AICC(I): The countdown begins

The mid-term election was never referred to in the speeches, but the message to the delegates at the two-day All-India Congress Committee(I) (AICC-I) session in Bombay last fortnight was loud and clear. Not only was talk of a forthcoming poll prevalent in private exchanges among participants, even the slogan for the next battle at the hustings was coined by Party President Indira Gandhi in her speech and in the political resolution.

Transitting from 'garibi hatao' in the 1971 poll and 'elect a government that works' in 1980, the new watchword is 'desh bachao'. And not surprisingly, delegate after delegate eulogised Mrs Gandhi as the only one capable of "saving" the country even as they indulged - led by Mrs Gandhi herself - in an orgy of opposition bashing, blaming the disparate groups that stand opposite from the Congress(I) for virtually all ills the country faces.

The theme was picked up time and again as the session echoed to words of one delegate after another stressing that the Congress(I) was the only hope in staving of secessionist and anti-national forces. Recent events in Punjab and Kashmir were the main target of attack with the implication that the Opposition in its one-point programme to oust Mrs Gandhi was tacitly helping such forces.

In her speech, the prime minister was particularly hard hitting towards Kashmir Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, citing the recent cricket match between the West Indies and India in Srinagar where anti-national elements had reared their heads openly.

The prime minister wondered at this having taken place so soon after the opposition conclave in Kashmir. Taking the cue, several cheer leaders from the hall gallery, led by Delhi's J.P. Goel yelled: "Dismiss the Abdullah government" to which Mrs Gandhi snapped back: "It's not so easy to dismiss a government."

In Punjab, the Opposition's ambivalence and recent talk of strengthening the states at the expense of the Centre was seen as an encouragement to the secessionist and terrorist forces at work there.

What was noticeable was that the party's usual favourite whipping boys, the RSS and BJP were mentioned only perfunctorily. The charge that the Congress(I) at present is keen not to overstress its secular credentials in order to cash in on the Hindu backlash vote, was strengthened when at first the working committee decided to incorporate the minorities into the tail end of the political resolution.

After second thoughts, however, that this might be misunderstood, a separate minorities resolution was read out but with only two speakers. Sensitive to anti-minority charges Mrs Gandhi noted firmly: "The history and outlook of my entire family belies this accusation."

Rising Star: The man of the show, however, was Rajiv Gandhi. The AICC(I) session ended any lingering doubts on who was to be Mrs Gandhi's successor. Rajiv Gandhi was clearly not just being groomed as heir presumptive but was very much heir apparent. With characteristic modesty.

Rajiv shunned centre stage, but working from the behind the wings, it was he who controlled the whole show - whether it was the drafting of the main resolutions or the sampling of the masalas being used for the delegates' food.

All the chief ministers duly reported to him in his second floor office at Shanmukhananda Hall. His writ was so unchallenged that when Assam Chief Minister Hiteswar Saikia was called by Rajiv, he abruptly jumped up from his seat and rushed post haste to answer the summons.

The succession theme was evident in the poster display with BRCC boss and super organiser Murli Deora, plastering the city with almost as many posters of Rajiv as of Mrs Gandhi. Information and Broadcasting Minister H.K.L. Bhagat observed: "The country has come from Motilal Nehru to Jawaharlal Nehru to Indira so why shouldn't it come to Rajiv?"

Mrs Gandhi defended the family monopoly. Said she: "I don't come from a royal family but we have acquired the status by our dedicated service to the nation, by sincerity of purpose and hard work. The road is open to all."

The response to Rajiv's maiden address to an AICC(I) convention was enthusiastic. The hall was jam-packed and slogans of "Rajiv Gandhi age badho, ham tumhare sath hain" (Rajiv Gandhi go ahead, we are with you) rent the air to such an extent that the prime minister had to admonish the assembled Congressmen: "There will be no speech if you shout slogans." Rajiv's well thought out Rotary Club-style speech dotted with facts and figures received a standing ovation.

Conciliatory Moves: The style of the session reflected Rajiv's conciliatory approach rather than his late brother Sanjay's abrasive and authoritarian attitude. There was a definite attempt at placating all present whether one-time dissidents, discarded old shoes or those who had left the party and rejoined.

A view of the dais: Conciliatory moves

No one from the old guard was made to feel unwanted. Many were put on the dais and invited to the working committee or offered other lollipops - elated at being asked to second the economic resolution V.C. Shukla triumphantly told a journalist: "Patience pays."

Former chief minister of Rajasthan, Jagannath Pahadia's face lit up when Mrs Gandhi told him that he could ride back on the plane with her. Former Punjab chief minister, Darbara Singh, was gratified when the prime minister announced publicly that the imposition of President's rule in Punjab was in no way a reflection on his administration.

Prodigal sons and dispossessed chief ministers ranging from Y.B. Chavan and Brahmananda Reddy to T.A. Anjiah and Jagannath Mishra were given a chance to speak. And they responded by making it clear that there was no spark of dissidence left in them. One time stormy petrel from Bengal, Priya Ranjan Das Munshi compared Mrs Gandhi to a mother figure, observing "like a mother she will forgive errant sons".

Former Maharashtra chief minister A.R. Antulay who, next to the Gandhis, created the maximum flutter by having his own special cheer squad, acknowledged again and again while seconding the minorities resolution that the party was nothing without Mrs Gandhi: "Without you madam, the party would have broken up into 20 parts by now."

Antulay's rehabilitation seemed complete with his being invited to the working committee and shown special favours to strengthen Antulay's image as that of a wronged and much misunderstood man.

A book stall at the hall was selling, along with party literature, a publication titled Private Prosecution or Public Prosecution - quid pro quo violates no law. The book includes Justice R.B. Sule's judgement along with Antulay's interviews.

At pains to make clear that bygones were bygones and that those who had quit and returned were now completely acceptable, Mrs Gandhi observed: "Let us not go into the question of who was wrong and who was right." She invited all one-time Congressmen, whichever party they might be in now, to attend the Congress centenary celebrations in 1985.

Speaking to the women's cell of the AICC(I), Mrs Gandhi explained how her slightest gestures were misinterpreted. Referring to reports in the newspapers that morning that she had snubbed Maharashtra Chief Minister Vasantdada Patil and MPCC(I) (Maharashtra Pradesh Congress) Committee) President, N.M. Kamble, by not allowing them to travel with her in the car, Mrs Gandhi insisted that no such slight was intended and that in fact she had offered Patil a lift but he had declined.

Then glancing at her watch she remarked to the women delegates: "I must rush back to the hall and listen to Brahmananda Reddy or the press will read some meaning into my absence."

Media Response: At a massive public rally in Shivaji Park at the close of the session, Mrs Gandhi put the blame squarely on the Opposition for not cooperating with the Government and for not bringing about a national consensus. In an editorial the Indian Express queried the Congress(I) logic and warned against the perils of narcissism.

The ruling party, said the Express, imagined that any criticism let alone dissent was unpatriotic and that the policies and programmes of the Congress(I) provide the basic framework for a national consensus.

Party General Secretary CM. Stephen however told newsmen: "The various resolutions passed by the AICC(I) session themselves amount to a national consensus since the Congress as a party represents the vast masses of India. What the Congress(I) feels is exactly what the people of India have decided."

The AICC(I) get-together was so bogged down in slogans, rhetoric and resolutions that no one bothered about the much needed stock-taking. Commenting on the state of the Congress(I) today, the generally pro-ruling party weekly Current observed: "How can a party which has had no elections for over 10 years be expected to preserve democracy?"

The Congress(I) does not even maintain proper records of its members and no office-bearer was able to provide membership figures. Some members of the Congress(S) were in fact mistakenly invited to the session.

Although its constitution calls for a meeting twice a year, the AICC(I) session was held after a gap of three years. Most of the members are nominated; even the working committee selection is arbitrary. The Parliamentary Board which was once the highest decision making body of the party has been reduced to a powerless group which dares not take any decision.

What was once a people's party is now woefully and unhealthily dependent on one person. Consequently, there is no delegation of power, no sharing of responsibility and no accountability. It was because of this attitude that partymen seemed least bothered that the session had not been called for three years. Perhaps in an attempt to rectify matters, the Congress(I) finally decided to hold its plenary session in December this year in Calcutta.

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