On the day that I met Rev. Charles in Albany, Georgia in 1961, I felt that
there was more to him than met the eye. As time passed my feelings were
proven to be true. Although his work in human and civil rights is documented
factually on the internet, there is little information about the man
himself — the human side of the man who spearheaded efforts that changed the
face of Southwest Georgia.

From 1961 through 1963, I saw a man of average physical stature become a
GIANT who left huge and deep footprints as he strode along the dusty roads,
back roads and trails of segregated cities in Southwest Georgia. Although he
was a minister, he introduced himself as just "Sherrod" to all he met. That
name became legend as he moved from place to place. He never sought the
spotlight or personal recognition for the success he had already achieved and
would continue to achieve in in his work for human and civil rights. He was a
field secretary for SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. SNCC
decided to conduct voter registration drives throughout Southwest Georgia,
and Sherrod was chosen to be the Director of SNCC's Southwest Georgia Voter
Registration Project. As such he oversaw the work of other SNCC members who
participated in the project.

A highly intelligent man,his knowledge, ideas and thoughts all appeared to be
centered around his philosophy that all citizens should have equal human and
civil rights. He felt strongly that one of the first steps towards reaching
that goal was to use the power of the ballot. He was a fervent believer that
segregation laws and practices infringed upon human and civil rights and had
to be eliminated. Although a soft-spoken man, his message of using the
ballot, a nonviolent tactic, as a precursor to this elimination resonated
like thunder as it rumbled across the land. That message became larger than
life as he traveled from county to county and from city to city giving hope
to the deeply oppressed Black citizens who had not been allowed to register
to vote, to hold public offices or to take part in other activities that
affected their lives. In fact, they were afforded few, if any, human or civil
rights in their status as second class citizens.

Sherrod, in his own words,"cut through the fear" that most of them
experienced daily while trying not to "offend" White citizens. Such offenses
included Black men looking White citizens in the eye and not removing their
hats when being talked to by White citizens, Black men and women not saying
"ma'am" or "sir" to White citizens and Black citizens contradicting or
correcting White citizens. This offense was interpreted by White citizens as
being called a liar by a Black citizen, an intolerable offense. These offenses
could often result in being shoved, hit with a blackjack, losing a job or some
other form of harassment. An offense that could be charged against Black men
only was called "reckless eyeballing," looking at White women. That offense
was grounds for a beating or jail or both. Such was the climate in Southwest
Georgia when Sherrod arrived. Black citizens lived on tiptoe stance ready to
pivot in whatever direction they had to in order not to "offend" White
citizens. Black citizens feared for themselves, their families and their
communities.

Sherrod had to convince Black citizens to come to meetings he arranged just
to discuss registering to vote — people who had been afraid to mention
registering to vote to those in authority, people who faced reprisals if they
did anything to question or disturb the segregated status quo. As he walked
from house to house, Sherrod's message reached far beyond the houses to which
he carried it. Inhabitants of those houses spread the word of the never
before heard of meetings like a contagion. His far-reaching and seemingly
extra-sensory vision focused on and magnified the future he foresaw — a
future of justice and equality for all. His adversaries, afflicted with
tunnel vision,only saw and wanted a life-style where Black citizens continued
to live under the thumbs of White citizens and continued to have no voice in
civic matters. These adversaries saw the gentle giant as a monumental threat
to their well being and were as one in their goal to thwart his intentions.

In harm's way, Sherrod took huge leaps and bounds all over Southwest Georgia.
He conducted meetings, organized communities and attempted to register Black
citizens. He was arrested and abused in jail by police officers. He met
violence with nonviolence, prayer, songs and reason. His poise and common
sense towered above their Lilliputian crudeness and ignorance.

Later, along with Cordell Reagon, a young SNCC field secretary, Sherrod
strode into segregated Albany, Georgia, my hometown, in October, 1961. He
went about his unassuming way, walking tall, far and heavy in our
lives — changing them forever for the better. The two met resistance from the
power structure, of course, and from some Black citizens at first, but
Sherrod's gargantuan patience and persistence eventually won over many of the
fearful and the doubtful. Growing and spreading like kudzu, the reach of his
message found and engulfed most of us. He seemed to be everywhere at once,
spreading his message throughout all sections of Albany faster than the
latest gossip. He talked with Black students at their schools, Black
ministers, members of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People), the NAACP Youth Council, the Criterion Club and the
Federated Women's Club. He became a familiar face to many as he earned their
trust and respect.

He made almost daily visits to the all-Black Albany State College (now
University) where I was enrolled to talk with and organize as many students
as possible. Although he was only two or three years older than we were, he
seemed much older because he spoke with such wisdom and insight about many of
society's problems. He already had several experiences to his credit in the
struggle to register Black citizens to vote. We were impressed and excited by
the things he said about nonviolent tactics and how they could be used to
eliminate certain human and civil rights injustices.

He organized high school and college students who soon were attending small
group meetings where he gave instructions on how to recruit people to
register to vote. Meetings were held in private homes and in some churches
whose congregations opened their doors to us. Sherrod also taught us how to
protect ourselves, using nonviolent techniques — rolling into a ball and
covering the head and vital organs — if we were physically attacked by police
or irate White citizens. The attendance at these meetings grew as his ideas
and message of nonviolence as appropriate behavior in almost all walks of
life touched the hearts and minds of more and more students. Soon we had
spread all over Albany canvassing for people who wanted to register to vote.
From his massive information sources, Sherrod found that while a few Black
citizens were registered to vote, they were often in danger of losing that
right by chicanery from the registrar's office. The office would try to purge
Black voters from the list by requiring them to come into the office to sign
a form. They were told that if they did not come, then they would no longer
be able to vote. The time to go and sign the form was scheduled in the
morning hours when most people were working. Some Black citizens did not go
because they would lose a day's pay.

Sherrod also found that some White citizens were telling their Black
employees, especially the maids, that they had registered and voted for them
so they did not have to bother about it. While the employees did not believe
this, they feared for their jobs and did not register. However, the Southwest
Georgia Voter Registration Project continued and Black citizens were
registering to vote in large numbers all over Georgia. Later, members of
SCLC — Southern Christian Leadership Conference — became affiliated with the
project, but it was Rev. Charles Sherrod, the gentle giant, who spearheaded
the project and set everything in motion.

The Voter Registration Project was successful and resulted in Black citizens
voting and electing Black citizens to public office for the first time. In
Albany, Georgia, where he had eventually taken up permanent residence,
Sherrod was pleased to see a Black woman, Mary Young, elected to the City
Commission. He later ran for City Commissioner and won the election, serving
from 1976 to 1990. Prior to that, he became instrumental in the formation of
the nonviolent Albany Civil Rights Movement in which hundreds of Black
citizens and many SNCC workers, including Sherrod, were jailed for
participating in nonviolent marches and protests to end segregation — but
that is another story.