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Weekly Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1841), 1847-02-24

Weekly Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1841), 1847-02-24 page 1

WEEKLY 0 JLJL 0 STATE JOURNAL VOLUME XXXVII. COLUMBUS, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1847. I'UBLISHKl) KVKKY WEDNESDAY MORNING, I House during the discussion of the question, mude a HY WiLLIAM B. THRALL. Olfico in the Jouninl Huihling. south-oast comer of High street and Suar alloy. T E It M S : Turku Doi.i.aiis vv.n annum, which may bei1ichnrptl by the payment of Two Dom.aks in advance, mid free of p'oHlnfre, or of per renU)r to Aymits or Collectors. The Journal is nlno publiidicd duily during Urn session of tho Legislature, ami thrice n week the remainder of the year lor and llirce times a week, yearly, fur jjf i. - COLUMBUS: THL'ltSOAY EVKNING, Febnmry Ifl, 1NI7. (J J Our render wo are sure will not complain at our appropriating; a considerable amount of space to the speeches of Senators Coliiouh and Cass. They treat upon topics of the deepeBt interest; and will be followed by tlio illimitable speech of our own distinguished Senator, Mr. Con wis, who replied to these gentlemen. The speech of Mr. Calhoun will be read with great interest,, whether tho reader assent to, or din Bent from, his positions. It is proper we should nay that tho sketch of Mr. Cuss's remarks is but a mere synopsis as furnished by the National Intelligencer faithful, but greatly compressed. ' Nous" VKimusa " came too Into for this day's paper. It is on file. Tuns Out! All hands to the Irish Relief meet-iujj this evening at First Presbyterian Church. The Uev. Mr. Tvso, late of New York, his nccepted an invitation to the lU'ctorutc of Trinity Church, Columbusand is expected to enter upon the dischurge of the duties of that ollice on Sunday next. "Cut and Come Again 1" An Editor down lvist recently acknowledged the receipt from his Representative in Congress of a copy of the President's Message " complete in one volume." But it seems Mr. Polk is not content with resting his claims in a single volume; for on the i:ith inst. he sent in n second Message, about as long ns the hrst three Presidents of the United Stales were wont to communicate. As might be expected, it is freighted with the cries of the horse -leaeh, ugiee .' girt! " We have not room now for the Message and therefore give the following account of it as furiUMhed by the Washing' ton correspondent of the Baltimore American : Wasiii.iotom, Feb. IH, IM7. The President's Message, which was sent to both Houses of Congress this evening, recommends the imposition of duties on Tea and Coffee, so ns to derive $,.jUO,(ht() from that source. He also recommend a reduction in the price of the Puhlic Lauds, under the expectation tlut revenues to the amount of $1,0110,00 may be derived from the sales within the year. A further demand is mad: for authority to raise more volunteers and ollicers, Hie law of May lat authorising men only tube engaged for a Imrk'd period. unanimous report in favor of Fellows, and he was ad mitted to his seat by a vote of ens hundred and fifteen to one. Do you eiuuire whose hand was in all this? His-tory snys that " while the case was pending in thu House, the whole bun'mess of the Legislature wits sua pended. The lobbies were crowded with anxious spec t utors, and the Senators even took a deeper interest in the discussion, than in the proceedings of their own body. Mr. Van Burks was frequently on the floor of the Assembly, and occasionally gave Mr. Reach a leading pnrtizun of his in the House the benefit of Ins suggestions. This gave Mr. Uuer an opportunity to rebuke "gentlemen of the Senate," ns he termed tbciii, " for interfering in the business of a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature." The fraud was perpetrated ; but "the 1 Peter Allen Legislature' soon became a term of repronch to the participators in the disgraceful transaction." To whatend the publication of this incident in iho political history of New York? Simply, to say that Mr. Wilford, in the judgment of charity, is n Locofn-ro by instinct He never heard of this precedent. He took his Locofocoism the natural way, without the aid of inoculation or indoctrination. He enn't help it. Nor can his associates in the Senate help it. They are cursed with a Bort of pohtico-Culvinistic moral Hint) ility illustrations of political total depravity, walking in the foot-steeps, though unconsciously, of their " First Parent." " Birds of a feather flock together." If a Locolb-co in New York, under the guidance of Van Uuren, can vote for himself, why not in Ohio ? If the party in New York could withhold from the people, as it did in Hr, the right of voting for President, because it was known they would not vote ns their.lcaders wished, why not the same party in Ohio vote against permitting the people here to decide whether the Black Laws shall be repealed? The instinct of Locofocoism, wherever you see it, it presents the same lending characteristics: Power, Plunder. These are its controlling incentives to action, the objects of its highest ambition, its greatest exertion; its watrh-word and its goal. Whether in the person of the lender or the lead, the dominant iin-pulse is the same. At one extreme you hear tho honied words, "to the victor belongs the spoils;" at the other, in brutish phrnsc, " I'll maintain my seat unless expelled by biutr. forte." Can this instinct be eradicated ? Ye; when the Leopard shall change his spots or the Ethiopian his skin. Then, and not till then, may the fountain, no longer bitter, send forth sweet water. For tho Ohio State Journal. Xejim, Fkd. 17, 117. En. Statr JorusAi. : In glancing over the columns of I he Journal thin morning, my attention was called to the " Columbus Prices Current," prepared and corrected for the Journal. The contrast between the prices received by the farmers of your county, and of tins county, Greene, is so striking, I think it proper to call the attention of your farmers to (he fuct. Your paper is dated Feb. Itilh, and 1 ij note prices at Xema it same d.ite : EipuNion ol KJitor Ititchic. It Will be seen that the Seiuleof the United Sutes his adopted a resolution, withdrawing from Mr. Hitch- ie, edilur of Mr. Polk's Timh, the courtesy here tot ore Lard Clover Set Prices at Cahtmhus, r.'4fi'.;o. $:Vj.nVii) pi'r bu. V rices at Xaiia. 7ic. .-l,2.Vi-l,.'0. Wc. per bu. ?.""( I lita'JI " .,IH) ber bb. Flax Seed We, per bu. Wheat hoc. " Corn IbVJOc. " Oats Ilialc. " Flour $-1,00 per bbl. Prices of articles purchased by the farmer i Molnnes 117a-Pta. per gal. :i"ii:i."c. extended to him, of a privilege within the bar of the j Mugur N. O. faille. 7a7.1 Senate. The reason for this action is, that the Senate I Sil' ' ,7' f,''r'i'" I,4 , i 1 he cause of these great dillcrenccs in tuvor nf the having dissented Iron, a proposition to clothe the 1 res.- cmflty firf),r plli,,y 0Il llu.ir dent with an exlraordutary nnionntof patromige at this .ltl,r conveyance for biking produce to market, and I pailicular juncture of alfairi pending in (-''ingress, deem this a proper time, to call the particular attention the Senate was denounced in tho I'm run as friendly to "I" the Franklin county farmer to the fact Greene Mexico, and its act denominated ns Jnatktr Mexican j c,,,,n!.v '"' ' the Little Miami Itn.lroad (',,,. pany, nn a county .ri,oiu since me completion o 1110 Victory." The well known relations subsisting Inr-tween the editor of the Union and the President of the United States, caused this libellous slang to he regarded limro seriously thin it otherwise would have been. It had much the apearancc of an attempt on the part of the President through his editor, to dragoon tho Senate, deprive its members of their independence, degrade that body in the estimation of the people, and force it into servile submission to Executive dictation. road county stock has been sold by (he county Cnm- unsKioiiers to tin amount ot about jjjcj;t,7llM and tlio county still owns about t?'M ,HiMl in stock, which is worth in market now about j'.',(i(i0. The whole investment of the county was. . . .$'i0,000 Stock heretofore B'dd 'n,7lill Stork on hand worth y-,000Total $rl,700 Making a uett profit on the investment of $l,?tH) It is, however, fair to state, that during the construction of the road, and before the stock became oroduc- Viewed in this light, the conduct of the editor cannot j tive, tin' county paid some ih.MlOO interest, from which he too severely reprehended. Similar trash is poured the 1,700 should be deducted, leaving the hiss nn the forth in great profusion by obscure prints of the same ; "'vestment sny nlH.m )fc.l,.IO0,aiid this ih the -irice par kidney with the Union some west of the Alleghe nies but it would hardly be worth the while of thu ScualO to lift them into n-iticu liy taking tiny aoti-m in reference to them. U is Mr. Ilitchie,ns the mouthpiece of the President, who stands rebuked. Wo sec by the Statesman of Inst evening, that its editors and friend are to hold and indignation meeting on Saturday evening. Perhaps they will conclude to dispense with the Senate altogether Their master, the President, could get along better without a Smote ! MASSAcncsr.TTs Siisaton We have the pleasure to announce, tint on Tuesday last, the Hon Jo us Davis was re elected a Senator of the United Slates from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, for the term of six years, Iron tho 4th of March next. The choice was effected on the first vote, by a large pin-nhly tit the House of Representatives, and by the unanimous vote f the Seiiute. lttesscd old Massachusetts " There, she. stands!" IMiiinlleld Hank. A bill was recently introduced into the Legislature of New Jersey, and passing b ith branches within the space of two hours was enacted Into a law, ren'!ilmg the charter of the Plainl'u ld Bank, and appointing He-reivers to close its concerns. This, like the Lehigh County Rank, in Pennsylvania, whom charter was re-pen led a few wrcks'iiicc, was one of those institutions owned and conducted by Mows Y. Reach and Sous, of New York. When, a year ago, an act was passed by tho Legislature of Ohio, amendatory of the act to incorporate the Statu Dank of Ohio and other banking companies, the object was understood to he, to guard agiinst the predatory operation! of Messrs Beach, and such ilk. And yet, this precautionary measure was stoutly resisted by our locofoco cousins becnuse they would, no doubt have been willing, for thu sake of bringing the system into disrepute, to have had a few biotC'Ups about these days. Although such an evi nl illicit scatter ruin broad-cast among the jh-oplc, yet they hoped it might prove a goil-ieiul to their party, in lis present extremity And no matter how much the people sillier, if such sutlcring do but inure to the benefit of their partisans. For tliii Ohio State Journal. The Instinct of I.ocohiroism. During tho recent contest in the Semite of this State between thu sttmg inemlM-r, Mr. W ilford, and tlie eon ten tor, Mr. Cox, the public mind was shocked by the disgraeeiul avowal ot the dinner, made in null lie debate, thai he would vote in his own case, and nothing but " brute force " shmild prevent it. Such on avowal, inamfcnling as it did, an utter wnnt of decency and self resH'Cl, and regard to right and justice, was more (ban the public mind wns willing to bear. True, the most of his a?tneiLitea in I lie Senate, perhaps all, who were never nreused o being over nice m matters of political casuistry, took no otleuce at it, and to a man refused to join with ihe whig in voting that he should not. But the soIht sense of the community revolted at such a scene of party degradation and meanness. During the debates, it was stated by the Wlrgs, and by the silence of the Loeofocos tacitly admitted, lliat such a thing was never known in a deliberative body as a man voting on the question of his right to a scat, or of his right to vote. Willi due deference there is one inch case, probably only one. A number of years ago the lower !Ioum of the lieneral Assembly of the State of New York, was so constituted that one or Ihe other tmrtv would have a majority of one, according as Peter Allen or Henry Feilows, rival claimants, held the sent, an a member I nun Ontario county. The ad milled facts in the case Wert these i Forty-nine voles were given for Henry Fellows, in the town of Pennington, in that county, as appeared from the certificate of the Injec tors oi elections, tiled in the otiice ot the I own t lerk ; hut this clerk in the duplicate sent to the Couutv Clerk certified that that number of votes wns received by lien. Fellows. Thesi voles were rejected by the County Commissioners, and the certificate of election given to Allen, who took his set I, and assisud in the organisation ot the llonw, As soon as the House was organixed, a motion was BUt.nmtcu in admit rcllows to Ins seat, snd this, though the facts were not deputed, led to a debate of a week. 1 lie botm ol contention wns this: The Hoime, at thnt time, elected a body cnllcil the Council of Appointment, which, in connexion with the (iov-ernor, had the disposal of all the luipiirlunt ollices throughout the Sutc, including county and township ollicers; and their political character the r tuning year would depend npni the vote of the member Irom Ontario. The result wns, that the party having the " brute force," voted down every propositus submitted by the ophite parly Allen's vote being recorded on vch question, ert n when his otrn right ta rvus trt ton-ttrned and elected their Council ot Appointment. The next morning, the committee on Flections, upon the same facts as had been in the possession of the regnrded the resolution as having a close resemblance to the Alien and Sedition law as abridging the freedom of debate, as interfering with the rights of the press. lie could not vole tor it. Mr. J. M. Clayton continued the debate in a pointed speech in answer to Mr. Mason. He was sorry that the first time the Senator from Virginia had raised his voice in this body it should hnve been in defence of Executive Power. How could the Senator come to the conclusion that the withdrawal of an Kilttor from the iloor of this body was an abridgement of the freedom of speech ? It wns no more so than the removal of a man from a gentleman's parlor who hud been guilty of an insult to the gculcmun or his family. Air. rearce, ol Old., matlu a pointed and clouueni speech in reply to Mr. Mason. He said that the Semite were enaciing no alien and sedition law, and inflicting no punishment. They neither proposed to take from him his personal liberty nor money by fine. All that the Senate proposed was to remove from the presence of the body the hated person of a man who had lllieled llic uody Mr. Butler of S. C. wns disposed to compromise the question by referring the otlencc and the otFeiuler to u Committee. Mr. Hannegan was not ready to adopt the Resolution thou eh he held in contempt and indignation the author of the lib-il upon the Senate. Mr. uniiioiin made a startling sH'ecii in tavor oi a true liberty of the Press as distinguished from its li centiousness. Mr. Archer also made n pointed speech, and the yeas mid nays were then taken, and the editors of the Union KXPFLLKI) from the floor of thu Senute chamber, yeus ii7, nays Ul. A beautiful incident occurred in the House of Hep resentatives on Snturdny. While Mr. Hunt, of New York, wits addressing the Committee of the Whole in support of the Wiluint Proviso, (so called,) the ven erable figure of Kx-President Adams presented itself at the central door ol the hall. All eyes were quickly attracted to the spot : Mr. Hunt suniiended his speech; Mr. Mosely, of New York, nnd Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, conducted Mr. Adams to tiis for mer seat, (temporarily occupied by Mr. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, who instantly relinquished the right which he hail to it under a late rule of tin Hoime, ns he had promised to do when he selected it.) The Members of tho House rotr. at tuir train, and numbers of them approached Mr. Adams to congratulate him on his recovery and restoration to the hall. Mr. Adanm, who seemed n good deal suhdued by this reception, expressed Ins thanks, but in so low a voice Ibat little ot what he said could be beard at any distance from thai quarter of the hall. All that we were aide to eaten ot these well known tones was, that Mr. A. was deeply sensible of the kindness of the House in thus receiving him, and, but for the feebleness of his voice, would have more fully expressed his grati tude to gentlemen of all parties for lliejrkind congratulation. As it wns, he hoped they would excuse him. Mr. Hunt in resuming, noticed the incident, and ex pressed his own deep-fell gratification at Mr. Adams's return to his wonted place. ,Vf, Inttltignicrr. by (irectie comity for nn improvement, that has during this winter alone, paid the farmers of the county three fold what it has cost them. The Little Miami road, during Hie 1 mt w-.ua if Its exlxteiiei-, In be red uiiilci If rent disadvantages for want of menus to prosecute its work, and sulfercil heavy louses in consequence thereof. Had the work been completed v ilhm two or three years from its commencement, the loss to the county would not hare been half so great. Would it not be well for the people of Franklin county to fully umler-st'iud Ihe advantages that would result to them from the construction ot a llmlrorid pacing through Columbus. If it were practicable to carry out such an agree ment, speculators would make great profit bv agreeing to pay nil the loss resulting to the comity from a subscription of stock to such a mad, nnd receive nil Ihe be- nelits resulting to the laruiers of your county, on thu increased price of one annual crop. It is surprifliug that the newspapers of Columbus, and the leading men of your city cannot lie awakened to the impor-1 nice of speaking and acting promptly and liberally m tins metier. Jours, Ac, A Cmzi'.H ok C ii i. km; Co. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. C'ontrrrtN. U.NITF.D STATUS HKNATE. J'raectdings af Siturdatj. WAMinnroK, Feb. III. (Ji t.Ttof or Pumi.tr.t;. The Rcsnlutioiisof Mr. Yi i.i r. in reference: to ihe expulsion ul the editors of the Un em, were taken up. .Mr. vv r.sroTr addressed the fetiatc. All his sympathies were with the press. His own father was a practical printer and an editor. He was himself drought up to the profession, and even a tier leaving it fr another, he hnd ever since, from inclination, been more or less connected with the pre. No Senator upon the Hour, no mm in the country, was a better ! friend of the liberty of the press than himself, but ho would hold mi man n true friend of the press who 1 would not unite with him in repressing its licentious- IU Ml. Mr. W. then recapitulated numerous instances in wlm h Ihe Senate and House of Kepresentatives hail heen hhelled in the Union. Among them he noticed an article in the Union of September, 1 Mi, copied from the Richmond F.nquircr and rn domed by the t'uioii, which amounted to a charge that iiiciiiIhts of Congress bad been bribed by Mr Cmsten, the agent for n iftry,. number of the claimants, to vote for the passage ot the French spoliation hill. In regard to the article in the Union of the lUhinst., Vigned Vindicator" who h had given rise to the resolutions now before the Senate, he had heard its authorship attributed to various sources. Some believed that the author was rune disappointed aspirant tir military uie, who inougni me mn ucieutcuami in ii'ipcscrunh-ed,aud wished to make himself acceptable to the Administration to secure some other favor. Mr. W. entertained no snob belief. He believed, firmly nnd tru ly neiievcii, mat it was a part and parcel of a pre con- orieti ninca oi ine Auuiinistrntion Hue it ujxin thu listmguished Senator from South Carolina. Kverv thing winch had occurred proved this. The aisnultof the Senator from Tennensee (Mr. Turney) vcMcrdav ns Mtroufly rorrohnMlive of it- Mr. W then went into the pirntiui--" what is de mocracy ' Kd said that at this lime ot day under this administration, democracy was nothing mmc limn the loaves nnd Indies yes, the loaves and tnhes from a Lieutcnant-tieucral down to aSecond-Lieutenant. Mr. W. tnid he supposed that for what he was now saying, he would he rend out of the Democratic party. u oiiiee nomcrs : vv eii, n-i iiiem renu mm nut. He did nut wnnt to remain in such company But like Ins honorable friend frmn Massachusetts, he would have to say, " where shall I go?" He could only sav to his houoralde friends behind him, (the Whigs,) that ue could nni go wuii iin-m. Mr. W. warned the Democracy of ihe Union ngainst the dangers which beset (hem. If they could only pee the cimtu rrioN winch hnd been brought about by this administration could only see how they were made use of by those who were seeking only plunder plunder of the public ollices they would view it with astonishment nnd alarm. They would come hero and tumble Ihe President, Heads of Departments, Senate ntid House Whigs nnd Democrats heels oyer bend into the Potomac, nnd serve them right loo. He did not believe that Ihe elevation of the W lugs to power would cure the evil. Corruption hnd laid its fungs ton deeply on belli parties, and there was no remedy for the evil, but Ihe creation of a third pnrtv, a pure, old fanhioned democratic party, who Would , discard plunder in nil its shapes. .ir. I'ldiun, m ), inm ue siiouki yoie ngnmal tlifl expulsion of the Fditors because it entrenched Uhiii nocny oi uie press, ami inieriereil Willi tlie con- Mr. Cnlhonn's Speech On Tuesday Hth inst., the Senate had under const-iler.ition, as in Committee of the Whole, the three mill- ijn bill. Mr Calhoun then arose, and thus addressed the Senate. Never, Mr. President, since 1 have been on this stage of action, has uiir country been placed in n more critical condition than at present. We are not only in the midnt of a war, very dilhcult and very ex pensive, but we are involved in n domestic question of ihe most irritating and dangerous diameter. They both claim an earnest nnd deli tie rnte consideration, nnd 1 ilo trust that before the session close, as late ns it is, that they will both receive a full discussion. It is due to our constituents that the actual state id' tilings in reference to both should be fully understood. Fur the present, I propose to Consider the question which is more immediately pressing how shall the war be Is-st conducted to bring it most ndvuutngeiuty to a successful termination? Or, to express it u little more fully, how shall it be conducted to enable us must nd-vanlngcoutdy in t tl'ect all the objects lor which it was made t For it is only by etFeclii)? this that the war can properly be said to be successful. There are two ways in which the wnr may be conducted. The one is, to push onollensive operations until Mexico is compiled to yield to our terms. The other is, to take a defensive position and to maintain and secure the country already in our occupation; and the qucs'inn wnich I propose to consider is, which of these two plans of operation ought to be selected. It is, Mr. President, a grave tjncslinn : in my opinion, next in importance only to the wsr itself. I have given it my deliberate consideration, nnd the result to which I hnve come is, that we ought to choose a defensive po- nitiini. I fthnlt ll m 'Hi; fed to slate the rnni iiih which that opinion is founded. 1 believe, Mr. Picsi-dent, it is the policy best calculated to bring the war ndvantigeously to a kuccchsIiiI termination, or, to express it more fully and explicitly und 1 wish to be ful ly comprehended on this important question to bring it to a certain and successful termination, nnd that with the least sacrifice of men and money, and Willi Ihe lenst hazard of disastrous consequence and loss of stundiug and reputation to the couti'ry If I rightly understand the object for which the wnr was declared, I feel n deep conviction that by assuming this defensive attitude nil this may be ctlectcd. I say if I rightfully understand for, strange as it may seem, to me the object for which this war wns declared, is even at this day, left to inference. I have examined the President's messnge messages rather and the net of this body making the war, snd the re. suit of that exniiiiu ition has been this that Ihe objects for which this war has been declared ate three-told : first, to repel invasion; next, to establish thu Rio del N irie ns the western tmiimhiry of Texas ; anil thirdly, to obtain indemnity for tlie claims of our citizens ngaiusl Mexico. The two first appear to nie lobe the primary objects of the war, and Hie last to be the secondary object of the war. The President, in his message to Congress on the subject of the war, does not recommend Cong re sn to declare war. No. He as mimes that war already to exist, and calls upon tins body to recognise it. lit assumed it to exist, because he a tb ruied that tho noimtay had been invaded, and American blood been spilled on American soil. That assumption he predicated upon the ground that (he R;o del Norte wns Ihe wen tern boundary of Texas, for he atlirmed that Mexico hid crossed that boundary hail come to the opposite side of the river, which in his opinion, constituted tlie territorial limits ot the country. Rut after having been entered into, he reconi mends subserviently that the war be prosecuted with reference to Ihe claims of our citizens. The act of Congress, Mr. President, making war, or rather recognising war, fur war had not yet been declared tlut net of Congress reiterated the declaration of the Pre sident that war existed by tin act ot the republic of Mexico, ami that the Km del Aorte was the western boundary of Texas, and that the crossing of that river coimtituted invasion. Hence 1 consider both (he F.x- eculivu and Legislative branch of this Ooyenimeiit are committed to Ihe fact tint the Rio del Norte is Ihe Western boundary of Tcxus, and that the crossing and spilling of blood ou our side is an invasion. These, then, arc the primary objects of the war. But having got into war, tho President recommends it tube prosecuted for the object 1 have mentioned that is to sny, indemnity tor our citizens a recommendation, in my opinion, proper nf itself: for while wo are engaged in war all the d.ll'creucea between the two countries ought, if possible, to be settled. These ap pear to ne ine otiiecis ot tins war. Conuuest is ex pressly disavowed, and constitutes none of the objects of Ihe wnr. The President, in addition, recommends that we shall also prosecute iho wsr in order to nbta indemnity for the expense of the war, but tint in no scone can lie considered as an otiject ot that war. not logo an inch further. We ought by all means by every consideration we ought to avoid the appearance of taking possession of any portion of the country as a conquest on the principle of a war of conquest. 1 shall now proceed to state the principles which should govern our policy in this particular. The first and most iiuportuntcousideration in selecting a boundary is this : that it shall be such from its natural advantages and other considerations as shall involve the smallest sacrifice of men and money in one word, winch shall possess all the natural advantages which such a boundary ought to have fur defence, and at the same time be so situated that supplies ot money and tood can be drawn reudily to support the line if assail ed by Mexico. 1 lie next consideration, in my opinion, which ought lo govern us in selecting the line in this : it ought to bo such us would be desirable for us lo possess, if, in tho ultimate adjustment of differences with Mexico, thut so established shall become the common boundary between the two nations. And 1 go further; it should be such ns shall deprive Mexico of the smallest possible degree of her own proper resources and strength. Fur while we consider our own interests in establishing a defensive line, in nir humble opinion, we ought not to overlook the consideration of what is suited to Mexico as well as to ouniclrcs. 1 hold that we ought to be just and liberal to Mexico, not only because she is our neighbor not only ix'cnuse eue is a sister repuiiiic not only because she is emulous now nnd ever has been, of following our exao ple not only because she is the greatest power on the continent, almost if nut quite next to our ourselves, of all portions of it which hnve become subject to Kuropt an possession. These are high considerations which every American ought to feel, nnd which every generous nnd sympathetic henrt will feel. Rut there are other considerations of potential weight on this point, which belong far more to ourselves than to Mexico. Mexico is one of the greatest problems connected with our foreign relations, und in my humble opinion our true policy is neither to weaken nor depress her. On the contrary, it is our inter-cut to see her respectable and strong, and capable of sustaining all the relations Hint ought to exist between the two nations. 1 hold thut there is a mysterious connexion between the fate of this country und Mexico, and that her indeprndence, nnd her respecta bility, and her capability tf maintaining all these relations, are almost ns eseiilial to us ns to Mexico. I hold Mexico to be forbidden fruit, nnd ihe day that we consume it, the penalty will bu almost the political denth of our nation. The next consideration is, that the lino should bo such, if it should be CMlntlishcd between us und Mexico finally, ns would lead to a permanent peace between the two countries nnd,-finally, that it should be such ns would lend to as speedy peace ns possible, nnd for that purpose it sliould b eminently coercive. Now, Mr. President, the question is, what line best fulfills all these considentions ? And here, again, 1 am not prepared to prmsuince. It requires a morn exact knowledge of the to tin try for 1 take it all our maps are more or less imperfect more thorough military knowledge on the i object than I possess. Rut while 1 do not feel myself prepared with the necessary information to pronounce upon this, 1 am prepared to suggest a line which, in my opinion, embraced most of these considerations, and is as nearly as, perhaps, could be decided upon ; and what specially commends lint line to me is, ns I understand by the declarations of the Chairman of Ihe Committee on Foreign Relations, it is substantially the one which the Fxccutive themselves llituk of cHtnblishing, even should on offensive wnr be successfully conducted. The line 1 would Biiggcut is this being at Ihe mouth of the Rio del Norte and continuing up to the Puso del Norte, or southern boundary of New Mexico, which nearly coincide, nnd then due west to the Cull' of Cnlit'ornia, sinking it, according to the maps before us nearly at its head. Now, Mr. President, I propose to turn round, and examine this line in reference to the considerations which I laid down ns those which ought to govern us in the selection id' a hue. In the first place, it will enable us to secure all the objects for which the war was declared. The invasion i already repelled. It will odahlish the del Norte to bu the wcalein boundary f Texas from its mouth to its source; and it will g;ve us ample means of indemnity, even if the cost of the war itell shall be considered one of its objects; which by-the-by, in my humble judgment, 1 am very far frombeingdidposedtocounteiiance. The next, nnd n very important object would be attained by lukiug that fine, and that is, it would involve the least sacrifice of men and money lo maintain it. And here it has advantages. First there is the del Norte, a broad, rapid and navigable river, of which we would have the comuiami. In addition to that being near the settled parts of Texas where, in an emergency, the forces necesnary to defend it, may be readily or ganized, and provisions readily thrown in on tins part of the hue. have consulted the opinions of military men of judgment and experience, ana iliey mri-nii me. that n siiitalde tortitieution would not require more than lour regiments, and three torts to put it in a complete state id' defence one fort to be erected near the mouth of the Del Norle which last has extraordinary advantages, ns it commands the only passage into New Mexico, and command tlie whole ot that part ot the country which we now have in our military occupation. four regiments would he ample lor tins purpose alter the first year alter having taken jiosscitHioii nnd erect- il I bo tortdicalions. 1 lie oilier portion ot tlie line mild be still more easily defended. From Ihe meuti tains which separate the waters of the Del Norte from those which fall into tbe (iulfof California or the Colorado, which is the same thing, up to the uper end of the (mil ot California, occupied !y a savage op-illation through its whole extent, and requires no forts. The remaining part is covered by the Gulf of Califor nia. A tew small vessels a single regiment Will lie ample for its defence. Hence live regiments, with n small naval force, would be ample to effect all the objects which wo have in view in uimutnining this line against any power winch .Mexico could possibly bring against us. Tho licit commlcratlon is the con. vemeiice of the country which may be covuml by the line. Here the advances ore liol less sinking. It is cotitigiioiiH to us. It lion one part upon tbe western boundary of Texas, and the middle on the southern boundary of Oregon. But what gives it uatill greater advautngi what is of immensely more importance what ought to make it desirable in the eyes of Americans, and not nt all valuable in tlie exlimation ot Mexico, is the fact that it is an uninhabited country. It covers on urea ot' six hundred thousand square miles, with a population 1cm than one hundred thou sand, of all complexions snd all descriptions of peo ple. 11 is ns little settled Icks so, ind ed, than tho country in possession of our snvnge neighbors. It Hi is country had the choice ol two regions o tho continent, the one inhabited und the other not if we con Mil led the genius of our government it we con-suit the success of our political movement, we will vanity prefer the uninhabited lo the inhabited region. What wc want is space for our growing population. We do not want the addition of other population. What we want is to grow, and nn open, uninhabited country is above all others (he one which bets meets thai great Wunt. We are now increasing at the rate of six hundred thousand annually. In a short time ihe increase will be at the rate of a million annually, or, to state it more str ugly, we double once in twenty three years; so that, in twenty-three years, we will number forty millions, and in another twcuty-lbree yenrs, wo will number eighty millions. For this fast growing population we des:re not a settled country. Wo desire not to annex imputation not liniiiogeueous to us. We desire open space tor them to jiaas into. These very reasons make this country but ot very little advantage to Mexico. Her population is nearly stationary. It is scarcely sdvnncuig at all, and Will not, within the time that I have spi riticd as that in which our population will have twice doubled, bo probably more than two millions over what it is at present. Mr. President, so tar from Wing valuable to It neither more nor K-n limn it inn iut-Blion ot' poll- Mexico, it is directly ttiu op pout,.. It is, in (be first cy ; lor it would he ahsurd in llic extreme to suppose place, exceedingly remle troiii her. California is as that a nation would enter into a war fur Ihe purpose of remote from Mexico as it is from New Orleans, nnd not stitulinnal power which said thnt 11 Congress should pass no law abridging the Ireedom o the prens I bis resolution wns an amendment (,f the Constitution. Mr. M said lie was among those included in Ihe denunciations uf the pancr, for he had voted not to re-cede so as to give the President the power to make sp-pointments in the recess nf the Senate. This vote was defended tod after thai, Mr Mason returned to the subject of expulsion. He admitted that his friend, the editor nf the Union, had committed a fault, but it wns a fault growing out of a want of discretion in regard lo the admission of the article. H ndemiiifyiiig itself for the expenses of lhat war. 1 bold that such being the objects of the war, that all the objects for which it wns declared can be accoiu-plmhed by taking a defensive position. Two of them have Iteou already entirely ell'eeted. The enemy has been repelled by two bnhniit victories. The Uiu del Norte is held from the mouth to its extreme source on Ihe enalcru side by ourselves. Not a Mexican soldier is to w found on the eastern side of it. As to the remaining indemnity to our citizens, surh has been the success of our arms that we have not only acquired enough for that, but vastly more, even to comprehend, great as they already have been, the expenses of the warjif it should be judged that it were wise, sound, nnd inst policy on our part so defray theui. Here, Mr President, arises the question shall we hold thu line that we now occupy, and which we cover by our military forces, comprehending two-thirds of the whole of Mexco, as is estimated comprising the valley of the Del Norte on both sides, quite upon the western stt! of the Sierra Madre, ami comprising on the southern side of our line 1 mean Oregon down to the southern extremities of the Cahfornias nnd New Mexico? Shall we hold to that ; or, shall we select some oilier pom I mn more suited to the objects we have in view i I am not prepared to discuss and decide that question fully. 1 have not tbe repiisitite information, nnd if 1 hnd, it would not be necessary for the object which I have in view. hat I propose lo consider in the present stage ot Ihe case in the absence of such inlonua lion is this, what are the generul eoiixidernlions which ought lo govern us in selecting a defensive line if it idem hi be determined that m the proicr coiirc of oi-cy f And this, nginn, must he decided from the objects which such a wnrhimiii view. I will now proceed instate what these goriornl considerations, in my opinion, are. In the first place, it muni lie such as tm llect the objects which we have in declaring war. It must fulfil its three conditions tbe repulsion af the enemy the acquisition of the whole country east of the Del Norte the establishment of I that as our boundary and an ample indemnity. But much less distant than it is from Washington city. New Mexico is much m arer to im than it is to the vet-tied parts of Me&ico. It is a source of annoyance lo her. It is a remarkable fact in tho hmtory ol Ibis continent, that for the first tune the aborigines of tho country press upon the hnropcau occupants of thu country. The Indians are actually encroaching upon the the frontier of Mexico, not but that the Spaniards are brave, and capable of defending themselves with arms, but the jeal-msy of the central government has disarmed them, and they are at the mercy of (he sav age. 1 understand thai not less lhan three or four thousand captives of New Meuco are in the hands nf the Camanrhes alone. Well, then, we gain a most desirable acqu.sition, and one of the most striking recommendations is, that we take not from Mexico, what deprives her of any resources, cither of men or means, worthy of being named, whilst we give it n prosperity, which il never had since the day ot the revolution uf Mexico to the present time. The next consideration is, that Ihe line should be such, if established, as would be the foundation of a permanent pence between us and Mexico. Now 1 hold that in thin respect, it has remarkable advantages, In the nnture of things, we cannot keep our growing population from pacing into uninhabited country, where the power of Ihe owners is not sullieient lo keep them out. They will go in. You may pass all the laws you choose. You may heap up pcnnlty upon , penalty, but our pioneers will rush in the country, tin- iei me puny in ii"wioon are CBpaMe o Keeping them out. F.xpcricnce proves Ibat nil the force. this government wns not capable of keeping our intruders out of the Indian country. We had to abandon the effort, nnd fiom time lo time remedy the evil by purchasing tbe lauds from the Indians. If we make a pence with Mexico, nnd no provision he niaile for this natural tetidaucy of our growing population, in a few years we will be involved in another war. Another war would be most midciirnhlc, as nny war with Mexico Is undesirable. And filially, Mr ' President. for the pupose of coercion, it fonvcsacs altrn sullieient in what we have in our possession of the line, if Mex ico herself should not be disposed to agree. While I would re com mend this as a defensive line, or some other, if better can be found, 1 would be very far from I o'ding it t')solu!e y. I would recommend it to be held as the means of negotintion. We ought to say to Mexico that we hold il subject to negotiation ; lhat if she is ready to negotiate, we are ready ; and not only to negotiate and settle, but to settle justly, liberally, and fairly to establish a lino which shall preserve pence on both sides if possible. And if any excess on our part, we are willing to meet it as we ought, by the necessary payment to Mexico. Rut 1 would go still further. I would hold all the ports of Mexico we imve in possession, winch could be held with out too great a sacrifice of money and men. 1 would hold them subject to the same conditions ns the territory which I propose to be covered by the line suggested. I would Iny a high rate of duty which should fall upon all, and supply the means tor holding possession . ol the country, l have consulted with the pro per authority on that point, and bud that, for that purpose, jgiilH l,H)(j duties wouiu suiucu. mat could be collected with advantage, not only to us but lo tho whole civilized world, who ought to be admitted, freely and reudily at a small j rnte of duly into Mexico. Sir, these measures combined, in my opinion, would give us the means of enforcing a settlement at no distant day. Now, I think I have shown thai we may certainly muintain tins line, and bring the war to a successful conclusion by maintaining it that it would tie ai no cost scarcely ot men or money, not above our ordinary peace establishment that it involves no hazard or loss of reputation to us as a people and, 1 may add, would lay the foundation, I trimt, when we would come to a final settlement, if we net in the spirit in which wo ought to act, of permanent peace between us and Mexico. What will be the frmls of tins poli cy i Immediately a large portion of the war expen ses Will he cutolt. 1 he whole ol the volunteers might be dismissed in the course of a few months, as soon ns the position is occupied. It would be a saving of it' ll or twenty millions during the war; further taxes would not be required, our credit would be immediately restored. The pleasure which many of us on this side have so much at henrt would bu rescued the lensure of free trade which in this dark period of its xperience I inucri not so much by our legislation as by tint of Orcat Britain bus shown itself to be the u out I ru i tnil source ot opulence and prosperity that an possibly be devised. Rut it may be said that Mex ico will hold out. 1 think not 1 think not. What reason would she hive to hold out? She would see tint wo had undertaken a task which wo could per formto which our strength is quite ndequate which we could go through with, without hazard and with out difficulty. She would see that alio was a great looser, and she would see, also, thut it she obstinately persisted, instead of having a general settlement and compensation, she might lose thu whole for nothing. But in addition, Mr. President, the whole feeling ot tho people ot Mexico will be turned. It is now, in their mind, a war of races and religion. They are ex cited to the highest poini. j-.very nerve is braced; every arm is strengthened. The resolution of the whole country is muted in a stern resistance to us, so l.ir as we have intoruiition. II this deieiisive altitude be assumed, we will show that our object is not to sub jugate the country that its races and religion are not to ue overthrown, i tie naturul currents ot icchng will take their course. The people will become more interested in the result. They will become more regardful of (heir internal u flairs than of their external nll'urs. In a short lime, a state of things would be brought about which would, I think, terminate in a happy pvace between the two countries, and that of the most permanent character. But suppose in all this I am mistaken. Suppose) that Mexico still holds out with ohslinaticy, Wlnt have we? We have a peace without the expense of a war. We have our population pouring in, ultimately enabling us to dispense with the small military establishment liecesiry in the first instance. Sir, it would go further. It would put ih once again on terra Jirtnn. It would enable us to sec light. It would enable us to see our way to tlie vista betore us, over which there now hangs antin-m-netrable yed. Mr. President, I have now slated Ihe reasons why 1 am in favor of taking a defensive posi lion. I have J trust, succcsjfoHy slmwn thnt we can bring the wnr to a certain termination, without great xpense ol men and money without hazard ol any description whatever. It now remains to tie shown what are the grounds ot my opposition to the continuance of an othensivc war; and, it I am not strongly mistaken, iho argu ments against it are as strong as imagination almost can conceive. 1 am opposed lo it, in one word, Mr. President, for the vrry tint reason lhat I am in favor l the other: there is no certainly that it will bring Ihe war to a termination. And, in the next place, if it should bring it to a termination, even in the most favorable cirnu out mire, it would bo a vast exjiense of men and money und with nn inconsiderable hazard of disastrous consequences and loss of national reputation. In discusNiiig this branch of the subject, Ihe first thing to be done is to keep definitely in our mind what is the real and true object of carrying on an offensive war; for until that is understood wu shall not lie able to come to any decisive conclusion. And hen1 I may premise Ibat its object is not conquest the ac-ipiisitiun of additional territory for that is disavowed I may presume further thnt it is not so, because we have already, as I have shown, ample territory in our h inds, and more than sufficient to elfect all thu ohiccts 'if the war. If, then, it is for neither one or other of these objects 1 ask why shall eth-nsive operations be carried on r mere is but one amiwer given to that. Ilis In obtain peace, or to use the language most com monly employed, to conquer wnr. f A Senator Con quer peace. J I have expressed it dilferenlly. That is the proposition to conquer peace. How is peace to ih ninaint' (i, or pence to ne conquered f It can only be by treaty. W ar may be made by one nation. Peace is always mule by two. The object, then, is to gel a treaty. hat kind ol a treaty f A treaty that will suit Mexico? You can get tlut at my tunc No. mtui irruiy t mut urn. Aim wul IS mm ' Why, nir, a treaty that we shall dictate, compel Mex ico to sign, and which shall secure to us tho ends for which this wnr was declared. And what were these ends? 1 hive already euumeraUd them. The estab lishment ot the Del Norte as the boundary, and ample acquisition for indemnity. 1 lie object of the whole war, then, is this to compel Mexico to acknowledge that to be ours which we already hold in possessmn, and winch we can hold despite of her with almost no sacrifice. That is it, twist il and turn it as ymi please; neither more nor less can bu made of il ; Unit is the whole object nf what Ihey call a vigorous war of defence. I repeal it. It is to compel Mexico to acknowledge lhat to be ours winch we now hold, and hold in spite of her. Now, in tins aspect of tbe question, I put it home to the Senate, is il worth whilu to pursue a war of tlut de scription vigorously ? Suppose it a matter of perfect certainty that you could reach the city of Mexico this very campaign, and beat them into a treaty ot peace in the city of Mexico, what would be your sacrifice? The army you propose lo raise is 7tl,(HKI men ; the ex-peiixe thirty miliums of dollars much more likely thirty-live or forty iiulltotit. Suppose the campaign is ss successful as hsbiIi1c. What is ihe slate of things at the close ? You have sacrificed in the first place thirty millions of dollars to get possession of the city of Mexico in which to dictate this pence, and you hnve lost how many lives of our people ? Sir, lused upon the calculation of the last campaign, which was comparatively in a lieallhy country, oiie.lhird is to be put duwn as fulling by sword, or worse than the sword Ihe pestilence of ihe country. Something like sixteen thousand men are to he set down as sacrificed in tins campaign. 1 put it home to Senators, now is it worth while to sacrifice even thirty millions of dollars, or filWn thousand men for tint purpose of getting Mexico in acknowledge that to bo ours which is already ours? 1 put a graver question, and I appeal to the conscience of every mnn hen', can we, with any regard to the opinions and judgment of a Christian people, purHim that war which must end in such a re-milt? Is there any man here who will give for Cah. for ilia the lives of sixteen thousand of our people, or uurty millions o dollars t No, sir : 1 here is ted oue NUMBER 26. side of the Gulf f California. Sir, within this nar- tion if now we shall tnke the other step of nrosecu- row limit one-third of all Mexico there are about 1 ting the war vigorously, as they term it, till we coin- seven millions of people, fully ten times as numerous as the whole country we occupy. Here is the heart of her wealth and power. Whatsortof country iait? It is a mountainous region, as dillicullalmoat as any in the world. It maybe well compared to Mount Atlas, in Africa, or the Caucasus, in Europe. It is full oi the most narrow and difficult defiles. This is the country we propose to conquer. Well, then, we are to march forward. How are we to overcome these difficulties ? We are first, it seems, to take the city of Vera Crux, and then march to Mexico, What is the character of this hill country, extending abmg the Gulf of Mexico down to Yucatan? It is, perhaps, ot all regions of the earth, one ol the most sickly. It is the native home of the yellow fe ver. Hint disease is scarcely ever absent. During eight months of Uie year it prevails at all times, and not unfrequenlly duringtentnonthsof the year. The months which are free from the pestilence are subject to the most violent and dangerous storms. April itself is very sickly. March is doubtful. We are now in February near the middle of the month. We may have force to tuke Vera Cruz; but I appeal to Senators on all sides, have we force enough, or can we have force enough in time to avoid the rwmio, and march lo tlx city ol Mexico, 1 will not say thai we have not. Rut I Bay it is not certain that wc have it is uncertain. We may not. Now, if we have nut force enough for this campaign, Mexico will be encouraged and we will be discouraged. She will be fortified anew, and wo will be more irresolute in going on. uiu suppose we do reach 'he city oi Mexico so as to dictate a peace with whom have wc to deal ? A people a race of all others renowned in history for their obstinacy and power of long-continued resis tance 1 A people whose hereditary pride it is that they stand nut to the- utmost a people who wurred with the Moors for upwards of seven centuries a people who for eighty years warred ngainst their mother country a people who would not recognise the indepen dence of their colonies in twenty years. Those are the people we hnve to deal with, and is it presumable thnt Mexico will at once yield to our terms? Is there any certninty for 1 go on certain ties more than probabilities enn any gentleman seo any certainty of Mexico yielding to our terms, even supposing this first campaign should find us in the city oi Mexico r Well, then, wc must nave inoiner campaign. Now a solemn question comes up havo we the means can we raise the money ? Remember, it must be much more costly than either of the first. It will be carried on at a greater distance. It will be of a character different from the others, for if we do not conquer Mexico if her government withdraws, and we can niuke no peace, we must then have a mere Guerilla war such as exists between Frniice and Algeria at the present day such as existed between the Uussians and Circassians. Such is the description of war wo must have. Shall we have means to meet this enormous exjiense f Lvl me tell you, in the first place, this campaign over, the spirit of volunteering is gone. So many men of broken constitutions return-so many who went for glory, return with shattered health so many give such a desperate account of the affair, that we get no more volunteers. Wu must depend upon the ordinary recruiting, and that might bo sullieient to give us twenty thousand men for our next campaign for a third campaign, if it took place. Well, suppose that difficulty surmounted suppose the men ready cun you raise ways and means? A far more dilticult question ! Remember, you will have no longer resources in your treasury notes, 'that's exhausted, perhaps more than exhausted, by this sinyle campaign. You must borrow and lay taxes. Cuy you borrow? Can you lay taxes? What taxes ? Upon your imposts ? They can give you but a small supply. You must goto internal taxes. Can you get them ? This country has resources almost beyond any one on earth. Rut there is one ci renin-stance which greatly embarrasses us in reference to internal taxes. Many uf the Slates are greatly in detit. .Many ol them owe as much as they can pay with the most onerous taxes. Well, now, all taxation must be uniform. Can you collect in those Slates? If you attempt, will not repudiation extend instead of being restricted ? Will the people bear it ? Will Pennsylvania, with f rty millions on her shoulders, bear additional taxation ? Will Maryland, who cannot resume now, but is struggling lo resume will she bear enough to pay, and also again resume? No. Yet, suppose that difficulty over suppose we get all we want is there sufficient unanimity and zeal in the prosecution of this war to warrant the belief lhat Congress would give supplies? Does the evidence nf this session furnifh a satisfactory reply to that inquiry? No. There is too much division of sentiment for that. A very large proportion of our country, believed that tho war might have been avoided, and that it ought lo have been avoided. A large portion of our country believe that the war was commenced without the authority of the constitution and without the sanction of Congress. A vast number believe that the war is highly in jurious and inexpedient. These opinions, we cannot doubt, are honestly entertained. What my opinions are on all these points, I should be glad logo into, on any suitable occasion. Rut 1 do not hold it to be proper to mingle my own private views and sentiments in justification of my course on so grave a question. It is sullieient for me to say that, these deep convictions on all these points in reference to Hie war, which extend, if you may judge from appearauces, to nearly half of our whole population, render it highly improbable, that there will bu that real of unanimity necessary to enable us lo procure the means of carrying on Ihis third campaign. But suppose all these dilliculties overcome there is another still deeper -still more alarming to be met. There is another question to be met, which touches the very foundation of our republic. To whose benefit shall the lands acquired, if any be acquired, inure i Shall the benefit be exclusively enjoyed by one portion ot the Union i We are told, sir, and I am afraid lhat appearances justify it, that all pnrties in thenon-slave-holding portions of this Union, insist that they shall have an exclusive monopoly that such provisions shall be made as shall exclude those who are interested in the institutions nf the South. Sir, if the non-slaveholding States having no other interest but an aversion to slavery if they can come to tins conclusion with no other interest but that I turn to them, and ask them what inuat be the feeling of Slavehold ing States, who are to be deprived of their rights to be deprived, and despoiled of that which belongs to them, and lo be assailed in Ihe most vulnerable point, and to whom this question is one of safety, and not mere policy about a point in which they have no real interest? If there be sternness on one side, be assured there will be sternness on the other. Now, if 1 may judgtt from what has been declared on this Hour from what 1 hear nn alt sides if members fromnon-slave-holding States were perfectly sure that they would not acquire one loot ot this land free, they would hesitate to carry out a vigorous prosecution of Iho wnr by n Inch il was to bit acquired. Can Ihey, then, suppose that (here is a less feeling on the part of those who are to be entirely excluded ; and do Ihey suppose that means can be furnished fur a wnr lo be regularly carried on, where these radical differences lie at the but- om ? Mr. President, I will suppose, however, that all hese dilliculties are removed I will suppose that men and money, and unanimity can be had. The question then comes, can you, if you do not innke peace with Mexico in the city of Mexico can yon bring this war to a successful conclusion by subduing Ihe country? That's the question, la there any certainty for 1 do not make it a question of probability at all? Look at the history of these wars. There are two now existing to which 1 have already alluded the warof Russia with the Caucasians the war of France in Africa. These wars are somewhat analogous to that in which wc are engaged. We find in these countries brave men defending themselves in their mountain fastnesses ngninal Ihe lwsl troops in Kurope and the highent military skill. Are we to experience no difficulties of a miliar kind with that race olmtinately e ranting in that resistance to the very Inst? No, sir ! There is no certainty that the war will be brought lo a Biiccrss-full issue. You may go on to the fourth, fifth, sixth, and ninth campaign. llw many campaigns has r ranee had n ready inAiirennr fA Bonamr. "oix1 and yet we propose to pursue a war, which, if it ler Icon!" How many has Russia had in tho Caucas initiate in one uampuii!n. will produce that result, in all probability. jiui i am but touching the shell ot this case. Is How many had we ourselves, with a paltry hand of Indians in Florida? Why, that war lasted five years, and coat us thirty millions ot dollars, suppose pel Mexico to submit, let me say to the gentlemen, they take a step which they will rue the longest day mejr nv. w nut is party f .nothing. iui ine party that takes thnt steo will bn ruined, and the nartv that succeed! it will be in a position of great difficulty. There is bill one wnv left, nnd that is whiitl have suggested. 1 might say much more. Rut I forbear con suming lurttier the tune or the Senate. With a few ubaervations, I will close, and lhat is with reference to the question before us. I shall feel myself compelled, as the Senate will readily perceive after these views, io voie agaiusi the amendment oi the Senator from Michigan. As to the other amendment by the Senator from Georgia, I reserve the expression ot an opinion until I see further disclosures. I wish to Bee fur ther developments on that great dome it io question, to which 1 have alluded, before I rrivemv vote. These developments will have a powerful influence on my mind, u n til i sec tnem I shall hold my sett in reserve. Abstract of JUr Cass He marks After Mr. Calhoun had concluded Mr. Cass rose, and after some preliminary remarks. said that he did not at all participate in the apprehension of the Senator from South Carolina, so eloquent ly portrayed hy inui yesterday. True, we were engaged in a foreign wur, but never was the nation more prosperous, powerful and happy than now. He did not see, even in Ihe distant horizon the cloud no larger than the hand of the prophet, which was to come upon us in a tempest, bearing upon its dark bosom tho elements of fury and destruction. With a beautiful picture upon the growth and prosperity of tins great Union of ours, Mr. Cass said that at this juncture the very worst thing that we can do will be to abandon the prosecution of tins war. Recurring then to the bill, lie said the President had explicitly stated the object of tins appropriation in his message to ttie senate at the last session it wns, that if Mexico were willing to cede to us any portion of lnr territory, he might have the means of rendering to Mexico some compensation in addition to the offset of our indemnities. He believed the President was desirous of acquiring a part of California ; and the single acquisition of the magnificent harbor of San Francisco, which would give to our commerce the play of the Pacifiio ocean, was in itself an object of the greatest moment to this country, its extending commerce, and the rapid expansion of our population. Among the improvements of thu age, cementing th- Union together, there was a rare element of communication which annihilated time and space ; and we could now Bay, in answer to the divine interrogatory put to Job, "can'st thou call upon tho lightnings that they shall say, hero we are ?" that we can, for we can command them, and they are here. We might now send a message twenty times a day to nnd from California, whereas, within our own memory it has occupied two daya in a journey from Baltimore. Returning to the bill ot three millions, Mr. Csss said it was the same proposition that was presented at the last session, with tho object distinctly specified. It could not be bribery, for bribery shuns the light. This proposition was known to the world. It was known throughout Mexico, it was known from London to Tobolsk, and to the Indies, and perhaps it may nave even ascenued the Chinese canals into the heart of that empire. The object of the appropriation was plainly defined and openly submitted; and it was as distinctly understood thai money was not to be expended until a treaty was to be ratified with Mexico. Mr. Mokkiikaii arose and asked the Senator if he had understood him to say that no part of this money was io neexpeuued until a peace snail nave Deen ratified with Mexico ? Mr. Casi replied thnt the money would not be ex pended until a treaty was agreed upon between the United States and Mexico, but that it would be done in advance of a confirmation by the Senate. The ob ject of Ihis fund was lo enable the Mexican govern ment w pay ou aim seine wtin us army, ana us civil officers, and its priests, and thus to strengthen itself in the minds of Ihe people, and to prepare it for acting as its true policy demanded, in settling a peace and admitting tho justice of our claims ; and if there be any excess, as the Senator from North Carolina has said, in the amount of territory surrendered over the claims of our government, let us pay Mexico as we ought to do, a liberal allowance. Tho appropriolion was tlie re- fore for a legitimate object, and as far as designated to aid the Mexican government lo enter upon negotiations, or as far as the creditors of the government of Mexico would be required to be silenced it was human nature, and very proper human nature. If that was bribery, let the honest nations of Europe make the most of it. The treaty will be ratified before the money is paid the money is to be expended as the appropriation to Mr. Jef lemon in the purchase of Louisiana, or as the appropriation for the acquisition of Flo rida. Mr, Ih'STisnTow arose to ask a question. Mr. CitiTTKsiiKN rose about the same lime; but Mr. Cass not observing, or not hearing etthrr of the in, proceeded in his remarks, rr mar king, hy the way, uifti ne uiu noi now wnn io be interrupted by questions. Mr. Wfbstf.k next proposed to ask a question of the Senator from Michigan ; and because this wu tho turning point of the whole transaction, ( the payment of the money not until the ratification of the treaty.) Mr. Cass said that he was willing to hear what ev ery Senator had to say, and would sit down to hear him through, but he could answer no more questions. (Laughter.) There were only three ways in which the war could be terminated The first was to aban don the war the second was a defensive war the third was a regular, old fashioned war, such as had been in general practice from Ihe days of Adam down. The first plan, though not smong th things possible, is among the things proposed the second is altogether a different question. Air. Cass thereupon defined his objections to this line of defensive occupation to be, that it was a line of 2001) miles through an open country, along which our Bcnltered forces might readily be rut up in de tail oy masses oi the Mexicans Ihe Mexican snake would have the American eagle in his coils, and might stiike the proud bird at his leisure and his pleasure. You must stand still, while your enemy will be at perfect liberty lo assail you, and if he retreats, you are forbidden to pursue him. There is only one campaign in history comparable to this the campaign of Sysi-phus rolling the stone up the mountain. Like him, wc will never get the stone rolled up. x ou will never end tho war by a defensive line of four regiments and three military posts, along a route of iiOOO miles. W hy, sir, your pouts, will bo HK miles apart, and your military force, if drawn out along Una line, would innke almost the distance n a mile between every two men. You might as well attempt to blockade the coast of Europe with a single ship in the middle of tho Atlantic, or reduce the rock of Gibraller with a popgun. It would bo impossible to restrain our people, within this line it would be futile to attempt it, esgw-cially in a state of war. On the other hand, an offensive war was not, of necessity, a war of conquest. Our late war with Great Rritain was an offensive war nobodi expected to conquer Great Rritain it was a war to secure justice; and this offensive war against Mexico is of the same general class. Mr. Cass ob jected to the remarks ot Mr. Calhoun, yesterday, to ttie point that il the war were prolonged, we should neither be able to raise the men or money necessary to carry it on. Mr. Cass thought remarks of this kind badly timed pending our present relations with Mexico, because she wns advised of all tint was said and done in this capitol. He contended for the propriety of s continued offensive war with the view to the ends of justice, and a quick and honorable peace. He was in favor of levying contributions from tlie enemy. It was the practice of modern war. If our army were caught in the sickly regions of Mexico, on tlie return of the yellow fever, he would have it retiro beyond the reach of the epidemic; suspending, if necessary, for thu lime, all active operations. Tho lives of our people were too valuable, thus to be sacrificed. Mr. Cbss passed off into a rccnpitulntion of the recent wars of aggression of Great Britain snd France, with vari ous nations of tho smith and islands of the sea ; and then reverted to the causes and results ol the existing war with Mexico, and at length gave way, after thu moat comprehensive and rapacious scope of argument thnt we have heard upon the bill. Mr. Cottwi arose to speak, when by a desire Intimated, he gave way, and the Senate adjourned. (here any certainty you will reach Mexico by the end ! wc do goon and at the end of th ' fourth of fifth cnm-of this campaign ? Or if voti reach Mexico, i I here 1 naiiru. tin n comes the great nr.es lion. What are you far as these considerations are concerned, wo ought advantages. It gives us ample means to hu secured nny certainty you can dictate then? These are the questions win- h licit demand our consideration. Mr. 1 resident, this question involves very large considera tions. An offensive war looks ultimately to subduing the country, and taking that to be the ohject, we have scarcely commenced the Mexican war. It is true, we have acquired two-tlnrds of her territory, already in our ttcrupntion ; but let ua remember these two thirds were adjacent to us. Let us reincnilicr, further, that, in these two-thirds of her territory which to present a vivid picture of the mind comprise an area Isrger than thu whole magnigcent Valley of the Mississippi, hy about one hundred thousand square miles. There is ill this nn incline spare not more than six hundred thousand inhabitants. We have overrun the adptrent country, of Ihis vnnl extent, with such a population, hardly a man of whom joined the regular forces of Ihe enemy; and we vol possession Wlnt has been the result? Have we rmicilialed the Mexicans in lns vbnI region t Not stall. On the contrary, if accounts are to be believed, they are more hostile lo us than at brut more ready to Inkc advantage ot any mmfortune winch iniy helull us. I an we lioiu the country with out a large force? No. We must lake nlf several thousands of our liesl troops, to hold and defend Ihe country. Well, now, w hat have we done? We hnve scarcely approached Mexico proper. These are her exterior provinces hardly called Mexico scarcely belonging to Mexico as a Slate. Mexico pnqtcrC-on-sinls of those highlands of which the city may be said to U the center, and Ihe hill region, extending along the Gulf of Mexico, quite down to Yucatan, nnd the same leg, on extending along the I1 act lie, and eastern do with the territory? Can you incorporate it in your Union ? Can you bring in seven millions of people of a linrage and religion altogether different from our own, and having a consecrated and powerful priesthood ? No. Can we hold them as subjugated provinces? It would tie fatal to our institutions. It would involve most enormous expense, and a vast amount of Fxreutive power. Well, now, I put emphatically the great question, with all these views before you with no certainty be-fore you that either one end or another can be certainly reached, can you will you agree to carry on a war, simply to get Hint which you now hold, and ran so easily hold ? Whnl would be the result when you would reach the end of the fourth or firth campaign ? A debt of three or four hundred millions uf dollars ! You will have free trade put an end to for one generation, and for generations In come, in my opinion t And then, what an awful what an irreparable sacrifice of human life ! And all this to effect thai which may be most rendilv elfi cled by taking a defensive line. When I said tlicre wan a mysterious connexion Itctwern nor fate snd tbe Mexicani, I alluded to the great fact thai we can do nothing with Mexico if wo were to gn on and stibjugute her. It we incorporate her, we are destroyed if not, our institutions perish. In this view I hold this war to have been, in the first in stance, a great depnrturr from the true line of policy which 1 have agmn and again saut, is peace, n ib ours in grow and not to add by conquest And I hold that if we should he so unfortunate as to com mil the error now, instead of availing ourselves of the means of terminating this war by taking Ihe defensive poai- Gcnttraphy. Teacher. " Class in jogtaphy come forward. What it jography?" Mnt t'upil. Geogrilty is a description of the sun, moon, ami stars. T. "You can take your sent, and atay in after school's out. Jonathan Spriggina what is jography i" itt v " a tlrscripimn oi una united mates and Mexico." T. " How is the Umled Stntes bounded ?" P o Hounded on the North by the North Pole, on the Kat hy F.urope, Asia and Africa, on the South it is not bounded at nil, and on Ihe West by all Creation." I u 1 hat s a good boy you shall he elevated. What is the most remarkable production ?" ;itl r.t i.iye ankecs, puiikins ana lonacuer. T " What is said of Ihe inhabitants ?" 4ih P. "Tis sum) they're licking the Mexicans." T. "Where is Mexico?" p.o Down by Gen. Taylor." T. " How is it bounded ?" l'.-"tln the North by the American Army, on the Fast by the Yellow Fever and Commodore Conner, on Ihe South by enrthqunke and burning mountains, snd un tho West by Commodore Stockton." T " What is the chiel productions: p." Revolutions and changes in the government." T. What is the Government?" l" I.unnr it changes monthly." T What are the inhabitants remarkable for" fitbl'. " Locomotion." T. M You can dodge,'' Lyell, the geologist, assertB that there is more cot. ' in tlie single State of Illinois than in all F.urope.

WEEKLY 0 JLJL 0 STATE JOURNAL VOLUME XXXVII. COLUMBUS, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1847. I'UBLISHKl) KVKKY WEDNESDAY MORNING, I House during the discussion of the question, mude a HY WiLLIAM B. THRALL. Olfico in the Jouninl Huihling. south-oast comer of High street and Suar alloy. T E It M S : Turku Doi.i.aiis vv.n annum, which may bei1ichnrptl by the payment of Two Dom.aks in advance, mid free of p'oHlnfre, or of per renU)r to Aymits or Collectors. The Journal is nlno publiidicd duily during Urn session of tho Legislature, ami thrice n week the remainder of the year lor and llirce times a week, yearly, fur jjf i. - COLUMBUS: THL'ltSOAY EVKNING, Febnmry Ifl, 1NI7. (J J Our render wo are sure will not complain at our appropriating; a considerable amount of space to the speeches of Senators Coliiouh and Cass. They treat upon topics of the deepeBt interest; and will be followed by tlio illimitable speech of our own distinguished Senator, Mr. Con wis, who replied to these gentlemen. The speech of Mr. Calhoun will be read with great interest,, whether tho reader assent to, or din Bent from, his positions. It is proper we should nay that tho sketch of Mr. Cuss's remarks is but a mere synopsis as furnished by the National Intelligencer faithful, but greatly compressed. ' Nous" VKimusa " came too Into for this day's paper. It is on file. Tuns Out! All hands to the Irish Relief meet-iujj this evening at First Presbyterian Church. The Uev. Mr. Tvso, late of New York, his nccepted an invitation to the lU'ctorutc of Trinity Church, Columbusand is expected to enter upon the dischurge of the duties of that ollice on Sunday next. "Cut and Come Again 1" An Editor down lvist recently acknowledged the receipt from his Representative in Congress of a copy of the President's Message " complete in one volume." But it seems Mr. Polk is not content with resting his claims in a single volume; for on the i:ith inst. he sent in n second Message, about as long ns the hrst three Presidents of the United Stales were wont to communicate. As might be expected, it is freighted with the cries of the horse -leaeh, ugiee .' girt! " We have not room now for the Message and therefore give the following account of it as furiUMhed by the Washing' ton correspondent of the Baltimore American : Wasiii.iotom, Feb. IH, IM7. The President's Message, which was sent to both Houses of Congress this evening, recommends the imposition of duties on Tea and Coffee, so ns to derive $,.jUO,(ht() from that source. He also recommend a reduction in the price of the Puhlic Lauds, under the expectation tlut revenues to the amount of $1,0110,00 may be derived from the sales within the year. A further demand is mad: for authority to raise more volunteers and ollicers, Hie law of May lat authorising men only tube engaged for a Imrk'd period. unanimous report in favor of Fellows, and he was ad mitted to his seat by a vote of ens hundred and fifteen to one. Do you eiuuire whose hand was in all this? His-tory snys that " while the case was pending in thu House, the whole bun'mess of the Legislature wits sua pended. The lobbies were crowded with anxious spec t utors, and the Senators even took a deeper interest in the discussion, than in the proceedings of their own body. Mr. Van Burks was frequently on the floor of the Assembly, and occasionally gave Mr. Reach a leading pnrtizun of his in the House the benefit of Ins suggestions. This gave Mr. Uuer an opportunity to rebuke "gentlemen of the Senate," ns he termed tbciii, " for interfering in the business of a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature." The fraud was perpetrated ; but "the 1 Peter Allen Legislature' soon became a term of repronch to the participators in the disgraceful transaction." To whatend the publication of this incident in iho political history of New York? Simply, to say that Mr. Wilford, in the judgment of charity, is n Locofn-ro by instinct He never heard of this precedent. He took his Locofocoism the natural way, without the aid of inoculation or indoctrination. He enn't help it. Nor can his associates in the Senate help it. They are cursed with a Bort of pohtico-Culvinistic moral Hint) ility illustrations of political total depravity, walking in the foot-steeps, though unconsciously, of their " First Parent." " Birds of a feather flock together." If a Locolb-co in New York, under the guidance of Van Uuren, can vote for himself, why not in Ohio ? If the party in New York could withhold from the people, as it did in Hr, the right of voting for President, because it was known they would not vote ns their.lcaders wished, why not the same party in Ohio vote against permitting the people here to decide whether the Black Laws shall be repealed? The instinct of Locofocoism, wherever you see it, it presents the same lending characteristics: Power, Plunder. These are its controlling incentives to action, the objects of its highest ambition, its greatest exertion; its watrh-word and its goal. Whether in the person of the lender or the lead, the dominant iin-pulse is the same. At one extreme you hear tho honied words, "to the victor belongs the spoils;" at the other, in brutish phrnsc, " I'll maintain my seat unless expelled by biutr. forte." Can this instinct be eradicated ? Ye; when the Leopard shall change his spots or the Ethiopian his skin. Then, and not till then, may the fountain, no longer bitter, send forth sweet water. For tho Ohio State Journal. Xejim, Fkd. 17, 117. En. Statr JorusAi. : In glancing over the columns of I he Journal thin morning, my attention was called to the " Columbus Prices Current," prepared and corrected for the Journal. The contrast between the prices received by the farmers of your county, and of tins county, Greene, is so striking, I think it proper to call the attention of your farmers to (he fuct. Your paper is dated Feb. Itilh, and 1 ij note prices at Xema it same d.ite : EipuNion ol KJitor Ititchic. It Will be seen that the Seiuleof the United Sutes his adopted a resolution, withdrawing from Mr. Hitch- ie, edilur of Mr. Polk's Timh, the courtesy here tot ore Lard Clover Set Prices at Cahtmhus, r.'4fi'.;o. $:Vj.nVii) pi'r bu. V rices at Xaiia. 7ic. .-l,2.Vi-l,.'0. Wc. per bu. ?.""( I lita'JI " .,IH) ber bb. Flax Seed We, per bu. Wheat hoc. " Corn IbVJOc. " Oats Ilialc. " Flour $-1,00 per bbl. Prices of articles purchased by the farmer i Molnnes 117a-Pta. per gal. :i"ii:i."c. extended to him, of a privilege within the bar of the j Mugur N. O. faille. 7a7.1 Senate. The reason for this action is, that the Senate I Sil' ' ,7' f,''r'i'" I,4 , i 1 he cause of these great dillcrenccs in tuvor nf the having dissented Iron, a proposition to clothe the 1 res.- cmflty firf),r plli,,y 0Il llu.ir dent with an exlraordutary nnionntof patromige at this .ltl,r conveyance for biking produce to market, and I pailicular juncture of alfairi pending in (-''ingress, deem this a proper time, to call the particular attention the Senate was denounced in tho I'm run as friendly to "I" the Franklin county farmer to the fact Greene Mexico, and its act denominated ns Jnatktr Mexican j c,,,,n!.v '"' ' the Little Miami Itn.lroad (',,,. pany, nn a county .ri,oiu since me completion o 1110 Victory." The well known relations subsisting Inr-tween the editor of the Union and the President of the United States, caused this libellous slang to he regarded limro seriously thin it otherwise would have been. It had much the apearancc of an attempt on the part of the President through his editor, to dragoon tho Senate, deprive its members of their independence, degrade that body in the estimation of the people, and force it into servile submission to Executive dictation. road county stock has been sold by (he county Cnm- unsKioiiers to tin amount ot about jjjcj;t,7llM and tlio county still owns about t?'M ,HiMl in stock, which is worth in market now about j'.',(i(i0. The whole investment of the county was. . . .$'i0,000 Stock heretofore B'dd 'n,7lill Stork on hand worth y-,000Total $rl,700 Making a uett profit on the investment of $l,?tH) It is, however, fair to state, that during the construction of the road, and before the stock became oroduc- Viewed in this light, the conduct of the editor cannot j tive, tin' county paid some ih.MlOO interest, from which he too severely reprehended. Similar trash is poured the 1,700 should be deducted, leaving the hiss nn the forth in great profusion by obscure prints of the same ; "'vestment sny nlH.m )fc.l,.IO0,aiid this ih the -irice par kidney with the Union some west of the Alleghe nies but it would hardly be worth the while of thu ScualO to lift them into n-iticu liy taking tiny aoti-m in reference to them. U is Mr. Ilitchie,ns the mouthpiece of the President, who stands rebuked. Wo sec by the Statesman of Inst evening, that its editors and friend are to hold and indignation meeting on Saturday evening. Perhaps they will conclude to dispense with the Senate altogether Their master, the President, could get along better without a Smote ! MASSAcncsr.TTs Siisaton We have the pleasure to announce, tint on Tuesday last, the Hon Jo us Davis was re elected a Senator of the United Slates from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, for the term of six years, Iron tho 4th of March next. The choice was effected on the first vote, by a large pin-nhly tit the House of Representatives, and by the unanimous vote f the Seiiute. lttesscd old Massachusetts " There, she. stands!" IMiiinlleld Hank. A bill was recently introduced into the Legislature of New Jersey, and passing b ith branches within the space of two hours was enacted Into a law, ren'!ilmg the charter of the Plainl'u ld Bank, and appointing He-reivers to close its concerns. This, like the Lehigh County Rank, in Pennsylvania, whom charter was re-pen led a few wrcks'iiicc, was one of those institutions owned and conducted by Mows Y. Reach and Sous, of New York. When, a year ago, an act was passed by tho Legislature of Ohio, amendatory of the act to incorporate the Statu Dank of Ohio and other banking companies, the object was understood to he, to guard agiinst the predatory operation! of Messrs Beach, and such ilk. And yet, this precautionary measure was stoutly resisted by our locofoco cousins becnuse they would, no doubt have been willing, for thu sake of bringing the system into disrepute, to have had a few biotC'Ups about these days. Although such an evi nl illicit scatter ruin broad-cast among the jh-oplc, yet they hoped it might prove a goil-ieiul to their party, in lis present extremity And no matter how much the people sillier, if such sutlcring do but inure to the benefit of their partisans. For tliii Ohio State Journal. The Instinct of I.ocohiroism. During tho recent contest in the Semite of this State between thu sttmg inemlM-r, Mr. W ilford, and tlie eon ten tor, Mr. Cox, the public mind was shocked by the disgraeeiul avowal ot the dinner, made in null lie debate, thai he would vote in his own case, and nothing but " brute force " shmild prevent it. Such on avowal, inamfcnling as it did, an utter wnnt of decency and self resH'Cl, and regard to right and justice, was more (ban the public mind wns willing to bear. True, the most of his a?tneiLitea in I lie Senate, perhaps all, who were never nreused o being over nice m matters of political casuistry, took no otleuce at it, and to a man refused to join with ihe whig in voting that he should not. But the soIht sense of the community revolted at such a scene of party degradation and meanness. During the debates, it was stated by the Wlrgs, and by the silence of the Loeofocos tacitly admitted, lliat such a thing was never known in a deliberative body as a man voting on the question of his right to a scat, or of his right to vote. Willi due deference there is one inch case, probably only one. A number of years ago the lower !Ioum of the lieneral Assembly of the State of New York, was so constituted that one or Ihe other tmrtv would have a majority of one, according as Peter Allen or Henry Feilows, rival claimants, held the sent, an a member I nun Ontario county. The ad milled facts in the case Wert these i Forty-nine voles were given for Henry Fellows, in the town of Pennington, in that county, as appeared from the certificate of the Injec tors oi elections, tiled in the otiice ot the I own t lerk ; hut this clerk in the duplicate sent to the Couutv Clerk certified that that number of votes wns received by lien. Fellows. Thesi voles were rejected by the County Commissioners, and the certificate of election given to Allen, who took his set I, and assisud in the organisation ot the llonw, As soon as the House was organixed, a motion was BUt.nmtcu in admit rcllows to Ins seat, snd this, though the facts were not deputed, led to a debate of a week. 1 lie botm ol contention wns this: The Hoime, at thnt time, elected a body cnllcil the Council of Appointment, which, in connexion with the (iov-ernor, had the disposal of all the luipiirlunt ollices throughout the Sutc, including county and township ollicers; and their political character the r tuning year would depend npni the vote of the member Irom Ontario. The result wns, that the party having the " brute force," voted down every propositus submitted by the ophite parly Allen's vote being recorded on vch question, ert n when his otrn right ta rvus trt ton-ttrned and elected their Council ot Appointment. The next morning, the committee on Flections, upon the same facts as had been in the possession of the regnrded the resolution as having a close resemblance to the Alien and Sedition law as abridging the freedom of debate, as interfering with the rights of the press. lie could not vole tor it. Mr. J. M. Clayton continued the debate in a pointed speech in answer to Mr. Mason. He was sorry that the first time the Senator from Virginia had raised his voice in this body it should hnve been in defence of Executive Power. How could the Senator come to the conclusion that the withdrawal of an Kilttor from the iloor of this body was an abridgement of the freedom of speech ? It wns no more so than the removal of a man from a gentleman's parlor who hud been guilty of an insult to the gculcmun or his family. Air. rearce, ol Old., matlu a pointed and clouueni speech in reply to Mr. Mason. He said that the Semite were enaciing no alien and sedition law, and inflicting no punishment. They neither proposed to take from him his personal liberty nor money by fine. All that the Senate proposed was to remove from the presence of the body the hated person of a man who had lllieled llic uody Mr. Butler of S. C. wns disposed to compromise the question by referring the otlencc and the otFeiuler to u Committee. Mr. Hannegan was not ready to adopt the Resolution thou eh he held in contempt and indignation the author of the lib-il upon the Senate. Mr. uniiioiin made a startling sH'ecii in tavor oi a true liberty of the Press as distinguished from its li centiousness. Mr. Archer also made n pointed speech, and the yeas mid nays were then taken, and the editors of the Union KXPFLLKI) from the floor of thu Senute chamber, yeus ii7, nays Ul. A beautiful incident occurred in the House of Hep resentatives on Snturdny. While Mr. Hunt, of New York, wits addressing the Committee of the Whole in support of the Wiluint Proviso, (so called,) the ven erable figure of Kx-President Adams presented itself at the central door ol the hall. All eyes were quickly attracted to the spot : Mr. Hunt suniiended his speech; Mr. Mosely, of New York, nnd Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, conducted Mr. Adams to tiis for mer seat, (temporarily occupied by Mr. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, who instantly relinquished the right which he hail to it under a late rule of tin Hoime, ns he had promised to do when he selected it.) The Members of tho House rotr. at tuir train, and numbers of them approached Mr. Adams to congratulate him on his recovery and restoration to the hall. Mr. Adanm, who seemed n good deal suhdued by this reception, expressed Ins thanks, but in so low a voice Ibat little ot what he said could be beard at any distance from thai quarter of the hall. All that we were aide to eaten ot these well known tones was, that Mr. A. was deeply sensible of the kindness of the House in thus receiving him, and, but for the feebleness of his voice, would have more fully expressed his grati tude to gentlemen of all parties for lliejrkind congratulation. As it wns, he hoped they would excuse him. Mr. Hunt in resuming, noticed the incident, and ex pressed his own deep-fell gratification at Mr. Adams's return to his wonted place. ,Vf, Inttltignicrr. by (irectie comity for nn improvement, that has during this winter alone, paid the farmers of the county three fold what it has cost them. The Little Miami road, during Hie 1 mt w-.ua if Its exlxteiiei-, In be red uiiilci If rent disadvantages for want of menus to prosecute its work, and sulfercil heavy louses in consequence thereof. Had the work been completed v ilhm two or three years from its commencement, the loss to the county would not hare been half so great. Would it not be well for the people of Franklin county to fully umler-st'iud Ihe advantages that would result to them from the construction ot a llmlrorid pacing through Columbus. If it were practicable to carry out such an agree ment, speculators would make great profit bv agreeing to pay nil the loss resulting to the comity from a subscription of stock to such a mad, nnd receive nil Ihe be- nelits resulting to the laruiers of your county, on thu increased price of one annual crop. It is surprifliug that the newspapers of Columbus, and the leading men of your city cannot lie awakened to the impor-1 nice of speaking and acting promptly and liberally m tins metier. Jours, Ac, A Cmzi'.H ok C ii i. km; Co. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. C'ontrrrtN. U.NITF.D STATUS HKNATE. J'raectdings af Siturdatj. WAMinnroK, Feb. III. (Ji t.Ttof or Pumi.tr.t;. The Rcsnlutioiisof Mr. Yi i.i r. in reference: to ihe expulsion ul the editors of the Un em, were taken up. .Mr. vv r.sroTr addressed the fetiatc. All his sympathies were with the press. His own father was a practical printer and an editor. He was himself drought up to the profession, and even a tier leaving it fr another, he hnd ever since, from inclination, been more or less connected with the pre. No Senator upon the Hour, no mm in the country, was a better ! friend of the liberty of the press than himself, but ho would hold mi man n true friend of the press who 1 would not unite with him in repressing its licentious- IU Ml. Mr. W. then recapitulated numerous instances in wlm h Ihe Senate and House of Kepresentatives hail heen hhelled in the Union. Among them he noticed an article in the Union of September, 1 Mi, copied from the Richmond F.nquircr and rn domed by the t'uioii, which amounted to a charge that iiiciiiIhts of Congress bad been bribed by Mr Cmsten, the agent for n iftry,. number of the claimants, to vote for the passage ot the French spoliation hill. In regard to the article in the Union of the lUhinst., Vigned Vindicator" who h had given rise to the resolutions now before the Senate, he had heard its authorship attributed to various sources. Some believed that the author was rune disappointed aspirant tir military uie, who inougni me mn ucieutcuami in ii'ipcscrunh-ed,aud wished to make himself acceptable to the Administration to secure some other favor. Mr. W. entertained no snob belief. He believed, firmly nnd tru ly neiievcii, mat it was a part and parcel of a pre con- orieti ninca oi ine Auuiinistrntion Hue it ujxin thu listmguished Senator from South Carolina. Kverv thing winch had occurred proved this. The aisnultof the Senator from Tennensee (Mr. Turney) vcMcrdav ns Mtroufly rorrohnMlive of it- Mr. W then went into the pirntiui--" what is de mocracy ' Kd said that at this lime ot day under this administration, democracy was nothing mmc limn the loaves nnd Indies yes, the loaves and tnhes from a Lieutcnant-tieucral down to aSecond-Lieutenant. Mr. W. tnid he supposed that for what he was now saying, he would he rend out of the Democratic party. u oiiiee nomcrs : vv eii, n-i iiiem renu mm nut. He did nut wnnt to remain in such company But like Ins honorable friend frmn Massachusetts, he would have to say, " where shall I go?" He could only sav to his houoralde friends behind him, (the Whigs,) that ue could nni go wuii iin-m. Mr. W. warned the Democracy of ihe Union ngainst the dangers which beset (hem. If they could only pee the cimtu rrioN winch hnd been brought about by this administration could only see how they were made use of by those who were seeking only plunder plunder of the public ollices they would view it with astonishment nnd alarm. They would come hero and tumble Ihe President, Heads of Departments, Senate ntid House Whigs nnd Democrats heels oyer bend into the Potomac, nnd serve them right loo. He did not believe that Ihe elevation of the W lugs to power would cure the evil. Corruption hnd laid its fungs ton deeply on belli parties, and there was no remedy for the evil, but Ihe creation of a third pnrtv, a pure, old fanhioned democratic party, who Would , discard plunder in nil its shapes. .ir. I'ldiun, m ), inm ue siiouki yoie ngnmal tlifl expulsion of the Fditors because it entrenched Uhiii nocny oi uie press, ami inieriereil Willi tlie con- Mr. Cnlhonn's Speech On Tuesday Hth inst., the Senate had under const-iler.ition, as in Committee of the Whole, the three mill- ijn bill. Mr Calhoun then arose, and thus addressed the Senate. Never, Mr. President, since 1 have been on this stage of action, has uiir country been placed in n more critical condition than at present. We are not only in the midnt of a war, very dilhcult and very ex pensive, but we are involved in n domestic question of ihe most irritating and dangerous diameter. They both claim an earnest nnd deli tie rnte consideration, nnd 1 ilo trust that before the session close, as late ns it is, that they will both receive a full discussion. It is due to our constituents that the actual state id' tilings in reference to both should be fully understood. Fur the present, I propose to Consider the question which is more immediately pressing how shall the war be Is-st conducted to bring it most ndvuutngeiuty to a successful termination? Or, to express it u little more fully, how shall it be conducted to enable us must nd-vanlngcoutdy in t tl'ect all the objects lor which it was made t For it is only by etFeclii)? this that the war can properly be said to be successful. There are two ways in which the wnr may be conducted. The one is, to push onollensive operations until Mexico is compiled to yield to our terms. The other is, to take a defensive position and to maintain and secure the country already in our occupation; and the qucs'inn wnich I propose to consider is, which of these two plans of operation ought to be selected. It is, Mr. President, a grave tjncslinn : in my opinion, next in importance only to the wsr itself. I have given it my deliberate consideration, nnd the result to which I hnve come is, that we ought to choose a defensive po- nitiini. I fthnlt ll m 'Hi; fed to slate the rnni iiih which that opinion is founded. 1 believe, Mr. Picsi-dent, it is the policy best calculated to bring the war ndvantigeously to a kuccchsIiiI termination, or, to express it more fully and explicitly und 1 wish to be ful ly comprehended on this important question to bring it to a certain and successful termination, nnd that with the least sacrifice of men and money, and Willi Ihe lenst hazard of disastrous consequence and loss of stundiug and reputation to the couti'ry If I rightly understand the object for which the wnr was declared, I feel n deep conviction that by assuming this defensive attitude nil this may be ctlectcd. I say if I rightfully understand for, strange as it may seem, to me the object for which this war wns declared, is even at this day, left to inference. I have examined the President's messnge messages rather and the net of this body making the war, snd the re. suit of that exniiiiu ition has been this that Ihe objects for which this war has been declared ate three-told : first, to repel invasion; next, to establish thu Rio del N irie ns the western tmiimhiry of Texas ; anil thirdly, to obtain indemnity for tlie claims of our citizens ngaiusl Mexico. The two first appear to nie lobe the primary objects of the war, and Hie last to be the secondary object of the war. The President, in his message to Congress on the subject of the war, does not recommend Cong re sn to declare war. No. He as mimes that war already to exist, and calls upon tins body to recognise it. lit assumed it to exist, because he a tb ruied that tho noimtay had been invaded, and American blood been spilled on American soil. That assumption he predicated upon the ground that (he R;o del Norte wns Ihe wen tern boundary of Texas, for he atlirmed that Mexico hid crossed that boundary hail come to the opposite side of the river, which in his opinion, constituted tlie territorial limits ot the country. Rut after having been entered into, he reconi mends subserviently that the war be prosecuted with reference to Ihe claims of our citizens. The act of Congress, Mr. President, making war, or rather recognising war, fur war had not yet been declared tlut net of Congress reiterated the declaration of the Pre sident that war existed by tin act ot the republic of Mexico, ami that the Km del Aorte was the western boundary of Texas, and that the crossing of that river coimtituted invasion. Hence 1 consider both (he F.x- eculivu and Legislative branch of this Ooyenimeiit are committed to Ihe fact tint the Rio del Norte is Ihe Western boundary of Tcxus, and that the crossing and spilling of blood ou our side is an invasion. These, then, arc the primary objects of the war. But having got into war, tho President recommends it tube prosecuted for the object 1 have mentioned that is to sny, indemnity tor our citizens a recommendation, in my opinion, proper nf itself: for while wo are engaged in war all the d.ll'creucea between the two countries ought, if possible, to be settled. These ap pear to ne ine otiiecis ot tins war. Conuuest is ex pressly disavowed, and constitutes none of the objects of Ihe wnr. The President, in addition, recommends that we shall also prosecute iho wsr in order to nbta indemnity for the expense of the war, but tint in no scone can lie considered as an otiject ot that war. not logo an inch further. We ought by all means by every consideration we ought to avoid the appearance of taking possession of any portion of the country as a conquest on the principle of a war of conquest. 1 shall now proceed to state the principles which should govern our policy in this particular. The first and most iiuportuntcousideration in selecting a boundary is this : that it shall be such from its natural advantages and other considerations as shall involve the smallest sacrifice of men and money in one word, winch shall possess all the natural advantages which such a boundary ought to have fur defence, and at the same time be so situated that supplies ot money and tood can be drawn reudily to support the line if assail ed by Mexico. 1 lie next consideration, in my opinion, which ought lo govern us in selecting the line in this : it ought to bo such us would be desirable for us lo possess, if, in tho ultimate adjustment of differences with Mexico, thut so established shall become the common boundary between the two nations. And 1 go further; it should be such ns shall deprive Mexico of the smallest possible degree of her own proper resources and strength. Fur while we consider our own interests in establishing a defensive line, in nir humble opinion, we ought not to overlook the consideration of what is suited to Mexico as well as to ouniclrcs. 1 hold that we ought to be just and liberal to Mexico, not only because she is our neighbor not only ix'cnuse eue is a sister repuiiiic not only because she is emulous now nnd ever has been, of following our exao ple not only because she is the greatest power on the continent, almost if nut quite next to our ourselves, of all portions of it which hnve become subject to Kuropt an possession. These are high considerations which every American ought to feel, nnd which every generous nnd sympathetic henrt will feel. Rut there are other considerations of potential weight on this point, which belong far more to ourselves than to Mexico. Mexico is one of the greatest problems connected with our foreign relations, und in my humble opinion our true policy is neither to weaken nor depress her. On the contrary, it is our inter-cut to see her respectable and strong, and capable of sustaining all the relations Hint ought to exist between the two nations. 1 hold thut there is a mysterious connexion between the fate of this country und Mexico, and that her indeprndence, nnd her respecta bility, and her capability tf maintaining all these relations, are almost ns eseiilial to us ns to Mexico. I hold Mexico to be forbidden fruit, nnd ihe day that we consume it, the penalty will bu almost the political denth of our nation. The next consideration is, that the lino should bo such, if it should be CMlntlishcd between us und Mexico finally, ns would lead to a permanent peace between the two countries nnd,-finally, that it should be such ns would lend to as speedy peace ns possible, nnd for that purpose it sliould b eminently coercive. Now, Mr. President, the question is, what line best fulfills all these considentions ? And here, again, 1 am not prepared to prmsuince. It requires a morn exact knowledge of the to tin try for 1 take it all our maps are more or less imperfect more thorough military knowledge on the i object than I possess. Rut while 1 do not feel myself prepared with the necessary information to pronounce upon this, 1 am prepared to suggest a line which, in my opinion, embraced most of these considerations, and is as nearly as, perhaps, could be decided upon ; and what specially commends lint line to me is, ns I understand by the declarations of the Chairman of Ihe Committee on Foreign Relations, it is substantially the one which the Fxccutive themselves llituk of cHtnblishing, even should on offensive wnr be successfully conducted. The line 1 would Biiggcut is this being at Ihe mouth of the Rio del Norte and continuing up to the Puso del Norte, or southern boundary of New Mexico, which nearly coincide, nnd then due west to the Cull' of Cnlit'ornia, sinking it, according to the maps before us nearly at its head. Now, Mr. President, I propose to turn round, and examine this line in reference to the considerations which I laid down ns those which ought to govern us in the selection id' a hue. In the first place, it will enable us to secure all the objects for which the war was declared. The invasion i already repelled. It will odahlish the del Norte to bu the wcalein boundary f Texas from its mouth to its source; and it will g;ve us ample means of indemnity, even if the cost of the war itell shall be considered one of its objects; which by-the-by, in my humble judgment, 1 am very far frombeingdidposedtocounteiiance. The next, nnd n very important object would be attained by lukiug that fine, and that is, it would involve the least sacrifice of men and money lo maintain it. And here it has advantages. First there is the del Norte, a broad, rapid and navigable river, of which we would have the comuiami. In addition to that being near the settled parts of Texas where, in an emergency, the forces necesnary to defend it, may be readily or ganized, and provisions readily thrown in on tins part of the hue. have consulted the opinions of military men of judgment and experience, ana iliey mri-nii me. that n siiitalde tortitieution would not require more than lour regiments, and three torts to put it in a complete state id' defence one fort to be erected near the mouth of the Del Norle which last has extraordinary advantages, ns it commands the only passage into New Mexico, and command tlie whole ot that part ot the country which we now have in our military occupation. four regiments would he ample lor tins purpose alter the first year alter having taken jiosscitHioii nnd erect- il I bo tortdicalions. 1 lie oilier portion ot tlie line mild be still more easily defended. From Ihe meuti tains which separate the waters of the Del Norte from those which fall into tbe (iulfof California or the Colorado, which is the same thing, up to the uper end of the (mil ot California, occupied !y a savage op-illation through its whole extent, and requires no forts. The remaining part is covered by the Gulf of Califor nia. A tew small vessels a single regiment Will lie ample for its defence. Hence live regiments, with n small naval force, would be ample to effect all the objects which wo have in view in uimutnining this line against any power winch .Mexico could possibly bring against us. Tho licit commlcratlon is the con. vemeiice of the country which may be covuml by the line. Here the advances ore liol less sinking. It is cotitigiioiiH to us. It lion one part upon tbe western boundary of Texas, and the middle on the southern boundary of Oregon. But what gives it uatill greater advautngi what is of immensely more importance what ought to make it desirable in the eyes of Americans, and not nt all valuable in tlie exlimation ot Mexico, is the fact that it is an uninhabited country. It covers on urea ot' six hundred thousand square miles, with a population 1cm than one hundred thou sand, of all complexions snd all descriptions of peo ple. 11 is ns little settled Icks so, ind ed, than tho country in possession of our snvnge neighbors. It Hi is country had the choice ol two regions o tho continent, the one inhabited und the other not if we con Mil led the genius of our government it we con-suit the success of our political movement, we will vanity prefer the uninhabited lo the inhabited region. What wc want is space for our growing population. We do not want the addition of other population. What we want is to grow, and nn open, uninhabited country is above all others (he one which bets meets thai great Wunt. We are now increasing at the rate of six hundred thousand annually. In a short time ihe increase will be at the rate of a million annually, or, to state it more str ugly, we double once in twenty three years; so that, in twenty-three years, we will number forty millions, and in another twcuty-lbree yenrs, wo will number eighty millions. For this fast growing population we des:re not a settled country. Wo desire not to annex imputation not liniiiogeueous to us. We desire open space tor them to jiaas into. These very reasons make this country but ot very little advantage to Mexico. Her population is nearly stationary. It is scarcely sdvnncuig at all, and Will not, within the time that I have spi riticd as that in which our population will have twice doubled, bo probably more than two millions over what it is at present. Mr. President, so tar from Wing valuable to It neither more nor K-n limn it inn iut-Blion ot' poll- Mexico, it is directly ttiu op pout,.. It is, in (be first cy ; lor it would he ahsurd in llic extreme to suppose place, exceedingly remle troiii her. California is as that a nation would enter into a war fur Ihe purpose of remote from Mexico as it is from New Orleans, nnd not stitulinnal power which said thnt 11 Congress should pass no law abridging the Ireedom o the prens I bis resolution wns an amendment (,f the Constitution. Mr. M said lie was among those included in Ihe denunciations uf the pancr, for he had voted not to re-cede so as to give the President the power to make sp-pointments in the recess nf the Senate. This vote was defended tod after thai, Mr Mason returned to the subject of expulsion. He admitted that his friend, the editor nf the Union, had committed a fault, but it wns a fault growing out of a want of discretion in regard lo the admission of the article. H ndemiiifyiiig itself for the expenses of lhat war. 1 bold that such being the objects of the war, that all the objects for which it wns declared can be accoiu-plmhed by taking a defensive position. Two of them have Iteou already entirely ell'eeted. The enemy has been repelled by two bnhniit victories. The Uiu del Norte is held from the mouth to its extreme source on Ihe enalcru side by ourselves. Not a Mexican soldier is to w found on the eastern side of it. As to the remaining indemnity to our citizens, surh has been the success of our arms that we have not only acquired enough for that, but vastly more, even to comprehend, great as they already have been, the expenses of the warjif it should be judged that it were wise, sound, nnd inst policy on our part so defray theui. Here, Mr President, arises the question shall we hold thu line that we now occupy, and which we cover by our military forces, comprehending two-thirds of the whole of Mexco, as is estimated comprising the valley of the Del Norte on both sides, quite upon the western stt! of the Sierra Madre, ami comprising on the southern side of our line 1 mean Oregon down to the southern extremities of the Cahfornias nnd New Mexico? Shall we hold to that ; or, shall we select some oilier pom I mn more suited to the objects we have in view i I am not prepared to discuss and decide that question fully. 1 have not tbe repiisitite information, nnd if 1 hnd, it would not be necessary for the object which I have in view. hat I propose lo consider in the present stage ot Ihe case in the absence of such inlonua lion is this, what are the generul eoiixidernlions which ought lo govern us in selecting a defensive line if it idem hi be determined that m the proicr coiirc of oi-cy f And this, nginn, must he decided from the objects which such a wnrhimiii view. I will now proceed instate what these goriornl considerations, in my opinion, are. In the first place, it muni lie such as tm llect the objects which we have in declaring war. It must fulfil its three conditions tbe repulsion af the enemy the acquisition of the whole country east of the Del Norte the establishment of I that as our boundary and an ample indemnity. But much less distant than it is from Washington city. New Mexico is much m arer to im than it is to the vet-tied parts of Me&ico. It is a source of annoyance lo her. It is a remarkable fact in tho hmtory ol Ibis continent, that for the first tune the aborigines of tho country press upon the hnropcau occupants of thu country. The Indians are actually encroaching upon the the frontier of Mexico, not but that the Spaniards are brave, and capable of defending themselves with arms, but the jeal-msy of the central government has disarmed them, and they are at the mercy of (he sav age. 1 understand thai not less lhan three or four thousand captives of New Meuco are in the hands nf the Camanrhes alone. Well, then, we gain a most desirable acqu.sition, and one of the most striking recommendations is, that we take not from Mexico, what deprives her of any resources, cither of men or means, worthy of being named, whilst we give it n prosperity, which il never had since the day ot the revolution uf Mexico to the present time. The next consideration is, that Ihe line should be such, if established, as would be the foundation of a permanent pence between us and Mexico. Now 1 hold that in thin respect, it has remarkable advantages, In the nnture of things, we cannot keep our growing population from pacing into uninhabited country, where the power of Ihe owners is not sullieient lo keep them out. They will go in. You may pass all the laws you choose. You may heap up pcnnlty upon , penalty, but our pioneers will rush in the country, tin- iei me puny in ii"wioon are CBpaMe o Keeping them out. F.xpcricnce proves Ibat nil the force. this government wns not capable of keeping our intruders out of the Indian country. We had to abandon the effort, nnd fiom time lo time remedy the evil by purchasing tbe lauds from the Indians. If we make a pence with Mexico, nnd no provision he niaile for this natural tetidaucy of our growing population, in a few years we will be involved in another war. Another war would be most midciirnhlc, as nny war with Mexico Is undesirable. And filially, Mr ' President. for the pupose of coercion, it fonvcsacs altrn sullieient in what we have in our possession of the line, if Mex ico herself should not be disposed to agree. While I would re com mend this as a defensive line, or some other, if better can be found, 1 would be very far from I o'ding it t')solu!e y. I would recommend it to be held as the means of negotintion. We ought to say to Mexico that we hold il subject to negotiation ; lhat if she is ready to negotiate, we are ready ; and not only to negotiate and settle, but to settle justly, liberally, and fairly to establish a lino which shall preserve pence on both sides if possible. And if any excess on our part, we are willing to meet it as we ought, by the necessary payment to Mexico. Rut 1 would go still further. I would hold all the ports of Mexico we imve in possession, winch could be held with out too great a sacrifice of money and men. 1 would hold them subject to the same conditions ns the territory which I propose to be covered by the line suggested. I would Iny a high rate of duty which should fall upon all, and supply the means tor holding possession . ol the country, l have consulted with the pro per authority on that point, and bud that, for that purpose, jgiilH l,H)(j duties wouiu suiucu. mat could be collected with advantage, not only to us but lo tho whole civilized world, who ought to be admitted, freely and reudily at a small j rnte of duly into Mexico. Sir, these measures combined, in my opinion, would give us the means of enforcing a settlement at no distant day. Now, I think I have shown thai we may certainly muintain tins line, and bring the war to a successful conclusion by maintaining it that it would tie ai no cost scarcely ot men or money, not above our ordinary peace establishment that it involves no hazard or loss of reputation to us as a people and, 1 may add, would lay the foundation, I trimt, when we would come to a final settlement, if we net in the spirit in which wo ought to act, of permanent peace between us and Mexico. What will be the frmls of tins poli cy i Immediately a large portion of the war expen ses Will he cutolt. 1 he whole ol the volunteers might be dismissed in the course of a few months, as soon ns the position is occupied. It would be a saving of it' ll or twenty millions during the war; further taxes would not be required, our credit would be immediately restored. The pleasure which many of us on this side have so much at henrt would bu rescued the lensure of free trade which in this dark period of its xperience I inucri not so much by our legislation as by tint of Orcat Britain bus shown itself to be the u out I ru i tnil source ot opulence and prosperity that an possibly be devised. Rut it may be said that Mex ico will hold out. 1 think not 1 think not. What reason would she hive to hold out? She would see tint wo had undertaken a task which wo could per formto which our strength is quite ndequate which we could go through with, without hazard and with out difficulty. She would see that alio was a great looser, and she would see, also, thut it she obstinately persisted, instead of having a general settlement and compensation, she might lose thu whole for nothing. But in addition, Mr. President, the whole feeling ot tho people ot Mexico will be turned. It is now, in their mind, a war of races and religion. They are ex cited to the highest poini. j-.very nerve is braced; every arm is strengthened. The resolution of the whole country is muted in a stern resistance to us, so l.ir as we have intoruiition. II this deieiisive altitude be assumed, we will show that our object is not to sub jugate the country that its races and religion are not to ue overthrown, i tie naturul currents ot icchng will take their course. The people will become more interested in the result. They will become more regardful of (heir internal u flairs than of their external nll'urs. In a short lime, a state of things would be brought about which would, I think, terminate in a happy pvace between the two countries, and that of the most permanent character. But suppose in all this I am mistaken. Suppose) that Mexico still holds out with ohslinaticy, Wlnt have we? We have a peace without the expense of a war. We have our population pouring in, ultimately enabling us to dispense with the small military establishment liecesiry in the first instance. Sir, it would go further. It would put ih once again on terra Jirtnn. It would enable us to sec light. It would enable us to see our way to tlie vista betore us, over which there now hangs antin-m-netrable yed. Mr. President, I have now slated Ihe reasons why 1 am in favor of taking a defensive posi lion. I have J trust, succcsjfoHy slmwn thnt we can bring the wnr to a certain termination, without great xpense ol men and money without hazard ol any description whatever. It now remains to tie shown what are the grounds ot my opposition to the continuance of an othensivc war; and, it I am not strongly mistaken, iho argu ments against it are as strong as imagination almost can conceive. 1 am opposed lo it, in one word, Mr. President, for the vrry tint reason lhat I am in favor l the other: there is no certainly that it will bring Ihe war to a termination. And, in the next place, if it should bring it to a termination, even in the most favorable cirnu out mire, it would bo a vast exjiense of men and money und with nn inconsiderable hazard of disastrous consequences and loss of national reputation. In discusNiiig this branch of the subject, Ihe first thing to be done is to keep definitely in our mind what is the real and true object of carrying on an offensive war; for until that is understood wu shall not lie able to come to any decisive conclusion. And hen1 I may premise Ibat its object is not conquest the ac-ipiisitiun of additional territory for that is disavowed I may presume further thnt it is not so, because we have already, as I have shown, ample territory in our h inds, and more than sufficient to elfect all thu ohiccts 'if the war. If, then, it is for neither one or other of these objects 1 ask why shall eth-nsive operations be carried on r mere is but one amiwer given to that. Ilis In obtain peace, or to use the language most com monly employed, to conquer wnr. f A Senator Con quer peace. J I have expressed it dilferenlly. That is the proposition to conquer peace. How is peace to ih ninaint' (i, or pence to ne conquered f It can only be by treaty. W ar may be made by one nation. Peace is always mule by two. The object, then, is to gel a treaty. hat kind ol a treaty f A treaty that will suit Mexico? You can get tlut at my tunc No. mtui irruiy t mut urn. Aim wul IS mm ' Why, nir, a treaty that we shall dictate, compel Mex ico to sign, and which shall secure to us tho ends for which this wnr was declared. And what were these ends? 1 hive already euumeraUd them. The estab lishment ot the Del Norte as the boundary, and ample acquisition for indemnity. 1 lie object of the whole war, then, is this to compel Mexico to acknowledge that to be ours which we already hold in possessmn, and winch we can hold despite of her with almost no sacrifice. That is it, twist il and turn it as ymi please; neither more nor less can bu made of il ; Unit is the whole object nf what Ihey call a vigorous war of defence. I repeal it. It is to compel Mexico to acknowledge lhat to be ours winch we now hold, and hold in spite of her. Now, in tins aspect of tbe question, I put it home to the Senate, is il worth whilu to pursue a war of tlut de scription vigorously ? Suppose it a matter of perfect certainty that you could reach the city of Mexico this very campaign, and beat them into a treaty ot peace in the city of Mexico, what would be your sacrifice? The army you propose lo raise is 7tl,(HKI men ; the ex-peiixe thirty miliums of dollars much more likely thirty-live or forty iiulltotit. Suppose the campaign is ss successful as hsbiIi1c. What is ihe slate of things at the close ? You have sacrificed in the first place thirty millions of dollars to get possession of the city of Mexico in which to dictate this pence, and you hnve lost how many lives of our people ? Sir, lused upon the calculation of the last campaign, which was comparatively in a lieallhy country, oiie.lhird is to be put duwn as fulling by sword, or worse than the sword Ihe pestilence of ihe country. Something like sixteen thousand men are to he set down as sacrificed in tins campaign. 1 put it home to Senators, now is it worth while to sacrifice even thirty millions of dollars, or filWn thousand men for tint purpose of getting Mexico in acknowledge that to bo ours which is already ours? 1 put a graver question, and I appeal to the conscience of every mnn hen', can we, with any regard to the opinions and judgment of a Christian people, purHim that war which must end in such a re-milt? Is there any man here who will give for Cah. for ilia the lives of sixteen thousand of our people, or uurty millions o dollars t No, sir : 1 here is ted oue NUMBER 26. side of the Gulf f California. Sir, within this nar- tion if now we shall tnke the other step of nrosecu- row limit one-third of all Mexico there are about 1 ting the war vigorously, as they term it, till we coin- seven millions of people, fully ten times as numerous as the whole country we occupy. Here is the heart of her wealth and power. Whatsortof country iait? It is a mountainous region, as dillicullalmoat as any in the world. It maybe well compared to Mount Atlas, in Africa, or the Caucasus, in Europe. It is full oi the most narrow and difficult defiles. This is the country we propose to conquer. Well, then, we are to march forward. How are we to overcome these difficulties ? We are first, it seems, to take the city of Vera Crux, and then march to Mexico, What is the character of this hill country, extending abmg the Gulf of Mexico down to Yucatan? It is, perhaps, ot all regions of the earth, one ol the most sickly. It is the native home of the yellow fe ver. Hint disease is scarcely ever absent. During eight months of Uie year it prevails at all times, and not unfrequenlly duringtentnonthsof the year. The months which are free from the pestilence are subject to the most violent and dangerous storms. April itself is very sickly. March is doubtful. We are now in February near the middle of the month. We may have force to tuke Vera Cruz; but I appeal to Senators on all sides, have we force enough, or can we have force enough in time to avoid the rwmio, and march lo tlx city ol Mexico, 1 will not say thai we have not. Rut I Bay it is not certain that wc have it is uncertain. We may not. Now, if we have nut force enough for this campaign, Mexico will be encouraged and we will be discouraged. She will be fortified anew, and wo will be more irresolute in going on. uiu suppose we do reach 'he city oi Mexico so as to dictate a peace with whom have wc to deal ? A people a race of all others renowned in history for their obstinacy and power of long-continued resis tance 1 A people whose hereditary pride it is that they stand nut to the- utmost a people who wurred with the Moors for upwards of seven centuries a people who for eighty years warred ngainst their mother country a people who would not recognise the indepen dence of their colonies in twenty years. Those are the people we hnve to deal with, and is it presumable thnt Mexico will at once yield to our terms? Is there any certninty for 1 go on certain ties more than probabilities enn any gentleman seo any certainty of Mexico yielding to our terms, even supposing this first campaign should find us in the city oi Mexico r Well, then, wc must nave inoiner campaign. Now a solemn question comes up havo we the means can we raise the money ? Remember, it must be much more costly than either of the first. It will be carried on at a greater distance. It will be of a character different from the others, for if we do not conquer Mexico if her government withdraws, and we can niuke no peace, we must then have a mere Guerilla war such as exists between Frniice and Algeria at the present day such as existed between the Uussians and Circassians. Such is the description of war wo must have. Shall we have means to meet this enormous exjiense f Lvl me tell you, in the first place, this campaign over, the spirit of volunteering is gone. So many men of broken constitutions return-so many who went for glory, return with shattered health so many give such a desperate account of the affair, that we get no more volunteers. Wu must depend upon the ordinary recruiting, and that might bo sullieient to give us twenty thousand men for our next campaign for a third campaign, if it took place. Well, suppose that difficulty surmounted suppose the men ready cun you raise ways and means? A far more dilticult question ! Remember, you will have no longer resources in your treasury notes, 'that's exhausted, perhaps more than exhausted, by this sinyle campaign. You must borrow and lay taxes. Cuy you borrow? Can you lay taxes? What taxes ? Upon your imposts ? They can give you but a small supply. You must goto internal taxes. Can you get them ? This country has resources almost beyond any one on earth. Rut there is one ci renin-stance which greatly embarrasses us in reference to internal taxes. Many uf the Slates are greatly in detit. .Many ol them owe as much as they can pay with the most onerous taxes. Well, now, all taxation must be uniform. Can you collect in those Slates? If you attempt, will not repudiation extend instead of being restricted ? Will the people bear it ? Will Pennsylvania, with f rty millions on her shoulders, bear additional taxation ? Will Maryland, who cannot resume now, but is struggling lo resume will she bear enough to pay, and also again resume? No. Yet, suppose that difficulty over suppose we get all we want is there sufficient unanimity and zeal in the prosecution of this war to warrant the belief lhat Congress would give supplies? Does the evidence nf this session furnifh a satisfactory reply to that inquiry? No. There is too much division of sentiment for that. A very large proportion of our country, believed that tho war might have been avoided, and that it ought lo have been avoided. A large portion of our country believe that the war was commenced without the authority of the constitution and without the sanction of Congress. A vast number believe that the war is highly in jurious and inexpedient. These opinions, we cannot doubt, are honestly entertained. What my opinions are on all these points, I should be glad logo into, on any suitable occasion. Rut 1 do not hold it to be proper to mingle my own private views and sentiments in justification of my course on so grave a question. It is sullieient for me to say that, these deep convictions on all these points in reference to Hie war, which extend, if you may judge from appearauces, to nearly half of our whole population, render it highly improbable, that there will bu that real of unanimity necessary to enable us lo procure the means of carrying on Ihis third campaign. But suppose all these dilliculties overcome there is another still deeper -still more alarming to be met. There is another question to be met, which touches the very foundation of our republic. To whose benefit shall the lands acquired, if any be acquired, inure i Shall the benefit be exclusively enjoyed by one portion ot the Union i We are told, sir, and I am afraid lhat appearances justify it, that all pnrties in thenon-slave-holding portions of this Union, insist that they shall have an exclusive monopoly that such provisions shall be made as shall exclude those who are interested in the institutions nf the South. Sir, if the non-slaveholding States having no other interest but an aversion to slavery if they can come to tins conclusion with no other interest but that I turn to them, and ask them what inuat be the feeling of Slavehold ing States, who are to be deprived of their rights to be deprived, and despoiled of that which belongs to them, and lo be assailed in Ihe most vulnerable point, and to whom this question is one of safety, and not mere policy about a point in which they have no real interest? If there be sternness on one side, be assured there will be sternness on the other. Now, if 1 may judgtt from what has been declared on this Hour from what 1 hear nn alt sides if members fromnon-slave-holding States were perfectly sure that they would not acquire one loot ot this land free, they would hesitate to carry out a vigorous prosecution of Iho wnr by n Inch il was to bit acquired. Can Ihey, then, suppose that (here is a less feeling on the part of those who are to be entirely excluded ; and do Ihey suppose that means can be furnished fur a wnr lo be regularly carried on, where these radical differences lie at the but- om ? Mr. President, I will suppose, however, that all hese dilliculties are removed I will suppose that men and money, and unanimity can be had. The question then comes, can you, if you do not innke peace with Mexico in the city of Mexico can yon bring this war to a successful conclusion by subduing Ihe country? That's the question, la there any certainty for 1 do not make it a question of probability at all? Look at the history of these wars. There are two now existing to which 1 have already alluded the warof Russia with the Caucasians the war of France in Africa. These wars are somewhat analogous to that in which wc are engaged. We find in these countries brave men defending themselves in their mountain fastnesses ngninal Ihe lwsl troops in Kurope and the highent military skill. Are we to experience no difficulties of a miliar kind with that race olmtinately e ranting in that resistance to the very Inst? No, sir ! There is no certainty that the war will be brought lo a Biiccrss-full issue. You may go on to the fourth, fifth, sixth, and ninth campaign. llw many campaigns has r ranee had n ready inAiirennr fA Bonamr. "oix1 and yet we propose to pursue a war, which, if it ler Icon!" How many has Russia had in tho Caucas initiate in one uampuii!n. will produce that result, in all probability. jiui i am but touching the shell ot this case. Is How many had we ourselves, with a paltry hand of Indians in Florida? Why, that war lasted five years, and coat us thirty millions ot dollars, suppose pel Mexico to submit, let me say to the gentlemen, they take a step which they will rue the longest day mejr nv. w nut is party f .nothing. iui ine party that takes thnt steo will bn ruined, and the nartv that succeed! it will be in a position of great difficulty. There is bill one wnv left, nnd that is whiitl have suggested. 1 might say much more. Rut I forbear con suming lurttier the tune or the Senate. With a few ubaervations, I will close, and lhat is with reference to the question before us. I shall feel myself compelled, as the Senate will readily perceive after these views, io voie agaiusi the amendment oi the Senator from Michigan. As to the other amendment by the Senator from Georgia, I reserve the expression ot an opinion until I see further disclosures. I wish to Bee fur ther developments on that great dome it io question, to which 1 have alluded, before I rrivemv vote. These developments will have a powerful influence on my mind, u n til i sec tnem I shall hold my sett in reserve. Abstract of JUr Cass He marks After Mr. Calhoun had concluded Mr. Cass rose, and after some preliminary remarks. said that he did not at all participate in the apprehension of the Senator from South Carolina, so eloquent ly portrayed hy inui yesterday. True, we were engaged in a foreign wur, but never was the nation more prosperous, powerful and happy than now. He did not see, even in Ihe distant horizon the cloud no larger than the hand of the prophet, which was to come upon us in a tempest, bearing upon its dark bosom tho elements of fury and destruction. With a beautiful picture upon the growth and prosperity of tins great Union of ours, Mr. Cass said that at this juncture the very worst thing that we can do will be to abandon the prosecution of tins war. Recurring then to the bill, lie said the President had explicitly stated the object of tins appropriation in his message to ttie senate at the last session it wns, that if Mexico were willing to cede to us any portion of lnr territory, he might have the means of rendering to Mexico some compensation in addition to the offset of our indemnities. He believed the President was desirous of acquiring a part of California ; and the single acquisition of the magnificent harbor of San Francisco, which would give to our commerce the play of the Pacifiio ocean, was in itself an object of the greatest moment to this country, its extending commerce, and the rapid expansion of our population. Among the improvements of thu age, cementing th- Union together, there was a rare element of communication which annihilated time and space ; and we could now Bay, in answer to the divine interrogatory put to Job, "can'st thou call upon tho lightnings that they shall say, hero we are ?" that we can, for we can command them, and they are here. We might now send a message twenty times a day to nnd from California, whereas, within our own memory it has occupied two daya in a journey from Baltimore. Returning to the bill ot three millions, Mr. Csss said it was the same proposition that was presented at the last session, with tho object distinctly specified. It could not be bribery, for bribery shuns the light. This proposition was known to the world. It was known throughout Mexico, it was known from London to Tobolsk, and to the Indies, and perhaps it may nave even ascenued the Chinese canals into the heart of that empire. The object of the appropriation was plainly defined and openly submitted; and it was as distinctly understood thai money was not to be expended until a treaty was to be ratified with Mexico. Mr. Mokkiikaii arose and asked the Senator if he had understood him to say that no part of this money was io neexpeuued until a peace snail nave Deen ratified with Mexico ? Mr. Casi replied thnt the money would not be ex pended until a treaty was agreed upon between the United States and Mexico, but that it would be done in advance of a confirmation by the Senate. The ob ject of Ihis fund was lo enable the Mexican govern ment w pay ou aim seine wtin us army, ana us civil officers, and its priests, and thus to strengthen itself in the minds of Ihe people, and to prepare it for acting as its true policy demanded, in settling a peace and admitting tho justice of our claims ; and if there be any excess, as the Senator from North Carolina has said, in the amount of territory surrendered over the claims of our government, let us pay Mexico as we ought to do, a liberal allowance. Tho appropriolion was tlie re- fore for a legitimate object, and as far as designated to aid the Mexican government lo enter upon negotiations, or as far as the creditors of the government of Mexico would be required to be silenced it was human nature, and very proper human nature. If that was bribery, let the honest nations of Europe make the most of it. The treaty will be ratified before the money is paid the money is to be expended as the appropriation to Mr. Jef lemon in the purchase of Louisiana, or as the appropriation for the acquisition of Flo rida. Mr, Ih'STisnTow arose to ask a question. Mr. CitiTTKsiiKN rose about the same lime; but Mr. Cass not observing, or not hearing etthrr of the in, proceeded in his remarks, rr mar king, hy the way, uifti ne uiu noi now wnn io be interrupted by questions. Mr. Wfbstf.k next proposed to ask a question of the Senator from Michigan ; and because this wu tho turning point of the whole transaction, ( the payment of the money not until the ratification of the treaty.) Mr. Cass said that he was willing to hear what ev ery Senator had to say, and would sit down to hear him through, but he could answer no more questions. (Laughter.) There were only three ways in which the war could be terminated The first was to aban don the war the second was a defensive war the third was a regular, old fashioned war, such as had been in general practice from Ihe days of Adam down. The first plan, though not smong th things possible, is among the things proposed the second is altogether a different question. Air. Cass thereupon defined his objections to this line of defensive occupation to be, that it was a line of 2001) miles through an open country, along which our Bcnltered forces might readily be rut up in de tail oy masses oi the Mexicans Ihe Mexican snake would have the American eagle in his coils, and might stiike the proud bird at his leisure and his pleasure. You must stand still, while your enemy will be at perfect liberty lo assail you, and if he retreats, you are forbidden to pursue him. There is only one campaign in history comparable to this the campaign of Sysi-phus rolling the stone up the mountain. Like him, wc will never get the stone rolled up. x ou will never end tho war by a defensive line of four regiments and three military posts, along a route of iiOOO miles. W hy, sir, your pouts, will bo HK miles apart, and your military force, if drawn out along Una line, would innke almost the distance n a mile between every two men. You might as well attempt to blockade the coast of Europe with a single ship in the middle of tho Atlantic, or reduce the rock of Gibraller with a popgun. It would bo impossible to restrain our people, within this line it would be futile to attempt it, esgw-cially in a state of war. On the other hand, an offensive war was not, of necessity, a war of conquest. Our late war with Great Rritain was an offensive war nobodi expected to conquer Great Rritain it was a war to secure justice; and this offensive war against Mexico is of the same general class. Mr. Cass ob jected to the remarks ot Mr. Calhoun, yesterday, to ttie point that il the war were prolonged, we should neither be able to raise the men or money necessary to carry it on. Mr. Cass thought remarks of this kind badly timed pending our present relations with Mexico, because she wns advised of all tint was said and done in this capitol. He contended for the propriety of s continued offensive war with the view to the ends of justice, and a quick and honorable peace. He was in favor of levying contributions from tlie enemy. It was the practice of modern war. If our army were caught in the sickly regions of Mexico, on tlie return of the yellow fever, he would have it retiro beyond the reach of the epidemic; suspending, if necessary, for thu lime, all active operations. Tho lives of our people were too valuable, thus to be sacrificed. Mr. Cbss passed off into a rccnpitulntion of the recent wars of aggression of Great Britain snd France, with vari ous nations of tho smith and islands of the sea ; and then reverted to the causes and results ol the existing war with Mexico, and at length gave way, after thu moat comprehensive and rapacious scope of argument thnt we have heard upon the bill. Mr. Cottwi arose to speak, when by a desire Intimated, he gave way, and the Senate adjourned. (here any certainty you will reach Mexico by the end ! wc do goon and at the end of th ' fourth of fifth cnm-of this campaign ? Or if voti reach Mexico, i I here 1 naiiru. tin n comes the great nr.es lion. What are you far as these considerations are concerned, wo ought advantages. It gives us ample means to hu secured nny certainty you can dictate then? These are the questions win- h licit demand our consideration. Mr. 1 resident, this question involves very large considera tions. An offensive war looks ultimately to subduing the country, and taking that to be the ohject, we have scarcely commenced the Mexican war. It is true, we have acquired two-tlnrds of her territory, already in our ttcrupntion ; but let ua remember these two thirds were adjacent to us. Let us reincnilicr, further, that, in these two-thirds of her territory which to present a vivid picture of the mind comprise an area Isrger than thu whole magnigcent Valley of the Mississippi, hy about one hundred thousand square miles. There is ill this nn incline spare not more than six hundred thousand inhabitants. We have overrun the adptrent country, of Ihis vnnl extent, with such a population, hardly a man of whom joined the regular forces of Ihe enemy; and we vol possession Wlnt has been the result? Have we rmicilialed the Mexicans in lns vbnI region t Not stall. On the contrary, if accounts are to be believed, they are more hostile lo us than at brut more ready to Inkc advantage ot any mmfortune winch iniy helull us. I an we lioiu the country with out a large force? No. We must lake nlf several thousands of our liesl troops, to hold and defend Ihe country. Well, now, w hat have we done? We hnve scarcely approached Mexico proper. These are her exterior provinces hardly called Mexico scarcely belonging to Mexico as a Slate. Mexico pnqtcrC-on-sinls of those highlands of which the city may be said to U the center, and Ihe hill region, extending along the Gulf of Mexico, quite down to Yucatan, nnd the same leg, on extending along the I1 act lie, and eastern do with the territory? Can you incorporate it in your Union ? Can you bring in seven millions of people of a linrage and religion altogether different from our own, and having a consecrated and powerful priesthood ? No. Can we hold them as subjugated provinces? It would tie fatal to our institutions. It would involve most enormous expense, and a vast amount of Fxreutive power. Well, now, I put emphatically the great question, with all these views before you with no certainty be-fore you that either one end or another can be certainly reached, can you will you agree to carry on a war, simply to get Hint which you now hold, and ran so easily hold ? Whnl would be the result when you would reach the end of the fourth or firth campaign ? A debt of three or four hundred millions uf dollars ! You will have free trade put an end to for one generation, and for generations In come, in my opinion t And then, what an awful what an irreparable sacrifice of human life ! And all this to effect thai which may be most rendilv elfi cled by taking a defensive line. When I said tlicre wan a mysterious connexion Itctwern nor fate snd tbe Mexicani, I alluded to the great fact thai we can do nothing with Mexico if wo were to gn on and stibjugute her. It we incorporate her, we are destroyed if not, our institutions perish. In this view I hold this war to have been, in the first in stance, a great depnrturr from the true line of policy which 1 have agmn and again saut, is peace, n ib ours in grow and not to add by conquest And I hold that if we should he so unfortunate as to com mil the error now, instead of availing ourselves of the means of terminating this war by taking Ihe defensive poai- Gcnttraphy. Teacher. " Class in jogtaphy come forward. What it jography?" Mnt t'upil. Geogrilty is a description of the sun, moon, ami stars. T. "You can take your sent, and atay in after school's out. Jonathan Spriggina what is jography i" itt v " a tlrscripimn oi una united mates and Mexico." T. " How is the Umled Stntes bounded ?" P o Hounded on the North by the North Pole, on the Kat hy F.urope, Asia and Africa, on the South it is not bounded at nil, and on Ihe West by all Creation." I u 1 hat s a good boy you shall he elevated. What is the most remarkable production ?" ;itl r.t i.iye ankecs, puiikins ana lonacuer. T " What is said of Ihe inhabitants ?" 4ih P. "Tis sum) they're licking the Mexicans." T. "Where is Mexico?" p.o Down by Gen. Taylor." T. " How is it bounded ?" l'.-"tln the North by the American Army, on the Fast by the Yellow Fever and Commodore Conner, on Ihe South by enrthqunke and burning mountains, snd un tho West by Commodore Stockton." T " What is the chiel productions: p." Revolutions and changes in the government." T. What is the Government?" l" I.unnr it changes monthly." T What are the inhabitants remarkable for" fitbl'. " Locomotion." T. M You can dodge,'' Lyell, the geologist, assertB that there is more cot. ' in tlie single State of Illinois than in all F.urope.