The period of the Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) in many ways can be said
to mark the beginning of the history of the Silk Road. This time marked the first lengthy
period of unified rule over China, a time of great political, economic and cultural
achievements. As the Han histories reveal, one of the preoccupations of the rulers was
relations with the nomads to their north (occupying approximately the territory of current
Mongolia and the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region), known in the sources as the Xiongnu
(Hsiung-nu, Hsiung-nu). Although Chinese policies regarding relations with the nomads
changed over time, most of the variants were explored and much debated under the Han.
Although the Chinese came to adopt an attitude of superiority to "Barbarian"
outsiders, in fact it was often the nomads who held the upper hand. The exchange of
"tribute" was really a form of international trade, and the battles along the
borders guarded by the defensive system of the Great Wall, which the Han extended,
generally involved economic issues and the control over markets.

The strategy of accomodating the nomads, which had been common under
the early Han changed with the accession of perhaps the most famous of the Han emperors,
Wu-ti (140-87 BCE). As part of his aggressive policy toward the Xiongnu, he sent Zhang
Qian (Chang K'ien) on a mission to Inner Asia, to explore the possibilty of a Han alliance
with other nomadic states such as the Yueh-chih. Zhang Qian's mission, which took a decade
and a half to complete, marks an important stage in the development of Han political and
economic relations with Inner Asia. His reports regarding the countries to the West were
used as sources for later compilations of political and economic intelligence (such as the
"Description of the Western Regions") and stimulated the development of the
"Silk Road.

The accounts reproduced here offer then some fascinating material about the nature of
Chinese relations with the nomads, the development of the Inner Asian trade, and a Chinese
perspective on the culture and geography of Inner Asia.

These accounts have been condensed from two sources. The history of
Chinese relations with the Hsiung-nu and the "Description of the Western
Regions" are from the Han Shu, as translated by A. Wylie in the Journal of
the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vols. III (1874), pp.
401-452, V (1876), pp. 41-80, and X (1881), pp. 20-73, and XI (1882), pp. 83-115. I have
interpolated in approximately the proper chronological order the account of Zhang Qian's
mission to the West, in the translation by Friedrich Hirth published in the Journal of
the American Oriental Society, 37/2 (1917), pp. 93-116. With rare exceptions, I have
made no effort to normalize spellings of proper names. Where it seemed particularly
useful, I have moved some identifications from the translators' notes into the texts or
added my own identifications in brackets. Obviously such editorial annotation will require
further checking against more recent scholarship.

In order to facilitate locating material in the texts, I have provided
some sub-headings and links to the various bookmarked sections via the table of contents.

The first ancestor of the Hsiung-nu, named Chun-wei, was a
descendant of the Great Yu the founder of the Hea dynasty.

Previous to the time ofYaou and Shun we hear of a race called
the mountain Jung. These were the Heen-yun or Heun-yuh, who inhabited the northern
regions, and removed from place to place, according to the pasturage for their flocks and
herds. The bulk of their stock consisted of horses, oxen and sheep; but in smaller numbers
they bred likewise camels, asses, mules, horse-ass hybrids, wild horses and hybrids of the
same. Removing their herds to find water and pasturage, they had no fixed cities, but
dwelt on their rural patrimonies, each family having its allotted portion of land. they
had no written character, but performed oral contracts. The children rode on sheep, and
shot birds and squirrels with the bow and arrow. When a little bigger, they shot foxes and
hares, the flesh of which they ate. On reaching manhood, when able to bend a bow, they
were fully equipped and mounted on horseback. In time of peace they hunted for their
living; but when harassed by war, they cultivated martial exercises, to fit them for
invasion or attack, which was agreeable to their disposition. The taller troops were armed
with bows and arrows; the shorter withswords and spears. When successful in the
contest, they pressed forward ; but on meeting with a reverse, they retreated, and thought
it no shame to run away. On gaining a victory they showed no regard to propriety or
equity. From the king downwards all ate the flesh of domestic animals, and clothed
themselves with the skins, wearing a fur covering over all. The able-bodied ate the fat
and choice portions, while the aged ate and drank what was left. The strong and robust
were held in esteem, while the old and feeble were treated with contempt. When a father
died, they married their widowed mother; and when a brother died, it was customary to
marry his widow. Their names were not transmitted to their descendants....

According to their laws, he who drew a sword a foot in length against
another was put to death; anyone guilty of highway robbery was deprived of his family
possessions. Small crimes were punished with the rack; and greater crimes with death. The
longest imprisonment did not amount to ten days; and all the prisoners in the country only
numbered a few individuals..

Early in the morning the Shen-yu [the leader of the Hsiung-nu] went
outside the camp to worship the rising sun, and in the evening he worshipped the
moon....In funerals they used coffins and cases containing gold, silver and clothing; but
they had no grave-mound, trees or mourning apparel. Several tens or even hundreds of near
dependants and concubines were accustomed to follow their master's funeral.

In undertaking any military enterprise, they were always guided by the
moon. When the moon was about full, they would engage in battle; but when on the wane,
they withdrew from the coutest. When one beheaded a captive in battle, he received a
goblet of wine, and was allowed to retain the booty. Captives were given as slaves to
their captors; so that in war, every man was struggling for personal profit. They were
clever at leading the enemy into an ambuscade, and then surrounding them. The eagerness of
the scramble was like birds flocking to the prey; but when calamity overtook them, they
were dispersed like scattered tiles or passing clouds. Any one bringing home the body of a
man slain in battle, got the property of the deceased.

At a subsequent period, in the north, they subjected the Hwan-yu, the
Keu-shih, the Ting-ling, the Kih-hwan-lung, and the Sin-li nations. The nobles and chief
men of the Hsiung-nu then all submitted to Maou-tun, whom they looked up to as a wise
prince.

The Han dynasty having just come into power, Sin, the prince of Han was
removed to Tae, and made his capital at Ma-ye [modern Su-chou]. This city was forthwith
surrounded by the Hsiung-nu, who took the place after a vigorous assault, in the autumn of
B.C. 201. Having secured the submission and co-operation of Sin of Han, the Hsiung-nu
marched south, across the Kow stream, to attack Tae-yuen ; and when under the walls of the
capital, Kaou-te, the Emperor of the Han, took up arms and went in person to oppose them.
It being winter time, what with th severe frost, the rain and the snow, twenty to thirty
per cent. of the Emperor's troops lost the use of their fingers. Maou-tun, watching his
opportunity, made an appearance of being defeated and fled, drawing all the Han troops
after him. While the latter eagerly followed up the pursuit, Maou-tun concealed his best
soldiers, and exposed the weak and emaciated. The Chinese, confident in their great
numbers, told off three hundred and twenty thousand infantry for the pursuit. Kaou-te,
with a detachment of these, arriving at Ping-Ching, before the great body had come up,
Maou-tun immediately brought into the field three hundred thousand of his choicest
cavalry, and surrounded the Emperor's party at Pih-tang hill. For seven days all
communication was cut off between the Chinese forces inside and those outside the circle,
the enclosed party being thus deprived of provisions.

The Hsiung-nu horses on the west side were all white; on the east they
were all white-faced greys; on the north they were all black, and on the south they were
all bays. Reduced to extremities, Kaou-te quietly sent a messenger to the consort of the
Shen-yu, to seek by liberal promises to secure her influence, in which he was successful.
The consort addressing Maou-tun, said:--"Why should two sovereigns distress each
other? Having now got possession of the Han territory, the Shen-yu can never occupy it;
moreover the Shen-yu sacrifices to the spirits of the Lords of Han." Now Maou-tun
having previously made an agreement with Wang Hwang and Chaou Li, two generals of Sin the
prince of Han, and having been long looking in vain for their arrival, at length began to
suspect some plot between them and the Chinese; hence he acceded the more willingly to his
consort's suggestion, and made an opening at one corner of the cordon. Kaou-te then
ordered his troops to take their full compliment of arrows, pointing outwards, and so
passing straight out at the open corner, they joined the great body of the army. Maou-tun
then withdrew his forces, and the Chinese troops ceased all hostile movements, while Liw
King was sent to make a treaty of peace and friendship with the Hsiung-nu. Subsequently
Sin of Han, being a general under the Hsiung-nu, together with Chaou Li and Wang Hwang,
several times broke the treaty , forming bandit incursions on Tae, Yen-mun and Yun-chung.
After no very long time Chin He rebelled, and in conjunction with the Sin of Han, formed a
plot to attack Tae. The Chinese sent a commissioner Fan K'wae, who met the invaders,
defeated them, and recovered the various cities of Tae, Yen-mun and Yun-chung, but did not
go beyond the stockades.

About that time, parties of the Hsiung-nu frequently, on meeting the
Chinese general at the head of his troops, would tender their submission; on which account
Maou-tun kept up a succession of raids on the country about Tae.

This was a cause of much anxiety to the Chinese, and eventually led the
Emperor to adopt the notable expedient of sending a princess of the imperial house to
Maou-tun, for his consort.

The lady Ung-choo was selected, and conveyed to the home of her new
lord by Liw King. It was hoped that the issue of this union might be more imbued with
Chinese susceptibilities and tendencies, and thus be the more easily brought under
control. In pursuance of the same policy, the Chinese sent yearly presents of raw and wove
silk, wine and food, thus aiming to cultivate Chinese tastes among them; and on each
occasion the fraternal bond of peace and amity was renewed, so that for a time there was a
cessation of Maou-tun's incursions...

[A renewal of hostilities was imminent until the Chinese were diverted
by internal rebellion. The following material gives a good idea of the strategies on both
sides and the Chinese version of some of the cultural differences. The weaknesses of the
Chinese defenses are clear, as is the importance of trade along the frontier.]

The next we hear of [the Hsiung-nu] is in the year 176, when the
Shen-yu resolved on a dispatch to the Emperor, to the following effect:--" The Great
Shen-yu, by the will of God ruler of the Hsiung-nu nation, respectfully salutes the
Emperor of China. Formerly your Majesty was pleased to express your gratification on the
conclusion of a treaty of peace and amity. In the same spirit the Right Sage prince bore
without complaint the menacing insults of the Chinese officials on the border; till the
matter assumed such dimensions, that it became a question of deliberation by Nan-che the
Marquis of E-liu and others, how to avoid a breach of the treaty and maintain the
fraternal relations. Once and again letters of remonstrance were received from Your
Majesty; but when I despatched an envoy with a reply, he did not return, nor was there any
messenger from Your Majesty, while the case was treated by you casus belli. Now in
consequence of a slight breach of the treaty by some petty officials, you pursued the
Right Sage prince, till he was driven westward into the territories of the Yue-te. There,
however, heaven favoured our cause: our officers and troops were loyal and true; our
horses were strong and spirited; and by slaughter, decapitation, subjugation and
pacification, our army effected the complete reduction of the Yue-te; while Lou-lan,
Wu-sun, Hoo-kee and the adjacent kingdoms, to the number of twenty-six in all, without
exception, submitted to the Hsiung-nu; and thus all the bowmen nations are united as one
family. Having also tranquillized the northern lands, we are now desirous that there
should be a cessation of hostilities, and that the the troops should send their horses to
pasture. Let the past be forgotten and the treaty renewed; that the people on the borders
may enjoy peace as it was in the days of old; and so the young may attain to maturity; the
aged may live unmolisted, and uniterrupted happiness prevail from age to age."

About the same time, the Chinese Emperor would seem to have been
troubled with some suspicions regarding the Hsiung-nu, and despatched the commissioner Ke
Hoo-tseen with a letter, in which he requested the Shen-yu to send him a camel, two riding
horses and two studs of carriage horses. Uneasy about the approach of the Hsiung-nu to the
stockades, he ordered all the officials and and people dwelling on the borders to remove
their habitations to a considerable distance. The Shen-yu on his part, complied with the
Emperor's request, and sent forward the offerings with the above epistle. On the arrival
of the missive at the Chinese court, during the summer of 175, a consultation was held to
discuss the expediency of attacking the Hsiung-nu or renewing the treaty of peace with
them. Peaceful counsels prevailed; it was the general opinion that the Shen-yu having just
acquired the prestige of victory over the Yue-te, it would be impolitic to make an attack
on them then. Besides it was argued by some that the conquest of the Hueng-noo territory
would be of little advantage to China; the waters were salt and the country uninhabitable;
so that the far wiser method would be to renew the treaty. The Emperor acceded to the
suggestion.

Consequent on these deliberations, the following year an envoy was
dispatched to the Hsiung-nu. The envoy with a letter to the effect: "The Emperor of
China respectfully salutes the Shen-yu of the Hsiung-nu. The envoy Ke Hoo-tseen as brought
me a letter, in which you say that you are desirous that there should be a cessation of
hostilities, that the past should be forgotten and the treaty renewed, that the people on
the borders may enjoy peace, and uninterrupted happiness prevail from age to age. All this
has my perfect approbation, being in accordance with the policy of the sage Monarchs of
ancient times. When China entered into a fraternal treaty with the Hsiung-nu, the Shen-yu
was treated with the greatest liberality. The breach of the treaty and the interruption of
amicable relations has always been on the side of Hsiung-nu. But the trespass of the Right
Sage prince having already been pardoned, I will not now accumulate reproaches. If you
really entertain the feelings expressed in this letter, let strict injunctions be given to
all your officers, to beware of breaking the treaty in future, and that they manifest
fidelity and respect in accordance with the tenor of your epistle. We hear from the envoy,
the great merit you have acquired by your military enterprises, in subjugating the
nations; and in recognition of your arduous achievements, I now beg to present you with a
light figured lining imperial embroidered robe, a light long embroidered tunic, and a
light variegated gown; also a golden hair comb, a gold ornamented waist-belt, and a
buffalo-horn belt fastening; also ten pieces of twilled silk, thirty pieces of variegated
silk, and forty pieces each of carnation satin and green silk." These articles were
then handed over to the proper functionary, who caused them to be conveyed to the Shen-yu.

In the 10th month of this year, Maou-tun died, and was succeeded by his
son Ke-yuh, who assumed the title of (Laou-shang) "Venerable high"
Shen-yu. On his accession, the Emperor Wan-te, following up the example and policy of his
ancestor, sent a princess of the imperial house for a consort to the newly-elevated
chieftain, and appointed the eunuch Chung-hing Yue to escort her to her new home. Yue
would fain have excused himself, but the monarch overruled all his objections. "If I
am compelled to go," he said, "it will be an unfortunate day for the house of
Han." On reaching the Hsiung-nu camp, Yue, having resolved to make good his words,
tendered his submission to the Shen-yu, who became much attached to him. The confidence
thus established eusured to Yue a certain liberty of speech; and when he saw the Shen-yu
giving way to a fondness for the dress and the food of China, he did not fail to raise a
warning voice, and thus addressed his chief: "The entire Hsiung-nu population is not
equal to that of one Chinese province; but one cause of their strength is the simplecity
of their dress and food, in which they are independent of China. Now should your Highness
change the national customs, and introduce a taste for Chinese luxuries, while the supply
of these are only sufficient to meet about one fifth of thee requirements, the Hsiung-nu
will all go over to the Chinese. Suppose your people were clothed in Chinese silk, in
riding about among the thorns and brush-wood their robes and tunics would be unavoidably
torn and destroyed; and it is evident that for strength and durability they are not to be
compared to good skin garments. It will be wise also to give up Chinese table delicacies,
which are neither so convenient nor so wholesome as good milk and cream." Yue also
instructed the officers of the Shen-yu in the art of keeping records, in order that they
might preserve a register of the people and the cattle.

When the Emperor of China sent a letter eleven inches in length,
inscribed:--"The Emperor respectfully salutes the Shen-yu of the Hsiung-nu,"
with the presents and complimentary expressions, Chung-hing Yue induced the Shen-yu to
send a return letter twelve inches long, with a larger and longer seal, and andaciously
worded:--"The great Shen-yu of the Hsiung-nu, the offspring of heaven and earth,
ordained by the sun and moon, respectfully salutes the Emperor of the Han," with the
usual presents and complimentary expressions. When the Chinese envoy disparagingly
remarked that the Hsiung-nu were wanting in their duty towards the aged, Chung-hing Yue
replied:--"You Chinese employ agricultural troops to defend the borders; but when
they are sent on a military expedition, so miserably are they found in necessaries, is it
not a fact that their aged parents deprive themselves of their warm clothing and comforts
to supply their sons with requisite food during the campaign?" The envoy assented,
and Yue continued:--"The Hsiung-nu make war the business of life. The aged and infirm
being unable to fight, the choice food is given to the healthy and robust, that they may
be able to stand the fatigues of the camp. Thus father and sons are helpful to each other.
How then can you say that the Hsiung-nu are wanting in their duty towards the aged?"
Continuing the discussion, the envoy remarked:--"Among the Hsiung-nu, father and son
sleep in the same cabin. When the father dies, the son takes the mother to wife. When a
brother dies, his widow is taken by a surviving brother. They neither wear cap nor sash,
and know nothing of the rites of the entrance-hall or the guest-chamber." "As to
that," replied Yue, "the Hsiung-nu live on their flocks and herds, and clothe
themselves with the skins. The flocks being dependent on the herbage and water, it is
necessary, from time to time, to remove to fresh localities. Hence, in time of danger, the
men practice equestrian archery; and in the seasons of security, they live at ease and
free from care. They have few restraints, and are unembarrassed by conventional forms. The
intercourse of prince and subject is simple and durable; and the government of the nation
is consoledated as that of a single body. When a father or elder brother dies, the son or
younger brother takes the widow to wife, as the abhor the mixture of families. Hence
although there are disorders among the Hsiung-nu, yet they preserve the family stem
untainted. Now in China, though they do not openly take the widows of their fathers and
brothers to wife, yet while matrimonial etiquette requires more distant alliances, this is
a fruitful source of murders; and even the change of the surname frequently arises from
this custom. Then as to defects in the rites, the ill-feeling that is generated by
stringency in the intercourse between superiors and inferiors is such that it may be said,
by the time the edifice reaches the summit, the strength of the builders is utterly
exhausted. The husbandman spends his force in the labours of tillage and mulberry culture,
to procure a supply of food and clothing; and you build cities and outposts for
self-defence. But in time of danger the people are not trained to warlike exercises; and
in time of peace every one is taken up with his own business. Pshaw! people living in mud
huts, with but half a costume and scarcely the power of intelligible speech, what have
they to do with caps!" After that when the envoy wished to discuss the merits of
Chinese civilization, Yue abruptly cut him short, saying:--" Let not the Han envoy
spend his words. The presentation of silks and grain from the Han to the Hsiung-nu is
merely a clever device to estimate their numbers. Nor are these gifts in themselves
without their drawbacks. On the contrary, when tho grain is ripe, it is trodden down by
mounted troops, and there is an end of their harvest, much misery and distress being the
natural result." Yue continued assiduously day and night to instruct the Shen-yu in
the principlis of political economy.

A few years of comparative peace followed, till BCE 166, when the
Shen-yu at the head of a hundred and forty thousand cavalry entered Chaou-na by the Seaou
barrier, killed Sun Ngang the commandant of Pih-t'e, and carried off a great number of the
people and cattle. He then advanced on Pang-yang, whence he sent his mounted troops to set
fire to the Hwuy-chung palace. On the return of his cavalry from the expedition, he
marched on Kan-tseuen in the department of Yung. Wan-te on his part was adopting measures
to meet the emergency. The high official Chang Woo was gazetted as general, with a force
of a thousand chariots, and a thousand cavalry troops, distributed over the Ch'ang-an
region, to ward off the Hoo banditti. Liw King the Marquis of Chang was appointed
territorial general of Shang-keun... Under this leadership, a vast levy of carriages and
cavalry set forward to attack the Hoo.

The Shen-yu was more than a month inside the stockades, but he retired
on the approach of the Chinese army, and the troops of Han returned, without a blow having
been struck.

The Hsiung-nu were becoming daily more overbearing; every year they
crossed the boundary, killing and carrying off the people and cattle in immense numbers;
more especially in Yun-chung and Liaou-tung; and up to the region of Tae, there was a loss
in all of more than ten thousand persons. The Chinese being exceedingly distressed by
these proceedings, an envoy was dispatched with a letter to the Hsiung-nu chief. The
Shen-yu sent a Tang-hoo with a return letter acknowledging favours, and power to discuss
the renewal of the treaty.

In 162 the Emperor again addressed a letter to the Shen-yu in the
following terms:--" The Emperor of China respectfully salutes the great Shen-yu of
the Hsiung-nu. Your highness having sent a Tang-hoo, the Tseay-keu Teaou-nan, and the
Gentliman-usher Han-Liaou, with two horses, these I have respectfully received. When my
imperial predecessor erected the Great Wal1, all the bowmen nations on the north were
subject to the Shen-yu; while the residents inside the wall, who wore the cap and sash,
were all under our government: and the myriads of the people, by following their
occupations, ploughing and weaving, shooting and hunting, were able to provide themselves
with food and clothing. No separations took place between fathers and sons; while princes
and subjects lived together in peace, free from violence and oppression. Now it is
reported that there are certain disreputable people, who seeking to free themselves from
their obligations, have turned their back on their duty as subjects and abandoned the
treaty; disregarding the welfare of the people, and ignoring the condition of harmony
between the two princes. But these are now matters of the past. Your letter
says:--"The two nations being now at peace, and the two princes living in harmony,
military operations may cease, the troops may send their horses to graze, and prosperity
and happiness prevail from age to age, commencing, a new era of contentment and
peace." That is extremely gratifying to me. The sages practised daily renovation,
renewing their reformations and beginning afresh; giving rest to the aged and causing the
young to attain maturity, each fulfilling his responsibility and completing his allotted
span of life. Should I, in concert with the Shen-yu, follow this course, complying with
the will of heaven, then compassion for the people will be transmitted from age to age,
and extended to unending generations, while the universe will be moved with admiration,
and the influence will be felt by neighbouring kingdoms inimical to the Clinese or the
Hsiung-nu.

"As the Hsiung-nu live in the northern regions, where the cold
piercing atmosphere comes at an early period, I have ordered the proper authorities to
transmit yearly to the Shen-yu, a certain amount of grain, gold, silks of the finer and
coarser kinds, and other objects. Now peace prevails all over the world; the myriads of
the population are living in harmony, and I and the Shen-yu alone are the parents of the
people. On taking a retrospect of the past, I find trifling matters and minute causes have
shaken the stability of subjects, and induced defective alligiance; all quite unworthy to
mar the harmony that ought to exist between brethren.

"I have heard that heaven is impartial in its overshadowing, nor
is earth one-sided in its supports. If you and I both forget the trifles of the by-gone,
and walk together in the broad path, regardless of the evils that are past, uniting the
people of the two nations as the children of one family, the great mass of the population
will be blessed with peace and prosperity, while they will be preserved from perils; and
the benefits will extend even to the lower creation, the denizens of tbe forest, the ocean
and the firmament. Hence, in the future, lit us not merely walk in the way of heaven, but
overlook all that is past. I will freely pardon all my subjects who have run away or been
carried captive; and lit not the Shen-yu seek the rendition of Chang-ne and others who
have submitted to the Han. It is said that the ancient kings and emperors made clear
stipulations in the treaties, and were ever true to their words. Let your highness ponder
well. After the conclusion of the treaty of peace throughout the world, take notice, the
Han will not be the first to transgress."

The Shen-yu having ratified the treaty, the emperor notified the
recorder, saying:--"The great Shen-yu of the Hsiung-nu has transmitted to me a letter
signifying that the treaty of friendship is now settled. Let no man dispute the benefits
either personally or as to territory. The Hsiung-nu shall not come within the stockades;
Chinese subjects shall not pass beyond the stockades. Death is the penalty of
transgression. Thus friendly relations may be long coutinued without a breach. I have
sanctioned it; let it be widely circulated through the empire, that the matter may be
clearly understood."

In 160, Laou-shang Shen-yu died, and was succeeded by his son Keun-shin
Shen-yu, to whom Chung-hing Yue renewed his oath of alligiance, and the treaty of
friendship with the Chinese was also renewed. The new chief, however, had been little more
than a year in power, when the treaty was thrown to the winds, and he poured thirty
thousand cavalry into Shang-keun, and a similar force into Yun-chung, killing and taking
captive immense numbers of the people. Three Chinese generals were thereupon appointed,
and the formation of military colonies was initiated... every assailable point on the
borders was strengthened to repel the Hoo invaders. Three other generals were appointed to
important military posts... north of the river Wei, to keep back the Hoo at those points.
When the Hoo cavalry crossed the border at Kow-choo in Tae, the news was telegraphed to
Kan-tseun and Ch'ang-an by beacon fires. It was a matter of months by the time the Chinese
troops reached the border. The Hsiung-nu. were already far away beyond the stockades and
the Chinese expedition came to an end.

In the summer of 157, the Emperor Wan-te died, and was succeeded by his
son King-te. Scarcely had the new prince ascended the throne, when disaffection began to
manifest itself among the feudal states. Suy the king of Chaou sent a messenger secretly
to enter into communication with the Hsiung-nu. Woo and Tsoo rebelled, and wished to unite
with Chaou in a plot to invade the border. The emperor however surrounded and disabled
Chaou; while the Hsiung-nu declined to join the confederation. Amicable relations were
renewed between the Shen-yu and the Chinese court. A treaty was again signed, and a market
was opened at the barrier. Presents were forwarded to the Hsiung-nu, and an imperial
princess was sent to cement the alliance with the Shen-yu. The treaty was tolirably well
observed throughout the reign of King-te ; towards the close there were some petty
incursions on the borders, though there was no serious raid. [Back to
Contents]

II. Relations with the Hsiung-nu in the Reign of
Emperor Wu-ti [140-87 BCE]

Wu-ti ascended the throne in 140, the early years of his reign being
marked by occasional irruptions of his northern neighbours. In 135, however, they
requested a renewal of the treaty of peace, which was agreed to by the emperor after some
deliberation, and an explicit declaration as to the stringency of the stipulations. The
Hsiung-nu were treated liberally; the market at the barrier was continued, and handsome
gifts were forwarded; so that from the Shen-yu downwards, the Hsiung-nu all became firmly
attached to the Chinese, and confined their excursions to the outside of the Great Wall.
An influence in an opposite direction, however, was at work at court, and within two years
of the signing of the treaty a deep laid plot was set on foot by the Chinese, for cutting
off the great body of the Hsiung-nu. Nee Yih, an old man, a native of Ma-yeh, was sent as
it were clandestinely to negotiate with the Shen-yu. He pointed out to the latter the
wealth that might be obtained by the capture of Ma-yeh, and pretended to sell the city to
him. Allured by the prospect of gain, and trusting to the representations of Nee, the bait
began to take. The Shen-yu entered the Woo-chow stockade with a hundred thousand mounted
troops, while the Chinese had more than three hundred thousand troops lying in in ambush
in a valley near Ma-yeh. The high dignitary Han Gan-kwo was general of the covering force,
to protect the four generals who were to draw the Shen-yu into the ambuscade. When then
Shen-yu had entered thee Chinese stockade, before he was within a hundred li of the
Ma-yeh, he was astonished to see the cattle spread over the hills and no one to look after
them. He attacked a military post, which was defended by the Commandant of Yed-mun, who
happened to be then making his circuit. The latter was captured by the Shen~yu, who were
about to run him through; but to save his life, he revealed the Chinese plot. At this
revelation the Shen-yu became greatly alarmed, and exclaimed:--"Truly I expected
something of this kind." He then drew off his troops, and returned, remarking,
--"It was providential that I met with this commandant." He designated the
commandant a heavenly king. The Chinese troops having confidently reckoned on the Shen-yu
entering Ma-yeh, had relaxed their vigilance; but as he did not come, their scheme proved
a great collapse. Discovering the state of matters, the general Wang Kwei led forward his
forces beyond Tae, intending to overtake and capture the Hsiung-nu store waggons; but on
hearing that the Shen-yu had returned, the greater part of the troops refused to proceed.
Considering that Wang Kwei was the originator of this plot, and now having failed to
follow up the fugitives, he was condemned to death by the emperor. From that time the
treaty was abandoned by the Hsiung-nu, who attacked the stockades on the high road, and
were constantly committing acts of brigandage on the border, too numerous to mention. They
were very glad, however, to avail themselves of the market at the barrier, having become
fond of Chinese commodities; and the Chinese were very desirous to cultivate this barrier
traffic, as a means of enfeebling their rivals..... [Back to Contents]

III. The Mission to the West by Zhang Qian.

[Part of the Chinese strategy to rid themselves forever of the
Hsiung-nu was to send an emissary to the west, to explore the possibility of alliance with
Hsiung-nu enemies in Central Asia. What follows is the account of that mission by Zhang
Qian (Chang K'ien), which is generally considered to have influenced significantly the Han
decision to expand signficantly to the West and develop the "Silk Road." The
text then describes the military campaigns which brought part of the western regions under
Han control.]

Our first knowledge of Ta-yuan [Ferghana] dates from Chang K'ien. Chang
K'ien was a native of Han-chung [in the south of Shen-si province] ; during the period of
K'ien-yuan [140-134 BCE] he was a lang [a titular officer of the imperial
household; a yeoman]. At that time the Son of Heaven made inquiries among those Hsiung-nu
who had surrendered [as prisoners] and they all reported that the Hsiung-nu had overcome
the king of the Yue-chi and made a drinking-vessel out of his skull. The Yue-chi had
decamped and were hiding somewhere, all the time scheming how to take revenge on the
Hsiung-nu, but had no ally to join them in striking a blow. The Chinese; wishing to
declare war on and wipe out the Tartars, upon hearing this report, desired to communicate
with the Yue-chi; but, the road having to pass through the territory of the Hsiung-nu, the
Emperor sought out men whom he could send. Chang K'ien, being a lang, responded to
the call and enlisted in a mission to the Yue-chi; he took with him one Kan Fu, a Tartar,
formerly a slave of the T 'ang-i family, and set out from Lung-si [Kan-su], crossing the
territory of the Hsiung-nu. The Hsiung-nu made him a prisoner and sent him to the Shan-yu
[Great Khan or King], who detained him, saying: 'The Yue-chi are to the north of us;
how can China send ambassadors to them? If I wished to send ambassadors to Yue [Kiangsi
and Ch'okiang], would China be willing to submit to us?' He held Chang K'ien for more than
ten years, and gave him a wife, by whom he had a son.

All this time Chang K'ie'n had kept possession of the Emperor's token
of authority, and, when in the course of time he was allowed greater liberty, he, watching
his opportunity, succeeded in making his escape with his men in the direction of the
Yue-chi. Having marched several tens of days to the west, he arrived in Ta-yuan. The
people of this country, having heard of the wealth and fertility of China, had tried in
vain to communicate with it. When, therefore, they saw Chang K'ien, they asked joyfully:
'Where do you wish to go?' Chang K'ien replied: 'I was sent by [the Emperor of] China to
the Yue-chi, and was made prisoner by the Hsiung-nu. I have now escaped them and would ask
that your king have some one conduct me to the country of the Yue-chi; and if I should
succeed in reaching that country, on my return to China, my king will reward yours with
untold treasures. The Ta-yuan believed his account and gave him safe-conduct on postal
roads to K'ang-ku [Soghdiana], and K'ang-ku sent him on to the Ta-yue-chi. The king of the
Ta-yue-chi having been killed by the Hu ['Tartars'; in this case the Hsiung-nu], the
people had set up the crown prince in his stead [in the Ts'ien-han-shu it is the
queen who is appointed his successor]. They had since conquered Ta-hia [Bactria] and
occupied that country. The latter being rich and fertile and little troubled with robbers,
they had determined to enjoy a peaceful life; moreover, since they considered themselves
too far away frorn China, they had no longer the intention to take revenge on the Hu
[Hsiung-nu]. Chang K 'ien went through the country of the Yue-chi to Ta-hia [Bactria],
yet, after all, he did not carry his point with the Yue-chi. After having remained there
fully a year, he returned, skirting the Nan-shan. He wished to return through the country
of the K'iang [Tangutans], but was again made a prisoner by the Hsiung-nu, who detained
him for more than a year, when the Shan-yu died and the 'Left' Luk-li [possibly Turk. Ulugla,'highly
honored'] prince attacked the rightful heir and usurped the throne, thus throwing the
country into a state of confusion. At this time Chang K'ien, with his Tartar wife and
T'ang-i Fu [i. e. Kan Fu], escaped and returned to China.

[The Emperor of] China appointed Chang K'ien T'ai-chung-ta-fu ['Imperial
Chamberlain'] and gave T'ang-i Fu the title Fong-shi-kun ['The Gentliman attending
the Embassy']. Chang K'ien was a man of strong physique, magnanimous and trustful, and
popular with the foreign tribes in the south and west. T'ang-i Fu was formerly a Hu
[Tartar; Hsiung-nu?]. Being an excellent bowman, he would, when supplies were exhausted,
provide food by shooting game. When Chang K'ien started on his journey, his caravan
consisted of more than a hundred men; thirteen years later, only two lived to return. The
following countries were visited by Chang K'ien in person: Ta-yuan [Ferghana], Ta-yue-chi
[Indoscythians], Ta-hia [Bactria] and K'ang-ku [Soghdiana]; there were besides, five or
six other large adjacent countries concerning which he gained information and on which he
reported to the Emperor in the following terms.

Ta-yuan [Ferghana] is to the southwest of the Hsiung-nu and due
west of China, at a distance of about 10,000 li. The people are permanent dwellers
and given to agriculture; and in their fields they grow rice and wheat. They have wine
made of grapes (p'u-t'au) and many good horses. The horses sweat blood and come from the
stock of the t'ien-ma [heavenly horse, perhaps the wild horse]. They have walled
cities and houses; the large and small cities belonging to them, fully seventy in number,
contain an aggregate population of several hundreds of thousands. Their arms consist of
bows and halberds, and they shoot arrows while on horseback. North of this country is
K'ang-ku [Soghdiana]; in the west are Yue-chi; in the southwest is Ta-hia [Bactria]; in
the northeast are the Wu-sun; and in the east Han-mi and Yu-tien [Khotan]. All the rivers
west of Yu-tien flow in a westerly direction and feed the Western Sea; all the rivers east
of it flow east and feed the Salt Lake [Lopnor]. The Salt Lake flows underground. To the
south of it [Yu-tien] is the source from which the Ho [Yellow River] arises. The country
contains much jadestone. The river flows through China; and the towns of Lou-lan and
Ku-shi with their city walls closely border on the Salt Lake. The Salt Lake is possibly
5000 li distant from Chang-an. The right [i. e. western] part of the Hsiung-nu live
to the east of the Salt Lake as far as the great wall in Lung-si. To the south they are
bounded by the K 'iang [Tangutans], where they bar the road [to China]. [To Ferghana in the "Notes on the Western Regions" (=WR)]

Wu-sun may be 2000 li northeast of Ta-yuan; its people
are nomads [following their flocks of cattle], and have the same customs as the Hsiung-nu.
Of archers they have several tens of thousands, all daring warriors. Formerly they were
subject to the Hsiung-nu, but they became so strong that, while maintaining nominal
vassalage, they refused to attend the meetings of the court. [To Wu-sun
in WR]

K'ang-ku [Soghdiana] is to the northwest of Ta-yuan perhaps 2000
li distant. It also is a country of nomads with manners and customs very much the
same as those of the Yue-chi. They have eighty or ninety thousand archers. The country is
coterminous with Ta-yuan. It is small. In the south it is under the political influence of
the Yue-chi; in the east, under that of the Hiung~nu. [To Soghdiana in
WR]

An-ts'ai [Aorsi] lies to the northwest of K'ang-ku, perhaps at a
distance of 2000 li, It is a nomad state, and its manners and customs in the main
identical with those of K'ang-ku. It has fully a hundred thousand archers. The country
lies close to a great sea [ta-tso, lit. 'great marsh,' the Palus Maeotis, i.e. the
Sea of Azov] which has no limit, for it is the Northern Sea.

The Ta-yue-chi [Indoscythians] are perhaps two or three thousand
li to the west of Ta-yuan. They live to the north of the K'ui-shui [Oxus]. South of
them is Ta-hia [Bactria]; in the west is An-si [Parthia]; in the north, K'ang-ku
[Soghdiana]. They are a nomad nation, following their flocks and changing their abodes.
Their customs are the same as those of the Hsiung-nu. They may have one to two hundred
thousand archers. In olden times they relied on their strength, and thought lightly of the
Hsiung-nu; but when Mau-tun ascended the throne he attacked and defeated the Yue-chi. Up
to the time when Lau-shang, Shan-yu of the Hsiung-nu, killed the king of the Yue-chi and
made a drinking vessel out of his skull, the Yue-chi had lived between Dunhuang [now
Sha-chou] and the K'i-lien [a hill southwest of Kan-chou-fu]. But when they were beaten by
the Hsiung-nu, they fled to a distant country and crossed to the west of Yuan [Ta-yuan],
attacked Ta-hia [Bactria], and conquered it. Subsequently they had their capital in the
north of the K'ui-shui [Oxus] and made it the court of their king. The minority which were
left behind and were not able to follow them, took refuge among the K'iang [Tangutans] of
the Nan-shan, and were called Siau-Yue-chi (Small Yue-chi). [To Ta
Yue-she in WR]

An-si [Parthia] may be several thousand li west of the
Ta-yue-chi. The people live in fixed abodes and are give to agriculture; their
fields yield rice and wheat; and they make wine of grapes. Their cities and towns are like
those of Ta-yuan. Several hundred small and large cities belong to it. The territory is
several thousand li square; it is a yery large country and is close to the
K'ui-shui [Oxus]. Their market folk and merchants travel in carts and boats to the
neighboring countries perhaps several thousand li distant. They make coins of
silver; the coins resemble their king's face. Upon the death of a king the coins are
changed for others on which the new king's face is represented. They paint [rows of
characters] running sideways on [stiff] leather, to serve as records. West of this country
is T'iau-chi; north is An-ts'ai. [To Parthia in WR]

Li-kan [Syria] and T'iau-chi [Chaldea] are several
thousand li west of An-si and close to the Western Sea. It [referring to T
'iau-ch'i] is hot and damp. The inhabitants plow their fields, in which they grow rice.
There is a big bird with eggs like jars. The number of its inhabitants very large and they
have in many places their own petty chiefs; but An-si [Parthia], while having added it to
its dependencies, considers it a foreign country. They have clever jugglers. Although the
old people in An-si maintain the tradition that the Jo-shui and the Si-wang-mu are in
T'iau-chi, they have not been seen there.

Ta-hia [Bactria] is more than 2000 li to the southwest of
Ta-yuan, on the south bank of the K'ui-shui [Oxus]. The people have fixed abodes and live
in walled cities and regular houses like the people of Ta-yuan. They have no great king or
chief, but everywhere the cities and towns have their own petty chiefs. (49) While the
people are shrewd traders, their soldiers are weak and afraid to fight, so that, when the
Ta-yue-chi migrated westward, they made war on the Ta-hia, who became subject to them. The
population of Ta-hia may amount to more than a million. Their capital is called Lan-shi,
and it has markets for the sale of all sorts of merchandise. To the southeast of it is the
country of Shon-tu [India]. Chang K'ien says [in his report to the Emperor]: 'When
I was in Ta-hia, I saw there a stick of bamboo of Kiung [Kiung-chou in Ssi-ch'uan] and
some cloth of Shu [Ssi-ch 'uan]. When I asked the inhabitants of Ta-hia how they had
obtained possession of these, they replied: "The inhabitant of our country buy them
in Shon-tu [India]." Shon-tu may be several thousand li to the southeast of
Ta-hia. The people there have fixed abodes, and their customs are very much like those of
Ta-hia; but the country is low, damp, and hot. The people ride eliphants to fight in
battle. The country is close to a great river. According to my calculation, Ta-hia must be
12,000 li distant from China and to the southwest of the latter. Now the country of
Shon-tu being several thousand li the southeast of Ta-hia, and the produce of Shu
[Ssi-ch'uan] being found there, that country cannot be far from Shu. Suppose we send
ambassadors to Ta-hia through the country of the K'iang [Tangutans], there is the danger
that the K'iang will object; if we send them but slightly farther north, they will be
captured by the Hsiung-nu; but by going by way of Shu [Ssi-ch'uan] they may proceed direct
and will be unmolisted by robbers.'

The Son of Heaven on hearing all this reasoned thus: Ta-yuan and the
possessions of Ta-hia and An-si are large countries, full of rare things, with a
population living in fixed abodes and given to occupations somewhat identical with those
of the Chinese people, but with weak armies, and placing great value on the rich produce
of China; in the north the possessions of the Ta-yue-chi and K'ang-ku, being of military
strength, might be made subservient to the interests of the court by bribes and thus
gained over by the mere force of persuasion. In this way a territory 10,000 li in
extent would be available for the spread among the four seas of Chinese superior
civilization by communicating through many interpreters with the nations holding widely
different customs. As a result the Son of Heaven was pleased to approve Chang K'ien's
proposal. He thereupon gave orders that, in accordance with Cliang K'ien's suggestions,
exploring expeditions be sent out from Kien-wei of the Shu kingdom [the present Su-chou-fu
on the Upper Yangtzi] by four different routes at the same time: one to start by way of
Mang; one by way of Jan [both names referring to barbarous hill tribes on the southwestern
frontier]; one by way of Ssi [or Si] ; and one by way of Kiung [Kiung-chou in Ssi-ch'uan]
and P'o [the present Ya-chou]. These several missions had each traveled but one or two
thousand li when those in the north were prevented from proceeding farther by the
Ti and Tso tribes, and those in the south by the Sui and K'un-ming tribes [placed by the
commentators in the southwest of Si-chou-fu], who had no chiefs and, being given to
robbery, would have killed or captured the Chinese envoys. The result was that the
expeditions could not proceed farther. They heard, however, that about a thousand li
or more to the west there was the 'elephant-riding country' called Tien-yue [possibly
meaning 'the Tien,' or Yunnan, part of Yue or South China], whither the traders of Shu
[Ssi-ch'uan] were wont to proceed, exporting produce surreptitiously. Thus it was that by
trying to find the road to Ta-hia [Bactria] the Chinese obtained their first knowledge of
the Tien country (Yun-nan).

The original idea to penetrate from China through the country of the
southwestern barbarians was abandoned, because, in spite of the heavy expense incurred,
the passage could not be effected; but it was in pursuance of Chang K'ien's report
regarding the possibility of finding a road to Ta-hia [Bactria] that attention had again
been drawn to these barbarians. It had been due to Chang K'ien's knowledge of their
pasture-grounds, when following, in the capacity of a subcommander, the general-in-chief
sent out against the Hsiung-nu, that the army did not fall short of provisions. For this
the Emperor invested him with the title 'Marquis of Po-wang.' This was in the year 123 BCE
When, in the following year, Chang K'ien took part in the Yu-pei-p'ing [about 80 miles
east of Peking] campaign against the Hsiung-nu in the capacity of a commander of the
Guards under General Li [Li Kuang] as commander-in-chief and the latter was blocked by the
enemy with considerable losses to his army, Chang K'ien failed to come soon enough to the
rescue. For this he was liable to the penalty of death; but, on payment of a ransom, his
punishment was reduced to degradation to the rank of a private. In the same year China
sent the Pian-ki general (Ho K'u-ping) to conquer the western ordu [capital] of the
Hsiung-nu. He took several tens of thousands [of troops] and pushed forward as far as the
K'i-lien-shan [a hill in the south of the present Kan-chou-fu]. In the following year (121
BCE) the Hun-sho prince with all his people tendered his alligiance to China, and in the
west of Kin-ch'ong [Lan-chou-fu] and in Ho-si [in the west of Kan-su] all along the
Nan-shan as far as the Salt Lake [the Lopnor] there remained no Hsiung-nu. The Hsiung-nu
would from time to time come there to waylay travelers, but such visitations were of rare
occurrence indeed, and two years later the Chinese forced their khan to retreat into the
north of the desert. The Son of Heaven thereupon consulted Chang K'ien several times about
Ta-hia and other countries, and since K'ien bad lost his marquisate he submitted the
following report:

'When your servant was living among the Hsiung-nu, he heard that the
king of the Wu-sun was styled K'un-mo, and that the K'un-mo's father was [chief of]
a petty state on the western borders of the Hsiung-nu. The Hiung-nn attacked and killed
his father, and the K'un-mo, at his birth, was cast away in the wilderness, where meat was
brought to him by a blackbird and a she-wolf nursed him with her milk. The Shan-yu
regarded this as a wonder and, having raised the child to manhood, made him a military
leader, in which capacity he distinguished himself on several occasions. The Shan-yu
restored to him the people of his father and made him governor of the western ordu
[city, or fortified camp]. On receiving charge of his people, the K'un-mo attacked the
neighboring small states with tens of thousands of bowmen, gained experience in warfare,
and, after the Shan-yu's death, withdrew his forces to a distant retreat, declining to
appear at the court of the Hsiung-nu. The latter dispatched a force of picked troops to
attack him, but, being unable to conquer him, regarded him as a spirit whom they had
better keep at a distance and whom they would not seriously attack, though they continued
to claim [nominal] jurisdiction of the Shan-yu over the K'un-mo. Now the Shan-yu has
recently been defeated by China, in consequence of which the Hun-sho prince's former
territory has become deserted; and since the barbarians covet the rich products of China,
this is an opportune time to bribe the Wu-sun with liberal presents, and to invite them to
settle farther east in the old Hun-sho territory. Should they become attached to the
Chinese as a brother nation by intermarriage the situation would be in favor of their
listening to our proposition, and if they do this, it would be tantamount to the cutting
off of the right [i. e. western] arm of the Hsiung-nu nation Once we are connected with
the Wu-sun, the countries to the west of them might be invited to come to us as outer
subjects.'

The Son of Heaven approved of Chang K'ien's proposal and appointed him
a commander in his bodyguard as well as leader of an expedition consisting of 300 men,
each with two horses, and oxen and sheep in myriads. He also provided him with gifts of
gold and silk stuffs worth millions, and with assistant envoys, holding credentials, whom
he might send to and leave behind in other nearby countries. When Chang K'ien arrived at
Wu-sun, be keenly resented the humiliation offered to him, the ambassador of China, by a
mere king of the Wu-sun, K'un-mo, in receiving him in audience with court ceremonial like
that adopted with the Shan-yu of the Hsiung-nu. Knowing the greed of these barbarians, he
said: 'If the king does not pay due respect to these gifts, which have come the Son of
Heaven, they will be withdrawn.' The K'un-mo rose and offered obeisance before the gifts,
but all other ceremonies passed off as of old. Chang K'ien explained the Emperor's ideas
as follows: 'If the Wu-sun are able to move eastward to the country of the Hun-sho, China
will send a princess to become the K'un-mo's consort.' The Wu-sun country was divided, for
the King was old and, considering China very distant and being unaware of its greatness,
had heretofore submitted to the Hsiung-nu, and this for a long time indeed. Moreover, his
own country was also nearer them, so that his ministers, who were afraid of the Tartars,
did not wish to move away, and, since the king was not free to arrive at a decision of his
own choice, Chang K'ien was unsuccessful in inducing him to adopt his suggestion.

The K'un-mo had more than ten sons, the second of whom, called Ta-lu,
was an energetic leader of the masses. In this capacity he set himself up in a separate
part of the country with more than ten thousand horsemen. Ta-lu's elder brother, the crown
prince, had a son called the Ts'on-ts'u [a title]. When the crown prince met with
an early death, his last words to his father, the K'un-mo, were: 'Let the Ts'on-ts'u
become crown prince, and do not allow any other man to take his place.' The K 'un-mo, in
his grief, consented; and so on the death of his father the Ts'on-ts'u became crown
prince. Ta-lu was angry at being prevented from acting as crown prince and, having
imprisoned his brothers, rose with his people in rebellion against the Ts'on-ts'u and the
K'un-mo. The latter, being old, was in constant fear that Ta-lu might kill the Ts'on-ts'u;
he therefore gave the latter more than ten thousand horsemen to settle elsewhere, while
retaining the same number of horsemen for his own protection.

The population was thus divided into three parts; and, notwithstanding
that the majority were under his authority, the K'un-mo did not dare to take it upon
himself to conclude that treaty with Chang K'ien. Chang K'ien, therefore, sent assistant
ambassadors in several directions to the countries of Ta-yuan [Ferghana], K'ang-ku
[Soghdiana], Ta-yue-chi [Indoscythians], Ta-hia [Bactria], An-si [Parthia],
Shon-tu[India], Yu-tien [Khotan], Han-mi [?] and the adjacent territories. Wu-sun
furnished guides and interpreters to accompany Chang K'ien on his return, and the latter,
traveling with several dozen natives and as many horses sent by the people of Wu-sun in
acknowledgment [of the Emperor's gifts], thereby afforded them the opportunity to see
China with their own eyes and thus to realize her extent and greatuess. On his return to
China Chang K'ien was appointed Ta-hing ['Great Traveler,' or head of the office of
foreign affairs] with rank as one of the nine ministers of state. More than a year after
this he died.

The envoys of Wu-sun, having seen that China was a very populous and
wealthy country, reported to this effect on their return home, and this increased the
estimation in which she was held there. More than a year later, some of the envoys whom
Chang K'ien had sent to the Ta-hia countries returned with natives of those countries, and
after this the countries of the Northwest began to have intercourse with China. Since Chan
K'ien had been the pioneer in such intercourse, envoys proceeding to the West after him
always referred to the Marquis of Po-wang as an introduction in foreign counries, the
mention of his name being regarded as a guaranty of good faith. After the death of K'ien,
the Hsiung-nu heard of China's relations with Wu-sun, at which they became angry and
wished to make war on it. When China sent missions to Wu-sun, her ambassadors continually
passed through the south of that country to Ta-yuan [Ferghana] and Ta-yue-chi
[Indoscythians], and since the people of Wu-sun were afraid, they sent ambassadors and
tribute horses, expressing their wish to bring about family relations by marriage with a
Chinese imperial princess. The Son of Heaven consulted his ministers, who all said: 'Let
them first offer marriage gifts and we shall then send the maiden.' At first the Son of
Heaven consulted an oracle in the 'Book of Changes,' which said that 'the divine horse
will come from the northwest.' The horses received from Wu-sun were termed 'heavenly
horses,' but when the 'blood-sweating [han-hue] horses' obtained from Ta-yuan
[Ferghana] were found much stronger, the name 'Wu-sun horses' was changed to '[horses of
the] extreme west' and the Ta-yuan horses were called 'heavenly horses.'

At this time China began to build the great wall to the west of Ling-ku
[near the present Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su], and first estableshed the district of
Tsiu-ts'uan, through which one could reach the countries of the Northwest. Thus more
embassies were despatched to An-si [Parthia], An-ts'ai [the Aorsi, or Alans], Li-kan
[Syria under the Seleucids], T'iau-chi [Chaldea], and Shon-tu [India], and as the Son of
Heaven had such a fancy for the horses of Ta-yan, ambassadors [sent to procure these
horses] followed upon one another's heels all along the route. Such missions would be
attended by several hundred men, or by a hundred men, according to their importance. The
gifts carried by them emulated in the main those sent in the time of the Marquis of
Po-wang; but later on, when they had ceased to be a novelty, they were made on a smaller
scale. As a rule, rather more than ten such missions went forward in the course of a year,
and at the least five or six. Those sent to distant countries would return home after
eight or nine years, those to nearer ones, within a few years.

This was the time when China had extinguished Yue, in consequence of
which the barbarians in the southwest of Shu (Ssi-ch'uan) became alarmed and asked that
Chinese officers be appointed, and attended court. Thus were created the districts of
I-chou, Yue-sui, Tsang-ko, Shon-li, and Won-shan, [the government] being guided by the
wish that these territories should form a link in the development of the route to Ta-hia
[Bactria]. And so the envoys Pai Shi-ch'ang and Lu Yue-jon were sent out in more than ten
parties in a single year from these newly founded districts for Ta-hia [Bactria], but
again and again they were held up by the K'un-ming tribes, who killed them and robbed them
of the presents they carried, so that they were never able to reach Ta-hia. Thereupon
China raised an army from the convicts of the metropolitan district (san-fu) and
sent the two generals Kuo Ch'ang and Wei Kuang in command of tens of thousands of soldiers
of Pa and Shu [Ssi-chi'uan], to fight the K'un-mings who had intercepted the Chinese
ambassadors, when several tens of thousands of the tribesmen were beheaded or made
prisoners by the Chinese army before it withdrew. After this ambassadors sent to the
K'un-ming were again robbed, and a passage through this country was still found to be
impracticable. On the other hand, missions to Ta-hia [Bactria] by the northern route, via
Tsiu-ts'uan, had by their frequency caused the foreign countries to be less and less
interested in the Chinese ambassadorial gifts, which they no longer appreciated. Since the
work of the Marquis of Po-wang in preparing the way for intercourse with foreign countries
had earned for him rank and position, officials and attendants who had accompanied him
vied with one another in presentmg to the throne memorials in which they discussed the
wonders, advantages, and disadvantages of certain foreign countries; and when the
memorialists asked to be nominated as envoys, the Son of Heaven, on account of the extreme
distance of the countries to be visited and owing to the scarcity of men expressing a
willingness to go, would comply with such requests and would even provide credentials to
candidates for ambassadorial posts without asking any questions as to whence they had
come. In order to encourage enterprise in this direction numbers of embassies were fitted
out and sent forward, though among those who returned there were bound to be some who had
either purloined the presents entrusted to them or failed to carry out the imperial
instructions.

The Son of Heaven on account of the experience of these quasi-envoys,
would merely investigate cases as being highly criminal and punishable in order to stir up
a feeling of resentment. By causing them to atone for their guilt [by payments?] they were
led to apply again for ambassadorial appointments. Chances for such appointments now
becoming numerous, those concerned in them made light of infringements of the law, and the
lower officials connected with them would also give exaggerated accounts of the conditions
of the foreign countries in question. Those who reported on some great projects in
connection with foreign countries would be given plenipotentiary posts, whereas reports on
less important ones would be rewarded with mere assistantships, for which reason reckless
and unprincipled men became eager to follow examples thus set. The ambassadors, being
mostly sons of poor families, appropriated the gifts sent by the government, and would
undersell them for their private benefit. Foreign countries, in their turn, got tired of
the Chinese ambassadors, whose tales consisted of conflicting accounts. They imagined that
a Chinese army would not be near enough to reach them, and that they were free to annoy
the Chinese ambassadors by cutting off their food supplies. The ambassadors were thus
reduced to a state of starvation, and their exasperation took the form of actual
hostilities. Lou-lan and Ku-shi, which, though merely small countries, were thoroughfares
to the West, attacked and robbed the Chinese ambassadors [Wang K'ui and others] more than
ever, and unexpected troops of the Hsiung-nu would at all times intercept westbound
envoys. Ambassadors would therefore strive to outvie one another in spreading reports of
the calamities threatening China from those foreign countries, which had walled cities and
towns, but whose armies were weak and could easily be vanquished.

On this account the Son of Heaven sent the Tsung-piau marquis [Chau]
Po-nu to lead some tens of thousands of cavalry of the feudal states and regular
troops toward the Hsiung-nu River, wishing to engage the Tartars, but the latter retreated
without giving battle. In the following year Po-nu attacked Ku-shi. He took the lead with
more than seven hundred light cavalry, captured the king of Lou-lan, and defeated Ku-shi.
He then displayed the prestige of his army in order to 'corner' Wiu-sun, Ta-yuan, and
other countries. On his return, he was raised to the rank of a marquis of Tso-ye [in 108
BC]. Wang K'ui, who had been repeatedly ill-treated as an ambassador by Lou-lan, had
reported this to the Son of Heaven, who raised an army and ordered him to assist Po-nu in
bringing Lou-lan to terms. For this, Wang K'ui was made Marquis of Hau. A line of military
stations was now established between Tsiu-ts'uan and the Yu-mon [Yumen] Gate. Wu-sun now
presented a marriage gift of a thousand horses, upon which China sent a relative of the
emperor's, the Princess of Kiang-tu, as a consort for the king of the Wu-sun. The latter,
the K'un-mo, appointed her his right [i. e. less-honored] consort. The Hsiung-nu, on their
part, also sent a daughter in marriage to the K'un-mo, who appointed her his left [i. e.
most-honored] consort. The K'un-mo said 'I am old,' and he induced his grandson, the
Ts'on-ts'u, to marry the [Chinese] princess. The Wu-sun had a great store of horses; rich
men had as many as four or five thousand each.

Once, when a Chinese ambassador had come to An-si[Parthia], the king of
that country caused twenty thousand horsemen to welcome him at the eastern frontier, which
was several thousand li distant from the royal capital. When he reached the capital
he found that he had passed some dozens of walled cities, densely populated When the
ambassador returned to China they in their turn, sent envoys to accompany the mission back
to China, in order that they might see China's greatness with their own eyes. They offered
as tribute big birds' eggs [ostrich eggs] and jugglers from Li-kan [Syria, etc.]. And the
small countries to the west of Yuan, namely Huan, Ts'ien, and Ta-i [?], and those to the
east of Yuan, namely, Ku-shi, Han-mi, Su-hie, and others, follwed the Chinese ambassadors
with tribute and had andience with the Son of Heaven, who was thereby highly gratified.
Also, a Chinese ambassador traced the source of the Ho River, which had its rise in
Yu-tien [Khotan]. The hills there yielded great quantities of jadestone picked up and
brought to China [by the ambassadors]. The Son of Heaven, in accordance with old maps and
books, gave the name of K'un-lun to the hill in which the Ho River had its source.

At this time the Emperor often made tours of inspection to the seaside,
when he was generally accompanied by numbers of foreign guests, upon whom he would bestow
abundant provision, in order to impress them with the wealth of China. On such occasions
crowds of onlookers were attracted by the performances of wrestlers, mummers, and all such
wonderful entertainments, and by lavish feasts of wine and meat, by which the foreign
guests were made to realize China's astounding greatness. They were also made to inspect
the several granaries, stores, and treasuries, with a view to showing them the greatness
of China and to inspiring them with awe. Later on the skill of these jugglers, wrestlers,
mummers, and similar performers was further developed, their efficiency was increased from
year to year. It was from this period that the coming and going of ambassadors of the
foreign countries of the northwest became more and more frequent. The countries west of
Yuan [Ferghana], which, being of the opinion that they were too far away from China, had
as yet calmly stood upon their national pride, could not be won over by our polite
civilization into a state of vassalage. Westward from Wu-sun as far as An-si [Parthia],
the Hsiung-nu lived nearby, and since they had [once] been a source of trouble to the
Yue-chi [Indoscythians], it was still a fact that if an envoy of the Hsiung-nu, armed with
a letter of the Shan-yu, were sent abroad, all the countries en route would give
him safe-conduct and provisions without daring to make trouble of any kind, whereas the
ambassadors of China could not obtain provisions without a money payment, nor could they
continue their journeys on horseback without buying the necessary beasts. The reason for
this was that the people of these countries thought that, China being far off and wealthy,
the Chinese must buy what they wished to get; indeed they were more afraid of the
Hsiung-nu than of the Chinese ambassadors. In the neighborhood of Yuan [Ferghana] wine was
made from grapes. Rich people stored ten thousand stones and more of it without its
spoiling. The people liked to drink wine, and their horses liked lucerne (mu-su=medicago
sativa). The Chinese envoys imported their seeds into China. The Son of Heaven
thereupon first planted lucerne and vines on rich tracts of ground, and by the time that
he had large numbers of 'heavenly' horses, and when many ambassadors from foreign
countries arrived, by the side of Imperial summer palaces and other retreats one might see
wide tracts covered with vineyards and lucerne fields.

The people occupying the tracts from Ta-yuan [Ferghana] westward as far
as the country of An-si talked different dialects, but their manners and customs being in
the main identical, they understood each other. They had deepset eyes, most of them wore
beards, and as shrewd merchants they would haggle about the merest trifles. They placed
high value on women, and husbands were guided in their decisions by the advice of their
wives. These countries produced no silk and varnish, and they did not know the casting of
coins and utensils. When some deserters from the retinue of a Chinese embassy had settled
there as subjects they taught them how to cast weapons and utensils other than those that
they already had. Having secured Chinese yellow and white metal [i.e. gold and silver],
they used this for making utensils; they did not use it for money. And since Chinese
ambassadors became numerous, the young men who had been attached to those missions would
generally approach the Son of Heaven with [what seemed] a well worked-out project. Thus
they reported 'The superior horses found in Ta-yuan are concealed [kept out of sight] in
the city of Ir-shi, which is unwilling to give them to the Chinese ambassadors.' Now,
since the Son of Heaven was fond of the horses of Ta-yuan, he was pleased with this report
and sent certain strong men [sportsmen, turfmen?], Ch'o Ling and others, with a thousand
pieces of gold and a golden horse in order to ask the king of Ta-yuan for the superior
horses in the city of Ir-shi. The Yuan country being overstocked with Chinese produce, the
people held counsel among themselves, saying: 'China is far away from us, and in the Salt
Lake [region] numbers of travelirs have met with destruction. To the north of it one falls
into the hands of the Hu [Tartar] robbers; in the south there is dearth of water and
vegetation; moreover, they are everywhere cut off from cities without any chance of
foraging in many cases Chinese missions, consisting of merely a few hundred members have
quite commonly lost more than half their staff by starvation. If this be so, how much less
could the Chinese send a big army? What harm can they do to us? The horses in Ir-shi are
the most precious horses of Yuan.' And they refused to deliver the horses to the Chinese
ambassadors. The latter became very angry and with scathing words smashed the golden horse
and returned. The notables, in their turn, were incensed and said: 'The Chinese
ambassadors have treated us with extreme contempt.' They ordered the envoys out of the
country and caused them to be intercepted at Yu-ch'ong on the eastern frontier, where the
ambassadors were killed and robbed of their belongings.

Upon hearing this the Son of Heaven was very wroth. The ambassadors
previously sent to Yuan, namely Yan Ting-han and others, reported: 'The army of Yuan is
weak; if we attack it with no more than three thousand Chinese soldiers using crossbows,
we shall be sure to vanquish it completely.' The Son of Heaven, having previously sent the
Marquis of Tso-ye with seven hundred cavalry to attack Lou-lan, with the result that the
king of that country was captured, approved of the plan suggested by Yan Ting-han and
others, and, wishing to bestow a marquisate on his favorite concubine, Madam Li, appointed
Li Kuang-li leader of the campaign, with the title Ir-shi tsiang-kun [i. e. General
Ir-shi] and ordered him to set out with six thousand cavalry of the feudal states and
several hundred thousand men, being recruits selected from the riffraff of the provinces,
and to march upon Yuan with the intent of advancing on the city of Ir-shi and taking
possession of its superior horses, for which reason he was styled 'General Ir-shi.' Chau
Shi-ch'ong was appointed kun-chong [adjutant-general?], the late Marquis of Han,
Wang K'ui, was sent as a guide to the army, and Li Ch'o was appointed a governor in charge
of the army regulations. This happened in the year 104 BCE. And great swarms of locusts
arose to the east of the great wall and traveled west as far as Dunhuang. When the army of
General Ir-shi had crossed the Salt Lake [Lop-nor] the small states on the road were
alarmed; they strengthened their city defenses and refused the issue of provisions. Sieges
were of no effect. If the cities surrendered, the army would secure provisions; if they
did not, it would in the course of a few days retire. When it came to Yu-ch'ong, the
Chinese army consisted of not more than a few thousand men, and these were exhausted from
lack of food. At the siege of Yu-ch'ong the Chinese troops were utterly routed with great
losses in killed and wounded. General Ir-shi with Li Ch'o, Chau Shi-ch'ong, and others
reasoned thus: 'If our drive on Yu-ch'ong ended in failure to take the city, how much less
can we advance on the king's capital? Consequently, after a campaign of two years the army
was led back. When it reached Dunhuang only one or two out of every ten soldiers were
Left. The general sent a message to the Emperor in which he said: 'Owing to the distance
of the expedition we often were short of provisions and our soldiers were troubled not so
much by battles as by starvation; their numbers were not sufficient to conquer Yuan.' He
proposed for the time being to stop the war and to set out again when better prepared.
When the Son of Heaven heard this report be was much incensed and ordered the Yu-mon
[Gate] to be closed, saying, 'If any members of the army dare to enter, they shall lose
their heads.' Ir-shi was afraid and remained at Dunhuang. That summer [103 BCE] China had
lost more than twenty thousand men of Tso-ye's army against the Hsiung-nu. The dukes,
ministers, and councils called upon to deliberate all wished to give up the expedition
against the army of Yuan and to direct special efforts to attacking the Tartars. The Son
of Heaven [thought that] having sent a punitive expedition against Yuan, a small country,
without bringing it to terms would cause Ta-hia [Bactria] and the like countries to feel
contempt for China, and the superior horses of Yuan would never be forthcoming; also
Wu-sun and Lun-t'ou would make light of harassing the Chinese ambassadors, [and China]
would thus become the laughing stock of foreign countries. The Emperor therefore preferred
an indictment against Tong Kuang and others who had reported that making war on Yuan was
particularly inopportune, [and an army consisting of] ticket-of-leave men and
sharpshooters, to whom were added the young riffraff and roughriders of the boundary, was
organized within rather more than a year. When it left Dunhuang this army consisted of
sixty thousand men, not counting those who followed as carriers of secret supplies of
extra provisions; a hundred thousand oxen; more than thirty thousand horses; donkeys,
mules, and camels numbering myriads, and a commissariat well stocked with provisions,
besides arms and crossbows. All parts of the Empire had to bestir themselves in
contributing offerings. In this campaign against Yuan no less than fifty military
governors were appointed. In the city of the king of Yuan there were no wells, and the
people had to obtain water from a river outside the city, whereupon experts in hydraulics
were sent to divert the course of the river, thus depriving the city of water, besides
effecting an opening through which the city might be laid open to access. In order to
protect Tsiu-ts'uan, an additional contingent of a hundred eighty thousand frontier troops
was stationed in the newly estableshed districts of Ku-yen and Hiu-chu in the north of
Tsiu-ts'uan and Chang-ye. There were further sent the offenders under the seven clauses of
the law on minor offenses from the whole empire, as carriers of provisions for the Ir-shi
expedition force; wagoners with their carts went in endless lines to Dunhuang; and in
anticipation of the defeat of Yuan, two horse-breakers were appointed as equerries [with
the rank of] military governors to handle the superior horses to be selected. Thereupon
[General] Ir-shi had to march out again, and since he had now more soldiers, the smaller
countries he passed through did not fail to welcome him with provisions for his army. When
he came to Lun-t'ou, however, that city would not submit, so, after a siege of a few days,
it was laid in ruins. After this event the march to the west proceeded without impediment
as far as the [outskirts of the] city of Yuan. On its arrival there the Chinese army
consisted of thirty thousand men. An army of Yuan gave battle, the victory being gained by
the efficiency of the Chinese archery; and this caused the Yuan army to take refuge in
their bulwarks and mount the city walls. General Ir-shi wished to attack Yu-ch'ong, but
was afraid his detention thereby would allow Yuan to resort to additional stratagems. He
therefore went direct to Yuan, cut off the source of its water-supply by diverting the
course of the river upon which it depended, and the city was in great straits. Yuan was
invested by the Chinese for more than forty days. On battering the outer city wall they
captured one of the notables of Yuan, a prominent leader named Tsien-mi.

The people of Yuan became panic-stricken and withdrew into the inner
city, where their notables held counsel among themselves, saying: 'The reason why the
Chinese make war on us is that our king, Mu-kua, held back the superior horses and killed
the Chinese ambassadors. If we now kill our king, Mu-kua, and surrender the superior
horses, the Chinese army will raise the siege; on the other hand, if they do not raise the
siege there will be war to the death. It is not yet too late.' The notables of Yuan were
all of this opinion. They therefore assassinated their king Mu-kua, and sent his head to
General Ir-shi by their notables, saying: 'If the Chinese will cease making war on us, we
will let you have all the superior horses you desire and will supply the Chinese army with
provisions; but, if you do not accept our terms, we will kill all the superior horses and
help will soon come from K'ang-ku [Soghdiana]. In that case we should keep within the
city, while K'ang-ku would keep outside, fighting against the Chinese army, which ought
carefully to consider as to the course it will adopt.' In the meantime K'ang-ku kept watch
on the Chinese army, and, this being still numerous, did not dare to attack. General
Ir-shi consulted with Chan Shi-ch'ong and Li Ch'o. It was reported that Yuan had recently
secured the services of a Chinese [lit. 'a man of Ts'in'] who knew how to bore wells, and
that the city was still well supplied with provisions; that the chief malefactor whom they
had come to punish, was Mu-kua, whose head had already come to hand; and that, if under
the circumstances they did not raise the siege, Ta-yuan would make strenuous efforts to
defend the city, while K'ang-ku would lie in wait until the Chinese were worn out, and
then come to the rescue of Yuan, which would mean certain defeat to the Chinese army. The
officers of the army agreed with these views. Yuan was allowed to make a treaty. They
delivered up their superior horses and permitted the Chinese to make a selection from
them, besides furnishing great quantities of provisions for the commissariat. The Chinese
army took away several dozens [shu-shi,'several times ten'] of superior horses,
besides more than three thousand stallions and mares of inferior quality. They also
appointed a notable of Yuan, named Mei-ts'ai, who had formerly treated the Chinese
ambassadors well, as king of Yuan, with whose swearing-in the campaign ended. After all,
the Chinese were unable to enter the inner city, and, abandoning further action, the army
was led back.

When General Ir-shi first started to the west from Dunhuang, the
countries en route were unable to furnish provisions, owing to the size of his
army. He therefore divided it now into several sections, which took the southern and
northern routes respectively. The military governor, Wang Shon-shong and the former
superintendent of the Colonial Office, Hu Ch'ung-kuo, with more than a thousand men,
marched by another route to Yiu-ch'ong, whose city head refused the issue of provisions to
the army. Wang Shon-shong, though he was two hundred li distant from the main body
of the army, reconnoitered, but made light of the situation, while upbraiding the people
of Yu-ch'ong. The latter persisted in refusing the issue of provisions and, having
ascertained by spies that Wang Shon-shong's army was becoming reduced in numbers day by
day, they one morning attacked the latter with three thousand men, killed Wang Shon-shong
and the other leaders, and routed his army, of which only a few men escaped with their
lives to rejoin General Ir-shi and the main army. General Ir-shi now entrusted Special
Commissioner of Government Grain Shang-kuan Kie with the investment of Yu-ch'ong, whose
king fled to K'ang-ku, pursued thither by Shang-kuan Kie. K'ang-ku had received the news
of China's victory over Ta-yuan and delivered the fugitive king to Shang-kuan Kie, who
sent him well bound and guarded by four horsemen to the commander-in-chief. On their way
these men said to one another: 'The king of Yu-ch'ong is China's bitterest enemy. If we
now let him live, he will escape, and then we shall have failed in an important
undertaking.' Although wishing to kill him, none of the four dared to strike the first
blow, when a cavalry officer of Shang-kui, named Chau Ti, the youngest among them, drew
his sword and cut off the king's head. He and Shang-kuan Kie with the king's head then
rejoined the commander-in-chief.

When General Ir-shi set out for the second time, the Son of Heaven had
sent ambassadors to call upon Wu-sun to send big forces for a joint attack on Ta-yuan.
Wu-sun sent only two thousand men, cavalry, wavering between two courses of action and
being unwilling to proceed. When the smaller countries through which General Ir-shi passed
on his return march to the east heard of the defeat of Ta-yuan, they all sent sons and
younger brothers [of their kings] to follow the Chinese army in order to be presented to
the Son of Heaven and to be offered as hostages to China. In the campaign under General
Ir-shi against Ta-yuan the Kun-chong [Adjutant General?] Chau Shi-ch'ong's chief
merit had consisted in vigorous fighting; Shang-kuan Kie had distinguished himself by
daring to break into the enemy's lines; Li Ch'o had acted as adviser in strategical
schemes; and when the army passed the Yu-mon Gate there were left of it scarcely more than
ten thousand men and a thousand horses. In the second campaign the army had not suffered
so much from the scarcity of provisions, nor from losses in battle, as from graft
practised by leaders and officers, many of whom filled their pockets without any regard
for the welfare of the rank and file, numbers of whom had under these conditions lost
their lives. In consideration of the fact that the campaign had to be conducted at a
distance of ten thousand li from home, the Son of Heaven overlooked these offenses
and created Li Kuang-li Marquis of Hai-si; further... all acts of bravery were rewarded by
official positions exceeding the expectations of the recipients. Former convicts who had
gone with the army received no rewards. Soldiers of the rank and file were presented with
gifts of the value of forty thousand kin [pieces of gold]. Four years were required
to finish the entire campaign against Yuan, from its beginning to the second return of the
armies.

Rather more than a year after the conquest of Ta-yuan by China, when
Mei-ts'ai was invested as king of Ta-yuan, the notables of that country, attributing the
reverses of their country to his method of flattering the ambassadors, conspired against
Mei-ts'ai, assassinated him, and installed Ch'an-fong, a younger brother of Mu-kua, as
king of Yuan. They sent his son as a hostage to China, and China returned a conciliatory
mission with presents. China subsequently sent more than ten embassies to the foreign
countries west of Ta-yuan, to collect curiosities and at the same time to press upon such
countries the importance of the victory over Ta-yuan and the estableshment of a tu-yu [military
governor?] at Tsiu-ts'uan in the Dunhuang region. Westward from here to the Salt Lake
[Lopnor] the road at many points was protected by military stations, and in Lun-t'ou there
were several hundred soldiers stationed as farmers, the special commissioners in charge of
the farms being required to guard the cultivated land and to store the crops of grain for
the use of embassies sent abroad.

Concluding remarks of the historian.--It is said in the Yu-pon-ki:'The
Ho [i.e. the Yellow River]' rises in the K'un-lun, the ascent of which occupies more than
two thousand five hundred li. [This hill is so high that] the light of sun and moon
may be obscured by its shadow. Its summit contains the spring of sweet wine and the pool
of jade.' Now, since by the expedition of Chang K'ien, to Ta-hia [Bactria] the source of
the Yellow River has been traced, we ask, Where do we see the K'un-lun, mentioned in the
'Life of Yu'? Indeed, the account of the nine Provinces of the Emperor Yu, with their
hills and water-courses, as described in the Shu-king, is much nearer the truth. As
regards the wonderful tales contained in the 'Life of Yu' and the Shan-hai-king, I
do not dare to say anything about them.

[Meanwhile, as Han preparations for expanding west were underway, the
relations with the Hsiung-nu remained strained. To keep them pacified, the Chinese began
to increase the amount of "gifts," the quantities of which surely have to have
far exceeded the needs of the Hsiung-nu and must therefore have served as the basis for
the latter to engage in long-distance trade with other regions.]

...The Hsiung-nu did not deem it advisable at that time to attempt any
further incursions on the Chinese borders, preferring to recruit the strength of their men
and horses; while keeping up their efficiency by the practice of hunting and archery.
Several times they sent envoys to China with plausible tales and fair words, requesting a
treaty of peace. As a result of these applications Wang Woo was sent with special
instructions to note their condition. Now it was a rule with the Hsiung-nu that unless an
envoy would forego his national etiquette and have his face tattooed he could not be
admitted into the grand tent of the Shen-yu. Wang Woo, who was a northern man, and well
versed in Hsiung-nu customs, felt no scruple in complying with these conditions. Admitted
into the grand tent he soon found his way into the good graces of the Shen-yu. The latter,
during his intercourse with the Chinese, having learnt something of the art of
dissimlilation, sent Wang back with the false assurance that if they would consent to a
treaty he would send his eldest son to the Chinese court as a hostage.

The Chinese were not indifferent to the above proposal, and in the
course of the year 109 [BCE] Yang Sin was sent on a mission to arrange with the Shen-yu
about carrying it into effect. The course of events abouut this time was not such as to
reassure the Hsiung-nu chief. The Chinese had just subjugated the kingdoms of Hwuy-mih and
Corea on the east, and annexed these territories to the empire, while they had established
the region of Tsew-tseuen on the west [in Kansu], as a barrier against the incursions of
the Hoo; and to afford facilities of intercourse with the Keang. They had also opened up a
caravan route to the kingdoms of the Massagetae and Ta-hea [Bactria]. An imperial princess
had moreover been bestowed upon the king of Wu-sun, one of the States subject to the
Hsiung-nu, from whom the Chinese intended to transfer the allegiance to themselves. As a
further means of effecting this they erected a stockade at Heuen-luy, considerably to the
north; while the Hsiung-nu did not dare to offer any opposition. The same year Chaou Sin
the Marquis of Heih died; and taking all these things into consideration the Chinese
diplomatists, in view of the weakened condition of the Hsiung-nu, thought it a favourable
time to get them to accept the relation of a subject nation. Yang Sin was firm,
straightforward, and one who would not be diverted from his purpose; but hitherto he had
not filled any high official post. When the Shen-yu coolly ordered him to enter, the
latter refused to forego his national etiquette, whereupon the chief sat down outside the
grand tent to give him an audience. Yang Sin opened his commission by stating that China
was willing to enter into a treaty on his proposed condition, that he should send his
eldest son as a hostage. The Shen-yu replied:--"Treaties were not so made in other
days. Formerly it was the custom for China to send an imperial princess, with presents of
raw and wrought silk, besides comestibles of various descriptions as a token of amity; and
the Hsiung-nu on their part refrained from molesting the borders. But now it seems the
ancient order is to be abandoned; and you wish me to send my eldest son as a hostage,
without the hope of any equivalent. Besides, when China sends an envoy to the Hsiung-nu
they are accustomed to send a man of high rank." At this point the literary attendant
was about to offer a remark, but the chief abruptly cut short all discussion, and the
young man was terrified lest the chief should run him through. The Shen-yu
continued:--"Whenever the Chinese troops have entered the Hsiung-nu territory, the
latter have promptly sought reprisals for the injury. When the Chinese have retained the
Hsiung-nu envoy, the Hsiung-nu have also retained the Chinese envoy, which is but a fair
equivalent, and they desire no more on the present occasion." On the return of Yang
Sin to China, reporting the ill success of his mission, Wang Woo was again despatched, to
remind the Shen-yu of his promise. He was received by the latter with a profusion of fair
words, intimating without disguise his desire for a good supply of Chinese objects, while
the chief craftily observed to the envoy:--"It is my wish to go to China and have a
personal interview with the Son of Heaven; thus to ratify the eternal bond between
us." When Wang Woo carried back this message to China a hotel of appropriate style
was built for the reception of the Shen-yu in Ch'ang-an the metropolis. The Hsiung-nu
chief, however, sent one of his nobles to China, and desired him to say that unless China
sent an envoy of equal rank he would not discuss the question in earnest with him. While
in the metropolis the Hsiung-nu envoy fell sick, and was put in the doctor's hands, but
died under the medical treatment. Loo Ch'ung-kwo, stipendiary of 2,000 piculs, who wore
the corresponding insignia, was appointed to escort the funeral home, with presents of
thick silk to the value of several thousand taels. The Shen-yu declared the Chinese had
killed the nobleman his envoy, and consequently detained Loo Ch'ung-kwo. It was now
evident to the Chinese that the Shen-yu had been merely deluding Wang Woo with false
pretences, and never had any idea of sending his son to China as a hostage.

After this the Hsiung-nu, on several occasions sent small parties of
troops, to make incursions on the Chinese border. In view of these troubles, in the summer
of 107, the Hoo-eradicating general Ko Chang and Chaou Po-noo the Marquis of Tsoya, were
commissioned to establesh military colonies from Suh fang eastward, to defend the borders
against the Hoo raids.

In the autumn of 105 Woo-wei Shen-yu died, in the tenth year of his
reign, leaving his son Woo-sze-loo a mere stripling, as his successor, who was always
spoken of as the Boy Shen-yu. From this time the Hsiung-nu continued their migrations to
the north-west. The Left wing of their army was now in the meridian of Yun-chung, while
the right wing was even with Tsew-tseuen and Dunhuang.

[After further military campaigns, in which the Hsiung-nu inflicted a
serious defeat on the Chinese,]

...Next year the Shen-yu addressed a letter to the Chinese monarch in
these terms:--"In the south is the great Han; in the north is the formidable Hoo. The
Hoo is the haughty son of heaven, who does not trouble himself about petty formalities.
Now I wish to form a durable bond of union, by taking to wife one of the daughters of
China. My proposal is, that China shall transmit to me yearly, ten thousand piculs of
wine, five thousand bushels of millet and rice, ten thousand pieces of silk of various
kinds, and other objects as in former treaties; then I will guarantee the exemption of the
borders of the empire from raids and robbery." On receipt of this epistle, the
Chinese sent an envoy back with the Hsiung-nu, bearing an answer. The drift of the Chinese
missive is not recorded, but from the absence of all further notice of the matter, we may
infer it was unfavourable. The Shen-yu seems to have taken a pleasure in setting those
about him to twit the Chinese envoy. ...The feeling of the Shen-yu may be inferred from
the fact that he detained this envoy three years.

...In the beginning of the year 87, the Emperor Wu-ti died, and was
succeeded by Chaou te. [Back to Contents]

IV. Relations with the Hsiung-nu Following the
Reign of Emperor Wu-ti.

For more than twenty years past, the Chinese troops had been pursuing
the Hsiung-nu, and had continued to follow them up far into their northern retreats; so
that at the foaling season, mares and cattle had to drop their young by the way, and
nearly the whole had perished; thus reducing the people to the extremest misery. From the
Shen-yu downwards, there had been a general desire among all classes to have a treaty of
peace; and about three years subsequent to this, when they had come to a determination to
send a request to China, the Shen-yu fell sick and died, near the end of the year 85.

[The military tide begins to turn in the Chinese favor; here we see the
role of the beacon towers in warning against invasion.]

...In the year 78 more than three thousand Heng-noo cavalry entered
Woo-yuen, where they killed and captured several thousand people. Subsequently several
tens of thousands of cavalry came southwards on a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood
of the stockades; attacked the fortresses and look-out towers outside the stockades, and
carried off the officials ad people. At that time the beacon fires could be distinctly
seen along the border regions of the empire; so that the Hsiung-nu got little advantage by
their maranding incursions; and they seldom afterwards ventured on the stockades. The
Chinese had recently received the submission of some of the Hsiung-nu...

[With their fortunes at low ebb and no longer under unified leadership,
and the power of the Han having reached well into Eurasia, the Hsiung-nu debated the idea
of formal submission. This passage of the Han history recounts the deliberations and what
follows. There is a noteworthy change of attitude on the part of the Chinese toward the
"barbarian" ruler.]

...The Left E-ts'ew-tsze then addressed the assembly to this
effect:--" Your counsel is not good. Periods of strength and weakness alternate in
the history of nations. Now is the period of China's prosperity; Wu-sun with its
dependencies, and the other kingdoms have all become subject to it. Ever since the time of
Tseay-te-how Shen-yu, the Hsiung-nu have been gradually dwindling down, and can never
regain their former status. Although we exhaust ourselves striving after that, we shall
never enjoy a day's repose. Now if we submit to China, our nation will be preserved in
peace; but if we refuse to submit, we are running into perdition. We cannot avert this by
our plans." This speech was followed by a stormy discussion among the magnates.

After long deliberating on the question, Hoo-han-seay ultimately
resolved to follow the counsel of the Left E-ts'ew-tsze. Accordingly, in the year 53, he
led his army southward to the neighbourhood of the stockades, and sent his son, the Right
Sage Prince Choo-low-keu-tang, to reside at the Chinese court as a token of submission.
Che-che Shen-yu likewise sent his son, the Right Great General Keu-yu-li-show, to reside
at the court of China.

During the whole of the following year Hoo-han-seay Shen-yu was
encamped outside the Woo-yuen stockade, waiting for a formal admission to pay court to the
Emperor of China in person.

The New-year audience of 51 was to be one of signal honour, as marked
by the submission of one of the principal potentates of Eastern Asia, and the ceremonial
arrangements were on a corresponding scale. The Chariot Cavalry Commandant, Han Chang, was
deputed to escort the chieftain. The route by which it was arranged he should pass lay
through seven regions, to each of which two thousand cavalry were appointed to line the
highway on both sides as far as the Kan-tseuen Palace, where the Shen-yn had the privilege
of prostrating himself before the Son of Heaven. Extraordinary rites were decreed in his
honour on the occasion, and his rank was fixed above all the lords and princes of the
empire. His act of submission was pronounced with eulogium, without mentioning any name.
The imperial gifts were presented, consisting of a cap, a sash, a suit of garments, the
gold seal of investiture with an azure ribbon, a jade-ornamented sword, a dagger, a bow,
four arrows, ten lances in covers, a chariot, saddle and bridle, fifteen horses, twenty
pounds weight of gold, two hundred thousand coins of the realm, seventy-seven suits of
inner clothing, eight thousand pieces of embroidered, figured, and variegated silk, and
six thousand pounds of raw silk. When the ceremonial was concluded, a commissioner was
appointed to conduct the Shen-yu to his lodging for the night at Chang-ping; the Emperor
himself went to pass the night at Che-yang Palace. On reaching Chang-ping, the Shen-yu was
instructed not to proffer the rites of hospitality. His Right and Left Tang-hoos and all
his ministers rangeed themselves along the road to see the cortege, while the barbarian
princes, chiefs, marquises, and lords, to the number of several tens of thousands, all
lined the road on both sides below the Wei Bridge, and as His Majesty ascended the bridge
they all shouted, "Long live the Emperor."

The Shen-yu next proceeded to his hotel at Ch'ang-an, the capital, and
after a stay of somewhat over a month, he was conducted on his way back. The Shen-yu
requested permission to stay outside the Kwang-luh (banqueting-house) stockade, that he
might protect the Surrender city of the Chinese in case of emergency. The Chinese sent as
an escort the Chang-lo Director of the Guards, the Marquis of Kaou-chang Tung Chung, and
the Chariot Cavalry Commandant, Han Chang, with sixteen thousand cavalry. There were also
considerably over a thousand of the border region troops and horses, who convoyed the
chief beyond the Ke-luh stockade in Suh-fang. The Emperor ordered Tung Chung and his
colleagues to leave a guard with the Shen-yu, to punish any refractory conduct. From first
to last thirty-four thousand bushels of grain, rice, and dried provisions were distributed
to the retainers. The same year Che-che Shen-yu also sent an envoy with offerings, who was
received and treated with great liberality by the Chinese.

In the year 50 both the Shen-yus sent envoys to China to pay court,
with offerings. The greatest favours were conferred upon the representative of
Hoo-han-seay.

The following year Hoo-han-seay again attended the andience in person,
when the ritual and the gifts were the same as on the previous occasion, with the addition
of a hundred and ten coats, nine thousand pieces of embroidered silk, and eight thousand
pounds of raw silk. As there were now military colonies, no cavalry escort was sent with
him... [Back to Contents]

V. A Chinese Memorial Discussing Strategy of the
Building and Maintaining of the Great Wall.

[The following passage is of interest for two reasons. First, the
Chinese respect for the Hsiung-nu had now dwindled to the point where one of the emperor's
concubine's was considered to be an acceptable present. Second, the perhaps disingenuous
proposal of the Hsiung-nu leader that he be invested to defend the Han fortifications
evoked an interesting appraisal of that system of defense and its history of development
in Han times.]

...In the beginning of the year 33, the Shen-yu made his promised visit
to the metropolis of China, and again had the opportunity of prostrating himself before
the Emperor. The same gifts were bestowed upon him as on the first occasion, with
additional favours of clothes, embroidery, silk stuffs, and raw silk, all double the
amount of the additional gifts in 49. The Shen-yu then expressed his desire for an
alliance with China by marriage. Yuen-te assented, and conferred on him Wang Tseang, a
lady from his harem, from a family of position, with the epithet of Chaou-keun. The
Shen-yu was delighted with his acquisition, and advancing in confidence, addressed a
letter to the Emperor, proposing that the stockades on the border of the empire, from
Shang-kuh westward as far as Dunhuang, should all be placed under the protection of
himself and his successors in perpetuity, and that the employment of the native troops and
guards should be suspended; thus relieving the Emperor and his people from all anxiety.
The proposal was handed over to the proper board for consideration, and was almost
unanimously approved. The Gentleman-usher How, alone, handed in a memorandum dissenting
from the project. The Emperor requesting a detailed statement of his views, he laid the
following memorial, with ten objections, before the throne:

1. The ferocities and cruelty of the Hsiung-nu have been notorious from
the time of the Chow and the Tsin, which were harassed by their marauding border
incursions; and at the accession of the Han their depredations became still more
audacious. Your servant understands that outside the northern border stockades, as far as
Liaou-tung, for more than a thousand li from east to west, runs the Yin mountain
range, covered with dense forests and prolific vegetation, where birds and beasts are
profusely abundant. This was the cover under which Maou-tun Shen-yu at first took shelter,
to manufacture his bows and arrows, and from which he issued to make his raids. In the
reign of the Emperor Wu, troops were raised to chastise the barbarians, who expelled them
and took possession of that country. The Hsiung-nu were then driven north into the desert.
Stockades were erected to mark the boundary, the roads were skirted with look-out towers,
extra-mural cities were built, and military colonies were estableshed for protection.
After this there were intervals of peace on the border. The desert country on the north is
level, covered with coarse sand, and very little wood or vegetation, so that when the
Hsiung-nu came marauding, there was scarcely anything to conceal them. From the stockades
southward the roads lie deep among the hills and valleys, and the passage is beset with
uncommon difficuties. Men of age and experience on the borders remark, that since the
Hsiung-nu lost the Yin mountains, their trespasses have invariably been unsuccessful. If
now we abandon the frontier and stockade guard, we shall give a great advantage to the
barbarians.

2. The sacred virtue of our dynasty, expansive as the heavens,
overshadows even the Hueng-noo, and these, in acknowledgment of the great blessings of
their life and well-being, have come to prostrate themselves before the throne. Now, it is
the disposition of barbarians to be humble and tractable in the time of their distress,
but haughty and refractory at the period of their strength. The extra-mural cities have
been abandoned, and the look-out towers along the roads Left to ruin, so that now we have
no means of distant observation, and the beacon fires are our only reliance. Were they not
formerly blind to the dangers of the future?

3. China is an empire enjoying the benefits of civilisation and
instruction, and has also its pains and penalties for criminals. Still there are besotted
people who transgress the statutes. How much less is the Shen-yu able to prevent his
people breaking the treaty?

4. When barriers and bridges were first constructed in China, they were
intended as a check upon the princes of the empire, in order to restrain the covetous
graspings of officials. Stockades were erected and colonies planted, not merely on account
of the Hsiung-nu, but also on account of the people from the various subject kingdoms who
have tendered their allegiance. These, being formerly subjects of the Hsiung-nu, it is
possible the revival of old associations might induce in them the thought of absconding.

5. Recently the Western Keang [Eastern Tibetans] who were protecting
the stockades, established an intercourse with the Chinese; and in their rapacity the
border guard invaded the people, robbed them of their cattle, and carried off their wives
and children. A fierce animosity has thus been generated, the people have risen against
their oppressors, and a state of things has come about which generations will be unable to
repair. Now, should the native guard of the stockades be suspended, any slight
misunderstanding may be easily aggravated into a prolonged contention.

6. Formerly numbers of those who followed the army were killed, and
their children, having fallen into poverty and distress, will be on the alert to seize an
opportunity to abscond in search of their relatives.

7. Many borderers and slaves, male and female, who are living in abject
misery, hear of the freedom and happiness of the Hsiung-nu, and, never thinking how it
will fare with them in the day of adversity, will be ready to avail themselves of an
opportunity to abscond by the stockades.

8. Thieves and brigands, bold and merciless, will combine in bands to
break the laws, and, when driven into straits, will make escape by the north, and thus set
all authority at defiance.

9. It is now more than a century since the stockades were erected,
during which time the work of leveling the roads has been progressing. Precipices have
been bridged, watercourses have been trained, and the roads have gradually become
practicable. The merit of the troops in these constructions during this long period is
incalculable. Your servant is afraid your advisers have not taken the whole history of the
question into their deepest consideration. Suppose you dispense with all the dependent
border guards; then, if after ten years, and within a century from this time, a revolution
takes place among the troops, the fortresses and stockades being destroyed, and the
look-out towers and roads demolished and gone to decay, it will be needful again to send
military colonies to restore them. No, the meritorious service of past generations must
not be utterly abandoned.

10. If the border troops are suspended, and the look-out towers
dispensed with, while the Shen-yu himself defends the stockades and protects the imperial
domain, he must have a heavy claim on the obligations of China, and his requests will
accordingly be incessant. If his desires are not fully complied with, then it is
impossible to foresee the result. When a quarrel is commenced with the barbarians, the
security of China is not to be relied on. This is not the way to maintain a lasting peace,
nor is it a wise policy in reference to the treatment of barbarous nations.

This memorial approved itself to the monarch's judgment, and he stayed
all further deliberation regarding the abandonment of the border stockades....

[At a later moment, when relations with the Hsiung-nu once again were
tense, the Chinese government was deliberating whether to placate them.]

Formerly, in planning the government of the western regions, when a
protector-general of cities and villages was located in the Keu-sze country, with
thirty-six kingdoms under his rule, at an annual expense to the empire of some myriads of
taels, who could have calculated that Sogdiana and Wu-sun would have crossed the white
dragon mound, and made a plundering incursion on the western border? Now, in governing the
Hsiung-nu, if the laborious efforts of a hundred years are to be lost in one day--if one
is to be secured at the expense of ten--it is your servant's humble opinion that this will
not tend to the peace of the country. May your Majesty reflict a little on this subject,
that so calamities may be averted from the people on the borders, ere the turbulence has
broken out, or war has been declared!" When this memorial was presented the Emperor
was aroused to a consciousness of his position. He ordered the Hsiung-nu envoy to be
recalled, and addressed a letter to the Shen-yu, assenting to his proposal. To Yang Heung
he gave fifty pieces of silk and ten pounds weight of gold. Before the Shen-yu set out, he
fell sick, and sent another envoy, expressing a desire that his audience might be deferred
till next year. On former occasions, when the Shen-yu came to court, he was accompanied by
princes of renown and subordinates, with attendants to the number of more than two hundred
in all. The Shen-yu now forwarded a despatch, saying that in reliance on the sacred
intelligence of the Emperor, whose people were numerous and strong, he wished to bring
five hundred men to court with him, that they might witness the glory of the Son of
Heaven. The request was granted.

In the year BCE 1, the Shen-yu came to attend the andience; but the
Emperor, finding the malign influences of the year stationed in the duodenary cycle
resting on his court, removed to the Grape-vine Palace in the forest garden, and gave
orders that the Shen-yu was to be treated with more than ordinary consideration. The
Shen-yu acknowledged the honour, and received an additional gift of three hundred and
seventy coats, thirty thousand pieces of embroidered, figured and variegated silks, thirty
thousand pounds of raw silk, with other objects, the same as in 25. ... [Back to Contents]

[With the outbreak of new hostilities with the Hsiung-nu, the Emperor
began to gather an army to pursue them far into their own territories. This undertaking
provoked an interesting memorial regarding the wisdom of such a policy.]

Wang Mang, having but recently assumed the imperial authority, sought
to impart a dignitv to his reign, in reliance on the wealth of the treasury. He appointed
twelve Divisional Leaders, made a levy of the most courageous troops from the different
kingdoms, and picked soldiers from the military depots, which were placed in military
colonies, to be drafted off to the border. The intention was to collect an army of three
hundred thousand, and having prepared provisions for three hundred days, to issue
simultaneously by ten different roads, and pursue the Hsiung-nu to the last extremities,
till they were driven back upon the Ting-ling, and then divide the land among fifteen of
the descendants of Hoo-han-seay. At this juncture Wang Mang's General, Yen Yew, laid the
following remonstrance before the throne: "Your servant has learnt that the Hsiung-nu
are a trouble of very old standing, but he has not heard that it was thought necessary, in
remote ages, to send troops against them. In later times the Chow, Tsin, and Han undertook
to subdue them, but their policy was not of the highest order. The Chow acted on a
second-rate policy, the Han was guided by a policy of the lowest kind, and the Tsin cannot
be said to have had any policy at all. In the time of Seuen-wang of the Chow, the Henyun
invaded the inner land as far as King-yang; but a General having been commissioned to
subjugate them, he succeeded in completely expelling them from the country. An invasion by
the barbarians from the north or west may be compared to the pest of mosquitoes, which can
only be driven away. Hence the empire got a reputation for intelligence; and this was a
policy of a medium character. Wu-ti of the Han selected his generals and trained troops,
made preparation of light provisions, and penetrated far in among the distant barbarian
tribes. Although merit was obtained by conquest and capture, the Hoo immediately
retaliated, and for more than thirty years there was a continuous succession of military
calamities. The resources of China were reduced, and the Hsiung-nu were cut down. The
empire attained a military reputation; but this was the lowest order of policy. The
Emperor Che of the Tsin could not bear disgrace, and, lightly using up the strength of the
people, built the Great Wall for security, extending a distance of ten thousand li.
He also opened up ways for the transport of taxes, from the sea-coast to the uttermost
extremities of the land. When the work was completed, China was exhausted within, and the
spirits of the land and grain were neglicted. This could not be considered a policy at
all. Now the empire is on the verge of the Mali nine [referring to an ucoming
inauspicious year, the memorial having been written in the eighth year of the cycle]
tribulation, and approaching a year of famine, which will be still more severe for the
north-western border. To make a levy of three hundred thousand troops, with provisions for
three hundred days--if the ocean and Tae-shan mountain may be brought from the east, and
the Keang and Hwae rivers be collected from the south, then, indeed, adequate provision
may be made. If we reckon the distance of the way, a year will not be sufficient to effect
the gathering. The soldiers who are first on the ground, being brought into close
quarters, disturbances will break out. Some of the troops being old, and the weapons worn
out, will both be unfit for use; which is the first difficulty.

"The borders being now deserted, no provisions for the army can be
procured thence, and there is no mutual interdependence between the various regions and
states, by which the wants of the one may be supplied from the fulness of the other; which
is the second difficulty.

"If we reckon the consumption per man for three hundred days at
eighteen bushels of dried rice, such a weight will require oxen for the transport; and
then the food for the oxen must also be provided, which will be an additional weight of
twenty bushels. The Hoo land is for the most part sandy and salt, with scarcity of water
and herbage, as we know from past experience; and before the army has been out a hundred
days the oxen will all die out, while the quantity of provisions still left will be more
than the men can carry; which is the third difficulty.

"The Hoo country is very cold in the autumn and winter, and
exposed to high winds in the spring and summer, which. would necessitate a vast amount of
pots and boilers, firewood and charcoal--a weight that would be utterly unmanageable.
There would be a want of dried food, and water to drink, and the cares consequent on
sickness and epidemics among the troops. On this account, the Hoo of past ages, with every
precaution to preserve their strength, were obliged to succumb within a hundred days;
which is the fourth difficulty.

"The baggage waggons that accompany the army are rarely light and
springy, and cannot go with rapidity. Captives might escape very leisurely, and we should
not be able to overtake them. If we had the good fortune to meet with captives, and tied
them to the baggage waggons, there are dangerous and precipitous places on the road, where
horses must follow each other in single line, and the prisoners would have to be detached
before or behind, which would be incalculably hazardous; and that is the fifth difficulty.

"In thus extensively using up the strength of the people, there
will be no opportunity for signalising their merit. Your servant would humbly express his
concern about the matter. But now, since the troops have been raised, let those who first
arrive be sent off. Let your servant and others proceed far into the country, come down
upon them with an overwhelming onset, and thus effectually chastise the Hoo."

Wang Mang would not listen to Yen Yew's remonstrance, but continued to
furnish grain to the troops as before, which gave rise to a great commotion through the
empire. When Heen had received the title of Heaou Shen-yu from Wang Mang, he galloped off
beyond the stockades, returned to the palace of the Shen-yu, and related the whole affair
to him. The Shen-yu thereupon appointed him to the petty Hsiung-nu dignity of Marquis of
Yu-suh-che-che. After that Tsoo fell sick and died, when Wang Mang appointed Tang to
succeed him as Shun Shen-yu. The Distress Removing General, Chin Kin, and the Barbarian
Daunting General, Wang Seun, established a military colony at Ku-seay stockade in
Yun-chung. About the same time the Hsiung-nu made several raids on the border, killed the
general and guards, took captive the people, and drove off great numbers of their animals.
The captives who had been taken by the Chinese were questioned regarding these movements,
and all affirmed that it was Keu, the son of the Heaou Shen-yu Heen, who had been the
leader in the raids. The two Generals reported the same to the court.

In the spring of the year 12, Wang Mang assembled all the barbarians in
the capital, and in their presence beheaded Tang, the son of Heen, publicly in the
market-place. From the time of Senen-te, for several generations, the country had not been
startled by beacon fires on the northern borders, the dwellings of the people were
numerous, and horses and oxen were scattered over the country. But when Wang Mang exceted
turbulence among the Hsiung-nu, and got involved in difficulties with them, the people
were reduced by death, and carried off into captivity. The troops of the twelve divisions
having been long settled in their colonies without being called out, and the guards being
suspended or worn out, for several years the border lands had been an abandoned desert,
covered only by bleached bones....

[The merits of buying off the Hsiung-nu, as opposed to a policy of
active defense or counter-attack, continued to be debated. Yen Yew's memorandum was one of
the opinions brought into the discussions. This passage gives a good sense of the Chinese
prejudice about the "barbarians."]

...As to the merit of invasion and defeat, referring to the
transactions of the Tsin and Han dynasties, the words of Yen Yew are much to the
point:--"Therefore the former kings, in measuring out the land, put the imperial
territory in the centre; they divided the country into nine departments; they arranged the
five outside tenures, and appointed the tribute of stock and soil; they estableshed laws
for the inner and outer nations, penal administration was fixed, and civilising influences
diffused, applicable respectively to the nearer or more remote regions. Thus, according to
the Ch'un-ts'ew classic, inside was the Chinese empire and outside were the barbarous
nations. The barbarians are covetous and greedy of gain; their hair hangs down over their
bodies, and their coats are buttoned on the left side [i.e., as opposed to the Chinese
coats, buttoned on the right side]. They have human faces, but the hearts of beasts; they
are distinguished from the natives of the empire both by their manners and their dress;
they differ both in their customs and their food, and in language they are mutually
unintelligible. They live retired among the northern hills and the secluded deserts,
leading their flocks wherever pasture is to be found; hunting is the business of their
life. Divided from each other by the hills and valleys, and isolated by the sandy desert,
nature has placed a geographical separation between the inner and outer nations. On this
account the ancient sage kings treated them like birds and beasts; they did not contract
treaties, nor did they attack them. To form a treaty is simply to spend treasure and be
deceived; to attack them is merely to weary out the troops and provoke raids. Their
country cannot be cultivated for food; their people cannot be encouraged as subjects. Thus
the outer are not to be brought inside; they must be held at a distance, avoiding
familiarity. Administrative instruction will not affect these people, the New-year's
andience will not be attended by these nations. When they come, they are to be restrained
and controlled; when they go, precautions and defence must be attended to. If they show a
leaning towards right principles, and present tributary offerings, they should be treated
with a yielding etiquette, but bridling and repressing must never be relaxed, ever
conforming to circumstances. Such was the constant principle of the sage monarchs in
ruling and controlling the barbarian tribes." [Back to Contents]

VII. Notes on the Western Regions.

[In addition to the detailed narrative of the relations with the
Hsiung-nu, the Han chronicles contain a work entitled "Notes on the Western
Regions," which provide a descriptive geography of the West as the Han knew it. Note
that there is a fair amount of overlap with the account of Zhang Qian's journey to the
West, to which the text here refers.]

The intercourse of China with the Western regions commenced in the time
of the Emperor Wu-ti (B.C. 140-87). The thirty-six kingdoms then opened up became
afterwards gradually sub-divided into more than fifty; all lying to the west of the
Hsiung-nu, and south of Wu-sun. Along the north and south run great mountains, and through
the centre flows a river [=the Tarim]. From east to west the land is more than 6,000 li
in extent, and from north to south it is over 1,000 li. On the east it touches the
confines of China at the Yuh gate [=Yumen guan, guarding the north approach to Dunhuang]
and the Yang barrier [=Yang Guan, guarding the SW approach to Dunhuang].

On the west it is limited by the Tsung-ling mountains. The Southern
mountains commence on the east from Kin-ching, and are connected with the southern hills
of China. The river has two sources, one of which rises in the Tsung-ling mountains [=the
Kashgar R.], the other in Khotan [=the Yarkand R.]. Khotan lies at the foot of the
Southern mountains, and the river runs northward till it joins its confluent from the
Tsung-ling, and then flows eastward into Lake Lob, which is also called the Salt Marsh.
This is over 300 li distant from the Yuh gate and the Yang barrier, and is 300 li
in length and breadth.

The water is stationary, neither increasing nor diminishing in summer
or winter. The river is then said to run under ground, and issue again at Ts'eih-shih,
where it becomes the Yellow river of China. From the Yuh gate and Yang barrier there are
two roads through the Western regions. That by Shen-shen, skirting the River Po, on the
north of the Southern mountains, and leading west to Sha-keu [=Yarkand] is the Southern
road. After this road passes the Tsung-ling mountains, it leads to the country of the Ta
Yue-she and Gan-seih. From the Royal Palace of Anterior Keu-sze [=Kao-chang], following
the course of the River Po, in the direction of the Northern mountains as far as Soo-lih
[=Kashgar] is the Northern road. This road passing westward across the Tsung-ling
mountains, goes on to Ta-wan (i.e., Fergana), K'ang-keu (i.e., Sogdiana), and the
Yen-ts'ae (Alan) country. In Yen-ke [=Karashar] and the various kingdoms of the Western
regions the land is covered with cities, villages, cultivated fields,. and domestic
animals; and the inhabitants differ in their customs from the Hsiung-nu and people of
Wu-sun. Hence they were all employed in the service of the Hsiung-nu. The Jih-ch'uh
Prince, on the western border of the Hsiung-nu territory, appointed a Slaves' Protector
General, whose office was to rule the Western regions, and who always dwelt in the
dangerous part of Yen-ke. He had to levy the taxes on the cultivated land, and received of
the wealth of these kingdoms.

From the time of the decline of the Chow dynasty, the barbarians of the
North and West had dwelt intermixed on the north of the King and Wei rivers.

When Che-hwang of the Ts'in appropriated the interjacent countries, he
built the Great Wall to form the boundary of China. But it only came west as far as the
River T'aou [=a tributary of the Yellow River west of Lanzhou].

The Han succeeded, and in the time of the Emperor Wu-ti, the babarians
on all sides were invaded, the dignity of the empire was extended, and Chang K'ien first
opened up the way into the Western regions.

After him the Light-horse General attacked and subdued the right-hand
land of the Hsiung-nu (BCE 121). The Kings of Kwan-ya and Heu-choo then submitted to the
Han, when the populations of their kingdoms were removed, and the building of the Wall was
begun from Ling-keu westward. The region of Tsew-tseuen was first estableshed, and
afterwards gradually the people were removed in to fill it. He also divided the three
territories of Woo~wei, Chang-ya, and Dunhuang into four regions, for which he made two
barriers.

After the Urh-sze General had reduced Ta-wan (BCE 104), the powers in
the Western regions were greatly afraid, and most of them sent envoys to China with
offerings of tribute; while the Han imposed office on more of the Western region
potentates. In consequence of this, resting stations were erected at intervals, from
Dunhuang westward as far as Lake Lob; and at both Lun-t'ae and K'eu-li there were several
hundred agricultural troops. An envoy was appointed as Deputy Protector, to rule and
defend, by sending envoys to the outside countries,

In the time of Seuen-te (BCE 73~49), the Cavalry leader Wei, was sent
with a commission to protect the several kingdoms from Shenshen westward; when he subdued
Koo-sze. He did not utterly exterminate it, however, but divided the nation between the
two Kings of Anterior and Ulterior Keu-sze. As for the six nations on the north of the
mountains, the Han at that time only undertook to protect the Southern road, and could not
include all on the Northern road. Yet the Hsiung-nu were not at rest.

After this the Jih-ch'uh Prince rebelled against the Shen-yu, submitted
to China with all his followers, and was received by Ching Keih, the envoy who protected
the country west from Shen-shen. On his arrival in China, the Jih-ch'uh Prince was created
Marquis of Kwei-tih, and Ching Keih was made Marquis of Gan-yuen. This took place in the
year BCE 59.

Ching Keih was then appointed to defend the Northern road, and hence he
was entitled Governor General, a title that originated with the appointment of Ching Keih.
From this time the office of Slaves' Protector General was abolished. The Hsiung-nu became
still more weakened, and were unable to approach the Western regions. The military
colonies were therefore removed and planted in the countries of Pih-seih, Keen-pe, and
Sha-keu. The Deputy Protectors of the military colonies were first attached to the
Governor General. The Governor General took the oversight of the affairs of Wu-sun,
Sogdiana, and the various foreign countries. When any sign of disaffection was manifest,
he reported the same to headquarters. If it was practicable, the matter was amicably
adjusted; if it was a case for coercion, then he attacked them. The Governor General had
his residence in the city of Woo-luy [west of modern Karashar] distant from the Yang
barrier 2,738 li, and in proximity to the officer of the agricultural colony of
K'eu-li. The land is rich and productive, being medium-class land of the Western regions.
Hence the Governor General had his seat there.

In the time of the Emperor Yuen-te [BCE 48-33], the Woo-ke
Deputy Protector was also appointed, and a military colony estableshed at the Royal Palace
of Anterior Keu-sze. About this time, Tsze-liih-che, the Hsiung-nu King of Eastern
Poo-luy, submitted to the Governor General with more than 1,700 followers. The latter
divided the western part of the kingdom of Ulterior Keu-sze into Woo-tan and Tsze-li, in
which he placed this new accession. After the reigns of Seuen-te and Yuen-te, the Shen-yu
was styled a border vassal, and the Western regions gave in their submission. The extent
of the land, the hills and the rivers, the kings and marquises, the number of the people,
and the distances by the roads were all carefully examined and noted.

[At this point the account produces the results of that systematic
description, where the route moves south around the Taklamakan, then to the far west, and
back around the Taklamakan on the north. Note that when the text refers to the
Governor-General, it means the Chinese military commandant in the west; hence many of the
states described here are specified as not being under his jurisdiction.]

Outside the Yang barrier the inhabitants of the adjacent country were
first called Cho Keang. The King of Cho Keang was called Keu-hoo-lae, and lived at a
distance from the Yang barrier of 1,800 li, and from Ch'ang-an 6,300 li, in
a secluded part on the southwest, away from the high road. The kingdom consisted of 450
families, comprising 1750 individuals and 5000 well-trained soldiers. On the west it was
bounded by Tseay-muh. The people removed their flocks for the convenience of water and
pastures. They did not cultivate their fields, and depended upon Shen-shen, Tseay-muh, and
Ko-shan for iron, with which they made military impliments. Their soldiers were armed with
bows and lances, and wore knives, swords, and helmets. Proceeding north-west from thence
to Shen-shen, the high road is reached. [Back to Contents]

Shen-shen

The original name of the kingdom of Shen-shen was Lou-lan. The capital
is the city of Woo-ne, which is distant from the Yang barrier 1,600 li, and from
Ch'ang-an 6,100 li. The kingdom contains 1,570 families, comprising a population of
14,100, with 2,912 trained troops, a Guardian Marquis, a Marquis of Keih-hoo, a Protector
General of Shen-shen, a Protector General for repelling the Keu-sze, a Right Tseay-keu, a
Left Tseay-keu, a Prince for repelling the Keu-sze, and two Interpreters-in-chief. The
seat of government of the Chinese Governor General lies to the north-west 1,785 li. The
kingdom of Shan is distant 1,365 li; and Keu-sze lies to the north-west 1,890 li.
The land is sandy and salt, and there are few cultivated fields. The country relies on the
neighbouring kingdoms for cereals and agricultural products. The country produces jade,
abundance of rushes, the tamarix, the eloecocca vernicifera, and white grass. The
people remove with their flocks and herds for pasturage where they can find sufficiency of
water and herbage. They have asses, horses, and many camels. They can fabricate military
weapons the same as the people of Cho Keang.

At first the Emperor Wu-ti, under the influence of Chang K'ien's
representations, was very desirous to cultivate an intercourse with Ta-wan and the
interjacent countries, and the envoys of the respective nations followed each other
continuously, more than ten in number in the course of a year. Lou-lan, in concert with
Koo-sze, however, being on tbe high road, harassed these officials, attacked and robbed
the Chinese envoy Wang K'wei and his party, and on various occasions acted as eyes and
ears to the Hsiung-nu, causing their troops to intercept the Chinese envoys. The latter
were profuse in their statements that the kingdom contained cities and towns, and that the
military were weak and might easily be vanquished. Wu-ti thereupon sent Chaou Po-noo, the
Marquis of Tsung-peaou, to take command of the cavalry of the dependent states with the
local troops, numbering several tens of thousands, and make an attack on Koo-sze. Wang
K'wei, who had several times suffered at the hands of Lou-lan, received the Imperial order
to assist Chaou Po-noo in the command of the army. The latter advancing at the head. of
700 light-horse, seized the King of Lou-lan; then subjugated Koo-sze, and, relying on the
prestige of his fierce troops, he overawed the states dependent on Wu-sun and Ta-wan.
Chaou Po-noo was further promoted Marquis of Tsuh-ya, and Wang K'wei was made Marquis of
Haou. About this time the Chinese erected fortresses and entrenchments at intervals
between that country and the Yuh gate. Lou-lan having submitted, presented offerings of
tribute to China, which the Hsiung-nu hearing of, sent troops to attack them. On this the
King of Lou-lan sent one son as a hostage to the Hsiung-nu, and another to China.

Afterwards, when the Urh-sze General went to attack Ta-wan, the
Hsiung-nu wished to intercept him. The General's troops., however, presented such a
formidable appearance, that they did not dare to take the initiative, but sent cavalry to
wait in Lou-lan till the Chinese envoy should again pass, wishing completely to cut off
his return. The Chinese Military Chief, Jin Wan, had then command of the military colony
at the Yuh gate barrier; and when the Urh-sze General was afterwards obstructed, Jin Wan
ascertained the facts from some captives and reported the same to the capital. The Emperor
issued a rescript ordering Jin Wan to lead troops by a convenient road, and capture the
King of Lou-lan. The General proceeded to the city gate, where he reproached the King for
his conduct, but the latter replied: "When a small State lies between two great
kingdoms, if it has not all alliance with both, it cannot be at rest. I wish now to place
my nation within the bounds of the Chinese empire." The Emperor confiding in his
words re-estableshed him in his kingdom, and commissioned him to keep a watch over the
moverments of the Hsiung-nu. From this time the Hsiung-nu had, no great intimacy with, or
confidence in, Lou-lan.

In BCE 92 the King of Lou-lan died, when the people of the country came
to request the son, who was residing as a hostage in China, to succeed to the throne; but
the hostage Prince had always been treated as a criminal while in China, and as a
punishment was confined in the Silkworm-house Palace. Hence, instead of sending him home,
the Chinese informed the applicants that the Emperor was so tenderly attached to his
attendant prince, that he could not part with him, and requested them to install the next
son in the dignity. When the King of Lou-lan was appointed, the Chinese again reproached
the hostage prince with the fact that his father had also sent a son as hostage to the
Hsiung-nu. On the death of the next king, the Hsiung-nu first hearing of it, sent their
hostage prince back, who succeeded to the throne. China then sent an envoy with a rescript
to the new king, ordering him to pay a visit to Court, when the Emperor would bestow upon
him most liberal gifts. The wife of the former king by a second marriage, who was
consequently the step-mother of the present king, said to him: "Your royal
predecessors sent two sons to China as hostages, neither of which returned. Is it indeed
reasonable that you should now go to Court?" The King, taking her counsel, discharged
the envoy with the remark: "Having newly acceded to the throne, the affairs of the
kingdom are not yet adjusted. I wish to wait a year or two, after which I will have an
andience with the Emperor." Now the extreme eastern border of the kingdom of Lou-lan
where it approached nearest to China, was opposite the Pih-lung mound, where there was a
scarcity of water and pasture; and it always fell to its share to provide guides, to carry
water and forward provisions to meet the Chinese envoys; but being frequently exposed to
the oppressive raids of the soldiery, they at last resolved that it was inconvenient to
hold intercourse with China. Afterwards, again on the revolt of the Hsiung-nu, they
several times intercepted and killed the Chinese envoys. The King's younger brother,
Hwuy-too-ke, who had submitted to the Han, communicated all these facts to the Chinese.

In BCE 77 the Generalissimo, Ho Kwang-pih, sent Foo Keae-tsze, the
Superintendent of Ping-lo, to stab the King. Foo Keae-tsze hastily selected some bold and
daring followers, and having received gold and silks, circulated the report that the
object of his mission was to make presents to a foreign state. Having reached Lou-lan, he
deceived the King with the pretence that he had presents for him. The latter, delighted
with the event, unsuspectingly invited Foo Keae-tsze to drink wine. When the King was
intoxicated, Foo removed the royal screen and told two of his sturdy followers to stab him
from behind. The nobles who were sitting round all fled. Foo Keae-tsze then made an
announcement, saying: "The deed just accomplished is a retribution for the King's
crimes against the Han. The Emperor sent me to put him to death. You must set up the
King's younger brother, Hwuy-too-ke, now in China, as King." The Chinese troops, who
had just arrived, not daring to move, he gave orders that the kingdom of Lou-lan should
cease to be. Foo Keae-tsze then decapitated the King, and having committed the head to the
wardens, it was suspended at the north gate, and Foo Keae-tsze was promoted Marquis of
E-yang. Hwuy-too-ke was then set up as King, and the kingdom re-estableshed under the name
of Shen-shen, for which a seal of investiture was engraved. One of the ladies of the royal
palace was bestowed on him for a consort. Carriages, cavalry, a baggage train, ministers
of state, generals, troops, and officers of every grade escorted him outside the east
gate, and sent him away as the first of a new line. The King himself presented the
following request to the Emperor: "I have resided long in China, and now that I am
returning weak and single-handed, while there is still a son of the former King living, I
fear I shall be assassinated. In our kingdom there is the city of E-tun, where the land is
rich and productive; may I request the Han to send a general to plant a military colony
there, and collict the grain, so that your servant may rely upon his prestige?" The
Han monarch thereupon sent a cavalry leader with forty subordinates to cultivate the
fields at E-tun, in order to guard the place and soothe the people. After this a Protector
General was appointed and this was the beginning of placing officers in E-tun.

Following the high road from China, through Shen-shen, west-ward to
Tseay-muh is 700 li. Beyond Tseay-muh the five cereals are everywhere cultivated.
The land, herbage, trees, the animals they rear, and the military implements they make are
all much the same as in China, with some differences. A record of these matters is given
below.... [Back to Contents]

Y'u-teen (Khotan)

The capital of the kingdom of Khotan is West City, distant from
Ch'ang-an 9,670 li. The kingdom contains 3,300 families, comprising a population of
19,300 persons, with 2,400 trained troops, a Guardian Marquis, a Right and a Left General,
a Right and a Left Knight, an East City Chief, a West City Chief, and an
Interpreter-in-chief. The seat of the Governor General lies to the north-east, distant
3,947 li. The country joins Cho Keang on the south, and Koo-mih on the north. The
waters onthe west of Khotan all flow westward into the Western (Caspian?) Sea. The
waters on the east all flow eastward into the Sait Marsh (Lake Lob), from which springs
the source of the Yellow river. The country produces abundance of Jade and other stones.
Pe-shan lies 380 li to the west.... [Back to Contents]

Ke-pin (Kophen [=Kabulistan])

The capital of the kingdom of Kophen is the city of Sun-seen, distant
from Ch'ang-an 12,200 li. The kingdom is not under the control of the Governor
General. The numbers of families, persons, and trained troops are very large, as it is a
great kingdom. The seat of the Governor General lies north-west at a distance of 6,840 li.
The kingdom of Woo-ch'a lies 2,250 li to the east. The kingdom of Nantow is
nine days' journey to the north-east. The country joins the Ta Yue-she on the north-west
and Woo-yih-shan-li on the south-west. Formerly, when the Hsiung-nu subjugated the Ta
Yue-she, the latter migrated to the west, and gained the dominion over the Ta-hea (Dahae);
whereupon the king of the Sae (Sacae) moved south and ruled over Kophen. The Sae were
scattered, and at times formed several kingdoms. North-west of Soo-lih the Heu-seun,
Keuen-tuh, and consanguineous nations are all descendants of the ancient Sac. The land of
Kophen is flat; and the climate mild and agreeable. The country produces medicago
sativa, various herbs, strange trees, sandal wood, sophora, japonica, rottlira
japonica, bamboo, and the varnish tree. They cultivate the five grains, grapes and
other fruits. They manure their gardens and fields. In the low and damp ground tbey grow
rice. In winter they eat raw vegetables. The people are ingenious in carving, ornamenting,
engraving and inlaying; in building palaces and mansions; weaving nets, ornamental
perforation and embroidery; and excel at cooking. They have gold, silver, copper and tin,
of which they make vessels, and expose them for sale. They have a gold and a silver
currency. On the obverse of their money is a man on horseback, and on the reverse a man's
face. The country produces the Indian ox, the buffalo, the elephant, great dogs, large
apes, and the pea-fowl; also pearls of different kinds, coral, amber, rock crystal,
vitreous ware, camels, and domestic animals the same as other nations.

From the time that the Emperor Wu-ti opened up communication with
Ke-pin, the rulers of that kingdom, in view of the extreme distance, had considered
themselves safe from the intrusion of a Chinese army. In this confidence the King
W'oo-t'ow-laou on several occasions put the Chinese envoys to death. On the death of
Woo-t'ow-laou, his son, who succeeded to the dignity, sent an envoy with offerings to
China; when Wan Chung, the Protector General at the barrier, was sent to escort him home.
The King again wished to take Wan Chung's life; but the latter becoming aware of his
intention, entered in to a plot with the King of Yung-keu's son, Yin-muh-foo, which
resulted in an attack on the country, when the King was killed, and Yin-muh-foo installed
as King of Ke-pin, and received the seal and ribbon of investiture from China.

Afterwards the Military Marquis Chaou Tih, who was sent to Ke-pin,
managed to get on bad terms with Yin-muh-foo, when the latter put the felon's collar on
the envoy, killed his assistant and attendants, more than seventy persons in all, and then
sent an envoy with a letter to the Emperor, acknowledging his transgression. But the
country being among the unregistered and impracticable regions, the Emperor Yuen-te
discharged the envoy; communication being cut off by the Hindu Kush.

In the time of the Emperor Ching-te (BCE 32-7) Ke-pin again sent an
envoy with offerings and an acknowledgment of guilt. The supreme board wished to send an
envoy with a reply, to escort the Ke-pin envoy home; but Too Kin addressed the
Generalessimo Wang Fung to the following effect:--"Formerly Yin-muh-foo, the King of
Ke-pin, who was instated by China, ended by perversely rejecting our authority. Now there
is no greater manifestation of virtue than for a ruler of a kingdom to treat the people as
his children; and there is no greater sin than to detain and murder an envoy. Hence
although omitting to requite favours they have no fear of chastisement; for they know that
they are at such an extreme distance that our troops cannot reach them. When they have
anything to ask, they come with humble expressions; but when they do not want anything,
they are proud and insulting. They cannot by any means be brought to cherish the feeling
of submission. Whenever China enters into liberal correspondence with the barbarian
tribes, and we are pleased to attend to their requests, we receive their approaches with
intimacy, and they act as brigands. Now the dangerous passes of the Hindu Kush cannot be
traversed by the people of Ke-pin. A cringing attitude is no evidence of the pacification
of the Western regions; and although they are not annexed to the empire, yet they are not
a source of danger to the cities and suburbs. Formerly those we held intimate relationship
with repudiated the token of authority, and. spread vice and anarchy through the Western
regions; so that intercourse was found to be impracticable. Now they come professing
penitence, and do not enter into an intimate relationship. Their dignitaries who present
offerings are all mean men carrying on commerce. They wish to open up commercial relations
for the sake of the trade; and the offerings are a mere pretence. Therefore if we take the
trouble to send an envoy to escort them to the Hindu Kush, I fear we shall commit an
error, and find ourselves deceived. Whenever an envoy is sent to escort a guest,
precautions must be taken to protect him against the attacks of brigands.

"From Pe-shan southward there are four or five kingdoms not
attached to China. With only a hundred men to keep a lookout, and to beat the five night
watches for self-protection, they will be at times exposed to attacks from robbers,
carrying off their asses and cattle bearing provisions and will thus be rendered dependent
on these countries for food, for which they must make some requital. The countries may be
small and poor, and unable to furnish food; or the inhabitants may be cruel and crafty and
refuse to give, even intercepting them at the boundary. The Chinese Commission will in
such circumstances be Left to starve among the hills and valleys, begging food to sustain
life, with no means of obtaining it. In some ten or twenty days men and animals will die
in the desert, and be never more heard of. Again, on passing the Great Headache Mountain,
the Little Headache Mountain, the Red Land, and the Fever Slope, men's bodies become
feverish, they lose colour, and are attacked with headache and vomiting; the asses and
cattle being all in like condition. Moreover there are three pools with rocky banks along
which the pathway is only 16 or 17 inches wide for a length of some 30 li, over an
abyss of frightful depth where the travelers whether on horse or afoot are all attached,
and lead each other by ropes. After more than 2,000 li the Hindu Kush is reached;
more than half the cattle having perished by falling down the chasms, their bodies lying
scattered about and dashed to pieces. Men lose their grasp, and they are unable to save
each other. In fact, viewing the dangers of these precipitous gorges, the difficulties are
beyond description. The sage kings divided the empire into nine departments and instituted
regulations for the five tenures. Applying themselves to secure prosperity in the
interior, they sought nothing from abroad. Now in sending an envoy to carry out the
supreme commission by escorting the barbarian traders, you weary out the host of officials
in passing through a dangerous and difficult road; thus suspending and degrading the
trustworthy in the performance of a useless service. This is not a far-sighted policy. The
envoy having already received his credentials, let him proceed as far as Pe-shan and then
return." To this Wang Fung replied:--"According to your words, it is certainly
profitable to Ke-pin if we grant them a market for their commerce; while they only send an
envoy once in several years." [Back to Contents]

Woo-yih-shan-li [Khorasan]

The capital of the kingdom of Woo-yi-shan-li is distant from Ch'ang-an
12,200 li. The State is not under the control of the Governor General. The numbers
of families, of the population, and of trained troops are all those of a great kingdom.
The seat of the Governor General lies north-east at a distance of sixty days' journey. The
country joins Ke-pin on the east, Po-taou (Bactria) on the north, and Li-keen [=Seleucid
state]: and Teaou-che [=ancient Persia?] on the west. After a journey of about a hundred
days, the kingdom of Teaou-che is reached, bordering on the Western Sea [=Mediterranean].
The climate there is hot and damp, and rice is cultivated. There are large birds, with
eggs in size like a pitcher. The people are very numerous and are often under petty
chieftains, subject to the Parthians, who consider foreigners clever at jugglery. There is
a tradition among the Parthian elders about the Dead water [Dead Sea?], and the Mother of
the Western kings in Teaou-che, but they have never been seen. They say that from
Teaou-che, a sea voyage of about a hundred days westward brings one near the place where
the sun sets. The burning heat of the country of Woo-yih is exceptionally fierce. They
have herbs and trees, domestic animals, the five kinds of grain, fruits, vegetables, food
and drink, palaces and dwelling-houses, bazaars, circulating medium, military weapons,
gold, pearls, and such like, all the same as in Ke-pin. They have also excellent peaches.
The lion and the buffalo are found there, and by custom it is deemed laudable to kill
these without mercy. On the obverse of their money there is only a man's head, and on the
reverse is a figure of a man on horseback. They ornament their staves with gold and
silver. Being extremely distant from China, an envoy rarely arrives. From the Yuh Gate and
the Yang barrier, the southern road passing Shen-shen, tends southerly to Woo-yih-shan-li,
which is the terminus of the southern road. Thence proceeding north, Parthia lies on the
east. [Back to Contents]

Gan-seih (Parthia)

The capital of the kingdom of Gan-seih is the city of Fan-tow, distant
from Ch'ang-an 11,600 li. It is not under the control of the Governor General. The
country joins K'ang-keu [Soghdiana] on the north, Woo-yih-shan-li [Khorasan] on the east,
and Teaou-che [Persia] on the west. The soil, climate, productions, and customs of the
people are the same as those of Woo-yih and Ke-pin. They also have a silver coinage, with
the king's head on the obverse, and a woman's head on the reverse. When the king dies,
they immediately cast new coins. The country produces ostriches. They have several hundred
cities great and small. It is a kingdom of the largest size, being several thousand li square.
As the country extends to the Wei (Oxus) river their traders traverse the adjoining
kingdoms both by land and water. They write on skins in horizontal lines, in which manner
they keep their records.

When the Emperor Wu-ti first sent an envoy to Gan-seih, the King
commanded a general to take 20,000 cavalry to meet him at the eastern border. The eastern
border is several thousand li distant from the metropolis. Proceeding northward,
they passed several tens of cities on the way, all the people of which were allied to each
other. On this occasion the King sent an envoy to follow the Han envoy home to China. He
took with him ostrich eggs and Li-keen jugglers, which he presented as offerings, and with
which the Emperor was greatly delighted. To the east of Gan-seih is the country of the Ta
Yue-she

The capital of the kingdom of the Ta Yue-she is the city of Keen-she,
distant from Ch'ang-an 11,600 li. It is not under the control of the Governor
General. The kingdom contains 100,000 families, comprising a population of 400,000, with
100,000 trained troops. The seat of the Governor General lies to the east, at a distance
of 4,740 li. To Parthia on the west is a distance of forty-nine days' journey. The
country joins Ke-pin on the south. The soil, the climate, the productions, the customs of
the people, and the currency, are all the same as those of Gan-seih. They have the
single-humped camel (dromedary). The Ta Yue-she are a wandering nation, moving from place
to place for the convenience of their flocks and herds, the same as the Hsiung-nu. They
have more than a hundred thousand men skilled in the use of the bow; and in former times
considered themselves strong enough to treat the Hsiung-nu with contempt. Originally they
lived between Dunhuang and Ke-lien, when Maou-tun Shen-yu [209-174 BCE] attacked and
subdued them. Laou-shang Shen-yu [173-160 BCE] killed the King of the Yue-she, and
converted his skull into a drinking-bowl. The tribe then removed to a distance, passed
Ta-wan, and attacked the Ta-hea on the west, reduced them to vassalage, and estableshed
their metropolis on the north of the Wei (Oxus) river, where the King held his Court. A
small section, who were unable to leave, fortified themselves at the southern mountains,
and were named by the Keang the Seaou Yue-she. The Ta-hea were originally without a Chief
Paramount; and were accustomed to set up petty chiefs over their cities. But the people
were weak and afraid to engage in war. Hence when the Yue-she removed into their country
they all became their vassals, and they presented a united petition to the Chinese envoy.
They have five Heih-hows..., all dependents of the Ta Yue-she. [Back
to Contents]

K'ang-keu (Soghdiana)

The King of K'ang-keu likes to hold his Court during winter in the
country of Yue-nieh at the city of Pe-teen, which is distant from Ch'ang-an 12,300 li. The
kingdom is not under the control of the Governor General. From the country of Yue-nieh to
the king's summer residence inside the border is a distance of seven days' journey on
horseback. Thence to Ch'ang-an is 9,104 li. The kingdom contains 120,000 families,
comprising a population of 600,000, with 120,000 trained troops. The seat of the Governor
General lies to the east 5,550 li. Their customs are the same as those of the Ta
Yue-she. On the east they paid a forced servitude to the Hsiung-nu.

In the time of the Emperor Seuen-te [BCE 73-49], when the Hsiung-nu
were in a state of anarchy, and five Shen-yu were all fighting against each other, China
interposed its influence to set up Hoo-han-seay Shen-yu; and Che-che Shen-yu being
incensed against the Chinese, put their envoy to death; and then moving westward [BCE 49]
settled in K'ang-keu.

After this the Governor General Kan Yen-show and the Assistant Deputy
Protector Ch'in Tang brought the Woo-ke Deputy Protector with the troops of the various
kingdoms of the Western regions to K'ang-keu and exterminated the power of Che-che
Shen-yu; the details regarding which may be found in the Memoirs of Kan Yen-show, and
Ch'in Tang. This took place in the year BCE 36.

In the time of the Emperor Ch'ing-te [BCE 32-7], the Prince of
K'ang-keu sent his son to China as a hostage, with an offering of tribute; but the country
being at such an extreme distance, the Prince was only haughty and insolent, and refused
to look up to China like the other nations. The Governor General Kwo Shun several times
addressed the throne, saying:--"Originally when the Hsiung-nu attained their highest
prosperity it was not on account of their connection with Wu-sun and K'ang-keu; and when
they came calling themselves menials, it was not because they had lost these two kingdoms.
Although China has received hostage princes from all these, yet the three kingdoms impose
burdens on each other, and neglect intercourse with the empire as of old. They also keep
watch, waiting a convenient time for demonstration. When near they cannot be taken into
close confidence; when distant they cannot be made use of as vassals. Applying this to
present circumstances, the connection with Wu-sun by marriage has never turned out of any
advantage to us; but on the contrary has been a cause of trouble to China. However, Wu-sun
having formerly formed this connection, and now both that nation and the Hsiung-nu style
themselves vassals, it is not right that they should be repelled. But K'ang-keu is so
proud and crafty that they will not pay due honour to our envoys. When the Governor
General's official reached their country he was set below the envoys from Wu-sun and the
other countries. When the King and his nobles have finished their repast, the Governor
General's official is then allowed to swallow a morsel. Hence there is no room for
boasting to the neighbouring kingdoms of these forming provinces of the empire. According
to this estimate; why do they send their sons to Court as hostages? The reason is that
they wish to deceive us by specious words in order to be allowed to trade. The Hsiung-nu
and all the great barbarian kingdoms now render perfect service to China; but it is
reported that K'ang-keu does not pay homage; and moreover that it has sent an envoy to the
Shen-yu, as an act of self-humliation. Their hostage prince ought to be sent back, and an
envoy should never be sent to them again, in order to show that the house of Han does not
hold intercourse with kingdoms which ignore the rules of etiquette. The small regions of
Dunhuang and Tsew-tseuen and the eight kingdoms on the southern road give food to the
envoys passing to and fro, including men, horses, asses and camels; all which becomes very
severe on them, exhausting their supplies of rice; but to meet and escort those of proud,
crafty, and extremely distant nations, is by no means a wise policy. In opening up a fresh
intercourse, China treats men from afar with the greatest liberality; but in the end has
to curb and restrain them, yet she does not cast them off."

To the north-west of K'ang-keu, about 2,000 li distant, is the
kingdom of Yen-tsae [=the As], with more than 100,000 bowmen; having the same customs as
K'ang-keu, on the border of a great marsh without banks, which is the Northern Sea
[Caspian]. K'ang-keu has five viceroys. [Back to Contents]

Ta-yuan [Ta-wan] (Ferghana)

The capital of the kingdom of Ta-wan is the city of Kwe-shan, distant
from Ch'ang-an 12,550 li. The kingdom contains 60,000 families, comprising a
population of 300,000, with 60,000 trained troops, a Viceroy, and a National Assistant
Prince. The seat of the Governor General lies to the east at a distance of 4,031 li. To
the city of Pe-teen in K'ang-keu on the north is 1,510 li. To the Ta Yue-she on the
south-west is 690 li. The country joins K'ang-keu on the north, and the Ta Yue-she
on the south. The soil, climate, productions, and customs of the people are the same as
those of the Ta Yue-she and Gan-seih. Round about Ta-wan they make wine from grapes.
Wealthy people store up as much as 10,000 stone and over in their cellars, and keep it for
several tens of years without spoiling. The people are fond of wine, and the horses are
fond of medicago sativa. There are more than seventy other cities in the country.
There is a numerous breed of excellent horses which perspire blood. It is said that this
breed is from the strain of a supernatural stallion. When Chang K'ien first told the
Emperor about them, the monarch sent an envoy with a thousand pieces of gold and a golden
horse, in order to obtain some of these excellent horses. But the King of Ta-wan,
considering that on account of its extreme distance China could not send an army there,
and in view of the great value he attached to these precious horses, refused to part with
them to China. The envoy having been betrayed into the use of some unguarded expressions
regarding Ta-wan, the King had him put to death, and took possession of his treasure. The
Emperor thereupon sent the Urh-sze General Li Kwang-li in command of an army numbering
over 100,000 from first to last, which attacked Ta-wan for four successive years, till at
last the natives beheaded the King Wuh-kwa, and presented an offering of 3,000 horses. The
Chinese army then returned. The details of these transactions are found in the
"Memoir of Chang K'ien." The Urh-sze general having secured the decapitation of
the King, set up a noble of the country, who had previously received benefits from
China--by name Mei-tsae--in his place.

More than a year after this the nobles of Ta-wan charged Mei-tsae with
having, by his sycophancy, caused the butchery of their compatriots, and uniting together,
they put Mei-tsae to death, and set up Chen-fung, the younger brother of Wuh-kwa, as king,
who sent his son to Court as a hostage. China consequently sent an envoy with gifts, to
secure and pacify them. More than ten missions were subsequently sent to the various
kingdoms west of Ta-wan, seeking for rarities; and the fame of the power of China, which
had subdued Ta-wan, was thus spread far and near. Chen-fung, the King of Ta-wan, entered
into a treaty with China, by which be agreed to send an offering of two celistial horses
every year. The Chinese envoy selected and took back with him plants of the grape and medicago
sativa. The Emperor now having a numerous stud of celestial horses, and the
ambassadors flocking in numbers from foreign countries, having also planted the grape and
the medicago sativa, he left his palace and took up his residence in a separate
house, to have a distant look-out upon his possessions. From Fergana westward to the
kingdom of Parthia, although their language is somewhat different, yet the resemblance is
so great that they can make themselves intelligible to each other. The people of Ta-wan
have deep sunken eyes, and bushy beards and whiskers. They are clever traders, and dispute
about the division of a farthing. Women are honourably treated among them, and their
husbands are guided by them in their decisions. Silk and varnish are used all over the
country. They did not understand casting iron implements till a Chinese envoy, having lost
his troops, submitted to them, and taught them the art of casting, when they made new
military weapons. They applied the Chinese gold and silver to make vessels, instead of
using them for state presents. From Wu-sun westward to Gan-seih, the several kingdoms are
all near the country of the Hsiung-nu. The Hsiung-nu having oppressed the Yue-she, when
the Hsiung-nu envoy came to Ta-wan with a letter from the Shen-yu, he was entertained and
forwarded, as they dared not detain and punish him. But when the Chinese envoy arrived, he
could not obtain food, nor purchase cattle, nor secure the accommodation necessary for his
horses till he had delivered his presents. The reason of this was that China was so far
distant, and possessed so much wealth, that the people of Ta-wan would only give them what
they wanted on fair commercial considerations. After Hoo-han-seay Shen-yu paid court to
China, then China was honoured by all the kingdoms....

The Sovereign of Wu-sun, who is styled the Great Kwan-me, has his seat
of government in the city of Ch'ih-kuh, distant from Ch'ang-an 8,900 li [Wylie
indicates their location as Kulja and much of Ili, east of lake Issykul]. The kingdom
contains 120,000 families, comprising a population of 630,000 persons. They have an army
of 188,800, a Minister of Emoluments, a Left Generalessimo, a kight Generalissimo, three
Marquises, a Commander-in-chief, a Protector General, two Inspectors General, a grand
official, two household officials, and a Knight. The seat of the Governor General lies
1721 li to the east. The country of Fan-nuy in Kang-keu (Sogdiana) lies 5,000 li to the
west. On the jungly plains there is much rain and cold. On the hills pine and fir trees
abound. The inhabitants do not cultivate the soil, but they plant trees. They roam about
with their flocks and herds in search of water and pasture, their national customs being
the same as those of the Hsiung-nu. Horses are very numerous, some wealthy people having
as many as four or five thousand. The people are pig-headed, covetous as wolves, and
utterly unreliable. They are much given to plundering raids, and are characteristically
violent as a nation.

Formerly they were subject to the Hsiung-nu, but subsequently, on
attaining great prosperity, they cast off their alligiance. The country joins that of the
Hsiung-nu on the east, Kang-keu on the north-west, Ta-wan (Fergana) on the west, and
several settled kingdoms possessing cities and villages on the south. The iinhabitants
were originally Sae (Sacae); but the Ta Yue-she (Massagetae) on the west subdued and
expelled the King of the Sae; when the latter moving south, crossed the Hindu Kush; and
the Ta Yue-she occupied the country.

At a subsequent period the Kwan-mo of Wu-sun attacked and subdued the
Ta Yue-she, who then went westward, and reduced the Ta-hea (Dahae) to a state of
vassalage, while the Kwan-mo of Wu-sun took possession of their country. In consequence of
these revolutions, the population was of a mixed character, containing, besides those of
Wu-sun, Sae and Ta Yue-she elements also.

[The account proceeds to quote Chang K'ien's observations about the
Wu-sun and describe the Chinese policies which followed his mission. Among the interesting
aspects of this account are the touching tales of the fate of the imperial princesses who
were pawns in the political intrigues.]

The Hsiung-nu, hearing of their intercourse with China, were bent on
attacking them. Furthermore, when the Han sent an envoy to Wu-sun, the envoy passed
southward to Ta-wan and the Yue-she, forming a perpetual alliance with these nations. In
view of these various events, the authorities of Wu-sun took the alarm, and on the
strength of Chang K'ien's proposals, despatched an envoy with an offering of horses,
wishing to obtain an Imperial Princess in marriage, and thus effect a fraternal bond. The
Emperor laid the matter before his Ministers, who after consultation assented to the
request, and replied:--"It is necessary first to transmit the marriage gifts, after
which the lady will be forwarded." Wu-sun thereupon sent a thousand horses as a
marriage gift to the Han monarch.

In the Yuen-fung period [BCE 110-105], Se-keun, the daughter of Keen,
the King of Keang-too, was sent as the Imperial Princess destined to be the bride.
Carriages and an imperial outfit were conferred upon the lady, with a retinue of officers,
subordinate officials, servants and attendants, several hundreds in all, and a most costly
array of presents. The Kwan-mo made her lady of the right. The Hsiung-nu also sent a
maiden to the Kwan-mo for a bride, and he made her lady of the Left.

On reaching her destined home, the Princess had a palace built for her.
Once or twice during the year, she and the Kwan-mo gave a feast, on which occasions she
presented silks to the kings and accompanying nobles. The Kwan-mo being old, however, and
his speech unintelligible, the Princess becoming dejected and melancholy composed the
following ballad respecting herself

"My parents they have wed me,
All helpless and undone,
In a distant alien kingdom,
To the Monarch of Wu-sun.

"My dwelling's vast and dreary,
Deck'd with felt in place of silk;
My daily food is flesh meat,
Accompanied with milk.

"My mind with thoughts is burden'd,
My heart with grief oppress'd;
Would that I were a yellow stork,
I'd fly back to my nest."

On hearing of the lady's sad condition the Emperor was touched with
compassion; and every second year sent an envoy, bearing presents of embroidered hangings
and decorations.

In view of his great age, the Kwan-mo wished to give the young Princess
in marriage to his grandson the Tsin-tsow. She would not listen to the proposal, however,
but forwarded a letter to the Emperor stating her case. The latter desiring so far to
conciliate Wu-sun that he might be able by its assistance to crush the Hsiung-nu,
recommended the Princess to comply with the customs of the country. The marriage with the
Tsin-tsow was accordingly consummated. On the death of the Kwan-mo, the Tsin-tsow
succeeded to the throne. Tsin-tsow was an official title. His name was Keun-seu-me....

After the marriage of the Princess of Keang-too with the Tsin-tsow, she
gave birth to a daughter named Shaou-foo. On the death of the Princess subsequently, the
Emperor again sent Keae-yew, the grand-daughter of Woo, the King of Tsoo, as an Imperial
Princess, to be the Tsin-tsow's bride. The death of the Tsin-tsow took place while Ne-me,
his son by his Hsiung-nu consort, was still a child; and Ung-kwei-me, the son of the
Tsin-tsow's uncle, the Ta-luh, was put on the throne, with the understanding that when
Ne-me was of age the dignity should revert to him...

Ung-kwei-me ... took to wife the widowed Tsoo princess; by whom he had
three sons and two daughters. the eldest son was named Yuen-kwei-me; the second,
Wan-ne'en, became King of Sha-keu (Yarkand)... The eldest daughter Te-she was married to
Keang-pin the King of Kwei-tsze, while her sister was married to the Heih-how of
Jo-hoo....

In the year BCE 64, the Kwan-me of Wu-sun forwarded a letter to the
throne through Chang Hwuy to the following effect:--"Desiring that the imperial
grandson Yuen-kwei-me should continue the succession, it is my wish that by an alliance
with an Imperial Princess, the bond of relationship should be strengthened afresh, and
thus our connection with the Hsiung-nu be completely cut off. I wish to send a thousand
horses and the same number of mules as a marriage present." This letter was handed
over by the Emperor to the dukes and high ministers for deliberation. The Grand Director
of Ceremonies, Seaou Wang-che, remarked that Wu-sun was in a region so extremely remote,
that in case of rebellion it would be difficult to preserve it. He thought it inexpedient
on this occasion to offer one of the Imperial ladies. The objection, however, was
overruled by the Emperor, who extolled Wu-sun for the great military prestige it had
established in the recent campaign. He also laid much stress on conforming. to precedent.

An envoy was accordingly despatched to Wu-sun to receive the betrothal
presents. The Kwan-me, the heir apparent, the Right and Left Generalessimos, and the
Protector General all sent envoys to China, a retinue of more than 300 persons, to receive
the young lady. The Emperor selected Seang-foo, the daughter of the Wu-sun Princess
Keae-yew's younger brother, to be the Imperial Princess; and appointed officials,
attendants, and coachmen, more than a hundred persons, who were all placed in the Academic
Institute to learn the Wu-sun language. The festive gathering preparatory to departure was
graced by the Imperial presence. The Hsung-nu envoy and the princes of foreign states were
present; while the chief actor superintended the valedictory music. The banqueting-house
magnate Chang Hwuy, Marquis of Chang-lo, was sent as convoy. Four commissioners holding
tokens of credence were appointed to accompany the young lady as far as Dunhuang. Before
they had crossed the boundary, the news reached them that Ung-kwei-me, the Kwan-me of
Wu-sun, was dead [BCE 60], and that the Wu-sun nobles, according to the original
agreement, had unanimously appointed the Tsin-tsow's grandson Ne-me to be the new Kwan-me,
with the style of the Mad King. On receipt of this news Chang Hwuy forwarded a despatch to
Court, expressing a desire to leave the young lady at Dunhuang for a time, while he rode
forward to Wu-sun, to reproach them for not setting Yuen-kwei-me on the vacant throne;
after which he would return to meet the young lady. The matter was referred to the council
of dukes and high ministers. Seaou Wang-che again expressed his views, that Wu-sun was
acting a double part, and that it was difficult to maintain a treaty with them. "It
is now," he observed, "more than forty years since the first Imperial Princess
went to Wu-sun; but the favours and blessings conferred have not been effectual in
cementing the confidence of close relationship; nor have we secured peace on the border
lands. These are matters of clear evidence. Now as Yuen-kwei-me has not been set on the
throne, should the young lady return home, it will be no breach of faith towards the
barbarians, and it will undoubtedly be for the welfare of China. Not only is the young
lady a costly contribution to our state policy, but this is a turning point in our future
prosperity." The Emperor accepted these suggestions, and recalled the young lady.

The Mad King again took to wife the Tsoo Princess Keae-yew, by whom he had a son named
Che-me; but he did not live on amicable terms with the lady. Being cruel and tyrannical,
he also lost the attachment of the people. The Han sent the Equestrian Master of the
Guard, Wei Ho-e, and the Assistant, Marquis Jin Ch'ang, to escort home the hostage Prince;
when the Imperial Princess took occasion to inform the envoys that the Mad King was a
perfect scourge to the people of Wu-sun and that it would be easy to assassinate him. A
plot was then conceived, in accordance with which an entertainment was given, at the close
of which one of the soldiers of the envoys drew his sword and struck at the tyrant.
Missing aim, however, the sword glanced down his side, merely wounding the Mad King, who
then took to horse and galloped off. His son Sze-ch'in-chow assembled the troops, and
surrounded Wei Ho-e, Jin Ch'ang, and the Imperial Princess, in the city of Chih-kuh. There
they were detained for several months; till Ch'ing Keih, the Governor General, raised
troops from the allied states, came to their rescue, and carried them off. The Chinese
sent the Inner Gentleman Usher and General Chang Tsun with medical appliances for the cure
of the Mad King; carrying also a gift of twenty pounds weight of gold, and various
coloured silks. Wei Ho-e and Jin Ch'ang were chained together, and conveyed to Ch'ang-an
in the criminal van, where they were decapitated. The Chariot Cavalry General and Chief
Historiographer Chang Ung remained to take evidence in the case of the Princess's
complicity in the plot of the envoys to take the Mad King's life. The Princess refusing to
submit or apologise, Chang Ung seized her by the head and reviled her. The Princess
reported the matter in a letter to the Emperor; and on his return Change Ung was condemned
to death. The Assistant Envoy Ke Too voluntarily undertook the medical restoration of the
Mad King; who appears to have been pleased with his treatment, and gave him an escort of a
dozen horsemen on his departure. On Ke Too's return he was charged with knowing that the
Mad King ought to be put to death, and having neglected to take advantage of the
opportunity that offered. For this omission of duty he was cast into the
silkworm-house....

[Details follow regarding Chinese support for the Wu-sun.]

Only a short time elapsed after this, when Yuen-kwei-me and Ch'e-me had
both been carried off by sickness. After the death of her sons, the Princess [Keae-yew]
then forwarded a letter to Court, saying:--"I am now old, my mind is burdened with
thoughts about my native land; it is my wish to return, that my bones may rest in
China." T he Emperor sympathised with her in her sorrows, and went to meet her on her
return.

The Princess reached the metropolis, accompanied by three of her
grandchildren, in BCE 51. Being then 70 years old, the Emperor gave her a house and
grounds, with a retinue of servants mali and female, suitable to an Imperial Princess, and
treated her with the greatest liberality. On her appearance at Court she was received with
the decorum due to an imperial Princess.

Two years later [BCE 49] she died, and her three grand-children
remained to pay attention to her grave...

[The text goes on to provide details of Chinese involvement in Wu-sun
affairs down to the beginning of the Common Era. It then turns to brief descriptions of
various small kingdoms in the oases west and north of the Taklamakan, the first being
Koo-mih, which Wylie indicates is on the north bank of the Tarim River, and the next being
Wansuh or Aksu near the modern town by the same name on the Kashgar River.] [Back to Contents]

Kwei-esze (Kuchay).

The capital of the kingdom of Kwei-tsze is the city of Yen, distant
from Ch'ang-an 7,480 li. The kingdom contains 6,970 families, comprising a population of
81,317 persons. The army numbers 21,076. There are a Grand Protector General, a
Sub-National Assistant Marquis, a Kingdom Pacifying Marquis, a Hoo-chastising Marquis, a
Hoo-interjacent Protector General, a Keu-sze Chastising Protector General, a Left General,
a Right General, a Left Protector General, a Right Protector General, a Left Knight, a
Right Knight, a Left Strong Assistant, a Right Strong Assistant, two Colonels of the East,
two Colonels of the West, two Colonels of the South, two Colonels of the North, three
Hoo-interjacent Princes, and four Interpreters-in-chief. The country joins Tsing-tseue on
the south, Tseay-muh on the southeast, Yu-me on the southwest, Wu-sun on the north, and
Koo-mih on the west. The inhabitants are dextrous at founding and casting; and the country
produces lead. The city of Woo-luy, the seat of the Governor General, lies 350 li to the
east. [Back to Contents]

Woo-luy.

Woo-luy contains 110 families, comprising 1,200 persons. It has 300
trained troops, a City Protector General, and an Interpreter-in-chief. The city is the
seat of the Governor General. Keu-li lies 330 li to the south.

Keu-li.

Keu-li has a City Protector General. The state contains 130 families,
comprising 1,480 persons. There are 150 troops. The country Joins Yu-li on the northeast,
Tseay-muh on the southeast, and Tsing-tseue on the south. It is bounded on the west by a
river, which leads to Kwei-tsze (Kuchay) at a distance of 580 li.

When a road to the Western regions was first opened up, in the reign of
Wu-ti, a Deputy Protector was appointed, and a military colony planted in Keu-li. There
were then incessant military complications, the troops were on the move for thirty-two
years, and there was a general scarcity of provisions.

In the year BCE 90, the Urh-sze General Li Kwang-li being in command of
the troops, effected the submission of the Hsiung-nu.

The Emperor being now weary of his distant military enterprises, the
Show-suh Protector General Sang Hung-yang with the Prime Ministers and Censors, laid a
memorial before the throne, to the following effect:

"From ancient Lun-t'ae (Yugur) eastward, Tsieh-che and Ken-li are
both ancient states. The land is broad and fertile, and water and herbage are everywhere
plentiful. There are about 800 acres of arable land. The climate is genial; the soil is
excellent, and might be improved by drains and watercourses. The different kinds of grain
grow there, and ripen about the same time as in China. Awls and knives are scarce in the
neighbouring countries, and the people set a high value on gold and silk fabrics of
various colours. These we might give in exchange for their grain; and thus secure a
sufficiency of food to save us from want. Your servants in their ignorance beg to suggest,
that military colonies might be placed at ancient Lun-t'ae and eastward, and three Deputy
Protectors be appointed, to divide the defence of the country between them. Then each
taking a plan of his own territory, a system of drains and watercourses might be carried
out. More grain might then be sown in the season. It would thus be convenient to send
Provisional Cavalry leaders from Chang-yay and Tsew-tseuen, to watch over the affairs of
the Deputy Protectors. The appointment of horse-men would facilitate the transmission of
reports of the annual produce of the cultivated land.

"Our dependent people would become robust and vigorous, thus
strengthening our position, while those who ventured to remove their habitations would
tend towards the cultivated fields; and following their original vocation of rearing
cattle, they would also clear the irrigated land. It would be expedient gradually to erect
guard-stations at intervals from the Great Wall westward, to keep the Western kingdoms in
awe. Let Wu-sun be encouraged as a vassal to transmiit the regular tribute. Let ministers
of business make a lucid division of the several tribes; and proceeding to the borders,
give strict injunctions to the Governors and Protectors General to be very clear in regard
to lighting the beacon fires. Let troops and horses be selected, to keep a careful watch,
and let provender be stored up for use. Desirous that Your Imperial Majesty would send
envovs to the Western regions, to set their minds at rest, your servants in their
blindness have laid themselves open to capital punishment, by presenting this their
request." On receiving this, the Emperor issued a rescript, containing a doleful
lamentation on past proceedings, in the following terms:

"Formerly the authorities memoralised to have the taxes of the
people increased 30 per cent., in order to provide for the border expenses: which proved a
heavy burden on the aged and feeble, the orphans and childless. Now, again, a request is
presented for troops to be sent to cultivate Lun-t'ae. This territory lies more than 1,000
li west of Keu-sze. Formerly when the Marquis of Keae-ling attacked the Keu-sze, the young
princes of six kingdoms, including Wei-sew (Chagan-tungi), Yu-li (Kalga-aman), and
Lou-lan, who were residing at the imperial metropolis, all returned to their homes in
advance, and sent animals to meet and provision the Chinese army; while the kings in
person, at the head of several tens of thousands of troops, combined to surround the
Keu-sze. On the submission of the king of the latter, it was judged expedient to suspend
military operations by these several kingdoms; and they were unable again to offer
provisions to the Chinese army on the road. When the Chinese troops capture a city, the
consumption of provisions is very great; and what the men carry with them is totally
inadequate to meet the wants. Eventually the more robust of the troops consume all the
animals, while several thousand of the feebler die on the roads. I have sent mules and
camels carrying food from Tsew-tseen, by the Jade gate, which have met the men and
officers of the army at no great distance beyond Chang-yay; but still there was a very
large number of the retainers Left behind. Formerly when I did not understand these
matters, Keun How-hung forwarded a despatch saying, 'The Hsiung-nu tied their horses by
the fore and hind ligs, and placing them under the city wall, sent a message to the men of
Ts'in, saying, "We beg these horses."'

"Again, when an envoy from the Han was for a long time detained by
them, and did not return, an army was sent under the command of the Urh-sze general to
vindicate the dignity and importance of the envoy. Anciently, when the high ministers and
great statesmen held a consultation, if on exainining the tortoise the prognostic was
infelicitous, they desisted from action. Now taking the despatch on the bound horses, I
looked round on the prime ministers, censors, two thousand stone stipendiary great
statesmen, the secretaries of literary pretension, even to the Protectors General of the
regions and dependent states, Ching Chung, Chaou Po-noo and others; who all considered
that captives binding their own horses was extremely infelicitous. Some said, when put to
the test, what is insufficient for the powerful may be excessive for others. The augury by
the 'Book of Changes' gave the Ta kwo ('greatness in excess') diagram, the stroke being
the fifth-nine. When the Hsiung-nu suffered a grievous defeat, the summoning officers,
provosts of regions, historiographers, astronomers, and meteorologists were consulted; and
the grand augur with the tortoise and divining plant all indicated a felicitous response.
The Hsiung-nu must be reduced, and no further prognostic could be obtained." The
rescript also said:--"If we undertake a northern invasion, we shall certainly be
victorious at the Foo mountains. The lot being cast for a general, that for the Urh-sze
was most felicitous. I therefore personally commissioned the Urh-sze general to proceed to
the Foo mountains, with the command that he should certainly not proceed farther. Now to
deliberate on the prognostics of the diagrams is altogether misleading. The words of the
spies who were taken prisoners by the marquis are eminently confirmatory of this, where
they say,--'The Hsiung-nu, on hearing that the Chinese army was advancing, sent wizards to
bury sheep and oxen on all the roads and watercourses by which they might come, in order
to bring a curse on the forces.' When the Shen-yu presents horses or cloaks to the
emperor, he causes the wizards to bless them. Binding the horses implies a curse on the
army. Again the lot was cast for another general for the Chinese army; but the prognostic
was infelicitous. The Hsiung-nu are accustomed to say,--'China is an exceeding great
country, and cannot be destroyed by hunger and thirst.' But one wolf can put to flight a
thousand sheep; and the numbers who were slain, taken captive, and dispersed on occasion
of the Urh-sze general's defeat have been a perpetual load of grief on my heart. Now the
request is made to form a camp at Lun-t'ae; whence it is proposed to erect a line of guard
stations. That, indeed, would embarrass the empire, and is not the way to tranquilise the
people. Now I cannot bear to listen to the talk of the banqueting-house magnates. Again,
they are proposing to send prisoners to escort the Hsiung-nu envoy back. This illustrates
conferring a marquisate to allay irritation; five earls having been unsuccessful.
Moreover, when any of the Chinese submit to the Hsiung-nu, they are always taken aside and
submitted to a searching examination; by which means the Hsiung-nu have become informed
regarding the defenceless state of the present uncared for and dilapidated border
fortifications. The chief officials of the look-out towers send the guards to hunt wild
animals, for the sake of their skins and flesh. The men are in a miserable condition; the
beacon fires are unattended to, and it would be impossible to assemble the forces.
Subsequently, should those who have submitted to the Hsiung-nu bring an aggressive force,
when we take some captives we shall ascertain the truth. We ought now to apply ourselves
to prevent oppressive annoyances, and put a stop to arbitrary imposts. Let agriculturists
sedulously pursue their avocations. Let horses be provided, and fresh orders issued to
repair the breaches, and make good all deficiencies in the military defences. Let every
chief of a state or region of two-thousand-stone-revenue send in trained horses, and plans
for restoring the border erections, with estimates of the expense." After this the
troops were not called forth. The prime minister Keu Tseen-ts'ew was made Foo-min marquis,
which shows the consideration given to the enrichment and culture of the people in the
time of peace....

About the same time [the reign of Seuen-te, BCE 73-49], a daughter of
the Imperial Princess of Wu-sun, who had been sent to China to learn to play the kin [a
long lute-like instrument], was sent back by the Chinese, under the escort of a
vice-president with music, to accompany the young lady past Kwei-tsze. The king of
Kwei-tsze had already sent a messenger to Wu-sun to ask the hand of the princess'
daughter; and before the messenger had returned, the young lady had reached Kwei-tsze. The
king of Kwei-tsze thereupon detained her; and instead of forwarding her on the way, sent
another envoy to report the matter to the princess. The princess acceded to the king's
desire.

After this the princess forwarded a despatch, requesting that her
daughter might be received at court as a member of the imperial house. Keang-pin, the king
of Kwei-tsze, who was tenderly attached to his wife, also forwarded a despatch, saying,
that as he had married a grand-daughter of the house of Han, and was consequently united
by a fraternal bond, he wished to come to court with the daughter of the imperial
princess.

The above request in both cases seems to have been granted, for in the
year BCE 65, the king and his consort came to court. The emperor received them graciously,
conferring on each a seal and ribbon. The lady was gazetted as an imperial princess, and
received presents of carriages, riding horses, flags, drums, singers, and pipers, several
tens of persons in all; also fret and embroidered work, silks of various colours, gems and
rarities, to the value of several tens of millions of taels. They remained a year, and
were then sent away with costly presents.

After this they came several times to court, and were most graciously
received, adopting the Chinese dress and manners. On their return home the king built a
palace, with a wall and road surrounding the royal precincts. On going out and entering,
the word was passed, and a big drum was beat, according to the Chinese palace customs.
With these innovations, the Hoo of these countries were accustomed to say:--"An ass
is no ass, and a horse is no horse; but what the king of Kwei-tsze calls a mule."
When Keang-pin died, his soil Ching'tih designated himself a grandson of the house of Han.

During the reigns of Ching-te and Gae-te [BCE 32-1] there was a more
frequent intercourse with China, and the Kwei-tsie king was received on more intimate
terms.

Eastward from Keu-li, the road leads to Yu-li (Kalga-aman), at a
distance of 650 li... [Back to Contents]

Yen-ke (Karashar).

The capital of the kingdom of Yen-ke is the city of Yuen-keu, distant
from Ch'ang-an 7,300 li. The kingdom contains 4,000 families, comprising a population of
32,100 persons. The army numbers 6,000; and there are a Hoo~chastising Marquis, a
Hoo-interjacent Marquis, a National Assistant Marquis, a Right General, a Left General, a
Right Protector General, a Left Protector General, a Right Hoo-chastising prince, a Left
Hoo-chastising prince, a Keu-sze chastising prince, a Kou-sze reforming prince, two
Hoo-chastising Protectors General, two Hoo-chastising princes, and three
Interpreters-in-chief. The seat of the Governor General lies to the southwest at a
distance of 400 li. Yu-li lies 100 li south. The country joins Wu-sun on the north. There
is a lake [Bostang] in the vicinity, the waters of which contain abundance of fish....

Poo-luy (Urumtsi).

The capital of the kingdom of Poo-luy is in the Soo-yu valley on the
west of the T'een-shan range, distant from Ch'ang-an 8,360 li. The kingdom contains 325
families, comprising a population of 2,032 persons. The army numbers 799. There are a
National Assistant Marquis, a Right general, a Left general, a Right Protector general,
and a Left Protector general The seat of the Governor General lies 1,387 li to the
southwest.... [Back to Contents]

Anterior Keu-sze (Turfan).

The capital of the kingdom of Anterior Keu-sze is the city of Keaou-ho.
The waters of the river there divide and flow round the city walls; hence the name
Keaou-ho (confluent river). The city is distant from Ch'ang-an 8,150 li. The kingdom
contains 700 families, comprising a population of 6,050 persons. The army numbers 1,865.
There are a National Assistant Marquis, a National pacifying Marquis, a Right general, a
Left general, a Protector general, a China reverting Protector general, a Keu-sze prince,
an Arbitration prince, a Rural improvement prince, and two interpreters-in-chief. The seat
of the Governor General lies southwest at a distance of 1237 li...

[The last major section of the treatise deals with the history of the
"Ulterior Kue-sze presidency," whose exact location is difficult to determine.]

....

During the period Yuen-che [CE 1-6], a new road was opened up from
Ulterior Keu-sze, north of Woo-chuen, as far as the Jade gate barrier, thus shortening the
communication. This road had been made by Sen Tsin-yuh, the Woo-ke Deputy Protector, to
shorten the distance by a half, and evade the dangers of the white dragon mound. Koo-keu
the king of Ulterior Keu-sze, however, believing that the road might prove a check to his
movements, looked upon it as an inconvenience...

Some years later (CE 23)...the power of China in the Western regions
was at a minimum....

Pan Koo's Reflections on the Preceding Notes.

In the reign of the Emperor Wu-ti, when plans were formed for arresting
the Hsiung-nu disasters, these having formed a compact with the Southern Keang from the
kingdoms in the West, four regions were established along the bend of the Yellow River,
and the Jade gate was opened as a thoroughfare to the Western regions. The right arm of
the Hsiung-nu was thus cut off, and a through separation effected between them and the
Southern Keang and the Ta Yue-she nations; The Shen-yu being thus utterly baffled, removed
his encampment to a great distance, and ceased to hold his court in the south. During the
reigns of Wan-te and King-te, the people were nourished in a period of peaceful
tranquillity. For five generations the empire was prosperous and wealthy; riches and
strength were superabundant; while troops and horses were robust, and in good condition.
Hence the people could attend to agriculture, and tortoise-shell being disseminated,
Choo-yae and six other regions were added to the empire. Thanks to the Keu soy and bamboo
staves; Tsang-ko and Yue-suy were annexed. The reports regarding the celestial horses and
grapes led to the opening up of communication with Fergana and Parthia. From this time
carbuncles, tortoise-shell, white heart rhinoceros horn, plumagery and, such rarities were
found in profusion in the after palace; foreign palfreys, dragon-figured, fish-eyed, and
blood-perspiring horses thronged the imperial gates; while a menagerie of great elephants,
lions, savage dogs, and large birds fed in the park outside; and strange objects arrived
from foreign lands in every direction. At the same time the imperial forest was enlarged,
the Kwan-ming pool was excavated, the palace of a thousand gates and ten thousand doors
was built, and the tower of communication between Heaven and the spiritual powers was
erected. The cyclical screens were formed of fine silk, with rows of pearls and
harmonizing gems; and the Emperor, while occupying the palace, wore the hatchet
embroidered robe, and variegated lower garment, and rested on a jade stand. Amid this
luxuriance there were pools of wine and forests of flesh, for the entertainment of the
barbarian guests arriving from all quarters. There were also the Pa and Yu acrobatic
feats, and the T'ang-keih music of transmarine nations. Huge monsters roamed about, while
the waters teemed with fish and dragons. The dramatist gave his entertainments to gratify
the assembled multitudes. Presents were made, and visitors were escorted back for ten
thousand li; till the expenses of such expeditions surpassed calculation. At length the
revenue was found to be inadequate. The wine was then sold off; the sale of salt and iron
was brought under regulation; and coins of white meta1 were cast, to use for presents
representing the skins and silks. The carriages and boats were let out on hire; the
strength of the people and the domestic animals was bent with oppression; while their
wealth was utterly exhausted. The result was years of dearth; added to which, highway
robberies became so common that the public thoroughfares were impassable. The moral is
this:--when a nation begins by a display of embroidered garments, and by the free use of
the military, cuts itself off from the other regions and states, it ends by being itself
conquered. Thus it happened that in the later years the territory of Lun-t'ae was
abandoned, and the Emperor publicly proclaimed his distress. Truly this is a subject of
remorse for the benevolent and the sage.

Among the dangers of the passage through the Western regions, are, near
home the dragon mound; and more remote, the Tsung-ling mountains, the Fever Bank, the
Head-ache Mountain, and the Hindu Kush Range. Speaking of the latter, the Prince of
Hwae-nan, Too Kin, and Yang Heung, all designate it as the boundarry province between
heaven and earth, the point of absolute separation between the interior and exterior. It
is said in the Shoo King:--"The wild tribes of the West all coming to submit to Yu's
arrangements." Yu having come, they fell in with his arrangements. It was not that
they were brought to submit to the imperial dignity, and so induced to bring tribute. The
various countries of the Western regions having each one its prince and its troops, are
divided and weak, having no common bond of unity. Although subject to the Hsiung-nu, they
have no intimate bond of attachment. The Hsiung-nu obtain horses, cattle, and woven
fabrics from them; but have never been able to cultivate a mutual intercourse with them.
They are utterly cut off from China by the nature of the country; and being at such an
impracticable distance, it is no advantage to be on good terms with them, and we lose
nothing by abandoning them. The source of prosperity is in ourselves, and we gain nothing
by them.

Hence, since CE 25, the powers of the Western regions, in view of the
dignity of the Chinese empire, have generally rejoiced to maintain an attachment. Some of
the smaller states, such as Shen-shen and Keu-sze, whose borders are hard upon the
Hsiung-nu, have been retained by the latter; but the larger kingdorns, such as Sha-keu
(Yarkand), and Yu-teen (Khoten), have repeatedly sent envoys and placed hostages with
China; desiring to be under the care of the Governor General. Our sacred Emperor taking a
wide survey of history past and present, and studying the exigencies of the time, keeps
them under restraint; not absolutely repelling their advances, while carefully avoiding
promises. The Great Yu, when he rendered the wild tribes of the West submissive; Chow
Kung, when he yielded the white pheasant, and T'aee-tsung in his misunderstanding about
the running horse, are all instances of the same principle, and may be adduced in its
support. [Back to Contents]