The history of Imperial Japan, from the Meiji Restoration through to defeat and occupation at the end of the Second World War, is central to any understanding of the way in which modern Japan has developed and will continue to develop in the future. This wide-ranging accessible and up-to-date interpretation of Japanese history between 1868 and 1945 provides both a narrative and analysis. Describing the major changes that took place in Japanese political, economic and social life during this period, it challenges widely-held views about the uniqueness of Japanese history and the homogeneity of Japanese society. (Longman)

"More than ever do we need a fresh look at what has happened to the post-Soviet space in the last five or six years, rather than the bits and pieces we normally focus on, even large bits, such as the evolution in Russia. This book uses the CIS as a point of departure, not as a decisive or even a very substantive institution, but as a shell for examining the myriad complex dynamics shaping critical bilateral relationships, giving rise to more compelling regional and sub-regional security and economic collaborations, and by the month transforming international relations in this vital part of the world. A welcomeprod to widen our analytical perspective". Robert Legvold, Marshall Shulman Professor of political Science, Columbia University

Explores the efforts of two left labor leaders, Arthur Scargill of the British National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and Richard Trumka of the United Mineworkers of America (UMWA), to address the crisis of deindustrialization in 1980s. Role of leadership in determining industrial and political outcomes; Impact of the development of alternative sources of energy on British and U.S. coalfields; Background on the development of the UMWA and the NUM. (EBSCO)

The end of Greece's Revolutionary Organization 17 November (17N) finally came on 5 September 2002 when the group's leader of operations, Dimitris Koufodinas, turned himself to the police. Unlike Alexandros Giotopoulos, the group's chief ideologue who denied any involvement in 17N, Koufodinas took responsibility for the entire 17N experience and sought to defend and justify their violent actions. Drawing on Koufodinas's court testimony this article suggests that the world of 17N was a closed, self-referential world where terrorism had become for the members a way of life from which they could not walk away. Defending the group's campaign from beginning to end, Koufodinas contended that 17N was an authentic revolutionary alternative to a barbaric, inhumane and vindictive capitalist order that was running amok. An emblematic personality of 17N terrorism, Dimitris Koufodinas embraced the view that Greece's “self-negating democracy” necessitated exactly the kind of political violence they had undertaken. (Ingenta)

Discussions of the British extreme right, both in its pre-war and post-war manifestations, have tended to ignore the question of gender. A number of writers, however, have argued that, by definition, the extreme right should be seen as a highly patriarchal force. Closer examination casts doubt on this supposition, and suggests instead that for a movement organised around ultra-nationalism and resistance to the racial 'Other', but not around anti-feminism, gender has proved to be a matter of considerable debate.

The spectre of Stalinism continues to haunt radicals across the world. If revolutions inevitably lead to tyranny, how can the anti-capitalist movement develop a vision for a better world. This timely book reexamines the rise and fall of the Russian revolution, as well as the destructive consequences of market capitalism since the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the context of a buoyant anti-capitalist movement. (Amazon)

This article considers the reasons for, and the responses to, two recent apologies in Irish Politics. These are Tony Blair's statement in 1997 concerning the Famine of the 1840s and the IRA apology of 2002. A set of criteria are developed by which to judge the validity of these apologies. It is argued that Blair's statement did not formally constitute an apology although one would be valid if British policy of the period were to be considered unjust. The case of the IRA apology is more clear cut, as unjust actions were committed and responsibility can be clearly demonstrated.

This article analyses regional cooperation between the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) states with particular emphasis on the interplay with EU integration. It argues that regional cooperation is not solely a means of stabilising the SAP 'five' (SAP5) in advance of policies to integrate them with the EU but that regional cooperation is itself a vital part of the EU integration process. This applies to both the regional integration/trade liberalisation component, which is a clear functional EU pre-accession activity, and also to the more diverse set of activities which are targeting the regional hard and soft security problems. The latter addresses the more baseline, region-wide aspects of Europeanisation, and is therefore more of a foundation course for EU accession than integration 'proper', but is nevertheless a necessary step in the SAP countries own 'return to Europe'. With Croatia on the verge of EU candidate status the political conditions for SAP zone regional cooperation should become increasingly favourable and it is important that the practical as well as political contributions of the regional cooperation commitment to the EU integration endeavour of the SAP5 are clearly understood. It is also vital that the actual regional cooperation programme avoids over-ambitious agendas and is properly adjusted to real needs and evolving circumstances of the SAP region. (Ingenta)

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