A Chicano Plan for Higher
Education was written by the Chicano Coordinating Council on Higher
Education as a manifesto for the implementation of Chicano Studies
educational programs throughout the state of California. The Plan was
adopted in April 1969 at a symposium held at the University of California,
Santa Barbara, USA. The 155-page document outlines proposals for a
curriculum in Chicano Studies, the role of community control in Chicano
education, and the necessity of Chicano political independence. The document
retains visibility as the founding document of the Chicano student group
MEChA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán).

The Chicano Movement was one of
many movements of the late 1960s and 1970s, like the Black nationalism
movement of the United States or the Black Consciousness Movement of South
Africa, in which people of color in white-ruled societies adopted the ideas
of nationalist liberation movements that had successfully overthrown
colonial regimes in Africa and Asia.

In an area of the United States
that had been purchased from Mexico by the United States after the
Mexican-American War, where Mexican American history was neglected in
education, and where discrimination against and segregation of Mexican
Americans was common, the idea of a program of decolonization had special
resonance for young Mexican American activists, who called themselves
"Chicanos" as a mark of pride. The reconfiguration of the mythic idea of
Aztlán was an important part of this movement, and El Plan Espiritual de
Aztlán was an extension of that idea.

For all peoples, as with individual, the time comes when they must reckon
with their history. For the Chicano the present is a time of renaissance, of
renacimiento. Our people and our community, el barrio and la colonia, are
expressing a new consciousness and a new resolve. Recognizing the historical
tasks confronting our people and fully aware of the cost of human progress,
we pledge our will to move. We will move forward toward our destiny as a
people. We will move against those forces which has denied us freedom of
expression and human dignity. Throughout history the quest for cultural
expression and freedom has taken the form of a struggle. Our struggle
tempered by the lessons of the American past, is an historical reality.

For decades Mexican people in the United States struggle to realize the
''American Dream''. And some, a few, have. But the cost, the ultimate cost
of assimilation, required turning away from el barrio and la colonia. In the
meantime, due to the racist structure of this society, to our essentially
different life style, and to the socio-economic functions assigned to our
community by Anglo-American society - as suppliers of cheap labor and
dumping ground for the small-time capitalist entrepreneur- the barrio and
colonia remained exploited, impoverished, and marginal.

As a result, the self-determination of our community is now the only
acceptable mandate for social and political action; it is the essence of
Chicano commitment. Culturally, the word Chicano, in the past a pejorative
and class-bound adjective, has now become the root idea of a new cultural
identity for our people. It also reveals a growing solidarity and the
development of a common social praxis. The widespread use of the term
Chicano today signals a rebirth of pride and confidence. Chicanismo simply
embodies and ancient truth: that a person is never closer to his/her true
self as when he/she is close to his/her community.

Chicanismo draws its faith and strength from two main sources: from the just
struggle of our people and from an objective analysis of our community's
strategic needs. We recognize that without a strategic use of education, an
education that places value on what we value, we will not realize our
destiny. Chicanos recognize the central importance of institutions of higher
learning to modern progress, in this case, to the development of our
community. But we go further: we believe that higher education must
contribute to the information of a complete person who truly values life and
freedom.

The destiny of our people will be fulfilled. to that end, we pledge our
efforts and take as our credo what Jose Vasconcelos once said at a time of
crisis and hope: "At this moment we do not come to work for the university,
but to demand that the university work for our people.''

Political ActionIntroduction

For the Movement, political action essentially means influencing the
decision-making process of those institutions which affect Chicanos, the
university, community organizations, and non-community institutions.
Political action encompasses the elements which function in a progression:
political consciousness, political mobilization, and tactics. Each part
breaks down into further subdivisions. Before continuing with specific
discussions of these three categories, a brief historical analysis must be
formulated.

Historical Perspective

The political activity of the Chicano Movement at colleges and universities
to date has been specifically directed toward establishing Chicano student
organizations (UMAS, MAYA, MASC, M.E.Ch.A., etc.) and institutionalizing
Chicano Studies programs. A variety of organizational forms and tactics have
characterize these student organizations.

One of the major factors which led to political awareness in the 60's was
the clash between Anglo-American educational institutions and Chicanos who
maintained their cultural identity. Another factor was the increasing number
of Chicano students who became aware of the extent to which colonial
conditions characterized their communities. The result of this domestic
colonialism is that the barrios and colonias are dependent communities with
no institutional power base and significantly influencing decision-making.
Within the last decade, a limited degree of progress has taken place in
securing a base of power within educational institutions.

Other factors which affected the political awareness of the Chicano youth
were: the heritage of the Chicano youth movements of the 30's and 40's; the
failure of the Chicano political efforts of the 40's and 50's; the
bankruptcy of the Mexican- American pseudo-political associations; and the
disillusionment of Chicano participants in the Kennedy campaigns. Among the
strongest influences of Chicano youth today have been the National Farm
Workers Association, the Crusades for Justice, and the Alianza Federal de
Pueblos Libres, The Civil Rights, the Black Power, and the Anti-war
movements were other influences.

As political consciousness increased, there occurred a simultaneously a
renewed cultural awareness which, along with social and economical factors,
led to the proliferation of Chicano youth organizations. By the mid 1960's,
MASC, MAYA, UMAS, La Vida Nueva, and M.E.Ch.A. appeared on campus, while the
Brown Berets, Black Berets, ALMA, and la Junta organized the barrios and
colonias. These groups differed from one another depending on local
conditions and their varying state of political development. Despite
differences in name and organizational experience, a basic unity evolved.

These groups have had a significant impact on the awareness of large numbers
of people, both Chicano and non-Chicano. Within the communities, some public
agencies have been sensitized, and others have been exposed. On campuses,
articulation of demands and related political efforts have dramatized
NUESTRA CAUSA. Concrete results are visible in the establishment of
corresponding supportive services. The institutionalization of Chicano
Studies marks the present stage of activity; the next stage will involve the
strategic application of university and college resources to the community.
One immediate result will be the elimination of the artificial distinction
which exist between the students and the community. Rather than being its
victims, the community will benefit from the resources of the institutions
of higher learning.

Political Consciousness

Commitment to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative
definition of the ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial
distinction in political consciousness between a Mexican American (or
Hispanic) and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican American or Hispanic is a
person who lacks self-respect and pride in one's ethnic and cultural
background. Thus, the Chicano acts with confidence and with a range of
alternatives in the political world. He is capable of developing and
effective ideology through action.

Mexican Americans (or Hispanics) must be viewed as potential Chicanos.
Chicanismo is flexible enough to relate to the varying levels of
consciousness within La Raza. Regional variations must always be kept in
mind as well as the different levels of development, composition, maturity,
achievement, and experience in political action. Cultural nationalism is a
means of total Chicano liberation.

There are definite advantages to cultural nationalism, but no inherent
limitations. A Chicano ideology, especially as it involves cultural
nationalism, should be positively phrased in the form of propositions to the
Movement. Chicanismo is a concept that integrates self-awareness with
cultural identity, a necessary step in developing political consciousness.
As such, it serves as a basis for political action, flexible enough to
include the possibility of coalitions. The related concept of La Raza
provides an internationalist scope of Chicanismo, and La Raza Cosmica
furnishes a philosophical precedent. Within this framework, the Third World
concept merits consideration.

Political Mobilization

Political mobilization is directly dependent on political consciousness. As
political consciousness develops, the potential for political action
increases.

The Chicano student organization in institutions of higher learning is
central to all effective political mobilization. Effective mobilization
presupposes precise definition of political goals and of the tactical
interrelationships of roles. Political goals in any given situations must
encompass the totality of Chicano interests in higher education. The
differentiations of roles required by a given situation must be defined on
the basis of mutual accountability and equal sharing of responsibility.
Furthermore, the mobilization of community support not only legitimizes the
activities of Chicano student solidarity in axiomatic in all aspects of
political action.

Since the movements is definitely of national significance and scope, all
student organizations should adopt one identical name throughout the state
and eventually the nation to characterize the common struggle of La Raza de
Aztlan. The net gain is a step toward greater national unity which enhances
the power in mobilizing local campus organizations.

When advantageous, political coalitions and alliances with non-Chicano
groups may be considered. A careful analysis must precede the decision to
enter into a coalition. One significant factor is the community's attitude
toward coalitions. Another factor is the formulation of a mechanism for the
distribution of power that ensures maximum participation in decision making:
i.e., formulation of demands and planning of tactics. When no longer
politically advantageous, Chicano participation in the coalition ends.

Campus Organizing: Notes on
M.E.Ch.A.Introduction

M.E.Ch.A. is a first step to tying the students groups throughout the
Southwest into a vibrant and responsive network of activists who will
respond as a unit to oppression and racism and will work in harmony when
initiating and carrying put campaigns of liberation for our people.

As of present, wherever one travels throughout the Southwest, one finds that
there are different levels of awareness of different campuses. The student
movement is to a large degree a political movement and as such must not
elicit from our people the negative reason. To this end, then we must
re-define politics for our people to be a means of liberation. The political
sophistication of our Raza must be raised so that they do not fall prey to
apologists and vendidos whose whole interest if their personal career of
fortune. In addition, the student movement is more than a political
movement, it is cultural and social as well. The spirit of M.E.Ch.A. must be
one of hermandad and cultural awareness. The ethic of profit and
competition, of greed and intolerance, which the Anglo society offers must
be replaced by our ancestral communalism and love for beauty and justice.
M.E.Ch.A. must bring to the mind of every young Chicano that the liberations
of this people from prejudice and oppression is in his hands and this
responsibility is greater than personal achievement and more meaningful that
degrees, especially if they are earned at the expense of his identity and
cultural integrity.

M.E.Ch.A., then, is more than a name; it is a spirit of unity, of
brotherhood, and a resolve to undertake a struggle for liberation in society
where justice is but a word. M.E.Ch.A. is a means to an end.

Function of M.E.Ch.A.- To the Student

To socialize and politicize Chicano students of their particular campus to
the ideals of the movement. It is important that every Chicano student on
campus be made to feel that he has a place on the campus and that he/she has
a feeling of familia with his/her Chicano brothers, and sisters. Therefore,
the organization in its flurry of activities and projects must not forget or
overlook the human factor of friendship, understanding, trust, etc. As well
as stimulating hermanidad, this approach can also be looked at in more
pragmatic terms. If enough trust, friendship, and understanding are
generated, then the loyalty and support can be relied upon when a crisis
faces the group or community. This attitude must not merely provide a social
club atmosphere but the strengths, weaknesses, and talents of each member
should be known so that they may be utilized to the greatest advantage. Know
one another. Part of the reason that students will come to the organization
is in search of self-fulfillment. Give that individual the opportunity to
show what he/she can do. Although the Movement stresses collective behavior,
it is important that the individual be recognized and given credit for
his/her efforts. When people who work in close association know one another
well, it is more conductive to self-criticism and re-evaluation, and this
every M.E.Ch.A. person must be willing to submit to. Periodic self-criticism
often eliminates static cycles of unproductive behavior. It is an
opportunity for fresh approaches to old problems to be surfaces and aired;
it gives new leadership a chance to emerge; and must be recognized as a
vital part of M.E.Ch.A. M.E.Ch.A. can be considered a training ground for
leadership, and as such no one member or group of members should dominate
the leadership positions for long periods of time. This tends to take care
of itself considering tie transitory nature of students.

Recruitment and Education

Action is the best organizer. During and immediately following direct action
of any type--demonstrations, marches, rallies, or even symposiums and
speeches-- new faces will often surface and this is where much of the
recruiting should be done. New members should be made to feel that they are
part of the group immediately and not that they have to go through a period
of warming up to the old membership. Each new member should be given a
responsibility as soon as possible and fitted into the scheme of things
according to his or her talents and interests.

Since the college student is constantly faced with the responsibility of
raising funds for the movements, whether it be for legal defense, the grape
boycott, or whatever reason, this is an excellent opportunity for internal
education. Fund-raising events should always be educational. If the event is
a symposium or speech or debate, is usually an excellent opportunity to
spread the Chicano Liberation Movement philosophy. If the event is a
pachanga or tardeada or baile, this provides an excellent opportunity to
practice and teach the culture in all its facets. In addition, each
M.E.Ch.A. chapter should establish and maintain an extensive library of
Chicano materials so that the membership has ready access to material which
will help them understand their people and their problems. General meetings
should be educational. The last segment of each regular meeting can be used
to discuss ideological or philosophical differences, or some event in the
Chicano's history. It should be kept in mind that there will always be
different levels of awareness within the group due to the individual's
background or exposure of the movement. This must be taken into
consideration so as not to alienate members before they have had a chance to
listen to the argument for liberation.

The best educational device is being in the barrio as often as possible.
More often than not the members of M.E.Ch.A. will be products of the barrio;
but many have lost contact with their former surroundings, and this tie must
be re-established if M.E.Ch.A. is to organize and work for La Raza.

The following things should be kept in mind in order to develop group
cohesiveness: 1) know the talents and abilities of each member; 2) every
semester must be given a responsibility, and recognition should be given for
their efforts; 3) of mistakes are made, they should become learning
experiences for the whole group and not merely excuses for ostracizing
individual members; 4) since many people come to M.E.Ch.A. seeking
self-fulfillment, they must be seized to educate the student to the Chicano
philosophy, culture, and history; 6) of great importance is that a personal
and human interaction exist between members of the organization so that such
things as personality clashes, competition, ego-trips, subterfuge,
infiltration, provocateurs, cliques, and mistrust do not impede the cohesion
and effectiveness of the group. Above all the feeling of hermanidad must
prevail so that the organization is more to the members than just a club or
a clique. M.E.Ch.A. must be a learning and fulfilling experience that
develops dedication and commitment.

A delicate but essential question is discipline. Discipline is important to
an organization such as M.E.Ch.A. because many may suffer form the
indiscretion of a few. Because of the reaction of the general population to
the demands of the Chicano, one can always expect some retribution or
retaliation for gains made by the Chicano, be it in the form of legal
cations or merely economic sanction on the campus. Therefore, it becomes
essential that each member pull his load and that no one be allowed to be
dead weight. Carga floja is dangerous, and if not brought up to par, it must
be cut loose. The best discipline comes from mutual respect, and therefore,
the leaders of the group must enjoy and give this respect. The manner of
enforcing discipline, however, should be left up to the group and the
particular situation.

Planning and Strategy

Actions of the group must be coordinate in such a way that everyone knows
exactly what he is supposed to do. This requires that at least rudimentary
organizational methods and strategy be taught to the group. Confusion is
avoid different the plans and strategies are clearly stated to all. The
objective must be clear to the group at all times, especially during
confrontations and negotiations. There should be alternate plans for
reaching the objectives, and these should be explained to the group so that
it is not felt that a reversal of position or capitulation has been carried
out without their approval. The short, as well as the long, range values and
effects of all actions should be considered before actions are taken. This
assumes that their is sufficient time to plan and carefully map out actions,
which brings up another point: don't be caught off guard, don't be forced to
act out of haste; choose your own battleground and your own time schedule
when possible. Know your power base and develop it. A student group is more
effective if it can claim the support of the community and support on the
campus itself form other sectors than the student population.

The Function of M.E.Ch.A. - To the Campus
Community

Other students can be important to M.E.Ch.A. in supportive roles; hence, the
question of coalitions. Although it is understood and quite obvious that the
viability and amenability of coalition varies form campus to campus, some
guidelines might be kept in mind. These questions should be asked before
entering into any binding agreement. Is it beneficial to tie oneself to
another group in coalition which will carry one into conflicts for which on
is ill-prepared or involve one with issues on which one is ill-advised? Can
one sagely go into a coalition where one group is markedly stronger than
another? Does M.E.Ch.A. have an equal voice in leadership and planning in
the coalition group? Is it perhaps better to enter into a loose alliance for
a given issue? How does leadership of each group view coalitions? How does
the membership? Can M.E.Ch.A. hold up its end of the bargain? Will M.E.Ch.A.
carry dead weight in a coalition? All of these and many more questions must
be asked and answered before one can safely say that he/she will benefit
from and contribute to a strong coalition effort.

Supportive groups. When moving on campus it is often well-advised to have
groups who are willing to act in supportive roles. For example, there are
usually any number of faculty members who are sympathetic, but limited as to
the numbers of activities they will engage in. These faculty members often
serve on academic councils and senates and can be instrumental in academic
policy. They also provide another channel to the academic power structure
and can be used as leverage in negotiation. However, these groups are only
as responsive as the ties with them are nurtured. This goes not mean,
compromise M.E.Ch.A.'s integrity; it merely means laying good groundwork
before an issue is brought up, touching bases with your allies before hand.

Sympathetic administrators. This a delicate area since administrators are
most interested in not jeopardizing their positions and often will try to
act as buffers or liaison between the administration and the student group.
In the case of Chicano administrators, it should not be priori be assumed,
he/she must be given the chance to prove his/her allegiance to La Causa. As
such, he/she should be the Chicano's person in the power structure instead
of the administration's Mexican-American. It is from the administrator that
information can be obtained as to the actual feasibility of demands or
programs to go beyond the platitudes and pleas of unreasonableness with
which the administration usually answers proposals and demands. The words of
the administrator should never be the deciding factor in students' actions.
The student must at all time make their own decisions. It is very human for
people to establish self-interest. Therefore, students must constantly
remind the Chicano administrators and faculty where their loyalty and
allegiance lie. It is very easy for administrators to begin looking for
promotions just as it is very natural for faculty members to seek positions
of academic prominence.

In short, it is the students who must keep after Chicano and non-Chicano
administrators and faculty to see that they do not compromise the position
of the student and the community. By the same token, it is the student who
must come to the support of these individuals if they are threatened for
their support of the student. Students must be careful not to become a
political level for others.

Function of M.E.Ch.A. - Education

It is a fact that the Chicano has not often enough written his/her own
history, his/her own anthropology, his/her own sociology, his/her own
literature. He/she must do this if he is to survive as a cultural entity in
this melting pot society, which seeks to dilute varied cultures into a gray
upon gray pseudo-culture of technology and materialism. The Chicano student
is doing most of the work in the establishment of study programs, centers,
curriculum development, entrance programs to get more Chicano into college.
This is good and must continue, but students must be careful not to be
co-opted in their fervor for establishing relevance on the campus. Much of
what is being offered by college systems and administrators is too little
too late. M.E.Ch.A. must not compromise programs and curriculum which are
essential for the total education of the Chicano for the sake of expediency.
The students must not become so engrossed in programs and centers created
along establishes academic guidelines that they forget the needs of the
people which these institutions are meant to serve. To this end, barrio
input must always be given full and open hearing when designing these
programs, when creating them and in running them. The jobs created by these
projects must be filled by competent Chicanos, not only the Chicano who has
the traditional credentials required for the position, but one who has the
credentials of the Raza. To often in the past the dedicated pushed for a
program only to have a vendido sharp-talker come in and take over and start
working for his Anglo administrator. Therefore, students must demand a say
in the recruitment and selection of all directors and assistant directors of
student-initiated programs. To further insure strong if not complete control
of the direction and running of programs, all advisory and steering
committees should have both student and community components as well as
sympathetic Chicano faculty as member.

Tying the campus to the barrio. The colleges and universities in the past
have existed in an aura of omnipotence and infallibility. It is time that
they be made responsible and responsive to the communities in which they are
located or whose member they serve. As has already been mentioned, community
members should serve on all program related to Chicano interests. In
addition to this, all attempts must be made to take the college and
university to the barrio, whether it be in form of classes giving college
credit or community centers financed by the school for the use of community
organizations and groups. Also, the barrio must be brought to the campus,
whether it be for special programs or ongoing services which the school
provides for the people of the barrio. The idea must be made clear to the
people of the barrio that they own the schools and the schools and all their
resources are at their disposal. The student group must utilize the
resources open to the school for the benefit of the barrio at every
opportunity. This can be done by hiring more Chicanos to work as academic
and non-academic personnel on the campus; this often requires exposure of
racist hiring practices now in operation in may college and universities.
When functions, social, or otherwise, are held in the barrio under the
sponsorship of the college and university, monies should be spent in the
Barrio. This applies to hiring Chicano contractors to build on campus, etc.
Many colleges and universities have publishing operations which could be
forced to accept barrio works for publication. Many other things could be
considered in using the resources of the school to the barrio. There are
possibilities for using the physical plant and facilities not mentioned
here, but this is an area which has great potential.

M.E.Ch.A. in the Barrio

Most colleges in the southwest are located near or in the same town as a
barrio. Therefore, it is the responsibility of M.E.Ch.A. members to
establish close working relationship with organization in the barrio. The
M.E.Ch.A. people must be able to take the pulse of the barrio and be able to
respond to it. However, M.E.Ch.A. must be careful not to overstep its
authority or duplicate the efforts of another organization already in the
barrio. M.E.Ch.A. must be able to relate to all segments of the barrio, from
the middle-class assimilationists to the vatos locos.

Obviously, every barrio has its particular needs, and M.E.Ch.A. people must
determine with the help of those in the barrio where they can be most
effective. There are, however, some general areas which M.E.Ch.A. can
involve itself. Some of them are: 1) policing social and governmental
agencies to make them more responsive in a humane and dignified was to the
people of the barrio; 2) carrying out research on the economic and credit
policies of merchants in the barrio and exposing fraudulent and exorbitant
establishment; 3) speaking and communicating with junior high and high
school students, helping with their projects, teaching them organizational
techniques, supporting their actions; 4) spreading the message of the
movement by any media available - this means speaking, radio, television,
local newspaper, underground paper, poster, art, theaters; in shot,
spreading propaganda of the Movement; 5) exposing discrimination in hiring
and renting practices and many other ares which the student because of
his/her mobility, his/her articulation, and his/her vigor should take as
hi/her responsibility. It may mean at time having to work in conjunction
with other organizations. If this is the case and the project is one begun
by the other organization, realize that M.E.Ch.A. is there as a supporter
and should accept the direction of the group involved. Do not let loyalty to
an organization cloud responsibility to a greater force - la Causa.

Working in the barrio is an honor, but is also a right because we come form
these people, and as, mutual respect between the barrio and the college
group should be the rule. Understand at the same time, however, that there
will initially be mistrust and often envy on the part of some in the barrio
for the college student. This mistrust must be broken down by a
demonstration of affection for the barrio and La Raza through hard work and
dedication. If the approach is one of a dilettante or of a Peace Corps
volunteer, the people will know it and act accordingly. If it is merely a
cathartic experience to work among the unfortunate in the barrio - stay out.

EL PLAN DE AZTLÁN

El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán

In the spirit of a new people that is conscious not
only of its proud historical heritage but also of the brutal "gringo"
invasion of our territories, we, the Chicano inhabitants and
civilizers of the northern land of Aztlán from whence came our forefathers,
reclaiming the land of their birth and consecrating the determination of our
people of the sun, declare that the call of our blood is our power,
our responsibility, and our inevitable destiny.

We are free and sovereign to determine those tasks
which are justly called for by our house, our land, the sweat of our brows,
and by our hearts. Aztlán belongs to those who plant the seeds, water the
fields, and gather the crops and not to the foreign Europeans. We do not
recognize capricious frontiers on the bronze continent

Brotherhood unites us, and love for our brothers
makes us a people whose time has come and who struggles against the
foreigner "gabacho" who exploits our riches and destroys our culture. With
our heart in our hands and our hands in the soil, we declare the
independence of our mestizo nation. We are a bronze people with a bronze
culture. Before the world, before all of North America, before all our
brothers in the bronze continent, we are a nation, we are a union of free
pueblos, we are Aztlán.

For La Raza to do. Fuera de La Raza nada.

Program

El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán sets the theme that
the Chicanos (La Raza de Bronze) must use their nationalism as the key or
common denominator for mass mobilization and organization. Once we are
committed to the idea and philosophy of El Plan de Aztlán, we can only
conclude that social, economic, cultural, and political independence is the
only road to total liberation from oppression, exploitation, and racism. Our
struggle then must be for the control of our barrios, campos, pueblos,
lands, our economy, our culture, and our political life. El Plan commits all
levels of Chicano society - the barrio, the campo, the ranchero, the writer,
the teacher, the worker, the professional - to La Causa.

Nationalism

Nationalism as the key to organization transcends
all religious, political, class, and economic factions or boundaries.
Nationalism is the common denominator that all members of La Raza can agree
upon.

Organizational Goals

1. UNITY in the thinking of our people
concerning the barrios, the pueblo, the campo, the land, the poor, the
middle class, the professional-all committed to the liberation of La Raza.

2. ECONOMY: economic control of our lives
and our communities can only come about by driving the exploiter out of our
communities, our pueblos, and our lands and by controlling and developing
our own talents, sweat, and resources. Cultural background and values which
ignore materialism and embrace humanism will contribute to the act of
cooperative buying and the distribution of resources and production to
sustain an economic base for healthy growth and development Lands rightfully
ours will be fought for and defended. Land and realty ownership will be
acquired by the community for the people's welfare. Economic ties of
responsibility must be secured by nationalism and the Chicano defense units.

4. INSTITUTIONS shall serve our people by
providing the service necessary for a full life and their welfare on the
basis of restitution, not handouts or beggar's crumbs. Restitution for past
economic slavery, political exploitation, ethnic and cultural psychological
destruction and denial of civil and human rights. Institutions in our
community which do not serve the people have no place in the community. The
institutions belong to the people.

5. SELF-DEFENSE of the community must rely
on the combined strength of the people. The front line defense will come
from the barrios, the campos, the pueblos, and the ranchitos. Their
involvement as protectors of their people will be given respect and dignity.
They in turn offer their responsibility and their lives for their people.
Those who place themselves in the front ranks for their people do so out of
love and carnalismo. Those institutions which are fattened by our brothers
to provide employment and political pork barrels for the gringo will do so
only as acts of liberation and for La Causa. For the very young there will
no longer be acts of juvenile delinquency, but revolutionary acts.

6. CULTURAL values of our people strengthen
our identity and the moral backbone of the movement. Our culture unites and
educates the family of La Raza towards liberation with one heart and one
mind. We must insure that our writers, poets, musicians, and artists produce
literature and art that is appealing to our people and relates to our
revolutionary culture. Our cultural values of life, family, and home will
serve as a powerful weapon to defeat the gringo dollar value system and
encourage the process of love and brotherhood.

7. POLITICAL LIBERATION can only come
through indepen-dent action on our part, since the two-party system is the
same animal with two heads that feed from the same trough. Where we are a
majority, we will control; where we are a minority, we will represent a
pressure group; nationally, we will represent one party: La Familia de La
Raza!

Action

1. Awareness and distribution of El Plan Espiritual
de Aztlán. Presented at every meeting, demonstration, confrontation,
courthouse, institution, administration, church, school, tree, building,
car, and every place of human existence.

2. September 16, on the birthdate of Mexican
Independence, a national walk-out by all Chicanos of all colleges and
schools to be sustained until the complete revision of the educational
system: its policy makers, administration, its curriculum, and its personnel
to meet the needs of our community.

3. Self-Defense against the occupying forces of the
oppressors at every school, every available man, woman, and child.

4. Community nationalization and organization of
all Chicanos: El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán.

5. Economic program to drive the exploiter out of
our community and a welding together of our people's combined resources to
control their own production through cooperative effort.

6. Creation of an independent local, regional, and
national political party.

A nation autonomous and free - culturally,
socially, economically, and politically- will make its own decisions on the
usage of our lands, the taxation of our goods, the utilization of our bodies
for war, the determination of justice (reward and punishment), and the
profit of our sweat.