THE LYRICS OF RAGE AGAINST THE MACHINE: A STUDY IN
RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY?*

by

Laura L. Finley
Western Michigan University

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes selected lyrics by the now defunct metal/rap band Rage
Against The Machine as a tool for teaching and understanding radical
criminology. Included is a brief overview of the major tenets of the radical
position, an analysis of songs from three of Rage Against The Machine's
albums as well as additional singles, and a discussion of their teaching
utility.

INTRODUCTION

Radical criminology arose on the criminological scene in the 1960s, as a
response to criticisms of traditional criminology as well as to political,
social, and economic events occurring in the United States at the time. Starting
with interpretations of the works of Marx and Engels and building on the work of
labeling and conflict theorists (Lynch, 1997), radicals
questioned both traditional criminological explanations of why crime occurs and
critiqued the emphasis on positivistic methodologies. As Lynch
and Groves (1989) note, the choice of the term radical truly describes this
perspective, as to be radical means to try to get to the root of things and to
value social reorganization or social change; both are major tenets of the
radical criminological view.

The radical perspective, while sharing many similarities with conflict
theorists, is considered distinct. While both groups see conflict as the central
component of criminality, radical theorists automatically look to class as the
source of this conflict, whereas conflict theorists, who might look at class
relationships, are even more likely to look at cultural and subcultural factors
(Lynch, 1997). Further, conflict theorists feel that it
is possible to discover the source of conflict through the objective use of
scientific means, while radical theorists denounce "objective means"
as merely a mechanism to maintain the status quo (Lynch,
1997).

Cardarelli and Hicks (1997)
note that the radical perspective was recognized and legitimated throughout the
1970s and 1980s, owing to the inclusion of radically oriented sessions at the
American Society of Criminology (ASC) meetings. Formal recognition came when the
Division of Critical Criminology was established by the ASC in 1990, which
"further strengthens the legitimation of critical/radical criminology
within the discipline" (Cardarelli
& Hicks, 1997, p. 101). It also received attention outside of academe,
as the political, economic, and social climate of the late 1960s and 1970s was
influenced by radical ideas (Cardarelli
and Hicks, 1997). In fact, Pelfry (1980) reports
survey data based on the views of 384 members of criminological organizations in
the 1970s; these data reveal that a majority felt as though the "new
criminology" warranted further study and was a viable alternative to
mainstream criminology. [End Page 150]

Some have argued that today, with an aging population, the radical
criminological perspective has virtually died. Inciardi
(1980) foresaw this "crisis" when he published Radical Criminology:
The Coming Crises in 1980. The "crises" he was referring to
include the credibility and mere existence of the radical perspective. Inciardi
(1980) discusses the importance of the widespread acceptance of the radical
perspective. "In the absence of credibility and acceptability by the wider
community of criminological scholars, the purpose of radical thought can never
be achieved and its impact can never come to pass" (Inciardi,
1980, pp. 8-9). This issue is being addressed today by a symposium of
criminologists associated with the ASC; their question is whether there still
exists a radical criminology. This is a legitimate concern, as the knowledge
that criminal justice in the United States is racist, classist, and ineffective
persists, whether or not radical criminology does. While a complete review of
the radical perspective is not appropriate here, it is clear that concerns
remain regarding its validity and utility within academe.

Radical approaches, however, were never and should not be confined to
criminologists working or studying in academe. In fact, for the perspective to
have any true utility, as noted by Inciardi (1980),
it would require more mainstream exposure. Recognizing, yet critiquing, the
notion that radical criminology must have application beyond academe, Friedrichs
(1980) states: "That the impact of radical criminology has extended beyond
the academy is, to date, less clear" (p. 40). Indeed, the critique of the
entire capitalist system put forth by radicals, as well as the proposed economic
revolution, must be heard by an audience outside academe. As Cardarelli
and Hicks (1997) state: "To the degree that radical movements are
unable to invoke external social and cultural forces in their struggles, the
debates are likely to be confined to the Academy with much effort directed
toward legitimation under the principles of academic freedom" (p. 99).

This article looks at the existence of radical criminology outside of
academe, as it examines the notion of a radical approach to the understanding of
crime as it is presented in popular culture. Specifically, the work of the now
defunct band Rage Against The Machine is examined as exemplifying the
radical perspective. As Alkhvist (1999) notes,
"Faith No More's'War Pigs' (1989) and Rage Against The
Machine's leftist melding of metal and rap (1992,
1996, 1999)
also take aim at the same targets as Marx" (p. 133). These works are
analyzed in regards to their ability to reflect the radical position, as well as
their utility as a teaching tool.

Prior to assessing the utility of Rage Against The Machine's ideas and
lyrics as examples of radical criminology, an overview of the basic tenets of
the radical perspective is described. The summary is organized into five main
areas: The roots of radical criminology in Marxism; radical interpretations of
law and economy; creation and application of criminal laws; why crime occurs;
and the radical critique of criminal justice. This is followed by a description
of Rage Against The Machine, the beliefs of its members, and a general
timeline of their works. Selected lyrics are then analyzed for their consistency
with the radical perspective. These are presented by theme (i.e., capitalism and
crime; ideological justifications; actions to be taken) and are integrated with
the extant literature regarding radical criminology. Implications for teaching
and exploring radical criminology appear in the final section. [End Page 151]

BASIC TENETS OF RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY

The Roots of Radical Criminology in Marxism. As noted above, radical
criminologists generally adhere to Marxist principles. Although neither Marx nor
Engels discussed crime or criminal justice at length, Marx, as described in Chambliss
and Mankoff (1976), did comment that crime produces jobs. "The criminal
… produces the whole of the police and of criminal justice, constables,
judges, hangman, juries, etc." (Chambliss
& Mankoff, 1976, p. 6). The radical perspective requires an
understanding of the importance of the relationship between the economic system
and the formation of classes, as well as the relationship between those classes.
As Lynch and Groves (1989) note:
"First and foremost, Marx is saying that any economic system will tend to
be supported by 'superstructural' factors such as law, politics, education, and
consciousness" (p. 13). Thus, law is not something that exists "out
there;" it is embedded in the extant economic system in a given society. In
a capitalist system, for example, laws will be enacted to protect private
property, as individual ownership of land and resources is paramount. As
capitalism develops and conflicts between the classes increase (they inevitably
will because capitalism creates class conflict), more acts will be defined as
criminal (Chambliss & Mankoff,
1976). Criminal law, then, is not a reflection of consensus or custom, as in the
functionalist view, but is a "set of rules laid down by the state in the
interests of the ruling class and resulting from the conflicts inherent in
class-structured society" (Chambliss
& Mankoff, 1976, p. 6).

Radical Interpretations of Law and Economy. Radical criminologists
have not completely agreed on the extent that the law is embedded in the
economic system. Instrumentalist Marxists see the law as simply a tool used by
those in power to promote their own economic and political concerns. More
radicals, however, take a structural perspective. These people see the law as a
system of rules and regulations that is determined by the economic system, that
reinforces the economic and political power of the privileged, but that also
grows to have some degree of autonomy, as opposed to the overly deterministic
view of instrumentalists. In addressing crime and the law, Lynch
and Groves (1989) state: "Contemporary Marxists wish to explore ways in
which law and criminal justice, as forms of social control, have been used to
contain class struggle and maintain class divisions at different times and in
different societies" (pp. 5-6). The bottom line for this group is that:
"Law is not exclusively an instrument of the ruling class, but it is
designed to maintain the long term interests of capital" (Lynch
and Groves, 1989, p. 26). This is due, in part, to the fact that not only
those who make the laws, but those who interpret and enforce them as well, are
virtually all middle to upper class.

Creation and Application of Criminal Laws. In addition to the
centrality of a society's economic system in their legal institutions, radical
criminologists follow labeling theorists' view of what constitutes a crime in
that they "argue that acceptance of the legal definition entails deference
to the state, which in their view is biased in favor of those holding positions
of power and authority" (Lynch
and Groves, 1989, 31). As Quinney (2000)
states, one of the main propositions of a radical or critical criminology is
that "criminal definitions are formulated according to the interests of
those segments (types of social groupings) of society which have the power to
translate their interests into public policy" (p. 76). The criminal label
"varies according to the extent to which the behaviors of the powerless
conflict with the interests of the power segments" (Quinney,
2000, p. 77). Chambliss and Mankoff
(1976) state that the lower classes [End Page 152] are more likely to be
labeled criminal, as the control of that label rests with the bourgeoisie,
"who protect themselves from such labels by the laws they select to make
and enforce. Further, as capitalism expands so will penal law in its efforts to
‘coerce the proletariat into submission’’(p. 8). Radicals argue that
criminologists should not only be interested in behaviors traditionally
proscribed by criminal law, but also those behaviors that result in the
violation of human rights. While traditional criminologists, as well as the
general public, have focused on those crimes reported in the Uniform
Crime Reports, radicals argue that: "The focus on common crimes and
common criminals serves ideological purposes that turn public attention from
crimes committed by the ruling class to crimes committed by the powerless"
(Lynch and Groves, 1989, p. 34).

Radicals, then, are also interested in governmental or state crime,
white-collar crime, or "crime in the suites," as it is often called,
and what Michalowski, as cited in Lynch
and Groves (1989), calls "crimes of capital." He defines crimes of
capital as: "Socially injurious acts that arise from the ownership or
management of capital or from occupancy of positions of trust in institutions
designed to facilitate the accumulation of capital" (Lynch
& Groves, 1989, p. 34). Others define the specific crimes differently,
but maintain the critique of using only state-driven crime definitions. Kauzlarich
and Kramer (1998) identify the categories of governmental crime, state
crime, and political white-collar crime. Governmental crime includes those acts
committed within the entire governmental context. State crimes are those acts
committed by the state or agencies of the state, while political white-collar
crime are those acts committed by political officials but for their own personal
benefit. Quinney (2000) says: "Someplace
along the way … it occurred to me that there were others who were violating
criminal laws, such as businessmen and politicians. But this was only a
transition period, for soon I realized that the really bad guys were those who
make laws to protect their own selfish interests, those who oppress others"
(p. 88).

Additionally, "Criminal labels are not the only mechanism used by the
powerful to express their displeasure with certain behaviors. Particularly
threatening behaviors – behaviors which menace the social, economic, and
political order – are labeled terrorist as well as criminal" (Lynch
and Groves, 1989, p. 39). As with other crimes, the application of the label
"terrorist" is state-controlled. Thus, the powerful are able to
exclude their own acts, as well as the acts of friendly countries and groups.

Why Crime Occurs. Criminality is not a function of human nature.
Rather, "capitalism produces egocentric, greedy, and predatory human
behavior" (Friedrichs, 1980, p. 38). As
people act in ways that are compatible with their class position (Chambliss
& Mankoff, 1976), several different types of crime occur. "Crime is
a reaction to the life conditions of a person’s social class" (Chambliss
& Mankoff, 1976, p. 9). According to Quinney
(2000), crimes of economic domination are crimes committed by corporations,
"from price-fixing to pollution of the environment" (p. 163). This
also includes the economic crimes of individual businessmen. Crimes of
government are committed by both elected and appointed officials, and includes
such scandals as Watergate, as well offenses committed by the government against
persons and groups who they perceive to be a threat to national security. Crimes
of control include those acts, both felonies and misdemeanors, committed by law
enforcement agents, especially police officers, carried out "in the name of
the law" (Quinney, 2000, p. 163). Crimes
of control may [End Page 153] also include violations of civil liberties
by agents of the law, such as unlawful surveillance. Unlike traditional law,
radicals note that many social injuries committed by the capitalist state or in
the name of capitalist values should also be included. "These systemic
actions, involving the denial of basic human rights (resulting in sexism,
racism, and economic exploitation), are an integral part of capitalism and are
important to its survival" (Quinney,
2000, p. 164).

Of course, crime is also committed by the non-ruling class. These people,
known to Marx and Engels as the lumpenproletariat, generally commit
crimes of accommodation, according to Quinney
(2000). Some of the crimes committed by the lumpenproletariat are called
predatory crimes. These are "of a parasitical nature, including burglary,
robbery, drug dealing, and hustling of various sorts" (Quinney,
2000, p. 165). In explaining why these acts occur, Quinney (2000) says:
"The behavior, although pursued out of the need to survive, is a
reproduction of the capitalist system. The crimes are nevertheless antagonistic
to the capitalist order. Most police activity is directed against these
crimes" (p. 165). Personal crimes occur, and are generally committed,
against members of the same class. This includes the crimes of murder, assault,
and rape. In explanation, Quinney (2000) says:
"They are pursued by those who are already brutalized by the conditions of
capitalism. These actions occur in immediate situations that are themselves the
result of more basic accommodations to capitalism" (p. 165). As Reiman
(1998) notes, however, the public loses more from such practices as
price-fixing, monopolies, and consumer deception than from all of the FBI
indexed property crimes combined.

Radical Critique of Criminal Justice. Building on this critique of
capitalism, Lynch and Groves
(1989) explain how radicals also critique the utility of criminal justice as it
works in the United States. They say:

As an institution which deals with processing and adjudicating criminals,
the criminal justice system does not affect the method of production, nor
does it redistribute ownership; it merely reinforces existing patterns of
ownership. This being the case, the criminal justice system is not in a
position to solve the problems inherent in capitalist production, problems
which create criminal behavior and the criminalization of certain forms of
behavior (p. 98).

Reiman (1998) says the goal of the criminal justice
system is not to eliminate or even significantly reduce crime, but to project
the image that the poor constitute a threat. Further, "punishing
individuals will not affect rates of criminal behavior, nor will it correct the
social conditions which caused criminal behavior in the first place. By focusing
attention on individual criminals, courts present us with the image of a person
who needs correcting instead of a social system which needs reorganization"
(Lynch and Groves, 1989, p. 99).
Punishment, then, "serves many ideological functions, reinforcing certain
beliefs about the content of appropriate behavior patterns. By imprisoning
certain types of people (especially lower class persons, blacks, and the young),
capitalist forms of punishment create the belief that there is a 'class of
criminals' who should be feared because they might exhibit criminal
behavior" (Lynch & Groves,
1989, p. 117). [End Page 154]

According to Shichor (1980), radical
criminologists believe that only revolutionary change can alter the capitalist
economic, political, and social arrangements. He and others see this as a
weakness, in that "this position categorically excludes gradual or
small-scale change; compromises by definition are eliminated" (p. 197). The
thinking is that reforms do not address the real problems, "they only serve
to make life more palatable under the capitalist system. They therefore pacify
the exploited masses and strengthen the capitalist system" (Shichor,
1980, p. 197). Friedrichs (1980) states that
radical criminology "raises questions about the moral legitimacy of
complying with the ‘inherently illegitimate order.’ While radical
criminology does not condone ‘street crime’ – most directed against the
poor – it challenges a legal conception and criminal justice system response
which does not deal with the most harmful crimes effectively – namely those
committed in the name of the state or by the economic elite" (p. 50).

In sum, Gordon (1976) describes three ways that the
current patterns of criminal justice support the criminal justice system. First,
"the pervasive patterns of selective enforcement seem to reinforce a
prevalent ideology in this society that individuals, rather than institutions,
are to blame for social problems" (p. 207). Second, our criminal justice
processes work to "neutralize the potential opposition to the system of
many of our most oppressed citizens. In particular, the system serves ultimately
to keep thousands of men out of the job market or trapped in the secondary labor
market by perpetuating a set of institutions which serves functionally to feed
large numbers of blacks (and poor whites) through the cycle of crime,
imprisonment, parole, and recidivism" (Gordon,
1976, p. 207). Third, and most importantly, according to Gordon
(1976), current patterns of crime and punishment:

Allow us to ignore some basic issues about the relationship in our
society between institutions and individuals. By treating criminals as
animals and misfits, as enemies of the state, we are permitted to continue
avoiding some basic questions about the dehumanizing effects of our social
institutions. We keep our criminals out of sight, so we are never forced to
recognize and deal with the psychic punishment we inflict on them. Like the
schools and welfare system, the legal system turns out, upon close
inspection, to rob most of its "clients" of the last vestiges of
their personal dignity (p. 208).

RAGE AGAINST THE MACHINE

Rage Against The Machine (Rage) consisted of four members. Lead
vocalist and songwriter Zack de la Rocha and guitarist Tom Morello are the most
politically active of the group. Morello’s father was a member of the Mau Mau
guerilla army that freed Kenya from British colonial rule, while his mother is a
founding member of Parents for Rock and Rap, an anti-censorship group (see www.ratm.org).
De la Rocha’s mother holds a Ph.D. in anthropology, while his father was a
member of "Los Four," a group that depicted Chicano history through
pictures. It appears that de la Rocha’s father, who had a nervous breakdown,
was religiously demanding, requiring that Zack embrace the Bible in all parts of
his life (see www.ratm.org). This may, at
least in part, explain the group’s apparent disdain for organized religion.
The band released four separate albums, plus numerous live and specialty
releases, prior to their break up. Lyrics from their first three albums, the
self-titled Rage
Against The Machine from 1992, Evil
Empire from 1996, and The
Battle of Los Angeles from 1999, will be analyzed here. Their last
album, "Renegades," is not considered, as it consisted of
remakes of other people’s work. Three [End Page 155] other songs
performed by Rage are also described here. These lyrics were found on the
website www.ratm.org, listed as
"Other" lyrics, meaning they were not included in an album. As will be
shown presently, each of the three albums reflects basic themes in radical
criminology.

RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY AND RAGE AGAINST THE MACHINE

Three primary themes, all consistent with the tenets of radical criminology
outlined previously, can be seen in the lyrics of each of the songs described
here. First there is the idea that capitalism is the source of criminality and
that the ruling elite are even more criminal than those labeled as such. In
essence, lyrics dealing with the creation, interpretation, and application of
law in a capitalist society are included under this theme. The second theme is
that the media present propaganda that prohibits the general public from
recognizing capitalist ideologies. Other societal institutions, especially
schools and the criminal justice system, also reflect the capitalist structure
and, therefore, are also culpable. Further, there is also the notion that
capitalist "power whores" justify their actions in the name of
religion, but are in reality anything but religious or spiritual. In sum, this
theme includes ideological support for capitalist practices. Third, the
resolution of the problems induced by capitalism is revolution, ranging from
violent forms to revolution of knowledge. It should be known, however, that most
criminologists do not advocate violent revolution. What follows is an
exploration of radical criminological themes in Rage’s lyrics,
organized by the themes described above. Where applicable, selected lyrics are
linked back to radical literature in order to show the connections between them.

Capitalism and Crime. In "Bombtrack" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/bombtrack.htm)
from the 1992 self-titled album, we hear the line: "Landlords and power
whores on my people they took turns." This line reflects the notion that
those in control of the land and resources, the bourgeoisie, are
exploitative. The bourgeoisie have no concern about literally walking all
over workers, as anything can and must go in the name of profit. It is, in
essence, a statement about state or political crime. Certain groups of the
working class, or proletariat, are most vulnerable, including minorities.
Pepinsky and Jesilow (1992)
suggest that:

The law is rather arbitrary about what kinds of harm are regarded as crime.
It can be considered criminal to refuse to kill, as conscientious objectors
have discovered during wartime. It can be legally tolerable to kill, in
self-defense or in defense of property. On the other hand, it may be regarded
as unlawful to help a terminally ill person in great pain to commit suicide.
Common sense and compassion are often missing in the law’s definition of
what is permissible (p. 28).

As de la Rocha has Mexican heritage, it is likely that "my people"
refers to Mexicans. Rage discusses the radical notion that particular
minority groups are more affected than others by bourgeoisie law and
public policy. Capitalist policies harm females in "Revolver"
(http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/revolver.htm)
also from Evil Empire.Rage says: "His spit is worth more
than her work." Similarly, "Down Rodeo" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/rodeo.htm)
from the Evil Empire album features the line: [End Page 156] "Rollin’
down Rodeo with a shotgun. These people ain’t seen a brown skin man since
their grandparent’s bought one."

In "Voice of the Voiceless," (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/voiceless.htm)
off The Battle of Los Angeles album, Rage takes up the story of
Mumia Abu Jamal, who many feel is wrongly imprisoned for killing a police
officer in Philadelphia. While his guilt or innocence is in dispute, even more
in question is the sham of a trial he received. In fact, an appellate court
recently changed his sentence from death to life imprisonment. Mumia was known
as the "voice of the voiceless," speaking out about racial injustices
in Philadelphia, especially those committed by the police department. Rage
says: "You see the powerful got nervous, ‘cause he refused to be their
servant."

"Bulls on Parade" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/bulls.htm),
probably Rage's most popular song from the 1996 Evil Empire album,
discusses the crimes committed by capitalists. "Weapons not food, not
homes, not shoes, not need, just feed the war cannibal animal, I walk the corner
to the cemetery that used to be the library." This is consistent with the
radical suggestion, propagated by the Schwendingers and others, that human
rights should be the foundation of all laws. Fanon
(1963) discusses the notion of capitalists as war-mongers when he says:
"Colonialism and imperialism have not paid their score when they withdraw
their flags and their police forces from our territories. For centuries the
capitalists have behaved in the underdeveloped world like nothing more than war
criminals" (p. 101).

Capitalist greed, leading to injury or the loss of life for the powerless, is
described in several places throughout the song "Testify"
(http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/testify.htm).
"The car is our wheelchair, my witness your coughing. Oily silence mocks
the legless, now traveling in coffins." The rush for oil that has led to
numerous wars is also described. "The pipeline is gushing, while here we
lie in tombs," and "mass graves for the pump and the price is
set." Marx himself was quite clear about the fact that capitalism breeds
greed, as evidenced by these words: "We have seen how political economy
regards exchange itself as an accidental fact. The only wheels which political
economy sets in motion are greed and the war among the greedy-competition"
(quoted in Kamenka, 1983, p. 132). Chomsky
(1997) echoes these same thoughts when he says:

That tells you how a well-functioning propaganda system works. People can
believe that when we use force against Iraq and Kuwait it’s because we
really observe the principle that illegal occupation and human rights abuses
should be met by force. They don’t see what it would mean if those
principles were applied to U.S. behavior. That’s a success of propaganda
of quite a spectacular type (p. 46).

Rage also addresses the way that the bourgeoisie use workers in
criminal ways: "My slaving, sweating, the skin right off my bones."

"War Within a Breath" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/breath.htm),
from 1999’s The Battle of Los Angeles, discusses corporate and
political exploitation and crime. "Every official that comes in cripples
us, leaves us maimed, silent, and tamed. And with our flesh and bones he [End
Page 157] builds his homes." Going on: "Their existence is a
crime. Their seat, their robe, their tie. Their land deeds, their hired guns.
They’re the crime."

"Calm Like a Bomb" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/calm.htm),
also from the 1999 The Battle of Los Angeles album, discusses the impact
of capitalist crimes. Rage says: "Stroll through the shanties and
the cities remain. Same bodies buried hungry but with different last names. Pick
a point on the globe, yes the picture’s the same." They go on to list a
variety of capitalist offenses and tools used to perpetrate them: "A bank,
a church, a myth, a hearse, a mall, a loan, a child dead at birth. A white
hooded judge and a syringe and a vein. A field full of slaves some corn and some
debt. There’s a ditch full of bodies, the check for the rent. A mass without
roofs, a prison, a jail."

In arguing that corporate or governmental crimes in a capitalist country are
even more problematic than other crimes, Kappeler,
Blumberg, and Potter (2000) underscore three main myths that are perpetrated
to the public:

The first of these myths is that corporate criminality causes less
damage, both economic and physical, than traditional "street
crimes." Government officials have tried to present the issue of
corporate crimes in terms of individual misconduct and fraud, ignoring the
more pervasive and dangerous criminality of corporations. The second myth is
that corporate crimes are accidents or oversights – that they are
unintended crimes lacking the criminal intent found in crimes of violence
and theft. The third myth is that current laws and law enforcement efforts
are more than sufficient to deal with the problem. This argument is
frequently carried a step further to suggest that present laws are too
stringent and severe and out of proportion to the danger of the behavior (p.
122).

In a clear critique of criminal justice in capitalist societies presented in "Year
of the Boomerang" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/year.htm),
Rage states: "Cast me into classes for electroshock. Straight
incarcerated, the curriculum a cell block." They go on: "'cause the
bosses right to live is mine to die."

In "Darkness (of Greed)" (http://www.ratm.org/music/other/darkness.htm),
Rage says: "Greed! 'causing innocent blood to flow. Entire culture,
lost in the overthrow. They came to seize and take whatever they please, then
all they gave back was death and disease. My people were left with no choice but
to decide, to conform to a system, responsible for genocide." These lines
again reflect the theme that capitalism breeds greed, which then allows for both
physical and cultural genocide. As Churchill (1992)
says: "Literature crafted by a dominating culture can be an insidious
force, disinforming people who might otherwise develop a clearer understanding
of the struggles for survival faced by an indigenous population" (p. 1).

"Hadda Been Playing on the Jukebox (aka JFK)" (http://www.ratm.org/music/other/jfk.htm)
was written by Allen Ginsberg and performed by Rage in concert.
Illustrating the notion of a capitalist police state, the refrain "The CIA
and the Mafia are in cahoots" appears. This phrase echoes the words of Quinney
(2000), who states: "The oppression within the United States cannot be
separated from American imperialism abroad. The crisis of the American empire is
complete. The war waged against people abroad is [End Page 158] part of
the same war waged against the oppressed at home. ... A counterinsurgency
program is being carried out through the CIA abroad and the FBI, LEAA, and the
local police at home" (p. 90). A lengthy critique of the power structure is
described in the following passage, quoted here at length:

Concern about crime, together with the technologies that have grown
around it, has fueled and legitimated new strategies for keeping tabs on
people. Surveillance strategies long associated with prison have thus
spilled into communities, as law enforcers and [End Page 159] security
guards increasingly monitor public places – a trend captured in the phrase
"prisonization of society" (p. 188).

In all, the work of Rage as well as Beckett
and Sasson (2000) describes social control efforts that grow from capitalist
criminal "injustice."

Finally, Rage continues its radical critique in "Producer/Fall
from the Grace of the People" (http://www.ratm.org/music/other/produce.htm).
In a direct assault on the incarceration binge in the United States, Rage
says: "And the ideas you uphold while incarcerated, a victim of social
experiment. Eventually addicted to your eight hour injections of hypocrisy and
arrogance and greed." Going on: "Forced to sit with complicity in
front of my executioners, as they bludgeoned me with their so-called superior
values, and demanded my submission. I became an indentured servant in a factory,
where I myself was the product."

Ideological Justifications. Illustrating the point that media and
other institutions keep the people from knowing the true source of their pain, Rage
says in "Bombtrack" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/bombtrack.htm)
from Rage Against The Machine: "See through the news and views that
twist reality." In "Take the Power Back" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/power.htm),
also from the 1992 self-titled album, Rage focuses more on the lies
people are told at the hands of capitalist media. They say: "One-sided
stories for years and years and years." Regarding our knowledge of the
issues of state and political crime, in "Bulls on Parade" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/bulls.htm)
Rage says: "What we don't know keeps the contracts alive and movin'.
They don't burn the books they just remove 'em."

Rage seems to have become even more overtly political, as well as more
articulate, in their 1999 album The Battle of Los Angeles. "Testify"
(http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/testify.htm)
addresses the media's role in hate and warmongering and the criminality
associated with capitalism. Regarding the media during the Persian Gulf War and
other assaults on the Middle East, Rage says: "Mister Anchor assure
me that Baghdad is burning. Your voice it is so soothing, that cunning mantra of
killing." Chomsky (1997) explains why this
occurs: "Usually the population is pacifist, just like they were during the
First World War. The public sees no reason to get involved in foreign
adventures, killing, and torture. So you have to whip them up. And to whip them
up you have to frighten them" (p. 25). Rage goes on: "I need
you, my witness, to dress this up so bloodless. To numb me and purge me now of
thoughts of blaming you." The songs ends with the Orwellian prophecy:
"Who controls the past now, controls the future; who controls the present
now, controls the past" (Orwell, 1949).

Echoing their admonition from "Testify,"Rage warns
us in "Voice of the Voiceless" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/voiceless.htm)
that: "Orwell’s hell, a terror era coming through." However,
"this little brother’s watching you, too." As noted above, this song
is about Mumia Abu Jamal. Although Mumia’s case is embedded in violence, Wolf,
as cited in Quinney (2000), states that the
state can repress in ways that are not violent, but equally if not more
problematic. He says: "The most perfectly repressive (though not violently
so) capitalist system ... would not be a police state, but the complete
opposite, one in which there were no police [End Page 160] because there
was nothing to police, everyone having accepted the legitimacy of that society
and all its daily consequences" (pp. 160-161). This is actually more
Huxleyian than Orwellian, as Huxley argued that no one would even think to
question their repression because they would not recognize it (Postman,
1986).

"Know Your Enemy" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/enemy.htm)
from Rage Against The Machine is essentially a critique of the
"American Dream." Toward the end of the song, Rage says:
"Compromise, conformity, assimilation, submission, ignorance, hypocrisy,
brutality, the elite. All of which are American Dreams." Rather than the
American Dream that we are taught, Rage feels that the values listed
above are the true values in this country. This is consistent with the work of Ferguson
(1998), who says in regards to media depictions of the "American
Dream" that: " ... Positive stereotypes feed the myth that success is
equally accessible to all. What this suggests is that those who are not
successful have decided not to accept and embrace the American Dream, and have
chosen a life of savagery and/or destitution" (pp. 179-180). The Marxist
critique is clear, especially in the final choice of "the elite."

Echoing the mantra of submission to authorities, "Killing in the Name
Of" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/killing.htm),
from the self-titled album, simply repeats: "And now you do what they told
ya. And now you're under control," building in intensity until de la Rocha
is screaming with angst [Editor's note: By the last refrain, de la Rocha is
screaming: "Fuck you, I won't do what you tell me! Motherfucker!"]. As
Quinney (2000) states, in a capitalist system,
"criminal law is increasingly used in the attempt to maintain domestic
order. The underclass, the class that must remain oppressed for the triumph of
the dominant economic class, will continue to be the object of criminal law as
long as the dominant class seeks to perpetuate itself" (p. 90). In
referring to the use of propaganda in preventing citizens from being aware and
thus empowered to fight the genocide, in "Darkness (of Greed)"Rage
says: "Left with no choice but to decide, to conform to a system. Their
minds enslaved, their souls encaged." Later Rage describes white
hegemony: "Ya cram ya culture down my throat. Say I'm inferior when I find
that I choke. Ya fill my mind with a false sense of history. And then you wonder
why I have no identity?"

One of Rage's more popular songs from the Evil Empire album, "Down
Rodeo" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/rodeo.htm),
articulates the problems with "truth" as we know it, with organized
religion, and with capitalism. The following line links these critiques
together: "One God, one market, one truth, one consumer. Just a quiet
peaceful dance for the things we'll never have." "Year of the
Boomerang" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/year.htm),
from the Evil Empire album, further addresses capitalist ideology when Rage
describes being "enslaved by dogma." Much like Orwell’s doublespeak,
characterized by the mantras "War is Peace. Freedom is Slavery. Ignorance
is Strength," the lack of ability of the oppressed classes to articulate
and act on their own oppression is purposeful. As Quinney
(2000) says: "Thinking in itself is the beginning of a critical
philosophy" (p. 103).

Schools are generally held responsible for perpetrating the American Dream
myth in "Know your Enemy" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/enemy.htm)
from the self-titled album. Rage says: "Yes, I know my enemies.
They're my teachers who taught me to fight me." Another song from the
self-titled album, "Take the Power Back"[End Page 161] (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/power.htm),
also discusses the hegemony of schools: "The present curriculum, I put my
fist in ‘em. Eurocentric every last one of ‘em. See right through the red,
white, and blue disguise."

The notion of religious justification for oppression is clear in "Take
the Power Back" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/power.htm)
when Rage says: "So-called facts are fraud. They want us to allege
and pledge and bow down to their God." Indeed, radical criminologists
believe that the system is set up to do one thing, that is to keep order, but in
fact does something else, which is to depict "the enemy."

"Testify" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/testify.htm)
from The Battle of Los Angeles discusses the ways that religion is used
to justify capitalist crimes. Religion is envisioned, as Marx did, as the
"opiate of the masses" in the line: "Your temple, it calms me, so
I can carry on."

Actions to be Taken. What should we do about these problems created
by capitalists? In "Bombtrack" (http://www.ratm.org/music/ratm/bombtrack.htm)
from the self-titled album, Rage tells us: "Burn, burn, yes, ya
gonna burn." This coupled with the line, "I warm my hands upon the
flames of the flag," suggest that they advocate such symbolic gestures as
burning the United States flag to express their convictions.

Rage advocates violent revolution in "Year of the
Boomerang" (http://www.ratm.org/music/evil/year.htm),
citing the work of Franz Fanon regarding the French colonization of Algeria:
"Grab the cannon like Fanon," Rage recommends. Rage has
developed a recommended reading list on each of the two websites that use their
name. These include works by Fanon, as well as Noam Chomsky, Malcolm X, Che
Guevara, George Jackson, Howard Zinn, Eldridge Cleaver, and, of course, Karl
Marx (see www.ratm.org and www.ratm.com).

In "War Within a Breath" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/breath.htm)
from the 1999 album The Battle of Los Angeles, Rage recommends
that people" "Seize the metropolis, it’s you that it’s built
on." Again seeming to advocate violent revolution, they state: "War
within a breath, it’s land or death."

"Guerilla Radio" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/guerrilla.htm),
also from the 1999 album The Battle of Los Angeles, discusses the notion
that true change cannot occur within a capitalist framework. "As the polls
close like a casket on truth devoured, a spectacle monopolized, the camera’s
eye on choice disguised. Was it cast for the mass who burn and toil? Or for the
vultures who lust for blood and oil?" These lines are especially
interesting in light of George Bush’s stolen presidential election. Crimes of
the elite are again addressed. "Who stuff the banks, who staff the party
ranks. More for Gore or the son of a drug lord." Here awareness is
advocated, rather than revolution: "It has to start somewhere. It has to
start sometime. What better place than here? What better time than now?" [End
Page 162]

Once again arguing that we should not obey capitalist laws that allow these
discrepancies and these harms, in "Calm Like a Bomb" (http://www.ratm.org/music/bola/calm.htm)
Rage says: "There’s a right to obey and a right to kill."

IMPLICATIONS FOR TEACHING AND EXPLORING RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY

The lyrics of Rage demonstrate that there are people, whether
knowingly or not, who are still discussing and even pursuing a radical agenda. Rage
clearly can be considered radical, but the members of this band are not
criminologists. Recognition of the connections between radical academic themes
and popular culture has import for criminologists because it suggests that the
message is out there, even if listeners do not know to, or desire to, label it
radical criminology. Regardless of whether the radical perspective has lost
credibility, steam, or both, it still must be understood in the evolution of
criminological thought and taught to students of the discipline. In explaining
this theoretical approach to criminology students, many of whom will be at least
partly familiar with the work of the band, Rage can provide a useful
tool. Pfohl (1980) states: "To teach criminology is to teach about the
construction of criminal law, the development of criminal behavior, and the
organization and application of criminal control measures" (p. 245). While Rage
takes a more instrumentalist perspective, it is certainly possible to use their
work as an introduction to the structuralist perspective. Rage’s lyrics
can highlight the radical understanding of crime and capitalism, ideological
justifications, and actions to be taken.

Rage’s lyrics can also be introduced as a means of critiquing the flaws
with the radical perspective. As Ahlkvist (1999) asserts: " ... Music can
do much more than illustrate concepts and theories" (p. 126). Ahlkvist
(1999) argues that teachers have been criticized for failing to make sociology
relevant to diverse audiences, as well as for their use of primarily passive
methods. Use of music, however, can promote active learning, described here:
"Rather than the teacher presenting facts to the students, the students
play an active role in learning by exploring issues and ideas under the guidance
of the instructor. Instead of memorizing, and being mesmerized by, a set of
often loosely connected facts, the student learns a way of thinking, asking
questions, searching for answers, and interpreting observations" (p. 127).

Since completing this analysis of Rage’s work, I have not taught a
criminology course, so I have not had the opportunity to use Rage's music
as a teaching tool. In the future I plan to incorporate Rage into my
criminology courses, although I am uncertain of the approach I will take. One
option is to introduce students to the radical perspective first through
lecture, reading, or other materials, and then to listen and discuss Rage’s
work in more of an application and review fashion. Another option is for
students to be given a few songs by Rage, as well as by other musicians,
that reflect the radical perspective and ask them to work in groups to dissect
the lyrics and present their findings to classmates. Other groups of students
could perhaps look at different media for application of the radical
perspective. Still another option is to begin with a discussion of the lyrics,
asking students what they think are the major points Rage is making and
then connecting those thoughts to the work of radical criminologists.

Reports regarding the use of music in the classroom indicate that it is an
effective, as well as interesting, teaching tool. Ahlkvist (1999) summarizes
several evaluations of classroom use, each indicating that the music helped
students get involved in discussion and encouraged [End Page 163] students
to question assumptions. Further, music can be used as more than a simple lyric
analysis, but as an analytical tool. This provides students the chance to
practice "using theoretical, conceptual, and empirical tools to make
sociological sense of it" (p. 128). Ahlkvist (1999) says: "Indeed,
heavy metal and rap allow fans to symbolically express resistance to dominant
cultural forms, ideologies, and identities: A process whereby marginalized
people –such as the working class, women, and gay and lesbian youth – use
music and other signifying practices to make 'noise' that challenges society's
symbolic order" (p. 135).

In addition to the need to teach students about the radical perspective, it
is also becoming increasingly important for students to analyze the role of the
media in their own knowledge base. In regards to the importance of analyzing
film as a teaching tool, Giroux says in Bailey and Hale (1998): "Teachers
and students should engage popular films seriously as legitimate forms of social
knowledge that reveal different sets of struggles among youth within diverse
cultural sites" (p. 234). Numerous texts that look at the intersection of
crime and popular culture have been produced in the late 1990s, including Bailey
and Hale’s Popular Culture, Crime and Justice (1998), Ferrell and
Websdales’ Making Trouble: Cultural Constructions of Crime, Deviance and
Control, and Rafter’s Shots in the Mirror. Each of these texts has
relied on analysis of film, television, or print media, however. Analyzing how
music reflects themes of crime and justice has not been fully pursued to date.
Using the work of Rage to introduce radical criminology is one way to
start. In sum, the work of Rage Against The Machine can be used to engage
students in a critical review of Marxist interpretations of crime, as well as to
empower students to be more critical media consumers.

ENDNOTE

* Direct correspondence to Dr. Laura L. Finley, Western Michigan University,
Department of Sociology, Sangren Hall, Kalamazoo, Michigan, 49008 (Email:
lauraleefinley@hotmail.com). Laura L. Finley recently received her Ph.D. in
sociology at Western Michigan University. She has taught high school social
studies as well as sociology, criminology, and teacher-preparation courses at
the university level. Previous publications include a book chapter about the
depiction of female delinquents in popular film, an article on students' privacy
rights, and several book and film reviews. An article analyzing concerns with
"anti-racist" films is forthcoming in an issue of Contemporary
Justice Review.