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Myths about Roma education are widely used in the academia produced by governmental and non-governmental agencies. One of them says “Roma parents frequently do not regard education as necessary and do not encourage their children to stay in school” (Friedrich Ebert Schtiftung, 2002, 19) such statements are very dangerous because they produce different stereotypes and prejudices, which very often result in the exclusion of a particular group. Nevertheless, the socio-economic situation of Roma also plays a significant role in this process. Combined all of the above mention dimensions produce exclusion and xenophobia of Roma minority. However, one of the major problem that Roma minority face is the school segregation. In the latest Human Right Report by United States Department for Hungary it is stated:

“Segregation of Romani schoolchildren remained a problem. NGOs and government officials estimated that one-third of Romani children were educated in segregated classes and that school officials placed 20 percent, without justification, in remedial classes for children with mental disabilities, effectively segregating them from other students. Schools with a majority of Romani students employed simplified teaching curricula, were generally less well equipped, and were in significantly worse physical condition than those with non-Romani majorities” (Human Rights Report 2013, 1)

Reports such this from the United States Department, just confirms the assumption that Roma children are exposed to study in segregated schools without any justification, the number of 20% is frightening. On January 29th, 2013 the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled that European governments must end segregation and discrimination against Roma children in schools. In the case of Horvath and Kiss v. Hungary, the Court found that Hungary had violated the European Convention on Human Rights by segregating Romani children in a special school – following a legal struggle that began in 2006. The Court noted that Roma children had been over-represented in the past in special schools due to the systematic misdiagnosis of mental disability. Still is believed that most of the Roma children are placed in the special schools due to their ethnicity and social status.

In our study, we investigate different aspects of school segregation in the special school of Hungary. We decided to explore four questions that we found crucial about the school segregation of Roma in the special schools of Hungary. Our research will contribute to answering the following questions:

How Roma students end up in a school designed for children with special needs?

Does ethnic identification is important for the students?

How the school affects student’s expectations and their motivation for future education?

How the school staff relates to Roma students?

Through our research, this four questions will be analyzed from different phases and topics. In the next part, we will examine past studies of school segregation in order to outline the main mechanisms that lead to school segregation.

Literature Review

According to Vermeulen and Slijper (2000), ethnic identity is understood as a social identity that is characterized by belief in a common culture, shared history, and common ancestors. Devic (2003) believes that ethnic identity is the primary basis for political solidarity recognized at the institutionalizations of all levels of government, and that groupings based on ethnic and cultural lines can create territorial concentrated interest groups. Thus, ethnic community is defined as a population whose members have a feeling of belonging, share common ancestors and a common cultural heritage or traditions, and is recognized by others as such.

Ljatif Demir (2002) claim language, religion, myths and music represent a significant future of the Roma culture, they have been subjected to constant change under the influence of the dominant culture in the countries that they have passed through or resided in for a longer period of time. Having said that, not just Roma adopted from the dominant culture, but the dominant cultures adopted as well partly from the Roma culture. In the case of the Roma, very often the socio-economic situation is commonly used in the construction of Roma identity. The stigmatization and racialization of the poverty as being part of the Roma identity still holds in the eyes of the majority. As Gans (1995) says, “the undeserving poor can be used to justify attacks on the welfare state” so they become accused of a conflict of politics and ideology. Since 2005 when Roma Decade was adopted and started to be implemented in each of the countries, the discourse of Roma begin changing. The affirmative measures that were aimed to help Roma on one hand improve the situation of Roma, but, on the other hand, after the economic crises in 2008 lead to frustration. Majority started blaming their Governments that “these people” meaning Roma are lazy people who do not want to work and just wants to use the social welfare that the states are providing. Therefore, this causes exclusion of Roma meaning that Roma communities are amongst the most prominent victims of both poverty and xenophobia in Europe.

Peter Vermeersch (2014) claim that with the attention given of the international community for minority questions in CEE, the exclusion and inclusion in domestic politics has become an important factor. Minorities are confronted with a new hierarchy of exclusion as ethnic boundaries become established in everyday understanding and action. In contextualizing Romani exclusion in the overall debate regarding European racism and nationalism, it is useful to refer to Balibar‘s argument that each nation ― through its institutions, constructs a fictive ethnicity that is different from the other ‘on the basis of visible, behavioral or audible characteristics’. National identity is increasingly displaced by fictive ethnicities and racism. Additional security measures and constitutional changes coordinated among European nations create “a new mode of discrimination between the national and the alien” (Balibar 2002). Elena Marushakova and Veselin Popov (2011) come to the conclusion that Roma are a great example of how the nation can exist in two dimensions ethno social and ethnocultural. The nation‘s exclusion of others ‘an individual internalization of the foreigner‘ creates internal and external borders.

The ethnic segregation of Roma in Hungary “sped up” since 1992 (Kezdi 2005). In 2005, the Hungarian government amended its Public Education Act with the aim to encourage integration. The meanwhile Hungarian government enacted requirements that schools integrate, as well as set benchmarks by which to measure integration (Kezdi 2009). According the Roma activists the program of integration was not implemented as it was designed. The first reason was that the educational administration is decentralized, meaning each segregated school among Hungary's 3,000 school districts must be dealt with separately. As a result, national education administrators, scholars, and Roma rights groups have been unable to determine quickly where all of the segregation exists. The second reason the Public Education Act was not successful was the fear of the white flight (Greenberg 2010).

One of the most serious problems that Roma children are facing is that a vast number of them are placed in special schools for children with disabilities. Based on the estimate numbers Roma children are over-represented in such institutions (Surdu 2002). Authorities from ministries of education very often diagnose that Roma children have “learning difficulties” and send them to ‘special’, remedial schools or practical schools (Taba 2012). Therefore, the majority of the Roma parents are not informed about the consequences that their children will face in the future (ERRC 2004). Such segregation dispossesses not only the quality of the education that Roma children receive but also influence their self-esteem and self-dignity (Szalai 2010). However, some parents send their children to “special” schools even though they were aware, the reason this is that the children there has free meals, clothing, and school supplies necessary (Ryder 2014).

The segregation of Roma children in the education later on affect the employment of those children and does not allow to be competent in the labor market. There is no doubt that discrimination of Roma exists in the labor market, which in large part can explain the employment gap between Roma and Non – Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. The study by Kertesi and Kezdi (2011) decompose the employment gap and conclude that discrimination has a significant impact on the explanation of unemployment level among Roma. Even though, these studies confirm that the discrimination in the labor market occurs, in many cases is difficult to determine and hence react in cases where it appears. Nevertheless, these attempts to establish a link between the discrimination and unemployment provide little information on the channels of discrimination in the labor market. However, discrimination of Roma in the labor market contributes to the exclusion and marginalization.

Hypothesis

The research is based on two hypotheses. The first one, assume that most of the students who end up in the special school does not have any disability. Furthermore, they are mostly coming from Roma families living in a bad socio-economic situation. We assume that both genders are equally represented in such schools.

The second hypothesis is related to the effects of segregation. We expect that Roma students are faced with low expectations by the school stuff. Based on the prejudices and stereotypes regarding their ethnicity and socio-economic status of their parents, the school staff has lowered criteria for finishing in special schools. This results in the student’s lowered motivation for further studies and that their future prospects are very limited.

Methodology

Our small study takes the form of qualitative research. Qualitative research is characterized by its aims, which relate to understanding some aspect of social life, and its methods which (in general) generate words, rather than numbers, as data for analysis (Bricky, 2007). We gather primary data from the individual interviews, group discussion, and observation in primary school for children with special needs. The interview differs from the everyday conversation because we were concerned to conduct them in the most rigorous way we can in order to ensure reliability and validity. We used in-depth interviews because this type of interview is used to explore in detail the respondent’s own perceptions and accounts. As well, this method is used on topics for which are little known and where it is important to gain an in-depth understanding from several features. We believe that some sensitive issues can work better with a group if all members of the group share same or similar experience. Also, it can tell more about the social structure of the community in which we will work, and it can provide more in-depth understanding of the context and of how opinions and knowledge are formed in social contexts. Nevertheless, to understand fully the complexities of many situations, direct participation in, and observation of, the phenomenon of interest may be the best research method (Bricky, 2007). We used observation because it is very useful in overcoming discrepancies between what people say and what they actually do. It might help to uncover the behavior of which the participants themselves may not be aware. It was also vital for us in suggesting who might be an appropriate person to conduct the interviews.

In our small research, we focus on the particular school for children with special needs, located in Budapest, Hungary. Due to the anonymity, the name of the school will remain unknown, and names of the people in our study will be replaced with acronyms. First we contacted the headmaster of the school asking for permission if we can visit the school by explaining the purpose of our research. From the headmaster, we received positive answer meaning that we can visit the school. We started with planning our research based on the Kvale’s (1996) seven steps: thematizing, designing, interviewing, transcribing, analyzing, verifying and reporting. Before we visited the school, we developed our research questions, and we listed topics that we will cover in the interviews with the staff member and students. The most important topics that we covered were the following: students experience in the educational institutions, ethnic identity, segregation, the relationships of the students, and their future prospects.

The first step of our research process was observing four classes of the 8th grade. As there was only one class of the 8th grade, we did not have the possibility to visit other classes. We choose to visit the eighth graders because they are the oldest, with the most school experience. In the first four classes, the head teacher held her classes in Hungarian language, mathematics, biology, and physical education. We observed four classes because we believe we can get more insights into the relations among the students alone and the relations with the head teacher. Furthermore, we observed the physical condition of the classroom where the children spend most of their time. The students were sitting in three rows. It can be concluded that the classroom was well-equipped with a computer, LCD projector, and it was clean. In the first class, we gave to the children consent forms that were signed by a majority of the parents. The signed consent was given back to their head teacher.

We conducted an interview with one Roma student and one non-Roma student, the head teacher, and the headmaster. The group discussion was composed by five students, four Roma students, and one non-Roma student. The individual interview consisted around thirty questions while the group discussion was narrowed down and consisted of seven question. Each of the interviews was between 50 to 70 minutes. The first interview was with the head teacher on the same day after the observation of the classes. The interview was held in a small room within the school. The head-teacher was a young, talkative woman who has started her career in the same school. We asked all respondents for their permission to record the interview after they introduced themselves.

In the second meeting that we have already arranged with the head teacher, we started with the group discussion. Our first plan was changed because the girls whom we wanted in the group discussion did not receive permission from their parents. However, we composed the group with four Roma boys and one non-Roma boy. We brought some snacks and drinks, and we arranged the tables in the classroom in a circle. We started with a small quiz about Macedonia in order to make them relaxed, the atmosphere during the whole interview was cozy. After the group discussion the non-Roma student, approached us asking if he can talk alone with us because he did not felt comfortable to talk a lot in the group discussion. We decided that he could talk with us after we discussed it with the head teacher. The head teacher helped us with finding a room where we can conduct the individual interviews. The first individual interview was conducted with the Roma boy, who did not participate in the group discussion and the second was with the non-Roma. Both of the interviews went well in a good atmosphere where the students talked openly about themselves. After the individual interview, we have arranged the interview with the headmaster who because of her duties was postponing several times the interview. Finally, we conducted the interview with her in her office, she was willing to answer all of our questions, but she seemed quite tense during the whole discussion. Due to participant anonymity, transcripts are unavailable. Please contact Romalitico for further details

Results

We grouped our main findings under the following four main categories: enrollment, identification, socio-economic background and future prospects. At all parts, we are going to differentiate between the accounts of the school staff and the pupils. Even though initially we wanted to introduce the category of social networks as well, due to the fact that it seemed to play an important role in all the above-mentioned topics, we do not analyze its effect separately here.

Enrollment

The official process of enrollment in schools for children with special needs is that the kindergarten teachers advise the parents to take the child to an expert. These children are either having some kind of disability or behavioral problems. The expert tests their capabilities, and if it seems reasonable, he suggests them to go to special schools. However as we have learned from the interviews with the school staff (the headmaster and the head teacher), in the last decade it became more common that children with learning difficulties start their education in normal schools, due to the integration strategy applied by the government in 2006. Schools receive their financing partly after the amount of disabled children they enroll. Consequently the student body in special schools decreased. However there is a strong tendency for students participating in integrated education, to apply to this school when they cannot meet the requirements in those institutions.

"Since 2006, there is a new system, schools are partly financed by a number of students and a certain amount of places have to be filled in with disabled pupils, in order to get the money. And what can schools do? But please do not tell me that they can receive similar care in those institutions because I will not believe it.(…) In the integrated school children are lagging behind. Therefore many of them are enrolled in our school during the school year." (Headmaster)

"I think many who go to normal schools would belong here. They will be seated at the back of the classroom, they are lagging behind, accumulating huge disadvantages, and they get here int he 5th-6th grade, and they do not know how to write, read and count. We could give them a better basis. But there are student who only get here at the 8th grade" (Headteacher)

Based on the example of the 8th grade, we could see the following mechanism to unfold. There were no students in the class who has begun their education there in first grade (there was one student, who started at this school but at a different year). Most of the students came after 4th grade. Even though formally experts suggested them to enroll here, the main reasons for them to come here were either familiarity with the institution or behavioral problems. Three of the students mentioned that they came here because they have relatives learning here. While the rest were arguing that the reason for changing schools is that they were receiving very bad grades.

"When I was attending school at Kispest, there was a large class, there were almost 30 students. Well, I was bad. I did not attend classes; we were hanging out in the toilet. I had to sit at the back all the time. But I had good memories as well. I only had to leave because I was not so good, I was always the weird there." (Ba)

"I originally wanted to go to the Lakatos Menyhért, but then mom said that my brothers are here and that I should come here as well. And then she brought me to an expert, and that’s how I got here." (Ch)

There is a great fluctuation in the classes. Students who started their education in this class either dropped out for family reasons from education or they left the school because their family moved to the countryside. When students are changing schools, the direction is either from normal to special or from special to special. The head master’s explanation for this phenomenon was that disability is a given, it will not change in time. Therefore it is very rare that they let children go back to normal education. At the same interview, she acknowledged that the learning difficulties of most students in this school are not attributable to having disabilities but to their social disadvantages. This ‘double dialog’ signifies very well the ambivalent attitude of the school staff towards the students. There are also some children who had to repeat a year; however, class repetition is very rare in the school based on the school staff’s account.

"Well, there is no class repetition in this school, or it should have some very concrete reason. If someone is very much lagging behind, we suggest it, but mostly at lower grades. If they need more time to learn basic skills or for reasons like this. The other problem, and it is good that you are asking, as I have forgotten to tell, is missing from school. 250 hours is the maximum missing rate, and if someone is missing more than they have to repeat the class. There are two students in our class J and M. I asked J’s mother not to do it again...I do not think that a children aged 15 would get ill so often, but whatever...So what we do in most of the cases that they have to take an exam, and if the pass (they do most of the time) then they can continue." (Headteacher)

As most of the students attended normal schools as well, we asked them to compare their experiences with the two institutions. Most of them had very strict teachers and were subjected to physical assaults by their teachers in the former school. They emphasized that in this school teachers are more patient and are paying more attention to them.

They also addressed the question of the amount of learning. It was mentioned that in the normal school they had to learn more; that classes were larger and one student mentioned that prospects for further education were better as well.

Ch: Are you guys working for a company?

S: No, we go to college.

Ba: Is that hard?

S: Yes it is.

Ba: I guess you did not come from a school like this?

Identification

The headmaster explained that the gender distribution of the students in the school was rather imbalanced. There are three times as many boys than girls. Besides gender, the ethnic composition of the students is rather imbalanced as well. Around 70% of the pupils are Roma. It is in part the consequence of residential segregation; the school is located in a district that is largely populated by Roma people. However, as most of the students are not disabled, the very high amount of Roma students in the school signifies the revival of the old habit of normal schools. To get rid of the Roma pupils, they send them to special schools. When we asked the headmaster whether anyone either from inside or from outside of the school had accused the institution of segregating Roma pupils, she harshly rejected the idea. As it was mentioned in an earlier section, the school staff applies a ‘double dialog’ when describing their institution. They talk about how the school should function in theory, and they also address how it functions in reality, but they avoid to see the discrepancies between the two by not connecting them when describing the school. However, there are initiatives to address the particular situation. For several years, there is a Roma history class, where students can practice the Romani language, learn about the history of Roma and play traditional Roma music. Recently the new headmaster tries to involve the Roma parents more in school life. Therefore she organized a Roma cultural day when parents are cooking traditional Roma meals. However, turn up rates are not very high yet.

"We try to invite them and include them in the teaching process, but they are not very willing to join. They have this fear from school because most of their school-related experience is when teachers ask them to come to school because they want to discipline them about their children. It is very hard to change their attitude. That we do not want to discipline them, but to handle them as partners. They are not used to it." (Headmaster)

"There is this Roma folk history class (...)This class helps them to reevaluate this word, to teach them that the Roma culture is a culture just as the Hungarian one, it is a separate ‘race’, and people who belong to this group are completely normal, they have a culture. The fact that they were traveling all the time is a different question, it does not mean that you have to behave in a certain way...So they are not aware of it. There are very few families holding up to Roma traditions. Mourning is quite prevalent, but I am not sure whether they now why they do it." (Headteacher)

Except for one, all students were Roma in the 8th grade. Most of them only have one Roma parent. When we were inquiring about their Roma identity, they entered into a discussion with each other concerning the various Roma subgroups in Hungary and language use. It turned out that most of them know some words or can even speak Romanes, their grandparents, sometimes the parents as well speak the language, but they rarely use it.

Ba: No, Romungros are not only half Roma, but they do not speak Romanes, that's what makes them Romungro.

Ch: Yes, the Hungarian Roma, we do not speak the language.

Ba: For instance, I only use the language when I am with people who use it. Or if they invite me to a wedding and Vlach Roma are organizing these weddings.

D: Why are you not attending Roma history class and why do you not want to learn Romanes?

M: Because I do not want to. I know some, I know bits, but I do not like it that much. I would rather learn German or French.

In terms of ethnic identification, they all regard themselves as Roma. However neither of them were referring to special traditions of culture connected to their ethnic identity. The only topic that came up was differentiation and prejudice. Two of them said that in general there is no difference between Roma and non-Roma. However there are people on the outside who are very keen on differentiating the two. The good-Roma, bad-Roma paradigm appeared in the discussions as well. Two of them mentioned that there are Roma, who is responsible for these outside prejudices and that their actions make the situation of all Roma even worse.

S: If an alien would come and asks you what does it mean to be a Roma what would you say?

Ch: well, I do not know, I am not responsible for being a Roma

Jo: I do not have any comment to add to this.

Roma or Hungarian, it is the same for me, they are not different, the problem is that there are people who really tries to make a difference between them. That if they are Roma then they are bad and dirty, they speak dirty. But partly I understand them because there are few people on the streets, that are Roma as well and they are cursing all the time, spitting all over the place, the offend people. And then no one takes a look at the other side, that there are Roma, who lives well and do not behave like this. (Ba)

Concerning prejudice, we did not experience overtly prejudiced behavior or remarks by the school staff. The head teacher told us that it was hard for her as a young, non-Roma women to gain respect in the class. She told us that in the beginning, children were very offensive with her and did not admit her authority. She was even accused by the students of positively discriminating their non-Roma classmate. However, this topic did not come up in our interview. Only one of the students mentioned that he has experienced bad treatment in his former school because of his ethnicity.

"They recognized that I act differently with D. I have explained them many times that my behavior is different with him because he is an autist, and there are things that I should do differently with him. (...), but still they tell me often that I do this because they are Roma. D. do not tease them; he only does it when he is angry. Then he can say quite awful things. He has had enough of it I think. They behave very differently than D.. D. has values and norms.(...) But mostly this ethnic difference does not come up, the fact that they are Roma and D. and me, we are Hungarians, I am mostly tolerant with them. I like them the way they are; I told them many times, we settled with this. Sometimes they still say that it is just because I am Roma, but then I tell them it is not. I couldn’t be like that, I would not be working here if I was like that…" (Headteacher)

Socio-Economic Situation

Most of the students are living in the close proximity of the school which is a poor, ghettoized neighborhood. Their families are disrupted, most of the parents are divorced and students rarely keep in touch with the parent they do not live with. Most of them have more than 3 siblings. Based on the head teacher’s account and the group discussion, the students are moving very often. They mainly stay in the same district but due to their difficult housing situation families often need to move out from their flats, or children move to the homes of their relatives (in general to their grandparent’s or their sibling’s place).

"I think his mother did not care too much for him, so this is why his brother took M. with him to Budapest. (...) B. lives under very normal conditions. His father is a security guard. It is very visible on their clothing and equipment. If I ask for a bus ticket, because we would like to travel somewhere, or who has some extra pocket money to buy things during the day. You can see from all these to whom is this problematic and to whom it’s not. But just by looking at them you can judge who is…I live under terrific conditions. She went to shoot at Erk, in Heves County. Then they moved here, and I do not know how many addresses they had since then. Also now they are living in a flat under quite unsettled circumstances, I have no idea how they got the apartment. She has many sisters. She is living with her father."

Their parents are either working in low paid jobs such as shop assistants or security guards or not working anymore due to their health conditions. The topic of the health conditions in the family appeared in our discussions several times. People aged 50 or more are generally considered to be very old and having grave health problems. There was one boy whose parents were in jail therefore he was staying at a childcare institution. The head teacher told us, that prison is an everyday experience for most of the children she is teaching in this school, as many of their relatives are imprisoned they often spend their free time in jail to visit their family.

S: And what do they do for a living?

M: Huu, I do not know, what they do now. My father just had a stroke; he is 52. I do not know what is going on with him now; I talked to him few weeks ago. He told me that he would like to see me. He has a paralyzed arm since then.

S: I see, it could be very hard to continue working this way...And your mom?

M: My mom is also sick, she has a hernia. She works, but I have no idea where exactly.

My dad used to work in the mine and later as a dustman. And he had horses that were the meaning of his life. He was continuously taking care of them; he was a blacksmith. His brothers are involved in it as well; they love to take care of their horses.

Expectations, future plans

All of the students are planning to continue their studies after finishing the 8th grade. As they can only apply to specific technical/vocational schools. It not only decrease a number of training options but restricts them to continue their education in secondary grammar school and to attain a state level exam. Another structural disadvantage they are facing stems from the lowering of the age limit of compulsory education to the age of 16. Based on our findings, the average age to finish this school is 15-16, being overage is a general phenomenon here as many children had to repeat at least one year in either their formal institution or here. Even though the school staff invested energy in helping the students with their applications, they seem to favor certain professions over others, which resulted in most of the students choosing the same training program. The headmaster also mentioned that dropout rates are very high on the secondary level, therefore from next year the school will participate in a follow-up program, which means that they will keep in touch with their former students.

"Their relation to the school is very ambivalent now. They would like to leave already, but at the same time they are very afraid of leaving this school. I was more supportive and interested in their future studies than their parents which are very telling I think. Most of the parents do not even have 8 grades, so there is nothing to talk about. But I hope it will work out well. Now that we have this TÁMOP project where we start to familiarize with the schools even in the 7th grade, and we will follow up their studies even after they are finished here. For one or two years. It means that if they tell us how the new school is we will administer this information. I hope this will be something they can grab onto." (Headteacher)

Most of the students will go to the same vocational school to a cook training. Many of them mentioned that they know people going to the Uj-Budai school, and that is why they choose it. None of them was especially interested in the cooking training. Most of them had very clear preferences. However they could not explain how come they could not go along with their preferred programs. There is no possibility in this school to attain a state level exam based on the head teacher’s account, however when we talked to students they were unconvinced and some of them even though they will have the possibility to do it.

Ba: I submitted two application forms, one to the Uj-Budai, and the other to school in the countryside. I would do the bricklayer profession in the latter. I only choose it because there was no other option, I did not find anything that would suit me.

S: What would suited you?

Ba: For example to become a musician, or a physical education teacher.

(...)

S: And were you considering to go to a sports training?

Ba: Well we will see, I don’t know it yet, someday I may go.

Jo: (...) if I finish the cooking training, then I would like to learn informatics. And I may attain a state level exam. I’ll try all I can.

S: Is it possible to attain a state- level exam at Uj-Budai?

Jo: At informatics yes, but it is very hard

S: And how could you get in? Why didn’t you apply there in the first place?

Jo: Because I cannot sit in front of the computer for hours. I will start go around and get very impatient after two hours. But I wanted to become information, because I can handle computers well. It interests me more than the cooking training.

Their plans for after finishing secondary education was very vague. Some of them were considering to attain another training program that would suit them better. They emphasized very much the importance to finish secondary education because they will not be able to find work without it, however attaining a state level exam did not seem to be very important for them. Interestingly almost all of them were considering to learn English or German and to go abroad to work. Except for one student, all of them have relatives living abroad, or relatives who have already been abroad and offered their help to them. Young male relatives with a family and a stable work were most often cited as role models.

S: And would you like to continue as a chief later on?

Ch: Of course. I will learn English and I will go abroad.

S: Where?

Ch: To Germany or to France.

S: Do you have relatives somewhere, who could help you if you will go abroad?

Ch: Not really. But I will do it alone, I do not need help.

Jo (...) There is a cook in the family, my godfather, and he told me that he would take me to England and everywhere if I become a cook.

S: Has he been to England?

Jo: Yes he did, once.

S: But you will try to get a state level exam as well?

Jo: I would try it all, if it does not work out I will just leave. But I have to finish the professional training that is for sure.

Conclusion

Based on our results both of our hypotheses gained verification partly. Concerning our first hypothesis, we found that ⅞ of students enrolled in the 8th grade were coming from a Romani origin. Only 25% of the students had disabilities in effect; the rest were enrolled in the school because their low achievement or behavioral problems. Most of the student were coming from very poor families. An interesting finding of our research, however, is the imbalanced effect on this kind of segregation on Roma girls. Around 70% of the pupils in the school as well as in the 8th grade were boys. Within the confines of this research, we couldn’t find out the reasons for this imbalanced gender distribution, but it would be an interesting topic for future inquiries.

Our second hypothesis was also partly reified by our results. Even though the expectations held by the school stuff are lower than in normal schools, and it is perceived by the students as well, the staff seems to care about these children, the atmosphere in the school is rather positive. However, the lowered expectations did result in the loss of motivation of students to enter secondary education according their personal interests. Their main aim is to get a profession in basically anything and enter the labour market as soon as possible. The fact that they consider to learn foreign languages and migrate to western countries might signify a positive trend, that despite their predominantly negative experiences, they believe in that they can attain some control over their life.

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Vermeersch, P. (2012). “Reframing the Roma: EU initiatives and the politics of reinterpretation.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

Vermeulen, H. and Slijper, B. (2000). Multiculturalism and culturalism: a social scientific critique of the political philosophy of multiculturalism.

Different theories argue that the notion of “religion” is not a cultural universal but rather developed under specific historical and political conditions. “Religion”, they say, is a social construction. Recently, during my work stay in Spain, in a Catholic –majority county, most of the Spanish Roma were discussing the role of the religion in their families or communities. Usually the first question was “How many times do you visit a Culto?” (An evangelic church which in the last decades is growing up among Spanish Roma), implying that I, as a Romani woman automatically should visit a Roma church. The negative surprise came when actually I answered that I do not go to the Culto, “I am a Romani Muslim woman”, I said. Frozen face expression! “That’s a problem”, one of them said. I was struggling with my thoughts and efforts to understand why for Roma that live in Spain is unknown the existence of Roma Muslim, until I understood that the identity, including the Roma identity, particularly the gender and religion construction is based on the created Western narratives about which religion “should be practiced” or which one is “better”, or what means to be a “real woman”. Although Dubuisson respects the study of beliefs and belief-systems as legitimate, he argues that the word “religion” is too tense with ideology and too Western in its associated meaning to be useful.

As a Romani Muslim woman and a feminist, in this paper I discuss the urgent need of addressing the intersectional experience of Romani women for being Roma, women and for practicing different religion than the dominated one, their experience inside and outside Romani and non-Romani communities. I also look upon Western construction of narratives about “saving oppressed” Muslim women and how actually those narratives not only have consequences on accepting the diversity with-in the Roma communities, but also increase the multiplied discrimination faced by Romani Muslim women. In other words, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Romani women are subordinated. As follows, in this paper, I also present literature opinions that establish the adjustment of broadly accepted understandings of the above mentioned concepts.

The lack of intersectional approach while addressing Romani women’s experience

Despite the recent movement of scholarship on intersectionality, as well as a flow in feminist scholarship on Islam in feminist studies, feminist research has yet to adequately engage with the role of religion in intersectionality, which entails attention to Romani women, theorizing in feminisms, recognition of ways in which religions have been racialized, and recognition of sentimental attachment to faith. This paper claims that there should be initiatives that will include the more inclusive notion of intersectional discrimination when planning interventions redress the disadvantages of Romani women.

Kimberle Crenshaw (2000) has argued that intersectional subordination is mainly unseen for women who experience numerous forms of discrimination, and it is inadequately addressed, imagining intersectionality as a critical interference into traditional “identity politics” (1994: 179). McCall (2005) suggests that intersectionality means “the relationships among multiplied dimensions and modalities of social relations and subject formations” (p.171). Even though in theoretical terms, it appears that intersectionality offers unlimited chances to the specificities of and diversity among Romani women and consideration of ways to act in contradiction of the complex inequalities they face, however, this paper learns that, regardless of the theoretical arguments, in research on Roma and Romani women, intersectionality has been used only limitedly (Kocze, 2011). In other words, researchers, academics, feminists, policy-makers sometimes have looked at intersections of gender and race, unemployment and gender, or gender and poverty, but almost never looked at gender and religion at once among Roma population living in Europe.

Roma Muslims

In Republic of Macedonia where the majority of Roma are Muslim, it is thought that there Roma have conserved most of the identity elements. The existence of Roma Muslim communities in the Balkans is quite frequent, in some countries Roma are also called as Turkish Roma, or Xoroxane/Xoraxane Roma (Council of Europe, Factsheet on Roma). The history of Muslim Roma in the Balkans is quite long and detailed, however, I will not stress it in this analyse since the focuses of this paper is on the lack of intersectionality when discussing Roma and Romani women’s experience and Western created narratives and perceptions about Muslim religion.The first arrival of the Roma Muslims in the Balkans is linked to the Ottoman conquest and the Establishment of the Ottoman Empire during 14th and 15th century (Council of Europe, Factsheets on Roma). Some of them were directly taking part in auxiliary army units or as craftsmen serving the army. Nowadays, major cultural minorities of Muslim Roma are found in Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Croatia , Southern Russia - the Caucasus, Greece (a small part of Muslim Roma focused in Thrace), Egypt, Kosovo, Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania (a very small Muslim Romani group exist in the Dobruja region of Romania). Because of the kin ease of migration in modern times, Muslim Roma could be found in other parts as well. Recently, I’ve read a report named What Europe thinks of Muslims, Jews and Roma published in Washingtonpost.com, 2014, in which there were number of interesting points, some sections showed the diverse negative views about Muslims, Jews and Roma, in the regions, however, the mostly negative views in Europe were towards Roma people (see the chart on the left side below).

After careful examination of these charts, could we suppose that the percentages presented in these charts both for Roma and Muslim people would be higher if the research questions were about Roma Muslims? In fact yes, if we just take into consideration the mistaken understandings about gender, the latest happenings with Muslims in Europe and the everyday hate speech against Roma, especially Romani women, we would easily come to the conclusion that a Romani Muslim woman would be the most discriminated person in Europe. Actually, different research show that the Roma Muslims of Bulgaria suffer some of the worst racism and islamophobia on record, the discrimination is institutional with Roma families being denied access to education, employment, housing and healthcare. “Muslim women are being denied jobs and girls prevented from attending regular classes just because they wear traditional forms of dress, such as the headscarf. Men can be dismissed for wearing beards associated with Islam” (see Amnesty International, Marco Perolini, expert of discrimination). With a struggle to settle the popular image of women victimized by Islam with the multifarious women, one can see that the problem of gender inequality cannot be set at the feet of religion alone.

It should be also note that when discussing the diversity among Roma people from Europe, due to the lack of knowledge, access and the existed prejudices about the Muslim religion, as well as the established vision of “what it means to be a Roma” in some countries, very often discriminatory actions come from Roma communities. Those communities in which individuals make religion to be seen or understood as a close minded universal religion.

Conclusion

In this paper I discussed the need of addressing the intersectional experience of Romani women and addressed the issues of failing the possibility of not only addressing but also understanding the manners in which Romani women are subordinated. Despite the fact that Roma are already considered as the most marginalized group in Europe, Muslim Roma and Romani women feel discrimination inside and outside the communities, a discrimination shaped by a confluence of powerful forces, political background and language…. it is demotion that is both individually and systemically superior. Significantly, I claim that there should be approval of differences among women in the world, which is approach of different circumstances, to understand and respect the cultural differences.

Regardless of the recent drive of intersectionality, we have been witnessing that feminist research has yet to effectively engage with the role of religion in intersectionality, which entails attention to Romani women.

Europe in the 21st century is facing a serious problem so called "asylum seekers." Visa liberalizations provide benefits to the Macedonian citizens, but not to the Roma minority living in Macedonia. In this content analysis, you can read more about how European policies are affecting third world countries that include and the Republic of Macedonia. Also, you will perceive what are the main challenges faced by the countries of the third world, but also the European Union and other institutions within the EU.

With the Single European Act of 1986 was made a major milestone. With the Act is envisaged (Article 8, later Article 14 of the Treaty of Amsterdam)[1] creating a single internal market based on the four freedoms:

Goods;

Persons;

Services;

Capital

The free movement of persons throughout the European Union without internal borders is raised to the level of fundamental aim in accordance with implicit determination for creating an appropriate legal and institutional structure that would guarantee the new principle, by accepting the so-called "Compensatory measures", such as strengthening the control of external borders and building a common policy on asylum and immigration.

Starting from the 1998, the plans of European Commission and Council of Europe everything are to separate the asylum policies of immigration policies. Is widely about two different problems whose solution require to be applied various measures. With this, the EU admits the problem for which even today cannot find a single concept that will allow better regulation of asylum applications, and also would reduce the number of people who would immigrated to the member states of EU. This phenomenon is often seen as a political or economic problem, that asylum seekers often appear as victims of political violence in their countries. The problem is economic and predominantly refers to taking appropriate measures for improving the living conditions in the countries from where those people require asylum.

Right itself of asylum is regulated by the Directive of April 2004 is relying on the Geneva Convention on refugees creates minimal normative framework for the recognition of the status of persons as refugees or as persons who need protection. This directive is not yet fully compliant in the part of the substantive law of asylum but represents important first step in that direction.

Intergovernmental Theory

Intergovernmental cooperation is institutional theoretical approach and method for decision-making in the international organizations where competence found in the Member States and the decisions are made unanimously. According to Moravcsik and Shimelfening; "Liberal intergovernmental cooperation has gained the status of a" basic theory "in the study of regional integration, it is essential first to decrease explanation against the others theories with which is often compared."[2]

Part of the Member States are using the liberal international cooperation in order to dissociate themselves from current processes taking place in the rest of the EU Member States. This contributes to abstention of the EU policies without having common law that would regulate asylum seekers in a uniform manner. The EU membership itself is based on the transfer part of the sovereignty. That is not gives the opportunity to EU to have a full impact on the member states and i.e. just gives the right to propose ways in which they could cope or leaves the country to find a way. What extent is this good can see from the Macedonian example that uses the ethnicity as the foundation for repatriation of the persons. The Roma, who wants to go beyond the Republic of Macedonia despite the full documentation that they possess to travel in the Schengen zone, is not allowed by the border police. The pressure that EU makes to Macedonia contribute to inappropriate behavior by Macedonia towards its citizens. Led by its goal to remain part of the Schengen zone Macedonia continues with ethnic profiling towards the Roma community.

Andrew Moravcsik has long been a promoter of the idea that the rational the choices made by states in order to advance their national interests is what leads to European integration[3]. I would agree with Andrew Moravcsik only if the Macedonia real aims be part of the European Union, and therefore towards European integration. Whether it is rationally choosing the Republic of Macedonia to be part of the Schengen area we should seek the answer in the EU, but also the Republic of Macedonia. I believe that the Republic of Macedonia came unprepared with specific policies as to prevent a wave of asylum seekers in Western European countries, although it was expected. The percentage from 28.8%[4] according to the Statistical Office of Republic of Macedonia is an indication that the citizens leaving the country because of dissatisfaction governed by the current economic situation in which Republic of Macedonia is situated, but also from the policies does not lead Republic of Macedonia towards a big family called the EU. Given this fact many Roma decides to seek asylum because in the European countries lacking cheap labor where a German would not work for 500 euros, and already invested 30,000 euros in his/her education. My question is whether for Germany is too difficult to set aside 2 million Euros the for asylum seekers, and has a budget of 302 billion euros[5]?

With the return of the Roma from border is denied the right to freedom of movement which is prohibited by the law, but we should not forget that this is done through ethnic profiling, which is also prohibited by law. European Union several times warned that Macedonia should take measures to reduce the number of asylum seekers in the EU Member States. Macedonia unsuccessfully deals even today and continues illegally to act against the Roma community and further violates the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms[6]. This is an indication that the Republic of Macedonia aims to join the big family called the EU without appropriate systematic solution for the poverty of its people who are looking towards enhancing the socio-economic living conditions.

The Democratic Deficit of European Union

The concept of democratic deficit in the European Union arises from the fact that institutions of the Union have lack of democratic accountability and legitimacy, compared with the national governments of the member states. The deficit of democracy in European Union as a concept often becomes the subject of many authors who discuss the role and the way the EU deals with asylum seekers in EU member states.

The doctrine that the legitimacy of the Union comes from the intergovernmental cooperation, sets national governments as a source of legitimacy. According to this theory, the European Union is not a federal state but is a kind of international intergovernmental organization and as in every organization of this type is applied the rule that holders of the legitimacy of the organization are the Member States. This presumption results in strengthening the role of national parliaments.

Asylum policies of European Union come from the national governments for whom they vote in the European Parliament. Here question is whether all members agree and behave democratic when it comes to being voted for third world countries or all that is just for the sake to have a policy and laws for them as an exclusive group of states. The decisions made by the majority in my opinion, leave no space for consensus where all the members have to agree together without remaining gaps in the decision-making. The interpretation of the asylum policy also leaves space for Member States to manipulate them. Current policies that Member States have towards third world countries suggest that they are not sufficiently interested and exhibit irresponsible behavior. The problem is much more maximized by pointing a finger from the Member States towards third world countries saying that they are not enough prepared to solve the problem of asylum seekers in their countries.

The political system of the EU Parliament cannot pass an act that the Council of Ministers would not approve. Their role in this procedure is equalized. Even the Council of Ministers has the right of legislative initiative in some areas even in some regions have right independently to decide. This system degrades the national legislative houses. Ministers play a double role they are both legislative and executive power, which makes marginalizing the national parliaments and the European Parliament. The countries and the EU citizens are hostages of the will of the Commission, which could comfortably to delay the adoption of new legal acts. The right to submit legislative initiative should be expanded to other institutions such the Parliament, Council of Ministers and the citizens group. Currently, the monopoly over this right gives too large role of the bureaucratic structure. The percentage of turnout in the elections for the European Parliament composition is for 20% less than the percentage of turnout for elections for the composition of the national parliaments[7]. The voters use them vote not to vote for or against policies that lead on a European level, but with its voice they reward or punish the local policies. The parties in power in the Member States lose voters in elections for the European Parliament while the opposition parties receive. I believe that unless improving the position of the European Parliament it will be changed the attitude of the public towards the institution that will get much more power and will turn into a real representative body of the citizens. Although the Lisbon Treaty[8] significantly changed the role in the adoption of legislation with right for veto. I think it is not sufficiently, it should be taken into account and the role of the citizens.

Conclusion

The pressure put on the countries in terms of the asylum request by the Roma community primarily should be understood as an existential issue that is in essence of human nature. It means satisfying the basic human necessities of a dignified life and relationships with the other communities. Whether social assistance of a four-member family of 2000 MKD per month is enough for survival remains to answer yourself.

The institutions within the European Union has gradually lost confidence of citizens and resentment is increasing. Current policies on asylum are not appropriate i.e. is made dual to pressure towards the Roma community by Macedonian institutions and EU member states that collect political points on this subject before an election to blackmail that will return visa regime to Western Balkan countries. Doing so has no understanding and solidarity to come up with a concrete solution and give opportunity to the candidate countries to develop effective socio-economic policies through which the citizens would be satisfied with the living conditions in their native countries and thus would not be seeking asylum in European countries. Leaving the space European countries where the most asylum claims themselves are not rational solution and does not lead towards solving the problem. It is necessary and other EU countries that are not entirely concerned with the problem of asylum to raise the issue and inserted in the EU agenda. With that, you can regulate the relations of states towards asylum seekers. You should also clearly define the requirements for a country to be part of the Schengen zone. Biometric passports and laws on paper should not guarantee that a country can be part of the Schengen zone. Should be taken into account the implementation of the laws and the Regulative, but also the socio-economic situation in which the country is. Should be taken into consideration the application of the laws and the Regulative, but also the social and economic situation in which the country. If we consider that the EU is striving towards integration of the Roma community, the act of making pressure on the institutions and policies of the Republic of Macedonia by returning Roma from the borders does not entail any integration.

The visa liberalization for Macedonia in 2009 not only brought wide benefits but also negative criticism for the country and its citizens. On the one hand, one of the benefits is that Macedonian citizens could freely travel to EU. While, on the other hand – critics, mainly EU member states, saw an increased inflow of asylum seekers from Macedonia. Almost three years after the visa liberalization, Macedonia is facing severe criticism by international NGOs for "controlling" Roma to leave the country, as well as returning to the visa regime. The majoritarian Macedonians and the Europeans often put the blame on Roma for the negative image in front of EU, without seeing the roots of the causes for asylum as well as the benefits of integration that may arise, in the long run.

In this regard, this analysis aims to present the reasons for asylum from an economic perspective, as well as to analyze the cost and benefits of those European countries that are the recipients of the asylum seekers. In addition, this analysis interprets the “asylum issue” beyond the existing framework and provides arguments for promoting Western countries investment in the Balkans, in order not to repeat the same scenario as in the case of Bulgaria and Romania EU membership, which produced massive migration in Central-Western European states.

Reasons for Asylum

The integration into a global market, besides the economic benefits, widens the gap between the rich and the poor countries in the EU. The enlargement process followed with the accession of the new members into the Schengen area has led many people to migrate from the periphery to Western Europe. In the same way, along with the visa liberalization for the Western Balkans, citizens took the opportunity to travel, but also to search for a brighter future abroad.

The reasons for seeking asylum, can be grouped into two types of factors: those pushing (push factors) and motivating (pull factors) people to leave the country. When it comes to the Roma community, both types of factors act correspondingly.

Source: European Asylum Support Office

As it can be noticed from the figure, the factors have mostly a socio - economic character. As far as the Roma – Non-Roma situation is concerned the below indicators for education, unemployment, and health present a strong argument for the push and pull factor determining Roma asylum seeking:

Figure 1: Socio-economic indicators for Roma

Source: Indicators for Macedonia, UNDP, Roma Regional Survey 2011

In this context, the hypothesis is that people with bad standards of living, poor housing conditions, or low wages have a tendency to seek new opportunities and solutions, including leaving their home country. In this regard, the UNDP survey from 2011, confirms this hypothesis and suggests that it is quite logical that Roma seek their opportunities abroad through different means - asylum, immigration, or even marriage.

Moreover, in situations where a large part of the population is facing such conditions and the implementation of Roma specific policies is stagnating, the decision of the Roma to seek asylum in order to ensure a better future is logical and rational. This thesis applies not only for Roma, but for each and every individual and community that face a similar situation in the society.

In this regards, the question of who takes the responsibility for the current situation remains: the state, the EU, or Roma. The state because of its focus on the other priorities (Skopje 2014, EU integration) and therefore neglects the National Strategy for Roma and other as such policies? The EU, who did not learn the lessons from the past (Romania and Bulgaria) and continues to tolerate violations of its own laws by the candidate countries? The Roma community, because of the believes in the myth that the EU grants asylum on the basis of poverty? Particular groups that have profitable interests misinforming and manipulating the poor or Roma politicians that do not protect the interests of their electorate? It is obvious that all the stakeholders bear the burden, but the consequences are manifested differently:

Increase in the costs of European countries due to the high number of asylum seekers (at the global level)

The state, which faces with the return of the visas and, therefore, practice selective measures against its citizens

Roma, which are put in a "home iron cage" -by limiting their right to free movement

The costs of the recipient countries of asylum seekers

Due to the lack of a common EU asylum policy, members states are encountering an unequal distribution of asylum seekers. As such, some member states that have longer procedures for processing the asylum applications; provide "generous" material support and have higher chances of employment, are the target countries of asylum seekers. For example, the primary "target" of the asylum seekers are countries such as Germany, Belgium, and Sweden, with a 75% of the total number of asylum seekers from the Western Balkans.[1]

Source: European Stability Initiative

Along with this, the costs related to asylum vary considerably within the EU member states (e.g. the administrative expenses associated with processing the application for asylum and the explicit cost of living: family allowance, food, accommodation, leaving the state). By law, countries provide asylum seekers a place to live in collective centers, provide medical care, food and a monthly allowance.

Table 2 summarizes the total costs and share (%) of the recipient countries as an expenditure item in the budget in the ten countries in the EU, where 90% of the Macedonian citizens have asked asylum in 2012. As it can be seen from the table, the annual costs of these ten countries in Europe are estimated at 24 million euros. Although, at first glance it might seem an enormous amount is less than 0.1% of their budgets.

The conclusion one can derive from the above table is that the Macedonian asylum seekers do not represent a real threat from the financial aspect. What does this mean?

This situation suggests that in fact the ideal for homogenization of the population continues to function as a basic demographic policy in the European countries. The hidden veil of negative attitudes of the people in Europe presents the mental structure and xenophobic views prevailing in Europe, especially after the economic crisis. In this regard, according to the Transatlantic Trends research, 52% of people in Europe see immigration as a problem rather than an opportunity, with the highest pessimism in Britain in 2011.[2]

Taking into consideration the analysis above, the recipient countries of asylum seekers face three main options:

Return of the asylum seekers

It is the easiest option to implement because it is technically feasible and politically acceptable as it is in the interest of the country. This option complies with the existing policy, which applies the mixture of forced and restrictive measures to the entire Roma community. Changes such as reducing the duration of the processing of applications, not accepting the applications for asylum in the Western Balkans are intended to decrease the flow of asylum seekers. This Policy of the EU member states demonstrates that they are not ready to face the challenges of free movement of people, capital, ideas, and money. The pressure exercised by European countries on Macedonia indicates that "Macedonian authorities are forced" to practice selective policy and close the borders for Roma.

Nonetheless, such a policy is not sustainable in the long run. Firstly, the number of discriminatory cases against the State increased and there are already two cases from the court proving that the borders control discriminate Roma. Secondly, Roma became much more aware about this issue due to the increased media coverage and reactions from NGOs. Thirdly, once Macedonia starts the negotiations with EU and become member, this issue will remain and might manifest in large scale migration.

Restructuring the production costs into productive investment

Much more efficient policy and greater benefits, the countries of Europe would have if the same money spent on asylum seekers were invested in Macedonia due to the impact that these funds might have. Investments in human capital, particularly in support for opening small businesses and education will contribute to the financial security of people, and it will also reduce the number of asylum applications. A second possibility is to provide conditional cash transfers, which will support education and job training to the "critical group” with an aim of increasing their employability.

Whatever option from this category is implemented, it can significantly contribute to improve the living conditions. The amount of 24 million euros spent on all asylum seekers should not be neglected, which combined with state resources and policies can increase access to all public goods and services (education, health, employment, and housing).

This policy option in a longer period is feasible, but requires serious actions in terms of operationalization of such pool of money; good governance and institutions; as well as proper distribution based on incentive structure. Compared with the previous policy option, this solution is more sustainable because provides acceptable solutions for the all stakeholders. In addition, it provides incentives for the people not to leave their country and sense of state responsibility towards its citizens.

Integration of the asylum seekers

The last option refers to “opening the doors” of the EU countries and integrating the asylum seekers in the respective state. Given the trend of aging population in Europe, the countries in the next 10 to 30 years, will face a significant deficit in the labor force. The integration of the people who are seeking asylum in EU countries, primarily means granting them with the right to work in order not to be seen as a burden of the state. This option, in the long run, can contribute for the benefit of all stakeholders and there are successful examples in Canada, Australia, and USA.

The integration of the asylum seekers would provide several advantages for the all stakeholders such as:

Benefits for the recipient country of the asylum seekers due to the “right to work”

- Increase in the tax revenues of the country

- Increasing the labor supply in the country

- Diversification of the society and increase in the social harmony in the country through mutual support and understanding of the domestic population, which will see that the asylum seekers as a contributors in the state

For the domestic state of the asylum seekers

The benefits of the country refer to an increase in remittances that improve the balance of payments of the country and increase in the foreign exchange reserves. Also, many families that are successfully integrated, regularly sent money back to their families, which indirectly contribute to increased consumption and demand of domestic products.

For the asylum seekers

The integration of asylum seekers can be analyzed from two aspects: individual and group perspective. From an individual standpoint, the integration of a family will mean financial security and better opportunity for a decent life. Certainly, integration will mean better access to the public goods - healthcare, employment, education. In addition, it will motivate and encourage them to participate in public life and make their own decisions about their future. From a group perspective, at the level of the whole economy the integration of asylum seekers would mean more competition in the job market and an increase in labor supply of skilled/ or unskilled people.

Even though this option sounds cost effective, since the benefits are large, it might have low public acceptance. The economic crisis changed the attitudes of the people, and some statistics show that people at the Western countries strongly oppose to have Roma neighbor. This demonstrate that the process of building common European Identity and values are far behind the projections that EU has.

Conclusion

The analysis of the costs of the asylum seekers from Macedonia demonstrate that the costs have a minor share in the total expenses in the budgets of the European Union. The main obstacle and threat related to the "asylum policy" is actually the signals sent to the other people that are potential asylum seekers or plan to leave the country through regular procedures for employment.

In order to “control the potential inflow of new asylum application“, EU brakes its own rules and requires from the candidate countries to take strict measures for controlling Roma at the state borders. Very often, discriminatory and selective practices are made by the national authorities, which exceed their official authority and take actions that are repressive towards the Roma.

Instead Macedonia and the EU to look for an exit strategy for the integration of asylum seekers into the existing systems and take concrete steps for social inclusion, they unfortunately opt for a strategy of controlling the free movement of Roma. In many countries, such as Australia, US, Canada, the state tries to include the asylum seekers in the labor market, which in long run brings much more benefits, than the existing cost that the state is producing through the current measures and procedures. Whether the implementation of the EU asylum policy follows the rule "the strong do what they want, while the weak accept what they must" remains to be seen. The dream of European Union, where all citizens are free to move, where capital can freely move from one country to another, where ideas circulate and contribute to the progress and development is too far for a particular group of citizens. The European cultural values are far away from the ​​ nationalistic policies taken by some countries, especially during the economic crisis.

It remains only the option of mass reaction of the current injustice towards Roma. Who knows, maybe Roma will start to block the border in the country so that EU and Macedonia begin to work on the business-investment strategies and implementing policies for Roma.

]]>amit.skenderi@gmail.com (Albert Memeti)EconomyFri, 20 Feb 2015 00:00:00 +0000Profit and losses - effects of migration on the budget of the Republic of Macedoniahttp://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/48-profit-and-losses-effects-of-migration
http://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/48-profit-and-losses-effects-of-migration

Freedom of movement is one of the fundamental rights of people. In a time of the financial crisis, the free movement of people is followed with an increased inflow of asylum seekers in the economically wealthier countries of the European Union. Often this trend results in revisions of the traveling rules and the possible establishment of new measures related to the visa regime. Still, we must remember that the migrations and asylum seeking are not new and unknown phenomena for Macedonia and the other countries in the region. The migrations (and recently – asylum seeking) are known as one of the possibilities of finding a way out of poverty, or search for better life conditions (economic, social, and political life). Because of the quest for an exit from poverty, people migrate, similar to those in Middle East, Africa and Asia.

Migrations exist since the beginning of mankind because in the mankind history it is known that people traveled night and day for a long period looking for better and safer living conditions. Still, the migrations from Macedonia have been recorded since the beginning of the XX century, due to various reasons. For example: during the Ottoman Empire the migrations were driven by political unrest and search for wealth in the New World. Also, after the Second World War, the search for employment, the political views opposed to the Yugoslav Communism, and the devastating earthquake in 1963 repeatedly caused the migration of the population.[1]

From 19 December 2009, with the adoption of the decision on visa liberalization, visa-free travel across Europe became a reality for the citizens of Macedonia. [2]

As a result of the visa liberalization, a mass migration of people occurred from the Western Balkans to the EU who, in search for a better life and stable socio-economic living conditions, are demanding asylum as a solution following the examples of people who came from the Middle East, Africa, and Asia, countries which lacked basic democracy and secure life.

According to UNHCR, after the visa liberalization, the number of asylum seekers in 44 industrialized countries increased to 6351 people in 2009, of which 5773 claims were filed in the EU27 (European Commission, 2012, final country report FYR Macedonia, p.7). Various economic and security shocks caused migrations both in the past and today, and the continued migration to the European countries or to countries where there are better conditions for a safe life, social, and economic well-being and justice.

Therefore, this paper examines both sides: migrants and the state. First, by using a linear probability model in Stata, the analysis describes the profile of migrants and the reasons of migrating from the Balkan countries. Second, it analyzes the gains and the expenses (losses) of the budget of the Republic of Macedonia through the illustration of specific assumptions and calculations which offer a ground to create a COST-BENEFIT long-term analysis for this phenomenon. I will analyze different groups who left Macedonia in the last two decades.

Economic situation in the Republic of Macedonia

The Republic of Macedonia continuously faces the same economic problems, i.e. high rates of unemployment and poverty. In the period when Macedonia was a part of Yugoslavia, the unemployment rate reached 26.7% that positioned Macedonia as the poorest republic among Yugoslavian countries. The actual growth rate of the Gross Domestic Product, as one of the macroeconomic indicators, had a negative growth from 1991 to 1995 after its independence.

This fall was normal and expected for a young economy which was facing difficulties even before its independence. The independence resulted as an inevitable transition towards a new economic, political and social system which, according to many researches and studies from relevant institutions and researchers, it was characterized with unpreparedness and criminal transition, which contributed to negative effects in the state’s system. During the transition, many enterprises were criminally privatized, went under bankruptcy that was previously planned, or were entirely excluded from the market. In that period, the unemployment rate abruptly increased and stayed high until the first quarter of 2013, between 32% and 40% in the period of 1995 – 2013.

According to the new report of the Statistical Office, in the fourth quarter of 2013, the unemployment rate of the Republic of Macedonia is 28.6%. If we compare this unemployment rate of 28.6% with the unemployment rate of Yugoslavian period 26.7%, we can notice that in the past period, up until today, Macedonia could not reach this unemployment rate.

This situation of the country is one of the indicators of an unstable economy, leading to increased and deep poverty among the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia. Timely speaking, the majority of the Roma population lives in chronic poverty; many surveys repeat the same statements without answering how the Roma population copes with the consequences of the poor economic performances in the country.

The different negative economic, political, and other indicators and activities of the state are reasonable enough for seeking a way out by migrating, or more often by seeking asylum in other countries. The outflow of staff and middle-class citizens are the proof of unsuccessfully applied policies and strategies for improving the economic situation. Therefore, the last results of the unemployment rate published by the Statistical Office causes doubts. The question here is: how did we manage to reduce the unemployment rate in Macedonia sharply? Do migrations have effect on reducing the unemployment rate or is it just the result of increased employment; although it is clear that except the employment in public administration, there are no significant changes on labor demand in the private sector.

Analysis

In this section, I will try to analyze several indicators that effect migrations from which certain calculations and illustrations will follow. As I mentioned in the introductory part, this paper analyzes both the migrants and the budget:

Analysis on the profile of Roma migrants; Linear Probability Model

Expenses and gains of the budget of the Republic of Macedonia; Cost-Benefit Analysis

Analysis on the profile of Roma migrants; Linear Probability Model

In 2011, the United Nations Development Program, the World Bank, and the European Commission carried out a survey on vulnerability of Roma. In this survey, they interviewed 750 Roma and 350 non-Roma households living in or close to Roma communities in 12 countries of Central and Southeastern Europe.[3] The data on vulnerability of Roma is the only official collected and available one.

Therefore, the linear probability model is based on this data provided by UNDP, World Bank, and European Commission. The purpose of the linear probability model is to predict the probability that a given person migrates. In the linear model, first we estimate a series of variables that affect migration, and then we use regression for each variable. Our dependent variable is whether the person migrated and the explanatory variable of interest is whether he/she is Roma. In the first model, table 1, we can see that 38% (or 3.7 percentage points) of the Roma population is more likely to migrate than the non-Roma. This result shows that the probability for migrating of a given person from the Roma population is higher than that of the non-Roma. The question here is: what are the reasons that Roma are more likely to migrate than non-Roma?

To answer to this question we have to include more variables in the regression model. Therefore, in the second model we include income and education as control variables. By including income and education, the percent of the probability that a given person from the Roma population is likely to migrate is higher; 41% or 3.5 percentage points. The second model indicates that more educated Roma are more likely to migrate by holding income and ethnicity constant; or in other words, it implies that educated Roma are more likely to migrate not only because of unemployment, but also because of low paid jobs.

In the third model, we include age and number of children. By including age and number of children, the percent of the probability that a given person from the Roma population is likely to migrate is higher; 53 (or 2.8 percentage points). This means that having more than five children makes people more likely to migrate than having no children, at 5% significance level (see, Appendix 1).

In the fourth model, we include health and marital status. The percent of the probability that Roma are more likely to migrate is 60% (or 2.4 percentage points). This increase means that married people are more likely to migrate than non-married. Also, the model shows that less healthy people are -1.6% more likely to migrate by holding other variables constant (see, Appendix 1).

In the last model by including types of employment, we can see that people with ad-hoc jobs or no jobs are more likely to migrate than those with full or part time jobs. The coefficient on Roma is not significant in this model, which shows that mostly Roma migrate not because it is something particular to ethnic group, but they do because they do not have access to safe jobs. Having no access to good jobs can be a sign of discrimination on the job market.

The linear probability model shows that the Roma population is migrating from different reasons, but the most important one is that they do not have access to good jobs; the type of employment matters a lot.

Expenses and gains of the budget of the Republic of Macedonia; Cost-Benefit Analysis

As we already analyzed the reasons for migrating, also we have to analyze the expenses and benefits of the budget. In this part, I will be focused on the budget of the Republic of Macedonia.

I mentioned on several occasions that the migrations are a recognizable habit of the Macedonian citizens who have massively left the country in the past 100 years. Therefore, today there is no accurate number of the citizens with Macedonian origin. Different sources have different figures, for example: according to the estimates of the World Bank (World Bank, 2011, 2011a) the rate of migration from the Republic of Macedonia amounts 21.8%, which means that a significant part of the population lives abroad. On the other hand, if we take into account Eurostat’s data then the emigration rate is 26% which is mostly considered as an accurately estimated indicator for the current size of the Macedonian diaspora.

Chart 1: Number of Macedonian citizens that have citizenship in different Europian countries 1996-2010

Switzerland Migration Office data for 2008, 2009 and 2010

Source: Eurostat (2011): Population by sex, age and citizenship (migr_pop1ctz). Available in: http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu; Council of Europe, Recent Demographic Developments in Europe; Switzerland Migration Office

According to Eurostat’s data we can observe that the migrations have a cumulative upward trend with the time. Differently from the other years, since 2005 a high outflow of migrants has been marked for those who legally left the country. This number in 2005 cumulatively amounted to 251 247 while, in 2010, it dropped to 240 052 people.

If we include the illegal migration in this calculation then, the total figure will continue to rise. However, because there is no accurate information about illegal migrations the following calculations will be based on the number from 2010.

COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS

Expenses (loss) of the state

Based on the fact that the total number of migrants who obtained citizenship or residence outside of Macedonia amounts just over 10 percent of the total population, it is necessary to calculate the losses in the state budget.

Under the assumption that 50% of the total emigrated citizens from the Republic of Macedonia, or 120 026 people, are active population, 10% seniors and 40% children, pupils and students, the state’s losses are the following:

1. The State budget suffers loss in its taxes - income tax, insurance tax, value added tax, property tax and other taxes. Total revenues and expenditures consist the budget of the Republic of Macedonia. The category of total revenues includes tax revenues and contributions, non-tax revenues, capital revenues, and donations. The total budget revenues in 2012 had amount of 2,883 billion USD.[6] If we divide this number with the total population of 2,030,000 inhabitants, it arises that the influx in the Macedonian budget per capita is 1.420 USD. If we multiply this amount with the total number of migrants ($ 1,420 * 240,052 migrants) then the state loses about 341,205,180 USD. This means that instead of 2,883 billion USD the total revenues would amount around 3.224 billion USD (2.883 billion USD + 341 205 180 USD).

2. The total population – the total population of the Republic of Macedonia is 2.087.171. The sum of the total population in the Republic of Macedonia and the total number of emigrated citizens amounts 2,327,223. This amount of 2,327,223 for the Republic of Macedonia would mean a natural growth in the total population without additional costs and projects for increasing the birth rate. Here is the opportunity cost of the state’s budget which is spent on social transfers and projects for increasing the birth rate.

If the state had a natural birth growth rate, rather than in social transfers, it could direct the funds in investments that would contribute to the creation of new jobs and increase the economic activity which would further demonstrate with more successful macroeconomic results.

3. Total Gross Domestic Product – in 2012 the GDP of the Republic of Macedonia was 9.6 billion USD. If we divide this number with the total population of 2,030,000 (9.6 billion USD / 2,030,000 population), we get the amount of 4 729 USD per capita. If we had the total population of 2,327,223 the total amount of GDP would be around 11 billion USD (4729 USD * 2,327,223 total population). This means that the total GDP loses around 1.5 billion USD from the 240,052 Macedonian migrants.

Gains (benefits) of the state

Besides the losses and opportunity costs, the state has been benefiting from the migrations. The benefits are mostly from the perspective of acceleration of the state’s costs, because most migrants are from economically vulnerable groups or welfare recipients. It is mostly the Roma who fall into this group because, according to the estimations, 95% of the Roma population lives in the suburban areas and in very poor living conditions[7] (European Commission, final country report FYR Macedonia, p.25). Also, the unemployment rate for the Roma is the highest in the country.

According to the UNDP report, in 2005 the unemployment rate of the Roma population reached 79%, compared to the National average of 37.2% (UNDP, 2006, p. 11). The high unemployment rate also means a high poverty rate. According to the reports, the poverty rate among the Roma population in 2008 was almost three times the national average: 88% compared to 30% in Macedonia (LBI, 2008, p. 168).

As a result of the high unemployment and poverty rates, it is normal for the larger part of the Roma population to depend on social welfare. According to the ISPR’s researchers (2004), 44% of the Roma are dependent on social transfers.

All above mentioned facts are reasons and justifications that Roma usually migrate out of the country and seek a way out in other countries.

From the migrations, the state benefits in:

1. Reduction of the expenditures in the state’s budget – the total expenditures of the budget of the Republic of Macedonia include: costs for salaries and benefits, expenditures for goods and services, transfers to ELS, transfers and subsidies, social transfers, interest payments and capital expenditures.

According to the Statistical Office, in 2012, more than 50,000 people were social welfare recipients. The upward trend of migrants relieves the burden of the state’s budget with the same act of leaving the state.

Table 2: Asylum seekers divided by age groups in the second quarter of 2011, showed in percentages:

If we take the numbers, from chart 2, for Macedonia in 2011 and multiply them with 1,800 MKD (social monthly assistance per person), then the resulting sum shows how much the expenditures of the state budget for social welfare are reduced (around 650,000 EUR per year).

In twenty years, this is a sum of around 13 million EUR less for social, financial transfers for the poor population which left the state. This is a relatively small saving in the budget expenditures in terms of the amount of revenues that can be generated by the persons, if they worked and spent in Macedonia.

Assuming that all who left were low educated staff in which the state spent at least eight years for their education, the saved expenses of 13 million EUR are almost meaningless. Unfortunately, the number of highly educated staff is enormous and without accurate records, and on the other side their departure remains overshadowed by the criticism that we have received for the displacement of poverty. Therefore, we come to a paradox situation in which all social and institutional attention is focused on keeping the poor layers in the country, and carelessly release the educational profiles in which we have all invested from the state budget through the funding of public educational institutions. The hypocrisy is even greater because the EU members have a positive regulation for the flow of the higher educated workforce, while more restrictive measures are set for the poor who want to travel across the continent. By default, each new restrictive measure causes new anomalies in the society, especially in the area of restriction of the movement of people and goods, so we often have an occurrence of organized groups that corrupt the border guards and customs, and again financially drain precisely the poor people, who have no other choice in their home states. On the other hand the media and the politicians publicly criticize the vulnerable groups for their alleged abuse of the visa regime; although we all know who and how manipulates the information and convictions that the West has better living conditions.

In the end, the attention of the whole public is mistakenly aimed at the ordinary citizen, rather than to the selectivity of the measures and the behavior of the EU institutions expressed through the pressure towards our domestic institutions. The radical groups appear as “protectors” of the state interest regarding the retention of the visa regime which additionally brings negative points for our democracy and weakness to the institutions. This is a typical example of how the EU and its incomplete measures negatively reflect the rights of the poor citizens.

Finally, the whole situation produces systematic and financial anomalies because, besides time and labor, much of the resources end up in the hands of suspicious structures or corruption while the poor citizens are becoming poorer.

The EU members and the current candidate countries haven’t learned the lessons from the last two expansions, or showed a desire to change something in their behavior and the assessment of the situation, but simply looked for the easiest solution in a political flirtation with their electorate that with the new mechanisms of the visa regime they will protect the interests of their citizens.

2. Reducing the unemployment rate – the Employment Agency of the Republic of Macedonia, recently has divided the unemployed people into active and passive job seekers. The employees and persons, who are not employed but regularly are looking for work, are considered as active population, while passive population means the people who are unemployed for a longer period and have not applied for work.

If we take into consideration the migrated Macedonian citizens, then we can freely say that they belong to the group of passive job seekers, because they are out of state for a longer period of time and they are unable to apply for work, which means that indirectly they will reduce the unemployment rate.

3. Remittances- one of the most important benefits of having migrants abroad is the inflow of foreign currency in the country. The inflow of foreign currency has a significant role for the state, because it provides foreign deposits for the country without having to oblige to foreign investors. As I mentioned in the linear probability analysis, the Roma population is more likely to migrate, because of not having access to good jobs. This means that the state is benefiting for free without additional costs from the budget.

Conclusion

The overall analysis shows that Roma are more likely to migrate because of various reasons. For example: in the regression model we saw that married people are more likely to migrate than non-married; educated Roma are more likely to migrate than non-educated; having more than five children makes people more likely to migrate than not having children; less healthy people are more likely to migrate than healthy people. The employment and the job type have the leading role in the migration processes; the job type matters a lot.

Macedonia, as a multiethnic country, still continues to face the same anomalies and problems. In order to reduce or improve the situation in Macedonia, mostly in the domain of employment, I will give few recommendations.

Recommendations

Reduction of political pressure on jobs – not having regular work makes people unhappy and poorer. For increasing the welfare and quality of life, the dominant political party should not decide on the working positions but rather create a harmony and equal treatment towards the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia; because through respect of the rules and procedures, will be created a quality staff that would contribute to significant changes in the state.

Increased investments for education of the youth – the investments in education are the most reliable and cost-efficient ones. However, the creation of educational programs, projects and scholarships are not enough for a perfect educational system. It is necessary to provide job positions for the young generations in order to involve them in the practical knowledge and skills, similar to that of the German educational system.

Opening of private educational institutions – in order to create qualitative educational personnel, the state institutions should collaborate with private institutions. The cooperation will not only produce quality but will also contribute to increased revenues in the state budget.

Infrastructure projects, and investments aimed at rural areas – the development concentration aimed at the central cities neglects the poor parts of the country. In order to reduce the inequality between the citizens, the investments are required in the rural areas, which would enable equal and better conditions for the poor.

[3] United Nations Development Program, World Bank and European Commission, Regional Roma survey (2011), available at: http://www.eurasia.undp.org/content/rbec/en/home/ourwork/povertyreduction/roma-in-central-and-southeast-europe/roma-data/

[7] Empirical research targeting 3,122 Roma households in the largest Roma settlement in Macedonia Shuto Orizari showed that: 5.29% live in improvised houses made of non-building material (nylon, cartons, tin and plastics), 22.20% live in houses with limited durability (dilapidated and montage houses), 53.11% of the families live under the same roof with two or more other families, 41.35% of the families live in a housing space of only 2-5m2 per member, 19.09% of the families live in only one premise, 55.12% of the families live without possibility to wash and have no bath in the house, 14.58% use a toilet in the yard, 10,19% neither use septic tanks nor are connected to the public sewerage system and 42.38% use street or yard taps (Lakinska, 2000)

One of the most interesting anthropological and political topic in the late XIX and XX century was the study of the history of nations, their distinct cultures, and identities. Throughout the history, European nations have endured and surpassed challenges preserving their sovereignty and territory. Today, the subjective political world depends on the interests of the nation states and the power to dominate the international scene. Roma as a nation inhabited the European continent in the XII century[1] without any opportunity and tendency for territorial, cultural unification. However, the “white” continent continuously evolved throughout history, groups of people unified in nations protecting themselves and their interests through their national states. They protected their cultural heritage and upgraded for unity and unification, while Roma, who settled in the existing nation states as the “others” had to adjust to the conditions set by the majority of the countries that they settled.

This paper aims to analyze and deconstruct the concepts of formation of a nation, cultural development and identity with the emphasis on the Roma in the process of creating a multi-state nation with unified culture and identity. In this paper, I also present facts and the literature arguments that establish the standardization of widely accepted understandings of the concepts mentioned above.

In the first part of this paper, I analyze the fundamental notions of a nation building processes of states supported by empirical examples of national states, which, throughout history, unified their territory based on the theory of ethnos and demos i.e. Eastern European and Western European creation of countries. In the same part, I analyze the migration of Roma, the political organization, and the Roma nationhood process.

In the second part, I analyze the fundamental concepts of cultural standardization, and I will propose a framework for cultural development in three phases: cultural beginning, cultural maturity, and cultural extremism. In this section, I will also present empirical examples from European cultures with reflection on the culture of Roma.

The third part of this paper is based on the tools that evaluate the identity and the creation of identity based on prejudices, generalizations of individual experiences, the media and the educational system as inevitable and powerful generators of narratives that are accepted as “standard”. In the third part, I will also deconstruct the meaning of the identities [Gypsy and Roma]. At the end of this paper, I will present my concluding remarks and summary of the main arguments in the reflection on the Roma.

Nation Building and Roma

In the definition of nations and states afore the era of modernism[2], the debate focused on the central issue that aimed to ease the classification of ethnicity and nationality. Which of these concepts is created earlier? Is the state or the territory established first as a political actor? Or people with their characteristics (traditions, customs, ideology, etc.)? The idea of creating nation states evolved in parallel with the modernism and still it is one of the leading ideas in defining modern nations[3]

Within Europe, there are two types of constructions of modern states, based on ethnos and demos or culturally unified and politically unified states[4]. According to the division of John Plamenatz, there are Eastern European and Western European establishment of countries. According to the Western European model of the nation building Eric Hobsbawm is one of the scholars defining the creation of the France as a modern state. According to his concept, territory creates identity and nation. Prior to the existence of France as a country, there have been groups of people that built the national-state. All the different types and kinds of people and religions in France unified and identified with a common nationality, the French nationality[5]. France, as other Western European countries show an example of creation of a state based on the demos or creation of a nation from different nations (tribes) who together create nationhood, citizenship, and nationality. According to this example, Western European countries conduct the process of nation building. Some countries used the same method but in a different era throughout history.

On the other hand, the East European concept of nation states is based on the ethnos or the nationality of people who identify with a common culture, myths, folklore, etc. The term nationality in the Eastern bloc is also the construction of the Communist regime that classified minor nationalities or (public administration groups) and the majority nationality or the common nationality[6]. Typical example is Yugoslavia as a nationality and all the other administrative groups or in that time nationalities living in Yugoslavia such as Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, Slovenes, etc. Eric Hobsbawm and John Plamenatz elaborated this concept of Eastern nation building process. They associated this concept with the migration of Slavs from the Carpathians around the eastern part of Europe[7]. The nation building process in Eastern Europe is based on people who share a similar concept as the Western European countries but with greater emphasis on the common origin and uniqueness (ethnocentrism and dominance) of the people of the territory where they settled. Slavs after settling the region of Eastern Europe formed their states and nationalities.

The distinction of ethnos and demos still exists in Europe and people who are part of minorities in the European states are still looking for a better life, living together with the majority. In the great wave of settlement and creation of nations, it is noted that Roma have already migrated to Europe in the XII century. Roma are people with Indian origin and a shared history that starts with the great migration from Kanauch, India to Europe and other continents[8]. In the migration, Roma settled in European countries where other nations have already settled and developed. When Roma people settled on the European continent, they were not welcome due to racial profiling in the "White Continent". Although Roma were not aware of their common origin and history, they have never had affinities for territorial and national unification in Europe. In the era of modernism[9], when the territories were defined and nations were developed, Roma were dispersed across the European continent without any political, cultural and economic agenda for their identification, while European nations have already developed the process of nation-building and join allies for common interests. Roma throughout history, especially in the era of European kingdoms, were assimilated and used as slaves in order not to be expelled from the territories where they settled and to be part of the statehood process of some countries in Europe[10].

"Romanihood" or the Roma movement begins with the establishment of the first Roma Congress in 1971 near London (Orpington) where 23 representatives from nine countries attended[11]. The greatest achievements of the Roma movement are visible from the first congress in which for the first-time debates were implemented for social problems of the Roma, education, language, culture, and war crimes. In the first Congress also the anthem was adopted "Gelem Gelem" by Zarko Jovanovic, the Roma flag which represents the Roma as their national symbol and the use of the term "Roma"[12] (In Romanes "man"). In addition to the first congress, seven more congresses followed with the same model, discussing the major problems that Roma face in Europe. As a promised product of the congresses the International Romani Union was established, which stood for recognition of Roma as a national minority in European countries, adopted a declaration of Roma the non-territorial nation and an action plan for the construction of the Roma nation[13]. According to the European developments and the constant oppression by European nations to Roma, it is clear that the global trends and centers of power downplayed the political influence of the congress. The "Romanihood" after a good start in 1971, in the late 80's lost its track of joint action for a common European Roma agenda of interests as trans-national community. The universality of Roma identity as shown in almost all the European countries hinders the visibility and decreases the opportunity for a joint agenda of Roma because Roma are minority in all the European states and democracy is a game of numbers. Today, Roma as an ideal social solution consider the collective advocacy, which is conducted through institutions of non-governmental nature, while at the individual level, the Roma have their representatives in the governmental bodies and members of legislation who lack of understanding the interests of their people and work to maximize the personal interests. In anticipation of a better and stable life Roma hope that the European Union will respond or to include Roma in the processes and high politics of the Union. However, Roma have always been a scapegoat for the failure of European policies, and they are targeted through media[14], feeding the public with stereotypes and prejudices, in an attempt to justify failures of policies towards Roma.

Creation of Culture, Cultural Development and Roma

In order to elaborate the concept of culture and the elements that create the culture and cultural specifics, science defines culture through several disciplines and genres. Culture as a concept in this paper is analyzed to ease the comparison between the cultures of European standardized nations and Roma culture. The term culture often used in anthropology and academicians who started to construct of the understanding of the term. Edward Taylor, one of the first scholars who influenced the definition of culture, defines culture as a complex concept, which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, customs and other habits of man as part of a community[15]. This definition is the one of the first attempts to standardize the specifics of the people in one umbrella term, which helps in the understanding of culture. In the social developments of the XIX century, Herskovits[16] Mead[17] and Malinowski[18] top anthropologists at that time, redefine the term and base the term on artifacts, customs and behavior of members of the community.

Further analysis of the concept and the elements of the term culture, the authors continue to standardize the culture in cognitive, philosophical, political and other aspects. Modern and widely accepted definition of culture is based on William Haviland[19] as a “set of abstract values, beliefs, and perceptions of the world that lie behind people’s behavior, and which are reflected in their behavior”[20]. In other words, culture does not only refer to the behavior of the members as a single element, but the values and beliefs of members who generate that behavior. In addition, international institutions such as UNESCO standardize the use of the term culture[21]. UNESCO defines the term culture as a set of specific spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features of society or social group, which besides art and literature includes lifestyle, mutual coexistence, value systems, traditions and beliefs. The abovementioned definitions are only a small part of the wide range of interpretations of scholars engaged in the study of culture as a social phenomenon present in peoples. According to my proposed frame of cultural developments, every nation recognized in one country passes through three stages of cultural development as follows:

Cultural beginning: Developing statehood that results with standardizing and uniting the people and the common goals, values, and interests

Cultural maturity: represents aggregate of widely accepted set of values that govern the way of life and daily functioning (known as "acceptable" behavior of a member of the group) and

Cultural extremism: is a stage of superiority to others, denying other cultures and generating prejudices for the "dirty" people present in the same territory.

The cultural beginning for the European nations started in the beginning of the Renaissance era. The age of the Renaissance offered growth in many areas, but the biggest development is recorded in art, literature, science, religion and self-awareness[22]. These attributes make up the Cultural Revolution in Europe and the starting stage of the cultural development. British pride of William Shakespeare, the French Pierre du Rosard, Italian Leonardo da Vinci are only part of a larger range of people who are known as the creators of the cultural values of the European nations. The transition from cultural beginning to cultural maturity is carried through several successful European movements.

The stage of cultural maturity for the European nations started immediately after the revolution that sparked the Renaissance era. Romanticism, Realism, and early modernism were the periods when European nation states advanced the level of their shared values and developed a sense of belonging. In these periods, attention is paid to the ethno symbolism and the aggregate of people in the communities creating the language, history, traditions, symbols, traditions, legends and myths[23]. Cultural maturity as a period in history is considered to be the biggest motive for unification because nations were given an opportunity to unify the common values of the people with the same origin in one territory.

Cultural extremism as a third stage of cultural development is a stage of imposition of identity and superiority. To counteract the superiority of nations in Europe that developed prior to the First World War, the European Union introduced the European identity and unity of the peoples of mutual progress[24]. On the one hand, the European Union has reduced the intensity of superiority and dominance of large nation states and initiated a cooperation to avoid wars, but on the other hand, the European crisis and the great wave of immigrants increased impatience and dissatisfaction in all European countries. Euroscepticism in European countries peaks while extreme nationalist parties gain more trust from the people and create a narrative that connects to the "purity" and the origin of the majority[25].

The cultural heritage of Roma remains a mystery to many cultural anthropologists and ethnographers. The Great Migration of Roma in XII[26] caused a century to look for a permanent home and adjust to the cultural values set by the majority in the countries where they settled. The process of adaptation and coexistence with the majority is noted as long and incomplete because of the ethnocentrism of European nations as owners of the territory in which they live. By the period of the beginning of the First World War, Roma who migrated to Europe were divided according to their traditional crafts. Kovaci, Dzambazi, Kalderaši, Kale, Sinti, Romungro and other groups of Roma received names as a result of separation between them according to their occupations[27]. Some countries accepted Roma who had skills for some craft because of their productivity and contribution in the countries where they settled. During the First World War, Roma were mainly settled in several European nation states in segregated suburbs.

In 1907, for the first time it was recorded the term "Gypsy policy", which refers to a segregated Roma camps, where they had to work permanently and live there[28]. Already in 1926, "Gypsy index" was introduced, which concerned the Roma living in Austria. Federal police in Eisenstadt, Austria[29] presented the system, which registers Roma with their fingerprints. This system was introduced because of the frequent migration and limiting Roma to live in camps in Austria[30]. This practice was widely accepted and implemented by other countries for "purity" of the territory. In this period, Roma were unable to practice their cultural and symbolic values because of the dominance of the majority in the countries where they lived. During the Second World War, Roma were treated as slaves with limitations. They were recorded as criminals or potential deviants of the common good in the European nation states. During the Second World War, Roma face the most brutal treatment and genocide in Hitler's Reich. Roma up until 1971 have not received any opportunity to organize for unity of values as a nation that lives in Europe.

According to the frame, Roma as a nation are not in a position to pass the three levels of cultural development due to the collateral damage, agony and torture that was inflicted on them for centuries as divided and colored people. History notes that Roma are people who adapt or assimilate with the majority and their values[31], because of the assimilation, Roma lost their language, traditions, customs, symbols, etc. However, the promising oral transmission of cultural values of the Roma from generation to generation remains one of the biggest sources for preservation and survival of Roma culture. In addition, new generations are more dedicated to the preservation of identity, historiography, research and promotion of knowledge about Roma.

Evaluation of identity and etiquettes

Creation of identity is a process that is based on the combination of display and belief in cultural values such as symbols, customs, language, myths, and traditions. Prejudice (sometimes even jokes) also represent one of the most powerful tools to strengthen the belief that people are such as people present them. Generalizing prejudices have always been a fun and to some extent construction that is considered to be true and accepted for a particular nation[32]. Besides prejudices, generalizing individual experiences is also a powerful tool that is transferred to the people who had personal experience with individuals of other nations. Particular attention is paid to media and the educational system as a powerful tool for the creation of a single picture of a country, nation, region, etc.

Atlas by Yanko Tsvetkov is one of the proofs that the trend of stereotyping nations is becoming more and more popular[33]. This atlas presents stereotypes of different people of all possible states in Europe. Besides standard widely known positive stereotypes about the accuracy of the Swiss, the discipline of the Germans, tea at 5 o'clock of the British and the loving character of the French, this atlas show negative stereotypes of nations across Europe based on the individual experiences of the creators of the maps. Among other methods of image creation for people over the Internet, this is the "fun" and "real" for some people who had no interaction with a member of that nation or was in that state.

The media and the educational system still represent the most powerful tools because they are constant and unavoidable creators of public opinion. History lessons indirectly create narratives to students in primary education in which they believe to be true without examining the arguments. Every country has its "enemies" in the history and "enemies" are shown as occupiers, usurpers or barbarians. Such attitudes and written text are generational transfers and "standard truth" for the mass that undergone through the educational system. In addition, media is inevitable and constant in the construction of reality and stereotypes of information transfer media[34].

These tools also contribute in generalizing prejudices about Roma. In the case of Roma, the construction used "Gypsy", which most European countries and the European Community[35] consider the term acceptable for public use and public documents is one of the commonly used terms for Roma. This term is widely used by non-Roma and Roma for the representation of Roma in their countries or European level because the term is exotic and more profitable. The term is identified with the identity, values and empowerment of Roma until 1971 when the first World Congress was organized.

This term comes from the Greek term "Athinganoi" that referred to the religious sect in the IX century in Greece, which was believed to have been the Roma. This term varies into "Atsinganoi" used for newcomers "unclean" people in Byzantium. Moreover, it is used throughout a long period in Byzantium showing Roma as dirty and people who are banned to interact.

In the era of the Byzantine Empire, this term reaches the final version "zigeuner", "tzigan", "tigan", "zingari", "cigan"[36] that is intended for "black" in the "white" continent. On the other hand, the term "Gypsy"[37] comes from the crusades in which there were people who defended Egypt but they were visibly different from the population of Egypt. These people defending Egypt are called "gyptians" or "egyptiens" by the crusaders[38] settled in Europe. These terms that are originally not created for Roma are used in addressing Roma in European countries. These forms of offensiveness and humiliation of people are used for Roma because Roma are settlers in Europe.

Roma with the arrival in Europe got an already created identity that were identified from non-Roma up until 1971. Still the media, educational systems and the stereotypes of European countries strengthen this situation for Roma because it is profitable and exotic. New generations knowing ethnographic and historiographic facts tend to turn the tide and fight against Gypsism.

Conclusion

This paper argues the academically established indicators for analyzing the nation building process of a nation with an emphasis on the Roma as a nation and their attempts to create a nation. It is significant to underline that the European nations created the process of building of a nation and a nation state a lot earlier and faster, their values and unity are considered to preserve the “state” identity, while Roma are in a different situation than the majority of the people in the states where they settled. Considering Roma as a nation, it is also important to highlight that they were faced with the challenge of political organization and leadership until the first International Congress of Roma in 1971. Nevertheless, Roma as an entity that exists in Europe after a genocide and daily depravation of liberty is seen as a “movement” with the hope of greater visibility on the European scene regarding the vulnerability of the problems faced by Roma today.

In addition, one of the arguments analyzed in the article is culture, with empirical and theoretical explanations of the process of cultural standardization and preservation of the “white” continent and reflection on the same process with the Roma. In the migration period, the Roma faced political and cultural challenge, knowing that they will be prevented from manifesting and preserving the culture in the already extreme domination of the nations in Europe. Empirical facts in this work enforce the position of arguing the historical challenges of the Roma, as a nation, which is disabled to practice and preserve its cultural values and features. Taking into consideration the culmination of the development of European cultures throughout the centuries, the culture of the Roma remains vibrant with its specifics and individual in its manner of survival, although they were slaves of the “pure” continent.

This paper analyzes the tools, which create and maintain the labeling of people, i.e. the Roma. The deconstruction of the terms, which are widely accepted as “normal” or “standard” regarding the Roma identity, shows that there is an identity, which was preserved with legitimacy, politically correct and sustainable, while there is also a form, which was historically abused and created to restrict the possibilities of the “unclean” people in Europe.

In the past 10 years, the ziganism represented a term which was challenged by young Roma to every factor in the society through a democratic debate and academic methods, and to prove that there is no such thing as a gypsy identity and a gypsy nation, but a Roma identity of the Roma nation with a rich cultural background and a strong faith in the future. This paper represents an anthropological and political viewpoint, which can cause various interpretations with other explanations about the methodological approach, which is being used for demonstration of the scientific and empirical facts and perspectives.

]]>amit.skenderi@gmail.com (Suad Skenderi)PoliticsTue, 03 Feb 2015 00:00:00 +0000Roma victims as “phantoms” in the history of the Holocaust. The duty of memory and the possibility of changehttp://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/41-roma-victims
http://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/41-roma-victims

By many people and researchers the 20th century is called “century of genocide”, a genocide where under the Nazis, German attempts to rid the country of “racial inferiority” caused many people to be killed without any mercy. Because of the victim numbers, the Nazi genocide was a unique point in the human history. One of the least known aspects of that genocide is the Pharrajimos – The Roma Holocaust. According to Janos Barsony and Agnes Daroczi, Pharrajimos[1] means cutting up, fragmentation and devouring[2] in some dialects of the Romani language. The term Pharrajimos/Porrajmos was introduced for the first time by Ian Hancock[3] in the early 1990s. The same term in the international literature can be found as “Samudaripen” or Roma Holocaust. Surprisingly or not, there are still on-going debates about whether what have happened to Roma could be considered as part of the notion of Holocaust or not.

In this paper, I analyze the reasons for lacking an official recognition and representation of Pharrajimos in the history. Therefore, I look at Nazi’s ideology, the experience of Roma before, during and after the Holocaust. I demonstrate that Nazi German’s ideology was the same for Roma people as it was for the Jewish community - the idea of racial superiority, and I challenge the claim that is not because of their antisocial and criminal behaviour. Moreover, I indicate how participation in a globalized holocaust discourse could improve the visibility of the Roma. I conclude by highlighting the importance of deserving an official recognition of the Roma victims specifically by the United Nations, represented at all international conferences and the history.

Roma before the Holocaust

Considered as dark-skinned, nomadic, not tied to any land, belonging to different religions, speaking a foreign language, etc. Roma were treated very differently from the settled people in Europe. In many countries, the people collectively known as Roma were also known as gypsies. The different culture of the Roma people created fears, stereotypes doubts among the non-Roma. The negative stereotypes became primarily shaped into a racial identity, and Roma were systematically routed. Too many of those stereotypes and prejudices are still gladly believed nowadays. There were many attempts either to assimilate the Roma or just kill them. Many times the issues of Roma were considered as the “problem” that needed to be solved. In many declarations of countries, laws often allowed the killing of Roma. For example, in 1725 King Frederick William I of Prussia ordered all Gypsies older than eighteen to be hanged. A practice of "Gypsy hunting" was quite common - a game hunt very similar to fox hunting. Even as late as 1835, there was a Gypsy hunting in Jutland (Denmark) that "carried a bag of over 260 men, women and children” [4].

Roma under the Third Reich

In the early days of Third Reich Roma people became part of Hitler’s racial ideology, called the “racial purity.” According to some literature, the Roma people were among the first victims. One way or another, Nazis planned to eliminate the Roma at the very beginning of 1933, when they stated the goal of preventing lebensunwertes Leben[5] from reproducing[6]. This ideology resembled the doctrine they had towards the Jewish people. The only way to keep the Aryan race from being tainted by Jewish and Roma blood, the Nazis felt this practice to be the best. Following Gordon McFee’s (2001) definition of Jewish blood, according to the Nazi ideology: Each Jews who: a) was descended from 3-4 Jewish grandparents; b) had 2 Jewish grandparents and who belonged to the Jewish religion or married a Jew according to the Nuremberg Laws; c) to the first degree a mixed Jew who had 2 Jewish grandparents but was not religious or married to a Jew; and, d) to the second degree a mixed Jew who had 1 Jewish grandparent[7]. For the Nazis, the definition of a Gypsy included: Gypsy blood in them if two of their eight great-grandparents were even partially-Roma[8]. Besides, anyone who had darker skin or traveled in a way that could be categorized as similar to Roma was considered to have a Romani blood. Based on different literature and research papers, this is considered as the first similarity between the two groups. However, I highlight the notion of not claiming that they had the same experience, nevertheless in this paper I reveal the similar experience between of the two groups.

The order to deport all Roma to Auschwitz-Birkenau for extermination came from Himmler on December 16, 1943[9].Approximately 250,000 to 500,000[10] Roma were murdered during the Holocaust. In many concentration camps, Roma families were kept together. According to Hancock’s explanations “ the 'family camps' were not created out of any humanitarian motive, but because Roma became completely unmanageable when being separated from family members. “It was simply more expedient and caused the guards less problems, to leave families together for processing.” This referred only to Roma people and not to Jews. Based on the research of Barsony can be seen that on those camps a lot of sterilization and medical experiments were going on[11]. At Auschwitz-Birkenau, the best known doctor was Dr. Mengele who took particular interest in the Roma children especially twins that were used for different experiments including injecting with salt water. Regarding sterilization, Nazis aim was to prevent Romani women from reproducing. Many Romani women did not even know that they were sterilized. Hungarian Roma survivor stated:

They cut off our hair… and everything to be hairless. It was done by women, then a doctor examined us thoroughly… they examined, you know, everything. He was the one who gave an injection to me and to all the others, to everybody. It hurt badly. You know, he gave me an injection down there…Everything went black… I fell off that examining table. They kicked me away; it was time for the next. They gave me an injection like that one in eight months and after that I did not have that monthly thing”[12].

In the article ‘And it was something we didn’t talk about': Rape of Jewish Women during the Holocaust , Helene Sinnreich argues that Jewish women were not the only one being raped, but also Roma women were victims of the organized rape camps[13]. In the camps Roma women were also vulnerable to beatings and rape. Many of the pregnant women were forced to submit to abortions. According to the Holocaust Encyclopedia, the Nazi’s ideology was so called “race-experts” which determined that the child would not be “Germanizable”[14], therefore, women were not given any medical help; some of them were killed or sent to give birth in places where conditions would guarantee death.

Due to the absence of statistic representation of Roma women as victims of sterilization and sexual violence, one can see that there is lack of non-Jewish representation “sexual violence against non-Jewish women and non-Jewish survivors' voices are not heard. Additional, Andrews Sue says that the missing elements, such as discussion about women’s unique experience gendered experience of persecution and death, within the discussion of women’s unique experience provides an incomplete picture of the Holocaust.

Roma today

After the liberation Roma did not have very different life from the one before the Holocaust. Many of them were left outside on the street because of the lack of placement, without any family business or material left, especially since their belongings and properties were confiscated by the Nazis and their allies. Nowadays many Roma and Sinti are still facing with everyday stereotypes, prejudices, hate speech and hate crime. Taking into consideration just the latest events which affected Roma, such as the forced unfair deportation of Roma from France[15], the case of the blonde little Romani girl[16] who was taken away from her Roma parents just because she was blonde, or last year’s protests against Roma in Check Republic, the everyday offline/online hate speech, one can certainly not only see but also feel the high percent of Romaphobia and racism. Hancock in his book “Responses to the Porrajmos: The Romani Holocaust.” Is the Holocaust Unique?Perspectives on Comparative Genocide”, claims that today, the Romani population faces its severest crisis since the Holocaust; neo-Nazi race crimes against Gypsies have seen rapes, beatings, and murders in Germany, Hungary, and Slovakia; anti-Gypsy pogroms in Romania and Bulgaria, including lynching’s and home burnings, are increasing. He strongly highlights that for the Roma population the Holocaust is not over yet.

The idea of not being recognized as victims of persecution for racial motives but of antisocial and criminal behavior, this indication not only affects the dignity of the Roma people, moreover it brings danger to their lives. This claim can be justified by the alarming rise of Far Right parties in Europe producing hate-speech, stereotypes, and prejudice. Remarking that a language is both active and functional in shaping and reproducing social relations, identities and ideas”[17] and “it marks out a field of knowledge, it confers membership, and it bestows authority” (p.248) hence, the discourse on any subject always carries with it a power intentionality, so many speeches can be performed by creating the problem on how they are talking about it. Mentioning all this, the process of remembrance is a necessity; it is an asset for recognition, the time for remembering is now more urgent, than it has ever been in the past.

[7] From article by Gordon McFee (2001) in which he relates the German laws set in motion against.

[8] This fact can be found in nearly identical words in both Harold Tanner’s “The Roma Persecution” and Shirley Miller’s “The Road to Porrajmos, the Gypsy Holocaust”, though neither references it directly.

We live in a globalized world that recently is facing with a deep economic crisis. Worldwide, every fifth person is poor and in Macedonia every third citizen. From a historical perspective, poverty is a phenomenon that has always existed in societies because of anomalies in the system of organization of the state. Unlike the past, today poverty is unacceptable and is a constant challenge for its elimination and eradication. Poverty is inherently contested concept. However, scientists, policy makers, and even politicians agree on one thing - that poverty is a problem. Whatever the definition or description of the poverty is, the primary or underlying message is that poverty is not just a condition, but an unacceptable condition.

After the Second World War governments undertook greater responsibility and determination to eliminate poverty, so that the common platform set to rebuild Europe with the Marshall Plan and set Millennium Development Goals 2000-2015.

In the world over 80% of people live with less than $ 10 per day, 25 thousand children die every day due to poverty, 12.3 million people are victims of forced labor and 186 million are unemployed. Macedonia is also covered by these trends, according to the UN (United Nations), 50% of the population live in some sort of poverty and despite this discouraging figure it is considered that certain social groups are particularly exposed to poverty when compared to the other. [1]

The Republic of Macedonia, inevitably is part of this process, and for these reasons it has a strategy for reducing the poverty. Nevertheless, despite the adoption of the strategy, there was an upward trend of the poverty by 4% in 1990, that reached to 30.4% in 2011. This situation indicates that there is a need of adjusting the lifestyle of the population according to the minimum conditions. Learning a new way of living with fewer opportunities and limitations is a difficult and painful process for the individuals and the families.

However, part of the Macedonian citizens has been living for long time in poor conditions and I can say that they “got used” to it. I talk about the Roma community, which is a synonym for successful survival in poor substandard living conditions. Therefore, considering the growing trend of poverty in the world and in Macedonia it is time to set up reverse thesis that in terms of increased poverty there is no need to “integrate” the Roma community in the current social trends. Conversely, the new generation of poor people should be integrated and taught by the example of the Roma community. In this short analysis I will give some examples of how the new poverty in Macedonia can be adjusted or integrated to the lifestyle of the Roma community.

Politics and legislation in Macedonia

The Republic of Macedonia, like any other country, has a definition that determines whether and in what category of poverty belongs a group or an individual. As poor persons are considered families and groups of persons whose resources (material, cultural and social) are at the level which excludes them from the minimum acceptable way of life in the country in which they live[2]. Poverty means condition in which basic needs are greater than the possibilities for their satisfaction.[2]

According to the Constitution, Macedonia is a social state that guarantees minimum standards of rights for worthy and decent life. Nevertheless, the governments of Macedonia do not succeed to cope with this phenomenon or to introduce policies that will enhance economic activity and standard of living. Of course, government policies are not the only factor that affects the economic performance, the situation is largely dependent on the macroeconomic occasion in the region and beyond.

The law on Social protection defines the financial support for the unemployed and socially vulnerable families. According the law, one-member family receive 35.6 Euro (2 174 MKD) ; two members family 48.8 Euro (2 979 MKD) ; three member family benefits 62 Euro (3 784 MKD) ; four member families receives monthly 74.7 Euro (4 558 MKD), while five-member family receives monthly 88.4 Euro (5 393 MKD) social assistance. These amounts of social assistance receive only the persons who seek financial support for the first time. Citizens who use the social welfare more than three years receive half of the above amount. The law also gives an opportunity for additional financial support for the employees whose monthly income per family member is less in terms of the monthly consumer basket for a family of 4 members.

Besides the positive legal regulations and responsibilities of the institutions that are responsible for providing social protection, they are not regularly updating the data on the number of welfare recipients. On the website of the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy there is no information about the number of social assistance beneficiaries while the State Office of Statistics has published data about the beneficiaries in 2010 and 2011. It is very difficult to compare the data by years in order to see what the trend is and to check whether the undertaken measures of the institutions provide concrete results in terms of socially excluded and unemployed people. So far, the state has provided social support to 35 000 – 49 000 families into various categories.

Factors that produce poverty

In the last 30-40 years, the world poverty has increased by two times. As a result of the increased number of poor people, the number of poor countries has doubled. Undoubtedly Macedonia belongs to a group of poor developing countries. The official statistical office stated that 30.4% live in poverty. There are several factors that produce this growing trend of poverty:

Factors of social context:

Class explanation - poverty is a result of marginalization of the people that are excluded from production processes thus limiting their life choices;

Administrative explanation - poverty is attributed to mistakes and inefficiency of public services (inability of political leaders, bureaucracy, etc.).

Inequality - poverty is a product of inequality in the social structure which implies denial of all possibilities (racial and gender inequality).

The Pathological explanations attach the poverty to the character and behavior of poor people. Here are included:

Individual explanation - the poor are accustomed to being inadequate, to make wrong choices in life, and thus are unable to create their lifestyle;

Familial explanation - the belief that poverty reigns with one family and such a poor explanation held for generations ;

Subcultural explanation - “the culture of poverty," teaches poor to be different and to adapt to the poverty together with eliminating any ambition and faith.[3]

It’s obvious that parts of poverty are the unemployed who do not work in a while or are excluded from the labor market because of their age. The trend of unemployment in Macedonia constantly is moving between 30 and 35%, which is a burden on our small underdeveloped economy. Although part of the unemployed are active in the informal economy, which is 45% of the total economy, its essential problem that none of the governments failed to eradicate the system and find a solution.

In certain periods institutions undertook measures to purify the number of unemployed as artificial contribute to reducing the number of registered job seekers, which essentially does not change the situation. In such bureaucratic measures, mostly Roma population were eliminated from the records as a passive unemployed. So this phenomenon rather than a systematic solution has become part of daily politicking authorities before and after the election cycles in order to control the consistency of the electorate.

How to live according to the Bureau of Statistics?

The consumption basket in Macedonia year by year is more and more expensive due to inflation i.e. the rise in prices does not mean that it increases the purchasing power of citizens. Classically, basket products include wheat products, meat, fish, milk, dairy products, eggs, oils and fats, fruits, vegetables, sugar, chocolate and confectionery products, other food products, non-alcoholic and alcoholic beverages. Starting from 2011, the State Statistical Office has stopped to calculate the consumption basket with the current criteria in order to follow the EU recommendations aimed to harmonize our statistical system with that of the EU. For this purpose, the State Statistical Office in 2010 for the first time conducted the survey for income and living conditions, which is fully harmonized with the recommendations of Eurostat. This survey will be a source for calculation of internationally comparable data on living standards in the country.[4] The last estimate for the amount of the consumption basket was made in December 2010 in which the average net wage per worker was 351 Euro (21 454 MKD). The total costs for food and beverages were 202 Euro (12 342 MKD), where the disposable income is around 149 Euro (9 112 MKD), or about 42.5%. Taking into account the fact that the consumption basket contains only food and beverages, occupies 57.5% of the average wage in the country. It turns out that the citizens spend more than half of the salary for imported products.

Let us illustrate it with a concrete example:

Suppose that we have a family with four members and only one member is employed. The employed person earns 351 Euro (21 454 MKD) per month. Around 60% of the earned amount will be spent on consumption basket that costs 204 Euro (12 454 MKD). If we subtract the costs for the consumption basket from the earnings, the remaining amount is it around 147 Euro (9,000 MKD). Where should he/she spend this money? He/she still needs to pay the expenses for electricity, water, rent (if paid), expenditure on education of children, clothing, health, etc.

Now I will analyze how much money in reality a four-member family could spend on the consumption basket?

Based on the calculations above it appears that the average basket is more expensive for around 43.3 Euro (2 646 MKD) than the defined one without calculating the cost for meat, dairy and clothing. The decision where to spend on these necessities depend on each family, whereby the families usually cut from the food or delay the payment of the bills for electricity, heating, water, etc. Let recall that the average basket is calculated according to the amount of the national average wages. How it is possible to provide these items with the welfare of about 82 Euro (5 000 MKD)?

The answer is simple and very clear, it is not possible to feed a family with the support provided by the state. If the state provides only about 82 Euro (5 000 MKD) and the family inevitably spends minimum 246 Euro (15,000 MKD) than it also arises the question about the taxes that the state receives when purchasing any product. Each product is at least 4 times taxed while got into the hands of the consumers. The producer pays taxes on raw materials and labor force, than tax is paid for the transportation of the product, tax is paid for the trade by wholesalers and retailers, at the end the customer pays 5% or 18% value added tax VAT. If the amount of 246 Euro (15,000 MKD) is taxed 5 times by 5% (minimum) it amounts in total 25% gain on each item for the state, or 61.4 Euro (3 750 MKD). If we subtract this amount from the given amount of our example 74.7 Euro (4558 MKD) for 4 member family, it turns out that the state pays only 13.2 Euro (808 MKD) monthly social assistance. So, it is 13 euros monthly assistance per family or in total 156 euros social assistance per year. At the end the calculation shows that the state spends 7.6 million euros budget funds which are irrevocably given to 49 000 families –users of the social assistance.

How is to live in Roma poverty?

From the stated calculations, it appears that every family and each individual must find his/her own best way to provide to some extent decent feeding for all family members. Roma people have been doing this for centuries. While doing this, they have been often suppressed and oppressed by the institutions and particular groups of individuals. But the ordinary citizen who is part of the new poverty has an advantage, his/her social status and treatment by the institutions is far better that automatically means it is easier for him/her to deal with poverty.

The following recommendations are made in order to indicate the particular needs of getting used or weaning from the way of feeding, thinking, behaving and acting in reduced circumstances, with a clear distinction of the differences to the Roma community:

1. Use your previous social capital at the maximum level (protectionism)

Roma do not have social capital as the major community, which means they do not have relatives and friends who are employed in institutions or private companies to help them in emergencies. The new poverty in Macedonia can always find support within the system and in private business or family friendly lines, solidarity in ethnic and religious affiliation. This does not apply to Roma, so head up, it will be easier for you to deal with poverty than the ordinary Roma.

2. Consume less food

If you can manage that your family got used to consume only one meal per day, preferably a cheaper food without meat, milk, fruits and desserts, then you will succeed to survive the end of the month with the social benefits. Not to mention that alcohol, cigarettes and travel vacations are imaginary ideals in this kind of circumstances.

3. Purchase clothes only ones in several years

The clothes and shoes that you own should optimize your utility, therefore, rarely wash in order not to torn them, if they are torn try to sew them and use them until the material can withstand. Patching the shoes cost money, so start exercising alone to do that using some older and useless shoes.

4. Upbringing and education of children by any means

Try to make your children to get used to study from old books and to go to school with older and cheaper bags, without one meal at school or just a meal at home. If you want to give more to your children then you should find a way for extra earnings. For example: go out in the morning, work all day for a small daily earning 3-5 Euro (200-300 MKD) and bring some food at home. Meanwhile the oldest child should take care of those who are not in the school age. If any of the children is less successful or uninterested in learning, when the child will become 10 years take it with you to work for additional daily help. If interested and successful in studying than leave them alone to deal with the homework because you do not have time or perhaps a knowledge to help them. If the child complains that the teachers or friends mistreat her, gave lower grades, placed her on the last bench, or if most of the mates do not associate with her because she is poor, you will say that she has to withstand with that because she must successfully obtain a degree and work. If she graduated and still cannot find a job because she does not have connections, she is not political suitable, does not have money to buy the job offer, than offer him/her to require a stall on the black market in order to earn something.

5. Saving and just saving

You must constantly try to find new ways for saving from other living expenses that are not food. In the winter you must go to sleep earlier, and wake up later in order to save wood for hitting. You have to get used to live without electricity because of unpaid bills, to be clean with less hot water and almost no hygiene products; to go to the doctor only in extremely poor health. If you go to some public institutions to seek a public service be prepared to the closed doors and counter refusals.

6. Do not refuse earnings that are ridiculously low

In the absence of stable employment you must get used to work everything that is not against the law. The state tolerates daily work in the gray economy, so often you can offer physical labor for cleaning, carrying, digging, small trade in products etc. You should be ready that at the end of the day you will not get the money in hand but will have a product as compensation or simply telling you to come another day for your per diem. Well, it is still good that you have to take money and you do not owe to anyone, so it turns out that you are in positive.

7. Dump benefits

In extremely bad situations the public dumps and containers are a source of income, where except food you can find old metal, plastic, paper and other valuables that with little adjustment or repair can ready for sale. However, for a long-term work with second hand raw materials you will need to be careful of the legal obligations, open a bank account to pay off what you gathered around. If you accumulated more than 197 Euro (12 000 MKD) per year in your account then wait for the government to abolish the welfare assistance everything is according to law.

8. Try to be innovative and positive

It is important not to lose your hope that one day you will find a well-paid job. The painful life makes you to think and to invent solutions, so by the time you will be the future innovator for specific problems and needs. It is not that terrific because Roma are doing that for centuries, without institutions, without state, without protection and power. Just living day for day, day for another day and do they do not make troubles. Share your happy and sad moments with the poor. When you have chance for to make a big celebration do not give up, because still you live just once.

9. Be a farmer or move from town to village

If you have a piece of land that is owned by you or your family, do not hesitate to start working on it. The stakes and risks are smaller when compared to what you can get for feeding your family. Imagine the situation when you do not have land and opportunity for consuming fruits and vegetables for free and must buy each product. Roma do not have land, country and opportunity to cultivate and grow something for their families, but they are still surviving and functioning in everyday life.

I hope that the recommendations stated above will be useful for you by the fact that it will be easier to know how to face and overcome poverty. From the analysis we can realize that there are different types of poverties that have their beginnings and endings. Roma have always been victims of these beginnings and they always end to a poverty, many generations survived by finding new ways to survive and overcome this phenomenon.

The global economic crisis that hit Europe in 2008 worsen the prospective for employment of minorities in the labor market across South East Europe (Bartlett & Uvalic, 2013). The expansion of the crisis change the behavior of all stakeholders - governments began to intervene in the banking system, global consumption declined, while the private sector began to fire workers. The lessons learned from the economic crisis in the past teach us that poverty, unemployment and the hostility among people increase. In this context, the labor market is the main target of the private sector, which provides interventions such as reducing wages and layoffs usually directed to specific ethnic, gender, age or religious group.

There is no doubt that discrimination of Roma exist in the education and labor market, which in large part can explain the employment gap between Roma and Non – Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Few studies, (Kahanec, Messing, Fabo, & Brozovicova, 2012), (Kezdi & Kertesi, 2010), (O'Higgins, 2012) decompose the employment gap and conclude that discrimination has significant impact on the explanation of unemployment level among Roma. Even though, these studies confirm that the discrimination in the labor market occur, in many cases is difficult to determine and hence react in cases where it appears. Nevertheless, these attempts to establish a link between the discrimination and unemployment provide little information of the channels of discrimination in the labor market.

Therefore the primary focus of this paper is to demonstrate the patterns of discrimination in the labor market in Macedonia from an economic point of view. Particularly, through the economic models of discrimination I argue that Roma are unequally treated in the labor market, both in the private and public sector.

Theoretical context

Discrimination in the labor market as a concept emerge in the 1950s, with the pioneer study of the models of discrimination by Becker (1957). In the study, Becker develops models of economic discrimination, with two classes: competitive model (statistical and taste based discrimination) and collective model (based on gender and ethnicity). Today there are three widely known economic models of discrimination: Discrimination by the employer, Discrimination by the costumers (taste discrimination) and Discrimination by the colleagues (Ehrenberg & Smith, 2012). For the purpose of this paper in the analysis part I will used just the first two models.

The definition of the discrimination in the labor market comes from the Nobel laureate, Kenneth Arrow, who define it as an assessment based on the personal characteristics of the employee that is not related to his/her productivity. In other words, if two employees have the same level of education, experience, age and occupation, but are treated differently based on demographic characteristics, then there is a basis for discriminatory treatment in the labor market (Arrow, 2003). The discrimination practice is shown through variances in monthly income consequential from the characteristics of the group (community) into the labor market (pre - market differences such as education, work experience), and differences in the way groups are treated by actors in the labor market. In this regard, ethnic discrimination in the labor market is manifesting through two forms:

Employers sometimes pay less salary to a minority groups compared to the majority that have the same experience and work under the same conditions in the same occupation - discrimination based on income/ salary

Members of a minority group with the same education and production capacity are significantly represented in those professions that are low paid and/or occupations where employers act according to levels of power to ensure paid positions for majority groups - discrimination based on professions

Nevertheless, discrimination in the labor market is extremely difficult, and almost impossible in the absence of ethnic segregated data. However, in the economic literature there are methods that allow to get some indication such as:

Practical aspects of the labor discrimination in Macedonia

The bi-polarization of the country and its institutions after the ethnic conflict in 2001 led to serious distortions in the labor market (Kacarska, 2008). In such a situation, the private sector is guided not only to maximize its profit, but also to hire the same ethnic origin workers. For example, if there are two people who are competing and both of they have the same qualification (Macedonian and Albanian or Roma), it is obvious in such a conditions that the employer will choose an employee who belongs to his/her community. This situation replicate the reality after the ethnic crisis, where practically the labor market was divided between the two largest ethnic groups (Janeska & Bojnec, 2011; Micevska, 2008). In such circumstances, Roma were the winners but also the losers at the same time. Partly winners due to the guaranteed representation in the public administration (Ohrid Framework Agreement, 2001), but also losers because the prospective for employment were lower since the market was ethnically divided.

From the other viewpoint, the prejudices and stereotypes in society towards Roma have negative impact in the economy and contribute significantly in creating perceptions of employers and their choice of employment. In this respect, the perception of Roma by the society is based on the media reports, which is directed only on presenting the exotic / negative image in order to draw public attention. These factors contribute significantly to the creation of so-called “statistical discrimination”, which is based on stereotypical views of employment services in the state agencies and employers. For example, in the absence of any available information about the candidates and their abilities, the employer’s decision is based on the visible features of the ethnic group. In such a circumstances, the employer will not hire a worker from an ethnic group that has bad public image (Neckerman & Kirschenman, 1991).

Nonetheless, for the purpose of this analysis I will use the following two models of discrimination in the labor market, including Discrimination by the employer and Discrimination by the customers.

Discrimination by the employer

This model is a prime example of the existence of discrimination in the labor market and is most present in relation to the others. The discrimination by the employer is based on the employer's willingness to hire/fire a group of workers on their own will. A typical example is the current case where the employer (City Mall) requires from the service provider (Land Service) to fire the employed Roma without any further explanation. The economic power of the employer allows this behavior to pass unpunished. The consequences of such irresponsible behavior towards the Roma people have financial and psychological effects (Deitch, Barsky, Butz, & Chan, 2003). Losing a job demotivates them to actively seek employment and discourage people to invest in education and additional qualification. These things have a domino effect and are transmitted to a wider group of people, with negative anomalies in the labor market. These distortions have an implication to the country level in terms of lost social contributions and taxes.

The differences in the levels of employment/ unemployment of the Roma people and other ethnic groups might be a reasonable proxy for presenting this model. In Macedonia, the difference in the rates of employment and unemployment of different ethnic groups is following:

Table 1 presents the differences in rates of employment and unemployment of the Roma community compared with other groups. The most striking observations are the comparisons with the smaller communities, such as the Serbian ethnic group that has a higher average employment by 22.5 percentage points over Roma. Moreover, Roma has 47.6 percentage points higher unemployment rate compared with the same ethnic group. These findings indicate significant differences in terms of education, experience and different treatment of the groups. The gender differences are even significantly higher compared with the smaller ethnic groups.

The decomposition of employment based on the educational level, according to the national census in 2002, shows that Roma has significantly lower level of education compared with all the other ethnic groups. Therefore, one could argue that the employment/ unemployment level is determine by the education credential of the individuals. Nonetheless, the arguments shows that Roma face with crowding effect in the labor market due to the polarization in the labor market (Smith, 2013). According to Dennett & Modestino (2013) this phenomenon is transmitted to the ethnic minorities that lack human and social capital in the society, in this case Roma.

Another indicator that shows the different treatment of the Roma community in the labor market is the employment level in the public administration. According to the Ombudsman's report in 2011, the employment rate of Roma is 1.3%, which according to the Ohrid Framework Agreement, significantly deviates from the planned 2.6%. Even in terms of those 1.3% percent employed, the distribution level of the positions were Roma are employed differ significantly in relation to other communities that are smaller than the Roma community.

Table 2 illustrates the representation of the Roma community in the public administration in relation to the Non - Roma. Undoubtedly the low representation of Roma in higher positions in the public administration shows that Roma are not equally represented as the other smaller ethnic groups. Only 0.2 percent of Roma are employed in the higher level position. In this respect, the equal representation in the public administration according to the Ohrid Framework Agreement is not working for Roma.

Discrimination by the clients

The following model describes the discrimination by the customers that have the desire to be served/ not served by a particular community/ethnic group. Such a case occurs when a group is pushed from the labor market into certain professions, such as, for example, services in restaurants, clubs, hotels, or in some high profile's professions that are in direct contact with customers.

This contributes to the existence of the phenomenon of segregation of jobs, where due to the above factors one group; in this case Roma is significantly represented in low-paid job positions. In this framework, a UNDP research, conducted in 2011, confirms the above indications:

Undoubtedly, the high representation of Roma in low paying professions suggests the existence of so-called job/ occupational segregation. The data in the table confirms that Roma are significantly employed in commercial services (haircut, textiles and cleaning), construction which are considered as low paid jobs. This profile of job is also linked with the levels of educational attainment and the discrimination that exists before entering in the labor market.

Conclusions and recommendations

Although the discrimination in the labor market is difficult to determine, the unequal treatment of Roma shown by various examples and data confirms the presence of this phenomenon. I argued that this phenomenon contributes significantly to the high rates of unemployment, and the representation of Roma in low profile paying positions. Undoubtedly, education and work experience primarily affect the labor market. In this context, the pro arguments show that Roma have lower levels of education and less work experience and thus follow the high unemployment and the segregated working positions. Contrary to these arguments, the numerous examples demonstrate that the existence of discrimination in the labor market. In addition, the discrimination in the education contributes Roma to start in the labor market with already acquired differences in terms of knowledge and skills.

In order to improve the condition of the Roma in the labor market and to avoid the practices of discrimination the following recommendation should be implemented:

Creating social capital

The crucial factor that is missing in the Roma community is the lack of social capital. What exactly this terms is about and why it is essential for a community to have a social capital? The principle of social capital lies in the development of social ties and values ​​towards collective action. Simplified and adapted to the Roma case, this means connecting the Roma across Europe through shared interests and values ​​aimed at opening businesses and employing Roma. The potential of the Roma diaspora is high; which combined with favorable opportunities for opening a business in Macedonia would mean full benefit for the whole society. Throughout the history there have been a variety of examples, including African - Americans, Jews, Turks, Albanians, Vlachs etc. Even though is a long process that requires creation of values ​​based on trust and strong sense of belonging - identity, it is not impossible. It requires time and building relationships with the Roma abroad; enhancing communication and intensify it as well as to redirect the kinship ties in the development of economic interest; creating business relations with other communities etc. This social ties cause economic power that can contribute in opening Roma businesses.

CreatingandMaintainingthe Human Capital

The knowledge, experience and skills of an individual or group reflects the potential of the human capital of a community in a society. The creation of the human capital within the Roma people started much more later; by that time other nations had practiced this in term of developing personal and group progress in the society. However, to develop a long term strategy for creating and maintaining the human capital we need to meet the following prerequisites:

Developing an environment that contributes to the development of Human Capital

1. Home environment – There is a need of developing a long-term strategy for cooperation with parents, especially on their commitment and enthusiasm to support Roma students. Undoubtedly, it is necessary to convey positive values ​​in the future students about the value of education and the social responsibility towards their community.

2. Community - The environment within the community involves creating a cultural capital of the, where certain norms related to community progress and civic participation should be carry out in order to exploit the given political and economic opportunity.

3. Educational institutions - In this context, it is crucial not only has the physical conditioned of the institutions, but also the environment in which Roma students are studying. First and foremost it should be consider the quality of the teachers and their attitudes, relationships and responsibility towards the Roma community; investing in Roma teacher and ensuring proper equipment in the school. These factors determining the success of students and creates an atmosphere where all students have the same equal opportunities and the same starting role in education.

Performance / achievements

The absence of a longitudinal data made impossible to derive conclusion about the progress of the Roma community or the effectiveness of certain policies. Often, cross-sectional studies done by international organization (UNDP; World Bank; FRA others) present the snapshot of the situation that Roma face - regardless of the biases that they have in their methodology (focusing on the highest concentration of Roma settlements which presents the situation of the poorest Roma; whereas Roma middle class is practically not included in the sample since they are living in the urban areas not in the settlements, the incentives to answer the questionnaire etc.)

These statistics does not describe the actual achievements of the Roma community in the field of education through the years. These statistics, are used by many Non-Roma and Roma NGOs in their reports in order to attract donors, which according to me reinforce the negative stereotypes of Roma. In the end of the day, we Roma are the ones who make our image in the society, we are the ones who should present the positive stories and achievements; show the Roma role models in the community where younger generation can draw successful examples. In this regard, the current Roma NGOs have to develop communication strategies with the broader public and demonstrate their impact/ achievements in the community. Along with this, research centers and studies from Roma about Roma have to emerge, in order to deconstruct the biases that Non-Roma researches fall into when they write about Roma.

Distribution of Human Capital

As part of the creation of a long-term strategy for the human resources, it should be analyzed the fields in which there is a lack of Roma students. It is essential to invest and stimulate those areas where Roma can have the greatest benefit and highest added value. It is necessary to develop clear vision and estimate in which fields to invest –IT; economics; medicine; politics, science, public policy etc.

Develop a strategy for response

Reactions to different types of discrimination should be directed to address the source of the problem. In this regard, creation of a coordinative body (NGOs, students, politicians) that is willing to accept the burden and consequences of the reaction. Consequently, such a reactions should be shared, communicated with a larger public in order to create alliances and massive support from different groups. Individual reactions may have weight only if they grow in group ones, targeted towards defined objectives and to the following types of actions:

Protest - Organize massive protest in order to demonstrate the significance of the committed action and alarming the system institutions to engage in solving the case.

Official request to the competent authorities to resolve the case. In this context, it is needed good coordination between lawyers and Roma NGOs

Monitoring of the case / Protest - This process includes monitoring within the respective institutions, and on-time reporting to the all stakeholders that have to pressure the institutions to resolve the case

The combination of the above recommendations contributes to overcome the discrimination in the labor market towards the Roma community. The process of developing and linking the social and human capital is especially beneficial in the long run. In this respect, international organizations facilitate and support the process of creating networks and developing of social capital in the countries. However, the failure to take action in cases where discrimination in the labor market occurs means its acceptance. In order to evade this practices, Roma interest groups should operate in a democratic way and to use all the necessary means to resolve such situations.

Bartlett, William and Milica Uvalic (eds) (2013). Social Consequences of the Global Economic

Crisis in South East Europe, London: London School of Economics and Political Science,

]]>amit.skenderi@gmail.com (Albert Memeti)EconomyTue, 18 Nov 2014 00:00:00 +0000The Opportunities for Young Roma as Leaders of Roma Political Parties in the Republic of Macedoniahttp://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/37-the-opportunities-for-young-roma-as-leaders-of-roma-political-parties-in-the-republic-of-macedonia
http://romalitico.org/new/index.php/content/item/37-the-opportunities-for-young-roma-as-leaders-of-roma-political-parties-in-the-republic-of-macedonia

When we search for an adequate explanation about politics, there are various definitions from different historical periods. Up to the 19th century, the philosophers defined it as a skill for governance, which was related to warfare, conquest and superiority of nations[1]. The modern definition of politics started in the 20th century, and it was directed towards the institutional governance and maintenance of law and order in the state.[2] The different types of political regimes and ideologies influenced the understanding and definition of politics and political processes. Throughout the history of social development, a division of ideals and political persuasion appears. Organized groups of like-minded people about the political processes, governance and understanding of society are institutionalized in political parties.

According to Schreyer и Schwarzmeier parties’ development depends on the structure of the membership in the electoral districts, social structure, organizational structure, goals of the party, ideologies, access to the political system and access to governance[3]. This division in the democratic system of governance, as the most effective way of ruling, improves parties’ profiles so that they would compete for the citizens’ trust. Political parties use different methods in order to gain voters’ trust and to represent their interests.

Since the independence of the country, non-Roma political parties observed the decision making and attempted to influence the progress of Macedonia. In the country, Macedonian parties create power in coalition with the Albanian parties, or they join the opposition[4]. According to the above-mentioned classification of parties, it can be indicated that Macedonian and Albanian parties vary in their ideologies, structures, access to the political system and the social structure, which makes the political arena better in quality for options and more competent. The ideological parties in both blocks have the greatest and most continuous impact of the electorate.

In the process of democratization, Roma in the country got a right to participate in the political advancement of the state since the independence of the Republic of Macedonia. As a community, Roma were represented by a political party which over the years fragmented into new political entities. Still, there are also new Roma political parties emerging with new leaders[5]. In an attempt to define the political parties in Macedonia, Roma political parties are defined as ethnic-based (interest-based) parties with the primary purpose to promote the ideals and values ​​of the community with traditional leadership, which aims to be in a coalition with the majoritarian (governing) parties. The utilization of the capacity of young Roma people is a long-term and a sustainable plan for Roma parties to remain competitive and persistent entities in the political arena of the state, generating new leaders and a permanent structure.

The participation of youth in the political parties in Macedonia

Throughout the history of civilization, the youth has always represented hope for the survival and future of society as a key factor for improving the stability and existence. The future of society is considered to be the most dependent on the future generations that overtake the role of the elders. [6] But some philosophers do not share the same opinion and critically comment on future generations in the society, arguing that if young people are not prepared to take the role of the elders and do not show more knowledge and skills for the new challenges, then a major threat occurs in the continuation of the already started processes and they might fail in what the society requires of them. In a democratic society, the young people are expected to take the values ​​and traditional democratic practices in order to participate with the older generations in the maintenance of the democratic processes. The youth in a democracy is a pillar for regeneration of the civic and social values.

In “The Republic” [7], Plato argues that the success of the state also depends on the education of the young people aiming to implement the adequate system in the state, which does not have to be a democracy. In “Politics” [8], Aristotle points out the importance of human behavior in politics and the politics as part of human behavior, highlighting good examples of the human behaviors and policies. Democracy, as a regime, encourages the participation of the people by including young people to participate or influence in decision-making processes.

Political parties often involve young people in youth activities or youth organizations where they practice political skills and enhance the vision of the political party. Youth organizations play a significant role in the creativity and innovations of the parties in their decisions on youth policies and the impact of future policies on youth. Political parties also include the youth in academies for political skills where they practice the values of ​​the ideologies or the profile of the political party. The academies strengthen the democratic capabilities and capacities in using the management tools of democracy. Furthermore, the academies aim to generate new leaders who will be prepared for future political engagement. Majority of the parties in the Republic of Macedonia successfully implement their political academies (schools) and promote their ideology with new capacities in their parties. The political academy of Social Democracy [9] supported by Friedrich Ebert Foundation supports social democratic values. This academy has an aim to educate future generations of the parties about politics, democracy and governance that are left wing. The political academy for Demo-Christian and Conservative ideology [10] sponsored by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Pavel Shatev Institute also promotes traditional and rightist values ​​and politically educates future generations of the ideology, democracy and governance in the Republic of Macedonia.

Current political elite encourage the youngsters with building teams of experts that will recommend (or advice) a politician in the parliament or a minister in the government. This incentive provides space and motivation for the youth and it plays a crucial role in the practice of democratic values and high political culture of the next cadres[11][12]. Throughout the years of independence leaders in mainstream parties changed and generations from the little expert teams became current politicians or analysts.

Participation of young Roma in Roma political parties in the Republic of Macedonia

Throughout the years after the independence of Macedonia, Roma in the country were represented by multiple parties. Roma political parties are represented as ethnically based parties in the political system of Macedonia, and their aims should be concentrated in the needs of the electorate i.e. the community. The multiparty system in the country has encouraged Roma leaders to exercise their democratic skills in the political arena and also the people to elect who will represent their interests. Ethnically based parties have more freedom in defining their goals and priorities because the electorate creates the direction of the party, and the leaders are spokesmen of their priorities. The fragmentation and the creation of new Roma political parties, besides the division of the electorate, also caused a division of interests and priorities. Besides their congresses that take place once a year (and some parties do not organize at all), the youth organizations that are active before the elections and their rallies, the Roma political parties do not show other activities to win the interest of the citizens. It can be emphasized that traditional leaders in Macedonia know the recipe of success in elections and find a way to secure the desired function. After elections, the role and workload make leaders inaccessible for the interests and the needs of the voters. The lack of proper analysis and research on the work of the Roma political parties and their youth organizations, programs, structures, ideologies and statutes reduces the interest in voters, especially in young voters who are not involved in decision-making processes or influencing parties’ decisions.

Young Roma are limited in their political activities and actions due to the party’s indifference to restore and maintain the political capacity. The Roma political parties control the ambitions of young Roma, who should take over the role of leaders in the Republic of Macedonia. The principles of the Ohrid Framework Agreement inadvertently “authorized” Roma political parties to govern the capacities and to be the largest “employer” of the perspective young Roma. Thereby, Roma political parties employ young Roma, who must obey the decisions of the leader of the party that employed them in public administration.

Due to the fear of the 29.9% unemployment in the country [13], young Roma accept the offer of the parties to be employed as civil servants and in return for the parties, they participate in election campaigns in their propaganda. The creativity and innovation of the Roma parties is determined only by the leader, the coalition partner from the majoritarian parties is determined by the leader of the Roma parties, the coalition interests and priorities are determined by the leader of the majoritarian parties. Then young Roma in the youth organizations are required as a mechanism for campaigns and a generator of votes for the Roma political parties with the hope for employment in the public administration as a civil servant. The traditional leadership of the Roma political parties in the state created a monopoly of voters who vote because they have to and not because they want to. Since the independence of the country, the Roma parties “successfully” build coalitions with the majoritarian parties and were present in decision-making processes as shadow participants. Throughout the years, new capacities and new parties developed that offered the same formula.

Young Roma leaders do not have the opportunity to follow good behavior examples in politics and to understand the cause of the politics for Roma as a human behavior. The Roma political parties forget the academies as a potential generator of new leaders in the parties, where young Roma would have the opportunity to practice democratic values, to debate the political program of the party, to influence the decisions from a higher rank and to present this transparently. Roma leaders tend to have less members in a team, they practice top to bottom approach, where he decides, and everybody else follows. Promotion of cadres is nearly impossible and cadres are not encouraged to initiate or implement any action without previous consent with the leader. The current Roma political elite can only understand the investment of the sustainability and the success of their parties only if they establish space for promotion of cadres, work in teams and have a tradition of academies where new generations will lead the change we want to see.

Conclusion

Politics is a necessary element in the society for maintaining the social harmony in the country while the youth represents the hope for the continuation, maintenance or modification of the already ongoing processes in the society. The maintenance of social harmony in the state is created by the political parties, especially those participating in parliament. Political parties also aim to represent the interests and needs of the voters who opted for the given political option. Political parties in the direction of a long term plan have to to maintain the continuity of their influence and power, invest in the new generations of young people who would be willing to continue the political processes in the same parties. While the majoritarian political parties in the Republic of Macedonia nurture a mechanism of creating and maintaining of a new capacity in their political structures through: political academies, youth organizations, scholarships for successful students with tendencies for a political engagement, the Roma parties are lost in the political space and often challenged by voters about their ideological preferences and program activities which should be presented to the voters in a transparent and visible way. The undefined values ​​and interests of the Roma political parties in the Republic of Macedonia is the biggest burden in the past years from which they cannot get rid of. The political culture of the majority allows underestimation and ignorance of the democratic fouls on the overall operations in the country because the Roma political bloc is a part of that milieu. The political culture of the Roma allows a level of understanding the policy and identification of the Roma political parties as part of a coalition that has a small impact on state’s “high” politics, and therefore the voters expect little results that would saturate the needs of the “most active in the propaganda, posting the election posters“. Traditional Roma leaders need to be ready to meet the demands of the new generations of young Roma who are ready to advance their political skills and to get politically engaged in the future in order to generate a new capacity that will be competent to compete for the citizens’ confidence by practicing democratic values. However, the rudimentary Machiavellianism remains a present feature of the Roma political bloc, explaining the ambitious politicians as leaders who firstly secure their position and then begin to eliminate all competitors for the leadership position.