The conflict is having a serious impact on children’s right to a quality education. Worryingly, the number of children in need of assistance to access education has risen year on year, reaching 4.7 million by the end of 2018.3 The UN reports annually on the six grave violations4 of children’s rights in Yemen, which have been committed by a number of parties to the conflict, including the Saudi-led coalition, the Houthis and other armed groups. One of these violations is attacks on schools.

Reports of attacks on schools have risen dramatically since 2015, and UN assessments confirm over 2,000 schools are not fit for purpose due to physical damage caused by the conflict as well as the presence of armed groups.5 The UN has identified 95 attacks on schools between 2015 and 2017 6,7,8 which meet the evidence requirement to be classified as a grave violation. Three quarters of these have been carried out by the Saudi-led coalition.

Where schools remain safe and undamaged, their operation is hampered by insufficient teachers, due to non-payment of salaries, and inadequate basic resources, including drinking water and latrines. War Child research, carried out in December 2018 across ten districts in Yemen, also highlighted that families are often concerned for the safety of children at, and on their way to schools. This often leads to parents keeping children at home. Even when at school, it is difficult for children to learn as they struggle to deal with the psychological impact of living through war and the effects of hunger and malnourishment.

These factors are having a disproportionate impact on girls’ access to education during the conflict, with the UN reporting that 36% of girls are currently out of school compared to 24% of boys.12 In many cases, families have de-prioritised girls’ education as a reaction to economic hardship and greater fear for their safety. Child marriage figures have undergone a threefold increase between 2017 and 201

Setbacks in children’s education not only have consequences for the lives of individuals but also for the development and prosperity of the country. Damage to the education sector now will have longlasting consequences, impacting the education of future generations.

Despite the urgency of need, UN Yemen humanitarian response plans have remained underfunded year on year, with the education cluster securing less than half (43%) of appeal amounts requested between 2011 and 2018.

To ensure access to education, not only does funding need to increase, but it also requires parties to the conflict to uphold the legal and political obligations that exist on states to protect children’s rights. Despite such obligations, attacks on schools in Yemen have continued unabated by many armed parties to the conflict and especially by the two main sides, the Houthi and Saudi-led coalition forces.

The fact that education is under attack in Yemen is symptomatic of a wider pattern of flagrant disregard for international law throughout the conflict.

Since 2015, 87 states have endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration16, a political commitment to protect children, teachers, schools and universities from attack and take measures to stop the military use of education facilities during conflict. The UK and France have made this commitment, but despite the clear evidence of attacks on schools by the Saudi-led coalition, they have continued to provide the coalition with political backing and military support through arms sales.

These inconsistencies pose a threat to attempts to uphold the international rules-based system. Calling out violations of international law ring hollow, in this conflict and across the world, when governments including the UK, continue to profit from the Saudi-led coalition.

Seven women share their experiences of extreme hardship during Ramadan in war-torn Yemen

As the stories of these women show, Ramadan in Yemen is harder than it has ever been. As the conflict drags on, more than 20 million people won’t be enjoying festive meals or Ramadan favourites — in fact, they will hardly have enough food to survive. This makes it all the more important for the World Food Programme (WFP) — the largest humanitarian agency operating in the country, covering each month the most basic food needs of more than 10 million people — to be granted the sustained funding and unrestricted country-wide access to reach all Yemenis in need.

“We fast every day of the year now.” — Afrah

Afrah’s name means joy, but the holy month of Ramadan has been a struggle for this mother-of-four.

“Ramadan was better before the war. Iftar consisted of rice, chicken and yogurt, now my children eat only bread and water,” says Afrah Hassan, 34.

Before Ramadan began, Afrah collected as much rubbish as she could from the streets — plastic, paper, scrap wood, twigs. This is the fuel she uses in her little makeshift oven to bake bread. Afrah’s family hasn’t had cooking gas for more than six months. It takes two hours for the oven to heat, so she needs a big supply of materials to burn. She knows that burning plastic is bad for her and her children’s health, but she doesn’t have a choice.

“Today is the first day of Ramadan, I have only a little flour and one egg to feed my family. I will prepare the bread for my children and boil the egg. I will cut the bread and egg into small pieces. That’s the only meal we have,” Afrah says.

There are severe shortages of cooking gas in the local market and what is available is very expensive; nearly double what it cost before the conflict. The food she receives from WFP she says she often shares with other women, like her neighbour Hossn.

“We fast every day of the year now. There is no difference between the month of Ramadan and other months,” she adds. “In Yemen we can no longer feel any occasions; nothing really feels like what it used to, not Ramadan, not Eid.”

“The two most terrible things in my life over the last four years are the hunger and the sounds of the explosions.” — Hanan Mohamed Ahmed, 17

Hanan was just 13 when the war began. Her home was destroyed by the first airstrikes to hit Sana’a on 26 March 2015. Her family of six have lived in a single rented room ever since.

“The two most terrible things in my life over the last four years are the hunger and the sounds of the explosions,” says Hanan.

She was forced to leave school two years ago because her family could no longer afford the fees. Now she is responsible for cooking all the meals for her family.

“Before, my country was better, there was no war, no missiles, no fear, and prices were cheaper,” says the seventeen-year-old.

“I wish that Ramadan had come at a time we had lots of flour, rice and gas. But Ramadan came while the war is still going on and the hunger continues.

“For me all I wish as a Yemeni girl is that I can live in peace. That we get the cooking gas back to my country. That the war ends. That the fear leaves our country and we live in peace.” (with photos)

YEMENI WAR AND SHIFT OF POWER: A REFLECTION ON THE HISTORY OF SOUTHERN ISSUE AND POSSIBLE SCENARIOS IN SOUTH

Abstract

This paper sheds some light on the Southern Issue with reference to 2015 war in Yemen and shift of power. It has briefly surveyed the history of Southern Issue and the conflict relating to this issue, passing by 2015 war and shift of power. It has presented the history of this period impartially and neutrally and then reflected on the possible political scenarios in South Yemen in the light of the present war. It concluded with some recommendations that may help the concerned politicians involved in the Yemeni crisis to bring peace and stability to Southern Yemen particularly and Yemen generally.

Introduction

In the South, Southern Resistance Forces, led by General Aidroos AL-Zubaidi, are considered as the main player on the ground. These military forces were formed during the last two decades and most of them during the last 2015 war as they gained some financial and logistic military support from the Arab coalition and Hadi’s legitimacy during their war against Huthi – Saleh’ ally in 2015. Though these forces are fighting against Huthi – Saleh and give support to Arab coalition and Hadi’s legitimacy in their war out of the Southern borders, they don’t consider themselves a part of Hadi’s legitimacy and don’t believe in Hadi’s political view to have Yemen of six regions. They consider themselves as the future military and security forces of the South. Before going on to explain more details, it will be better to have a look of the short back history of the failed Yemeni unification.

Southern Issue

Southern issue refers to southern people’s political and economic suffering under the Northern regime. It began after taking over the South in 1994, deploying Northern military forces in its cities and mountains, excluding southern diplomats and army generals and soldiers from their works, distributing Southern land and wealth among northern leaders…etc. Such a situation created a kind of unfairness against the Southern people and made them feeling that they were citizens of a second degree. Most of the Southerner could not express the discontent of the situation for some time due to the huge Yemeni military forces surrounding them but such a suffering was getting worse more and more and Southerners began their peaceful revolution by forming ‘Military Pensioners’ Association’ and then ‘Southern movement’ in 2007 through which they demanded for equality with the northerner and returning to their work. This movement began as demanding for equality, financial rights, justice in distributing wealth and returning what has been robbed, which then developed into demanding for their political rights and restoration of their colonized state.

The Rise of Southern Transitional Council (STC) as a Political Representative for Southerners

Though the general goal of STC is totally different from Hadi's government’s. The temporary alliance between STC and its resistance with Hadi's exiled government is only to emerge the Southern issue that was deliberately neglected to the surface and to be clearly seen in front of the neighbors and the world. It is worth mentioning that STC members are doing their best in building bridges of relationships on the locally, regionally and internationally sphere. In this respect, in logical activation, STC is systematically formed its branches in all the southern governorates and districts and continued in preparing security and military forces with the assistance of Arab coalition, especially UAE.

Southern Issue and the Possible Scenarios in the South

Based on researchers’ observations of the situation in Southern Yemen and in Yemen generally, their meetings and discussions with some academicians and politicians and their reading and listening to speeches of political leaders and those specialists in Yemeni situation, they have summed up four possible scenarios that may take place in the South in the future. One scenario could be peaceful and satisfy the Southern will while the other three may complicate the situation and open new stages of war as they don’t pay attention to the southern issue and to the power change that took place in the South. As being optimistic of peaceful future, we will begin by the peaceful scenario, and then we will move to other options:

Conclusion and Recommendations

Southern Issue has appeared after the invasion of South in 1994 and controlling it by force, then applying compulsory exile and retirement to Southern military, diplomatic and political leaders as well as soldiers. The Yemeni merging unity converted into a forced union with different unfair policies that made Southerners feel that they are citizen of second degree. Such a situation created a lot of peaceful and violent conflict between the Southerners and the Yemeni government. Ignoring such unfair issues accelerates the situation in the South and led to more and more upset – by Sabri Thabit Saleh Ahmed, Mohammed Nasher Saeed Nasser

Comment: This is a very important document from the perspective of Southern Yemen. It is a polemic viewpoint written very much from the perspective of the South but it is a viewpoint that needs to be addressed in the quest for peace in Yemen and an end to this dreadful war.

Although Houthi drone strikes can be plausibly explained by Iran’s desire to retaliate against Washington’s exclusion of Tehran from global energy markets, this argument tells us only part of the story. My research on the Yemeni civil war suggests that these drone strikes can be partially explained by internal insecurities within the Houthi movement, as numerous Houthi officials have defected to Saudi Arabia in recent months. By targeting Saudi oil facilities, the Houthis can increase their popular support in northern Yemen. Houthi drone strikes play into the popular desire for revenge against Saudi Arabia’s alleged theft of Yemen’s oil wealth, showcase the Houthis’ ability to counter Saudi bombardments, and counter Saudi depictions of the Houthis as a terrorist group that targets civilians. Houthi drone strikes against Saudi oil facilities are closely linked with the movement’s outreach efforts in Yemen, as they appeal to the popular narrative that Saudi Arabia and its allies seized oil resources from the Yemeni people. Given this rhetoric and the absence of an international show of support for the Houthis, it is unsurprising that the Houthis used coercion to demonstrate that they were taking action against Saudi Arabia for its seizure of Yemen’s oil.

Houthi drone strikes against Saudi oil facilities are closely linked with the movement’s outreach efforts in Yemen, as they appeal to the popular narrative that Saudi Arabia and its allies seized oil resources from the Yemeni people.

Given this rhetoric and the absence of an international show of support for the Houthis, it is unsurprising that the Houthis used coercion to demonstrate that they were taking action against Saudi Arabia for its seizure of Yemen’s oil.

Houthi strikes on Saudi oil facilities also reveal how effective retaliation against perceived Saudi cease-fire violations is vital for the preservation of elite cohesion.

Given this desire to dispel notions that the movement is weakening, Houthi drone strikes on Saudi oil facilities should be viewed as a direct retaliation for the refusal of Hadi-aligned military forces to withdraw from Hodeida.

As Saudi policymakers frequently describe the Houthis as a terrorist group, the Houthis are seeking to counter that narrative by launching drone strikes against economic and military targets in Saudi Arabia, instead of civilian areas.

My interviews with prominent Yemeni analysts reveal that the Houthis’ reticence to target civilian areas in Saudi Arabia reflects their ambitions to preserve internal cohesion. Yemeni analyst Mareb al-Ward explained that the Houthis could fragment into “ideological factions” that favored indefinite confrontation with Saudi Arabia and “pragmatic factions” that sought to pursue a peace settlement in Yemen.

Although Houthi drone strikes on Saudi oil facilities cannot be completely separated from the broader escalation of tensions in the Persian Gulf region, it is inaccurate to say that the Houthis are merely acting as Iran’s proxies when conducting these attacks. As the Yemeni civil war rages on, developing internal divisions within the Houthi movement can be looked to as compelling predictors of the group’s future conduct – BySamuel Ramani

My comment: Interesting background of Houthi drone strikes. – But, Saudi oil facility just had been one of the Houthis’ targets, and they announced they would target 300 alltogether: How important the special desire to retaliate for Saudi theft of Yemeni oil actually would be in the whole context? – And, dear author risk to say what your article tells: Remove the “just” from the headline!-

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Seuchen / Most important: Epidemics

The Ministry of Public Health and Population of Yemen reported 16,827 suspected cases and 18 associated deaths during epidemiological week 20 (13-19 May) of 2019. Fifteen percent of cases were severe. The cumulative total number of suspected cholera cases from 1 January 2018 to 28 April 2019 is 704,986, with 1,114 associated deaths (CFR 0.16%). Children under five represent 22.6% of total suspected cases during 2019. The outbreak has affected 22 of 23 governorates and 295 of 333 districts in Yemen.

From week 8 in 2019, the trend of weekly reported suspected cholera cases started increasing and peaked at more than 29500 cases in week 14. During weeks 15 to 20 case numbers declined, although it is too early to conclude a downward trend.

Since a ceasefire was signed in mid-December 2018, aerial bombardments have reduced in Hodeidah but heavy ground fighting erupts every day inside the city, especially at night, close to the Al Salakhana area where MSF is present. In Al Salakhana hospital, our teams treat mainly trauma cases: burn patients, victims of road-traffic accidents and war-wounded, most of them civilians hit by stray bullets. Since October 2018, MSF teams have treated 6,600 patients in Al Salakhana hospital, including 440 war-wounded.

TRANSCRIPT

Hisham Al-Dawa: Clashes erupt every day, especially at night, close to the Al Salakhana area where MSF is operating. The bullets reach the hospital. The civilians also, the bullets hit their houses. Some kids get shot because of stray bullets.

Doctor:The bullet apparently is within the abdomen. This is the vertebra on the AP [anterior posterior] it’s here, but on the lateral it’s here. Operation time will be three hours. Knife please.

Today the United Nations Development Programme provided our national partner, the Yemen Executive Mine Action Center (YEMAC), with 20 Hilux armored vehicles to support their daily demining efforts in the ports of Hodeidah, Ras al-Isa and Salif. The vehicles will be immediately dispatched to ensure the safety and security of the deminers as they work to safeguard the passage of desperately needed humanitarian aid for more than the 80 per cent of the Yemenis in need of assistance.

and by the Hadi government, anti-Houthi and Saudi coalition news sites, the UN is smeared for this:

(A K P)

UN’s deceptive activities.. Support militia warfronts

The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) announced that it has granted 20 vehicles to the Houthi militia Hodeidah as part of supporting Landmines Clearance Project.

This support comes at a time the Houthi militia has been deliberately trapping villages, roads and farms with minefields and explosives, especially in the western coast areas, which have claimed hundreds of civilians’ lives.

The United Nations has already given the Houthi militia more than 20 ambulances, all of which went to the warfront.

Yemeni government: United Nations support for militias violates international law and unacceptable behavior

The Yemeni government said that the United Nations support for Al-Houthi militia, with 20 vehicles dedicated to demining, is contrary to UN laws and principles set forth by the United Nations and international and humanitarian laws.

"There is a legitimate and lonely representative of the Republic of Yemen, His Excellency President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, who enjoys popular, constitutional and international legitimacy, and his government," said Abdel-Raqeeb Fateh, the Minister of Local administration, chairman of the Higher Committee for Relief. "Any dealings by the United Nations and the international community must be with legitimacy and any agreements outside this framework are contrary to all international and UN laws and the work of their organizations in Yemen."

However, despite its military strength, available firepower and air supremacy, Saudi Arabia is actually losing the war. To understand this seemingly paradoxical analysis, we have to ask two important questions: what goals did Mohammad Bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and de facto ruler, set for his war in Yemen; and is it possible to lose the war despite winning the battle?

In March this year the war entered its fourth year with very little to show in terms of achievements apart from the atrocities that the Saudis and their allies have committed in Yemen.

Another sign that Riyadh is losing the war is the fact that the Houthi rebels have managed to fire missiles into Saudi Arabia

The drone attacks might have been limited in scope but they are another sign that Saudi Arabia not only miscalculated its enemy’s capabilities but also failed to see how destructive the war could be for its own economy.

Furthermore, wars can be lost simply because they drag on too long and become open-ended conflicts in which the original objectives are all but forgotten. In such cases, ending them is the wise thing to do.

If Bin Salman did not achieve his victory in Yemen in four years he is unlikely to do so now that his enemy has become so battle-hardened.

No matter what he does, Bin Salman has lost the war even if he still has the upper hand militarily. The economic cost of the conflict will outweigh any benefits the he might gain from the mess in which he has embroiled his country and allies in Yemen. Sadly though, unsuccessful leaders are usually very slow in accepting reality – by Mustafa Fetouri

The Houthis’ recent advances into southern and central Yemen reflect the country’s changing political landscape and the Yemeni government’s growing rift with the UAE.

The Houthis’ southward push is a crucial breakthrough that exposed a strategic flaw in the Arab coalition’s plan in Yemen, particularly the growing tension between the Yemeni government and the UAE.

On May 1, the Houthis captured al-Husha district in the western part of Dalea, which links central Yemen with the southwestern princes of Ibb and Taiz

These military developments come amid important political developments

Militarily, the Houthis have been winning on the battlefield since the beginning of 2019, benefitting from the truce imposed by the Stockholm Agreement in Hodeidah

On March 8, after a two-month battle, the Houthis took control of the Hajour region in the Hajjah province in the northwestern corner of Yemen.

This victory encouraged the Houthis to set their sights on central Yemen. They launched an assault on Dalea province, whose nine districts are divided between the Houthis and the internationally recognized government

In contrast to the battle of Hajour, which aimed to secure the Houthi heartland, the battles in central Yemen (in Ibb, Dalea, and Bayda) seek to strengthen the Houthis’ influence and draw a border with the pro-Emirati STC. Both campaigns highlights Houthis’ efforts to strengthen their sway and increase the chances of establishing their de facto authority.

However, the Houthi advance in the cities of central and southern Yemen is not only a result of own capability. Their advance has been aided by Riyadh and Abu Dhabi’s conflicting objectives and agendas, and their relationships with some of the groups backing the internationally recognized government.

Notably, the coalition did not allow pro-government fighters to open up new fronts

Similarly, coalition aircraft did not carry out airstrikes to disrupt the Houthis’ supply lines after their withdrawal from Hajour and Hodeidah fronts

Escalating tensions between the Yemeni government and Abu Dhabi also played a significant role in the Houthis’ military victories.

Ultimately, the Houthis’ victories reflect their political wrangling with Riyadh over the Saudi border issue, with Abu Dhabi about southern Yemen and the fate of the GPC in Sanaa, and Iran support. The Houthis’ have secured a rapid strategic victory in the central and southern regions that masks a more complicated geographical, sectarian, and tribal reality. These complexities raise the question of whether the Houthi victory will be sustainable. As long as power players such as Riyadh and Abu Dhabi continue to fuel the Yemeni conflict, clashes are likely to continue. – by Ateq Garallah

In recent weeks, Houthis have been stepping up attacks with these small drones. They've struck targets inside Saudi Arabia, including oil pipelines and air fields. On Sunday, Saudi state media reported it had successfully repelled the latest attack, which was attempted on an airport near the border with Yemen.

The small drones used by the Houthis pose some significant problems for conventional militaries, according to Nicholas Heras, a fellow at the Center for a New American Security. "They're difficult to stop because they're low profile," he says. "They don't give off a lot of radar signature, they fly relatively slowly." Moreover, using GPS, they can navigate through holes in air defenses.

According to the U.S. government and several independent researchers, at least some of the drone technology being used by the Houthis seems to come from their main sponsor in the region — Iran.

Iran started developing drones in the 1980s, says Gawdat Bahgat, a professor at the National Defense University. The work started in part because Iran was under various arms embargoes, and its air force was woefully out of date.

"Within this context, drones are perfect," Bahgat says. They provide air power for "a fraction of the cost of fighter jets."

So Iranian engineers began designing and building their own indigenous drones.

Heras worries that the drones could also be used in a conflict with U.S. forces. Although the drones are far too primitive to do much direct damage, they could be used to distract.

A report by @ycmhrv that just came out indicate 932 civilians were killed in landmines explosion since the beginning of the war. Of this figure, Taiz was the highest with 349 fatalities. Of the 944 civilians injured, 217 were children, 83 when, & 48 elderly.

A report by @ycmhrv that just came out indicate 932 civilians were killed in landmines explosion since the beginning of the war. Of this figure, Taiz was the highest with 349 fatalities. Of the 944 civilians injured, 217 were children, 83 when, & 48 elderly

In an exclusive interview with Press TV, Taha al-Mutawakil said many Yemenis are suffering from acute malnutrition. He also added that there are more than 8000 dialysis patients but they lack treatment because the Saudis are preventing the entry of dialysis equipment and supplies.

Authority of Aviation: Hundreds of Yemenis Dead Abroad under Closure of Sanaa International Airport

The spokesman of the General Authority of Civil Aviation and Meteorology , Dr. Mazen Ghanim, said that hundreds of Yemenis have died abroad while waiting to return to Yemen as a result of the continued closure of Sanaa International Airport.

Thousands of Yemeni citizens abroad wanted to return home to live and visit their families, Ghanim added.

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

“I cannot wait to see the sunrise, so I can go to school” Atika, 14 years, who has a disability, came back to school thanks to her social worker and teachers at Belqis high school in Marib. In April, @UNICEF_Yemen provided psychosocial support to 27k conflict-affected children. (photos)

Yemen’s Government Urges Transparency in Operations of Int’l Organizations

The Yemeni government has said that 80 percent of international organizations have rejected to heed its demands on revealing operational expenses and the size of aid delivered to the country’s people. The government warned the organizations that it could take legal measures against them, depriving them of their ability to operate in Yemen. Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Najib al-Auj said there have been question marks on how funds made available by donor countries were being spent in Yemen. Auj told Asharq Al-Awsat that some organizations were exaggerating in expenditures into operational costs by reaching 25 percent, although the norm is just five percent.

My remark: Hadi government. – Yemenis complain that these organisations are not transparent and that great parts of the sums are not used for relief work but for administration and other intranparent purposes. – From the hadi government, such critics more look like a try to get more control.

This was Maram’s fate. She was forced to marry at age 16. Her husband was abusive from the start, humiliating her by publicly calling her infertile, then refusing to allow her to see a gynaecologist.

Sexual and gender-based violence is widespread in emergency settings, yet protection from this form of violence remains severely underfunded, at less than 1 per cent of all funds channelled to humanitarian assistance.

UNFPA is in the process of scaling up services for survivors of gender-based violence, including through the Family Counselling and Development Foundation. Last year, two new centres opened up, providing mental health support to more than 7,000 survivors of gender-based violence, and to more than 9,000 other cases. More than 13,000 cases were handled through the nation-wide, toll-free hotline. UNFPA’s protection services for women in Yemen are supported by Canada, the European Union, Kuwait, the Netherlands, Saudi Arabia, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

Over a month into the migrant detention situation in Yemen, irregular migrants continue to be detained in unsustainable conditions. At the peak of the detentions (27 April-03 May 2019), IOM estimates that approximately 5,000 people were detained across three sites. Currently, 2,457 migrants are detained in the 22nd of May Stadium site in Aden, and hundreds of migrants are periodically detained and released at Al Khaleeji stadium in Abyan.

The number of migrants arriving at the 22nd May Stadium increases daily. In collaboration with the authorities in Aden and Ethiopia, IOM has commenced the process of arranging Voluntary Humanitarian Returns (VHR) for migrants detained at 22nd of May Stadium. This process has been stalled by rescinded flight permissions.

Illegal African immigrants seek to return from Yemen due to worsening living conditions

Thousands of illegal African immigrants who arrived in Yemen's southern port city of Aden and other neighboring provinces are asking for assistance to return to their countries as living conditions there have worsened.

Their requests increased as they face harsh living conditions and outbreak of epidemics inside a number of detention centers established by the Yemeni security authorities.

On Tuesday, the Yemeni government authorities announced to deport 124 illegal African immigrants as the first batch back to their countries voluntarily.

A source from Yemen's Interior Ministry said that the country's government cooperated with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to deport the first batch to Ethiopia through Aden's International Airport.

But thousands of others are still detained by Yemen's security authorities in different detention centers in Aden and other neighboring southern province such as Lahj and Abyan amid difficult living conditions.

Local charity organizations have been providing basic supplies including foods and clean drinking water for the illegal immigrants detained in a sports stadium in Aden province since last April.

A governmental committee authorized by the Foreign and Interior Ministries announced Tuesday that124 illegal migrants, first batch, were deported voluntarily through Aden airport to their own origin countries.

The operation carried out in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

Djibouti is hosting approximately 29,200 refugees from Somalia, Yemen, Eritrea and Ethiopia, of which 21,100 reside in settlements. WFP provides assistance to all registered refugees and asylum seekers living in Ali Addeh, Holl Holl and Markazi camps in the form of in-kind general distributions, nutrition support and a cash transfer component as part of the general distribution.

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

Salvation Government FM Promises to Facilitate All UN Mission Logistics

Foreign Minister Hisham Sharaf on Wednesday met with Chief of the United Nations Mission for Monitoring the Implementation of Hodeidah Agreement General Michael Lollesgaard.

At the meeting, the minister confirmed that the political leadership and the National Salvation Government put the interests of Yemen and Yemeni citizens at the top of their priorities.

“In order to spare Yemenis’ bloods, concessions were made during Stockholm consultations and several initiatives to implement the agreement during the previous period, including the unilateral redeployment,” Sharaf said.

My comment: This would be urgently required, as the Houthis had looted and misappropriated a great part of humanitatian help, had impeded humanitarian organisations in various ways, had extorted money from them.

And (as claimed by Hadi gov. army news site):

(A H P)

Houthi militia continues looting humanitarian aids

The Iran-backed Houthi militia continues to loot humanitarian aid from the stores of international organizations in the capital Sana’a.

Eyewitnesses said to September Net that the Houthi insurgents transferred humanitarian aid relief from the warehouses of international organizations to their own stores and the houses of their leaders in the neighborhood of Shamlan in Ma’een district.

Mohammed Al-Houthi Welcomes Recently Released Prisoners, Condemns their Ill Treatment by the Aggression

Member of the Supreme Political Council, Mohammed Al-Houthi, met, Tuesday evening in the capital Sana'a, recently released prisoners. They were taking by the the US-Saudi aggression and its mercenaries in occupied southern provinces.

Al-Houthi expressed the Yemeni People's appreciation for the prisoners’ steadfastness in the face of torture and intimidation

The wave of levies in al-Houthi control areas and the closure of a shopping mall in Sanaa escalated

The wave of levies in the month of Ramadan against merchants and owners of shops in the areas of control of the Houthis has escalated under several names.

Residents and eyewitnesses to the "Al-Masdar online" said that collectors and committees to sweeps the shops in Sana'a city on a daily basis and the merchants and owners of shops are surprised by different names and justifications for collecting the levies.

The Houthis impose their powers on merchants under the names of "Zakat", "Zakaat al-Fitr", "war effort " and "supporting the Mujahideen " and consider Ramadan a season for doubling those levies.

On Monday evening, Houthi gunmen closed down the city Max shopping mall on the southern 60th Street and is one of the largest and busiest shopping malls in Sanaa.

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

(A T)

Man attacks, kills College employee in Yemen

The local police source added that the dean of the Health Sciences College at Aden University, Najat Ali Muqbil, has been shot dead by a group of armed men in army uniforms, who crashed into her house in Enmaa neighborhood and fired using automatic rifles. Another two members of her family were also killed in the attack, according to the official, whose identity remains unidentified.

Recruits following Ataq military axis, cut off the oil export line at the early hours of dawn Wednesday in the southeastern province of Shabwah.

A military source at Ataq military axis told Al-Masdar online that "The leadership of the Axis has made every effort to fix the cut off that have been set up by the recruits in earlier times in the town of Ataq, on the basis that there are promises from the region's leadership to pay salaries".

Commander of the 1st Brigade Support Battalion of the Security Belt forces, Brigadier General Mahmoud Ahmad al-Mashali (a.k.a. Abu Al-Yamamah) said that the brigades were founded amid a wave of violent crimes and activities triggered by IS and al-Qaeda in addition to arms and drug traffickers supported by the Muslim Brotherhood. In an interview with Alghad Almushreq TV, Abu Al-Yamamah affirmed that the Security Belt forces managed to inflict extremely painful blows to extremism and organized crime, hindering the ability of terrorists and criminals to act and to manoeuvre in the South. Regarding the battles on al-Dhale fronts, Abu Al-Yamamah made it clear that the Security Belt forces are ready and well-prepared to go anywhere the pro-Iran Houthi putschist militia or the terrorists groups try to occupy

The United Nations Habitat Assembly hosted Prime Minister Ma’een Abdulmalik an honorary speaker in its first session’s activity “Ties between humanitarian activity, peace, development and survival capability in Arab cities.”

He pointed out that Yemen faces complicated challenges worsened by Houthi militia-triggered war, in addition to humanitarian catastrophes changed the real situation of cities and urban gatherings.

Reports from Yemen's #Socotra archipelago: the United Arab Emirates has delivered armoured vehicles, heavy and medium weapons, pickup trucks and other military equipment to UAE-backed militias on Socotra, in a strong message to Hadi's government. This government should wake up.

May 30, 2019: Commander of the so-called “Hazm Battalion 3” funded by the UAE occupation has resigned from his military duties in the city of Aden, southern Yemen. The commander of Hazm Battalion 3 Saleh al-Amri resigned on Tuesday amid sharp differences with security leaders in the government of the exiled Hadi, according to sources in Aden.

Al-Bahsani talk aroused questions. Gap between revenue and expenditure in Hadramawt does it sound logical?

The press conference held by the Governor of Hadramawt, Major General Faraj al-Bahssani, in the presence of a number of officials from the services departments, which is witnessing a significant deterioration of the Hadramawt coast, raised many questions for activists and journalists on social media sites.

The conference, which came after a popular protest in the streets of al-Mukalla, capital of the Hadramawt coast, and protesters closed a number of main roads last Friday, did not satisfy the residents who protested on Monday, but a military and security force used force to disperse them.

Evading answering questions and setting insufficient time for journalists to ask questions, complaints were made by a number of journalists

Under auspics of Ramzi Al-Shuaibi, chairman of local leadership of the Southern Transitional Council in Lahj, and Ali Rasheed, head of public affairs department of the governorate, local leadership of Lahj launched a campaign in Al-Houta and Teben to rise southern flags over governmental and public service facilities on May 26th, 2019

My comment: More and more, southern separatists hijack the state in southern Yemen.

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

(* A P)

Does Yemen Need A New UN Envoy?

Yemen’s internationally-recognized government has openly expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of United Nations Special Envoy to Yemen Martin Griffiths

Hadi’s complaints about Griffiths revolve around two issues. First has to do with the Houthis’ unilateral pullout from three ports in Hodeidah province.

Second, Griffiths has been referring to the Houthis as a “de-facto government”. In Hadi’s view, Griffiths is dealing with questions of legitimacy and treating the Houthis—who seized power in 2014 by military force—as if they are on equal terms with his government.

Over the last few days, pro-government voices have been loudly slamming Griffiths’ performance.

One side in Yemen’s civil war is unhappy with Griffiths’ performance, but the other feels the opposite. Indeed, the Houthis so far seem pleased with his role.

Since the breakout of the war in Yemen in 2015, three UN envoys have been appointed to bring the conflict to a peaceful resolution. The first envoy was Jamal Benomar, who left his position in April 2015 at a time when fighting was spreading like wildfire. Ismael Ould Sheikh replaced him, but he stepped down in January of 2018, having made no progress towards peace. It remains to be seen if Griffiths will follow suit and bid farewell to Yemen and its conflict.

Hadi’s letter may pave the way for Griffiths’ departure and the arrival of a new UN envoy to Yemen. The vicious circle of Yemen’s war will continue and the UN envoys will likely keep coming and going barring a major shift in the course of the war.

My comment: Griffiths simply was right. Any mediator in any conflict must treat both sides on equal ternms – otherwise he would not be neutral, and he would fail. The wording “de-facto government” simply describes the facts: There obviously exists a government, which officially is not recognized by the UN, therefor “de facto”. And already this means a bias, as the UN and its mediator recognize one Yemeni government and the other one they do not.

(A P)

UN criticised in Yemen

UN envoy to Yemen Martin Griffiths has come under sharp criticism from the Yemeni government owing to his treatment of the Houthi militias

The legitimate government has been committed to cooperating with Griffiths, but now it seems that it has refused to deal with the UN envoy

One Yemeni source said Griffiths would not be able to continue without first rebuilding bridges with the legitimate government.

On Monday, the UN appeared to be courting the legitimate government in Yemen and Guterres described Hadi as “transparent and honest”. The pan-Arab newspaper Al-Sharq Al-Awsat said that “Guterres’s description of Hadi is obvious courting of the legitimate government after a response to accusations against Griffiths.”

Griffiths is expected in Riyadh soon to meet with Hadi around the time of the Mecca summit at the end of May, according to a report on the Baraqish Website quoting a senior political source.

My remark: This article is from Egypt, thus it’s quite biased. – Earlier reporting Yemen War Mosaic 540 and 539. – Also a general overview, with Saudi coalition bias.

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

Siehe / Look at cp19b

(A P)

Saudi Authorities Close Only Available Prayer Place for Shia Muslims in Khobar

Saudi authorities have closed the only prayer place for Shia Muslims in the city of Khobar, a move that reflects more religious persecution in the kingdom.

According to Al-Ahd website, lawyer and activist Taha Al-Hajji explained through his account on Twitter that the decision of the Saudi government came just hours after King Salman bin Abdul Aziz stressed the need to confront what he called extremism and terrorism with thought, determination and his demand for the world to stop the rhetoric of racism and hatred and listen to wisdom And mind.

#Saudi national @MasherfM threatened to behead #American woman activist @teddy_cat1 & myself. I reported it to @Twitter but his account still active. Same company killed my verified Arabic account @alialahmed last year with 36K follwers although i have never threatened anyone (image)

Legal case launched against Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for alleged use of spyware to target dissident

A prominent human rights activist and satirist who has been heavily involved for many years in campaigning for political reform in Saudi Arabia has launched a legal claim against the Saudi government alleging they have targeted him with spyware.

As the Saudis host international summitry, their Yemen problem isn’t going away

Saudi Arabia is preparing for three summits this week to rally Arab and Muslim opposition to Iran as tensions mount in the region. The summits won’t help the Saudis biggest problem: the quagmire in Yemen.

The choice of Mecca as the venue is designed to enhance the king’s claim to leadership by underscoring his role as the custodian of the two holy mosques of Mecca and Medina. The Saudis are investing considerable prestige in the summits.

The summits come after repeated assaults on the kingdom by the Zaydi Shia Houthi rebels in Yemen.

The Saudi media is urging a tough line on Iran, hoping it will produce regime change in Tehran […] but those claims aren’t credible.

The Saudis have even invited their bete noire, Qatar, to the summits. It’s unlikely that they intend to reconcile with Doha, but they are eager for the imagery of unity against Tehran.

Behind the summitry is a disastrous failure of decisionmaking that led to the intervention in Yemen in 2015; the signature initiative of the crown prince.

The Trump administration’s decision to sell billions in arms to Riyadh without congressional approval will only encourage the crown prince to continue the quagmire – by Bruce Riedel

The action was another violation by Mr. Trump of established norms, if not law. The administration’s notification did not explain what “emergency” allowed it to use a loophole in the Arms Export Control Act

The maneuver extends Mr. Trump’s defiance of Congress’s rightful role in shaping U.S. foreign policy.

Instead, he has once again ignored congressional authority in order to favor Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

If the new gift to the crown prince is allowed to stand, Mr. Trump will have established a new precedent: Presidents may sell arms anywhere in the world without congressional review simply by claiming an unspecified emergency.

Mr. Risch has a ready remedy: He can allow a vote in his committee on legislation to block the sales until the Saudi regime stops bombings in Yemen and meets other basic conditions, including the release of women’s rights activists it has detained and tortured.

And now, we see that far from distancing the US from Saudi Arabia, Trump has found a false reason to tighten it.

There is no emergency. No evidence has been presented to show that Iran is taking any action that threatens US or any other country’s interests. On the other hand, evidence is abundant that US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement with Iran, the sanctions imposed on Iran, and threats of regime change do present a security threat—to Iran. As for Saudi Arabia, selling arms to a murderous regime that consistently violates human rights and is committing war crimes in Yemen is simply unconscionable.

Trump’s latest moves are perfectly in line with the insidious way he conducts his office. He declares an emergency when none exists, as with the use of the US military for border security, now in litigation.

Trump thus further cements his authoritarianism, and Congress members are left to ponder at what point they will draw the line and defend our form of government from an imperial president – by Mel Gurtov

By abusing his power with this decision, Trump is making a mockery of the emergency provision contained in the law. He is doing what he wants when there is no emergency that could possibly justify it. Whenever there is an emergency or national security loophole contained in the law, Trump exploits it to take actions that Congress would otherwise block. It is obviously a cynical abuse of an exception that was intended to be used only in extraordinary situations. Nothing has happened that supports Trump’s action on these arms sales, and by pressing ahead with these sales the president is making every effort to ensure that the U.S. continues to be an accomplice in the slaughter of innocent people.

The weapons that the U.S. sells to the Saudis and the UAE won’t be used to defend against a supposed Iranian threat, and they won’t be used for deterrence. We know very well that the Saudi and Emirati governments will use the weapons they obtain from the U.S. to continue waging an atrocious war against Yemen

Trump’s bogus “emergency” is being used to support our government’s despicable Yemen policy in the face of strong Congressional opposition. It is an underhanded tactic in the service of a horrible policy, and it should be condemned – by Daniel Larison

Stephen Zunes, professor of politics at the University of San Francisco with a specialty in Middle Eastern studies, told IPS this sale is not about deterring Iranian aggression and it is certainly not an emergency. “It’s about the profits of American arms manufacturers at the expense of countless Yemeni lives.”

Zunes continued, “This is but the most extreme manifestation, however, of a longstanding bipartisan policy of transferring deadly and sophisticated armaments to the family dictatorships in the Middle East.”

Last week, the London-based Amnesty International ridiculed the U.S. argument that some of the weapons supplied to the Saudi-led coalition were “precision-guided” to avoid civilian casualties.

“The great military powers cynically boast about ‘precision’ warfare and ‘surgical’ strikes that distinguish between fighters and civilians. But the reality on the ground is that civilians are routinely targeted where they live, work, study, worship and seek medical care,” Amnesty’s statement said.

Philippe Nassif, advocacy director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International, told IPS that President Donald Trump’s decision to circumvent Congress and authorize billions of dollars’ worth of arms sales to serial human rights abusers Saudi Arabia and the UAE is extremely unfortunate and reckless.

Calls are mounting on Capitol Hill to block President Donald Trump when it comes to potential hostilities with Iran, arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the war in Yemen.

The bipartisan frustration is focused on the administration’s invocation of emergency powers to bypass congressional review of $8.1 billion in weapon sales for Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates.

In a statement Tuesday, the House’s powerful No. 2 Democrat, Rep. Steny Hoyer, condemned the administration’s “blatant violation of our system of checks and balances,” for bypassing Congress’s long-standing role in approving or blocking arms sales to foreign militaries.

Hoyer vowed to "ensure that Congress asserts its proper role over arms sales,”

Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., said he hopes to force a vote on Trump’s authority for a war with Iran during the upper chamber’s floor debate of the 2020 defense authorization bill, likely in the coming weeks.

Kaine would be betting that at least some Republicans are willing to buck the president on matters of war, as they did in March

Congressional action on Yemen may be the first salvo against presidential war powers

How Congress responds to the emergency arms sales may signal whether the Yemen vote represents an isolated event or the first salvo in a campaign to limit the president’s foreign policy powers.

In terms of foreign affairs, the president manages diplomacy while the Congress funds it, regulates commerce and approves treaties.

But when it comes to war powers, the Constitution is vague.

This history of executive-legislative jockeying is largely absent from discussions of foreign policy due to the politics of the early Cold War.

It’s no coincidence that the monthslong Yemen debate book-ended the Senate’s rebuke of Trump’s planned withdrawal of troops from Syria. Taken together, these votes signal that legislators are leery of Trump’s unpredictability and unprincipled rhetoric, but many still stand behind an interventionist foreign policy led by a powerful executive branch.

There is a minority associated with the Democratic Party who want to challenge this consensus. Bernie Sanders has been the most prominent voice urging a reevaluation of American foreign policy with a strong Congress as a key player.

Yet history shows how difficult it will be to seriously alter the dominant national mindset and the executive-legislative balance of power in foreign affairs. How Congress responds to the president’s ongoing efforts to aid Saudi Arabia – and how it uses its powers to limit unilateral executive actions more broadly – will prove whether it is truly reasserting its constitutional authority.

A House committee voted Tuesday to end the emergency war powers that Congress gave the presidency after 9/11. Inder Comar says it’s urgent to complete that repeal process.

To any defender of democracy and the rule of law, the threat at hand is plainly existential. A U.S. war with Iran would destroy countless lives and likely constitute an international crime. And it would herald a new phase of America’s wars in which any pretense of peace is abandoned and a militarized economy, society and culture is the open and avowed goal of the state and its political system.

To prevent this, the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force, passed by Congress shortly after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, must be repealed or struck down, as soon as possible. On Tuesday, the House Appropriations Committee voted for the repeal in a move led by Rep. Barbara Lee, the only member of Congress to vote against the AUMF in 2001.

War powers possess a heavy gravity: the more they are used, the more they tend to aggrandize power from other places

The 9/11 AUMF is unconstitutional because it violates the separation of powers. But even if it could be narrowly interpreted, there is no way that a military authorization designed to fight Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, passed almost 18 years ago, provides any legitimate basis for an attack against Iran.

Americans must reject a war with Iran, end their forever war, and enact a foreign policy that is committed to international law and human rights – by Inder Comar

Maad al-Zekri, Yemen’s first journalist to win a Pulitzer Prize tells what happened to him over a phone call from Egypt: Yesterday was a big day for me and my colleagues, Maggie Michael, and Nariman El-Mofty. It was the award ceremony for us to receive the 2019 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting, in New York City in the United States. As a team of Associated Press journalists, Michael, El-Mofty and I have done about 14 stories from Yemen, covering a wide range of issues; like the U.S. drone strikes on Yemen and the UAE’s secret prions in Yemen, among many other stories.

I wasn’t able to join my colleagues in NYC and celebrate this important achievement because I was denied entry to the United States. As all embassies are shut down in Yemen, I had to travel to the closest country to Yemen and apply for the visa in a U.S. embassy. So, two months ago, I visited Egypt and applied for the visa. My application was supported by so many letters from high-ranked institutions, including the Associated Press Agency. And yet, my application was rejected.

Saleh Al Hasan, a legal researcher for the Kuwait Society For Human Rights, does not mince his words when speaking of the plight of women like Tala.

“Kuwaitis do not understand that domestic workers have dignity and should be treated as human, not objects,” Hasan told Asia Times.

Under the kafala, or sponsorship system, which is present throughout the Gulf and greater Middle East, a domestic worker is bound to her employer to maintain legal status in the country. That dynamic makes the system inherently ripe for exploitation, according to Amnesty International. Hasan notes that employers often justify the illegal passport confiscation as insurance against theft, running away, or divulging of any family secrets, such as adultery.

In reality, however, “they keep passports to enslave people,” he said.

France has urged Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to stop the “dirty war” on Yemen, but says, at the same time, that it will continue its controversial arms sales to the Persian Gulf states.

Rights group tries to block new Saudi ship from leaving France with arms

A French rights group sought on Tuesday to block the loading of what it said were munitions onto a Saudi Arabian ship docked in southern France, as pressure mounts on Paris to stop military sales to the kingdom.

ACAT said in a statement it had filed a legal challenge to prevent the vessel from taking delivery of its cargo.

"We are checking this out," Defence Minister Florence Parly told lawmakers in Parliament who assailed the government for allowing the weapons sales.

"And if this is indeed the case, would it be surprising? No, because we have an accord with Saudi Arabia," she said.

But a representative in France for the Saudi shipping company involved denied any plans for a weapons shipment, saying the vessel was picking up only electricity production units from Germany's Siemens, for civil use.

"The reports about a load of weapons or explosives is completely false," the official told AFP.

cp12a Katar-Krise / Qatar crisis

(A P)

Qatar PM to make rare trip to Saudi Arabia for emergency summit

Qatar’s prime minister will attend an Arab summit in Saudi Arabia to discuss regional security, the Foreign Ministry said on Wednesday, the highest level Qatari official to visit the kingdom during a diplomatic rift.

cp15 Propaganda

The Economic Committee charged managing economic hardships said Houthi militias are insisting on exploiting economic and fiscal situations in the militia controlled regions to get involved in currency speculations in the market causing national currency slide.

The committee added in statement seen by the Yemeni News Agency (Saba) saying” The militia is insisting on driving national economy into total collapse, exercising blackmailing on financial institutions under weapons intimidation to justify its actions, serves its own interests; employing national currency collapse to achieve gain politically by capitalizing on the peoples’ suffering, blaming the government and Arab Coalition for the deteriorated humanitarian situation”.

The Houthi militias in Yemen continue to ignore reality and pursue a radical agenda of self-destruction. Using Iranian technology and Hezbollah know-how, these militias have been targeting Saudi and Emirati cities using missiles and mortars in an effort to gain political capital. Anyone who understands the politics of the region knows that the Houthis are a direct extension of the mullah regime in Tehran. And the people who are paying the ultimate price for this Iranian aggression are the Yemeni people who, when they overthrew their government in September 2014, hoped to build a better future for their country. However, since then, they only experience bloodshed and war. What concerns the Houthis is not the interests of the Yemeni people, but their dark ideological project, which is no different from that of the Taliban project in Afghanistan.

Houthi militia’s coup against the legitimate government in Yemen has triggered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

You may have heard this statement many times, but did you understand the pain embodies in it? If not, then you will understand when see thousands of families are being displaced and homeless.

Many rounds of negotiations held in a bid to solve the situation but, in every attempt, Houthi militia proves that they can’t be dealt with as political fiction, rather they are terrorist militias don’t believe in peace choices and don’t know anything about political and humanitarian work system.

The most successful piece of Iranian propaganda circulating in the media today is the false claim that the Saudis, not the Iranians, have caused a famine in Yemen. I remember when the fake news had just begun bouncing around social media. Then it became the official media narrative.

Saudi attacks on Iran's Houthi terrorists had caused a famine in Yemen. Children were dying. The truth was that the Houthis were hijacking the food.

The AP conducted a report in January showing that was the case. But most of the media kept the echo chamber going.

Washington faces a hurdle in keeping up the pressure on Tehran and keeping Iran guessing about the White House’s intentions.

Over the years Iran has generally enjoyed the feeling that it can strike at a time of its choosing against the United States and U.S. allies.

Iran’s role in the region makes it appear to be growing in strength, benefiting from the vacuum left behind by the defeat of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and from exploiting divisions in Lebanon, Yemen and elsewhere.

Iran likely never expected to be held accountable for the actions of all its allies and militia groups. It sought to create a Hezbollah-style model in numerous countries for precisely this reason, assuming that opaque structures and party-militia groups are harder to dismantle and can more deeply influence countries than Iranian hard power can.

Washington faces a hurdle in keeping up the pressure on Tehran and keeping Iran guessing about the White House’s intentions. There is active pushback domestically against a conflict with Iran.

The most innovative aspect of the current U.S. pressure on Iran has been the notion that Iran will be held responsible for the act of its proxies. This made Iran vulnerable in all the places that it felt were evidence of its growing strength in the region. It must now be cautious about that strategy. As much as Tehran has said that the United States doesn’t want a major war, there is no evidence Iran wants a major conflict either. The regime in Tehran has more to lose in a real war with the United States.

Spokesman of the Arab coalition to support legitimacy in Yemen confirmed that Houthi militia is a tool in the hands of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and they are connected with terrorist organizations in Africa and Middle East.

Speaking at press conference on Monday Col. Turkey Al-Maliki said the Arab coalition possess evidences convicting the Iranian Revelation Guards in supporting Houthi militia and providing it also with ballistic missiles.

Al-Maliki mentioned that more than 35 terrorist actions the Houthi militia was trying to launch in the Red sea and Bab Al-Mandab have been thwarted, signaling out that Houthi militia targets global economy and threatens international marine routes in the Red Sea.

The Spokesman said the ballistic missiles owned by Houthi militia still constitute a threat to the region in line with the Houthis’ connection with Iran and terrorist groups

President Trump is taking heat for bypassing Congress and selling billions of dollars in arms to Middle Eastern allies. The President often undermines his own agenda by reducing American foreign policy to commercial interests, but in this case he’s on firm legal and strategic ground.

Every decision Mr. Trump makes these days is supposedly a constitutional crisis, but in this case the President is relying on a provision in the Arms Export Control Act that allows for sales in the event of an emergency (subscribers only)

Arab Coalition jets hit rebel weapons stores, vehicles and reinforcements in a new operation to support government forces northern areas of Yemen's Dhalea province.

“The Arab Coalition launched a new operation named ‘Steadfast Mountains’ with intensified air strikes targeting weapons depots in a big building in Suleim area, west of Qatabah. The air strike destroyed the main Houthi weapons depot, which kept burning with a series of explosions for more than half an hour.”

Arab coalition warplanes launched on Wednesday several airstrikes on positions of Houthi coup militia in the north of the southern province Al-Dhale.

The coalition airstrikes targeted reinforcements of Houthi militia in Ya’ees area north Morais front, destroying several combat vehicles along with the rebels onboard.

Similar air raids targeted gatherings of Houthi insurgents in the areas of Habeel al-Zama’ari and al-Zarebat in the west of Qatabah district, killing and wounding scores of Houthi militants as well as destroying a truck carrying weapons and on tank.

My comment: Saudi air raids had hit this place dozens of times already. There hardly will be any arms depot any more.

What really happened, this film shows it:

US-Saudi Aggression targeted two oilfields at the oil company station on 60th Street in Sanaa, killing four people, including a woman, and injuring 11 others, including children, a fire broke out and huge damage was caused to the station, cars and vehicles passing by the station.

Yemeni tribesman I’m Aljawf Mabkhoot bin Arfayj removes Landmines with absolutely no help Many of the Landmines planted by the Houthis wash off into residential areas previously cleared from mine because of the rain

Samples of weapons used by Iran-backed Houthi militias to attack Saudi Arabia are being showcased in front of leaders of 56 Arab and Muslim countries and about 390 media persons, arriving from around the world to attend the Mecca summits.

The exhibits displayed at the exhibition titled “Facts in minutes” in the premises of King Abdulaziz International Airport, Jeddah, include several missiles, drones, boats, missile launchers and other equipment that were used by the Houthi militia to attack Saudi Arabia.

They are considered evidence of the explicit involvement of the Iranian regime in these criminal and terrorist acts, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

The Arab Coalition began an operation on targets in Yemen’s Dhalea province on Wednesday, Al Arabiya TV reported, in a bid to stop Houthi attacks creating a humanitarian crisis.

The coalition, which includes the UAE and Saudi Arabia, began the operation on the southern province, targeting Houthi military operations in the area. The targets are said to have attacked pro-government forces in areas populated by civilians.

The flash floods washed away the sand in al-Buka area of Kitaf district, north of Sa’ada province to reveal hidden and camouflaged landmines, improvised explosive devices and other unexploded ordnances planted by the pro-Iran Houthi rebels with a view to targeting civilians and populated areas.

U.S. will respond with military force if Iran attacks its interests: Hook

The United States will respond with military force if its interests are attacked by Iran, the U.S. Iran envoy said on Thursday as Arab leaders gathered in Saudi Arabia to discuss what they see as the threat from Tehran amid rising tensions.

But U.S. Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook said U.S. actions taken so far in the Gulf region, which include repositioning military assets, have had the “desired deterrent effect on the (Iranian) regime’s risk calculations”.

The U.S. military has sent forces, including an aircraft carrier and B-52 bombers, to the Middle East in a move that U.S. officials said was made to counter “clear indications” of threats from Iran to American forces in the region.

My comment: Keep in mind what a twisted view this is: “The United States will respond with military force if its interests are attacked by Iran”, this is violating international law. No country is allowed to use military force in case just “its interests” are attacked. – Just an attack at US soil would do it: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law_of_war. – What will be defined as “US interests”? This really could be everything the US government claims to be “US interests”.

(* A P)

US Troops To Be Based In Saudi Arabia, Qatar Against "Iran Threat"

Just hours after US National Security Advisor John Bolton formally accused Tehran of conducing the May 12 tanker "sabotage" attacks near the Strait of Hormuz, Iran's foreign ministry has responded that "we are ready for war" amid fears that Washington could still be on a war footing in the Persian Gulf.

“We hope that we can start a dialogue, but we are ready for war,” Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi told RIA Novosti.

Bolton is in Abu Dhabi attending an emergency summit of gulf leaders to consider the implications of both the "sabotage" tanker attacks near Fujairah emiriate in the UAE and the drone strikes two days following on a Saudi Aramco pipeline and oil pumping station.

Meanwhile acting U.S. Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan told reporters while in Asia for a major policy speech on the region, "nobody wants war" with Iran. However, he added that the US is ready and willing to "defend ships in the Strait of Hormuz" if necessary.

Also of note is that Shanahan for the first time identified that 900 American troops newly deployed to the Middle East in response to the heightened Iran threat are headed to Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

Riyadh hosting a new wave of American troops on Saudi soil is sure to be deeply controversial within the kingdom's Wahhabi clerical establishment, given its strict form of Islam sees the region of Islam's two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, as sacred ground which is off limits to US soldiers.

Justifying a war with Iran based on the actions of its proxies is dangerously misguided

The prospect of war between the United States and Iran is more likely than it has been in decades, with the pretext for justifying a US military strike or invasion already in place. In recent weeks, leading Iran hawks in the Trump administration have presented a framework to assign culpability to Iran in any future attack. Intentionally broad statements threaten military action in response not only to Iranian actions, but the attacks of "their proxies of any identity". They also assert that the United States will respond to actions against a wide array of interests including US military vessels, commercial vehicles, and oil tankers in the Gulf.

Such an expansive framework has already been used to explain recent events and beat the drums of war. Following a cursory assessment, American officials cast blame on Iran or Iran-backed proxies in an explosive attack on four oil tankers in the Gulf of Oman, while noting that there was no definitive evidence to back such a claim. (Upon the collection of further evidence, the determination was upgraded to "highly likely.")

By presenting the possibility that Iran could be blamed for hostile actions, even when carried out by other groups, the United States has afforded itself a high-degree of latitude in justifying a potential retaliatory attack.

This attitude represents a key difference between the build-up to a potential war with Iran and the lead-up to the 2003 Iraq War. There are certainly striking similarities between the two - the lack of transparency, presentation of selective or disputable intelligence, and desire for regime-change - but the pretext for an attack on Iran is significantly broader, making it all the more cavalier.

In the case of the Iraq War, the justification followed a narrow and direct path to link Saddam Hussein to weapons of mass destruction because the United States decided it needed to secure a UN mandate and coalition partners. In this case, the path is quite wide: A military strike or war can be initiated in response to the actions of any number of Iran-backed militias in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen and possibly any action undertaken by a Shia individual or group deemed hostile to the interests of the United States and its allies in the Gulf.

The only requirement is to consider a group as an "Iranian proxy," an idea already ingrained in public discourse as a way to describe Iran's strategy of malfeasance in the region, with little differentiation among the levels of support and direction provided. The label already written is ready to be affixed and paraded as a justification for war.

What is the evidentiary threshold for determining Iranian culpability in actions carried out by groups it supports? Where does the line of culpability for proxy militias end and sponsorship begin?

Justifying a war with Iran based on the actions of its proxies, especially without clear evidence of Iranian direction, is dangerously misguided. It is founded on the flawed logic that Iran operates as an omnipresent puppet master to create havoc across the Middle East, seemingly impervious to the challenges of operating proxies faced by others, including western countries. It also suggests that such groups do not have motivations and aspirations of their own in confronting US interests and those of its allies.

Understanding the Houthis, or Shia militias in Syria and Iraq for that matter, as merely pawns operating at Iran's direction is based on a simplistic misreading of current dynamics and politics in the Middle East – by Kevin L. Schwartz

Two high-ranking Pentagon officials told reporters that U.S. intelligence had linked Iran to attacks on oil tankers near the Persian Gulf and in Baghdad’s Green Zone. The duo, speaking after weeks of anonymous leaks, did not provide any direct evidence or reveal sources who could back up the claim.

“That sounds like WMD,” Task & Purpose reporter Jeff Schogol said, referring to the case the George W. Bush administration made for war before the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

One of the pair, Vice Admiral Michael Gilday, replied that officials had learned through “intelligence reporting” that Iran was responsible, according to a transcript of the session, which was on the record but not on camera. Schogol, who wasn't named in the transcript but confirmed his questions, responded, "So, we have to take your word on it?”

Reporters are growing concerned that the U.S. will end up in a military confrontation without the Trump administration ever having to sufficiently — and publicly — defend its case for it.

“We’re talking about some sort of strike on another country and nobody knows why,” said one Pentagon reporter who was not authorized to speak publicly.

Top general: Recent Iran threats were different because they were 'more of a campaign'

The top general in the U.S. military on Wednesday said that he viewed recent threats from Iran that precipitated U.S. deployments to the region as different because they were “more of a campaign” than previous threats.

“What’s not new are threat streams. What was new was a pattern of threat streams that extended from Yemen, so threats emanating from Yemen, threats in the Gulf and threats in Iraq,” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Joseph Dunford said in his most detailed public remarks yet on the threats from Iran.

“We also saw in the intelligence that perhaps there was a question about both the will and capability of the United States to respond. ... What I would argue was qualitatively different is we saw something that was more of a campaign than an individual threat,” he added.

“And it was the geographic span and the perception that activity would try to be synchronized in time that caused us to look at that threat differently than 40 years, by the way, of malign activity by the Iranians. So malign activity and threats to our forces by the Iranians were not new, but a more widespread, almost campaign-like perspective for the Iranians was what we were dealing with.”

Dunford was speaking at a wide-ranging discussion at the Brookings Institution on national security challenges facing the United States.

The Senate has struggled to pass a long-stalled Syria sanctions bill since 2016, even as the House has unanimously passed the largely noncontroversial legislation several times.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee finally advanced the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act by a 20-2 vote today. But first, lawmakers had to vote down an amendment barring the Donald Trump administration from attacking Iran.

The committee voted 13-9 against an amendment from Sen. Tom Udall, D-N.M., that would have barred funding “for kinetic military operations in or against Iran except pursuant to an act or joint resolution of Congress specifically authorizing such use.”

“We want to prevent a war that Congress does not authorize,” Udall said ahead of the vote.

are pleased to announce the entry into force of the Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) between the United States and the United Arab Emirates. The DCA will enhance military coordination between the United States and the United Arab Emirates, further advancing an already robust military, political, and economic partnership at a critical time. The United States and the United Arab Emirates share a deep interest in promoting prosperity and stability in the region.

Donald Trump’s national security adviser said Wednesday there was “no reason” for Iran to back out of its nuclear deal with world powers other than to seek atomic weapons, a year after the U.S. president unilaterally withdrew America from the accord.

My comment: „Without offering evidence“, let it sack. Bolton tries everything to finally achieve his war. – The claim Iran would look for nuclear weapons is old. In the moment, if they actually do this would just be due to a) the US retreat from the Nuclear deal and b) to permanent US threats against Iran. – And, up to now, even Saudi Arabia did not mention any attack against Yanbu port. John Bolton is world’s most horrible war monger.

And also

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Trump adviser warns of 'strong response' to any Gulf attack

President Donald Trump’s national security adviser warned Iran on Wednesday that any attacks in the Persian Gulf will draw a “very strong response” from the U.S., taking a hard-line approach with Tehran after his boss only two days earlier said America wasn’t “looking to hurt Iran at all.”

John Bolton’s comments are the latest amid heightened tensions between Washington and Tehran that have been playing out in the Middle East.

Moscow does not trust US National Security Adviser John Bolton's claims that Iran is "almost certainly" behind the recent attack on oil tankers in the UAE and qualifies this as a US attempt to impose its opinion on the whole world, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said in an interview with Sputnik.

"We cannot take what our US colleagues say for granted. We've seen countless situations when Americans adjusted certain facts or events to political orders and their own narrow national beliefs of what happens and how it happens, and how something should be done. This is not even the UK 'highly likely', this is something worse. They are just presumptuously imposing their opinion on the whole world or at least trying to do so," Ryabkov said.

The minister stressed that such statements did not promote normalisation but were just fueling tensions.

let me sum up why this discussion is relevant to current events in Iran: the Vietnam War was the result of a series of strategic failures that the United States repeated in Iraq and Afghanistan — and looks bound to repeat with regards to Iran.

While it's not an exact parallel, the U.S. military's buildup in Vietnam began in earnest following two reported attacks (although one was probably imagined) against U.S. warships in the Gulf of Tonkin in August 1964. That year, there were roughly 20,000 U.S. troops in South Vietnam. For years later, more than 500,000 GIs were in country.

But the communists didn't have to win on the battlefield. They just had to outlast the United States, which they did – just like the Taliban have been able to do.

The Forever Wars have reminded us of the Vietnam-era lesson that decisions about when the United States should go to war, how many troops should be sent to the fight, and what would constitute victory are vexingly complicated. When U.S. civilian and military leaders have no answers, their response is to muddle along in the hopes that a magical "political solution" will save the day – such as the communists and Taliban renouncing violence and joining a pluralistic, democratic government.

In other words, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan all show that you can't improvise your way to victory.

With Iran, top U.S. civilian leaders appear to be incrementally escalating the military's footprint in the Middle East. The problem is the Iranians can react by moving their forces in the region too. Then we react to their reaction. Then they counter our reaction and so forth. (This is how a nuclear reaction starts. It ends with a mushroom cloud.)

It should be remembered that Vietnam was a war that President Lyndon Johnson did not want to fight. When he announced he was sending 50,000 more troops to Vietnam in 1965, Johnson framed his decision in terms of responding to a request from the U.S. military commander Army Gen. William Westmoreland for more forces in response to increasing communist attacks. – by Jeff Schogol

He's circumventing Congress and risking a war that most people on both sides don't want

Developments in the Persian Gulf are heating up, and they are heating up fast.

It’s obvious what this situation calls for: a direct line of communication between Washington and Tehran with the express purpose of calming the waters and preventing a conflagration. And yet the Trump administration seems to be gunning for the opposite—more bellicose threats, more military assets, and more sanctions.

More weapons sales are also evidently part of the picture

The provision, meant to be used in only the most dire emergencies, essentially eviscerates the congressional review process and steals power away from lawmakers who would ordinarily need to sign off on such a move.

One envisions National Security Advisor John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo whispering in Trump’s ear as he sits behind the big desk in the Oval that sending more weapons to Riyadh will deliver a message of resolve (a favorite Beltway buzzword) to the Iranians.

But there aren’t enough adjectives in Webster’s dictionary to describe just how counterproductive, and, well, plain dumb this would be.

First, such a decision would demonstrate total and complete contempt for a bipartisan majority in both houses of Congress

The fact that Washington is selling these weapons to Riyadh rather than giving them away doesn’t make this ordeal any less pathetic. The president may not grasp the connection, but by opening up America’s arsenal to the Saudis, he is indirectly deepening America’s role as a combatant in a Saudi-Iranian rivalry that has torn the Middle East apart and done next to nothing to make the American people safer. At a time when the United States should be rebalancing its force posture and taking a hard look at where and how it allocates its limited military resources, Trump is bringing us deeper into a region of diminishing geopolitical importance.

Finally, we need to evaluate this latest arms sale through the prism of today’s events. American-Iranian relations are in the pits. Direct communication between the two nations is likely nonexistent.

Trump has talked rightly about war being the last thing he wants and has broached the idea of a bilateral negotiation with Tehran on issues of concern. Establishing more communication nodes with the Iranians is the correct approach.

More weapons in the hands of the Saudis, however, sends Iran the opposite message—that the United States is only interested in talking if the topic is full surrender. And if Iran remains resistant to the idea, Washington will sell munitions to its adversaries until it‘s ready to sign off like the Japanese in 1945.

It should go without saying that this is not something the Iranians will respond kindly to. The administration is confident that maximum pressure will eventually frighten Iran to the table where it will give up everything. More likely is the opposite—the Iranians will stiffen their spines – by Daniel R. DePetris

Realizing Trump’s policy was insufficient at best and counterproductive at worst, the Trump administration began saber-rattling (initially with over-the-top rhetoric from Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, more recently with national security adviser John Bolton and troop movements) and threatening allies with secondary sanctions (further angering allies who have often been treated worse than America’s enemies by this administration).

In an about-face, Trump morphed into a caricature of a peacenik

Trump has likely managed to confuse his aides, our allies, Iran and Congress.

To recap, Trump has divided the West, weakened our hand with Iran and reminded Iran that Trump is all bark and no bite.

To top it off, in place of a Western alliance, Trump has made Saudi Arabia the linchpin of his Middle East policy (to the extent there is such a thing); the Saudis have taken that as carte blanche to commit atrocities in Yemen and become a more repressive, violent regime — going so far as to murder American-based journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

In trying to keep his relationship (diplomatic, but maybe personal/financial as well) from crumbling, Trump let Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman off the hook for Khashoggi’s murder – by Jennifer Rubin

Bolton has arrived in the US rogue ally of the UAE for talks over deal of century & destabilising more Arab countries. UAE is the right US option to fuck around. Dare all to fire a bullet towards Iran, at least under pretext of attempting to liberate UAE islands occupied by Iran.

Military Spending And Arms Imports By Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, And The UAE

These states seek to play a major role in the Middle East and use arms as a key tool in the pursuit of this aim.

To illustrate the importance given to military capability in these four states, this fact sheet provides a concise overview of trends and patterns of military expenditure and of arms imports—the main source of modern major arms for these states—in the period 1994–2018. It sketches a pattern of rapid military build-ups in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE over the past 15 years, high levels of military spending as a share of gross domestic product (GDP) in all four countries, and growing military asymmetry in which Saudi Arabia and the UAE continue to build diverse and advanced military capabilities while Iran is unable to do the same. This raises concerns about the potential effects of these developments on the volatile security situation in the Middle East, the military intentions of these four states and the role of the countries that supply them with arms. The fact sheet also highlights the absence of government transparency in military matters in these countries by discussing the lack of detailed official data on military expenditure.

Iran

Iran’s military spending in the period 1994–2018 peaked in 2006, after which it fell by 30 per cent between 2006 and 2014 (see figure 1).

However, in 2018 military spending decreased again, by 9.5 per cent, to $13.2 billion, as the Iranian economy went into recession and inflation increased from 10 per cent in 2017 to 30 per cent in 2018. In 2018 military spending was 2.7 per cent of GDP, the 25th highest in the world.

Saudi Arabia

In 2018 Saudi Arabia’s military spending amounted to an estimated $67.6 billion. It was the third-largest military spender globally and by far the largest military spender in the Gulf region.

Qatar

Military expenditure by Qatar cannot be estimated for the years after 2010, when its military expenditure was $1.9 billion (current US dollars) or 1.5 per cent of GDP

The United Arab Emirates

The most recent available estimate of military spending by the UAE was $22.8 billion (current US dollars) in 2014 (see figure 1), or 5.6 per cent of GDP. In 2014 the UAE was the second- largest military spender in the Middle East and ranked 14th in the world.

Military Expenditure Transparency

SIPRI military expenditure data reflects the official data reported by national governments in official publications such as budget documents and reporting to international organizations. However, government transparency in military spending in Qatar and the UAE is almost non-existent and in Saudi Arabia is very limited. There are also doubts about the reliability of government reporting on military spending by Iran. The lack of military expenditure data is a symptom of the general lack of transparency and accountability on military matters in the Middle East.

Iran: Within the Gulf region, Iran is the most transparent in its public reporting on military expenditure. The most comprehensive document is published annually in December by the Iranian Government.

Saudi Arabia: The Saudi Arabian Ministry of Finance has published data on the total budget and actual spending of the ‘military sector’ and the ‘security and regional administration sector’ since December 2016. However, the figure for ‘security’ is not broken down

Qatar and the United Arab Emirates: Qatar and the UAE do not publicly report on their military spending – by Pieter D. Wezeman and Alexandra Kuimova (with infographs)

The WORLD PEACE COUNCIL calls for peace movements internationally to prevent the slide to war in the Persian Gulf

THE World Peace Council is extremely concerned about the heightening of tensions in the Persian Gulf. In recent months, the US has steadily increased its threats against Iran and now the situation in the region has become critical with war by the US — and its allies in Saudi Arabia and Israel — on Iran a very real possibility.

While Iran will top the agenda of three simultaneous summits to be held in Mecca, the Palestinian cause will also be prominent, ahead of the soon-to-be-announced “Deal of the Century

World attention has turned to Mecca amidst the flurry of last-minute preparations for three emergency summits called for by Saudi Arabian King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud two weeks ago against the backdrop of escalating tensions between Iran, on the one hand, and the US and allies in the Gulf (Saudi Arabia and the UAE) on the other.

The place, timing and number of these summits are significant in their own right. The choice of Mecca, the Islamic Holy City, adds an important religious dimension, one that lends an element of sacredness to conflict resolution efforts and to commitments to the obligations undertaken in connection with any agreements or resolutions.

Observers have noted that the invitation that King Salman issued to participants explicitly focused on the threats to Saudi Arabia and the UAE from the Houthi militias in Yemen, which Riyadh blames for the attacks against two Saudi oil tankers near the UAE’s Fujeira port and the drone strikes against an Aramco pipeline and the Najran military base. Riyadh wants to martial a sweeping Arab and Islamic condemnation against Iran for its behaviour in the region and, above all, for propelling its proxies into attacking Saudi Arabia which, together with the UAE, has been fighting the Houthis in Yemen since March 2015.

While a significant body of opinion appears in favour of a condemnation of Iran as the power responsible for the behaviour of its proxies, as statements by Saudi and Emirati officials have indicated, there appears to be a process of revision in progress concerning the conflict in Yemen. According to Arab affairs expert Mohamed Megahed Al-Zayat, “there is a growing trend that submits that Iran is not responsible for the actions of the Houthis in Yemen and that the Houthi attacks against the Gulf countries (Saudi Arabia and the UAE) were carried out in the context of the current war in Yemen, independently of the escalation between the two sides (the Gulf countries and Iran).”

The GCC Summit is scheduled to meet first. Qatar’s addition to the guest list has riveted attention to this summit and stirred speculation as whether this signals a possible reconciliation after two years of boycott.

Of course, Qatar’s relationship with Iran, which supported Doha during the boycott, will be another focus of the interplay in Mecca. Doha has frequently spoken out against the escalation in the confrontation with Iran

My comment: From Egypt. Obviously, the Houthis did not attack Saudi Arabia, as claimed here, but vice versa.

And

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Why are the summits in Mecca being held?

Over the next two days, three summits will be held in Mecca. Two of the summits were called for by Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdul Aziz, one emergency summit for the Gulf states and another for the Arab states, and will be held tomorrow and after. As for the third, it is the 14th session of the OIC Islamic Summit Conference, which will be held under the patronage of the Saudi monarch. The summits are being held during the holy month of Ramadan and in the same place (Mecca), both, the time and place, have special significance and holiness for the Arabs and Muslims.

The Arab and Muslim summits no longer achieve anything or dictate the course of events, and whether or not they are held is irrelevant, as they achieve nothing and change nothing. Most of them have become platforms for boring speeches.

However, before Saudi Arabia asks the Arab and Islamic countries to support its new policies adopted by the adventurous crown prince, which has made Saudi Arabia a partner in destructive wars, a partner in conspiracies against the Arab governments and people, and a funder of plans that aim to divide and tear apart the region, after being, in the past, a reference, host, and land for peace, coming together, and interests, the Arab countries participating in the two summits must ask their host to stop for a moment and reconsider. They must ask their host to look back on the mistakes of the destructive policies and adverse effects.

Over the past years, Saudi Arabia has sought to build Arab and Islamic alliances, both military and non-military, all of which have failed..

The Mecca summits will be meaningless and fruitless if they are being held merely to endorse the same policies that led the fragmentation of the region, the destruction of its countries and the displacement of its people.

Seeking another consensus over Yemen Apparently, the four-year war led by Saudi Arabia against neighboring Yemen has run into an impasse. Riyadh neither wins the war nor has the courage to admit its defeat.

In the middle of the Saudi setbacks, the international pressures are mounting on Riyadh to stop the atrocities against the Yemenis amid an unprecedented humanitarian crisis caused by an all-out blockade and relentless bombing of the infrastructures. Add to this the Yemeni Ansarullah movement’s muscle-flexing before the Saudis over the past few days.

Iranophobia in the course to Arab NATO

The Saudi regime, Iran’s regional rival and an ideological enemy to the Islamic resistance discourse, has always played the role of an instrument for implementation of Iranophobic policies across the region and Muslim world as a service to the American and Israeli interests and in return for foreign support to keep the rule over the Arabian Peninsula. The Arab League has been an organization that over the past four decades shifted from its set goal of protecting the Arab states against foreign aggression as Saudi Arabia led a campaign of disidentification inside the bloc on the strength of Iranophobia.

Arab leaders gather in Saudi Arabia on Thursday for emergency summits that Riyadh hopes will deliver a strong message to Iran that regional powers will defend their interests against any threat following attacks on Gulf oil assets this month.

Saudi and the United Arab Emirates, which have lobbied Washington to contain their foe Iran, have said they want to avoid war after drone strikes on oil pumping stations in the kingdom and the sabotage of oil tankers off the UAE coast.

With all pride, Gulf kings and Emirs are saying they don't want a war with Iran. And with all audacity, they are continuing their war against Yemen "under the slogan of fighting Iran". Dear US cows and chicken, why don't you stop the war with Iran in #Yemen?

Saudi foreign minister: Attacks on Gulf oil facilities must be addressed with 'firmness'

Saudi Arabia’s foreign minister said on Wednesday that attacks on Gulf oil facilities must be addressed with “strength and firmness” and that more efforts were needed to combat the activities of the groups that carried them out.

After India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi won the country’s elections, the government will immediately begin negotiations with Iran to pay in rupees for Iranian oil to bypass U.S. sanctions, Indian news outlet ThePrint reported on Tuesday, citing two government sources.

The chief commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) says the country’s enemies have unsuccessfully exhausted all of their capacity for various types of warfare against the Islamic Republic.

“Today, we are a great and invincible power because we have experienced and defeated all of the enemy’s scenarios,” Major General Salami said. “We have been able to shatter enemy psyops and dry up the enemy’s capacity for war.”

Although the war is still not likely, there are a number of motives and reasons that may lead to it. First and foremost, the United States and Israel want an environment conducive to the “deal of the century” and they are trying to force the Arabs to accept it, just as in the early 1990s, when Iraq’s defeat in the war was the prelude to signing the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the Wadi Araba agreement in 1994.

Another reason or motive for the war is the Saudi desire to engage in a direct and deterrent military confrontation with Iran, after over four years of indirect war between Riyadh and Tehran in Yemen, which Saudi Arabia has not been able to win. Instead, the matter continues to snowball due to the threat posed by the Houthis to Saudi Arabia’s security, which has increased over the past four years instead of decreasing.

There are a number of motives and justifications that make the war a possibility and a potential, albeit unlikely, option as it is likely that Washington is still adhering to the policy of withdrawal from the Middle East.

The main question is what could happen or what would change in the region if a war between the US and Iran breaks out? The answer is as follows:

First, a war in the Gulf region will lead to a record-high increase in oil prices, which could return the prices to over $100 a barrel, and could even be higher than the $130-$140 mark. This is especially the case if Saudi Arabia is a direct party in the war, as the kingdom is the world’s largest producer of crude oil and a major player in the market.

Second, a direct war with Iran will definitely lead to the expansion of the area of military tension and war in Yemen and Syria, which means further bloodshed and security deterioration in the entire Arab region. This will also involve new numbers of refugees, displaced persons, casualties and wounded. It will also result in the deterioration of living standards for citizens in the entire Arab region.

Thirdly, we all know about the high costs of the potential US war on Iran will be paid by the Gulf States, and they may have already started paying the price of the US deployment in the region. We are talking about hundreds of billions of dollars.

Fourth, Iran’s reaction cannot be predicted, as Iran possesses long-range ballistic missiles, as well as an established presence in four Arab countries, two of which share a border with Israel.

The bottom line is that the Arab region could drastically change forever if there is a full-scale war – by Mohammad Ayesh