GENERAL

The Battle of Manila Bay was one of two major American naval victories
in the Spanish-American War, both of which were very decisive, and, in
hindsight, very one-sided. The Battle of Manila Bay occurred on the morning
of May 1, 1898, only days after war had been declared between Spain and
the United States.

The battle is notable for several reasons. First, it was a complete
and final victory, ending any threat from the Spanish naval forces involved.
All major Spanish ships were destroyed or captured, without any significant
damage occurring to the American Forces.

Secondly, technically no Americans lost their lives in the battle
(two American deaths did indirectly occur which may be attributable to
the battle), though the lives of many Spaniards were lost. The result is
that Americans look at the victory as a "bloodless" battle, whereas the
Spanish obviously do not.

Thirdly, the American attack was very daring and dangerous, based
on what the Americans knew at the time, but not as risky when looked at
in hindsight. Many world powers, who were not aware of the American naval
build-up over the past decade and a half, considered the United States
Asiatic Squadron to be little or no threat to the Spanish naval forces.
The Americans also over-rated the Spanish navy's ability and determination
to fight, and many authorities considered the fleet to be sailing into
a veritable deathtrap. In addition to the naval forces, many Spanish gun
batteries existed in the fortifications around Manila Bay. These guns alone
should have been enough armament to destroy the American squadron.

Lastly, the American Asiatic Squadron was not sufficiently supplied
with ammunition for wartime service and the nearest site for resupply was
California, seven thousand miles away!

By far, the most notable aspect of the battle was that, as a result
of this battle, the United States became a recognized world power overnight.
The U.S. Navy had been a subject of derision internationally
for years. The United States had begun to change that with the advent of
its new steel navy, but, in a time when a country's military was rated
according to the strength of its navy, this was the first time that the
ability of both the U.S. warships and their well-trained crews were shown
to be an important world force.

OBJECTIVES OF THE COMBATANTS

The objective of the American forces was to attack, and hopefully destroy,
the Spanish forces in the Pacific. This would protect the American Pacific
coast, and keep the Spanish forces in Cuba from being reinforced.

The main objectives of the Spaniards were to defend the Philippine
outpost of the Spanish Empire against the American forces, save the honor
of the nation by fighting an honorable fight, and allow as many of its
crewmen to survive as possible. The thought of actually defeating the American
Asiatic Squadron with the Spanish forces available was not considered a
realistic objective.

PREPARATIONS

The Americans' preparations for the Battle of Manila Bay actually began
months, in some cases years, before the battle. The Navy War College had
been studying a possible war with Spain for several years and had prepared
several plans of attack as class problems. More recently there had been
the appointment of Commodore George Dewey to the
command of the Asiatic Squadron. Dewey was the
choice of Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt,
but not that of the Secretary of the Navy, John Long. Some behind-the-scenes
wrangling occurred with Dewey obtaining the appointment,
but without the rank of rear admiral, a rank normally accorded the commander
of the Asiatic Squadron. Before leaving his home in Washington D.C., where
he was serving as chairman of the Board of Inspection and Survey, the Commodore
began researching his new squadron.

It consisted of the USS OLYMPIA, a cruiser;
USS
BOSTON, a small cruiser; USS PETREL, a gunboat;
and the USS MONOCACY, a paddle wheel steamer.
This fleet was not formidable. The MONOCACY
was only fit for river service. The largest vessel, the OLYMPIA,
was fairly new, but was not "state of the art" and could not compete in
firepower with the newer U.S. Navy battleships, such as the OREGON.
Dewey
discovered another very serious concern - his squadron did not have even
a peacetime allotment of ammunition, and war could be approaching.

The major Spanish landholding in the Pacific was the Philippine Islands,
and it was here where Dewey could expect to find
the Spanish fleet. A search for information revealed that no U.S. naval
vessels had visited the islands in twenty-two years, so there were no modern
official intelligence reports available! Still, commerce did continue and
this was one major source of information as to the state of the Philippines
defenses. Another source of information in Manila was U.S.
Consul Williams, who stayed on in Manila until he last moment, though
subject to death threats.
Dewey, while in Hong
Kong had Lt. Upham of the
OLYMPIA dress in civilian
clothes and spook around vessels arriving from the Philippines, talking
to their crews, etc. Upham was able to give Dewey
valuable and up-to-date intelligence based on the interviews he conducted,
including that the Spanish were claiming to have mined the entrance to
the Bay. Lastly, Dewey had an American businessman
acquaintance who periodically visited the Philippines when special information
was needed by Dewey on a certain intelligence items.
This man's identity has been lost to history. In short, Dewey
was able to gain fairly accurate intelligence on conditions as they existed
in the Philippines.

Dewey immediately began acting to rectify
the problems of lack of ammunition as he had the lack of intelligence information.
His ammunition, a dangerous cargo which commercial shipping companies would
not haul, was to be shipped via the USS CHARLESTON.
This vessel, however, was undergoing repairs which would not be completed
for six months. The commodore found that the USS
CONCORD was being fitted out to be sent to the Asiatic Squadron. He
obtained orders for this vessel to carry a portion of the needed ammunition.
He reinforced the urgency of this order by personally visiting the navy
yard and convincing the authorities to pack as much ammunition as possible
aboard the vessel. He explained that additional space could be saved if
the vessel stopped at Honolulu for resupply rather than carrying enough
stores for shipboard use for the entire journey. Also, he recommended purchasing
some supplies in Japan, rather than taking up space with them for the long
voyage. In this way, he had about half of the available ammunition sent
to the Asiatic Squadron. The remainder was sent to Honolulu via the sloop
USS MOHICAN and then transferred to the USS BALTIMORE.
The BALTIMORE was being sent at the last hour
to reinforce Dewey. The ammunition from this vessel
was finally distributed to the other vessels only the night before the
squadron steamed out of Mirs Bay for the Philippines! In spite of these
efforts, at the Battle of Manila Bay, the squadron's magazines were only
sixty per cent filled.

Dewey's force continued to grow. The USS
RALEIGH was sent the squadron, and the U.S. Revenue Cutter HUGH
McCULLOCH, which happened to be in the area, was ordered to join Dewey
also. Lastly, the squadron gained the NANSHAN and
the ZAFIRO as support vessels which were merchant vessels purchased
outright. These vessels were maintained officially as merchant vessels
and cleared for trade through Guam. This move
would allow Dewey a way to purchase supplies after war broke out and neutrality
laws would forbid the selling of wartime allotments of supplies to vessels
of war.

As the tension between the United States and Spain grew, Dewey
prepared his fleet. The men were drilled. The ships were mechanically reviewed
to get them in best working condition possible. Dewey's
planning and efficiency is well demonstrated by the late arrival of the
BALTIMORE.
Within forty-eight hours, she was placed in an awaiting drydock, her bottom
cleaned of the speed-stealing barnacles, and she was completely repainted
in wartime gray, just in time to join in the expedition to Manila.

With the declaration of war, Dewey
moved his ships out of neutral Hong Kong to Mirs Bay, about 30 miles away.
While at Mirs Bay, the squadron received a small gift. Reputedly, one of
the lookouts spotted something floating on the water surface a few miles
away. It was investigated and found to be several lighters of coal. Dewey
put the coal to use. Later it was found that the coal was a gift from one
of the Hong Kong merchants for the American fleet. From Mirs Bay, the squadron
left for the Philippines and destiny. Dewey, however
makes no note of this event in his report.

The Spanish were preparing for action too. They had attempted to
fortify their position by taking guns from their vessels and placing them
in positions at critical locations along the shore. The VELASCO was being
overhauled, her boilers and steering gear removed, so her guns were considered
to be more useful in the fortifications. Some of the GENERAL LEZO's battery
and the port-side guns of the DON ANTONIO DE ULLOA
were also removed. Orders were given for the fortification of Subic Bay,
and the entrances to both it and Manila Bay were to be mined. Several vessels
were sunk in the eastern entrance to Subic Bay to block passage by that
route.

On April 25, 1898, Admiral Montojo took
his squadron, consisting of the REINA CRISTINA,
DON
JUAN DE AUSTRIA, ISLA DE CUBA, ISLA
DE LUZON, CASTILLA,
MARQUES
DEL DUERO from Manila Bay and headed for Subic Bay. The CASTILLA,
already unable to maneuver on her own, was leaking badly through her propeller
bearings. The leak was stopped by using cement, which rendered her engines
completely useless. Upon arriving, he found that the four 15 cm (5.9")
guns which were to have been installed in a fortified position were still
lying on the beach. The mines which had been laid were of doubtful condition
and could not be relied upon.

Both Dewey and Montojo
recognized that the best location for the defending squadron was Subic
Bay from a tactical standpoint. Even after Montojo arrived in Subic Bay,
he hoped that there was still time to fortify the necessary positions.
However, on April 28, Montojo learned that Dewey's
squadron was on it way to the Philippines, and that the Americans knew
that Subic Bay was defenseless. Faced with no time to fortify, and knowing
that if his ships were lost - something Montojo
considered a strong possibility - the crew would drown in the deep waters
of Subic Bay. Montojo ordered the squadron back
to Manila Bay.

The Spanish admiral decided that returning the squadron to the anchorage
at Manila, which was surrounded by many batteries and fortifications, would
be unwise, since this would invite the destruction of the city itself by
the guns of the enemy's squadron. Manila was home to the families of his
crew and many other non-combatants. Instead, he opted for the shallow waters
off Cavite's Sangley Point. Here he could combine the gunfire from his
vessels with that of the batteries of Sangley Point and Ulloa. Also, in
this location, if his ships went down, they would settle into the bottom
of the Bay while still allowing major portions of the vessels to remain
above water. His men would be able to get to shore and rescue themselves.
Montojo had lighters loaded with sand brought over to be placed in front
of the CASTILLA to protect the wooden vessel.
Preparation continued as the sound of gunfire at the entrance to Manila
Bay announced the arrival of Dewey''s Asiatic Squadron.

THE BATTLE

On arriving off the Philippine Island of Luzon on April 30, Dewey
ordered a reconnaissance of Subic Bay by the BOSTON
and CONCORD. After there were reports of gunfire
coming from the direction of Subic Bay, BALTIMORE
was sent to determine if the other ships had made contact. The reports
were found to be in error and Spanish forces were not found in Subic Bay.
On hearing the news, Dewey' commented to Commander
Lamberton, his chief of staff, that "Now we have them!" The Asiatic Squadron's
course was set for Manila Bay. In the meantime, Spanish Admiral
Montojo received a telegram that evening notifying him that the Americans
had reconnoitered Subic Bay, and had left, heading toward Manila Bay.

Aboard the American vessels, last minute preparations continued.
The ships' crews continued throwing anything made of wood overboard, since
the danger from splintering and fire was very serious. On board the HUGH
McCULLOCH, virtually all of the mess tables were tossed into the water,
leaving the crew eating off the deck for a long time after the battle.
The same was true of almost all of the ships except for the OLYMPIA.
Dewey,
wisely or unwisely, left much of the wood intact, simply covering it with
canvas and splinter netting. Many of the items to which the OLYMPIA's
crew had direct access, were, however, thrown overboard. Sand was sprinkled
on the decks for traction in battle.

There were two major channels which led into Manila Bay - Boca Chica
and Boca Grande. Boca Chica was the main shipping route, however it was
narrower and more heavily defended by shore batteries than Boca Grande.
Boca Grande which, according to recent reports (suspected to be part of
a Spanish disinformation campaign), was said to be dangerously rocky. Dewey
believed the water to be deep in this area. Reports were also heard that
this entrance to Manila Bay was mined. Dewey also
discounted the rumors of mines stating the the report was probably untrue,
and if it was true, that the Spanish did not have the capability to mine
in deep water. Also, the Commodore believed that the mines, if placed,
would deteriorate rapidly in the trpoical waters. Later, based on captured
Spanish officers and records, indications were that Dewey
was wrong in that the channel was mined. The mines, however, must have
deteriorated, as Dewey's vessels, as well as subsequent
visitors, reported no damage from mines.

The route of the Asiatic Squadron into Manila
Bay

The Asiatic Squadron steamed into Boca Grande at about 11:00 P.M.
The men were at their guns, and the situation was very tense. All lights
were out, except for one veiled stern light on each ship, to enable the
vessels to follow one another. The men knew of the rumors of mines,
of the reported shoals, and of Spanish shore batteries. They expected to
meet a squadron ready for battle. They also knew that they were low on
ammunition and seven thousand miles from resupply. What they did not know
was the Dewey had also underestimated the number
of Spanish vessels present.

The vessels, with OLYMPIA in the lead and
NANSHAN
and ZAFIRO bringing up the rear, steamed past the little island of
El Fraile. The island had a battery of guns taken from the GENERAL LEZO.
When almost all of the American vessels were past El Fraile, flames shot
from the HUGH McCULLOCH's funnel as some soot
caught fire briefly. She had been supplied with Australian coal which did
not burn as cleanly as the Welsh coal provided for the other vessels in
the Squadron. HUGH McCULLOCH had experienced
periodic flare-ups as the coal soot burned in her funnel. The battery on
the island saw the most recent flame and opened up, sending a shot between
the RALEIGH and the PETREL.
The BOSTON,
McCULLOCH,
RALEIGH
and CONCORD returned fire, and the battery fell
silent. It has never been explained why the El Fraile battery did not put
up more of a fight or fire earlier. The American vessels were plainly visible
in spite of the darkness. Some claimed that there were not enough men present
to man the fort's guns.

The gunfire from the El Fraile skirmish was heard in Manila. Montojo
knew what it meant. At 2:00 a.m., he received a telegram confirming that
the Americans had passed El Fraile. He notified army commanders, ordered
all artillery loaded, and sent all soldiers and sailors to their battle
stations. The Spanish waited. They had already removed masts, yards and
boats to avoid splintering from the projectiles of the American guns, a
major source of injury.

The Asiatic Squadron set off across Manila Bay with a goal of arriving
at Manila, where Dewey expected to find the Spanish
Fleet, at dawn. To meet this schedule, the squadron slowed to four knots.
The men were given a chance to catch some sleep at their guns, if the tension
of the situation would allow it. The crews on board the vessel saw flares,
beacons, rocket and fires dot the shoreline as their movements were tracked.
The Commodore sent signals to his squadron using his ardois lights....secrecy
was no longer a possibility.

At 4:00 A.M., Montojo signaled his forces
to prepare for action. At this same moment, coffee was being served to
the men of the American squadron. At 4:45 A.M., the crew of the DON
JUAN DE AUSTRIA spotted the American Squadron. Sending the NANSHAN,
ZAFIRO
under protection of the HUGH McCULLOCH to a
safer location in the bay, the Americans headed directly for Manila, where
they expected the Spanish warships to be. This was a logical location since
the strong shore batteries would greatly augment the firepower of the Spanish
vessels. Not seeing anything but merchant vessels in the anchorage, the
American vessels turned toward Cavite. At 5:05 A.M., the guns of the three
of the Manila batteries opened fire. Only the BOSTON
and CONCORD replied, since the limited ammunition
was to be used against the Spanish fleet and not the forts. Montojo had
the REINA CRISTINA slip its cables and
begin to move. To clear his path, he ordered several mines,
which could have been a hazard to his ships, blown. Their explosions were
spotted by the American crewmen. Dewey misinterpreted
the reason for the reason for the explosion of the mines, commenting "Evidently
the Spaniards are already rattled." The Squadron moved ahead in battle
order - OLYMPIA, followed by BALTIMORE,
RALEIGH,
PETREL,
CONCORD,
and
BOSTON at two hundred yard intervals.

The
Americans finally spotted the Spanish vessels in their Cavite anchorage
between Sangley Point and Las Pinas. At 5:15 a.m. the guns of the Cavite
fortifications and the Spanish fleet opened fire. Dewey
had his ships hold their fire until 5:40 A.M. Then, standing on the vessel's
open bridge, he quietly told the OLYMPIA's captain,
"You may fire when ready, Gridley." The OLYMPIA's
forward eight inch turret fired. The other ships of the column followed
suit. The Americans kept the Spanish vessels off their port bow during
their initial attack, since this allowed the maximum number of guns on
each ship to fire.

Though it was not obvious to the Americans, who noted that the damage
to the Spanish vessels must not have been too great since the fire from
their vessels did not slacken, destruction came quickly to the Spanish
fleet. Montojo commented that the first three
ships seemed to direct their fire mainly on his flagship, REINA
CRISTINA. Soon a shot hit her forecastle, put the crews of four rapid
fire guns out of action, shattering the mast, and injuring the helmsman,
who had to be replaced. Another shell set flew into the vessel's orlop
deck, starting a fire which was rapidly put under control.

The American ships came in as close as they thought the depth of
the water would allow, first passing the Spanish position from west to
east, and then countermarching east to west. Five passes were made along
the two and a half mile course by the Asiatic Squadron at a speed of six
to eight knots.

Suddenly, around 7:30 A.M., Commodore Dewey
had a rude awakening.
Captain Gridley relayed
a report that the vessel was down to only fifteen rounds of ammunition
for each five inch gun. The five inch guns were the OLYMPIA's
most effective gun, since they could fire much more quickly than the 8"
turret guns. Fifteen rounds of ammunition could, under rapid fire condition,
be expended in two minutes! Realizing that running out of ammunition could
spell the end of his squadron, and not being able to determine the extent
of the damage to the Spanish vessels amidst the smoke of battle, Dewey
decided to withdraw to redistribute ammunition and assess the entire situation.
To avoid having the Spanish realize his plight and give them additional
reason to hold out longer, the commodore had the signal sent to his squadron
that the ships were breaking off to allow the men time for breakfast. The
men greeted this with consternation. It was later noted in the American
press as an example of the nonchalance the Americans exhibited in the battle
by stopping in the middle for a bite to eat, while still within range of
the enemy's guns in their fortifications.

Very quickly, though, it was found that the report was in error.
Instead, only fifteen rounds per five inch gun had been expended. This
indicated that the men were showing unusual restraint by firing only after
taking time to aim, and trying to make every shot count. A call went out
for the commanders of the ships of the squadron to report their damage,
casualties and ammunition status. The men, somewhat confused by this turn
of events, ate and rested. The engine room crewscame up on deck to get
away from the stifling heat below decks and survey the carnage which was
becoming evident from the direction of the Spanish fleet.

During the morning's battle, twice the OLYMPIA
believed it was under attack from small torpedo boats. One of these it
sunk, the other was run aground. Torpedoes were greatly feared weapons,
because, with them a small vessel could conceivably sink a large vessel.
However, the Spanish reports make no report of these attacks, and it now
appears that these vessels, military or civilian, were simply in the wrong
place at the wrong time and were not torpedo boats.

Twice, near the end of the battle's morning phase, Spanish men-of-war
had made attempts to close on the American squadron. First, the DON
JUAN DE AUSTRIA attempted to charge the OLYMPIA.
The heavy gunfire of the fleet had forced her to abandon the effort. Shortly
after this action, the Spanish Flagship, REINA
CRISTINA also tried to close on the OLYMPIA,
possibly to try to ram her. While making this attempt that the REINA
CRISTINA's steering gear was detroyed as she again became the focus
of the galling fire of the American squadron.

Unbeknownst to the Americans, the Spanish fleet was already defeated
when Dewey "broke for breakfast." Very close to
the end of the morning's phase of the battle, the REINA
CRISTINA was hit by a number of projectiles. In addition to the shot
that destroyed her steering gear, another shot, sadly, hit her in the area
that was being used as a hospital, killing many already wounded men. One
shot fatally hit a stern ammunition handling room, hampering further steering
attempts, and resulting in the flooding of the nearby magazines. Fire broke
out elsewhere while the broadside guns continued firing, though only one
gunner and one seaman remained unhurt and able to work the guns. Half of
her crew was out of action, and seven officers were lost. Montojo
ordered the vessel scuttled, and tried to save his men.

The Spanish admiral transferred his flag to the ISLA
DE CUBA. Now, in the lull of the American "breakfast
break" he could survey the damage. The DON ANTONIO
DE ULLOA had been sunk, and half of her crew and her commander were
put out of action. Some of her remaining crew may have stayed aboard refusing
to abandon her. The CASTILLA had been set afire
in the action and riddled with shot. She was abandoned and sunk, with a
loss of 23 men killed and 80 wounded. The ISLA
DE LUZON had three guns dismounted, while the MARQUES
DEL DUERO was "sadly cut up."

Montojo ordered the remainder of the fleet, those that could still
maneuver, to retreat back into Bacoor Bay, fight on as long as possible,
and then scuttle the ships before surrendering.

Dewey's guncrews had found their marks, in spite of actually hitting
their targets only about one to two percent of the time. This hit rate
was low, but not unusual in the period. . In fact, it was higher
than the American hit rate at the later naval Battle
of Santiago, a fact attributable to the Spanish vessels being generally
stationary targetsThe Spanish, of course, hit their targets much less than
the Americans.

Meanwhile, the reports from Dewey's subordinates
began to arrive aboard the OLYMPIA. The information
was shocking. In spite of what seemed to be a strong Spanish barrage, there
were no lives lost aboard the American vessels. Two officers and seven
men were injured, most only slightly. Eight of the injuries were from a
single hit on the
BALTIMORE, with the remaining
injury occurring aboard the BOSTON.

The path of the shell that hit the BALTIMORE

By 11:16 A.M., the lull was over. The Asiatic Squadron went back
on the attack. It was now evident to the Americans that the Spanish fleet
was ablaze and sinking. The BALTIMORE led the
attack the second time, switching places in line with the flagship. She
had been sent to intercept a vessel which turned out to be a merchant vessel,
and was closer in to the enemy. As the remainder of the fleet was considerably
behind her, the BALTIMORE requested and obtained
permission to shell the Canacao Battery and Fort Sangley. The spirited
exchange went on for ten minutes, with the Canacao and then Fort Sangley
being silenced.

As the American ships got within range, some reports indicate that
the crew that remained aboard the DON ANTONIO
DE ULLOA, already a wreck, may have opened fire. Whether this was indeed
fire or merely the "cooking off" of ammunition is not clear. However, she
was answered by the fleet, and savagely raked. The Spanish crew, if they
were still on board, won the respect of the Americans for their bravery,
and must have finally decided to abandon ship.

The Asiatic Squadron received orders from the flagship to break ranks.
The CONCORD was ordered to destroy the beached
ISLA
DE MINDANAO, mail steamer thought by the Americans to be a transport.
The PETREL, because of her shallow draft, was
ordered to perform the risky duty of proceeding into the shallow waters
of Cavite to capture or fire any vessels there. After a few shots from
her six inch guns, the forces on Cavite itself surrendered. The PETREL
also captured the transport MANILA and several smaller vessels.

The American losses were minor, consisting of nine men injured. In
addition, Captain Gridley of the OLYMPIA,
already gravely ill, would pass away about a month after the battle, his
condition worsened by his hours spent in the hot conning tower aboard OLYMPIA
that morning. Chief Engineer Randall of the HUGH
McCULLOCH had passed away from a heart attack as the squadron entered
Manila Bay, but may be considered a casualty of the battle also, since
his conditon may have been the result of the tension of the moment and
the heat of the engine rooms.

The Spanish losses were much higher. Admiral Montojo reported a loss
of 381 men killed and wounded as a result of the battle.

However, the battle was over. The Spanish vessels had been destroyed.
Though the guns of the fortifications around Manila still had the power
to sink the American squadron, the threat of a return bombardment of the
city kept the guns silent. That evening, the USFS OLYMPIA Brass Band serenaded
the crowds of people teeming along the Manila waterfront with a selection
of music including many Spanish numbers, punctuated by continued explosions
of ammunition aboard the still-burning Spanish vessels. It was an strange
end to a strange day.

American Losses as a Result of the Battle

In addition to the official list of injuries, below, the American forces
suffered two deaths which were an indirect result of the battle. They were:

Captain Charles V. Gridley of the OLYMPIA
- Gridley was already in poor health at the time
of the battle. He could have been relieved of duty, but asked to be allowed
to stay on. The stress of the battle and the excessive heat in his battle
station in the OLYMPIA's conning tower (an armored
steel cylinder with a slit in it to view the action outside) were too much
for him. After the battle he was sent home. Gridley
left aboard the ZAFIRO, escorted by the CONCORD.
He died on board the S.S. COPTIC in Kobe, Japan on June 5, 1898, on his
way home. Scarcely a month had passed since the battle.

Chief Engineer Randall of the McCULLOCH
- Randall died of a heart attack as the vessels passed El Fraile Island
while heading into battle, probably a result of the combination of the
stress of the moment, and the intense heat in the vessel's engine room.

Below is the official list of injuries to the American forces at
the Battle of Manila Bay.

Case No. 1 - Lacerated wound of upper lip by fragment of rotating
band. Also wounds of right foot, in one of which there was a fracture of
the fifth metatarsal bone extending into general synovial sac. Patient
discharged to duty, entirely recovered, June 10. On the list forty days.

Case No. 3 - Compound fracture of the left leg in upper third from
a fall while carrying an 8-inch shell, the point entering the inner side
of leg and splintering inner border of tibia. Discharged to duty, entirely
recovered, June 7. On the list thirty-seven days.

Case No. 4 - Contusion and concussion. Was knocked down by the windage
of a 4.7-inch shell. Face badly bruised, and unconscious for one-half hour.
Discharged to duty May 7. On sick list six days.

Case No. 5 - Wound of left leg from splinter. Not admitted to sick
list.

Case No. 6 - Wound of left forearm. Contusion of left sternomastoid
and rupture of left tympanic membrane. Not admitted to sick list.

Case No. 7 - Wound of right foot and abrasion of face from splinters.
Not admitted to sick list.

Case No. 8 - Contusion over sternum and abrasion side of face. Not
admitted to sick list.

(As a service to our readers, those interested in obtaining
some of the sources listed below, simply click on titles shown in red
and the link will take you to Amazon.com's page on that book.)

Clerk of Joint Committee on Printing, The Abridgement of the Message
from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress,
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1899, Vol II, p. 1292.

The Cyclorama Company, Battle of Manila. (Philadelphia, 1899)

Dewey, George, Autobiography
of George Dewey (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1987, originally
published in 1913 by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York) ISBN 0-87021-028-9.

Young, L. S.; The Cruise Book of the U.S. Flagship OLYMPIA, 1895-1899.

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