Historians may never cease arguing over why Canadian
forces were sent to reinforce Hong Kong. In retrospect, with perfect
hindsight, it certainly seems a strange decision. It was one that
Churchill himself initially opposed, and it now seems clear that however
many men had been sent to defend Hong Kong, the Japanese would still
have attacked with sufficient forces to take the Colony.

In the first half of 1941, Hong Kong’s garrison was
commanded by General Grasset. It consisted of three infantry battalions,
the 2nd Battalion the Royal Scots, the 5/7th
Rajputs and the 2/14th Punjabis, plus one machine gun
battalion, the 1st Battalion the Middlesex Regiment. These
were supported by a large number of Royal Artillery Batteries, the Hong
Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC), and all the supporting units that
an isolated garrison needed. Also, of course, the Royal Navy was there
in some force. Altogether, the garrison consisted of some 10,000 men at
this time.

In mid-July, Grasset was replaced by General
Christopher Maltby. When Grasset left the Colony, he – himself a
Canadian – suggested that the Colony be reinforced by two Canadian
Battalions. Somehow he persuaded Churchill’s advisors to ask for these
battalions, and he had also made his case to the Canadian Government.
There are many theories as to how and why his representations were
successful.

C Force finally arrived in Hong Kong just three weeks
before the Japanese attacked. This brought the number of defenders to
12,000 (which, when police – who had been sworn in as militia – and
front-line nurses are included, increased to a peak of around 14,000).
This was, of course, too small a number to have a hope of stopping the
Japanese. However, the war against Japan was primarily a war of
attrition, and every soldier and piece of equipment lost by Japan in
attacking Hong Kong was a step towards victory. It is often forgotten -
as everyone knows it was the atomic bomb that ended the war - that
without this attrition and the island-hopping war across the Pacific,
the bomb could never have been carried to Japanese soil.

Beginning in the early hours of December 8th,
the Japanese slowly but irresistibly moved south towards Kowloon. A
small force of 2/14th Punjabis and Field Engineers, supported
by infantry of the HKVDC, delayed their progress by sabotage until the
Gin Drinker’s Line was reached.

Here, at the Shing Mun Redoubt, was the first – and
telling – skirmish in which the 2nd Battalion the Royal Scots
were pushed out of their position and fell back to Golden Hill. Golden
Hill was very exposed, and in a far bigger battle the next day, it was
given up. From then until the evacuation of the mainland there was only
one other significant engagement, at the Ma Lau Tong line, as the Indian
rearguard defended their retreat.

Canadian involvement in the Mainland fighting was
minimal. Apart from a few Signalers, the only unit deployed was D
Company Winnipeg Grenadiers, This Company was intended to plug a gap in
the Gin Drinker’s Line, but by the time they had arrived in Kowloon, the
decision to evacuate the mainland had already been taken.

With all defending forces now tied up on the Island,
the Japanese started a concerted effort to bomb and shell all militarily
significant areas. The Peak and the fixed defences (naval installations,
gun batteries and pillboxes) were the major targets, though civilian
areas in Central, Mid-levels, Causeway Bay, and Wan Chai were also hit
with many casualties.

Of the Canadian forces, the Royal Rifles were the
most exposed, and took some casualties. Wounded men were generally taken
to the St Albert’s Convent Hospital.

During this time the defenders were organized into
two Brigades. West Brigade, under Brigadier Lawson (the senior Canadian
officer) consisted of the Punjabis, the Royal Scots, and the Winnipeg
Grenadiers. East Brigade, under Brigadier Wallis, consisted of the
Rajputs and the Royal Rifles. Both Brigades included elements from the
Middlesex, the HKVDC, and supporting units.

On the evening of December 18th, the
invasion began. Japanese landings commenced between North Point and Shau
Ki Wan, in conditions made all the more confusing for the defenders by
poor weather and thick smoke from bombed industrial sites. The Rajputs,
with elements of the Middlesex, HKVDC, Royal Artillery and Royal Rifles
(in particular, C Company) becoming involved as the beachhead moved
inland, put up the initial resistance. By midnight, almost the whole
north-eastern corner of Hong Kong was in Japanese hands, with the line
as far south as the northern most point of Jardine’s Lookout, and as far
west as the North Point power station.

The Japanese strategy was simple: take Wong Nai Chung
Gap and continue south along Repulse Bay Road to split the island in
two. This necessitated keeping East Brigade busy so they could not
organise any useful counter-attack, while other Japanese forces
concentrated on knocking out defences on Jardine’s Lookout and Mount
Nicholson (overlooking the Gap from the east and west respectively), and
in the bottom of the Gap itself. Once this was done, and the
strategically important Police Station at the south of the Gap was
captured, the fighting moved south along Repulse Bay Road. In 1941 it
was relatively sparsely populated, thus the skirmishes on this and later
days were generally named after the isolated houses at or around which
they occurred; from north to south: Postbridge, Altamira & The Ridge,
Twin Brooks, Overbays, Repulse Bay Hotel, Eucliffe.

This was by far the hardest day’s fighting, with the
defenders losing in twenty-four hours approximately one third of their
total fatalities. Losses to the attackers were probably in a similar
ratio.

By midnight, although there were still pockets of
resistance, the Gap and the majority of the road were in all practical
terms in Japanese hands.

How far south Japanese forward patrols advanced along
the road that day is uncertain, but there is a distinct possibility that
a few small groups or individuals reached the south coast itself.

As early as the night of the 18th, the
defenders had the genesis of a line running south from the Power Station
through the developed north coast to the hills, preventing the Japanese
from advancing to Central. Over the next few days, this ‘northern
sector’ was pushed steadily west with the northern-most anchor moving
from Caroline Hill quickly back to Leighton Hill (which was defended
energetically by the Middlesex) and finally Morrison Hill and Mount
Parrish, while street fighting was rife in Wan Chai. The southern anchor
moved from Wong Nai Chung Gap to Mount Nicholson, then Mount Cameron,
and finally Wan Chai Gap and a little west.

Further south was the ‘central sector’. Here Mount
Nicholson was taken with ease, but Mount Cameron was a hard struggle,
with Wan Chai Gap being held almost to the end. Finally, the ‘southern
sector’ which fell back in stages from Shouson Hill, to Brick Hill, to
the stoutly-defended Bennet’s Hill.

It was this relentless western progress that prompted
the surrender on the 25th, by which time it was felt that Wan
Chai could not be held any longer. Central was already within the range
of small arms fire from the central sector.

When East Brigade HQ at Tai Tam withdrew towards
Stanley on the 19th, fighting on two fronts became impossible
to avoid. Delaying actions at Red Hill and Bridge Hill could not prevent
the Japanese advance from the northeast, and the Repulse Bay Hotel area
could not be held against their advance from the northwest. The circle
tightened around Stanley Mound and Stone Hill, where Canadians and
Volunteers fought it out with the invaders in particularly tough
country, and finally squeezed them into the Stanley peninsular itself.
By the time of the official surrender on Christmas Day, the first two of
three defensive lines had fallen. However, the defence of the final line
was maintained until the early hours of December 26th, when
written orders to surrender were finally delivered to Brigadier Wallis.

Most people imagine that, at surrender, the garrison
was taken prisoner en masse. In fact, prisoners were taken from the very
start of the fighting, with Graham Heywood of the HKVDC almost certainly
being first (he was checking rain gauges on the border when the Japanese
crossed). At the fall of the Shing Mun Redoubt, he was followed by a
number of Royal Scots – primarily from 8 Platoon, A Company – and
others.

Few, if any, further men of the garrison were
captured on the mainland. One Winnipeg Grenadier, John Grey,
disappeared, but there is circumstantial evidence that he was set upon
by looters.

These early prisoners were taken to Fan Ling, and did
not rejoin their comrades until mid January.

The next batch to be captured were rounded up during
and after the fighting in Wong Nai Chung Gap on December 19th.
These included many Winnipeg Grenadiers. On the 20th, they
were marched to North Point refugee camp, which then started its short
career as a POW camp. Men were captured in skirmishes between then and
the surrender, and in the main seem to have been taken to North Point.
There are rumours of some being sent to Shamshuipo at this time, but the
West Brigade POWs sent there after the surrender claim that it was empty
when they arrived.

The first capture of non-Chinese civilians on the
Island was at the Repulse Bay Hotel. These were marched through Wong Nai
Chung Gap to a paint factory in North Point.

Soon after the surrender, some 2,000 men of East
Brigade, captured at Stanley, joined their comrades at North Point. At
the end of December, the men of West Brigade were ferried to Shamshuipo,
which was to be the main Hong Kong camp during the war.

In January, the camps were rationalised. North Point
became the Canadian and Royal Navy Camp, Shamshuipo became the British
Army and HKVDC camp, Ma Tau Chong was opened as the British Indian Army
Camp, and ‘enemy’ civilians were sent to Stanley Internment Camp . Other
civilian internment camps were opened at Rosary Hill and Ma Tau-wai.

In April 1942, the Argyle Street Camp was opened for
officers, who were accompanied by 100 Other Ranks who primarily acted as
cooks and batmen.

This was the situation until early September 1942,
when the first transportation of POWs to Japan took place. In late
September, the Lisbon Maru sailed.
Between them, these ships had removed nearly 2,500 men – primarily from
Shamshuipo. This opened enough space for the remaining Canadian POWs in
North Point to be moved there; North Point was then closed. In 1944,
Argyle Street was closed too, with the remaining officers moving to
Shamshuipo (which was then split into camps ‘N’ and ‘S’). The situation
in Hong Kong then remained unchanged – apart from the continual
shipment of men to Japan – until the end of the war.

For Canadian forces, the first transportation to
Japan was the ship that left after the Lisbon Maru. The
Tatu Maru (or Tatsuta Maru) left on 19 Jan 1943 to Kawasaki
3D, Omine, and eventually other camps. Next, the Manryu Maru
departed Hong Kong on 15 Aug 1943 for Oeyama and the infamous Niigata
camp. The Toyama Maru left on 15 Dec 1943 for Narumi and Toyama,
and finally the Naura Maru departed on 29 April 1944 for Sendai.
All these men stayed in Japanese camps until liberation.

Post-war, two war cemeteries were established. The
Commonwealth War Graves Commission conducted a two-year project to try
and find and identify the bodies of those lost in the fighting. Most
bodies were eventually recovered, but many remain unidentified.

Sai Wan Cemetery, the bigger of the two, contains the
majority of the Canadian interments. These are grouped around the Cross
of Remembrance at the bottom of the slope. The cemetery also contains
the remains of servicemen from many other units that fought in Hong Kong
– whether they died during the fighting or as POWs – and a large number
of men from Singapore and elsewhere who died as POWs in Taiwan and were
later reinterred in Hong Kong.

Stanley Cemetery, which was originally an old
garrison cemetery, was re-opened during the war for the burial of
civilians who died in the camp there. Post-war it was extended and was
used as the primary burial ground for the HKVDC and BAAG (British Army
Aid Group) members. Only twenty Canadians are known to be buried there,
but it seems likely that many of those graves marked as ‘Known Unto God’
also contain Canadian remains.

In remoter areas of Hong Kong – especially in terrain
unsuitable for urban development – many pillboxes, brigade shelters, gun
sites and other parts of the fixed defences survive. The biggest single
complex that remains, the Shing Mun Redoubt just south of Jubilee
Reservoir in fact saw little fighting. Historically more important are
the shelters and pillboxes in the centre of Hong Kong Island (from Tai
Tam, through Jardine’s Lookout, to Wanchai Gap in the north and Bennet’s
Hill in the south) as these saw plenty of action.

Surprisingly, evidence of the wartime bombing and
shelling can still be seen at several sites in the urban areas.

While Hong Kong has always been progressive in its
attitudes, recent years have seen a resurgence of interest in its
history, including the Colonial period, World War Two, and the Canadian
involvement.

When it was realized that the Japanese were attacking
from the Shau Ki Wan area towards Jardine’s Lookout, it was decided to
reinforce the latter with elements of the Winnipeg Grenadiers.

There is a certain amount of uncertainty over the
exact spot where Osborn sacrificed his life. The original VC citation
claimed it was on Mount Butler, but there is no evidence that the
Winnipeg Grenadiers got any closer to Mount Butler than the col between
it and Jardine’s Lookout to the south west. Eye-witness reports best fit
the model that the spot was somewhere south of the peak of Jardine’s
Lookout. The spot pointed out by a survivor of the incident, however, is
even further south. Today this is marked by a small cairn, but it is not
signposted as the ground is treacherous. The plaque itself is about
fifty yards due west of that spot, on the main path to the peak of the
hill.

Osborn’s men report that he was respected, rather
than liked. An old soldier, he had been born in the county of Norfolk in
the UK, and fought with the Royal Naval Division in the Great War.
Post-war, he moved to Canada.

On Dec 19th 1941 the Wong Nai Chung AA
position housed two mobile 3.7 inch guns. Closely comparable to the
famous German 88, these were modern weapons manned by the 7th
Heavy Anti Aircraft Regiment. The position came under attack from the
west early that morning, and reinforcements were called for. The Hong
Kong and Singapore Royal Artillery sent men from further east, but the
attack was too strong. Before long, 19 Royal Artillery men – and a large
number of HKSRA gunners who had come to their aid – lay dead.

For both historical and practical reasons, this
position has been chosen as the start of the new Wong Nai Chung Gap
Trail which covers the area fought over so heavily by the HKVDC,
Winnipeg Grenadiers, Royal Artillery, Royal Engineers, Royal Scots,
Middlesex, Punjabis, and many other units.

Painting of the attack on the AA position, by
Japanese war artist Hoshum Yamaguchi

These two pillboxes, known as JLO1 and JLO2, were
manned by 3 Coy (Eurasian) of the HKVDC. The two positions gave each
other effective covering fire, but the Japanese – approaching from the
north – soon found a weak point in the wire defences. They cut the wire
above a catchwater that passed between the two pillboxes, and sent men
with light machine guns into it. The defenders realized what was
happening, and also put men into the concrete ditch. After a number of
skirmishes, the Japanese reached the upper pillbox and an HKVDC private
led an attack to clear them. He was killed. Luckily a Winnipeg Grenadier
Corporal (Rix) followed and successfully dealt with the invaders.
However, by evening most men were dead or wounded, and the few who were
able were ordered to escape. Most of the defenders were captured where
they lay.

This horse riding trail happened to lead from behind
the Japanese landing grounds to the centre of the island, and was
therefore naturally their chosen approach route. Initially it was
defended by elements of 3 Coy (Eurasian) HKVDC, but as the Japanese
pushed further south along it they also came under heavy fire from
Winnipeg Grenadier positions at the bottom of Wong Nai Chong Gap, and
from Royal Scots positions on the east-facing slopes of Mount Nicholson.

Although this path was paved some six years ago,
broken bullets from the defenders, and rifle cartridges from the
attackers, can still sometimes be found at its edges.

The Japanese also attacked southwards over the top of
Jardine’s Lookout (from Mount Butler), and along the stream at the
bottom of Wong Nai Chung Gap. It was the attack over the top that led to
many of the casualties amongst the Winnipeg Grenadiers on December 19th
1941 – and the loss of Sergeant Major Osborn VC.

For many years almost invisible and sunk deep into
the soil, the bunker complex has recently been exposed and restored.
Here was West Brigade’s HQ. Lawson himself felt that the position was
too exposed, and planned to move to Black’s Link on December 19th.
However, by 07.00 on the morning of that day they were already under
attack. Lawson called for help, and elements of the Royal Scots and the
Punjabis did their best to reach him. Japanese ambushes prevented them
from advancing, though a few individuals did get through. By 10.00 the
position was under heavy machine gun fire, and it was decided to break
out rather than surrender. Lawson, and most of the others in this
position, were shot dead as they attempted to escape.

The defenders never really recovered from the loss of
West Brigade’s Headquarters, although the nearby HQ of D Coy Winnipeg
Grenadiers held out until every single man was either dead or wounded.

Lawson himself was originally buried by the Japanese
on this site – having bled to death from machine gun bullet wounds in
his thigh – but was later re-interred at Sai Wan.

The old Repulse Bay Hotel, a pre-war haunt of
Hemingway and many other famous names, held a strategically important
position near the end of the Repulse Bay Road which bisected the island.
By December 19th, over 200 guests were present. Many were
wealthy businessmen and celebrities who happened to be caught in Hong
Kong when war started, and others were rich Hong Kong citizens who were
fleeing the bombing and shelling of the city below. When the Japanese
moved south along Wong Nai Chung Gap, the hotel became the westernmost
position held by east brigade on the south coast.

Initially the military force there numbered less than
fifty, but it was soon reinforced by the Royal Rifles. As the Japanese
cordon around the hotel tightened – fighting even occurring within the
hotel itself - it was decided that the soldiers would escape towards
Stanley, and the civilians would peacefully surrender the Hotel to the
invaders.

The hotel was demolished in 1982. Though the building
opposite (at the bottom of the photo) is the original hotel garage, what
passes for the hotel main building today was in fact reconstructed in
the late 1980s.

The Repulse Bay Hotel, taken around 1960 but showing
the site unchanged since 1941.

Brigadier Wallis realized very early on the 19th
that the Japanese were seeking to split West Brigade from East Brigade.
He therefore ordered that East Brigade abandon its positions on the
eastern side of the island, and regroup in the hills just north of
Stanley. There they could be in easy contact with their comrades in West
Brigade.

However, Wallis did not know that his counterpart,
Lawson, had been killed early that morning, and that the Japanese had
already effectively cut the island in two.

Initially, East Brigade’s infantry elements, the
Royal Rifles and1 and 2 Companies of the HKVDC, tried to break through
to West Brigade near the Repulse Bay Hotel on the 20th. When
that failed, they planned to attack the Japanese from the right flank
(through what is now Tai Tam County Park), on the 21st, at
Wong Nai Chung Gap. When this attack in turn ground to a halt in the Red
Hill area, they instead attacked north from the Repulse Bay Hotel and
reached as far as the Ridge that same evening.

By the 22nd, however, they were hemmed in.
That day and the next saw the hilltops immediately north of Stanley
change hands more than once. On the 24th, the defenders
pulled back into Stanley peninsula itself. When – that night – the
Japanese attacked, the street fighting resembles that in Wan Chai.
However, the sheer density of automatic weapons available to both
attackers and defenders made this arguably the first ‘modern’ battle.
The Japanese pushed past the guns of 965 Defence Battery, then through
Middlesex and advanced HKVDC positions, and finally through to the line
held by 2nd Battery, HKVDC. Within yards of this line, St
Stephen’s School had been turned into an emergency hospital. The
Japanese cleared the building, killing men too injured to move, and
later raping and murdering several nurses. A number of other men were
also murdered at this time.

On Christmas afternoon at about 1pm, in the last
infantry attack of the battle, D Company of the Royal Rifles was ordered
to attack and retake the ridge north of Stanley cemetery.

In broad daylight, with neither artillery nor machine
gun support, D Company charged uphill through the cemetery towards the
heavily entrenched Japanese occupiers. With fixed bayonets and firing as
they ran, the riflemen broke through the initial line of defence and
penetrated the Bungalows at the top of the ridge. In this vicious, often
hand-to-hand, struggle there were many casualties on both sides.

Witnesses of the attack remember the reckless courage
of the Canadians, and the price paid. The battle was short, but it cost
D Company over 100 casualties, with some 28 men being killed.

In the early hours of December 26th,
orders to cease fire finally reached Stanley. The fighting was over; the
battle to survive the prisoners of war years was about to begin.