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53
seek another location that was more
attractive. 68
In the 6 to 12 months preceding the
1898 election, various groups of men
organized— the most prominent group
became known as the “ Secret 9” ( as they
were called by Harry Hayden). Others in
more established factions such as the
Wilmington Chamber of Commerce or
Merchants Association also developed plans
to achieve Democratic victory in concert
with other factions. 69 For these men,
68 As soon as the leaders of the coup regained control
of the city, new business ventures emerged.
Undoubtedly, the leaders promised investors that
once the election was over, the city would be under
their control and business could resume as it had been
operating in the fifteen years prior to Fusion reforms
that up- ended city politics in 1897. Key
developments were the establishment of the
headquarters for the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad in
1900 and the construction of the Delgado Cotton Mill
in 1899. Piedmont textile magnate Edwin C. Holt,
who also had familial ties with Wilmington’s elite,
constructed the textile mill in Wilmington. In
February 1900, just after the mill opened, Holt stated
that he “ would not have invested his money nor
advised his friends to do likewise had the political
scene in Wilmington stayed under the same
administration prior to November of 1898.” The mill
cost $ 300,000 to construct and in its first year it
operated 440 looms, 10,300 spindles and could
produce 25,000 yards of white cloth daily. By 1902
the mill employed 350 workers – all of them white, a
fact common to the industry statewide. For more on
the development of the Delgado Mill, see Rebecca
Sawyer, “ The Delgado- Spofford Textile Mill and Its
Village: The Fabric of Wilmington's 20th Century
Landscape” ( master’s thesis, University of North
Carolina at Wilmington, 2001). Also Watson,
Wilmington, Port of NC, 116- 117; Wilmington
Messenger, February 21, 1900.
69 The Chamber of Commerce and the Merchant’s
Association met regularly to discuss methods to
improve their business options within the city.
Further, these groups encouraged the growth of white
labor unions that move to the front of the push for
white labor over black in the months following the
election and violence. The Chamber of Commerce
issued multiple statements in the papers in support of
the Democratic Party and its white supremacy tenets.
On November 2, the Chamber of Commerce formally
political victory translated into economic
stability and prosperity— factors lacking for
them under Fusion rule. These men also
facilitated the development of other
organizations such as the White Government
Union and Red Shirts in order to support the
Democratic Party’s attempts to recapture
state and local politics. 70
In the face of mounting opposition
from the more organized Democratic Party,
Populists and Republicans failed to mount a
successful offensive. Beginning in 1897,
irreparable splits developed among
Fusionists, and within their respective
declared itself “ against negro domination.” The
Chamber issued a resolution which stated that it felt
black/ Republican rule in the city was “ detrimental to
every business interest, arrests enterprise, hampers
commerce and repels capital which might otherwise
find investment in our midst.” The Chamber
concluded that “ prosperity, peace and happiness”
within Wilmington was not possible under the current
regime. Wilmington Messenger, November 2, 1898.
70 Several men were members of multiple groups that
were all working toward the common goal of
Democratic Party victory. The Secret Nine were J.
Allan Taylor, Hardy Fennell, W. A. Johnson, L. B.
Sasser, William Gilchrist, P. B. Manning, E. S.
Lathrop, Walter Parsley, and Hugh MacRae. A
second group, the Group of Six, also met and its
members were William L. Smith, John Berry, Henry
Fennell, Thomas Meares, William F. Robertson, and
Walker Taylor. The Campaign Committee of the
Democratic Party was Frank Stedman, Edgar
Parmele, Walker Taylor, and George Rountree. The
Chamber of Commerce featured James H. Chadbourn
Jr. as President with members George Rountree,
Thomas Strange, William R. Kenan, Thomas C.
James, Walker Taylor, S. H. Fishblate, Frank
Stedman, William E. Worth, Thomas Clawson,
Walter Parsley, J. Allan Taylor, Hugh MacRae, John
L. Cantwell, and Samuel Northrop. In her research
on the Delgado Mill, Rebecca Sawyer discovered that
in 1895 Wilmington’s leading businessmen issued a
stock prospectus in favor of establishing a textile mill
in the city after investigation into the matter.
However, the men could not act on the prospectus
because of the changes to city government wrought
by Fusion reform. Hayden, Wilmington Light
Infantry, 66- 7, 72; Hayden, Story of the Wilmington
Rebellion; Prather, We Have Taken a City, 49;
Sawyer, “ Delgado- Spofford Mill.”

53
seek another location that was more
attractive. 68
In the 6 to 12 months preceding the
1898 election, various groups of men
organized— the most prominent group
became known as the “ Secret 9” ( as they
were called by Harry Hayden). Others in
more established factions such as the
Wilmington Chamber of Commerce or
Merchants Association also developed plans
to achieve Democratic victory in concert
with other factions. 69 For these men,
68 As soon as the leaders of the coup regained control
of the city, new business ventures emerged.
Undoubtedly, the leaders promised investors that
once the election was over, the city would be under
their control and business could resume as it had been
operating in the fifteen years prior to Fusion reforms
that up- ended city politics in 1897. Key
developments were the establishment of the
headquarters for the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad in
1900 and the construction of the Delgado Cotton Mill
in 1899. Piedmont textile magnate Edwin C. Holt,
who also had familial ties with Wilmington’s elite,
constructed the textile mill in Wilmington. In
February 1900, just after the mill opened, Holt stated
that he “ would not have invested his money nor
advised his friends to do likewise had the political
scene in Wilmington stayed under the same
administration prior to November of 1898.” The mill
cost $ 300,000 to construct and in its first year it
operated 440 looms, 10,300 spindles and could
produce 25,000 yards of white cloth daily. By 1902
the mill employed 350 workers – all of them white, a
fact common to the industry statewide. For more on
the development of the Delgado Mill, see Rebecca
Sawyer, “ The Delgado- Spofford Textile Mill and Its
Village: The Fabric of Wilmington's 20th Century
Landscape” ( master’s thesis, University of North
Carolina at Wilmington, 2001). Also Watson,
Wilmington, Port of NC, 116- 117; Wilmington
Messenger, February 21, 1900.
69 The Chamber of Commerce and the Merchant’s
Association met regularly to discuss methods to
improve their business options within the city.
Further, these groups encouraged the growth of white
labor unions that move to the front of the push for
white labor over black in the months following the
election and violence. The Chamber of Commerce
issued multiple statements in the papers in support of
the Democratic Party and its white supremacy tenets.
On November 2, the Chamber of Commerce formally
political victory translated into economic
stability and prosperity— factors lacking for
them under Fusion rule. These men also
facilitated the development of other
organizations such as the White Government
Union and Red Shirts in order to support the
Democratic Party’s attempts to recapture
state and local politics. 70
In the face of mounting opposition
from the more organized Democratic Party,
Populists and Republicans failed to mount a
successful offensive. Beginning in 1897,
irreparable splits developed among
Fusionists, and within their respective
declared itself “ against negro domination.” The
Chamber issued a resolution which stated that it felt
black/ Republican rule in the city was “ detrimental to
every business interest, arrests enterprise, hampers
commerce and repels capital which might otherwise
find investment in our midst.” The Chamber
concluded that “ prosperity, peace and happiness”
within Wilmington was not possible under the current
regime. Wilmington Messenger, November 2, 1898.
70 Several men were members of multiple groups that
were all working toward the common goal of
Democratic Party victory. The Secret Nine were J.
Allan Taylor, Hardy Fennell, W. A. Johnson, L. B.
Sasser, William Gilchrist, P. B. Manning, E. S.
Lathrop, Walter Parsley, and Hugh MacRae. A
second group, the Group of Six, also met and its
members were William L. Smith, John Berry, Henry
Fennell, Thomas Meares, William F. Robertson, and
Walker Taylor. The Campaign Committee of the
Democratic Party was Frank Stedman, Edgar
Parmele, Walker Taylor, and George Rountree. The
Chamber of Commerce featured James H. Chadbourn
Jr. as President with members George Rountree,
Thomas Strange, William R. Kenan, Thomas C.
James, Walker Taylor, S. H. Fishblate, Frank
Stedman, William E. Worth, Thomas Clawson,
Walter Parsley, J. Allan Taylor, Hugh MacRae, John
L. Cantwell, and Samuel Northrop. In her research
on the Delgado Mill, Rebecca Sawyer discovered that
in 1895 Wilmington’s leading businessmen issued a
stock prospectus in favor of establishing a textile mill
in the city after investigation into the matter.
However, the men could not act on the prospectus
because of the changes to city government wrought
by Fusion reform. Hayden, Wilmington Light
Infantry, 66- 7, 72; Hayden, Story of the Wilmington
Rebellion; Prather, We Have Taken a City, 49;
Sawyer, “ Delgado- Spofford Mill.”