The Communist Party’s Reform Punt

Faced with a chance to be decisive, Chinese leaders opted for default-plus. This was a transition, not a transformation—a switchover instead of something that might have been earth-shaking.

Zuma Press

The newly elected members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau emerge at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Thursday.

There’s a decidedly conservative cast to the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee unveiled Thursday in Beijing. The candidates that might have carried reform further—people such as Organization Department head Li Yuanchao and Guangdong Party chief Wang Yang—did not win spots in the Party’s preeminent decision-making body. Political restructuring is clearly on hold: Those arguing for an expansion of the Communist Party’s role—from the economy to culture, and a good deal in-between—won their places and the present day.

Advertisement

But like everything in Chinese politics these days, it’s complicated. In a move with the potential implications for where the Party goes next, former Party chief Hu Jintao resigned as Chairman of the important Central Military Commission—a break with precedent established by previous leaders Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.

It was probably uneasiness that compelled the Party to continue to keep Chinese politics safe from real reform. The Bo Xilai scandal and an unsteady economy combined with uncertain signals from the top about the actual political direction pretty much ensured steadiness would rule.

New leader Xi Jinping’s made a point in his first speech as head of the Communist Party to express concern for the lives and needs of regular Chinese people – a sign that he wants the Party to pay more attention to a public unhappy with the current state of governance where education, healthcare and the environment is concerned. The disgruntled in society are going to be heard more often and louder than the disadvantaged.

At the same time, there was a lot in Xi’s address that indicated that the Party doesn’t have to be bolder, just better. The self-congratulations about the “courage, bravery, and wisdom of the great Chinese people” betray a sense of contentment about what Beijing has already accomplished.

In another sign of reluctance, the larger Politburo remained at its previous size of 25, disappointing those who had hoped for an expansion of democracy within the party. Nearly half of the cohort were the same faces, and they’re likely to go through the same paces.

What’s especially interesting is Hu’s abrupt departure from the Central Millitary Commission, leaving the seat to Xi instead of holding on tight. Jiang Zemin’s refusal to give up the same post 10 years ago was controversial, and undermined Hu’s attempts to consolidate power. With Hu stepping down, Xi will have less to worry about in terms of political challenges. But it also makes Xi and his allies immediately responsible for forging the sort of modernization that will keep the military in line.

We finally know who will lead the Party and the nation for the next few years. The question is whether the cautious and the conservative approach is going to be enough to meet the challenges that Hu left behind, and to convince those who wanted more reform to go quiet.

Russell Leigh Moses is the Dean of Academics and Faculty at The Beijing Center for Chinese Studies. He is writing a book on the changing role of power in the Chinese political system.

Expert Insight

China’s territorial ambitions in the East and South China seas are by now well-documented. Much less understood is one of the key factors in the country’s ability to realize those ambitions: an increasingly well-funded and capable maritime militia.

The U.S. has been urging allies to steer clear of Asia's new China-led infrastructure investment bank. Robert Zoellick, former president of the World Bank, calls that approach mistaken on multiple levels.

Can legal reform and Communist Party control coexist in a way that will benefit Chinese governance and society?This is the question that confronts the country in the wake of its annual legislative gathering.

China's just-concluded legislative sessions seem to be another example of the deinstitutionalization of politics under Xi Jinping. Months from now, these meetings won’t be seen as harbingers of reform, so much as another lost opportunity, writes CRT analyst Russell Moses.

About China Real Time Report

China Real Time Report is a vital resource for an expanding global community trying to keep up with a country changing minute by minute. The site offers quick insight and sharp analysis from the wide network of Dow Jones reporters across Greater China, including Dow Jones Newswires’ specialists and The Wall Street Journal’s award-winning team. It also draws on the insights of commentators close to the hot topic of the day in law, policy, economics and culture. Its editors can be reached at chinarealtime@wsj.com.