Global Security Brief #9: Post-Tsunami Aceh: Is the World Watching?

Next month, all eyes should be on Indonesia, as the parliament decides on
a key element of the peace agreement between the Indonesian government and
the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM). One year after the powerful Indian
Ocean tsunami devastated Aceh—making peace in the province attainable
after 29 years of conflict—a lasting solution seems within grasp. If
so, it could provide a model not only for the difficult transition to democratic
governance across Indonesia, but also for other conflict-prone areas hit by
devastation, such as Sri Lanka and Kashmir.

The world's continued attention is critical not just to reinvigorate
the halting reconstruction effort but also to steer through the intricacies
of establishing peace and justice in Aceh.

On the morning of December 21, 2005, I witnessed the ceremonial destruction
of the last six GAM guns at the Blang Padang sports field in Banda Aceh, the
provincial capital. Six GAM fighters marched onto the field under a blazing
sun and handed their weapons over to Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) personnel,
who proceeded to cut the assault weapons with a set of table saws. Comprising
monitors from 14 European and 5 Southeast Asian countries, AMM scrutinizes
compliance with the peace agreement.

The last of the government troops to be withdrawn from Aceh shipped out of
Lhokseumawe harbor eight days later, and the last external police units followed
suit on January 4. (Some 14,700 soldiers and 9,100 policemen—"organic" units
that were regularly deployed in Aceh before martial law was imposed in 2003—remain,
in accordance with the agreement.)

The initial phase of Aceh's peace process amounts to a success story.
Beyond decommissionings and troop withdrawals, the peace agreement—known
as the "Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Indonesia
and the Free Aceh Movement" (the "MOU")—has begun to
restore a sense of normalcy to the towns and villages of the province.

Connections and Concerns

I visited Aceh as part of a delegation of researchers and activists from five
different countries, organized by the San Francisco-based group Global Exchange.
The nine-day visit to this lush, yet crippled, land at the northern tip of
Sumatra was a whirlwind tour of meetings with tsunami survivors, villagers
emerging from years of repression, grassroots groups, foreign aid agencies,
and international peace monitors.

Our discussions revealed not just the hopes but also the remaining fears of
many Acehnese. Many expressed lingering concerns that need to be addressed
if peace is to take root beyond the silencing of the guns. It will take time
to boost confidence among residents that repression and impunity have truly
come to an end.

The post-conflict and post-tsunami situations are inextricably linked. On
the one hand, the disaster caused suffering that transcended the lines of conflict
and generated a new mood of compromise conducive to ending the violence. But
the connection does not end there; people need assistance—land, housing,
jobs—irrespective of whether they have been struck by disaster or driven
out by violence. International aid agencies have eagerly staked their claims
to Aceh's post-tsunami landscape. Yet the victims of the 29-year conflict
are in danger of comparative neglect.

The Reconstruction Blues

In the district of Meuraxa, time appears to have stood still. Before the killer
waves annihilated this coastal stretch on the northwestern outskirts of Aceh's
capital, it was relatively well off economically. Given its prominent location
and the international community's unprecedented generosity in the wake
of the tsunami, reconstruction should have made major strides.

Although much of the debris has been cleared away, large patches of land remain
desolate, reminiscent of an abandoned battlefield. Rebuilding seems patchy
and painfully slow. Where once there were roads, now there are rutted dirt
paths that slow vehicles to a crawl and rattle the bones of their occupants.

Meuraxa is in some ways symbolic of the halting reconstruction efforts across
Aceh. Just 16,000 of the 120,000 needed houses have been finished. Some
65,000 Acehnese still live in tents, and some 100,000 dwell in barracks and
other modest temporary shelters. Rehabilitation confronts a range of challenges:

Along the coast, an entire ribbon of land was devoured by the sea, and
some of the most productive rice paddies and fish ponds were demolished or
badly polluted. Suitable land for housing and farming is thus at a premium.

The tsunami washed away many land deeds along with houses and erased property
boundary markers. No permanent housing can be legally built until land disputes
are sorted out, but certification efforts may take years.

Those who have been displaced either by the tsunami or the conflict are
afraid that others may covet and take their land in their absence. Some have
pitched rickety tents on the remains of their houses rather than live in
the relative comfort of temporary barracks or relatives' houses elsewhere.

Thousands of GAM members have come out of their mountain and jungle hideouts,
and political prisoners have been released. Their needs add to the pressure
on land and job creation.

Reconstruction contracts are tendered in Jakarta, prolonging rebuilding
efforts and allowing companies there to siphon off part of the money before
they subcontract with companies in Aceh that actually do the construction
work.

Many international aid agencies have engaged in intense turf wars instead
of coordinating with one another. Some villages received too much attention,
others have seen little or none at all. Aid groups repeatedly promised more
than they could deliver, with detrimental results.

The Indonesian government's Bureau of Reconstruction and Rehabilitation
(BRR) and foreign aid agencies now proclaim 2006 to be the year when rebuilding
will hit its stride. If this turns out to be a hollow promise, resentment is
sure to spread. For reconstruction to succeed, strong efforts must be made
to empower grassroots groups and to consult with affected communities that
have effectively been shut out of the process so far.

Building a New Economy

The challenge of rebuilding can hardly be overstated. Yet it is magnified
by the fact that Aceh's natural resource-based economy—reliant
on oil and gas, forestry, and fisheries—needs to be put on a broader
footing.

The peace agreement stipulates that Aceh gets to keep 70 percent of its
natural resource revenues. For decades, the exploitation of natural gas deposits
has been a boon to ExxonMobil, which operates the Arun fields and an adjacent
liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility; ordinary Acehnese harvested only the
bitter fruits of pollution and repression. Yet future prospects are no brighter:
absent new discoveries, the once-ample deposits will likely be depleted in
a few years.

Aceh is rich in tropical hardwood trees that fetch a high price on international
markets. Conflict has long been a convenient cover for plundering the region's
forests, and military and police units are still involved in such ventures.
In 2002-04 alone, 350,000 of Aceh's 2.7 million hectares of forests
were cut. At the current pace of logging, the province's forest cover
will soon be depleted.

Ironically, the post-tsunami rehabilitation effort may result in over-fishing,
as Aceh's fleet of fishing boats is rebuilt at higher numbers than
before. This may well hasten the depletion of already dwindling fish stocks.

Aceh's economy needs not just revival but also diversification. Boosting
education and skills training is therefore critical for Aceh's future.

Milestones to Peace

Political and human rights issues are as important to peace as economics.
In this regard, too, 2006 will bring important milestones and challenges.

The peace agreement stipulates the promulgation of a new law governing Aceh,
giving the province greater autonomy and paving the way for democratic provincial
elections. Based on a draft law formulated in Aceh, the Indonesian government
has submitted legislation to parliament for approval. Several provisions are
critical to cementing peace:

The most controversial issue concerns the establishment of local political
parties, called for in the MOU. This represents a dramatic break with Indonesian
law, which requires that all parties be organized nationwide. Opposed by
many parliamentarians, the move is critical for transforming GAM into a political
actor and giving voice to Aceh's civil society.

Provincial elections are to be held in April 2006. Because political parties
cannot be set up until Aceh's new governing law is adopted, elections
may have to be postponed. Alternatively, individuals might run as independent
candidates, but the draft law does not allow this. How well the various actors
navigate this uncharted territory remains to be seen.

The government's draft law opens the possibility that Aceh might
be divided into two or more provinces—in direct contravention of the
peace agreement. Opponents of Aceh's freedom movement demand
that several southern districts be allowed to break away, in an obvious (if
unstated) attempt to torpedo the peace deal.

The MOU stipulates the establishment of a Human Rights Court and a Commission
for Truth and Reconciliation. Due to strenuous opposition by parts of parliament
and by the military, no steps have been taken to create these important institutions.
But it is critical that past abuses be investigated.

The mandate of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) expires on March 15, 2006.
The Acehnese are well aware that it was the massive influx of foreigners after
the tsunami that opened Aceh to global scrutiny and curbed the security forces' human
rights violations. The Acehnese want an extended AMM presence as insurance
that there will be no return to the old days. (Indications are that the Indonesian
government may agree to a 3-month extension, but that may not be enough.)

The Finer Tools of Peace

Many Acehnese are reluctantly abandoning their dream of an independent state.
But as one long-time activist explained to me, achieving political democracy,
respect for human rights, and economic justice may ultimately be more important
than Aceh's formal status.

A number of obstacles have yet to be overcome. There are many people who have
benefited from the conflict and may thus be averse to peace. The military's
attitude is particularly critical. Military units have long acted with impunity
vis-à-vis civilians and have been involved in illegal logging, marijuana
trafficking, and extortion. Such behavior must end.

Major General Bambang Darmono is a critical figure. He once pursued an iron-fist
policy in a failed effort to subdue East Timor and was the operational military
commander in Aceh, but now serves as the government's special representative
for the peace process. His speech and demeanor at the December 21 decommissioning
ceremony in Banda Aceh was characterized by a tough law-and-order approach.
But seasoned observers say he appears to have been somewhat changed by his
involvement in the peace process. The degree to which he and other military
leaders have come to terms with a more autonomous Aceh will make a critical
difference.

Irwandi Yusuf, representing GAM at the ceremony, compared the task ahead to
fashioning a chair out of a tree. At first, the chain saw—a metaphor
for guns—is an indispensable tool to cut the tree into chunks, he said.
But then, finer tools are needed to carve the delicate parts of the chair and
to turn it into a work of art. Finer tools—democratic rules and a functioning
civil society—are what Aceh now needs to develop.

One year ago, the world got to know the Acehnese as the victims of an unprecedented
natural disaster. It is equally critical to assist Aceh in overcoming the human-made
calamity of conflict and repression. A sign along the road from Banda Aceh
to Sigli conveys the most fundamental wish of many Acehnese: "Kami sangat
rindu Kedamaiun"—"We really desire peace."

To support a just peace, the international community should:

Ensure that survivors of the tsunami and of the conflict receive equal
assistance in rebuilding their lives.

Insist that affected communities have greater say in the reconstruction
process.

Make it clear to Indonesia's parliament that the terms of the peace
agreement need to be fully implemented.

Demand a full accounting for past human rights violations, and encourage
Indonesia to learn from the truth and reconciliation experience of countries
such as South Africa.

Suspend collaboration with the Indonesian military until its behavior is
in accordance with human rights norms—not just in Aceh, but across
the far-flung Indonesian archipelago.

About the author: Michael Renner is Director of the Global Security
Project at the Worldwatch Institute. He studies the connections between natural
disasters and peacemaking, and visited Aceh from December 15-23, 2005.