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However, similarities between the Malay and Chinesefolkbeliefs could not have led to localization if it did not serve the needs of the Chinese in Malaysia. As noted by Anne Goodrich, “wherever and whenever a man felt a need for assistance, he found a god to help him”
.[2] The cult of Datuk Gong grew out of the needs of the Malaysian Chinese to socialize with the Malaystate and society, although there must have been a degree of socialization between the Chinese and Malaycommunity before the creation of Datuk Gongcult. Scholars
have noted how the localization of religion can help in the socialization of different communities, but neglected the fact that interaction of cultures is one of the reasons why localization could occur in the first place. The first part of this paper provides a
general background to the adoption of Malay keramatworship by the Chinese and the similarities between the two belief systems that made adaptation easier for Chinese folk religion. The second part presents the findings of my fieldwork in Malacca, which provides the
materials for my analysis on how the processes of localization and socialization reinforce the strength of each other and become increasingly significant as the overseas Chinese decide to settle in Malaysia.

In his investigation on Malaymagic, Skeat pointed out that “theoretically, keramats are supposed to be the graves of deceased holy men, the early apostles of the Muhammadan faith, the first founders of the village who cleared the primeval jungle, or other persons of
local notoriety in a former age”[6], but many of the keramats were actually in the jungle, on the hills and in groves with no traces of a grave. Skeat also noted that “the reverence paid to them and the ceremonies that are performed at them savour a good deal too much
of ancestorworship to be attributable to an orthodox Muhammadan origin”.[7] Thus, aspects of Malayfolk religion, especially the indigenous belief in spirits persisted and became syncretized with Islam in keramatworship.

FIELDWORK ON DATUK GONG CULT IN MALACCA
Introduction
My fieldwork is based upon interviews with some Chinese I met in Jonker Walk and Bukit Cina area, as well as some Straits Chinese families living in other parts of Malacca. The devotees that I interviewed come from all walks of life: temple committee members, hawkers
at food centres, the shopkeeper of a store that sells Chineseworship items and idols along Jalan Tokong, a hairdresser, an office girl at a Chinese company, clan association members and even the men on the streets. For my fieldwork, I visited Datuk Gongshrines
located within and outside Chinese-owned shops, in residential areas, along the road, under a tree as well as within a temple. Due to time constraint, I only took three trips to Malacca, each lasting 2-3 days and missed the chance to observe the consultation sessions
for Datuk Gong conducted by spirit-mediums.[20]

Datuk Gong is said to possess different personality traits. Some of my informants depicted Datuk Gong as benevolent, helping devotees recover from illnesses which even a trained doctor could not heal. Others warned against reckless worship of the Muslimdeity, for he
is strict towards his worshippers, punishing those who are disrespectful and pray to him without refraining from eating pork.

However, this is not to say Datuk Gong of particular colour is limited to a certain function. My interviews with local devotees showed that Datuk Gong performs multiple roles, as god of health, god of wealth, god of earth and even exorcists to different people who
sought his help.
What do the worshippers pray for?
The ChineseworshippedDatuk Gong in the belief that the he has the power to preserve peace, harmony and safety in both residential areas and factories. An interviewee revealed that most Chinese factories would erect Datuk Gongshrines at their work-sites or compounds
and worship him in the morning and at night everyday to ensure smooth running of the business, especially if the land on which the factories are built have been newly reclaimed from forested areas or uninhabited land. Another devotee claimed that at least 80% of the Chinese businessmen who owned factories have an altar devoted to Datuk Gong at their work sites. Even though his claim might have been exaggerated, the popularity of Datuk Gong in Chinese-owned factories in Malacca is a fact verified by all my interviewees.

Although building altars are usually located in the front corners or at the back of Chinese houses, shops, factories or temples, fengshui (风水) sometimes plays a role in the site of the altar, especially for those who set up the altars in factories or at home. For
instance, an informant who is a member of a temple committee in Malacca pointed out that the altar of Datuk Gong at the back of the coffee-shop where I met him faces the entrance of the shop because the other directions either face Bukit Cina (the hill of the dead),
which is inauspicious, or the wall. He also mentioned that sometimes, Datuk Gong would choose his preferred location for the altar by appearing in the dreams of devotees or by voicing his request through a spirit-medium.

Taboos
According to informants, worshippers should never serve Datuk Gong with pork or it will incur his wrath and the devotee will be punished. For stricter Datuk Gong, devotees are not allowed to pray to him if they had pork for their meal just before they visit to him. If
a femaledevotee is having her period, she is seen as ‘dirty’ and forbidden from touching the deity, especially his head.

Interactions between Chinese businessmen and the Malay rulers were necessary to ensure profitability and convenience in trade. Historically, the Chinese immigrants had always been confined to the economic sector while the Malays dominated the politicalsphere. Chinese
businessmen sought stateprotection and maintenance of peace and stability, or economic benefits such as tax concessions. In return, they rewarded the help of Malay rulers by offering other benefits, such as sharing of monetary favours in terms of loans and giving the
rulers their political allegiance. The reciprocal relationship between the Malay rulers and Chinese immigrants is reflected in the cult of Datuk Gong. Many Chinese pray to Datuk Gong for economic benefits, such as lucky numbers or for the success of their economic
ventures. When their wishes are granted, they fulfill their vows to the deity by preparing a feast or rebuilding the shrine for the deity. On the other hand, if Datuk Gong does not prove to be responsive to the needs of his devotees, his shrine is allowed to fall into
disuse as devotees turn to other more powerful Datuk Gong.