The PDC was one of several parties created
after General Odria, Peru's dictator, surprisingly announced his
intention to hold elections in 1956 and obey the constitutional
limit of a one-term, six-year presidency. The Christian Democratic
Movement was formally organized in the City of Arequipa on
September 27, 1955, by students and followers of the exiled
Ex-President Bustamante. Hector Cornejo Chavez and Mario Polar
Ugarteche were the party's chief founders. The party's name did
not change during our time period.

1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity

0, AC9

The PDC, although entering coalitions and
experiencing internal factionalism, did not experience either a
split or a merger during our time period. The radical-conservative
division within the party did result in a split in 1967, after our
period of study.

1.04 Leadership Competition

12, AC5

Hector Cornejo Chavez became leader of the
PDC upon its founding in 1955. After the PDC and its presidential
candidate, the radical Cornejo, were soundly defeated in the 1962
elections, Javier Correa y Elias became leader of the party.
Correa, a leading PDC conservative, was probably elected by the
party convention in the same manner that Cornejo defeated him in
1965.

1.05 Legislative Instability

Instability is .89, AC5

The party's legislative representation
remained generally at 7 or 8 percent with the exception of 1962,
when the party faltered in the election and appears to have won
only 3 percent of the seats. This election was annulled, however,
and the party returned to 7 percent of the seats in
1963.

1.06 Electoral Instability

Instability is 1.67, AC4

The PDC fielded a candidate of its own in
only one of the four elections during our time period. In 1962,
the Christian Democrat Cornejo received only three percent of the
vote . The high instability score for the party is due to its
failure to offer its own candidate in the elections of 1956 and
1963, and its non-existence for the election of 1950.

Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07

2.01 Government Discrimination

0 for 1956-63, AC5

The Prado regime apparently did not
discriminate against the PDC, despite the party's boistrous
opposition and criticism. The temporary limitation on party
gatherings in 1958 applied to all parties, although the PDC was
most noticeably in protest. The AP-PDC Government of Belaunde
apparently did not discriminate either for or against the
PDC.

2.02 Governmental Leadership

0 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9

General Odria was Peru's president from
1948 to 1956. President Prado of the MDP reigned from 1956 to
1962. Belaunde terry of the AP became president in 1963, after a
temporary military dictatorship. The PDC supported Belaunde as the
junior partner in the 1963 AP-PDC Coalition.

2.03 Cabinet Participation

1 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9

The PDC received cabinet posts in 1963
under president Belaunde. Belaunde's Accion Popular and the PDC
entered into coalition prior to the 1963 elections, which Belaunde
won. The coalition was governmental as well as parliamentary and
electoral.

2.04 National Participation

5 for 1956-63, AC5

Although the PDC is most successful in
southern Peru and the City of Arequipa, the party competes
nationally. A 1968 survey shows that the party's support deviates
from the population distribution by an average of 6.6 percentage
points when calculated over these regions--eastern jungles, coast,
highlands, and Lima.

2.05 LegislativeStrength

Strength is .07 for 1956-63,
AC5

The party's legislative representation
remained generally at 7 or 8 percent with the exception of 1962,
when the party faltered in the election and appears to have won
only 3 percent of the seats. This election was annulled, however,
and the party returned to 7 percent of the seats in
1963.

2.06 Electoral Strength

Strength is .03 for 1956-63,
AC6

The PDC fielded a candidate of its own in
only one of the four elections during our time period. In 1962,
the Christian Democrat Cornejo received only three percent of the
vote . The high instability score for the party is due to its
failure to offer its own candidate in the elections of 1956 and
1963, and its non-existence for the election of 1950.

2.07 Outside Origin

6, AC5

The PDC was founded in 1955 by prominent
citizens, among whom were students, prominent Catholic laymen, and
former supporters of Bustamente. Mario polar and Cornejo, a
professor of law, were leaders of the early
organization.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15

5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production

1, AC5

The PDC seems to have generally favored
limited government ownership and increased government regulation.
Vague references to the party's issue orientation depict the PDC
as desiring moderate reforms. In 1962, PDC leader and presidential
candidate Cornejo, in an attempt to alter his radical image,
stated a desire for foreign investments.

5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning

1, AC4

Although information is vague and
incomplete, it appears that the PDC favored an increased
government role in the economy. The party probably desired tax
reform. As a "moderate" party in the area of economic planning,
the PDC advocated measures which seem to have appeared "radical"
to those favoring the free enterprise policies of the
Prado-Beltran years.

5.03 Redistribution of Wealth

3, AC5

The PDC apparently desired a moderate
redistribution of wealth. The party advocated limited
socialization of land, and probably favored tax reform. Although
the PDC was known to be concerned about the poor Indian
population, the party rarely made this concern public as did APRA
and the AP. The PDC supported Belaunde's plans to uplift the
Indian population.

5.04 Social Welfare

AC2

The PDC advocated "social justice" in
accordance with the Papal Encyclicals. While probably in favor of
government provision of social welfare , the party cannot be coded
for this variable due to insufficient information.

5.05 Secularization of Society

AC2

The church and state were separated
constitutionally in Peru. Although most Peruvian parties were
probably favorably disposed towards the Catholic Church, no
information concerning party policy towards secularization is
evident. The PDC was not supported by the Catholic
Church.

5.06 Support of the Military

AC1

No information

5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs

5, AC5

The PDC has denounced communism when
accused of Communist ties. Cornejo professed a belief in democracy
and criticized the Cuban Government. He also stated the desire for
United States investment. The PDC apparently favors acceptance of
US aid and continued membership in the OAS.

5.08 Anti-Colonialism

1, AC5

The PDC seems to accept foreign
investments. This policy was espoused by the party leader,
Cornejo, while he was a presidential candidate.

5.09 Supranational Integration

AC1

No information

5.10 National Integration

AC2

The PDC advocates the strengthening of
local government. The degree of this strength is
unknown.

5.11 Electoral Participation

5, AC5

There is no information in the file
concerning the PDC's position on this variable, but our consultant
reports that a 1967 survey of party leaders showed the PDC leaders
alone in favor of extending the franchise.

5.12 Protection of Civil rights

AC2

The PDC favors "social justice" in
accordance with the Encyclicals of Pope John XXIII. Party concern
for the Indian poor suggests that it might advocate government
protection of civil rights, but information is insufficient for
coding purposes.

5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties

AC1

No information

5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right
Ratings

US says 2, center

Soviets say 2, the party represents the
interests of the national bourgeoisie and minor landowners. It has
influence among the intelligentsia, a sector of students, and some
groups of the peasantry.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55

6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral
Process

4, AC5

The PDC participated in the elections of
1956, 1962, and 1963. Although the party has been accused of
subversive activities, the PDC appears to have relied solely on
the strategy of open competition in the electoral
process.

6.10 Restricting Party
Competition

0, AC5

The PDC did not attempt to restrict party
competition. The PDC relied upon the strategy of open
competition.

6.20 Subverting the Political
System

0, AC5

In 1958, the PDC planned and executed an
anti-government "march of silence" which, when attacked by police
units, developed into a riot. The party cannot be faulted in its
attempt to conduct a peaceful demonstration, nor can government
accusations of PDC participation in subversive activities be
substantiated. In 1956, the party opposed demonstrations against
the Odria regime. The PDC relies upon the strategy of open
competition.

6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program

6.31--2, AC6. The PDC published two small,
non-daily newspapers ("The Actuality" and the
"Democracy").

6.32--0, AC3. There is no evidence of PDC
party schools.

6.33--2, AC3. The PDC probably passed
resolutions and platforms frequently. The national convention did
so as it met approximately once yearly.

6.34--2, AC3. The PDC apparently published
position papers fairly frequently, such as in the party
newspapers.

6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members

AC1

No information

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05

7.01 Sources of Funds

AC2

No evidence is available concerning party
sources of funds. The PDC did not receive substantial
contributions from the catholic church.

7.02 Source of Members

6 (sectors 03, 06), AC3

Little information regarding party
membership exists. Membership is probably direct with no
requirements. The PDC is noted for its intellectual following.
Party ranks include many prominent Catholic lay.

7.03 Sources of Leaders

1 (sector 03), AC3

The PDC is apparently led by Catholic
educators and professionals. Cornejo, party leader 1955-62, was a
professor of law.

7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties

7, AC9

The PDC did not sacrifice its autonomy
under the leadership of Cornejo , a leading party "radical." After
Cornejo's defeat in the 1962 presidential elections, party
conservatives, led by Correa, assumed PDC leadership and entered
into coalition with the AP. The PDC was a junior member of this
electoral, parliamentary, and governmental coalition. However,
this pact was not negotiated until the final year of our time
period. Therefore, the PDC is considered autonomous during the
last half of our period of study, which is the dominant code.
There is some evidence of PDC cooperation with Peruvian
communists, but the nature of this alleged alliance is
unknown.

7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations

3, AC8

As early as 1953, the PDC apparenly
participated in the international meetings of Christian Democratic
Parties. The party organized the Fifth International Congress of
Christian Democratic Parties, held in Lima, in 1966.

Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07

8.01 Structural Articulation

2, AC3

Information regarding party organization is
incomplete. The party is said to be highly organized, but only one
organ, the national assembly, can be definitely identified.
Selection procedures are indeterminate.

8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization

AC1

No information

8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization

AC2

Information is insufficient for purposes of
coding. The party is supposedly highly organized. It competes
nationally, but is most successful in southern Peru.

8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings

AC1

No information

8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings

AC2

The National Convention of the PDC
apparently convened once each year. There is no information
concerning a Party National Committee.

8.06 Maintaining Records

AC2

While the PDC may have expended some
energies in publishing party propaganda, there is no information
concerning membership lists or a party archive.

8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization

0, AC3

Peru's socioeconomic organizations appear
to have been autonomous of the PDC. The independent student front
included several PDC activists, but PDC control was nill. PDC
student activists were rarely successful in student
politics.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08

9.01 Nationalization of
Structure

AC1

No information

9.02 Selecting the National
Leader

3, AC3

A reference to the 1965 election of Cornejo
over incumbent party leader Correa leads us to suspect that this
procedure was utilized in choosing the PDC leader at previous
conventions.

9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates

AC1

No information

9.04 Allocating Funds

AC1

No information

9.05 Formulating Policy

AC2

While PDC policy is most often announced by
the party leader, information regarding the process of policy
determination is lacking.

9.06 Controlling Communications

AC2

While the PDC apparently published two
non-daily newspapers, there is no information concerning
circulation or the level of party control.

9.07 Administering Discipline

AC1

No information

9.08 Leadership Concentration

4, AC3

While the party leader seems to have
commanded considerable authority, other party leaders were
influential in policy formation. Cornejo, polar, and Correa are
mentioned as important PDC leaders.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06

10.01 Legislative Cohesion

.90, AC3

Although information is incomplete, PDC
legislators probably voted en bloc on most issues. The party was
in the minority legislative opposition during the Prado years. In
1963, the AP-PDC coalition held a minority of the legislative
seats.

10.02 Ideological Factionalism

5, AC5

The PDC was apparently torn by
factionalism. Cornejo was a leader of the party's liberal or
radical wing, and polar, with Correa, led the conservatives.
Neither group seems to have created a formal organization of its
own during our time period. A split occurred in 1967 when polar
and Lima's Mayor Bedoya Reyes formed the Partido Popular
Christiano, but this came after our period of study. The PPC
included approximately one-third of the PDC
membership.

10.03 Issue Factionalism

1, AC3

Issues probably were debated by party
leaders. Most disputes most likely arose along ideological
lines.

10.04 Leadership Factionalism

1, AC3

The ideological factions of the PDC clearly
followed the leadership of Cornejo, on the one hand, and Polar,
Correa, and (later) Bedoya Reyes, on the other. However, the
personalistic basis of the followings is unclear. It seems likely
that these leaders were the most prominent men of each ideological
camp and did not create the factions personally.

10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism

5, AC3

The conservative-liberal division in the
PDC was probably due to strategical and tactical concerns as well
as ideological differences. Under the leadership of Cornejo and
the liberal wing, the PDC rejected an offer of coalition with the
AP, and, apparently, cooperated in some manner with the
communists. In 1963, after Cornejo's defeat and Correa's
assumption of PDC leadership, and two years after turning down the
offer of alliance, Correa and the conservative wing accepted
Belaunde's offer of coalition. In 1965, Cornejo , again party
leader, partially withdrew PDC support of the more conservative
Belaunde government and broke with Belaunde completely in
1967.

10.06 Party Purges

0, AC3

There is no evidence of a PDC purge during
our time period.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06

11.01 Membership Requirements

AC1

No information

11.02 Membership Participation

AC1

No information

11.03 Material Incentives

0, AC3

There is no reason to believe that more
than a few PDC militants were motivated by material
incentives.

11.04 Purposive Incentives

3, AC3

The PDC, a strongly ideological party,
probably motivated most of its militants through purposive
incentives.

11.05 Doctrinism

1, AC3

The PDC is said to have occasionally
referred to the Papal Encyclicals of Pope John XXIII.

11.06 Personalism

0, AC3

The PDC, in a nation dominated by
personalistic parties, appears to have not motivated many
militants by personalism. The party claims no leader of great
charismatic character. Cornejo may have motivated a few militants,
but even these would have probably been small in number.