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Mt. Vernon Republican (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1854), 1855-09-11

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51 ' ; 1fkTlT jf js i OFFICE South-west end ) Kremlin Block, 2d Floor. J "IF A FREE THOUGHT SEEK EXPRESSION, SPEAK IT BOLDLY-SPEAK IT ALL" ( TERMS-A2 00 per Annuia ( If paid In Advance. VOL. 1. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 11, 1855. NO. 43. 1, fifftf if w1 THE MOUNT VERM REPUBLICAN , ! ; II rUILIiUIO EVERY TUESDAY MORNING, ITTHS "Republican Printing Company," Inetrporattc unotrtht Ueneral imw. TERMS. In Advance f2,00; within six monthi, 12,25 i after the expiration of six months, 2,50 j after the end of the year, $3 (10. Subscribers in town, receiving their papers by carrier, will be charged vift cent aaui Clubs of ten, $1,75 to be paid invariably in advance. All communication! for the paper and bus! boss lettera should be addreewd to WH. II . COCHRAN, Secretary of the Republican Printing Co Selected Pottru. No God. The fallowing verse bv that sweetest of A mericsn poet, Mr. Lydia II . 8igou rney, Bug-Rested by the words of the 14th Pnalmof David, " The fool hath said In his heart, ' There is no God'" is one of the finest things in the English language. " No God I no God ! " The simplest flower, That on the wild is found, Shrinks as it drinks its cup of dew, And trembles at the sound : ' No God "astonished Echo cries From out her cavern hoar, And every wandering bird that flies Reproves the atheist-lore. 'The solemn forest lifts its head, The Almighty to proclaim, The brooklet, on its crystal urn, Doth leap to 'grave his name ; How swells the deep and vengeful sea, Along his billowy track, The red Vesuvius opes his mouth, To hurl the falsehood back. The palm-tre with its princely crest. The cocoa's leafy shade, The bread-fruit bending o its lord, In you far Inland-glade ; The winged seeds that, drove by winds, The roving sparrows feed, The melon, on the desert sands, Confute the ucorner's creed. "No Cod I" With indignation high The fervent Sun is stirr'd And the pale Moon turns paler still, At such an impious word ; And, from their burning thrones, the Stars Look down with angry eye, That thus a worm of dust ahould mock Eternal majesty. Speeches of Messrs. Chase, and Ford. Delivered at Cincinnati, on Tuesday evening, Aug. SI, 1855 Mr. Chase came forward amidst deafening cheers. He said Mr. Chairman and fellow citizens : it is now some thirty-three years since I first became a dweller in this town. Very few of those I see before me to-night have been so long residents in this place none I am sure to whom the prosperity of our beautiful city and the advancement of her noble institu.utions are dearer. Some of you, many of you, were not born when I first became a resident of Cincin nati none of you have witnessed its advance with more pride, joy, or deeper interest, than myself. I stand before you now in a capacity which a short time since I never dreamed of occupying (cheers) the nominee of a great and powerful party for a high and responsible situation a situation not, it is true, clothed with any remarkable power, but conspicuous only because it is taken to be the expression of the will of the freemen of Ohio in regard to the principles which the candidate for the sta- V tion represents. Now, fellow citizens, it has happened to me, who have lived man "and boy among you, to be assailed since 1 my nomination with a peculiar bitterness. 'My past life, my political history, has been Vnnoatbarl fnf tnniAO ef a tllQi inn on A , although heretofore I have never replied to charges made against me-because I thought toy time might be more profitably occupied because I thought if I lived my life would mnswer for me, and because moreover, 1 supposed ifitwasmy fortune to die, death, 'the great reconciler, would bury those calumnies in my grave yet, now standing tefore you, and my fellow citizens of the State, in a representative capacity, and Concluding that if the truth of many of these charges were believed against me, : the character of the party I represent might be affected, I felt it my duty to depart from that poiicy of silence, and to reply briefly W those accusations. 'f; My fellow citizens, you are my judges 'you are the great tribunals of the country 'every public man must appeal to, and I know that in your hearts thero is no disposition to condemn, unheard, without reason, v and against proof, cheers. The firstchsr- ges relate to my election to the position I filled during the last six years. It has been . 'i&ade here on a platform in this market tbace during my absctnee in the Eastern , States ; it has been retracted during this Uame absence in'the public prints. I nev-'r saw over a responsible name until this i date ; and as I propose to meet it to night, I would gladly have seen the author, that ' he might be convinced it was unjust, and retract it if he thought so. The charge is Jbis: that my friends or myself, when I ,was elected to the benate, entered loto an arrangement or contract or bargain, invir ; ue of which Messrs. Putrh and Pierce, cit t izens of this Stale, wore to be admitted to 1 their seats in consideration that they would vote lor me : and the gentleman who made that, who I know would not assert it if he did not believe it (furl will not turn on him and become an impeaoher of motives, ) as sirted there was a writing in my hand would show this arrangement.' The Leg - islature bad divided Hamilton county into election districts. Xhey assigned to Ham ilton county certain representatives to be elected, two of them by the city districts, and three by the county districts, i may be wrong as to particular, but in the principles I am wright. And now the Democratic party, and some prominent men among the Whigs, believed the Legislature una no power io ai viae me county, ine Democratic party, therefore, voted for its candidates from the whole oounty the Whig party voted for theirs from toe two election distriots. Judge Johnson in his charge against me correctly states that this circumstance presented a constitutional question to the Legislature. The House of Representative was the judge of the qualification of Its members of course. If the law dividing Hamilton county was constitutional, the Whig gentlemen were entitled to their seat, j if it was unconstitutional the two Demooralio gentleman were entitled to theirs. It was my opinion then, frequently, announced, that the Legislature had do power to make that division, That opinion may have been right or wrong. I care nothing for its value now. But when these gentlemen went to Columbus they presented their claims to the House of Representatives. Now if an arrangement of that sort had been made, you can see what its nature would have been. It would have been an arrangement on the part of these two gentlemen, who were admitted to their seats, to receive their seats in consideration of giving their votes for me an arrangement on the part of those who voted tor it, to give their votes on a judicial question in consideration that a friend of theirs should receive certain political advantages. If these thing's had been done and I bad not repented of it at once, it would have been a satisfactory justification for any man declining to vole for me it would have been as bad as to go to the Court House and there make an arrangement with a Judge that he should decide a particular judical question one way or another, for a consideration of a political character, or another. I give up such a transaction freely to what ever censure Judge Johnston or any body else chooses to bestow on it , but it so hap- Eens that there is not a word of truth in it. Hear and cheers. No such arrangement was ever made ; no such understanding was entered into. Neither I nor any friend of mine, as I know or believe, ever knew any thing as to how these gentlemen would vote in reference to Senator, until weeks af terwards. Of course there was no understanding to that effect, and there is no writing to that effect, either in mine or any body's hand, unless it be forged. I ask them if they make charges against me, to produce it. It would be fair, just and manly to bring forward to the public the evi dence on which a charge of that sort rests. There is no foundation for it. It is entirely concocted. The two gentlemen live among you Messrs. Puh and Pierce ; and whatever may be my political differences with them and on one great question we never agreed I know they would speak the truth in this behalf. I defy any accuser of mine upon the most earnest scrutiny to detect among all my actions, any deviation from the path which honor and duty would pre' scribe in this matter. ( Cneers.) What are the real facts? There were three partie in the legislature the old Line Democrats, the Freesoil and the Whig party. Neither of these had the majority. It required majority of all members voting to till any office, and it became obvious therefore, that two ol thein must unite or else no election could be had. It so happened the Freesoilers were anxious to have somebody in the Senate of the United States who would be independent of the old party or ganizations, and therefore ready to resist any scheme of aggression by the Slave power, without being trammeled by his political associations They cared nothing about who should be bupreme Judges, fur ther than they should be honest and cor rect men. They were willing to elect Whig or Democratic Judges, asking only that the judicial interest of the country should be sate in their hands and it was this union only that resulted in my election. One of the Judges tlected, Judge Spalding, is now acting with the Republican army the other, Judge Caldwell, was a man against whom, nobody could breathe a word of objection. Mr. Chase then proceeded to say there was further action between these minority parties in the election of Judges, fec, and it was in that alone he would have had a different course pursued than what had been adopted. What he suggested was, that inasmuch as there were three parlies in the Legislature, and none had a majority, the appointment should be made according to the popular majority in the country ; but there was such a force of party feeling that it was disregarded. One winter there was a union between the Whigs and Democrats, another between the Democrats and Freesoilers, and precisely the same arrangement made as before.It is not for me, to say, (continued Mr. Chase,) whether I have filled the place assigned to me according to your will and pleasure or not. It is enough for me to know that during the time I bave been in the Senate, I have not been faithless to your interests (cheers) enough for me to know I have always been watchful to see what I could do for the city of Cincin nati and State of Ohio ; and with the as sistance of a distinguished Western citizen Col. Benton, it was I that carried through tne nrst proposition in virtue ot which a single dollar of government expenditure was ever made in the West for public buil dings in virtue of which the Custom House and Post office are now rising on Fourth and Vine streets though I am sorry to say the building don't rise faster (Laughter.) I think it would if some were not interested in keeping the contract open as long as possible, because Uncle bam has a large purse. (Renewed laughter.) So in regard to the River and Harbor improvements, I aiways stood up for them sometimes staying up all night to move an appropriation. He voted for them oi al-occasions, and this last winter I carried through a bill which I am sorry to say failed in the other House, by which a large appropriation was to be made fur the river. So too In reference to the publio lands within our State. 'Twos not my fault if the bill to cede the whole of these lands to the State of Ohio failed in the House. All I say is, that according to my utmost ability, I did try to serve the 8tate, and in some, not unimportant particulars, was successful. (Cheers ) In relation to the charges made against him, Mr. Chase remarked that one gentleman, Mr. Davenport, ) bad taken back his accusation as publicly as he made it. He then referred to the charge in the Ohio Statesman, of bis drafting and supporting a resolution that he would take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States with the mental reservation as to the clause for the rendition of fugitives from labor and as the language was peculiar, be called attention to it as printed. Does not that language infer does it not impress the idea that the editor bad the resolution, charged to have been in my hand writing, before him? But no such thing ; and now he creeps down and oul . f H .!,. ! 1- .1 i I - I J oi ins position, saying snnpiy inaiimnaa the printed resolution which hu understood w is in the hand writing of Mr. Chase. had beard of the resolution ; before it had been published and attributed to me in ihu Cincinnati Gazette, then edited by Judge Wright. 1 knew him to bo an honoruble man, and addressed to him a note stating the tacts in the case, which note was nromnt- ly published, and there, as I had a right to expect, the matter would rest. When I took my seat in the Senate, I was cour teously met by Senators from the South as well as the North. But by and by these gentlemen, when they found my determi nation to remain firm in the support of principles I was known to represent, changed tone and bearing. They under took to drive me. Some scavenger and there are always scavengers from the North, at Washington, eager to do the vile work ol an oligarchy some scaverger, I say, produced for Mr. Butler, of South Caroli na, an old newspaper containing the long ago reluted charge that the (iarrisonian resolution ot me jjuiiuio convention was written by myself. The debate on the occasion is published in the Congressional uioi.e. Mr. C. read from the Olobe extracts from his speech in reply to Senator Butler, in which the former declared that he never wrote, proposed or voted for, never would write, propose or vote for, a resolution like the one referred to. In his place in the Senate, Mr. Chase had said he was not sor ry Mr. Butler had found the biography of himself ( Chase ot sulncient importance to occupy his attention, but the newspaper scrap attributed to him sentiments be bad never endorsed or countenanced. Well, my friends, here was the public record of my vindication from this long ago reluted'cnlumny. It was in the othcial re ports of the Congressional Globe, where Mr. Medary, as a professional politician, is luirly supposed to bave read it, More than that : a lew days after the occurrence in the Senate,, Medary himself published some note of the affair, and gave my refutation of Butler's charge I For what then is this story revamped and circulated but to preju dice the Republican movement ? Shakes peare, enumerating the different shades of talshoods, speaks of the lie circumstantial, the lie inferential, etc., and finally the lie direct this lie in the Statesman may not come in the last class, but was all the rest. Laughter. The third charge brought against your candidate for Governor is that of "disu nion." I a disunion! t 7 Point me to a sentence, an expression, a word, coming from my pen or my tongue, from which a sentiment of disunion can be inferred ? Point to me an expression, a sentence, a letter, that is not lull of loyality to this Union. I have written much, and it has fallen to me to make many publio addresses ; much of both has found its way into the public prints, but no man can point to aught that conflicts with that of loyality. I have never calculated the value of the Union, know of no arithmetic by which its worth may be computed. Stretching between the twenty-fifth and the forty-fifth parallels of latitude, and reaching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, cemented by the rook-ribbed hills, united by iron bands, united, as well as divided, by great rivers, this Union is as dear to me as it can be to another. There are two parts of the country where this Union is lightly regarded : by Garrison and his friends in the North with whom I have no sympathy and by the nullifiers of the South, with whom I have no sympathy. I chance to have here in the shape of a printed report, a speci men of the disunion sentiments popular in portions of the Southern States. It is in the proceedings of a meeting held in "Whip pee Swamp" suggestive name down in the Carolinas. The chivalry met there, and among their toasts is one to the "Dis- unionists of 1776 we honor the day and we would do better to honor their deeds." Sensation. I t elluw Citizens, the men who villtfy me are the men in sympathy with the profes sed disuuionists, of Whippet Swamp. The enemies of free territories are ruled by the rulers of Whippet Swamp. Where is the strength of this present National Admin istration T JNot in the tree north, not in Ohio where its Kansas-Nebraska villiany has been greeted with thunder tones of indignation (general applause,) but in the YVhippee bwamp ol the Carolinas Thus then 1 dispose of the charge of disumomst sentiments, and may fitly add here what I said in the Senate that we in the West, never computing the commercial value of the Union, regarded it as ev erlasting, like the arch of heaven, never to fall in this did I misrepresent you 7 (no, no.) Where then do we, the Republicans ol Ubio, stand in tbis canvass 7 1 bave differed from some of you widely hitherto not upon cardinal principles, but upon me time lor their application. My convio tions have been that the question of the nationalisation or human slavery was paramount and imminent i my action has been shaped by that conviction. My Whig friends bave told me we must take up other questions first, my Democratic friends that the thing brst in importance was to whip the Whigs, and that the natural workings of the Democratic principle would abolish slavery. But the precipitation of the Kansas Nebraska bill startled the country, and resolved the North to treat the propagan- dism ol slavery as the issue the only issue in politics. This has brought us all togeth er. We never differed, except as to the time for meeting the issue, and now already the issue is made. It is not possible to avoid it. We are then, all brought togetb-er'on the common principle that Slavbrt is SicnomL, not Natiobal. We occupy the same ground with Patrick Henry, with Jefferson, with Washington. We will not interfere with slavery in Kentucky. Let not the place-holding enemies of the Republican movement for one moment falsify our position. We will not interfere with slavery in Kentucky, and slavery in Ken-puky mutt not inttrftrt uilh ui here. (Earnest applause.) I bave said that I only stand where stood the Fathers of the Republic. It was the object of Thomas Jefferson to exclude slavery from all new territory, and he only failed because of a rule requiring, in the passage of such an ordinance, a majority of all the Slates ; but nine States being represented when the first ordinance came up for adoption, six out of the nine supported the general prohibition. Jefferson was a Democratic Saint, but the late leaders of the Democracy bave set up Saint Frank and Saint Stephen Arnold. (Lughter.) When the Constitution was framed, the slave States prevailed in the adoption of a clause providing that Congress should have no power to legislate slavery out of the Status, also in the clauses giving the right io representation in Congress Tor two-fifths of all their slaves, and for the right of re capturing persons owing service or labor escaping from one Stale into another. Nevertheless, the Fathers of the Nation were not willing slavery should become dominant, and following close upon the a' doption of the Constitution came from their hands the ordinance of 1787, forever pro hibiting slavery from territory northwest of tne unto. By and by, however, the policy of the Fathers was departed from. I remember the wit of an Ohio Representative in Con gress when he describing the new theory of parturition and gestation, which was, lor the nation to bring forth not every time a free State, as provided for by the Fathers of the Republio, but two, one white and one black. rLaughter.l The slavery propagandists style the new theory moie politely, "political equilibrium." Contrary to the prohibition ot "the institution" from specified territory, Missouri ap plied for admission as a slave State. Our fathers rebelled. The whole country was stirred as never since, till now ; the Missouri Compromise was made. In consideration of that great concession by the North, all the territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. was secured to freedom. Did the South observe the compact they themselves named "a solemn compact ?" So generally was the new prohibition regarded as forever binding, that as late as the first proposition for organizing Nebraska Territory, Senator Atchison staled in the Senate that he should not oppose it, for he had no hope for a repeal of the Missouri Compromise.Douglas, senator from the free State of Illinois, came forward with his Kansas- Nebraska bill, and with his aid, the south repealed that Missouri Compromise. My self and my colleague struggled and voted, no. My friend Campbell and his colleagues in the House, fought the treason gallantly, but at midnight the act was accom plished. I remember the dark hour of that deed of darkness. When the strug gle was over, the Senate adjourned , we were warning down irom Capitol Hill, a- larmed,i desponding, when the insulting cannon boomed over the city, fitly culmr nating the outrages of the niirht. itie ecnoes ot me insulting cannon reached to Maine, and from every river and lorest came an indignant response Iowa heard them, and set upon the act her seal ol condemnation. ies, and you here, in my own Ohio, heard the premature revel of the violators, and hurled Irom their seats of ill-gotten power all within your rcacii you bave sent to Congress an un broken delegation of twenty-one staunch men and true We were united for a result so beneficial last Fall. What was the bond of Union then ? The mere passage of the Kansas Nebraska act, though its friends perambulated all the States to assure you that the interests of freedom were safe in Kansas, because the Northern emigration thither was strong; squatter sovereignty would make them free States. What unites us this fallf The greater bond of union, that Kansas is already in the hands of the slavery propagandists in the hnnds of Atchison and the Stringfellows. cheeping. The danger is no longer one of anticipation ; the designs of the violators developed the crime is committed.. We are united now to rescue that fair land from the clutch of the slave State bands who have invaded Kansas, subdued the squatter sovereigns, and organized themselves into a Kansas Legislature 1 It was only yesterday that I was shown a letter from a gentleman traveling through Missouri, in which the writer remarked that he had just parted with a farmer of that Slate Missouri who had mounted his horse to ride over into Kansas to take his seat in the Legislature I "Squatter Sovereignty," indeed; it is as though a peaceable farmer had on the adjoining farm a bad neighbor, with whom be should hnally seek peace by surrender ing a fair strip of his land, long eoveted by the other, on condition that the new division fence, enclosing the conceded remnant, should forever be respected. At midnight tbe evil neighbor destroys the partition fence, lets his hogs into all the belds, and, when the outraged farmer re monstrates, tells him that he was " strong enough to have kept them out." (Applause.) The Kansas-Nebraska act was a fraud, the fruits of which were secured by 1 !. ' 1 1 ' , violence iii was vioieuue seeking lis pur poses through fraud. All the violence and fraud and infa mous propagandism of Slavery by the National arm, has been countenanced and authorized by the present Administration long befoie Andrew Reeder was removed from the Govenorship of Kansas. Jeffer son Davis told the slaveholders of Missis-sppi to be patient, for " Pierce would soon remove hira." Pierce hesitates and is afraid. Mississipi is impatient. Jeff. Davis says, " remove Reeder or " Pierce cries out, " I will remove him." (Laughter.) i ou all know that Keeder bad no t reesoil tendencies he supported theKansas-Nebraska act, but was not initiated into and not prepared for the programme of the Missouri invasion. Wilson t-hanon. a man discarded by the people of Ohio, has been rewarded by the Govenorship of Kansas. zou oan anticipate bis administration. In further support of the charce that the Kansas outrages are countenanced and a,.iiorized by Pierce, I may call your attention to the fact that the " Squatter Sovereign," a violent pro-slavery newspaper, which has incited and supported the violation of tbe right of suffrage jn the people of Kansas, publishes the " U. S. laws," as well as the acts of the Kansas Legislalure. " bv authority." Is there not, fellow citizens, more reason for the Republican army of Ohio to be uimeu una uoioocr man tne last I The Convention of the 13th Julv united in de claring that slavery was sectional, and that it should be d nationalized. There I stand. and standing fear nothing in the shape of argument, or caiumny. What do our opponents say ? In this and other Northern Statos they received the Kansas Nebraska bill with a growl of dissent like an old uncle of mine who, when a boy, being asked why he did not fight a big ruffian that had robbed him of a pet dog, answered that he got into a fence corner and made ugly facts at him. Laughter. But the growl of the Pieroo men in the North subsided into a snarl, soon changed to a whine, and then silence. The " Democratic" leaders held on to the Treasury teats, and only stopped drawing long enough to whip in the rank and file with " Slick to the party I want to suck I" j Cheers. J I may remark here and it will encour age you that the Republicans of the North are not alone in their abhorrence of the violation of the Compromises. There are friends of the Union in the South, who deprecated, and do now deprecate, all that nas Deen done to condemn those new States to slavery. A distinguished Southern man personally assured me of this fact, but re ummeu, iorcioiy enougn, " wnat can we in the South do, when the anti-Nebraska men of the North are not supported you oner to me mends ol treedom only martyr's crown ?" There are other principles involved in this canvass, though the paramount issue is the one I have briefly discussed. I will only allude to them now. A retrenchment in national and State expenditures, an economical administration of both, single election districts, and a just basis of taxation. Retrenchment and purification in TT !l. I . namuion county, wnose courts bave so justly rebuked tbe scandalous administra tion of the ruling party. We want what General Jackson pronounced for " redress for the past and indemity for the future." Of the $70,000,000 annually collected for National Expenses, Ohio pays about one-tenth. Out of this unnecessarially burdensome taxation, the Mesilia Valley is bought to further the interest of a Southern road to the Pacific the navigation of Cape Fear and of Savannah River are improved, but not your Ohio and your Mississippi, not Erie St. Clair and Michi gan. JN or them and free interests predominate there, and their encouragement and protection is unconstitutional in tbe eyes of this Kansas-Nebraska Administration. I he tax laws of this Slate demand prompt revision. A it is, people are now taxed on what they have not, (applause) instead of upon what they have. The different interests in this populous county ot Hamilton, bave a right to representation and to that end, there should be single Districts created, not by an act of the Legislature, but by an easily effected amendment to the Constitution. . All these principles, as clearly stated in the platform adopted by the late Republican Convention, meet with my hearty concurrence, There are other measures not therein stated, but harmonizing therewith, which I need not discuss here. When I shall meet your representatives they will be presented to the best of my abilities. There were men in the Convention that placed me in nomination, all of whose principles I do not indorse it is highly proba ble they cannot indorse all of my views. dm L, who proscribe no man, will act heartily with all upon the platform we have adopted, and especially upon the great question of the denationalization of slavery, which I believe we all unite to consider paramount. I know the forces arrayed against the Republicon movement in and out of tbis Slate. I know how nearly im possible it has been to resist the driving of the slaveholders. Hut Cap. f ord, who will soon address you (cheers) and his compatriots at Philadelphia, lately gavo evi dence ot tbe existence of a quality sup posed extinct in the North the quality of back-bont. (Loud applauses.) We are denominated Fusionists; but what are our opponents doing ? Do not the Ohio Statesman and the Cincinnati Enquirer teem with appeals " to the National Know Nothings ?" Arethey notbegging to fuse with those they have opposed the most bitterly, to the end that the Administration party may be sustained in Ohio this fall ?" Mr. Chase concluded bis address and it was one of unusual power and clearness, even from his lips by stating that having canvassed thirteen counties prior to this meeting, he was physically unable to speak as he desired, but he could give assurance that all that portion of the State be bad vis ited was full of earnest, abiding zeal for the Republican cause. He found that disaffection with the action of the 13th of July Convention was something like tbe " milk sickness," always "in the next county." ( Laughter J 'ihe milk sickness, or rather " tbe trimbles," (laughter and cheers) was always just ahead Ross, Noble, Rich' mond, Monroe, were all strong in the Re publican faith, and certain ot an October triumph. He(Mr.C) would fervently thank the vast audience for their prompt attention. As for himself, he was sure from the faces before him, that no injustice would be permitted to one who, to the full extent of his ability, had been true to their best interests. Spiich or Tbob II. Ford. Mr. Ford waa called to the stand, and entertained the vast assemblage for more than an hour, in his peculiarly brilliant and telling style. For want of space we can give but an abstract of a speech that was repeatedly and enthusiastically applauded. W ben Mr. Ford took tbe stand he said he was fearlul he would not be able to be heard by that acre and a half of people, as he was fatigued by the labors of tbe canvass. He had been nominated without his knowledge and without his seeking, but be would be elected by his peeking. That in this part of the State there were three parties, but in his part there were only two the fort Jfatttrs and the people, iome of his opDoncnts had met him on the stiimn. and alleged that he was exciting the young people to deeds of violence ; he knew those gentlemen, and did not intend to say any thing hard about them that was unnec essary. He knew them in Mexico, and if he had not fought with them, he had run and hid with them, and he was not going to say nnyuung Rgainst tuoso wuu wnom Be had sympathized in a foreign country. He hadn't come to excite boys to deeds of violence, but somehow or other it was re ported that he was one of the boys. Thi speaker here said that he thought he could speak better if he had his shoes off, as he had a new pair on, and proceeded to divest nis pedal extremities of said imcumbrunce and then continued : this crowd gave evi dence that ours was a great country. One of our greatest orators predicted that by the next century our domain would extend from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; this wild prediction was realized three years after wards, and tbe man who would not take passage from Yucatan for the United States, but would rather wait until the United States came to him, had a clearer idea of our country's progress than the orator. But in this, country as in all other countries, there was a continual strife between Good and Evil, Right and Wrong, and if he might use the expression, between Freedom and Slavery. The Right always requires attention to secure its tri umph; cessation ot vigilance was certain death. The Slave power only asked to be let alone, for then it was sure of success. He had been taught by their forefathers tbe safeguards ot their country against tbe inroads of evil, and these were the existence of free churches and free schools, the virtue and intelligence of the people. They had a rich inheritance, and the re sponsiblily that rested upon them as a peo pie was still greater, and the patriotism of their forefathers was theirs to imitate, and their wisdom theirs to possess. Of those gentlemen who called him a die- unionist he would ask, Who would dissolve the Union ? The Garrisonians ? True, they might be as great warriors as Gen. Pugb. Would it be slaveholders ? Did they want to pay duty on all they exported to the North, or bring Canada 600 or 700 miles nearer to them ? Thought they didn't want to do that thing, for then there would be a grand Canada here. The Soul!) knew full well it would be throwing off their safeguards, for whilst the South had applied the lash, the North had forged the fetters, and hence they relied upon the North for their safety. Would they then dissolve the Union? There were only 347,000 slaveholders, of whom not less than 147,- 000 were widows and orphans, and 150, uuu tne sham aristocracy ot the south ; and would these, with a iireckenridge at their bead, iorm an army to be feared 7 South Carolina kicked out of the traces once, but soon kicked back again, and yet tne Charleston Mercury bad said that South Carolina would dissolve the Union unless Kansas became a slave State I Yet look at that State and her prospect for such project with four or five negroes to one white man. He had told the little man of the Mercury, that if South Carolina was fenced of by itself, the slaves would eat tbem up " rump and stump ;" they could not keep them in subjection. Massachusetts might talk about the phrenological development of the negro, and Virginia do tbe same, and boutb Carolina get a little refractory, but it would be like the spunky little ram, that being tied to the gate post, butted itself away uniil nothing but the tail was left, and that kept bobbing. Let us as men be resolved to act as men, to do right, to labor for Freedom, and those who do not do so let them be brought to the gate post. Let us proclaim to the South that we will let Slavery alone where it is, and it shall not come where it is not. Every thing possible had been resorted to by the opposition, in order to distract the people ot Ohio. They told them that they were fused, and every argument was met by some Ruch cry as " wooly-head," "Na-ger," " wool and ivory,", &o. Medary, that leech of eternal suction upon the public Treasury, told them they must not fuse. But the people saw the necessity, for some fellows lank and lean enough when they went into office, had oatne out fat, and the people wanted to know where the corn came from that fattened the Miller's hogs. And the Public Works that once yielded t600,-000 or $700,000 to the State Treasury, were fruitless, and the Board had gone to the Poor House 1 The speaker here said he had something amusing to read, and producing Gov. Medill's Message, stating that the expense of the Judicairy in 1844 was $20,000 and in 1854, 854,000, that the Stationery in 1844 was about 97,000, and in 1854, 122,000. Mr. F. then read from the message which he thought probably born in due season, but perhaps not in substance : From these happy results attending the changes made, it waa to be hoped that every effort would be made to continue tbe policy, and give it the right direction. The speaker said God send that that direction be not be toward the people's pocket. Those Treasury eaters were the men who told the oeonle not to fust, who had called Salmon P. Chase " Wooley-head," and him a Know Nothing. He then paid a very handsome tribute to Mr. Chase, for his manly, upright course, and thought if the Democrats bad enrolled him seven or eight years ago, tbe tbe Republicans could do so now. Sam Medary was down on Mr Chase, because be would not serve his purposes, but though Medary 's glory had departed, yet the glory had not departed from Israel. IIt had another little matter to talk about ; Know-Nolbingism, tbe animal that had hoofs and horns, and he wished tbe folks to atand by and hear themselves, and not depend upon those rascally reporters. He said that he was an American, and had no disposition to deny it, because he was not ashamed of it. Americanism meant more than proscribing foreigners ; its principles were higher and deeper and broader ; the first plank in its platform was freedom and the last was freedom. ' The Ameri cans invited the foreigners to partake of tbe banq'iet afforded by oar country, bat did not wish them to ait down at tbe head of the table at once. This country held out the greatest inducements to the people of' th ol 1 VvHnnO'-Pv t 'i " - invited to eome to till the soil, build them up houses, enjoy the privileges of thv churches and the school houses, and, when, they becoina Americanized, to participate in the affairs of Government. He knew that place of birth was a mere accident,' over which men bad no control, and that' principles and character should be the test of citizenship. He knew that there were foreigners with American hearts as big a a tea-kettle, who when they eame over hero and renounce allegiance to foreign powers and became acquainted with Amen ican institutions, were good citizen ? and he was with them. He knew that foreigners were becoming mcmbtrt of tin American Ordtr. Much had been said about its secresy. Tbe old parlies nad naa tne peo pie by the scalp, and the K. Ns. only re' sorted to secresy as a politio avep ; ihey wanted a little talk togetbor, a kind or class-meeting, but now they were willing and ready to come out and make the thing publio. They had there beard him in public, and he was ever willing And ready to speak bis sentiments. Let those other fellows say what they would, and if they could, carry the foreign ers wiib them, wouia any man mere support the present weak and important administration ? Cries of no I no II An administration that had done but one great thing and that was to make John Iylkr s respectable 1 Would any of tbe Americaa party support that administration either directly or indirectly that had bunted down even every mail agent and messenger, and boy clerks, that were suspected of being inclined to the American party ? An administration that had sent such men as him from Louisiana and others like him to represent us in foreign courts, men who, if gathered together, would form a perfect Babel. Would any Whigs lend their support to the administration ? Could they, though Sam Medary, and others, did say they liked honest, old, upright, Henry Clay Whigs ? He remembered that Medary, like the ass in the fable that kicked the dead lion, bad assailed the Sage of Ashland with the vilest abuse, and now only flattered the Whigs to win their support. Would any ene support an administration that vetoed a bill to improve Western navigation ; that sold the dredge boats that cost eighty thousand dollars, for ten thousand dollars ; that appropriated to Cape Fear River, and denied to the Lakes; that gave to tbe one-legged Santa Ana $10,0u0,000 for a valley that should a buzzard attempt to fly across it he would have to take a knapsack of provisions ; and gave $50,000 to T.J. Davis to buy cameia and dromedaries and monkies, be would take the moakies back for fear tne report ers would get it wrong. The speaker then alluded to the position of Ohio and the responsibility of her pres. ent condition, and made an appeal to tbe assembled voters that waa answered by applause, long and loud. Courtship among the Pawnees. When the lover wishes to break the ice, he comes to her father's tent, uninvited and sits on the corner of the mat for a considerable time, and then goes away without, speaking. This is the preliminary step, answering perhaps, to the first gentle pressure of the hand the first blushing hesitation in address the first mutual glance of understanding. After a few days, the young man returns, wearing a Buffalo robe, with the hair outward, and again sits down silent in the corner of the tent. This is a proposal a regular "popping the question." If the father is determined to re ject him, nothing is placed for him to sit on, and no meat is offered ; but it be approves of the match, these rites of hospitality are observed. Feasts are then given by the respective parties, in order to obtain the consent of their relatives. If both feasts terminate favorably in this respect, the young man presents himself once more before his bride at the door of her tent and then turns around, and walks slowly off to his own she rises and follows him the marriage is then complete. ,If she remains sitting, it is a sign that her family declines the match. All this is done without a word passing between tbe intend ed bride and the husband that is to be. But the most extraordinary part of tbe affair is, that having married the elder sister, he has the right to marry all the younger ones, as they successfully attain the age of womanhood. The author adds : " I have seen chiefs who have, in this manner, married a whole family ; the eldest wife being the greatest drudge, and the youngest being generally the favorite Sultana, and consequently doing the least." Niobt. Night levels all artificial distinctions. The beggar on his pallet of straw, snores as soundly as the king on his bed of down. Night kind, gentle, soothing, refreshing night the earthly paradise of the slave, the sweet obliviou of the care-worn soul, the nurse of romance, of poetry, or devotion ; how the great panting heart of sooiety yearns for the return of night and rest I Sleep is God's special gilt to the poor ; but for the great there is no fixed time for repose. Quiet, they bave none ; and instead of calmly awaiting the approach of events, they fret, and repine, and starve sleep, andobide the tardy hours; as if every to-morrow were big with the fate of some great hereafter. The torrent ' of events goes roaring past, keeps eager' expectation constantly on tiptoes and drive timid slimber away. v There is something strangely baautiful in the contemplation of night when the smiling stars seem to do homage to their pale-faced queen; and the clouds float si-lentlv through the traoquil sky, and the wind speaks in soft whispers, as if fearful of waking the sleepers. Such is (he sweet repose of a blameless conscience, BuC when the hnes of evening slant dimly away.. . when the cheerless curtains of darknrsr are drawn, as rial shadows loom np and flit along the raulted arch, like grim ghonta trailing blackness through the heaven," each is the fearful shadow that hangs over , tbe broken slumbers of a soul ia whir. 'a there is no peace. ' . .. j tW A Yankee docior has " got np" a remedy for bard times. Il ecni,ts of tei

51 ' ; 1fkTlT jf js i OFFICE South-west end ) Kremlin Block, 2d Floor. J "IF A FREE THOUGHT SEEK EXPRESSION, SPEAK IT BOLDLY-SPEAK IT ALL" ( TERMS-A2 00 per Annuia ( If paid In Advance. VOL. 1. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 11, 1855. NO. 43. 1, fifftf if w1 THE MOUNT VERM REPUBLICAN , ! ; II rUILIiUIO EVERY TUESDAY MORNING, ITTHS "Republican Printing Company," Inetrporattc unotrtht Ueneral imw. TERMS. In Advance f2,00; within six monthi, 12,25 i after the expiration of six months, 2,50 j after the end of the year, $3 (10. Subscribers in town, receiving their papers by carrier, will be charged vift cent aaui Clubs of ten, $1,75 to be paid invariably in advance. All communication! for the paper and bus! boss lettera should be addreewd to WH. II . COCHRAN, Secretary of the Republican Printing Co Selected Pottru. No God. The fallowing verse bv that sweetest of A mericsn poet, Mr. Lydia II . 8igou rney, Bug-Rested by the words of the 14th Pnalmof David, " The fool hath said In his heart, ' There is no God'" is one of the finest things in the English language. " No God I no God ! " The simplest flower, That on the wild is found, Shrinks as it drinks its cup of dew, And trembles at the sound : ' No God "astonished Echo cries From out her cavern hoar, And every wandering bird that flies Reproves the atheist-lore. 'The solemn forest lifts its head, The Almighty to proclaim, The brooklet, on its crystal urn, Doth leap to 'grave his name ; How swells the deep and vengeful sea, Along his billowy track, The red Vesuvius opes his mouth, To hurl the falsehood back. The palm-tre with its princely crest. The cocoa's leafy shade, The bread-fruit bending o its lord, In you far Inland-glade ; The winged seeds that, drove by winds, The roving sparrows feed, The melon, on the desert sands, Confute the ucorner's creed. "No Cod I" With indignation high The fervent Sun is stirr'd And the pale Moon turns paler still, At such an impious word ; And, from their burning thrones, the Stars Look down with angry eye, That thus a worm of dust ahould mock Eternal majesty. Speeches of Messrs. Chase, and Ford. Delivered at Cincinnati, on Tuesday evening, Aug. SI, 1855 Mr. Chase came forward amidst deafening cheers. He said Mr. Chairman and fellow citizens : it is now some thirty-three years since I first became a dweller in this town. Very few of those I see before me to-night have been so long residents in this place none I am sure to whom the prosperity of our beautiful city and the advancement of her noble institu.utions are dearer. Some of you, many of you, were not born when I first became a resident of Cincin nati none of you have witnessed its advance with more pride, joy, or deeper interest, than myself. I stand before you now in a capacity which a short time since I never dreamed of occupying (cheers) the nominee of a great and powerful party for a high and responsible situation a situation not, it is true, clothed with any remarkable power, but conspicuous only because it is taken to be the expression of the will of the freemen of Ohio in regard to the principles which the candidate for the sta- V tion represents. Now, fellow citizens, it has happened to me, who have lived man "and boy among you, to be assailed since 1 my nomination with a peculiar bitterness. 'My past life, my political history, has been Vnnoatbarl fnf tnniAO ef a tllQi inn on A , although heretofore I have never replied to charges made against me-because I thought toy time might be more profitably occupied because I thought if I lived my life would mnswer for me, and because moreover, 1 supposed ifitwasmy fortune to die, death, 'the great reconciler, would bury those calumnies in my grave yet, now standing tefore you, and my fellow citizens of the State, in a representative capacity, and Concluding that if the truth of many of these charges were believed against me, : the character of the party I represent might be affected, I felt it my duty to depart from that poiicy of silence, and to reply briefly W those accusations. 'f; My fellow citizens, you are my judges 'you are the great tribunals of the country 'every public man must appeal to, and I know that in your hearts thero is no disposition to condemn, unheard, without reason, v and against proof, cheers. The firstchsr- ges relate to my election to the position I filled during the last six years. It has been . 'i&ade here on a platform in this market tbace during my absctnee in the Eastern , States ; it has been retracted during this Uame absence in'the public prints. I nev-'r saw over a responsible name until this i date ; and as I propose to meet it to night, I would gladly have seen the author, that ' he might be convinced it was unjust, and retract it if he thought so. The charge is Jbis: that my friends or myself, when I ,was elected to the benate, entered loto an arrangement or contract or bargain, invir ; ue of which Messrs. Putrh and Pierce, cit t izens of this Stale, wore to be admitted to 1 their seats in consideration that they would vote lor me : and the gentleman who made that, who I know would not assert it if he did not believe it (furl will not turn on him and become an impeaoher of motives, ) as sirted there was a writing in my hand would show this arrangement.' The Leg - islature bad divided Hamilton county into election districts. Xhey assigned to Ham ilton county certain representatives to be elected, two of them by the city districts, and three by the county districts, i may be wrong as to particular, but in the principles I am wright. And now the Democratic party, and some prominent men among the Whigs, believed the Legislature una no power io ai viae me county, ine Democratic party, therefore, voted for its candidates from the whole oounty the Whig party voted for theirs from toe two election distriots. Judge Johnson in his charge against me correctly states that this circumstance presented a constitutional question to the Legislature. The House of Representative was the judge of the qualification of Its members of course. If the law dividing Hamilton county was constitutional, the Whig gentlemen were entitled to their seat, j if it was unconstitutional the two Demooralio gentleman were entitled to theirs. It was my opinion then, frequently, announced, that the Legislature had do power to make that division, That opinion may have been right or wrong. I care nothing for its value now. But when these gentlemen went to Columbus they presented their claims to the House of Representatives. Now if an arrangement of that sort had been made, you can see what its nature would have been. It would have been an arrangement on the part of these two gentlemen, who were admitted to their seats, to receive their seats in consideration of giving their votes for me an arrangement on the part of those who voted tor it, to give their votes on a judicial question in consideration that a friend of theirs should receive certain political advantages. If these thing's had been done and I bad not repented of it at once, it would have been a satisfactory justification for any man declining to vole for me it would have been as bad as to go to the Court House and there make an arrangement with a Judge that he should decide a particular judical question one way or another, for a consideration of a political character, or another. I give up such a transaction freely to what ever censure Judge Johnston or any body else chooses to bestow on it , but it so hap- Eens that there is not a word of truth in it. Hear and cheers. No such arrangement was ever made ; no such understanding was entered into. Neither I nor any friend of mine, as I know or believe, ever knew any thing as to how these gentlemen would vote in reference to Senator, until weeks af terwards. Of course there was no understanding to that effect, and there is no writing to that effect, either in mine or any body's hand, unless it be forged. I ask them if they make charges against me, to produce it. It would be fair, just and manly to bring forward to the public the evi dence on which a charge of that sort rests. There is no foundation for it. It is entirely concocted. The two gentlemen live among you Messrs. Puh and Pierce ; and whatever may be my political differences with them and on one great question we never agreed I know they would speak the truth in this behalf. I defy any accuser of mine upon the most earnest scrutiny to detect among all my actions, any deviation from the path which honor and duty would pre' scribe in this matter. ( Cneers.) What are the real facts? There were three partie in the legislature the old Line Democrats, the Freesoil and the Whig party. Neither of these had the majority. It required majority of all members voting to till any office, and it became obvious therefore, that two ol thein must unite or else no election could be had. It so happened the Freesoilers were anxious to have somebody in the Senate of the United States who would be independent of the old party or ganizations, and therefore ready to resist any scheme of aggression by the Slave power, without being trammeled by his political associations They cared nothing about who should be bupreme Judges, fur ther than they should be honest and cor rect men. They were willing to elect Whig or Democratic Judges, asking only that the judicial interest of the country should be sate in their hands and it was this union only that resulted in my election. One of the Judges tlected, Judge Spalding, is now acting with the Republican army the other, Judge Caldwell, was a man against whom, nobody could breathe a word of objection. Mr. Chase then proceeded to say there was further action between these minority parties in the election of Judges, fec, and it was in that alone he would have had a different course pursued than what had been adopted. What he suggested was, that inasmuch as there were three parlies in the Legislature, and none had a majority, the appointment should be made according to the popular majority in the country ; but there was such a force of party feeling that it was disregarded. One winter there was a union between the Whigs and Democrats, another between the Democrats and Freesoilers, and precisely the same arrangement made as before.It is not for me, to say, (continued Mr. Chase,) whether I have filled the place assigned to me according to your will and pleasure or not. It is enough for me to know that during the time I bave been in the Senate, I have not been faithless to your interests (cheers) enough for me to know I have always been watchful to see what I could do for the city of Cincin nati and State of Ohio ; and with the as sistance of a distinguished Western citizen Col. Benton, it was I that carried through tne nrst proposition in virtue ot which a single dollar of government expenditure was ever made in the West for public buil dings in virtue of which the Custom House and Post office are now rising on Fourth and Vine streets though I am sorry to say the building don't rise faster (Laughter.) I think it would if some were not interested in keeping the contract open as long as possible, because Uncle bam has a large purse. (Renewed laughter.) So in regard to the River and Harbor improvements, I aiways stood up for them sometimes staying up all night to move an appropriation. He voted for them oi al-occasions, and this last winter I carried through a bill which I am sorry to say failed in the other House, by which a large appropriation was to be made fur the river. So too In reference to the publio lands within our State. 'Twos not my fault if the bill to cede the whole of these lands to the State of Ohio failed in the House. All I say is, that according to my utmost ability, I did try to serve the 8tate, and in some, not unimportant particulars, was successful. (Cheers ) In relation to the charges made against him, Mr. Chase remarked that one gentleman, Mr. Davenport, ) bad taken back his accusation as publicly as he made it. He then referred to the charge in the Ohio Statesman, of bis drafting and supporting a resolution that he would take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States with the mental reservation as to the clause for the rendition of fugitives from labor and as the language was peculiar, be called attention to it as printed. Does not that language infer does it not impress the idea that the editor bad the resolution, charged to have been in my hand writing, before him? But no such thing ; and now he creeps down and oul . f H .!,. ! 1- .1 i I - I J oi ins position, saying snnpiy inaiimnaa the printed resolution which hu understood w is in the hand writing of Mr. Chase. had beard of the resolution ; before it had been published and attributed to me in ihu Cincinnati Gazette, then edited by Judge Wright. 1 knew him to bo an honoruble man, and addressed to him a note stating the tacts in the case, which note was nromnt- ly published, and there, as I had a right to expect, the matter would rest. When I took my seat in the Senate, I was cour teously met by Senators from the South as well as the North. But by and by these gentlemen, when they found my determi nation to remain firm in the support of principles I was known to represent, changed tone and bearing. They under took to drive me. Some scavenger and there are always scavengers from the North, at Washington, eager to do the vile work ol an oligarchy some scaverger, I say, produced for Mr. Butler, of South Caroli na, an old newspaper containing the long ago reluted charge that the (iarrisonian resolution ot me jjuiiuio convention was written by myself. The debate on the occasion is published in the Congressional uioi.e. Mr. C. read from the Olobe extracts from his speech in reply to Senator Butler, in which the former declared that he never wrote, proposed or voted for, never would write, propose or vote for, a resolution like the one referred to. In his place in the Senate, Mr. Chase had said he was not sor ry Mr. Butler had found the biography of himself ( Chase ot sulncient importance to occupy his attention, but the newspaper scrap attributed to him sentiments be bad never endorsed or countenanced. Well, my friends, here was the public record of my vindication from this long ago reluted'cnlumny. It was in the othcial re ports of the Congressional Globe, where Mr. Medary, as a professional politician, is luirly supposed to bave read it, More than that : a lew days after the occurrence in the Senate,, Medary himself published some note of the affair, and gave my refutation of Butler's charge I For what then is this story revamped and circulated but to preju dice the Republican movement ? Shakes peare, enumerating the different shades of talshoods, speaks of the lie circumstantial, the lie inferential, etc., and finally the lie direct this lie in the Statesman may not come in the last class, but was all the rest. Laughter. The third charge brought against your candidate for Governor is that of "disu nion." I a disunion! t 7 Point me to a sentence, an expression, a word, coming from my pen or my tongue, from which a sentiment of disunion can be inferred ? Point to me an expression, a sentence, a letter, that is not lull of loyality to this Union. I have written much, and it has fallen to me to make many publio addresses ; much of both has found its way into the public prints, but no man can point to aught that conflicts with that of loyality. I have never calculated the value of the Union, know of no arithmetic by which its worth may be computed. Stretching between the twenty-fifth and the forty-fifth parallels of latitude, and reaching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, cemented by the rook-ribbed hills, united by iron bands, united, as well as divided, by great rivers, this Union is as dear to me as it can be to another. There are two parts of the country where this Union is lightly regarded : by Garrison and his friends in the North with whom I have no sympathy and by the nullifiers of the South, with whom I have no sympathy. I chance to have here in the shape of a printed report, a speci men of the disunion sentiments popular in portions of the Southern States. It is in the proceedings of a meeting held in "Whip pee Swamp" suggestive name down in the Carolinas. The chivalry met there, and among their toasts is one to the "Dis- unionists of 1776 we honor the day and we would do better to honor their deeds." Sensation. I t elluw Citizens, the men who villtfy me are the men in sympathy with the profes sed disuuionists, of Whippet Swamp. The enemies of free territories are ruled by the rulers of Whippet Swamp. Where is the strength of this present National Admin istration T JNot in the tree north, not in Ohio where its Kansas-Nebraska villiany has been greeted with thunder tones of indignation (general applause,) but in the YVhippee bwamp ol the Carolinas Thus then 1 dispose of the charge of disumomst sentiments, and may fitly add here what I said in the Senate that we in the West, never computing the commercial value of the Union, regarded it as ev erlasting, like the arch of heaven, never to fall in this did I misrepresent you 7 (no, no.) Where then do we, the Republicans ol Ubio, stand in tbis canvass 7 1 bave differed from some of you widely hitherto not upon cardinal principles, but upon me time lor their application. My convio tions have been that the question of the nationalisation or human slavery was paramount and imminent i my action has been shaped by that conviction. My Whig friends bave told me we must take up other questions first, my Democratic friends that the thing brst in importance was to whip the Whigs, and that the natural workings of the Democratic principle would abolish slavery. But the precipitation of the Kansas Nebraska bill startled the country, and resolved the North to treat the propagan- dism ol slavery as the issue the only issue in politics. This has brought us all togeth er. We never differed, except as to the time for meeting the issue, and now already the issue is made. It is not possible to avoid it. We are then, all brought togetb-er'on the common principle that Slavbrt is SicnomL, not Natiobal. We occupy the same ground with Patrick Henry, with Jefferson, with Washington. We will not interfere with slavery in Kentucky. Let not the place-holding enemies of the Republican movement for one moment falsify our position. We will not interfere with slavery in Kentucky, and slavery in Ken-puky mutt not inttrftrt uilh ui here. (Earnest applause.) I bave said that I only stand where stood the Fathers of the Republic. It was the object of Thomas Jefferson to exclude slavery from all new territory, and he only failed because of a rule requiring, in the passage of such an ordinance, a majority of all the Slates ; but nine States being represented when the first ordinance came up for adoption, six out of the nine supported the general prohibition. Jefferson was a Democratic Saint, but the late leaders of the Democracy bave set up Saint Frank and Saint Stephen Arnold. (Lughter.) When the Constitution was framed, the slave States prevailed in the adoption of a clause providing that Congress should have no power to legislate slavery out of the Status, also in the clauses giving the right io representation in Congress Tor two-fifths of all their slaves, and for the right of re capturing persons owing service or labor escaping from one Stale into another. Nevertheless, the Fathers of the Nation were not willing slavery should become dominant, and following close upon the a' doption of the Constitution came from their hands the ordinance of 1787, forever pro hibiting slavery from territory northwest of tne unto. By and by, however, the policy of the Fathers was departed from. I remember the wit of an Ohio Representative in Con gress when he describing the new theory of parturition and gestation, which was, lor the nation to bring forth not every time a free State, as provided for by the Fathers of the Republio, but two, one white and one black. rLaughter.l The slavery propagandists style the new theory moie politely, "political equilibrium." Contrary to the prohibition ot "the institution" from specified territory, Missouri ap plied for admission as a slave State. Our fathers rebelled. The whole country was stirred as never since, till now ; the Missouri Compromise was made. In consideration of that great concession by the North, all the territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. was secured to freedom. Did the South observe the compact they themselves named "a solemn compact ?" So generally was the new prohibition regarded as forever binding, that as late as the first proposition for organizing Nebraska Territory, Senator Atchison staled in the Senate that he should not oppose it, for he had no hope for a repeal of the Missouri Compromise.Douglas, senator from the free State of Illinois, came forward with his Kansas- Nebraska bill, and with his aid, the south repealed that Missouri Compromise. My self and my colleague struggled and voted, no. My friend Campbell and his colleagues in the House, fought the treason gallantly, but at midnight the act was accom plished. I remember the dark hour of that deed of darkness. When the strug gle was over, the Senate adjourned , we were warning down irom Capitol Hill, a- larmed,i desponding, when the insulting cannon boomed over the city, fitly culmr nating the outrages of the niirht. itie ecnoes ot me insulting cannon reached to Maine, and from every river and lorest came an indignant response Iowa heard them, and set upon the act her seal ol condemnation. ies, and you here, in my own Ohio, heard the premature revel of the violators, and hurled Irom their seats of ill-gotten power all within your rcacii you bave sent to Congress an un broken delegation of twenty-one staunch men and true We were united for a result so beneficial last Fall. What was the bond of Union then ? The mere passage of the Kansas Nebraska act, though its friends perambulated all the States to assure you that the interests of freedom were safe in Kansas, because the Northern emigration thither was strong; squatter sovereignty would make them free States. What unites us this fallf The greater bond of union, that Kansas is already in the hands of the slavery propagandists in the hnnds of Atchison and the Stringfellows. cheeping. The danger is no longer one of anticipation ; the designs of the violators developed the crime is committed.. We are united now to rescue that fair land from the clutch of the slave State bands who have invaded Kansas, subdued the squatter sovereigns, and organized themselves into a Kansas Legislature 1 It was only yesterday that I was shown a letter from a gentleman traveling through Missouri, in which the writer remarked that he had just parted with a farmer of that Slate Missouri who had mounted his horse to ride over into Kansas to take his seat in the Legislature I "Squatter Sovereignty," indeed; it is as though a peaceable farmer had on the adjoining farm a bad neighbor, with whom be should hnally seek peace by surrender ing a fair strip of his land, long eoveted by the other, on condition that the new division fence, enclosing the conceded remnant, should forever be respected. At midnight tbe evil neighbor destroys the partition fence, lets his hogs into all the belds, and, when the outraged farmer re monstrates, tells him that he was " strong enough to have kept them out." (Applause.) The Kansas-Nebraska act was a fraud, the fruits of which were secured by 1 !. ' 1 1 ' , violence iii was vioieuue seeking lis pur poses through fraud. All the violence and fraud and infa mous propagandism of Slavery by the National arm, has been countenanced and authorized by the present Administration long befoie Andrew Reeder was removed from the Govenorship of Kansas. Jeffer son Davis told the slaveholders of Missis-sppi to be patient, for " Pierce would soon remove hira." Pierce hesitates and is afraid. Mississipi is impatient. Jeff. Davis says, " remove Reeder or " Pierce cries out, " I will remove him." (Laughter.) i ou all know that Keeder bad no t reesoil tendencies he supported theKansas-Nebraska act, but was not initiated into and not prepared for the programme of the Missouri invasion. Wilson t-hanon. a man discarded by the people of Ohio, has been rewarded by the Govenorship of Kansas. zou oan anticipate bis administration. In further support of the charce that the Kansas outrages are countenanced and a,.iiorized by Pierce, I may call your attention to the fact that the " Squatter Sovereign," a violent pro-slavery newspaper, which has incited and supported the violation of tbe right of suffrage jn the people of Kansas, publishes the " U. S. laws," as well as the acts of the Kansas Legislalure. " bv authority." Is there not, fellow citizens, more reason for the Republican army of Ohio to be uimeu una uoioocr man tne last I The Convention of the 13th Julv united in de claring that slavery was sectional, and that it should be d nationalized. There I stand. and standing fear nothing in the shape of argument, or caiumny. What do our opponents say ? In this and other Northern Statos they received the Kansas Nebraska bill with a growl of dissent like an old uncle of mine who, when a boy, being asked why he did not fight a big ruffian that had robbed him of a pet dog, answered that he got into a fence corner and made ugly facts at him. Laughter. But the growl of the Pieroo men in the North subsided into a snarl, soon changed to a whine, and then silence. The " Democratic" leaders held on to the Treasury teats, and only stopped drawing long enough to whip in the rank and file with " Slick to the party I want to suck I" j Cheers. J I may remark here and it will encour age you that the Republicans of the North are not alone in their abhorrence of the violation of the Compromises. There are friends of the Union in the South, who deprecated, and do now deprecate, all that nas Deen done to condemn those new States to slavery. A distinguished Southern man personally assured me of this fact, but re ummeu, iorcioiy enougn, " wnat can we in the South do, when the anti-Nebraska men of the North are not supported you oner to me mends ol treedom only martyr's crown ?" There are other principles involved in this canvass, though the paramount issue is the one I have briefly discussed. I will only allude to them now. A retrenchment in national and State expenditures, an economical administration of both, single election districts, and a just basis of taxation. Retrenchment and purification in TT !l. I . namuion county, wnose courts bave so justly rebuked tbe scandalous administra tion of the ruling party. We want what General Jackson pronounced for " redress for the past and indemity for the future." Of the $70,000,000 annually collected for National Expenses, Ohio pays about one-tenth. Out of this unnecessarially burdensome taxation, the Mesilia Valley is bought to further the interest of a Southern road to the Pacific the navigation of Cape Fear and of Savannah River are improved, but not your Ohio and your Mississippi, not Erie St. Clair and Michi gan. JN or them and free interests predominate there, and their encouragement and protection is unconstitutional in tbe eyes of this Kansas-Nebraska Administration. I he tax laws of this Slate demand prompt revision. A it is, people are now taxed on what they have not, (applause) instead of upon what they have. The different interests in this populous county ot Hamilton, bave a right to representation and to that end, there should be single Districts created, not by an act of the Legislature, but by an easily effected amendment to the Constitution. . All these principles, as clearly stated in the platform adopted by the late Republican Convention, meet with my hearty concurrence, There are other measures not therein stated, but harmonizing therewith, which I need not discuss here. When I shall meet your representatives they will be presented to the best of my abilities. There were men in the Convention that placed me in nomination, all of whose principles I do not indorse it is highly proba ble they cannot indorse all of my views. dm L, who proscribe no man, will act heartily with all upon the platform we have adopted, and especially upon the great question of the denationalization of slavery, which I believe we all unite to consider paramount. I know the forces arrayed against the Republicon movement in and out of tbis Slate. I know how nearly im possible it has been to resist the driving of the slaveholders. Hut Cap. f ord, who will soon address you (cheers) and his compatriots at Philadelphia, lately gavo evi dence ot tbe existence of a quality sup posed extinct in the North the quality of back-bont. (Loud applauses.) We are denominated Fusionists; but what are our opponents doing ? Do not the Ohio Statesman and the Cincinnati Enquirer teem with appeals " to the National Know Nothings ?" Arethey notbegging to fuse with those they have opposed the most bitterly, to the end that the Administration party may be sustained in Ohio this fall ?" Mr. Chase concluded bis address and it was one of unusual power and clearness, even from his lips by stating that having canvassed thirteen counties prior to this meeting, he was physically unable to speak as he desired, but he could give assurance that all that portion of the State be bad vis ited was full of earnest, abiding zeal for the Republican cause. He found that disaffection with the action of the 13th of July Convention was something like tbe " milk sickness," always "in the next county." ( Laughter J 'ihe milk sickness, or rather " tbe trimbles," (laughter and cheers) was always just ahead Ross, Noble, Rich' mond, Monroe, were all strong in the Re publican faith, and certain ot an October triumph. He(Mr.C) would fervently thank the vast audience for their prompt attention. As for himself, he was sure from the faces before him, that no injustice would be permitted to one who, to the full extent of his ability, had been true to their best interests. Spiich or Tbob II. Ford. Mr. Ford waa called to the stand, and entertained the vast assemblage for more than an hour, in his peculiarly brilliant and telling style. For want of space we can give but an abstract of a speech that was repeatedly and enthusiastically applauded. W ben Mr. Ford took tbe stand he said he was fearlul he would not be able to be heard by that acre and a half of people, as he was fatigued by the labors of tbe canvass. He had been nominated without his knowledge and without his seeking, but be would be elected by his peeking. That in this part of the State there were three parties, but in his part there were only two the fort Jfatttrs and the people, iome of his opDoncnts had met him on the stiimn. and alleged that he was exciting the young people to deeds of violence ; he knew those gentlemen, and did not intend to say any thing hard about them that was unnec essary. He knew them in Mexico, and if he had not fought with them, he had run and hid with them, and he was not going to say nnyuung Rgainst tuoso wuu wnom Be had sympathized in a foreign country. He hadn't come to excite boys to deeds of violence, but somehow or other it was re ported that he was one of the boys. Thi speaker here said that he thought he could speak better if he had his shoes off, as he had a new pair on, and proceeded to divest nis pedal extremities of said imcumbrunce and then continued : this crowd gave evi dence that ours was a great country. One of our greatest orators predicted that by the next century our domain would extend from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; this wild prediction was realized three years after wards, and tbe man who would not take passage from Yucatan for the United States, but would rather wait until the United States came to him, had a clearer idea of our country's progress than the orator. But in this, country as in all other countries, there was a continual strife between Good and Evil, Right and Wrong, and if he might use the expression, between Freedom and Slavery. The Right always requires attention to secure its tri umph; cessation ot vigilance was certain death. The Slave power only asked to be let alone, for then it was sure of success. He had been taught by their forefathers tbe safeguards ot their country against tbe inroads of evil, and these were the existence of free churches and free schools, the virtue and intelligence of the people. They had a rich inheritance, and the re sponsiblily that rested upon them as a peo pie was still greater, and the patriotism of their forefathers was theirs to imitate, and their wisdom theirs to possess. Of those gentlemen who called him a die- unionist he would ask, Who would dissolve the Union ? The Garrisonians ? True, they might be as great warriors as Gen. Pugb. Would it be slaveholders ? Did they want to pay duty on all they exported to the North, or bring Canada 600 or 700 miles nearer to them ? Thought they didn't want to do that thing, for then there would be a grand Canada here. The Soul!) knew full well it would be throwing off their safeguards, for whilst the South had applied the lash, the North had forged the fetters, and hence they relied upon the North for their safety. Would they then dissolve the Union? There were only 347,000 slaveholders, of whom not less than 147,- 000 were widows and orphans, and 150, uuu tne sham aristocracy ot the south ; and would these, with a iireckenridge at their bead, iorm an army to be feared 7 South Carolina kicked out of the traces once, but soon kicked back again, and yet tne Charleston Mercury bad said that South Carolina would dissolve the Union unless Kansas became a slave State I Yet look at that State and her prospect for such project with four or five negroes to one white man. He had told the little man of the Mercury, that if South Carolina was fenced of by itself, the slaves would eat tbem up " rump and stump ;" they could not keep them in subjection. Massachusetts might talk about the phrenological development of the negro, and Virginia do tbe same, and boutb Carolina get a little refractory, but it would be like the spunky little ram, that being tied to the gate post, butted itself away uniil nothing but the tail was left, and that kept bobbing. Let us as men be resolved to act as men, to do right, to labor for Freedom, and those who do not do so let them be brought to the gate post. Let us proclaim to the South that we will let Slavery alone where it is, and it shall not come where it is not. Every thing possible had been resorted to by the opposition, in order to distract the people ot Ohio. They told them that they were fused, and every argument was met by some Ruch cry as " wooly-head," "Na-ger," " wool and ivory,", &o. Medary, that leech of eternal suction upon the public Treasury, told them they must not fuse. But the people saw the necessity, for some fellows lank and lean enough when they went into office, had oatne out fat, and the people wanted to know where the corn came from that fattened the Miller's hogs. And the Public Works that once yielded t600,-000 or $700,000 to the State Treasury, were fruitless, and the Board had gone to the Poor House 1 The speaker here said he had something amusing to read, and producing Gov. Medill's Message, stating that the expense of the Judicairy in 1844 was $20,000 and in 1854, 854,000, that the Stationery in 1844 was about 97,000, and in 1854, 122,000. Mr. F. then read from the message which he thought probably born in due season, but perhaps not in substance : From these happy results attending the changes made, it waa to be hoped that every effort would be made to continue tbe policy, and give it the right direction. The speaker said God send that that direction be not be toward the people's pocket. Those Treasury eaters were the men who told the oeonle not to fust, who had called Salmon P. Chase " Wooley-head," and him a Know Nothing. He then paid a very handsome tribute to Mr. Chase, for his manly, upright course, and thought if the Democrats bad enrolled him seven or eight years ago, tbe tbe Republicans could do so now. Sam Medary was down on Mr Chase, because be would not serve his purposes, but though Medary 's glory had departed, yet the glory had not departed from Israel. IIt had another little matter to talk about ; Know-Nolbingism, tbe animal that had hoofs and horns, and he wished tbe folks to atand by and hear themselves, and not depend upon those rascally reporters. He said that he was an American, and had no disposition to deny it, because he was not ashamed of it. Americanism meant more than proscribing foreigners ; its principles were higher and deeper and broader ; the first plank in its platform was freedom and the last was freedom. ' The Ameri cans invited the foreigners to partake of tbe banq'iet afforded by oar country, bat did not wish them to ait down at tbe head of the table at once. This country held out the greatest inducements to the people of' th ol 1 VvHnnO'-Pv t 'i " - invited to eome to till the soil, build them up houses, enjoy the privileges of thv churches and the school houses, and, when, they becoina Americanized, to participate in the affairs of Government. He knew that place of birth was a mere accident,' over which men bad no control, and that' principles and character should be the test of citizenship. He knew that there were foreigners with American hearts as big a a tea-kettle, who when they eame over hero and renounce allegiance to foreign powers and became acquainted with Amen ican institutions, were good citizen ? and he was with them. He knew that foreigners were becoming mcmbtrt of tin American Ordtr. Much had been said about its secresy. Tbe old parlies nad naa tne peo pie by the scalp, and the K. Ns. only re' sorted to secresy as a politio avep ; ihey wanted a little talk togetbor, a kind or class-meeting, but now they were willing and ready to come out and make the thing publio. They had there beard him in public, and he was ever willing And ready to speak bis sentiments. Let those other fellows say what they would, and if they could, carry the foreign ers wiib them, wouia any man mere support the present weak and important administration ? Cries of no I no II An administration that had done but one great thing and that was to make John Iylkr s respectable 1 Would any of tbe Americaa party support that administration either directly or indirectly that had bunted down even every mail agent and messenger, and boy clerks, that were suspected of being inclined to the American party ? An administration that had sent such men as him from Louisiana and others like him to represent us in foreign courts, men who, if gathered together, would form a perfect Babel. Would any Whigs lend their support to the administration ? Could they, though Sam Medary, and others, did say they liked honest, old, upright, Henry Clay Whigs ? He remembered that Medary, like the ass in the fable that kicked the dead lion, bad assailed the Sage of Ashland with the vilest abuse, and now only flattered the Whigs to win their support. Would any ene support an administration that vetoed a bill to improve Western navigation ; that sold the dredge boats that cost eighty thousand dollars, for ten thousand dollars ; that appropriated to Cape Fear River, and denied to the Lakes; that gave to tbe one-legged Santa Ana $10,0u0,000 for a valley that should a buzzard attempt to fly across it he would have to take a knapsack of provisions ; and gave $50,000 to T.J. Davis to buy cameia and dromedaries and monkies, be would take the moakies back for fear tne report ers would get it wrong. The speaker then alluded to the position of Ohio and the responsibility of her pres. ent condition, and made an appeal to tbe assembled voters that waa answered by applause, long and loud. Courtship among the Pawnees. When the lover wishes to break the ice, he comes to her father's tent, uninvited and sits on the corner of the mat for a considerable time, and then goes away without, speaking. This is the preliminary step, answering perhaps, to the first gentle pressure of the hand the first blushing hesitation in address the first mutual glance of understanding. After a few days, the young man returns, wearing a Buffalo robe, with the hair outward, and again sits down silent in the corner of the tent. This is a proposal a regular "popping the question." If the father is determined to re ject him, nothing is placed for him to sit on, and no meat is offered ; but it be approves of the match, these rites of hospitality are observed. Feasts are then given by the respective parties, in order to obtain the consent of their relatives. If both feasts terminate favorably in this respect, the young man presents himself once more before his bride at the door of her tent and then turns around, and walks slowly off to his own she rises and follows him the marriage is then complete. ,If she remains sitting, it is a sign that her family declines the match. All this is done without a word passing between tbe intend ed bride and the husband that is to be. But the most extraordinary part of tbe affair is, that having married the elder sister, he has the right to marry all the younger ones, as they successfully attain the age of womanhood. The author adds : " I have seen chiefs who have, in this manner, married a whole family ; the eldest wife being the greatest drudge, and the youngest being generally the favorite Sultana, and consequently doing the least." Niobt. Night levels all artificial distinctions. The beggar on his pallet of straw, snores as soundly as the king on his bed of down. Night kind, gentle, soothing, refreshing night the earthly paradise of the slave, the sweet obliviou of the care-worn soul, the nurse of romance, of poetry, or devotion ; how the great panting heart of sooiety yearns for the return of night and rest I Sleep is God's special gilt to the poor ; but for the great there is no fixed time for repose. Quiet, they bave none ; and instead of calmly awaiting the approach of events, they fret, and repine, and starve sleep, andobide the tardy hours; as if every to-morrow were big with the fate of some great hereafter. The torrent ' of events goes roaring past, keeps eager' expectation constantly on tiptoes and drive timid slimber away. v There is something strangely baautiful in the contemplation of night when the smiling stars seem to do homage to their pale-faced queen; and the clouds float si-lentlv through the traoquil sky, and the wind speaks in soft whispers, as if fearful of waking the sleepers. Such is (he sweet repose of a blameless conscience, BuC when the hnes of evening slant dimly away.. . when the cheerless curtains of darknrsr are drawn, as rial shadows loom np and flit along the raulted arch, like grim ghonta trailing blackness through the heaven," each is the fearful shadow that hangs over , tbe broken slumbers of a soul ia whir. 'a there is no peace. ' . .. j tW A Yankee docior has " got np" a remedy for bard times. Il ecni,ts of tei