Father John A. Hardon, S.J. Archives

Protestantism and Non-Christian Religions

Religions of the World

Part TwoReligions of Judaic Origin

Chapter 15Eastern Orthodoxy

Fr. John A. Hardon, S.J.
Associate Professor of Comparative Religion at Western Michigan University

Eastern Orthodoxy

Eastern Orthodox writers justly complain that for over a thousand years Christianity
has been identified with Europe. In the eyes of Asiatic and African people,
Christendom is a West religion and its culture equated with the civilization
of Western Europe. Yet almost one-fourth of all contemporary Christians do
not belong to the West but call themselves Eastern and their religious position
Orthodoxy.

Geographically the Eastern Oriental Churches form a vast triangle, whose
base is twelve thousand miles long, reaching across the Russo-Siberian plain
from Petzamo in the West on the Arctic Ocean, to Alaska in the East where
the Indians were evangelized by Russian missionaries in the last century.
The western side of the triangle cuts through Finland, Estonia and Latvia,
goes south towards Galicia and the Carpathian mountains, divides Yugoslavia
in half, touches Albania on the Adriatic Sea and reaches the southern apex
of the triangle in Egypt. On its eastern side, it passes across Palestine
and reaches all the way to Japan and Korea. The great majority of Eastern
Christians now live within this area, with substantial numbers in other countries,
including the United States, as descendants of immigrants from the original
Orthodox triangle.

It seems that historically the term Orthodox was coined to distinguish
Christians who believed in the Council of Chalcedon (451), which defined Christs
divinity against the monophysites. Originally the word was used to describe
the Eastern Churches, in communion with Constantinople, who were orthodox
or right-believing, as against the heterodox, wrong-believing, separated
bodies like the Nestorians and Jacobites. Recently, however, the latter and
also the Copts in Egypt have taken to adding Orthodox to their names.

In modern parlance, the Orthodox are those Christians who separated from
Rome in the eleventh century through the great Eastern Schism, and whose distinctive
liturgical feature is the Byzantine rite and doctrinal basis the acceptance
of the first seven ecumenical councils, up to the second Council of Nicea
in 787.

Origins of the Schism

There are two views on the origin of the Eastern Schism, the Western and
the Oriental, and their very divergence is symbolic of the difference in religious
posture between Orthodoxy and Catholicism. According to the Latin version,
it was not heresy but political issues that led the Greek Church to separate
from Rome. The patriarchs of Constantinople had gradually acquired a dominant
influence in the Byzantine Empire, by comparison with the patriarchate of
Jerusalem, which was never of great importance, and of Alexandria and Antioch
whose prestige had been all but lost because of heretical innovations. Moreover,
they had fallen under the control of Islam in the seventh century.

Constantinople, therefore, became the official Church, and its dominance
slowly developed into a disregard of Rome. Several schisms racked the capital
between the fourth and seventh centuries, either because of administrative
differences or as the result of the Eastern emperors patronizing doctrinal
error. This was aggravated by the invasion of the Barbarians in the West,
the independent growth of each Church under the nominal tutelage of Constantinople,
and especially by the establishment of the Holy Roman Empire of the West at
the opening of the ninth century.

Then came the unfortunate conflict between Photius (810-895), Patriarch of
Constantinople, and Pope (St.) Nicholas I. The latter decreed to excommunicate
Photius, while admitting he was a man of great virtue and world-wide knowledge,
unless he gave up his see to St. Ignatius, the rightful occupant. Ignatius
had been driven out by the emperor Michael III for refusing communion to Bardas
Caesar, the emperors uncle, who was living in notorious incest with his daughter-in-law,
Eudokia.

Instead of yielding to the pope, Photius proceeded to condemn Nicholas on
five charges, all but one of which arose from legitimate differences between
Greek and Latin discipline. He urged these Latin heresies: fasting on
Saturdays in Lent, beginning Lent on Ash Wednesday instead of Monday, disapproval
of a married clergy, objection to confirmation administered by a priest, and
insertion of the Filioque (and from the Son) in the Creed. The last
objection has made theological history and marked the beginning of Eastern
accusations of heresy against the See of Rome. When Michael III died in 867,
Photius fell from power and later retired to a monastery at Armeniaki where
he died.

With mutual confidence between Rome and Constantinople thus shaken, the formal
breach less than two hundred years later took place almost without opposition.
Michael Caerularius, patriarch of Constantinople, suddenly attacked Pope (St.)
Leo IX on charges of doctrinal innovation, regarding clerical celibacy, fast
on Saturdays as well as Fridays, the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist,
and the Filioque in the Nicene Creed.

Personally ambitious, Caerularius defied pope and emperor, and struck Leo
IXs name from the diptychs, or commemoration in the Liturgy. When negotiations
broke down, the legates sent from Rome solemnly excommunicated Caerularius
in the Church of St. Sophia on July 16, 1054. As the Liturgy was about to
begin, the Roman Cardinals Humbert and Frederick and Archbishop Peter of Amalfi
passed through the congregation, entered the sanctuary and laid Pope Leos
document of excommunication on the altar. May God see to it and pass judgment,
they pronounced, and departed.

The Greek version is quite different. Orthodox writers admit the foregoing
facts but say they are not enough to explain the separation. No doubt the
immediate cause for the first cleavage, under Photius, was due to his appointment
to the See of Constantinople. But the real origins of the schism lay in the
great political conflict that occurred at the beginning of the century, when
in the year 800 Charlemagne restored the Western Roman Empire. In the eyes
of the Greeks the pope was guilty of a grave insult to the East when he agreed
to crown a barbarian like Charlemagne emperor of the West. Perforce the Byzantine
ruler had to bow to the inevitable and recognize his imperial rival in Rome,
but the Greeks strongly resented the popes action. Two competitive political
powers came into being, and their respective close associations with the ecclesiastical
authorities drew the patriarchs of Rome and Constantinople into the vortex.

Photius precipitated the earlier crisis by calling the West heretical; the
Latins retorted by producing a similar list of Eastern heresies. In a short
while, the original charges grew into a formidable indictment that covered
more than fifty topics. Differences in custom and teaching which had been
treated as legitimate expressions of religious diversity suddenly became outrages
and ground for mutual incrimination.

Even the dramatic excommunication of Caerularius was not definitive. No
one at that time had any idea that this was the beginning of a schism which
would last for many centuries. It took two hundred years for the tension
to become hardened into formal separation, due to the coming of the Crusaders.

If the Crusades were stripped of their romantic elements, they are revealed
as mass exploitation of the Eastern Christians under the guise of a Holy War.
The worst evil was that Crusaders used military aggression to advance Christianity,
and believed the sword can more effectively serve the Gospel than preaching
the word of God. They countenanced the idea that robbery, murder and rapine
are permitted, if the victim has erroneous beliefs.

At the outset of the Crusades, the East was alarmed. It had lived in peaceful
co-existence with the Moslems, and under their rule, for half a millennium.
It was surprised, even irritated, at the sudden burst of zeal against the
infidel generated by the Christian West. These fears developed into hostility
when Eastern Christians came under the rule of the Crusaders. Heedless of
the warnings and exhortations of Rome, they pillaged and oppressed, trying
to convert the Orthodox to Latinism, confiscating church buildings, imprisoning
the clergy, and treating them as though they professed a wholly foreign religion.

The sack of Constantinople, say the Orthodox historians, dealt the final
blow to brotherly relations between these two branches of the Christian Communion.
It was an occasion of plunder seldom equaled for horror in world history.
The riches of its churches were unsurpassed in the whole world. Soldiers
and Latin clergy vied with each other in their attempts to seize some part
of these riches for themselves; even the precious Holy Altar of St. Sophia
was polluted, broken in pieces and sold.

This day, April 3, 1204, marks the end of the fellowship between Eastern
and Western Christians, which means that the split was brought about, not
by quarrelsome theologians or ambitious prelates, but by the greed and lust
of those who had embarked upon a war of aggression and conquest.

The two explanations have this in common: they both admit the historical
events that finally caused the break were not basically dogmatic, and the
severance of Constantinople from Rome was not due to irreconcilable positions
in theology but to external factors in which personalities and emotions played
the major role.

Historical Development

Eastern Orthodox history from the beginning of the thirteenth century is
the story of trial and conflict with the civil powers that have no parallel
in Western Christianity.

Russia was the first to suffer oppression at the hands of the Mongolian tribesmen,
called Tartars because of their ferocity, the detestable race of Satan, rushing
forth like demons loosed from Tartarus. [1]
The Mongols under their great leader, Genghis Khan, swept across China, Bokhara,
Georgia and Persia. They captured the principal cities of Central Asia and
after three devastating campaigns (1237-1241) conquered Russia and for the
next two and a half centuries kept her in submission, at first abject, then
relaxed, but always sufficient to keep the Russian people from exercising
religious liberty beyond the measure determined by the political rulers.

Nevertheless the Mongols showed marked respect for certain Orthodox prelates,
notably those of Kiev, whom they exempted from taxation. Alternately Russians
and Greeks were appointed by the government to the key ecclesiastical posts
and one churchman, Theognost (1325-1352), decided to fix his residence at
Moscow, which by then had become a leading national center. Due to the courageous
support given by the abbot Sergius of Radonezh (1314-1392), the Russians defeated
the Tartars at the battle of Kulikovo Pole, September 8, 1380. The resulting
relaxation of controls by the Mongols inaugurated the first period of Russias
spiritual renewal. Religious houses were founded all over the country, learning
was revived and icon painting reached its golden age. Over fifty monasteries
were founded by the disciples of Sergius during his lifetime.

Ivan III, surnamed the Great (1462-1505), succeeded in so strongly welding
the nation under his rule that the final liberation of the country from the
Mongols was achieved without bloodshed. The obvious balance of power so favored
Moscow that the Tartars were unwilling to oppose the Russians. Periodic attacks
from Mongolian nomads continued until the absorption of the Crimea in 1783,
but from 1479 (when Moscows rival, Novgorod, was subdued) Russia became independent
of the Mongols.

Yet almost simultaneously two new subjugations to the State took sudden effect,
one in Russia under the Tsars, as Ivan III and his successors came to be called,
and the other in Asia Minor under the Moslems.

The Russian Churchs domination by the Tsars was occasioned by a split in
the ranks of the churchmen, one party called the Possessors and the other
Non-Possessors. Those who were nicknamed Possessors emphasized unity in
preaching and worship, beauty and dignity in ritual service and favored possession
of material property by the monasteries and convents. Non-Possessors, on
the other hand, were more concerned with freedom in religious practice and
taught that God is most pleased with a simple, contrite heart, even in the
absence of an elaborate Liturgy. They were the scholars and mystics, who
upheld evangelical poverty and maintained that monks should support themselves
by the labor of their hands.

As long as the two parties were equally divided and influential, religion
prospered. But early in the sixteenth century a crisis arose which tipped
the scales in favor of the Possessors. Tsar Basil III had no children by
his first wife and wanted to marry another woman. He was opposed by the Metropolitan,
Varlaam (1511-1521), a Non-Possessor, but supported by the Possessing prelates
whose leader, Daniel, was put into Varlaams place as Metropolitan and Basil
had his second marriage blessed by the Church. The offspring of this union
was Ivan the Terrible (1533-1584), the most despotic ruler in Russia until
the Communist Revolution in the twentieth century.

This marked the turning point in Russias religious history. For years the
Possessors had upheld the political autocracy and allowed the State to take
a leading role in the government of the Church. They preached the doctrine
that the Tsars should be loved and obeyed as fathers, no matter how harsh
or oppressive their rule. Now, with Basils support, they avenged themselves
on the Non-Possessors, whose leaders were imprisoned and their monasteries
closed. At a time when the country most needed the saving influence of men
who could withstand political tyrants, the leadership of Church and State
fell into the hands of a single party. With periodic exceptions, this continued
into modern times.

In the southern portion of Orthodoxy, Constantinople fell to the Moslems
after the city had been largely depopulated by civil war and the ravages of
plague. With only 10,000 men, the emperor Constantine IX (1449-1453) defended
his capital against a powerful army of more than 150,000 Mohammedans. A renegade,
Urban, aided the Turks to break through the wall and on May 29, 1453, the
Eucharist was celebrated for the last time in the Hagia Sophia. The
Islamic soldiers poured into the city, pillaging its treasures and destroying
its people, including the emperor and patriarch. According to legend, the
Eucharistic liturgy at St. Sophias was not completed when Constantinople
fell, and the Eastern Christians still believe the temple will one day be
restored to Christian worship, when the divine service interrupted by the
Moslems will again be sung in the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom.

It is impossible to read the story of the Orthodox Church under Turkish rule
without admiration and pity. True to Mohammeds teaching about Christians
being People of the Book, the Turks tolerated the Orthodox while enslaving
them according to the most advanced Oriental standards of despotism.

Allowed to survive and practice their religion, the Eastern Christians suffered
under a thousand disabilities. They were obliged to pay tribute, wear a distinctive
garb, and conform to a list of humiliating regulations. In practicing their
religion, external profession had to be curtailed to the minimum set by the
ruling monarch or ruling magistrate. For long periods they were forbidden
to use crosses on their churches or ring bells on feast days.

Worse still, the Moslem policy appears to have been one of slow annihilation.
New churches were not to be built, the systematic training of the clergy was
severely restricted, higher education made impossible, and the schooling of
children reduced to a few rudimentary facts. Bribery and treachery wreaked
havoc with the clergy; the Sultan had to be provided with Christian slaves.

Every five years, Christian boys between eight and fifteen were inspected
by the Moslem overlords. Those who were strongest and most intelligent were
chosen, taken from their parents, converted to Islam and impressed into the
Sultans service. Most of them were drafted into a special army corps, the
Janissaries, and used for centuries as the main instrument of oppression at
home and of conquest abroad.

For administrative purposes, the Orthodox Church under the Moslems was made
into a Rum Millet (Roman nation) with the patriarch of Constantinople
at the head and all other church officials under him. He was completely subject
to the Sultan, yet given civil jurisdiction over his own people within the
Turkish Empire. Before the Moslem ruler, he was responsible for the conduct
of the Orthodox who could approach the government only through him.

As might be expected, the result was a mixture of political and religious
power that tended to secularize the Church or, if the patriarch resisted,
to oppress the Christian believers. A climax was reached in the eighteenth
century when the churches of Rumania, Bulgaria and Serbia came under the Turkish
sway, and with it the patriarchate of Constantinople was extended from Asia
Minor into the heart of Europe.

Historians of the Orthodox Church graphically describe the price their leaders
had to pay for maintaining some semblance of religious authority over the
people.

The patriarch received his berat, or confirmation of spiritual and
secular authority, from an infidel source. He could be removed and, often
more than once, reinstated at the Sultans will, with consequent loss of dignity
and the temptation to cater to the Moslem prince for the sake of recognition
and prestige. There were notable exceptions, where some patriarchs suffered
prison and death rather than compromise on religion. But the over all picture
is depressing. Out of one hundred fifty-nine patriarchs in Constantinople
from the fifteenth to the twentieth centuries, the Moslems on one hundred
and five occasions drove the prelates from their see. There were twenty-seven
abdications, often involuntary; six patriarchs suffered violent deaths, and
only twenty-one died natural deaths while in office. In one short span, from
1625 to 1700, Constantinople had fifty patriarchs, or an average of a year
and a half for each.

Since nominees for patriarch were promoted by a party, those who financed
his promotion later expected to be reimbursed, at the expense of the suffragan
sees subject the Metropolitan. They in turn taxed the clergy, who obtained
the necessary funds from the people. And behind this whole mechanism stood
the power of Islam, which dominated Orthodoxy in Asia Minor until the opening
of the twentieth century.

The current oppression of Orthodoxy in Soviet Russia and allied countries
is unparalleled in religious history. After half a century of tension, conflict
and compromise, the future is still uncertain, but the broad lines of contact
between the Russian Church and the Soviet State fall into four distinct periods:
from the October Revolution in 1917 to the revolt within the Church in 1922,
from the revolt to the outbreak of the second World War in 1939, during the
war years, and after the war to the present day.

In the first phase, following the Communist seizure of power, Orthodox churchmen
reacted strongly against the wave of persecution waged against the Church
by Lenin and Uritskii. Exactly a year after the Revolution got under way,
the Moscow Patriarch, Tikhon, issued a ringing message to the Council of Peoples
Commissars, in which he summarized twelve months of Soviet rule: a country
running with blood in which no one feels himself in safety; all live in fear
of search, plunder, dispossession, arrest, shooting. He charged the government
with inhuman armies against defenseless citizens, of ruthless executions of
bishops, priests, monks and nuns not guilty of anything, but simply on the
wholesale accusation of some sort of vague, indefinite counter-revolution.

Where, he asked, was freedom of preaching in church? Already many bold
preachers have paid with the blood of martyrdom. He closed with a powerful
indictment.

It is not our work to judge the earthly power; all power permitted by
God would draw upon itself our blessing, if it truly showed itself to be Gods
servant, for the good of those under it.

Now, then, to you, who use power for persecuting your neighbors and for
wiping out the innocent, we extend our word of admonition. Celebrate the
anniversary of your taking power by releasing the imprisoned, by stopping
bloodshed, violence, havoc, restriction of the faith. Turn not to destruction,
but to organizing order and legality, give to the people their wished-for
and deserved respite from fratricidal strife. Otherwise all righteous blood
shed by you will cry out against you, and with the sword will you perish who
have taken up the sword. [2]

Tikhon paid for his criticism by being placed under house arrest, although
the Soviets took no other action against him. He further issued a solemn
decree excommunicating those who attacked Christians and profaned church buildings,
but he soon discovered that such a weapon was useless. The new masters of
Russia assaulted not the Church, but God, and the threat of divine punishment
only aroused worse anti-religious fervor.

In August 1922, Tikhon was arrested and kept in prison until June of the
next year, at which time he published a retraction, declaring his loyalty
to the Soviet government and his regret for opposing the confiscation of the
sacred vessels. Till his death in 1925, Tikhon was acceptable to the Church
and State, although some Christians were shocked by his act of repentance.

A more intransigent position was shown in the manifesto composed by a group
of Russian churchmen who were exiled to the concentration camps on Solovetski
Island. With calm dignity they explained that they had no political grievance
against the Soviet State, that their only concern over the teaching of materialism
by the Communist Party which controlled the government.

The Church recognizes the existence of the spiritual principle; Communism
denies it. The Church believes in the living God, Creator of the world, Guide
of its life; Communism does not admit His existence. The Church believes
in the steadfast principles of morality, justice and law; Communism looks
upon them as the conditional results of class struggle, and values moral questions
only from the standpoint of their usefulness. The Church instills the feeling
that humility elevates mans soul; Communism abases man through pride. [3]

Meantime a major revolt within the Orthodox Church shook its government to
the foundation and split the leaders into opposing factions: Tikhon and the
monastic, celibate prelates and clergy on one side, and the white married
clergy, on the other. The monastic bishops were charged by their confreres
with reactionary measures against the State, with ultra-conservative positions
in worship and polity and, above all, with intransigence regarding Communism.
The Living Church movement, as the progressives styled themselves, met in
congress to depose Tikhon, decreed that married priests might become bishops
and widowed priests might remarry, and issue an appeal to the people, saying
that capitalism was the highest form of godlessness.

The reform clergy soon split into dissenting parties, but the effect of their
State-encouraged opposition to the bishops (all monastic) was to inflame the
masses against their ecclesiastical leaders and weaken the Churchs stand
against Communism.

In spite of internal weakness, however, the conservative element rallied
around their new leader, the Metropolitan Sergius, who was first imprisoned
by the Soviets, then made his peace with the government and released. He
was allowed to register the Orthodox Church in 1927, for the first time in
five years, on the theory that since physical extermination was impossible,
legal control by the State was better policy. Soon after, on April 8, 1929,
a revised law on religion was published by Stalin. Every form of religious
propaganda became a civil offense. In addition, Article 17 of the Constitution
forbade every kind of philanthropic and educational activity under Church
authority.

Religious unions (parishes), the law read, are forbidden: to establish
mutual aid funds, cooperative and productive unions, and in general to use
the property at their disposal for any other purpose than the satisfying of
religious needs; to give material aid to their members, to organize either
special meetings for children, youth or women, for prayer and other purposes,
or general meetings, groups, circles, departments, biblical or literary, handwork
for labor, religious study and the like, and also to organize excursions and
childrens play-grounds; to open libraries, reading rooms, to organize sanatoria
and medical aid. Only such books as are necessary for the performance of
services are permitted in the Church building and houses of prayer. [4] These prohibitions were reinstated in
Article 124 of the 1936 Constitution and still remain effectively unchanged.

This new legislation marked a radical change in the Churchs status. It
was now faced with a crusade of anti-religion, while allowed under government
supervision to conduct religious services for the people. An unequal competition
opened between the inarticulate Church and the Soviet program of indoctrination,
which centered on the public schools.

The war years, 1939-1945, proved a boon to the Orthodox Church. With the
outbreak of hostilities the antireligious campaign was softened to a low key;
churchmen published statements of support of the government against the Nazi
aggressor; and even the State promoted friendlier relations with ecclesiastical
authorities. A climax was reached in 1943, when the Patriarchate of Moscow
was re-established, after a lapse of two hundred years. Tsar Peter the Great
had abolished the patriarchate in 1721 on the grounds that many Russians thought
the patriarch was equal or superior to the emperor. A holy governing synod,
modeled on the German Lutheran synods, replaced the patriarchate. Reestablishing
this office was a masterstroke of strategy to win the support of the Church
for Soviet political needs.

At the Sobor (congress) which followed Sergiuss death, the metropolitan
Alexii was chosen patriarch in 1944. Next February at his investure, the
Sober issued a warm message of approval of the government, praying God to
increase the strength, health and years of life of our beloved Leader of the
Soviet State, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin. [5] After the
defeat of Germany, Alexii published a statement to the effect that, the most
important thing the Russian Orthodox Church did in wartime was to demonstrate
to the whole world its complete unity with its government. [6]

Since the war, the condition of the Orthodox Church in Russia has been precarious,
in spite of ostensible growth. Honors and benefits have been conferred on
dutiful churchmen by the Soviet government, and a modus vivendi marked
out that gives the appearance of progress. But all the evidence points to
a radical decline in religion among the people, due mostly to the steady pressure
of Marxist teaching in the schools and control of available media of communication.

A recent survey made by the government showed there is still a widespread
religious survival among the peasantry, partly explained by the concentration
of women on the farms and of atheist propaganda in the cities. Precise data
on the sex ratio among the Orthodox do not exist. However, on the basis of
various facts available to researchers in this field, it may be sated that
about 75 to 80 percent of all the faithful are women. [7]

This poses a new problem for the Church, to save itself and survive the Communist
State by strengthening the religion of its women and, as far as possible,
using their services in the interests of the faith. Aware of this fact, the
government is more than ever stressing the need of teaching atheism in the
homes. The most effective form of antireligious propaganda is systematic
individual work with the faithful within their homes, particularly with the
mothers. Since religion is most widespread among women, attention must be
directed chiefly to antireligious work among them. Women must be drawn into
public affairs as active participants. This is the most important condition
for liberating them from the narcotic of religion, and through them the next
generation. [8]

Sources of Faith

It is not easy to specify the doctrinal principles of Eastern Orthodoxy.
The very name, Orthodox, designates both correct doctrine and correct worship.
In Slavonic, Orthodoxy is rendered by the work Pravoslavie, which means
true glory so that when a Russian, Serb, or Bulgarian calls himself Orthodox
he proclaims his belonging to a community which praises and glorifies God
in the right way.

Consequently for the Orthodox the Churchs purpose is mainly to worship God,
and to teach its members how to glorify Him in the right spirit. This de-emphasis
of doctrine affects the importance given to different types of doctrinal positions,
whether they belong to dogma, theologumena, or theological opinion. In the
absence of an infallible defining authority, there is considerable overlapping
of dogmatic teaching among churchmen, and numerous areas of uncertainty not
found in Roman Catholicism. Dogmas are universally binding among the orthodox,
as emanating directly divine revelation; theologumena are traditionally held
doctrines hallowed by the authority of ancient and respected Church teachers;
theological opinions are the vast body of disputed theories and explanations
that scholars have devised over the centuries.

Until the seventeenth century, the Orthodox accepted the same books of the
Old and New Testaments as are found in the Catholic canon. Then Cyril Lukaris
(1572-1638), patriarch of Constantinople, followed the Protestant pattern
and denied the inspired character of the so-called deuteron-canonical books
of the Old Testament, namely Tobias, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch,
and the two books of Maccabees. This innovation was at first resisted, but
closer relations with Calvinism confirmed many, if not most, Orthodox theologians
in reducing the Old Testament canon to its Protestant form.

While the concept of biblical inspiration differs among the authors, a common
notion is to consider it an immediate movement and instruction of the sacred
writers by the Holy Spirit. As a result, they are not only preserved from
error but positively receive a revelation of Gods truth, though without violence
to their natural faculties. The biographers therefore become organs for transmitting
divine revelation, while retaining all their native powers and activities. [9] So exalted is this type of inspiration
that the sacred authors are said to have received and communicated divine
truths even as the man Christ understood and expressed revelation by means
of the Word which assumed His human nature.

Tradition as distinct from Scripture is a valid source of Christian doctrine
in Orthodoxy. In general sacred tradition is that form of preserving and
propagating revelation whereby the faithful and worshipers of God, by word
and example transmit one to the other, the predecessors to those who follow
them, the doctrine of faith, law of God, the sacraments and sacred rites. [10] The significant feature of this concept
is the essential part played by the faithful in forming and conserving tradition.

However, in spreading doctrinal tradition among the faithful, the Orthodox
recognize certain monuments of special import which differ in dogmatic value
according to their greater or less respect among the people.

Highest in dignity are the Creeds: the Nicene, the Athanasian and the Symbol
of St. Gregory Thaumaturgus (213-270). In the Nicene they do not include
the Filioque, which declares the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son.
The Athanasian Creed, known as the Quicumque (Whosoever), from its
opening words, differs from other summaries of faith in embodying anathemas
against those who deny the Trinity, Incarnation and other doctrinal essentials.
Though dating from the time of St. Ambrose, it was not recognized as a standard
of faith in the Eastern Church until the seventeenth century, when it began
to appear in the Greek Horologium (liturgical manual) and in Russian
service books. Surprisingly the Apostles Creed lacks ecumenical authority
among the Eastern Orthodox. [11]

Gregory Thaumaturgus Creed is entirely Trinitarian, and has no reference
to Christology. It owes more to tradition than to the Bible, and practically
typifies the character of Eastern religious thought.

One God, Father of the living Word, of subsistent wisdom, eternal power
and likeness. Perfect source of the perfect One, Father of the only-begotten
Son. One Lord, one alone from the only One, God of God, likeness and image
of the Deity, active Word, wisdom comprehending the structure of the universe,
and effective virtue of every creature. True Son of true God, Invisible of
Invisible, Immortal of immortal, Eternal of eternal.

And one Holy Spirit, having substance from God, and who appeared to men
through the Son. Image of the Son, perfect of the perfect, life which is
the cause of the living, holy well-spring, sanctity which dispenses sanctity,
in whom God the Father is manifested, who is above all and in all things,
and God the Son who is through all things.

Perfect Trinity, undivided and unseparated in glory and eternity and reign.
Nothing created nor subservient nor introduced in the Trinity, as though it
were absent before and had later come in. In like manner, the Father was
never without the Son or the Son without the Spirit; but always the same unalterable
and unchangeable Trinity. [12]

Second in authority to the Creeds are the first seven general councils:
two of Nicea, 325, 787; three of Constantinople, 381, 553, 681; Ephesus, 431;
and Chalcedon, 451. The eighth council, of Constantinople in 869-870, deposed
Photius as patriarch and by Orthodox standards marked the beginning of Western
Christianity apart from the Eastern Church. All the future general Councils
recognized by Rome, from First Lateran in 1123 to Second Vatican in 1962,
have been held in the West, and are not accepted by the Orthodox.

The first seven councils dealt almost exclusively with the Trinity, the divinity
of Christ, the divine maternity of the Blessed Virgin and the veneration of
sacred images. As a result, doctrinal principles in Orthodoxy show little
of the dogmatic development found in the West, through the clarifications
and definitions of such major conclaves as the Council of Trent (1545-1563)
or First Vatican (1869).

The Fathers of the Church most respected and followed by the Orthodox are
Athanasius, the three Cappadocians (Basil, Gregory Nazianzen and Nyssa), Pseudo-Dionysius,
Maximus the Confessor, Leo and Gregory the Great. It is of more than passing
interest that two Roman Pontiffs are among the highest patristic authorities
in the Eastern Church.

Below the Fathers but still within the concept of tradition are the symbolic
books, described as professions of faith of particular churches in recent
times, especially those composed against Catholics and Protestants, or professions
of faith by certain enlightened persons in the churches, succinctly and clearly
written to teach the faithful all or some of the doctrines contained in the
Creeds. [13]

Among the more famous symbolic authorities are the Confessions of
Gennadius (died 471), of Peter Mogila (1597-1646) and of Dositheus (1640-1707),
and the Catechism of Philaret (1553-1646); Gennadius, however, is not
acknowledged by many theologians. Mogila was a Wallachian theologian whose
comprehensive survey of the Greek Orthodox Church was formally approved by
the foremost patriarchs in 1643, re-approved by the Synod of Jerusalem in
1672, and is now a primary witness of Eastern Orthodoxy. Dositheus, as Patriarch
of Jerusalem, wrote strenuously against Calvin and Bellarmine, and was a prime
mover in combating Western influences in Orthodox theology.

Theodore Romanov Philaret, the Patriarch of Moscow, founded the Romanov dynasty.
Under his cousin, Theodore I, the last Tsar of the Runik family, he fought
against the Swedes and was later banished to a monastery. After his son Michael
was elected Tsar, he became patriarch (1619) and until his death remained
virtual ruler of Russia. A zealous reformer, he established a seminary in
each diocese, promoted the study of theology and composed his famous Catechism.

Other writings of lesser authority are sometimes called symbolic, but their
value varies and practically depends on the following they have in contemporary
circles. Thus a man like Vladimir Solovieff (1853-1900) is highly regarded
by the Orthodox, but his later entrance into the Catholic Church naturally
colors the acceptability of his doctrines.

Doctrinal Variations

Consistent with the undefined nature of dogmatic sources, there is considerable
fluidity among Orthodox teachers on many points of doctrine that have become
defined dogmas in Roman Catholicism.

According to Eastern thought, nothing which has no direct bearing on divine
worship should be made a matter of absolute belief. Confessions of faith
for the Orthodox are mainly a part of doxology or liturgy. At most, dogmas
safeguard the beatific vision of God and the Incarnation, and are enshrined
in the Creeds and dogmatic pronouncements of the first seven councils. Catholicism
has a doctrinal system which includes the nature of man, the constitution
of the Church, the primacy, sin, grace and the ways of salvation. All of
these problems for Eastern Christians, in the sphere governed by Theologumena.
Even such basic issues as the concept of the supernatural and the real presence
in the Eucharist are open to discussion and controversy in Orthodox theology.

Supernatural Life

Until very recent times, the influence of Protestant theology on Orthodoxy
was notable but sporadic. Since the nineteenth century, the effect has been
more profound and shows itself especially in the Median position between Catholicism
and Protestantism that Eastern churchmen have adopted on the subject of mans
elevation to the supernatural order.

Current writings indicate that many Orthodox theologians do not admit a strict
elevation of man to a supernatural destiny. They variously describe this
elevation as suprasensible, transcendent, what is above the common mode of
action of the forces of nature, or above the natural capacity of man. While
apparently subtle, their concept allows for an exigency or demand for the
beatific vision, which goes beyond mere tendency or desire.

The issue became crucial for the Orthodox through their frequent relations
with the continental Reformation and since the sixteenth century has given
rise to opposing parties within the Eastern churches. About 1400 A.D. translations
of Latina works, including St. Thomas, made Catholic writings available to
the Orthodox and divided them into Latinizers and Anti-Latins, Palamites and
Anti-Palamites (generally Latinizers). With the advent of the Reformation,
the lines were further sharpened. Cyril Lukaris, Greek patriarch, was ardently
pro-Calvinist; his Confessio is a thoroughly Reformed interpretation
of the Greek Orthodox faith and allows for no supernatural elevation in the
Catholic sense.

Twentieth-century ideas are in a state of flux, with perhaps the majority
favoring the Catholic position, without clearly distinguishing between grace
as absolutely gratuitous and in no sense due to any creature, and grace as
an exalted sublimation of human nature.

Procession of the Son

Historically the principal divergence from Catholicism is on the procession
of the Third Person of the Trinity. Symbolized in the term, Filioque,
it has been the main object of Orthodox theological writing for centuries.
Two attitudes are discernible: that the procession of the Holy Spirit from
the Father alone is a dogma, and therefore the Latin Filioque is heresy;
or that the procession from the Father is a dogma which the Roman Church admits,
so that procession from the Son is only a theological opinion which may be
professed by the Orthodox.

Historically the problem goes back to the insertion of the words Filioque
in the Nicene Creed, begun in Spain in the sixth century and later adopted
by the whole West as the official expression of the revealed truth that the
Holy Spirit proceeds at once from the Father and the Son, as from one principle.
Photius and after him the Orthodox objected to what they called either a heretical
tampering with the Creed, or an unjustified exercise of papal authority approving
the insertion without an ecumenical council.

Since the turn of the century, Orthodox sentiment has been in the direction
of considering the Filioque more irenically. In 1907 the Moscow Synoldal
Commission published a statement declaring that the Filioque had not been
the cause of separation of the Churches; that the theory of Photius on the
procession of the Spirit from the Father alone was a theological opinion and
not a dogma; that the true meaning of the Greek Fathers who said the Holy
Spirit proceeds from the Father through the Son corresponds to the Latin formula.

The Synod suggested that the two formulas concur essentially: the coordinating
version (Filioque) and the subordinating (per Filium), since they both attest
that Father and Son are the one Principle of the Holy Spirit. They also complement
each other. While the former stresses the unicity and indivisibility of the
Principle, the latter emphasizes that the Father is Prime Principle, while
the Son as God from God is a Derived Principle, since with His essence He
also receives from the Father the power of spirating the Holy Spirit.

More recently a leading theologian, Sergius Bulgakov, gave a critical judgment
on the whole question. The controversy about the Holy Spirit has been conducted
in an atmosphere lacking in love and actuated by the spirit of schism; it
has been therefore a pointless dispute. [14] Current
writers ask themselves: if the controversy was so futile, why has it persisted
for so long? They answer that the issue is not doctrinal but moral. A grave
breach of mutual trust was committed by changing the Nicene Creed; all other
factors are minor or irrelevant.

Concept of the Church

Orthodox ecclesiologists believe their concept of the Church is a balance
mean between the Reformation idea of an essentially invisible society and
the Catholic definition of the Church as a visible, hierarchical institution.
Within the Orthodox system, however, two quite different notions prevail:
the traditional and conservative, which is perfectly consistent with Orthodox
professions of faith; and the liberal concept especially prevalent among the
Slavophils.

Representative of the conservative theorists is Philaretus (Gumilevsky),
who describes the Church of Christ as the assembly of believers in Christ,
instituted by the Lord and united by the divine word, sacraments and the hierarchy
under the influence of the Holy Spirit, to lead people to eternal salvation. [15] This earthly society is united with the
heavenly, the angels and saints, in one and the same Church of Christ. A
heavy stress on the unitive character of the dual society is a feature of
Orthodox ecclesiology. It is unlike the protestant notion by its recognition
of a hierarchy, and similar to the Catholic in conceiving the Church as visible
in bodily structure and invisible as regards its soul.

Within the conservative camp, however, are different schools of thought,
one in the direction of Rome and the other of the Reformation. Macarius Bulgakov
defines the Church in terms reminiscent of Bellarmine, except for including
the word Orthodox and excluding the Roman Pontiff. The Church, he says,
is the orthodox society of the believers and the baptized in Jesus Christ,
founded immediately by Him and through the holy apostles, and animated by
Him; which is directed visibly through spiritual pastors, and by means of
a teaching authority, the administration of sacred rites and a ruling body;
and at the same time is led invisibly to eternal life through the most efficacious
grace of the Holy Spirit. [16] Theophylact Gorskii, on
the other hand, gives an almost Lutheran definition, calling the Church the
assembly of true believers and saints, rightly called together by the preaching
of the divine word to attain eternal life through the great goodness of God.
Only those really belong to the Church who possess the true faith, by which
they are united with Christ the Head. Hence they are called members of the
Body of Christ, so that the wicked, the unbelieving and hypocrites are certainly
excluded from membership. [17] This differs only in detail from the
classic Protestant Church of the believers and the predestined.

Slavophil ecclesiology antedates Alexius Khomjakow (1804-1860), but his theory
on the Church has deeply affected Orthodox thought and found expression in
the unity movements now current in the Eastern Churches. He began by conceiving
the Church in its broadest possible extension, including the Mystical Body
of Christ in its triple form of militant, suffering and triumphant. Then
he explained that only the Eastern Orthodox Church is the true Church. Western
Churches, namely Catholicism and Protestantism, do not differ essentially
as sects outside the true fold of Christ. The Catholic Church fell into rationalism
in the ninth century, when it introduced the Filioque, Protestants when they
embraced private interpretation of the Scriptures. In Khomjakovs vocabulary,
the Church is a living principle, or the Church is the universal life of
lave and unity, along with organic and living solidarity. [18]

Not the least value of this expansive notion of the Church has been the function
it served those who sought a rapprochement with contemporary Marxism. It
also gave men like Nicholas Berdyaev (1874-1948) the principles required for
adapting religion to the demands of the modern mind. This spiritual Christianity,
it is felt, has no need of doctrinal definitions, bourgeois morality, and
set of worship.

In the absence of an ultimate juridical authority to pass judgment on the
relative value of these concepts, it is difficult to know which ideas are
prevalent. Certainly those most closely approximating the standard manuals
of doctrine are also nearest to Catholicism, in which the Church is not so
spiritualized as to include almost anyone who calls himself a Christian even
though he disbelieves what the first seen councils made mandatory on all the
faithful.

Although the Eastern Orthodox generally admit that the Church is a visible
institution, they say that Christ alone is the head, since a visible head
would be irreconcilable with the doctrine of the Mystical Body. One body
can have only one head, not two, as found in Catholicism. Christ, they teach,
so reserves to Himself the whole life and government of the Church that no
vicar can take His place. Ministers in the Church can assist in the activity
of the Head, but they cannot share in it; otherwise Christs function would
suffer encroachment and the Church which is divine would become subject to
a human person.

No mortal man, they argue can be head of the Church. He cannot exert influence
over the scattered peoples of the earth; his action would supplant that of
Christ and introduce into an indefectible society the fallibility and weakness
of a human being. Most importantly, if the Church were to have a human head,
it would cease to be celestial and become as one of the many secular kingdoms
of earth.

The dominant principle in Orthodoxy is that Church authority is diffused
among its members, and not as in the West, isolated in a definite source.
This was strikingly illustrated in an exchange of letters between Pius IX
and the Patriarchs of the East. In 1848 a reply of the Orthodox prelates,
signed by thirty-one bishops and three patriarchs, informed Rome that the
Pope is greatly mistaken in supposing that we consider the ecclesiastical
hierarchy to be the guardian of dogma. The case is quite different. The
unvarying constancy and the unerring truth of Christian dogma does not depend
upon any of the hierarchical orders; it is guarded by the totality of the
people of God, which is the body of Christ. [19]

This answer reflects the common attitude of Orthodox towards the primacy
and infallibility of the Roman See. Does any one in the Church, they ask,
possess of himself infallibility in his judgment of dogma? No, he does not;
every member of the Church is liable to error, or rather to the introduction
of his own personal limitations in his dogmatic studies. According to this
view, neither the hierarchy nor the councils are organs of doctrinal inerrancy.
Only the Church in its identity with itself can testify to the truth. It
is the Church which agrees or not, with the council. There are not, and there
cannot be, external forms established beforehand for the testimony of the
Church itself. [20]

Such corporate authority, however, is compatible with a hierarchical structure.
Bishops and clergy have clearly defined functions in the ministry and norms
of orthodoxy to maintain in their teaching. Councils on a local or provincial
basis may be called, but when dealing with matters of conscience their decisions
must have the approval of the whole community to take juridical effect, and
even then there is no claim to infallibility.

Sacramental System

Orthodox churchmen recognize seven sacraments, and stress the fact so solemnly
they charge anyone who diminishes the number with trifling with Christian
revelation. As one writer expressed it, There are as many sacred mysteries
or sacraments among the Greeks as among the Latins, namely, seven. And no
one in either Church has ever called this into question. [21]
The exceptional Orthodox who departs from this norm is considered outside
the stream of Eastern tradition.

Nevertheless occasional doubts arise. Thus a prominent theologian in Europe,
Jerome Tarasij, suggested that other rites should be added to the sacramental
system, for example, entrance into monastic life, solemn blessing of water
and funeral ceremonies; but matrimony could well be dropped because there
was nothing spiritual about it. [22] Tarasij
has since been supported by at least one metropolitan, Antonij Chrapovickij,
whose diocesan catechism allowed considerable freedom on the subject. His
comment that the Church has never defined the number of sacraments is correct
from the Orthodox viewpoint, although few would doubt that the number is seven.

Eastern commentators repeatedly say that the sacraments are not mere symbols
or pure signs of grace, received independently of the rite and only occasioned
by its administration. They use terms like effect grace, or give grace,
and describe the sacraments as instruments, organs or means of divine sanctification.

Yet again there are sporadic dissenting voices. The same Tarasij explicitly
teaches that the causality of the sacraments does not depend on special external
rites but on union with the whole Church. In the same way, the matter and
form of the sacraments, which in Latin terminology stand for the material
rite and the ritual words, have never been clearly defined among the Orthodox
and therefore variations appear among different churches. But in general
there is a remarkable consistency between Eastern and Western beliefs and
practices with regard to the Sacraments.

The Orthodox always place baptism in the first place among the sacraments,
and recognize its institution by Christ or, as some prefer, by the words
and actions of the Lord. Pure and natural water is required along with the
Trinitarian formula and a triple immersion, using the words, The servant
of God (name) is baptized in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy
Spirit. Symbolically this signifies the death of the sinner, and his redemption
and resurrection as a Christian.

The ordinary minister of baptism is a bishop or priest, but in case of necessity
even a lay person (man or woman) may baptize. Some Orthodox canonists question
the validity of a baptism performed by laymen, unless the latter are Orthodox
and have the intention of conferring the true sacrament. Very like Catholic
doctrine, the effects of baptism are said to be remission of sin, imprinting
of a character, entering the fold of Christ, and receiving a title to heavenly
glory. Consequently, with rare exception the necessity of baptism for salvation
is taken for granted, and therefore children are normally baptized in infancy.

Confirmation, or holy chrismation, follows immediately after baptism. Although
the priest confers the sacrament, the holy oil or chrism must have been blessed
by a gathering of bishops of a self-governing church presided over by their
senior. While anointing the various parts of the body, actually the whole
body, the priest recites the formula, The seal of the gift of the Holy Spirit.
However, the Orthodox do not believe that an indelible character is imprinted;
and only two sins can efface it, heresy and schism. As a consequence, confirmation
is the regular way that converts to Orthodoxy (or fallen-aways) are received
into the Church.

Orthodox theologians stress that chrismation is not a renewal of baptismal
vows, but a kind of lay ordination, by which the laymen obtain special graces
to participate in the life of the Christian community and receive the other
sacraments. One important consequence of confirming infants is that from
childhood they are considered full-fledged members of the Church, with all
the rights and privileges of adults, including the reception of Holy Communion.

Confession of sins is an ancient practice among the Orthodox, which they
base on three considerations: that people are normally responsible for their
actions and can have their conscience trained, that their responsibility is
a corporate affair that requires corporate means to cultivate and may not
be left to each individual indiscriminately, and that sincere reconciliation
with men secures divine forgiveness with a consequent removal of guilt.

A familiar custom is to have the penitent first visit his relatives and close
friends before going to the priest. He asks their pardon, with or without
specifying how he may have offended them. They answer, God forgives you.
Behind the practice is the centuries-old tradition of confessing ones sins
publicly, which has now been largely abandoned, although early in the present
century a certain John of Cronstadt revived in Russia the practice of public
confessions.

Instead of kneeling before the priest, the penitent stands facing east, as
a symbol that the confessor is not absolving in his own name but as a witness
of the Christian community. At least this is the custom among many Orthodox
churchmen. After the penitent tells his sins, he may be asked a few questions
and then hears a brief exhortation.

O Lord God of the salvation of Your servants, merciful, gracious and longsuffering.
You offer repentance for evil and will not the death of a sinner but rather
that he should be converted and live. Forgive now, O Lord, this Your servant
(by name). Grant him the assurance of repentance, pardon, and remission of
his sins, and absolve him from all his offences, voluntary and involuntary.
Reconcile and unite him to Your holy Church through Jesus Christ our Lord,
with whom be power and glory ascribed to You, now and for ever, even unto
ages of ages. Amen. [28]

After this prayer follows the absolution, of which there are two main forms,
one common to Russia and the other to the Greek Orthodox Churches. The Russian
formula appears to have been influenced by Catholic divines in the seventeenth
century. It is expressly indicative, i.e., the priest declares he is forgiving
the sins in the name of God. May our Lord and God Jesus Christ, through
the grace and compassion of His exceeding love, forgive you, my son (here
follows the Christian name), all your transgressions, and I, an unworthy priest,
by the power that is given to me by Him, forgive and absolve you from all
your sins in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit,
Amen. [24]

The Greek version is more depreciative, i.e., the priest declares that God
forgives the penitent. May God, who pardoned David through the prophet Nathan
when he confessed his sins; who received Peter bewailing and denial, the harlot
weeping at His fee, and who took back the publican and prodigal; may the same
God, through me a sinner, pardon you everything in this world, and cause you
to stand uncondemned before His awful tribunal. [25]

After absolution the penitent is seldom required to say or perform a penance
prescribed by the confessor. Its function is said to be only a subjective
one, to strengthen the will of the penitent against future lapses or act as
a salutary remedy for bad habits. Many Orthodox theologians do not consider
satisfaction for sins necessary for the remission of punishment incurred,
on the theory that Christ perfectly satisfied for our sins, so that the absolution
of the priest delivers us from all penalty bother eternal and temporal.

The frequency of confession differs. Four times a year is a common practice,
although in the Russian Church no one may receive the Eucharist unless he
has first confessed his sins. Other Eastern Churches have no set rules and
may even prescribe confession only when grave sins have been committed. The
same with faculties to hear confessions: some bishops restrict the privilege
to a select group of priests, others allow all priests under their jurisdiction
to absolve anyone who comes to them.

Holy Orders are almost, but not quite the same as in the Catholic Church.
The Orthodox distinguish (as do Catholics) between major and minor orders,
but they do not consider any of the minor, as well as the subdiaconate, sacraments;
only the episcopate, priesthood and deaconate are called sacraments, the rest
are merely sacramental. However even the subdiaconate is regarded sufficient
to make the law of continence binding; so that subdeacons, as well as deacons
and priests, are traditionally forbidden to marry or to contract a second
marriage if their first wife dies.

In the ceremony of ordination, the actual conferral of orders is quite simple,
although the surrounding liturgy is very elaborate. Essentially the sacrament
is conferred by the imposition of hands (in the Byzantine ceremonial only
the right hand) by the bishop on the ordinand; this is the same for all three
major orders. The form of ordination is also practically the same for bishop,
priest and deacon, except for a single phrase. The grace of God, that always
strengthens the weak and fills things that are empty, advances the most devout
subdeacon N.N. to be deacon. Let us therefore pray for him that the grace
of the Holy Spirit may come upon him. [26]

There follows a long prayer with biblical allusions to the deacon St. Stephen,
while the bishop continues to hold his hand on the subjects head. The deacon
is then vested in the sanctuary and given a honorarion or stole decorated
with crosses and placed over the shoulders. In the ordination of priests
the same formula is used, except for the words, the most devout deacon N.N.
to be priest, and for bishops, appoints the most devout elect N.N. to be
Metropolitan of the most holy Metropolis N. A priest receives the vestments
and sacred vessels, the bishop is given a miter and insignia of his office.

In the Russian Church a theory prevails that ordained clerics lose their
sacerdotal character when they ask for reduction to the lay state or the same
is imposed on them for a grave crime. The result is that reordinations to
the priesthood and reconsecrations to the episcopate are not rare in the history
of the Russian Orthodox Church.

The sacrament of matrimony is called the Crowning in the Eastern Churches.
Its purpose is to bestow the Churchs blessing upon husband and wife, and
assist them to remain faithful to each other and their respective duties until
death. Husband and wife wear crown during the ceremony, and in some places
for a week afterwards. Marriage vows are pronounced during the Eucharistic
Liturgy, with appropriate readings from the Gospel of St. John about the marriage
feast at Cana and from St. Pauls classic epistle to the Ephesians, that a
husband is head of the wife, just as Christ is head of the Church.

Although in the marriage formula words are used to suggest a permanent union,
and this is still considered the ideal, divorce with the right to remarry
is commonly recognized among the Eastern Orthodox. A few dogmatists still
hold that only adultery gives the privilege of a perfect divorce, but canonists
and the normal practice extend this condition to a broad variety of causes.
A divorce law promulgated in Russia after the Communist Revolution typifies
the general attitude of the Church, which juridically reserves to itself the
right to dissolve the marriage bond.

Among other grounds for dissolving marriage, besides antecedent physical
impotence, are abandonment of the Orthodox faith by either party, adultery
whether of one or both parties, voluntary mutilation which makes marital relations
impossible, grave disease like syphilis, prolonged absence of one partner
for two or three years, physical violence or injury to the spouse or children
or threat of death, incurable mental illness, malicious neglect of duty proved
before an ecclesiastical tribunal. In practice the two most common grounds
urged before the Church are prolonged absence and malicious neglect, with
the dissolution taking automatic effect after a specified time and previous
adjudication by Church authorities.

Provisions are made for marriage ceremonies following a divorce. They are
much different from the Crowning at a first nuptials, and contain a clearly
penitential note to emphasize that those who enter a second union have failed
to preserve the purity of their first intention. A salutary prayer is read
over the couple by the priest. O Lord Jesus Christ, cleanse the iniquities
of Your servants because, being unable to bear the heat and burden of the
day and the hot desires of the flesh, they are now entering into the bond
of their second marriage, as You did render lawful by Your chosen vessel the
Apostle Paul, saying for the sake of us humble sinners, It is better to marry
in the Lord than to burn. [27]

The penitential ritual is used both for divorcees remarrying, and for those
who were widowed. However no permission is given to deacons and priests to
marry more than once, and they are required to espouse a virgin. If they
contract a second marriage, they must give up the active work of the priestly
ministry and may continue to function in some subordinate position.

There is an Orthodox equivalent of the Catholic sacrament of extreme (or
final) unction called Holy Unction, to distinguish it from the idea of
a final anointing in grave sickness or at the time of death. Holy unction
has a broader significance, since it is administered in cases of bodily and
mental illness, even when there is no danger of death, and may be received
by anyone seeking spiritual renewal and purification.

Generally the priest is invited to the sick persons home and administers
the unction there, but recently the practice has arisen of offering the benefit
of the Euchelaion to everyone who presents himself at the church during
certain seasons, as in Lent, or who visits some place of pilgrimage. In a
few localities anointing becomes a special preparation for Holy Communion.

There are seven lessons or readings which deal with the healing ministry
of Christ, each followed by an anointing, whose original form was, Holy Father,
Physician of bodies and souls, You sent Your only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus
Christ to cure every ill and to deliver us from death. Heal also this Your
servant N.N. of the sickness which afflicts his body and enliven him through
the grace of Your Christ. [28] This formula has since
undergone many additions and changes, including invocations of the Blessed
Virgin and Saints Cosmas and Damian. Seven priests are recommended to perform
the unction, although one is sufficient in case of necessity. A brush is
used to anoint the various parts of the body: the forehead, chin, cheeks,
hands, nostrils and chest. However the practice is not uniform among the
churches. Each priest performs the same ritual with an amalgam of olive
oil which, at least in Russia, is mixed with wine, in memory of the Good Samaritan.

Saints and the Faithful Departed

Among the saints, the Orthodox reserves a special place for the Blessed Virgin.
Warm veneration of the Theotokos (Mother of God), writes one of their theologians,
is the soul of Orthodox piety. [29] Priests
and people invoke her name constantly in liturgical and private prayers; they
love her not only as the Mother of Christ but as the spiritual mother of all
men. Her icons are worshiped everywhere, and the majority of Orthodox prayers
and hymns are addressed to Mary under a variety of titles and with a profusion
of feast days that has no counterpart in the rest of the Christian world.

In their theological reflection on this Marian piety, Eastern writers are
quite technical, distinguishing between the kind of worship offered to God
and to His Mother. We worship our Lady, the Virgin Mother of God, with hyperdulia,
but not as God; as the Mother of God, but not with latria. God forbid, that
would be blasphemy. For God only do we worship with latria and make our intercession
with Him for sins committed after baptism, and by her we hope for remission
from Him. [30]

Underlying the devotion to Mary is a profound veneration for the saints,
who are considered bound to the faithful on earth by ties of grace and through
a common bond in Christ. This was brought out forcefully at the Evanston
Assembly of the World Council of Churches, at which the Orthodox delegates
took issue with the prevalent opinion that the Church is only a community
of wayfarers en route to their destiny.

It is misleading to describe the Church simply as the pilgrim people
of God and forget that the Church Triumphant and Church Militant are but
one Body. It is precisely in this unity that the Christian Hope is grounded.
The Church is the great Communion of Saints. We upon earth live and strive
in communion with the glorious cloud of witnesses revealed through the ages
and are strengthened by the intercessions of the Theotokos and the Saints
with whom we join in adoration of Christ our Redeemer. [31]

The Russian Catechism explains how the faithful who belong to the Church
Militant on earth, in offering their prayers to God, call at the same time
to their aid the saints who belong to the Church in heaven. Since the saints
stand on the highest steps of the approach to God, by their prayers and intercessions
they purify, strengthen, and offer before God and prayers of the faithful
living upon earth, and by the will of God work graciously and beneficently
upon them, either by invisible virtue, or by distinct apparitions and in divers
others ways. [32]

Recognizing that their devotion to Mary and the saints is a major obstacle
to the acceptance of Orthodoxy by the Protestants, Eastern churchmen have
gone to great lengths in clarifying what to them is an essential part of Christianity.
The Orthodox Church asks nothing of the saints except the acting as ambassadors
towards God for us and the supplicating for all things needful---not even
of the Holy Theotokos herself. Inasmuch as of her own power she can
do nothing except act as an ambassador, we ask nothing of her except that,
and to plead with her Son and her God for us. [33]

It comes somewhat as a surprise that the Immaculate Conception should not
be admitted. Actually the Orthodox had always venerated Marys absolute sinlessness,
but since the definition by Pius IX, spokesmen for the Eastern Churches have
denied the doctrine, at any rate in Catholic terms. Anthimos VIII of Constantinople
officially declared against it in 1895. The more common Orthodox opinion
is that Mary was freed from original sin at the Annunciation.

The subject of an intermediary state between earth and heaven has been controverted
among the Orthodox for centuries. They offer the Holy Sacrifice for the faithful
departed and pray for the dead, but their theologians insist they do not accept
the Catholic doctrine of purgatory. A measured statement about the condition
of the dead occurs in the highly respected Confession of Kritopoulos.

The Church teaches that their punishment is not material, nor in their
members, nor by fire nor any other material things, but by the pain and sorrow
of conscience which come to them from the remembrance of those things which
in the world they did in violation of reason and against sanctity. Therefore
we pray for the departed by name for each. As often as the Lords Supper
is celebrated, no matter on what day, they are remembered in common. For
all who have compiled the prayers of that Sacrament, Basil the Great, Gregory
the Theologian and John Chrysostom, make mention of them who are fallen asleep.
It is not for us to fix the time of their purification. [34]

Other writers further speculate on the lot of the souls in purgation, but
their main difference from the accepted Catholic position is a denial of the
name, purgatory, and the existence of a purgatorial fire. The latter is
common teaching in Catholic theology, but at the reunion Councils of Lyons
(1274) and Florence (1438-1445), out of consideration for the separated Greeks
the official declarations speak only of purifying punishment (poenae purgatoriae),
not of purifying fire.

Church Authority and Monasticism

The most characteristic feature of the Eastern Churches is their constitutional
organization as a visible society. Many Orthodox agree that the Church is
essentially hierarchical; they admit that bishops are the successors of the
Apostles and visible heads of particular churches; and they invest the universal
Church (including the faithful) with supreme transitory authority during an
ecumenical council. But in the absence of a permanent, divinely instituted
visible head, endowed with immediate jurisdiction over each diocese, they
have developed a system of government known as autocephalism.

Self Government

Literally autocephalous means self-headed and was used in the early Church
to describe bishops who were under no superior authority in their metropolitan
area. Eventually the term came to describe the whole juridical structure
of Eastern Orthodoxy, which may be compared to the United Nations in contrast
to a monarchy such as the Catholic Church. In theory there may be as many
autocephalous churches as there are dioceses or bishops, because the Orthodox
recognizes no ultimate primate, and individual bishops by equal right succeed
the first Apostles. But in practice there are as many autocephalous churches
as distinct political units or racial bodies speaking the same language, even
though not united politically.

The interior government of each autocephaly is synodal or collegial, since
a monarchical form of jurisdiction is excluded not only from the universal
Church but also from each autocephaly. Instead the supreme authority is vested
in a college or synod. The principle holds good even in autocephaly presided
over by a patriarch or exarch (lower metropolitan primate), where the real
governing power is a synod of bishops together with the primate. Without
the synod, the latter can do little or nothing of his own accord.

Yet even the synod is only partially authoritative, because the supreme jurisdiction
governing each autocephaly is twofold: the Church and State. In the territory
where the synod is located, the civil government has extensive power, comparable
to the rights of ecclesiastical superiors in the Catholic Church.

In defense of the synodal system, Orthodox writers appeal to Sacred Scripture,
which shows that the Apostles settled controversies and treated questions
of moment by means of synods. Collegial government, they add, is also more
in conformity with fraternal charity. The dogmatic foundation for this system
is found in the text of the Byzantine Nicene Creed. In the Slavonic version
of the Creed, the word Katholike is translated subornaiia, which
etymologically means synodal or conciliar. Orthodox theologians say that
the ancient translators by this version wished to show that the true Church
of Christ is recognized by its collegial character.

At the convention of all Patriarchal Churches held in Moscow in 1927, the
assembly declared that the term sobornost must be understood of the conciliar
form of the Church. It means conciliarity, and stands for the joint possession
by all the members of the Church of all its gifts and properties. Thus the
prerogatives of ultimate authority and infallibility belong to the whole ecclesiastical
community, Sobornost, from the Russian sobor, assembly, has no exact English
equivalent, but generally denotes the quality needed for charitable collaboration,
with stress on the cooperation of the people. It is a feature of their Church,
say the Russians, in contrast with the emphasis on authority in Roman Catholicism
and the individualism of the protestant communions.

Theoretically national autocephalism precludes anything like a real primacy
of jurisdiction on the part of any prelate. Even the Ecumenical Patriarch
of Constantinople has only a primacy of honor and precedence, but not of ultimate
authority. In practice, however, the autocephalous churches do acknowledge
a kind of primacy of jurisdiction, whether to their local prelate or the metropolitan
or the patriarch. Yet the acknowledgment fluctuates and differs with the
regions and the degree of autonomy from State control.

Mutual relations between the autocephaly vary. On principle they enjoy all
rights, like politically independent nations. They call each other sister
churches, and are urged to practice fraternal love and ecclesiastical unity,
which they manifest in several ways. When a new prelate is elected, he informs
each autocephaly of his appointment. The prelates of each autocephaly inscribe
each others names in the diptych and make a commemoration during the Sacred
Liturgy. Those admitted into communion by one autocephaly should be accepted
by the others; those excommunicated by one are to be ostracized by all. Doctrinal
or disciplinary decisions should be communicated to all the Orthodox churches;
and in the same spirit correspondence on problems and methods of procedure
is encouraged, and when a council is convoked, each autocephalous body is
to be represented.

A midway theory of government, between autocephalous and monarchical, was
strongly advocated in Orthodox circles until modern times, and has recently
found favor among Eastern theologians. The idea is basically an ecclesiastical
oligarchy, founded on the notion that the Apostles were of equal authority
but they gave supreme jurisdiction not to one of their number but to a number
of relates equal in power. Two forms have been advocated, the pentarchy and
tetrarchy, each within the limits of authentic Orthodox ecclesiology.

According to the pentarchical theory, supreme authority in the Church would
be ascribed to five mutually independent Patriarchs, equal in authority and
simultaneously governing the universal Church, namely Rome, Constantinople,
Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem. Just as the body is ruled by five senses,
so God is said to have willed His Church to be directed by five Patriarchs,
among whom is included the Roman Pontiff.

Theologians who exclude the pope from the universal Church on account of
schism and heresy logically adopted the tetrarchical theory, which consigns
the supreme jurisdiction of the Church to the four Oriental Patriarchs, minus
the pope, whose primacy of honor passed from Rome to Constantinople with the
change of empire at the time of Charlemagne.

Monastic Life

Monasticism is an essential feature of Eastern Orthodoxy. Yet its concept
is quite different from the religious life in the West, where a great variety
of rules and apostolic needs have produced a corresponding variety of communities
dedicated to following the Christian counsels. Harnack once remarked that
an Orthodox monastery is the most perfect relic of the fourth century left
in the world. His spirit and ideals are still those which St. Benedict found
and developed in Europe, but which the Orthodox have inherited from St. Basil
and retained practically unchanged.

With rare exception, Orthodox monks do not engage in teaching, preaching,
or the ministry. That is the concern of the bishops and secular (white) clergy,
as distinct from the black clergy in monasteries, who are only a small fraction
of the total monastic population. Practically all of them follow the Rule
of St. Basil; the monastery on Mt. Sinai and some others in Lebanon and on
the Red Sea prefer the Rule of St. Anthony the Hermit.

Each monastery (laura) is independent of all the rest, with no ultimate
superior like a provincial or general; although most lauras are under the
jurisdiction of the local Metropolitan or even the Patriarch. However daughter
monasteries (kellia) are subject to the abbot of their parent laura.
The abbot (Hegumenos) is elected by his own monks, approved by the
Metropolitan, enthroned in a special ceremony and governs for life in cenobitic
monasteries.

Of the thousand or more Orthodox monasteries scattered throughout Europe
and Asia, the most famous is the monastic republic on the Holy Mountain, Athos,
at the northernmost of three peninsulas that jut from the Chalcis in Greece.
There are twenty monasteries on the mountain, eleven following the cenobitic
rule and nine the idiorrhythmic. [35] The word cenobite is derived
from the Greek koinos (common) and bios (life); idiorrhythmic
comes from idios (ones own) and rhythmos (fashion or mode).

The cenobitic rule insists on perfect obedience to the abbot, elected for
life by monks who have been in religion at least six years. He is spiritual
master of the community, but has the assistance of others in external administration.
Monks receive property, clothing and food from the abbot; they eat their meals
in common.

Idiorrhythmic monasteries first appeared in the fifteenth century and are
directed by two annually changed trustees, elected from the ten or fifteen
senior monks, whose decisions they enforce. A spiritual father (pneumatikos)
has charge of the interior life of the monks. Individual members retain their
property, eat meals in their own cells, which may be two or three rooms, and
are left to their own judgment on matters of austerity. The cenobites consider
the idiorrhythmic rule lax; but they are answered that person initiative in
the spiritual life is not stifled under the broader discipline. Actually
the cenobitic are more austere and cater to a more hardy type of ascetic.

Before entering one of the monasteries on Athos, a man from the world visits
several and chooses one, at which he presents his application. He must be
at least eighteen, a member in good standing of the Orthodox Church and entering
without coercion. After about three years of probation, he has the option
of remaining a beginner without vows, or seeking advancement by taking the
four vows of stability, obedience, poverty and chastity. In token of his
new status, he receives a first name identical in initial with the rejected
Christian name. The new name is that of a deceased saint, who serves as an
inspiration; the surname is hat of the monastery. Relgiious on this level
are called monks of the little habit. Those who seek greater perfection
may do so after years of experience, to become monks of the great habit,
with duties of more prayer, stricter fasting, and more severe discipline.

The monks on Mount Athos are generally called from bed at eleven at night
for an hours private prayer, and later in the small hours for Matins and
the chanting of communal hymns. There are two meals a day, with household
duties interrupted by regular community prayers. Supper and Compline are
between six and seven. Monks are to occupy the stalls assigned to them, and
are regularly checked by the abbot to note any absentees.

Two characteristic practices in Orthodox monasteries are keeping the liturgical
vigils and fasts. There are more than fifty vigils a year, which call for
continuous services throughout the evening, night and following morning.
Fasting varies between the cenobitic and idiorrhythmic rule. One meal without
oil is taken about noon in the coenobia on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays
throughout the year; and two meals on other days. No meat is served, but
fish is allowed. The idiorrhythmic rule requires abstinence from cheese,
butter and meat on Wednesdays and Fridays, with a stricter diet during the
season of Lent, which begins on Quinquagesima Sunday, and on certain fast
days before the great feasts of the year.

The general principles of Orthodox monasticism apply equally to men and women,
except that before the Russian revolution unenclosed nuns were practically
unknown. But now they engage in active works of mercy among the sick and
indigent. The same change has affected some monasteries of men, who were
pressured by the government and public opinion to undertake teaching in schools,
conducting agricultural colleges, preaching missions and otherwise becoming
involved in secular affairs. However, the number of monks and nuns who have
make the turn over is fractional, and one of the major tensions they experience
is the conflict of ancient ideals with the increased demands, often under
severe sanction from civil authorities, to abandon what the Fathers of Eastern
monasticism call the angelic life of separation from the world and contemplation
of God.

Liturgy and Worship

The liturgy and ritual of the Eastern Churches are the product of a long
process of development reaching back to the early centuries, and find their
roots in the traditional doctrine of the Eucharist. Although their writers
avoid the term transubstantiation they commonly believe in a very real presence
of Christ in the Eucharist. In fact their ecumenical efforts with the Protestants
often reach an impasse in the unequivocal insistence on a complete change
taking place at the consecration of the elements at Mass.

We believe that the substance (ousian) of bread and wine remain no longer,
but the very Body and Blood of the Lord, under the form and figures of bread
and wine, that is under the accidents (sumbebekosin). Also that under every
part or smallest bit of the bread and wine there is not a part of the Lords
Body, but the entire whole Lord Christ according to His substance: that is
with the soul and divinity as He is perfect God and perfect Man.

So that though there be many Eucharists celebrated in the world at one
and the same hour, there are not many Christs, or many bodies of Christ, but
one and the same Christ is present in all and every Church of the faithful,
and there is one Body and Blood. Not that the Body of the Lord which is in
heaven descends upon the altar; but because that Bread which is laid on the
altar, and there offered in every Church, is by consecration changed and transubstantiated
and made one and the same with that which is in heaven. [36]

When modern Orthodox theologians balk at the word transubstantiation, their
objections may be generally reduced to an unwillingness to accept the Latinized
version decreed by the Council of Trent. They prefer the Greek metousiosis
or transelementation, but the concept behind the term is practically the
same.

The Epiklesis

A more serious problem concerns the moment at which the Eucharistic change
takes place. With the doubtful exception of the Nestorian Christians, all
the Eastern liturgies contain the words of institution in the Holy Sacrifice,
This is my Body, and This is the chalice of my Blood. But they consider
these words either nonessential or inadequate, on the score that another prayer,
the Epiklesis or invocation of the Holy Spirit, is necessary. In the
Orthodox liturgy, the Epiklesis is that ritual prayer in which God the Father
is asked to send down the Holy Spirit and to effect the Eucharistic conversion,
changing the sacred gifts by His divine power.

In the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, after the words of institution, the
priest recites the prayer, We offer You this reasonable and unbloody sacrifice,
and we pray You, beg You, and implore You to send down Your Holy Spirit on
us and on these present gifts; and to make this bread the precious Body of
Your Christ, and what is in this chalice the precious Blood of Your Christ,
changing them by Your Holy Spirit. [37] Similar
prayers are found in the other Eastern liturgies.

Three schools of thought exist among the Orthodox on the Epiklesis. One
group attributes the consecration to the words of institution and the Epiklesis
taken together; another says the Epiklesis fructifies what is only seminally
expressed the previous formula; and a third holds that the entire consecratory
power is in the Epiklesis. In the last theory, the words of institution are
taken as a mere historical narrative. The trend in recent years has been
away from the intransigence previously shown on the subject towards and acceptance
of the Catholic doctrine, which identifies the form of consecration with Christs
words instituting the Sacrament.

Structure of the Liturgy

Orthodox writers summarize the differences between Western and Eastern celebrations
of the Eucharistic Liturgy by saying that the Eucharist for an Orthodox Christian
is not so much a sudden intervention of the divine from above, as a gradual
revelation of the divine presence which is always here but remains hidden
because of the sinfulness of men. A mystical union of the soul with God,
through the operation of the Holy Spirit, also typifies the Eastern approach
to the Liturgy.

Special emphasis is placed on the Eucharistic Sacrifice as a reenactment
of the whole life span of Christ, in which priest, deacon and the laity have
essential roles to play. The service itself is divided into three parts,
corresponding to three phases in the life of the Savior. In the Prothesis
or preparation, the infancy and hidden life of Christ are commemorated;
the Synaxis or assembly, which in Catholic terms is the Mass of the
Catechumens, reminds the faithful of the teaching and healing ministry of
the Redeemer; while the third part, the Anaphora or offering of the
gifts, properly speaking the Liturgy of the Faithful, recalls the final events
of the Gospel narrative; the Last Supper, the Cross, Resurrection, Ascension
and descent of the Holy Spirit.

Among other functions during the Prothesis, the round loaf of leavened bread
is cut into particles, placed on the diskos and repeatedly incensed; litanies
are recited for various causes like peace, the Church, bishop, civil rulers,
and fruits of the earth; and a series of antiphons is sung by the choir and
ministers.

In the Mass of the Catechumens, the Trisagion is sung daily, invoking Holy
God, holy strong One, holy immortal One, have mercy on us, three times, followed
by the Gloria Patri and then again, Holy Immortal One, have mercy on us,
and finally the whole invocation, Holy God. While the choir sings, the
priest is reciting other prayers; a reader sings the Epistle, and the deacon
the Gospel, after incensation. When the deacon announces, All catechumens
go out; not one catechumen shall stay, the Synaxis is over.

Although the Anaphora is strictly speaking the Canon of the Mass, the Mass
of the Faithful begins with the invitation to the faithful to pray to the
Lord in peace, along with other prayers and the famous Cherubikon
when the choir sings, Let us, who mystically represent the Cherubim, and
who sing to the life-giving Trinity the thrice-holy hymn, put away all earthly
cares so as to receive the King of all things escorted by the army of angels.
At the word, King, the Great Entrance takes places, which is the dramatic
moment of the Orthodox Liturgy. The royal doors are opened and after prayers
and incensation a solemn procession goes through the church, carrying the
elements to be consecrated.

The sequence of prayers from the Creed to Communion is not unlike that familiar
to Catholics of the Latin rite, but the external ceremonies are quite different.
Choir and priest alternate more frequently, the doors separating celebrant
from people are closed and shut several times, special litanies are said,
a little hot water is added to the consecrated chalice, and the consecration
takes place behind the Ikonostasis or screen which divides the sanctuary from
the nave. It is pierced by three doors, the central or Royal Door admitting
to the altar, and those on the right and left corresponding to the sacristy
and place of preparation of the elements for Mass.

Holy Communion is received by priest, deacon and people under both species.
However in administering to the sick or from the tabernacle, the consecrated
Host is dipped into unconsecrated wine. Practice differs, but the Orthodox
laity receive the Eucharist only rarely; one custom is four times a year on
the major feasts. In the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, the priest takes
with a spoon part of the Host which is in the chalice, soaked in the consecrated
wine, and gives it to the communicant, saying, The servant of God, N.N.,
receives the holy and precious Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, Lord, God and
Savior, for the forgiveness of his sins and for life everlasting.

The final part of the Liturgy includes a short litany with the singers, a
prayer to the image of Christ, consuming the remnants of the consecrated elements,
blessing and distribution to the people of the unconsecrated bread and concluding
orations. At the end the doors are again shut to separate the celebrants
from the congregation.

Rites and Office

Besides the Eucharistic Liturgy and the sacraments, Orthodox prayer books
contain more than forty other rites and sacred blessings, covering every need
and phase of human life. In all these ceremonies the stress is on the Church,
which the people believe has power to sanctify and purify all life, both matter
and spirit, and that whenever a benediction is received the blessing comes
through the assembly from the Holy Spirit who animates the body of His faithful.

The Divine Office is held in high respect, although its full recitation and
chant are limited to religious communities. Unlike the Roman Breviary, it
is not combined into a single set of books but various parts must be drawn
from different sources. Consisting essentially of the Psalms, it also contains
numerous hymns, prayers, litanies and antiphons. Secular priests say as much
as devotion and time allow, because the complete office (in at least one rite)
is said to take eight hours to complete.

Prayers to the Virgin are featured in the office, addressing her, Honored
above the Cherubim, bearing the incarnate Word, Mother of God, we praise you.
Hail, cause of our joy; hail, end of the curse of Adam; hail, throne of the
King; hail, bearer of Him who bears all things. Spouse and Virgin, hail.
An evening hymn that dates from at least the third century, the Phos hilaron
(Kindly Light), was Newmans inspiration for the prayer he wrote shortly before
his conversion. Kindly Light of the Fathers glory, blessed and holy Jesus
Christ, now that we see the setting sun and light the evening lamps, again
we worship God, the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. At all times it is right
to praise You, Son of God and Life-giver, and so the whole world shall always
tell Your glory.

Current services of the Orthodox Church follow a complex system of cycles,
of which the first is the seven days of the week. Sunday is dedicated to
the Resurrection, Monday to the angels, Tuesday to John the Baptist and the
prophets, Wednesday and Friday in honor of Christs Passion, Thursday is in
honor of the apostles, St. Nicholas and all the saints, and Saturday commemorates
all the faithful departed, especially the martyrs. Another cycle is based
on the eight musical notes, each with its own set of hymns. A new mode is
introduced on Saturday night and dominates the offices of the Church for the
rest of the week. After eight weeks the cycle is repeated.

The annual cycle is the most comprehensive, with each day commemorating its
own saints and some important event in biblical or Christian history. A special
book, the Typicon, gives the rules and rubrics for conducting services
and choosing prayers and hymns for each day. For two periods of the year
the liturgical tempo changes. Lenten services are unusually long and penitential,
calling for kneeling and prostration; whereas Easter is celebrated with signs
of joy and festivity. The Royal Doors are not closed for seven days, and
no one kneels during the six weeks following Easter Sunday. To care for all
these liturgical needs, the Church provides a variety of books, in addition
to the Missals and books of the Divine Office. Besides the Typicon
at least seven are commonly used: the Horologium covers the unchangeable
parts of the services and serves as a scaffolding for the rest of public worship,
the Octoekhos incorporates the eight modes of musical chant, the Menaia
(in twelve volumes) give the hymns for daily commemoration, the Triodion
and Pentikostarion serve the Lenten and Easter seasons, the Litourgion
and Euchologion are used for conducting Easter worship. Manuals of
prayers are also designed for the laity, and may include daily Bible lessons
for private recitation.

Orthodox liturgical worship is designed to inspire by appealing to all the
senses: the eyes by beholding the sacred painting of icons, the ears by hearing
the songs, the incense surrounds the worshiper with aromatic fumes, the palate
is served by tasting both species of the Eucharist and the sacred bread (antidôron),
the body joins in prayer by means of symbolic gestures. More than in any
other branch of Christendom, Orthodox liturgy stresses the element of mystery
and sense of community in public worship, based on the principle that religion
is primarily a raising of the mind and will to God and that communal prayer
is most pleasing to the Trinity, which itself is a social concept of the Divinity.

Heterodox Eastern Churches

Although the Orthodox Christians represent by far the majority membership
in the Eastern Churches not in communion with Rome, two other groups, the
Monophysites and Nestorians, are also called Eastern and follow much of the
Oriental ritual but their theology is heterodox by traditional Christian standards.

The Monophysites, from the Greek monos (one) and phusis (nature),
hold, in general, that Christ had only a divine nature, as opposed to the
orthodox teaching that He was true God and perfect man.

The essentials of Monophysite doctrine go back to Apollinaris of Laodicea
(c. 310-390), for whom the man Christ had no human spirit, which was replaced
by the divine Logos. But the real foundations of Monophysitism were laid
by Eutyches (c. 374-454), archimandrite of a monastery at Constantinople,
who said he was only repeating the doctrine of St. Cyril of Alexandria. His
opposition to Nestorianism led Eutyches to the other extreme of claiming that
the manhood of Christ was transformed into or absorbed by the divine nature.
On this theory the redemption of the world by the passion and death of Christ
became theologically impossible.

While there is some question of how unorthodox Eutyches was personally, the
doctrine attached to his name and developed by his followers was condemned
by the Council of Chalcedon in 451. In the classic form of Eutychian Monophysitism,
the two natures of Christ are considered mixed or blended to produce a composite
who is not properly God nor really man, but one and the other simultaneously,
much as a drop of water dissolves in wine or as the elements of hydrogen and
oxygen combine to make water.

A dominant type of Monophysitism was started by Julian of Halicarnassus (died
after 518), who so spiritualized the man Christ as to make Him incorruptible
and immortal from the moment of incarnation. Dubbed the Phantasiasts, Julians
followers were like the earlier Docetists, for whom the humanity and sufferings
of Christ were only apparent and not real.

The Julianists were opposed by Severus, patriarch of Antioch (c. 464-538),
who rejected Eutychianism and ostensibly professed that Christ was both God
and man. Yet he and his disciples were not orthodox because they accuse the
council of Chalcedon of Nestorianism, refused to accept the Churchs terminology
to describe the Incarnation, and explained the union of the two natures of
Christ by analogies and in language that openly favored Monophysitism.

The adversaries of Chalcedon were soon divided into opposing sects and later
formed churches that catered to their respective beliefs. They finally consolidated
into three principal bodies: the Copts and Abyssinians; the Syrian Jacobites,
named after their leader, Jacob Baradaeus (c. 500-578), and the Armenians.
All three bodies still exist and accept the Fathers of the Church prior to
Chalcedon, but they differ among themselves, partly in doctrine and mainly
in liturgical practice.

Coptic Christians number about a million and are concentrated in Egypt.
Their liturgy is derived from that of St. Mark, and a characteristic custom
is the five great fasts: of Nineve before Lent (14 days), Lent (55 days),
Advent (28 days), before the Ascension (9 days), and before the Assumption
of the Virgin (15 days). In 1948 the Monophysites of Abyssinia became independent
of the Egyptian Copts, and today the Ethiopian Church counts the majority
of that countrys sixteen million population.

Syrian Jacobites number less than half a million, and follow the Antiochean
liturgy of St. James. One of their customs is to make the sign of the cross
with one finger, to express belief in the one nature of Christ. However the
term Jacobites is also used to describe the Monophysite Christians in Egypt.

Unlike the Copts and Jacobites, the Armenians were not represented at Chalcedon,
but around the year 500 for political reasons they repudiated the council
and formed a church which has a current membership of three million. The
Armenians never entered into full communion with religious bodies that are
professedly Monophysite.

Present-day Monophysites are closer to the mitigated variety of Severus than
the radical form of Eutychianism. Their churchmen consistently oppose the
latter as heresy, and in their creedal formulas approximate the wording if
not the full doctrine of traditional Christianity.

Nestorianism was a fifth century heresy which held there were two distinct
persons in the incarnate Christ, one human and the other divine, against the
orthodox teaching that Christ was a divine person who assumed human nature.

Its name was taken from Nestorius (died c. 451), a native of Germanicia in
Syria. As a monk in Antioch he came under the influence of that school of
exegesis, with its emphasis on the literal instead of the spiritual or merely
typical sense of Scripture. A powerful speaker, he became bishop of Constantinople
in 428, but in the same year gave offense by his preaching against the expression
then popular in the city, of Theotokos (Mother of God), as applied
to Mary. When his chaplain, Anastasius, forbade the use of the term as savoring
of heresy, Nestorius supported him, but soon came into conflict with Cyril
of Alexandria and the Egyptian monks.

Both sides appealed in 430 to Pope Celestine I who sustained Cyril and threatened
Nestirus with excommunication. When he refused to submit, an ecumenical council
was summoned at Ephesus through the intervention of the emperor Theodosius
II (431). Nestorius was promptly condemned and told to retract. Complications
arose when John, the Patriarch of Antioch, led forty bishops to side with
Nestorius. However, on arrival of the papal legates from Rome, 198 prelates
upheld the first condemnation, deposed Nestorius, and repudiated the rebel
council of John of Antioch. After two years of negotiation, a creed of union
was adopted by the dissenters and in 435 Nestorius himself was forced into
exile where he died not long afterwards.

The theology of Nestorianism can best be understood as a reaction to Apollinarianism,
which separated the two natures in Christ to the point of denying his humanity.
While properly insisting against Apollinarius that Christ had a perfect human
nature, Nestorius could not conceive a complete existing nature that was not
also a person, namely, an autonomous subject of existence and its own activity.
Consequently, though he admitted that in Christ there was a divine person,
he claimed there also a human personality.

Postulating two separate persons in Christ, when Nestorius came to describe
their union, he could not have them joined ontologically (in their being)
or hypostatically (constituting one person), but only morally or psychologically.
They would be united only by a perfect agreement of the two wills in Christ,
and by a harmonious communication of their respective activities. This harmony
of wills (eudoxia) and the communion of action to which it gives rise,
are what forms the composite personality (henosis) of Christ.

In the Nestorian system, therefore, we cannot speak of a true communication
of idioms, i.e., that while the two natures of Christ are distinct, the attributes
of one may be predicated of the other in view of their union in the one person
of Christ. Accordingly it could not be said that God was born, that He was
crucified or died; Mary is not the Mother of God, except in the broad sense
of giving birth to a man whose human personality was conjoined to the Word
of God.

Nestorianism did not disappear with the Council of Ephesus. Twenty years
later the Council of Chalcedon (451), which condemned Eutyches for confounding
the two natures in Christ, also took issue with Nestorius. In the next century,
the II Council of Constantinople (553) again rejected the Nestorian theory
while extolling the orthodoxy of Cyril of Alexandria.

Through the efforts of Ibas, Bishop of Ephesus from 435, and Barsumas, Bishop
of Nisibis from 457, Nestorianism was developed into a rounded theology and
transported to Persia and Asia Minor where a small but influential sect was
founded. The Nestorian Church survives to the present day under the name
of Assyrian Christians.

Among other divergences from the Eastern Orthodox, the Nestorian Church has
dropped a number of the sacraments. Confirmation was at first identified
with baptism and then omitted altogether; the sacrament of penance has gone
out of use except in the rare case of reconciliation of an apostate; holy
unction has also practically disappeared. An unusual fact about the Nestorian
celebration of the Eucharist is that their original liturgical books had omitted
the words of institution; and, in spite of efforts by certain missionaries
of the Anglican Church to have books printed which include the words of Christ
at the Last Supper, some Nestorian priests still omit the formula of consecration.

A studied comparison of the orthodox and heterodox Oriental bodies would
further reveal the cleavage that separates these two segments of Christianity.
It would also show how much the majority of Eastern Churches have in common
with one whom they call the Mother Church of the West.