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ST. ATHANASIUS
DEFENSE BEFORE CONSTANTIUS
[Oxford translation by Rev. M. Atkinson, revised by Rev. Archibald
Robertson, Principal of Bishop Hatfield's Hall, Durham, late fellow of
Trinity College, Oxford.]
APOLOGIA AD CONSTANTIUM
1. Knowing that you have been a Christian for many years[1], most
religious Augustus, and that you are godly by descent, I cheerfully
undertake to answer for myself at this time;--for I will use the language
of the blessed Paul,, and make him my advocate before you, considering that
he was a preacher of the truth, and that you are an attentive hearer of his
words.
With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have been made the
ground of a conspiracy against me, it is sufficient to refer your Piety to
the testimony of the many Bishops who have written in my behalf[2]; enough
too is the recantation of Ursacius and Valens[3] to prove to all men, that
none of the charges which they set up against me had any truth in them. For
what evidence can others produce so strong, as what they declared in
writing? 'We lied, we invented these things; all the accusations against
Athanasius are full of falsehood.' To this clear proof may be added, if you
will vouchsafe to hear it, this circumstance that the accusers brought no
evidence against Macarius the presbyter while we were present; but in our
absence 4, when they were by themselves, they managed the matter as they
pleased. Now, the Divine Law first of all, and next our own Laws 5, have
expressly declared, that such proceedings are of no force whatsoever. From
these things your piety, as a lover of God and of the truth, will, I am
sure, perceive that we are free from all suspicion, and will pronounce our
opponents to be false accusers.
2. The first charge, of setting Constans against Constantius.
But as to the slanderous charge which has been preferred against me
before your Grace, respecting correspondence with the most pious Augustus,
your brother Constans[6], of blessed and everlasting memory (for my enemies
report this of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing), the former
events[7] are sufficient to prove this also to be untrue. Had it been
alleged by another set of persons, the matter would indeed have been a fit
subject of enquiry, but it would have required strong evidence, and open
proof in presence of both parties: but when the same persons who invented
the former charge, are the authors also of this, is it not reasonable to
conclude from the issue of the one, the falsehood of the other? For this
cause they again conferred together in private, thinking to be able to
deceive your Piety before I was aware. But in this they failed: you would
not listen to them as they desired, but patiently gave me an opportunity to
make my defence. And, in that you were not immediately moved to demand
vengeance, you acted only as was righteous in a Prince, whose duty it is to
wait for the defence of the injured party. Which if you will vouchsafe to
hear, I am confident that in this matter also you will condemn those
reckless men, who have no fear of that God, who has commanded us not to
speak falsely before the king[8].
3. He never saw Constans alone.
But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend myself against charges
such as these, which I do not suppose that even the accuser himself would
venture to make mention of in my presence. For he knows full well that he
speaks untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft of my senses, as even
to be open to the suspicion of having conceived any such thing. So that had
I been questioned by any other on this subject, I would not even have
answered, lest, while I was making my defence, my hearers should for a time
have suspended their judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer
with a loud and clear voice, and stretching forth my hand, as I have
learned from the Apostle, 'I call God for a record upon my soul[9],' and as
it is written in the histories of the Kings (let me be allowed to say the
same), 'The Lord is witness, and His Anointed is witness[10],' I have never
spoken evil of your Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious
Augustus of blessed memory. I did not exasperate him against you, as these
have falsely accused me. But whenever in my interviews with him he has
mentioned your Grace (and he did mention you at the time that Thalassus[1]
came to Pitybion, and I was staying at Aquileia), the Lord is witness, how
I spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God would reveal unto
your soul, that you might condemn the falsehood of these my calumniators.
Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant me your indulgence
while I speak of this matter. Your most Christian brother was not a man of
so light a temper, nor was I a person of such a character, that we should
communicate together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a
brother to a brother, or speak evil of an emperor before an emperor. I am
not so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that divine utterance which says,
'Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought; and curse not the rich in thy
bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that which
hath wings shall tell the matter[2].' If then those things, which are
spoken in secret against you that are kings, are not hidden it is not
incredible that I should have spoken against you in the presence of a king,
and of so many bystanders? For I never saw your brother by myself, nor did
he ever converse with me in private, but I was always introduced in company
with the Bishop of the city where I happened to be, and with others that
chanced to be there. We entered the presence together, and together we
retired. Fortunatian[3], Bishop of Aquileia, can testify this, the father
Hosius is able to say the same, as also are Crispinus, Bishop of Padua,
Lucillus of a Verona, Dionysius of Leis, and Vincentius of Campania. And
although Maximinus of Treveri, and Protasius of Milan, are dead, yet
Eugenius, who was Master of the Palace[4], can bear witness for me; for he
stood before the veil[5], heard what we requested of the Emperor, and what
he vouchsafed to reply to us.
4. The movements of Athanasius refute this charge.
This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me nevertheless to
lay before you an account of my travels, which will further lead you to
condemn the unfounded calumnies of my opponents. When I left Alexandria[6],
I did not go to your brother's head-quarters, or to any other persons, but
only to Rome; and having laid my case before the Church (for this was my
only concern), I spent my time in the public worship. I did not write to
your brother, except when Eusebius and his fellows had written to him to
accuse me, and I was compelled while yet at Alexandria to defend myself;
and again when I sent to him volumes[7] containing the holy Scriptures,
which he had ordered me to prepare for him. It behoves me, while I defend
my conduct, to tell the truth to your Piety. When however three years had
passed away, he wrote to me in the fourth year[7a], commanding me to meet
him (he was then at Milan); and upon enquiring the cause (for I was
ignorant of it, the Lord is my witness), I learnt that certain Bishops[8]
had gone up and requested him to write to your Piety, desiring that a
Council might be called. Believe me, Sire, this is the truth of the matter;
I lie not. Accordingly I went down to Milan, and met with great kindness
from him; for he condescended to see me, and to say that he had despatched
letters to you, requesting that a Council might be called. And while I
remained in that city, he sent for me again into Gaul (for the father
Hosius was going thither), that we might travel from thence to Sardica. And
after the Council, he wrote to me while I continued at Naissus[9], and I
went up, and abode afterwards at Aquileia; where the letters of your Piety
found me. And again, being invited thence by your departed brother, I
returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your Piety.
5. No possible time or place for the alleged offence.
Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at which I made use of
these expressions according to his slanderous imputation? In whose presence
was I so mad as to give utterance to the words which he has falsely charged
me with speaking? Who is there ready to support the charge, and to testify
to the fact? What his own eyes have seen that ought he to speak[1], as holy
Scripture enjoins. But no; he will find no witnesses of that which never
took place. But I take your Piety to witness, together with the Truth, that
I lie not. I request you, for I know you to be a person of excellent
memory, to call to mind the conversation I had with you, when you
condescended to see me, first at Viminacium[2], a second time at Caesarea
in Cappadocia, and a third[3] time at Antioch. Did I speak evil before you
even of Eusebius and his fellows who had persecuted me? Did I cast
imputations upon any of those that have done me wrong? If then I imputed
nothing to any of those against whom I had a fight to speak, how could I be
so possessed with madness as to slander an Emperor before an Emperor, and
to set a brother at variance with a brother? I beseech you, either cause me
to appear before you that the thing may be proved, or else condemn these
calumnies, and follow the example of David, who says, 'Whoso privily
slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy[4].' As much as in them lies,
they have slain me; for 'the mouth that belieth, slayeth the soul[5].' But
your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and given me confidence to
defend myself, that they may suffer condemnation, as contentious and
slanderous persons. Concerning your most religious brother, of blessed
memory, this may suffice: for you will be able, according to the wisdom
which God has given you, to gather much from the little I have said, and to
recognise the fictitious charge.
6. The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius.
With regard to the second calumny, that I have written letters to the
tyrant 6 (his name I am unwilling to pronounce), I beseech you investigate
and try the matter, in whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may
approve of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds me, that I am in
utter uncertainty how to act. Believe me, most religious Prince, many times
did I weigh the matter in my mind, but was unable to believe that any one
could be so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge was
published abroad by the Arians, as well as the former, and they boasted
that they had delivered to you a copy of the letter, I was the more amazed,
and I used to pass sleepless nights contending against the charge, as if in
the presence of my accusers; and suddenly breaking forth into a loud cry, I
would immediately fall to my prayers, desiring with groans and tears that I
might obtain a favourable hearing from you. And now that by the grace of
the Lord, I have obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I shall
begin my defence; for as often as I make an attempt to speak, I am
prevented by my horror at the deed. In the case of your departed brother,
the slanderers had indeed a plausible pretence for what they alleged;
because I had been admitted to see him, and he had condescended to write to
your brotherly affection concerning me; and he had often sent for me to
come to him, and had honoured me when I came. But for the traitor
Magnentius, 'the Lord is witness, and His Anointed is witness[6a],' I know
him not nor was ever acquainted with him. What correspondence then could
there be between persons so entirely unacquainted with each other? What
reason was there to induce me to write to such a man? How could I have
commenced my letter, had I written to him? Could I have said, 'You have
done well to murder the man who honoured me, whose kindness I shall never
forget?' Or, 'I approve of your conduct in destroying our Christian
friends, and most faithful brethren?' or, 'I approve of your proceedings in
butchering those who so kindly entertained me at Rome; for instance, your
departed Aunt Eutropia[6b], whose disposition answered to her name, that
worthy man, Abuterius, the most faithful Spirantius, and many other
excellent persons?'
7. This charge utterly incredible and absurd.
Is it not mere madness in my accuser even to suspect me of such a
thing? What, I ask again, could induce me to place confidence in this man?
What trait did I perceive in his character on which I could rely? He had
murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his friends; he had
violated his oath; he had blasphemed God, by consulting poisoners and
sorcerers[7] contrary to his Law. And with what conscience could I send
greeting to such a man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me
only, but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly indebted
to him for his conduct, that when your departed brother had filled our
churches with sacred offerings, he murdered him. For the wretch was not
moved by the sight of these his gifts, nor did he stand in awe of the
divine grace which had been given to him in baptism: but like au accursed
and devilish spirit, he raged against him, till your blessed brother
suffered martyrdom at his bands; while he, henceforth a criminal like Cain,
was driven from place to place, 'groaning and trembling[8],' to the end
that he might follow the example of Judas in his death, by becoming his own
executioner, and so bring upon himself a double weight of punishment in the
judgment to come.
8. Disproof of it.
With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been on terms of
friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like an enemy invented an
incredible fiction: for he knows full well that he has lied. I would that,
whoever he is, he were present here, that I might put the question to him
on the word of Truth itself (for whatever we speak as in the presence of
God, we Christians consider as an oath[9]); I say, that I might ask him
this question, which of us rejoiced most in the well-being of the departed
Constans? who prayed for him most earnestly? The facts of the foregoing
charge prove this; indeed it is plain to every one how the case stands. But
although he himself knows full well, that no one who was so disposed
towards the departed Constans, and who truly loved him, could be a friend
to his enemy, I fear that being possessed with other feelings towards him
than I was, he has falsely attributed to me those sentiments of hatred
which were entertained by himself.
9. Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing, that I am
quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence. I can only declare, that
I condemn myself to die ten thousand deaths, if even the least suspicion
attaches to me in this matter. And to you, Sire, as a lover of the truth, I
confidently make my appeal. I beseech you, as I said before, investigate
this affair, and especially with the testimony of those who were once sent
by him as ambassadors to you. These are the Bishops Sarvatius[1] and
Maximus and the rest, with Clementius and Valens. Enquire of them, I
beseech you, whether they brought letters to me. If they did, this would
give me occasion to write to him. But if he did not write to me, if he did
not even know me, how could I write to one with whom I had no acquaintance?
Ask them whether, when I saw Clementius and his fellows, and spoke of your
brother of blessed memory, I did not, in the language of Scripture, wet my
garments with tears', when I remembered his kindness of disposition and his
Christian spirit. Learn of them how anxious I was, on hearing of the
cruelty of the beast, and finding that Valens and his company had come by
way of Libya, lest he should attempt a passage also, and like a robber
murder those who held in love and memory the departed Prince, among whom I
account myself second to none.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother.
How with this apprehension of such a design on their part, was there
not an additional probability of my praying for your Grace? Should I feel
affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike towards you his brother
who avenged his death? Should I remember his crime, and forget that
kindness of yours which you vouchsafed to assure me by letters should
remain the same towards me after your brother's death of happy memory, as
it had been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to look upon the
murderer? Must I not have thought that the blessed Prince beheld me, when I
prayed for your safety? For brothers are by nature mirrors of each other.
Wherefore as seeing you in him, I never should have slandered you before
him; and as seeing him in you, never should I have written to his enemy,
instead of praying for your safety. Of this my witnesses are, first of all,
the Lord who has heard and has given to you entire the kingdom of your
forefathers: and next those persons who were present at the time,
Felicissimus, who was Duke of Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the former of
whom was Receiver-general, the latter, Master there; Count Asterius, and
Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus and Evagrius Official Agents[4].
I had only to say, 'Let us pray for the safety of the most religious
Emperor, Constantius Augustus,' and all the people immediately cried out
with one voice 'O Christ send help to Constantius;' and they continued
praying thus for some time[5].
11. Challenge to the accusers as to the alleged letter.
Now I have already called upon God, and His Word, the Only-begotten Son
our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for me, that I have never written to that
man, nor received letters from him. And as to my accuser, give me leave to
ask him a few short questions concerning this charge also. How did he come
to the knowledge of this matter? Will he say that he has got copies of the
letter? for this is what the Arians laboured to prove. Now in the first
place, even if he can shew writing resembling mine, the thing is not yet
certain; for there are forgers, who have often imitated the hand[6] even of
you who are Emperors. And the resemblance will not prove the genuineness of
the letter, unless my customary amanuensis shall testify in its favour. I
would then again ask my accusers, Who provided you with these copies? and
whence were they obtained? I had my writers[6a], and he his servants, who
received his letters from the bearers, and gave them into his hand. My
assistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe to summon the others (for they are
most probably still living), and enquire concerning these letters. Search
into the matter, as though Truth were the partner of your throne. She is
the defence of Kings, and especially of Christian Kings; with her you will
reign most securely, for holy Scripture says, 'Mercy and truth preserve the
king, and they will encircle his throne in righteousness[7.' And the wise
Zorobabel gained a victory over the others by setting forth the power of
Truth, and all the people cried out, 'Great is the truth, and mighty above
all things[8].'
12. Truth the defence of Thrones.
Had I been accused before any other, I should have appealed to your
Piety; as once the Apostle appealed unto Caesar, and put an end to the
designs of his enemies against him. But since they have had the boldness to
lay their charge before you, to whom shall I appeal from you? to the Father
of Him who says, 'I am the Truth[9],' that He may incline your heart into
clemency :--
O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this Kingdom to Thy servant Constantius;
do Thou shine into his heart, that he, knowing the falsehood that is set
against me, may both favourably receive this my defence; and may make known
unto all men, that his ears are firmly set to hearken unto the Truth,
according as it is written, Righteous lips alone are acceptable unto the
King[10].' For Thou hast caused it to be said by Solomon, that thus the
throne of the kingdom shall be established.
Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, and let the accusers
understand that your desire is to learn the truth; and see, whether they
will not shew their falsehood by their very looks; for the countenance is a
test of the conscience as it is written, 'A merry heart maketh a cheerful
countenance, but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken[1].' Thus they
who had conspired against Joseph[2] were convicted by their own
consciences; and the craft of Laban towards Jacob was shewn in his
countenance[3]. And thus you see the suspicious alarm of these persons, for
they fly and hide themselves; but on our part frankness in making our
defence. And the question between us is not one regarding worldly wealth,
but concerning the honour of the Church. He that has been struck by a
stone, applies to a physician; but sharper than a stone are the strokes of
calumny; for as Solomon has said, 'A false witness is a maul, and a sword,
and a sharp arrow[4],' and its wounds Truth alone is able to cure; and if
Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and worse.
13. This charge rests on forgery.
It is this that has thrown the Churches everywhere into such confusion;
for pretences have been devised, and Bishops of great authority, and of
advanced age[5], have been banished for holding communion with me. And if
matters had stopped here, our prospect would be favourable through your
gracious interposition. But that the evil may not extend itself, let Truth
prevail before you; and leave not every Church under suspicion, as though
Christian men, nay even Bishops, could be guilty of plotting and writing in
this manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the matter, it is but
right that we who offer our defence, should be believed, rather than our
calumniators. They, like enemies, are occupied in wickedness; we, as
earnestly contending for our cause, present to you our proofs. And truly I
wonder how it comes to pass, that while we address you with fear and
reverence, they are possessed of such an impudent spirit, that they dare
even to lie before the Emperor. But I pray you, for the Truth's sake, and
as it is written[5a], 'search diligently' in my presence, on what grounds
they affirm these things, and whence these letters were obtained. But
neither will any of my servants be proved guilty, nor will any of his
people be able to tell whence they came; for they are forgeries. And
perhaps one had better not enquire further. They do not wish it, lest the
writer of the letters should be certain of detection. For the calumniators
alone, and none besides, know who he is.
14. The third charge, of using an undedicated Church.
But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the matter of the
great Church[5b], that a communion was holden there before it was
completed, I will answer to your Piety on this charge also; for the parties
who are hostile towards me constrain me to do so. I confess this did so
happen; for, as in what I have hitherto said, I have spoken no lie, I will
not now deny this. But the facts are far otherwise than they have
represented them. Suffer me to declare to you, most religious Augustus,
that we kept no day of dedication (it would certainly have been unlawful to
do so, before receiving orders from you), nor were we led to act as we did
through premeditation. No Bishop or other Clergyman was invited to join in
our proceedings; for much was yet wanting to complete the building. Nay the
congregation was not held on a previous notice, which might give them a
reason for informing against us. Every one knows how it happened; hear me,
however, with your accustomed equity and patience. It was the feast of
Easter[5c], and the multitude assembled together was exceeding great, such
as Christian kings would desire to see in all their cities. Now when the
Churches were found to be too few to contain them, there was no little stir
among the people, who desired that they might be allowed to meet together
in the great Church, where they could all offer up their prayers for your
safety. And this they did; for although I exhorted them to wait awhile, and
to hold service in the other Churches, with whatever inconvenience to
themselves, they would not listen to me; but were ready to go out of the
city, and meet in desert places in the open air, thinking it better to
endure the fatigue of the journey, than to keep the feast in such a state
of discomfort.
15. Want of room the cause, precedent the justification.
Believe me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this also, when I
declare that in the congregations held during the season of Lent, in
consequence of the narrow limits of the places, and the vast multitude of
people assembled, a great number of children, not a few of the younger and
very many of the older women, besides several young men, suffered so much
from the pressure of the crowd, that they were obliged to be carried home;
though by the Providence of God, no one is dead. All however murmured, and
demanded the use of the great Church. And if the pressure was so great
during the days which preceded the feast, what would have been the case
during the feast itself? Of course matters would have been far worse. It
did not therefore become me to change the people's joy into grief, their
cheerfulness into sorrow, and to make the festival a season of lamentation.
And that the more, because I had a precedent in the conduct of our
Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the other places were too small,
and he was engaged in the erection of what was then considered a very large
one, the Church of Theonas[6], held his congregations there on account of
the number of the people, while at the same time he proceeded with the
building. I have seen the same thing done at Treveri and at Aquileia, in
both which places, while the building was proceeding, they assembled there
during the feasts, on account of the number of the people and they never
found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay, your brother of blessed
memory was present, when a communion was held under these circumstances at
Aquileia. I also followed this course. There was no dedication, but only a
service of prayer. You, at least I am sure, as a lover of God will approve
of the people's zeal, and will pardon me for being unwilling to hinder the
prayers of so great a multitude:
16. Better to pray together than separately.
But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it right that the
people should pray? in the deserts, or in a place which was in course of
building for the purpose of prayer? Where was it becoming and pious that
the people should answer, Amen[7]? in the deserts, or in what was already
called the Lord's house? Where would you, most religious Prince, have
wished your people to stretch forth their hands, and to pray for you? Where
Greeks, as they passed by, might stop and listen, or in a place named after
yourself, which all men have long called the Lord's house, even since the
foundations of it were laid? I am sure that you prefer your own place; for
you smile, and that tells me so. 'But,' says the accuser, 'it ought to have
been in the Churches. They were all, as I said before, too small and
confined to admit the multitude. Then again, in which way was it most
becoming that their prayers should be made? Should they meet together in
parts and separate companies, with danger from the crowded state of the
congregation? or, when there was now a place that would contain them all,
should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and the same voice in
perfect harmony? This was the better course, for this shewed the unanimity
of the multitude: in this way God will readily hear prayer. For if,
according to the promise of our Saviour Himself[8], where two shall agree
together as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for
them, how shall it be when so great an assembly of people with one voice
utter their Amen to God? Who indeed was there that did not marvel at the
sight? Who but pronounced you happy when they saw so great a multitude met
together in one place? How did the people themselves rejoice to see each
other, having been accustomed heretofore to assemble in separate places!
The circumstance was a source of pleasure to all; of vexation to the
calumniator alone.
17. Better to pray, in a building than in the desert.
Now then, I would also meet the other and only remaining objection of
my accuser. He says, the building was not completed, and prayer ought not
to have been made there. But the Lord said, 'But thou, when thou prayest,
enter into thy closet, and shut the door[9].' What then will the accuser
answer? or rather what will all prudent and true Christians say? Let your
Majesty ask the opinion of such: for it is written of the other, 'The
foolish person will speak foolishness[10];' but of these, 'Ask counsel of
all that are wise[1].' When the Churches were too small, and the people so
numerous as they were, and desirous to go forth into the deserts, what
ought I to have done? The desert has no doors, and all who choose may pass
through it, but the Lord's house is enclosed with walls and doors, and
marks the difference between the pious and the profane. Will not every wise
person then, as well as your Piety, Sire, give the preference to the latter
place? For they know that here prayer is lawfully offered, while a
suspicion of irregularity attaches to it there. Unless indeed no place
proper for it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only in the desert, as was
the case with Israel; although after the tabernacle was built, they also
had thenceforth a place set apart for prayer. O Christ, Lord and true King
of kings, Only-begotten Son of God, Word and Wisdom of the Father, I am
accused because the people prayed Thy gracious favour, and through Thee
besought Thy Father, who is God over all, to save Thy servant, the most
religious Constantius. But thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for this
that I am blamed, and for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had been the
blame, and more true had been the charge, had we passed by the place which
the Emperor was building, and gone forth into the desert to pray. How would
the accuser then have vented his folly? With what apparent reason would he
have said, 'He despised the place which you are building; he does not
approve of your undertaking; he passed it by in derision; he pointed to the
desert to supply the want of room; he prevented the people when they wished
to offer up their prayers.' This is what he wished to say, and sought an
occasion of saying it; and finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith
invents a charge against me. Had he been able to say this, he would have
confounded me with shame; as now he injures me, copying the accuser's ways,
and watching for an occasion against those that pray. Thus has he perverted
to a wicked purpose his knowledge of Daniel's[2] history. But he has been
deceived; for he ignorantly imagined, that Babylonian practices were in
fashion with you, and knew not that you are a friend of the blessed Daniel,
and worship the same God, and do not forbid, but wish all men to pray,
knowing that the prayer of all is, that you may continue to reign in
perpetual peace and safety.
18. Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
This is what I have to complain of on the part of my accuser. But may
you, most religious Augustus, live through the course of many years to
come, and celebrate the dedication of the Church, Surely the prayers which
have been offered for your safety by all men, are no hindrance to this
celebration. Let these unlearned persons cease such misrepresentations, but
let them learn from the example of the Fathers; and let them read the
Scriptures. Or rather let them learn of you, who are so well instructed in
such histories, how that Joshua the son of Josedek the priest, and his
brethren, and Zorobabel the wise, the son of Salathiel, and Ezra the priest
and scribe of the law, when the temple was in course of building after the
captivity, the feast of tabernacles being at hand (which was a great feast
and time of assembly and prayer in Israel), gathered[3] the people together
with one accord in the great court within the first gate, which is toward
the East, and prepared the altar to God, and there offered their gifts, and
kept the feast. And so afterwards they brought hither their sacrifices, on
the sabbaths and the new moons, and the people offered up their prayers.
And yet the Scripture says expressly, that when these things were done, the
temple of God was not yet built; but rather while they thus prayed, the
building of the house was advancing. So that neither were their prayers
deferred in expectation of the dedication, nor was the dedication prevented
by the assemblies held for the sake of prayer. But the people thus
continued to pray; and when the house was entirely finished, they
celebrated the dedication, and brought their gifts for that purpose, and
all kept the feast for the completion of the work. And thus also have the
blessed Alexander, and the other Fathers done. They continued to assemble
their people, and when they had completed the work they gave thanks unto
the Lord, and celebrated the dedication. This also it befits you to do, O
Prince, most careful in your inquiries. The place is ready, having been
already sanctified by the prayers which have been offered in it, and
requires only the presence of your Piety. This only is wanting to its
perfect beauty. Do you then supply this deficiency, and there make your
prayers unto the Lord, for whom you have built this house. That you may do
so is the prayer of all men.
19. Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an Imperial order.
And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining accusation,
and permit me to answer it likewise. They have dared to charge me with
resisting your commands, and refusing to leave my Church. Truly I wonder
they are not weary of uttering their calumnies; I however am not yet weary
of answering them, I rather rejoice to do so; for the more abundant my
defence is, the more entirely must they be condemned. I did not resist the
commands of your Piety, God forbid; I am not a man that would resist even
the Quaestor[3a] of the city, much less so great a Prince. On this matter I
need not many words, for the whole city will bear witness for me.
Nevertheless, permit me again to relate the circumstances from the
beginning; for when you hear them, I am sure you will be astonished at the
presumption of my enemies. Montanus, the officer of the Palace[4], came and
brought me a letter, which purported to be an answer to one from me,
requesting that I might go into Italy, for the purpose of obtaining a
supply of the deficiencies which I thought existed in the condition of our
Churches. Now I desire to thank your Piety, which condescended to assent to
my request, on the supposition that I had written to you, and has made
provision[5] for me to undertake the journey, and to accomplish it without
trouble. But here again I am astonished at those who have spoken falsehood
in your ears, that they were not afraid, seeing that lying belongs to the
Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, 'I am the Truth[6].' For
I never wrote to you, nor will my accuser be able to find any such letter;
and though I ought to have written every day, if I might thereby behold
your gracious countenance, yet it would neither have been pious to desert
the Churches, nor right to be troublesome to your Piety, especially since
you are willing to grant our requests in behalf of the Church, although we
are not present to make them. Now may it please you to order me to read
what Montanus commanded me to do. This is as follows[7]. * * *
20. History of his disobeying it.
Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained this letter also? I
would learn of them who it was that put it into their hands? Do you cause
them to answer. By this you may perceive that they have forged this, as
they spread abroad also the former letter, which they published against me,
with reference to the ill-named Magnentius. And being convicted in this
instance also, on what pretence next will they bring me to make my defence?
Their only concern is, to throw everything into disorder and confusion; and
for this end I perceive they exercise their zeal. Perhaps they think that
by frequent repetition of their charges, they will at last exasperate you
against me. But you ought to turn away from such persons, and to hate them;
for such as themselves are, such also they imagine those to be who listen
to them; and they think that their calumnies will prevail even before you.
The accusation of Doeg[8] prevailed of old against the priests of God: but
it was the unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto him. And Jezebel was able
to injure the most religious Naboth[9] by her false accusations; but then
it was the wicked and apostate Ahab who hearkened unto her. But the most
holy David, whose example it becomes you to follow, as all pray that you
may, favours not such men, but was wont to turn away from them and avoid
them, as raging dogs. He says, 'Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him
will I destroy[10].' For he kept the commandment which says, 'Thou shall
not receive a false report[11].' And false are the reports of these men in
your sight. You, like Solomon, have required of the Lord (and you ought to
believe yourself to have obtained your desire), that it would seem good
unto Him to remove far from you vain and lying words[12].
21. Forasmuch then as the letter owed its origin to a false story, and
contained no order that I should come to you, I concluded that it was not
the wish of your Piety that I should come. For in that you gave me no
absolute command, but merely wrote as in answer to a letter from me,
requesting that I might be permitted to set in order the things which
seemed to be wanting, it was manifest to me (although no one told me this)
that the letter which I had received did not express the sentiments of your
Clemency. All knew, and I also stated in writing, as Montanus is aware,
that I did not refuse to come, but only that I thought it unbecoming to
take advantage of the supposition that I had written to you to request this
favour, fearing also lest the false accusers should find in this a pretence
for saying that I made myself troublesome to your Piety. Nevertheless, I
made preparations, as Montanus also knows, in order that, should you
condescend to write to me, I might immediately leave home, and readily
answer your commands; for I was not so mad as to resist such an order from
you. When then in fact your Piety did not write to me, how could I resist a
command which I never received? or how can they say that I refused to obey,
when no orders were given me? Is not this again the mere fabrication of
enemies, pretending that which never took place? I fear that even now,
while I am engaged in this defence of myself, they may allege against me
that I am doing that which I have never obtained your permission to do. So
easily is my conduct made matter of accusation by them, and so ready are
they to vent their calumnies in despite of that Scripture, which says,
'Love not to slander another, lest thou be cut off[1].'
22. Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus.
After a period of six and twenty months, when Montanus had gone away,
there came Diogenes the Notary[2]; but he brought me no letter, nor did we
see each other, nor did he charge me with any commands as from you.
Moreover when the General Syrianus entered Alexandria[3], seeing that
certain reports were spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that matters
would now be as they wished, I enquired whether he had brought any letters
on the subject of these statements of theirs. I confess that I asked for
letters containing your commands. And when he said that he bad brought
none, I requested that Syrianus himself, or Maximus the Prefect of Egypt,
would write to me concerning this matter. Which request I made, because
your Grace has written to me, desiring that I would not suffer myself to be
alarmed by any one, nor attend to those who wished to frighten me, but that
I would continue to reside in the Churches without fear. It was Palladius,
the Master of the Palace, and Asterius, formerly Duke of Armenia, who
brought me this letter. Permit me to read a copy of it. It is as follows:
23. A copy[4] of the letter as follows:
Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius[5].
It is not unknown to your Prudence, how constantly I prayed that
success might attend my late brother Constans in all his undertakings, and
your wisdom will easily judge how greatly I was afflicted, when I learnt
that he had been cut off by the treachery of villains. Now forasmuch as
certain persons are endeavouring at this time to alarm you, by setting
before your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I have thought good to address to
your Reverence this present letter, to exhort you, that, as becomes a
Bishop, you would teach the people to conform to the established[6]
religion, and, according to your custom, give yourself up to prayer
together with them. For this is agreeable to our wishes; and our desire is,
that you should at every season be a Bishop in your own place.
And in another hand:--May divine Providence preserve you, beloved
Father, many years.
24. Why Athanasius did not obey the Imperial Order.
On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with the
magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having received it, should
demand their letters, and refuse to give heed to mere pretences? And were
they not acting in direct contradiction to the tenor of your instructions
to me, while they failed to shew me the commands of your Piety? I
therefore, seeing they produced no letters from you, considered it
improbable that a mere verbal communication should be made to them,
especially as the letter of your Grace had charged me not to give ear to
such persons. I acted rightly then, most religious Augustus, that as I had
returned to my country under the authority of your letters, so I should
only leave it by your command; and might not render myself liable hereafter
to a charge of having deserted the Church, but as receiving your order
might have a reason for my retiring. This was demanded for me by all my
people, who went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters, and the greatest
part, to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus, the Prefect of
Egypt, was also there: and their request was that either he would send me a
declaration of your wishes in writing, or would forbear to disturb the
Churches, while the people themselves were sending a deputation to you
respecting the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus at
last perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, protesting by your
safety (Hilary was present and witnessed this) that he would put an end to
the disturbance, and refer the case to your Piety. The guards of the Duke,
as well as those of the Prefect of Egypt, know that this is true; the
Prytanis[7] of the city also remembers the words; so that you will perceive
that neither I, nor any one else, resisted your commands.
25. The irruption of Syrianus.
All demanded that the letters of your Piety should be exhibited. For
although the bare word of a King is of equal weight and authority with his
written command, especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms in writing
that it has been given him; yet when they neither openly declared that they
had received any command, nor, as they were requested to do, gave me
assurance of it in writing, but acted altogether as by their own authority;
I confess, I say it boldly, I was suspicious of them. For there were many
Arians about them, who were their companions at table, and their
counsellors; and while they attempted nothing openly, they were preparing
to assail me by stratagem and treachery. Nor did they act at all as under
the authority of a royal command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the
solicitation of enemies. This made me demand more urgently that they should
produce letters from you, seeing that all their undertakings and designs
were of a suspicious nature; and because it was unseemly that after I had
entered the Church, under the authority of so many letters from you, should
retire from it without such a sanction. When however Syrianus gave his
promise, all the people assembled together in the Churches with feelings of
joyfulness and security. But three and twenty days after[8], he burst into
the Church with his soldiers, while we were engaged in our usual services,
as those who entered in there witnessed; for it was a vigil, preparatory to
a communion on the morrow. And such things were done that night as the
Arians desired and had beforehand denounced against us. For the General
brought them with him; and they were the instigators and advisers of the
attack. This is no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus; for
it was not done in secret, but was noised abroad everywhere. When
therefore I saw the assault begun, I first exhorted the people to retire,
and then withdrew myself after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those
who were with me at the time witness. Since then, I have remained by
myself, though I have all confidence to answer for my conduct, in the first
place before God, and also before your Piety, for that I did not flee and
desert my people, but can point to the attack of the General upon us, as a
proof of persecution. His proceedings have caused the greatest astonishment
among all men; for either he ought not to have made a promise, or not to
have broken it after he had made it.
26. How Athanasius acted when this took place.
Now why did they form this plot against me, and treacherously lay an
ambush to take me, when it was in their power to enforce the order by a
written declaration? The command of an Emperor is wont to give great
boldness to those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly made
the suspicion stronger that they had received no command. And did I require
anything so very absurd? Let your Majesty's candour decide. Will not every
one say, that such a demand was reasonable for a Bishop to make? You know,
for you have read the Scriptures, how great an offence it is for a Bishop
to desert his Church, and to neglect the flocks of God. For the absence of
the Shepherd gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the sheep. And this
was what the Arians and all the other heretics desired, that during my
absence they might find an opportunity to entrap the people into impiety.
If then I had fled, what defence could I have made before the true Bishops?
or rather before Him Who has committed to me His flock? He it is Who judges
the whole earth, the true King of all, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of
God. Would not every one have rightly charged me with neglect of my people?
Would not your Piety have blamed me, and have justly asked, 'After you had
returned under the authority of our letters, why did you withdraw without
such authority, and desert your people?' Would not the people themselves at
the day of judgment have reasonably imputed to me this neglect of them, and
have said, 'He that had the oversight of us fled, and we were neglected,
there being no one to put us in mind of our duty?' When they said this,
what could I have answered? Such a complaint was made by Ezekiel against
the Pastors of old[9]; and the blessed Apostle Paul, knowing this, has
charged every one of us through his disciple, saying, 'Neglect not the gift
that is in thee, which was given thee, with the laying on of the hands of
the presbytery[10].' Fearing this, I wished not to flee, but to receive
your commands, if indeed such was the will of your Piety. But I never
obtained what I so reasonably requested, and now I am falsely accused
before you; for I resisted no commands of your Piety; nor will I now
attempt to return to Alexandria, until your Grace shall desire it. This I
say beforehand, lest the slanderers should again make this a pretence for
accusing me.
27. Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius, but is stopped by
the news of the banishment of the Bishops.
Observing these things, I did not give sentence against myself, but
hastened to come to your Piety, with this my defence, knowing your
goodness, and remembering your faithful promises, and being confident that,
as it is written in the divine Proverbs, 'Just speeches are acceptable to a
gracious king[1].' But when I had already entered upon my journey, and had
passed through the desert[1a], a report suddenly reached me[2], which at
first I thought to be incredible, but which afterwards proved to be true.
It was rumoured everywhere that Liberius, Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius
of Spain, Paulinus of Gaul, Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy, Lucifer of
Sardinia, and certain other Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons, had been
banished[3] because they refused to subscribe to my condemnation. These had
been banished: and Vincentius of Capua, Fortunatian of Aquileia, Heremius
of Thessalonica, and all the Bishops of the West, were treated with no
ordinary force, nay were suffering extreme violence and grievous injuries,
until they could be induced to promise that they would not communicate with
me. While I was astonished and perplexed at these tidings, behold another
report[8] overtook me, respecting them of Egypt and Libya, that nearly
ninety Bishops had been under persecution, and that their Churches were
given up to the professors of Arianism; that sixteen had been banished, and
of the rest, some had fled, and others were constrained to dissemble. For
the persecution was said to be so violent in those parts, that at
Alexandria, while the brethren were praying during Easter and on the Lord's
days in a desert place near the cemetery, the General came upon them with a
force of soldiery, more than three thousand in number, with arms, drawn
swords, and spears; whereupon outrages, such as might be expected to follow
so unprovoked an attack, were committed against women and children, who
were doing nothing more than praying to God. It would perhaps be
unseasonable to give an account of them now, lest the mere mention of such
enormities should move us all to tears. But such was their cruelty, that
virgins were stripped, and even the bodies of those who died from the blows
they received were not immediately given up for burial, but were cast out
to the dogs, until their relatives, with great risk to themselves, came
secretly and stole them away, and much effort was necessary, that no one
might know it.
28. The news of the intrusion of George.
The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought incredible, and
will fill all men with astonishment, by reason of their extreme atrocity.
It is necessary however to speak of them, in order that your Christian zeal
and piety may perceive that their slanders and calumnies against us are
framed for no other end, than that they may drive us out of the Churches,
and introduce their own impiety in our place. For when the lawful Bishops,
men of advanced age, had some of them been banished, and others forced to
fly, heathens and catechumens, those who hold the first places in the
senate and men who are notorious for their wealth, were straightway
commissioned by the Arians to preach the holy faith instead of
Christians[9]. And enquiry was no longer made, as the Apostle enjoined, 'if
any be blameless[10]:' but according to the practice of the impious
Jeroboam, he who could give most money was named Bishop; and it made no
difference to them, even if the man happened to be a heathen, so long as he
furnished them with money. Those who had been Bishops from the time of
Alexander monks and ascetics, were banished: and men practised only in
calumny corrupted, as far as in them lay, the Apostolic rule, and polluted
the Churches. Truly their false accusations against us have gained them
much, that they should be able to commit iniquity, and to do such things as
these in your time; so that the words of Scripture may be applied to them,
'Woe unto those through whom My name is blasphemed among the Gentiles[1].'
29. Athanasius has heard of his own proscription.
Such were the rumours that were noised abroad; and although everything
was thus turned upside down, I still did not relinquish my earnest desire
of coming to your Piety, but was again setting forward on my journey. And I
did so the more eagerly, being confident that these proceedings were
contrary to your wishes, and that if your Grace should be informed of what
was done, you would prevent it for the time to come. For I could not think
that a righteous king could wish Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be
stripped, or the Churches to be in any way disturbed. While I thus reasoned
and hastened on my journey, behold a third report reached me, to the effect
that letters had been written to the Princes of Auxumis, desiring that
Frumentius[2], Bishop of Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that
search should be made for me even as far as the country of the Barbarians,
that I might be handed over to the Commentaries[3] (as they are called) of
the Prefects, and that all the laity and clergy should be compelled to
communicate with the Arian heresy, and that such as would not comply with
this order should be put to death. To shew that these were not merely idle
rumours, but that they were confirmed by facts, since your Grace has given
me leave, I produce the letter. My enemies were constantly reading it, and
threatening each one with death.
30. A copy of the letter of Constantius against Athanasius.
Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians.
Your city, preserving its national character, and remembering the
virtue of its founders, has habitually shewn itself obedient unto us, as it
does at this day; and we on our part should consider ourselves greatly
wanting in our duty, did not our good will eclipse even that of Alexander
himself. For as it belongs to a temperate mind, to behave itself orderly in
all respects, so it is the part of royalty, on account of virtue, permit me
to say, such as yours, to embrace you above all others; you, who rose up as
the first teachers of wisdom who were the first to acknowledge[3a] God; who
moreover have chosen for yourselves the most consummate masters; and have
cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly abominating that impostor and
cheat, and dutifully uniting yourselves to those venerable men who are
beyond all admiration. And yet, who is ignorant, even among those who live
in the ends of the earth, what violent party spirit was displayed in the
late proceedings? with which we know not anything that has ever happened,
worthy to be compared. The majority of the citizens had their eyes blinded,
and a man who had come forth from the lowest dens of infamy obtained
authority among them, entrapping into falsehood, as under cover of
darkness, those who were desirous to know the truth;--one who never
provided for them any fruitful and edifying discourse, but corrupted their
minds with unprofitable subtleties. His flatterers shouted and applauded
him; they were astonished at his powers, and they still probably murmur
secretly; while the majority of the more simple sort took their cue from
them. And thus all went with the stream, as if a flood had broken in, while
everything was entirely neglected. One of the multitude was in power;--how
can I describe him more truly than by saying, that he was superior in
nothing to the meanest of the people, and that the only kindness which he
shewed to the city was, that he did not thrust her citizens down into the
pit. This noble-minded and illustrious person did not wait for judgment to
proceed against him, but sentenced himself to banishment, as he deserved.
So that now it is for the interest of the Barbarians to remove him out of
the way, lest he lead some of them into impiety, for he will make his
complaint, like distressed characters in a play, to those who first fall in
with him. To him however we will now bid a long farewell. For yourselves
there are few with whom I can compare you: I am bound rather to honour you
separately above all others, for the great virtue and wisdom which your
actions, that are celebrated almost through the whole world, proclaim you
to possess. Go on in this sober course. I would gladly have repeated to me
a description of your conduct in such terms of praise as it deserves; O you
who have eclipsed your predecessors in the race of glory, and will be a
noble example both to those who are now alive, and to all who shall come
after, and alone have chosen for yourselves the most perfect of beings as
guide for your conduct, both in word and deed, and hesitated not a moment,
but manfully transferred your affections, and gave yourselves up to the
other side, leaving those grovelling[4] and earthly teachers, and
stretching forth towards heavenly things, under the guidance of the most
venerable Georges[5], than whom no man is more perfectly instructed
therein. Under him you will continue to have a good hope respecting the
future life, and will pass your time in this present world, in rest and
quietness. Would that all the citizens together would lay hold on his
words, as a sacred anchor, so that we might need neither knife nor cautery
for those whose souls are diseased! Such persons we most earnestly advise
to renounce their zeal in favour of Athanasius, and not even to remember
the foolish things which he spoke so plentifully among them. Otherwise they
will bring themselves before they are aware into extreme peril, from which
we know not any one who will be skilful enough to deliver such factious
persons. For while that pestilent fellow Athanasius is driven from place to
place, being convicted of the basest crimes, for which he would only suffer
the punishment he deserves, if one were to kill him ten times over, it
would be inconsistent in us to suffer those flatterers and juggling
ministers of his to exult against us; men of such a character as it is a
shame even to speak of, respecting whom orders have long ago been given to
the magistrates, that they should be put to death. But even now perhaps
they shall not die, if they desist from their former offences, and repent
at last. For that most pestilent fellow Athanasius led them on, and
corrupted the whole state, and laid his impious and polluted hands upon the
most holy things.
31. Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians against Frumentius.
The following is the letter which was written to the Princes of Auxumis
respecting Frumentius, Bishop of that place.
Constantius Victor Maximus Augustus, to Aezanes and Sazanes.
It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern to us, to
extend the knowledge of the supreme God[6]; and I think that the whole race
of mankind claims from us equal regard in this respect, in order that they
may pass their lives in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God,
and having no differences with each other in their enquiries concerning
justice and truth. Wherefore considering that you are deserving of the same
provident care as the Romans, and desiring to shew equal regard for your
welfare, we command that the same doctrine be professed in your Churches as
in theirs. Send therefore speedily into Egypt the Bishop Frumentius to the
most venerable Bishop George, and the rest who are there, who have especial
authority to appoint to these offices, and to decide questions concerning
them. For of course you know and remember (unless you alone pretend to be
ignorant of that which all men are well aware of) that this Frumentius was
advanced to his present rank by Athanasius, a man who is guilty of ten
thousand crimes; for he has not been able fairly to clear himself of any of
the charges brought against him, but was at once deprived of his see, and
now wanders about destitute of any fixed abode, and passes from one country
to another, as if by this means he could escape his own wickedness. Now if
Frumentius shall readily obey our commands, and shall submit to an enquiry
into all the circumstances of his appointment, he will shew plainly to all
men, that he is in no respect opposed to the laws of the Church and the
established[7] faith. And being brought to trial, when he shall have given
proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an account of his life to
those who are to judge of these things, he shall receive his appointment
from them, if it shall indeed appear that he has any right to be a Bishop.
But if he shall delay and avoid the trial, it will surely be very evident,
that he has been induced by the persuasions of the wicked Athanasius, thus
to indulge impiety against God, choosing to follow the course of him whose
wickedness has been made manifest. And our fear is lest he should pass over
into Auxumis and corrupt your people, by setting before them accursed and
impious statements, and not only unsettle and disturb the Churches, and
blaspheme the supreme God, but also thereby cause utter overthrow and
destruction to the several nations whom he visits. But I am sure that
Frumentius will return home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that
concern the Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of great
and general utility, from the conversation of the most venerable George,
and such other of the Bishops, as are excellently qualified to communicate
such knowledge. May God continually preserve you, most honoured brethren.
32. He defends his Flight.
Hearing, nay almost seeing, these things, through the mournful
representations of the messengers, I confess I turned back again into the
desert, justly concluding, as your Piety will perceive, that if I was
sought after, that I might be sent as soon as I was discovered to the
Prefects[8], I should be prevented from ever coming to your Grace; and that
if those who would not subscribe against me, suffered so severely as they
did, and the laity who refused to communicate with the Arians were ordered
for death, there was no doubt at all but that ten thousand new modes of
destruction would be devised by the calumniators against me; and that after
my death, they would employ against whomsoever they wished to injure,
whatever means they chose, venting their lies against us the more boldly,
for that then there would no longer be any one left who could expose them.
I fled, not because I feared your Piety (for I know your long- suffering
and goodness), but because from what had taken place, I perceived the
spirit of my enemies, and considered that they would make use of all
possible means to accomplish my destruction, from fear that they would be
brought to answer for what they had done contrary to the intentions of your
Excellency. For observe, your Grace commanded that the Bishops should be
expelled only out of the cities and the province. But these worthy persons
presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged men and Bishops
venerable for their years into desert and unfrequented and frightful
places, beyond the boundaries of three provinces[9]. Some of them were sent
off from Libya to the great Oasis; others from the Thebais to Ammoniaca in
Libya[10]. Neither was it from fear of death that I fled; let none of them
condemn me as guilty of cowardice; but because it is the injunction of our
Saviour[1] that we should flee when we are persecuted, and hide ourselves
when we are sought after, and not expose ourselves to certain dangers, nor
by appearing before our persecutors inflame still more their rage against
us. For to give one's self up to one's enemies to be murdered, is the same
thing as to murder one's self; but to flee, as our Saviour has enjoined, is
to know our time, and to manifest a real concern for our persecutors, lest
if they proceed to the shedding of blood, they become guilty of the
transgression of the law, 'Thou shalt not kill[2].' And yet these men by
their calumnies against me, earnestly wish that I should suffer death. What
they have again lately done proves that this is their desire and murderous
intention. You will be astonished, I am sure, Augustus, most beloved of
God, when you hear it; it is indeed an outrage amazement. What it is, I
pray worthy of you briefly to hear.
33. Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins.
The Son of God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, having become man
for our sakes, and having destroyed death, and delivered our race from the
bondage of corruption[3], in addition to all His other benefits bestowed
this also upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the state of
virginity[3a], a picture of the holiness of Angels. Accordingly such as
have attained this virtue, the Catholic Church has been accustomed to call
the brides of Christ. And the heathen who see them express their admiration
of them as the temples of the Word. For indeed this holy and heavenly
profession is nowhere[3b] established, but only among us Christians, and it
is a very strong argument that with us is to be found the genuine and true
religion. Your most religious father Constantine Augustus, of blessed
memory, honoured the Virgins above all the rest, and your Piety in several
letters has given them the titles of the honourable and holy women. But now
these worthy Arians who have slandered me, and by whom conspiracies have
been formed against most of the Bishops, having obtained the consent and
cooperation of the magistrates, first stripped them, and then caused them
to be suspended upon what are called the Hermetaries[4], and scourged them
on the ribs so severely three several times, that not even real malefactors
have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to gratify the Jews of old, pierced
one of our Saviour's sides with a spear. These men have exceeded the
madness of Pilate, for they have scourged not one but both His sides; for
the limbs of the Virgins are in an especial manner the Saviour's own. All
men shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like these. These men
alone not only did not fear to strip and to scourge those undefiled limbs,
which the Virgins had dedicated solely to our Saviour Christ; but, what is
worse than all, when they were reproached by every one for such extreme
cruelty, instead of manifesting any shame, they pretended that it was
commanded by your Piety. So utterly presumptuous are they and full of
wicked thoughts and purposes. Such a deed as this was never heard of in
past persecutions[5]: or supposing that it ever occurred before, yet surely
it was not befitting either that Virginity should suffer such outrage and
dishonour, in the time of your Majesty, a Christian, or that these men
should impute to your Piety their own cruelty. Such wickedness belongs only
to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of God, and to do violence to His holy
Virgins.
34. He expostulates with Constantius.
Now when such enormities as these were again perpetrated by the Arians,
I surely was not wrong in complying with the direction of Holy Scripture,
which says, 'Hide thyself for a little moment, until the wrath of the Lord
be overpast[6].' This was another reason for my withdrawing myself,
Augustus, most beloved of God; and I refused not, either to depart into the
desert, or, if need were, to be let down from a wall in a basket[7]. I
endured everything, I even dwelt among wild beasts, that your favour might
return to me, waiting for an opportunity to offer to you this my defence,
confident as I am that they will be condemned, and your goodness manifested
unto me. O, Augustus, blessed and most beloved of God, what would you have
had me to do? to come to you while my calumniators were inflamed with rage
against me, and were seeking to kill me; or, as it is written, to hide
myself a little, that in the mean time they might be condemned as heretics,
and your goodness might be manifested unto me? or would you have had me,
Sire, to appear before your magistrates, in order that though you had
written merely in the way of threatening, they not understanding your
intention, but being exasperated against me by the Arians, might kill me on
the authority of your letters, and on that ground ascribe the murder to
you? It would neither have been becoming in me to surrender, and give
myself up that my blood might be shed, nor in you, as a Christian King, to
have the murder of Christians, and those too Bishops, imputed unto you.
35. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait for this
opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your knowledge of the sacred
Scriptures you will assent and approve of my conduct in this respect. For
you will perceive that, now those who exasperated you against us have been
silenced, your righteous clemency is apparent, and it is proved to all men
that you never persecuted the Christians at all, but that it was they who
made the Churches desolate, that they might sow the seeds of their own
impiety everywhere; on account of which I also, had I not fled, should long
ago have suffered from their treachery. For it is very evident that they
who scrupled not to utter such calumnies against me, before the great
Augustus, and who so violently assailed Bishops and Virgins, sought also to
compass my death. But thanks be to the Lord who has given you the kingdom.
All men are confirmed in their opinion of your goodness, and of their
wickedness, from which I fled at the first, that I might now make this
appeal unto you, and that you might find some one towards whom you may shew
kindness. I beseech you, therefore, forasmuch as it written, 'A soft answer
turneth away wrath,' and 'righteous thoughts are acceptable unto the
King[8] ;' receive this my defence, and restore all the Bishops and the
rest of the Clergy to their countries and their Churches; so that the
wickedness of my accusers may be made manifest, and that you, both now and
in the day of judgment, may have boldness to say to our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, the King of all, '" None of Thine have I lost[9]," but these
are they who designed the ruin of all, while I was grieved for those who
perished, and for the Virgins who were scourged, and for all other things
that were committed against the Christians; and I brought back them that
were banished, and restored them to their own Churches.'
Taken from "The Early Church Fathers and Other Works" originally published
by Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. in English in Edinburgh, Scotland, beginning in
1867. (LNPF II/IV, Schaff and Wace). The digital version is by The
Electronic Bible Society, P.O. Box 701356, Dallas, TX 75370, 214-407-WORD.
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