prom. to the title of Phraya Rajadipati
Putrapurutravisesa Pradisvara Rajanarubadindra Surindra
Ravivamsa (Phraya Ratsathibodi Butburutphiset
Prathetsaratchanarubodin Surintharawiwangsa) and presented with
a Sword of Honour, 14 June 1869 by King Rama IV"

One
of the most interesting parts of my public life was my visit to
Siam in 1855, of which I published an account in two volumes,
called "Siam and the Siamese." There had been many attempts on
the part of the United Statesof America, of the Governor General of British
India, and of the English government, to establish diplomatic
and commercial relations, but they had utterly failed. Sir James
Brooke [1803 - 1868], the Rajah of Saráwak,
had visited the Meinam [Maenam -
แม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา], and endeavoured to open
a correspondence with the Siamese authorities, but his reception
was so unfriendly that he was compelled to break off all
negotiations.

The country was crushed by monopolies, almost every article of produce was made
an exclusive property, and there were only two vessels engaged in the foreign
trade. An obstinate and ignorant illegitimate son had succeeded to the throne ;
but on his death the nobility clamoured for the recognition of the legitimate
descendant, a remarkable man, who had retired from public life, and made his
person sacred by becoming a Buddhist priest, and withdrawing to a convent,
where for eleven years he devoted himself to the study of Sanskrit, Pali, and
other Oriental tongues. He learned Latin from the French Catholic Missionaries,
at whose head was Bishop Pallegoix [1805 - 1862], the author of the Thai dictionary and
grammar, and of one of the best accounts of Siam ; and English from the American
Missionaries, who for many years had a Protestant Propaganda in Siam, where, if
truth be told, they laboured with little success.

The new King, who was a most enlightened, sagacious, and enquiring man, had been
a correspondent of mine, and received in an amiable spirit the overtures I made
him. I informed him—which indeed he knew well, for he had a pretty accurate
knowledge of Oriental and European politics—that I had a large fleet at my
disposal, but that I would rather visit him as a friend than as the bearer of a
menacing message. He wrote to me to request that, in order not to alarm his
subjects, I would come with a small naval escort, so I steamed to the Meinam,
with two vessels of war, one of which, the “ Rattler,” conveyed me and my suite
to Siam.

Abb.: HMS Rattler, ca. 1845
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

We were advised by the American Missionaries that I must expect to fail as other
envoys had failed, that the Siamese were preparing barricades on the river, and
giving other evidence of an unfriendly spirit, that the Court was hostile to
strangers, and that our conquests in India had awakened and seemed to justify
their apprehensions.

Arrived at the mouth of the river, I sent my secretaries to the capital, where
they had little reason to be pleased with their reception, as they were kept in
a sort of imprisonment, and not allowed communications beyond their abode. The
King, however, determined to send down one of his steamers to Paknam [ปากน้ำ;
heute: Samut Prakan - สมุทรปราการ], to ask
more specifically the purposes of my mission, and to beg that they might be put
in writing for his information. A similar request had been made to Sir James
Brooke, who had complied with it, and was soon involved in an irregular and
entangled controversy. My answer was a refusal to enter upon such correspondence,
as it might involve me in making demands which it might be inexpedient or
impossible for them to grant, and exclude topics which it might be important for
both parties to introduce. I said I should prefer some preliminary conversation,
in which they could explain to me their position and objects, and hear from me
what I thought we might reasonably expect from them.

The negotiations were thus opened, but many difficulties arose which had to be
vanquished. They wished the ships of war to remain at the mouth of the river, to
which I could not consent, as, independently of their being necessary to my
comfort, they and their officers were requisite appendages to my mission. Then
the Siamese requested that the guns might be left in their keeping, while the
ships ascended the river, a condition equally inadmissible. Next the King sent
down a number of royal barges, magnificently adorned, in the shape of dragons
and peacocks, with gold and crimson silk drapery, to escort me to the city in
all dignity, as if we were Siamese of the highest rank. I accepted the proffered
courtesy, but requested that the “ Rattler ” should follow in our wake. After a
day’s delay, this point was conceded, but they wished to impose another
condition, namely, that no salutes should be fired, as this
might frighten the people. I urged, however, that it was out of the question for
us to see the flag of the White Elephant (the Siamese ensign) flying on the
palace without saluting it, and that I expected a return salute of seventeen
guns, but I suggested that the King should announce by proclamation our intended
arrival as friends, and that the salutation of his flag was a respect paid to
him by the Queen of England. I added that it would be wise to send some of his
State Officers on board the “Rattler,” to witness the ceremonies, and then
matters were comfortably and peacefully arranged.

On arriving at the court, however, a new perplexity awaited us, as no man was
allowed to approach the king’s person with any weapon, but I informed them that
we always wore swords when received by our sovereign, and I was able to show
that M. Chaumont [Alexandre II
de Chaumont, 1640
- 1710], who had been the ambassador of Louis XIV.
[1638 - 1715], had worn his sword
in the presence of the then king, and that I was the representative of a monarch
certainly as great as the sovereign of France. The king sent for me at night,
and conducted me secretly to the audience-hall, where I settled with him all the
terms of precedence, respecting which he was glad to be instructed, as he would
know how to arrange matters for other ambassadors who might follow me. I said
that I could not ask the officers of Her Majesty’s naval service to divest
themselves of an ornament which was a part of their official costume, in which
they were bound to show their respect for a foreign power.
The King’s throne was an elevated recess, regally adorned. He wore a high,
splendid crown, with many precious stones, and held his sceptre in his hand,
while near him were the members of the royal family, which comprised then forty
or fifty sons. We passed to the centre of the hall, all the nobles being on
their faces in the presence of their monarch.

A cushion had been provided for me to sit on, while my suite stood around me. I
made my address to the King, but though His Majesty understood English, it was
translated into Siamese for the benefit of the audience, while the king’s answer
was translated from Siamese into English, that all the replies might be
intelligible to our party. The following day similar ceremonies were performed
in the presence of the second King. There was an interchange of presents, and I
was sorry to see that the telescope which was among the gifts sent by the Queen,
was far inferior to those which the King had, already in his observatory. Among
other presents which His Majesty handed to me was one which he said was of
greater value than all the rest. It was a golden box, locked with a golden key,
in which were some hairs of the tail of the sacred white elephant tied with
floss silk. The possession of a white elephant is considered a high privilege,
it being believed to be one of those incarnations in which Buddha loves to
dwell, an emblem of purity, though the skin is not white but of a coffee colour.
The elephant is kept in a beautifully ornamented stable, is fed upon sugar-cane,
is waited on by Siamese dignitaries, and, whenever it goes forth to bathe, is
covered with splendid drapery, preceded by music, and accompanied by reverential
crowds.

After the reception, the King sent for me to visit him privately in his
apartments, and said he had understood perfectly every word in my address except
one, of which he desired an explanation. He had no garment on but his shirt, and
held a child on his knee, utterly naked, but wearing a wreath of fragrant white
flowers. He was fond of his children, and wrote me a letter five months after my
visit, which began, “Plenty of Royalty! five children have been born to me since
you left.”

The Siamese laws about etiquette are so rigid that no
man is allowed to cross a bridge if a noble be passing on the water below, and
if an individual of inferior rank is found in an upper apartment when visited by
a superior, he must either descend, or the superior, instead of ascending the
staircase, makes his entrance through the window, in order to maintain a more
elevated position. A curious exhibition of this feeling occurred on board the “Rattler,” when a member of the royal family visited her. He saw in the cabin
several images of Buddha, over which the sailors were accustomed to walk upon
deck. He showed great distress at what he deemed a profanation, and offered a
large sum of money for the idols, as it would have been a merit recognised in a
future state of existence to have released the emanation from the godhead from a
state of ignominy. I was not able to comply with his request, and informed him
that, with the feelings of Christian people, it was quite impossible to give any
security that the images of Buddha would not frequently be placed in a similar
position. It is remarkable, however, that the King repudiated all the teachings
of the Bonzes, which are inconsistent with the discovered truths of natural
philosophy, particularly those of a geographical and astronomical character, to
the study of which he had specially devoted himself. He had a large collection
of telescopes, quadrants, and other instruments, was able to calculate an
eclipse, and had himself published an almanack for the use of his people. He
insisted that the vulgar errors which are prevalent in Siam now, as they were
formerly in Europe, are not warranted by the earlier revelations of Gautama, who
lived about the time of Confucius and Herodotus, and is deemed the last
incarnation of Buddha manifested to the world. It is remarkable that a similar
philosophical spirit distinguishes the reformed Brahmins of India, who repudiate
the corruptions found in the Shastras, and aver that there is no authority for
such
adulterations in the more ancient and far more sacred books, the Vedas. Among
the Reformed Hebrews, there is a similar determination to reject the teachings
of the Talmud, as haying no divine authority, while even in the Christian
Church, many are bringing into the field of discussion opinions which, a few
centuries ago, would undoubtedly have been deemed heterodox and heretical. In
China, the learned Confucians treat with utter contempt the hundreds of volumes
of legendary rubbish which have been introduced by the Buddhist and Taoist
priests. In fact, a new spirit of religious investigation pervades the whole
eastern and western world, and, in the course of a few centuries, will no doubt
modify opinions now deeply rooted and widely spread.

The king of Siam used to express an opinion that what he called the Superior
Intelligence had given different religions, each specially adapted to the
locality and people to whom his will had been conveyed. He put no impediment in
the way of the teachings of either Catholic or Protestant missionaries, saying,
what was most true, that they had made few, if any, converts among his people.
There are at Bangkok a considerable number of professing Catholic Christians,
but they mostly belong to the mixed races, the descendants of the Portuguese,
while the few converts whom the Protestant missionaries claim are to be found
principally among the Chinese settlers. There is probably no nation, with the
exception of the Singhalese, so attached to Buddhist rites and doctrines as are
the inhabitants of Siam. Every Siamese passes three months of his life in a
convent, where the priests instruct him in the creed of Buddha, and it must be
acknowledged that as a race, the Siamese Bonzes are incomparably more
intelligent than those found in China, or any of the remoter regions of Eastern
Asia. Time has produced great changes in the action of different sects, for,
though Christians only are now
to be found sending forth teachers to carry on the work of conversion, there was
a period when the missionaries of Buddhism covered the face of China, made
their way to the court, and persuaded millions of men to embrace their faith.
Though the Mahommedans, after the death of the prophet, despatched their priests
to the Flowery Land, they were less successful than the advocates of Buddhism
and Brahminism, who came from India.

[...]

On one occasion the King of Siam delivered over a great number of Anamite
prisoners to Pallegoix, the Catholic Bishop, telling him that he might convert
them to Christianity if he could.

I may add in conclusion that the Anglo-Siamese Treaty has brought most
beneficial fruits. The number of vessels engaged in foreign trade has been
centupled, the sides of the Meinam are crowded with docks, the productive powers
of the land have increased, and with them the natural augmentation of property,
and the rise of wages. The number of Chinese who are settled in Siam have
greatly aided the natural developement, and intercourse with Europeans has not
introduced, as in many parts of the world, the deteriorating effects of
intemperance. Siam is a country of progress, and is sending forth her youth to
be educated in the best schools and colleges of Europe. The Siamese, like the
Japanese, are more aware of the advantages of Christian civilization than are
the proud Chinese, but even upon China that civilization is not without its
beneficent influence."

"If you look to the
history of this country since the advent of Liberalism forty years
ago you will find that there has been no effort so continuous, so
subtle, supported by so much energy, and carried on with so much
ability and acumen, as the attempts of Liberalism to effect the
disintegration of the Empire of England. And, gentlemen, of all its
efforts, this is the one which has been the nearest to success.
Statesmen of the highest character, writers of the most
distinguished ability, the most organised and efficient means, have
been employed in this endeavour. It has been proved to all of us
that we have lost money by our Colonies. It has been shown with
precise, with mathematical demonstration, that there never was a
jewel in the Crown of England that was so truly costly as the
possession of India. How often has it been suggested that we
should at once emancipate ourselves from this incubus ! Well, that
result was nearly accomplished. When those subtle views were adopted
by the country under the plausible plea of granting self-government
to the Colonies, I confess that I myself thought that the tie was
broken. Not that I for one object to self-government; I cannot
conceive how our distant Colonies can have their affairs
administered except by self-government.

But self-government, in my
opinion, when it was conceded, ought to have been conceded as part
of a great policy of Imperial consolidation. It ought to have been
accompanied by an Imperial tariff, by securities for the people of
England for the enjoyment of the unappropriated lands which belonged
to the Sovereign as their trustee, and by a military code which
should have precisely defined the means and the responsibilities by
which the Colonies should be defended, and by which, if necessary,
this country should call for aid from the Colonies themselves. It
ought, further, to have been accompanied by the institution of some
representative council in the metropolis, which would have brought
the Colonies into constant and continuous relations with the Home
Government. All this, however, was omitted because those who advised
that policy and I believe their convictions were sincere looked upon
the Colonies of England, looked even upon our connection with India,
as a burden upon this country; viewing everything in a financial
aspect, and totally passing by those moral and political
considerations which make nations great, and by the influence of
which alone men are distinguished from animals.

Well, what
has been the result of this attempt during the reign of Liberalism
for the disintegration of the Empire? It has entirely failed. But
how has it failed? Through the sympathy of the Colonies for the
Mother Country. They have decided that the Empire shall not be
destroyed; and in my opinion no Minister in this country will do his
duty who neglects any opportunity of reconstructing as much as
possible our Colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant
sympathies which may become the source of incalculable strength, and
happiness to this land.

[...]

The issue is
not a mean one. It is whether you will be content to be a
comfortable England, modelled and moulded upon Continental
principles and meeting in due course an inevitable fate, or whether
you will be a great country, an Imperial country, a country where
your sons, when they rise, rise to paramount positions, and obtain
not merely the esteem of their countrymen, but command the respect
of the world."

"As for your suggestion that
I should bring the Laos States [d. h. Nordsiam] under my immediate
control, I doubt if even you know how great are the difficulties.
There are difficulties among us Siamese and Laos and other
difficulties caused by foreigners.

"I
can give any order I please to those states, I can bring the Chiefs
down to Bangkok and detain them so long as I please. Both my father
and I have ordered the Chief of Chiangmai [เชียงใหม่]
to Bangkok and have detained him until the charges against him have
been settled...

"I would doubtless change the customs of
Chiangmai and make it a province of the inner circle. But that would
be considered by all even by my own people an act of oppression and
would excite much disaffection. In Bangkok there is a party
consisting of members of Government and persons of education
acquainted with foreign customs which believes there may be
sometimes better than old custom but generally in Siam people seem
to prefer old custom and oppression to new custom and no oppression.

"To make a change as you suggest, the
Government must be very strong and the leading foreign
representatives must be entirely free of all feeling in favour of
those persons who would be looked up to as leader in case of
disaffection. However truly a foreign representative might support
me in certain changes, his support would not be enough if I could
depend on his support throughout, or if others believed that he
would not support me throughout. This is a reason I am obliged to
proceed with the utmost caution in respect of those reforms which I
once hoped would form a glory to my reign, but which now I fear
would be only causes of intrigues, of disturbance and possibly of
danger.

"There is not to be said about Chiangmai that
of all the dependencies of Siam without exception, it appears to be
best governed instead of being a very disorderly place. It is a very
orderly one except in outlying districts. It is a thriving place
where theft is rare and it might not be quite just to the Chief to
make him the first to lose his present authority. Moreover probably,
it would not be done without a war and great loss of lives and
money.

"I believe that if the truth were known, the
British Government would not be so dissatisfied."

"The evils of which we have
to complain in regard to the treatment of British subjects in
Chiangmai [เชียงใหม่], are firstly, the
numerous murders and dacoities perpetrated on them, and secondly,
the absence of any judicial court before which they can lay their
complaints with any prospect of a just settlement."