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S
Rational Mi^laMi! pfiiBcfl
VOL. XIX. NO. 1.
NEW YOKK, SATURDAY, MAY 229 1858.
WHOLE NO. 937.
national jUtl-SUiia* Sta«tarfc
PUBLISHED WEEKLY, ON SATURDAY,
SPEECH C ^^^^^^^^^^^^
Mr. Psesident : I come upon the platform to expi
is the friend who has preceded me has just done, my n
learty concurrence in the resolutions which have t
his morning's
tions to any one of those resolutions ; but if that is
rule, I hope that he, and those who sympathh'.e wit!: h
will be present at some of our subsequent sessions, i
take ample time to state, as fully as possible, as muel
detail as tbey wish, all their objections to any one of
statements of those resolutions. In regard to that one
which he objected, I cannot see how any Abolitionist i
our Church—cither, considered as a unit—is an cue
of the slave. It has been tried and found wanting. Sixty
trebled, quadrupled, beneath the religious organizal
■ usurp power,
lopolj/.e the
- sixty
fed of the Church.
The Church has had
bese millions have been:
educated them into men silent or indifferent t
t wrong known to our age. It lias educated
nation capable of the events which the las
mve unfolded before us, in tbe catalogue of i
U In..
t that, :
■ ■
f the nation is the result of the tv
: shameful enongh.
Dr. Adams, of Boston — the i
it must be reasonable, when such as he exist (loud
laughter aud applause). [A Voi<m—« Hit him again.'*)
Then, again, my friend, Mr. Kemond, in criticizing some
portion of our Massachusetts eminence, incurred certain
alluded to that recent story of Mr. Everett's friend [Mr.
Teadot), of South Carolina], that when be signed a letter
expressing sympathy with Charles Sumner, he was
" under tbe influence of an anodyne," and did not know
what he did. Mr. President, I do not go with Mr.
Kemond in his criticism upon that story. I think it
bears its own falsehood upon its face. Kdward Kverett,
under the inllueiicc of ihe most potent stimulus known to
it are we providing agai
.■publican party provid
1—tho same that Lavi
defeated. It is too great a
o call t
of laughter and applause); but if, for one moment,
suppose him, by the utmost stretch of fancy, to be u
liie Influence of an anodyne, it is proof positive he w
fiction in itself. There must be some other door oi
which he will walk.
Bat Id
wholly trusted—that the representative of European despotism has taken the final step to strike off every fetter
in his dominions. Suppose that we can place reliance
upon tbe whole extent of this information. The despotism of Europe—Russia—with unlimited resources at her
command—representing calm—tho granite Alps, piled to
the sky and rooted to the centre, for her emblem—yields
to the spirit of the nineteenth century, and strikes off
fetters. On the other side of the globe, the representative of Liberty and Progress, Education and Ideas, whose
emblem is tho ocean, only pure because never still-
America—the popular representative of the Democracy
of the nineteenth century—signalized that same week by
the triumph of tho Government in fastening slavery, spite
;, upon a virgin State.
Nov.
' did we come there 1 How d
idrwe reach such an
it of antagonism to the spirit of
the century in which
we 1
might say, we reached it by the fact that Russia means
; she says. She is a sincere power. She loves des-
potii
im; she represents it; she does not shrink from
in her internal neces-
i, or by a law of her outward
jrowtb, she sees the
isity brought upon her to put ar
langer of servitude. The reuse
n why we have sunk
(finitely below her is because v
3r; we do not mean what we
say. Neither out
(Jim
:ch nor our State means one wo
?c\ th -it it uses. "We
have
played with words, like counte
ra, so long that they
no meaning, no effect upon the
"rev
ival "—of what ? Of words, of
pasti .board forms, ol
a, ofaomethi
cuss without laughing at each other (app'arose and hiases).
Ob, the rank and Hie, the men who com.e here and make
that noise, may believe, because it is po sible, Saint Paul
has told us, that at last a man maj be left to believe a
he (loud applause and hiases}. I speak, of the intelligent
national action—of the men who, in the real and propel
sense, are the nation, civilly and reli gioaalja "We do nol
mean what we say; we love falsehood and hypocrisy
The consequence 1,, we have play, :i with those counter,
until they have lost al! effect. W e are cas e-hardened It
any moral influence. We are b, ,ught up h, patronage.
Why, the Preaident, the paper. „;, gi„, twent,.j
dollars . barrel for flour to go to Utah. Ho buys
Cheap, ,f he buys a voter in e, lch barrel (laug-hter). It
i. the orgamaation that undcelicj patronage to which I
allude, hardened by constant -e.posure to noble words
without a meaning, until at last I
!:,-,, nbii,
prominent representative of civl
Now, one great error in Kepnb-
—even in that noble protest, the letter of Mr.
I—is that it commits the capital mistake of let-
enemy choose when and how to fight. It lets
y choose the point of attack ; it lels the enc
choose tbe form of tbe issue—that is half the battle. '
an that stays lo be attacked, and lets his foe critii
ni until he finds his weakest point and concentrates
rength upon it, is sure to be conquered. ")"
erit of Napoleon, said Wellington, was that he had
■ e like an eagle to see the weak points of an enemy, a
power, beyond all known to history, to concentrate
illion of men upon one point. The Slave Power is
gacions. It sees exactly where is the weak point in I
oral attitude of ihe opponents of slavery, and it dire.
Take Ihe Tribune. Tears ago, The Tribune
down the doctrine against the extension of slavery,
n-essed by the alliums crisis of the Kansas questi
■vowed its determination to admit Kansas as a
State if she wished to come in as such. It deserted i
chosen poii
lapcd by tl
m and tho profoundest sugacity, to conquer.
2ms to me that when we stand in such a month as
this—Kansas conquered—under the heel of tiie Federal
^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ']—I say, under tiie
heel of the Fedcr.d liovcrmnent, ami there is nothing to
iroken (applause)—prom'
imises of Kansas leaders, promi
in Washington—al! made, and I
of I'dslern pro;.
many cases honestly believed, and all broken
—I suy, Kansas under the heel of the Federal Government,
nd President Buchanan is as strong, with forty thousand
is of r<
in of not being rich is only atoned for by tbe
effort to become so (laughter). Then what is before ns,
for what purpose does the President and his Cabinet
clear the checker-board ? Why, in order to bring Cuba,
id Central America, and the revival of the slave trade,
i tho board. In three months, you will cot hear of
ansas. It will bea"dead horse," a trite subject, lor
gotten. Tbe speaker will be slow who goes back to
de covered three deep wilh Cuba, Ceu-
tradc. Then
. Trod
il election, who can say that the party which ear-
Cansas, by stuffed ballot-boxes and border ruffianly not carry Pennsylvania as well? Fifty thou-
native-born Pennsylvanians who cannot read or
and fifty thousand more standing next to tbera who
. I : .- !■ l!-i : .■ '■,!:■: ...,,
and ignorant men to be bought in the poii-
il shambles ! Why, it is a better game than that of
Kansas ; it is an easier thing to carry Pennsylvania or
It i
■
:." Il I.
hind the shield ol
that form tbe strength of this Democratic orjdjirise
-" Patriotism "; something that nobody must
touch, must lay his lips in the dust before it. Iloneyed
r with praise of the Union is every Republican
in Congress. You know it 1 It reminds me of
the old story of the Chinese sage who was sitting io the
irden of the Emperor Hong Fong. Tho Emperor says
■him, " Ninety years of wisdom must hav. .
uch. What is the great danger of government?"
lid he, " It is the rat iu the statue," " The nit io tho
atue! " said the Emperor, " what is that ? " " Well,"
rs ; wc set them up in the secret places of our houses.
Tbey are of wood, hollow, and painted on tbe outside;
if a rat gets into the centre, you may not burn it, for
tho image of your father; you may not plunge it
water, for it will wash off the paint. The rat is safe,
use the image 13 sacred " (prolonged applause). So
(laughter and cheers). The Democratic party is covered
With slavery in its heart, you may not touch it.
ngton founded it; Jefferson blessed it; Hamilton
launched it; and our fathers have all sworn to it Let
lire ccme near it—it is sacred I Plunge it not in the
in of pnblic scorn, for you will take off the traits that
iind us of the Revolution I—and the rat is safe (ap-
plause) I
it is with Religion. Our friend over there al
Brooklyn, who rides alone in the unique, gigantesqut
strength of his great heart, with a brow bright and tall
igh to be seen from Brooklyn to the Rocky Moun-
tains—he cannot touch the Churc
—tho rat is sacred
within it I He must bow down in t
e house of Rimmon,
when it baptizes itself with the
ame of " Revival,"
0 fancy that, in the
bottom of his own heart, he does n
ot know that every
atom added to the strength of that fabric was another
pound weight laid on the heart of the bondman (ap-
ause). ^^^^^^^^^
What have we to oppose to this programme of national
iquity? Why, we have "converts." They say we
ve a great many converts from the Democratic party.
e trumpet sounds " Cuba " at the head of the host.
You will see them all wheel back into line the moment
ie word passes from captain to captain, "Aggression "—
Extension of the Area of Freedom," and "Another slice
of Mexico." But if they do not, I distrust them. I
distrust Banks and Douglas, in the van of the party for
iberty (" hear,
ess, " There are but two places in the world, where you
e and where you are not." So in politics,
to parties—on the slave's side, and against him. When
oso who are on tbe slave's side will not have you, where
ust you go ? There ia such a thing as being kicked
:fo a party. Horace Mann was kicked out of the Whig
party into tbe Liberty party. Mr. Banks suffered the
honor (laughter and applause). I consider Mr.
Douglas in the same position. He stayed by his Demo-
lcy as long as they would let him ; but when they cut
i rope, he had to full; and there being no other place
fall except into the bands of the Republicans, of course
fell there. But that does not make him a lover of
•erty. They say his name would be stronger thi
her at the head of the Republican ticket at th(
Presidential canvass. I do not know bnt it would. It
.I- parties go, that the ticket with hie
the head of it would be a strong ticket He
elected. Suppose he were ; it would be no better, nay,
if he v
1 defeated; for, when he
1 the c
Abolitionist. He did not come in at the door on his ow
feet, he was pitched'in headlong, in spite of himself (a]
plause). I distrust him. When the old Democrati
trumpet rings to arms, his soul will obey the summon
1 remember, when I was in Manchester, they had a stor
in this wise. You know the cavalry horses of the Enj
lish army in Spain are said to have got so used to the
trumpet's sound that they obey the call as well
disciplined soldier himself; and when the rider!
ears the trumpet,
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ England, ns if an
lishman sat in his saddle. One of the regiments
ide of the city of Manchester, and they had a sale of
■ refuse horses. They sold some score of them.
Among tbe rest, one old man who sold sand about the
purchased for a pound one of the troopers' horses,
put him into the shafts of his cart, and peddled sand for
■ month. The old man thought he bad got a bargain,
nd trotfed up and down the city, and the horse did his
ittle work, his drudgery, as if he had been born to it.
Jut one day, when the old fellow of eighty was sitting
n his sand cart, engaged in his daily toil, a seigeaot's
nurd parsed by him and the trumpet Hounded. The old
teed shook his mane, broke the cart to pieces, shook the
■Id man on to the pavement, and wheeled into line with
he troops. So with Douglas, when the Democratic
rarty sounds its trumpet—President though ho may bo
(applause). It 13 in him ; no baptism of a six months'
in with Hale and Giddings can wash out tbe life-
servility of a bought and sold politician (renewed
mse). The South will never trust him; but he has
be manhood, I believe, to be a leader of the Nortb
) effectual, radical, resisting Norfh—no I
ought to consider and adopt. Bancroft
: volume, "American law is no result of
lorn; it is the growth of necessity—the
on.r:! ;-..: :
7 is clearly unconstitutional. The people bowed
>-dny. Whatever the Government does, whatever
people allow, that is American law. The experience oi
iveuty years says so. Now, I appeal to America to
rail herself of that principle against tho Slave Power.
Ir. Buchanan throws off the fetters of the Constitution.
He does what he pleases ; tbe Democratic party do what
they please. Let us try the same game. In fighting
iit battle, let us throw off fetters. I do not ask it of
3 Republican party in Congress—they are sworn there
support a certain system of government—but I ask
in iiir more than they do. I ask them to do what the
iglish have always done in critical moments—check-
ite the Government—refuse them a dollar (applause) 1
ingress for the last four or five years that has not been
tten to the core with pro-slavery service. Table it I
it every Republican vote on record against it I Check-
ite the Government—make it bankrupt 1 Avow it ;
?ue it to the people; begin to fight, not to defend.
Let the South no longer choose the issue, and then ask
it we think. Massachusetts has begun (loud applause) 1 She has thrown them the head of a wicked
Judge as her gauntlet (renewed applause). The Gover-
r of Massachusetts said that he removed Judge Loring
■ated of :: ecrbiin incompatibility between the offices
United States Commissioner and a Ms
dge of Probate ; the people removed Edward Greeley
Loring because he bowed his neck to the slave yoke, and
ick Anthony Burns to bondage. Fit Ji
itoa, but too (iii-.ly few ;.■■..
cheering) I Let the Republican party organiz
,nd not resistance simply, but aggressioc
A- '■•■■..: .■:■ ■■
fering told, I could have
army only blighted by si
fields does not own the humblest joint that does the
feeblest service; bo poor that the sjave mother who
clasps her child to her heaving breast does not own it by
right of possession. That army raise their manacled
hands, they lift their imploring eyes, they point to men in
this republic, and say, " You arc the cause 1" Amid the
din of conflicting interests, the cries of "Lecompton" and
■ ■. ■
by the Anti-Slavery movement, in its modern shape, as
hinted ;■,!■,.] inaugurated by Wsr. Lloyo Garhiso.v (■>;:■
ause). That was the great fact in our bisfory. The
ave Power, from the very first moment that it heard
eath of a man who declared slavery to be a crime against
God, and therefore a sin to be immediately repented of
5.(ih% abandoned, knew, by the true instinct of
that it wa
should be'
twenty yei
r child ii
:t from b
est bidder. Amid your declamations about liberty, your
Fourth of July speeches, amid the darkness of the Dred
Scott dcciadoit, 1 see the mournful light that Hashes from
the eye of the fugitive as he steps cautiously through your
boasted Republic, to gain his personal freedom in a
Monarchical land.
I remember the first time I ever saw free land. It was
not when I wag in Maryland, where God first permitted
me to see the light. Tbe shadow of slavery bung darlc
over the home of my childhood. It was not when I was
in Virginia, when 1 was at Harpei
t, of tt
at the history of the country for the last
■s, and its results, as they appear upon the map
fry, it did not appear that the Abolitionists
my great progress; but be held that tho very
fact of this spread of slave territory was a proof of pro-
was it not the very consequence of the terror,
the niiiirebettition, and the wise forecast of the slaveholders,
d 0 testimony to the wisdom which ha?, IV.
ig, informed aud inspired the Anti-Slavery movement?
During all this time, said Mr. Quincy, while all the
■■■■ ■■■ ■-...-. ,':.■,. -i: . ■ !
anged, the American Anti-Shivery Society, ami the
ey were. Their policy, indeed, they have changed,
they have conceived, from light to
Kiiive ini.dit. ha\
fully p
chanting the chora
stood, crowned with
spray; but from tit
■ Massa
lies, and tbe shadow of
York, and there waa Ni
n of Omnipotence ; there she
t Syracuse, there was no fret
bathing its granile brow in the pure light of heaven.
of America. Plymouth Rock told its tale of early struggle and sacrifice, of the thinned ranks and thickening
graves of the Mayflower's little company ; but there was
no free soil there. Sims had been hurled again to bondage ; Anthony Burns had been thrust back to chattel
slavery, and there was no free soil in Massachusetts. I
went to Vermont, and surely, if " Freedom loves a 1
tain home," her habitation should be there; and
there, some of them told me they bad an anti-slavery
Supreme Court, they had a Personal Liberty Bill; 1
suppose I bad been a slave. Some, perhi-i
said, " Give her a fair trial; the right of trial by jury, t
the benefit of the writ oF habeas corpus." Well, bifag
ie heaven's pi
for I has long since prov
gud i 6aB'3 oa the glorious;
Whether I hai
The s
irity, and actually e:
* great party
iin ddcimin:
s (applause);
before the people,
0 that level. The devil sends
the education of the people is
Then, again, as States, the refuge of our liberty is the
machinery of the State Governments. When Salmon P.
Chase had his hand on Margaret Garner in lhc Uincir.-
he could have clutched tbe slave question,
t forward a quarter of a century, if he would
ire have provoked resistance by the Buckeye
i the Federal Government; for tbet
the loyalty of individuals to the Stat
3 and sympathy, stronger,
l
than love of the Union i
man, who, finding his blanket t
cut off a piece from the top a:
If the Democratic party sewi
say to the South,
the East to make
sure of this great
mber tbe story of the Irii
on to that end,
on this. Let us
■e slave territory;
West, we will clean up all
every State, under the pres-
■riog the consciences of the
people, it will be possible, one after the other—Massachusetts first, or Wisconsin, I care not which—to make an
enactment, which the will of the people will seal into law,
the question whether he is a slave or a freeman. And
when Massachusetts has said " Amen " to such an enact-
authority, that A
wisdom, but tbe
I say, let ua begin at home to organize garrisons and
forts where the party of morals, of ideas, can take refuge
against the organizations of Government. The organizations of Government palpably increase, day by day, on the
slavery side. Ideas are ours. I know to some of us they
seem to advance very slowly. We do
the rights of a man 1 You find him with the
slavery upon his soul, and the blight of oppress
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ of liberty
through every nerve and the life-blood of freedom through
every vein (loud applause). What if this reform is persecuted ? what if men cast obloquy upon it ? 01 in r r. torn
he men who murdered Jesi
forgott*
1 thig, 0
I
Scotch bleaching woman said to the clergyman, who
asked her why she watered a piece of linen so often,
" The water I pour on this morning will part sink into
the earth, and part pass into the air—and tbe cloth is the
same as it was before. But come along here a month
hence, I shall have watered it with just the same seeming
uselessness, day after day—but the first day of June it
will be white ". (applause). So, twenty-five years ago,
the bar of Boston said to Samuel E. Sewall, when he
asked them whether a person brought into Massachusetts
as a slave could be carried back, "Yes ; he is a fugitn
although his master brought him here." But he took t
question to the Court, and argued it, until a Massac!
setts Court responded to Mississippi, and said, " N
There is a distinction ; and that is enough for a twig
hang freedom upon." It took twenty-five years of plotting, and Taney, with both his feet in the grave,
verse it; and Massachusetts was that same year saying
to the man who had returned a fugitive, even," Get thee
behind me, Satan I Thou Bhalt have no office
(applause) 1 Day after day, year after year,
dent poured the water of his rebuke, with sei
the clergymen cried " Infidel," and the politician " Fanatic," and said, " See 1 he is putting back the cause ol
emancipation.'1 But they tried it, and found it was
healthier for Edward Greeley Loring to live in Washington than in the atmosphere of the Bay State (loud cheers).
SPEECH OP HISS FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.
I have heard it related of Napoleon Ilonaparte that
daring the latter part of his life, he had a dream, in which
before him rose an army worn to skin and bones, ar
Whether I have a rij
of God, and feast mj
What then? To
of my eye has proved thi
Hiether I have a right to be a free worn
ally the chattel of another ; whether I h
■ossess all the faculties that God has g
notber has the right to buy and sell, ex
er that temple in which God enshrined
applause). Then let me tell you the first
t least what I may call truly free soil. Ii
..ake Ontario, I gazed for the first time
hore. Ohl we may thank God that there is some land
n this continent so free. The master may hunt the slave
0 the very borders of tho Niagara, the minions of tbe
Slave Power may trail the fugitive to the very marj
the moment be treads the s
Canada, he springs into the glorious light of freedoi
I want to see the North just so free; when she
ve no Personal Liberty Bills, for every rood and
her soil shall be a passport t»D
her air possess so little affinity with slavery il.nl it
ill melt every fetter and dissolve every chain (loud
plause). We are living in a day when each
aytrytc ^^^^
live in this day, when we can
ruggle for human rights—not
eo, but "libertyfor nil ami cii;
:d..,.v
s for u
iVIii! di
You find t
Rest.
II who accept hin
s the ti
■
nof t
f touch according to human nature, in its ordinary
tations, in view of the fact that, inheriting an old
ion, and finding it susfained by all thai, is deemed
ible, honourable and religious in the South, they
,t to ask them to give up their slaves is tantamount
0 asking the men of the North to give up their houses
,nd lands; and he, surely, would be regarded as a fool or
, madman who should undertake to prove to the people
of the North the enormity of holding horses, Bheep and
ine as property, and should call upon them, in the name
the living God, to cease holding such as property. I
-lietuii.tc .liiivci-y. As slaveholders, they are sagacious,
1 prompt to do the very thing that needs
be done to preserve their slavesystem intact. They
3 not extravagant in any effort they make; they do
t employ one single slave-driver too many; they do not
m one superfluous bloodhonnd ; they h
of the United Sfiife.-i, iiiiii their attitude under it. But
ie great central idea of the Anti-Slavery movement they
ive never changed; and by that they have tried all
itni.mii, ail parties*, all sects, all Churches. They have
■ought the Oburch and the State to their bar J they have
.ven them an impartial hearing ; andwhen th
mod trier
r approbation,
'he Whigs—wher
they h;
given them the meed 1
Vanished—gone-
^
Their very name has perished from off the earth. The
Democrats—where are they T By bribery and CO
by tbe purchase of ignorant and servile voters i
State of Pennsylvania, tbey have bought a name ti
day. They have a man in the White Hoi
Washington, who represents them in name, but w
how the substance of the Democratic party faded
-,'..-.,. :■ ■:
and v
the next Presidential election, the name of the Democri
party may pass away from the earth like that of
Whig, and the places that knew them know them
more forever (applause). I do not know that the pa
that will take its place will be any better, but it will be
different baptisi
II by degrees and b
irly reached t
iberty party—that party had:
platform. They adopted the idea of the inherent
ness of slavery, and nimr.d to didrny shivery by political
power ; and as long as they were few, and poor, and insd
nificant, they held to that doctrine. But the temptatiot
of 1848 came, and then they fell back from that doctrun
. .11 ihe pur(y of Liberty became the party c
Free Soil. Well, tbat failed; and the next attempt ha
been, as you know—and it was almost successful—not fo
tbe abolition of slavery, not even for the prohibition i.
the estension of shivery intoi-dutcs, or Territories nowfrei
but for the exclusion of slavery from Territories which d
scarcely be seen ; and what the next will be, God alon
knows, and possibly Mr. Douglas (laughter).
Now, Mr. President, under all this and through a
this, I see the great movement which has id-tnl fori
from the heart of the nation, as represented' by tb
American Anti-Slavery Society and its auxiliaries, which
hiiH modified the public sentiment of the country, and p
duced these various events to which I have ollmled. I
although I have spoken (as tbe
dy h
:cde exactly adapted to the necessities of their posit ion -
everything complete and perfect, from beginning to end.
Now, the apology is often made at the North, in their
behalf, that they are acting just as other men act, under
;s. I grant it. So, when you send
the ends of the earth to grapple with
do the idol-worshippers believe?
your "one only living and true God"
—they believe in gods; anil, therefore, they resent the
ion, and do precisely what we have a right to
. idolaters will do to protect their idolatrous system.
■theless, idolatry is a false religion, and the true
God (iu»hi. to bo known and honored in all parts of the
rth, let the con acq 11 en ces be what they may. So in
rard to this system of slavery.
Men who are slaveholders must dread free discussion.
io not wonder that no man is tolerated on Southern
il, with a free soul and a free tongue, for the toleration
one such man would insure lhc abolition of slavery at
distant day, and the tyrant knows it. " Instinct is a
eat matter." G ive me a single free press in Russia, and
will guarantee the upturning of autocracy. Grant me
freedom of speech in France, Spain, Italy, Auairia, and I
will speedily effect a revolution, and work out the problem
of universal emancipation. Therefore it is tbat, in all
those despotic countries, not a visible freeman stands upon
their soil, and every press is fettered. What 1 cannot the
French Emperor, or the Roman Pope, or the Russian
Czar claiming to rule " by the grace of Cod," wilh everything in his grasp, allow one free press or one free spirit
tells the whole story : it is a confession of conscious injustice and indefensible tyranny. And so in all the South,
no man speaks, no man can speak, as a free man and live.
Slavery will not bear investigation.
Now, I say, if slavery is to continue, we must have just
this condition of things. It is absurd to talk about the
cruel treatment by slaveholders of their slaves, while conceding the right of property in man. They are not
necessarily brutal; they do the best they can, under the
; is to be expected that, on Southern soil,
id will stand up for slave institutions, let me
nof the Empire State, men of the North,
e false to our own principles and professions, the
sthame to us.
w, throughout our mifghty North, you know wP .
aettled one thing—that slacerj .
istitutions. Not a solitary slave clanks Ids chain:,
■ Northern soil. We have put an-'end to cha'Ael
■T.V.-.i.: 1
Th-: VI
ini.e-
rent injustice and immorality; because it Could r
defended; because it was a blighting curse; heeauseman
was never made to be a slave, and freedom is the inalienable right of all (applause). Ifthisisso.thenlhohl (hat
they who undertake to frame or furnish apologies in
■lehe.lf of .Southern slaveholders, and bring up objections
■igainst Abolitionists,are not Northern un u, but reereaid.
to their own principles, and should migrate to the South
!- -
those parties
Free Soil and Rep
the leaders of tbos
■'1)1,
ispara
is of the
:ve thai
i their platforms rightly
the heart of the nation than is expressed in t
'ftlie Republican party, or by the speeches
m whorepies
crush out the Reformation, w
Luther Bkook the slumbering mind of Europe and jai
the papal throne to its centre. For this the Inquisit
devised its tortures, tho auto de fi claimed its victi
Yet it lived on, lived till the Inquisition became a thing
of the past, and the auto de fi ceased to claim its victims,
and Protestant kings sat on the very thrones from which
had been issued against the children of the
Who says this reform has not a glorious
future? Who says, in the in fidelity of his heart, that
triumph ? Oh 1 we may hope that
what we have s
is of a
No b
■■;, iho i:
ied in discussing and defining tbe " freedom of the pla
irm " in relation to questions of theology, in respect I
which the members of the Society do not even expect I
agree. The reporter was not present, and it is impossib
, one to state,from memory, the views urged by tl
different speakers.
e meeting i\
■ ■
Mr. Qpiscv said he had been thinking
twenty years since he first attended a meeting of the
American Anti-Slavery Society, in the year
had occurred to him to reflect upon the
which had taken place in this country durin;
What prodigious strides had the American people takei
I do not believe that the great movement in the Northern
States which nearly carried'Mr. Fremont into the Wfeita
House sprang merely from the desire that Kansas should
have slaves if she wanted them and should not if she did
not. I believe that tho great mass of the people who
went into that movement really believed that there was
a great anti-slavery feeling and desire underlying it, and
they went into the work believing that they were not
merely to give Kansas this paltry privilege, but that they
were really fighting a great battle for freedom, and that,
in fact, the election of Fremont would be a great stride
towards the abolition of slavery, and the suppression ol
eg of the Slave Power.
In view of all these things, I have only to thank God
and take courage. I believe that it is solely from the
I of truth which has been poured into tho thick dark-
iry as it is; that they have been taught to see that
the hliidititi;' diudov,- ol diivi.i'y fall:, upon their own pros-
pcriiy ; thai it is a question not merely affecting the blacks*
it almost as intimately affecting themselves, and their
pn dearest rights and interests. The Anti-Slavery move.
ent has educated the people up to their present point,
id it but remains for tho Abolitioniststo be true to them-
Ives to finish this education, which goes on very fast, tc
■mpcl a political movement in the future which ahaliyel
iBwer every political purpose which a political movement
inanswer. But, ements are but the
shadow; moral ideas are the substance. Jesus Christ
spoke a great philosophical truth, as well as a divinely
■al one, when he said, " The kingdom of God is wtthtr,
yon." Not only the kingdom of God, but the kingdom
,n, is within you. Only Ideas arc royal and impe.
Institutions are but tbe crown, the sceptre and the
Let the ideas be changed, and all that is external
ie changed. Change the form of the substance, anc
irse the form of the shadow will change with it. Ii
lith, I accepted the idea of the American Ant d-d,)'..tv
Society, and I have, for the best part of my life, been
faithful to it as I knew how to be ; and, God helping 0
I will strive to be faithful to the end (applause); believing
that by so doing I beat discharge the duty which every
man owes to himself, to the age in which he lives, to the
country which gave him birth, and to the generations
which are to come after him (applause).
SPEECH OF WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
I do not know that there is anything to be done here,
■
ory or their doom, as the c
night I
according as they might yet decide 8
The speaker then reviewed the history of the country
for the last twenty years, as connected with the slai
question, referring to the annexation of Texas, the Mex:
war, which grew out of that iniquity, the passage of the
Fugitive Slave Law, the repeal of the Ordinance of '87,
!H„d:
: ih.ri
d equality.
of the country—straDger
and, personally, cot knowing what are the peculiai
entertained by each. But, then, so far as the bulk of this
audience is concerned, I suppose I may take it for g
that you are from the free States, and that very I
First, a word in regard to the South.
There are those who say they do not marvel at 1
slaveholders are unwilling to part with their slave pro-
: for;;
! and the 1
» this taunt at us are the very men who have, by
utional enactment, in the Empire State, throughout
iole North, subscribed to the doctrine of" Garriso-
Abolitionism I No man is allowed to be a slave-
bolder here. Tell me, men of the Empire State, why not.!
are you pass a law making it penal for me to
ren tha very first step towards making a slave?
(low dare you have a law interfering with my benevo-
:nee, and philanthropy, so that when I see a poor crea-
ire, who " cannot take care of himself," I may not seize
im, and claim him a3 my property—for his good, of
ourse ? If you say, God has not authorized mc to hold
slave here, then, I say, he has not authorized it at the
ioirth. There are not two G01I3—one for the North, and
ne for the South—and if He raakc3 it immoral to hold
laves at the North, he makes it no las? immoral to hold
laves at the South. Before you reject a single doctrine
have laid down, you have got to burn every Northern
f.ioii. I do not transcend them a hair's
ireadtk. The only difference between me and the people
i Norl
;,'!:;,;
e doctrine they have laid down,
7, we must not doubt t!
idox in their religions faith, and " bound for the
"t Have they not been baptised, and do they
wine ? Are they not members of tbe Church of Cbrist
Who shall presume to cast suspicion upon the piety of
men who have done ull this? It is a clear case that they
hold their slaves benevolently, and for their good, and
therefore arc not to be condemned 1 Do you ratan alj
that? Is it so that, in Carolina, men are benevolent,
high-minded, patriotic, Christian, and yet slaveholders?
Do you really mean to say that? Then, I ask, why do
yon prevent higk-uiiu Jed/bene vol out, Christian men, here
in the Empire State, from becoming slaveholders ? How
will it tarnish my Christian character if I enslave a man
And why should it justly subject me to reproach
,, amy?
I do not wonder that the North is driven to tho wall,
by the South, in this controversy. Against such glaring
contradictions, such a shuffling morality, the slaveholder
has the argument, For if you concede his right to bold
slaves on his own plantation, on the ground of benevolence, and in consistency with morality aud religion, then
he logically answers that it cannot be wrong to hold
slaves in the Empire State, and slavery ought to be a
universal institution. The argument, I repeat, is with
the slaveholder.
What I want
South—I see n
The slaveholdei
universally. Rely uj
of republican go verm
military despol
see is consistency. I see it at the
ag but inconsistency at the North,
ire resolved to exterminate freedom
upon it, we shall have the very forms
be abolished.
■■otild e
The slaveholder cares nothing for the ri
He who, to promote his own interests, 1
human being, would as readily fasten tbe chain upon ever]
other human being, for the same reason. The cry of thi
slave oligarchy is, " Down with the liberty of tbe press
down with freedom of speech! away with tbe Declarattoi
of Iiidepeiiiler.ce! Slavery forever, and everywhere!
The worst doctrines of Toryism are constantly avowed i
the Southern journals—from the lips of Southern men i

U/Qf-' ff/
S
Rational Mi^laMi! pfiiBcfl
VOL. XIX. NO. 1.
NEW YOKK, SATURDAY, MAY 229 1858.
WHOLE NO. 937.
national jUtl-SUiia* Sta«tarfc
PUBLISHED WEEKLY, ON SATURDAY,
SPEECH C ^^^^^^^^^^^^
Mr. Psesident : I come upon the platform to expi
is the friend who has preceded me has just done, my n
learty concurrence in the resolutions which have t
his morning's
tions to any one of those resolutions ; but if that is
rule, I hope that he, and those who sympathh'.e wit!: h
will be present at some of our subsequent sessions, i
take ample time to state, as fully as possible, as muel
detail as tbey wish, all their objections to any one of
statements of those resolutions. In regard to that one
which he objected, I cannot see how any Abolitionist i
our Church—cither, considered as a unit—is an cue
of the slave. It has been tried and found wanting. Sixty
trebled, quadrupled, beneath the religious organizal
■ usurp power,
lopolj/.e the
- sixty
fed of the Church.
The Church has had
bese millions have been:
educated them into men silent or indifferent t
t wrong known to our age. It lias educated
nation capable of the events which the las
mve unfolded before us, in tbe catalogue of i
U In..
t that, :
■ ■
f the nation is the result of the tv
: shameful enongh.
Dr. Adams, of Boston — the i
it must be reasonable, when such as he exist (loud
laughter aud applause). [A Voi-dny. Whatever the Government does, whatever
people allow, that is American law. The experience oi
iveuty years says so. Now, I appeal to America to
rail herself of that principle against tho Slave Power.
Ir. Buchanan throws off the fetters of the Constitution.
He does what he pleases ; tbe Democratic party do what
they please. Let us try the same game. In fighting
iit battle, let us throw off fetters. I do not ask it of
3 Republican party in Congress—they are sworn there
support a certain system of government—but I ask
in iiir more than they do. I ask them to do what the
iglish have always done in critical moments—check-
ite the Government—refuse them a dollar (applause) 1
ingress for the last four or five years that has not been
tten to the core with pro-slavery service. Table it I
it every Republican vote on record against it I Check-
ite the Government—make it bankrupt 1 Avow it ;
?ue it to the people; begin to fight, not to defend.
Let the South no longer choose the issue, and then ask
it we think. Massachusetts has begun (loud applause) 1 She has thrown them the head of a wicked
Judge as her gauntlet (renewed applause). The Gover-
r of Massachusetts said that he removed Judge Loring
■ated of :: ecrbiin incompatibility between the offices
United States Commissioner and a Ms
dge of Probate ; the people removed Edward Greeley
Loring because he bowed his neck to the slave yoke, and
ick Anthony Burns to bondage. Fit Ji
itoa, but too (iii-.ly few ;.■■..
cheering) I Let the Republican party organiz
,nd not resistance simply, but aggressioc
A- '■•■■..: .■:■ ■■
fering told, I could have
army only blighted by si
fields does not own the humblest joint that does the
feeblest service; bo poor that the sjave mother who
clasps her child to her heaving breast does not own it by
right of possession. That army raise their manacled
hands, they lift their imploring eyes, they point to men in
this republic, and say, " You arc the cause 1" Amid the
din of conflicting interests, the cries of "Lecompton" and
■ ■. ■
by the Anti-Slavery movement, in its modern shape, as
hinted ;■,!■,.] inaugurated by Wsr. Lloyo Garhiso.v (■>;:■
ause). That was the great fact in our bisfory. The
ave Power, from the very first moment that it heard
eath of a man who declared slavery to be a crime against
God, and therefore a sin to be immediately repented of
5.(ih% abandoned, knew, by the true instinct of
that it wa
should be'
twenty yei
r child ii
:t from b
est bidder. Amid your declamations about liberty, your
Fourth of July speeches, amid the darkness of the Dred
Scott dcciadoit, 1 see the mournful light that Hashes from
the eye of the fugitive as he steps cautiously through your
boasted Republic, to gain his personal freedom in a
Monarchical land.
I remember the first time I ever saw free land. It was
not when I wag in Maryland, where God first permitted
me to see the light. Tbe shadow of slavery bung darlc
over the home of my childhood. It was not when I was
in Virginia, when 1 was at Harpei
t, of tt
at the history of the country for the last
■s, and its results, as they appear upon the map
fry, it did not appear that the Abolitionists
my great progress; but be held that tho very
fact of this spread of slave territory was a proof of pro-
was it not the very consequence of the terror,
the niiiirebettition, and the wise forecast of the slaveholders,
d 0 testimony to the wisdom which ha?, IV.
ig, informed aud inspired the Anti-Slavery movement?
During all this time, said Mr. Quincy, while all the
■■■■ ■■■ ■-...-. ,':.■,. -i: . ■ !
anged, the American Anti-Shivery Society, ami the
ey were. Their policy, indeed, they have changed,
they have conceived, from light to
Kiiive ini.dit. ha\
fully p
chanting the chora
stood, crowned with
spray; but from tit
■ Massa
lies, and tbe shadow of
York, and there waa Ni
n of Omnipotence ; there she
t Syracuse, there was no fret
bathing its granile brow in the pure light of heaven.
of America. Plymouth Rock told its tale of early struggle and sacrifice, of the thinned ranks and thickening
graves of the Mayflower's little company ; but there was
no free soil there. Sims had been hurled again to bondage ; Anthony Burns had been thrust back to chattel
slavery, and there was no free soil in Massachusetts. I
went to Vermont, and surely, if " Freedom loves a 1
tain home," her habitation should be there; and
there, some of them told me they bad an anti-slavery
Supreme Court, they had a Personal Liberty Bill; 1
suppose I bad been a slave. Some, perhi-i
said, " Give her a fair trial; the right of trial by jury, t
the benefit of the writ oF habeas corpus." Well, bifag
ie heaven's pi
for I has long since prov
gud i 6aB'3 oa the glorious;
Whether I hai
The s
irity, and actually e:
* great party
iin ddcimin:
s (applause);
before the people,
0 that level. The devil sends
the education of the people is
Then, again, as States, the refuge of our liberty is the
machinery of the State Governments. When Salmon P.
Chase had his hand on Margaret Garner in lhc Uincir.-
he could have clutched tbe slave question,
t forward a quarter of a century, if he would
ire have provoked resistance by the Buckeye
i the Federal Government; for tbet
the loyalty of individuals to the Stat
3 and sympathy, stronger,
l
than love of the Union i
man, who, finding his blanket t
cut off a piece from the top a:
If the Democratic party sewi
say to the South,
the East to make
sure of this great
mber tbe story of the Irii
on to that end,
on this. Let us
■e slave territory;
West, we will clean up all
every State, under the pres-
■riog the consciences of the
people, it will be possible, one after the other—Massachusetts first, or Wisconsin, I care not which—to make an
enactment, which the will of the people will seal into law,
the question whether he is a slave or a freeman. And
when Massachusetts has said " Amen " to such an enact-
authority, that A
wisdom, but tbe
I say, let ua begin at home to organize garrisons and
forts where the party of morals, of ideas, can take refuge
against the organizations of Government. The organizations of Government palpably increase, day by day, on the
slavery side. Ideas are ours. I know to some of us they
seem to advance very slowly. We do
the rights of a man 1 You find him with the
slavery upon his soul, and the blight of oppress
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ of liberty
through every nerve and the life-blood of freedom through
every vein (loud applause). What if this reform is persecuted ? what if men cast obloquy upon it ? 01 in r r. torn
he men who murdered Jesi
forgott*
1 thig, 0
I
Scotch bleaching woman said to the clergyman, who
asked her why she watered a piece of linen so often,
" The water I pour on this morning will part sink into
the earth, and part pass into the air—and tbe cloth is the
same as it was before. But come along here a month
hence, I shall have watered it with just the same seeming
uselessness, day after day—but the first day of June it
will be white ". (applause). So, twenty-five years ago,
the bar of Boston said to Samuel E. Sewall, when he
asked them whether a person brought into Massachusetts
as a slave could be carried back, "Yes ; he is a fugitn
although his master brought him here." But he took t
question to the Court, and argued it, until a Massac!
setts Court responded to Mississippi, and said, " N
There is a distinction ; and that is enough for a twig
hang freedom upon." It took twenty-five years of plotting, and Taney, with both his feet in the grave,
verse it; and Massachusetts was that same year saying
to the man who had returned a fugitive, even," Get thee
behind me, Satan I Thou Bhalt have no office
(applause) 1 Day after day, year after year,
dent poured the water of his rebuke, with sei
the clergymen cried " Infidel," and the politician " Fanatic," and said, " See 1 he is putting back the cause ol
emancipation.'1 But they tried it, and found it was
healthier for Edward Greeley Loring to live in Washington than in the atmosphere of the Bay State (loud cheers).
SPEECH OP HISS FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.
I have heard it related of Napoleon Ilonaparte that
daring the latter part of his life, he had a dream, in which
before him rose an army worn to skin and bones, ar
Whether I have a rij
of God, and feast mj
What then? To
of my eye has proved thi
Hiether I have a right to be a free worn
ally the chattel of another ; whether I h
■ossess all the faculties that God has g
notber has the right to buy and sell, ex
er that temple in which God enshrined
applause). Then let me tell you the first
t least what I may call truly free soil. Ii
..ake Ontario, I gazed for the first time
hore. Ohl we may thank God that there is some land
n this continent so free. The master may hunt the slave
0 the very borders of tho Niagara, the minions of tbe
Slave Power may trail the fugitive to the very marj
the moment be treads the s
Canada, he springs into the glorious light of freedoi
I want to see the North just so free; when she
ve no Personal Liberty Bills, for every rood and
her soil shall be a passport t»D
her air possess so little affinity with slavery il.nl it
ill melt every fetter and dissolve every chain (loud
plause). We are living in a day when each
aytrytc ^^^^
live in this day, when we can
ruggle for human rights—not
eo, but "libertyfor nil ami cii;
:d..,.v
s for u
iVIii! di
You find t
Rest.
II who accept hin
s the ti
■
nof t
f touch according to human nature, in its ordinary
tations, in view of the fact that, inheriting an old
ion, and finding it susfained by all thai, is deemed
ible, honourable and religious in the South, they
,t to ask them to give up their slaves is tantamount
0 asking the men of the North to give up their houses
,nd lands; and he, surely, would be regarded as a fool or
, madman who should undertake to prove to the people
of the North the enormity of holding horses, Bheep and
ine as property, and should call upon them, in the name
the living God, to cease holding such as property. I
-lietuii.tc .liiivci-y. As slaveholders, they are sagacious,
1 prompt to do the very thing that needs
be done to preserve their slavesystem intact. They
3 not extravagant in any effort they make; they do
t employ one single slave-driver too many; they do not
m one superfluous bloodhonnd ; they h
of the United Sfiife.-i, iiiiii their attitude under it. But
ie great central idea of the Anti-Slavery movement they
ive never changed; and by that they have tried all
itni.mii, ail parties*, all sects, all Churches. They have
■ought the Oburch and the State to their bar J they have
.ven them an impartial hearing ; andwhen th
mod trier
r approbation,
'he Whigs—wher
they h;
given them the meed 1
Vanished—gone-
^
Their very name has perished from off the earth. The
Democrats—where are they T By bribery and CO
by tbe purchase of ignorant and servile voters i
State of Pennsylvania, tbey have bought a name ti
day. They have a man in the White Hoi
Washington, who represents them in name, but w
how the substance of the Democratic party faded
-,'..-.,. :■ ■:
and v
the next Presidential election, the name of the Democri
party may pass away from the earth like that of
Whig, and the places that knew them know them
more forever (applause). I do not know that the pa
that will take its place will be any better, but it will be
different baptisi
II by degrees and b
irly reached t
iberty party—that party had:
platform. They adopted the idea of the inherent
ness of slavery, and nimr.d to didrny shivery by political
power ; and as long as they were few, and poor, and insd
nificant, they held to that doctrine. But the temptatiot
of 1848 came, and then they fell back from that doctrun
. .11 ihe pur(y of Liberty became the party c
Free Soil. Well, tbat failed; and the next attempt ha
been, as you know—and it was almost successful—not fo
tbe abolition of slavery, not even for the prohibition i.
the estension of shivery intoi-dutcs, or Territories nowfrei
but for the exclusion of slavery from Territories which d
scarcely be seen ; and what the next will be, God alon
knows, and possibly Mr. Douglas (laughter).
Now, Mr. President, under all this and through a
this, I see the great movement which has id-tnl fori
from the heart of the nation, as represented' by tb
American Anti-Slavery Society and its auxiliaries, which
hiiH modified the public sentiment of the country, and p
duced these various events to which I have ollmled. I
although I have spoken (as tbe
dy h
:cde exactly adapted to the necessities of their posit ion -
everything complete and perfect, from beginning to end.
Now, the apology is often made at the North, in their
behalf, that they are acting just as other men act, under
;s. I grant it. So, when you send
the ends of the earth to grapple with
do the idol-worshippers believe?
your "one only living and true God"
—they believe in gods; anil, therefore, they resent the
ion, and do precisely what we have a right to
. idolaters will do to protect their idolatrous system.
■theless, idolatry is a false religion, and the true
God (iu»hi. to bo known and honored in all parts of the
rth, let the con acq 11 en ces be what they may. So in
rard to this system of slavery.
Men who are slaveholders must dread free discussion.
io not wonder that no man is tolerated on Southern
il, with a free soul and a free tongue, for the toleration
one such man would insure lhc abolition of slavery at
distant day, and the tyrant knows it. " Instinct is a
eat matter." G ive me a single free press in Russia, and
will guarantee the upturning of autocracy. Grant me
freedom of speech in France, Spain, Italy, Auairia, and I
will speedily effect a revolution, and work out the problem
of universal emancipation. Therefore it is tbat, in all
those despotic countries, not a visible freeman stands upon
their soil, and every press is fettered. What 1 cannot the
French Emperor, or the Roman Pope, or the Russian
Czar claiming to rule " by the grace of Cod," wilh everything in his grasp, allow one free press or one free spirit
tells the whole story : it is a confession of conscious injustice and indefensible tyranny. And so in all the South,
no man speaks, no man can speak, as a free man and live.
Slavery will not bear investigation.
Now, I say, if slavery is to continue, we must have just
this condition of things. It is absurd to talk about the
cruel treatment by slaveholders of their slaves, while conceding the right of property in man. They are not
necessarily brutal; they do the best they can, under the
; is to be expected that, on Southern soil,
id will stand up for slave institutions, let me
nof the Empire State, men of the North,
e false to our own principles and professions, the
sthame to us.
w, throughout our mifghty North, you know wP .
aettled one thing—that slacerj .
istitutions. Not a solitary slave clanks Ids chain:,
■ Northern soil. We have put an-'end to cha'Ael
■T.V.-.i.: 1
Th-: VI
ini.e-
rent injustice and immorality; because it Could r
defended; because it was a blighting curse; heeauseman
was never made to be a slave, and freedom is the inalienable right of all (applause). Ifthisisso.thenlhohl (hat
they who undertake to frame or furnish apologies in
■lehe.lf of .Southern slaveholders, and bring up objections
■igainst Abolitionists,are not Northern un u, but reereaid.
to their own principles, and should migrate to the South
!- -
those parties
Free Soil and Rep
the leaders of tbos
■'1)1,
ispara
is of the
:ve thai
i their platforms rightly
the heart of the nation than is expressed in t
'ftlie Republican party, or by the speeches
m whorepies
crush out the Reformation, w
Luther Bkook the slumbering mind of Europe and jai
the papal throne to its centre. For this the Inquisit
devised its tortures, tho auto de fi claimed its victi
Yet it lived on, lived till the Inquisition became a thing
of the past, and the auto de fi ceased to claim its victims,
and Protestant kings sat on the very thrones from which
had been issued against the children of the
Who says this reform has not a glorious
future? Who says, in the in fidelity of his heart, that
triumph ? Oh 1 we may hope that
what we have s
is of a
No b
■■;, iho i:
ied in discussing and defining tbe " freedom of the pla
irm " in relation to questions of theology, in respect I
which the members of the Society do not even expect I
agree. The reporter was not present, and it is impossib
, one to state,from memory, the views urged by tl
different speakers.
e meeting i\
■ ■
Mr. Qpiscv said he had been thinking
twenty years since he first attended a meeting of the
American Anti-Slavery Society, in the year
had occurred to him to reflect upon the
which had taken place in this country durin;
What prodigious strides had the American people takei
I do not believe that the great movement in the Northern
States which nearly carried'Mr. Fremont into the Wfeita
House sprang merely from the desire that Kansas should
have slaves if she wanted them and should not if she did
not. I believe that tho great mass of the people who
went into that movement really believed that there was
a great anti-slavery feeling and desire underlying it, and
they went into the work believing that they were not
merely to give Kansas this paltry privilege, but that they
were really fighting a great battle for freedom, and that,
in fact, the election of Fremont would be a great stride
towards the abolition of slavery, and the suppression ol
eg of the Slave Power.
In view of all these things, I have only to thank God
and take courage. I believe that it is solely from the
I of truth which has been poured into tho thick dark-
iry as it is; that they have been taught to see that
the hliidititi;' diudov,- ol diivi.i'y fall:, upon their own pros-
pcriiy ; thai it is a question not merely affecting the blacks*
it almost as intimately affecting themselves, and their
pn dearest rights and interests. The Anti-Slavery move.
ent has educated the people up to their present point,
id it but remains for tho Abolitioniststo be true to them-
Ives to finish this education, which goes on very fast, tc
■mpcl a political movement in the future which ahaliyel
iBwer every political purpose which a political movement
inanswer. But, ements are but the
shadow; moral ideas are the substance. Jesus Christ
spoke a great philosophical truth, as well as a divinely
■al one, when he said, " The kingdom of God is wtthtr,
yon." Not only the kingdom of God, but the kingdom
,n, is within you. Only Ideas arc royal and impe.
Institutions are but tbe crown, the sceptre and the
Let the ideas be changed, and all that is external
ie changed. Change the form of the substance, anc
irse the form of the shadow will change with it. Ii
lith, I accepted the idea of the American Ant d-d,)'..tv
Society, and I have, for the best part of my life, been
faithful to it as I knew how to be ; and, God helping 0
I will strive to be faithful to the end (applause); believing
that by so doing I beat discharge the duty which every
man owes to himself, to the age in which he lives, to the
country which gave him birth, and to the generations
which are to come after him (applause).
SPEECH OF WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
I do not know that there is anything to be done here,
■
ory or their doom, as the c
night I
according as they might yet decide 8
The speaker then reviewed the history of the country
for the last twenty years, as connected with the slai
question, referring to the annexation of Texas, the Mex:
war, which grew out of that iniquity, the passage of the
Fugitive Slave Law, the repeal of the Ordinance of '87,
!H„d:
: ih.ri
d equality.
of the country—straDger
and, personally, cot knowing what are the peculiai
entertained by each. But, then, so far as the bulk of this
audience is concerned, I suppose I may take it for g
that you are from the free States, and that very I
First, a word in regard to the South.
There are those who say they do not marvel at 1
slaveholders are unwilling to part with their slave pro-
: for;;
! and the 1
» this taunt at us are the very men who have, by
utional enactment, in the Empire State, throughout
iole North, subscribed to the doctrine of" Garriso-
Abolitionism I No man is allowed to be a slave-
bolder here. Tell me, men of the Empire State, why not.!
are you pass a law making it penal for me to
ren tha very first step towards making a slave?
(low dare you have a law interfering with my benevo-
:nee, and philanthropy, so that when I see a poor crea-
ire, who " cannot take care of himself," I may not seize
im, and claim him a3 my property—for his good, of
ourse ? If you say, God has not authorized mc to hold
slave here, then, I say, he has not authorized it at the
ioirth. There are not two G01I3—one for the North, and
ne for the South—and if He raakc3 it immoral to hold
laves at the North, he makes it no las? immoral to hold
laves at the South. Before you reject a single doctrine
have laid down, you have got to burn every Northern
f.ioii. I do not transcend them a hair's
ireadtk. The only difference between me and the people
i Norl
;,'!:;,;
e doctrine they have laid down,
7, we must not doubt t!
idox in their religions faith, and " bound for the
"t Have they not been baptised, and do they
wine ? Are they not members of tbe Church of Cbrist
Who shall presume to cast suspicion upon the piety of
men who have done ull this? It is a clear case that they
hold their slaves benevolently, and for their good, and
therefore arc not to be condemned 1 Do you ratan alj
that? Is it so that, in Carolina, men are benevolent,
high-minded, patriotic, Christian, and yet slaveholders?
Do you really mean to say that? Then, I ask, why do
yon prevent higk-uiiu Jed/bene vol out, Christian men, here
in the Empire State, from becoming slaveholders ? How
will it tarnish my Christian character if I enslave a man
And why should it justly subject me to reproach
,, amy?
I do not wonder that the North is driven to tho wall,
by the South, in this controversy. Against such glaring
contradictions, such a shuffling morality, the slaveholder
has the argument, For if you concede his right to bold
slaves on his own plantation, on the ground of benevolence, and in consistency with morality aud religion, then
he logically answers that it cannot be wrong to hold
slaves in the Empire State, and slavery ought to be a
universal institution. The argument, I repeat, is with
the slaveholder.
What I want
South—I see n
The slaveholdei
universally. Rely uj
of republican go verm
military despol
see is consistency. I see it at the
ag but inconsistency at the North,
ire resolved to exterminate freedom
upon it, we shall have the very forms
be abolished.
■■otild e
The slaveholder cares nothing for the ri
He who, to promote his own interests, 1
human being, would as readily fasten tbe chain upon ever]
other human being, for the same reason. The cry of thi
slave oligarchy is, " Down with the liberty of tbe press
down with freedom of speech! away with tbe Declarattoi
of Iiidepeiiiler.ce! Slavery forever, and everywhere!
The worst doctrines of Toryism are constantly avowed i
the Southern journals—from the lips of Southern men i