[Senate Document 116-8]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
116th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - Senate Document 116-8
VETO--S.J. RES. 37
(PM 24)
__________
MESSAGE
from
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
returning
WITHOUT MY APPROVAL S.J. RES. 37, A JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR
CONGRESSIONAL DISAPPROVAL OF THE PROPOSED EXPORT TO THE UNITED ARAB
EMIRATES, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, AND
THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE OF CERTAIN DEFENSE ARTICLES AND SERVICES
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
July 24, 2019.--Ordered to be printed
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
37-198 WASHINGTON : 2019
To the Senate of the United States:
I am returning herewith without my approval S.J. Res. 37, a
joint resolution that would prohibit the issuance of export
licenses for certain defense articles, defense services, and
technical data to support the transfer of Paveway II kits to
the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland, and the Republic of France. This
resolution would weaken America's global competitiveness and
damage the important relationships we share with our allies and
partners.
In particular, S.J. Res. 37 would prohibit the issuance of
export licenses for Paveway II kits to the UAE, the United
Kingdom, and France. The misguided licensing prohibitions in
the joint resolution directly conflict with the foreign policy
and national security objectives of the United States, which
include strengthening defense alliances with friendly countries
throughout the world, deepening partnerships that preserve and
extend our global influence, and enhancing our competitiveness
in key markets. Apart from negatively affecting our bilateral
relationships with the UAE, the United Kingdom, and France, the
joint resolution would hamper the ability of the United States
to sustain and shape critical security cooperation activities
with those partners. S.J. Res. 37 would also damage the
credibility of the United States as a reliable partner by
signaling that we are willing to abandon our partners and
allies at the very moment when threats to them are increasing.
The United States is providing the licenses that the joint
resolution seeks to prohibit for many reasons. First and
foremost, it is our solemn duty to protect the safety of the
more than 80,000 United States citizens who reside in Saudi
Arabia and are imperiled by Houthis attacking from Yemen using
missiles, armed drones, and explosive boats. The UAE is an
important part of the Saudi-led Coalition that helps protect
Americans from these Iranian-supported Houthi attacks on
civilian and military facilities, including those located in
areas frequented by United States citizens like the airport in
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Second, the joint resolution would
degrade the UAE's military preparedness and ability to protect
its sovereignty, directly affecting its ability to defend the
thousands of United States military personnel hosted there.
Third, the UAE is a bulwark against the malign activities of
Iran and its proxies in the region. It is also an active
partner with the United States in combatting terrorism in Yemen
and elsewhere. The licenses the joint resolution would prohibit
enhance our partner's ability to deter and defend against these
threats.
In addition, S.J. Res. 37 would negatively affect our NATO
Allies and the transatlantic defense industry. It could, for
example, produce unintended consequences for defense
procurement and interoperability with and between our partners.
It could also create diplomatic and security opportunities for
our adversaries to exploit.
Finally, by restricting the ability of our partners to
produce and purchase precision-guided munitions, S.J. Res. 37
would likely prolong the conflict in Yemen and deepen the
suffering it causes. By undermining bilateral relationships of
the United States and impeding our ability to support key
partners at a critical time, the joint resolution would harm--
not help--efforts to end the conflict in Yemen. And without
precision-guided munitions, more--not fewer--civilians are
likely to become casualties of the conflict. While I share
concerns that certain Members of Congress have expressed about
civilian casualties of this conflict, the United States has
taken and will continue to take action to minimize such
casualties, including training and advising the Saudi-led
Coalition forces to improve their targeting processes.
The United States is very concerned about the conflict's
toll on innocent civilians and is working to bring the conflict
in Yemen to an end. But we cannot end it through ill-conceived
and time-consuming resolutions that fail to address its root
causes. Rather than expend time and resources on such
resolutions, I encourage the Congress to direct its efforts
toward supporting our work to achieve peace through a
negotiated settlement to the conflict in Yemen.
For these reasons, it is my duty to return S.J. Res. 37 to
the Senate without my approval.
Donald J. Trump.
The White House, July 24, 2019.
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