This Civil War Harper's Weekly has a variety of important
stories and pictures. It shows the events unfold as they happened and are
reported to eye-witnesses to the events. The paper covers the Battle of
Harper's Ferry, one of the early conflicts in the war. It also has important
content on the Annapolis Naval Academy and scenes of the destruction of the
Norfolk Navy Yard.

PUBLISHERS' NOTICE.

THE proprietors of
Harper's Weekly
beg to inform the public that they have dispatched an artist to the
SOUTH, in company with
Mr. RUSSELL, the correspondent of the London
Times. Another of their special artists is traveling with the
SEVENTH REGIMENT
; a third is now in
BALTIMORE ; and a fourth is with the Southern Army in
VIRGINIA. They
are making other important changes in Harper's Weekly, involving considerable
expense. The present number contains many MORE PICTURES than any heretofore
issued; succeeding numbers will be still richer in illustrations. These
improvements, it is believed, will render Harper's Weekly the BEST ILLUSTRATED
NEWSPAPER IN THE WORLD.

In consequence of the additional expense
which they will involve, the proprietors beg to announce that the price of
Harper's Weekly is raised from FIVE to SIX CENTS for single copies. The
subscription price remains the same. The advertisement of terms, etc., will be
found on page 303.

HARPER'S WEEKLY.

SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1861.

A FEW FIGURES ON SLAVE AND FREE
STATES.

AT the time we write it seems
likely that the Border Slave States, with the exception of Delaware and
Maryland, will make common cause with the rebels against the United States
Government. There is much talk about "neutrality" in Kentucky, Missouri, and
Tennessee. In this case " neutrality" means a covert alliance with rebels, and
treasonable willingness to supply them with aid and comfort. The Government will
regard such "neutrals" as enemies, and will deal with them accordingly. Maryland
aspires to a similar position of neutrality ; but geographical necessity will
compel the Government to lay hands on her at the outset of the war, and it is
therefore not worth while to estimate her among the parties to the conflict.
Delaware alone, of the Border Slave States, evinces loyalty to the Union.

The war which has now begun will
therefore be waged by the Free States, on one side, against thirteen
Slave States on the other, to wit : Virginia,
North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri.

The population of the Free
States, by the
census of 1860, amounts to 18,950,759; the free
population of the thirteen rebellious States to 7,657,395—considerably less than
half that of their opponents.

In the Free States every man able
to bear arms is at the service of the Government. In the rebellious States a
certain number of men are required at home to keep in subjection 3,912,096
slaves. By a law of Louisiana planters are obliged to keep on their plantations
a sufficient force of white men to resist a negro insurrection. Custom renders
the same practice imperative in the other Slave States. Thus, from the 7,657,395
whites of the rebellious States must be deducted a large body of adult males,
who are required at home to defend the women and children from the negroes. It
is with the balance only that the Government will have to deal.

In modern warfare, however,
success is won not so much by numbers as by money. The longest purse, in the
long-run, infallibly wins the day. The comparative wealth of the two sections
thus becomes a matter of the highest moment. In the Banks of the States now
constituting the
Southern Confederacy, there is at present about
$20,000,000 in specie : in the Banks of the Border States about $5,000,000 more.
With the exception of the Banks of
New Orleans, all the Banks of the Gulf States,
of North Carolina, and of Virginia, and many of those of Tennessee and
Kentucky, are insolvent, have suspended specie payments, and issue notes which
are uncurrent except at an enormous discount. In the three cities of New York,
Philadelphia, and Boston, the Banks hold about $51,000,000 in specie, and the
sub-treasuries and mint about $15,000,000 more. Notes of Western Banks, secured
by deposits of
Slave State stocks are greatly depreciated. But
the currency of Pennsylvania, New York, and New England is at par. It is now
well known that the attempt to negotiate $5,000,000 of Confederate Bonds, ten
days ago, was a failure, notwithstanding the terrorism exercised by the rebel
press. When our Government asked for $8,000,000, $34,000,000 were offered,
notwithstanding the opposition of leading newspapers. The Southern Savings Banks
contain so little money that the amount is not worth recording in statistical
reports : in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, the working-classes have
deposited some $130,000,000 in Savings Banks. The Government of the United
States can borrow, without difficulty, and at a moderate rate of interest, a
hundred millions a year at New York for two or

three years, if so much be
required to suppress the rebellion : the rebel Government can not borrow ten
millions at home, or ten cents abroad. If, therefore, money be the sinew of war,
as historians assure us, a very brief campaign must settle the question in favor
of the North.

Mechanical appliances are as
essential in war as men and money. In these the preeminence of the North is
unquestionable. The
Southern States are a purely agricultural
region. Mechanical arts can not thrive side by side with
slavery. There is a foundery at Richmond, Virginia, at which arms and munitions of war are
manufactured, and there are one or two other small shops in other Southern
States where Northern mechanics make a few guns. But, with sparse exceptions,
every pistol, rifle, musket, cannon, bayonet, sword, and bowie-knife, and every
pound of powder, every box of caps, every cartridge, every shell, every fuse,
and every bullet or ball that is used by the Southern troops was made at the
North, and can not be replaced at the South. From the hour the United States
occupy the Richmond foundery, and blockade the
Southern ports, the supply of
arms to the rebels will be stopped. Every cartridge burned after that time will
be an irretrievable loss. Nor is there any chance that founderies will be
established at the South. Slaveholders dare not. The most magnificent pasture
lands in America are unfilled because the Southern whites dare not trust their
slaves with scythes to mow hay ; much less could they suffer armories and
factories to be established where negroes might obtain powder, ball, and edged
tools. In the North, on the other hand, the prospect is that every adult male
will, in the course of a few weeks, be supplied with the most perfect weapons of
modern warfare, and that the highest efforts of mechanical skill and modern
engineering talent will be at the service of the Government.

Again, in wars between regions
which have both a large coast surface, much depends on the respective tonnage of
the belligerents. In this respect the power of the Government is to the power of
the rebels as four hundred to one. Where they have a thousand tons the
Government has four hundred thousand. All the great steamships and clipper
vessels, all the fast yachts, and the bulk of the small steamers and propellers
are owned at the North. New York alone can fit out, in thirty days, a fleet
sufficient to capture every Southern vessel and blockade every Southern port.
Mr. Jefferson Davis committed a sad blunder in
organizing a system of privateering. He may tempt half a dozen
pirates to seize
a few of our merchant ships. But he has certainly secured the ultimate
extirpation of Southern vessels from the face of the deep. In six months from
this time there will not be a craft afloat that will dare to hail from any port
south of the capes of the Delaware.

What, then, can the South hope
from this absurd rebellion ?

NO TRUCE WITH TRAITORS.

THERE are idle reports in the
papers from time to time that Mr. Pierce, of Concord, or some other noted
person, has been invited by Mr. Somebody, of Somewhere, to mediate between the
Government and the rebels. When that Secretary Cameron has proposed an armistice
of sixty days. Then that Lord Lyons is going to mediate. Why not say at once
that Jeff Davis has proposed to the President of the United States that if he
will abdicate the rebels will mercifully let him off with perpetual exile from
the country ?

The Government of this country
was slow, and properly slow, to assert its unquestionable authority by force of
arms. It endured more than any Government among civilized men ever endured
before. It looked on to see rebels build batteries to batter delve the forts of
the people of this country. It looked on patiently while the hospitals,
navy-yards, and ships of the people were stolen. It was taunted as craven by its
foes—it was almost suspected as incompetent by its friends—and at length, to put
friends and foes in the wrong, the first shot from Sumter boomed across the land
: its echo was an appeal from the Government to the people whose majesty it
represented, and the response was the marvelous unanimity of the vast population
of the Free States.

They have taken up their
arms—they have kissed wife and child—they have bent under the blessing of
parents—and they are not men who will parley or tolerate parleying with
traitors. Inclined to peace; obedient to law; patient of injustice while still
legal redress is open, they are the last men in the world to take up arms at
all; but once armed, they are the very last men in the world to lay them down
until every jot and tittle of the dispute has been finally settled.

No truce with traitors is their
watchword; but laying down of arms by rebels—total dispersion—surrender of
ringleaders, and evidence of future good behavior. No truce with traitors until
the last spark of this treason, which has tainted our politics for twenty years
and more, is utterly trampled out. No truce with traitors until the American
flag floats over every inch of our soil, the unquestioned guarantee to every
citizen of every right secured by the Constitution.

Whoever offers to treat with
armed rebels is himself no loyal man. This profound and bitter struggle was none
of our seeking ; but by all the precious blood that has flowed and shall yet
flow, it shall not

end until all the wrongs which
peaceful and decent citizens of the Free States have patiently and silently
endured for years are thoroughly redressed. Because they believed in their
Government and meant to right all wrongs by its lawful operation, the sons of
the men who fought the Revolution have been spit upon as sneaking Yankee
peddlers and cowardly tinkers whose noses might be pulled at pleasure. Believing
still in that Government they have marshaled themselves for its maintenance. At
last the great north wind is rising that shall purge our air of these sickly
Southern vapors. At last, at last, the majesty of that flag shall be vindicated,
and all that its bright stars mean shall be read in the regeneration of the
nation. Through the blackest night the world rolls on toward morning. No truce
with traitors until the spirit of treason is annihilated.

WHAT IS THE ISSUE?

A RECENT number of Once a Week.
has a summary of foreign news, and it remarks: "There is a revolution in
America, involving impracticable tariffs and a menace of a dearth of cotton."

England has always a magnificent
ignorance of America and American affairs, but this is peculiarly dense even for
England. It is like the journals of a century ago speaking of the Revolution as
a trouble about a tea-tax. But patience, patience; England will presently see
that this is a very vital and a very simple struggle. It is only a question of
rebellion. There is an effort making to change the government of the United
States into a military despotism. If it succeeds, it will be a revolution like
one which should change the English system into one of Asiatic absolutism.

The people of the United States
last November constitutionally expressed their will. A faction refused to
submit. It believed that political sympathy in other parts of the country would
negatively if not positively support its resistance. And it formed what it
called a Government and took up arms. That moment the passive sympathy it had
elsewhere had deserted it, and the rebellion found itself face to face with a
vast people armed to maintain the supremacy of the Government they had
constitutionally elected. Many of them had been bitterly opposed to the election
of the actual administrators of that Government, but in defending their rights
those people only maintain their own majesty in the person of a constitutional
President.

" Impracticable tariffs" have as
much to do with the struggle as they have with Garibaldi's war in Italy. The
tariff came as an unfortunate complication before the final aspect of the
treason. It has flowered out now into a formidable rebellion. Aaron Burr
dreamed, but
Jeff Davis acts. His future is success, a
halter, or exile. He is Wat Tyler, nothing more; and if Once a Week remembers
that episode in English history it can easily understand our struggle. The issue
is Government or Anarchy, Mexico or America. And the result will be America.

IN our natural eagerness to have
every thing done at once, we have forgotten, during the last two or three weeks,
that at the head of the military movement in the country there is one of the
most successful and accomplished soldiers of the age. The weight of years seems
to bear lightly upon him. His letter to Floyd last autumn, before Floyd was so
conspicuous a traitor as he soon afterward became, showed that General Scott's
faculties were untouched by time, while his management of matters in Washington
before and during the inauguration was certainly masterly. Of course every body
must feel that it is to Scott that we owe the safety of the capital to the
present moment.

On the day of the great meeting
in New York a panic of apprehension fell upon the public mind, and there were
doubtless many who expected to rise on Sunday morning to hear that Washington
was captured, and probably the
President and his Cabinet. The necessity of the
rebels striking at once, if they meant to strike at all, was so clear to every
mind that it was hard not to believe that a war-cloud was gathering about the
capital which would explode before our conductors were prepared.

During those two or three
doubtful days General Scott was probably the calmest man in the country, because
no one could know so well as he the exact extent of the danger to be seriously
apprehended. The last thing that he would have risked was a battle with
Jeff Davis before he was fully prepared. Scott
has fifty years of illustrious service behind him. He knows, as Shakespeare
knew:

"The painful warrior, famoused
for fight, After a thousand victories, once foiled, Is from the book of honor
rased quite,

And all the rest forgot for which
he toiled."

He knows also that the deadly
hate which
Jeff Davis bears him could have no sweeter
satisfaction than in his defeat at the first meeting.

Had Scott, therefore, seriously
supposed that there was danger of an overwhelming or even doubtful attack upon
Washington before he felt himself strong enough to meet it, he would have
advised the destruction of the city and retirement within the lines of the free
States of the officers and archives of the Government.

When the story was told that the
command of the rebel army had been offered to Scott, it was necessary to forget
two things before giving it even an attentive ear. The first was that Scott's
glory is that of the flag of the country. To betray it was to damn himself to
inexpressible infamy, and no one knew it so well as he. The second was that the
ringleader of the rebellion is Jeff Davis.

The result, thus far, has shown
how wary the old soldier has been. He has had his eye and hand upon the two
chief points, Washington and Cairo. Of course we all want to direct the
campaign, but General Scott probably knows almost as much about it as we do.

MAY.

WHILE the land hums with
gathering armies the splendor of the spring unfolds itself, and leaves and
blossoms and soft sunny airs woo the mind away from the doleful images of war.

This memorable spring has been
very late, as if aghast at the terrible preparations that are every where
making. The delicate hands that are went at this season to be pushing aside
moist dead leaves for yellow violets and the early anemone are cutting bandages
and scraping lint, while the tears fall quietly in the sad wonder for whose
wounds they are making ready.

Yet while the sweet-breathed
spring confines our faith in the tender and beneficent Providence that tills our
eyes and ears and hearts with beauty and music, let us not forget that this vast
and swift movement of the people proves to us the same kind Providence in
another way; for it shows us how faithful we still are to great principles.

The leaders of the rebellion
secretly believed that the people of the United States were so thoroughly
demoralized that they would accept any yoke rather than risk their lives or the
interests of trade in the defense of their own Government. Nor let any man
wonder at this monstrous infatuation. The system by which the rebellion has been
bred, and under which its leaders have been educated, is one of utter
demoralization. It is the most absolute and intolerant of despotisms. It makes
one class of men brutally abject, and the other insanely insolent. It is
incompatible with Christian civilization. There may be, there doubtless are,
shining exceptions, but a system is to be measured by its general influence. The
trouble in this county has always proceeded from one section of the country and
from one cause. The evil passions which have now culminated in open and
desperate rebellion are those which grow and rankly flourish only in an
atmosphere of injustice.

The hour is solemn—the immediate
future is dim ; but did any spring ever steal over the land so full of the best
promise for the world as this ? These budding and blossoming trees are symbols
of flowers that shall not fade, of fruit that, shall be immortal, which our
children's children shall eat in plenty and peace.

OUR OWN.

HARPER'S WEEKLY has
dispatched an artist for the benefit of its friends with
Mr. Russell, who is to write letters about the
war for the London Times. The correspondent has been in
Charleston for some time receiving the
hospitalities of that cheerful city. Now the condition of that kind of
hospitality is, that you shall say that every thing you see and hear is the most
charming thing in the world ; that civilization is unknown except in those
delightful regions; and if you eat a dinner, and then say, not what the host
thinks, but what you think, of what you observe around you, you are an
ungrateful scoundrel— a betrayer of hospitality, a viper warmed in the bosom,
and then stinging it.

If Mr. W. H. Russell should
happen to write to the London Times that he does not think every thing he sees
is the best possible thing, he will be hustled out of the hospitable region. If
he were an American he would be hung to the next tree.

The only traveler who, having
thoroughly studied Southern life in all its aspects, has then carefully and
graphically recorded the results, is Mr. Olmsted. His series of volumes of home
travel is among the most valuable in literature. They are even better, because
racier and of a wider scope, than Arthur Young's travels in France. If Mr.
Russell is not deluded, as Mr. Gregory was when he was here, by the veneer of
city society—if he remembers that necessarily every thing unpleasant will be
kept out of his sight—and if his natural predilections for a strong monarchical
government leave his judgment unwarped, he will be of great service to the cause
of civilization and human rights in this crisis by simply describing what he
sees and saying what he thinks.

The Mr. Gregory who moves in the
British Parliament to recognize the independence of the rebellious citizens of
this country, is a young Oxford man who believes fully in the divine rights of
kings and the aristocracy, and who, finding the aristocratic clement in our
society strongest in the Slave States, sympathizes most with then ; believing
that, a successful rebellion would restore a monarchical government to the
country. He is quite right. It would do so undoubtedly. For the rebellion is
only a huge effort to overthrow a free popular government and erect a military
despotism upon its ruins.

Mr. Russell may or may not use
this. He may or may not say it. But if he writes to the London Times that the
original crack in our political edifice is about being repaired, and the
building made permanently rebellion and treason proof, he will be writing
history.

A WORD OF RETROSPECTION.

EVENTS pass so rapidly in these
eager days that it is hard to recur to the facts of a fortnight ago. But as we
are making history so fast we ought to pause a moment and reflect a little upon
our judgments as we go.

For instance, there was the
letter of the Secretary of State to the Governor of Maryland. It produced an
outburst of fury among the marshaling hosts of the Free States. Does he mean to
parley with a traitor? was the instinctive question of Tom, Dick, and Harry.
Yes, he did : and so would you in the same circumstances. With a burglar's hand
upon your throat you would parley, and temporize, and delay all you could.

What were the circumstances? The
Capitol of the United States and the persons of the Cabinet were felt every
where to be in imminent peril. Virginia on one side and Maryland on the other
were in a blaze of rebellion. Communication with the loyal States was cut off.
The Government was forty miles and more within the lines of the rebellion. It
had summoned the loyal States, but

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