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Livestock trade in the region conscequece 0910majid

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briefing paper
Livestock Trade in the Djibouti,
Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
Nisar Majid
Africa Programme | September 2010 | AFP BP 2010/01
Summary points
 The pastoral economy and livestock trade form a critical platform for economic
interdependence linking Ethiopia’s Somali Region to Djibouti, Somaliland and
Puntland.
 Ethiopia’s Somali Region provides a major share of livestock exports. Its people
are tied through kinship and trade to neighbouring countries, but this also creates
the potential for political stresses and conflict in a region that is both politically
volatile and environmentally harsh.
 The Saudi Arabian market for livestock is a central feature of the economy of the
northeastern Horn of Africa. Its periodic introduction of livestock bans related to
animal health regulations and the involvement of large-scale traders from there
create additional layers of economic unpredictability.
 As well as contributing significantly to the economy of this sub-region, the
livestock trade plays a significant role in determining government revenue. The
fortunes of Djibouti, Berbera and Bosasso ports have fluctuated rapidly in the last
twenty years and Djibouti has recently emerged as a new player, benefiting from
Somalia’s inability to participate in international trading regimes.
European Multinationals
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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
The livestock trade in the northern Horn of Africa links
Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somaliland and Puntland with each
other and with markets in the Arabian Peninsula and the
Gulf. This paper explores a volatile business environment
that is highly susceptible to political shocks. At the same
time it illustrates the interconnectedness of the region and
the potential that exists for enhanced regional economic
cooperation and development to mitigate cross-border
tensions. It is part of the Africa Programme’s project on
‘The Economics of Conflict and Cooperation in the Horn of
Africa’, which is investigating the links between economic
activity and the wider political environment.
Introduction
In the vast arid and semi-arid areas that characterize the
Somali-populated territories of the Horn, pastoralism
and agro-pastoralism are the dominant mode of liveli-
hood. The northern Somali livestock trade involves the
annual export of at least $200 million worth of live animals
through the ports of Berbera, Bosasso and Djibouti across
the Gulf of Aden.1
This is said to be the largest move-
ment of live animal – ‘on the hoof’ – trade anywhere in
the world. The ports are linked to the interior rangelands
through a series of clan-based corridors through which
the trade is managed. These networks penetrate deep into
Ethiopia’s Somali Region where many of the animals are
raised. The livestock trade forms an economic system –
providing jobs and livelihoods for a majority of people
– that underpins the social and political relations between
Ethiopia, Djibouti, the Somaliland Republic and the state
of Puntland.
This paper outlines the basic characteristics of the
livestock trade and discusses the impact of fluctuating
global, regional, national and sub-national factors in this
volatile area. On the one hand, this trade represents a high
level of economic interconnection and interdependence
but, on the other hand, it is subject to the influences of
competing interest groups as well as being an arena where
other political tensions can manifest themselves. The
paper provides an analysis of how the livestock trade is
linked to the rise and fall of the governments and polities
of the northern Somali territories and also how the Somali
Region of Ethiopia is caught between its economic ties to
its neighbouring Somali areas and its political incorpora-
tion within Ethiopia.
Characteristics of the trade
The ports and port competition
The three ports of Djibouti, Berbera and Bossaso are
critical loci of power and a key source of revenue for the
governments of Djibouti, Somaliland and Puntland respec-
tively. The relative fortunes of the port-cities have risen
and fallen rapidly within the last two decades, reflecting
shifting relations and power struggles inside their own
territories as well as links with neighbouring Ethiopia, the
Gulf states and Western powers. This continues a much
longer-term pattern wherein various Somali ports have
grown or faded as a result of their incorporation into
different trading empires.
Following the collapse of Somalia in 1991, Berbera,
in Somaliland, enjoyed some years as the major hub
for the livestock export trade, since the Somali ports of
Mogadishu and Kismayo were affected by conflict. From
2000, following a livestock ban imposed by Saudi Arabia
– ostensibly to counteract an outbreak of Rift Valley Fever
(RFV)2
– Bossaso took over Berbera’s mantle and many
livestock traders have since moved there. However, despite
the livestock ban (lifted in late 2009), Berbera’s exports
steadily climbed back. By 2008 exports of sheep and goats
were roughly equal for the two ports, at about 1.2 million
head annually, with a sharp seasonal peak towards the end
of the year, coinciding with the annual Hajj pilgrimage to
Mecca (see Figures 1 and 2). It is worth noting, however,
that export volumes disguise significant differences in
profitability and risk between the different ports, discussed
1 Figures are difficult to generate, owing to the incomplete data sets and different prices paid for different quality of animals. This is therefore an indicative figure
only, based on estimates made from available but incomplete data for 2008, and includes live animal exports only (sheep, goats, cattle and camel), not chilled
meat exports.
2 Livestock experts in the region question how much health issues alone play in determining livestock bans, particularly in the light of unofficial imports into the
country and the lax implementation of quarantine regulations at the exporting ports. This is discussed further below.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
further below. Despite its ‘rentier state’ status, the port of
Djibouti is experiencing phenomenal growth and attracting
international public and private investments, and a growing
number of Somali businessmen have been relocating there.
The emergence of Djibouti as a major livestock export
hub is in large part due to the stamp of credibility that a
sovereign country can bring to the sensitive issue of live-
stock health regulations. This has been a major obstacle to
livestock trading in the region for over a decade. A 14-month
livestock import ban across the Gulf region was imposed in
February 1998. The RVF outbreak in Yemen and Saudi
Arabia in 2000 resulted in the imposition of a ban on all
livestock imports from the region by Saudi Arabia, Bahrain,
Oman, Qatar, Yemen and the UAE. Although most of these
countries lifted the ban the following year, Saudi Arabia
maintained it until November 2009. In Djibouti, however,
a Regional Quarantine Facility was established to provide
quarantine and certification of animals. This enabled the
port to resume exports to Saudi Arabia from late 2006 and
it enjoyed sole official access for the next three years, to the
obvious disadvantage of its local competitors (although
a significant number of sheep and goat exports were
transiting from Berbera). Exports of sheep and goats, for
example, jumped from just a few thousand head before 2006
to around 1.5 million in 2007 and 2008.3
Djibouti has few of
its own livestock, but its location in the far northwest corner
of the Somali sub-region and the recent growth of the port
extends the catchment area for cattle and camel into non-
Somali-populated areas of Ethiopia. Since 2006, with the
upgrading of Djibouti’s livestock export facilities, increasing
numbers of livestock, particularly cattle, are coming from
the Afar and Oromiya regions.
Somaliland and Puntland remain the most stable regions
within Somalia’s borders, but their lack of sovereignty can
be expected to weigh against their efforts to trade on an
equal footing with Djibouti. Although some investment
has been made in Berbera and to a lesser extent Bossaso to
raise standards of monitoring and certification, the poorly
regulated Somali sub-region remains extremely vulnerable
to bans on the importation of live animals. According to a
prominent livestock expert in the region, while the livestock
certification systems are in principle in place in Djibouti and
Berbera, their strict implementation is not so certain. The
expert went on to suggest that many decisions affecting this
trade were in fact based on factors other than health risks. In
this highly trade-dependent, pastoral sub-region, the recent
Figure 1: Livestock exports (sheep and goats) from Bosasso, Berbera and Djibouti (1994–2009)
0
500,000
1,000,000
1,500,000
1,000,000
3,000,000
2,500,000
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2009
2008
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
Numberofanimals
Berbera
Djibouti
Bosasso
1998/99
livestock ban
2000
livestock ban
Djibouti gains
sole access to
Saudi market
End of
livestock ban
Sources: FSNAU & FEWSNET country offices. The Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit for Somalia (FSNAU) provided figures for this report and
FEWSNET figures are quoted from Ministry of Agriculture in Djibouti (FEWSNET Food Security Review, November 2009).
3 They fell again, but only to one million, in 2009 following the lifting of the Saudi ban, which chiefly benefited Berbera.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
lifting of the ban has provided a welcome boost to livestock
owners, traders and the general economy. In particular, it has
opened up the market again, reducing the risks associated
with ‘unofficial’ channels which had been active, and opening
up the limited access for many that had developed through
monopolistic practices between Saudi investor-traders and
their local counterparts in Djibouti and Berbera.4
This was
said by some to be the necessary price for obtaining private
investment in modern quarantine facilities. Whether or not
this is the case, it certainly led to disgruntlement and civil
unrest, particularly in Somaliland.
Volumes and flows
A number of points are clear from Figure 1: the severe
effect on Berbera’s exports resulting from Middle Eastern
(particularly Saudi Arabian) import bans, and their steady
recovery as unofficial imports were increasingly accepted;
the fact that Bosasso benefits through alternative markets
and unofficial exports to Saudi Arabia; the sudden rise of
Djibouti as access to Saudi Arabia became possible (with
many of these animals coming from Berbera). Figure
2 highlights the rise and growing importance of cattle
exports from the region and, again, the sudden rise of
Djibouti as a livestock exporter.
Tradition and change
What the trends in Figures 1 and 2 disguise, however, is the
measure of profitability and risk through these different
ports. Berbera, Bosasso and Djibouti are renowned for
their inhospitable climates, being extremely hot and
humid for much of the year. The hottest months are from
May to October, when temperatures range between 30
and 35 degrees Celsius; between November and April they
are between 25 and 30 degrees. Relative humidity is very
high, at between 65% and 75% between October and May
and about 50% for the remaining months. These condi-
tions mean that livestock cannot be kept for long at the
ports before their health and therefore value deteriorate,
while the costs of keeping them watered and fed increase.
Berbera has the most advantageous location as much
cooler pastures are available within a few hours’ trucking
of the port, which also has a large capacity.
An interviewee in Hargeisa, Somaliland explained that
the livestock export trade is an old tradition and an
art, requiring considerable skill and specialized tasks to
move living cargo across land and sea, different climates
and different terrains. The value of that cargo depends
critically on its health and weight and so losses quickly
accumulate if these deteriorate.
Figure 2: Livestock exports (cattle and camels) from Bosasso, Berbera and Djibouti (1994–2009)
150,000
0
15,000
45,000
30,000
60,000
75,000
135,000
120,000
105,000
90,000
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2009
2008
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
Numberofanimals
Djibouti cattle
Djibouti camel
Berbera camel
Bosasso camel
Berbera cattle
Bosasso cattle
Sources: FSNAU & FEWSNET country offices. The Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit for Somalia (FSNAU) provided figures for this report
and FEWSNET figures are quoted from Ministry of Agriculture in Djibouti (FEWSNET Food Security Review, November 2009).
4 The latest information from the region suggests there are ongoing attempts to capture and control this market (see Somaliland Press, 2010).

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
The number of modern abattoirs producing chilled
meat for export has been expanding in both Somalia and
Ethiopia. This offers new marketing opportunities, particu-
larly as disease surveillance is more straightforward than
for live animals. These changes are allowing new investors
in and, particularly in the case of Ethiopia, exports are
more easily taxed and regulated. In Ethiopia, abattoirs are
primarily found around Addis Ababa. In Somalia, they are
located in Burao, Galkayo, Beled Weyn and Mogadishu.
The Burao and Galkayo facilities have been the most reli-
able, frequently exporting the equivalent of 5,000 or more
head of sheep and goats per month, for at least the last three
to four years.5
More facilities may well open, with Malaysian
investors reported to be exploring possibilities. However,
Burao has not exported any meat for over six months and
this has raised questions about the profitability of this sector
as it is currently designed. In Ethiopia, facilities are known
to be running significantly below capacity. This may reflect
the difficulties of redirecting livestock from the traditional
routes from the Somali sub-region to the coast, as well as
the lack of trust and established working relations between
Somali and other traders in Ethiopia. Experts in the region
would like to see research and investment in value-added
or processed alternative livestock products in the Somali
territories. Chilled meat offered the first attempt at this but
apparently is currently targeted at the lowest end of the
market and may well be struggling. The emphasis across the
sub-region remains on the export of live animals.
Mechanics of the trade
Catchment area
Since the collapse of Somalia, the Somali territories of the
Horn have become highly interconnected through trade
and transport (Little 2003). Pastoralists and their extended/
clan families are connected to the final exporting trader
through a web of transactions and relationships that together
comprise a major employment sector within this economi-
cally marginalized sub-region. Credit may be provided in
both directions – from the pastoralist to the trader when
providing animals for sale, and from the trader to the pasto-
ralist when obtaining goods. Immediate cash exchange is
also common. It is notable that women as well as men are
involved at all levels of trading (Umar 2007: 23–24).
Camels, cattle, sheep and goats are all exported through
the three main ports of the sub-region.6
The majority of
this trade involves the movement of animals across clan
and national boundaries. In the case of camel, sheep and
goats, animals originate from as far away as Gode, Liban
and Afder in Ethiopia’s Somali region, as well as Hiran,
Galgadud and Mudug regions in central Somalia, up to
500 kilometres or more from the coast. Throughout this
catchment area animals are both trekked and trucked
to their final destinations. Individual prices of animals
vary depending on age and quality. Sheep and goats have
historically comprised by far the most significant propor-
tion of this trade in terms of both numbers and value,
although cattle have become increasingly important in
recent years.
Ethiopia is a key actor in this trade as approximately
50 per cent of the small stock (sheep and goats) exported
through Berbera are known to originate in Ethiopia’s
Somali Region, and a similar proportion is likely for
animals exported from Bosasso (Holleman 2002). In terms
of cattle, Ethiopia is the dominant source of all exports
and the majority of Djibouti’s animal exports originate
in Ethiopia. Within Ethiopia’s Somali Region, a large
proportion of animals, especially small stock, come from
areas populated by members of the Ogaden clan (after
whom the region takes its historical name). The Ogaden
clan inhabits much of the interior of the region, while
clans such as the Isse, Gadabursi, Isaaq, Dhulbahante
and Marehan straddle the borders of Ethiopia, Djibouti,
Somaliland and Puntland. The Ogadeni are generally
acknowledged to be the largest single clan in Ethiopia’s
Somali Region and certainly play a major political role,
including within the Regional Government. They are also
important actors as part of the Ogaden National Liberation
Front (ONLF), an armed rebel movement demanding self-
determination for the people and the region.
5 Figures obtained from FSNAU.
6 Other smaller ports and landing beaches are used but account for a very small proportion of exports.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
Clan and trade corridors 7
Clan-based social relations play a critical role in mediating
the high levels of risk and uncertainty found in many
pastoral settings in Africa and are of particular signifi-
cance in this part of the Horn where the multiplicity of
potential hazards is daunting: from local-level resource-
based conflict to insurgent and anti-insurgent activities,
and from exchange rate volatility to a variety of duties,
taxes and other antagonistic policy and policing measures.
In such conditions, the importance of social relations as an
insurance mechanism cannot be overstressed.
Since a number of clans straddle national borders,
those further inside Ethiopia, notably the Ogaden clans,
forge relations with them to secure safe passage for their
livestock as well as other goods (a high level of inter­
marriage across neighbouring clans, which has occurred
for centuries, is one such way of developing cross-clan
relations). However, while this serves to soften the effects
of economic and political turmoil, there is some evidence
that it also places limits on the potential benefits of trade,
as it is difficult for actors to switch routes.
A number of clan-based corridors and transportation
routes have been identified within the Somali sub-region.8
Although the broad corridors are primarily organized
according to clan networks, within them there are different
routes which themselves can change over time and
according to the climatic and security context (see Box 1).
While these corridors suggest a certain level of perma-
nence, therefore, traders and investors are periodically forced
to relocate in response to new restrictions or new opportuni-
ties, a function of the changing political, environmental and
security dynamics across the region. For example, the town
of Hartishekh became a major trading centre after 1988 as a
result of its growth as an urban refugee centre and its loca-
tion on the Somaliland–Ethiopia border. However, in 2002,
an Ethiopian clampdown on cross-border trade resulted
in traders moving location (Umar 2007: 30). Furthermore,
following the imposition of the 2000 livestock ban, some
larger companies withdrew from the market and within the
last ten years the majority of traders in Ethiopia’s Somali
Region have been new entrants. According to interviews
conducted by the author, Puntland reportedly had a specific
and successful policy of attracting traders from Hargeisa and
Berbera from the early 2000s, after its formation as a political
Box 1: Clan-based corridors and transportation routes
zz Issa corridor – links the Somali Issa of Djibouti, western Somaliland and the northwestern Somali Region of Ethiopia; uses
the port of Djibouti; primarily uses the Ethiopian birr; accounts for most of Ethiopia’s official trade.
zz Berbera corridor – the Isaaq are dominant along these routes although Ogadeni and other clans are part of the supply
chain. Specific routes include:
zz Harar–Jijiga–Hargeisa–Berbera
zz Hartisheikh–Hargeisa
zz The Haud route
zz Kebri Dahar–Burao
zz Gode–Burao
zz Bosasso corridor – the Mijerteen are dominant along this route with livestock also coming from Ogadeni, Marehan,
Dhulbahante and other clans of the eastern Somali Region of Ethiopia and the contested areas of Sool and Sanag.
zz Warder routes
zz Kebri Dahar–Bosasso
Source: Umar 2007
7 This section draws on Umar 2007.
8 These corridors are described in more detail in Umar 2007.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
and administrative entity. Djibouti has been the latest player
in this process following the expansion of its port facilities
and has used the lure of its passport to attract business people
from Somalia. These examples suggest that there are, at least
during certain periods, active policies to attract traders to the
different port-cities.
While the livestock trade remains essentially based on
social relations, some noteworthy technological develop-
ments have also taken place. For example, vehicles have
been increasingly used to move livestock from interior
markets to major markets and the coastal ports for at
least the past thirty years. This is in spite of the extremely
poor transportation infrastructure in the region. The same
vehicles and many of the same traders also bring in food
and a wide variety of consumer goods.
Financial arrangements
A further innovation and complication has been the
management of finances within the sub-region.
(i) Currency
Trading across the Somali territories can be a complex
business. There are three or four currencies in opera-
tion depending on location – the Somaliland shilling, the
Somali shilling, the Ethiopian birr and the US dollar (the
Djiboutian franc is fixed against the dollar). In border
areas of both Ethiopia’s Somali Region and Somaliland the
Somali shilling is the unofficial currency. In Somaliland
and Puntland the US dollar is freely traded. In Ethiopia,
access to foreign currency is more restricted. Exchange
rate fluctuations are a problem, particularly for the Somali
shilling. One of Ethiopia’s major interests in the livestock
trade is said to be obtaining foreign currency. Export
licences, for example, require currency to be exchanged
at the official bank rate, which has deviated significantly
from the black market rate in recent years. Inflation,
driven by both domestic and international factors, has
been a serious problem for traders in Ethiopia.9
For
example, in 2008 during the global food and fuel price
rises, inflation was running at well over 30 per cent in
Ethiopia, while hyperinflation was affecting the Somali
shilling.10
The import-dependent Somali territories were
therefore seeing costs rise significantly (although livestock
tend to keep their value reasonably well in dollar terms).
(ii) Xawilaad
Cash-based transactions have increased in importance
where barter trade (livestock for food and other goods)
Figure 3: Exchange rates against the US dollar
Source: Annual averages calculated from FEWSNET Ethiopia and FSNAU data
0
5000
10000
15000
20000
35000
30000
25000
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2009
2008
2007
2006
2005
2004
Somaliland Shilling
Somali Shilling
0
2
4
6
8
12
10
Ethiopian birr
Ethiopianbirr
SomaliandSomalilandshillings
9 See Little (2003), however, for the relative stability of the Somali shilling over a longer time period in spite of the absence of a central government and bank.
10 In both cases domestic factors were also important, including the uncontrolled printing of money in Somalia (see FEWSNET reports at the time).

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
used to be dominant, and throughout the Somali sub-
region traders now make use of xawilaad (money transfer
companies, which have evolved since the collapse of the
Somali state), reducing the risks and costs associated with
such movements (see Box 2).
Contribution to livelihoods
(i) Food security
Pastoralists and agro-pastoralists in the northern Somali
territories are estimated to form over 50 per cent of the
entire population. Their food security depends in large part
on the terms of trade between their livestock and (often
imported) food commodities. Pastoral and agro-pastoral
populations vary considerably across the region depending,
for example, on local environmental and market condi-
tions. These influence the type of animals owned and
terms of trade obtained in any particular area. In general,
however, it is common for pastoralists to obtain over half
their annual food requirements from the market and over
half their annual income from the sale of livestock and live-
stock products.
This high market dependence means that any negative
impact on trading conditions can hit people particularly
hard. The Ethiopian military clampdown on trade and
population movement in many Ogadeni-populated areas
since 2007 has, for example, had an inflationary effect on
food prices (see Human Rights Watch 2008). This has been
mitigated more recently by large volumes of food aid.
(ii) Jobs
The livestock trade is probably the largest singe source of
employment in this sub-region and, after remittances from
abroad, the most important source of household income.
Estimates vary: there may be 10–15 sets of actors involved
in the movement of animals from the hinterland to the port
and up to 30 transactions possible from the initial sale by
the herder to the watering, feeding and loading at the point
of exit in the port: herders, brokers, loaders, feeders and so
on are all part of the system (Umar 2007; Holleman 2002;
interviews by the author).
(iii) Environment
It is now widely acknowledged that pastoralism should be
considered a highly efficient production system in arid and
semi-aridlandsandthattradeorexchangeofpastoralproducts
for food and other commodities is an intimate and essential
component of that system and those livelihoods, although this
is complicated by natural population growth and traditional
environmental management systems.11
Across Africa there has
often been only limited policy support for the livestock and,
especially, pastoral sector because of a poor knowledge base
and failure to appreciate its efficiencies. This is in addition to
poor management of development initiatives and the relatively
weak lobbying positions of actors in this sector. As a result,
informal trade and economic activity continues to be critical
to understanding livestock-based economies and livelihoods,
and pastoralists continue to be neglected or exploited by more
powerful lobby/interest groups.
Box 2: Xawilaad
The word Xawilaad derives from the Arabic hawala, which translates as ‘transfer of debt’. These Somali companies operate
as a network of agents linked to a central clearing house. The larger companies have hundreds of agents and offices all
over the Horn of Africa, and in most towns and cities around the world that host significant Somali populations. Money can
be transferred from the West to many towns and villages in Somalia and the region within 24 hours using combinations of
e-mail, telephone and HF radio depending on the communication facilities available in the places concerned. The system is
renowned for its low cost, reliability, safety and speed and is used by businesses, the United Nations and international NGOs
as well as individuals.
Source: Lindley 2009: 523–5
11 See Devereux 2006: 168–74 for a succinct and accessible explanation of the different interpretations of pastoralism and their policy implications in Ethiopia.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
Links to the Gulf
Seasonality
Seasonal factors influence both the demand and the
supply of livestock exports. In the monsoon season (June
to September), shipping from Somalia is reduced owing to
the rougher seas and the difficulties encountered by many
of the smaller ships and dhows that ply this trade. Drought
conditions can also influence the availability of export-
quality livestock and the ease of moving animals over long
distances. Many areas within the catchment area of this
trade experienced a number of continuous dry years, and
traders interviewed for this study in Hargeisa and Dire
Dawa in July 2009 complained about the resulting lack of
export-quality animals.12
However, conditions in late 2009
and 2010 have been much better.
While livestock are exported all year round, the most
important seasonal factor is centred on the annual Hajj
to and in Saudi Arabia. The largest pilgrimage in the
world, the Hajj involves about three million pilgrims, for
approximately one month every year. About half of these
are foreigners to Saudi Arabia. The number of foreign
pilgrims has increased by approximately 70 per cent since
1996, to 1.7 million people, benefiting exports from the
region. These additional people must be fed and, most
importantly, each pilgrim is required to slaughter an
animal, typically a sheep, as the prophet Abraham is said
to have done.13
The result is that in the build-up to the Hajj
and particularly for a 70-day period between Eid al-Fitr
and Eid al-Adha, there is a huge additional demand for
livestock across the region.
Figure 4 indicates the scale of seasonal demand.
Approximately 70 per cent of annual sheep and goat
exports take place in the Hajj period, when prices are
also high. Notably, this peak in livestock sales continued
during the livestock ban, particularly for Bosasso and,
once Djibouti provided a new transit route, also for
Berbera. This points to the fact that Bosasso traders were
able to find alternative routes to the Saudi Arabian market
as well as new markets. Competition for the profits from
this peak seasonal trade is fierce and in the last two to three
years has involved Saudi Arabian investors, monopolistic
practices and public demonstrations. These are discussed
further below.
The Red Sea and Gulf of Aden have formed an impor-
tant trading nexus for many centuries, linking ancient
trading empires. The economic growth in the Middle
East has had an important effect on the Somali territories
Figure 4: Seasonality of sheep and goat exports (2005–09)
0
100,000
300,000
200,000
400,000
500,000
900,000
800,000
700,000
600,000
Numberofanimals
Berbera
Bosasso
Hajj 2005 Hajj 2006 Hajj 2007 Hajj 2008 Hajj 2009
Source: FSNAU data
12 Reports by FSNAU and FEWSNET suggest that 2009 animal exports were hit by the ongoing drought.
13 Because of the scale involved, vouchers may be purchased so that the pilgrim does not have to be present.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
for several decades, in terms of the importation of both
labour and livestock.14
Although the majority of meat,
particularly mutton/lamb, for the Middle East comes from
Australia, sheep and goats from the Horn of Africa and
Somali territories in particular have an important niche
market role. Somali small-stock is preferred for its taste,
smell, colour, longevity and size.15
Its provenance from
another Muslim country is also frequently mentioned as
an advantage, particularly during the Hajj.
Livestock bans
However, in an age of increasing mobility, the importance
of international health concerns, particularly the trans-
mission of diseases across borders, has been growing for
some years. Quite apart from the high concentration of
people during pilgrimages, the Middle East has become a
major centre of trade, tourism, finance and employment.
As a result health-related restrictions on the movement of
animal products in the Middle East have become increas-
ingly common.
One unusual aspect of these importation bans is the
inconsistency between countries and in particular the
apparent ease of finding alternative routes to the same
– banned, Saudi Arabian – market. This raises some ques-
tions about the influence of different interest groups and
the control of access to such markets driven by factors
other than health risks. Particularly with regard to the
important Saudi Arabian market, some have suggested
this control is more related to protectionist policies in
response to episodes where large numbers of animals have
been brought across the sea, depressing market prices.16
During the latest ban, many Somali animals found their
way to Saudi Arabia, particularly via Oman and Yemen.
However, while this unofficial route has been useful it also
reduces profits and increases risks. Many Somali traders
report losing money or animals on this route through
exploitation by Yemeni traders.
Monopolistic practices
After Saudi Arabia’s imposition of the livestock ban, efforts
were made to reopen this trade. In 2005–06, this led to
some interesting and controversial new dynamics. From
2005, as noted above, Djibouti was granted sole status to
export livestock to Saudi Arabia. This ultimately involved
the government handing over an ongoing – although badly
managed – quarantine facility to the Abu Yasser Company.
A livestock expert interviewed for this report suggested
that there was a very clear short-term profit maximization
motive operating in Djibouti based on the expectation that
the ban would not last much longer.
There was a similar story in Somaliland, involving
another Saudi-based investor, Al Jabiri, initially brought in
by private traders to try to gain access to the Saudi market.
The Somaliland government then stepped in to take control
and ultimately developed an agreement stating that all live-
stock had to be sold through two Somali brokers to Al Jabiri.
This was to be done at a fixed price of $38 per sheep/goat,
significantly lower than usual. Government officials claimed
that this arrangement was necessary to obtain investment
in a quarantine facility and access to the Saudi market. The
arrangement resulted in public demonstrations and further
accusations of preferential access for certain traders to the
one and only market now available. This monopolization of
the market was widely seen as part of an increasing control
of aspects of the economy by a small political elite, and was
described to the author in Hargeisa as ‘Riyale’s pension’
(referring to the ex-President of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale
Kahin). Umar (2007: 69) noted that the Saudi ban serves to
consolidate the grip of large-scale Saudi investors who are
able to develop agreements with political and/or business
elites in the region. These exclusionary agreements seem
to have taken place in both Berbera and Djibouti. While
the lifting of the ban at the end of 2009 effectively ended all
these arrangements, they exposed the vulnerability of this
unregulated area to exogenous shocks and short-term profit-
14 The remittance sector has played a key role in the understanding of Somalia’s economy and household livelihoods for the last thirty years. It is also an impor-
tant factor for many Djiboutian and Somali Region households.
15 It is noted that, in comparison to Australian sheep, for example, the taste and smell are different, the colour does not change, the meat lasts longer, and the
smaller size suits household budgets and capacity (Holleman 2002; Umar 2007).
16 The lack of regulation and controls from the Somali side of the Gulf means that large numbers of animals from many different suppliers can be dumped on the
market at the same time, making handling difficult and possibly causing health risks, as well as depressing prices.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
making at the expense of wider competition. However, the
latest information from the region suggests that the compe-
tition for control of the trade between these two investors
and their local counterparts remains an ongoing dynamic
(Somaliland Press, 2010).
Regional political factors
Shifting politics
A number of seismic shifts have taken place within global
and regional politics in the last ten years. These have had
wide-ranging repercussions in the region, including on
the livestock trade. The Ethiopia–Eritrea war (1998–2000)
has shifted the majority of Ethiopia’s international trade
from Assab, in Eritrea, to Djibouti. While Assab was not
an important port for livestock exports, this shift has coin-
cided with – or directly led to – investment in Djibouti by
Middle Eastern sources and its leasing out to the Dubai
Port Authority for 20 years (it has been referred to as the
Dubai of Africa). This commercial expansion has been
noted by many Somalis, who say that President Ismail
Omar Guelleh has been very shrewd and continues to
build on it by, for example, offering Djibouti passports to
attract Somali businessmen from around the region.
The establishment of a large US military base in Djibouti
in 2001–02 and the later creation of the Africa Command
(AFRICOM) structure reflect the new post-9/11 environ-
ment as well as other security interests in Africa (including
securing access to natural resources). This has had an indi-
rect link to the livestock trade as Djibouti is now reported
to be a recipient of one of the highest levels of development
funds per capita in Africa – $130–700 per head, depending
on which population and aid figures are taken (Brass 2007:
3). USAID funds were the catalyst for the development of
the Djibouti quarantine facilities, although poor manage-
ment of the project led to the Djibouti government handing
it over to a Saudi Arabian private investor for completion.
The fate of the Ogaden
Even though Ethiopia does not have direct access to the
sea, it has huge rangelands and a massive stock of animals,
accounting for well over half the current monetary value
of all livestock exported out of Djibouti, Berbera and
Bosasso. However, policy formulators at both national
and regional level are confronted by the juxtaposition of
Somali statelessness and libertarian tendencies and the
Ethiopian legacy of strong, centralized economic manage-
ment. Stephen Devereux describes this tension within
Ethiopia’s Somali Region in the following terms: ‘the
instincts of the Ethiopian government are to intervene and
regulate, while the instincts of pastoralists are flexible and
contingent’ (Devereux 2006: 169). It is also notable that in
recent years development actors have made very signifi-
cant efforts to challenge this situation, with some success.
However, ‘development’ policies are complicated by the
fact that the pastoral areas of Ethiopia entirely comprise
the peripheral, border areas of the country. These border
or ‘emerging’ regions tend to be conceptualized more in
security terms than in developmental ones; for example,
the Ministry of Federal Affairs, a political office, is the pre-
eminent centre for policy-making in these regions, but has
little technical capacity. Ethiopia’s Somali Region and, in
particular the Ogadeni-inhabited areas, have long been a
security concern for central government.17
The most recent manifestations of this security complex
have been the April 2007 attack on a Chinese-supported
oil/gas exploration mission carried out by the Ogaden
National Liberation Front, as well as the Ethiopian incur-
sion into southern Somalia in 2007. These have resulted in a
number of commercial repercussions for the livestock trade.
Since early 2007, much of the Ogadeni-occupied areas of
Ethiopia’s Somali Region has experienced a greatly increased
military presence and a major clampdown on the movement
of people, livestock and goods (See Human Rights Watch
2008). For long periods this has had a dramatic detrimental
impact on the terms of trade for pastoralists as well as on the
availability of goods in the markets.
In addition, there is a strong pressure for the govern-
ments of Somaliland and Puntland, which maintain good
relations with Ethiopia, to arrest and hand over suspected
ONLF figures whenever possible. This does happen peri-
odically, leading to tensions and attacks on Isaaq traders
17 See Hagmann 2005 for an analysis of the nature of politics in Ethiopia’s Somali Region.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
and their assets by the ONLF. In spite of mediation efforts
by elders, trade relations between the Isaaq and Ogaden
are currently reported to be severed. It is also worth noting
that there has been a general shift of traders from routes
linking Ethiopia’s Somali Region with Somaliland east-
wards towards Bosasso over the last ten years. This has
been partly the result of a deliberate economic strategy by
the Puntland administration as well as, for at least some
of this period, lower port charges, less red tape and new
market opportunities following the Saudi ban in 2000.
Another more recent source of tension in this trading
sub-region is the existence of oil and gas reserves.18
In
at least two border areas on either side of the boundary
between northern Somalia and Ethiopia’s Somali Region
there have been tensions around exploration and access.
There is currently a heavy military presence in gas fields
in Shilabo district, a primarily Ogadeni-populated are of
Ethiopia’s Somali Region.
As well as these security concerns the more public
pronouncements emanating from the Ethiopian government
concern the lost earnings resulting from this cross-border
‘contraband’ trade. In 2009, the government announced that
it wished to double its earnings from the livestock sector by
curbing illegal trade and opening new market centres. The
scale of this ‘unofficial’ trade is estimated at up to ten times
the value of officially recorded trade, and in recent years
control of the trade has passed from the customs authorities
to the military (Umar 2007). Any movement of goods or live-
stock across the Ethiopian border is considered ‘contraband’
unless accompanied by official paperwork, and is subject
to varying degrees of control. Traders interviewed in July
2009 pointed out that obtaining a Letter of Credit requires
the use of official banks and therefore the official exchange
rate. In the last two years high levels of inflation in Ethiopia
have seen the birr depreciate significantly against the dollar,
to the extent that the black market rate is now significantly
better. Officially recognized traders can therefore struggle to
remain competitive where unofficial trading goes on, losing
out in terms of the exchange rate as well as in relation to
other taxes and charges incurred. The Somali Region State is
a politically complex arena with different arms of the federal
government involved – the Ministry of Federal Affairs,
Customs and Excise, the military, the President’s office – as
well as different Somali actors competing for political office
and favour at woreda (district), zonal and regional levels. The
overall effect of this is to create a complex regulatory environ-
ment and unclear governance system, making trading risky
and difficult.
Competition for revenue
As one of the major economic assets of the sub-region,
the livestock trade plays a significant role in relation to
government revenue (through port and border charges),
foreign exchange income, exchange rate levels and house-
hold income (from pastoralists to all those involved in the
trade). For Somaliland and Puntland, this trade represents
a critical source of foreign exchange and government
revenue. In 2001 it was estimated that exports of livestock
contributed 80 per cent of foreign currency, over 40 per
cent of GDP and 60 per cent of employment oppor-
tunities to the economy of Puntland (UNA 2001). For
Somaliland, the livestock sector accounts for an estimated
60–65 per cent of GDP and in the early 2000s approxi-
mately 30 per cent of Somaliland’s government revenue
came from the various taxes collected through this export
trade (Holleman 2002). Following the 2000 Saudi Arabian
livestock ban, for example, the value of the Somaliland
18 See Khalif 2000 for details on the terms of this agreement, and his concerns about levels of consultation with local populations and the allocation of potential
revenues for local investment.
‘In 2001 it was estimated that
exports of livestock contributed
80 per cent of foreign currency,
over 40 per cent of GDP and
60 per cent of employment
opportunities to the economy
of Puntland
’

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
shilling fell by nearly 50 per cent between September 2000
and December 2002 (from 3,487 to 6,200 to 1 US dollar)
(Holleman 2002).
For the Ethiopian federal government the economic
significance of the livestock trade is more limited; as
mentioned, it is probably perceived more in terms of the
loss of potential foreign exchange than in terms of govern-
ment revenue. From a political perspective, the trade and
the livestock within it perhaps symbolize the challenge to
the territorial integrity of Ethiopia that the Somali people
themselves sometimes represent.
Djibouti too is far less dependent on revenue specifi-
cally associated with the livestock trade given the much
greater economic value it obtains from handling most of
Ethiopia’s imports and exports, as well as the revenue it
receives from the French and US military bases there. As
noted above, Djibouti’s expansion in the livestock trade
was largely due to two critical initiatives: the develop-
ment of quarantine facilities at the port and, related to
this, its sole, official access to the Saudi Arabian market
from late 2006 to late 2009. As Figures 1 and 2 demon-
strate, from 2006, almost overnight, Djibouti caught up
with – and even overtook – Berbera and Bosasso in all
animal exports. Djibouti’s rise is keenly felt by nearby
Somaliland, which relies heavily on the revenues associ-
ated with Berbera port. The two ports are only about
240 km apart and roughly equidistant from Addis Ababa
(Djibouti 854 km and Berbera 910 km). However, the
Djibouti link has rail as well as better road infrastructure
and is slightly closer to the Saudi Arabian ports. The costs
and risks of transiting livestock through Djibouti will,
however, be significantly greater than for Berbera, with its
nearby cooler holding plains.
The Somaliland and Puntland authorities both clearly
have a strong interest in improving their port facilities
and transport links but lack – at the very least – the public
resources. Following the collapse of the state, when exports
and imports were distributed between Berbera, Mogadishu
and Kismayo, Somaliland immediately benefited from a
huge growth in livestock exports for several years. Some 95
per cent of its exports went to the nearby and lucrative Saudi
Arabian market (about 750 km away, two to three days’
sailing for smaller ships and dhows). Bosasso port had only
just been completed at the time of the collapse of the state
and therefore was not an immediate competitor. However,
over time Puntland grew rapidly as a livestock export
channel. It has generally been known as a freer trading area
than Somaliland; port costs were kept below Berbera’s for
many years and there was a deliberate strategy of attracting
traders – although the longer distances to markets also
increase costs. Some interviewees suggested that the stronger
clan links between the Ogaden and Mijerteen (both Darod)
were another factor. Others, however, said that there was a
long history of strong relations and intermarriage between
neighbouring Isaaq and Darod clans, and also that business
potential usually overcame clan politics.
The rise of Djibouti has exposed some of the limitations
inherent in the situation in Somaliland and Puntland.
Djibouti’s geopolitical good fortune, sovereign status,
political acumen and stability have been used effectively
to attract public and private investment and, for nearly
three years, to bypass the livestock ban. Against this, the
high levels of investment in Djibouti have also contributed
to very high port usage costs. Moreover, since livestock
require good water and feed facilities, Berbera and Bosasso
are always likely to be able to undercut these costs.
Conclusion
The Somali pastoral economy is a critical platform for
economic interdependence that links the ports of Djibouti,
Berbera and Bosasso with their interior rangelands and
those of Ethiopia’s Somali Region. These links have evolved
over time to marry Somali social networks with techno-
logical developments, resulting in the effective management
of a highly volatile political and environmental context.
While the northern Somali coast has seen a variety of
ports grow and decline over the centuries according to
their incorporation into different trading empires as well
as competition from within, the pace and scale of change
over the last twenty years have been momentous.
The Saudi Arabian market, particularly during the Hajj,
is a key niche market for Somali sheep and goats. In recent
years, stimulated in part by the livestock ban, monopo-
listic practices have developed between Middle Eastern
investor traders and their Somali counterparts, which
serve to concentrate profits in the hands of a few.

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Livestock Trade in the Djibouti, Somali and Ethiopian Borderlands
The people of Ethiopia’s Somali Region – the Ogaden –
will always have links to their kin and neighbours over the
borders as a result of ethnic and trade connections. These
will inevitably lead to political stresses and conflict within
the region until a less militaristic stance is adopted and an
appropriate and regulated trade environment found.
This paper has highlighted the enormous and growing
importance of the Gulf region to the Horn of Africa, both
as a burgeoning market and as a source of investment
in areas such as the ports and the livestock business.
The rise of Djibouti has clearly revealed some of the
benefits of statehood and sovereignty to the Somaliland
and Puntland authorities, while also highlighting the
enormous economic potential that Djibouti has captured
through Ethiopia’s trade.
This report is informed by the following sources:
Interviews by the author in Nairobi, Addis Ababa, Hargeisa,
Jijiga, Dire Dawa, London and Bristol, as well as telephone
interviews with respondents in the United States and e-mail
exchanges with those in Somalia.
Media reports – BBC, IRIN, Somali websites.
Brass, Jennifer (2007), The Political Economy of Livestock
Policy: The Case of Djibouti, IGAD LPI Working Paper No.
01-08.
Devereux, Stephen (2006), Vulnerable Livelihoods in Somali
Region, Ethiopia, IDS Research Report 57.
Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWSNET) – informa-
tion from offices in Djibouti, Addis Ababa and Nairobi.
Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit (FSNAU) data for
Somalia.
Hagmann, T. (2005), ’Beyond Clannishness and Colonialism:
Understanding Political Disorder in Ethiopia’s Somali
Region, 1991–2004’, Journal of Modern African Studies
43(4): 509–36.
Hagmann, T. and Hoehne, M.V. (2009), ‘Failures of the State
Failure Debate: Evidence from the Somali Territories’,
Journal of International Development 21: 42–57.
Holleman, C. (2002), The Socio-economic Implications of the
Livestock Ban (USAID/FEWSNET).
ICG (2009). The Trouble with Puntland, Policy Briefing. No. 64,
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Human Rights Watch (2008), Collective Punishment: War
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Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State (New York: Human Rights
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Khalif, Mohamud H. (2000), ‘Ethiopia’s Plans for the Kalub Gas
Project Unfair’, Review of African Political Economy 27(83):
129–32.
Lindley, A. (2009), ‘Between “Dirty Money” and Development
Capital: Somali Money Transfer Infrastructure under Global
Scrutiny’, African Affairs 108(433): 519–39.
Little, P. (2003), Somalia: Economy without State (Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press).
Little, P. (2009), Hidden Value on the Hoof: Cross-border
Livestock Trade in Eastern Africa, Policy Brief, COMESA.
Majid, Nisar and Alexander Crosskey (2008), Food Security and
Complex Livelihoods in the Horn, East and Central Africa,
Report for Oxfam GB.
Nori, M. (2009), ‘Milking Drylands: Gender Networks, Pastoral
Markets and Food Security in Stateless Somalia’, PhD thesis,
Wageningen University.
Somaliland Centre for Peace and Development (1999), A Self-
Portrait of Somaliland: Re-building from the Ruins, Hargeisa,
Somaliland.
Somaliland Press (2010), ‘Indhadeero Group hits back over Arab
investor deportation claims,’ 12 May.
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Trade and Marketing in the Somali Region of Ethiopia, The
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(Nairobi: UNA).