(NOTE: The electronic text obtained from The Electronic Bible Society was
not completely corrected. EWTN has corrected all discovered errors. If you
find errors or omissions in the text, please notify sysop@ewtn.com.)
Transliteration of Greek words: All phonetical except: w = omega; h serves
three puposes: 1. = Eta; 2. = rough breathing, when appearing initially
before a vowel; 3. = in the aspirated letters theta = th, phi = ph, chi =
ch. Accents are given immediately after their corresponding vowels: acute =
' , grave = `, circumflex = ^. The character ' doubles as an apostrophe,
when necessary.
SALAMINIUS HERMIAS SOZOMENUS
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, Books I-II
[Translated by E. Walford; revised by Chester D. Hartranft, D.D., Professor
of Historical Theology in the Hartford Theological Seminary.]
ADDRESS TO THE EMPEROR THEODOSIUS BY SALAMINIUS HERMIAS SOZOMEN, AND
PROPOSAL FOR AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
The popular saying is, that the former emperors were zealous about some
useful matter or other; such as were fond of ornaments, cared for the royal
purple, the crown, and the like; those who were studious of letters,
composed some mythical work or treatise capable of fascinating its readers;
those who were practiced in war, sought to send the weapon straight to the
mark, to hit wild beasts, to hurl the spear, or to leap upon the horse.
Every one who was devoted to a craft which was pleasing to the rulers
announced himself at the palace. One brings a precious stone not easily
susceptible of polish; another undertakes to prepare a more brilliant color
than the purple robe; one dedicates a poem or treatise; another introduces
an expert and strange fashion of armor.
It is considered the greatest and a regal thing for the ruler of the
whole people to possess, at least, one of the homely virtues; but no such
great estimate has been made of piety, which is, after all, the true
ornament of the empire. Thou, however, O most powerful Emperor Theodosius,
hast in a word, by God s help, cultivated every virtue. Girt with the
purple robe and crown, a symbol of thy dignity to onlookers, thou wearest
within always that true ornament of sovereignty, piety and philanthropy.
Whence it happens that poets and writers, and the greater part of thy
officers as well as the rest of thy subjects, concern themselves on every
occasion with thee and thy deeds. And when thou presidest as ruler of
contests and judge of discourses, thou art not robbed of thy accuracy by
any artificial sound and form, but thou awardest the prize sincerely,
observing whether the diction is suitable to the design of the composition;
so also with respect to the form of words, divisions, order, unity,
phraseology, construction, arguments, thought, and narrative. Thou
recompensest the speakers with thy favorable judgment and applause, as well
as with golden images, erection of statues, gifts, and every kind of honor.
Thou showest greater personal favor toward the speakers than the ancient
Cretans did toward the much-sung Homer; or the Alevadae did to Simonides;
or Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily to Plato, the companion of Socrates; or
Philip the Macedonian, to Theopom-pus the historian; or the Emperor Severus
to Oppianus, who related in verse the kinds, nature, and catching of fish.
For after the Cretans had rewarded Homer with a thousand nummi, they
inscribed the amount of the gift on a public column as if to boast of their
excessive munificence. The Alevadae, Dionysius, and Philip were not more
reserved than the Cretans, who boasted of their modest and philosophical
government, but quickly imitated their column, so that they might not be
inferior in their donative. But when Severus bestowed upon Oppianus a
golden gift for each line of his moderate verse, he so astonished everybody
with his liberality, that the poems of Oppianus are popularly called golden
words to this day. Such were the donations of former lovers of learning and
discourses. But thou, O Emperor, surpassest any of the ancients in thy
liberality to letters, and thou seemest to me to do this not unreasonably.
For while thou strivest to conquer all by thy virtues, thou dost also
conduct thine own affairs successfully, according to thy thorough knowledge
of the story of those ancient affairs, so prosperously directed by the
Greeks and Romans. Rumor says that during the day, thou takest military and
bodily exercise, and arrangest affairs of state by giving judicial
decisions, and by making note of what is necessary, and by observation,
both in public and private, of the things which ought to be done; and at
night that thou busiest thyself with books. It is a saying, that there
serves thee for the study of these works, a lamp which causes the oil to
flow automatically into the wick, by means of some mechanism, so that not
one of the servants in the palace should be compelled to be taxed with thy
labors, and to do violence to nature by fighting against sleep. Thus thou
art humane and gentle, both to those near, and to all, since thou dost
imitate the Heavenly King who is thy pattern; in that He loves to send
rain, and causes the sun to rise on the just and unjust, as well as to
furnish other blessings ungrudgingly. As is natural, I hear also that by
thy various learning, thou art no less familiar with the nature of stones,
and the virtues of roots, and forces of remedies, than Solomon, the wisest
son of David; while thou excellest him in virtue; for Solomon became the
slave of his pleasures, and did not preserve to the end, that piety which
had been for him the source of prosperity and wisdom. But thou, most
powerful Emperor, because thou settest thy restraining reason in array
against levity, art not only an autocrat of men, but also of the passions
of soul and body, as one would naturally suppose. And this, too, ought to
be remarked: I understand that thou dost conquer the desire for all food
and drink; neither the sweeter figs, to speak poetically, nor any other
kind of fruit in its season, can take thee prisoner, except the little that
thou dost touch and taste, after thou hast returned thanks to the Maker of
all things. Thou art wont to vanquish thirst, stifling heat, and cold by
thy daily exercise, so that thou seemest to have self-control as a second
nature. Lately, as is well known, thou wast anxious to visit the city of
Heraclea in Pontus, and to restore it, prostrated by time, and thou tookest
the way in the summer season through Bithynia. When the sun about midday
was very fiery, one of the body-guard saw thee, heated with much sweat and
clouds of dust, and, as if to do thee a favor, he anticipatingly offered to
thee a bowl which reflected brilliantly the rays of the sun; he poured in
some sweet drink, and added cold water thereto. But thou, most powerful
Emperor, didst receive it, and didst praise the man for his good will, and
thou didst make it obvious that thou wouldst soon reward him for his well-
wrought deed with royal munificence. But when all the soldiers were
wondering with open mouth at the dish, and were counting him blessed who
should drink, thou, O noble Emperor, didst return the drink to him and
didst command him to use it in whatever way he pleased. So that it seems to
me that Alexander, the son of Philip, was surpassed by thy virtue; of whom
it is reputed by his admirers, that while he, with the Macedonians, was
passing through a waterless place, an anxious soldier found water, drew it,
and offered it to Alexander; he would not drink it, but poured out the
draught. Therefore, in a word, it is appropriate to call thee, according to
Homer, more regal than the kings who preceded thee; for we have heard of
some who acquired nothing worthy of admiration, and others who adorned
their reign with scarcely one or two deeds. But thou, O most powerful
Emperor, hast gathered together all the virtues, and hast excelled every
one in piety, philanthropy, courage, prudence, justice, munificence, and a
magnanimity befitting royal dignity. And every age will boast of thy rule
as alone unstained and pure from murder, beyond all governments that ever
existed. Thou teachest thy subjects to pursue serious things with pleasure,
so that they show zeal for thee and public affairs, with good will and
respect. So that for all these reasons, it has appeared to me, as a writer
of Ecclesiastical History, necessary to address myself to thee. For to whom
can I do this more appropriately, since I am about to relate the virtue of
many devoted men, and the events of the Catholic Church; and since her
conflicts with so many enemies lead me to thy threshhold and that of thy
fathers? Come thou, who knowest all things and possessest every virtue,
especially that piety, which the Divine Word says is the beginning of
wisdom, receive from me this writing, and marshal its facts and purify it
by thy labors, out of thy accurate knowledge, whether by addition or
elimination. For whatever course may seem pleasing to thee, that will be
wholly advantageous and brilliant for the readers, nor shall any one put a
hand to it after thine approval. My history begins with the third consulate
of the Caesars, Crispus and Constantine, and stretches to thy seventeenth
consulship. (1) I deemed it proper to divide the whole work into nine
parts: the first and second books will embrace the ecclesiastical affairs
under Constantine; the third and fourth, those under his sons; the fifth
and sixth, those under Julian, the cousin of the sons of the great
Constantine, and Jovian, and, further, of Valentinian and Valens; the
seventh and eighth books, O most powerful Emperor, will open up the affairs
under the brothers Gratian and Valentinian, until the proclamation of
Theodosius, thy divine grandfather, as far as thy celebrated father
Arcadius, together with thy uncle, the most pious and godly Honorius,
received the paternal government and shared in the regulation of the Roman
world; the ninth book I have devoted to thy Christ-loving and most innocent
majesty, which may God always preserve in unbroken good will, triumphing
greatly over enemies, and having all things under thy feet and transmitting
the holy empire to thy sons' sons with the approbation of Christ, through
whom and with whom, be glory to God, and the Father, with the Holy Spirit
forever. Amen.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
BOOK I.
CHAP.1. -- THE PREFACE OF THE BOOK, IN WHICH HE INVESTIGATES THE HISTORY OF
THE JEWISH NATION; MENTION OF THOSE WHO BEGAN SUCH A WORK; HOW AND FROM
WHAT SOURCES HE COLLECTED HIS HISTORY; HOW HE WAS INTENT UPON THE TRUTH,
AND WHAT OTHER DETAILS THE HISTORY WILL CONTAIN.
My mind has been often exercised in inquiring how it is that other men
are very ready to believe in God the Word, while the Jews are so
incredulous, although it was to them that instruction concerning the things
of God was, from the beginning, imparted by the prophets, who likewise made
them acquainted with the events attendant upon the coming of Christ, before
they came to pass. (1) Besides, Abraham, the founder of their nation and of
the circumcision, was accounted worthy to be an eye-witness, and the host
of the Son of God. (2) And Isaac, his son, was honored as the type of the
sacrifice on the cross, for he was led bound to the altar by his father
and, as accurate students of the sacred Scriptures affirm, the sufferings
of Christ came to pass in like manner. Jacob predicted that the expectation
of the nations would be for Christ, as it now is; and he likewise foretold
the time in which he came, when he said "the rulers of the Hebrews of the
tribe of Judah, the tribal leader, shah fail." (3)
This dearly referred to the reign of Herod, who was an Idumean, on his
father's side, and on his mother's, an Arabian, and the Jewish nation was
delivered to him by the Roman senate and Augustus Caesar. And of the rest
of the prophets some declared beforehand the birth of Christ, His ineffable
conception, the mother remaining a virgin after His birth, His people, and
country. (4) Some predicted His divine arid marvelous deeds, while others
foretold His sufferings, His resurrection from the dead, His ascension into
the heavens, and the event accompanying each. But if any be ignorant of
these facts it is not difficult to know them by reading the sacred books.
Josephus, the son of Matthias, also who was a priest, and was most
distinguished among Jews and Romans, may be regarded as a noteworthy
witness to the truth concerning Christ (5); for he hesitates to call Him a
man since He wrought marvelous works, and was a teacher of truthful
doctrines, but openly calls him Christ; that He was condemned to the death
of the cross, and appeared alive again the third day. Nor was Josephus
ignorant of numberless other wonderful predictions uttered beforehand by
the holy prophets concerning Christ. He further testifies that Christ
brought over many to Himself both Greeks and Jews, who continued to love
Him, and that the people named after Him had not become extinct. It appears
to me that in narrating these things, he all but proclaims that Christ, by
comparison of works, is God. As if struck by the miracle, he ran, somehow,
a middle course, assailing in no way those who believed in Jesus, but
rather agreeing with them.
When I consider this matter it seems reasonably remarkable to me, that
the Hebrews did not anticipate, and, before the rest of men, immediately
turn to Christianity; for though the Sibyl and some oracles announced
beforehand the future of events concerning Christ we are not on this
account to attribute unbelief to all the Greeks. For they were few, who,
appearing superior in education, could understand such prophecies, which
were, for the most part, in verse, and were declared with more recondite
words to the people. Therefore in my judgment, it was the result of the
heavenly preknowledge, for the sake of the agreement in future events, that
the coming facts were to be made known, not only by his own prophets, but
in part also by strangers. Just as a musician, under pressure of a strange
melody, may treat the superfluous tones of the chords lightly with his
plectrum, or add others to those already existing.
Having now shown that the Hebrews, although in the possession of
numerous and more distinct prophecies concerning the coming of Christ, were
less willing than the Greeks to embrace the faith that is in Him, let what
has been said on the subject suffice. Yet let it by no means be hence
accounted contrary to reason that the church should have been mainly built
up by the conversion of other nations; for in the first place, it is
evident that, in divine and great affairs, God delights to bring to pass
changes in a marvelous manner; and then, be it remembered, it was by the
exercise of no common virtues that those who, at the very beginning, were
at the head of religious affairs, maintained their influence. If they did
not, indeed, possess a language sharpened for expression or for beauty of
diction, nor the power of convincing their hearers by means of phrases or
mathematical demonstrations, yet they did not the less accomplish the work
they had undertaken. They gave up their property, neglected their kindred,
were stretched upon a cross, and as if endowed with bodies not their own,
suffered many and excruciating tortures; neither seduced by the adulation
of the people and rulers of any city, nor terrified by their menaces, they
clearly evidenced by their conduct, that they were supported in the
struggle by the hope of a high reward. So that they, in fact needed not to
resort to verbal arguments for without any effort on their part, their very
deeds constrained the inhabitants of every house and of every city to give
credit to their testimony, even before they knew wherein it consisted.
Since then so divine and marvelous a change has taken place in the
circumstances of men, that ancient cults and national laws have fallen into
contempt; since many of the most celebrated writers among the Greeks have
tasked their powers of eloquence in describing the Calydonian boar, the
bull of Marathon and other similar prodigies, which have really occurred in
countries or cities, or have a mystic origin, why should not I rise above
myself, and write a history of the Church? For I am persuaded that, as the
topic is not the achievements of men, it may appear almost incredible that
such a history should be written by me; but, with God, nothing is
impossible.
I at first felt strongly inclined to trace the course of events from
the very commencement; but on reflecting that similar records of the past
up to their own time had been compiled by those wisest of men, Clemens (1)
and Hegesippus, successors of the apostles, by Africanus the historian, and
by Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, (2) a man intimately acquainted with the
sacred Scriptures and the writings of the Greek poets and historians, I
merely draw up an epitome in two books of all that is recorded to have
happened to the churches, from the ascension of Christ to the deposition of
Licinius. (3) Now, however, by the help of God, I will endeavor to relate
the subsequent events as well.
I shall record the transactions with which I have been connected, and
also those concerning which I have heard froth persons who knew or saw the
affairs in our own day or before our own generation. But I have sought for
records of events of earlier date, amongst the established laws
appertaining to religion, amongst the proceedings of the synods of the
period, amongst the innovations that arose, and in the epistles of kings
and priests. Some of these documents are preserved in palaces and churches,
and others are dispersed and in the possession of the learned. I thought
frequently of transcribing the whole, but on further reflection I deemed it
better, on account of the mass of the documents, to give merely a brief
synopsis of their contents; yet whenever controverted topics are
introduced, I will readily transcribe freely from any work that may tend to
the elucidation of truth. If any one who is ignorant of past events should
conclude my history to be false, because he meets with conflicting
statements in other writings, let him know that since the dogmas of Arius
and other more recent hypotheses have been broached, the rulers of the
churches, differing in opinion among themselves, have transmitted in
writing their own peculiar views, for the benefit of their respective
followers; and further, be it remembered, these rulers convened councils
and issued what decrees they pleased, often condemning unheard those whose
creed was dissimilar to their own, and striving to their utmost to induce
the reigning prince and nobles of the time to side with them. Intent upon
maintaining the orthodoxy of their own dogmas, the partisans of each sect
respectively formed a collection of such epistles as favored their own
heresy, omitting all documents of a contrary tendency. Such are the
obstacles by which we are beset in our endeavors to arrive at a conclusion
on this subject! Still, as it is requisite, in order to maintain historical
accuracy, to pay the strictest attention to the means of eliciting truth, I
felt myself bound to examine all writings of this class according to my
ability.
Let not an impertinent or malignant spirit be imputed to me, for having
dwelt upon the disputes of ecclesiastics among themselves, concerning the
primacy and the pre-eminence of their own heresy. In the first place, as I
have already said, an historian ought to regard everything as secondary in
importance to truth; moreover, the doctrine of the Catholic Church is shown
to be especially the most genuine, since it has been tested frequently by
the plots of opposing thinkers; yet, the disposal of the lot being of God,
the Catholic Church has maintained its own ascendancy, has reassumed its
own power, and has led all the churches and the people to the reception of
its own truth.
I have had to deliberate whether I ought to confine myself to the
recital of events connected with the Church under the Roman government; but
it seemed more advisable to include, as far as possible, the record of
transactions relative to religion among the Persians and barbarians. Nor is
it foreign to ecclesiastical history to introduce in this work an account
of those who were the fathers and originators of what is denominated
monachism, and of their immediate successors, whose celebrity is well known
to us either by observation or report. For I would neither be considered
ungracious (1) towards them, nor willing to consign their virtue to
oblivion, nor yet be thought ignorant of their history; but I would wish to
leave behind me such a record of their manner of life that others, led by
their example, might attain to a blessed and happy end. As the work
proceeds, these subjects shall be noted as far as possible.
Invoking the help and propitiousness of God, I now proceed to the
narration of events; the present history shall have its beginning from this
point.
CHAP. II.--OF THE BISHOPS OF THE LARGE TOWNS IN THE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE;
AND HOW, FROM FEAR OF LICINIUS, CHRISTIANITY WAS PROFESSED CAUTIOUSLY IN
THE EAST AS FAR AS LIBYA, WHILE IN THE WEST, THROUGH THE FAVOR OF
CONSTANTINE, IT WAS PROFESSED WITH FREEDOM.
DURING the consulate of Constantine Caesar and Crispus Caesar,
Silvester governed the Church of Rome; Alexander, that of Alexandria; and
Macarius, that of Jerusalem. Not one, since Romanus? had been appointed
over the Church of Antioch on the Orontes; for the persecution it appears,
had prevented the ceremony of ordination from taking place. The bishops
assembled at Nicaea not long after were, however, so sensible of the purity
of the life and doctrines of Eustathius, that they adjudged him worthy to
fill the apostolic see; although he was then bishop of the neighboring
Boroea, they translated him to Antioch. (3)
The Christians of the East, as far as Libya on the borders of Egypt,
did not dare to meet openly as a church; for Licinius had withdrawn his
favor from them; but the Christians of the West, the Greeks, the
Macedonians, and the Illyrians, met for worship in safety through the
protection of Constantine, who was then at the head of the Roman Empire.
(4)
CHAP. III.--BY THE VISION OF THE CROSS, AND BY THE APPEARANCE OF CHRIST,
CONSTANTINE IS LED TO EMBRACE CHRISTIANITY.--HE RECEIVES RELIGIOUS
INSTRUCTION FROM OUR BRETHREN.
We have been informed that Constantine was led to honor the Christian
religion by the concurrence of several different events, particularly by
the appearance of a sign from heaven.
When he first formed the resolution of entering into a war against
Maxentius, he was beset with doubts as to the means of carrying on his
military operations, and as to the quarter whence he could look for
assistance. In the midst of his perplexity, he saw, in a vision, the sight
of the cross (5) shining in heaven. He was amazed at the spectacle, but
some holy angels who were standing by, exclaimed, "Oh, Constantine! by this
symbol, conquer!" And it is said that Christ himself appeared to him, and
showed him the symbol of the cross, and commanded him to construct one like
unto it, and to retain it as his help in battle, as it would insure the
victory.
Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, (6) affirms that he heard the emperor
declare with an oath, as the sun was on the point of inclining about the
middle of the day, he and the soldiers who were with him saw in heaven the
trophy of the cross composed of light, and encircled by the following
words: "By this sign, conquer."
This vision met him by the way, when he was perplexed as to whither he
should lead his army. While he was reflecting on what this could mean,
night came; and when he fell asleep, Christ appeared (1) with the sign
which he had seen in heaven, and commanded him to construct a
representation of the symbol, and to use it as his help in hostile
encounters. There was nothing further to be elucidated; for the emperor
clearly apprehended the necessity of serving God.
At daybreak, (2) he called together the priests of Christ, and
questioned them concerning their doctrines. They opened the sacred
Scriptures, and expounded the truths relative to Christ, and showed him
from the prophets, how the signs which had been predicted, had been
fulfilled. The sign which had appeared to him was the symbol, they said, of
the victory over hell; for Christ came among men, was stretched upon the
cross, died, and returned to life the third day. On this account, they
said, there was hope that at the close of the present dispensation, there
would be a general resurrection of the dead, and entrance upon immortality,
when those who had led a good life would receive accordingly, and those who
had done evil would be punished. Yet, continued they, the means of
salvation and of purification from sin are provided; namely, for the
uninitiated, (8) initiation according to the canons of the church; and for
the initiated, abstinence from renewed sin. But as few, even among holy
men, are capable of complying with this latter, condition, another method
of purification is set forth, namely, repentance; for God, in his love
towards man, bestows forgiveness on those who have fallen into sin, on
their repentance, and the confirmation of their repentance by good works.
CHAP. IV.--CONSTANTINE COMMANDS THE SIGN OF THE CROSS TO BE CARRIED BEFORE
HIM IN BATTLE; AN EXTRAORDINARY NARRATIVE ABOUT THE BEARERS OF THE SIGN OF
THE CROSS.
THE emperor, amazed at the prophecies concerning Christ which were
expounded to him by the priests, sent for some skillful artisans, and
commanded them to remodel the standard called by the Romans Labarum, (4) to
convert it into a representation of the cross, and to adorn it with gold
and precious stones. This warlike trophy was valued beyond all others; for
it was always wont to be carried before the emperor, and was worshiped by
the soldiery. I think that Constantine changed the most honorable symbol of
the Roman power into the sign of Christ, chiefly that by the habit of
having it always in view, and of worshiping it, the soldiers might be
induced to abandon their ancient forms of superstition, and to recognize
the true God, whom the emperor worshiped, as their leader and their help in
battle; for this symbol was always borne in front of his own troops, and
was, at the command of the emperor, carried among the phalanxes in the
thickest of the fight by an illustrious band of spearmen, of whom each one
in turn took the standard upon his shoulders, and paraded it through the
ranks. It is said that on one occasion, on an unexpected movement of the
hostile forces, the man who held the standard in terror, placed it in the
hands of another, and secretly fled from the battle. When he got beyond the
reach of the enemy's weapons, he suddenly received a wound and fell, while
the man who had stood by the divine symbol remained unhurt, although many
weapons were aimed at him; for the missiles of the enemy, marvelously
directed by divine agency, lighted upon the standard, and the bearer
thereof, although in the midst of danger, was preserved.
It is also asserted that no soldier who bore this standard in battle
ever fell, through any dark calamity, such as is wont to happen to the
soldiery in war, or was wounded, or taken prisoner.
CHAP. V.--REFUTATION OF THE ASSERTION THAT CONSTANTINE BECAME A CHRISTIAN
IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE MURDER OF HIS SON CRISPUS.
I AM aware that it is reported by the pagans that Constantine, after
slaying some of his nearest relations, and particularly after assenting to
the murder of his own son Crispus, repented of his evil deeds, and inquired
of Sopater, (5) the philosopher, who was then master of the school of
Plotinus, concerning the means of purification from guilt. The philosopher-
-so the story goes--replied that such moral defilement could admit of no
purification. The emperor was grieved at this repulse, but happening to
meet with some bishops who told him that he would be cleansed from sin, on
repentance and on submitting to baptism, he was delighted with their
representations, and admired their doctrines, and became a Christian, and
led his subjects to the same faith. It appears to me that this story was
the invention of persons who desired to vilify the Christian religion.
Crispus, (6) on whose account, it is said, Constantine required
purification, did not die till the twentieth year of his father's reign; he
held the second place in the empire and bore the name of Caesar and many
laws, framed with his sanction in favor of Christianity, are still extant.
That this was the case can be proved by referring to the dates affixed to
these laws, and to the lists of the legislators. It does not appear likely
that Sopater had any intercourse with Constantine whose government was then
centered in the regions near the ocean and the Rhine; for his dispute with
Maxentius, the governor of Italy, had created so much dissension in the
Roman dominions, that it was then no easy matter to dwell in Gaul, in
Britain, or in the neighboring countries, in which it is universally
admitted Constantine embraced the religion of the Christians, previous to
his war with Maxentius, and prior to his return to Rome and Italy: and this
is evidenced by the dates of the laws which he enacted in favor of
religion. But even granting that Sopater chanced to meet the emperor, or
that he had epistolary correspondence with him, it cannot be imagined the
philosopher was ignorant that Hercules, the son of Alcmena, obtained
purification at Athens by the celebration of the mysteries of Ceres after
the murder of his children, and of Iphitus, his guest and friend. That the
Greeks held that purification from guilt of this nature could be obtained,
is obvious from the instance I have just alleged, and he is a false
calumniator who represents that Sopater taught the contrary.
I cannot admit the possibility of the philosopher's having been
ignorant of these facts; for he was at that period esteemed the most
learned man in Greece.
CHAP. VI.--THE FATHER OF CONSTANTINE ALLOWS THE NAME OF CHRIST TO BE
EXTENDED; CONSTANTINE THE GREAT PREPARED IT TO PENETRATE EVERYWHERE.
UNDER the government of Constantine the churches flourished and
increased in numbers daily, since they were honored by the good deeds of a
benevolent and well-disposed emperor, and otherwise God preserved them from
the persecutions and harassments which they had previously encountered.
When the churches were suffering from persecution in other parts of the
world, Constantius alone, the father of Constantine, accorded the
Christians the right of worshiping God without fear. I know of an
extraordinary thing done by him, which is worthy of being recorded. He
wished to test the fidelity of certain Christians, excellent and good men,
who were attached to his palaces. He called them all together, and told
them that if they would sacrifice to idols as well as serve God, they
should remain in his service and retain their appointments; but that if
they refused compliance with his wishes, they should be sent from the
palaces, and should scarcely escape his I vengeance. When difference of
judgment had divided them into two parties, separating those who consented
to abandon their religion from those who preferred the honor of God to
their present welfare, the emperor determined upon retaining those who had
adhered to their faith as his friends and counselors; but he turned away
from the others, whom he regarded as unmanly and impostors, and sent them
from his presence, judging that they who had so readily betrayed their God
could never be true to their king. Hence it is probable that while
Constantius was alive, it did not seem contrary to the laws for the
inhabitants of the countries beyond Italy to profess Christianity, that is
to say, in Gaul, in Britain, or in the region of the Pyrenean mountains as
far as the Western Ocean. When Constantine succeeded to the same
government, the affairs of the churches became still more brilliant; for
when Maxentius, the son of Herculius, was slain, his share also devolved
upon Constantine; and the nations who dwelt by the river Tiber and the
Eridanus, which the natives call Padus, those who dwelt by the Aquilis,
whither, it is said, the Argo was dragged, and the inhabitants of the
coasts of the Tyrrhenian sea were permitted the exercise of their religion
without molestation.
When the Argonauts fled from Aeetes, they returned homewards by a
different route, crossed the sea of Scythia, sailed through some of the
rivers there, and so gained the shores of Italy, where they passed the
winter and built a city, which they called Emona. The following summer,
with the assistance of the people of the country, they dragged the Argo, by
means of machinery, the distance of four hundred stadia, and so reached the
Aquilis, a river which falls into the Eridanus: the Eridanus itself falls
into the Italian sea.
After the battle of Cibalis (1) the Dardanians and the Macedonians, the
inhabitants of the banks of the Ister, of Hellas, and the whole nation of
Illyria, became subject to Constantine.
CHAP. VII.--CONCERNING THE DISPUTE BETWEEN CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS HIS
BROTHER-IN-LAW ABOUT THE CHRISTIANS, AND HOW LICINIUS WAS CONQUERED BY
FORCE AND PUT TO DEATH.
After this reverse, Licinius, (2) who had previously respected the
Christians, changed his opinion, and ill-treated many of the priests who
lived under his government; he also persecuted a multitude of other
persons, but especially the soldiers. He was deeply incensed against the
Christians on account of his disagreement with Constantine, and thought to
wound him by their sufferings for religion, and besides, he suspected that
the churches were praying and zealous that Constantine alone should enjoy
the sovereign rule. In addition to all this, when on the eve of another
battle with Constantine, Licinius, as was wont to be done, made a forecast
of the expected war, by sacrifices and oracles, and, deceived by promises
of conquest. he returned to the religion of the pagans.
The pagans themselves, too, relate that about this period he consulted
the oracle of Apollo Didymus at Miletus, and received an answer concerning
the result of the war from the demon, couched in the following verses of
Homer: (1)
"Much, old man, do the youths distress thee, warring against thee!
Feeble thy strength has become, but thy old age yet shall be hardy."
From many facts it has often appeared to me that the teaching of the
Christians is supported, and its advancement secured, by the providence of
God; and not least from what then occurred for at the very moment that
Licinius was about to persecute all the churches under him, the war in
Bithynia broke out, which ended in a war between him and Constantine, and
in which Constantine was so strengthened by Divine assistance that he was
victorious over his enemies by land and by sea. On the destruction of his
fleet and army, Licinius threw himself into Nicomedia, and resided for some
time at Thessalonica as a private individual, and was eventually killed
there. Such was the end of one who, at the beginning of his reign, had
distinguished himself in war and in peace, and who had been honored by
receiving the sister of Constantine in marriage.
CHAP. VIII.--LIST OF THE BENEFITS WHICH CONSTANTINE CONFERRED IN THE
FREEDOM OF THE CHRISTIANS AND BUILDING OF CHURCHES; AND OTHER DEEDS FOR THE
PUBLIC WELFARE.
AS soon as the sole government of the Roman empire was vested in
Constantine, he issued a public decree (2) commanding all his subjects in
the East to honor the Christian religion, carefully to worship the Divine
Being, and to recognize that only as Divine which is also essentially so,
and which has the power that endures for ever and ever: for he delights to
give all good things ungrudgingly to those who zealously embrace the truth;
he meets their undertakings with the best hopes, while misfortunes, whether
in peace or in war, whether in public or in private life, befall
transgressors. Constantine then added, but without vain boasting, that, God
having accounted him as a fitting servant, worthy to reign, he had been led
from the British sea to the Eastern provinces in order that the Christian
religion might be extended, and that those who, on account of the worship
of God had remained steadfast in confessions or martyrdoms, might be
advanced to public honors. After making these statements, he entered upon a
myriad other details by which he thought his subjects might be drawn to
religion. He decreed that all acts and judgments passed by the persecutors
of the church against Christianity should be revoked; and commanded that
all those who, on account of their confession of Christ, had been sent to
banishment--either to the isles or elsewhere, contrary to their own
inclination--and all those who had been condemned to labor in the mines,
the public works, the harems, the linen factories, or had been enrolled as
public functionaries, should be restored to liberty. He removed the stigma
of dishonor from those upon whom it had been cast, and permitted those who
had been deprived of high appointments in the army, either to reassume
their former place, or with an honorable discharge, to enjoy a liberal ease
according to their own choice; and when he had recalled all to the
enjoyment of their former liberties and customary honors, he likewise
restored their possessions. In the case of those who had been slain, and
whose property had been confiscated, he enacted that the inheritance should
be transferred to the next of kin, or, in default of heirs, to the church
belonging to the locality where the estate was situated; and when the
inheritance had passed into other hands, and had become either private or
national property, he commanded it to be restored. He likewise promised to
resort to the fittest and best possible arrangements when the property had
been purchased by the exchequer, or had been received therefrom by gift.
These measures, as it had been said, having been enacted by the emperor,
and ratified by law, were forthwith carried into execution. Christians were
thus placed in almost all the principal posts of the Roman government; the
worship of false gods was universally prohibited; and the arts of
divination, the dedication of statues, and the celebration of pagan
festivals were interdicted. Many of the most ancient customs observed in
the cities fell into disuse: and among the Egyptians the measure used to
indicate the increase of the waters of the Nile was no longer borne into
pagan temples, but into churches. The spectacle of gladiators was then
prohibited among the Romans; and the custom which prevailed among the
Phoenicians of Lebanon and Heliopolis of prostituting virgins before
marriage, who were accustomed to cohabit in lawful marriage after the first
trial of an illicit intercourse, was abolished. Of the houses of prayer,
the emperor repaired some which were of sufficient magnitude; others were
brilliantly restored by additional length and breadth, and he erected new
edifices in places where no building of the kind had existed previously. He
furnished the requisite supplies from the imperial treasury, and wrote to
the bishops of the cities and the governors of the provinces, desiring them
to contribute whatever might be wished, and enjoining submission and
zealous obedience to the priests.
The prosperity of religion kept pace with the increased prosperity of
the empire. After the war with Licinius, the emperor was successful in
battle against foreign nations; he conquered the Sarmatians and the people
called Goths, and concluded an advantageous treaty with them. These people
dwelt upon the Ister; and as they were very warlike, and always ready in
arms both by the multitude and magnitude of their bodies, they kept the
other tribes of barbarians in awe, and found antagonists in the Romans
alone. It is said that, during this war, Constantine perceived clearly, by
means of signs and dreams, that the special protection of Divine Providence
had been extended to him. Hence when he had vanquished all those who rose
up in battle against him he evinced his thankfulness to Christ by zealous
attention to the concerns of religion, and exhorted the governors to
recognize the one true faith and way of salvation. He enacted that part of
the funds levied from tributary countries should be forwarded by the
various cities to the bishops and clergy, wherever they might be domiciled,
and commanded that the law enjoining this gift should be a statute forever.
In order to accustom the soldiers to worship God as he did, he had their
weapons marked with the symbol of the cross, and he erected a house of
prayer in the palace. When he engaged in war, he caused a tent to be borne
before him, constructed in the shape of a church, so that in case he or his
army might be led into the desert, they might have a sacred edifice in
which to praise and worship God, and participate in the mysteries. (1)
Priests and deacons followed the tent, who fulfilled the orders about these
matters, according to the law of the church. From that period the Roman
legions, which now were called by their number, provided each its own tent,
with attendant priests and deacons. He also enjoined the observance of the
day termed the Lord's day," (2) which the Jews call the first day of the
week, and which the pagans dedicate to the sun, as likewise the day before
the seventh, and commanded that no judicial or other business should be
transacted on those days, but that God should be served with prayers and
supplications. He honored the Lord's day, because on it Christ arose from
the dead, and the day above mentioned, because on it he was crucified. He
regarded the cross with peculiar reverence, on account both of the power
which it conveyed to him in the battles against his enemies, and also of
the divine manner in which the symbol had appeared to him. He took away by
law the crucifixion customary among the Romans, from the usage of the
courts. He commanded that this divine symbol should always be inscribed and
stamped whenever coins and images should be struck, and his images, which
exist in this very form, still testify to this order. And indeed he strove
in everything, particularly in the enactment of laws, to serve God. It
appears, too, that he prohibited many flagitious and licentious
connections, (3) which till that period had not been forbidden; as one, who
cares about it, may see at a glance from these few instances what the laws
were, which he established about these points; it appears to me
unreasonable now to treat them exhaustively. I consider it necessary,
however, to mention the laws enacted for the honor and consolidation of
religion, as they constitute a considerable portion of ecclesiastical
history. I shall therefore proceed to the recital.
CHAP. IX.--CONSTANTINE ENACTS A LAW IN FAVOR OF CELIBATES AND OF THE
CLERGY.
THERE was an ancient Roman law, by which those who were unmarried at
the age of twenty-five were not admitted to the same privileges as the
married; (4) amongst other clauses in this law, it was specified that those
who were not the very nearest kinsmen could gain nothing from a will; and
also, that those who were childless were to be deprived of half of any
property that might be bequeathed to them. The object of this ancient Roman
law was to increase the population of Rome and the subject people, which
had been much reduced in numbers by the civil wars, not a long while before
this law. The emperor, perceiving that this enactment militated against the
interests of those who continued in a state of celibacy and remained
childless for the sake of God, and deeming it absurd to attempt the
multiplication of the human species by the care and zeal of man (since
nature always receiving increase or decrease according to the fiat from on
high), made a law enjoining that the unmarried and childless should have
the same advantages as the married. He even bestowed peculiar privileges on
those who embraced a life of continence and virginity, and permitted them,
contrary to the usage which prevailed throughout the Roman empire, to make
a will before they attained the age of puberty; for he believed that those
who devoted themselves to the service of God and the cultivation of
philosophy would, in all cases, judge aright. For a similar reason the
ancient Romans permitted the vestal virgins to make a will as soon as they
attained the age of six years. That was the greatest proof of the superior
reverence for religion. Constantine exempted the clergy everywhere from
taxation, and permitted litigants to appeal to the decision of the bishops
if they preferred them to the state rulers. (1) He enacted that their
decree should be valid, and as far superior to that of other judges as if
pronounced by the emperor himself; that the governors and subordinate
military officers should see to the execution of these decrees: and that
the definitions made by synods should be irreversible.
Having arrived at this point of my history, it would not be right to
omit all mention of the laws passed in favor of those individuals in the
churches who had received their freedom. Owing to the strictness of the
laws and the unwillingness of masters, there were many difficulties in the
way of the acquisition of this better freedom; that is to say, of the
freedom of the city of Rome. Constantine therefore made three laws,
enacting that all those individuals in the churches, whose freedom should
be attested by the priests, should receive the freedom of Rome?
The records of these pious regulations are still extant, it having been
the custom to engrave on tablets all laws relating to manumission. Such
were the enactments of Constantine; in everything he sought to promote the
honor of religion; and religion was valued, not only for its own sake, but
also on account of the virtue of those who then participated in it.
CHAP. X.--CONCERNING THE GREAT CONFESSORS WHO SURVIVED.
SINCE the persecution had recently ceased, many excellent Christians,
and many of the confessors who had survived, adorned the churches: among
these were Hosius, (3) bishop of [Cordova; Amphion, (4) bishop of Epiphania
in Cilicia; Maximus, who succeeded Macarius in [the church of Jerusalem;
and Paphnutius, (5) an Egyptian. It is said by this latter God wrought many
miracles, controlling demons, and giving him grace to heal divers kinds of
sickness. this Paphnutius, and Maximus, whom we just mentioned, were among
the number of confessors whom Maximinus condemned to work in the mines,
after having deprived them of the right eye, and the use of the left leg.
CHAP. XI.--ACCOUNT OF ST. SPYRIDON: HIS MODESTY AND STEADFASTNESS.
SPYRIDON, (6) bishop of Trimythun in Cyprus, flourished at this
period. To show his virtues, I think the fame which still prevails about
him suffices. The wonderful works which he wrought by Divine assistance
are, it appears, generally known by those who dwell in the same region. I
shall not conceal the facts which have come to me.
He was a peasant, was married, and had children; yet was not, on this
account, deficient in spiritual attainments. It is related that one night
some wicked men entered his sheepfold, and were in the act of stealing his
sheep, when they were suddenly bound, and yet no one bound them. The next
day, when he went to the fold, he found them fettered, and released them
from their invisible bonds; but he censured them for having preferred to
steal what it was lawful for them to win and take, and also for making such
a great exertion by night: yet he felt compassion towards them, and,
desirous of affording them instruction, so as to induce them to lead a
better life, he said to them, "Go, and take this ram with you; for you are
wearied with watching, and it is not just that your labor should be so
blamed, that you should return empty-handed from my sheepfold." This action
is well worthy admiration, but not less so is that which I shall now
relate. An individual confided a deposit to the care of his daughter, who
was a virgin, and was named Irene. For greater security, she buried it; and
it so happened that she died soon after, without mentioning the
circumstance to any one. The person to whom the deposit belonged came to
ask for it. Spyridon knew not what answer to give him, so he searched the
whole house for it; but not being able to find it, the man wept, tore his
hair, and seemed ready to expire. Spyridon, moved with pity, went to the
grave, and called the girl by name; and when she answered, he inquired
about the deposit. After obtaining the information desired, he returned,
found the treasure in the place that had been signified to him, and gave it
to the owner. As I have entered upon this subject, it may not be amiss to
add this incident also.
It was a custom with this Spyridon to give a certain portion of his
fruits to the poor, and to lend another portion to those who wished it as a
gratuity; but neither in giving nor taking back did he ever himself
distribute or receive he merely pointed out the storehouse, and told those
who resorted to him to take as much as they needed, or to restore what they
had borrowed. A certain man who had borrowed in this way, came as though he
were about to return it, and when as usual he was directed to replace his
loan in the storehouse, he saw an opportunity for an injustice; imagining
that the matter would be concealed, he did not liquidate the debt, but
fraudulently pretending to have discharged his obligation, he went away as
though he had made the return. This, however, could not be long concealed.
After some time the man came back again to borrow, and was sent to the
storehouse, with permission to measure out for himself as much as he
required. Finding the storehouse empty, he went to acquaint Spyridon, and
this latter said to him, "I wonder, O man, how it is that you alone have
found the storehouse empty and unsupplied with the articles you require:
reflect whether you have restored the first loan, since you are in need a
second time: were it otherwise, what you seek would not be lacking. Go,
trust, and you will find." The man felt the reproof and acknowledged his
error. The firmness and the accuracy in the administration of
ecclesiastical affairs on the part of this divine man are worthy of
admiration. It is said that on one occasion thereafter, the bishops of
Cyprus met to consult on some particular emergency. Spyridon was present,
as likewise Triphyllius, (1) bishop of the Ledri, a man otherwise eloquent,
who on account of practicing the law, had lived alone while at Berytus. (2)
When an assembly had convened, having been requested to address the
people, Triphyllius had occasion, in the middle of his discourse, to quote
the text, "Take up thy bed and walk," and he substituted the word "couch"
(ski'mpous), for the word "bed" (kra'bbatos). Spyridon was indignant, and
exclaimed, "Art thou greater than he who uttered the word 'bed,' that thou
art ashamed to use his words?" When he had said this, he turned from the
throne of the priest, and looked towards the people; by this act he taught
them to keep the man who is proud of eloquence within bounds and he was fit
to make such a rebuke; for he was reverenced and most illustrious for his
works: at the same time he was the superior of that presbyter in age and in
the priesthood.
The reception which Spyridon gave to strangers will appear from the
following incident. In the quadragesima, it happened that a traveler came
upon a journey to visit him on one of those days in which it was his custom
to keep a continuous fast with his household, (4) and on the day appointed
for tasting food, he would remain without nourishment to mid-day.
Perceiving that the stranger was much fatigued, Spyridon said to his
daughter, "Come, wash his feet and set meat before him." The virgin
replying that there was neither bread nor barley-food in the house, for it
would have been superfluous to provide such things at the time of the fast,
Spyridon first prayed and asked forgiveness, and bade her to cook some salt
pork which chanced to be in the house. When it was prepared, he sat down to
table with the stranger, partook of the meat, and told him to follow his
example. But the stranger declining, under the plea of being a Christian,
he said to him, "It is for that very reason that you ought not to decline
partaking of the meat; for the Divine word shows that to the pure all
things are pure." (5) Such are the details which I had to relate concerning
Spyridon.
CHAP. XII. -- ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE MONKS: ITS ORIGIN AND FOUNDERS.
THOSE who at this period had embraced monasticism (6) were not the
least in manifesting the church as most illustrious, and evidencing the
truth of their doctrines by their virtuous line of conduct. Indeed, the
most useful thing that has been received by man from God is their
philosophy. (7) They neglect many branches of mathematics and the
technicalities of dialectics, because they regard such studies as
superfluous, and as a useless expenditure of time, seeing that they
contribute nothing towards correct living. They apply themselves
exclusively to the cultivation of natural and useful science, in order that
they may mitigate, if not eradicate, evil. They invariably refrain from
accounting any action or principle as good, which occupies a middle place
between virtue and vice, for they delight only in what is good. They regard
every man as wicked, who, though he abstain from evil, does not do good.
For they do not demonstrate virtue by argument, but practice it, and count
as nothing the glory current among men. They manfully subjugate the
passions of the soul, yielding neither to the necessities of nature, nor
succumbing to the weakness of the body. Having possessed the power of the
Divine mind, they always look away to the Creator of the whole, night and
day worshiping him, and appeasing him by prayers and supplications. By
purity of soul and by a life of good works they entered without guilt upon
religious observances, and despised purification, lustral vessels, and such
ceremonials; for they think that sins alone are blemishes. They are greater
than the external casualties to which we are liable, and hold, as it were,
all things under their control: and are not therefore diverted from the
path they have selected by the disasters or the necessity which sway the
life. They are not distressed when insulted, nor do they defend themselves
when suffering from malice; nor do they lose heart when pressed by sickness
or lack of necessaries but rather rejoice in such trials and endure then
with patience and meekness. They inure themselves through the whole of life
to be content with little, and approximate as nearly to God as is possible
to human nature. They regard the present life as a journey only, and are
not therefore solicitous about acquiring wealth, nor do they provide for
the present beyond urgent necessities. They admire the beauty and
simplicity of nature, but their hope is placed in heaven and the
blessedness of the future. Wholly absorbed in the worship of God, they
revolted from obscene language; and as they had banished evil practices, so
they would not allow such things to be even named. They limited, as far as
possible, the demands of nature, and compelled the body to be satisfied
with moderate supplies. They overcame intemperance by temperance, injustice
by justice, and falsehood by truth, and attained the happy medium in all
things. They dwelt in harmony and fellowship with their neighbors. They
provided for their friends and strangers, imparted to those who were in
want, according to their need, and comforted the afflicted. As they were
diligent in all things, and zealous in seeking the supreme good, their
instructions, though clothed in modesty and prudence, and devoid of vain
and meritricious eloquence, possessed power, like sovereign medicines, in
healing the moral diseases of their audience; they spoke, too, with fear
and reverence, and eschewed all strife, raillery, and anger. Indeed, it is
but reasonable to suppress all irrational emotions, and to subdue carnal
and natural passions. Elias the prophet and John the Baptist were the
authors, as some say, of this sublime philosophy. Philo the Pythagorean (1)
relates, that in his time the most virtuous of the Hebrews assembled from
all parts of the world, and settled in a tract of country situated on a
hill near Lake Mareotis, for the purpose of living as philosophers. He
describes their dwellings, their regimen, and their customs, as similar to
those which we now meet with among the monks of Egypt. He says that from
the moment they began to apply themselves to the study of philosophy, they
gave up their property to their relatives, relinquished business and
society, and dwelt outside of walls, in fields and in gardens. They had
also, he informs us, sacred edifices which were called monasteries, in
which they dwelt apart and alone, occupied in celebrating the holy
mysteries, and in worshiping God sedulously with psalms and hymns. They
never tasted food before sunset, and some only took food every third day,
or even at longer intervals. Finally, he says, that on certain days they
lay on the ground and abstained from wine and the flesh of animals; that
their food was bread, salt, and hyssop, and their drink, water; and that
there were women among them who had lived as virgins to old age, who, for
the love of philosophy, and from their voluntary judgment, practiced
celibacy. In this narrative, Philo seems to describe (2) certain Jews who
had embraced Christianity, and yet retained the customs of their nation;
for no vestiges of this manner of life are to be found elsewhere: and hence
I conclude that this philosophy flourished in Egypt from this period.
Others, however, assert that this mode of life originated from the
persecutions for the sake of religion, which arose from time to time, and
by which many were compelled to flee to the mountains and deserts and
forests, and they became used to this kind of living.
CHAP, XIII. -- ABOUT ANTONY THE GREAT AND ST. PAUL THE SIMPLE.
WHETHER the Egyptians or others are to be regarded as the founders of
this philosophy, it is universally admitted that Antony, (1) the great
monk, developed this course of life, by morals and befitting exercises, to
the summit of exactness and perfection. His fame was so widely spread
throughout the deserts of Egypt, that the emperor Constantine, for the
reputation of the man's virtue, sought his friendship, honored him with
correspondence, and urged him to write about what he might need. He was an
Egyptian by race, and belonged to an illustrious family of Coma, which was
situated near the Heraclea which is on the Egyptian borders. (2) He was but
a youth when he lost his parents; he bestowed his paternal inheritance upon
his fellow-villagers, sold the rest of his possessions and distributed the
proceeds among the needy; for he was aware that philosophy does not merely
consist in the relinquishment of property, but in the proper distribution
of it. He obtained the acquaintance of the devoted men of his time, and
emulated the virtues of all. Believing that the practice of goodness would
become delightful by habit, though arduous at the outset, he reflected on
more intense methods of asceticism, and day by day he augmented it by self-
control just as if he were always recommencing his undertaking. He subdued
the voluptuousness of the body by labor, and restrained the passions of the
soul by the aid of the Divine wisdom. His food was bread and salt, his
drink water, and he never broke his fast till after sunset. He often
remained two or more days without eating. He watched, so to speak,
throughout the night, and continued in prayer till daybreak. If at any time
he indulged in sleep, it was but for a little while on a short mat; but
generally the bare earth was his couch. He rejected the practice of
anointing with oil, and the use of baths and of similar luxuries likely to
relax the tension of the body by moisture; and it is said that he never at
any time saw himself naked. He neither possessed nor admired learning, but
he valued a good understanding, as being prior to letters and as being the
very discoverer of it. He was exceedingly meek and philanthropic, prudent
and manly; cheerful in conversation and friendly in disputations, even when
others used the controverted topics as occasion for strife. By his own
habit and a kind of intelligence he quieted contentiousness when on the
increase, and restored them to moderation; he also tempered the ardor of
those who conversed with him, and regulated their manners. Although on
account of his extraordinary virtues, he had become filled with the Divine
foreknowledge, he did not regard foreknowledge of the future as a virtue,
nor did he counsel others to seek this gift rashly, for he considered that
no one would be punished or rewarded according to his ignorance or
knowledge of futurity; for true blessedness consists in the service of God,
and in keeping his laws. "But," said he, "if any man would know the future,
let him continually be purified in soul, for then he will i have power to
walk in the light, and to understand things that are to happen, for God
will reveal the future to him." He never suffered himself to be idle, but
exhorted all those who seemed disposed to lead a good life, to diligence in
labor, to self-examination and confession of sin before Him who created the
day and the night; and when they erred, he urged them to record the
transgression in writing, that so they might be ashamed of their sins, and
be fearful lest any one should find the many things recorded; for he would
be fearful, lest if the document were traced to him he should become
disclosed to other people as a depraved character. He above all others came
forward spiritedly and most zealously for the defense of the injured, and
in their cause often resorted to the cities; for many came out to him, and
compelled him to intercede for them with the rulers and men in power. All
the people felt honored in seeing him, listened with avidity to his
discourses, and yielded assent to his arguments; but he preferred to remain
unknown and concealed in the deserts. When compelled to visit a city, he
never failed to return to the deserts as soon as he had accomplished the
work he had undertaken; for, he said, that as fishes are nourished in the
water, so the desert is the world prepared for monks; and as fishes die
when thrown upon dry land, so monastics lose their gravity when they go
into cities. He carried himself obediently and graciously towards all who
saw him, and he was careful not to have, nor seem to have, a supercilious
nature. I have given this concise account of the manners of Antony, in
order that an idea of his philosophy may be formed, by analogy, from the
description of his conduct in the desert.
He had many renowned disciples, of whom some flourished in Egypt and
Libya, others in Palestine, Syria, and Arabia; not less than their master,
did each disciple pass his life with those among whom he dwelt, and
regulate his conduct, and instruct many, and wed them unto kindred virtues
and philosophy. But it would be difficult for any one to find the
companions of Antony or their successors by going carefully through cities
and villages to discover them, for they sought concealment more earnestly
than many ambitious men, by means of pomp and show, now seek popularity and
renown. We must relate, in chronological order, the history of the most
celebrated disciples of Antony, and particularly that of Paul, surnamed the
Simple. (1) It is said that he dwelt in the country, and was married to a
beautiful woman, and that having surprised her in the act of adultery, he
laughed placidly and affirmed with an oath, that he would live with her no
longer; that he left her with the adulterer, and went immediately to join
Antony in the desert. It is further related that he was exceedingly meek
and patient: and that, being aged and unaccustomed to monastic severity,
Antony put his strength to the proof by various trials, for he was newly
come, and detected nothing ignoble; and that, having given evidence of
perfect philosophy, he was sent to live alone, as no longer requiring a
teacher. And God himself confirmed the testimony of Antony; and
demonstrated the man to be most illustrious through his deeds, and as
greater than even his teacher in vexing and expelling demons.
CHAP. XIV. -- ACCOUNT OF ST. AMMON AND EUTYCHIUS OF OLYMPUS.
It was about this period that Ammon, (2) the Egyptian, embraced
philosophy. It is said that he was compelled to marry by his family, but
that his wife never knew him carnally; for on the day of their marriage,
when they were alone, and when he as the bridegroom was leading her as the
bride to his bed, he said to her, "Oh, woman! our marriage has indeed taken
place, but it is not consummated"; and then he showed her from the Holy
Scriptures that it was her chief good to remain a virgin, and en-treated
that they might live apart. She was convinced by his arguments concerning
virginity, but was much distressed by the thought of being separated from
him; and therefore, though occupying a separate bed, he lived with her for
eighteen years, during which time he did not neglect the monastic
exercises. At the end of this period, the woman whose emulation had been
strongly excited by the virtue of her husband, became convinced that it was
not just that such a man should, on her account, live in the domestic
sphere; and she considered that it was necessary that each should, for the
sake of philosophy, live apart from the other; and she entreated this of
her husband. He therefore took his departure, after having thanked God for
the counsel of his wife, and said to her, "Do thou retain this house, and I
will make another for myself." He retired to a desert place, south of the
Mareotic lake between Scitis and the mountain called Nitria; and here,
during two and twenty years, he devoted himself to philosophy and visited
his wife twice every year. This divine man was the founder of the
monasteries there, and gathered round him many disciples of note, as the
registers of succession show. Many extraordinary events happened to him,
which have been accurately fixed by the Egyptian monks, who did very much
to commemorate carefully the virtues of the more ancient ascetics,
preserved in a succession of unwritten tradition. I will relate such of
them as have come to our knowledge.
Ammon and his disciple Theodore, had once occasion to take a journey
somewhere, and on the road found it requisite to cross a canal called
Lycus. Ammon ordered Theodore to pass over backwards, lest they should
witness each other's nudity, and as he was likewise ashamed to see himself
naked, he was suddenly, and by a Divine impulse, seized and carried over,
and landed on the opposite bank. When Theodore had crossed the water, he
perceived that the clothes and feet of the eider were not wet, and inquired
the reason; not receiving a reply, he expostulated strongly on the subject,
and at length Ammon, after stipulating that it should not be mentioned
during his lifetime, confessed the fact.
Here follows another miracle of the same nature. Some wicked fathers,
having brought to him a son, who had been bitten by a mad dog, and was nigh
unto death, besought him in their lamentations to heal him. He said to
them, "Your son does not require my healing, but if you are willing to
restore to your masters the ox you have stolen, he will be healed
immediately." And the result was even as had been predicted; for the ox was
restored and the malady of the child removed. It is said that, when Ammon
died, Antony saw his spirit ascending into heaven, since the heavenly
powers conducted him with the singing of psalms, and on being questioned by
his companions as to the cause of his evident astonishment, he did not
conceal the matter from them; for he was seen to survey the sky intently,
because of his amazement at the sight of the marvelous spectacle. A short
time after, certain persons came from Scitis, and, announcing the hour of
Ammon's death, the truth of Antony's prediction was manifested. Thus, as is
testified by all good men, each of these holy persons was blessed in a
special manner; the one, by being released from this life; the other, by
being accounted worthy of witnessing so miraculous a spectacle as that
which God showed him; for Antony and Ammon lived at a distance of many
days' journey from each other, and the above incident is corroborated by
those who were personally acquainted with them both.
I am convinced that it was likewise during this reign that Eutychianus
(1) embraced philosophy. He fixed his residence in Bithynia, near Olympus.
He belonged to the sect of the Novatians, (2) and was a partaker of Divine
grace he healed diseases and wrought miracles, and the fame of his virtuous
life induced Constantine to keep his intimacy and friendship. It so
happened, that about this period, one of the royal body-guard, who was
suspected of plotting against the sovereign, fled, and after search, was
apprehended near Olympus. Eutychianus was besought by relatives of the man
to intercede on his behalf with the emperor, and in the meantime, to direct
that the prisoner's chains might be loosened, lest he should perish beneath
their weight. It is related that Eutychianus accordingly sent to the
officers who held the man in custody, desiring them to loosen the chains;
and that, on their refusal, he went himself to the prison, when the doors,
though fastened, opened of their own accord, and the bonds of the prisoner
fell off. Eutychianus afterwards repaired to the emperor who was then
residing at Byzantium, and easily obtained a pardon, for Constantine was
not wont to refuse his requests, because he held the man in very great
honor.
I have now given in few words the history of the most illustrious
professors of the monastic philosophy. If any one desires more exact
information about these men he will find it in the biographies which have
been written of very many of them.
CHAP. XV. -- THE ARIAN HERESY, ITS ORIGIN, ITS PROGRESS, AND THE CONTENTION
WHICH IT OCCASIONED AMONG THE BISHOPS.
ALTHOUGH, as we have shown, religion was in a flourishing condition at
this period, yet the churches were disturbed by sore contentions; for under
the pretext of piety and of seeking the more perfect discovery of God,
certain questions were agitated, which had not, till then, been examined.
Arius (3) was the originator of these disputations. He was a presbyter of
the church at Alexandria in Egypt, and was at first a zealous thinker about
doctrine, and upheld the innovations of Melitius. Eventually, however, he
abandoned this latter opinion, (4) and was ordained deacon by Peter, bishop
of Alexandria, who afterwards cast him out of the church, because when
Peter anathematized the zealots of Melitius and rejected their baptism,
Arius assailed him for these acts and could not be restrained in quietness.
After the martyrdom of Peter, Arius asked forgiveness of Achillas, and was
restored to his office as deacon, and afterwards elevated to the
presbytery. Afterwards Alexander, also, held him in high repute, since he
was a most expert logician; for it was said that he was not lacking in such
knowledge. He fell into absurd discourses, so that he had the audacity to
preach in the church what no one before him had ever suggested; namely,
that the Son of God was made out of that which had no prior existence, that
there was a period of time in which he existed not; that, as possessing
free will, he was capable of vice and virtue, and that he was created and
made: to these, many other similar assertions were added as he went forward
into the arguments and the details of inquiry. Those who heard these
doctrines advanced, blamed Alexander for not opposing the innovations at
variance with doctrine. But this bishop deemed it more advisable to leave
each party to the free discussion of doubtful topics, so that by persuasion
rather than by force, they might cease from contention; hence he sat down
as a judge with some of his clergy, and led both sides into a discussion.
But it happened on this occasion, as is generally the case in a strife of
words, that each party claimed the victory. Arius defended his assertions,
but the others contended that the Son is consubstantial and co-eternal with
the Father. The council was convened a second time, and the same points
contested, but they came to no agreement amongst themselves. During the
debate, Alexander seemed to incline first to one party and then to the
others (5); finally, however, he declared himself in favor of those who
affirmed that the Son was consubstantial and co-eternal with the Father,
and he commanded Arius to receive this doctrine, and to reject his former
opinions. Arius, however, would not be persuaded to compliance, and many of
the bishops and clergy considered his statement of doctrine to be correct.
Alexander, therefore, ejected him and the clergy who concurred with him in
sentiment from the church. Those of the parish of Alexandria, who had
embraced his opinions, were the presbyters Aithalas, Achillas, Carpones,
Sarmates, and Arius, (6) and the deacons Euzoius, Macarius, Julius, Menas,
and Helladius. Many of the people, likewise, sided with them: some, because
they imagined their doctrines to be of God; others, as frequently happens
in similar cases, because they believed them to have been ill-treated and
unjustly excommunicated. Such being the state of affairs at Alexandria, the
partisans of Arius, deeming it prudent to seek the favor of the bishops of
other cities, sent legations to them; they sent a written statement of
their doctrines to them, requesting them that, if they considered such
sentiments to be of God, they would signify to Alexander that he ought not
to molest them; but that if they disapproved of the doctrines, they should
teach them what opinions were necessary to be held. This precaution was of
no little advantage to them; for their tenets became thus universally
disseminated, and the questions they had started became matters of debate
among all the bishops. Some wrote to Alexander, entreating him not to
receive the partisans of Arius into communion unless they repudiated their
opinions, while others wrote to urge a contrary line of conduct. When
Alexander perceived that many who were revered by the appearance of good
conduct, and weighty by the persuasiveness of eloquence, held with the
party of Arius, and particularly Eusebius, president of the church of
Nicomedia, a man of considerable learning and held in high repute at the
palace; he wrote to the bishops of every church desiring them not to hold
communion with them. This measure kindled the zeal of each party the more,
and as might have been expected, the contest was increasingly agitated.
Eusebius and his partisans had often petitioned Alexander, but could not
persuade him; so that considering themselves insulted, they became
indignant and came to a stronger determination to support the doctrine of
Arius. A synod having been convened in Bithynia, they wrote to all the
bishops, desiring them to hold communion with the Arians, as with those
making a true confession, and to require Alexander to hold communion with
them likewise. As compliance could not be extorted from Alexander Arius
sent messengers to Paulinas, bishop of Tyre, to Eusebius Pamphilus, who
presided over the church of Caesarea in Palestine, and to Patrophilus,
bishop of Scythopolis, soliciting permission for himself and for his
adherents, as they had previously attained the rank of presbyters, to form
the people who were with them into a church. For it was the custom in
Alexandria, as it still is in the present day, that all the churches should
be under one bishop, but that each presbyter should have his own church, in
which to assemble the people. These three bishops, in concurrence with
others who were assembled in Palestine, granted the petition of Arius, and
permitted him to assemble the people as before; but enjoined submission to
Alexander, and commanded Arius to strive incessantly to be restored to
peace and communion with him.
CHAP.XVI. -- CONSTANTINE, HAVING HEARD OF THE STRIFE OF THE BISHOPS, AND
THE DIFFERENCE OF OPINION CONCERNING THE PASSOVER, IS GREATLY TROUBLED AND
SENDS HOSIUS, A SPANIARD, BISHOP OF CORDOVA, TO ALEXANDRIA, TO ABOLISH THE
DISSENSION AMONG THE BISHOPS, AND TO SETTLE THE DISPUTE ABOUT THE PASSOVER.
AFTER there had been many synods held in Egypt, and the contest had
still continued to Increase in violence, the report of the dissension
reached the palace, and Constantine was thereby greatly troubled; for just
at this period, when religion was beginning to be more generally
propagated, many were deterred by the difference in doctrines from
embracing Christianity. The emperor (1) openly charged Arius and Alexander
with having originated this disturbance, and wrote to rebuke them for
having made a controversy public which it was in their power to have
concealed, and for having contentiously agitated a question which ought
never to have been mooted, or upon which, at least, their opinion ought to
have been given quietly. He told them that they ought not to have separated
from others on account of difference of sentiment concerning certain points
of doctrine.
For concerning the Divine Providence men ought necessarily to hold one
and the same belief; but the minute researches in this province, especially
if they do not bring them to the one opinion, must be retained in secret
according to all reason. He exhorted them to put away all loose talk about
such points, and to be of one mind; for he had been not a little grieved,
and on this account he had renounced his intention of visiting the cities
of the East. It was in this strain that he wrote to Alexander and to Arius,
reproving and exhorting them both.
Constantine was also deeply grieved at the diversity of opinion which
prevailed concerning the celebration of the Passover; (2) for some of the
cities in the East differed on this point, although they did not withhold
from communion with one another; they kept the festival more according to
the manner of the Jews, (3) and as was natural by this divergence,
detracted from the splendor of the festal sacrifice. The emperor zealously
endeavored to remove both these causes of dissension from the church; and
thinking to be able to remove the evil before it advanced to greater
proportions, be sent one who was honored for his faith, his virtuous life,
and most approved in those former times for his confessions about this
doctrine, to reconcile those who were divided on account of doctrine in
Egypt, and those who in the East differed about the Passover. This man was
Hosius, bishop of Cordova.
CHAP. XVII. -- OF THE COUNCIL CONVENED AT NICAEA ON ACCOUNT OF ARIUS.
WHEN it was found that the event did not answer the expectations of the
emperor, but that on the contrary, the contention was too great for
reconciliation, so that he who had been sent to make peace returned without
having accomplished his mission, Constantine convened a synod at Nicaea, in
Bithynia, and wrote (1) to the most eminent men of the churches in every
country, directing them to be there on an appointed day. (2) Of those who
occupied the apostolic sees, the following participated in this conference:
Macarius of Jerusalem, Eustathius, who already presided over the church of
Antioch on the Orontes; and Alexander of Alexandria near Lake Mareotis.
Julius, (3) bishop of Rome, was unable to attend on account of extreme old
age; but his place was supplied by Vito and Vicentius, presbyters of his
church. Many other excellent and good men from different nations were
congregated together, of whom some were celebrated for their learning,
their eloquence, and their knowledge of the sacred books, and other
discipline; some for the virtuous tenor of their life, and others for the
combination of all these qualifications. About three hundred and twenty
bishops were present, accompanied by a multitude of presbyters and deacons.
There were, likewise, men present who were skilled in dialectics, and ready
to assist in the discussions. And as was usually the case on such
occasions, many priests resorted to the council for the purpose of
transacting their own private affairs; (4) for they considered this a
favorable opportunity for rectifying their grievances, and in what points
each found fault with the rest, he presented a document to the emperor,
wherein he noted the offenses committed against himself. As this course was
pursued day after day, the emperor set apart one certain day on which all
complaints were to be brought before him. When the appointed time arrived,
he took the memorials which had been presented to him, and said, "All these
accusations will be brought forward in their own season at the great day of
judgment, and will there be judged by the Great Judge of all men; as to me,
I am but a man, and it would be evil in me to take cognizance of such
matters, seeing that the accuser and the accused are priests; and the
priests ought so to act as never to become amenable to the judgment of
others. Imitate, therefore, the divine love and mercy of God, and be ye
reconciled to one another; withdraw your accusations against each other;
let us be persuaded, and let us devote our attention to those subjects
connected with the faith on account of which we are assembled." After this
address, in order to make the document of each man nugatory, the emperor
commanded the memorials to be burnt, and then appointed a day for solving
the doubtful points. But before the appointed time arrived, the bishops
assembled together, and having summoned Arius to attend, began to examine
the disputed topics, each one amongst them advancing his own opinion. As
might have been expected, however, many different questions started out of
the investigation: some of the bishops spoke against the introduction of
novelties contrary to the faith which had been delivered to them from the
beginning. And those especially who had adhered to simplicity of doctrine
argued that the faith of God ought to be received without curious
inquiries; others, however, contended that ancient opinions ought not to be
followed without examination. Many of the bishops who were then assembled,
and of the clergy who accompanied them, being remarkable for their
dialectic skill, and practiced in such rhetorical methods, became
conspicuous, and attracted the notice of the emperor and the court. Of that
number Athanasius, who was then a deacon of Alexandria, and had accompanied
his bishop Alexander, seemed to have the largest share in the counsel
concerning these subjects.
CHAP. XVIII. -- TWO PHILOSOPHERS ARE CONVERTED TO THE FAITH BY THE
SIMPLICITY OF TWO OLD MEN WITH WHOM THEY HOLD A DISPUTATION.
WHILE these disputations were being carried on, certain of the pagan
philosophers became desirous of taking part in them; some, because they
wished for information as to the doctrine that was inculcated; and others,
because, feeling incensed against the Christians on account of the recent
suppression of the pagan religion, they wished to convert the inquiry about
doctrine into a strife about words, so as to introduce dissensions among
them, and to make them appear as holding contradictory opinions. It is
related that one of these philosophers, priding himself on his acknowledged
superiority of eloquence, began to ridicule the priests, and thereby roused
the indignation of a simple old man, highly esteemed as a confessor, who,
although unskilled in logical refinements and wordiness, undertook to
oppose him. The less serious of those who knew the confessor, raised a
laugh (1) at his expense for engaging in such an undertaking; but the more
thoughtful felt anxious lest, in opposing so eloquent a man, he should only
render himself ridiculous; yet his influence was so great, and his
reputation so high among them, that they could not forbid his engaging in
the debate; and he accordingly delivered himself in the following terms:
"In the name of Jesus Christ, O philosopher, hearken to me. There is one
God, the maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and
invisible. He made all things by the power of the Word, and established
them by the holiness of His Spirit. The Word, whom we call the Son of God,
seeing that man was sunk in error and living like unto the beasts pitied
him, and vouchsafed to be born of woman, to hold intercourse with men, and
to die for them. And He will come again to judge each of us as to the deeds
of this present life. We believe these things to be true with all
simplicity. Do not, therefore, expend your labor in vain by striving to
disprove facts which can only be understood by faith or by scrutinizing the
manner in which these things did or did not come to pass. Answer me, dost
thou believe?" The philosopher, astonished at what had occurred, replied,
"I believe"; and having thanked the old man for having overcome him in
argument, he began to teach the same doctrines to others. He exhorted those
who still held his former sentiments to adopt the views he had embraced,
assuring them on oath, that he had been impelled to embrace Christianity by
a certain inexplicable impulse.
It is said that a similar miracle was performed by Alexander, who
governed the church of Constantinople. When Constantine returned to
Byzantium, certain philosophers came to him to complain of the innovations
in religion, and particularly of his having introduced a new form of
worship into the state, contrary to that followed by his forefathers, and
by all who were formerly in power, whether among the Greeks or the Romans.
They likewise desired to hold a disputation on the doctrine with Alexander
the bishop; and he, although unskilled in such argumentative contests, and
perhaps persuaded by his life, seeing that he was an excellent and good
man, accepted the struggle at the command of the emperor. When the
philosophers were assembled, since every one wished to engage in the
discussion, he requested that one whom they esteemed worthy might be chosen
as spokesman, while the others were to remain silent. When one of the
philosophers began to open the debate, Alexander said to him, "I command
thee in the name of Jesus Christ not to speak." The man was instantaneously
silenced. It is then right to consider whether it is a greater miracle that
a man, and he a philosopher, should so easily be silenced by a word, or
that a stone-wall should be cleft by the power of a word, which miracle I
have heard some attribute to Julian, surnamed the Chaldean. (2) I have
understood that these events happened in the way above narrated.
CHAP. XIX. -- WHEN THE COUNCIL WAS ASSEMBLED, THE EMPEROR DELIVERED A
PUBLIC ADDRESS.
THE bishops held long consultations; and after summoning Arius before
them, they made an accurate test of his propositions; they were intently on
their guard, not to come to a vote on either side. When at length the
appointed day arrived on which it had been decided to settle the doubtful
points, they assembled together (3) in the palace, because the emperor had
signified his intention of taking part in the deliberations. When he was in
the same place with the priests, he passed through to the head of the
conference, and seated himself on the throne which had been prepared for
him, and the synod was then commanded to be seated; for seats had been
arranged on either side along the walls of the palatial rooms, for it was
the largest, and excelled the other chambers.
After they were seated, Eusebius Pamphilus arose and delivered an
oration (4) in honor of the emperor, returning thanks to God on his
account. When he had ceased speaking, and silence was restored, the emperor
delivered himself in the following words: "I give thanks to God for all
things, but particularly, O friends, for being permitted to see your
conference. And the event has exceeded my prayer, in that so many priests
of Christ have been conducted into the same place; now, it is my desire
that you should be of one mind and be partakers of a consentient judgment,
for I deem dissension in the Church of God as more dangerous than any other
evil. Therefore when it was announced, and I understood you were in
discord, an unwholesome thing to hear, I was deeply pained in soul; and
least of all does it profit you, since you are the conductors of divine
worship and arbiters of peace. On this account it is, that I have called
you together in a holy Synod, and being both your emperor and your fellow-
physician, I seek for you a favor which is acceptable to our common Lord,
and as honorable for me to receive, as for you to grant. The favor which I
seek is, that you examine the causes of the strife, and put a consentient
and peaceful end thereto i so that I may triumph with you over the envious
demon, who excited this internal revolt because he was provoked to see our
external enemies and tyrants under our feet, and envied our good estate."
The emperor pronounced this discourse in Latin, and the interpretation was
supplied by one at his side.
CHAP. XX. -- AFTER HAVING GIVEN AUDIENCE TO BOTH PARTIES, THE EMPEROR
CONDEMNED THE FOLLOWERS OF ARIUS AND BANISHED THEM.
THE next debate by the priests turned upon doctrine. (1) The emperor
gave patient attention to the speeches of both parties; he applauded those
who spoke well, rebuked those who displayed a tendency to altercation, and
according to his apprehension of what he heard, for he was not wholly
unpracticed in the Greek tongue, he addressed himself with kindness to each
one. Finally all the priests agreed with one another and conceded that the
Son is consubstantial with the Father. At the commencement of the
conference there were but seventeen who praised the opinion of Arius, but
eventually the majority of these yielded assent to the general view, To
this judgment the emperor likewise deferred, for he regarded the unanimity
of the conference to be a divine approbation; and he ordained that any one
who should be rebellious thereto, should forthwith be sent into banishment,
as guilty of endeavoring to overthrow the Divine definitions. I had thought
it necessary to reproduce the very document concerning the matter, as an
example of the truth, in order that posterity might possess in a fixed and
clear form the symbol of the faith which proved pacificatory at the time
but since some pious friends, who understood such matters, recommended that
these truths ought to be spoken of and heard by the initiated and their
initiators (2) only, I agreed with their council; for it is not unlikely
that some of the uninitiated may read this book. While I have concealed
such of the prohibited material as I ought to keep silent about, I have not
altogether left the reader ignorant of the opinions held by the synod.
CHAP. XXI. -- WHAT THE COUNCIL DETERMINED ABOUT ARIUS; THE CONDEMNATION OF
HIS FOLLOWERS; HIS WRITINGS ARE TO BE BURNT; CERTAIN OF THE HIGH PRIESTS
DIFFER FROM THE COUNCIL; THE SETTLEMENT OF THE PASSOVER.
IT ought to be known, that they affirmed the Son to be consubstantial
with the Father; and that those are to be excommunicated and voted aliens
to the Catholic Church, who assert that there was a time in which the Son
existed not, and before He was begotten He was not, and that He was made
from what had no existence, and that He is of another hypostasis or
substance from the Father, and that He is subject to change or mutation.
This decision was sanctioned by Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia; by Theognis,
bishop of Nicaea; by Maris, bishop of Chalcedon; by Patrophilus, bishop of
Scythopolis; and by Secundus, bishop of Ptolemais in Libya. (3) Eusebius
Pamphilus, however, withheld his assent for a little while, but on further
examination assented. (4) The council excommunicated Arius and his
adherents, and prohibited his entering Alexandria. The words in which his
opinions were couched were likewise condemned, as also a work entitled
"Thalia," which he had written on the subject. I have not read this book,
but I understand that it is of a loose character, resembling in license
Sotadus. (5) It ought to be known that although Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, assented to the document of this
faith set forth by the council, they neither agreed nor subscribed to the
deposition of Arius. The emperor punished Arius with exile, and dispatched
edicts to the bishops and people of every country, denouncing him and his
adherents as ungodly, and commanding. that their books should be destroyed,
in order that no remembrance of him or of the doctrine which he had
broached might remain. Whoever should be found secreting his writings and
who should not bum them immediately on the accusation, should undergo the
penalty of death, and suffer capital punishment. The emperor wrote letters
to every city against Arius and those who had received his doctrines, and
commanded Eusebius and Theognis to quit the cities whereof they were
bishops; he addressed himself in particular to the church of Nicomedia,
urging it to adhere to the faith which had been set forth by the council,
to elect orthodox bishops, to obey them, and to let the past fall into
oblivion; and he threatened with punishment those who should venture to
speak well of the exiled bishops, or to adopt their sentiments. In these
and in other letters, he manifested resentment against Eusebius, because he
had previously adopted the opinions of the tyrant, and had engaged in his
plots. In accordance with the imperial edicts, Eusebius and Theognis were
ejected from the churches which they held, and Amphion received that of
Nicomedia, and Chrestus that of Nicaea. On the termination of this
doctrinal controversy, the council decided that the Paschal feast should be
celebrated at the same time in every place. (1)
CHAP. XXII. -- ACESIUS, BISHOP OF THE NOVATIANS, IS SUMMONED BY THE EMPEROR
TO BE PRESENT AT THE FIRST COUNCIL.
IT is related, that the emperor, under the impulse of an ardent desire
to see harmony re-established among Christians, summoned Acesius, bishop of
the church of the Novatians, (2) to the council, placed before him the
definition of the faith and of the feast, which had already been confirmed
by the signatures of the bishops, and asked whether he could agree thereto.
Acesius answered that their exposition defined no new doctrine, and that he
accorded in opinion with the Synod, and that he had from the beginning held
these sentiments with respect both to the faith and to the feast. "Why,
then," said the emperor, "do you keep aloof from communion with others, if
you are of one mind with them?" He replied that the dissension first broke
out trader Decius, between Novatius and Cornelius, (3) and that he
considered such persons unworthy of communion who, after baptism, had
fallen into those sins which the Scriptures declare to be unto death; (4)
for that the remission of those sins, he thought, depended on the authority
of God only, and not on the priests. The emperor replied, by saying, "O
Acesius, take a ladder and ascend alone to heaven." By this speech I do not
imagine the emperor intended to praise Acesius, but rather to blame him,
because, being but a man, he fancied himself exempt from sin. (5)
CHAP. XXIII. -- CANONS APPOINTED BY THE COUNCIL; PAPHNUTIUS, A CERTAIN
CONFESSOR, RESTRAINS THE COUNCIL FROM FORMING A CANON ENJOINING CELIBACY TO
ALL WHO WHERE ABOUT TO BE HONORED WITH THE PRIESTHOOD.
ZEALOUS of reforming the life of those who were engaged about the
churches, the Synod enacted laws which were called canons. (6) While they
were deliberating about this, some thought that a law ought to be passed
enacting that bishops and presbyters, deacons and subdeacons, should hold
no intercourse with the wife they had espoused before they entered the
priesthood; but Paphnutius, (7) the confessor, stood up and testified
against this proposition; he said that marriage was honorable and chaste,
and that cohabitation with their own wives was chastity, and advised the
Synod not to frame such a law, for it would be difficult to bear, and might
serve as an occasion of incontinence to them and their wives; and he
reminded them, that according to the ancient tradition of the church, those
who were unmarried when they took part in the communion of sacred orders,
were required to remain so, but that those who were married, were not to
put away their wives. Such was the advice of Paphnutius, although he was
himself unmarried, and in accordance with it, the Synod concurred in his
counsel, enacted no law about it, but left the matter to the decision of
individual judgment, and not to compulsion. The Synod, however, enacted
other laws regulating the government of the Church; and these laws may
easily be found, as they are in the possession of many individuals.
CHAP. XXIV. -- CONCERNING MELITIUS; THE EXCELLENT DIRECTIONS MADE BY THE
HOLY COUNCIL IN HIS COMPLICATIONS.
AFTER an investigation had been made into the conduct of Melitius when
in Egypt, the Synod sentenced him to reside in Lycus, (8) and to retain
only the name of bishop; and prohibited him from ordaining any one either
in a city or a village. Those who had previously been ordained by him, were
permitted by this law, to remain in communion and in the ministry, but were
to be accounted secondary in point of dignity to the clergy in church and
parish. (9) When by death an appointment became vacant, they were allowed
to succeed to it, if deemed worthy, by the vote of the multitude, but in
this case, were to be ordained by the bishop of the Church of Alexandria,
for they were interdicted from exercising any power or influence in
elections. This regulation appeared just to the Synod, for Melitius (1) and
his followers had manifested great rashness and temerity in administering
ordination; so that it also deprived the ordinations which differed from
those of Peter of all consideration. He, when he conducted the Alexandrian
Church, fled on account of the persecution then raging, but afterwards
suffered martyrdom.
CHAP. XXV. -- THE EMPEROR PREPARED A PUBLIC TABLE FOR THE SYNOD, AFTER
INVITING ITS MEMBERS TO CONSTANTINOPLE, AND HONORING THEM WITH GIFTS. HE
EXHORTED ALL TO BE OF ONE MIND, AND FORWARDED TO ALEXANDRIA AND EVERY OTHER
PLACE THE DECREES OF THE HOLY SYNOD.
AT the very time that these decrees were passed by the council, the
twentieth anniversary (2) of the reign of Constantine was celebrated; for
it was a Roman custom to have a feast on the tenth year of every reign. The
emperor, therefore, thought it to be opportune, and invited the Synod to
the festival, and presented suitable gifts to them; and when they prepared
to return home, he called them all together, and exhorted them to be of one
mind about the faith and at peace among themselves, so that no dissensions
might henceforth creep in among them. After many other similar
exhortations, be concluded by commanding them to be diligent in prayer, and
always to supplicate God for himself, his children, and the empire, and
after he had thus addressed those who had come to Nicaea, he bade them
farewell. He wrote to the churches in every city, in order that he might
make plain to those who had not been present, what had been rectified by
the Synod; and especially to the Church of Alexandria he wrote more than
this; urging them to lay aside all dissent, and to be harmonious in the
faith issued by the Synod; for this could be nothing else than the judgment
of God, since it was established by the Holy Spirit from the concurrence of
so many and such illustrious high priests, and approved after accurate
inquiry and test of all the doubtful points.
BOOK II.
CHAP. I. -- THE DISCOVERY OF THE LIFE-BRINGING CROSS AND OF THE HOLY NAILS.
WHEN the business at Nicaea had been transacted as above related, the
priests returned home. The emperor rejoiced exceedingly at the restoration
of unity of opinion in the Catholic Church, and desirous of expressing in
behalf of himself, his children, and the empire, the gratitude towards God
which the unanimity of the bishops inspired, he directed that a house of
prayer should be erected to God at Jerusalem (1) near the place called
Calvary. At the same time his mother Helena repaired to the city for the
purpose of offering up prayer, and of visiting the sacred places. Her zeal
for Christianity made her anxious to find the wood which had formed the
adorable cross. But it was no easy matter to discover either this relic or
the Lord's sepulchre; for the Pagans, who in former times had persecuted
the Church, (2) and who, at the first promulgation of Christianity, had had
recourse to every artifice to exterminate it, had concealed that spot under
much heaped up earth, and elevated what before was quite depressed, as it
looks now, and the more effectually to conceal them, had enclosed the
entire place of the resurrection and Mount Calvary within a wall, and had,
moreover, ornamented the whole locality, and paved it with stone. They also
erected a temple to Aphrodite, and set up a little image, so that those who
repaired thither to worship Christ would appear to bow the knee to
Aphrodite, and that thus the true cause of offering worship in that place
would, in course of time, be forgotten; and that as Christians would not
dare fearlessly to frequent the place or to point it out to others, the
temple and statue would come to be regarded as exclusively appertaining to
the Pagans. At length, however, the place was discovered, and the fraud
about it so zealously maintained was detected; some say that the facts were
first disclosed by a Hebrew who dwelt in the East, and who derived his
information from some documents which had come to him by paternal
inheritance; but it seems more accordant with truth to suppose that God
revealed the fact by means of signs and dreams; for I do not think that
human information is requisite when God thinks it best to make manifest the
same. When by command of the emperor the place was excavated deeply, the
cave whence our Lord arose from the dead was discovered; and at no great
distance, three crosses were found and another separate piece of wood, on
which were inscribed in white letters in Hebrew, in Greek, and in Latin,
the following words: "Jesus of Nazareth, the king of the Jews." These
words, as the sacred book of the gospels relates, were placed by command of
Pilate, governor of Judaea, over the head of Christ. There yet, however,
remained a difficulty in distinguishing the Divine cross from the others;
for the inscription had been wrenched from it and thrown aside, and the
cross itself had been cast aside with the others, without any distinction,
when the bodies of the crucified were taken down. For according to history,
the soldiers found Jesus dead upon the cross, and they took him down, and
gave him up to be buried; while, in order to accelerate the death of the
two thieves, who were crucified on either hand, they broke their legs, and
then took down the crosses, and flung them out of the way. It was no
concern of theirs to deposit the crosses in their first order; for it was
growing late, and as the men were dead, they did not think it worth while
to remain to attend to the crosses. A more Divine information than could be
furnished by man was therefore necessary in order to distinguish the Divine
cross from the others, and this revelation was given in the following
manner: There was a certain lady of rank in Jerusalem who was afflicted
with a most grievous and incurable disease; Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem,
accompanied by the mother of the emperor and her attendants, repaired to
her bedside. After engaging in prayer, Macarius signified by signs to the
spectators that the Divine cross would be the one which, on being brought
in contact with the invalid, should remove the disease. He approached her
in turn with each of the crosses; but when two of the crosses were laid on
her, it seemed but folly and mockery to her for she was at the gates of
death. When, however, the third cross was in like manner brought to her,
she suddenly opened her eyes, regained her strength, and immediately sprang
from her bed, well. It is said that a dead person was, in the same way,
restored to life. The venerated wool having been thus identified, the
greater portion of it was deposited in a silver case, in which it is still
preserved in Jerusalem: but the empress sent part of it to her son
Constantine, together with the nails by which the body of Christ had been
fastened. Of these, it is related, the emperor had a head-piece and bit
made for his horse, according to the prophecy of Zechariah, who referred to
this period when he said, "that which shall be upon the bit of the horse
shall be holy to the Lord Almighty.'' (1) These things, indeed, were
formerly known to the sacred prophets, and predicted by them, and at
length, when it seemed to God that they should be manifested, were
confirmed by wonderful works. Nor does this appear so marvelous when it is
remembered that, even among the Pagans, it was confessed that the Sibyl had
predicted that thus it should be, --
"Oh most blessed tree, on which our Lord was hung." (2)
Our most zealous adversaries cannot deny the truth of this fact, and it is
hence evident that a pre-manifestation was made of the wood of the cross,
and of the adoration (se'bas) it received.
The above incidents we have related precisely as they were delivered to
us by men of great accuracy, by whom the information was derived by
succession from father to son; and others have recorded the same events in
writing for the benefit of posterity.
CHAP. II. -- CONCERNING HELENA, THE MOTHER OF THE EMPEROR; SHE VISITED
JERUSALEM, BUILT TEMPLES IN THAT CITY, AND PERFORMED OTHER GODLY WORKS; HER
DEATH.
ABOUT this period, the emperor, having determined upon erecting a
temple in honor of God, charged the governors to see that the work was
executed in the most magnificent and costly manner possible. His mother
Helena also erected two temples, (3) the one at Bethlehem near the cave
where Christ was born, the other on ridges of the Mount of Olives, whence
He was taken up to heaven. Many other acts show her piety and
religiousness, among which the following is not the least remarkable:
During her residence at Jerusalem, it is related that she assembled the
sacred virgins at a feast, ministered to them at supper, presented them
with food, poured water on their hands, and performed other similar
services customary to those who wait upon guests. When she visited the
cities of the East, she bestowed befitting gifts on the churches in every
town, enriched those individuals who had been deprived of their
possessions, supplied ungrudgingly the necessities of the poor, and
restored to liberty those who had been long imprisoned, or condemned to
exile or the mines. It seems to me that so many holy actions demanded a
recompense; and indeed, even in this life, she was raised to the summit of
magnificence and splendor; she was proclaimed Augusta; her image was
stamped on golden coins, and she was invested by her son with authority
over the imperial treasury to give it according to her judgment. Her death,
too, was glorious; for when, at the age of eighty, she quitted this life,
she left her son and her descendants (like her of the race of Caesar),
masters of the Roman world. And if there be any advantage in such fame --
forgetfulness did not conceal her though she was dead -- the coming age has
the pledge of her perpetual memory; for two cities are named after her, the
one in Bithynia, and the other in Palestine. (4) Such is the history of
Helena.
CHAP. III. -- TEMPLES BUILT BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT; THE CITY CALLED BY
HIS NAME; ITS FOUNDING; THE BUILDINGS WITHIN IT; THE TEMPLE OF MICHAEL THE
ARCHSOLDIER, IN THE SOSTHENIUM, AND THE MIRACLES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED THERE.
THE emperor, (5) always intent on the advancement of religion, erected
the most beautiful temples to God in every place, particularly in
metropolises, such as Nicomedia in Bithynia, Antioch on the river Orontes,
and Byzantium. He greatly improved this latter city, and constituted it the
equal of Rome in power, and participation in the government; for, when he
had settled the affairs of the empire according to his own mind, and had
rectified foreign affairs by wars and treaties, he resolved upon founding a
city which should be called by his own name, and should be equal in
celebrity to Rome. With this intention, he repaired to a plain at the foot
of Troy, near the Hellespont, above the tomb of Ajax, where, it is said,
the Achaians had their naval stations and tents while besieging Troy; and
here he laid the plan of a large and beautiful city, and built the gates on
an elevated spot of ground, whence they are still visible from the sea to
those sailing by. But when he had advanced thus far, God appeared to him by
night, and commanded him to seek another spot. Led by the hand of God, he
arrived at Byzantium in Thrace, beyond Chalcedon in Bithynia, and here he
was desired to build his city and to render it worthy of the name of
Constantine. In obedience to the words of God, he therefore enlarged the
city formerly called Byzantium, and surrounded it with high walls. He also
erected magnificent dwelling houses southward through the regions. Since he
was aware that the former population was insufficient for so great a city,
he peopled it with men of rank and their households, whom he summoned
hither from the eider Rome and from other countries. He imposed taxes to
cover the expenses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying its
inhabitants with food, and providing the city with all the other
requisites. He adorned it sumptuously with a hippodrome, fountains,
porticos, and other structures. He named it New Rome and Constantinople,
and constituted it the imperial capital for all the inhabitants of the
North, the South, the East, and the shores of the Mediterranean, from the
cities on the Ister and from Epidamnus and the Ionian gulf, to Cyrene and
that part of Libya called Borium.
He constructed another council house which they call senate; he ordered
the same honors and festal days as those customary to the other Romans, and
he did not fail studiously to make the city which bore his name equal in
every respect to that of Rome in Italy; nor were his wishes thwarted; for
by the assistance of God, it had to be confessed as great in population and
wealth. I know of no cause to account for this extraordinary
aggrandizement, unless it be the piety of the builder and of the
inhabitants, and their compassion and liberality towards the poor. The zeal
they manifested for the Christian faith was so great that many of the
Jewish inhabitants and most of the Greeks were converted. As this city
became the capital of the empire during the period of religious prosperity,
it was not polluted by altars, Grecian temples, nor sacrifices; and
although Julian authorized the introduction of idolatry for a short space
of time, it soon afterwards became extinct. Constantine further honored
this newly compacted city of Christ, named after himself, by adorning it
with numerous and magnificent houses of prayer. And the Deity also co-
operated with the spirit of the emperor, and by Divine manifestations
persuaded men that these prayer houses in the city were holy and salvatory.
According to the general opinion of foreigners and citizens, the most
remarkable church was that built in a place formerly called Hestiae. This
place, which is now called Michaelium, lies to the fight of those who sail
from Pontus to Constantinople, and is about thirty-five stadia distant from
the latter city by water, but if you make the circuit of the bay, the
journey between them is seventy stadia and upwards. This place obtained the
name which now prevails, because it is believed that Michael, the Divine
archangel, once appeared there. And I also affirm that this is true,
because I myself received the greatest benefits, and the experience of
really helpful deeds on the part of many others proves this to be so. For
some who had fallen into fearful reverses or unavoidable dangers, others
with disease and unknown sufferings, there prayed to God, and met with a
change in their misfortunes. I should be prolix were I to give details of
circumstance and person. But I cannot omit mentioning the case of
Aquilinus, who is even at the present time residing with us, and who is an
advocate in the same court of justice as that to which we belong. (1) I
shall relate what I heard from him concerning this occurrence and what I
saw. Being attacked with a severe fever, arising from a yellowish bile, the
physicians gave him some foreign drug to drink. This he vomited, and, by
the effort of vomiting, diffused the bile, which tinged his countenance
with a yellow color. Hence he had to vomit all his food and drink. For a
long time he remained in this state; and since his nourishment would not be
quiet in him, the skill of the physicians was at a loss for the suffering.
Finding that he was already half dead, he commanded his servant to carry
him to the house of prayer; for he affirmed earnestly that there he would
either die or be freed from his disease. While he was lying there, a Divine
Power appeared to him by night, and commanded him to dip his foot in a
confection made of honey, wine, and pepper. The man did so, and was freed
from his complaint, although the prescription was contrary to the
professional rules of the physicians, a confection of so very hot a nature
being considered adverse to a bilious disorder. I have also heard that
Probianus, one of the physicians of the palace, who was suffering greatly
from a disease in the feet, likewise met with deliverance from sickness at
this place, and was accounted worthy of being visited with a wonderful and
Divine vision. He had formerly been attached to the Pagan superstitions,
but afterwards became a Christian; yet, while he admitted in one way or
another the probability of the rest of our doctrines, he could not
understand how, by the Divine cross, the salvation of all is effected.
While his mind was in doubt on this subject, the symbol of the cross, which
lay on the altar of this church, was pointed out to him in the Divine
vision, and he heard a voice openly declaring that, as Christ had been
crucified on the cross, the necessities of the human race or of
individuals, whatsoever they might be, could not be met by the ministration
of Divine angels or of pious and good men; for that there was no power to
rectify apart from the venerated cross. I have only recorded a few of the
incidents which I know to have taken place in this temple, because there is
not time to recount them all.
CHAP. IV. -- WHAT CONSTANTINE THE GREAT EFFECTED ABOUT THE OAK IN MAMRE; HE
ALSO BUILT A TEMPLE.
I CONSIDER it necessary to detail the proceedings of Constantine in
relation to what is called the oak of Mature. (1) This place is now called
Terebinthus, and is about fifteen stadia distant from Hebron, which lies to
the south, but is two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem. It
is recorded that here the Son of God appeared to Abraham, with two angels,
who had been sent against Sodom, and foretold the birth of his son. Here
the inhabitants of the country and of the regions round Palestine the
Phoenicians, and the Arabians, assemble annually during the summer season
to keep a brilliant feast; and many others, both buyers and sellers, resort
thither on account of the fair. Indeed, this feast is diligently frequented
by all nations: by the Jews, because they boast of their descent from the
patriarch Abraham; by the Pagans, because angels there appeared to men; and
by Christians, because He who for the salvation of mankind was born of a
virgin, afterwards manifested Himself there to a godly man. This place was
moreover honored fittingly with religious exercises. Here some prayed to
the God of all; some called upon the angels, poured out wine, burnt
incense, or offered an ox, or he-goat, a sheep, or a cock. Each one made
some beautiful product of his labor, and after carefully husbanding it
through the entire year, he offered it according to promise as provision
for that feast, both for himself and his dependents. And either from honor
to the place, or from fear of Divine wrath, they all abstained from coming
near their wives, although during the feast these were more than ordinarily
studious of their beauty and adornment. Nor, if they chanced to appear and
to take part in the public processions, did they act at all licentiously.
Nor did they behave imprudently in any other respect, although the tents
were contiguous to each other, and they all lay promiscuously together. The
place is open country, and arable, and without houses, with the exception
of the buildings around Abraham's old oak and the well he prepared. No one
during the time of the feast drew water from that well; for according to
Pagan usage, some placed burning lamps near it; some poured out wine, or
cast in cakes; and others, coins, myrrh, or incense. Hence, as I suppose,
the water was rendered useless by commixture with the things cast into it.
Once whilst these customs were being celebrated by the Pagans, after the
aforesaid manner, and as was the established usage with hilarity, the
mother-in-law (2) of Constantine was present for prayer, and apprised the
emperor of what was being done. On receiving this information, he rebuked
the bishops of Palestine in no measured terms, because they had neglected
their duty, and had permitted a holy place to be defiled by impure
libations and sacrifices; and he expressed his godly censure in an epistle
which he wrote on the subject to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, to Eusebius
Pamphilus, and to the bishops of Palestine. He commanded these bishops to
hold a conference on this subject with the Phoenician bishops, and issue
directions for the demolition, from the foundations, of the altar formerly
erected there, the destruction of the carved images by fire, and the
erection of a church worthy of so ancient and so holy a place. The emperor
finally enjoined, that no libations or sacrifices should be offered on the
spot, but that it should be exclusively devoted to the worship of God
according to the law of the Church; and that if any attempt should be made
to restore the former rites, the bishops were to inform against the
delinquent, in order that he might be subjected to the greatest punishment.
The governors and priests of Christ strictly enforced the injunctions
contained in the emperor's letter.
CHAP. V. -- CONSTANTINE DESTROYED THE PLACES DEDICATED TO THE IDOLS, AND
PERSUADED THE PEOPLE TO PREFER CHRISTIANITY.
As many nations and cities throughout the whole realm of his subjects
retained a feeling of fear and veneration towards their vain idols, which
led them to disregard the doctrines of the Christians, and to have a care
for their ancient customs, and the manners and feasts of their fathers, it
appeared necessary to the emperor to teach the governors to suppress their
superstitious rites of worship. He thought that this would be easily
accomplished if he could get them to despise their temples and the images
contained therein. (1) To carry this project into execution he did not
require military aid; for Christian men belonging to the palace went from
city to city bearing imperial letters. The people were induced to remain
passive from the fear that, if they resisted these edicts, they, their
children, and their wives, would be exposed to evil. The vergers and the
priests, being unsupported by the multitude, brought out their most
precious treasures, and the idols called diopeth^, (2) and through these
servitors, the gifts were drawn forth from the shrines and the hidden
recesses in the temples. The spots previously inaccessible, and known only
to the priests, were made accessible to all who desired to enter. Such of
the images as were constructed of precious material, and whatever else was
valuable, were purified by fire, and became public property. The brazen
images which were skillfully wrought were carried to the city, named after
the emperor, and placed there as objects of embellishment, where they may
still be seen in public places, as in the streets, the hippodrome, and the
palaces. Amongst them was the statue of Apollo which was in the seat of the
oracle of the Pythoness, and likewise the statues of the Muses from
Helicon, the tripods from Delphos, and the much extolled Pan, which
Pausanias the Lacedaemonian and the Grecian cities had devoted, -- after
the war against the Medes.
As to the temples, some were stripped of their doors, others of their
roofs, and others were neglected, allowed to fall into ruin, or destroyed.
The temple of Aesculapius in Aegis, a city of Cilicia, and that of Venus at
Aphaca, near Mount Lebanon and the River Adonis, were then undermined and
entirely destroyed. Both of these temples were most highly honored and
reverenced by the ancients; as the Aegeatae were wont to say, that those
among them who were weakened in body were delivered from diseases because
the demon manifested himself by night, and healed them. And at Aphaca, it
was believed that on a certain prayer being uttered on a given day, a fire
like a star descended from the top of Lebanon and sunk into the neighboring
river; they affirmed that this was Urania, for they call Aphrodite by this
name. The efforts of the emperor succeeded to the utmost of his
anticipations; for on beholding the objects of their former reverence and
fear boldly cast down and stuffed with straw and hay, the people were led
to despise what they had previously venerated, and to blame the erroneous
opinion of their ancestors. Others, envious at the honor in which
Christians were held by the emperor, deemed it necessary to imitate the
acts of the ruler; others devoted themselves to an examination of
Christianity, and by means of signs, of dreams, or of conferences with
bishops and monks, were convinced that it was better to become Christians.
From this period, nations and citizens spontaneously renounced their former
opinion. At that time a port of Gaza, called Majuma, wherein superstition
and ancient ceremonies had been hitherto admired, turned unitedly with all
its inhabitants to Christianity. The emperor, in order to reward their
piety, deemed them worthy of the greatest honor, and distinguished the
place as a city, a status it had not previously enjoyed, and named it
Constantia: thus honoring the spot on account of its piety, by bestowing on
it the name of the dearest of his children. On the same account, also,
Constantine in Phoenicia is known to have received its name from the
emperor. But it would not be convenient to record every instance of this
kind, for many other cities about this time went over to religion, and
spontaneously, without any command of the emperor, destroyed the adjacent
temples and statues, and erected houses of prayer.
CHAP. VI. -- THE REASON WHY UNDER CONSTANTINE, THE NAME OF CHRIST WAS
SPREAD THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE WORLD.
THE church having been in this manner spread throughout the whole Roman
world, religion was introduced even among the barbarians themselves. (3)
The tribes on both sides of the Rhine were Christianized, as likewise the
Celts and the Gauls who dwelt upon the most distant shores of the ocean;
the Goths, too, and such tribes as were contiguous to them, who formerly
dwelt on either of the high shores of the Danube, had long shared in the
Christian faith, and had changed into a gentler and more rational
observance. Almost all the barbarians had professed to hold the Christian
doctrine in honor, from the time of the wars between the Romans and foreign
tribes, under the government of Gallienus and the emperors who succeeded
him. For when an unspeakable multitude of mixed nations passed over from
Thrace into Asia and overran it, and when other barbarians from the various
regions did the same things to the adjacent Romans, many priests of Christ
who had been taken captive, dwelt among these tribes; and during their
residence among them, healed the sick, and cleansed those who were
possessed of demons, by the name of Christ only, and by calling on the Son
of God; moreover they led (1) a blameless life, and excited envy by their
virtues. The barbarians, amazed at the conduct and wonderful works of these
men, thought that it would be prudent on their part, and pleasing to the
Deity, if they should imitate those whom they saw were better; and, like
them, would render homage to God. When teachers as to what should be done,
had been proposed to them, the people were taught and baptized, and
subsequently were gathered into churches.
CHAP. VII. -- HOW THE IBERIANS RECEIVED THE, FAITH OF CHRIST.
IT is said that during this reign the Iberians, (2) a large and warlike
barbarian nation, confessed Christ. (3) They dwelt to the north beyond
Armenia. A Christian woman, who had been taken captive, induced them to
renounce the religion of their fathers. She was very faithful and godly,
and did not, amongst foreigners, remit her accustomed routine of religious
duty. To fast, to pray night and day, and to praise God, constituted her
delight. The barbarians inquired as to the motives of her endurance: she
simply answered, that it was necessary in this way to worship the Son of
God; but the name of Him who was to be worshiped, and the man-her of
worshiping, appeared strange to them. It happened that a boy of the country
was taken ill, and his mother, according to the custom of the Iberians,
took him around from house to house, in hope that some one might be found
capable of curing the disease, and the change from the suffering might be
easy for the afflicted. As no one capable of healing him could be found,
the boy was brought to the captive, and she said, "as to medicines, I have
neither experience nor knowledge, nor am I acquainted with the mode of
applying ointments or plasters; but, O woman, I believe that Christ whom I
worship, the true and great God, will become the Saviour of thy child."
Then she prayed for him immediately and freed him from the disease,
although just before it was believed that he was about to die. A little
while after, the wife of the governor of the nation was, by an incurable
disease, brought nigh unto death; yet she too was saved in the same manner.
And thus did this captive teach the knowledge of Christ, by introducing Him
as the dispenser of health, and as the Lord of life, of empire, and of all
things. The governor's wife, convinced by her own personal experience,
believed the words of the captive, embraced the Christian religion, and
held the woman in much honor. The king, astonished at the celerity of the
cure, and the miraculousness and healing of faith, learned the cause from
his wife, and commanded that the captive should be rewarded with gifts. "Of
gifts," said the queen, "her estimate is very low, whatever may be their
value; she makes much of the service she renders to her God only. Therefore
if we wish to gratify her, or desire to do what is safe and right, let us
also worship God, who is mighty and a Saviour, and who, at His will, gives
continuance unto kings, casts down the high, renders the illustrious
abject, and saves those in terrible straits." The queen continued to argue
in this excellent manner, but the sovereign of Iberia remained in doubt and
unconvinced, as he reflected on the novelty of the matters, and also
respected the religion of his fathers. A little while after, he went into
the woods with his attendants, on a hunting excursion; all of a sudden
thick clouds arose, and a heavy air was everywhere diffused by them, so as
to conceal the heavens and the sun; profound night and great darkness
pervaded the wood. Since each of the hunters was alarmed for his own
safety, they scattered in different directions. The king, while thus
wandering alone, thought of Christ, as men are wont to do in times of
danger. He determined that if he should be delivered from his present
emergency, he would walk before God and worship Him. At the very instant
that these thoughts were upon his mind, the darkness was dissipated, the
air became serene, the rays of the sun penetrated into the wood, and the
king went out in safety. He informed his wife of the event that had
befallen him, sent for the captive, and commanded her to teach him in what
way he ought to worship Christ. When she had given as much instruction as
it was right for a woman to say and do, he called together his subjects and
declared to them plainly the Divine mercies which had been vouchsafed to
himself and to his wife, and although uninitiated, he declared to his
people the doctrines of Christ. The whole nation was persuaded to embrace
Christianity, the men being convinced by the representations of the king,
and the women by those of the queen and the captive. And speedily with the
general consent of the entire nation, they prepared most zealously to build
a church. When the external walls were completed, machines were brought to
raise up the columns, and fix them upon their pedestals. It is related,
that when the first and second columns had been righted by these means,
great difficulty was found in fixing the third column, neither art nor
physical strength being of any avail, although many were present to assist
in the pulling. When evening came on, the female captive remained alone on
the spot, and she continued there throughout the night, interceding with
God that the erection of the columns might be easily accomplished,
especially as all the rest had taken their departure distressed at the
failure; for the column was only half raised, and remained standing, and
one end of it was so embedded in its foundations that it was impossible to
move it downward. It was God's will that by this, as well as by the
preceding miracle, the Iberians should be still further confirmed about the
Deity. Early in the morning, when they were present at the church, they
beheld a wonderful spectacle, which seemed to them as a dream. The column,
which on the day before had been immovable, now appeared erect, and
elevated a small space above its proper base. All present were struck with
admiration, and confessed, with one consent, that Christ alone is the true
God. Whilst they were all looking on, the column slipped quietly and
spontaneously, and was adjusted as by machinery on its base. The other
columns were then erected with ease, and the Iberians completed the
structure with greater alacrity. The church having been thus speedily
built, the Iberians, at the recommendation of the captive, sent ambassadors
to the Emperor Constantine, bearing proposals for alliance and treaties,
and requesting that priests might be sent to their nation. On their
arrival, the ambassadors related the events that had occurred, and how the
whole nation with much care worshiped Christ. The emperor of the Romans was
delighted with the embassy, and after acceding to every request that was
proffered, dismissed the ambassadors. Thus did the Iberians receive the
knowledge of Christ, and until this day they worship him carefully.
CHAP. VIII. -- HOW THE ARMENIANS AND PERSIANS EMBRACED CHRISTIANITY.
SUBSEQUENTLY the Christian religion became known to the neighboring
tribes and was very greatly disseminated. (1) The Armenians, I have
understood, were the first to embrace Christianity. (2) It is said that
Tiridates, then the sovereign of that nation, became a Christian by means
of a marvelous Divine sign which was wrought in his own house; and that he
issued commands to all the subjects, by a herald, to adopt the same
religion. (3) I think that the beginning of the conversion of the Persians
(4) was owing to their intercourse with the Osroenians and Armenians; for
it is likely that they would converse with such Divine men and make
experience of their virtue.
CHAP. IX. -- SAPOR KING OF PERSIA IS EXCITED AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS.
SYMEON, BISHOP OF PERSIA, AND USTHAZANES, A EUNUCH, SUFFER THE AGONY OF
MARTYRDOM.
WHEN, in course of time, the Christians increased in number, and began
to form churches, and appointed priests and deacons, the Magi, who as a
priestly tribe had from the beginning in successive generations acted as
the guardians of the Persian religion, became deeply incensed against them.
(5) The Jews, who through envy are in some way naturally opposed to the
Christian religion, were likewise offended. They therefore brought
accusations before Sapor, the reigning sovereign, against Symeon, who was
then archbishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, royal cities of Persia, and
charged him with being a friend of the Caesar of the Romans, and with
communicating the affairs of the Persians to him. Sapor believed these
accusations, and at first, ground the Christians with excessive taxes,
although he knew that the generality of them had voluntarily embraced
poverty. He entrusted the exaction to cruel men, hoping that, by the want
of necessaries, and the atrocity of the ex-actors, they might be compelled
to abjure their religion; for this was his aim. Afterwards, however, be
commanded that the priests and conductors of the worship of God should be
slain with the sword. The churches were demolished, their vessels were
deposited in the treasury, and Symeon was arrested as a traitor to the
kingdom and the religion of the Persians. Thus the Magi, with the co-
operation of the Jews, quickly destroyed the houses of prayer. Symeon, on
his apprehension, was bound with chains, and brought before the king. There
the man evinced his excellence and courage; for when Sapor commanded that
he should be led away to the torture, he did not fear, and would not
prostrate himself. The king, greatly exasperated, demanded why he did not
prostrate himself as he had done formerly. Symeon replied, "Formerly I was
not led away bound in order that I might abjure the truth of God, and
therefore I did not then object to pay the customary respect to royalty;
but now it would not be proper for me to do so; for I stand here in defense
of godliness and of our opinion." When he ceased speaking, the king
commanded him to worship the sun, promising, as an inducement, to bestow
gifts upon him, and to hold him in honor; but on the other hand,
threatening, in case of non-compliance, to visit him and the whole body of
Christians with destruction. When the king found that he neither frightened
him by menaces, nor caused him to relax by promises, and that Symeon
remained firm and refused to worship the sun, or to betray his religion, he
commanded him to be put in bonds for a while, probably imagining that he
would change his mind.
When Symeon was being conducted to prison, Usthazanes, an aged eunuch,
the foster-father of Sapor and superintendent of the palace, who happened
to be sitting at the gates of the palace, arose to do him reverence. Symeon
reproachfully forbade him in a loud and haughty voice, averted his
countenance, and passed by; for the eunuch had been formerly a Christian,
but had recently yielded to authority, and had worshiped the sun. This
conduct so affected the eunuch that he wept aloud, laid aside the white
garment with which he was robed, and clothed himself, as a mourner, in
black. He then seated himself in front of the palace, crying and groaning,
and saying, "Woe is me! What must not await me since I have denied God;
and on this account Symeon, formerly my familiar friend, does not think me
worthy of being spoken to, but turns away and hastens from me." When Sapor
heard of what had occurred, he called the eunuch to him, and inquired into
the cause of his grief, and asked him whether any calamity had befallen his
family. Usthazanes replied and said, "O king, nothing has occurred to my
family; but I would rather have suffered any other affliction whatsoever
than that which has befallen me, and it would have been easy to bear. Now I
mourn because I am alive, and ought to have been dead long ago; yet I still
see the sun which, not voluntarily, but to please thee, I professed to
worship. Therefore, on both accounts, it is just that I should die, for I
have been a betrayer of Christ, and a deceiver of thee." He then swore by
the Maker of heaven and earth, that he would never swerve from his
convictions. Sapor, astonished at the wonderful conversion of the eunuch,
was still more enraged against the Christians, as if they had effected it
by enchantments. Still, he spared the old man, and strove with all his
strength, by alternate gentleness and harshness, to bring him over to his
own sentiments. But finding that his efforts were useless, and that
Usthazanes persisted in declaring that he would never be so foolish as to
worship the creature instead of the creator, he became inflamed with
passion, and commanded that the eunuch's head should be struck off with a
sword. When the executioners came forward to perform their office,
Usthazanes requested them to wait a little, that he might communicate
something to the king. He then called one of the most faithful eunuchs, and
bade him say to Sapor, "From my youth until now I have been well affected,
O king, to your house, and have ministered with fitting diligence to your
father and yourself. I need no witnesses to corroborate my statements;
these facts are well established. For all the matters wherein at divers
times I have gladly served you, grant me this reward; let it not be
imagined by those who are ignorant of the circumstances, that I have
incurred this punishment by acts of unfaithfulness against the kingdom, or
by the commission of any other crime; but let it be published and
proclaimed abroad by a herald, that Usthazanes loses his head for no
knavery that he has ever committed in the palaces, but for being a
Christian, and for refusing to obey the king in denying his own God." The
eunuch delivered this message, and Sapor, according to the request of
Usthazanes, commanded a herald to make the desired proclamation; for the
king imagined that others would be easily deterred from embracing
Christianity, by reflecting that he who sacrificed his aged foster-father
and esteemed household servant, would assuredly spare no other Christian.
Usthazanes, however, believed that as by his timidity in consenting to
worship the sun, he had caused many Christians to fear, so now, by the
diligent proclamation of the cause of his sufferings, many might be edified
by learning that he died for the sake of religion, and so became imitators
of his fortitude.
CHAP. X. -- CHRISTIANS SLAIN BY SAPOR IN PERSIA.
IN this manner the honorable life of Usthazanes was terminated, and
when the intelligence was brought to Symeon in the prison, he offered
thanksgiving to God on his account. The following day, which happened to be
the sixth day of the week, and likewise the day on which, as immediately
preceding the festival of the resurrection, the annual memorial of the
passion of the Saviour is celebrated, the king issued orders for the
decapitation of Symeon; for he had again been conducted to the palace from
the prison, had reasoned most nobly with Sapor on points of doctrine, and
had expressed a determination never to worship either the king or the sun.
On the same day a hundred other prisoners were ordered to be slain. Symeon
beheld their execution, and last of all he was put to death. Amongst these
victims were bishops, presbyters, and other clergy of different grades. As
they were being led out to execution, the chief of the Magi approached
them, and asked them whether they would preserve their lives by conforming
to the religion of the king and by worshiping the sun. As none of them
would comply with this condition, they were conducted to the place of
execution, and the executioners applied themselves to the task of slaying
these martyrs. Symeon, standing by those who were to be slain, exhorted
them to constancy, and reasoned concerning death, and the resurrection, and
piety, and showed them from the sacred Scriptures that a death like theirs
is true life; whereas to live, and through fear to deny God, is as truly
death. He told them, too, that even if no one were to slay them, death
would inevitably overtake them; for our death is a natural consequence of
our birth. The things after those of this life are perpetual, and do not
happen alike to all men; but as if measured by some rule, they must give an
accurate account of the course of life here. Each one who did well, will
receive immortal rewards and will escape the punishments of those who did
the opposite. He likewise told them that the greatest and happiest of all
good actions is to die for the cause of God. While Symeon was pursuing such
themes, and like a household attendant, was exhorting them about the manner
in which they were to go into the conflicts, each one listened and
spiritedly went to the slaughter. After the executioner had despatched a
hundred, Symeon himself was slain; and Abedechalaas and Anannias, two aged
presbyters of his own church, who had been his fellow-prisoners, suffered
with him. (1)
CHAP. XI. -- PUSICES, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE ARTISANS OF SAPOR.
PUSICES, the superintendent of the king's artisans, was present at the
execution; perceiving that Anannias trembled as the necessary preparations
for his death were being made, he said to him, "O old man, close your eyes
for a little while and be of good courage, for you will soon behold the
light of Christ." No sooner had he uttered these words than he was arrested
and conducted before the king; and as he frankly avowed himself a
Christian, and spoke with great freedom to the king concerning his opinion
and the martyrs, he was condemned to an extraordinary and most cruel death,
because it was not lawful to address the king with such boldness. The
executioners pierced the muscles of his neck in such a manner as to extract
his tongue. On the charge of some persons, his daughter, who had devoted
herself to a life of holy virginity, was arraigned and executed at the
same time. The following year, on the day on which the passion of Christ
was commemorated, and when preparations were being made for the celebration
of the festival commemorative of his resurrection from the dead, Sapor
issued a most cruel edict throughout Persia, condemning to death all those
who should confess themselves to be Christians. It is hid that a greater
number of Christians suffered by the sword; for the Magi sought diligently
in the cities and villages for those who had concealed themselves; and many
voluntarily surrendered themselves, lest they should appear, by their
silence, to deny Christ. Of the Christians who were thus unsparingly
sacrificed, many who were attached to the palace were slain, and amongst
these was Azades, (2) a eunuch, who was especially beloved by the king. On
hearing of his death, Sapor was overwhelmed with grief, and put a stop to
the general slaughter of the Christians; and he directed that the teachers
of religion should alone be slain.
CHAP. XII. -- TARBULA, THE SISTER OF SYMEON, AND HER MARTYRDOM.
ABOUT the same period, the queen was attacked with a disease, and
Tarbula, the sister of Symeon the bishop, a holy virgin, was arrested with
her servant, who shared in the same mode of life, as likewise a sister of
Tarbula, who, after the death of her husband, abjured marriage, and led a
similar career. The cause of their arrest was the charge of the Jews, who
reported that they had injured the queen by their enchantments, on account
of their rage at the death of Symeon. As invalids easily give credit to the
most repulsive representations, the queen believed the charge, and
especially because it emanated from the Jews, since she had embraced their
sentiments, and lived in the observance of the Jewish rites, for she had
great confidence in their veracity and in their attachment to herself. The
Magi having seized Tarbula and her companions, condemned them to death; and
after having sawn them asunder, they fastened them up to poles and made the
queen pass through the midst of the poles as a medium for turning away the
disease. It is said that this Tarbula was beautiful and very stately in
form, and that one of the Magi, having become deeply enamored with her,
secretly sent a proposal for intercourse, and promised as a reward to save
her and her companions if she would consent. But she would give no ear to
his licentiousness, and treated the Magi with scorn, and rebuked his lust.
She would rather prefer courageously to die than to betray her virginity.
As it was ordained by the edict of Sapor, which we mentioned above,
that the Christians should not be slaughtered indiscriminately, but that
the priests and teachers of the opinions should be slain, the Magi and
Arch-Magi traversed the whole country of Persia, studiously maltreating the
bishops and presbyters. They sought them especially in the country of
Adiabene, a part of the Persian dominions, because it was wholly
Christianized.
CHAP. XIII. -- MARTYRDOM OF ST. ACEPSIMAS AND OF HIS COMPANIONS.
ABOUT this period they arrested Acepsimas the bishop, and many of his
clergy. After having taken counsel together, they satisfied themselves with
the hunt after the leader only; they dismissed the rest after they had
taken away their property. James, however, who was one of the presbyters,
voluntarily followed Acepsimas, obtained permission from the Magi to share
his prison, and spiritedly ministered to the old man, lightened his
misfortunes as far as he was able, and dressed his wounds; for not long
after his apprehension, the Magi had injuriously tortured him with raw
thongs in forcing him to worship the sun; and on his refusal to do so had
retained him again in bonds. Two presbyters named Aithalas and James, and
two deacons, by name Azadanes and Abdiesus, after being scourged most
injuriously by the Magi, were compelled to live in prison, on account of
their opinions. After a long time had elapsed, the great Arch-Magi
communicated to the king the facts about them to be punished; and having
received permission to deal with them as he pleased, unless they would
consent to worship the sun, he made known this decision of Sapor's to the
prisoners. They replied openly, that they would never betray the cause of
Christ nor worship the sun; he tortured them unsparingly. Acepsimas
persevered in the manly confession of his faith, till death put an end to
his torments. Certain Armenians, whom the Persians retained as hostages,
secretly carried away his body and buried it. The other prisoners, although
not less scourged, lived as by a miracle, and as they would not change
their judgment, were again put in bonds. Among these was Aithalas, who was
stretched out while thus beaten, and his arms were torn out of his
shoulders by the very great wrench; and he carried his hands about as dead
and swinging loosely, so that others had to convey food to his mouth. Under
this rule, an innumerable multitude of presbyters, deacons, monks, holy
virgins, and others who served the churches and were set apart for its
dogma, terminated their lives by martyrdom. The following are the names of
the bishops, so far as I have been able to ascertain: Barbasymes, Paulus,
Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, John, Hormisdas, Papas, James, Romas,
Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abdiesus, John, Abramins, Agdelas, Sapores,
Isaac, and Dausas. The latter had been made prisoner by the Persians, and
brought from a place named Zabdaeus. (1) He died about this time in defense
of the dogma; and Mareabdes, a chorepiscopus, and about two hundred and
fifty of his clergy, who had also been captured by the Persians, suffered
with him.
CHAP. XIV. -- THE MARTYRDOM OF BISHOP MILLES AND HIS CONDUCT. SIXTEEN
THOUSAND DISTINGUISHED MEN IN PERSIA SUFFER MARTYRDOM UNDER SAPOR, BESIDES
OBSCURE INDIVIDUALS.
About this period Milles suffered martyrdom. He originally served the
Persians in a military capacity, but afterwards abandoned that vocation, in
order to embrace the apostolical mode of life. It is related that he was
ordained bishop over a Persian city, and he underwent a variety of
sufferings, and endured wounds and drawings; and that, failing in his
efforts to convert the inhabitants to Christianity, he uttered imprecations
against the city, and departed. Not long after, some of the principal
citizens offended the king, and an army with three hundred elephants was
sent against them; the city was utterly demolished and its land was
ploughed and sown. Milles, taking with him only his wallet, in which was
the holy Book of the Gospels, repaired to Jerusalem in prayer; thence he
proceeded to Egypt in order to see the monks. The extraordinary and
admirable works which we have heard that he accomplished, are attested by
the Syrians, who have written an account of his actions and life. For my
own part, I think that I have said enough of him and of the other martyrs
who suffered in Persia during the reign of Sapor; for it would be difficult
to relate in detail every circumstance respecting them, such as their
names, their country, the mode of completing their martyrdom, and the
species of torture to which they were subjected; for they are innumerable,
since such methods are jealously affected by the Persians, even to the
extreme of cruelty. I shall briefly state that the number of men and women
whose names have been ascertained, and who were martyred at this period,
have been computed to be sixteen thousand; while the multitude outside of
these is beyond enumeration, and on this account to reckon off their names
appeared difficult to the Persians and Syrians and to the inhabitants of
Edessa, who have devoted much care to this matter.
CHAP. XV. -- CONSTANTINE WRITES TO SAPOR TO STAY THE PERSECUTION OF THE
CHRISTIANS.
CONSTANTINE the Roman emperor was angry, and bore it ill when he heard
of the sufferings to which the Christians were exposed in Persia. He
desired most anxiously to render them assistance, yet knew not in what way
to effect this object. About this time some ambassadors from the Persian
king arrived at his court, and after granting their requests and dismissing
them, he thought it would be a favorable opportunity to address Sapor in
behalf of the Christians in Persia, and wrote to him, (1) confessing that
it would be a very great and forever indescribable favor, if he would be
humane to those who admired the teaching of the Christians under him.
"There is nothing in their religion," said he, "of a reprehensible nature;
by bloodless prayers alone do they offer supplication to God, for he
delighteth not in the outpouring of blood, but taketh pleasure only in a
pure soul devoted to virtue and to religion; so that they who believe these
things are worthy of commendation." The emperor then assured Sapor that God
would be propitious to him if he treated the Christians with lenity, and
adduced the example of Valerian and of himself in proof thereof. He had
himself, by faith in Christ, and by the aid of Divine inclination, come
forth from the shores of the Western ocean, and reduced to obedience the
whole of the Roman world, and had terminated many wars against foreigners
and usurpers; and yet had never had recourse to sacrifices or divinations,
but had for victory used only the symbol of the Cross at the head of his
own armies, and prayer pure from blood and defilement. The reign of
Valerian was prosperous so long as he refrained from persecuting the
Church; but he afterwards commenced a persecution against the Christians,
and was delivered by Divine vengeance into the hands of the Persians, who
took him prisoner and put him to a cruel death."
It was in this strain that Constantine wrote to Sapor, urging him to be
well-disposed to this religion; for the emperor extended his watchful care
over all the Christians of every region, whether Roman or foreign.
CHAP, XVI. -- EUSEBIUS AND THEOGNIS WHO AT THE COUNCIL OF NICE HAD ASSENTED
TO THE WRITINGS OF ARIUS RESTORED TO THEIR OWN SEES.
NOT long after the council of Nice, Arius was recalled from exile; but
the prohibition to enter Alexandria was unrevoked. It shall be related in
the proper place how he strove to obtain permission to return to Egypt. Not
long after, Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea,
regained possession of their churches after expelling Amphion and Chrestos
who had been ordained in their stead. (2) They owed their restoration to a
document which they had presented to the bishops, containing a
retractation: "Although we have been condemned without a trial by your
piety, we deemed it right to remain silent concerning the judgment passed
by your piety. But as it would be absurd to remain longer silent, when
silence is regarded as a proof of the truth of the calumniators, we now
declare to you that we too agree in this faith, and after a diligent
examination of the thought in the word 'consubstantial,' we are wholly
intent upon preserving peace, and that we never pursued any heresy. Having
proposed for the safety of the churches such argument (3) as occurred to
us, and having been fully convinced, and fully convincing those who ought
to have been persuaded by us, we undersigned the creed; but we did not
subscribe to the anathema, not because we impugned the creed, but because
we did not believe the accused to be what he was represented to us; the
letters we had received from him, and the arguments he had delivered in our
presence, fully satisfying us that he was not such an one. Would that the
holy Synod were convinced that we are not bent on opposing, but are
accordant with the points accurately defined by you, and by this document,
we do attest our assent thereto: and this is not because we are wearied of
exile, but because we wish to avert all suspicion of heresy; for if you
will condescend to admit us now into your presence, you will find us in all
points of the same sentiments as yourselves, and obedient to your
decisions, and then it shall seem good to your piety to be merciful to him
who was accused on these points and to have him recalled. If the party
amenable to justice has been recalled and has defended himself from the
charge made, it would be absurd, were we by our silence to confirm the
reports that calumny had spread against us. We beseech you then, as befits
your piety, dear to Christ, that you memorialize our emperor, most beloved
of God, and that you hand over our petition, and that you counsel quickly,
what is agreeable to you concerning us." It was by these means that
Eusebius and Theognis, after their change of sentiment, were reinstated in
their churches.
CHAP. XVII. -- ON THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, AT HIS
SUGGESTION, ATHANASIUS RECEIVES THE THRONE; AND AN ACCOUNT OF HIS YOUTH;
HOW HE WAS A SELF-TAUGHT PRIEST, AND BELOVED BY ANTONY THE GREAT.
ABOUT this period (1) Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, when about to
depart this life, left Athanasius as his successor, in accordance, I am
convinced, with the Divine will directing the vote upon him. It is said
that Athanasius at first sought to avoid the honor by flight, but that he,
although unwilling, was afterwards constrained by Alexander to accept the
bishopric. This is testified by Apolinarius, the Syrian, (2) in the
following terms: "In all these matters much disturbance was excited by
impiety, but its first effects were felt by the blessed teacher of this
man, who was at hand as an assistant, and behaved as a son would to his
father. Afterwards this holy man himself underwent the same experience, for
when appointed to the episcopal succession he fled to escape the honor; but
he was discovered in his place of concealment by the help of God, who had
forecast by Divine manifestations to his blessed predecessor, that the
succession was to devolve upon him. For when Alexander was on the point of
death, he called upon Athanasius, who was then absent. One who bore the
same name, and who happened to be present, on hearing him call this way,
answered him; but to him Alexander was silent, since he was not summoning
this man. Again he called, and as it often happens, the one present kept
still, and so the absent one was disclosed. Moreover, the blessed Alexander
prophetically exclaimed, 'O Athanasius, thou thinkest to escape, but thou
wilt not escape'; meaning that Athanasius would be called to the conflict."
Such is the account given by Apolinarius respecting Athanasius.
The Arians assert that after the death of Alexander, the respective
followers of that bishop and of Melitius held communion together, and
fifty-four bishops from Thebes, and other parts of Egypt, assembled
together, and agreed by oath to choose by a common vote, the man who could
advantageously administer the Church of Alexandria; but that seven a of the
bishops, in violation of their oath, and contrary to the opinion of all,
secretly ordained Athanasius; and that on this account many of the people
and of the Egyptian clergy seceded from communion with him. For my part, I
am convinced that it was by Divine appointment that Athanasius succeeded to
the high-priesthood; for he was eloquent and intelligent, and capable of
opposing plots, and of such a man the times had the greatest need. He
displayed great aptitude in the exercise of the ecclesiastical functions
and fitness for the priesthood, and was, so to speak, from his earliest
years, self-taught. It is said that the following incident occurred to him
in his youth. (4) It was the custom of the Alexandrians to celebrate with
great pomp an annual festival in honor of one of their bishops named Peter,
who had suffered martyrdom. Alexander, who then conducted the church,
engaged in the celebration of this festival, and after having completed the
worship, he remained on the spot, awaiting the arrival of some guests whom
he expected to breakfast. In the meantime he chanced to cast his eyes
towards the sea, and perceived some children playing on the shore, and
amusing themselves by imitating the bishop and the ceremonies of the
Church. At first he considered the mimicry as innocent, and took pleasure
in witnessing it; but when they touched upon the unutterable, he was
troubled, and communicated the matter to the chief of the clergy. The
children were called together and questioned as to the game at which they
were playing, and as to what they did and said when engaged in this
amusement. At first they through fear denied; but when Alexander threatened
them with torture, they confessed that Athanasius was their bishop and
leader, and that many children who had not been initiated had been baptized
by him. Alexander carefully inquired what the priest of their play was in
the habit of saying or doing, and what they answered or were taught. On
finding that the exact routine of the Church had been accurately observed
by them, he consulted the priests around him on the subject, and decided
that it would he unnecessary to rebaptize those who, in their simplicity,
had been judged worthy of the Divine grace. He therefore merely performed
for them such offices as it is lawful only for those who are consecrated to
initiating the mysteries. He then took Athanasius and the other children,
who had playfully acted as presbyters and deacons, to their own relations
under God as a witness that they might be brought up for the Church, and
for leadership in what they had imitated. Not long after, he took
Athanasius as his table companion and secretary. He had been well educated,
was versed in grammar and rhetoric, and already when he came to man's
estate, and before he attained the bishopric, he gave proof to those
conversing with him of his being a man of wisdom and intellectuality. But
when, (1) on the death of Alexander, the succession devolved upon him, his
reputation was greatly increased, and was sustained by his own private
virtues and by the testimony of the monk, Antony the Great. This monk
repaired to him when he requested his presence, visited the cities,
accompanied him to the churches, and agreed with him in opinion concerning
the Godhead. He evinced unlimited friendship towards him, and avoided the
society of his enemies and opponents.
CHAP. XVIII. -- THE ARIANS AND MELITIANS CONFER CELEBRITY ON ATHANASIUS;
CONCERNING EUSEBIUS, AND HIS REQUEST OF ATHANASIUS TO ADMIT ARIUS TO
COMMUNION; CONCERNING THE TERM "CONSUBSTANTIAL"; EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS AND
EUSTATHIUS, BISHOP OF ANTIOCH, CREATE TUMULTS ABOVE ALL THE REST.
THE reputation of Athanasius was, however, especially increased by the
Arians and Melitians; (2) although always plotting, they never appeared
rightly to catch and make him a prisoner. In the first place, Eusebius
wrote to urge him to receive the Arians into communion, and threatened,
without writing it, to ill-treat him should he refuse to do so. But as
Athanasius would not yield to his representation, but maintained that those
who had devised a heresy in innovating upon the truth, and who had been
condemned by the council of Nice, ought not to be received into the Church,
Eusebius contrived to interest the emperor in favor of Arius, and so
procured his return. I shall state a little further on how all these events
came to pass. (3)
At this period, the bishops had another tumultuous dispute among
themselves, concerning the precise meaning of the term "consubstantial."
(4) Some thought that this term could not be admitted without blasphemy;
that it implied the non-existence of the Son of God; and that it involved
the error of Montanus and Sabellius. Those, on the other hand, who defended
the term, regarded their opponents as Greeks (or pagans), and considered
that their sentiments led to polytheism. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, and
Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, took the lead in this dispute. They both
confessed the Son of God to exist hypostatically, and yet they contended
together as if they had misunderstood each other. Eustathius accused
Eusebius of altering the doctrines ratified by the council of Nicaea, while
the latter declared that he approved of all the Nicaean doctrines, and
reproached Eustathius for cleaving to the heresy of Sabellius.
CHAP. XIX. -- SYNOD OF ANTIOCH; UNJUST DEPOSITION OF EUSTATHIUS; EUPHRONIUS
RECEIVES THE THRONE; CONSTANTINE THE GREAT WRITES TO THE SYNOD AND TO
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS, WHO REFUSES THE BISHOPRIC OF ANTIOCH.
A SYNOD having been convened at Antioch, Eustathius was deprived of the
church of that city. (5) It was most generally believed that he was deposed
merely on account of his adherence to the faith of the council of Nicaea,
and on account of his having accused Eusebius, Paulinus, bishop of Tyre,
and Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis (whose sentiments were adopted by
the Eastern priests), of favoring the heresy of Arius. The pretext resorted
to for his deposition, however, was, that he had defiled the priesthood by
unholy deeds. His deposition excited so great a sedition at Antioch, that
the people were on the point of taking up arms, and the whole city was in a
state of commotion. This greatly injured him in the opinion of the emperor;
for when he understood what had happened, and that the people of that
church were divided into two parties, he was much enraged, and regarded him
with suspicion as the author of the tumult. The emperor, however, sent an
illustrious officer of his palace, invested with full authority, to calm
the populace, and put an end to the disturbance, without having recourse to
violence or injury.
Those who had deposed Eustathius, and who on this account were
assembled in Antioch, imagining that their sentiments would be universally
received, if they could succeed in placing over the Church of Antioch one
of their own opinion, who was known to the emperor, and held in repute for
learning and eloquence, and that they could obtain the obedience of the
rest, fixed their thoughts upon Eusebius Pamphilus for that see. They wrote
to the emperor upon this subject, and stated that this course would be
highly acceptable to the people. He had, in fact, been sought by all the
clergy and laity who were inimical to Eustathius. Eusebius, however, wrote
to the emperor refusing the dignity. The emperor approved of his refusal
with praise; for there was an ecclesiastical law prohibiting the removal of
a bishop from one bishopric to another. He wrote to the people and to
Eusebius, adopting his judgment and calling him happy, because he was
worthy to hold the bishopric not only of one single city, but of the world.
The emperor also wrote to the people of the Church of Antioch concerning
like-mindedness, and told them that they ought not to desire the bishops of
other regions, even as they ought not to covet the possessions of others.
In addition to these, he despatched another epistle to the Synod, in
private session, and similarly commended Eusebius as in the letter to him
for having refused the bishopric; and being convinced that Euphronius, a
presbyter of Cappadocia, and George of Arethusa were men approved in creed,
he commanded the bishops to decide for one or other of them, or for
whomsoever might appear worthy of the honor, and to ordain a president for
the Church of Antioch. On the receipt of these letters from the emperor,
Euphronius was ordained; and I have heard that Eustathius bore this unjust
calumny calmly, judging it to be better, as he was a man who, besides his
virtues and excellent qualities, was justly admired on account of his fine
eloquence, as is evidenced by his transmitted works, which are highly
approved for their choice of words, flavor of expression, temperateness of
sentiments, elegance and grace of narration.
CHAP. XX.--CONCERNING MAXIMUS, WHO SUCCEEDED MACARIUS IN THE SEE OF
JERUSALEM.
ABOUT this time Mark, (1) who had succeeded Silvester, and who had held
the episcopal sway during a short period, died, and Julius was raised to
the see of Rome. Maximus succeeded Macarius in the bishopric of Jerusalem.
(2) It is said that Macarius had ordained him bishop over the church of
Diospolis, but that the members of the church of Jerusalem insisted upon
his remaining among them. For since he was a confessor, and otherwise
excellent, he was secretly chosen beforehand in the approbation of the
people for their bishopric, after that Macarius should die. The dread of
offending the people and exciting an insurrection led to the election of
another bishop over Diospolis, and Maximus remained in Jerusalem, and
exercised the priestly functions conjointly with Macarius; and after the
death of this latter, he governed that church. It is, however, well known
to those who are accurately acquainted with these circumstances, that
Macarius concurred with the people in their desire to retain Maximus; for
it is said that he regretted the ordination of Maximus, and thought that he
ought necessarily to have been reserved for his own succession on account
of his holding right views concerning God and his confession, which had so
endeared him to the people. He likewise feared that, at his death, the
adherents of Eusebius and Patrophilus, who had embraced Arianism, would
take that opportunity to place one of their own views in his see; for even
while Macarius was living, they had attempted to introduce some
innovations, but since they were to be separated from him, they on this
account kept quiet.
CHAP. XXI.--THE MELITIANS AND THE ARIANS AGREE IN SENTIMENT; EUSEBIUS AND
THEOGNIS ENDEAVOR TO INFLAME ANEW THE DISEASE OF ARIUS.
IN the meantime the contention which had been stirred in the beginning
among the Egyptians, could not be quelled. (3) The Arian heresy had been
positively condemned by the council of Nice, while the followers of
Melitius had been admitted into communion under the stipulations above
stated. When Alexander returned to Egypt, Melitius delivered up to him the
churches whose government he had unlawfully usurped, and returned to Lycus.
Not long after, finding his end approaching, he nominated John, one of his
most intimate friends, as his successor, contrary to the decree of the
Nicaean Council, and thus fresh cause of discord in the churches was
produced. When the Arians perceived that the Melitians were introducing
innovations, they also harassed the churches. For, as frequently occurs in
similar disturbances, some applauded the opinion of Arius, while others
contended that those who had been ordained by Melitius ought to govern the
churches. These two bodies of sectarians had hitherto been opposed to each
other, but on perceiving that the priests of the Catholic Church were
followed by the multitude, they became jealous and formed an alliance
together, and manifested a common enmity to the clergy of Alexandria. Their
measures of attack and defense were so long carried on in concert, that in
process of time the Melitians were generally called Arians in Egypt,
although they only dissent on questions of the presidency of the churches,
while the Arians hold the same opinions concerning God as Arius. Although
they individually denied one another's tenets, yet they dissimulated in
contradiction of their own view, in order to attain an underhanded
agreement in the fellowship of their enmity; at the same time each one
expected to prevail easily in what he desired. From this period, however,
the Melitians after the discussion on those topics, received the Arian
doctrines, and held the same opinion as Arius concerning God. This revived
the original controversy concerning Arius, and some of the laity and clergy
seceded from communion with the others. The dispute concerning the
doctrines of Arius was rekindled once more in other cities, and
particularly in Bithynia and Hellespontus, and in the city of
Constantinople. In short, it is said that Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia,
and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, bribed the notary to whom the emperor had
intrusted the custody of the documents of the Nicaean Council, effaced
their signatures, and attempted openly to teach that the Son is not to be
considered consubstantial with the Father. Eusebius was accused of these
irregularities before the emperor, and he replied with great boldness as he
showed part of his clothing. "If this robe," said he, "had been cut asunder
in my presence, I could not affirm the fragments to be all of the same
substance." The emperor was much grieved at these disputes, for he had
believed that questions of this nature had been finally decided by the
council of Nicaea, but contrary to his hopes he saw them again agitated. He
more especially regretted that Eusebius and Theognis had received certain
Alexandrians into communion, (1) although the Synod had recommended them to
repent on account of their heterodox opinions, and although he had himself
condemned them to banishment from their native land, as being the exciters
of sedition. (2) It is asserted by some, that it was for the above reasons
that the emperor in anger exiled Eusebius and Theognis; but as I have
already stated, I have derived my information from those who are intimately
acquainted with these matters.
CHAP. XXII.--THE VAIN MACHINATIONS OF THE ARIANS AND MELITIANS AGAINST ST.
ATHANASIUS.
THE various calamities which befell Athanasius were primarily
occasioned by Eusebius and Theognis. (3) As they possessed great freedom of
speech and influence with the emperor, they strove for the recall of Arius,
with whom they were on terms of concord and friendship, to Alexandria, and
at the same time the expulsion from the Church of him who was opposed to
them. They accused him before Constantine of being the author of all the
seditions and troubles that agitated the Church, and of excluding those who
were desirous of joining the Church; and alleged that unanimity would be
restored were he alone to be removed. The accusations against him were
substantiated by many bishops and clergy who were with John, and who
sedulously obtained access to the emperor; they pretended to great
orthodoxy, and imputed to Athanasius and the bishops of his party all the
bloodshed, bonds, unjust blows, wounds, and conflagrations of churches. But
when Athanasius demonstrated to the emperor the illegality of the
ordination of John's adherents, their innovations of the decrees of the
Nicaean Council, and the unsoundness of their faith, and the insults
offered to those who held right opinions about God, Constantine was at a
loss to know whom to believe. Since there were such mutual allegations, and
many accusations were frequently stirred up by each party, and since he was
earnestly anxious to restore the like-mindedness of the people, he wrote to
Athanasius that no one should be shut out. If this should be betrayed to
the last, he would send regardless of consequences, one who should expel
him from the city of Alexandria. If any one should desire to see this
letter of the emperor's, he will here find the portion of it relating to
this affair: "As you are now acquainted with my will, which is, that to all
who desire to enter the Church you should offer an unhindered entrance. For
should I hear that any who are willing to join the Church, have been
debarred or hindered therefrom by you, I shall send at once an officer who
shall remove you, according to my command, and shall transfer you to some
other place." Athanasius, however, wrote to the emperor and convinced him
that the Arians ought not to be received into communion by the Catholic
Church; and Eusebius perceiving that his schemes could never be carried
into execution while Athanasius strove in opposition, determined to resort
to any means in order to get rid of him. But as he could not find a
sufficient pretext for effecting this design, he promised the Melitians to
interest the emperor and those in power in their favor, if they would bring
an accusation against Athanasius. Accordingly, came the first indictment
that he had imposed upon the Egyptians a tax on linen tunics, and that such
a tribute had been exacted from the accusers. Apis (1) and Macarius,
presbyters of the Church of Athanasius, who then happened to be at court,
clearly proved the persistent accusation to be false. On being summoned to
answer for the offense, Athanasius was further accused of having conspired
against the emperor, and of having sent, for this purpose, a casket of gold
to one Philumen. The emperor detected the calumny of his accusers, sent
Athanasius home, and wrote to the people of Alexandria to testify that
their bishop possessed great moderation and a correct faith; that he had
gladly met him, and recognized him to be a man of God; and that, as envy
had been the sole cause of his indictment, he had appeared to better
advantage than his accusers; and having heard that the Arian and Melitian
sectarians had excited dissensions in Egypt, the emperor, in the same
epistle, exhorted the multitude to look to God, to take heed unto his
judgments, to be well disposed toward one another, to prosecute with all
their might those who plotted against their like-mindedness; thus the
emperor wrote to the people, exhorting them all to like-mindedness, and
striving to prevent divisions in the Church.
CHAP. XXIII.--CALUMNY RESPECTING ST. ATHANASIUS AND THE HAND OF ARSENIUS.
THE Melitians, on the failure of their first attempt, secretly
concocted other indictments against Athanasius. (2) On the one hand they
charged him with breaking a sacred chalice, and on the other with having
slain one Arsenius, and with having cut off his arm and retained it for
magical purposes. It is said that this Arsenius was one of the clergy, (3)
but that, having committed some crime, he fled to a place of concealment
for fear of being convicted and punished by his bishop. The enemies of
Athanasius devised the most serious attack for this occurrence. They sought
Arsenius with great diligence, and found him; they showed him great
kindness, promised, to secure for him every goodwill and safety, and
conducted him secretly to Patrines, (4) a presbyter of a monastery, who was
one of their confederates, and of the same interest as themselves. After
having thus carefully concealed him, they diligently spread the report in
the market-places and public assemblies that he had been slain by
Athanasius. They also bribed John, a monk, to corroborate the accusation.
As this evil report was universally circulated, and had even reached the
ears of the emperor, Athanasius, being apprehensive that it would be
difficult to defend his cause before judges whose minds were prejudiced by
such false rumors, resorted to stratagems akin to those of his adversaries.
He did everything in his power to prevent truth from being obscured by
their attacks; but the multitude could not be convinced, on account of the
non-appearance of Arsenius. Reflecting, therefore, that the suspicion which
rested upon him could not be removed except by proving that Arsenius, who
was said to be dead, was still alive, he sent a most trustworthy deacon in
quest of him. The deacon went to Thebes, and ascertained from the
declaration of some monks where he was living. And when he came to
Patrines, with whom he had been concealed, he found that Arsenius was not
there; for on the first intelligence of the arrival of the deacon he had
been conveyed to Lower Egypt. The deacon arrested Patrines, and conducted
him to Alexandria, as also Elias, one of his associates, who was said to
have been the person who conveyed Arsenius elsewhere. He delivered them
both to the commander of the Egyptian forces, and they confessed that
Arsenius was still alive, that he had been secretly concealed in their
house, and that he was now living in Egypt. Athanasius took care that all
these facts should be reported to Constantine. The emperor wrote back to
him, desiring him to attend to the due performance of the priestly
functions, and the maintenance of order and piety among the people, and not
to be disquieted by the machinations of the Melitians, it being evident
that envy alone was the cause of the false indictments which were
circulated against him and the disturbance in the churches. The emperor
added that, for the future, he should not give place to such reports; and
that, unless the calumniators preserved the peace, he should certainly
subject them to the rigor of the state laws, add let justice have its
course, as they had not only unjustly plotted against the innocent, but had
also shamefully abused the good order and piety of the Church. Such was the
strain of the emperor's letter to Athanasius; and he further commanded that
it should be read aloud before the public, in order that they might all be
made acquainted with his intentions. The Melitians were alarmed at these
menaces, and became more quiet for a while, because they viewed with
anxiety the threat of the ruler. The churches throughout Egypt enjoyed
profound peace, and, directed by the presidency of this great priest, it
daily increased in numbers by the conversion of multitudes of pagans and
other heretics.
CHAP. XXIV.--SOME INDIAN NATIONS RECEIVED CHRISTIANITY AT THAT TIME THROUGH
THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF TWO CAPTIVES, FRUMENTIUS AND EDESIUS.
WE have heard that about this period some of the most distant of the
nations that we call Indians, to whom the preaching of Bartholomew was
unknown, shared in our doctrine, through Frumentius, (1) who became a
priest and teacher of the sacred learning among them. But in order that we
may know, even by the marvel of what happened in India, that the doctrine
of the Christians ought to be received as a system not from man, as it
seems a tissue of miracles to some, it is necessary to relate the reason
for the ordination of Frumentius. It was as follows: The most celebrated
philosophers among the Greeks explored unknown cities and regions. Plato,
the friend of Socrates, dwelt for a time among the Egyptians, in order to
acquaint himself with their manners and customs. He likewise sailed to
Sicily for the sight of its craters, whence, as from a fountain,
spontaneously issued streams of fire, which frequently overflowing, rushed
like a river and consumed the neighboring regions, so that even yet many
fields appear burnt and cannot be sown or planted with trees, just as they
narrate about the land of Sodom. These craters were likewise explored by
Empedocles, a man highly celebrated for philosophy among the Greeks, and
who has expounded his knowledge in heroic verse. He set out to investigate
this fiery eruption, when either because he thought such a mode of death
preferable to any other, or because, to speak more truthfully, he perhaps
knew not wherefore he should seek to terminate his life in this manner, he
leaped into the fire and perished. Democritus of Coos explored many cities
and climates and nations, and he says concerning himself that eighty years
of his life were spent in traveling through foreign lands. Besides these
philosophers, thousands of wise men among the Greeks, ancient and modern,
devoted themselves to this travel. In emulation, Meropius, a philosopher of
Tyre in Phoenicia, journeyed as far as India. They say he was accompanied
by two youths, named Frumentius and Edesius; they were his relatives; he
conducted their rhetorical training, and educated them liberally. After
exploring India as much as possible, he set out for home, and embarked in a
vessel which was on the point of sailing for Egypt. It happened that, from
want of water or some other necessary, the vessel was obliged to stop at
some port, and the Indians rushed upon it and murdered all, Meropius
included. These Indians had just thrown off their alliance with the Romans;
they took the boys as living captives, because they pitied their youth, and
conducted them to their king. He appointed the younger one his cup-bearer;
the older, Frumentius, he put over his house and made him administrator of
his treasures; for he perceived that he was intelligent and very capable in
business. These youths served the king usefully and faithfully during a
long course of years, and when he felt his end approaching, his son and
wife surviving, he rewarded the good-will of the servants with liberty, and
permitted them to go where they pleased. They were anxious to return to
Tyre, where their relatives resided; but the king's son being a minor, his
mother besought them to remain for a little while and take charge of public
affairs, until her son reached the years of manhood. They yielded to her
entreaties, and directed the affairs of the kingdom and of the government
of the Indies. Frumentius, by some Divine impulse, perhaps because God
moved him spontaneously, inquired whether there were any Christians in
India, or Romans among the merchants, who had sailed thither. Having
succeeded in finding the objects of his inquiry, he summoned them into his
presence, treated them with love and friendliness, and convened them for
prayer, and the assembly was conducted after the Roman usage; and when he
had built houses of prayer, he encouraged them to honor God continually.
When the king's son attained the age of manhood, Frumentius and Edesius
besought him and the queen, and not without difficulty persuaded the rulers
to be separated from themselves, and having parted as friends, they went
back as Roman subjects. Edesius went to Tyre to see his relatives, and was
soon after advanced to the dignity of presbyter. Frumentius, however,
instead of returning to Phoenicia, repaired to Alexandria; for with him
patriotism and filial piety were subordinate to religious zeal. He
conferred with Athanasius, the head of the Alexandrian Church, described to
him the state of affairs in India, and the necessity of appointing a bishop
over the Christians located in that country. Athanasius assembled the
endemic priests, and consulted with them on the subject; and he ordained
Frumentius bishop of India, since he was peculiarly qualified and apt to do
much service among those among whom he was the first to manifest the name
of Christian, and the seed of the participation in the doctrine was sown.
(2) Frumentius, therefore, returned to India, and, it is said, discharged
the priestly functions so admirably that he became an object of universal
admiration, and was revered as no less than an apostle. God highly honored
him, enabling him to perform many wonderful cures, and to work signs and
wonders. Such was the origin of the Indian priesthood.
CHAP. XXV.--COUNCIL OF TYRE; ILLEGAL DEPOSITION OF ST. ATHANASIUS.
THE plots of the enemies of Athanasius involved him in fresh troubles,
excited the hatred of the emperor against him, and stirred up a multitude
of accusers. Wearied by their importunity, the emperor convened a council
at Caesarea in Palestine. Athanasius was summoned thither; but fearing the
artifices of Eusebius, bishop of the city, of Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, and of their party, he refused to attend, and for thirty months,
although pressed to attend, persisted in his refusal. At the end of that
period, however, he was forced more urgently and repaired to Tyre, where a
great number of the bishops of the East were assembled, (1) who commanded
him to undergo the charges of those who accused him. Of John's party,
Callinicus, a bishop, and a certain Ischurias, accused him of breaking a
mystical chalice and of throwing down an episcopal chair; and of often
causing Ischurias, although he was a presbyter, to be loaded with chains;
and by falsely informing Hyginus, governor of Egypt, that he had cast
stones at the statues of the emperor of occasioning his being thrown into
prison; of deposing Callinicus, bishop of the Catholic Church at Pelusium,
and of saying that he would debar him from fellowship unless he could
remove certain suspicions concerning his having broken a mystical chalice;
of committing the Church of Pelusium to Mark, a deposed presbyter; and of
placing Callinicus under a military guard, and of putting him under
judicial tortures Euplus, Pachomius, Isaac, Achillas, (1) and Hermaeon,
bishops of John's party, accused him of inflicting blows. They all
concurred in maintaining that he obtained the episcopal dignity by means of
the perjury of certain individuals, it having been decreed that no one
should receive ordination, who could not clear himself of any crime laid to
his charge. They further alleged, that having been deceived by him, they
had separated themselves from communion with him, and that, so far from
satisfying their scruples, he had treated them with violence and thrown
them into prison.
Further, the affair of Arsenius was again agitated; and as generally
happens in such a studiously concocted plot, many even of those considered
his friends loomed up unexpectedly as accusers. A document was then read,
containing popular complaints that the people of Alexandria could not
continue their attendance at church on his account. Athanasius, having been
urged to justify himself, presented himself repeatedly before the tribunal;
successfully repelled some of the allegations, and requested delay for
investigation as to the others. He was exceedingly perplexed when he
reflected on the favor in which his accusers were held by his judges, on
the number of witnesses belonging to the sects of Arius and Melitius who
appeared against him, and on the indulgence that was manifested towards the
informers, whose allegations had been overcome. And especially in the
indictment concerning Arsenius, whose arm he was charged with having cut
off for purposes of magic, and in the indictment concerning a certain woman
to whom he was charged with having given gifts for uncleanness, and with
having corrupted her by night, although she was unwilling. Both these
indictments were proved to be ridiculous and full of false espionage. When
this female made the deposition before the bishops, Timothy, a presbyter of
Alexandria, who stood by Athanasius, approached her according to a plan he
had secretly concerted, and said to her, "Did I then, O woman, violate your
chastity?" (3) She replied, "But didst thou not?" and mentioned the place
and the attendant circumstances, in which she had been forced. He likewise
led Arsenius into the midst of them, showed both his hands to the judges,
and requested them to make the accusers account for the arm which they had
exhibited. For it happened that Arsenius, either driven by a Divine
influence, or, as it is said, having been concealed by the plans of
Athanasius, when the danger to that bishop on his account was announced,
escaped by night, and arrived at Tyre the day before the trial. But these
allegations having been thus summarily dismissed, so that no defense was
necessary, no mention of the first was made in the transactions; most
probably, I think, because the whole affair was considered too indecorous
and absurd for insertion. As to the second, the accusers strove to justify
themselves by saying that a bishop under the jurisdiction of Athanasius,
named Plusian, (4) had, at the command of his chief, burnt the house of
Arsenius, fastened him to a column, and maltreated him with thongs, and
then chained him in a cell. They further stated that Arsenius escaped from
the cell through a window, and while he was sought for remained a while in
concealment; that as he did not appear, they naturally supposed him to be
dead; that the reputation he had acquired as a man and confessor, had
endeared him to the bishops of John's party; and that they sought for him,
and applied on his behalf to the magistrates.
Athanasius was filled with apprehension when he reflected on these
subjects, and began to suspect that his enemies were secretly scheming to
effect his ruin. After several sessions, when the Synod was filled with
tumult and confusion, and the accusers and a multitude of persons around
the tribunal were crying aloud that Athanasius ought to be deposed as a
sorcerer and a ruffian, and as being utterly unworthy the priesthood, the
officers, who had been appointed by the emperor to be present at the Synod
for the maintenance of order, compelled the accused to quit the judgment
hall secretly; for they feared lest they might become his murderers, as is
apt to be the case in the rush of a tumult. On finding that he could not
remain in Tyre without peril of his life, and that there was no hope of
obtaining justice against his numerous accusers, from judges who were
inimical to him, he fled to Constantinople. The Synod condemned him during
his absence, deposed him from the bishopric, and prohibited his residing at
Alexandria, lest, said they, he should excite disturbances and seditions.
John and all his adherents were restored to communion, as if they had been
unjustly suffering wrongs, and each was reinstated in his own clerical
rank. The bishops then gave an account of their proceedings to the emperor,
and wrote to the bishops of all regions, enjoining them not to receive
Athanasius into fellowship, and not to write to him or receive letters from
him, as one who had been convicted of the crimes which they had
investigated, and on account of his flight, as also guilty in those
indictments which had not been tried. They likewise declared, in this
epistle, that they had been obliged to pass such condemnation upon him,
because, when commanded by the emperor the preceding year to repair to the
bishops of the East, who were assembled at Caesarea, he disobeyed the
injunction, kept the bishops waiting for him, and set at naught the
commands of the ruler. They also deposed that when the bishops had
assembled at Tyre, he went to that city, attended by a large retinue, for
the purpose of exciting disturbances and tumults in the Synod; that when
there, he sometimes refused to reply to the charges preferred against him;
sometimes insulted the bishops individually; when summoned by them,
sometimes not obeying, at others not deigning to be judged. They specified
in the same letter, that he was manifestly guilty of having broken a
mystical chalice, and that this fact was attested by Theognis, bishop of
Nicaea; by Maris, bishop of Chalcedonia; by Theodore, bishop of Heraclea;
by Valentinus and Ursacius; and by Macedonius, who had been sent to the
village in Egypt, where the chalice was said to have been broken, in order
to ascertain the truth. Thus did the bishops detail successively each of
the allegations against Athanasius, with the same art to which sophists
resort when they desire to heighten the effect of their calumnies. Many of
the priests, however, who were present at the trial, perceived the
injustice of the accusation. It is related that Paphnutius, the confessor,
(1) who was present at the Synod, arose, and took the hand of Maximus, the
bishop of Jerusalem, to lead him away, as if those who were confessors, and
had their eyes dug out for the sake of piety, ought not to participate in
an assembly of wicked men.
CHAP. XXVI.--ERECTION OF A TEMPLE BY CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AT GOLGOTHA, IN
JERUSALEM; ITS DEDICATION.
THE temple, (2) called the "Great Martyrium," which was built in the
place of the skull at Jerusalem, was completed about the thirtieth year (3)
of the reign of Constantine; and Marianus, an official, who was a short-
hand writer of the emperor, came to Tyre and delivered a letter from the
emperor to the council, commanding them to repair quickly to Jerusalem, in
order to consecrate the temple. Although this had been previously
determined upon, yet the emperor deemed it necessary that the disputes
which prevailed among the bishops who had been convened at Tyre should be
first adjusted, and that they should be purged of all discord and grief
before going to the consecration of the temple. For it is fitting to such a
festival for the priests to be like-minded. When the bishops arrived at
Jerusalem, the temple was therefore consecrated, as likewise numerous
ornaments and gifts, which were sent by the emperor and are still preserved
in the sacred edifice; their costliness and magnificence is such that they
cannot be looked upon without exciting wonder. Since that period the
anniversary of the consecration has been celebrated with great pomp by the
church of Jerusalem; (4) the festival continues eight days, initiation by
baptism is administered, and people from every region under the sun resort
to Jerusalem during this festival, and visit the sacred places.
CHAP. XXVII. -- CONCERNING THE PRESBYTER BY WHOM CONSTANTINE WAS PERSUADED
TO RECALL ARIUS AND EUZOIUS FROM EXILE; THE TRACTATE CONCERNING HIS
POSSIBLY PIOUS FAITH, AND HOW ARIUS WAS AGAIN RECEIVED BY THE SYNOD
ASSEMBLED AT JERUSALEM.
THE bishops who had embraced the sentiments of Arius found a favorable
opportunity of restoring him and Euzoius to communion, by zealously
striving to have a council in the city of Jerusalem. They effected their
design in the following manner (11): --
A certain presbyter who was a great admirer of the Arian doctrines, was
on terms of intimacy with the emperor's sister. At first he concealed his
sentiments; but as he frequently visited and became by degrees more
familiar with Constantia, for such was the name of the sister of
Constantine, he took courage to represent to her that Arius was unjustly
exiled from his country, and cast out from the Church, through the jealousy
and personal enmity of Alexander bishop of the Alexandrian Church. He said
that his jealousy had been excited by the esteem which the people
manifested towards Arius.
Constantia believed these representations to be true, yet took no steps
in her lifetime to innovate upon the decrees of Nicaea. Being attacked with
a disease which threatened to terminate in death, she besought her brother,
who went to visit her, to grant what she was about to ask, as a last favor;
this request was, to receive the above mentioned presbyter on terms of
intimacy, and to rely upon him as a man who had correct opinions about the
Divinity. "For my part," she added, "I am drawing nigh to death, and am no
longer interested in the concerns of this life; the only apprehension I now
feel, arises from dread lest you should incur the wrath of God and suffer
any calamity, or the loss of your empire, since you have been induced to
condemn just and good men wrongfully to perpetual banishment." From that
period the emperor received the presbyter into favor, and after permitting
him to speak freely with him and to commune on the same topics concerning
which his sister had given her command, deemed necessary to subject the
case of Arius to a fresh examination; it is probable that, in forming this
decision, the emperor was either influenced by a belief in the credibility
of the attacks, or by the desire of gratifying his sister. It was not long
before he recalled Arius from exile, (2) and demanded of him a written
exposition of his faith concerning the Godhead. Arius avoided making use of
the new terms which he had previously devised, and constructed another
exposition by using simple terms, and such as were recognized by the sacred
Scriptures; he declared upon oath, that he held the doctrines set forth in
this exposition, that he both felt these statements ex animo and had no
other thought than these. It was as follows: (3) "Arius and Euzoius,
presbyters, to Constantine, our most pious emperor and most beloved of God.
"According as your piety, beloved of God, commanded, O sovereign
emperor, we here furnish a written statement of our own faith, and we
protest before God that we, and all those who are with us, believe what is
here set forth.
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, and in His Son the Lord
Jesus Christ, who was begotten from Him before all ages, God the Word, by
whom all things were made, whether things in heaven or things on earth; He
came and took upon Him flesh, suffered and rose again, and ascended into
heaven, whence He will again come to judge the quick and the dead.
"We believe in the Holy Ghost, in the resurrection of the body, in the
life to come, in the kingdom of heaven, and in one Catholic Church of God,
established throughout the earth. We have received this faith from the Holy
Gospels, in which the Lord says to His disciples, 'Go forth and teach all
nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of
the Holy Ghost.' If we do not so believe this, and if we do not truly
receive the doctrines concerning the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,
as they are taught by the whole Catholic Church and by the sacred
Scriptures, as we believe in every point, let God be our judge, both now
and in the day which is to come. Wherefore we appeal to your piety, O our
emperor most beloved of God, that, as we are enrolled among the members of
the clergy, and as we hold the faith and thought of the Church and of the
sacred Scriptures, we may be openly reconciled to our mother, the Church,
through your peacemaking and pious piety; so that useless questions and
disputes may be cast aside, and that we and the Church may dwell together
in peace, and we all in common may offer the customary prayer for your
peaceful and pious empire and for your entire family."
Many considered this declaration of faith as an artful compilation, and
as bearing the appearance of difference in expression, while, in reality,
it supported the doctrine of Arius; the terms in which it was couched being
so vague that it was susceptible of diverse interpretations. The emperor
imagined that Arius and Euzoius were of the same sentiments as the bishops
of the council of Nicaea, and was delighted over the affair. He did not,
however, attempt to restore them to communion without the judgment and
approval of those who are, by the law of the Church, masters in these
matters. He, therefore, sends them to the bishops who were then assembled
at Jerusalem, and wrote, desiring them to examine the declaration of faith
submitted by Arius and Euzoius, and so to influence the Synod that, whether
they found that their doctrine was orthodox, and that the jealousy of their
enemies had been the sole cause of their condemnation, or that, without
having reason to blame those who had condemned them, they had changed their
minds, a humane decision might, in either case, be accorded them. Those who
had long been zealous for this, seized the opportunity under cover of the
emperor's letter, and received him into fellowship. They wrote immediately
to the emperor himself, to the Church of Alexandria, and to the bishops and
clergy of Egypt, of Thebes, and of Libya, earnestly exhorting them to
receive Arius and Euzoius into communion, since the emperor bore witness to
the correctness of their faith, in one of his own epistles, and since the
judgment of the emperor had been confirmed by the vote of the Synod. (1)
These were the subjects which were zealously discussed by the Synod of
Jerusalem.
CHAP. XXVIII. -- LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE TO THE SYNOD OF TYRE,
AND EXILE OF ST. ATHANASIUS THROUGH THE MACHINATION OF THE ARIAN FACTION.
ATHANASIUS, after having fled from Tyre, repaired (2) to
Constantinople, and on coming to the emperor Constantine, complained of
what he had suffered, in presence of the bishops who had condemned him, and
besought him to permit the decrees of the council of Tyre to be submitted
for examination before the emperor. Constantine regarded this request as
reasonable, and wrote in the following terms to the bishops assembled at
Tyre: --
"I know not what has been enacted in confusion and vehemence by your
Synod; but it appears that, from some disturbing disorder, decrees which
are not in conformity with truth have been enacted, and that your constant
irritation of one another evidently prevented you from considering what is
pleasing to God. But it will be the work of Divine Providence to scatter
the evils which have been drawn out of this contentiousness, and to
manifest to us clearly whether you have not been misled in your judgment by
motives of private friendship or aversion. I therefore command that you all
come here to my piety without delay, in order that we may receive an exact
account of your transactions. I will explain to you the cause of my writing
to you in this strain, and you will know from what follows, why I summon
you before myself through this document. As I was returning on horseback to
that city which bears my name, and which I regard as my much prospered
country, Athanasius, the bishop, presented himself so unexpectedly in the
middle of the highway, with certain individuals who accompanied him, that I
felt exceedingly surprised at beholding him. God, who sees all things, is
my witness, that at first I did not know who he was, but that some of my
attendants having ascertained this point, and the injustice which he had
suffered, gave me the necessary information. I did not on this occasion
grant him an interview. He, however, persevered in requesting an audience;
and although I refused him, and was on the point of commanding that he
should be removed from my presence, he told me with more boldness, that he
sought no other favor of me than that I should summon you hither, in order
that he might in your presence complain of what he had suffered
unnecessarily. As this request appears reasonable and timely, I deemed it
right to address you in this strain, and to command all of you who were
convened at the Synod of Tyre to hasten to the court of our clemency, so
that you may demonstrate by your works, the purity and inflexibility of
your decisions before me, whom you cannot refuse to acknowledge as a
genuine servant of God. By my zeal in His service, peace has been
established throughout the world, and the name of God is genuinely praised
among the barbarians, who till now were m ignorance of the truth; and it is
evident that whoever is ignorant of the truth knows not God.
Notwithstanding, as is above stated, the barbarians have, through my
instrumentality, learnt to know genuinely and to worship God; for they
perceived that everywhere, and on all occasions, his protection rested on
me; and they reverence God the more deeply because they fear my power. But
we who have to announce the mysteries of forbearance (for I will not say
that we keep them), we, I say, ought not to do anything that can tend to
dissension or hatred, or, to speak plainly, to the destruction of the human
race. Come, then, to us, as I have said, with all diligence, and be assured
that I shall do everything in my power to preserve all the particularly
infallible parts of the law of God in a way that no fault or heterodoxy can
be fabricated; while those enemies of the law who, under the guise of the
Holy Name, endeavor to introduce variant and differing blasphemies, have
been openly scattered, utterly crushed, and wholly suppressed."
This letter of the emperor so excited the fears of some of the bishops
that they set off on their journey homewards. But Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, and his partisans, went to the emperor, and represented that the
Synod of Tyre had enacted no decrees against Athanasius but what were
founded on justice. They brought forward as witnesses Theognis, Maris,
Theodore, Valens, and Ursacius, and deposed that he had broken the mystical
cup, and after uttering many other calumnies, they prevailed with their
accusations. The emperor, either believing their statements to be true, or
imagining that unanimity would be restored among the bishops if Athanasius
were removed, exiled him to Treves, in Western Gaul; and thither,
therefore, he was conducted.
CHAP. XXIX. -- ALEXANDER, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE; HIS REFUSAL TO RECEIVE
ARIUS INTO COMMUNION; ARIUS IS BURST ASUNDER WHILE SEEKING NATURAL RELIEF.
AFTER the Synod of Jerusalem, Arius went to Egypt, (1) but as he could
not obtain permission to hold communion with the Church of Alexandria, he
returned to Constantinople. As all those who had embraced his sentiments,
and those who were attached to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, had assembled
cunningly in that city for the purpose of holding a council, Alexander, who
was then ordering the see of Constantinople, used every effort to dissolve
the council. But as his endeavors were frustrated, he openly refused all
covenant with Arius, affirming that it was neither just nor according to
ecclesiastical canons, to make powerless their own vote, and that of those
bishops who had been assembled at Nicaea, from nearly every region under
the sun. When the partisans of Eusebius perceived that their arguments
produced no effect on Alexander, they had recourse to contumely, and
threatened that unless he would receive Arius into communion on a stated
day, he should be expelled from the church, and that another should be
elected in his place who would be willing to hold communion with Arius.
They then separated, the partisans of Eusebius, to await the time they had
fixed for carrying their menaces into execution, and Alexander to pray that
the words of Eusebius might be prevented from being carried into deed. His
chief source of fear arose from the fact that the emperor had been
persuaded to give way. On the day before the appointed day he prostrated
himself before the altar, and continued all the night in prayer to God,
that his enemies might be prevented from carrying their schemes into
execution against him. Late in the afternoon, Arius, being seized suddenly
with pain in the stomach, was compelled to repair to the public place set
apart for emergencies of this nature. As some time passed away without his
coming out, some persons, who were waiting for him outside, entered, and
found him dead and still sitting upon the seat. When his death became
known, all people did not view the occurrence under the same aspect. Some
believed that he died at that very hour, seized by a sudden disease of the
heart, or suffering weakness from his joy over the fact that his matters
were falling out according to his mind; others imagined that this mode of
death was inflicted on him in judgment, on account of his impiety. Those
who held his sentiments were of opinion that his death was brought about by
magical arts. It will not be out of place to quote what Athanasius, bishop
of Alexandria, stated on the subject. The following is his narrative:--
CHAP. XXX. -- ACCOUNT GIVEN BY THE GREAT ATHANASIUS OF THE DEATH OF ARIUS.
"ARIUS, (2) the author of the heresy and the associate of Eusebius,
having been summoned before the most blessed Constantine Augustus, at the
solicitation of the partisans of Eusebius, was desired to give in writing
an exposition of his faith. He drew up this document with great artfulness,
and like the devil, concealed his Impious assertions beneath the simple
words of Scripture. The most blessed Constantine said to him, 'If you have
no other points in mind than these, render testimony to the truth; for if
you perjure yourself, the Lord will punish you'; and the wretched man swore
that he neither held nor conceived any sentiments except those now
specified in the document, even if he had ever affirmed otherwise; soon
after he went out, and judgment was visited upon him; for he bent forwards
and burst in the middle, With all men the common end of life is death. We
must not blame a man, even if he be an enemy, merely because he died, for
it is uncertain whether we shall live to the evening. But the end of Arius
was so singular that it seems worthy of some remark. The partisans of
Eusebius threatened to reinstate him in the church, and Alexander, bishop
of Constantinople, opposed their intention; Arius placed his confidence in
the power and menaces of Eusebius; for it was the Sabbath, and he expected
the next day to be readmitted. The dispute ran high; the partisans of
Eusebius were loud in their menaces, while Alexander had recourse to
prayer. The Lord was the judge, and declared himself against the unjust. A
little before sunset Arius was compelled by a want of nature to enter the
place appointed for such emergencies, and here he lost at once both
restoration to communion and his life. The most blessed Constantine was
amazed when he heard of this occurrence, and regarded it as the proof of
perjury. It then became evident to every one that the menaces of Eusebius
were absolutely futile, and that the expectations of Arius were vain. It
also became manifest that the Arian madness could not be fellowshipped by
the Saviour both here and in the church of the Firstborn. Is it not then
astonishing that some are still found who seek to exculpate him whom the
Lord condemned, and to defend that heresy which the Lord proved to be
unworthy of fellowship, by not permitting its author to enter the church?
We have been duly informed that this was the mode of the death of Arius."
It is said that for a long period subsequently no one would make use of the
seat on which he died. Those who were compelled by necessities of nature,
as is wont to be the case in a crowd, to visit the public place, when they
entered, spoke to one another to avoid the seat, and the place was shunned
afterwards, because Arius had there received the punishment of his impiety.
At a later time a certain rich and powerful man, who had embraced the Arian
tenets, bought the place of the public, and built a house on the spot, in
order that the occurrence might fall into oblivion, and that there might be
no perpetual memorial of the death of Arius.
CHAP. XXXI. -- EVENTS WHICH OCCURRED IN ALEXANDRIA AFTER THE DEATH OF
ARIUS. LETTER OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT TO THE CHURCH THERE.
THE death of Arius did not terminate the doctrinal dispute which he had
originated. (1) Those who adhered to his sentiments did not cease from
plotting against those who maintained opposite opinions. The people of
Alexandria loudly complained of the exile of Athanasius, and offered up
supplications for his return; and Antony, the celebrated monk, wrote
frequently to the emperor to entreat him to attach no credit to the
insinuations of the Melitians, but to reject their accusations as
calumnies; yet the emperor was not convinced by these arguments, and wrote
to the Alexandrians, accusing them of folly and of disorderly conduct. He
commanded the clergy and the holy virgins to remain quiet, and declared
that he would not change his mind nor recall Athanasius, whom, he said, he
regarded as an exciter of sedition, justly condemned by the judgment of the
Church. He replied to Antony, by stating that he ought not to overlook the
decree of the Synod; for even if some few of the bishops, he said, were
actuated by ill-will or the desire to oblige others, it scarcely seems
credible that so many prudent and excellent bishops could have been
impelled by such motives; and, he added, that Athanasius was contumelious
and arrogant, and the cause of dissension and sedition. The enemies of
Athanasius accused him the more especially of these crimes, because they
knew that the emperor regarded them with peculiar aversion. When he heard
that the Church was split into two factions, of which one supported
Athanasius and the other John, he was transported with indignation, and
exiled John himself. This John had succeeded Melitius, and had, with those
who held the same sentiments as himself, been restored to communion and re-
established in the clerical functions by the Synod of Tyre. His banishment
was contrary to the wishes of the enemies of Athanasius, yet it was done,
and the decrees of the Synod of Tyre did not benefit John, for the emperor
was beyond supplication or petition of any kind with respect to any one who
was suspected of stirring up Christian people to sedition or dissension.
CHAP. XXXII. -- CONSTANTINE ENACTS A LAW AGAINST ALL HERESIES, AND
PROHIBITS THE PEOPLE FROM HOLDING CHURCH IN ANY PLACE BUT THE CATHOLIC
CHURCH, AND THUS THE GREATER NUMBER OF HERESIES DISAPPEAR. THE ARIANS WHO
SIDED WITH EUSEBIUS OF NICOMEDIA, ARTFULLY ATTEMPTED TO OBLITERATE THE TERM
"CONSUBSTANTIAL."
ALTHOUGH the doctrine of Arius was zealously supported by many persons
in disputations, (2) a party had not as yet been formed to whom the name of
Arians could be applied as a distinctive appellation; for all assembled
together as a church and held communion with each other, with the exception
of the Novatians, those called Phrygians, the Valentinians, the
Marcionites, the Paulianians, and some few others who adhered to already
invented heresies. The emperor, however, enacted a law that their own
houses of prayer should be abolished; and that they should meet in the
churches, and not hold church in private houses, or in public places. He
deemed it better to hold fellowship in the Catholic Church, and he advised
them to assemble in her walls. By means of this law, almost all the
heresies, I believe, disappeared. During the reign of preceding emperors,
all who worshiped Christ, however they might have differed from each other
in opinion, received the same treatment from the pagans, and were
persecuted with equal cruelty. These common calamities, to which they were
all equally liable, prevented them from prosecuting any close inquiries as
to the differences of opinion which existed among themselves; it was
therefore easy for the members of each party to hold church by themselves,
and by continually conferring with one another, however few they might have
been in number, they were not disrupted. But after this law was passed they
could not assemble in public, because it was forbidden; nor could they hold
their assemblies in secret, for they were watched by the bishops and clergy
of their city. Hence the greater number of these sectarians were led, by
fear of consequences, to join themselves to the Catholic Church. Those who
adhered to their original sentiments did not, at their death, leave any
disciples to propagate their heresy, for they could neither come together
into the same place, nor were they able to teach in security those of the
same opinions. On account either of the absurdity of the heretical dogmas,
or of the utter ignorance of those who devised and taught them, the
respective followers of each heresy were, from the beginning, very few in
number. The Novatians alone, (1) who had obtained good leaders, and who
entertained the same opinions respecting the Divinity as the Catholic
Church, were numerous, from the beginning, and remained so, not being much
injured by this law; the emperor, I believe, willingly relaxed in their
favor the rigor of the enactment, for he only desired to strike terror into
the minds of his subjects, and had no intention of persecuting them.
Acesius, who was then the bishop of this heresy in Constantinople, was much
esteemed by the emperor on account of his virtuous life; and it is probable
that it was for his sake that the church which he governed met with
protection. The Phrygians suffered the same treatment as the other heretics
in all the Roman provinces except Phrygia and the neighboring regions, for
here they had, since the time of Montanus, existed in great numbers and do
so to the present day.
About this time the partisans of Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and of
Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, began to make innovations in writing upon the
confession set forth by the Nicaean Council. They did not venture to reject
openly the assertion that the Son is consubstantial with the Father,
because this assertion was maintained by the emperor; but they propounded
another document, and signified to the Eastern bishops that they received
the terms of the Nicaean doctrine with verbal interpretations. From this
declaration and reflection, the former dispute lapsed into fresh
discussion, and what seemed to have been put at rest was again set in
motion.
CHAP. XXXIII. -- MARCELLUS BISHOP OF ANCYRA; HIS HERESY AND DEPOSITION.
AT the same period, Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, (2) in Galatia, was
deposed and cast out of the Church by the bishops assembled at
Constantinople, because he had introduced some new doctrines, whereby he
taught that the existence of the Son of God commenced when He was born of
Mary, and that His kingdom would have an end; he had, moreover, drawn up a
written document wherein these views were pro-pounded. Basil, a man of
great eloquence and learning, was invested with the bishopric of the parish
of Galatia. They also wrote to the churches in the neighboring regions, to
desire them to search for the copies of the book (3) written by Marcellus,
and to destroy them, and to lead back any whom they might find to have
embraced his sentiments. They stated that the work was too voluminous to
admit of their transcribing the whole in their epistle, but that they
inserted quotations of certain passages in order to prove that the
doctrines which they had condemned were there advocated. Some persons,
however, maintained that Marcellus had merely propounded a few questions
which had been misconstrued by the adherents of Eusebius, and represented
to the emperor as actual confessions. Eusebius and his partisans were much
irritated against Marcellus, because he had not consented to the
definitions propounded by the Synod in Phoenicia, nor to the regulations
which had been made in favor of Arius at Jerusalem; and had likewise
refused to attend at the consecration of the Great Martyrium, in order to
avoid communion with them. In their letter to the emperor, they dwelt
largely upon this latter circumstance, and brought it forward as a charge,
alleging that it was a personal in-suit to him to refuse attendance at the
consecration of the temple which he had constructed at Jerusalem. The
motive by which Marcellus was induced to write this work was that Asterius,
who was a sophist and a native of Cappadocia, had written a treatise in
defense of the Arian doctrines, and had read it in various cities, and to
the bishops, and likewise at several Synods where he had attended.
Marcellus undertook to refute his arguments, and while thus engaged, he,
either deliberately or unintentionally, fell into the opinions of Paul of
Samosata. He was afterwards, however, reinstated in his bishopric by the
Synod of Sardis, after having proved that he did not hold such sentiments.
CHAP. XXXIV. -- DEATH OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT; HE DIED AFTER BAPTISM AND
WAS BURIED IN THE TEMPLE OF THE HOLY APOSTLES.
THE emperor had already divided the empire among his sons, who were
styled Caesars. (1) To Constantine and Constans he awarded the western
regions; and to Constantius, the eastern; and as he was indisposed, and
required to have recourse to bathing, he repaired for that purpose to
Helenopolis, a city of Bithynia. His malady, however, increased, and he
went to Nicomedia, and was initiated into holy baptism in one of the
suburbs of that city. After the ceremony he was filled with joy, and
returned thanks to God. He then confirmed the division of the empire among
his sons, according to his former allotment, and bestowed certain
privileges on old Rome and on the city named after himself. He placed his
testament in the hands of the presbyter who constantly extolled Arius, and
who had been recommended to him as a man of virtuous life by his sister
Constantia in her last moments, and commanded him with an added oath to
deliver it to Constantius on his return, for neither Constantius nor the
other Caesars were with their dying father. After making these
arrangements, Constantine survived but a few days; be died in the sixty-
fifth year of his age, and the thirty-first of his reign. He was a powerful
protector of the Christian religion, and was the first of the emperors who
began to be zealous for the Church, and to bestow upon her high
benefactions. He was more successful than any other sovereign in all his
undertakings; for he formed no design, I am convinced, without God. He was
victorious in his wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, and, indeed, in
all his military enterprises; and he changed the form of government
according to his own mind with so much ease, that he created another senate
and another imperial city, to which he gave his own name. He assailed the
pagan religion, and in a little while subverted it, although it had
prevailed for ages among the princes and the people.
After the death of Constantine, his body was placed in a golden coffin,
conveyed to Constantinople, and deposited on a certain platform in the
palace; the same honor and ceremonial were observed, by those who were in
the palace, as were accorded to him while living. On hearing of his
father's death, Constantius, who was then in the East, hastened to
Constantinople, and interred the royal remains with the utmost
magnificence, and deposited them in the tomb which had been constructed by
order of the deceased in the Church of the Apostles. From this period it
became the custom to deposit the remains of subsequent Christian emperors
in the same place of interment; and here bishops, likewise, were buried,
for the hierarchical dignity is not only equal in honor to imperial power,
but, in sacred places, even takes the ascendancy.
Taken from "The Early Church Fathers and Other Works" originally published
by Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. in English in Edinburgh, Scotland, beginning in
1867. (LNPF II/II, Schaff and Wace). The digital version is by The
Electronic
Bible Society, P.O. Box 701356, Dallas, TX 75370, 214-407-WORD.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
The electronic form of this document is copyrighted.
Copyright (c) Eternal Word Television Network 1996.
Provided courtesy of:
EWTN On-Line Services
PO Box 3610
Manassas, VA 20108
Voice: 703-791-2576
Fax: 703-791-4250
Data: 703-791-4336
FTP: ftp.ewtn.com
Telnet: ewtn.com
WWW: http://www.ewtn.com.
Email address: sysop@ewtn.com
-------------------------------------------------------------------