Abstract

Nineteenth century Portsmouth experienced greater continuityof development than most industrial towns. Its size, themilitary and naval presence, and a large working class,were already well-established by the late eighteenthcentury. State ownership meant that the Yard was notproducing for a competitive product market; other thanpolitically-inspired demands for economy, management hadlittle incentive to rationalize production. The civiliantrades were more typical of other areas: mainly small-scaleclothing production, often employing women and often basedupon outwork.Thanks to the large state sector and the consequent underdevelopmentof commercial activities, Portsmouth had fewextremely wealthy inhabitants, but many in comfortablecircumstances. The most wealthy were often women, followedby retailers, commercial men, building employers, brewers,and a few professional men. Despite a widely-held beliefthat the town was not sharply differentiated, by wealth,cultural activities were greatly affected by class and status.Yard officials were infrequent participants in high-statusactivities, unless they held existing naval officer rank.Officers and the Southsea elite were the most frequentparticipants.The Borough continued to be dominated by %Thig-Liberals afterthe 1830s. In particular, the role of the Carter family wasundiminished for some years. Growth of the electorate,fears for the future of the Dockyard, decline of reformist xenthusiasm,and resentment at Whig policies fed an expandingpopulist Toryism. Always characterized by high participationby retailers, the status of Councillors fell steadily.Rating was the most important issue in local politics.Authority in the Yard was shared, between the Admiralty,local management, and key groups of craftsmen. Most Yardworkers saw no need for trade union organization. Friendlybenefits were already covered by non-contributory provisionfrom the employer; repre s ent ationh took place through thecommittee system and petitioning. Only with the onset ofserious demarcation disputes did the labour force start toorganize. Outside the Yard, the only permanent organizationswere among skilled building workers. Workers were morelikely to organize as consumers, through cooperatives; localsocial leaders could be asked to take up Dockyard issues.The concept of social control has limited value. The i834Poor Law Amendment Act was not fully implemented, and theprovision of a workhouse was unwillingly undertaken.Charities were more important in creating or confirmingstatus than in controlling working people. While both poorrelief and education were seen as means of social control,working people evaded poor relief through friendly societiesor Admiralty provision, and schools met many disciplinarydifficulties. The Borough Police demonstrated class bias;only with difficulty were the police themselves brought toaccept their role. Most moral reform movements were conspicuousfor their failure to secure their ends.