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Overview

Thomas Paine's Common Sense first appeared on January 10, 1776, and the stroke of luck it enjoyed upon its appearance could hardly have been calculated to greater effect. The political tract immediately became the moral and intellectual touchstone for American colonists struggling to articulate their case for independence from England. It sold over 120,000 copies within three months of its publication.

The United States of America owes its existence in part to the incendiary brilliance of the work. Common Sense challenged the authority of the British government and the royal monarchy and was the first document to openly ask for independence.

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About the Author

Thomas Paine was an English-American political activist, philosopher, political theorist, and revolutionary.

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Introduction

Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.

As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.

In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.

The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpatingthe Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the

author.

P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.

Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle.

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776

Of the origin and design of government in general. With concise remarks on the English constitution.

Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher.

Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence;1 the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistably obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.

In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die.

Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.

Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of Regulations, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat.

But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number; and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the elected might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed.

Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.

I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England.2 That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was over-run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.

Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine.

I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.

First.—The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.

Secondly.—The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.

Thirdly.—The new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.

To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.

To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things.

First.—That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy.

Secondly.—That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!

There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.

Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist.

But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se;3 for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time.

That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places and pensions4 is self-evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the will of the king is as much the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First,5 hath only made kings more subtle—not more just.

Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.6

An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.

Table of Contents

Common Sense

1

Agrarian Justice

79

Editorial Reviews

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Library Journal

"No writer has exceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation, and in simple and unassuming language." -Thomas Jefferson

Most Helpful Customer Reviews

I find the book itself to be an interesting historical read. What I do not like is how the introduction is written with the author's opinion which is 26 pages long. I think this is far too long and can sway how the reader takes some of what Thomas Paine means in his writting. If a company wants to reprint a book, it should be printed the way it was originally printed. If someone wants to add an introduction, it should not be telling what the writter means politically, or otherwise. Keep your political/cultural opinions to yourself.

Kei

More than 1 year ago

Every library must contain this book. This is a must read for anyone High School age or older to understand the freedoms each American Citizen is supposed to have today, and why it is his duty to pass them along to succeeding generations.

CindylouDP

More than 1 year ago

This should be required reading for all HS students.It's not a fast read but one of the most important. We will see what our founders wanted - a true Republic-the power belongs to the people NOT the government.Are we now giving up our power to the government?

Guest

More than 1 year ago

One of the finest works ever penned. With the eloquence of Shakespeare and the fury of a firebrand preacher, Paine rails against tyranny and monarchy while espousing the virtues of freedom, independence and representative government. Written in January of 1776 at the onset of the Revolutionary War, Common Sense brought to print with naked prejudice the unspoken sentiment that America's day had come and independence was her rightful state. Highly recommended for those eager to learn more about America's heritage and founding ideals.

Anonymous

More than 1 year ago

Where have all the great people gone. Thomas Paines Common Sense is still relevant today, every one should read it. I will be reading all his other books.

BrownieGA

More than 1 year ago

These are the words that set US apart from all other nations! It should be read, and if already read, re-read it. We have a republic not a democracy.

newmexicobob

More than 1 year ago

Thomas Paine provides a very simple, direct and non-partisan argument for limited government and against career politicians. This book offers a very insightful perspective into the thought processes of our founding fathers. It truly illuminates how far we have drifted, nearly 180 degrees, from the original concepts that were the foundation for our great nation. I strongly believe that this book is an essential read for every American!

RolfDobelli

More than 1 year ago

In Philadelphia in early 1776, Thomas Paine (1737-1809) anonymously published a booklet called Common Sense. His impassioned plea for American independence and his anti-government tirade directed at King George III sold 100,000 copies within three months. Eventually, a half-million copies circulated in an America with only two million literate citizens. Paine's clear, concise writing, intended for the masses, sacrifices no rhetorical grandeur. As contemporary Americans look back to their Founding Fathers for inspiration, Paine's reasoned, ardent words carry even greater meaning. getAbstract highly recommends this building block of the United States of America to all modern students of history.

JennyWren

More than 1 year ago

Anyone interested in understanding how it has come to be that many feel the United States is well on it's way to becoming a socialist society should read Common Sense. Does society drive government, or does government drive the development of our society.
Gives great insigtht into the minds that formed this nation. One for the permanent library and to spark an interesting conversation.

Guest

More than 1 year ago

This is what a true patriot should read! And best of all it is written for the rights of all people, by a radical (for his time) yet very intelligent Englishman. Hats off to Mr. Paine!

Guest

More than 1 year ago

Common Sense is the best explaination to the fight for American Independence. Every reason for the break is stated so elequently in Common Sense, and the Student of the American Revolution needs this book to understand the heart of the matter. It is also good for ones seeking life's lessons.

Guest

More than 1 year ago

Thomas Paine, a literary genius for his time, wrote this exemplary piece of writing to convince America to seperate from England. One look at this literary treasure and you will see that it is no surprise that he succeeded.

Anonymous

More than 1 year ago

Can i join

Anonymous

More than 1 year ago

If you have questions on what government is suppose to be about, get this book

BuggaBugga

More than 1 year ago

We owe a debt to Englishman Thomas Paine. I believe he wanted to lower the level of suffering of the human race & increase the levels of it's happiness.
To be free of worry about the most basic needs of life while enjoying the Fruits of Life
is a great ideal that should not be afforded only by the the wealthy but affordable by all
people.
Does one choose to be povety stricken? Does one choose to be uneducated?
Not when the availibility is free & availible to all those who want to rise above the rabble
and excel.
Thomas paine suggested ways a tide might raise all boats.
Roland Maurice,Sandy,Oregon

Anonymous

More than 1 year ago

A true work of art in United States history.
If nothing else, this book properly demonstrates the mindset and intentions of the original &quot;Americans&quot; back in
the years before and during the revolutions. Thomas Paine's ability to connect to his audience (nearly the entirety of the colonies)
is remarkable, explaining what actual values this country was founded on. While the history of the United States has always been questionable,
regardless if you like it or not, this is worth the effort to read. Just like anyone who is honestly interested in the the U.S. constitution should probably start by reading it, if you are curious about what started our country, this is the book to do it. With exceptional writing and marvelous insight, this historical piece will prove to you what the United States was really founded on.

Akin

More than 1 year ago

It is very powerful piece with timeless impact for all generation to glean virtue from.

Anonymous

More than 1 year ago

She hid into his fur &ldquo;I have nowhere to go....can I go home with you guys...&rdquo; tears fell down from the kits eyes

HistReader on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

A must read "pamphlet" of the day, which, is uncommonly apropos to today! In Common Sense, Mr. Paine deconstructs the monarchy of Great Britain and its destroys its concept of empire; where by, he cries for the independence of a continent from a tiny island crown.In his essay, he lays out a framework which fairly closely resembles today's republican government of America. I found some of his most famous and repeated line, yet found myself underlining much more.

AshRyan on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

"Men read by way of revenge."A forerunner of both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, Common Sense should properly be regarded (at least in a historical, though not a legal, sense) as one of the founding documents of this nation.Paine makes the case for independence in strong moral terms, clearly based on the Enlightenment political theories of John Locke. The list he gives of the Crown's abuses should already be familiar to the reader from the Declaration (Jefferson did not give sufficient credit to Paine for his obvious influence on that document), though Paine's recounting is somewhat more detailed, as he could treat the topic at greater length in his pamphlet.Paine also offers suggestions in some detail about a Constitutional Congress and the drafting of such a document, and based on the course of subsequent events it seems that the other Founders took Paine's suggestions to heart.And of course, few other books in history (and particularly non-fiction works, since art can have a power that plain argument does not) have so effectively rallied public opinion.Read this book. You will be surprised, even if your expectations were already high, and you will certainly be inspired.

heidip on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

Common Sense was written to show that the logical course of action during the Revolutionary War was to declare Independence from Great Britain. It is only natural that we should sever our ties from our Parent Country--after all, she is like a mother devouring her children, and really we are descended from all the countries of Europe, not just England. Our parent country was Europe. Now that the Revolutionary War has started we have no other course. From here on out England would not act in the best interest of its colonies--they would only act in their own self-interest. It would not be in England's best interest to have a strong America. We don't need Great Britain to defend our coastlines, anyway--how can they. If we had a threat to our coastline Britain would be 3,000 miles away. Their response would be severely delayed. We don't have a navy, but we could build one. We have all the natural resources here in America--wood, tar, etc. And we have plenty of seafaring men in Boston who are now out of a job because the British have closed Boston Harbor.Thus go his arguments one after another for the logical reasons why we should declare our independence. He encourages the colonists that Americans can write their own constitution and form their own government. The government should be based on law and focus on security and freedom. This is a 5 star book.

ORFisHome on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

Viewed through Colonial eyes, it would have indeed been revolutionary. I enjoyed the Bibilical history parallels.

beau.p.laurence on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

A classic, and a pivotal work, in U.S. history.

sgerbic on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

Reviewed Sept. 2006 A nice common sense argument against British rule over America. Published at just the right time - King George III¿s speech was released at the same time. Paine mentions this in his appendix but I wish the King¿s speech was included in this volume. Paine also includes an essay to Quakers apparently some Quakers had published a testimony supporting (?) the King. Paine tells them that as Quakers they should not involve themselves ¿ye ought not to be meddlers on the other, but to wait the issue in silence.¿ (p.57) He also tells them, ¿mingling religion with politics may be disavowed...by every inhabitant of American.¿ What a hyprocrit Payne is because throughout his main essay he appeals to religion for reasons to overthrow the King. Payne makes excellent points against hereditary passing the throne, ¿in the next succession...rogue or a fool.¿ (p. 13) If all men are born equal, how can someone¿s children rule forever? The first King probably was a bully or tyrant what gives him superiority? Payne feels that an island 3000 mies away should not govern a large continent. Also it takes 3-4 months to get direction from the Mother country. England has enemies, America has none, why should we not be able to side with whom we want, or stay our of events and wars not of our choosing? 23-2006

elfortunawe on LibraryThing

More than 1 year ago

Thomas Paine has few rivals in the ability to impress an idea on the mind of a reader. At times Common Sense can seem a bit ambitious in the level of certainty it aspires to, but this is propaganda. What seemed most striking to me was the combination of this propaganda with an impressive intelligence. The Founding Fathers were true statesmen: well-read and capable with both reason and rhetoric (qualities rarely found in public figures these days). Paine states early on that he intends to write in clear and uncluttered prose, but still maintains a strong sense of both urgency and dignity with the spare resources he allows himself. Reading this has whet my appetite for more writing from this period.

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