Essay Colombian Values 3 | Value (Ethics) | Colombia

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There has yet to appear a synthetic “master narrative” on popular movements in 19th-century Latin America. Popular movements are, of course, treated in general histories of the region or individual nation-states. Most studies on popular movements focus on distinct and specific popular actions, in one country, often with a focus on one region. Studying subalterns’ politics and lives perhaps requires an intensely local focus, in order to understand how popular groups’ quotidian lives affected their participation in social movements. Additionally, the relatively recent focus on such movements in the historiography means that, arguably, only recently have enough secondary works appeared to allow a synthetic study. Therefore, comparative overviews and general treatments, beyond the national level, are still rare; , a pioneering study, is the best, but compares only Mexico and Peru. Mallon’s study shares many theoretical preoccupations with , an edited volume to which the author contributed; both of these studies have informed many subsequent works. provides the best effort at a synthetic study but covers only the Andean region, with a focus on indigenous peoples. offers a magisterial overview of the Afro-Latin American experience post-independence, with a much broader purview than popular movements, but does cover such actions in the 19th century. For those interested in Afro-Latin American experience after slavery, provides an exhaustive bibliography in which to look for popular movements. Beyond these texts, perhaps the best general works are essay collections (; ) that bring together numerous approaches and topics (more of these collections may be found under ).

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After most of Latin America became independent from Spain in the 1820s, popular groups faced the challenge of finding a place for themselves in the new, postcolonial nation-states. From being subjects of a European monarch, subaltern groups—be they indigenous peoples, Afro-Latin Americans, artisans, campesinos, women, or soldiers—now occupied an undefined social and political space in nation-states created, at least initially, by powerful elites. Over the course of the century, these groups utilized various strategies to deal with the new states and to attempt to improve their social, economic, and political livelihoods: direct rebellion, flight, concern with only local prerogatives, pursuit of patron/client relationships, and, most often, engagement with the nation and appropriation of the identity of citizen. It is this last strategy that has dominated the historiography of these movements since the 1990s. Before this, most works on popular movements asserted that 19th-century subalterns were ignorant of national politics, only concerned with life within view of their village church’s bell tower. If plebeians entered into national political life it was only as the clients of powerful patrons or as conscripted soldiers to serve as cannon fodder in wars between elite factions that meant nothing to them. Some subalterns did heroically rebel against the nation-state, but such insurrections were rare, doomed to fail, and ultimately did not affect the trajectory of Latin American societies. Since the early1990s, however, a new historiography of nation and state formation has stressed the importance of popular movements for shaping national politics and life. Not all popular movements rejected national life; many sought to claim a place in the nation, formed alliances with elite groups, called upon the state to help them, voted in elections, and fought in civil wars, all with an eye to bargaining with the powerful in order to improve their social, economic, and political lives.

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Left financially depleted by years of warfare, and facing intensified popular resistance from within the Third World itself, they reluctantly decided that indirect economic hegemony was less costly and politically more expedient than outright colonial rule.