Mahatma Gandhi, in his vision for India, envisaged a system of
devolved, self-sufficient communities, sustaining their needs
from the local environment, and organising income generating
ventures around co-operative structures. Fifty years on, and
Gandhi's vision of Swadeshi (self-sufficiency) for India, despite
interpreted by some as a romantic and bucolic notion, is perhaps
more urgent than ever. Diminishing forests, and a burgeoning,
mainly rural biomass-dependent population of 984 million,
necessitates a co-ordinated effort of rural India to supply
itself with a dependable and sustained source of energy.

Biomass alone currently meets 57% of the national energy
demand, (Tata, 1998) yet is rarely featured in any 'official'
statistics of energy use, given perhaps its scattered nature, and
its low status as fuel. Indeed, according to statistics, in 1995,
63.3% of India's energy production was from its reserves of low-grade
coal, 18.6% from petroleum, while hydroelectricity, natural gas
and nuclear accounted for 8.9%, 8.2%, and 1% respectively (EIA,
1998).

India's overall energy production in 1995 was approximately 8.8
quadrillion Btu (quads), while consumption was 10.5 quads. India's
energy demand is increasing, and its inability to step up
production to meet demand, has increased India's reliance on
costly imports, the gap between consumption and production
projected to widen into the next century, as demand for energy is
projected to grow at an annual rate of 4.6% - one of the highest
in the world (EIA, 1998). Energy for developing industries,
transport, and a drive towards the electrification of India over
the last three decades of an expanding residential sector, so
that currently, a great percentage of villages in the
subcontinent have access to the grid- as much as 90%, according
to recent figures (EIA, 1998), have contributed to the energy
production deficit.

However, as mentioned earlier, the conventional statistics do
not take into account the informal and unorganised use of biomass,
which is reputed to account for 57% of total energy, therefore,
effectively energy from biomass more than equals the marketable
energy production of 8.8 quads (However, given the inherent
difficulty in estimating such a figure, there must be a wide
margin of error, potentially). Fuelwood is the primary source of
biomass, derived from natural forests, plantations, woodlots and
trees around the homestead (Agarwal, 1998). Alarm regarding the
state of India's forests, which were being lost at an estimated
rate of 1.5 million hectares (Mha) in the early 1980's has kick
started an intense afforestation and forest regeneration scheme
that attempts to share management of forest resources between the
forest department and local user communities. Afforestation
appears to be showing up on satellite images on the subcontinent
(Hall and Ravindranath, 1994), but whether ultimately, more
fuelwood will be available to rural communities, will be more a
political question.

Table 1:
The estimated potential of various RES technologies in
India (Tata 1998)

Source
/ System

Approximate
Potential

Biogas plants (in millions)

Improved
woodstoves (in millions)

Biogas (MW)

Solar energy (MW / km2)

Wind energy (MW)

Small hydro power (MW)

Ocean energy (MW)

12

120

17,000

20

20,000

10,000

50,000

In an attempt to stem the projected deficit between production
and consumption, particularly for the increasing residential
sector, which accounts for approximately 10% of total energy use,
and provide for an expanding rural sector, the government is
pursuing alternative measures of energy provision. Renewable
energy potential is high on the subcontinent. Table 1, above,
lists the estimated potential of various renewable energy sources.
Energy from solar, wind, hydro and ocean all have a significant
future potential to play in a mixed energy production scenario.
However, of particular interest here, in the context of providing
a devolved, sustainable energy supply for the burgeoning rural
sector in India, is the potential of biogas; the gas created as a
product of anaerobic digestion of organic materials.

The government views biogas technology as a vehicle to reduce
rural poverty, and as a tool in part of a wider drive for rural
development. Alternative energy options are promoted by The
Indian Renewable Energy Development Agency (IREDA), which
operates under the Ministry of Non-Conventional Energy Sources (MNES).
To promote and disseminate information about biogas technology
specifically, the government has organised the National Project
on Biogas Development nation-wide, and several NGO's have been
active in implementing the programme on the ground. Active
dissemination is also undertaken by the Khadi and Village
Industries Commission (KVIC), in the context of rural development
from small-scale income generating opportunities.

Currently, there are thought to be about 2.5 million household
and community biogas plants installed around India (Dutta et al,
1997), though table 1 estimates that 12 million could be usefully
employed. This essay will critically examine the drive to provide
rural India with an 'appropriate' energy source, with particular
reference to the rural poor. The potential benefits of biogas in
a rural economy will be outlined, followed by the biological and
biochemical foundations of methanogenesis, and the evolution of
biogas technology. Case studies from different parts of India
will be considered, from construction of biogas plants, to their
long term functioning amongst the communities they are designed
to serve.

The enormous potential of biogas, estimated at 17,000 MW can
be seen from table 1. The capacity was derived principally from
estimated agricultural residues and dung from India's 300 million
cattle. Biogas technology may have the potential to short-circuit
the 'energy transition' Leach (1987) describes from biomass to 'modern'
fuels. Biogas technology is a particularly useful system in the
Indian rural economy, and can fulfil several end uses. The gas is
useful as a fuel substitute for firewood, dung, agricultural
residues, petrol, diesel, and electricity, depending on the
nature of the task, and local supply conditions and constraints (Lichtman,
1983), thus supplying energy for cooking and lighting. Biogas
systems also provide a residue organic waste, after anaerobic
digestion, that has superior nutrient qualities over the usual
organic fertilizer, cattle dung, as it is in the form of ammonia
(Sasse et al, 1991). Anaerobic digesters also function as a waste
disposal system, particularly for human waste, and can, therefore,
prevent potential sources of environmental contamination and the
spread of pathogens (Lichtman, 1983). Small-scale industries are
also made possible, from the sale of surplus gas to the provision
of power for a rural-based industry, therefore, biogas may also
provide the user with income generating opportunities (KVIC, 1993).
The gas can also be used to power engines, in a dual fuel mix
with petrol (Jawurek et al, 1987) and diesel (KVIC, 1993), and
can aid in pumped irrigation systems.

Apart from the direct benefits gleaned from biogas systems,
there are other, perhaps less tangible benefits associated with
this renewable technology. By providing an alternative source of
fuel, biogas can replace the traditional biomass based fuels,
notably wood. Introduced on a significant scale, biogas may
reduce the dependence on wood from forests, and create a vacuum
in the market, at least for firewood (whether this might reduce
pressure on forests however, is contestable).

What is more certain, is the impact on rural womens' lives.
Promoted by KVIC, and other bodies as 'eliminating drudgery of
women' (see frontispiece), a regular supply of energy piped to
the home reduces, if not removes, the daily task of fuelwood
gathering, which can, in areas of scarcity, be the single most
time consuming task of a woman's day - taking more than three
hours in some areas (Lewanhak, 1989). Freeing up energy and time
for a woman in such circumstances often allows for other
activities, some of which may be income generating. Additional
knock on benefits in this context, apart from a positive
contribution to the household economy, may be an increase in
personal status, both within the family, and the wider community,
and a greater role in decision making; no small feat in the
traditional gender power imbalance, characteristic of rural India.
Alternatively, the saving, in terms of energy can perhaps
contribute to a reduction in the gender difference in terms of
food intake and proportion of energy expended in labour, which,
according to Revelle (1976) is higher for a woman (over 15 years)
at 44%, but lower in males at 38%. However, more likely is that a
woman's energy will be directed in other areas.

A clean and particulate-free source of energy also reduces the
likelihood of chronic diseases that are associated with the
indoor combustion of biomass-based fuels, such as respiratory
infections, ailments of the lungs; bronchitis, asthma, lung
cancer, and increased severity of coronary artery disease (Banerjee,
1996). Benefits can also be scaled up, when the potential
environmental impacts are also taken into account; significant
reductions in emissions associated with the combustion of
biofuels, such as sulphur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen
dioxide (NO2), carbon monoxide (CO), total suspended
particles (TSP's), and poly-aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH's), are
possible with the large-scale introduction of biogas technology.

The use of biogas systems in an agrarian community can
increase agricultural productivity. All the agricultural residue,
and dung generated within the community is available for
anaerobic digestion, whereas previously, a portion would be
combusted daily for fuel. Therefore more is returned to the land.
Moreover, as mentioned earlier, the slurry that is returned after
methanogenesis is superior in terms of its nutrient content; the
process of methane production serves to narrow the carbon:nitrogen
ratio (C:N), while a fraction of the organic nitrogen is
mineralised to ammonium (NH4+), and nitrate
(NO3-), the form which is immediately
available to plants. According to Sasse et al (1991), the
resulting slurry has double the short-term fertilizer effect of
dung, while long term fertilizer effects are cut by half. However,
in the tropics, the short term effects are the most critical, as
even the slow degrading manure fraction is quickly degraded, due
to rapid biological activity. An increase in land fertility, then,
can result in an increase in agricultural production. The knock
on benefits may include improved subsistence, increased local
food security, or income generation from a higher output.

Biogas systems, then, offer an integrated system that lends
itself to a rural setting; the plants can be maintained with a
variety of organic residues, from humans, animals, crops and
domestic food waste. Indeed, biogas plants could also be usefully
employed in an urban environment also. Ranade et al (1987)
successfully maintained a biogas plant of 25 litres capacity, fed
with market waste, in Pune, western India and suggest such a
system to be a viable option for solid waste disposal in areas of
rapid urbanisation. Although this essay is more concerned with
biogas in rural areas, the example does, nonetheless, demonstrate
the potential of biogas technology and its multifunctional and
flexible applications.

Integral to biogas technology also, and the philosophy it
represents, namely Swadeshi, is the requirement of devolved, and
self-reliant communities to manage the systems. This may seem a
rather obvious point to make, but necessary nonetheless. For
biogas systems to be truly viable and workable in rural India,
demands the technology to be preferably generated from within the
community. As will be seen later, this may not always be possible
logistically, amongst other reasons. If not actually produced
from the community it is to serve, then the technology must be
amenable and possible to manage and modify by individuals within
the community, preferably the plant owner, and reliance on 'outside'
assistance kept to a minimum. Without this basic requirement
being fulfilled, biogas technology will not be a truly viable
option for meeting India's rural energy demands. With this in
mind, the government agencies involved in designing biogas plants
have attempted to create plants that could be maintained locally.
Although the designs have evolved over the last forty years since
their inception which will be outlined later, the microbial
processes around which they are built, methanogenesis, remains
the same.

Methanogenesis is a microbial process, involving many complex,
and differently interacting species, but most notably, the
methane-producing bacteria. The biogas process is shown below in
figure 1, and consists of three stages; hydrolysis, acidification
and methane formation.

Figure 1: The process of methanogenesis (After
GTZ, 1999).

In the first stage of enzymatic hydrolysis, the extracellular
enzymes of microbes, such as cellulase, protease, amylase and
lipase externally enzymolize organic material. Bacteria decompose
the complex carbohydrates, lipids and proteins in cellulosic
biomass into more simple compounds. During the second stage, acid-producing
bacteria convert the simplified compounds into acetic acid (CH3COOH),
hydrogen (H2), and carbon dioxide (CO2). In
the process of acidification, the facultatively anaerobic
bacteria utilise oxygen and carbon, thereby creating the
necessary anaerobic conditions necessary for methanogenesis. In
the final stage, the obligatory anaerobes that are involved in
methane formation decompose compounds with a low molecular weight,
(CH3COOH, H2, CO2), to form
methane (CH4) and CO2 (Gate, 1999).

The resulting biogas, sometimes referred to as 'gobar' gas,
consists of methane and carbon dioxide, and perhaps some traces
of other gases, notably hydrogen sulphide (H2S). Its
exact composition will vary, according to the substrate used in
the methanogenesis process, but as an approximate guide, when
cattle dung is a major constituent of fermentation, the resulting
gas will be between 55-66% CH4, 40-45% CO2,
plus a negligible amount of H2S and H2 (KVIC,
1993). Biogas has the advantage of a potential thermal efficiency,
given proper equipment and aeration, of 60%, compared to wood and
dung that have a very low thermal efficiency of 17% and 11%
respectively (KVIC, 1993).

Methanogenesis or more particularly, the bacteria involved in
the fermentation process are sensitive to a range of variables
that ultimately determine gas production, and it is worth briefly
outlining these factors. Temperature is perhaps the most critical
consideration. Gasification is found to be maximised at about 35oC, and below this temperature, the
digestion process is slowed, until little gas is produced at 15oC and under. Therefore in areas of
temperature changes, such as mountainous regions, or winter
conditions that may be more accentuated inland, mitigating
factors need to be taken into account, such as increased
insulation (Kalia, 1988), or the addition of solar heaters to
maintain temperatures (Lichtman, 1983).

Loading rate and retention period of material are also
important considerations. In the KVIC model, retention ranges
between 30-55 days, depending upon climatic conditions, and will
decrease if loaded with more than its rated capacity (which may
result in imperfectly digested slurry). KVIC state that maximum
gas production occurs during the first four weeks, before
tapering off, therefore a plant should be designed for a
retention that exploits this feature. Retention period is found
to reduce if temperatures are raised, or more nutrients are added
to the digester. Human excreta, due to its high nutrient content,
needs no more than 30 days retention in biogas plants (KVIC, 1983).

Other factors likely to affect methanogenesis are pH; gas
production is found to decrease with increasing acidity, and can
result from over-loading the plant, which may stimulate the more
fecund acidophiles, at the expense of the more tardy methane-producing
microbes. Improved nutrient content, also, as mentioned above
will increase the digestion process, and can be manipulated by
the addition of animal (and male human) urine, while toxic
substances, such as heavy metals may inhibit gas production (KVIC,
1983).

Understanding the process of methanogenesis allows
manipulation, which can serve to maximise gas production in the
field. Workers over the last twenty years have experimented with
the digestion process, and have made strides in increasing gas
yields, using techniques that can be similarly employed in a
rural environment. Sharma et al (1988), have shown that biogas
generation is increased when the particle size of organic
material is small, in this case, less than 1mm. The workers
recommend that a physical pre-treatment, such as grinding would
improve a system's performance, and could also reduce the size of
digester needed. A manual machine for physical pre-treatment of
material would be a viable piece of equipment in a rural
environment; indeed, there may be a similar piece of equipment
already in use.

Other workers have found that biogas production is accelerated
by the presence of metal ions in biomass (Geeta et al, 1990). The
species principally researched was water hyacinth (Eichornia
crassipes Solms.), which flourishes in eutrophic water bodies.
The plant characteristically grows at high densities, which often
leads to clogging, and is therefore considered an environmental
pest. Water hyacinth, however, also concentrates nickel from
eutrophic environments, upto 0.27 kg h/day, which, when mixed
with bovine excreta upto 25 parts per million (ppm) was found to
enhance gas production by 40%. The use of E. crassipes in
biogas systems can both increase gas production, and contribute
to environmental management, by way of controlling a pest.

Research in other areas has focused on the composition on the
substrate, and its effect on gas production. Habig (1985),
fermented a range of organic materials from marine macroalgae to
vegetables and discerned that carbohydrate and protein are the
principal components utilised during methanogenesis.

Such work is invaluable in enabling a sound management and
manipulation of methanogenesis, and can be of use to users in a
rural environment.

Biogas plants in India were experimentally introduced in the
1930's, and research was principally focused around the Sewage
Purification Station at Dadar in Bombay, undertaken by S.V. Desai
and N.V. Joshi of the Soil Chemistry Division, Indian Agriculture
Research Institute, New Delhi. The early plants developed were
very expensive and were not cost effective in terms of the gas
output, indeed the early models were not producing enough gas to
supply a small family (KVIC, 1993). Some of the early models were
also prone to burst, so overall, the technology was not viable
for dissemination.

Over the next twenty years, Jashbhai Patel designed and made
several small-scale biogas digesters, envisaging farm labourers
as the user. Although other individuals and institutions were
also designing biogas plants, in 1961 the Khadi and Village
Industry Commission chose to promote Patel's design, which,
although more costly than other models, was more productive, had
a longer life, and required minimal maintenance (KVIC, 1993).

The basic plant, which came to be known as the KVIC model,
consists of a deep well, and a floating drum, usually made of
mild steel. The system collects the gas, which is kept at a
relatively constant pressure. As more gas is produced, the drum
gas holder consequently rises. As the gas is consumed, the drum
then falls. The biomass slurry moves through the system, as the
inlet is higher than the outlet tank, creating hydrostatic
pressure. Only completely digested material can flow up a
partition wall, which prevents fresh material from 'short-circuiting'
the system, before flowing into the outlet tank. Dimensions of
the plants depend upon the energy requirements of the user (Lichtman,
1983). The basic system can be seen in figure 2a. By the early1980's,
there were thought to be about 80,000 systems built by KVIC.

Figure 2a: The KVIC floating drum model (Lichtman,
1983)

Figure 2b: The Camartec fixed dome model (Sasse et al,
1991)

Research into anaerobic digesters continued around the country,
and the Planning Research and Action Division (PRAD) based in
Uttar Pradesh, northern India developed the 'Janata' fixed-dome
plant, based on a modified design widely used in China. Key
features of the Janata model, is the fixed-dome, in contrast to
the floating dome of the KVIC model. With this design, the inlet
and outlet tank volumes are calculated for minimum and maximum
gas pressures based on the volumes displaced by the variation of
gas and slurry within the system (See figure 2b). The Janata
system is about 30% cheaper to construct than a KVIC model of the
same capacity with added advantages that there are no moving
parts, making local construction possible and maintenance easy.
Lichtman (1983) notes that savings may diminish with scale with
this design, so Janata may be more appropriate for small-scale
users. One disadvantage with the fixed-dome design is that
gradual accumulation of sludge is likely within the system,
making periodic cleaning necessary. In china, where similar
designs are widely used, small birds in cages are placed inside
the digesters prior to human attempts at entry. In a variation of
the canary and mining scenario, if the canary lives, it is
assumed that there is no concentrated CH4, which is
highly toxic and potentially explosive, and hence safe for humans
(Lichtman, 1983).

Anaerobic digester design has continued to evolve over the
years, but systems are generally variations around the theme of
the floating-dome and the fixed-dome design. Often construction
materials vary, or loading positions differ. Table 2, below,
shows some of the most common biogas plants that are recognised
by the government.

The discussion so far has highlighted the potential
contribution of biogas systems in a rural, Indian economy.
Although the systems evolve through a process of research and
development, the critical test of their appropriateness, and
ultimate usefulness, is their application in the field.

Since the 1960's, biogas systems have been implemented in
India, but it was in 1981 with the beginning of the sixth 5-year
Plan, and the formation of the National Project for Biogas
Development (NPBD), when the drive to step up dissemination was
taken, perhaps also reflecting the alarm of fuelwood shortages at
the time.

Currently, there are thought to be about 2.5 million biogas
plants installed around the country (Dutta et al, 1997), though
the potential of large-scale implementation of biogas technology
remains unrealised. According to MNES, in 1991, the use of
electricity for cooking, which includes biogas, only accounted
for about 2% and 3% for rural and urban areas respectively, and
sharply demonstrates the continued minority status of this
alternative fuel.

The Tata Research Institute, New Delhi, estimates that 12
million biogas systems in total could be installed over the
subcontinent, while GATE, an alternative energy NGO based in
Germany, estimates the total potential number of plants that
could usefully be employed to be 30 million household-size, and
nearly 600,000 community-size plants, one for each village.
However, it is not clear on what data these estimates are based
on.

Nonetheless, there is still enormous potential for biogas
technology, and the government continues in its drive for more
widespread implementation. However, for biogas to be considered
as a viable source of fuel, depends not only on an effective
dissemination programme, and extension, but also upon the success
of existing plants in the field. Although literature could not be
found regarding the success rate of the 2.5 million biogas plants
installed to date, e.g., how many are fully operational, which
may be indicative of a lack of consequent monitoring, it would be
instructive to examine the implementation of biogas systems in
rural India, to determine how the technology has been received on
the ground.

Implementation of biogas technology is overseen centrally by
MNES, but actual dissemination is devolved to the individual
state governments, public corporations, such as KVIC, the
National Dairy Development Board (NDDB), and also NGO's. Although
there will be differences between states, the general approach to
disseminate biogas technology is based on a system of subsidies
and concessions, to encourage uptake.

Subsidies are granted on plants upto 10m3 (a large
family-sized system), and usually for the models recognised by
the government, as listed in table 2, though there may be
regional differences. Allowances are paid towards investment
costs, to every user and for every biogas plant that is installed,
in what may be interpreted as a measure of intent to promote
biogas technology, and perhaps the most critical instrument in
determining initial uptake. The extent of the allowance is
dependent on the size of plant, socio-economic status of the user,
and geographical region, according to rules worked out by central
government. India has been divided into three areas according to
altitude; the mountainous north-east is where the highest
allowances are paid, perhaps reflecting the commonly held notion
that tribal communities are depleting forests (Maikhuri and
Gangwar, 1991). Mountainous, or high altitude areas in other
states form the second category, and the remaining states make up
the last category. Here, socio-economic status largely determines
the size of the allowance, with priorities for scheduled caste
and tribe, and smallholders. Landless and marginal farmers are
entitled to higher allowances than farmers not in the fore-mentioned
groups who have more than five hectares (GATE, 1999). Other
allowances exist for bodies to establish and maintain an
organisational infrastructure, subject to reaching certain
targets, of which a percentage must be allocated in the provision
of follow up services and monitoring.

Subsidies certainly appear to have encouraged up take, and
participation seems to be high amongst target groups, such as
marginal and smallholders. This can be demonstrated in the size
and type of digester opted for. Orissa, on the east coast, is one
of the poorest states in India, and characterised by smallholders
of approximately 1.6 ha, less than the average of other states,
and agriculture is the principal industry in Orissa. Therefore,
it is not surprising that of all the digesters, the most popular
is the smallest capacity fixed-dome Deenbandhu model, at 6m3,
which accounts for 84% of all plants installed (Gram Vikas, 1991).
Similarly, in Sangli, Maharashtra western India, where there are
345,000 biogas digesters, more than any other state, the same
Deenbandhu model accounts for 85% of all systems constructed (GATE,
1999).

However, Chand and Murthy (1988) note that up take is no
guarantee of a successfully operating plant. From studying
installed systems in Maharashtra, western India, the workers note
a correlation between decreasing land size and non-functioning
plants. Similarly, Moulik (1981) maintains that of the early
biogas plants installed a great percentage, perhaps as many as 70%,
are inoperative. Moulik explains that in the enthusiasm to
promote biogas technology, many 'marginal' farmers and landless
were hastily provided with plants, as full subsidies were given,
and NGO's and other organisations had targets to reach. However,
many were to remain inoperative, due to a variety of reasons, but
critically, due to an inability to fulfil the requirements
necessary for operating the plant.

Moulik states that however well intentioned, the biogas
programme cannot cater to the needs of the poorest and
marginalised, as these groups fail the technical requirements to
maintain a viable plant. More specifically, for even the smallest-sized
plant, three to four cattle are needed to provide the necessary
quantity of dung. Less than this, and the plant is not
economically or operationally viable.

Moreover, considerable constraints may also exist in the
provision of space and water that are likewise necessary for a
biogas plant. According to Moulik, the smallest 3m3
family size plant requires about 27m2 of land, when
area for the plant and a compost pit for the slurry is taken into
account, which in many circumstances may not be available. The
characteristic clustering of houses in a village between networks
of narrow lanes may render land enough around the homestead to
accommodate a biogas plant as the exception, rather than the rule.
Even if surplus land is available, issues of land tenure and
ownership may prohibit the construction of a plant.

Water scarcity, or difficulty in obtaining water, e.g., from a
distant source, may also impose further constraints on the
viability of biogas technology in a rural environment. To
function properly, a biogas plant requires feeding a mixture of
cow-dung and water, in the ratio of 1:1 or 4:5, thus imposing a
significantly higher daily water demand over domestic needs. If
there is difficulty in obtaining water, particularly resonant for
low caste groups in a village environment, who may not have the
same resource access rights as others, or general scarcity, then
the maintenance of a biogas plant may not be possible.

Given the above, Moulik estimates that perhaps only 10-15% of
the rural population fulfils the technical requirements. Despite
a well-intentioned attempt to cater for the energy needs of rural
India, and particularly the poor, as defined by 'scheduled caste'
and 'scheduled tribe', the biogas programme seemingly cannot meet
these needs, through insurmountable constraints associated with
their very marginality, ironically. In this sense, then, the
biogas programme may be an unrealisable notion, and the Gandhian
aspirations of Swadeshi, little more than a bucolic dream.
However, it may be instructive to briefly consider a case study,
to understand how biogas technology has been received in targeted
areas.

In the 1980's, the NPBD was active in promoting biogas in low-caste
and tribal areas of Udaipur, Rajasthan, north-western India. Nag
et al (1986), conducted a survey in eight villages of mixed caste
and tribe, in an attempt to assess the impact and effectiveness
of NPBD in these areas. 114 samples of families who had installed
biogas plants under the NPBD programme upto 1985, notably the
cheaper fixed-dome Janata were considered. The data revealed some
interesting findings; of the 114 beneficiaries, 107 were
registered as 'landless' or 'marginal', though the survey
discovered the plant owners were mostly the wives or sons, of
landowners who owned between 6-20 acres of land. These family
members had been encouraged to apply to make use of the higher
rate of subsidies available for marginal and landless groups.
Only 10 were found to be scheduled caste or tribe with poor
landholdings.

Curiously, Nag et al interpret the results as a success for
the NPBD, and describe the scheme as a 'peoples' programme'. That
participation amongst farmers is high is a positive sign of the
potential role of biogas in an agricultural community, however,
the programme does not appear to be delivering to the rural poor,
as defined by scheduled caste and tribe, which may be indicative
of the inherent incompatibility of the technology with regard to
marginalised groups. Nag et al, note a correlation between
education level, and uptake, attributed to a greater exposure to
biogas promotion through the media, etc.. Of the 10 scheduled
caste and tribe beneficiaries, 8 were illiterate, and according
to Nag et al, 'adopted biogas plants only when told by their
masters'. However, the lack of a formal education in such groups
is perhaps more indicative of their general marginality;
economically and socially.

Uptake of biogas technology among scheduled caste and adivasi
(tribal) groups, then is found to vary across the subcontinent,
though even where participation is high, the technology may not
be truly viable. Biogas, however, does appear to be taken up more
successfully by the more wealthy sectors of the agricultural
community. As Nag et al (1986) note, over 30% of the families
with biogas plants sampled were found to be engaged in more than
one service or business, which is usually an indication of
entrepreneurship and solvency. Further, according to Nesmith, (1991),
biogas technology appears to be associated with status and wealth,
and was observed most commonly in top income groups in a study in
West Bengal, eastern India. (This association with wealth may
well be a hindrance to the wider dissemination of biogas
technology amongst groups who may view themselves as perhaps not
fully entitled to it).

As household size plants may be generally non-viable to many
scheduled caste and adivasi groups, community size plants might
be more appropriate. Larger sized plants, servicing a cluster of
houses, or indeed a whole village, may overcome the seemingly
insurmountable problems apparent regarding individual plants and
the rural poor, as discussed earlier. However, Lichtman (1983),
states that the government subsidy system has discriminated
against the provision of community-size plants, by subsidising
upto 6m3 plants only (and later upto 10 m3).
Thus, wealthier farmers have been able to apply for grants and
loans to construct household size systems, while larger plants
that may benefit the wider community, have been ineligible for
support. In this way, the government subsidy programme may be
interpreted as discriminating against the poorer sections of the
community, while supporting the wealthier farmers.

However, where community plants have been constructed, many
problems have been encountered. Singh (1988) randomly sampled
half the beneficiaries of seven community biogas plants in Punjab,
northern India, after the first year of operation, and discovered
considerable technical, economic and social problems. Singh found
that all the plants were being routinely underfed with dung, by
30-50%, as shown in table 3. In one case, the entire daily dung
load needed bringing from the nearest city. Although, in theory,
there was enough cattle to provide the required amounts of dung,
competing demands with non-beneficiaries were evident, who
collected dung for fuel, in the absence of crop residues. Gas
production was also found to fall to 30% of its rated production
in winter months, due to greater direct use of dung, for fuel.

At the time of writing the paper, Singh noted two plants to be
non-operational, principally due to problems associated with the
availability of labour. Labour shortages were attributed to
economic factors, such as low pay compared to agricultural labour.
Social factors were also evident in the non-availability of
labour, particularly the stigma associated with working with dung;
considered as a low-caste task, and usually performed by women.
However, in this instance, the volume of dung involved in the
daily maintenance of the community plants, 3000 kg, was
considered beyond the physical strength of women labourers, given
its dispersed nature and

distance of some of the sources. Labourers were found to
complain about the logistical difficulties in collecting dung
from diffused sources, weighing and recording it to the
satisfaction of the donor, and for the community records of dung
input, etc . Four of the community latrines were also not
functioning, due to labour shortage. Supervision problems were
also identified by Singh, principally relating to low pay, which
resulted in an ad hoc arrangement and a high turnover of
supervisors. Sometimes closure of the plants occurred as a
consequence.

Singh describes the experience of scheduled castes and tribes;
the targeted beneficiaries of the community biogas system. It was
found that dung was having to be purchased in substantial
quantities to feed some of the plants, upto 1000kg in several,
while in one, the entire 3000kg daily need was having to be
imported (See table 3). While dung purchasing costs were high,
and increasing, returns on the sale of slurry were considerably
smaller than estimated, between 15-30% of the expected revenue.
Consequently, an increase in the gas charges was necessary to
cover costs, and prices were raised from Rs30 to Rs50 per month.
The increased prices could not be borne by many of the scheduled
caste and adivasi community, and many disconnected themselves
from the supply. In one village, Mehdoodan, 24 of the 29
scheduled caste and tribe connections to the biogas supply were
duly removed.

Community biogas plants, then, appear to be logistically
difficult to co-ordinate, and, certainly in the Punjab, similarly
failing the sections of the community most in need of a reliable
source of energy. Other workers have reported community biogas
plants failing for reasons such as political feuds (Lichtman,
1983), and due to variable climatic conditions, that resulted in
the forced sale of cattle (Lichtman, 1983). However, there have
also been reports of community biogas plants successfully
maintained by collective management efforts. Hall et al, (1992)
report the eventual success of a community biogas system in Pura,
southern India, after several years of problems, and a change in
the end use of gas. The programme was implemented with the help
of The Centre for Application of Science and Technology to Rural
Areas (ASTRA), which considered Pura, a village of 430, with 240
cattle, suitable for a community biogas plant. ASTRA calculated
that manure from the village could fuel a biogas plant sufficient
to provide for all cooking needs, and generate surplus gas for
lighting and pumping drinking water. The plant became operative
in 1982, but serious logistical problems became apparent, as gas
would run out before the cooking of the second daily meal.
Conflicts ensued between villagers regarding contributions and
share of benefits, and the project stopped in 1984. Interestingly,
when ASTRA attempted to revive the project, and suggest that the
gas could be used solely for generating electricity for lighting,
it was discovered to ASTRA's surprise, that the villagers' top
priority was actually the provision of safe drinking water. ASTRA
duly acted according to the village needs, rather than work to
their own assumptions, and by all accounts, the programme is now
a success. The standard of living has been raised, and management
is possible by the tangible benefits enjoyed by the whole village.
At the time of writing the paper, Hall et al report that the
success of the programme has encouraged residents to consider
building a wood gasifier, to bolster their energy supply.

It would be worth briefly considering the problems associated
with the alternative technology, in terms of technical/operational,
economic, and cultural aspects, which may potentially hinder its
spread. Finally, the government's overall approach in
disseminating biogas technology will be considered.

Technically, problems have arisen from installing too large a
capacity plant, either by accident or design. Nag et al (1986)
discovered that there was a general tendency for householders to
construct an over-sized plant, even when they were only used for
cooking purposes and not applied to wider energy demands. Too
large a plant was found to lead to under feeding, and eventual
failure of the plants to produce gas. Under feeding was also
found to occur due to the under-collection of dung, estimated
typically at 30-40% of the required capacity, and principally due
to cattle being worked in the field, which would also lead to a
reduction in gas production. Dung may also vary in its
availability. As mentioned earlier, in areas of climatic
instability, the occurrence of drought may reduce dung
availability, by forced sale of cattle, or even death of cattle.
In some areas, the plant may not be technically feasible all year
round due to low winter temperatures that inhibit methanogenesis
(Singh 1985, Sudhakar and Gusain, 1991).

Sometimes the plants are faulty in their construction, or
develop problems that lead to the non-functioning of the plant,
due to shoddy construction (more relevant to the fixed-dome
models, than the floating dome, which comes pre-cast). Chand and
Murthy (1988), analysed factors in the non-functioning of plants
in Maharashtra, western India. The workers discovered that often,
specially trained masons in biogas plant construction were
overlooked, due to their higher cost, in favour of cheaper
trainees, or those with no training at all, and often encouraged
local by the government agencies, to meet ambitious targets.
Chand and Murthy identified 50% of 1670 plants in the study as
incapable of ever being made functional.

Economically, biogas systems have been shown to be cost-effective
(Nag et al, 1985). Lichtman (1983) modelled different energy use
scenarios of village size plants in Pura. The analysis was site
specific, and localised in its approach. Lichtman found that in
78% of the situations modelled, the village showed a net gain.
This percentage is likely to decrease in the consideration of
smaller, household size systems (Sodhiya and Jain, 1988).
Lichtman concedes, however, that it is more profitable to
maintain a community-size system as a public utility and
fertilizer plant, than as a source of cooking gas, subject to the
viable provision of an alternative energy source for cooking,
such as woodlots (Verma and Misra, 1987), and for fodder. Biogas
production could perhaps be linked to small-scale industries.

Despite the positive cost-benefit of biogas technology, the 'macro-environment',
may discriminate against the uptake of biogas. Bhatia (1990)
notes that the macro-environment which determines price
structures of conventional fuels most likely acts as a
disincentive to adopt renewable technologies, generally.
Subsidised conventional fuels, such as electricity, along with
free connection to the grid for farmers, will continue to make
non-renewable technology the cheapest option, unless subsidies
for biogas can be brought into line, or prices of conventional
fuels raised.

The system of grants and loans may hinder the correct choice
of plant for different users, such as the ineligibility of
community size systems, due to their size. While finally, another
point in prohibiting uptake may be the perceived unnecessary
switch from the existing free source of energy, such as wood and
crop residues (Moulik, 1983).

Cultural practices may also hinder general uptake, due to
reluctance to adopt different behaviour, particularly regarding
the use of latrines in biogas systems (Singh, 1988). Traditional
cooking practises may also need to be altered. Moulik (1983)
reports that a common complaint about the use of gas burners for
cooking, is that the staple bread chapati, cannot be
properly roasted, also the cooking of dal (pulses) may be
increased. Further, women are not necessarily the decision makers
in a household, and the men of the household may not consider
benefits, which mainly accrue to women, to be of significant
urgency (Moulik, 1983).

Some of the problems discussed above may be overcome, through
effective selection processes for the technology, and proper
extension and support services. By all accounts, the government
does not seem to be effectively organised to achieve such a goal,
and a high number of non-operative biogas plants are likely to
continue. Criticisms of NPBD have been widely articulated, from
the lax selection process, to the arbitrary fixing of regional
targets, which are then pursued. Chand and Murthy (1988)
discovered in study of biogas uptake in Maharashtra, that in a
sample of 1670 plants, 1086 beneficiaries were found not to
qualify under the feasibility criteria. Further, when
complications have arisen in the functioning of plants, a common
complaint articulated is that there is a lack of available
technical support (Sudhakar and Gusain, 1991). In this way,
plants may be allowed to fall into disrepair, when their
functioning may depend upon adequate maintenance skills, which
should be available in every village. There is a danger that
biogas may come to be thought of as a useless and inappropriate
initiative, a folly imposed from policy makers and NGO's.

Compared to the biogas programme in China, where seven million
household and community biogas systems have been successfully
installed, India has a long way to go to realise the benefits of
biogas technology. China, through the creation of effective
institutions and by placing an emphasis on training and education,
has achieved widespread dissemination of biogas technology (Ruchen,
1981, Daxiong et al, 1990), though the social organisation may
particularly facilitate the spread of new, community-focused
technologies.

Workers stress the need for micro-planning (Lichtman, 1983),
so that genuinely appropriate biogas technology is made available
to rural communities. Moulik (1983) emphasises the importance in
promoting the participation of local people in the whole process
of education, planning and monitoring, so that the renewable
technology is viable and sustainable in the communities it is
designed to serve. Other workers also propose co-ordinated
management information systems as part of biogas development, in
order for problems to be identified and remedial measures
undertaken (Chand and Natarajan, 1987, Chand and Murthy, 1988).

Biogas has shown to be a useful component in the rural economy
in India, though its application is logistically difficult. Ill-co-ordinated
dissemination has led to high rates of non-functioning plants,
and may endanger further uptake, as such, its status as a fuel
remains marginal.

Participation in biogas technology varies across socio-economic
groups, and across regions. Despite a well-intentioned attempt to
cater for the energy needs of rural India, and particularly the
poor, as defined by 'scheduled caste' and 'scheduled tribe', the
biogas programme has not appeared to meet these needs on any
meaningful scale, through insurmountable constraints associated
with their very marginality, paradoxically. Limited success has
occurred in other agricultural groups.

Further, the essential 'commodification' of dung, which has
occurred since the introduction of biogas systems may impact
detrimentally upon the poorest families, who may experience a
scarcity of the fuel once gathered for free. The need to provide
rural India with a viable and sustainable source of fuel has
perhaps never been more urgent, yet curiously, this is not
reflected in current literature, as biogas seemingly drops out of
journals in the 1990's, as a subject to be written about.
Therefore, the very current situation regarding the status of
biogas technology in India is unknown, though dissemination is
still being undertaken. Bapu's (Gandhi's) dream therefore remains
largely unrealised, though 'small steps' may have been achieved.