Zimbabwe: Mrs Kidd's life and safety threatened
Amnesty International is gravely concerned for the safety and life ofMrs.
Birgit Kidd, a Finnish citizen living in Zimbabwe.

According to
reports received by Amnesty International, Mrs Kidd wasalleged to have been
assaulted and taken from her home in Chimanimani,eastern Zimbabwe today, 28
May 2004. A group of people, which may have beenseveral hundred strong,
reportedly stoned her home, then dragged her throughChimanimani and forced
her to clean up local offices of the Movement forDemocratic Change (MDC).
The MDC offices were earlier allegedly destroyed bymembers of the same group
who are responsible for the assault, detention andhumiliation of Mrs.
Kidd.

Amnesty International telephoned the local police at 12.30pm
(UK time)but they were unable to provide any information.

The
organization is gravely concerned that the local police may not betaking
appropriate action to safeguard Mrs. Kidd.

"The Zimbabwe Republic
Police should act immediately to ensure thesafety of Mrs. Kidd," Amnesty
International urged.

The organization previously took action, in
May 2002, on behalf ofMrs. Kidd's husband, Michael Shane Kidd, who was
allegedly assaulted whilein police detention in Chimanimani.

A town in eastern
Zimbabwe was closed down Friday as ruling ZANU - PF partysupporters staged a
violent demonstration against an opposition member ofparliament. The
legislator, Roy Bennett, had recently scuffled with twogovernment ministers
on the floor of the parliament, after one of themtaunted him with insults.
Witnesses say the office of the opposition party,the Movement for Democratic
Change, in the town of Chimanimani was largelydestroyed.Shopkeepers said
Friday they were forced to close their businesses by theruling ZANU PF so
that their workers could take part in the demonstrationagainst Mr.
Bennett.

There has been a sporadic violence in Mr. Bennett's home
province ofManicaland since he knocked down two cabinet ministers on the
floor of theparliament earlier this month. Many workers in Chimanimani took
to the dustystreets to demonstrate against Mr. Bennett, who has been warned
by thegovernment not to return to his constituency in the province. The
legislatorwas not in Chimanimani at the time the MDC offices were attacked
on Friday.

An eyewitness from the town, who asked not to be named, said
the officeswere extensively damaged in the attack.

Police in
Chimanimani refused to comment on the unrest, but one localbusinessman said
there was no police presence in the streets during thedemonstration.

1.
GENERAL COMMENT

The
week witnessed yet another assault on Press freedom with the arrest of The Standard Editor Bornwell Chakaodza and
reporter Valentine Maponga on Wednesday May 19th. They were arrested
over a story the paper published in which relatives of the slain Bindura Nickel
mine chief executive officer, Leonard Chimimba, were quoted blaming government
officials for his death (The
Herald, the Zimbabwe
Independent 21/5).

The two were later released on the same day
after signing warned and cautioned statements.

However,
barely two days after their release, the police rearrested the journalists early
on Friday (May 21) morning and charged them under the Public Order and Security
Act (POSA) for allegedly endangering public safety by publishing a story that
allegedly implied the country was being run by “a government of
murderers”, according to The
Standard (23/5).

They
were later released on $50,000 bail each.

TheMailandGuardian (21/5) pointed out that it was
the seventh time in two years that Chakaodza has been arrested.

But
his persecution is not an isolated case. Many journalists from the private media
have suffered a similar fate since POSA and the equally repressive Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) were promulgated more than two
years ago.

None
of the journalists working for the government media have been charged under the
two laws despite a blatant disregard for the basic tenets of journalism on a
regular basis by these media.

For
example, this week The Herald
(19/5) reported that a senior coordinator and researcher from the Institute of
Security Studies, Ben Coetzee, had been arrested after he allegedly sodomised a
21-year-old Zimbabwean. In an attempt to give the impression that Coetzee was in
the country on a clandestine mission, the paper tried to link his organization
with civic organizations perceived to be anti-government, such as Transparency
International and Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition. It also noted that he
specialized “in
strategic operational profiling and intelligence operations
management”, adding that the police “were now investigating what
business Coetzee intended to conduct in the country”.

However,
it emerged through a letter from the Head of Interpol Sub-Regional Bureau for
Southern Africa, Kenny Kapinga, published in TheHerald (20/5) that the paper’s story was
laden with falsehoods. For example, Kapinga pointed out that Coetzee was in the
country on official Interpol business and the police knew of his visit. While
the paper gave the impression that Coetzee was still in police custody, Kapinga
revealed that he had been released and allowed to return to South Africa
“unconditionally”.
The letter also revealed that the Zimbabwean youth, who escaped from the police
during investigations, had tried to rob Coetzee. The paper made no effort to
correct its original story in its news pages.

In
another case, Lands Minister John Nkomo accused The Herald of publishing falsehoods when
it claimed on Monday that problems had emerged in the land reform programme
since Nkomo’s appointment to the portfolio (The Herald, 20/5 and The Tribune, 21/5). The minister was
quoted as saying the report was “false” as
demonstrated by its reliance on unnamed sources. Despite Nkomo’s clarification
the paper maintained that it “stands by its
story”.

The
government appointed Media and Information Commission has been conspicuous by
its deafening silence on such matters.

2.
THE RULE OF LAW

The
government-controlled media’s collusion with the authorities in undermining the
rule of law and presenting ZANU PF’s philosophy as representative of public
opinion was evident in their unbalanced, inflammatory and racist coverage of the
assault in Parliament on Cabinet ministers Patrick Chinamasa and Didymus Mutasa
by opposition MDC MP for Chimanimani Roy Bennett.

They
allowed ZANU PF officials and ruling party activists to use racist and blatantly
threatening language to attack Bennett without identifying this as being
inflammatory and constituting dangerous incitement to violence.

Chinamasa’s
crudely racial and offensive provocation of the MDC legislator was also
conveniently omitted.

With
their news angle based on this perspective of the fracas, the government media
used the incident as a springboard to launch a vitriolic attack on the MDC,
perpetuating ZANU PF’s claims that the opposition was inherently violent.

This
uncritical and biased coverage of the issue simply magnified the incitement and
hatred expressed by ruling party officials and its supporters, and coupled with
the state security agencies’ selective application of the law tended to
corroborate widely held concerns by local and international observers about the
breakdown of the rule of law in the country.

ZTV
(18/5, 8pm) was at the forefront of the government media’s unprofessional and
xenophobic coverage. It claimed that Bennett’s attack on the two ministers
demonstrated the violent nature of the MDC, without clearly explaining the
circumstances leading to the incident.

The
Herald and Chronicle (19/5) followed suit.

The
Herald story, Bennett’s behaviour riles Zimbabweans,
appeared calculated to give the impression that his behaviour had so incensed
all Zimbabweans they wanted revenge.

The
paper quoted “scores
of Zimbabweans” threatening retribution against Bennett. However,
only four people were quoted and half of them were unnamed.

One
of these unnamed sources accused Bennett of suffering from a “colonial mentality and
hangover” while the other one, a Harare woman, claimed that if
the ministers did not retaliate “we, as women, will organise
ourselves and descend on Parliament to deal with
Bennett.”

Similar
views from unnamed selected members of the public appeared on ZTV (19/5, 8pm)
that evening.One of them was quoted
saying, “If we were
there (in Parliament) we would have crushed him. In fact, I don’t think things
will be fine for him if we meet him”.

Instead
of subjecting such incitement to scrutiny, the newsreader stated: “…The MDC has always resorted to
violence whenever democratic means such as the ballot box have failed to achieve
their goals”.

As
proof, the reporter then chronicled incidents, which he claimed were a testimony
of the MDC’s violent nature. Several MDC MPs were named as facing charges of
violence.

However,
the reporter omitted to say that none of the implicated opposition legislators
have been convicted on such charges.

Rather,
the station featured government’s Media and Information Commission chairman,
Tafataona Mahoso, and ZANU PF activist William Nhara, masquerading as
“political analysts
and social commentators”, invoking an unwarranted racist
perspective and smearing the opposition.

Nhara
was quoted as saying Bennett’s actions “reflects the remnants of a legacy
which believed that the only way to talk to an African is through beating
them”.

Mahoso
called for the “severest
punishment”, saying Bennett was “representing a party that
contains racists” which “for the last three years has been
fomenting violence among our people”.

However,
the private media presented sober and balanced coverage of the issue. While
condemning Bennett’s actions, they also challenged Chinamasa’s spiteful and
gratuitous attack on the MP.

For
example, they revealed that Chinamasa had abused parliamentary privilege by
digressing from his response to a parliamentary legal committee’s adverse report
on the Stock Theft Amendment Bill to focus on alleged “cattle thefts” by
Bennett’s British ancestors (The Daily
Mirror, 19/5; Studio 7, 19/5; and TheStandard, 23/5).

The
Daily Mirror
quoted Chinamasa referring to Bennett as an “inheritor of looted wealth…land
and cattle…and (one) who owns the whole of Chimanimani”, language
criticized by TheStandard as “intemperate, uncouth,
vituperative” and “unbecoming of a government
minister and one (who is) supposed to preside over the country’s justice
system”.

It
was only the private media that accessed the MDC’s perspective of the
parliamentary scuffle. SW Radio Africa (19/5) and the Zimbabwe Independent (21/5) quoted MDC
spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi echoing TheStandard’s viewpoint. He told the Independent that while the MDC did not
condone Bennett’s actions, neither did it condone “the demeaning, hurtful, wicked,
barbaric and provocative racial and personal slurs and insults hurled at
Bennett” by Chinamasa.

Studio
7 (19/5) and The Standard quoted
Bennett himself attributing his flare-up to the failure by parliamentary
authorities to protect him from Chinamasa’s personal insults.

Studio
7 (20/5) also revealed that Mutasa had kicked Bennett during the melee. Mutasa
was quoted confirming this: “You don’t just wait there when a
mad man is charging at you.It’s true. I kicked him very hard.
What’s wrong with that?”

But
the government media ignored this, preferring to push ZANU PF’s neurotic racist
rhetoric as a mirror of national opinion.

As
a result, the government media presented the ZANU PF-organised demonstrations to
protest Bennett’s behaviour as a spontaneous response by angry Zimbabweans
against the dehumanizing treatment of blacks by unrepentant whites as
personified by “former
Rhodesian police officer” Bennett.

It
was in this light that ZBC (20/5, 8pm) and The Herald (21/5) reported ZANU PF’s
information secretary for Harare, Winston Dzawo, misinforming the nation when he
claimed that Bennett’s action was not only an “assault” on the
two cabinet ministers “but also on the people of
Zimbabwe who elected the ministers and the President who appointed them to their
posts”. But neither The
Herald nor ZBC pointed out that Chinamasa had been
elected.

The
government media passively reported on the inflammatory language used by ZANU PF
officials and demonstrators in clear breach of the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA).

For
example, Harare governor Witness Mangwende was reported in TheHerald as banning Bennett from the
province, warning, “…If we see him walking in the
streets of Harare we will revenge.”A similarly violent threat
was issued by ZANU PF’s Manicaland provincial chairman Mark Madiro, quoted by SW
Radio Africa (20/5) “banning” Bennett from entering Manicaland, where his
constituency is located, adding that he would be killed if he did
so.

The
private station also reported that Mangwende had called for “Bennett’s head”
and toldprotestors
“to do a thorough job
if they find him.”

Mines
Minister Amos Midzi was reported as having threatened that, “all MDC MPs will not walk the
streets of Harare”.

In
fact, the dangerous effects of this appalling incitement by ZANU PF officials
were fully exposed by the private media. SW Radio Africa & Studio 7 (20/5),
The Daily Mirror, The Tribune and
the Zimbabwe Independent (21/5)
reported that following the officials’ address to the demonstrators, a mob
marched to the MDC’s headquaters, Harvest House, under police escort and
inflicted extensive damage to its offices.

However,
instead of arresting those responsible for the violence, the private media noted
that the police arrested four MDC officials inside the
building.

While
these media condemned the inaction of the police in preventing the violence and
the cynically selective application of law, the government media ignored these
incidents and presented the demonstration as having been
peaceful.

At
the same time it became clear from a report on Studio 7 (20/5) that ZANU PF
would allow unruly individuals to take the law into their own hands. The station
quoted Mutasa as saying he would not guarantee Bennett’s safety because he was
the “most undesirable
element in Zimbabwe” adding that the authorities would let
“the events unfold in
the country, and if the people go violent against Bennett, and if he gets hurt
in the process, it is his own lookout. That is what he has been inviting and he
is going to have it.”

3.
ECONOMIC ISSUES

As
Zimbabweans were witnessing a fresh bout of price rises, the government media
used news of a decline in inflation by 78 percent (to 505%) to drown out the
need to address the inflationary effects of the price increases. While they
credited the rein on inflation to the monetary policies of Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono, the government media refused to temper this success with any
analysis of the real economic situation indicated by the new spiral in
prices.

For
example, The Herald (17/5),
unquestioningly echoed a faceless analyst who ambitiously projected that
“year-on-year
inflation rate would decline to 475% this month…and 175% in
November”. No credible explanation was provided to justify this
projection except suggestions that “improved inflows of the US dollar
and other hard currencies”would continue to have a positive bearing on
inflation.

Radio
Zimbabwe (17/5, 8pm) quoted economic analyst Jonathan Kadzura echoing similar
views, saying inflation would continue to fall because “there is less money on the
market… We no longer have that disease because of fiscal discipline that has
been implemented by the RBZ. This is causing a decrease in prices. Inflation
will further decline in the next few days because there would be more food on
the market and more products from factories…”

This
contrasted sharply with private media reports, which predicted an upward trend
in the inflation rate (Studio 7, 17/5; The
Daily Mirror, 18/5; Financial
Gazette, 20/5; and The
Tribune, 21/5).

For
example, The Daily Mirror quoted
named economic analysts attributing an imminent rise in inflation to the new
exchange rate, which has since pushed up the prices of goods and
services.

Gordon
Moyo was quoted on Studio 7 noting that a recent 50 percent salary hike for
civil servants and the central bank’s directive to commercial banks to allow
clients to withdraw any amount of cash would also contribute to a rise in
inflation.

In
addition, while the government media claimed that the manufacturing sector was
expected to reduce prices, The
Tribune quoted named economic analysts from the Open Learning Centre
as saying the sector was likely to nosedive due to consumers’ shrinking
disposable incomes and high electricity bills.

Meanwhile,
the ZimbabweIndependent reported (21/5) that President
Mugabe appeared to be undermining Gono’s efforts to re-engage international
monetary agencies to help bail Zimbabwe out of its foreign currency squeeze. The
paper reported Mugabe telling a Kenyan newspaper that Zimbabwe did not need the
intervention of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The
Independent questioned this
apparent contradiction in policy between Gono and Mugabe and asked whether the
President’s utterances, which “continue to throw spanners in the
works”, were personal or represented government
policy.

The
government media did not address the matter.

Rather,
their public relations crusade to protect Governor Gono took on a personal
perspective as demonstrated by the way The
Herald (20/5) seemed to set the agenda on who should and should not
be investigated by the police.

Responding
to a report in The Sunday Times
of South Africa alleging that Gono may have played a part in the unlawful
withdrawal of foreign currency by the incarcerated Finance Minister Chris
Kuruneri from the Jewel Bank when Gono was still the chief executive there,
The Herald used unnamed
“highly placed sources
involved in the case” to exonerate him from any
wrongdoing.

The
faceless sources claimed that a “thorough”
investigation was done before Kuruneri’s arrest and “it was found beyond reasonable
doubt that the statement made by Dr Gono during the investigations was credible
and useful”. Why was there no official comment from the police on
such an important issue? The paper could only offer unnamed commentators
speculating about red herrings…

Feel
free to write to MMPZ. We may not able to respond to everything but we will look
at each message.For previous MMPZ
reports, and more information about the Project, please visit our website at http://www.mmpz.org.zw

ZIMBABWE, previously seen as key to
the resolution of the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo (DRC) crisis, risks
being written out of the scriptahead of the reconstruction of the
diamond-rich country after being excludedfrom a crucial visit to the
sub-region by the United Nations (UN)peacekeeping chief.

Diplomatic sources were unanimous that Zimbabwe's exclusion from
theweek-long visit to the region by the UN under-secretary general
forpeacekeeping operations, Jean-Marie Guehenno, amounted to a snub by
theworld body. They said the move belittled the country's role in the DRC
warthat lasted over three years.

During those years Zimbabwe,
which sent its troops to the war-torncountry in 1998, had always been under
pressure to withdraw its soldiers.

It however stuck to its guns on
the pretext that it had been invitedby the legitimate and sovereign
government of the late Laurent Kabila, whichhad just taken over from the
eccentric Mobutu Sese Seko. Zimbabwe onlypulled its troops out some three
years ago.

It had been hoped that Zimbabwe would benefit from
reconstruction ofthe war-ravaged vast central African country. This is now
increasinglyremote given the new twist. So far intermittent forays by
Zimbabweancompanies into the DRC have at best produced mixed
results.

The UN mission in the Congo has defended its decision to
excludeZimbabwe, a key ally of the DRC government, from Guehenno's
itinerary.

Confirming that Zimbabwe was not part of the tour, a
spokesperson forthe UN mission in the DRC, Hamadoun Toure, told The
Financial Gazette thisweek: "No doubt Zimbabwe played a major role in the
DRC conflict, but itsabsence from Mr Guehenno's itinerary should not be
interpreted in asuspicious manner."

Hamadoun claimed the focus
was being put on the two neighbours of theDRC, Rwanda and Uganda, in order
to give a new impetus to the currentprocess of normalising relations between
them and the DRC.

"As you might know, last September a high-level
meeting was held inNew York between the DRC and some of its neighbours,
including Uganda andRwanda. A declaration of principles of good neighbourly
relations wasaccepted. The Kigali and Kampala legs would also be a new
opportunity toreview the disarmament, demobilisation and repatriation of
Ugandan andRwandan armed groups still present here," he said.

Guehenno arrived in Kinshasa, the capital city of the DRC, onWednesday last
week for a working visit that took him to Rwanda and Uganda,which were
assisting rebel forces in fighting the DRC government backed byallied
soldiers from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola. South Africa, which wasreluctant
to take the military plunge in the DRC, makes up the last leg ofGuehenno's
itinerary.

"As for South Africa, this country played a key role in
the successfulorganisation and conclusion of the inter-Congolese dialogue,
which led tothe ongoing transition. When President (Thabo) Mbeki was
chairing theAfrican Union, his country hosted the signing of the agreement
betweenRwandan and DRC governments and President Mbeki, along with
UNSecretary-General Kofi Annan, was a member of the Third Party Mechanism
putin place to oversee the agreement," added the mission's
spokesperson.

Guehenno was due to hold talks with Congolese
authorities and membersof the International Committee to Support the
Transition. Theunder-secretary general was also expected to travel to the
DRC troublespotsof Bunia, Bukavu and Uvira. He was also scheduled to check
on progress onthe deployment of UN peacekeeping forces in Ituri and
Kivu.

Sources said Zimbabwe, which sent troops to defend the DRC
without theratification of Parliament (which followed some nine months later
only as afait accompli), and its regional allies should be consulted on
thedeployment of UN troops in the Congo and the world body's progress
inbringing lasting peace to the mineral-rich country.

It is
believed that hundreds of Zimbabwean troops perished in the DRCwar, whose
funding also hurt the country's fragile economy. There are noofficial
estimates on the Zimbabwean casualties or how much the war cost
thecountry.

Analysts said the UN had not been too happy with
Zimbabwe'sinvolvement in the DRC following a 2002 report which accused an
elitenetwork of Congolese and Zimbabwean individuals and companies of
havingtransferred ownership of at least US$5 billion worth of assets from
thestate mining sector to private companies under its control in the
previousthree years with no compensation or benefit for the state treasury
of theDRC.

A UN Security Council resolution of March 12 2004
repeated itscondemnation of the illegal activities taking place mainly in
the DRC'smining areas despite an arms embargo imposed in July 2003 and
repeated callsfor the Congolese government to help end illegal trade in the
country'sresources.

A panel of UN experts reported to the
Security Council last Octoberthat it had drawn the attention of companies to
the disastrous situation inthe DRC and the human tragedy occurring in
conflict areas.

An earlier report made public in October 2002
recommended thatfinancial restrictions be placed on 29 companies based in
Belgium, Rwanda,Uganda, the DRC, Zimbabwe and South Africa and that travel
bans andfinancial restrictions be imposed on 54 individuals.

INVESTIGATIONS into the gruesome murder of Bindura Nickel Corporation(BNC)
boss Leonard Chimimba have taken a new twist amid indications
thatmultinational companies suspected of concealing exports of platinum
groupmetals (PGMs) over the past two decades could be drawn into the
imbroglio.

Highly placed sources told The Financial Gazette this
week thatChimimba, who was gunned down outside his Harare home recently, may
havebecome a great source of unease in ongoing investigations to plug
illegalexports of minerals and a spate of natural resource thefts that have
hitZimbabwe of late.

Intelligence sources said the BNC chief
executive was one of the keyofficials who had been interviewed by state
agencies in connection withallegations that the nickel producer and Rio
Tinto Zimbabwe could haveconcealed PGMs.

The sources said the
concealment, which was immediately denied by thecompanies interviewed by The
Financial Gazette this week, was being done byway of false export
documentation where the PGMs - namely platinum,palladium, iridium, gold and
silver, which are by-products in the productionof nickel - were exported as
copper cement.

Zimbabwe, the sources said, would only be paid for
copper exports andnot for the PGMs. The so-called copper cement was
transported to Switzerlandand Germany, where companies (names supplied)
would separate the metals.

The nickel refinery process is said to
yield significant quantities ofPGMs and gold as by-products and these are
suspected not to have beendeclared by local mining concerns.

Didymus Mutasa, the Minister responsible for Anti-Corruption,confirmed the
investigations were ongoing and would not give a time frame asto when they
would be wrapped up.

Mutasa said: "They (investigations) are
ongoing as you know, theyinvolve going to other countries and the actual
knowledge of metallurgy tocheck the values. The investigations will take
sometime and as soon as theyare concluded, we will let you
know."

A spokesperson for Rio Tinto dismissed the claims, saying
the EmpressNickel Refinery refines metals for a fee and is never the owner
of themetals, and cannot buy or sell them.

The refinery,
situated in Eiffel Flats in Kadoma, was built in 1968 torefine metal from
Empress Nickel Mine and was closed when Empress NickelMine closed shop in
1982.

However, in 1985 Rio Tinto was able to negotiate
toll-refiningcontracts involving matte from BCL Ltd in Botswana. The
refining contractshave operated successfully since 1985, resulting in the
refinery beingexpanded in 1995 to increase its refining capacity to
accommodate additionalmatte from Botswana.

The spokesperson
said Empress, which produces refined nickel and hasearned around US$400
million since 1985, has contracts to refine the metalscontained in matte
that originates from mines in Botswana.

The matte contains nickel
and copper and small quantities of cobaltand platinum group metals. Copper
is also produced as a refined metal, butthe precious metals and cobalt are
recovered as residue or otherintermediate products.

"All of the
recovered products are returned to the owners of thematte...The various
contracts were set up with the approval of the ReserveBank, customs (and
latterly the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority). The involvementof these
authorities is important as the matte is imported and resultingmetals are
exported at no value.

"The only value to Zimbabwe in the business
is the refining feecharged and this is small in comparison to the gross
value of the containedmetals. The fees are charged per tonne of nickel and
copper produced, thecost of separating cobalt and precious metals into
residues or intermediatesis recovered in the nickel and copper fees," said
the Rio Tintospokesperson.

Contacted this week for comment, the
company secretary for BNC,Fraternity Ndhlela referred all questions to the
corporate affairs manager,who could not respond to questions e-mailed to his
office at the time ofgoing to press.

Assay reports done to
analyse the content for minerals in refinedmetals at some of the mines and
independent confirmations have vindicatedthe findings, said government
sources.

They say the Zimbabwean authorities are now cracking their
heads onhow they could recover the lost revenue, which they could achieve
either byseeking the co-operation of the companies concerned or recourse
through thecourts.

"This means that billions of dollars have
been lost over the past twodecades. It's a systematic looting of resources
from the developingcountries," said a source.

THE Supreme Court
is still to set a hearing date to decide whether ornot to uphold a High
Court decision granting bail to Harare business tycoonand former ZANU PF
chairman for Mashonaland West, James Makamba.

An official at the
superior court said the State filed a notice ofappeal against the lower
court's ruling within the requisite seven days, butthe hearing date was yet
to be agreed upon.

Effectively, this means Makamba, who has been in
custody for more thanthree months with 11 bail attempts to secure his
freedom, will be at theHarare Central Remand Prison for a little longer
until the matter has beenfinalised by the Supreme Court.

Makamba's lawyer George Chikumbirike confirmed the development saying:"I
understand a notice of appeal has been noted in the Supreme Court, butcheck
with them for more information."

Last week, High Court Judge
Justice Chinembiri Bhunu granted bail of$50 million coupled with other
stringent conditions to Makamba, after theentrepreneur repatriated about £9
000. But the state immediately appealedand invoked Section 121, subsection 3
of the Criminal Procedure and EvidenceAct, hence his continued stay in
custody.

BULAWAYO - The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN),
whichmonitored the Lupane by-election won by ZANU PF this month, said this
weekit strongly deplored the abuse of traditional leaders by the ruling
party inthe two-day poll.

ZESN chairperson Reginald
Matchaba-Hove, in a statement to TheFinancial Gazette said his organisation,
which fielded 68 accreditedobservers in Lupane, had noted the abuse of
traditional leaders by ZANU PFto garner votes in the election.

"The ZESN noted with concern a major disturbing occurrence, whichhappened at
most polling stations, that voters were passing through theirvillage or
kraal head to register or have their names ticked beforeproceeding to cast
their ballot," he said.

"ZESN strongly deplores this development,
which has become a featurein rural elections, because it is intimidatory in
nature and designed toinfluence voters to cast their ballots for a
particular party."

The ZESN boss said he election watchdog strong
condemned the prevalentuse of state resources for ZANU PF business, adding
that observersidentified several government vehicles ferrying ruling party
supportersduring the two-day by-election.

BULAWAYO -
That Africa Day celebrated throughout the continent onTuesday this week is
an important occasion in Africa's chequered history isbeyond
argument.

Questions abound, however, on whether the vast continent,
endowed witha rich natural resource base which stands in stark contrast to
thestagnation and misery afflicting its long-suffering people, has realised
theideals for which this significant day was set aside.

The big
question is on whether Africa, where a significant number ofcountries had to
achieve self-rule through the barrel of the gun, has had adecisive rupture
with the past.

In other words, has all that the continent's
citizens sacrificed lifeand limb against, been swept away with the rubble of
the toppled colonialregimes?

The general consensus, though, is
that millions of Africans have livedin the grey twilight that knows only
disillusionment, frustration, socialdeprivation, general strife, political
under-development and failed states.

There is also a terrible aura
about the continent arising fromintolerance for political pluralism, hatred
for compromise, economicmismanagement, debt crisis, natural disasters and
the AIDS pandemic, amongothers.

This rings true for Zimbabwe
which attainted independence in 1980after a bloody war against the Ian Smith
regime.

"We are merely observing the day because of its
historicalsignificance," said Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition
Movement forDemocratic Change (MDC), which President Robert Mugabe's
government hassince dismissed as a Western front set up to effect regime
change inZimbabwe, said.

"We have nothing to show for the 41
years during which the continentprogressively experienced a rapid phase of
decolonisation and theaccompanying enjoyment of the people's
sovereignty.

"In Zimbabwe, 24 years of independence have yielded a
well-documentedaccount of repression, loss of basic freedoms and economic
collapse," saidthe opposition leader who is challenging the validity of
President Mugabe'sre-election in 2002 which the opposition party claims was
tainted withviolence, systematic bullying and voter
intimidation.

"I might sound unpatriotic but the cruel truth is
that there isnothing to celebrate really as Zimbabweans when the opposition
politiciansare not being heard on radio, television and public
newspapers.

"We now have the land, blacks control significant
stakes in theeconomy, this I do not dispute, but us ordinary citizens are
still torealise the ultimate freedom of our emancipation," said Agrippa
Masotsha, aBulawayo-based veteran of the war of liberation.

When the OAU set aside Africa Day it was specifically to celebrate
thedignity, freedom and equality of African people as the struggle for
blackemancipation gained momentum.

Analysts who seemed to be
singing from the same hymn book withTsvangirai were unanimous that
Zimbabweans, whose major liberation movementsZANU PF and the defunct PF
ZAPU, both benefited immensely from the OAU todeliver Zimbabwe to
independence in 1980, did not have much to celebrateduring the Africa
Day.

They flatly disputed government assertions that Zimbabweans
have forthe past 24 years had dignity, freedom and enjoyed equality as
espoused bythe OAU 40 years ago.

The analysts accused President
Mugabe's government of dictatorialtendencies, citing the passing of
repressive laws such as the Public Orderand Security Act (POSA), the Access
to Information and Protection of PrivacyAct (AIPPA), among other pieces of
legislations.

However, the government vehemently denies charges
that dictatorshipand repression exist under President Mugabe's government
with officialsfalling over each other defending the laws, saying they are
meant tosafeguard Zimbabwe's sovereignty.

They also said the
land reform programme, which should have officiallyended in August last year
but is still being implemented "carelessly", hadreduced Zimbabwe from a
major food producer to a basket case.

The government, however,
maintains the chaotic land reform would helpto re-invigorate the
economy.

John Makumbe, a fierce critic of the government who
teaches PoliticalScience at the University of Zimbabwe, categorically said
POSA had preventedcivic organisations and the opposition from organising any
events to markAfrica Day.

"As for us Zimbabweans, it is a good
day to stay at home, otherwise ithas no political significance with POSA,
AIPPA and other pieces oflegislation hanging over our heads," said
Makumbe.

"It is impossible for non-governmental organisations in
Zimbabwe andthe opposition to publicly celebrate African dignity, freedom
and equalityof Africans with what is happening.

"The entire
continent has not fully grown up with leaders that stillcraft pieces of
legislation such as those we have in Zimbabwe," saidMakumbe.

Makumbe added: "Africa Day is just a blot on the calendar forZimbabwe, there
is just nothing to celebrate apart from enjoying a holidayat home with
friends.

"Nevertheless, if it is a day to check if Africa still has
dictators,it is a good day. Yes, Africa still has many
dictators.

"So if it is there for the purpose of having checks and
balances, letus have it everyday," he added.

Lovemore Madhuku,
the chairperson of the National ConstitutionalAssembly (NCA) added his voice
on the significance of celebrating Africa Dayduring the present body politic
in Zimbabwe.

"It is an important milestone in the history of Africa
but itsobjectives and goals have been abused in Zimbabwe," said
Madhuku.

"Have the ideals that we set out to fight colonialism been
realised?We need to use this day to ask ourselves this and many other
questions.

"No, they have not been realised in Zimbabwe. White
oppressors havebeen replaced by black oppressors. I do not think we went to
fightcolonialism to replace white faces with black ones," said Madhuku,
aconstitutional lawyer whose NCA is agitating for constitutional reform
inZimbabwe before any elections could be held.

"African
dictators have and continue to abuse this day but we shouldnot stop
celebrating the day because it was a struggle against whitecolonialism," he
added.

RETIRED army
general Solomon Mujuru, who is part of a team probingZANU PF's octopus-like
business interests, could be hauled before the AntiCorruption Ministry to
explain his involvement in the recent possession ofRiver Ranch Limited
(RRL), a diamond concern in Beitbridge, by a consortiumof local and
international businessmen.

Mujuru, seen as a king maker in the
tricky ZANU PF succession debateand former legislator Tirivanhu Mudariki,
have been fingered by the oustedmine managers as having used unorthodox and
illegal means to take-over thebusiness venture.

The retired
general and Mudariki were appointed directors of RRL onApril 27 following an
annual general meeting held by the owners of thatcompany, Rani International
Limited (RIL) on the previous day.

Other new RRL board members
include Adel Abdulrahman Aujan as chairmanand former Harare-based Advocate
Adrian de Bourbon. Ernst and Young wereappointed company
secretaries.

The reconstituted board replaced the one comprising
Australiannationals Peter Rowe and Belben, a Briton Anthony Hamilton, a
CanadianJeremy Kendell and three Zimbabweans William Nyemba, the former
Trust Bankboss, John Collins and Barclay Cowper.

After the RRL
board was reconstituted, Mudariki and the chairman'spersonal assistant were
tasked to repossess RRL which had not been operatingfor four years with a
view to recommence activities at the mine.

It is this action by RRL
board of directors to physically repossessthe mine from the previous
managers that has courted controversy. Thedirectors of Bubye Minerals, which
used to manage RRL until they were shownthe exit last month, accused the new
board of illegally taking over themanagement of the open cast
mine.

They argued that Mudariki and Mujuru had used their political
clout topush Bubye Minerals out of the project and deprive their vehicle of
profitsthat would have been generated had they been running the
show.

Bubye's associates include Michael Farquhar and his wife,
Adele,Sibonokuhle Getrude Moyo, the wife of Zimbabwe's Ambassador to South
AfricaSimon Khaya Moyo, Nelson Chadamoyo, George Matenda and Elliot
Muswita.

Farquhar has since lodged a formal complaint to the
Anti-CorruptionMinistry alleging the pair had solicited the help of Home
Affairs MinisterKembo Mohadi to use the uniformed police to "seize" the
mine.

The directors of Bubye have since written to the Anti
Corruption andAnti Monopolies Minister Didymus Mutasa seeking his assistance
to reversethe recent actions by the consortium, which has taken over
managementcontrol of the mine.

Mutasa this week confirmed
receipt of Bubye Minerals' complaintssaying his ministry needed to
investigate the matter before going public. Hesaid: "I received documents
from both sides and I need to study them first.We need to find out from
Mujuru what his side of the story is before we rushto make public comments
on the issue."

Bubye was originally given the right by the
liquidator Peter Bailey ofKPMG to resume operations at the open cast mine
after mining had abruptlyceased in 1997 following a decision by the then
owners, Auridium Zimbabwe(Private) Limited, to close shop and place RRL
under voluntary liquidation.

Auridium cited the fall in the price
of the precious stone, diamonds,as the key factor for their decision. Bubye
then solicited the financialsupport of RIL a company with strong ties in the
Middle East, to invest inthe mine and prevent RRL from final
liquidation.

Operations at the mine re-commenced during the last
quarter of 1997after RIL threw a lifeline to RRL, but in March 2000 Cyclone
Eline struckand the open pit at the mine was heavily flooded bringing all
activities toa standstill.

Currently, the ownership of RRL is
vested with RIL and an indigenouspartner, Kupukile Resources (Pvt)
Ltd.

Before the recent moves, two foreign controlled companies
Sedna andCornerstone, both owned by RIL had a 50 percent stake each in RRL.
In aletter to Mutasa, Farquhar alleged that RIL had deprived Bubye of
itsshareholding for which legal action would be sought.

Farquhar alleged that shares had been offered to Mujuru, MinisterMohadi and
Mudariki to motivate them into supporting RIL's actions.

"Retired
general Mujuru and Minister Mohadi have instructed members ofZimbabwe's
professional security forces to act unjustifiably in seizingassets without
legal right to do so . . . Bubye Minerals have been advisedthat both general
Mujuru and Minister Mohadi have been promised asubstantive shareholding in
RRL for their efforts," read part of the letterto Mutasa.

Mohadi this week dismissed the accusations saying he was not involvedin the
alleged illegal take over neither was he a shareholder.

"What I was
told was that there was a caretaker company looking afterthe assets of the
mine," Mohadi said.

"Mudariki approached me saying that they wanted
to reopen the mine andthat since the mine was in my constituency I should
assist in providinglabour from the locals. I agreed to assist in recruitment
and that was that.

"I'm not a director in that company. I don't
know why people wouldwant to drag my name into this." Mudariki confirmed
approaching Mohadi tohelp mobilise workforce adding that the physical
possession of the mine wasdone legitimately.

The RRL board said
it has been extremely patient with Bubye, but theimpasse could not have been
allowed to continue.

"The asset had been non-performing for four
years and this impassecould not be allowed to continue
indefinitely.

"In April 2004 RIL assisted Bubye again by advancing
an unsecured loanof $100 million so it could meet ZESA (Zimbabwe Electricity
SupplyAuthority) bills and some staff salaries . . . the directors of Bubye
haveignored RIL's repeated and urgent requests for an amicable resolution
ofdifferences.

"RIL's rights and fair entitlement have
persistently been rejected.

"This attitude could no longer be
tolerated. As a responsible andaccountable foreign investor in Zimbabwe, RIL
realised that the time hadcome for it to exercise its prerogative and to end
this counter productivestalemate.

"It has therefore made
significant changes to the structure,shareholding, capitalisation and
management of RRL with immediate effect,"the board said.

THE ruling ZANU
PF, known for its intolerance towards oppositionparties and hatred for
compromise, went extremely overboard last week whenit further clipped the
wings of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Hararecouncillors in what is
widely seen as a reckless bid to reclaim urban votes.

In a rare
move that effectively rendered the MDC-run councildysfunctional, the
government suspended the holding of elections for councilposts until 2006 -
nine months after the holding of parliamentary electionsslated for March
2005.

Effectively, the government, which has systematically
frustrated thecity fathers who came on the opposition MDC ticket since the
day they setfoot on Town House in 2000, has usurped the local authority's
powers andtransferred them to Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo and
WitnessMangwende, the governor of the newly created Harare
Province.

Observers said they had seen the new development coming
as the rulingZANU PF continued to implement every trick in the book to
loosen theopposition's grip in urban areas ahead of the 2005
plebiscite.

In the last parliamentary, presidential and local
authoritieselections, ZANU PF, which has ruled the country since
independence in 1980,has been emphatically rejected by urban voters, who
have borne the brunt ofthe country's economic slowdown.

As a
precursor to the latest move, Chombo suspended Harare's firstexecutive
mayor, Elias Mudzuri, from office in September last year on whatobservers
say were trumped-up charges and subsequently showed the embattledMDC mayor
the exit last month.

Mudzuri was fired on allegations of misconduct
and corruption.

Sekesai Makwavarara, who defected from the MDC
recently after clashingwith the party's leadership, has been acting as
executive mayor.

The suspension of elections in the capital city,
said analysts,contravened provisions of the Urban Councils Act. They said it
also showedZANU PF's desperation to recapture the crucial urban votes by
hook or crook.

Despite popular resistance, President Robert
Mugabe's government haseven pressed ahead with plans to appoint resident
ministers and governorsfor Harare and the second city of Bulawayo to dilute
the MDC's influence.

Eliphas Mukono-weshuro, MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai's confidante,said: "They (ZANU PF) want to concentrate on one
election at a time, unlikewhat happened in the 2000 and 2002 elections. They
don't want simultaneouselections next year, fearing they may lose dismally.
Hence their efforts tostop other elections taking place.

"This
just goes to show how ZANU PF doesn't value the significance ofdemocracy.
The government should hold elections as and when they are due andnot as a
matter of political expedience by a political party. It goes toshow the
arrogance of the autocratic regime . . . to decree rules that areillegal and
at complete variance with Acts of Parliament."

Mangwende and
Chombo, some analysts said, would continue to barkinstructions through the
acting Harare executive mayor until ZANU PFreclaimed lost urban
constituencies.

Chombo defended the latest development, saying it
was meant to enablethe Harare City Council and the new governor for Harare
Province to addresspertinent issues affecting the capital.

"I
would want to state it clearly that there won't be any otherelections at the
City of Harare until the year 2006. This is aimed atenabling the council,
together with the new governor . . . to iron out allproblems that are
affecting the city," the minister was quoted in agovernment-run daily as
saying.

He added: "We hope that the new governor and his council
are going towork hand in hand and develop this city so as to restore its tag
as theSunshine City of Africa."

This is not the first time
Chombo has stopped the holding of electionsat Town House. In September, he
barred councillors from electing a newdeputy mayor after the term for the
post expired.

But for Chombo's plans to succeed, analysts said, the
Urban CouncilsAct would have to be amended through Parliament or President
Mugabe couldintervene using the temporary presidential measures and powers
to tamperwith the Act for it to dovetail with the ruling party's
objectives.

"Chombo should be taken to court and kept there until
2006. The dutyto suspend elections has never been that of the minister, but
the Presidentthrough temporary Acts and so forth.

"They (ZANU
PF) tried the system of running elections concurrently,but it never worked
in ZANU PF's favour. Obviously, those who voted forMudzuri in 2002 voted for
Morgan Tsvangirai.

"However, ZANU PF was so desperate to rig Mugabe
in and forgot to rigMudzuri out," said one political
commentator.

"The move is meant to overtake the role of executive
mayor and placeit under the new governor as well as render MDC councillors
useless to thecity," he added.

"Chombo is trying to make sure
that the acting executive mayor staysin that position. I am surprised that
the MDC councillors are still vyingfor the position of executive mayor. That
position is now unattainable. Thepowers have been given to the
governor.

"ZANU PF has never been comfortable with anyone other
than themselvesrunning the affairs of Harare and they are so paranoid about
that," thecommentator said.

Constitutional law expert and
chairman of the National ConstitutionalAssembly, which is currently pushing
for a new constitution, LovemoreMadhuku said: "There is no illusion that
Chombo is defying the very samelaws that they promulgate and acting
illegally. This is a perennial problemthat we have with ZANU PF. They do not
want to be bound by the law. It isjust simply additional evidence of the
overthrow of the law.

"Chombo is saying he'll not stick to the law
because he is betterserved with Makwavarara in that seat than Mudzuri. There
should be noillusions about Chombo's intentions."

ZIMBABWEANS, who have borne the brunt
of acute food shortages, arepuzzling over the statistical haze that has
ignited such an enormous furoreover the country's supposed food security
situation between government onthe one hand and some international aid
agencies and humanitarianorganisations on the other.

The two
camps, which have always had an uneasy relationship, have beenhaggling over
preliminary crop assessments for the 2003/04 season. It is notdifficult to
see why. The food situation is one of the more contentious andcrucial issues
in Zimbabwe, a regional bread-basket-turned-basket-case.Little wonder the
unfortunate incident over the past fortnight has madesomething of a public
mess of the politics of the stomach.

There has always been this
unfortunate ill feeling between governmentand Western-backed aid agencies.
Government has been increasingly paranoid.It feels that Western governments
which have persistently accused it ofusing food aid as a coercive weapon to
force people to vote for it areworking towards a regime change in Zimbabwe.
Rightly or wrongly, thegovernment thinks that food relief from aid agencies
provides the Westerngovernments with a heaven-sent opportunity to whip up
emotions against it.In the minds of the country's leadership, Western
governments will use aidagencies and the food aid to buy influence against
the government from apopulation gripped by disenchantment and fear of
starvation.

Be that as it may, we feel that it was an error of
judgment on thepart of the government to play a very dangerous game by
presenting whatmight just be unreliable preliminary crop assessments as
fact, particularlywhen its previous crop assessments have always been way
off the mark. Thisis why there are heightened fears that the figures being
bandied about bygovernment "were just plucked from the air". We sincerely
hope that this isnot so and that reports of a bumper harvest are not just
one of thoseshort-sighted, narrow and parochial self-serving public
posturings by agovernment increasingly accustomed to doing everything for
politicalexpediency.

If so, then it can be said with 100
percent certainty that Zimbabwe,where the food import bills have in the past
created black holes in thefiscus, will find itself stuck in awkward scrapes.
This is because thedonors will find it extremely difficult to mount a swift
response if itturns out later that in actual fact the country needs food -
which in factmight just be the case.

Lest we are misunderstood,
we have to categorically state that, if itis true that Zimbabwe has produced
enough to feed itself, then there wasindeed nothing wrong with the
government trying to reassure the populace notonly about the country's food
security situation but broadly about theclarity and sustainability of its
agricultural vision and strategy.

Except that the form and style of
its approach to the whole issue werewrong. The way the message was put
across smacked of arrogance, insults andthe worst of all vices - ingratitude
- when government could have done witha little diplomatic etiquette. It came
through as a calculated humiliatingslap on the wrist for the donors. Sadly
though, the arrogance could prove tobe an expensive strategy, not least
because the agencies in whose face thegovernment is now throwing mud have in
the past played an inestimable rolein averting human crises of catastrophic
proportions. Other than beingbizarre, the obvious question raised by
government's behaviour over theissue is: what signal was it trying to send
to the compassionate and helpfulworld?

Indeed what the
government did was tantamount to what the Shona call:kukanganwa chazuro
nehope (Having eaten the seeds of pomegranates across theRiver Styx, as the
Greeks would say). This is moreso given that agriculturalproduction is not
only subject to the vagaries of the weather but humanerror too. And the
government has blundered more-often-that-not in itsmanagement of the
controversial land reform.

True, the sometimes-erratic and
increasingly unpredictable rainfallpattern and intermittent droughts have
played their part in compromising thefood security situation but government
mistakes have also aggravated thesituation. We have here in mind shoddy
planning on the part of government,which should equally be to blame. It is
well documented that the quality ofmost crops has been impaired due to a
critical shortage of vitalagricultural inputs which has been with us for the
past couple of yearswithout any contingency plans being put in
place.

Given these imponderables, how can we be so sure that we
will not bepassing the begging bowl within a year or two? For how long,
given ourexperiences in the past few years, will we be able to feed
ourselves withoutrecourse to these same aid agencies? And most importantly,
how reliable areAgriculture Minister Joseph Made's estimates considering
that he has misledthe nation before? Indeed, the mind boggles.

EDITOR - I
wrote the following self-explanatory letter to Heraldcolumnist Nathaniel
Manheru after he crafted and caused to be published anartice that made some
scurrilous reference to me in the paper.

My letter has not been
published or otherwise attended to. I waswondering if I could rely on your
usually good offices to ensure, in thepublic interest, that justice is done
while charlatans are exposed.

The letter is as
follows:

Dear Mr Nathaniel Manheru

I have
learnt to ignore the spurious references to me thatoccasionally appear in
your column. On this occasion I would be mostgrateful, however, if you could
please, explain to me and, no doubt, to yourreaders the circumstances
surrounding the cropping up of my name in yourcolumn of Saturday, May 15
2004.

I am not in any way, apart possibly from a shared
nationality,connected with any Zimbabwean currently staying in the
Mozambican capital. Ido not believe I know anyone who is currently based in
Maputo.

I am too far away from Zimbabwe and Mozambique to concern
myself withthe activities of Zimbabweans unknown to me who currently live in
Maputo.

To describe any such Zimbabweans as "Nyarota's leftovers in
Maputo",assuming human beings can ever be reduced to the status of
leftovers, isclearly mischievous and slanderous.

I was never
informed, until I read about it in your column, of anyplanned plot to harm
Zimbabwe's Minister of Information during his recentsojourn in Maputo. I was
not aware Professor Jonathan Moyo was visiting thatcountry until I read
about his ordeal in the Mozambican capital in your owncolumn.

I
do not regard Mr Fernando Goncalves, a Mozambican national whoworked with Dr
Ibbo Mandaza at Sapes Trust in Harare at a time when I wasbased in Maputo,
as an associate of mine. In fact, I was not aware of hiscurrent whereabouts
until your attempt to link him with me in the saidcolumn. I have not seen or
heard of him for many years.

I am surprised you omit to mention,
for whatever reason, the names ofthose who, in your own words, kept, fed and
dressed Fernando for many, manyyears in Harare, while seeking to draw false
linkages between him and me.

I should feel flattered that there are
Zimbabweans like you whogenuinely believe that I wield so much power and
influence among mycompatriots across the oceans as to cause them to rise
against a powerfulgovernment minister visiting a foreign country. Instead, I
am ashamed thatZimbabwe's journalism has been reduced to such depths of
depravity.

Well-deserved! After all the brouhaha
about MP Roy Bennett "beating up" two ministersin Parliament last week, CZ
thought he should add his voice to the noise .

. . but at the risk
of exposing himself to brickbats from those who,in their mob psychology,
have concluded that after reacting to unjustifiedinsults from the ZANU PF
leader of the House, the white MP is racist and hastherefore forfeited his
right to be a Zimbabwean.

After the scuffle - you never saw such
madness in all your life! -Mbare Musika was closed and vendors loaded into
dozens of trucks so that"thousands of party supporters" would be seen
demonstrating in the citycentre against the "Rhodie".

White-owned shops were closed down in Mutare and "Zimbabweans"
roundlyexcoriated the ex-Rhodesian security detail as a die-hard racist with
adangerous colonial hangover . . . this and that.

In fact,
everything was said and this was directly linked to theopposition MDC, which
we are now officially made to believe is a violentparty. A lot of background
information was generously dished out to thiseffect!

But
curiously, none of the "Zimbabweans" in question ever bothered totell the
minister that he should learn to sieve his words because some wordssimply
get you into big trouble.

This particular minister actually feels
more powerful than poweritself. He - and his other colleague in the
hand-picked league - knows howto talk so contemptuously about the opposition
that one would think it isall made up of filth.

Remember the
way ZANU PF "owners" - the likes of Herbert Ushewokunze,Enos Nkala, Edgar
Tekere, Morris Nyagumbo and others - used to talk aboutJoshua Nkomo and his
PF ZAPU in the mid-80s?

Exactly that way. Because they are in
power, one can throw around somany insults without necessarily bothering how
the victim feels. And it wasonly natural that Bennett reacted the way he
did.

You don't talk like that on this earth - and even in hell -
and getaway with it, unless you are a spirit!

It is not the
best pastime to go about challenging other people'smanhood simply because,
as a professional bootlicker, you have managed tocatch the eye of the Great
Uncle and therefore been appointed minister evenif you have no power of your
own.

You can try it but at your own peril because even CZ's
geriatricgrandfather, old as he is, would not hesitate to draw his own spear
if somefool with a hare-brain and a frog's mouth threatens to strip him
naked inpublic!

And CZ does not agree with all the talk about
the MDC being a violentparty. If anything, the MDC is one party that has
been violated left, rightand centre.

Do we need to be told that
tens of thousands of innocent villagerswere violently killed in the 1980s in
some parts of this country simplybecause they disagreed with ZANU
PF?

We don't need to be told that more than 100 opposition
supporters -including about half-a-dozen whites - were killed in the run-up
to the 2000and 2002 elections.

In addition, several High Court
judges overturned the election of anumber of ZANU PF legislators on the
basis that they had used untoldviolence to be elected.

What
more does one want to believe that the party that is cryingviolence is the
one that is actually committing violence?

To ZANU PF, the word
violence is like the word terrorism toAmericans - America has become the
world's most exemplary terrorist countryunder the guise of fighting
terrorism, just like ZANU PF has become a pastmaster in violence while
crying violence!

Musimboti Nyama

CZ would like
to commiserate with those of his not-so-healthycountrymen, including some
hypochondriac Zimbos who, not out of a fault oftheir own, found themselves
addicted to Musimboti, that soft drink that someconmen were selling to
unsuspecting members of the public as a cure-alltraditional medicine traced
from eons ago!

It is not in doubt that we have quite a lot of
relatives and friendswho are not so sure about their health. The drink had
become an instant hitwith this lot, and the demand was so high that
Musimboti could not be foundin shops because people kept large potations of
the drink under their beds.Unbeknown to them, what they were stockpiling was
nothing more than bottledsmoke, if not mere snake oil!

And when
the authorities - most of whose health status is equally indoubt - tried to
establish the exact efficacy of the herbal drink, they weredisappointed and
angry when they realised that it had no medicinalsubstances whatsoever
despite media adverts to that effect. They were soangry that they banned it!
And it is good that it has been banned!

We now wonder if anything
will happen to the conmen, including thosequack medical experts who
relentlessly appeared in adverts advising peopleto try the
drink!

Now that the muti has been banned, we can't help but wonder
what willbecome of those of our friends who had begun to believe that their
liveshinged on it.

First it was Benjamin Burombo, then a
certain Dr Sibanda, then theAfrican potato and lately Musimboti Nyama. And
what will be next?

Let's hope the Great Uncle will be magnanimous
again and pleasefast-track the free anti-retros programme. So many people
still wantsomething to give them that much-needed sangfroidic willpower to
live foranother day.

Press conferences?

Why is it that we are not getting more about press conferences as theProf
continues with his regional junkets? Could this have anything to dowith the
embarrassment the wise man suffered recently in Maputo? We wonder!

That aside, on behalf of himself and the whole suffering nation, CZwould
like to profusely thank the Prof for finally pulling off thenauseating
Sendekera jingles from our one and only electronic medium. Thankyou very
much. God bless you!

PLAYERS in the tobacco industry will next month hold an
exposition atthe Harare International Conference Centre as part of efforts
to restoreviability to he sector, which has been in decline.

The Tobacco Expo, which will be held from June 9 to 11, is aninitiative of a
local company, Sirmad (Private) Limited, based at theTobacco Sales Floors in
Willowvale.

Sirmad director Plaxedes Gutsa said the main objective
of the expo isto create a symbiotic relationship among the growers,
contractors,suppliers, financial service providers, technical and research
servicescompanies, the Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board (TIMB) and
associationsthat are involved in the production of the golden
leaf.

"There are many changes that have taken place in the industry
whichdictate the need for such a get-together. Growers need to fully
understandthe tobacco contracting system recently introduced by the
government. Asizeable number of the new growers would greatly benefit from
interactingwith all stakeholders in the industry under one roof," she
said.

Tobacco output is expected to go down by 22 million
kilogrammes thisyear from 82 million kilogrammes last year because of
viability problemsfaced by the new farmers such as the lack of inputs,
financial constraintsand improper management skills.

This is
despite a two-fold increase in the number of tobacco growersto 30 000 over
the past two years.

The contract-growing scheme, where tobacco
merchants fund farmers andthe crop is sold to the merchants, has not been
successful due to theshortage of foreign currency and the late entrance of
the merchants into thescheme.

Gutsa said the stakeholders would
receive a catalogue with theproducts and services and details of all aspects
of the industry during theexpo.

The country has managed to
maintain a good quality crop because offavourable growing conditions
following good rains for the 2003/04 season.

Zimbabwe has been a
major exporter of the golden leaf to the EuropeanUnion, Far East and the
region although the crop has faced a remarkabledecline in the past four
years due to the government's sometimes chaoticland reform
programme.

JOHANNESBURG
- Cotton has replaced tobacco as Zimbabwe's top foreignexchange earner, with
exports expected to bring in between US$120 millionand US$150 million this
year, according to the Zimbabwe Commercial CottonGrowers'
Association.

But cotton farmers are unlikely to benefit because
buyers, hit by thesliding value of the Zimbabwean currency against the US
dollar, "areoffering a price lower than the cost of production", Michele
Bragge, aspokeswoman for the association, told IRIN.

About 80
percent of Zimbabwe's cotton is grown on small-scale farms,which were
largely unaffected by the government's land reform programme. Thecountry is
set to produce 300 000 tonnes of seed cotton this year, up from250 000
tonnes last year. Annual domestic cotton consumption is 30
000tonnes.

Cotton buyers have offered farmers $1 800 (US33
cents) per kg, "whilethe cost of production is at least $2 000 (US37 cents)
per kg", said Bragge.

If the farmers did not get that price,
production was expected toslump next year, she noted.

Bragge
said cotton producers were "hoping to get financial support forthe
difference from the government," and the local press reported this weekthat
the government "is adamant that it may be forced to buy all the cottonfrom
farmers if merchants fail to come up with a lucrative producer pricefor this
marketing season".

Historically, Zimbabwe has been the world's
second-largest tobaccoexporter, earning as much as US$400 million in good
seasons. But productionbegan to fall three years ago after the government's
controversial landreforms.

Rodney Ambrose, a director of the
Zimbabwe Tobacco Association (ZTA),told IRIN: "Our production of
unmanufactured tobacco has droppedtremendously in the past three years, from
237 000 metric tonnes in 2000 to82 000 metric tonnes last year." According
to the ZTA, production wasexpected to slump to 60 000 tonnes this
year.

Ambrose linked the drop in production to the loss of
commercialtobacco-growing farms as a result of the land reform programme.
"We lostabout 45 000 hectares of land under tobacco cultivation, which
resulted in aloss of 150 000 metric tonnes of tobacco," he explained.
"Cotton is easierto grow, while tobacco is more capital intensive," Bragge
said. - IRIN

A few years
ago, while reading the Afrikaans news bulletin on theSouth African
Broadcasting Corporation (SABC)'s Channel 2, the newscaster,Rian Cloete,
collapsed in a heap of uncontrollable laughter as he tried tointroduce a
particular news clip.

The video clip that reduced Cloete, a
seasoned newscaster, into fitsof mirth before the cameras was about an
incident that had occurred in thelegislative assembly of an Asian
country.

Apparently things got so heated in that august house that
two membersof parliament came to blows. In the ensuing pandemonium, more MPs
joined in.

Looking at that mass of humanity, it seemed that
everyone wasmanhandling someone else without really caring who they were. No
wonderCloete lost control completely. It was one of those hilarious moments
ontelevision when laughter must have echoed in every household in
southernAfrica where people were tuned to this SABC station.

Like yawning, Cloete's laughter was infectious and I and my familyalso found
ourselves howling in rib-cracking laughter. We were not surewhich was
funnier, the news anchor's reaction to the story or the sight ofgrown men
supposed to be deliberating on important national matters shovingand
shouting in the melee.

Clearly though, it was hardly a
life-and-death situation with direconsequences.

But I worried
about Cloete's future. I wondered whether his job wasnot on the line for
completely losing control on prime time television.

Fortunately,
the bosses at the SABC seemed to have an even greatersense of humour. A
montage showing Magnus Malan laughing uncontrollably atthe news clip of the
parliamentary punch-up was put together. For a whileafterwards, this montage
was used to promote the Afrikaans news slot on SABC2.

Although
I do not understand Afrikaans, seeing that montage would setme laughing
uncontrollably all over again.

Newspapers all over the world
normally regard such amusing "humaninterest" stories as an opportunity for
their sub-editors to come up withtheir cleverest tongue-in-cheek or
satirical headlines. Cartoonists have afield day as well and regard such
incidents as manna from heaven.

Compare this light-hearted "live
and let live" reaction with the "woeunto you" dimension that has been given
to a similar altercation thatoccurred in our own Parliament last week. All
hell has broken loose afterChimanimani Member of Parliament Roy Bennett
confronted Justice andParliamentary Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa in
that august house.

Bennett rose to his feet to have an
eyeball-to-eyeball exchange afterapparently enduring provocative taunting
from Chinamasa about the colour ofhis skin and other personal slurs. It
would seem that even by the standardspermissible under parliamentary
privilege, Chinamasa overdid things.

Despite getting assistance
from Anti-Corruption and Anti-MonopolyMinister Didymus Mutasa, who allegedly
weighed in to kick the incensedBennett, both Chinamasa and Mutasa ended
lying prostrate on the floor!However, they quickly picked themselves up and
the incident was over withina minute at most.

But oh, what a
hornet's nest that brief incident has stirred! I havelost count of the
number of statements made by ruling party officialswarning of dire
consequences in store for Bennett. The incident provoked anorgy of violence,
which resulted in extensive damage to the headquarters ofBennett's party,
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Hardly 24 hours after the
incident, there they were, those"spontaneous" demonstrators shown on
television crying blue murder andwaving commercially printed placards
bearing all sorts of threats againstthe Chimanimani MP. It was announced an
official had declared Bennett"persona non grata" in Manicaland. Who ever
thought such powers were vestedin individuals?

A report on
state television about anti-Bennett demonstrations inMutare showed puzzled
men and women staring blankly into the camera. Theirbemused and
uncomprehending demeanour spoke volumes about the spontaneity ofthe demos
and the enthusiasm of the protesters.

My question is: who are these
demonstrators who are only outraged by abrawl in Parliament (where it should
have the best chance to be resolved inaccordance with parliamentary
regulations) but are unfazed by torture,murder and wanton destruction of
property? Where were these protesters abouta month ago when a young person
with his whole life ahead of him wascold-bloodedly shot to death during the
Zengeza by-election?

The truth is that this very poorly and
coercively orchestrated displayof righteous indignation cannot fool even the
most gullible observer. For astart, the staged indignation was not
convincing. And even if it were, itwas out of proportion to the incident
that is supposed to have triggered it.

Bennett confronted another
full-bodied man in Parliament who, wepresume, was capable of facing a man he
had so mercilessly belittled. Whydid he need hordes of violent thugs to show
the bravura he should havedisplayed himself? And where is the rule of law
when an incident that takesplace in Parliament is not left to the
legislative assembly to deal with inline with its rules and
regulations?

Bennett is being reviled by officials and supporters
of a party thatis supposed to be more principled and law-abiding than his
MDC. But how doesZANU PF expect the masses to believe this charade when it
"demonstrates"these virtues by mobilising violent mobs to wreak more havoc
and cause moredespondency than that 60-second incident in Parliament
did?

The Chimanimani MP lost his cool after being mercilessly
taunted byChinamasa for being able, among other things, to make his speech
inParliament in the indigenous Shona. And yet on other occasions whites
havebeen attacked for being stand-offish and not being willing to
fraternisewith their black counterparts. But here is a man who has done more
thanthat.

Judging by the reputation he enjoys and the high
regard in which he isheld in his constituency, Bennett has demonstrated how
to be a decent, fairand generous human being. How we ordinary people wish
there were more menand women of the same calibre in our Parliament!

AN acute
working capital crunch could affect the viability of thebaking industry,
which this week claimed to be owed in excess of $20 billionby the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra), The Financial Gazette
canreveal.

Industry players said the money owed relates to
Value Added Tax (VAT)claims, which accumulated to the sector since January
this year, when thenew tax system replaced the outdated sale tax
regime.

Under VAT rules, bread is zero-rated, which means bakers
cannot applythe tax on pricing bread while all the inputs such as flour,
packaging andall other ingredients are carrying VAT at 15 percent to the
baker.

This means that bakers have to claim the tax from Zimra. The
VATsystem generally implies that goods are taxed at every stage of
productionfrom the manufacturer to the end user. This is in contrast to the
sales taxwhere the government recovers tax at the end of the production
chain.

David Govere, the vice president of the Zimbabwe National
Chamber ofCommerce and managing director of Harambe Holdings, which
incorporatesSuperbake Bakeries, said industry players were in a costly
dilemma.

"Since January, the industry is now owed close to $20
billion by Zimrawho will pay, at the least, 60 days from assessment date and
not claimsubmission date. The whole industry has now been asking for the
productivesector facility to relieve them of working capital pressure
created by themoney being held at Zimra.

"Unfortunately, most
players do not have the collateral to access thispassed on to the consumer,
which will mean that bread will now wholesale at$3 000 per loaf and retail
at $3 500 per loaf," he said.

The baking industry is currently
agreed on the wholesale price of $2500 per loaf, giving a retail price of
between $2 800 and $3 000 per loaf.

Further to this, the millers,
who are now using imported wheat becauseof last year's low harvest, are
increasing the flour price on a weekly basisciting the exchange rate as the
driver of costs.

The international price of wheat is around US$326
per tonne whilelocally produced wheat costs around US$140 per tonne. The
only way the priceof bread can be maintained at the current level, according
to industryplayers, would be for the central bank to provide the Grain
Marketing Board(GMB) with foreign exchange to import 150 000 tonnes of wheat
to cover thedeficit from June to October.

Zimbabwe uses 30 000
tonnes of wheat per month. If this wheat issecured through the GMB, the
parastatal could sell the same wheat to themillers at a maximum price of
$1.5 million per tonne, which will enable themillers to sell the flour at
$140 000 per bag so that the bread price couldbe maintained until the
harvest is available at the end of October.

This will only be one
way of controlling inflation since bread is agood price movement indicator
and since foods now constitute a significant35 percent of the
Consumer Price Index.

Govere said: "If such management measures are
not taken, the price ofbread is likely to be $6 000 per loaf by the next
harvest in October thisyear."

Ploy to get hired guns out of HarareBy Gavin du
Venage, JohannesburgMay 29, 2004LAWYERS for 70 accused mercenaries held
in Zimbabwe are seeking to build acriminal case against their own clients in
the hope of forcing the SouthAfrican Government to apply for extradition and
avoid having the men faceexecution in Equatorial Guinea.

The accused,
all South African nationals, were arrested two months ago afterthey landed
in Harare on a chartered flight, allegedly to buy weapons theywere going to
use to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea.

The Zimbabwean
authorities have held the mercenaries in prison but are keento extradite
them to Equatorial Guinea, where they could be executed forplotting a
coup.

Zimbabwean newspapers reported last week that President Robert
Mugabe'scash-strapped Government had concluded a deal with Equatorial Guinea
toextradite the men for $US1.2 billion ($1.68billion) worth of crude
oil.

Lawyers for the men went to court in South Africa on Wednesday to
presentevidence they say is enough to put them on trial at home for breaking
lawsthat ban mercenary activities by South African
citizens.

"They will be shot on sight if
they go to Equatorial Guinea," said AlwynGriebenow, the lawyer representing
the accused men.

Mr Griebenow said if the mercenaries were extradited to
Equatorial Guinea,they would be highly unlikely to get a fair trial - if
they went to court atall.

Another 15 men, allegedly a mercenary
scouting party, have been held inEquatorial Guinea with no access to lawyers
or medical attention since theywere arrested two months ago.

"The
only way to get them back to South Africa is by extradition, and theonly way
to do this is if South Africa is convinced it has a strong caseagainst
them," Mr Griebenow said.

Under South African law, its citizens are
banned from acting as soldiersoutside its borders, and this measure could be
used to bring charges againstthe men.

An application for the men's
extradition will be launched in South Africanext week.

Mr Griebenow
said time was running out. "I am very worried they will be puton a plane and
sent to Equatorial Guinea without proper legal proceduresbeing
followed."

The group consists of 10 whites and 60 blacks. Mr Griebenow
says the blackmen's situation is dire, because they were all former special
forcessoldiers for South Africa's apartheid regime. When the liberation
forceswere victorious, they were thrown out of the army and many became
soldiersfor hire.

"They have lost everything now," said Mr Griebenow.
"Their houses, cars andfurniture have been taken from them for
non-payment."

Harare - Shocking revelations of mutilation of prisoners by
rebel militiasemerged Friday with the first detailed disclosure of deaths
among Zimbabwe'sforces deployed to fight in the civil war in the Democratic
Republic of theCongo that ended in 2002.

An inquiry at the Harare
magistrate's court into the deaths of 47 Zimbabweansoldiers heard that three
of them were caught by rebels and dismembered withmachetes or explosives,
according to a record of the hearing obtained onFriday.

Army officers
at the hearing also spoke of suicides among demoralisedsoldiers fighting
heavily armed guerrillas in the dense forests of
theCongo.

Journalists present said the proceedings had to be stopped
four times whenrelatives burst out sobbing as they heard of the grisly
deaths.

The Zimbabwe government has kept its casualty figures in the
four-year warsecret, apart from admitting to about 50 in the early weeks of
the war.

In August 1998, President Robert Mugabe despatched 12 000 troops
to rescuethe regime of the late DRC president Laurent Kabila from an
offensive led byRwandan and Ugandan soldiers and militia groups allied to
them.

The details of the deaths of the 47 have became public only because
they hadbeen classified as "missing in action". The dead men's relatives
applied toand won from the court the right to declare them "presumed dead"
to enabletheir affairs - relating to their property, estates and their
widows' andchildren's future - to be legally finalised.

The dead
soldiers were mostly from specialised commando, parachute, armouredand
artillery regiments, and all were lost between March and May 1999,mostly
around the southern towns of Mbuji Mayi and Kabinda, centre of theDRC's
lucrative diamond industry and where a controversial Zimbabwemilitary-run
company ran a large diamond mine.

Thirty-two of the men were said by
their officers in court to have been"killed in combat" or "missing in
action". When relatives asked why theirbodies had not been retrieved,
officers said the surviving soldiers had beenretreating under heavy fire,
and had been forced to leave their dead.

They also said rebels adopted a
deliberate strategy of setting ambushesaround dead or wounded troops.
Several men were killed when they attemptedto return to collect
bodies.

Five of the 47 troops were killed while trying to board rescue
helicopterswhile retreating under heavy fire, the officers said. At its
height, the wardrew in six African countries, with Zimbabwe deploying the
biggest and mostsophisticated contingent of tanks, armoured cars, artillery
and jetfighters.

A comprehensive United Nations report accused top
Zimbabwean generals andruling party politicians of involvement in a multi-
million dollar racketsmuggling "blood diamonds" from the DRC during and
after the war. - Sapa-dpa

ZIMBABWEAN mogul
Mutumwa Mawere, arrested in South Africa on Tuesday onallegations of fraud
involving more than US$18 million allegedly committedin Zimbabwe, was
yesterday granted a R50 000 bail.

Mawere was wanted for questioning in
Zimbabwe after police from the specialinvestigations unit suspected that he
was involved in fraudulent activitieswhen he exported asbestos to both South
African and oversees markets.

Early this month, police waited for Mawere
at the Harare InternationalAirport when they suspected that he would fly
into the country but he didnot turn up.

One of the two senior
Zimbabwean police officers in South Africa is said tohave tried in vain to
oppose bail for Mawere who was represented byAdvocates M.F Welz and Quentin
Ceech, lawyer Mr John Oosthuizen and anotherunnamed lawyer.

The
Randburg magistrate, however, postponed the matter to June 29 whenMawere's
extradition to Zimbabwe will be heard.

The businessmen was ordered to
surrender his travel documents and to resideat his Bryanstan home in
Johannesburg.

Mawere was further ordered not to leave Johannesburg
without permission fromInterpol.

However, Mawere last night denied
externalising any money from Zimbabwesaying he has not been resident in the
country for the past 15 years andthat he held a South African
passport.

He said he been living in South Africa since 1995 and that he
needed toenjoy the benefits there because that is where he works.

"If
you are not resident, how can you externalise money? I am an African andcan
hold 53 citizenships of Africa. Should I keep on holding my clothesuntil
something happens in Zimbabwe?"

However, Zimbabwe and South Africa do not
allow dual citizenship.

Mawere said he felt he was being persecuted yet
he had invested in Zimbabweand had created jobs in the country.

Home
Affairs Minister Cde Kembo Mohadi yesterday said Mawere was picked upat his
Johannesburg offices by the South Africa Police Services on chargesof
violating exchange control regulations.

South African officers arrested
Mawere on a warrant of arrest after he wasdeclared wanted by Zimbabwean
police.

Cde Mohadi said Mawere's arrest by South African police was made
possible bynumerous regional and international agreements such as the South
AfricanRegional Police Chiefs Co-operation Organisation and
Interpol.

"Through these organisations we exchange criminal intelligence
which is usedto arrest wanted criminals in member countries," he
said.

"I can confirm that he was arrested in South Africa for
externalisation offoreign currency.

"He has appeared in court and I
have just received a call that he has beengranted bail of R50
000."

Cde Mohadi said Mawere was arrested in connection with the
operations ofseveral companies in which he has a stake.

He said
extradition proceedings would be discussed at Mawere's next courtappearance
in South Africa.

Mawere told the Daily Mirror on Wednesday that his
arrest had no basis inlaw as the Exchange Control Act only applied to people
resident in Zimbabweand he denies he is a resident of the
country.

"How can a person who has been non-resident for 15 years be
accused ofexternalisation," he said adding that he had been living outside
the countrysince 1989.

Reports said there were allegations that
Mawere, who was chairman of theAfrica Resources Limited, had allegedly
undervalued the exported asbestos inZimbabwean documentation while receiving
the full price.

ARL is the holding company for the Shabanie and Mashaba
Mines, whichreportedly earn the country close to US$40 million a
year.

Mawere said yesterday he was not directly involved in the
operations of thelocal companies in which he has interests.

"I don't
sit on any boards of Zimbabwean companies. The exporters are thecompanies,
which have legal personas ands have their own rights before thelaw. They are
represented by their directors and officials. To thereforeaccuse me of
externalization when I am external, is a contradiction interms," he
said.

Police in Zimbabwe said Mawere's violation of the Exchange Control
Act wasjust an optional charge but that the businessman was wanted for
allegedlyfalsifying documents and abusing a special dispensation he had been
grantedby the Government to sell asbestos directly to the
market.

Mawere had a seven-year privilege to market the lucrative
asbestos fibrewithout going through the Minerals Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe.

The Government in March this year cancelled African Associated
Minesseven-year benefit and asked MMCZ to take over the marketing of
thecountry's asbestos.

Although Mawere says he stays in South Africa,
he is a Zimbabwean who hasbenefited from Government's black empowerment
policies, which are meant topromote indigenous business people.

He chairs the diversified Africa
Resources Ltd which has interests in thebanking, mining public relations,
manufacturing, fuel, insurance,telecommunications and human resources
sectors.

He is also a shareholder of a South African-based company,
Macsteel and FSIAgricom. Mawere has been linked to SMM Holdings, Zimre,
First Bank, FidelityLife, Nicoz Diamond, Firstel, Turnall, General Beltings,
Tube and PipeIndustries, Hastt Zimbabwe, FSI Agricom and CFI
Holdings.

He is the former publisher of the Business Tribune and Weekend
Tribunenewspapers.

Mawere's arrest comes in the wake of Government's
clampdown on economiccrimes. The blitz, which is ongoing, has seen the
arrest of prominentZanu-PF and Government officials.

The Minister of
Finance, Cde Chris Kuruneri and Zanu-PF Central Committeemember Cde James
Makamba have been arrested in various corruption andeconomic related
charges.

By Staff
ReporterLast updated: 05/29/2004 04:29:05DAVID Nyekorach-Matsanga a
prominent Zanu PF supporter who has been fightingan international public
relations war on behalf of President Mugabe'sisolated regime has launched a
blistering attack on Information MinisterJonathan Moyo, calling him the
Minister of "Information Sabotage" and a "gayrant".

Matsanga's
outburst came after he was manhandled, robbed and beaten up atthe Harare
International Airport last week while trying to enter Zimbabwe,allegedly on
the orders of Moyo.

At the centre of this vicious row is the British
cable news network SkyNews, which went into Zimbabwe at the invitation of
Zanu PF to present apositive spin on the land reform programme. Matsanga was
behind the PRexercise designed to make government voices heard in the
internationalcommunity after Moyo introduced draconian legislation banning
all foreignjournalists from the country.

Moyo tried unsuccessfully to
prevent the Sky News crew from filming andinterviewing President Mugabe,
calling their visit to Zimbabwe "illegal".This caused a serious rift within
Zanu PF as the Sky News crew had come atthe invitation of the ruling
party.

"For the last one month several articles defaming and
assassinating mycharacter have appeared in the government controlled Herald
newspaper on theinstructions of the owner of the paper called gay rant
Jonathan Moyo,"Matsanga said from London on Friday. "I have widely consulted
with many realmen of higher offices in that country and I have been advised
not to reactimpulsively to the statements of gay rants.

"I want to
reiterate that it is clear the turncoat and quisling juniorMinister of State
for Information and Publicity whose department is biggerthan President
Mugabe's shoes has distorted all facts and framed meregarding Sky News. He
has used me as a scapegoat to fight imaginarysuccession crusade with
Emmerson Mnangagwa (Speaker of Parliament) andNathan Shamuyarira (Zanu PF
spokesman)," railed Matsanga.

Talking exclusively to New Zimbabwe.com,
Matsanga told how he was wrestledto the floor and locked up at the Harare
international airport by NINE menwhom he was told were from Moyo's
Information Ministry.

"When I got to the airport, normal immigration
officials informed me theirduties had been taken over by Moyo's people," he
said. "One of the men saidI would not be entering Zimbabwe and I must
prepare to return to Britain.

"I said at all international airports
around the world individuals are atleast allowed to make a call before they
are deported. Their response was totake my mobile phone, a golden watch
worth £700 and £1700 in cash. I waskept incommunicado by those vigilantes
and they roughed me up, tore my suitand I sustained injuries on my left
hand.

"A Kenyan Airways manager I have known for a long time offered me
to fly toKenya for free because all my money had been stolen, and when I got
to KenyaI called the Kenyan President's office and a ticket was organised
for me.

"I have been campaigning for a long time for Zimbabwe, countering
the liesthat the country is a pariah State, now I have been pariahred
(sic)."As long as Moyo exists and occupies the Ministry of Information
Sabotage, Iwill not be part of such a system," thundered Matsanga, a Ugandan
nationalmarried to a Zimbabwean.

He said he will be stopping work on
a house he has been constructing inRuwa, just outside Harare. He insisted
that he will continue volunteeringhis services to project a good image of
President Mugabe.

"Because I respect the President of Zimbabwe I will not
react or doanything, which will harm the country at this hour. I still have
manyfriends in Zimbabwe who have valued my work. I will not let them
downbecause of a gay rant. But because of this provocation, I have
despatched mypersonal assistant Dr. Patricia Gwen-Ofwon to Nairobi to
research on thesocial behaviour and investigate Moyo's fraud case with the
Ford Foundationin 1990s. As a first precaution, from next week we shall
replay all speechesand tirades of Moyo against Mugabe from 1996 to enable
the world to judge.The world will see how the opportunist has sapped the
moral authority of agood African President."

Moyo, a former
university lecturer has made many enemies within Mugabe'sruling Zanu PF
power, using the official Herald newspaper to target hisenemies. Before
joining Mugabe's government, Moyo used to be an arch criticof his
administration and his anti-Mugabe articles were printed in respectednews
journals.

The Duke of
Lupane, my relative Last updated: 05/29/2004 00:40:46 I
VISITED my uncle in the impoverished district of Lupane inMatabeleland. He
is popularly known as the Duke of Lupane because of hispolitical exploits in
the area. This was just before the infamousparliamentary by-election which
was notoriously won by the Zanu PFcandidate. I had to leave early as the
Zanu PF campaign machine wasoperating at full throttle in the area. Being
related to the Duke of Lupane,a high-ranking Zanu PF official did not
guarantee me any safety from themarauding gangsters.

So, the
memorable visit to this intriguing relative of mine had tocome to an end. If
I had over-stayed my welcome, I would certainly havebecome some statistic on
poll violence! As the volatile situation demanded,I found myself bidding
farewell to my uncle, the self- appointed Duke ofLupane.

In our
culture, parting time is the best time for advising one anotheron life's
demands and dictates. Do I sense raised eye-brows questioning thelegitimacy
of my claims to a culture? Having heard some uncomplimentarysentiments about
totem-less people, I would like to dispel any fears andsuspicions that I may
be totem-less. I am a Moyo of the sub-totemBvumabalanda (in Khalanga) and I
have to honestly maintain that I hail fromculture-loving
Plumtree.

I would ask for forgiveness for digressing. The issue is
about theDuke of Lupane and me parting amid a hail of friendly advice. The
Duke toldme without threatening my limbs about his displeasure on my
anti-governmentarticles in the opposition press. He was particularly angered
by myinsistence to write on his armed expedition against the government
duringthe early eighties. Needless to say, the Duke of Lupane used to
terrorizethe Lupane area during his days as an armed dissident. The Duke
advised methat next time if I have to write about some events in Zimbabwe, I
shoulddeliberately ignore the dissident disturbances and the
Gukurahundimassacres.

I promised to heed his advice as a way of
cutting his long storyshort!

The Duke went on to give me a
lesson in impressive writing. Hedemanded that if I should have the urge to
write anything about him, myintroduction of him in my article should be
superfluous. He advised me thatif I have to amuse those who do not mind
reading about him and his exploitsin life, minus whatever he did from 1982
to 1987, I had to enlighten thereadership on how he prefers his title
pronounced. He says he is not theDuke of Lupane as in the Ndebele
pronunciation of the word Lupane. He sayshe prefers to be called the Duke of
Lupane with the Lupane accentuated in anEnglish fashion, something like the
Duke of Loo-pain.

The Duke also advised me to stop boasting about
my ability to dodgeborder patrols. He said what I do is not a feat that is
remarkable. Hereminded me that during the war, he and his comrades in arms
used to jumpnational borders that were stringently guarded by detachments of
Selous'Scouts and Platoons of Horsemen from the cavalry that was called the
Gray'sScouts. He ridiculed my exploits as child's play. He remained silent
on hiscross-border exploits during the contentious period of his war against
thepeople.

The Duke asked me to work hard once I was out of the
country and sendhim some money since things were not in order, just as I had
seen them. Hewas talking about the shortages of food. I reminded the Duke
that he wasderiding the very state of affairs he had earlier on portrayed as
beingexcellent. I told him that if he was as patriotic as he claimed to be,
hehad no reason to talk about the pinch. In response, the Duke told me that
hehad nothing to do with the drought. He said it was a natural cause that
hecould not avoid.

If the Duke's knowledge of geography was not
as scanty as it is, Iwould have told him of some countries that were
permanent deserts. I wouldhave told him of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Libya,
Botswana, Egypt, Bahrain,Mongolia and many other countries that are deserts.
I would then have askedthe eminent Duke to explain why those countries never
face food shortages.Without making my uncle look like a moron, I would
safely say that hisgeography stinks!

When it was my time to
advise the Duke, I asked him to considerreading about Murmur Gaddafi's Green
Revolution. The Duke did not know muchabout Gaddafi, except that he provided
some arms that were used to liberatehis country and that he now makes sure
that our wheels keep on turning bysupplying this rich country with oil. I
explained that Gaddafi had managedto green the desert. In a lapse of memory,
I nearly mentioned that Gadaffiwas not like the Duke who had managed to turn
the green veldt into a desertby excessive grazing and
tree-felling.

I advised the Duke to rally his people into bringing
the Zambezi Riverto their door steps. The Duke laughed all the way to the
bus stop as hethought that I was being futuristic in my advice. I told him
though that interms of living on borrowed time, we were already in the
future. I remindedhim that his unborn great grand children were somehow
already mortgaged tosome foreigners due to our borrowing of funds. The Duke
would have killedsomeone here. Luckily it was I speaking, his most favorite
nephew.

When the bus came, I felt the sadness of parting with my
uncle. Wehugged in an English fashion and I boarded the bus with the
coerciveencouragement from the bus conductor. As the bus made its way
towardsBulawayo, I was amazed to see structures that looked like temporary
homesmushrooming all over along the great road. A traveler sitting next to
meexplained that those were homes of resettled farmers.

I was
humbled by the squalor. Some of the structures were fit forrearing the
lovely animals that give us pork. I concluded that a lot neededto be done to
alleviate poverty. Electrifying those hovels would certainlynot improve the
standard of living of those people. The people did not needelectricity for
now, they needed decent homes. I think rural electrificationcould come later
on after rural homes rehabilitation. I promised myself thatas soon as I got
to my external destination, I would call the Duke at theparty offices and
ask him to look into the people's living conditions.

I threw away
the idea of calling the Duke. His party had managed towrestle the
parliamentary seat from the opposition. I did not want to hearthe bragging
voice of the Duke!

For the benefit of all of us, I have made a
summary of the Duke ofLupane. The Duke is my uncle. He is an ex-combatant.
He is an ex-dissident.He owns a large tract of land in an arid region. He is
a tribalist. Heconveniently supports Mugabe his former foe! He does not know
about theGreen Revolution of Libya. His geography is deficient. He is a
farmer whowas thrust into farming by events. He does a lot of firing than
hiring ofworkers. He is a politician in a sense. He demands
respect!