A little bit more than patriotism. A little bit lower than jingoism. ---
Nirendra Dev

Monday, April 28, 2014

Poverty and Migration Menace

The cost of hosting
thousands of Biharis and north Indians has brought north-east India to the
brink of a socio-economic crisis. For a change, chauvinist Marathi leader’s
counselling to ‘future PM’ Narendra Modi that development of cow-belt would
help stem ‘migration menace’ has merits...Here its how and edited version of this piece made to the prestigious North East Weekly page of The Statesman.

Raj
Thackeray, we are with you!!

Hospitality
is perhaps more often not a permanent virtue to human nature. The vexed
anti-outsiders’ movement in various states in the north east in general and the
supposed conflicts of interest with regard the Inner Liner Permit (ILP) debate
in specific is related to this human tendency. Migration is in effect a
multi-edged weapon for north-eastern states.

My understanding of migration in
the national context is that had our national founding fathers not provided the
scope of free migration within the country, India would have collapsed as a
united nation. The insurgency menace would have stuck at the heart of India – states like Madhya Pradesh as well as
population wise vulnerable the cow belt or northern India.

But
coming to north-east of India,
we have a few serious issues at hands. In the name of pragmatism, practical
handling of issues or facing reality, the ‘reality’ is that these ‘tribal
states’ in the northeast have accepted permanent problems in the form of
millions of work force from mainland India. Deliberately let us keep the issue
of illegal foreigner influx from Bangladesh away from the debate.

The
cost of entertaining thousands of Biharis and north Indians, Bengalis, Nepalis
and even a large number of Marwaris from Rajasthan has brought the region to
the brink of worst socio-economic crisis. Now, let us take the question often
asked, whether the ILP rules as provided in the legislation framed in 1873 – the
Bengal
Eastern Frontier Regulation Act - if implemented properly could have
helped the tribal cause. The answer is generally no.

Recently
I interacted with a group of tribal students from the north-eastern states of
Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram – where ILP rules are enforced.

Unhesitatingly,
I must say, some of them readily agreed that the alleged collapse of ILP
mechanism to check ‘inflow’ of outsiders – Mayangs in Manipur, Dhwakher in
Khashi (Meghalaya), Vai-Naupang in Mizoram and Plain manu in Nagaland - too has
much of it contributed towards the gunrunning culture in the northeast. Without
doubt, it’s the fear and subsequent hatred towards ‘outsiders’ that have often
led to insurgency or anti-India campaigns.

One
of the students was particularly more vocal when she said; ILP was a “bad in
law” with tremendous scope for slackness in implementation that has further
aggravated the ugly situation.

So,
what’s the way out of the mess or the cob of complexities?

One
solution, I thought to these vexed questions lay with a rather parochial and
regional chauvinist man in Mumbai – Raj Thackeray.

Raj
– heading his fledgling Maharashtra Nirman Sena – in a series of television
interviews during last week had actually suggested a solution to India’s intra-country
unchecked migration problem.

It’s
a different matter that the suggestion for a near solution comes in a crude and
unsophisticated manner. Raj has suggested that according to him, Narendra Modi,
whom he wants to become Prime Minister of India, should dedicate his first
‘five years’ to the development of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar
and Jharkhand. This would minimise, Raj says, the “burden” of Mumbai and Maharashtra. As someone born and brought up in north-eastern
India
(the state of Nagaland precisely), my response to Raj’s rather chauvinist
rhetoric was: how crude, but how true!

One
could be wrong, but it goes without saying that the economic factors and
especially the absence of job avenues – even manual – that’s driving people
from Bihar and UP to ‘migrate’ outside their states. The bigger form of
immigration is called exodus. The exodus
normally affects the poorer sections either way – those who are migrating and
importantly, also those, who are ‘affected’ by the migration.

The sufferings of
poor should get focus on both the stages. And here comes the relevance of Raj
Thackeray’s suggestion or words of ‘wisdom’ for a probable Modi regime in
future.

Now, frankly, I would not have been carried away by Raj
Thackeray’s crude gesticulation vis-à-vis the states of Jharkhand, UP and Bihar.

Ordinarily, I would have dismissed his anti-migrant rantings without a thought, but Raj's interviews coincided with my trip to Uttar Pradesh for election coverage. The sights of poverty one saw in the Yadav heartland, the supposed power base of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, a permanent aspirant to Prime Ministership, are worth sharing.

Despite
playing messiah of the poor and downtrodden and of course his favourite
vote-bank ‘Muslims’ now for 3 decades, 'Netaji' as Mulayam is known remains an
epitome of failure to deliver development.

The perpetual power crisis and pathetic communications infrastructure have scared away any local industry, and thus hundreds of Yadavs and Muslims in the Mulayam strongholds of Mainpuri, Firozadabad and Kannauj migrate every year to hubs like Guwahati, Dimapur, not to mention Mumbai.

In fairy tales,
we have read about the demon’s life in a caged parrot; you kill the parrot and
the demon would be killed. Similarly, if you can attack the ‘parrot called
POVERTY’ in the Hindi-heartland, the demon of migration and its adverse fallout
in states like Maharashtra as well as north eastern India too could be killed. For
a change, Raj Thackeray! I am with you. I am sure there will be many more who
love north-east India.

About Me

Author of 'Rainbows and Misty Sky: Windows to North East India';
'HEART ALONE' (A collection of short stories), 'Modi to Moditva: An Uncensored Truth' and other books, 'Ayodhya: Battle for Peace' (2011) ‘Godhra – A Journey To Mayhem’ (2004) and ‘The Talking Guns: North East India’ (2008).