§erpent's Qrootlt
Congrats to Dennis Connor and the
crew of Stars and Stripes for returning
the Cup to its rightful home. Now, our
thoughts turn to bringing the 1990
race to Michigan.

**
It's time for Free University once
again. This year, the savants plan to
offer such delicacies as "Anarchist
Potlucks," (Bring your own?),
"Changing Men's Class," (For
androgenoids?), "Sabotage and Street
Art," (How to draw graffiti in .
Managua?), "How to Self Publish,"
(Gee, maybe we should attend that),
"Women's Math Anxiety," (And Men
don't sweat when figuring out
logarithms?), and "Green Politics,"
(Bring your own bicycle?). They are
still looking for people to start their
own course. So, if you want to teach a
course in the History of Conservative
Thought Since Burke,just give them a
call. And let us know what happens.

It was Romper Room time at the
It seems that a new use has been
MSA chambers a few weeks ago. The
found for the shanty: sunbathing.
keepers of the campus faith (and loose
Unfortunately, it seems no one has
change), PIRGIM, and several symthe guts or the balls to go nude
sunbathing. Any volunteers?
pathetic MSA reps, locked out MSA
v . , . . president Kurt Muenchow . and fiv~ , ',..
",
.
. ' . '
/;"''t ':''i'~;..;.'·''''·':<·' '. ',.other. reps .who opposed PlRGIM's"'f, ." "
For once, the government IS showplan to receive funding from your
Oh, we forgot to mention that Alan
"tudent assembly. Muenchow and
ing signs of efficiency, as a nuclear test
Cranston was with Meese and Ford on
wa~ performed ~head of schedule. The
company unlocked the door and atthat fateful walk to the Law School.
radl~s co~plame~ (boo-hoo) that it
:empted to reenter the chamber.
Ever the spokesman of reason,
conflIcted With then class schedules.
i lowever, the PIRGIM-MSA alliance
Cranston turned to the wild protesters
tried in vain to force the door closed.
and said: "Don't look at me. I voted
Muenchow and company prevailed.
not to confirm him (referring to
Aren't you glad to see that your MSA
Meese)."
fee is being used for such constructive
(+\.( fo~-QWQihJ o"J.
purposes?
mCJ(.t.-~('QtJ~1 rdx" of ...)

* *... ..... '.

.,><. (;*
. * ....

**

SEVODNYA _ - - _

1

ZDESS

I

I

**
Speaking of children, Ann Arbor's
finest were out in full force to greet
Attorney General Meese and former
president Gerald Ford, a Michigan
alumnus. The two dignitaries were
pelted with snow and eggs as they
attempted to enter the Law School for
a dinner. What a shallow grasp of the
concept of democracy! It seems that
gross underside of the "enlightened"
ones has been revealed to the campus
again. These people have no use for
rational exchanges of issues. How can
they? In their distorted world, the only
idea that exists is their own.

**
~

- --~

~

!

----

After coming in from the cold,
Edwin Meese granted this journal an
interview. We don't throw eggs.

Have you seen the posters? Pursell-lIS . . . Radicals-O. Keep on
trying, guys (oops. and gals).

**

Feminists scored a victory as the
contract on the Black Velvet billboard
was not renewed. Rape culture is one
step closer to being eliminated. As the
Meese commission observed, pornography causes rape, but as of this
Writing, none of the local newsstands
selling dirty magazines had been
spray-painted.

**
After a prolonged absence from this
page, we are happy to note that Paul
Jensen is back and running for higher
office. The contest is to guess which
one. Bulletins forthcoming.
Go Blue!

HONOlURY A.DVISORY BOARD:
C. William Colburn. Paul McCracken. Stephen
Tonsor
SUPPORTERS:
Gerald R. Ford, R. Emmell Tyrrell. Jr., Norman
Podhoretz, Irving Kristol. William F. Buckley.
Jr. , Edwin Feulner Jr ..
The Michigan Review welcomes. appreciates,
pleads for letters from our fans, admirers,
adversaries (at your own risk, of course), and
groupies. If you want to see your letter on these
pages (page 9, actually). please temper your
writing to lib more than two double-spaced,
type-written pages. Also, let us know your name,
where you !il'e and your phone number.
But your response is not only limited to a
lel/er. You may also suhmit an article. All work
will be reviewed by our impeccable editorial staff
and considered in light of structure and content.
Articles wn he sent to our spacious. modern
corporate office in the Michigan League. Well.
actually, here is the mailinl? address:

Freedom of speech. Liberty. Democracy. Justice. Peace. These are
words which lend themselves easily to
subjective use. They provide us with
rational justifications for our actions
and serve as emotional coatings for
selected issues. Slogans bearing these
tenets have appeared frequently in
history by advocates and opponents
of various causes. And often, they are
merely stark facades, hiding the
spurious motives of their champions.
This occurs often on the Left and has
been on display recently on this
campus, as well as others.
An opprobrious litany follows:
On February 4, 1987, a throng of
radical protesters, under the guise of
"freedom of speech and expression,"
threw snowballs and eggs at Attorney
General Edwin Meese and Gerald
Ford. The two were entering the law
school for a dinner.
In October 1985, Vice President
George Bush was constantly heckled
during a speech commemorating the
25th anniversary of the Peace Corps at
the Michigan Union. The crowd was
unable to hear the Vice President.
Once again, this action was simply
"free speech." The protesters opposed
Mr. Bush because his views were
antithetical to their notions of
"peace," "justice," and "democracy."
At Northwestern University, in the
Spring of 1985, Nicaraguan contra
leader Adolfo Calero was unable to
complete his speech as protesters
disrupted the meeting. Students and
faculty rushed the stage and threw red
liquid on Mr. Calero. Then, English
,professor Barbara Foley seized the
microphone and screamed: "He has

no right to speak . . . He'll be lucky to
get out of here alive ." When
questioned about their actions, the
radicals stated their "right to free
speech" in a "democratic society."
Yet again were they champions of
"peace and justice." (And Mr. Calero,
of course, symbolized war and
immorality).
There have been many more incidents such as these, with the common
theme of attempting to stifle the
opposing viewpoint. The protesters
have cloaked their real intentions in
such tenns as "free speech." But
underneath this facade lies the grim
reality of their motive, which so
closely resembles the totalitarian
mind-set. Rather than allowing the
opposing viewpoint to be heard, they
attempt to suppress it. "If we constantiy harrass them, then maybe they
will stop coming to our campus." The
radicals are so convinced that their
ideas aJ;e correct that any other idea
espoused is pure blasphemy.
Moreover, and here is a shocking
similarity to Soviet policy, the radical
protesters may even fear that the
opposing viewpoint will be accepted
and embraced by "the masses." Thus,
they are forced to paint the opposing
argument as a lie or evil, and must
"educate" the people about the
"correct" viewpoint, their own.
Hannah Arendt, in her seminal
work Totalitarianism. describes the
first acts of a totalitarian movement:
"Only the mob and the elite can be
attracted by the momentum of totalitarianism itself; the masses have to be
won by propaganda. Under conditions of constitutional government

•

~.~
Seth B. Klukoff is a Senior in Political
Science and Editor-in-Chief of the
Review

''\.

The Michigan Review
Suite One
911 North University
Ann Arbor, MI 48109
The Michigan Review is an independent,
student-run journal at the University of Michigan. This means that no one controls us. We
are in no way, shape, or form representative of
the policies of the Administration and accept no
dough from the University.
Typesetting is provided by Trade Graphics,
Inc. OUf printers are Observer and Eccentric
(But not in that order).
Copyright \98 7

and freedom of opinion (emphasis
mine), totalitarian movements struggling for power can use terror to a
limited extent only and share with
other parties the necessity of winning
adherents amd of appearing plausible
to a public which is not yet rigorously
isolated from an other sources of
information."
Therefore, when the leftist protesters' arguments are dissected, the
dangerous notion of totalitarianism
rears its ugly head. They may not have
actually planned to utilize totalitarian
strategy. However, the blatant similarities of their actions exist. In the
name of "free speeth," the radicals
intend to stifle the opposition's right
to free speech . In the name of
"democracy," they destroy the true
beauty of a ciemocratic society-the
possibility for many differing viewpoints to coexist, ' without suppression.

Moderation in South Africa
by Len Greenberger
Though the Iran-Contra scandal has
dominated the news recently, important events have been unfolding in
South Africa during the past few
months. Because of public and Congressional pressure, the Reagan Administration has been forced to
abandon its policy of constructive
engagement and has imposed economic sanctions. Dozens of Western
companies have packed their bags and
left. With the Western world's influence gone, the various groups vying
for control within South Africa have
been left to fight it out among themselves.
A common misconception among
most is that all South African blacks
"~"""~'~~I';~\;:(,' " .are unified again~l the Batha gQ¥~"', ..
.. ,.N ,'.
, ., ..... , m~nt and apartheId. Most have heard
of the banned African National Congress (ANC) and its imprisoned leader, Nelson Mandela. Few, however,
have heard of the largest black political group in South Africa, the Inkatha, led by Zulu Chieftain Mangosuthu Buthelezi. These two groups
have very different views about how
to change the current form of government in South Africa. The future
of South Africa, and her relations with
the U.S., depends entirely on which
group comes to power.
The ANC is a radical group, advocating the complete overthrow of
the white minority rule in South
Africa without compromise. Buthelezi and the Zulus are moderates who
advocate peaceful and cooperati ve
negotiations with the present government as a way to win reforms and end
apartheid. The problem raised by this
distinction is which group should be
backed by the U.S, The problem can
be solved by answering four questions.
First: What is the best outcome for
all the people of South Africa: the
blacks, the whites, the coloreds? This
would clearly be the establishment of
economic and political rights within a
framework of government which
represents all the people of South
Africa equally and without racial

***

The debate over apartheid is often
misunderstood. The question is not
whether apartheid should exist; it is an
abhorrent and unjustifiable practice
which must end as soon as possible. The
questions are over how apartheid
should be ended and what type of
government will replace it. Even among
South African blacks, these questions
are fiercely debated. As such, the
Review presents a forum that attempts
to answer these questions.

segregation. While at the present time
blacks in South Africa are persecuted
and denied basic rights, a future
government which persecutes and
denies these rights to any group within
the country would be just as bad. In
addition, the transition from aparthe1d "'tb '< 'equhlit;""ideiilty"shouid" ·be
non-violent. A bloody civil war would
serve the interests of no group.
Second: What outcome would best
serve the interests of the U.S. in the
region? Given the vital natural resources which come almost exclusively to the U.S. from South Africa and
the strategic sea lanes around the Cape
of Good Hope, a future government
friendly to the U.S. is essential. This
in turn would benefit the people of
South Africa, as the U.S. has much to
offer a new and democratic government there.
Third, and perhaps most important: Which type of group in South
Africa is best geared toward achieving
the outcomes outlined above, radicals
or moderates? Concerning the first
outcome, if the ANC was to overthrow the present government, the
government it would set up would
differ in only one respect: blacks
would replace whites as the persecutors. The ANC would undoubtedly
turn on the whites and would probably also persecute other blacks who
did not agree with their policies;
namely, the 6 million Zulus under
Buthelezi. Moreover, a coup by the
ANC would most likely result only
after a long and bloody struggle.
E \i idence of this can be seen in the
terrorist attacks made by the ANC

***

(which, incidentally, usuallly maim
and kill blacks), and the chants by
ANC supporters at an anti-apartheid
rally of "Give up weapons. We want
to strike back at the State." Buthelezi
is the answer if a peaceful, non-repressive gov(!rnment is ever to rule in
South ,Africa.
The answer regarding the second
outcome is the same. The ANC is
strongly anti-American, and the
chances for change despite recent
American sanctions are slim. The
ANC is influenced by communists,
and chances are an ANC government
would be much friendlier to the Soviet
Union than the present one. Buthe\ezi, though , is a potential Western
ally. A firm believer in capitalism, he
opposes economic sanctions on South
Africa because he believes they hurt
the blacks. The question remains.
however, if Buthelezi can bring about
the changes required to end apartheid,
or can that only be done by forcing
Botha and the whites out of power?
It cannot be argued that Buthelezi
and his Inkatha Party have the numbers to bring about the necessary
changes. Buthelezi is well-liked by the
Botha administration, mainly for his
moderate views and his desire to bring
about an end to apartheid through
peaceful means. Many South Africans
regard him as being the only possible
solution to the racial problems in
South Africa short of civil war. His
recent opening of a dialogue between
blacks and whites regarding the creation of a completely multi-racial
government in his home state of Natal
won widespread suppon among both

blacks and whjtes. Buthelezi, however, needs help, He needs the U.S. to
pressure Pretoria to accept this proposal and incorporate it throughout
the country as a step towards ending
apartheid. The resources are there, we
only have to use them.
The picture is clear. Buthelezi and
the moderates are a better alternative
not only for the U.S., but also for the
people of South Africa. The U.S.
should be supporting him and his
Natal proposal, but we are not. This is
because of a fear that a U.S. relationship with Buthelezi would again
inflame those who forced the imposition of sanctions and a need within
the administration not to rock the
foreign policy boat in the wake of the
Iran-Contra scandal. Ec(!)nomic sanctions have not worked. Botha has
tightened the grip and thousands of
blacks have lost their jobs. Buthelezi
is the United States' last hope for a
peaceful and prO-American change of
government in South Africa. The U.S.
should use whatever political clout it
has left with Botha to coerce him to
negotiate with Buthelezi and the
moderates in South Africa.

II

Lell Greenberger is a Junior lU Political Science and a staff writer for the
Rc\ icw.

A Case for the A.N.C.
by David Fletcher
Buthelezi is not a leader interested
fascist government makes him tar
Moderate versus extremist argupeaceful change. Recently, it called for
ments are artificial when considering
rent and consumer boycotts and labor
in the liberation of black South Afri·,
from moderate, since the government
the African National Congress a lestrikes. The ANC is also trying to
cans. He was appointed by the govis the most extreme of all political
:sitimate organization for positive
provide alternative education in the ernment to his position in the Zulu
groups in that country. Inkatha's intownships for people who reject th
volvement in vigilante violence also
change in South Africa. The ANC is
township, so he is on the federal
not an extremist organization. And,
bantu education system that teaches
payroll. He gets more privileges, such
shows they are far from non-violent.
submission to people of color.
most of the alternatives to the ANC
Supporting Buthelezi as a moderate,
as the right to hold demonstrations,
Still, in the light of the very legitiare not moderate. The ANC is a
or even legitimate African leader,
than any other black leader. Not
popularly supported armed struggle
mate route the ANC has chosen, there
surPrising is the fact that his politics
working for the liberation of black
against a fascist regime. It cannot be
is confusion in this country over are usually similar to the
South Africans is ludicrous.
If one must reject armed,struggle as
condemned because it took up arms.
supporting the ANC in theory ifnot in go'lernment's. His image as a leader is
If the underground resistance to the
material aid. What creates all the
largely a media and governmental
a means of liberation, the only possible legitimate organization to support
Nazis in Germany took up armed
confusion? It is the bias of this gov- construction, as he does not have
ernment and especially of conserva- nearly the popular support that both
struggle, would we have condemned
is the United Democratic Front
(UDF). Formed in 1982, the UDF is a
it? Probably not. The Nationalist
tive news media like the Michigan
he and the South African news agengovernment in South Africa rivals the
Review which align themselves with
cies suggest.
coalition of clergy, trade unions, and
the apartheid regime in South Africa.
fascism we saw in Nazi Germany.
student and civic organizations that
Reports from clergy in Crossroads
I;'dccd , many of the founde~ of the
For example, they often suggest that . that were ,clandestinely taken out of
concentrate on economic, political
JJ li,>nalisl, Part.y w~~ Nazis ¢9mitlg ~., . a~equate change CflIl.oc;:cur.with . ~Q . the ~ol,mtry :show theColl~boration of ." and ·sQCial avenues through which it
trom a crumbling Germany. In order
African involvement. Either the Namany Inkatha 'members with the
can apply pressure on the government
to reform.
to better understand the tactics used
tionalists will reform or U .S. corpo- government. They were part of vigiby the ANC, one must understand its
rations (with no history of progressive lante violence (often termed
The UDF, however, does not conhuman rights values) will instigate a "black-on-black" violence) at Crosspast struggles and the nature of its
sider itself an alternative to the ANC.
oppressor.
change-even though both groups roads last year. Organized and paid by
It recognizes and legitimizes the
have great interest in the status quo.
In 1912, the ANC was formed in
the government, these vigilantes initANC's struggle as a battle 01) a difThen, if conservatives believe African iate violence toward other black South
response to the enactment of the
ferent front. The UDF calls for the
Group' Areas Act (legislation that
leadership is important for African Africans. A closer look reveals the
return of the ANC and the release of
liberation , they choose Gatsha police giving directions and even
segregated living areas on the basis.of
Nelson Mandela as a first step toward
race). For almost fifty years, the ANC
Buthelezi and call his organization, helping in the unwarranted attack.
negotiations for possible reforms.
Inkatha, moderate and non-violent.
pursued all avenues of peaceful proButhelezi's collaboration with the
If we are going to respect black
test to affect social change. It organSouth Africans' struggle for basic
ized strikes, peaceful demonstrations,
human rights and their self-determiand other forms of civil disobedience.
nation, we must respect the leadership
During this campaign, the ANC
they choose. The popular support for
president, Albert Luthuli, received the
the ANC is always visible. The people
Nobel Peace Prize. But, the resp/lOse
create songs about Mandela and the
of the government to the pea dul
acting president, Oliver Tambo. They
protest, illustrated most clean) in
drape the ANC flag over the caskets at
Sharp ville, resulted in bullets in the
funeral processions. They make
backs of peaceful protestors.
clothes with the ANC colors (black,
In 1960, the Nationalist Party came
green, and yellow). They do all -this
to power (undemocratically, since less
despite the banning of aU signs of
than 20% of the population was emsupport for the ANC including any
powered to vote) and formed the
combination of its colors. Trying to
Republic of South Africa. Besides
delegitimize the ANC is not only
installing · the most brutal laws that
undemocratic, but it shows a prejuconcretized Apartheid, they legally
dice that black South Africans do not
delegitimatized all forms of dissent.
know what is best in their struggle
The leadership of the ANC had to
against apartheid.
decide between two routes-either
submit to tyranny or tum to more
militant tactics.
What little weakness there is in
•
•
.~.
I
David Fletcher is a member of the
Apartheid in South Africa is solely
lease MakeContnbutlons Payable to: ;
I
Free South Africa Coordinating
due to the ANC's taking the latter of The Michigan Review, Suite One, 911 North University, I.-.-,;.C_om_m_i_tt_ee._ _ _ _ _ __
the two choices. And even though the
nn Arbor, Michigan, 48109.
ANC turned to armed struggle, it did
not give up on peaceful protest. Today
the ANC still explores all avenues
_._---_.
._---------------

Can the Foundations of LibertY Crack?
Please support The Michiaan Review.

Overturn Miranda
Once again the debate over the Miranda decision has surfaced in the
printed media. Instead of asking the question: should we overturn
Miranda, perhaps we should ask: what have been the results of
Miranda? Since the ruling has been in existence, there have been many
attempts to throw out evidence by using Miranda as a precedent.
In one case, a man was taken into custody by the police on the
suspicion that he had murdered a missing boy. The man was read his
Miranda rights, deciding to remain silent without a lawyer present.
While driving the man back to the police station, the two officers began
to talk about the case. They discussed how the body would become
frostbitten because of the cold weather. One of the officers noted that
if the body was not found soon, it would begin to rot, and the boy would
not be able to receive a decent funeral. After overhearing the officers'
conversation, the man began to feel guilty. He told the officers where
the body was hidden and confessed to the murder. His confession was
subsequently thrown out on the grounds that it had been obtained
illegally and that the officers had violated the man's Miranda rights.
This case illustrates the destruction that Miranda has inflicted upon
our judicial system. The Fifth and Sixth amendments were written to
protect the innocent, not the guilty. These amendments were intended
to prevent the police from using torture or other uncivilized methods
to extract confessions from guilty or innocent people. The emphasis of

these two amendments is on the trial. By providing for a procedurally
fair trial, it was hoped the chances of convicting an innocent man would
be greatly reduced.
The Miranda decision attempts to protect those who are ignorant of
their rights. Therefore, Miranda protects the guilty because, by
definition, they have already confessed. While i1 is true that a person is
innocent until proven guilty, Miranda protects those who are guilty,
yet unaware that they are not obliged to tell the police of their guilt.
There is nothing in the Constitution, however, that provides for
ignorance of the law. If a day-old immigrant to this country is arrested
for shoplifting, he cannot be acquitted because he did not know that
shoplifting was illegal. Why then should a criminal be acquitted because
he did not now that he had the right to remain silent or to an attorney.
The FBI and the police have been informing suspects Of their rights
long before the Miranda decision was was written. 'Overturning
Miranda will not, therefore, result in the termination of police
informing a suspect of his rights or in the use of torture to obtain
confessions. The overturning of Miranda will result in the conviction
of more criminals, a more efficiently functioning law enforcement
system, and the increased protection of the rights of the victim in
addition to the rights of the accused.

n

Oppose Zoning Proposal
Although a shortage of off-campus housing continues to exist, the
20% of the student body in the Greek system could always count on
having a house in which to live. However, such security may not exist
in the future for new sororities and fraternities which have not yet
acquired a house, or at least one large enough to support any growing
organization.
On February 2, the Ann Arbor City Council gave preliminary
approval to a proposal which threatens to forbid further group housing
in North Burns Park. While it does not affect any of the existing
fraternity or sorority houses, this proposal does eliminate an entire area
with a lot of real estate from a shrinking list of housing possibilities for
new Greek organizations. With less students able to rely on their
fraternities or sororities for off-campus housing, the housing "crunch"
will be exacerbated.
Yet, housing program director Ed Salowitz wishes to form a
commission to discover "whether there is a housing problem at the
University and, if so, how to solve it." Questioning the presence of a
"housing problem" is a joke. The average rent rate in Ann Arbor is
higher than what one might pay to live two blocks from the beach on
the Atlantic Coast during the summer. Moreover, discussing a solution

for the housing shortage while promoting the shortage through the
elimination of housing possibilities is paradoxicaL
What is truly annoying is the way in which this Greek路housing issue
began. Many "noise complaints" were filed last fall against numerous
fraternities by the Ann Arbor police, For example, on the evening of a
party, a disturbed neighbor would notify the police of a raucous, and
the police in turn would show up on the scene with a noise ticket of a
sizeable amount. Ultimately, the city became fed up with fielding the
many complaints of Ann Arbor residents.
Why is this disturbing? Most of the fraternity houses on this campus
have existed longer than anyone neighboring family. If a family places
a high value on its serenity, they should not move into a home which
is so close to a fraternity or sorority house. Certainly, there are many
residential areas in the Ann Arbor.
Most likely, the proposal will pass when the final vote is taken, unless
large student support against it can be mustered. The public hearing
and vote will occur on March 2, and the outcome will be one which
affects the entire student body, not just the members of the Greek
. ,system.
l!

~~",~p1'>1.<)"\\!.,.~:i''t:;:i:''.''~>''''"'''i"''''''''

February, 1987
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Death of the U -Cellar
by Craig Brown

previous condition of specialization
among the Ann Arbor stores,
Don Perigo, the University Ombudsman, has been on the Board of
Directors of the U-Cellar for approximately three and a half years, and was
a contributor as a student in the
1970s. Perigo cited the general inadequacy of the internal financial
mechanisms as one of the major
reasons behind the closing of U-Cellar. The related problems that caused
this failure can be attributed to a
chronic cash flow problem, which was
caused by a significantly higher inventory than necessary as well as a
problem of buying not coinciding with
demand.
In the area of wages, Perigo stated
that in general, the wage/benefit
packages were out of balance as a
percentage of the overall balance for
sales dollars. Futherrnore, many of the
employees were non-students. In fact,
the U-Cellar employed far fewer stu-

On December 24th, 1986, the University of Michigan's student-run
bookstore, the University Cellar
("U-Cellar"), closed its East Liberty
and North Campus Commons locations after a long period of unsuccessful financial practices and poor
cash flow.
The University Cellar originally
opened in 1970 as a discount student
bookstore. First located in the basement of the Michigan Union and then
moving to its locations on East Liberty street and on North Campus, the
U-Cellar was always a favorite place
for students looking for a good deal on
books. Many students enjoyed being
able to have their choice of used books
while others favored the sizeable discount on new texts. The economic
effects of the U-Cellar were to cause
the overall lowering of book prices as
well as a new inter-store competition.
Other bookstores were forced to carry
books of all subjects, in contrast to the

dents than both Barnes and Noble and
Ulrich's.
In discussing the banks' involvement with the U-Cellar, Perigo was
careful to assert that the banks were
not at fault for closing the store. To
support this, Perigo cited a continuous program of borrowing for each
bookrush, which did not help the cash
flow situation.
As of January 30, 1987, the University Cellar will exist as an entity for
approximately one more week as negotiations with Nebraska Books for a
bulk buyout are finalized. "We are at
a very delicate point," Perigo said.
After the deals are finalized, "the
Board of Directors will be dissolved."
The question then arises as to
whether or not students could run a
bookstore of that size. According to
the bylaws of the U-Cellar, much of
the board, as well as the president and
other officers, were in fact students.
However, this may have not been a

contributing factor as many of the
students, according to Perigo, "were
very good at what they did, and may
of them weren't Business students."
In speaking with fellow students
about the closing of U-Cellar, I found
that many believed that the U-Cellar
carried much mor~ inventory than
was demanded as well as being too far
from campus. Students will miss the
U-Cellar, which had come close to
being a campus tradition. When asked
about the situation, LSA sophomore
Carter Dutch said, "I think it (the
closing) sucks. Price hikes are inevitable and the lines at the other stores
are terrible . . . I miss U ~Cellar
already."
\
If

Craig L. Brown is a Sophomore in
LSA and a staff writer for the Review.

Alexander Goldfarb
On Tuesday, February 10, the Review
spoke with Alexander Goldfarb, a
former Soviet dissiderit who left that
country in 1975. He is currently a
member of the International Human
Rights Commission and has spoken
publicly on behalf of Soviet prisoners
of conscience. In late September, Mr.
Goldfarb's father, David, was released
with US journalist Nicholas Daniloff
and dissident Yuri Orlov. The Goldfarbs reside in New York City, where
Alexander is a professor of molecular
biology at Columbia University. Alexander Goldfarb was the first speaker
in the Honors Student Council's series
on iltademic freedom.

-;

~' ~ ,, '

REVIEW: What were the circumstances under which you left the Soviet
Union in the Seventies?
GOLDFARB: I was told that I could
leave the Soviet Union in 1975. Preceding lhal. for abow IweJ'I'e years. J
'e./onged (0 a /oose/yorganized group :
which included many people who
would become. world famous. This
group included (Andrei) Sakharov,
(Yuri) Orlov, (Anatoly) Scharansky,
and others. We monitored the Helsinki Accords, which It'cre signed in
1975, and becan! : the l'ictims of a
go vernment crackdull'l1.
REVIEW: Recentl}', C;orbachel' flu:,
released Andrei Sakharor from internal exile and has freed over 100
political prisoners. Is Gorbachev genuinely trying to reform the Soviet
Union?
GOLDFARB: Well, he has released
about 5% of the list of known political
prisoners. According to information
which has filtered out of the Soviet
Union, Gorbachev plans to release
more soon. They are processing up to
two hundred people for release. Altogether, we now have a list of nine
hundred political prisoners.
- I think Gorbachev is genuinely trying to reform Soviet society. He is
trying to prevent the further deterioration of the Soviet economy and social
structure, which was caused by the
total lack of freedom and individual
initiative allowed. His choice now is
either to have a communist system
resembling a "garbage heap of history" or to liberalize and revitalize the
society. The only way he can accomplish the latter is to permit a certain
amount of criticism and initiative. By
our standards, this would be meager.
But by Soviet standards, this will be
absolutely unprecedented.

The more general question is,
therefore, will he be able to accomplish
this? We have two factors. We have the
communist system and we have Gor- '
bachev. The system is failing and
Gorbachev is trying to save it. He is
trying to make the Soviet system
compatible with a rather minimal, yet,
in a So viet context , substantial I
amount of individual freedom. Now, I
everybody who has tried this before has ,
failed. So, zf Gorbachev manages to
accomplish this, we will have to conclude that reform of the Soviet system
is possible. Thusfar, the Soviet system
has proved to be stable as well as
suppressive of freedom . Gorbachf'v
must overcome manv
obstacles to,I
accomplish fhf' goal of reform ,
I
REJtJEW: Is it possible th ea lIi e Su)iet
Union can resolve the issue of human
rights abuses so quickly?
GOLDFARB: Well, the minimal
standard for saying that the issue ofl
human rights abuses has been resolved

is ./he release, oj,, (lll ,rzine, hwuired
political prisoners.' The\ mostfmpdrtant of these people are being released.
REVIEW: What do you mean by
"most important?"
GOLDFARB: They are most important in terms of their disagreement
with the regim e Those who are being
released have heen injai/ under Article
70 q( the criminal code, which is the
anti;propaganda article. Those who
have not been released are people in
the mental asylums and those serving
time for "fabrication on semi-criminal
articles. " For example, a group ofkids
in Estonia who removed Soviet flags,
and replaced them with Estonian
flags, are serving terms jor "malicious
hooliganism." They are not being
released.
REVIEW: Are they releasing the
people who are more visible to the
Western media?
GOLDFARB: In essence, yes. They
are releasing the most visible people.
They have just started releasing prisoners, so I do not think it will be a big
deal to release the remainder ofthe list
of nine hundred. Another question is:
will the things that these people were
jailed for now become permiSSible
activities? I also believe that anothe~
outstanding problem has beenfreedom
of emigration. There has been no
movement by the government in this
area.
REVIEW: How are you involved in
efforts to free Soviet dissidents?
GOLDFARB: I am involved mostly
through public activities. There are
many such groups in New York City,

where 1 live, such as Helsinki Watch,
to which I belong. I have also appeared
on television and have written op-ed
pieces for newspapers. 1 am not involved in any kind of clandestine
activities, such as smuggling things in
and out.
REVIEW: What is the current status
of the refuseniks?
GOLDFARB: Soviet Jews are one q{
the minorities which have specific
problems with the Soviet regime. A
large portion of them want to emigrate, about half a million. Yet, they
are afraid to apply for emigration for
fear of government repression. Thus
jar, eleven thousand have applied for
emigration and have been tefused.
They are cast as pariahs and social
outcasts in Soviet society. The most
outspoken of the refuseniks, and I

think they are sixteen qf the nine
hundred known political prisoners,
have been jailed for engaging in
"Jewish activities." The fact that the
Soviet Jews cannot leave the country
shows the enormous amount ofcontrol
that the Soviet government has over
everyday life. So, there has been no
change whatsoever in the status of fhp
refuseniks.
If

February, 1987

T HE

MICHIlJ\~

Rl \ It \\

1';1\'"

Itnlrruirw

Edwin
Attorney General Edwin Meese was
on campus February 5 for a taping of
a PBS series on the constitution and
the presidency, to be shown in May.
After the taping session, and in the
middle of a hectic schedule, Mr.
Meese was gracious enough to grant
the Review in interview.

REVIEW: In a nationally-syndicated
column, Gregory Fossedal asserts that
President Reagan is ready to hand
over the reins to a next generation of
leadership. Do you believe that President Reagan has assumed such a
posture?
MEESE: Well, I. m not sure what Mr.
Fossedal means by that. But, in the
sense that the President would like to
see a new generation of leaders come
forward, as a result of his leadership
during his eight year period, I think
that is correct. These leaders will have
been part of his administration, or
have started their interest in government and politics during his administration. So, there will be a continuation of the principles that the
President believes in.

eese
REVIEW: Will President Reagan be
able to recover from the damage
caused by the Iran-Contra Affair, or
whatever you want to call it?
MEESE: Yes, I think he will, because
of the way he has handled it. First of
all, the President made it clear that he
wanted all the facts out before the
public and that he was not covering
anything up. Secondly, the President
identified those people who were responsible for improperly handling the
situation. He dismissed them from his
administration. Thirdly, he has taken
the steps necessary to correct any
procedures in organization and process that allowed this sort of thing to
happen. He appointed the special review board, chaired by former Senator
Tower. Fourthly, he has agreed, and is
cooperating with, all proper tribunals,
both in Congress and the independent
counsel. He wants to make sure that to
the extent there was any wrong-doing,
that it be brought to public attention
and whoever was guilty is punished.

Dell er wars

of p rot ('('li ng

S /I 5peeL)

REVIEW: You have been severely
criticized for your desire to see the
Miranda Ruling overturned. Why
should this ruling be overturned?
MEESE: I have been severely criticized by those of a more ' liberal
persuasion, who are more interested in
the so-called rights of criminals and
criminal suspects than in the rights of
law-abiding citizens. What I am interested in is continuing to protect the
rights of criminal suspects, but at the
same time, to have a better balance in
the system. I think it is possible to have

REVIEW: Are you sati.~lied with the
conclusions reached b:v your pornography commission and was this commission ejfective?
MEESE: I think the commission was
very e.ffective, They had some good,
com man sense recoin,. : 'ndat ions,
which. it is interesting {,. 'late, are
approved by wel/ 0I'er 65 % of the
public. This IS a very 11Igh percentage
on a matter lhat could be controversial. such as this. We are now in the
process of implementing those recommendations. While avoiding any possibility of censorship. we will be properly prosecuting that kind of illegal
obscenity, which the Supreme Court
has said. does not deserve any protection under the First Amcndm r> '"

~

Joseph Heller
by Steve George
Joseph Heller, one of America's
foremost satiric novelists, spoke at the
Power Center on Sunday, February I .
Heller, whose most famous work is
Catch-22. delivered a humorous lecture composed of readings from each
of his works.
Surprisingly, Heller did not focus
on Catch-22. mentioning it only
briefly. He introduced the audience to
his method of composition by reading
the first few sentences, then describing
the evolution of the story.
"Thirty-three years ago, I had an idea;
to write a novel. I didn't know or care
about what."
Rather than read at length from
Catch-22. Heller read from reviews
published in The New York Times
Book Review and New Yorker. He
used their negative criticism to justify
his unusual writing technique. To
develop a disorienting story line, he

"consciously used long run-on sentences to indicate chaos and confusion ." The language he used was
meant to "raise rather than answer
questions. "
Heller added that he was a veteran
ofWorid War II, that he was proud to

long, intimate, depressing confession.
Some readers find it too painful to
finish ."
Heller spent the majority of his time
reading from his novel,As Good as
Gold. This book is a satire about a
Jewish professor named Gold who is

"I've always enjoyed writing, even when I wrote short
stories in high school. I've been able to take a tendency
to daydream and convert it to acceptable fiction."
have served, and that Catch-22 did
not reflect his own personal beliefs.
"My originality," he said, "is not in
my ideas, but in my fictional presentation of the ideas of others."
From Catch-22. Heller moved to
his next novel, Something Happened.
He only read a few sentences from the
novel. "Something Happened is a

seeking out the definitive "Jewish
experience" in America. Despite the
novel's plot, Heller selected a scene in
which Golddeci<;les to give his class a
surprise exam describing everything
he has taught so far. Although the
reading was hurried and underemphasized, the audience often responded with laughter as he described

the students' response
geous request.

\0

this outra-

sec page II

Steve George is a Sophomore in
Chemical Engineering and a staff
writer for the Review.

The Typho Getaway Weekend
by Joe and Jane Typho
correct (do any of you know of any
ANN ARBOR-A town that's correct
shallow spots in the River Raisin we
for you
could wade across?) (and who is this
We've made arrangements to see a
Marquette mapmaker anyway? He
show at the recently-closed Campus
writes sloppy and in French, which is
Theatre in Ann Arbor (closed, we
believe, because of our extensive . chic but difficult to understand).
Once in Ann Arbor we'll check into
picketing and guerrilla theatre plays)
our house on the Diag (plenty of room
(not to mention our manycasualty
in a rustic environment) (not to
die-in on South U .) (Damn those
mention politically correct). We'll eat
Mack Trucks). Yes, the People's Sit-In
whatever we can steal from the
Co-op will have a one-timeonly persquirrels (those not ready for natural
formance of their historical, hysterical
vegetarianism may eat the squirrels).
play "Brats". We'd love to have all of
The next day we'll all troop (so to
you leftists recei ving this letter come
speak) over to the theatre for the
along, but you'll have to let us know
show.
soon.
"Brats" is the legendary FB74 muWe'l! be traveling to lovely Asical about a group of spoiled yet
squared by bicycle motorcade from
enlightened college students. We
downtown Toledo on March 4. We
laugh, cry, smile, ache, and suffer
expect to arrive by March 7. if the
eczema as these students seek salvamaps we picked up at the Co-op are

tion on earth by building a new
society, where everybody has old rags,
peace, justice, and neato cars with
power windows. Many of our good
friends in the PSC will be in the show,
which will feature yet another lengthy
and pointless "Star Wars" parody at
intermission.
After the show we'll go out for
dinner at the Alger Hiss Co-op, where
we'll eat pumpkin pie. We'll also have
free time to explore the city. It's really
nice to see the sights-the Fascist
construction zones, the Fascist old
hospital (which could be converted
into an awareness center for Jerry
Brown and the Zen Buddhists), the
Fascist Shapiro home, the Fascist
Regents' offices, the Fascist Co-op
(whoops, rhetoric overload).
Anyway, on March 9 we'll head

.â&#x20AC;˘ ouies in

'::"'\:

back to the Glass City after enjoying
breakfast at the Angell Hall DinnerTheatre (we get the one-person oneact
open mike plays-it's great to watch
some of these drunks improv). The
time on the ride back goes quickly
with passing angry motorists, bicycle
backgammon, and rabid dogs. What a
weekend!
So if you're set to have a great time
and have your conscience raised (or
razed), give us a call at 555-0319 and
reserve your place now. Until then,
. power to the people (and th("i r
portfolios).
~
Joseph and Jane Typho were recently
wed. The groom is a ~aduate student
in the Schoot of Natural Resources
and Buddhist Studies and the bride is
a courtroom artist for Student Legal
Services .

~euielU

Brighton Beach Memoirs
by Gloria Sanak
When I saw Brighton Beach Memoirs on Broadway in 1983, I was
impressed with, what I thought to be,
one of Neil Simon's best plays.
Throughout the production, I laughed
at the situations faced by the loosely
disguised Neil Simon family in New
York City in \937 . Needless to say,
my expectations were high when I
entered the theater to see the movie.
Too bad I was not high.
The movie is a major disappointment. While most of Simon's plays
transfer easily from stage to screen,
Brighton Beach Memoirs is an
exception. While Simon himself was
responsible for the adaptation and
worked on the screenplay, the action
was tedious on screen and did not
flow smoothly. "Flow of life" films
can be very entertaining, b ut under
Gene Saks' direction , on e loses interest in the story' s development.
Other problems ari se with the empl oy ment o f prese nta:io[1(!~ shots.
While Woody Allen often uses the
tech nique brilliantly, Saks is a t a loss
as to how to use it. The film is cho ppy
a nd 1:111 s its purpose of d rawing the
a udie nce in to th e character. While it is

necessary for Eugene, the boy narrating the story, to elaborate during a
soliloquoy about wanting to be a
writer and a New York Yankee, he
addresses the audience too many
times and becomes annoying.
Saks is successful in using crosscutting with three rooms of the house.
It is done efficiently and is his only
credible piece of direction, Overall,
the camera work is mundane, but then
again, the subject matter does not
require sophisticated angles and shots.
Other annoyances include the
music and sound effects. At one
dinner scene, heavily stressed instrumentaion is exaggerated to poke fun at
the tension each character bri ngs to
the dinner table. The sound effects do
not always correspond to the action.
For example, right before Stanley,
Eugene's brother, vo mits in an alley,
the sound of vomitting is dubbed in.
The biggest problem with the film is
the acting. On Broadwa y, Matthew
Broderick superbly portrayed Eugene.
He was dynami c. in teresting and
wi tty. Jonatha n Silverman lacks these
q ualities. Hi s performance is too
studied alld tarnished . Blythe Danner

also turns in a disappointing performance as the mother. She is an
exaggerated, overwrought caricature
of a Jewish mother. In fact, most of
the actors overplay the ethnicity of
their characters. Obviously, it is a
Jewish household (one sees this sufficiently through the attitudes and
dialogue) so the exaggerated gestures
and accents are quite unecessary.
Some of the poor performances can
be attributed, in part, to Simon's
dialogue. In his old age, he has become predictable and canned. For
example, at dinner, Eugene says to the
audience: "Tension was so thick I
could've cut it with a knife. Which is

more than I can say for the liver." Ha
ha
Not all performances were awful,
however. Judith Ivey as Aunt Blanche
and Brian Drillinger as Stanley turn in
good performances, as does James
Hardy as Mr. Murphy.
Brighton Beach Memoirs is a good,
relatively humorous story meant for
every family's enjoyment. Unfortunately, it should have remained a play
and not braved the big screen.

t!

Gloria Sanak is a Junior in English
and a staff writer for the Review.

Another passage had Gold being
interviewed for a position within the
government. Gold turns down many
key Capinet positions as too<easy for
him. He opts for Secretary of State.
"In government, experience doesn't
count, and knowledge isn't important," Gold says. "After all, bigger
schmucks than I have been Secretary
of State."
Heller also commented on a statement made in As Good as Gold. which
has been revived recently and applied
to the current crisis in the Reagan
administration. It (the Reagan administration) personifies "the most
advanced and penultimate chaos
masked as order." He pointed out that
many politicians act irresponsibly
because "in Washington, you can rise
quickly, but you can't fall very far."
After completing his lengthy readings from As Good as Gold, he moved
to his fourth novel, God Knows. He
told of his desire to write another
novel, perhaps a love story. The idea

prognosis for recovery, he never lost
hope. While confined to the hospital.
he gained the material for his fi fth and
most recent work , No Laughi ng
Matter. his love story.
No Laughing Matter is autobiographical. Heller and his friend Speed
Vogel wrote the book based upon
Heller's stay in the hospital and his
surrogate courtship of his duty nurse,
Valerie. He read aloud from the book,
recounting his efforts to date Valerie
through Speed and his other New
York connections. As a final remark
on this novel, Heller told the audience
that he and Valerie would be married
soon.
When asked why he wrote, Heller
said, "I really don't have an answer
for that. I've always enjoyed writing,
even when I wrote short stories in
high school. I've been able to take a
tendency to daydream and convert it
to acceptable fiction." He likes
American novelists today, but regrets
that quality is overlooked in favor of
spectacle.
Joseph Heller was the second writer
to appear on campus this year for the
Great Writers series sponsored by Hill
Street Forum. Last fall, Kurt V onnegut spoke at Hill Auditorium. The

for God Kn ows evolved from a few
sentences he had been thinking about.
He put his love story on hold to tell
the satiric story of King David discovering faith and the wrath of God.
Heller read his nutshell view of Jewish
life: "God never said it would be fair
or easy. We were given the land of
milk and honey, a land of plenty, and
then a strict dietary code to follow.
California has sun and a beautiful
coastline and Hollywood. We've got
sand. Cannes has its film festival.
We've got the PLO. And God gives a
huge undersea ocean of oil to people
who can't even wind a watch." Heller's satire saved his remarks from
being terribly offensive.
Heller asserted that God Knows was
based on the biblical passage, "I shall
go to him, but he shall not return to
me." He meant the novel to be funny,
outfitting the characters of ancient
Israel with New York accents and a
Yiddish inflection. He also intended
the novel to be sad. "God Knows is
tragedy, sadness, . . . reality."
While writing God Knows, Heller
was stricken with Guillian-Barre syndrome, a paralyzing, sometimes fatal
affliction that sent him to the hospital
for six months. Due to a favorable

. . .....

.. ...... ,

P:I )

.

Great Wriler~ sene~ Ila~ beell extended to next year, and the audience
was asked to select authors th at they
would like to see next season . With
any luck, this group will continue to
bring prominent writers to Ann A.rh0r
for years to come.

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February, 1987

fl It: iVlI CHI( ,AN RE VIEW

itooks in

~ruirlU

Harvest of orrow
by Stnc Ange lo1tl
T HE HARVEST OF SORROW by

that the Left and the Right were not
that far apart; that their chief difference was one of timing-how long to
wait before collectivization.
Stalin, a masterful politician, seized
power by first aligning with Bukharin
to destroy Trotsky then moving left to
isolate the Right. The NEP was abolished and collectivization began

complete; the story was sickening.
Millions upon millions died-due to a
calculated, planned famine . Collectivization could continue, because
starving people (and dead people) do
not revolt. We should note that
Ethiopia's Marxist leaders have applied this lesson well.
Reports of famine went around the

Belsen." The Nazi!> .: gone and as
Solzhenitsyn notes, the German nation had Nuremburg as a "cleansing'experience. The regime responsible
for the terror-famine is still in power
today, denies the famine, and, of
course, does not punish, in any way,
those responsible (to the Soviet leaders Stalin's great crime, remember,
was not the forty-odd million people
he killed but his purges of the Party
elite).
A few lessons may be garnered from
Conquest's book and from the recent
experiences of Marxist regimes: I)
Socialism does not work. 2) Limited
capitalism leads tb great~ production
\
and greater demands for freedom. 3)
The easiest way to crush a people is by
starving them, because they are then
too weak to fight back. 4) Marxism
inevitably leads to such terror. And 5)
There are still idiotic intellectuals
(especially around here) who keep
their heads in the sand and continl! ~
to justify the murderous Marxist lit,

Robert Conquest. . Oxford University
Press, New York. 412 pages.
The Soviet' Union was born 70
years ago as the first true Socialist
state. Its attempts to implement the
theories of Marx and to build a
utopian collectivist society have been
a dismal failure. The human wreckage
left behind has been enormous and
The scope was complete; the story was sickening.
too often ignored: People may have
Millions
upon millions died-due to a calculated,
heard of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's
books on the Gulag but have not
planned famine. Collectivization could continue, bebothered to read them. Robert Concause starving people (and dead people) do not revolt.
quest is the West's greatest chronicler
of Soviet crimes and has broken new
ground in The Harvest of Sorrow. As
again. To quash dissent, Stalin went
world and aid was offered. The SoviSolzhenitsyn has noted, Harvest
so far as to ban research on economic
ets denied any problem. A few con"investigates the most serious algrowth (an early version of "end-use":
scientious foreign reporters filed stothough up to now least researched
Permit no research which in any way
ries on the famine. The Soviet
. . . crime of Leninist-Stalinist comleads to the conclusion that capitalism
mounted a massive propaganda
munism: its war against the peasantry
works).
campaign to defuse these stories.
of the USSR."
Conquest also traces the postTheir chief accomplice was New York
The peasant occupied the highest
Revolutionary development and fate
Times correspondent Walter Duranposition in the intellectual Leninist
of the Ukraine, a orice-independent
ty, perhaps the most despicable re.,.,,,,. hierarchy of the c~s.. 14plQited ,QY, .nation. with an .in<}ependent-J,anguage,
-porter
history. In private ' con. . the tsars and the hUldlords, the 'Peas- and the farm ~lt ' of the USSR.
versation Duranty admitted that ten
ants were among the first beneficiaries
Ukrainian nationalism was a key
million had starved. In his articles,
Steve Angelotti is a graduate student
of the Revolution, with massive land
problem for the Soviets, because they
however, he denied any famine (much
in the Institute of Public Policy Stureform and elimination of the landhad won Ukrainian support with
like today's "useful idiots" who refuse
dies
and is an Executive Editor of the
lords. However, the Bolsheviks went
promises of self-determination then
to criticize Soviet actions for fear of
Review.
even further, demanding complete
reneged. The Ukrainian culture and
engendering "anti-Soviet" attidues)
collectivization of the land
language were alternatively promoted
(Substitute "Nazi" for "Soviet" and
(communal farms rather than private then suppressed. Given the Soviet
one can see how ludicrous the notion
plots) to ward off the new devil, the anti-Ukrainian feeling and the farm
is). Duranty's lies defused the Western
"kulak". A kulak was a peasant who, economy in the Ukraine, collectivifuror and thus the story took fifty
through wisdom and hard work, had
zation would prove to be most diffiyears to be fully told.
been more productive than other cult there.
Conquest's book is excellent and
peasants and thus, in some sense,
Stalin began with wholesale masdisturbing. As he states: "Fifty years
better off than other peasants (but not
sacres and deportations of those susago. . . the Ukraine was like one vast
wealthy).
pected to be kulaks. Conquest estiSuccessful individual peasants were
mates that seven million died in this
I'
a threat to the concept of communal
episode alone (those who demand
farms (capitalism must never outproof are reminded of Solzhenitsyn's
shine socialism), so from 1918-1921
statement: " When the Soviet governthe Soviets waged war on the kulaks.
ment publishes the official figures we
T~.e peasants, kulaks and non-kulaks
shall use them instead" ). Collectivi'{OU'RÂŁ
alike, revolted. Crop production
zation soon followed , with the same
RlGHTOll
plummeted. By 1922, there was a
result.;; as in 1921-massive revolts
M-JNRY ...
general famine, which was alleviated
and a government retreat. Stalin rewith massive foreign (particularly
sorted to heavy-handed economic
American) aid, but not before milincentives and disincentIves to force
lions died.
peasants to work on collective farms
Lenin proclaimed the New Ecorather than on their much more pronomic Policy (NEP) in 1921, which
ductive private plots.
allowed limited capitalism. The farm
In 1932-33 -Stalin focused on the
situation turned around and producUkraine. The government seized all
tion rose. After Lenin's death the
food from all farms and repeatedly
succession battle was between the
searched homes for any " hidden"
.~ ~
Left, led by Trotsky, which wanted
food. Those who took food ffom the
immediate collectivization of the land
fields to feed their starving families
and was the most idealistic, and the
were shot. The borders of the Ukraine
Right, led by Bukharin, which was
were sealed. The result v'as a massive
supportive ofNEP and generally more
famine In the farm belt (imagine a
TALKlNG D:JWM T~ OOLLAR
pragmatic. Conquest demonstrates
famine in Kansas). The scope was