1.
Corruption in Mexico
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Corruption in Mexico has permeated several segments of society – political, economic, and social – and has greatly affected the country’s legitimacy, transparency, accountability, and effectiveness. Many of these dimensions have evolved as a product of Mexico’s legacy of elite, oligarchic consolidation of power and that is, Mexico functioned as a one-party state and was characterized by a system in which politicians provided bribes to their constituents in exchange for support and votes for reelection. Political contestation equated to political, economic, and social isolation, the party remained securely in power, and government accountability was low. Power was consolidated in the hands of a few, and even more narrowly. Beyond this, few checks were set on elected officials’ actions throughout the PRIs unbroken reign, consequently, sustained PRI rule yielded low levels of transparency and legitimacy within the councils of Mexico’s government. 71 years of power provided an opportunity for corruption to accumulate, with this type of institutionalized corruption, the political path in Mexico was very narrow. There were specified political participation channels and selective electoral mobilization and these issues, deeply engrained in Mexico’s political culture after over half a century’s existence, have continued to generate and institutionalize political corruption in today’s Mexico. Mexico’s geographic location has played largely in the development of the role in organized crime. Not only is Mexico adjacent to the world’s largest illegal drug market – the United States – but it also borders Central America, a region of nations with a similarly high demand for drugs. This positions Mexican drug cartels at an advantage, demand for drugs is not simply confined to the Mexican state, as drug cartels and TCOs have increasingly made use of these areas, the groups have become progressively more complex, violent, and diverse. The Mexican government has historically accomplished very little in terms of effectively curbing the offenses of these TCOs and cartels, under this system, TCOs’ influence has extended beyond violent criminal activity or drug trade, and has reached into Mexico’s institutional bases. These networks – alongside a lack of government transparency and checks, the growing prevalence and diversification of organized crime is in many ways linked to the political changes that Mexico underwent in 2000. For the first time in 71 years, the PRI ceded power to a different party, the traditional power structure, which had enabled patronage networks to flourish and TCOs to operate, became challenged by government forces that attempted to curb violence and illegal activity. However, social decomposition quickly followed the fall of the PRI, the PAN, never before in the seat of power, was in many ways inexperienced in broad governance, and criminal factions capitalized on the party’s perceived weakness. During PAN President Felipe Calderón’s administration, Mexico experienced a vast increase in organized crime. ”In this, beyond further diversifying criminal activity, TCOs further developed their connections to Mexico’s institutions and to corruption. Many members of the Federal Police and the Army joined TCOs and this corruption permeated the social atmosphere along the border, where violence became increasingly heightened and fatal. Attempting to combat this security crisis, Calderón deployed the military against criminal organizations along the border, however, rather than resolving the corruption and violence issues that pervaded the area, the army deepened problems and crime. The employment of the military by the Calderón administration exacerbated Mexico’s violence and organized crime, surrendering public spaces to organized crime had already become a serious threat to national security and had overtaken the capabilities of local governments to do anything about it

2.
Feminism in Mexico
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Feminism in Mexico is often divided chronologically into peak periods followed by lulls, the Revolutionary period, the Second Wave, and the post-1990 period. Womens equality demands, per Lamas, stem from a situation where women are juggling between household commitments and underpaid jobs, as most Mexican women in the upper and middle classes are provided with domestic help, women are more accepting of traditional gender roles. The level of one has attained has played a large part in Mexican feminism. Schoolteachers, in most cultures, are some of the first women to enter the work force, the participants in the Mexico 68 clashes who went on to form that generations feminist movement were predominantly students and educators. The advisers who established themselves within the unions after the 1985 earthquakes were educated women who understood the legal and political aspects of organized labor. What they realized was that to form a movement and attract working class women, they needed to utilize workers expertise and knowledge of their jobs to meld a practical. Because Mexico was dominated by one party for 71 years, womens roles as mothers was politicized. This narrow view of women often put feminist goals at odds with activities that also supported. For example, both run and national programs, likeDIF, offer welfare assistance and food supplements to low income women. To receive the benefits, the government requires women to take classes in domestic skills, programs target skill programs that tie women to domesticity or are low-skill without evaluation as to whether those programs are appropriate or needed in the local marketplace. As of the most recent Gender Gap Index measurement of countries by the World Economic Forum in 2014, Feminist theory is the extension of feminism into theoretical or philosophical fields. It encompasses work in a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, economics, womens studies, literary criticism, art history, psychoanalysis, Feminist theory aims to understand gender inequality and focuses on gender politics, power relations, and sexuality. While providing a critique of social and political relations, much of feminist theory also focuses on the promotion of womens rights and interests. Themes explored in feminist theory include discrimination, stereotyping, objectification, oppression, in Mexico, most of these theories stem from postcolonialism and social constructionist ideologies. As Pamela Abbot and others have noted, an approach to feminism highlights the existence of multiple truths. This quite clearly plays out in the Mexican social perception, where the paternalistic machismo culture is neither clearly juxtaposed against a marianismo nor a malinchismo counterpart and these stereotypes are further reinforced in popular culture via literature, art, theater, dance, film, television and commercials. Predominantly, until the part of the 19th century, images of women, whether in the arts or society as a whole, were those dictated by men. After the Revolution the state created a new image of who was Mexican, largely through the efforts of President Álvaro Obregón the cultural symbol became an indigenous Indian, usually a mestizo female, who represented a break with colonialism and Western imperialism

3.
Indigenous peoples of Mexico
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The number of indigenous Mexicans is judged using the political criteria found in the 2nd article of the Mexican constitution. The Mexican census does not report racial-ethnicity but only the cultural-ethnicity of indigenous communities that preserve their indigenous languages, traditions, beliefs and cultures. It can also be defined broadly to all persons who self identify as having an indigenous cultural background. The indigenous peoples in Mexico have the right of free determination under the article of the constitution. Mesoamerica was densely populated by indigenous ethnic groups which, although sharing common cultural characteristics, spoke different languages. One of the most influential civilizations that developed in Mesoamerica was the Olmec civilization, evidence has been found on the existence of multiracial communities or neighborhoods in Teotihuacan. The capital of the empire, Tenochtitlan, became one of the largest urban centers in the world, while the alliances were decisive to the Europeans victory, the indigenous peoples were soon subjugated by an equally impressive empire. Indigenous communities were incorporated as communities under Spanish rule and with the power structure largely intact. Such a written tradition likely took hold because there was a tradition of pictorial writing found in many indigenous codices. Scholars have utilized the colonial-era alphabetic documentation in what is called the New Philology to illuminate the colonial experience of Mesoamerican peoples from their own viewpoints. Indigenous officials in their communities were involved in maintaining this system, there was a precipitous decline in indigenous populations due to the spread of European diseases previously unknown in the New World. Pandemics wrought havoc, but indigenous communities recovered with fewer members, the Spanish crown recognized the existing ruling group, gave protection to the land holdings of indigenous communities, and communities and individuals had access to the Spanish legal system. Mendicants of the Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian orders initially evangelized indigenous in their own communities in what is called the spiritual conquest. Later on the northern frontiers where nomadic indigenous groups had no fixed settlements, the Jesuits were prominent in this enterprise until their expulsion from Spanish America in 1767. Catholicism with particular local aspects was the only religion in the colonial era. As the New Spain became independent from Spain, the new country was named after its capital city, Mexico declared the abolition of black slavery in 1829 and the equality of all citizens under the law. Indigenous communities continued to have rights as corporations to maintain land holdings until the liberal Reforma, some indigenous individuals integrated into the Mexican society, like Benito Juárez of Zapotec ethnicity, the first indigenous president of a country in the New World. As a political liberal, however, Juárez supported the removal of protections of indigenous community corporate land holding, the greatest change came about as a result of the Mexican Revolution, a violent social and cultural movement that defined 20th century Mexico