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Politics / Political Sciences

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With this research paper the authors do a pertinent analysis of the demographic balances and imbalances and their influence on the international migration phenomenon, in regards to the Mediterranean Basin, the European Union and the Arab world. Starting from a fact, that the aforementioned geographic space includes a population of approximately one billion people, the authors identify the risk zones and analyze the demographical aspects through the particular indicators belonging to this domain: fecundity, mortality, population ageing, internal and external mobility of the population, the purpose being to underline the new socio-cultural processes with which this ancient space of culture and civilization will be interacting in the future decades.

A debate on social borders in terms of ethnic identity is a complex issue that requires attention, including scrutiny of the socio-cultural or mental kind. Then the discussion reaches the issue of a certain relativity induced by the identification of individuals with the ethnic group. Whether talking about hetero or self-identification, the membership to the ethnic group has to do also with the image or status of that community. The possibility that some people may not identify with the peripheral communities to which they belong is real and widespread. The discussion tackles also the mechanisms of identity construction in relation to which ethnic belonging is defined. On the one hand, the reference to the peers is done through association to the like, and on the other hand, through individual and collective reactions to opposition elements specific to other community groups. Beyond utopian ideals regarding the equitable distribution of resources and wealth are numerous communities, including ethnic ones, which can be easily included in the category of peripheral communities, marginal and with low status. Around these communities, whether indigenous or non-indigenous (we include immigrants here), there are obvious forms of social cleavage in relation to the rest of the population. To connect a social condition to the ethnic nature of a community and vice versa, the ethnicity of group holding a certain social position is a delicate matter, dangerous in the construction of mental models, often generating stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination. On the other hand, the approach is needed to unveil those levers, policies and programmes necessary to the breaking of this association, particularly in the case of the socially marginalised communities.

The contemporary European security environment is the subject of dynamic, complex and irregular changes with consequences on regional and global plan. Europe is flawed by numerous recent and latent crises and conflicts developed in its area of interest or its close vicinity and many of these are susceptible of major complex effects.
Among these the crises lately damaging very seriously the European space produce complex effects in all the perceived security dimensions are: economic-financial crisis initiated in US but reached to exponentially harm the whole world states, including the European ones; the effervescence of new terrorist actions started to scar in an unprecedented manner the developed states in the Western Europe by inducing fear and uncertainty along the population and the Ukrainian crisis impacted by the illegitimate intervention of the Russian troops on the sovereign territory of its neighbour state, case that is the object of our present analysis.
Thus, in this material we will analyse the major complex effects of the Ukrainian crisis on the European security environment by different perspectives in its successive phases of evolvement, escalation and de-escalation. For this, we initiate the analysis by identifying and presenting the types of generator factors (political, diplomatic, economic, social, financial, military, informational, communicational, biological, psychological, ecological, etc.) from which afterward derived major complex effects on the European security field.

This article presents the problem of politics of di erence realized within the American educational system, with a special emphasis on higher education. This politics is according to the author based on putting in the center of all educational actions the idea of diversity, as well in creating academic institutions. This key idea becomes in the American context a special significance, regarding the fact that the American society is based on ideology
that celebrates multiculturalism and diversity as such. This article presents also an important for the contemporary situation in the United States problem of combining cultural and ethnic diversity on the economical category of di erence between various classes. Furthermore, it seems to be more significant in the light of the economic crisis in recent years that affected also American education in the same extent.

The article examines the proposal, advanced by a number of Realist authors (Mearsheimer, Kissinger, Walt) that a lasting solution to the current crisis in Ukraine can be reached by a "grand bargain" between the West (defined as comprising the EU and US) and Russia. This settlement would mean that Ukraine gains the status of "a bridge between Russia and Europe", pursuing equivalent relationships with both sides without formally becoming part of any competing arrangements (NATO, EU or Customs Union / Eurasian Economic Union).
The analysis focuses on three main issues: the arrangement's sustainability, its enforceability and its possible role in a broader Eurasian security architecture. It takes into account the ongoing dynamics of the Ukrainian society, regional evolutions, as well as the wider international environment. It also factors in the interests, perceptions and strategy of the current Russian leadership. In context, a brief comparison is made with the Finnish model, which is often invoked by the proponents of the "bridge" solution.
The conclusions reached are that, in the current circumstances, a "50%-50%" type of arrangement could not be sustained with reasonable political, economic and military costs. Its enforceability would also be problematic, given the parties' very different commitment to use the capabilities at their disposal. Taking into account the extremely high difficulty of reaching a mutually satisfactory settlement in Ukrainian case, which must be one of the linchpins of any Eurasian security architecture, it can be concluded that such a broad agreement is also extremely unlikely at this time. A more probable outcome for the near future would be a policy of "complex containment", where economic and political interaction continues at some levels, but is restricted in others and where Russia is no longer perceived as a genuine partner of the West. This would not be a permanent situation, but only a temporary "point of balance", highly dependent on political evolutions, especially those within Russia.

In future conflicts, not only traditional or asymmetric actions will be used,but also a combination of the two in order to solve the disputes involving national and international actors, materialized today in different manifestation forms called hybrid war. The hybrid threats tell about the evolution of the contemporary and future threats,about the necessity of a national effort concerted towards providing an immediate effective response to these threats. From a different perspective, the diversity and the complexity of the issues raised by the hybrid threats prove that it is necessary to go beyond the technical or sequential nowadays answers. It results first that it is required to develop an appropriate security strategy which will make possible the efficient action against hybrid risks and threats, in an effective, operational and unitary manner.Therefore, the present article aims at sequentially highlighting the aspects supporting the need to correlate the coordinates of the national security strategy to the planning,conduct and quality assessment of the process of training officers from the “change of paradigm” perspective, in order to acquire the professional skills conforming to the task-requirements specific to the hybrid war. Nothing more natural, more necessary and at the same time more current in this perspective than modernizing the military continuous education system in accordance with the strategic norm of competence.

The essay gives a critical review of The Rituals of the Media by Lajos Császi. It seeks to showhow the Durkheimian sociology of religion can be applied to the modern communicationtheory and what perspectives such a combination can store for sociology. The mediahas a significant impact on the formation of public opinion; therefore, its rituals deservea special attention. However, the opinion forming power of the media depends on thesocial structure and the movement of the masses. Today even ordinary people can broadcastInternet TV-programmes and we have not even mentioned the technical possibilitiesoffered by the various social network sites. It is not only the technical competence, whichdetermines whether a given opinion will remain embedded in a narrow subculture or itsucceeds to move the masses, which was a well-loved catchword of the 20th century

Magdalena Boiangiu’s article starts from a study published in the Journal of Democracy magazine by Thomas Carothers, vice-president of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The article draws a map of democracy in the world, showing that since ’70 there are more and more democratic countries (from Eastern Europe to Latin America, Africa and Asia).

Mircea Vasilescu writes an article about a recent book of Sergio Romano, the columnist for Corriere della Sera and Panorama. The author argues about the major international themes such as the war in Afghanistan, terrorism, NATO and EU, the contemporary disputes about the concept of democracy.

Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.

There are several articles and studies on the collective rights of minorities and especially on the issue of territorial autonomy by many authors. Whereas, it seems that a very important aspect - namely the analysis of the so-called autonomous party systems - of this topic was left out of consideration by the scientific sphere. I consider an autonomous party system in this article, those that function in territorial autonomies. In these systems the political parties intend to get into the autonomous parliament and to form an autonomous government. Accordingly, Alander-, Fćroese-, Grönlander-, Québecois-, Basque-, Catalonian-, Gagauzian, etc. party systems can be mentioned. There exist at least two reasons, why it is important to deal comprehensively with these party systems. On the one hand, it could be worth as a fact, which proves whether or not the success of the territorial autonomy in solving the problems emerged from cultural differences, and on the other, we may get answers to the following questions: Do the different examples have any common characteristics, or not? Could we get or not any reasonable conclusions at all? And finally, could we speak on party-system families?

The state if Israel will cease to exist in 50 years’ time. It will probably be replaced by a national Jewish state clearly delimited from the national Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as the capital city of both states. Secularism is not a synonym of non-religiousness. It is necessary to institutionalize the measures that prevent crimes against humanity. These are the main aspects tackled by the author.

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