Last month marked the one-year anniversary of the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville. Between the overwhelming images of riot police and confederate flag insignias, it’s easy to get downtrodden and feel like no progress has been made.

However, after talking to a local activist, who goes by Goad Gatsby, and remembering that only 20 came in support for this year’s Washington, DC repeat of the Unite the Right rally (as opposed to the 400 that Jason Kessler pulled from his ass), it’s clear that anti-fascist activists have had success.

The small showing at Kessler’s rally suggests that something has changed since last year’s gathering. Gatsby pointed to the willingness of activists to name and shame racist activists, even telling their employers about participation in rallies like Unite the Right. When you tell your boss, Gatsby said, “You’ve given a very good case for this person to no longer be working alongside with you. They have to reevaluate their resources if they’re going to continue what they’ve done.”

After acknowledging the success of deplatforming, Gatsby pivoted quickly to what he sees as the next battleground: police reform.

“When counter-demonstrations show up, the police are always going to have their weapons out, looking at the counter-demonstrations instead of the white nationalists,” Gatsby said. “[Those who] have come out to say they are going to commit violence, who have a violent ideology who are just waiting for the opportunity. There is a huge disconnect within the police system.”

Gatsby said the important question was who the police are there to protect; who do they see as needing their support? As a recent parade of police lip sync challenges, including local forces, have spread over social media, Gatsby noted that the timing coincided with the death of Marcus-David Peters.

“It is absolutely no coincidence that the lip sync videos came out at the same time as the Marcus Peters investigation,” Gatsby said. “They are a PR department, of course, this is something they would intentionally want to do. Richmond Police [Department] has always done something to make them look like the good guy.”

Gatsby recalled public meetings he attended where members of the community would raise issues they’d thought the police department was working to address, only to find out that nothing had happened. “That’s the problem with the Richmond Police Department,” Gatsby said, adding, “No matter how well-meaning your intentions may be, they’re always dodging what the community really wants.”

While deplatforming has removed neo-Nazis and retrograde racists from public speaking positions, such as former Trump adviser and Richmonder Steve Bannon, Gatsby maintained that there is much more to do. He said part of the problem was generational, pointing to a sharp divide between younger and older people.

“What can we do for a generation that isn’t listening?” Gatsby “There’s one side, we’ve looked at the facts, we’re willing to make a compromise. Then there is another side that says ‘Fake news, not going to listen to you.’ It’s an older generation that has decided to believe a conspiracy theorist over the lived experiences of children. That’s just where we’re at.”

From the activist side, there isn’t any one answer, but rather a series of steps in the ongoing fight for the safety and dignity of people who are targeted for oppression. While deplatforming counts as a success, the role of law enforcement remains a serious challenge to people who push back against marginalization and oppression.

In a staggering demonstration of solidarity, Washington, D.C. showed Jason Kessler and his supporters how they felt about him entering their city. It was a humiliating display for the alt-right and their white supremacist organizer.

Thousands of anti-racist protesters arrived in Lafayette Park starting around 1 p.m Sunday, later filling the streets and areas surrounding the White House to protest Kessler’s second attempt for a Unite the Right rally. Less than 20 white supremacists arrived in the park later in the afternoon. Heavily guarded by police to minimize violence, the uninspiring group arrived before their scheduled start time of 5 p.m. and stayed for only a short period before being taken away by law enforcement. Heavy rain began around 4 p.m., contributing to the day’s tense, angry atmosphere, and maybe to the early retreat.

Photo by Branden Wilson

Although the neo-Nazis arrived early, dozens of anti-racist groups were already present, shouting chants like, “Go home, Nazis!” “Anytime, anyplace, punch a Nazi in the face!” “No Trump! No KKK! No fascist USA!” and “Black lives matter!” These groups included the D.C. chapter of Black Lives Matter, the People’s Liberation Party, various anti-fascists groups, and the International Socialist Organization.

“[Today] is very serious,” said Jonathan Hutto, a community organizer for the nonprofit Empower D.C., who spoke during the afternoon anti-hate protest. “We have an environment now where these folks, the scum, the Nazis, the klan, they feel very comfortable and emboldened. If we don’t confront them, they grow. They grow in order to hurt, in order to maim, in order to kill and to instill fear in the masses. This is very important. I don’t want to marginalize this at all. I want to say that this is an extension of the institutional economic violence and institutional racism that folks face every day.”

Jonathan Hutto. Photo by Landon Shroder

The demonstration comes one year after the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, in which nearly 500 white supremacists were met by around 2,000 anti-racist protesters before authorities deemed the demonstration unlawful. That rally ended early and in tragedy, after white supremacist James Fields, Jr. drove his vehicle into a crowd, injuring several and killing local anti-hate protester Heather Heyer.

In the days following her death, Kessler tweeted, “Heather Heyer was a fat, disgusting Communist. Looks like it was payback time.” This year, Kessler’s permit to hold a repeat rally in Charlottesville was denied.

Kessler predicted at least 400 white supremacist supporters would come to the D.C. rally, a vast overestimation. During his 15-minute speech, he largely tried to defend the events of last year and repeated claims that his supporters were not violent, despite indictments, charges, and video evidence to the contrary.

Activists said they were fighting for a future without racism. “I want my future kids to grow up somewhere where they don’t have to worry about being racially profiled walking down the street,” said Sydney Davis, a D.C. resident. “Ignoring [white supremacy] does nothing. If our ancestors would have ignored it, we still would be in segregated schools in chains.”

The massive police presence kept the two sides separate, and no instances of violence were reported outside small confrontations between police and protestors towards the end of the rally. Unlike last year in Charlottesville, D.C. police were able to handle and organize the large number of protesters, who seemingly had coordinated with police before the protests began.

“While we are opposed adamantly to what we are going to hear, we know what our responsibility is — to protect First Amendment events, to protect Washingtonians and to protect our city,” said D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser in a statement.

Law enforcement’s greatest challenge was transporting Kessler and his supporters into the city to their permit area. Meeting at the Vienna Metro stop at 1 p.m., Kessler and his group were privately escorted to a separate train car and into the city, then led by police from the Foggy Bottom Metro stop to Lafayette Square. The decision to allow Kessler special transportation is in direct contrast with claims made by D.C.’s transit authorities last week.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“Giving white supremacists and hate groups a private Metro rail car is so unbelievably wrong and disgraceful,” read a tweet by D.C. council member Charles Allen. “Beyond the horrible precedent it sets, what does it tell the riding public and operators?”

By 4 p.m., several direct action groups comprised of hundreds of people had flanked either side of the White House on 15th and 17th streets, attempting to block all points of entry for both police and Kessler’s group. Although the crowd lessened by 5 p.m., many anti-fascists on 15th Street were confronted by police from the Secret Service leading to a minor confrontation. Some threw eggs, others tore flags, lit smoke bombs, and set off fireworks; some became aggressive toward photographers and journalists, who anti-fascists see as profiting off their fight against those they describe as dangerous white supremacists. Many counter-protesters carried blunt force weapons, such as crowbars, metal poles, and golf clubs.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“If somebody’s going to attack us, then sure, we should attack them,” said one anti-fascist, who preferred to remain anonymous. “But I don’t want anyone to incite violence.”

When police announced that Kessler’s group had left, many anti-racist protesters became frustrated and remained in the area for conversations and spontaneous displays of solidarity. Although there were some reports of conflict between police and protesters, no arrests were made during this time. Police kept a relatively hands-off approach towards the anti-racist protesters, upholding reasonable distances and maintaining perimeters.

“My father fought the Nazis in WWII,” said one anti-racist protester, a Vietnam veteran from Pennsylvania who preferred to remain anonymous. “My uncle fought the Nazis in WWII. My kids are mixed. I’m tired of the way the system is set up, tired of the way the system oppresses people. I’m tired of the way everything has been going down. I’m going to fight it ’til the day I die. I know I’m on the right side of history. That’s all there is to it.”

Many organizations and local businesses created plans in anticipation of the rally. Although Washington, D.C. is often seen only as the nation’s Capitol, it is a vibrant city comprised of people from all over the US, including those from Northern Virginia and Southern Maryland. Many businesses owners prepared statements warning against any hateful presence in their restaurants and shops, confirming their right not to serve anyone who doesn’t uphold their conduct protocols.

Photo by Landon Shroder

The D.C. chapter of Black Lives Matter did their own form of preparation, beginning Friday with a day-long training workshop to prepare protestors for what they might expect from white supremacist protesters, what they might expect from police, and how to handle those situations.

“The country really needs to see a new narrative,” said Makia Green, D.C. chapter leader and one of the key organizers for this weekend, reached before the event. “My goal is that the next day, black and brown people all across the world see images of black and brown people standing up, feeling empowered, not being afraid to confront white supremacists, and going home safely. I hope the rest of the city is also supportive of that goal.”

Black Lives Matter had prepared for several instances in which violence may erupt, but luckily none of those strategies were necessary.

“I would say that ignoring white supremacy has never been a solution to white nationalist violence,” Green said. “I don’t think history has ever shown us that ignoring white supremacy works. I’m a lot more afraid of what we will do if people try to ignore it, or if they’re too afraid.”

Photo by Landon Shroder

She cited Trump and his administration for emboldening and empowering white supremacists to take public action. After his tweet Saturday condemning “all types of racism” and wishing peace to “ALL Americans,” he received online backlash for using false equivalence to encourage those, like Kessler, who believe in “white civil rights abuses.”

Most of the anti-hate protesters promoted peace and love, and many gave out free hugs, snacks, and water. Antonio Mingo, a member of anti-hate group Making A Difference, was one of these protesters. Mingo and others handed over large amounts of cash to approaching vendors, taking some bottles for free distribution, and instructing the vendors to use the leftover money to supply free water to others.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“I don’t care if you’re black, I don’t care if you’re white, I don’t care if you’re blue, I love all of you,” Mingo said. “Don’t be scared to love, you got to make a statement for peace, one that our city needs.”

Despite the tension, today was a victory for anti-racists, anti-fascists, and those who resist hate. Their concerted effort to show a united front against white supremacy and hate resulted in an entirely lackluster performance from Kessler, who essentially ran from the area, cowering behind police lines. This comes as no surprise since Kessler’s support within his own community has dwindled over the past year as backlash from the first Unite the Right has revealed the alt-right as unforgivably hateful, and placed many hate groups in extensive legal trouble.

“Numbers show the large recruitment of fascists is youth,” Hutto said. “They target folks who are on the margins, people who feel economically displaced, and they give them an analysis that’s false. They don’t tell them that the economic violence and poverty you’re going through is due to the bosses, to institutional racism, even capitalism, but it is due to black and brown people. No amount of ignoring them, no amount of loving them, peace for them, when they commit themselves to death and destruction that way, humanity has to be just as committed to fight for humanity. We got to be just as committed to preserving humanity as they are to killing us.”

John Donegan contributed to this report. Pictures by Branden Wilson and Landon Shroder.

Receiving a call from a caller ID-less number was the first sign I was dealing with a group that really wishes to keep its anonymity. The second sign was when my contact told me Eric wasn’t his real name.

“The lead up to the 2016 election really thrust the discussion of fascism into the public forum,” Eric told me in a recent interview. But arguably, the Charlottesville Unite the Right rally was perhaps the greatest inciting moment in the nation’s eyes. With tiki torches, baseball bats, and Confederate flags, members of different groups like the Proud Boys, Identity Evropa, and other white nationalist groups came from around the country to Lee Park in downtown Charlottesville.

Several anti-fascist groups gathered in counterprotest alongside Charlottesville residents, religious leaders, and regular folks who were generally opposed to white nationalists and fascism.

Since Charlottesville, Antifa Seven Hills has continued on its central mission. But according to Eric, the way the event was represented by certain media groups was not entirely accurate. “Despite Heather’s death last year, the story that doesn’t get told often is that anti-fascists denied a platform and forced the Nazis to retreat that day.” Their experience has led them to eschew mainstream media, focusing on promoting their events through social media and private channels.

Photo courtesy of Antifa Seven Hills

Eric said Antifa has had success, pointing to the dissolution of fascist and white supremacist groups following Charlottesville. “Richard Spencer has been disgraced and doesn’t want to attend big rallies anymore, Traditionalist Worker Party as an organization has totally collapsed, Identity Evropa is trying to whitewash their image through faux community service, hardly anyone trusts Jason Kessler anymore.” Just that morning, Kessler withdrew his request to celebrate the one-year anniversary of his Unite the Right rally, where James Alex Fields, Jr., killed Heyer and injured dozens of people.

The last year has seen a string of protests and clashes with fascist groups, most notably in Portland and Berkeley. Antifa has remained vigilant and active since Charlottesville Eric said, through local activism and outreach over their platforms. “On July 4, several of us went to the Byrd Park firework celebrations to hand out sparklers and flyers in memory of two Las Vegas Anti-Racist Action members, Dan Shersty and Lin “Spit” Newborn who were killedby members of the Independent Nazi Skins on that day in 1998.” Reception was positive and curious, and “not only were people excited and grateful for the free fireworks, but genuinely interested and sympathetic to our commemoration.”

Photo courtesy of Antifa Seven Hills

To keep members and the general public up-to-date on the alt-right and other groups, Antifa Seven Hills works diligently on identifying fascists, both locally and nationally, which involves hours of research and investigation. Eric said local communities, not just Antifa, were a part of their work. “Antifascism itself can be a really specific form of organizing, but we like to view it more broadly and try to work from an intersectional perspective,” he said.

According to Eric, fascists attempt to deconstruct or block access to many forms of liberation or rights to certain things, including “Racial justice, environmentalism, reproductive rights, and so on.” He added, “These are all connected. Fascists and the state often try to demean and discredit efforts for liberation by any name, Antifa, communists, feminists, liberals or the left,” using a tone of voice that implied scare quotes around the last phrase. But, he said, movements such as #AbolishICE or the response to Charlottesville prove that holding to the common ethics, “such as collective solidarity and mutual aid,” results in a win for anti-fascists and the community as a whole.

Remaining connected with other anti-fascist groups across the country is imperative to their mission. As a part of the Torch Network, Antifa Seven Hills is one of many organizations across the country that he said “appeals to a new generation of anti-fascists.” Born out of the Anti-Racist Action Network, the new network rose in response to growing racist sentiments from the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Photo courtesy of Antifa Seven Hills

Each year, a branch of the organization hosts the Torch Network Conference. Antifa Seven Hills will have that honor this year over Labor Day weekend. This was when my conversation with Eric started turning secretive. “I can’t tell you very much about it,” he said. For safety and secrecy, Eric gave me the general details about the conference: a two-day event that includes a private, member-only day and a semi-public portion that includes workshops, speakers, and a social environment for anti-fascists and the like to connect. He said, “We’re inviting anti-fascists and radicals from across the continent to share experiences, refine strategies, and critically analyze ongoing liberation struggles we are engaged with.” Although he could not reveal which local organizations were going to be involved, Eric informed me that groups promoting liberation, anti-racism, and other just causes would be involved and welcomed.

With August in full swing, it is nearly the one year anniversary of the Charlottesville riots. Eric mentioned #AllOutAugust, a national movement of liberation, including prison abolition and more. Following in the steps of Black August, symbolizing the many instances of black liberation from the Haitian revolution to the Watts Uprising, #AllOutAugust calls into attention the atrocities committed within the modern American prison system.

Eric’s description of #AllOutAugust and his perspective on modern fascists paints a fresh picture of anti-fascists that brings to mind ’60s organizer Saul Alinsky; intersectional organizers working toward liberation through vigilance and direct action. The intersectionality that comes with modern liberation gives agency to groups like Antifa Seven Hills to combat racism, fascism, and bigotry that comes with limiting access to spaces, resources, and success.

To keep up-to-date with Antifa Seven Hills, you can find them on social media at @ash_antifa or @torchantifa. Questions regarding the Torch Network Conference or anything else Richmond-area related can be emailed to [email protected]riseup.net.

The National Parks Service has approved an application submitted by Jason Kessler, white supremacist and organizer of the Unite the Right march in Charlottesville last year, for another alt-right rally held in Washington, D.C. on August 11 and 12 this year.

He has not yet been granted a permit.

Kessler estimates upwards of 400 people will gather outside the White House in Lafayette Square to march, give speeches, and protest what he describes as “civil rights abuse.”

“This year we have a new purpose,” Kessler said in a statement. “That’s to talk about the civil rights abuse that happened in Charlottesville, Virginia last year.”

Last year, after a contentious morning in Charlottesville’s Emancipation Park in which thousands of counter-protesters met nearly 1000 members of the alt-right, law enforcement decided to end the rally before the allotted permit time began. Later that day, counter-protester and Charlottesville resident Heather Heyer was killed after being struck by a car driven into a crowd by white supremacist James Fields Jr.

“It wasn’t the fault of my group that that stuff happened,” Kessler said in a statement, placing blame with the city and the counter-protesters.

In his application, Kessler predicts that “Antifa affiliated groups will try to disrupt.”

Now that Charlottesville is about to have its third white supremacy rally this summer, there has never been a time when anti-fascism is more necessary in Virginia. My most direct experience with this kind of organizing comes from my time with Occupy Wall Street in New York City. There are some lessons we can learn, and we’re already seeing some of the same narratives develop around anti-fascist counter protests.

The worst thing about Occupy was the media circus. Our public spaces were filled with bright, hopeful, engaged people who wanted to make things better, and had a lot of ideas about how to fix what’s broken in our country. Once the media descended, the decision to put someone on air wasn’t generally based on whether that person actually knew what they were talking about, whether they were particularly engaged in working for change, or even how active they were in their community. It was based on how bright their artificial hair coloring was, or how weird their clothing choices were.

The media wasn’t interested in discussing the politics or economics, because that takes work – they were there for the spectacle.

We see the same pattern developing now with discussions about anti-fascists. What the media learned during Occupy about black bloc tactics and the diversity of the disparate left seems to have been forgotten. To make things worse, in our post-facts age there’s a heavy dose of fake news mixed in with reporting of all kinds. It wouldn’t be a 2017 American political phenomenon without a heavy dose of complete bullshit.

As a result, anti-fascists have been accused of trying to tear down statues of Sam Houston, or desecrate confederate graves at Gettysburg. They’re accused of having secret training camps where they’re teaching young people to wage a civil war against conservatives, because they hate freedom or something similarly ridiculous. For the modern rabid conspiracy theorist, anti-fascists are that evil leftist force that lurks in the darkness, ready to pounce at any moment. Their plans, these theorists assume, are to murder conservatives, or burn churches, or vote for a black guy–basically anything that might undermine the supremacist agenda.

But if we’re going to discuss anti-fascism, we ought to be clear about the difference between the movement as a whole and the tactics that some anti-fascists choose to use.

Anti-fascists, Ku Klux Klan rally in Charlottesville.

What we see in the media – the hooded sweatshirts and masks – is more of a tactic than an organization or strategy. Anyone can throw on a black hoodie and ski-mask and call themselves Antifa, or black bloc, or Anonymous, or even Occupy for that matter. There’s no trademark or membership card. It’s a tactic used by a number of different groups. The fascists themselves have a long history of using similar organizing tactics in Europe. (Full disclosure: when I was part of the Occupy movement, I took an extremely dim view of black bloc tactics, though my view is evolving).

In contrast to the hoodies-and-masks imagery we’re shown stands the actual anti-fascist movement. Everyone from unions, anarchist associations, immigrant activist orgs, and even churches have participated in anti-fascist action. When church groups protest the Ku Klux Klan, they’re engaging in anti-fascism. At its most basic level, anti-fascism is what happens when groups of local activists come out and stand shoulder to shoulder with each other in solidarity against hate – as we have seen all summer in groups protesting white nationalism and supremacy in Charlottesville.

There’s an eternal debate in far-left politics about good protesters vs bad protesters, about whether the anti-fascist movement should accept diversity of tactics, about whether it’s our ethical duty as people who believe in a democratic society to face down fascists by all means necessary. That debate is unlikely to change any time soon.

While I have a pacifist tendency to my politics, I can’t say that the more aggressive tactics of anti-fascists are necessarily wrong in today’s political climate. I do think that political violence is something to be avoided. Once violence is invited into politics, it takes decades to remove. The prospect of political violence in the US is especially terrifying because of our own dark history. From the guerrilla wars of reconstruction, to labor wars in the 1920s, to the terrorism of the Ku Klux Klan, to Jim Crow and lynching, to attacks on civil rights demonstrators, we are no strangers to violent politics.

But for the most part, that’s our history, not our present. What makes the specter of political violence more worrying for American civilians is our access to firearms. As private citizens, we own slightly more firearms than all of the militaries on the planet combined – including our own. That particular powderkeg is not one I’d like to see lit.

Nonetheless, the more radical anti-fascists would argue that fascism, once it takes root, requires extreme methods to remove. I’m not sure that the roots of fascism in America are strong enough to require a violent reaction, and I do genuinely worry about the consequences of political violence in the US. Some anti-fascists would argue that the fascists themselves have already brought violence into our politics with their words, actions, and threats. Yet even with that being true, I’m not so sure that this requires a violent response. But it certainly demands a response of some sort.

Where anti-fascists are correct, is this: Fascists do not engage in debate. The Left and the Right might argue over whether taxes should be raised, or whether roads should have tolls, and there’s room for debate over substantive policy differences. But there cannot be debate between the position of “college should be debt-free” and the position of “Jews and queers should go into ovens.” That’s not grounds for debate, that is grounds for total and absolute opposition.

Whether or not we agree with their politics, strategies, or tactics, one fact about anti-fascists remains: A bunch of motivated and organized groups are marching in the streets facing down white supremacists, while centrist liberals sit around in gastropubs sipping craft beer and criticizing them.

Agree or disagree with the aggressive tactics of the more radical anti-fascists, but they are using their bodies as shields to defend people of color, immigrants, the LGBTQ community, and other Americans who don’t look or act like them. If we disagree with their tactics, then we need to be the ones to show up and lead by example.

It seemed somewhat absurd–surreal, even–that an area amounting to .0006 of a square mile in a town of just over 45,000 people would cause such dissension and frenzy.

Yet here they were, the citizens of Charlottesville, VA, marching in circles around a 96-year-old statue waiting for the impending arrival of the most infamous white supremacy group in history, one which most believe had died around 1871. But that was nearly 150 years ago, and old habits have a way of peeking out from the gloom of extremist counter-culture.

By 2 p.m., almost 1,000 protesters had flocked to this tiny park with signs, banners, horns, whistles, drums, and a great deal of frustration. Colorful origami cranes hung from the trees and gold glitter had been poured onto the sidewalk surrounding the park, making everything sparkle.

All were there to oppose the presence of The Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan of North Carolina, who traveled to the modest park in opposition of the removal of the Jackson and Lee monuments. The City of Charlottesville voted to remove these monuments this past April.

But the KKK had yet to arrive.

Others, however, sporting Harley Davidson attire were walking through the crowd and receiving some quick judgement by the protestors, some of which accused them of being KKK members. Rather, they were there to protest the use of citizen tax dollars in order to remove the statue.

“Next they’re going to take down Thomas Jefferson’s statue,” said one of these men, who preferred not to be identified. “It ain’t never gonna stop.”

A large number of police officers stood around the perimeter of the park, but limited their activities to crowd control. Verbal fights were constant, yet the arguments never became physical and police officers were always close by prepared for potential violence.

“[This event] is hard because of the numbers, and we’re using all the resources we have,” Charlottesville Police Sergeant Gibson said. “Hopefully, it all works out and remains peaceful.”

Members of ANTIFA passed out informational memos, warning Charlottesville residents about the third white nationalist “Unite the Right” rally scheduled for August 12.

“I feel it’s important to show people are united against racism and hate,” Blackbird said, a member of ANTIFA who chose to use a pseudonym. “These people shouldn’t have a platform. While the Klan as a group is discredited and likely to have low numbers today, August 12th is ‘Unite the Right’ and they need to know we’re not going to take it.”

Many were incredulous that an event like this were to happen in 2017, but were hopeful the protest would remain peaceful while they exercised First Amendment rights.

“You can’t sit by when the Klan comes through your backyard,” said Nina Zinsser, a member of SURJ. “You can be peaceful, but voices can still be heard.”

Nearby, a group of protesters surrounded an older couple wearing Confederate flag caps and t-shirts, upset by their presence. The couple made no indication they were KKK affiliated, but disliked the vote removing the monuments.

“I’m here today to support and defend American history,” Brian Fisher said, a resident of West Virginia. “Was slavery wrong? Absolutely. Was the Confederacy wrong for seceding from the Union? I believe it could have been more thought out by the officials that were in charge in that day in time. But you know what? It’s past history, we can’t change it, but we can support the continuation of American history so it can continue to be taught in our schools to our future children so that they don’t repeat past mistakes.”

Even throughout his explanation, surrounding protesters heckled the couple while forming a semicircle of banners around them. Fisher remained quiet and calm, the lines in his face running deep.

One of the women who stood near this encounter was staunchly against the presence of the statue, as well as the appearance of the KKK.

“The statue represents the Confederacy, represents a negative history, so by taking it down it represents a change, and thinking about the people who see that statue and reminds them of people who thought they were less than human,” said Shay Sanders, an African American resident from Charlottesville.

The protesters continued to march in circles or have conversations to the sides of the park, but the humidity rose as anticipation increased, and a viscous anxiety seemed to loom above the park.

Suddenly, the crowd rushed to the street in front of Charlottesville Circuit Court, from which KKK members were anticipated to emerge. Although their permit was scheduled for 3 p.m., minutes passed with no sign of the group.

Police, however, were making extravagant preparations.

Two rows of Virginia State Police Officers wearing full riot gear, while carrying automatic rifles, made a path that led directly to a blocked-off section of Justice Park. People packed themselves into any space available outside this police pathway, chanting, “When black lives are under attack, what do we do? Stand up, fight back,” and enduring the heavy, oppressive heat of the Charlottesville afternoon.

Finally at 3:40 p.m., the KKK members made their way through the pathway created by the police, with an underwhelming number of members present. The permit, which the group submitted last month, included an estimate of 100 people; However, no more than 50 were present this Saturday.

“It means disorganization,” said David Straughn, a member of the Black Lives Matter Charlottesville chapter, who explained why he believes so few KKK members showed up. “I think it shows fear, that some members did not want to come for fear of being in their costumes and being screamed and yelled at…”

He continued, “But it just shows that they’re not as serious about their cause as we are, and they’re not as willing to come and stand up for their hateful ideology as we are willing to stand up for our diverse, understanding, beautiful ideology.”

Straughn walked through the crowd shouting chants into a megaphone while KKK members waved their KKK and Confederate flags in front of the Jackson monument. While the KKK shouted phrases like, “White power,” the surrounding crowd created so much noise, the KKK chants were almost completely drowned out.

“The Klan being here does not represent the people of Charlottesville,” Straughn said. “All these people here did not want this to happen. That means a lot for people of color who have undergone trauma from experiences like this by the Klan, and who have had parents, who have had grandparents who have Klan-affiliated tragedy.”

At 4 p.m., the end of the KKK’s permit, the crowd began chanting phrases such as, “Time’s up, racists go home,” and “Cops and Klan go hand in hand.” Despite this, the group stayed for just under an hour and were escorted out the same way they processed in.

As evening approached, the protesters moved into the street and gathered outside the Albemarle County Sheriff’s Office. While KKK members tried to exit in their cars, the crowd remained in the street, hindering their ability to leave.

At 4:40 p.m., Deputy Chief Gary Pleasants declared the present assembly of people “unlawful” (VIDEO LINK) and warned “chemical agents” would be used on those who remained.

After protesters linked arms and formed a line on E High Street, police shot three canisters of tear gas into the crowd. The protesters immediately dispersed.

In all, twenty-three protesters were arrested after refusing to move and charged with misdemeanor offenses.

According to The Daily Progress, Jeff Fogel, a Charlottesville attorney who was observing Saturday’s events for the National Lawyers Guild, said riot police should not have remained in the area after the KKK had left, as the continuing presence of heavily armored police provoked the remaining protesters into a confrontation.

By the end of the day, the surrealism of the event had sunk in. A small group of non-local white supremacists had sent the town and state into a frenzy. Only few people remained in the park, some of which were clergy members from the Charlottesville Clergy Collective, offering prayer and open conversation.

When asked why the Clergy Collective decided to come that day, Rev. Dr. Heather Warren simply replied they were there to “spread love.”

Yet all sides believed their presence in this park was the right one, with absolute passion and certainty. One side greatly outnumbered the other, however–a side that represented a progressive modern ideology, which may finally signal the end of these conical hat-wearing white supremacists–but the presence of free speech was clear.

There were more than just two groups of people in that little Charlottesville park on Saturday, and each of them was able to stand in it and protest whatever they wished.