Colonial and Foreign Policies

The Philippines and Porto Rico.—Independence for the Philippines and
larger self-government for Porto Rico had been among the policies of the
Democratic party since the campaign of 1900. President Wilson in his
annual messages urged upon Congress more autonomy for the Filipinos and
a definite promise of final independence. The result was the Jones
Organic Act for the Philippines passed in 1916. This measure provided
that the upper as well as the lower house of the Philippine legislature
should be elected by popular vote, and declared it to be the intention
of the United States to grant independence “as soon as a stable
government can be established.” This, said President Wilson on signing
the bill, is “a very satisfactory advance in our policy of extending to
them self-government and control of their own affairs.” The following
year Congress, yielding to President Wilson’s insistence, passed a new
organic act for Porto Rico, making both houses of the legislature
elective and conferring American citizenship upon the inhabitants of the
island.

The Caribbean Region

American Power in the Caribbean.—While extending more self-government
to its dominions, the United States enlarged its sphere of influence in
the Caribbean. The supervision of finances in Santo Domingo, inaugurated
in Roosevelt’s administration, was transformed into a protectorate under
Wilson. In 1914 dissensions in the republic led to the landing of
American marines to “supervise” the elections. Two years later, an
officer in the American navy, with authority from Washington, placed
the entire republic “in a state of military occupation.” He proceeded to
suspend the government and laws of the country, exile the president,
suppress the congress, and substitute American military authority. In
1919 a consulting board of four prominent Dominicans was appointed to
aid the American military governor; but it resigned the next year after
making a plea for the restoration of independence to the republic. For
all practical purposes, it seemed, the sovereignty of Santo Domingo had
been transferred to the United States.

In the neighboring republic of Haiti, a similar state of affairs
existed. In the summer of 1915 a revolution broke out there—one of a
long series beginning in 1804—and our marines were landed to restore
order. Elections were held under the supervision of American officers,
and a treaty was drawn up placing the management of Haitian finances and
the local constabulary under American authority. In taking this action,
our Secretary of State was careful to announce: “The United States
government has no purpose of aggression and is entirely disinterested in
promoting this protectorate.” Still it must be said that there were
vigorous protests on the part of natives and American citizens against
the conduct of our agents in the island. In 1921 President Wilson was
considering withdrawal.

In line with American policy in the West Indian waters was the purchase
in 1917 of the Danish Islands just off the coast of Porto Rico. The
strategic position of the islands, especially in relation to Haiti and
Porto Rico, made them an object of American concern as early as 1867,
when a treaty of purchase was negotiated only to be rejected by the
Senate of the United States. In 1902 a second arrangement was made, but
this time it was defeated by the upper house of the Danish parliament.
The third treaty brought an end to fifty years of bargaining and the
Stars and Stripes were raised over St. Croix, St. Thomas, St. John, and
numerous minor islands scattered about in the neighborhood. “It would be
suicidal,” commented a New York newspaper, “for America, on the
threshold of a great commercial expansion in South America, to suffer a
Heligoland, or a Gibraltar, or an Aden to be erected by her rivals at
the mouth of her Suez.” On the mainland American power was strengthened
by the establishment of a protectorate over Nicaragua in 1916.

Mexican Relations.—The extension of American enterprise southward
into Latin America, of which the operations in the Caribbean regions
were merely one phase, naturally carried Americans into Mexico to
develop the natural resources of that country. Under the iron rule of
General Porfirio Diaz, established in 1876 and maintained with only a
short break until 1911, Mexico had become increasingly attractive to our
business men. On the invitation of President Diaz, they had invested
huge sums in Mexican lands, oil fields, and mines, and had laid the
foundations of a new industrial order. The severe régime instituted by
Diaz, however, stirred popular discontent. The peons, or serfs, demanded
the break-up of the great estates, some of which had come down from the
days of Cortez. Their clamor for “the restoration of the land to the
people could not be silenced.” In 1911 Diaz was forced to resign and
left the country.

Mexico now slid down the path to disorder. Revolutions and civil
commotions followed in swift succession. A liberal president, Madero,
installed as the successor to Diaz, was deposed in 1913 and brutally
murdered. Huerta, a military adventurer, hailed for a time as another
“strong man,” succeeded Madero whose murder he was accused of
instigating. Although Great Britain and nearly all the powers of Europe
accepted the new government as lawful, the United States steadily
withheld recognition. In the meantime Mexico was torn by insurrections
under the leadership of Carranza, a friend of Madero, Villa, a bandit of
generous pretensions, and Zapata, a radical leader of the peons. Without
the support of the United States, Huerta was doomed.

In the summer of 1914, the dictator resigned and fled from the capital,
leaving the field to Carranza. For six years the new president,
recognized by the United States, held a precarious position which he
vigorously strove to strengthen against various revolutionary movements.
At length in 1920, he too was deposed and murdered, and another military
chieftain, Obregon, installed in power.

These events right at our door could not fail to involve the government
of the United States. In the disorders many American citizens lost their
lives. American property was destroyed and land owned by Americans was
confiscated. A new Mexican constitution, in effect nationalizing the
natural resources of the country, struck at the rights of foreign
investors. Moreover the Mexican border was in constant turmoil. Even in
the last days of his administration, Mr. Taft felt compelled to issue a
solemn warning to the Mexican government protesting against the
violation of American rights.

President Wilson, soon after his inauguration, sent a commissioner to
Mexico to inquire into the situation. Although he declared a general
policy of “watchful waiting,” he twice came to blows with Mexican
forces. In 1914 some American sailors at Tampico were arrested by a
Mexican officer; the Mexican government, although it immediately
released the men, refused to make the required apology for the incident.
As a result President Wilson ordered the landing of American forces at
Vera Cruz and the occupation of the city. A clash of arms followed in
which several Americans were killed. War seemed inevitable, but at this
juncture the governments of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile tendered their
good offices as mediators. After a few weeks of negotiation, during
which Huerta was forced out of power, American forces were withdrawn
from Vera Cruz and the incident closed.

In 1916 a second break in amicable relations occurred. In the spring of
that year a band of Villa’s men raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico,
killing several citizens and committing robberies. A punitive expedition
under the command of General Pershing was quickly sent out to capture
the offenders. Against the protests of President Carranza, American
forces penetrated deeply into Mexico without effecting the object of
the undertaking. This operation lasted until January, 1917, when the
imminence of war with Germany led to the withdrawal of the American
soldiers. Friendly relations were resumed with the Mexican government
and the policy of “watchful waiting” was continued.