Tensions and Reversals in Democratic Transitions

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Abstract

This book is a product of much reflection thought, and commitment to examine
the gaps and gains in Kenya’s democratic process. Its very title: Tensions and
Reversals in Democratic Transitions: The Kenya 2007 General Elections,
suggests not only the difficulty of democratic arrival but also the difficulty of its
measurement. It reflects on the progress that has been made and the threats
inherent therein. By implication, it sits on the side of the debate that takes the view
that the democratization process will not necessarily be peaceful, neat, or unilinear.
The book acknowledges that the balance sheet of Kenya’s democratization project
demonstrates a mixed result. Whereas in the period leading up to December 2007
the ‘assets’ side of the balance sheet was arguably healthier, the subsequent events,
and post-2007 election violence in particular, exposed huge liabilities–mostly hidden
in the structural inefficiencies of the Kenyan. This binary or bifurcated reality in
Kenya’s democratization, and the gains and tensions inherent in it, is evidenced by
several developments.
First, whereas the political space has remained highly pluralized since 1991,
with the holding of regular and periodic elections following the re-introduction of
multi-party politics, there are a number of negative or illiberal tendencies that have
accompanied this progress: consolidation of ethnic identities, political conflicts and
violence, and rising impunity. These elections often turn out to be tournaments of
communal values in which ethnic interests compete in pursuance of centralized
political powers in search of the imperial presidency. Essentially, although the space
for democracy is enhanced and the authoritarian monster tamed, elections have
acted in the main as instruments of social-political exclusion rather than instruments
for furthering democratic governance. Second, whereas the legalization of political
parties was seen as a necessary part of the democratization process, the political
parties themselves are not practising internal democracy. The quality of rules,
decisions, and accountability is woefully weak; personal rule and the dominant leader
culture is strong; and party institutions generally emasculated. All these account for
the remarkably short shelf life of Kenya’s political parties, a development that greatly
undermines the consolidation and institutionalizing of democratic gains.
Third, whereas the liberal environment has led to plurality of media outlets, the
ownership structure, professional conduct, or content of these media houses have not
necessarily passed the democratic muster. The emergence of new technologies such as
cell phones and e-communication has weakened state control of information; allowed
citizens unhindered access to information; and permitted intense, unregulated citizen
dialogue. However, the emergence of these technological choices or opportunities
has not necessarily improved the quality of the democratic discourses, even though
the space for engagement has increased. Fourth, whereas Kenya’s disciplined forces
have maintained a fairly respectable distance from politics, generally, and Kenya’s
Preface
democratization process in particular, this distance was completely eliminated
in 2007/2008. The long term political impact of this ‘return’ to the civilian arena
remains unknown, particularly given the ethnicization of politics and by implication
security. Fifth, whereas the gender discourses have more or less been settled in favour
of the argument for the added value for greater women participation in politics,
Kenyan politics remains remarkably ‘un-gendered’ particularly with respect to
representation. This publication shows that culture is a double-edged sword capable
of both hindering or facilitating women’s access to political power.
The 2007/2008 cataclysmic events provided a fitting context for examining or
auditing Kenya’s democratization process. This book, therefore, was inspired by the
desire to record, archive, analyse, and interpret that sad but immensely significant
occurrence in Kenya’s democratic, nay, political evolution: the 2007 general
elections; the violent social convulsions it subsequently generated; the deeply hidden
social-political divisions it brought to the fore; and the resultant constitutional and
institutional architecture of governance it created–the Grand Coalition Government.
However, because of the contaminated and disputed nature of the results of that
election, as affirmed by the Independent Review Commission of Kenya (IREC) or
the Kriegler Commission, this publication has used the ECK data mainly to assist in
scholarly inquiry. Its use in this volume should by no means be read as a validation
of the figures, but rather as reference data (of whatever remains of the ‘official results’
of the 2007 general elections) to assist in analyzing that indelible mark in Kenya’s
political life.
The sheer size and length of this publication speaks to its own scholarly ambition:
to undertake and provide, all under one roof, a scholarly inquiry into all the key
elements, issues and driving forces in the 2007 general elections and its aftermath.
We are under no illusion that this is a ‘catch-all’ publication and, quite importantly,
are acutely aware that there are issues that should have merited attention here
but which, for various reasons, have not. However, we remain confident that this
publication sets the stage as a veritable volume of reference for future work on the
2007/2008 political events in Kenya.
In undertaking this project, we were persuaded that it is important for
scholarship, policy, and advocacy to provide and benefit from local perspectives to
the 2007/2008 political events. This is because much of the scholarship on Kenya’s
democratic transition is foreign in character and, while useful, some miss out on
the nuances and hidden meanings that characterize local political experience. This
publication attempts to cure that problem.