Editorial: Immigration reform: Compromise should bring solutions

That holds for the current push for immigration reform, which comes after Republicans took a beating in the 2012 national elections -- in part because Latino voters saw nothing they liked in GOP candidates' positions on immigration.

And make no mistake, Latinos are becoming, or have already become, a potent political force. Simple demographics tell the story. Take California for example. According to projections released last week by the state Department of Finance, sometime this summer, Latinos will catch up and surpass whites as the largest group in the state. By 2030, they'll make up the largest segment of the state's largest work force, and by 2060 may become a majority of the population.

These trends have huge implications for policy in California, especially in areas such as education and employment. The emerging Latino majority explains why Gov. Jerry Brown wants to change how state dollars are distributed to public schools, so that more money goes to schools where students are learning English. The corollary is that when they're fluent in English, they'll probably graduate from high school, perhaps attend college and gain more skillful employment, all helping power the state's economic engine.

California historically has been a gateway to a better life for immigrants from around the world -- not only from Mexico, but from Asia and other parts of the globe. The state's population has continued to climb, largely because of immigration.

Now, that rate is slowing, as birth rates drop and the recession makes coming here a riskier endeavor. The state's current population of around 38 million will eventually get to 50 million, but 17 years later than the previous projection of 2032.

While jobs and opportunity still await in California, it's uncertain how immigration reform will affect demographic trends. That's because while many Republicans are joining Democrats in Washington, D.C., on a plan to overhaul immigration laws, it's too early to forecast how this will play out.

President Obama last week laid out his principles for reform in a Las Vegas speech. The president's plan was similar to a bipartisan approach being crafted in the Senate. Both seek a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million people in this country illegally; both also seek new border security measures and a tougher employer-verification system.

But Obama's plan differs from the Senate proposal in one major aspect: It doesn't require border enforcement to be both improved and making a noticeable difference.

For Republicans, that's a nonstarter. Without enforcement "triggers" before illegal migrants can apply for green card, Republican conservatives won't support the package. Five years ago, that opposition killed a reform plan put forth by a Republican president, George W. Bush, who had support of Democrats but couldn't deliver enough votes from his own party. The conservatives argue, with history on their side, that without improved enforcement the country will just put a Band-Aid on the problem and be right back to the same situation.

While we agree with the president that more visas need to be provided for high-skilled workers -- especially foreign graduates of U.S. universities with degrees in engineering, mathematics and the sciences -- any comprehensive plan also needs to have a guest-worker program for lower skilled workers. While such a program is opposed by labor unions, it's badly needed for industries such as agriculture. Without a guest-worker component, an improving economy will bring more people here illegally and they won't return home.

All this needs to be worked out in Congress. Some of the parts are in place. With some give and take, long-overdue immigration reform may finally take place.