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Our voices were amplified in 208 news outlets in every region of the world.

This opening news line will go down in history: "Women’s rights activists from 128 nations are launching a public campaign Tuesday for an international treaty to end violence against women and girls."

Yes!

We launched with treaty signings in Islamabad, New Delhi, Moscow, Cairo, Porirua, Mogadishu by way of Los Angeles, and Saudi Arabia via New York City, as well as Santa Clara, USA and Seattle, all hosted by Steering Committee Members with online video celebrations at the Seattle office with Steering Committee Member Eleanor Nwadinobi and cofounder Lisa Shannon.

The message spread. More than 700 signed onto the call, raising our call to more than 5,000 signers from 150 countries! We had so much traffic that the website crashed (and was quickly rebooted).

The day began in India with Meera Khanna and Dr. Giri gathering activists and survivors at Guild for Service for a signing. Our work was represented visually with 1 in every 3 women wearing black in honor of the 1 in 3 women who face violence globally.

Then it was on to Pakistan where Simi Kamal had a crowd gathered at her home, ranging in age from 60 years to six months, including four mother and daughter duos, an acid survivor, a transgender woman who was also a survivor, all activists, holding signs for why they signed.

In Egypt, Ghada Hammam’s son, Karim, shared these wonderful words: "My mom has truly taught me the meaning of two words, gender and equality. I believe it would make a much better world if we understand that gender it not a way to discriminate or do violence, it is about differences that we should celebrate."

Marina Pisklakova-Parker’s activist community gathered around a table in Moscow, the People's Call printed out, signing and discussing the importance of a treaty for Russia. Hala Aldosari in New York City shared the difficult reality of her self-exile from Saudi Arabia due to the great risk of being an activist, and how the treaty could shed light on the violence of deprivation of liberty.

Each call brought to life both the great need for a treaty and the overwhelming power it has to the change the course of history. From Ilwad Elman (Somalia) and her friend Kelly Furano, who launched the treaty on the streets of LA, two women from two worlds joined by a common cause to end violence against women. To Brent Turner, who works to combat sex trafficking in Seattle, and Francisco Rivera, whose law students gathered in a conference room sharing the reality of campus violence and the need for accountability, and Seattle activists Shelmina Abji and Dr. Aisha Simon, who came by the office in solidarity.

As our board chair Marcia Cardamore, said from Toronto, Canada: This is the biggest most systemic change we will probably ever see.

And we are creating it.

The launch closed where a new day had already dawned—in New Zealand with Caroline Herewini, who summed up the call for a treaty with these words: "It's about visibility, agency and voice."

Sometimes it’s a sister-in-law who tells a woman to obey her husband. Or an executive who pays a new female staff member a lower salary. A man who thinks he has the right to grope a woman. UN Sustainable Development Goal #5 challenges the world to achieve gender equality by 2030. Can the Every Woman Treaty propel the world toward this goal? In short, absolutely! Like few other mechanisms can. Here, we break down how the core elements of the Every Woman Treaty address SDG #5’s specific targets. SDG 5’s Target: End all forms of discrimination against all women and girls everywhere. A treaty mandating that governments enact comprehensive nation reform that includes specific laws, training and national violence prevention education campaigns will provide a foundation which will jumpstart the essential work of shifting societal views on women. SDG 5’s Target: Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres and eliminate all harmful practices, such as child marriage and female genital mutilation. The Every Woman Treaty will mandate all State Parties to employ evidence-based interventions proven to radically reduce rates of violence. Further, the Every Woman Treaty focuses nations on rooting out core contributors of violence, including laws, practices, social norms and impunity. It will also provide a comprehensive global definition of violence against women and girls that includes all forms of violence across all ages and in all situations, and will no longer allow nations to excuse violence as personal or cultural. SDG 5’s Target: Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights. Everywoman Everywhere is currently conducting a global consultation on what reproductive health policy might be included in this treaty. Based on current political realities, the treaty is unlikely to include abortion rights. However, we expect it to include key wins on reproductive health, or possibly an additional protocol that would be comprehensive. If you would like to participate in this consultation, let us know! SDG 5’s Target: Undertake reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to ownership and control over land and other forms of property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources, in accordance with national laws. Economic violence is a key aspect the Every Woman Treaty addresses and the treaty will push nations further toward ending discriminatory laws that perpetuate violence, including those that prevent women from accessing economic resources. SDG 5’s Target: Adopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls at all levels. The treaty requires nations to enact national legislation reform that includes reversing laws that perpetuate violence and creating laws that close legal gaps to women’s safety, giving women stated equal protection in the law. In SDG 5’s other target areas, such as women’s political and economic leadership and technology, the treaty’s funding for innovative government programming and violence prevention programs (for 10–22 year olds) will help increase understanding of gender discrimination and the value of women’s work in the home and in society, furthering our chances of achieving a more equal, just and safe world for women and girls by 2030.

Partway into a march across India to raise awareness about bride trafficking, the crew got good news. They’d given a presentation to officers at a train station on how to identify trafficking victims, and the following day the officers rescued a girl, Sabrang India reports.

It was one of many successes of the March Against Bride Trafficking 2018, an initiative by Shafiqur Rahman Khan, the founder of Empower Peopleand an Everywoman Working Group member. The march’s goal was to explore ways government offices, NGOs, youth groups and other stakeholders can work together to prevent bride trafficking, a collaboration Khan says is crucial for combating this rising problem.

Thousands of girls and women in India have been purchased or soldinto lives of domestic or sexual slavery, and many of them are kidnapped or purchased across northern Indian states, from Assam to Himachal Pradesh, a route responsible for more than 60 percent of India’s human trafficking, including cross-border trafficking with Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.

Courtesy: Empower People

Khan traveled the route alongside other antitrafficking activists, legal experts, psychologists and grassroots organizers. Along the way, the crew went to schools to speak with young girls, one of the most vulnerable groups to trafficking. It also held oath-taking ceremonies with the slogan “Let the girl be girl, not a bride,” and training programs with social workers in rural areas. The group also established antitrafficking civic groups across districts to assist trafficking survivors.

The march initially set out to cover 8,000 kilometers, but the group extended the route in order to meet survivors and their families in rural and forested areas. By traveling 14,000 kilometers in total, the march helped officials aid 127 trafficking survivors and identified more than 1,000 previously undocumented cases of trafficking. It also helped 13 survivors living in shelters find their families.

Courtesy: Empower People

Khan and his staff are working on a detailed report with recommendations that will be submitted to government agencies in order to help improve India’s child-protection program. Empower People, which is dedicated to preventing bride trafficking, is now planning a similar march from the northern city of Jammu to the southern state of Kerala with the goal of creating a support network for trafficking survivors across the country.

Rohingya refugees Ruvel, Rukiya and Sumaya. Women and girls make up 75 percent of all refugees and displaced people around the world, and are among the world’s most vulnerable to violence. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

Last August, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya were violently forced from their land by the Burmese military. Sexual violence was a strategic part of the military’s brutal campaign and the risk of violence for Rohingya women and girls remains high in refugee camps. The Rohingya women face an additional challenge: statelessness. The Rohingya are not recognized by the Myanmar government and the lack of legal status complicates the search for a long-term solution. We’re proud to share that one of our partners, Medical Teams International, is on the ground providing crucial access to health care for Rohingya women, men and children. Medical Team’s CEO, Martha Newsome, and communication consultant, Roseann Dennery, recently traveled to Bangladesh to meet the women they’re serving, and they shared this story with us.

* * *

Few situations exemplify both the breadth and depth of what a refugee endures than the historic migration crisis that is unfolding in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The Rohingya Muslims are often considered the most persecuted minority in the world, having suffered oppression for decades under the Burmese government, which came to a critical head last August when a brutal crackdown drove hundreds of thousands over the border.

Women, children and men fled in droves, escaping the terrors of a widespread ethnic cleansing campaign that used rape, dismemberment, burning and gunfire as tools to destroy and kill. Much of the world was largely unaware until the first images of a mass exodus appeared in the news. Hundreds of thousands of people moved through “No Man’s Land,” the unclaimed territory between Bangladesh and Myanmar, desperately awaiting entry and carrying little more than their frightened children and a few belongings.

The Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar has earned the dubious title of the largest refugee camp in the world. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

Today, most who fled live in the Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar, Bangladesh, home to over a half-million Rohingyas. It’s a challenging environment. Tents and huts sit on hillsides as fragile as sandcastles. Sugar sacks serve as makeshift steps and rickety bamboo planks function as bridges over discarded bath water. Shortly after sunrise, heavy heat settles over the camp. Women in vibrant, flowing hijabs gather water as children play in the orange dust and men haul wood.

Perhaps the cruelest reality, which seems a peripheral story line in almost any crisis of this scale, is that it is the vulnerable who are victimized the most. It is a crushing reality of our work; yet as humanitarian workers, we must harness its enormity as a motivating factor that drives what we do.

Yet in places of extreme hardship, there is one thing that can often be found: a resilient spirit. In Kutupalong, we found it the friendship of three women, Rukiya, Ruvel and Sumaya.

Our staff has built a warm relationship with Rukiya, a mother and seamstress in her mid-twenties. She smiled in recognition as we stepped into her windowless hut, lit only by a narrow beam of sunlight streaming through the door. Her children, playing outside, peered through the opening and giggled.

An antique yet carefully preserved sewing machine sat in the corner, a striking object among the other limited items. Behind the sewing machine, carefully strung fabrics stirred in the hot breeze. Rukiya’s commitment to her craft, and creating a livelihood here, was apparent.

She summoned her neighbors, who shyly ducked in. The bold colors of their headscarves brought a fanciful punctuation of life into an otherwise stark space and their faces, both warm and firm, spoke of a timeless resolve.

The bond among the three was immediately apparent as they greeted one another, took seats side by side and shared their story with us.

Rukiya arrived six months ago after a terrifying journey. Shortly thereafter, her husband married another woman, leaving her with five children. “Life is not easy,” she said. “After what we had experienced, running for our lives, to then leave your family? I will never understand this.” Ruvel took her hand and held on to it.

Ruvel’s journey was also harrowing. She spent 14 days in the forest, was shot at and separated from her family. She was unable to find them, and assumed they were dead. “It was the worst time of my life,” she said through tears. “I came here with nothing.”

Sumaya, who sat quietly on the end, nodded. “They shot my family right in front of my eyes,” she said. “They told my uncle he could go, and then they killed him.” She paused. “I will never forget that moment. His blood is on their hands. Life is very hard here, but at least it is guaranteed. Nothing was guaranteed in Myanmar.”

Sexual violence was a strategic part of the military’s brutal campaign and the scars will have lasting effects. An estimated 48,000 women will give birth in Rohingya refugee camps this year. Medical Teams has health clinics throughout the camp offering basic prenatal and postnatal care, and treating the many physical ailments plaguing refugees. A critical element of its presence is emotional care and trauma counseling; listening to the pain they have endured, offering a safe space to be heard and referring for additional services. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

The women, already traumatized, live in constant fear of becoming victims of violence. The size of the camp invites lawlessness that makes women particularly vulnerable, especially at nightfall.

We asked what helps them to survive. “Each other,” Rukiya said without hesitation. “We need each other, it is the only way. We stick together.”

Indeed, here in the face of adversity it was clear how resilient the spirit of women, and the strength of a community of women, truly is.

***

At Medical Teams, we often say that every day is World Refugee Day, because bringing life-saving care to those in crisis is why we exist. As we meet the health needs of the hurting around the world, especially those who are pushed to the margins like women and children, we have the privilege of entering into the broken yet beautiful work of hope. The women we meet like Rukiya, and so many others like her, are what inspires us to live out our belief that every person matters: to God, and to us.

More:

Standing with Rohingya Women: Nobel Women’s Initiative, in partnership with Bangladeshi women’s rights organization Naripokkho, premiered this powerful short film in June, offering an overview of the crisis and the horror of impunity.

One of the questions we’re asked most often is how a treaty addressing violence against women and girls can actually prevent violence. Good question. Violence prevention is complex, but over the last few decades, extensive research by universities, global institutions and NGOs have shown us which interventions curb violence. The Everywoman Treaty combines these proven interventions into a comprehensive approach we call The Whole Hand Framework.

It works like this: The hand is the treaty itself—the highest form of legislation that, through the enormous political pressure treaties create, mandates that states enact national reform, the palm. The fingers represent proven strategies—laws, training, education and services. Separately, these interventions influence various factors related to violence prevention, which often work in isolation. But when combined, the strategies work in concert to drastically lower rates of violence. In other words, strong laws would be backed by training staff in the health, justice, security and service sectors, which would be supported by national campaigns and reinforced by a legal system that holds perpetrators accountable. The treaty scales it—nation by nation, across the globe, impunity ends and rates of violence plummet.

Here’s a quick look at each intervention.

Revamp laws, including eliminating legislation that perpetuates violence (like laws that allow rapists to avoid prosecution by marrying their victims), and closing legal gaps (such as the US’s gap in protecting girls against child marriage).

Implement prevention education campaigns. Research shows that boys’ and men’s attitudes and actions are influenced by other men. Imagine, then, the power of national campaigns featuring male pop icons, policemen or others talking about respecting women, consent, harassment and violence. School-based programs and community-based campaignshave also been successful at reducing violence. Rates of violence also plummet when women know their rights and feel empowered to demand them.

Contribute to an implementation fund. Nations often cite lack of funding as a barrier to implementation. Following the example of the tobacco treaty, the Everywoman Treaty calls for a global investment of $1 billion–plus USD annually, with states contributing according to their ability.

Ratification is a crucial step in creating the climate for a global treaty

Women’s rights advocates dressed as women from the dystopian series The Handmaid’s Tale to call for ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Photo: Jadran Boban

In the months leading up to Croatia’s parliamentary vote on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention, Europe’s regional treaty to prevent violence against women, conservative groups launched a fierce opposition campaign. Croatia’s Bishops’ Conference, several NGOs and members of Restoring the Natural Order: an Agenda for Europe, an ultraconservative Christian network, attempted to distort the issues of violence prevention and gender identity by claiming that signing the Convention would introduce harmful gender ideology into the country and destroy Croatia’s family values.

One poster read: “I do not want to be taught at school that I am ‘it’ and not a girl” next to a picture of a girl. At press conferences, opponents repeatedly suggested that allowing for other gender identities other than “man” or “woman” would actually lead to violence because a man could say he felt like a woman, demand to use the women’s toilets and attack women. On several occasions, opponents said it was not proper for a wife to report her husband to the police.

Women’s human rights groups fought back. “We came together to explain why ratification was important,” says Sanja Sarnavka, an Everywoman Working Group member and prominent human rights activist in Croatia. The groups held protests, met with Members of Parliament (MPs), and worked with journalists to publish stories on the benefits of ratification at the forefront of the national dialogue. Sanja participated in multiple television and radio debates, and initiated a letter-writing campaign to the leaders of the Social-Democratic Party (one of Croatia’s two major political parties), signed by leaders of the most visible women’s human rights groups, explaining the importance of ratification.

Silhouettes of women killed by family members in front of parliament. Photo: Jadran Boban

On April 13, the day of the parliamentary vote, Sanja and other activists placed silhouettes of women who had been murdered by their partners or close relatives at the entrance to the parliament building to remind MPs what they were voting for or against. In the end, 110 MPs voted in favor, 30 against, with two abstentions, and the Council of Europe Convention, best known as the Istanbul Convention, was ratified.

“Ratification will hopefully encourage all women survivors to find a way out of the circle of violence,” says Sanja. “Crucially, it also means that the government acknowledges violence against women as a serious issue that needs to be addressed structurally. Ratification moves us one step forward toward creation and ratification of a global treaty to end violence against women and girls.”

Everywoman Everywhere members were out in force at last month’s Commission on the Status of Women, an annual UN conference in New York City to promote gender equality, to share our purpose of a global treaty and ask for sign-ons. People were warm, receptive and enthusiastic—an indication that support for a global treaty to address violence against women and girls is spreading. This was evident in the number of new members who signed on as well: our numbers jumped by more than 500 to 1,836 members, in 142 nations, including 600 organizations. A huge thanks to everyone for their exhaustive work. Bravo!

As is our tradition at CSW, coalition members gathered at a coffeehouse midway through the conference. How wonderful it was to see everyone’s faces and hear updates on your work and lives. Here we share the powerful and poignant words of two members who spoke at the gathering.

A very warm welcome dear friends. Just before coming to this meeting, I was in the UN building sitting with a friend on a bench in the lobby when two ladies asking to join us. Of course, we invited them to sit and they immediately fished out their phone chargers. The closest socket was some meters away so they requested we move the bench closer. We agreed and the four of us proceeded to move the fairly heavy bench toward the socket. As we moved, I looked down at our hands and arms of different colours, and different muscular endowment, and what struck me was that no matter how different we are, once we have a singular, unified purpose, we can achieve our goals. In the same way that we moved furniture in the United Nations, we can shift the narrative, shift the agenda, shift the needle regarding the dignity and rights of every woman, and girl, everywhere. We have brought our different intellect, skills, expertise, experiences and stories and have woven the tapestry that is today, our global treaty on violence against women. The tapestry is made all the more beautiful by our diversity, and it is glued together by our singularity of purpose. It was so heartwarming to see our members on the cold streets of New York, and in the corridors of the parallel sessions, getting CSW attendees to sign up to bringing an end to violence against women, to sign up for zero tolerance, to sign up so that no longer would there be any hiding place for perpetrators of violence against women and girls. I look forward to going forward, just like a past political slogan of this country, we can really stand together, and say, ‘Yes We Can.’

It is an immense honor to be here among all those people who are very committed to the noble struggle for the restoration of the rights of women and girls. I would like to emphasize that we must be aware that some misconceptions must be abandoned, especially saying that we want to help women and girls for their rights; because helping someone assumes that the helper is in a better position than the person receiving the help. No! We are not helping girls and women to restore their rights; we are participating in their fight for their rights. They are the true fighters in the forefront. In this context, there is good news from Africa: The President of Guinea, Professor Alpha Condé, who held the leadership of the African Union in 2017, made great progress. Among other things, we must note his personal commitment and his appointment of some African heads of state in protecting the rights of women and girls. In this capacity, he appointed the President of Zambia, HE Edgar Lungu, as champion for the fight for the elimination of child marriage, while he himself has made great efforts against female genital mutilation. Since 2003, Africa has developed the Protocol of Maputo, which is one of the strongest documents protecting women and girls. So Africa is ready for our project of the Treaty on Violence against Women and Girls. The treaty is not only justified, but above all, possible, if we continue at this rhythm of work.

A SPECIAL CONGRATULATIONS TO DR. KOUYATÉ FOR RECEIVING A LIFETIME ACHIEVEMENT AWARD FROM BREAK THE SILENCE, A GUINEA-BASED CAMPAIGN THAT AIMS TO ERADICATE FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION BY2030. DR. KOUYATÉ WAS RECOGNIZED FOR HIS 34-YEAR EFFORT TO ELIMINATE FGM. CONGRATULATIONS DR. KOUYATÉ ON THIS WELL-DESERVED HONOR.

In 2016, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Dubravka Šimonović put out a global call for submissions asking for feedback on the adequacy of the current international legal framework on violence against women.

1. Do you consider that there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty on violence against women with its separate monitoring body?

2. Do you consider that there is an incorporation gap of the international or regional human rights norms and standards?

3. Do you believe that there is a lack of implementation of the international and regional legislation into the domestic law?

4. Do you think that there is a fragmentation of policies and legislation to address gender-based violence?

5. Could you also provide your views on measures needed to address this normative and implementation gap and to accelerate prevention and elimination of violence against women?

The request for input was an important step in furthering the conversation of whether a new legal instrument is needed to address violence against girls and women worldwide. But in a recent report, the Special Rapporteur published points of views from human-rights mechanisms that were against a new treaty while downplaying the response from NGOs and members of civil society who are widely in favor of new a treaty. The lack of transparency mischaracterizes the fact that people around the world—survivors, frontline practitioners, lawyers, directors and staff of local and national nonprofits—are passionate and mobilized on this topic. They want a treaty, urgently.

In fact, the vast majority of submissions from civil society (at least 230 of the 291) called for a treaty. When people respond, their voices should be heard. What follows is a summary of the responses from advocates around the world, along with excerpts of their submissions, expressing their support for a new treaty on violence against girls and women.

NO BINDING TREATY, NO GLOBAL PRESSURE, NO ACTION: The Case for a Treaty

There is no legally binding treaty addressing violence against girls and women and the absence has resulted in the lack of political will and global pressure necessary to implement current agreements. This includes CEDAW, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which is often cited a reason for not supporting the idea of new treaty.

Difference in culture is often used to justify State Parties’ resistance to implementing CEDAW recommendations, but that idea simply allows the cycle of violence against women to continue. The absence of a comprehensive, legally binding, definition of violence against women has also led to fragmented policies and legislation. As a result, State Parties do not feel compelled to focus on implementation efforts, despite persistent advocacy by a wide range of organizations and groups.

Respondents emphasized that CEDAW does not directly address violence; it addresses discrimination, which leaves “violence” open to legal interpretation. Therefore, State Parties are left to their own discretion to incorporate, or not incorporate, CEDAW, including General Recommendation 19 [and General Recommendation No. 35] into their local and national policy frameworks. This causes an irreconcilable gap in global norms and standards on violence against women.

What does this mean? Violence persists. Justice for survivors is limited, or non-existent. Families and communities suffer. Wages are lost. Local and national economies weaken. Violence against women and girls leads to an avalanche of negative consequences worldwide, affecting public health, economics, and national and global security.

“Yes there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty because there is no specific international legally binding document that addresses the gross violation of rights that is violence against women and girls. A separate monitoring body focused on violence against women and girls can ensure all countries are upholding their due diligence and a global high standard to protect women and girls and prevent violence.” – Anne Gamurorwa, Executive Director, Communication for Development Foundation, Uganda

“Without an international mandate that obliges states to use standardized definitions, set punitive actions, provide unconditional resources for survivors, and train public and private officials on response and prevention, no serious reduction of VAWG will take place, particularly in autocratic states.” – Hala Aldosari, PhD, Aminah, Saudi Arabia

“Violence against women is probably the most democratic in its incidence, since it occurs across all boundaries of creed, ethnicity, nationality, educational status and economic strata. Since it is a global phenomenon, all the more reason it should be treated not just a cultural off shoot of patriarchy, but as a crime against humanity and a gross and irrefutable violation of human right to life of dignity.” – Meera Khanna, Executive Vice President, The Guild of Service, India

“The current lack of a legally binding international legislation means governments must have the political will and drive to implement general recommendations and comments – they are not legally bound to uphold these obligations at present, so there is no accountability.” – Ruth Howlett, National Collective of Independent Women’s Refuge New Zealand

“Conflating violence against women and discrimination against women results in an inadequate or incomplete description of the legal concept of violence against women as its own human rights violation. Just like torture is better addressed in CAT than in the ICCPR, VAW would be better addressed in a separate treaty than in CEDAW.” – International Human Rights Clinic at Santa Clara University School of Law, California, USA

A new legally binding treaty specific to violence against women and girls will close the legal gap by creating a clear definition of violence and specific steps for addressing it. This legal tool would create a mechanism for collective global action, placing place the weight of the world behind every women’s rights advocate, lawyer and practitioner around the world working to end this violence.

Violence against women and girls is a complex and intersecting issue that requires a comprehensive, systematic approach. Using the success of the Landmines Treaty, the Tobacco Treaty and the example of Tunisia’s comprehensive new law on violence against women, a new treaty would mandate that nations take a proactive approach across all sectors. It would require:

Comprehensive legislative reform

Training responders

Support Services

Prevention education

Adequate funding

The establishment of a legally binding tool combined with global pressure from around the world creates a concrete solution to implementing programs, policies and standards across states.

The following 228 Everywoman Everywhere members responded to the UN Special Rapporteur’s call for submission on the adequacy of the legal framework on violence against women stating their support for a new treaty.

1

Anne

Gamurorwa

Africa

2

Fartun

Abdisalaan Adan

Africa

3

Selina

Ahmed

Asia

4

Abiola

Akiyode-Afolabi

Africa

5

Widad

Akrawi

Europe

6

Asmaa

Al Ameen

Middle East/ North Africa

7

Zainab

Ali Khan

Asia

8

Muhabat

Ali Mangrio

Asia

9

Naila

Amin

North America

10

Sana

Amin

Asia

11

Seden

Anlar

Europe

12

Ferdous

Ara Begum

Asia

13

Khadija

Arfaoui

Middle East/ North Africa

14

Carol

Arinze-Umeobi

Africa

15

Nadejda

Atayeva

Asia

16

Ruth

Aura

Africa

17

Naila

Awad

Middle East/ North Africa

18

Sama

Aweidah

Middle East/ North Africa

19

Adolf

Awuku-Bekoe

Africa

20

Alvaro

Baca

Latin America/ Caribbean

21

Kate

Bailey

North America

22

Fadoua

Bakhadda

Middle East/ North Africa

23

Amy

Barrow

Asia

24

Dr.Abdul

Baseer

Asia

25

Hayat

Bearat

North America

26

Munara

Beknazarova

Asia

27

Fenna ten

Berge

Europe

28

Miranda

Berry

North America

29

Vanessa

Bettinson

Europe

30

Charity

Binka

Africa

31

Zynab

Binta Senesie

Africa

32

Jackie

Blue

Oceania

33

Millicent

Bogert

North America

34

Abdelilah

Bouasria

Middle East/ North Africa

35

Petra

Butler

Oceania

36

Abdul Sattar

Chachar

Asia

37

Aabha

Chaudhary

Asia

38

Shazia

Choudhry

Europe

39

Tanyi

Christian

Africa

40

Vanessa

Coria Castilla

Latin America/ Caribbean

41

Annie

Cossins

Oceania

42

Dornida

Cox

Australia

43

Natalie

Csengeri

Asia

44

Paola

Degani

Asia

45

Manisha

Desai

North America

46

Visaka

Dharmadasa

Asia

47

Samira

Djibo

Africa

48

Jessica

Doyle

Europe

49

Sukhgerel

Dugersuren

Asia

50

Aliza

Durand

North America

51

Jo-Anne

Dusel

North America

52

Melvis

Ebob Agbor

Asia

53

Kate

Edozieh

Africa

54

Zine

El Abidine Larhfiri

Asia

55

Halah

Eldoseri

Middle East/ North Africa

56

Amany

Elgarf

Middle East/ North Africa

57

Ifeoma

Enemo

Africa

58

Natalie

Eslick

Oceania

59

Taskin

Fahmina

Asia

60

Dan

Faull

Europe

61

Evelyn

Flores

Latin America/ Caribbean

62

Beatrice

Fofanah

Africa

63

Veronique

Fourment

North America

64

Felicity

Gerry

Oceania

65

Heidi

Guldbaek

Oceania

66

Peg

Hacskaylo

North America

67

Nabila

Haidary

Asia

68

Michelle

Hamilton

North America

69

Ghada

Hammam

Africa

70

Claire

Hammerton

Oceania

71

Nabila

Hamza

Middle East/ North Africa

72

Raazia

Hassan Naqvi

North America

73

Angela

Hefti

Europe

74

Sara

Hellali

Asia

75

Caroline

Herewini

Oceania

76

Joyce

Hewett

Latin America/ Caribbean

77

Lisa

Hoffman

North America

78

Md. Liakat

Hossain Khan

Asia

79

Ruth

Howlett

Oceania

80

Mohammad

Humayoun

Asia

81

Mo

Hume

Europe

82

Rosemary

Hunter

Asia

83

Yuman

Hussain

Asia

84

Heather

Ibrahim-Leathers

North America

85

Ana

Iglesias-Morel

Europe

86

Matilda

Ingabire Mutanguha

Africa

87

Help Age

International

Asia

88

Sandra

Iskander

Oceania

89

Azra

Jafari

Asia

90

P.Imrana

Jalal

Asia

91

Kirthi

Jayakumar

Asia

92

Sandra

Johansson

Europe

93

Jackie

Jones

Europe

94

Talent

Jumo

Africa

95

Kabann

Kabananukye

Africa

96

Jean

Kabongo

Africa

97

Simi

Kamal

Asia

98

Gulsana

Kangeldieva

Asia

99

Sheena

Kanwar

Asia

100

Puja

Kapai

Asia

101

Zahra

Karimi

Mena

102

Stephanie

Kennedy

North America

103

Valerie

Khan

Asia

104

Hassan

Khani

Middle East/ North Africa

105

Hassan

Khani Iurigh

Mena

106

Meera

Khanna

Asia

107

Medea

Khmelidze

Europe

108

Samina

Khushi

Asia

109

Denise

Kindschi Gosselin

North America

110

Christine

King

Oceania

111

Sunita

Kotnala

Oceania

112

Morissanda

Kouyaté

Africa

113

Saida

Kouzzi

Middle East/ North Africa

114

Albena

Koycheva

Europe

115

Jack

Kupferman

North America

116

Nina Wolff

Landau

North America

117

Judy

Lear

North America

118

Ryan

Lim

Asia

119

Sisi

Liu

Asia

120

Ann-Marie

Loebel

Oceania

121

Sandra

Lopez

Latin America/ Caribbean

122

Misran

Lubis

Asia

123

Linda

MacDonald

North America

124

Shawn

Macdonald

North America

125

Truffy

Maginnis

Oceania

126

Namo

Majeed

Asia

127

Gulnara

Mammadova

Asia

128

Gladys

Mbuyah Luku

Africa

129

Frances

McLennan

Europe

130

Frances

McLennan

Asia

131

Nancy

McLennan

Europe

132

Susan

McLucas

North America

133

Ronagh

McQuigg

Europe

134

Monica

McWilliams

Europe

135

Fatima

Mendikulova

North America

136

Alexander

Miamen

Africa

137

Meherbano

Mirzayee

Middle East/ North Africa

138

Violeta

Mocmcilovic

Europe

139

Aleda

MocMonagle

North America

140

Sagrario

Monedero

Europe

141

NCAV

Mongolia

Asia

142

Suntariya

Muanpawong

Asia

143

Yolanda

Munoz Gonzalez

North America

144

Sylvanus

Murray

Africa

145

Virginia

Muwanigwa

Africa

146

Jude

Muyanja

North America

147

Manizha

Naderi

Asia

148

Hanifa

Nakiryowa

North America

149

Keerty

Nakray

Asia

150

Alice

Nenneh James

Africa

151

Joy

Ngozi Ezeilo

Africa

152

Savina

Nongebatu

Oceania

153

Martha

Ntoipo

Africa

154

Eleanor

Nwadinobi

Africa

155

Margaret

Nwagbo

Africa

156

Obioma

Nwaorgu

Africa

157

Laura

Nyirinkindi

Africa

158

Maria

Pachon

North America

159

Ivan David

Pachon

Latin America/ Caribbean

160

Shivani

Pandit

North America

161

Seyoung

Park

North America

162

Anarkalee

Perera

North America

163

Raluca

Petre-Sandor

Europe

164

Jocie

Philistin

Latin America/ Caribbean

165

Dushiyanthani

Pillai

Asia

166

Marina

Pisklák-Parker

Europe

167

Anu

Radha

Asia

168

Saira

Rahman Khan

Asia

169

Alina

Ramirez

Latin America/ Caribbean

170

David

Richards

North America

171

Francisco

Rivera

Latin America/ Caribbean

172

Lindsay

Robertson

North America

173

Helah

Robinson

North America

174

Carolyn

Rodehau

North America

175

América

Romualdo

Latin America/ Caribbean

176

Sopheap

Ros

Asia

177

Ratchneewan

Ross

North America

178

Rhona

San Pedro

Asia

179

Maria Montesinos

Sanchez-Elvira

Asia

180

Sanjana

Sarnavka

Europe

181

Jeanne

Sarson

North America

182

Andrew

Saunders

Europe

183

Denise

Scotto

North America

184

Anne

Scully-Hill

Asia

185

Katarzyna

Sękowska-Kozłowska

Europe

186

Michal

Sela

Europe

187

Tevita

Seruilumi

Oceania

188

Rashri

Shamsunder

North America

189

Lisa

Shannon

North America

190

Bhawani

Shanker Kusum

Asia

191

Susan

Sharfman

North America

192

Norma

Shearer

Asia

193

Hauwa

Shekarau

Africa

194

Shanta

Shrestha

Asia

195

Ramona

Singh

Latin America/ Caribbean

196

Joanna

Smetek

Europe

197

Samira

Souley

Middle East/ North Africa

198

Vidya

Sri

North America

199

Kelly

Stoner

North America – Tribal Lands

200

Krishna Prasad

Subedi

Asia

201

Orit

Sulitzeanu

Mena

202

Cris

Sullivan

North America

203

Reena

Tandon

North America

204

Laurie

Tannous

North America

205

Martha

Tholanah

Africa

206

Yeabu

Tholley

Africa

207

Whare

Tiaki

Oceania

208

Anne

Todd

Oceania

209

Safeer

U Khan

Asia

210

Rachel

Uemoto

North America

211

Zainab

Umu Moseray

Africa

212

Jinan

Usta

Middle East/ North Africa

213

Viola

van Bogaert

Latin America/ Caribbean

214

Natalie

Wade

Oceania

215

Monica

Waqanisau

Oceania

216

Richard

Watson

Europe

217

Elaine

Webster

Europe

218

Tim

White

North America

219

Liz

Whiteman

North America

220

Ken

Willman Bordat

Middle East/ North Africa

221

David

Wofford

North America

222

Pei

Yuxin

Asia

223

Farwa

Zafar

Asia

224

Marie Nyombo

Zaina

Africa

225

Association Marocaine des Droits Humains

Africa

226

Centro de la Mujer Panameña

Latin America/ Caribbean

227

NCAV Mongolia

Asia

228

Training for Women Network

Europe

WHO WE ARE

Everywoman Everywhere is a coalition of individuals and organizations from 141 countries advancing a global treaty to eradicate violence against women and girls. Our members include more than 1,300 frontline practitioners, advocates and survivors of violence, and more than 550 organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Vital Voices and Futures Without Violence.

Everywoman Everywhere was incubated at the Initiative on Violence Against Women at the Carr Center for Human Rights, Harvard Kennedy School. Additional research revealed that the current international legal framework is insufficient for addressing this global crisis. Gaps in the law, and the mechanisms for implementation, leave millions of women and girls with little to no legal protection against violence or the recourse to seek justice. It became clear that a specific treaty on violence against girls and women would give advocates, practitioners, and world leaders the legally binding instrument necessary to hold nation states accountable.

Last summer, Tunisia’s parliament signed a bill that transforms its laws on violence against girls and women. The landmark legislation, which is scheduled to go into effect this month, was more than 20 years in the making, an effort led largely by the country’s strong women’s rights movement. We sat down via Skype with one of the movement’s early pioneers, Monia El Abed, a lawyer and member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers — one of four groups awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 — to learn what led to the law’s passage and what it means for Tunisian women.

Interview had been edited for length and clarity.

Welcome Monia and thank you for speaking with us. Can you explain why this bill is considered historic and groundbreaking?
It is a historic law, a landmark law because it’s the first time the national legislative body has recognized the concept of discrimination and gender violence in a bill. Not only is violence against women now in the penal code, the law is specific to women and girls. And it’s comprehensive. It defines violence precisely, whether it is psychological, verbal, or economical. And it engages the responsibility of various ministries and institutions in all areas. It forces each of them to work on protection, caring for women once they have pressed charges, ensuring the crimes do not go unpunished, and building awareness and prevention. The law was inspired by CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) in the sense that it engages the state to prevent violence, to protect women and to have an action plan to limit gender-based violence.

What work went into getting this law passed?
It was a long process that started 20 years ago. Tunisia has a very strong feminist movement and back to the 1990s, the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women had a shelter for women victims of violence and we saw what was happening and began talking about changes. Other groups formed, including the Association of Tunisian Women for Research and Development (AFTURD), and the Coalition of Tunisian Women. The specifics of this law [raising the age of consent, doing away with marry-your-rapist laws, a comprehensive approach] came directly from these women’s associations. The law is a response to all our demands.

What was your personal involvement in this work?
I was at the shelter for the victims of violence in the 1990s working as a lawyer and represented women survivors in court. Later, I moved into research and at the request of the National Office For Family and Population, I studied the verdicts in domestic violence cases, looking closely at the mindset of the judges and the manner in which they ruled.

Also, as a member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, I helped create a women’s commission. We took apart existing laws and proposed laws in favor of women. We also organized seminars and advocacy sessions.

All of this ended up being important groundwork for what happened after the revolution in 2011. One party was trying to secure power and change our constitution, threatening women’s rights, and I worked with the Ministry of Women in an appeal to ensure our rights would be included and protected in the constitution.

What enabled this law to be passed now?
Because after the revolution, women were highly mobilized. At the legislative level, reforms were already underway due to the pressure of women activists. They led the plea to have a specific law that addressed all forms of gender violence. After the revolution, we saw a lot of violence against women and we mobilized for the adoption of a law that would crack down on all such acts of violence.

Do you believe the law will affect the lives of Tunisian women?
This law permeates every level of government and society. Training on addressing violence against women is now mandated for police officers on up to the public prosecutor and judges. Awareness on violence against women will be taught in elementary school, high school and at institutions of higher education. This is a guarantee. The law institutionalizes the prevention and protection of women. Of course, the application of laws is always difficult. It requires vigilance and mobilization of civil society and strong political will. It will take years, probably, but for me the law is something crucial we now have.

Human Rights Watch mentions funding as a critical step.
Yes, this will all require massive investment. We need training, we need guidance. International organizations are already involved. They are financing the training of lawyers, magistrates, police officers and staff at various ministries. The training includes general awareness regarding women’s place in society and respect for women. This is powerful. This is a law that is not just about judicial proceedings and caring for victims. It is a law designed to change mentalities and mindsets. It includes teaching the universal principle of the rights of women.

Why did you decide to join Everywoman Everywhere?
My friend Khadija Arfaoui [another Tunisian pioneering women’s rights advocate] and I are involved in many activities on women’s rights and she told me about this organization. I am very interested in what happens in other countries, as the status of women is not specific to one nation. We must evolve collectively towards identical rights and equality for all, men and women. I liked the word “Everywhere” in your name. It asks the question, how do we create a link between women in the United States, in Bangladesh, and in Libya and other parts of the world? We have a common cause. Our project is equality for all. For this reason, I find myself joining your organization. It is research and work that is making us all richer.

When we launched Everywoman Everywhere in 2014, the goal was to create a global legal tool such as a UN Convention or an Additional Protocol that would lead to the end violence against women and girls worldwide. Now as we prepare to launch the public campaign, we’re examining three potential treaty frameworks to determine which would be the most effective: an additional protocol to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); a new stand-alone human rights treaty; or a new stand-alone treaty with a public health frame.

Everywoman Everywhere members made the case for each framework in a call on November 27 to members of the Working Group, a collection of gender and policy experts across the globe. Summaries of their presentations are below.

FRAMEWORK 1: DISCRIMINATION

An additional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), housed with theUN Human Rights Office, and governed by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women

Presented by Ferdous Ara Begum, MPA (Harvard), Member of the Board of Trustees, HelpAge International; Council Member, The International Institute on Ageing (UN-Malta) Satellite Centre for SAARC Countries; former member of UN CEDAW Committee; former Director General, Bangladesh Television; and member of Everywoman Everywhere’s Working Group, South Asia

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) addresses violence against women and girls in General Recommendations No. 19 and 35. The recommendations make clear that violence against women is a form of gender discrimination, and that states are obligated to adopt legal measures and policies to prevent violence, protect survivors, and punish perpetrators.

The Convention and the Committee have already developed legal frameworks on gender-based violence, laying a foundation for global norms that have informed domestic standards and have use to inform by women’s groups for advocacy.

Gaps in the legal framework and implementation of standards at the national level have arisen from a lack of domestic coordination between legislation, policy and social services. The gaps include: an adequate legal framework specific to violence against women and girls at the regional and domestic level; access to a legal system for women, not being there in most a cases; and lack of enforcement on the existing legal framework on violence against women and girls in most countries.

An additional protocol would address these legal and implementation gaps. The new guidelines can include language on how to achieve domestic implementation, specifically by focusing on the commitment of political will, along with steps that must be taken to enforce relevant regional and domestic frameworks.

The better approach to me is a separate, stand-alone treaty on violence against women at the global level. But an additional protocol offers a more readily available option. The well-established Convention and Committee provide an existing human rights framework in which to work, and are already working directly with states toward compliance.

FRAMEWORK 2: HUMAN RIGHTS

A stand-alone treaty housed with the UN Human Rights Office, and governed by a new committee created to ensure the treaty’s implementation

Presented by David L. Richards, associate professor of Human Rights & Political Science, University of Connecticut, USA; author of Violence Against Women and the Law (Routledge 2015); member of Everywoman Everywhere Working Group, North America

On the global calls, I spoke on behalf of the “stand-alone treaty” option. I made three general points, outlined in my speaking notes below.

Using an Optional Protocol Would be Out of the Norm of Practice

Optional protocols can function like miniature treaties. However, optional protocols (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)/Convention Against Torture (CAT) Torture/Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, etc.) are typically used in international law for purposes of communicating complaints, monitoring, and committee functions related to a legally-binding substantive right established in the main body. Even optional protocols like the second optional protocol to the ICCPR serve to better-define existing treaty language rather than create new rights. For example, the second optional protocol to the ICCPR that prohibits the death penalty is best seen as a clarification and/or extension to Article 6’s commitment to the inherent right to life.

Thus, using an optional protocol to CEDAW to establish a new, legally-binding right itself would be outside the norm of practice.

To remain in the norm of practice, one would have to truly view violence against women and girls (VAWG) as best-understood, for all legal purposes, as a form of discrimination, rather than vice versa where VAWG is an issue unto itself and discrimination is an inherent component, among others.

Such confusion already exists across levels of law. Article 6 of the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (1994) asserts that “The right of every woman to be free from violence includes, among others: (a) The right of women to be free from all forms of discrimination”. On the other hand, CEDAW’s General Recommendation 19 asserts that violence against women is a form of discrimination.

There is Precedent for a Standalone Route

Through 1970, the prohibition against torture existed in no less than 8 pieces of international law. Yet, its usage in the 1960s and 1970s continued, unabated. So, in 1975 the UN issued a Declaration on the Protection of Persons Against Torture. In December 1977 the general assembly asked the Commission on Human Rights to draft the text of a binding treaty against torture. VAWG finds itself in a similar situation as was torture, in that its prohibition exists across a fragmented landscape of regional, omnibus international, and non-binding components of the international legal fabric.

The CAT created binding conceptual cohesion in its requirement that states create a definition of torture in their domestic codes that didn’t have to be identical to CAT’s articles 1 and 16, but had to align with their object and purpose.

Because laws can differ so wildly in strength and scope, the conceptual homogeneity of CAT created greater equality in determining across countries what actions against victims were to be considered what kinds of violations.

Empirical work has shown that states look at their neighborhoods with regards to legal standards relating to VAWG, so a standalone has a great potential to bring substantive depth to increased conformity.

CAT also imposed an obligation on states to protect against acts of torture and ill-treatment, as well as established that the passivity of public officials in situations where protection was warranted is actionable.

General vs Specific Laws

General Recommendation 19 is not legally binding. States, in general, do not regard treaty committee recommendations as legally binding. Thus, CEDAW offers no more to fighting VAWG than a general assault and battery law offers to victims in places without specific legal prohibitions against domestic violence.

One central reason specific treaties exist is to establish, in a legally-binding fashion, that certain groups of persons are at special risk of special types of injuries against human dignity. It is morally imperative, I believe, that states recognize, in legally-binding form, that the gender component of a woman’s overall identity carries significant risk that requires specific guarantees of protection. From a practical legal perspective, recent research has found that, in the context of domestic legal frameworks, specific laws against VAWG are reliably associated with both increased women’s political empowerment and better health-related outcomes. Time and again in in empirical analyses, explicit legal guarantees against gender violence have been shown to be a more-effective safeguard of women’s rights than how long a state has been part of the CEDAW framework. This is not to say CEDAW has not been helpful. It has moved the legal protections for women and girls from the realm of the abysmal. However, can it get us to the place where states have the specific, binding laws and proactive, programmatic functions that women deserve and demand? My answer would be “No, we need a specific stand-alone treaty.”

FRAMEWORK 3: PUBLIC HEALTH

A specific, stand-alone treaty under the World Health Organization, governed by a new committee created to ensure the treaty’s implementation

The idea of a specific, stand-alone treaty under the World Health Organization builds on the notion of a stand-alone treaty in general. Positioning the treaty with WHO rather than the UN’s human rights framework, though, give us tremendous flexibility to create a proactive, specific, evidence-based convention that get directly at our goal of producing measurable reductions in violence against women, on the way to elimination.

How? To begin with, human rights treaties are fundamentally “reactive”. They create a global standard and monitor whether states live up to those expectations. Framing the Everywoman Everywhere Treaty in public health terms opens the door to a proactive approach, one that lists concrete steps nations must take, rather than standards open to interpretation.

WHO has put forth one treaty so far, the Tobacco Treaty, and though tobacco and violence against women are vastly different issues, this treaty offers a template for addressing violence against women and girls. First, it positions violence against women as a broad, intersectional issue. WHO says that in order for interventions to be effective, they must occur across all government sectors: justice, security, social services and health. Imagine if a number of government offices were all simultaneously addressing violence against women as part of a legal mandate. The effect would be extraordinary.

To be clear, a public health approach would not disconnect violence against women from human rights. The language in the legal reform and education campaigns would be human rights based. Rather, a public health frame allows for those partial to CEDAW to view a new treaty as complementary to its work, rather than competitive. Removing a potential political barrier through a public health framework would hopefully create a climate of collaboration and support.

Second, while violence against women differs greatly from the health hazard of tobacco, both are framed as cultural and in the personal domain. People wondered how on earth we’d tell the Irish they couldn’t smoke in a pub. Yet over time, views changed.

The Tobacco treaty also has a clear, evidenced-based structure. It outlines six interventions proven to work in lowering tobacco consumption, including health warnings on cigarette packages, high taxes on tobacco, and public education campaigns. The clear expectations—you’ve either put warnings on cigarette packages or you have not—has helped make the Tobacco treaty one of the most well implemented treaties on record.

A new treaty would do the same: require states to enact specific evidence-based practices proven to effectively address violence against women. For example: comprehensive legislative reform. Countries that have implemented legislative reform and laws in the area of domestic violence have seen a dramatic drop in violence against women: women are 14 percent more likely to live to age 65 in nations that have domestic violence laws.

Lastly, WHO established an implementation fund for the Tobacco Treaty in which states contributed according to their ability. Funds are often one reason states give for not implementing a treaty requirement. This is a vital step that would remove that barrier to implementation.

The public health frame is new and a shift in how we’ve thought about addressing violence against women and girls in the past, but it offers the best means of moving a treaty forward. It’s politically expedient, builds on the human rights work already being done, and allows for great flexibility.