“Why is India doing this to us? We didn’t expect this from a country that professes to be our friend,” said Kathmandu taxi driver Bimal Magar, who spent a whole night at a fuel station queuing up for 10 litres of petrol. The anger has spread online. #BackOffIndia was a top trend worldwide on Twitter last week. It has also spilled over onto the streets with the tricolour and effigies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi being burnt. Surprisingly, until recently, Modi was very popular across Nepal due to his two visits last year during which he announced US$ 1 billion in aid for development projects. ...... India made it clear it was unhappy with the way the constitution was pushed through by the three major parties without taking the protesting Madhesis, Tharus and other marginalized communities on board. But New Delhi was more upset at the false promises made by leaders in Kathmandu. ........ “We were assured all along that concerns of Madhesi, Tharus and Janajatis would be addressed before promulgating the constitution. But at the last stage they (the three major parties) pushed through the statute while protests were raging in Terai,” said a senior Indian diplomat posted in Kathmandu. ......

it seems the major parties thought New Delhi will have no option but to welcome the statute once it is promulgated

....... In 1989-90, differences over the renewal of trade and transit treaties led India to impose a 15-month embargo on goods coming to Nepal. It was also seen as New Delhi’s retribution for Kathmandu’s procurement of anti-aircraft guns from China. Fearing a spillover of violence into its territory, India strengthened border security leading to the delayed entry of vehicles even where no protests were taking place. The rest is history - or a repetition of it, as many in Kathmandu believe. ...... “It was strange that our close friend India, who played a key role in the peace process didn’t welcome the constitution,” said KP Sharma Oli, chairman of the ruling Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist). Rebutting India’s denials of an embargo, the politician, tipped to be Nepal’s next prime minister, said Kathmandu was willing to clear any misunderstandings that may have crept up due to misinformation. ...... New Delhi’s unhappiness with the statute, which treats some citizens as less equal, was expected. But the terse wording of its statements left a bitter aftertaste in Kathmandu.New Delhi also failed to anticipate the backlash from ordinary Nepalis, both online and on the streets, whipped up not just by fringe elements but also by leaders from major political parties and even ministers.

It didn’t take long for relations to nosedive.

........ Sensing they can’t treat the situation in Tarai any longer as a law and order situation, leaders of the major parties in Kathmandu have begun informal talks with the leaders of the protesting parties, a move welcomed by India. Once formal talks begin and protests in the border areas are called off, normal supply of goods into Nepal is expected to resume. If that happens, the crisis will blow over in a few days. But it will take years to bridge the trust deficit that has sprung up between Kathmandu and New Delhi

In Hindu traditions, autumn begins with the solemnity of commemorating the dead during Pitri Paksha (Fortnight of Forefathers) and ends with celebrations of future marked by harvest festivals of Dashain, Tihar and Chhath. Then the long winter sets in and the public life goes into hibernation for almost three months. ...... The new statute looks towards the unitary past of the nation for inspiration rather than dedicate the charter to the shared future of the country. ...... proclamations from Kathmandu seem to have been greeted with quiet determination and peaceful resistance rather than resentment and bitterness in much of Tarai-Madhesh. The sadness of opportunity lost permeates the air during public consultations, but there is little anger in the voice of protestors. This is in marked contrast to the atmosphere of the First Madhesh Uprising of 2007 when suppressed rage of centuries had erupted all of a sudden. Even the Second Madhesh Uprising was marked by the madness of frenzied crowds that had surfaced in an abrupt burst of political energy. Both burnt down like isolated flames in high wind. ........ Practicality is the fundamental feature of the Third Madhesh Uprising. Perhaps that's the reason it has failed to have desired effect despite nearly two months of relentless demonstrations throughout the region with shows of solidarity by Madheshis in different parts of the world. The regime in Kathmandu is not too well known for responding to peaceful protests in a positive manner. ....... Over 40 people have been shot dead, most of them from close range, during a complete shutdown of all transport and businesses (the banda) that have already remained in place for nearly 50 days. Eight policemen too have lost their lives on the line of duty while suppressing demonstrations .......

Officials of the state in Dhanusha, invariably Paharis, appear grim.

Most Madheshi protestors, however, display a mixture of festive grief and joyous grit that is only seen during funeral rites of elders when family members try to cope with their collective loss through an expression of personal stoicism and social solidarity. Camaraderie and compassion are defining features of the Madhesh Uprising this season. Its outcome will perhaps determine the way Madheshis perceive their place in future configurations of politics. ....... When Durgananda Jha threw a bomb at King Mahendra in 1961, he violated one of the fundamental principles of Hindu kingship which holds the monarch as the earthly manifestation of Lord Vishnu—an incarnation rather than merely a human being. Little wonder, the PEON had struck back with vengeful viciousness. Even though the young revolutionary had surrendered in good faith, a law with retrospective effect was enacted in a hurry to give him capital punishment. Not that the PEON has been considerate before, but it

became decidedly unforgiving towards Madheshis thereafter

. ......... the

Creeping Coup

of King Gyanedra had begun to unfold from October 4, 2002 ....... For far too long, the PEON has treated Madheshis with unconcealed disdain, which the protestors want to confront once and for all. .......... No one had cast aspersions on the Bahun judge that had declared the very existence of the First Constituent Assembly unconstitutional in a demonstrably extra-constitutional manner. ......

Dr. Rambaran Yadav made a career out of denouncing the First and Second Madhesh Uprisings but became its biggest beneficiary when he was elected as the first President of the Republic with a combination of pragmatism, tokenism and chutzpah. Once in office, he never lost an opportunity to take a dig at Madheshi politicos.

However, when he spoke up as the ultimate custodian of the supreme law of the land—the Interim Constitution—and opined that the new statute be drafted according to letter and spirit of its provisions, the ruling triumvirate took turns to publicly ridicule his position. ....... Janakpur Airport—other than the addition of two tiny annexes, the terminal is still housed in the same building that was constructed with the runway in 1960s under an Indian aid program ...... The refrain is unmistakable despite sufferings wrought by prolonged bandas:

This time, we are not going back home empty handed.

...... The PEON families greeted the promulgation of a regressive constitution with firecrackers in Kathmandu. Meanwhile, much of Tarai-Madhesh was mourning the assassination of its dreams with total blackout. Promulgators of the statute had perhaps perceived that their act will become fait accompli and voices of dissent will die down with the passage of time. The decision of the Council of Ministers to amend certain provisions of the constitution within two weeks of its inauguration shows that the assumption was clearly wrong. ....... Proposed amendments too fail to address Madheshi concerns. To borrow a phrase from CPN-UML stalwart Madhav Nepal, it promises "half-corrected regression" at best, with vague promises of population-based constituencies and proportionate representation. Delineation of Tharuhat and Madhesh provinces is still a contested issue. The phrase of Fijikaran fails to hide racist intentions of citizenship laws. These are contentions that will continue to engage experts for quite a while. The refrain is of comprehensive nature in the streets of Tarai-Madhesh:

The fight is for full dignity

. ...... Those in Kathmandu who claim that they don't know the demands of Madhesh must have been sleeping for last six decades. It hasn't changed since Raghunath Thakur launched self-rule movement in 1956.

The Ranas realised when their time was up. The last Shah accepted defeat with considerable grace. The ruling triumvirate appear to think that they are invincible.

There is no other reason that can explain Chairman Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli's outbursts that continually heap humiliations upon Madheshis with unmistakable derision; the latest in the series is the one that compares them with flies.