A colony for 50 years, federated , Unified to Ethiopia , in 1991's seceded after three decades of rebellion. Since 1998 Eritrea is at War, harboring proxy warriors especially the notorious Al- Shabab. Torture ,imprisonment , thousands fleeing, no religious freedom , the only university is closed, everybody is in the army, No Parliament, No election, No functioning institution, No free press & all living journalists are in prison. Eritrea is called the North Korea of Africa.

Saudi Arabia appears intent on reaching across the Red Sea to build alliances in the Horn of Africa, where piracy, drug and weapons smuggling, and terrorism threaten commerce in the world's busiest shipping lanes.

This was evident during the Saudis' intervention in Yemen. Over the past year, they built a coalition of African partners to help dislodge Houthi rebels who were in control of most of the country, including the capital, Sana'a.

Eritrea played a key role, although it was not technically part of the Saudis' 12-nation coalition. Eritrea allowed the United Arab Emirates to use an airbase and logistics hub in the port town of Assab. The two countries also shared intelligence.

"Peace and stability in the Horn of Africa is very important for us," Brigadier General Ahmed al-Assiri, a military adviser for the Saudi minister of defense, told VOA in a recent interview. "This is why we coordinate with Eritrea, with Djibouti, with Ethiopia, with Somalia, with the legitimate governments of Yemen and Sudan, to make sure that this area is controlled and secured to avoid ... trans-border crimes."

Countering Iran

Analysts say the Saudis' interest in the Horn of Africa is an extension of their intense competition with Iran for influence in the Middle East.

Phillip Smyth, a research associate at the University of Maryland and an adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, says the Saudi diplomatic surge in Africa is specifically aimed at countering Iranian influence.

"The Saudis are now aggressively reaching out to any state [in the Horn of Africa and beyond] that may have actually had any contact with the Iranians or have dealt with the Iranians," Smyth said, "in order to bring them under their wing and demonstrate that [Saudi Arabia] can actually function as a regional hegemon [significant regional power]."

Smyth noted the Saudi outreach includes Sudan, a historical ally of Iran, which recently received approximately $5 billion in military aid from Saudi Arabia and was part of the Saudi coalition in Yemen.

The Saudi arms deal with Sudan really is an accomplishment, Smyth said, "in terms of countering [Iranian influence] in the African Horn region."

There also are reports that Saudi Arabia has promised $50 million to Somalia if Somalia severs diplomatic ties with Iran.

Same side as U.S.

Observers find these new alignments interesting because, from a broader perspective, they put countries like Eritrea and Sudan on the same side as the United States, which supports both the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and the coalition against Islamic State (IS). These may be some of the few things Eritrea, Sudan and the U.S. agree on in terms of international policy.

FILE - A Shiite fighter known as a Houthi stands guard in front of buildings destroyed by a Saudi-led airstrike in Sana'a, Sept. 5, 2015.

In fighting IS, "the main jihadist enemy," Ambassador Herman Cohen, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs, says the United States is "relying ... on Arab nations, especially the Sunni Arab nations led by Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Kuwait and Jordan."

"And here we have Eritrea aligning itself with the same coalition," Cohen told VOA. "So, therefore, the United States and Eritrea are on the same side."

Cohen, who has long advocated improved U.S.-Eritrean relations, believes Asmara and Washington can develop closer ties if current trends continue.

"Eritrea and the United States should be working together and not be angry at each other and not having normal relations," he said. "It doesn't make sense for either side."

In an interview on Eritrean national television in January, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki seemed to hint at a willingness for increased regional engagement.

"Without taking limit, scope and size into consideration, collaboration of the regional countries is key," he said, referring to Eritrea's involvement in the Yemen coalition. "We can say that the announcement of this Saudi-led anti-terrorism effort is a small part of a bigger plan."

Saturday, March 26, 2016

It isn’t always easy to do business in Eritrea but the Bisha mines, a joint Eritrean-Canadian operation, are an exception. They are also a bright spot for Eritrea’s economy and have contributed more than 800 million dollars to the state’s coffers.

The mines, a five-hour drive from the capital Asmara towards the Sudanese border, are Eritrea’s first mines in full production and the authorities hope they can boost the economy in a country where people earn an average of just three US dollars a day.

Jointly owned by the Eritrean state and Canadian company Nevsun, the mines first produced gold and are now yielding copper and zinc. There are hopes there could be more minerals to extract in the region.

Senior planning engineer Abdoulkarim Sidibe, from Mali, is among the foreign workers employed on the site.

But to work in Eritrea you have to accept certain conditions.

“The main objective of the state is to train Eritrean workers so after some time they’ll replace the expatriates,” he says. “If I want to extend my contract I need to train Eritreans.”

Eritrea says it hopes to have four mines in operation by 2018 as it seeks to exploit the country’s rich mineral deposits.

Click on the video player above to watch FRANCE 24's full report from Eritrea.

An Eritrean woman living in Eilat has been arrested on suspicion of personally performing a circumcision on her four-year-old son.

The boy's nursery school teacher called police and welfare authorities after examining the boy when she saw him limp, and saw that he suffered an injury to his penis. He was taken to hospital, released later the same day and placed in foster care, in addition to his siblings.

Police then went to arrest the boy's mother, who has said that what she did is an acceptable tradition in Eritrea.

The woman's public defender, Nimrod Aviram, said that no translator accompanied the police and consequently, a confrontation ensued in the confusion when they arrived because she was afraid the officers would seize her children.

As a result the woman is now being held on three counts, suspicion of causing serious bodily harm, assaulting a police office and interfering with an arrest. A court ordered her held in custody through Monday, and oמ Monday the court extended her arrest until Wednesday.

A judge rejected a police request to arrest her partner on suspicion of child abuse on grounds that another child in the home had marks on his chin and another a bite mark which the mother allegedly admitted to causing.

Aviram said he hoped the woman would not be indicted. "It sounds shocking to perform a circumcision without anaesthesia but if you think about how if he were a helpless baby it's okay, acceptable, we never thought about how, you do a brit, nobody would challenge that although it is clear that this baby couldn't give his consent and if he could be asked he wouldn't give his consent."

Leonardo Cohen, a lecturer in Ethiopian studies at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, told Haaretz that the woman's defense had a factual basis, because in Ethiopia and Eritrea some circumcise boys as babies but others perform the ritual at a later age.

Tuesday, March 15, 2016

Brussels (HAN) March 10,2016. Public Diplomacy & Regional Security News. The European Parliament,– having regard to its previous resolutions on Eritrea, in particular those of 7 February 2002(1), 18 November 2004(2) and 15 September 2011(3) on the human rights situation in the country, including the case of Dawit Isaak,

– having regard to United Nations Security Council resolutions 751 (1992), 1882 (2009), 1907 (2009), 2023 (2011) and 2244 (2015), which extended the arms embargo on Eritrea until 15 November 2016, and to the report of 19 October 2015 of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea,

– having regard to the report submitted to the Human Rights Council on 19 June 2015 by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, Sheila B. Keetharuth,

– having regard to the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement (the Cotonou Agreement), as revised in 2005 and 2010, to which Eritrea is a signatory,

– having regard to Council Decision 2010/127/CFSP of 1 March 2010 concerning restrictive measures against Eritrea(4), amended by Council Decision 2010/414/CFSP of 26 July 2010(5) and further amended by Council Decision 2012/632/CFSP of 15 October 2012(6),

– having regard to the conclusions of Scrutiny Working Group A of the Committee on Development of the European Parliament of 11 November 2015,

– having regard to the statement by the spokesperson of the European External Action Service (EEAS) on political prisoners in Eritrea of 18 September 2014,

– having regard to the EEAS report on the Eritrea-European Union Partnership of 2015,

– having regard to the UN Women Country Report on the Government of the State of Eritrea of June 2014,

– having regard to the National Indicative Programme for Eritrea under the 11th European Development Fund of 3 February 2016,

– having regard to the statement to the media made by the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea on 8 June 2015,

– having regard to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,

– having regard to the declarations of 23 November 2011 and 25 June 2013 by the Co‑Presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly on the situation of human rights in Eritrea,

– having regard to its debate of 27 May 2015 on EU development aid to Eritrea in the light of documented human rights abuses,

– having regard to the Constitution of Eritrea adopted in 1997, which guarantees civil liberties, including freedom of religion,

– having regard to International Labour Organisation Conventions No 29 concerning forced labour, No 105 concerning abolition of forced labour and No 87 concerning freedom of association and protection of the right to organise,

– having regard to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981,

– having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966,

– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948,

– having regard to Rule 123(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas the EU has been supporting Eritrea since its independence from Ethiopia in 1993; whereas the initial promise of democracy and the rule of law following the country’s independence has been inhibited by the Government of Eritrea on the pretext of national defence and national service; whereas presidential elections planned for 1997 never took place, and whereas the constitution ratified in the same year has never been implemented; whereas the regional elections of 2009 have yet to be held; whereas even before the National Assembly was disbanded in 2002, laws were passed by government decree;

B. whereas Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia in 1993 created expectations within the international community and among the people of Eritrea that this would help the latter to build a country that respects human rights and is free of repression; whereas this has not happened, but instead there has been even greater repression and even more violations of human rights;

C. whereas the report by the UN Special Rapporteur noted that Eritrea has one of the worst human rights records in the world, with routine human rights violations taking place every day and no improvement recorded in recent years; whereas many young people have fled the country to escape the repressive government and mandatory military conscription, which often starts at a very young age, whereas the statute of an 18-month period of service is often flouted, with most Eritreans serving indefinitely, and whereas such an extended mandatory military conscription inhibits the country’s potential economic growth; whereas any increase in the national service salary is meaningless as the recent devaluation of the nakfa and bank restrictions have led to a current deficiency in the country; whereas many conscripts are used as forced labour and given civilian duties; whereas the majority of those in national service remain in a situation of slavery, in which any work, job applications and the possibility of having a family life are controlled; whereas freedom of worship and conscience, freedom of the media and freedom of expression are not guaranteed;

D. whereas the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea has found that the violations in the areas of extrajudicial executions, torture (including sexual torture and sexual slavery), national service as a form of slavery, forced labour and the shoot-to-kill policy at the border may constitute crimes against humanity;

E. whereas Human Rights Watch stresses that there is no freedom of religion in Eritrea; whereas the government severely harasses citizens who practise religions other than the four it recognises; whereas even in the case of recognised religions the government interferes with people’s religious practice;

F. whereas homosexual activities are illegal in Eritrea, and the government refuses to implement anti-discrimination legislation to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) persons;

G. whereas discrimination and violence against women are present in all areas of Eritrean society; whereas women are not only at extreme risk of sexual violence within the military and in military training camps, but also in society at large, where violence against women is perpetrated in an environment of impunity; whereas an estimated 89 % of girls in Eritrea have undergone Female Genital Mutilation (FGM); whereas in March 2007 the government issued a proclamation declaring FGM a crime, prohibiting its practice and sponsoring education programmes discouraging the practice over that year; whereas women can lose their entitlement to food coupons and access to land;

H. whereas a huge number of Eritrean people are arrested for various unjustifiable reasons such as expressing independent views or without any explicit justification, and thus for unspecified time periods; whereas detainees, including children, are held in extremely harsh conditions which in some cases amount to torture and denial of medical care; whereas female detainees are often guarded by male officers, thus increasing the risk of sexual and gender-based violence; whereas, according to the Freedom House Index (report 2015), Eritrea continues to rank among the most repressive media environments and received the lowest score possible which ranked it as the ‘worst of the worst’ and has one of the lowest internet access rates – only 1 % – in the world;

Friday, March 11, 2016

March 10, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – Ethiopian Prime Minister on Thursday said his country hasn’t made any change of policy towards its long-time rival Eritrea.

Ethiopian prime minister Haile Mariam Desalegn (Photo: Getty Images)

Hailemariam Desalegn made the remarks today at a parliamentary session while presenting a semi-annual report to Ethiopian MPs’.

The premier told the lawmakers that Ethiopia will remain firm and won’t drop the “Five Point Peace Plan” position it issued in November 2004 as a way forward to resolve the deadlock.

Ethiopia’s long-standing policy calls on arch-rival Eritrea to engage in dialogue without conditions although it occasionally loosens that position.

However, Eritrea insists Ethiopia must accept in principle the international border commission’s ruling which favoured Eritrea’s position.

The Ethiopia-Eritrea border commission ruling then awarded the flash point, Badme town to the Red Sea nation. But Ethiopia refused to withdraw its forces from the town demanding for more bilateral dialogue to resolve the standoff.

Hailemariam said Ethiopia will continue to work on normalising relations with Eritrea.

He however accused the regime in Asmara of hijacking the efforts of normalizing ties between the peoples of the two countries.

The Ethiopian premier on Thursday once again threatened that his country would continue to take “proportionate” military actions against Eritrea if Asmara continuous the acts of provocation and destabilization of Ethiopia.

But, he reaffirmed that any retaliatory action will be in accordance with international rules and laws.

The Premier has also responded to query from an MP with regard to the recent cross border mass kidnappings carried out by Eritrean soldiers against dozens of Ethiopian miners near the shared border.

With that regard, Hailemariam hinted Ethiopia was considering retaliatory action to rescue the captives had Eritrea failed to free them.

“They [Eritrean authorities] have immediately freed the captives. Should they fail to do so they well know what consequences would have followed” Hailemariam told the parliament.

“Our policy is crystal clear and we will firmly continue it” He added.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister has also responded to a number of questions raised by MPs.

Questions covered a range of areas including the recent unrest in parts of the country, transport problems, good governance, on mega projects under construction such as hydro power, sugar, and railway.

Monday, March 7, 2016

This is a story about a Canadian mining company that chose to do business with Eritrea. It is a story about corporate greed hiding behind grandiose statements of upholding “liberal democratic values” and being “a source of good for Eritrea.” It is a story about three Eritreans—Gize Yebeyo Araya, Kesete Tekle Fhazion and Mihretab Yemane Tekle—who took on the multinational corporation on behalf of “all conscripts in the National Service Program who worked in the Bisha Mine from 2008 to the present.” [1] It is a story about a corporation that is on the wrong side of history. Here is Part 1.

Part 1: The Two Faces of Nevsun Resources

Nevsun Resources, Ltd. is a Canadian mining company based in Vancouver. According to its website, “Nevsun’s vision is to maximize long term community benefits and shareholder value in the sustainable development of mineral resources – wherever it operates.” Nevsun’s website promotes a company seeped in the values of high safety standards for its workers, human rights, integrity, accountability, and community empowerment. [2]

Cliff T. Davis is the CEO of Nevsun Resources. His bio indicates that he was appointed CEO of the company after having served as Executive VP and Chief Financial Officer since 2002 and CFO from 1994 to 2000. His tenure at Nevsun was interrupted for two years beginning in 2000 to serve as Chairman and CEO of Napier Environmental Technologies, a public chemical manufacturing company. His total compensation as CEO for Nevsun is over six million dollars.

Nevsun’s website differs from many other multinational corporate websites, in that there is a great deal of content dedicated to extolling its “corporate social responsibility.” Why?

Nevsun Mining has been accused by former Eritrean mineworkers of using forced labor from Eritrea’s National Service Program (NSP).

Gize Yebeyo Araya, Kesete Tekle Fshazion and Mihretab Yemane Tekle, have filed a claim against Nevsun Resources, stating that they worked at the mine against their will and were subject to “cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment”. The three plaintiffs say that they were forced to work long hours a lived in constant fear of threats of torture and intimidation.

Nevsun has rejected the allegations as “unfounded.” According to CEO Cliff T. Davis, “the Bisha Mine has adhered at all times to international standards of governance, workplace conditions, and health and safety”.

On the side of the three plaintiffs, however, is the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. The Commission cited Nevsun’s mine, Bisha Mine, in its 2015 report on human rights absuses in Eritrea. According to the report, Nevsun, in violation of international law, “the Human Rights Commission collected evidence that forced labour occurred in the context of the development and exploitation of the Bisha mine, 150 km west of Asmara, which to date is the only mine in operation in Eritrea.”

The lawsuit filed by the three Eritrean plaintiffs alleges that by entering a commercial relationship with the Eritrean government, Nevsun “aided, abetted, contributed to and became an accomplice to the use of forced labor, crimes against humanity and other human rights abuses at the Bisha mine.”

What is the nature of Nevsun Resources’ relationship with the Government of Eritrea? Is Nevsun’s partnership with the Eritrean Government promoting what CEO Clive T. Davis calls “liberal democratic values,” or aiding, abetting and contributing to human rights abuses against the Eritrean people and crimes against humanity? Is Nevsun Resources accountable for the actions of Segen Construction, the company owned by Eritrea’s ruling party that provides labor for the mine? What is the role of the Canadian Government in enforcing international legal standards of human rights of companies registered in Canada? Is Nevsun Resources undermining Canada’s global reputation as a defender of international human rights? Is Nevsun’s self-promotion of its identity as a socially responsible corporation authentic or a façade to hide behind in the interest of profit?

Friday, March 4, 2016

DJIBOUTI (Xinhua) -- Djibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh has said that the release of Djiboutians held in Eritrea remain the first precondition for the restart of talks to resolve a territorial dispute between his country and Eritrea, an official source said."The resolution of the dispute between Eritrea and my country will depend on the release of Djiboutian soldiers," Guelleh said on Monday in Doha during his three-day visit to Qatar, the mediator in the dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti.

The president made the remarks during his meeting with Qatar Emir Tamin Bin Hamad Al Thani in Doha.

He reminded the Emir that the refusal by Eritrea to give information on the state of the imprisoned Djiboutian soldiers was a source of "unbearable pain for their families."

The two men agreed on the "need to end the prevailing situation of no war and no peace between Djibouti and Eritrea."

Guelleh used the opportunity to thank the Emir of Qatar for his tireless efforts in the mediation of the dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea.In 2008, a territorial dispute caused a three-day armed conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea.

Tuesday, March 1, 2016

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) - A new report by a regional bloc says human smugglers are increasingly using Eritrean diplomats to traffic people to Europe.

The report by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in East Africa includes the names and photos of alleged smuggling kingpins who dominate the illicit trade that has led to the flow of nearly 39,000 Eritreans to Europe.

The report, which was co-authored by the group SAHAN Foundation, said that smugglers inside Eritrea rely on the services of Eritrean diplomats in Sudan and Libya, two of the countries through which Eritreans are trafficked on their way to Europe. The diplomats were not identified.

Biniam Berhe, a political officer at Eritrea's African Union mission here, said the report is "utterly false, preposterous and irresponsible."

Copyright 2016 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

"Ethiopia on Thursday threatened to take actions against neighbouring Eritrea over what Addis Ababa said was in response to latest aggression by president Issayas Afeworki-led regime in Asmara.

Eritrea, which borders Sudan and Ethiopia, has been dubbed the North Korea of Africa (HRW)
At a press conference held in the capital, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s communication minister, Getachew Reda, said Eritrea has continued to deploy armed groups and bandits as part of its long standing position to destabilise his country.

The minister was refereeing to the latest cross-border mass kidnappings carried out by armed Eritrean men in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region bordering Eritrea.

Recently, a group of armed men dressed in the Eritrean army uniforms crossed borders to Ethiopia and forcibly kidnapped over 80 young Ethiopian miners who were mining gold in Tigray regional state at Kafta-Humera district in Tsirga Girmai locality.

The abducted were among some 400 traditional gold miners who had long been engaged in traditional gold mining activities near the Ethiopia - Eritrea shared border.

While confirming the incident Getachew however downplayed it saying “it wasn’t a big surprise” coming from a sworn enemy.

“I wouldn’t be surprised if a same thing happened because it happens once in a while and because the borders are very porous and it is not like you can guard every inch of the border every minute of the day” he said.

He added all bandits and armed groups are being deployed to Ethiopia by Eritrea using some Ethiopian rebels or other armed groups the Red Sea nation harbors.

With regard to the latest cross-border attacks and mass kidnappings the senior government official said the Ethiopian government is following the incident closely and will take retaliatory actions.

Considering the level of the aggression “We have been taking proportionate measures in the past and we will take proportionate measures” this time Getachew told reporters.

The minister however refrained to reveal the type and level of those proportionate actions he said will be taken in response.

Ethiopia has routinely accused arch-rival Eritrea of orchestrating a number of cross-border attacks carried out in its soil, an accusation Asmara denies.

The Horn of African nation had previously carried out attacks on targets inside Eritrea to what Addis Ababa says is a proportional measures to Eritrea’s continued aggression including to cross-border kidnappings targeting foreign tourists.

In 1998, the two neighbors fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which has claimed the lives of at least 70,000. The row over their border remains unresolved and forces of both sides regularly engage in lower-scale skirmishes."

. By Martin Plaut. I was sceptical when I first saw a blog by Russom Mesfun [below] but I have since seen a press release from the Eritrean government, issued today, which appears to underline his concerns.

Tension increased following Ethiopian accusations, on Thursday, that Eritrea was stoking Oromo protests over plans to expand Addis Ababa [below]

“WE HAVE CONCRETE EVIDENCE THAT SOME OF THE PEOPLE… INVOLVED AND INSTIGATING VIOLENCE IN THESE PARTICULAR LOCALITIES… HAVE THEIR ORIGINS FROM ASMARA,” THE CAPITAL OF ERITREA, SAID GOVERNMENT SPOKESMAN GETACHEW REDA.

One can only hope that sense prevails and that another disastrous conflict is avoided.

Martin

Rumors of War: Ethiopia v. Eritrea

Could it be that the Horn of Africa is about to be aflame again? Recent developments in the Ethio-Eritrean no war-no peace stalemate have certainly escalated into a potential confrontation, with Ethiopia accusing its northern neighbor of kidnapping at least 80 of its citizens who were engaged in gold mining in the Tigray region.

The PFDJ has neither officially acknowledged the accusations nor reacted to statements from Ethiopia that it plans to retaliate.

Subsequent to the border and Badme dispute in 1998, the Eritrean regime claims to have been in a state of heightened alert for fear that Ethiopia might attack at anytime.

Only these days, Eritrea might have gained a welcome breather due to the recent Oromo uprisings, which Ethiopia claims has PFDJ hands.

Suspecting a possible crack in Addis Ababa’s edifice, Asmara might be attempting to take advantage of an opportunity to cause mischief, complementing Oromo efforts and thus helping destabilize its arch enemy while the iron is still hot.

Although the Ethiopians are not bound to take the bait and engage in a major escalation over incidents that they have downplayed as typical of Eritrea’s bad behavior, it does not necessarily follow that they will not retaliate in kind.

By minimizing the conflict, the Ethiopian leadership perhaps aims to manage public opinion and, in effect, lessen, if not totally avoid, persistent calls for a decisive action against Eritrea. Conversely, the measured reactions might have also been intended to buy more time to allow a meaningful military response.

Meanwhile, crippled by UN sanctions and internationally isolated — and with an army ravaged by defections and endless National Service — Eritrea would be at a serious disadvantage to counter an all-out Ethiopian assault.

Fiercely nationalist and once one of the mightiest and most effective fighting machines in the continent, the Eritrean army has long since lost its aura of invincibility, nowadays subsisting on fomenting border skirmishes and sponsoring opposition groups to fight wars by proxy.

Pay or no pay, the failure of the regime to shorten or cancel altogether the much dreaded national service will only weaken an army whose numbers have been drastically shrinking, its rank and file fleeing to the borders in the tens of thousands.

That being said, the no war-no peace state of affairs will remain intact, as both nations fully grasp the military and political realities on the ground. Too focused on dealing with current domestic crisis and reluctant to trip on Eritrea’s provocations, it’s highly unlikely that Ethiopia will go nuclear at this time, perhaps opting instead a proportionate yet significant surgical attack of PFDJ assets.

Addis Ababa (AFP) – Ethiopia accused arch-rival Eritrea on Thursday of being behind anti-government protests in the Oromia region last year which led to a violent clampdown by the government in Addis Ababa.

The two countries fought a bloody conflict from 1998-2000, but tensions are never far from the surface and were fuelled by protests which erupted last November.

“We have concrete evidence that some of the people… involved and instigating violence in these particular localities… have their origins from Asmara,” the capital of Eritrea, said government spokesman Getachew Reda.

Home to some 27 million people, Oromia encircles Addis Ababa and stretches over large parts of the rest of the country. It has its own language, Oromo, distinct from Amharic, the language of Ethiopia’s government.

Demonstrations erupted last November in Oromia to protest against a government plan to expand the Ethiopian capital.

The so-called Master Plan, which was eventually abandoned in January, fuelled land-grab fears among Oromo farmers, from the country’s biggest ethnic group.

Reda accused Eritrea of working in concert with two Ethiopian movements, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) rebel group and the Ginbot 7 opposition group exiled in the United States and categorised as terrorists by Addis Ababa.

“The Eritrean government is not only working with OLF’s leftovers in Asmara but also with Ginbot 7, and they want to infiltrate all troublemakers into Ethiopia,” Reda said.

He added: “The protests that were being expressed by the people were based on legitimate concerns. But at a certain point, there were political elements involved in hijacking the process.

“What transpired… is an absolutely despicable case of criminal gangs roaming village after village and causing innumerable loss in lives.”

There was a brutal crackdown on the protests, which left over 140 people dead and thousands arrested, according to figures released in January by Human Rights Watch (HRW).

In a report published Monday, HRW said the crackdown is still ongoing, asserting that killings and arbitrary arrests were still being reported almost daily.

Eritrea separated from Ethiopia in 1991 after a 20-year independence war. The two countries have remained on a war footing since the open conflict around the turn of the Millennium, notably over their 1,000 km-long (620- mile) common border.

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About Me

Prof. Muse Tegegne has lectured sociology Change & Liberation in Europe, Africa and Americas. He has obtained Doctorat es Science from the University of Geneva. A PhD in Developmental Studies & ND in Natural Therapies. He wrote on the problematic of the Horn of Africa extensively. He Speaks Amharic, Tigergna, Hebrew, English, French. He has a good comprehension of Arabic, Spanish and Italian.