2016-11-20T08:18:46ZLORD DUNMORE'S WAR: No Other Motive Than the True Interest of This Countryhttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/18861
LORD DUNMORE'S WAR: No Other Motive Than the True Interest of This Country
Williams, Glenn Franklin
Dunmore’s War, named for the last royal governor of Virginia, John Murray, fourth Earl of Dunmore, was the last Indian conflict of America’s colonial era. Set mostly in the mountains, valleys and farmlands of the Ohio country from April to November 1774, the conflict started when Indian war parties initiated a war of vengeance with a campaign of small-scale attacks and raids against homes and settlements on Virginia’s frontier. By July 12, after the passive defensive measures on the part of local militia proved inadequate in stemming the violence, Governor Dunmore planned an offensive response with the combined forces of the affected counties to take the war to the Shawnee and Mingo towns. About 2,500 militia soldiers, not counting those who remained behind to guard the settlements, marched against approximately 1,000, mostly Shawnee, Indian warriors. The course of the campaign resulted in only one, but decisive, large-scale engagement in October. By November the Indian leaders sued for peace and accepted the surprisingly lenient terms that Lord Dunmore proposed in order to spare their towns from destruction.
Relying almost exclusively on primary sources, the narrative places the 1774 conflict in the context of pre-Revolutionary War Virginia. It is in the main a campaign history that examines the military operations of Lord Dunmore’s War, but takes into account diplomatic efforts and political factors. It reviews the motives and actions of each participating polity as pursuing its own interests, albeit with a focus on Virginia. It will show that Virginia called on its colonial militia to fight a defensive war that achieved the strategic objective of safeguarding its borders and protecting the lives and property of its citizens from invasion. Furthermore, the narrative demonstrates the colonial Virginia militia as a more competent military organization than is often portrayed.
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZKNOWING THE ENEMY: NAZI FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE IN WAR, HOLOCAUST, AND POSTWARhttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/18800
KNOWING THE ENEMY: NAZI FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE IN WAR, HOLOCAUST, AND POSTWAR
Hutchinson, Robert
“Knowing the Enemy: Nazi Foreign Intelligence in War, Holocaust and Postwar,” reveals the importance of ideologically-driven foreign intelligence reporting in the wartime radicalization of the Nazi dictatorship, and the continued prominence of Nazi discourses in postwar reports from German intelligence officers working with the U.S. Army and West German Federal Intelligence Service after 1945. For this project, I conducted extensive archival research in Germany and the United States, particularly in overlooked and files pertaining to the wartime activities of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt, Abwehr, Fremde Heere Ost, Auswärtiges Amt, and German General Staff, and the recently declassified intelligence files pertaining to the postwar activities of the Gehlen Organization, Bundesnachrichtendienst, and Foreign Military Studies Program. Applying the technique of close textual analysis to the underutilized intelligence reports themselves, I discovered that wartime German intelligence officials in military, civil service, and Party institutions all lent the appearance of professional objectivity to the racist and conspiratorial foreign policy beliefs held in the highest echelons of the Nazi dictatorship. The German foreign intelligence services’ often erroneous reporting on Great Britain, the Soviet Union, the United States, and international Jewry simultaneously figured in the radicalization of the regime’s military and anti-Jewish policies and served to confirm the ideological preconceptions of Hitler and his most loyal followers. After 1945, many of these same figures found employment with the Cold War West, using their “expertise” in Soviet affairs to advise the West German Government, U.S. Military, and CIA on Russian military and political matters. I chart considerable continuities in personnel and ideas from the wartime intelligence organizations into postwar West German and American intelligence institutions, as later reporting on the Soviet Union continued to reproduce the flawed wartime tropes of innate Russian military and racial inferiority.
2016-01-01T00:00:00Z‘DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS RACE’: BLACK OFFICEHOLDERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF FREEDOM IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, 1865-1877http://hdl.handle.net/1903/18797
‘DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF HIS RACE’: BLACK OFFICEHOLDERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF FREEDOM IN WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, 1865-1877
Jackson, Thanayi Michelle
This dissertation examines black officeholding in Wilmington, North Carolina, from emancipation in 1865 through 1876, when Democrats gained control of the state government and brought Reconstruction to an end. It considers the struggle for black office holding in the city, the black men who held office, the dynamic political culture of which they were a part, and their significance in the day-to-day lives of their constituents. Once they were enfranchised, black Wilmingtonians, who constituted a majority of the city’s population, used their voting leverage to negotiate the election of black men to public office. They did so by using Republican factionalism or what the dissertation argues was an alternative partisanship. Ultimately, it was not factional divisions, but voter suppression, gerrymandering, and constitutional revisions that made local government appointive rather than elective, Democrats at the state level chipped away at the political gains black Wilmingtonians had made.
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZSomeone Else's Textbooks: German Education 1945-2014http://hdl.handle.net/1903/18630
Someone Else's Textbooks: German Education 1945-2014
Abney, Ann
In the 20th century, German education repeatedly transformed as the occupying Americans, Soviets, and western-dominated reunification governments used their control of the German secondary education system to create new definitions of what it meant to be German. In each case, the dominant political force established the paradigm for a new generation of Germans. The victors altered the German education system to ensure that their versions of history would be the prevailing narrative. In the American Occupation Zones from 1945-1949, this meant democratic initiatives; for the Soviet Zone in those same years, Marxist-Leninist pedagogy; and for the Bundesrepublik after reunification, integrated East and West German narratives. In practice, this meant succeeding generations of German students learned very different versions of history depending on the temporal and geographic space they inhabited, as each new prevailing regime supplanted the previous version of “Germanness” with its own.
2016-01-01T00:00:00Z