Over 20,000 immigrant prisoners are being held at immigrant-only prisons where, in order to maximize profits, prisoners are provided with minimal, inadequate health care, resulting in premature deaths.

Public universities in California have created the DREAM loan, a low-interest, tuition reducing loan, aimed at undocumented immigrants to make obtaining a college education more accessible.

The Obama administration and the Department of Health and Human Services is expanding its 2009 policy allowing HIV+ immigrants to enter the country to include additional sexually transmitted infections that are no longer considered of great public health significance.

An affordable, “healthy” housing development recently opened in Florida, emphasizing creating a safe space for immigrant farmworkers to live without pests, mold, or unsafe water.

The Immigration Department on Manus Island is working on finding alternatives for anti-malarial drugs in response to previous negligence in anti-malarial drug prescription. Past medical staff had knowingly prescribed a drug for malaria that was known to cause mental health problems.

Reports suggest that due to the sudden influx of criminals and individuals who have failed the immigration systems’ tough character tests joining general asylum seeking population at the detention center in Australia, the Christmas Island riot was inevitable.

The U.S. Agency for International Development is set to direct $419 million in humanitarian aid for Syrian refugees and is now committed to spending $4.5 billion to help address conditions inside Syria and refugee camps.

The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) is set to distribute 70,000 dignity kits, which will include basic hygiene and healthcare items for refugee women. Mobile clinics will also be set up at strategic points with gynecologists and nurses equipped to do safe-deliveries for around 4,200 pregnant women and attempt to prevent HIV and sexually transmitted infections for 1,400 women at risk for sexual violence.

With the growing fear of terrorism, rape, robberies and crimes, 97 per cent of residents in a small town called Gabcikovo in Slovakia have voted against the harboring of war refugees from Syria; say the refugees should be taken in by the rich Arab states in the Persian Gulf.

A University of Virginia team has collaborated on a National Institutes of Health-funded project designed to help Latinas in a rural farming community in Florida, developing an interactive, multimedia health education program delivered by virtual humans on a tablet device.

The World Health Organization (WHO) to provide medical assistance to migrants by training personnel at various points of entry in migration and public health matters, medical supplies, and by assessing E.U. and national preparedness.

In early April 2015, the Israeli government confirmed that it had struck an unusual deal with the government of Rwanda. In return for “millions of dollars in grants and sales,”[i] the central African state would take in asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan currently living in Israel. According to media reports, Uganda is contemplating a similar agreement.[ii]

Between 2006 and 2013, approximately 60,000 asylum seekers, most from Eritrea and Sudan, entered Israel through its southern border with Egypt. Seeking a safe haven, they faced a government that deliberately obstructed possibilities for a more stable and dignified life. Israel’s plan to trade asylum seekers to what it calls “safe third countries” demonstrates that the government is prepared to employ unorthodox means, and incur financial expenses, to rid itself of its asylum-seeking population.

The “third country deal” is only the latest in a series of Israeli policy decisions that have compromised asylum seekers’ lives and well-being over the years. These decisions reflect the government’s determination to achieve two goals: to persuade those already in the country to leave, and to deter potential newcomers from arriving. Flouting its obligations under international law, the authorities long avoided reviewing asylum seekers’ requests for state protection. Until today, the legal status of most asylum seekers remains in limbo, as only one percent of applicants have received a response and only four individuals – not four percent of applicants, but four applicants – have been granted refugee status.[iii] (By way of comparison, the recognition rate for Eritrean citizens requesting asylum in European and other industrialized countries is above 90%.[iv]) Israel does not issue work permits to asylum seekers, nor does it grant access to the public health care system or other basic social services. (In contrast, EU member states typically provide asylum seekers with various forms of assistance, including housing and basic social and health benefits,[v] and most allow them to work after a maximum waiting period of nine months.[vi]) In addition, the authorities have repeatedly cracked down on immigrant-run businesses and, more recently, on places of worship.[vii] The emergence of hate crimes – including physical assaults and arson attacks on migrants’ homes and childcare centers[viii] – has convincingly been linked to the incendiary rhetoric of certain Members of Parliament and government officials.[ix] For instance, MP Miri Regev, who was recently appointed Minister of Culture and Sports in Netanyahu’s new government, called asylum seekers “a cancer in our midst” at an anti-immigrant demonstration that quickly spiraled out of control with racial aggression.[x]

Finally, the constant threat of detention looms large over the asylum-seeking communities. Although the Israeli High Court of Justice has repeatedly struck down legislation permitting long-term administrative detention,[xi] asylum seekers lacking a valid visa can be detained without trial for up to 20 months. A recent series of policy changes – including shortened visa renewal periods, reduced opening hours at Ministry of Interior offices, and the introduction of new criteria for renewal, such as presenting recent paystubs – has effectively made thousands of asylum seekers vulnerable to detention.[xii]

To forcibly deport Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers would be a blatant violation of international law that even the Israeli government is unwilling to commit. Instead, the authorities have sought to promote the asylum seekers’ “voluntary departure” from Israel through (not so) subtle coercion. Considerable evidence suggests that the deportees are at risk of grave harm, including torture and death. Even so, the Israelis authorities have pushed thousands of people to leave the country under such ostensibly “voluntary” arrangements, many of them while in detention.[xiii]

In April 2015, the Israeli government announced it would soon begin deporting asylum seekers to the “third countries” mentioned above, Rwanda and Uganda. Those who fail to cooperate with deportation orders within 30 days may face indefinite detention. The government has claimed there is “no danger in these [third] states to the life or liberty of a Sudanese or Eritrean on the basis of race, religion, nationality or belonging to a social or political group.” It similarly claims that deportees may file for asylum in their new countries of residence; that “these states will not deport the refugees to another state where their life or liberty would be at risk; [and] that these states… [will] allow the refugees to live in dignity and make a living.”[xiv] Such reassurances seem ironic in light of the fact that Israel, an affluent, liberal-democratic country, has itself failed to meet these very standards. They are further belied by evidence that Eritrean and Sudanese citizens returning to their countries from abroad may face prosecution and torture.[xv]Whether through lack of self-reflection, cynicism, or bitter historical irony, announcement of Israel’s “third party” agreements coincided with the Passover holiday – the very holiday that commemorates the Jewish people’s biblical tale of exodus. The moral legacy of that tale is defined in the scriptures in no uncertain terms: “You shall not wrong a stranger or oppress him, for you were strangers in the land of Egypt.”[xvi] This biblical verse should remind the Israeli government and society of the historic and moral roots of today’s principles of refugee protection. Moreover, it should serve as a reminder that in the aftermath of the Holocaust, the newly founded State of Israel was instrumental in formulating the U.N. Refugee Convention.

Today, Israel ought to recall these legacies, both ancient and recent, and strive to meet its minimum obligations, both moral and legal, instead of trying to buy its way out of them by treating asylum seekers, in effect, as a commodity for sale.

In June 2013, from a top-floor meeting room at the Indianapolis headquarters of pharmaceutical giant Eli Lilly and Company, I witnessed an unusual alliance of business leaders and religious leaders who joined to pledge their public support for the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S.744). In front of reporters, these leaders expressed their support for comprehensive immigration reform to state politicians, the general public, and the grassroots political organization called the Indianapolis Congregation Action Network (IndyCAN). What would it take to develop a similarly powerful alliance between religious and business leaders advocating for the provision of adequate and affordable health care for undocumented migrants?

Members of the grassroots political organization IndyCAN, along with religious leaders of Catholic and Protestant denominations, meet with Congresswoman Susan Brooks (seated at table, left side) at a prayer vigil to request her public support for immigration reform. Photo by Ryan I. Logan.

At the June 2013 meeting promoting comprehensive immigration reform, several prominent businesses came out in support of immigration reform in addition to Eli Lilly and Company, including Indiana Farm Bureau Inc., the Indiana Chamber of Commerce, and Indiana Dairy Producers. Religious support came from across denominations and faiths including Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Muslim congregations. Prominent religious leaders included Joseph Tobin, Archbishop of the Catholic Archdiocese of Indianapolis, and Bishop William Gafkjen of the Indiana-Kentucky Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America.

The event at Eli Lilly demonstrated a cross-denominational and cross-sector alliance aimed at advocating for the political needs of undocumented migrants. This alliance, largely the work of IndyCAN, has been a central force in bringing together the community of Indianapolis with business, religious, and political leaders. IndyCAN uses messages such as “Hoosier families” and “together, we are stronger” as a means of being inclusive of undocumented migrants and their families. The impact of this activism has been apparent in several large demonstrations for comprehensive immigration reform – including at least one event that had over 800 people in attendance. IndyCAN attempts to appeal to the religious backgrounds and moral consciousness of politicians by emphasizing a shared religious faith as well as personal testimonials of migrants who have experienced the loss of family members through deportation.

As crucial allies for overarching systemic change in favor of comprehensive immigration reform, it is also prudent for business and religious leaders to advocate for the health of their migrant employees and parishioners. Through my year of volunteering with IndyCAN, I witnessed how one of their central facets, putting an emphasis on forging relationships between businesses, community members, religious leaders, and politicians, came to the forefront during the push for comprehensive immigration reform. This emphasis served as a means to connect these actors and press for the need to focus on the social justice needs of this marginalized community. As a volunteer, I typically formed part of the media team and I helped with distributing and translating press releases as well as contacting the local news to cover IndyCAN events. IndyCAN’s strategy of forging solidarity between these various groups was a prominent focus for the local news and serves to show the potential impact on creating policy change through face-to-face interactions. Thus, these leaders, along with the support of grassroots organizations, have the potential to influence policy and should advocate for the health of their migrant employees and parishioners.

Health care access is a pressing need for these migrants due to lack of insurance, low income, and other restrictions in obtaining clinical services (Heyman et al. 2009, Schor 2006, Wallace et al. 2012). Undocumented migrants in Indiana, as in most other states, are barred from accessing health care except on an emergency basis or for pregnancy-related care. Although there are occasional free clinics offering care to the uninsured, these are sporadic and only act as a band-aid to address larger health issues.

Aside from inaccessible health care, state-level policies further marginalize undocumented migrants in Indiana. For example, HB1402, passed in 2011, bars undocumented migrants from receiving in-state tuition at public universities. Additionally, Indiana was one of several states that attempted to pass a copycat version of Arizona’s infamous SB1070.

Employers should also consider alternatives to providing health care such as providing health insurance to migrant workers. According to a report issued by the Indiana Office and Management and Budget in June 2012, the health care and public assistance costs for “illegal aliens” in the state of Indiana totaled almost $8 million in 2011 (IOMB 2012). Clearly, a cost-effective means of providing accessible health care for undocumented migrants is an urgent need.

At the same time, churches must continue to remain active in advocating for the needs of their parishioners from both a political and health standpoint. As religious leaders emphasize a moral discourse surrounding the need for comprehensive immigration reform, they must recognize that the health of their undocumented migrant parishioners is a central facet of their wellbeing and ability to provide for themselves and their families. Moreover, religion remains an important as aspect in the lives of many migrants. Many Catholic churches with declining populations have seen revitalizing numbers with an influx of Mexican and other Latino migrant parishioners. This is certainly the case in several Catholic churches in Indianapolis, which have seen the number of Latino migrant parishioners increase over the past decade and introduced Spanish and bilingual masses (Logan 2015). As religious leaders continue to care for the spiritual needs of their migrant parishioners, the necessity of accessible health care can and should be reframed as a moral necessity. As Archbishop Tobin of the Catholic Archdiocese of Indianapolis stated at a demonstration for immigration reform, “I’m the grandson of immigrants and I love my grandparents and I believe if we fail to respond the neediest today, then on the Day of Judgment, it won’t be them who condemn us. It will be our grandparents.”

Just as these religious leaders and business leaders offered a public display of their support during the immigration reform throughout the summer of 2013, they should also take an active role in advocating for the health of their migrant employees and parishioners. This kind of collaboration among grassroots activists, business leaders, and religious prelates – not just in Indiana, but throughout the United States – could pressure politicians to recognize how political designations directly affect wellbeing. The road to comprehensive immigration reform may not be won, but business and religious leaders who see its benefits ought to pay more careful attention to health, which is intimately tied to political status.

Ryan I. Logan, MAis a dual degree student at the University of South Florida earning his PhD in applied anthropology on the medical anthropology track. He is also pursuing his master’s in public health in the Department of Health Policy and Management. His current research focuses on undocumented Latino migrants, policy, health disparities, migrant farmworker access to care, and the overall clinical experience.