In an interview with CBS news host Katie Couric, former British Prime Minister
Tony Blair said the change that's happening in Iran is "fundamental". Here
is the full transcript.

Hi everyone, I'm Katie Couric, and I'm here with a very special guest, Mr. Tony Blair, the former prime minister of the United Kingdom, who has agreed to give me some of his time for this online conversation. Now, I asked for questions on Twitter. We received a lot of smart ones.

I'll include some of those. And, of course, I have a few of my own. Mr. Blair, by the way, became Britain's youngest prime minister of the 20 century in 1997. And served in that role for ten years. And those were very eventful years at that. Mr. Blair, nice to see you. Thank you for coming by.

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I know it's Mr. Blair and not prime minister. Because I did a little research. And it's not the case that, once a prime minister, always a prime minister, is it?

TONY BLAIR:

No, we have-- we have a different-- sort of convention in the UK. So-- so when you stop being the prime minister you play mister or missus.

KATIE COURIC:

That's it. And, in fact, I know you get some grief sometimes when you go home, because here in the US, often, people refer to you as Prime Minister Blair. And they say - "Dude, you're no longer the prime minister."

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah, no, no, that's right. So-- so what happens is that, in America, they call you prime minister, and then the guys back home say, "He's under this delusion that he still is prime minister." And then when you say to the Americans, "Look, stop calling him prime minister," they say-- they sort of think maybe it's been so awful for him leaving that he can't handle the fact he's no longer prime minister.

KATIE COURIC:

Probably reading all sorts of things into every-- everything. Well, let me start by asking you, Mr. Blair, about Iran. Because, obviously, that's very much in the headlines. I'm sure in the UK as well as here in this country. There was another bloody clash today, apparently, outside of parliament.

Although, it's hard to get accurate news information because so many western reporters have been banned. Do you think that Moussavi, the opposition leader, should encourage these protests, or try to stop them, in order to save lives?

TONY BLAIR:

I think he's-- he-- he-- he's gonna make the calculation, and they've gotta may-- make the calculation on the ground. I mean, I can't-- I can't second guess that from here. I mean, what I do think is that the-- the change that's happening there is-- fundamental.

I think it's-- symbolizes something that's happening across the whole of the region. And I think that, even if the regime managed to suppress this expression of popular will now, I think its roots have gone down. And-- those will-- will bear fruit again in the future.

KATIE COURIC:

I know that-- that Iran's supreme leader, Khamenei, told Iranian lawmakers Iran will, quote, "Not give into pressures over the disputed election." So, clearly, from your first answer, this isn't the end of it. But how do you see events unfolding in Iran? I know it's very difficult to predict. But as someone who has-- a wealth of experience in foreign policy. What do you envision happening?

TONY BLAIR:

I think in-- in-- I mean, it's really hard to judge from a distance. But I think, probably, what will happen is that-- that the regime, which still controls, through-- through the Revolutionary Guard-- the force in the country. So I think they're going to try to manage this out.

Suppress it where they need to. Try and make sure that-- in so far as possible that they-- they just hope that it kind of goes away. Now, the-- it might be-- suppressed. But it's not going to be eradicated because it obviously is-- an expression of popular will.

And-- and the people that have come out on the street, it-- it's been different from anything I've seen in Iran for many, many years. And, as I say, this is part, I think, of a change that's happening across the whole of the region. Where-- where the people who-- who-- who want their countries to-- to come part of the modern world, and part of the 21st century, are starting to find their voice expressed. Their-- their-- their sentiments and their feelings. And-- and are determined and passionate about it, as they should be.

KATIE COURIC:

But how do they go from peaceful protest to actual change?

TONY BLAIR:

I don't know. And you never know in these situations. You know, you just never know when something tips over. When there's a critical mass behind it. When the authorities themselves start to feel that they can't control the situation.

Now, in Iran, at the moment, as I say, the-- the-- the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, they're gonna come down. And they made it clear they're gonna come down very hard. So-- it's hard to see how this evolves then over the next period of time. But I think the-- the-- the-- there are two questions.

First of all-- what can we do to-- to-- to give the people there some-- some sense of their-- solidarity being expressed with them in the rest of the world without interfering in Iran's internal affairs, etcetera. But how-- how do we do that?

And I think, actually, that is almost happening spontaneously from around the region and the-- the wider world. With people giving voice to their own support for them. But I think the second thing, which is really-- difficult, is what happens if this regime then squeezes it down, regains, you know, full control, and then continues to do what the international community and what people in the region have been objecting to it doing, which is acquiring nuclear weapons capability, and continuing to export chaos and instability through terrorism.

KATIE COURIC:

I-- I want to ask you about the latest statements or positions by-- by the Iranian government. Basically accusing Britain of stirring the pot, if you will. (UNINTEL) these-- these protests. What's your reaction to that?

TONY BLAIR:

Well, I mean, it's ludicrous. And it doesn't-- I mean, I don't think anyone seriously believes it. I mean, maybe--

KATIE COURIC:

Where's it coming from?

TONY BLAIR:

Well, I think it goes back a long way, you know. I mean, the history of-- as-- as you know, when you're out there in the region, the history of Britain stretches-- (LAUGHTER) over all-- over all of those countries. And it may be possibly as well that-- that they feel-- going head on on America is maybe too-- too tough, so they-- they-- they use Britain as a proxy.

But-- I-- I mean, I-- you know, what does it mean? It means nothing. I mean, it's got no credibility. And the idea that Britain's trying to ferment this, or that anyone actually could-- never mind Britain, America could ferment it, nobody could-- ferment it. It's an expression of popular will. It's-- and-- and it-- it arises out of the fact that people simply don't believe the election result.

KATIE COURIC:

The Iranian government has also suggested there-- or the theocracy, really, that they're considering downgrading their relationship with Great Britain. And then there's been this tit for tat-- Iran expelled two UK diplomats. Prime Minister Brown responded by expelling two Iranians. How are-- how concerned are you, though, about this rising tension between these two countries?

TONY BLAIR:

I think the tension-- which has always really been there, for some time-- is there as-- as a consequence of the situation on the Iranian street and the nervousness of the regime. I don't think it's there for any other reason. So I don't know.

I mean, I-- I suspect that will play itself out as this-- as this whole popular uprising plays itself out. But-- but the reason why this is happening in Iran is-- is very simple. I mean, you know what it's like in election time. You know, you-- you-- you don't go and check the ballot boxes.

I don't go and check the ballot boxes. But you get a sense of what is happening in a country. And plainly what-- what people had in Iran was a sense that there was a popular movement for change, that change was coming. And then they're told that-- that actually-- Ahmadinejad is back with a two to one majority. And people just say, "Well, this-- this-- this doesn't tally with my sense and my feeling about it." And that's what's given rise to this. And it's-- it's been an-- I don't think it's been planned or fermented by anybody.

KATIE COURIC:

The Republicans here, some Republicans here, have criticized President Obama for being timid and passive in his response. Although he got some props yesterday for using stronger language like outraged and-- and appalled. And we've got a Twitter question, actually. JSempey asked, "What is Mr. Blair's opinion on how President Obama has handled the situation in Iran?"

TONY BLAIR:

Well, he's balancing it, isn't he? 'Cause if he-- he-- when a situation like this happens what the Iranian regime will be looking for is what external-- enemy can we seize upon in order to divert attentions. Probably why they've-- they've started using this-- this rhetoric and doing these things in respect to Britain.

So, obviously, what President Obama is-- is-- is trying to do is to balance the fact that, of course, he feels in-- a sense of outrage about it. But to what extent is his expression of that going to be counterprodu-- productive. Well, he's going to balance that day by day. And-- to-- to be honest, I don't think that is the critical question. I think the critical question is what do we do?

KATIE COURIC:

Well, that's the question I was going to follow up with. Because isn't it true the US, and for that matter Great Britain, and many other countries, their hands are tied. They really can't do that much to either, A, influence the outcome of the election, or, B, have an impact on-- on-- on this crackdown. What-- what can they do?

TONY BLAIR:

I-- I-- I think you're right. I don't think there is, in-- in the short term, at least, a great deal that can be done. But I think what-- what it doesn't signify is that, when we then come to-- to the broader question of engagement in dealing with the-- the Iranian regime, then obviously it-- it is going to be part of the background to that is the knowledge that this-- you had this election that seems extremely-- difficult to understand. And then you have the crackdown. So I think, in-- in the medium and longer term, what it will signify is probably a hardening of our position against the regime.

KATIE COURIC:

Which-- which is kind of a shame, when you think about it. If you believe that President Obama's approach of at least, you know, low level negotiations about Iran's nuclear capabilities is-- are the-- you know, is the right step for the future, it seems to me that that's been taken off the table as the result of these events.

TONY BLAIR:

Well, I'm not sure it's been taken off the table. In other words, I think--

KATIE COURIC:

For now, anyway.

TONY BLAIR:

Well, I think what people will-- will do, however, is that, if they come to the table, they're going to come to the table with-- a certain sense of what the events of the past-- couple of weeks mean about the nature of this regime.

KATIE COURIC:

So if you were negotiating, what would you say? What-- what, you know, how would it change your approach your knowledge?

TONY BLAIR:

I-- I-- I think it-- it would change the approach in this way-- because, after all, the-- the single most important thing for us is to bring about a situation in which they don't acquire nuclear weapons capability, and they stop exporting this chaos and instability around the region.

So your-- your negotiating objective is the same as it was before. The difficultly, when you're coming to the table, the negotiating table, though, is that-- you-- there is ano-- another dimension to the character of the regime that you've just had a graphic illustration of.

KATIE COURIC:

They haven't done a lot to engender your trust, in other words.

TONY BLAIR:

Exactly.

KATIE COURIC:

In retrospect, do you-- do you think there should have been international monitors for this election? Could there have been? Would that have been permitted?

TONY BLAIR:

Well, I-- I don't for a moment think that the-- (NOISE) the-- the Iranian regime would have wanted that. And remember, of course, that they-- they-- the number of candidates that even are-- on the basis they hold the election. I mean, those candidates are heavily-- you know, controlled. And so the-- the actual--

KATIE COURIC:

They narrowed it down--

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. That they--

KATIE COURIC:

-- down to four people.

TONY BLAIR:

Absolutely. They-- they-- they-- they slimmed the candidates down. So it's not, even in its own terms, it's not a fully free election. Which makes the outcome, and then the popular expression-- so much more dramatic in a sense, and so much more telling.

KATIE COURIC:

What do you think the impact of the death of Neda Agha-Soltan, that 27 year old beautiful Iranian girl, who was apparently shot in the chest, and she has become symbolic of this struggle, and this new revolution, if you will. What impact do you think she'll have on the international conversation about this?

TONY BLAIR:

I think she is the-- the-- the face of that. And the expression of it. And also the reaction that you've seen, not just around the world, but most particularly in-- in-- in the Muslim world-- and in the Arab world, I think, is very interesting. Because, you know, there is-- a sense amongst the whole younger generation of people, in these countries, that, as I was saying earlier, they-- their-- their view is-- is that-- there is the chance now of a new partnership with the west.

Of an opening up. Of an engagement by their countries with the modern world, with the 21st century. Where people get greater freedom, greater choice, greater ability to-- to interact with others. And all of that is-- is fueling this.

And-- and-- and in her, in a sense, you-- you-- you know, in-- in one sense-- as these things sometimes happen, a face is then put on that-- that-- that movement. So I-- I think her-- the difference-- she will have made will-- will-- in-- historical terms, I think, be-- be quite significant.

KATIE COURIC:

How much do you think-- President Obama's election-- influenced this feeling in Iran? Or is that typical US hubris to even think so? I'm just wondering.

TONY BLAIR:

No. No. I don't think it is. I mean, I think that-- I-- look, I think all those-- those feelings are there. And there in any event. But I think-- and there's no commentary on-- on the American election. But it's just that, at this moment in time, for him to come on the scene-- being as he is, and-- speaking as he does, and having the background that he does, it's-- it's-- maybe hard to see from the outside, if you're an American see it from the outside perspective, what-- a revolutionary change that was.

And, you know, I mean, I-- obviously, I'm out in the Middle East a lot, and out in-- out in that region. And-- I would say that, you know, before the American election, you know, large numbers of leaders in that region said to me, "There's no way they'll elect Obama. It just won't happen. America won't do that."

And then it does. And then they say, "Hmm, that's interesting." (LAUGHTER) And, for the people, you know, and I-- and particularly after his speech in Cairo, which-- which I think, you know, has-- has had a really, really significant impact. Then you see the election in Lebanon-- with Hezbollah pushed back.

You see, in Kuwait, for example, an election recently, the first women members of parliament being elected. You know, right round the region there is a sense of-- of change. Now, as I say, the difficulty is further down the line-- the-- the-- the tough challenges and tough decisions-- abound. But, for the moment, that sense of-- of hope, that spirit of possibility is there.

KATIE COURIC:

You know, I-- I get the fact that President Obama and the-- the White House has to be cautious and careful about what-- what message they deliver to Iran. They don't want-- they keep saying this is an Iranian problem. You know, this isn't about the US or the west.

On the other hand, do you think that some of these young protestors, who so believe in a just system-- you know, fair-- free and fair elections, are-- are-- are slightly deflated that this man, Barack Obama, who's being-- become such a symbol worldwide, doesn't express more solidarity with them?

TONY BLAIR:

Do-- do you know what I think? I actually think they're smart enough to realize he's got a difficult tactical decision. I think they'll know exactly what he thinks. You know, I mean I don't think any of those people out in the street in Iran, who, incidentally, are-- are-- are utterly in touch to the internet and elsewhere with the modern world, I-- I-- I-- I think they will-- that they will completely understand that he's trying to manage a situation in which he obviously is-- is supportive of them, but doesn't want to end up in a situation where his attack on the regime is then used as a reason to-- to act against them.

KATIE COURIC:

Right. Makes things worse for them.

TONY BLAIR:

And-- and, you know, I remember, the reason I have a certain sympathy for this, is that when-- elections used to happen in Zimbabwe-- you know, with-- with Mugabe, I had precisely this tactical dilemma. Because if I came in and said what I thought, which the whole thing was a big outrage, he was-- you know, brutal monstrous dictator, and so on and so forth, it was immediately used against his opposition.

And so I was-- and people were saying, "Well, why aren't you speaking out?" And the-- the reason was not that anybody in Zimbabwe was under any doubt as to what I thought, or I was just trying to manage the situation. I think he's trying to do the same. So, personally, I think if we were gonna focus our attention on-- on what is the key strategic challenge at the moment, it's not what he says-- in the next few days. It's what we say and do in the next few months.

KATIE COURIC:

Do you think John McCain and Lindsay Graham should back off of their criticism of him? (NOISE)

TONY BLAIR:

I'm-- you know--

KATIE COURIC:

Come on.

TONY BLAIR:

Look, I-- I-- I find it hard enough to avoid getting drawn into British politics without getting drawn into your (UNINTEL). I-- I don't-- you know--

KATIE COURIC:

I'm gonna try with-- try on that in a little bit. But before we--

TONY BLAIR:

All right.... right away.

KATIE COURIC:

--just one last question of-- one-- one last question about Iran. I mean, speaking of-- you know, how in touch these demonstrators and protestors are, are you amazed-- here we are, and the role of technology and-- and how-- what it's playing in-- in basically disseminating this story all over the world, despite the fact they've clamped down on any semblance of a free press there?

TONY BLAIR:

No, 'cause this is the world. I mean, this is the change. You know, in my-- foundation, the-- which is about religious faith, and getting different faiths to work together, and so on and so forth.

KATIE COURIC:

And I-- we're gonna talk about that.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. You have no idea the power of the new technology is just extraordinary. And you-- you get-- an immense feedback. You know, you make a speech on religious faith you have vast feedback straight away. From all sorts of different strange parts of the world, and places you think, you know, I mean, I was in Afghanistan-- last week. And even there, it was a very poor country, very difficult. I mean, people were telling me they're out in the-- the villages and town. People are in touch with the world.

Do-- does any of-- the-- the things you get on the internet, do they scare you? And-- or-- or-- not-- not--

TONY BLAIR:

Yes.

KATIE COURIC:

--from a security standpoint, but in terms of how people--

TONY BLAIR:

The thinking?

KATIE COURIC:

Yeah.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. Absolutely. Yeah. Yep. And one of the-- the couples for this, too, is that-- is that people have a natural appetite for conspiracy theories. And that's a bit dangerous too.

KATIE COURIC:

And the kinds of things they're able to write-- under the cloak of anonymity.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. I think, you know, I think there's a whole-- there-- there are huge advantages of this information revolution. And they far outweigh the disadvantages. But the disadvantages are there.

KATIE COURIC:

Let's talk about-- the West Bank. Because I know you recently returned from there. Give us a sense of what is really happening on the ground. What are the practical daily roadblocks to peace in that region?

TONY BLAIR:

The problem with-- with the-- Israel/Palestine issue, and incidentally this is absolutely fundamentally critical to dealing with Iran, in my view.

KATIE COURIC:

And into-- to so many other places where there's unrest in the region, right?

TONY BLAIR:

Correct.

KATIE COURIC:

I know you believe that. And I've heard that time and time again from various leaders in the Mideast.

TONY BLAIR:

It's-- it's all part of one picture. And this is very critical to-- but here-- here's what I think is the issue. To negotiate a Palestinian state the-- you have to resolve some very difficult issues. I mean, what is the precise territory? The degree to which-- it's based on the 1967 borders and so on and so forth.

Jerusalem, right of return, etcetera. But the-- the-- the problem-- the on the ground problem, when you're there, in what is a very small strip of land, you know, if you're standing on the Jordan side you can look out into Israel-- over the whole of the West Bank.

So it's a small strip of land. And each side has its, what I call, on the ground reality concern. And the on the ground reality concern of the Israelis is security. In Gaza, which is down-- in-- in-- in the south, the-- the rockets that are fired out of Gaza, I mean, they're-- terrible for the Israeli population in-- in the nearby towns.

But there's-- there's-- there's-- at least, at the moment, there's a limit to the damage that can be done. But the Israelis believe if you end up getting that type of attack coming-- on the West Bank, which is right next door to the main centers of population of Israel, then that's unacceptable.

So the-- the Israeli's can-- on the ground reality concern is security. The Palestinian concern is the occupation. Because the Israelis, partly because they-- they believe there is this security threat on the West Bank, they've therefore got roadblocks and checkpoints and a whole web of-- restrictions on what the Palestinians can do and what they regard as their own territory.

And-- and what this means is that, for the economy, for example, it can be difficult for the economy to grow. It's difficult to get permissions to do things. Goods can take a long time to transport around, because you've got the roadblocks and checkpoints and so on.

So the on the ground concern of the Palestinians is the occupation. And that's why the key to resolving this is that you've got to try and build this from the bottom up. Build the Palestinian security capability to take account of the Israeli security concern. And ensure that, as that is done, the Israelis lift the weight of occupation. Start removing these checkpoints. Deal with these issues like settlements so that the Palestinians get the run of it.

KATIE COURIC:

Is it gonna happen?

TONY BLAIR:

It-- yes. I think it-- it-- it-- well, is it gonna happen? Yes, I think it-- it can happen. It should happen.

KATIE COURIC:

Will it happen though?

TONY BLAIR:

And will it happen? It-- I-- I hope so. I--

KATIE COURIC:

Are you optimistic about Benjamin Netanyahu kind of making that overture, even though they attached quite a few caveats to the two state solution?

TONY BLAIR:

I mean, I think that's important. Because it means we're all heading in the same direction, two states. But there's-- a lot of tough detailed work to be done. And it--

KATIE COURIC:

Is enough being done now?

TONY BLAIR:

It-- the-- the new administration in America for sure, and this is the-- this is the big difference is-- it started at the beginning. I mean, actually, what the last-- American administration did to enable this process is-- is not to be dismissed, in fact.

It was-- it was-- it was important. But the fact that President Obama started this at the beginning. Secretary of State Clinton, obviously, knows the issue-- inside out. Jim Jones, who's the national security advisor, was someone I was working with in the Palestinian territory last year. And, of course-- Senator Mitchell I worked with on the Northern Ireland peace process. I mean, these are all smart, good, capable people who know this issue inside out. So that's what should give us hope.

KATIE COURIC:

Well, good negotiators. But you have to have willing parties.

TONY BLAIR:

Correct. And-- the problem on the Israelis side is, you know, are they really prepared to make those changes necessary? And the problem on the Palestinian side, of course, is the split between West Bank and Gaza and the divisions-- on-- on the Palestinian side. Having said all of that, it is possible to do. Precisely in a way because it is a small strip of land. You know, it's not impossible to do this.

KATIE COURIC:

Let me ask you another Twitter question about the perception of America abroad. Terry Gay asks, "How does Mr. Blair feel the world's general impression of the US has changed after electing President Obama?" You sort of answered that question. So since you have a limited amount of time, don't take too long answering this now.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah, yeah. I'm sorry-- I mean, the answer is it's given people-- a fresh look at America in a different way. That's a positive.

KATIE COURIC:

Okay. And that's a good short answer.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah.

KATIE COURIC:

Let me ask you about both men. Would you compare President Obama to President Bush in terms of leadership style? From what you've been able to glean, knowing both men.

TONY BLAIR:

Well, as-- as I always say, I mean, I worked very closely with President Bush. And I think he took some very difficult and very courageous decisions. And my view of this is that if you like, these problems require a combination of the hard and the soft power.

You know. So if we are thinking about how we deal with the-- the problems of the region we're talking about, you know, we're not gonna win in Afghanistan, and we wouldn't have won in Iraq, unless we'd stood up and been prepared to fight our ground with the necessary hard power.

But, in the end, we know, that diplomacy is also a major part of this package. Which is why the Israel/Palestine question is so important. So what I would say is that, I mean, I think, you know, the-- the-- obviously the two people are very different. We're very different approaches. But, actually, it's the combination of the hard and soft power that will be the solution to this region.

KATIE COURIC:

If-- if the US-- the image of the US has been-- improved significantly, around the world, with the election of Barack Obama, does that sort of follow that President Bush wasn't good for the image of the US worldwide?

TONY BLAIR:

It-- what is true is that he was... as-- as-- as I was. A figure of-- of great controversy. But I also think it's just worth considering, if you look, for example, at what is happening in Iran today, and then you think how would that be happening in the same way were Saddam still running Iraq, that's an interesting debate.

You know, so, I mean, I wouldn't ignore the fact that for the first time, for example, once Saddam was removed, you were getting pilgrims coming from Iran into Iraq. You were-- you-- you-- you know, people can see that it-- for all its challenges and difficulties, Iraq actually is-- is a democracy. So--

KATIE COURIC:

You also have a lot more al Qaeda in Iraq too.

TONY BLAIR:

Yes. Although, actually, as a result of what American forces and the British forces have done, I think they have been, actually, beaten back significantly.

KATIE COURIC:

But the Anbar awakening, and the Sunnis, and the US and--

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. Yeah. But also the fact that-- that, and this will be exactly the challenge we face in Afghanistan, they-- they-- they-- they met-- a determination to stand up and-- and-- and fight back.

KATIE COURIC:

We received-- a couple of questions about American domestic issues. And-- and I was actually interested in hearing you talk about this as well. Sarah 718, that's her log on, asks, on Twitter.

TONY BLAIR:

I thought you were gonna ask me on-- there was an issue called Sarah 718. I was thinking what's that?

KATIE COURIC:

You were thinking what bill was that? "What lessons can you give Americans in terms of the challenges and benefits of nationalized health care?"

TONY BLAIR:

I took over in-- in 1997. The-- an underinvested in health care system, but it was very monolithic. And we had a mantra there which was we had to put the necessary money in, but we had to reform the system. And my own view is that the system that works best is a system that-- if you like, has-- obviously, our system is-- has got universal spread in the UK.

But we had to reform it very substantially to make it more efficient, more competitive, to give the patients more choice. And, you know, I-- I-- I don't think it's quite a stark a choice as people sometimes make out between, as it were, you know, you've got this American health care system here, and this absolutely state run--

KATIE COURIC:

Socialistic. Yeah.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. Yeah. It-- it's-- I mean, we found that we have the benefits and-- in the British National Health Service. We made a lot of reforms. Made a lot of changes. And a lot of improvements as a result. But we only did it by actually reforming some of that-- those aspects of the state run service. And actually introducing the private sector into some parts of our-- our health care.

KATIE COURIC:

Are you happy with the current system as it stands?

TONY BLAIR:

In the UK?

KATIE COURIC:

Yeah.

TONY BLAIR:

Yes. I mean, I think that we-- you know, the reform program has, I mean, the interesting thing is our health care system was the biggest issue. Or certainly one of them. One of the very biggest issues around 1997, around 2001, and then suddenly not so much. And I think that's a consequence of the-- of the system having improved pretty-- pretty radically, actually.

KATIE COURIC:

But you think universal health care is a good idea for the United States?

TONY BLAIR:

That's up to you. Look, I don't particularly-- I don't-- I don't decide your politics.

KATIE COURIC:

No, but you have an opinion on that.

TONY BLAIR:

No. Look I-- I-- I--

KATIE COURIC:

I mean, you know about skyrocketing health costs. You know about--

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah, of course.

KATIE COURIC:

--all the issues about health care.

TONY BLAIR:

And-- and, in the UK, you know, that's the system we want. And, obviously, I think, you know, I'm-- I've always had the belief, personally, that-- that access to decent health care should be there even if you're poor or destitute. So I think it's important.

But-- you know, how you reform your system, that's up to you. And, honestly, I'm not an expert on it. All I can tell you is the interesting thing, I think, is that what most countries around the world are trying to do today is to combine the universal nature of the state run system, right, the universal coverage of the state run system--

KATIE COURIC:

With some choice.

TONY BLAIR:

--with the more flexible, competitive, choice based system that is in there in-- in-- in private insurance. That's what I think the-- you know, that's the kind of-- alchemist stone that people are looking for.

KATIE COURIC:

Let me ask you about some domestic issues brewing back in the UK. Will you speak publicly about the fiscal scandal in parliament? Two hundred members accused of misusing funds met for secondary homes.

TONY BLAIR:

I-- look, I'm really sorry Katie, I just don't-- I don't-- I don't comment on UK politics anymore. And-- I-- I don't-- the-- the reason I don't is-- is I-- I said, when I left office--

KATIE COURIC:

This isn't about, you know, Gordon Brown.

TONY BLAIR:

I know.

KATIE COURIC:

This is about all these--

TONY BLAIR:

But another thing I say, I mean, I-- I've learned that anything I say is-- kind of-- as they say-- is-- taken down and used in evidence-- against me in terms of interference in UK politics. And it's a tough enough job for the people who I've left behind in government-- without me interfering in it.

KATIE COURIC:

Is that position informed by the fact that John Major used to take shots at you when you were prime minister? And did that really bug the heck out of you?

Well it-- completely irks me. But I just don't-- I don't think it's sensible for-- for people to do that. I mean, look, I-- I-- I sat in the chair. I did the job. I know how tough it is. It's really difficult. You get... thrown at you all day.

It's a tremendous privilege, don't misunderstand me, but it's tough. Really tough. And it doesn't need the guy who did do the job coming along afterwards and giving-- so called great advice. Which is just basically a way of undermining the person who's doing it. I-- I-- I don't approve of it. And I-- I will-- I've always made it clear, even if there's a change of government in the UK, and obviously I hope there's not-- then I-- I don't intend doing it-- to anyone party.

KATIE COURIC:

Iraq. Turning back to Iraq-- Mr. Brown-- Mr. Blair. Sorry, I just called you for-- Mr. Brown. Turning back to Iraq, Mr. Blair, Britain soon begins its inquiry, as you know, into mistakes made before and during the war. Do you think these hearings should be open to the public? Because, in published reports, they claim that you want them to be held behind closed doors.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. Look, when people say to me, I mean, "Are you sort of worried about giving-- evidence-- or-- or making statements or being questioned about Iraq in public?" I'm questioned about Iraq in public the whole time. I have been for years. But the important thing about the inquiry is it's actually about the lessons learned. And that's what we should do. I-- it's not-- it's not-- a political rerunning of the-- the old debate.

KATIE COURIC:

Yeah, but you have to kind of look at the past--

TONY BLAIR:

Of course you do.

KATIE COURIC:

--in order to understand the lessons learned.

TONY BLAIR:

And that's exactly-- of course. And that's exactly what they'll do. And if-- if-- if-- the inquiry want me to appear in public I'm-- you know, I do it all the time. I mean, I'm doing it now.

KATIE COURIC:

You're perfectly content to have it open.

TONY BLAIR:

Absolutely.

KATIE COURIC:

And for the public. A Twitter user named, I don't know how to say that, what would you say?

TONY BLAIR:

I'll have to get on my glasses. What is that?

KATIE COURIC:

Ro-- Rogebochka. That's--

TONY BLAIR:

What is it?

KATIE COURIC:

I'm not sure.

TONY BLAIR:

I don't know. What-- what-- what-- what's--

KATIE COURIC:

I don't know either. But, anyway, asks, "Why did you stay in lockstep with the Bush administration, even though it cost you politically?" You know, you were called Bush's poodle, much to your dismay, I'm sure, for a while there, during the run-up to the war, and the invasion of Iraq. And I guess the question is why-- why did you-- why were you so loyal to President Bush in terms of his position on Iraq?

TONY BLAIR:

Because I believed in it. And I believed that it was in my country's interest, after September the 11th, to be shoulder to shoulder with America. I stuck to that position. I believed that-- we were right to take a completely different view of the security risks our country faced. And, in the end-- you know, you-- politics is-- is-- politics is a business in which, ultimately, there's no point in being in it unless you do what you believe. Now, that's not to say we don't all make our little compromises and--

KATIE COURIC:

Deals with the devil.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. And-- and-- all of that stuff. And, you know, I-- of course, I'm-- I'm not sitting here playing Mr. Naïve in terms of-- of the-- of the business of politics and the-- and the-- the difficult side of it. But, on an issue like this, you do what you believe.

And I always made it clear I believed definitively that after September the 11th we had to take a completely different view of the security threat that we had. And we had to act. And we had to be prepared to stand up and fight for what we believe in. And--

KATIE COURIC:

Even though there were no WMDs, you still feel it's a right-- it was the right thing to do.

TONY BLAIR:

Yes. Because I think, if you look at the region today, and you ask would this be a more stable region if Saddam Hussein's were still running around, my answer to that is no. And the fact that-- that-- that-- you know, we-- we removed Saddam after two months. We then spent years fighting the exact same forces that we're fighting all over that region. And-- when they were fighting us we should be as we were, and-- your troops were, and our troops, prepared to stand up and fight back.

KATIE COURIC:

I've heard you defend Iraq, and I'm just curious, 'cause I know-- never hear anyone follow up with the question what about the notion that the war in Iraq was the biggest recruiting tool al Qaeda could have asked for?

TONY BLAIR:

My answer to that is that the day we end up believing that when we get rid of a brutal dictator, give the people the-- the chance to vote for a democracy, put a vast amount of aid behind it, that we are recruiting people to terrorism is the day that we've got our values absolutely upside-down.

The people who are responsible for the terrorism in Iraq, in Afghanistan, all over the region, are the terrorists. And when we go in there, and we actually offer people a different start, and a new way of life, and they vote for it, which they did-- you know, we're not provoking terrorism.

And instantly the people who are the victims of those terrorists are their fellow Muslims. So the-- these-- the people who drive car bombs into crowded markets and blow up the first 50 people they see, I mean-- we're-- nobody's provoking that.

KATIE COURIC:

Final Twitter question, which I'm hoping you can just mention what you're doing with Faith to Faith and your faith foundation. Number 2L asks, "What does-- Mr. Blair do on a normal day now that he's not in office?" And I'm assuming much of your time is spent on your faith foundation. Can you briefly explain to people what you're doing? 'Cause it sounds like you're doing some incredible things.

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah. I mean, two great things that we're doing with our foundation was about bringing religious faiths together is, one, we're linking up schools across the world. Of different faiths. So that as part of their religious and-- or cultural education.

Kids in different countries across the faith divide get the chance to interact with each other, and learn about each other, and learn about each other's faith and so on. Which is-- which is one thing. And we got 15 countries involved now, and another 17 are applying-- to come as part of the program.

And that's a fantastic program. It's gonna be really, really important, I think. And the second thing we're doing is we're partnering the-- the United Nations Anti-Malaria Campaign. Mobilizing faith communities in wealthy part of the world-- to-- to help the fight against malaria.

And, in Africa, where a million people die every year, preventably (PH), from-- from-- from malaria, the majority of them children, we're mobilizing the faith communities. So that, even where there isn't a health clinic or a hospital for people to go to-- you've got a church or a mosque in every village where people can come to and get the bed nets and the medicines and the health education. And so, you know, we're-- we're-- this is all part of showing that, actually, religious faith can be a positive, constructive and progressive force in the 21st century. It doesn't have to end up with us all fighting each other.

KATIE COURIC:

Can you really penetrate the extremism that exists though?

TONY BLAIR:

Yeah, you can. Of course you can. And one of the ways of inoculating people against this extremism is, at an early age, to have kids understand what the other's about. So if I'm a, you know, I'm brought up a Christian, I never knew anything about Islam.

Now I-- I-- my-- in my adulthood, and I'm learning about Islam, it's fascinating. And I see so many common roots and common heritage and so many common values. You know, it-- it's-- it's-- the-- the world that we're creating today, which is a world driven by the force of globalization, is pushing people together. In that world, religious faith can be a positive, it can be a humanizing force, it can actually show us how people can exist together peacefully, or it can become, and in some cases is, destructive, sectarian and divisive.

KATIE COURIC:

Well, thanks so much for actually stopping by, and spending some time talking with us. It's always a pleasure to hear your--

TONY BLAIR:

Thank you.

KATIE COURIC:

--your viewpoints. And-- are you enjoying not being prime minister anymore? It must be kind of liberating.

TONY BLAIR:

It-- well, it is in a way, yeah. I mean, it-- and, also, the great thing is you focus on what you want to focus on. You know, when-- when you're prime minister you focus on whatever comes across your desk.

KATIE COURIC:

Thanks all of you for watching. I'll see you later on the CBS Evening News. And, of course, you can always follow us on Twitter, You Tube and Facebook. For Mr. Blair, Matthew and me, Katie Couric, see you later.