Plutarch’s Lives

Sylla

Translated by John Dryden
and
Revised by Arthur Hugh Clough

Lucius Cornelius Sylla was descended of a
patrician or noble family. Of his ancestors, Rufinus, it is said, had
been consul, and incurred a disgrace more signal than his distinction.
For being found possessed of more than ten pounds of silver plate,
contrary to the law, he was for this reason put out of the senate. His
posterity continued ever after in obscurity, nor had Sylla himself any
opulent parentage. In his younger days he lived in hired lodgings, at a
low rate, which in after-times was adduced against him as proof that he
had been fortunate above his quality. When he was boasting and
magnifying himself for his exploits in Libya, a person of noble station
made answer, “And how can you be an honest man, who, since the death of
a father who left you nothing, have become so rich?” The time in which
he lived was no longer an age of pure and upright manners, but had
already declined, and yielded to the appetite for riches and luxury;
yet still, in the general opinion, they who deserted the hereditary
poverty of their family, were as much blamed as those who had run out a
fair patrimonial estate. And afterwards, when he had seized the power
into his hands, and was putting many to death, a freedman suspected of
having concealed one of the proscribed, and for that reason sentenced
to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, in a reproachful way recounted,
how they had lived long together under the same roof, himself for the
upper rooms paying two thousand sesterces, and Sylla for the lower
three thousand; so that the difference between their fortunes then was
no more than one thousand sesterces, equivalent in Attic coin to two
hundred and fifty drachmas. And thus much of his early fortune.

His general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only
his blue eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered
all the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in
which white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. Hence, it is
said, he was surnamed Sylla, and in allusion to it one of the
scurrilous jesters at Athens made the verse upon him—

“Sylla is a mulberry sprinkled o’er with meal.”

Nor is it out of place to make use of marks of character like
these, in the case of one who was by nature so addicted to raillery,
that in his youthful obscurer years he would converse freely with
players and professed jesters, and join them in all their low
pleasures. And when supreme master of all, he was often wont to muster
together the most impudent players and stage-followers of the town, and
to drink and bandy jests with them without regard to his age or the
dignity of his place, and to the prejudice of important affairs that
required his attention. When he was once at table, it was not in
Sylla’s nature to admit of anything that was serious, and whereas at
other times he was a man of business, and austere of countenance, he
underwent all of a sudden, at his first entrance upon wine and
good-fellowship, a total revolution, and was gentle and tractable with
common singers and dancers, and ready to oblige anyone that spoke with
him. It seems to have been a sort of diseased result of this laxity,
that he was so prone to amorous pleasures, and yielded without
resistance to any temptations of voluptuousness, from which even in his
old age he could not refrain. He had a long attachment for Metrobius, a
player. In his first amours it happened, that he made court to a common
but rich lady, Nicopolis by name, and, what by the air of his youth,
and what by long intimacy, won so far on her affections, that she
rather than he was the lover, and at her death she bequeathed him her
whole property. He likewise inherited the estate of a step-mother who
loved him as her own son. By these means he had pretty well advanced
his fortunes.

He was chosen quæstor to Marius in his first consulship, and
set sail with him for Libya, to war upon Jugurtha. Here, in general, he
gained approbation; and more especially, by closing in dexterously with
an accidental occasion, made a friend of Bocchus, king of Numidia. He
hospitably entertained the king’s ambassadors, on their escape from
some Numidian robbers, and after showing them much kindness, sent them
on their journey with presents, and an escort to protect them. Bocchus
had long hated and dreaded his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had now been
worsted in the field and had fled to him for shelter; and it so
happened, he was at this time entertaining a design to betray him. He
accordingly invited Sylla to come to him, wishing the seizure and
surrender of Jugurtha to be effected rather through him, than directly
by himself. Sylla, when he had communicated the business to Marius, and
received from him a small detachment, voluntarily put himself into this
imminent danger; and confiding in a barbarian, who had been unfaithful
to his own relations, to apprehend another man’s person, made surrender
of his own. Bocchus, having both of them now in his power, was
necessitated to betray one or other, and after long debate with
himself, at last resolved on his first design, and gave up Jugurtha
into the hands of Sylla.

For this Marius triumphed, but the glory of the enterprise,
which through people’s envy of Marius was ascribed to Sylla, secretly
grieved him. And the truth is, Sylla himself was by nature
vainglorious, and this being the first time that from a low and private
condition he had risen to esteem amongst the citizens and tasted of
honor, his appetite for distinction carried him to such a pitch of
ostentation, that he had a representation of this action engraved on a
signet ring; which he carried about with him, and made use of ever
after. The impress was, Bocchus delivering, and Sylla receiving,
Jugurtha. This touched Marius to the quick; however, judging Sylla to
be beneath his rivalry, he made use of him as lieutenant, in his second
consulship, and in his third, as tribune; and many considerable
services were effected by his means. When acting as lieutenant he took
Copillus, chief of the Tectosages, prisoner, and compelled the
Marsians, a great and populous nation, to become friends and
confederates of the Romans.

Henceforward, however, Sylla perceiving that Marius bore a
jealous eye over him, and would no longer afford him opportunities of
action, but rather opposed his advance, attached himself to Catulus,
Marius’s colleague, a worthy man, but not energetic enough as a
general. And under this commander, who entrusted him with the highest
and most important commissions, he rose at once to reputation and to
power. He subdued by arms most part of the Alpine barbarians; and when
there was a scarcity in the armies, he took that care upon himself, and
brought in such a store of provisions, as not only to furnish the
soldiers of Catulus with abundance, but likewise to supply Marius.
This, as he writes himself, wounded Marius to the very heart. So slight
and childish were the first occasions and motives of that enmity
between them, which, passing afterwards through a long course of civil
bloodshed and incurable divisions to find its end in tyranny, and the
confusion of the whole State proved Euripides to have been truly wise
and thoroughly acquainted with the causes of disorders in the body
politic, when he forewarned all men to beware of Ambition, as of all
the higher Powers, the most destructive and pernicious to her votaries.

Sylla, by this time thinking that the reputation of his arms
abroad was sufficient to entitle him to a part in the civil
administration, he took himself immediately from the camp to the
assembly, and offered himself as a candidate for a prætorship, but
failed. The fault of this disappointment he wholly ascribes to the
populace, who, knowing his intimacy with king Bocchus, and for that
reason expecting, that if he was made ædile before his prætorship, he
would then show them magnificent hunting-shows and combats between
Libyan wild beasts, chose other prætors, on purpose to force him into
the ædileship. The vanity of this pretext is sufficiently disproved by
matter-of-fact. For the year following, partly by flatteries to the
people, and partly by money, he got himself elected prætor.
Accordingly, once while he was in office, on his angrily telling Cæsar
that he should make use of his authority against him, Cæsar answered
him with a smile, “You do well to call it your own, as you bought it.”
At the end of his prætorship he was sent over into Cappadocia, under
the presence of reestablishing Ariobarzanes in his kingdom, but in
reality to keep in check the restless movements of Mithridates, who was
gradually procuring himself as vast a new acquired power and dominion,
as was that of his ancient inheritance. He carried over with him no
great forces of his own, but making use of the cheerful aid of the
confederates, succeeded, with considerable slaughter of the
Cappadocians, and yet greater of the Armenian succors, in expelling
Gordius and establishing Ariobarzanes as king.

During his stay on the banks of the Euphrates, there came to
him Orobazus, a Parthian, ambassador from king Arsaces, as yet there
having been no correspondence between the two nations. And this also we
may lay to the account of Sylla’s felicity, that he should be the first
Roman, to whom the Parthians made address for alliance and friendship.
At the time of which reception, the story is, that having ordered three
chairs of state to be set, one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus, and
a third for himself, he placed himself in the middle, and so gave
audience. For this the king of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to
death. Some people commended Sylla for his lofty carriage towards the
barbarians; others again accused him of arrogance and unseasonable
display. It is reported, that a certain Chaldæan, of Orobazus’s
retinue, looking Sylla wistfully in the face, and observing carefully
the motions of his mind and body, and forming a judgment of his nature,
according to the rules of his art, said that it was impossible for him
not to become the greatest of men; it was rather a wonder how he could
even then abstain from being head of all.

At his return, Censorinus impeached him of extortion, for
having exacted a vast sum of money from a well-affected and associate
kingdom. However, Censorinus did not appear at the trial, but dropped
his accusation. His quarrel, meantime, with Marius began to break out
afresh, receiving new material from the ambition of Bocchus, who, to
please the people of Rome, and gratify Sylla, set up in the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus images bearing trophies, and a representation in
gold of the surrender of Jugurtha to Sylla. When Marius, in great
anger, attempted to pull them down, and others aided Sylla, the whole
city would have been in tumult and commotion with this dispute, had not
the Social War, which had long lain smoldering blazed forth at last,
and for the present put an end to the quarrel.

In the course of this war, which had many great changes of
fortune, and which, more than any, afflicted the Romans, and, indeed,
endangered the very being of the Commonwealth, Marius was not able to
signalize his valor in any action, but left behind him a clear proof,
that warlike excellence requires a strong and still vigorous body.
Sylla, on the other hand, by his many achievements, gained himself,
with his fellow-citizens, the name of a great commander, while his
friends thought him the greatest of all commanders, and his enemies
called him the most fortunate. Nor did this make the same sort of
impression on him, as it made on Timotheus the son of Conon, the
Athenian; who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to his good
luck, and had a painting made, representing him asleep, and Fortune by
his side, casting her nets over the cities, was rough and violent in
his indignation at those who did it, as if by attributing all to
Fortune, they had robbed him of his just honors; and said to the people
on one occasion at his return from war, “In this, ye men of Athens,
Fortune had no part.” A piece of boyish petulance, which the deity, we
are told, played back upon Timotheus; who from that time was never able
to achieve anything that was great, but proving altogether unfortunate
in his attempts, and falling into discredit with the people, was at
last banished the city. Sylla, on the contrary, not only accepted with
pleasure the credit of such divine felicities and favors, but joining
himself in extolling and glorifying what was done, gave the honor of
all to Fortune, whether it were out of boastfulness, or a real feeling
of divine agency. He remarks, in his Memoirs, that of all his well
advised actions, none proved so lucky in the execution, as what he had
boldly enterprised, not by calculation, but upon the moment. And in the
character which he gives of himself, that he was born for fortune
rather than war, he seems to give Fortune a higher place than merit,
and in short, makes himself entirely the creature of a superior power,
accounting even his concord with Metellus, his equal in office, and his
connection by marriage, a piece of preternatural felicity. For
expecting to have met in him a most troublesome, he found him a most
accommodating colleague. Moreover, in the Memoirs which he dedicated to
Lucullus, he admonishes him to esteem nothing more trustworthy, than
what the divine powers advise him by night. And when he was leaving the
city with an army, to fight in the Social War, he relates, that the
earth near the Laverna opened, and a quantity of fire came rushing out
of it, shooting up with a bright flame into the heavens. The
soothsayers upon this foretold, that a person of great qualities, and
of a rare and singular aspect, should take the government in hand, and
quiet the present troubles of the city. Sylla affirms he was the man,
for his golden head of hair made him an extraordinary-looking man, nor
had he any shame, after the great actions he had done, in testifying to
his own great qualities. And thus much of his opinion as to divine
agency.

In general he would seem to have been of a very irregular
character, full of inconsistencies with himself; much given to rapine,
to prodigality yet more; in promoting or disgracing whom he pleased,
alike unaccountable; cringing to those he stood in need of, and
domineering over others who stood in need of him, so that it was hard
to tell, whether his nature had more in it of pride or of servility. As
to his unequal distribution of punishments, as, for example, that upon
slight grounds he would put to the torture, and again would bear
patiently with the greatest wrongs; would readily forgive and be
reconciled after the most heinous acts of enmity, and yet would visit
small and inconsiderable offenses with death, and confiscation of
goods; one might judge, that in himself he was really of a violent and
revengeful nature, which however he could qualify, upon reflection, for
his interest. In this very Social War, when the soldiers with stones
and clubs had killed an officer of prætorian rank, his own lieutenant,
Albinus by name, he passed by this flagrant crime without any inquiry,
giving it out moreover in a boast, that the soldiers would behave all
the better now, to make amends, by some special bravery, for their
breach of discipline. He took no notice of the clamors of those that
cried for justice, but designing already to supplant Marius, now that
he saw the Social War near its end, he made much of his army, in hopes
to get himself declared general of the forces against Mithridates.

At his return to Rome, he was chosen Consul with Quintus
Pompeius, in the fiftieth year of his age, and made a most
distinguished marriage with Cæcilia, daughter of Metellus, the chief
priest. The common people made a variety of verses in ridicule of the
marriage, and many of the nobility also were disgusted at it, esteeming
him, as Livy writes, unworthy of this connection, whom before they
thought worthy of a consulship. This was not his only wife, for first,
in his younger days, he was married to Ilia, by whom he had a daughter;
after her to Ælia; and thirdly to Clœlia, whom he dismissed as barren,
but honorably, and with professions of respect, adding, moreover,
presents. But the match between him and Metella, falling out a few days
after, occasioned suspicions that he had complained of Clœlia without
due cause. To Metella he always showed great deference, so much so that
the people, when anxious for the recall of the exiles of Marius’s
party, upon his refusal, entreated the intercession of Metella. And the
Athenians, it is thought, had harder measure, at the capture of their
town, because they used insulting language to Metella in their jests
from the walls during the siege. But of this hereafter.

At present esteeming the consulship but a small matter in
comparison of things to come, he was impatiently carried away in
thought to the Mithridatic War. Here he was withstood by Marius; who
out of mad affectation of glory and thirst for distinction, those never
dying passions, though he were now unwieldy in body, and had given up
service, on account of his age, during the late campaigns, still
coveted after command in a distant war beyond the seas. And whilst
Sylla was departed for the camp, to order the rest of his affairs
there, he sat brooding at home, and at last hatched that execrable
sedition, which wrought Rome more mischief than all her enemies
together had done, as was indeed foreshown by the gods. For a flame
broke forth of its own accord, from under the staves of the ensigns,
and was with difficulty extinguished. Three ravens brought their young
into the open road, and ate them, carrying the relics into the nest
again. Mice having gnawed the consecrated gold in one of the temples,
the keepers caught one of them, a female, in a trap; and she bringing
forth five young ones in the very trap, devoured three of them. But
what was greatest of all, in a calm and clear sky there was heard the
sound of a trumpet, with such a loud and dismal blast, as struck terror
and amazement into the hearts of the people. The Etruscan sages
affirmed, that this prodigy betokened the mutation of the age, and a
general revolution in the world. For according to them there are in all
eight ages, differing one from another in the lives and the characters
of men, and to each of these God has allotted a certain measure of
time, determined by the circuit of the great year. And when one age is
run out, at the approach of another, there appears some wonderful sign
from earth or heaven, such as makes it manifest at once to those who
have made it their business to study such things, that there has
succeeded in the world a new race of men, differing in customs and
institutes of life, and more or less regarded by the gods, than the
preceding. Amongst other great changes that happen, as they say, at the
turn of ages, the art of divination, also, at one time rises in esteem,
and is more successful in its predictions, clearer and surer tokens
being sent from God, and then again, in another generation declines as
low, becoming mere guesswork for the most part, and discerning future
events by dim and uncertain intimations. This was the mythology of the
wisest of the Tuscan sages, who were thought to possess a knowledge
beyond other men. Whilst the Senate sat in consultation with the
soothsayers, concerning these prodigies, in the temple of Bellona, a
sparrow came flying in, before them all, with a grasshopper in its
mouth, and letting fall one part of it, flew away with the remainder.
The diviners foreboded commotions and dissension between the great
landed proprietors and the common city populace; the latter, like the
grasshopper, being loud and talkative; while the sparrow might
represent the “dwellers in the field.”

Marius had taken into alliance Sulpicius, the tribune, a man
second to none in any villanies, so that it was less the question what
others he surpassed, but rather in what respects he most surpassed
himself in wickedness. He was cruel, bold, rapacious, and in all these
points utterly shameless and unscrupulous; not hesitating to offer
Roman citizenship by public sale to freed slaves and aliens, and to
count out the price on public money-tables in the forum. He maintained
three thousand swordsmen, and had always about him a company of young
men of the equestrian class ready for all occasions, whom he styled his
Anti-Senate. Having had a law enacted, that no senator should contract
a debt of above two thousand drachmas, he himself, after death, was
found indebted three millions. This was the man whom Marius let in upon
the Commonwealth, and who, confounding all things by force and the
sword, made several ordinances of dangerous consequence, and amongst
the rest, one giving Marius the conduct of the Mithridatic war. Upon
this the consuls proclaimed a public cessation of business, but as they
were holding an assembly near the temple of Castor and Pollux, he let
loose the rabble upon them, and amongst many others slew the consul
Pompeius’s young son in the forum, Pompeius himself hardly escaping in
the crowd. Sylla being closely pursued into the house of Marius, was
forced to come forth and dissolve the cessation; and for his doing
this, Sulpicius, having deposed Pompeius, allowed Sylla to continue his
consulship, only transferring the Mithridatic expedition to Marius.

There were immediately dispatched to Nola tribunes, to receive
the army, and bring it to Marius; but Sylla having got first to the
camp, and the soldiers, upon hearing of the news, having stoned the
tribunes, Marius, in requital, proceeded to put the friends of Sylla in
the city to the sword, and rifled their goods. Every kind of removal
and flight went on, some hastening from the camp to the city, others
from the city to the camp. The senate, no more in its own power, but
wholly governed by the dictates of Marius and Sulpicius, alarmed at the
report of Sylla’s advancing with his troops towards the city, sent
forth two of the prætors, Brutus and Servilius, to forbid his nearer
approach. The soldiers would have slain these prætors in a fury, for
their bold language to Sylla; contenting themselves, however, with
breaking their rods, and tearing off their purple-edged robes, after
much contumelious usage they sent them back, to the sad dejection of
the citizens, who beheld their magistrates despoiled of their badges of
office, and announcing to them, that things were now manifestly come to
a rupture past all cure. Marius put himself in readiness, and Sylla
with his colleague moved from Nola, at the head of six complete
legions, all of them willing to march up directly against the city,
though he himself as yet was doubtful in thought, and apprehensive of
the danger. As he was sacrificing, Postumius the soothsayer, having
inspected the entrails, stretching forth both hands to Sylla, required
to be bound and kept in custody till the battle was over, as willing,
if they had not speedy and complete success, to suffer the utmost
punishment. It is said, also, that there appeared to Sylla himself in a
dream, a certain goddess, whom the Romans learnt to worship from the
Cappadocians, whether it be the Moon, or Pallas, or Bellona. This same
goddess, to his thinking, stood by him, and put into his hand thunder
and lightning, then naming his enemies one by one, bade him strike
them, who, all of them, fell on the discharge and disappeared.
Encouraged by this vision, and relating it to his colleague, next day
he led on towards Rome. About Picinæ being met by a deputation,
beseeching him not to attack at once, in the heat of a march, for that
the senate had decreed to do him all the right imaginable, he consented
to halt on the spot, and sent his officers to measure out the ground,
as is usual, for a camp; so that the deputation, believing it,
returned. They were no sooner gone, but he sent a party on under the
command of Lucius Basillus and Caius Mummius, to secure the city gate,
and the walls on the side of the Esquiline hill, and then close at
their heels followed himself with all speed. Basillus made his way
successfully into the city, but the unarmed multitude, pelting him with
stones and tiles from off the houses, stopped his further progress, and
beat him back to the wall. Sylla by this time was come up, and seeing
what was going on, called aloud to his men to set fire to the houses,
and taking a flaming torch, he himself led the way, and commanded the
archers to make use of their fire-darts, letting fly at the tops of
houses; all which he did, not upon any plan, but simply in his fury,
yielding the conduct of that day’s work to passion, and as if all he
saw were enemies, without respect or pity either to friend, relations,
or acquaintance, made his entry by fire, which knows no distinction
betwixt friend or foe.

In this conflict, Marius being driven into the temple of
Mother-Earth, thence invited the slaves by proclamation of freedom, but
the enemy coming on he was overpowered and fled the city.

Sylla having called a senate, had sentence of death passed on
Marius, and some few others, amongst whom was Sulpicius, tribune of the
people. Sulpicius was killed, being betrayed by his servant, whom Sylla
first made free, and then threw him headlong down the Tarpeian rock. As
for Marius, he set a price on his life, by proclamation, neither
gratefully nor politicly, if we consider into whose house, not long
before he put himself at mercy, and was safely dismissed. Had Marius at
that time not let Sylla go, but suffered him to be slain by the hands
of Sulpicius, he might have been lord of all; nevertheless he spared
his life, and a few days after, when in a similar position himself,
received a different measure.

By these proceedings, Sylla excited the secret distaste of the
senate; but the displeasure and free indignation of the commonalty
showed itself plainly by their actions. For they ignominiously rejected
Nonius, his nephew, and Servius, who stood for offices of state by his
interest, and elected others as magistrates, by honoring whom they
thought they should most annoy him. He made semblance of extreme
satisfaction at all this, as if the people by his means had again
enjoyed the liberty of doing what seemed best to them. And to pacify
the public hostility, he created Lucius Cinna consul, one of the
adverse party, having first bound him under oaths and imprecations to
be favorable to his interest. For Cinna, ascending the capitol with a
stone in his hand, swore solemnly, and prayed with direful curses, that
he himself, if he were not true to his friendship with Sylla, might be
cast out of the city, as that stone out of his hand; and thereupon cast
the stone to the ground, in the presence of many people. Nevertheless
Cinna had no sooner entered on his charge, but he took measures to
disturb the present settlement, and having prepared an impeachment
against Sylla, got Virginius, one of the tribunes of the people, to be
his accuser; but Sylla, leaving him and the court of judicature to
themselves, set forth against Mithridates.

About the time that Sylla was making ready to put oft with his
forces from Italy, besides many other omens which befell Mithridates,
then staying at Pergamus, there goes a story that a figure of Victory,
with a crown in her hand, which the Pergamenians by machinery from
above let down on him, when it had almost reached his head, fell to
pieces, and the crown tumbling down into the midst of the theater,
there broke against the ground, occasioning a general alarm among the
populace, and considerably disquieting Mithridates himself, although
his affairs at that time were succeeding beyond expectation. For having
wrested Asia from the Romans, and Bithynia and Cappadocia from their
kings, he made Pergamus his royal seat, distributing among his friends
riches, principalities, and kingdoms. Of his sons, one residing in
Pontus and Bosporus held his ancient realm as far as the deserts beyond
the lake Mæotis, without molestation; while Ariarathes, another, was
reducing Thrace and Macedon, with a great army, to obedience. His
generals, with forces under them, were establishing his supremacy in
other quarters. Archelaus, in particular, with his fleet, held absolute
mastery of the sea, and was bringing into subjection the Cyclades, and
all the other islands as far as Malea, and had taken Eubœa itself.
Making Athens his head-quarters, from thence as far as Thessaly he was
withdrawing the States of Greece from the Roman allegiance, without the
least ill success, except at Chæronea. For here Bruttius Sura,
lieutenant to Sentius, governor of Macedon, a man of singular valor and
prudence, met him, and, though he came like a torrent pouring over
Bœotia, made stout resistance, and thrice giving him battle near
Chæronea, repulsed and forced him back to the sea. But being commanded
by Lucius Lucullus to give place to his successor, Sylla, and resign
the war to whom it was decreed, he presently left Bœotia, and retired
back to Sentius, although his success had outgone all hopes, and Greece
was well disposed to a new revolution, upon account of his gallant
behavior. These were the glorious actions of Bruttius.

Sylla, on his arrival, received by their deputations the
compliments of all the cities of Greece, except Athens, against which,
as it was compelled by the tyrant Aristion to hold for the king, he
advanced with all his forces, and investing the Piræus, laid formal
siege to it, employing every variety of engines, and trying every
manner of assault; whereas, had he forbore but a little while, he might
without hazard have taken the Upper City by famine, it being already
reduced to the last extremity, through want of necessaries. But eager
to return to Rome, and fearing innovation there, at great risk, with
continual fighting and vast expense, he pushed on the war. Besides
other equipage, the very work about the engines of battery was supplied
with no less than ten thousand yoke of mules, employed daily in that
service. And when timber grew scarce, for many of the works failed,
some crushed to pieces by their own weight, others taking fire by the
continual play of the enemy, he had recourse to the sacred groves, and
cut down the trees of the Academy, the shadiest of all the suburbs, and
the Lyceum. And a vast sum of money being wanted to carry on the war,
he broke into the sanctuaries of Greece, that of Epidaurus and that of
Olympia, sending for the most beautiful and precious offerings
deposited there. He wrote, likewise, to the Amphictyons, at Delphi,
that it were better to remit the wealth of the god to him, for that he
would keep it more securely, or in case he made use of it, restore as
much. He sent Caphis, the Phocian, one of his friends, with this
message, commanding him to receive each item by weight. Caphis came to
Delphi, but was loath to touch the holy things, and with many tears, in
the presence of the Amphyctyons, bewailed the necessity. And on some of
them declaring they heard the sound of a harp from the inner shrine,
he, whether he himself believed it, or was willing to try the effect of
religious fear upon Sylla, sent back an express. To which Sylla replied
in a scoffing way, that it was surprising to him that Caphis did not
know that music was a sign of joy, not anger; he should, therefore, go
on boldly, and accept what a gracious and bountiful god offered.

Other things were sent away without much notice on the part of
the Greeks in general, but in the case of the silver tun, that only
relic of the regal donations, which its weight and bulk made it
impossible for any carriage to receive, the Amphictyons were forced to
cut it into pieces, and called to mind in so doing, how Titus
Flamininus, and Manius Acilius, and again Paulus Æmilius, one of whom
drove Antiochus out of Greece, and the others subdued the Macedonian
kings, had not only abstained from violating the Greek temples, but had
even given them new gifts and honors, and increased the general
veneration for them. They, indeed, the lawful commanders of temperate
and obedient soldiers, and themselves great in soul, and simple in
expenses, lived within the bounds of the ordinary established charges,
accounting it a greater disgrace to seek popularity with their men,
than to feel fear of their enemy. Whereas the commanders of these
times, attaining to superiority by force, not worth, and having need of
arms one against another, rather than against the public enemy, were
constrained to temporize in authority, and in order to pay for the
gratifications with which they purchased the labor of their soldiers,
were driven, before they knew it, to sell the commonwealth itself, and,
to gain the mastery over men better than themselves, were content to
become slaves to the vilest of wretches. These practices drove Marius
into exile, and again brought him in against Sylla. These made Cinna
the assassin of Octavius, and Fimbria of Flaccus. To which courses
Sylla contributed not the least; for to corrupt and win over those who
were under the command of others, he would be munificent and profuse
towards those who were under his own; and so, while tempting the
soldiers of other generals to treachery, and his own to dissolute
living, he was naturally in want of a large treasury, and especially
during that siege.

Sylla had a vehement and an implacable desire to conquer
Athens, whether out of emulation, fighting as it were against the
shadow of the once famous city, or out of anger, at the foul words and
scurrilous jests with which the tyrant Aristion, showing himself daily,
with unseemly gesticulations, upon the walls, had provoked him and
Metella.

The tyrant Aristion had his very being compounded of wantonness
and cruelty, having gathered into himself all the worst of
Mithridates’s diseased and vicious qualities, like some fatal malady
which the city, after its deliverance from innumerable wars, many
tyrannies and seditions, was in its last days destined to endure. At
the time when a medimnus of wheat was sold in the city for one thousand
drachmas, and men were forced to live on the feverfew growing round the
citadel, and to boil down shoes and oil-bags for their food, he,
carousing and feasting in the open face of day, then dancing in armor,
and making jokes at the enemy, suffered the holy lamp of the goddess to
expire for want of oil, and to the chief priestess, who demanded of him
the twelfth part of a medimnus of wheat, he sent the like quantity of
pepper. The senators and priests, who came as suppliants to beg of him
to take compassion on the city, and treat for peace with Sylla, he
drove away and dispersed with a flight of arrows. At last, with much
ado, he sent forth two or three of his reveling companions to parley,
to whom Sylla, perceiving that they made no serious overtures towards
an accommodation, but went on haranguing in praise of Theseus,
Eumolpus, and the Median trophies, replied, “My good friends, you may
put up your speeches and be gone. I was sent by the Romans to Athens,
not to take lessons, but to reduce rebels to obedience.”

In the meantime news came to Sylla that some old men, talking
in the Ceramicus, had been overheard to blame the tyrant for not
securing the passages and approaches near the Heptachalcum, the one
point where the enemy might easily get over. Sylla neglected not the
report, but going in the night, and discovering the place to be
assailable, set instantly to work. Sylla himself makes mention in his
Memoirs, that Marcus Teius, the first man who scaled the wall, meeting
with an adversary, and striking him on the headpiece a home stroke,
broke his own sword, but, notwithstanding, did not give ground, but
stood and held him fast. The city was certainly taken from that
quarter, according to the tradition of the oldest of the Athenians.

When they had thrown down the wall, and made all level betwixt
the Piraic and Sacred Gate, about midnight Sylla entered the breach,
with all the terrors of trumpets and cornets sounding, with the
triumphant shout and cry of an army let loose to spoil and slaughter,
and scouring through the streets with swords drawn. There was no
numbering the slain; the amount is to this day conjectured only from
the space of ground overflowed with blood. For without mentioning the
execution done in other quarters of the city, the blood that was shed
about the marketplace spread over the whole Ceramicus within the
Double-gate, and, according to most writers, passed through the gate
and overflowed the suburb. Nor did the multitudes which fell thus
exceed the number of those, who, out of pity and love for their
country, which they believed was now finally to perish, slew
themselves; the best of them, through despair of their country’s
surviving, dreading themselves to survive, expecting neither humanity
nor moderation in Sylla. At length, partly at the instance of Midias
and Calliphon, two exiled men, beseeching and casting themselves at his
feet, partly by the intercession of those senators who followed the
camp, having had his fill of revenge, and making some honorable mention
of the ancient Athenians, “I forgive,” said he, “the many for the sake
of the few, the living for the dead.” He took Athens, according to his
own Memoirs, on the calends of March, coinciding pretty nearly with the
new moon of Anthesterion, on which day it is the Athenian usage to
perform various acts in commemoration of the ruins and devastations
occasioned by the deluge, that being supposed to be the time of its
occurrence.

At the taking of the town, the tyrant fled into the citadel,
and was there besieged by Curio, who had that charge given him. He held
out a considerable time, but at last yielded himself up for want of
water, and divine power immediately intimated its agency in the matter.
For on the same day and hour that Curio conducted him down, the clouds
gathered in a clear sky, and there came down a great quantity of rain
and filled the citadel with water.

Not long after, Sylla won the Piræus, and burnt most of it; amongst the rest, Philo’s arsenal, a work very greatly admired.

In the mean time Taxiles, Mithridates’s general, coming down
from Thrace and Macedon, with an army of one hundred thousand foot, ten
thousand horse, and ninety chariots, armed with scythes at the wheels,
would have joined Archelaus, who lay with a navy on the coast near
Munychia, reluctant to quit the sea, and yet unwilling to engage the
Romans in battle, but desiring to protract the war and cut off the
enemy’s supplies. Which Sylla perceiving much better than himself,
passed with his forces into Bœotia, quitting a barren district which
was inadequate to maintain an army even in time of peace. He was
thought by some to have taken false measures in thus leaving Attica, a
rugged country, and ill suited for cavalry to move in, and entering the
plain and open fields of Bœotia, knowing as he did the barbarian
strength to consist most in horses and chariots. But as was said
before, to avoid famine and scarcity, he was forced to run the risk of
a battle. Moreover he was in anxiety for Hortensius, a bold and active
officer, whom on his way to Sylla with forces from Thessaly, the
barbarians awaited in the straits. For these reasons Sylla drew off
into Bœotia. Hortensius, meantime, was conducted by Caphis, our
countryman, another way unknown to the barbarians, by Parnassus, just
under Tithora, which was then not so large a town as it is now, but a
mere fort, surrounded by steep precipices, whither the Phocians also,
in old time, when flying from the invasion of Xerxes, carried
themselves and their goods and were saved. Hortensius, encamping here,
kept off the enemy by day, and at night descending by difficult
passages to Patronis, joined the forces of Sylla, who came to meet him.
Thus united they posted themselves on a fertile hill in the middle of
the plain of Elatea, shaded with trees and watered at the foot. It is
called Philobœotus, and its situation and natural advantages are spoken
of with great admiration by Sylla.

As they lay thus encamped, they seemed to the enemy a
contemptible number, for they were not above fifteen hundred horse, and
less than fifteen thousand foot. Therefore the rest of the commanders,
overpersuading Archelaus, and drawing up the army, covered the plain
with horses, chariots, bucklers, targets. The clamor and cries of so
many nations forming for battle rent the air, nor was the pomp and
ostentation of their costly array altogether idle and unserviceable for
terror; for the brightness of their armor, embellished magnificently
with gold and silver, and the rich colors of their Median and Scythian
coats, intermixed with brass and shining steel, presented a flaming and
terrible sight as they swayed about and moved in their ranks, so much
so that the Romans shrunk within their trenches, and Sylla, unable by
any arguments to remove their fear, and unwilling to force them to
fight against their wills, was fain to sit down in quiet, ill-brooking
to become the subject of barbarian insolence and laughter. This,
however, above all advantaged him, for the enemy, from contemning of
him, fell into disorder amongst themselves, being already less
thoroughly under command, on account of the number of their leaders.
Some few of them remained within the encampment, but others, the major
part, lured out with hopes of prey and rapine, strayed about the
country many days journey from the camp, and are related to have
destroyed the city of Panope, to have plundered Lebadea, and robbed the
oracle without any orders from their commanders.

Sylla, all this while, chafing and fretting to see the cities
all around destroyed, suffered not the soldiery to remain idle, but
leading them out, compelled them to divert the Cephisus from its
ancient channel by casting up ditches, and giving respite to none,
showed himself rigorous in punishing the remiss, that growing weary of
labor, they might be induced by hardship to embrace danger. Which fell
out accordingly, for on the third day, being hard at work as Sylla
passed by, they begged and clamored to be led against the enemy. Sylla
replied, that this demand of war proceeded rather from a backwardness
to labor than any forwardness to fight, but if they were in good
earnest martially inclined, he bade them take their arms and get up
thither, pointing to the ancient citadel of the Parapotamians, of which
at present, the city being laid waste, there remained only the rocky
hill itself, steep and craggy on all sides, and severed from Mount
Hedylium by the breadth of the river Assus, which running between, and
at the bottom of the same hill falling into the Cephisus with an
impetuous confluence, makes this eminence a strong position for
soldiers to occupy. Observing that the enemy’s division, called the
Brazen Shields, were making their way up thither, Sylla was willing to
take first possession, and by the vigorous efforts of the soldiers,
succeeded. Archelaus, driven from hence, bent his forces upon Chæronea.
The Chæroneans who bore arms in the Roman camp beseeching Sylla not to
abandon the city, he dispatched Gabinius, a tribune, with one legion,
and sent out also the Chæroneans, who endeavored, but were not able to
get in before Gabinius; so active was he, and more zealous to bring
relief than those who had entreated it. Juba writes that Ericius was
the man sent, not Gabinius. Thus narrowly did our native city escape.

From Lebadea and the cave of Trophonius there came favorable
rumors and prophecies of victory to the Romans, of which the
inhabitants of those places give a fuller account, but as Sylla himself
affirms in the tenth book of his Memoirs, Quintus Titius, a man of some
repute among the Romans who were engaged in mercantile business in
Greece, came to him after the battle won at Chæronea, and declared that
Trophonius had foretold another fight and victory on the same place,
within a short time. After him a soldier, by name Salvenius, brought an
account from the god of the future issue of affairs in Italy. As to the
vision, they both agreed in this, that they had seen one who in stature
and in majesty was similar to Jupiter Olympius.

Sylla, when he had passed over the Assus, marching under the
Mount Hedylium, encamped close to Archelaus, who had entrenched himself
strongly between the mountains Acontium and Hedylium, close to what are
called the Assia. The place of his entrenchment is to this day named
from him, Archelaus. Sylla, after one day’s respite, having left Murena
behind him with one legion and two cohorts to amuse the enemy with
continual alarms, himself went and sacrificed on the banks of Cephisus,
and the holy rites ended, held on towards Chæronea to receive the
forces there and view Mount Thurium, where a party of the enemy had
posted themselves. This is a craggy height running up in a conical form
to a point, called by us Orthopagus; at the foot of it is the river
Morius and the temple of Apollo Thurius. The god had his surname from
Thuro, mother of Chæron, whom ancient record makes founder of Chæronea.
Others assert that the cow which Apollo gave to Cadmus for a guide
appeared there, and that the place took its name from the beast, Thor
being the Phœnician word for a cow.

At Sylla’s approach to Chæronea, the tribune who had been
appointed to guard the city led out his men in arms, and met him with a
garland of laurel in his hand; which Sylla accepting, and at the same
time saluting the soldiers and animating them to the encounter, two men
of Chæronea, Homoloichus and Anaxidamus, presented themselves before
him, and offered, with a small party, to dislodge those who were posted
on Thurium. For there lay a path out of sight of the barbarians, from
what is called Petrochus along by the Museum, leading right down from
above upon Thurium. By this way it was easy to fall upon them and
either stone them from above, or force them down into the plain. Sylla,
assured of their faith and courage by Gabinius, bade them proceed with
the enterprise, and meantime drew up the army, and disposing the
cavalry on both wings, himself took command of the right; the left
being committed to the direction of Murena. In the rear of all, Galba
and Hortensius, his lieutenants, planted themselves on the upper
grounds with the cohorts of reserve, to watch the motions of the enemy,
who with numbers of horse and swift-footed, light-armed infantry, were
noticed to have so formed their wing as to allow it readily to change
about and alter its position, and thus gave reason for suspecting that
they intended to carry it far out and so to enclose the Romans.

In the meanwhile, the Chæroneans, who had Ericius for commander
by appointment of Sylla, covertly making their way around Thurium, and
then discovering themselves, occasioned a great confusion and rout
amongst the barbarians, and slaughter, for the most part, by their own
hands. For they kept not their place, but making down the steep
descent, ran themselves on their own spears, and violently sent each
other over the cliffs, the enemy from above pressing on and wounding
them where they exposed their bodies; insomuch that there fell three
thousand about Thurium. Some of those who escaped, being met by Murena
as he stood in array, were cut off and destroyed. Others breaking
through to their friends and falling pell-mell into the ranks, filled
most part of the army with fear and tumult, and caused a hesitation and
delay among the generals, which was no small disadvantage. For
immediately upon the discomposure, Sylla coming full speed to the
charge, and quickly crossing the interval between the armies, lost them
the service of their armed chariots, which require a consider able
space of ground to gather strength and impetuosity in their career, a
short course being weak and ineffectual, like that of missiles without
a full swing. Thus it fared with the barbarians at present, whose first
chariots came feebly on and made but a faint impression; the Romans
repulsing them with shouts and laughter, called out as they do at the
races in the circus, for more to come. By this time the mass of both
armies met; the barbarians on one side fixed their long pikes, and with
their shields locked close together, strove so far as in them lay to
preserve their line of battle entire. The Romans, on the other side,
having discharged their javelins, rushed on with their drawn swords,
and struggled to put by the pikes to get at them the sooner, in the
fury that possessed them at seeing in the front of the enemy fifteen
thousand slaves, whom the royal commanders had set free by
proclamation, and ranged amongst the men of arms. And a Roman centurion
is reported to have said at this sight, that he never knew servants
allowed to play the masters, unless at the Saturnalia. These men by
their deep and solid array, as well as by their daring courage, yielded
but slowly to the legions, till at last by slinging engines, and darts,
which the Romans poured in upon them behind, they were forced to give
way and scatter.

As Archelaus was extending the right wing to encompass the
enemy, Hortensius with his cohorts came down in force, with intention
to charge him in the flank. But Archelaus wheeling about suddenly with
two thousand horse, Hortensius, outnumbered and hard pressed, fell back
towards the higher grounds, and found himself gradually getting
separated from the main body and likely to be surrounded by the enemy.
When Sylla heard this, he came rapidly up to his succor from the right
wing, which as yet had not engaged. But Archelaus, guessing the matter
by the dust of his troops, turned to the right wing, from whence Sylla
came, in hopes to surprise it without a commander. At the same instant,
likewise, Taxiles, with his Brazen Shields, assailed Murena, so that a
cry coming from both places, and the hills repeating it around, Sylla
stood in suspense which way to move. Deciding to resume his own
station, he sent in aid to Murena four cohorts under Hortensius, and
commanding the fifth to follow him, returned hastily to the right wing,
which of itself held its ground on equal terms against Archelaus; and,
at his appearance, with one bold effort forced them back, and,
obtaining the mastery, followed them, flying in disorder to the river
and Mount Acontium. Sylla, however, did not forget the danger Murena
was in; but hasting thither and finding him victorious also, then
joined in the pursuit. Many barbarians were slain in the field, many
more were cut in pieces as they were making into the camp. Of all the
vast multitude, ten thousand only got safe into Chalcis. Sylla writes
that there were but fourteen of his soldiers missing, and that two of
these returned towards evening; he, therefore, inscribed on the
trophies the names of Mars, Victory, and Venus, as having won the day
no less by good fortune than by management and force of arms. This
trophy of the battle in the plain stands on the place where Archelaus
first gave way, near the stream of the Molus; another is erected high
on the top of Thurium, where the barbarians were environed, with an
inscription in Greek, recording that the glory of the day belonged to
Homoloichus and Anaxidamus. Sylla celebrated his victory at Thebes with
spectacles, for which he erected a stage, near Oedipus’s well. The
judges of the performances were Greeks chosen out of other cities; his
hostility to the Thebans being implacable, half of whose territory he
took away and consecrated to Apollo and Jupiter, ordering that out of
the revenue compensation should be made to the gods for the riches
himself had taken from them.

After this, hearing that Flaccus, a man of the contrary
faction, had been chosen consul, and was crossing the Ionian Sea with
an army, professedly to act against Mithridates, but in reality against
himself, he hastened towards Thessaly, designing to meet him, but in
his march, when near Melitea, received advices from all parts that the
countries behind him were overrun and ravaged by no less a royal army
than the former. For Dorylaus, arriving at Chalcis with a large fleet,
on board of which he brought over with him eighty thousand of the best
appointed and best disciplined soldiers of Mithridates’s army, at once
invaded Bœotia, and occupied the country in hopes to bring Sylla to a
battle, making no account of the dissuasions of Archelaus, but giving
it out as to the last fight, that without treachery so many thousand
men could never have perished. Sylla, however, facing about
expeditiously, made it clear to him that Archelaus was a wise man, and
had good skill in the Roman valor; insomuch that he himself, after some
small skirmishes with Sylla near Tilphossium, was the first of those
who thought it not advisable to put things to the decision of the
sword, but rather to wear out the war by expense of time and treasure.
The ground, however, near Orchomenus, where they then lay encamped,
gave some encouragement to Archelaus, being a battle field admirably
suited for an army superior in cavalry. Of all the plains in Bœotia
that are renowned for their beauty and extent, this alone, which
commences from the city of Orchomenus, spreads out unbroken and clear
of trees to the edge of the fens in which the Melas, rising close under
Orchomenus, loses itself, the only Greek river which is a deep and
navigable water from the very head, increasing also about the summer
solstice like the Nile, and producing plants similar to those that grow
there, only small and without fruit. It does not run far before the
main stream disappears among the blind and woody marsh-grounds; a small
branch. however, joins the Cephisus, about the place where the lake is
thought to produce the best flute-reeds.

Now that both armies were posted near each other, Archelaus lay
still, but Sylla employed himself in cutting ditches from either side;
that if possible, by driving the enemies from the firm and open
champain, he might force them into the fens. They, on the other hand,
not enduring this, as soon as their leaders allowed them the word of
command, issued out furiously in large bodies; when not only the men at
work were dispersed, but most part of those who stood in arms to
protect the work fled in disorder. Upon this, Sylla leaped from his
horse, and snatching hold of an ensign, rushed through the midst of the
rout upon the enemy, crying out aloud, “To me, O Romans, it will be
glorious to fall here. As for you, when they ask you where you betrayed
your general, remember and say, at Orchomenus.” His men rallying again
at these words, and two cohorts coming to his succor from the right
wing, he led them to the charge and turned the day. Then retiring some
short distance and refreshing his men, he proceeded again with his
works to block up the enemy’s camp. They again sallied out in better
order than before. Here Diogenes, step-son to Archelaus, fighting on
the right wing with much gallantry, made an honorable end. And the
archers, being hard pressed by the Romans, and wanting space for a
retreat, took their arrows by handfuls, and striking with these as with
swords, beat them back. In the end, however, they were all driven into
the entrenchment and had a sorrowful night of it with their slain and
wounded. The next day again, Sylla, leading forth his men up to their
quarters, went on finishing the lines of entrenchment, and when they
issued out again with larger numbers to give him battle, fell on them
and put them to the rout, and in the consternation ensuing, none daring
to abide, he took the camp by storm. The marshes were filled with
blood, and the lake with dead bodies, insomuch that to this day many
bows, helmets, fragments of iron, breastplates, and swords of barbarian
make, continue to be found buried deep in mud, two hundred years after
the fight. Thus much of the actions of Chæronea and Orchomenus.

At Rome, Cinna and Carbo were now using injustice and violence
towards persons of the greatest eminence, and many of them to avoid
this tyranny repaired, as to a safe harbor, to Sylla’s camp, where, in
a short space, he had about him the aspect of a senate. Metella,
likewise, having with difficulty conveyed herself and children away by
stealth, brought him word that his houses, both in town and country,
had been burnt by his enemies, and entreated his help at home. Whilst
he was in doubt what to do, being impatient to hear of his country
being thus outraged, and yet not knowing how to leave so great a work
as the Mithridatic war unfinished, there comes to him Archelaus, a
merchant of Delos, with hopes of an accommodation, and private
instructions from Archelaus, the king’s general. Sylla liked the
business so well as to desire a speedy conference with Archelaus in
person, and a meeting took place on the sea-coast near Delium, where
the temple of Apollo stands. When Archelaus opened the conversation,
and began to urge Sylla to abandon his pretensions to Asia and Pontus,
and to set sail for the war in Rome, receiving money and shipping, and
such forces as he should think fitting from the king, Sylla,
interposing, bade Archelaus take no further care for Mithridates, but
assume the crown to himself, and become a confederate of Rome,
delivering up the navy. Archelaus professing his abhorrence of such
treason, Sylla proceeded: “So you, Archelaus, a Cappadocian, and slave,
or if it so please you, friend, to a barbarian king, would not, upon
such vast considerations, be guilty of what is dishonorable, and yet
dare to talk to me, Roman general and Sylla, of treason? as if you were
not the selfsame Archelaus who ran away at Chæronea, with few remaining
out of one hundred and twenty thousand men; who lay for two days in the
fens of Orchomenus, and left Bœotia impassable for heaps of dead
carcasses.” Archelaus, changing his tone at this, humbly besought him
to lay aside the thoughts of war, and make peace with Mithridates.
Sylla consenting to this request, articles of agreement were concluded
on. That Mithridates should quit Asia and Paphlagonia, restore Bithynia
to Nicomedes, Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and pay the Romans two
thousand talents, and give him seventy ships of war with all their
furniture. On the other hand, that Sylla should confirm to him his
other dominions, and declare him a Roman confederate. On these terms he
proceeded by the way of Thessaly and Macedon towards the Hellespont,
having Archelaus with him, and treating him with great attention. For
Archelaus being taken dangerously ill at Larissa, he stopped the march
of the army, and took care of him, as if he had been one of his own
captains, or his colleague in command. This gave suspicion of foul play
in the battle of Chæronea; as it was also observed that Sylla had
released all the friends of Mithridates taken prisoners in war, except
only Aristion the tyrant, who was at enmity with Archelaus, and was put
to death by poison; and, above all, ten thousand acres of land in Eubœa
had been given to the Cappadocian, and he had received from Sylla the
style of friend and ally of the Romans. On all which points Sylla
defends himself in his Memoirs.

The ambassadors of Mithridates arriving and declaring that they
accepted of the conditions, only Paphlagonia they could not part with;
and as for the ships, professing not to know of any such capitulation,
Sylla in a rage exclaimed, “What say you? Does Mithridates then
withhold Paphlagonia? and as to the ships, deny that article? I thought
to have seen him prostrate at my feet to thank me for leaving him so
much as that right hand of his, which has cut off so many Romans. He
will shortly, at my coming over into Asia, speak another language; in
the mean time, let him at his ease in Pergamus sit managing a war which
he never saw.” The ambassadors in terror stood silent by, but Archelaus
endeavored with humble supplications to assuage his wrath, laying hold
on his right hand and weeping. In conclusion he obtained permission to
go himself in person to Mithridates; for that he would either mediate a
peace to the satisfaction of Sylla, or if not, slay himself. Sylla
having thus dispatched him away, made an inroad into Mædica, and after
wide depopulations returned back again into Macedon, where he received
Archelaus about Philippi, bringing word that all was well, and that
Mithridates earnestly requested an interview. The chief cause of this
meeting was Fimbria; for he having assassinated Flaccus, the consul of
the contrary faction, and worsted the Mithridatic commanders, was
advancing against Mithridates himself, who, fearing this, chose rather
to seek the friendship of Sylla.

And so met at Dardanus in the Troad, on one side Mithridates,
attended with two hundred ships, and land forces consisting of twenty
thousand men at arms, six thousand horse, and a large train of scythed
chariots; on the other, Sylla with only four cohorts, and two hundred
horse. As Mithridates drew near and put out his hand, Sylla demanded
whether he was willing or no to end the war on the terms Archelaus had
agreed to, but seeing the king made no answer, “How is this?” he
continued, “ought not the petitioner to speak first, and the conqueror
to listen in silence?” And when Mithridates, entering upon his plea,
began to shift off the war, partly on the gods, and partly to blame the
Romans themselves, he took him up, saying that he had heard, indeed,
long since from others, and now he knew it himself for truth, that
Mithridates was a powerful speaker, who in defense of the most foul and
unjust proceedings, had not wanted for specious presences. Then
charging him with and inveighing bitterly against the outrages he had
committed, he asked again whether he was willing or no to ratify the
treaty of Archelaus? Mithridates answering in the affirmative, Sylla
came forward, embraced and kissed him. Not long after he introduced
Ariobarzanes and Nicomedes, the two kings, and made them friends
Mithridates, when he had handed over to Sylla seventy ships and five
hundred archers, set sail for Pontus.

Sylla, perceiving the soldiers to be dissatisfied with the
peace, (as it seemed indeed a monstrous thing that they should see the
king who was then bitterest enemy, and who had caused one hundred and
fifty thousand Romans to be massacred in one day in Asia, now sailing
off with the riches and spoils of Asia, which he had pillaged, and put
under contribution for the space of four years,) in his defense to them
alleged, that he could not have made head against Fimbria and
Mithridates, had they both withstood him in conjunction. Thence he set
out and went in search of Fimbria, who lay with the army about
Thyatira, and pitching his camp not far off, proceeded to fortify it
with a trench. The soldiers of Fimbria came out in their single coats,
and, saluting his men, lent ready assistance to the work; which change
Fimbria beholding, and apprehending Sylla as irreconcilable, laid
violent hands on himself in the camp.

Sylla imposed on Asia in general a tax of twenty thousand
talents, and despoiled individually each family by the licentious
behavior and long residence of the soldiery in private quarters. For he
ordained that every host should allow his guest four tetradrachms each
day, and moreover entertain him, and as many friends as he should
invite, with a supper; that a centurion should receive fifty drachmas a
day, together with one suit of clothes to wear within doors, and
another when he went abroad.

Having set out from Ephesus with the whole navy, he came the
third day to anchor in the Piræus. Here he was initiated in the
mysteries, and seized for his use the library of Apellicon the Teian,
in which were most of the works of Theophrastus and Aristotle, then not
in general circulation. When the whole was afterwards conveyed to Rome,
there, it is said, the greater part of the collection passed through
the hands of Tyrannion the grammarian, and that Andronicus the Rhodian,
having through his means the command of numerous copies, made the
treatises public, and drew up the catalogues that are now current. The
elder Peripatetics appear themselves, indeed, to have been accomplished
and learned men, but of the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus they
had no large or exact knowledge, because Theophrastus bequeathing his
books to the heir of Neleus of Scepsis, they came into careless and
illiterate hands.

During Sylla’s stay about Athens, his feet were attacked by a
heavy benumbing pain, which Strabo calls the first inarticulate sounds
of the gout. Taking, therefore, a voyage to Ædepsus, he made use of the
hot waters there, allowing himself at the same time to forget all
anxieties, and passing away his time with actors. As he was walking
along the sea-shore, certain fishermen brought him some magnificent
fish. Being much delighted with the gift, and understanding, on
inquiry, that they were men of Halææ, “What,” said he, “are there any
men of Halææ surviving?” For after his victory at Orchomenus, in the
heat of a pursuit, he had destroyed three cities of Bœotia, Anthedon,
Larymna, and Halææ. The men not knowing what to say for fear, Sylla
with a smile bade them cheer up and return in peace, as they had
brought with them no insignificant intercessors. The Halæans say that
this first gave them courage to reunite and return to their city.

Sylla, having marched through Thessaly and Macedon to the
sea-coast, prepared, with twelve hundred vessels, to cross over from
Dyrrhachium to Brundisium. Not far from hence is Apollonia, and near it
the Nymphæum, a spot of ground where, from among green trees and
meadows, there are found at various points springs of fire continually
streaming out. Here, they say, a satyr, such as statuaries and painters
represent, was caught asleep, and brought before Sylla, where he was
asked by several interpreters who he was, and, after much trouble, at
last uttered nothing intelligible, but a harsh noise, something between
the neighing of a horse and crying of a goat. Sylla, in dismay, and
deprecating such an omen, bade it be removed.

At the point of transportation, Sylla being in alarm, lest at
their first setting foot upon Italy, the soldiers should disband and
disperse one by one among the cities, they of their own accord first
took an oath to stand firm by him, and not of their good-will to injure
Italy; then seeing him in distress for money, they made, so to say, a
freewill offering, and contributed each man according to his ability.
However Sylla would not accept of their offering, but praising their
good-will, and arousing up their courage, put over (as he himself
writes) against fifteen hostile generals in command of four hundred and
fifty cohorts; but not without the most unmistakable divine intimations
of his approaching happy successes. For when he was sacrificing at his
first landing near Tarentum, the victim’s liver showed the figure of a
crown of laurel with two fillets hanging from it. And a little while
before his arrival in Campania, near the mountain Hephæus, two stately
goats were seen in the daytime, fighting together, and performing all
the motions of men in battle. It proved to be an apparition, and rising
up gradually from the ground, dispersed in the air, like fancied
representations in the clouds, and so vanished out of sight. Not long
after, in the selfsame place, when Marius the younger, and Norbanus the
consul, attacked him with two great armies, without prescribing the
order of battle, or arranging his men according to their divisions, by
the sway only of one common alacrity and transport of courage, he
overthrew the enemy, and shut up Norbanus into the city of Capua, with
the loss of seven thousand of his men. And this was the reason, he
says, that the soldiers did not leave him and disperse into the
different towns, but held fast to him, and despised the enemy, though
infinitely more in number.

At Silvium, (as he himself relates it,) there met him a servant
of Pontius, in a state of divine possession, saying that he brought him
the power of the sword and victory from Bellona, the goddess of war,
and if he did not make haste, that the capitol would be burnt, which
fell out on the same day the man foretold it, namely, on the sixth day
of the month Quintilis, which we now call July.

At Fidentia, also, Marcus Lucullus, one of Sylla’s commanders,
reposed such confidence in the forwardness of the soldiers, as to dare
to face fifty cohorts of the enemy, with only sixteen of his own; but
because many of them were unarmed, delayed the onset. As he stood thus
waiting, and considering with himself, a gentle gale of wind, bearing
along with it from the neighboring meadows a quantity of flowers,
scattered them down upon the army, on whose shields and helmets they
settled, and arranged themselves spontaneously, so as to give the
soldiers, in the eyes of the enemy, the appearance of being crowned
with chaplets. Upon this, being yet further animated, they joined
battle, and victoriously slaying eight thousand men, took the camp.
This Lucullus was brother to that Lucullus who in after-times conquered
Mithridates and Tigranes.

Sylla, seeing himself still surrounded by so many armies, and
such mighty hostile powers, had recourse to art, inviting Scipio, the
other consul, to a treaty of peace. The motion was willingly embraced,
and several meetings and consultations ensued, in all which Sylla,
still interposing matter of delay and new pretences, in the meanwhile
debauched Scipio’s men by means of his own, who were as well practiced
as the general himself, in all the artifices of inveigling. For
entering into the enemy’s quarters and joining in conversation, they
gained some by present money, some by promises, others by fair words
and persuasions; so that in the end, when Sylla with twenty cohorts
drew near, on his men saluting Scipio’s soldiers, they returned the
greeting and came over, leaving Scipio behind them in his tent, where
he was found all alone and dismissed. And having used his twenty
cohorts as decoys to ensnare the forty of the enemy, he led them all
back into the camp. On this occasion, Carbo was heard to say, that he
had both a fox and a lion in the breast of Sylla to deal with, and was
most troubled with the fox.

Some time after, at Signia, Marius the younger, with
eighty-five cohorts, offered battle to Sylla, who was extremely
desirous to have it decided on that very day; for the night before he
had seen a vision in his sleep, of Marius the elder, who had been some
time dead, advising his son to beware of the following day, as of fatal
consequence to him. For this reason, Sylla, longing to come to a
battle, sent off for Dolabella, who lay encamped at some distance. But
because the enemy had beset and blocked up the passes, his soldiers got
tired with skirmishing and marching at once. To these difficulties was
added, moreover, tempestuous rainy weather, which distressed them most
of all. The principal officers therefore came to Sylla, and besought
him to defer the battle that day, showing him how the soldiers lay
stretched on the ground, where they had thrown themselves down in their
weariness, resting their heads upon their shields to gain some repose.
When, with much reluctance, he had yielded, and given order for
pitching the camp, they had no sooner begun to cast up the rampart and
draw the ditch, but Marius came riding up furiously at the head of his
troops, in hopes to scatter them in that disorder and confusion. Here
the gods fulfilled Sylla’s dream. For the soldiers, stirred up with
anger, left off their work, and sticking their javelins into the bank,
with drawn swords and a courageous shout, came to blows with the enemy,
who made but small resistance, and lost great numbers in the flight.
Marius fled to Præneste, but finding the gates shut, tied himself round
by a rope that was thrown down to him, and was taken up on the walls.
Some there are (as Fenestella for one) who affirm that Marius knew
nothing of the fight, but, overwatched and spent with hard duty, had
reposed himself, when the signal was given, beneath some shade, and was
hardly to be awakened at the flight of his men. Sylla, according to his
own account, lost only twenty-three men in this fight, having killed of
the enemy twenty thousand, and taken alive eight thousand.

The like success attended his lieutenants, Pompey, Crassus,
Metellus, Servilius, who with little or no loss cut off vast numbers of
the enemy, insomuch that Carbo, the prime supporter of the cause, fled
by night from his charge of the army, and sailed over into Libya.

In the last struggle, however, the Samnite Telesinus, like some
champion, whose lot it is to enter last of all into the lists and take
up the wearied conqueror, came nigh to have foiled and overthrown Sylla
before the gates of Rome. For Telesinus with his second, Lamponius the
Lucanian, having collected a large force, had been hastening towards
Præneste, to relieve Marius from the siege; but perceiving Sylla ahead
of him, and Pompey behind, both hurrying up against him, straightened
thus before and behind, as a valiant and experienced soldier, he arose
by night, and marching directly with his whole army, was within a
little of making his way unexpectedly into Rome itself. He lay that
night before the city, at ten furlongs distance from the Colline gate,
elated and full of hope, at having thus out-generalled so many eminent
commanders. At break of day, being charged by the noble youth of the
city, among many others he overthrew Appius Claudius, renowned for high
birth and character. The city, as is easy to imagine, was all in an
uproar, the women shrieking and running about, as if it had already
been entered forcibly by assault, till at last Balbus, sent forward by
Sylla, was seen riding up with seven hundred horse at full speed.
Halting only long enough to wipe the sweat from the horses, and then
hastily bridling again, he at once attacked the enemy. Presently Sylla
himself appeared, and commanding those who were foremost to take
immediate refreshment, proceeded to form in order for battle. Dolabella
and Torquatus were extremely earnest with him to desist awhile, and not
with spent forces to hazard the last hope, having before them in the
field, not Carbo or Marius, but two warlike nations bearing immortal
hatred to Rome, the Samnites and Lucanians, to grapple with. But he put
them by, and commanded the trumpets to sound a charge, when it was now
about four o’clock in the afternoon. In the conflict which followed, as
sharp a one as ever was, the right wing where Crassus was posted had
clearly the advantage; the left suffered and was in distress, when
Sylla came to its succor, mounted on a white courser, full of mettle
and exceedingly swift, which two of the enemy knowing him by, had their
lances ready to throw at him; he himself observed nothing, but his
attendant behind him giving the horse a touch, he was, unknown to
himself, just so far carried forward, that the points, falling beside
the horse’s tail, stuck in the ground. There is a story that he had a
small golden image of Apollo from Delphi, which he was always wont in
battle to carry about him in his bosom, and that he then kissed it with
these words, “O Apollo Pythius, who in so many battles hast raised to
honor and greatness the Fortunate Cornelius Sylla, wilt thou now cast
him down, bringing him before the gate of his country, to perish
shamefully with his fellow-citizens?” Thus, they say, addressing
himself to the god, he entreated some of his men, threatened some, and
seized others with his hand, till at length the left wing being wholly
shattered, he was forced, in the general rout, to betake himself to the
camp, having lost many of his friends and acquaintance. Many, likewise,
of the city spectators who had come out, were killed or trodden
underfoot. So that it was generally believed in the city that all was
lost, and the siege of Præneste was all but raised; many fugitives from
the battle making their way thither, and urging Lucretius Ofella, who
was appointed to keep on the siege, to rise in all haste, for that
Sylla had perished, and Rome fallen into the hands of the enemy.

About midnight there came into Sylla’s camp messengers from
Crassus, to fetch provision for him and his soldiers; for having
vanquished the enemy, they had pursued him to the walls of Antemna, and
had sat down there. Sylla, hearing this, and that most of the enemy
were destroyed, came to Antemna by break of day, where three thousand
of the besieged having sent forth a herald, he promised to receive them
to mercy, on condition they did the enemy some mischief in their coming
over. Trusting to his word, they fell foul on the rest of their
companions, and made a great slaughter one of another. Nevertheless,
Sylla gathered together in the circus, as well these as other survivors
of the party, to the number of six thousand, and just as he commenced
speaking to the senate, in the temple of Bellona, proceeded to cut them
down, by men appointed for that service. The cry of so vast a multitude
put to the sword, in so narrow a space, was naturally heard some
distance, and startled the senators. He, however, continuing his speech
with a calm and unconcerned countenance, bade them listen to what he
had to say, and not busy themselves with what was doing out of doors;
he had given directions for the chastisement of some offenders. This
gave the most stupid of the Romans to understand, that they had merely
exchanged, not escaped, tyranny. And Marius, being of a naturally harsh
temper, had not altered, but merely continued what he had been, in
authority; whereas Sylla, using his fortune moderately and
unambitiously at first, and giving good hopes of a true patriot, firm
to the interests both of the nobility and commonalty, being, moreover,
of a gay and cheerful temper from his youth, and so easily moved to
pity as to shed tears readily, has, perhaps deservedly, cast a blemish
upon offices of great authority, as if they deranged men’s former
habits and character, and gave rise to violence, pride, and inhumanity.
Whether this be a real change and revolution in the mind, caused by
fortune, or rather a lurking viciousness of nature, discovering itself
in authority, it were matter of another sort of disquisition to decide.

Sylla being thus wholly bent upon slaughter, and filling the
city with executions without number or limit, many wholly uninterested
persons falling a sacrifice to private enmity, through his permission
and indulgence to his friends, Caius Metellus, one of the younger men,
made bold in the senate to ask him what end there was of these evils,
and at what point he might be expected to stop? “We do not ask you,”
said he, “to pardon any whom you have resolved to destroy, but to free
from doubt those whom you are pleased to save.” Sylla answering, that
he knew not as yet whom to spare. “Why then,” said he, “tell us whom
you will punish.” This Sylla said he would do. These last words, some
authors say, were spoken not by Metellus, but by Afidius, one of
Sylla’s fawning companions. Immediately upon this, without
communicating with any of the magistrates, Sylla proscribed eighty
persons, and notwithstanding the general indignation, after one day’s
respite, he posted two hundred and twenty more, and on the third again,
as many. In an address to the people on this occasion, he told them he
had put up as many names as he could think of; those which had escaped
his memory, he would publish at a future time. He issued an edict
likewise, making death the punishment of humanity, proscribing any who
should dare to receive and cherish a proscribed person, without
exception to brother, son, or parents. And to him who should slay any
one proscribed person, he ordained two talents reward, even were it a
slave who had killed his master, or a son his father. And what was
thought most unjust of all, he caused the attainder to pass upon their
sons, and son’s sons, and made open sale of all their property. Nor did
the proscription prevail only at Rome, but throughout all the cities of
Italy the effusion of blood was such, that neither sanctuary of the
gods, nor hearth of hospitality, nor ancestral home escaped. Men were
butchered in the embraces of their wives, children in the arms of their
mothers. Those who perished through public animosity, or private
enmity, were nothing in comparison of the numbers of those who suffered
for their riches. Even the murderers began to say, that “his fine house
killed this man, a garden that, a third, his hot baths.” Quintus
Aurelius, a quiet, peaceable man, and one who thought all his part in
the common calamity consisted in condoling with the misfortunes of
others, coming into the forum to read the list, and finding himself
among the proscribed, cried out, “Woe is me, my Alban farm has informed
against me.” He had not gone far, before he was dispatched by a
ruffian, sent on that errand.

In the meantime, Marius, on the point of being taken, killed
himself; and Sylla, coming to Præneste, at first proceeded judicially
against each particular person, till at last, finding it a work of too
much time, he cooped them up together in one place, to the number of
twelve thousand men, and gave order for the execution of them all, his
own host alone excepted. But he, brave man, telling him he could not
accept the obligation of life from the hands of one who had been the
ruin of his country, went in among the rest, and submitted willingly to
the stroke. What Lucius Catilina did was thought to exceed all other
acts. For having, before matters came to an issue, made away with his
brother, he besought Sylla to place him in the list of proscription, as
though he had been alive, which was done; and Catiline, to return the
kind office, assassinated a certain Marcus Marius, one of the adverse
party, and brought the head to Sylla, as he was sitting in the forum,
and then going to the holy water of Apollo, which was nigh, washed his
hands.

There were other things, besides this bloodshed, which gave
offense. For Sylla had declared himself dictator, an office which had
then been laid aside for the space of one hundred and twenty years.
There was, likewise, an act of grace passed on his behalf, granting
indemnity for what was passed, and for the future entrusting him with
the power of life and death, confiscation, division of lands, erecting
and demolishing of cities, taking away of kingdoms, and bestowing them
at pleasure. He conducted the sale of confiscated property after such
an arbitrary, imperious way, from the tribunal, that his gifts excited
greater odium even than his usurpations; women, mimes, and musicians,
and the lowest of the freed slaves had presents made them of the
territories of nations, and the revenues of cities; and women of rank
were married against their will to some of them. Wishing to insure the
fidelity of Pompey the Great, by a nearer tie of blood, he bade him
divorce his present wife, and forcing Æmilia, the daughter of Scaurus
and Metella, his own wife, to leave her husband, Manius Glabrio, he
bestowed her, though then with child, on Pompey, and she died in
childbirth at his house.

When Lucretius Ofella, the same who reduced Marius by siege,
offered himself for the consulship, he first forbade him; then, seeing
he could not restrain him, on his coming down into the forum with a
numerous train of followers, he sent one of the centurions who were
immediately about him, and slew him, himself sitting on the tribunal in
the temple of Castor, and beholding the murder from above. The citizens
apprehending the centurion, and dragging him to the tribunal, he bade
them cease their clamoring and let the centurion go, for he had
commanded it.

His triumph was, in itself, exceedingly splendid, and
distinguished by the rarity and magnificence of the royal spoils; but
its yet greatest glory was the noble spectacle of the exiles. For in
the rear followed the most eminent and most potent of the citizens,
crowned with garlands, and calling Sylla savior and father, by whose
means they were restored to their own country, and again enjoyed their
wives and children. When the solemnity was over, and the time come to
render an account of his actions, addressing the public assembly, he
was as profuse in enumerating the lucky chances of war, as any of his
own military merits. And, finally, from this felicity, he requested to
receive the surname of Felix. In writing and transacting business with
the Greeks, he styled himself Epaphroditus, and on his trophies which
are still extant with us, the name is given Lucius Cornelius Sylla
Epaphroditus. Moreover, when his wife had brought him forth twins, he
named the male Faustus, and the female Fausta, the Roman words for what
is auspicious and of happy omen. The confidence which he reposed in his
good genius, rather than in any abilities of his own, emboldened him,
though deeply involved in bloodshed, and though he had been the author
of such great changes and revolutions of State, to lay down his
authority, and place the right of consular elections once more in the
hands of the people. And when they were held, he not only declined to
seek that office, but in the forum exposed his person publicly to the
people, walking up and down as a private man. And contrary to his will,
a certain bold man and his enemy, Marcus Lepidus, was expected to
become consul, not so much by his own interest, as by the power and
solicitation of Pompey, whom the people were willing to oblige. When
the business was over, seeing Pompey going home overjoyed with the
success, he called him to him and said, “What a politic act, young man,
to pass by Catulus, the best of men, and choose Lepidus, the worst! It
will be well for you to be vigilant, now that you have strengthened
your opponent against yourself.” Sylla spoke this, it may seem, by a
prophetic instinct, for, not long after, Lepidus grew insolent, and
broke into open hostility to Pompey and his friends.

Sylla, consecrating the tenth of his whole substance to
Hercules, entertained the people with sumptuous feastings. The
provision was so much above what was necessary, that they were forced
daily to throw great quantities of meat into the river, and they drank
wine forty years old and upwards. In the midst of the banqueting, which
lasted many days, Metella died of disease. And because that the priest
forbade him to visit the sick, or suffer his house to be polluted with
mourning, he drew up an act of divorce, and caused her to be removed
into another house whilst alive. Thus far, out of religious
apprehension, he observed the strict rule to the very letter, but in
the funeral expenses he transgressed the law he himself had made,
limiting the amount, and spared no cost. He transgressed, likewise, his
own sumptuary laws respecting expenditure in banquets, thinking to
allay his grief by luxurious drinking parties and revelings with common
buffoons.

Some few months after, at a show of gladiators, when men and
women sat promiscuously in the theater, no distinct places being as yet
appointed, there sat down by Sylla a beautiful woman of high birth, by
name Valeria, daughter of Messala, and sister to Hortensius the orator.
Now it happened that she had been lately divorced from her husband.
Passing along behind Sylla, she leaned on him with her hand, and
plucking a bit of wool from his garment, so proceeded to her seat. And
on Sylla looking up and wondering what it meant, “What harm, mighty
Sir,” said she, “if I also was desirous to partake a little in your
felicity?” It appeared at once that Sylla was not displeased, but even
tickled in his fancy, for he sent out to inquire her name, her birth,
and past life. From this time there passed between them many side
glances, each continually turning round to look at the other, and
frequently interchanging smiles. In the end, overtures were made, and a
marriage concluded on. All which was innocent, perhaps, on the lady’s
side, but, though she had been never so modest and virtuous, it was
scarcely a temperate and worthy occasion of marriage on the part of
Sylla, to take fire, as a boy might, at a face and a bold look,
incentives not seldom to the most disorderly and shameless passions.

Notwithstanding this marriage, he kept company with actresses,
musicians, and dancers, drinking with them on couches night and day.
His chief favorites were Roscius the comedian, Sorex the arch mime, and
Metrobius the player, for whom, though past his prime, he still
professed a passionate fondness. By these courses he encouraged a
disease which had begun from some unimportant cause; and for a long
time he failed to observe that his bowels were ulcerated, till at
length the corrupted flesh broke out into lice. Many, were employed day
and night in destroying them, but the work so multiplied under their
hands, that not only his clothes, baths, basins, but his very meat was
polluted with that flux and contagion, they came swarming out in such
numbers. He went frequently by day into the bath to scour and cleanse
his body, but all in vain; the evil generated too rapidly and too
abundantly for any ablutions to overcome it. There died of this
disease, amongst those of the most ancient times, Acastus, the son of
Pelias; of later date, Alcman the poet, Pherecydes the theologian,
Callisthenes the Olynthian, in the time of his imprisonment, as also
Mucius the lawyer; and if we may mention ignoble, but notorious names,
Eunus the fugitive, who stirred up the slaves of Sicily to rebel
against their masters, after he was brought captive to Rome, died of
this creeping sickness.

Sylla not only foresaw his end, but may be also said to have
written of it. For in the two and twentieth book of his Memoirs, which
he finished two days before his death, he writes that the Chaldeans
foretold him, that after he had led a life of honor, he should conclude
it in fullness of prosperity. He declares, moreover, that in vision he
had seen his son, who had died not long before Metella, stand by in
mourning attire, and beseech his father to cast off further care, and
come along with him to his mother Metella, there to live at ease and
quietness with her. However, he could not refrain from intermeddling in
public affairs. For, ten days before his decease, he composed the
differences of the people of Dicæarchia, and prescribed laws for their
better government. And the very day before his end, it being told him
that the magistrate Granius deferred the payment of a public debt, in
expectation of his death, he sent for him to his house, and placing his
attendants about him, caused him to be strangled; but through the
straining of his voice and body, the imposthume breaking, he lost a
great quantity of blood. Upon this, his strength failing him, after
spending a troublesome night, he died, leaving behind him two young
children by Metella. Valeria was afterwards delivered of a daughter,
named Posthuma; for so the Romans call those who are born after the
father’s death.

Many ran tumultuously together, and joined with Lepidus, to
deprive the corpse of the accustomed solemnities; but Pompey, though
offended at Sylla, (for he alone of all his friends, was not mentioned
in his will), having kept off some by his interest and entreaty, others
by menaces, conveyed the body to Rome, and gave it a secure and
honorable burial. It is said that the Roman ladies contributed such
vast heaps of spices, that besides what was carried on two hundred and
ten litters, there was sufficient to form a large figure of Sylla
himself, and another, representing a lictor, out of the costly
frankincense and cinnamon. The day being cloudy in the morning, they
deferred carrying forth the corpse till about three in the afternoon,
expecting it would rain. But a strong wind blowing full upon the
funeral pile, and setting it all in a bright flame, the body was
consumed so exactly in good time, that the pyre had begun to smolder,
and the fire was upon the point of expiring, when a violent rain came
down, which continued till night. So that his good fortune was firm
even to the last, and did as it were officiate at his funeral. His
monument stands in the Campus Martius, with an epitaph of his own
writing; the substance of it being, that he had not been outdone by any
of his friends in doing good turns, nor by any of his foes in doing
bad.