon which to estab-
lish political order, and social arrangements. This was
ultimately effected, but not until the close of the
fifteenth century.
" To speak of the politics of a kingdom, means its
" every-day life, its institutions, laws of general in-
14 terest, and relation of one country to others, and the
" relations of the people to their government, and their
" government to foreign states ; these being explained,
"constitute its political history."* These subjects
were enveloped in darkness and ignorance compared
with later times ; but, it is remarkable, that it was at
this epoch, the fifteenth century, that the politics, as
well as the literature and religion of this country, were
undergoing a decided and beneficial change. It is
besides worthy of especial observation, that then, as
now, we surpassed generally as a nation all the other
states of Europe in our constitution, government, and
* Van Praet's Essay on Political History.
410 MARGARET OF ANJOTJ.
laws. Sir John Fortescue and Philip de Comines have
equally borne testimony to this fact.*
We can gather from history but little concerning
the constitutional prerogative of our kings at this
period, yet we have contemporary authorities to show
that, while France and other states were under the
absolute dominion of one individual, England was pos-
sessed of a limited monarchy.
It is certain that the King was so far prescribed,
that without the consenting voice of Parliament he
could neither make, nor alter, any of the laws of the
land.
Next to the King, the Lords and Commons each
possessed a certain degree of influence in the affairs of
the nation, but the powers enjoyed by each separately
were ill defined. Thus, if the modified prerogative
vested in the kings of this age formed not, in connec-
tion with the other parts of the constitution, so just a
balance of power as in later times, we must bear in
mind the persons by whom it was wielded, the circum-
stances in which the nation was placed, the absence of
a public press, and of all those controlling media of civi-
lisation which were then only beginning to dawn upon
the world. It is asserted, that the King on several
occasions, violated the constitution by assuming a
power of dispensing, as it is termed, with the laws,
and granting permission to individuals and bodies of
men to break them with impunity. It was thus, that
to secure the clergy in his interest, we find King
Edward IV., in 1462, by a most extravagant use of
this dispensing power, granted them permission to
violate every law of the land, sacerdotal and judicial.
The violent factions and cruel wars were the great
obstacles to impartial justice. The people of England
were often placed under a kind of military government,
* Sir John Fortescue, Philip de Comines.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 411
the High Constable having the power to put to death
even the highest in the land, without the forms of law,
provided he was himself convinced of their guilt ; nay
more, there was not even an inquiry after evidence.
When the Constable required a show of proof, and
could not procure it by other means, he had recourse
to the rack.*
The death of the Earl of Oxford in the first year of
the reign of the triumphant Edward IV., is an instance
sufficiently striking of the exercise of this power.
Party animosity had no doubt sealed the fate of this
aged veteran, although the charge against him was his
correspondence with Queen Margaret ; for in these
times it was perilous to use great boldness of speech,
and the force of the Earl's arguments in Parliament, on
the disputed question of the precedency of the Barons
Temporal and Spiritual, had obtained the judgment in
favour of the former.
During the Lancastrian dynasty the authority of
Parliament was more confirmed, and the privileges of
the people more attended to, than during former times.
On the death of Henry V. the prospect of a long
minority, encouraged both the Lords and Commons to
extend their power ; and, disregarding the injunctions
of the late monarch, they made a new arrangement for
the administration, putting aside the name of Regent,
and adopting that of Protector, for the Duke of Bedford,
and for Gloucester in the absence of his elder brother.
The regal power thus divided, was further restrained
by a Council, whose advice was required on every
measure of importance.!
The large amount of debt contracted during the
wars of Henry V. in France, was left to his successor
to discharge, and the ministers found themselves obliged
* Henry.
j- Hume; Rymer; The Citizens and their Rulers, by B. B. Orridge.
412 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
to recur to old abuses, and amongst these to the arbi-
trary practice of purveyance, and by these means the
affections of the people were greatly estranged from
their sovereign.* In 1433, the amount of debt was
announced to be £35,000 annually ; and as it in-
creased, it involved the State in more embarrassment
and caused more popular dissatisfaction.
During the short but brilliant reign of Henry V. the
Parliament was remarkably quiet ; not a breath was
raised by them against the dispositions of his house-
hold affairs, although his expenses were ruinous. VTe
are told that " there was less injustice committed by
" the governments of Henry V. and Henry VI. than
" at any former period." The extravagant expendi-
ture of his father, however, and the wastefulness with
which the Regency is justly charged, had entailed an
enormous amount of debt upon his son Henry VI.,
which was one great cause of disaffection throughout
his reign. Henry IV., in his address to his son upon
his death-bed, said to him, " Of Englishmen, so long
"as they have wealth and riches, so long shalt thou
" have obeysance ; but when they be poor, they are
" always ready to make insurrection at every motion." f
Thus it was, that during the reign of Margaret of
Anjou the most trivial causes gave rise to the most
serious disaffection and mutiny. After the losses in
France, the misappropriation of public moneys and
gifts gave occasion for much complaint.
There was indeed a great predisposition throughout
the kingdom for the discord and anarchy which pre-
vailed during the reign of Henrv VI. , which was
evidenced, not only by the dispositions of the nobility,
in many circumstances of the times, but even may be
* The Citizens and their Rulers, by Orridge.
t Leigh's Choice Observations of the Kings of England : Hallam's
Middle Aires.
MARGARET OP ANJOU. 413
deduced from the statutes then enacted. It was in
1429 that the state of the country called for the forty-
shilling franchise, which was then first constituted,
exactly as it at present exists.
The first statute which fixed the value of the free-
hold franchise was in the eighth year of the reign of
Henry VI., and the preamble runs thus : —
" Whereas the elections of knights of the shire to
come to Parliament in many counties of the realm
have now been of late years made by very great
outrages, and excessive numbers of people, dwelling
within the same counties of the realm of England, of
which most part was of people of small substance
and of no value, whereof every one of them pretended
a voice, equivalent as to such elections to be made
with the most worthy knights and esquires dwelling
within the same counties, whereby manslaughter,
riots, robberies, and divisions among the gentlemen
and other people of the same counties, shall very
likely arise and be, unless convenient and due remedy
be provided in this behalf." *
The limitations of government were strenuously
enforced by Sir John Fortescue in his instructions to
his pupil, the King's son ; he speaks " of the limited
' nature of the monarch's authority, and the inalien-
1 able rights of the subjects, while he calls on Prince
1 Edward to reverence the free institutions of his native
1 land. Nowhere else did the people possess by law
4 and upon the whole, in effect, so much security for their
1 personal freedom and property. The middling ranks
' flourished remarkably, not only in commercial towns,
' but among the cultivators of the soil. There is scarce
' a small village, says Sir John Fortescue, in which
' you may not find a knight, an esquire, or some sub-
* Hume ; Speech of Mr, Peel, March Gth, 1 829.
414 MAEGAHET OF AXJOU.
" stantial householder, commonly called a franklayn,*
" possessed of considerable estate, besides others called
" freeholders, and many yeomen of estates, sufficient
" to make a substantial jury." f
Cases of arbitrary imprisonment frequently occurred
in these times, and were remonstrated against by the
Commons.
No privilege of the Commons can be so fundamental
as the liberty of speech. A complaint was made in
the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry VI. by
Thomas Young, member for Bristol, of his imprison-
ment in the Tower of London, six years previously, in
consequence of a motion which he made, to the
effect that the King, then having no issue, the Duke
of York might be declared heir apparent to the crown.
In the session when Young claimed remuneration the
Duke was Protector, and likely to regard his com-
plaint 4
The ministers of the King were expected to main-
tain themselves, but if they required remuneration, it
was obtained through the appointments of the church,
which were at the King's disposal.
King Henry had the appointment of sheriffs, but they
often failed to execute the duties of their office, unless
guaranteed against loss. Besides these, there were
bannerets, who ranked below barons, and sat with
the peers. The barons were styled Le Sieur de, while
bannerets merely had Monsieur prefixed to their names.
Peers were created by the King, but with the consent
of Parliament.
We have now to speak of the Privy Council and the
* By a franklayn we are to understand what we call a country squire,
like the " f rankleyn " of Chaucer. The heads of families were esquires,
shield-bearers to the knights, and the younger ones were styled gentlemen :
both were military dignities, and the lowest titles borne in England.
+ Hallam ; Lower's Heraldry.
X Hallam's Mid. Ages ; W. of Worcester.
MARGARET OF AXJOU. 415
courts of law and police. The three great tribunals
of common law were, the King's Bench, the Court of
Common Pleas, and the Exchequer. The number of
judges who sat in the Courts of Westminster, were in
the time of Henry VI. from five to eight. Their
salaries were small, viz., the chief justice of the King's
Bench £1,G00 per annum of our money, the chief justice
of the Common Pleas £1,300, and each of the others
£1,000. Besides these salaries, they received their robes
and dresses from the royal wardrobe, or £85 in money,
as an equivalent. They also acted as justices of assize,
and received £200 extra for that office. The whole
income which the Attorney-General received from the
State was under £120. From Fortescue we learn, that
the entire fees, in the year 1421, of the Treasurer of
England, keeper of the Privy Seal, judges of both
benches, barons of the Exchequer, and other officers of
the courts was not more than £30,000.
The small income and precarious position of the
judges, was, indeed, one of several causes of the venal
and irregular application of justice at this period.
Another cause was the banding together of hordes of
men for right, or wrong, ever ready for mutiny. Again,
the shelter which the sanctuaries gave to crime, and
the difficulty of rendering the members of the clergy
amenable to the lay courts. These courts were fast
asserting, their supremacy over the ecclesiastical courts,
for the administration of common law ; but the struggle
continued during the whole of this epoch.
In tracing the political events of one nation, we find
that like the sister arts, or sciences, the subject cannot
well be pursued alone ; being so intimately connected
with others, that the mind is insensibly led away from
the more circumscribed view ; and, like the philosopher,
who is tempted on from one science to another, the
historian, whose peculiar study is mankind, cannot
416 MAEGABET OF AXJOU.
fail, in the midst of his survey of party strife and war-
fare in England, to be led to the contemplation of the
condition of the surrounding nations during this event-
ful period, the fifteenth century. A striking similarity
immediately appears, between the history of the French
nation and of our own.
First, let us instance the death-bed, and dying
injunctions, of Charles V. of France, and then, on
looking to the conclusion of the brilliant career of our
monarch, Henry V., the same scene occurs. Both
these sovereigns were distinguished for their wisdom
and skill; and their foresight alike directed them, to
provide for the future welfare of their sons, while in
their minority, and exposed to the domineering and
violent character of their powerful relatives.
These princes of turbuleut memory soon aroused, in
their respective countries, the spirit of discontent and
rebellion, and each one seeking to be greatest, quickly
forgot his allegiance, his duty, and his promises to his
King. How soon were the Dukes of Burgundy and
Orleans in arms against each other, and alternately
disturbing the peace of France with anarchy and
bloodshed, until they both came to an untimely end !
The murders of these two princes were committed
openly, and one of them was even publicly justified ;
similar transactions folllowed in England, but here
these crimes were planned, and executed in secret.
The results, however, were not less disastrous ; one
crime brought on another, and the death of Gloucester
was succeeded by the hurried execution of Suffolk ;
even the mock trial employed upon this occasion, was
soon after dispensed with, and the summary vengeance
of party hurried its victims, without preparation or trial,
into another world. Then came battle after battle in
either land, and fiercely strove brother against brother,
and kinsfolk against kinsfolk.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 417
Such were the events produced by these two mino-
rities ! and if we review the third, and sister king
dom, we shall not find the people were more fortunate.
In France, Charles VI. ascended the throne when
he had only attained his ninth year; in England,
Henry VI. was but an infant of nine months old at his
accession ; and in Scotland, in 14G0, James III.
assumed the crown at eight years of age. His prede-
cessor was, with the other monarchs, alike distinguished
for wisdom and foresight; and Pinkerton says, that
u such law T s as those passed by James II. shine like a
" coruscation amid the night of barbarism."
The rebellion of York in England fostered that of
Douglas in Scotland, and we see the boy-monarch
vainly striving, with the aid of France, to maintain the
interests of the Lancastrians ; until, the intestine divi-
sions and turmoils of his own kingdom engrossed his
whole care and attention.
There is much room for reflection on the histories of
these several countries, which seem at this period to
illustrate one another, or afford a lively contrast.
Chicheley, the Archbishop, early followed the example
of William of Wykeham in "diverting a portion of the
" conventual revenues to the establishment of schools
" and colleges, under the direction of the secular
"clergy." Previously, schools had been attached to
monasteries, and these becoming in time less useful,
the greater ones absorbed the smaller, by the purchase
of their property.
Thus it was that William of Wykeham and Chich-
eley found themselves able to endow their schools
with lands which they purchased. Henry VI., in his
foundation, of Eton, and of King's College, closely fol-
lowed the system of education said to have been
invented by the genius of William of Wykeham, who
has been styled one of the master-spirits of his times.
VOL. II. E E
418 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
Thus commenced the system of public schools,
which, for so many years, has been instrumental in the
formation of the character of the English gentleman.
At an early period the attention of government was
directed towards education. It was considered to be,
as much a branch of the prerogative, to prevent persons
who were ill qualified, from exercising the profession
of schoolmaster, as it was to put down a conspiracy.
The reformation of the grammar-schools in London
arose, it is said, from many ignorant persons having
presumed to teach grammar, " to the injury both of
" their scholars and their friends ;" and the number of
the schools was limited to five, that being deemed
fully sufficient for the metropolis.
This arrangement originated with John Stafford,
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert Gilbert, Bishop
of London ; and doubtless they had worthy motives,
when we consider the piety, and love of learning, of
their sovereign. King Henry directed the establish-
ment of grammar-schools ; for at this period the
grossest ignorance prevailed, so that the ancient
schools were quite neglected, and left " to decay ;
" wherefore for the restoration of learning:, four clergv-
" men, viz. Maistre William Lyechefeld, parson of
" the parish Chirche of All Hallowen the More, in
11 London, Maistre Gilbert, parson of Saint Andre we,
" Holboume, in the suburbs of the said Citee ; Maistre
" John Cotes, parson of Saint Petre, in Cornhull, of
" London ; and John Neel, maistre of the Hous, or
" Hospital of Saint Thomas of Acres and parson of
" Colchirche, in London.
" By these four clergymen the Parliament was
" petitioned, in the 25th year of the reign of Henry VI.
" that they and their successors might be allowed to
" set up schools in their respective churches and ap-
" point masters in them; which petition was granted."
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 419
King Henry not only appointed these four grammar-
schools, viz., St. Andrew's, Holborn ; Allhallows the
Great, in Thames Street ; St. Peter's, Cornhill ; and in
the Hospital, St. Thomas of Aeons, in West Cheap ;
but schools were established likewise as follows : —
St. Paul's, at St. Martin's-le-Grand ; St. Mary-le-Bow,
in Cheap ; St. Dunstan in the West, and St. Anthony ;
also Sion College, over against London Wall, near
Cripplegate, and adjoining to St. Alphage church.*
In the eighth year of Henry VI. this monarch
granted a license for rebuilding the chapel, or college,
as it was then called ; and in the twenty-seventh year
of his reign, he empowered the parish clerks of London
to have a guild dedicated to St. Nicholas, with two
chaplains to the chapel.
There were ten Inns of Chancery in the time of
Henry the Sixth :f — Clifford's Inn, Clement's Inn,
New Inn, Streined, or Chester Inn, George's Inn,
Thavies Inn, Furnival's Inn, Staple Inn, Barnard's Inn,
Sergeants' and Scrope's Inn .J
Of historians in the reign of Henry VI. : amongst
these was John Skewish, a native of Cornwall, who
compiled an abridgment of the chronicles and of the
wars of Troy.§
Harding, another historian of those times, was like-
wise the first poet-laureate. He held this appointment
to Edward IV.
Amongst the poets of this period we may especially
mention James I., King of Scotland ; Lydgate, a monk
of Bury, whose pieces amounted to 251 in number ;
also Hugh Campden and Thomas Chester.
At the latter end of King Henry the Sixth's reign
they began to paint in oil. Four curious specimens
* Bentley's Exerpta ; Stow's Survey ; Mackay's London,
f Londiniana. % Ibid.
§ Lyson's Magna Britannia.
E E 2
420 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU.
were painted on panels which composed a door of
some cabinet, or shrine, belonging to the Abbey of St.
Albans ; thereon are represented the portraits of
Cardinal Beaufort and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.
These valuable curiosities are in the possession of
John Ives, Esq., of Great Yarmouth, in Norfolk.
Engravings in wood and copper first appeared
about the vear 1460. These may be seen in the
remaining old prints of Andrew Muntagae, Martin
Schoon, and Albert Durer. The woodcuts were
chiefly designed, and made as ornaments to the old
printed books.
The art of printing was first invented in the city of
Metz, in Germany.* Another account is, that printing
was found out at Mayence, in Germany, by a knight
called John Guttenbergen, and brought into England
by AVilliam Caxton, of London, mercer, who first prac-
tised the same, in the Abbey at Westminster, in the
year, 1471.+
The Nuremberg Chronicle, printed at Nuremberg in
1493, is enriched with a variety of excellent woodcuts,
every page almost in that work representing the cos-
tumes then used in Germany.:);
Heraldry was taught orally, in the earliest ages, to
novitiate heralds ; but, when the rules of chivalry
were gathered into a code, they were committed to
writing. The first author of any note on this subject
was Doctor Nicholas Upton, a native of Devonshire,
who was patronised by the " good Duke Humphrey,
" of Gloucester," during the reign of Henry IV.,
through whose favour he became Canon of Sarum,
AVells, and St. Paul's. He had previously served in
the French wars under the Earl of Salisbury ; and
* Holinshed ; Strutt's Manners and Customs, f Baker.
J Btrntt's Manners and Customs.
MAKGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 421
during these campaigns lie composed a Latin treatise,
called " De Studio Militari." * It was a systematic
grammar of heraldry, in very classical diction for that
period, f
One of the earliest productions of the printing-
press in England, was the celebrated " Boke of St.
" Albans." It was printed in 1486, within the pre-
cincts of that monastery, from which it took its name.
This rare work contains tracts on hawking, hunting,
and " coot-armuris," the last being the main subject
of the volume. This work was attributed, for the
first three centuries after it appeared, to Dame Julyan
Berners, a woman of singular personal as well as
mental endowments. She was a great promoter of
English literature ; and, although doubts have been
thrown on the authorship of this noble work, the
" Boke of St. Albans " may fairly be attributed to this
lady's pen4
In the troublous times of the Wars of the Roses
much treasure was hidden and buried underground.
A discovery of this kind was made, in April, 1861, by
an inhabitant of the High Street, at Hounslow, when
enlarging a cellar : embedded in the loam just below
the old foundation on which his house stands, an
earthen vase, or cup, was found, containing 800 silver
and a few copper coins ; silver groats of Henry VI.,
struck at Norwich, York, Bristol, and London ; also
others of Edward IV., Richard III., and Burgundian
pieces of silver, of Charles " the Bold," the brother-
in-law of Edward IV. The dates of these coins
ranged from 1406 to 1485. It is possible that the
owner of the treasure might have fallen at Bos-
worth.
* This work is still to be seen in manuscript in the College of Arms and
elsewhere.
f Lower's Curiosities of Heraldry. Z Ibid.
422 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
The franc, a very ancient coin in France, was struck
by King Henry VI., as king of that country.*
(Salute (Tor.) The salute was a gold coin of Henry
VI. , current in France for £1 5s. English.")"
There is an instance in the armorial bearings of
Margaret of Anjou, of what is called vicious or false
heraldry. It is a fundamental rule in heraldry that
metal shall not be put upon metal, nor colour upon
colour ; but in the third quartering of her arms, which
contains those of Jerusalem (her father Rene being
titular king of Jerusalem), the golden crosses are on a
silver ground. The old heralds being too scientific to
have overlooked so great a departure from an important
rule, it has been ascertained, that, holding Jerusalem
in the highest estimation, as the very queen of cities,
they judged it unworthy to submit her to those rules, to
which the kings and princes of the earth were subject.
They therefore created, as it were, the special excep-
tion in her favour, to distinguish her heraldrically
from all the cities of the world.
A coin of Edward IV., called a noble, made of
silver and gold, value 10s., and 8d. of allay weighing,
was stamped with a rose.\
At the time of the marriage of Kino* Edward IV. a
proclamation was made at Reading, and throughout
England, that the noble of Henry VI. should value
85. 4 c 7. , and a new coinage was made at the Tower of
London, to the great loss of the lords.
In 1462 the gold coins were further reduced,
45 nobles being made to the pound, and passing at
10s., and angels at 6s. Sd. The new nobles were
termed roycds — a new name given by the French to
their gold coins, impressed with the figure of the
sovereign in his royal robes.
* Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou. f Paston Letters.
± Stow.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 4 23
It lias been supposed by some antiquarians that,
during the civil wars of York and Lancaster, there
were no fixed places of mintage, and that the dies were
conveyed from one place to another, according as ne-
cessity required. This idea arose from some of the coins
of Edward IV. being found with initial letters on the
breast of the bust. Thus a groat of the mint of Co-
ventry has a B on the breast, which has been sup-
posed to signify that the piece was struck at Bristol.
The beautiful ornamented churches were by WicklifT,
in his earnest enthusiasm, condemned, as savouring of
hypocrisy, and therefore injurious. This aimed at the
very origin and foundation of the lodges, and caused
much persecution to arise against the societies of
masons.
It appears that Henry VI. was their great patron,
and protected them ; he even joined their society, and
in his will bequeathed to his college in Cambridge, the
sum annually of £117 6s. lOcl. for wages, of the
officers of the works then in operation. This was no
small sum in those days
According to Bede, masons and workers in stone
were brought into England by Bennet, Abbot of
Wirral.
The Free Masons' Company had their arms granted
to them by William Huckeslow, Clarencieux King-at-
Arms ; and a company of under-masons were established
in London two years before, in the thirteenth year of
Edward IV. " The antiquary, John Lelancl, has pre-
" served in his collections in the Bodleian Library
" certayne questyons with answeres to the same, con-
" cernynge the mystery of masonry e, written by the
" hand of Kynge Henry e the Sixthe." *
Henry VI. is said to have endeavoured to recruit
his empty coffers by alchemy. The record which
* Arclireoloffia.
424 MARGAKET OF AXJOTJ.
contains this remarkable proposition, sets forth in "a
" grave and solemn manner, the feasibility and virtues
" of the philosopher's stone, encouraging its search,
" and dispensing with all the statutes and prohibitions
" to the contrary." When this patent was published,
many promised to answer the expectations of the King
so effectually, that the following year he published
another patent, wherein he informs his subjects that
the " happy hour " was drawing nigh, and by means
of the stone, which he should soon be master of, he
would pay all the debts of the nation in real gold and
silver. The persons chosen for his operators in this
new pursuit were appointed by King Henry on the
9th of March, in the year 1455 (or the thirty-fifth of
his reign). These were Henry Sharp, doctor of laws,
who, with three other persons, were to pursue the
study of alchemy for the emolument of their royal
master. There were others who laboured to the same
purpose, viz., Thomas Harvey, an Austin friar; Robert
Glapeley, a preaching friar ; and William Atclyffe, the
Queen's physician.*
Private duelling was at the period (1-461) unknown.
It became necessary, before a combat, to obtain the
King's license ; this being granted, the combat pro-
ceeded in public, and, in affairs of treason, the con-
quered party was instantly executed. f
Several of these deeds of arms are related by the
chroniclers. One John Asteley, squire, a noted
warrior, held a combat with Piers de Masse, a French-
man, in Paris, before King Charles, in 1438. Again,
John Asteley was challenged by Philip Boyle, knight,
an Aragonese. This combat took place on the 30th
of January, 1442, in the presence of the King,
Henry VI., within Smithfield.
* Wilson's Hist, of St. Lawrence Poulteney ; Curiosities of Literature.
f Paston Letters.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 425
In 144G two other combats were appointed. The
first was by the prior of Kilmanin and the Earl of
Ormond, the former having impeached the earl of
high treason; but the quarrel was decided by the
King, who prevented the fighting. The second
impeachment was by John David, an armourer,
against his master, William Catur, for treason ; but
the latter, being intoxicated, was unhappily slain
previous to the combat, without just proof of his guilt,
and the servant was hanged at the next assize for
felony.*
Artillery was seldom made use of in the civil wars
in England, and in the field partially only ; it had but
little, or no effect on the issue of the battle, excepting
only at the engagement at Tewkesbury, in 1471.
" The cavalry and infantry were arranged in the
" old system. The lance was the weapon of those of
u gentle birth, while the bow and the bill were used
" by people of inferior state. The archers formed the
* e main strength of the battle. " j"
The method adopted for raising an army was by
sending letters under the Privy Seal, sometimes signed
by the King himself, commanding the attendance of
such persons as were named, the time and place of
resorting being mentioned, and that they should bring
with them men, &c, according to their rank.
Thus, in the month of April, in 1459, these Privy
Seals were issued at the time when the King was at
Coventry, raising an army to oppose the Duke of York
and the Earl of Salisbury. ;[;
* Brown's Abstract of Hist, of Eng. f Philip de Comines.
X Paston Letters.
APPENDIX
TO THE SECOND VOLUME.
A manuscript, preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin,
has also a few interesting political songs, commencing with the date of
the public reconciliation previously described. The earliest, written in
the year 1458, is the work of a Lancastrian. " Henry VI. is represented
under the form of a ship, with the young Prince Edward for a mast.
The ship's light was a blazing cresset, representing the Duke of Exeter ;
and its strong stern was the Duke of Somerset. The sail-yard was the
Earl of Pembroke, the stay the Duke of Buckingham, and the shrouds
consisted of the Lords Devonshire, Grey, Beauchamp of Powik, and
Scales. The Earl of Northumberland, with lios, Clifford, and Egre-
mont, formed the sail ; the Earl of Shrewsbury was the topmast ; and the
ship had three good anchors, the Lords Beaumont, Welles, and Eivers.
St. George is appealed to for protection for this stately ship." 1
«
Stere welle the good shype, God be ouer guide.
: ' Ouer shyp is launched from the grounde,
Blessed be God, both faire and sounde,
" Ouer maryners hau the shypmen foundej
" By here taklynge wille abyde.
This noble shyp made of good tree,
!< Ouer souerayne lord Kynge Henry ;
" God gyde hym from adversyte,
11 Wherever he go or ryde.
1 The shyp was charged wt a mast,
1 Crased it was, it myght not last ; 2
' Now hathe he one bt wol not brest,
1 The old is leyde on syde,
' Thys fayre mast, this myghty yeard,
' Of whom fals shrewes be afered,
' Hys name of ryght is Prince Edward, 3
' Long myght he wt us abyde !
1 Wright's Political Songs.
2 This may refer to the administration under Suffolk, which was dissolved in
1450.
3 Edward, only son of Henry VI.
428 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
11 The shyp hathe closed hym a lyglit,
11 To kepe her course in way of ryght,
1 ' A f yre cressant, 1 it bemetlie bryght,
" Nt fawte was neuer spyed,
I • Thys good lyglit, it is so clere,
II Calle y the Duke of Exceter,
" "Whose name yn trouve shyned clere,
" Hys worshyp spryngethe wyde.
u Tbys shyp hathe a sterne fulle good
11 Hem to gyde in ebbe and flood,
" Ayeyne her was both wild and wode,
" That rynnethe on euery syde ;
11 The sterne that on the shype is sette
" Ys the Duke Somerset, 2
1 ' For ragged rokkes he wolle not lette
" To sterre in ebe and eke in tyde.
" There is a sayle-yeard fulle good and sure,
" To the shyp a grete tresour,
" For alle stormes it wolle endure,
" It is trusty atte nede ;
" Now the sayle-yeard I wolle reherse
" The Erie of Penbroke, 3 curtys and ferce
11 Acros the mast he hathe travel's
1 ' The good shyp for to lede.
11 The mast hathe a welle good stay,
u With shrowthes sure, I dare well say,
* "In humble wyse hym to obey,
11 Yf he to hem hathe nede ;
" The Duke of Bokyngham 4 thys stay is he
11 Thys shrowdes be sure in thare degre,
" Devenshyre, 5 and Grey 6 and Becheham" the free,
" And Scales, 8 with them in tyde.
" Tlie shyp hath a welle good sayle
11 Of fine canvas, it wolle not fayle,
" With bonet III 9 for to travayle
u That mekelle beth of pryde ;
1 The Duke of Exeter's badge.
2 Henry Beaufort, son of the Duke who fell at St. Alban's, beheaded in 1464.
3 Jasper Tudor, half brother of Henry VI.
4 Humphrey Stafford, killed at the battle of Northampton.
5 Thomas Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, beheaded by the Yorkists in 1461.
6 Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthyn.
' John, Lord Beauchamp of Powyk.
8 Thomas, Lord Scales, killed by Yorkists in 1460.
9 A bonnet, in nautical language, is an addition made to the sails.
MARGARET OP ANJOU. 429
" This good sayle, I understand
" The Erie of Northumberland, 1
" Ros, 2 Clyfford, 3 and Egremond 4
" The trouth is not to hyde.
" Ther is a toppe, the mast on hyght,
" The shyp to defende, in alle hys ryght
" With his foomen when he schalle fyght
' ' They dare hym not abyde ;
"The Erie of Schrouesbury 5 the toppes name
' ' He kepethe the shype from harme and blame,
" The Erie of Wylchyre 6 one of the same
" That kepethe the shyp from drede.
" Thys good shype hathe ankers thre
" Of bether mettel ther may non be,
" To strenthe the shyp be londe and se,
- ' When he wolle stop hys tyde ;
" The furst anker, hole and sounde,
" He is named the Lord Beamond, 7
' ' Wellys 8 and Ry veres, 9 truth yn them found,
" In worshyp they hem gyde.
" Now help Saynte George, oure Ladye knyght,
" And be our lode-starre day and nyght
" To strengthe our Kynge, and England ryght,
" And felle oure fomenous pryde.
*' Now is oure shyp dressed in hys kynde
" With hys taklynge befor and behynde :
" Whoso love it not, God make hym blynde
" In peynes to abyde." 1J
ON THE BATTLE OF NORTHAMPTON.
10 July, 1460.
' ' Of alle mennys disposicion naturalle
" Philisophyrs wry ten in every place,
" That after the bodyes celestialle,
" The erthely body his wirkyng hase ;
1 Henry Percy, slain at the battle of Towton, 1461.
2 Thomas de Roos, Baron Roos of Hamlake, attainted in 1461.
3 John, Lord Clifford.
4 Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont, killed at Northampton in 1460.
5 John Talbot, killed at Northampton in 1460.
ames Butler, beheaded in 1461.
" John, Viscount Beaumond, killed at Northampton in 1460.
s Leo, Lord Welles, slain at Towton, in 1461.
9 Richard Widville, Lord Rivers, beheaded by the peasantry, in 1469.
10 Archaeolocria Lond.
430 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
" Some tyme clisposid it is to solace,
" Som tyme by enspecialle grace
" Sorow is turned into gladnesse.
l ' And ensauinple here of I take witnesse
' * Of certayne persones that late exiled were,
11 Whos sorow is turned into joyfulnesse,
" The Rose, 1 the Fetyrlok, 2 the Egle, 3 and the Bere. 4
" Grete games in Inglond sum tym ther were
" In hauking, huntyng, and fisshing, in every place
" Among lordes with shelde and spere,
" Prosperite in reme than reignyng wase.
" Where of God, of his specialle grace
" Heryng the peple crying for mercye,
11 Considering the falsehode in every place,
" Gave inflewenz of myrthe into bodyes on hye,
The whiche in a Berward 5 lighted prevelye,
Edward, yong of age, disposed in solace
In hauking and huntyng to begyne meryly
a
a
" To Northanrpton with the Bere he toke his trace.
" Blessed be God in Trinite,
" Fadir, and Son, and Holy Ghost,
" Whiche kepithe his servauntes in adversite,
" And wold not suffre thyme to be loste ;
As Thou art Lord of mightes moste,
" Save the Kyng and his ryalte,
" And ilium yn him with the Holy Goste,
11 His reme to set in perfect charite."
Amen.
k
EPITAPH FOR RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK.
" A remembrer a tous ceurs de noblesse
' ' Q u e ycy gist la fleur de gentillesse,
'* Le puissant due d'York, Rychart ot nom,
' l Prince royal, preudomme de renom,
" Saige, vaillant, vertueux en sa vie,
" Qui bien ama loyaulte sans envie,
" Droyt heritier, prouve en mainte terre,
u Des couronnez de France et d'Engleterre.
" Ou parlement tenu It Yestmestre,'
" Bien fut congneu et trouve vray heir estre.
" Sy fut roygent et gouvemeur de France,
<{ Normandie il garda d'encombrance,
1 Edward, Earl of March. * Richard, Duke of York.
a Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury. 4 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick.
5 Edward, Earl of March, so called from having the Earl of Warwick as his
associate.
MABGABET OF ANJOU. 431
" Sur Pontaysse la ryvi&re passa,
" Le roy Francoyez et son doulfin cbassa.
" En Erllande mist tel gouvernement,
" Tout le pais rygla paisiblement,
" D'Engleterre fut long temps prottetur,
" Le peuple ama, et fut leur defFendeur.
" Noble lygne et d'enfans, que Dieu garde,
" Dont l'aysne fylz est nome Edouarde,
" Qui est vray roy, et son droit conquessta,
" Par grant labeur qu'il en prinst l'aqueta,
" II est regnant solitaire ou jour d'uy,
" Dieu et ses sains sy le gardent d'enuy !
' ' Ce noble due a Wacquefylde mourut,
" Doux paix traitant force sur luy courut,
" L'an soixnte, le xxxe de Decembre,
" Cinquante ans ot d'age, come on remembre,
" En priant Dieu et la tres belledame
" Qu'en Paradiz puist reposser son ame !
" Amen.
" Chester le Ht."
{Translation,)
Let it be remembered by all noble hearts, that here lies the flower of gentility —
the powerful Duke of York, Richard was his name, — a royal prince, a gentleman
of renown, — wise, valiant, virtuous in his life, — who loved well loyally without
envy — the right heir, proved in many a land , — of the crowns of France and Eng-
land. In the parliament held at Westminster— he was fully acknowledged, and
found to be the right heir. And he was regent and governor of France. Nor-
mandy he guarded from danger : — he passed the river at Pontoise, — and drove away
the French king and his dauphin. In Ireland he established such government, —
that he ruled all the country peaceably. Of England he was long protector, — he
loved the people, and was their defender. He had a noble lineage of children,
whom may God have in his keeping. The eldest of whom is named Edward, — who
is true King, and conquered his right, — he purchased it by great labour, which he
bestowed upon it, — he is reigning singly at the present day. God and the saints
preserve him from injury ! — This noble Duke died at Wakefield, — while treating of
sweet peace, force rushed upon him, — the year sixty, the thirtieth of December, —
He was fifty years of age, as people remember. Praying God, and the veiy fair
lady — that his soul may repose in Paradise ! Amen. Chester the Her aid. 1
A POLITICAL RETROSPECT.-
" To have in mynde callyng to remembraunce,
" The gret wrongys doon of oold antiquite,
" Unrightful heyres by wrong alyaunce
" Usurpyngthis royaume caused gret adversite ;
1 Wright's Political Poems and Songs, vol. ii. p. 256.
2 This poem, which appears to have been composed in 1462 or 1463, is pre-
served in a contemporary manuscript in the library of the Society of Antiquaries,
No. 101, fol. 98 ro.
432 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ.
" Kyng Richard the secounde, highe of dignytee,
" Whiche of Ingeland was rightful enheritoure,
' ' In whos tyme ther was habundaunee with plentee
" Of welthe and evthely joye, withou^t langoure.
' ' Then cam Henry of Derby, by force and myght,
' ' And nndir the colour of fals perjury
" He toke this rightwys kyng, Gocldes trew knyght,
' ' And hym in prison put perpetuelly,
' ' Pyned to dethe, alas ! f ul pyteuxly ;
' ' Holy bisshop Scrope, the blyssed conf essour,
" In that quarel toke hys dethe ful paciently,
' ' That alle the world spak of that gret langoure.
" "Whos dethe ys a very trew evidence
" To alle Ingeland for the just title and lyne,
i ' Whiche for the trowthe by tyranny and violence
" Was put doune and suspect holde venyrsyne ;
' ' Many a trew lord then put to mortal fyne ;
• ' Alway they have ben aboute with rigoure
' ' The lynaige of Kyng Richard to undirmyne,
" That longe have lyved in gret langoure.
" God smote the said Henry for hys gret fersnesse,
11 "With a lepre holdyng hym to hys ende fynally.
' ' N ext hym Henry the fyfte, of knyghtly prowesse,
' ' Named the best of that lyne and progeny,
" How be it he regned unrightfully,
' ' ^it he upheld in Ingeland the honnour ;
" Henry hys sone of Wy[n]desore, by gret foly,
11 Alle hathe retoumed unto huge langoure,
' ' Call)-ng to mynde the fals engendred treson
" And myschefz that were in hys dayes regnyng ;
" The good due of Gloucestre, in the season
' ■ Of the parlement at Bury beyng,
" Was put to dethe ; and ay sithe gret inornyng
" Hathe ben in Ingeland, with many a scharp schoure,
" Falshode, myschyef, secret synne upholdyng,
" Whiche hathe caused in Engeland endelez langoure.
" Noo mervail through Engeland hathe ben unhappy,
"' Whiche hathe be mysrewled £erys sertaj-ne;
" Scripture saith heritage hokhm wrongfully
" Schal never cheve ne with the thred heyre rema)Tie,
" As hathe be verified late ful playne,
1 ' Where as iij kynges have regned by erroure,
" The thred put ou£te, and the right brought agayne,
' ' Whos absence hathe caused endlez lansroure.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 433
" Also Scripture saithe, woo be to that regyon
Where ys a kyng unwyse or innocent ;
' ' Moreovyr it ys right a gret abusion,
' ' A womman of a land to be a regent,
' ' Qwene Margrete I mene, that ever hathe ment
" To governe alle Engeland with myght and poure,
" And to destroye the ryght lyne was here en tent,
' ' Wherf ore sche hathe a f al, to here gret langoure.
" And now sche ne rought, so that sche myght attayne,
' ' Though alle Engeland were brought to conf usyon,
" Sche and here wykked affynite certayne
' ' Entende uttyrly to destroye thys regioun ;
" For with theym ys but dethe and distruccioun,
" Robberye and vengeaunce, with alle rygour,
" Therfore alle that holde of that oppynioun,
' ' God sende hem a schort ende with meche langour.
" it ys gretly agayne kynde and nature,
" An Englyshe man to corrumpe hys owne nacion,
" Willyng straungiers for to recure,
' ' And in Engeland to have the domynacioun,
" Wenyng thanne to be gret of reputacion ;
" For sothe they that soo hope, least schal be theyre pour ;
" He that woold be high schal be undir subjeccioun,
' ' And the fyrst that schal repente the langoure.
" Wherf ore I lykken England to a gardayne,
' ' Whiche that hathe ben overgrowen many yere
** Withe wedys, whiche must be mowen doune playne,
" And then schul the pleasant swete herbes appere.
' ' Wherefore alle trewe Englysshe peuple, pray yn fere
" For Kyng Edward of Rouen, oure comfortoure
" That he kepe justice and make wedis clere,
" Avoydyng the blak cloudys of langoure.
' ' A gret signe it ys that Grod loveth that knyght,
11 For alle thoo that woold have destroyed hym utterly,
" Alle they are myschyeved and put to flyght,
1 ' That remembre hys fortune with chevalry
" Whiche at Northamptoun gate the victory.
" And at Mortimers Crosse he had the honnour ;
" On Palme Sunday he wan the palme of glorye,
' ' And put hys enemyes to endelez langour,
" And drave his adversary ou£t of the lande ;
" Aftyr cam to Londun and was crouned K5-ng.
" Ryght late God ^af hym grace to undirstonde,
" The fals traytours agayne hym y magynynge,
" The prophecie saithe, there schal dere hym noo thinge,
• " He it ys that schal wynne castell, towne, and toure ;
' ' Alle rebellyous undyr he schal hem brynge,
" Willyng to hys highenesse any langoure.
VOL. II. F *
434 MARGAEET OF ANJOU.
" Richard the erl of Warwyk, of knyghthode
i ' Lodesterre, borne of a stok that evyr schal be trewe,
' ' Havyng the name of prowes and manhoode,
" Hathe ay ben redy to helpe and resskewe
" Kyng Edward, in hys right hym to endewe ;
" The commens therto have redy every houre ;
" The voyx of the penple, the voix of Jhesu,
11 "Who kepe and preserve hym from alle langoure.
1 ' Now blyssed saint George, pray the vierge immaculat
11 To be good mediatrix, praying her sonne
1 ' That Edward of Rouen may be victorieux and f ortunat,
" Withe alle the trew lordes of hys regioun,
' • That they may se a good way and directioun
" To make peas in Engeland, that riche and pouer
" May joyfully synge at the conclusyon,
11 "Welcom everlastyng joye, and farewal langoure.
Issue Roll, Michaelmas. 5 Edward IV.
In money paid at different times for the costs and expenses of Henry
"Wyndsore, late de facto et non de jure King of England, being in the
Tower of London, by the hands of Thomas Grey and Richard Hatfield ;
viz. : — at one time 5 marks, by the hands of Thomas Grey ; at a second
time 10 marks, by the hands of Richard Hatfield ; at ten times
.£32 135. 4d., by the hands of "William Griffith ; at another time
5 marks, and at another time 5 marks, by the hands of Hugh Courtenay.
£49 6s. 8d.
Easter. 8 Edward IV.
13th May. — To "William Kyniberley, a chaplain attending by the
King's command in the Tower of London, there daily performing
Divine Service before Henry, late de facto et non de jure King of
England, from the feast of St. James the Apostle, in the 5th year of the
paid present King, unto the 4th of November, in the 6th year of the same
King, without any fee or reward for the said attendance. In money
paid to him by assignment made this day by his own hands, in dis-
charge of £14 10s. 7%d., which the Lord the King commanded to be
paid to the said "William of his gift, by way of reward, after the rate of
l\d. per day, for his attendance aforesaid.
By writ, &c, £14 10s. TJrf.
MARGARET OF ANJOU. 435
Issue Roll, Easter. 9 Edward IV.
13th May. — To Thomas Grey, esquire. In money paid to his own
hands in advance, as well for the expenses and diet of Henry VI., late
de facto et non de jure King of England, being within the Tower of
London, as for the expenses and diet of the said Thomas and others
dwelling within the said Tower for the safe custody of the said Henry.
By writ of Privy Seal amongst the mandates of Michaelmas Term in
the 7th year of the present King. £lOG 13s. 4<2.
Issue Boll, Easter. 11 Edward IV.
2±th June. — To Richard Radclyf, esquire. In money paid to his own
hands, for the expenses of Henry, late de facto et non de jure King of
England, then within the Tower ; viz. : — on the 23rd day of April last
past. By writ, £2.
To Hugh Brice. In money paid to his own hands, for so much money
expended by him as well for wax, linen, spices, and other ordinary ex-
penses incurred for the burial of the said Henry of Windsor, who died
within the Tower of London ; and for wages and rewards to divers men
carrying torches from the Tower aforesaid to the cathedral church of
St. Paul's, London, and from thence accompanying the body to Chertsey.
By writ, &c, ^15 3s. 6jrf.
To Bawder Herman. In money paid to him in advance, at different
times, for the expenses and daily allowances to Margaret, lately called
the Queen, and to other persons attendant upon the said Queen ; viz. : —
at one time 100s., at another time 10 marks, at another time ,£8, at
another time ,£10, at another time ,£10, at another time 10 marks, at
another time £8, for such expenses and allowances.
By general writ current, &c, £54 6s. 8d.
To William Mulsho, esquire. In money paid to his own hands, for
the ordinary costs and expenses of the said Margaret from the 22nd
of September, in the 11th year of the present King, unto the 6th Oc-
tober then next following, for two weeks, after the rate of 5 marks for
each week. By writ, &c, £6 13s. 4c?.
Roll of Accounts, Easter. 15 Edward IV.
To Richard Haute, esquire, paid as a reward for the costs and ex-
penses incurred by him for conducting Margaret, lately called the Queen,
from London to the town of Sandwich, by the King's command, paid by
the hands of Thomas Seventhorp. £20.
f f 2
436 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
(See Chapter X. p. 406.)
A learned dissertation was written by M. Floquet of Ronen, after a
laborious examination of authentic documents, and giving an interest-
ing picture of the Middle Ages. The author speaks of the origin of the
privilege, and Bays, " that the dragon of St. Eomain, which was carried in
" the procession, and formed an important point in the ancient tradi-
' ; tion. was nothing else but idolatry, to which the holy Bishop of Rouen,
" St. Eomain, gave the last blow : that in many other cities in France,
" the bishops who had successfully struggled against idolatry, heresy, or
" error were looked upon as the vanquishers of serpents and dragons,
" and were represented in that attitude on numberless monuments."
In a curious work by Eusebe Salverte, 1 he thus expresses himself : —
Ci The struggle of good against evil, of light against darkness, of virtue
gainst vice, of civilization against barbarism, of truth against error, is
" as old as the world; the ancients were well acquainted with it.
u Desirous of glorifying and rendering sensible to all the triumph of
" virtue aud truth, they imagined and represented their gods, their
11 heroes, and denri-gods, annihilating monsters, who had become the
11 terror of the people. Apollo and the serpent Python, Jason and the
" dragon of Colchis, Hercules, Perseus, Anubis, are represented under
u these emblems on all the monuments of Greece and Egypt. From
" thence they passed into the writings of poets and historians. If then,
" in the time of pagans, the genius of good and light, personified under
tt the features of a heavenly spirit triumphing over the genius of evil, of
" vice, and darkness, under the figure of a serpent, was a familiar image
" represented on numerous monuments, it is easy to conceive the eager-
" ness with which Christians, at the fall of polytheism, adopted this
K image, so conformable to the language, the spirit, and the origin of the
" new religion.
" Genesis offers it under the form of the woman crushing the head of
" the serpent. The Apocalypse represents Michael the archangel and
,c the dragon — the old serpent called the Devil — in chains.
" The ceremonies called the Rogations, of the 5th century, made this
M subject more familiar to the people, who, seeing in the processions
" the wiuged dragons, images of the demon, came to consider them as
K the representations of dragons of flesh and bone, vanquished by the
' ; bishops more particularly reverenced in their diocese. Such were the
'•' dragons of Tarascon, Poitiers, Metz, Troves, Rheims, Louvaine, and
u Paris. As each cathedral church had its dragon borne in procession,
" so each cathedral had its holy bishop, the conqueror of a dragon or
" monstrous serpent, from which he delivered the countiy. Such were
" St. George and the dragon, the knights of France, Italy, and Corinth.
"According to all the legends, all these heroes vanquished dragons.
'•' This, then, represents an allegory received in all times and in all
"'places — the triumph of the heavenly conqueror, of the principle of
1 Paris, IS 29.
MAKGAKET OF ANJOU. 437
" good and light, over the principle of darkness and evil, figured by a
" serpent as the pagans say, but as the Christian expresses it, the triumph
" of truth over error, of the Christian religion over polytheism, — in
" popular language, of God over the devil."
M. Floquet divides his history into three parts. First, from the
earliest times to 1512, in which year Louis XII. gave two edicts confirm-
atory of the privilege. Secondly, from 1512 to 1591, when Henry IV.
modified the privilege, refusing it to those who were guilty of rape,
murder with malice prepense, heresy, high treason, assassination, coin-
ing, and the issue of false coin. Thirdly, from 1591 to 1797, its final
abolition. By some the origin of it is carried back to the seventh
century.
Prayers for the Dead.
In the annals of the 15th century frequent mention is made of large
sums of money bequeathed by wealthy individuals for the celebration of
masses for the good estate of the King, Queen, and Prince of Wales, and
for themselves and relations. Thus were prayers for the dead and living
mingled together as in the following : —
"This William de Botreaux, by his deeds bearing date 23rd Sep-
fa tember (37th of King Henry VI.), gave this manor of Yeovelton, with
" certain lands, to the parish of Camerton in this county, to the prior
" and convent of St. Peter's at Bath, for a mass to be daily celebrated
" for the good estate of King Henry VI., Queen Margaret his wife, and
" Edward then Prince of Wales, as also for the good estate of him the
" said William, and Margaret at that time his wife, and after this life
" for the health of their souls ; likewise, every Sunday in the year, for
" mass de Sancta Trinitate ; on Monday, de Sanctis Angelis ; on Tuesday,
11 de Omnibus Sanctis; on Wednesday, de Sancta Maria Magdalene; on
" Thursday, de SS. Petro and Paulo Aiiostles ; on Friday, de Epiphanim
" Domine ; and on Saturday, the like mass de St Maria. Likewise,
" that three days before Easter (when mass shall not be said) for the
" distribution of six pence to the poor of Bath in bread, so that each
" poor man might have the value of a farthing, and that each priest,
" monk, or secular saying mass weekly should toll a bell in that mo-
" nastery thrice (the said bell to be called Botreaux bell), and att the
" introite of the mass say with a loud voice, ' Ye shall pray for the good
" ' estate of our Sovereign lord the King, Henry Sixth, and of our
" e sovereign lady the Queen, and of Prince Edward, and of William
" ' Lord Botreaux and Margaret his wife while they live, and for their
" ' souls after they be departed out of this world : and for the soul
u ( of Elizabeth, late the wife of the said William Lord Botreaux, and
" ' for his fader's soul, and his moder's soul, and his grand-fader's soul,
" ' and his grandam's ; and for all the souls which the said lord will
" ' assign them to pray for, in writing, and for all his ancestors' souls,
" ' and all Christian souls, Pater noster thrice, and Ave Maria, with this
" ' psalm, " De profundis clamasi," &c, with a low voice,' and that the
" priest saying such mass shall daily receive twopence, and the consent
438 MARGARET OF ANJOU.
" of that monastery to receive from the prior, for the obit of the said
" Lord and Elizabeth his late wife, to be performed in albis before the
" altar of the Holy Trinity forty shillings, to be equally divided amongst
" them, &c. &c.' 51
Remarkable Events of the Fifteenth Century.
1407. In the year 1407 the plague raged in London, and swept away above
30,000 inhabitants. 2
1435. The river Thames frozen over.
1438. This year, 1438, was remarkable for a cruel famine, which made
dreadful havoc in England and in France at the same period, and was
followed by the plague. 3
1445. A pestilence in London, in 1445, caused the prorogation of Parliament
from the 5th of June to the 20th of October.
1446. The Library of the Vatican at Rome was founded in 1446.
1446. In 1446, at a wedding near Zeghebreie, died of extreme surfeiting by
drinking, nine score persons, men and women.
1454. In this year Sir John Norman, a draper, being Lord Mayor, intro-
duced the water-procession to Westminster, which was so great an
imjDrovement on the former ones by land that the citizens, to express
their satisfaction, sung a ballad to the honour of their civic magistrate,
" Row thy boat, Norman," &c. 4
1454. In June of this year, 1454, previous to the rise of the Yorkists, a
blazing star was to be seen, which extended its beams to the south. 5
1455. A comet appeared called the "Stella Cometa," which was seen betwixt
the north and east, extending its beams to the south.
1458. Another blazing star was to be seen in 1458. 6
1458. In this year the passage round the Cape of Good Hope was discovered
by Vasco di Gamo.
1459. A year of great scarcity in France, and of great mortality in other
places (was 1459) ; also an earthquake is spoken of by Fabyan in 1457. 7
1477. The Plague in London, when more lives were lost than in the fifteen
years' war.
A document, copied from a manuscript in the Harleian Library, gives
the following statement of the individuals of distinction who perished in
the quarrel of the Roses during a period of 54 years : —
Kings.
Henry 6th . . . slain in the Tower.
Edward 5th ... in the same.
Richard 3rd ... at Bosworth Field.
1 Collinson's Hist, of Somersetshire.
2 Rapin. 3 Raleigh's Hist, of England.
4 Lond. Chron. 5 Howel ; Baker.
6 Lond. Chron. ' Monstrelet ; Fabyan.
MARGARET OF ANJOU.
439
Dukes.
Of Gloucester .... slain at Bury.
Suffolk
on the sea.
Somerset
at St. Alban's.
York ....
Wakefield.
Somerset
Hexham.
Somerset
Tewkesbury.
Buckingham
Northampton.
Exeter
at sea.
Clarence
in the Tower.
Buckingham
at Salisbury.
York .
in the Tower.
Norfolk
at Bosworth Field.
Marquess.
Of Montague at Barnet.
Earls.
Of Northumberland . . . at St. Alban's.
Oxford
the Tower Hill.
Wiltshire .
Mortimer's Cross
Devonshire .
York.
Northumberland
Taunton.
Devonshire .
Tewkesbury.
Warwick
Barnet.
Worcester
on Tower Hill.
Salisbury
at Pomfret.
Devonshire .
Bridgewater.
Rivers .
Daventry.
Rivers .
Pomfret.
Pembroke
Northampton.
Rutland
Wakefield.
Lincoln
Stokefield.
Warwick
the Tower Hill.
Shrewsbury
Northampton.
Viscount.
Beaumont at Northampton.
Barons.
Lord St. John ... .at Tewkesbury.
Clifford . . • .
St. Alban's.
Clifford
Taunton Fields.
Fitzwalter .
Ferry Bridge.
Wells ....
Taunton Fields.
Egremont
Northampton.
Lovel .
Stokefield.
Roffe ....
Hexham.
Hungerford
Salisbury.
440
MAEGAEET OF AXJOU.
Barons.
Lord Weu lock
Audley
Wells .
Willoiiirlibv
Rugeniond Guy
Stolis .
Daivrie .
Latimer
Audley
Hastii: g
Fitzwalter
Boiiliill
Cromwell
Save
Ferris .
lain at Tewkesbury.
Blore Heath.
Lincoln.
Stamford.
Leicester.
London.
Taunton.
Banbury.
Tower Hill,
in the Tower.
at Daly-;.
St. Alban's.
Bamet.
Barnet
Bosworth Field. 1
Grapliia Illlustrata, coined from a manuscript in the Harleian Library.
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CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
Date.
ANJOtJ.
France.
England.
Papal States.
768
778
795
Thierri.
Charlemagne.
Leo III.
800
Egbert the Great.
814
Louis I.,
"leDebonnaire."
816
Stephen V.
Paschal I.
817
824
Eugene II.
Valentine.
827
Ethelwolf.
Gregory IV.
836
840
Charles the Bald,
« le Chauve."
844
Upper. Lower.
Ser^ius II.
845
847
Eobert.
Leo IV.
851
855
Erispoe.
Benedict III.
857
Ethelbald
Ethelbert.
Ethelred I.
858
Nicholas I.
860
866
867
Eucles.
Adrian II.
871
Alfred ye Great.
873
John VIII.
877
Louis II.,
the Stammerer.
Louis III. and
Carloman.
879
882
Ingelger
Martin II.
884
Charles the Fat...
Adrian III.
885
Stephen VI.
887
Eudes.
888
891
Foulques " le Roux."
Formosus.
896
Boniface VI.
Stephen VII.
897
Romanus.
898
Charles the Simple
Theodore II.
John IX.
900
Edward y« Elder
Benedict IV.
903
Leo. V.
Christopher.
904
Sergius III.
444
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
Date.
An j or.
France.
England.
I
Papal States.
911
Anastasius
913
Lando
914
John X.
922
Robert I.
Ralph.
Athelstan.
923
924
928
Leo. VI.
929
Stephen VIII.
John XI
931
936
Louis IV
Leo VII.
938
939
Foulques " le Bon."
Stephen IX.
940
Edmund.
942
Martin II.
946
Edred
Edwy.
Agapet II.
954
Lothaire.
955
956
John XII.
958
959
Geoffrey " Grise
Gonelle."
Edgar.
964
Benedict V.
965
John XIII.
972
Benedict VI.
973
Domnus II.
974
Benedict VII.
1
975
Edward ye Martyr.
Ethelred II.
978
983
John XIV.
985
John XV.
John XVI.
986
Louis V.
Hugh Capet.
Robert y e Pious...
987
996
Foulques "Nerra"
Gregory V.
Sylvester II.
John XVII.
999
1003
John XVIII.
1009
Sergius IV.
1012
Benedict VI1L
1016
Edmund Ironside.
Canute y e Great.
1017
1024
John XIX.
1031
1033
Henry I.
Benedict LX.
1036
Harold Harefoot.
Hardicanute.
Edward y e Con-
fsssor.
1040 i
Geoffrey "Martel"
1042
1044
Gregory VI.
1046
Clement II.
1048
Damascus II.
Leo IX.
1055
Victor II.
1057
Stephen X.
1058
Xicholas II.
1060
1061
Foulques IV.,
" le Rechin "
Philip I.
Alexander II.
1066 :
Harold II.
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
445
Date.
Anjou.
France.
England.
Papal States.
1066
William I.
1073
Gregory VII.
Victor III.
1086
1087
William II.
1088
Urban II.
1099
Pascal II.
1100
Louis VI.
Henry I.
1108
1109
1118
Foulques V.
Gelasius II.
1119
Calixtus II.
1124
Honorius II.
1130
Innocent II.
1131
1135
Geoffrey Planta-
genet
Stephen.
1137
Louis VII.
1143
Celestine II.
1144
Lucius II.
1145
Eugene III.
1153
Anastasius IV.
1154
Adrian IV.
1159
.
Alexander III.
1180
Philip II.,
Augustus.
1181
Lucius III.
1185
j
Urban III.
1187
Gregory VIII.
Clement III.
j
1189
Richard I. , " Coeur
de Lion."
1191
Celestine III.
1199
John
Crown of France.
John.
Henry III
1203
1216
Louis VIII.
Louis IX., Saint.
Honorius III.
1223
•»
1226
1227
Gregory IX.
1241
Celestine IV.
1243
Innocent IV.
1246
1254
Charles I.
Alexander IV.
1261
Urban IV.
1265
Clement IV.
1270
1271
Philip III., ye Bold.
Gregory X.
1272
Edward I.
1276
Innocent V.
Adrian V.
?>
John XX.
5»
1277
Nicholas III.
1281
Martin IV.
1285
Charles I
Philip IV., ye Fair
Honorius IV.
1288
Nicholas IV.
1290
1294
Charles III., of
Valois.
Celestine V.
Boniface VIII.
1303
Benedict XI.
446
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
Date.
Anjou.
France.
England.
Papal States.
1305
Clement V.
1307
Edward II.
1314
Louis X.
John I.
Philip V., y« Tall
Charles IV., y 9 Fair.
1316
John XXI
1322
Edward III.
1325
1327
Philip VI., of
Valois.
1328
Philip VI., of
Valois.
1332
1334
John II., ye Good.
Benedict XII
1342
Clement VI.
1350
John II., y e Good.
1352
Innocent VI.
1356
1363
Louis I.
Urban V.
1364
Charles V.
Richard II.
1371
Gregory XI.
1377
1378
Urban VI. —Cle-
1380
Charles VI.
ment VII.
1384
1390
Louis II.
Boniface IX.
1394
Benedict XIII.
1399
Henry IV.
1404
Innocent VII.
1406
Gregory XII.
Alexander V.
1409
1410
John XII.
1413
Henry V.
1417
Louis III.
Martin V.
1422
Charles VII.
Henry VI.
1431
Eugene IV.
Nicholas V.
1434
1447
Rene.
1455
;
Calixtus III.
1458
Pius II.
1461
Louis XI.
Edward IV.
1464
Paul II.
1471
i
SixtusIV.
1480
1481
Charles of Maine.
Louis XI.
THE END.
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?VfcV3
HI
;EF
CR
SR
REF
CIR
DA Hookham, Mary Ann.
247 The life and times of Margaret
.M3 of Anjou, queen of England and
H7 France :
v.2
IMS
PONT.fsCAL INSTiTUTF
OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIED
59 queen's park
Idhonto 5. Canada