1166 The Assize of Clarendon, a law of Henry 2nd, established
courts throughout the country, and
prisons for those awaiting trial. Each
shire (county) was required to provide a gaol where people could be
detained until the court appearance or punishment. The gaol was not
considered a form of punishment.
(See
below)

Prison was not,
in itself, generally considered as
punishment
(See above). However, there are some statutory provisions for
imprisonment as punishment. These include a year sentence and fine for
poaching in the royal forests. From the
12th century on, their was an increase in the number of prisons
In England, and also an increase in their use as punishment for crimes such
as fraud
and for petty crime, and sometimes even felonies.
(Norman Johnston
2009 p. 11S),

Humiliation punishments especially for women1215 "Brawling women undergo the punishment of the 'Coking
Stole'"
Cornwall quotation in Oxford English Dictionary, which describes the
cucking, cukkyng, cuckyng, cooking or cuk stool as "An instrument of
punishment formerly in use for scolds, disorderly women, fraudulent
tradespeople, etc., consisting of a chair (sometimes in the form of a
close-stool), in which the offender was fastened and exposed to the jeers
of the bystanders, or conveyed to a pond or river and ducked." See 1362/1378 and 1511

Humiliation punishments 1351 Following the
Black Death, the English
Statute of Labourers of 1351 required that "stocks be made in
every town" and that twice a year farm labourere be required to take an
oath to work for the established wage in their usual place of work. "those
which refuse to take such oath or to perform that that they be sworn to
... shall be put in the stocks... by three days or more, or sent to the
next gaol, there to remain, till they will justify themselves."
text of Act - Pillory 1562/1563 -
Deborah Wilson 1669

1362/1378Wikipeda claims that "There is a reference
from about
1378 to a
cucking-stool as wyuen pine ("women's
punishment") in
Langland's Piers Plowman, B.V.29."
I am not sure that is what the
passage (below) means:

"Tomme Stowue he taughte to take two staves
And fecche Felice horn fro wyve pyne."

1562 or 1563 English
Witchcraft Act. If the witchcraft was held to
have caused someone's death, the witch shall "suffer pains of
death as a
felon" (that is, be hanged). if it caused injury to someone's
person or goods, the witch was to be detained in prison for a year and
"once in every Quarter of the said year", on a market day or fair "stand
openly upon the Pillory" for six hours and "there shall openly confess his
or her "error and offence". For a second offence, the witch would be hung.

1684 John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress (Part Two) In
which Christiana follows her husband, Christian, with her children

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the works of Bunyan and the
Bible were amongst the very small range of books that one might expect to
find in the homes of ordinary, but literate, people in England and Wales.
They shaped the common perception of crime and punishment.

Torture to extract confessions or to extract the names of
accomplices was permitted under some circumstances under the code. Torture
to extract confessions was abolished in 1780. Torture to extract the names of
accomplices was abolished in 1788

1674 "News from Newgate: or an exact and true accompt of the most
remarkable tryals of several notorious malefactors... in the Old Baily".
The first of the publications reproduced as:
"The Proceedings of the Old Bailey 1674-1913" online.

1682:
Bideford Witch Trials led to last executions for witchcraft in
England. In 1685 Alice Molland may have been hanged. If so, she is
believed to have been the last person executed for
witchcraft. Let us hope
she survived.
See Salem Witch
Trials

May 1717France: Voltaire imprisoned in the
Bastille for eleven months, accused of writing two anonymous libels.

"This was a turning point for Voltaire, for he felt the sting
of injustice most keenly, and it surely influenced his later campaigning
against the injustices dealt out to others."
(source)

In 1725
Voltaire was imprisoned for a second time in the Bastille
and later exiled to England. See
1762 -
1763 -
1764 -

Beccaria's Essay on Crimes and Punishment is taken as the first
formulation
of the principles of classical criminology. It is called classical because
the later
"positivist school of criminology" saw itself as a modern
development that moved beyond the classical by being more "scientific" than
"philosophic". Biological Positivism was established a hundred years later
in the same area of Italy by
Cesare Lombroso.

This is how
Taylor, Walton and Young (1973 page 2) claim classical theory
can be
summarised in seven points. Jennifer Seelig has identified parts of
Beccaria's Essay on Crimes and Punishment that may illustrate six of
the points. I have linked through to these.

1) Everyone is, by nature, self-seeking and this means everyone is
liable
to commit crime.

4) Punishment must be used to deter individuals from violating the
interests of others. It is the prerogative [monopoly? -
see Weber] of the state, granted to it by the individuals making
up the social contract, to act against these violations.

5) Punishments must be proportional to the interests violated by the
crime.
It must not be in excess of this, neither must it be used for reformation;
for this would be encroach on the rights of the individual and transgress
the social contract. [This is a contentious aspect of the Taylor, Walton,
Young summary - But they do not back it up]

Quite what this summary summarises is not entirely clear, but Taylor,
Walton and Young indicate their broad concept of classical theory when they
speak of "classical social contract theory - or utilitarianism". - The
utilitarian Bentham considered social contract theory "nonsense upon
stilts" - The Taylor, Walton and Young list appears to be a construct
taking elements from different eighteenth and early nineteenth century
theories, and possibly combining them with elements from 20th century
theories. It's educational value must include trying to find theorists who
agree or disagree with its elements.

"Of a constitution, so wisely contrived, so strongly raised, and so highly
finished, it is hard to speak with that praise, which is just and severely
its due - the thorough and attentive contemplation of it will furnish its
best panegyric"

Norman Johnston
(2009) describes it as the "first large-scale adult penal
institution to use architecture to implement a reform-minded penal
philosophy. When four of the
eight trapezoidal sections were completed in 1773, they separately
housed
male felons, beggars, women, and unemployed labourers and abandoned
children-a very early example of classification of different types of
inmates. Ghent remained a model prison until it later became seriously
overcrowded-always a spoiler in the history of prison reforms"

Prison
as a mode of punishment and reform developed, in theory and
practice, during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Foucault
argues that the theory of discipline developed before the practice.

GermanyImmanuel
Kant's
philosophy is the major alternative to
Utilitarianism. Kant developed the
moral ideas of
Rousseau
into a formal theory of the difference between reasoning about what is
(science) and reasoning about what we ought to do (ethics, or "practical
reason"). His theories are a criticism of the Scottish utilitarian
philosopher, David
Hume.

24.8.1780France: Royal Oridinance of Louise 16th abolished
the "preparatory question" (question préparatoire): the form of
torture that accused persons were forced to undergo in order to
extract
confessions from them.

From 1785 to 1788,
Jeremy Bentham travelled the
Continent, including
Russia. It
was here that he developed his idea of a model institution:
the "Panopticon". He developed the idea in a series of
letters
from Russia
to a friend in England, in 1787.
These were published in
1791

1788France: Royal Oridinance of Louise 16th abolished
the "preliminary question" (question préalable) - a form of
torture
designed to obtain from those who had been convicted the names of their
accomplices

The end of the eighteenth century saw the end of some
gruesome displays. Notable was the end of publicly
burning the (dead) body of
people convicted of
petty treason
(notably husband murder) and the end of
the public exhibition of lunatics at Bethlem Hospital.

18.3.1789. Having been found guilty of High
Treason (coining), Catherine (or Christian) Murphy was executed by
strangling and her body burnt outside Newgate. This was the last body
burning in England. In 1793 the crime of Petty Treason (which
included husband murder) was abolished, becoming simply murder.

1794:
The British Parliament backed Bentham's Panopticon as the
plan for a new Prison. Bentham was to run it under contract.
Foundations were laid. But,
in January 1803, Bentham was told
the Government could not find the funds

So the French code said exactly what the penalty for every crime should
be. Individual circumstances were not taken into account.
In practice, this
caused problems and
modifications were introduced. Gillin says that these
modifications "are the essence of the so-called neoclassical school".

"In 1791, when Louis-Michel Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau (1760-
1793) presented the newly drafted criminal code to the National Constituent
Assembly, he explained that it outlawed only "true crimes" and not "phoney
offenses, created by superstition, feudalism, the tax system, and [royal]
despotism." He did not list the crimes "created by superstition" (meaning
the Christian religion), but these certainly included blasphemy, heresy,
sacrilege, and witchcraft, and most probably also incest, bestiality, and
same-sex sexual acts, none of which was mentioned in the new Penal Code
(promulgated September 26-October 6, 1791). All these former offenses were
thus decriminalised." Michael D.
Sibalis

Age of consent (applied to boys as well as girls) established at age
of 11 years. Increased to 13 years in 1863. (Stephen Robertson, "Age of
Consent Laws," in Children and Youth in History, Item #230,
http://chnm.gmu.edu/cyh/teaching-modules/230

Established by Napoleon Bonaparte on 12.2.1810. It was later revised, but
remained into force until replaced by a new Penal code on 1.3.1994.
John Lewis Gillin says that, The Code of 1810 permitted some
discretion on the part of the judges. (See 1791 Code)

France: 1818 (Alphonse) Thomas Bérenger published La
Justice criminelle en France, criticising special tribunals, provosts'
courts and military commissions, used under the
Bourbon restoration. According the
1911 Encyclopedia Britannica, Bérenger "advocated a return to the
old common law and trial by jury".

Newgate "now the general felons' prison for the City of London and
the County of Middlesex" (James Elmes in A Topographical Description of
London (1831). The largest number of prisoners were there for theft,
robbery or fraud. Many were children. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who was a prisoner
from 1827 to 1830, described it as "not a house of correction
or
penitentiary, but merely a prison of detention - a sort of metropolitan
watch-house for the secure custody of persons about to be tried or
executed...the great mass of prisoners... are persons awaiting trial". The
prisoners, like Wakefield, who were there for punishment, were not subject
to a regime to make them "penitent". Wakefield, being a gentleman, had
quite a commodious cell with a maid-of-all-work to look after him. His two
children visited him regularly in his cell where he gave them there
lessons. Wakefield was even allowed to carry out social investigations,
including interviewing other prisoners. [An early example of
field work or
participant observation]. Less fortunate prisoners than
Wakefield were locked, two or even three together, in cells eight foot by
six. Men and women were in different parts of the prison and boys under
fourteen were kept in a part of the prison known as the school - unless
they were considered hardened offenders. Prisoners sentenced to death were
kept in solitary confinement. Wakefield said that, on average, twenty
prisoners would be waiting death at any one time. At the most, there were
fifty nine. Some of these would be reprieved. There average stay between
sentence and reprieve or execution was six weeks.
(Bloomfield, P. 1961, chapter 5)

1832 The
Philanthropic
Society
opened the Philanthropic School at
Redhill opens. With the belief that their work would be more successful
away from the streets of London, out in the clean country air. In "1839 A
school was established in
Mettray near Tours in France and a European movement was begun."

"Crawford found two systems in transatlantic prisons: on one hand there was
the Auburn 'silent system' which allowed associated labour and dining, but
prevented contamination by silence enforced by flogging; on the other hand
was the Philadelphia 'separate system' which combined cellular confinement
throughout sentence with visits from a battery of reformatory personnel,
such as chaplains, teachers, and trade instructors, whose message of
forgiveness would hopefully be well-received by prisoners softened by
enforced solitude. Crawford was entranced by what he saw as the perfect
prison system, and criticized the silent system which, in his view, led to
vengefulness and hatred among prisoners. Separation alone, in his view,
could deter by its awesome severity and reform by its irresistible impact
on the individual conscience." (Bill Forsythe, Dictionary of National
Biography)

"The first attempts to tackle the problem of crime
scientifically were social rather than biological. The transition between
classicism and
positivism was largely effected by the 'moral
statisticians'"
New Criminology p.37

Belgium and FranceAdolphe Quetelet's Sur l'homme et le
dévelopment de ses
facultés ou Essai de physique sociale published in Paris. It was
translated into English and published in 1842 as A Treatise on Man
and the Development of his Faculties.
Quetelet put forward the concept of the
"average man".

1839 The first completely separate institution
for women and girls in the United States appears to have been established
at Mount Pleasant - later known as Ossining - New York, near the Sing
Sing male prison in 1835" [1839]. "All other states followed
with facilities for women and others for girls"
(Norman Johnston
2009)

France: Colonie pénitentiaire de Mettray opened 1840.
Norman Johnston
(2009) says "reformers, shocked by the plight of children
housed in adult prisons, established a minimum security agricultural
facility, the Mettray Colony.... Cottages were arranged on a
campus without walls, a layout that later became a template for American
youth and women's facilities into the 21st century. The individual cottage
was intended to be run as a family unit. Separate institutions for boys and
girls were later opened in most American states, particularly from the
1850s on."

From the end of July to early October
1841:Elizabeth
Fry
accompanied her brother and others on a tour of Holland, Germany, Prussia
and Denmark. She carried with her a letter of introduction from Prince
Albert (Queen Victoria's husband) to the King of Prussia. Their meeting was
friendly and concluded with Elizabeth urging the king to mark his reign by
"the prisons being so reformed that punishment might become the reformation
of criminals; by the lower classes being religiously educated; and by the
slaves in their colonies being liberated".
(Whitney, J. 1937 p.229)

She visited Copenhagen in August 1841. At this time the Danish
Prison Commission of 1840 had come to the conclusion that the
Auburn (Silent) model
was preferable to the
Pensylvania (Separate) system
for Denmark. Elizabeth Fry
campaigned on the importance of religion to changing criminal behaviour
and, as a result of her effort, Denmark built one Auburn model prison
(Horsens tugthus - opened in 1853) and one Pennsylvania model
(vridsløselille - opened in 1859. [Two other Danish prisons:
Blegdammens fængsel opened in 1848, Vestre Fængsel in 1895]
(Information
from Victoria Olesen, history student,
Roskilde University in Denmark)

Isometrical perspective of Pentonville Prison, 1840-1842. Engineer Joshua
Jebb (8 May 1793 ? 26 June 1863). Report of the Surveyor-General of
Prisons, London, 1844. Image reproduced in Mayhew, Criminal Prisons
of London, London, 1862 Joshua Jebb, from Derbyshire, was a military
engineer and the British Surveyor-General. He also designed
Broadmoor Hospital.
(Wikipedia Commons) - See Criminology and Penology logo 2011

I have given this a red border in deference to
The New Criminology,
which starts a new theoretical thread
(chapter seven) on Marx, Engels and
Bonger. Notice, however, Engels use of criminal statistics.

"Some years ago
(Young 1975, p. 78)
Jock Young summarised Engels' views on crime as
amounting to
four alternatives facing the impoverished worker.

[First]
He "... can become so
brutalised as to be, in effect, a determined creature."
[See Engels
1845]
Secondly he can
"accept the prevalent mores of capitalist society, and enter into the war
of
all against all."
[See Engels 1845]
Thirdly, he can steal the property of the rich.
[See Engels 1845]
Finally
he can struggle for socialism
[See Engels
1845]

This classification
provides a very useful starting point for an investigation of Engels'
treatment of crime."

In
1845,
Tawell, a murderer, escaped the police.. and travelled
to London
by train. The police... telegraphed to Paddington, where he was
arrested as he got off the train. The public interest made the electric
telegraph a commercial success.
See
1910

Britain1847 "Before the 1840s children
received the same treatment in the courts as adults.
Changes began tentatively in 1847 when the Juvenile Offenders Act permitted
children, not over the age of 14, and charged with simple larceny, to be
tried and sentenced by two lay justices of the peace or one stipendiary
magistrate. This was an alternative to the usual full court hearing by
indictment before a jury."
source

29.11.1847 Sir George Grey introduced the Crime and Outrage Bill
(Ireland) bill because of nationalist agitation that was giving the British
government misgivings about a possible violent rebellion against British
rule in Ireland. The Act (Royal assent December 1847) gave the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland the power to organize districts and bring police into
them at the district's expense. It limited who could own guns and required
all men between age 16 and 60 in a district to help catch murderers when
killings took place or else be guilty of a misdemeanor. See
1850

"What Ireland required was commerce and manufactures to afford
remunerative employment to the people, and a home market for its
agricultural produce. It was the duty of statesmen to open up the sources
of industry and beneficial employment for the people. "The good shepherd
would lead his flock." Were the Government prepared with some great and
comprehensive measure for placing remunerative employment within the reach
of the Irish people? Were they prepared to do battle with the
cotton millionaires and the merchant princes of England for a
fair share of the commerce and manufactures of the united kingdom for
Ireland? Were they prepared to contend against the tyranny of overwhelming
capital? Ireland ought to be placed in a state of perfect civil, religious,
political, commercial, and manufacturing equality with England. Let the
Government charter for a limited term a company of cotton spinners and a
company of woolstaplers for each of the three Irish provinces that had no
manufactures deserving the name. Let a Royal dockyard be established for
building ships for Her Majesty's Navy. Let Ireland have a fair number of
representatives in that House. Let the anomaly of the Protestant Church
Establishment be abated. With measures like these, the foundation of
Ireland's prosperity would be laid, and there would he no need for Coercion
Bills."
(Hansard 12.8.1850)

Britain1857
Prison Hulks cease being used. The Penal Servitude Act 1853 (16 & 17 Vict.
c.99) substituted penal servitude for
transportation, except in cases where
a person could be sentenced to transportation for life or for a term not
less than fourteen years. Section 2 of the Penal Servitude Act 1857 (20 &
21 Vict. c.3) abolished the sentence of transportation in all cases and
provided that in all cases a person who would otherwise have been liable to
transportation would be liable to penal servitude instead.
(Wikipedia)

Italy
Cesare Lombroso's
L'uomo delinquente published in
Milan (See
Cesare Beccaria). By
1896-1897, when it reached its 5th edition it had three volumes. It was
partially translated into English in 1911 as Criminal Man. Lombroso
is taken by many as the founder of positive criminology
(See dictionary), but the moral statisticians were also seeking ways
in
which human behaviour is determined - but by society rather than biology.

Neo-classical criminology adapts classical criminology in the light of
positivist thought. It might, for example, argue that most crimes are the
result of rational choice, but that an exception must be made for people
who are mentally ill. On this distinction, it has been argued that the
French Penal Code of 1791
was a strictly classical one, but that subsequent revisions were neo-
classical. Others argue that the neo-classical school of thought "emerged
between 1880 and 1920, and is still with us today"
(external source). Authors who have been
identified as neo-classical include

James Anson Farrer, Crimes and Punishments, including a new translation
of Beccaria's "Dei Delitti e delle Pene.". Published: London : Chatto
and Windus, 1880.

1890Aylesbury
became a women's prison. "Two new wings were added in 1902" [see
Holloway 1902] "serving initially as an Inebriates Centre. A
youth prison for 16 to 21 year olds was established in 1909. In the 1930s
this became the first (and only pre-war) girls' borstal. In 1949 it was
"Aylesbury Prison for Women and Borstal Institution for Girls". In 1959,
the prison was converted to house adult male prisoners.

Sociology - 1893

From
Spencer to
Durkheim: Herbert Spencer's
The Principles of
Sociology (1876 on) is in the
utilitarian tradition. In industrial society, he argues, a
network of individual contracts spontaneously organises society.
Individuals seeking their own happiness leads to the good of the whole
society and the role of government is restricted to deterring self interest
from paths that would harm others. Emile Durkheim's
The Division of Labour in Society(1893)argued
against Spencer that government (especially its legal aspects)
would grow in proportion to the increase in the division of labour. They
are inter-dependent and the function of both is not greater happiness, but
solidarity.

The more powerful the collective conscience, the more it will suppress
divergence. But this does not mean crime will be abolished. Instead, the
energy of the collective conscience will be exercised against lesser
offence against it. Offenses not previously crimes will become crimes.

Society needs to penalise acts in order to give more energy to the
collective sentiments that they offend. This dialogue between crime and
society is necessary to maintain the solidarity of the society. But this is
not the only function of crime. Crime is also needed in the evolution of
society.

I do not think that Durkheim argued crime is a result of the
disintegration of society as it moves from a state of
togetherness (e.g. mechanical or traditional society) to a state of
untogetherness (e.g. organic or market society). This argument is central
to
Engels' theory of crime. A creative synthesis of the two
theories might be very interesting.

I
have not found Durkheim relating anomie to any "crime" except
suicide, and suicide, although a crime in England until
1961, had
not been a crime in France since the eighteenth century.

I would
like to hear from any reader of Durkheim
who can point me to passages suggesting he did argue these positions -
(Thank you)

"the criminal is... not really a member of the human family. He is a sort
of
by-product which is not only waste, but worse: he is a moral
bacillus and
ought to be
sterilised" (page 241)

"If Society itself were to become quite sane it would recognise that crime
and insanity are practically the same thing, and it would treat them in the
same way... at
Broadmoor... there is no punishment, but there is also no
hope of release..." (page 238)

... it has been proved in every country that punishment does not deter from
crime...

[If the criminal] "were treated as what he really is he would be
eliminated. the shortest and most merciful way would be a painless exit
from the world through the lethal chamber; but as a hard-hearted and soft-
headed generation would probably object to this on the ground of
inhumanity, the next best thing would be isolation for life, say, after
three convictions. (page 239)

"Criminology, as it is understood
to-day, consists of the doctrines of ... three Schools of criminology ....
The
Classical School, after
Beccaria, taught that all criminals were equally responsible in
the eyes of the law ; that they should be punished according to the crimes
they had committed;
but that, despite their wrong-doing, they retained a natural right, common
to all men, to
be humanely treated. The Correctionist School, improving upon its
predecessor, established
the relative responsibility of lunatics and juvenile offenders, and led the
way to our
modern reformatory system. Finally the School of
Lombroso, more
humane still, declared
it was the criminal and not the crime who ought to be studied and punished,
and
expounded a doctrine known as the new science of criminal anthropology.
p.12
"

The New Criminology identifies "The Chicago School" as a "legacy of
positivism. In this, it is speaking of the
urban ecology of Robert Park and his colleagues.

"prior to his appointment as lecturer in the Department of
Sociology in
1914, Robert Ezra Park had spent some twenty-five years as a
journalist... In the
following twenty years, a mass of research was carried out by
Park's colleagues and students into what they came to call the
social ecology of the city: research into the
distribution of areas of work and residence, places of public intervention
and private retreat, the extent of illness and health, and the urban
concentrations of conformity and deviance. The Chicago School of Sociology,
motivated by the journalist's campaigning and documentary concerns, was the
example par excellence of determined and detailed empirical social
research: a tradition which, for good or ill, is extremely resilient still
in most departments of sociology on the north American continent"
(Young 1973, p. 110)

In 1920,
Paul Fauconnet, a colleague of
Mauss, Durkheim's nephew, completed his thesis for the
University of Paris. This was published as La Responsabilité,
Etude de Sociologie [Responsibility. A sociological study] This argued
that, historically, it had always been important that someone, or some
thing, be held responsible for a crime and punished. If the person who did
it could not be clearly identified, someone (or something) else was, and
the punishment was carried out. In modern times, criminal responsibility in
terms of both intention and of being shown to have committed the act were
held to be essential, but the older ideas reveal (Fauconnet argued) the
sociological function of punishment.

To initiate and promote scientific research into the causes and prevention
of crime.

To establish observation centres and clinics for diagnosis and treatment of
delinquency and crime

To coordinate and consolidate existing scientific work in the prevention of
delinquency and crime.

To secure cooperation between all bodies engaged in similar work in all
parts of the world, and ultimately to promote an international
organisation.

To assist and advise through the medium of scientific experts the judicial
and magisterial bench, the hospitals and government departments in the
investigation, diagnosis and treatment of suitable cases.

To promote and assist in promoting educational and training facilities for
students in the scientific study of delinquency and crime.

To promote discussion and to educate the opinion of the general public on
these subjects by publications and by other means.

"American society... for Merton, has in practice placed undue emphasis on
the
goals behind the game, and has neglected ... the necessity for making
appropriate means universally available. More specifically, Merton argued
that normatively legitimate means have been replaced by (and confused with)
technically efficient means, and, in particular, money has been consecrated
as a value in itself, over and above its use simply for legitimate
consumption. The desire to make money, without regard to the means in which
one sets about doing it, is symptomatic of the malintegration at the heart
of American society." (page 93)

Parsons' system appears an important theoretical background to "deviancy
theory", but he is not indexed in
The Drugtakers and mentioned almost in passing in
The New Criminology

1958
George Vold's
Theoretical Criminology was, according to
The New Criminology (page 238) "the first criminological textbook to
accord a significant place to crime as a product of social conflict".

"This book deals with the explanations that contemporary
society has given itself in the past, and continues to give today, to the
enigmatic question of why there is so much crime.Except for purposes of
background and perspective, this book deals only with those areas of theory
that fall within the intellectual orientation usually called 'positivistic'
or 'scientific. ' Only within this orientation are hypotheses and
propositions so formulated that it is possible to examine them in the light
of available information."

Britain 1959
Leon Radzinowicz
founded the "Institute of
Criminology", and became the
first Wolfson Professor of Criminology. The first Professorship in
Criminology in the United Kingdom.
(source)

New Criminology describes Cloward and Ohlin as theorists of
subcultures:

"The subculture theorists, following
Merton
[considered] the existence of anomie implied that cultural goals were
widely diffused and internalised, but there was no corresponding
internalisation (or
institutionalisation) of the means of
achieving them" (page 133)

"in analysing the mechanisms by which genetic potentialities are translated
into criminal behaviour in particular and, and social action in general,
and in fully acknowledging the interplay of
environmental factors, Hans Eysenck's formulations have a distinct
advantage over other biological interpretations of society" (New
Criminology p.47)

In the 1960s and 1970s,
deviancy theory took a special interest in looking
at the world through the eyes of the deviant.

"To live outside the law you must be honest
I know you always say that you agree
Alright, so where are you tonight...?"
Bob Dylan: "Absolutely Sweet Marie" quoted as the frontispiece to The New Criminology

1971United Kingdom
Jock YoungThe Drugtakers. The Social Meaning of
Drug Use published as a Paladin paperback. Jock Young was "Senior
lecturer in sociology at Enfield College of Technology and a member of
the National Symposium in Deviancy, a radical group of criminologists"
[Yes... It does say "in deviancy"]

United KingdomDaily Mail 17.8.1972 "As Crimes of Violence
Escalate, a word Common in the United States Enters the British Headlines:
Mugging. To our Police, it's a frightening new strain of crime". (quoted
Hall and others 1978, p.3)

United Kingdom 5.11.1972 Unprovoked attack on Robert Keenan by Paul
Storey, James Duignan and Mustafa Fuat in Handsworth, Birmingham. Attacks
repeated over a period of over two hours. The attackers were aged 15 to 16.
(
Hall and others 1978, pp 81 following)

"Societies appear to be subject, every now and then, to periods
of moral panic. A condition,
episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat
to societal
values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and
stereotypical fashion by the
mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops,
politicians and other
right thinking people; socially accredited experts pronounce their
diagnoses and solutions,
ways of coping are evolved" (p.9)

United Kingdom 19.3.1973 Paul Storey pleaded guilty to attempted
murder and robbery; James Duignan and Mustafa Fuat to wounding with intent
to cause grievous bodily harm and robbery. Paul Storey was sentenced to
twenty years and the other two to twenty years. This case was the stimulus
and major case study content of Policing the Crisis in 1978. (
Hall and others 1978, pp 81 following and p.viii)

United Kingdom Ian Taylor, Paul Walton and Jock Young published
The New Criminology: For a Social Theory of Deviance .
Acknowledgements: "This book is fundamentally the product of discussions
and developments in and around the National Deviancy Conference, a growing
body of sociologists and individuals involved in social action in the
United Kingdom"

Critical Criminology: External link:
Dave
Harris . This includes links to notes on some of The New
Criminology and on some of Critical Criminology. (archive)

Emma Dowling 2013: "It provided the analytical tools to
interpret how a social phenomenon was objectified and transformed into a
moral panic, ultimately becoming a pressing issue of the day. Its authors
sought to unearth the relations of social forces that were obscured by
portrayals of urban streets 'infested with violent hoodlums' that dominated
the public eye and constructed an ideology of crisis in which the police
force turned into the only bulwark against the breakdown of social order.
'Aggro Britain', as it was described in the 1970s, referred to a
constructed social crisis centred on street crime, although the call for
'policing the crisis', in fact, derived from the anxiety caused by growing
political, economic and racial conflict."

Jock Young "Left idealism, reformism and beyond: from new criminology to
Marxism" - Criticised by Paul Gilroy in
Police and thieves in 1982.

"critical criminology ... 'left idealists'... proposes that crime is
defined in terms of the concept of oppression". Some groups "are seen to be
the most likely to suffer oppressive social relations based upon class
division, sexism and racism" (Hopkins Burke, R. 2009 p. 345)

1985 Work completed on the new
Holloway Prison. This had been constructed as the old one was
demolished. "The new prison was built as a secure hospital for 500 women.
It is of red brick with projecting windows and flat roofs. Communal
facilities include an education centre, workshops, gymnasium, swimming pool
and chapel. A 'trolley walk' on level two runs around the site, linking all
the main buildings and administration is located in the gatehouse complex.
Inmate accommodation is in four and five storey cell blocks."
(source)

March 2001 Symposium held in honour of
Leon Radzinowicz at Cambridge University. The subsequent book
(Bottoms and Tonry 2002) included an appreciation, by Anthony Bottoms,
recollections by Roger Hood, (Theory:) "Ideology and crime - a further
chapter" by David Garland, "Morality, crime, compliance and public policy"
by Anthony Bottoms, (History:) "Gentlemen convicts, dynamitards and
paramilitaries: the limits of criminal justice", by Sean McConville, "The
English police: a unique development" by Clive Emsley, (Prisons) "A
'liberal regime within a secure perimeter'?: dispersal prisons and penal
practice in the late twentieth century" by Alison Liebling, (Policy)
"Criminology and penal policy: the vital role of empirical research" by
Roger Hood and a Radzinowicz bibliography

Peter Kennison, Policing Black People: A Study of Ethnic Relations as
Seen Through the Police Complaints System
Middlesex University, 2001 PhD thesis.

Critical Criminology is the criminology of the late modernity in that it
arose at the cusp of change in the last third of the twentieth century and
that its sensitivity to the social construction of reality and the
blurring, pluralism and contested nature of norms best fits the grain of
every day life today. The development within critical criminology of ten
key ironies as a sustained challenge to the taken for granted assumptions
about crime and the criminal justice system has even more relevance at the
beginning of the twenty first century as it did in the 1970's. A critique
of the revisionist history of critical criminology as presented in the work
of David Garland with its emphasis on the past and momentary nature of the
critical tradition. Instead an examination of the flourishing of critical
criminology and its position as the major opponent of neo-liberalism. The
need to develop a criminology which despite scepticism about meta-
narratives of progress does not lapse into a postmodernist nihilism but
tackles full on the problems of social transformation amid an open-ended
narrative ever aware of the changing and contested nature of social justice
A discussion of the of the work of Nancy Fraser and Zygmunt Bauman in this
respect

The economic and social changes concomitant with globalisation give rise to
the identity crises of late modernity. The shift occurs from the politics
of
class to the identity politics and the stratifications of status and
celebrity, witness the work of Nancy Fraser and Lawrence Friedman. The
uncertainties of identity leads to the seeking out of both positive and
negative points of orientation: bright and dark stars of fixed position.
Thus at the same time as we have a demonisation (othering) of the
underclass we have the idealisation of the celebrity. Both crime and
celebrity become the basic commodities of the spectaclre [spectacle?].
Contradictions and crossover in the discourses of success and failure give
rise to the nemesis and cronus effects. The detachment of vocabularies of
motive from fixed structural position in late modernity results in free
floating, mediated discourses which both shape crime and evoke celebrity;
the Mafia and images of Serial Killers are used as examples.

"Crime does not exist. Only acts exist, acts often given
different meanings within various
social frameworks. Acts and the meanings given to them are our data. Our
challenge is to follow the destiny of acts through the universe of
meanings. Particularly, what are the social conditions that encourage or
prevent giving the acts the meaning of being crime?" (Christie, 2004: p.3)

"crimes are in endless supply. Acts with the potentiality of
being seen as crimes are like an unlimited natural resource. We can take
out a little in the form of crime-or a lot". (Christie, 2004:
p.10)

"I could not be happier with an audience of thousands in the Albert Hall",
John Lea told the Middlesex University Criminology Society in the Lecture
Theatre on Enfield Campus in April 2005.

Students and staff were equally
pleased to listen to one the world's most cited criminologists make every
part of his lecture clear and fascinating - Just as he has at every lecture
since I first heard him thirty five years ago.

John's topic, "Terrorism, Crime and the Collapse of Civil Liberties" began
with an exposition of one law. He explained clearly the
constitutional arguments against the United Kingdom's
2005 Prevention of
Terrorism Act.

Although it "might be argued that terrorism is a special case and requires
special measures", John outlined other erosions of established legal
safeguards in a succession of United Kingdom criminal laws.

By now anxious about the open, legal state, we slipped into a greater state
of anxiety as John explored law's intersection with the global secret
state. He talked about "the formation of a new type of globalised system of
coercive information extraction" since the destruction of the World Trade
Centre in
September 2001 and the subsequent war to control Afghanistan.
The
first stage was establishing Guantánamo Bay in Cuba for the
reception of those to be interrogated - And claiming it as an area of
United States administration outside the protection of United States law
and, in certain respects, outside of international law. The secret state
seeks to be secret, but John claimed enough has been revealed about
Guantánamo to recognise it as intersecting with UK law and security,
and not just the responsibility of the United States. British citizens
recently released from Guantánamo have said that they were
interviewed by British security service (MI6) officers whilst they were
there.

Since the US legal system has asserted its jurisdiction over any territory
administered by the United States, Guantánamo's usefulness has
declined and has been replaced by a system of truly international
interrogation. John documented reports of large numbers of people who
"disappear" and are sent for interrogation in countries where the US courts
cannot reach them.

"There are now possibly up to 10,000 ghost detainees in this new global
system of incarceration and interrogation and permanent detention without
trial".

This secret international system intersects with the provisions of
national law openly debated and processed through Parliament. The 2005
Prevention of Terrorism Act allows the Home Secretary to issue a
control order on the basis of "reasonable suspicion" that someone is
involved in terrorist activity. John argued that "some of the evidence"
leading to this suspicion may come, via the UK security services, from the
USA. "In short, evidence extracted by coercive interrogation may find
itself into the working of the new British anti-terror regime".

By focusing on one law and its inter-relationships, John sought to show
that the threat to civilised, liberal, society is much much wider than one
law.

Part of his argument, somewhat mysteriously called "trickle up", is that
"anti-terrorist" developments are not a simple response to terrorism, but a
single feature of a general turning away from the "steady growth in the
stability of international legality" since the second world war. They are
just one element in the move towards what international lawyer Philip Sands
has called "A Lawless World" (Sands 2005). The dirty water also "trickles
down", contaminating public standards and expectations of the rule of law,
and undermining liberty in areas unrelated to terrorism. What we are
looking at, according to John's title, is a "collapse of civil liberties".

Our pond of national law now sloshes about in a global ocean. Placing UK
law in the context of the global secret state was a strength of John's
analysis. Its inevitable weakness was not having time to place that in the
context of a changing world political structure. What began as criticism of
a single national law, ended, for me, with unanswered questions about the
fate of liberty in a post-national world and what international measures
might defend it.

John Lea's talk was the third in a series of well-attended events organised
by Middlesex University Criminological Society this year. Student organiser
Fitzroy Maxwell (Max), who has himself given enormous enthusiasm and energy
to organising the events, credited their success to team work.

The surprising thing was it took so long: the tinderbox was dry and the
spark of alienation everywhere. The background of urban riots is almost
formulaic. A substantial section of the population who are economically
excluded, a situation of political marginalisation where there is no party
or politician to speak for them and, then, the final straw, an act of
police injustice - real or perceived. This was the background to the Rodney
King riots in LA in
1992, to the Brixton riots of the
1980s, to the
disturbances in the French banlieues in
2005, and to the
1985
riot in
Broadwater Farm, Tottenham, where I was a lead investigator for the
subsequent Gifford inquiry. And the media and political response is
similarly predictable. The right blame race, ignoring the fact that many of
the kids are white; the centre-left "sympathise" with the predicament of
the oppressed but wish they would channel their dissatisfactions in the
appropriate political places.

There is a tautology of blame: there is no political representation of the
disaffected, that is precisely why there was a riot, people have waited for
years for things to get better, but their economic situation gets worse -
indeed the kids grew up waiting - that is why there is such anger. It is an
irrational situation; do not expect the targets of riots always to be
rational, fair and progressive. It is impossible in a liberal democracy to
exclude a substantial and increasing section of the population for any
length of time without widespread disturbances.

Politicians who haughtily proclaim "that unacceptable behaviour will not be
tolerated" should dwell on the fact that they have been party to
unacceptable economic and social policies, which gave rise to the riots in
the first place.

Emma Dowling:
"Thirty-five years on, with anxieties spreading across the
world, the notion of 'policing the crisis' is still among us, although
those being policed are not those who caused the present crisis."

Introduction by Emma Dowling (Middlesex University)

Tony Jefferson (co-author) Policing the Crisis: Thirty-Five Years On

David Miller (University of Bath) Moral Panic, Class Power and Media Power