HARARE - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono
yesterday absolved former finance minister Chris Kuruneri of any wrongdoing
saying the former finance minister had helped avert a "crisis which could
have plunged the country into chaos".

Gono, the then chief
executive officer of Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe through which Kuruneri
transferred huge sums of foreign currency to South Africa, was testifying at
the former minister's trial at the High Court yesterday.

Gono
said Kuruneri had bailed out the country when it was in the middle of a
serious foreign currency crisis. He said Kuruneri responded when he called
for "help to meet urgent national obligations."

Gono said he called
Kuruneri as it was a "very urgent matter which could have plunged this
country into chaos." But the governor said he could not divulge the nature
of the crisis citing the Official Secrets Act which prohibits the release of
sensitive information.

Gono said he contacted
Kuruneri whom he knew "could do something" and help "avert a crisis, with
deep consequences on this nation and its citizens."

Kuruneri
went on to give the Reserve Bank governor US$500 000 insisting that the
money should be "returned at a particular time and to a destination of
choice."

Kuruneri is being charged with externalising US$500 000,
37 000 British pounds, 30 000 euros and R1.2 million in breach of Zimbabwe
tight exchange laws.

The former minister allegedly used the
funds to buy properties in South Africa. He is denying the
charge.

The former finance minister has already been convicted of a
lesser charge of possessing a Canadian passport in violation of the
country's citizenship law which bars dual nationality. - ZimOnline

FEATURE: Bringing back glamour in Harare among least of
evicted residents' concernsSat 4 June 2005 HARARE - It is the
hopeless faces of hungry children hurdled around a fire built on the filthy
black tarmac that is most touching. Tonight will be the eighth the
children and their parents will spend out in the open here at Harare's
Mbare-Musika bus terminus since the wood and plastic cabins - the only homes
for many of these children since birth - were burnt down in a police blitz
on shanties and informal traders that began two weeks ago.

"We
have nowhere to go," a middle-aged looking man stepped in to explain on
noticing our news crew trying to strike up a conversation with the kids
warming themselves by the fire.

Without prompting, the man, who
later identified himself as Garikayi Chihwayi, immediately began narrating
how his wife and two young children ended up stuck here at the bus terminus
without shelter or a means of livelihood.

"Word came that the
police were destroying all (living) cabins and my wife and myself had to
rush back home to salvage our household furniture before it was all burnt,"
said Chihwayi - anger unmistakable in his trembling voice.

Dropping his voice to a whisper, almost as if speaking to himself, he added:
"It turned out the police started by destroying street side market stalls
before the cabins and by the time we returned, all goods at our vending
stall had been destroyed - now I am here, broke and with no money to take my
family to our rural home."

But even if he had the money to pay for
bus fare to his rural home in Rusape about 200km away, Chihwayi and his
family would probably still be stuck here as most rural buses are grounded
because of an acute shortage of fuel, itself only one among a slits of key
commodities in short supply in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabweans have
grappled severe economic hardships and poverty with shortages of food,
essential medical drugs, electricity and other basic commodities since the
beginning of an economic recession now in its sixth successive
year.

But for the Chihwayis and fellow displaced families here at
Mbare, the world literally collapsed last week when they were left with
neither shelter nor livelihoods after the makeshift cabins they lived in and
their informal market stalls were destroyed in the highly unpopular
government clean-up campaign now in its second week.

Heavily
armed police have used bulldozers and fire to raze down flea market stalls
and the plastic and wood cabins in Harare and other cities in a campaign the
government says is meant to rid cities and towns of filth and
crime.

The government says the campaign is also meant to smash
an illegal black-market which it says was thriving among informal traders
and had become the source of nearly every useful commodity in Zimbabwe, from
industrial machine parts to sugar to birth control pills.

But
human rights and church groups say while the government exercise may be
noble in intention, the state has used unnecessarily excessive and brutal
force in evicting informal traders and people living in makeshift
homes.

Zimbabwe Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace
director Alois Chaumba said: "The behaviour of the members of the police who
are taking part in this operation is excessively violent and lacks respect
for human beings.

"We suggest that this operation, which has
spread to other centres throughout the country, be stopped while concerned
councils find other areas to place people."

In a statement this
week, world human rights watchdog, Amnesty International, criticised the
operation saying the police had flagrantly disregarded human rights and the
dignity of homeless people in carrying out the evictions.

The
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party, which controls cities,
has accused the government of launching the blitz to punish urban residents
for rejecting it during last March's disputed election.

The
government has denied violating human rights or being motivated by politics
and says the operation was long overdue to restore cleanliness, law and
order in cities. Defending the police blitz on informal traders and shanty
dwellers President Robert Mugabe told a central committee meeting of his
ruling ZANU PF party that it was necessary to restore the beauty of Harare
and other cities.

But for Chihwayi and other displaced people here
at Mbare-Musika, the aesthetic qualities of Harare are certainly the least
of their worries as the desperate father put it when asked to list some of
the problems the families were facing which could be highlighted to aid
groups willing to help.

"We have not had a decent meal since
seven days ago, the adults can manage but it is unbearable watching the
young ones crying for food," he said. - ZimOnline

FEATURES: Mugabe turns tables against war veteransSat 4
June 2005 HARARE - Fifty-six year old Raphael Tarumbwa of Whitecliff, an
informal settlement just outside Harare, looks visibly dejected.
Standing on what used to be his home for the last five years, Tarumbwa
barely manages to hold off tears as he narrates his ordeal at the hands of
anti-riot police who razed to the ground what he called his home in a "clean
up" campaign a fortnight ago.

Whitecliff, deemed a microcosm of
the chaos and lawlessness on the farms over the last five years, was two
weeks ago over-run by anti-riot police in what the government says was a
"clean up" campaign in urban areas.

The campaign, with Mugabe's
approval, marked a turning point for the war veterans who played a key role
in fending off the opposition Movement for Democratic Change's (MDC)
challenge to Mugabe in the last few years.

Now with Mugabe firmly
in charge after a disputed election last March, he has ditched the war
veterans in a stunning development.

Over the last five years, the
informal settlement at Whitecliff, was eulogised in government circles as a
vision of hope for the black majority. But on what used to be sprawling
housing structures, now lay debris of shattered dreams.

"I
never used to believe it when people said we were ruled by animals. Our
leaders are heartless liars," said Tarumbwa, his voice shaking with
emotion.

Tarumbwa is bitter that for the last five years, the
government had given him and his war veteran collegaues at Whitecliff and
other informal settlements around the country, a false sense of
security.

War veterans, deemed untouchable, formed a key cog in
ZANU PF's violent election campaigns during past polls. The war veterans
were allowed to settle on the farms near urban areas in what critics said
was an attempt by the government to neutralise the MDC's urban support
base.

Tarumbwa's equally dejected neighbour who only gave his name
as Mabhunu said: "Base commanders (war veteran leaders in charge of the land
invasions) made us pay large sums of money on different occasions to acquire
the "stands".

"I'm sure altogether we each paid up to $7
million. We were taken for a ride. Now we have no one to turn
to."

The government two weeks ago began a crackdown on informal
traders and settlements across the country in what it said was a campaign to
bring back order and sanity to the cities. The government also accused
informal traders of stoking the illegal foreign currency parallel
market.

But the MDC says the campaign is meant to punish the urban
dwellers for rejecting Mugabe and his ZANU PF party at the polls. The
opposition party also accuses Mugabe of trying to provoke riots so as to
declare a state of emergency and rule by decree.

Zimbabwe is
going through a severe economic and political crisis blamed on Mugabe's
policies. Mugabe denies charges of economic mismanagement, blaming the West
for sabotaging his government over his land reform programme.

Newly elected Member of Parliament, for the area who is also Mugabe's
nephew, Patrick Zhuwao had no kind words for the evicted war
veterans.

"A lot of people say we as government are doing this in
retribution to MDC supporters in opposition strongholds but from Whitecliff,
I got about nine times more votes than the opposition candidate (in the
disputed March election). So the argument does not hold."

But
for Lameck Maturure, an MDC supporter from neighbouring Kuwadzana suburb, he
says the war veterans thoroughly deserve the treatment.

"At least
now we will speak with one voice. They (war veterans) now realise they were
taken for a ride. Very soon everyone will realise just how inhuman this
regime is. It has no permanent friends." - ZimOnline

HIV infection highest among security forces: commissionSat
4 June 2005 HARARE - The chairman of Zimbabwe's Public Service Commission
(PSC) yesterday said HIV/AIDS infection was highest among the country's
security forces than in any other government department. PSC
chairman Mariyawanda Nzuwa, who blamed the higher infection rates among
security forces on the nature of their work, said he was unable to give
exact figures of how many among Zimbabwe's soldiers, police and prison
officers were infected with deadly virus.

Nzuwah, who also
heads the commissions of service of the police, army and prison service, was
speaking at the launch of the government's HIV/AIDS policy for its
workers.

He said: "Given the nature of security forces, they are
likely to be affected by the epidemic a lot faster than the other civil
servants. I am happy that representatives of the army are here because I
need to say this. The minister (of public service, labour and social
welfare) will need to convince his cabinet that we desperately need
resources to fight this epidemic."

The southern African nation, hit by a severe economic
crisis and food shortages, is among the worst affected by the HIV/AIDS
pandemic with at least a quarter of the 12.5 million Zimbabweans said to be
infected by the virus.

At least 70 percent of beds in
Zimbabwe's hospitals are occupied by people suffering from HIV/AIDS related
illnesses while the epidemic claims at least 2 000 lives in the country
every week. - ZimOnline

A FAILING economy and the collapse of the
once prosperous farming system leading to general starvation, have plagued
Zimbabwe in recent years thanks to an oppressive land reform programme
introduced by tyrannical president Robert Mugabe. Portlaw woman Kathy Martin has
been living in Zimbabwe for over 40 years. On a rare visit back to see her
family, she spoke to Waterford News & Star reporter Jennifer Long about her
own distressing experiences of the oppressive regime that has brought her
beloved ‘home’ country to its knees…and what it’s like to be re-united with her
family back in Portlaw after 11 years.

WHEN she upped and left her native Portlaw for
southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) in 1964, Kathy Martin would never have imagined
that violence, fear, intimidation and oppression would end up being part and
parcel of her life.

The young nurse was aged 25, headstrong, eager to
travel, ambitious….and Rhodesia was then a prospering farming country that had
much to offer both its own citizens and the world market abroad.

“I
remember arriving there and basically falling in love with the place,” recalls
Kathy. “It was such a wonderful country; the people were — and still are —
amazing and I remember being made to feel so welcome at the hospital where I was
due to work.”

Kathy Martin, who had just qualified in general nursing and
midwifery, had caught the travel bug.

“I had just qualified and I suppose
I had itchy feet. I didn’t mind whether I went to Australia or South Africa but
as it happened, I got a reply from the embassy at Rhodesia first and off I
went.”

“My parents (Richard and Nance O’Keeffe, Connolly Road), were okay
about it but I remember older people in Portlaw being absolutely horrified that
I’d want to go to South Africa!”

She didn’t know it then but while her
early days in Southern Rhodesia were “wonderful”, the 41 years that she has
spent there to date would end up being a ‘mixed bag’ for Kathy.

“When I
went there first it was fantastic. There was a great camaraderie between the
black and the white people. It was a very productive country at that time but I
suppose trouble was already brewing in some of the outer areas; the Zanu PF
(Mugabe’s party) were beginning to get restless and there were little agitations
here and there.” In 1965, the conservative whiteminority government of Rhodesia
declared its independence from Britain.

The country resisted the demands
of the black Africans and Prime Minister Ian Smith dug his heels in to withstand
British pressure, economic sanctions and guerrilla attacks to uphold white
supremacy.

Eleven years of unrest followed from the Black nationalist
movement, including guerrilla leader Robert Mugabe of the Zanu (Zimbabwe African
National Union – Patriotic Front) who advocated
revolution.

“DIFFICULT”

“The war years were difficult,” said
Kathy. “I was working as a nurse so, as you can imagine, it was very hard at
times to witness first-hand the troubles. My husband Dennis was also shot at one
stage; I’ll never forget how difficult that was particularly. When Mugabe came
to power in 1980, there was undoubtedly a feeling of relief…nobody ever imagined
what was to follow.”

“I won’t say I was an admirer of his because I
didn’t like the way he went about things; he had been accused of a massacre in
the past. But we were glad to have peace, to have our men back, the chance to
get on with lives and so the white farmers gave the full support that was needed
at that time for change.”

“Look at Nelson Mandela and the bitterness he
could bear to this day yet he’s a wonderful Statesman. I don’t know what’s made
Mugabe different… unfortunately he just is and it’s been to the detriment of our
once fine country.”

Kathy Martin, a 66-year-old grandmother, has spent 41
years living in Zimbabwe which she now considers her home.

She met her
South African born husband Dennis there and they married in 1968. Their
livelihood became their land, the 3,000-acres ‘Kanowna Farm’ situated close to
the district of Mutoroshanga, which they bought after acquiring a taste for
farming as a result of leasing another property.

“We bought the farm from
a woman who had lost both her husband and her son; we built it up into something
quite reasonable, producing crops such as tobacco, maize, soya beans and wheat
as well as farming cattle. Our wish was that our son Sean would take it over in
time and, I suppose, look after us both in our old age.”

“We had 80
workers there and they were essentially a part of our family. We provided them
with homes and everything was going well. But it all came to an end when the
Mugabe’s land reform programme kicked in.”

In basic terms, the land
reform programme spearheaded by the Mugabe has brought the once-prosperous
Zimbabwe to its knees. It boils down to simple facts.

The white farmers
owned the best land from the colonisation days and Mugabe wanted it back for the
blacks…but, detrimentally for the economy, was determined to resort to whatever
means necessary to get it.

In 2000, war of independence veterans began
squatting on white farmers’ lands and in 2002, Mugabe ordered all white farmers
(about 4,000 in total) to leave their land without compensation. He even gave
the go-ahead to his black supporters to kill if they had to in a bid to further
his aims.

Mindless violence, the slaughter and destruction of animals and
white farmers’ lands became widespread. Some white farmers were killed. But also
black farm labourers and anyone suspected of supporting the political opposition
(the Movement for Democratic Change) became targets…including Kathy’s son Sean
(35) who was severely beaten by Zanu PF youth militia.

UNDER
SIEGE

Kathy and Dennis Martin were among the white farmers who came under
siege in Zimbabwe and, as a result, were to lose everything they’d worked hard
for.

In 2002, they had to contend with up to 70 ‘settlers’ on their land;
they found themselves barricaded into their homes on several occasions by Mugabe
supporters who beat drums outside their front door as an intimidation tactic.
They also had to endure the beating of their son and the merciless slaughter of
their cattle… all because they defied an edict to give up their home and
livelihood.

“At times, it was just awful. The threats, the
intimidation…the fear,” said Kathy. “We weren’t allowed to farm the land and so
we had to let our workers go. The settlers were growing their own crops on the
land, it was okay for them but we had nothing for our future. We had to keep our
cattle in our front garden so they wouldn’t interfere with the settlers’
crops.”

“It’s the way everything was done that caused the problems. If
they (Mugabe and his supporters) had been willing to compromise with the white
farmers I don’t think the problems would have been there….if they said we’ll
take this and you keep the rest.”

Kathy, who ran a small clinic from her
farm since she retired in 1981, as well as a shop supplying basic groceries for
the locals in her area, said one of the most difficult incidents for the family
was the violent attack on her son Sean.

“Sean is a supporter of Morgan
Tsvangirai’s MDC; he’s for change…we all are. We were away when it happened;
Sean was on the farm alone when he was attacked by a group of ten Zanu PF youth
militia. He was severely beaten with a fanbelt from a car and then
chains.”

“When he told me over the phone, my immediate concern was
whether or not he’d hit back. Because if he had, they would arrest him and have
him thrown in jail for assault. Thankfully, he found the control to keep his
hands down all the time.”

Kathy said that in another incident, two of the
family’s cattle were inhumanely butchered by the Zanu PF.

“They were
taken away and axed to death; they was nothing merciful about it. The worst part
about it is the intolerable cruelty that these people are capable of. I know of
people whose homes have been absolutely desecrated for no good reason. It’s a
very, very serious situation out there.”

FAITH AND HOPE

Kathy says
that despite the threats and intimidation, she and Dennis stuck it out on the
farm for so long because it was their home, their livelihood and they had faith
that things would turn out okay.

“People say to me why didn’t you leave
earlier but I had faith and hope that it would be okay. The farm was our home;
we worked tooth and nail to build it up over many years. We reached a compromise
with our settlers to stay in the short-term. The important thing to remember is
that we had a wonderful relationship with the black people; we still have. It’s
just a small segment that have caused the problems.” After sticking it out for
nearly two years, Kathy and Dennis did up and leave for a new home 15 miles
away….because of what they are convinced was a genuine immediate threat on their
lives.

“We had someone come to our door and tell us we had 48 hours to
leave…or the whole family would be killed. I asked that man why it was
necessary. He looked at me with pure hatred in his eyes, pointed to my skin and
said it was because of that, as in its colour.”

“We knew we had to go.
Thankfully, we got the 48 hours extended to four days. We were packing up not
only our home but our business. I just knew that it wasn’t a light threat …our
lives depended on us leaving at that stage.” Kathy and Dennis now live three
miles from Mutoroshanga (15 miles from the farm)…and she says that for the first
time in years, they are getting on peacefully with their lives.

From the
farm, they managed to bring with them some lorries and combine harvesters and
are trying to make a living from a little transport business where they now
employ just two workers. The possibility of acquiring land for a new farm is a
non-runner however; they got a letter to tell them they were never to break into
farming again. “We’re moving on,” says Kathy who is back in Portlaw on a
two-month break to see her brothers and sisters; her first visit home since
1994.

“I’m trying to close the door on that other part of my life; it was
wonderful while it lasted but now it’s gone and I’m trying to move on. Our son
Sean is now in Capetown and is working in the construction industry with his
father-inlaw. Our daughter Bridget Rae is living near Kwekwe (a townsland near
Victoria Falls) with her husband and two children. They are happy and getting on
with things.”

She says that while her “heart’” remains in Portlaw and she
is really enjoying being re-united with her brothers and sisters, after 41 years
Zimbabwe is now her home…and despite all that has happened, she still loves the
country.

“It is such a beautiful place; there is nowhere like it in the
world. It was so productive and could be again. It’s where I married, where I
brought up my children; it’s been my home for 41 years to date and will be my
home now into the future. No matter what has happened, it’s where I
belong.”

When turmoil spells a property bargain By Kevin Brass International
Herald Tribune

FRIDAY, JUNE 3, 2005

Bargain hunters take note. There are lush beachfront lots available on a
beautiful Caribbean bay for dirt-cheap prices.

There is only one
catch: the property is in Haiti, the poorest and most violence-ridden
country in the region.

But turmoil did not deter Gunter Holzner. A
few years ago the retired Geneva chemist bought a 2,400-square-meter, or
25,800 square-foot, waterfront parcel in a walled community in Jacmel that
is about 80 kilometers, or 50 miles, from Port-au-Prince. He paid about $30
a square meter and built a colonial-style estate with large patios and a
swimming pool, which he rarely visits these days.

"I'm
confident that in one or two years it will be good again", Holzner said of
the situation in Haiti.

Throughout the world, in countries like
Haiti, Nicaragua and Colombia, spectacular luxury properties are available,
to those who are willing to assume incalculable risk. Regime change, massive
currency devaluation and civil war can be dangers, and safety always
uncertain.

Buying activity by foreigners is almost nonexistent in
these troubled countries, agents say, but properties are still for sale, and
at the right price.

A four-bedroom house with a swimming pool
on a golf course in Zimbabwe can be purchased for less than £20,000 pounds,
or $36,200, said Peter Caroe, a London-based partner in the global real
estate firm Knight Frank. "But you'd have to be a brave man to buy now," he
added.

Government land seizures and signs of economic collapse -
Zimbabwe's currency traded on the black market at 120 to the dollar in April
2002, today a single U.S. dollar is worth 25,000 Zimbabwean dollars - make
any thought of buying a vacation home in the lush country a dicey
concept.

Caroe, who focuses on real estate in Africa, said buyers
instead are looking in countries that appear to be recovering from unrest,
like Mozambique and Botswana.

"Kenya is a lovely country and
the politics have improved a little bit," Caroe said. "There's definitely
more interest in the Kenyan coast than in the last 10 years."

A
resurgence of attacks by leftist rebels and continuing battles with drug
lords may keep Colombia off vacation lists, but "Colombia is making a
significant comeback," said Jorge Hurtado, director of Latin America and
Caribbean for CB-Richard Ellis, the real estate firm. As signs of
stabilization appear, Hurtado said that European buyers are starting to look
again at places like the old coastal city of Cartagena, famous for its
historic walls and old cathedrals.

And real estate companies
and investors are showing renewed interest in Argentina and Venezuela, two
countries that have been plagued by economic and political problems, said
Cesar Ruiz, senior managing director of Latin America for Grubb &
Ellis.

"In both countries there are numerous commercial real estate
opportunities for multinationals and individuals with a long-term strategic
plan," Ruiz said. "Will you be able to find a good deal and flip it in six
months? No. But both countries will come back."

Soaring prices
in relatively stable countries like Costa Rica are sending buyers shopping
for bargains, agents say. A half-acre, or 0.2-hectare, plot of waterfront
land in Costa Rica costs about $250,000 - more than double what it would
have cost three years ago, agents say. But a 2.5-acre island on Lake Granada
in troubled Nicaragua is listed for $190,000 and a 1,800-square-foot lot on
the waterfront in El Salvador can be purchased for $47,000.

But
turmoil does not always spell bargains. Agents say, for example, that prices
are holding strong in Lebanon, once considered the most cosmopolitan country
in the Middle East. Even though it recently lived through the assassination
of its former prime minister and the withdrawal of Syrian troops, apartments
in fashionable districts of Beirut like the revitalized Central District
command as much as $1 million.

Robert Haag is asking $800,000 for
his family's four-bedroom, four-bathroom villa with sea views in the south
Lebanese town of Tyrus. The market is "very quiet at the moment," Haag
said.

He has received numerous inquiries on the villa, which
features large terraces and rooms covered in Portuguese rose marble, "but
they don't want to pay anything."

Haag is holding firm on the
price though, believing the market will rebound soon. "People think they can
get it very cheap and I say no," Haag said. "There is no reason to sell for
dumping prices."

Even in Haiti, where violence is commonplace,
buyers still covet certain properties. On the hillside above Port-au-Prince,
"astonishingly," prices are going up, said Charles Fombrun, executive vice
president of development for GF Construction, a Haitian-based firm that
develops residential and commercial projects.

Just last week
the U.S. State Department issued a travel warning for the island and sent
some embassy staff members and their families home. Despite the efforts of
UN peacekeepers and the police, 400 people have died in street violence
since last September, when supporters of the ousted president, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, vowed to effect his return.

Gueric Boucard, who owns the
waterfront property in Jacmel where Holzner built his house, is familiar
with fluctuations in the market. The Boucard family, which had been in the
coffee, cocoa and cotton business in Haiti for generations, lost most of its
land during the reign of François "Papa Doc" Duvalier in the 1960s. But they
regained portions of their original holdings in the 1990s, including the
land in Jacmel, when Aristide came to power.

Several years ago
Boucard subdivided the parcel into 26 residential lots, ranging from 800 to
1,500 square meters. The plot is surrounded by a security wall and protected
24-hours a day by armed guards. Each lot has bay views and full utilities,
and there is commuter plane service available from
Port-au-Prince.

Boucard is asking $35 a square meter for the
lots on the water; $30 a square meter off the water. So far he has sold
eight parcels, but only two houses have been built: his own and
Holzner's.

Holzner is not actively marketing the property right
now, given the situation in Haiti. "It has to change," he said. "There is
only a finite amount of wonderful property in the Caribbean." But he says he
has no regrets about his purchase, even though he will probably stay in
Europe this year. "One day it will be beautiful. I just don't know when," he
said.

Sir: James Morris of the World Food Programme has just visited
Harare. On 26May police, backed by troops, launched an operation described
by state radioas a round-up of street traders and demolition of "informal
housing". Thepolice were ordered to shoot to kill if they encountered
resistance. Theshacks of 200,000 of the bitterly poor were razed to the
ground and burned.Goods were seized, street traders rounded up and, police
claim, 22,375arrests made.

The world has been rightly concerned and
prepared to intervene to bringpressure to bear in Uzbekistan and in the
Sudan, both sovereign states. Inboth places the world press has been able to
report what is happening; notso in Zimbabwe. As in Darfur, the UNCHR should
immediately mount anindependent investigation of these and other atrocities.
The UN agencieswhich are operating in Zimbabwe should report to the UN, to
the SecurityCouncil, at once. It will be a criminal act of complicity and
appeasement ifwe do not now require the African Union and, in particular,
Thabo Mbeki andthe UN, to refuse utterly to deal with Mugabe without an
immediate end tothese appalling acts of violence against his own people. Any
food aid givennow must not be used as a political tool. There must be no
more quietdiplomacy designed to protect a tyrant rather than his innocent
people. Notto protest publicly in the strongest terms through the UN and the
EU will beto make the Commission for Africa mockery.

We carry reports today of two events on either side of the
Limpopo Riverwhich are unconnected except in that they both have a bearing
on attitudesto this summer's Live 8 festivities. In Zimbabwe yesterday,
Robert Mugabetook the oppression of his own people to a new level of
brutishness bysending his riot police into one of Harare's most pitiful
slums. Deployedunder the codename "Operation Drive out the Rubbish", Mr
Mugabe's mendemolished wooden shacks where the capital's poorest residents
live, evenforcing Irish missionary nuns to dismantle a clinic for children
orphaned bythe Aids epidemic. When the apartheid government in South Africa
deployedsimilar tactics in the 1970s in defence of white "group areas",
thecivilised world quite understandably reacted with revulsion and
demandedsanctions against Pretoria.

A generation later, the ANC
government is spookily silent about thesegrotesque activities north of the
Limpopo. Defenders of President ThaboMbeki might say that he is distracted
by political problems closer to home.Jacob Zuma, South Africa's deputy
president and tipped to succeed Mr Mbeki,was yesterday implicated in a
long-running corruption trial when a closebusiness associate was convicted
in a Durban court of taking bribes. Thejudge found "convincing and
overwhelming evidence of a corrupt relationship"between the businessman and
Mr Zuma arising from the bribes paid by a Frenchcompany bidding for a large
defence contract.

The fact that this trial could proceed is an
encouraging sign that judicialindependence is alive in South Africa. But it
is alarming that officialcorruption, that constant scourge of post-colonial
Africa, has seeminglytaken root so soon after democratic elections, and may
have reached into thevery highest levels of government.

Later this
summer, young Britons are to be summoned onto the streets andinto pop
stadiums to "Make Poverty History". We salute the concern of thosepeople
buying wristbands and clicking their fingers, and we applaud theageing rock
stars who will perform for them. Indifference and complacencyare the worst
responses to the privations of Africa, and there is amagnificence about the
anger of Bob Geldof as he challenges the world to dosomething about the
state of the continent.

But it is important to be clear-headed about the
causes of Africa's dismaleconomic performance in the years since
independence. Certainly, disease,ruinous levels of international debt, and
unfair trading rules have wreakedhavoc. But corruption, and grotesque
misgovernance of the sort that scarsZimbabwe today, are critical factors.
Until African leaders themselves getangry about these abuses, many in the
northern hemisphere will remaincynical.

AFTER
the eagerly awaited demise of former junior Minister of Informationand
Publicity, Jonathan Moyo, musicians and former radio personalities havecome
forward to reveal how the ex-propaganda chief controlled the
musicindustry.

Musician Patricia Matongo revealed recently during a
Freemuse-sponsoredworkshop on censorship in Zimbabwe how Moyo denied her
airplay because ofher association with a particular recording
company.

Freemuse - The World Forum on Music and Censorship - is an
independentinternational organisation advocating freedom of expression for
musiciansand composers worldwide.

Matongo said she approached Moyo
after friends who are radio and televisionpersonalities told her that her
music was being denied airplay on thedirective of the minister.

"The
minister told me in no uncertain terms that my music would continue tobe
banned if I continued to record with my recording company," she said.

A
representative of the recording company later told participants at
theworkshop that the information minister intended to be a shareholder of
thecompany.

According to the representative who requested anonymity,
when the companyboard resisted Moyo sought to "punish" the company by
denying airplay fromartistes who recorded with its
studio.

Musavengana Nyasha, a former radio presenter, revealed to
Freemuse thatduring his stint with the State-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation, DJswere sometimes given orders not to play certain songs, and
towards electionssongs critical of the government were not to get any
airplay.

He said the iron-handedness of the minister planted in the
hearts of many aculture of fear and self-censorship.

Musavengana
added that there was a stern warning from the bosses at theradio station
that Thomas Mapfumo's controversial album, Chimurenga Rebel,was not to be
played because it was critical of the government.

"During my tenure at
the state-owned station, decisions to ban music weremade by the station's
supervisors and chief executive officers and sometimesthe perceived wishes
of people in power such as the Minister of Informationand the President
himself," he said.

Three weeks ago StandardPlus, which also attended the
workshop, published astory in which prominent sungura musician Leonard
Zhakata gave aheart-rending account of how his career has taken a nosedive
due to thecensorship of his music by the State broadcaster.

Takura
Zhangazha, a media analyst, said that some musicians in Zimbabweacted
complicitly with the government by singing propaganda tunes formonetary
reasons, thereby censoring their own honest views on what would beprevailing
in the country, as well as crowding out other critical voicesfrom the
national stations.

In an interview with StandardPlus a month ago Andy
Brown, who joined thebandwagon of musicians who "sang for their supper",
acknowledged that he didZanu PF land grab jingles for monetary
gain.

Efforts to get a comment from Moyo proved fruitless as his mobile
phoneinitially went unanswered, and was later on voicemail.

Riot police conducting "Operation Drive Out the Rubbish" were
accused ofbringing misery to the urban poor, the latest target of President
RobertMugabe's campaign of terror.

Children wait with their
belongings after their home was destroyedIn one township Irish missionaries
were forced to dismantle a clinic and acreche for children orphaned by the
Aids epidemic. Police demolished shacksinhabited by impoverished
orphans.

"How can the little ones of this world be brutalised in this
way?" askedSister Patricia Walsh, of the Dominican Order.

"They are
poor, they are helpless and they happen to live in the wrong partof
town."

The latest operation centred on the shanty town of Hatcliffe
Extension inthe north of the capital.

The regime says police are
enforcing the law by demolishing "illegal",temporary homes of wood,
cardboard and twisted metal.

The authorities moved thousands of people to
the extension in 1992. Theywere forbidden to build permanent homes and told
their stay would be"temporary", pending the provision of proper housing.
However, the regimebroke its promise and people built the makeshift shacks
that were demolishedin an operation launched last week.

Sister Walsh,
who has worked in the extension for years, visited the shantytown after the
first raid on May 26.

"People were sleeping out in the open, many of them
sick, cold and hungry,"she said. Police returned on Sunday and Sister Walsh
said children werescreaming and sick people were in agony.

The nuns
had been helping 180 Aids orphans in the extension. They providedfood and
basic medical care for thousands. On police orders, they pulleddown their
creche and clinic and removed vital medicine.

Sister Walsh found two
orphans, Peter, 10, and John, four. "We had providedthem with a wooden hut
when their mother was dying and she died in themeantime. These two little
people had their little home destroyed.''

Mr Mugabe's latest palace, in
the style of a Chinese pagoda, is about a milefrom the extension.

The
townships overwhelmingly supported the opposition Movement forDemocratic
Change in the election in March. His critics believe that heordered the
demolitions as a reprisal.

Professor Moyo, through his lawyer Johannes Tomana wants the
Supreme Court to make it clear that the 10 chiefs in Parliament are not Zanu
PF 'MPs'. If granted, the declaration will prevent Zanu PF from pushing
ahead with planned constitutional amendments.

Zanu PF won 78 of the
120 contested parliamentary seats in March. President Robert Mugabe has the
power to appoint 12 non-constituency MPs and eight governors. Added
together, Zanu PF has claimed that it has 108 MPs, which give it a two
thirds majority and a licence to ammend the constitution.

Moyo's petition
is based on a document presented by the Zanu PF secretary for legal affairs
Patrick Chinamasa at the party's 162nd extraordinary session last week in
which he claimed the party had the constitutional force to amend the
constitution.

Acting on Chinamasa's advice, Zanu PF immediately set in
motion plans to amend the constitution and reintroduce the Senate which was
abolished soon after Independence in 1980.

Moyo says the Zanu PF two
thirds majority claims are "concocted", further describing them as a
"political fraud".

New Zimbabwe.com was unable to obtain the court
documents last night, but a Harare lawyer who read the petition said: "Prof
Moyo is arguing that the 10 chiefs are elected through their own electoral
college system (peers), and not through registered voters on the common
voters' roll.

"Therefore, they are not part of Zanu PF in terms of the
law and constitution, and if they are withdrawn from the Zanu PF numbers, it
leaves the party with 98 seats and short of the two thirds majority it
claims.

"Moyo also contends that Chinamasa misled his own party when he
said Zanu PF had 108 seats (78 elected, 10 chiefs, 8 governors and 12
non-constituency MPs). Moyo also states that the 12 non-constituency MPs and
eight governors are open to question as to whether they can be counted as
Zanu PF MPs," the lawyer said.

"His point is that they were appointed
to parliament by Mugabe as Head of State, and not as leader of Zanu PF which
therefore means they have a constitutional role in parliament rather than a
partisan, political-driven one. He points out that the apparent assimilation
of the chiefs, the governors and the non-constituency MPs into the Zanu PF
set up is through patronage arrangements which have no constitutional
force.

"Moyo wants the constitutional court to make it clear that while
the chiefs are free to vote with whichever political party, they are not
part of Zanu PF and their presence in Parliament cannot, therefore, be used
to boost Zanu PF numbers.

"Moyo contends that if Zanu PF manages to
effect constitutional amendments based on its highly questionable two thirds
majority, that would undermine the country's constitutional order and the
operations of our sovereign parliament."

Moyo expelled himself from
government when he rejected Mugabe's pleas not to stand as an independent
candidate in Tsholotsho, where he beat both the Zanu PF and opposition MDC
candidates for the seat.

In excess of one hundred riot police armed
with AK 47 assault rifles descended on the rented home of Chris and Elsie
Viljoen today.

Located along the Seke Road, the property,
consisting of a five-bedroom house and eight factories, was razed to the ground
by bulldozers under the supervision of the police. No warning was given, and
the reason cited for the destruction was that the property was "Too close to the
(Harare International) airport". The property has apparently been in place for
fifty years.

In a brief telephone interview, Mr Viljoen
indicated that very little property was able to be removed before the
onslaught. Virtually all personal effects, furniture and all internal
electrical appliances including the stove and micro-wave oven were destroyed in
the onslaught. Of the house and other buildings, only the foundations remain.
According to another source, hundreds of bystanders witnessed the
destruction.

Mr Viljoen indicated that his twin ten year
old sons were "highly traumatised" by the event and that he and his family were
staying in a backpackers accommodation that had been kindly opened up to them
for the night.

CAPE TOWN - Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa strongly
defended Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe at a meeting of the World
Economic Forum in Cape Town yesterday.

"Zimbabwe has a right to
manage its own affairs," Mkapa said yesterday.

In reply to a
journalist's question about his views on developments in Zimbabwe, Mkapa
said Mugabe's land-redistribution programme was, "returning the ownership of
the country to its people".

His remarks have confirmed further the
Southern African Development Community's reluctance to distance itself from
Mugabe on governance issues.

But the Tanzanian president's strident
remarks in support of Mugabe also run counter to the message that the World
Economic Forum is pushing at its Cape Town meeting - that of a continent
increasingly unprepared to tolerate poor governance.

Issues of
governance and accountability and how Africa can establish a common brand to
promote the continent to investors are the focus of talks at the Cape Town
meeting.

Tanzania has over the past decade established a good
reputation among investors for what is widely regarded as friendly
environment for business.

Mkapa said he felt emotional about Zimbabwe
and particularly about what he saw as the west's unjust criticism.

As
he would be leaving office when his term ended in a few months' time, he now
felt free to speak out on Zimbabwe.

The Tanzanian president said he
found "sanctimonious and pious declarations" by western countries about
Zimbabwe "totally abhorrent".

The alleged South African mercenaries recently freed from a
Zimbabwe prison are expected to appear in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court
this morning. They will be charged with contravening the Regulation of
Foreign Military Assistance Act.

The charges relate to an alleged
plot to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea. Sixty-one alleged
mercenaries were released from Zimbabwe's Chikurubi maximum security prison
outside Harare last month where they spent a year after being convicted of
violating Zimbabwe's immigration and security laws.

The group was
arrested at Harare International Airport last year when they apparently
landed to refuel and pick up military equipment. Zimbabwean authorities said
they were on their way to join 15 other alleged mercenaries - including
eight South Africans - arrested in Equatorial Guinea around the same time.
The group in Equatorial Guinea was convicted and given long prison sentences
for attempting to overthrow the country's long-time dictator, Teodoro Obiang
Nguema.

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) said it planned to
prosecute them in South Africa. The lawyer for the accused says the NPA has
rejected any plea bargain. The sixty-one are now likely to spend more time
behind bars - this time at home.

Coins to replace notesBY N LAWAHARARE - In a
desperate move Fidelity Printers, a subsidiary of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe{RBZ} is minting new Z$10000 and Z$5000 coins - to be injected into
the fiscal system by September this year, an official from the central bank
has said."The RBZ regularly reviews the note/coin periphery and denomination
mix based on the changes in inflation trends and the value of money. The
decision was made at a meeting held by the central bank recently to provide
an appropriate note and coin mix for the convenience of the
public."

The official said the average life span of the $20 000 bearer
cheque in circulation had been reduced to less than five months due to high
velocity of circulation.

"The cost of supplying notes to the public
has drastically increased, hence the decision to introduce coins which have
longer life span," the source said.

Alex Magaisa, a lecturer in
corporate and commercial law at the University of Nottingham said: "It is
important to maintain lower denominations, otherwise ordinary people will
incur huge losses. The introduction of coins and devaluation of Zimbabwean
dollar at the official level is simply an acknowledgement of the prevailing
economic realities, although it probably does note go far enough".

In this gently humorous article comparing
Bulawayo past and present, long-time Bulawayo citizen MARGARET KRIEL finds that
the new is as lovely, if different, from the old. However, the government’s
crackdown on informal sector trading could soon put an end to it all.

The CBD has moved - no longer does one buy one’s
furniture at Meikles, one’s lingerie at Haddon and Sly and one’s school uniforms
at Sanders!!

If you need a recharge card for your cell phone you will
find a willing seller sitting patiently at every robot, every intersection,
every cross roads in the city - one on each corner diagonally facing the
talk-hungry passengers in the vehicles, which hoot for attention. Nimble feet
dodge the traffic to sell you a card, in just the right amount of time it takes
for the traffic light to change (or who cares if it takes longer?)

If you
do not have a cell phone you can find a phone shop just about anywhere, phone
booths are a thing of the past, cos someone stole the phones.

I think the
most ingenious phone company I have ever seen is the one right outside the Post
and Telecommunications Building. There in the middle of the pavement is a table,
an umbrella and an array of bright blue telephones.

The lady takes your
money and times you with a stopwatch. It does not take a genius to see the wires
cunningly concealed under the tablecloth - leading into the storm drain and
possibly into the Posts and Telecommunications mainframe phone
system.

Now if you need flowers forget the once-famous Joan the Florist
or Wright's Florist, they no longer exist, BUT the City Hall flower sellers are
doing a roaring trade.

They no longer sell just loose flowers in
colourful plastic buckets - they have become talented florists in their own
right. You can buy anything from your entire wedding floral requirements
including the bride’s bouquet, to a funeral wreath, an upright arrangement
featuring proteas and gypsophila or a Valentine's posy with cellophane and satin
ribbon.

Morrison's and Zippers Dress Shops, where one could buy that
special imported outfit, no longer exist but there is always the Bend Over
Bazaar outside the City Revenue Hall.

Imported outfits abound here,
imported from China, Botswana and Swaziland. You can get some good bargains here
and the vendors are lovely people. If you need to try the garment on .... no
problem ... off the vendors' backs come the babies... dumped unceremoniously on
the floor and the towels used to tie baby on back, are smilingly held in a neat
square while you undress, in the middle of the market square, accompanied by a
great deal of appreciative clucking at how nice you look in your new
garment.

A hairdo is also hard to find these days unless you make an
appointment with Mark at least six weeks in advance. But if you stop off outside
the Renkini Bus Station or outside any suburban shopping centre, you can have
your hair braided beautifully (if you have about seven hours of spare time) or
if your hair is too short, you can have long extensions woven into your existing
locks. Right on the sidewalk in the nice open fresh air too, sitting comfortably
on a wooden crate.

Broken a heel on your shoe? Well don't worry about
trekking lopsidedly all the way to Jivans or Jacobs, there is bound to be a shoe
repairer in your neighbourhood, probably sitting right outside your garden, with
his various stiletto heels or pieces of leather from which to cut you a whole
new sole.

If you are looking for fuel, don't be daft and expect to find
it at the more traditional garages (service stations) like Dulys and Thelwalls,
pop into the alley behind any garage and there is bound to be an enterprising
fellow with a 44 gallon drum and a hose pipe.

What a tragedy that this way of life,
which has evolved naturally, gradually and beautifully over the 25 years of
Independence is now under threat of destruction, in the most cruel and vicious
manner, from the government of the day.

HARARE – The National Council of the MDC has
resolved to condemn in the strongest terms the continuing destruction of
informal sector businesses and homes in urban and peri-urban areas.

Over half of the economy of Zimbabwe is now
conducted in the informal sector, which consists of nearly 3 million individual
enterprises and supports the great majority of the people. With barely 8% of all
adult Zimbabweans in formal sector employment, the wholesale destruction of
these small family businesses is a betrayal of the principles of the liberation
struggle. The use of armed police to carry out this exercise and to intimidate
those affected reveals the true character of this regime.

We are working
with the suffering people of Zimbabwe and will continue to fight for their
rights and dignity. We want the people of Zimbabwe to have jobs, to be free
from hunger and to have the skills and opportunities to realise their dreams and
aspirations. We want for Zimbabwe what Africa’s progressive political leaders
want for the continent: plural democracies build on the social democratic
principles of solidarity, social justice, freedom and equality. We are fighting
for a new Zimbabwe, a new beginning for the people of Zimbabwe.

The
people whose homes and property have been destroyed are the victims and yet are
now being punished for trying to feed their families and for being suspected of
having voted for the MDC.

A government that destroys properties of people
who are trying to make an honest living is evil. In particular the Party objects
to the wholesale destruction of thousands of homes in urban areas. Many of these
were established with the support and assistance of Zanu (PF) cadres in their
efforts to win support in urban areas prior to the recent election.

These same people now find themselves, in the middle of winter, without
shelter - n provision has been made for alternative accommodation or shelter and
sanitation facilities. Thousands of children are now denied schooling or health
facilities.

The MDC Council resolved to demand that the Zanu PF regime
desist immediately from the continued destruction of informal sector business
and homes and assist those already affected with compensation for the losses
incurred to date and whatever help is needed to reestablish their shelter
needs.

The National Council is calling upon all Zimbabweans to contribute
to the struggle. We call on all Zimbabweans to mobilize against this assault on
their dignity, livelihoods and well-being. Mindful of its responsibilities to
the suffering people of Zimbabwe and in response to the agony expressed by the
victims of this regime’s brutality and cruelty, the MDC will employ appropriate
measures to redress this tragedy.

In addition the party will pursue all
avenues including mounting a legal campaign to secure the rights of those who
were operating within the law and to seek compensation for the massive losses
involved.

The Party also resolved to continue to press for a
Constitutional reform process that is transparent, inclusive and people driven.
The Council decried the efforts by Zanu (PF) to press for piecemeal amendments
to the present Constitution that do little to address the present economic and
political crisis.

Paul Themba Nyathi is the MDC Secretary for Information
and Publicity.

Debating Zimbabwe's futureBY DAVID SIMONLONDON -
The Open Forum 2005: Zimbabwe, South Africa and the region is to be held at
SOAS in London on 4 June. All those interested in Zimbabwe are urged to
attend.International media coverage of the recent Zimbabwean elections did
highlight human rights abuses, use of food aid as a political tool and other
aspects of the crisis. However, since then, news reportage has subsided and
international efforts to resolve the crisis seem to have lost momentum. The
Open Forum thus also offers a prominent London platform to refocus attention
on the Zimbabwean crisis.

The line-up of speakers includes Professor
Brian Raftopolous, of the Institute of Development Studies at the University
of Zimbabwe, who will no doubt draw attention to the education sector, a
crucial sector for future reconstruction efforts but one often left out of
discussions.

In common with other professionals accused of
anti-government sympathies or activities, teachers and academics are being
harassed and detained. Many well-qualified staff have left the country over
recent years to escape such a fate or because salaries, even for senior
staff, fall seriously short of a living wage.

As a leading
educational NGO, with a history rooted in the anti-apartheid struggle, the
Canon Collins Educational Trust for Southern Africa (CCETSA) is responding
to the situation in various ways. One of its principal activities has always
been the provision of individual postgraduate scholarships for promising
students from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Initially, these were all for
study in the UK but since the political transition in the region, funding
has been shifted progressively towards local universities, which are closer
to home and where lower costs enable more students to be supported with the
available funds. Accordingly, the Trust opened an office in Cape
Town.

In the last few years, the level of applications from Zimbabweans
has skyrocketed, and CCETSA initiated a new scheme in the UK specifically
for Zimbabweans. It is co-funded by the British government and is being
expanded, as are funded places in South African universities. CCETSA is also
increasing its educational sponsorship for Zimbabwean victims of human
rights abuse and their families, and will also be supporting appropriate
educational projects within the country.

David Simon, Professor of
Development Geography at Royal Holloway, University of London, is a CCETSA
Trustee and Management Committee member.

LONDON -
Speaking to a crowd of Zimbabweans demonstrating outside Zimbabwe House on
Africa Day, the UK MDC Chairman, Washington Ali, called on the signatories
of the OAU to adhere to its principles of freedom, peace and justice and
intervene in Zimbabwe."Africa Day is a very important day for African
countries and in particular Zimbabwe, we should be celebrating our right to
peace and justice but Zimbabweans are not enjoying these freedoms. We are
standing here today to fight against oppression, human rights abuses and
killing."

"The situation in Zimbabwe is a genocide in the making," said
secretary for Information and Publicity, Mathew Nyashanu.

The
demonstration was attended by an estimated 50 people, some of whom came from
as far away as Wales, Birmingham and Leicester.

The demonstrators
attracted a large number of passing pedestrians with their energetic dancing
and singing and many people signed the Vigil petitions.

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary - 28th MayLONDON - One of the
most animated Vigils for ages. A lovely, sunny - though blustery - day; with
Ephraim and Julius on the drums and Patson again leading the singing and
dancing enhanced by Dumi's flying dreadlocks. Well attended from beginning
to end and abuzz with street gossip from Zimbabwe. The word is that the
regime is now eating itself, destroying the informal economy and tearing
down the homes of the people.The Vigil is now turning its attention to our
new protest - directed at the meeting in London on 4th July of the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Our message will be directed
at South Africa for its failure to insist on good governance in Zimbabwe and
for its appalling treatment of Zimbabwean refugees. For the record: 36
people signed the attendance register today.

Police have chased them all awayBY LITANY BIRDDear
Family and Friends,

This week I find myself as a stranger in my hometown.
Familiar faces have gone, familiar stopping places have been demolished. Men
and women who would nod, wave and smile as I passed have disappeared and I
feel an overwhelming sadness at what has happened to them and to their
struggle to make a decent living in these most desperate of
times.

Around the corner from my home a woman used to sit on a concrete
block with her vegetables laid out for sale on a piece of cardboard in front
of her: butternuts, tomatoes and onions. She has gone, chased away by
police. At the end of the road a young woman, sometimes with her little boy
in his bright red jersey, sat on the ground under a tree with a few things
to sell to passers by.

She had pushed four sticks into the ground and
fashioned a little table to hold her products: popcorn, matches and
vegetables. Often her little boy would smile and wave when I passed by, but
they have gone, chased away by the police.

Outside the junior school
four women waited every day to sell their wares to parents and children when
the last bell of the day rang. They sold frozen drinks, toffees, peppermints
and bubble gum balls. They have gone, chased away by police. Opposite the
hospital eight or ten women, many with children at their feet or babies on
their backs, used to sell fruit and vegetables to nursing staff, patients
and visitors.

Their stalls were substantial - made of treated gum poles
with thick plastic sheeting overhead to protect them and their produce from
the weather. They have gone, chased away by the police.

On the main
road through town there were at least a dozen places where young men stood
with pockets of oranges, potatoes and butternuts for sale and on upturned
crates they had jars of golden nectar which they were adamant was honey but
we all knew was syrup.

They too have gone, chased away by police. Near
the main petrol station a group of men used to weave baskets, stools and
wicker chairs which they sold on the roadside along with hand woven rugs and
mats. For years those men have been there, their fingers twisting and
pulling the canes into intricate designs with such skill that it was a
delight to watch them work and an insult to bargain with them over their
prices when you knew how much work had gone into the finished
product.

These men too have gone, chased away by police. Outside the main
Post Office the woman with her battered enamel basin crowded with bananas
and twisted cones of newspaper filled with ground nuts or nyimo beans has
gone, chased away by the Police. In this case out of sight to the
authorities is not out of mind to us, the ordinary people.

What I am
describing is the tip of the iceberg. In towns and cities across the country
the police have embarked on what they call a clean up campaign. It is not
only street vendors who are having their stalls demolished and goods
confiscated - but also people who the police say have built illegal houses
in illegal areas.

On Thursday night I watched in shock as the main TV
news carried film footage of a crowd of riot police standing watching a
bulldozer demolishing "illegal houses". The camera focused on three young
children, one with a school satchel on her back, watching the brick house
being torn down; the walls were plastered and painted blue and I cried
inside knowing exactly how it feels to have the place you call home stolen
from you.

It is winter here in Zimbabwe. Last night the temperature
dropped to just seven degrees Centigrade. In Harare last night over 500
families spent their second night out in the open as their homes had been
demolished by police.

I have seen such cruelty and such a lack of
compassion and humanity this week that I cannot imagine which way now for
Zimbabwe. No one can understand what this is about or why it is happening
now.

There are already so few voices speaking out for the desperate
ordinary people in Zimbabwe that it is with overwhelming sadness that we
heard this week that Short Wave Radio Africa is about to stop broadcasting
as they have run out of money.

Through SW Radio Africa ordinary
people could tell of their own struggle to survive and for those of us who
have listened faithfully every night, I do not know how we will find the
courage to go on without our voice of hope. We feel more alone now than ever
before. Until next week, Ndini shamwari yenyu.

Last breeding stock killedEDITOR - I'm ex Concession
farming, now in US, hail from 1820 settler stock. Your summing up is spot on
- but what to do?What option do the workers have and how thick is the shoe
leather left - to walk to work?

And now Mugabe invites the ruthless
Chinese in. Every single thing they do is suicidal and yet he remains
'popular' in Africa?

I thought that "chain link fence" comment this week
about the Zimbabwean economy was such a great analogy. On one hand they want
white farmers back, but just look at what's happening on other farms . who
would go back?

Apart from that, it takes GENERATIONS to build farms and
you have to utterly dedicate your life and soul and cash to endlessly build
up from virgin land - what do you do if there is fearful erosion and how do
you cope with lawlessness and mass theft?

If commercial agriculture were to start again tomorrow - what would
the cost be to just repair the damage done in the past five years? What
about the generations to re-breed up seed, herds, fences, roads, power,
education, health not to mention the initiative, mindset and self-confidence
it takes to develop a place?

I wonder too if the present generation
aren't just too plain soft. The world has also lost the reservoir of farmers
that existed in Britain in early 1900s from which our pioneers were drawn.
It took 80 years to build our farms in Concession to the level they reached
and just a few weeks to destroy it all.

The last breeding herd of
Mashona cattle has been killed - so that's extinct now! So, it seems, are
"we". And I can never figure out WHY he did it!! What does he think he
"achieved"?

Results of continued brutalityThis section of our
series on the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe report
on violence and human rights violations in the 1980s looks at the
consequences for the entire country of continued brutality. The reports have
been shortened.In reality there were many more events, but these figures
give an indication. Eighty percent of all atrocities were committed by 5
Brigade. The CIO is the next highest, with 6.5%, followed by 'the army' with
4.5%. Dissidents committed only 2% of reported crimes.

The number
confirmed dead is over 2 000 and probably between 3 000 and 4 000. The
confirmed number of homesteads burnt is 680, and at least 10 000 people were
detained and 7 000 beaten or tortured. All these are conservative
figures.

Organized violence deliberately inflicts pain and suffering to
achieve a political objective. The most common type of physical torture
seems to be beating, and others include asphyxiation, suspension by arms or
legs, forced painful body postures, sexual torture and rape. All these types
of torture were reported during the 1980s in Zimbabwe. Eighty percent of
people reported beatings.

Studies of civilians who suffered in the
1970s War of Liberation show that many have permanent physical disabilities,
which make carrying loads, walking, chopping firewood and many other
activities difficult. There are also the more obvious disabilities such as
loss of eyesight, deafness, loss of limbs or paralysis of
limbs.

Deprivation is the deliberate withholding of something vital. The
food curfew in Matabeleland South in 1984 is a clear example. People were
also told not to seek medical help after beatings, and were kept in
deliberately overcrowded camps.

Witnessing - forcing people
to witness those they love or respect being tortured or executed - is an
effective way of destroying the morale of entire communities.

Another
cruel tactic, forced disappearances, rids the opposition of leadership and
causes huge distress. In Zimbabwe, disappearances occurred during the 1970s
when people went off to train and never returned. In the 1980s,
disappearances were used as a deliberate government strategy, particularly
around the election in 1985. There are several hundred disappeared persons
on record.

Consequences of organized violence

Torture causes
short-term and long-term physical and psychological damage, and organized
violence generally terrorizes whole communities and is a very effective way
of silencing political opposition. Sadly, the long-term effects can
profoundly affect people's abilities to lead full social lives.

They
remain afraid of officialdom, or even attending functions where there are
large numbers of people together. Studies in South Africa and Northern
Ireland show an increase in random violence and violent crimes in areas
where organized violence has been widespread. The transition from strong
repressive government to a weak democratic government can give rise to more
violence. There is also the problem of future generations wanting revenge
for the past.

There is cause for concern in Zimbabwe because of the
high numbers of survivors in the country. Many of these are survivors from
the 1980s violence and the impact has been enormous. The possibilities of
healing or repairing the damage are slim and require the input of resources
and good will by the authorities.

In terms of the Prescription Act,
claims for damages have to be made within three years. In the 1980s
disturbances people were too afraid to claim damages, or did not know how
to. Claims against torturers have also been made impossible by the amnesties
in 1982 and 1988.

Those who suffered violence and loss in the 1970s can
claim compensation through the War Victims Compensation Act. However, those
who suffered after 1980 are not included in terms of the fund. It is
nonetheless quite clear that many suffered huge material and personal
damage.

The Zimbabwean government itself stated in its report in 1996 to
the United Nations Commission on Human Rights that 'pursuant to the signing
of the Unity Accord in 1987, [the Government] had decided to compensate all
families with missing relatives, regardless of whether there were court
proceedings concerning the circumstances of the disappearance'.

This
remains to be legally enforced by families of missing people. The damages
due in all currently documented cases are conservatively estimated at more
than US$68 000000. It is suggested that this amount, sourced from government
and international donors as a basic minimum, be used to establish a
Reconciliation Trust to provide communal reparation for those regions which
suffered in the 1980s.

Throughout Matabeleland and in parts of the
Midlands, communities are disturbed by the presence of mass graves, shallow
graves and human remains in mine shafts. Reburying the dead could help heal
the suffering of families, and help establish causes of death and therefore
the truth about the history of the region. Importantly it would encourage
the rest of the nation to acknowledge this history.

Playing with Fire - Part 15Continuing the Zimbabwe
Institute report on human rights abuses inflicted on opposition MPs and
election candidates - the accounts of 11 more MDC MPs.Makwembere, Bethel:
Mkoba, MP

On February 11, 2002 Makwembere reported that Zanu (PF) youths
stoned his house. His two sons fled the country after threats on their
lives.

Mangono, Silas: Masvingo Central, MP, Shadow Minister of
Transport

Mangono was arrested for alleged involvement in the March
18-19, 2003 mass stay away. He was arrested again with 24 other MDC
supporters on June 2 in Masvingo on a peaceful march. They were released
without charges after spending several nights in police cells without access
to lawyers and food.

Masaiti was arrested in April
2000 on allegations of kidnapping two war veterans in Mutasa. The next month
her home was petrol-bombed and, after a warning of more attacks by Zanu (PF)
supporters, her vehicle and 18 homes of relatives and supporters were
torched. Two years later, on the eve of the presidential election, she was
beaten by soldiers with rifle butts at Ruda police station.

In
December 2002, her Parliamentary Constituency Office at Hauna Growth point
was forcibly closed. It was finally agreed that the council would offer her
another office, but this has not been done. On February 14, 2003, she and 58
other women were arrested and detained for two hours when they tried to hand
in a letter at the UN offices in Harare.

Mashakada, Tapiwa: Hatfield,
MP, Shadow Minister of Finance

In May 2001, some 50 armed police without
a search warrant ransacked Mashakada's home, found a rifle belonging to his
security officer and accused him of being a terrorist. At his first court
appearance the charge of having an unregistered firearm was dismissed. In
September 2002 police, again without a warrant, searched his home, claiming
he was involved in the death of a Zanu (PF) activist. He was charged with
murder and interrogated for three days in police cells before the murder
charge was switched to bombing a radio station. Eventually that charge was
also dropped.

Mhashu, Fidelis: Chitungwiza, Member of National
Executive

In April 2003, 15 armed men, 14 of them in army uniform,
ransacked Mhashu's home while he was out of the country, severely assaulted
three male relatives, and stole Z$270,000.

Arrested on
January 20, 2003 and detained for 48 hours on allegations of being involved
in plans for an NCA-organised mass stay away, Mupariwa was released without
charge. On March 16, 2003 Zanu (PF) activists ambushed and fired on the car
in which Mupariwa and Job Sikhala were travelling, forcing the MPs to flee
into a maize field.

Three days later, 60 armed people in military uniform
ransacked and vandalised Mupariwa's home, beat up a relative and threatened
to beat and rape Mupariwa and her 9-year-old daughter.

Musekiwa,
Tafadzwa: Zengeza, MP, Member of National Executive

Fled to Britain
because of continual and has since resigned from
Parliament.

Some 20 armed soldiers, spilling from
Presidential Guard army vehicles, broke up a celebratory rally in
Mushoriwa's constituency after the 2000 elections. They beat Mushoriwa on
the testicles and ribs and vandalised his car.

In October 2001
Mushoriwa was held in police cells overnight on grounds he had caused
disturbances when Zanu (PF) youths fired on his car. Arrested again in
March, he spent another night in cells. The charges have never been
pursued.

On the evening of June 1, 2003, just before an
anti-government mass action protest, Mushoriwa's car was again fired on from
two trailing vehicles. As he walked to central Harare for the protest the
next day, he was attacked by 15 Zanu (PF) youths, all holding communication
radios. Mushoriwa says police only intervened when a crowd
gathered.

On April 15, 2001 Zanu (PF) youths and War
Veterans deflated Mutsekwa's vehicle tires. On January 6, 2002 Zanu (PF)
youths and War Veterans violently broke up a public constituency meeting and
stoned cars. He was arrested during MDC-organised mass stay aways in March
and June 2003, but not charged.

Mzila-Ndlovu was arrested in April 2001 for allegedly
defaming Robert Mugabe and detained overnight in Gwanda. That November, 12
armed men arrested him, initially on murder charges, later changed to
kidnapping. He was held in several police camps for five days, stripped
naked and flogged.

In June 2001, four Zanu (PF)
youth militia members sideswiped Nyathi's vehicle in Bulawayo, causing it to
roll into the ditch. After numerous death threats at his home, his wife and
daughters fled to Britain. In August 2002, Nyathi was interrogated by Gwanda
police for allegedly calling for the violent overthrow of Mugabe's regime.
In April 2003 he was arrested on charges of organising a mass political
action and held in police custody in appalling conditions for four days.
That September he was interrogated by police about adverts in the Daily News
during the two earlier mass actions. To date, no charges have been
filed.

1st hand account of Police brutalityBY FRANK
CHIKOWOREFreelance journalist FRANK CHIKOWORE was arrested by the ZRP last
week for filming police details while they raided flea market vendors in
Harare's central business district. Here we continue his harrowing account
of his ordeal.They forced me to sit on the pavement at Angwa Flea
Market, just opposite the Angolan Embassy. Then they threw me into the back
of a police truck loaded with raided goods and we headed to Harare Central.
They took me to the backyard where I was put in the hands of one police
officer.

Unlike the rest of the cops, who were now busy admiring their
loot, the man tried to comfort me. He said he didn't like what they were
doing to me, but it was on the orders of his superiors. He allowed me to
contact my lawyers and they arrived 10 minutes later.

A 'senior' cop
then intervened and told me to keep quiet. I could hear the voices of my
lawyers but I could not call them. The barrel of a gun was less than 50cm
away.

Then I was taken inside, where, accidentally, we met the lawyers
who were looking for me everywhere. In pain as I was, and with the weather
chilly, they forced me to sit on cold floor in full view of my lawyers. The
lawyers tried to phone senior officers of the Criminal Investigations
Department Law and Order Section - but the only official who came said he
had "no powers" to release me.

They confiscated my bag - containing a
video camera, two short-hand notebooks, and the state outline of the court
case involving former finance minister Christopher Kuruneri, an email
printout of notes on Kuruneri's court case and a blank computer
disk.

One of the details then made a "formal" application for my
detention for the night for violating AIPPA. The lawyers were quick to ask
him under which section. The officer, who was writing in broken English on
the application, just replied "AIPPA is AIPPA".

They ordered me to
remove my shoes, socks and belt. I looked for the belt but it was not there.
It fell to pieces when the police were assaulting me. The freezing weather
did not mean anything to them. They told me to remove my jacket (which was
now torn as a result of the beatings). I asked if I could be allowed to
remove my shirt instead of the jacket and, for the first time, they listened
to me. I was taken into the holding cell.

I could not sleep. It was
overcrowded and stinking. The other inmates were at each other's throats,
scrambling for the tiny space available. I could only stand for the whole
night, with no blanket. I could hear prisoners in other cells
screaming.

Some inmates claimed they had been in custody for over a week
with no food. One street kid, who claimed that he was arrested for public
violence two days earlier, said he would rather be in the street as at
least, there, he could access food thrown into rubbish bins by the
public.

The next day I spent the whole day, with my lawyers in the office
of the Investigating Officer (IO), who kept saying that the "chefs are in a
meeting discussing your case".

At around 1500 hours the IO asked me
to re-play the recorded material on my camera. They had obviously failed to
operate it. Modern technology! I played the camera and he took it to his
bosses again. He came back after about 45 minutes. The lawyers knew he was
just buying time in order to detain me for another night. NOT AGAIN
please!

At around 1850 hours, I was called by the Officer Commanding the
CID Law and Order Section, who told me they could see no reason to keep me
in custody but would confiscate the Kuruneri court document - the state
outline, itself a public document - and my email printout. I agreed and left
quickly.

I now fear for my life. I have not seen my family members since
my release from police custody. They are all afraid. Is this the
independence that our fathers fought for during the liberation struggle? Is
the media in Zimbabwe independent when journalists are arrested, harassed
and assaulted willy-nilly by an uncaring police force that has a mandate to
protect the same journalists and vendors whom it victimizes?

I am not
the only one who has suffered - I think of former Daily News photographer
Virginia Mauluka, my colleague Tsvangirai Mukwazhi and many others who have
been arrested on countless occasions.

As I write, the back part of my
foot is swollen and I cannot put on a closed shoe because of the assault.
But when reporters write that human rights are being abused in Zimbabwe, our
government is quick to condemn them. Non-governmental organizations are
raided at random because they register their discomfort over human rights
issues. Shame. Cry my beloved country. Zvichanaka nerimwe zuva! (The
situation will return to normal one day)

Youth party formedBY OWN CORRESPONDENTHARARE - A
new political party, The Zimbabwe Youth in Alliance, has been formed on a
platform of advocating a return to democracy, increased participation by
young people in public life, and rejoining the Commonwealth. The party
manifesto also calls for the restoration of agricultural productivity by
both increasing support for resettled farmers and encouraging a return to
the industry of existing and displaced white farmers and their evicted
workers."We are a new party advocating for youthful ideas and new leadership
in Zimbabwe," said party secretary general, Moses Mutyasira, who ran as a
candidate for Buhera North in the March parliamentary elections. "We will
continue to lobby for democratic change."

In its manifesto, the party
deplores the current dire state of education in Zimbabwe at all levels, and
pledges to stop the practice of the governing Zanu (PF) elite grabbing
scholarships to send their children to foreign universities. "The party will
forthwith deny scholarships to study abroad for families of government
ministers and their associates who have been abusing such a facility for
many years," the manifesto says. "Education must be the preserve of all
Zimbabweans, regardless of their social standing in society."

On land
reform, the party says that young Zimbabweans have not benefited. It pledges
to ensure support for resettled farmers, and adds, "All stakeholders,
including existing and displaced white farmers and ex-farm workers will be
incorporated in the turn around of the agricultural sector in the
country."

The youth party pledges to work with the millions of
Zimbabweans in the diaspora to help solve the economic crisis. "All efforts
will be made to consult and engage Zimbabweans in the diaspora on the way
forward for Zimbabwe (rather) than to take a confrontational approach that
the current regime has adopted."

The party would also seek to
normalize relations with the Western nations - regularly attacked by Robert
Mugabe - and with the IMF and the World Bank. It says it does not support
the withdrawal from the Commonwealth by Mugabe after observers from the
largely Asian and African body ruled that the last presidential election in
which he claimed victory was flawed.

Other aims include making
traditional chiefs - now an important arm of Zanu (PF) - politically
non-partisan and setting up a 'Traditional Governance Council' which would
have an advisory capacity.

The youth alliance's stance on the informal
sector and cross border trading also contrasts with the current crackdown by
police on flea markets and street traders. "ZIYA will ensure access to loans
for the purposes for the purposes of developing cross-border trading and
informal sector growth."