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" l.ll'.KKTV AM) MV NAT'Vi: SOU.." <
< 'I lAIJI.KS II. \ I.I. K.N. / :./} tor. \
j
Ablirviiie I'. I!., S. l.s
i
WKDNKSDAY. NHPT. ??. is 1(5. f
i
pir" W c aiv i'f'i|uost?.'<l t<> state that |
Ai.rnixs I5.\ki:i:} jr., Ksq. will <leliver
a temperance a<Mress in the Me- (
thoJUt Church. on to-morrow (Thurs- (
(lay) afternoon, at ha'f past 1 o'clock.
. v
We have received several com- 1
mnnication^. which shall appear as car- ;
ly as practicable.
jtO3 We regret to learn that tho catcrpiilar
is in il?ini* its appearance in tlu:
cotton in this ! >isiri?M. and that consi- '
dera'ile damage has already been done
. i
by ill-Jin in suino sections.
It. is .stated in the la>t Cn.ro!innm. '
that .Air. Mol )rrru: lias sii/nid^l lii.s in- :
tention to l' tif from i!i<: L'niteil Slates 1
Senate: an-1 a eorn'spnn-lujl in the t
Charleston P-''rb>!. <nir^ests Co!. I'\ II. <
Klmori: us :i suiriblo p::-rs*ji) to succeed <.
hitn. (
I
jLLjv" We arc in<!cljU:<l to ?omo mi- j
known friend for a catalogue of tlio oliiccrs
and students of Krskino Collect',
for the session of IS !!'>. We are grati- ,
liovl to learn that this institution is in a (
very flouriihin;.j condition. The An- j
nual Commencement will lake placc on
the IGth instant, ami tlio Anniversary j
Oration before the LiUrary Societies (
i.. a. i: ~.i i ... /-ill < >.- -
i! i!l V- U'.lll'.'ltu U\ . J J. V Hill. i
The facilities for acquiring a liberal t
education are greater, we may safely 1
say, in Abbeville District, than in any 1
other in the State. "With such institu- 1
tion.s as Hrslcine and Cokesbury in our J |
midst, we have no fear that our District <
will lose her literary reputation, but *
that she will continue to bo called the '
"Athens" of South Carolina. The (
strict attention to morals in these insti- j
tuticn?. cannot foil to exert a beneficient ?
influence upon society in general. <
<
Me xico.?The news from Mexico is j :
full of interest. Santa Anna's star is 1
once mori towering to its zenith. He ,
is now in Vera Cruz, 110 longer an ex- |
ileil emperor or an execrated prisoner, I
trembling for his life, but the lauded and )
the praised. The reign of Paueuics is "]
at an end, and he who was instrumental '
in overthrowing and imr>ri$onimr Santa s
- a o *"
Anna, lias bcon overthrown and impri- s
so nod himself. The revolution has been '
completed?Mexico and l'uebla have J
pronounced lor Federation and Santa t
Anna. 1
What will bo the result of Santa An- '>
na's return to .Mexico, is doubtful. It is 1
possible he may incline to peace; for !
he has too much sagacity to prosecute a (
war with any hope of success against so i
powerful an enemy as the United States. '
We therefore conclude that if this mat- j
ter is left to his decision, the war will he
brought to a speedy close. ,
We learn also that Gen. Taylor had \
arrived at Camargo : and that the town '
of China, some 65 miles from Camargo,
had been taken without opposition by (
Capt. McCulloch, of the Texan Ran
gers, on the 5th ultimo. Col. Seguin, '
with 100 Mexicans was in the town, but '
retreated upon the appearance of the (
Americans. !
Another Mexican depot of arms and l
ammunition have been discovered at 1
Ma ta morns. I
]
jDCS~ The papers at Washington, the <
Union and Intclligencer, have given notice
that hereafter they will not publish
at length the speeches of the members
of Congress unless compensated for it.
The war with Mexico, it is saiil, i
will cost this country 8100,000,000. i
(run Tim ?anm:ii.)
TEW Pi :RANCH NOTIONS.
Mr. Editor:?When we penned
1 Temperance Notion?." we did not an
icipato that wo would bo called to ties* j
lass a second time upon the public, by j
>ccupying your columns with this sub- j
cct. I Jut the tone of a lengthy arti- j
le, purporting to reply, in your paper
>f the I'Jth ultimo, makes it necessary
hat we should again be heard, or leave
he impression that we are driven from
ho lb-Id.
" I). 1 v' lir>t dissents from our opinion,
: that ;i greater inlluence can be exerted
>ver an enlightened people, by the genie
art of persuasion, as a method of rc
rmation, tSi;iu by any resort to forced
estrictions." 1 le proceeds, by denying
he existence of force in the legislature j
>r civil goWrnrniMit. The drift of his i
jnyument is, that the people themselves i
listlv?i the law ; that law " is the public |
fentiment, the public wish and will," j
mil consequently the citizen obeys only
' 1>C.V! n?:i? it l<% III-; rluiiri* " W:ic nvi.r .
loctrines more in conllict with tho true j
principles oi morality and the science j
jf government promulgedV Is not tho J
lV;ill?T :i.st Oil 11 (1 < 1 to lll>:ir tllfrn rrivi vol \r I
- - - => ~-'J
irL'cl ? Wo assort that force is the ve"V
essence and constitution of civil law :
ir.d if necessary, \vc could sustain it
>y all the authors that ever wrote
ipon the subject. It was from the necessity
of rcufulatinir societv that civil
govern men I originated, The necessity
jf remedying evils which were not cfectcd
or reached by the divine or natural
aw ; of establishing rules which were
ibsolutely necessary for the temporal
ivelfarc of society, in compelling its indi
fidimi members to observe their relative
luiios ; and of furnishing- us with a rule
>y which \vc could demand our rights
md redress our wrongs. Had all men
)t?en perfect in their creation, and never
lorruptcd?had they been too wise to
uisconceive their rights and duties, anu
r\r\ r% rnnti???/\ *) ?#-? tU??.r '?
v/\-? Ai'L/i J iw t Vlj UIJ U lilUL dilUUlll UU
breed to observe them?then, civil government
never would have been instiutcd.
1 ,et us consult the great author
which " D. L." seems to rely so much
in, and see if he does not sustain us in
dur views. Sir William Blacstonk
;ays, " civil law is a rule of civil conduct,
:o7?i?nan</itig what is right and prohibi'i/iif
what is wrong; it is called a rsile,
!o distinguish it from advice or counsel;
from a compact or agreement; the lanTIlfUTA
f\ f fl /mrrt > T - ? -II 1
^ \jl 11 v.uuijmLi A will Ui Will HOI
.lo this; that of a law, thou shalt or
shalt not do it. Advice or counsel, wc
ire at liberty to follow or not, as we see
proper, and to judge of the reasonable
jr unreasonableness of the thing advised;
ivhereas, our obedience to the law depends
not upon our approbation, but upon
ho makers1 will. Does that which comI
1 ? M *
nanus ana proniDits exert no force or reilraint
t Is that which compels us to
ict without consulting our reason or
wishes, a matter of our "choice," and
'quite mild" enough to supersede persuasion?
Docs the law exercise no
force upon the community, because it is
the public sentiment, and the community
wills it? Then the culprit who par
icipaies in making the law which hangs
him, dies by his own 11 will and choice,"
and the force or restraint of the gallows
is gone. Is there no force in the court
;>r its rules?in its sentence?in the
sheriff, or its officers? They are but
the organs of the people, and they cannot
exert a force upon those whose
; choice" it was to establish them. No
force in the execution, which snatches
from a man his property and incarce
rates his body 'I All these are but powerful
instruments of the law, which
prove our assertion, that force is its very
essence and constitution. But ah! it is
1 the language of disaffection and licentiousness"
to speak of force and restraint,
' enterinQ* the head of a nrood citizen
o t t O
md law-abiding man." Now if we
were to reason as " D. L." does when
he answers our remarks as to the influence
of persuasion upon an enlightened
people, we would say, all are not "good,"
all are not" law-abiding." ? But we will
be more generous, and admit to u D. L."
Lhat if he can controll the good and
l J: _r
i.*w-uuiunij? ciu^una ui mo cviiiiininuy,
he may by the same means, probably,
control the world. Will he then admit
Lhat if we can control the " enlightened"
by persuasion, we may, probably, con
trol the unenlightened, since the former
give direction to public opinion ? The
reasoning of" D. L." on this subject (of
lisaflcction) would lead to the conclusion
that the legislature is a standing and
unchangeable thing, always composed
ol the same body and enforcing the same j
doetrmcs, totally excluding tho right or
necessity of appeal or amendmrnt. j
Whereas the history of the world abun i
dantly testifies, that each succeeding j
generation arises but to remodel or deV
i: !. ii. ? i < -i ? I
invi;r>il IIIU wui li OI IliO preceding-, I
whilst experience ha? proved, that it is j
sometimes as much a duly to resist iro- i
vcrnment as it is to obey it. For ifov- !
crtimciit>, like all human institutions !
may ho defective ; they, ldco individti- j
als, may, and often do, err. In fact,
there is not a vice, even the darkest ever
committed, which in some aijos and sectinric
nf tlm u'lifl.l Ki?? ??->? lV-?. ??? *'!
vtw ..u iiiu n v'l ivij lino I1UI IVF1? 11 < I till mi
vocato in public opinion, of which government
is the exponent.
In Sparta, theft was at one time rewarded
by her laws. Suicide has in
one ago of the world been encouraged
its a leat ot magnanimity and heroism ;
in another it has been made felony
Tin so reflections lead us to think that
law is nol always sacred and inviolable
; and that we may conceive of even
resistance to law where there is no other
attainable redress, without incurring the
charge of :t disaffection and licentiousness"
Pai.ky, in speaking ot the obligation
of mankind to render obedience
to civil government, discourses to this
eflect: That civil governors should respect
their subjects; that they should
bear in mind the fact, that, the jiht/siral
..i 'i. : i - - i
it.n:iigin / cm.u-s ill LUC ifori'MCil, WHICH, 11
excited would lay prostrate the most
powerful government; that civil authority
is founded in opinion, and that general
opinion, therefore, ought always to
be treated with delicacy and circumspection.
The same author assigns as the
only reason of the subject's obligation
to government: ki The icill of Hod as
collected Irom expediency." 13 ut we must
not speak of the expediency or policy of
measures. " It is the watch-word of
tho wary politician and the wily Jessuit.:'
" 1 impolitic'! a strange word.not
known in the vocabulary of the honest
and the brave." We have yet to learn,
how honesty and bravery and duty, conflict
Willi n/lllrtif 1^ f H -
".WW Mivu puiiuj, L-/. u. tUIIIWUIIU^
himself when he affirms that " duty is
always politicand llien, in the same
breath, cautions igainst bending duty
Jp policy. Now we think that policy is
a term known to every vocabulary, save
that of the jauGtic. It is fanaticism
which carries its measures, regardless
of the expediency, the policy, or reason
Vji UilU^O.
It is not the language of enthusiasm,
which, when speaking of, even grogshops,
advocates seizing the club or battle-axe
of the Michigan women and rushing
with " honest indignation, directly to annihilate
the. whole line en an instant"
But we do not mean to charge D. L.
wiiii fanaticism, wnen wo say lie uses
its language, far be it from us. How
consistent is the author of the reply
when he quotes " honesty as the best
policy," after having asserted in his strictures
upon that head, that policy was
unknown to the honest. We are who
ly unable to see the application, or perceive
the meaning of this quotation
where it is used, unless it be to cast reflections
upon Amo Tjikos. But we
will not suffer this to be converted into
a personal issue ; if it is meant to insinuate
that we advocate doctrines which
we do not honestly entertain, for saltish
motives, we pass it by as, at least, un
worthy ot its author.
We are ralher doubtful as to the correctness
of the opinion, that morality is
as much an object of the legislature as the
preservation of life or property. We are
inclined to think that, whenever morality
is effected by legislation it is incidental
to the ends of government; that we
never can bo made mor:il hv lonriclntirm
... -j - r,?
unless it converts itself into some form
by which it can strike nt the seat or inception
of immorality, or purify the
heart and move the mind as the great
regulator of thought and action. If the
D # O
legislature is made the source and hope
of morality, had we not better strike
oilt that feature of the constitution
which declares that no religious qualification
shall be necessary for members,
and send only t: 5 religious lo legislate,
thereby bringing about a result, which
it has been the policy of this government
irom its foundation most studious to
guard against, tho blending of church
and state. But we will not urge. this.
The author of the reply, asserts
strongly the distinction between the le
gisiauve, judicial, ana executive departments
of jurisprudence. This we are
ready to admit as an axiom. But we
think at the same time, that he has fallen
far short of meeting our argument.
We contended that to indict was to employ
the means of the legislature ; and
that the distinction between indicting
and legislating so far as the principle of
employing force upon the subject was
concerned, was "hair splitting." We
contended purely for the expediency of
the thing, and never once denied the
il right," which D. L. proceeds so grave
ly to assert. What does it mean then,
when we are told that the 11 policy "nd argument
of Amo Tiikos are to divest D.
L. of some of the highest duties and
dearest privileges of citizenship." What
does it mean when we see asserted the
right of temperance men and town council
men, to indict ';as citizens," when
we never impugned that right, hut sim
. . I 1 A I I I I * f . I
piy uij^ru ilie [j.ui jlullCV Ol Hieill mineting
o.s trailers of i/ic temperance reform
awl as a mean for (he fvrlheranee o'
tempera ace principles. Has D. L. fairly
met the issue tendered, and argued the
propriety or expediency of legislation ?
1 Has he lHJt rntln>r nlnvorl till' " wiltr In.
suit" in harping upon words, and cautiously
insinuating (by inference) that the
end sanctified the means, instead of
coining up boldly to tin; mark, and leai
dinjj out his jade! We take it as an
evidence of weakness in his cause,
when hi; makes these shifts in search of
argument. But probably it is policy
not to lead out on logislat on, since the
people might become excited, and play
/u#A, bur and the game.
But by far the highest grounds taken
j in the reply, is to deny that moral sua
.iiuii ??tio insii uiiii'iiitti in iiu; i triui mil
I lion. Affirming that il was nol the
; work of I<utiikk, of moral suasion &c.
I but of llio spirit." Now it strikes us,
since this position is taken, that it might
be better to submit the temperance cause,
to thu 11 spirit." If the reformation was
th(! snirit. 1.1-rnri; wns I'nrtnmlir tli?
I -I > 7* *J
agent, and moral suasion the agency.
11 the progress of the church be the
-work ol the spirit, the apostles or ministers
of Christ were its chosen agents,
and moral suasion its agency, or the instrumentality
through which it was ef
j leeted. Consequently the examples gii
von to sustain the power arid efficacy of
| persuading, preachinjr, and convincing,
are not at all weakened, but rather
strengthened, from appearing as the
chief'means by which God extends the
work of his salvation! Will temperance
men reject the weapon of God, as
too weak to fight their battles! We feel
fully secure in saying as we said before,
that l" liUTHKit. inculcated doctrines,
liltf! din fntl n<l-l ? l/in fnv tlm n.^vlill.s
<> ..UW juuimnuuii iUl UlU \* UI IU O
reformation, unaided by any other power
than that of " moral suasionWc
say it is the great instrument by which
tho world has been enlightened, revolutionized,
and reformed; and all the
quirks and machinations of those who
I sicken at the term.and are disposed to scoff
. its power, can never smother the fact;
crushed to earth it will rise and impress
itself irresistably and visibly upon the
public mind.
We had intended when we wrote before,
to have noticed another branch of
this subject, viz: Is the present policy
of refusing license, a good one ? Is the
quantity ol spirits consumed,diminished,
and tcmpcrance thereby advanced. Is
there not as much drinking in Abbeville
District now, as was under the license
system?does the policy of refusing it not
throw retailing into the hands of irresponsible
men, who sell regardless of
i law ; and who, when indictcJ, are una|
ble to pay o fine, but must be imprisoned
I ... l.~
] IU IUII uiu oiuiu iu eApeiisu
and be turned loose again to pursue
their work of corruption ? Does it not
encourage these same characters to sell
in neighborhoods,at their private houses,
where they sell to negroes, and associ
ate with them as fit compeers?and are
these not equally the "sinks of iniquity,
which corrupt the purity of elections,
i the slave population" &t\. as licensed
i grogshops ? Is not the State, then, dei
prived ol that source ol its revenue to but
i little purpose? We throw out these re
llri'tions lor the consideration oi tli
public without urging them as an argu*
mentVVe
pass by the " grand conspicuous
distinctions1' between " public and private
morals"? ' temperance and social
order"?the disertation on the relative
duties of "husband and wife"?the Ai- j
If e n a lid Ornnn v i1 In r?>*nl tit inn? :i rwl ?l-?? I
witicisrns on the church?us irrelevant
to us.
Now Mr. Editor?we have done;
and do not feel that we should stand corrected
in one solitary point by the argumentation
of D. L. It is true we have
not attempted to correct all of his misconceptions,
since it would have prolonged
our piece beyond the limits of
your paper. YVe have tried to observe
a becoming modesty and respect in the
expression of our opinions ; we hope that
nought we have said can effect the temperance
cause, or wound the feelings, of
even the most zealous temperance member?if
so we apologise for it, whilst we
take our leave of the public, perhaps
forever upon this subject: Standing however
upon our reserved rights.
A mo Tiieos.
The Bible has been translated
into, and is now printed or written
in, one hundred and fifty languages.
(fou this banner.)
D IF K L L I N G.
Mr. Elitor:?In a religio'is civilized
community, every kind of iniquity
oujfht to be banished or suppressed; especially
those evils which endanger the
lives of cjood citizens, corrupt the morals,
and set at naught the laws of the land.
Duelling' is >111 evil of this kind. It is
a srhirinif, high-handed crime Those
who engage in this honorable warfare,
trample presumptuously on law and
gospel, on their own sense of duty, on
the tears and cries of kindred and friends,
and on the moral sensibilities of the
community.
I And what benefit does the communiI
tv derive from duelling- as a eomnensa
lion for all this combination of evi.3 that
arise out of, or are connected with this
wicked custom? Whose morals arc
improved? whose heart is cheered as
some worthy citizen falls on the field of
false honor? Does the surviving duellist
himself return from the bloody scene
exulting in the deed of death, pleased
to recount to the excited and applaudingprniVfU
fllilt Qlirrmillfl lum Inc rlnnrl nf
v? v > vtw W i I i I ^ tl IO UU'yU \J K
noble daring? No; no such crowds
surround him, at k-ust from the moral7
law-loving portion of community ; and
instead of exulting in the thought, that
he has imbrued his hands in a brothers
blood, and sent liim unprepard to the bar
of God?continual sorrow and sadness
t\,\net fill K 10 U/iAi'f nrk<i 11 cc rAii*?r??i
Iliuci nil 11 IO ULtlllj HI 11.1 <i IL'lUIUl 1UU"
king1 for of judgement," hnrrass his
mind.
Now the question is, will society support
or connive sit this abominable custom?
Shall men be allowed lonsrcr to
bravo, ami insult, ami dishonor the christian
community by engagiifn; in this
murderous old custom? or shall not some
vigorous measures be adopted to suppress
effectually a practice so pernicious,
and so destitute of any thing good to
commend it to the minds of of sober
men ?
All pfloltlms linm mnl.-ino* wr> nn.
derstand, for several years, in the legislature
of this State, to introduce a clause
in the constitution, to suppress the practice
of duelling. This effort has not yet
been crowned with success. Cannot
something be done on the part of the
people to secure the triumph of principle,
ami a correct practice on the subject of
duelling? We cannot, at present, carry
the matter to the ballot box, but wo
can petition. A long list of influential
names sent up from diflercnt parts of the
State against duelling, would exert a
powerful influence in the legislature,
and would prompt to the enactment of a
law prohibiting those fatal re-encounters
which begin in honor and end in disgrace
and death. And if any thing can
hn nrrnmidishrfl hv nptifinns tnvv.irH?
suppressing duelling, will not every
honest citizen, who loves law, and subordination
to law, and hates rnulice and
murder, send up his name, praying the
legislature to adopt such forcible mea
sun-s as will lead to the. suppression, at
once and forever, of the bloody, odious
custom of duelling.
The present is as suitable a time
i <13 any onu couiu wish V) move on nils
subject.
I will draw up :i brief form of a petition
which cm be drawn offby individuals
in the different p;iiis of the district,
and of the Mate, and circulated, and
I nanu s procured in time to forward the
I same to the next session of the lejrislsij
ture. It i* to be hoped that even duelI
list tiiemselvi-s, ami every man who
! i _ i. _ ? i. _ I. _ _ __ i _ i .
i juves ins country, iht noiior, ii?jr i iws,
and her religion will Knd his name, .md
exert his influence in nullifying forever *
the " code ol honor." Lindo.
PETITION.
To the Honorable, the Senate., and House
of R -presetUativm ol the Slate of ^out-k
C irolinn in Legislature ass-mblcd:?
We, the undersigned, citizen? of Abbeville
District South Carolina, feeling
aggrieved at the prevalence of duelling
in our district and State, do hereby petition
your honorable body to adopt such
measures as shall tend effectually to suppress
this iniquitous custom. VVc need
scarcely depict to you the aggraved evils
that arise out of this practice, and its ut*
ter destitution of every thing that is
good.
Duelling is an enormous complicated
crime. It is a palpable violation of
God's law, and of the laws of the State.
It often deprives a family of a son, or a
father?an ornament and protector, and
tKo ctnto r\f a ? 1 *1 *- ^
?..V, U> u xuiiiiy Liutun, UIIU uiuiior
no crime worthy of death, or of bonds.
It is called an " affair of honor," but it
is an afTair that is attended only by
" lamentation, mourning, and woe."
It encourages the spread, and prevalence
of malevolence, revenge, and
murder. It snatches from a family, for
soma paltry, punctilious offence, its
head, its glory and prop, and gives in