stupidity at it's finest.. Google verifies it's MAP results.. as a person responsible for clients with more than 500 results in Google for our retail locations... I DONT WANT ANYONE ELSE TO BE ABLE TO CHANGE THESE.... you obviously have no clue what you are talking about and this is slanted and inaccurate. SHAME ON YOU,

Is Google degrading search? Consumer Harm from Universal Search (Wu)

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Does Google content degrade Google search?
Experimental evidence*
Michael Luca†
, Timothy Wu‡
, Sebastian Couvidat§
, Daniel Frank**
, William
Seltzer††
Abstract
While Google is known primarily as a search engine, it has increasingly
developed and promoted its own content as an alternative to results from other
websites. By prominently displaying Google content in response to search
queries, Google is able to use its dominance in search to gain customers for this
content. This may reduce consumer welfare if the internal content is inferior to
organic search results. In this paper, we provide a legal and empirical analysis of
this practice in the domain of online reviews. We first identify the conditions
under which universal search would be considered anticompetitive. We then
empirically investigate the impact of this practice on consumer welfare. To
investigate, we implement a randomized controlled trial in which we vary the
search results that subjects are shown - comparing Google’s current policy of
favorable treatment of Google content to results in which external content is
displayed. We find that users are roughly 40% more likely to engage with
universal search results (which receive favored placement) when the results are
organically determined relative to when they contain only Google content. To
shed further light on the underlying mechanisms, we show that users are more
likely to engage with the OneBox when there are more reviews, holding content
constant. This suggests that Google is reducing consumer welfare by excluding
reviews from other platforms in the OneBox.
* The authors thank Susan Athey, Ben Edelman, Joshua Gans, Luther Lowe, and participants at the
Antitrust Enforcement Symposium for helpful comments. All remaining errors are our own. This
project received financial support from Yelp. Wu received compensation for his time and travel on
this paper. Luca has a consulting arrangement with Yelp, but did not receive compensation for this
paper. Brooks, Frank, and Seltzer are members of the Yelp data science team.
† Harvard Business School, corresponding author: mluca@hbs.edu
‡ Columbia Law School, corresponding author: wu@pobox.com
§ Yelp
** Yelp
†† Yelp

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1. Introduction
Google is the world’s dominant search engine, accounting for roughly two-
thirds of US searches and more than 90% of searches in parts of the world, far
exceeding competitors such as Bing and Yahoo (comScore qSearchTM
Analysis
2014). With a market capitalization of roughly $350 billion, Google is also among
the most valuable companies in the world. In 2006, “Google” even became a
verb in the Oxford English Dictionary, meaning to search for something on the
web (Google Operating System Blog 2006).
In an effort to expand its downstream product offering, Google has begun
to develop its own content over time, such as its own price results for shopping
and its own reviews for local businesses. In these situations, Google is acting
both as a search engine and a content provider. Google shopping competes with
Amazon; Google reviews compete with TripAdvisor. To use its search dominance
to promote this content, Google has developed a feature called “universal
search,” through which it blends specialized search properties - often from
proprietary databases - in priority over the results generated by an organic, or
algorithmic search. Universal search intentionally excludes content competitors
and only shows Google’s content. For example, Google places and reviews may
substitute for content from other specialized search platforms such as
TripAdvisor and Yelp.
Should this raise concerns from competition authorities? From a legal
perspective, Google’s prioritization of its own content raises concerns about

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consumer welfare and illegal uses of monopoly power if the internal content is
inferior to organic search results. However, this behavior may be acceptable if
the internal content is simply a better product. The impact of universal search on
consumer welfare is then an empirical question with important implications from
an antitrust perspective. In this paper, we develop a full legal analysis exploring
antitrust implications of universal search.
Does Google’s favorable placement of its own content results in harm to
consumers? Because it is difficult to observe consumer preferences from
observational data, the Federal Trade Commission and other regulatory bodies
often struggle to identify this behavior despite widespread allegations of illegal
exercises of monopoly power.
We propose the use of randomized controlled trials to identify whether
Google’s favorable treatment of Google content increases or decreases
consumer welfare. Specifically, we implement an experiment in which we vary
the search results that users are shown - comparing Google’s current policy of
favorable treatment of Google content to results in which external content is
displayed. Through a series of online experiments, we provide a case study of a
situation in which Google is systemically making its overall product worse for
users in order to provide favorable treatment to Google content. To populate the
treatment group, we use content selected by Google’s own organic algorithm.
We begin with a simple thought experiment. Suppose you are planning a
trip to Louisville, Kentucky and are searching for a coffee shop through Google.
Clearly, there is a wide variety of content that might facilitate this search.

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Competing ratings and reviews ranging from Yelp to TripAdvisor to Food & Wine
invest heavily in developing such content. In this situation, Google’s content may
be more or less useful to users than other content. If Google provides favorable
placement to Google content in a world in which Food & Wine is – on average -
more useful, then this creates harm to consumers.
“Local intent”-based searches (including areas such as coffees shops,
doctors, and mechanics) comprise the largest single category of search behavior.
Google currently presents users with local search results that are a mixture of its
organic results along with a user interface object known as the “Local OneBox.”
The OneBox typically includes a list of seven business pins populated by
exclusively querying Google’s proprietary local product, Google+ Local; this set
of seven business pins is attached to a Google Map. However, Google’s organic
search employs a merit-based algorithm that can easily be used to identify better
candidates to populate its local search boxes, enabling the creation of an
alternative version of the search engine results page.
Exploiting these institutional features of Google, we construct two sets of
results for searches for coffee shops in different markets. In the control group, we
display Google’s actual results. In this situation, the OneBox contains Google
content. In the treatment group, we display the exact same organic content below
the OneBox. However, instead of filling the OneBox with only Google content, we
fill the OneBox with listings and reviews from the content providers that Google’s
algorithm organically isolates (Yelp, TripAdvisor, etc.). We construct these
alternative results through a browser plug-in called “Focus on the User - Local”

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(FOTU), which has queried third-party review sites and ranked them, using
Google's own organic algorithm, according to which site delivers the most
relevant information for the content in question.
If Google’s placement of its own content in the OneBox makes users
better off, then we should expect users to engage with the OneBox more often
with Google content than with organic content offered by Google’s algorithm. In
contrast, if users are less likely to engage with the OneBox when it is filled with
Google content, this suggests that Google is creating harm by tying its own
content through the OneBox.
We then task subjects on UsabilityHub with searching for a local coffee
shop, and compare the performance across these two sets of results. We find
that users would be more likely to engage with local specialized search results if
Google were to replace its proprietary results in universal search with results
drawn from the web based on the same merit-based algorithm that it uses to
populate organic search (as opposed to being exclusively drawn from Google+).
The results demonstrate that consumers prefer the second version
of universal search. Stated differently, consumers prefer results scored by
Google’s own organic search engine to the content currently developed for
Google+ Local. This leads to the conclusion that Google is degrading its own
search results by excluding its competitors at the expense of its users. The fact
that Google’s own algorithm would provide better results suggests that Google is
making a strategic choice to display their own content, rather than choosing
results that consumers would prefer. The easy and widely disseminated

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argument that Google’s universal search always serves users and merchants is
demonstrably false. In the largest category of search (local intent-based), Google
appears to be strategically deploying universal search in a way that degrades the
product so as to slow and exclude challengers to its dominant search paradigm.
The demonstration of consumer harm is an important conclusion standing
on its own that should influence any competition law analysis. However, it
intersects with several widely-recognized criteria for enforcement action in
competition law. First, whatever the general utility of universal search, we have
shown that, as implemented in some segments, universal search is harmful both
to merchants, consumers and competitors while lacking redeeming qualities. As
such, in some implementations it may be categorized as a species of “naked
exclusion” – in other words, conduct that excludes competitors without any
countervailing benefit (Rasmusen et al. 1991)
Alternatively, Google’s conduct can be understood as the knowing neglect
of a “less restrictive alternative” for achieving legitimate goals (Hemphill 2015).
Google’s development of universal search, in general, can be accepted as an
important innovation that can improve consumer welfare. But it seizes on the fact
that, as implemented, Google appears to have chosen to do so in a way that
neglects an obvious and clearly more effective alternative, resulting in harm to
consumers, merchants, and its competitors. Important to this conclusion is
evidence that Google is sacrificing a higher quality and potentially more profitable
product in favor of a more exclusionary option. That fortifies the intuition that the
conduct is suspect.

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Overall, our findings contribute to a growing literature on the economics of
online platforms. Early work showed that the growth of the Internet and online
search created consumer welfare gains ranging from lower prices of life
insurance (Brown and Goolsbee 2002) to increased variety of books
(Brynjolfsson, Hu, and Smith 2003). Specialized search platforms such as Yelp,
TripAdvisor, and Amazon provide vast amounts of user-generated content about
goods and services. Online marketplaces such as TaskRabbit, Airbnb, and Uber
create markets where none existed. These platforms have influenced markets
ranging from restaurants and hotels to books to labor markets, through lower
search costs and increased information flows.7
Our results suggest that some of the welfare gains are lost due to
Google’s market power and the practice of tying Google content to Google
search results. Our findings also relate to the literature on market power in
platforms. Hagiu and Julien (2011) develop a theoretical model of search
diversion. Edelman and Lai (2015) empirically show that the introduction of
Google’s preferential placement of its flight search tool crowded out visits to
organic pages. Edelman (2015) provides the first legal analysis of Google’s
practice of tying. We contribute to this literature by providing further legal analysis
as well as empirical evidence of consumer harm from a randomized controlled
trial.
In addition to our contribution to the legal analysis of antitrust cases in this
domain, our experimental approach provides a new tool for regulators who are
7 See Chevalier and Mayzlin 2006, Luca 2011, Ghose et al 2012, and Einav et al. 2015 for evidence on
the impact of online reviews and welfare gains from online marketplaces.

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seeking to better understand consumer preferences and harm in the online
world. To the best of our knowledge, our paper is the first to incorporate the use
of randomized controlled trials into an antitrust analysis.
2. Background on Online Search and OneBox
The Internet, with more than 4.7 billion linked pages, contains more
information than any one user could read in a lifetime. Because this content is
extremely decentralized, users frequently begin their quests for online
information through search engines such as Google, Bing, and Yahoo. Users
enter a word, number, or phrase, and the search engine will return a large list of
webpages that the user may want to click on. For example, a Google search for
“restaurants near me” yields roughly 443 million results.
Because there is so much information to sift through, tools for finding
information on the web have always had an important influence on nearly all
aspects of economic activity and innovation on the web and its connection to
“Main Street” small businesses. The ability of buyers and sellers to connect
determines which businesses succeed and which fail, what innovations catch on,
and which flounder. They also have a preeminent role in influencing the speech
environment centered on the web.
The central task of search engines is to choose the order in which to list
results. The history of search engines is one of technological evolution. In the
early days of the World Wide Web, simple lists of links and directory services
(like the early Yahoo!) were used, in competition with early, primitive search

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engines. Eventually, in the early 2000s, the “general” search engine (which
searches the entire web) became the tool of choice; Google is the preeminent
example. General search, today, remains a dominant tool by which web sites and
their users find each other, and buyers and sellers are matched.
General search engines now use an algorithm that determines which
results are most likely to be clicked and orders them based on the percent of
people who clicked on that result, along with other factors. This approach relies
on the revealed preference of users. Developing high quality search results has
been the core objective of search engines.
The evolution of the web’s information retrieval tools did not end with
general search. From around 2000—2014, just as Google’s general search
replaced directory services, its general search began to face its own challengers.
The most important challenge has come from specialized search; that is, search
engines that deliver information based not on searching the entire web, but rather
a specific category of information. Prominent examples include the search for
books on Amazon, plane tickets on Kayak or Orbitz, hotel reviews on
TripAdvisor, or for a local doctor on Yelp or ZocDoc. As it stands, specialized
search is not in direct competition to Google; instead, it represents a threat to the
general search paradigm (in the sense that Netscape, in combination with other
middleware were a paradigm threat to the Windows OS paradigm). Eric Schmidt
captured this reality when he recently suggested “our biggest search competitor
is Amazon.”

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Google has, over the decade, fought the threat from specialized search in
the following ways. First, beginning in the 2010s, it made copies of the most
successful of the specialized search engines. Many of these are essentially
clones of competitors, like Kayak or Yelp (yielding, for example, “Google travel”
“Google shopping,” “Google+ Local,” etc.). Earlier versions of Google’s clones
also used data from the originals; for example, early versions of Google local
took the reviews collected by Yelp and TripAdvisor and incorporated them into
Google’s product.
Some of these products – such as Google Maps – have gained traction
and become dominant over time, in part due to excellent engineering and
superior product design. Others have not proved as popular with users as the
originals. Many of these clones suffer from poor search rankings in Google's
organic search results.
To improve the popularity of its specialized search features, Google has
used the power of its dominant general search engine. The primary means for
doing so is what is called the “universal search” or the “OneBox.” Universal
search operates by incorporating the general (“ten blue links”) and specialized
(“OneBox”) search paradigms into the same user interface on the search engine
results page. Google deploys the OneBox when it detects keywords that indicate
that the user is performing a specialized search. The OneBox is one of several
Google products that has given rise to antitrust concerns, and is the focus of this
paper.

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A search for “restaurants San Francisco” might trigger Yelp as the first
natural result. Google deploys a Local OneBox above the natural results. The
OneBox, with a few exceptions, is populated by Google’s own versions of its
competitors’ specialized search services (e.g., Google+ Local or travel). Figures
1 and 2 provide sample screenshots of universal search results.
3. Legal Assessments of Universal Search
Universal search, in its operation is inherently exclusionary, for it uses the
dominant general search engine to divert traffic from Google’s specialized
competitors (Expedia, Yelp, etc.) to its own versions of those companies. That
fact has led to scrutiny both by European and American competition regulators.
Google’s strategy follows a well-known historic pattern. Technological
monopolists, facing threats from innovative competitors, often engage in vertical
self-dealing to protect their monopoly. A prominent example was the defensive
self-dealing by the American phone monopolist AT&T, which led to prolonged
litigation over the 1970s and 80s, where AT&T was accused of excluding both
handset and long-distance competitors, despite federal regulations requiring
interconnection. Another historical parallel can be seen in the US and European
Microsoft litigation of the 1990s, where Microsoft was accused of using the power
of its operating system monopoly to exclude various competitors in favor of its
own versions of their products. The most prominent victim of that conduct was
Netscape.

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According to Google, a principal difference between the earlier cases and
its current conduct is that universal search represents a pro-competitive, user-
serving innovation. By deploying universal search, Google argues, it has made
search better. As Eric Schmidt argues, “if we know the answer it is better for us
to answer that question so [the user] doesn’t have to click anywhere, and in that
sense we … use data sources that are our own because we can’t engineer it any
other way.”
Based on the facts available to them, the economic experts employed by
Google and other academics have tended to assert, generally, that universal
search serves consumer interests, a point this paper does not contest. For
example, Michael A. Salinger and Robert J. Levinson, Google’s economic
consultants, describe universal search as an important innovation, a point with
which we take no disagreement. “[T]here can be little doubt that answering
questions directly benefits consumers… The introduction of Universals, which
required Google to refine its (probabilistic) assessment of the intent behind a
search and then provide a link to the best available information for that intent
regardless of its form, was an important intermediate step toward the ultimate
goal of providing information directly.” Similarly, Robert Bork and Greg Sidak, in
What does the Chicago School Teach about Internet Search, argue that
universal search is “a product improvement that consumers value.” They add,
using a one-monopoly profit theorem, that Google has no particular reason to
want to extend its market power into specialized search.

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The assertions made by Salinger, Levinson, Bork and Sidak do not really
address the degradation described in this paper. No one truly disagrees that
universal search, in concept, can be an important innovation that can serve
consumers. The more challenging question arises not from the deployment of
universal search to tell people the weather, but its intentional degradation for
exclusionary in areas where Google faces the most serious long-term
competition.
In this respect, the most in-depth analysis of exactly the dilemma
presented by universal search was presented by James D. Ratliff & Daniel L.
Rubinfeld. Ratliff & Rubinfeld describe the possibility that third-party content
might be better, or more relevant, than Google’s own affiliated content, presented
by universal. In that case, the authors suggest, “Google faces a tradeoff. If
Google listed the less relevant Google-affiliated website more prominently,
Google would benefit from the greater ‘free publicity’ that website would receive.
Conversely, choosing the less relevant Google-affiliated website to display more
prominently would, by assumption, lower the relevance of the organic search
results. This effect, if non-negligible, could cause the user to have a poorer
search experience compared with one in which the more relevant link was listed
more prominently.”
Having captured the search degradation potential presented by universal
search, however, the authors, working mainly by assumption, assert that the
degradation will not happen. In short, they theorize that any degradation caused
by preferential treatment of Google’s own properties would be noticed by users,

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causing a switch to competing search engines, general or specialized. Hence,
the authors conclude, Google will always be incentivized to do what is best for
users, and should, by their assumptions, always choose third-party sites when
that is good for users. As they state, Google “would be more likely to more
prominently display the more-relevant website (not affiliated with Google) the
greater the relevance advantage of the non-Google website and the lower the
beneficial effect of the enhanced free publicity on Google’s affiliated business.”
As detailed below, the underlying experiment directly contradicts these
assertions, suggesting that that the authors have come close to assuming away
the problem. Among various implicit assumptions, they assume that users have
perfect knowledge of the quality of the search they are using, and would suffer
relatively little switching costs in abandoning Google for some constellation of
alternatives. They essentially assume that whenever Google chooses its own
properties it does so because its own properties are better than those provided
by third parties.
That latter assertion is contradicted by Google’s PageRank itself, which
consistently ranks Google’s products below those offered by third parties. More
generally the fact, demonstrated here, that Google does exactly what Ratliff and
Rubinfeld describe — offer a degraded search product that ignores more relevant
alternatives, strongly suggests that something is wrong with the Ratliff and
Rubinfeld analysis. Among other things, Ratliff and Rubin fail to take into
consideration Google’s interest in the exclusion and weakening of long-term,
paradigmatic competitors. That additional factor, we theorize, may justify, for the

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firm, the degradation of the search product in some areas, where it faces
dangerous nascent competitors. The premise is that Google can afford to
degrade its search in some areas while retaining top quality searches in others,
without notably losing users or market share.
Support for this theory comes from Google’s pattern in its deployment of
non-affiliated content. In areas where Google does not face a serious specialized
search competitor, like general knowledge questions, or health questions,
Google relies on the best third party sites as revealed by PageRank (sites like
Wikipedia or the Mayo Clinic). It is only where it faces a specialized competitor
that Google engages in degradation of the search as described here. That
suggests the factor missing from Ratliff and Rubin’s analysis is the interests of
Google in weakening its nascent competitors, which may be a real interest, but
not a pro-competitive interest.
Randy Picker makes this point more explicit when he notes that a media
monopolist that depends on advertising as opposed to cash payments need
always degrade the product (by adding ads) to make its profit. As Picker points
out, the important question, from a competition perspective, is what form the
degradation takes. As he writes:
“For the zero-cash-price media monopolist, the exercise of market power
is just about product degradation. … [Y]ou take the product that you would
otherwise sell to consumers and make it worse in consumer eyes by adding
advertising. You do that to make money.”

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“We should expect media monopolists to degrade their products and the
only issue is precisely how they do that. Degrading the product to make money
today through ads is … a legitimate use of market power. But degrading the
quality of the product to maintain that monopoly or to extend it to a new setting is
an illegitimate use of market power.
Much of the other academic writing in this area concerns the question of
market power in search — a question important to a full competition law analysis
but one beyond the scope of this paper (see, for example, Denegri-Knott et al.
(2006)). Without dwelling on the topic, we make just one point. The ability of
Google to profitably degrade its search in some areas, as suggested by the
results here, has natural empirical relevance to the firm’s possession of market
power. Indeed, it might be taken as direct evidence of market power,8
though we
do not fully develop the point here.
The ability to offer a degraded product without losing consumers is
relevant, for example, to the argument that Google does not have market power
because of an absence of switching costs; Professors Aaron Edlin and Robert
Harris, among others, make the argument that switching costs are “trivial” in
search markets, and suggest that this greatly constrains Google’s power (Edlin
and Harris 2013). In purely competitive market, without switching costs, it would
seem to be impossible for Google to sustain a degraded search without
immediately losing its users to competitors. The apparent ability of Google to
maintain a degraded search product in at least some areas may suggest users
8 As in the Toys R’ Us case in the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals.

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will not immediately switch even if the search is selectively degraded, suggesting
that there may be something wrong with the Edlin and Harris theory.
A final assessment of the universal search product came from the Federal
Trade Commission, both in it is statement closing its investigation, and the
remarks of Chairman Jon Leibovitz. The FTC, in its closing of the case, stated,
based on the evidence it had, that “the documents, testimony and quantitative
evidence the Commission examined are largely consistent with the conclusion
that Google likely benefited consumers by prominently displaying its vertical
content on its search results page.” In his statement, based on the evidence then
available to the Commission, Lebovitz wrote “We close that investigation, finding
that the evidence does not support a claim that Google’s prominent display of its
own content on its general search page was undertaken without legitimate
justification … Google’s primary reason for changing the look and feel of its
search results to highlight its own products was to improve the user experience.”
While the full scope of the evidence reviewed is not public, it is evident that the
Commission did not have the benefit of randomized controlled trials when it
offered that conclusion in 2013 The goal of this paper is to test, whether in fact
the user experience has been improved. As we stressed, in some areas, the
results suggest the opposite.
3.1 Theories of Harm
Google creates economic welfare by reducing search frictions and
matching users with the objects of their preferences. Users come to Google with
preexisting preferences for goods and services (European soccer games,

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vinyasa yoga, New York-style bagels and so on.) They ultimately are matched
with merchants and website operators who seek consumers (to simplify the
analysis, we ignore advertisers, or assume that they are also among those
seeking a match).
Google serves as the “platform” or “intermediary” that matches buyers with
sellers of desired goods or services. Search, stated more simply, generates utility
when someone finds a yoga studio they decide to join, locates where to buy
tickets to a soccer game, identifies a good pediatrician for their sick child, and so
on. In this manner, by matching buyers and sellers, search directly generates
economic welfare. The flipside of understanding the utility of search is that a
purposefully degraded search product can therefore do economic harm,
particularly if it is widely relied upon. For completeness, we now consider five
theories by which degrading of search creates harm to consumers and
merchants.
Welfare Loss. We have described the utility of a search engine in terms of
matching buyers and sellers and the reduction of search costs in that process.
Ellison and Ellison (2009) demonstrate that firms can engage in obfuscation to
make it harder for customers to acquire information in an attempt to maintain
market power. We show that even the platform itself may have the incentive to
increase search frictions for their own benefit. Because the resulting quality and
volume of matches is worse when search frictions are increased, there is a drop
in total welfare. This welfare loss is then split between consumers and
merchants.

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There are, to be more precise, several species of harm caused. First,
some consumers may simply not find what they are looking for in the time they
have, and will give up, yielding some number of unconsummated transactions.
Second, some consumers will be, in fact, determined enough to eventually find
their desired target, but simply suffer greater search costs in the process. A third
kind of harm arises when a buyer ends up patronizing a business or other service
provider who would not have been their first choice, but for the degrading of the
search. Consider, for example, a consumer who is misdirected and ends up at a
bad restaurant; or the parents who are looking for a top-notch pediatrician, but
because of search degradation, patronize a subpar practitioner. The harm
caused by such misdirection when it occurs, will vary, but is undeniable in the
aggregate. The point is simply that a degraded search engine will invariably, as
compared to its alternative, yield some consumer harm from misdirection.
Search-Advertising Monopoly Maintenance. Our results suggest that
Google has chosen a path that excludes its specialized search competitors at the
expense of its users. The result is to weaken nascent competitors to the general
search paradigm. While it is beyond the scope of this paper to prove that
Google’s dominance of search advertising allows it to charge supra-competitive
prices for search-advertising, assuming it does, the exclusion of competitors
likely sustains those elevated prices. Such conduct might be defensible if, as
Google claims, its exclusionary conduct was justified by procompetitive benefits
for consumers. However, as this paper has shown, Google’s implementation is in
some areas actually harmful to consumers. As such, the maintenance of inflated

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prices constitutes a form of economic harm that the competition laws were
designed to remedy.
Innovation Harms. The pattern by which Google uses general search to
exclude and harm competitors in specialized search poses several threats to
innovation, of which two may be highlighted.
It is important to note that most of the successful, pioneer specialized
search operators earned their success through investment and innovation. Yelp
made deep investments in the successful cultivation of offline communities,
which encouraged prolific creation of detailed reviews. Yelp also developed
important technologies to weed out various forms of fraud and spam. Kayak
developed new ways of presenting flight information and incorporated prediction
algorithms that suggest the best time to buy a ticket. TripAdvisor succeeded
where others had failed in achieving a critical mass of reviews of hotels and
attractions for much of the globe.
Harm to future innovation is caused by reducing the incentives of existing
and potential verticals to invest in the innovative and disruptive technologies of
specialized search. If it is understood by entrepreneurs and innovators that any
firm that relies on a specialized search will face an effort by Google to clone its
product and be used by the power of a dominant search engine, the shadow cast
by Google’s search engine becomes long indeed. Just as Microsoft was able to
dampen innovation in software that it might incorporate into Windows, so too
Google can use the terror of linking specialized searches to general search to

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discourage investment in specialized search products that might ultimately
challenge its dominance.
Second, Google’s conduct may create harm by slowing the evolution of
search technology. As we have seen, the history of the web has witnessed
market-altering improvements in information location technology arising each
decade or so (the rise of Yahoo!, Google, etc.). To the degree that universal
search delays or preserves the general search paradigm over the rise of
specialized search alternatives, it may be understood as the potential slowing or
blockage of Schumpeterian “competition for the market” that has been a
trademark of the high-tech and internet industries for much of the last 40 years.
The tendency may be particularly important in the mobile environment, where
general search has been less-well established and presumably weaker than
specialized search.
The very introduction of universal search, as Google has highlighted, is
itself a form of innovation. However, when considering welfare implications,
everything (once again) depends on implementation. To the extent that universal
search is implemented in a manner that benefits buyers and sellers its value
cannot be contested. To the extent it is deployed to damage competitors at the
expense of consumers, it represents no real innovation at all.
Speech and Self-Expression. The World Wide Web has been celebrated
over the last decade for its widespread promulgation of speech and other forms
of self-expression captured in the phrase “user-generated content.” That phrase
reflects in a multitude of forms ranging from blogs, user-created videos, reviews

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of films, products, or restaurants, and so on. More generally, Google operates in
the information industries, where “the cost of monopoly must not be measured in
dollars alone, but also in its effect on the economy of ideas and image, the
restraint of which can amount to censorship” (Wu, 2011).
Search engines are widely understood as key mediators of the web’s
speech environment, given that they have a powerful impact on who gets heard,
what speech is neglected, and what information generally is reached. It is telling
that in censorial regimes, search engines are invariably the targets of strict
government controls (Goldsmith and Wu 2006). As professor Jeffrey Rosen has
written, Google has a particularly central role in this process (Rosen 2012)
Search engines like Google have substantial influence to the point that
“[u]nderstanding free speech in America has become a matter of understanding
the behavior of intermediaries, whether motivated by their own scruples, law, or
public pressure” (Wu 2010; see also Rosen 2008).
The decisions made about search, and in particular, the decision to self-
deal at the expense of other entities on the web, have implications both for web
“speakers” and also listeners, or users. The more that Google directs users to its
own content and its own properties, the more that speakers who write reviews,
blogs and other materials become invisible to their desired audiences. Similarly,
those users who might want to sample a broader, more diverse range of opinions
will, unless they undertake more efforts, find themselves with a more constrained
range of views. This fits with the general implications of vertical integration in an
information industry – that self-dealing tends to yield a more centralized and

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narrow availability of views as compared to the broader and decentralized
presentation of viewpoints that has characterized the web since its infancy.
4. Experimental Design
4.1 Focus on the User Plug-In
Our main treatment uses data from a Chrome Browser Extension called
Focus on the User – Local (FOTU), which was designed to detect Local
OneBoxes and perform alternative searches for results from online review
websites. Upon detecting a Local OneBox in Google search results, FOTU
conducted a search for links to third party local review websites (such as Yelp,
TripAdvisor, and ZocDoc). FOTU then extracted and ranked results from these
websites (as well as from Google’s review content), according to a combination
of Google’s organic ranking, the business’s average star rating, and the number
of reviews.
FOTU essentially constructed an alternative method of presenting local
results, based on the algorithm that powers Google organic search. Note that
maintaining a plug-in such as FOTU in an ongoing basis would be challenging
because Google search result pages, local content, and domains change often.
In fact, the content has changed even since this version of this plug-in was
created, preventing this from being adopted by users. However, for the purpose
of this research, we extracted these ordered lists for our key search, which we
incorporate into our treatment group below.

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4.2 Treatments
We create three experimental conditions, described below.
4.2.1 Control
To create a control condition, we captured a screenshot of results for
searches for the phrase “coffee Louisville KY”. Throughout the experiment, this
was used as a control display. Figure 3 shows the screenshot.
4.2.2 FOTU
This treatment is identical to the control except for the content of the
OneBox. Instead of containing Google content, the OneBox presents content
from FOTU. By comparing the control to this treatment, we can explore
consumer preferences across the two sets of content.
4.2.3 No Reviews
This treatment is identical to the control except for the content of the
OneBox. The OneBox contains the same Google content as the control, except
we removed the rating and review counts next to the businesses (which are
contained in the control). This will allow us to identify the mediating role of
reviews in the comparison between Google content and FOTU.
4.2.4 Experimental Tasks
With treatment groups in hand, we ran two sets of experiments. In the first,
we randomized subjects into one of the three conditions above. Users were then
asked where they would click if conducting the specified search. One possible
concern with this is that clicks may not necessarily measure preferences. To

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confirm our interpretation, we run a survey in which we show two sets of results
and ask them which they would use.
4.3 Subjects and Experimental Platform
We run our experiment on UsabilityHub, which is a testing platform used
by companies that are interested in testing different designs of their webpages.
Our subject pool consists of 2,170 users from Amazon Mechanical Turk, which is
an online labor market and common platform used for social science
experiments. UsabilityHub provides a useful platform for experimentally testing
different search features, since it is the same platform that multiple consumer
Internet companies actually use for this type of task.
5. Empirical Results
5.1 User Preferences for FOTU
Figure 4 presents the main results. In the control condition, 48% of users
clicked inside of the OneBox. In contrast, 66% of users clicked inside of the
OneBox when it was filled with FOTU content. In other words, users are roughly
40% more likely to engage with the OneBox when it is filled with FOTU content/
using Google’s own algorithm.
One might be concerned that user clicks may not necessarily reveal their
preferences. To address this concern, we run a simple second survey
experiment in which we show a separate set of users both conditions, and ask
which they prefer. Per figure 5, roughly 70-80% of users prefer FOTU in a head-

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to-head comparison, reinforcing our interpretation that clicks are a good measure
of user preferences.
5.2 The Role of Reviews
Our main result shows that users prefer FOTU content, but does not
explain the mechanism. Our hypothesis is that users prefer FOTU content
because it contains more reviews than the control (464 relative to 117). By
construction, FOTU must always have more reviews, since it pulls data from
reviews platforms and Google reviews, whereas the Google OneBox intentionally
excludes other review platforms.
To test this hypothesis, we run a second set of experiments in which we
show the identical content, but vary the number of reviews shown next to each
business (117 relative to 0). In figure 4, we show that only 33% of users click on
the OneBox when it contains no reviews, relative to 48% when it contains 117
reviews – even though all other content is identical. In other words, users are
roughly 46% more likely to engage with the OneBox when it contains reviews
relative to when it doesn’t, holding all else constant. To support our interpretation,
we again run a head-to-head comparison in which a different set of subjects is
asked to choose between the two sets of content. Figure 6 shows that users
overwhelmingly prefer the content that contains reviews relative to the content
that does not.
Overall, these findings show that users prefer FOTU content to Google
content, and that this is mediated by the fact that FOTU contains more reviews.

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By intentionally excluding reviews from other platforms, Google is hence
degrading the quality of its product.
5.3 Cross-Validating Subject Responses
While our experimental approach is new to antitrust analysis, randomized
controlled trials form the backbone of much of the social sciences and are
becoming an increasingly important policy tool. Experiments are also an
important approach used when designing online platforms – in fact, this is one
frequent use of UsabilityHub.
Because this is a new approach to this context, we cross-validate our
results by comparing behavior on UsabilityHub to known behavior in online
platforms. Optimally, we would compare our results to results from experiments
done within Google. However, we do not have access to their data since it is
proprietary. Instead, we ran a separate experiment within Yelp and the exact
same experiment on UsabilityHub.
Specifically, we ran an experiment in which a control group was shown a
Yelp search page without any filters and a treatment group was shown a Yelp
search page with filters – as shown in Figure 7. We then measured the percent of
users who engaged with the map on the page. We ran this both on UsabilityHub
and in vivo on Yelp. We found that users were 22% more likely to engage with
the map in the treatment condition on Yelp, and 29% more likely to engage with
the treatment condition on UsabilityHub. The qualitative consistency of results
across these platforms provides further support for the validity of our
experimental approach.

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6 Legal Criteria of Actionable Exclusion
A demonstration of consumer harm is relevant to nearly any competition
law theory one might care to invoke. We therefore think the conclusion that
Google is knowingly degrading its search at the expense of consumers stands on
its own as a crucial fact. Here, we here develop three ways of thinking about
whether an enforcement authority should take action.
6.1 Naked Exclusion, Neglect of Less Restrictive Alternatives &
Sacrifice of Product Quality
In any competition case centered on exclusionary conduct, authorities
face the following hard question: When should conduct that excludes competitors
be excused by virtue of the fact that it may also be efficient or beneficial for
consumers? How can “pro-competitive” efficiencies be weighed against anti-
competitive exclusion? The problem shows up with great frequency in cases
arising under Section 2 of the Sherman Act or Para 102 of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union (see Sherman Antitrust Act, 15 U.S.C. §2
(2000); see also Consolidated Version of the Treaty of the Functioning of the
European Union, art. 102, Oct. 26, 2012, 2012 O.J. (C 326) 47).
American judges have been particularly sensitive to this challenge, and
have warned of the dangers of the “false positive” – that is to say, condemnation
of practices that might, on balance, be good for consumers or the economy. As
the American Supreme Court has stressed, to condemn exclusionary conduct
that is pro-competitive might “chill the very conduct that the antitrust laws are

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designed to protect.” Matsushita Elec. Indus. Co. v. Zenith Radio Corp., 475 U.S.
574, 575 (1986). 9
The European Commission is also wary of this concern, and
allows the justification of conduct “leading to foreclosure of competitors on the
ground of efficiencies that are sufficient to guarantee that no net harm to
consumers is likely to arise.” Commission Decision No. 92/213/EEC, 1992 O.J.
(L 96) 34 (EC).
As a response to this concern, courts and commentators have isolated
scenarios where action in cases of exclusion is most clearly warranted. We
consider three here: “naked exclusion,” “neglect of less restrictive alternatives”
and “sacrifice of product quality.”
The first is the category of “naked exclusion,” where the exclusion of
competitors is simply not justified by any real efficiencies or benefits for
consumers (even if they may be claimed.). As Susan Creighton defines the term,
it is such conduct is that which “is likely … to have only anticompetitive effects.”
(Creighton 2005). Among many classic examples is the Lorain Journal case,
where a newspaper refused to print advertisements from companies that
patronized its rivals, or Allied Tube10
, where the makers of a form of steel pipe
conspired to prevent plastic pipes from being accepted by a standards body.
9
The challenge is augmented in software or technologies cases where exclusion is often
accomplished by product design, for competition authorities have sometimes been inclined to defer
to the designer. In the American Microsoft case, for example, the court pointed out that “In a
competitive market, firms routinely innovate in the hope of appealing to consumers, sometimes in
the process making their products incompatible for those of rivals; the imposition of liability when a
monopolist does the same thing will inevitably deter a certain amount of innovation.” United States v.
Microsoft Corp., 253 F.3d 34, 65 (D.C. Cir. 2001).

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Lorain Journal Co. v. United States, 342 U.S. 143 (1951); Allied Tube and
Conduit Corp. v. Indian Head, Inc., 486 U.S. 492 (1998).
The second category is one where a dominant firm forgoes an obvious,
less restrictive alternative course of conduct that would be equally, or more
effective in serving the pro-competitive goals articulated. The reliance on a less-
restrictive alternative analysis, as commentators point out, serves several
purposes. For one thing, it serves as an aid to the balancing of pro-competitive
efficiencies with the harms of exclusion. As Herbert Hovenkamp has written,
given complex balancing, “first and foremost, the antitrust decision-maker must
look for less restrictive alternatives.” (Hovenkamp and Areeda 2005). Second, as
Scott Hemphill points out, the use of less restrictive alternatives may also serve
as important tool for “smoking-out” an illicit motive (Hemphill 2015).
In European practice, an “indispensability” analysis mirrors the American
“less restrictive alternatives” jurisprudence. As the Commission has written, a
firm that offers a pro-competitive efficiency must show that “its conduct is
indispensable to the realization of those efficiencies: there must be no less
anticompetitive alternatives to the conduct that are capable of producing the
same efficiencies.” Commission Decision Id.
The indispensability or less-restrictive alternatives analysis aims to identify
the following situation. Consider a dominant firm who claims that its exclusionary
practices serve a laudable, pro-competitive goal. It faces two equally effective
strategies for doing so: strategy A and B, but strategy A is more exclusionary of
its competitors. In that context, the choice of A is suspicious on its face. But

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matters become much worse if strategy A is, moreover, not equally, but actually
less effective in achieving the stated pro-competitive goals; in that case suspicion
may be replaced with outright incredulity. The choice of a less effective but more
exclusionary alternative strongly suggests both the intent and implementation of
an anticompetitive and consumer harming course of conduct that should attract
serious scrutiny.
Third, enforcers may consider, as evidence of actionable exclusion, the
“sacrifice” of profit or product quality so as to damage competitors. When a
dominant firm degrades its own products so as to damage competitors, it is often
reasonably inferred that the goal of such conduct is not, in fact, innovation, but
the maintenance of dominance. Here, Google is sacrificing quality and profits on
its search platform to exclude rivals to its local product. Such sacrifices are often
linked to a change in an existing course of dealing.
The idea of a sacrifice in product quality or of profit has an important
pedigree in competition law. In the European Commission case British Midland v.
Aer Lingus11
, for example, regulators were greatly concerned that Aer Lingus
sacrificed a better product – the issuance of “interlined” airline tickets - for the
evident purpose of slowing a rising competitor (British Midland). Commission
Decision Id. At issue was an existing practice whereby the airlines, who shared a
route, issued a ticket that would be honored by either airline. The Commission
noted that the practice was both preferred by consumers and revenue generating
for all involved. When Aer Lingus began to refuse to interline with British Midland,

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it concluded that the denial of interlining was intended to damage competition
and would harm consumers. “A significant number of passengers consider the
possibility to change tickets and organize complex journeys on a single ticket as
necessary” wrote the Commission, and “a refusal to interline will have the effect
of diverting many of these passengers away from the new entrant airline. In this
respect, a refusal to interline affects in particular the well-informed business
travellers who require fully flexible tickets and who make a disproportionately
large contribution to the revenue of the new entrant.” Commission Decision Id. at
40.
The basic premise of the sacrifice analysis is recognition that even though
exclusionary conduct can be ambiguous in its effect on consumers, where the
exclusion creates a demonstrably lower quality product it becomes inherently
suspicious.12
The strategy has the consequence of both harming consumers and
damaging a competitor, and as such, bearing resemblance to the conduct at
issue here.
6.2 As Applied
Our analysis and results suggest that Google’s implementation of
universal search in the local category sets off warning signs, whether it is
considered through an instance of naked exclusion, neglect of a less restrictive
alternative, or a sacrifice of product quality. That should lead enforcers to treat
the implementation of universal search with suspicion.
12
Among various American examples of such conduct are Allied Tube, discussed above, and Aspen
Skiing Co. v. Aspen Highlands Skiing Corp., 472 U.S. 585 (1985), in which a dominant skiing company
in the Aspen area purposely destroys a previously popular “all mountain” pass for no reason other
than doing damage to its competitor.

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Naked exclusion is an appropriate conclusion if considering universal
search not as a whole, but specific implementations. This paper demonstrates
that, in local search, the effect of Google’s OneBox on consumers is clearly
negative. There may be other examples, discoverable through further testing. It
may be appropriate then, to consider implementations particularly those serving
up non-fact-based information of universal search as harmful to both consumers
and competitors as simply the exercise of naked exclusion.
Alternatively, one might choose to view universal search more broadly,
and credit the instances where Universal Search does benefit consumers (such
as its more rapid responses to inquiries for raw factual data). In that case
Google’s implementation of universal search more readily fits within the category
of forgoing more effective, less restrictive alternative in favor of a strategy that
both does more to exclude competitors and less to serve users. As such, the test
gives strong reason to suggest that Google is opportunistically deploying
universal search to prevent any threats to the general search engine, at the
expense of both competition and consumers.
Third, it should not be difficult to conclude that Google is sacrificing
product quality in the pursuit of the exclusion of its competitors. As demonstrated
above, consumers actually preferred a universal search that includes both
Google and its competitors, just as travelers preferred the interlined airline
tickets. As such, just as in the Aer Lingus case, there is “no persuasive and
legitimate business justification for its conduct.” Commission Decision Id. at 41.
Nor, as the Commission has recognized, can Google’s desire to grow its own

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specialized search product competitors serve as a justification for the conduct.
The “desire to avoid loss of market share … [does] not make this a legitimate
response to new entry.” Commission Decision Id.
The statements tend to support the theory that Universal Search was at
minimum a two-edged instrument. It has been, at times, deployed in a way that
benefits consumers. But everything also points to the use of the same
instrument, in at least some areas, to exclude competitors at the expense of
consumers.
6.3 Remedies
Among the greatest challenges facing any antitrust analysis is the
question of remedies. During the various investigations of Google, the challenge
of finding a remedy has been repeatedly stressed.
Marina Lao asserts, for example, that “the remedy for any incidental
exclusionary effects of search ‘bias’ is that it is likely to do more harm than good.”
(Lao 2013). In the following section we suggest that randomized controlled trials
performed for this paper present a clear means for designing a remedy where
Google can be shown to be degrading search for exclusionary purposes, and
one that is based entirely on Google’s own operating algorithm. In other words,
contrary to the assertions of Lao and others, there is no need for any third party
assessment of Google’s search.
The remedy depends on the availability of Google’s PageRank algorithm,
which provides a well-recognized gold-standard for assessing relevance.
PageRank with its origins as an academic paper written by Google founders,

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provides the industry’s leading indicator of what is most relevant, and therefore
most serving of user welfare, for a given search inquiry. The remedy would, in
areas that Google has demonstrated exclusionary activity, enjoin Google to use
its PageRank algorithm to populate its universal search results.
A few examples might make clear how this would work in practice, using
“local” search as the subject, an area where Google has been widely accused of
exclusionary practices. Following a finding that Google, in fact, has market
power, and uses that market power in an exclusionary manner through universal
search, the firm might be enjoined as follows. For those searches which trigger
its local “OneBox” result, the firm must henceforth use the results of its own
PageRank algorithm to populate that OneBox, as opposed to arbitrarily
populating the OneBox with its own properties.
This remedy would come very close to doing what, at least according to
some analysts, Google is already incentivized to do anyhow. Ratliff and
Rubinfeld have argued that Google has natural reasons to include third-party
content when it is better than that which Google itself can provide.13
If that is the
case, which is true, then the harm to Google of listening to PageRank cannot be
great, and indeed the remedy may make the product better, even if it makes
Google more vulnerable to competition on the merits. This is, to be clear, the
exact opposite of “do[ing] more harm than good.” Instead, the remedy, if adopted,
could be expected to create a product better for consumers, at the expense of
universal search as a barrier to entry.
13 See argument, above.