International Relations Theseshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/882018-02-15T12:44:01Z2018-02-15T12:44:01ZThe definitional dilemma of terrorism : seeking clarity in light of terrorism scholarshipGillani, Dayyabhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/122582017-12-05T15:09:18Z2017-06-20T00:00:00ZThe understanding of terrorism has thus far been determined not by some independent line of inquiry but instead by a strong interplay between conflicting moral positions. Treated sometimes as a method or tactic and at other times as a distinct form of violence, the true nature of terrorism remains elusive, while a failure to understand it has squarely been blamed on the moral problem. The conceptual and theoretical debate in the field of terrorism studies as a result has not progressed in any meaningful way. Issues that were associated with terrorism when a formal inquiry into the problem was first launched still remain unresolved. Basic questions as to whether terrorism generates fear and if it is possible to identify its victim or perpetrator continue to plague the terrorism discourse. Meanwhile matters that are crucial, such as the widespread tendency to treat terrorism as a tactic, strategy or ideology and the essentially contested character of terrorism scholarship are either ignored or erroneously taken for granted. This thesis will show that our inability to define terrorism is not due to the moral problem as it is made out to be but because of our failure to understand the true nature of terrorism. To accomplish this task, it not only analyzes issues that are regularly contested but also discusses in detail the ones that are trivialized and overlooked. It ultimately concludes that terrorism primarily plays only an auxiliary or a facilitatory role and therefore the key to defining it and understanding its true nature lies in its utility and function.
2017-06-20T00:00:00ZGillani, DayyabThe understanding of terrorism has thus far been determined not by some independent line of inquiry but instead by a strong interplay between conflicting moral positions. Treated sometimes as a method or tactic and at other times as a distinct form of violence, the true nature of terrorism remains elusive, while a failure to understand it has squarely been blamed on the moral problem. The conceptual and theoretical debate in the field of terrorism studies as a result has not progressed in any meaningful way. Issues that were associated with terrorism when a formal inquiry into the problem was first launched still remain unresolved. Basic questions as to whether terrorism generates fear and if it is possible to identify its victim or perpetrator continue to plague the terrorism discourse. Meanwhile matters that are crucial, such as the widespread tendency to treat terrorism as a tactic, strategy or ideology and the essentially contested character of terrorism scholarship are either ignored or erroneously taken for granted. This thesis will show that our inability to define terrorism is not due to the moral problem as it is made out to be but because of our failure to understand the true nature of terrorism. To accomplish this task, it not only analyzes issues that are regularly contested but also discusses in detail the ones that are trivialized and overlooked. It ultimately concludes that terrorism primarily plays only an auxiliary or a facilitatory role and therefore the key to defining it and understanding its true nature lies in its utility and function.Transnational constellations of the pastGalai, Yoavhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/122002017-11-30T12:01:30Z2017-11-07T00:00:00ZThis dissertation interrogates the political use of the past in global politics, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. Collective memory is mostly theorised in IR as determinant of national identities. Similarly, in the field of Memory Studies, collective memory is mostly confined to “Methodological Nationalism.” My main argument is that while national narratives purport to be stand-alone stories of the past, or monological narratives, they are in fact in constant negotiation with other stories of that past, they are dialogical. Furthermore, their dynamic transcends the boundaries of the nation state and of transnational institutional politics. To encapsulate these cross-narrative intertextual relationships into a framework that would enable productive analysis, I suggest the re-articulation of the dialogical relationships as transnational constellations, which focus first and foremost on the narratives themselves.
2017-11-07T00:00:00ZGalai, YoavThis dissertation interrogates the political use of the past in global politics, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. Collective memory is mostly theorised in IR as determinant of national identities. Similarly, in the field of Memory Studies, collective memory is mostly confined to “Methodological Nationalism.” My main argument is that while national narratives purport to be stand-alone stories of the past, or monological narratives, they are in fact in constant negotiation with other stories of that past, they are dialogical. Furthermore, their dynamic transcends the boundaries of the nation state and of transnational institutional politics. To encapsulate these cross-narrative intertextual relationships into a framework that would enable productive analysis, I suggest the re-articulation of the dialogical relationships as transnational constellations, which focus first and foremost on the narratives themselves.Playing the villain : understanding the punishment and portrayal of terroristsSpens, Christianahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/121752017-11-27T12:33:35Z2017-07-17T00:00:00ZPlaying the Villain argues that the portrayal and punishment of terrorists in the Western media perpetuates colonialist attitudes, due to the visual connections between these modern images and past or fictional representations of iconic, punished villains. A theory of scapegoating related to intervisuality supports this
argument, by explaining that as a ritual dependent on and developed by cultural history and mythology, scapegoating requires engagement with recognisable visual motifs that repeat and perpetuate Western, colonialist attitudes. Underlying, repeated narrative patterns ensure that the scapegoating ritual functions in a way that is cathartic and builds national unity following social crisis. This need for catharsis requires that there be a scapegoated villain whose demise may be celebrated, and that the villain is objectified and fetishised through visual representation and spectacle.
2017-07-17T00:00:00ZSpens, ChristianaPlaying the Villain argues that the portrayal and punishment of terrorists in the Western media perpetuates colonialist attitudes, due to the visual connections between these modern images and past or fictional representations of iconic, punished villains. A theory of scapegoating related to intervisuality supports this
argument, by explaining that as a ritual dependent on and developed by cultural history and mythology, scapegoating requires engagement with recognisable visual motifs that repeat and perpetuate Western, colonialist attitudes. Underlying, repeated narrative patterns ensure that the scapegoating ritual functions in a way that is cathartic and builds national unity following social crisis. This need for catharsis requires that there be a scapegoated villain whose demise may be celebrated, and that the villain is objectified and fetishised through visual representation and spectacle.Chechen demographic growth and resistance : reactions to the existential threat from RussiaIliyasov, Marathttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/121712017-11-24T16:56:59Z2017-12-08T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the phenomenon of Chechen population growth in the context of the protracted Russo-Chechen conflict. It argues that the conflict was the main causative reason for the growth of the Chechen population.
This hypothesis was confirmed by fieldwork, which allowed for the detection of a positive correlation between the nation’s demographic growth and the perception of the own physical existence as endangered. The results of fieldwork demonstrated that the majority of the informants connected high Chechen birth rates with the necessity of physical survival, restoration of losses, and strengthening the nation numerically. The threat to Chechen ethnic identity did not show as strong correlation with demographic growth as did the threat to physical existence.
Nevertheless, Chechen ethnic identity, which favours resistance to a foreign rule, was confirmed to be the crucial variable in determining the demographic dynamics of the nation. This in turn suggested an additional correlation: in the context of an existential threat salient ethnic identity would prompt a population growth. The latter, in such cases, is considered as a way of continuing the resistance in a non-violent way. The restoration of the losses experienced and the survival of the nation is seen as a victory and at the same time as a preparation for the next outbreak of violence.
With all of this in mind, this thesis suggests considering Chechen demographic growth as the reaction (which itself was determined by ethnic identity) to the existential threat imposed by Russia.
2017-12-08T00:00:00ZIliyasov, MaratThis thesis examines the phenomenon of Chechen population growth in the context of the protracted Russo-Chechen conflict. It argues that the conflict was the main causative reason for the growth of the Chechen population.
This hypothesis was confirmed by fieldwork, which allowed for the detection of a positive correlation between the nation’s demographic growth and the perception of the own physical existence as endangered. The results of fieldwork demonstrated that the majority of the informants connected high Chechen birth rates with the necessity of physical survival, restoration of losses, and strengthening the nation numerically. The threat to Chechen ethnic identity did not show as strong correlation with demographic growth as did the threat to physical existence.
Nevertheless, Chechen ethnic identity, which favours resistance to a foreign rule, was confirmed to be the crucial variable in determining the demographic dynamics of the nation. This in turn suggested an additional correlation: in the context of an existential threat salient ethnic identity would prompt a population growth. The latter, in such cases, is considered as a way of continuing the resistance in a non-violent way. The restoration of the losses experienced and the survival of the nation is seen as a victory and at the same time as a preparation for the next outbreak of violence.
With all of this in mind, this thesis suggests considering Chechen demographic growth as the reaction (which itself was determined by ethnic identity) to the existential threat imposed by Russia.Title redactedStathopoulos, Athanasioshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/120872017-11-14T14:01:05Z2017-01-01T00:00:00Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZStathopoulos, Athanasios"Friendship" in China's foreign aid to Africa : case studies from Ghana and Sierra LeoneCheng, Zhangxihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/120072017-12-06T13:48:55Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZFollowing the dramatic takeoff of contemporary China-Africa relationship in the late 1990s, this once neglected international phenomenon has become one of the most topical themes over the past decade. This new popularity is due not only to the growing importance of both China and Africa on the global stage, but also China's rapidly increasing foreign aid on the continent. However, whilst most scholars are focusing on the financial side of the story – the massive concessional loan deals, the generous investments in natural resources and so forth, the primary purpose of this foreign aid – assisting African recipient countries' economic and welfare development – has only generated minimal interest. Little is known regarding how China delivers its foreign aid, and even less about how this foreign aid actually works in the African recipient countries. In light of this situation, this study asks: How has China's foreign aid been assisting Africa's development? On the basis of drawing specific attention to the effectiveness and sustainability of China's foreign aid in Africa, this study also explores the factors that affect these outcomes. Which, as this study finds out in the end, friendship – a factor that is often overlooked by Western scholars and patriotically examined by Chinese scholars. Not only has it continuously played a substantial role in shaping the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, but it is also frequently the most influential underlying consideration that practically undermines China's foreign aid outcomes. All in all, whilst purposed to promote China's foreign aid outcomes, this study improves our understanding of China's foreign aid in Africa. As well it delves into the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, assesses its performance, this study finds the shortcomings of China's foreign aid at present and searches for practical solutions that may contribute to its future development.
2016-06-21T00:00:00ZCheng, ZhangxiFollowing the dramatic takeoff of contemporary China-Africa relationship in the late 1990s, this once neglected international phenomenon has become one of the most topical themes over the past decade. This new popularity is due not only to the growing importance of both China and Africa on the global stage, but also China's rapidly increasing foreign aid on the continent. However, whilst most scholars are focusing on the financial side of the story – the massive concessional loan deals, the generous investments in natural resources and so forth, the primary purpose of this foreign aid – assisting African recipient countries' economic and welfare development – has only generated minimal interest. Little is known regarding how China delivers its foreign aid, and even less about how this foreign aid actually works in the African recipient countries. In light of this situation, this study asks: How has China's foreign aid been assisting Africa's development? On the basis of drawing specific attention to the effectiveness and sustainability of China's foreign aid in Africa, this study also explores the factors that affect these outcomes. Which, as this study finds out in the end, friendship – a factor that is often overlooked by Western scholars and patriotically examined by Chinese scholars. Not only has it continuously played a substantial role in shaping the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, but it is also frequently the most influential underlying consideration that practically undermines China's foreign aid outcomes. All in all, whilst purposed to promote China's foreign aid outcomes, this study improves our understanding of China's foreign aid in Africa. As well it delves into the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, assesses its performance, this study finds the shortcomings of China's foreign aid at present and searches for practical solutions that may contribute to its future development.Finding a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies : the case of the Mindanao conflictJalkebro, Rikardhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/118652018-02-09T11:50:44Z2014-09-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a critique on contemporary counterterrorism and peacebuilding. It uses a single case study approach to answer the question: How can we, by studying the Mindanao conflict - which has characteristics of both ‘new wars’ and ‘new terrorism’ - find a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies that could help us to better understand terrorism and thereby create more efficient frameworks and tools for countering terrorism, and addressing the root causes of intrastate conflict in order to build a lasting peace? In addressing this question the thesis aims to contribute to International Relations and more specifically the emerging literatures of ‘critical terrorism studies’ and ‘critical peace and conflict studies’. Ontologically, the thesis is positioned in between the two subfields, peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies, of International Relations and draws on theories from both literatures and the more recent ‘critical’ turns of each sub-discipline; critical terrorism studies and critical peace studies. The case study of the Philippines and in particular the Mindanao conflict is relatively under-researched and functions as a comparative element as it, arguably, represents a microcosm of almost every type of conflict. It is the understanding of the thesis that there is a need to understand local realities and grievances in order to build a lasting peace in Mindanao where the root causes of the conflict is being addressed. Hence, the thesis seeks to understand the root causes of the conflict by focusing on Filipino history of governance and conflict. The roots of conflict is found to be the grievances of being deprived of self-rule, autonomy, and independence and of the right to its ancestral domain after centuries of various levels of oppression as well as corruption within the embedded, archaic power structures of Filipino political dynasties. Furthermore, the thesis tests the theoretical frameworks on the on-going peace process suggesting that the institutions and ‘one size fits all approaches’ in liberal peacebuilding can be found in the embedded power structures in the social, political and economic levels of the Philippines. The main contribution the thesis aims to achieve is to apply post-liberal peacebuilding theories to the Mindanao conflict by identifying and assigning the role of the liberal institutions to local elites. Therefore, the main argument of the thesis is that the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the MILF is merely reshuffling the power within the archaic power structures of governance and political, economic and social life within the Philippines, without addressing the root causes of the conflict. Consequently, this will not lead to a long-term lasting peace in the Philippines.
2014-09-01T00:00:00ZJalkebro, RikardThis thesis is a critique on contemporary counterterrorism and peacebuilding. It uses a single case study approach to answer the question: How can we, by studying the Mindanao conflict - which has characteristics of both ‘new wars’ and ‘new terrorism’ - find a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies that could help us to better understand terrorism and thereby create more efficient frameworks and tools for countering terrorism, and addressing the root causes of intrastate conflict in order to build a lasting peace? In addressing this question the thesis aims to contribute to International Relations and more specifically the emerging literatures of ‘critical terrorism studies’ and ‘critical peace and conflict studies’. Ontologically, the thesis is positioned in between the two subfields, peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies, of International Relations and draws on theories from both literatures and the more recent ‘critical’ turns of each sub-discipline; critical terrorism studies and critical peace studies. The case study of the Philippines and in particular the Mindanao conflict is relatively under-researched and functions as a comparative element as it, arguably, represents a microcosm of almost every type of conflict. It is the understanding of the thesis that there is a need to understand local realities and grievances in order to build a lasting peace in Mindanao where the root causes of the conflict is being addressed. Hence, the thesis seeks to understand the root causes of the conflict by focusing on Filipino history of governance and conflict. The roots of conflict is found to be the grievances of being deprived of self-rule, autonomy, and independence and of the right to its ancestral domain after centuries of various levels of oppression as well as corruption within the embedded, archaic power structures of Filipino political dynasties. Furthermore, the thesis tests the theoretical frameworks on the on-going peace process suggesting that the institutions and ‘one size fits all approaches’ in liberal peacebuilding can be found in the embedded power structures in the social, political and economic levels of the Philippines. The main contribution the thesis aims to achieve is to apply post-liberal peacebuilding theories to the Mindanao conflict by identifying and assigning the role of the liberal institutions to local elites. Therefore, the main argument of the thesis is that the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the MILF is merely reshuffling the power within the archaic power structures of governance and political, economic and social life within the Philippines, without addressing the root causes of the conflict. Consequently, this will not lead to a long-term lasting peace in the Philippines.Towards a diaspora framework : collective identity construction and violent radicalization in RussiaWay, Julian M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/118642018-02-09T11:51:22Z2015-03-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the interrelationship between diaspora communities from the
North Caucasus and Central Asia, the Russian government, ultranationalist and extremist groups, and mainstream Russian society. There has been a concurrent rise in xenophobic and interethnic violence over the past decade in Russian cities, characterized by the targeting of diasporic groups by ethnic Russian extremists, political rhetoric directed against minority groups, structural and symbolic violence on the part of the Russian government, as well as violent responses from members of diaspora communities. This process is not unique to Russia. Many European societies have also witnessed an increase in violence between their national populations and diaspora communities, raising fundamental questions about inter-communal violence, rising group radicalization, and nationalist mobilization. The levels of interethnic and xenophobic violence in Russia, however, are significantly higher than those in European countries, making Russia a dynamic case study for analysis. This thesis posits a Diaspora Framework as critical to understanding the impact that host country governments, host country populations, and the concept of a homeland play in the collective identity formation of diasporic groups. Qualitative field research in Russia and interviews with some of Russia’s leading experts in government policy and human rights, as well as activists provides both necessary context and data for analysis. The Russian case can further our understanding of the processes at play in Europe, and can assist policy development aimed at preventing radicalization within European and North American societies.
2015-03-01T00:00:00ZWay, Julian M.This thesis examines the interrelationship between diaspora communities from the
North Caucasus and Central Asia, the Russian government, ultranationalist and extremist groups, and mainstream Russian society. There has been a concurrent rise in xenophobic and interethnic violence over the past decade in Russian cities, characterized by the targeting of diasporic groups by ethnic Russian extremists, political rhetoric directed against minority groups, structural and symbolic violence on the part of the Russian government, as well as violent responses from members of diaspora communities. This process is not unique to Russia. Many European societies have also witnessed an increase in violence between their national populations and diaspora communities, raising fundamental questions about inter-communal violence, rising group radicalization, and nationalist mobilization. The levels of interethnic and xenophobic violence in Russia, however, are significantly higher than those in European countries, making Russia a dynamic case study for analysis. This thesis posits a Diaspora Framework as critical to understanding the impact that host country governments, host country populations, and the concept of a homeland play in the collective identity formation of diasporic groups. Qualitative field research in Russia and interviews with some of Russia’s leading experts in government policy and human rights, as well as activists provides both necessary context and data for analysis. The Russian case can further our understanding of the processes at play in Europe, and can assist policy development aimed at preventing radicalization within European and North American societies.Humanitarian space - the quest for a protected niche in the global arena : with particular reference to the work of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent MovementGordon-Gibson, Alasdairhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/118552017-10-24T23:16:44Z2015-03-01T00:00:00ZThere has been much searching in scholarship as to why the contemporary pattern of humanitarian assistance seems so often to fail gaining popular support in its aim of bringing relief of suffering to peoples affected by crisis. This study searches to open new avenues for explanation by looking afresh at the agency of affected peoples and the creative power which humanity in distress can manifest. By examining some of the arguments in social constructivist theory presented by scholars’ sympathetic to this theoretical approach, my thesis explores ways to revitalise a publicly legitimated space to address this diminished gap. It considers why the paths are so distant and divergent, and seeks a least-contested place to locate its authority which is as close as possible to the populations it seeks to serve.
It begins by examining the historical and ideological background to the foundation of the contemporary humanitarian landscape. It frames the current challenges by considering four case-studies which encompass the principal environments of modern complex emergencies, combining challenges of human conflict in situations of natural disaster. Changes in interpretation, action, construction, values and attitudes are considered to ascertain how perceptions of core humanitarian principles have altered, leading to growing public disillusionment with its aims. By considering stakeholder reactions against the emerging dominant patterns in humanitarianism, and identifying some of the challenges a
‘democratisation of aid’ presents, it concludes with suggestions as to how humanity can regain control of its own recovery from crisis, protected as far as possible from national and international political manipulation. This urges re-acknowledgement of the normative power of humanitarianism, and a re-consideration of what it means to be ‘humanitarian’. It summons a revival of the spirit of un-coerced - and non-coercive - voluntary service, and calls for endorsement of a fresh locus of authority to guard its values.
2015-03-01T00:00:00ZGordon-Gibson, AlasdairThere has been much searching in scholarship as to why the contemporary pattern of humanitarian assistance seems so often to fail gaining popular support in its aim of bringing relief of suffering to peoples affected by crisis. This study searches to open new avenues for explanation by looking afresh at the agency of affected peoples and the creative power which humanity in distress can manifest. By examining some of the arguments in social constructivist theory presented by scholars’ sympathetic to this theoretical approach, my thesis explores ways to revitalise a publicly legitimated space to address this diminished gap. It considers why the paths are so distant and divergent, and seeks a least-contested place to locate its authority which is as close as possible to the populations it seeks to serve.
It begins by examining the historical and ideological background to the foundation of the contemporary humanitarian landscape. It frames the current challenges by considering four case-studies which encompass the principal environments of modern complex emergencies, combining challenges of human conflict in situations of natural disaster. Changes in interpretation, action, construction, values and attitudes are considered to ascertain how perceptions of core humanitarian principles have altered, leading to growing public disillusionment with its aims. By considering stakeholder reactions against the emerging dominant patterns in humanitarianism, and identifying some of the challenges a
‘democratisation of aid’ presents, it concludes with suggestions as to how humanity can regain control of its own recovery from crisis, protected as far as possible from national and international political manipulation. This urges re-acknowledgement of the normative power of humanitarianism, and a re-consideration of what it means to be ‘humanitarian’. It summons a revival of the spirit of un-coerced - and non-coercive - voluntary service, and calls for endorsement of a fresh locus of authority to guard its values.The limitations of imagining peace : the relative success and failure of international organisations and the Georgian-Abkhaz and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts, 1992-2013Lutterjohann, Ninahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117522017-10-02T09:54:59Z2017-08-08T00:00:00ZThis thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions.
Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors’ responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties’ competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU’s Vilnius Summit in 2013.
2017-08-08T00:00:00ZLutterjohann, NinaThis thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions.
Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors’ responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties’ competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU’s Vilnius Summit in 2013.Forged in the crucible of defensive jihad : Arab foreign fighters and their trajectory to involvement in Islamist terrorismWarren, Roger Patrickhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/115672017-11-11T00:16:29Z2017-07-18T00:00:00ZThis thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that tends to conflate Arab foreign fighters with Islamist terrorists, and ‘martyrdom operations’ with ‘suicide attacks.’ Overlaps notwithstanding, it aims to draw distinctions between Arab foreign fighters engaged in defensive jihad defending co-religionists against a military foe, and Islamist terrorists engaged in terrorism that indiscriminately targets civilians and non-combatants. Critically, while disaggregating the two transnational cohorts, this thesis also illuminates the nexus between them. It draws on a thesis dataset of 3,010 Arab foreign fighters compiled using biographies, martyrdom eulogies, and postings on ‘jihadi’ websites, in both English and Arabic. This dataset is then used to support three case studies involving the defensive jihads in 1980s Afghanistan, Iraq (post 2003), and Syria (post 2011). It leverages a theoretical framework based on the concept of radicalisation and the language of political Islam, whilst concurrently drawing on theories from psychology and historical military examples of combat, germane to defensive jihad and Islamist terrorism.
The thesis concludes that Arab foreign fighters involved in defensive jihad employ martyrdom operations against military targets, through tactical necessity. Conversely, Islamist terrorists employ suicide attacks against civilians and non-combatants, through ideological necessity. The trajectory between the two transnational mobilisations appears to be broadly underpinned by facets of the Lucifer Effect – the situational factors encountered whilst participating in defensive jihad, including but not limited to, the experience of close combat in a war zone; being subjected to ideological indoctrination; and being exposed to charismatic authority and obedience to it. This suggests that subsequent involvement in Islamist terrorism by some Arab foreign fighters is primarily forged in the crucible of defensive jihad. Such findings should result in the crafting of more individualised de-radicalisation and rehabilitation programmes for returning foreign fighters, in both the West and the Arab world.
2017-07-18T00:00:00ZWarren, Roger PatrickThis thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that tends to conflate Arab foreign fighters with Islamist terrorists, and ‘martyrdom operations’ with ‘suicide attacks.’ Overlaps notwithstanding, it aims to draw distinctions between Arab foreign fighters engaged in defensive jihad defending co-religionists against a military foe, and Islamist terrorists engaged in terrorism that indiscriminately targets civilians and non-combatants. Critically, while disaggregating the two transnational cohorts, this thesis also illuminates the nexus between them. It draws on a thesis dataset of 3,010 Arab foreign fighters compiled using biographies, martyrdom eulogies, and postings on ‘jihadi’ websites, in both English and Arabic. This dataset is then used to support three case studies involving the defensive jihads in 1980s Afghanistan, Iraq (post 2003), and Syria (post 2011). It leverages a theoretical framework based on the concept of radicalisation and the language of political Islam, whilst concurrently drawing on theories from psychology and historical military examples of combat, germane to defensive jihad and Islamist terrorism.
The thesis concludes that Arab foreign fighters involved in defensive jihad employ martyrdom operations against military targets, through tactical necessity. Conversely, Islamist terrorists employ suicide attacks against civilians and non-combatants, through ideological necessity. The trajectory between the two transnational mobilisations appears to be broadly underpinned by facets of the Lucifer Effect – the situational factors encountered whilst participating in defensive jihad, including but not limited to, the experience of close combat in a war zone; being subjected to ideological indoctrination; and being exposed to charismatic authority and obedience to it. This suggests that subsequent involvement in Islamist terrorism by some Arab foreign fighters is primarily forged in the crucible of defensive jihad. Such findings should result in the crafting of more individualised de-radicalisation and rehabilitation programmes for returning foreign fighters, in both the West and the Arab world.Forms of protest and tactics : a strategic interaction on the effects of policing operations on tactical deployment operated by non-state actors in South Lebanon, Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel: 1982-2011Clivaz, Emmanuelhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/113772017-09-04T15:08:43Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThis research focuses on assessing the effects of policing operations on tactical
deployment operated by non-state actors. The theory advanced by this work,
labelled SMORG theory, is first and foremost an attempt to move from
fragmented to comprehensive knowledge.
At the theoretical level, it provides policy makers and practitioners with a better
understanding of policing instruments, and especially highlights the limits of
coercion and deterrence when dealing with non-state actors. At the
methodological level, it demonstrates how to scrutinise the protest space in its
entirety, by providing an innovative set of tools to analyse the temporal and
spatial distribution of forms of protests on diverse theaters. At the empirical
level, it reveals the evolution of conventional, confrontational and violent forms
of protest in South Lebanon, Gaza Strip, West Bank, and Israel, during the period
1982 to 2011; it further precisely assesses the effects of policing operations on
tactical deployment operated by non-state actors on the same theaters.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZClivaz, EmmanuelThis research focuses on assessing the effects of policing operations on tactical
deployment operated by non-state actors. The theory advanced by this work,
labelled SMORG theory, is first and foremost an attempt to move from
fragmented to comprehensive knowledge.
At the theoretical level, it provides policy makers and practitioners with a better
understanding of policing instruments, and especially highlights the limits of
coercion and deterrence when dealing with non-state actors. At the
methodological level, it demonstrates how to scrutinise the protest space in its
entirety, by providing an innovative set of tools to analyse the temporal and
spatial distribution of forms of protests on diverse theaters. At the empirical
level, it reveals the evolution of conventional, confrontational and violent forms
of protest in South Lebanon, Gaza Strip, West Bank, and Israel, during the period
1982 to 2011; it further precisely assesses the effects of policing operations on
tactical deployment operated by non-state actors on the same theaters.Understanding Central Asian cooperation through state narratives : cases of Kyrgyzstan and TurkmenistanHanova, Selbihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110962017-06-27T16:30:09Z2017-04-05T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the influence of state identity narratives on regional cooperation frameworks in Central Asia. It applies the perspectives of ontological security theory to the self-articulation of state identities of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan to decipher socialization mechanisms in each of the cases. Consequently, it traces the routinization of the state narratives of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan toward the region and regional organizations.
Ontological security theory argues that, in addition to physical security, states seek ideational security, security of identity and security of being. Using a grounded theory approach to study the formation of the state narratives of Kyrgyzstan and of Turkmenistan and utilizing official and media sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork, the thesis analyzes the process of routinization of state identity narratives, showcasing the narrators, the narratives and the processes of self-articulation. The key process that is traced is the routinization of the state narratives, i.e. the sequence of repeated actions (inter-textualized through speech acts and textual references) that transform the self-articulated stories of the states into the realm of the habitual. This process of routinization is then analyzed within the regional context, examining how these routinized narratives influence inter-state cooperation in Central Asia.
As such, the thesis contributes to two main bodies of literature: the growing literature on the ideational aspects of regional cooperation in Central Asia; and existing research on the role of state identification practices in the foreign policies of Central Asian states.
2017-04-05T00:00:00ZHanova, SelbiThis thesis examines the influence of state identity narratives on regional cooperation frameworks in Central Asia. It applies the perspectives of ontological security theory to the self-articulation of state identities of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan to decipher socialization mechanisms in each of the cases. Consequently, it traces the routinization of the state narratives of Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan toward the region and regional organizations.
Ontological security theory argues that, in addition to physical security, states seek ideational security, security of identity and security of being. Using a grounded theory approach to study the formation of the state narratives of Kyrgyzstan and of Turkmenistan and utilizing official and media sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork, the thesis analyzes the process of routinization of state identity narratives, showcasing the narrators, the narratives and the processes of self-articulation. The key process that is traced is the routinization of the state narratives, i.e. the sequence of repeated actions (inter-textualized through speech acts and textual references) that transform the self-articulated stories of the states into the realm of the habitual. This process of routinization is then analyzed within the regional context, examining how these routinized narratives influence inter-state cooperation in Central Asia.
As such, the thesis contributes to two main bodies of literature: the growing literature on the ideational aspects of regional cooperation in Central Asia; and existing research on the role of state identification practices in the foreign policies of Central Asian states.The state application of repressive and reconciliatory tactics in the North Caucasus (2007-2014)Zhirukhina, Elenahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110942017-06-27T12:54:01Z2017-03-23T00:00:00ZThis thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups?
The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation.
The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration).
The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations.
To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence.
The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.
2017-03-23T00:00:00ZZhirukhina, ElenaThis thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups?
The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation.
The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration).
The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations.
To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence.
The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.Nation-building and conflict resolution : the Kurds in Iraq and TurkeySaito, Miwahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110832017-07-10T11:33:41Z2002-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a study of national integration policies as a method of conflict resolution. It assumes that a nation can be multiethnic and integrative, rather than ethnically homogeneous and exclusive. Instead of seeking outright separatism for ethnonational conflicts, it explores ways to integrate sizeable ethnic groups through suitable nation-building policies, in this case, the Kurds.
To justify the above hypothesis, this study analyses two theoretical frameworks, first, the prototypical national integration theory based on Karl W. Deutsch's work, and second, Revolution from Above based on Ellen K. Trimberger's work. This study regards Revolution from Above as an effective method for newly established states to consolidate administrative capabilities, which are vital to political institutionalisation. Particularly, nation-building through Revolution from Above is deemed suitable for redressing the problems posed by arbitrarily drawn national borders, as reforms conducted by such governments are designed to compensate for the lack of pre-existing national unity, such as provision of national education, welfare, and economic development.
This study then examines two specific cases of nation-building, in Turkey and in Iraq, and in particular how they faced the challenge of integrating their substantial Kurdish minorities. Turkey is treated as a representative case of nation-building through Revolution from Above, and Iraq is treated as an example in which equivalent nation-building measures to the Turkish case were absent, owing to the mandate rule by Britain in its earliest period. This empirical chapter will be presented in four key phases which are: (1) The Legacy of Ottoman Centralisation, (2) State Formation, (3) Political Mobilisation, and (4) Integration or Containment?
Finally, this study will examine the impact of foreign intervention on the relations between governments and minorities. The failed national integration that is manifest in totalitarian state-structure will be discussed, as it may trigger political and military interventions by foreign powers. The final chapter examines the two test cases, based on Kurdish nationalists' contacts with foreign states and organisations in the 1920s and in the 1990s.
2002-01-01T00:00:00ZSaito, MiwaThis thesis is a study of national integration policies as a method of conflict resolution. It assumes that a nation can be multiethnic and integrative, rather than ethnically homogeneous and exclusive. Instead of seeking outright separatism for ethnonational conflicts, it explores ways to integrate sizeable ethnic groups through suitable nation-building policies, in this case, the Kurds.
To justify the above hypothesis, this study analyses two theoretical frameworks, first, the prototypical national integration theory based on Karl W. Deutsch's work, and second, Revolution from Above based on Ellen K. Trimberger's work. This study regards Revolution from Above as an effective method for newly established states to consolidate administrative capabilities, which are vital to political institutionalisation. Particularly, nation-building through Revolution from Above is deemed suitable for redressing the problems posed by arbitrarily drawn national borders, as reforms conducted by such governments are designed to compensate for the lack of pre-existing national unity, such as provision of national education, welfare, and economic development.
This study then examines two specific cases of nation-building, in Turkey and in Iraq, and in particular how they faced the challenge of integrating their substantial Kurdish minorities. Turkey is treated as a representative case of nation-building through Revolution from Above, and Iraq is treated as an example in which equivalent nation-building measures to the Turkish case were absent, owing to the mandate rule by Britain in its earliest period. This empirical chapter will be presented in four key phases which are: (1) The Legacy of Ottoman Centralisation, (2) State Formation, (3) Political Mobilisation, and (4) Integration or Containment?
Finally, this study will examine the impact of foreign intervention on the relations between governments and minorities. The failed national integration that is manifest in totalitarian state-structure will be discussed, as it may trigger political and military interventions by foreign powers. The final chapter examines the two test cases, based on Kurdish nationalists' contacts with foreign states and organisations in the 1920s and in the 1990s.Stability or renewal : the judicialisation of representative democracy in American and German constitutionalismMiles, David Jonathanhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110562017-06-23T09:49:23Z2017-06-20T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines how American and German constitutionalism, as shaped by the U.S. Supreme Court and the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), have mediated the tension between threats to stability and the imperative of renewal through occasional or constant interventions in their democratic processes. To do this, it primarily assesses the 1960s U.S. reapportionment cases and the European Parliament electoral threshold cases of 2011 and 2014. It also considers the ideas of four thinkers, theorists and jurists who have wrestled with the dilemma of how to maintain the bond between citizen and state: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Jefferson and Alexis de Tocqueville.
Stability and renewal represent the twin orientation points for constitutionalism and the courts against which they must adjust to possible democratic threats, or new political and social forces in need of recognition. Threats to the state can emerge either from a surfeit of illiberal views in politics and society aimed at destroying an existing constitutional order, or when democratic channels become starved of new opinions through the constitutional or unconstitutional exclusion of voters and parties.
A distinctive feature of the approach taken is the conceptual division between the ‘legal/institutional’ space in which the Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht interpret constitutional meaning, and the ‘civic space’ in which citizens accept or reject constitutional meaning. One central question is how American and German constitutionalism, and the U.S. Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht shape and influence the vital civic space that is integral to the democratic relationship between citizen and state, and the survival of the state itself. Ultimately it is concluded that without acceptance of the importance of law and constitutionalism by citizens in the civic space, the influence of the Supreme Court and the Bundesverfassungsgericht becomes purely institutional and effectively consigned to the courtroom.
2017-06-20T00:00:00ZMiles, David JonathanThis thesis examines how American and German constitutionalism, as shaped by the U.S. Supreme Court and the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), have mediated the tension between threats to stability and the imperative of renewal through occasional or constant interventions in their democratic processes. To do this, it primarily assesses the 1960s U.S. reapportionment cases and the European Parliament electoral threshold cases of 2011 and 2014. It also considers the ideas of four thinkers, theorists and jurists who have wrestled with the dilemma of how to maintain the bond between citizen and state: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Jefferson and Alexis de Tocqueville.
Stability and renewal represent the twin orientation points for constitutionalism and the courts against which they must adjust to possible democratic threats, or new political and social forces in need of recognition. Threats to the state can emerge either from a surfeit of illiberal views in politics and society aimed at destroying an existing constitutional order, or when democratic channels become starved of new opinions through the constitutional or unconstitutional exclusion of voters and parties.
A distinctive feature of the approach taken is the conceptual division between the ‘legal/institutional’ space in which the Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht interpret constitutional meaning, and the ‘civic space’ in which citizens accept or reject constitutional meaning. One central question is how American and German constitutionalism, and the U.S. Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht shape and influence the vital civic space that is integral to the democratic relationship between citizen and state, and the survival of the state itself. Ultimately it is concluded that without acceptance of the importance of law and constitutionalism by citizens in the civic space, the influence of the Supreme Court and the Bundesverfassungsgericht becomes purely institutional and effectively consigned to the courtroom.Encountering the state : prolegomena to a subjective approach to understanding the relationship between subject and StateBrown, Ruairidh Johnhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110212017-06-19T23:15:26Z2017-05-20T00:00:00ZDemanding Taxation, disciplining, and even at times requiring the sacrifice of life, the State is undoubtedly one of the most influential and important structures within a subject’s existence. Nonetheless, despite these great demands, very few subjects actually choose or construct the State they inhabit. On the contrary subjects rather find themselves born into these great structures which transcend their existence. Consequently understanding how subjects come to learn about, and relate to, these great structures they are thrown into is vital for both an understanding of politics and the human condition generally.
In this thesis I will explore an alternative approach to investigating the subject and State relationship: The ‘Subjective approach’. Inspired by the thought of Danish Philosopher Søren Kierkegaard, the aim of this approach will be to explore the encounters that the subject has with the State, what perception of the State is given to subjects in these encounters, and how the relationship between subject and State grows out of such encounters.
The aim of this thesis is therefore to provide prolegomena to such an approach. I shall aim to outline why such an approach should be considered for investigating subject and State relations, and explore how one may begin articulating such an approach.
2017-05-20T00:00:00ZBrown, Ruairidh JohnDemanding Taxation, disciplining, and even at times requiring the sacrifice of life, the State is undoubtedly one of the most influential and important structures within a subject’s existence. Nonetheless, despite these great demands, very few subjects actually choose or construct the State they inhabit. On the contrary subjects rather find themselves born into these great structures which transcend their existence. Consequently understanding how subjects come to learn about, and relate to, these great structures they are thrown into is vital for both an understanding of politics and the human condition generally.
In this thesis I will explore an alternative approach to investigating the subject and State relationship: The ‘Subjective approach’. Inspired by the thought of Danish Philosopher Søren Kierkegaard, the aim of this approach will be to explore the encounters that the subject has with the State, what perception of the State is given to subjects in these encounters, and how the relationship between subject and State grows out of such encounters.
The aim of this thesis is therefore to provide prolegomena to such an approach. I shall aim to outline why such an approach should be considered for investigating subject and State relations, and explore how one may begin articulating such an approach.Punishment across borders : transnational conceptions of punishment ; the conception of punishment in classical Athens, Islam and international criminal justiceMoradian, Davoodhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110192017-07-03T11:37:11Z2006-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis sets out to research the concept and institution of punishment in three
cultures and systems of classical Athens, Islam and International Criminal Justice.
The second overall objective of this thesis is to establish how the insights from these
three traditions can enrich our understanding of the concept of punishment and also
designing humane, just and effective methods of punishment. I will argue that our
response to wrongdoing can be divided into three distinct categories: punitive
measures, impunity, and forgiveness. This thesis will contend that western-oriented
concept and methods of punishment have paid inadequate attention to the third category, forgiveness. This imbalance between the three categories of responses to
wrongdoing has led to the crises of self-definition and effectiveness of the leading
theories and methods of punishment. I propose that in order to address some of the
conceptual and institutional deficiencies of modern institutions of punishment, we must contemplate communitarian, restorative and cross-cultural approaches, in particular in the context of post-conflict justice and international criminal justice. I identify the Islamic concept and institution of punishment as a suitable model that can make valuable contributions to such an endeavour. In examining the concept and institution of punishment, I will also argue that the institution of punishment of a given society/tradition is a gateway that sheds light on other aspects and institutions of the society. As such a closer examination of the institution of punishment in the cultures under investigation would question the popular views and prejudices about democratic Athens, Islamic world, and liberal democracy.
2006-01-01T00:00:00ZMoradian, DavoodThis thesis sets out to research the concept and institution of punishment in three
cultures and systems of classical Athens, Islam and International Criminal Justice.
The second overall objective of this thesis is to establish how the insights from these
three traditions can enrich our understanding of the concept of punishment and also
designing humane, just and effective methods of punishment. I will argue that our
response to wrongdoing can be divided into three distinct categories: punitive
measures, impunity, and forgiveness. This thesis will contend that western-oriented
concept and methods of punishment have paid inadequate attention to the third category, forgiveness. This imbalance between the three categories of responses to
wrongdoing has led to the crises of self-definition and effectiveness of the leading
theories and methods of punishment. I propose that in order to address some of the
conceptual and institutional deficiencies of modern institutions of punishment, we must contemplate communitarian, restorative and cross-cultural approaches, in particular in the context of post-conflict justice and international criminal justice. I identify the Islamic concept and institution of punishment as a suitable model that can make valuable contributions to such an endeavour. In examining the concept and institution of punishment, I will also argue that the institution of punishment of a given society/tradition is a gateway that sheds light on other aspects and institutions of the society. As such a closer examination of the institution of punishment in the cultures under investigation would question the popular views and prejudices about democratic Athens, Islamic world, and liberal democracy.Title redactedAtlan, Nellyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/108412017-05-24T14:12:02Z2016-06-01T00:00:00Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZAtlan, NellyTitle redactedAlles, Larissahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/108342017-05-24T10:22:35Z2016-12-01T00:00:00Z2016-12-01T00:00:00ZAlles, LarissaTitle redactedMorfini, Nicolahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/108272017-05-24T08:33:19Z2016-12-01T00:00:00Z2016-12-01T00:00:00ZMorfini, NicolaTitle redactedPartis-Jennings, Hannahhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/108122017-05-23T14:42:29Z2016-10-28T00:00:00Z2016-10-28T00:00:00ZPartis-Jennings, HannahCosmopolitanism in Europe-in-crisis : the cases of the EU, Greece and TurkeyAngelopoulou, Mariahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/103752017-02-27T16:29:59Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZAdopting a critical cosmopolitan outlook the thesis identifies a constructive engagement
with the European project at a time when the crisis of the Euro-zone is still threatening
the very existence of the European Union. The purpose of the study is to determine
whether cosmopolitanism is feasible in Europe. I argue that the EU can be conceived as
a catalyst of cosmopolitanism without being cosmopolitan per se due its so far limited
internal and external contexts of cosmopolitanism. In the case of the EU’s limited inner
cosmopolitanism, I seek cosmopolitan alternatives for the EU to overcome the crisis on
the basis of an institutional and civil society analysis within the conceptual framework
of cosmopolitan democracy. Instead of adopting the terminology of governance either
for or by the people, my cosmopolitan approach focuses on governance with the people.
The case of Greece is of utmost importance for my research as it reveals the causes and
gravity of the crisis. It also broadens the empirical basis of cosmopolitan studies by
embodying both the dynamics and challenges posed to cosmopolitanism which are
exemplified in the paradoxes provoked; on the one hand there is aggravation of (fascist)
nationalism and domination of economics on politics perhaps leading to Greece’s de-
Europeanisation; on the other hand the dynamics of a paradigm shift towards a post-crisis
cosmopolitanism are revealed. That kind of cosmopolitanism needs to take under
consideration the role of contestation and to redefine its position in the era of global
capitalism for the confrontation of the crisis. In the case of the EU’s limited external
cosmopolitanism, my analysis of Turkey’s possible impact on the EU and the
reverse aims to demonstrate that Turkey’s integration can contribute to the formation of
a cosmopolitan, post-Western EU and post-national Turkey. What is of crucial
importance for both cosmopolitan and Europeanisation studies is that the endogenous
process of change within Turkey which is interlocking with the external dynamics of the
EU may potentially lead to a distinctive ‘hybrid’ type of cosmopolitanisation neither
merely European nor simply Asian. The conclusions drawn from this multiple case study
suggest that the current crisis may open new meanings for cosmopolitanism in
Europe.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZAngelopoulou, MariaAdopting a critical cosmopolitan outlook the thesis identifies a constructive engagement
with the European project at a time when the crisis of the Euro-zone is still threatening
the very existence of the European Union. The purpose of the study is to determine
whether cosmopolitanism is feasible in Europe. I argue that the EU can be conceived as
a catalyst of cosmopolitanism without being cosmopolitan per se due its so far limited
internal and external contexts of cosmopolitanism. In the case of the EU’s limited inner
cosmopolitanism, I seek cosmopolitan alternatives for the EU to overcome the crisis on
the basis of an institutional and civil society analysis within the conceptual framework
of cosmopolitan democracy. Instead of adopting the terminology of governance either
for or by the people, my cosmopolitan approach focuses on governance with the people.
The case of Greece is of utmost importance for my research as it reveals the causes and
gravity of the crisis. It also broadens the empirical basis of cosmopolitan studies by
embodying both the dynamics and challenges posed to cosmopolitanism which are
exemplified in the paradoxes provoked; on the one hand there is aggravation of (fascist)
nationalism and domination of economics on politics perhaps leading to Greece’s de-
Europeanisation; on the other hand the dynamics of a paradigm shift towards a post-crisis
cosmopolitanism are revealed. That kind of cosmopolitanism needs to take under
consideration the role of contestation and to redefine its position in the era of global
capitalism for the confrontation of the crisis. In the case of the EU’s limited external
cosmopolitanism, my analysis of Turkey’s possible impact on the EU and the
reverse aims to demonstrate that Turkey’s integration can contribute to the formation of
a cosmopolitan, post-Western EU and post-national Turkey. What is of crucial
importance for both cosmopolitan and Europeanisation studies is that the endogenous
process of change within Turkey which is interlocking with the external dynamics of the
EU may potentially lead to a distinctive ‘hybrid’ type of cosmopolitanisation neither
merely European nor simply Asian. The conclusions drawn from this multiple case study
suggest that the current crisis may open new meanings for cosmopolitanism in
Europe.Conflict intervention and human needs satisfaction : exploring nonviolent approaches to the Israel-Palestine protracted social conflict 1993-2014Thomson, William Wallacehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/102022017-01-31T12:00:11Z2014-01-01T00:00:00Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThomson, William WallaceExistence and political order : Carl Schmitt's concept of enmityArchambault, Emilhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/100372017-01-05T00:16:26Z2017-06-20T00:00:00ZThis thesis provides a comprehensive study of the development of the concept of enmity in the thought of Carl Schmitt. I argue that the concept of enmity provides the foundation upon which all of Schmitt's writings on international theory build. By attending to the concept of enmity, it is therefore possible to clarify Schmitt's understanding of international order, of war and peace, and of political existence. Additionally, I seek to demonstrate in this thesis the consistency of Schmitt's thought throughout his career, as well as the necessity of understanding his political theory through his historical context.
The first part of this thesis examines the foundations of Schmitt's concept of the political, and argues that the link of the political to order follows naturally from the ontological assumption of a plural world and of a potentially violent human nature. Additionally, it argues that political enmity therefore must bear a relation to order, thereby excluding absolute enmity from the domain of the political. An examination of total war follows, arguing that Schmitt associates the political with defensive total war, against the danger of offensive total war. The latter part of this thesis turns to Schmitt's historical discussion of enmity. First, it is argued that the bracketing of war and enmity in the jus publicum Europaeum relied necessarily on the externalisation of European enmity into a distinct, free space, namely the Americas and Africa. Second, I demonstrate that changes in the form of enmity brought about by European, colonial, and global transformations caused the collapse of the jus publicum Europaeum. I conclude this thesis by arguing for an interest in conceptions of global peace respecting the dynamic character of the political rather than seeking to depoliticise global order.
2017-06-20T00:00:00ZArchambault, EmilThis thesis provides a comprehensive study of the development of the concept of enmity in the thought of Carl Schmitt. I argue that the concept of enmity provides the foundation upon which all of Schmitt's writings on international theory build. By attending to the concept of enmity, it is therefore possible to clarify Schmitt's understanding of international order, of war and peace, and of political existence. Additionally, I seek to demonstrate in this thesis the consistency of Schmitt's thought throughout his career, as well as the necessity of understanding his political theory through his historical context.
The first part of this thesis examines the foundations of Schmitt's concept of the political, and argues that the link of the political to order follows naturally from the ontological assumption of a plural world and of a potentially violent human nature. Additionally, it argues that political enmity therefore must bear a relation to order, thereby excluding absolute enmity from the domain of the political. An examination of total war follows, arguing that Schmitt associates the political with defensive total war, against the danger of offensive total war. The latter part of this thesis turns to Schmitt's historical discussion of enmity. First, it is argued that the bracketing of war and enmity in the jus publicum Europaeum relied necessarily on the externalisation of European enmity into a distinct, free space, namely the Americas and Africa. Second, I demonstrate that changes in the form of enmity brought about by European, colonial, and global transformations caused the collapse of the jus publicum Europaeum. I conclude this thesis by arguing for an interest in conceptions of global peace respecting the dynamic character of the political rather than seeking to depoliticise global order.British foreign policy towards Syria : its importance, its distinctiveness and its relations to the policy of other actors in the regionScott, Sarahhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/99032017-02-03T15:29:48Z2016-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the dynamics involved in shaping the Anglo-Syrian
relationship. It argues that to understand UK relations towards Syria over the
past century, they have to be viewed in the broader context of British policy on
Middle East regional issues, and wider foreign policy priorities. With no direct
interests invested in Syria, it is both Britain’s continued involvement in Middle
East affairs and Syria’s standing as a key regional power that assures a
continuing relationship. Consequently, the stance of leading UK politicians on
the issues of post-World War regional order, international terrorism, military
interventionism, arms sales, dictatorship and democratisation have
circumscribed UK policy options in relation to Syria.
Using the tools of Neoclassical realism this study considers British foreign policy
behaviour, in terms of Britain’s attempt to mobilize the power to protect its
interests. It reviews Britain’s international behaviour in part by how it is
affected by changes in the international system, as Britain has declined from
being a great imperial power, to a European power. Alliances are a key tool
Britain has used to manage its decline, and this study identifies the impact that
this has had on Anglo-Syrian relations with particular reference to the US and
EU. Finally, it demonstrates that understanding how the foreign policy process
works in Britain is key to understanding its international behaviour. In this it
takes into account elite perceptions both of what these interests are and how
best Britain can achieve them. This adds a layer of understanding as to why foreign policy outcomes do not always conform with what would be predicted
purely in terms of the pursuit of the national interest.
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZScott, SarahThis thesis explores the dynamics involved in shaping the Anglo-Syrian
relationship. It argues that to understand UK relations towards Syria over the
past century, they have to be viewed in the broader context of British policy on
Middle East regional issues, and wider foreign policy priorities. With no direct
interests invested in Syria, it is both Britain’s continued involvement in Middle
East affairs and Syria’s standing as a key regional power that assures a
continuing relationship. Consequently, the stance of leading UK politicians on
the issues of post-World War regional order, international terrorism, military
interventionism, arms sales, dictatorship and democratisation have
circumscribed UK policy options in relation to Syria.
Using the tools of Neoclassical realism this study considers British foreign policy
behaviour, in terms of Britain’s attempt to mobilize the power to protect its
interests. It reviews Britain’s international behaviour in part by how it is
affected by changes in the international system, as Britain has declined from
being a great imperial power, to a European power. Alliances are a key tool
Britain has used to manage its decline, and this study identifies the impact that
this has had on Anglo-Syrian relations with particular reference to the US and
EU. Finally, it demonstrates that understanding how the foreign policy process
works in Britain is key to understanding its international behaviour. In this it
takes into account elite perceptions both of what these interests are and how
best Britain can achieve them. This adds a layer of understanding as to why foreign policy outcomes do not always conform with what would be predicted
purely in terms of the pursuit of the national interest.An ethic of care in the dialogical space : what do NGOs learn from their conversations with states? : case studies from Scotland and ZambiaCole, Ashleyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/99002016-11-30T00:16:06Z2016-01-01T00:00:00ZThe increase in the presence and influence of Non-Governmental Organisations
(NGOs) locally and internationally is having a noticeable effect on the policy process at a
national level. While the NGO sector is more commonly examined at an international level,
its impact at the state and sub-state level remains unexplored. This gap in the literature is
addressed as a primary problem in this thesis. By exploring the relationship between the
NGO and the state, the significance of this relationship is emphasised as a necessary
inclusion in International Relations literature.
The NGO sector presents civil society with a road into, and in some cases an
alternative to, traditional modes of political advocacy. This increases civil society’s ability to
impact the policy process by creating, what is identified in this thesis as, a dialogical space.
The dialogical space allows for an exchange of ideas and thus influences the decision-making
process of the state, if and when it is explored. Furthermore, the dialogical space facilitates,
as is shown here, learning through the conversations that take place between NGOs and the
state. This thesis asks ‘what do NGOs learn from their conversations with states?’ and
presents the ‘lessons learned’ from Scottish and Zambian case studies.
NGOs are identified here as civil society in organisation and have a particular
relationship with the communities they represent. This relationship is empirically examined
and presented here in the Scottish and Zambian case studies. This thesis examines the
relationship between the NGO and civil society, and most importantly the relationship
between the NGO and the state using the ethic of care as a theoretical lens. Conclusions are drawn from the interviews conducted during the fieldwork. The ethic of care is located in
practice and used as a theoretical lens to examine what the local NGOs learn from their
interactions with the state. Both case studies confirm that an ethic of care is a prevalent
ethic in NGO practice, as identified by the NGO workers interviewed. Furthermore, when
used as an analytical lens the ethic of care is shown to be used as a tool by NGOs to nurture
an ethic of care in statesmanship.
The thesis specifically highlights that NGOs have learned from their conversations
with states and that, through the creation and use of the dialogical space, an ethic of care in
practice can be traced. The greater significance of this thesis is that it addresses the
relationship between the NGO and the state at a local and national level; a topic which is
lacking in current IR literature, despite being of crucial value for understanding the state’s
interaction with non-state actors, in this case local NGOs. Furthermore, through the use of
the ethic of care both as an exploratory lens and in its identification as a practical ethic, this
thesis highlights the importance of an ethic of care in theory and practice.
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZCole, AshleyThe increase in the presence and influence of Non-Governmental Organisations
(NGOs) locally and internationally is having a noticeable effect on the policy process at a
national level. While the NGO sector is more commonly examined at an international level,
its impact at the state and sub-state level remains unexplored. This gap in the literature is
addressed as a primary problem in this thesis. By exploring the relationship between the
NGO and the state, the significance of this relationship is emphasised as a necessary
inclusion in International Relations literature.
The NGO sector presents civil society with a road into, and in some cases an
alternative to, traditional modes of political advocacy. This increases civil society’s ability to
impact the policy process by creating, what is identified in this thesis as, a dialogical space.
The dialogical space allows for an exchange of ideas and thus influences the decision-making
process of the state, if and when it is explored. Furthermore, the dialogical space facilitates,
as is shown here, learning through the conversations that take place between NGOs and the
state. This thesis asks ‘what do NGOs learn from their conversations with states?’ and
presents the ‘lessons learned’ from Scottish and Zambian case studies.
NGOs are identified here as civil society in organisation and have a particular
relationship with the communities they represent. This relationship is empirically examined
and presented here in the Scottish and Zambian case studies. This thesis examines the
relationship between the NGO and civil society, and most importantly the relationship
between the NGO and the state using the ethic of care as a theoretical lens. Conclusions are drawn from the interviews conducted during the fieldwork. The ethic of care is located in
practice and used as a theoretical lens to examine what the local NGOs learn from their
interactions with the state. Both case studies confirm that an ethic of care is a prevalent
ethic in NGO practice, as identified by the NGO workers interviewed. Furthermore, when
used as an analytical lens the ethic of care is shown to be used as a tool by NGOs to nurture
an ethic of care in statesmanship.
The thesis specifically highlights that NGOs have learned from their conversations
with states and that, through the creation and use of the dialogical space, an ethic of care in
practice can be traced. The greater significance of this thesis is that it addresses the
relationship between the NGO and the state at a local and national level; a topic which is
lacking in current IR literature, despite being of crucial value for understanding the state’s
interaction with non-state actors, in this case local NGOs. Furthermore, through the use of
the ethic of care both as an exploratory lens and in its identification as a practical ethic, this
thesis highlights the importance of an ethic of care in theory and practice.Virtue, honour and moderation : the foundations of liberty in Montesquieu's political thoughtAktoudianakis, Andreashttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/98892016-11-29T00:15:59Z2016-12-01T00:00:00ZLiberal thinkers have suggested different theories that legitimise the state’s various processes, institutions, and use of coercive power. However, their theories cannot account for those motivations that cause men to put their lives in danger when standing against political oppression. The study of Montesquieu's theory of government can aid liberalism’s incomplete account of the political motivations that incline men to defend their liberty. Toward this end, this thesis studies Montesquieu's notions of virtue and honour, and challenges the meaning they have been accorded in previous studies. This thesis suggests that Montesquieu combined these notions in order to conceive a type of motivation that inclines individuals to defend their liberty against encroachment. In order to recover this type of motivation, this study will adopt an approach of close textual analysis with attention to the context. Virtue and honour play a crucial role in Montesquieu’s political thought because they foster the preservation of government. Virtue inclines citizens in republics to act with self-sacrifice. However, that virtue does not aim toward the attainment of excellence or of God’s grace; rather, Montesquieu conceived virtue in relation to public utility. Honour inclines the subjects of monarchy to pursue their selfish desires in order to derive public benefits. However, Montesquieu did not conceive honour in connection with the liberal motif of the invisible hand; rather, he conceived honour in connection with the pursuit of glory. By combining honour and virtue, Montesquieu conceived a type of motivation that can foster the preservation of liberty in modernity. This motivation enables individuals to enjoy their liberty in times of peace by pursuing their selfish desires; in times of crisis, it inclines them to perform great actions in order to defend that liberty against political oppression. Considering Montesquieu's type can aid liberalism’s account of political motivations in the contemporary debate.
2016-12-01T00:00:00ZAktoudianakis, AndreasLiberal thinkers have suggested different theories that legitimise the state’s various processes, institutions, and use of coercive power. However, their theories cannot account for those motivations that cause men to put their lives in danger when standing against political oppression. The study of Montesquieu's theory of government can aid liberalism’s incomplete account of the political motivations that incline men to defend their liberty. Toward this end, this thesis studies Montesquieu's notions of virtue and honour, and challenges the meaning they have been accorded in previous studies. This thesis suggests that Montesquieu combined these notions in order to conceive a type of motivation that inclines individuals to defend their liberty against encroachment. In order to recover this type of motivation, this study will adopt an approach of close textual analysis with attention to the context. Virtue and honour play a crucial role in Montesquieu’s political thought because they foster the preservation of government. Virtue inclines citizens in republics to act with self-sacrifice. However, that virtue does not aim toward the attainment of excellence or of God’s grace; rather, Montesquieu conceived virtue in relation to public utility. Honour inclines the subjects of monarchy to pursue their selfish desires in order to derive public benefits. However, Montesquieu did not conceive honour in connection with the liberal motif of the invisible hand; rather, he conceived honour in connection with the pursuit of glory. By combining honour and virtue, Montesquieu conceived a type of motivation that can foster the preservation of liberty in modernity. This motivation enables individuals to enjoy their liberty in times of peace by pursuing their selfish desires; in times of crisis, it inclines them to perform great actions in order to defend that liberty against political oppression. Considering Montesquieu's type can aid liberalism’s account of political motivations in the contemporary debate.Resolving the post-election violence and developing transitional justice institutions through power sharing : power and ideology in Kenya's quest for justice and reconciliation : a justice without punishment?Azman, Muhammad Danialhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/96172016-10-06T15:46:15Z2015-01-01T00:00:00Z2015-01-01T00:00:00ZAzman, Muhammad DanialThe political, communal and religious dynamics of Palestinian Christian identity : the Eastern Orthodox and Latin Catholics in the West BankCoffey, Quinnhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95982016-10-04T08:23:13Z2016-11-01T00:00:00ZDespite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society.
This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.
2016-11-01T00:00:00ZCoffey, QuinnDespite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society.
This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.Human rights and global constitutionalismReilly, Jonathanhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/94742016-11-23T12:05:38Z2015-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the contributions to the global constitutional process made by the
human rights machinery of the United Nations. To do this, it considers the philosophical and
theoretical positions related to understanding constitutionalism either as government or as
governance. This contrast is then used to help develop the idea of the constitutional process,
which is followed by a translation of these ideas into the international realm. Subsequently, it
examines the United Nations Human Rights Council from the perspective of a polycentric
international society. This is then followed by an examination of the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights from a cosmopolitan perspective. Ultimately,
it is concluded that, whilst the existing contributions made by these organs are seemingly
negligible, the particular theoretical approach undertaken is successful in highlighting certain
opportunities for reforms that have hitherto been unexamined.
2015-01-01T00:00:00ZReilly, JonathanThis thesis examines the contributions to the global constitutional process made by the
human rights machinery of the United Nations. To do this, it considers the philosophical and
theoretical positions related to understanding constitutionalism either as government or as
governance. This contrast is then used to help develop the idea of the constitutional process,
which is followed by a translation of these ideas into the international realm. Subsequently, it
examines the United Nations Human Rights Council from the perspective of a polycentric
international society. This is then followed by an examination of the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights from a cosmopolitan perspective. Ultimately,
it is concluded that, whilst the existing contributions made by these organs are seemingly
negligible, the particular theoretical approach undertaken is successful in highlighting certain
opportunities for reforms that have hitherto been unexamined.A theory of war as conflict without rulesFlaherty, Christopherhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/94382016-10-19T14:25:40Z2017-06-19T00:00:00ZTheoretical understandings of war have been dominated by the thought of Clausewitz for a number of decades. His thought is valid in many respects, but for various reasons it is open to misinterpretation and misunderstanding; furthermore, a number of his observations (particularly on the prevalence of chance and uncertainty in war) are not fully explored and substantiated theoretically. This thesis is an attempt to present and elucidate a new theoretical understanding of war’s nature which complements Clausewitz’s theories and addresses these concerns: this is the understanding of war as a form of violent conflict which is not bound by rules.
The thesis consists of five main chapters. The first is an in-depth study of Clausewitz, which will provide an exegesis of his theories and highlight the deficiencies in his thought, before positing how understanding war as ‘violent conflict without rules’ could be used to address and explain them. The second chapter is a study of the theory of rules, examining in particular the role they play in moderating conflict: we can find that amongst other things, rules lend predictability and psychological security to a contest, restrict the scope of physical harm and tend to preserve the political and social status quo. As war lacks rules (in the sense that there are no ‘rules of war’ as there are ‘rules of chess’), it therefore lacks these benefits. A following chapter on the laws and customs of war will address cases where war appears to be bound by rules, and clarify my position.
The final two chapters explore the implications of war’s lack of rules with reference to two areas which are most commonly associated with war. The fourth chapter on strategy will explore how this military concept is necessitated by war’s ruleless nature; the final chapter will examine the uniquely violent, physical nature of war through the same theoretical prism, and will show how the technological innovation associated with war is a consequence of its lack of regulation, and a potent contributor to the chance and uncertainty which plagues warfare.
2017-06-19T00:00:00ZFlaherty, ChristopherTheoretical understandings of war have been dominated by the thought of Clausewitz for a number of decades. His thought is valid in many respects, but for various reasons it is open to misinterpretation and misunderstanding; furthermore, a number of his observations (particularly on the prevalence of chance and uncertainty in war) are not fully explored and substantiated theoretically. This thesis is an attempt to present and elucidate a new theoretical understanding of war’s nature which complements Clausewitz’s theories and addresses these concerns: this is the understanding of war as a form of violent conflict which is not bound by rules.
The thesis consists of five main chapters. The first is an in-depth study of Clausewitz, which will provide an exegesis of his theories and highlight the deficiencies in his thought, before positing how understanding war as ‘violent conflict without rules’ could be used to address and explain them. The second chapter is a study of the theory of rules, examining in particular the role they play in moderating conflict: we can find that amongst other things, rules lend predictability and psychological security to a contest, restrict the scope of physical harm and tend to preserve the political and social status quo. As war lacks rules (in the sense that there are no ‘rules of war’ as there are ‘rules of chess’), it therefore lacks these benefits. A following chapter on the laws and customs of war will address cases where war appears to be bound by rules, and clarify my position.
The final two chapters explore the implications of war’s lack of rules with reference to two areas which are most commonly associated with war. The fourth chapter on strategy will explore how this military concept is necessitated by war’s ruleless nature; the final chapter will examine the uniquely violent, physical nature of war through the same theoretical prism, and will show how the technological innovation associated with war is a consequence of its lack of regulation, and a potent contributor to the chance and uncertainty which plagues warfare.Terrorism in Indonesia : an examination of ten radical groupsJerard, Jolenehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/93242016-10-19T14:22:15Z2015-06-01T00:00:00ZThe study is based on the hypothesis that there are forces of influence that push a
group from extremism to terrorism. While not all groups make the shift to terrorism,
there are inherent forces within the radical group that influence the course of action
undertaken by groups. The study examines 10 radical groups in Indonesia and
explores the question: How do ideology, leadership and group dynamics play a
significant role in the radical groups in Indonesia?
The study explored groups within a broad cross-section of terrorist and extremist
groups that have either been in operation or are currently in operation in Indonesia
The groups examined were Lashkar Jihad (LJ), Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Darul Islam
(DI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Negara Islam Indonesia (NII), Hizbut Tahrir
Indonesia (HT), Majelis Mujahideen Indonesia (MMI), Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid
(JAT), Al Qaeda Indonesia (AI) and Mujahideen Indonesia Timur (MIT).
The study highlights that groups are able to sustain themselves on the path of
terrorism if there is a unique confluence of a politicised ideology, presence of
influential leadership and group dynamics. Based on 124 interviews and
questionnaires of terrorist and extremist leadership and cadre, the study sheds light on
unique dynamics within these groups in Indonesia. In an examination of the 10 radical
groups, this study shows that the very factors that often influences the radicalisation
of individuals on the pathway of terrorism – ideology, charismatic leadership and
community affiliation through group dynamics also in turn influence the course of
action of groups as a whole.
2015-06-01T00:00:00ZJerard, JoleneThe study is based on the hypothesis that there are forces of influence that push a
group from extremism to terrorism. While not all groups make the shift to terrorism,
there are inherent forces within the radical group that influence the course of action
undertaken by groups. The study examines 10 radical groups in Indonesia and
explores the question: How do ideology, leadership and group dynamics play a
significant role in the radical groups in Indonesia?
The study explored groups within a broad cross-section of terrorist and extremist
groups that have either been in operation or are currently in operation in Indonesia
The groups examined were Lashkar Jihad (LJ), Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Darul Islam
(DI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Negara Islam Indonesia (NII), Hizbut Tahrir
Indonesia (HT), Majelis Mujahideen Indonesia (MMI), Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid
(JAT), Al Qaeda Indonesia (AI) and Mujahideen Indonesia Timur (MIT).
The study highlights that groups are able to sustain themselves on the path of
terrorism if there is a unique confluence of a politicised ideology, presence of
influential leadership and group dynamics. Based on 124 interviews and
questionnaires of terrorist and extremist leadership and cadre, the study sheds light on
unique dynamics within these groups in Indonesia. In an examination of the 10 radical
groups, this study shows that the very factors that often influences the radicalisation
of individuals on the pathway of terrorism – ideology, charismatic leadership and
community affiliation through group dynamics also in turn influence the course of
action of groups as a whole.The contestation of nonintervention : international order and emergence of the responsibility to protect (R2P)Lind, Peter Spearshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/93182016-10-19T14:21:22Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines how the norm of nonintervention has interacted with the norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to construct a new normative architecture of international order. Nonintervention has long served as a deeply embedded norm in the international normative architecture. However, conflicting interpretations of how to respond in cases of egregious intra-state human rights abuses have fuelled contestation surrounding the potential for international protection measures including the projection of force. Drawing from international relations theory, I embrace a social constructivist approach with insights from the English School to explore the nature of normative structures and their role in undergirding international society. While foreign policy decisions reflect a spectrum of normative and non-normative considerations, norms serve as resources that guide and shape the behaviour of actors. Outlining the emergence of R2P and its invocation through empirical cases of mass atrocities in Sri Lanka (2009), Libya (2011), and Syria (2011-2015), this thesis traces the contestation of nonintervention through cases of intra-state humanitarian crises. I conclude that nonintervention has recurrently challenged R2P as a means of securing international order and the rights of independent political communities, with its persistent salience serving as a barrier to intervention and more expansive interpretations of R2P.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZLind, Peter SpearsThis thesis examines how the norm of nonintervention has interacted with the norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to construct a new normative architecture of international order. Nonintervention has long served as a deeply embedded norm in the international normative architecture. However, conflicting interpretations of how to respond in cases of egregious intra-state human rights abuses have fuelled contestation surrounding the potential for international protection measures including the projection of force. Drawing from international relations theory, I embrace a social constructivist approach with insights from the English School to explore the nature of normative structures and their role in undergirding international society. While foreign policy decisions reflect a spectrum of normative and non-normative considerations, norms serve as resources that guide and shape the behaviour of actors. Outlining the emergence of R2P and its invocation through empirical cases of mass atrocities in Sri Lanka (2009), Libya (2011), and Syria (2011-2015), this thesis traces the contestation of nonintervention through cases of intra-state humanitarian crises. I conclude that nonintervention has recurrently challenged R2P as a means of securing international order and the rights of independent political communities, with its persistent salience serving as a barrier to intervention and more expansive interpretations of R2P.The problematic alliance between reconstruction and objectivity in international theoryLindenlaub, Hanshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/93112016-10-19T14:17:17Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis aims to critique three leading advocates of a particular strand of post-positivism, which has become influential in contemporary international theory, and
which is characterized by three defining features: the idea that a proper understanding
of the world requires taking into account the intrinsically contingent character of that
world, which is developed in opposition to the positivist philosophy of science; the
attempt to conceptualize the contingent coming about of identities and practices as an
ongoing and open process of intersubjective (re-) constitution; and the aim to
understand this ongoing intersubjective constitution in a way that excludes normative
judgements. The main purpose of the thesis is to point out a tension between these three
features. What it argues is that the conceptualization of practices as intersubjectively
constituted stands in tension with both the aim to account for the contingent character
of these practices and the aim to understand these practices in a way that excludes
normative judgements. In particular, the thesis attempts to point out three problems that
arise from the combination of these three aims: first, it argues that the notion of
intersubjective constitution entails a particular kind of determinism, which undermines
the post-positivists' aim to account for the contingent character of practices; second, the
thesis argues that this notion inevitably entails a normative stance by the theorist, which
undermines the post-positivists' aim to understand intersubjective process of in a way
that excludes normative judgements; third, it argues that, in the post-positivist empirical
analyses, this normative stance is never defended and, as a result, entails the arbitrary
privileging of particular moral attitudes over others. The main implication of this
critique suggest the need for a fundamentally different notion of social scientific
understanding, which explicitly recognizes and grounds the role of moral judgements.
A minor implication is that contemporary cosmopolitan agendas in world politics seem
inherently flawed.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZLindenlaub, HansThis thesis aims to critique three leading advocates of a particular strand of post-positivism, which has become influential in contemporary international theory, and
which is characterized by three defining features: the idea that a proper understanding
of the world requires taking into account the intrinsically contingent character of that
world, which is developed in opposition to the positivist philosophy of science; the
attempt to conceptualize the contingent coming about of identities and practices as an
ongoing and open process of intersubjective (re-) constitution; and the aim to
understand this ongoing intersubjective constitution in a way that excludes normative
judgements. The main purpose of the thesis is to point out a tension between these three
features. What it argues is that the conceptualization of practices as intersubjectively
constituted stands in tension with both the aim to account for the contingent character
of these practices and the aim to understand these practices in a way that excludes
normative judgements. In particular, the thesis attempts to point out three problems that
arise from the combination of these three aims: first, it argues that the notion of
intersubjective constitution entails a particular kind of determinism, which undermines
the post-positivists' aim to account for the contingent character of practices; second, the
thesis argues that this notion inevitably entails a normative stance by the theorist, which
undermines the post-positivists' aim to understand intersubjective process of in a way
that excludes normative judgements; third, it argues that, in the post-positivist empirical
analyses, this normative stance is never defended and, as a result, entails the arbitrary
privileging of particular moral attitudes over others. The main implication of this
critique suggest the need for a fundamentally different notion of social scientific
understanding, which explicitly recognizes and grounds the role of moral judgements.
A minor implication is that contemporary cosmopolitan agendas in world politics seem
inherently flawed.Muddy waters : framing littoral maritime security through the lens of the Broken Windows theoryTallis, Joshuahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/90282016-10-19T15:42:01Z2016-12-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation explores the growing field of study around Maritime Security. While an
increasingly common sub-heading in American naval strategy documents, maritime
security operations are largely framed around individual threats (i.e. counter-piracy,
counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics). Here, we endeavor to explore how a seemingly
disparate set of transnational issues fit into a more coherent framework to give greater
theoretical substance to the notion of Maritime Security as a distinct concept. In
particular, we examine, as our research question, whether the Broken Windows theory, a
criminological construct of social disorganization, provides the lens through which to
theorize maritime security in the littorals. By extrapolating from criminology, this
dissertation engages with a small but growing impulse in studies on insurgencies,
terrorism, and piracy to look beyond classic theories of security to better understand
phenomena of political violence.
To evaluate our research question, we begin by identifying two critical components of the
Broken Windows theory, multidimensionality and context specificity.
Multidimensionality refers to the web of interrelated individuals, organizations, and
infrastructure upon which crime operates. Context specificity refers to the powerful
influence of an individual or community’s environment on behavior. These two themes,
as explored in this dissertation, are brought into stark relief through an application of the
Broken Windows theory.
Leveraging this understanding of the theory, we explore our research question by
employing process-tracing and detailed descriptions across three case studies (one
primary and two illustrative)—the Caribbean Basin, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Straits of
Malacca and Singapore. In so doing, we demonstrate how applying the lens that Broken
Windows provides yields new and interesting perspectives on maritime security. As a
consequence, this dissertation offers an example of a theoretical framework that provides
greater continuity to the missions or threats frequently binned under the heading of
maritime security, but infrequently associated with one another in the literature.
2016-12-01T00:00:00ZTallis, JoshuaThis dissertation explores the growing field of study around Maritime Security. While an
increasingly common sub-heading in American naval strategy documents, maritime
security operations are largely framed around individual threats (i.e. counter-piracy,
counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics). Here, we endeavor to explore how a seemingly
disparate set of transnational issues fit into a more coherent framework to give greater
theoretical substance to the notion of Maritime Security as a distinct concept. In
particular, we examine, as our research question, whether the Broken Windows theory, a
criminological construct of social disorganization, provides the lens through which to
theorize maritime security in the littorals. By extrapolating from criminology, this
dissertation engages with a small but growing impulse in studies on insurgencies,
terrorism, and piracy to look beyond classic theories of security to better understand
phenomena of political violence.
To evaluate our research question, we begin by identifying two critical components of the
Broken Windows theory, multidimensionality and context specificity.
Multidimensionality refers to the web of interrelated individuals, organizations, and
infrastructure upon which crime operates. Context specificity refers to the powerful
influence of an individual or community’s environment on behavior. These two themes,
as explored in this dissertation, are brought into stark relief through an application of the
Broken Windows theory.
Leveraging this understanding of the theory, we explore our research question by
employing process-tracing and detailed descriptions across three case studies (one
primary and two illustrative)—the Caribbean Basin, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Straits of
Malacca and Singapore. In so doing, we demonstrate how applying the lens that Broken
Windows provides yields new and interesting perspectives on maritime security. As a
consequence, this dissertation offers an example of a theoretical framework that provides
greater continuity to the missions or threats frequently binned under the heading of
maritime security, but infrequently associated with one another in the literature.Rowland Kenney and British propaganda in Norway, 1916-1942Buvarp, Paul Magnus Hjertvikhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/86472016-10-20T09:04:52Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZRowland Kenney was a British propaganda agent operating in Norway during both the First World War and the Second World War. He has been forgotten by history but the re-discovery of his private collection of materials allows for an analysis of his work. Kenney was deeply involved in the development of propaganda policy and practice. In the First World War, his work in Norway resulted in thousands of pro-British articles appearing in the Norwegian press as well as the realignment of the Norwegian national news agency. In the interwar years, in spite of severe medical difficulties, Kenney continued to work within the field of propaganda, becoming instrumental in the establishment of the British Council. At the start of the Second World War, he returned again to Norway, but was forced to flee during the German invasion of April 1940. During the Second World War, Kenney became the Director of the Northern Section of the Foreign Division in the Ministry of Information where he continued to affect policy-creation and the development of propaganda. There is no doubt that Kenney was a key figure in this development. His professional network and his varied roles within the propaganda bureaucracy speak to his level of involvement, and his documented accomplishments even more so. Finally discovering Kenney’s story and his impact illustrates vividly a few aspects of how the practice of propaganda mutated and changed between 1916 and 1942.
2016-06-21T00:00:00ZBuvarp, Paul Magnus HjertvikRowland Kenney was a British propaganda agent operating in Norway during both the First World War and the Second World War. He has been forgotten by history but the re-discovery of his private collection of materials allows for an analysis of his work. Kenney was deeply involved in the development of propaganda policy and practice. In the First World War, his work in Norway resulted in thousands of pro-British articles appearing in the Norwegian press as well as the realignment of the Norwegian national news agency. In the interwar years, in spite of severe medical difficulties, Kenney continued to work within the field of propaganda, becoming instrumental in the establishment of the British Council. At the start of the Second World War, he returned again to Norway, but was forced to flee during the German invasion of April 1940. During the Second World War, Kenney became the Director of the Northern Section of the Foreign Division in the Ministry of Information where he continued to affect policy-creation and the development of propaganda. There is no doubt that Kenney was a key figure in this development. His professional network and his varied roles within the propaganda bureaucracy speak to his level of involvement, and his documented accomplishments even more so. Finally discovering Kenney’s story and his impact illustrates vividly a few aspects of how the practice of propaganda mutated and changed between 1916 and 1942.Spoiler alert? : the effects of pro-government militias on post-civil war peace agreementsSolomon-Strauss, Hannah M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/86262016-04-19T23:15:31Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZWhy do some peace agreements last longer than others? The literature speaks of “spoilers”—parties excluded from the negotiations who turn to violence to undermine the agreement—and identifies the risk that opposition groups excluded from negotiations will become spoilers. But the spoiler does not always fight for the opposition. The government party in these conflicts has erroneously been assumed to be unitary. In fact, pro-government militias—armed, organized groups that support the government but are not part of the regular armed forces—are important actors. This project questions the unitary government assumption that is common in the literature.
I propose to analyze these militias as if they were bureaucracies within the state: either they are delegated power, or they seize autonomy. These two models of bureaucratic behavior illuminate the relationships between militias and their government, and suggest how to manage militias in post-conflict situations.
My project proceeds in two stages. A statistical regression analysis finds that peace agreements fail more often when they are concluded while at least one militia was active. Importantly, militias that are closely tied to their governments, and militias that target noncombatants, are especially detrimental to the likelihood of peace. Case studies illuminate these findings. Two successful peace agreements and one failed agreement illustrate how militias act as spoilers and how negotiators used different approaches to address the spoilers.
These findings advance theoretical and practical knowledge of militias and peace processes. There are of course further questions. When do peace agreements really produce a better state of affairs? When do “spoilers” have legitimate grievances? I express no judgments on these questions. I aim only to shed light on how peace might be achieved, on the assumption that some- times it is worth bringing about.
2016-06-21T00:00:00ZSolomon-Strauss, Hannah M.Why do some peace agreements last longer than others? The literature speaks of “spoilers”—parties excluded from the negotiations who turn to violence to undermine the agreement—and identifies the risk that opposition groups excluded from negotiations will become spoilers. But the spoiler does not always fight for the opposition. The government party in these conflicts has erroneously been assumed to be unitary. In fact, pro-government militias—armed, organized groups that support the government but are not part of the regular armed forces—are important actors. This project questions the unitary government assumption that is common in the literature.
I propose to analyze these militias as if they were bureaucracies within the state: either they are delegated power, or they seize autonomy. These two models of bureaucratic behavior illuminate the relationships between militias and their government, and suggest how to manage militias in post-conflict situations.
My project proceeds in two stages. A statistical regression analysis finds that peace agreements fail more often when they are concluded while at least one militia was active. Importantly, militias that are closely tied to their governments, and militias that target noncombatants, are especially detrimental to the likelihood of peace. Case studies illuminate these findings. Two successful peace agreements and one failed agreement illustrate how militias act as spoilers and how negotiators used different approaches to address the spoilers.
These findings advance theoretical and practical knowledge of militias and peace processes. There are of course further questions. When do peace agreements really produce a better state of affairs? When do “spoilers” have legitimate grievances? I express no judgments on these questions. I aim only to shed light on how peace might be achieved, on the assumption that some- times it is worth bringing about.The dynamics of the terrorist state : a comparative analysis of the effect of policy decisions and structural factors upon the shape of state terrorismClaridge, Davidhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/85612016-10-20T09:29:27Z1999-01-01T00:00:00ZThis study employs Alexander George's 'structured, focused comparison'
methodology for small-N comparative analysis, in an attempt to address
some of the gaps in the theoretical literature on state terrorism. An
examination of that literature, both in the historical and social science
traditions, highlights various attempts to theorise about the processes by
which states attempt to influence the behaviour of their domestic
populations through violence. However, these have overwhelmingly
concentrated upon the question of why state terrorism occurs. The
question of how states terrorise has rarely been considered. This study,
then, is a heuristic evaluation of the process of terror after the decision to
initiate it has been taken.
It is suggested that solutions that will help to ameliorate the
human suffering and destabilisation caused by state terrorism are likely to
emerge from within the international community. However, in order for
the various governmental and non-governmental international
organisations to tackle the issue they must fully understand the dynamics
of terrorist states.
A definitional model of state terrorism is developed, building
upon existing concepts of state and sub-state violence. The model is then
used to identify appropriate cases for further examination. A number of
potential cases are highlighted, with Indonesia and East Timor (1975-1995)
and Guatemala (1978-1995) finally being selected. A research design is
formulated to examine the cases in the context of existing theory.
In conducting the case studies according the research design it is
postulated that while the initial impetus for state terrorism must come
from the regime, the most effective means of ensuring an efficient terror
campaign is to create semi-autonomous units with a direct overlap of
responsibility. These units are then allowed to innovate in their selection
of targets and tactics. It is noted that states are sensitive to pressure from
the international community, and will often respond by disbanding
offending units in an attempt to de-escalate violence. However, the
perpetrators of human rights violations are rarely punished. Impunity is
the engine of state terrorism.
It is concluded that the broader realist tradition of international
relations provides a revealing framework to assist our understanding of
how states react to extreme challenges to their domestic authority. It is
argued that in conducting wars against their own populations states
mimic the conditions of the international environment. Likewise, the
most powerful players in the international community (other states)
respond according to concerns of power politics. It is concluded that only
by providing independent international bodies to tackle impunity, such
as an International Criminal Court, can state terrorism be undermined.
1999-01-01T00:00:00ZClaridge, DavidThis study employs Alexander George's 'structured, focused comparison'
methodology for small-N comparative analysis, in an attempt to address
some of the gaps in the theoretical literature on state terrorism. An
examination of that literature, both in the historical and social science
traditions, highlights various attempts to theorise about the processes by
which states attempt to influence the behaviour of their domestic
populations through violence. However, these have overwhelmingly
concentrated upon the question of why state terrorism occurs. The
question of how states terrorise has rarely been considered. This study,
then, is a heuristic evaluation of the process of terror after the decision to
initiate it has been taken.
It is suggested that solutions that will help to ameliorate the
human suffering and destabilisation caused by state terrorism are likely to
emerge from within the international community. However, in order for
the various governmental and non-governmental international
organisations to tackle the issue they must fully understand the dynamics
of terrorist states.
A definitional model of state terrorism is developed, building
upon existing concepts of state and sub-state violence. The model is then
used to identify appropriate cases for further examination. A number of
potential cases are highlighted, with Indonesia and East Timor (1975-1995)
and Guatemala (1978-1995) finally being selected. A research design is
formulated to examine the cases in the context of existing theory.
In conducting the case studies according the research design it is
postulated that while the initial impetus for state terrorism must come
from the regime, the most effective means of ensuring an efficient terror
campaign is to create semi-autonomous units with a direct overlap of
responsibility. These units are then allowed to innovate in their selection
of targets and tactics. It is noted that states are sensitive to pressure from
the international community, and will often respond by disbanding
offending units in an attempt to de-escalate violence. However, the
perpetrators of human rights violations are rarely punished. Impunity is
the engine of state terrorism.
It is concluded that the broader realist tradition of international
relations provides a revealing framework to assist our understanding of
how states react to extreme challenges to their domestic authority. It is
argued that in conducting wars against their own populations states
mimic the conditions of the international environment. Likewise, the
most powerful players in the international community (other states)
respond according to concerns of power politics. It is concluded that only
by providing independent international bodies to tackle impunity, such
as an International Criminal Court, can state terrorism be undermined.Understanding small infantry unit behaviour and cohesion : the case of the Scots Guards and the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders (Princess Louise’s) in Northern Ireland, 1971-1972Burke, Edwardhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/85072016-10-20T09:20:08Z2016-06-21T00:00:00Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZBurke, EdwardCultural encounters in a global age : knowledge, alterity and the world in Mexico-China relations (1972-2012)Antonio-Alfonso, Franciscohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/83502016-03-28T13:26:02Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZMexico and China established official diplomatic relations in 1972. Since then, their mutual economic, political and social links have been developed in an unprecedented way. However, from the perspective of International Relations, the analytical richness of the relationship is obscured by hegemonic conceptualisations of global power, materiality or teleological truths. The literature dealing with the relation in itself has not prioritised a theoretical or holistic approach. Through an analysis of the discursive production of a series of diplomatic, media and academic sources, this thesis demonstrates that, embedded in the great technological and political transformations of the contemporary world, Mexico‐China relations have embodied a complex process of knowledge formation out of the confrontation of their socially constructed conceptions of time, space and otherness: a cultural encounter. During the period from 1972‐2012, not only did Mexico‐China relations involve state and trade interactions, but also a complex intellectual construction of the world and of themselves ranging from the formation of a common anti‐Western identity and the erection of binary oppositions between them, to the formulation of rich proposals for self-criticism and cultural learning. Mexico-China cultural encounter, therefore, provides a fundamental case for understanding world politics and human interaction from a truly global perspective beyond reductionist views of materiality.
2016-06-21T00:00:00ZAntonio-Alfonso, FranciscoMexico and China established official diplomatic relations in 1972. Since then, their mutual economic, political and social links have been developed in an unprecedented way. However, from the perspective of International Relations, the analytical richness of the relationship is obscured by hegemonic conceptualisations of global power, materiality or teleological truths. The literature dealing with the relation in itself has not prioritised a theoretical or holistic approach. Through an analysis of the discursive production of a series of diplomatic, media and academic sources, this thesis demonstrates that, embedded in the great technological and political transformations of the contemporary world, Mexico‐China relations have embodied a complex process of knowledge formation out of the confrontation of their socially constructed conceptions of time, space and otherness: a cultural encounter. During the period from 1972‐2012, not only did Mexico‐China relations involve state and trade interactions, but also a complex intellectual construction of the world and of themselves ranging from the formation of a common anti‐Western identity and the erection of binary oppositions between them, to the formulation of rich proposals for self-criticism and cultural learning. Mexico-China cultural encounter, therefore, provides a fundamental case for understanding world politics and human interaction from a truly global perspective beyond reductionist views of materiality.The dogs that didn't bark : political violence and nationalism in Scotland, Wales and EnglandBrooke, Nicholashttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/80792016-10-20T10:32:17Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZThe literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt.
This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. I argue no single factor can determine whether or not a national movement will adopt violent methods, but that key to this outcome is the way in which national identity is constructed. Additionally, I suggest that states can decrease the likelihood that nationalist movements will turn to violence by ensuring non-violent means of political mobilisation are perceived as legitimate and viable alternatives, and that the absence of precipitating factors (such as an overly aggressive state response or an existing precedent for violent revolt) will further reduce the risk.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZBrooke, NicholasThe literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt.
This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. I argue no single factor can determine whether or not a national movement will adopt violent methods, but that key to this outcome is the way in which national identity is constructed. Additionally, I suggest that states can decrease the likelihood that nationalist movements will turn to violence by ensuring non-violent means of political mobilisation are perceived as legitimate and viable alternatives, and that the absence of precipitating factors (such as an overly aggressive state response or an existing precedent for violent revolt) will further reduce the risk.From subjectivity to agency : Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt on "refugees", "problems" and "solutions"Saunders, Natasha E. G.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/79942016-05-23T11:12:01Z2016-06-21T00:00:00ZThis thesis makes a historically grounded theoretical contribution to an emerging “critical” approach to refugee studies. Utilising the insights of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt, it seeks to reconceptualise academic and policy understandings of what has come to be known as “the refugee problem" through an examination and critique of its (implicit) conceptual foundations. The thesis proceeds through a series of historically-informed moves oriented by the relationship between power, subjectivity, and agency, and argues that the key to reconceptualising the refugee problem lies in understanding how these three concepts rely upon and reinforce one another in a particular historically contingent configuration.
The objectives of this thesis are threefold and connected. First, it unpacks a deceptively unproblematic term, “the refugee problem” to reveal the complicity of understanding the “refugee (as) problem” in perpetuating the plight of increasing numbers of the world’s population, despite the alleviation of the difficulties these people face being the professed goal of the refugee regime. Second, in so doing it contributes to a growing body of literature seeking to counter the voicelessness and abjection into which refugees and asylum seekers are cast. And third, on the basis of this, to begin a conversation about rethinking the nature of the “solutions” we seek to a reframed “refugee problem.”
Engaging in a (Foucaultian) genealogical analysis of “the refugee problem”, the first half of the thesis charts the historically-contingent development of a distinct “refugee problem discourse”, revealing that the construction of refugees as passive victims of political forces is the effect both of such discourse and of the international refugee regime as a classificatory regime of truth and subjectivity, rather than an expression of any essential nature of “the refugee.” The thesis then turns to Hannah Arendt’s work as a theoretical lens through which to reframe our understanding of the “refugee problem” and to investigate how to identify and open up creative forces for re-subjectification processes and “solutions” not tied to the classificatory and subjectivising logic of the refugee regime or sovereign state system. Practices of rights claiming, and the City of Sanctuary movement in the UK are examined as two such processes, with the potential of posing “counter-narratives” of problems and solutions which challenge the technocratic, or population-management, approach of the refugee regime.
2016-06-21T00:00:00ZSaunders, Natasha E. G.This thesis makes a historically grounded theoretical contribution to an emerging “critical” approach to refugee studies. Utilising the insights of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt, it seeks to reconceptualise academic and policy understandings of what has come to be known as “the refugee problem" through an examination and critique of its (implicit) conceptual foundations. The thesis proceeds through a series of historically-informed moves oriented by the relationship between power, subjectivity, and agency, and argues that the key to reconceptualising the refugee problem lies in understanding how these three concepts rely upon and reinforce one another in a particular historically contingent configuration.
The objectives of this thesis are threefold and connected. First, it unpacks a deceptively unproblematic term, “the refugee problem” to reveal the complicity of understanding the “refugee (as) problem” in perpetuating the plight of increasing numbers of the world’s population, despite the alleviation of the difficulties these people face being the professed goal of the refugee regime. Second, in so doing it contributes to a growing body of literature seeking to counter the voicelessness and abjection into which refugees and asylum seekers are cast. And third, on the basis of this, to begin a conversation about rethinking the nature of the “solutions” we seek to a reframed “refugee problem.”
Engaging in a (Foucaultian) genealogical analysis of “the refugee problem”, the first half of the thesis charts the historically-contingent development of a distinct “refugee problem discourse”, revealing that the construction of refugees as passive victims of political forces is the effect both of such discourse and of the international refugee regime as a classificatory regime of truth and subjectivity, rather than an expression of any essential nature of “the refugee.” The thesis then turns to Hannah Arendt’s work as a theoretical lens through which to reframe our understanding of the “refugee problem” and to investigate how to identify and open up creative forces for re-subjectification processes and “solutions” not tied to the classificatory and subjectivising logic of the refugee regime or sovereign state system. Practices of rights claiming, and the City of Sanctuary movement in the UK are examined as two such processes, with the potential of posing “counter-narratives” of problems and solutions which challenge the technocratic, or population-management, approach of the refugee regime.Hannah Arendt and the political : the contemporary challenges posed by sovereignty, nationalism and imperialismNicholas, Donnahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/78552016-03-28T13:26:42Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt’s thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt’s thoughts on three ‘anti-political’ impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt’s text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find’ in Arendt’s work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZNicholas, DonnaThis thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt’s thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt’s thoughts on three ‘anti-political’ impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt’s text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find’ in Arendt’s work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.National oil companies and state actors : an assessment of the role of Petronas and ONGC in the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India using the example of overseas investments in Sudan and South SudanSteinecke, Timhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/77652016-08-09T09:22:42Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZThe thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia’s Petronas and India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZSteinecke, TimThe thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia’s Petronas and India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.Judging for the world : philosophies of existence, narrative imagination, and the ambiguity of political judgementMrovlje, Mašahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/74502016-03-28T13:06:50Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZThe thesis inquires into the theme of political judgement and aims to rethink it from the perspective of twentieth-century philosophies of existence. It seeks to take up the contemporary challenge of political judgement that remains inadequately addressed within recent theorizing: how, given the modern breakdown of metaphysical absolutes, to reinvigorate the human capacity for political judgement as a practical activity able to confront the ambiguous, plural and complex character of our postfoundational world. Against this background, the thesis aspires to reclaim the distinctly historical orientation of twentieth-century existentialism, in particular the work of Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Albert Camus and Hannah Arendt. It draws on their aesthetic sensibility to resuscitate the human judging ability in its worldly ambiguity and point towards an account of political judgement capable of facing up to the challenges of our plural and uncertain political reality. Retrieving their vigilant assumption of the situated, worldly condition of human political existence and the attendant perplexity of judging politically, the aim of the thesis is to suggest how the existentialists’ insights can be brought to bear on contemporary problematics of political judgement that seem to elude the grasp of abstract standards and predetermined yardsticks.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZMrovlje, MašaThe thesis inquires into the theme of political judgement and aims to rethink it from the perspective of twentieth-century philosophies of existence. It seeks to take up the contemporary challenge of political judgement that remains inadequately addressed within recent theorizing: how, given the modern breakdown of metaphysical absolutes, to reinvigorate the human capacity for political judgement as a practical activity able to confront the ambiguous, plural and complex character of our postfoundational world. Against this background, the thesis aspires to reclaim the distinctly historical orientation of twentieth-century existentialism, in particular the work of Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Albert Camus and Hannah Arendt. It draws on their aesthetic sensibility to resuscitate the human judging ability in its worldly ambiguity and point towards an account of political judgement capable of facing up to the challenges of our plural and uncertain political reality. Retrieving their vigilant assumption of the situated, worldly condition of human political existence and the attendant perplexity of judging politically, the aim of the thesis is to suggest how the existentialists’ insights can be brought to bear on contemporary problematics of political judgement that seem to elude the grasp of abstract standards and predetermined yardsticks.The portrait of an other : metaphor, stereotype and the drawing self in international perceptionsChernobrov, Dmitryhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/70662016-08-23T12:29:10Z2015-06-30T00:00:00Z2015-06-30T00:00:00ZChernobrov, DmitryThe alliances of a regional power : the case of Syria, 1970-1989Belcastro, Francescohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/69482017-07-26T08:35:27Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThe topic of this dissertation is the alliances of a regional power. The framework used to explain this central aspect of International Relations is the realist one, and particularly the work of the Classical Realist Arnold Wolfers. The regional, state and domestic dimension are integrated in order to provide an “updated realist” interpretation of alliances, why states form them, maintain them or break them. This dissertation seeks to recover the concept of state’s goals that was central to Classical Realism and then “abandoned” when Neorealism became the dominant Realist paradigm. The case studies used in this research is Syria during the 1970-1989 phase and particularly five pivotal relations: the Egypt 1973 war alliance, the 1978 failed détente with Iraq, the 1979 Damascus-Tehran alliance, the regional client-superpower alliance with the USSR and finally the relation with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. By analysing Syria’s foreign policy and particularly these five relations this dissertation show how a framework based on realism provides a coherent and insightful interpretation of a regional power’s foreign policy.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZBelcastro, FrancescoThe topic of this dissertation is the alliances of a regional power. The framework used to explain this central aspect of International Relations is the realist one, and particularly the work of the Classical Realist Arnold Wolfers. The regional, state and domestic dimension are integrated in order to provide an “updated realist” interpretation of alliances, why states form them, maintain them or break them. This dissertation seeks to recover the concept of state’s goals that was central to Classical Realism and then “abandoned” when Neorealism became the dominant Realist paradigm. The case studies used in this research is Syria during the 1970-1989 phase and particularly five pivotal relations: the Egypt 1973 war alliance, the 1978 failed détente with Iraq, the 1979 Damascus-Tehran alliance, the regional client-superpower alliance with the USSR and finally the relation with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. By analysing Syria’s foreign policy and particularly these five relations this dissertation show how a framework based on realism provides a coherent and insightful interpretation of a regional power’s foreign policy.Pulling back the curtain : an examination of the English Defence League and their use of FacebookReynolds, Teddyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/69272016-03-28T12:33:52Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZAs social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group’s mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZReynolds, TeddyAs social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group’s mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and ChicagoIves-Allison, Nicole D.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/69252016-03-28T13:06:39Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZAlthough the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZIves-Allison, Nicole D.Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014Kereselidze, Ninohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/68242016-03-28T12:59:34Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution.
The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature.
The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU’s policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZKereselidze, NinoThis assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution.
The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature.
The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU’s policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah’s experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013Bernhoff, Arthurhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/67292016-03-28T12:52:32Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis study investigates Hizb’allah’s successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi’a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb’allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement’s development and success that would encompass these multiple natures.
Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles’, a social movement ‘development model’ is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success’ of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization’ or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date’ or ‘inevitable outcome’ of social movements are also confronted.
This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb’allah’s strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour’ as Hizb’allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb’allah’s success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZBernhoff, ArthurThis study investigates Hizb’allah’s successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi’a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb’allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement’s development and success that would encompass these multiple natures.
Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles’, a social movement ‘development model’ is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success’ of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization’ or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date’ or ‘inevitable outcome’ of social movements are also confronted.
This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb’allah’s strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour’ as Hizb’allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb’allah’s success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.The concept of enmity in the political philosophy of HobbesJaede, Maximilianhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66792016-03-28T12:48:54Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZTo the author’s knowledge, this is the first systematic study of the concept of enmity in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. Examining this important category does not only elucidate the concept itself, but also provides an opportunity to reconnect fragments of Hobbes’s thought that are increasingly being treated as disparate subjects. It is suggested that the notion of enmity can shed further light on related aspects of his political philosophy, including human competitiveness, the roles of fear and trust, the evil of violent death, the status of rebels, and his theory of international relations. In addition, the subject invites a rethinking of Hobbes’s place in the history of political thought. It is argued that he was among the first to make enmity a central subject of political philosophy. This seems to be related to Hobbes’s break with the traditional notion of natural sociability, as a consequence of which he describes the natural condition of mankind as a war of all against all. Although Hobbes depicts human beings as natural enemies, he holds that enmity does not exclude the possibility of reconciliation; individuals can supposedly overcome their hostility through subjection to a sovereign. These views give rise to a dynamic distinction between public and private enmity, according to which outright hostility can be transformed into private rivalry if human beings renounce their natural right of war. Conversely, subjects become public enemies if they rebel against the sovereign. Hobbes’s views on natural enmity and reconciliation also have important implications for his theory of international relations. This thesis particularly highlights the possibility that states can be decomposed and reassembled after a foreign invasion, which precludes wars of annihilation.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZJaede, MaximilianTo the author’s knowledge, this is the first systematic study of the concept of enmity in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. Examining this important category does not only elucidate the concept itself, but also provides an opportunity to reconnect fragments of Hobbes’s thought that are increasingly being treated as disparate subjects. It is suggested that the notion of enmity can shed further light on related aspects of his political philosophy, including human competitiveness, the roles of fear and trust, the evil of violent death, the status of rebels, and his theory of international relations. In addition, the subject invites a rethinking of Hobbes’s place in the history of political thought. It is argued that he was among the first to make enmity a central subject of political philosophy. This seems to be related to Hobbes’s break with the traditional notion of natural sociability, as a consequence of which he describes the natural condition of mankind as a war of all against all. Although Hobbes depicts human beings as natural enemies, he holds that enmity does not exclude the possibility of reconciliation; individuals can supposedly overcome their hostility through subjection to a sovereign. These views give rise to a dynamic distinction between public and private enmity, according to which outright hostility can be transformed into private rivalry if human beings renounce their natural right of war. Conversely, subjects become public enemies if they rebel against the sovereign. Hobbes’s views on natural enmity and reconciliation also have important implications for his theory of international relations. This thesis particularly highlights the possibility that states can be decomposed and reassembled after a foreign invasion, which precludes wars of annihilation.The political economy of resistance in post-conflict South SudanYoung, Graemehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66082016-03-28T12:47:32Z2014-03-01T00:00:00ZDespite recent scholarly attention, the phenomenon of resistance in post-conflict
environments remains largely under-conceptualized. This represents a major shortcoming in the theory and praxis of post-conflict peacebuilding and development. Seeking to address this problem, this study explores how, why and by whom the economic dimensions of contemporary peacebuilding and development projects are contested in their local applications, using South Sudan as a case study. A theoretical framework for analysing resistance is proposed and subsequently employed to provide insights into activities that are cast as informal, illicit or illegitimate by dominant neoliberal orthodoxy. This is done in
three distinct yet overlapping ways. First, the role that informal economic activity plays in the political economy of post-conflict South Sudan is examined. Informal economic activity is conceptualized as a form of resistance to the failings of the formal sphere, but also as a form of power where agency is absent and that is encouraged as a type of local neoliberalism. Second, the legitimate/illegitimate and licit/illicit dichotomies that define
economic activity in post-conflict South Sudan are problematized through an exploration of current debates surrounding corruption and land tenure. These debates demonstrate how neoliberal economic orthodoxy breaks down and becomes redefined in its local contacts. Finally, the centre/periphery dynamics that define the political economy of South Sudan’s
borderlands are conceptualized in terms of power and resistance, and resistance is shown to be fundamentally tied to power in ways that are characterized by subjectivity and hybridity. Resistance plays an important role in post-conflict environments. Addressing its economic dimensions must be a central task of contemporary peacebuilding and development projects.
2014-03-01T00:00:00ZYoung, GraemeDespite recent scholarly attention, the phenomenon of resistance in post-conflict
environments remains largely under-conceptualized. This represents a major shortcoming in the theory and praxis of post-conflict peacebuilding and development. Seeking to address this problem, this study explores how, why and by whom the economic dimensions of contemporary peacebuilding and development projects are contested in their local applications, using South Sudan as a case study. A theoretical framework for analysing resistance is proposed and subsequently employed to provide insights into activities that are cast as informal, illicit or illegitimate by dominant neoliberal orthodoxy. This is done in
three distinct yet overlapping ways. First, the role that informal economic activity plays in the political economy of post-conflict South Sudan is examined. Informal economic activity is conceptualized as a form of resistance to the failings of the formal sphere, but also as a form of power where agency is absent and that is encouraged as a type of local neoliberalism. Second, the legitimate/illegitimate and licit/illicit dichotomies that define
economic activity in post-conflict South Sudan are problematized through an exploration of current debates surrounding corruption and land tenure. These debates demonstrate how neoliberal economic orthodoxy breaks down and becomes redefined in its local contacts. Finally, the centre/periphery dynamics that define the political economy of South Sudan’s
borderlands are conceptualized in terms of power and resistance, and resistance is shown to be fundamentally tied to power in ways that are characterized by subjectivity and hybridity. Resistance plays an important role in post-conflict environments. Addressing its economic dimensions must be a central task of contemporary peacebuilding and development projects.World War II mythologies and the prewar reconstruction of IraqBeeny, Tara Michellehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66022016-04-14T07:55:12Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis dissertation interrogates the positionality of postconflict reconstruction efforts in Iraq within the broader discourse of the liberal peace and liberal reconstruction. It examines how U.S. policymakers planned and articulated the reconstruction of Iraq in relationship to historical examples, specifically the cases of West Germany and Japan. It questions how U.S. policymakers understood and utilized the examples of post-World War II reconstruction and the effect those examples had on the policymaking process.
This dissertation traces the role historical memory plays in the formation and articulation of foreign policy by examining the use of historical analogies in planning the political, economic, and civil reconstruction of Iraq. It finds that the largest factor contributing to miscalculation in the invasion and occupation of Iraq was not conservative hawkishness, or liberal ineffectiveness, but rather a common mythology shared by many members of the U.S. foreign policy community, including the Bush administration, the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the most prominent Washington think tanks.
This common mythology asserts that U.S. and Allied postwar reconstruction efforts in West Germany and Japan were unequivocal successes that led directly to the liberal democracies and neoliberal economies found today in Germany and Japan. This conventional wisdom shapes which policies appeared viable to U.S. policymakers, and resulted in undeserved optimism during the postwar planning for Iraq. This dissertation concludes that the lessons of postconflict reconstruction in Iraq remain contested. Lacklustre results in Iraq have not caused U.S. policymakers to re-evaluate their understanding of the U.S. role in postconflict reconstruction. Rather, the case of Iraq is being absorbed into the existing conventional wisdom, with believers in postconflict reconstruction claiming Iraq was simply planned poorly, or was not met with the kind of resources and commitment that could have led to success.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZBeeny, Tara MichelleThis dissertation interrogates the positionality of postconflict reconstruction efforts in Iraq within the broader discourse of the liberal peace and liberal reconstruction. It examines how U.S. policymakers planned and articulated the reconstruction of Iraq in relationship to historical examples, specifically the cases of West Germany and Japan. It questions how U.S. policymakers understood and utilized the examples of post-World War II reconstruction and the effect those examples had on the policymaking process.
This dissertation traces the role historical memory plays in the formation and articulation of foreign policy by examining the use of historical analogies in planning the political, economic, and civil reconstruction of Iraq. It finds that the largest factor contributing to miscalculation in the invasion and occupation of Iraq was not conservative hawkishness, or liberal ineffectiveness, but rather a common mythology shared by many members of the U.S. foreign policy community, including the Bush administration, the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the most prominent Washington think tanks.
This common mythology asserts that U.S. and Allied postwar reconstruction efforts in West Germany and Japan were unequivocal successes that led directly to the liberal democracies and neoliberal economies found today in Germany and Japan. This conventional wisdom shapes which policies appeared viable to U.S. policymakers, and resulted in undeserved optimism during the postwar planning for Iraq. This dissertation concludes that the lessons of postconflict reconstruction in Iraq remain contested. Lacklustre results in Iraq have not caused U.S. policymakers to re-evaluate their understanding of the U.S. role in postconflict reconstruction. Rather, the case of Iraq is being absorbed into the existing conventional wisdom, with believers in postconflict reconstruction claiming Iraq was simply planned poorly, or was not met with the kind of resources and commitment that could have led to success.Syria : why is the Arab Spring turning into a long winterAlzamalkani, Munzer Eidhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66002017-04-04T10:05:03Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis thesis analyses the problematic trajectory of the Syrian Revolution 2011, which
was inspired by the Arab Spring. It first evaluates the causes of the revolution during
Bashar al-Asad’s era. An era was aimed to be a transition from authoritarianism to
democracy and from suppression to fair openness. It second investigates the factors
behind turning the Arab Spring into a Syrian winter, plunging the country into internal
war and uncontrolled violence. The research is based on a qualitative approach that
includes interviews as a source of information and analysis. Factors covered are the
disintegration of Syrian society as the greatest challenge for the civil uprising and
mass mobilization as well as the regime’s coherent inner core accounting for the
regime’s violence and persistence. As violence breeds violence, the revolutionaries
decided to react violently towards the regime brutality descending the country into an
internal war. The formulation of the Free Syrian Army was formalized, but could not
transform into a proper military formation, and so could not control the spread of
violence in the country. The inclination towards Jihad was evident and common, and
associated with resorting to violence because the revolutionaries are Muslims, and
believed in Jihad as a way to defend themselves and their families. However, Jihad
became more formalized with the arrival of global Jihadists to Syria, forming Jihadist
groups and controlling parts of Syria. The stance of the international community was
another big obstacle helped escalating, but not terminating the conflict. A conflict
could develop into a devastating regional crisis changing the structure of the Middle
East and changing the international politics of this vital region.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZAlzamalkani, Munzer EidThis thesis analyses the problematic trajectory of the Syrian Revolution 2011, which
was inspired by the Arab Spring. It first evaluates the causes of the revolution during
Bashar al-Asad’s era. An era was aimed to be a transition from authoritarianism to
democracy and from suppression to fair openness. It second investigates the factors
behind turning the Arab Spring into a Syrian winter, plunging the country into internal
war and uncontrolled violence. The research is based on a qualitative approach that
includes interviews as a source of information and analysis. Factors covered are the
disintegration of Syrian society as the greatest challenge for the civil uprising and
mass mobilization as well as the regime’s coherent inner core accounting for the
regime’s violence and persistence. As violence breeds violence, the revolutionaries
decided to react violently towards the regime brutality descending the country into an
internal war. The formulation of the Free Syrian Army was formalized, but could not
transform into a proper military formation, and so could not control the spread of
violence in the country. The inclination towards Jihad was evident and common, and
associated with resorting to violence because the revolutionaries are Muslims, and
believed in Jihad as a way to defend themselves and their families. However, Jihad
became more formalized with the arrival of global Jihadists to Syria, forming Jihadist
groups and controlling parts of Syria. The stance of the international community was
another big obstacle helped escalating, but not terminating the conflict. A conflict
could develop into a devastating regional crisis changing the structure of the Middle
East and changing the international politics of this vital region.Global ‘sweet enemies’ : the EU-Russia security dilemmaFerguson, Iain Andrewhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/65952016-03-28T12:45:41Z2014-06-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation tells the story of conflict in the EU-Russia relationship. What makes this conflict definitive of a ‘security dilemma’, it is argued, is the unintended event of political violence in-between these neighbouring global powers.
A narrative method is used to disclose the character of this ‘security dilemma’. The story it presents of ‘sweet enemies’ has twin historical and theoretical aims. The historical aim is to explain the violent instability in the making of a regional security order in-between 2003 and 2009, and in-between the borders of the EU and Russia. The theoretical aim is to frame a narrative understanding about this global relationship that describes and explains the politics of collective security in the 21st Century.
The political philosopher Michael Oakeshott is the main influence on this thesis. He coined the metaphor ‘sweet enemies’ to reveal a new way of seeing the political relationships on the wing of modern Europe. He organises his study around diametrically opposing modes of political association that are, on one hand, civil and respectful of individual difference, and on the other, teleocratic and always looking to master a collective future. This dissertation presents a reframing of Oakeshott’s metaphor for the 21st Century. In this version of the story, the relationship of Sweet Enemies is completely uncivil. The associates are global others that move in-between radically polarised modes of political association that are of the same teleocratic kind.
This teleocratic politics explains the conflict in the EU-Russia relationship. But it also explains why this conflict did not have to happen, and does not have to be repeated. The existence of this ‘security dilemma’ is contingent on the global choice(s) the EU and Russia make at the beginning of their relationship. Having lived through an uncomfortably close and violently unstable experience in the making and breaking of a regional security order, it is possible these global ‘sweet enemies’ will come out the other side having learnt something from this experience.
This narrative retelling of Oakeshott’s metaphor is intended as an aid to learning about the condition of an uneasy global relationship in the first decade of the 21st Century. This is a time defined by permanent war. But it remains the only time there is. The conclusion is the EU-Russia ‘security dilemma’ is an ongoing issue. Indeed, the strains of discord that characterise this condition of global ‘sweet enemies’ have, if anything, become more intractable and uncivil.
2014-06-01T00:00:00ZFerguson, Iain AndrewThis dissertation tells the story of conflict in the EU-Russia relationship. What makes this conflict definitive of a ‘security dilemma’, it is argued, is the unintended event of political violence in-between these neighbouring global powers.
A narrative method is used to disclose the character of this ‘security dilemma’. The story it presents of ‘sweet enemies’ has twin historical and theoretical aims. The historical aim is to explain the violent instability in the making of a regional security order in-between 2003 and 2009, and in-between the borders of the EU and Russia. The theoretical aim is to frame a narrative understanding about this global relationship that describes and explains the politics of collective security in the 21st Century.
The political philosopher Michael Oakeshott is the main influence on this thesis. He coined the metaphor ‘sweet enemies’ to reveal a new way of seeing the political relationships on the wing of modern Europe. He organises his study around diametrically opposing modes of political association that are, on one hand, civil and respectful of individual difference, and on the other, teleocratic and always looking to master a collective future. This dissertation presents a reframing of Oakeshott’s metaphor for the 21st Century. In this version of the story, the relationship of Sweet Enemies is completely uncivil. The associates are global others that move in-between radically polarised modes of political association that are of the same teleocratic kind.
This teleocratic politics explains the conflict in the EU-Russia relationship. But it also explains why this conflict did not have to happen, and does not have to be repeated. The existence of this ‘security dilemma’ is contingent on the global choice(s) the EU and Russia make at the beginning of their relationship. Having lived through an uncomfortably close and violently unstable experience in the making and breaking of a regional security order, it is possible these global ‘sweet enemies’ will come out the other side having learnt something from this experience.
This narrative retelling of Oakeshott’s metaphor is intended as an aid to learning about the condition of an uneasy global relationship in the first decade of the 21st Century. This is a time defined by permanent war. But it remains the only time there is. The conclusion is the EU-Russia ‘security dilemma’ is an ongoing issue. Indeed, the strains of discord that characterise this condition of global ‘sweet enemies’ have, if anything, become more intractable and uncivil.Saving Muslim women in the era of Axis of Evil? : pious women’s movement advocates in Iran, 2001-2010Raunio, Paola Mariahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/65932016-03-28T12:45:58Z2014-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis aims to investigate US foreign policies in the post-9/11 world, focusing on
the ways in which they affected the Iranian women’s movement after Iran was included in the Axis of Evil in January 2002. The focus of the thesis draws on the Bush Administration’s decision to use Muslim women’s human rights as moral justifications for the War on Terror. The thesis argues that, despite the US commitment to Iranian women’s human rights, Iranian women’s movement advocates have found themselves in an even more challenging environment. Both the physical and discursive spaces for women’s activism has been narrowed due to the increasing violence, deteriorating living conditions resulting from the US/Western sanctions and hardline nationalist-militaristic politics. Drawing mainly on postcolonial feminism, the thesis evaluates how artificially enacted gendered, racial and sexualised exclusions and borders contributed to this. The thesis contends that after 9/11, the Bush Administration’s identity became hypermasculinised and this effectively led to the transnationalisation of violence that often materialises itself on the bodies of Feminine Others, which in this case was the Iranian Feminine Other. What further informed the Bush Administration’s identity formation and policies was the anxious logic of orientalism. The thesis examines how this orientalist anxiety built and sustained much of the US post-9/11 (in)security imaginary. The thesis makes the argument that orientalist anxiety produced two orientalised bodies, that of the Dark Monster and the already mentioned Feminine Other. This specific framework allows us to complicate the US conceptualisation of the Self as disconnected and unrelated to the Other and how the Self justifies the Other’s disciplining and policing via this disconnectedness. The thesis calls for a political vision that engages with difference, alternatives and real life experiences and eventually recognises everyone’s right to security.
2014-06-01T00:00:00ZRaunio, Paola MariaThis thesis aims to investigate US foreign policies in the post-9/11 world, focusing on
the ways in which they affected the Iranian women’s movement after Iran was included in the Axis of Evil in January 2002. The focus of the thesis draws on the Bush Administration’s decision to use Muslim women’s human rights as moral justifications for the War on Terror. The thesis argues that, despite the US commitment to Iranian women’s human rights, Iranian women’s movement advocates have found themselves in an even more challenging environment. Both the physical and discursive spaces for women’s activism has been narrowed due to the increasing violence, deteriorating living conditions resulting from the US/Western sanctions and hardline nationalist-militaristic politics. Drawing mainly on postcolonial feminism, the thesis evaluates how artificially enacted gendered, racial and sexualised exclusions and borders contributed to this. The thesis contends that after 9/11, the Bush Administration’s identity became hypermasculinised and this effectively led to the transnationalisation of violence that often materialises itself on the bodies of Feminine Others, which in this case was the Iranian Feminine Other. What further informed the Bush Administration’s identity formation and policies was the anxious logic of orientalism. The thesis examines how this orientalist anxiety built and sustained much of the US post-9/11 (in)security imaginary. The thesis makes the argument that orientalist anxiety produced two orientalised bodies, that of the Dark Monster and the already mentioned Feminine Other. This specific framework allows us to complicate the US conceptualisation of the Self as disconnected and unrelated to the Other and how the Self justifies the Other’s disciplining and policing via this disconnectedness. The thesis calls for a political vision that engages with difference, alternatives and real life experiences and eventually recognises everyone’s right to security.Terrorism and the state : intra-state dynamics and the response to non-state terrorismMcConaghy, Kieranhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/65352016-03-28T11:25:24Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZAlthough there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor.
This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled’, demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states.
I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise’ populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security.
I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZMcConaghy, KieranAlthough there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor.
This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled’, demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states.
I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise’ populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security.
I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.Bandanas and blue helmets : an analysis of United Nations-insurgent relations after the Cold WarWesley, MIchael S.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/65062016-03-28T12:42:08Z1995-01-01T00:00:00ZThis is an examination of a neglected class of relations that have become more common after the Cold War, those between the United Nations and sub-State insurgent groups. This relationship has changed significantly after the end of the Cold War, both in the nature and frequency of the United Nations' response, and in the character of the insurgents that are addressed. Observing a
strong influence of realism in both the motivations of insurgent actions and in
the determinants and constraints of United Nations security initiatives, this study hypothesises that the predominant determinant of the effectiveness of
United Nations-insurgent interactions is an essential concurrence in their approaches to the interaction. The research design develops an analytical framework of approach indicators to test the validity of this hypothesis across a range of United Nations-insurgent interactions. Those interactions chosen for analysis are Mediation; Peacekeeping, including Monitoring Ceasefires, Humanitarian Peacekeeping; and Disarmament and Demobilisation; and Election Monitoring. United Nations interactions with contemporary insurgent movements - the FMLN, the Khmer Rouge, the Bosnian Serbs, Renamo, the USC-SNA, the Contras, and Unita - are chosen according to their operational
viability in order to fully test the hypothesised relationship. The general
support for the hypothesis revealed by the analysis suggests important conclusions for the planning and conduct of United Nations initiatives, which are increasingly being called on since the Cold War to intervene in civil wars.
1995-01-01T00:00:00ZWesley, MIchael S.This is an examination of a neglected class of relations that have become more common after the Cold War, those between the United Nations and sub-State insurgent groups. This relationship has changed significantly after the end of the Cold War, both in the nature and frequency of the United Nations' response, and in the character of the insurgents that are addressed. Observing a
strong influence of realism in both the motivations of insurgent actions and in
the determinants and constraints of United Nations security initiatives, this study hypothesises that the predominant determinant of the effectiveness of
United Nations-insurgent interactions is an essential concurrence in their approaches to the interaction. The research design develops an analytical framework of approach indicators to test the validity of this hypothesis across a range of United Nations-insurgent interactions. Those interactions chosen for analysis are Mediation; Peacekeeping, including Monitoring Ceasefires, Humanitarian Peacekeeping; and Disarmament and Demobilisation; and Election Monitoring. United Nations interactions with contemporary insurgent movements - the FMLN, the Khmer Rouge, the Bosnian Serbs, Renamo, the USC-SNA, the Contras, and Unita - are chosen according to their operational
viability in order to fully test the hypothesised relationship. The general
support for the hypothesis revealed by the analysis suggests important conclusions for the planning and conduct of United Nations initiatives, which are increasingly being called on since the Cold War to intervene in civil wars.Re-inscribing dependency : the political economy of Mauritius JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone Co. Ltd.Cowaloosur, Honitahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/64442016-03-28T13:01:47Z2015-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis investigates the capacity of the newly introduced Chinese Special
Economic Zones in Africa (CSEZAs) to deliver ‘cooperation’ and ‘mutual
development’ to China and Africa. Referring to existing scholarship on other forms
of liberal spatial economics, it addresses the conceptual, methodological and
theoretical void in which the subject of CSEZAs evolves in academia. As extensive
global interactive processes are identified in the schema of the CSEZA, this thesis
advocates Andre Gunder Frank’s Dependency Theory as the appropriate prism
through which to explicate the new zone format. Empirical data about the seven
CSEZAs outline the problematic and development-conducive aspects of the zone
model. It is argued here that the failure to customise the SEZ model to the African
context is what corrodes the developmental prospects of the CSEZAs. The Mauritius
JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone is taken as an example of a
problematic CSEZA. A detailed analysis of the Mauritian case allows a visualisation
of the respective role of China and the African state in the CSEZA context. As the
exploitative and non-developmental nature of the CSEZA model (in its current
form), is established, this thesis concludes that the CSEZA gives a new interpretation
to the traditional practice of dependency. This new version, nonetheless,
exacerbates the dialectic development-underdevelopment processes integral to the
global capitalist economy.
2015-01-01T00:00:00ZCowaloosur, HonitaThis thesis investigates the capacity of the newly introduced Chinese Special
Economic Zones in Africa (CSEZAs) to deliver ‘cooperation’ and ‘mutual
development’ to China and Africa. Referring to existing scholarship on other forms
of liberal spatial economics, it addresses the conceptual, methodological and
theoretical void in which the subject of CSEZAs evolves in academia. As extensive
global interactive processes are identified in the schema of the CSEZA, this thesis
advocates Andre Gunder Frank’s Dependency Theory as the appropriate prism
through which to explicate the new zone format. Empirical data about the seven
CSEZAs outline the problematic and development-conducive aspects of the zone
model. It is argued here that the failure to customise the SEZ model to the African
context is what corrodes the developmental prospects of the CSEZAs. The Mauritius
JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone is taken as an example of a
problematic CSEZA. A detailed analysis of the Mauritian case allows a visualisation
of the respective role of China and the African state in the CSEZA context. As the
exploitative and non-developmental nature of the CSEZA model (in its current
form), is established, this thesis concludes that the CSEZA gives a new interpretation
to the traditional practice of dependency. This new version, nonetheless,
exacerbates the dialectic development-underdevelopment processes integral to the
global capitalist economy.Rhetoric or reality : US counterinsurgency policy reconsideredTodd, Maurice L.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/64312016-04-14T07:54:28Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy.
This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZTodd, Maurice L.This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy.
This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.Practicing peacebuilding differently : a legal empowerment project, a randomised control trial and practical hybridity in LiberiaGraef, J. Julianhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/63842016-03-28T12:05:18Z2014-05-30T00:00:00ZHybridity, as it is currently understood in the Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) and International Relations (IR) literature, is defined by the complex interactions between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’. However, under this theoretical liberal-local rubric, the ways in which power is practiced has already been determined; how resistance is expressed and the forms it assumes have already been established. While it has yielded numerous important insights into how power circulates and resistance manifests in peacebuilding operations, the theoretical approach conceals other significant dynamics which escape detection by ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’. However, these undetected dimensions of hybridity comprise the very processes that emerge in ways which destabilise the boundaries between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’ and reshape the contours of the emerging post-liberal peace.
Instead of accepting the liberal-local distinction which defines this theoretical hybridity, this thesis advances an alternative methodological approach to exploring the tensions at play in peacebuilding projects. Rather than deploying theoretical distinctions in order to explain or understand complex hybrid processes, this thesis develops a methodological strategy for exploring the tensions between how actors design a peacebuilding project and how that project changes as actors work to translate that project into complex, everyday living sites (Callon, 1986; Law, 1997; Akrich, 1992). This tension is expressed as practical hybridity. The process of practical hybridity unfolds as the concrete material changes, modifications, and adaptations that emerge as actors appropriate and contingently translate organised practices in new ways and for different purposes. Through an ongoing process of practical hybridity, the boundaries and distinction which define the distinction between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’ become increasingly unstable. Amidst this instability, the practices which characterised ‘the liberal peace’ are becoming stretched into a post-liberal peace.
Drawing on the work of Richmond (2011a; Richmond & Mitchell, 2012), Latour (1987b; 1988; 2004), and Schatzki (2002), and based on over five months of field research, this this thesis traces the process of practical hybridity at play during the implementation and evaluation of a peacebuilding project in Liberia. I participated as a research assistant on a Randomised Control Trial (RCT), implemented by a small research team under the auspices of the Oxford University’s Centre for the Study of African Economies (CSAE). The team was assessing the impact of a legal empowerment programme managed by The Carter Center: the Community Justice Advisor (CJA) programme. As the CSAE’s evaluation of the CJA programme unfolded, many dynamics associated with theoretical liberal-local hybridity surfaced; however, it also became apparent that this theoretical formulation obscured important dimensions which were reshaping what peacebuilding practice is in the process of becoming in the emerging post-liberal world.
2014-05-30T00:00:00ZGraef, J. JulianHybridity, as it is currently understood in the Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) and International Relations (IR) literature, is defined by the complex interactions between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’. However, under this theoretical liberal-local rubric, the ways in which power is practiced has already been determined; how resistance is expressed and the forms it assumes have already been established. While it has yielded numerous important insights into how power circulates and resistance manifests in peacebuilding operations, the theoretical approach conceals other significant dynamics which escape detection by ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’. However, these undetected dimensions of hybridity comprise the very processes that emerge in ways which destabilise the boundaries between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’ and reshape the contours of the emerging post-liberal peace.
Instead of accepting the liberal-local distinction which defines this theoretical hybridity, this thesis advances an alternative methodological approach to exploring the tensions at play in peacebuilding projects. Rather than deploying theoretical distinctions in order to explain or understand complex hybrid processes, this thesis develops a methodological strategy for exploring the tensions between how actors design a peacebuilding project and how that project changes as actors work to translate that project into complex, everyday living sites (Callon, 1986; Law, 1997; Akrich, 1992). This tension is expressed as practical hybridity. The process of practical hybridity unfolds as the concrete material changes, modifications, and adaptations that emerge as actors appropriate and contingently translate organised practices in new ways and for different purposes. Through an ongoing process of practical hybridity, the boundaries and distinction which define the distinction between ‘the liberal peace’ and ‘the local’ become increasingly unstable. Amidst this instability, the practices which characterised ‘the liberal peace’ are becoming stretched into a post-liberal peace.
Drawing on the work of Richmond (2011a; Richmond & Mitchell, 2012), Latour (1987b; 1988; 2004), and Schatzki (2002), and based on over five months of field research, this this thesis traces the process of practical hybridity at play during the implementation and evaluation of a peacebuilding project in Liberia. I participated as a research assistant on a Randomised Control Trial (RCT), implemented by a small research team under the auspices of the Oxford University’s Centre for the Study of African Economies (CSAE). The team was assessing the impact of a legal empowerment programme managed by The Carter Center: the Community Justice Advisor (CJA) programme. As the CSAE’s evaluation of the CJA programme unfolded, many dynamics associated with theoretical liberal-local hybridity surfaced; however, it also became apparent that this theoretical formulation obscured important dimensions which were reshaping what peacebuilding practice is in the process of becoming in the emerging post-liberal world.The war of identities amidst the Syrian uprising : the continual reproduction of sub-state identities and the quest to reconstruct Syrian national identityRifai, Olahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/63532016-10-07T09:06:59Z2014-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is about identity clashes during the first two years of the Syrian uprising (from 15th of March 2011 to 15th of March 2013). Chiefly, it attempts to answer the following questions: what roles do identities play in the construction of power among the various identity groups? What were the reasons for the identity clashes that occurred during the Syrian uprising?. How can we evaluate the reproduction of identity during the uprising?. The Alawite, Sunni, Kurdish and Syrian national identities are used to illustrate how in the course of the uprising, these identities were consistently being reproduced as each group vied for power. This thesis argues that during the Syrian uprising these identities were subject to an enduring process of reproduction and reinforcement by discourse directed from above and from below, in which symbolic and materialistic elements played a vital role. The mode of analysis for this thesis is framed by the modernist and symbolist approaches to theories of nationalism and is underpinned by the theory of communal violence.
2014-06-01T00:00:00ZRifai, OlaThis thesis is about identity clashes during the first two years of the Syrian uprising (from 15th of March 2011 to 15th of March 2013). Chiefly, it attempts to answer the following questions: what roles do identities play in the construction of power among the various identity groups? What were the reasons for the identity clashes that occurred during the Syrian uprising?. How can we evaluate the reproduction of identity during the uprising?. The Alawite, Sunni, Kurdish and Syrian national identities are used to illustrate how in the course of the uprising, these identities were consistently being reproduced as each group vied for power. This thesis argues that during the Syrian uprising these identities were subject to an enduring process of reproduction and reinforcement by discourse directed from above and from below, in which symbolic and materialistic elements played a vital role. The mode of analysis for this thesis is framed by the modernist and symbolist approaches to theories of nationalism and is underpinned by the theory of communal violence.The politics of engagement : diaspora and religious actors' involvement in the Liberian peace processAfolabi, Babatunde Toluhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/63232016-03-28T13:09:42Z2015-06-23T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peace process that ended the 14-year Liberian Civil War (1989-2003). Its aims include determining the extent of, the rationale for, as well as the effects of the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peacemaking efforts that were undertaken in the course of the Liberian conflict.
While findings show that a multiplicity of factors were responsible for the eventual resolution of the protracted conflict, they also reveal that the action of both religious and diaspora actors influenced the trajectory of the conflict and the outcome of the peace process. The religious actors, being the initiators of the Liberian peace process, played such roles as mediators, dialogue facilitators, watchdogs and trustees of the entire process. Although their efforts were mainly influenced by the desire to fulfil the divine mandate to 'tend to the flock', achievable only in a peaceful and stable environment, religious actors' peacemaking roles also presented an opportunity to regain some of the societal influence that organized religion, especially Christianity, enjoyed during the 158 years of minority 'Americo-Liberian' rule.
For diaspora actors, whose roles ranged from being founders and sponsors of warring factions, to providing succour to Liberians back home through remittances, and subsequently engaging the peace process, attaining political power through the barrel of the gun or through peaceful means served the same purpose.
In achieving the dissertation's aims, a historical analysis of Liberia's socio-political environment is undertaken. Also examined are the roles played by various international, regional and national actors, either as peacemakers or as sponsors of various warring factions engaged in hostilities, as well as relevant theories or paradigms such as Conflict Transformation, Social Capital and Liberal Peace. This empirical study employed the means of qualitative research methods, obtaining primary data through interviews conducted in Liberia, Ghana, the USA and Nigeria.
2015-06-23T00:00:00ZAfolabi, Babatunde ToluThis dissertation examines the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peace process that ended the 14-year Liberian Civil War (1989-2003). Its aims include determining the extent of, the rationale for, as well as the effects of the involvement of Liberia's religious and diaspora groups in the peacemaking efforts that were undertaken in the course of the Liberian conflict.
While findings show that a multiplicity of factors were responsible for the eventual resolution of the protracted conflict, they also reveal that the action of both religious and diaspora actors influenced the trajectory of the conflict and the outcome of the peace process. The religious actors, being the initiators of the Liberian peace process, played such roles as mediators, dialogue facilitators, watchdogs and trustees of the entire process. Although their efforts were mainly influenced by the desire to fulfil the divine mandate to 'tend to the flock', achievable only in a peaceful and stable environment, religious actors' peacemaking roles also presented an opportunity to regain some of the societal influence that organized religion, especially Christianity, enjoyed during the 158 years of minority 'Americo-Liberian' rule.
For diaspora actors, whose roles ranged from being founders and sponsors of warring factions, to providing succour to Liberians back home through remittances, and subsequently engaging the peace process, attaining political power through the barrel of the gun or through peaceful means served the same purpose.
In achieving the dissertation's aims, a historical analysis of Liberia's socio-political environment is undertaken. Also examined are the roles played by various international, regional and national actors, either as peacemakers or as sponsors of various warring factions engaged in hostilities, as well as relevant theories or paradigms such as Conflict Transformation, Social Capital and Liberal Peace. This empirical study employed the means of qualitative research methods, obtaining primary data through interviews conducted in Liberia, Ghana, the USA and Nigeria.‘Bomb’, ‘sanction’, or ‘engage’? : the theory/political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis from the American perspective (1998-2014)Beaulieu-Brossard, Philippehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/60852016-03-28T13:11:02Z2015-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis argues that the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice has reached a dead-end in IR. Most scholars taking part in this debate based their claims on meta-theoretical assumptions, which explains the inability to settle the debate. This logic not only discouraged empirical enquiries, but also undermined reflexivity. Instead, this thesis calls for the translation of these meta-theoretical assumptions into a methodology and into methods to produce empirical knowledge by which to explore the relationships between Theory and political practice on specific issues. To this end, the thesis investigates relationships between American IR academic discourse and senior officials discourse and their effects on US foreign policy towards Iran between 1998 and 2014. The thesis provides a typology to map and to assess the gaps in the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice in IR. This typology is composed of four ideal-types: Theory to political practice, Theory vs. political practice, Theory as political practice and practice to political practice. The thesis also translates meta-theoretical assumptions drawn from Wittgenstein and Foucault into a methodology to generate empirical knowledge on specific relationships between Theory and political practice. This methodology enables to trace an evolving system of thoughts expressed in the Theory and political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis and to expose what this system does to US society and foreign policy. Three elements compose this system: the certainty of democratic teleology, the certainty of uncertainty and the certainty of smart power. The thesis claims that IR knowledge production on Iran mostly acted as symbolic knowledge morphing uncertainties about Iran into certainties for US governmental power. Only then could senior officials produce a judgement against Iran and implement disciplinary measures in the form of sanctions, covert actions, and military threats.
2015-06-01T00:00:00ZBeaulieu-Brossard, PhilippeThis thesis argues that the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice has reached a dead-end in IR. Most scholars taking part in this debate based their claims on meta-theoretical assumptions, which explains the inability to settle the debate. This logic not only discouraged empirical enquiries, but also undermined reflexivity. Instead, this thesis calls for the translation of these meta-theoretical assumptions into a methodology and into methods to produce empirical knowledge by which to explore the relationships between Theory and political practice on specific issues. To this end, the thesis investigates relationships between American IR academic discourse and senior officials discourse and their effects on US foreign policy towards Iran between 1998 and 2014. The thesis provides a typology to map and to assess the gaps in the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice in IR. This typology is composed of four ideal-types: Theory to political practice, Theory vs. political practice, Theory as political practice and practice to political practice. The thesis also translates meta-theoretical assumptions drawn from Wittgenstein and Foucault into a methodology to generate empirical knowledge on specific relationships between Theory and political practice. This methodology enables to trace an evolving system of thoughts expressed in the Theory and political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis and to expose what this system does to US society and foreign policy. Three elements compose this system: the certainty of democratic teleology, the certainty of uncertainty and the certainty of smart power. The thesis claims that IR knowledge production on Iran mostly acted as symbolic knowledge morphing uncertainties about Iran into certainties for US governmental power. Only then could senior officials produce a judgement against Iran and implement disciplinary measures in the form of sanctions, covert actions, and military threats.Explaining institutional constraints on civil society and reform in Lebanon and Libya : path dependence and ‘partially’ critical juncturesGeha, Carmenhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/59392016-03-28T12:53:08Z2014-12-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an inquiry into the challenges to the role of civic organisations in political reform during and after political transitions. The major question this research addresses is: How do institutions and institutional dynamics constrain political reform during a transition? The thesis examines how demands for reform by non-governmental organisations in Lebanon and Libya were not translated into concrete political decisions taken by regimes during a transition period. The thesis suggests that the combination of weak states and power-sharing agreements marginalizes civic organisations, and poses institutional constraints on the likelihood of reform.
The thesis is based on contemporary research on events and reform trajectories in Lebanon and Libya, with a focus on the demands and strategies employed by activists during periods of transition. Lebanon between 2005 and 2010 and Libya between 2011 and 2013 underwent critical political events but subsequently did not adopt political reforms despite demands by civic organisations in two main areas: the electoral system in Lebanon and the constitutional process in Libya. A study of these two reform campaigns reveals deeply entrenched historical patterns and elements of continuity that led to path dependent outcomes during transition. By utilising theory and concepts from the perspective of historical institutionalism, the thesis identifies the factors behind path dependent outcomes in Lebanon and Libya.
I argue that the transitions in Lebanon and Libya were a result of only ‘partially’ critical junctures. The thesis builds on the approach of path dependence by offering insights as to how historically inherited institutional dynamics from the previous regime can cause junctures to be only ‘partially’ critical for the broader political order. The main source of data comes from participant observations, interviews and focus groups with two organisations that tried to advance electoral reform and constitutional development.
2014-12-01T00:00:00ZGeha, CarmenThis thesis is an inquiry into the challenges to the role of civic organisations in political reform during and after political transitions. The major question this research addresses is: How do institutions and institutional dynamics constrain political reform during a transition? The thesis examines how demands for reform by non-governmental organisations in Lebanon and Libya were not translated into concrete political decisions taken by regimes during a transition period. The thesis suggests that the combination of weak states and power-sharing agreements marginalizes civic organisations, and poses institutional constraints on the likelihood of reform.
The thesis is based on contemporary research on events and reform trajectories in Lebanon and Libya, with a focus on the demands and strategies employed by activists during periods of transition. Lebanon between 2005 and 2010 and Libya between 2011 and 2013 underwent critical political events but subsequently did not adopt political reforms despite demands by civic organisations in two main areas: the electoral system in Lebanon and the constitutional process in Libya. A study of these two reform campaigns reveals deeply entrenched historical patterns and elements of continuity that led to path dependent outcomes during transition. By utilising theory and concepts from the perspective of historical institutionalism, the thesis identifies the factors behind path dependent outcomes in Lebanon and Libya.
I argue that the transitions in Lebanon and Libya were a result of only ‘partially’ critical junctures. The thesis builds on the approach of path dependence by offering insights as to how historically inherited institutional dynamics from the previous regime can cause junctures to be only ‘partially’ critical for the broader political order. The main source of data comes from participant observations, interviews and focus groups with two organisations that tried to advance electoral reform and constitutional development.History and hierarchy : the foreign policy evolution of modern JapanFunaiole, Matthewhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/58432017-11-29T12:17:04Z2014-10-23T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy.
To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options.
Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan’s foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan’s foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).
2014-10-23T00:00:00ZFunaiole, MatthewThis thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy.
To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options.
Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan’s foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan’s foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).Police reform and state-building in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and RussiaO'Shea, Liamhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/51652016-03-28T12:39:09Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia,
Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon
interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners,
and employs a comparative-historical approach.
Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police
power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider
democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose
Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised
executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police
salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also
depended on the elite’s political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism.
Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform’s success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites’ private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan
and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the
formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited
control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime.
State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the
absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on
corruption to balance the interests of political factions.
The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for
democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on
political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them
may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform.
Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as
nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after
institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZO'Shea, LiamThis dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia,
Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon
interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners,
and employs a comparative-historical approach.
Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police
power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider
democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose
Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised
executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police
salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also
depended on the elite’s political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism.
Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform’s success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites’ private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan
and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the
formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited
control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime.
State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the
absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on
corruption to balance the interests of political factions.
The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for
democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on
political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them
may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform.
Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as
nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after
institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.The formless empire : the evolution of indigenous Eurasian geopoliticsMott, Christopher Douglashttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/51492016-04-14T07:53:14Z2014-06-24T00:00:00ZThis dissertation seeks to make a unique contribution to the study of geopolitics and empire in Central Asia by focusing on both the indigenous developments of grand strategies and their legacies by examining several key points in the history of the region’s geopolitics in order to determine the peculiar and specific nature of regional geopolitical evolution, and how its basic concepts can be understood using such a locally based framework. By putting the focus on several key concepts which hold steady through major societal and technological upheavals, as well as foreign incursion and both the inward and outward migrations, which together create the conditions which I have dubbed ‘The Formless Empire’, it is possible to see the elements of a regional and homegrown tradition of grand strategy and geopolitical thinking which is endemic to the area of Inner Eurasia, even as this concept adapts from a totality of political policy to merely frontier and military policy over the course of time.
This indigenous concept of grand strategy encompasses political, military, and diplomatic aspects utilizing the key concepts of strategic mobility, and flexible or indirect governance. These political power systems originated in their largest incarnations amongst the nomadic people of the steppe and other people commonly considered peripheral in history, but who in a Central Asian context were the original centerpieces of regional politics until technological changes led to their eclipse by the big sedentary powers such as Russia and China. However, even these well-established states took elements of ‘The Formless Empire’ into their policies (if largely relegated to frontiers, the military, and a few informal relationships alone) and therefore the influence of the region’s past still lingers on in different forms in the present.
2014-06-24T00:00:00ZMott, Christopher DouglasThis dissertation seeks to make a unique contribution to the study of geopolitics and empire in Central Asia by focusing on both the indigenous developments of grand strategies and their legacies by examining several key points in the history of the region’s geopolitics in order to determine the peculiar and specific nature of regional geopolitical evolution, and how its basic concepts can be understood using such a locally based framework. By putting the focus on several key concepts which hold steady through major societal and technological upheavals, as well as foreign incursion and both the inward and outward migrations, which together create the conditions which I have dubbed ‘The Formless Empire’, it is possible to see the elements of a regional and homegrown tradition of grand strategy and geopolitical thinking which is endemic to the area of Inner Eurasia, even as this concept adapts from a totality of political policy to merely frontier and military policy over the course of time.
This indigenous concept of grand strategy encompasses political, military, and diplomatic aspects utilizing the key concepts of strategic mobility, and flexible or indirect governance. These political power systems originated in their largest incarnations amongst the nomadic people of the steppe and other people commonly considered peripheral in history, but who in a Central Asian context were the original centerpieces of regional politics until technological changes led to their eclipse by the big sedentary powers such as Russia and China. However, even these well-established states took elements of ‘The Formless Empire’ into their policies (if largely relegated to frontiers, the military, and a few informal relationships alone) and therefore the influence of the region’s past still lingers on in different forms in the present.Cicero, money and the challenge of 'new terrorism' : is counter terrorist financing (CTF) a critical inhibitor? Should the emphasis on finance interventions prevail?Parker, Marchttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/49002016-03-28T12:24:18Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZMuch of the first generation literature on counter terrorist financing made sweeping
generalisations and observations regarding these interventions based on relatively limited
case study data. Given that the UK approach to counter terrorism clearly attests to the
symbiosis between terrorism and money, this thesis evaluates the contemporary relevance
of Cicero's aphorism that “the sinews of war are infinite money.” Drawing on a series of
discussions and formal interviews with CTF practitioners into several of the most recent
high profile terror attacks in the United Kingdom, it confirms a notable shift in terrorist
financing methodology in recent years and underscores the trend towards increasing
operational independence and financial autonomy. It thus considers the continuing
centrality of money in the terrorism equation and has been framed specifically to examine
the financing challenges posed by domestic terror cells in the UK, given the trend towards
low cost terrorism with its emphasis on self sufficiency and the emergence of more discreet
and ‘criminally sterile' funding methodologies. This thesis is primarily concerned with
reviewing the efficacy of the UK counter terrorism-financing (CTF) model as perceived by
practitioners, both in policy terms and in the context of operational outcomes.
The increasing emphasis on new funding methodologies and the ensuing lack of visibility
and opportunities for interdiction at the conspiracy phase of terrorist plots, further
highlights the operational challenges posed for practitioners in confronting these ‘new’
threats. As such, this research encourages several new perspectives, including a review of
UK corporate knowledge on previous CTF interventions and consideration of military
‘threat finance’ practice to deliver greater operational impact. In particular, it advocates a
new focus on micro CTF interventions to address changes in the ‘economy of terror’.
Finally, this thesis strongly attests to the continued relevance of finance or more
specifically, the 'financial footprint' to inform and provide intelligence insight for counter
terrorism responses generally. In doing so, it also considers the impact on privacy from
increasingly intrusive financial and digital data collection and the trade-offs that inevitably
emerge when liberty and security collide.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZParker, MarcMuch of the first generation literature on counter terrorist financing made sweeping
generalisations and observations regarding these interventions based on relatively limited
case study data. Given that the UK approach to counter terrorism clearly attests to the
symbiosis between terrorism and money, this thesis evaluates the contemporary relevance
of Cicero's aphorism that “the sinews of war are infinite money.” Drawing on a series of
discussions and formal interviews with CTF practitioners into several of the most recent
high profile terror attacks in the United Kingdom, it confirms a notable shift in terrorist
financing methodology in recent years and underscores the trend towards increasing
operational independence and financial autonomy. It thus considers the continuing
centrality of money in the terrorism equation and has been framed specifically to examine
the financing challenges posed by domestic terror cells in the UK, given the trend towards
low cost terrorism with its emphasis on self sufficiency and the emergence of more discreet
and ‘criminally sterile' funding methodologies. This thesis is primarily concerned with
reviewing the efficacy of the UK counter terrorism-financing (CTF) model as perceived by
practitioners, both in policy terms and in the context of operational outcomes.
The increasing emphasis on new funding methodologies and the ensuing lack of visibility
and opportunities for interdiction at the conspiracy phase of terrorist plots, further
highlights the operational challenges posed for practitioners in confronting these ‘new’
threats. As such, this research encourages several new perspectives, including a review of
UK corporate knowledge on previous CTF interventions and consideration of military
‘threat finance’ practice to deliver greater operational impact. In particular, it advocates a
new focus on micro CTF interventions to address changes in the ‘economy of terror’.
Finally, this thesis strongly attests to the continued relevance of finance or more
specifically, the 'financial footprint' to inform and provide intelligence insight for counter
terrorism responses generally. In doing so, it also considers the impact on privacy from
increasingly intrusive financial and digital data collection and the trade-offs that inevitably
emerge when liberty and security collide.Independent Kazakhstan and the 'black box' of decision-making : understanding Kazakhstan's foreign policy in the early independence period (1991-4)Ayazbekov, Anuarhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/48952016-03-28T12:29:45Z2014-06-24T00:00:00ZThis thesis presents a foreign policy decision-making analysis of Kazakhstan’s foreign relations in the initial post-independence period. The study applies a neoclassical realist theoretical framework in order to provide the understanding of Kazakhstan’s external behaviour. The thesis conceptually assumes that the integration of the presidential decision-making element in the analysis of the republic’s foreign policy is essential to account for Kazakhstan’s foreign strategies, which would otherwise appear to be anomalous from the deterministic perspective of the structural theories of international relations. The set objective of the work is to produce a theoretically informed historical narratives of Almaty’s policymaking during three episodes in the republic’s diplomatic history – the elaboration of a distinct balancing strategy; the relinquishment of the nuclear arsenal; and the Nagorno-Karabakh peace mission.
The reconstruction of events behind the decisions made by president Nursultan Nazarbayev and his key advisors through the assessment of primary materials sourced from the archives of Kazakhstani foreign policy demonstrates that foreign decision-making process played a crucial role in the identification of national interests and development of appropriate policy responses in each of the episodes under examination. Chapter IV illustrates how the nation’s policymakers developed a unique balancing strategy to ascertain the country’s sovereignty and eliminate security risks under overwhelming geopolitical pressures that emanated from Russia and China. Chapter V discusses the episode when Nazarbayev was subjected to direct international pressure to surrender the inherited Soviet nuclear arsenal on the terms imposed by the USA, in response to which Nazarbayev devised a deliberately ambivalent and protracted strategy in regard to the republic’s nuclear status. Chapter VI reveals the adaptability of the republic’s policymaking to the changing international context as the regression of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace initiative demonstrates. The exposition of intricate policy planning and profound diplomatic endeavours reflected in archival documents reinforces the thesis’s premise about the non-deterministic nature of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy.
2014-06-24T00:00:00ZAyazbekov, AnuarThis thesis presents a foreign policy decision-making analysis of Kazakhstan’s foreign relations in the initial post-independence period. The study applies a neoclassical realist theoretical framework in order to provide the understanding of Kazakhstan’s external behaviour. The thesis conceptually assumes that the integration of the presidential decision-making element in the analysis of the republic’s foreign policy is essential to account for Kazakhstan’s foreign strategies, which would otherwise appear to be anomalous from the deterministic perspective of the structural theories of international relations. The set objective of the work is to produce a theoretically informed historical narratives of Almaty’s policymaking during three episodes in the republic’s diplomatic history – the elaboration of a distinct balancing strategy; the relinquishment of the nuclear arsenal; and the Nagorno-Karabakh peace mission.
The reconstruction of events behind the decisions made by president Nursultan Nazarbayev and his key advisors through the assessment of primary materials sourced from the archives of Kazakhstani foreign policy demonstrates that foreign decision-making process played a crucial role in the identification of national interests and development of appropriate policy responses in each of the episodes under examination. Chapter IV illustrates how the nation’s policymakers developed a unique balancing strategy to ascertain the country’s sovereignty and eliminate security risks under overwhelming geopolitical pressures that emanated from Russia and China. Chapter V discusses the episode when Nazarbayev was subjected to direct international pressure to surrender the inherited Soviet nuclear arsenal on the terms imposed by the USA, in response to which Nazarbayev devised a deliberately ambivalent and protracted strategy in regard to the republic’s nuclear status. Chapter VI reveals the adaptability of the republic’s policymaking to the changing international context as the regression of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace initiative demonstrates. The exposition of intricate policy planning and profound diplomatic endeavours reflected in archival documents reinforces the thesis’s premise about the non-deterministic nature of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy.Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe governmentDario, Diogo M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/45162017-03-08T11:01:16Z2013-11-29T00:00:00ZThe aim of this dissertation is to analyse the use of narratives informed by the discourse of human security in the context of the Colombian conflict during the government of President Alvaro Uribe Velez (2002-2010). Its main contribution is to map the transformation of these narratives from the site of their formulation in the international institutions to the site of their appropriation into domestic settings; and then consider their role in the formation of the actors' strategies and the construction of the subjectivities of the individuals affected by the conflict dynamics. The research proceeds to this analysis through an investigation of the policies for the internally displaced and those relating to the rights of the victims informed by the framework of transitional justice. It shows that, with a combination of narratives of empowerment and reconciliation, they fulfill complementary roles in the construction of the subjectivities of individuals affected by the conflict in Colombia. The dissertation also concludes that the flexibility of the human security discourse allowed the Uribe government to reinforce its position
2013-11-29T00:00:00ZDario, Diogo M.The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the use of narratives informed by the discourse of human security in the context of the Colombian conflict during the government of President Alvaro Uribe Velez (2002-2010). Its main contribution is to map the transformation of these narratives from the site of their formulation in the international institutions to the site of their appropriation into domestic settings; and then consider their role in the formation of the actors' strategies and the construction of the subjectivities of the individuals affected by the conflict dynamics. The research proceeds to this analysis through an investigation of the policies for the internally displaced and those relating to the rights of the victims informed by the framework of transitional justice. It shows that, with a combination of narratives of empowerment and reconciliation, they fulfill complementary roles in the construction of the subjectivities of individuals affected by the conflict in Colombia. The dissertation also concludes that the flexibility of the human security discourse allowed the Uribe government to reinforce its positionBy any means necessary : an interpretive phenomenological analysis study of post 9/11 American abusive violence in IraqTsukayama, John K.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/45102016-03-28T10:58:32Z2014-06-24T00:00:00ZThis study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers.
Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival.
Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.
2014-06-24T00:00:00ZTsukayama, John K.This study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers.
Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival.
Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.The risk is in the relationship, not the country : politics and mining in KazakhstanConway, John Edwardhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/45022016-03-28T11:11:45Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZHow do we account for foreign firms that are successful in politically “risky”
countries? While traditional political risk indices may tell us why a country is considered a
difficult operating environment, they tell us very little about why some foreign firms are
nevertheless able to operate successfully in such countries over long periods of time. In
fact, risk indices by their very nature make “success” almost impossible to capture due to
their sole focus on “host country” behavior. Rather, as this thesis argues, the political risk is
in the relationship between the firm and a series of stakeholders within a given country, not
the country itself.
This is a thesis of deviant cases: it holds the “successful relationship” between a
foreign firm and its stakeholders as the constant dependent variable in the “significantly
risky” country of Kazakhstan. Success is defined as the ability of each actor to pursue its
own goals to a self-satisfactory degree, with the resources an actor mobilizes to achieve
those goals and the constraints that restrict those resources as the independent variables.
Three self-contained cases of “successful” foreign mining firms operating in Kazakhstan
are analyzed here to determine the distinct causal pathways that led each firm to seeming
“success”; the thesis then pivots to a between-subjects examination aimed at drawing out
the common themes among the three different foreign firms. Within international relations
theory, the relationship between the foreign firm and its stakeholders is considered here as a
window into the intersection of the international political economy and the domestic
political economy of a country in transition, but critically, allotting agents and structures
equal ontological status. Thus the ultimate aim of this investigation is to enrich our understanding of social behavior – here, co-existence – within the context of the agent-
structure debate in larger social scientific inquiry.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZConway, John EdwardHow do we account for foreign firms that are successful in politically “risky”
countries? While traditional political risk indices may tell us why a country is considered a
difficult operating environment, they tell us very little about why some foreign firms are
nevertheless able to operate successfully in such countries over long periods of time. In
fact, risk indices by their very nature make “success” almost impossible to capture due to
their sole focus on “host country” behavior. Rather, as this thesis argues, the political risk is
in the relationship between the firm and a series of stakeholders within a given country, not
the country itself.
This is a thesis of deviant cases: it holds the “successful relationship” between a
foreign firm and its stakeholders as the constant dependent variable in the “significantly
risky” country of Kazakhstan. Success is defined as the ability of each actor to pursue its
own goals to a self-satisfactory degree, with the resources an actor mobilizes to achieve
those goals and the constraints that restrict those resources as the independent variables.
Three self-contained cases of “successful” foreign mining firms operating in Kazakhstan
are analyzed here to determine the distinct causal pathways that led each firm to seeming
“success”; the thesis then pivots to a between-subjects examination aimed at drawing out
the common themes among the three different foreign firms. Within international relations
theory, the relationship between the foreign firm and its stakeholders is considered here as a
window into the intersection of the international political economy and the domestic
political economy of a country in transition, but critically, allotting agents and structures
equal ontological status. Thus the ultimate aim of this investigation is to enrich our understanding of social behavior – here, co-existence – within the context of the agent-
structure debate in larger social scientific inquiry.The impact of militarisation, conflict and small arms & light weapons proliferation on women and children : a case study of the pastoralists of North East AfricaRiungu, Eunice Muthonihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/44052016-04-14T07:53:48Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a study of the impact of militarisation, conflict and Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) proliferation on women and children amongst the pastoralist communities of North East Africa. It explores the way pastoralists communities’ lives have changed over the decades with the introduction of SALW to make cattle rustling a lethal pastime that involves all members of society but with implications for the vulnerable population caught between warring groups. The study delves into the variety of options facing them, such as the fact that the dangers posed by introduction of SALW in turn militarises the vulnerable population caught between being helpless bystanders or taking up arms to defend their herds or else perish from hunger when the remaining stock are stolen at gunpoint.
After an introductory chapter examining thematic issues involved in the complex web knitted by militarisation, conflict, SALW proliferation, cattle rustling and pastoralist communities, the thesis examines circumstances surrounding the need to wage war on neighbours in cattle raids pitting pastoralist communities’ against governments interested in the pursuit of politics that disfavour their interests. The following chapters examine various aspects of this complex militarisation/SALW proliferation/cattle rustling web placing it in the context of the subsequent implications for both the pastoralist communities’ vulnerable population and the security of the entire region. It delves into ways the vulnerable population is impacted upon with a view to show that the side effects have far-reaching implications for the pastoralists and citizens of the states they belong to. We analyse existing efforts to combat proliferation and instruments aimed at protecting the vulnerable population in armed conflict with a view to ascertain their strengths and challenges. We finally examine possible ways out of the quagmire resulting from the marriage between SALW proliferation and cattle rustling and conclude by offering policy recommendations.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZRiungu, Eunice MuthoniThis thesis is a study of the impact of militarisation, conflict and Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) proliferation on women and children amongst the pastoralist communities of North East Africa. It explores the way pastoralists communities’ lives have changed over the decades with the introduction of SALW to make cattle rustling a lethal pastime that involves all members of society but with implications for the vulnerable population caught between warring groups. The study delves into the variety of options facing them, such as the fact that the dangers posed by introduction of SALW in turn militarises the vulnerable population caught between being helpless bystanders or taking up arms to defend their herds or else perish from hunger when the remaining stock are stolen at gunpoint.
After an introductory chapter examining thematic issues involved in the complex web knitted by militarisation, conflict, SALW proliferation, cattle rustling and pastoralist communities, the thesis examines circumstances surrounding the need to wage war on neighbours in cattle raids pitting pastoralist communities’ against governments interested in the pursuit of politics that disfavour their interests. The following chapters examine various aspects of this complex militarisation/SALW proliferation/cattle rustling web placing it in the context of the subsequent implications for both the pastoralist communities’ vulnerable population and the security of the entire region. It delves into ways the vulnerable population is impacted upon with a view to show that the side effects have far-reaching implications for the pastoralists and citizens of the states they belong to. We analyse existing efforts to combat proliferation and instruments aimed at protecting the vulnerable population in armed conflict with a view to ascertain their strengths and challenges. We finally examine possible ways out of the quagmire resulting from the marriage between SALW proliferation and cattle rustling and conclude by offering policy recommendations.Constructed service : gendered discourses across the United States militaryWeinstein, Sarah F.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/41982016-03-28T12:07:45Z2013-11-30T00:00:00ZThe status of female service members in the United States military evolved significantly during the years between 2001 and 2013 due primarily to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the changing nature of warfare, and military manpower requirements. However, despite women’s increased participation in combat and throughout the organization, there is limited understanding of how gender is constructed in the military, its consequences for women’s status, and the nature of cultural change in the organization. This thesis analyzes gender construction in the military across three levels: official documents, recruiting, and service member experience. Discourse analysis is used to uncover the dominant discourses articulated at each level and to understand what identities and policies are legitimated or prohibited. The primary finding is that there is no monolithic construction of gender in the military or single understanding of women’s status and the nature of military culture. The most prevalent discourses illustrate movement towards a more inclusive organization, where gendered traits are downplayed relative to traits understood as ‘gender-neutral,’ equally available to both men and women. The desire to maximize military effectiveness is central to discourse at the official level. Recruiting is the only level of analysis without an explicit challenge to women’s equal service in the military. Service members, articulating their identity and that of those they work with, subordinate femininity, but allow women who reject feminine traits to participate on equal footing with men. The January 2013 decision by the Department of Defense to lift policies that formally exclude women from some types of combat reflects the policies articulated in the dominant discourses uncovered across the three levels of analysis. What new discourses will emerge and how the dominant discourses in the organization will change as a result of this new policy, comprise areas deserving future research.
2013-11-30T00:00:00ZWeinstein, Sarah F.The status of female service members in the United States military evolved significantly during the years between 2001 and 2013 due primarily to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the changing nature of warfare, and military manpower requirements. However, despite women’s increased participation in combat and throughout the organization, there is limited understanding of how gender is constructed in the military, its consequences for women’s status, and the nature of cultural change in the organization. This thesis analyzes gender construction in the military across three levels: official documents, recruiting, and service member experience. Discourse analysis is used to uncover the dominant discourses articulated at each level and to understand what identities and policies are legitimated or prohibited. The primary finding is that there is no monolithic construction of gender in the military or single understanding of women’s status and the nature of military culture. The most prevalent discourses illustrate movement towards a more inclusive organization, where gendered traits are downplayed relative to traits understood as ‘gender-neutral,’ equally available to both men and women. The desire to maximize military effectiveness is central to discourse at the official level. Recruiting is the only level of analysis without an explicit challenge to women’s equal service in the military. Service members, articulating their identity and that of those they work with, subordinate femininity, but allow women who reject feminine traits to participate on equal footing with men. The January 2013 decision by the Department of Defense to lift policies that formally exclude women from some types of combat reflects the policies articulated in the dominant discourses uncovered across the three levels of analysis. What new discourses will emerge and how the dominant discourses in the organization will change as a result of this new policy, comprise areas deserving future research.Malaysia and Singapore's terrorist rehabilitation programs : learning and adapting to terrorist threatsKhor, Laurahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/41252016-03-28T12:19:45Z2013-11-30T00:00:00ZThe central question of this thesis examines how Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore learned and adapted successful terrorist disengagement programs and policies; through their unique and non-military rehabilitation programs. The methodology is a comparative case study analysis of Malaysia and Singapore. In order to understand how the countries of Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore adapted a colonial-era counter-insurgency program to disengage Communist Terrorists into a program that now rehabilitates radicalized Islamist Terrorists, an analysis of the periods of the Malayan Emergency and the post-Cold War era of Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore is necessary. The argument presented in this thesis contends the colonial framework and policies of the Malayan Emergency had a positive impact on Malaysia and Singapore; which both countries have further developed and learned as a foundation for their successful terrorist disengagement programs and policies to counter radical Islamist groups and individuals. The hypothesis is that successful counter-insurgency operations must include disengagement programs, rather than purely military solutions or strategies to ensure countries success in counter-insurgency operations and strategies. The Malaysian counter-insurgency disengagement program and the Singapore counter-insurgency disengagement program can provide lessons for modern day counterinsurgency and counter-terrorism programs and policies.
2013-11-30T00:00:00ZKhor, LauraThe central question of this thesis examines how Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore learned and adapted successful terrorist disengagement programs and policies; through their unique and non-military rehabilitation programs. The methodology is a comparative case study analysis of Malaysia and Singapore. In order to understand how the countries of Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore adapted a colonial-era counter-insurgency program to disengage Communist Terrorists into a program that now rehabilitates radicalized Islamist Terrorists, an analysis of the periods of the Malayan Emergency and the post-Cold War era of Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore is necessary. The argument presented in this thesis contends the colonial framework and policies of the Malayan Emergency had a positive impact on Malaysia and Singapore; which both countries have further developed and learned as a foundation for their successful terrorist disengagement programs and policies to counter radical Islamist groups and individuals. The hypothesis is that successful counter-insurgency operations must include disengagement programs, rather than purely military solutions or strategies to ensure countries success in counter-insurgency operations and strategies. The Malaysian counter-insurgency disengagement program and the Singapore counter-insurgency disengagement program can provide lessons for modern day counterinsurgency and counter-terrorism programs and policies.Petroleum geopolitics : a framework of analysisHerbert-Burns, Ruperthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/40352016-03-28T12:07:05Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZThe playing field upon which actors, both state and non-state, develop strategies to secure
existing supplies of oil and seek access to new ones is as systemically, politically and
strategically complex is as it is geographically vast. In considering this activity, the
terminology used by pundits and journalists to describe the significance of issues such as oil
demand, the complexities of access to petroleum and concerns over security threats to
supplies of oil is familiar. Juxtapositions such as the ‘geopolitics of oil’, ‘energy geopolitics’,
the ‘geopolitics of resource wars’ and the ‘geopolitics of oil and gas’ are all familiar. But what
do they mean when they use ‘geopolitics’ in this context? Thus, by extension, can petroleum
geopolitics - a hybrid conceptual construction used in this thesis - be disassembled into its
component parts, analysed and systematically understood. This is the aim of this thesis.
This thesis contends that the very nature of oil and gas reserves, the processes of exploration
and production, and the means that govern and characterise the transportation of petroleum
overland and by sea is inherently geopolitical - that some core features of geopolitical theory
and key geopolitical concepts are pivotal in determining the ontology and process of the
international oil business. Indeed, so central has oil been to the advancement of industrial
capacity, technology, warfare, transportation and economic prosperity of states since the 20th
century, it could be argued that petroleum is the single largest determinant of the geopolitics
that characterises the modern international system.
In order to address the interrelationship and correlations between core aspects of the
petroleum industry and causal geopolitical phenomena, I begin by advancing a framework of
analysis that systematically binds key geopolitical features and concepts – specifically:
Spatial Phenomena; Environmental Ontology; Territorial Access; Geopolitical Features;
State and Non-state Concepts; and, Strategic Resources and Geopolitics - with examples of
empirical findings revealed in subsequent chapters in the thesis. Fundamentally, this process
works to assess causality and correlations between geopolitical phenomena such as space and
distance, sovereignty, territory, boundaries, chokepoints, resource nationalism,
transnationalism, resource security and conflict, and the features and processes inherent in
petroleum reserves and the exploration, production and transportation of oil and gas.
The framework is followed with a sequential analysis of the three empirical foci of the
project: the ontology of oil and natural gas reserves; the planning and processes of exploration
and production; and, the processes of the conveyance petroleum. I have concentrated my
research to activities within Eurasia, which comprises the traditional continents of Europe and
Asia, and the Indo-Pacific maritime realm, which extends eastwards from the Red Sea to the
western Pacific Rim. After systematically assessing the empirical findings and examining key
areas of geopolitical theory, I conclude that there is an identifiable and logical correlation
between geopolitical phenomena, petroleum reserves, and the means to produce and distribute
oil and gas between source and market.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZHerbert-Burns, RupertThe playing field upon which actors, both state and non-state, develop strategies to secure
existing supplies of oil and seek access to new ones is as systemically, politically and
strategically complex is as it is geographically vast. In considering this activity, the
terminology used by pundits and journalists to describe the significance of issues such as oil
demand, the complexities of access to petroleum and concerns over security threats to
supplies of oil is familiar. Juxtapositions such as the ‘geopolitics of oil’, ‘energy geopolitics’,
the ‘geopolitics of resource wars’ and the ‘geopolitics of oil and gas’ are all familiar. But what
do they mean when they use ‘geopolitics’ in this context? Thus, by extension, can petroleum
geopolitics - a hybrid conceptual construction used in this thesis - be disassembled into its
component parts, analysed and systematically understood. This is the aim of this thesis.
This thesis contends that the very nature of oil and gas reserves, the processes of exploration
and production, and the means that govern and characterise the transportation of petroleum
overland and by sea is inherently geopolitical - that some core features of geopolitical theory
and key geopolitical concepts are pivotal in determining the ontology and process of the
international oil business. Indeed, so central has oil been to the advancement of industrial
capacity, technology, warfare, transportation and economic prosperity of states since the 20th
century, it could be argued that petroleum is the single largest determinant of the geopolitics
that characterises the modern international system.
In order to address the interrelationship and correlations between core aspects of the
petroleum industry and causal geopolitical phenomena, I begin by advancing a framework of
analysis that systematically binds key geopolitical features and concepts – specifically:
Spatial Phenomena; Environmental Ontology; Territorial Access; Geopolitical Features;
State and Non-state Concepts; and, Strategic Resources and Geopolitics - with examples of
empirical findings revealed in subsequent chapters in the thesis. Fundamentally, this process
works to assess causality and correlations between geopolitical phenomena such as space and
distance, sovereignty, territory, boundaries, chokepoints, resource nationalism,
transnationalism, resource security and conflict, and the features and processes inherent in
petroleum reserves and the exploration, production and transportation of oil and gas.
The framework is followed with a sequential analysis of the three empirical foci of the
project: the ontology of oil and natural gas reserves; the planning and processes of exploration
and production; and, the processes of the conveyance petroleum. I have concentrated my
research to activities within Eurasia, which comprises the traditional continents of Europe and
Asia, and the Indo-Pacific maritime realm, which extends eastwards from the Red Sea to the
western Pacific Rim. After systematically assessing the empirical findings and examining key
areas of geopolitical theory, I conclude that there is an identifiable and logical correlation
between geopolitical phenomena, petroleum reserves, and the means to produce and distribute
oil and gas between source and market.How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestationMarsden, Sarah V.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/39702016-03-28T12:17:58Z2013-11-30T00:00:00ZExisting scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism’s outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
2013-11-30T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah V.Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism’s outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.Uzbekistan’s self-reliance 1991-2010 : public politics and the impact of roles in shaping bilateral relationshipsTeles Fazendeiro, Bernardohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/39662016-03-28T12:17:32Z2013-07-09T00:00:00ZThis thesis applies role theory to understand how Uzbekistan’s bilateral relationships became either conflicting or cooperative between 1991 and 2010. Roles are key elements of social interaction as they describe plausible lines of action in a particular subject-person. They are thus a helpful way of identifying actors and constructing narratives. Furthermore, if they are seen as metaphors for drama, one may argue that roles - as opposed to personal identities - encapsulate autonomous action, which, like a text, ascertains meaning beyond the author’s intent. In other words, by separating action from intent, one may regard politics in a different light - as interaction emplotted by roles -, thereby revealing how actions contradict a set of roles and lead to conflict and crises in public credibility. This manner of emplotting relationships divulges an alternative story that, rather than focusing on Tashkent’s strategic balancing and alignment, demonstrates how Uzbekistani leadership gradually developed an overarching self-reliant role set that shapes its actions. Moreover, Uzbekistan’s cooperative and conflicting relationships are described less in light of strategic survival rationale than as the outcome of gradual role compatibilities arising through time. Therefore, unlike some other accounts, this thesis argues that, throughout Uzbekistan’s first twenty years of independence, public disputes were crucial to understanding interaction and also that Tashkent was never actually aligned with Russia or the United States. To bring forth this argument, the following chapters expound the assumptions behind some scholarly research and develop the concepts of self-reliance, roles, action, public sphere, credibility and narrative. The discussion progresses toward self-reliance and how the concept captures President Karimov’s roles, which are used to emplot Uzbekistan’s interaction with the United States, Russia, Germany and Turkey. The first two are relevant for analyzing whether roles reveal more than the typical accounts based on security balancing. Germany is then included because its relationship with Tashkent was rarely conflicting in the public sphere, allowing it to increase bilateral trade and secure a military base in Uzbekistan after the 2005 Andijan Crisis. It was thus a relatively stable connection, unlike Tashkent’s relationships with Washington and Moscow. Lastly, to control Germany’s middle-power status, the case of Turkey is brought to the fore since Ankara’s willingness to engage with Tashkent was not enough to foster cooperation.
2013-07-09T00:00:00ZTeles Fazendeiro, BernardoThis thesis applies role theory to understand how Uzbekistan’s bilateral relationships became either conflicting or cooperative between 1991 and 2010. Roles are key elements of social interaction as they describe plausible lines of action in a particular subject-person. They are thus a helpful way of identifying actors and constructing narratives. Furthermore, if they are seen as metaphors for drama, one may argue that roles - as opposed to personal identities - encapsulate autonomous action, which, like a text, ascertains meaning beyond the author’s intent. In other words, by separating action from intent, one may regard politics in a different light - as interaction emplotted by roles -, thereby revealing how actions contradict a set of roles and lead to conflict and crises in public credibility. This manner of emplotting relationships divulges an alternative story that, rather than focusing on Tashkent’s strategic balancing and alignment, demonstrates how Uzbekistani leadership gradually developed an overarching self-reliant role set that shapes its actions. Moreover, Uzbekistan’s cooperative and conflicting relationships are described less in light of strategic survival rationale than as the outcome of gradual role compatibilities arising through time. Therefore, unlike some other accounts, this thesis argues that, throughout Uzbekistan’s first twenty years of independence, public disputes were crucial to understanding interaction and also that Tashkent was never actually aligned with Russia or the United States. To bring forth this argument, the following chapters expound the assumptions behind some scholarly research and develop the concepts of self-reliance, roles, action, public sphere, credibility and narrative. The discussion progresses toward self-reliance and how the concept captures President Karimov’s roles, which are used to emplot Uzbekistan’s interaction with the United States, Russia, Germany and Turkey. The first two are relevant for analyzing whether roles reveal more than the typical accounts based on security balancing. Germany is then included because its relationship with Tashkent was rarely conflicting in the public sphere, allowing it to increase bilateral trade and secure a military base in Uzbekistan after the 2005 Andijan Crisis. It was thus a relatively stable connection, unlike Tashkent’s relationships with Washington and Moscow. Lastly, to control Germany’s middle-power status, the case of Turkey is brought to the fore since Ankara’s willingness to engage with Tashkent was not enough to foster cooperation.An assessment of institutional-learning by the EU in state-building in AfghanistanCareless, S. Alisonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/38252017-07-13T16:35:43Z2013-06-25T00:00:00ZThis thesis assesses institutional-learning by the European Union (EU) in Afghanistan. The assessment is carried out by delineating the developments and changes in relevant EU policies through the years 1993-2010 using process tracing. The analysis is based on an extensive review of EU documents, regulations, statements, publications and interviews together with third party evaluations and a survey of the relevant academic literature. The research question which the thesis addresses is to assess whether a policy change in EU state-building efforts is discernible and whether this change can be attributed to institutional-learning or to other causes. It also provides evidence that the state-building efforts by the EU form part of an institutional process of development by the EU to establish itself as a global actor. The assessment therefore focusses around four components: the EU, institutional-learning, state-building and Afghanistan. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the nexus between the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and EU-led state-building in fragile and/or post-conflict countries outside of the Union’s enlargement sphere while taking into account the change in actorness on the part of the EU. This analysis is grounded on two interlocking frameworks. By using data and developments in the Afghanistan country study, elements of the state-building Framework are scrutinised for evidence of the different categories of institutional-learning and adaptation derived from the institutional-learning Framework. By pinpointing the learning processes within the EU as an organisation and in its state-building policies, and by analysing the limitations of its approach to these, the thesis concludes with a recommendation of how to make EU-led post-conflict state-building in forthcoming cases of fragile states more effective.
2013-06-25T00:00:00ZCareless, S. AlisonThis thesis assesses institutional-learning by the European Union (EU) in Afghanistan. The assessment is carried out by delineating the developments and changes in relevant EU policies through the years 1993-2010 using process tracing. The analysis is based on an extensive review of EU documents, regulations, statements, publications and interviews together with third party evaluations and a survey of the relevant academic literature. The research question which the thesis addresses is to assess whether a policy change in EU state-building efforts is discernible and whether this change can be attributed to institutional-learning or to other causes. It also provides evidence that the state-building efforts by the EU form part of an institutional process of development by the EU to establish itself as a global actor. The assessment therefore focusses around four components: the EU, institutional-learning, state-building and Afghanistan. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the nexus between the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and EU-led state-building in fragile and/or post-conflict countries outside of the Union’s enlargement sphere while taking into account the change in actorness on the part of the EU. This analysis is grounded on two interlocking frameworks. By using data and developments in the Afghanistan country study, elements of the state-building Framework are scrutinised for evidence of the different categories of institutional-learning and adaptation derived from the institutional-learning Framework. By pinpointing the learning processes within the EU as an organisation and in its state-building policies, and by analysing the limitations of its approach to these, the thesis concludes with a recommendation of how to make EU-led post-conflict state-building in forthcoming cases of fragile states more effective.Enter the dragon : the emerging Chinese approach to peacebuilding in LiberiaKuo, Steven Chiun-Yihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/38162016-07-11T09:45:17Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZCritics of the liberal peace point out that the imposition of liberal democratic structures of governance through United Nations Peacekeeping Operations has not led to a sustainable peace being built. In reply, supporters of the liberal peace argue that even though the liberal peace is imperfect, there are no better alternatives. The objective of this thesis is to examine the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and explore the possibility that it may be a potential alternative to the liberal peace. The thesis examines the Chinese understanding of the causes of insecurity in Africa, what the Chinese position is with regards to United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in Africa; and what role China see itself playing vis-à-vis United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa.
The Chinese approach to peacebuilding recognises poverty alleviation as the foundation upon which sustainable peace can be built in post-conflict countries. Beijing does not believe the external imposition of a political ruling superstructure can succeed, and sees the liberal peace as neo-colonialism and liberal hubris. However, there is no set Chinese model of peacebuilding which can replace the liberal peace, or which African countries might follow. This is because the Chinese developmental model respects the local context, is based on pragmatism, and relies on trial and error to find the way forward.
The Chinese have been keeping a low profile in the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and have focused on providing transportation and logistical support to UNMIL. The Chinese focus on infrastructure rehabilitation is appreciated by Liberians and is making a positive contribution to the life of ordinary people. On the deep societal divide that lies at the heart of the Liberian civil war and continues to cause instability, both the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and the liberal peace remain silent.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZKuo, Steven Chiun-YiCritics of the liberal peace point out that the imposition of liberal democratic structures of governance through United Nations Peacekeeping Operations has not led to a sustainable peace being built. In reply, supporters of the liberal peace argue that even though the liberal peace is imperfect, there are no better alternatives. The objective of this thesis is to examine the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and explore the possibility that it may be a potential alternative to the liberal peace. The thesis examines the Chinese understanding of the causes of insecurity in Africa, what the Chinese position is with regards to United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in Africa; and what role China see itself playing vis-à-vis United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa.
The Chinese approach to peacebuilding recognises poverty alleviation as the foundation upon which sustainable peace can be built in post-conflict countries. Beijing does not believe the external imposition of a political ruling superstructure can succeed, and sees the liberal peace as neo-colonialism and liberal hubris. However, there is no set Chinese model of peacebuilding which can replace the liberal peace, or which African countries might follow. This is because the Chinese developmental model respects the local context, is based on pragmatism, and relies on trial and error to find the way forward.
The Chinese have been keeping a low profile in the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and have focused on providing transportation and logistical support to UNMIL. The Chinese focus on infrastructure rehabilitation is appreciated by Liberians and is making a positive contribution to the life of ordinary people. On the deep societal divide that lies at the heart of the Liberian civil war and continues to cause instability, both the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and the liberal peace remain silent.Is terrorism theatre? : dramaturgical metaphor in the cases of Budyonnovsk, Dubrovka and BeslanSkrzypek, Jankahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/38152017-11-29T12:41:01Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is about terrorism metaphorically conceptualised as drama, theatre, spectacle and performance. It focuses on terrorism as a process of communication aimed at manipulating political attitude and behaviour. Even though it is terrorist actors who usually initiate that communication, various audiences play an important part in it, too. Not only do they receive and interpret the terrorist message, but they also have an impact on the content of that message and how it is transmitted.
What attests to an important role of audience in terrorism is that in order for terrorism to work, those watching – the audience – need to change their behaviour to suit the political goals of terrorists. Arguably, if it were not for the people who alter their political behaviour as a result of having been terrorized, terrorism would not work, not to mention succeed. Another reason why there can be no terrorism without an audience is because the necessary presence of an audience is exactly what differentiates terrorism from other forms of political violence, such as war, secret killings or torture.
While, at least for the time being, terrorism research remains “actor-focused” (Hülsse and Spencer, 2008), there is clearly a need to make it more “audience-focused”, to reflect the importance of the audience in terrorism, as highlighted above. This thesis examines the extent to which this can be achieved using the metaphors of drama, theatre, spectacle and performance. By applying the four dramaturgical metaphors to the terrorist attacks in Budyonnovsk, Dubrovka and Beslan, it investigates the potential of the metaphors to enhance the understanding of the dynamics between terrorism and counter-terrorism as well as the interplay between their respective actors and audiences.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZSkrzypek, JankaThis thesis is about terrorism metaphorically conceptualised as drama, theatre, spectacle and performance. It focuses on terrorism as a process of communication aimed at manipulating political attitude and behaviour. Even though it is terrorist actors who usually initiate that communication, various audiences play an important part in it, too. Not only do they receive and interpret the terrorist message, but they also have an impact on the content of that message and how it is transmitted.
What attests to an important role of audience in terrorism is that in order for terrorism to work, those watching – the audience – need to change their behaviour to suit the political goals of terrorists. Arguably, if it were not for the people who alter their political behaviour as a result of having been terrorized, terrorism would not work, not to mention succeed. Another reason why there can be no terrorism without an audience is because the necessary presence of an audience is exactly what differentiates terrorism from other forms of political violence, such as war, secret killings or torture.
While, at least for the time being, terrorism research remains “actor-focused” (Hülsse and Spencer, 2008), there is clearly a need to make it more “audience-focused”, to reflect the importance of the audience in terrorism, as highlighted above. This thesis examines the extent to which this can be achieved using the metaphors of drama, theatre, spectacle and performance. By applying the four dramaturgical metaphors to the terrorist attacks in Budyonnovsk, Dubrovka and Beslan, it investigates the potential of the metaphors to enhance the understanding of the dynamics between terrorism and counter-terrorism as well as the interplay between their respective actors and audiences.Syria's authoritarian upgrading, 2000-2010 : Bashar al-Asad's promotion of foreign-educated returnees as transnational agents of changeZintl, Tinahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/37452016-03-28T11:49:49Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis analyses the political role of highly-educated Syrian return migrants between 2000 and 2010 and their significance for the regime’s authoritarian upgrading. It
critically engages with the expectations raised by different bodies of literature, first, that returnees facilitate the development of their home country and, second, that, in the Syrian case, a foreign-trained president promoted the influence of highly-skilled technocrats. The study is based on qualitative interviews with foreign-educated returnees and conceptualizes their unique background as ‘transnationality’, which encompasses diverse foreign and local cultural, social, economic and symbolic capitals.
‘Transnationality’ can have a political impact only if it is linked up with the political status quo and, in Syria, this process was characterized by selectivity and elitism that coincided with strategies of authoritarian upgrading. Thus, there was a delicate balance between returnees’ modernizing influence and the pressure for them to re-adapt exerted by their environment. On the one hand, the socio-economic circumstances of migration
and return, the need to re-adapt as well as the logic of co-opting the most influential
parts of society led to a ‘bourgeois bias’ that privileged well-connected members of
society and hampered upward social mobility. On the other hand, although returnees
exerted a notable influence on some reforms areas, this influence was often weakened
by indirect and temporary agreements and confined to particular policy areas which the
authoritarian regime prioritized for reforms. By scrutinizing returnees’ influence in the areas of economy and finance, civil society, the media and tertiary education, it becomes clear that their political impact exemplifies and explains the Syrian regime’s outsourcing strategy to the private sector. The study concludes that Syrian returnees were mostly ‘agents of status quo’ who – whether consciously or not – helped to bolster
authoritarian politics and, especially, the legitimizing discourse that reinforced the
image of Bashar al-Asad as a modernizer struggling against ‘old guard’ hardliners.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZZintl, TinaThis thesis analyses the political role of highly-educated Syrian return migrants between 2000 and 2010 and their significance for the regime’s authoritarian upgrading. It
critically engages with the expectations raised by different bodies of literature, first, that returnees facilitate the development of their home country and, second, that, in the Syrian case, a foreign-trained president promoted the influence of highly-skilled technocrats. The study is based on qualitative interviews with foreign-educated returnees and conceptualizes their unique background as ‘transnationality’, which encompasses diverse foreign and local cultural, social, economic and symbolic capitals.
‘Transnationality’ can have a political impact only if it is linked up with the political status quo and, in Syria, this process was characterized by selectivity and elitism that coincided with strategies of authoritarian upgrading. Thus, there was a delicate balance between returnees’ modernizing influence and the pressure for them to re-adapt exerted by their environment. On the one hand, the socio-economic circumstances of migration
and return, the need to re-adapt as well as the logic of co-opting the most influential
parts of society led to a ‘bourgeois bias’ that privileged well-connected members of
society and hampered upward social mobility. On the other hand, although returnees
exerted a notable influence on some reforms areas, this influence was often weakened
by indirect and temporary agreements and confined to particular policy areas which the
authoritarian regime prioritized for reforms. By scrutinizing returnees’ influence in the areas of economy and finance, civil society, the media and tertiary education, it becomes clear that their political impact exemplifies and explains the Syrian regime’s outsourcing strategy to the private sector. The study concludes that Syrian returnees were mostly ‘agents of status quo’ who – whether consciously or not – helped to bolster
authoritarian politics and, especially, the legitimizing discourse that reinforced the
image of Bashar al-Asad as a modernizer struggling against ‘old guard’ hardliners.Rethinking the roots of terrorism: through the doors of perceptionFranks, Jasonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/37262016-03-28T11:07:49Z2005-01-01T00:00:00ZThis study examines the new terrorism debate and is intended to rethink the
root causes of terrorism by examining alternative approaches, in part provided by
conflict theory, to the predominant understanding of terrorism provided by what it
identifies as orthodox terrorism theory. It presents a critical and discourse analysis
approach to explaining and understanding the roots of terrorism and focuses initially
on a description and explanation of the existence of orthodox terrorism discourse,
clarifying how and why it is constructed, what it is used for and the associated
implications it has for understanding terrorism. The study also aims to explore the
range of alternative perceptions of terrorism created in terrorism and conflict studies
by using international relations theory as frameworks through which to examine
different levels of analysis pertaining to terrorism and conflict. The purpose is to
develop a multi-level and multi-dimensional framework for rethinking the roots of
terrorism based upon the most sophisticated theoretical approaches provided by
terrorism and conflict studies. This framework, which also provides a reflexive
critique of orthodox terrorism theory, is not intended as a new theory of terrorism but
represents an attempt to provide a broader, more comprehensive and holistic approach
to the problem of terrorism.
In order to test this comprehensive framework for the analysis of terrorism,
this study examines the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and discusses how orthodox
terrorism theory is employed by Israel. It also demonstrates how Palestinian terrorism
can be re-examined through the application of the alternative framework to reveal a
considerably more comprehensive, multi-dimensional and multi-level understanding
of the root causes of terrorism. The conclusion of this study suggests that rethinking
terrorism will provide an increasingly sophisticated understanding of political
violence and equip the study of terrorism with more robust analytical tools with which
to create a number of potential channels to facilitate resolution of the deep underlying
problems that cause terrorism.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZFranks, JasonThis study examines the new terrorism debate and is intended to rethink the
root causes of terrorism by examining alternative approaches, in part provided by
conflict theory, to the predominant understanding of terrorism provided by what it
identifies as orthodox terrorism theory. It presents a critical and discourse analysis
approach to explaining and understanding the roots of terrorism and focuses initially
on a description and explanation of the existence of orthodox terrorism discourse,
clarifying how and why it is constructed, what it is used for and the associated
implications it has for understanding terrorism. The study also aims to explore the
range of alternative perceptions of terrorism created in terrorism and conflict studies
by using international relations theory as frameworks through which to examine
different levels of analysis pertaining to terrorism and conflict. The purpose is to
develop a multi-level and multi-dimensional framework for rethinking the roots of
terrorism based upon the most sophisticated theoretical approaches provided by
terrorism and conflict studies. This framework, which also provides a reflexive
critique of orthodox terrorism theory, is not intended as a new theory of terrorism but
represents an attempt to provide a broader, more comprehensive and holistic approach
to the problem of terrorism.
In order to test this comprehensive framework for the analysis of terrorism,
this study examines the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and discusses how orthodox
terrorism theory is employed by Israel. It also demonstrates how Palestinian terrorism
can be re-examined through the application of the alternative framework to reveal a
considerably more comprehensive, multi-dimensional and multi-level understanding
of the root causes of terrorism. The conclusion of this study suggests that rethinking
terrorism will provide an increasingly sophisticated understanding of political
violence and equip the study of terrorism with more robust analytical tools with which
to create a number of potential channels to facilitate resolution of the deep underlying
problems that cause terrorism.Left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of GermanyScharlau, Bruce Allenhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/37202016-03-28T11:36:28Z1992-01-01T00:00:00ZThe Federal Republic of Germany has coped with indigenous left-wing terrorism for several decades and not lost its liberal democratic character f which raises the question of why terrorists continue to attract recruits to fight the state. This case study of terrorist motivation also elucidates the concept of identification, the lasting influence of someone, some group f or some idea on others, to aid the understanding of motivation and responses to terrorism. Identification also enables the integration of three entwined levels of terrorism study -individuals, groups and society. Elucidation of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows that a wide variety of persons became terrorists. The important factors in becoming a terrorist were the influence of
'significant others' both in the decision to join a terrorist group, and later within the group, as well as the perception that terrorism was the only available option. The terrorist groups formed 'macronarratives based on the group members' shared history and culture which supported their decisions to offer incentives and sanctions to group members to enable their underground existence. Not all of the groups sought to influence public policy. The Red Army Faction was mainly interested in group survival, as was the Second of June, while some of the Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen followed their self-interest in committing terrorist acts. Other Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen groups, however, sought public policy changes through terrorist acts in
support of protest groups. The other groups had limited concepts of the 'public' which reflected their group direction. The government of the Federal Republic responded to left-wing terrorism with short-term paramilitary options taking precedence over the long-term socio-economic considerations. The German government generally has perceived all left-wing terrorist groups as the same, and not given due consideration to the different terrorist organisations perceptions of the 'public'. A clearer perception of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows the usefulness of the concept of identification in the study of terrorism, and highlights the processes involved in terrorist motivation at individual, group and society levels.
1992-01-01T00:00:00ZScharlau, Bruce AllenThe Federal Republic of Germany has coped with indigenous left-wing terrorism for several decades and not lost its liberal democratic character f which raises the question of why terrorists continue to attract recruits to fight the state. This case study of terrorist motivation also elucidates the concept of identification, the lasting influence of someone, some group f or some idea on others, to aid the understanding of motivation and responses to terrorism. Identification also enables the integration of three entwined levels of terrorism study -individuals, groups and society. Elucidation of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows that a wide variety of persons became terrorists. The important factors in becoming a terrorist were the influence of
'significant others' both in the decision to join a terrorist group, and later within the group, as well as the perception that terrorism was the only available option. The terrorist groups formed 'macronarratives based on the group members' shared history and culture which supported their decisions to offer incentives and sanctions to group members to enable their underground existence. Not all of the groups sought to influence public policy. The Red Army Faction was mainly interested in group survival, as was the Second of June, while some of the Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen followed their self-interest in committing terrorist acts. Other Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen groups, however, sought public policy changes through terrorist acts in
support of protest groups. The other groups had limited concepts of the 'public' which reflected their group direction. The government of the Federal Republic responded to left-wing terrorism with short-term paramilitary options taking precedence over the long-term socio-economic considerations. The German government generally has perceived all left-wing terrorist groups as the same, and not given due consideration to the different terrorist organisations perceptions of the 'public'. A clearer perception of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows the usefulness of the concept of identification in the study of terrorism, and highlights the processes involved in terrorist motivation at individual, group and society levels.Irish security policy : neutrality, non-aligned or 'sui generis'?Salmon, Trevorhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/37192016-03-28T11:36:05Z1987-01-01T00:00:00ZIn this century the Irish have claimed, at critical moments, that they were neutral and that they have established a policy of traditional neutrality. In the last generation they have also claimed, on occasion, to be nonaligned. These claims are tested by identifying the true nature of neutrality and variables by which a state's claim to be neutral can be assessed, and by identifying the essence of nonalignment. That essence is inapplicable to developed European states. Given that neutrality per se can only apply in time of war, the variables are adjusted to reflect a peacetime policy 'for neutrality' in the event of war. For this purpose the model presented by three European neutral countries is examined and used to generate variables against which to test the Irish claims. The identified variables are: (i) due diligence with respect to neutral rights and duties; (ii) the extent to which Irish claims have been recognised by others; (iii) the disavowal of help by them and; (iv) the extent of their freedom of decision and action. In addition, and partly reflecting the claim to non-alignment, two other variables are used: (v) lack of isolationism, willingness to ameliorate world problems, and impartiality and; (vi) the attitude to identity, nation- building, unity, stability and self-determination. Ireland has consistently failed to meet the criteria associated with either 'of' or 'for' neutrality, whilst its record on variable (v) is mixed. Its concern with variable (vi) has been pervasive, but ineffectual. Nonetheless, Ireland has not been committed to co-belligerency, although neither non-aligned, neutral nor an alliance member. It is in a ‘sui generis’ position, particularly, but not only, within the European Community.
1987-01-01T00:00:00ZSalmon, TrevorIn this century the Irish have claimed, at critical moments, that they were neutral and that they have established a policy of traditional neutrality. In the last generation they have also claimed, on occasion, to be nonaligned. These claims are tested by identifying the true nature of neutrality and variables by which a state's claim to be neutral can be assessed, and by identifying the essence of nonalignment. That essence is inapplicable to developed European states. Given that neutrality per se can only apply in time of war, the variables are adjusted to reflect a peacetime policy 'for neutrality' in the event of war. For this purpose the model presented by three European neutral countries is examined and used to generate variables against which to test the Irish claims. The identified variables are: (i) due diligence with respect to neutral rights and duties; (ii) the extent to which Irish claims have been recognised by others; (iii) the disavowal of help by them and; (iv) the extent of their freedom of decision and action. In addition, and partly reflecting the claim to non-alignment, two other variables are used: (v) lack of isolationism, willingness to ameliorate world problems, and impartiality and; (vi) the attitude to identity, nation- building, unity, stability and self-determination. Ireland has consistently failed to meet the criteria associated with either 'of' or 'for' neutrality, whilst its record on variable (v) is mixed. Its concern with variable (vi) has been pervasive, but ineffectual. Nonetheless, Ireland has not been committed to co-belligerency, although neither non-aligned, neutral nor an alliance member. It is in a ‘sui generis’ position, particularly, but not only, within the European Community.Controversies of conversions : the potential terrorist threat of European converts to IslamBartoszewicz, Monika Gabrielahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36762016-03-28T12:28:47Z2013-06-25T00:00:00ZThe conventional wisdom regarding European converts to Islam is based on the premise that the majority lack the necessary religious knowledge and being thus unable to discern between the various interpretations of Islam, they constitute easy prey for radicals. Moreover, the myth of “convert’s zeal” contributes to the belief that being ready to prove their dedication to the new faith and community, converts are ready and willing do to everything, including the most atrocious acts of political violence.
This thesis focuses on the question that asks: Under what conditions do converts to Islam coming from indigenous European societies radicalise? In other words, which factors determine both their non-violent (ideological) and violent (with subsequent engagement in terrorism) radicalisation? Consequently, the research aims to examine what the radicalisation mechanisms are that may lead to such an activity, to determine possible regularities and to analyse viable implications pertaining to countering them.
The research aims to establish the conditions under which conversion leads to radicalisation and terrorist violence; analyse recrudescent concomitances of causal mechanisms of this phenomenon; explore possible pathways existing between conversion, radicalisation and terrorist violence; identify key variables pertaining to causal pathways and processes; provide hypotheses regarding the radicalisation pathways, and establish a typology that can serve as a basis for further studies. In this way the thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge on the processes of radicalisation, establishing a base for further studies and enabling others to follow with more nuanced and elaborate theories in order to provide contingent recommendations for policy makers.
By dispelling many stereotypes concerning European New Muslims this thesis offers a new, contextual approach to the researched question thus inviting the reader to reconsider the concepts of “convert”, “radicalisation” and “potential”- crucial for analysing the widely expressed assumptions that European converts to Islam are a homogenous “risk group” and a security threat.
2013-06-25T00:00:00ZBartoszewicz, Monika GabrielaThe conventional wisdom regarding European converts to Islam is based on the premise that the majority lack the necessary religious knowledge and being thus unable to discern between the various interpretations of Islam, they constitute easy prey for radicals. Moreover, the myth of “convert’s zeal” contributes to the belief that being ready to prove their dedication to the new faith and community, converts are ready and willing do to everything, including the most atrocious acts of political violence.
This thesis focuses on the question that asks: Under what conditions do converts to Islam coming from indigenous European societies radicalise? In other words, which factors determine both their non-violent (ideological) and violent (with subsequent engagement in terrorism) radicalisation? Consequently, the research aims to examine what the radicalisation mechanisms are that may lead to such an activity, to determine possible regularities and to analyse viable implications pertaining to countering them.
The research aims to establish the conditions under which conversion leads to radicalisation and terrorist violence; analyse recrudescent concomitances of causal mechanisms of this phenomenon; explore possible pathways existing between conversion, radicalisation and terrorist violence; identify key variables pertaining to causal pathways and processes; provide hypotheses regarding the radicalisation pathways, and establish a typology that can serve as a basis for further studies. In this way the thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge on the processes of radicalisation, establishing a base for further studies and enabling others to follow with more nuanced and elaborate theories in order to provide contingent recommendations for policy makers.
By dispelling many stereotypes concerning European New Muslims this thesis offers a new, contextual approach to the researched question thus inviting the reader to reconsider the concepts of “convert”, “radicalisation” and “potential”- crucial for analysing the widely expressed assumptions that European converts to Islam are a homogenous “risk group” and a security threat.The application of database technologies to the study of terrorism and counter-terrorism : a post 9/11 analysisBowie, Neil Gordonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36412017-11-14T13:37:08Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZData and information of the highest quality are critical to understanding and
countering acts of terrorism. As a tool, database technologies are becoming integral
to the field of terrorism studies. The intelligence failings of September 11th 2001
illustrate the need for timely, relevant and accurate data, derived from a plethora of
complex intelligence sources.
This thesis will argue that, at least until 9/11, the academic study of terrorism and
counter-terrorism databases has been limited and that the subject lacks an overall
coherency and direction. The thesis asks: what is the quality and practical value of
database technologies in the field of terrorism and counter-terrorism post 9/11? The study will provide a cross-disciplinary approach, specifically from the disciplines of political science and computer science. It will present an understanding of the
conceptual, design, operation, strengths and weaknesses of terrorism and counterterrorism
databases. The ramifications of post 9/11 and its impact upon the intelligence community, and the areas of security, privacy and emerging technologies in data mining and terrorism informatics are assessed. This study will examine mainly open source information on terrorism and counterterrorism databases. The research methodology will be carried out using a series of case studies, from the ITERATE, RAND/MIPT, WITS, and GTDB data sets. Primary
sources, for example, codebooks, and secondary source materials such as Library of
Congress and GAO reports are used. A comparative sampling of relational databases
and terrorism data sets is undertaken.
The thesis will illustrate that with increased federal funding, new terrorism database technologies, post 9/11, operate under sophisticated schemata, requiring complex and systematic synthesis. In addition, issues of data sharing, fusion, interoperability and ethical concerns will be addressed.
Implications for future terrorism database technologies will be articulated. These
require rigorous design methodologies be adopted, while safeguarding ethical and
privacy concerns. The thesis provides a coherent systematic analysis of terrorism and
counter-terrorism databases, from what to date has been a disaggregated subject
field.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZBowie, Neil GordonData and information of the highest quality are critical to understanding and
countering acts of terrorism. As a tool, database technologies are becoming integral
to the field of terrorism studies. The intelligence failings of September 11th 2001
illustrate the need for timely, relevant and accurate data, derived from a plethora of
complex intelligence sources.
This thesis will argue that, at least until 9/11, the academic study of terrorism and
counter-terrorism databases has been limited and that the subject lacks an overall
coherency and direction. The thesis asks: what is the quality and practical value of
database technologies in the field of terrorism and counter-terrorism post 9/11? The study will provide a cross-disciplinary approach, specifically from the disciplines of political science and computer science. It will present an understanding of the
conceptual, design, operation, strengths and weaknesses of terrorism and counterterrorism
databases. The ramifications of post 9/11 and its impact upon the intelligence community, and the areas of security, privacy and emerging technologies in data mining and terrorism informatics are assessed. This study will examine mainly open source information on terrorism and counterterrorism databases. The research methodology will be carried out using a series of case studies, from the ITERATE, RAND/MIPT, WITS, and GTDB data sets. Primary
sources, for example, codebooks, and secondary source materials such as Library of
Congress and GAO reports are used. A comparative sampling of relational databases
and terrorism data sets is undertaken.
The thesis will illustrate that with increased federal funding, new terrorism database technologies, post 9/11, operate under sophisticated schemata, requiring complex and systematic synthesis. In addition, issues of data sharing, fusion, interoperability and ethical concerns will be addressed.
Implications for future terrorism database technologies will be articulated. These
require rigorous design methodologies be adopted, while safeguarding ethical and
privacy concerns. The thesis provides a coherent systematic analysis of terrorism and
counter-terrorism databases, from what to date has been a disaggregated subject
field."We belong to the future, the tyrants belong to the past" : the Islamic Republic of Iran's regime's foreign policy discourse and behaviour in the period 2005 until 2011Warnaar, Maaikehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36292017-07-14T16:21:46Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZThe foreign policy ideology that is communicated by the rulers and foreign policy makers of the Islamic Republic of Iran between 2005 and 2010 builds on the identification of Iran as a changed nation through the 1979 Revolution, and presents Iran as an example for other nations in a changing world. This dissertation shows how Iran's foreign policy behaviour can be made sense of in the context of this ideology. For this purpose, Iran's foreign policy
behaviour, regionally and internationally, is discussed against the background of the
ideology as communicated by Iran's president and supreme leader as to show this behaviour was made possible in the context of the discourse. Also, the dissertation provided
two case-studies, one on the nuclear issue and one on the 2009 events, to show how the
discourse on these specific issues stands in relation to foreign policy behaviour, and how
this fits with Iran's broader discourse. It show's how the Islamic Republic's foreign policy behaviour is not only made possible in the context of ideology, but ideology is also reinforced through foreign policy. Particularly, as Iranian leaders are engaged in an active shaping of the international order to the advantage of the Iranian regime and the goals they see for the Iranian nation.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZWarnaar, MaaikeThe foreign policy ideology that is communicated by the rulers and foreign policy makers of the Islamic Republic of Iran between 2005 and 2010 builds on the identification of Iran as a changed nation through the 1979 Revolution, and presents Iran as an example for other nations in a changing world. This dissertation shows how Iran's foreign policy behaviour can be made sense of in the context of this ideology. For this purpose, Iran's foreign policy
behaviour, regionally and internationally, is discussed against the background of the
ideology as communicated by Iran's president and supreme leader as to show this behaviour was made possible in the context of the discourse. Also, the dissertation provided
two case-studies, one on the nuclear issue and one on the 2009 events, to show how the
discourse on these specific issues stands in relation to foreign policy behaviour, and how
this fits with Iran's broader discourse. It show's how the Islamic Republic's foreign policy behaviour is not only made possible in the context of ideology, but ideology is also reinforced through foreign policy. Particularly, as Iranian leaders are engaged in an active shaping of the international order to the advantage of the Iranian regime and the goals they see for the Iranian nation.Resolving the defacto statehood dilemma in Iraq : evolving sovereignty norms and post-modern federalismHausknecht, Natalie J.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/36232016-03-28T12:35:56Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThrough a case study of Iraq, this dissertation examines one manifestation of the increasingly prevalent phenomenon in struggling de jure states of the establishment of alternative forms of political sovereignty embodied by defacto states. Tracing Iraq's failed state-building
endeavor to the adoption of an ill-suited Weberian model of state-building that idealized order and centralization to the exclusion of Iraq's Kurdish minority, it argues that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has
stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society. The result has been continual coups, instability, and civil conflict
that ultimately defined Iraq’s modern history. Using this framework, the contention is defended that democracy cannot survive in Iraq without the preservation of its federal character, which alone guarantees the social, economic,
political, and coercive dispersal of power necessary to maintain a free expression of Iraq’s diverse interests. By restricting the responsibilities and obligations of the central state to more manageable tasks while dually creating a mechanism for a minority buy-in, federal institutions have pulled previously contentious social sources of power into legitimate state institutions and
laid the foundation for a genuine, inclusive state-building process that will eventually benefit all Iraqis. While recognizing that this model is still contested by some leaders in Baghdad, the dissertation traces the path of the two key outstanding issues left unresolved --the exploitation of
Iraq’s vast natural resources and the territorial delineation of its disputed internal boundaries-- to
argue for a resolution that will bolster Iraqi federalism without sacrificing the hope of greater unity.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZHausknecht, Natalie J.Through a case study of Iraq, this dissertation examines one manifestation of the increasingly prevalent phenomenon in struggling de jure states of the establishment of alternative forms of political sovereignty embodied by defacto states. Tracing Iraq's failed state-building
endeavor to the adoption of an ill-suited Weberian model of state-building that idealized order and centralization to the exclusion of Iraq's Kurdish minority, it argues that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has
stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society. The result has been continual coups, instability, and civil conflict
that ultimately defined Iraq’s modern history. Using this framework, the contention is defended that democracy cannot survive in Iraq without the preservation of its federal character, which alone guarantees the social, economic,
political, and coercive dispersal of power necessary to maintain a free expression of Iraq’s diverse interests. By restricting the responsibilities and obligations of the central state to more manageable tasks while dually creating a mechanism for a minority buy-in, federal institutions have pulled previously contentious social sources of power into legitimate state institutions and
laid the foundation for a genuine, inclusive state-building process that will eventually benefit all Iraqis. While recognizing that this model is still contested by some leaders in Baghdad, the dissertation traces the path of the two key outstanding issues left unresolved --the exploitation of
Iraq’s vast natural resources and the territorial delineation of its disputed internal boundaries-- to
argue for a resolution that will bolster Iraqi federalism without sacrificing the hope of greater unity.A comparative assessment of constitutionalism in Western and Islamic thoughtKleidosty, Jeremy Scotthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36212016-03-28T12:48:43Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZIn the spirit of comparative political theory, this thesis analyzes the ideas that have shaped Western and Islamic constitutional discourse and assesses the extent to which they intersect at key historical and philosophical points. This goal is placed within a larger debate of whether Islam and constitutionalism are mutually exclusive. The thesis begins by positioning itself against Samuel Huntington and Elie Kedourie, who argues that Islam is inherently incompatible with constitutional governance. It then addresses the idea of constitutionalism as described by Western thinkers on three constitutional concepts: the rule of law, reflection of national character, and placing boundaries on government power. These are examined through the lens of a particular canonical text or thinker, Cicero, Montesquieu, and The Federalist Papers, respectively. This is followed by an examination of Muhammad's "The Constitution
of Medina." Islamic corollaries to the constitutional ideas discussed earlier are then examined. Al-Farabi's On the Perfect State, ibn Khaldun's asabiyya (group feeling)
in the Muqaddimah, and the redefinition of the state in the 19th century Ottoman
Tanzimat reforms are discussed. Following this, the thesis looks at a moment in
history where these two traditions intersected in 19th century Tunisia in the work of Khayr al-Din al-Tunisi, undertaking a detailed analysis of the introductory section of his book The Surest Path to Knowledge Concerning the Conditions of Countries.The abstract philosophical questions that motivated this inquiry suddenly have unquestioned practical implications. In recognition of this, the conclusion of the thesis summarizes the findings of this work to look at how theorists might address the pressing constitutional concerns of various states and peoples.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZKleidosty, Jeremy ScottIn the spirit of comparative political theory, this thesis analyzes the ideas that have shaped Western and Islamic constitutional discourse and assesses the extent to which they intersect at key historical and philosophical points. This goal is placed within a larger debate of whether Islam and constitutionalism are mutually exclusive. The thesis begins by positioning itself against Samuel Huntington and Elie Kedourie, who argues that Islam is inherently incompatible with constitutional governance. It then addresses the idea of constitutionalism as described by Western thinkers on three constitutional concepts: the rule of law, reflection of national character, and placing boundaries on government power. These are examined through the lens of a particular canonical text or thinker, Cicero, Montesquieu, and The Federalist Papers, respectively. This is followed by an examination of Muhammad's "The Constitution
of Medina." Islamic corollaries to the constitutional ideas discussed earlier are then examined. Al-Farabi's On the Perfect State, ibn Khaldun's asabiyya (group feeling)
in the Muqaddimah, and the redefinition of the state in the 19th century Ottoman
Tanzimat reforms are discussed. Following this, the thesis looks at a moment in
history where these two traditions intersected in 19th century Tunisia in the work of Khayr al-Din al-Tunisi, undertaking a detailed analysis of the introductory section of his book The Surest Path to Knowledge Concerning the Conditions of Countries.The abstract philosophical questions that motivated this inquiry suddenly have unquestioned practical implications. In recognition of this, the conclusion of the thesis summarizes the findings of this work to look at how theorists might address the pressing constitutional concerns of various states and peoples.Consuming the jihad : an enquiry into the subculture of internet jihadismRamsay, Gilberthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36072016-03-28T12:55:48Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZRecent years have seen a great deal of interest in phenomena such as Al Qaida ‘terrorism’, Islamic ‘radicalism’ or, increasingly, ‘jihadism’ - on the Internet. However, as I argue in this thesis, much work in these areas has been problematic for a number of reasons. Much literature has been narrowly focused on the security issues which it pre-judges the content to raise, and has therefore taken some aspects too literally while ignoring others. Conversely,
where authors have addressed ‘jihadi’ content or ‘electronic jihad’ as a phenomenon unto itself, they have had difficulty making sense of it within religious studies or political communication frameworks. In this dissertation, I propose an alternative approach. Deliberately eschewing frameworks based on pre-existing conceptions of religion or politics, I draw, instead, on the academic literature on fandom and subcultural media consumption.
Using this conceptual lens, I attempt to analyse jihadism on the Internet (which I define in terms of online consumption of, and identification with self-described ‘jihadi’ content) as a subcultural phenomenon on its own terms. I argue that, without necessarily denying the role that beliefs and ideals expressed in ‘jihadi’ content may sometimes have in sustaining the
physical violence of the ‘global jihad’, the cultural practices which constitute Internet
jihadism have a tactical logic of their own which may not always coincide with the ‘strategic’ interests of ‘global jihad’. By better understanding what ‘ordinary' jihadis, most of whom will never participate in violence, get out of their practices, and how they negotiate the apparent contradictions of their situation, I suggest that we may be better placed to understand not only why some jihadis ‘fail’ to negotiate these contradictions, but also,
perhaps, to raise questions about how popular media consumption works more generally.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZRamsay, GilbertRecent years have seen a great deal of interest in phenomena such as Al Qaida ‘terrorism’, Islamic ‘radicalism’ or, increasingly, ‘jihadism’ - on the Internet. However, as I argue in this thesis, much work in these areas has been problematic for a number of reasons. Much literature has been narrowly focused on the security issues which it pre-judges the content to raise, and has therefore taken some aspects too literally while ignoring others. Conversely,
where authors have addressed ‘jihadi’ content or ‘electronic jihad’ as a phenomenon unto itself, they have had difficulty making sense of it within religious studies or political communication frameworks. In this dissertation, I propose an alternative approach. Deliberately eschewing frameworks based on pre-existing conceptions of religion or politics, I draw, instead, on the academic literature on fandom and subcultural media consumption.
Using this conceptual lens, I attempt to analyse jihadism on the Internet (which I define in terms of online consumption of, and identification with self-described ‘jihadi’ content) as a subcultural phenomenon on its own terms. I argue that, without necessarily denying the role that beliefs and ideals expressed in ‘jihadi’ content may sometimes have in sustaining the
physical violence of the ‘global jihad’, the cultural practices which constitute Internet
jihadism have a tactical logic of their own which may not always coincide with the ‘strategic’ interests of ‘global jihad’. By better understanding what ‘ordinary' jihadis, most of whom will never participate in violence, get out of their practices, and how they negotiate the apparent contradictions of their situation, I suggest that we may be better placed to understand not only why some jihadis ‘fail’ to negotiate these contradictions, but also,
perhaps, to raise questions about how popular media consumption works more generally.Andrew Fletcher : bridging the gap between early modern and civic republicanismAnderson, Clairelouisehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/36022016-03-28T12:40:47Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the progress of contemporary republican theory from its civic roots to its modern conception. Republicanism is a paradigm of liberty, and the transformation of this theory of liberty from concepts of self-government and civic virtue through to contemporary ideas of non-domination and political autonomy will be examined. Using Andrew Fletcher's
particular brand of civic-humanist republicanism as a critical model, this thesis will show that republicanism is vital for addressing the issues an increasingly interdependent and unjust global system brings about.
This thesis considers Andrew Fletcher's contribution to republican political theory and demonstrates that his unique approach to liberty, peace and the European political order is an important contribution to the canon of political thought used in contemporary scholarship to understand the political ordering of society. Furthermore, his contribution to the debate surrounding the Treaty of Union is a relevant starting point for consideration of the current Scottish Independence question. It shows that Fletcher's civic-humanist republican theories are both relevant and necessary for the contemporary understanding of the republican theory of liberty, narrowing the gap between the dominant ideologies. Where communitarianism lays at one end of the spectrum, and libertarianism the other, Fletcher's own brand of civic-humanist republicanism narrows this broad spectrum.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZAnderson, ClairelouiseThis thesis explores the progress of contemporary republican theory from its civic roots to its modern conception. Republicanism is a paradigm of liberty, and the transformation of this theory of liberty from concepts of self-government and civic virtue through to contemporary ideas of non-domination and political autonomy will be examined. Using Andrew Fletcher's
particular brand of civic-humanist republicanism as a critical model, this thesis will show that republicanism is vital for addressing the issues an increasingly interdependent and unjust global system brings about.
This thesis considers Andrew Fletcher's contribution to republican political theory and demonstrates that his unique approach to liberty, peace and the European political order is an important contribution to the canon of political thought used in contemporary scholarship to understand the political ordering of society. Furthermore, his contribution to the debate surrounding the Treaty of Union is a relevant starting point for consideration of the current Scottish Independence question. It shows that Fletcher's civic-humanist republican theories are both relevant and necessary for the contemporary understanding of the republican theory of liberty, narrowing the gap between the dominant ideologies. Where communitarianism lays at one end of the spectrum, and libertarianism the other, Fletcher's own brand of civic-humanist republicanism narrows this broad spectrum.Needs, identity, and leadership: a theory of conflict and changeFinne, Neahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/35922016-03-28T12:54:39Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThis PhD dissertation aims to inform theories of conflict and International Relations (IR) by using modified social psychological models of identification and leadership in which needs fulfilment plays a central role. The main hypothesis is that identification with groups and leaders is flexible on the lower needs levels and more lasting on the higher needs levels, and that leadership, to be adaptive, must on the lower needs levels be action-oriented and on the higher levels be relations-oriented. This hypothesis is used to inform group and system level theories. On the group level, the hypothesis reads that due to this pattern of individual identification, cohesive collective action and violence in
physiological deprivation requires coercive leadership to make up for the absence of
unity, while on the higher needs levels collective violence necessitates manipulative
leadership to make up for the absence of real deprivation. On the system level, the
hypothesis reads that since the dynamics of collective action depend on the level of
needs fulfilment and identification, change in the system can only be understood by
examining all three levels of analysis. The first two hypotheses (on the individual and
group level) are developed and demonstrated through qualitative case studies on the
conflicts of the Sudan/South Sudan and between the former Yugoslav republics. These
hypotheses are then used to reconcile the various conflicting theories on each level of
analysis as well as to create a comprehensive framework through which the various theories and concepts of IR can be seen as connected to a certain level of needs security/development, and thus as historically and regionally specific.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZFinne, NeaThis PhD dissertation aims to inform theories of conflict and International Relations (IR) by using modified social psychological models of identification and leadership in which needs fulfilment plays a central role. The main hypothesis is that identification with groups and leaders is flexible on the lower needs levels and more lasting on the higher needs levels, and that leadership, to be adaptive, must on the lower needs levels be action-oriented and on the higher levels be relations-oriented. This hypothesis is used to inform group and system level theories. On the group level, the hypothesis reads that due to this pattern of individual identification, cohesive collective action and violence in
physiological deprivation requires coercive leadership to make up for the absence of
unity, while on the higher needs levels collective violence necessitates manipulative
leadership to make up for the absence of real deprivation. On the system level, the
hypothesis reads that since the dynamics of collective action depend on the level of
needs fulfilment and identification, change in the system can only be understood by
examining all three levels of analysis. The first two hypotheses (on the individual and
group level) are developed and demonstrated through qualitative case studies on the
conflicts of the Sudan/South Sudan and between the former Yugoslav republics. These
hypotheses are then used to reconcile the various conflicting theories on each level of
analysis as well as to create a comprehensive framework through which the various theories and concepts of IR can be seen as connected to a certain level of needs security/development, and thus as historically and regionally specific.Radicals and reactionaries : the polarisation of community and government in the name of public safety and securityWeeks, Douglas M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/34162016-03-28T12:06:52Z2013-06-25T00:00:00ZThe contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other’. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London’s ‘suspect community’ and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London’s Metropolitan Police Service’s Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth’ and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.
2013-06-25T00:00:00ZWeeks, Douglas M.The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other’. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London’s ‘suspect community’ and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London’s Metropolitan Police Service’s Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth’ and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.Iran's Islamic Revolution: the Ulama, the West, nationalism, and the growth of political consciousnessVon Nordheim, Alexhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/32312016-03-28T12:03:25Z2012-11-30T00:00:00ZThis dissertation seeks to offer an explanation for the Islamic Revolution, taking into account not only the social, political, and economic conditions of the time, but also religious and cultural elements. It seeks to determine the origins of the trends it identifies as important to an understanding of the causes of the Islamic Revolution.
These include the rise of nationalism, Iran’s exploitation by foreign powers, and the assertive posture of the Shi’a ulama.
2012-11-30T00:00:00ZVon Nordheim, AlexThis dissertation seeks to offer an explanation for the Islamic Revolution, taking into account not only the social, political, and economic conditions of the time, but also religious and cultural elements. It seeks to determine the origins of the trends it identifies as important to an understanding of the causes of the Islamic Revolution.
These include the rise of nationalism, Iran’s exploitation by foreign powers, and the assertive posture of the Shi’a ulama.Al Qaeda's ideology through political myth and rhetoricAshraf, M. A.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/32222016-03-28T12:58:21Z2012-06-19T00:00:00ZThis Thesis develops and applies a theoretical framework to understand Al Qaeda’s ideology. A concept of ideology comprising a number of political myths, shaped through rhetoric is the central feature of this research. The Thesis tests the theory that extremist ideologies emerge out of social and political crises and postulates that the primary components of ideology are a number of political myths created in the context of historical,theological and political factors. These myths and other components of ideology are given form through rhetoric and the rhetorical styles and techniques employed, in turn, shape ideology. Rhetorical analysis is carried out to identify aspects of Al Qaeda’s ideology, particularly in the construction of political myth. Analysis of the relationship between textuality and political style reveals that while Al Qaeda adopts republican attitudes to political debate, its textual style most closely matches the texts of modern revolutionary terrorists and reveals a great deal about its dual reliance on horrific violence and reasoned discourse. The rhetorical influences on Al Qaeda’s main ideologue are examined to reveal how they shape its ideology. The research fills a gap in academic analysis of terrorism in general and ideology in particular by providing a novel framework to identify the roots, causes, beliefs and trajectories of a particular seam of political thought. Specifically, it identifies Al Qaeda as an extreme and inevitable manifestation of Islamist political ideology, which in turn was a reaction to a number of modern political and social crises and ideas. The political myths that comprise Al Qaeda’s ideology are inherited from mainstream Islamism and are open to critical challenge. However, its motivations and strategies are driven by its primary ideologues’ perception of their political and conflict experiences. The belief that Muslim countries are ruled by unrepresentative and ineffective regimes subservient to the West and the belief that through asymmetric tactics such as terrorism it is possible to destroy a superpower are the two driving forces that sustain Al Qaeda’s ideology. These perceptions are less susceptible to critical debate and may only change after a transformation of political reality; when convincing changes have occurred in the nature of regimes in the Muslim world and when Al Qaeda’s political aims of defeating the West are demonstrably unachievable.
2012-06-19T00:00:00ZAshraf, M. A.This Thesis develops and applies a theoretical framework to understand Al Qaeda’s ideology. A concept of ideology comprising a number of political myths, shaped through rhetoric is the central feature of this research. The Thesis tests the theory that extremist ideologies emerge out of social and political crises and postulates that the primary components of ideology are a number of political myths created in the context of historical,theological and political factors. These myths and other components of ideology are given form through rhetoric and the rhetorical styles and techniques employed, in turn, shape ideology. Rhetorical analysis is carried out to identify aspects of Al Qaeda’s ideology, particularly in the construction of political myth. Analysis of the relationship between textuality and political style reveals that while Al Qaeda adopts republican attitudes to political debate, its textual style most closely matches the texts of modern revolutionary terrorists and reveals a great deal about its dual reliance on horrific violence and reasoned discourse. The rhetorical influences on Al Qaeda’s main ideologue are examined to reveal how they shape its ideology. The research fills a gap in academic analysis of terrorism in general and ideology in particular by providing a novel framework to identify the roots, causes, beliefs and trajectories of a particular seam of political thought. Specifically, it identifies Al Qaeda as an extreme and inevitable manifestation of Islamist political ideology, which in turn was a reaction to a number of modern political and social crises and ideas. The political myths that comprise Al Qaeda’s ideology are inherited from mainstream Islamism and are open to critical challenge. However, its motivations and strategies are driven by its primary ideologues’ perception of their political and conflict experiences. The belief that Muslim countries are ruled by unrepresentative and ineffective regimes subservient to the West and the belief that through asymmetric tactics such as terrorism it is possible to destroy a superpower are the two driving forces that sustain Al Qaeda’s ideology. These perceptions are less susceptible to critical debate and may only change after a transformation of political reality; when convincing changes have occurred in the nature of regimes in the Muslim world and when Al Qaeda’s political aims of defeating the West are demonstrably unachievable.A clash of swords: civil peace and the counteracting role of defence in Thomas Hobbes's theory of sovereignty.Boyd, Jonathan A.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/31782016-03-28T12:15:58Z2012-06-19T00:00:00ZThis thesis will inquire into the practicable strategies that Thomas Hobbes described in his major works of political philosophy, on the one hand, to allow his sovereign to ensure civil peace, and on the other, to enable his sovereign to defend the commonwealth. In terms of civil peace, the exercise of Hobbes’s sovereign’s ‘absolute’ authority is tempered by, and contingent on, its practical efficacy for securing and maintaining a peaceful commonwealth. To that end, I will argue that Hobbes’s sovereign is obliged to rule according to the natural laws, and entailed in this obligation are coinciding liberties which Hobbes believed that subjects must perceive themselves to possess, and which sovereigns must respect, in order for peace to be realised. However, rather than situating the purpose of Hobbes’s project in terms of civil peace alone—as the vast majority of his interpreters have—I consider alongside the purpose of civil peace, and contrast it with, the purpose of defence. Evident from this comparison is that the means by which Hobbes’s sovereign must ensure the capability of the commonwealth to defend itself from foreign nations simultaneously undermines and counteracts his otherwise proto-liberal system. Distinct from other prominent interpretations, I will argue that this ambivalence is not a result of an imbalance between subjects’ rights contra sovereign’s rights, nor yet of an unsupervised agonistic counter-balance between the two. Instead, the affirmation of subjects’ inalienable rights are depicted by Hobbes as a practically ineffective means by which to ensure defence. There exists a necessary ambivalence within Hobbes’s theory of sovereignty itself and is to be managed solely according to the sovereign’s ideally prudent and practicable judgment. Ultimately, I will characterize Hobbes as arguing that the unfortunate necessity of preparedness for foreign defensive wars is best mitigated by the sovereign’s prudent and minimal exercise of the commonwealth’s power in carrying out this intended purpose.
2012-06-19T00:00:00ZBoyd, Jonathan A.This thesis will inquire into the practicable strategies that Thomas Hobbes described in his major works of political philosophy, on the one hand, to allow his sovereign to ensure civil peace, and on the other, to enable his sovereign to defend the commonwealth. In terms of civil peace, the exercise of Hobbes’s sovereign’s ‘absolute’ authority is tempered by, and contingent on, its practical efficacy for securing and maintaining a peaceful commonwealth. To that end, I will argue that Hobbes’s sovereign is obliged to rule according to the natural laws, and entailed in this obligation are coinciding liberties which Hobbes believed that subjects must perceive themselves to possess, and which sovereigns must respect, in order for peace to be realised. However, rather than situating the purpose of Hobbes’s project in terms of civil peace alone—as the vast majority of his interpreters have—I consider alongside the purpose of civil peace, and contrast it with, the purpose of defence. Evident from this comparison is that the means by which Hobbes’s sovereign must ensure the capability of the commonwealth to defend itself from foreign nations simultaneously undermines and counteracts his otherwise proto-liberal system. Distinct from other prominent interpretations, I will argue that this ambivalence is not a result of an imbalance between subjects’ rights contra sovereign’s rights, nor yet of an unsupervised agonistic counter-balance between the two. Instead, the affirmation of subjects’ inalienable rights are depicted by Hobbes as a practically ineffective means by which to ensure defence. There exists a necessary ambivalence within Hobbes’s theory of sovereignty itself and is to be managed solely according to the sovereign’s ideally prudent and practicable judgment. Ultimately, I will characterize Hobbes as arguing that the unfortunate necessity of preparedness for foreign defensive wars is best mitigated by the sovereign’s prudent and minimal exercise of the commonwealth’s power in carrying out this intended purpose.Becoming sovereign in post-Soviet Central Asia : 'discursive encounters' between Tajikistan and UzbekistanSuyarkulova, Mohirahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/31592017-11-29T12:55:19Z2011-11-01T00:00:00ZIn 1991 republics of Soviet Central Asia were reluctantly ‘launched’ into independence.
The central puzzle of this dissertation is: “How has sovereign statehood been
‘constructed’ in the post-independence period in the absence of history of anti-colonial
struggle?” This is an analysis of state sovereignty as a practice that is performative and
interactive through the examination of ‘discursive encounters’ between Tajikistan and
Uzbekistan. Such analysis traces temporal and spatial dimensions of dialogical
sovereign identity construction.
In post-Soviet Tajikistan and Uzbekistan sovereignties have been performed in a
dialogue, through dynamic interactions with one another. The work of asserting state
sovereignty is performed by various actors who claim to impersonate the state and
speak on its behalf. Multiple narratives of the self are articulated in relation to the
relevant “interlocutor”, whose reactions and counter-articulations are “fed back” into
the narrative of the self. The right to existence of these states as agents of international
relations is justified through such ‘discursive encounters’ that simulate sovereignty. I
propose the Möbius strip as a conceptual model for understanding the process of
sovereignty-assertion.
Competing historiographies present two irreconcilable narratives: history of an
ethnic
group
and history of the
territory
of the current state. These are consistent with the
nature of nationalisms in each state. While Tajik nationalists long for ‘historical
Tajikistan’, Uzbek nationalism is inherently conservative and defensive of territorial
sovereignty.
The controversy surrounding the Roghun HPP is an example of the daily construction
and maintenance of a state. Competing principles of water sharing contributed to an
ongoing crisis in Tajik-Uzbek relations. Sovereignty is simulated within the periods and
zones of ‘exception’ via a Möbian mechanism of dialogical meaning-making, whereby
each side strives to exploit the inherent ambiguity of signifiers in order to advance their
own narrative of the self and other.
2011-11-01T00:00:00ZSuyarkulova, MohiraIn 1991 republics of Soviet Central Asia were reluctantly ‘launched’ into independence.
The central puzzle of this dissertation is: “How has sovereign statehood been
‘constructed’ in the post-independence period in the absence of history of anti-colonial
struggle?” This is an analysis of state sovereignty as a practice that is performative and
interactive through the examination of ‘discursive encounters’ between Tajikistan and
Uzbekistan. Such analysis traces temporal and spatial dimensions of dialogical
sovereign identity construction.
In post-Soviet Tajikistan and Uzbekistan sovereignties have been performed in a
dialogue, through dynamic interactions with one another. The work of asserting state
sovereignty is performed by various actors who claim to impersonate the state and
speak on its behalf. Multiple narratives of the self are articulated in relation to the
relevant “interlocutor”, whose reactions and counter-articulations are “fed back” into
the narrative of the self. The right to existence of these states as agents of international
relations is justified through such ‘discursive encounters’ that simulate sovereignty. I
propose the Möbius strip as a conceptual model for understanding the process of
sovereignty-assertion.
Competing historiographies present two irreconcilable narratives: history of an
ethnic
group
and history of the
territory
of the current state. These are consistent with the
nature of nationalisms in each state. While Tajik nationalists long for ‘historical
Tajikistan’, Uzbek nationalism is inherently conservative and defensive of territorial
sovereignty.
The controversy surrounding the Roghun HPP is an example of the daily construction
and maintenance of a state. Competing principles of water sharing contributed to an
ongoing crisis in Tajik-Uzbek relations. Sovereignty is simulated within the periods and
zones of ‘exception’ via a Möbian mechanism of dialogical meaning-making, whereby
each side strives to exploit the inherent ambiguity of signifiers in order to advance their
own narrative of the self and other.'The affirmation of Behan?' : an understanding of the politicisation process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement through an organisational analysis of splits from 1969 to 1997Morrison, John F.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/31582016-03-28T12:10:53Z2010-11-30T00:00:00ZOne of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles’, as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.
2010-11-30T00:00:00ZMorrison, John F.One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles’, as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.Regionalization of security and the reconstruction of a region : the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) critical and ironic security dynamicsMokhawa, Gladyshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/31402016-03-28T11:58:21Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis’ central aim is to rethink regional security cooperation in southern Africa by
transcending the geopolitics that has been characteristic to the region. The constructivist
inspired regional security complex theory is thus preferred as an analytic device through
which a non-statist understanding of security within the region could be conceived.
Furthermore to understand how the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
is involved in the (re)construction of the region, the region building approach is adopted
although the thesis is mindful of the fact that this approach is relevant to regions that
have high levels of regionality. Comprehension of the regional security cooperation could
not be possible without deconstructing the taken-for-granted understanding of regional
security cooperation. To this end, post-modern and post-structuralists traditions become
sites in which the altered and reformulations of regional security cooperation can be
imagined with the hope of re-imagining new interpretations of regional security politics.
Thus, linguistically inspired methodology and methods are embraced in order to unmask
the taken for granted understandings and transform them into objects of discussion and
criticism. Therefore, SADC’s critical and ironic security dynamics are considered within
the post-modern tradition without necessarily engaging in the aesthetics of this tradition.
Zimbabwe as a case illuminates the limits of modernistic understanding of regional
security cooperation. The thesis concludes by proposing regionalist understanding of
security alternatives that are based on integrated analysis of security threats and
preventative approach to responses.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZMokhawa, GladysThis thesis’ central aim is to rethink regional security cooperation in southern Africa by
transcending the geopolitics that has been characteristic to the region. The constructivist
inspired regional security complex theory is thus preferred as an analytic device through
which a non-statist understanding of security within the region could be conceived.
Furthermore to understand how the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
is involved in the (re)construction of the region, the region building approach is adopted
although the thesis is mindful of the fact that this approach is relevant to regions that
have high levels of regionality. Comprehension of the regional security cooperation could
not be possible without deconstructing the taken-for-granted understanding of regional
security cooperation. To this end, post-modern and post-structuralists traditions become
sites in which the altered and reformulations of regional security cooperation can be
imagined with the hope of re-imagining new interpretations of regional security politics.
Thus, linguistically inspired methodology and methods are embraced in order to unmask
the taken for granted understandings and transform them into objects of discussion and
criticism. Therefore, SADC’s critical and ironic security dynamics are considered within
the post-modern tradition without necessarily engaging in the aesthetics of this tradition.
Zimbabwe as a case illuminates the limits of modernistic understanding of regional
security cooperation. The thesis concludes by proposing regionalist understanding of
security alternatives that are based on integrated analysis of security threats and
preventative approach to responses.Constructing a common EU policy vis-à-vis the East : managing identity, normativity, morality and interests in talkFuták-Campbell, Beatrixhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/31252016-09-02T13:15:48Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZIn order to appreciate the wider implication of EU foreign policy and the role of the
EU as a global actor, it is essential to consider how constructions of EU foreign policy are
accounted for, by practitioners, within EU institutions. To examine such constructions is the
focus of this thesis. In the remit of European foreign policy, the Common Security and Foreign
Policy (CSFP) and the European Neighbourhood Policy’s (ENP) strategic engagement is linked
with the continuous quest to define a European identity, purpose and borders, especially most
recently on its eastern European boundaries. Although there are studies conceptualising
identity, by examining European foreign policy, these accounts either focus on EU’s capability
of developing policy instruments that demonstrate her global actorness (or lack of it), or on the
social norms that constitute EU identity, or on evaluating the moral obligations EU policy
prescribes. However, there has been little attention in the academic literature on their
interdependency. Neither has much attention been paid to consider the eastern European
region as a collective. This present study addresses several gaps in the existing research
literature. It treats the eastern European region as a collective and focuses on EU practitioners,
who formulate the policy vis-à-vis these eastern neighbours. More importantly, it focuses on
how identity, normativity, morality and interest formations are actually managed in talk, and
their interdependency. Semi-structured research interviews with 62 participants from the
Council of the European Union DG Eastern Europe and Central Asia (COEST) policy unit
and the presidency secretariat, the Commission’s External Relations DG (DG Relex) and the
Commissioner’s secretariat, and the European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee were
recorded and transcribed. For the analysis, I applied a form of discursive psychology informed
by category membership analysis. This analytical approach, novel to IR and to EU studies,
examines the social function of talk in interactions, the personal accountability of the speaker,
as well as the categories that practitioners build up.
The findings have significant theoretical, methodological and practical implications for
IR and for foreign policy practice and research.
First, the application of discursive psychology led to new understandings of how EU
practitioners construct EU policy vis-à-vis the East, the distinct interest in the region with
respect to the cultural and historical ties, border security and energy security, and how these
practitioners manage identity, normative, moral and interest concerns. Thus this thesis
contributes to the theoretical developments in IR on identity formation through talk. The
analysis reveals the relevance of how participants build on various discursive accounts such as:
the way they construct the ‘European’ (1); they account for the normative role/power the EU
plays in the eastern region (2); the way they attend to the vocational or moral aspect of EU
policy vis-à-vis the East (3); and justify the EU’s collective interests of energy security (4).
Furthermore, the analysis reveals a competing construction according to which the closer ties
with eastern European countries is not merely a moral concern or is clarifying issues of identity
for the EU, but very much a normative one, as it serves the EU’s own interest, especially
concerning energy security. In short, these notions are connected and exist in parallel to each
other, when practitioners consider EU foreign policy, rather than favouring one notion over the
other. The findings also demonstrate that in understanding European foreign policy in the
East, participants draw upon dichotomised categories combined with various discursive devices
that effectively work to fragment ‘European’ identity. This will have implications for practices of
EU foreign policy as well as perceptions of a ‘European’ identity in general.
Second, this thesis forms an important contribution to discursive studies in IR and EU
studies, by applying a specific analytical approach. I discuss the methodological issues that the
application of discursive psychology raises, such as the use of interview data and the ethics of obtaining such data for analysing foreign policy. The introduction of this method to IR also
challenges those cognition focused models that have been previously widely accepted.
The final set of implications is more of a practical nature. Some of the findings
contribute to potential policy recommendations on EU policy vis-à-vis the East, as well as the
way EU practitioners manage issues of personal accountability. The findings also allow for the
development of specific teaching material to assist with training EU practitioners.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZFuták-Campbell, BeatrixIn order to appreciate the wider implication of EU foreign policy and the role of the
EU as a global actor, it is essential to consider how constructions of EU foreign policy are
accounted for, by practitioners, within EU institutions. To examine such constructions is the
focus of this thesis. In the remit of European foreign policy, the Common Security and Foreign
Policy (CSFP) and the European Neighbourhood Policy’s (ENP) strategic engagement is linked
with the continuous quest to define a European identity, purpose and borders, especially most
recently on its eastern European boundaries. Although there are studies conceptualising
identity, by examining European foreign policy, these accounts either focus on EU’s capability
of developing policy instruments that demonstrate her global actorness (or lack of it), or on the
social norms that constitute EU identity, or on evaluating the moral obligations EU policy
prescribes. However, there has been little attention in the academic literature on their
interdependency. Neither has much attention been paid to consider the eastern European
region as a collective. This present study addresses several gaps in the existing research
literature. It treats the eastern European region as a collective and focuses on EU practitioners,
who formulate the policy vis-à-vis these eastern neighbours. More importantly, it focuses on
how identity, normativity, morality and interest formations are actually managed in talk, and
their interdependency. Semi-structured research interviews with 62 participants from the
Council of the European Union DG Eastern Europe and Central Asia (COEST) policy unit
and the presidency secretariat, the Commission’s External Relations DG (DG Relex) and the
Commissioner’s secretariat, and the European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee were
recorded and transcribed. For the analysis, I applied a form of discursive psychology informed
by category membership analysis. This analytical approach, novel to IR and to EU studies,
examines the social function of talk in interactions, the personal accountability of the speaker,
as well as the categories that practitioners build up.
The findings have significant theoretical, methodological and practical implications for
IR and for foreign policy practice and research.
First, the application of discursive psychology led to new understandings of how EU
practitioners construct EU policy vis-à-vis the East, the distinct interest in the region with
respect to the cultural and historical ties, border security and energy security, and how these
practitioners manage identity, normative, moral and interest concerns. Thus this thesis
contributes to the theoretical developments in IR on identity formation through talk. The
analysis reveals the relevance of how participants build on various discursive accounts such as:
the way they construct the ‘European’ (1); they account for the normative role/power the EU
plays in the eastern region (2); the way they attend to the vocational or moral aspect of EU
policy vis-à-vis the East (3); and justify the EU’s collective interests of energy security (4).
Furthermore, the analysis reveals a competing construction according to which the closer ties
with eastern European countries is not merely a moral concern or is clarifying issues of identity
for the EU, but very much a normative one, as it serves the EU’s own interest, especially
concerning energy security. In short, these notions are connected and exist in parallel to each
other, when practitioners consider EU foreign policy, rather than favouring one notion over the
other. The findings also demonstrate that in understanding European foreign policy in the
East, participants draw upon dichotomised categories combined with various discursive devices
that effectively work to fragment ‘European’ identity. This will have implications for practices of
EU foreign policy as well as perceptions of a ‘European’ identity in general.
Second, this thesis forms an important contribution to discursive studies in IR and EU
studies, by applying a specific analytical approach. I discuss the methodological issues that the
application of discursive psychology raises, such as the use of interview data and the ethics of obtaining such data for analysing foreign policy. The introduction of this method to IR also
challenges those cognition focused models that have been previously widely accepted.
The final set of implications is more of a practical nature. Some of the findings
contribute to potential policy recommendations on EU policy vis-à-vis the East, as well as the
way EU practitioners manage issues of personal accountability. The findings also allow for the
development of specific teaching material to assist with training EU practitioners.Reforming the United Nations : a study of the Secretary-General's High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and ChangeFraser, Trudyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/31242016-03-28T11:51:46Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the UN’s existential crisis of efficacy following its ineffectiveness in
Rwanda (1994), Srebrenica (1995), Kosovo (1999) and Iraq (2003). Specifically, this thesis
examines the reform agenda initiated by Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s High-level panel on
Threats, Challenges and Change (HLP).
The work seeks to diagnose the HLP-initiated reform of the UN and apply that analysis to
prescribe the optimal shape of future UN reform. The current work analyses three main areas of
reform initiated by the HLP—Security Council, Human Rights Council and development
activities. One of the key subplots of the reform agenda concerned the expansion of the definition
of security to encompass non-traditional issues such human rights and the coherent system-wide
delivery of development functions. I put forth two intertwined theses:
1. The effectiveness of reform increased directly with distance from the Security Council
and the veto powers contained therein;
2. The effectiveness of reforms in development placated developing countries and reduced
the impetus for meaningful Security Council reform.
The changes brought about by these reforms fell into two categories—structural and normative.
Structural change is Charter-based legalistic reform, while normative change alters the ideals to
which the UN aspires. Ineffective normative change took place at the Security Council, while
ineffective structural change took place at the Human Rights Council. Only at the development
level was there structural and normative change where intent was matched with action. It should
be no surprise that the HLP-initiated reform agenda brought about effective, pragmatic changes
only in development.
Having completed this analysis of the effectiveness of the HLP-reform agenda, I will conclude by
prescribing ways in which the UN can optimally reform itself based on a theory of tragedy that
suggests political action to be best pursued in a piecemeal, small-scale results oriented fashion.
The methodology of this work will be based on textual analysis of primary UN and Member State
documents, expert interviews with UN personnel, and observation of the UN reform process. The
empirical findings from thus will be correlated against a theoretical review of the purpose and
effectiveness of the UN, and the UN reform agenda. It is anticipated that the combined empirical
and theoretical sections will work together to elucidate new ways forward concerning the current
limitations, and potential way forward, for the UN reform process.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZFraser, TrudyThis thesis examines the UN’s existential crisis of efficacy following its ineffectiveness in
Rwanda (1994), Srebrenica (1995), Kosovo (1999) and Iraq (2003). Specifically, this thesis
examines the reform agenda initiated by Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s High-level panel on
Threats, Challenges and Change (HLP).
The work seeks to diagnose the HLP-initiated reform of the UN and apply that analysis to
prescribe the optimal shape of future UN reform. The current work analyses three main areas of
reform initiated by the HLP—Security Council, Human Rights Council and development
activities. One of the key subplots of the reform agenda concerned the expansion of the definition
of security to encompass non-traditional issues such human rights and the coherent system-wide
delivery of development functions. I put forth two intertwined theses:
1. The effectiveness of reform increased directly with distance from the Security Council
and the veto powers contained therein;
2. The effectiveness of reforms in development placated developing countries and reduced
the impetus for meaningful Security Council reform.
The changes brought about by these reforms fell into two categories—structural and normative.
Structural change is Charter-based legalistic reform, while normative change alters the ideals to
which the UN aspires. Ineffective normative change took place at the Security Council, while
ineffective structural change took place at the Human Rights Council. Only at the development
level was there structural and normative change where intent was matched with action. It should
be no surprise that the HLP-initiated reform agenda brought about effective, pragmatic changes
only in development.
Having completed this analysis of the effectiveness of the HLP-reform agenda, I will conclude by
prescribing ways in which the UN can optimally reform itself based on a theory of tragedy that
suggests political action to be best pursued in a piecemeal, small-scale results oriented fashion.
The methodology of this work will be based on textual analysis of primary UN and Member State
documents, expert interviews with UN personnel, and observation of the UN reform process. The
empirical findings from thus will be correlated against a theoretical review of the purpose and
effectiveness of the UN, and the UN reform agenda. It is anticipated that the combined empirical
and theoretical sections will work together to elucidate new ways forward concerning the current
limitations, and potential way forward, for the UN reform process.Understanding the content and framing of Al-Qa'ida leadership communiquésHolbrook, Baldvin Donaldhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/30832017-11-21T00:16:50Z2012-11-30T00:00:00ZThis dissertation explores the composition, construction and framing of Al-Qa’ida leadership communiqués – understood as the statements, messages, interviews, written work and other output from the movement’s predominant leaders: Usama bin Ladin and Ayman al-Zawahiri. The thesis argues existing research into this corpus is insufficiently rigorous, systematic and comprehensive in scope, thus failing to elucidate nuances and dynamics in the narrative of the Al-Qa’ida leadership since the movement’s inception. The current study presents results from the coding of 240 communiqués produced by the two leaders from 1991 to August 2011.
The analysis was informed by the literature on Collective Action Frames, which understands this material as the communicative effort of movement leaders towards identified audiences and constituents. This approach divides each message according to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational appeals contained within the narrative and assesses the impact of this collective according to its narrative fidelity (as regards the wider socio-cultural milieu), empirical credibility (in terms of consistency and continuity) and experiential commensurability (in light of experiences and realities of designated constituents).
The dissemination of communiqués highlighting the values, aspirations, frustrations and grievances of Al-Qa’ida is a central objective of its leadership. This material provides the metrics to understand the way in which the movement has evolved since its formation. The leaders themselves recognise the importance of communicating with diverse audiences in this way. The longitudinal analysis of the leadership communiqués, however, found that bin Ladin and Zawahiri failed to present coherent justifications for the solutions presented or how they should be focused. Moreover, it found that the leadership failed to reflect the interests of the vast majority of Muslims, particularly in the West, and gradually denounced those it claims to represent – the Muslim ummah. This dissertation thus illustrates how Al-Qa’ida has failed as a revolutionary vanguard based on evidence garnered from a systematic and long-term analysis of the leadership’s communiqués.
2012-11-30T00:00:00ZHolbrook, Baldvin DonaldThis dissertation explores the composition, construction and framing of Al-Qa’ida leadership communiqués – understood as the statements, messages, interviews, written work and other output from the movement’s predominant leaders: Usama bin Ladin and Ayman al-Zawahiri. The thesis argues existing research into this corpus is insufficiently rigorous, systematic and comprehensive in scope, thus failing to elucidate nuances and dynamics in the narrative of the Al-Qa’ida leadership since the movement’s inception. The current study presents results from the coding of 240 communiqués produced by the two leaders from 1991 to August 2011.
The analysis was informed by the literature on Collective Action Frames, which understands this material as the communicative effort of movement leaders towards identified audiences and constituents. This approach divides each message according to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational appeals contained within the narrative and assesses the impact of this collective according to its narrative fidelity (as regards the wider socio-cultural milieu), empirical credibility (in terms of consistency and continuity) and experiential commensurability (in light of experiences and realities of designated constituents).
The dissemination of communiqués highlighting the values, aspirations, frustrations and grievances of Al-Qa’ida is a central objective of its leadership. This material provides the metrics to understand the way in which the movement has evolved since its formation. The leaders themselves recognise the importance of communicating with diverse audiences in this way. The longitudinal analysis of the leadership communiqués, however, found that bin Ladin and Zawahiri failed to present coherent justifications for the solutions presented or how they should be focused. Moreover, it found that the leadership failed to reflect the interests of the vast majority of Muslims, particularly in the West, and gradually denounced those it claims to represent – the Muslim ummah. This dissertation thus illustrates how Al-Qa’ida has failed as a revolutionary vanguard based on evidence garnered from a systematic and long-term analysis of the leadership’s communiqués.The gateway to a social analysis : diplomatic crises in post-Cold war Sino-US relationsShepperd, Taryn Daniellahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/30712016-08-09T08:56:11Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZFollowing the end of the Cold War and the political fall-out from the Tiananmen
incident, the US and China ended the last century and began the new one with three well
publicised fall outs: the 1995-96 Taiwan Straits Crisis, the bombing of the Chinese
embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the Spy Plane Incident in 2001. In each of these
incidents the two states immediately resorted to confrontation and animosity before
shifting towards a peaceful resolution. How did these transformations become possible?
How did this relationship plunge towards confrontation over three apparent accidents?
What factors were shaping these events and the main actor’s behaviour?
This thesis provides an alternative framework for analysing these interactions; one that
takes into account dynamics other than those emphasised in neo-utilitarian approaches to
IR. Emphasising social dynamics, I ask a series of ‘how possible’ questions so as to lend
insight into the processes of change that have taken place. I examine each case in detail
and develop an argument that focuses upon investigating how the situations arose, how
meaning was constructed and renegotiated, how identities were produced, and how
emotional dynamics were drawn upon.
Chapter One introduces the puzzles that this thesis will be addressing before setting out
the conceptual focus of the research. Chapter Two provides a theoretical discussion
relating to the current literature surrounding US-Chinese relations, before setting out the
theoretical assumptions and methodological tools that I employ. Chapters Three, Four
and Five represent the empirical ‘heart’ of the thesis, with each providing detailed
analysis of the interaction in question. To finish, Chapter Six highlights the themes that
have emerged over the course of the empirical investigations, before concluding with a
discussion relating to the contribution to the literature and possible avenues of future
research.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZShepperd, Taryn DaniellaFollowing the end of the Cold War and the political fall-out from the Tiananmen
incident, the US and China ended the last century and began the new one with three well
publicised fall outs: the 1995-96 Taiwan Straits Crisis, the bombing of the Chinese
embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the Spy Plane Incident in 2001. In each of these
incidents the two states immediately resorted to confrontation and animosity before
shifting towards a peaceful resolution. How did these transformations become possible?
How did this relationship plunge towards confrontation over three apparent accidents?
What factors were shaping these events and the main actor’s behaviour?
This thesis provides an alternative framework for analysing these interactions; one that
takes into account dynamics other than those emphasised in neo-utilitarian approaches to
IR. Emphasising social dynamics, I ask a series of ‘how possible’ questions so as to lend
insight into the processes of change that have taken place. I examine each case in detail
and develop an argument that focuses upon investigating how the situations arose, how
meaning was constructed and renegotiated, how identities were produced, and how
emotional dynamics were drawn upon.
Chapter One introduces the puzzles that this thesis will be addressing before setting out
the conceptual focus of the research. Chapter Two provides a theoretical discussion
relating to the current literature surrounding US-Chinese relations, before setting out the
theoretical assumptions and methodological tools that I employ. Chapters Three, Four
and Five represent the empirical ‘heart’ of the thesis, with each providing detailed
analysis of the interaction in question. To finish, Chapter Six highlights the themes that
have emerged over the course of the empirical investigations, before concluding with a
discussion relating to the contribution to the literature and possible avenues of future
research.Consuming democracy : local agencies and liberal peace in the Democratic Republic of CongoDe Goede, Meike J.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/30622016-03-28T11:44:41Z2012-05-07T00:00:00ZThis thesis focuses on liberal peace building in the DRC. The thesis takes a critical approach which emphasises local agencies and their engagements with liberal peace building. However, it seeks to bring this critique back to the institutions with which liberal peace building is preoccupied, by focusing on the hidden local that operates within these institutions. This
approach seeks to give new meaning to processes of institution building without rendering institutions irrelevant as a top-down approach.
Focusing on the first legislature of the Congolese Third Republic (2006-2011) this thesis provides a case study of how local agencies consume liberal democracy within the National Assembly, and make it their own. It discusses current liberal peace building practices as a process of mutual disengagement, in which both the local and liberal intervention seek to disengage from each other. Although this results in a lack of legitimacy of the peace building
project both locally as well as with liberal interventions, it also creates hybrid space in which local agencies consume liberal democracy.
The thesis conceptualises these local agencies as being convivial, in other words, they are enabled by people’s relations. The thesis therefore focuses on MPs relations with their electorate, as well as with the executive and other MPs in their party or ruling coalition. In through these interactions local agencies consume liberal democracy – it is accepted, rejected,
diverted, substituted, etc. The thesis concludes that through these practices of consumption local agencies negotiate liberal democracy. The liberal democratic framework is kept intact, but it is not enabled to function as foreseen, because local agencies are responsive to a moral matrix of the father-family. However, the liberal democratic framework itself provides new tools through which local agencies also renegotiate the unwritten rules of the moral matrix of the father-family.
2012-05-07T00:00:00ZDe Goede, Meike J.This thesis focuses on liberal peace building in the DRC. The thesis takes a critical approach which emphasises local agencies and their engagements with liberal peace building. However, it seeks to bring this critique back to the institutions with which liberal peace building is preoccupied, by focusing on the hidden local that operates within these institutions. This
approach seeks to give new meaning to processes of institution building without rendering institutions irrelevant as a top-down approach.
Focusing on the first legislature of the Congolese Third Republic (2006-2011) this thesis provides a case study of how local agencies consume liberal democracy within the National Assembly, and make it their own. It discusses current liberal peace building practices as a process of mutual disengagement, in which both the local and liberal intervention seek to disengage from each other. Although this results in a lack of legitimacy of the peace building
project both locally as well as with liberal interventions, it also creates hybrid space in which local agencies consume liberal democracy.
The thesis conceptualises these local agencies as being convivial, in other words, they are enabled by people’s relations. The thesis therefore focuses on MPs relations with their electorate, as well as with the executive and other MPs in their party or ruling coalition. In through these interactions local agencies consume liberal democracy – it is accepted, rejected,
diverted, substituted, etc. The thesis concludes that through these practices of consumption local agencies negotiate liberal democracy. The liberal democratic framework is kept intact, but it is not enabled to function as foreseen, because local agencies are responsive to a moral matrix of the father-family. However, the liberal democratic framework itself provides new tools through which local agencies also renegotiate the unwritten rules of the moral matrix of the father-family.A strategic analysis of the origins of international terrorist attacks on aviation and the British responsesMalik, Omarhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/29162016-03-28T10:59:33Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZThis research examines the effects on Great Britain of international terrorist attacks on
aviation. The methodology is utilitarian. It is also eclectic, drawing upon scholarly and
operational sources. The first objective was factual: to establish the origins of international
attacks on aviation, their effects on Great Britain, and the British responses. It found that the
attacks were a "blocked tactic!' product of the Palestine conflict. They had neither political
nor economic effect on Great Britain. HMG was steadfast in its neutrality. The second
objective was analytical: to assess the value of the attacks to their exponents, and the
effectiveness of the British response. The evidence is that the attacks, despite tactical
successes, were strategically counterproductive to the Palestinians; they assisted Israel's
endeavours to label all Palestinian resistance to Israel as terrorism. By targeting the West
and forming' alliances with its enemies, the Palestinians deprived themselves of Western
diplomatic and economic resources crucial to their cause. Since renouncing terrorism
(1988), they have made more progress than in the preceding 40 year's. The international
response is not to be measured in the number, but in the implementation of enactments. It
has been inadequate. The British response was re-energised by the atrocity of Lockerbie.
The conduct of HMG, both MPs and civil servants, has been laudable. Britain's aviation
security programme is effective, but the relationship between government and industry is
now confrontational. The third objective was to derive proposals for improvements in
aviation security. The recommendations are for government financial contribution, a
partnership between government and industry, and a holistic approach. Bilaterals and
alliances are the best means of obtaining international progress. Attacks on aviation have
abated but may recur. Countermeasures should be systematically strengthened. The
research has recognised the need to withhold information of value to attackers of aviation.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZMalik, OmarThis research examines the effects on Great Britain of international terrorist attacks on
aviation. The methodology is utilitarian. It is also eclectic, drawing upon scholarly and
operational sources. The first objective was factual: to establish the origins of international
attacks on aviation, their effects on Great Britain, and the British responses. It found that the
attacks were a "blocked tactic!' product of the Palestine conflict. They had neither political
nor economic effect on Great Britain. HMG was steadfast in its neutrality. The second
objective was analytical: to assess the value of the attacks to their exponents, and the
effectiveness of the British response. The evidence is that the attacks, despite tactical
successes, were strategically counterproductive to the Palestinians; they assisted Israel's
endeavours to label all Palestinian resistance to Israel as terrorism. By targeting the West
and forming' alliances with its enemies, the Palestinians deprived themselves of Western
diplomatic and economic resources crucial to their cause. Since renouncing terrorism
(1988), they have made more progress than in the preceding 40 year's. The international
response is not to be measured in the number, but in the implementation of enactments. It
has been inadequate. The British response was re-energised by the atrocity of Lockerbie.
The conduct of HMG, both MPs and civil servants, has been laudable. Britain's aviation
security programme is effective, but the relationship between government and industry is
now confrontational. The third objective was to derive proposals for improvements in
aviation security. The recommendations are for government financial contribution, a
partnership between government and industry, and a holistic approach. Bilaterals and
alliances are the best means of obtaining international progress. Attacks on aviation have
abated but may recur. Countermeasures should be systematically strengthened. The
research has recognised the need to withhold information of value to attackers of aviation.Destruction and redemption : the conduct of revealed religious violence in the contemporary eraMuir, Angushttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/27992016-03-28T11:47:49Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThe final
quarter of the twentieth century saw the emergence of a variety of
security threats, perhaps the most pernicious and
least
understood of which
has been the
rise of religiously motivated violence and terrorism. While
a great
deal has been
written on
this phenomenon, much
has been in the form
of
individual
case studies and those more
inclusive
examinations which
have been
offered
deal
more with the causes of religious
violence and not the underlying processes of
justification
and operational activity.
In
cases
where such an approach
has been
attempted these have been
conducted
in
a cursory
fashion,
presenting generalisations which are not necessarily valid across the entire
spectrum of religious violence.
The
purpose of this thesis is to offer a
holistic
examination
of violence within the three revealed religions
(Judaism, Christianity
and
Islam) in
order to
establish common
features in the conduct of violence across the faiths
and to provide a
framework
whereby the ideological
and operational processes and mechanisms can
be
understood collectively rather than individually. In the process, a number of commonly
accepted generalisations regarding religiously motivated violence will
be
modified or
challenged.
The
method chosen consists of the identification
of a number of
key
components common to all revealed violent groups, ranging
from the formation
of an
ideology
which
justifies
violence to the tactics that are employed, and these key
components are then used to examine the behaviour
of three distinct
group types. The
three group types are represented by ten case studies, chosen to reflect the variety of group
types that have
existed and continue to exist.
The
objective
is to present a
broad
framework
which will enable a greater understanding of
how
religiously motivated
violence
is justified both to internal
and external audiences, the manner
in
which this
violence
is
expressed operationally, and the degree to which the course and trajectory of
group violence may
be
anticipated.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZMuir, AngusThe final
quarter of the twentieth century saw the emergence of a variety of
security threats, perhaps the most pernicious and
least
understood of which
has been the
rise of religiously motivated violence and terrorism. While
a great
deal has been
written on
this phenomenon, much
has been in the form
of
individual
case studies and those more
inclusive
examinations which
have been
offered
deal
more with the causes of religious
violence and not the underlying processes of
justification
and operational activity.
In
cases
where such an approach
has been
attempted these have been
conducted
in
a cursory
fashion,
presenting generalisations which are not necessarily valid across the entire
spectrum of religious violence.
The
purpose of this thesis is to offer a
holistic
examination
of violence within the three revealed religions
(Judaism, Christianity
and
Islam) in
order to
establish common
features in the conduct of violence across the faiths
and to provide a
framework
whereby the ideological
and operational processes and mechanisms can
be
understood collectively rather than individually. In the process, a number of commonly
accepted generalisations regarding religiously motivated violence will
be
modified or
challenged.
The
method chosen consists of the identification
of a number of
key
components common to all revealed violent groups, ranging
from the formation
of an
ideology
which
justifies
violence to the tactics that are employed, and these key
components are then used to examine the behaviour
of three distinct
group types. The
three group types are represented by ten case studies, chosen to reflect the variety of group
types that have
existed and continue to exist.
The
objective
is to present a
broad
framework
which will enable a greater understanding of
how
religiously motivated
violence
is justified both to internal
and external audiences, the manner
in
which this
violence
is
expressed operationally, and the degree to which the course and trajectory of
group violence may
be
anticipated.Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate periodFreas, Erik Eliavhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/27892016-03-28T11:47:27Z2006-01-01T00:00:00ZMy dissertation
examines
Muslim-Christian
relations
in Palestine during the British
mandate period, specifically, around the question of what constituted
Palestinian-Arab identity. More broadly
speaking, the dissertation
addresses the topic within the
context of the larger debate
concerning the role of material
factors (those
related to
specific
historical developments
and circumstances) versus that of
ideological
ones. in
determining
national
identities. At the beginning
of the twentieth, century, two models
of
Arab
nationalism were proposed-a more secular one emphasising a shared
language
and culture
(and thus, relatively
inclusive
of non-Muslims) and one wherein
Arab identity
was seen as essentially an extension of the Islamic
religious
community, or umma.
While
many
historians dealing
with
Arab
nationalism
have
tended to focus
on the role of
language (likewise, the role of
Christian Arab
intellectuals), I
would maintain that
it is the latter
model that proved
determinative
of
how
most
Muslim Arabs
came to conceive of their identity
as Arabs. Both
models
were essentially
intellectual
constructs; that the latter
prevailed
in the end reflects the
predominance of material
factors
over
ideological
ones.
Specifically, I
consider the
impact
of social, political and economic changes related to the Tanzimat
reforms and
European
economic penetration of the nineteenth century; the role of proto-nationalist
models of communal
identification-particularly
those related to religion; and
finally,
the role played
by
political actors seeking to gain or consolidate authority through the
manipulation of proto-nationalist symbols.
2006-01-01T00:00:00ZFreas, Erik EliavMy dissertation
examines
Muslim-Christian
relations
in Palestine during the British
mandate period, specifically, around the question of what constituted
Palestinian-Arab identity. More broadly
speaking, the dissertation
addresses the topic within the
context of the larger debate
concerning the role of material
factors (those
related to
specific
historical developments
and circumstances) versus that of
ideological
ones. in
determining
national
identities. At the beginning
of the twentieth, century, two models
of
Arab
nationalism were proposed-a more secular one emphasising a shared
language
and culture
(and thus, relatively
inclusive
of non-Muslims) and one wherein
Arab identity
was seen as essentially an extension of the Islamic
religious
community, or umma.
While
many
historians dealing
with
Arab
nationalism
have
tended to focus
on the role of
language (likewise, the role of
Christian Arab
intellectuals), I
would maintain that
it is the latter
model that proved
determinative
of
how
most
Muslim Arabs
came to conceive of their identity
as Arabs. Both
models
were essentially
intellectual
constructs; that the latter
prevailed
in the end reflects the
predominance of material
factors
over
ideological
ones.
Specifically, I
consider the
impact
of social, political and economic changes related to the Tanzimat
reforms and
European
economic penetration of the nineteenth century; the role of proto-nationalist
models of communal
identification-particularly
those related to religion; and
finally,
the role played
by
political actors seeking to gain or consolidate authority through the
manipulation of proto-nationalist symbols.The political role of the patriarch in the contemporary Middle East: an examination of the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite traditionsMcCallum, Fionahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/27762016-03-28T11:08:15Z2006-01-01T00:00:00ZThe objective of this study is to analyse the contemporary political role of Christianity in the
Middle East. This will be achieved by focusing on the office of the patriarch. In most of the
Eastern Christian churches, the patriarch is widely accepted as the spiritual head of the
community and, throughout the centuries, this authority has often been translated into
temporal power. Although other communal actors have challenged the dominant position of
the patriarch, this dual role as spiritual and civil leader provides resources which can be used
to strengthen the claim to be the political representative at the expense of lay rivals. The case
studies selected for this project - the Coptic Orthodox and the Maronite churches - share
several key characteristics. Firstly, both evoke a distinct identity on the basis of faith yet are
directly linked to a specific homeland - Egypt and Lebanon respectively. In contrast to
spiritual leaders of communities which are not concentrated in one particular country, the
Coptic Orthodox and Maronite patriarchs have the potential to become involved in national
affairs if desired. Secondly, both communities have pressing if different concerns as
indigenous Christians in a turbulent regional environment dominated by another religion -
Islam. The vast majority of these relate to the position of the community in the homeland.
Thirdly, both communities have recently experienced widespread expansion outside the
traditional territory in the Middle East. This allows an examination of the impact this growth
has had on both the church and community at home and abroad. Fourthly, since becoming
the head of each church, Patriarch Shenouda III, Coptic Orthodox Patriarch of Alexandria and
all Africa and Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the
Maronites, have proven to be charismatic and influential figures in church and national
affairs. They have clearly played significant parts in relations between the community and
state in the decades since their election to office. Finally, the two case studies have been
selected as they best represent the potential of Christian communities to have a political role
in this region. While the Copts constitute only a small proportion (5-10% depending on the
identity of the source) of the Egyptian population, they are still the largest Christian
community in the Middle East, numbering around 5-6 million. In contrast, the Maronites
are a small community in terms of size. It is estimated that there are no more than 600,000
Maronites in Lebanon. Yet within Lebanon, they still make up over 20% of the population,
offering them a chance to have a significant impact on national affairs. This study proposes
that the patriarch exercises a political role because of his position as the head of the
community. The authority and tradition of the office is constantly invoked to reinforce this
position. In the contemporary period, this can be attributed to the desire to fill the leadership
vacuum which exists amongst Christians in the Middle East.
2006-01-01T00:00:00ZMcCallum, FionaThe objective of this study is to analyse the contemporary political role of Christianity in the
Middle East. This will be achieved by focusing on the office of the patriarch. In most of the
Eastern Christian churches, the patriarch is widely accepted as the spiritual head of the
community and, throughout the centuries, this authority has often been translated into
temporal power. Although other communal actors have challenged the dominant position of
the patriarch, this dual role as spiritual and civil leader provides resources which can be used
to strengthen the claim to be the political representative at the expense of lay rivals. The case
studies selected for this project - the Coptic Orthodox and the Maronite churches - share
several key characteristics. Firstly, both evoke a distinct identity on the basis of faith yet are
directly linked to a specific homeland - Egypt and Lebanon respectively. In contrast to
spiritual leaders of communities which are not concentrated in one particular country, the
Coptic Orthodox and Maronite patriarchs have the potential to become involved in national
affairs if desired. Secondly, both communities have pressing if different concerns as
indigenous Christians in a turbulent regional environment dominated by another religion -
Islam. The vast majority of these relate to the position of the community in the homeland.
Thirdly, both communities have recently experienced widespread expansion outside the
traditional territory in the Middle East. This allows an examination of the impact this growth
has had on both the church and community at home and abroad. Fourthly, since becoming
the head of each church, Patriarch Shenouda III, Coptic Orthodox Patriarch of Alexandria and
all Africa and Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the
Maronites, have proven to be charismatic and influential figures in church and national
affairs. They have clearly played significant parts in relations between the community and
state in the decades since their election to office. Finally, the two case studies have been
selected as they best represent the potential of Christian communities to have a political role
in this region. While the Copts constitute only a small proportion (5-10% depending on the
identity of the source) of the Egyptian population, they are still the largest Christian
community in the Middle East, numbering around 5-6 million. In contrast, the Maronites
are a small community in terms of size. It is estimated that there are no more than 600,000
Maronites in Lebanon. Yet within Lebanon, they still make up over 20% of the population,
offering them a chance to have a significant impact on national affairs. This study proposes
that the patriarch exercises a political role because of his position as the head of the
community. The authority and tradition of the office is constantly invoked to reinforce this
position. In the contemporary period, this can be attributed to the desire to fill the leadership
vacuum which exists amongst Christians in the Middle East.The integration of the Gulf Co-Operation Council (GCC): problems and prospectsRasquinha, Joseph Dominic-Saviohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/27542016-12-23T10:21:08Z1992-01-01T00:00:00ZThe formation of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) in
1981 was perceived by most observers to be a collective security response to
the Iran-Iraq war. Despite this view, the group has endured ten years of
integration in a turbulent region and has survived: external threats to its
sovereignty, Islamic fundamentalism, the decline of oil prices, internal
unrest, attempted coups, and the invasion and occupation of a constituent
member. This poses the question: has the integration of these countries
proved to be a success? This thesis attempts to answer this question with
the aid of a three dimensional analysis.
The first dimension examines the theory and practice of
integration. Its primary objective is to provide an insight into integration.
As the GCC can, at best, be categorised as a Customs Union, this chapter
concentrates on Free Trade Areas and Customs Union theories and
explores their relationships with tariffs, protectionism, developing
countries, and politics. A review of the empirical analyses in the field is
essential due to the fact that a mathematical technique is applied to GCC
trade in the latter part of this thesis. The existence of political, economic
and manpower factors are found to be more detrimental to the GCC's
interests than its adherence or convergence to the theory and practice of
integration.
An analysis of these three factors constitutes the second
dimension of the thesis. This commences by examining the Islamic
antecedents of the member countries, pan-Islamism and nationalism in
the 19th century, and Middle Eastern efforts at integration from the
decline of the Ottoman Empire to the present. The establishment of the
existing GCC nations and an examination of their natural resources,
demography, industry, infrastructure, agriculture, and fisheries is covered,
as is the impact of the 1990-91 occupation of Kuwait and the BCCI
liquidation. A review of manpower factors includes an examination of
the labour market in the pre and post 1973 period with emphasis given to
the role of expatriate and indigenous labour. In addition, the influence of
education, women in the workforce, nationality, and residence policies on
indigenous labour is discussed.
The third dimension reviews the prospects of the GCC. This
is performed through the construction and utilisation of matrices which
examine the similarity or dissimilarity of GCC trade to the World,
Developed and Developing Countries. United Nations Standard
Industrial Trade Category (SITC) data up to 3-digits, has been used to
construct twenty seven 22 x 22 matrices. Nine of these matrices indicate
GCC trade with the Rest of the World and are linked to economic and
financial literature on the Gulf in order to examine their credibility.
Eighteen matrices which indicate trade with the Developing and
Developed World indentify potential trade creation, trade diversion and
prospects.
It is the conclusion of the thesis that the GCC has not
succeeded in its integration efforts. The lack of co-ordination to perform
as a single unit in economic, political, and military areas, the
undemocratic political systems, the exploitation of expatriate labour, the
segregation of indigenous labour, and most importantly, the wasted
opportunities indicated by the matrices of greater trade creation with the
Developed and Developing Countries contribute significantly to the
ineffectiveness of the group.
1992-01-01T00:00:00ZRasquinha, Joseph Dominic-SavioThe formation of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) in
1981 was perceived by most observers to be a collective security response to
the Iran-Iraq war. Despite this view, the group has endured ten years of
integration in a turbulent region and has survived: external threats to its
sovereignty, Islamic fundamentalism, the decline of oil prices, internal
unrest, attempted coups, and the invasion and occupation of a constituent
member. This poses the question: has the integration of these countries
proved to be a success? This thesis attempts to answer this question with
the aid of a three dimensional analysis.
The first dimension examines the theory and practice of
integration. Its primary objective is to provide an insight into integration.
As the GCC can, at best, be categorised as a Customs Union, this chapter
concentrates on Free Trade Areas and Customs Union theories and
explores their relationships with tariffs, protectionism, developing
countries, and politics. A review of the empirical analyses in the field is
essential due to the fact that a mathematical technique is applied to GCC
trade in the latter part of this thesis. The existence of political, economic
and manpower factors are found to be more detrimental to the GCC's
interests than its adherence or convergence to the theory and practice of
integration.
An analysis of these three factors constitutes the second
dimension of the thesis. This commences by examining the Islamic
antecedents of the member countries, pan-Islamism and nationalism in
the 19th century, and Middle Eastern efforts at integration from the
decline of the Ottoman Empire to the present. The establishment of the
existing GCC nations and an examination of their natural resources,
demography, industry, infrastructure, agriculture, and fisheries is covered,
as is the impact of the 1990-91 occupation of Kuwait and the BCCI
liquidation. A review of manpower factors includes an examination of
the labour market in the pre and post 1973 period with emphasis given to
the role of expatriate and indigenous labour. In addition, the influence of
education, women in the workforce, nationality, and residence policies on
indigenous labour is discussed.
The third dimension reviews the prospects of the GCC. This
is performed through the construction and utilisation of matrices which
examine the similarity or dissimilarity of GCC trade to the World,
Developed and Developing Countries. United Nations Standard
Industrial Trade Category (SITC) data up to 3-digits, has been used to
construct twenty seven 22 x 22 matrices. Nine of these matrices indicate
GCC trade with the Rest of the World and are linked to economic and
financial literature on the Gulf in order to examine their credibility.
Eighteen matrices which indicate trade with the Developing and
Developed World indentify potential trade creation, trade diversion and
prospects.
It is the conclusion of the thesis that the GCC has not
succeeded in its integration efforts. The lack of co-ordination to perform
as a single unit in economic, political, and military areas, the
undemocratic political systems, the exploitation of expatriate labour, the
segregation of indigenous labour, and most importantly, the wasted
opportunities indicated by the matrices of greater trade creation with the
Developed and Developing Countries contribute significantly to the
ineffectiveness of the group.Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri LankaSamaranayake, S. V. D. Gaminihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/27322016-03-28T10:59:46Z1991-01-01T00:00:00ZPolitical violence in Sri Lanka is not a unique phenomenon. It is
a prevalent tendency in many countries of the Third World. Sri Lanka,
since 1971, has experienced a sharp escalation of political violence
which renders it suitable as a case study of insurgency and guerrilla
warfare in developing countries. The author's major thrust is a
comparative review the causes, patterns, and implications of the leftwing
Insurrection of 1971 and the Tamil guerrilla warfare up to the
Indo-Sri Lanka Accord in June 1987. This thesis highlights the
salient socio-economic and political factors, underscoring the view
that ethnicity is the impetus behind the continuing turmoil in Sri
Lankan society.
The author's main hypotheses are that the Insurrection of 1971 as
well as the subsequent Tamil guerrilla warfare were pre-planned and
well-organised, and that the politically violent organisations in Sri
Lanka were mainly a result of the emergence of new social forces which
came about due to socio-economic and political transformations.
The analysis begins with a review of the theories of political
violence. Of these theories Huntington's theory of modernisation
relates more closely to the origin of the political violence movement
in Sri Lanka. The awakening of the earliest guerrilla group, the
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (J. V. P. ), in 1971 lay deeply rooted in
socio-economic and political factors. The emergence of the Tamil
guerrilla organisations stemmed from the long-standing competition
between the Sinhala majority and the minority Tamils for limited
socio-economic resources and exclusive political powers. The study
shows that the socio-economic background of the leaders and members
were diverse and often paradoxical, if not at odds to the groups'
goals. The ethno-nationalist ideologies, strategies and tactics of
the guerrilla organisations, instiled group consciousness and goaded
otherwise ordinary citizens to commit political violence. The pattern
of political violence in Sri Lanka was a highly emotive expression of
anti-establishment and secessionist convictions on the part of the
guerrillas. Finally, the study proposes politico-economic reforms
rather than military options to cope with the problem of political
violence in Sri Lanka.
1991-01-01T00:00:00ZSamaranayake, S. V. D. GaminiPolitical violence in Sri Lanka is not a unique phenomenon. It is
a prevalent tendency in many countries of the Third World. Sri Lanka,
since 1971, has experienced a sharp escalation of political violence
which renders it suitable as a case study of insurgency and guerrilla
warfare in developing countries. The author's major thrust is a
comparative review the causes, patterns, and implications of the leftwing
Insurrection of 1971 and the Tamil guerrilla warfare up to the
Indo-Sri Lanka Accord in June 1987. This thesis highlights the
salient socio-economic and political factors, underscoring the view
that ethnicity is the impetus behind the continuing turmoil in Sri
Lankan society.
The author's main hypotheses are that the Insurrection of 1971 as
well as the subsequent Tamil guerrilla warfare were pre-planned and
well-organised, and that the politically violent organisations in Sri
Lanka were mainly a result of the emergence of new social forces which
came about due to socio-economic and political transformations.
The analysis begins with a review of the theories of political
violence. Of these theories Huntington's theory of modernisation
relates more closely to the origin of the political violence movement
in Sri Lanka. The awakening of the earliest guerrilla group, the
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (J. V. P. ), in 1971 lay deeply rooted in
socio-economic and political factors. The emergence of the Tamil
guerrilla organisations stemmed from the long-standing competition
between the Sinhala majority and the minority Tamils for limited
socio-economic resources and exclusive political powers. The study
shows that the socio-economic background of the leaders and members
were diverse and often paradoxical, if not at odds to the groups'
goals. The ethno-nationalist ideologies, strategies and tactics of
the guerrilla organisations, instiled group consciousness and goaded
otherwise ordinary citizens to commit political violence. The pattern
of political violence in Sri Lanka was a highly emotive expression of
anti-establishment and secessionist convictions on the part of the
guerrillas. Finally, the study proposes politico-economic reforms
rather than military options to cope with the problem of political
violence in Sri Lanka.The factors which influence the selection of physical targets by terrorist groupsDrake, Charles J.M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/27152016-03-28T11:05:28Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZThe aim of terrorism is to influence a group of people
or institutions - the psychological target or targets - by
attacking the appropriate physical targets in order to prompt
the desired response. Several factors influence the selection
of physical targets by non-state terrorist groups. These
include the ideology of the terrorist group concerned, the
strategy adopted by the group and its capabilities, its need
to take account of external opinion - including that of
supporters, the measures adopted to protect likely targets,
and the security environment within which the terrorist group
operates. In addition, decision-making is affected by the
dynamics within the group which are in turn affected by the
psychological pressures of clandestinity and the frequent
risk of death or capture which many terrorists run.
The relationship between these factors varies from
group to group, which is inevitable given the idiosyncratic
nature of most terrorist groups, and the different
circumstances in which they find themselves. However, it can
generally be said that ideology sets out the moral framework
within which terrorists operate - and which determines
whether terrorists judge it to be legitimate to attack a
range of target. After this, the determination of which
targets it will actually be beneficial to attack depends upon
the strategy which the group has adopted as a means of
achieving its political objectives. The determination of
their strategic objectives depends upon the effects which the
terrorists hope their attacks will achieve. Thus, strategy
further refines the range of targets initially delimited by
the group's ideology.
The other factors mentioned tend to act as constraints
upon the group, partly - as with security measures - in
restricting them from carrying out the types of attacks which
they would desire but also in encouraging them to carry out
attacks on certain targets in the hope of gaining benefits
such as the approval of their supporters, or of gaining
publicity for their cause. Underlying all of this is the
human factor, whereby relations within the group, the impact
of psychological pressure, and individual differences in
moral judgements may influence the targets chosen by
terrorists.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZDrake, Charles J.M.The aim of terrorism is to influence a group of people
or institutions - the psychological target or targets - by
attacking the appropriate physical targets in order to prompt
the desired response. Several factors influence the selection
of physical targets by non-state terrorist groups. These
include the ideology of the terrorist group concerned, the
strategy adopted by the group and its capabilities, its need
to take account of external opinion - including that of
supporters, the measures adopted to protect likely targets,
and the security environment within which the terrorist group
operates. In addition, decision-making is affected by the
dynamics within the group which are in turn affected by the
psychological pressures of clandestinity and the frequent
risk of death or capture which many terrorists run.
The relationship between these factors varies from
group to group, which is inevitable given the idiosyncratic
nature of most terrorist groups, and the different
circumstances in which they find themselves. However, it can
generally be said that ideology sets out the moral framework
within which terrorists operate - and which determines
whether terrorists judge it to be legitimate to attack a
range of target. After this, the determination of which
targets it will actually be beneficial to attack depends upon
the strategy which the group has adopted as a means of
achieving its political objectives. The determination of
their strategic objectives depends upon the effects which the
terrorists hope their attacks will achieve. Thus, strategy
further refines the range of targets initially delimited by
the group's ideology.
The other factors mentioned tend to act as constraints
upon the group, partly - as with security measures - in
restricting them from carrying out the types of attacks which
they would desire but also in encouraging them to carry out
attacks on certain targets in the hope of gaining benefits
such as the approval of their supporters, or of gaining
publicity for their cause. Underlying all of this is the
human factor, whereby relations within the group, the impact
of psychological pressure, and individual differences in
moral judgements may influence the targets chosen by
terrorists.Reading anonymity : narrative difference and framework selection in the claiming of terrorist violenceDavis, Victoriahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/26992016-03-28T11:42:55Z2012-06-01T00:00:00ZWhile a significant proportion of terrorist attacks have always gone unclaimed scholarship has noted an increasing number of such acts over the past half-century, which appears to indicate that the claiming of violence may no longer constitute an essential terrorist strategy. The increasing gap between claimed and unclaimed attacks (where “unclaimed” is understood as a terrorist attack for which no credible assertion is issued by the perpetrating individual or group) cannot be explained by existing assumptions, which posit that terrorist groups will seek to advertise their success. This thesis attempts to develop a more complete understanding of this phenomenon by examining al Qaeda’s claim variation within a series of paired case studies to explore the presumption of narrative difference between the two types of attacks. Findings indicate that claimed acts of terrorism tend to be presented via a framework of uncertainty whereas unclaimed acts are presented within a framework of ambiguity. The distinction of ambiguous frameworks is that they allow the terrorist to operate in a newly created narrative space to perpetuate and expand the fear-provoking effects of violence by destabilizing mutually exclusive identities of blame and rendering attacker and victim indistinct, while at the same time confirming the imminent possibility of lethal harm. The variation between models has significant implications for policymakers given that the choice of framework limits or guides one towards particularized courses of action. Given the creative authority of the targeted society as definer of this framework, it remains within the attacked population’s power to eliminate the narrative advantage allotted terrorist actors under conditions of ambiguity.
2012-06-01T00:00:00ZDavis, VictoriaWhile a significant proportion of terrorist attacks have always gone unclaimed scholarship has noted an increasing number of such acts over the past half-century, which appears to indicate that the claiming of violence may no longer constitute an essential terrorist strategy. The increasing gap between claimed and unclaimed attacks (where “unclaimed” is understood as a terrorist attack for which no credible assertion is issued by the perpetrating individual or group) cannot be explained by existing assumptions, which posit that terrorist groups will seek to advertise their success. This thesis attempts to develop a more complete understanding of this phenomenon by examining al Qaeda’s claim variation within a series of paired case studies to explore the presumption of narrative difference between the two types of attacks. Findings indicate that claimed acts of terrorism tend to be presented via a framework of uncertainty whereas unclaimed acts are presented within a framework of ambiguity. The distinction of ambiguous frameworks is that they allow the terrorist to operate in a newly created narrative space to perpetuate and expand the fear-provoking effects of violence by destabilizing mutually exclusive identities of blame and rendering attacker and victim indistinct, while at the same time confirming the imminent possibility of lethal harm. The variation between models has significant implications for policymakers given that the choice of framework limits or guides one towards particularized courses of action. Given the creative authority of the targeted society as definer of this framework, it remains within the attacked population’s power to eliminate the narrative advantage allotted terrorist actors under conditions of ambiguity.A critique of United States policy with special reference to Albania and the Bosnian crisisXhudo, Gazmenhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/26472016-03-28T11:04:56Z1995-01-01T00:00:00ZThis study demonstrates that, in the post Cold War era, US leadership becomes more
crucial than ever. Through the adoption of a classical approach; a thorough case study
of diplomatic efforts vis-a-vis Albania coupled with America's response to the crisis in
Bosnia, highlights the weakness of US policy in the former and its outright failure in the
case of the latter. Historical analysis demonstrates that recent violent nationalism in the
Balkans did not suddenly erupt into violence. Instead, it remains dormant until such time
that power vacuums, the result of power politics, are created. Indeed, the work seeks to
show the history of Western, especially US, policy failure and short-sightedness in the
region and how past trends have invoked present failures and crises which have yet to be
remedied. The examination of US relations with Albania, shows that much more is
required in America's efforts to ensure that democracy succeeds in Albania, and that a
deeper analysis demonstrates the need for greater mutual understanding between the US
and Albania. The Bosnian crisis is an example of American and Western failure which
should not be repeated elsewhere in the region. By reviewing the tenets of American
foreign policy, the study seeks to shed light upon the theories which have dominated
current debate. The aim of such a review is to examine the trend, or trends, which have
surfaced from the foreign policy debate and, specifically, whether or not these indicate
the direction American foreign policy towards the region should be taking in the post-
Cold War era.
1995-01-01T00:00:00ZXhudo, GazmenThis study demonstrates that, in the post Cold War era, US leadership becomes more
crucial than ever. Through the adoption of a classical approach; a thorough case study
of diplomatic efforts vis-a-vis Albania coupled with America's response to the crisis in
Bosnia, highlights the weakness of US policy in the former and its outright failure in the
case of the latter. Historical analysis demonstrates that recent violent nationalism in the
Balkans did not suddenly erupt into violence. Instead, it remains dormant until such time
that power vacuums, the result of power politics, are created. Indeed, the work seeks to
show the history of Western, especially US, policy failure and short-sightedness in the
region and how past trends have invoked present failures and crises which have yet to be
remedied. The examination of US relations with Albania, shows that much more is
required in America's efforts to ensure that democracy succeeds in Albania, and that a
deeper analysis demonstrates the need for greater mutual understanding between the US
and Albania. The Bosnian crisis is an example of American and Western failure which
should not be repeated elsewhere in the region. By reviewing the tenets of American
foreign policy, the study seeks to shed light upon the theories which have dominated
current debate. The aim of such a review is to examine the trend, or trends, which have
surfaced from the foreign policy debate and, specifically, whether or not these indicate
the direction American foreign policy towards the region should be taking in the post-
Cold War era.From the river to the sea? : honour, identity and politics in historical and contemporary Palestinian rejectionismStrindberg, Nils Tage Andershttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/26462016-03-28T10:59:16Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThe present thesis seeks to understand and explain the rhetoric and
behaviour of the rejectionist 'current' within the Palestinian national
movement. It proceeds from the view that extant scholarship, primarily from
within the fields of terrorism and security studies, has profoundly
misunderstood rejectionist speech and behaviour by ignoring the
explanatory capacity of Emic - the research subject's perception - as well as
the influence of the sociocultural milieu within which rejectionism exists.
The thesis proceeds to set up a 'socioculturally sensitive' analytical
framework drawn from social identity theory, a heuristic, non-reductionist
model for understanding group interaction and conflict. Emphasizing
cultural norms and cues identified by anthropologists as salient in the
eastern Mediterranean, the thesis suggests that the social value of honour,
patron-client dynamics and a firmly entrenched group orientation must be
significant elements of a model for understanding rejectionist behaviour.
The main analytical narrative suggests that for reasons derived from
ideology, patron-client relations and group dynamics, what has distinguished
the rejectionists from the mainstream have been a qualitatively different set
of preconditions for, and objectives of diplomatic negotiations. To the main
rejectionist factions the goal of liberating Palestine has always been
inextricably intertwined with the goal of restoring national honour; one
without the other has been impossible and to claim otherwise would mean a
depletion of factional and personal honour. To the rejectionists, there has
never been any question of deviating from the fundamental goals - national
recognition, repatriation, self-determination and independent statehood, not
even for tactical reasons. This 'higher standard' likely derives from their
structurally and politically subordinate position within the national
movement, and the need to creatively enhance their own social status and
appeal.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZStrindberg, Nils Tage AndersThe present thesis seeks to understand and explain the rhetoric and
behaviour of the rejectionist 'current' within the Palestinian national
movement. It proceeds from the view that extant scholarship, primarily from
within the fields of terrorism and security studies, has profoundly
misunderstood rejectionist speech and behaviour by ignoring the
explanatory capacity of Emic - the research subject's perception - as well as
the influence of the sociocultural milieu within which rejectionism exists.
The thesis proceeds to set up a 'socioculturally sensitive' analytical
framework drawn from social identity theory, a heuristic, non-reductionist
model for understanding group interaction and conflict. Emphasizing
cultural norms and cues identified by anthropologists as salient in the
eastern Mediterranean, the thesis suggests that the social value of honour,
patron-client dynamics and a firmly entrenched group orientation must be
significant elements of a model for understanding rejectionist behaviour.
The main analytical narrative suggests that for reasons derived from
ideology, patron-client relations and group dynamics, what has distinguished
the rejectionists from the mainstream have been a qualitatively different set
of preconditions for, and objectives of diplomatic negotiations. To the main
rejectionist factions the goal of liberating Palestine has always been
inextricably intertwined with the goal of restoring national honour; one
without the other has been impossible and to claim otherwise would mean a
depletion of factional and personal honour. To the rejectionists, there has
never been any question of deviating from the fundamental goals - national
recognition, repatriation, self-determination and independent statehood, not
even for tactical reasons. This 'higher standard' likely derives from their
structurally and politically subordinate position within the national
movement, and the need to creatively enhance their own social status and
appeal.Comparative analysis of decision-making processes with respect to U.S. armaments procurement: a case study of the F-16Parks, Mark E.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/26312016-03-28T11:41:37Z1988-01-01T00:00:00ZThe overall purpose of this thesis is to question
the value of the use of models regarding decision-making
as it effectively operates within the
environment of US armaments procurements. For
example, conceptual framework models such as
bureaucratic politics, organisational outputs,
incrementalism, and others are far too simplistic
in their application to this subject - they only
tend to distort reality. The thesis argues that
the process is far too complex with decisional
centres shifting throughout the life of any one
given system, thus necessitating a more realistic
conceptual approach. Evidence of this is provided
throughout the discussion of the organisational
processes and the roles of those involved in the
procurement process. Moreover, it becomes apparent
that those in the highest positions of decision-making
(for example, Presidents, Secretaries of
Defense, etc.) are at times least likely to be
involved in decisions, dependent on the stage of
development of the weapon system. Further, other
groups (for example, Congress, Joint Chiefs, etc.)
commonly perceived as the decisional centres have
little, if any involvement during the earlier
stages in the life of a weapon system. The
possibility of their involvement increases as the
system enters what the author refers to as the
hardware phase, when monies must be appropriated.
In other words, the system becomes politicised and
the expertise of those in higher positions becomes
salient, because they are chosen for their political
and managerial skills - not their expertise in
detailed defence matters. Even the weight of their
decisions during the hardware phase is questionable
due to the fact that lower level "experts", referred
to as DoD Components, with longer periods of tenure,
are consistently directing upwards their appraisals
of new systems requirements, threats, etc., thus
setting the parameters for the higher positioned
decision maker. Following the description of the
organisational processes and the roles of those
involved, the discussion turns to the case study of
the F-16 to validate these points. The purpose is
not to research a case study and then attempt to
extrapolate from it axioms of weapons procurement.
The exercise is intended to yield credence to the
points referred to above.
1988-01-01T00:00:00ZParks, Mark E.The overall purpose of this thesis is to question
the value of the use of models regarding decision-making
as it effectively operates within the
environment of US armaments procurements. For
example, conceptual framework models such as
bureaucratic politics, organisational outputs,
incrementalism, and others are far too simplistic
in their application to this subject - they only
tend to distort reality. The thesis argues that
the process is far too complex with decisional
centres shifting throughout the life of any one
given system, thus necessitating a more realistic
conceptual approach. Evidence of this is provided
throughout the discussion of the organisational
processes and the roles of those involved in the
procurement process. Moreover, it becomes apparent
that those in the highest positions of decision-making
(for example, Presidents, Secretaries of
Defense, etc.) are at times least likely to be
involved in decisions, dependent on the stage of
development of the weapon system. Further, other
groups (for example, Congress, Joint Chiefs, etc.)
commonly perceived as the decisional centres have
little, if any involvement during the earlier
stages in the life of a weapon system. The
possibility of their involvement increases as the
system enters what the author refers to as the
hardware phase, when monies must be appropriated.
In other words, the system becomes politicised and
the expertise of those in higher positions becomes
salient, because they are chosen for their political
and managerial skills - not their expertise in
detailed defence matters. Even the weight of their
decisions during the hardware phase is questionable
due to the fact that lower level "experts", referred
to as DoD Components, with longer periods of tenure,
are consistently directing upwards their appraisals
of new systems requirements, threats, etc., thus
setting the parameters for the higher positioned
decision maker. Following the description of the
organisational processes and the roles of those
involved, the discussion turns to the case study of
the F-16 to validate these points. The purpose is
not to research a case study and then attempt to
extrapolate from it axioms of weapons procurement.
The exercise is intended to yield credence to the
points referred to above.'Mysterious in content' : the European Union peacebuilding framework and local spaces of agency in Bosnia-HerzegovinaKappler, Stefaniehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/25362016-03-28T11:35:33Z2012-06-19T00:00:00ZThis thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process.
However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and
visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’.
Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction.
The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the
EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the
part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of
alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to
claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability
of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to
contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their
capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.
2012-06-19T00:00:00ZKappler, StefanieThis thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process.
However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and
visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’.
Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction.
The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the
EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the
part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of
alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to
claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability
of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to
contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their
capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.Intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American "special relationship"Slattery, Thomas Eamonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/25342016-03-28T11:37:08Z2011-11-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American
“Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect
on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House)
and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of
its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these
Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them.
Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council
is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during
the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of
permanent Anglo-American cooperation.
2011-11-01T00:00:00ZSlattery, Thomas EamonThis dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American
“Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect
on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House)
and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of
its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these
Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them.
Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council
is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during
the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of
permanent Anglo-American cooperation.The liberal peace and post-conflict peacebuilding in Africa : Sierra LeoneTom, Patrickhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/24692016-03-28T11:34:36Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty.
The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZTom, PatrickThis thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty.
The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.Norms and transboundary co-operation in Africa : the cases of the Orange-Senqu and Nile riversJacobs, Inga M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/21392016-03-28T12:56:55Z2010-06-22T00:00:00ZThe inter-scalar interaction of norms is pervasive in African hydropolitics due to the
nature of freshwater on the continent – shared, strategic and that which necessitates
cooperation. However, with few exceptions, particular norms created at specific levels
of scale have been researched in isolation of those existing at other levels. It is argued that this exclusionary approach endangers the harmonised and integrated development of international water law and governance, producing sub-optimal cooperative
strategies. The notable contributions of Ken Conca and the Maryland School’s research
on the contestation of norms occurring at different levels of scale, and Anthony Turton’s Hydropolitical Complex (HPC), will be examined through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in terms of their applicability to furthering an understanding of multi-level normative frameworks.
Through the use of the Orange-Senqu River basin, and the Nile Equatorial Lakes
sub-basin (NELSB) as case studies, it is argued that norm convergence is possible, and
is occurring in both case studies analysed, although to varying degrees as a result of
different causal factors and different biophysical, historical, socio-political and cultural contexts. This is demonstrated through an examination of regional dynamics and domestic political milieus. Notwithstanding their varying degrees of water demand, Orange-Senqu and NELSB riparians present fairly different political identities, each containing existing constellations of norms, which have affected the ways in which they have responded to the influence of external norms, how the norm is translated at the local level and to what extent it is incorporated into state policy. In so doing, the interface between international norms and regional/domestic norms will be explored in an attempt to understand which norms gain acceptance and why.
It is therefore advocated that a multi-level interpretation of norm development in Africa’s hydropolitics is essential to an understanding of the interconnectedness of
context, interests and identities. Each level of scale, from the international to the subnational, give meaning to how norms are translated and socialised, and how they in turn, transform contexts.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZJacobs, Inga M.The inter-scalar interaction of norms is pervasive in African hydropolitics due to the
nature of freshwater on the continent – shared, strategic and that which necessitates
cooperation. However, with few exceptions, particular norms created at specific levels
of scale have been researched in isolation of those existing at other levels. It is argued that this exclusionary approach endangers the harmonised and integrated development of international water law and governance, producing sub-optimal cooperative
strategies. The notable contributions of Ken Conca and the Maryland School’s research
on the contestation of norms occurring at different levels of scale, and Anthony Turton’s Hydropolitical Complex (HPC), will be examined through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in terms of their applicability to furthering an understanding of multi-level normative frameworks.
Through the use of the Orange-Senqu River basin, and the Nile Equatorial Lakes
sub-basin (NELSB) as case studies, it is argued that norm convergence is possible, and
is occurring in both case studies analysed, although to varying degrees as a result of
different causal factors and different biophysical, historical, socio-political and cultural contexts. This is demonstrated through an examination of regional dynamics and domestic political milieus. Notwithstanding their varying degrees of water demand, Orange-Senqu and NELSB riparians present fairly different political identities, each containing existing constellations of norms, which have affected the ways in which they have responded to the influence of external norms, how the norm is translated at the local level and to what extent it is incorporated into state policy. In so doing, the interface between international norms and regional/domestic norms will be explored in an attempt to understand which norms gain acceptance and why.
It is therefore advocated that a multi-level interpretation of norm development in Africa’s hydropolitics is essential to an understanding of the interconnectedness of
context, interests and identities. Each level of scale, from the international to the subnational, give meaning to how norms are translated and socialised, and how they in turn, transform contexts.Dividing lines, converging aims : a moral analysis of micro-regionalism in Ghana and Côte d'IvoireWhiteford, Sarahhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/21132016-03-28T11:28:44Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis provides a moral analysis of micro-regional forces in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, using the framework of the New Regionalism Approach (NRA). It presents an original contribution to the field through the addition of the Ghanaian-Ivoirian case study, as well as a unique application of Martha Nussbaum’s Capabilities Approach to the NRA. In an attempt to counter the view that borders in Africa are artificial, arbitrary and the result of colonial imposition, this research employs the Capabilities Approach, providing a narrative of both positive and negative impacts resulting from the opportunity created by borders in West Africa.
The way in which the Ghanaian-Ivoirian border is used by individuals in their security strategies in the face of economic deprivation and physical threats represents a positive impact of borders. Conversely, the role of borders in the continued prevalence of human trafficking in West Africa is also questioned in this piece, providing a balanced account of the impact of borders.
This research concludes that the Ghanaian-Ivoirian border presents opportunities that can be exploited to both positive and negative ends at the micro-regional level. This interpretation suggests that any complete account of borders in West Africa more broadly ought to employ a moral framework in addition to a multi-levelled scale of analysis.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZWhiteford, SarahThis thesis provides a moral analysis of micro-regional forces in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, using the framework of the New Regionalism Approach (NRA). It presents an original contribution to the field through the addition of the Ghanaian-Ivoirian case study, as well as a unique application of Martha Nussbaum’s Capabilities Approach to the NRA. In an attempt to counter the view that borders in Africa are artificial, arbitrary and the result of colonial imposition, this research employs the Capabilities Approach, providing a narrative of both positive and negative impacts resulting from the opportunity created by borders in West Africa.
The way in which the Ghanaian-Ivoirian border is used by individuals in their security strategies in the face of economic deprivation and physical threats represents a positive impact of borders. Conversely, the role of borders in the continued prevalence of human trafficking in West Africa is also questioned in this piece, providing a balanced account of the impact of borders.
This research concludes that the Ghanaian-Ivoirian border presents opportunities that can be exploited to both positive and negative ends at the micro-regional level. This interpretation suggests that any complete account of borders in West Africa more broadly ought to employ a moral framework in addition to a multi-levelled scale of analysis.Modes of mobilisation : socio-political dynamics in Somaliland, Somalia, and AfghanistanSandstrom, Karlhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/20882016-03-28T12:01:32Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews.
Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZSandstrom, KarlThis thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews.
Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.Uncharted waters in a new era : an actor-centered constructivist liberal approach to the East China Sea disputes, 2003 - 2008Fox, Senan Jameshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/20802016-03-28T11:29:02Z2012-06-19T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.
2012-06-19T00:00:00ZFox, Senan JamesThis thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.Integration and Muslim identities in settlement : a comparative study of Germany, The Netherlands and Switzerland.Tinney, Joseph Millarhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/20672017-11-29T12:14:26Z2010-11-30T00:00:00ZI adopt an interpretive methodology through which I investigate the becoming of Muslim identities in three national integration discourses. I analyse the meanings of integration in abstract, in context and through texts across contexts, and working within a broadly critical constructivist approach, I seek to show how integration discourses have an underlying security complex which explains how they come to be framed with Muslims in mind.
To analyse integration I outline a new generic concept of settlement which I refer to as habilitation and which means enabling or endowing with ability or fitness. I then argue for an analytical separation of habilitative strategies, models and approaches, and thus remove integration from its generic descriptive status to one of strategy, model or approach. This I argue is justified in the discursive distinctions made in every-day language and meaning. I then investigate three broad habilitative models: multiculturalism, integration and assimilation.
My primary data has been gathered in interviews with individuals acting as representatives of Muslim communities - Imams, organisation leaders, political activists and factory workers – corporate and societal actors such as Trade Unionists, Church representatives and state elites – policy advisers and integration officers. Muslim interviewees emphasised widespread use of distortion and mis-identification. I have defined such distortions as synecdoche. This is a two way process in which the individual is held responsible for the whole and in reverse direction, the whole being held responsible for individual action. The power of synecdoche to compress or expand Muslim identities is distortive and serves to reinforce the alterity of Muslims. In addition I identify another layer of othering which I call ulteriorisation. This involves placing identities under suspicion and is accomplished through a range of aspersive renderings – ambiguous loyalties, secularity, enclaving, underclass formation, and anti-integrationism. Ulteriorisation is understood to feed into broader securitisation of communities, society and polity.
In conclusion I look at possible research directions and finish by emphasising that the integrity of Integration will be judged by the willingness of parties to negotiate and the quality of voluntarism and solidarity these processes produce.
2010-11-30T00:00:00ZTinney, Joseph MillarI adopt an interpretive methodology through which I investigate the becoming of Muslim identities in three national integration discourses. I analyse the meanings of integration in abstract, in context and through texts across contexts, and working within a broadly critical constructivist approach, I seek to show how integration discourses have an underlying security complex which explains how they come to be framed with Muslims in mind.
To analyse integration I outline a new generic concept of settlement which I refer to as habilitation and which means enabling or endowing with ability or fitness. I then argue for an analytical separation of habilitative strategies, models and approaches, and thus remove integration from its generic descriptive status to one of strategy, model or approach. This I argue is justified in the discursive distinctions made in every-day language and meaning. I then investigate three broad habilitative models: multiculturalism, integration and assimilation.
My primary data has been gathered in interviews with individuals acting as representatives of Muslim communities - Imams, organisation leaders, political activists and factory workers – corporate and societal actors such as Trade Unionists, Church representatives and state elites – policy advisers and integration officers. Muslim interviewees emphasised widespread use of distortion and mis-identification. I have defined such distortions as synecdoche. This is a two way process in which the individual is held responsible for the whole and in reverse direction, the whole being held responsible for individual action. The power of synecdoche to compress or expand Muslim identities is distortive and serves to reinforce the alterity of Muslims. In addition I identify another layer of othering which I call ulteriorisation. This involves placing identities under suspicion and is accomplished through a range of aspersive renderings – ambiguous loyalties, secularity, enclaving, underclass formation, and anti-integrationism. Ulteriorisation is understood to feed into broader securitisation of communities, society and polity.
In conclusion I look at possible research directions and finish by emphasising that the integrity of Integration will be judged by the willingness of parties to negotiate and the quality of voluntarism and solidarity these processes produce.Contextual determinants of political modernization in tribal Middle Eastern societies : the case of unified YemenFattah, Khaledhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/19842018-01-30T15:39:52Z2010-05-01T00:00:00ZBy all conventional measurements of modernization and development, from communication and education to bureaucracy and urbanization, Arab societies have been undergoing an impressive transformation. There is, however, a wide gap in the Arab Middle East between such a transformation and the political consequences of modernization. In other words, the Arab Middle East exhibits a sharp contrast between its societal and political progress. In the case of Yemen, such a gap looks different from the one that exists in the rest of the region. In addition to being a country with the weakest and most limited bureaucracy in the Arab world, Yemen has, also, the lowest level of urbanization and education in the region. According to United Nations Human Development Report for the year 2004, 73.7 % of Yemen’s population are living in rural areas, and the country has a combined gross enrolment rate for primary, secondary and tertiary schools of 43%. In 2008, Yemen was rated near the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) by the UNDP; as number 153rd out of the 177 countries with HDI data, and it ranked as number 82 out of 108 countries in the Human Poverty Index. The United Nations Human Development Report 2006, for instance, indicates that the percentage of Yemeni population who live below National Poverty Line is 41.8%. Yet, Yemen is more democratic than most countries in the Arab Middle East. In light of this paradox, the following central question guides this research: which contextual factors are central in explaining the unique process of political modernization in tribal Yemen?
2010-05-01T00:00:00ZFattah, KhaledBy all conventional measurements of modernization and development, from communication and education to bureaucracy and urbanization, Arab societies have been undergoing an impressive transformation. There is, however, a wide gap in the Arab Middle East between such a transformation and the political consequences of modernization. In other words, the Arab Middle East exhibits a sharp contrast between its societal and political progress. In the case of Yemen, such a gap looks different from the one that exists in the rest of the region. In addition to being a country with the weakest and most limited bureaucracy in the Arab world, Yemen has, also, the lowest level of urbanization and education in the region. According to United Nations Human Development Report for the year 2004, 73.7 % of Yemen’s population are living in rural areas, and the country has a combined gross enrolment rate for primary, secondary and tertiary schools of 43%. In 2008, Yemen was rated near the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) by the UNDP; as number 153rd out of the 177 countries with HDI data, and it ranked as number 82 out of 108 countries in the Human Poverty Index. The United Nations Human Development Report 2006, for instance, indicates that the percentage of Yemeni population who live below National Poverty Line is 41.8%. Yet, Yemen is more democratic than most countries in the Arab Middle East. In light of this paradox, the following central question guides this research: which contextual factors are central in explaining the unique process of political modernization in tribal Yemen?Beyond securitization : a critical review of the Bush administration and IraqDonnelly, Fayehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/19822016-08-09T08:59:43Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis responds to the longstanding call from constructivist and poststructuralist
scholars for a turn to discourse. It focuses on the paradox of the ability of language to
act as a constituting and constraining device within an agent-structure discussion. The
Copenhagen School (CS), its attention to language and its concept of securitization is
examined in terms of its strengths and weaknesses, including bringing discourse onto
the security agenda to an unprecedented extent. This thesis seeks to speak security at a
deeper level and move securitization beyond the moment of utterance and the notion
of agents breaking free of rules that would otherwise bind, as well as beyond a
singular definition of security. It is proposed that the CS framework can be
theoretically complemented by Wittgenstein’s notion of language games on board.
The analytical shift made by juxtaposing a speech act and a language game also
foregrounds the link between language and rules. Wittgenstein’s idea of ‘acts of
interpretation’ is also considered, and substantive questions are raised about what the
language of security legitimates in principle and in practice. The Bush
administration’s justifications for the 2003 Iraq war are taken as a point of departure,
and covers how the Bush administration deployed the language of security to justify
highly controversial moves. Their narrative about the use of the pre-emptive use of
force without an imminent threat existing and ‘enhanced interrogation techniques’
such as those seen in the Abu Ghraib photographs in the name of security exemplify
that words matter. The arguments conclude that adjustments are needed in the way
security is currently spoken in IR theory.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeThis thesis responds to the longstanding call from constructivist and poststructuralist
scholars for a turn to discourse. It focuses on the paradox of the ability of language to
act as a constituting and constraining device within an agent-structure discussion. The
Copenhagen School (CS), its attention to language and its concept of securitization is
examined in terms of its strengths and weaknesses, including bringing discourse onto
the security agenda to an unprecedented extent. This thesis seeks to speak security at a
deeper level and move securitization beyond the moment of utterance and the notion
of agents breaking free of rules that would otherwise bind, as well as beyond a
singular definition of security. It is proposed that the CS framework can be
theoretically complemented by Wittgenstein’s notion of language games on board.
The analytical shift made by juxtaposing a speech act and a language game also
foregrounds the link between language and rules. Wittgenstein’s idea of ‘acts of
interpretation’ is also considered, and substantive questions are raised about what the
language of security legitimates in principle and in practice. The Bush
administration’s justifications for the 2003 Iraq war are taken as a point of departure,
and covers how the Bush administration deployed the language of security to justify
highly controversial moves. Their narrative about the use of the pre-emptive use of
force without an imminent threat existing and ‘enhanced interrogation techniques’
such as those seen in the Abu Ghraib photographs in the name of security exemplify
that words matter. The arguments conclude that adjustments are needed in the way
security is currently spoken in IR theory.Location: Europe. Occupation: Mujahedeen : choosing the radical Islamist career trackPisoiu, Daniela I.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/19602016-03-28T11:27:29Z2010-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis conceptualises Islamist radicalisation in Europe as a process of
occupational choice. It follows the approach to individual radicalisation as incremental
development (process) with the consideration of multi-level factors and dynamics. The
analysis leading to this multi-phase process is grounded in data, comparative and
comprehensive since it adopts a perspective of individual life-stories. It conceptualises
radicalisation phases and the whole process not as something specific but as a concrete
variation of a more general process. It further accounts for gradual change in time instead
of sudden and radical points of change from ‘normality’ to radicalism, at the same time
clearly defining the phases of involvement and the main categories and conditions
impacting on the Islamist occupational choice. The theoretical framework integrates
rational choice and framing theory elements within a general approach to the
phenomenon of interest as social process. The methodology used is grounded theory and
the data sources are in the majority primary data from fieldwork in Austria, France and
Germany, along with secondary data and literature as directed by theoretical sampling.
The structure of the thesis develops as follows: a discussion and clarification of
the radicalism and ‘radicalisation’ concepts; a review and critique of the main
contributions in the literature on Islamist radicalisation in Europe; the outline, rationale
and application of the methodology; the emergence and dynamics of the Islamist radical
occupational choice process; the analysis of occupational choice categories; and the
emergence and impact of interpretative frameworks in shaping occupational choice
categories.
2010-06-01T00:00:00ZPisoiu, Daniela I.This thesis conceptualises Islamist radicalisation in Europe as a process of
occupational choice. It follows the approach to individual radicalisation as incremental
development (process) with the consideration of multi-level factors and dynamics. The
analysis leading to this multi-phase process is grounded in data, comparative and
comprehensive since it adopts a perspective of individual life-stories. It conceptualises
radicalisation phases and the whole process not as something specific but as a concrete
variation of a more general process. It further accounts for gradual change in time instead
of sudden and radical points of change from ‘normality’ to radicalism, at the same time
clearly defining the phases of involvement and the main categories and conditions
impacting on the Islamist occupational choice. The theoretical framework integrates
rational choice and framing theory elements within a general approach to the
phenomenon of interest as social process. The methodology used is grounded theory and
the data sources are in the majority primary data from fieldwork in Austria, France and
Germany, along with secondary data and literature as directed by theoretical sampling.
The structure of the thesis develops as follows: a discussion and clarification of
the radicalism and ‘radicalisation’ concepts; a review and critique of the main
contributions in the literature on Islamist radicalisation in Europe; the outline, rationale
and application of the methodology; the emergence and dynamics of the Islamist radical
occupational choice process; the analysis of occupational choice categories; and the
emergence and impact of interpretative frameworks in shaping occupational choice
categories.Opportunity, ethnic identity and resources in ethnic mobilisation : the cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in GeorgiaFawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel Hafezhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/19192016-03-28T11:25:04Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZThe cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to
illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation
process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at
work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge
appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities.
However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic
environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided
by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as
incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding
that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure
directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and
their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation
illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities.
Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires
resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are
also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee
loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZFawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel HafezThe cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to
illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation
process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at
work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge
appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities.
However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic
environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided
by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as
incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding
that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure
directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and
their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation
illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities.
Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires
resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are
also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee
loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.Kazakh and Russian identities in transition : the case of KazakhstanHoward, Natalia V.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/19072016-03-28T11:26:09Z2011-06-21T00:00:00ZThis dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.
2011-06-21T00:00:00ZHoward, Natalia V.This dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.Neo-liberalism, socialism and governmentality : has socialism yet developed an autonomous governmentality?McDonald, William Samuelhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/18942016-03-28T11:23:02Z2011-06-21T00:00:00ZRecent years have seen an increasing interest in the writing of Michel Foucault within political theory. This paper will examine two series of lectures Foucault presented at the Collège de France in which he discussed in detail a cluster of subjects with clear political connotations. Within the 1978 and 1979 series Foucault outlined the concept of governmentality, which he divided into two subcategories: the police-state and liberalism. He also considered socialism’s relationship to governmentality. In this instance, however, he argued that socialism had yet to produce an autonomous governmentality: meaning that it
could not exist as an autonomous political entity, only serving as an appendage to liberal or authoritarian regimes.
The fundamental interest of this discussion is to determine if socialist thought has advanced since Foucault offered his assessment. It is beyond the scope of this paper to survey the entire span of socialist literature produced since the 1970s; rather this paper will focus on the work of Antonio Negri and Micheal Hardt, who represent a particularly important strand in
contemporary socialist thought.
The conclusion drawn is that they have not proposed such a governmentality. In fact it is possible that a political system may appear to exhibit features of multitude but, at the same time, may adopt neo-liberal practices. Hence, multitude cannot
entirely displace neo-liberalism.
However, that is not to say the concept of multitude is without merit. For instance, it offers a method of establishing novel identities and communities, thereby protecting the diversity of cultures across the world. For those reasons multitude constitutes a qualitative step forward in an increasingly globalised political economy.
2011-06-21T00:00:00ZMcDonald, William SamuelRecent years have seen an increasing interest in the writing of Michel Foucault within political theory. This paper will examine two series of lectures Foucault presented at the Collège de France in which he discussed in detail a cluster of subjects with clear political connotations. Within the 1978 and 1979 series Foucault outlined the concept of governmentality, which he divided into two subcategories: the police-state and liberalism. He also considered socialism’s relationship to governmentality. In this instance, however, he argued that socialism had yet to produce an autonomous governmentality: meaning that it
could not exist as an autonomous political entity, only serving as an appendage to liberal or authoritarian regimes.
The fundamental interest of this discussion is to determine if socialist thought has advanced since Foucault offered his assessment. It is beyond the scope of this paper to survey the entire span of socialist literature produced since the 1970s; rather this paper will focus on the work of Antonio Negri and Micheal Hardt, who represent a particularly important strand in
contemporary socialist thought.
The conclusion drawn is that they have not proposed such a governmentality. In fact it is possible that a political system may appear to exhibit features of multitude but, at the same time, may adopt neo-liberal practices. Hence, multitude cannot
entirely displace neo-liberalism.
However, that is not to say the concept of multitude is without merit. For instance, it offers a method of establishing novel identities and communities, thereby protecting the diversity of cultures across the world. For those reasons multitude constitutes a qualitative step forward in an increasingly globalised political economy.Embedded violence and youth : the transmission and perpetuation of violence in post-war Sierra LeoneDari, Elisahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/18912016-03-28T11:26:35Z2011-06-01T00:00:00ZWar exerts an undeniably significant influence on the values, norms, behaviour and attitudes which constitute the shared culture of the society. During prolonged armed conflicts, the exposure to extreme violence creates a ‘culture of violence’ in which violence becomes embedded in the values system of the society and is therefore permitted and condoned, making violence resilient to peace-building efforts and therefore likely to recur. In order to understand how a ‘culture of violence’ persists long after the official end of war, it is necessary to understand how it is transmitted to younger generations and through them is carried over into peace time. This thesis aims to explore and understand the phenomenon of transmission of a ‘culture of violence’ focusing on youths as carriers of such transmission. To analyse the phenomenon, an integrative and comprehensive analytical framework was developed and a case study was chosen to which to apply the framework. The case study is Sierra Leone. The analytical framework is constituted by four ‘spaces’ of transmission which have emerged from the preliminary research. The four ‘spaces’ are: poverty, family, peers and social groups. The analytical framework was then utilised during the fieldwork stage of the project in order to identify the relevance of each ‘space’ as well as the interactions at work among the various ‘spaces’. From the material collected during fieldwork, poverty and family emerged as structural factors of the process of transmission while peers and social groups emerged as immediate factors. As a result of the fieldwork political factionalism was added to the analytical framework as a fifth ‘space’. The analysis of the fieldwork material revealed how the different ‘spaces’ are inextricably connected with one another and how they support each other while creating a network of forces that supports and perpetuates the transmission of a ‘culture of violence’.
2011-06-01T00:00:00ZDari, ElisaWar exerts an undeniably significant influence on the values, norms, behaviour and attitudes which constitute the shared culture of the society. During prolonged armed conflicts, the exposure to extreme violence creates a ‘culture of violence’ in which violence becomes embedded in the values system of the society and is therefore permitted and condoned, making violence resilient to peace-building efforts and therefore likely to recur. In order to understand how a ‘culture of violence’ persists long after the official end of war, it is necessary to understand how it is transmitted to younger generations and through them is carried over into peace time. This thesis aims to explore and understand the phenomenon of transmission of a ‘culture of violence’ focusing on youths as carriers of such transmission. To analyse the phenomenon, an integrative and comprehensive analytical framework was developed and a case study was chosen to which to apply the framework. The case study is Sierra Leone. The analytical framework is constituted by four ‘spaces’ of transmission which have emerged from the preliminary research. The four ‘spaces’ are: poverty, family, peers and social groups. The analytical framework was then utilised during the fieldwork stage of the project in order to identify the relevance of each ‘space’ as well as the interactions at work among the various ‘spaces’. From the material collected during fieldwork, poverty and family emerged as structural factors of the process of transmission while peers and social groups emerged as immediate factors. As a result of the fieldwork political factionalism was added to the analytical framework as a fifth ‘space’. The analysis of the fieldwork material revealed how the different ‘spaces’ are inextricably connected with one another and how they support each other while creating a network of forces that supports and perpetuates the transmission of a ‘culture of violence’.Dynamics of interplay between third-party interveners and national factions in civil war peace negotiations : case studies on Cambodia and El SalvadorLee, Sung Yonghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/18642016-03-28T11:06:34Z2011-02-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the processes of the peace negotiations in Cambodia (1987-1993) and El Salvador (1989-1993) in order to address the following question: What does the interplay between the national factions and the external interveners in peace negotiations tell us about their chances of achieving their goals? By using the concept of ‘interplay,’ this study reinterprets the negotiation processes as the negotiating actors’ exchanges of strategic moves.
In particular, it explores how the negotiating actors’ attitudes towards the core negotiation issues changed in the two cases and how the changes affected their counterparts’ negotiating strategies.
There are two aspects to the findings of this thesis, one descriptive and the other explanatory.
First, this study has investigated the characteristics of the negotiating actors’ strategies and the pattern of the interplay between them. As for the interveners’ strategies, this thesis finds that impartial third parties generally employ diplomatic intervention methods, while advocate
states enjoy a wider range of options. In addition, national factions’ behaviour is generally affected by three factors: their fundamental goals, the domestic resources under their control, and the incentives or pressure from external interveners. It is also observed that the stronger the intervention becomes, the more that national factions’ provisional strategies are inclined
to be receptive towards the intervention. Nevertheless, the national factions rarely fully accepted proposals that they deemed harmful to the achievement of their fundamental goals. Second, based on the descriptive findings, this thesis highlights the importance of mutual understanding between national factions and external interveners. The case studies of Cambodia and El Salvador show that the effectiveness of a particular intervention depends not so much on the type of method employed but on the context in which it is applied. An
intervention is more likely to be effective when it is used in a way that national factions can understand and is supported by the consistently strong attention of external interveners. In addition, it is observed that actors’ ethnocentric perceptions on core concepts of conflict and
negotiation as well as their lack of an effective communication capability are some of the common causes of the misunderstandings that arise during negotiation processes.
2011-02-15T00:00:00ZLee, Sung YongThis thesis examines the processes of the peace negotiations in Cambodia (1987-1993) and El Salvador (1989-1993) in order to address the following question: What does the interplay between the national factions and the external interveners in peace negotiations tell us about their chances of achieving their goals? By using the concept of ‘interplay,’ this study reinterprets the negotiation processes as the negotiating actors’ exchanges of strategic moves.
In particular, it explores how the negotiating actors’ attitudes towards the core negotiation issues changed in the two cases and how the changes affected their counterparts’ negotiating strategies.
There are two aspects to the findings of this thesis, one descriptive and the other explanatory.
First, this study has investigated the characteristics of the negotiating actors’ strategies and the pattern of the interplay between them. As for the interveners’ strategies, this thesis finds that impartial third parties generally employ diplomatic intervention methods, while advocate
states enjoy a wider range of options. In addition, national factions’ behaviour is generally affected by three factors: their fundamental goals, the domestic resources under their control, and the incentives or pressure from external interveners. It is also observed that the stronger the intervention becomes, the more that national factions’ provisional strategies are inclined
to be receptive towards the intervention. Nevertheless, the national factions rarely fully accepted proposals that they deemed harmful to the achievement of their fundamental goals. Second, based on the descriptive findings, this thesis highlights the importance of mutual understanding between national factions and external interveners. The case studies of Cambodia and El Salvador show that the effectiveness of a particular intervention depends not so much on the type of method employed but on the context in which it is applied. An
intervention is more likely to be effective when it is used in a way that national factions can understand and is supported by the consistently strong attention of external interveners. In addition, it is observed that actors’ ethnocentric perceptions on core concepts of conflict and
negotiation as well as their lack of an effective communication capability are some of the common causes of the misunderstandings that arise during negotiation processes.Interventionist norm development in international society : the responsibility to protect as a norm too far?Lotze, Walterhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/18502016-03-28T11:31:54Z2011-06-21T00:00:00ZThis research makes use of a Constructivist approach to norm development, in particular the concept of the norm life cycle, to assess the emergence and development of the responsibility to protect as a norm in international society in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. This study finds that the responsibility to protect emerged relatively rapidly in international society as a norm relevant to the formulation and implementation of international responses to conflict situations characterised by the commission of atrocity crimes. Indeed, between 2001 and 2010, this study finds that the responsibility to protect norm became codified and entrenched in international organisation, and could therefore have been expected to influence state behaviour, and the discourse surrounding that behaviour, in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds.
However, through an assessment of the application of the norm through the United Nations and the African Union to the conflicts in the Darfur region of Sudan from 2003 onwards, the study finds that the norm, while featuring relatively prominently in discourse surrounding Darfur between 2007 and 2008 in the United Nations, appears to have receded thereafter, disappearing from discourse by 2009 altogether, and appears not to have been useful to the attainment of its content goal, namely preventing or halting the commission of atrocity crimes, in the case of Darfur. Indeed, the norm may even have contributed to complicating, as opposed to facilitating, international engagement on Darfur.
This study explores the apparent contradiction between the emergence and entrenchment of the responsibility to protect norm in international society at the same time as the norm appears to have increasingly faded from discourse surrounding international responses to the conflicts in Darfur, and assesses the implications of this both for the future development and utility of the norm, as well as for future responses to conflicts characterised by atrocity crimes on the African continent.
2011-06-21T00:00:00ZLotze, WalterThis research makes use of a Constructivist approach to norm development, in particular the concept of the norm life cycle, to assess the emergence and development of the responsibility to protect as a norm in international society in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. This study finds that the responsibility to protect emerged relatively rapidly in international society as a norm relevant to the formulation and implementation of international responses to conflict situations characterised by the commission of atrocity crimes. Indeed, between 2001 and 2010, this study finds that the responsibility to protect norm became codified and entrenched in international organisation, and could therefore have been expected to influence state behaviour, and the discourse surrounding that behaviour, in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds.
However, through an assessment of the application of the norm through the United Nations and the African Union to the conflicts in the Darfur region of Sudan from 2003 onwards, the study finds that the norm, while featuring relatively prominently in discourse surrounding Darfur between 2007 and 2008 in the United Nations, appears to have receded thereafter, disappearing from discourse by 2009 altogether, and appears not to have been useful to the attainment of its content goal, namely preventing or halting the commission of atrocity crimes, in the case of Darfur. Indeed, the norm may even have contributed to complicating, as opposed to facilitating, international engagement on Darfur.
This study explores the apparent contradiction between the emergence and entrenchment of the responsibility to protect norm in international society at the same time as the norm appears to have increasingly faded from discourse surrounding international responses to the conflicts in Darfur, and assesses the implications of this both for the future development and utility of the norm, as well as for future responses to conflicts characterised by atrocity crimes on the African continent.‘Transitions after transitions’ : coloured revolutions and organized crime in Georgia, Ukraine and KyrgyzstanKupatadze, Alexanderhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13202016-03-28T11:10:37Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation addresses organized crime in post-Soviet Eurasia (Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) exploring the nexus between politics, business and crime. Based on extensive field research in the three countries the dissertation examines organized crime groups in the region and describes their inter-relationships with political and business elites, then discusses the impact of the three countries’ Coloured Revolutions on crime and corruption. The impacts of the revolutions on organized crime are situated in several variables, among them political opposition to incumbent regimes; the strength of civil society and the role of organized crime groups during the revolutionary processes; personal morals of the leaders and their views on cooperation with organized crime; and the presence and nature of the “pact” between outgoing and incoming elites.
The dissertation also takes into account larger explanatory variables, such as geography, natural resources, industry, and regional wars and documents their role in shaping organized crime. In accounting for the diverging patterns of the three countries in terms of post-revolutionary effects on crime and corruption, the role of the West, defined as a “push” factor for democratization, and the experience of earlier statehood are also considered.
The interaction between elites and criminals is regarded as a crucial part of state formation, and is characterized by shifting dominance between the actors of the underworld and upperworld. The thesis identifies points of cooperation and conflict between licit and illicit actors, and provides insight into the collusive nature of criminal networks in the post-Soviet context, arguing that the distinction between licit and illicit is frequently blurred and the representatives of the upperworld are sometimes key participants in organized criminal activity.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZKupatadze, AlexanderThis dissertation addresses organized crime in post-Soviet Eurasia (Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) exploring the nexus between politics, business and crime. Based on extensive field research in the three countries the dissertation examines organized crime groups in the region and describes their inter-relationships with political and business elites, then discusses the impact of the three countries’ Coloured Revolutions on crime and corruption. The impacts of the revolutions on organized crime are situated in several variables, among them political opposition to incumbent regimes; the strength of civil society and the role of organized crime groups during the revolutionary processes; personal morals of the leaders and their views on cooperation with organized crime; and the presence and nature of the “pact” between outgoing and incoming elites.
The dissertation also takes into account larger explanatory variables, such as geography, natural resources, industry, and regional wars and documents their role in shaping organized crime. In accounting for the diverging patterns of the three countries in terms of post-revolutionary effects on crime and corruption, the role of the West, defined as a “push” factor for democratization, and the experience of earlier statehood are also considered.
The interaction between elites and criminals is regarded as a crucial part of state formation, and is characterized by shifting dominance between the actors of the underworld and upperworld. The thesis identifies points of cooperation and conflict between licit and illicit actors, and provides insight into the collusive nature of criminal networks in the post-Soviet context, arguing that the distinction between licit and illicit is frequently blurred and the representatives of the upperworld are sometimes key participants in organized criminal activity.The race for Muslim hearts and minds : a social movement analysis of the U.S. war on terror and popular support in the Muslim worldDumas, James M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9932016-03-28T10:57:38Z2010-06-22T00:00:00ZAccording to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes.
Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world.
To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZDumas, James M.According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes.
Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world.
To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.Legitimacy and international public authority : the evolution of IAEA safeguardsRoydan, Alexahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9842016-03-28T11:06:28Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZUsing the IAEA as a case for focused study, this thesis argues that the construction and
reconstruction of the Secretariat’s legitimacy has been dependant upon several different
legitimating influences at different stages in the IAEA’s evolution. In brief, it will be
demonstrated that early on, in the absence of clear non-proliferation norms, power
wielded by critical and self-interested actors functioned as the primary legitimator –
promoting early development and insulating the organization from outside pressures.
However, based upon this particular case, I will also argue that state power alone is
insufficient to guarantee legitimacy and the exercise of international public authority,
especially in light of the degree to which these institutions are increasingly expected to
challenge the territorial sovereignty of member states. In order for an organization to
acquire adequate legitimacy to exercise public authority over the long term, it must
develop beyond the point at which state power is instrumental, and assume a degree of
organizational autonomy. This happened with the evolution of organizational expertise
recognizing the IAEA’s bureaucracy as an authority, development of specific
nonproliferation rules and norms that placed the IAEA in authority, and “right” processes
within the bureaucracy that reinforced these and other substantive norms, positioning the
Secretariat as a trusted agent within international society. Thus, the development of a
professional identity, successful norms and rules, and the elaboration of a “right” process
were key to the creation of legitimacy, and as a consequence, the Secretariat’s exercise of
public authority in support of the safeguards regime.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZRoydan, AlexaUsing the IAEA as a case for focused study, this thesis argues that the construction and
reconstruction of the Secretariat’s legitimacy has been dependant upon several different
legitimating influences at different stages in the IAEA’s evolution. In brief, it will be
demonstrated that early on, in the absence of clear non-proliferation norms, power
wielded by critical and self-interested actors functioned as the primary legitimator –
promoting early development and insulating the organization from outside pressures.
However, based upon this particular case, I will also argue that state power alone is
insufficient to guarantee legitimacy and the exercise of international public authority,
especially in light of the degree to which these institutions are increasingly expected to
challenge the territorial sovereignty of member states. In order for an organization to
acquire adequate legitimacy to exercise public authority over the long term, it must
develop beyond the point at which state power is instrumental, and assume a degree of
organizational autonomy. This happened with the evolution of organizational expertise
recognizing the IAEA’s bureaucracy as an authority, development of specific
nonproliferation rules and norms that placed the IAEA in authority, and “right” processes
within the bureaucracy that reinforced these and other substantive norms, positioning the
Secretariat as a trusted agent within international society. Thus, the development of a
professional identity, successful norms and rules, and the elaboration of a “right” process
were key to the creation of legitimacy, and as a consequence, the Secretariat’s exercise of
public authority in support of the safeguards regime.Anti-developmentalism and conflict : 'materialist' theory of ethnopolitical conflict : the case of GeorgiaStřítecký, Vithttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9832016-03-28T11:06:41Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis seeks to provide a theoretical reasoning through which the political economic background of the post-Soviet transformation could be observed. The argument commences with a critique of the perspectives derived from modernization theory and draws on ideas educed from the approaches of historical sociology, which essentially stress the role of the state breakdown in social transformation. The crucial analytical bridge between the historically-oriented knowledge of state formation and break up and the empirical reality of the Soviet state is provided by the theoretical insights originating from the world-system analysis distinguishing a particular class of developmentalist states that attempted to overcome underdevelopment and catch up with the Western core while applying revolutionary and often totalitarian strategies. These strategies, responding to the large structural processes and apparently diverging from the prevailing systemic 'capitalist' ideas, brought about fundamental social changes that later contributed to the fall of the Soviet developmentalist regime. The empirical part of the thesis follows the trajectories of these social changes in Georgia and illustrates how these transformations, expressed in class perspective, accounted for the violent transition of the Caucasian country in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZStřítecký, VitThis thesis seeks to provide a theoretical reasoning through which the political economic background of the post-Soviet transformation could be observed. The argument commences with a critique of the perspectives derived from modernization theory and draws on ideas educed from the approaches of historical sociology, which essentially stress the role of the state breakdown in social transformation. The crucial analytical bridge between the historically-oriented knowledge of state formation and break up and the empirical reality of the Soviet state is provided by the theoretical insights originating from the world-system analysis distinguishing a particular class of developmentalist states that attempted to overcome underdevelopment and catch up with the Western core while applying revolutionary and often totalitarian strategies. These strategies, responding to the large structural processes and apparently diverging from the prevailing systemic 'capitalist' ideas, brought about fundamental social changes that later contributed to the fall of the Soviet developmentalist regime. The empirical part of the thesis follows the trajectories of these social changes in Georgia and illustrates how these transformations, expressed in class perspective, accounted for the violent transition of the Caucasian country in the late 1980s and early 1990s.A comparative study of Kant and Nietzsche concerning the role of science in political theoryAbedinzadeh, Somihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9802016-03-28T11:03:56Z2010-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is concerned with the implications of natural science for moral philosophy and political theory, from the view point of Kant and Nietzsche. In identifying this association we argue that investigating the differences between these two philosophers’ perspective on natural science in relation to their moral philosophy offers two distinct conceptions of the self, individual sovereignty and free will. This could potentially help us establish a distinction between two different types of social structures that they appear to advocate. The first model represents the Kantian ideal of a republican society, while an alternative society may be characterised by Nietzsche’s Dionysian notion of chaos. The main difference between these two types of societies stems from the role of the individual in their structure, which in turn brings us back to the discussion of moral philosophy and its correlation with our understanding of the natural world.
Thus, the thesis aims to point out the inevitability of considering the role of science in the moral philosophies of Kant and Nietzsche, as they sought a revolutionary outlook beyond organised religion and strove to empower human society to rise above millennia of conflict. It transpires through these investigations that Kant’s transcendental philosophy remains deeply rooted in metaphysics; while Nietzsche truly strived for a naturalistic approach beyond all a priori metaphysical assumptions. Through this comparison it is hoped to bring to light not only some of the profoundest differences between Kant and Nietzsche in their natural, moral and political philosophy, but also to contribute to a revival of the trend of natural philosophy that, arguably, declined in 20th century. This objective is pursued through an interpretation of Nietzsche’s thoughts based on a conception of knowledge outside the boundaries of traditional epistemology.
In addition, while we note that Kant and Nietzsche’s moral and political philosophy are inherently rooted in their interpretation of natural science, to truly appreciate their divergence one ought to take into account the distinction between classical and non-classical science. The reason for this is that traditional epistemology is generally grounded in a dualistic amalgamation of classical science and metaphysics, while Nietzsche’s reading of science can be viewed with a non-classical outlook. Failure to observe this point may lead to misinterpretation of Nietzsche in a metaphysical vein.
It has to be noted that science, in its classical sense, signifies the study of the clockwork nature of macroscopic phenomena. This trend, known as the “modern scientific approach”, began in the 16th century with Galileo Galilei, was later reinforced by Newton and Descartes, and influenced the views of many philosophers from Hobbes and Hume to Kant. While its establishment greatly contributed to the expansion of humanity's empirical knowledge of the natural world, the markedly “rationalistic” aspects of this method gave way to the foundation of dualism. The reason for this is the observation that classical science remains futile in dealing with many fundamental questions of existence such as the nature of mental phenomena, the diversity and complexity of the natural world and the behaviour of natural phenomena on the very small scale. Those aspects of nature are what come under investigation in a non-classical world-view, to which Nietzsche’s philosophy corresponds more closely. Ultimately, the thesis argues that a Nietzschean outlook, as compared to Kant’s classical and metaphysical world-view, may potentially offer a new image of the individual and their place in the society and thereby transforming the dynamics of 21st century world politics in the face of globalisation.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZAbedinzadeh, SomiThis thesis is concerned with the implications of natural science for moral philosophy and political theory, from the view point of Kant and Nietzsche. In identifying this association we argue that investigating the differences between these two philosophers’ perspective on natural science in relation to their moral philosophy offers two distinct conceptions of the self, individual sovereignty and free will. This could potentially help us establish a distinction between two different types of social structures that they appear to advocate. The first model represents the Kantian ideal of a republican society, while an alternative society may be characterised by Nietzsche’s Dionysian notion of chaos. The main difference between these two types of societies stems from the role of the individual in their structure, which in turn brings us back to the discussion of moral philosophy and its correlation with our understanding of the natural world.
Thus, the thesis aims to point out the inevitability of considering the role of science in the moral philosophies of Kant and Nietzsche, as they sought a revolutionary outlook beyond organised religion and strove to empower human society to rise above millennia of conflict. It transpires through these investigations that Kant’s transcendental philosophy remains deeply rooted in metaphysics; while Nietzsche truly strived for a naturalistic approach beyond all a priori metaphysical assumptions. Through this comparison it is hoped to bring to light not only some of the profoundest differences between Kant and Nietzsche in their natural, moral and political philosophy, but also to contribute to a revival of the trend of natural philosophy that, arguably, declined in 20th century. This objective is pursued through an interpretation of Nietzsche’s thoughts based on a conception of knowledge outside the boundaries of traditional epistemology.
In addition, while we note that Kant and Nietzsche’s moral and political philosophy are inherently rooted in their interpretation of natural science, to truly appreciate their divergence one ought to take into account the distinction between classical and non-classical science. The reason for this is that traditional epistemology is generally grounded in a dualistic amalgamation of classical science and metaphysics, while Nietzsche’s reading of science can be viewed with a non-classical outlook. Failure to observe this point may lead to misinterpretation of Nietzsche in a metaphysical vein.
It has to be noted that science, in its classical sense, signifies the study of the clockwork nature of macroscopic phenomena. This trend, known as the “modern scientific approach”, began in the 16th century with Galileo Galilei, was later reinforced by Newton and Descartes, and influenced the views of many philosophers from Hobbes and Hume to Kant. While its establishment greatly contributed to the expansion of humanity's empirical knowledge of the natural world, the markedly “rationalistic” aspects of this method gave way to the foundation of dualism. The reason for this is the observation that classical science remains futile in dealing with many fundamental questions of existence such as the nature of mental phenomena, the diversity and complexity of the natural world and the behaviour of natural phenomena on the very small scale. Those aspects of nature are what come under investigation in a non-classical world-view, to which Nietzsche’s philosophy corresponds more closely. Ultimately, the thesis argues that a Nietzschean outlook, as compared to Kant’s classical and metaphysical world-view, may potentially offer a new image of the individual and their place in the society and thereby transforming the dynamics of 21st century world politics in the face of globalisation.Contending for liberty : principle and party in Montesquieu, Hume, and BurkeElliott, Seanhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9782016-03-28T11:01:21Z2010-11-29T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the political reformation of “faction” in the political thought of Montesquieu, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, three thinkers whose works span what Pierre Manent calls “an exquisite moment of liberalism.” It examines the transformation of faction from one based largely on class to one based largely on political function and argues that as the political emphasis of “party” overtook that of class, a disconnect in constitutional theory appeared between the principles formerly associated with class, such as honor, and the principles now associated with parties. This disconnect is examined by focusing on the interrelated concepts of political principle, or that which motivates and regulates men, and faction, itself divided into two types, principled and singular.
This thesis further considers the role of political principle to faction in each thinker’s thought in order to demonstrate how limited domestic political conflict could sustain itself via a party system. Each thinker recognized that limited political conflict did not weaken the state but rather strengthened it, if engendered by “principled faction” cognizant of a nominal sovereign. Accordingly, it is argued that a similar understanding of “principled faction,” though focused largely on aristocratic ideas of prejudice, self-interest, and inequality, better promoted political liberty within the state and contributed to a greater acceptance of party in political thought.
2010-11-29T00:00:00ZElliott, SeanThis thesis explores the political reformation of “faction” in the political thought of Montesquieu, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, three thinkers whose works span what Pierre Manent calls “an exquisite moment of liberalism.” It examines the transformation of faction from one based largely on class to one based largely on political function and argues that as the political emphasis of “party” overtook that of class, a disconnect in constitutional theory appeared between the principles formerly associated with class, such as honor, and the principles now associated with parties. This disconnect is examined by focusing on the interrelated concepts of political principle, or that which motivates and regulates men, and faction, itself divided into two types, principled and singular.
This thesis further considers the role of political principle to faction in each thinker’s thought in order to demonstrate how limited domestic political conflict could sustain itself via a party system. Each thinker recognized that limited political conflict did not weaken the state but rather strengthened it, if engendered by “principled faction” cognizant of a nominal sovereign. Accordingly, it is argued that a similar understanding of “principled faction,” though focused largely on aristocratic ideas of prejudice, self-interest, and inequality, better promoted political liberty within the state and contributed to a greater acceptance of party in political thought.Accountability for amnestyO'Connor, Simonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9502016-03-28T11:16:51Z2010-06-22T00:00:00ZAmnesties are evidently contentious issues. The issue of immunity and impunity is significant in the peace versus justice debate. What this thesis attempts is to explain the grant of amnesty as a legally permissible exception from the norm that those who commits crimes are to be punished – the very premise of punitive law. The demand is ever more so in respect of those crimes most atrocious.
It approaches the topic from a legal rather than a moral perspective. Analysing the grant of amnesty through the perspective of legal obligation, the paper seeks to demonstrate that this is the first question to ask, by reference to the fact that, if logically inconsistent with the legal system prevailing, any amnesty will lack legal validity. And legal validity is the key both to the grant of amnesty and equally can inform on the same arguments its rescission.
In order to demonstrate thus amnesties legal validity, it is necessary the paper contends to first consider the question of obligation and to do so from the historical perspective of the Roman legal maxim that underlie existing legal regimes, domestic and international. It then turns, by reference to Kant to the notion of permissive laws and how such are properly considered contingent exceptions. The paper then turns to its core chapter on deontic logic, where it seeks to demonstrate the logical consistency of amnesty with legal norms and systems. And finally illustrates the manner in which amnesty acts as a derogation with only provisional effect on the validity of individual norms rather than negating the norm of punitive law per se.
In conclusion the paper argues that by virtue of utilising contemporary legal notions of purposive interpretation, we can properly limit the scope and application of amnesty by reference to and only to its legal validity.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZO'Connor, SimonAmnesties are evidently contentious issues. The issue of immunity and impunity is significant in the peace versus justice debate. What this thesis attempts is to explain the grant of amnesty as a legally permissible exception from the norm that those who commits crimes are to be punished – the very premise of punitive law. The demand is ever more so in respect of those crimes most atrocious.
It approaches the topic from a legal rather than a moral perspective. Analysing the grant of amnesty through the perspective of legal obligation, the paper seeks to demonstrate that this is the first question to ask, by reference to the fact that, if logically inconsistent with the legal system prevailing, any amnesty will lack legal validity. And legal validity is the key both to the grant of amnesty and equally can inform on the same arguments its rescission.
In order to demonstrate thus amnesties legal validity, it is necessary the paper contends to first consider the question of obligation and to do so from the historical perspective of the Roman legal maxim that underlie existing legal regimes, domestic and international. It then turns, by reference to Kant to the notion of permissive laws and how such are properly considered contingent exceptions. The paper then turns to its core chapter on deontic logic, where it seeks to demonstrate the logical consistency of amnesty with legal norms and systems. And finally illustrates the manner in which amnesty acts as a derogation with only provisional effect on the validity of individual norms rather than negating the norm of punitive law per se.
In conclusion the paper argues that by virtue of utilising contemporary legal notions of purposive interpretation, we can properly limit the scope and application of amnesty by reference to and only to its legal validity.Returning culture to peacebuilding : contesting the liberal peace in Sierra LeoneViktorova Milne, Jevgeniahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9382016-03-28T11:03:51Z2010-06-22T00:00:00ZThis thesis investigates the advantages and limitations of applying culture to the analysis of violent conflict and peacebuilding, with a particular focus on liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. While fully aware of the critique of the concept of culture in terms of its uses for the production of difference and ‘otherness,’ it also seeks to respond to the critique of liberal peacebuilding on the account of its low sensitivity towards local culture, which allegedly undermines the peace effort. After a careful examination of the terms of discussion about culture enabled by theoretical approaches to conflict in Chapter 2, the thesis presents a theoretical framework for the analysis of cultural aspects of conflict and peace based on the processes and effects of meaning-generation (Chapter 3), developing the conceptual apparatus and vocabulary for the subsequent empirical study. Instead of bracketing out the recursive nature of cultural theorising, the developed approach embraces the recursive dynamics which arise as a result of cultural ‘embeddedness’ of the analyst and the processes which s/he seeks to elucidate, mirroring similar dynamics in the cultural production of meaning and knowledge. The framework of ‘embedded cultural enquiry’ is then used to analyse the practices of liberal peacebuilding as a particular culture, which shapes the interaction of the liberal peace with its ‘subjects’ and critics as well as framing its reception of the cultural problematic generally (Chapter 4). The application of the analytical framework to the case study investigates the interaction between the liberal peace and ‘local culture,’ offering an alternative reading of the conflict and peace process in Sierra Leone (Chapter 5). The study concludes that a greater attention to cultural meaning-making offers a largely untapped potential for peacebuilding, although any decisions with regard to its deployment will inevitably be made from within an inherently biased cultural perspective.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZViktorova Milne, JevgeniaThis thesis investigates the advantages and limitations of applying culture to the analysis of violent conflict and peacebuilding, with a particular focus on liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. While fully aware of the critique of the concept of culture in terms of its uses for the production of difference and ‘otherness,’ it also seeks to respond to the critique of liberal peacebuilding on the account of its low sensitivity towards local culture, which allegedly undermines the peace effort. After a careful examination of the terms of discussion about culture enabled by theoretical approaches to conflict in Chapter 2, the thesis presents a theoretical framework for the analysis of cultural aspects of conflict and peace based on the processes and effects of meaning-generation (Chapter 3), developing the conceptual apparatus and vocabulary for the subsequent empirical study. Instead of bracketing out the recursive nature of cultural theorising, the developed approach embraces the recursive dynamics which arise as a result of cultural ‘embeddedness’ of the analyst and the processes which s/he seeks to elucidate, mirroring similar dynamics in the cultural production of meaning and knowledge. The framework of ‘embedded cultural enquiry’ is then used to analyse the practices of liberal peacebuilding as a particular culture, which shapes the interaction of the liberal peace with its ‘subjects’ and critics as well as framing its reception of the cultural problematic generally (Chapter 4). The application of the analytical framework to the case study investigates the interaction between the liberal peace and ‘local culture,’ offering an alternative reading of the conflict and peace process in Sierra Leone (Chapter 5). The study concludes that a greater attention to cultural meaning-making offers a largely untapped potential for peacebuilding, although any decisions with regard to its deployment will inevitably be made from within an inherently biased cultural perspective.Power, value, and the individual exchange: towards an improved conceptualization of terrorist financeWittig, Timothy Simonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9022016-11-29T11:38:35Z2009-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis finds that the term ‘terrorist financing’ is a misnomer in that much of the activity encompassed by that term involves neither terrorism nor money. Instead, terrorist financing more accurately refers either to the flow of economic and material value to ‘terrorist’ actors or specific material expressions of support to ‘terrorism,’ however that contested term is defined. This finding not only directly challenges the dominant ways terrorist finance is now conceptualized, but also provides the first unified coherent conceptual framework capable of supporting systematic analysis of the topic. This thesis arrives at this conclusion by first critically examining the various – and often contradictory or incoherent – normative, legal, and political contexts that dominate ‘orthodox’ thinking on terrorism and terrorist finance, and then relocating the financing of terrorism squarely in context of the everyday realities of how terrorism and terrorist actors interact with global and local political economies. This thesis goes beyond existing critical works on terrorist financing, and constructs the necessary conceptual foundation for a vastly more coherent, systematic, and ultimately useful understanding of the financial and economic dimensions of terrorism.
2009-11-30T00:00:00ZWittig, Timothy SimonThis thesis finds that the term ‘terrorist financing’ is a misnomer in that much of the activity encompassed by that term involves neither terrorism nor money. Instead, terrorist financing more accurately refers either to the flow of economic and material value to ‘terrorist’ actors or specific material expressions of support to ‘terrorism,’ however that contested term is defined. This finding not only directly challenges the dominant ways terrorist finance is now conceptualized, but also provides the first unified coherent conceptual framework capable of supporting systematic analysis of the topic. This thesis arrives at this conclusion by first critically examining the various – and often contradictory or incoherent – normative, legal, and political contexts that dominate ‘orthodox’ thinking on terrorism and terrorist finance, and then relocating the financing of terrorism squarely in context of the everyday realities of how terrorism and terrorist actors interact with global and local political economies. This thesis goes beyond existing critical works on terrorist financing, and constructs the necessary conceptual foundation for a vastly more coherent, systematic, and ultimately useful understanding of the financial and economic dimensions of terrorism.Drugs trafficking and terrorism in Central Asia : an anatomy of relationshipsWalker, Justinehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8962016-10-19T14:59:38Z2009-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis investigates to what extent there is a link between the
illicit drugs trade and regional terrorist/insurgent organisation s in
Central Asia. In particular , the research attempts to understand the
dynamics of actor participation within the drugs trade, including
whether any such involvement is motivated by either criminal or
political incentives. To inform such an assessment analysis of
engagement opportunities, financial requirements, network
connections and organisational structure have taken place.
The study initially drew from the wide body of literature that has
examined the degree to which exploitation of natural resources,
including drugs, has fuelled armed conflict. From this starting point
a qualitative field research agenda comp rising of over 180 semi -
structured interviews, documentary analysis and observation has
been undertaken.
It is the proposition of this thesis that the manner in which regional
terrorist/insurgent organisations participate within the drugs trade
appears to be more sporadic and localised than previously thought.
The assertion that participation will significantly expand a group’s
capabilities only appears accurate in very specific circumstances .
Furthermore, the evolving theory that terrorist/insurgent groups
have developed long term strategic relationships with organised
crime actually appears to be increasingly distant in the post 2001
Central Asian drug trafficking environment.
2009-01-01T00:00:00ZWalker, JustineThis thesis investigates to what extent there is a link between the
illicit drugs trade and regional terrorist/insurgent organisation s in
Central Asia. In particular , the research attempts to understand the
dynamics of actor participation within the drugs trade, including
whether any such involvement is motivated by either criminal or
political incentives. To inform such an assessment analysis of
engagement opportunities, financial requirements, network
connections and organisational structure have taken place.
The study initially drew from the wide body of literature that has
examined the degree to which exploitation of natural resources,
including drugs, has fuelled armed conflict. From this starting point
a qualitative field research agenda comp rising of over 180 semi -
structured interviews, documentary analysis and observation has
been undertaken.
It is the proposition of this thesis that the manner in which regional
terrorist/insurgent organisations participate within the drugs trade
appears to be more sporadic and localised than previously thought.
The assertion that participation will significantly expand a group’s
capabilities only appears accurate in very specific circumstances .
Furthermore, the evolving theory that terrorist/insurgent groups
have developed long term strategic relationships with organised
crime actually appears to be increasingly distant in the post 2001
Central Asian drug trafficking environment.How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizationsBerger, Michael Andrewhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8892016-03-28T11:10:52Z2010-06-01T00:00:00ZThe following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations.
As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other.
The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".
2010-06-01T00:00:00ZBerger, Michael AndrewThe following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations.
As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other.
The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".From bad weapons to bad states: the evolution of U.S. counterproliferation policyQuaintance, Michael Kimohttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8202016-10-20T10:13:01Z2009-11-30T00:00:00ZOne of the key features of the 2002 United States National Security Strategy was an abrupt shift from the traditional U.S. approach to proliferation threats that prioritized deterrence and promotion of nondiscriminatory nonproliferation norms, to an approach called counterproliferation that emphasized military preemption and direct challenges to adversarial state identity. This thesis asks the question, what caused counterproliferation to largely replace deterrence and nonproliferation as the central national security policies of the U.S. concerning unconventional weapons? The thesis argues that to understand this policy change requires not merely an appreciation of changes in the post-Cold War international security environment, but also an examination of how culturally shaped threat conceptions among American policymakers interacted with capabilities development and policy institutionalization within the U.S. military. As no current theory adequately addresses those dynamics, complimentary strategic culture and organizational theory models are presented as the framework for analysis. This thesis will contend that policy shift from NP to CP resulted from the merging of strategic cultural efforts aimed at legitimizing conceptions of proliferation threats as originating from state identity, with a military organizational drive to avoid uncertainty through the development of counterproliferation capabilities. Together these strategic cultural and organizational responses to shifting proliferation threats altered the menu of choice for policymakers by institutionalizing and legitimizing a policy response that directly challenged existing nonproliferation norms and practices. This thesis relies on a detailed case study of the evolution of counterproliferation policy from 1993 to 2002, with particular focus on the analysis of public discourse, declassified policy planning and Department of Defense documents, and participant interviews.
2009-11-30T00:00:00ZQuaintance, Michael KimoOne of the key features of the 2002 United States National Security Strategy was an abrupt shift from the traditional U.S. approach to proliferation threats that prioritized deterrence and promotion of nondiscriminatory nonproliferation norms, to an approach called counterproliferation that emphasized military preemption and direct challenges to adversarial state identity. This thesis asks the question, what caused counterproliferation to largely replace deterrence and nonproliferation as the central national security policies of the U.S. concerning unconventional weapons? The thesis argues that to understand this policy change requires not merely an appreciation of changes in the post-Cold War international security environment, but also an examination of how culturally shaped threat conceptions among American policymakers interacted with capabilities development and policy institutionalization within the U.S. military. As no current theory adequately addresses those dynamics, complimentary strategic culture and organizational theory models are presented as the framework for analysis. This thesis will contend that policy shift from NP to CP resulted from the merging of strategic cultural efforts aimed at legitimizing conceptions of proliferation threats as originating from state identity, with a military organizational drive to avoid uncertainty through the development of counterproliferation capabilities. Together these strategic cultural and organizational responses to shifting proliferation threats altered the menu of choice for policymakers by institutionalizing and legitimizing a policy response that directly challenged existing nonproliferation norms and practices. This thesis relies on a detailed case study of the evolution of counterproliferation policy from 1993 to 2002, with particular focus on the analysis of public discourse, declassified policy planning and Department of Defense documents, and participant interviews.Dilemmas of late formation : international system and state survival in the Middle East : case studies : Saudi Arabia and IraqSaouli, Adhamhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/7522016-03-28T12:11:32Z2009-05-06T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a theory-proposing and theory-testing study that examines the conditions of state survival in the Middle East. In contrast to the predominant Political Culture and Political Economy approaches, which focus on domestic factors to account for state survival in the Middle East, this thesis suggests that, more than the individual characteristics of states themselves, state survival in that region is a function of the anarchic state system.
This thesis examines states as a ‘process’ situating them in time and place. It shows that Middle Eastern states are at once in the early phases of state formation as well as late comers to the international state system. This ontological status contributes to the vulnerability of these states to systematic forces, which in turn shapes their internal development. A major dilemma facing the late-forming state is between regime survival and political incorporation.
The first part of this thesis examines the literatures on the state, the Middle East state, and state survival. The second part proposes a Historical Structuralism model and then examines the ontology of the state in the Middle East, specifying the conditions and variables of state survival. The third part presents an empirical examination of the cases of Saudi Arabia and Iraq.
2009-05-06T00:00:00ZSaouli, AdhamThis thesis is a theory-proposing and theory-testing study that examines the conditions of state survival in the Middle East. In contrast to the predominant Political Culture and Political Economy approaches, which focus on domestic factors to account for state survival in the Middle East, this thesis suggests that, more than the individual characteristics of states themselves, state survival in that region is a function of the anarchic state system.
This thesis examines states as a ‘process’ situating them in time and place. It shows that Middle Eastern states are at once in the early phases of state formation as well as late comers to the international state system. This ontological status contributes to the vulnerability of these states to systematic forces, which in turn shapes their internal development. A major dilemma facing the late-forming state is between regime survival and political incorporation.
The first part of this thesis examines the literatures on the state, the Middle East state, and state survival. The second part proposes a Historical Structuralism model and then examines the ontology of the state in the Middle East, specifying the conditions and variables of state survival. The third part presents an empirical examination of the cases of Saudi Arabia and Iraq.The political economy of land tenure in EthiopiaDavies, Steven J.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5802016-03-28T10:53:14Z2008-11-27T00:00:00ZIn surveying the literature on land tenure reform in Africa, what can readily be observed is that much of that body of work has comprised a markedly econometric and technical focus, to the neglect of evidently contiguous political factors. As a result, fundamental structural impediments to reform efforts have largely been ignored - a fact that may be reflected in the failure of many titling interventions. In light of this omission, the nature of political economy in both Ethiopia and Africa more generally is delineated in this thesis, in order to construct a more rounded conceptual framework through which the issue of land tenure can be deciphered. In so doing, the model of the ‘neopatrimonial’/anti-developmental state is utilised as a benchmark against which twentieth century Ethiopian regimes, and in particular the incumbent EPRDF Government, are assessed. Considerable evidence is uncovered to support the view that, despite its unique historical experience of independence, contemporary Ethiopia nevertheless fits with many key aspects of the neopatrimonial model – most notably in the Government’s pursuit of political survival and revenue to the neglect of long-term sustainable development. It is therefore argued that political imperatives have undermined the establishment of a progressive economic agenda in the country, and the ways in which this has affected land tenure are delineated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the contemporary debate on tenure reform in Ethiopia has taken a form that is somewhat myopic and circuitous, possibly in an attempt to circumvent discussion of controversial political issues. It is argued that this apolitical stance has undermined not only the debate itself, but also the practical intervention strategies that have emerged from it, such as the recent land titling and administration project in Ethiopia. It is therefore concluded that the only means of escape from this theoretical and practical impasse is to reintegrate politics into the analysis.
2008-11-27T00:00:00ZDavies, Steven J.In surveying the literature on land tenure reform in Africa, what can readily be observed is that much of that body of work has comprised a markedly econometric and technical focus, to the neglect of evidently contiguous political factors. As a result, fundamental structural impediments to reform efforts have largely been ignored - a fact that may be reflected in the failure of many titling interventions. In light of this omission, the nature of political economy in both Ethiopia and Africa more generally is delineated in this thesis, in order to construct a more rounded conceptual framework through which the issue of land tenure can be deciphered. In so doing, the model of the ‘neopatrimonial’/anti-developmental state is utilised as a benchmark against which twentieth century Ethiopian regimes, and in particular the incumbent EPRDF Government, are assessed. Considerable evidence is uncovered to support the view that, despite its unique historical experience of independence, contemporary Ethiopia nevertheless fits with many key aspects of the neopatrimonial model – most notably in the Government’s pursuit of political survival and revenue to the neglect of long-term sustainable development. It is therefore argued that political imperatives have undermined the establishment of a progressive economic agenda in the country, and the ways in which this has affected land tenure are delineated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the contemporary debate on tenure reform in Ethiopia has taken a form that is somewhat myopic and circuitous, possibly in an attempt to circumvent discussion of controversial political issues. It is argued that this apolitical stance has undermined not only the debate itself, but also the practical intervention strategies that have emerged from it, such as the recent land titling and administration project in Ethiopia. It is therefore concluded that the only means of escape from this theoretical and practical impasse is to reintegrate politics into the analysis.The foreign policy of Egypt under Mubarak : the primacy of regime securityShama, Nael M.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5692016-08-09T08:24:40Z2008-06-01T00:00:00ZThe study explores Egypt’s foreign policy under President Hosni Mubarak. It focuses on the way Mubarak's regime dealt with internal and external threats to maintain security and bolster his internal hold on power.
Two case studies are chosen to test the hypotheses: Egypt’s reluctance to reestablish diplomatic ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran and Egypt’s response to the Greater Middle East Initiative proposed by the Bush administration and the series of Western efforts aimed at promoting political reform in the Middle East, in particular the measures it took to warm up its relations with Israel, including the signing of the QIZ treaty.
The following arguments are made:
1- Security is central in understanding the behavior of Third World states.
2- The traditional 'balance of power' model should be substituted with the 'balance of threat' theory.
3- Faced with a combination of internal and external threats, Third World states most often tend to 'omnibalance' between both sets.
4- Foreign policy decisions in the Third World are determined by the level of internal and external threats, the availability of regional and international allies and the idiosyncrasies of leaders, their type of legitimacy and the interests of their ruling coalitions.
5- The foreign policies of Third World states, which tend to be lacking in strong institutions, democracy or national consensus and facing threats from within as well as without, are less likely to be shaped by or serve a national interest than a regime interest.
2008-06-01T00:00:00ZShama, Nael M.The study explores Egypt’s foreign policy under President Hosni Mubarak. It focuses on the way Mubarak's regime dealt with internal and external threats to maintain security and bolster his internal hold on power.
Two case studies are chosen to test the hypotheses: Egypt’s reluctance to reestablish diplomatic ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran and Egypt’s response to the Greater Middle East Initiative proposed by the Bush administration and the series of Western efforts aimed at promoting political reform in the Middle East, in particular the measures it took to warm up its relations with Israel, including the signing of the QIZ treaty.
The following arguments are made:
1- Security is central in understanding the behavior of Third World states.
2- The traditional 'balance of power' model should be substituted with the 'balance of threat' theory.
3- Faced with a combination of internal and external threats, Third World states most often tend to 'omnibalance' between both sets.
4- Foreign policy decisions in the Third World are determined by the level of internal and external threats, the availability of regional and international allies and the idiosyncrasies of leaders, their type of legitimacy and the interests of their ruling coalitions.
5- The foreign policies of Third World states, which tend to be lacking in strong institutions, democracy or national consensus and facing threats from within as well as without, are less likely to be shaped by or serve a national interest than a regime interest.Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist EuropeCruickshank, Neil A.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5592016-03-28T10:37:38Z2008-11-27T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist
states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and
international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention
brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and
questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of
determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and
internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation
carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and
contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European
and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO
questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the
nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent
to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power
arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government.
Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
2008-11-27T00:00:00ZCruickshank, Neil A.This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist
states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and
international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention
brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and
questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of
determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and
internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation
carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and
contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European
and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO
questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the
nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent
to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power
arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government.
Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.Shrouded in darkness : a phenomenological path towards a new social ontology in international relationsMichel, Torstenhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5562016-03-28T10:44:07Z2008-11-27T00:00:00ZThe thesis sets out to critique recent accounts dealing with the notion and role of ontology in IR theorising as it can be found, for instance, in Alexander Wendt and more recently in the writings of critical realists. The main aim of these treatises on ontology is to provide a new perspective for IR theory that is in line with a more general critique of epistemological foundationalism and strict empiricism. Thereby these accounts rely upon an interpretation of scientific realism as it can be found in the Philosophy of Science.
The thesis shows how these approaches to ontology on the one hand overcome epistemological foundationalism but, on the other hand, reaffirm a form of ontological foundationalism through the apodictic positing of ‘intransitive objects’ that exist outside and independent of the human mind. Such an approach, rather than leading to a new and better conception of ontology, reifies the same biases of Cartesian subjectivity, the designative nature of language, a correspondence theory of truth and the problem-laden concept of freedom as it was conceived in Kant’s third antinomy. In response to these approaches whose general aim at reconceptualising ontology must be welcomed, the thesis develops a new approach that does not recreate the same problems in a different fashion but tries to overcome them through a reconceptualisation of the term ontology itself. The basis for the thesis is to be found in post-Husserlian phenomenology, a body of literature that has so far been widely ignored in IR theorising. By explicating the main tenets in the thought of such eminent philosophers as Heidegger, Gadamer, Merleau-Ponty and Ricoeur the thesis reconstructs the notion of ontology on the basis of an enquiry into the meaning of being in general and human being in particular. From this perspective a new approach to the notions of agency, language, truth and freedom becomes possible without recreating the rifts and foundationalisms that characterises many approaches to social and political relations.
2008-11-27T00:00:00ZMichel, TorstenThe thesis sets out to critique recent accounts dealing with the notion and role of ontology in IR theorising as it can be found, for instance, in Alexander Wendt and more recently in the writings of critical realists. The main aim of these treatises on ontology is to provide a new perspective for IR theory that is in line with a more general critique of epistemological foundationalism and strict empiricism. Thereby these accounts rely upon an interpretation of scientific realism as it can be found in the Philosophy of Science.
The thesis shows how these approaches to ontology on the one hand overcome epistemological foundationalism but, on the other hand, reaffirm a form of ontological foundationalism through the apodictic positing of ‘intransitive objects’ that exist outside and independent of the human mind. Such an approach, rather than leading to a new and better conception of ontology, reifies the same biases of Cartesian subjectivity, the designative nature of language, a correspondence theory of truth and the problem-laden concept of freedom as it was conceived in Kant’s third antinomy. In response to these approaches whose general aim at reconceptualising ontology must be welcomed, the thesis develops a new approach that does not recreate the same problems in a different fashion but tries to overcome them through a reconceptualisation of the term ontology itself. The basis for the thesis is to be found in post-Husserlian phenomenology, a body of literature that has so far been widely ignored in IR theorising. By explicating the main tenets in the thought of such eminent philosophers as Heidegger, Gadamer, Merleau-Ponty and Ricoeur the thesis reconstructs the notion of ontology on the basis of an enquiry into the meaning of being in general and human being in particular. From this perspective a new approach to the notions of agency, language, truth and freedom becomes possible without recreating the rifts and foundationalisms that characterises many approaches to social and political relations.Trauma and the ethical in international relationsSchick, Katherine Annehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5522016-03-28T10:37:59Z2008-11-27T00:00:00ZThe suffering that initially prompts ethical reflection is frequently forgotten in the generalised rational response of much contemporary International Relations theory. This thesis draws on Theodor W. Adorno and Gillian Rose to propose an alternative approach to suffering in world politics.
Adorno argues suffering and trauma play a key role in the task of enlightening Enlightenment. They emphasise the concrete particularity of human existence in a way that is radically challenging to Enlightenment thought. Understanding suffering helps to drive a negative dialectics that preserves the non-identical (that which cannot be understood, manipulated or controlled by reason), holding it up against the instrumentalism and abstraction that have prevented Enlightenment thought from fulfilling its promise.
Part One reviews contemporary approaches to international ethics in a way that draws out their affinity with the Enlightenment thought Adorno criticises. Despite their variety, liberal and Habermasian approaches to international ethics tend to be rational and problem-solving, to assume moral progress, to underestimate the importance of history and culture, and to neglect inner lives. They approach ethics in a way that pays too little attention to the social, historical, and cultural antecedents of suffering and therefore promotes solutions that, whilst in some ways inspiring, are too disconnected from the suffering they seek to address to be effective in practice.
Part Two deepens the critique of modern ethics through an exposition of Adorno's work. It then draws on Adorno's conception of promise, Rose's writing on mourning and political risk, and a broader literature on ways of working through trauma to propose an alternative way of being in the world with ethical and political implications. I advocate a neo-Hegelian work of mourning, which deepens understanding of the complexities of violence and informs a difficult, tentative, anxiety-ridden taking of political risk in pursuit of a good enough justice.
2008-11-27T00:00:00ZSchick, Katherine AnneThe suffering that initially prompts ethical reflection is frequently forgotten in the generalised rational response of much contemporary International Relations theory. This thesis draws on Theodor W. Adorno and Gillian Rose to propose an alternative approach to suffering in world politics.
Adorno argues suffering and trauma play a key role in the task of enlightening Enlightenment. They emphasise the concrete particularity of human existence in a way that is radically challenging to Enlightenment thought. Understanding suffering helps to drive a negative dialectics that preserves the non-identical (that which cannot be understood, manipulated or controlled by reason), holding it up against the instrumentalism and abstraction that have prevented Enlightenment thought from fulfilling its promise.
Part One reviews contemporary approaches to international ethics in a way that draws out their affinity with the Enlightenment thought Adorno criticises. Despite their variety, liberal and Habermasian approaches to international ethics tend to be rational and problem-solving, to assume moral progress, to underestimate the importance of history and culture, and to neglect inner lives. They approach ethics in a way that pays too little attention to the social, historical, and cultural antecedents of suffering and therefore promotes solutions that, whilst in some ways inspiring, are too disconnected from the suffering they seek to address to be effective in practice.
Part Two deepens the critique of modern ethics through an exposition of Adorno's work. It then draws on Adorno's conception of promise, Rose's writing on mourning and political risk, and a broader literature on ways of working through trauma to propose an alternative way of being in the world with ethical and political implications. I advocate a neo-Hegelian work of mourning, which deepens understanding of the complexities of violence and informs a difficult, tentative, anxiety-ridden taking of political risk in pursuit of a good enough justice.Crusade for freedom? United States democracy promotion from Reagan to George W. BushWalker, Michaelhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5512016-03-28T10:37:42Z2008-11-01T00:00:00ZPresidents of the United States and other American policymakers have throughout history cited democracy promotion as one of the chief goals of American foreign policy, and the current administration of George W. Bush has been no exception. However, and notwithstanding the habitual endorsement of this objective by US administrations, the subject of democracy promotion has received relatively little academic attention. This study aims to correct this gap in the literature by considering two questions relating to United States democracy promotion. First, have the efforts of the US to spread democracy to other countries met with success? Second, is promoting democracy truly a priority of American policymakers, or is it rather window dressing cynically aimed at winning public and congressional support for foreign policy? I begin by defining the terms democracy and democracy promotion. I then use three recent case studies to answer the two questions outlined above, the first of which focuses on President Reagan’s policy towards Nicaragua. In the second case study I consider President Clinton’s policy towards Haiti, while the third deals with President George W. Bush’s policy towards Colombia. The evidence I present points to the conclusion that the United States has not been successful in its efforts to promote democracy in other countries, and that spreading democracy abroad is at best a secondary goal of American foreign policy. The evidence presented in the thesis also demonstrates the utility of foreign policy analysis-based approaches to the study of international relations.
2008-11-01T00:00:00ZWalker, MichaelPresidents of the United States and other American policymakers have throughout history cited democracy promotion as one of the chief goals of American foreign policy, and the current administration of George W. Bush has been no exception. However, and notwithstanding the habitual endorsement of this objective by US administrations, the subject of democracy promotion has received relatively little academic attention. This study aims to correct this gap in the literature by considering two questions relating to United States democracy promotion. First, have the efforts of the US to spread democracy to other countries met with success? Second, is promoting democracy truly a priority of American policymakers, or is it rather window dressing cynically aimed at winning public and congressional support for foreign policy? I begin by defining the terms democracy and democracy promotion. I then use three recent case studies to answer the two questions outlined above, the first of which focuses on President Reagan’s policy towards Nicaragua. In the second case study I consider President Clinton’s policy towards Haiti, while the third deals with President George W. Bush’s policy towards Colombia. The evidence I present points to the conclusion that the United States has not been successful in its efforts to promote democracy in other countries, and that spreading democracy abroad is at best a secondary goal of American foreign policy. The evidence presented in the thesis also demonstrates the utility of foreign policy analysis-based approaches to the study of international relations.Defending the “Satanic Verses” : constructive engagement: British-Iranian relations and the right to freedom of expression (1989-2004)Kaussler, Berndhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5382016-03-28T10:51:24Z2008-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis aims to conceptualize what is often referred to in diplomacy, as a policy of “constructive engagement”, by employing neoliberal-institutionalist theories and conflict resolution approaches. The adopted “model for constructive engagement” serves as the theoretical framework and centres on the basic assumption that non-coercive diplomacy coupled with the offer of incentives is best suited at resolving conflict as well as promoting human rights in international relations. Rather than looking at determinants of foreign policy making, the thesis focuses, therefore, on the actual exercise of power and influence in international relations. As such, power, both in terms of a state’s available assets as well as seen as a form causation, is considered the crucial variable in determining diplomatic manoeuvring and negotiation behaviour. The empirical context for the research project is provided by the case of British-Iranian relations during the period from 1989 to 2004. The narrative is divided into two parts: the first one deals with the impact of the fatwa against Salman Rushdie by Ayatollah Khomeini on bilateral relations and investigates British diplomacy towards Tehran, which followed the European Union’s policy of “Critical Dialogue” with Iran. Whilst the promotion of human rights was on the agenda of the “Critical Dialogue”, findings indicate that contrary to other EU member states, most notably Germany, Whitehall was able to genuinely pursuing a policy of “constructive engagement”, demanding meaningful changes in Iranian behaviour. However, findings also show that Britain’s priority was at resolving the “Rushdie affair” and not necessarily at promoting and protecting human rights in Iran. The second part of the narrative looks at the “Comprehensive Dialogue” which was implemented by the European Union in 2000 and established a direct linkage between economic rewards and the improvements of human rights in Iran. Whilst the Iranian government and parliament met EU demands, the country’s maze of power centres, most notably those dominated by hardliners and conservatives, worked against any meaningful improvements in the protection and respect of human rights. Both narratives indicate to what extent diplomacy and negotiations were influenced by domestic constituents, referred to as the Two-Level Game, as well as by asymmetries of interdependence between the EU and Iran. Overall, the data implies that constructive engagement, whilst subject to political and economic interdependence, constitutes an effective form of human rights diplomacy.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZKaussler, BerndThis thesis aims to conceptualize what is often referred to in diplomacy, as a policy of “constructive engagement”, by employing neoliberal-institutionalist theories and conflict resolution approaches. The adopted “model for constructive engagement” serves as the theoretical framework and centres on the basic assumption that non-coercive diplomacy coupled with the offer of incentives is best suited at resolving conflict as well as promoting human rights in international relations. Rather than looking at determinants of foreign policy making, the thesis focuses, therefore, on the actual exercise of power and influence in international relations. As such, power, both in terms of a state’s available assets as well as seen as a form causation, is considered the crucial variable in determining diplomatic manoeuvring and negotiation behaviour. The empirical context for the research project is provided by the case of British-Iranian relations during the period from 1989 to 2004. The narrative is divided into two parts: the first one deals with the impact of the fatwa against Salman Rushdie by Ayatollah Khomeini on bilateral relations and investigates British diplomacy towards Tehran, which followed the European Union’s policy of “Critical Dialogue” with Iran. Whilst the promotion of human rights was on the agenda of the “Critical Dialogue”, findings indicate that contrary to other EU member states, most notably Germany, Whitehall was able to genuinely pursuing a policy of “constructive engagement”, demanding meaningful changes in Iranian behaviour. However, findings also show that Britain’s priority was at resolving the “Rushdie affair” and not necessarily at promoting and protecting human rights in Iran. The second part of the narrative looks at the “Comprehensive Dialogue” which was implemented by the European Union in 2000 and established a direct linkage between economic rewards and the improvements of human rights in Iran. Whilst the Iranian government and parliament met EU demands, the country’s maze of power centres, most notably those dominated by hardliners and conservatives, worked against any meaningful improvements in the protection and respect of human rights. Both narratives indicate to what extent diplomacy and negotiations were influenced by domestic constituents, referred to as the Two-Level Game, as well as by asymmetries of interdependence between the EU and Iran. Overall, the data implies that constructive engagement, whilst subject to political and economic interdependence, constitutes an effective form of human rights diplomacy.Obligations of love : international political thought & the tradition of natural lawBeattie, Amanda Russellhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5362016-03-28T12:00:53Z2008-06-25T00:00:00ZIdentifying human suffering as a socio-political phenomenon challenging the well-being and development of individuals, this work argues that International Relations requires a re-evaluation of its political structures in light of the ends articulated within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its associated International Human Rights Regime. Noting the problem of being, the particular problem of modern cognitive epistemologies this work seeks to ground an alternative philosophical conception of the individual framed within an account of natural law morality. Distinguishing itself from the epistemology of the received view of Modernity, the morality of natural law frames an alternative account of agency, agents, and the community.
In its pre-modern form, natural law accounts for both the theoretical and practical reasoning capacities of the agent noting the ontological equality of every individual similar to modern cosmopolitan assumptions. It distinguishes itself from these accounts noting the relativity, and not universal ends of moral deliberations reflected in the tradition of casuistry. Articulating a moral taxonomy reflecting the ends of ‘the good’ this methodology is at odds with the stability of static political structures. Consequently, the natural law community is able to sustain an account of political pluralism, developing the unique qualities and characteristics distinguishing each and every agent. The plurality of life paths, alongside the equality of being, is reflected in the common good, the institutional representation of the personal relationships sustaining and furthering the development of morality mirroring the well-being and development of the moral agent.
Articulating the art of politics, the cumulative appraisal of these ideas reveals an objective account of being political. Endorsing ‘being human in common’, it further institutionalizes the relationships of being reflected in the synthesis of philia and agape relations accounting for a personal account of politics. Noting the influential nature of coordinated political action, reflected in an ethic of love, this objective interpretation synthesizes local knowledge and customs alongside the universality of ‘the good’ addressing the particular developmental needs of suffering agents. Culminating in an account of the politics of potential, a realistic appraisal of the ends of this account of being political is mindful that political change, both solitary and in common, reflects the equal capacity of the agent to do both good and evil.
Consequently, the hope of the politics of potential distinguishes itself from modern interpretations of politics equally aware of both the positive and negative attributes of contemporary human nature affecting those agents endeavoring to embark on the task of international institutional design.
2008-06-25T00:00:00ZBeattie, Amanda RussellIdentifying human suffering as a socio-political phenomenon challenging the well-being and development of individuals, this work argues that International Relations requires a re-evaluation of its political structures in light of the ends articulated within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its associated International Human Rights Regime. Noting the problem of being, the particular problem of modern cognitive epistemologies this work seeks to ground an alternative philosophical conception of the individual framed within an account of natural law morality. Distinguishing itself from the epistemology of the received view of Modernity, the morality of natural law frames an alternative account of agency, agents, and the community.
In its pre-modern form, natural law accounts for both the theoretical and practical reasoning capacities of the agent noting the ontological equality of every individual similar to modern cosmopolitan assumptions. It distinguishes itself from these accounts noting the relativity, and not universal ends of moral deliberations reflected in the tradition of casuistry. Articulating a moral taxonomy reflecting the ends of ‘the good’ this methodology is at odds with the stability of static political structures. Consequently, the natural law community is able to sustain an account of political pluralism, developing the unique qualities and characteristics distinguishing each and every agent. The plurality of life paths, alongside the equality of being, is reflected in the common good, the institutional representation of the personal relationships sustaining and furthering the development of morality mirroring the well-being and development of the moral agent.
Articulating the art of politics, the cumulative appraisal of these ideas reveals an objective account of being political. Endorsing ‘being human in common’, it further institutionalizes the relationships of being reflected in the synthesis of philia and agape relations accounting for a personal account of politics. Noting the influential nature of coordinated political action, reflected in an ethic of love, this objective interpretation synthesizes local knowledge and customs alongside the universality of ‘the good’ addressing the particular developmental needs of suffering agents. Culminating in an account of the politics of potential, a realistic appraisal of the ends of this account of being political is mindful that political change, both solitary and in common, reflects the equal capacity of the agent to do both good and evil.
Consequently, the hope of the politics of potential distinguishes itself from modern interpretations of politics equally aware of both the positive and negative attributes of contemporary human nature affecting those agents endeavoring to embark on the task of international institutional design.The consequences of Israel's counter terrorism policyJansen, Pia Theresehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4392016-03-28T10:42:06Z2008-01-01T00:00:00ZThe main focus of this thesis is to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods and
their consequences and to debate the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy. By
stimulating a debate on these issues it is possible to identify a more effective counter
terrorism policy.
In order to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods, their consequences and
effectiveness, it is necessary to first explore the overall concepts of terrorism and counter
terrorism. Then, because counter terrorism policy is hard to evaluate if one does not look
at the context which surrounds it, this thesis will therefore explore some aspects of Israeli
security history which has and continues to influence its counter terrorism policy.
Furthermore, this thesis will provide an introduction to the general development of
Palestinian resistance movements which will include a scrutiny of Hamas.
This thesis has selected some of Israel's counter terrorism methods, and will be
examining the width and depth of these methods as well as their consequences on the
Palestinian society in general and on Hamas in particular. In seeking to answer the more
general question about the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy the thesis will
evaluate this aspect by relying on qualitative and quantitative indicators.
This thesis will show that Israeli counter terrorism methods do reduce the
capacity of Hamas and as such has prevented certain attacks or incapacitated Hamas' military wing for a limited time; they have, however, had a limited effect in the long run.
It will be shown that these methods have consequences far beyond reducing the terrorist
organisation capacity, which deepen the root causes for terrorism and increase the
motivation to continue the resistance.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZJansen, Pia ThereseThe main focus of this thesis is to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods and
their consequences and to debate the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy. By
stimulating a debate on these issues it is possible to identify a more effective counter
terrorism policy.
In order to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods, their consequences and
effectiveness, it is necessary to first explore the overall concepts of terrorism and counter
terrorism. Then, because counter terrorism policy is hard to evaluate if one does not look
at the context which surrounds it, this thesis will therefore explore some aspects of Israeli
security history which has and continues to influence its counter terrorism policy.
Furthermore, this thesis will provide an introduction to the general development of
Palestinian resistance movements which will include a scrutiny of Hamas.
This thesis has selected some of Israel's counter terrorism methods, and will be
examining the width and depth of these methods as well as their consequences on the
Palestinian society in general and on Hamas in particular. In seeking to answer the more
general question about the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy the thesis will
evaluate this aspect by relying on qualitative and quantitative indicators.
This thesis will show that Israeli counter terrorism methods do reduce the
capacity of Hamas and as such has prevented certain attacks or incapacitated Hamas' military wing for a limited time; they have, however, had a limited effect in the long run.
It will be shown that these methods have consequences far beyond reducing the terrorist
organisation capacity, which deepen the root causes for terrorism and increase the
motivation to continue the resistance.Law, reconciliation and philosophy : Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C.Huang, Juin-lunghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4372016-03-28T10:46:07Z2008-01-01T00:00:00ZThe purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined.
The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life.
Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy.
The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZHuang, Juin-lungThe purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined.
The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life.
Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy.
The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy.Preventing terrorism? conflict resolution and nationalist violence in the Basque CountryTellidis, Ioannishttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4262016-03-28T11:18:46Z2008-06-24T00:00:00ZThis study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two.
In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.
2008-06-24T00:00:00ZTellidis, IoannisThis study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two.
In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.Regime maintenance in post-Soviet Kazakhstan: the case of the regime and oil industry relationship (1991-2005)Ostrowski, Wojciechhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4072016-03-28T10:47:36Z2008-06-27T00:00:00ZThe main aim of this thesis is to investigate the ways in which the authoritarian regime in post-Soviet Kazakhstan maintained itself in power from 1991 until 2005. This study endeavours to uncover the palette of the regime’s methods by analysing the ways in which it went about controlling the oil industry – an industry with which the political and economical future of Kazakhstan is inseparably intertwined. The empirical section of this study investigates the interplay between the regime and the actors located in and around two cores: the National Oil Company and the oil-rich areas. This thesis focuses in particular on instances where players involved with the oil industry, whether directly or indirectly, attempted to challenge the regime’s authority in those two centres either due to greed or grievances. It is argued that these moments of crisis reveal the regime’s maintenance techniques, and can precipitate the deployment of new methods of maintenance in response to them. In order to account for the techniques that the Kazakh ruling regime applied in structuring its relationships with the oil industry, this thesis shifts the emphasis from the prevalent zhuz-horde, tribe, and clan-based approaches to Kazakh politics towards formal (corporatism) and informal (patron-client) mechanisms of control.
2008-06-27T00:00:00ZOstrowski, WojciechThe main aim of this thesis is to investigate the ways in which the authoritarian regime in post-Soviet Kazakhstan maintained itself in power from 1991 until 2005. This study endeavours to uncover the palette of the regime’s methods by analysing the ways in which it went about controlling the oil industry – an industry with which the political and economical future of Kazakhstan is inseparably intertwined. The empirical section of this study investigates the interplay between the regime and the actors located in and around two cores: the National Oil Company and the oil-rich areas. This thesis focuses in particular on instances where players involved with the oil industry, whether directly or indirectly, attempted to challenge the regime’s authority in those two centres either due to greed or grievances. It is argued that these moments of crisis reveal the regime’s maintenance techniques, and can precipitate the deployment of new methods of maintenance in response to them. In order to account for the techniques that the Kazakh ruling regime applied in structuring its relationships with the oil industry, this thesis shifts the emphasis from the prevalent zhuz-horde, tribe, and clan-based approaches to Kazakh politics towards formal (corporatism) and informal (patron-client) mechanisms of control.Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and SyriaStacher, Joshua Ahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/3542016-03-28T11:01:17Z2007-03-07T00:00:00ZThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state.
2007-03-07T00:00:00ZStacher, Joshua AThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state.Turkmenbashy : the propagation of personal rule in contemporary TurkmenistanMills, Courtney Annehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/3452016-03-28T10:40:04Z2007-06-20T00:00:00ZTurkmenistan President Saparmurat Niyazov (known as Turkmenbashy, or “father of Turkmens”), the longest-serving leader in post-Soviet space, has ruled his country with increasing repression and megalomaniacal idiosyncrasy over the past decade. Under Niyazov’s rule, alternative political parties have been banned, non-official religions persecuted, and free media outlets closed. State institutions, subsumed by the expansive presidency, are characterized by constant personnel purges and an arbitrary management style, and have become increasingly dysfunctional. Grandiose marble state buildings, large museums and golden presidential statues dominate Ashgabat, Turkmenistan’s capital. Socioeconomic indicators, however, are at low levels, and poverty and unemployment have reached new highs.
Niyazov has formulated, transmitted and imposed a new Turkmen national program as a method of political legitimation. This “pseudo-ideology” has been elaborated since independence in a series of texts published under the president’s name—Niyazov’s quasi-spiritual works are required reading throughout all levels of education in Turkmenistan and are heavily propagated through official mass media and cultural associations.
This thesis seeks to understand the forms that the legitimation program has taken, Niyazov’s methods of propagation, and the ways in which the regime’s program resembles those of similar historical regimes. Turkmenistan, which appears to closely approximate the ideal type of a sultanistic regime (as defined by Juan Linz), is described in this thesis with reference to cases of sultanistic leadership from the post-colonial period in sub-Saharan Africa. This thesis examines in turn Niyazov’s use of official ritual and symbolism, media and education, historical revision, and architecture to secure normative compliance. Historical references help to contextualize a discussion of Turkmenistan, an often-overlooked country in post-Soviet Central Asia, but one that promises to grow in strategic importance due to its geopolitical location and bounty of natural resources.
2007-06-20T00:00:00ZMills, Courtney AnneTurkmenistan President Saparmurat Niyazov (known as Turkmenbashy, or “father of Turkmens”), the longest-serving leader in post-Soviet space, has ruled his country with increasing repression and megalomaniacal idiosyncrasy over the past decade. Under Niyazov’s rule, alternative political parties have been banned, non-official religions persecuted, and free media outlets closed. State institutions, subsumed by the expansive presidency, are characterized by constant personnel purges and an arbitrary management style, and have become increasingly dysfunctional. Grandiose marble state buildings, large museums and golden presidential statues dominate Ashgabat, Turkmenistan’s capital. Socioeconomic indicators, however, are at low levels, and poverty and unemployment have reached new highs.
Niyazov has formulated, transmitted and imposed a new Turkmen national program as a method of political legitimation. This “pseudo-ideology” has been elaborated since independence in a series of texts published under the president’s name—Niyazov’s quasi-spiritual works are required reading throughout all levels of education in Turkmenistan and are heavily propagated through official mass media and cultural associations.
This thesis seeks to understand the forms that the legitimation program has taken, Niyazov’s methods of propagation, and the ways in which the regime’s program resembles those of similar historical regimes. Turkmenistan, which appears to closely approximate the ideal type of a sultanistic regime (as defined by Juan Linz), is described in this thesis with reference to cases of sultanistic leadership from the post-colonial period in sub-Saharan Africa. This thesis examines in turn Niyazov’s use of official ritual and symbolism, media and education, historical revision, and architecture to secure normative compliance. Historical references help to contextualize a discussion of Turkmenistan, an often-overlooked country in post-Soviet Central Asia, but one that promises to grow in strategic importance due to its geopolitical location and bounty of natural resources.Religious protectionism in the former Soviet Union : traditional churches and religious libertiesFlake, Lincoln Edsonhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/2212016-03-28T10:40:39Z2007-06-21T00:00:00ZReligious freedoms in the countries which were once part of the Soviet Union have gradually been on the decline since the mid 1990s. Reflective of de-democratisation trends in many states, religious market liberalisation has lost momentum. Governments have increasingly used methods to restrict non-traditional religious organizations similar to those used in protecting national industries. These range from subsidies for traditional churches to regulatory barriers and even outright bans on non-traditional groups. This drift towards a restrictive religious playing field has coincided with traditional dominant churches being more vocal in the debate over religious institutional design.
In this thesis I examine the motives of traditionally dominant churches in either advocating legal restrictions on non-traditional religious entities or promoting a religious free market. Variation in attitudes and policies across traditional churches suggests explanatory variables are at play. A multi-methodological approach is used to understand policy formulation within the hierarchical establishments of traditional churches on religious liberties and religious pluralism. In addition to utilising path-dependent modelling to account for churches' Soviet existence, assumptions drawn from recent scholarship in applying rational choice methodology to the study of religion is used to conceptualise present-day market features. Findings from three churches suggest that a church'Â Â s agenda on religious liberalisation and plurality stems from hierarchical perceptions of the direction of change of their church'Â Â s relative influence in society. That perception is heavily rooted in the intersection of Soviet experience and transitional market place dynamics.
This thesis adds a case-study contribution to the growing academic discourse on institutional change in transitional societies. In particular, it identifies the mechanisms by which institutional transformation and the creation of a vibrant civil society can stagnate in transitional societies.
2007-06-21T00:00:00ZFlake, Lincoln EdsonReligious freedoms in the countries which were once part of the Soviet Union have gradually been on the decline since the mid 1990s. Reflective of de-democratisation trends in many states, religious market liberalisation has lost momentum. Governments have increasingly used methods to restrict non-traditional religious organizations similar to those used in protecting national industries. These range from subsidies for traditional churches to regulatory barriers and even outright bans on non-traditional groups. This drift towards a restrictive religious playing field has coincided with traditional dominant churches being more vocal in the debate over religious institutional design.
In this thesis I examine the motives of traditionally dominant churches in either advocating legal restrictions on non-traditional religious entities or promoting a religious free market. Variation in attitudes and policies across traditional churches suggests explanatory variables are at play. A multi-methodological approach is used to understand policy formulation within the hierarchical establishments of traditional churches on religious liberties and religious pluralism. In addition to utilising path-dependent modelling to account for churches' Soviet existence, assumptions drawn from recent scholarship in applying rational choice methodology to the study of religion is used to conceptualise present-day market features. Findings from three churches suggest that a church'Â Â s agenda on religious liberalisation and plurality stems from hierarchical perceptions of the direction of change of their church'Â Â s relative influence in society. That perception is heavily rooted in the intersection of Soviet experience and transitional market place dynamics.
This thesis adds a case-study contribution to the growing academic discourse on institutional change in transitional societies. In particular, it identifies the mechanisms by which institutional transformation and the creation of a vibrant civil society can stagnate in transitional societies.Moderate Islam - a contradiction in terms or a political force for the 21st century?Horrocks, Johnhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1492016-03-28T10:40:17Z2007-01-01T00:00:00ZArab states are ruled almost exclusively by authoritarian regimes, as
typified by Egypt, which enjoys a unique regional centrality in Arab politics,
Islamic activism and international relations. Opposition political
organisations are closely controlled, rarely functioning in a meaningful
capacity. Denied political access, radical Islamist groups embraced violence
in an attempt to overthrow regimes perceived as un-Islamic and closely
aligned with Western powers. However, Egyptian regimes highlighted the
power of entrenched personal-authoritarian rule; they have endured, and
have skilfully suppressed Islamic activism of all types, ultimately destroying
radical groups by force.
The wider, mainstream Islamic opposition movement is generally described
as 'moderate' because the groups within it eschew violence and recognise
established political structures. However, while a younger, more
democratic trend is emerging within it, it nonetheless contains enduring
fundamentalist factions that still share the radical aim of establishing an
Islamic state. The moderates proved adept at mobilizing support in
restrictive political environments, but have not subsequently gained official
political party status. If a resurgence of violent extremism is to be avoided,
a new political course is needed. This must be definitively Muslim in
character, democratic, just, and of direct popular appeal. It is such a
project that the nascent Islamist modernist trend in Egypt seeks to
construct. It is enormously ambitious, and currently lacks a unified
mainstream following; the concepts of Muslim democracy and an Islamic
state are presently mutually competitive.
The struggle between traditional moderate Islamists and the more
modernist influence emerging in Egypt is one among several factors that will
determine the future viability of moderate Islamism; there are powerful
external influences at play that will also shape the evolution of this
movement. At present, moderate Islamism is a movement in transition,
tending more towards democratic political participation, away from
autocratic religious utopianism; its disparate factions do not yet enjoy
complete unity of purpose. Looking to the future, it does, however, offer
significant potential as a catalyst for democratic transition.
2007-01-01T00:00:00ZHorrocks, JohnArab states are ruled almost exclusively by authoritarian regimes, as
typified by Egypt, which enjoys a unique regional centrality in Arab politics,
Islamic activism and international relations. Opposition political
organisations are closely controlled, rarely functioning in a meaningful
capacity. Denied political access, radical Islamist groups embraced violence
in an attempt to overthrow regimes perceived as un-Islamic and closely
aligned with Western powers. However, Egyptian regimes highlighted the
power of entrenched personal-authoritarian rule; they have endured, and
have skilfully suppressed Islamic activism of all types, ultimately destroying
radical groups by force.
The wider, mainstream Islamic opposition movement is generally described
as 'moderate' because the groups within it eschew violence and recognise
established political structures. However, while a younger, more
democratic trend is emerging within it, it nonetheless contains enduring
fundamentalist factions that still share the radical aim of establishing an
Islamic state. The moderates proved adept at mobilizing support in
restrictive political environments, but have not subsequently gained official
political party status. If a resurgence of violent extremism is to be avoided,
a new political course is needed. This must be definitively Muslim in
character, democratic, just, and of direct popular appeal. It is such a
project that the nascent Islamist modernist trend in Egypt seeks to
construct. It is enormously ambitious, and currently lacks a unified
mainstream following; the concepts of Muslim democracy and an Islamic
state are presently mutually competitive.
The struggle between traditional moderate Islamists and the more
modernist influence emerging in Egypt is one among several factors that will
determine the future viability of moderate Islamism; there are powerful
external influences at play that will also shape the evolution of this
movement. At present, moderate Islamism is a movement in transition,
tending more towards democratic political participation, away from
autocratic religious utopianism; its disparate factions do not yet enjoy
complete unity of purpose. Looking to the future, it does, however, offer
significant potential as a catalyst for democratic transition.