"Let no freedom be allowed to novelty, because it is not fitting that any addition should be made to antiquity. Let not the clear faith and belief of our forefathers be fouled by any muddy admixture."
-- Pope Sixtus III

Indeed, from the vantage point of the mid twentieth century the
history of the last hundred and fifty years looks like a systematic
preparation for the headlong collision between empirical and liberal
democracy on the one hand, and totalitarian Messianic democracy on the other, in which the world crisis of to-day consists [1].[dead link]

In a similar vein, Herbert Marcuse, in his 1964 book One-Dimensional Man,
describes a society in which, in his words, "…liberty can be made into a
powerful instrument of domination. … Free election of masters does not
abolish the masters or the slaves..."[6]

The war against The One, True Church is now public policy and the forces of antichrist no longer conceal themselves. Examine your consciences and flood the confessionals tomorrow. Prepare yourselves to vote as a disciple of Christ on Tuesday, not as a slave to your passions.

Terror is a form of social control.

You are being controlled.

Don't let yourself be controlled.You will be judged for your sins of omission and commission.

Michelle Obama attends and promotes a “Black Solidarity” event for
guest lecturer Manning Marable, who was, according to Cornel West,
probably “the best known black Marxist in the country.”
The event is the work of the Third World Center (TWC), a campus group
whose board membership is exclusively reserved for minorities.

A
classmate of Michelle’s identified her to TheBlaze as the second person
on the left. Article/photograph taken from The Daily Princetonian –
Vol. CVIII, No. 107 November 6, 1984

–Michelle Obama (Robinson at the time) was one of those 19 board
members and a leader of the organization. She helped to dispense what
was, in today’s dollars, a $30,000 budget. Of the 19 elected positions
on the board, there were two reserved spots for each of the five ethnic
groups TWC purported to represent: Asian, Black, Chicano, Puerto Rican,
and Native American.

The board also had representatives from the various minority
organizations on campus, including Accion Puertorriquena y Amigos, the
Asian-American Students Association, the Black Graduate Caucus, and the
Chicano Caucus, among others. She also fundraised for the TWC by
participating in its African-themed fashion show and fundraisers (see picture here).
It was a controversial and racially-charged organization. And in
looking at the group’s racial focus before and during Michelle’s tenure,
we get a glimpse of her priorities while at Princeton.

Daily Princetonian article showing Michelle as a board member.

“White Students on This Campus Are Racist”

If ever there was an example of the TWC governing board’s obsession
with race, an editorial from October 21, 1981 is it. The members took
great offense to an op-ed titled “Rebuilding Race Relations,” calling
the article “racist, offensive, and inaccurate” for daring to question
the group’s true commitment and to present a thesis on race relations
counter to its own.

“The word RE-building implies that race relations once existed and, for some mysterious reasons, fell apart … ,” the board wrote in a scathing letter to the editor.
“We, on the other hand, believe that race relations have ​never​ been
and still are not at a satisfactory level. We are not RE-building. We
cannot RE-build something that never existed in the first place.”

“Don’t hide behind excuses such as a lack of effort [to integrate
with the Princeton campus] on our part,” the revealing letter added.“The bottom line is that white students on this campus are racist, but they may not realize it.” [Emphasis added]

Princeton itself, however, was concerned about the self-segregation
by black students and proposed reforms to counter it, including no
longer permitting black students to all room together in one dorm and
integrating black freshmen into the general student body. The TWC
strenuously opposed all of these reforms, arguing that integration of
non-white students would harm the “support system” available to them,
especially blacks. (Julie Newton, “TWC criticizes CURL plan: Minority strife would worsen,” The Daily Princetonian, October 21, 1981).

While Michelle was not a part of the board in 1981, as a board member
of the Third World Center starting on April 7, 1983 she joined in a
different racially-charged statement reproaching the college for not
doing enough to hire “Latino administrators.” In a letter a few weeks
later, the TWC attacked Princeton’s administration for not replacing
Hector Delgado, a minority dean of students.“This search needs to produce another experienced individual who is
of minority background, preferably Latino, and who will be responsive to
the concerns of Third World Center as well as the student body at
large,” the TWC’s governing board wrote.

Others on campus took notice of the group’s calls and expressed concern.For example, Fred Foote — the editor of Prospect magazine, a
conservative monthly publication — criticized the TWC and Delgado for
their obsessive focus on race.

“[Delgado’s] penchant for drawing campus issues along racial lines—a
penchant shared by the TWC and The Daily Princetonian—is the chief cause of racial strife on campus,” he wrote.

A Culture of Racial FocusThe TWC’s racialism extended beyond who could become an officer in
the group . Although the TWC served a number of roles on campus and was a
hangout spot for minorities, its focus was mostly political. Its
various constitutions make this clear. To quote the 1983 version:

The term ‘Third World’ implies[,] for us, those nations
who have fallen victim to the oppression and exploitation of the world
economic order. This includes the peoples of color of the United States,
as they too have been victims of a brutal and racist economic structure
which exploited and still exploits the labor of such groups as Asians,
Blacks, and Chicanos, and invaded and still occupies the homelands of
such groups as the Puerto Ricans, American Indians, and native Hawaiian
people. We therefore find it necessary to reeducate ourselves to the
various forms of exploitation and oppression. We must strive to
understand more than just the basics of human rights. We must seek to
understand the historical roots and contemporary ramifications of racism
if Third World people are to liberate themselves from the economic and
social chains they find themselves in.

An early copy of the TWC’s constitution. (The Princeton Archives)

It adds in another version:

“The Center is not only a social facility, it has become a
place of educational and cultural activity in conjunction with its
political purpose. Because the term Third World is inherently political,
it is necessary that we be active in political work and in educating
ourselves to the various forms of exploitation and oppression. We must
strive to understand more than just the basics of human rights. We must
look for the underlying conditions faced by our peoples and seek
alternative modes of economic and political structures so that Third
World peoples and their nations will no longer be agents and pawns of
the two superpowers (the United States and Russia.)”

Another copy of the constitution and the preamble. (The Princeton Archives)

The Center also opposed the “ruling class values and culture that characterizes Princeton University.”

In November 1984, TWC’s board demanded that non-white students should
have the right to bar whites from their meetings on campus. They also
demanded minorities-only meetings with the deans. (John Hurley, “Black students, university debate closed meeting policy,”
The Daily Princetonian, November 29, 1984). The ban was frankly
unnecessary, since whites were made to feel unwelcome at the meetings if
they were invited at all, but the TWC continued to press for it,
arguing, too, that blacks ought to be able to bar whites from attending
events aimed at discussion of “sensitive” racial issues.

“The administration, by denying us these [blacks-only] meetings, is
saying that we don’t have specific needs that have to be addressed this
way,” David Jackson, ’87, a fellow TWC member, told theDaily Princetonianafter the university officials finally rejected its proposal to hold racially limited meetings.

But despite the radical and racialist character of the TWC, Michelle
Robinson was an active participant and may have been attracted by that
very radicalism.“The Third World Center was our life,” Angela Acree, her best friend at Princeton, told The Boston Globe in June 2008. “We hung out there, we partied there, we studied there [in Liberation Hall].”

Brasuelle, director of the Third World Center from 1981 to 1983 and a
friend and mentor to Michelle during and after Princeton, was herself
no stranger to controversy. According to a Daily Princetonian columnist,
she described the campus climate as “racist” and worried about “a lack
of understanding of Third World [non-white] people.” (Barton Gellman,
“Rebuilding Race Relations,” Daily Princetonian, October 16, 1981). In
May 1983, Brasuelle joined calls for a minority dean,
writing that “[Princeton] cannot afford to ignore our commitment to
Affirmative Action with token representation of Latinos on the
administrative level.” Michelle’s mentor left Princeton for a position
as vice president of academic affairs at Kentucky State University at
the end of 1983.

In April 1983, the Third World Center held an emergency meeting where
it approved a draft statement, prepared jointly with the student
government’s race relations committee, calling for racial preferences
and set-asides in the hiring of administrators.

“There should be someone representing Third World views in the
administration,” explained Raghu Murthy ,’85, who sat on the board with
Michelle. (Daily Princetonian, May 6, 1983). The TWC wanted one of its
board members to be given a vote and a voice in the administrative
hiring process. (Daily Princetonian, September 20, 1983). Ultimately,
Dean of Students Eugene Lowe caved, agreeing he would “make an effort to
identify some candidates who are of Latino background.” (Daily
Princetonian, September 20, 1983.)

For the TWC, this departure set off alarm bells because it meant
someone more moderate might be appointed to run the Center. TWC members
demanded that they be given representation on its board. Michelle
Robinson joined a statement saying that students associated with the center be given a role in picking its director and was quoted in the Daily Princetonianas demanding that the dean place more TWC members on the search committee.

“We Saw a Need to Address Issues of Race Relations on a Continuing Basis…”

As a member of the Princeton student government’s standing committee on race relations, Michelle signed another provocative statement, recounting the history of the TWC and offering insight into its focus.

“We saw a need to address issues of race relations on a continuing
basis … .We saw the need to realize that situations, issues, and
problems involving race relations occur everyday.” She even helped to
“organize a rally to raise the question of [minority] representation in
the Dean of Students Office,” according to the statement.

The TWC bemoaned the “institutional racism” on campus and pushed for
more minority students. A frequent participant in TWC events was
assistant dean Delgado, who claimed that Princeton was excluding
minorities from admissions or hiring on campus, presumably because of
its racism.

“Sometimes the institution gives criteria which exclude certain people,” Delgado told theDaily Princetonianin December 1982
at one of the numerous TWC forums on racism. “There are only five black
tenured faculty, no Chicanos, no Puerto Ricans.” (Michelle Robinson
would go on to make a similar argument as a student at Harvard Law
School and in her thesis.)

Unfortunately the calls for more diversity did not extend to
diversity of thought within the black Princeton community. Blacks who
disagreed with the race-baiting consensus and need for agitation among
the campus’s minority activists were often made to feel like “sellouts”
by the TWC members, who sought to enforce a racial orthodoxy.

Crystal Nix Hines ’85, who became the first black editor of the Daily Princetonian, had a run-in with Michelle that reflects the activists’ mentality. As she would recall to the New York Timesin 2008, Michelle wanted her not to run an article that characterized a black politician in a negative way.

“You need to make sure that a story like that doesn’t run again,” the
former editor remembered her saying. (Hines could not be reached for
comment, but the likely story was this profile of Harold Washington, the controversial first black mayor of Chicago and a role model to both Michelle and Barack Obama.)

Crystal wrote about her experience at Princeton in a January 7, 1983
op-ed. She mentioned a “series of run-ins with the type of student who
implied that my involvement with white-dominated organizations,” and her
friendships with whites, were tantamount to “selling-out.” Crystal
became involved in the Third World Center and the Organization of Black
Unity, both environments in which Princeton’s alleged racism was
stressed.

“They prepared me for racism from students, professors, and from the
institutions itself. Above all, they urged me to be a part of the black
community[,] which they said would be sensitive to my needs and aware of
the problems I would face as a black student at a predominately [sic]
white institution.”Robin Givhan,’86, described TWC as follows:

“I always felt like the Third World Center was, for a lot
of black students, really, the center of their social world,” says
Givhan. “There were definitely black students who joined clubs, who were
very much part of the wider social world, but there were some [who]
really, I felt at the time, really sort of relied on the Third World
Center as this kind of security blanket. And my feeling was always that I
kind of needed or wanted to pop into the Third World Center as a way of
saying, yeah, I’m black, I know that, I’m aware of that, but I never
wanted or was interested in that being the center of things for me. If
I’d wanted that experience, I would have gone to Howard or Spellman.”
(“Michelle: A Biography,” Mundy, 85-86)

Givhan remembers getting the impression from one Third World Center
speaker that “if you didn’t believe what I believe, or operate the way I
operate, you’re denying that you’re black. I came back to my dorm room
and was in tears, relating my experience to my roommate, who was Chinese
American.” (Mundy, 86)

TWC’s Role in Bringing Radicals to Campus

In cooperation with the Organization of Black Unity, to which
Michelle also belonged, the TWC brought a number of terrorists and
radicals to campus. We don’t know which of these events she attended,
but it was probably more than a few, especially after she became a TWC
board member. According to the heavily favorable “Michelle: A
Biography”, she “spent much of her free time at the center, where, among
other events, she attended seminars that featured the last surviving
Scottsboro boy—a member of nine black Southerners who were falsely
accused of raping two white women in the 1930s—and another featuring
Rosa Parks.” (Mundy, 114).

These are just a few of such events hosted or promoted by the TWC while Michelle was a student:

In November 1981, Hassan Rahman, the Palestinian Liberation
Organization’s deputy observer to the U.N., came to campus. At this
remarkable event, sponsors TWC and OBU segregated the audience along
racial lines and had students serving as security guards and searching
bags. (Jay Appelbaum, “Students decry ‘security’ at PLO speech,” Daily Princetonian, November 30, 1981).

In February 1982, the Center sponsored David Johnson, a
representative of El Salvador’s Democratic Revolutionary Front (FDR),
the political wing of the terrorist group FMLN. (Stona J. Fitch, “Salvadoran opponent speaks. Demands end to U.S. military, economic aid,”
Daily Princetonian, February 26, 1982). That very day the TWC created a
task force intended to “draw attention to the link between U.S. policy
in El Salvador and other forms of oppression.” (Meryl Kessler, “TWC
forms task force to oppose U.S. intervention in El Salvador,” Daily
Princetonian, February 26, 1982). Members also signed a petition that
opposed the Reagan administration’s involvement in El Salvador and, in
particular, the military aid to its pro-American, anti-Communist
government. (Tom McLaughlin, “TWC members petition against Reagan,” Daily Princetonian, February 23, 1982)

The following month, TWC sponsored a trip
for 20 Princeton students Puerto Rico in order “to examine student
movements, Puerto Rican nationalism, family structure, the role of
women, and the U.S. military activities on the island of Vieques.” (The
island off Puerto Rico — and the military’s presence on it — were a
cause celebre among the political left. After years of agitating, the
Navy’s extensive live-fire exercises on the island were ended due to
political pressures.)

In
April, the Daily Princetonian reported, the Organization of Black Unity
sent two representatives to Yale for a weekend symposium on the
problems of black Ivy League students. Kwame Toure, a.k.a. Stokely
Carmichael, a member of the All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party and a
leader of the Black Panthers in the 1960s, gave a presentation
emphasizing “the need for the organization of the black masses and the
active participation required from black students,” said Janette Payne, ’84, who attended the conference.

In late April 1982, the TWC and the campus’s Minority Recruitment
Office hosted the April Hosting Cultural Show, at which William T.
Murphy, a member of the Organization of Black Unity’s board, launched
into an attack on white people by quoting Malcolm X, the subject of his
senior thesis that year. One student, Paul Russo ’85, walked out and
wrote a letter titled “Fostering Hate” tothe campus paper.
Murphy refused to apologize and attacked Russo in a letter of his own,
accusing him of being an oppressor and blind to the racism on campus.
(William T. Murphy ’82, “The past and present reality of Malcolm X,”
Daily Princetonian, May 3, 1982).

Michelle also likely participated in Black Solidarity Day the
following semester, where black students en masse absented themselves
from class to dramatize what they considered blacks’ largely ignored
contributions to society. Protestors carried signs saying “The struggle
continues” and “Liberation through unity and struggle.” (Crystal Nix,
“Procession symbolizes ‘continuing struggle,’ Daily Princetonian,
November 2, 1982).

On April 15, the TWC hosted Michael Manley,
the former prime minister of Jamaica. Manley, a committed socialist who
dubiously denied that he was a Marxist, headed the pro-Castro National
Liberation Party and later in 1983 opposed Reagan’s removal of the
Marxist thug Maurice Bishop from power in neighboring Grenada.

In April 27-28, 1983, the TWC hosted a symposium
praising the work and life of Clemente Soto Velez, another
Puerto Rican nationalist and poet. In 1936, Soto Vélez was arrested by
United States authorities and charged with conspiracy to overthrow the
U.S. government. He served a six-year prison term. Soto Velez then
returned to Puerto Rico, only to be arrested once more for violating the
conditions of his release. In 1942, after another two years in prison,
he was released but forbidden to return to Puerto Rico. (“Clemente Soto
Velez, Puerto Rican Poet, 89,” New York Times, April 17, 1993).

In September 1983, the TWC hosted Princeton’s president, William G. Bowen.
Although Michelle has habitually made her alma mater seem racist in her
writings and public statements, Bowen was actually the architect of
Princeton’s racial preferences and an outspoken advocate of them. He
even went on to co-author a book, “The Shape of the River: Long-Term
Consequences of Considering Race in College and University Admissions,”about
them with President Derek Bok of Harvard. Seeking minority applicants
would be the “responsibility of everyone in the admissions office,” Bowen told
the TWC. To attack Bowen, president of Princeton from 1972-1988, and
his allegedly racist Princeton, was to attack a straw man. Both his
successor and his predecessor were just as enthusiastic about
preferences.

In November, Michelle likely attended a Black Solidarity Day (BSD) event. The photograph
appears to include her, at right. Black Solidarity Day, founded in 1969
during the height of the black power movement, tries to highlight what
would happen if blacks absented themselves from American life.
Celebrated the day before Election Day, BSD reminds blacks of their
political power.

Four days later, it played host
to the pro-Castro writer and ethnographer Miguel Barnet in Liberation
Hall. He criticized the American media for its coverage of El Salvador,
where the Marxist FMLN continued to fight the country’s legitimate
government. “If there are guerillas in El Salvador, it is because the
people want justice,” he told the TWC.

In September 1984, Arcadio Diaz-Quinones,
a Puerto Rican nationalist, specialist in “post-colonial” studies, and
Latin American studies professor, became interim director of the Third
World Center. (Later in the decade, he helped an illegal immigrant,
Harold Fernandez, conceal his status at Princeton and eventually help
him secure financial aid, as revealed in Fernandez’s memoirs.) (Joseph
Berger, “An Undocumented Princetonian,” The New York Times, January 3,
2010).

In November of that year, Malcolm X biographer Manning Marable spoke
to TWC’s annual Black Solidarity event. He encouraged the audience to
vote for Reagan’s opponent Walter Mondale, who “[i]n the context of
black solidarity” was both “a lesser evil” and “a choice against Reagan,
Reaganism, and racism.” Marable also sided with the Marxist Nicaraguan
dictatorship, encouraging black Americans to express solidarity with
“the righteous movements of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, the New Jewel
Movement in Grenada, the guerillas of El Salvador, and especially, our
brothers and sisters in South Africa.” (D.E. Williams, Daily
Princetonian, November 6, 1984)

Other guests during Michelle’s time at Princeton included the anti-Friedmanite, anti-Hayekian economist Albert Hirschmann (February 16, 1983),
the Chilean left-wing activist-turned-poet and playwright Ariel
Dorfman, and Jamaican development economist George Beckford, who blamed
Caribbean poverty on neocolonialism. Also invited and came was Paulo
Freire, the founder of Marxist pedagogic theory. (“Freire’s main idea is
that the central contradiction of every society is between the
‘oppressors’ and the ‘oppressed’ and that revolution should resolve
their conflict,” writes education reformer Sol Stern.)

Professor Diaz-Quinones, the interim director of the TWC in 1983 noted
“the growing consciousness of Third World countries and the
relationship minority students felt to certain threads in their
history.” Blacks and other non-white students, then, weren’t American in
any larger sense, the thinking went, because of America’s institutional
racism. The TWC provided programs that “link the ‘historical legacy of
racism on both sides.’” Recalling its own legacy on its tenth
anniversary, Center representatives wrote:

In the spring of 1971, many of the issues facing Third
World people at Princeton and across the country were similar to those
we face today. The country was in recession, and a Republican
administration was attacking the social and political gains of the Civil
Rights and Black Power movements.” (A Luta Continua: A History of the
Third World Center at Princeton, 1971-1981).

“Black Drama”: Making Race a ClassThe Center also pushed for “institutional changes” to combat the alleged racism on campus. (The Daily Princetonian,
October 6, 1982, p. 3). According to a document obtained through the
Princeton archives, the TWC sought to implement ethnic studies programs
and get more minority faculty and students on campus. Among their
recommendations was the creation of the Afro-American Studies Program,
which was quickly established and which Michelle joined. Her thesis
advisor, Howard Taylor, was the program’s director. According to course
descriptions taken from the Princeton archives, the push was successful:

AAS 306: The Black Woman: This course seeks to go beyond
the broad analysis that has characterized the study of the black woman.
Students critically evaluate the historical background and status of the
black woman in African society and her transition into slavery; and the
many roles the black woman plays in contemporary society. The course
looks at the basic institutions that impinge on the black woman’s life,
and an attempt is made to determine how successful she has been in
maintaining her identity.

AAS 201: Introduction to the Afro-American Experience: The course
deals with a phase of black history which ends where the courses of this
type begin. It is not an exploration into slave colonial history; but
rather, an expose of the barrenness of earlier concentrations on the
African primitive and the black slave. The course seeks to promote a new
vision of the African ancestor, and, as such, focuses on the core and
genius of African civilizations, rather than emphasizing the African as
victim of the European imperalist [sic] enterprise. The course format
extends the historical framework within which to view the
African-American experience, and is intended to revise the conception of
African and African-American achievement and potential.

A January 1987 course guide provides further evidence:

January 1987 course guide shows the extent of the African-American studies program at Princeton. (The Princeton archives)

January 1987 course guide shows the extent of the African-American studies program at Princeton. (The Princeton archives)

In case there was any doubt about the group’s radical focus, a flier from the time makes it clear it was all about “struggle”:

A flier for a TWC event that put’s the focus on “struggle.” (TheBlaze)

Another document from the center confirms that Michelle had to have known of the group’s radical focus, too:

“Oppression breeds resistance,” a document from the TWC states. (The Princeton archives)

“Oppression breeds resistance,” the document titled “A CALL TO ALL
THIRD WORLD STUDENTS TO STRUGGLE AGAINST ATTACKS ON THE THIRD WORLD
CENTER,” states. “The history of the peoples of the Third World, who
have suffered U.S. Imperialism, and of the oppressed nationalities
within the United States — Afro-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Chicanos,
Asians, and Native Americans — has been a history of oppression and
resistance. This is true for the Third World Community, which in this
instance includes students from the oppressed nationalities in the U.S.,
on Princeton University’s campus.”

Michelle would later write her senior thesis, which attracted national attention in 2008,
on that same kind of “oppression.” The 60-page thesis tends to
discredit the claim that race-based admissions policies or separate
groups actually foster diversity and integration at all. The future
First Lady mailed a questionnaire to 400 randomly selected black
Princeton alumni. Although the response rate was underwhelming, the
responses of the 89 black alumni who returned the questionnaire gave
reason for concern. The alums were asked whether they felt “much more
comfortable with Blacks,” “much more comfortable with Whites,” or “about
equally comfortable with Blacks and Whites,” in various contexts,
during three periods in their lives—pre-Princeton, Princeton, and
post-Princeton.

Far from encouraging racial tolerance, the number of black alumni who
said they felt “much more comfortable with Blacks” went up sharply
during their Princeton years, in comparison with their pre-college
lives, in categories like “Intellectual Comfort” (26% vs. 37%) and
“Social Comfort” (64% vs. 73%).

Michelle herself stated, “My experiences at Princeton have made me far more aware of my ‘Blackness’ than ever before.”

From The Raw Story:

Fox
News senior political analyst Brit Hume on Sunday lashed out at
mainstream media organizations for not spending as much time as Fox News
trying to determine what mistakes the Obama administration made before
and after the Sept. 11 attacks in Benghazi, Libya.

“One of the problems we’re having here is that it has fallen to this
news organization, Fox News, and a couple of others to do all the
heaving lifting on this story,” Hume complained to Fox News host Chris
Wallace. “And the mainstream organizations that would be on this story
like hounds if there were a Republican president have been remarkably
reticent.”

“There’s been some good reporting but nothing on the scale and to the
degree of specificity that you would expect by now,” he continued.
“Normally, the big news organizations would have this thing out there
and we would know a lot more than we do about what the president did,
what he knew, when he knew it, when he made what order he made and on
what basis. We still don’t know that and to some extent, a lot of the
media who are a combined potent force have not done their job.”

What does the guy who brought us Al Capone's vault have to say about the folks nice enough to keep him from living in a cardboard box under a bridge?

But on Friday, Fox News host Geraldo Rivera encouraged his colleagues
at the network to stop the “politicizing” and “preposterous
allegations” about President Barack Obama’s response to the attacks that
killed four Americans in Libya.

The mainstream media's silence on the Benghazi disaster reached
deafening levels on Sunday, as hosts of four out of the five major news
shows--with the exception of Fox News Sunday--failed to raise the issue.
Only Bob Schieffer of CBS gave it serious consideration, and only after
it was raised by Sen. John McCain.

When the Benghazi issue did surface, other than on Fox, it was
invariably brought up by Republican guests, and then deflected by the
hosts, who largely ignored new stories this week that implicated the
White House in the decision not to intervene to save the life of U.S.
Ambassador Chris Stevens and other American staff.

Here is how the Sunday shows covered the issue:

NBC: Meet the Press with David GregoryThe Benghazi issue was not raised at all, save by panelist Carly
Fiorina, who was interrupted by Gregory. He promised, "We'll get to that
a little bit later," but did not return to the issue before the show's
end. (The show was interrupted in some markets, in the final minute,
with breaking news about Hurricane Sandy.)

ABC: This Week with George StephanopoulosThe Benghazi issue was raised by Newt Gingrich, in response to a
question about the Romney campaign's prospects in Ohio. Stephanopoulos
failed to ask a follow-up and steered the conversation back to polls.

CNN: State of the Union with Candy Crowley

So that's who she is!

The Benghazi issue was raised twice, once by Republican National
Committee chair Reince Priebus in response to a question about U.S.
Senate candidate Richard Mourdock's views on abortion, and once by
Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell in response to a question about whether
Romney would win the state in November. Crowley did not raise the issue
independently in a show largely focused on polls and voting.

CBS: Face the Nation with Bob SchiefferThe Benghazi issue was raised in an exchange between Sen. John McCain
(R-AZ) and Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel, Obama's former chief of staff.
After McCain brought up the issue, Schieffer asked a follow-up question
about whether the administration had engaged in a "deliberate cover-up."
McCain said it had either been a cover-up or "the worst kind of
incompetence."

Schieffer responded with another question about whether
drones had produced images of the attacks. Emanuel responded with the
Obama campaign's standard talking points, and Schieffer followed up with
a question about what he would have done in the White House. Emanuel
ducked the question, instead praising Obama's foreign policy record in
general.

FOX: Fox News Sunday with Chris WallaceThe Benghazi issue was first raised by Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) in
describing issues of concern to Wisconsin voters. Wallace replied that
he had planned to address the issue later, which he did, addressing
questions to Sen. Mark Udall (D-CO) about recent revelations. Warner
responded by expressing sympathy with the families of the dead and
wounded and promised: "We're going to get to the bottom of this. The
intelligence is going to hold hearings when we return, right after the
election." He added that the situation had "been politicized,"
criticizing Romney in particular. Wallace countered that the issue was a
legitimate topic of political discussion. He followed up with questions
about whether drones flying over Benghazi were armed, and Sen. Udall
repeatedly refused to answer directly, saying that he could not comment
further. Wallace also later made the issue the primary focus of the
show's subsequent panel discussion.

KUSA - President Barack Obama would not directly address questions from
9NEWS on whether Americans under attack in Libya were denied requests
for assistance during the September 11th terror attack.

A mysterious Libyan ship -- reportedly carrying weapons and
bound for Syrian rebels -- may have some link to the Sept. 11 terror
attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Fox News has learned.

Through shipping records, Fox News has confirmed that the
Libyan-flagged vessel Al Entisar, which means "The Victory," was
received in the Turkish port of Iskenderun -- 35 miles from the Syrian
border -- on Sept. 6, just five days before Ambassador Chris Stevens,
information management officer Sean Smith and former Navy Seals Tyrone
Woods and Glen Doherty were killed during an extended assault by more
than 100 Islamist militants.

On the night of Sept. 11, in what would become his last known public
meeting, Stevens met with the Turkish Consul General Ali Sait Akin, and
escorted him out of the consulate front gate one hour before the assault
began at approximately 9:35 p.m. local time.

Although what was discussed at the meeting is not public, a source
told Fox News that Stevens was in Benghazi to negotiate a weapons
transfer, an effort to get SA-7 missiles out of the hands of Libya-based
extremists. And although the negotiation said to have taken place may
have had nothing to do with the attack on the consulate later that night
or the Libyan mystery ship, it could explain why Stevens was travelling
in such a volatile region on the 11th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.

When asked to comment, a State Department spokeswoman dismissed the
idea, saying Stevens was there for diplomatic meetings, and to attend
the opening of a cultural center.

A congressional source also cautioned against drawing premature
conclusions about the consulate attack and the movement of weapons from
Libya to Syria via Turkey -- noting they may in fact be two separate and
distinct events. But the source acknowledged the timing and the meeting
between the Turkish diplomat and Stevens was "unusual."

According to an initial Sept. 14 report by the Times of London, Al
Entisar was carrying 400 tons of cargo. Some of it was humanitarian, but
also reportedly weapons, described by the report as the largest
consignment of weapons headed for Syria's rebels on the frontlines.

"This is the Libyan ship ... which is basically carrying weapons that
are found in Libya," said Walid Phares, a Fox News Middle East and
terrorism analyst. "So the ship came all the way up to Iskenderun in
Turkey. Now from the information that is available, there was aid
material, but there were also weapons, a lot of weapons."

The cargo reportedly included surface-to-air anti-aircraft missiles,
RPG's and Russian-designed shoulder-launched missiles known as MANPADS. The ship's Libyan captain told the Times of London that "I can only
talk about the medicine and humanitarian aid" for the Syrian rebels. It
was reported there was a fight about the weapons and who got what
"between the free Syrian Army and the Muslim Brotherhood."

"The point is that both of these weapons systems are extremely
accurate and very simple to use," Fox News military analyst Col. David
Hunt explained. He said the passage of weapons from Libya to Syria would
escalate the conflict. "With a short amount of instruction, you've got
somebody capable of taking down any, any aircraft. Anywhere in the
world."

The Foundation for Human Rights, and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief
(IHH) -- the group accused of moving the weapons -- disputed the claims
and in published Turkish reports said it "will take legal action
against this article which was written without concrete evidence. It is
defamatory, includes false and unfair accusations and violates
publishing ethics."

Information uncovered in a Fox News investigation raises questions
about whether weapons used to arm the Libyan rebels are now surfacing in
Syria.

In March 2011, the Reuters news service first reported that President
Obama had authorized a "secret order ... (allowing) covert U.S.
government support for rebel forces" to push the Libyan dictator Muammar
Qaddafi from office.

At a hearing on March 31, before the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
several lawmakers raised concerns about the finding reported by the
Reuters news service and whether the Obama administration knew who
constituted the rebel forces and whether Islamists were among their
ranks.

"What assurances do we have that they will not pose a threat to the
United States if they succeed in toppling Qaddafi?" Republican
Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., asked. "There are reports that
some opposition figures have links to Al Qaeda and extremist groups that
have fought against our forces in Iraq."

While the source of the weapons used to attack the consulate is part
of an ongoing investigation, former CIA Director Porter Goss told Fox
News there was no question some of the weapons that flooded Libya during
the uprising are making their way to Syria -- adding that the U.S.
intelligence community must be aware, given their presence in Benghazi.

"Absolutely. I think there's no question that there's a lot of networking going on. And ... of course we know it."

A month after the October 2011 death of Qaddafi, Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton announced in Tripoli that the U.S. was committing $40
million to help Libya "secure and recover its weapons stockpiles."
Earlier this year, Assistant Secretary of State for Political and
Military Affairs Andrew Shapiro expressed concerns that the situation on
the ground was far from under control.

Speaking to the Stimson Center in Washington D.C., on Feb. 2, Shapiro
said: "This raises the question -- how many are still missing? The
frank answer is we don't know and probably never will."

Fox News has learned from sources who were on the ground in
Benghazi that an urgent request from the CIA annex for military back-up
during the attack on the U.S. consulate and subsequent attack several
hours later on the annex itself was denied by the CIA chain of command
-- who also told the CIA operators twice to "stand down" rather than
help the ambassador's team when shots were heard at approximately 9:40
p.m. in Benghazi on Sept. 11.

Former Navy SEAL Tyrone Woods was
part of a small team who was at the CIA annex about a mile from the U.S.
consulate where Ambassador Chris Stevens and his team came under
attack. When he and others heard the shots fired, they informed their
higher-ups at the annex to tell them what they were hearing and
requested permission to go to the consulate and help out. They were told
to "stand down," according to sources familiar with the exchange. Soon
after, they were again told to "stand down."

Woods and at least
two others ignored those orders and made their way to the consulate
which at that point was on fire. Shots were exchanged. The rescue team
from the CIA annex evacuated those who remained at the consulate and
Sean Smith, who had been killed in the initial attack. They could not
find the ambassador and returned to the CIA annex at about midnight.

At
that point, they called again for military support and help because
they were taking fire at the CIA safe house, or annex. The request was
denied. There were no communications problems at the annex, according
those present at the compound. The team was in constant radio contact
with their headquarters. In fact, at least one member of the team was on
the roof of the annex manning a heavy machine gun when mortars were
fired at the CIA compound. The security officer had a laser on the
target that was firing and repeatedly requested back-up support from a
Spectre gunship, which is commonly used by U.S. Special Operations
forces to provide support to Special Operations teams on the ground
involved in intense firefights. CIA spokeswoman Jennifer Youngblood, though, denied the claims that requests for support were turned down.

"We
can say with confidence that the Agency reacted quickly to aid our
colleagues during that terrible evening in Benghazi," she said.
"Moreover, no one at any level in the CIA told anybody not to help those
in need; claims to the contrary are simply inaccurate. In fact, it is
important to remember how many lives were saved by courageous Americans
who put their own safety at risk that night-and that some of those
selfless Americans gave their lives in the effort to rescue their
comrades."

The fighting at the CIA annex went on for more than
four hours -- enough time for any planes based in Sigonella Air base,
just 480 miles away, to arrive. Fox News has also learned that two
separate Tier One Special operations forces were told to wait, among
them Delta Force operators.

A
Special Operations team, or CIF which stands for Commanders in Extremis
Force, operating in Central Europe had been moved to Sigonella, Italy,
but they were never told to deploy. In fact, a Pentagon official says
there were never any requests to deploy assets from outside the country.
A second force that specializes in counterterrorism rescues was on hand
at Sigonella, according to senior military and intelligence sources.
According to those sources, they could have flown to Benghazi in less
than two hours. They were the same distance to Benghazi as those that
were sent from Tripoli. Spectre gunships are commonly used by the
Special Operations community to provide close air support.

According
to sources on the ground during the attack, the special operator on the
roof of the CIA annex had visual contact and a laser pointing at the
Libyan mortar team that was targeting the CIA annex. The operators were
calling in coordinates of where the Libyan forces were firing from.

"There's
a lot of Monday morning quarterbacking going on here," Panetta said
Thursday. "But the basic principle here ... is that you don't deploy
forces into harm's way without knowing what's going on."

U.S.
officials argue that there was a period of several hours when the
fighting stopped before the mortars were fired at the annex, leading
officials to believe the attack was over.

Fox News has learned
that there were two military surveillance drones redirected to Benghazi
shortly after the attack on the consulate began. They were already in
the vicinity. The second surveillance craft was sent to relieve the
first drone, perhaps due to fuel issues.

Both were capable of sending
real time visuals back to U.S. officials in Washington, D.C. Any U.S.
official or agency with the proper clearance, including the White House
Situation Room, State Department, CIA, Pentagon and others, could call
up that video in real time on their computers.

Tyrone Woods was
later joined at the scene by fellow former Navy SEAL Glen Doherty, who
was sent in from Tripoli as part of a Global Response Staff or GRS that
provides security to CIA case officers and provides countersurveillance
and surveillance protection. They were killed by a mortar shell at 4
a.m. Libyan time, nearly seven hours after the attack on the consulate
began -- a window that represented more than enough time for the U.S.
military to send back-up from nearby bases in Europe, according to
sources familiar with Special Operations. Four mortars were fired at the
annex. The first one struck outside the annex. Three more hit the
annex.

A motorcade of dozens of Libyan vehicles, some mounted
with 50 caliber machine guns, belonging to the February 17th Brigades, a
Libyan militia which is friendly to the U.S., finally showed up at the
CIA annex at approximately 3 a.m. An American Quick Reaction Force sent
from Tripoli had arrived at the Benghazi airport at 2 a.m. (four hours
after the initial attack on the consulate) and was delayed for 45
minutes at the airport because they could not at first get
transportation, allegedly due to confusion among Libyan militias who
were supposed to escort them to the annex, according to Benghazi
sources.

The American special operators, Woods, Doherty and at
least two others were part of the Global Response Staff, a CIA element,
based at the CIA annex and were protecting CIA operators who were part
of a mission to track and repurchase arms in Benghazi that had
proliferated in the wake of Muammar Qaddafi's fall. Part of their
mission was to find the more than 20,000 missing MANPADS, or
shoulder-held missiles capable of bringing down a commercial aircraft.

According to a source on the ground at the time of the attack, the team
inside the CIA annex had captured three Libyan attackers and was forced
to hand them over to the Libyans. U.S. officials do not know what
happened to those three attackers and whether they were released by the
Libyan forces.

Fox News has also learned that Stevens was in
Benghazi that day to be present at the opening of an English-language
school being started by the Libyan farmer who helped save an American
pilot who had been shot down by pro-Qaddafi forces during the initial
war to overthrow the regime. That farmer saved the life of the American
pilot and the ambassador wanted to be present to launch the Libyan
rescuer's new school.

About Me

First of all, the word is SEX, not GENDER. If you are ever tempted to use the word GENDER, don't. The word is SEX! SEX! SEX! SEX! For example: "My sex is male." is correct.
"My gender is male." means nothing. Look it up.
What kind of sick neo-Puritan nonsense is this? Idiot left-fascists, get your blood-soaked paws off the English language. Hence I am choosing "male" under protest.