Certainly the elections held this month do not uphold the certainty
that moderate market liberalism in Congress had been the American choice
as a balance to the moderate fascism promoted at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
The Republican Party had been seeking affirmation of their post-Revolution
strategy, and nearly every pundit from George Stephanopolous to Pat
Buchanan had anticipated at least a small expansion of the Republican
majorities in the House and Senate. However, on the morning of November
4th House Speaker Gingrich's only public consolation was that every
congressional committee chair would still be a Republican.

While the diminished strength of the Republican Party is an obvious
certainty, the Democratic Party cannot be said to be vindicated for
its insistence that one Kenneth Starr was going to kill all confidence
in the Republicans. The Clinton impeachment inquiry played a very minimal
role in the Congressional races and had no role whatsoever in the races
for Governor. Those who would tout the inquiry as a major reason for
Republican failure are using specious reasoning that has no relation
with truth but is an attempt to convince the part of the public that
is easily swayed that what the Democrats claim happened is what in fact
happened.

The Republican response has been to mask the larger problems in congressional
strategy: lack of strong message, incompetent leadership, and internal
discontent. As the discussions begin about who is to lead the Republicans
in the next term, especially in the House, the more strident conservatives
will display their unhappiness and will not agree to elect the team
of Armey and DeLay. Though two of the more public dissenters, Linda
Smith and Mark Neumann, are not going to be in this next Congress others
may be eager to voice their concerns.

Where Republicans did succeed their emphasis on size of government
and market issues clearly aided them. The Bushes' victories in Texas
and Florida followed campaigns that focused on issues like tax reform
and educational choice - items that are modest steps in the direction
of a free economy. Republicans who used moral issues in their campaigns,
such as Governors David Beasley in South Carolina and Fob James in Alabama,
along with North Carolina Senator Lauch Faircloth, failed to be re-elected
by a voting public that is interested in economic issues.

Combining libertarian themes like tax cuts, gun ownership rights, and
questioning of prostitution and drug laws with a populist tone, former
wrestler Jesse Ventura gave the Reform Party its first major victory,
the Governor's office in Minnesota. In Vermont, Libertarian Neil Randall
(also endorsed by the Republican Party) became State Representative.
The Libertarian Party ran its best slate of congressional candidates
in years, receiving 29 percent of the vote in one race, and Party member
and former Presidential nominee Ron Paul won re-election as a Republican
with 55 percent of the vote in a better-than-expected victory.

Most Republicans who articulated pro-market positions were victorious.
Those who did not, like Senate candidate Matt Fong in California, were
rare. And Senator Al D'Amato of New York lost his re-election bid after
he ran a campaign drawing attention to his support for federal intrusion
into banking and the arts.

If neither Republicans or Democrats can claim victory after this election,
market liberalism seems emboldened. Voters are not generally interested
in politicians who want to manage social affairs, and for once have
seemed to throw their support to those calling for less government and
freer markets. Notice I do not use the terms "limited government"
and "free markets." Those are issues which are not yet viable
in practical politics. However, they are quickly becoming acceptable.

Republicans in Congress will have to pursue agenda items that expand
freedom. The current leadership has fumbled on key issues by placing
greater priority on having floor votes on meaningless issues like flag
burning and drug-free schools than on educational tax credits and stopping
national identification cards. The current leadership will only help
the Democrats in the 2000 elections if it continues at its current pace.

The election produced a stalemate. To turn this situation into a victory,
the Democrats and Republicans will have to consider adapting their politics
to an electoral system that appears to be shifting towards an economically-driven
one. If the recent election is an indicator, and one can not be entirely
certain, those segments of the public not predisposed to ideology that
bother to vote are predominantly voting for their own self-interest.
The Democrats are not likely to ever offer economic-minded voters many
choice goods, but neither can the Republican Party if it does not follow
the trend set by its own candidates.