The Civil War Letters of Olof Liljegren

THE CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF OLOF LILJEGREN
Edited and Translated by
ALAN SWANSON
On April 13, 1861, Fort Sumter, in Charleston's harbour, fell
to Southern troops. The next day, Alexander Ramsey, governor
of the three-year-old state of Minnesota, offered the Federal
Government its first regiment of volunteers. In June, a second
regiment was formed, and by the Fall, a third was in the making.
The Third Minnesota Regiment of Volunteers has some fame
among Swedish-Americans, largely owing to the later prominent
position in Swedish-America of its last colonel, Hans Mattson.
And in this regiment, Co. D took a special place as the Swedish
company. Among those drawn by the appeal to arms was a
thirty-year-old Swede named Olof Liljegren, from Boggsjö in
Sundsjö parish, Jämtland.
Little is known about him. One cannot even be sure when
he arrived in this country, though there is some reason to be­lieve
he might have come with the family of Isak Edblad from
near-by Håsjö, who came to Polk County, Wisconsin, in 1857,
and moved to Isanti County, Minnesota, in 1859. In any event, it
is clear from his preserved letters that he knew Edblad's family
intimately. In those letters, there is no indication of his reasons
for leaving Sweden, though it is obvious that his departure was
opposed by his father.1 Most of the letters are to his father, Jo­nas
Nilsson, but there are others to Edblad and to Edblad's
daughter, Mary.
$ $ $
Camp Jenkins, December 1st, State of Kentucky, 18612
My dear Father,
It's been a long time since I've gotten any letter from you and
I've almost been "waited out." For that reason I must sit down
and in haste put down some" of the most important things which
have happened since I last wrote, though neither time nor op­portunity
allows anything but the most important. . . . [There
is] the most active movement in recruiting. Each state must
supply troops according to its population and [there were] re-
86
cruiting officers in all the cities and in many places in the coun­tryside,
and even many who travelled around for the same pur­pose,
because here anyone can form a company, can be captain,
and for that reason everyone was eager to have his company full.
But since officers are chosen by the membership after the com­pany
is full, if there is someone else the members trust, then
another can become the captain. A company is 80 to 101 men
and when they have 40 men they have the right to chose the 1st
lieutenant, and at 81 they may elect all the officers. Then all
the officers have to train and learn to discharge their duty. In
other cases, someone else is appointed and the first is fired. In
all the foregoing I have not involved myself, which ought to be
my duty. I have taken a step which I believe you won't consider
cowardly, for in this country at least it is considered the highest
honor, and it goes to him who devotes himself to it. I have, like
many others, gone into the United States' army for three years
or as long as the war lasts. We have formed a Swedish or Scan­dinavian
(i. e. Norwegians and Swedes) company with all Swed­ish
officers, 95 men with officers and privates. We have excellent
officers. The Captain has been a lieutenant in Sweden and the
2nd Lieutenant has been an officer in Sweden.3 The 1st Lieuten­ant
is Norwegian.4 Furthermore, we have 5 sergeants and 8
corporals. The pay for captains is $108 per month, 1st lieu­tenant
$100, $75 2nd [lieutenants], the sergeants I don't know,
the corporals $15 and the rest $13 per month. I took this step
because many of my friends went into the company and therefore
they were insistent that I, too, should go, for they have always
had a special trust in me, those I have been with. And as for
my life, it is worth no more than anyone else's, so that if I die or
fall, I know that I have fought and died for a just cause. For
one could never risk his life for a more just or holy cause than I
am now and now it is time for each and every patriotic citizen
who loves truth and [illegible] . . . to take part and put down the
rebels who ride wholly devil-like and tyrannically forth. It is not
enough that they tyrannize slaves, but now want to [illegible] . . .
themselves [illegible] . . . Oh, it is an abomination in the sight of
men. No, blessed is the man who falls in such a cause and honor
to him who risks his life. I was elected sergeant and have stood
watch tonight as so many times before, and we, the Swedish com­pany,
have been named the best company of the 3rd Minnesota
87
Regiment. There are incredibly many Swedes in the army. In
Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota they are forming a whole reg­iment
of Scandinavians and even now have 400 men with their
own officers. There are also many Swedish officers who serve
in the American companies who are both captains and majors,
colonels and generals.5
We are now in the state of Kentucky at a place with over
12,000 men and in the vicinity there are supposed to be over
120,000 men and we believe we shall soon be in some battle,
which is our heartiest wish, both among Americans and Swedes,
and the thing most spoken about. We have good food and pro­visions
so we need neither freeze nor sweat. That is to say, we
have not tried so much yet, though we know that a fighter must
try everything. We were sworn into the army in Minnesota on
October 15 and were at a fort for five weeks." Then we came
here to Kentucky in four days and put behind us a stretch of
about 1,000 English miles. Everywhere we traveled we were
greeted with hurrahs and waving handkerchiefs. In addition,
both food and coffee were ready for 1,000 men wherever we
went so that we never missed a meal on the whole trip and the
feeding could take place in 10 to 15 minutes. This morning we
are perhaps going to travel further south to guard a railway
station.
I now have nothing further to tell for this time other than
that I have left my credits with Eric Bong, if he can collect them.
I have $110 coming from Schallenberg in Stillwater, and in St.
Paul $20 from Mr. Dayton, from Russell in Wasa $18, etc.
If I come no more to Minnesota, then Eric Bong can send them
home if he gets them. My address is Mr. Olof Liljegren, Still­water
(Washington) Co[unty] Minn[esota] North America (in
care of John B. S m i t h ) . . . . Nothing especially to report other
than continuing good health and a thousandfold greetings to all
relatives, friends, and acquaintances and most of all to you and
all my brothers and sisters. Signed your devoted son,
Olof Liljegren
Sergeant Minn. Vol.
Third Regmt.
Write to me as soon as you can so I can hear how you are.
88
SERGEANT OLOF LILJEGREN
Company D, Third Minnesota Infantry Regiment
[Marginalia"]
Do not wonder at my bad writing for I don't have much chance.
My knapsack is my desk.
* * *
The Third Regiment stayed two weeks at Camp Jenkins before
moving south. Its colonel, Henry C. Lester, whose courage and
military efficiency at Bull Run had propelled him from a cap­taincy
to command of a regiment, kept it in high trim with drill
and preparedness exercises, giving the Third the reputation as
the best disciplined in the brigade.
89
In his "Narrative of the Third Regiment," General Christopher
Columbus Andrews, then captain of Co. I, reports that "Com­pany
D, being mostly Swedes, followed the practice of the Swed­ish
army of singing the 'Doxology' immediately after the evening
roll call, and it sounded so well and seemed so appropriate that
Company I, which was camped nearest to D, adopted the same
practice."7
All Spring, however, battle eluded the regiment.
# £ $
Nashville, Tennessee, April 11, 1862
My dear Father,
I write a few lines to you again even though I have not re­ceived
any letter from you since June of last year, and that was
written in February. Since then I have written, if I remember
rightly, three. I would be very interested in knowing your rea­son,
but I assume I am forgotten. But be that as it may, I shall
send a few lines even so, though I have no special news other
than about the war and I understand you already know about
that and get to know it through the newspapers. We have had
a large battle now, at a place called Pittsburg.8 There were great
losses on both sides. The North lost from 18,000 to 20,000 men
and the South from 35,000 to 40,000." The battle was begun last
Sunday and lasted the whole day. Our troops consisted of only
30,000 men against their 60,000. Our army had to retreat from
its camp. Thus, the enemy took cannon and camp equipment
and everything found there, but in the evening reinforcements
arrived. The second day they were 80,000 men strong. At day­light
began the bloodiest battle that has been on this continent
and it lasted all the way to evening when the enemy retreated
with great loss and all their cannon and supplies fell into our
hands and our troops are pursuing them even as this letter is
being written.10 Our troops have even taken Island Ten on the
7th where the rebels had fortified themselves both on the island
and on the land on both sides and the bombardment lasted three
weeks but finally they were forced to give way before our can­non-
boats. Most of them got away except for almost a thousand
men, who were taken prisoner, and an immense quantity of am­munition,
provisions, hundreds of cannon of the largest caliber,
and four steamboats.11 On the island and on land were no less
than eleven fortifications. On the 16th of February, Fort Donel-
90
Son on the Cumberland River was taken with 15,000 prisoners
and their entire equipment, 20,000 [stand of arms] or shooting
gear, 59 cannon, all of large caliber. The whole value is reckoned
at one and one-half million dollars. Among the foregoing were
3,000 horses. We lost 400 dead and 200 prisoners and took their
greatest generals prisoner, and even now we have killed one for
them and another wounded.12
I was at the latter place, or Fort Donelson, some days after
the battle and it looked terrible. It is too much to count up all
the fighting there was but one thing is that our troops have tri­umphed
over the rebels and beat them everywhere, no matter
how well they lie inside their fortresses. The federal army pushes
deeper and deeper into the rebel states and as far as we go they
become loyal or are forced to become Union.
Our regiment is now two English miles from Nashville. One
company guards a bridge, another is taken out by day to guard
the general. We have not yet been in any battle because we
have been in Kentucky the whole winter guarding the railway.
But now we expect soon to come into battle.
I can also explain how the pay is. The privates get $13 per
month, the corporals the same, the sergeants get $17 per month,
orderly [sergeant] 20, 2nd lieutenant $80, 1st lieutenant $108, a
captain $116. Thus, I get $17 per month. Only in February were
we paid to January 1st and in March we were paid to the first
of March and now we are waiting to get [paid] to the first of
May. When we last got our money, I sent a ten-dollar bill to
Eric Bong and my likeness or portrait, but was, however, not
in full uniform. If it has not arrived, and I get the chance, I shall
also send you a picture. It cannot be in full uniform for we have
left behind our dress coats to avoid carrying them. . . . It is most
difficult to find someone who can take a good picture.
I think that we shall soon see Minnesota, either we or the
Second Regiment. One of us gets to go there with prisoners
from Nashville and stay there and guard them, but I suppose it
will rather be the Second Regiment for the reason that it is so
small and has had a hard service.
Your respectful Liljegren
# * *
Shortly after this letter was written, the long siege of Corinth,
Mississippi, began, lasting on and off almost two months. The
91
same day, the Third marched to Murfreesboro, Tennessee, to
be once again on the sidelines. After the loss of Forts Henry
and Donelson, the Confederate general, Albert Johnston, author­ized
John Morgan and Nathan Forrest (who had rescued his
cavalry from the disaster at Fort Donelson) to conduct raids
on Union forces throughout Kentucky and Tennessee. These
caused a great deal of fear in the civilian population and were
of some success in tying up the Federal move into the heart of
the South.
* $ 9
Murfreesboro, May 14, 1862
My dear Edblad,
I want to thank you so much for the welcome letter which I
actually got from you on the 11th, in which I find that you are
all well, which makes me very happy. I can say the same of
myself. I can now tell something of our current situation. We
are now in the middle of Tennessee near a town called Mur­freesboro
and nothing around us but secessionists or such as
are unfaithful to the United States' government, and almost all
the fit men around us are in the Confederate army, most in Mor­gan's
cavalry which rides around here and robs farmers and
United States property and attacks smaller units, destroys the
railway, etc. We have expected an attack for quite a while and
done much to attack him, but dare not. The calvary which be­longs
to our brigade fought with him at a town twenty-five miles
from here which is called Lebanon and took 163 prisoners and
killed many of them, but they couldn't hold him until our in­fantry
arrived. As a result, he fled, but we have been called
out several times and certainly thought we would see him, but
in vain. Now and then, in the middle of the night, the officers
have come and called us and said that the enemy was near our
camp. We have been fooled so many times so now we will not
believe it until we are in combat with them. . . ,13
You want to know the cause of this war. I shall tell you in
a few words that when President Lincoln. . . ,14
. . . so were against him and suggested one of their mightiest
slave-owners, who praised slavery and its unjust principles. Lin­coln
was elected as president and received the majority of the
popular vote. None from the Southern states. When they heard
92
that he had been elected, they protested and decided to secede
from the United States. And all the slave-states were to unite
themselves into a special presidency [ P r e s i d e n t d o m m e ] or re­public,
make their own laws and govern as they wished, take
all the [Federal] Government's property or everything that be­longed
to the United States. So they took ships, cannon, rifles,
ammunition, supplies from everyone and stole the post office
money and took Fort Sumter, which is in Charleston harbor,
bombarded it. When the South in such an unjust manner had met
the North and had, in the bargain, started the war, the United
States found itself forced first to call out an army of 75,000 men
and thought that would be enough to crush the rebels. But it
wasn't enough. The rebels were stronger than one could imagine.
They found out that they had been prepared for a long time and
that [former President] Buchanan had been a part of the con­spiracy.
That old thief had sent all the supplies to the South,
of almost all kinds.15 As a result, they had everything in their
hands and even a strong army. Lincoln found himself further
forced to call out another army of 125,000 men, with the total
being 200,000 men. But after the Battle of Bull Run, which the
North lost, the President or Congress decided to call out a fur­ther
300,000 men, so that the whole strength then reached half
a million above the standing army and the navy, which Were
about 200,000 men but are now not so large. Many have left,
died, been wounded, captured, or become ill, but [there are]
still many enough to fight the rebels.
Greet all in your family from your friend and brother,
Liljegren
# $ 4t
Murfreesboro, Tennessee, May 23, 1862
Dear Father!!!
On the 15th of this month I finally got a very welcome letter
from you again! In recent times I have thought myself com­pletely
forgotten, both by you and others, as well as relatives
and friends! Certainly I could, as you propose, write at least
one letter a month, but I have no particular desire for that if
the correspondence isn't equally lively on both sides. If any of
my so-called devoted friends want to sacrifice a few minutes for
my sake, I would gladly pay them upon arrival if that were the
93
cause.10 And that would even bring more news, insofar as it was
possible for me to report something from here that was interest­ing.
But I am under the greatest obligation to you for the dearly
welcome letters which I have received, both this last as well as
the others which are the only sources from which I have learned
anything about my fatherland, and especially the last, which
carried much news. The village seems to have undergone a total
rebuilding and so on. Thus, if I should come there now, I would
not recognize [Brott ån].1 7 I see, too, that there is considerable
activity in logging. That's nice to hear!18 Furthermore, I find in
your letter how horrible and miserable you consider my posi­tion
as a soldier in the United States' army. What different ideas,
what different points of view most things give rise to.19 If you
could read English newspapers, we would surely stand on the
same ground, for those who know the secessionists intimately
preach otherwise. Those who know their barbarism and tyranny
in the southern states which held sway there before the war
broke out against all nations, how many of our landsmen alone
have been murdered at sight on the street by day, though still
the least of all classes. But thousands of others, guiltless and
often unaware, [have been] in such a way shot or [killed] with
a Bowie knife (or a large knife) in the body without the least
reason for it and the criminal usually wins his greatest honor
thereby. And especially now, since the war broke out, they have
forced people into the army, either fight for their unjust cause
or be hanged, shot, thrown in prison, or the like. Not even
women are spared from barbarism. They are bound, their clothes
pulled up. . . .2 0 Blood in streams, wails, cries, and misery, and
no pardon. Property is burnt up and destroyed by the war [and]
roving bands of thieves. The railways are ruined, bridges are
burnt. As soon as they retreat, the Federal army comes after
and repairs everything, defends their property, helps them with
food as well as other things. [There is] no great difference if
they are faithful to the North or the South and strict orders that
private property may not be destroyed or touched. On such
principles do we wage war, and on the battlefield take care of
their wounded just as our [illegible]. . . . The South kills them
on the battlefield by testing their bayonets. The prisoners we
take are partly housed in the best hotels, others, on the other
hand, in well-furnished rooms with all the comforts, but those
94
I S A K E D B L AD
prisoners who fall in their hands are locked in outbuildings,
damp, unhealthy, cold rooms, uncomfortable, where there is not
a chair or a seat to sit on and, in the bargain, hardly anything
to eat. Horrible, horrible how far barbarism can go and still
be, or have the name of, a civilized land.
No, don't be sad that I am in the army. You ought to feel
proud about having a son who has a heart in his breast and cour­age
to fight for such a true and just cause, and courage to bear
the sword to take revenge [on] the tyrants, scorners of God, or
the scum of the Devil. . . . But I am glad they have already
reaped the fruit of their deeds, and they shall get more as long
95
as God is on our side in the future as he has been until now.
Now New Orleans and Yorktown [Virginia] are taken and even
their very capital, Richmond, in Virginia, is said to be taken.21
[We are at] a place called Corinth in Mississippi where the rebels
have 180,000. Our force there, about 200,000 or more, has taken
all the railways and the river or cut off all communication to it,
so neither ammunition or provisions or reinforcements can come
in. Now we expect a decisive battle there. The Grand Army
of the Potomac, which is said to have left Richmond, is in the
same position, so we have reason to believe that their [the reb­els']
role is played out. But perhaps there are many battles
expected yet. Around here, the thing most feared is their roving
cavalry which travels in the woods wherever it wants and comes
forth here and there in cities and towns to steal and rob the in­habitants.
Sometimes we have been called out in the middle of
the night with the glad expectation of a fight with them, but al­ways
in vain. However, one regiment which is in the same bri­gade
as us fought with 800 of them and took 163 prisoners and
killed between 50 and 60. . . . Some of ours were killed and
wounded, but only a few, for we have good rifles which shoot
both far and true. The state of mind among our troops is a
longing for battle. They don't ask about the difficulties they
must go through, if only they can get revenge on them.
But how can such a hatred arise between them just because
they [the Southerners] didn't get the president they wanted,
as if we with this president have no right to govern the people,
make laws and so forth. But this is done by the representatives
in Congress according to the voting, so it doesn't matter who
became president. He was, nonetheless, forced to follow the Con­stitution.
No, [it is] only stubbornness, pride, vanity, inde­pendence,
or aristocratism. But before we let them go, they shall
have their full recompense, since it has cost the North many
lives and will cost more just as good as mine. I know it is of­fered
[in] a just cause, offered to free prisoners, guiltless wom­en
and children, to save people from being hanged, shot,
slaughtered and so forth. For such I offer my life.
The writing is bad, learning bad, bad occasion, paper on a
knapsack and sitting in a most uncomfortable position.
Olof Liljegren
* * *
96
We can see a similar theme in both letters and, indeed, through­out
the series. It is hard to account for the passion of Lilje¬
gren's position, since by his own evidence he had little familiar­ity
with the barbarism he so liberally ascribes to the South.
Clearly, it is, in part, an attempt to justify his action of joining
the army in the first place, but this does not explain the vituper­ative
nature of his remarks. Perhaps they flow out of his im­patience
at not being where the action so palpably was, but per­haps,
too, Col. Lester's military exercises also included propa­ganda
speeches.
* * *
Missouri, Benton Barracks, August 3, 1862
My dear Father!!!
Since I have a little time free, I again take the opportunity
of sending you a few lines which might perhaps be of a little
interest, reading about soldier life and war adventures. In the
last letter I wrote, I mentioned Tennessee, but not so much about
the uneasiness. A warlike frame of mind holds sway among the
people and one can't rely on one man out of a hundred. The
rest are loyal when there are no rebel soldiers in the vicinity,
but when their guerilla band comes, they are our most danger­ous
enemies. The Confederate States of America has mostly
cavalry in the state of Tennessee, which roves around the coun­tryside
and destroys bridges, railways, and burns cotton, ruins
farmers, steals horses, etc., from farmers, especially those loyal
to the Union or the United States. Thus, the United States has
to guard such places as a railroad bridge, branch, or depot to keep
communications open. We have been in Murfreesboro, a little
town in Tennessee, on the above errand and had many nights
lain under arms, ready to [illegible] . . . at any moment [illeg­ible]
. . . another regiment and a battery, some companies of
cavalry. Our whole strength runs to fifteen or eighteen hundred
men and four cannon. Part of the cavalry and regiments were
in town and our regiment was two English miles from town with
four cannon. At daylight, Sunday morning, the 13th of July,
we were awakened by the chattering of rifle shots, something
unusual so early in the morning, but I guessed it was an attack.
In haste, I rushed out of my [bunk], shouted to the company to
be ready at once, which also happened. Other companies fol­lowed
the same principle. Shortly thereafter we heard the signal
m
and finally the colonel and lieutenant-colonel came and took
command of the regiment. As soon as the line of battle was
formed we could see the enemy coming, all on horseback. [They]
would have been 2,500 men strong, outside of the farmers who
had armed themselves and united with them for the occasion.
They first attacked us riding at a gallop (to break the line), and
all who came within range we killed. Then they set out a skirm­ish
line, but our guns carried farther than theirs and all [were]
sure shooters. Our cannon set up a lively fire. Bombs exploded
in their midst. We stood thus until 1 PM, the shooting more or
less lively, sometimes sharp and occasionally at long intervals
until at last someone came with a flag of truce and demanded
that we surrender and even said that the other regiment which
took the town had surrendered at 9 AM and suggested to us
the impossibility for our six- to seven-hundred men to fight two
to three thousand and [that it was] better to avoid the slaughter
as much as possible. Our colonel, who was so afraid of every man
in the regiment, was at once willing to surrender, but a council
of the officers was called and there was a vote. The result was
to surrender, and when the troops were to stack rifles and turn
them over to the enemy, there were many who cried because we
didn't get to fight and would rather die than be prisoners of
war. I never believed it could be a question of surrender, be­cause
we had beaten them earlier. They had known that we
were not afraid, but could stand and hear the bullets whistle
around our ears and be in a good humor. I have always thought
that one would be afraid, and not only me, but others, but to
the contrary, all sighted carefully and when we saw them roll
off their horses, you could hear laughing in the ranks, and you
felt as if you sought for nothing but to take all possible oppor­tunities
to be revenged on them and devastate them and kill as
many of them as you could. And our colonel, whom we all had
the highest respect for and whom all had loved, became our
greatest enemy when we had to surrender and most wished he
had been killed in the first salvo. Then we had to turn over our
rifles and other related things and were then marched off 50
miles and paroled on our word of honor not to take up weapons
before legally exchanged. Since then we have been transported
here to St. Louis, Benton Barracks, Missouri, and do not know
how long we shall remain here.
98
They kept all the commissioned officers, lieutenants, captains,
the lieutenant colonel and the colonel. Now, since we have come
here, we shall reorganize the regiment. Before we were cap­tured
I became an orderly sergeant or first sergeant, and have
now received orders to perform captain's duty until we get our
(commissioned) officers again. [In] our camp, the rebels burnt
all the company books, clothes, and belongings. Each man had
not more than what we had on our bodies when we began to
fight. Most [of our] pants, shirts and shoes were worn out.
Since we came here we have all been reclothed from top to
toe and expect soon to get money. We have a good-natured
major who is half Swedish and half German.22 Our first captain
is a major.23 He was not in the battle. He was in Minnesota
but is [illegible] . . . in Nashville. And I have been busy [il­legible]
. . . day with writings since I came here. I am a terrible
writer myself, but there is no one else in the company who can
do it so I am forced to, though I have the right to have a com­pany
clerk.
I want to picture for you how it can be for us to be prisoners.
We were driven in greatest haste through cities and towns as
a terror2', with guards on all sides (on horseback, of course)
with rifles, sabres, and two six-shooter pistols, and we, without
weapons, famished and tired to death, and nothing to be found
to eat, barely water. But that which they could scrape up, they
shared with us, and if they had one last drop of water, we got it.
We got along very well, however much we argued about the
war and almost everything. We met as deadly enemies of each
other and parted as friends. We thanked each other and arranged
passwords [so that] if we are exchanged and fight with them
again and some prisoners fall into our hands, we would treat
them as they had treated us, which we also promised, [illegible]
. . . as the rebels [illegible] . . . Swedes from Texas whom we
spoke much with even let us as well as many others ride on
their horses. Even though there was a strong guard there were
many who escaped. There were four of our company. One of
them was caught again. And a captain and three lieutenants got
away safely.25 All who escaped are on duty in Nashville.
I do not now have time to write more, though I could fill two
or three sheets with this and that which could be interesting to
know. I am still in good health and hope that these lines find
99
you the same. Greet everyone, none named but none forgotten.
O. Liljegren
Orderly Sergt. Co. D 3rd Rgmt. Min. Vol.
{Marginalia']
I must send this without paying for it. I had $2 in postage
stamps which were burned by the rebels.
[Opposite the description of the battle] As near as one can
know, over 130 of the enemy were killed. As soon as they were
killed or wounded, they were taken away not to let us know
that. And we lost 3 dead and 15 to 20 slightly wounded. None
of ours hurt.
$ * #
The shock of Lester's surrender without a committed fight
cast an almost permanent pall over the Third. We have seen from
Liljegren's letters that the regiment was eager for battle. Other
accounts have made clear that this was a unit of great discipline,
M A R Y EDBLAD
100
training, and battle-readiness. Lester's action, or rather, his in­action,
in keeping his troops from going to the much-requested
aid of the beleaguered Ninth Michigan and in keeping them from
battle at all, save for the early skirmish Liljegren talks about,
has defied analysis. In his discussion of the event, Walter Tre¬
nerry points to some evidence which suggests that Lester was
suffering from an immense, day-long hangover after a party in
a pro-rebel home the previous night.28 After a first vote of the
company captains produced a decision to fight, several left for
their units and a second vote was taken, this time in favor of
surrender. Hans Mattson's absence on sick leave left John Van-strum
in charge of Co. D, and he voted not to surrender. The
commissioned officers were eventually sent to Libby Prison in
Richmond and paroled. Those who had voted to surrender were
cashiered, Lester was "ignominiously dismissed," and the rest
returned to the regiment.27
Within two weeks of this letter, the Sioux Rising in Minne­sota
began and Governor Ramsey, worried about protecting the
residents of the western districts of the state asked to have some
of his troops back. The Third was released to him and placed
in an expeditionary force headed by former governor Henry H.
Sibley.
* $ *
St. Paul, Minn., January 2, 1863
My dear Father,
Two months ago I heard that a letter had arrived in Still­water
from Sweden, which I assume was from you, but it got lost.
I was there on an expedition against the Indians and the letter
was picked up from the post office and sent to me, but I have
never heard anything more about it.
The last time I wrote I was sick of the ague [frossan], but it
was [illegible] . . . [I have] been on duty, but now I am free
because the regiment is on leave for 15 days from [the time] we
get our money. We have waited now for three weeks and not
yet gotten our pay, but as soon as the money comes we have
orders to go to the South again, though the people here in Min­nesota
want us to stay here and protect them from the Indians.
After we had beaten them at Wood Lake, they have held them­selves
at a distance or near [illegible] . . . has been on their side.
101
We took 1,700 prisoners on that expedition, counting children
and squaws. All the Indians have been under investigation and
300 of them were condemned to be hanged. The warrent was
sent to Washington to the president to be sanctioned, but the de­cision
didn't come quickly.28 The people became impatient at
waiting longer and they were also afraid that the president would
pardon them or lighten their well-deserved fate. For many who
have not suffered any injury have set themselves against that,
most especially the people in Philadelphia and the eastern states.
The consequence was that the people . . . wanted to take the
matter into their own hands! One night the citizens assembled,
200 men strong, with weapons of all kinds, [and] come close to
the place where the convicted Indians were and surely wanted
to kill them, but the soldiers kept them from coming in, which
was unfortunate. But now, orders have come that 39 shall be
hanged. What the president intends to do with the rest of them
is unknown, but one thing I know, the people will not let them
go with their lives. Here there are secret clubs organized to
that effect.
The war on the Potomac goes badly. General Burnside (pro­nounced
Bornsaid), has lost the battle of Fredriksburg and 13,055
men dead and wounded. Generals McLellan (pronounced Mac¬
lellan), McDowell, Buell, and Porter, and others, are under in­vestigation
for incompetence and negligence in the conduct of
the war.
I forgot to mention that the Indians also took prisoners. As you
know perhaps, that part of Minnesota which the Indians attacked
is on the far side of the state, a beautiful, hay-covered Prairie
[sic] (a large piece of land without woods) with small lakes
and a few trees here and there. The pioneers who had settled
there had sought places where there was both water and woods,
but since there was not enough of the latter for more than one
or two in most places, no important villages have been estab­lished.
Thus, when the Indians came, it was only a matter of
attacking house by house, which could be from 1 to 5 or ten
miles apart. Thus, some were by themselves at 200 miles, or
great, distance. The Indians often used to visit people around
there and sell them leather goods [and] trade with them and
get food when they came. The settlers knew nothing before
the Indians started to slaughter them, shot through windows
102
and doors, put gun barrels to children's heads and blew the
brains out of the skull, nailed children alive to the walls, bound
feet together and hung them over fences [jersgårdar"]. The
farmer was the first in the house to be killed, then the family,
such as small children and old women. All young women who
could walk were taken prisoner and some boys 8 to 12 years
of age. Cattle and horses were driven away in large herds,
wagons loaded with whatever could be found. Some survived,
wounded, whom the Indians had given up for dead. Others, on
the other hand, succeeded in fleeing and gave warning to others,
who fled head over heels, and a great terror was spread in the
greatest haste. Many teams (horses and wagons or oxen) with
the whole family in the wagon were overtaken on the way as
they fled and slaughtered by knife, axe, or tomahawk (large
spear [sic]) or were shot. This great terror caused much misery,
poverty, and suffering. Those who had been settled two or three
years had done well almost unassisted. Other [farms] five or
ten years old could have a great deal, from 20 to 80 head of
cattle, 2 or 3 span of horses, but all had to flee just the same,
with only the clothes on their backs, to the interior, inhabited
part of Minnesota, which was a bit more secure. There they
crowded into cities and villages and had to live at the cost of
others. But there remains now the story of those poor women
who had fallen into the hands. of the Indians. How they have
been treated is beyond my nature to name, and terrible to speak
about, but the suffering, unmerciful [.]
The people rushed to arms in the greatest haste, that is to
say, citizens of all classes formed into companies and threw up
earthworks around cities and villages and built fortresses and
thus defended themselves until the troops could come and help
them. Many battles took place but [illegible] '. . . victories were
won, though the Indians were always greater in number and
[our] troops raw.2 9 Our regiment came to Minnesota from Ben­ton
Barracks [St. Louis, Missouri] and voluntarily went against
the Indians and beat them so that they have never since dared
to put up any resistance.30 [We] took from them almost all the
prisoners they had, who were so happy when we took them that
they cried from joy and praised us and God, though they had
been so badly treated they could hardly walk. Among them
were both Norwegian and Swedish girls, mostly young women
103
of 14 to 16 years of age, about 60 or 70 in number.
I have now spent a long time here, in St. Paul spent [öfver¬
lefvat] both Christmas and New Year's, but now I hope soon
to leave. We now have orders to report to Winona January 10th
to go to the South. I send herewith my greeting to all and most­ly
to you and my dear brothers and sisters.
Your son, Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
Address
Lieut. Olof Liljegren
Company D 3rd Regmt. Min. Vol.
North Stillwater
America Washington Co. Minn.
Care of John V. Smith
# ® $
Again, we can see Liljegren's tendency to speak in extreme
terms. Though he had some first-hand experience fighting the
Indians in the Battle of Wood Lake on September 23, his ac­count
of Indian misdeeds is more colorful than was probably
true in fact. To be sure, the terror among whites after the war
opened in August was genuine, and it is true that the Indian
chiefs could not control each warrior, but it seems doubtful that
the brutality Liljegren describes was general.31
The following letter may have been enclosed with the previous
one, since there is no separate salutation.
$ * *
Cairo, Illinois, January 29, 1863
It is now more than a month since I began to write this letter
and I am quite doubtful that I shall send it, but since I don't
have a lot of time to spare32 I shall send it anyway but ask for
forgiveness for my neglect. A week ago [I] got a letter that
was so welcome. If I had $50, they would not be as welcome.
The letter was dated the 9th of December. You worry that I
have taken myself too far out into the world, must suffer hunger,
want, and misery, and that I have done [this] against your will.
The last is true, which I probably had a mind for, but the rest
is nothing. I would not have missed what I have seen for any­thing.
You say you lie sleepless many nights for my sake. That
104
much is unnecessary. I have many friends. If I get sick or suffer
want one way or another or am wounded or killed on the battle­field,
when help can be had, I will have it as quickly as anyone
else.
You want to know how long we were prisoners. It was not
more than four days. The first two days, and one night, we had
to march in the hot sun as fast as we could with nothing to eat,
because the rebels carry no transports with them, that is to say,
the smaller troops, such as cavalry. Rather, they live off the
farmers. And on the road we travelled there was nothing to
be had because both our and the rebel's soldiers had been
through there countless times. The people had hardly anything
to eat themselves and the rebels who captured us were afraid
that another part of our forces would come and take us back
and even take them. When we had come a good bit away, so
they thought themselves secure, we were paroled, that is to say,
set free on our word of honor not to bear arms or take up weap­ons
against the Confederate States of America until legally ex­changed.
On the way back we didn't have a strict guard. We
could go as we wished and beg food as we wished for ourselves
until we came within our own lines, when we got what we
wanted or needed. But all the commissioned officers were not
freed, such as colonel, lieutenant colonel, major, captains, and
lieutenants. They were kept in prisons in the South and starved
and suffered badly, but from that time onward we were at Ben­ton
Barracks, St. Louis, Missouri, for a while, and the rest of
the time we fought Indians. And when that was done, or over,
we got our officers back and are now in Cairo, Illinois. Been
here two days. Travelled 600 miles in four days from Minne­sota,
on the way to the enemy.
I have been a lieutenant since August 2nd but did not ask
for my commission. Rather, I got it when I came back from the
Indian War from the governor.33 Others had recommended me.
I get $105 per month, feed and clothe myself and two servants,
if I want them, but the captain and I live together and have
no more than one so far. I send my greetings to all.
Your son,
Liljegren
105
[Marginalia']
I forgot to answer your question about when the war will
end, but that is soon answered, you know as well as I.
I send my portrait, or likeness.
It's one reason why I have waited so long. I would willingly
pay for this letter if I were sure it would arrive.
* * *
Soon after, the Third moved to Columbus, Kentucky, and
from there was sent to occupy Fort Heiman, on the west bank
of the Tennessee River, where its job was to harass Confederate
recruiters in the area. The next letter is undated and likely
the second part of a longer letter. It was probably written before
March 17, when the colonel, Chauncey W. Griggs, was called
to be president of a court-martial at Columbus, leaving Hans
Mattson, now a major, acting as regimental commander. As the
context makes clear, the letter is to Liljegren's father.
* * *
. . . You wonder, perhaps, how I can serve as a lieutenant,
without the knowledge and in a foreign country, to boot, where
a foreign language is required. It is hard, but not as hard as I
thought before I was promoted. I almost turned it down because
I feared I could not do it with honor, but I thank God for my
ability because, so far, it has gone a good deal better than I ex­pected.
And I have not lacked the confidence of any officer in
the regiment, least of all of the colonel, who has trusted me to
carry out many important plans. In addition, what I have asked
for he has never yet denied. Occasionally I have had command
of other companies, and sometimes been out on expeditions to
look for rebels, arrest and bring them in, and confiscate what
I could get hold of. Once I was out with a little detachment and
came upon a mill where there were one hundred twenty barrels
of wheat-flour and two hundred barrels of wheat, together with
a lot of corn and rye and other things which the rebels had left
in the greatest haste. I couldn't carry them in any other way
than to build a raft, and I took what could be carried on the
Tennessee River to our camp. The rest I took later. I also took
five prisoners. When I got back I received special praise for the
fine plan, as he said, but it wasn't more than could be done at
the moment.
I write this not to pretend that I am better than others but
106
only to lighten your feelings which, perhaps, suggest ideas both
hurtful and bothersome about a son living in a distant land and
which, as it appears from your letters, bother you much, which
is unnecessary. If I have any troubles, it is enough that I bear
them, and an unnecessary weight ought not be laid upon your
shoulders. But I have nothing to complain of. I am feeling fine,
and as far as my duty is concerned, it has, so far, been an easy
thing to manage. In the evenings we have a school for the officers
or are examined by the colonel. During the day, when we are at
home, we have exercises twice: company exercise in the morning
and batallion exercise in the afternoon. Dress parade at 6 o'clock
in the afternoon. I come on watch at 8 every day, usually.
I'll stop for this time. I hope letters are on the way from you
and as soon as I can, I'll let you hear from me. Till then, fare­well,
your son,
Liljegren
[PS] A thousand greetings to brother and sisters and every­one.
I enclose my portrait. Though it's badly taken, it's the best
I can get for the moment. Write and address the letter as before.
I had letters from Edblad and Eric Bong not long ago. Edblad
was sick but Eric Bong was fine. Bengt Olof and Elias are work­ing
in the woods. The one gets $26 per month, the other $20.
The daily wages are high and commerce lively.
Liljegren
* * *
At the beginning of June, the Third was called to Vicksburg,
to help in Grant's long siege of that city. Again, their work was
mostly supportive, felling trees as obstacles, digging rifle pits,
and the like. After the fall of Vicksburg, on July 4, the regiment
was sent to Arkansas, its home for the rest of the war.
The following two letters are to Edblad's daughter, Mary, and
are in English. They must have been written after the fall of
Little Rock on September 10.3*
* * *
Miss Mary Edblad Little Rock Ark
Dear friend Sept. 1863
We found the Rebels near the White River on the other side
and [they] had a battery there and a cople Regiments to dispute
our crossing but we had several pieces of artillery. Our Regi-
107
ment was ordered to support one Battery which we cherfully
did[.] a canon duel opened and continued for several hours
until we had the pontoon Bridge across the river Boombs burst­ing
over us and around us but non done us any damage but
the rebels scaddadled after a raking fier [fire] from three dif­ferent
directions and we pursued them in to Little Rock and
took posession of the town the capital of Arkansas. Our Regi­ment
received orders to do Provost Guard duty and are quartered
in the Courthouse [,] very nice quarter indeed[.] I occupie the
Secretaries room with two other officers. This town is full of
union people and the whole State good many deserted from the
rebel army and come in and took the oath of alleigeans. Several
of citizens came in every day and got arms to defend themselves
against Guerillas and Bushwhackers — This is one of the pret­tiest
towns I have seen down South the people are very generous
and kindf.] we have Theater every night and a lot of amuse­ments
fine Streets to walk in fine houses to lodge in the heat
is improving.
I should wish very much to have Bettsies likeness if she pleas­es
to send me it.35
Send my respect to all and be so kind to remember me with
a few lines with the first opportunity[.] your obdt. Servt.
Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
address
Lieut Olof Liljegren
Co. D 3rd Minn.
Little Rock Ark.
* * *
Little Rock Ark.
Oct. 21. 1863
Miss Mary Edblad
Dear friend!
I have not received any letter from you for a great while
i will therefore write a few lines to let you know how we are
getting along I am happy to state that my heath [health] is very
good and we all have very comfortable quarters[.] the weather
has been very nice Since we come here—and good many is now
quite well of those that Suffered a long sickness during the warm
108
season—here is yet a few that has the chills once in a while but
nothing very serious.36
I am now in command of the company Captain Vanstrum went
home to Redwing on a sick furlough Lieutenant Gustafson is
Regimental adjutant consequently leaves me alone to attend to
the Company.
I have no news to tell you[.] we get the mail very irregularly
on account of low water in the Mississippi besides it is only once
a week the boat goes up the White river so wi have not had any
mail now for two weeks I am expecting a letter from Sweden
but non has come yet—the calvary is out a scouting every day
and pick up rebels and bring them in a few at a time—wi are
not afraid of any rebels in this vicinity wi are able to keep them
on a respectable distance.
I wish you send me a few lines soon or else it will be very
lonesom[.] let me know what they are doing in Minnesota such
as Bengt Olof & Elias and your Brother Olof [.] let me also know
if you got good crops in Cambridge I am very inquisitive for
which I of course beg your pardon [.] you are one of my best
correspondence around Cambridge]].] Bong used to write to me
but pretty much exclude the news—your father used to write
but has quit me interly [entirely] if you quit me I will have
non—but I hope not[.] yu se I am putting on Style this time
I am writing with red ink[.]3 7 the reason is I have nothing els
for present—you will hereby please to exept it as it is. Wi have
a theater here pretty much every night but I have not been there
yet but wi have a great fun in playing Billiard the owner of
the House had a permit to run it of the Military authorities but
violated the rules and got turned out[.] now it is open for of­ficers
and we play there as much as we want for nothing—this
town is about as large as St. Paul and Situated on the South
bank of Arkansas river the river is so low that no Boates can
run yet but in the winter it is navigable for over a thousand
miles—
citizens are forming themselves into companies to protect their
families and property and they are very active in bringing in
Bushwhackers and horsethieves of which they have been both­ered
long enough—
109
Send my respect to all[.] don't forget Bessy
your obdt. Servant
Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
* * *
While in Little Rock, the enlistment period for most of the
men in the regiment expired and there was a strenuous attempt
to get the men to reenlist for the duration of the war, to form
a "Veteran Regiment." As the companies reenlisted, they were
given, among other inducements, a month's leave.
* * #
Little Rock Ark
Feb. 3rd 1864
Mr. Edblad Dear friend
I would like to thank you so much for the letter of Decem­ber
29th where I find that everyone is in health and feels fine.
For my part I haven't been in good health in a long time for the
climate has been the reason for that. I am now better but have
a fever now and then. But if I were in Minnesota, I would not
need to be sick. We expect to go to Minnesota soon on fur­lough
since the regiment has re-enlisted for three more years
or the length of the war. But how soon, I don't know. The money
you mention about paying there's no hurry with. It can as well
be in your hands as in someone else's because I don't need my
money yet and when I need it, I'll let you know in time. I have
no news to report other than that two have died during Christ­mas.
Thus the one after the other until we have not many left.
I remain your friend and brother.
Olof Liljegren
[PS] Send my greeting to all in the family. Tell Cari3 8 that I
wrote a letter to her not so long ago which I assume she has
gotten.
Liljegren
* * *
Co. D left on its furlough four days later, on February 7. Lil­jegren
went back to Cambridge, as the following, undated, letter
makes clear, probably written after his return to Little Rock.
Something of what he did in Minnesota is detailed in the sec­ond
letter following, to his father. The third letter, to Mary,
is again i n English.
ISAK E D B L A D ' S L O G CABIN, B U I L T 1859
Mr. Edblad39
I would like to thank you so much for my last visit with you,
as well as always. I also want to thank you for the letter I re­ceived
from you, in which I find that all are well and feeling
fine. I hope these lines find you in health. I have nothing new
to report other than that I find myself with all those from the
vicinity of Cambridge. I mean the new recruits.40 I have not
heard anyone complain yet about being a soldier. We are hav­ing
a lively time. It sounds as if the rebels are all around us.
Perhaps we will fight them soon if they appear to be sufficiently
many. I herewith send my heartiest greetings to the whole fam­ily
and your neighbors, especially Hoffs, Conger, and the Swedes
around there. I remain your faithful servant,
Liljegren
Address as before
:J: # #
Little Rock Ark.
April 20th 1864
My dear Father!!!
I am overcome with signs of love from you. I have been sur­prised
with two letters which I must answer at once. The earlier
I thought to answer when I got some peace and quiet, for up to
now I have been mostly on trips. But before this time came, I
got, quite unexpectedly, a letter in Memphis, on my journey from
St. Paul to Little Rock in Arkansas (a chance meeting) and also
one fr[om] S. K. Sw. written by Mr. Olson in [illegible] . . .
well put-together and one enclosed to Eric Bong.4 1 I am glad
to hear that everyone is in good health and feels as fine as con-
I l l
ditions allow. For my part, I am well. I am completely returned
to health. I am also glad to hear that the timber business is live­ly,
rivers and streams are cleared. I would really like to be
there and have a hand in it, but since you can't be in more than
one place at a time, I am content with being in this bloody drama
of war which is being played here in America for people's free­dom.
(The rights of both the blacks and the whites are abused
to the greatest degree, much more the formers', since it cannot
be remembered otherwise.) Every true and freedom-loving per­son
ought to consider it his highest duty to defend a people whose
freedom has been crushed, the dearest [illegible] . . . he owns
in life.
The bleeding Poles fight so heroically for their freedom against
an overpowering force; I think the whole of Europe ought to
arm itself to free that poor people from the Russian's barbarism
and unjust demands.*2 The Danes are in a tricky situation and
troubled by the German federated powers, in which Sweden
ought to be involved, which would be necessary as long as Swe­den
didn't thereby draw upon itself the anger of another power.43
I can now report that I have been in Minnesota and visited
most of my friends, among them Edblad and Bong, whom I had
not seen for nearly three years. Both families are doing well.
All are in good health and feeling fine. The children, or those
who were children when we came here, are now full-grown peo­ple
so I hardly recognized them, especially Edblad's children.
Little Pelle Bong grows slowly but surely. Marthe Greta was
not at home. Bengt Olof is married to a nice girl from Hälsing­land
named Julia Norelius, sister to the pastors Eric and Anders
Norelius, the former a Lutheran, the latter a Baptist pastor.
Elias has been recruited into our company. His parents didn't
like that much but let him have his way. He enlisted [according
to] an act which passed Congress last September, which sug­gested
a bounty of $302 in addition to the bounty which the
county pays, which runs to $60, above his pay of $13 per month.
All former soldiers who have served over two years have, for
the most part, re-enlisted for three more years or during the war
and get from the Government $402 in addition to their pay.
Everyone who was well in our regiment went in. The officers
can remain in service as long as they want and as long as the
Government wants them, without any right to the bounty. We
112
have our company almost Med with recruits, because before
there were not more than 48 men, and only 40 of them on duty.
Upon our first organization we had 96 men and received later
4 recruits, thus 100 men. The rest have died or been sent home
for sickness.
I began to write a week ago but then we got orders to go on
an expedition to meet the rebels, and yesterday we again had
hopes of being allowed to remain here this summer. Today,
April 26th, we got orders to be ready to leave at any minute on
a long march and we don't know if it will last a week or the
whole summer. Thus, I have to hurry up and send these lines.
, In all the letters from you I find that you are worried so much
about me, which I think is unnecessary. If I remain healthy and
sound and come out of the war with all my limbs, I shall here­after,
as before, attempt to conduct myself so that I need not
be ashamed for my name or scandalize my family by my actions.
While we were away in Minnesota, that is, four companies
of the regiment, the rest of our regiment had a battle with 800
rebel cavalry. Ours were not more than 100 men on foot. They
were surrounded and had to fight their way out, which they did
bravely with a loss of 10 men who had to be left behind. Of those,
4 were killed and 6 badly wounded, but the rebels lost 17 killed
on the field and 63 wounded. We had 18 wounded, but lightly so
they went home with us.4*
In your last letter I also find the joyful news that brother
Nils intends to get married. I assume he is now married and I
wish him happiness and success with all my heart, and also my
sister-in-law, but I don't know her and remember nothing of her
father whom I have surely seen. But I have forgotten so many.
I pray to God that they may live long and be happy.
I would now like to thank you for your consideration, which
offers me a part of the farm \Hemmanet'\. That is not necessary,
since it is not certain that I shall ever come home again. And
if I come, there would be something (to earn money). For it
would be the greatest injustice were I now to come home and
diminish the expectations of those who have stayed home and
worked faithfully and well. So, in that case, I thank you much
for your liberality, thoughtfulness and fatherly consideration.
Long life [Lof wäl*5], wishes your devoted son, Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
113
Pine Bluff A rk
May 1st 1884
Miss Mary C. Edblad
Dear Cousin!!
I am very thankful for your letter the 25 ult. I should have
answered it before but somehow had no time Our first regiment
orders to go to Camden some 170 miles from little Rock[.] we
started as far as this place and waited untile we heard about
Steeles*6 with his forces had driven back by the rebels and our
going out there deemed un-necessary[.] we were going to guard
a train of suplise for Steeles Army[.] one was sent out previously
consisting off about 200 wagons and mules (6 mules for each
wagon) which was unfortunately Captured by the rebels and
destroyed and the forces with it fought well but was overpowered
by emense odds
General Steele was fighting yesterday about 30 miles from
heref.]*7 we could heare the canonading and wished to be there
to render them some assistance but in vain[.] we got no Orders
to go[.] he (Genl. Steele) was also fighting against imense odds,
but whipped the reb's, took several pieces of artilery, though
lost some of his wagons[.] he is pulling back to Little Rock and
expects the reb's will follow him but I don't belief they will come
to night, it arrived a ambulans train with about 120 wounded[,]
among them some negro Soldiers which fought in the engagement
desperatly and showed no mercy to the reb's—all the reports can
not be fully credited yet[.] it is too many.—
you will excuse my poor writing [.] my table is a boock on my
knees[.] I should like to have a chat with you though you always
appeared to be so bashfull and I would give anything to hear
Betsey laugh and say it[.] I hope you will give my best respect
to her and to all I will always remember what fun I had and
what a good time I made off my visit up there I feel especially
under obligation to you for your untiring devotion to my com­fort
and enjoyment [.] I felt sorry many times to make you so
much troubles and the Whole family besides if I ever get back
again I don't want to bother you so much[.] I will close my writ­ing
to night and wish you a sound hapy Sleep and a little softer
bed to sleep in than I have—one blanket around me on the hard
damp ground no tent and or Bagages left in Little Rock
'' Good night, yours Truly
Olof Liljegren
' 114
Despite urgent requests to be sent back to Little Rock, the
Third was kept on at Pine Bluff, by all accounts a true pesthole.
The men's condition deteriorated so quickly that, as Mattson
(now colonel of the regiment) said, ". . . the regiment experi­enced
such hardships and sufferings from disease and hard serv­ice,
that it sustained far greater losses from these causes than
any other regiment from our state had met with in open battle."*8
The above is Liljegren's last known letter. Sometime during
that harsh summer he fell seriously ill and died on September
26, 1864, in the post hospital. The two following letters are by
friends of his to his father.
* * *
Chisago Lake, Minnesota
December 11th 1864«
My honorable Jonas Nilson
I send you only a few words to let you know that your son,
Olof Liljegren, is dead. But I think that you have heard about
that long before now. He died in the United States' army at
Pine Bluff, Arkansas, September 25th [sic]. Two days before
his death I spoke with him. I took care of him one night and
one day and during that time he asked me to write you if he
should die, for he had already become so bad that he thought
he would never be well again and he gave me the power to
collect his credits and send them to you in Sweden. He was as
my own brother to me. I was a sergeant in the same company
he was a lieutenant in, so we have been together for three years.
I had wanted to write long before now but I had not known
your address until I got to talk with Benjamin Bong. He left
credits amounting to about $500. I have not yet collected his
credits but I think that I shall get part of them soon. He had
some coming from the Government which I cannot collect be­cause
when a man dies in the Army arid has no relatives in
the country, his remaining salary goes to the United States. He
had almost $300 remaining which I cannot get. I would also
like to ask you how you want me to send his money, either in
a [bank] draft or in some other way. I think it would be best
that if someone comes here to America from your area that he
could get the money here from me and leave you there an ap­propriate
sum of money because if I were to buy a draft [Wexel]
it would cost so much that there would be nothing left,50 for
115
gold costs $2.40 per dollar" and it rises every [day] as long as
the war continues. Liljegren was very sorry for his sister and
for you, for he said that you were very fearful that he would
die in the war. His sickness was fever to begin with, but then,
it became diarrhea [deare] and fever. He was not sick more
than five days from when he first became ill until he died. I have
his picture and if you wish, I shall send it to you, but I would
like to have it myself if you have one already. Otherwise, I
shall send it as soon as I get an answer to this letter. I must now
conclude this writing for this time and express my condolences
for your sorrow, but we must all end our days whether in our
youth or in our old age. Liljegren was a very kind and decent
fellow. Signed in haste by your son's comrade,
G. A. Glader
PS Please answer this letter as soon as the opportunity arises.
My address is as follows
G. A. Glader
Chisago Lake
Chisago Co.
Minnesota
North America
* * *
Cambrige, Isanti Co.
December 12, 1864
My beloved and dear Jonas Nilsson
In this way I can send you an answer to your letter dated the
17th of last September and can say first that we are all in health
and feel fine, thank God, and wish you the same. I may men­tion
that the power of attorney you have arranged through Gov­ernor
[Landshöfding~\ Lagerkrantz which should have been sent
to the consul52 in New York I have not yet received, so that I
don't know how things stand and consider that I can't get things
in any order, which is why I want to insist on the power of at­torney
so that the remaining money can be turned over to me
by Glader. As I previously made you aware, the power of at­torney
should also be signed by the judge [Dommaren'] or thei
district judge [Häradshöfdingen]. I have also recently received
a letter from Glader which I herewith send on to you. As I
wrote to you and told you, I have received from Glader $325
and I may further tell you its background, namely, 1 got $200
116
in cash and 1 owed Liljegren $125, which IOU Glader still has,
though I have counted it in. As for Olofs clothes and uniform,
[they] were auctioned off at once in the company, and the of­ficer
who succeeded him" bid for his equipment, and Glader
has also carried out this, but I know nothing about the other
clothes. Regarding the IOU for $100 which Liljegren men­tioned
to you, I have never received it. Rather, he left it with
someone who was with him in that job who also had as much
coming from the one they worked for. But Liljegren's intention
was that when the money came to me, it should be sent to you.
But Glader has that IOU now, too. Those IOUs which I have
are, one for $20 and one for $18, and nothing can be got from
them. The one who owes skipped out long ago and the other
has nothing.
We have almost no snow here yet but it has occasionally been
rather cold. There was a good harvest in this country this year
so one can avoid suffering any want of sustenance {lifsuppehälle]
as is generally heard about in Sweden. Yes, I often think of the
poor in Sweden who have neither money nor anything to eat
when we have plenty of food so that we cannot thank God
enough for the blessing he shows us. For we have not deserved
better than what is there. If the poor from Sweden were here,
they would do better, especially those people willing to work.
Here, land can be had for nothing.5* Many people have come here
this summer, mostly from Hälsingland and Dalarna, and taken
land, and none regret that they moved here from Sweden. A
Swedish Lutheran church has also now been built here, and a
Baptist is now being built. My wife and children and all rela­tives
and friends greet you much.
Erick Bong
* * *
We can see that there are similarities in these letters with the
style and construction of many other America-letters. In some
sense, they contain no real surprises for us. Furthermore, they
do not greatly expand our knowledge of the Civil War. How­ever,
insofar as war is an often boring, and even dull, affair
most of the time, they show us the preoccupations and frustra­tions
of an ordinary soldier. Apart from Mattson's memoirs and
A. C. Warberg's Skizzer från Nord-amerikanska kriget: 1861-
117
1865 (Stockholm: Oscar Lamm, 1867), there is very little docu­mentation
in print about Swedes in the Civil War, and almost
none about the common soldier.
Liljegren's often vociferously projected attitudes towards cer­tain
subjects are, however, worth noting. His contrasting views
of blacks and Indians, sympathetic to the former, hostile towards
the latter, are curious, and his Union fervor is almost evangelical,
even though it seems clearly based on propaganda and rumor. It
has much the same tone as Mattson's call to all Scandinavians
in Minnesota to join the army,55 which raises an interesting side-issue
about the dissemination of information and propaganda
during the war. Then, too, we have already noted that Lilje­gren's
view of the righteousness of the war might in part have
been influenced by his need to justify his action in enlisting in
the army. It is at least conceiveable that it was also a matter of
demonstrating his assimilation into the American mainstream,
something that might be further indicated by his writing to Mary
Edblad in English, even as he wrote to her father in Swedish.
Perhaps in this we can also see someone who was between two
worlds, out of the old, yet not quite into the new.
NOTES
I would like to thank, first of all, Mr. and Mrs. J. Albert Larson of
Niles, Illinois, who did yeoman work in uncovering these letters, and who
also provided me with Liljegren's army muster-rolls, as well as informa­tion
about the family of Isak Edblad. Thanks must also go to Ms. Kristina
Ericson of Boggsjö, Jämtland, owner of the original letters to Jonas Nils-son,
and Isak Edblad, for lending them to the Emigrant Institute in Växjö,
and to the staff there, especially Lennart Setterdahl, who filmed them.
Further thanks are due to the staff of Denkmann Memorial Library of
Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois, for their help in obtaining the
supporting materials. The microfilm is in the archives of the Emigrant
Institute in Växjö.
Liljegren's style can hardly be called straightforward. It is often a mix­ture
of English and Swedish in a basically Swedish syntax. As is fre­quently
the case in nineteenth century Swedish letters, punctuation is
minimal where, indeed, it exists at all. The writing often shows signs of
haste, not only because he says so, but in its frequent juxtaposition of
tenses and ideas, as well as in the occasional misdating of letters (which I
have silently corrected). I have attempted to punctuate only the minimum
necessary to hold the sense together, and I have broken up long chains
of clauses in the same way. I have been a bit more liberal with para­graphing,
attempting to keep topics together (though not always with
success).
There are three letters on the microfilm which are not translated here.
Two are undated and appear to be from the pre-War period. They are
not legible on the film due to the bleeding of ink from one side of the
paper to the other. The third, also undated, is not concerned with the War,
but is presented in the first note, below.
118
'This was a nagging Issue and recurs frequently in the letters. Indeed,
at one point he admits to being a headstrong son. But his departure for
America may have been grounded in another matter, as well, for there
is also the rather mysterious case of the boy, Jonas Olof, then being fos­tered
by Liljegren's father, Jonas Nilsson. One of the letters not translated
here is, untypically, devoted entirely to one topic, the boy's education,
for which he shows the greatest concern and to which he promises to con­tribute
100 crowns. In an age not noted for its concern for the well-being
of children "born as good as without both father and mother," he speaks
of the boy with much tenderness. He also says that " i f he were here I
would work hard to support him," and in one curious sentence adds, "If
God spares my life and health, I shall, in the future, do all I can for him,
though I do not feel myself under any obligations to his mother or so-called
father." Given that the boy shared the names of liljegren and his
father, and in the absence of any proof, it is tempting to speculate that
Liljegren might have been the boy's father and, thus, in a difficult social
situation..
This letter is very faint and not completely legible.
These were Hans Mattson and his best friend, Hans Eustrom, who suc­ceeded
him as captain. Mattson and Eustrom were not officers in Sweden,
and Mattson's memoirs do not make such a claim. In fact, he and Eustrom
left the Swedish army for just that reason. See his M i n n e n (Lund: Glee¬
rups, 1800), p. 11, and R e m i n i s c e n c e s (St. Paul: D . D . M e r r i l l , 1 8 8 1 ) , p. 12.
'Lars K. Aaker.
'Nels Hokanson, in his chapter, "Swedish Army Officers Who Fought
for Lincoln," in S w e d i s h I m m i g r a n t s i n L i n c o l n ' s T i m e (New York: Har­per's,
19-12), pp. 81-97, lists 29 Swedish-trained officers who served as
officers in the Union army and 8 who served in the ranks. Only one was
a general, Ernst von Vegesack. Gen. C. J . Stohlbrand was a military cadet
in Sweden but not an officer.
This was Fort Snelling in St. Paul.
'In M i n n e s o t a in t h e C i v i l and I n d i a n W a r s : 1 8 6 1 - 1 8 6 5 , 2 vols. (St. Paul:
Pioneer Press, 1890-1833), 1:149.
The Battle of Pittsburg Landing is better known as The Bloody Shiloh,
a fight lasting two days, April 6-7.
"It is interesting to speculate on where Liljegren got his figures. As is
often the case when he is waxing enthusiastic about the war, they are
exaggerated, though the real figures are still sobering. Total casualties
(killed, wounded, and captured) were, for the North 13,047 and for the
South 10,394, together more than the combined casualties of the Revolu­tionary
War, the War of 1812, and the Mexican War. See Shelby Foote,
T h e C i v i l W a r : A N a r r a t i v e , 3 vols. (New York: Random House, 1958-1974),
1:350-51.
'This was certainly not the case.
"Island Ten, so-called because it was the tenth in the Mississippi below
its confluence with the Ohio, actually fell on the 8th. Its submission was
vital in the move on Memphis and Vicksburg in the attempt to split the
South.
'The meaning of the last clause is unclear. Of the three generals in
the fort, only one surrendered, Simon Bolivar Buckner.
'The sentence following is not intelligible to me. Readers are invited
to try their hand. " O c h s o m l i g a g a n g e r har wård så r e d d t y d e har t r o d . "
"There is probably a sheet missing from the letter, dealing, apparently,
with the Missouri Compromise and the election of 1860.
"This is, of course, untrue. The worst President Buchanan could be
charged with was Indecision.
"It is likely he means that he would pay the postage if they would write
the letters.
"This could well be a private name for a local river. I cannot find it
119
in any standard reference book available to me, nor on any map of the
area.
"Following this is an English sentence which has been crossed out: "here
is business Transaction prette much Closed."
"This is one of a number of sentences whose meaning is obscure (see
note 13): " h u r u o l i k a sinnen och h u r u o l i k t tankesätt e n t i n g v o l l e r d e t
mästa." The next several sentences also have a great deal of garbled syntax
as the emotion of the subject overtakes him.
"The remainder of this sentence is illegible.
"New Orleans fell at the end of April and Yorktown on May 4. Though
harassed, Richmond did not fall for three more years.
""This was A . Edward Welch, later to command the Fourth Regiment.
"This was Hans Mattson, who had been on sick leave.
"This phrase is obscure in Swedish: "som en förskräck." For more on
this experience, see the letter of January 29, 1863.
æThese were Capt. Wm. H. Mills, of Co. C (who had voted to surrender),
and Lts. James L. Hodges, of Co. K, and Isaac Taylor, of Co. H . Andrews
does not mention a third lieutenant. Andrews, 1:159.
""Lester's Surrender at Murfreesboro," M i n n e s o t a H i s t o r y , 39 (Spring
1965): 193-97.
"Further information on the whole affair can be found in Andrews' "Nar­rative
. . .," in Civil a n d Indian W a r s , 1:151-58 and 11:116-24, as well as
in Mattson, Minnen, pp. 77-79, R e m i n i s c e n c e s , pp. 64-66.
2 SThis is rather confusing in Swedish: " m e n d e t g i c k i c k e f o r t något
u t s l a g k o m ."
""This is an interpretation of " o c h råa t r u p p e r . "
"Though perhaps technically true that the Third volunteered for duty
in Minnesota, it was also true that it was a Minnesota regiment that could
not morally be used in the Civil War just then, as it -was still on parole.
The parole did not prevent them from fighting die Indians, however. They
were formally exchanged in December of 1862.
"For more on this confused and heedless war, see William Watts Folwell,
A H i s t o r y of M i n n e s o t a , 4 vols. (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society,
1921-1930), 11:109-264, 361-74, 383-86, 391-93; Theodore G. Blegen, M i n n e ­s
o t a : A H i s t o r y of t h e S t a t e (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1963), pp. 259-81; E. E. Strand, A H i s t o r y of t h e S w e d i s h - A m e r i c a n s of
M i n n e s o t a , 3 vols. (Chicago: Lewis, 1910), 1:340-66; Albin Widén, S v e n ­s
k a r n a o c h S i o u x - u p p r o r e t (Stockholm: Lindqvists, 1965).
"Liljegren uses " s p a r a " here, but from the context I believe he is think­ing
not of.Swedish "save," but of Swedish-American "spare."
"Liljegren's army records mention both of these dates. He, himself, dates
it from November 10 because that is when the Third was officially back
on Federal duty.
**I reproduce Liljegren's own spelling, capitalization, and rare punctua­tion.
As a matter of habit, he used no punctuation in English as well as
in Swedish, but the first word of a new sentence was often capitalized. I
have bracketed the few added punctuation marks and indicated his para­graphing,
shaky at best.
"This probably refers to Mary's younger sister, Brita Märta, who had
thie nickname; of Bessie. At this time she was not quite sixteen.
"During the move on Little Rock the army had been much ravaged by
illness, though not, apparently, the Third Regiment.
"'There is no way of knowing how Liljegren would have broken these
two sentences.
MCarin, or Cari, was Mary Edblad's Swedish first name.
"This letter was available, to me only in a faint xerographic copy.
"Hans Mattson had been in Minnesota recruiting since before Christmas.
He returned in March with about 400 men. (Minnen, p. 87, Reminiscences,
p. 75.)
120
*The microfilm is very hard to read at this point and, beyond the ob­vious,
the meaning of the abbreviations and the sentence is unclear.
" In January 1863, the Poles rebelled against Russian rule, a revolution
that was bloodily suppressed in March of that year, with 30,000 Poles killed
and 150,000 exiled to Siberia.
"Whatever the curious political analysis implied in the last clause, the
Dane's situation was about to become even more tricky. In March of 1863,
Denmark annexed all of Schleswig, long a bone of contention between
Denmark and the German powers. The death of Fredrik VII and the ac­cession
of Christian IX later that year raised new constitutional complica­tions
about the annexation and what Liljegren could not have known was
that as he was writing this letter, the Prussians and Austrians were de­feating
the Danes at Dybbøl. Pan-Scandinavists, such as Henrik Ibsen,
were bitterly disappointed that Sweden-Norway did not intervene to help
the Danes, as it had indicated it would do.
"This was the Battle of Fitzhugh's Woods, fought April 1. For a full
account, see Andrews, 1:170-73, and Donald J. Simon, "The Third Regi­ment
in Arkansas, 1863-1865," in M i n n e s o t a H i s t o r y 40 (Summer 1967):
281-92, especially pp. 288-90.
"This translation obviously assumes that Liljegren's admitted haste caused
him to write lof when he meant lef.
"Maj. Gen Frederick Steele, commander of the Union forces in Arkansas.
For more on the Camden expedition, see Foote, III: 61-77.
" A t Jenkins Ferry, on the Saline River.
"Reminiscences, p. 75; M i n n e n , p. 88. See also the description by the regi­mental
surgeon, A. C. Wedge, in Andrews, I:174-75n.
"This first might possibly be the letter referred to in the second as being
enclosed. It is also possible, however, that the date on this letter is Decem­ber
17, which would clearly place it beyond that reference. Glader's writing
is even less orthodox than Liljegren's.
The final army muster-roll clearly gives Liljegren's death date as
26 September, but both in this letter and in Andrews roster at the end
of his article (1:184), he is said to have died on the 25th.
"This is even more confusing in Swedish. He apparently suggests that
the prospective emigrant pay Liljegren's father the amount due him before
leaving Sweden and then collect Liljegren's money from Glader upon
arrival in Minnesota.
MA11 through the Civil War period, and after, there was a much-fluctuat­ing
difference in the value of gold and paper dollars.
KBong uses u t r i k e s m i n i s t e r n (Jthe Foreign Minister) here, but this is un­likely
to have been the official' in New York. The Swedish consul there
at this time was Carl Edvard Habicht.
"Jonas Lindall.
T h e Homestead Act of 1862 granted up to 180 acres of unsettled land
under certain conditions.
" H e m l a n d e t , d e t g a m l a o c h d e t n y a , September 11, 1881, p. 1.
121

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THE CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF OLOF LILJEGREN
Edited and Translated by
ALAN SWANSON
On April 13, 1861, Fort Sumter, in Charleston's harbour, fell
to Southern troops. The next day, Alexander Ramsey, governor
of the three-year-old state of Minnesota, offered the Federal
Government its first regiment of volunteers. In June, a second
regiment was formed, and by the Fall, a third was in the making.
The Third Minnesota Regiment of Volunteers has some fame
among Swedish-Americans, largely owing to the later prominent
position in Swedish-America of its last colonel, Hans Mattson.
And in this regiment, Co. D took a special place as the Swedish
company. Among those drawn by the appeal to arms was a
thirty-year-old Swede named Olof Liljegren, from Boggsjö in
Sundsjö parish, Jämtland.
Little is known about him. One cannot even be sure when
he arrived in this country, though there is some reason to be­lieve
he might have come with the family of Isak Edblad from
near-by Håsjö, who came to Polk County, Wisconsin, in 1857,
and moved to Isanti County, Minnesota, in 1859. In any event, it
is clear from his preserved letters that he knew Edblad's family
intimately. In those letters, there is no indication of his reasons
for leaving Sweden, though it is obvious that his departure was
opposed by his father.1 Most of the letters are to his father, Jo­nas
Nilsson, but there are others to Edblad and to Edblad's
daughter, Mary.
$ $ $
Camp Jenkins, December 1st, State of Kentucky, 18612
My dear Father,
It's been a long time since I've gotten any letter from you and
I've almost been "waited out." For that reason I must sit down
and in haste put down some" of the most important things which
have happened since I last wrote, though neither time nor op­portunity
allows anything but the most important. . . . [There
is] the most active movement in recruiting. Each state must
supply troops according to its population and [there were] re-
86
cruiting officers in all the cities and in many places in the coun­tryside,
and even many who travelled around for the same pur­pose,
because here anyone can form a company, can be captain,
and for that reason everyone was eager to have his company full.
But since officers are chosen by the membership after the com­pany
is full, if there is someone else the members trust, then
another can become the captain. A company is 80 to 101 men
and when they have 40 men they have the right to chose the 1st
lieutenant, and at 81 they may elect all the officers. Then all
the officers have to train and learn to discharge their duty. In
other cases, someone else is appointed and the first is fired. In
all the foregoing I have not involved myself, which ought to be
my duty. I have taken a step which I believe you won't consider
cowardly, for in this country at least it is considered the highest
honor, and it goes to him who devotes himself to it. I have, like
many others, gone into the United States' army for three years
or as long as the war lasts. We have formed a Swedish or Scan­dinavian
(i. e. Norwegians and Swedes) company with all Swed­ish
officers, 95 men with officers and privates. We have excellent
officers. The Captain has been a lieutenant in Sweden and the
2nd Lieutenant has been an officer in Sweden.3 The 1st Lieuten­ant
is Norwegian.4 Furthermore, we have 5 sergeants and 8
corporals. The pay for captains is $108 per month, 1st lieu­tenant
$100, $75 2nd [lieutenants], the sergeants I don't know,
the corporals $15 and the rest $13 per month. I took this step
because many of my friends went into the company and therefore
they were insistent that I, too, should go, for they have always
had a special trust in me, those I have been with. And as for
my life, it is worth no more than anyone else's, so that if I die or
fall, I know that I have fought and died for a just cause. For
one could never risk his life for a more just or holy cause than I
am now and now it is time for each and every patriotic citizen
who loves truth and [illegible] . . . to take part and put down the
rebels who ride wholly devil-like and tyrannically forth. It is not
enough that they tyrannize slaves, but now want to [illegible] . . .
themselves [illegible] . . . Oh, it is an abomination in the sight of
men. No, blessed is the man who falls in such a cause and honor
to him who risks his life. I was elected sergeant and have stood
watch tonight as so many times before, and we, the Swedish com­pany,
have been named the best company of the 3rd Minnesota
87
Regiment. There are incredibly many Swedes in the army. In
Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota they are forming a whole reg­iment
of Scandinavians and even now have 400 men with their
own officers. There are also many Swedish officers who serve
in the American companies who are both captains and majors,
colonels and generals.5
We are now in the state of Kentucky at a place with over
12,000 men and in the vicinity there are supposed to be over
120,000 men and we believe we shall soon be in some battle,
which is our heartiest wish, both among Americans and Swedes,
and the thing most spoken about. We have good food and pro­visions
so we need neither freeze nor sweat. That is to say, we
have not tried so much yet, though we know that a fighter must
try everything. We were sworn into the army in Minnesota on
October 15 and were at a fort for five weeks." Then we came
here to Kentucky in four days and put behind us a stretch of
about 1,000 English miles. Everywhere we traveled we were
greeted with hurrahs and waving handkerchiefs. In addition,
both food and coffee were ready for 1,000 men wherever we
went so that we never missed a meal on the whole trip and the
feeding could take place in 10 to 15 minutes. This morning we
are perhaps going to travel further south to guard a railway
station.
I now have nothing further to tell for this time other than
that I have left my credits with Eric Bong, if he can collect them.
I have $110 coming from Schallenberg in Stillwater, and in St.
Paul $20 from Mr. Dayton, from Russell in Wasa $18, etc.
If I come no more to Minnesota, then Eric Bong can send them
home if he gets them. My address is Mr. Olof Liljegren, Still­water
(Washington) Co[unty] Minn[esota] North America (in
care of John B. S m i t h ) . . . . Nothing especially to report other
than continuing good health and a thousandfold greetings to all
relatives, friends, and acquaintances and most of all to you and
all my brothers and sisters. Signed your devoted son,
Olof Liljegren
Sergeant Minn. Vol.
Third Regmt.
Write to me as soon as you can so I can hear how you are.
88
SERGEANT OLOF LILJEGREN
Company D, Third Minnesota Infantry Regiment
[Marginalia"]
Do not wonder at my bad writing for I don't have much chance.
My knapsack is my desk.
* * *
The Third Regiment stayed two weeks at Camp Jenkins before
moving south. Its colonel, Henry C. Lester, whose courage and
military efficiency at Bull Run had propelled him from a cap­taincy
to command of a regiment, kept it in high trim with drill
and preparedness exercises, giving the Third the reputation as
the best disciplined in the brigade.
89
In his "Narrative of the Third Regiment," General Christopher
Columbus Andrews, then captain of Co. I, reports that "Com­pany
D, being mostly Swedes, followed the practice of the Swed­ish
army of singing the 'Doxology' immediately after the evening
roll call, and it sounded so well and seemed so appropriate that
Company I, which was camped nearest to D, adopted the same
practice."7
All Spring, however, battle eluded the regiment.
# £ $
Nashville, Tennessee, April 11, 1862
My dear Father,
I write a few lines to you again even though I have not re­ceived
any letter from you since June of last year, and that was
written in February. Since then I have written, if I remember
rightly, three. I would be very interested in knowing your rea­son,
but I assume I am forgotten. But be that as it may, I shall
send a few lines even so, though I have no special news other
than about the war and I understand you already know about
that and get to know it through the newspapers. We have had
a large battle now, at a place called Pittsburg.8 There were great
losses on both sides. The North lost from 18,000 to 20,000 men
and the South from 35,000 to 40,000." The battle was begun last
Sunday and lasted the whole day. Our troops consisted of only
30,000 men against their 60,000. Our army had to retreat from
its camp. Thus, the enemy took cannon and camp equipment
and everything found there, but in the evening reinforcements
arrived. The second day they were 80,000 men strong. At day­light
began the bloodiest battle that has been on this continent
and it lasted all the way to evening when the enemy retreated
with great loss and all their cannon and supplies fell into our
hands and our troops are pursuing them even as this letter is
being written.10 Our troops have even taken Island Ten on the
7th where the rebels had fortified themselves both on the island
and on the land on both sides and the bombardment lasted three
weeks but finally they were forced to give way before our can­non-
boats. Most of them got away except for almost a thousand
men, who were taken prisoner, and an immense quantity of am­munition,
provisions, hundreds of cannon of the largest caliber,
and four steamboats.11 On the island and on land were no less
than eleven fortifications. On the 16th of February, Fort Donel-
90
Son on the Cumberland River was taken with 15,000 prisoners
and their entire equipment, 20,000 [stand of arms] or shooting
gear, 59 cannon, all of large caliber. The whole value is reckoned
at one and one-half million dollars. Among the foregoing were
3,000 horses. We lost 400 dead and 200 prisoners and took their
greatest generals prisoner, and even now we have killed one for
them and another wounded.12
I was at the latter place, or Fort Donelson, some days after
the battle and it looked terrible. It is too much to count up all
the fighting there was but one thing is that our troops have tri­umphed
over the rebels and beat them everywhere, no matter
how well they lie inside their fortresses. The federal army pushes
deeper and deeper into the rebel states and as far as we go they
become loyal or are forced to become Union.
Our regiment is now two English miles from Nashville. One
company guards a bridge, another is taken out by day to guard
the general. We have not yet been in any battle because we
have been in Kentucky the whole winter guarding the railway.
But now we expect soon to come into battle.
I can also explain how the pay is. The privates get $13 per
month, the corporals the same, the sergeants get $17 per month,
orderly [sergeant] 20, 2nd lieutenant $80, 1st lieutenant $108, a
captain $116. Thus, I get $17 per month. Only in February were
we paid to January 1st and in March we were paid to the first
of March and now we are waiting to get [paid] to the first of
May. When we last got our money, I sent a ten-dollar bill to
Eric Bong and my likeness or portrait, but was, however, not
in full uniform. If it has not arrived, and I get the chance, I shall
also send you a picture. It cannot be in full uniform for we have
left behind our dress coats to avoid carrying them. . . . It is most
difficult to find someone who can take a good picture.
I think that we shall soon see Minnesota, either we or the
Second Regiment. One of us gets to go there with prisoners
from Nashville and stay there and guard them, but I suppose it
will rather be the Second Regiment for the reason that it is so
small and has had a hard service.
Your respectful Liljegren
# * *
Shortly after this letter was written, the long siege of Corinth,
Mississippi, began, lasting on and off almost two months. The
91
same day, the Third marched to Murfreesboro, Tennessee, to
be once again on the sidelines. After the loss of Forts Henry
and Donelson, the Confederate general, Albert Johnston, author­ized
John Morgan and Nathan Forrest (who had rescued his
cavalry from the disaster at Fort Donelson) to conduct raids
on Union forces throughout Kentucky and Tennessee. These
caused a great deal of fear in the civilian population and were
of some success in tying up the Federal move into the heart of
the South.
* $ 9
Murfreesboro, May 14, 1862
My dear Edblad,
I want to thank you so much for the welcome letter which I
actually got from you on the 11th, in which I find that you are
all well, which makes me very happy. I can say the same of
myself. I can now tell something of our current situation. We
are now in the middle of Tennessee near a town called Mur­freesboro
and nothing around us but secessionists or such as
are unfaithful to the United States' government, and almost all
the fit men around us are in the Confederate army, most in Mor­gan's
cavalry which rides around here and robs farmers and
United States property and attacks smaller units, destroys the
railway, etc. We have expected an attack for quite a while and
done much to attack him, but dare not. The calvary which be­longs
to our brigade fought with him at a town twenty-five miles
from here which is called Lebanon and took 163 prisoners and
killed many of them, but they couldn't hold him until our in­fantry
arrived. As a result, he fled, but we have been called
out several times and certainly thought we would see him, but
in vain. Now and then, in the middle of the night, the officers
have come and called us and said that the enemy was near our
camp. We have been fooled so many times so now we will not
believe it until we are in combat with them. . . ,13
You want to know the cause of this war. I shall tell you in
a few words that when President Lincoln. . . ,14
. . . so were against him and suggested one of their mightiest
slave-owners, who praised slavery and its unjust principles. Lin­coln
was elected as president and received the majority of the
popular vote. None from the Southern states. When they heard
92
that he had been elected, they protested and decided to secede
from the United States. And all the slave-states were to unite
themselves into a special presidency [ P r e s i d e n t d o m m e ] or re­public,
make their own laws and govern as they wished, take
all the [Federal] Government's property or everything that be­longed
to the United States. So they took ships, cannon, rifles,
ammunition, supplies from everyone and stole the post office
money and took Fort Sumter, which is in Charleston harbor,
bombarded it. When the South in such an unjust manner had met
the North and had, in the bargain, started the war, the United
States found itself forced first to call out an army of 75,000 men
and thought that would be enough to crush the rebels. But it
wasn't enough. The rebels were stronger than one could imagine.
They found out that they had been prepared for a long time and
that [former President] Buchanan had been a part of the con­spiracy.
That old thief had sent all the supplies to the South,
of almost all kinds.15 As a result, they had everything in their
hands and even a strong army. Lincoln found himself further
forced to call out another army of 125,000 men, with the total
being 200,000 men. But after the Battle of Bull Run, which the
North lost, the President or Congress decided to call out a fur­ther
300,000 men, so that the whole strength then reached half
a million above the standing army and the navy, which Were
about 200,000 men but are now not so large. Many have left,
died, been wounded, captured, or become ill, but [there are]
still many enough to fight the rebels.
Greet all in your family from your friend and brother,
Liljegren
# $ 4t
Murfreesboro, Tennessee, May 23, 1862
Dear Father!!!
On the 15th of this month I finally got a very welcome letter
from you again! In recent times I have thought myself com­pletely
forgotten, both by you and others, as well as relatives
and friends! Certainly I could, as you propose, write at least
one letter a month, but I have no particular desire for that if
the correspondence isn't equally lively on both sides. If any of
my so-called devoted friends want to sacrifice a few minutes for
my sake, I would gladly pay them upon arrival if that were the
93
cause.10 And that would even bring more news, insofar as it was
possible for me to report something from here that was interest­ing.
But I am under the greatest obligation to you for the dearly
welcome letters which I have received, both this last as well as
the others which are the only sources from which I have learned
anything about my fatherland, and especially the last, which
carried much news. The village seems to have undergone a total
rebuilding and so on. Thus, if I should come there now, I would
not recognize [Brott ån].1 7 I see, too, that there is considerable
activity in logging. That's nice to hear!18 Furthermore, I find in
your letter how horrible and miserable you consider my posi­tion
as a soldier in the United States' army. What different ideas,
what different points of view most things give rise to.19 If you
could read English newspapers, we would surely stand on the
same ground, for those who know the secessionists intimately
preach otherwise. Those who know their barbarism and tyranny
in the southern states which held sway there before the war
broke out against all nations, how many of our landsmen alone
have been murdered at sight on the street by day, though still
the least of all classes. But thousands of others, guiltless and
often unaware, [have been] in such a way shot or [killed] with
a Bowie knife (or a large knife) in the body without the least
reason for it and the criminal usually wins his greatest honor
thereby. And especially now, since the war broke out, they have
forced people into the army, either fight for their unjust cause
or be hanged, shot, thrown in prison, or the like. Not even
women are spared from barbarism. They are bound, their clothes
pulled up. . . .2 0 Blood in streams, wails, cries, and misery, and
no pardon. Property is burnt up and destroyed by the war [and]
roving bands of thieves. The railways are ruined, bridges are
burnt. As soon as they retreat, the Federal army comes after
and repairs everything, defends their property, helps them with
food as well as other things. [There is] no great difference if
they are faithful to the North or the South and strict orders that
private property may not be destroyed or touched. On such
principles do we wage war, and on the battlefield take care of
their wounded just as our [illegible]. . . . The South kills them
on the battlefield by testing their bayonets. The prisoners we
take are partly housed in the best hotels, others, on the other
hand, in well-furnished rooms with all the comforts, but those
94
I S A K E D B L AD
prisoners who fall in their hands are locked in outbuildings,
damp, unhealthy, cold rooms, uncomfortable, where there is not
a chair or a seat to sit on and, in the bargain, hardly anything
to eat. Horrible, horrible how far barbarism can go and still
be, or have the name of, a civilized land.
No, don't be sad that I am in the army. You ought to feel
proud about having a son who has a heart in his breast and cour­age
to fight for such a true and just cause, and courage to bear
the sword to take revenge [on] the tyrants, scorners of God, or
the scum of the Devil. . . . But I am glad they have already
reaped the fruit of their deeds, and they shall get more as long
95
as God is on our side in the future as he has been until now.
Now New Orleans and Yorktown [Virginia] are taken and even
their very capital, Richmond, in Virginia, is said to be taken.21
[We are at] a place called Corinth in Mississippi where the rebels
have 180,000. Our force there, about 200,000 or more, has taken
all the railways and the river or cut off all communication to it,
so neither ammunition or provisions or reinforcements can come
in. Now we expect a decisive battle there. The Grand Army
of the Potomac, which is said to have left Richmond, is in the
same position, so we have reason to believe that their [the reb­els']
role is played out. But perhaps there are many battles
expected yet. Around here, the thing most feared is their roving
cavalry which travels in the woods wherever it wants and comes
forth here and there in cities and towns to steal and rob the in­habitants.
Sometimes we have been called out in the middle of
the night with the glad expectation of a fight with them, but al­ways
in vain. However, one regiment which is in the same bri­gade
as us fought with 800 of them and took 163 prisoners and
killed between 50 and 60. . . . Some of ours were killed and
wounded, but only a few, for we have good rifles which shoot
both far and true. The state of mind among our troops is a
longing for battle. They don't ask about the difficulties they
must go through, if only they can get revenge on them.
But how can such a hatred arise between them just because
they [the Southerners] didn't get the president they wanted,
as if we with this president have no right to govern the people,
make laws and so forth. But this is done by the representatives
in Congress according to the voting, so it doesn't matter who
became president. He was, nonetheless, forced to follow the Con­stitution.
No, [it is] only stubbornness, pride, vanity, inde­pendence,
or aristocratism. But before we let them go, they shall
have their full recompense, since it has cost the North many
lives and will cost more just as good as mine. I know it is of­fered
[in] a just cause, offered to free prisoners, guiltless wom­en
and children, to save people from being hanged, shot,
slaughtered and so forth. For such I offer my life.
The writing is bad, learning bad, bad occasion, paper on a
knapsack and sitting in a most uncomfortable position.
Olof Liljegren
* * *
96
We can see a similar theme in both letters and, indeed, through­out
the series. It is hard to account for the passion of Lilje¬
gren's position, since by his own evidence he had little familiar­ity
with the barbarism he so liberally ascribes to the South.
Clearly, it is, in part, an attempt to justify his action of joining
the army in the first place, but this does not explain the vituper­ative
nature of his remarks. Perhaps they flow out of his im­patience
at not being where the action so palpably was, but per­haps,
too, Col. Lester's military exercises also included propa­ganda
speeches.
* * *
Missouri, Benton Barracks, August 3, 1862
My dear Father!!!
Since I have a little time free, I again take the opportunity
of sending you a few lines which might perhaps be of a little
interest, reading about soldier life and war adventures. In the
last letter I wrote, I mentioned Tennessee, but not so much about
the uneasiness. A warlike frame of mind holds sway among the
people and one can't rely on one man out of a hundred. The
rest are loyal when there are no rebel soldiers in the vicinity,
but when their guerilla band comes, they are our most danger­ous
enemies. The Confederate States of America has mostly
cavalry in the state of Tennessee, which roves around the coun­tryside
and destroys bridges, railways, and burns cotton, ruins
farmers, steals horses, etc., from farmers, especially those loyal
to the Union or the United States. Thus, the United States has
to guard such places as a railroad bridge, branch, or depot to keep
communications open. We have been in Murfreesboro, a little
town in Tennessee, on the above errand and had many nights
lain under arms, ready to [illegible] . . . at any moment [illeg­ible]
. . . another regiment and a battery, some companies of
cavalry. Our whole strength runs to fifteen or eighteen hundred
men and four cannon. Part of the cavalry and regiments were
in town and our regiment was two English miles from town with
four cannon. At daylight, Sunday morning, the 13th of July,
we were awakened by the chattering of rifle shots, something
unusual so early in the morning, but I guessed it was an attack.
In haste, I rushed out of my [bunk], shouted to the company to
be ready at once, which also happened. Other companies fol­lowed
the same principle. Shortly thereafter we heard the signal
m
and finally the colonel and lieutenant-colonel came and took
command of the regiment. As soon as the line of battle was
formed we could see the enemy coming, all on horseback. [They]
would have been 2,500 men strong, outside of the farmers who
had armed themselves and united with them for the occasion.
They first attacked us riding at a gallop (to break the line), and
all who came within range we killed. Then they set out a skirm­ish
line, but our guns carried farther than theirs and all [were]
sure shooters. Our cannon set up a lively fire. Bombs exploded
in their midst. We stood thus until 1 PM, the shooting more or
less lively, sometimes sharp and occasionally at long intervals
until at last someone came with a flag of truce and demanded
that we surrender and even said that the other regiment which
took the town had surrendered at 9 AM and suggested to us
the impossibility for our six- to seven-hundred men to fight two
to three thousand and [that it was] better to avoid the slaughter
as much as possible. Our colonel, who was so afraid of every man
in the regiment, was at once willing to surrender, but a council
of the officers was called and there was a vote. The result was
to surrender, and when the troops were to stack rifles and turn
them over to the enemy, there were many who cried because we
didn't get to fight and would rather die than be prisoners of
war. I never believed it could be a question of surrender, be­cause
we had beaten them earlier. They had known that we
were not afraid, but could stand and hear the bullets whistle
around our ears and be in a good humor. I have always thought
that one would be afraid, and not only me, but others, but to
the contrary, all sighted carefully and when we saw them roll
off their horses, you could hear laughing in the ranks, and you
felt as if you sought for nothing but to take all possible oppor­tunities
to be revenged on them and devastate them and kill as
many of them as you could. And our colonel, whom we all had
the highest respect for and whom all had loved, became our
greatest enemy when we had to surrender and most wished he
had been killed in the first salvo. Then we had to turn over our
rifles and other related things and were then marched off 50
miles and paroled on our word of honor not to take up weapons
before legally exchanged. Since then we have been transported
here to St. Louis, Benton Barracks, Missouri, and do not know
how long we shall remain here.
98
They kept all the commissioned officers, lieutenants, captains,
the lieutenant colonel and the colonel. Now, since we have come
here, we shall reorganize the regiment. Before we were cap­tured
I became an orderly sergeant or first sergeant, and have
now received orders to perform captain's duty until we get our
(commissioned) officers again. [In] our camp, the rebels burnt
all the company books, clothes, and belongings. Each man had
not more than what we had on our bodies when we began to
fight. Most [of our] pants, shirts and shoes were worn out.
Since we came here we have all been reclothed from top to
toe and expect soon to get money. We have a good-natured
major who is half Swedish and half German.22 Our first captain
is a major.23 He was not in the battle. He was in Minnesota
but is [illegible] . . . in Nashville. And I have been busy [il­legible]
. . . day with writings since I came here. I am a terrible
writer myself, but there is no one else in the company who can
do it so I am forced to, though I have the right to have a com­pany
clerk.
I want to picture for you how it can be for us to be prisoners.
We were driven in greatest haste through cities and towns as
a terror2', with guards on all sides (on horseback, of course)
with rifles, sabres, and two six-shooter pistols, and we, without
weapons, famished and tired to death, and nothing to be found
to eat, barely water. But that which they could scrape up, they
shared with us, and if they had one last drop of water, we got it.
We got along very well, however much we argued about the
war and almost everything. We met as deadly enemies of each
other and parted as friends. We thanked each other and arranged
passwords [so that] if we are exchanged and fight with them
again and some prisoners fall into our hands, we would treat
them as they had treated us, which we also promised, [illegible]
. . . as the rebels [illegible] . . . Swedes from Texas whom we
spoke much with even let us as well as many others ride on
their horses. Even though there was a strong guard there were
many who escaped. There were four of our company. One of
them was caught again. And a captain and three lieutenants got
away safely.25 All who escaped are on duty in Nashville.
I do not now have time to write more, though I could fill two
or three sheets with this and that which could be interesting to
know. I am still in good health and hope that these lines find
99
you the same. Greet everyone, none named but none forgotten.
O. Liljegren
Orderly Sergt. Co. D 3rd Rgmt. Min. Vol.
{Marginalia']
I must send this without paying for it. I had $2 in postage
stamps which were burned by the rebels.
[Opposite the description of the battle] As near as one can
know, over 130 of the enemy were killed. As soon as they were
killed or wounded, they were taken away not to let us know
that. And we lost 3 dead and 15 to 20 slightly wounded. None
of ours hurt.
$ * #
The shock of Lester's surrender without a committed fight
cast an almost permanent pall over the Third. We have seen from
Liljegren's letters that the regiment was eager for battle. Other
accounts have made clear that this was a unit of great discipline,
M A R Y EDBLAD
100
training, and battle-readiness. Lester's action, or rather, his in­action,
in keeping his troops from going to the much-requested
aid of the beleaguered Ninth Michigan and in keeping them from
battle at all, save for the early skirmish Liljegren talks about,
has defied analysis. In his discussion of the event, Walter Tre¬
nerry points to some evidence which suggests that Lester was
suffering from an immense, day-long hangover after a party in
a pro-rebel home the previous night.28 After a first vote of the
company captains produced a decision to fight, several left for
their units and a second vote was taken, this time in favor of
surrender. Hans Mattson's absence on sick leave left John Van-strum
in charge of Co. D, and he voted not to surrender. The
commissioned officers were eventually sent to Libby Prison in
Richmond and paroled. Those who had voted to surrender were
cashiered, Lester was "ignominiously dismissed," and the rest
returned to the regiment.27
Within two weeks of this letter, the Sioux Rising in Minne­sota
began and Governor Ramsey, worried about protecting the
residents of the western districts of the state asked to have some
of his troops back. The Third was released to him and placed
in an expeditionary force headed by former governor Henry H.
Sibley.
* $ *
St. Paul, Minn., January 2, 1863
My dear Father,
Two months ago I heard that a letter had arrived in Still­water
from Sweden, which I assume was from you, but it got lost.
I was there on an expedition against the Indians and the letter
was picked up from the post office and sent to me, but I have
never heard anything more about it.
The last time I wrote I was sick of the ague [frossan], but it
was [illegible] . . . [I have] been on duty, but now I am free
because the regiment is on leave for 15 days from [the time] we
get our money. We have waited now for three weeks and not
yet gotten our pay, but as soon as the money comes we have
orders to go to the South again, though the people here in Min­nesota
want us to stay here and protect them from the Indians.
After we had beaten them at Wood Lake, they have held them­selves
at a distance or near [illegible] . . . has been on their side.
101
We took 1,700 prisoners on that expedition, counting children
and squaws. All the Indians have been under investigation and
300 of them were condemned to be hanged. The warrent was
sent to Washington to the president to be sanctioned, but the de­cision
didn't come quickly.28 The people became impatient at
waiting longer and they were also afraid that the president would
pardon them or lighten their well-deserved fate. For many who
have not suffered any injury have set themselves against that,
most especially the people in Philadelphia and the eastern states.
The consequence was that the people . . . wanted to take the
matter into their own hands! One night the citizens assembled,
200 men strong, with weapons of all kinds, [and] come close to
the place where the convicted Indians were and surely wanted
to kill them, but the soldiers kept them from coming in, which
was unfortunate. But now, orders have come that 39 shall be
hanged. What the president intends to do with the rest of them
is unknown, but one thing I know, the people will not let them
go with their lives. Here there are secret clubs organized to
that effect.
The war on the Potomac goes badly. General Burnside (pro­nounced
Bornsaid), has lost the battle of Fredriksburg and 13,055
men dead and wounded. Generals McLellan (pronounced Mac¬
lellan), McDowell, Buell, and Porter, and others, are under in­vestigation
for incompetence and negligence in the conduct of
the war.
I forgot to mention that the Indians also took prisoners. As you
know perhaps, that part of Minnesota which the Indians attacked
is on the far side of the state, a beautiful, hay-covered Prairie
[sic] (a large piece of land without woods) with small lakes
and a few trees here and there. The pioneers who had settled
there had sought places where there was both water and woods,
but since there was not enough of the latter for more than one
or two in most places, no important villages have been estab­lished.
Thus, when the Indians came, it was only a matter of
attacking house by house, which could be from 1 to 5 or ten
miles apart. Thus, some were by themselves at 200 miles, or
great, distance. The Indians often used to visit people around
there and sell them leather goods [and] trade with them and
get food when they came. The settlers knew nothing before
the Indians started to slaughter them, shot through windows
102
and doors, put gun barrels to children's heads and blew the
brains out of the skull, nailed children alive to the walls, bound
feet together and hung them over fences [jersgårdar"]. The
farmer was the first in the house to be killed, then the family,
such as small children and old women. All young women who
could walk were taken prisoner and some boys 8 to 12 years
of age. Cattle and horses were driven away in large herds,
wagons loaded with whatever could be found. Some survived,
wounded, whom the Indians had given up for dead. Others, on
the other hand, succeeded in fleeing and gave warning to others,
who fled head over heels, and a great terror was spread in the
greatest haste. Many teams (horses and wagons or oxen) with
the whole family in the wagon were overtaken on the way as
they fled and slaughtered by knife, axe, or tomahawk (large
spear [sic]) or were shot. This great terror caused much misery,
poverty, and suffering. Those who had been settled two or three
years had done well almost unassisted. Other [farms] five or
ten years old could have a great deal, from 20 to 80 head of
cattle, 2 or 3 span of horses, but all had to flee just the same,
with only the clothes on their backs, to the interior, inhabited
part of Minnesota, which was a bit more secure. There they
crowded into cities and villages and had to live at the cost of
others. But there remains now the story of those poor women
who had fallen into the hands. of the Indians. How they have
been treated is beyond my nature to name, and terrible to speak
about, but the suffering, unmerciful [.]
The people rushed to arms in the greatest haste, that is to
say, citizens of all classes formed into companies and threw up
earthworks around cities and villages and built fortresses and
thus defended themselves until the troops could come and help
them. Many battles took place but [illegible] '. . . victories were
won, though the Indians were always greater in number and
[our] troops raw.2 9 Our regiment came to Minnesota from Ben­ton
Barracks [St. Louis, Missouri] and voluntarily went against
the Indians and beat them so that they have never since dared
to put up any resistance.30 [We] took from them almost all the
prisoners they had, who were so happy when we took them that
they cried from joy and praised us and God, though they had
been so badly treated they could hardly walk. Among them
were both Norwegian and Swedish girls, mostly young women
103
of 14 to 16 years of age, about 60 or 70 in number.
I have now spent a long time here, in St. Paul spent [öfver¬
lefvat] both Christmas and New Year's, but now I hope soon
to leave. We now have orders to report to Winona January 10th
to go to the South. I send herewith my greeting to all and most­ly
to you and my dear brothers and sisters.
Your son, Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
Address
Lieut. Olof Liljegren
Company D 3rd Regmt. Min. Vol.
North Stillwater
America Washington Co. Minn.
Care of John V. Smith
# ® $
Again, we can see Liljegren's tendency to speak in extreme
terms. Though he had some first-hand experience fighting the
Indians in the Battle of Wood Lake on September 23, his ac­count
of Indian misdeeds is more colorful than was probably
true in fact. To be sure, the terror among whites after the war
opened in August was genuine, and it is true that the Indian
chiefs could not control each warrior, but it seems doubtful that
the brutality Liljegren describes was general.31
The following letter may have been enclosed with the previous
one, since there is no separate salutation.
$ * *
Cairo, Illinois, January 29, 1863
It is now more than a month since I began to write this letter
and I am quite doubtful that I shall send it, but since I don't
have a lot of time to spare32 I shall send it anyway but ask for
forgiveness for my neglect. A week ago [I] got a letter that
was so welcome. If I had $50, they would not be as welcome.
The letter was dated the 9th of December. You worry that I
have taken myself too far out into the world, must suffer hunger,
want, and misery, and that I have done [this] against your will.
The last is true, which I probably had a mind for, but the rest
is nothing. I would not have missed what I have seen for any­thing.
You say you lie sleepless many nights for my sake. That
104
much is unnecessary. I have many friends. If I get sick or suffer
want one way or another or am wounded or killed on the battle­field,
when help can be had, I will have it as quickly as anyone
else.
You want to know how long we were prisoners. It was not
more than four days. The first two days, and one night, we had
to march in the hot sun as fast as we could with nothing to eat,
because the rebels carry no transports with them, that is to say,
the smaller troops, such as cavalry. Rather, they live off the
farmers. And on the road we travelled there was nothing to
be had because both our and the rebel's soldiers had been
through there countless times. The people had hardly anything
to eat themselves and the rebels who captured us were afraid
that another part of our forces would come and take us back
and even take them. When we had come a good bit away, so
they thought themselves secure, we were paroled, that is to say,
set free on our word of honor not to bear arms or take up weap­ons
against the Confederate States of America until legally ex­changed.
On the way back we didn't have a strict guard. We
could go as we wished and beg food as we wished for ourselves
until we came within our own lines, when we got what we
wanted or needed. But all the commissioned officers were not
freed, such as colonel, lieutenant colonel, major, captains, and
lieutenants. They were kept in prisons in the South and starved
and suffered badly, but from that time onward we were at Ben­ton
Barracks, St. Louis, Missouri, for a while, and the rest of
the time we fought Indians. And when that was done, or over,
we got our officers back and are now in Cairo, Illinois. Been
here two days. Travelled 600 miles in four days from Minne­sota,
on the way to the enemy.
I have been a lieutenant since August 2nd but did not ask
for my commission. Rather, I got it when I came back from the
Indian War from the governor.33 Others had recommended me.
I get $105 per month, feed and clothe myself and two servants,
if I want them, but the captain and I live together and have
no more than one so far. I send my greetings to all.
Your son,
Liljegren
105
[Marginalia']
I forgot to answer your question about when the war will
end, but that is soon answered, you know as well as I.
I send my portrait, or likeness.
It's one reason why I have waited so long. I would willingly
pay for this letter if I were sure it would arrive.
* * *
Soon after, the Third moved to Columbus, Kentucky, and
from there was sent to occupy Fort Heiman, on the west bank
of the Tennessee River, where its job was to harass Confederate
recruiters in the area. The next letter is undated and likely
the second part of a longer letter. It was probably written before
March 17, when the colonel, Chauncey W. Griggs, was called
to be president of a court-martial at Columbus, leaving Hans
Mattson, now a major, acting as regimental commander. As the
context makes clear, the letter is to Liljegren's father.
* * *
. . . You wonder, perhaps, how I can serve as a lieutenant,
without the knowledge and in a foreign country, to boot, where
a foreign language is required. It is hard, but not as hard as I
thought before I was promoted. I almost turned it down because
I feared I could not do it with honor, but I thank God for my
ability because, so far, it has gone a good deal better than I ex­pected.
And I have not lacked the confidence of any officer in
the regiment, least of all of the colonel, who has trusted me to
carry out many important plans. In addition, what I have asked
for he has never yet denied. Occasionally I have had command
of other companies, and sometimes been out on expeditions to
look for rebels, arrest and bring them in, and confiscate what
I could get hold of. Once I was out with a little detachment and
came upon a mill where there were one hundred twenty barrels
of wheat-flour and two hundred barrels of wheat, together with
a lot of corn and rye and other things which the rebels had left
in the greatest haste. I couldn't carry them in any other way
than to build a raft, and I took what could be carried on the
Tennessee River to our camp. The rest I took later. I also took
five prisoners. When I got back I received special praise for the
fine plan, as he said, but it wasn't more than could be done at
the moment.
I write this not to pretend that I am better than others but
106
only to lighten your feelings which, perhaps, suggest ideas both
hurtful and bothersome about a son living in a distant land and
which, as it appears from your letters, bother you much, which
is unnecessary. If I have any troubles, it is enough that I bear
them, and an unnecessary weight ought not be laid upon your
shoulders. But I have nothing to complain of. I am feeling fine,
and as far as my duty is concerned, it has, so far, been an easy
thing to manage. In the evenings we have a school for the officers
or are examined by the colonel. During the day, when we are at
home, we have exercises twice: company exercise in the morning
and batallion exercise in the afternoon. Dress parade at 6 o'clock
in the afternoon. I come on watch at 8 every day, usually.
I'll stop for this time. I hope letters are on the way from you
and as soon as I can, I'll let you hear from me. Till then, fare­well,
your son,
Liljegren
[PS] A thousand greetings to brother and sisters and every­one.
I enclose my portrait. Though it's badly taken, it's the best
I can get for the moment. Write and address the letter as before.
I had letters from Edblad and Eric Bong not long ago. Edblad
was sick but Eric Bong was fine. Bengt Olof and Elias are work­ing
in the woods. The one gets $26 per month, the other $20.
The daily wages are high and commerce lively.
Liljegren
* * *
At the beginning of June, the Third was called to Vicksburg,
to help in Grant's long siege of that city. Again, their work was
mostly supportive, felling trees as obstacles, digging rifle pits,
and the like. After the fall of Vicksburg, on July 4, the regiment
was sent to Arkansas, its home for the rest of the war.
The following two letters are to Edblad's daughter, Mary, and
are in English. They must have been written after the fall of
Little Rock on September 10.3*
* * *
Miss Mary Edblad Little Rock Ark
Dear friend Sept. 1863
We found the Rebels near the White River on the other side
and [they] had a battery there and a cople Regiments to dispute
our crossing but we had several pieces of artillery. Our Regi-
107
ment was ordered to support one Battery which we cherfully
did[.] a canon duel opened and continued for several hours
until we had the pontoon Bridge across the river Boombs burst­ing
over us and around us but non done us any damage but
the rebels scaddadled after a raking fier [fire] from three dif­ferent
directions and we pursued them in to Little Rock and
took posession of the town the capital of Arkansas. Our Regi­ment
received orders to do Provost Guard duty and are quartered
in the Courthouse [,] very nice quarter indeed[.] I occupie the
Secretaries room with two other officers. This town is full of
union people and the whole State good many deserted from the
rebel army and come in and took the oath of alleigeans. Several
of citizens came in every day and got arms to defend themselves
against Guerillas and Bushwhackers — This is one of the pret­tiest
towns I have seen down South the people are very generous
and kindf.] we have Theater every night and a lot of amuse­ments
fine Streets to walk in fine houses to lodge in the heat
is improving.
I should wish very much to have Bettsies likeness if she pleas­es
to send me it.35
Send my respect to all and be so kind to remember me with
a few lines with the first opportunity[.] your obdt. Servt.
Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
address
Lieut Olof Liljegren
Co. D 3rd Minn.
Little Rock Ark.
* * *
Little Rock Ark.
Oct. 21. 1863
Miss Mary Edblad
Dear friend!
I have not received any letter from you for a great while
i will therefore write a few lines to let you know how we are
getting along I am happy to state that my heath [health] is very
good and we all have very comfortable quarters[.] the weather
has been very nice Since we come here—and good many is now
quite well of those that Suffered a long sickness during the warm
108
season—here is yet a few that has the chills once in a while but
nothing very serious.36
I am now in command of the company Captain Vanstrum went
home to Redwing on a sick furlough Lieutenant Gustafson is
Regimental adjutant consequently leaves me alone to attend to
the Company.
I have no news to tell you[.] we get the mail very irregularly
on account of low water in the Mississippi besides it is only once
a week the boat goes up the White river so wi have not had any
mail now for two weeks I am expecting a letter from Sweden
but non has come yet—the calvary is out a scouting every day
and pick up rebels and bring them in a few at a time—wi are
not afraid of any rebels in this vicinity wi are able to keep them
on a respectable distance.
I wish you send me a few lines soon or else it will be very
lonesom[.] let me know what they are doing in Minnesota such
as Bengt Olof & Elias and your Brother Olof [.] let me also know
if you got good crops in Cambridge I am very inquisitive for
which I of course beg your pardon [.] you are one of my best
correspondence around Cambridge]].] Bong used to write to me
but pretty much exclude the news—your father used to write
but has quit me interly [entirely] if you quit me I will have
non—but I hope not[.] yu se I am putting on Style this time
I am writing with red ink[.]3 7 the reason is I have nothing els
for present—you will hereby please to exept it as it is. Wi have
a theater here pretty much every night but I have not been there
yet but wi have a great fun in playing Billiard the owner of
the House had a permit to run it of the Military authorities but
violated the rules and got turned out[.] now it is open for of­ficers
and we play there as much as we want for nothing—this
town is about as large as St. Paul and Situated on the South
bank of Arkansas river the river is so low that no Boates can
run yet but in the winter it is navigable for over a thousand
miles—
citizens are forming themselves into companies to protect their
families and property and they are very active in bringing in
Bushwhackers and horsethieves of which they have been both­ered
long enough—
109
Send my respect to all[.] don't forget Bessy
your obdt. Servant
Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
* * *
While in Little Rock, the enlistment period for most of the
men in the regiment expired and there was a strenuous attempt
to get the men to reenlist for the duration of the war, to form
a "Veteran Regiment." As the companies reenlisted, they were
given, among other inducements, a month's leave.
* * #
Little Rock Ark
Feb. 3rd 1864
Mr. Edblad Dear friend
I would like to thank you so much for the letter of Decem­ber
29th where I find that everyone is in health and feels fine.
For my part I haven't been in good health in a long time for the
climate has been the reason for that. I am now better but have
a fever now and then. But if I were in Minnesota, I would not
need to be sick. We expect to go to Minnesota soon on fur­lough
since the regiment has re-enlisted for three more years
or the length of the war. But how soon, I don't know. The money
you mention about paying there's no hurry with. It can as well
be in your hands as in someone else's because I don't need my
money yet and when I need it, I'll let you know in time. I have
no news to report other than that two have died during Christ­mas.
Thus the one after the other until we have not many left.
I remain your friend and brother.
Olof Liljegren
[PS] Send my greeting to all in the family. Tell Cari3 8 that I
wrote a letter to her not so long ago which I assume she has
gotten.
Liljegren
* * *
Co. D left on its furlough four days later, on February 7. Lil­jegren
went back to Cambridge, as the following, undated, letter
makes clear, probably written after his return to Little Rock.
Something of what he did in Minnesota is detailed in the sec­ond
letter following, to his father. The third letter, to Mary,
is again i n English.
ISAK E D B L A D ' S L O G CABIN, B U I L T 1859
Mr. Edblad39
I would like to thank you so much for my last visit with you,
as well as always. I also want to thank you for the letter I re­ceived
from you, in which I find that all are well and feeling
fine. I hope these lines find you in health. I have nothing new
to report other than that I find myself with all those from the
vicinity of Cambridge. I mean the new recruits.40 I have not
heard anyone complain yet about being a soldier. We are hav­ing
a lively time. It sounds as if the rebels are all around us.
Perhaps we will fight them soon if they appear to be sufficiently
many. I herewith send my heartiest greetings to the whole fam­ily
and your neighbors, especially Hoffs, Conger, and the Swedes
around there. I remain your faithful servant,
Liljegren
Address as before
:J: # #
Little Rock Ark.
April 20th 1864
My dear Father!!!
I am overcome with signs of love from you. I have been sur­prised
with two letters which I must answer at once. The earlier
I thought to answer when I got some peace and quiet, for up to
now I have been mostly on trips. But before this time came, I
got, quite unexpectedly, a letter in Memphis, on my journey from
St. Paul to Little Rock in Arkansas (a chance meeting) and also
one fr[om] S. K. Sw. written by Mr. Olson in [illegible] . . .
well put-together and one enclosed to Eric Bong.4 1 I am glad
to hear that everyone is in good health and feels as fine as con-
I l l
ditions allow. For my part, I am well. I am completely returned
to health. I am also glad to hear that the timber business is live­ly,
rivers and streams are cleared. I would really like to be
there and have a hand in it, but since you can't be in more than
one place at a time, I am content with being in this bloody drama
of war which is being played here in America for people's free­dom.
(The rights of both the blacks and the whites are abused
to the greatest degree, much more the formers', since it cannot
be remembered otherwise.) Every true and freedom-loving per­son
ought to consider it his highest duty to defend a people whose
freedom has been crushed, the dearest [illegible] . . . he owns
in life.
The bleeding Poles fight so heroically for their freedom against
an overpowering force; I think the whole of Europe ought to
arm itself to free that poor people from the Russian's barbarism
and unjust demands.*2 The Danes are in a tricky situation and
troubled by the German federated powers, in which Sweden
ought to be involved, which would be necessary as long as Swe­den
didn't thereby draw upon itself the anger of another power.43
I can now report that I have been in Minnesota and visited
most of my friends, among them Edblad and Bong, whom I had
not seen for nearly three years. Both families are doing well.
All are in good health and feeling fine. The children, or those
who were children when we came here, are now full-grown peo­ple
so I hardly recognized them, especially Edblad's children.
Little Pelle Bong grows slowly but surely. Marthe Greta was
not at home. Bengt Olof is married to a nice girl from Hälsing­land
named Julia Norelius, sister to the pastors Eric and Anders
Norelius, the former a Lutheran, the latter a Baptist pastor.
Elias has been recruited into our company. His parents didn't
like that much but let him have his way. He enlisted [according
to] an act which passed Congress last September, which sug­gested
a bounty of $302 in addition to the bounty which the
county pays, which runs to $60, above his pay of $13 per month.
All former soldiers who have served over two years have, for
the most part, re-enlisted for three more years or during the war
and get from the Government $402 in addition to their pay.
Everyone who was well in our regiment went in. The officers
can remain in service as long as they want and as long as the
Government wants them, without any right to the bounty. We
112
have our company almost Med with recruits, because before
there were not more than 48 men, and only 40 of them on duty.
Upon our first organization we had 96 men and received later
4 recruits, thus 100 men. The rest have died or been sent home
for sickness.
I began to write a week ago but then we got orders to go on
an expedition to meet the rebels, and yesterday we again had
hopes of being allowed to remain here this summer. Today,
April 26th, we got orders to be ready to leave at any minute on
a long march and we don't know if it will last a week or the
whole summer. Thus, I have to hurry up and send these lines.
, In all the letters from you I find that you are worried so much
about me, which I think is unnecessary. If I remain healthy and
sound and come out of the war with all my limbs, I shall here­after,
as before, attempt to conduct myself so that I need not
be ashamed for my name or scandalize my family by my actions.
While we were away in Minnesota, that is, four companies
of the regiment, the rest of our regiment had a battle with 800
rebel cavalry. Ours were not more than 100 men on foot. They
were surrounded and had to fight their way out, which they did
bravely with a loss of 10 men who had to be left behind. Of those,
4 were killed and 6 badly wounded, but the rebels lost 17 killed
on the field and 63 wounded. We had 18 wounded, but lightly so
they went home with us.4*
In your last letter I also find the joyful news that brother
Nils intends to get married. I assume he is now married and I
wish him happiness and success with all my heart, and also my
sister-in-law, but I don't know her and remember nothing of her
father whom I have surely seen. But I have forgotten so many.
I pray to God that they may live long and be happy.
I would now like to thank you for your consideration, which
offers me a part of the farm \Hemmanet'\. That is not necessary,
since it is not certain that I shall ever come home again. And
if I come, there would be something (to earn money). For it
would be the greatest injustice were I now to come home and
diminish the expectations of those who have stayed home and
worked faithfully and well. So, in that case, I thank you much
for your liberality, thoughtfulness and fatherly consideration.
Long life [Lof wäl*5], wishes your devoted son, Olof Liljegren
Lieutenant
113
Pine Bluff A rk
May 1st 1884
Miss Mary C. Edblad
Dear Cousin!!
I am very thankful for your letter the 25 ult. I should have
answered it before but somehow had no time Our first regiment
orders to go to Camden some 170 miles from little Rock[.] we
started as far as this place and waited untile we heard about
Steeles*6 with his forces had driven back by the rebels and our
going out there deemed un-necessary[.] we were going to guard
a train of suplise for Steeles Army[.] one was sent out previously
consisting off about 200 wagons and mules (6 mules for each
wagon) which was unfortunately Captured by the rebels and
destroyed and the forces with it fought well but was overpowered
by emense odds
General Steele was fighting yesterday about 30 miles from
heref.]*7 we could heare the canonading and wished to be there
to render them some assistance but in vain[.] we got no Orders
to go[.] he (Genl. Steele) was also fighting against imense odds,
but whipped the reb's, took several pieces of artilery, though
lost some of his wagons[.] he is pulling back to Little Rock and
expects the reb's will follow him but I don't belief they will come
to night, it arrived a ambulans train with about 120 wounded[,]
among them some negro Soldiers which fought in the engagement
desperatly and showed no mercy to the reb's—all the reports can
not be fully credited yet[.] it is too many.—
you will excuse my poor writing [.] my table is a boock on my
knees[.] I should like to have a chat with you though you always
appeared to be so bashfull and I would give anything to hear
Betsey laugh and say it[.] I hope you will give my best respect
to her and to all I will always remember what fun I had and
what a good time I made off my visit up there I feel especially
under obligation to you for your untiring devotion to my com­fort
and enjoyment [.] I felt sorry many times to make you so
much troubles and the Whole family besides if I ever get back
again I don't want to bother you so much[.] I will close my writ­ing
to night and wish you a sound hapy Sleep and a little softer
bed to sleep in than I have—one blanket around me on the hard
damp ground no tent and or Bagages left in Little Rock
'' Good night, yours Truly
Olof Liljegren
' 114
Despite urgent requests to be sent back to Little Rock, the
Third was kept on at Pine Bluff, by all accounts a true pesthole.
The men's condition deteriorated so quickly that, as Mattson
(now colonel of the regiment) said, ". . . the regiment experi­enced
such hardships and sufferings from disease and hard serv­ice,
that it sustained far greater losses from these causes than
any other regiment from our state had met with in open battle."*8
The above is Liljegren's last known letter. Sometime during
that harsh summer he fell seriously ill and died on September
26, 1864, in the post hospital. The two following letters are by
friends of his to his father.
* * *
Chisago Lake, Minnesota
December 11th 1864«
My honorable Jonas Nilson
I send you only a few words to let you know that your son,
Olof Liljegren, is dead. But I think that you have heard about
that long before now. He died in the United States' army at
Pine Bluff, Arkansas, September 25th [sic]. Two days before
his death I spoke with him. I took care of him one night and
one day and during that time he asked me to write you if he
should die, for he had already become so bad that he thought
he would never be well again and he gave me the power to
collect his credits and send them to you in Sweden. He was as
my own brother to me. I was a sergeant in the same company
he was a lieutenant in, so we have been together for three years.
I had wanted to write long before now but I had not known
your address until I got to talk with Benjamin Bong. He left
credits amounting to about $500. I have not yet collected his
credits but I think that I shall get part of them soon. He had
some coming from the Government which I cannot collect be­cause
when a man dies in the Army arid has no relatives in
the country, his remaining salary goes to the United States. He
had almost $300 remaining which I cannot get. I would also
like to ask you how you want me to send his money, either in
a [bank] draft or in some other way. I think it would be best
that if someone comes here to America from your area that he
could get the money here from me and leave you there an ap­propriate
sum of money because if I were to buy a draft [Wexel]
it would cost so much that there would be nothing left,50 for
115
gold costs $2.40 per dollar" and it rises every [day] as long as
the war continues. Liljegren was very sorry for his sister and
for you, for he said that you were very fearful that he would
die in the war. His sickness was fever to begin with, but then,
it became diarrhea [deare] and fever. He was not sick more
than five days from when he first became ill until he died. I have
his picture and if you wish, I shall send it to you, but I would
like to have it myself if you have one already. Otherwise, I
shall send it as soon as I get an answer to this letter. I must now
conclude this writing for this time and express my condolences
for your sorrow, but we must all end our days whether in our
youth or in our old age. Liljegren was a very kind and decent
fellow. Signed in haste by your son's comrade,
G. A. Glader
PS Please answer this letter as soon as the opportunity arises.
My address is as follows
G. A. Glader
Chisago Lake
Chisago Co.
Minnesota
North America
* * *
Cambrige, Isanti Co.
December 12, 1864
My beloved and dear Jonas Nilsson
In this way I can send you an answer to your letter dated the
17th of last September and can say first that we are all in health
and feel fine, thank God, and wish you the same. I may men­tion
that the power of attorney you have arranged through Gov­ernor
[Landshöfding~\ Lagerkrantz which should have been sent
to the consul52 in New York I have not yet received, so that I
don't know how things stand and consider that I can't get things
in any order, which is why I want to insist on the power of at­torney
so that the remaining money can be turned over to me
by Glader. As I previously made you aware, the power of at­torney
should also be signed by the judge [Dommaren'] or thei
district judge [Häradshöfdingen]. I have also recently received
a letter from Glader which I herewith send on to you. As I
wrote to you and told you, I have received from Glader $325
and I may further tell you its background, namely, 1 got $200
116
in cash and 1 owed Liljegren $125, which IOU Glader still has,
though I have counted it in. As for Olofs clothes and uniform,
[they] were auctioned off at once in the company, and the of­ficer
who succeeded him" bid for his equipment, and Glader
has also carried out this, but I know nothing about the other
clothes. Regarding the IOU for $100 which Liljegren men­tioned
to you, I have never received it. Rather, he left it with
someone who was with him in that job who also had as much
coming from the one they worked for. But Liljegren's intention
was that when the money came to me, it should be sent to you.
But Glader has that IOU now, too. Those IOUs which I have
are, one for $20 and one for $18, and nothing can be got from
them. The one who owes skipped out long ago and the other
has nothing.
We have almost no snow here yet but it has occasionally been
rather cold. There was a good harvest in this country this year
so one can avoid suffering any want of sustenance {lifsuppehälle]
as is generally heard about in Sweden. Yes, I often think of the
poor in Sweden who have neither money nor anything to eat
when we have plenty of food so that we cannot thank God
enough for the blessing he shows us. For we have not deserved
better than what is there. If the poor from Sweden were here,
they would do better, especially those people willing to work.
Here, land can be had for nothing.5* Many people have come here
this summer, mostly from Hälsingland and Dalarna, and taken
land, and none regret that they moved here from Sweden. A
Swedish Lutheran church has also now been built here, and a
Baptist is now being built. My wife and children and all rela­tives
and friends greet you much.
Erick Bong
* * *
We can see that there are similarities in these letters with the
style and construction of many other America-letters. In some
sense, they contain no real surprises for us. Furthermore, they
do not greatly expand our knowledge of the Civil War. How­ever,
insofar as war is an often boring, and even dull, affair
most of the time, they show us the preoccupations and frustra­tions
of an ordinary soldier. Apart from Mattson's memoirs and
A. C. Warberg's Skizzer från Nord-amerikanska kriget: 1861-
117
1865 (Stockholm: Oscar Lamm, 1867), there is very little docu­mentation
in print about Swedes in the Civil War, and almost
none about the common soldier.
Liljegren's often vociferously projected attitudes towards cer­tain
subjects are, however, worth noting. His contrasting views
of blacks and Indians, sympathetic to the former, hostile towards
the latter, are curious, and his Union fervor is almost evangelical,
even though it seems clearly based on propaganda and rumor. It
has much the same tone as Mattson's call to all Scandinavians
in Minnesota to join the army,55 which raises an interesting side-issue
about the dissemination of information and propaganda
during the war. Then, too, we have already noted that Lilje­gren's
view of the righteousness of the war might in part have
been influenced by his need to justify his action in enlisting in
the army. It is at least conceiveable that it was also a matter of
demonstrating his assimilation into the American mainstream,
something that might be further indicated by his writing to Mary
Edblad in English, even as he wrote to her father in Swedish.
Perhaps in this we can also see someone who was between two
worlds, out of the old, yet not quite into the new.
NOTES
I would like to thank, first of all, Mr. and Mrs. J. Albert Larson of
Niles, Illinois, who did yeoman work in uncovering these letters, and who
also provided me with Liljegren's army muster-rolls, as well as informa­tion
about the family of Isak Edblad. Thanks must also go to Ms. Kristina
Ericson of Boggsjö, Jämtland, owner of the original letters to Jonas Nils-son,
and Isak Edblad, for lending them to the Emigrant Institute in Växjö,
and to the staff there, especially Lennart Setterdahl, who filmed them.
Further thanks are due to the staff of Denkmann Memorial Library of
Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois, for their help in obtaining the
supporting materials. The microfilm is in the archives of the Emigrant
Institute in Växjö.
Liljegren's style can hardly be called straightforward. It is often a mix­ture
of English and Swedish in a basically Swedish syntax. As is fre­quently
the case in nineteenth century Swedish letters, punctuation is
minimal where, indeed, it exists at all. The writing often shows signs of
haste, not only because he says so, but in its frequent juxtaposition of
tenses and ideas, as well as in the occasional misdating of letters (which I
have silently corrected). I have attempted to punctuate only the minimum
necessary to hold the sense together, and I have broken up long chains
of clauses in the same way. I have been a bit more liberal with para­graphing,
attempting to keep topics together (though not always with
success).
There are three letters on the microfilm which are not translated here.
Two are undated and appear to be from the pre-War period. They are
not legible on the film due to the bleeding of ink from one side of the
paper to the other. The third, also undated, is not concerned with the War,
but is presented in the first note, below.
118
'This was a nagging Issue and recurs frequently in the letters. Indeed,
at one point he admits to being a headstrong son. But his departure for
America may have been grounded in another matter, as well, for there
is also the rather mysterious case of the boy, Jonas Olof, then being fos­tered
by Liljegren's father, Jonas Nilsson. One of the letters not translated
here is, untypically, devoted entirely to one topic, the boy's education,
for which he shows the greatest concern and to which he promises to con­tribute
100 crowns. In an age not noted for its concern for the well-being
of children "born as good as without both father and mother," he speaks
of the boy with much tenderness. He also says that " i f he were here I
would work hard to support him," and in one curious sentence adds, "If
God spares my life and health, I shall, in the future, do all I can for him,
though I do not feel myself under any obligations to his mother or so-called
father." Given that the boy shared the names of liljegren and his
father, and in the absence of any proof, it is tempting to speculate that
Liljegren might have been the boy's father and, thus, in a difficult social
situation..
This letter is very faint and not completely legible.
These were Hans Mattson and his best friend, Hans Eustrom, who suc­ceeded
him as captain. Mattson and Eustrom were not officers in Sweden,
and Mattson's memoirs do not make such a claim. In fact, he and Eustrom
left the Swedish army for just that reason. See his M i n n e n (Lund: Glee¬
rups, 1800), p. 11, and R e m i n i s c e n c e s (St. Paul: D . D . M e r r i l l , 1 8 8 1 ) , p. 12.
'Lars K. Aaker.
'Nels Hokanson, in his chapter, "Swedish Army Officers Who Fought
for Lincoln," in S w e d i s h I m m i g r a n t s i n L i n c o l n ' s T i m e (New York: Har­per's,
19-12), pp. 81-97, lists 29 Swedish-trained officers who served as
officers in the Union army and 8 who served in the ranks. Only one was
a general, Ernst von Vegesack. Gen. C. J . Stohlbrand was a military cadet
in Sweden but not an officer.
This was Fort Snelling in St. Paul.
'In M i n n e s o t a in t h e C i v i l and I n d i a n W a r s : 1 8 6 1 - 1 8 6 5 , 2 vols. (St. Paul:
Pioneer Press, 1890-1833), 1:149.
The Battle of Pittsburg Landing is better known as The Bloody Shiloh,
a fight lasting two days, April 6-7.
"It is interesting to speculate on where Liljegren got his figures. As is
often the case when he is waxing enthusiastic about the war, they are
exaggerated, though the real figures are still sobering. Total casualties
(killed, wounded, and captured) were, for the North 13,047 and for the
South 10,394, together more than the combined casualties of the Revolu­tionary
War, the War of 1812, and the Mexican War. See Shelby Foote,
T h e C i v i l W a r : A N a r r a t i v e , 3 vols. (New York: Random House, 1958-1974),
1:350-51.
'This was certainly not the case.
"Island Ten, so-called because it was the tenth in the Mississippi below
its confluence with the Ohio, actually fell on the 8th. Its submission was
vital in the move on Memphis and Vicksburg in the attempt to split the
South.
'The meaning of the last clause is unclear. Of the three generals in
the fort, only one surrendered, Simon Bolivar Buckner.
'The sentence following is not intelligible to me. Readers are invited
to try their hand. " O c h s o m l i g a g a n g e r har wård så r e d d t y d e har t r o d . "
"There is probably a sheet missing from the letter, dealing, apparently,
with the Missouri Compromise and the election of 1860.
"This is, of course, untrue. The worst President Buchanan could be
charged with was Indecision.
"It is likely he means that he would pay the postage if they would write
the letters.
"This could well be a private name for a local river. I cannot find it
119
in any standard reference book available to me, nor on any map of the
area.
"Following this is an English sentence which has been crossed out: "here
is business Transaction prette much Closed."
"This is one of a number of sentences whose meaning is obscure (see
note 13): " h u r u o l i k a sinnen och h u r u o l i k t tankesätt e n t i n g v o l l e r d e t
mästa." The next several sentences also have a great deal of garbled syntax
as the emotion of the subject overtakes him.
"The remainder of this sentence is illegible.
"New Orleans fell at the end of April and Yorktown on May 4. Though
harassed, Richmond did not fall for three more years.
""This was A . Edward Welch, later to command the Fourth Regiment.
"This was Hans Mattson, who had been on sick leave.
"This phrase is obscure in Swedish: "som en förskräck." For more on
this experience, see the letter of January 29, 1863.
æThese were Capt. Wm. H. Mills, of Co. C (who had voted to surrender),
and Lts. James L. Hodges, of Co. K, and Isaac Taylor, of Co. H . Andrews
does not mention a third lieutenant. Andrews, 1:159.
""Lester's Surrender at Murfreesboro," M i n n e s o t a H i s t o r y , 39 (Spring
1965): 193-97.
"Further information on the whole affair can be found in Andrews' "Nar­rative
. . .," in Civil a n d Indian W a r s , 1:151-58 and 11:116-24, as well as
in Mattson, Minnen, pp. 77-79, R e m i n i s c e n c e s , pp. 64-66.
2 SThis is rather confusing in Swedish: " m e n d e t g i c k i c k e f o r t något
u t s l a g k o m ."
""This is an interpretation of " o c h råa t r u p p e r . "
"Though perhaps technically true that the Third volunteered for duty
in Minnesota, it was also true that it was a Minnesota regiment that could
not morally be used in the Civil War just then, as it -was still on parole.
The parole did not prevent them from fighting die Indians, however. They
were formally exchanged in December of 1862.
"For more on this confused and heedless war, see William Watts Folwell,
A H i s t o r y of M i n n e s o t a , 4 vols. (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society,
1921-1930), 11:109-264, 361-74, 383-86, 391-93; Theodore G. Blegen, M i n n e ­s
o t a : A H i s t o r y of t h e S t a t e (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1963), pp. 259-81; E. E. Strand, A H i s t o r y of t h e S w e d i s h - A m e r i c a n s of
M i n n e s o t a , 3 vols. (Chicago: Lewis, 1910), 1:340-66; Albin Widén, S v e n ­s
k a r n a o c h S i o u x - u p p r o r e t (Stockholm: Lindqvists, 1965).
"Liljegren uses " s p a r a " here, but from the context I believe he is think­ing
not of.Swedish "save," but of Swedish-American "spare."
"Liljegren's army records mention both of these dates. He, himself, dates
it from November 10 because that is when the Third was officially back
on Federal duty.
**I reproduce Liljegren's own spelling, capitalization, and rare punctua­tion.
As a matter of habit, he used no punctuation in English as well as
in Swedish, but the first word of a new sentence was often capitalized. I
have bracketed the few added punctuation marks and indicated his para­graphing,
shaky at best.
"This probably refers to Mary's younger sister, Brita Märta, who had
thie nickname; of Bessie. At this time she was not quite sixteen.
"During the move on Little Rock the army had been much ravaged by
illness, though not, apparently, the Third Regiment.
"'There is no way of knowing how Liljegren would have broken these
two sentences.
MCarin, or Cari, was Mary Edblad's Swedish first name.
"This letter was available, to me only in a faint xerographic copy.
"Hans Mattson had been in Minnesota recruiting since before Christmas.
He returned in March with about 400 men. (Minnen, p. 87, Reminiscences,
p. 75.)
120
*The microfilm is very hard to read at this point and, beyond the ob­vious,
the meaning of the abbreviations and the sentence is unclear.
" In January 1863, the Poles rebelled against Russian rule, a revolution
that was bloodily suppressed in March of that year, with 30,000 Poles killed
and 150,000 exiled to Siberia.
"Whatever the curious political analysis implied in the last clause, the
Dane's situation was about to become even more tricky. In March of 1863,
Denmark annexed all of Schleswig, long a bone of contention between
Denmark and the German powers. The death of Fredrik VII and the ac­cession
of Christian IX later that year raised new constitutional complica­tions
about the annexation and what Liljegren could not have known was
that as he was writing this letter, the Prussians and Austrians were de­feating
the Danes at Dybbøl. Pan-Scandinavists, such as Henrik Ibsen,
were bitterly disappointed that Sweden-Norway did not intervene to help
the Danes, as it had indicated it would do.
"This was the Battle of Fitzhugh's Woods, fought April 1. For a full
account, see Andrews, 1:170-73, and Donald J. Simon, "The Third Regi­ment
in Arkansas, 1863-1865," in M i n n e s o t a H i s t o r y 40 (Summer 1967):
281-92, especially pp. 288-90.
"This translation obviously assumes that Liljegren's admitted haste caused
him to write lof when he meant lef.
"Maj. Gen Frederick Steele, commander of the Union forces in Arkansas.
For more on the Camden expedition, see Foote, III: 61-77.
" A t Jenkins Ferry, on the Saline River.
"Reminiscences, p. 75; M i n n e n , p. 88. See also the description by the regi­mental
surgeon, A. C. Wedge, in Andrews, I:174-75n.
"This first might possibly be the letter referred to in the second as being
enclosed. It is also possible, however, that the date on this letter is Decem­ber
17, which would clearly place it beyond that reference. Glader's writing
is even less orthodox than Liljegren's.
The final army muster-roll clearly gives Liljegren's death date as
26 September, but both in this letter and in Andrews roster at the end
of his article (1:184), he is said to have died on the 25th.
"This is even more confusing in Swedish. He apparently suggests that
the prospective emigrant pay Liljegren's father the amount due him before
leaving Sweden and then collect Liljegren's money from Glader upon
arrival in Minnesota.
MA11 through the Civil War period, and after, there was a much-fluctuat­ing
difference in the value of gold and paper dollars.
KBong uses u t r i k e s m i n i s t e r n (Jthe Foreign Minister) here, but this is un­likely
to have been the official' in New York. The Swedish consul there
at this time was Carl Edvard Habicht.
"Jonas Lindall.
T h e Homestead Act of 1862 granted up to 180 acres of unsettled land
under certain conditions.
" H e m l a n d e t , d e t g a m l a o c h d e t n y a , September 11, 1881, p. 1.
121