The debate on repealing the eighth amendment studiously avoids the argument on which the entire pro-life position rests.

Here’s the Pro-Life proposition: There is a person present from conception with a person’s right to life for however long that life might be and regardless of the circumstances of conception, i.e. there are no exceptions.

The Repeal side falls into the trap and ends up discussing exceptions, e.g. rape and fatal foetal abnormality, rather than the proposition. There is a suspicion, however, that they fall willingly along with the media, on whom public discourse depends, because neither feels confident about engaging the core Pro-life argument.

The pro-life argument, that a person is present from conception, is meta-physical but shouldn’t be dismissed or avoided for that. It is easily dealt with because it is a poor argument. Now, at least some of those who make the argument are used to being treated with an inordinate amount of respect because firstly, they tend to be high-ranking churchmen and secondly, it is assumed that arguing metaphysics requires great expertise and is hard work. This is a carefully cultivated impression. It is also uniquely accepted, while every other branch of philosophy is expected when necessary to engage with citizens who have no particular expertise.

Once we address and consider the argument that a person is present from conception, and assuming we find it implausible (There won’t be universal agreement that it is.) we can begin to examine abortion from a moral perspective.

Here are two facts:

i) Almost no one wants to permit abortion right up to birth.

ii) No one strives officiously to find and protect the lives of all fertilised human eggs (zygotes).

The moral decision lies between i and ii. As a political issue it involves regulating abortion. It is a hard decision because it necessarily means a time limit. It is a debate that can and should go on and on as we struggle to do right, to fix a time limit that, all things considered, is moral. The pro-life amendment prevents that debate taking place; that is what it was meant to do. It prevents citizens having to consider what should be done about unwanted pregnancies. That is why it must be repealed.

Addressing the pro-life (ensoulment) argument moves the exceptions (pregnancy by rape and viability) way down the public agenda. It removes much of the heat from public discourse, and there are many – not all of them working in the media – who thrive on heat. Incidentally, it also disposes of the silly, history argument: that a ban on abortion was fine years ago but times have changed. Nonsense, it was always cruel and evasive. It was carried because few had the confidence and courage to take on church metaphysicians.

If Repeal activists and media are unwilling or if they feel themselves incompetent to debate metaphysics, let them insist on something similar by confronting Pro-Life advocates with Patrick S. Tomlinson’s popular proposition: Faced with a choice of saving the life of one person or 1,000 zygotes, no sane, decent and honest person would opt for the zygotes.*