There’s a growing constituency for the idea that Israel’s time is limited. Between 1949 and the early 1970s, Israel’s right to exist was openly denied by most of the Arab world, but largely unquestioned elsewhere. Then the narrative changed, and for the next quarter century the growing consensus in the West and in Israel itself was that the existential threat had passed, and if only Israel would accept the Palestinians alongside it, peace would flourish. The Green Line of 1967: if only Israel would retreat to it!

Since summer 2000 this narrative has been steadily losing ground. Most Israelis and their elected leaders have accepted the fundamental thesis if not all its details, but the Palestinians have made clear their claims begin with 1948, not 1967.

So Israel’s enemies and harsh critics are dropping the pretence of seeking partition; they are ever more openly striving for an abolition of Zionism. The Jews should have no separate state of their own, say the enemies; the Jews may end up with no state of their own, say the unconfident friends, and all call for Israeli actions which may bring this about.

Here are three random examples, all from the past 24 hours. First, the rabid antisemites at the Guardian’s Comment is Free, ranting about the urgent need for a world without Israel. Second, Andrew Sullivan, muddled thinker but very popular blogger, telling A.Jay Adler he can’t see Israel reaching its 60th anniversary (which happened back in 2008, but no matter). Finally, Jeffrey Goldberg, journalist and blogger at The Atlantic and a staunch supporter of Israel, fearing that wrong Israeli policies might cause it not to survive. The antisemites hope for Israel’s end, Sullivan is beginning to wonder, and Goldberg is beginning to fear; they all agree it’s possible.

I’m sorry – no, I’m not sorry at all – but whoever is planning our near demise doesn’t get it. We’re not here because the Colonialists sent us and forgot to take us back. We’re not here as revenge for the Shoah the Europeans enabled the Germans to commit on us. We’re not here on the sufferance of the Americans. We’re here because we’ve decided to be here. Short of divine plans, which I don’t pretend to be able to explain, our decisions are the most important part of the story, as they always have been.