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Just as the media, politicians and police (not necessarily in that order) fear criticism of Islamic extremism will trigger demonstrations and violence from ordinary Muslims, so the above “institutions” are now fearful of Native displeasure.

The point where Muslim extremists — Islamists and Jihadists — realized society was intimidated and fearful of criticizing Islamic violence, was probably when the world (yes, the world) refused to reprint those Danish political (not religious) cartoons for fear of turning reactive violence against themselves.

At that point, Islamic militants realized they had the Western world on the ropes, and that they could get away with actions that before, would have been police matters.

For Natives, the turning point was probably the 2006 take-over of the Douglas Creek Estates at Caledonia, where the OPP were ordered not to interfere with Native law breaking and intimidation, but to concentrate on controlling and, if necessary, charging victims of such abuse.

Caledonia more or less confirmed that the political powers would tolerate more mischief from aboriginals than from other Canadians. This trend started after the police shot unarmed Native protestor, Dudley George, at a demonstration at Ipperwash in 1995.

The most recent manifestation of Natives having authorities intimidated involves the coming together of the so-called “hunger strike” by Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence, and the Idle No More (INM) movement that seeks — you guessed it — more federal money and benefits.

Chief Spence’s hunger strike in which fish broth is supposedly her only food, reeks of phoniness. It was ostensibly to force a meeting with Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Gov.-Gen. Dave Johnston — which she is now getting.

One can’t compare Chief Spence’s hunger strike with that of Bobby Sands in Ulster’s Maze prison in 1981, where the 27-year-old symbol of IRA resistance died after 66 days of not eating.

Judging from photographs, Chief Spence looks as fat today as she did when she conveniently moved down from remote Attawapiskat on James Bay, to a teepee erected on an Ottawa River island near the Parliament buildings for better media access.

Maybe her metabolism is unusually protective of her weight; then again maybe fish broth is especially nourishing; or maybe she sneaks illicit snacks, as Toronto’s Mayor Rob Ford did when he was on a much-publicized weight loss program that increased his poundage.

Meanwhile, audit reports indicate that some 80% of more than $100 million invested in Spence’s Attawapiskat has vanished with neither accounting nor a paper trail. That’s not proof of theft, but it is evidence of shoddy-to-derelict management — all of it on Spence’s watch.

None of this quells the enthusiasm of Spence’s choir group.

Natives are now interfering with daily life in parts of Canada by setting up road blocks, preventing train travel, defying police who seem more concerned with preventing reaction from those whose travel plans are violated.

After Idle No More protesters blocked four Montreal-to-Toronto trains near Kingston, the Toronto Star(itls) duly reported an OPP spokesman saying: “We recognize that they have the right to peaceful protest, and our responsibility is keeping the peace.”

Cops afford Native protesters leniency

Just as the media, politicians and police (not necessarily in that order) fear criticism of Islamic extremism will trigger demonstrations and violence from ordinary Muslims, so the above “institutions” are now fearful of Native displeasure.

The point where Muslim extremists — Islamists and Jihadists — realized society was intimidated and fearful of criticizing Islamic violence, was probably when the world (yes, the world) refused to reprint those Danish political (not religious) cartoons for fear of turning reactive violence against themselves.

At that point, Islamic militants realized they had the Western world on the ropes, and that they could get away with actions that before, would have been police matters.

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The tale of Toronto Sun founding editor Peter Worthington’s role in the escape of his interpreter from the Soviet Union in the 1960s is the stuff of legend. However, Worthington wanted to wait until all the protagonists — including himself — were dead before he told the story in complete detail. So here, for the first time in publication, is Part 2