NO CASINO IN EAST WINDSOR HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) Leaders of Connecticut s two federally recognized tribes say they re no longer considering East Windsor as a site for a proposed casino. The Mashantucket Pequot and Mohegan tribal chairmen said Wednesday they ll now enter the next phase of discussions with the communities of East Hartford, Hartford and Windsor Locks. Kevin Brown, chairman of the Mohegan Tribal Council, says it was a difficult decision but pursuing a facility in East Windsor was extremely challenging after one site was removed from consideration by the developer and others were not submitted by the property owner.

Rodney Butler, chairman of the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Council, says the site ultimately was not the right fit. The tribes hope to blunt competition from the planned MGM Resorts International casino in Springfield, Massachusetts. They still need legislative approval.

MAYNARD ATTORNEY NOT PLEASED WITH ACCIDENT REPORT The attorney representing Stonington state senator Andrew Maynard is taking issue with Waterford Police s final report issued Tuesday regarding last month s automobile accident involving Maynard. Robert Reardon claims he never told police that the Senator s reading and writing ability was impaired when police later interviewed him in the hospital. Reardon admits telling police Maynard has difficulty finding words to express his thoughts, but adds he never said the senator s reading and writing was affected.

Police say they re looking into Reardon s claim. Medical records showed Maynard suffered a seizure in the January 14th accident. Maynard suffered a traumatic brain injury back in 2014.

SKAKEL APPEAL HEARING A hearing before the Connecticut Supreme Court over whether the murder conviction against Kennedy cousin Michael Skakel that was overturned in 2013 should be reinstated was held Wednesday. Hubert Santos, Skakel s attorney, told the court that evidence in the case points to Skakel s brother, Thomas, and Michael Skakel s trial attorney didn t do enough to pursue that possibility. Thomas Skakel s attorney has previously said that his client had nothing to do with Martha Moxley s killing.

Robert Kennedy Jr. attended the hearing and told reporters outside the courthouse that he thinks two other men committed the crime. Prosecutors are standing by their position that Michael Skakel killed Moxley and his trial attorney did a competent job.

The court did not rule. PROPOSED ZONING CHANGE RECEIVES COMMISSION S BLESSING Norwich s Commission on the City Plan is unanimously recommending that two Taftville properties be re-zoned to allow commercial development there. A Windsor-based firm is planning to buy 27 and 51 Norwich Avenue, and combine it with 59 Norwich Avenue for the proposed development.

The land is located across from the Starrwood Supermarket. The City Council, which is also Norwich s zoning board, will take public comment on the potential zone change March 21st. RI CONSIDERING DRIVER S LICENSES FOR ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS PROVIDENCE, R.I. (AP) Lawmakers in Rhode Island are making another attempt to grant driving privileges to immigrants who are in the country illegally.

Dozens of immigrants and advocates on Wednesday joined state Sen. Frank Ciccone and state Rep. Anastasia Williams, both Providence Democrats, to rally for the legislation the lawmakers recently re-introduced in the General Assembly.

The bills would allow the state Department of Motor Vehicles to issue driver s licenses to people who don t have a lawful presence in the United States. Similar efforts stalled last year. Ciccone says he has revised the bill to model a Connecticut law that took effect last year.

Opponents say the licenses would draw more illegal immigration to the state.

Democratic Gov.

Gina Raimondo has voiced support for allowing everyone to get driver s licenses.

In his latest post, Matthew Goodwin reveals the most Eurosceptic seats in the UK and notes the surge in anti-EU feeling in England s eastern counties, Wales and the south-west. Conversely, Leave activists are unlikely to waste their time campaigning in London, where Remain prevails. What are the most Eurosceptic seats in Britain?

Since we last met, a new Eurosceptic movement has launched. Grassroots Out 1 (or Go!) is the latest effort to mobilise support for Brexit and claims that it will root its strategy around a constituency by constituency plan . This got me thinking.

What are the most Eurosceptic seats in Britain? There are different ways of answering this question. One way is to look in broad terms at the type of voters who are in each seat -ie to rank seats according to their share of the social groups that we know are most likely to lean toward Leave.

When Caitlin Milazzo and I did this for our recent book 2 we were left with the map below, which sorts seats according to how favourable they were likely to be to the harder brand of Euroscepticism offered by the UK Independence Party. As you can see, if Eurosceptics are planning to run a constituency-by-constituency campaign then the good news for them is that there is a very clear geographical pattern. They would do well, for example, to target England s eastern and southern coasts, parts of Yorkshire, the East Midlands, Cumbria and Wales.

You can download the complete rankings 3 for seats in England and Wales. The top ten seats in England are below. (1) Clacton UKIP (2) Boston and Skegness CON (3) Kingston-upon-Hull East LAB (4) Easington LAB (5) Barnsley East LAB (6) Knowsley LAB (7) Doncaster North LAB (8) Liverpool Walton LAB (9) Great Yarmouth CON (10) Ashfield LAB At the general election last May all but two of these seats handed Ukip higher than average shares of the vote, from 44% in Douglas Carswell s seat of Clacton to 21% in Gloria De Piero s seat of Ashfield. These seats are filled with voters who share the core features 4 of Eurosceptics blue-collar, grey hair, financially struggling, and lacking qualifications.

This is not a criticism, just a fact. Few Leave voters look like Daniel Hannan. But these areas also look very different to those at the other end of the spectrum, where the Leave campaigns will likely encounter hostile voters.

The ten least receptive seats are all in London like Chelsea and Fulham, and Hampstead and Kilburn. Beyond the capital the least receptive seats in England tend to be younger, urban and more affluent or ethnically secure Bristol West, Manchester Withington, Cambridge, Birmingham Ladywood, Sheffield Central, Reading East, Leeds North East, St Albans, Oxford East and Sheffield Hallam, to name only a few. But this is also only way to cut the numbers.

If you download the spreadsheet you can compare our rankings of the most Eurosceptic seats with those compiled by another team of academics. Rather than look only at the types of voters in seats, Chris Hanretty and his colleagues combined information on how voters plan to vote at the referendum with information on demographics to produce an estimate of the likely vote for Brexit in each seat. Many of the most Eurosceptic seats also appear toward the top of our own list filled with the same types of voters.

Here s their map . All but one of the ten most Eurosceptic seats also appear in the top third of our own list, revealing how the data are pointing toward very similar territory. 5 6 7 (1) Clacton UKIP (2) Castle Point CON (3) Great Yarmouth CON (4) Christchurch CON (5) Blackpool North and Cleveleys CON (6) Boston and Skegness CON (7) South Holland and The Deepings CON (8) North East Cambridgeshire CON (9) Waveney CON (10) Aldridge-Brownhills CON There are similar findings across both lists. First, between one-third and nearly half of the top hundred seats are scattered along Eastern England.

In earlier years the Eurosceptic movement was often most active in the south west but today it s real heartland is England s east coast. Second, the data also point to similar clusters of Eurosceptic potential in the Midlands, Yorkshire, and the North West, in struggling left behind areas like Blackpool, Bolton, Boston and Skegness, Don Valley, Dudley, Louth and Horncastle, Mansfield, Rotherham, Scunthorpe Stoke, Walsall and Wigan. Third, the Greater London area is not a complete desert for Eurosceptics.

Outer-east areas feature towards the top of both lists, like Dagenham and Rainham, Hornchurch and Upminster, and Romford. Fourth, our number crunching also flags a cluster of fifteen seats in Wales that look potentially receptive to the Brexit camp such as Rhondda, Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil, which goes some way to explaining why Ukip looks set 8 to enter the Welsh Assembly this year. So, what does all of this mean?

In what the polls suggest will be a close referendum race how the campaigns use data and target their resources could make all the difference. Inexperienced movements have a habit of targeting the wrong areas. There would be little point in Remain activists spending evenings and weekends in Clacton, or Leave activists traipsing around the leafy streets of Highgate and Hampstead.

Instead, both would do well to redirect their energy and focus onto territory where they can mobilise a much larger number of their supporters. After all, turnout could make all the difference. And, lastly, before anybody asks, we will come back to these data in a little while to explore the Remain heartland too.

Forthcoming events On February 24 Professor John Curtice and Matthew Goodwin will be discussing public attitudes toward the referendum at Portcullis House, House of Commons. Register here 9 On February 26 Chatham House will also be hosting a breakfast briefing for journalists on the referendum, featuring Anthony Wells and Professor Sara Hobolt. Journalists can register here 10 .

Other evidence-based blogs An excellent blog on that new YouGov poll 11 , showing Leave ahead A new survey 12 of MPs attitudes toward EU referendum via UK in a Changing Europe Simon Hix asks 13 Do UK MEPs get key positions of power in Europe? In the Telegraph I explore 14 why the referendum campaigns should avoid going negative In this helpful report, Rob Ford and Anthony Heath examine 15 public opinion on migrant benefits. An earlier and shorter version of this blogpost appeared in The Times Red Bo 16 x.

It represents the views of the author and not those of BrexitVote, nor the LSE. Matthew Goodwin 17 is Professor of Politics and International Relations at the University of Kent and an ESRC Senior Fellow on the UK in a Changing Europe programme. In 2015, he won the Paddy Power Political Book of the Year for Revolt on the Right, co-authored with Robert Ford.