In the United States, religious communities have traditionally
been
involved in social justice initiatives; they have also been
instrumental in large-scale social movements. The relationship
between faith and social justice is, in America, historical,
extensive, and diverse. Faith communities have been involved in
struggles including abolition (Interfaith Worker Justice, 2010, p.
34), labor rights (Higgins, 2010, p. 42), and women's and civil
rights (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 233).

Interfaith social justice coalitions recognize that the "'enemy'
of religious people should not be understood as the 'other'"
but rather "the dehumanizing reality of poverty, backwardness,
oppression, ignorance, and other destructive social problems."
(Munjid, 2008, p. 111). As diverse groups, they expand the
religious
palette used to paint alternative visions of human interaction and
social organization. Through direct service, dialogue, advocacy,
and
direct action, interfaith social justice coalitions work together
to
alleviate or eliminate the causes of social inequality.

Although they bring diverse groups together to achieve common
goals,
interfaith social justice coalitions are also fraught with
internal
tensions. Differences in religion, political ideology, race, and
class can either divide or unite interfaith groups according to
each
coalition's ability to embrace diversity.

Like interfaith social justice coalitions, the faith at work
movement
calls for integration of religious beliefs and practices with
intentions and actions - albeit in a different setting. Through
cross-analysis of interfaith coalitions and the faith at work
movement, each can be strengthened. Both offer great potential for
personal and social change realized through human integration,
enhanced relationships, understanding of interdependence, and
transcendence.

Strategies and Tactics of Interfaith and Faith-based Social
Justice Organizations

Interfaith social justice coalitions are typically organized to
address a social problem through advocacy and direct action. In
addition, these coalitions also engage in intentional dialogue and
sometimes provide direct service. Because there is little
published
research related to interfaith social justice organizations, some
tactics used by single-based coalitions will also be included with
the assumption that many activities would be similar in interfaith
coalitions.

Direct Service

While there is a greater emphasis on advocacy and public
education,
some interfaith coalitions provide direct service to people in
need.
These services are sometimes, though not always, part of larger
social change initiatives. Campbell (2002) investigated eight
coalitions spurred by the federal faith-based initiatives program
and
found them to be ideologically and programmatically diverse (p.
221).
Within the labor movement, interfaith coalitions have created 130
workers centers to provide information, support, and services to
nonunionized workers. These centers also delve into advocacy by
providing "safe places for workers to learn about their rights
and join with others to improve conditions in their workplace"
(Bobo, 2010, p. 171).

Dialogue

Through the process of collaboration and social justice work,
interfaith coalition members engage in dialogue to gain deeper
understanding and form stronger relationships. Each religious
group
brings with it different tenets, traditions, and culture; these
differences are sorted out, understood, and leveraged through
dialogue.

Dialogue may reveal that "different words or misunderstandings
merely hid commonly shared positions" (Swidler, 2008, p. 17).
Through this process, the coalition may create "a larger
identity that makes room for the distinctiveness of different
traditions while encompassing them around their shared, universal
values." (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2008, p. 38). This does
not necessarily negate the possibility for each individual
religion
to flourish within that larger community. Interfaith social
justice
coalition leaders can "weave the story of pluralism from the
threads of distinct traditions" so that followers can
"conceptualize the pluralist identity as a natural outgrowth of
their subgroup identity" (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007, p.
237).

Particular religious group beliefs may serve an important
functional
purpose within the larger coalition. In her study of the Buddhist
Peace Fellowship, Dugan (2007) found that the Buddhist belief of
interdependence led their leader to be "a strong voice for
cooperation between religious traditions" (p. 41). Indeed, many
religious traditions encourage love and understanding of those who
are different; these beliefs support interfaith collaboration.

Some feel that there is a "need to reach beyond one's
own community to dialogue and connect with difference as essential
to
working on the complexity and conflict inherent in the communal
struggle for structural change" (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 222).
There are several important differences that must be explored in
order for interfaith work to be genuine and effective. The word
justice "is defined differently by the world's religious
traditions" (Cilliers, 2002, p. 51). When coalitions engage
with secular organizations, including activism targets, additional
communication obstacles may emerge. It can be "difficult to
bridge differences between the words and symbols that religious
groups use to communicate and the means used by the secular"
(Kegler, Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 674).

Interfaith dialogue must be intentional and carefully executed.
Without dialogue, there is a possibility for the group to "fall
into traps created by the blind spots of unexamined cultural
assumptions" (Wood, 2002, p. 156). This could lead the
coalition to experience internal conflict and diminish the
effectiveness of their work.

Advocacy

While dialogue serves an important purpose in interfaith social
justice coalitions, it is just the beginning of their
collaborative
work. "Dialogue provides an additional path on which to
accomplish social changes. It is a path that is full of positive
and
constructive joint energy and that is based on creativity and
trust"
(Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 15).

Faith-based organizations have a long history of engagement in
political advocacy in America (Bobo, 2010; Higgins, 2010;
Interfaith
Worker Justice, 2010; Putnam and Campbell, 2010). Faith-based
groups
and interfaith social justice coalitions utilize a different, more
values-based, approach to legislative work. These groups "focus
on forgiveness as essential in social policy;" (Magnani and
Wray, 2006, p. 155) this possibility is largely absent from
mainstream political rhetoric. Politicians, who often engage in
tenuous debate and struggle to direct the allocation of scare
resources, can also learn about conflict resolution practices from
the religious community (Weiman, 2008, p. 93). Interfaith social
justice coalitions, by nature of their diversity and
inclusiveness,
offer a particularly strong example of how divergent groups can
peacefully resolve conflict in order to achieve common goals.

Direct Action

Direct action, which includes community organizing, protests,
rallies, and demonstrations, serve as a means to solidify
participants' commitment to the group and its purpose and to
make progress toward realizing organization, coalition, and
movement
goals. Participating in direct action gives "participants a
strong sense of collective accomplishment and that proactively
respect particular religious identities" (Patel, Kunze, and
Silverman, 2007, p. 240). It is a "dialogue of the hands"
through which groups "join hands with "the other"
to heal the world" (Swidler, 2008, p. 10).

Interfaith social justice coalitions bring a unique flavor to, and
expand the repertoire of, Alinsky tradition organizing techniques
by
connecting the group's mission and activities with
spirituality. These include "imagery (biblical references to
the need for justice, the power of redemption, the sanctity of the
individual)" and "spiritual practices (prayer vigils,
personal witness)" (Bussel, 2003, p. 16). In Beverly Hills,
clergy who participated in an interfaith march organized to
support
unionization of hotel workers "deposited bitter herbs outside
the ...hotel [that did not sign the contract]...and offered
milk and honey to the two hotels which had" (Reynolds, 2001, p.
38). These gestures symbolically integrate the Jewish and
Christian
traditions with social justice work to communicate a spiritual,
but
also pragmatic, message. In Miami, interfaith labor activists
organized a public prayer in the middle of a street as well as a
hunger strike for which members "brought oil for anointing,
choirs for singing, and prayers for sustaining the hunger
strikers"
(Hawking, 2010, p. 184). These symbolic gestures imbue a sense of
spiritual morality and imply support from the significant
religious
institutions being represented.

Involvement of religious groups in direct action can change the
tenor
of social justice work by reminding participants and activism
targets
of the fundamental goodness of humanity. They can bring a general
sense of "compassion to the process" and convey "a
moral seriousness to the discussion" by integrating "the
language of justice, fairness, and equity" (Horwitz, 2010, p.
195). Involvement of diverse faith groups expands the availability
of
such language and demonstrates commitment to a process of
understanding and inclusion in addition to the goals being sought
by
the coalition.

Tensions within Interfaith Social Justice Coalitions

While interfaith social justice coalitions serve as a model for
understanding, cooperation, and peaceful coexistence, there are
many
emergent tensions within these groups. Such tensions, if not
examined
and explored, can limit relationships, change the nature of group
activities, or undermine coalition effectiveness.

Religious
Faith

Americans are divided in many ways, and religion is not an
exception. The most significant and meaningful differences are not
related to the specific faith or beliefs of particular individuals
or
groups. Rather, Americans are most divided by the strength of
their
beliefs (Putnam and Campbell, 2010) and the degree to which they
are
accepting of others who belong to a different religion (Patel,
Kunze,
and Silverman, 2007).

American culture tends to be individualistic and pluralistic; that
is
harboring, "the conviction that people believing in different
creeds and belonging to different communities need to learn to
live
together" (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2008, p. 38). Yet, not
all Americans share this conviction. "The most salient division
lies between religious pluralists, who actively seek to build
bridges
of respect and cooperation across differing belief groups, and
religious totalitarians, who actively seek to destroy those who
believe differently" (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007, p.
233). Similarly, Americans are split according to devoutness. They
are "increasingly concentrated at opposite ends of the
religious spectrum - the highly religious at one pole, and the
avowedly secular at the other." (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p.
3). In combination, there is an infinite range of difference in
Americans' religious perspective before even considering their
particular faith beliefs.

There are also significant differences within and among religions.
Within Christianity, and perhaps other religions as well, there
can
be a sense of disconnection across congregations and among
denominations that serve as a deterrent to working together
(Kegler,
Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 673). Those differences are even more
pronounced when groups from different faith traditions, whose
beliefs, traditions, customs, and symbols may seem strange or
contradictory, attempt to collaborate.

Our individualistic culture can also support the exclusion or
suppression of religious interchange, often as a means to prevent
or
resolve conflict. "It is commonly understood that if you want
calm, even-tempered conversations between groups, especially if
they
are from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds, you should
avoid
bringing up the topic of religion (Cilliers, 2002, p. 47). While
interfaith social justice coalitions are operating within this
larger
cultural context, they do not typically employ this strategy as
they
are comprised of faith-based organizations. More often, they
either
encourage "participants to speak strongly from their own
traditions" or "ask all participants to pray in neutral
terms that seek to avoid any language that is not acceptable in
other
traditions" with the goal of "broadening this work while
sustaining the flow of commitment and motivation that underlie its
dynamism" (Wood, 2002, p. 40).

Differences in religion can be complementary, analogous, or
contradictory (Swidler, 2008, p. 13-14). Bringing together
religiously diverse groups can increase understanding and
compassion;
it can also be a challenging process that unearths unintended
consequences - even when those groups are fully committed to a
common
purpose. Interaction can "provoke intolerance of the religious
narrative of others" and stir up "stereotypes and
prejudices against one's own group" (Smock, 2002, p.
127). Great sensitivity is needed to navigate the multiple
dynamics
of religious differences within interfaith social justice
coalitions
or any religiously diverse group.

Bringing together diverse groups also has the potential to amplify
the impact of the movement. "Leaders of different traditions,
worldviews, and patterns of belief are invited to confront common
problems that no one religious community can solve, or even
meaningfully address, on its own" (Smock, p. 5). Collectively,
interfaith coalitions offer a spectrum of understanding,
strategies,
and solutions not found in isolated faith-based social justice
organizations. Interfaith coalitions, by increasing contact and
creating bridges among distinct religious groups working toward a
common goal, can help to reduce prejudice and improve the way our
society functions (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 527).

Race and
Class

American society is also divided along race and class lines.
Interfaith social justice coalitions both mitigate those
conditions
through advocacy and replicate our larger society's class
structure.

While individual congregations are often segregated by race or
class
(Bobo, 2010, p. 174); interfaith coalitions can "enroll a mix
of congregations that together represent diverse ethnic
constituencies" (McCarthy and Walker, 2005, p. 103S). Because
of coalitions' diversity, the issues addressed and tactics used
may be compromised. Thus, coalitions will often pursue interests
"around which broad consensus among member congregants can be
mobilized" (McCarthy and Walker, p. 103S).

When coalitions reach out to include secular organizations as well
as
religious groups, the group's diversity may expand in terms of
"race, ethnicity, economic status, class, gender, educational
background, and religion" (Albright, 2008, p. 72). Many
interfaith social justice coalitions have successfully brought
people
from diverse race and class backgrounds together to work toward a
common goal. The spiritual foundation of interfaith coalitions can
help them effectively "empower poor and disadvantaged
communities...in such a way as to avoid the racial and ethnic
divisions that plagued earlier community organizing efforts"
(McCarthy and Walker, 2004, p. 101S).

Political Ideology

There is often disagreement among faiths, denominations,
congregations, and individual believers about the role of
religious
groups in social justice work. Should religious institutions be
involved in social justice work? If so, to what extent and in what
ways? The responses to these questions are often a matter of
religious doctrine; however, political ideology also influences
approaches to integration, service, and action. In America, there
is
a tension between the religious right and the liberal left.
Americans
"gradually, but continually, sort themselves into like-minded
clusters - their commonality defined not only be religion, but
also by the social and political beliefs that go along with that
religion" (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 4). These
dissimilarities "generate differences in convictions about how
a society should be structured" and increase "the
potential obstacles to effective dialogue" (Smock, 2002, p. 9).

Religiosity is directly correlated with political ideology; "the
most highly religious Americans are likely to be Republicans"
(Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 369). Funding for faith-based
initiatives has been supported by "conservative political and
economic interests" (Tangenberg, 2003, p. 385). This funding
may "create financial incentives for religious congregations to
shift their focus toward social service provision instead of the
more
political ministry associated with faith-based organizing"
(Wood, 2002, p. 74). Conservative religious groups are also
involved
in advocacy and have actively opposed progressive causes including
the Equal Rights Amendment and civil rights (Putnam and Campbell,
2010, p. 233). These groups emphasize "individual and
legislative moral change" (Wood, 2002, p. 4).

Religious and Business Institutions

The political positions of religious institutions often stand in
opposition to the system of capitalism and the businesses that
profit
from it (Tangenberg, 2003; Miller, 2007). Many interfaith social
justice coalitions direct their work toward changing unethical
business practices that negatively impact workers (i.e. Bussel,
2003;
Bobo, 2010), implying an openness to reformation and process
change
as opposed to radical system change.

Businesses can be important allies in social justice work. Through
dialogue, businesses can change their practices to more closely
align
with the religious ideals espoused by interfaith groups. By being
inclusive rather than divisive, interfaith groups can foster
meaningful changes that impact entire organizations. Because
"businesspeople themselves may be objects of oppression"
(Miller, 2007, p. 85), it is essential that interfaith social
justice
coalitions exercise the religious doctrines of understanding and
compassion to all.

Faith groups can change the climate of business negotiations and
practices, leading to increased understanding on both sides. In
one
case, the interjection of spirituality created a
"non-hierarchical,
roundtable atmosphere" through which laborers and business
representatives were able to deconstruct previously held beliefs
about the other group (Bussel, 2003, p. 8). However, many
religious
organizations are hierarchical and oppressive in their own right;
"the added layers of symbols, language and tradition (e.g. G-d
the Father) that make them resistant to change, worse, partners in
justifying the status quo" (Hunt, 2000, p. 15). Both
faith-based and business institutions have a myriad of codified
beliefs and practices that influence their ability to interact.
They
"have much to learn about each other's organizational
structure, mode of operation, [and] chain of command;" failure
to bridge this gap in understanding "can lead to false
expectations and even disillusionment" (Higgins, 2010, p. 58).

Personal Risk

Social justice activists often experience conflict due to the
divergence of their beliefs and resultant activism and those of
family, friends and colleagues, even when their practices are
rooted
in commonly held spiritual beliefs. They risk losing
relationships,
professional credibility, and even their physical safety. These
risks
solidify activists' commitment to the cause and help them "know
that they could be faithful to their values." (McIsaac Bruce,
2005, p. 220). Activists also risk suppressing or changing their
own
personal convictions when connecting with activists of other
faiths;
"learning new information and skills requires people to take a
certain degree of risk and to abandon or suspend their existing
knowledge and attitudes toward the other" (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p.
26). Taking personal risks can lead to increased self-awareness
as
well as greater understanding of others.

Connections
to the Faith at Work Movement

The faith at work movement recognizes that human beings are
multidimensional and that spirituality is an integral component of
our lives. Similarly, interfaith social justice coalitions
intentionally connect spirituality with group activities in a way
that embraces diversity. Both offer a model for integration of
self
and spirit - one at work and the other in community.

Spirituality, Work, and Activism

Spirituality is the "existential search for meaning and
purpose in human life and the role and feeling of linkage within
the
larger scheme of existence" (Pandey and Gupta, 2008, p. 66). In
an organizational setting, spirituality shapes "the way that
sustained purpose, culture, and identity can transcend and enhance
an
organization's performance and success" (Benefiel, 2005,
p. 9). Infusing spirituality into work and activism has many
positive
outcomes; leaders who do so are able to "motivate followers,
create a positive ethical climate, inspire trust, promote positive
work relationships, and achieve organizational goals" (Reave,
2005, p. 656). Religious practice serves individual, dyadic, and
communal purposes in the context of work and activism.

Religion encompasses values that often intersect with
individuals'
other belief systems in dynamic ways. These values "build off
of one another to reinforce and modify each other to create a more
global sense of principles" within each person (Morgan, 2008,
p. 70). An individual's morality and may or may not be attached
to their religious beliefs (Morgan, 2008, p. 70). Nonetheless, a
strong positive relationship has been found between religiosity
and
altruistic values (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 464); thus,
religious Americans may be more likely to support charitable or
activist work.

Spiritual integration creates an environment where activists and
workers can communicate, interact, identify and develop common
goals,
and build a new future together without jeopardizing the creation
of
positive relationships. Through the process of sharing multiple
spiritualties, individuals "make a deeper human connection with
each other" and this "becomes the main source for the
individual's commitment to social change, peace work, and
taking risks" (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 17). The opportunities for
developing meaningful connections with others are enhanced through
"the possibility for spiritual encounter" which "may
enhance the participants' commitment to peace work and social
change" (Smock, 2002, p. 127). The integration of spirituality
can also change the course of discussions or the nature of
relationships by inserting "ethical equations concerning
fairness into negotiations" (Horwitz, 2010, p. 196).

Faith at Work, Faith at All Times

Human beings have a spirituality and the existence of this is
often
suppressed in secular organizations. The Faith at Work movement
takes
a holistic approach to humanity by recognizing the existence and
importance of spirituality in people's lives. "For people
of religious faith, separating their faith from their moral values
might well be impossible. For other individuals, their sincere and
meaningful beliefs may be rooted in value systems or in a
spirituality based upon something other than formal mainstream
religions" (Cash and Gray, 2000, p. 127). Faith at work
initiatives bring together faith and work "in a reconstructive,
dialectical, and holistic fashion" (Miller, 2007, p. 74).

Just as faith and spirituality cannot be separated from work, they
cannot be separated from community involvement. Indeed, it is
often
what motivates individuals to get involved in community change
work.
For example, Stout (1996) was propelled into activism by her
Quaker
faith, both through learning about the history of her denomination
through interpretation and application of the faith's values in
her own life. "The moral values of equality and justice...are
now the basis for my political action" (p. 15). Activism is
also inspired by relationships formed at houses of worship.
"Having
close friends at church, discussing religion frequently with your
family and friends, and taking part in small groups at church are
extremely powerful predictors of the entire range of generosity,
good
neighborliness, and civic engagement" (Putnam and Campbell,
2010, p. 472).

When multiple beliefs are welcome at work or in community, a new
culture may emerge. Groups may "create their own rituals and
symbols through the dialogue process to celebrate a 'third
culture'" (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 18). This new culture
"creates an atmosphere of trust that encourages meaningful
interaction" and " gets participants moving toward the
process of exploring religious differences as well as political
positions" (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 21). This culture still
recognizes and allows room for differences. While there may be
commonly held beliefs or values, they may be interpreted or
experienced differently according to "the context and
uniqueness of each religious tradition" (Cilliers, 2002, p.
50).

Application of Miller's Integration Box

Miller's integration box has four components: ethics,
evangelism, experience, and enrichment. Each element is expressed
through the work of interfaith social justice coalitions.

Ethics concerns "connecting biblical ethics to concrete
applications...to discern and culturally transpose biblical
teachings or principles to the complex ethical dilemmas faced and
work in contemporary society" (Miller, 2007, p. 76). Interfaith
social justice coalitions often draw from religious teachings,
including the Bible as well as other texts, to illuminate modern
social problems and possible solutions. Activists draw from these
traditions to articulate values, morality, and ideals.

Through evangelism, workers and activists have the opportunity to
directly express their faith (Miller, 2007, p. 76). Social justice
activists use this as a strategy when engaged in direct action to
demonstrate the connection between faith and social justice.
Interfaith coalition members may also share their particular faith
beliefs in an attempt to better understand others and to identify
and
build upon common ground. Some faith-based organizations
participate
in "reverse evangelism" through which they "intend
to reinvigorate the church's sense of mission and put insulated
congregants in touch with the realities of poverty" (Campbell,
2002, p. 224). Ebaugh, Chafetz, and Pipes (2006) found that the
"more
socially active the coalition, the less religiously expressive it
is
in its service delivery, but the more religious it is in its
public
face" (p. 2270). Expression of faith, in interfaith social
justice coalitions and other faith-based work, can be manipulated
to
reflect the intended organizational purpose and goals. Evangelism
should unite rather than divide people working together toward
common
goals. It can be "like a shared home where each family member
can have privacy in his or her room but also have public space in
which one may speak freely and fully about any common problem -
and thus cooperate in making the space a safe and comfortable home
for everyone" (Munjid, 2008, p. 118). Expression of faith can
bridge differences; "rather than a wedge pushing Americans
apart, public expressions of religion often serve to pull them
together" (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 494). Expression can
also unite people across ideological differences. "By drawing
on religious motivations and teachings, faith-based organizing can
and does transcend ideological divisions between left and right"
(Wood, 2002, p. 179).

Through experience, individuals find "intrinsic meaning and
teleological purpose in their work" (Miller, 2007, p. 77). Many
social justice activists intentionally pursue activism as a means
to
manifest their spiritual purpose. Social justice work provides an
opportunity for people of faith to connect their relationship with
a
higher power to the everyday experiences of people in their
community.

The fourth component of the integration box, enrichment, includes
"spiritual disciplines, therapeutic healing, and
transformation" (Miller, 2007, p. 77). Interfaith social
justice activists may find that participation in a diverse group
working toward social change provides this nurturance.

Potential for Social Change

Interfaith social justice coalitions unearth and develop the
skills,
relationships, and common goals necessary to build bridges across,
and transcend differences related to, religion, class, race, and
other areas. Potential for change exists in four interrelated
domains: human integration, relationships, interdependence, and
transcendence.

Human Integration

Interfaith social justice coalitions encourage members to infuse
their spirituality with their activism. Spiritual leadership
integrates "the four fundamental forces of human existence
(body, mind, heart, and spirit) so that people are motivated for
high
performance, have increased organizational commitment, and
personally
experience joy, peace, and serenity" (Fry, 2003, p. 718). These
objectives can be realized through interfaith social justice work,
whereby faith propels people into action and sustains their
commitment to the cause.

Relationships

Spiritual leaders build relationships by "integrating his or
her being with that of others via collective images, thoughts,
feelings and behaviors to create shared purpose and meaning"
(Kriger and Seng, 2005, p. 798). Leaders can also encourage
expression of faith within the coalition. "The leaders'
role is to model this type of literacy in their own tradition and
then encourage followers to achieve a similar literacy in their
own
respective traditions" (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007, p.
238).

Inclusion of multiple perspectives provides opportunities for
"sharing of different perspectives, access to diverse sectors
of the community, and connections to powerful players within
communities" (Kegler, Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 671). Faith
affiliation serves as a connecting point with potential partners
and
activism targets. Religious institution affiliation adds
credibility
to social justice work; they are seen as important community
resources that, "have strong reputations, and...serve as
the "center of life" for many people" (Kegler,
Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 670).

Relationships often inspire participation in social justice work.
By
offering "affirmation and support to the participants and they
provided inspiration through their commitments, spiritual depth
and
integrity." (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 218). New relationships
are also built as a result of coalition involvement. These
relationships may not have been created outside of the context of
social justice work and commitment to a particular cause;
sometimes
"the people working together are 'unlikely' in that
they share little more in common than a commitment to an important
social issue" (Hunt, 2000, p. 16). This basis can serve as a
means to further the work of the coalition. Bridges are built
through
a common "commitment to justice, reconciliation, truth, and
forgiveness" (Cilliers, 2002, p. 58). New people are engaged in
the work by leveraging activists' existing relationships; they
"activate preexisting networks within the congregations, to
extend those networks more broadly by reaching out to new people,
and
to cross-link preexisting networks more densely" (Wood, 2002,
p. 35).

Interdependence

As relationships develop, community is built and members
recognize
the deep connections among members. This is "important as a
resource for liberation in that it provides a challenge to attend
to
the connections between and among us that can move us forward to
mutuality and commitment to the good of others in community"
(McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 224). Members are reminded that, "we
have to take care of each other. This command is in all our
religions, and following its imperative is our only chance for
survival as a human race" (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2008,
p. 35).

Transcendence

Interfaith social justice coalitions redefine social problems in
a
spiritual context and connect activist work with divinity. "In
responding to challenging circumstances, the leaders' actions
say "yes" to a higher purpose/moral principle/inner G-d,
and "no" to societal norms/authority structures/laws that
get in the way... the leaders' actions imply a "no"
to an unjust reality and a "yes" to their higher purpose"
(Parameshwar, 2005, p. 701). Activists are inspired by the love
and
goodness found in their religion. "The paradigm we envision
cannot be driven by fear. The real work lying before us is
spiritual
and calls us to nothing less than fundamental change" (Magnani
and Wray, 2006, p. 2). Activism is a manifestation of spirituality
experienced in a diverse community.

Conclusion

Interfaith social justice coalitions offer an example of how the
faith at work movement can be realized. Though many tensions arise
when diverse groups are brought together and encouraged to share
their distinguishing beliefs, the potential for individual,
dyadic,
organizational, and social change is paramount. Differences can be
bridged through dialogue and focus on a common purpose. The faith
at
work movement can gain insight from the experience of interfaith
social justice coalitions, which have for decades understood that
faith is an integral part of our humanity and that spirituality
both
motivates and shapes individual beliefs and activities.

References

Abu-Nimer, M. (2002). The miracles of transformation through
interfaith dialogue: Are you a believer? In Smock, D. (Ed.).
Interfaith dialogue and peacebuilding. Washington, DC:
United
States Institute of Peace.

Dugan, K. (2007). Buddhist women and interfaith work in the United
States. Buddhist-Christian Studies, 27(1), 31-50.

Ebaugh, H., Chafetz, J., and Pipes, J. (2006). Where's the
faith in faith-based coalitions? Measures and correlates of
religiosity in faith-based social service coalitions. Social
Forces, 84(4), 2259-2272.