Volume 2009,
Issue 30,
2009

In this final edition of SACQ for 2009 we bring you a collection of articles that deal with an apparently disparate range of issues. Yet, a common thread running through this edition is an attempt to grapple with civil society's approach to influencing and informing the state's response to crime through research and analysis; and how this can be made more effective.

The South African Police Service (SAPS) released the official crime statistics for 2008 / 2009 on 22 September 2009. As usual the statistics drew huge media and public interest. This article provides an overview of the key trends and offers an analysis of the statistics. Key trends include that the overall crime rate, after a five-year respite in which there was a downward trend, is on the increase; as are the so-called 'trio crimes' (house robberies, business robberies and car hijackings) and truck hijackings. This article briefly considers the controversy around the validity of the police's crime statistics and notes a few lessons from Colombia.

Since the release of the National Crime Prevention Strategy (NCPS) in May 1996, social crime prevention has been a key concept in debates about how to address the problems of crime and violence in South Africa. Many in the civil society policy community firmly believe that social crime prevention, if properly implemented, will be effective in addressing crime and violence. Since the late 1990s there has also been a pervasive sense of disappointment and frustration amongst those who support social crime prevention about what is perceived as a failure of the state to back this agenda. There is a view that this is due to the fact that the state favours 'law enforcement', because it holds out the promise of quick results. It is true that the issue of social crime prevention is entirely absent from the current government discourse on crime, which is characterised by a strong emphasis on robust policing measures. But is it true that the main obstacle to social crime prevention is a law enforcement orientated mindset on the part of government - or are there other obstacles to the social crime prevention agenda?

South Africa boasts what has been referred to as the gold standard of constitutional development in terms of its constitutional reforms, its bill of rights, its access to information act, its protection of whistle blowers and the elaboration of other civil, political, social and economic rights. However, a number of state institutions have faltered on the bedrock of implementation of these reforms, especially the implementation of laws aimed at promoting the public's access to information held by the state, and providing for protection of individuals who raise concerns about corruption and fraud in these institutions. This article explores the mixed fortunes of two criminal justice departments in the implementation of these laws.

At the present moment, major changes are being proposed to the way that policing should be done in South Africa. These changes do not seem to be informed by any research agenda or by a long term strategic approach aimed at 'smarter policing'. This paper reflects on the possible partnerships that (academic) researchers and police could form with the shared objective of bring about change in police organisations. These collaborative research arrangements are undoubtedly difficult. Police and academic researchers continue to operate in silos and the two groups have distinctive institutional cultures, which are sometimes at odds with one another. However, as this paper tries to demonstrate, collaborative research is possible. This article is in many ways a personal reflection on my own research collaborations with the police using a participatory action research approach.

Brandon Huntley was granted asylum in Canada earlier this year based on the argument that whites are disproportionately affected by crime in South Africa. The decision was generally condemned, but it did receive support from various groups and individuals including Afriforum, the Freedom Front and James Myburgh (editor of Politicsweb). In this article we show the flaws in Huntley's argument by presenting evidence from several sources that demonstrate that black and poor people are disproportionately the victims of violent crime in South Africa. We are concerned that painting whites as the primary victims of South Africa's social ills is unproductive, ungenerous and potentially hampers the appropriate distribution of resources to alleviate crime. Furthermore, in order to move the debate on crime in South Africa into a more productive direction, we also describe the Social Justice Coalition (SJC) - a relatively new community based organisation that aims to mobilise communities around improving safety and security for all in South Africa, regardless of race or income. Campaigning for novel pragmatic and coordinated community and government responses to the broader lack of safety and security in the country, the SJC focuses on the introduction and development of basic infrastructure and services as a means of reducing crime.

In October the Judicial Inspectorate of Prisons (JIOP) released its annual report for 2008/9. In this interview the Inspecting Judge, Deon Van Zyl, spoke to Chandré Gould about the report and about key problems identified by the JIOP.