your Benevolence can wifh, and that you
the Happinefs of feeing the
the old,
is

may

enjoy

New World

regenerate

the Prayer of

Sir,
Your much
obliged,

and

Obedient humble Servant,

THOMAS

PAINE.

from
a
long and recent
refidence at the Court of Verfailles in the
tic
Diplomait
department.
it
reflects
honor
the
on the fource from which
flows. and.
at the
fame time that
it
does
juftice to the writings
of Mr. Paine. equal-
ly eminent in the councils of America."
. that the Prinits
hopes the diftinguifhed writer will excufe
It
pre-
fent appearance. rally a
have no doubt our citizens will
fecond
" time round ihejiandard of Common Sense.
State obferves
the Secretary of
"
I
am
extremely pleafed to find
it
will be re-
" printed here. and converfant in the affairs of France.
proceeds from a character.
by
directing
mind
to a
contemplation of that Republican firmnefs
their poffef-
and Democratic fimplicity which endear
for
to*
every friend of the " PviGHTs of
Man?'
After fome prefatory remarks. and that fomething is at length to " be publicly faid againft the political herefies which " have fprung up among "
I
us.:
THE
ter
following Extraft from a note accompathis
nying a copy of
Pamphlet for republication.
its
is
fo refpe&able a teftimony of
value.

or the malignancy of his defpair. nor fortitude to fupport it and now that there is one. that it furnifhes him with new pretences to go on. Neither the people of France. There is fcarcely an epithet of abufe to be found in the Englifh language. Hitherto Mr. When the tongue or the pen is let loofe in a phrenzy of paffion. nor the National Affembly. that the French had neither fpirit to undertake it. Price (one of the beft-heartod men that lives. Burke's pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary inftance. prejudice.
the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other. Mr. both in parliament and in public.
ftitutional Societies.. nor juftified on that of policy. or the EngliiTi Parliament and why Mr. Burke has not loaded the French nation and the National Affembly. that becomes exhaufted. There was a time when it was impoflible to make Mr. In the ftrain and on the plan Mr. Burke His opinion believe there would be any revolution in France. Every thing which rancour. he feeks an efcape by condemning it. ignorance or knowledge could fuggeft. Burke was writing.
&c. Not fufficiently content with abuiing the National Affembly. with which Mr. were troubling themfelves about the affairs of England. he might have wrote on to as many thoufands. is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the fcore of manners. Burke has been miftaken and difappointed in the opinions he had formed of the affairs of France but fuch is the ingenuity of his hope. and not the fubjecl.
B
£**•
. a great part of his work is taken up with abuiing Dr.RIGHTS
A MONG
. are poured forth in the copious fury of near four hundred pages. then was.) and the two focieties in England known by the name of the Revolution and the Coaj
*.
of
MAN. Burke Ihould commence an unprovoked attack upon them. it is the man.

Mr. and that fuch rights do not now exift in the nation. ** binds us— (mean* <c ing the people of that day)-— our heirs and our pqjierity9 €S to them. he quotes a declaration made by parliament about a hundred years ago. and what
'
more ftrangc
the
practf-
and marvellous. but to maintain they have net rights*
ical
an entire new fpeeies of difcovery.
frame a government for ourfelves. or anywhere at all. and that they will
it
refift
cal afltTtion of
with their
lives
and
fortunes.
that. in thefe words : " The Lords fpiritual and temporal.' 3. to William and Mary.
that the people of
England utter-
ly
difclaim fuch a right. and fuitedtothe paradoxgenius of Mr. b^ing the anniverfary of what is called in England the RtvVution which took place 1688.
which
lie
enforces by faying that they
exclude
. and with
4< **
the
name of
the people aforefaid
living)
fubmit and pofterities % for ever. Price does not fay that the right to do thefe things
*
To To To
chnfe our
own
governors. for his arguments are. the peo* pie of England have acquired three fundamental rights
Dr. and fpend their
is
and fortunes.
that the perfons. denies
that fuch a right exifts in the
nation. Burke conceives his point fufficiently eftabliftied by
faithfully
cc
England then
— moft
— (meaning
the people of
humbly and
themfelves. bur that
that
it is
a right re-
%lem
part. in
whom
they
did exift. Burke. or in this or in that defcription.
of perfons. and Commons. not
to maintain their rights.
exifts in the whole-. Burke. do. he
* *
fays. in
are dead. Dr. The method which Mr. fpeaking of
a
this
*
* The political Divine proceeds dogmatically by the principles of the Revolution. 1789.
chalhier them for mifconducl. to the end of time." Mr.*
lives
That men
fhould take up arms. Price had preached
fermon." He alfo quotes a claufe of another ac*t of parliament made in the fame reign. he fays. the terms of which.
exifts in this
or
in that
it
perfun. fays.:
E
<5
3
fermon on the 4th of November. their
heirs
producing thofe
claufes. Burke takes to prove that the people of England have no fuch rights.
'
2.
c
1
1.
to afTert. or the generation of perfons. Burke. either in whole or in part. on
the
contrary. their hevs and pofterity. either in
is ftill
whole or ia
or that
it
exifts
aay where.
them the right is dead alfo. To prove this.
in the nation ---
Mr. is Of the fame marvellous and monftrous kind with what he has already faid.

Burke
occafionalfy applies the poifon
(if
it
his horrid principles
is
not a prophanation to
drawn from call them
by the name of principles) not only to the Englifh nation. but. that of binding and controuling pofterity to the end of time.
that
if
repeated over and over again. the right which they pofTeiTed by delegation.*— Every age and generation muft be as free to act for itfelf. therefore. they fet up another right by afftimption. in nil cafes > as the ages and generations which preceded it. had no more right to difpofe of the people of the prefent day. for themfelves.—
C
7
3
:
exclude the right of the nation for ever
•with
and not yet content
fuch
making fuch
fays. and there never can exift a parliament. with refpect to the fecond.not only in England. or to bind or to controul them in anyjhape
•whatever*
. . but to the French Revolution and the National AlTembly. and which it appeared right fhould ne done but. fans ceremonie. illuminated and illuminating body of men with the epithet of ufurpers. The Englifh Parliament of l 688 did a certain thing.
he further
*
the people of England pofleiTed
a right
before the Revolution. in any country. or who (hall govern it And therefore all fuch claufes. which they pofTeiTed by delegation. (which he acknowledges to
have been the cafe. is the moft ridiculous and infolent of all tyrannies. but throughout Europe. and for all their pojlerity for ever?
As Mr. The vanity and prefumption of governing beyond the grave. I reply— There never did. place another fyftem of principles in oppoiition to his. Man has no property in man . in addition to this right. or any generation of men. at * the time of the Revolution.
: :
neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to follow. there never will. J he firft is admitted. or of
any other period. The cafe. at an early period) c yet that the Englifh nation did. divides itfelf into two parts. tnoft folemnly renounce and ab1 dicate it. and the right which they fet up by afTumption. and charges that auguft. by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do. which for themfelves and their conftituents. they had a right to dp. I fhall. or any defcription of men. acts or declarations. pofiefTed of the right or the power of binding and contiouling pofleriry to the " end of time* or of commanding for ever how the world fhallbe governed. The parliament or the people of i688. nor the power to execute.
*
declarations. are in themfelves null and void.

he has no longer any authority in dithe living.. and controuled and contracted for. The laws of every country mufr. and configned the
field. omnipotent as it has called itfelf. are of the fame nature.
to all the purpofes
recting
who
fhall be its
governors. by the manuand Mr. bind or controul thofe who are to live a hundred or a thoufand years hence. that are to be accommodated. or how adminiftered. that two non-entities. any party here or elfewhere. When man ceafes to be. that the one fhould controul the other to the end of
|
lime
fa
.
people like beafts of the
pointed. or any other parliament. his power and his wants ceafe with him . Burke fays.
what rule or principle can be laid down. Every generation is and
muft be competent
quire. be analogous to fome cornmen principle. and who never can meet in this world. the one out of exiftence. and againfi: their being willed away.
tending for the authority of the dead over the rights and free-
dom
their
of the living. nor againft.
quitted the world. No. and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this world.
ed. or
how
its
government
fhall
be organized. nor againfr. any form of government. can
bind or controul the perfonal freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years On what ground of right
:
then could the parliament of 1688. In England. which a whole nation choofes to do. Where then does the right exift ? I am contending for the right of the living. Burke
builds
church.
It is
which its occafions reand not the dead. no parent or matter. and mentary
is
to whatever fucceiTor they
ap-
now
fo exploded as fcarcely to be
rememberparliahis political
monftrous
as
hardly to be believed
:
But the
claufes
upon which Mr.
crowns by
This
fo
will
There was a time when kings difpofed of upon their death-beds.C
8
]
whatever. nor all the authority of parliament. and the other not in. nor for. That
Mr.
bind
all
pofterity for ever
?
Thole'
who have
it. than the parliament or the people of the prefent day have to difpofe of. it has a right to do. and thofe
who
as the
are not
yet arrived at
are as remote
from each other
utmoft
ob-
ftretch of mortal imagination can conceive:
What
poffible
ligation then can exift between them. Burke is confcript afTumed authority of the dead
. I am not contending for.

ferve to demonftrate how neceffary it is at all times to watch againft the attempted encroachment of power. has the divine right to govern been impoMr. not to his caufe. and he has fhortened his journey to Rome. certainly be
more than human. Burke has difcovered sed on the credulity of mankind a new one. both of them muft be equally null and void. and that there does not now exift in the nation. becaufe none could give it) over the perfons and freedom of pofterity for ever. who exifted a hundred years ago. a power to alter it. and of no effect.acted". It is fomewhat extraordinary. and t® prevent its running to excefs. as of divine authodays
!
.
(for in principle they differ not) that
the one was an ufurper over the living. than what Mr. or from whence. and could not have it. and limit
and confine their rights of acting in certain cafes for ever.r
9
]
In England.
rity
:
for that
power
muft. who were not in exiftence to give or with-hold their confent ?
A ^greater abfurdity cannot
ing of man.
tells
prefent
'
itfelf
to the
underftand-
Burke
offers to his readers..
it is
faid that
money cannot be taken out of
:
the
pockets of the people without their confenr
rized. that the offence for which James II. by bringing thofe claufes into public view. by the parliament that expelled him. But Mr.
He
them. but to his country. by appealing to the power of this infallible parliament of former and he produces what it has done. and the other over the
unborn
•. that the rights of man were but imperfectly underftood at the Revolution . that the right which that parliament fet up by ajjiunption (for by delegation it had it not. for certain it is. does Mr. that of fist* ting up power by ajfiimption^ mould be re.
But
who autho-
controul and
and who could authorize the parliament of 1688 to take away the freedom of pofterity. or abfurdities. and he
tells
the world to come. ties. Burke prove the
of any
human power
to bind pofterity for ever |
He
has
produce4
.
which no human power to the end of time can alter. under another fhape and form. Under how many -fubtil* nor ever can. was of the fame tyrannical unfounded kind which James attempted to fet up over the parliament and the nation. Burke has done fome fervice. and for which he was expelled. was expelled.
dy of men.
From
rigljt
what. made a law. It {hews.
They
The
only difference
is.
and
as the
one has no better authority to ftand upon
than the other.
that a certain bo-
. nor ever will.

for whatever appertains to the naIt is the natuie ture of man.
deftroy the
Tney become null* by attempting to become The nature of them piecludes confent. and. and he will continue to die as long as he contiBut Mr. cannot be annihilated by man.
parliament of 1688 might as well have pafTed an aft to have aut«horifed themfelves to live for ever.
It requires
but a very fmall glance of thought to perceive. and therefore cannot be a right of parliament.
. If it ever that fuch a right exifted. Burke's pofitions. he muft therefore prove that his Adam pofleffed fuch a power.
and as government
is
it is
the living only that
That which may be thought right and found
. live for ever
!
The
circumftances of the world are continually changing. and (hew how it exifted. Burke has fet up a fort of political nues to be born. the authorities muft have been given up.
of man to die. he would have proceeded as Mr.
ft
retchis
and the worfe
the policy to ftreuh
unlefs
it
in-
tended to break it. it mult now exift .
The
parliament.
A
repealed continues in force. Burke's
their favour. exifted.
the
lefs will
it
bear to be
it. yet that they continue to law not derive their force from the confent of the Jiving. formality of words. .
The weaker any
ed. Burke has done. and the non-repealing pafles for
eonfent. had faid. in whom all pofterity are bound for ever. They right which they might have. not becaufe it cannot be repealed.C
if*
3
but he muft produce alfo his proofs. that they are a as if thofe who ufed them had addrefTed a congratulation to themfelves. as to make their All therefore that can be faid cf them authority live for ever.
and
the inftant the queftion of right was darted.
on purpofe
to have calltd the right of
them
into queftion
. or fuch
a right. but becaufe it is not repealed . and not for the dead. by grounding it on
Immortal power is not a hua right which they cannot have.
produced his claufes
.Adam. Had a perfon contemplated the overthrow of Mr. He would h^ve magnified the authorities. in the oriental ftile of antiquity. is. man right.
has any right
in
it.
But Mr.
and the opinions of men change alfo for the living.
claufes have not even this qualification in
Immortal.
cord
is
is.
that although laws
made
in
one generation often continue
in
force through fucceeding generations. of as much import.

and which take a
and to be free. and emphatically fays. or the dead ? As almoft one hundred pages of Mr. In fuch cafes." from which Mr. " re" nounced and abdicated for ever. that
all his
voluminous inferI reft
ences and declamation drawn therefrom. that
if
theclaufes themielvts. are all his declamation and his argument. Burke's book has the appearance of being written
struction
the French nation
.
but
if I
may permit myfelf
the ufe of an extravagant metaphor. Burke's book are employed upon thefe claufes.
We
now come more
to
particularly to the affairs of France.
are null and void alfo
:
and on
this
ground
the matter. Who is to decide." by thofe who are now no more.
it
will
confequently follow*. though gay with flowers.
as in-
Mr. and do it only for diftinction's fake) to the National AfTembly on the iithof July 1789. and
in their nature null
and void. as Mr.
While I am writing this.
parchments to prove that the rights of the living are loft. fo far as they fet up an affumed. is the fource fhe wills it. de la Fayette* I take the liberty of adding an anecdote refpecting his fare-
well
. there is accidentally before me fome propofals for a declaration of rights by the Marquis dc la Fayette (I afk his pardon for ufing his former addrefs. and foul-animating fentiments Few and fhort as they are. and do not finifti. fuited to the extravagance of the cafe. and obfeure. Burke draw their Inftead of referring to mufty records and mouldy principles. and I cannot but be (truck how oppofite the fources are from which that Gentleman and Mr. and nothing in the
cient that (he
it .
As
trill
I have introduced the mention of M. it is fufneient that How dry. may be thought wrong and found inconvenient in another. de la Fayette applies to the living world. compared with thefe clear. ufurp~ 4d dominion over pofterity for ever. concife. M.
is
fuffi-
knows
heart. with mufic in the ear.
i
" u
recognized by
all:
— For
new
force
when
they are folemnly
it
a nation to love liberty. it is darknefs attempting to illuminate light. ** Call to mind the fenti" ments which Nature has engraved in the heart of every citi<l
zen. the living. they lead on to a vaft field of generous and manly thinking. barren. are unauthoritative.C
»
3
found convenient in one age. like Mr. Burke's periods. Burke has done. three days before the taking of the Baftille . or founded thereon. Burke labours 5 and how ineffectual.

who would exchange fuch a fcene for the woods and wildernefs of America. that Count Vergennes was an ariftocratical defpot at home. and he was on the point of taking his final departure.. he prefented himfelf 10 Congrefs.
Jap of fenfual
Situated in a country that was like the
and with the means of enjoying it. and the augean ftable
of parafites and plunderers too abominably
filthy to
be cleanfed. as certain other perfons now dread the example of and Mr. and they were become too deeply rooted to be removed. but never could obtain his confent. ferve as a lejfon to the " Qpprefor. or the moft fanguinary tyrant. raifed to Liberty. Burke
fhews that he
is
ignorant of the fprings and principles of the
French revolution. and which occurred frefh to my mind when I faw Mr. he applied to Count Vergennes to have it inferted in The the French Gazette. who was then in France. and pafs the flowery years of youth in unprofitable danger and hardfhip But fuch is the fact. and dreaded the example of the American revolution in France. and continued a vo-
lunteer in her fervice to the end. Burke's tribute of the French revolution in England J:ear (for in this light his book muft be confidered) runs paralpleafure. with more fury.
" We have feen (fays Mr. than any people has been known to rife againft the " moft illegal ufurper."— This is one among a thoufand other inftances. It was not againft Louis the XVIth. in his affectionate farewell. His conduct through the whole of that enterprife is one of the moft extraordinary that hiftory of a young man. to return
more
parti*
cularly to his work. but againft the despotic principles of the government. outrage.— M. and an example to the oppreffedl" When this addrefs came to the hands of Doctor Franklin. fcarcely then is to be found in the
twenty years of age. the revolution he had feen.
But. When the war ended.'de la Fayette went to America at an early period of the war. Burke) the French rebel againit " a mild and lawful Monarch. that the nation revolted. Burked thundering attack on the French Revolution. exprefied himfelf in thefe words " May & this great monument. and contemplating. Thefe principles had not their origin in him.—
[
12
]
well addrefs to the Congrefs of
America in 1 783.
.
how few
are there to be found
!
:
-. and " infill t.
lel
with Count Vergennes' refufal. many centuries back . but in the original eftablifhment. in which Mr. fact was.

It
takes in a too vaft for their views to explore. acted under that hereditary defpo-
were ft ill liable to be revived in the hands of a fucceflbr. and there remained no choice but to The King was act with determined vigour.
revolution. it was
againft the hereditary defpotifm of the eftablifhed government. while there
lies
no charge of defpotifm
againft the former.
That
was then arrived.
tifm. by any thing fhort of a complete and univerfal revolution. contributed nothing
to alter the hereditary defpotifm of the monarchy.[
13
3
•d.
revolution has been carried.
defpotifm has eftablifhed
it is
for
ages in a country. and not againft the perfon or principles of the former. Burke. is not a difcontinuance of its principles. or not attempt
it. that the revolt commenced.
But there are many points of view in which
this revolution
itfelf
may
be confidered.
It
A
Charles
on the virtue and fortitude of the nation. ever poflefTed a heart
fo little
difpofed to the exercife of that fpecies of power as the pre-
itfelf ftill
But the principles of the government remained the fame. and proceeds with a mightinefs of reafon they cannot keep pace with. Burke does not attend to the diftinction between men and principles. the latter. the former depends on the virtue of the individual who is in immediate pofteffion of the power . and James II. and this circumftance was favorable to the enterprife. the whole heart and
foul
crifis
fhould go into the meafurc. of the practice of defpotifm. the revolt was againft the perfonal defpotifm of the men .
are not qualified to judge of this
field
pofterity for ever
like
Mr.
not in the perfon of the
la
King only
that
it
It
has the appearance of being fo
C
. or not to act at all.
Mr. and therefore he does not fee that a revolt may
take place againft the defpotifm of the latter. In the cafe of I. When it becomes neceffary to do a thing.
AU
the
tyrannies of former reigns. and the
fent
King of France. Perhaps no man bred up in
the
ftile
of au abfolute King. of England. The Monarch and the Monarchy were diftinct and feparate things .
When
refides. known to be the friend of the nation. and it was againft the eftablifhed defpotifm of the latter. as in France. whereas in France.
The
natural moderation of Louis
XVI. encafual difcontinuance lightened as (he was then become. was not the refpite of a reign that would fatisfy France.
But men who can confign over the rights of on the authority of a mouldy parchment.

and the ministerial defpotifm operating every-where. proceeding on through an endlefs. but it is not fo in pracIt has its ftandard every where. till at laft the whole of it is acted by deputation. But. there was a rival/hip of defpotifm. in the inftance of ^rance. divides and fubdivides itfelf into a thoufand fhapes and forms.
and in nominal authority . Every place has its Baftille. and tyrannifes under the pretence of obey-
When a man reflects on the condition which France was from the nature of her government. and he became the victim. he will fee ether caufes for revolt than thofe which immediately connect themselves with the perfon or character of Louis XVI. labyrinth of office till the fource of it is fcarceiy perceptible. Burke confiders as a reproach to the French Revolution (that of bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones). though the difpofitions of the men were as remote as tyranny and benevolence. and neither the one nor the other
fure independent of
man as Mr. What Mr. and the church. It ftrengthens itfelf by aflumiug the appearance of duty. have been excited by perfonal hatred. The revolutions that have taken place in other European countries. ion of the King. as Louis XIV.
tice. there is
no mode of
ing. Mr. fpeaks as if France was a village. befides the feudal defpotifm operating locally. Burke exifted. Burke.
redrefs. which had grown up under the hereditary defpotifm
of the monarchy. by conlidering the King as the only poffible object of a revolt. There were. Bui ke might have been in the Baftille his whole life. if
in
I may fo exprefs it. we fee a revolution generated in the rational contemthat fuch a
principles of the
known
v
plation
. and in fact. But Mr.
and againft
this fpe-
of defpotifm. and every Baftille its
The original hereditary defpotifm refident in the per^ defpot. a thoufand defpotifms to be reformed in France. founded upon cuftom and ufage. and no oppreffion could be acted but what he could immediately controul. The rage was againft the man.C
14
j
in fhow.
cies
This was the cafe
in
France. in which every thing that pafFed n uft be known to its commanding officer. The defpotic government were the fame in both reigns. Every office and department has its defpotifm. the parliament. Between the monarchy. and became fo rooted as to be in a great meait. as well under Louis XVI. is one of its higheft honors.

Burke muft compliment every government in the world.C
«5
1
plation of the rights of
man. u cheap defence of natiens. it continually recedes and prefents i'ftf at a diftance a-head and when you have got as far as you can go.
When we
intended
fee a
man
dramatically lamenting in a publication
" The age of chivalry is gone I " that The glory of Europe is extingui/hed for ever ! that The " unb ought grace of life (if any one knows what it is). It is therefore difficult to reply to him. whether fold into flavery. when " Ten years ago (fays he) is contemplating governments. that
. that Mr. are wholly forgotten. Burke venerates . " without enquiring what the nature of that government was. Burke has outrawork upon that of his
readers. through the weaknefs of fympathy. becaufe you proceed along the more. or tortured out of exiftence. Juft thus it is with Mr. Burke ihould recollect that he is writing hiftory. <f I could have felicitated France on her having a government. Burke appears to have no idea of principles. the. there is no point at all.
I know a place in America called Point-no-Point .
tion. he is difqualified to judge between them. I now proceed to other conlidefeel for the rights
rations. Burke's three-hundred and fifty-fix' pages. they are very well calculated for theatrical reprefentation where facts are manufactured for the fake of mow. and not principles. a weeping effect. It is power. and not Plays and that his readers will expect truth. it is in his paradoxes that we muft look for
as
\
his
arguments.'*
he
tional
man?
Is
it
the language of a heart feeling as
it
ought: to
and happinefs of the human race? On this ground Mr. But Mr. the nurfe of manlyfentiment and heto be believed. gay and flowery as Mr Burke's language. But as the points he wifhes to efta'blifh may be inferred from what he abufes. and not the fpouting rant of high-toned exclama*.
As
ged
to the tragic paintings
his
own
imagination.— Thus much for his opinion as to the occasions of the French Revolution.
tc
roic enterprize % is
gone /" and
all
this beeaufe the
Quixote
age
. and accommodated to produce. and under this abominable depravity. while the victims who fuffer under them. and feeks to
by which Mr. *' or how it was Is this the language of a raadminiflered. and diftinguifhiag from the be-
ginning between perfons and principles v
But Mr.

but in. or what regard can we pay to his facts ? In
the rhapfody of his imagination. manner. Burke's horrid paintings. the taking it is mentioned as implying criminality in the French guards who affifled in demollfhing it. the aftoniShnient will be. like the perfon called Lord George Gordon.
It
. and finiSh with exclaiming pat ion's gone f n Notwithstanding Mr. it is unworthy a rational
coniideration. and that with a kind of implication as if he were forry it is pulled down. and tenanted the manSion . and " "We have rebuilt Newgate wifhed it were built up again. and fought a higher conqueft than could be produced by the downfal of an enemy. "They have not (fays he) forgot the taking the king's caftles at Paris. in which the name of the Baftille is mentioned. t( (fays he)." As to what a madman.
valry. with but a decent appearance of refpeft.
fufhxient apology
was a madman that libelled and that is and it afforded an opportunity for confining
—
* Since writing the above. what opinion can we form of his judgment. The mind of the nation was acted upon by a higher Stimulus than what the consideration of perfons could infpire. Among the few who fell there do not appear to be any that were intentionally Singled out. l n tne one > he introduces it in a fort of obfeure queftion. that were the meditated objects of deftruc"t. and his forrows are.
»
.
Mr. the fame. Burke's pamphlet. cordially obey the orders of thofe whom but the other day. cold-blooded.
But
fall. Burke. might fay.—
[
i<5
]
age of chivalry nonfenfe is gone. that there are no Quixotes to
attack them. They all of them had their fate in the circumstances of the moment. unabated revenge which purfued the unfortunate Scotch in the affair of
1745-
Mr.
—
—
•
•
\
. may continue his pa" Othello's occurody to the end. and were not purfued with that long. Burke's book I do not obferve mentioned more than once. who pretends to write on cpnft^tt* tioial freedom. and not perfons. and we have prifons
the whole of
is
Through
that the Baftille
"
€f
alrnoft as Strong as the Baftille for thofe
who
dare to
libel
the
Queens of France*.ion. and to whom Newgate is rather a bedlam than a prifon. when the French Revolution is compared with that of ether countries."—-This is Mr. like that of chi-
Should
and they had originally fome connection. he has difcovered a world of wind mills. two other places occur in Mr. in bis name> they had committed to the Baftille?" In the other. the trumpeter of the Order. and aiks " Will any minifters who now ferve fuch a king.
but this aftonifhment will ceafe
when we
reflect that
it
was principles . Burke.
if
the age of ariftocracy. that it is marked with fa few facrifices
.

has he beftowed on thofe who lingered out the moft wretched of lives. But
we
are to confider
it
as the
ftrength of the
parties. a life without hope. He is not affected by the reality of diftrefs touching upon his heart.
At
a
diftance. the whole reprefentative authority of France . and in the grofTeft ftile of the moft vulgar abufe. that I can find throughout his book. not one commiferating reflection. Aiding into death in the filence of a dungeon. Accuftomed to kifs the ariftocratical hand that hath purloined him from himfelf. Burke is forry. the power of the Pope. whatever other people may do. but by the fhowy refemblance of it ftriking his imagination. and not the real pri-
muft be
a tragedy-victim expiring in
soner of mifery. Burke than he is to her.
I
will give. It is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt himfelf. in the moft unprovoked manner. Burke. and contending for the hTue»
The
Baftille
brought was
to
.
fian to man.
His hero or his heroin*
fhow. it is difficult not to believe that Mr.
appeared only as an act of heroifm. in the moft miferable of prifons. when confidered with the treacherous and hoftile aggravations of the enemies of the Revolution.
ceive the poffibility of
this tranfaction has
its
quieting
fo
foon.
i
From
his violence
nuine foul of nature forfakes him. and
Burke takes his feat in the Britifh Houfe of Commons and his grief. Burke
Baftille
has patted over the whole tranfaction of the
is
(and his filence
nothing in his favour). and the Baftille. They will ferve to fhew. has libelled. The mind can hardly picture to itfelf a more tremendous fcene then what the city of Paris exhibited at the time of taking the Baftille. are pulled down.t
fining
'7
J
him. but forgets the dying bird. who does not call himfelf a madman. winch was the thing that was wimed for: But certain it is that Mr. that lefs mifchief could fcarcely have accompanied fuch an event. he degenerates into a competition of art and the geyet tyr. and has en-
tertained his readers with reflections
on fuppofed
fince
facts diftor-
he has not. nor conted into
real falfehoods. (landing on itfelf 5 and the clofe political connection it had with the Revolution is loft in the brilliancy of the achievement. extremely forry. his filence on fome points and his excefs on others. Nature has been kinder to Mr. fome account of the circumftances which preceded that tranfaction. and for two days before and after. Not one glance of companion. that arbitrary power. He pities the plumage.
As Mr.

and they knew it. all
hopes and profpects of forming a free government. irien can be fuppofed to act in. as defcribed to me in a troops.
The National AfTembly. were inftantly difmifTed. was fitting at Verfailies.
and
commu-
nication between that city and the National AfTembly at Verfailies. and to his fhare was given the command of thofe The character of this man. letter which I communicated to Mr. and from an authority which Mr. as well as of freedom.
The
troops deftined for this fervice
were
chiefly the
this
foreign troops in the pay of France. it was
The miniftry who judged time to put the plan into execution.
fake of humanity. Burke well knows was good.
it
was necefTary to collect
to cut off the
large military force
round
Paris. were
who. Burke before he began to write his book. They had the hearts and wifhes of their country on their fide. The guards of Broglio furrounded the hall where the AfTembly
—
fat. for
parti-
drawn from the
diftant provinces
where
When they were collected. amount of between twenty five and thirty thoufand. and who were friendly to the Revolution. by a coup de main. twelve miles diftant from
About
a
week before
it
the riling of the Parifians. were then in office. was that of "an high flying ariftocrat. among whom was Count de Broglio.
j
in order to carry
a"
it
into execution. when they are fuccefsful againft what they call a revolt.
Paris. and capable of every mifchief. feising its members.[
is
]
to be either the
prize or
the prifon of the afTailants." While thefe matters were agitating. the National AfTembly flood in the mod perilous and critical fituation that a body of They were the devoted victim's. to the they were then ftationed.
was discovered that a plot was for-
ming. the King's youngeft brother. Thisplan mufthavebeen forne time in contemplation bccWfe
not fucceed. and thereby crufhing.
it
For the
is
well this plan did
fully vindictive
Examples are not wanting to fhew how dreadand cruel are all old governments.
. but military authority they had none. " cool.
before and at the
time of taking
the Baftille. for demoliihing the National AfTembly.
and
their taking the Baftille.
The
downfalof tt included the idea of the dewnfal of Defpotifm 5 and this compounded image was become as figuratively united as Bunyan's Doubting Caftle and giant defpair. and a new miniftry formed of thofe who had concerted the project . at the head of which was the Count d'Artois. and
cular purpofe.

The
reader will carry in his
mind j
.
ready. the caufe they were engaged in. (M. and bolder fortitude. Every thing now was drawing to a crifis. and the crifis then
ged. was necefTary . that if the National Afla
ward by M. On one fide.
The Archbifhop of Vienne was
the National AfTembly
. an army of nearly thirty thoufond men on the other.
ready to burft which mould determine their perfonal and poliand that of their country. but their numbers were fmall.
Fayette. and their officers were
. reafon for bringing it forward at this moment. were as unarmed and as undifciplined as the citizens of London are now. not a tenth part of the force that Broglio commanded.
none but
a heart callous with
prejuitfelf
or corrupted by dependance. de
page 15.
Had
the National AfTembly deferted their truft. and the
tical fate. The French guardshad given flrong fymptoms of their being attached to the national ca ife . can avoid interefting
at this
in their fuccefs. or a few hours.
in the intereft
of Broglio. The event was freedom or flavery.C
fat.
'9
J
to feize their perfons.
in
It
was
haflily
fembly mould
fall in
the threatened definition that then fur-
rounded it. or had they exhibit-
ed figns of weaknefs or fear. and this
It
the only inftance of a vice-preiident
being chofen. the
new
miniffry
made
their appearance ia office.
Matters being
now
ripe for execution. and probably of Europe. A man of more activity. at the
word of command.
as
had bee
done the year before
to the parliament in Paris.
for the prefidency
is
frill
refided in the archbifhop)
M»
de
la
Fayette.
a perfon too old to
time president of undergo the fcene
that a few days. fome traces of its principles might have the chance of furviving the wreck. on whom the National AfTembly mud then immediately depend.
—
. for the citizens of Paris. and the National AfTembly chofe (under the form of a vice-prefident. might bring forth. an unarmed body of citizens .
dice.
are taken into one view. de la Fayette has fince informed me) was. agreed upon and The particular adopted afterwards by the National AfTembly. their enemies had been encouracountry deprefTedWhen the fituation they flood in.
was
at the
moment
that this
dorm was pend-
ing (July 11) that a declaration of rights was brought for-
and is the fame which is alluded to drawn up> and makes only a part of a more extenfive declaration of rights.

Immediately on the news of the change of miniftry reaching Paris in the afternoon. Approached by the Place of Lewis XV. party of the French guards. and a cry of T§ arms ! fpread itfelf in a moment over the city. and with thefe the people attacked the cavalry. In his march. being narrow. they had no idea that Liberty was capable of fuch infpiration. pikes. were large piles of (tones collected for building the new bridge. he infulted and (truck an old man with his fword. The French are remarkable for their refpeft to old age. from which great annoyance might be given.
iron crows. when every hope is at ftake.
&c. and the night was fpent in providing themfelvcs with every fort of weapon they could make or procure Guns. fwords. ment of this day was employed in collecting arms. The foreign troops began to advance towards the city. which connects itfelf with fome of the ftreets. clubs. upon hearing the firing.
it
appeared to be done. blackfmiths hammers.
they were
arms
:
A
The
fence
. The change of miniftry was confidcred as the prelude of hoftilities. &c. pitchforks. next morning. fupplies. and the ftill more incredible refolution they exhiLittle did bited. or that a body of unarmed citizens would dare to Every moface the military force of thirty thoufand men. for a while.
numbers with which they aiTembled the.[
20
]
was taken the 14th of July: the is the rath. the want of arms. concerting plans. halberts. embarraffed and aftonifhed their enemies. carpenters ax:
es. Accuftomed to flavery the new miniftry expect fuch a falute. The Prince de Lambefc. and the infolence with which
mind. confifting of many ftories. fecured them againft nocturnal enterprifes . that the
Baftille
i
point of time
lam now
fpeaking to. and arranging themfelves into the beft order which fuch an inftantaneous movement could afford* Broglio continued
incredible
The
lying
. nor fcarcely any who knew the ufe of them butdefperatc refolution. were fhut up. uniting with the general fermentation
/ to
in. produced a powerful effect. who commanded a body of German cavalry. themfelves. Arms they had none. Near where the Prince de Lambefc was drawn up.
fpits. and the opinion was rightly founded. are favourable for de-
and the loftinefs of the houfes. all the play-houfes and places of entertainment. rulhed from their quarters and joined the people ^ and night coming on the cavalry retreated. (hops and houfes.
ftreets
of Paris.

It was therefore neceiTary to attack it that day but before this could be done.
of the attack.
it
By
forne intercepted correfpon-
was difcovered.
eclat of carrying fuch a fortrefs in the face
was the Baftille and the of fuch an army. and armed with all forts of weapons. they marched to attack the Baftille .
to meet. were to the
citizens
All was myftery and hazard. that the Mayor of Pa-
to be in their intereft. and as the place was not defeniible. and of the anxiety for the events which a few hours or a few minutes might produce*^ What plans the miniftry was forming. it was fjrft necefTary to procure a better fupply of arms than they were then pofTefTed of.f
2!
]
lying round the city. and of all degrees. a large magazine of arms depofited at the Hofpital of the invalids.
. in addition to
being the high altar
D
and
.
I
is
an event
fully pofTefTed of. as what the citizens were doing was unknown to them . Thus fupplied. the city. there remained no doubt that Broglio would reinforce the Baftille the enfuing evening. a vafl mixed multitude of all ages.
fpire.
But defence only was not the object of the citizens. and in fuch a fituation. and which fell with the
Theprifon
to
which the new miniftry were dooming
its
the National AfTembly.
The
object that
now
prefented
itfelf.
*. There was adjoining to the city. which the citizens fummonfed to furrender . were as unknown to the people within. on which depended their freedom or
their fLivery. they foon fucceeded. but bringing into view the confpiracy which provoked it. and what movements Broglio might make
DefliefTelles.
this
had time morning. or to hear of one made on the National AfTembly .
for the fupport
equally as well
or relief of the place.
who appeared
betraying them
•.
am
not undertaking a
detail
againft the nation
Baftille. the mod prompt meafures are fometimes the beft. fuch only as the higheft animation of liberty could in-
unknown. and the fucceeding night paffed with as much tranquillity as inch a fcene could poffibly produce.
M. Imagination would fail in defcribing to itfelf the appearance of fuch a proceffion.
could not
fail
to ftrike a terror into the
new
miniftry. nor attempted much defence. They every moment expected an attack.
and carried which the world is
in
the fpace of a few hours.
who had
fcarcely yet
dence
ris. They had a caufe at flake. was and from this difcovery. but made no further advances tins day. That the Baftille was attacked with an enthuflafm of heroifm.

No plot was formed againft them: it were they who were plotting and thofe who fell. the puagainft others nifhment they were preparing to execute. by a miracle
to be expected that nothing will
of exertion. no inte*
fibility. The troops of Broglio ciifperfed.
contrived with
the fubtlety of an
am-
bufcade. Burke
and the
liberties
all
of the nation
. not unjuftly.
Mr. is the calmnefs of philofophy. to
yet
the
greateft
that which himfelf Jias
reft at ftake.
palled over
the circurnftances that might throw
*.
now
to fly
and that he might not. But will Mr. They were themfelves the devoted victims of this plot. and menaced with the profpect new ones. Burke had no provocation. yet Mr.
who was
detected in the act of betraying
. but lit has never once fpoken of this plot againft the National AfTembly. the fuccefsful party would
have re-
'
ftrained their wrath fo foon ? Let the hiftory of all old governments anfwer the queftion. but cheriihed through a fpace of ten months. and in. from the deft ruction meditated againft them. Burke exclaims againft outrage His committed. met.[
21
]
and
with. who had accepted the office of intendant Their heads were ftuck upon fpikes. one of the new miniftry. became the proper object to begia
This enterprife broke up the new miniftry. book is a volume of outrage. and delivering themfelves.forth of a whole people. and they have not retaliated . is it happen ? When men are fore
of
with the fenfe of opprefiions. and Bertheir his fon-in-law. Mr. and carried of Paris. had fucceeded. tempers and characters are confounded. in which all degrees.
cattle
of defpotifm. if this plot. or the palfy of infenbe looked for
is ?
.
:
but four or
perfons were feized by the populace. Burke has fpoken a great deal about plots.
fay. and from whom he has had hfo leffon. he has it in his way.
More
citizens fell
five
in this ftruggle than
of their opponents
Baftille. and afterwards Foulon. not apologized for by the impulfe of a moment.
and the them . why then are they charged with revenge they have not acted? In the tremendous breaking.
that. who began from the ruin th'ey had prepared for others. and himfelrfled alfo. The exrlto who have fled from France. whofe cafe he i'o much interefts himfelf in. about
iiantly put to death
the
Governor of the
Mayor of
Paris. no life. "Whom has the National AfTembly brought to the fcaffold f None. fled in confequence of the mifcarriage of this plot.

cles cite
Who
does not remember the execution of
Daml-
torn to pieces by horces?
The
effect
of thofe cruel fpecta-
exhibited to the populace. which they communicated to the King and
effect. and held up to the view of the populace.
Mr.
theft fanguinary
punifliments which
barbarous.
Lee
therefore examine
how men came by
the idea of punilhing in
manner.
and teach governments hucorrupt mankind. and
it
is
is
on them that
it
operates to the
oband they inflict in their turn the examples of terror they have been inftructed to practife. done by the Englifh government.
inftrucls
or hardens their hearts-. and of this clafs were thofe who carried the heads upon fpikes in Paris. but
it
iignifies
much
to the living:
it
either tortures
it
their feelings. they become precedents. There are in all European countries. that it fignifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he
is
dead. In England. and by the bafe and falfe idea of governing men
is
by terror.C
23
this
1
about the
city
. and in either cafe. the punifliments were not iefs
L. to undergo their examination at the Hotel de Viile for the National Affembly.
It
is
manity. or exrevenge. the heart of the fufferer is cut out.iy then the axe to the root. Burke
this
builds a great part of his tragic fcenes. differed nothing in the horror of the fcene
retaliate the
They
from thole carried about upon fpikes at Paris: yet this was It may perhaps be faid.
worrl
They have
fenfe
enough
to feel they are the
jects
aimed
at. and fent to Paris.
Cabinet. immediately on the new miniftry coming into office.
and
it is
upon
mode of punifhment
that
us. In France under the former government. It over the loweft clafs of mankind that government by terror
intended to operate. and it from the punifhments they have been accuftomed to behold.
.
to punifh
them how
when power
falls
into
their
hands. paffed a decree. which remained for years upon Temple bar.. The Jieads ftuck upon fpikes. is by banging drawing and quartering .
learn
*
governments they live under. the puniihment in certain cafes. a large clafs of people of that defcription which in England are called the '* mob" Of this clafs were thofe who committed the burnings and devaluations in London in 1780. is to deflroy tendernefs.
en. inftead of reafon. Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country.that they
(the National
Affembly) would hold the
minifsry
.

as muclras Thefe outrages were any one thing he could have alTerted. of
. incenfed at the appearance of Foulon and Berthier. with greater In the comglare. is by diftortedly exalting fome men. if they do not eftablifh the certainty of what I here lay down ? Admitting them to be true.
the honour of the National AfFembly. Never were more pains taken to inftruct and enlighten mankind. to bring forward. and take the reproach of them to your
own
fide. beyond the controul of all authority.
give
to
Mr. and which Place them then to the Revolution is calculated to reform. and to make them fee that their intehave been
able. or thofe in Ireland on all his country. their proper caufe. much. vaft mafs of mankind are degradediy thrown into the background of the human picture. reflection feels an anfwer. and executed them on the fpot.
derogatory to the
human
character.
to reftrain fo
reft
. and
miniltry. Burke
his
theatrical
exaggerations for
facts. or the ignorant
rous
in all old countries
The
inftant
queftion. they fhew the neceffity of the French Revolution.i
m
]
which Foulon was one. refponfible for the mcafures they were advifing and purfuing but the mob. England included with the reft. out of the
ill
conftruction of
the old
It governments in Europe. Why then does Mr.
them have fome claim
that fuch vaft
clafTes
Even the beings who commit our conflderatiom How then is it of mankind as are diftinguifhed by the
to
?
appellation of the vulgar.
mob. But every thing we fee or hear offenfive to our feelings. but of the degraded mind that exifted before the Revolution. and the city of Paris. and have yet
A
to be inltructed
I
how
to reverence
all
it. tore them from their conductors before they were carried to the Hotel de Ville. till the whole is out of nature. mencement of a Revolution. are £0 numewe afk ourfelves this They arife. fliould lead to other reflec-
tions than thofe of reproach. that they
It is to
by the influence of example and exhortation. the puppet-fhow of urate and ariftocracy. that others are diftortedly debafed.
not the
effect of the principles of the Revolution. that during fuch a tremendous fcene of arms and confufion. Burke charge outrages of this kind 01 a whole people ? As well may he charge the riots and outrages of 1780 on all the people of London. thofe men are rather the followers of the camp than of the Jlandard of liberty. as an unavoiall
dable confequence.
and I then a& him.

and even parties directly oppofite in principle. and it is from
as caufes are
known
to be
:
true
is
conjecture even in Paris
thofe plot? that
all
the mifchiefs have arifen. and a difpoiltion to mifinterpret each other. by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting fome facts.
If the crimes of men one of the arts of the drama to do fo.[
reft confifted
25
3
in their virtue. and not in their revenge. October 5th and 6th. (the expedition to Verfailles ) it ftill remains enveloped in all that kind of myftery which ever accompanies events produced more from a concurrence of awkward cirWhile the characters of cumftances.
He
begins this account by
omitting the only facts
which
thefe
every thing beyond j and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own pailions and prejudices. and he muft. I think. that considerable uneafinefs was at this time excited at Paris.
failles.— I novr proceed to make forae remarks on Mr. that he never fpeaks of plots againji the Revolution . have considered it in the fame light himfelf. Burke's book in Scarcely any other light than a dramatic performance . I cannot contider Mr. will fometimes concur in pulhing forward the fame movement with very different views. there is a reciprocal fufpicion. Burke's account of the expedition to Verfailles. by the delay of the King in not Sanctioning and forwarding the decrees of the National Affemblv. and with the hopes of its producing vegreat deal of this may be disry different confequences. particularly that of the Declaration of the rights of Mail) and the decrees of the fourth of Auguft> which contained the foundation principles on which the conftitution was
A
. After all the inveftigations that have been made into this intricate affair. diftorting others. were exhibited with tfeeir fufferings. the ftage effect would fometimes be loft. men are forming.
It fuits his
purIt is
pofe to exhibit the confequences without their caufes. The only things certainly known. and yet the iffue of the whole was what nobody had in view. are. thaa what have been difplayed in the Revolution of France. and making the whole machinery bend to produce a ftage efOf this kind is his account of the expedition to Verfect. and the audience would be inclined to approve where it was intended they fhould commiferate. than from fixed defign. Burke's book. It is to be obferved throughout Mr. as is always the cafe in revolutions. covered in this embarraffed affair.

that on the mor" ning of the 6th of Oct. on t fignal given. alarmed and enraged the Parifians. the enemies of the revolution derived hopes from the delay.
termined to
call the
Garde du Corps
There was
certainly nothing of the cowardice
of ailaffination in march-
ing in the face of day to
demand
fatisfaction. the
Garde du Corps tore the National cockade from their hats.
is
of refpite. gave an entertainment at Veras
I. and if men will give challenges. of perfons connected with the Court. as if the
By
object
of the expedition was againlt them. difmay. unea-
During
this
ftate
of fufpence."
"
This
it.
to indulge
nature in a few hours
repofe. It was like declaring war . and
the caufe
itfelf. " Hiflory will record.
might well be exThe colours of
were become too united to and the Parifians were deto an account. the Garde du Corps. had
of thofe
not been
in-
for the moderating prudence
volves in his cenfures.
as
pected. mounted to defiance.
The
matter
kindeft. 1789. the King and Queen of France ct after a day of confulion.
keeping the Garde du Corps out Mr. Burke
of light.
before they were finally fanctioned andfent to the
provinces
but be
finefs.
is. to return to
my
ac-
This conduct of the Garde du Corps. lay
this
" down under
<c
the pledged fecurity of public faith. and replaced it with a counter cockAn indignity of this kind aade prepared for the purpofe. and flaughter.
the caufe. if
fuch a phrafe
voluntarily
may
be ufed.
much
when
regiments generally are. of putting the King and Queen
count. which
was compofed.) to
fuch
failles (Oct.
miftaken. they muft expect conlequencesBut all
Mr. and
the entertainment was at the height.
One would
at
think there had been a battle
it
and a
battle there
probably would have been.
. Burke has carefully kept tfut of light.
whom
Mr. nor the
every thing to be
leaft
intention of
It leaves
gueffed
at.-— But.
may.
and
.—
C
26
]
was" to be erected.
jecture
to
upon
this
and perhaps the faireft conthat fome of the minilrers intended
make remarks and
this as
it
obfervations
upon
certain parts of
them. of a body of armed
men who had
given
. and troubled melancholy neither the fober ftile of hi (lory. Burke has afforded himfelfthe dramatic licence
his
in their places.
rniftake the intention of the infult. alarm. trampled it under foot.
fome foreign regiments then arrived. and the friends of the revolution. He begins his account by faying.

E

*7

3

But the circumftance which ferves to throvr. this affair into embarraffmcnt is, that the enemies of the revolution appear to have encouraged it, as well as its friends. The one hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it, in time, and the other to make one. The hopes of thofe oppofed to the revolution, refted in making the King of their party, and getting him from Verfailles to Metz, where they expected to We have therefore, collect a force, and fet up a ftandard. two different objects prefenting themfelves at the fame time, and to be accomplished by the fame means the one, to chafwhich was the object of the Parifians i tife the Garde du Corps
given defiance.
:

',

the other, to render the confufion of fuch a fcene an induce-

ment

to the

King

to fet off for

Metz.

numerous body of women, and men in the difguife of women, collected round the Hotel de Ville or town-hall at Paris, and fet off for Verfailles. Their profeffed object was -the Garde du Corps but prudent men readily recollect that mifchief is eafler begun than ended , and this impreffed itfelf with the more force, from the fufpicions already ftated, and the irregularity of fuch a cavalcade. .As foon therefore as a fufficient force could be collected, M. de la Fayette, by orders from the civil authority of Paris, fet off after them at the head of twenty thoufand of the Paris Hiilitia. The revolution could derive no benefit from confufiBy an amiable and fpirited manon, and its oppofers might. ner of addrefs, he had hitherto been fortunate in calming disquietudes, and in this he was extraordinarily fuccefsful ; to fruftrate, therefore, the hopes of thofe who might feek to improve this fcene into a fort of justifiable neceflity for the King's quitting Verfailles and withdrawing to Metz, and to prevent at the fame time, the confequences that might enfue between the Garde du Corps and this phalanx of men and women, he forwarded expreffes to the King, that he was on his march to Verfailles, at the orders of the civil authority of Paris, for the purpofe of peace and protection, expreffing at the fame time, the neceflity of retraining the Garde du Corps from
the 5th of October,
a. very
;

On

firing

upon

the people*.

He arriveed at Verfailles between ten and eleven at night. The Garde du Corps was drawn up, and the people had arrived
*
I

with

am warranted in afierting this, as T had it perfonally from M. whom I have lived in habits, of friendfhip for fourteen years.

de

la Fayette,

fomc

r

28
thing

3

fomc time before, but every

had remained fufpended.

Wifdom and
into a

now confifted in changing a fcene of danger M. de la Fayette became the mediator happy event.
policy

between the enraged parties; and the King, to remove the uneatinefs which had arifen from the delay already ft.ued, fent for the Prefident or the National AfTembly, and figned the Declaration of the rights of Man> and fuch other parts of the conflitution as were in readinefs. Every thing appearIt was now about one in the morning. ed to be compofed, and a general congratulation took place. At the beat of drum a proclamation was made, that the citito their

zens of Verfailles would give the hofpitality of their houfes Thofe who could not be fellow-citizens of Paris.

accommodated in this manner, remained in the flreets, or took up their quarters in the churches ; and at two o'clock the King and Queen retired. In this frate matters paffed till the break of day, when a
frefh difturbance

arofe

from the cenfurable conduct of fome

of both
fcenes-

all fuch of the Garde du Corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace, and the people who had remained during the night in the ftreets accofted him with reviling and

parties,

for fuch characters there will be in

One

Inftead of retiring, as in fuch a cafe provocative language. prudence would have dictated, he prefented his mufket, £red, and killed one of the Paris militia. The peace being thus

broken, the people rufhed into the palace
fender.

in queft

of the of-

They

attacked the quarters of the Garde du Corps

within the palace, and purfued them throughout the avenues of On this tumult, not it, and to the apartments of the King.
the

Queen

only, as

Mr. Burke has reprefented

it,
;

but every

and M. de perfon in the palace, was awakened and alarmed la Payette had a fecond time to interpofe between the parties,
the event of which was, that the Garde du Corps put on the national cockade, and the matter ended as by oblivion, after
the lofs of two or three lives. During the latter part of the time in which this confufion

was acting, the King and Queen were in public at the balcony, and neither of them concealed for fafety's fake, as Mr. Burke Matters being thus appeafed, and tranquillity reinfinuates. ftored, a general acclamation broke forth, of Le Roi a Paris Le Rei a Paris The King to Paris. It was the fhout of

—

—

peace,

[

29

] the* part

peace,

and immediately
meafure,
all

accepted on

of the King.

By
to

this

future projects of trepanning the King

ftitution,

Metz, and letting up the ftandard of oppoiition to the conwere prevented, and the fufpicions extiriguifhed.

his family reached Paris in the evening, and were congratulated on their arrival hy M. Bailley the Mayor of Mr. Burke, who throughParis, in the name of the citizens. out his book confounds things, perfons, and principles, has in his remarks on M. Baiiley's addrefs, confounded time alfo. He cenfures M. Baiiley for calling it, " im toujour" a good

The King and

•

Mr. Burke fhould have informed himfelf, that this up the fpace of two days, the day on which it began with every appearance of danger and mifchief, and the day on which it terminated without the mifchiefs that threatened and that it is to this peaceful termination that M. Bailley alludes, and to the arrival of the King at Paris. Not lefs than three hundred thoufand perfons arranged themfelves in the proceflion from Verfailles to Paris, and not an act of moleftation was committed during the whole march. Mr. Burke, on the authority of M. Lally Tollendal, a defer; er from the National AfTembly, fays, that on entering
day.
fcgqe took
;

Paris,

the people ihouted, cc Tons les eveques a la lanterne" All bifhops to be hanged at the lantborn or lamp-pofts.— It is
that

furprifing

nobody fhould hear

this

but Lally Tollendal,

and that nobody fhould believe it but Mr. Burke. It has not the leaft connection with any part of the tranfaclion, and is totally foreign to every circumftance of it. The bifhops have never been introduced before into any fcene of Mr. Burke's drama: Why then are they, all at once, and altogether, tout a coup et tous enfemble> introduced now ? Mr. Burke brings forward his bifhops and his lanthorn like figures in a magic
lanthorn, and raifes his fcenes by contraft inftead of connecit ferves to fhew, with the reft of his book, what ought to be given, where even probability is fet at defiance, for the purpofe of defaming ; and with this reflection, inftead of a foliloquy in praife of chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I clofe the account of the expedition to Verfailles*'. I have now to follow Mr. Burke through a pathlefs wildernefs of rhapfodies, and a fort of defcant upon governments, in

'

tion.

But

little

credit

E
*

which

account of the expedition to Verfailles may be feen in N°. 13. of the Rmoluti* *n de Farh, containing the events from the 3d to the icth of O&ober 1789.

An

muft be
eftablifhed. we {hall find a direct contrary
opinion and practice prevailing. and how came man by them originally? The error of thofe who reafon by precedents drawn from antiquity. Burke.C
30
3
which he
its
whatever he pleafcs. or denied. and thofe ancients had others.
to the time
when man came
Man
him. it ours than to make a proper ufe of the errors or the improvements which the hiftory of it prefents. a
if
antiquity
is
to be authori-
thoufand fuch authorities may be produced. aud produce what was then done as a rule for the prefent day. and a higher cannot be given
of man.
certain
Before any thing can be reafoned tipon to a conclusion. for who is there in the world but man? But if Mr.
the people
who
are to live an
us. admitted. vel ftill farther into antiquity. facts. with his ufual outrage. without offering either evidence or reafons
aflcrts
for fo doing.
hundred or
a thoufand years hence. They flop in fome of the intermediate ftages of an hundred or a thoufand years. If we traThis is no authority at all."— -Does Mr. and
in
at
What
But of
are
fpeak hereafter. abufes the Declaration of the rights of Man. is.
now got As to
at the origin
the
manner
governed from that day to this.
may
as well
for a precedents as
we make
a precedent of thofe
who
lived
. Thofe who lived a hun-> dred or a thoufand years ago. publifhed by the National Aflembly of France as the bads on which the
conftitution of France is built/ This he blurred (beets of paper about the rights of
calls
" paltry and
man. then he muft mean that there are no fuch things as rights any where. we fhall at laft
come out right. what are thofe rights. If the mere name
of antiquity
take
is
which the world has been is no farther any concern of
to
govern
in the affairs
of
life.
the origin of
We
his rights. and that he has none himfelf.
Burke mean to deny that man has any rights? If he does. They had their ancients. the queftion then will be. principles. and
ty. we (hall come from the hand of his Maker. on the preemption of being believed. reflecting the rights of man. that they do not go far enough into antiquity. They do not go the whole way. and we alfo mail be ancients in our turn.
was
his
high and only
titles I fhall
title. or data. were then moderns as we are now.
was he then ? Man. to reafon from. Mr. Burke means to admit that man has rights. fuceffively contradicting each other: but if we proceed on.

and confequently that all men are born equal.
his natural right in
it is
of the
fame kind.
Though
religion.
that
portions of antiquity. Every hiftory of the creation.
equal in rights to the generations which preceded
by the fame rule that every individual is born equal in rights with his cotemporary.
Becauie there have been an upftart of governments. in the fame manner as if posterity had been continued by crewhich
ation inftead of generation. not fet any up.
not only to the living
fucceeding each other. and our reafon finds
Here our a home.C
31
3
lived an
hundred or
a thoufand years ago. and prefumptuoufly
working
to
unmake
man.
ing the
any generation of men ever pofTefTed the right of dictatmode by which the world fhouldbe governed for ever. Why then not trace I will anfwer of man ?
the rights
of
the
queftion. and every traditionary account.
I
yet
mean not to touch upon any fedlarian principle of it may be worth obferving.
(for
it
has
its
origin
from
the
Maker of man)
is
relates.
The
. thrufting
tbemfelves between. it was the firft generation that exifted . the latter being
which the former
exiftence
to the
is
carried forward
.
enquiries find a refting-piace. eveits
ry child born into the world muft be confidered as deriving
from God.
It is
authority agaiuft authority
all
the way.
but to generations of
neration
men
Every geit.
only the mode by and confequently. the unity of
man
. that the genealogy of
Chrift
is
traced to
man
to the creation
Adam. and it is to the fame fource
of authority that we muft
now
refer. If
man had
arofe at the diftance of
an hundred years from the creation. by proving every thing.
The world
and
is
as
new
to
him
as
it
was
firft
man
that exifted. The illuminating and divine
If
principle of the equal rights of
man.
The
till
fact: is. whether from the lettered or unlettered world. and if that generation did not do it.
individuals. it is to this fource of authority they muft have referred. eftablifh nothing. however they
lars.
we come
to the
divine origin of the rights of
a difpute about the rights of
man
at the creation.
by
mean that man is all of one degree. and with equal natural rights. no fucceeding generation can fhew any authority for doing it.
all I
may vary
in their
opinion or belief of certain
particu-
agree in eftablifhing one point.

on the unity of man. or merely hiftOrical. that
the religions
known
in
the
world are founded. Burke has forgot to put in ** chivalry" He has alfo forgot to
put
in Peter. that he becomes
dilTolute. io far as they relate to man. and with refpect to his
neighbour. His duty io God. Whether in heaven or in hell. or. and it is
not
among
the leaft of the evils of the prefent exifting govern-
ments
cial
in all parts
throwmback
chafm
to a vail dlftance
of Europe.
is
The duty of man
not a wildernefs of turnpike gates. and
fhews
doct-
that the equality of
rine. he fays--** We fear God---we look with awe to kings. fo far from being upon record. to ufe a more fafliionable
phrafe. that man. as being all of one degree.
It is
whether to his part. and the artifia fuccefrlon
filied
up by
of barriers* or a fort of
I
turnpike gates. It is plain and Simple. Nay. of which he is a only when he forgets his origin. and not in
perfons. whether taken
is
vine authority. and with refpecl to nobility. or in whatever irate man may be fuppofed to exift hereafter. is from his Maker. the good and the bad are the only diftinctions. of governments are obliged to Aide into this principle. by making degrees to confift in crimes. Burke's catalogue of barriers that he has fet up between man and his Maker.
It is
vantage to cultivate.
Creator.
it
places
him
in a clofe
connection with
ail
his
duties.
mage. through which he has to pafs. and of the higheit adBy coniidering man in this light."
it
man in our own iGod created he him.
'*
'*
" And God
faid. even the laws.
will
quote
Mr.
a
If this be
not
divine authority. " with affection to parliaments— with duty to magistrates-— ** with reverence to priefts. his birth andfa-mily.
is
the oldeft
man.
the unity or equality of man-
fully
up
to
rhis
point. or to the creation. confidered as man.
one of the greateft of all truths.
In the image of
male created he them.
is
at
lead historical
authority. and
in
by indrucling him to confider hinafelf
this
light. Putting himferf in the character of a herald.
through which he is to pafs by tickets from one to the other." Mr.C
3*
3
as di-
The Mofaic account
of the
creation. which every man muft feel .
The
exprefiions admit of no con-
troverfy. and coniifts but of two points.
. male and feThe diftinclion or fexes is pointed
Let us make
is
out. but no other diitinetion
even implied.
all
modern
It is alfo to
be obferved.

reliperfect in
gion
one of thofe
are
all
The
natural rights which are not
is
retained. which appertain to man in right of
are
all
Natural rights are
his exiftence. by natural right. but His natural rights are the to have thofe rights better fecured* foundation of all his civil rights. But in order to purfue this
dlfiinction with
more
preciilon. are
:
all
the
intellectual rights. and alfb
all thofe rights of acting as an individual for his own comfort and happinefs.
thofe in which. is concerned. though the right
the individual. and
to
fhew
how
the one originates out of the
other.
or rights of the mind.
the rational world can
whom no power know
nothing of them. they will be refpected
if
not.
A few words will explain this. to do
as
he would be done by.
before mentioned. has a right and fo far as the right of the mind . Of this kind are all thofe which relate to fecurity and protection*
From
this fhort review.
it
will be
necefTary to
mark
thofe
the different qualities of natural and
civil rights. The natural rights which he
power
to execute
is
are
all
thofe in which
the
as perfect in the individual as the right
as
is
itfelf.
Hitherto we have fpoken only (and that but in part) of the
natural rights of man.
Among
is
this clafs.
They
man. but to which his individual power is not. he never furrenders it But what availeth it him to judge. they
will be defpiied:
and with regard
to thofe to
delegated.
a
which man retains after entering and thofe which he throws into common frock as
retains.
Man
did not enter into fociety to
become
ivorfe
than
he wis before.
confequently. to judge in his own caufe
:
A
j
jirsn
.
If thofe to
. the
power
to execute
them
is
defective.C
33
]
neighbour.— Civil rights are thofe which appertain to man in Every civil right has right of his being a member of fociety. which are not injurious to the natural rights of others.
member of fociety. for its foundation fome natural right pre exifting in the individual. and takes the llts
anfwer not his purpofe.
Of
this
kind
the intellectual rights. if he has not power to redrefs ? He therefore depothis right in the common ftock of fociety.
it
will be eafy to diftinguiih
between
that clafs of natural rights
into fociety.
rights of
We
have
now
to
confider the civil
man. fufficiently competent. but
who
afifume
it. in all cafes.
or rights of the mind
rights. nor to have lefs rights than he had before.
whom
power
is
is
delegated do well.

and on which they havs been founded. Firft. and anfwers not his purpofe . from thofe which have not to place this in a clearer light than what a fmgle glance may afford.
Society grants
him nothing. When a fet of artful men pretended. cannot be
applied to invade the natural rights which are retained in
individual. or endeavoured to fhew. That the power produced from the aggregate of
natural rights. and draws on the capital as a matter
of right. In cafting our eyes over the world it is extremely eafy to diftinguifh the governments which have arifen out of fociety.
is
Secondly. it will be proper to take a review of the feveral fources from which governments have arifen.
Firft. in preference
dition to his
own. or But out of the focial compact.
fuch. the common intereft of fociety. two or three certain conclufions
will
That every
civil
is
right grows out
of a natural right. The oracles were confulted.
rights
or. becomes competent to the purpofe of every one. Secondly. and the third of reafon.
have now. which becomes defective In the individual in puinc of power.C
34
is
J
arm of
is
fociety.
and in adEvery man
a proprietor in fociety. the fecond of conquerors. Thirdly. and of thofe which are exchanged for civil rights.
few words. That civil power.
a natural right exchanged. the quality of the natural rights retained. the world was completely under the government of fuperftition. Power.
Thirdly. and this fort of government lafted as After long as this fort of fuperftition lafted. They may be all comprehended under three heads. and whatever they were made to fay.
the
and
in
which the power
in a
to execute
is
as perfect as
the right
itfelf. but when collected to a focus. as familiarly as they now march up the back-ftairs in European courts. imperfect in power in the individual.
thofe premifes.
We
individual to a
member of
:
. traced
fociety. through the medium of oracles. and the common rights of man. in other words. The firft was a government of prieft-craft.
of which he
a part. Let us now apply thofe principles to governments. to hold intercourfe with the Deity.
From
follow. properly considered as made up of the aggregate of that clafs of the natural
of man. became the law . Superftition.
man from a natural and ihewn.

Burke
will not. we may fairly conclude. neither can
. deny the pofltion
1
have
already advanced. at the fame time. becaufe it affords me. and consequently that the people have yet a
alter
conftitution to form.
and which
contains the principles on which the government mall be efrathe
manner
the
which
it
fhall
be organized.
them .
mode of elections. or over the people. an opportunity of purfuing the fubjecl: with refpect to governments
I take hini
arifing out of fociety. but In fact.
Mr.
only.
It
government.
up on his own ground.
liaments. the pow-
fhall have. no fuch thing as a conftitution exifts. and by which it fhall be bound. that though it has been fo much talked about.
and quote
in
by
article
. It is in high challenges that high truths have the right of appearing. The Englifh.
I
prefume.C
3<5
3
fome future opportunity. and. that governments arife either out
is
cf the people. A conftitution. As he thus
of undertaking
renders
it
at
a fubjecl: of controverfy by throwing the gauntlet.
a
eonftitution*
not fufficient that we adopt the word
it. to is
article
which you can
blifhed. there is none.
of
its
conftkuting a government. namely. and I accept it with the more readinefs.
ers
it
refer.
we
It
snuft fix alfo a ftandard fignification to
A
is
conftitution
is
not a filing in
name
.
have. what the laws made afterwards by that government are to a court of judicature. Can then Mr.
the powers which the executive part of the government fhall
relates to the compleat government. government one of thofe which arofe out of a conqueft. Burke produce the Englifh Conftitution? If he cannot. but a real exiftence be produced in a
a thing
viflble
and wherever
cannot
antecedent to a
form.
it
has not an ideal. or ever did exift. it only acts in conformity to the laws made and the government is in like manner governed by the conftitution. and the principles on which it fhall act. is to a government. a comparifon between the conftitutions of England and France. government. and
A
a
conftitution
is
government
only the creature of a conftitution.
in fine. but of the people the body of elements. therefore.
But
it
will be firft neceflary
It is
to
define what
is
meant by
. and not out of
fociety
.
The
conftitution of a
country
is
not
the
act.
every thing that
organization
of a
civil
The
it
court of judicature does not
make
the laws. the duration of paror by what other name fuch bodies may be called.

and
is
therefore without a
declined going
perceive the reafon
why Mr. the country
has been
much
has never yet regenerated
conftitution. among numerous other inftances. cannot have the itfelf.
and though
modified from the opportunity of circumftances iince the time of William the Conqueror. the Clergy. His book is certainly bulky enough to have contained all he could fay on this fubject. that when the National AfTembly. that no fuch thing as a conftitution exifted on his fide the queftion.[
3?
'3
fociety.
The
perfons fo met. Burke does not underhand what a Conftitution
is.
Why
then has
thing that was worth while to write
upon?
he declined the only It was the ftrongeft
ground he could take. This fhews. that Mr. and the NoblefTe. becaufe he could not but perceive. and it would have been the beft manner in which people could have judged of
into the comparifon between the Englilh their
feparate
merits. the perfonal focial
compact
its
The members of
its
are the
delegates of the nation in
blies will
ter. K
-F
might
.) that France had then a good Conftitution. If it had.
ftrictly
it
ing. the principles on which conftitutional go-
vernments arhlng out of fociety are eftablifhed.
or additions are necefTary.
conjliiutioriy
but a
fpeak-
$onvention to
make
The
prefent National AfTembly of France
is. the conftitution will point out the mode by which fuch things fhall be done. were ndt a
a conftitution.
I readily
itfelf. future afTem-
be the delegates of the nation in
authority of
the
organized characis
The
prefent
AfTembly
different to
what the authority of future AfTemblies will be. rity of the prefent one is to form a conftitution
ty of future AfTemblies will
The autho:
the authori. and not leave it to the
tlifcretionary
A government on
fight of altering
power of the future government. if they were not . is either a fign that he could not pofTefs it. Burke has faid in a fpeech laft winter in parliament. if the advantages were on his fide. it would be arbitrary. but the weakeft. or could not maintain
it. and his declining to take it.
be to legiflate
according to the
principles
and forms prefcribed
in that conftitution
perience fhould hereafter fhew that alterations. when he fat down to the tafk. (the Tiers Etats. firft met in three Orders.
original character.
it
and confequently
it
arofe over the people. and if examendments.
Mr. Burke
and French conftitutions.

as the viiible
Capricious— becaufe the loweft chaand who has not fo much means of an honeft livelihood. and all forts of follies are blended with all forts of crimes. The Bill which the pr. was on the fame erronethere
is
ous principle. I mall
proceed to other
French conftitution.
it
ihews there
and wherever fuch aright no conftitution. There is moreover a paradox in the idea of vitiated bodies reforming themfelves. to hold the other parts of it the better fubjectThis is the reafon why fo many of thofe ed to their wilL The people were averfe to the Charters abound in Cornwall. by the fame felf-authority. and bribed one part of it by what they called Charters. and 6d..
and with a
known
character. What article will Mr. and it is from this
country
iti
this
fource that the capricioufnefs of elections
arifes. and
mean
to be as concife as poffibie.
"William the Conqueror and his
defcendents parcelled out the
manner. and with a property on that farm to three or four times that Every thing is out amount.
. than what the qualifications of electors are in England ? Limited-— "becaufe not one man in an hundred (I fpeak much within comparts of the
}
pafsj
is
admitted to vote
racter .
Thfr
.
as I
I
thefe preliminaries
I proceed to draw forne companhave already fpoken of the declaration of rights .
gina-l
The
right of refirin
is
in the nation in its ori-
character.
From
ions. or for life. government eftablimed at the conqueft. It might. as Mr. in other places. Burke fays on another occafion. (2s. Pitt brought into parliament fbnie years ago. and at the fame time more capricious. Englifh ) is an elector. have fit apy greater number of years. that every man who pays a tax of iixty fous^r annum. The conftitution of France fays. The act by which
itfelf
•the Englsfll
Parliament empowered
tofetfevenyears. and the towns were All the old garrifoned and bribed to enflave the country. Charters are the badges of this conqueft. is an elector in fome
:
places
taxes.that can be fuppofed to exift. ihews
no conHiuuion iti England. to reform parliament.efent Mr.
and the
confhtutlonal method would be by
a general convention elected for the purpofe. of nature.
while.
fair
the
man who
pays very large
and the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred pounds a year.[
3§
•>
J
might make
-is
itfelf
what
it
is
pleafetf
fer
up. Burke place againft this ? Can any thing be more limited. in this frrange chios. is not admitted to be an elector.

Is there any principle in thefe things ? Is there any thing by which you can trace the marks of freedom.
thefe monopolies. a
is
part of the country. two county members and fo
conftitmion fays. game is made
—
the property of thofe at whofe expence
refpect to monopolies. What article will Mr. and every man free to of any kind follow any occupation by which he can procure an honed livelihood. Burke no right at all in
government
perfectly arbitrary with refpect
and he can quote for his authority. Burke fay to this ? In England. are other monopolies.and
Every chartered town
monopolies.
and with
cut up into monopolies. fends two members
rhapfodies. Burke has declined the comparifon. The French conftitmion fays. that
the National Afiembly
article will
every two years. there fhall be no game laws that the farmer nn whofe lands wild game fhall be found (for are fed) fliall have a it is by the produce of thofe lands they That there fliall be no monopolies right to what he can take.
In a
city. whi. and endeavored to lead his readers from the point by a wild unfyfternatical difplay of paradoxical
chefter.
?
What
place again ft this
the cafes 'hat the
to this point
.
In thefe chartered monopolies. and in any place..
r
39
3
number of reprefennumber of taxaelector. the country
is
it
is
not £ed
. Burke means
by a confutation
man coming from another hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy. fend-. that all trades fhail be {vec. which contains not an hundredth
part of that
number.
and the town of Manwhich contains upwards of hxty thoufand fouls.
not three hoults. What will Mr. town or city throughout the nation. and Within tells him he is not a freeman— that he has no right.
The French
fhall be elected
constitution
fays.
that the nation has
is
Mr.
fuch for
initance
. Burke place againft this ? The co mty of Yorkfhire. An Engiilhman is not free of his own country : every one of thofe places prefents a barrier in his way.
Is this
?
is
an ariftocratical monopoly
the qualification of electors proceeds
out
of thofe chartered
freedom
?
Is this
what Mr.
in itfeif. the precedent of a former parliament.
does the county of -Rutland. h contains
. that the
The French
any place ble inhabitants or
tatives for
fhall be in a ratio to the
.
Why.
The town
cf old Sarum. or difcover thofe of wifdom ? No wonder then Mr. which contains near a million of fouls. is not admitted to fend any.

and the country is May then the example of all France contribute to regenerate the freedom which a province
of
it
deftroyed
1
The French
Affembly
fhall
conftitution fays. Burke pofTerfed talents fimilar to the author " On the
Wealth of Nations. And A man even of the within thefe monopolies are ftill others. but from the diforderly cad of his
genius.
that he
is
unfitted
for
the fubjeft he writes upon. Burke
place againft this
?
I will
anfwer Loaves and Fiftes.
will
Mr. and. come to re-
upon them. in
many
cafes. they will.
Even his genius is without a conftitution. whofe parents were not in circumstances to give
him an occupation. Had governments agreed to quarrel on purpofe to fleece their countries by taxesj they could pot have fucceeded better than they ^aye 4 on e*
Every
.— -Had Mr.
Are
rating
thefe things examples to hold out to a country regene-
itfelf
from
flavery. like France.
The
National AfTembly has made the difco^
and it holds out the example to the world.r
iuftance as
40
]
Bath. But he muft fay fomething He has therefore mounted in the air like a balloon. by affemblage. fame town. and not a genius conftitnted. It is not from his prejudices only.man. of loaves and fillies has more mifchief
his
wbfper
Ah!
in
it
this
government
than people have
yet reflected on. It is a genius at random. like
and certain
flect
am
I. to draw the eyes of the multitude from the ground they ftand
—
upon. a place.
ral right
is
debarred." he would have comprehended all the parts which enter into.
from the natu|it
of acquiring one. whicU contains between twenty and
thirty
thoufand inhabitants. Con-* queft and tyranny tranfplanted themfelves with William the
yet disfigured with the marks.
Much is to be learned from the French conftitution. He would have reafoned from minutiae to magnitude. the right of electing reprefentatives to parliament is monopolifed into about thirty one perfons.
— What
:
be an officer of the government. form a conftitution.
That
to preferve the national
reprefentation from being corrupt. annihilate thofe badges of ancient oppreflion. no
member of
the National
or a pensioner.
Conquerer from Normandy into England.
that
when
the people of England
France?-— Certainly they are not.
very. be his
genius or induftry what
may. thofe traces of a conquered nation.

the people of England appea-
much
interefted in the event. by remarking
In defpotic goon the different motives which produce them. that a government fo formed obtains more
. therefore. he denies. Mr.
try as to another.
than
it
could either by direct defpotifm.
ground of
intereft. that the portion of liberty enjoyed in
.— -As a principle. and his defendants have ever flnce claimed it under him as a right. French make upon it. he throws the of modification. more producand that as the real object of ail def~ tively than by defpotifm potifm is revenue. vernments. or in a
the
full ftate
of free-
dom. in favour of their own. as
a conqueror . is a and though he profeflcs himpart of the Englim government felf an enemy to war. that taxes
were not raifed to carry on wars. as a Member of the Houfe of Commons.
therefore. cafe back to the Norman. Burke has afferted the right of the parlia*? ment at the Pievolution to bind and controul the nation and
pofterity for ever. he makes it necefTary to enquire who and what William the Conqueror was.
it
the decifion. a model in all its parts. Avars are the effect of pride . to
The French
both thofe
pence muft
provide
againft
evils.
minifters.
applies as
much
to
applaud one coun-
William the Conqueror.
England. or by a fort By his taking this ground. and by thus running a line pf fuceeffion fpringing from William the Conqueror to the prefent day. that
the
calls
parthe
liament or the nation had any right to alter what he
fuceeffion of the
anything but in part.
held this power of war and peace in himfeif. but in thofe governments in which they become the means of taxation. but that wars
were raifed to carry on taxes. the remarks which the.
at the
fame time.
in
intp
. and where he came from j and
crown.
Although Mr. on They account alfo both.
oppofed to
for the readinefs which always ap-
pears in fuch governments for engaging in wars. they ac-
quire thereby a
more permanent promptitude.Conqueft .
and placed the right where the exwar and peace was
and highly
to
When
red to be
the queftion on the right of
agi-
tating in the National Aflembly.[
42
j
clare. to France \ but he fhould fir ft know They contend. is jure enough to enflave a country by. Burke. he abufes the French Conftitution.
Conftitution.
has taken away the power of declaring war
from kings and
fall. which He holds up the Englifti government as feeks to explode it. and is.

and be
made
a fcreen to
this
both. who wifhed to go to the land that floweth with milk and honey. It will always happen. and the other peremptorily with-holds the fupplies as a matter of right.
three things are to be con fide red. that the other ties its hands
:
contraft will end in a collulion
between the
parties. theexpen.ee of flipit
porting
clared.
prero^
Every thing muft have had a beginning. for It alfo unfortunateit is to this origin that his argument goes. Franklin. in running this line of fucceffion. which is now in the hands of M. and among the reft. of Paris-—
I
anecdote which
While the Doctor
refided in France as minifter
ftating.—
C
43
3
into the origin. Burke bring forward his William of Normandy. and by way of relieving the fatigue of argument. But the more probable iflue is.
this the cafe in ail countries. and nature of what are called
gatives. that amendments do not make it right. then Mr. He introduced his propofal to the Doctor by letter.
But
it
will perhaps. parallel thereto. he had numerous propofals made to him by projectors of every country and of every kind.
—Were
is
declared. and the fog Lee of time and antiquity fhould be penetrated to difcover it.be faid. I
will introduce an
had from Dr. the nation runs in the line of being conquered.
held in
check by the right of the parliament to with-hold the fupplies. from America during the war. and the the difeafe. which is. America. Beaumarchais. the
mode of conducting
after
it
is
dethe
The French
fall. that if the fucceffion runs in the line of the conqueft.
it
:
On
Firft. the remedy becomes as bad or worfe than The one forces the nation to a combat. there was one who offered himfelf to be King. that another line.
the right of declaring
it*
Secondly. and it ought to refcue itfelf from
this reproach. ly happens.
/
. prefents itfelf.
of right.
we fhould hear
Before
I
but
little
more of
wars.
to
The mode of conducting
the executive department.
proceed to confider other parts of the French conftitution.
that
though the power of declait is
ring war defcends in the heritage of the conqueft. when a thing is originally wrong.
Thirdly.
queftion of war.
conftitution places the
this
it
right
where
configns
expence mufl:
and
union can be only
after
it
in the
it
nation. and it often happens that they do as much mifchief one way as good the other and fuch for if the onerafhly declares war as a matter is the cafe here
:
. hiftory.

firft. Mr.
that they
honourable defcent. with great dignity.
garter
. and that they are defcendants of the Norman line in right of the Conqueft.
frory
to return to the matters of the conftitution
The French
ia
conftitution fays. It renders man into the diminutive of man in things which are great. the projector wr@te a fecond letter . It talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl.
would want another. Burke fo much admires. difmified «r fent away. which Mr. and the peer is exalted into man. that there was already a precedent in England. and confequently that the good people of England.
that clafs of equivocal generation. but it marks a fort of foppery in the human character which degrades it. that in cafe of that natural extinction to which all mortality is fubject. Burke's arguments on this fubject go to fhew. ancient family than the Dukes of Normandy. propofed. be of fervice to his
doctrine to snake this
known." and in others " nobiis done away. that there is no Englifli origin of Kings.—
[
44
1
bating. threaten to go over and conquer America. which
fome countries is called P ari/locracy. and of a more
their King. enjoining that the Doctor would forward it to But as the Doctor did not do this.
lity. But. and fhews its new
*
The word he
ufed was renvoye. as all arguments refpedting fucceffion muft neceflarily connect that fucceffion with fome beginning. Titles are but nick-names. might have done much better. and they had known his. Secondly. of
Kings coming out of Normandy and on thefe grounds he reded his offer.
that
as
the Americans had
difmified
or feet
away*
. on more reafonable terms than William the Conqueror . and to inform him.
all
There Jloall be no
titles
of confequence. in which he did not.000 might be made to him for his generofity Now.
and . and the counterfeit of woman in things which are little.
Fourthly. that if his offer was not accepted. that an acknowledgment of about £. at the Revolution of i6tf8. nor yet fend America.
his
line
having never been baftardized. 30. that kings may again be had from Normandy. had fuch a generous Norman as this known their The chivalry character wants.
:
!
It
may
therefore. is certainly much eafier to make a bargain with than a hard-dealing Dutchman. it is true. him an anfwer. but only. Thirdly. and every nick-name is a title* The thing is perfectly harmlefs in itfelf. that he was of a more that himfelf was a Norman.

wifdom or folly. and furveys at a diftance the envied life of man. all their value is gone. fays. but titles baffle even the powof fancy. or Earl has ceafed to pleafe.
there
is
not fuch
an animal
Duke
or a Count
. and. and are a chimerical non-defcript.E
45
]
garter like a child.
a child. from the elevated mind of France.
It
has put clown the dwarf. take titles away. and which means nothing
?
Imagination has given figure and charaaer to centaurs. and it rife.
up the man.
to that
we connect any mean ftrengrh or
which defcribes nothing.
it
Through
as a
all
the vocabulary of
Adam. thirfting for its native home.
This fpecies of imaginary confe-
has vifibly declined in every part of Europe. a child or a man. or the rider or What refpect then can be paid the horfe.
as a child
. contemns the gewgaws that feparate him from it. Is it then any wonder that titles mould fall in France ? Is st not a greater wonder they fhould be kept up any where ? What are they ? What is their worth.
neither can
Whether they Certain idea to the words. and <c what is their amount ?" When we think Or fpeak of a Judge or a General^ we aflociate with it the ideas of office and character we think of gravity in the one.
" When I was " came a man.
to fct
it
has exalted. But this is not all. It has outgrown the baby-cloths of Count and Duke. no ideas aflociate with
. or Count. kaftens to its exit as the world of reafon continues to
rence
Q
There
. and none will own them. and down to all the fairy tribe . that the of titles have fallen. for they take themfelves away when fociety
ers
concurs to ridicule them. France
folly
has not levelled. as they outgrew the rickets.
It is. The punyifm of a fenfelefs word ke Duke.
A certain
writer of fome antiquity. have defpifed the rattle. fatyrs. weaknefs. is all equivocal. to contract the fphere of man's felicity. I
I
thought
but when
I
oe-
put away childiih things/*
properly.
l
. and bravery in the other: but when we ufe a word merely as a title.— If a whole country is difpofed to hold them in contempt. and breeched itfelf in manhood. Titles are like circles drawn by the magician's wand. fociety. The genuine mTrid of man. It is common opinion only that makes them any thing There is no occafion to or nothing. Even thofe who poffcffzd them have difowned the gibberifh. or worfe than nothing. He lives immured within the Baftille of a word.

in general. then. they and formal deftruction. alt the younger branches of thofe families were difinherited. and the law of primogeniture/hip fet up. the folly of titles. It muft now take the fubftantial ground of character. and when a man in armour riding throughout Chriftendom in queft of adventures was more ftared at than a modern Duke.
Ariftocracy has never but one child. It is a law againft every law of nature.
fome countries. The patriots of France have difcovered in good time. The reft are begotten to be devoured. arofe out of the
ture herfelf calls for
its
deftruction. that rank and dignity in fociety muft take a new giotmd.
All the children
except the eldeft)
to be provided
which the
ariftocracy difowns (which are
are. but at a
offices
Unneceffary and places in governments and courts are created at the cxpence of the public. five are
expofed. to maintain them.»
greater
charge. and this makes it neceiTary to enquire further into the nature and chaitfelf to
If no mifchief had annexed would not have been worth a
ferious
racter of ariftocracy.
orphans on
a parifli.
and ariftocracy
falls.
a burnt-offering to reafon. in a family of fix children.
all. which
is
called ariftocracy in
and
nobility in others.—
C
46
J
nonow.
By
the ariftocratical law of piimoge-
niturefhip. The old one has fallen through. and to keep up a fuccefiion of this order for the purpofe for which it was eftablifhed. governments founded upon conqueft. As every thing which is out of nature in man. The nature and character of ariftocracy fhews itfelf to us in this law. and the farce of titles will follow its fate. and NaThat.
With
/
. inftead of the chimerical ground of titles and they have brought their titles to the altar. more
or
lefs.
Eftablifh family juftice.
and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repaft. affects. and made of them
a time
There was
bility
when
the loweft clafs of
what are
is
called
was more thought of
than the higheft
.
the intereft of fociety. and it has fallen by being laughed at. They are thrown to the cannibal for prey. fuch as the National AfFembly have decreed them . fo does
caft like
this. The world has feen this folly fall.
for by the public. It was originally a military order for the purpofe of fupporting military government (for fuch were all governments founded in conqueft' .

domeftically or publicly. and Mr. But wheof view. blood of their parents in one line. Hitherto we have coniidered ariftocracy chi . and fociety— and to exterminate the monfter Ariftocracy. in the iirft place.
tributive jujiice are corrupted at the very fource. and children to their
parents— relations
man
to
clfe. and relations of every kind. It was not " a corporation a body of hereditary legislators. are children. ariftocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injuftice. may write its epitaph.
•
.fly in one point We have now to conflder it in another. ariftocracy had one feature
countenance
It did not compofe than what it has in fome other countries. ther we view it before or behindj or fide ways. root and branch -—the French constitution has deftroyed the Here then lies the monfter.
therefore. Burke.
lefs in its
In France.
To
reftore. if he pleafes. and
as ridiculous as
an hereditary poet-Iaureat. Let us then examine the grounds upon which the French conftitution has refolved againft having fuch an Houfe in France. ter an houfe of legiflation. who abforbs in his own perfon the inheritance of a whole family of children. or hereditary juries. Becaufe.
They be-
gin
by trampling on all their younger brothers and lifters. law of Primogenitureship. Becaufe a body of
men holding
themfelves ac~
countable to nobody. Becaufe the idea of hereditary legislators
consistent
as that
as in-
of hereditary judges. and are taught and educated fo With what ideas of juftice or honor can that man ento do. but by ariftoThey are the flefh and cracy they are baftards and orphans. and by marriage they are heirs . parents to their child-
to each other.
it is ftill
a monfter.
Fourthly. or doles out to them
life
fome
pitiful
portion with the infolence of a gift?
is
Thirdly. or any way
ren. and as abfurd as an hereditary mathematician. or an heredita-
ry wife
man. as is already mentioned. Secondly. tf arifiocracy" for fuch 1 have heard M. de la Fayette de-
fcribe an Englifti
Houfe of Peers.[
47
3
With what kind of parental reflexions can the father or By nature they mother contemplate their younger offspring. Becaufe there is an unnatural unfitnefs in an ariTheir ideas of clifftocracy to be legiflators for a nation. ought not to be trufted by any body.
Fifthly. and nothing akin to them
in the other.

Becaufe
it
is
continuing
the
uncivilized
principle
of governments founded in conqueft.
conflitution has reformed the condition of the
has raifed the income of the lower and middle claf-
fes. Burke talks of nobility. and taken from the higher. and in the few inftances (for there are fome in all countries) in whom nature. lb me what like Sternhold and Hopkins. when feparated from the general ftock of foand intermarrying conflantly with each other. to the people in general.000
'fqulre.
s<
that the people of
England can
fee
without pain
**
lt <c
or grudging. let him {hew what it is. and the bafe idea of man having property in man. Ariftocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate pace with democracy. and becomes in time the oppofite of what is noble in man. and by
the infhmce of the Jews
proved.
whether the archbifhop precedes the
$uke. or Hopkins and Sternhold. Burke. or a bifhop of Winchefter. and governing him by perfonal right. Mr. The comparifon is out of ppdef
as
I
confefs that
I
will
not contend
it
. Burke bout two or three thoufand pounds. they can fee a bifhop of Durham. that the
human fpecies has a tendency to degenerate. I with Mr. I believe. None are nowlefs than twelve hundred livres (fifty pounds fterling) nor any h*'c. Burke has not put the cafe right. in any fmall number of perfons."
a-year. an archbifhop precede a duke. Mr.
The French
clergy.
He
*s
fays. Sixthly. and cannot fee
why
it is
in
than eftates to the like amount in the hands of
that
And
Mr.her than aWhat will Mr.
By
the univerfal
ceconomy of nature
it is
it is
known. The greateft characters the world have known. Burke
offers this
as
worfe hands this earl or an example to
France. place againft this? Hear what he fays. it is. It deits pretended end.r
48
a
Fifthly. Becaufe ariftocracy has a tendency to degenerate
the
human
fpccies.
ciety. has furvived in But it is time to proariftocracy} those men despise it. I have fomething to fay. have rofe on the democratic floor. you may put which you pleafe firit: and
do not underftand the merits of this cafe. in pofTeffion of
£ r 0.
feats
even
cetd to a
new
It
fubjecl:. The artificial Noble fhrinks into a dwarf before the Noble of Nature . or the duke the bifhop.
As
to the firft part. as by a miracle. But wah refpec~t to the latter.

but if they are to judge of each others religion. Man wor/hips not himfelf. places itfelf. But Toleration may be viewed in a much ftronger light. but his Maker and the liberty of conkience which he claims. Toleration. If he believes not as thou believeft. all the world are right. nor between one denomination of religion and another. or all the world are wrong. art thou. we rauft neceffarily bot of his God. not between man and man. there is no fuch thing as a religion that is wrong . armed with fire and faggor. therefore. between the being who worfhips. In this cafe. a Church or a State. without regard %o names. entitled
"
An act
Almighty to receive the C£ worfhip of a Jew or a Turk.
. and the Immortal Being who is worshipped. there is no fuch thing as a religion that is right \ and therefore. but between God and man .* The former is church and ftate. and there is no earthly power can determine between you.
for the aiTo-
and the worjbipped cannot be fe« parated.
Were
**. therefore." or u to prohibit the Almighty from receiving it:" all men would ftartle. it tion of toleration in religious matters would then prefent itbut the prefumption is not the lefs becaufe felf unmaiked
to tolerate or grant liberty to the
:
the
name of " Man" only appears
to thofe laws. have the afTociated idea of two beings . is not for the fervice of himfelf.I
So
is
1
the pope.
*. church and traffic. But with refpecT: to religion itfelf. whether a King. the mortal who renders the worfhip. and call There would be an uproar. if every one is left to judge of its own religion.
a Bill brought into any parliament. a Parliament or any thing elfe. and the other is the pope felling or granting in. and as directing itfelf from the univerfal family of
ciated idea of the worfbipper
!
mankind
. nor between church and church. it is a proof that thou believeft not as he believeth. a Bifhop. that obtrudeft thine infignificance between the foul of man and its Maker ? Mind thine own concerns.
other olr granting
The one
it. and the Being who is worand by the fame a£t of afFlmed authority by which fhipped pay his worfhip.-— Who. With refpect to what are called denominations of religion. it prefumptuoufly and it tolerates man to blafphemoufly fets itfelf up to tolerate the Almighty to receive
it. The preempblafphemy. then. vain duft and afhes by whatever name thou art called. and the latter is diligences.

to the
his
is
the grateful tribute of every one
accepted. perfecuting. By engendering the church with the ftate.
:
wards. Let us be/tow a few thoughts on this fubjeet All religions are in their nature mild and benign. if Church and State :" he does not mean fome one particular church.
ters to
among
the inhabi-
and that drove the people called Quakers and DiiTenAmerica. and become morofe and intolerant ? It proceeds from the connection which Mr. capable only of deftroying. and though. it The inquifition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally profefted. Like every thing elfe. nor a pig. unit is neither the one nor the other der the figure of an eftablifhed church. One of the continual chorufes of Mr. or fome one particular ftate. it is man bringMaker the fruits of his heart . they had their beginning j and they proceeded by perfuafion. but from this mule animal. exhortation. or a Bifhop of Winchefter. even from its birth. thofc may differ from each other like the fruits of the earth. by profeffing any thing that was vicious^ cruel.
Durham. called The Church eftablifhed by Lazv. Burke recommends. becaufe it is not a fheaf of wheat . and not of breeding It is ft up. and he cenfures the National Affembly for not having done this in France. will not refufe a tytheBilhop of
A
nor a cock fheaf of wheat. ftranger. and whom in time kicks out and deftroys. Burke's book is. They could not have made profelytes at firft. is produced. and united with principles of morality. engendered between the church and the ftate. becaufe it is not a cock of hay of hay. How then is it that they lofe their native mildnefs. a fort of mule animal. will not permit their Maker to receive the varied tithes of man's devotion. Perfecution is not an original feature in any
but
it
religion*. to any parent mother on which it is begotten. The burnings in Smithiield proceeded from the fame heterogeneous production 5 and it was the regeneration of this ftrange animal in England after•. or immoral.mankind
ing
to
fruits
Divine object of all adoration. but any church and and he ufes the term as a general figure to hold ftate . forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church with the ftate in every country. that renewed rancour and irreligion
tants. or the Archbiihop who heads the Dukes. and example. becaufe but thefe fame perfons.
is
always the ftrongly-marked feature of all law-
.

By the French conftitution. and this arifes from the original eftablifhment of what is called its monarchy for. I fhall make no other remark upon it than that it is the nature of conqueft to turn every thing upfide down .
becaufe
laws muft have
exiftence.
cutive
io
is
The French conftitution puts the legiflative before the exethe Law before the King La Loi> Le Roi. a King is the fountain— that he is the fountain of all honour. in addreffing himfelf to the National AfTembly. The executive power in each country is in the hands of a perfon {tiled. the fountain and the fpout. originate in and from the people by election.
. as by the conqueft all the rights of the people or the nation were abforbed into the hands of the Conqueror. But as this idea is evidently defcended from the conqueft. but the French conftitution diftinguifhes between the King and the Sovereign: It conliders the ftation of King as official. in England. and as Mr. The Parliament in England. in both its branches. or in the nation* are held in England as grants from what is called the Crown. before they can have execution. he will
be right the fecond time. and places Sovereignty in the
ples of the
nation. and conclude this part of the fubject with a few obfervations on the organization of the formal parts of the French and Englifh governments. thofe fame matters which in France are now held as rights in the people. This al.
tional AfTembly. as an inherent right in the people.
which compofe the Naand who are the legiflative power. were erected by patents from the defcendants of the ConqueThe Houfe of Commons did not originate as a matter of ror. " My afTembly.£
I will
53
3
here ceafe the comparifon with refpedt to the
princi-
French conftitution. that.
.. In England it is otherwife . and as there are but two parts in the figure. right in the people to delegate or elect. the Nation is always named bereprefentatives of the nation.
The
fore the King. the King . Burke will not be refufed the privilege of fpeaking twice.
King in France does not. fay.
The
third article of the Declaration of rights
the fource
" The
nation
is ejfentially
(or fountain) of all
fovereignty"
Mr. and who added the title of King to that of Conqueror.
fays. but as a grant or boon." fimilar to the phrafe ufed in England of " my Parliament j neither can he ufe it
A
U
confifteut
.
in the
natural order of things
. Burke argues.

filth of rotten boroughs.
to their
In the
addrefles of the Englifh Parliaments
Kings. or their addrefs. That this vaflalage idea and ftile of fpeaking was not got rid of even at the Revolution
. and
fide
preferves. the vaflalage clafs of manners. elected by the greateft body of men exerciiing the right of electThey fprung not from the ion the European world ever law. neither do we fee in them any thing of the ftile of Englifh manSince then they ners. which borders fomewhat on bluntnefs. becaufe. nor naturally of Englifh production. and with refpect to the National AfTembly.L
54
J
nor could it be admitted. and manly.
or the perfon
it
who
and
ftile. whether fororagainft a queftidn.
knows no extremes. their origin muff. we fee
neither the intrepid fpirit of the old Parliaments of
France. the ufe of They were it is their duty. and extends to all the parts and circumftances of the cafe. Speech is.
(the King. and the nation is their authority. by patent or boon and not out of the inherent rights of the people. There may be propriety in the ufe of it in England. are neither of foreign extraction. nor bend with the cringe of fycophantic infignificance. be fought for elfewhere. The Prefident of the National AfTembly does not afk the King to grant to the AJfembly liberty of fpeecb> as is the cafe with the Englifh Houfe of Commons.
—
fubject refpecting the executive department. bold. The confthutional dignity of the National AfTembly cannot debafe itfelf. Their parliamentary language.)
comes before them.
fame
They Hand not
aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar
igno-
rance.
nor the ferene dignity of the prefent National AfTembly. and emphatically mark the proftrate diftance that exifts in no other condition of men than between the conqueror and the conquered. racter. and
language of gentlemen
returned in the
their anfwer. one of the natural rights of man always retained .. and wkofe name defignates its origin.
prefides in
it. as the National AfTembly does in France. is free. as is before mentioned. both Houfes of Parliament originated out of what is called the Crown. nor are they the vafTai reprefentatives Feeling the proper dignity of their chaof ariitocratical ones.
the
is
is
debated on
\
with the
fpirit
of men.
The
graceful pride of truth
life. If any matter or
confident with the
conftitution. and They are evidently of that origin is the Norman Conqueft. they fupport it.
Let us now look to the other
of the queftion.
in every latitude of
the right-angled character of man. in the firft place.

" Submiffion is wholly a vaflalage term. for ever. eclipfed by the enlarging orb of reafon.
all
as well as
Mr
Burke's labours. our heirs and pof:
M terities.
but were the audience
there
made
as themfelves. notiuithJiandlng appearances^ there is not any defcription of men that But they well know. the jugfcarcely believe that a country calling itfelf free. for ever. that if it were feen by others. I wrote to him laft winter from Paris. I referred to the happy iituation the National Affembly were placed in > that they had taken a ground on which their moral duty and their political interefi: were united.
is
and
whom
the folly of that
fo familiar that they ridicule
as wife.
"
to the family vault of
the Capulets. Among other fubjecls in that letter.
:
. and gave him an account how profperoufly matters were going on. believhim then to be a man of founder principles than his book fhews him to be. as it is feen by them. They have not to hold out a language which they do not believe. like bond-men and bond-women. for the fraudulent purpofe of making others believe it. But there is a truth that ought to be made known I have had the opportunity of feeing it which is.
1 ufed fometimes to correfpond with Mr. repugnant to the dignity of Freedom. however from circumflances it may have
It is already been exalted beyond its value. As the eftimation of all things is by comparifon. and clothe him with power on purpofe to put themfelves in fear of him. and give him almoft a mil-> lion fterling a-year for leave to fubmit themfelves and their pofterity. is evident from the declaration of Parliament to William and Mary. on the wane. will find its level. defpife monarchy fo much as courtiers. that.
it
will go.
in this refpect.
between a republican and a courtier with refpecl to monarchy that the one oppofes monarchy believing it to be fomething.
another century."
Mankind
will
then
would fend to Holland for a man.
gle could not be kept up. and the other laughs at it knowing it to be nothing. Their ftation requires no artifice to
As
ing
fbpport
.
men
who
fhow
to be
get their living by a fhow. the Revolution of 1688.
They
are in the condition of
to
it . in thefe words " We do moft humbly and faithfully fubrnit ourfelves.E
55
1
*-'
volution of 16S8.
would
be an end to the fhow and the profits with
The
difference
is. Burke. and the In lefs than luminous revolutions of America and France. and an echo of the language ufed at the Conqueft.
it.

"to rne. not of the affairs of France alone. perhaps of more than Europe.
The
principles harmonife with the
forms.
and can only be maintained by enlightening mannot their intereft to cherifh ignorance. It looks. to avoid
apology makes
worfe
bringing
it
into view. The National AiTembly muft throw open a magazine of light." fays he. Burke to fupprefs the comparison. but to difare not in the cafe of a ministerial or an oppo-
It is
They
England. Mr. " taken together. ing that Mr.
. but this is a miftake.
it.
As Mr. as if I were in a ** great erifis. whether there is not fome radical defect in what is called the Englifh conftitution. we fee
tional
in
it
a ra-
order of things. the French revolution is the moft aftoniih* ( ing that has hitherto happened in the world.
him
to that ftandard. Burke's book was upwards of eight months in hand. but of all il All circumftances Europe. Burke
has not written on conftitutions.
pel
it. though they are oppofed.
his
and men on the Englifh fide the water will begin to confider. that made it neceflary in Mr. and other peohas he written on the French
:
ple at wife ones> I
know
not on which ground to account for
Mr. It muft fhew man the proper character of man and the nearer it can bring
iition party in
frill
united to keep
. and operate to continue the principles they grow from. and is extended to a volume of three hundred and
. that they are nothing more than Forms grow out of principles. gifes (in page 241) for not doing it. He only exprefies count of its commencement or its progrefs." As wife men are aftonimed at foolifh things. by faying that he had not time.
In contemplating the French conftitution. are up the common myftery. Burke had voluntarily declined ^oing into a comHe apoloparifon of the Englifh and French conftitutions. who.
fifty-fix pages. I began it by remarkI will here finally cloie this fubjecl:. forms. It is impoffible to praclife a bad form on any thing but a bad principle. fo neither
He gives no acrevolution.
the ftronger the National AfTembly be-
comes. it is a certain indication that the principles are bad alfo. and wherever the forms in any government are bad. *c his wonder. It cannot be ingrafted on a good one . and both with their origin.
As
it
his omiffion does injury to
.[
56
]
fupport
kind. It may perhaps be faid as an excufe for bad forms.
his caufe.

Montefquieu.
we
find in the writings of RoufTeau.
than that
of fpreading a
it
of lethargy over the nation.
that the people appear to have loft
ty in
all
fenfe of their
:
own
digni-
contemplating that of their grand Monarch
andthewhole
fort
reign of Louis
XV.
The
defpotifm of Louis
XIV. and at the fame time fo fafcinated the mind of France.
remarkable
alteration
omy
for weaknefs and effemi-
nacy.
expreiTed. his mind often appears under a veil. and mark the circumthe
France.
a lovelinefs
of fentiment
in
favour of Liberty. went as far as a writer under a defpotic government could well proceed and being obliged to divide himfelf between principle and prudence. but from his ftrong
capacity of feeing folly in
propeniity to expofe
ous
were however as and he merits j mankind.
and
Abbe Raynal. had fo humbled. formidable as if the motives had been virtuits
it. trace out the growth of the French revolution.
made no other
rife.
His forte lay
in
expofing and ridi-
culing the fuperftitions which prieft-craft united with ftatecraft
had interwoven with governments. It has apparently burft forth like a creation from a chaos.t
57
3
Mr. (for fatire and
philanthropy are not naturally concordant). prefident of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. united with
the gaiety of his
Court. the
human
but having
. took another line. or his love of mankind. from which
tion to
(hewed no difpofiof liberty du-
The
only figns which appeared of the
fpirit
ring thofe periods.
It
was not from the
purity of his principles.
ftances that have contributed to produce
it. but certain it is. and we ought to give him credit for more than he has
. and the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of thoughts.
true fhape. that he does not underftand the French revolution.
that
the thanks rather than
the
cfteem
of
On
the
the contrary.
Voltaire. as cbncifcly as I can. and his irrcfiftible They he made thofe attacks.
who was both
the flatterer and the fatyrift of deC-
potifm. but it is no more than
confequence of a mental revolution priorily exifting in The mind of the nation had changed before hand. and the gaud^ oftentation of his character. and elevates.-— I will here. are to be found in the writings of the French
philofophers.
faculties
.
that excites refpecl:. Burke's aftonifhmenf.

the publication of thofe events in France neceffarily con« nected themfeives with the principles that produced them. In the war which France afterwards engaged in. Franklin . and Quifne and Turgot by their moral maxims and fyftems of cecononiy. Each of them had its view but thofe views were directed to different objects . Count Vergennes was the perfonal and focial friend of Dr. and the
:
Doctor had obtained. Turgot. than the government itfelf. are of the ierious kind. but are rather directed to ceconomife and reform the adminiflration of the government. and learned the practice as well as the principles of it by heart. Asit was impoffible to feparate the military events which took place in America from the principles of the American revolution. and the other retaliation on England. But all thofe writings and many others had their weight. a fort of influence over him. Count Vergennes. Count Ths Vergennes was a defpoc. readers of every clafs met with fomething to their tafte. was not the friend of America.
. Montefquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws. were eventually placed in the fchool of Freedom. that it was the Queen of France who gave the caufe of America a fafhion at the French Court. ance between France and America. and juftified refiftance to oppreffion. fuch as the declaration of American independence.
an object.C
S8
J
its
Ting railed this animation. and the treaty of alii-. their writings abound with moral maxims of government. which recognifed the natural right of man. The then Minifter of France. it is very well known that the nation appeared to be before hand with the French miniftry. and foldiers who after this went to America. Many of the facts were in themfeives principles. Voltaire by his wit. and by the different manner in which they treated the fubject of government. the one fought liberThe French officers ty. by his fenfible gracefulnefs. gan to diffufe itfelf through the nation at the time the difpute between England and the then colonies of America broke out. and it is both juftice and gratitude to fay. and the friends of thofe
authors. they do not direct
operations
and
leave the
mind
in love with
it. without defcribing
the means of pofTeffing
The
writings of Quifne. but with refpect to principles. PtoufTeau and Raynal by their animation. and a fpirit of political enquiry be-. but they laboured under the fame difadvantage with Montefquieu.

was opportunity.
France. was in clofe friendfhip with the civil government of America.
joined to the theory
knowledge of the practice was then and all that was wanting to give it real
exigence. as well as with the military
peculiar ikuation of the then
in the great chain. what a grammar is to language they define its parts of fpeech. properly fpeaking. Franklin as Minifter from America to France mould be taken into the chain of circumftances. which was nearly twenty-four millions
Mr. and this was the circumftance which the nation laid hold of to bring forward a revolution.
Man
cannot.
Count Vergennes refitted for a confiderable time the publication of the American conflkutions in France. reinforcement
Liberty fpread
itfelf
officers andfoldiers.
He
difcuffions
fpoke the language of the country.
It
forbids intercourfe by a reciprocity of
is
fufpicion
and the Diplomatic
continually repelling and repelled. Neckar was difplaced in May 178 1 and by the Ill-management of the finances afterwards.
the revenue of
fterling per was become unequal to the expenditures.
it
make
his
circumftances for his
to
purpofe. Franklin.
and
his circle
of fociety in France was univerfal.
:
way
them
into fy n tax. not becaufe the revenue had decreafed. but he always has
.
but even in this he was obliged
to
and a fort of propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to defend.
M.
.
But this was not the cafe not the diplomatic of a Court.
with Dr.
The
another link
He
ferved in
line.
in
power
improve them when they occur
and
this
was the
cafe in France.
Pit*.[
59
]
The fituation of Dr. The
diplomatic character
that
is
of
itfelf
the narrowed fphere of fociety
a Tort of unconnected atom.
act in. The American conltitutions were to liberty.
A
. and practically construct
give
to public opinion.
M. When the war clofed. The Englifh Minifter.
of
MAN. and by the univerfality of his acquaintance. and particularly daring
•. but becaufe the expences had increafed . entered into the on the principles of government. tranflated into the French language
. a vaft. Calonne. but His character as a philosopher had been longeita-
He was
blifhed. and was always a
to the caufe of over France^ by the return of the French
welcome friend at any election.
the extravagant adminitlration of
year.
Marquis de la Fayette is America as an American officer under a commiffion of Congrefs.
man can
.

But. and as he knew the fturdy difpofition of the
Parliaments with refpect to new taxes. either to withdraw the edict
raifed in France. as an Englifh parliament is to grant them.C
60
]
Mr. and fent them to the Parliaments to be registered for until they were registered by the Parliaments.
as a matter of choice.
The
firft practical ftep towards the proper to enter into fome particulars reAfTembly of the Notables has in fome places
been mittaken for the States-General. nor yet any revolution
. Calonne wanted money .
Pitt." or Men of Note. matter of authority.
has frequently alluded
to
the
ftate
of the French
the
fubject. Calonne could not depend upon forty members. and confuted of one hundred and But as M.
a majority
. that they had not only a right to remonftrate. the States-General being always by election. he ingenioufly fought
either to approach
direct authority. without understanding
Had
the French Parliaments
been
as
ready to regifter edicts
for new taxes. to return to the order of my narrative— M. tinder this
An
AfTembly
name had been
it
called in 1617. perfons who compofed the AfTembly of the Notables were all nominated by the King.
finances in his
budgets. the authority of Parliament went no further than to remonftrate or (hew reafons againft the tax. for this pnrpofe. and who were either to recommend taxes to the Parliaments.
but
this will
better explain itfelf as
I
proceed.
As we
fpecting
are to view this as the
will be
revolution.
acting
.
I
them by a more gentle means than that of or to get over their heads by a manoeuvre
:
and.
it. there had been no derangement in the finances. framed the edicts for taxes at their own difcretion. but was wholly a differThe ent body. Difputes had long exifted between they were not operative. referving to itfelf the right of determining whether the reafons were well or ill-founded . or to act as a Parliament themfelves. or rather the Court or Miniftry under the ufe of that name.
under the
ftile
of an
" AfTembly of the Notables. and in confequence thereof. but to reject . he revived the project of afTembling a
1
body of men from the
feveral provinces.
It will
be necefTary here to (hew
how
taxes were formerly
The King.
and on
this
ground they were always fupported by the nation. who met in 1787. or to order it to be enregiftered as a The Parliaments on their part in lifted. the Court and the Parliament with refpect to the extent of the The Court iniifted that Parliament's authority on this head.

but by a majority of committees . upon various fubjects.
arrears already incurred. of twenty
members each. and as objects of reform. But thofe
I
matter
. he very ingeniously arranged them in fuch a manner as to make forty-four a ma-
jority of
one hundred and forty
:
to effect this. that he would. but brought a melTage from the King to that purport. of which Count D'Artois was Prefident and as money-matters was the object.
M. it naturally brought into view
:
every circurnftance connected with
it. (the keeping of which were attended with great expence).
Every general queftion was to be decided. Calonne had good reafon to conclude. was to contend with the Court on' the
taxes. Calonne was foon
off to England. and as eleven votes would make a majority in a committee.
M.
if
afked the
Mar-
he would render the charge in writing ? He replied. he difpofed
of
them
into ftven feparate committees. and four committees a majority of feven. With refpect to the
ground of
ject. he propofed to abolifh the Baftille. and
fet
de la Fayette from the experience he hadfeen in Amewas better acquainted with the fcience of civil government than the generality of the members who compofed the Affembly of the Notables could then be. by accommodating the expences to the revenue. for felling
intimidate.
miffed by the King.
But M. in a manner that appeared to be unknown to the King. and to fupprefs Uttres de Cachet. the latter propofed to
remedy them. M. M. The Count D'Artois (as if to
a verbal charge againft CalOnne. he could not be out-voted. But all his plans. The then Marquis de la Fayette was placed in the fecond committee. de
la Fayette
made
crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres. and all the State-prifons throughout the nation.
finefs fell considerably to his (hare. not by a majority of perfons. that as forty-four would determine any general queftion. de la
Fayette then delivered in his charge in writing. inftead of the revenue to the expences.
The plan of thofe who had a constitution in view.E
-*
61
]
majority of this AfTembly in his favour. The Count D'Artois did not demand it. undertaking to fupport
it.deceived him. and in the event became his overthrow. for the Baflille was then in being)
quis. the brunt of the bu-
As
M
rica.
No
farther proceedings
after dif-
were had upon
this affair
. to be given to
the King. and fome of them openly profeffed their obDifputes frequently arofe between Count D'Artois and de la Fayette.

courfe came
firft
before the Parliament of Paris. that of getting the Afact as a Parliament.
the Chief of each of
the principal departments tranfacted bufinefs immediately with
but when a Prime Minifter was appointed.
the King
When
.
State-authority than any Minifter iince the
The Archbifhop arrived to more Duke de Choifeuil. The two have been efthnated at about five millions SterL per ann. and funk into difgrace. The AfTembly of the Notables having broke up. the AfTembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be enregiftered by the Parliament. on whom the bufinefs was again devolving The Archbifhop of Thouloufe (fince Archbifhop of Sens.
who
returned
tor
. that he not only would do this. but by a conduct fcarcely to be accounted for.
As one
fembly to
of the plans had thus failed. On this fubject. they did
bufinefs only
with him. and the other a territorial tax. Will you. a
much
attended to. foon after the difmiffion of Calonne. M. faid the Count D'Artois.r
62
]
matters were not then
Lettres de Cachet. faid the Count D'Artois. to be enregiftered. that of recommending.
fo
made Prime
Minifter. the one a ftamp-tax.
the other came into view. In a debate on this fubject. he perverted every opportunity. the AfTembly declined taking the matter on themfelves. to be given to the King? The other replied. but that he would go farther. for the
King
to agree to the eftablifhment of a constitution. the new Minifter fent the edicts for the two new taxes recommended by They of the AfTembly to the Parliaments. Do you mean. that the effectual mode would be. or fort of land-tax. that he did.
in his favour . We have now to turn our attention to the Parliaments. and now a Cardinal) was appointed to the adminiftration of He was althe finances. freely elected by the people. concurring in the opinion that they had not authority. de la Fayette replied.
On the fubject of fuppiying the Treafury by new taxes. turned out a defpot. that railing money by taxes could only be done by a National AfTembly. and with refpedt to
majority of the Nobles appeared to be in
favour of them.
line of
and the nation was ftrongly difpofed
and a Cardinal. de la Fayette faid. and fay.
not
exift. and acting as their reprefentatives. an office that did not always exift in
this office did
France. iign what you fay. the States General? M.

word Aux armes (To arms) was given out by the officer of the guard who attended him. the name of taxes night not to be mentioned) but for the
j
of reducing them
. Mr. he came from Verfailles to Paris.
the Parliament was ordered
to Verfailles. The edicts were again tendered to them. in the manner mentioned in page 90.
. he had to return with thofe of mortification and disappointment.
On
this refuial. by an orOn this.[
<5
3
3
for anfwer. in the ufual form. All the members of Parliament were then ferved with Lettres but as they continued as inde Cachet. On alighting from his carriage to afcend the fteps of the Parliament Houfe. He endeavoured to imprefs the Parliament by great words. and the. our Lord " and Mafter." The Parliament received him very coolly. declaring that every thing done at Verfailles was illegal. and could not avoid reflecting how wretched was the condition of a difrefpected man. and the Count D'Artois undertook to act as reprefentative for the King. and with iheir ufual determination not to regifter the taxes : and in this manner the interview ended. the Parliament immediately returned to Paris. it would be well that lie noticed this as an example. mentions the French finances again in thp Bnglilh Parliament. " The King. That •withfuch a revenue as the Nation then fup~ ported. that it echoed through the avenues of the Houfe." The marked difapprobation which he faw. Pitt. who wants more of our money to fpend. the crowd (which was numeroufly collected) threw cut trite expreffions.
government was called a were enregiltered in prefence of the Parliament.
. they were after a fhort time recalled to Paris. impreffed him with apprehensions . and as vengeance did not fupply the place of taxes.
and threw both the
the
edicts out*.
:
King held. and exiled to Trois flexible in exile as before. faying. After
. and whatever ideas of importance he might fet off with. It was fo loudly vociferated. der of State. and ordered the enregifleriag to be {truck out. in a train of proceflion . renewed their fcffion in form. But {how and parade had loft their influence in France. and the Parliament were aflembled to receive him. " this is Monfieur D'Ar" tois. For this purpofe. and the two edicts
* When the Englifh Minifter. what under the old Bed of Juflice. and opened his authority by faying.
wn'ere. and produced a temporary confufion I was then ftanding in one of the apartments through which he had to pafs.

and. the Parliament of Paris at laft declared. and a new criminal code of laws. and law proceedings. The Cabinet had high expectations from their new con-^ trivance. the Parliament could no longer with propriety continue to debate
had not authority to act. The King after this came and held a meeting with the Parliament.
they hit on a pro-
ject calculated to elude. contained better principles than thofe upon which the government had hitherto been adminiftered but with refpect to the Cour fleniere. in which he continued from ten in the morning till about fix in the evening.
without appearing to oppofe. it was no other than a medium through which defpotifm was to pafs. and as it was necefiary to carry a fair appearance. It was to commence on the 8th of
:
.
gave his word
to
the Parliament.
For
purpofe. without appearing to act directly from itfelf. in* a manner that appeared to proceed from him. The thing. that if the to calling the States-General
:
States-General were allembled.
But after this another fcene arofe. Keeper of the Seals. that although it had been cuftomary for Parliaments to
enregifter edicts for taxes as a matter of convenience. as if unconfulted upon with the cabinet or the mini firry y
on what
it
to Paris. were to be nominated by the King .
who
afterwards fhot himfelf.
This new arrangement confided in efrabHfhing a body under the name of a Cour pl£niere> or full Court. The minifter and the cabinet were averfe They well knew.
and
King had not mentioned any
this
time. was fubftituted in room of the former. in many points. in which were inveflred all the powers that the government might have oc-? The perfons compofing this Court cafion to make ufe of. the
itfelf
:
Conftitution
It
Court fet about making a fort of wat principally the work of M. The perfons who were to compofe the Cour pleniere y were already nominated . La-
Tnoignon. the right belonged only to the States-General-. that
the States-General
fhould be convened. the contended right of taxation was given up on the part of the King. many of the beft characters in the nation were appointed among the number. and that.r
64
]
:
After
tliis
a
new
fubject took place
In the various debates
and contefts that arofe between the Court and the Parliaments on the fubject of taxes. that themfelves muft
as the
fall
. on a ground different from all the former. therefore.

and three hundred by the ariflocracy . but with refpecl to the mode of aflTembling themfelves. by attempting to make a new one. and they decided in favor of the mode of 161 4.
mode of 6 4 would anfwer
Commons
fhould
all fit
fhould be equal to the other two. in which neither the wants of the government. But as he did not chufe to take the decifion upon himfeif. and the
Com-
mons
but their numbers. and the old one. fays.
could not well efcapc the fagacity of M.
:
ber finally determined on was twelve hundred
be chofen by the
portion
is
fix
hundred
to
Commons.
The
politics.
made
a chafin. (and this was lefs than their proought to have been when their worth and confequence
coniidered on a national fcale) three hundred by the clergy.
dinary occafions. Neckar. that the
1 neither the purpofe of the then go1 nernment. and vote in one body. he fummoned again the Affembly of ths Notables.. It was government dethroning government. As matters were at that time circumftanced. Burke (and I muft take the liberty of telling Kim he is very unacquaited with French affairs). and alfo againft the wifhcs of the Court ariflocracy oppofed itfelf to both. and they voted by orders.
what was then
the NoblefTe. or their proportions. This body was in general interefted in the decifion. and that they The numin one houfe. fpcaking upon this fubjed. the
It
lafl
of which was in 1614.
The
* Mr. thofe matters were referred*. their
num-
bers were then in equal proportions. There was no fettled form for convening the Statesall that it pofitively meant. and referred it to them. The debates would have been endlefs upon privileges and exemptions. being chiefly of the ariflocracy and the high-paid clergy . would have been attended to. was a deputation from
called the Clergy. who recommended that the number of the
.[
66
]
thorityof antiquity. They had been convened only on extraor. or the manner in which they fhould vote. whether together or apart. The fubjecl was then taken up by the Parliament. had not been always the fame. nor of the nation. This decifion was againft the fenfe of the for the Nation. it would have been too contentious to agree upon any thing. nor the withes of the nation for a conftitmion. and contended for privileges independent of either. " The ftrft thing that ftru ck
.
failure of this
ing the States General
General
:
fcheme renewed the fubjecl of convenand this gave rife to a new feries of .

not men.' Intrigue du Cabinet. it fhews that he is unacquainted with circumftances. I faw diftinclly. and of giving their confent or their negative in that manner . and the whole time paffed away in alterca*' tions. then could he diftin&ly fee all the parts.
The Tiers Etai (as they w ere then called) difowned any knowledge of artificial orders and artificial privileges . who wrote before any revolution was thought of in France. and very nearly as it has happened.
was manifeft that no conftitution
could be formed by admitting as National men. when the whole was out of fight. " They held the public in fufpenfe five months. and parade.r
67
]
but an animated one. they increafed the confufion they were called to compofe. that there would be a revolution . The departure was neceffary. but was not able to make him fee it. They fituated themfelves in three feparate chambers. but fomewhat difr
dainful.
part of their order.
The
candidates were
. I have endeavoured to imprefs him. but by the clafh of arranging them by orders.
and from the
the ariftocracy had fhewn by upholding Lettres de Cachet.
They began
as a
to confider ariftocracy as a
kind of fundifpofition
gus growing out of the corruption of fociety. but Societies were formed in Paris. that could not
be admitted eved
branch of
it
it . all that was to follow. jority of the ariftocracy claimed what they called the privilege of voting as a feparate body. of correfpondence and communication eftablifhed throughout the nation. and the heat with which they were put. me
men in any
other character then
After
in the calling the States-General. from the experience had upon ifc.
and he foon
How
V
. neither would he believe it. and
in fundry other inftances. The States-General were to meet at Versailles in April 1789. it * c appears that the great (les grandi ) thought more to fatisfy their particular paffions* ** than to procure the good of the nation. " From the moment I read the lift. The author of 'Intrigue du Cabinet (Intrigue of the Cabinet). 329. and they were not only refolute on this point. but did not afTemble till May. ceremonies.
was not a eontefled cle&lon. and explaining to them the principles of civil government. and committees principles. And with refped to the " departure from the ancient courfe. Burke certainly did not fee all that was to follow." after fays. and many of the bifhops and the high-ben eficed clergy claimed the fame privilege on the
The
elecYion that followed. was a great departure from the ancient courfe. p. that the ancient courfe was a bad one. that it did not give rife even to the rumour of tumult. as well before as after the States-General met. Vol. The StatesGeneral of 1614 were called at the commencement of the civil war in the minority of Louis XIII. x. is beyond my comprehenfion. K and by the queftions agitated therein. fpeaking of the States-General of 1614. or rather the clergy and the This maariftocracy withdrew each into a feparate chamber. " i." befides the natural weaknefs of the remark. fays." Mr. and fo orderly was the election conducted. for the purpofe of enlightening the people.

fent an invitation to the two chambers. which with a majority of the clergy. as
had been concerted.
A
majority of the clergy. The ariftocracy had hitherto oppofed the defpotifm of the Court. and in confequence of this arrangement.. very different is a man of a good pofed to recommend a union of
to
the general clafs called
heart. or National Affembly. and concerted between the national reprefentatives and the patriotic members of the two chambers. and the whole of the national reprefentatives.
(hewed himfelf
dif-
the three chambers. to unite with them in a national character. and forty-five from the other chamber joined in like manner.
The King. and foon after to a greater number. This motion was not made in a precipitate manner: It was the refult of cool deliberation." This proceeding extinguished the ftile of Etats Generaux or
only
c<
and could
States-General. the national
reprefentatives. In a little time. and that the two
Orders could be conftdered but as
deputies of corporations^
have a deliberative voice but 'when they a/Jem" bled in a national char abler with the national reprefentatives. who.
On
carrying this motion. which is neceflary to its explanation judged prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber. . the Tiers Etat or Commons (as they were then called) declared themfelves (on
amotion made
f*
*
for that purpofe by the Abbe Sieyes) " THE " representatives of the nation*. There is a fort of fecret hiftory belonging to this laft It was not circumftance. (as the Englilh Barons oppofed King John).
chiefly of the
parifh
withdrew from tke clerical chamber. and injuftice of artificial pivileged diftinctions. and erected
it
into the
ftile it
now
bears.
by that name. and affected the language of patriotifm. put the mal-contents in a very diminutive con:
dition. and joined the nation. It was become evident. on the
ground
. and proceed to
bufinefs. they drew off by degrees. as well to reafon the cafe. could be eftablifhed on anything lefs than a national ground. {tiling itfelf the Nobles. that no conftitution. fhould quit it at once .
priefts. and it now oppofed the nation from the fame motives.
that
of L'AfTemble Nationale.t
66
3
After various altercations on this head. but it oppofed it as its rival. who faw into the folly. mifchief.worthy of being called by that name. the numbers encreafed from forty-five to eighty. always leaving fome. as to watch the fufpected.

They had no objection to a conftitution.
vifible imbecillity
the
more
it
it
was defpifed. the other hand. in cafe they could not accomplifh this object.
jreforted to their
efientially
deftroyed.
than dreaded as a lion. declaration of the
chambers
feparately. to overthrow the National AflTembly entirely.
The more
ariftocracy appeared. the Nation difowned knowing any thing of them but as citizens.
it j
own clumbers.
had hitherto atand the Count D'Artois became their chief. in
all
now of two things. chiefly of bifhops and high-benificed clergy and thefe men were determined to put every thing to iflue. according the old form. and was ra-
ther jeered at as -an
afs. Neck. they began now to
plan of the mal-contents confided
either to deliberate
cultivate a friendship with the defpotifm they
The
tempted to
rival. but it muft be fuch an one as themfelves ftiould (dictate. but the mal-contcnts it. or what are called Nobles or
Nobility. was lefs than man. ground from contempt more than from hatred. as well by ftrcngth as by ftratagem. ai fto ratical chamber.
to confult
on a
oroteft againft
£
.
immediately alter
th. To effect one or other of thefe objects. and was determined to (hut out all fuch
exerted thefntelves to prevent
:
. and a minority of the clerical chamber.tr. that while
It loft affected to be more than citizen.
up-ftait
pretenfions..
The King (who
has (ince declared himfelf deceived into their meafures) held. and vote by chambers. though
prefentatives.
minifter was in
wno now began
that he was growing out of faihion at Court. and b^gan now to have anoTheir numbers confided o( a majority ther project n view. and that another
cotm
nio'a tidn>«
in
As
the form of lifting
fepnrate
chambers was yet appathe national
re*-
rency kept up. (by which the ariftocratical chamber would have had a negative on any article of the conftitution) or. there was a
and want
»of intellects in the majority. (or orders).
King was made
to perceive
again (t the advice of M.
but referved the deliberation and
upon
all
queftions refpecting a conftitution to the three
This.C
69
1
ground the National AflTembly had taken.s declaration
of the King. a Bed of Jufiice x in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par tete (by
head) upon feverai objects
vote
. On and fuited to their own views and particular fituations. a fort ofyV nefais quoi. of the. or rather No-ability. more efpecialiy on all queftions reflecting a conftitution.
countries*
This
is
the
general character of ariftocracy.

after renewing their feffion.
it
is
to this
policy
that a declaration
made by Count D'Artois muft
be attributed.C
it. that while the mal-contents continued to refort to their chambers feparate from the National
and which
It
AfTembly. and. and now wanted a pretence for quitting it.
which was But
to
as force
to aftemble
thirty
accomplim the overthrow of the National would be necefTary.
is here proper to be introduced. <f That if they took not apart in the National 16 djjembiy. as the moft convenient place they could find.
over the intended conftitution by a feparate vote. the life of the King -would he endangered . But as they had taken their ground. and as they faw. it was necefTary that one fhould be devifed. the door of the chamber of the National
AiTembly was fhut againft them. they prepared themfclves for their
final
object—that of confpiring againft
it. and that the plot might be fufpected. retired to a private The mal-contents had by houfe." on which they quitted their chambers. until they had eftablifhed a conftitution As the experiment of fhutting up the houfe had no other effect than that of producing a clo{er connection in the Members. and mixed with the AfTembly in
one body*
At
. orders were ifTued thoufand troops. that more jealoufy would be excited than if they were mixed with it. management was necefTary to keep this plan concealed till the
moment
it
mould
be ready for execution.
the National AfTembly. one of the new-intended Miniftry. the command of which
was given to Broglio. On this. and guarded by troops . from the difcontent which the declaration excited.
7°
J
and the minority of the chamber (calling itfelf the Nowho had joined the national caufe. We now are to have in view the forming of the new MiniItry. Th's was effectually accomplished by a declaration made by Count D'Artois. which Count D'Artois undertook to conduct . took an oath never to feparate from each other.
AfTembly. this time concerted their meafures with the Court. they withdrew to a tenis-ground in the neighbourhood of Verfaiiles. who But as fome was recalled from the country for this purpofe. to confult in like manner. could not but occur. under any circumftance whatever. and overthrowing
The
the
next morning. that they could not obtain a controul
bles). it was opened again the next day and the public bufinefs recommenced in the ufual place. and members were refufed admittance. death excepted. and the oppofition making againft it.

the Baftille was taken. But in a few days from this time. on the day. The two places were at this moment like the feparate head-quarters of two combatant enemies . and this fhort-lived attempt at a counterrevolution. this concluiion would have been good.
fpace of three days. that he had no other object in view than to preferve the public tranquillity. AiTL-mbly found itfelf furrounded by troops. But as things beft explain themfelves by their events. by order of the Affembly. the
it
The event was. was arrived to fupport them.
In a little time the National anfwer that purpofe. this apparent union was only a cover to the machinations that were fecretly going on and the declaration accommodated
. as is already related in the former part of this work. yet the Court was as perfectly ignorant of the information which had arrived from Paris to the National Affenibly. which appeared to be much difturbed. and thoufands daily arriving. remonftrating on the
itfesf to
The impropriety of the meaiure. as himfelf afterwards declared. where the Court was fitting. and calculated the outitanding Members of the two cham. and
. The palace of Verfailles. M. and up to the evening on which the Baftille was taken. who (as has been altance. was not more than four hundred yards diftant from the hall where the National AfTembly was fitting.C
7i
3
it
At
merely
bers
the time this declaration was made. The maik was now thrown off. as if it had reiided at an hundred miles difThe then Marquis de la Fayette. the plot unravelled itfelf.
from the diminutive iituation they were put in and if nothing more had followed. Neckar and the Mini (try were difplaced. named. three fucceffive deputations to the King. and to in-
prudent to
glio
form
. and Broand his foreign troops difperfed .
matters were
come
to a criiis.
in
was generally treat-
ed as a piece of abfurdity
to relieve
Count D'Artois. There are fome curious circumftances in the hiftory of this inert-lived miniftry. and demanding the reafon. who was not in the fecret of this hufinefs. with between twenty-live and thirty thoufand foreign troops. of the enemies of the Revolution and Broglio. ready mentioned) was chofen to prefide in the National Affembly on this particular occafion. On this a very ftrong declaration was made by the National Affernbly to the King. that in the new Miniftry and their abettors found
fly the nation . gave fubftantially for anfwer. and a new one formed. King.

and unalienable rights
:
minds of the members of the body focial.
DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND
OF CITIZENS. or on the abfurdity of hereditary <ucIt is the faculty of the human mind to become what ceffion. who knew not
ded
all
hirn
fo
on the
of
it
affairs
:
but the
rni-
much
as that
was attacked.
of the National Aflembty. and which is here fubjoined. being capable of being every moment compared with and the end of political inftitutions.
. neglect. inftead of vindictive proclamations. as the bafis on which the new conftitution was to be built. preclu-
communication.
teroufly they had fucceeded
though
It is
it
flew fart. in a folemn declaration. are the fole caufes of public misfortunes and corruptions of government.
considering that ignorance. pied with eftabliihing a constitution founded on the Rights of Man and the authority of the People.
By the National Assembly
<c
of
of
FRANCE. they may be ever kept attentive to their rights and their duties : That the acls of the legislative and executive powers of government. that the National AfTembly neither purfucd thofe fugitive confpirators. thefe natural. imprescriptiThat this declaration being conble. nor fought to retaliate in any fhape whatever. which. nor took any notice of Occuthem.
France formed
The
Reprefentatives of the people
into a National AfTembly. flew not fo faft as themfelves. was to outride the news left they fhould be ftopt. and fome in andefks and run. one of the firft works. arrived fo thick and fad. and none in their own character. and to act in unifon with its objectThe confpiracy being thus difperfed.
or contempt of human rights. founding themfelves on their own authority. published a declaration of the Rights of Man. have refolved to fet forth. that they had to ftart from their Some fet off in one difguife.
72
]
ftate
form and confer with niftry. Their anxiety now other. the National AfTembly felt none of thofe mean paflions which mark the character of impertinent governments.
worth remarking. and were folacing themfelves how dexbut in a few hours the accounts .r. the only authority on which government has a right to exift in any country. as has been the cafe with other governments. it contemplates. may be more refpec"ted
stantly prefent to the
:
alfo.

*
VIII. in
the fame to
all. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to fo*
ciety.
to
mote. the fellow ngfacred
:
rights of
I.
1
III.
difiintiioiis . and acAll who proit has prescribed. being directed
by
fimple
and inconteftible
principles. has no other limits than thofe which are neceffary to fecure to every other
rights
*
'.
tled to any authority which
not exprefsly derived from
IV.
Civil
continue free. according to their different
c
without any
other difiintlion than that created by their virtues
and
talents*
VII.
equal in
its fight.
commu-
nity. fecurity.
nor mould any one be compelled to that which the law
is
does not require*
*
VI. arretted. or caufe
be executed. The law
an expreflion of the will of the
formation. the National Assembly doth recognize and declare.
It
Ihouid be
whether
it
protects or punifhes. property. or held in concafes
finement.
n&rcan
'
individual.
may
always tend
to the
maintenance of the confeitution. and renders himfelf culpable by refinance.
The
exercife of the natural rights
of every man. and refflance of oppreffwn. and every citizen called
upon
or apprehended by virtue of the law. ought immediately to
obey. ihouid not be hin-
dered*.
and
imprefcriptible rights of man
and
ihefe rights
arc liberty.
What
is
not prohibited oy the law.
ere equally eligible to all honors
abilities. V. ' The end of all political affociathns
the natural
is
the prefervation of
.
in re-
fpetl
can be
founded only on public utility* II.
All citizens have aright to concur. arbitrary
orders.
men and of citizens Men are born and always
of their rights.
73
J
that the future claims of the citizens. except in
cording to the forms which
determined by the law. either perfonally.
and
employments.
its
or by their reprefentatives.C
alfo. and all being
. 44 For thefe reafons.
is
effcnti&lly the fource
of all fovereignty
. Political Liberty
.
execute..
No man
ihouid be accufed.conilfts in the
power of doing whate-
ver does not injure another. and the general hapuinefs.
in the
prcfence of the
with
*
the hope of his bleffing
Supreme Being.
be enti(i. ought to be punifhed-.
The law ought
to
impofe no
other!
penalties than
:
fuch as are abfolutely and evidently neceiTary
and no one ought
.
The nation
any.
and equal
therefore. and and favor.
or
is
any body of men.
places.
folicit.
man the free exert ife of the fame and thefe limits are determinable only by the law.

The right to property being inviolable and facred.*'
QBSEtU
. provided his avowal of them does not difturb the public order eftablifhcd by the law. either by himfelf or his
*
'
reprefentative. and their amount.
IX. that force
is
inftituted for the
benefit of the
community. and legally applied.
* XVII.[
f
74
in
3
•ught to be punifhed. and duration. the appropriation of them. to a free voice in determining the neceffity of
*
'
'
*
public contributions. and not for the particular
benefit
c
of the perfons with
*
whom
it is
entrufted. it ought to be divided equally among the members of the community. an account of their conduct. c XV. No man ought to be molelted on account of his opinions. * XI.
XIII. provided he is
refponfible for the abufe of this liberty in cafes determined
' *
by the law.. and for defraying the other expences of government. no one ought to be deprived of it. * XIV. wants a
conftitution.
*
XII. Every community has a right to demand of all its agents. Every citizen has a right. not even on account of his religious opinions.
A
common
contribution being neceffkry for the fup-
*
*
port of the public force.
all
*
I *
convicted.
A public
force being neceflary to give fecurity to the
*
'
rights of
men and
of citizens. mode of afTeffment. * X. whenever his detention becomes indifpenfible. and on condition of a
*
* *
*
previous juft indemnity. but
*
virtue of a law promulgated
*
before the offence. according to their abilities. except in cafes of evident public neceffity legally afcertained. Every
man
being prefumed innocent
till
he has been. write. more than
is
neceffary to fecure his perfon.
* *
'
s
*
ought to be provided againft by the law. every citizen may fpeak. Every community in which a feparation of powers and a fecurity of rights is not provided for. The unreftraincd communication of thoughts and opinions being one of the mod precious rights of man. and publifli freely. * XVI.
rigour to him.

are fubftantially contained in the principles of the preceding articles 5 but.
. which. cannot fo much as be made a fubjeci of human laws and that all laws muft conform themfelves to this prior exifting compacl. muft have been devotion . It then Man. will prevent any man. 10th. from going wrong on the fubjedt of Religion which is.
it
intended to accord with
takes off
its
from the
force
dignity of religion. or any body of men. a Declaration of du-
A
of another
to pefTcfs.of human laws. and 6th. befides being human. 5th. which. ha-
he
fees
right. that if a Declaration of rights
was publifhed. that before any human inftitntions of government were known in the world. are declaratory of principles upon which laws fliall be conftruded conformaBut it is queftioned by fomc ble to rights already declared. is. The remaining articles. The 7th. While the Declaration of Rights was before the National Aflembly fome of its members remarked.
the
mind
to
prefents itfdf to
in
make it a fubjett.
comprehend
:
articles
genera!
terms. if I may fo exprefsit. are fubfcquent thereto. and a world furnifhed for his reception. and
nothing to reverence in the dufky ray*. as well as 5
The
a fingle idea. define more particularly what is only generally cxprefTed in the xft. at ft mfpears right to kin* i and governments do mjfrbief by interfering. and nth articles.
*
Whatever is my right as a man.
. The 4th. which is a part of this compact. by reciprocity. and 3d. there exifted. like light intercepted by a cloudy meit
which the fource of
is
obfeured from his fight.
only erred by not reflecting far enough. 9th. beginning with the twelfth.
flected. that religious devotion. or any ways altered by any human laws or human authority. if
it
upon the mind either in a legal or a relieious fenfe. as well as to fet up what was what in another it was proper to be more particular than
condition of things would be neceffary. is alfo the right and it becomes my duty to guarantee. 8th.r
is
3
OBSERVATIONS
The
three
fir ft
on the
DECLARATION
in
OF RIGHTS.
and weakens
operative
upon
dium. from the beginning of time and that as the relation and condition which man in his individual per/on ftands in towards his Maker cannot be changed.
. or any government. guarantees the right it is
befides which.
There
is
ftrikes rightly
. and not affume to make the compact conform to the laws. and devotion muft ever continue facred to every individual man.
the
whole of a Declaration of Rights All the fucceeding articles crhu.
The
it fhould be accompanied by a declaobfervation difcovered a mind that re-
and
it
Declaration of Rights
ties alfo.
very good people whether the I Oth
divine
in
article fufficiently
:
France.
ving to undo what was wrong. in the particular filiation which France then was.originate out of them. or follow as elucidations. The firil act of man. as well as in other countries.
ration of duties. 2d. a compact between God and Man. when he looked around and faw himfelf a creature which he did not make.

and the
free. and where corrupt. we fee the folemn and majeftic fpectacle of a Nation opening its comm'ffion.
it
and Time
will
record
it
with a
Having now traced the progrefs of the French Revolution through moft of its principal ftages. than all the laws and ftatutes that have yet been promulgated In the declaratory exordium which prefaces the Declaration of Rights. that the name of a Revolution is diminurive of its character. the more fparks it will emit .-—N. and fo tranfeendently eftabtUh a Government unequalled by any thing in the European world. de
la
Fayette—*-May
great monument rai-
fed
to Liberty.
ferve as a
lejjon to the opprejfor y
and an example
to the oppreffed /
MIS-
* Seepage 12 of this wbrk. and will do more good. perhaps Mr. but a fcene of iniquity and opprerlim ? it is that of England ? Does not its own inhabitants fay.*
The
three
firft articles
. and the fear is. nor can any country be called
as well indi-
Wh
whole of the Declaration of Rights is of more value to the world. and they are but publithing the groans of a wounded vice. Had flagrant defpoit confined itfelf merely to the deftruction of tifm. under the aufpices of its Creator. Since the taking the Baftille.
ion is co nmon traffic. ftead of fuffering. Their fear difcovers itfelf in their venal tribe are all alarmedoutrage.. vernments of Europe.
It
has nothing to dread from attacks: Truth. from its commencement to the taking Of the Baftille.
I will
clofe the fubjeel: with
this
the
energetic
apoftrophe of
M. and it FiWhat are the prefent Gofes into a Regeneration of man. that the French Revolution is traduced. can be but very little known. as may eafxiy be feen. it has gone It /tares corruption in the face. B. Their cry now is.
. and continue to preferve them pure. and fome of them. it will not be
ftruck enough.
. It is a rn&rkej where every man has his price. receives an homage.
whofe government does not take its beginning from the principles they contain. " It has gone too far:" that is. Burke and fome others had been lilent. But from fuch oppoiition. and its eftablifhment by the Declaration of Rights. the occurrence* have been publifhed : but the matters recorded in this narrative.
vidual as national
are the bafis of Liberty. at the expence of a deluded people ? No wonder. are prior to that period. inThe more it is ft ruck. and the too far for them. then. the French' Revolution. to a fcene fo new.
has given
name
as
an effcablifhment lading as his own.

L
But.
proceeding with an orderly arrangement.
.
want of
beyond the compafs of his argument together. His intention was to in attack on the French Revolution but initead of
.
Notwithstanding the nonfenfe.
left a
now made! To
and fcarcely
has
name
mowed down and
and he legible in the lift of kings thinned the Houfe of Peers.
in
its
operation
wifdom of an
takes
is
fatal
may commit the government of a nation to the ideot. with a
•. that Mr.
is
any thing
elfe
than fome polar truth or
fure to be
ail
capacity. or the narrative that follows
refcrved
obfervations to be thrown together into a Mifcellaneous
. tumbling over and deitroying one an-
>
confufion and contradiction in Mr. he has pwabbed the deck.
a
man
in a
long caufe attempts
to fteer his courfe by
pi inciple.
make them uoke
this
. it mull neceiTarily follow.will
in
one
guide always
i'upply the
in view.
To
of
ter
prevent interrupting the argument
in the
it. and hereditary rights. (as they are called) can make no part and of it. The argument changes
rights to hereditary
wifeft
from hereditary
is. Burke not good to be a king.. The ground which Mr. Burke has aiTerted about hereditary rights. becaufe it is impoffible to make wifdom hereditary on the other hand.
it. Burke now to every part of his caufe. for it deferves no better name. that cannot be a wife contrivance.
fays he.
wifdom
5
and the queftion
that every
Who
is
is
the
man
?
He
muft
now £hew
one
title
in the line
of hereditary fucceffion was a Solomon.
fome Chap-
by which variety might not be cenfured for confufion.
preceding part
I
this
work.
is
ea£ily
accounted
he
to
When
loft.
keep
the parts of an
iiTue. or his What a ftroke has Mr.
ufe a failor's phrafe. and by any other means than having Neither memory nor invention The former fails him. which
•.C
11
]
MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER. Mr.
fo>'. and the
It is
latter betrays
him. and that a Nation has not a right to form a Government for itfelf . Burke's Book is all Mifcellany. he has ftormed
with a
it
Mob
this
of ideas. that hereditary fucceffion. Burke's Book. it happened to fall in his way " Government) to give fome account of what Government is. and hereditary fucccfiion.
fcythe as formidable as
Death and Time.
is
a contrivance of human ivifdom"
Admitting that Government is a contrivance of human wifdm.

he proceeds with aflrological myfterious importance.
Whether
be from a fenfe of fhame. It is without an origin. juji as it In fbort 9 that government is arbitrary power.[
7*
]
But. monopoly of wifdom.
fclf talking to. and he then proclaims. or wifdom (realiug government. but a He puts the nation as fools on one fide. and he has taken care to guard againft it a by making government to be not only a contrivance of human wifdom.
" Men have a
RIGHT
that their
w ants Jhoidd
be provided
u for
alfo
ly. to tell to them
its
in governand thefe are often in balances f* between and in compromifes fomedifferences of good " times between good and evil. and not " metaphyflcally or mathematically. or good evil. true moral demonftra-
powers. I
then.
intrepreter. or from both. and of its vail capacity for all purpofes. pof&b'e or impoflible.
by this
wifdom"
next proceeds to
Having thus made proclamation. or from a confeiouf-
nefs of fome radical defect in a
government necelTary
to be kept
out of fight.
i
" ment
are their advantages
t(
tions. that it can make evil good. I un-
dertake
."
As
will
the wondering audience
whom Mr. Burke has forgotten. But there are fome things which Mr. it h either government treating wifdom. and fometimes between evil 1C and evil. Political reafon is a computing principle .
in thefe
words-—" The Rights of men
. He has not (hewn where the wifdom originally came from and fecondly. that
. that they have
it
:
a right (not to any of the wifdom) but to be governed by
and in order to imprefs them with a folemn reverence for this monopoly-government of wifdom.
it
it is
ufurpation. he has not fhewn by what authority it fir ft began to act. Burke appears to have been aware of this retort. Mr. morally. and its powers without au:
people of
That government
thority. In the manner he introduces the matter. and
In this he has fucceeded dextrouftheir wants to be a
what
for he
is
their rights are.
may
not underftand
its
this
undertake to be
all this is. he explain to them what their wants are. and places his government of wifdom. pleafes. or from any other caufe.
makes
want of wifdom
•. he then informs them. <l fubtracting.
In fhort. multiplying. adding. right or wrong. all wife men of Gotham.
The meaning
is
good
governed by no principle whatever . Firft.
but as
this
but cold comfort. on the other fide .
all
Burke fuppofeshimlearned jargon. and dividing. and fays.

there
is
the fountain of honour. (hew how little they under/land of man.
which renders him
This may account for fome ftrange doctrine he has advanced in his book.E
79
1
it is.
made ignorant. There is
its
foner never traces government to
fource. Burke is labouring in vain to flop the progrefs of knowledge . Thofe who talk of a counter revolution in There does France. or
It is
A
!
the head of the a proftitute. acts in the fame
. will look back with contemplative pride on the origin of their governments. left fome robber cr fome Robin Hood ftioitld rife from the long obfcurity of time. Burke laboured the Regency Bill and hereditary fucceffion two years ago. by making them feel and when
:
once the
rance
is
veil
begins
to rend. The revolutions of America and France have thrown a beam of light over the world. The means muft be an obliteration of knowledge and his it has never yet been difcovered. and fay. and
it. when once any object has been feen. he cannot be
not originally a thing of itfelf. which. thofe who fhall live in America or in France.
impoffible
to re-eftablifli
It is
the abfence of knowlege
rant. A certain fomething forbids him to look back to a beginning.
lift. and iky » 1 am the origin* Hard as Mr. not exift in the compafs of language. are changing fa ft in all countries. The enormous expence of governments have provoked people to think.
dertake not to determine*.
the fon of
and the plunderer of the Englifh nation. which reaches into man. one of the fiibboleths by which he may be known. but is only and though man may be kept igno. or unthink his thoughts. it is impoffible to put the mind back to the fame condition it was in before it faw it. This was the work of our glorious anceflors ! But what can a monarchical talker fay ? What has he to exult in ? Alas he has nothing. as there
is
a certain tranfaction
known
in the city.
knowlege.
it
admits not of repair. in discovering manner as it acts through the eye in difcovering object . and lay. an arrangement of words to exprefs fo much as the means of effecting a counter revolution. and it comes with the worfe grace from him. he ftili had not boldnefs enough to bring up William of Normandy. how to make man unknow
truth. and much as he dived for precedents. but fo
that a monarchical rea-
from its fource.
fufpected of being a pendoner in a fictitious name. The mind.
. thoufand years hence.
it is
Igno-
of a peculiar nature: once difpelled. The opinions of men with refpect to government. Mr.

will
. as well in its original.
how
imports foreign families to be Kings. though he points
tually
it
Revolution Society.
that the nation then continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch to its government .
is
effec-
directed againft the whole Nation. than what it does to the ear of another perfon. one of the petty them. (taking it for gran.
or
in
its
if
there
is
not
a right to a vote in
any of-
the characters.
a fingle vote for a
colletlively
. as in its reprefentative character.
refpect
to
the
doctrine."
" hol^s
his
Crown
(for
"
**
it
does not belong to the nation. It is not theRevolution Society that Mr. and he has taken care to make himfelf underftood. I am at no lofs to judge. it is always a foreign heufe of Kings hating foreigners.
come
to the
Crown with
fame c$n-
" tempt of
tc
their choice. or whether the people chufe a Cheroto that
kee Chief.
it
try.
in
contempt of the choice of the Revolution Society.r
80
at the
3
which. Burke means. fo
it is
far as
it
relates to
the Rights
of
abominable as any thing ever uttexed in the moft enflaved country under heaven. The Revolution Society is compofed of citizens of all denominations. the parliament could not have had authority to have fent cither to Holland or to Hanover.
ted. is not a matter that but with that to themfelves I trouble myfelf about. by not being accuftomed to hear fuch defpotifm.
as
Men and
and confequently.
fays he.
" The King of England. with which his Majefty has fucceeded which he now wears.
who
" have not " dually or
<fc
King among them
his Majefly's heirs. there can be no right to any either in the nation
parliament. that although the people of England
a caution to every
It
is
This ought to be
have been in the habit of talking about Kings. I am not fo well a judge of. for without this. yet governed by It is now the Hotife of Brunfwick. It has hitherto been the practice of the Englifh Parliaments. and of members of both the Houfes of Parliament . As to who is king in England or elfewhere. tribes of Germany. or a Heffian Hufiar for a King. or whether there is any king at all.
either indivi-
and
each
the
in their
time and order.
to
what curious
counfomeobferve. to regulate what was called the iucceflion. according to Mr. it is the Nation. by faying that they have not a vote either colletlively or individually. Whether it founds vorfe to my ear. be
. but of its abominable principle.
Nations. Burke). or to impofe a King up-
on
.

" it is laying too much even to the humbled individual in the country . " America is a fine free couathe late war " try. which the country gives the perfon it (tiles a King. the nation . master of every thing. it had a right to be a Republic . When Mr. whofe liberties are to be protected by German principles of government and princes of Brunfwick. will come to the "crown with the-y^m^ contempt of their choice with which " His Majefty has fucceeded to that he wears. which is applicab'e do not directly charge my memory with every particular j but the words and the purport. we have no longer any occafion for you. The nation is the payoriginal right. as univerfal as taxation. each in their time and order. Germany . "-—God help that country. and to pay for contempt. of Peers. and that but from a very i mall part of. The right of a Parliament is only aright in truft. it had a right to have it fo .
I
. thought I. we eat draw. and reminds me of what one of the Brunfvvick foldiers told me. it becomes worfe . as nearly as I remember. but
right of the nation
mm oft
the
goes to the whole cafe.
and
time he was Minifter.) And this mud be the limit to which Parliament can go upon the cafe . As Mr. who was taken prifoner by the Americans in " Ah!" faid he. a right by delegation. and if it afterwards chofe to be a Republic.
:
general*
. and to fay to a King. be it England or elfewhere.C
»i
J
on the nation againft its will. fometimes of Trance. if the prince * fay. Burke fometimes fpeaks of England. by
I
the then Earl of Shelburne. it is worth the people's righting for. Burke fays that " His Majefty's heirs and fuc<s ceiTors. is defpotifm . in my country. and every thing muft conform to its
general will. were thefe: That the form of a Government was a m-ztter wholly at the will of a Nation at all times : that if it chofe a monarchicalform . but when contempt is added. part of whofe daily labour goes towards making up the million ilerling a year. becaufe
it
has the
right of changing
its whole form of government. and one of But the right of the nation is an its Houfes has not even this. is the This fpecies of Government comes from excefs of flavery. Eat draw. and fometimes of the world. Government with Infolence. I know the dif" ference by knowing my own . and of government in
think
was
at the
to this cafe.
*I
remember taking
it
notice of a fpeech in what
is
called
the
Englifh Houfc.

can our liberties be regularly perpetuated and preferved facred as our hereditary
aflc
them away ? M. it had a power to operate not only independent. fays.
But.
right." I
is
Mr.
." But befides the eat ftraw.
. and that the people of England
folly of the declaration. in fpeaking to France. like time. and the legality of which in a few
if it
!
Mr. to hear what thofe of other countries have to fay refpecting it. or as if it were a thing or a fubject univerfally confented to. de la " For a Nation to he free.
It
may
is
alfo learn
When
Nations
opened. he fays. c< it is fvfficient that /he wills it. which is frequently the cafe with Mr. but in fpite of man . As it is fometimes of advantage to the people of one country. and James the fecond. as were i'ome production of nature . it is preparing itfelf to tempt. Burke's Book.
without
evils
and
as
knowledge
is
the object contended for. that Charles the firft.r
82
3
general. Burke who
to take
Fayette.
talks about what he calls an hereditary crown.
its
fomething from the anfwers it will occafion. holding it in " conIf England is funk to this. it is poffible that the people of France may learn fomething from Mr. are inftances of this truth. and the more fo when circumftances are put for arguments. but is the reverfe It is a thing in imagination. addreffing himfef to the people of France. Burke
years will be denied. the propriety of of them all. Lurke reprefents England as wanting capacity to take care of itfelf and that its liberties muft be taken care of by a King. a wide field of debate The argument commences with the rights of war. which is more than doubted. the liberties of the people were endangered.
it is
Government
are
general
next to impoffible in
them from the idea of place and circumftance . fall out about freedom. yet neither of them went fo far as to hold the Nation in contempt. as in Hanover or in Brunfwick.
many
cafes to feparate
" (meaning
*' (i ts
the Englifh).
the party that fuflains the defeat obtains the prize." But Mr. " No experience has taught us.
. Burke.
it happens that the facts are all againft was by the Government being hereditary. that in any other courfe or method than that of an hereditary crown. Burke.
Mr.
it
is
difficult to
meeting him on the
anfwer his book without apparently fame ground. Alas it has none of thofe properties. or as if. Although principles of
fubjects. In the former part of his Book.

fhall fay to a Nation.
or any other distinction. an hereditary fucceflion to the Government of a Nation.a perfon in he was fold by his parent.
it
Signifies
relief.
tempt" of you. I hold this power in " con.
Secondly.
The
right of a Nation to eftabiifh a particular fa-
With
reSpect to xhejirji of thefe heads. all men will con-
prove
it.
In order to arrive at a
it
more
perfect decifion
on
this
head. it does not prefent itfelf but if men will permit a as defpotifm on the firft reflection fecond reflection to take place.
But the y^ceW head.
to reflect that
tablifhed as a ^egal thing.
refpect to fucceeding generations. or thofe who Stand in fucceffion to him. It operates to preclude the confent of the Succeeding generation. more properly fpeaking.
will be
proper to confider the generation which undertakes
rate
with hereditary powers.
heads under which (what is called) an hereditary crown. cur in calling it deSpotiSm . hereditary fucceffion cannot be tfIt is
no
flavery. and the preclusion of confent is defpotifm.[
83
]
But. acts
iih. to arrange this matter
neral expreflions can convey.
The
at the
generation which
its
firft
Selects a
perfon. When the perfon who at any time ihall be in poffeffion of a Government.
that of a
its
family
eftabiifhing itfelf with hereditary
powers on
and independent of theconfent of a Nation.
be
wiSe or fool-
as a free
agent for
itfelf. they will then fee that hereditary fucceffion becomes in its confequences the fame defpotifm to others.
. and it would be treSpafling on their
understanding to attempt
to
own authority.
not on what authority he pretends
but an aggravation to.
to fay
it. and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own perfons to that of their offspring. and puts
title
it
him
head of
Government.
diftinct
in a clearer
it
view than
what ge1
will
be neceflary to
ftate ihc
or.
The perfon
fo Set
up
is
not
hereditary. a-part and fepafrom the generations which are to follow and alfo to confider the character in which \l\tjirft generation ads with
to eftablifh a family
.
its
either with the
of King. can be considered which are.
mily.
own
ehoice.
Firft. and as that which heightens the criminality of an aft cannot be produced to prove the legality of it. that of a Nation eltabliihing a particular family with hereditary powers .
•.
The
right of a particular family to eitabiifh
itfelf. which they reprobated for themfeives.

and
which can only
contempt for his proftitutc
principles. by virtue of a will and teftament.
the objects to which
it
applies itfelf
are not within the compafs of any law. but under a government of its own choice and.
we have now
character in which that generation acts with refpect to the
commencing 'generation. (and which it has not authority to make) to take from the commencing generation. or any oand cut off the defcent.
are difpofed to be flaves. and it is not in the power of any generation to intercept finally.
transferable.
ther.eitaWere the generation who fets him up. to which
It
has neither right
a Teftator. a new and different form of government Itfelf. does not live under an hereditary govecpi ment.
But.
are neither devifeable.
demife of the makers. but
felected
and appointed
and the generation
who
him up.
rights
The
of
men
in
fociety.
la
.
the fucceeding generation to be free: wrongs cannot have a
legal defcent. in this cafe. or of any
«•
will or teftament. which
Legifiator to
is
nor and
it
to
have operation after the
*. or pity for his ignorance.
is
follow on the death of the
As
therefore hereditary fucceffion
out of the quedion with
to consider the
refpect to thejirfi generation.
changes
itfelf
affects to
make
its
from a Will. to live forever. but under a Government of its own choice and eftablifhment and it now attempts.
hereditary.
to all fucceeding ones. and all future ones.
it
affumes a character.
Burke attemps
that
the Engli/h Nation did at the Revolution of 1688 mojl jolemnly renounce and abdicate their rights for themfelvesy and for all
their pofierity for every
he fpeaks a language that merits not
excite
reply.
When Mr. the rights and free agency by which
•. not under an hereditary Government. but to
and
eftablHh on the
fuc-
ceeding generation.
it
does not ieffen the righf of
to maintain. hereditary fuccefSon can only
firft parties. as is already obferveci. If the prefent generation.
itfelf acted. lived under which itfelf lived. perfon fo fet up. to bequeath the Government
not only attempts to bequeath.
nor nor annihilable. exclulive of the right which any generation has to act
collectively as a teftator. and
It
title.C
s4
]
. and the blifhment. itnever could become hereditary
fets
fucceffion
\
and of confequence. but are defcendable only.

it
miftook the cargo. or is it a name.
in
what does that neceffity confifr. or in the
man? Doth
cap. than there was in America to have done a fimilar thing. that they have no rights^ that their rights are already bequeathed to him. after all. From fuch principles. yet this is the manner in which (what is called) hereditary fucceflion by law. or rather what is monarchy ? Is it a thing. and that he will govern in contempt of them. if wifdom was at fuch a low ebb in England. or is it. and even if
it
was.
A
!
pretences?
Is
it
a
thing
necefTary to a nation
?
If
it
is." I might afk him. " or of human craft to obtain money from a nation under fpecious
felf. and ceils them in Mr. and the refpeel: for his perfonal character. or a German Elector. what is this metaphor called a crown. and give it to C.
.
fome countries In America it is con-
of
its
exiftencc. a -fraud ? Is it " a contrivance of human wifdom. falling into ridicule.
how
is
a foreigner to underftand
M
them.C
*S
]
In whatever light hereditary fucceffion. and in France it has fo far declined. Burke
defcribes
it. as growing out of
fome former generation. what is its bufinefs.
If
Government be what Mr. who afterwards comes forward. that the goodnefs of the man.
is
The wifdom of every
all
its
country. A certain former generation made a will to take away the rights of the commencing generation and all future ones. and convey thofe rights to a third perfon. and fuch ignorance. prefenfs itcannot make a will to take from B the property of B.
"a
contri-
vance of human wifdom.
5
when
properly exerted. that it was become necefTary to import it from Holland and from Hanover ? But I will do fbe country thejufticeto fay.
the
?
gold-
fmith
it
that
makes the crown. andwhat are its merits? Doth the virtue confid in the metaphor. Good Lord deliver the world But. that was not the cafe. are the only things that preferve the appearance
unnecessary
fidered as an abfurdity. Burk's language. and
as
and expenfive.
It
appears to be a fomethihg going
rejected in
much
out of
fafhion. what fervices does it perform. operates. If a country does not
underftand
its
own
affairs.
it is
the will and teftament of
an abfurdity.
fufHcient for
purpofes
and there
could exift no more real occafion in England to have fent for a Dutch Stadtholder. make the virtue
like
?
aifo
Doth
operate
Fortunatus's
wifliing
or
Harlequin's
?
wooden {word
what
both
is
it ?
Doth
it
make
a
man
a conjuror
In fine.

Lords of the kitchen. can find as many reafons for monarchy as their
If there
. King? he retorts. fuch as placemen.
our reafon cannot
afk us
— What
are thofe
men
rica
kept for
is any thing in monarchy which we people of Amedo not underftand. all civilized nations will agree in. that of obliging them to call him " Their Sovereign Lord the King. part of it. is Nothing of monarchy appears in any republican goverment.
jf I afk
paid at the expence of the country. Burk would be fo kind as to I fee in America. and obferve
its
but
when we cad our
and. the merchant. including trial by jury. All that part but civil government is republican government. except the name which Wiliiam the Conqueror impofed upon the Englifh. quarter-feliion.
fomething
If
I
afk
monarchy is to him ? he can give me him what monarchy is. a country ten times as large as England. why is it kept up any where ? and if a neceiTary thing. a government extending over inform us. is making a rapid progrefs in the world." It is eafy to conceive.
that of
men
?
the race of kings are the moll infigniheant
fail to
in capacity. Lords of the bed-chamber. If monarchy is a ufelefs thing. the manufacturer. Lords of the neceffkry-houfe.
.
]
its
them.
others.
in
it.
the occupations of
amount
to the
to
.
. how can it be difpenfed with ? That civil government is necefiary.
but
the farmer. Iwifh Mr. pensioners. that his
wifdom was neceiTary
fome
rcafon might be offered for monarchy
eyes about a country. the generality of people living in a and I fee ftile of plenty unknown in monarchical countries that the principle of its government. and afks me if I take him for an ideot ? How is it that this difference happens ? are we more or lefs wife than mothers? I fee in America.C
26
laws.
all
and when we look around the world. fee
how
every part underftands
own
affairs.
falaries. nor
its
lan-
guage
If there exifted a
man
fo rranfeendently wife above all
to inftruct a nation. if he wants a cofts in England. and conducted with regularity for a fortieth part of the expence which government If I afk a man in America. the tradefall
man. what fervice
life
common
no anfwer.
who knows
?
neither
its
manners. of the government of England which begins with the office of conflable. which is that of the equal Rights of Man. and general affize. and proceeds through the department of magiftrate. and down through
labourer. that a band of Interested men. he believes it is
Notwithstanding
like a finecure. and the Lord knows what beiides.

and the people in flavilh vafTalage. Arbitrary Power How then could
:
A
German
it
Elector
is
in
be expected that he
Should be attached to principles of liberty in one country.iides the endlefs
German
intrigues that rnuft fol-
Elector being King of England.
There
. excluries'. Burke's words. there is a natural impoffibility of uniting in the fame perfon the principles of Freedom and the principles of Defpotifm. is under the fame wretched Slate of arbitrary power. (and
When
it
would
puzzle
a wifer
man than Mr. fubject ncceiiarily extends itfelf to the monarchical the people of England fent for George the Firft. fuccefs
to
the
principles of Liberty in France. they kail to have conditioned for the abandonment of
\Be.
and the Electorate
I
as
the
eftate. while his intereft in another was to be fupportedby defpotifm ? The union cannot exift and it might eaiily have been forefeen. or as it is ufually
a
German
called in
his electorate a defpot
England. Burke
what
fervice
to difover for
wjiat he could be wanted. the
the
internal
part.
The
Englifh
may
wiih. low from
he cold render). while the connection lafts. laid to be for the expences left vernment.
'.'
that
German
Electors
*
The Engliih have been in the habit of considering a King of Endand only in the character in which he appears to them
:
whereas the fame perfon. where the prefent Queen's family governs. or in
Germany
.
Con-
government is executed by the any nation people. almoft at" its own charge. in Mr. they cannot be accounted for on the fcore of civil government.
would make German Kings. the taxes of England ought to be lighted of As this are the contrary.
of defpotiim in his electo-
and the Dutchy of Mecklenburgh. has a home-feat in another country. or
ought at Hanover. Jo Europe s initead of which. it is ftill evident that the fenfe of the Nation is magistrates and juto govern itfelf. would affume government with contempt. and the principles of the governments in oppofition to each other— To fuch a perfon England will appear as
a town-refidence. or.
but a
Ger-
man
rate
Elector trembles for the fate
. the intereft of which is different to their own.C
37
J
Notwithstanding the
taxes
of England
|>enteen millions a year.
almoit the only charge that
sidering that
ail
is
amount to almoft or' Go-
paid out of the revenue. on The Salaries of the Judges are sive of theexpence of taxes. and does govern itfelf by republican principles. as
believe they do.

it
now
promife to
is
probable the Nation would not have patiently fub-
George the Fir ft and Second were fenfiand as they could not but conflder themfelves asftanding on their good behaviour.
A
higher
ftimulus
. as nations
:
againlt Liberty. that it had frrongly that
:
appearance.
fudden tranlition. they had prudence to keep their German principles of Government to themfelves but as the Stuart Family wore away. and what were called prerogatives. and the fondnefs of Mr. nothing could operate togive a more general (hock than an immediate coalition of the champions themfelves. continued to heat the Nation till fome time after the conclusion of the American War. and each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary champions for and againfi prerogative.
. As the Nation had formed itfelf into two parties.
The
animofily of the Englifh Nation. and to diftinguifli the
the politics of
when it became the Englifh to more circumfpedtly than at the prepolitics
of the Electorate
from
the
Nation. The conteft between rights.
it
is
very
well remembered. . it is proper to obtwo difiin<5t fpecies of popularity the one excited by merit.
The
revolution of France
has entirely changed the ground with refpect to England and but the German defpots.
view of the
ftate
of parties
world becomes matter and take a concife reand politics in England.C
83
]
There never was
fent
a
time
watch continental intrigues moment. I leave to Mr.
ble of a rival in the remains of the Stuarts
. had the
true principles 'of
Liberty been as well understood then as they
be. the other by refentment.. as Mr. Pitt for office.
Burke has done in France.
now
quit this fubjeel.
are combining
gainft this intrigue. and
felt
muturelief
meafure. .
no other^
than uniting in a
common
execration againfi: both. when all at once it fell a calm execration exchanged itfelf for applaufe. with Prufiia at France. and the mtereft which all his family connections have obtained. the prudence became lefs neceiTary. Burke certain however it is. that there are
. ran high
and. The partiaccount for
this
To
ferve.
As
every thing which pafTes in the
I will
forhiftory. Whether the prefent reign commenced with contempt.
mitted to fo much.
fans
ally
of each being thus fuddenly
heated with difguft
at the
left in
the lurch. do not give fufBcient fecurity atheir head. and Court popularity fprung up like a mufhroom in the night.

the new Minifter. had a right in himfelf to arTume the government. could
popular
not fail to be and from hence arofe the popularity of the Court. as it affbided the means of
it
.C
s9
]
ftimulus of reientment being thus excited. This was oppofed by Mr. uni-. but becaufe
it
it
had re-
folved to
do
its
out of refentment to
another. or worfe in their extent. was delufion
more
fuccefsfully
nor a nation more completely deceived. as heir in fucceffion. whereas
the perfons
it
ought to punifh
bufinefs.
and the
a-year
to fink
itfelf. Meawhich at o. which they liked belt— -but. Fox had ftated in the Houfe of Commons. were as bad. Never in
the
the courfe of
acted.
my
observation.
is
the
national
mod
prefents
the affair
matter which of the Regency. Tranfitions of this kind exhibit a Nation under the govern. Mr. Pitt. But the principles which Mr. Mr.
Palling over the two bubbles. and. than
thofe
. and acts perfuafion upon itfelf to foffocate its judgement.
not out of regard to himfelf. it was juft. But. the fame people
gratifying the refentment of the Nation. as to extinguifh
and without any change cf principles on the part of the who had reprobated its defpotifm. fo far as the oppohtion was confined to the doctrine. to be at the expence
in
of buying up the rotten boroughs.
the return of a new Parliament. and fought only that of
gratification. fo effectually
funerfeded the indignation againft the Court.
:
ment of temper. inftead of a fixed and Heady principle having once committed itfelf. to revenge themfelves on the Coalition Parliament. however rafhly.
He
introduced
himfelf to public notice by a propofed reform
of Parliament. The cafe was not. The dilfolution of the Coalition Parliament. to make this appear. and the leaft hated paffed for love. Pitt maintained on the contrary fide. found himfelf in a fecure majority and the Nation gave
:
him
credit.
Court. The Nation was. it feels
fures
and
itfelf
urged along to jullify by continuance its firft proceeding. that the Prince of Wales. it now approves.
who
deal in the traffic. it will be neceffary to go over the circumftances.
On
Pitt.ther times it would cenfure.
The
indignation at the Coalition. ted with it.
which
operation would have amounted to a public juftification of corruption. than what the conteft on prerogatives had occafioned. which they hated m oft . the Nation quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs. of the
million
Dutch
debt.

they both took hereditary Pitt took the worft of the two. Fox. on all national queflions.
Nation
it
.
.
Had Mr.
fuppofed to confift of three parts
is
:-• . the parts have a
national /landings independent of each other.
it
With
by
ly
Houfe of Commons. and
faid. Fox
Pitt
pafTed through Parlia-
ment.
Pitt
was
ther from the point than Mr.
Where
merited
popularity of exalting this hereditary power
reditary
over another he-
power lefs independent of the Nation than what itfelf afTumed to be.
in oppofition to
refpeel: to the
it.
the hereditary ground.
but the fact is. Mr.
is
elected but
a fmall part of.
the Nation
difpofed to continue this form. fo far as thev' refer to the
verfal as taxation. wholthen was
the
independent of the Nation.
far-
without regard to
It is
merits or
demerits. without perceiving that Mr. it would ftill be onand cannot pofTefs inherent When the National Aflembly of France refolves a rights.
muft then
have contended
(what he called) the right of the Parliament.
Mr.
the Englifh
Whether
is
form of Government be good or bad.
Houfe
.
which
the
organ
of the Nation. than
be.
It
.[
90
]
thofeof Mr.
and authority.
is made up of two Houfes . Fox took
ground. Fox. and of abforbing the rights of the Nation into a Houfe over which it has neither election nor controul ?
The
general impulfe of the Nation was right
reflection.
what the Crown
(as
it
is
called)
is
an hereditary ariftocracy. the refolve is made in right of the Nation . Pitt the parliamentary ground.
What
is
called the Parliament.
is
one of which
fuppofed to
ly
more
It is
hereditary.
not in this cafe the queftion
its
but. and are not the
creatures of each other. Mr. and more beyond the con-
troul of the Nation. aiTuming and
irrevocable rights
aiTerting indefealible. becaufe they went to eftabliin an ariftocracy over the Nation. and over the fmall reprefentation it has m
the
Houfe of Commons.
therefore.
of the Nation. and Mr.
but
it
acled
approved the oppofition made to the right fet up by Mr. more remote from the
without
Nation. matter. bur Mr. and Mr. the
but were the election as uni-
ought to be.while.
that
the perfon
alluded to
clsimed on
the
ground of the Nation. Pitt. Pitt was fupporting another indefeafible right. againft the right
By
the appearance
which the conteft made.
taking
it
as
it
ftands. Fox.

as he muft be Regent at his Among the curiolities which this contentious dec lie. ftnee the progrefs of Liber-
ty in France. of
fpeaking of Conftitution. Nation itfelf into a cypher. (hews there
and that the whole is merely a form of Government without a Conftitution. which is appropriated to the executive department: and Mr. tuning
Formerly
it
itfelf to
the ear of the Nation. and makes the organ into a Nation. finitely more value to the Nation.
In a few words. abforbs the rights of the Nation into the organ. with an extent of rich and fertile country above four times larger than England. would terminate by producing the Conftitution. and the deConftitution. and the.
was the univerfal fupremacy of Parliament-— the
Parliament
. is as certain as that the fame thing has happened in France. That is Conftitution— -To-day it is one thing . and conftiIf there were a tuting itfelf with what powers it pleafes.
i
nal Powers. as they
now
ftand.
are worth. another fays. was to be royal authority. and to-morrow. it is fomething elfe while the maintaining
none
. it confequently and a good Conftitution would be of inIs o itfelf nothing. One member lays. If. without fet ting up the Supremacy and when this was accompliihed. than what the three Nomi. ffbrded. Pitt could not po fiefs himfelf of any management of this fum. but without the fubftance. If France.
omnipotence
oj
But.
Conftitution
is
now
the cant
word of Parliament. and the Englifh Parliament have catched the fafhion from the National Aflembly.
Parliament.
Conftitution in the Englifh
The
continual ufe of the
is
word
.
As
make
defects
the prefent generation of people in England did not
the
:
Government. the affixiru) of which to an act.r
91
]
Honfe of Commons. the que (Hon on the Regency was a queftion on a million a year. with a
but that fooner or later
revenue of nearly twenty-four millions fterling.
thofe phrafes have a defpotic harflinefs in their
note . they are not accountable for any of its it muft come into their hands to undergo a conftitutional reformation. it was inof Parliament r rent who (hould be Regent.
—
the debate proves there
is
none. tiiecefose. Royal Authority is a Great Seal. was that of making the Great Seal into a King. with a population
of twenty four-millions of inhabittants
. it certainly would be referred to base on any conftitutional point. This is Conftitution.

under the former Government (hews that it is impcffible to compel the payment of taxes by force. and fends the annuity to market.
and for
properly
the
The funding
which
it
fyftem
It
not
money
. inftead
of the ftandard of
twenty-four livres to a pound fterling .
is
man
is
*. to defray the
That a government could not always have gone on by the fame fyftem which has been fallowed for
annual expenditures. and lays on a tax to keep the ima-
ginary capital alive by the payment of intereft.
fpeaking. Burke.t
92
3
upwards of ninety millions fterof gold and filver circulating in the nation..
eighty-eight
In doing this. he has.of which Lord Hawkefbury is prefident. George
(1786) an account of the quantity of money
in each
nation. credit. and Mr. Neckar's ftatement. that.
neither
it.
it
the fame reafon
mud be evident to every cannot always go on. from which Mr. to be fold for paper already in circulation.
from whatever
it
caufe. when a whole nation
is
determined to take
its
ftand
upon
that ground. what is fuppofed to be the cre-
The inftance of France dit of Government expires with it.
to
come
to
a icttleiuent of
its
problem of funding for both countries* It is out of the queftion to fay how long.
I
ates the
quantity of gold and filver in France.
in
effect.
from
. divided
by the
difference
of exchange.
creates
upon paper
fum
appears to borrow. at about
millions fterling. When this difpofition expires. for M. the queftion is. the Englifli conftitution has lafted.
affairs.
If any credit is given. Neckar
France. yet in thru ihort
rent expences.
in his review
of the finances of France. and to argue from thence how long it is to laft . with
ling
ceffary. it is to the difpofition of the people to pay the tax.
ft
Mr. and has life of a man .
prefume. together with the curit requires an amount of taxes at lead equal to
the whole landed rental of the nation in acres. Burke's is taken. what is called. is two ihoufcmd twe hundred millions of livres^ which is upwards of ninety-one
millions
and an half
in
fterling.
has fo far accumulated.
laft
the
feventy years. and with a debt lefs than the prefent debt of England— ftill found it ncants to fupport taxation. how long can the funding
folves the
fyftem laft?
It is a
thing
not yet continued beyond the
fpace
it
but of modern invention. publifhed nearly about the fame time
Office of
M.
Chalmers of the Trade and Plantation in England. and not to the Government which lays it on.

recoined from the old doin which was called in. after deducting for waiie. Chalmers. the revenue was about a fourth part of the national amount of gold and filver.
. III. including Scotland and Ireland. and
in various lhapes
. Neckar has ftated. and. without referring to the records of the French Mint for proofs. that the amount of money in France. to be twenty millions fterling*. M. and the quantity of money ftated to be in the nation at that time. To account for this deficiency on
prefented
the part
of England. It can be of no real fervice to a Nation. was two thoufand five hundred millions of livres. taking it as Mr.
That the quantity of money in France cannot be under this fum. the
more opportunities
it
are af-
forded to export the fpecie
and
admits of a poffibility (by
N
*
extending
See Efnmaie of the Comparative Strength of Great Britain.[
93
J
from the returns of the Mint of each nation. the whole revenue was collected upon gold and filver . and as paper had then na exigence in France. ftates the circulating quantity at home.
to fubftitute
it
operates to multiply paper. Burke
has put
it. or to permit itfelf to be impofed upon . and the impofition of others.
dates the quantity of
money in England. and other poflible circumfiances.
in the
is
room of money. have always reFrance as a nation pofiefling but little money— whereas the quantity is not only more than four times what the quantity is in England. from the returns of the Englifli Mint at the Tower of London. Neckarf fays. and it would have been impoffible to have collected' fuch a quantity of revenue upon a lefs national quantity than M. by M. as may be known by referring to the revenue prior to King William. Neckaf. but is confiderably greater on a proportion of numbers.
. was nearly twenty-four millions flerling . The revenue of France prior to the Revolution. Mr. which was nearly as much as it is now. by G. to impofe upon itfelf. Before the eftabliihtnent of paper in England. Chalmer*. but the prejudices of fome. may at once be feen from the (fate of the French Revenue. to be ninetyone millions and an half fterliog v but.
it is
fixty-eight millions
more than
the national quan-
tity in
England. Vol. fome reference fhould be had to the
It
Englifh fyftem of funding.
and
the
more paper
multiplied. f See Adminiftratigo of 'ih* Finances of France. (upwards of one hundred and four millions fterling) . and what may be in the Weft-Indies.

to afcertain the quantity of
in
fufnciently true. but on an
average of fifteen fucceeding years. as to require the attention of men intei tiled in mode) There is a circumftancc tranfa&ions of a public nature*
A
*
•
am
ed by
M. which is fixty millions fterling. which is fe-
-venty-five millions fterling*. Mr. the amount of the annual tinporca Europe. the quantity remaining after thefe
the
1
From
to the time
deductions
* Adminillration of the Finances of France.
in his treatife
on r^e adminillration of
i
•
which has never been attended to in England* which forms the only bafis whereon to eftimate the a of money (gold and filver) which ought to be In ever] in Europe.
fubjecl: to
there
U
no money
I
left.
is
that the importation of ^old and
into Europe.
. Neckar makes for France.
the regifters of L'tfoon and
filver
M. in which time* the amount was one thoufand eight hundred million iivres. and the relative propori.
I
tributed can be ascertained. Neckar. aiv! % 'en afterwards divides and fpreads itfelf over Europe by n a b of commerce. the proportion which Britain fhould draw by commerce of this fum. therefore. tion into Europe can be known.L
94
1
till
extending
it
to final! notes)
of increaflng paper. which M.
ncney which ought
to
be found
any nation
at
any given time. would be three hundred and iixty millions fterling. in that time.
iii. from 1763 to 1777? both incktiive . is feventy-two years. to preferve a relative proportion with otircr a Lifbon and Cadiz are the two ports into winch (*mop gold and iilver from South America are imported.of the foreign commerce of the feverai nations by which it is diffinances. and the quantity imported into Europe. and if the fame allowance for wafte and accident be made for England. If the foreign commerce of Great Britain be ftated at a fixih part of what the whole foreign commerce of Europe amounts to. ( which is probably an inferior ettimation to what the gentlemen at the Exchange would allow).o-.
bli-
the matters
going to mention. feives.
it
five
annually. Chalmers puhUStcd. Neckar (hews from
millions
fterling
Cad'Z. would be alfo a fixth part. to keep herfelf on a proportion with the reft of Europe. Vol.
commencement of the Hanover fucceffion in 7 '4.
know
this
I
is
nor a pleafafct
Englifh readers
. they give a rule.
He
has not taken
on
a iirgle
year. and increafes the quantity or money in all pai :s of If. are io important in then-..

and
its
ablence
is
fupplied by paper*. Chalmers.
In the f tuation
tar.
. with ten horfes each. and from the number of i>. that the gold and fiiver which arrive annually in the regifter{ pa to v -pain and Portugal. Chalmers publifh-
t
v Idition
to the
i
Bicnt of the
fum which was in the nation a*.es
not on iy
ieii'en
pital of a nation. While Dr Price. The general part of the money in France is fiiver and it would take upwards of twenty of the lafgefl broad wheel waggons. and. do not remain in thofe countries. Mr. her to disprove.
couvf. the circumftance was not adverted to. rumours have been fet afloat in England to induce a belief of money. which
is
forty-fix millions
below
too&ie quantity. there cannot have been lei's than four hundred millions flerling imported into Europe .•:
. Taking the value half in i o ami haii in fiiver. or whether the Goit out after it is brought in. Eden (now Auckland) Mr.r
1
95
3
. It is certain.
'
and any commodity the quantity of money coined
poiltively
known.lions.
When
. and is therefore obliged to keep up a large navy .
or the
gold
it
brings in
leak continually
away by unfeen
at
die average rate of about three quarters of a million
in the
year.
would be fifty-two millions
in the
and
this
fum ought
iiave
in
been
nation
(at the
time Mr. in a fecret manner.
. but that the deficiency exifts. Is it then to beTuppofed.
i
the— uier^
England now is. which. to remove one million flerling of fiiver.
the leadthe
i. it is impofiible ihe can increafe in money.
is
Either. The idea is ridiculous.-.
de at ieaft iixty-fix millions iietiing
b
it
:
inftead of which.
uantity of gold and fiiver impcrted into Lifbon
ore exactly afcertained than that of
r
oi
E •iji'and and as London is ftill more
.-. *ndthefea to croft. without referring to
*
Whether the Englifh commerce does not bring
vernment lends
. Some fallacious. could bring even afumciency for their own expence*.d
.refori. the quantity fufhciently proves itfelf. isnot in the power oi e.p-r. the naval {lores fnuft be purchafed from abroad. if gold imdlilver had come into the nation in the proportion it ought.j. among others. the quantity in England ought at le^fl to have been four times greater than h v. that fin. and ethers.
c
t
'
:
~+ions. galloon* employed in the trade of bringing thofe metals from South America 10 Portugal and Spain..
The
in money.
unproductive of
profit. the balance ihe has loft by nlon. were der ing whether the quantity of money in England was greater or lefs'thari at the Re^ volution. that of the French refugees bringing great quantities.e the Revolution. or in poft chaifes. but though the navy is built in England. the comHanover fucccin n.
therefore.'
nor admit of controversy. that a few people fleeing on horfe-hack. and t!.
twenty mi. By the politics which the Britifh Government have carried on with the Inland Powers of Germany and the Continent.ycoi: England
tlver wJhuch
. High the property of the individuals but they leffen alio the money-caby inducing fmuggling.. is what '(he mould have been able to hav^ done by foiid money. or had not been £• pi out and (he is endeavoring to reftore by paper. ••" at the Revnxiion. which can only be carried on by gold and fiiver.-y. accounts for
the deficiency. and to have made in
•.of feventy-two years. it has made an enemy of all the Maritime Powers. it /is about four hundred tons annually.ps an ". to be on a proportion with Europe. is a matter which the parries concerned can explain. . What England is now doing oy p-. and having the French Cuftom-Houfe to pafs. and that from countries where the greateft part muft be paid for in gold and fiiver.

The moll frugal fyrtem that England could now adopt.
all
that once
was France.
it
(hews that a
Gorich. he
it. but in the circlq
of money tranfaclions. in effect. The infolvency of the late Government of France. differed in no other refpect than as the difpciluon The people of France refufed their aid of the people differ. and which up with a conftitution more formidable in refources than the power which had expired. and it referved its means for the fupport of the new Government.
it
A
Government may be
faid to be infolvent. and fhe mufi be in fome confiderable proportion behind every country in Europe. What is called the Crown in England. Burke. Although
that which
of defpotifm had
was
to be filled
When millions of money are fpoken of. has been infolvent feveral times \ the laft of which. becaufe the returns of the Englifh Mint do not fhew in'increefe of money. caji his eyes
§ver the
map
of Europe^
and Jaw a chafm
er of dreams. while iheregifters of Lifbon ond Cadiz fhew a European i»eafe of between three arid four hundred millions fterling. In a country of fuch vaft extent and population as France. and the people of England fhbmit to to the old Government taxation without enquiry. and the prefent Government of England.
vernment may be
in a ftate of infolvency.
every time
ap-
Nation to discharge its arrears.
talked like a dream-
The fame
natural France exifted as before.000.
the Britifh Parliament^. it fhould be recollected. The French Nation. publicly known. and therefore
to
could no longer fupport
all
felf-— but with refpect
the Nation. and all thofe who were unacquainted with the affairs of France. to confound the French Nation with the French Government. not only in the political fphere.
it-
was infolvent
j
becaufe the Nation would no longer fupport
it
its
extravagance. in a fpeech laft Winter in
plies to a
•. that fuch fums can only accumulate in a country by flow degrees. the natural means cannot be wanting . and a long proceffion of time.
Among
others. would not recover in a century the balance fhe has loft in money fince the commencement of the Hanover fuce'eflion. was in May 17773 when it applied to the Nation to (Hfcharge upwards of ^600.[
96
is
J
The Revolution
of France
attended with
many
novel cir^
cumftances. When Mr. f
1
'
. private debts. for the purpofe of taking Government into its own hands . and
the
natural means exifted with
the
extinction
The
only chafm was
left. She is feventy millions behind France.
the
means
exifted. which otherwife it could not pay. Pitt. Burke. It was the error of Mr. and the political means appear the inftant the Nation is difpofed to permit them.
is
and a nation
So
it
far as the fact
confined to the late
Government of France. endeavoured to render the late Government infolvent. Mr.

extortioners and mifers of former days.
. will place France in a fltuation worthy the imitation of Europe. as the precedent is fatal to the policy by which Governments have fuppofcd themfelves fecure. had bequeathed immenfe property in truft to the priefthood.
i
of the inafter. and that in all pofiible revolutions that may happen in Governments. they have lowered feveral millions a-year in France* Not a word has cither Mr. and
the other by the fale of the monaftic and ecclefiaflical landed
The devotees and penitent debauchees. that the permanent fecunty of the creditor is in the Nation. refled themfelves on the Nation. Burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in France..
means
eftates. Burke.
it
. This appears greatly to difturb Mr. cr ditors ought to have abided the fate of the Government which they rutted. by paying off upwards of one hundred millions of the capital which. but the example in France fhews. and The National Affemthe priefthood kept it for themfelves. but the National AfFembly confidered them as the creditors of the Nation? and not of the Government—
real paymarter.
the
French Nation rendered the
Government
dtd not permit the infolvency to act towards the
creditors
and the creditors confidering the Nation as the and the Government only as the agent. the annual intereft of the debt of France will be reduced at leafl fix millions fterling. Natwirhitau'ding the late Government could not difcharge the current expences. for pious ufes . and while taxes have increafed near a million aJear in England. how vafl is the contraft While Mr. the prefent Government has paid off a This has been accomplifhed by two great part of the capital. the National Affembly has been paying off the capital of its debt. Burke or Mr. with a view of attaching what is called the monied interefc of a Nalion to their fu. in preference to the Government. the means are always with the Nation. Upon a whole review of the fubjec~l.
the one by leiTening the expences of
Government. and not of the fte ward. with leffening the former expences of Government at leafl three millions. andmot in the Government. Burke argues.>port. Pitt faid about
!
. bly has ordered it to be fold for the good of the whole Nation. that the the Nation "always in exigence. to enfure themfelves a better world than that which they were about to leave. In confequence of the Revolution. They have contracted debts. and Mr.
C
97
3
late
Although
Infolvent. and the priefthood to be decently provided for.

F
98
3
1 I
bout French affairs. detached and feparate from the intereft of Nations
. and that France by her Revolution had annihilated her power.
He
'
writes in a rage agaiqft the National
AfTembly.
CONCLUSION.or the ftate of the French finances. Burke's Book.
. is in mournHe writes neither in the character of a Frenchman nor ing. James or of Cariton-Houfe. and irnpoficion ferves no longer. thing can be more terrible to a Court or a Courtier. Burke means. The two modes of Government which prevail in the world. the machinery of
Government goes
eaflly on.
COURT. well underftood. bitternefs to them . firft*
Government by
election
ly Government by hereditary fucceJEon. but in the fawning character of that creature known in all countries. (coniidering himfeifas a national man.
are. but what is he enraged about ? If his afTertions were as true as they are groundlefs.
REASON
and Ignorance. and become what he calls a chaf7n> it might excite the grief of a Frenchman. fignifies not for the caterpillar principles of all Courts and CourThey form a common policy throughout Eutiers are alike. dreading the fame fate. rendered fufficiently exteniive in a country. Burke ?— Alas! it is not the Nation of France and every that Mr. an Englifhman. . and a friend to none. in the The iubjeel logins to be too prefent SefEon of Parliament.
Reafon obeys
itfelf
5
and Igno-
rance fubmits to whatever is dictated to it.) and provoke his rage abut why fhould it excite the gainft the National AfTembly rage of Mr. than
Nothe
That which is a bleffing to Nations. or the Court of St. but the Court in Europe. There is a general enigma running through the whole of
Mr. the oppofites of each other. a Courtier. they tremble at the approach of princiand dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow. Whether it be the Court of Verfailies. and as their exiftence depends on the duplicity
ples.
and reprefentation SecondThe former is ge:
nerally
.
in-
If either of thefe can be fluence the great bulk of mankind. and rope.
of a country. is Revolution of France. they agree to plunder. or the Court in expectation.
:
while they appear to quarrel.

implies a fufpicion.
A
Mr. a
Government
is
and t'other. that a King can d9
ruption. the human faculties act with boidnefs. a gigantic manlinefs.
election
ftill
of ne^
ceffity. therefore. what it is that gives motion to that fpecies of Government which is called mixed Governof the whole fyftem.
that France. to act as a whole.
Corruption.
which
h's reafon
cannot fubferibe. under this form of Government.C
rurally
99
]
known by the name of republic . did not adopt what he calls " A Britijh Conjiitution j" and the regretful manner in which he expreffes himfelf on this occafion.
his
ignorance.
ed. fince (he
. we have next to coniider. When it is laid down as a maxim. As.
However imperfect
is
and reprefengive exercife
tation
may
be in
mixed Governments. each of thofe forms acts on a different bafe.
of Government. the latter by that of monarchy and ariftocracy. The moving power in
thls % that.
man beyond what
his reafon
its
can give*
operation
and its bed fupported when beft underftood. and acquire. as
it
is
fometimes ludicroufly
this fpecies
fliled.efcape. contrives at the fame time its own . that the Britifh Conftitution needed fomething to keep its defects in countenance.
it is
and
the
more ignorant
of
any country vernment. cementing and foldering the difcordant parts together by cor. erect thcmfelves on
the two diftinct and oppofite bails of Reafon
As
and
to
the exercife Qf
as talents
Government requires
abilities
talents
and Ignoranceand abilities^
it is
and
cannot have -hereditary defcent.
the better
fitted
for this fpecies
Go-
On
He
the contrary.
Government
in a well conftituted republic
requires no belief from
fees the rationale
. the other by ignorance . and which can only be
eftablifhed
upon
is.
and therefore it becomes neceiTary to buy the reamixed Government is an imperfect every-thing. the one moving freely by the aid of reafon.
n$
wrongyh
places
him
in a ftate
of fimilar fecurity with that of
'
ideots
.
belief
evident that hereditary fucceflion requires a
from man. In mixed Governments there is no refponfibility the parts cover each other till refponlibility is loft . Burke appears highly difgufthad refolved on a revolution. Thofe two diftinct and oppofite forms. they
to a greater portion of reafon than
convenient to the here-
ditary part
fon up. aud the corruption which moves the machine.
origin
and
as
it
is
ment
of
or.

f
JOO
]
is
ideots
and perfons infane. there is monarchy. the parts
which. penfions. and
refponfibility
It
out of the quef*
tion with refpect to himfelf. In this rotary mot:oil. and finally refolvGovernment by Committee in which the dd+
.
nifter.
When money
to be obtained.
it
there
fs
a part in a
it
Government which can do no
is only the machine of another power.
But in a well-eonftituted
ring. however it may be arranged into legiflative and executive. and a
profusion of parliamentary praifes pafTes between the parts.
the mafs of variety apparently diffolves.
When
wrong. and As there are no difcordant diftinctions.
the
the difintereftednefs of the other
and
wifdom.
who
then defcends upon the Mifhelters himfelf under a majority in Parliament. difowa
any flattering application to vanity. and
and as the Cabinet is always a part of the Parliament. the actors.
Each admires with
aftonifliment
•. are the fame perpantomlmical contrivance. entailing upon a country.
praifing.
which. and corruption. The parts are they have all one and the fame natural fource.
the approvers. he can always command 5 and that majority juftifies itfelf by the fame authority with which it protects the Mi nifter. not confound by contrivance. all of thern breath a
nothing of this folde-
pitying figh at the burthens of the Nation. a mixed Goverment becomes a continual enigma .
fons. the expence of fupport-*
ing
all
the forms of
into a
ing
itfelf
Government at once.
The
continual whine of
lamenting
. by whofe advice and direction it acts.
vifers. can take place 5 the reprefentation being equal throughout the country. and change of fcene and
help each other out in matters.
and pitying.
and the perfons not refponfible. the liberality.
refponfibility
is
thrown off from the
parts. \ and the members juftifying in one character what they adyife and act in another. the perfons re-
fponfible.
Public meafures appeal of themfelves to the understanding of the Nation. What is fuppofed to be the King in mixed Governments. like democracy.
By
this
character. by the quantity of cornet
ruption necefTary to folder the parts.
and from the
whole. and complete in itfelf. and. retting on their own merits. not foreigners to each other. ariftocracy. is the Cabi-
implies that
does nothing. the juftifiers.
republic. nothing to corrupt by compromife.
is
neither of
them
fingly
would afTume
to act. by places.

and the rapidity of
:
by which revolutions are generated Ail the old governments have received a fhock from thofe that already appear.
:
From
the Revolutions
of
America and France.
When wefurvey the wretched condition of man under the monarchical and hereditary fy Items of Government. and that element is man himfelf. however fuccefsfully it may be mixed Governments.
O
thounh
. at whofe expence it is fupported and
. and impoverished by taxes
more than by enemies. there can be but one element of human power .d. we fhouid then fee the feveral origins to which thofe terms would defcriptively apply but as there is but one fpecies of man. and that a
principle and confrrucTion of
general
the
Governments is neceiTary.
which men
affign to the
progrefs of time and accomplishment of great
mir. than a general revolution in Europe would be now. but of the whole community. and a thoufand fuch may be contrived. Monarchy.
. or why does he impofe upon himfelf ? When men are fpoken of as kings and fnbjects. and
compafs of
changes. is inconfiiknt with the fenfe
and
logy
fpirit
of a republic. and democracy. aswell as three. Why then is man thus impofed upon. the apo-
itfelf implies an impeachment. ariftocracy. are but creatures of imagination . and which were once more improbable. or when Government is mentioned under the diftincV or combined heads of monarchy.pracYifed in
lamenting the burden of taxes. and from its nature cannot be.
they are
of
courfe advantageous
but
they require an apology. What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation ? It is not.
too mechanical to meafure the forcQofthe
reflection. and the
it
fymptoms
that have appeared in other countries. and democracy.
is
that revolutions are not within the
political calculations. the property of any particular man or family..
is
is
evident
fyft-
that the opinion of the world
changing with
refpeel.
it
becomes evident that
revolution in
thofe fyftems are bad.
The
circumftances. ariftocrary. or driven by another. to
ems of Government.
If
if
taxes are
neceffary. dragged from his home by one power. and are a greater fubjecl of wonder. what is it that reafoning man is to underftand by the terms? If there reaily exiited in the world two or more diftinc't and feparate elements of human power.

are a renovation of the natural order of things. and not to any individual .
In this
view of Government. or an alteration of local circumftances.
*
*
fpetl
of their
Civil difiincliQnSy
therefore. who know nothing of the world beyond the walls of a Convent. the republican fyftem. and a Nation has at all times an inherent indefeaiible right to abolifh any form of Government it finds inconvenient. property. cannot that of citizens j and is exploded by the principle upon which Governments are now founded. were little more than a change of per fans. as a matter of right. though it may fait the condition of courtiers. as fuch.
The nation
is effentially
the fource of all Sovereignty
*
n*r
. and had nothing in their exigence or their fate that could influence beyond the fpot that produced them.
and
thefe rights
f
and
refiftance of oppreffion*
j
III. a fyftem of principles as universal as truth and the exiftence of man.
Men
are born and always continue free.
barbarous diftincYiOn of
men
into Kings
obedience can be only to the laws.
to
by embrace the whole of a Naas eftablifhed
and the knowledge neceffajy to the intereft of all the is to be found in the center.
When men
farily
think of what
it
Government
knowledge of
is
is.
and
happinefs.
difpofirion. and. But what we now fee in the world. and eftablifh fuch as accords with
usurpation
Sovereignty. Government by Monks.
parts. appertains
its
The romantic and and fubjedts. They rofe and fell like things of courfe.
man
.
:
•
I. The end of all political
are
i
affociations is the prefervation
*
the natural and imprefcriptible rights of
liberty.
they muft necefthe objects and
fuppofe
to pofTefs a
its
all
matters upon which
authority
to be exercifed. and equal in re*
rights. from the Revolutions of America and France. can acknowledge no perfonal fubjection . and his
intereft. 4 II.
America and France.[
IQ2
it
t
has been ufurped into an in-
though by force or contrivance
heritance. and combining moral with political happinefs and national profperity. What were formerly called Revolutions. operates
tion.
can be
of
*
founded only on public utility. fecurity. Every citizen is a member of the Sovereignty. is as conilftent as Government by Kings. which the parts by representation form But the old Governments are on a conftruction that excludes knowledge as well as happinefs . to the Nation only.
the
cannot alter the right of things.

C
'
*

I0 3
or

3

««r

M«

d/JJ?

INDIVIDUAL,

ANY CODY OF MEN,

be

entU
9

tied to any authority ivbich is not exprefsly derived from

it,

In thefe principles,

there

is

nothing to throw a Nation into

confufion by inflaming ambition.
forth wifdom and
abilities,

They

are calculated to call

and to exercife them for the public good, and not for the emolument or aggrandizement of parMonarchical foveticular defcriptions of men or families. reignty, the enemy of mankind, and the fource of mifeiy, is aboliflied ; and fovereignty itfelf is reftored to its natural Were this the cafe throughand original place, the Nation. out Europe, the caufe of wars would be taken away. It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man of an enlarged and benevolent heart, that he propofed, about the year 1610, a plan for abolifhing war in Europe. The plan confirmed in constituting a European Congrefs, or as the French Authors ftile it, a Pacific Republic ; by appointing delegates from the feveral Nations, who were to act as a Court of arbitration in any difputes that might arile between nation and nation.

Had

fuch a plan been adopted

at the

time

it

was propofed,

would have been at leaft ten millions feeding, annually to each Nation lefs than they were at the commencement of the French Rethe taxes of England and France, as two of the parties, volution.

To

conceive a caufe

why fuch

a

plan has not been adopted,

(and that inftead of a Congrefs for the purpofe of preventing war, it has been called only to terminate a war, after a fruitlefs

expence of feveral years)

it

will

be necefiary

to coniider

the intereft of
tions.

Governments

as a diftincl: intereft to that

of Na-

a Nation, becomes alfo Government. Eveiy war terminates with an addition of taxes, and confequently with an addition of revenue ; and in any event of war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and intereft of Governments are increafed. War, therefore, from
is

Whatever

the caufe of taxes to

the means of revenue to a

its

produelivenefs, as
for taxes

it

eaiily furnifhes the pretence

of necef-

iity

and appointments
the
to

a principal part of
eftablifh

any mode

becomes Governments ; and to abolifh war, however advantageous it might
to places

and

offices,

fyftem of old

C

104

]

might be
ter?

to Nations,

would be
its

to take

from fuch Govern*.

merit the molt lucrative of

branches.

The

frivolous mat-

upon which war is made, (hew the difpofition and avidity of Governments to uphold the fyfteni of war, and betray the motives upon which they act.

Why

are not Republics plunged into war, but becaufe the

nature of their Government does not admit of an intereft dif-

Nation ? Even Holland, though an ill-conand with a commerce extending over the world, exiited nearly a century without war: and the inftant the form of Government was changed in France, the republican principles of peace and domeftic profperity and cecononry $rote with the new Government; and the fame confequences would follow the fame caufes in other Nations. As war is the fyftem of Government on the old construction, the anicnofity which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than what the policy of their Governments ex- 1 Each Government cite, to keep up the fpirit of the iyftem. accufes the other of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a means of heating the imagination of their refpective Nations, ana incenfing them to hoftilities. Man is not the enemy of man, but through the medium of a falfe fyftem of Government, Inftead, therefore, of exclaiming againft the ambition
tinct to that of the

ftructed Republic,

*

of Kings, the exclamation fhould be directed againft the principle of fuch Governments ; and inftead of feoking to reform the individual, the wifdorn of a Nation fliould apply itfelf to

reform the fyftem. Whether the forms and maxims of Governments which are {fill in practice, were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were eftahlifhed, is not in this cafe the ques-

The older they are, the lefs correfpondence can they tion. have with the prefent date of things. Time, and change of circumftances and opinions, have the fame progreflive effect in rendering modes of Government obfolete, as they have upAgriculture, commerce, manuon cuiloffls and manners. factures, and the tranquil arts, by which the profperity of Nations is beft promoted, require a different fyftem of Government, and a different fpecies of knowledge to direct its operations, to what might have been the former condition of the
world.

of mankind, that hereditary Governments are verging to u> decline, and that Revolutions on the broad bails of nation^

Government by reprefentation, are making\ Europe, it would be an act of wifdom to anticipate their approach, and produce Revolutions by reafon and accommodation, rather than commit them to the iffue of convulfovereignty, and
their

way

in

fions.

From what we now fee, nothing of reform in the political It is an age of Revoluworld ought to be held improbable. The intrigue tions, in which every thing may be looked for. of Courts, by which the fyftern of war is kept up, may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolifli it and a European
: