When Will The Gang Rapes Finally End in Britain?

In Northern Britain another rape trial has ended. The offenders were young men, of mostly Pakistani descend, who sexually abused, forced to prostitution, plied with alcohol and drugs underage, white British girls. “White” is a term used by the British media, unlike “Asian” which means “Muslim”.

It was yet another court case of Muslim groups sexually exploiting teenage British girls. However slowly, the situation in England is changing, although still at the cost of hundreds of children. I will talk about those changes in the further part of this article, but first let us recount the trials which have taken place so far.

Fourth gang-rape trial already

It happened in Newcastle. Seventeen men and one woman (a non-Muslim) were indicted on rape charges committed against over twenty teenage girls, albeit the number of victims was much higher. It was already the fourth trial of this kind since 2015 in only one region (which spreads over two counties near the Scottish border). This one, however, was the very first trial that the media were permitted to write about. The first three were classified in order to “avoid pejorative influence on judges making opinions in future cases of that nature.” The police have revealed that in the investigations conducted since 2014, so far 460 individuals got arrested, out of which 108 were charged with rape (police operations in the region were led under a code name “Sanctuary” and the one in Newcastle itself was called “Shelter”). There were at least 700 abused girls, with 278 proven cases. It is believed there were more cases. After the information regarding the verdicts was published in the media, many more victims came forward calling a dedicated hotline.

Similar rape cases against predominantly Muslims of Pakistani and Somali descend have already begun in other cities of Northern England.

We wrote multiple times about the most infamous one in Rotherham from 2015 (here among other articles). For well over a decade, 1400 young girls were raped there, with the real numbers likely reaching 2000. A gang of 25-strong perpetrators received jail sentences.

In Oxford in 2013, seven men got indicted on charges of rape on 370 girls.

Nine people were convicted of grooming and raping 47 underage girls in Rochdale in 2012.

Over a dozen separate cases were also reported in other, smaller British towns.

The perpetrators, their victims and the moda operandi of the gangs are similar everywhere. The victims are in their teens, usually between 14 and 15, sometimes younger. The gang members, adult young men, befriend them, flirt and later persuade or force to participate in “sessions”, parties where the girls are fed alcohol and drugs and are finally being raped. After that, the girls are pressured to have repeated sexual intercourses “voluntarily” or by force, they are pushed to prostitution and drug use (which often results in addiction), under the threat of revealing everything to their parents and friends. The exploited teenage girls often come from pathological families, orphanages or foster homes. Equally often, however, the victims are from good homes. They fall for dashing, a bit older than them men, with oriental looks, and who declare deep love for them and show great adoration. This stage is always followed by sessions with drugs and rape.

This time the police did intervene

Although the Newcastle case looked identical to the previous three, something has begun to slowly change in the issue of political correctness of the police forces and the British politicians.

In the first three cases, the police and the social services were consciously omitting the Muslim link of the perpetrators. Often times, the girls reporting rape, were accused of being “racist”. Some institutions would not even begin any research for fear of being perceived as islamophobic, since the accused men, in the reports, were exclusively Muslim (“Asian” in British media). Characteristically, even in the latest operation in Newcastle, one policeman got suspended for refusing to initiate legal proceedings against an accused Pakistani rapist. This, however, was an isolated case.

The police acted professionally in the Newcastle region. Broadly implemented “Operation Sanctuary” was the result of reports filed by two victims at the end of 2013. With the exception of the above-mentioned incident, there were no attempts this time to obstruct the investigation or to push the blame onto the victims. Markedly, the trials as well as the proceedings were effective and in two-years-time over 400 people got arrested and over 100 of them were sentenced to jail. The Newcastle case was the last of the four court cases and all suspects were put to trial.

The second, and equally important change, can be noticed in the public announcements made by some political figures. Although, they do not yet use the term “Muslim” to describe the perpetrators, still calling them “Asians” or “Pakistanis,” they at least begin to label those crimes as “racist”. Hitherto, in the public discourse, a racist action could only come from a white majority and be aimed at ethnic minority. It turned out, quite suddenly however, that people from ethnic minorities can also be racist. Some politicians start to make a note of that fact, albeit the courts’ opinion still differs in that matter.

“The law does not discriminate between different forms of racism”, said Robert Buckland the Solicitor General. “The courts should apply a sentencing uplift where there is evidence of racial hostility of motivation. There has been an institutional reticence when it comes to Asian gangs that groom and abuse white girls. Some people have been more concerned about being labelled a racist then dealing with child safeguarding”, he added.

The Liberal Democrat peer and former Director of Public Prosecutions, Lloyd McDonald, in a BBC interview, refused to identify the perpetrators as “Asians” or “Pakistanis”. To describe the grooming gangs, he used instead a more muddied term “particular communities”. He said “there is a particular issue about some men in some communities who feel that these young girls are trash who are available for sex.” He added: “The problem must be recognized for what it is, which is profoundly racist crime.”

Nigel Farage, the former Ukip leader, said “these are racist crimes and it’s been hidden for far too long in too many northern cities and a lot of elected political figures throughout the north of England in my view bear very heavy responsibility. But there’s been a change of tone and today Sarah Champion has completely changed course”.

Sarah Champion, the Labour MP for Rotherham and Shadow Secretary of State for Women and Equalities told the BBC that “the majority of the perpetrators are Pakistani men,” and that “the government chooses not to investigate the causes of what is happening.” Champion went even further and published an article in The Sun saying “Britain has a problem with British Pakistani men raping and exploiting white girls. For too long we have ignored the race of these abusers and, worse, tried to cover it up. No more. These people are predators and the common denominator is their ethnic heritage. There. I said it. Does that make me a racist? Or am I just prepared to call out this horrifying problem for what it is”?

Half a step forward

Not all politicians recognize the existence of particular groups responsible for crimes against young girls. There was no uniformed spring to action examining why the gang rape crimes took place and what could have been done to prevent them.

After her article, Sarah Champion was forced to resign from her position in the Shadow cabinet and the Labour Party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, who remained silent about the Newcastle trial, proclaimed “it was not appropriate for Ms Champion to have suggested that Pakistani men are largely responsible for the grooming and rape of young white girls.” Later he added that we should be focused in general on the safety of young women who may be abused in all sorts of ways by all sorts of people.

Similarly, and completely disregarding the reality, Ewen Weir, who is responsible for social services at Newcastle City Council, gave his opinion: “in terms of religion, I’ve seen no evidence personally that it is a big driver. It was ‘over-simplistic’ to attribute the attitudes underpinning the abuse to one group. It’s not right to oversimplify this because there are men from all sorts of backgrounds, including white men, in this,” he added. It is correct to say that “white men” were involved in “this” – they were mostly leading the investigations!

Just like Jeremy Corbyn, the Prime Minister, Theresa May, did not comment on the Newcastle trial which proved rape charges on staggering numbers of young, white British girls.

In turn, the BBC broadcast their program devoted to the “Operation Sanctuary” and the Newcastle proceedings while being predominantly focused on some little known fact of a £10.000 payout to one of the police informants and a convicted child rapist, instead of analyzing the perpetrators’ motives and the reactions of the communities from which they came.

The Asian silence

The reaction was modest indeed. True, there was a joint statement signed by faith and community leaders of all major religions, including representatives of various Islamic organizations and some mosque chairmen. It was in fact a perfect example of shedding light on the art of uttering deceptive and politically correct phrases: “We are conscious that members of all communities are amongst those who are most disturbed and devastated by these crimes. It is important now that we do not compound the profound suffering that victims of these crimes have endured by casting blame on entire communities”. Dipu Ahad a local councillor, and an influential figure in the local Muslim community used a familiar quibble: “I’m not going to be apologetic as a person from the BME community [Asian minority], these men do not represent the Muslim community, nor do they represent the teachings of Islam.”

Northern England saw a fusion of a few elements existing in Muslim and European cultures which in result created a subculture of rape, an environment where rape was permitted. These elements continue to be dominant today not only in England but also in many other countries of Europe.

The entire Muslim population living in the two northern counties is 50.000 people. For at least four years more than 100 men preyed on hundreds of children and at least 400 others knew about what was going on (there were 400 additional arrests). 25 taxi drivers lost their licenses (they were transporting young girls to parties, know as “sessions”). Is it really possible, in a small community, for the great majority to be so unaware of what was happening? Could one seriously imagine a small Polish town with 100 men there raping neighborhood teen girls without the others knowing about it?

More importantly, assuming that the rest of the town had no prior knowledge about the crimes, after learning of these heinous events, wouldn’t it react with public disgust and mass indignation? Wouldn’t it stop and reflect on how to avoid crimes of that nature in the future?

Meanwhile, in Newcastle there was no collective wrath, no protests. There was no societal mea culpa or pondering on “how could there be so many perverts and criminals among us?” The imams with the “community leaders” did not organize any debates in their mosques. They would act as though all of it had nothing to do with them, as though hundreds of rapists from their communities are just some UFOs and not their sons, their brothers, their husbands, their local mosque goers. “These men do not represent the Muslim community, nor do they represent the teachings of Islam.” Period. End of story.

Responsibility on both sides

In order to prevent similar tragedies from happening, one must first understand why these crimes have even occurred in so many English towns. Northern England saw a fusion of a few elements existing in Muslim and European cultures which in result created a subculture of rape, an environment where rape was permitted. These elements continue to be dominant today not only in England but also in many other countries of Europe.

Three factors are essential in this matter when analyzing a Muslim culture. The first one is a combination of innate contempt for women with religious disdain for the unbelievers. Non-Muslim women are in fact subhumans among the subhumans, “good for only one thing – to f*** and use as trash,” as one member of the Newcastle grooming gang once told a female bus ticket inspector. Noticeably, similar approach is manifested with other Muslim groups in various European countries. The most spectacular case was registered in Cologne, Germany, where on New Year’s eve of 2016 hundreds of women were publicly groped and molested by the newly arriving “refugees” from Northern Africa.

The second aspect is linked with the acquiescence (or at least the lack of condemnation) of the Muslim society for the rapists and the natural loyalty of that society toward its own members, which is stronger than the loyalty for the host countries and their laws. Majority of British Muslims are from Pakistan. Pakistani communities in England are made of migrants who usually come from the same town or region in Pakistan. They actively stay in touch with their fatherland and still feel part of it. They often build homes “to retire” in those towns and they bring wives from there for their English-born sons.

Finally, the third element fostering gang rapes committed by Muslim minorities is the feeling of impunity of the perpetrators. In all of the English cities, where dozens and hundreds of girls were preyed on, the grooming gangs were operating freely for more than a few and even more than a dozen years. Out in the open, almost publicly.

The rapists of Rotherham were taking kids from their schools and orphanages using cars, taxi drivers were participating in this procedure in every town (25 taxi drivers lost their license in Newcastle). After the “sessions” the young girls would be let out intoxicated, drugged and raped.

Despite the the evidence, the perpetrators knew that neither social services nor the police would be interested in what they were doing. The average sentence in the “Operation Sanctuary” was 3 years behind bars, with the possibility of walking out after two years for good behavior, one could assume.

This brings us to the analysis of the elements of responsibility rooted in our European culture.

First and foremost, it is the reluctance of authorities to pursue the suspects from Asian or African minorities, dictated by political correctness and fear from being perceived as racist. As Sarah Champion said “people are more afraid to be called a racist then they are afraid to be wrong about calling out child abuse.”

When Ann Cryer, MP from Keighley, was visited at her constituency office by seven women in 2003 (!) pleading for help for their regularly abused daughters, her first reaction was to check their political affiliations and whether they had links with Far-Right parties such as the BNP (British National Party). The women brought with them names and addresses of 65 Pakistani suspects implicated in the pedophile ring and reported that their claims were persistently being ignored by the local police. Luckily, Cryer’s staff found out that the women were mainly Labour supporters and she decided to look into their case. “The women begged for help […] and no one was listening to them. Once I had overcome my initial disbelief that large-scale pedophile abuse was the norm for a section of the community, […] I took my concerns to West Yorkshire police and social services. I expected they would have a hard time believing the claims – but I didn’t think I’d be flatly ignored by everyone. It was as if this crime was so toxic, no one could acknowledge its existence,” said Cryer.

Secondly, just as the Muslim communities pretended that they did not see the rapists among them, in the same way, the English population of a town pretended that they did not see the victims. I write here not only about the local social workers and the teachers (i.e. wouldn’t a raped, forced to prostitution and plied with drugs girl act conspicuously in school?), but about ordinary citizens like Ian Horsefall, 56, who lived nearby a place where sex “sessions” would regularly take place. “I used to see big groups of young girls, aged maybe 12 to 15, coming up and down the road arguing and drunk. Guys would drive up and down the road and if they saw a young woman, they’d pull over and stop. You’d hear them asking ‘do you want a lift, love?’ but they speed off when I got close. I wish I’d taken the registration, I should have called the police.” The girls would probably wish that he did…

Finally, the third element refers to a dramatic collapse of parental authority within families. Great number of the sexually molested girls came from normal families where the parents could not (would not?) instill a sense of rightness in their young girls. The women who came to Ann Cryer were mothers from typical families and yet, somehow, they were not able to teach, enforce or inspire their daughters that it is was not alright to get in to cars with male strangers and to go with them inside shady apartments. That they should not get drunk and take drugs at 13.

I am not trying to blame here the girls for getting drunk and being raped. The fact that they behaved stupidly and carelessly, does not excuse the rapists in anyway. I blame the parents, however, that they could not offer their daughters an adequate upbringing, that they failed to supervise them, and if they reacted to what was going on, their reaction was ineffective or too late (only in isolated cases in Rotherham the affected families would decide to send their daughters to another city or to move entirely). I blame the neighbors for looking away, abandoning the victims. Dumping the accountability for the situation simply on the political correctness of the governmental institutions is a feeble attempt to dodge responsibility by those who are part and should be part of a community.

It is clear that among Muslims that sense of community is too powerful to allow the outside forces to “harm” any of their own, yet it is also clear that the “whites” are completely stripped of that sense allowing harm to be done to the weakest in their midst.

This is for me the single most tragic realization.

As one can observe now, the police is more effective and it acts with less fear. Some politicians speak out more boldly now about the problem. Predictably, in time, as new cases of hundreds of raped girls get filed in, they will speak openly and will, at last, demand loyalty from Muslim communities toward the English society. The courts may even impose stricter sentences based on deeply racist acts of the perpetrators. Maybe even some imams will come out and say: “one must not rape the unbelievers and if one does one is not a Muslim”.

Will the parents, however, better educate their children? Will the neighbors give a damn about the fate of young, drunk girls?