National Affairs: McCARTHYISM: MYTH & MENACE

This was the key syllogism of the McCarthy myth. In 1951, the Fair
Dealing New York Post, in a series on McCarthy, said: "Joe McCarthy
hasn't caught any spies. But he can claim credit for the political
death of at least one man . . . It is clear that McCarthy defeated
Tydings." This line came to be accepted far outside the originating
circle of McCarthy's Fair Deal enemies. Later, liberal commentators
expanded this to say that McCarthy eliminated six other Senators who
opposed him. A man who can defeat seven U.S. Senators is a power, and
thus McCarthy's aura of invincibility began. By the end of 1951, the
myth of McCarthy's power had reached the point where even journalists
with no ax to grind had to cover McCarthy closely and seriously.

Now signs appear that even some liberals look askance at the myth they
helped to create. A recent issue of the Nation warns: "It is a mistake
. . . to keep the spotlight focused on McCarthy; this is what he wants
his opposition to do." In the New York Post, Arthur Schlesinger Jr.,
co-chairman of Americans for Democratic Action, tried to deflate the
myth at the point of origin. Wrote Schlesinger: "The record shows . . .
that the notion of McCarthy's invincibility is largely legendary. He
certainly cannot be credited with the defeat of seven Senators . . .
McCarthy conducted a vigorous campaign against Tydings in 1950. But the
strong probability is that Tydings would have been beaten anyway . . .
The Connecticut case is even clearer. In 1950, McCarthy campaigned
against [William] Benton, and Benton won in what was a generally tough
year for the Democrats. In 1952, McCarthy made Benton almost his chief
campaign target, [and] Benton ran a considerable margin ahead of
Stevenson."

The Deadly Parallel. So a start has been made toward cutting the
McCarthy myth down to size. Before that job is finished, it will need
more than rueful second-thoughts of liberals. President Eisenhower will
have to deal again and again with McCarthyism, which is a major
liability to Eisenhower's foreign policy, his domestic policy and his
party. Only an exaggerated fear of McCarthy's power could account for
such disgraceful episodes as the delay in the appointments of Mildred
McAfee Horton and David Shillinglaw on the ground that they had
belonged to organizations that McCarthy may consider subversive.
Eisenhower will have to eliminate that kind of paralyzing fear from
his Administration.

McCarthyism has a parallel in modern history, and it is neither
Hitlerism nor Huey Longism. In the late '20s and early '30s,
Prohibition monopolized public discussion in the U.S. and luridly
colored the European view of American life. An overwhelming majority of
the U.S. people came to recognize that Prohibition was a mistakebut
before Repeal in 1933, the opponents of Prohibition had exaggerated its
evil effects as widely as the most fanatic Drys had exaggerated the
evils of drink.