Istanbul Intrigues

By Barry Rubin

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Istanbul Intrigues This is the story of Istanbul--but also of Turkey, the Balkans, and the eastern Mediterranean--during World War II, based on extensive interviews and the use of archives, especially those of the OSS, which I was the first to see for this region. The book is written as a cross between a scholarly work and a real-life thriller. The status of Turkey as a neutral country made it a center of espionage, a sort of actual equivalent of the film “Casablanca.”Aspects of the story include the Allied-Axis struggle to get Turkey on their side; the spy rings set up in the Middle East and the Balkans; the attempts of Jews to escape through Turkey; the Allies’ covert war in Greece, Yugoslavia, Hungary, and other countries; and the first accurate account of how the Germans recruited the British ambassador’s valet as a spy, who could have been their most successful agent of the war if only they had listened to his warnings. Other interesting stories include America’s first faltering attempts to establish its own intelligence agency and the affair of the efforts to bring about Hungary’s secret surrender to join the Allies, both of which ended in disaster.The book was published by McGraw Hill in 1989 with a paperback from Pharos/MacMillan in 1992. It was then published by Bosphorus University Press in 2002. The Turkish edition was published as Istanbul Entrikalari in 1994 and reprinted in 1996, 1999, and--by Dogan--in 2007

More by Barry Rubin

Barry Rubin Beyond the political typology it embodies, Syria also provides the best case study of what has happened in the Arab world, and thus in the Middle East, during the last half-century. When it gained independence, Syria was a democratic country with a seemingly bright future. Blessed with fertile land and ample resources, Syria boasted good relations with the West as well as an energetic, entrepreneurial middle class. Yet a combination of radical intellectuals, militant ideologies, and ambitiously politicized military officers pushed Syria down a different path which has led to turmoil and disaster.

Barry Rubin The evolution of dictatorship is as much a part of history as the development of democracy. In our ear persuasion has become as powerful a force as repression in creating and maintaining such regimes. Debates over the nature of these systems are at the center of the contemporary U.S. and European foreign policy debates. The flourishing of dictatorship has challenged views of history flavored with optimism and based on a deterministic view that material development brings political progress. At the same time a vision of the world too narrowly focused on the conflict between communism and capitalism must be refocused to understand the emergence of a third World. In fact, it is impossible to defend the West without such an understanding. Our current discussion of dictatorship, much influenced by earlier analyses of “totalitarianism” based on Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Russia at their peak of control and repression, needs to be updated. This model applies only imperfectly to contemporary dictatorships, particularly those in the Third World.

Barry Rubin Hundreds of books and thousands of articles have been devoted to the history and contemporary course of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The confrontation within Palestine, the participation of Great Britain, the United States, and the United Nations, and the impact of these events on Jews and Palestinian Arabs have all been endlessly chronicled. Surprisingly little attention, however, has been devoted to the question of how the Arab states entered the battle in the first place.

In addition to tracing the events involved in the growing intervention by Arab states in Palestine, this book attempts to analyze two specific issues. How did internal conditions in the various Arab countries affect their involvement in Palestine? How did the network of alliances and conflict among the Arab governments shape their Palestine policies?

How can one hope to understand the conflict without exploring this essential dimension? If Arab nations have spilled so much passion, spent many lives and so many billions of dollars over this issue—and remain willing to do so—the tale of how they arrived at this position must be a compelling and revealing one. This story should be expected to revea important principles of international relations and of the connections between domestic politics and foreign policy.

In this sense, the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and Israel’s independence represent not only a beginning but also an end. These developments marked the failure of diplomacy and indirect intervention by the Arab states. They seemed to mark as inevitable an evolution of affairs which might often have taken alternative paths.

The remnants of pre-1948 ideas and relationships continued to play an important role until 1956. By then, the collapse of the old order, the rise of a new type of Arab leader and of a new model of Arab politics gained the ascendancy. Yet the importance of the Palestine issue and the distinct roles and attitudes of the different Arab states had been largely set through their earlier experiences.

One other point should be especially stressed here. Analysts and scholars often explain some aspect of an Arab government’s foreign policy by presenting it as an attempt to distract public attention from domestic problems. In this light Arab rulers are seen as the masters and manipulators of their political culture. On the contrary, given the powerful and widely accepted premises of Islam and of Arabism, Arab leaders themselves are often seriously constrained. The failure to take certain actions, which may be dangerous and against their personal or national interests, will expose them to the campaigns of domestic and foreign rivals. The ruler may become the subject and even the victim of such necessities. This theme will constantly reappear in the study, and it is an important component in the inner logic of Arab politics.

When the research for this book began I confided my plans to an Arab historian. The idea was, I explained, to write about the efforts of the Arab states over Palestine, particularly in the pre-1948 period. “Oh,” he replied with a cynical smile, “they really didn’t do very much.” I hope this book will convince him otherwise.

Barry Rubin Following the Victory of Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1979 and the murder of Egypt’s President Anwar al-Sadat in 1981, many studies were undertaken and published on radical Islamic fundamentalist movements in the Middle East. Given these events, that research stressed the importance of such groups, focus-ing on reasons for their rise and possible future success.During the following decade, however, Islamic fundamentalist movements did not come to power in any country. Furthermore, they failed to show the kind of growth in power, size or influence which many observers had expected. Consequently, it is necessary to analyze why the fundamentalists have not done better.This study deals with Egypt, the most important country in the Arab world. Certainly, Egypt had many problems in the 1980s which might conceivably have strengthened radical Islamic groups, whose apparent assets seemed to include a long-established Muslim Brotherhood and a revolutionary underground capable of murdering the country’s ruler. This book considers why other, contrary, factors remained uppermost in Egyptian politics.The book began as a research project for the Orkand Corporation. Raymond Stock did a massive amount of translation with admirable speed and accuracy. Dr Ami Ayalon and Professor Jerrold Green read the manuscript and made ex-tremely helpful suggestions. Enthusiastic support from Simon Winder is also acknowledged with pleasure.

Barry Rubin I’ll confess that in some ways, The ‘Tragedy of the Middle East is my favorite of everything I’ve written. The title was chosen in great sincerity because the theme here is to explain how the region’s modern history really is a tragedy.’ Terrible mistakes were made; the wrong roads were chosen. Bloodthirsty ideology took hold; pragmatism was thrown out the window. And yet alongside all of these disasters was a certainty of correctness and a violent rejection of even considering what had gone wrong.My approach, as always, is to ignore the Western scholarly literature and to examine the facts on the ground. So this book reviews the region’s modern history and considers the alternatives; the reasons for key decisions; and the architecture of war, terrorism, and extremism. At the same time, I think the book provides a useful introduction to the Middle East and perhaps might be the best starting point for looking at the region and also getting into my work.It was published by Cambridge University Press in 2002 and made into a paperback by them in 2004. There is also a Korean edition, by Hanul Publishing, issued in 2005.

Barry Rubin This book is a history of the State Department but, more broadly, of the American foreign policymaking process. It narrates the development of both the decision-making institutions and the content of policy from the founding of the republic through the administration of President Ronald Reagan. Few understand how the American system of international policy is different from that of virtually every other country in the world nor, indeed, how it works at all.

The American system is a pluralistic one in which the media and Congress play an important role; in which alliances are formed and battles waged between agencies and even individuals. There is also the historic American reluctance to become engaged in international affairs set off against the challenges and demands made on the United States increasingly in the twentieth century.

The importance of this approach was brought home to me when I was giving a lecture at an American university and a professor specializing in U.S. foreign policy loudly explained that he had no interest in how policy was actually made and implemented. Since then the theoretical orientation in teaching and studying this subject has been intensified and many of the basic principles of diplomacy have either been abandoned or are no longer understood. The book was published by Oxford University Press in 1985 and a paperback, which went through two printings, in 1987.

Barry Rubin Cauldron of Turmoil was written as a history--that I hoped to present in an exciting narrative way--of the dramatic developments in the Persian Gulf in the 1970s and 1980s and how they made this area the highest priority for U.S. foreign policy. The combination of Iran’s Islamist revolution and the Iran-Iraq War transformed the Gulf region from a relatively quiet backwater into the world’s most tumultuous lands. It gave rise to the modern powerful movement of revolutionary Islamism. And later, it would produce the Kuwait war, American invasion of Iraq, and the September 11 attacks, among other events.Yet America and Americans were not prepared for this new priority and challenge in a part of the world about which they knew little and understood less. Even today, two decades after this book’s publication by Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, those statements still remain largely true. Indeed, the book’s analysis and conclusions still remain accurate for the period covered. I hope you will find Cauldron of Turmoil accurate and even enjoyable as the story of this fascinating region and of the remarkable events that unfolded there.

Barry Rubin This book foresaw the “Arab Spring” of 2011. It was obvious years before that the old Arab nationalist dictatorships had failed and were being challenged by two forces: liberal democracy advocates and revolutionary Islamists. While the Long War for Freedom focuses on the moderates, it also, by necessity, presents the worldview and strategy of the Islamists.In brief, the book’s theme is that while the moderates were right about the direction the Arab world should take, that in no way meant they would win. On the contrary, while sympathetic with this group the book shows the many reasons they were poorly positioned to compete with the Islamists and thus the likelihood that the latter would provide the next wave of regimes in the Middle East.As far as I know, The Long War for Freedom is the only book that tries to present a comprehensive picture of the liberal reformist tendency, its arguments, and those of its adversaries. I’m particularly pleased with this book and its prophetic aspects and believe that it reads as very up-to-date a number of years after it was published by John Wiley Publishers in 2005.

Barry Rubin Responding to a press-conference question in February, 1980 about the United States role in the 1953 return to power of the shah, President Carter replied that the events were not worth going into because they were “ancient history.” Clearly this was a tactical response—there was no sense adding fuel to the fire while fifty-three Americans were still being held hostage. Yet there was no lack of interest within the American public in the angry charges coming daily out of Iran or in the debate within the United States between those who supported these allegations of American perfidy and those who did not.On the contrary, there was a strong and widespread interest in calm evaluation and better understanding. But first the public wanted the facts. What exactly had the nation done to cause the current leaders of Iran to hold the United States in such utter contempt, to charge it with such rank imperialism, and to lay at the doorstep of the White House all the sins of its own former monarch?The temptation to see the history of United States-Iranian relations as a story of heroes and villains, of a few missed opportunities, of colorful incidents and obvious lessons should be avoided. Before reading conclusions into this story, one ought to examine all the evidence—what happened in Iran in 1978 is unintelligible to those who know nothing of what occurred in 1953. Similarly, it is just as impossible to evaluate the events of 1953 without reference to the special relationship between the United States and Iran that had preceded them.A country’s behavior, as the Iranian crisis so vividly demonstrates, is not merely a product of a rational pursuit of objective national interests. Rather, it is the result of the interaction of the collective historical experience of the nation with the individual life experiences of its citizens. The former creates a nation’s political course, the latter shapes its political consciousness. Whether or not the interaction contributes to the effective fulfillment of a nation’s objective interests is an important question, though not always the controlling question.There is also a rather common occurrence in politics that might be called the vector principle. A boat sets off for the opposite shore of a river but because of various unconsidered currents ends up several miles downstream. American policies often seemed in theory, if not in execution, directed toward reasonably obtainable, rational goals but failed nonetheless because they did not take fully into account the currents of Iranian and Middle East politics.In part, United States error may be traced to the triumph of a single-minded strategy over political realities. It involved overdependence on seemingly changeless factors, unwarranted reliance on the strength of the status quo, and an excessively cynical view of considerations presented as moralistic. Certainly, some dictatorships prosper—not all decay—and some are replaced by worse alternatives. Nevertheless, the competence and popularity of foreign governments with whom the United States must deal are factors contributing to or threatening the realization of American foreign policy goals.Blindness toward these realities was heightened by bureaucratic factors within the United States government—the discouragement of internal debate and honest reporting in the Nixon-Ford administrations and the breakdown of coordination and discipline during the Carter years. These often-neglected considerations played a central role in American misperceptions.How was the United States transformed in Iranian eyes from their nation’s savior, in the 1940s, to the world-devouring satan of the Khomeinist era? An answer to this question, it seems, will tell much about the triumphs and tragedies of American foreign policy toward the Third World over the past thirty-five years.

Barry Rubin When I realized that nobody had written a comprehensive history of Jewish assimilation, I knew that I had to try doing it myself. It was a remarkable learning experience as I researched a wide range of cultural and historical issues and discovered lots of people and events of which I’d previously known nothing. The tremendous differences between Europe and America required that they be treated differently. I also tried to make it interesting and entertaining.It is an amazing story of how Jews dealt with the many alternatives they had in whether or not to assimilate, how to alter or maintain their religious practices, as well as what variety of assimilation they might choose: a total flight from their people; assimilation with the elite or with the “masses” (leftism); Zionism or Bundism or liberalism. Through this process a great deal can be understood not only about Jewish history but also the development of Western civilization, democratic society, and modern intellectual life.

Barry Rubin It is a titanic story though one rather slow-moving by contemporary standards. In 79, the Temple destroyed, the Jewish rebellion crushed, the Romans enslaved thousands and deported them to Italy or southern France in order to extinguish the Jewish people forever. Yet they did not give up their religion or civilization. The Empire fell and the lights of civilization went out. Over almost one thousand years, their descendants moved ever northward and eastward, through the French-speaking lands into the German-speaking lands.And after almost another five hundred years of prosperity alternating with persecution, they went on again, northward and eastward into the Polish and Lithuanian-speaking lands. There they sojourned another five hundred years, often of grinding poverty and sporadically of serious oppression. Then, again they were on the move but faster and farther than ever. Some to lands unknown for most of that time, North America and even to Australia and South Africa; more still back to the Land of Israel, full circle two millennia after they were supposed to cease existing, back to almost the precise spot from which they had set out.

Barry Rubin & Wolfgang G. Schwanitz During the 1930s and 1940s, a unique and lasting political alliance was forged among Third Reich leaders, Arab nationalists, and Muslim religious authorities. From this relationship sprang a series of dramatic events that, despite their profound impact on the course of World War II, remained secret until now. In this groundbreaking book, esteemed Middle East scholars Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz uncover for the first time the complete story of this dangerous alliance and explore its continuing impact on Arab politics in the twenty-first century. Rubin and Schwanitz reveal, for example, the full scope of Palestinian leader Amin al-Husaini’s support of Hitler’s genocidal plans against European and Middle Eastern Jews. In addition, they expose the extent of Germany’s long-term promotion of Islamism and jihad. Drawing on unprecedented research in European, American, and Middle East archives, many recently opened and never before written about, the authors offer new insight on the intertwined development of Nazism and Islamism and its impact on the modern Middle East.

Barry Rubin Everything you need to know about talking to Jewish people about the Messiah.

Barry Rubin Respected historian and political scientist Barry Rubin exposes the radicalism that masquerades as liberalism today in Silent Revolution, his thorough history that charts the movement's unchecked rise to cultural and political power.

Over the past fifty years, an ideological revolution has created a brand of radical leftism that now dominates the liberal movement in the United States. The values espoused by the left today are a far cry from the traditional progressive and Enlightenment values that have historically defined the movement.

Barry Rubin argues that, after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, the survivors of the '60s New Left drew on the ideas of radicals like Saul Alinsky, cultural Marxists like Antonio Gramsci, and Third World revolutionary thinkers like Frantz Fanon to create a Third Left: a radical movement that championed a new class of experts and managers to seize control from within. Silent Revolution explores the formation and ideology of The Third Left and documents how this movement culminated in 2008, when Americans elected the most radical left-wing government in their history.

Concise and hard-hitting, Silent Revolution is a must for all conservatives looking to understand and overcome American liberalism.

Barry Rubin This is the story of Istanbul--but also of Turkey, the Balkans, and the eastern Mediterranean--during World War II, based on extensive interviews and the use of archives, especially those of the OSS, which I was the first to see for this region. The book is written as a cross between a scholarly work and a real-life thriller. The status of Turkey as a neutral country made it a center of espionage, a sort of actual equivalent of the film “Casablanca.”Aspects of the story include the Allied-Axis struggle to get Turkey on their side; the spy rings set up in the Middle East and the Balkans; the attempts of Jews to escape through Turkey; the Allies’ covert war in Greece, Yugoslavia, Hungary, and other countries; and the first accurate account of how the Germans recruited the British ambassador’s valet as a spy, who could have been their most successful agent of the war if only they had listened to his warnings. Other interesting stories include America’s first faltering attempts to establish its own intelligence agency and the affair of the efforts to bring about Hungary’s secret surrender to join the Allies, both of which ended in disaster.The book was published by McGraw Hill in 1989 with a paperback from Pharos/MacMillan in 1992. It was then published by Bosphorus University Press in 2002. The Turkish edition was published as Istanbul Entrikalari in 1994 and reprinted in 1996, 1999, and--by Dogan--in 2007

Barry Rubin Syria has long presented a serious problem for the Middle East region and U.S. policy. With its mix of competing religious and ethnic groups, radical ideologies, and political repression, it is a 72,000-square-mile time bomb waiting to go off. Yet surprisingly, very little is known about this country and the role it has played in shaping the destiny of the Middle East. In The Truth about Syria, Middle East expert Barry Rubin looks at the critical issues that have made the country the powderkeg of the Middle East and offers an insightful analysis of the effects of recent developments.

Ali Çarkoğlu & Barry Rubin These papers examine the history behind Turkey's application for EU membership. The contributors tackle the thorny issues of Cyprus, Turkey's attitude towards a common defence policy and Turkish parliamentarians' views on the nation's relations with the European Union.

Barry Rubin Political violence and instability in the Middle East is arguably the world's most important political issue. The region is certainly the globe's leading area for turmoil, war, and violence; and its conflicts have continuously involved Western countries both directly and indirectly.

This book surveys the main conflicts and insurgencies in recent Middle East history, focusing mainly on the period since the 1980s. Taking a historical-analytical approach, it covers challenges from revolutionary groups, civil wars, and the main conventional wars in the region. In addition to providing detailed narratives, the contributors also analyse the lessons for political and military affairs stemming from these conflicts.

Conflict and Insurgency in the Contemporary Middle East assembles for the first time detailed studies of the Iran-Iraq, Israel-Hizballah, and the two Coalition-Iraq wars, along with analyses of a number of insurgencies. Assessing successes and failures, strategy and tactics, and changes in military technologies, the book will be of great interest to students of Middle Eastern politics, insurgencies, security studies and International Relations in general, as well as policymakers and military professionals.

Barry Rubin Mark Falcoff

Between 1970 and 1983, Argentina—one of the most refined and civilized countries in the world—experienced a sharp regression towards barbarism, the likes of which had not been seen since the Second World War. During those years uncounted thousands of persons were abducted, tortured and killed by revolutionary and counterrevolutionary forces, both regular and paramilitary, in conjunction with or with the approval of members of the clergy, judiciary, press, business and intellectual and labor communities.

In broadest outline, the events were these: between 1970 and 1973, armed formations loyal to former President Juan Perón engaged in an urban guerrilla war against a de facto military government. The characteristic methods were kidnapping and outright assassination; the ultimate purpose was to undermine the morale of the armed forces and compel it to call elections so that Per6n, the leader of the largest political party in Argentina who had been expelled in 1955, could return to power.

The strategy eventually bore fruit. In 1973, the generals decided that discretion was the better part of valor; elections were held; and the Peronist party in fact returned to government. However, acts of terrorist violence—this time against a government that terrorists had once sought to establish—continued until 1976, when the armed forces once again seized power and initiated blanket repression. In 1983, having been defeated in a humiliating war with Great Britain over the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands in the South Atlantic, the armed forces were compelled to step down; elections were again held; and Argentina passed into a rare period of democratic rule.

To say anything more than this is to enter immediately into a polemical minefield. To put matters simply, virtually every aspect of the problem is fraught with ideological implications; both sides of the civil war continue to struggle over the writing of recent history. There is, in the first place, absolutely no agreement on the number of victims of either terrorism or counterterrorism.

Barry Rubin Praise for The Long War for Freedom

"An extremely important book. The Long War for Freedom finally presents to the Western world an in-depth portrait of those 'small voices' in the Arab world waging the most critical battle of the twenty-first century--the battle for the soul of the Middle East. No one with any interest in the struggle for economic and political reform in the Arab world can afford to neglect this penetrating and provocative work, which lays bare both the importance and the great difficulty of helping the Arab world to transform itself."--Kenneth Pollack, author of The Threatening Storm and The Persian Puzzle

Barry Rubin This work addresses the main strategic issues in today's Persian Gulf, a region that could easily produce a crisis that would encourage international political and economic involvement. Topics discussed include: strategic balances, modernization, internal stability, and weapons of mass destruction.

Barry Rubin First Published in 1981. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Barry Rubin & Metin Heper Turkey's growing international profile, candidacy for the EU, and persistent democracy has led to a growing interest in how that country is governed. This book provides portraits of the seven main political parties by Turkish experts who are close observers of these institutions. In addition to providing an analytical survey of Turkish politics today, this volume also provides a fascinating case study on the problems of developing deep-rooted democracy, conflicts between state interests amd interest groups, and the evolution of party systems.

Barry Rubin & Judith Colp Rubin Concise yet comprehensive, this one-volume reference examines the history of terrorism in the modern world, including its origins and development, and terrorist acts by groups and individuals from the French Revolution to today. Organized thematically and regionally, it outlines major developments in conflicts that involved terrorism, the history of terrorist groups, key aspects of counterterrorist policy, and specific terrorist incidents.Initial chapters explore terrorism as a social force, and analyze the use of terrorism as a political tool, both historically and in the contemporary world. Subsequent chapters focus on different parts of the world and consider terrorism as a part of larger disputes. Each chapter begins with a historical introduction and analysis of the topic or region, followed by one or more chronologies that trace events within political and social contexts. A glossary, selected bibliography, and detailed index are also included.

Barry Rubin Provides a comprehensive overview of the development of the field of Organizational Behavior. This book covers the foundations of the scientific method, theory development, and the accrual of scientific knowledge in the field. It introduces the ideas of pioneers whose work pre-dates the emergence of Organizational Behavior.

Barry Rubin & Judith Colp Rubin Reviled as an imperialist power, an exporter of destructive capitalism, an arrogant crusader against Islam, and a rapacious over-consumer casually destroying the planet, it seems that the United States of America has rarely been less esteemed in the eyes of the world. In such an environment, one can easily overlook the fact that people from other countries have, in fact, been hating America for centuries. Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin here draw on sources from a wide range of countries to track the entire trajectory of anti-Americanism. With this powerful work, the Rubins trace the paradox that is America, a country that is both the most reviled and most envied land on earth. In the end, they demonstrate, anti-Americanism has often been a visceral response to the very idea--as well as both the ideals and policies--of America itself, its aggressive innovation, its self-confidence, and the challenge it poses to alternative ideologies.

Barry Rubin & Judith Colp Rubin Yasir Arafat stands as one of the most resilient, recognizable and controversial political figures of modern times. The object of unrelenting suspicion, steady admiration and endless speculation, Arafat has occupied the center stage of Middle East politics for almost four decades. Yasir Arafat is the most comprehensive political biography of this remarkable man.
Forged in a tumultuous era of competing traditionalism, radicalism, Arab nationalism, and Islamist forces, the Palestinian movement was almost entirely Arafat's creation, and he became its leader at an early age. Arafat took it through a dizzying series of crises and defeats, often of his own making, yet also ensured that it survived, grew, and gained influence. Disavowing terrorism repeatedly, he also practiced it constantly. Arafat's elusive behavior ensured that radical regimes saw in him a comrade in arms, while moderates backed him as a potential partner in peace.
After years of devotion to armed struggle, Arafat made a dramatic agreement with Israel that let him return to his claimed homeland and transformed him into a legitimized ruler. Yet at the moment of decision at the Camp David summit and afterward, when he could have achieved peace and a Palestinian state, he sacrificed the prize he had supposedly sought for the struggle he could not live without.
Richly populated with the main events and dominant leaders of the Middle East, this detailed and analytical account by Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin follows Arafat as he moves to Kuwait, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Tunisia, and finally to Palestinian-ruled soil. It shows him as he rewrites his origins, experiments with guerrilla war, develops a doctrine of terrorism, fights endless diplomatic battles, and builds a movement, constantly juggling states, factions, and world leaders.
Whole generations and a half-dozen U.S. presidents have come and gone over the long course of Arafat's career. But Arafat has outlasted them all, spanning entire eras, with three constants always present: he has always survived, he has constantly seemed imperiled, and he has never achieved his goals. While there has been no substitute for Arafat, the authors conclude, Arafat has been no substitute for a leader who could make peace.

Barry Rubin The Iranian Revolution and the Resurgence of Islam examines the history and ideology of the modern Islamist movement, discussing the Iranian Revolution, other examples of revolutionary Islamism during the 1980s and 1990s, and the state of jihadism today.