The Kharajites

and their impact on Contemporary Islam

part 4

Shaykh Seraj Hendricks

After the original Muhakkima numerous Kharajite factions emerged. At least
twenty are listed in both the al-Milal wa an-Nihal of Shahrastani
and the al-Farq baina l-Firaq of al-Baghdadi. Even more is mentioned
in the Maqalat al-Islamiyya of Abu l-Hasan al-'Ashari.

Nevertheless, the most important of these factions were the Azariqa,
the Najadat, the Buhaisiyya,
the Ajarida, the Tha'alaba,
the 'Ibadiyya, and the
Sufriyya. From these core factions a host of other sub-factions emerged. These
factions and sub-factions merely differed in the extent of their extremism.
While a detailed study of the nature and extent of their differences is beyond
the scope of this series, it is, nevertheless, instructive to know precisely
how some of these divisions occurred.

After the Muhakkima, the first and by far the most powerful and influential
faction to emerge was the Azariqa.
This faction, mentioned previously, was founded by Nafi' b. Azraq (d.60 AH).
The chief difference between them and the Muhakkima was the manner in which
they regarded those who differed from them. While the Muhakkima viewed others
who differed from them as kuffar (unbelievers), the Azariqa now regarded
them as mushrikeen (idolaters). The fine thread that distinguished kufr
(unbelief) from shirk (idolatry) was all that distinguished them from
each other.

The following therefore, formed part of the principles espoused by the Azariqa:

a) That those who refused to settle in or undertake a hijra to the
territories they controlled were declared mushrikeen, even if those
who refused to do so agreed with their opinions.

b) That it was obligatory for anyone seeking to join their armed forces
to be subjected to an inquisition. Part of the inquisition included presenting
to the candidate a Muslim prisoner of war that differed with the Azariqa.
The candidate was ordered to kill the prisoner. If he refused to do so then
he, in turn, would be declared a mushrik and killed.

c) That it was permissible to kill both the women and children of those
who differed with them and that their children, after being killed, would
permanently reside in hell.

The notions of a Dar al-Hijra (an abode of refuge for Muslims) and
a fervent sense of "belonging" to their views were strong in Azariqa
circles. In their Dar al-Hijra they were the Muhajireen (those
who fled, literally, from a state of unbelief to a state of true belief). The
rest who refused to flee with them were all mushrikeen residing in a
Dar al-Harb (an abode of war violently opposed to Islam). Nafi' b' Azraq
finally declared too, that it was not permissible for those Kharajis residing
in non-Kharajite lands to hide their beliefs. This form of taqiyya (or
to hide one's faith under life-threatening circumstances) that have broadly
been accepted by the vast majority of Muslims, was classed as an act of shirk
by Nafi'. This latter view of Nafi's was one of the main reasons that lead to
Najda b. 'Amir al-Hanafi breaking ranks with the Azariqa. Thus emerged a new
faction - the Najadat.

While Najda, along with a military contingency, was on his way from al-Yamama
to meet Nafi' he encountered Abu Fudaik and 'Atiyya b. al-Aswad al-Hanafi. They
informed Najda of certain new innovations (bida'at) invented by Nafi'.
Najda rejected these innovations and was then pronounced the new leader of the
Kharijis. He adopted the title of Amir al-Mu'mineen (Leader of the Faithful).
It was not long after that that Najda, in turn, found himself in trouble with
both Abu Fudaik and 'Atiyya.

Najda, as the new Amir and Mujtahid, had given himself the licence to introduce
a few new innovations of his own. Amongst these "innovations" was
his view that those of his followers who perpetrated major sins - such as stealing
and fornicating etc. - were destined to be punished in a hell other than that
reserved for genuine unbelievers. These transgressors remained Muslim for as
long as they agreed with his views. Another of his "innovations" was
that those who deviated slightly - but consistently - from his views or engaged
- also consistently - in the telling of harmless little lies were all declared
idolaters. Even more comical was the fact that he was told by a dissenting group
to go to the mosque and repent from these innovations. This he did. Subsequently
a party from this dissenting group apparently regretted their behaviour. They
told him that he was the Imam and that he had the right to his ijthad.
But it did not end there. They then ordered him to repent from his initial repentance.
In addition he had to further instruct those who originally ordered him to repent
to repent from that order. To add to his misery the group now threatened to
remove him if he failed to comply with these new demands.

All of this appeared to be a little too much for Abu Fudaik. By now Abu Fudaik
had taken control of al-Yamama. So while the followers of Najda were out warring
along the coastline of Syria and in certain parts of Yemen, Abu Fudaik contrived
to get rid of Najda. They snuffed him out in a house of one of his followers,
decapitated him, and brought his head to Abu Fudaik. Meanwhile, Abu Fudaik and
Atiyya b. al-Aswad - erstwhile co-conspirators against Nafi' b. al-Azraq - also
appeared to have developed a new set of problems with each other. So each one
blandly absolved himself of the others' excesses. In the midst of this division
between the two, the Umayyad ruler Abd al-Malik b. Marwan sent an army to crush
Abu Fudaik and his followers. The mission was a success. Abu Fudaik was killed
in the process and Atiyya fled to Sijistan where he founded the lesser-known
Kharijite branch called the 'Atawiyya.

Amongst the disciples of 'Atiyya was Abd al-Karim b. 'Ajrad. Abd al-Karim,
in turn, founded the 'Ajarida - another influential branch of the Kharajites.
Their principles broadly corresponded to those of the Najadat, except that they
denied that Surah Yusuf was a part of the Quran. They alleged that the Qissat
al-'Ishq (or the "story of passion" between Nabi Yusuf and Zulaikha)
could never have been revealed by Allah. My personal view, however, is that
Nabi Yusuf's approach to the oppressive pharaonic political order flew in the
face of their belief that all oppressive rulers must be eliminated by force.
In Kharajite terms, there is no other way to deal with an unjust political order.
Those who differ with their approach on this issue are either kafir or
mushrik. It is this particular point that has lead many to conclude that
the Kharajite movement was primarily a political one masquerading in the garb
of religion.

The unfortunate consequences of their position however, was that much of their
political "theory" - such as the freedom to elect political leaders
irrespective of tribal or racial origins - that might have been useful to the
Ummah became lost under the weight of their extremism. It is in this sense that
the words of Sayyidina Ali may be understood when he said: "Do not fight the
Kharajites after my death. Those who fight for the truth but are mislead along
the way are not as bad as those who fight for falsehood and achieve their ends."

His former statement refers to the Kharajites; the latter, to the Umayyads.

Similar words were uttered by the only recognised leader of the Umayyad dynasty,
Umar b. Abd al-Aziz when he addressed a group of Kharajites and said to them:
"Indeed I am aware that you do not behave in the manner that you do for
the sake of worldly gain. You do seek the blessings of the afterlife, but your
approach is completely wrong."

The one fact that does emerge from the statements of these two great leaders
is their unparalleled tolerance towards those who opposed them. Sayyidina Ali might
have paid a heavy price for it, but it is precisely because of this that he
is immortalised in the memory of Muslim history. Few indeed, are the examples
that history can produce that are able to match up to the humanity of Sayyidina
Ali.

Nonetheless, after the death of Sayyidina Ali, the bloodlust of the Kharajites
- especially against other Muslims - continued. While later generations of Muslims
ensured that their influences were either eliminated or at least neutralised
one sect, in its original form, has survived. They are the Ibadites of present
day Oman. Their survival is attributed to the fact that they were the most tolerant
of the Kharajite factions. They were the one group that did not, for example,
regard a perpetrator of a major sin as a kafir or mushrik. Today
the Ibadites are averse to being associated with the Kharajites and consider
themselves just another madhhab like the Shafi`is and Hanafis etc.

In general, the Kharajites became distinguished from other Muslims by four principles
that defined most of them and, of almost equal importance, their common approach
to things.

The four principles comprised the following:

a) The declaration of kufr (unbelief) on Sayyidina `Ali, Uthman, 'Amr
ibn al-`As, Abu Musa al-`Ashari, Mu'awiya, and all those who consented to
the process of arbitration. All of the differing Kharajite factions agreed
on this point.

b) That all perpetrators of major sins were permanently destined for hell.
The exception to this was the Ibadites.

c) The declaration of either kufr or shirk upon those who
differed with them.

d) That it was obligatory to overthrow an oppressive ruler by force.

Their approach, on the other hand, was marked by unbridled extremism and severity.
This extremism was most manifest in two respects. One, in the puritanical spirit
that they executed all their affairs - whether of the worldly or spiritual order
- and particularly so in their 'ibadat; two, in the ruthless spirit of
inquisition that they introduced into Islam. In this respect they differed but
little from all other crazed fanatics, whether past or present, Muslim or non-Muslim.

In the next part of this series we shall look at the coming of Abdul Wahhab
and what has come to be known as the "Wahhabite" movement.