The current vice Prime minister, Jose Luis Guterres does not represent the FRETILIN vote. He along with other "FRETILIN mundansa" publicly campaigned for CNRT during the election.

Therfore their votes are with the CNRT vote. To say that he represents FRETILIN is an insult to the party and the people that voted for them. Jose Luis Gutterres should be ashamed to have taken the position and to even suggest he represents the FRETILIN vote.

"UNMIT assumes no responsibility for the accuracy of the articles or for the accuracy of their translations. The selection of the articles and their content do not indicate support or endorsement by UNMIT express or implied whatsoever. UNMIT shall not be responsible for any consequence resulting from the publication of, or from the reliance on, such articles and translations."

National Media Reports

F-FDTL: ready to have dialogue with Petitioners and Alfredo

The Secretary of State and Military and Defence, Julio Thomas Pinto has confirmed that the F-FDTL is ready to have dialogue with the petitioners and Alfredo Reinado and his men.

“F-FDTL is always open to have dialogue with petitioners and Alfredo Reinado Alves and his followers,” said Mr. Julio on Tuesday (21/8) in Government Palace, Dili.

He said that the F-FDTL is ready to talk to try and solve the problems in the country. (TP)

New government starts discussing IDPS’ problems

The new government led by Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmão in the meeting of council ministers on Wednesday has begun discussing the IDP problem.

“We discussed many issues to keep an eye on the emergency situation in the eastern part of the country concerning IDPs and the Government will examin the problems,” said Vice Prime Minister, José Luis Guterres after meeting.

He also said that the government continues to provide humanitarian assistance to the victims of violence that broke out in Baucau, Lautem and Viqueque districts. (TP)

Xanana: Fretilin’s member will be involved in the government

The Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão has declared that the Alliance government will include some members of Fretilin in the government’s structure.

Speaking to the journalists after the meeting of council ministers on Wednesday (22/8) in government palace, Mr. Gusmao said that he will consult with Fretilin members to ensure they are involved in the alliance government.

“I will not name those Fretilin members who will be included in the government’s structure, as it is better you ask the Vice Prime Minister and Fretilin representative Jose Luis Guterres,” said Mr. Gusmão.

“I know that our Prime Minister, Mr. Gusmão has sent some letter to Fretilin’s leaders to ask some members to take part in the government,” said Mr. Guterres. (TP)

Emergency assistance lost in the mid way

The emergency support distributed to the eastern part of the country, Baucau, Lautem and Viqueque districts a week ago, did not reach the victims.

“Some got lost mid-way or did not reach the victims because the location of the victims is difficult to reach,” said Ms. Antonia Carmen da Cruz, the Director of Social National Services on Tuesday (21/8) in Caicoli, Dili.

According to Ms. Carmen, the number of the victims is large and includes victims of sexual assault.

Separately, the CNRT parliamentary member Paulo de Fatima Martins informed that the emergency supports to the victims in the eastern parts of the country has been insufficient. (TP)

Government to reform F-FDTL’s standpoint

The Secretary of State and Defence, Julio Thomas Pinto affirmed that government led by Prime Minister, Kayrala Xanana Gusmão will reform the F-FDTL to professional standards.

“The reformation is not focused on the Falintil veterans; there are many veterans that have a vision for how to develop the military. It is very important to reform the mentality from that of a guerilla mentality to a professional mentality,” said Mr. Pinto.

He added that government will also make a special study on the military’s ability to vote in elections. (TP)

RENETIL to monitor activities of the parliament

The Resistencia National do Estudantes Timor0-Leste/ National Resistance of Students of Timor Leste (RENETIL) has commended monitoring the new parliament.

Speaking to journalists on Wednesday (22/8) in Dili RENETIL’s Coordinator, Eurico Nelson de Carvalho stated that the RENETIL’s role is to monitor things such as participation, quality of participation, decision making mechanisms and parliamentary ethics.

Mr. Eurico said that the national parliament represents all Timorese people in the process of legislation, supervision and political decisions. (TP)

Xanana’s governmental cabinet not completed yet

Although the Alliance’s government was sworn in on 8 August, there still remains some ministry and state secretary positions that have not been filled.

Speaking to journalist on Tuesday (21/8) in Government Palace, Dili the vice Prime Minister José Luis Guterres said that the Prime Minister Gusmão will find people to fill the positions but did not comment on who they would be. (STL)

ISF 20km away when dialogue with Alfredo held

Alfredo Reinado has told the Government that the International Stabilization Forces (ISF) should 20km away from where any talks may be held.

Mr. Reinado has also called on the ISF not to conduct helicopter and ground patrols near the place of dialogue.

Reinado’s lawyer, Benevides Correia Barros said on Wednesday (22/8) at the Hotel Timor in Dili said that it’s important that the ISF, UNPol and PNTL fulfill the president’s request in halting the operation against his client.

He also said it should be guaranteed that when Reinado does come to talk, that he is not captured. (STL)

UN agencies condemn violence against children

The United Nations Agencies in Timor-Leste together with national and international NGO have condemned the violence against children in the country..

The condemnation is done through the joint declaration which calls on all Timorese people including political parties, authorities and the members of community to protect children from the violence and physical threat and to promote childrens’ right to peace.

These agencies note with concern the violence in the eastern part of the country that resulted in children becoming the victims during violent protests.

The agencies also proposed to the authorities to arrest the perpetrators that have been violent. (STL)

Cipriana Pereira: Fretilin militants complicated with the Alliance government

The Fretilin parliamentary member Cipriana Pereira said that Fretilin’s militants in the rural areas specifically in sub-district Atauro are concerned about the alliance government led by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão.

Speaking to journalist on Wednesday (22/8), Ms. Pereira said that the people from Atauro sub-district are concerned the alliance is unconstitutional. (DN)

This is a broadcast of the UN Police in Timor-Leste to provide you with information about the security situation around the country.

The security situation in Timor-Leste as a whole has been stable, although there were serious incidents in Metinaro and Ermera today.

There was a fight in Metinaro this morning involving 100 - 300 people armed with machetes, steel darts and bows. Formed Police Units (FPUs) and the International Stabilization Force (ISF) managed to control the situation, but the market was almost completely destroyed in the fighting. Three people were arrested. Latest reports indicate that trouble has flared up again this afternoon, and that ten houses and a motorcycle have been set on fire. The police and the fire brigade are in attendance.

In Ermera, there are reports of a confrontation this afternoon in Ducarai village and Laucau sub-village in which two people were killed. There is no further information at this stage.

Today in Dili, UNPol attended eight incidents. This afternoon, large groups were engaged in sporadic fighting in the vicinity of Surik Mas and Bairo Pite. Police have been in attendance and have fired tear gas to control the crowds. Six people have been arrested so far.

Separately, a fire was also reported near the Comoro round about, which was extinguished with only minor damage to the property. A small fight near Bebonuk primary school was also brought under control by police.

United Nations police officers in conjunction with the national police of Timor-Leste (PNTL) and the International Stabilisation Force (ISF) remain fully deployed to respond to any disturbances that may emerge.

The Police advise to avoid traveling during the night to the most affected areas. Please report any suspicious activities. You can call 112 or 7230365 to contact the police 24 hours a day, seven days a week.

What difference will the election of Labor leader Kevin Rudd as Australia’s next prime minister make for his Pacific neighbours? Will there be significant changes, or just more of the same?

Unlike the sometimes tumultuous democratic change elsewhere, Australian elections are a staid affair. But consistent polls tell us that a limited version of “regime change” is about to take place in Canberra.

The Rudd team has successfully marketed itself, and the investment groups, mining companies and corporate media which dominate Australian policy – despite their prior uncritical support for prime minister John Howard – broadly accept the proposed change. Media tycoon Rupert Murdoch even gave his personal blessing, after Rudd visited him in New York.

No small part of the Rudd team’s success has been the ugliness of the incumbents.

Domestic legitimacy was difficult to maintain in face of the unpopular privatisations, bloody war, racist policy towards immigrants and refugees, and attacks on domestic civil and industrial rights.

The Pacific legacy, similarly, is not pretty.

While preaching “good governance” and security in the region, intervention and corruption were hallmarks of the Howard administration.

Regional intervention was linked to commercial and strategic interest, but argued in the name of “stability” and “assistance”.

The Ramsi intervention in the Solomon Islands, although initially invited, led to a near collapse in relations between the Australian and Solomons governments.

The 2006 intervention in Timor Leste, following a long conflict over oil and gas revenue, affronted the major political party.

Fretilin now in opposition, blames Australia for backing a coup.

And the planned Enhanced Cooperation Programme for PNG collapsed after unconstitutional immunities sought for Australian officials were overturned in PNG’s Supreme Court.

Under Alexander Downer’s stewardship of foreign affairs and trade, the Australian Wheat Board (AWB) personnel paid nearly A$300 million in bribes to Saddam Hussein’s regime, to secure pre-invasion wheat contracts.

As an official inquiry showed, Downer then argued the case for Australian participation in the illegal invasion of Iraq, on the basis that support for the US-led war would benefit “Australia’s commercial position in Iraq”.

As it happened, exposure of the AWB scandal allowed the US to completely squeeze Australian wheat suppliers out of the Iraqi market.

Neighbouring leaders were treated with contempt.

When PNG Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare was forced to remove his shoes in Brisbane airport, Downer claimed this was a “standard operation” that applies to “everybody”.

Yet when US vice-president Dick Cheney arrived in Australia, state laws were changed overnight, at Howard and Downer’s request, to allow Cheney’s bodyguards to carry their weapons through the airport and onto the streets of Sydney.

Then as Solomons prime minister Manasseh Sogavare sought to appoint Australian lawyer Julian Moti as his attorney-general, Canberra and the Australian federal police decided they would sideline Moti with charges that he had engaged in child sex in Vanuatu.

In fact, Moti had been cleared of all charges and was not wanted in Vanuatu. His real offence, it seems, was that he had advised an inquiry into the role of Australian police in the April 2006 disturbances in Honiara.

When Moti passed through Port Moresby, the PNG Government did not comply with an Australian extradition request, and instead deported him to the Solomons, Howard and Downer then turned on the PNG Government.

With such a history, most Australians and their Pacific neighbours are keen to see the back of Howard.

Indeed, regime change in Canberra at the least brings the prospect of some new faces, and perhaps a change of tone in the conversation.

Rudd and his shadow foreign minister Robert McClelland may well take a step back from the overt racism that characterised the Howard-Downer regime, where neighbouring governments were bluntly told what was good for them.

This change in tone may be reflected in some actual policy changes, for example a resurgence in the teaching of Asian languages in Australian schools, and an increase in AusAID scholarships.

Rudd has spoken of a “Pacific Colombo Plan”, suggesting significant numbers of scholarships.

He has also indicated a planned increase in the AusAID budget, from 0.3% to 0.5% of GDP, by 2015-16.

Most of this, as we know, will return as “boomerang aid” to the handful of Australiancompanies who are AusAID’s “preferred contractors”.

Nevertheless, aid money is clearly a central means by which Rudd hopes to rescue Australian influence. He recognises the damage Howard has done, speaking of a “long-term drift in Australia’s strategic standing right across this region” and expressing a desire to control “anti-Australianism” and avoid “costly military interventions”.

What might this mean in practice?

It may include increased intervention.

Rudd’s party now speaks of a “staged withdrawal” of troops from Iraq, but a build-up inAfghanistan and the Pacific, possibly including Timor Leste.

The budget of the Australian Federal Police in the Pacific already nearly exceeds its domestic budget, but Rudd has promised them even greater resources.

Education aid will be targeted. Rudd will likely follow Howard in plans to increase scholarships to Timor Leste, now that Australian troops have helped sideline Fretilin.

Due to Howard’s chilly relations with the Alkatiri government, scholarships to Australianuniversities for Timorese students had fallen from 20% a year to just 8% per year. That may now increase.

McClelland, who is likely to be the new foreign minister under a Rudd government, has spoken of Labor’s desire to train “a new generation of young leaders” from Timor Leste, PNG, the Solomons and Fiji, with greater Australian loyalties.

This brings us back to the continuities between Howard and Rudd. We can expect Rudd as prime minister to continue to back Australian mining companies and to work against potential competitors, in the Timor Sea and in PNG.

He will be hostile to plans to develop gas processing capacity in Timor Leste and PNG, ifAustralian companies are not involved.

Rudd will probably continue Howard and Downer’s opposition to Cuban health and health training programmes in the region, but the opposition will remain private, because Australia cannot compete.

Timor Leste already has one of the fastest-growing health systems in the world,largely thanks to Cuban generosity.

Relations with China are in a class apart, due to its economic power.

Rudd, who speaks Chinese, has said he will seek greater engagement with China while maintaining a strong alliance with the US.

A further continuity will be Rudd’s backing of the “open market” or export-oriented approach to agriculture.

This is dictated by the global ambitions of Australian agribusiness.

On this basis, Australia refused to help rebuild Timor Leste’s rice production after 1999, even though it sells no rice to that country.

Australia does have substantial rice exports to PNG, and typically does not support staple grain programmes.

A Labor government led by Rudd would not be quick to move on the “migrant worker” issue, because of trade union fears.

A possible breakthrough might come for skilled workers in the mining sector.

The simplest solution, of course, would be to extend to young Pacific people the backpacker visas now offered to young “working tourists” from wealthier countries such as Britain, Germany and South Korea.

However, residual racism in the Australian immigration system may make this difficult.

As Rudd says, he “will listen” to the region.

His background as a diplomat and a linguist give him some advantages, in this regard.

However as a technocrat – who quibbles more with Howard’s means than his ends – he can be expected to maintain support for all the important commercial and strategic interests backed by Howard.

The pressure and influence is likely to be less crass and less public, but somewhat more “backroom” and cheque-book driven.

Note: The author is a senior lecturer in Political Economy at the University of Sydney