THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
BY SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS
BOOK V

INTRODUCTION

BEFORE we begin the fifth book of our history, we must beg those who may peruse
this treatise, not to censure us too hastily because having set out to write
a church history we still intermingle with ecclesiastical matters, such an
account of the wars which took place during the period under consideration,
as could be duly authenticated. For this we have done for several reasons:
first, in order to lay before our readers an exact statement of facts; but
secondly, in order that the minds of the readers might not become satiated
with the repetition of the contentious disputes of bishops, and their insidious
designs against one another; but more especially that it might be made apparent,
that whenever the affairs of the state were disturbed, those of the Church,
as if by some vital sympathy, became disordered also. (1) Indeed whoever shall
attentively examine the subject will find, that the mischiefs of the state,
and the troubles of the church have been inseparably connected; for he will
perceive that they have either arisen together, or immediately succeeded one
another. Sometimes the affairs of the Church come first in order; then commotions
in the state follow, and sometimes the reverse, so that I cannot believe this
invariable interchange is merely fortuitous, but am persuaded that it proceeds
from our iniquities; and that these evils are inflicted upon us as merited
chastisements, if indeed as the apostle truly says, 'Some men's sins are open
beforehand, going before to judgment; and some men they follow after.' (2)
For this reason we have interwoven many affairs of the state with our ecclesiastical
history. Of the wars carried on during the reign of Constantine we have made
no mention, having found no account of them that could be depended upon because
of their iniquity: but of subsequent events, as much information as we could
gather from those still living (3) in the order of their occurrence, we have
passed in rapid review. We have continually included the emperors in these
historical details; because from the time they began to profess the Christian
religion, the affairs of the Church have depended on them, so that even the
greatest Synods have been, and still are convened by their appointment. Finally,
we have particularly noticed the Arian heresy, because it has so greatly disquieted
the churches. Let these remarks be considered sufficient in the way of preface:
we shall now proceed with our history.

CHAPTER I.

After the Death of Valens the Goths again attach Constantinople, and are repulsed
by the Citizens, aided by Some Saracen Auxiliaries.

AFTER the Emperor Valens had thus lost his life, in a manner which has never
been satisfactorily ascertained, (1) the barbarians again approached the very
walls of Constantinople, and laid waste the suburbs on every side of it. Whereat
the people becoming indignant armed themselves with whatever weapons they could
severally lay hands on, and sallied forth of their own accord against the enemy.
The empress Dominica caused the same pay to be distributed out of the imperial
treasury to such as volunteered to go out on this service, as was usually allowed
to soldiers. A few Saracens also assisted the citizens, being confederates,
who had been sent by Maria their queen: the latter we have already mentioned.
(2) In this way the people having fought at this time, the barbarians retired
to a great distance from the city.

CHAPTER II.

The Emperor Gratian recalls the Orthodox Bishops, and expels the Heretics
from the Churches. He takes Theodosius as his Colleague in the Empire.

GRATIAN being now in possession of the empire, together with Valentinian the
younger, and condemning the cruel policy of his uncle Valens towards the [orthodox]
Christians, recalled those whom he had sent into exile. He moreover enacted
that persons of all sects, without distinction, might securely assemble together
in their churches; and that only the Eunomians, (1) Photinians, (2) and Manichaeans
(3) should be excluded from the churches. Being also sensible of the languishing
condition of the Roman empire, and of the growing power of the barbarians and
perceiving that the state was in need of a brave and prudent man, he took Theodosius
as his colleague in the sovereign power. This [Theodosius] was descended from
a noble family in Spain, and had acquired so distinguished a celebrity for
his prowess in the wars, that he was universally considered worthy of imperial
dignity, even before Gratian's election of him. Having therefore proclaimed
him emperor at Sirmium a city of Illyricum in the consulate (4) of Ausonius
and Olybrius, on the 16th of January, he divided with him the care of managing
the war against the barbarians.

CHAPTER III.

The Principal Bishops who flourished at that Time.

NOW at this time Damasus who had succeeded Liberius then presided over the
church at Rome. Cyril was still in possession of that at Jerusalem. The Antiochian
church, as we have stated, was divided into three parts: for the Arians had
chosen Dorotheus as the successor of their bishop Euzoius; while one portion
of the rest was under the government of Paulinus, and the others ranged themselves
with Melitius, who had been recalled from exile Lucius, although absent, having
been compelled to leave Alexandria, yet maintained the episcopal authority
among the Arians of that city; the Homoousians there being headed by Timothy,
who succeeded Peter. At Constantinople Demophilus the successor of Eudoxius
presided over the Arian faction, and was in possession of the churches; but
those who were averse to communion with him held their assemblies apart. (1)

CHAPTER IV.

The Macedonians, who had subscribed the 'Homoousian' Doctrine, return to their
Former Error.

AFTER the deputation from the Macedonians to Liberius, that sect was admitted
to entire communion with the churches in every city, intermixing themselves
indiscriminately with those who from the beginning had embraced the form of
faith published at Nicaea. But when the law of the Emperor Gratian permitted
the several sects to reunite without restraint in the public services of religion,
they again resolved to separate themselves; and having met at Antioch in Syria,
they decided to avoid the word homoousios again, and in no way to hold communion
with the supporters of the Nicene Creed. They however derived no advantage
from this attempt; for the majority of their own party being disgusted at the
fickleness with which they sometimes maintained one opinion, and then another,
withdrew from them, and thenceforward became firm adherents of those who professed
the doctrine of the homoousion. (1)

CHAPTER V.

Events at Antioch in Connection with Paulinus and Meletius.

ABOUT this time a serious contest was excited at Antioch in Syria, on account
of Melitius. We have already observed (1) that Paulinus, bishop of that city,
because of his eminent piety was not sent into exile: and that Melitius after
being restored by Julian, was again banished by Valens, and at length recalled
in Gratian's reign. (2) On his return to Antioch, he found Paulinus greatly
enfeebled by old age; his partisans therefore immediately used their utmost
endeavors to get him associated with that bishop in the episcopal office. And
when Paulinus declared that 'it was contrary to the canons (3) to take as a
coadjutor one who had been ordained by the Arians,' the people had recourse
to violence, and caused him to be consecrated in one of the churches without
the city. When this was done, a great disturbance arose; but afterwards the
people were brought to unite on the following stipulations. Having assembled
such of the clergy as might be considered worthy candidates for the bishopric,
they found them six in number, of whom Flavian was one. All these they bound
by an oat, not to use any effort to get themselves ordained, when either of
the two bishops should die, but to permit the survivor to retain undisturbed
possession of the see of the deceased. (4) Thus pledges were given, and the
people had peace and so no longer quarreled with one another. The Luciferians,
(5) however, separated themselves from the rest, because Melitius who had been
ordained by the Arians was admitted to the episcopate. In this state of the
Antiochian church, Melitius was under the necessity of going to Constantinople.

CHAPTER VI.

Gregory of Nazianzus is transferred to the See of Constantinople. The Emperor
Theodosius falling Sick at Thessalonica, after his Victory over the Barbarians,
is there baptized by cholius the Bishop.

BY the common suffrage of many bishops, Gregory was at this time translated
from the see of Nazianzus to that of Constantinople, (1) and this happened
in the manner before described. About the same time the emperors Gratian and
Theodosius each obtained a victory over the barbarians. (2) And Gratian immediately
set out for Gaul, because the Alemanni were ravaging those provinces: but Theodosius,
after erecting a trophy, hastened towards Constantinople, and arrived at Thessalonica.
There he was taken dangerously ill, and expressed a desire to receive Christian
baptism. (3) Now he had been instructed in Christian principles by his ancestors,
and professed the 'homoousian' faith. Becoming increasingly anxious to be baptized
therefore, as his malady grew worse, he sent for the bishop of Thessalonica,
and first asked him what doctrinal views he held? The bishop having replied,
'that the opinion of Arius had not yet invaded the provinces of Illyricum,
nor had the novelty to which that heretic had given birth begun to prey upon
the churches in those countries; but they continued to preserve unshaken that
faith which from the beginning was delivered by the apostles, and had been
confirmed in the Nicene Synod,' the emperor was most gladly baptized by the
bishop Ascholius; and having recovered from his disease not many days after,
he came to Constantinople on the twenty-fourth of November, in the fifth consulate
of Gratian, and the first of his own?

CHAPTER VII.

Gregory, finding Some Dissatisfaction about his Appointment, abdicates the
Episcopate of Constantinople. The Emperor orders Demophilus the Arian Bishop
either to assent to the 'Homoousion,' or leave the City. He chooses the Latter.

NOW at
that time Gregory of Nazianzus, after his translation to Constantinople,
held his assemblies
within the city
in a small oratory, adjoining to which
the emperors afterwards built a magnificent church, and named it Anastasia.
(1) But Gregory, who far excelled in eloquence and piety all those of the age
in which he lived, understanding that some murmured at his preferment because
he was a stranger, after expressing his joy at the emperor's arrival, resigned
the bishopric of Constantinople. When the emperor found the church in this
state, he began to consider by what means he could make peace, effect a union,
and enlarge the churches. Immediately, therefore, he intimated his desire to
Demophilus, (2) who presided over the Arian party; and enquired whether he
was willing to assent to the Nicene Creed, and thus reunite the people, and
establish peace. Upon Demophilus' declining to accede to this proposal, the
emperor said to him, 'Since you reject peace and harmony, I order you to quit
the churches.' When Demophilus heard this, weighing with himself the difficulty
of contending against superior power, he convoked his followers in the church,
and standing in the midst of them, thus spoke: 'Brethren, it is written in
the Gospel, (3) "If they persecute you in one city, flee ye into another." Since
therefore the emperor needs the churches, take notice that we will henceforth
hold our assemblies without the city.' Having said this he departed; not however
as rightly apprehending the meaning of that expression in the Evangelist, for
the real import of the sacred oracle is that such as would avoid the course
of this world must seek the heavenly Jerusalem. (4) He therefore went outside
the city gates, and there in future held his assemblies. With him also Lucius
went out, who being ejected from Alexandria, as we have before related, (5)
had made his escape to Constantinople, and there abode. Thus the Arians, after
having been in possession of the churches for forty years, were in consequence
of their opposition to the peace proposed by the emperor Theodosius, driven
out of the city, in Gratian's fifth consulate, (6) and the first of Theodosius
Angustus, on the 26th of November. The adherents of the 'homoousian' faith
in this manner regained possession of the churches.

CHAPTER VIII.

A Synod consisting of One Hundred and Fifty Bishops meets at Constantinople.
The Decrees passed. Ordination of Nectarius.

THE emperor
making no delay summoned a Synod (1) of the prelates of his own faith, in
order that
he might establish
the Nicene Creed, and appoint a bishop
of Constantinople: and inasmuch as he was not without hope that he might win
the Macedonians over to his own views, he invited those who presided over that
sect to be present also. There met therefore on this occasion of the Homoousian
party, Timothy from Alexandria, Cyril from Jerusalem, who at that time recognized
the doctrine of homoousion, (2) having retracted his former opinion; Melitius
from Antioch, he having arrived there previously to assist at the installation
of Gregory; Ascholius also from Thessalonica, and many others, amounting in
all to one hundred and fifty. Of the Macedonians, the leaders were Eleusius
of Cyzicus, and Marcian of Lampsacus; these with the rest, most of whom came
from the cities of the Hellespont, were thirty-six in number. Accordingly they
were assembled in the month of May, under the consulate (3) of Eucharius and
Evagrius, and the emperor used his utmost exertions, in conjunction with the
bishops who entertained similar sentiments to his own, to bring over Eleusius
and his adherents to his own side. They were reminded of the deputation they
had sent by Eustathius to Liberius (4) then bishop of Rome; that they had of
their own accord not long before entered into promiscuous communion with the
orthodox; and the inconsistency and fickleness of their conduct was represented
to them, in now at tempting to subvert the faith which they once acknowledged,
and professed agreement with the catholics in. But they paying little heed
alike to admonitions and reproofs, chose rather to maintain the Arian dogma,
than to assent to the 'homoousian' doctrine. Having made this declaration,
they departed from Constantinople; moreover they wrote to their partisans in
every city, and charged them by no means to harmonize with the creed of the
Nicene Synod. The bishops of the other party remaining at Constantinople, entered
into a consultation about the ordination of a bishop; for Gregory, as we have
before said, (5) had resigned that see, and was preparing to return to Nazianzus.
Now there was a person named Nectarius, of a senatorial family, mild and gentle
in his manners, and admirable in his whole course of life, although he at that
time bore the office of proctor. This man was seized upon by the people, and
elected (6) to the episcopate, and was ordained accordingly by one hundred
and fifty bishops then present. The same prelates moreover published a decree,
(7) prescribing 'that the bishop of Constantinople should have the next prerogative
of honor after the bishop of Rome, because that city was New Rome.' They also
again confirmed the Nicene Creed. Then too patriarchs were constituted, and
the provinces distributed, so that no bishop might exercise any jurisdiction
over other churches (8) out of his own diocese: for this had been often indiscriminately
done before, in consequence of the persecutions. To Nectarius therefore was
allotted the great city and Thrace. Helladius, the successor of Basil in the
bishopric of Caesarea in Cappadocia, obtained the patriarchate of the diocese
of Pontus in conjunction with Gregory Basil's brother bishop of Nyssa (9) in
Cappadocia, and Otreius bishop of Melitina in Armenia. To Amphilochius of Iconium
and Optimus of Antioch in Pisidia, was the Asiatic diocese assigned. The superintendence
of the churches throughout Egypt was committed to Timothy of Alexandria. On
Pelagius of Laodicea, and Diodorus of Tarsus, devolved the administration of
the churches of the East; without infringement however on the prerogatives
of honor reserved • to the Antiochian church, and conferred on Melitius
then present. They further decreed that as necessity required it, the ecclesiastical
affairs of each province should be managed by a Synod of the province. These
arrangements were confirmed by the emperor's approbation. Such was the result
of this Synod.

CHAPTER IX.

The Body of Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, is honorably transferred from
his Place of Exile. Death of Meletius.

THE emperor at that time caused to be removed from the city of Ancyra, the
body of the bishop Paul, whom Philip the prefect of the Praetorium (1) had
banished at the instigation of Macedonius, and ordered to be strangled at Cucusus
a town of Armenia, as I have already mentioned. (2) He therefore received the
remains with great reverence and honor, and deposited in the church which now
takes its name from him; which the Macedonian party were formerly in possession
of while they remained separate from the Arians, but were expelled at that
time by the emperor, because they refused to adopt his sentiments. About this
period Melitius, bishop of Antioch, fell sick and died: in whose praise Gregory,
the brother of Basil, pronounced a funeral oration. The body of the deceased
bishop was by his friends conveyed to Antioch; where those who had identified
themselves with his interests again refused subjection to Paulinus, but caused
Flavian to be substituted in the place of Melitius, and the people began to
quarrel anew. Thus again the Antiochian church was divided into rival factions,
not grounded on any difference of faith, but simply on a preference of bishops.

CHAPTER X.

The Emperor orders a Convention composed of All the Various Sects. Arcadius
is proclaimed Augustus. The Novatians permitted to hold their Assemblies in
the City of Constantinople: Other Heretics driven out.

GREAT
disturbances occurred in other cities also, as the Arians were ejected from
the churches. But I
cannot
sufficiently admire the emperor's prudence
in this contingency. For he was unwilling to fill the cities with disturbance,
as far as this was dependent on him, and so after a very short time (1) he
called together a general conference of the sects, thinking that by a discussion
among their bishops, their mutual differences might be adjusted, and unanimity
established. And this purpose of the emperor's I am persuaded was the reason
that his affairs were so prosperous at that time. In fact by a special dispensation
of Divine Providence the barbarous nations were reduced to subjection under
him: and among others, Athanaric king of the Goths made a voluntary surrender
of himself to him, (2) with all his people, and died soon after at Constantinople.
At this juncture the emperor proclaimed his son Arcadius Augustus, on the sixteenth
of January, in the second consulate (3) of Merobaudes and Saturnilus. Not long
afterwards in the month of June, under the same consulate, the bishops of every
sect arrived from all places: the emperor, therefore, sent for Nectarius the
bishop, and consulted with him on the best means of freeing the Christian religion
from dissensions, and reducing the church to a state of unity. 'The subjects
of controversy, (2) said he, 'ought to be fairly discussed, that by the detection
and removal of the sources of discord, a universal agreement may be effected.'
Hearing this proposition Nectarius fell into uneasiness, and communicated it
to Agelius bishop of the Novatians, inasmuch as he entertained the same sentiments
as himself in matters of faith. This man, though eminently pious, was by no
means competent to maintain a dispute on doctrinal points; he therefore proposed
to refer the subject to Sisinnius (4) his reader, as a fit person to manage
a conference. Sisinnius, who was not only learned, but possessed of great experience,
and was well informed both in the expositions of the sacred Scriptures and
the principles of philosophy, being convinced that disputations, far from healing
divisions usually create heresies of a more inveterate character, gave the
following advice to Nectarius, knowing well that the ancients have nowhere
attributed a beginning of existence to the Son of God, conceiving him to be
co-eternal with the Father, he advised that they should avoid dialectic warfare
and bring forward as evidences of the truth the testimonies of the ancients.
'Let the emperor,' said he, 'demand of the heads of each sect, whether they
would pay any deference to the ancients who flourished before schism distracted
the church; or whether they would repudiate them, as alienated from the Christian
faith? If they reject their authority, then let them also anathematize them:
and should they presume to take such a step, they would themselves be instantly
thrust out by the people, and so the truth will be manifestly victorious. But
if, on the other hand, they are not willing to set aside the fathers, it will
then be our business to produce their books, by which our views will be fully
attested.' Nectarius having heard these words of Sisinnius, hastened to the
palace, and acquainted the emperor with the plan which had been suggested to
him; who at once perceiving its wisdom and propriety, carried it into execution
with consummate prudence. For without discovering his object, he simply asked
the chiefs of the heretics whether they had any respect for and would accept
the teachings of those teachers who lived previous to the dissension in the
church? As they did not repudiate them, but replied that they highly revered
them as their masters; the emperor enquired of them again whether they would
defer to them as accredited witnesses of Christian doctrine? At this question,
the leaders of the several parties, with their logical champions, -- for many
had come prepared for sophistical debate, -- found themselves extremely embarrassed.
For a division was caused among them as some acquiesced in the reasonableness
of the emperor's proposition while others shrunk from it, conscious that it
was by no means favorable to their interests: so that all being variously affected
towards the writings of the ancients, they could no longer agree among themselves,
dissenting not only from other sects, but those of the same sect differing
from one another. Accordant malice therefore, like the tongue of the giants
of old, was confounded, and their tower of mischief overturned. (5) The emperor
perceiving by their confusion that their sole confidence was in subtle arguments,
and that they feared to appeal to the expositions of the fathers, bad recourse
to another method: he commanded every sect to set forth in writing their own
peculiar tenets. Accordingly those who were accounted the most skillful among
them, drew up a statement of their respective creeds, couched in terms the
most circumspect they could devise; a day was appointed, and the bishops selected
for this purpose presented themselves at the palace. Nectarius and Agelius
appeared as the defenders of the 'homoousian' faith; Demophilus supported the
Arian dogma; Eunomius himself undertook the cause of the Eunomians; and Eleusius,
bishop of Cyzicus, represented the opinions of those who were denominated Macedonians.
The emperor gave them all a courteous reception; and receiving from each their
written avowal of faith, he shut himself up alone, and prayed very earnestly
that God would assist him in his endeavors to ascertain the truth. Then perusing
with great care the statement which each had submitted to him, he condemned
all the rest, inasmuch as they introduced a separation of the Trinity, and
approved of that only which contained the doctrine of the homoousion. This
decision caused the Novatians to flourish again, and hold their meetings within
the city: for the emperor delighted with the agreement of their profession
with that which he embraced, promulgated a law securing to them the peaceful
possession of their own church buildings, and assigned to their churches equal
privileges with those to which he gave his more especial sanction. But the
bishops of the other sects, on account of their disagreement among themselves,
were despised and censured even by their own followers: so that overwhelmed
with perplexity and vexation they departed, addressing consolatory letters
to their adherents, whom they exhorted not to be troubled because many had
deserted them and gone over to the homoousian party; for they said, 'Many are
called, but few chosen' (6) -- an expression which they never used when on
account of force and terror the majority of the people was on their side. Nevertheless
the orthodox believers were not wholly exempt from inquietude; for the affairs
of the Antiochian church caused divisions among those who were present at the
Synod. The bishops of Egypt, Arabia and Cyprus, combined against Flavian, and
insisted on his expulsion from Antioch: but those of Palestine, Phoenicia,
and Syria, contended with equal zeal in his favor. What result issued from
this contest I shall describe in its proper place. (7)

CHAPTER XI.

The Emperor Gratian is slain by the Treachery of the Usurper Maximus. From
Fear of high Justina ceases persecuting Ambrose.

NEARLY at the same time with the holding of these Synods at Constantinople,
the following events occurred in the Western parts. Maximus, from the island
of Britain, rebelled against the Roman empire, and attacked Gratian, who was
then wearied and exhausted in a war with the Alemanni. (1) In Italy, Valentinian
being still a minor, Probus, a man of consular dignity, had the chief administration
of affairs, and was at that time prefect of the Praetorium. Justina, the mother
of the young prince, who entertained Arian sentiments, as long as her husband
lived had been unable to molest the Homoousians; but going to Milan while her
son was still young, she manifested great hostility to Ambrose the bishop,
and commanded that he should be banished. (3) While the people from their excessive
attachment to Ambrose, were offering resistance to those who were charged with
taking him into exile, intelligence was brought that Gratian had been assassinated
by the treachery of the usurper Maximus. In fact Andragathius, a general under
Maximus, having concealed himself in a litter resembling a couch, which was
carried by mules, ordered his guards to spread a report before him that the
litter contained the Emperor Gratian's wife. They met the emperor near the
city of Lyons in France just as he had crossed the river: who believing it
to be his wife, and not suspecting any treachery, fell into the hands of his
enemy as a blind man into the ditch; for Andragathius, suddenly springing forth
from the litter, slew him. (3) Gratian thus perished in the consulate of Merogaudes
and Saturninus, (4) in the twenty-fourth year of his age, and the fifteenth
of his reign. When this happened the Empress Justina's indignation against
Ambrose was repressed. Afterwards Valentinian most unwillingly, but constrained
by the necessity of the time, admitted Maximus as his colleague in the empire.
Probus alarmed at the power of Maximus, resolved to retreat into the regions
of the East: leaving Italy therefore, he proceeded to Illyricum, and fixed
his residence at Thessalonica a city of Macedonia.

CHAPTER XII.

While the Emperor Theodosius is engaged in Military Preparations against Maximus,
his Son Honorius is born. He then proceeds to Milan in Order to encounter the
Usurper.

BUT the Emperor Theodosius was filled with great solicitude, and levied a
powerful army against the usurper, fearing test he should meditate the assassination
of the young Valentinian also. While engaged in this preparation, an embassy
arrived from the Persians, requesting peace from the emperor. Then also the
empress Flaccilla bore him a son named Honorius, on the 9th of September, in
the consulate of Richomelius and Clearchus. (1) Under the same consulate, and
a little previously, Agelius bishop of the Novatians died? In the year following,
wherein Arcsdius Augustus bore his first consulate in conjunction with Baudon,
(8) Timothy bishop of Alexandria died, and was succeeded in the episcopate
by Theophilus. About a year after this, Demophilus the Arian prelate having
departed this life, the Arians sent for Marinus a leader of their own heresy
out of Thrace, to whom they entrusted the bishopric: but Marinus did not long
occupy that position, for under him that sect was divided into two parties,
as we shall hereafter explain; (4) for they invited Dotatheus (5) to come to
them from Antioch in Syria, and constituted him their bishop. Meanwhile the
emperor Theodosius proceeded to the war against Maximus, leaving his son Arcadius
with imperial authority at Constantinople. Accordingly arriving at Thessalonica
he found Valentinian and those about him in great anxiety, because through
compulsion they had acknowledged the usurper as emperor. Theodosius, however,
gave no expression to his sentiments in public; he neither rejected nor admitted
(6) the embassy of Maximus: but unable to endure tyrannical domination over
the Roman empire, under the assumption of an imperial name, he hastily mustered
his forces and advanced to Milan, (7) whither the usurper had already gone.

CHAPTER XIII.

The Arians excite a Tumult at Constantinople.

AT the time when the emperor was thus occupied on his military expedition,
the Arians excited a great tumult at Constantinople by such devices as these.
Men are fond of fabricating statements respecting matters about which they
are in ignorance; and if at any time they are given occasion they swell to
a prodigious extent rumors concerning what they wish, being ever fond of change.
This was strongly exemplified at Constantinople on the present occasion: for
each invented news concerning the war which was carrying on at a distance,
according to his own caprice, always presuming upon the most disastrous results;
and before the contest had yet commenced, they spoke of transactions in reference
to it, of which they knew nothing, with as much assurance as if they had been
spectators on the very scene of action. Thus it was confidently affirmed that
'the usurper had defeated the emperor's army,' even the number of men slain
on both sides being specified; and that 'the emperor himself had nearly fallen
into the usurper's hands.' Then the Arians, who had been excessively exasperated
by those being put in possession of the churches within the city who had previously
been the objects of their persecution, began to augment these rumors by additions
of their own. But since the currency of such stories with increasing exaggeration,
in time made even the farmers themselves believe them -- for those who had
circulated them from hearsay, affirmed to the authors of these falsehoods,
that the accounts they had received from them had been fully corroborated elsewhere;
then indeed the Arians were emboldened to commit acts of violence, and among
other outrages, to set fire to the house of Nectarius the bishop. This was
done in the second consulate (1) of Theodosius Augustus, which he bore with
Cynegius.

CHAPTER XIV.

Overthrow and Death of the Usurper Maximus.

AS the emperor marched against the usurper the intelligence of the formidable
preparations made by him so alarmed the troops under Maximus, that instead
of fighting for him, they delivered him bound to the emperor, who caused him
to be put to death, on the twenty-seventh of August, under the same consulate.
(1) Andragathius, who with his own hand had slain Gratian, understanding the
fate of Maximus, precipitated himself into the adjacent river, and was drowned.
Then the victorious emperors made their public entry into Rome, accompanied
by Honorius the son of Theodosius, still a mere boy, whom his father had sent
for from Constantinople immediately after Maximus had been vanquished. They
continued therefore at Rome celebrating their triumphal festivals: during which
time the Emperor Theodosius exhibited a remarkable instance of clemency toward
Symmachus, a man who had borne the consular office, and was at the head of
the senate at Rome. For this Symmachus was distinguished for his eloquence,
and many of his orations are still extant composed in the Latin tongue: but
inasmuch as he had written a panegyric on Maximus, and pronounced it before
him publicly, he was afterwards impeached for high treason; wherefore to escape
capital punishment he took sanctuary in a church. (2) The emperor's veneration
for religion led him not only to honor the bishops of his own communion, but
to treat with consideration those of the Novatians also, who embraced the 'homoousian'
creed: to gratify therefore Leontius the bishop of the Novatian church at Rome,
who interceded in behalf of Symmachus, he graciously pardoned him for that
crime. Symmachus, after he had obtained his pardon, wrote an apologetic address
to the Emperor Theodosius. Thus the war, which at its commencement threatened
so seriously, was brought to a speedy termination.

CHAPTER XV.

Of Flavian Bishop of Antioch.

ABOUT the same period, the following events took place at Antioch in Syria.
After the death of Paulinus, the people who had been under his superintendence
refused to submit to the authority of Flavian, but caused Evagrius to be ordained
bishop of their own party. (1) As he did not survive his ordination long, no
other was constituted in his place, Flavian having brought this about: nevertheless
those who disliked Flavian on account of his having violated his oath, held
their assemblies apart. (2) Mean while Flavian 'left no stone unturned,' as
the phrase is, to bring these also under his control; and this he soon after
effected, when he appeased the anger of Theophilus, then bishop of Alexandria,
by whose mediation he conciliated, Damasus bishop of Rome also. For both these.
had been greatly displeased with Flavian, as well for the perjury of which
he had been guilty, as for the schism he had occasioned among the previously
united people. Theophilus therefore being pacified, sent Isidore a presbyter
to Rome, and thus reconciled Damasus, who was still offended; representing
to him the propriety of overlooking Flavian's past misconduct, for the sake
of producing concord among the people. Communion being in this way restored
to Flavian, the people of Antioch were in the course of a little while induced
to acquiesce in the union secured. Such was the conclusion of this affair at
Antioch. But the Arians of that city being ejected from the churches, were
accustomed to hold their meetings in the suburbs. Meanwhile Cyril bishop of
Jerusalem having died about this time, (3) was succeeded by John.

CHAPTER XVI.

Demolition of the Idolatrous Temples at Alexandria, and the Consequent Conflict
between the Pagans and Christians.

AT the solicitation of Theophilus bishop of Alexandria the emperor issued
an order at this time for the demolition of the heathen temples in that city;
commanding also that it should be put in execution under the direction of Theophilus.
Seizing this opportunity, Theophilus exerted himself to the utmost to expose
the pagan mysteries to contempt. And to begin with, he caused the Mithreum
(1) to be cleaned out, and exhibited to public view the tokens of its bloody
mysteries. Then he destroyed the Serapeum, and the bloody rights of the Mithreum
he publicly caricatured; the Serapeum also he showed full of extravagant superstitions,
and he had the phalli of Priapus carried through the midst of the forum. The
pagans of Alexandria, and especially the professors of philosophy, were unable
to repress their rage at this exposure, and exceeded in revengeful ferocity
their outrages on a former occasion: for with one accord, at a preconcerted
signal, they rushed impetuously upon the Christians, and murdered every one
they could lay hands on. The Christians also made an attempt to resist the
assailants, and so the mischief was the more augmented. This desperate affray
was prolonged until satiety of bloodshed put an end to it. Then it was discovered
that very few of the heathens had been killed, but a great number of Christians;
while the number of wounded on each side was almost innumerable. Fear then
possessed the pagans on account of what was done, as they considered the emperor's
displeasure. For having done what seemed good in their own eyes, and by their
bloodshed having quenched their courage, some fled in one direction, some in
another, and many quitting Alexandria, dispersed themselves in various cities.
Among these were the two grammarians Helladius and Ammonius, whose pupil I
was in my youth at Constantinople. (2) Helladius was said to be the priest
of Jupiter, and Ammonius of Simius. (3) Thus this disturbance having been terminated,
the governor of Alexandria, and the commander-in-chief of the troops in Egypt,
assisted Theophilus in demolishing the heathen temples. These were therefore
razed to the ground, and the images of their gods molten into pots and other
convenient utensils for the use of the Alexandrian church; for the emperor
had instructed Theophilus to distribute them for the relief of the poor. All
the images were accordingly broken to pieces, except one statue of the god
before mentioned, which Theophilus preserved and set up in a public place;
' Lest,' said he, 'at a future time the heathens should deny that they had
ever worshiped such gods.' This action gave great umbrage to Ammonius the grammarian
in particular, who to my knowledge was accustomed to say that 'the religion
of the Gentiles was grossly abused in that that single statue was not also
molten, but preserved, in order to render that religion ridiculous.' Helladius
however boasted in the presence of some that he had slain in that desperate
onset nine men with his own hand. Such were the doings at Alexandria at that
time.

CHAPTER XVII.

Of the Hieraglyphics found in the Temple of Serapis.

WARM the
Temple of Serapis was torn down and laid bare, there were found in it, engraven
on stones,
certain
characters which they call hieroglyphics, having
the forms of crosses. (1) Both the Christians and pagans on seeing them, appropriated
and applied them to their respective religions: for the Christians who affirm
that the cross is the sign of Christ's saving passion, claimed this character
as peculiarly theirs; but 'it symbolizes one thing to Christians and another
to heathens.' Whilst this point was controverted amongst them, some of the
heathen converts to Christianity, who were conversant with these heiroglyphic
characters, interpreted the form of a cross and said that it signifies ' Life
to come.' This the Christians exultingly laid hold of, as decidedly favorable
to their religion. But after other hieroglyphics had been deciphered containing
a prediction that 'When the cross should appear,'__ for this was 'life to come,"__'
the Temple of Serapis would be de were baptized. Such are the reports I have
heard respecting the discovery of this symbol in form of a cross. But I cannot
imagine that the Egyptian priests foreknew the things concerning Christ, when
they engraved the figure of a cross. For if ' the advent' of our Saviour into
the world 'was a mystery hid from ages and from generations,' (2) as the apostle
declares; and if the devil himself, the prince of wickedness, knew nothing
of it his ministers, the Egyptian priests, are likely to have been still more
ignorant of the matter; but Providence doubtless purposed that in the enquiry
concerning this character, there should something take place analogous to what
happened heretofore at the preaching of Paul. For he, made wise by the Divine
Spirit, employed a similar method in relation to the Athenians, (3) and brought
over many of them to the faith, when on reading the inscription on one of their
altars, he accommodated and applied it to his own discourse. Unless indeed
any one should say, that the Word of God wrought in the Egyptian priests, as
it did on Balaam (4) and Caiaphas; (5) for these men uttered prophecies of
good things is spite of themselves. This will suffice on the subject.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Reformation of Abuses at Rome by the Emperor Theodosius.

THE emperor Theodosius during his short stay in Italy, conferred the greatest
benefit on the city of Rome, by grants on the one hand, and abrogations on
the other. His largesses were indeed very munificent; and he removed two most
infamous abuses which existed in the city. One of them was the following: there
were buildings of immense magnitude, erected in ancient Rome in former times,
in which bread was made for distribution among the people. (1) Those who had
the charge of these edifices, who Mancipes (2) were called in the Latin language,
in process of time converted them into receptacles for thieves. Now as the
bake-houses in these structures were placed underneath, they build taverns
at the side of each, where they kept prostitutes; by which means they entrapped
many of those who went thither either for the sake of refreshment, or to gratify
thor lusts, for by a certain mechanical contrivance they precipitated them
from the tavern into the bake-house below. This was practiced chiefly upon
strangers; and such as were in this way kidnapped were compelled to work in
the bake-houses, where many of them were immured until old age, not being allowed
to go out, and giving the impression to their friends that they were dead.
It happened that one of the soldiers of the emperor Theodosius fell into this
snare; who being shut up in the bake-house, and hindered from going out, drew
a dagger which he wore and killed those who stood in his way: the rest being
terrified, suffered him to escape. When the emperor was made acquainted with
the circumstance he haunts of lawless and abandoned characters to be pulled
down. This was one of the disgraceful Nuisances of which the emperor purged
the imperial city: the other was of this nature. When a woman was detected
in adultery, they for shutting her up in a narrow brothel, they obliged her
to prostitute herself in a most disgusting manner; causing little bells to
be rung at the time of the unclean deed that those who brand the crime with
greater ignominy in public opinion. As soon as the emperor was apprised of
this indecent usage, he would by no means tolerate it; but hating ordered the
Sistra (3)__ for so these places of penal prostitution were denominated- to
be pulled down, he appointed other laws for the punishment of adulteresses.
(4) Thus did the emperor Theodosius free the city from two of its most discreditable
abuses: and when he had arranged all other affairs to his satisfaction, he
left the emperor Valentinian at Rome, and rammed himself with his son Honorius
to Constantinople, and entered that city of the 10th of November, in the consulate
of Tatian and Symmachus. (5)

CHAPTER XIX.

Of the Office of Penitentiary Presbyters and its Abolition.

AT this
time it was deemed requisite to abolish the office of those presbyters in
the churches who had
charge
of the penitences: (1) this was done on the
following account. When the Novatians separated themselves from the Church
because they would not communicate with those who had lapsed during the persecution
under Decius, the bishops added to the ecclesiastical canon (2) a presbyter
of penitence in order that those who had sinned after baptism might confess
their sins in the presence of the presbyter thus appointed. (3) And this mode
of discipline is still maintained among other heretical institutions by all
the rest of the sects; the Homoousians only, together with the Novatians who
hold the same doctrinal views, have abandoned it. The latter indeed would never
admit of its establishment: (4) and the Homoousians who are now in possession
of the churches, after retaining this function for a considerable period, abrogated
it in the time of Nectarius, in consequence of an family coming to the penitentiary,
made a general confession of those sins she had committed since her baptism:
and the presbyter enjoined fasting and prayer continually, that together with
the acknowledgment of error, she might have to show works also meet for repentance.
Some time after this, the same lady again presented herself, and confessed
that she had been guilty of another crime, a deacon of the church having slept
with her. When this was proved the deacon was ejected from the church: (5)
but the because the deed had brought scandal and degradation upon the Church.
When in consequence of this, ecclesiastics were subjected to taunting and reproach,
Eudaemon a presbyter of the church, by birth an Alexandrian, persuaded Nectarius
the bishop to abolish the office of penitentiary presbyter, and to leave every
one to his own conscience with regard to the participation of the sacred mysteries:
(6) for thus only, in his judgment, could the Church be I have often remarked,
(7) I have spared no pains to procure an authentic account of affairs from
those who were best acquainted with them, and to scrutinize every report, lest
I should advance Eudaemon, when he first related the circum- stance, was this:
' Whether, O presbyter, your away the means of rebuking one another's faults,
and prevents our acting upon that precept of them." ' Concerning this
affair let this suffice.

CHAPTER XX.

Divisions among the Arians and Other Heretics.

I CONCEIVE it right moreover not to leave unnoticed the proceedings of the
other religious bodies, viz. the Arians, (1) Novatians, and those who received
their denominations from Macedonius and Eunomius. For the Church once being
divided, rested not in that schism, but the separatists taking occasion from
the slightest and most frivolous pretences, disagreed among themselves. The
manner and time, as well as the causes for which they raised mutual dissensions,
we will state as we proceed. But let it be observed here, that the emperor
Theodosius persecuted none of them except Eunomius; but inasmuch as the latter,
by holding meetings in private houses at Constantinople, where he read the
works he had composed, corrupted many with his doctrines, he ordered him to
be sent into exile. Of the other heretics he interfered with no one; nor did
he constrain them to hold communion with himself; but he allowed them all to
assemble in their own conventicles, and to entertain their own opinions on
points of Christian faith. Permission to build themselves churches without
the cities was granted to the rest: but inasmuch as the Novatians held sentiments
precisely identical with his own as to faith, he ordered that they should be
suffered to continue unmolested in their churches within the cities, as I have
before noticed. (2) Concerning these I think it opportune, however, to give
in this place some farther account, and shall therefore retrace a few circumstances
in their history.

CHAPTER XXI.

Peculiar Schism among the Novations. (1)

OF the
Novatian church at Constantinople Agelius was the bishop for the space of
forty year, (2)
viz. from the reign
of Constantine until the sixth year
of that of the emperor Theodosius, as i have stated somewhere previously. (3)
He perceiving his end approaching, ordained Sisinnius to succeed him in the
bishopric. (4) This person was a presbyter of the church over which Agelius
presided, remarkably eloquent, and had been instructed in philosophy by Maximus,
at the same time as the emperor Julian. Now as the Novatian laity were dissatisfied
with this election, and wished rather that he had ordained Marcian, a man of
eminent piety, on account of whose influence their sect had been left unmolested
during the reign of Valens, Agelius therefore to allay his people's discontent,
laid his hands on Marcian also. Having recovered a little from his illness,
he went to the church and thus of his own accord addressed the congregation:
'After my decease let Marcian be your bishop; and after Mar-clan, Sisinnius.'
He survived these words but a short time; Marcian accordingly having been constituted
bishop of the Novatians, a division arose in their church also, from this cause.
Marcian had promoted to the rank of presbyter a converted Jew named Sabbatius,
who nevertheless continued to retain many of his Jewish prejudices; and moreover
he was very ambitious of being made a bishop. Having therefore confidentially
attached to his interest two presbyters, Theoctistus and Macarius, who were
cognizant of his designs, he resolved to defend that innovation made by the
Novatians in the time of Valens, at Pazum a village of Phrygia, concerning
the festival of Easter, to which I have already adverted. (5) And in the first
place, under pretext of more ascetic austerity, he privately withdrew from
the church, saying that 'he was grieved on account of certain persons whom
he suspected of being unworthy of participation in the sacrament.' It was however
soon discovered that his object was to hold assemblies apart. When Marcian
understood this, he bitterly censured his own error, in ordaining to the presbyterate
persons so intent on vain-glory; and frequently said, 'That it had been better
for him to have laid his hands on thorns, than to have imposed them on Sabbatius.'
To check his proceedings, he procured a Synod of Novatian bishops to be convened
at Angarum, (6) a commercial town near Helenopolis in Bithynia. On assembling
here they summoned Sabbatius, and desired him to explain the cause of his discontent.
Upon his affirming that he was troubled about the disagreement that existed
respecting the Feast of Easter, and that it ought to be kept according to the
custom of the Jews, and agreeable to that sanction which those convened at
Pazum had appointed, the bishops present at the Synod perceiving that this
assertion was a mere subterfuge to disguise his desire after the episcopal
chair, obliged him to pledge himself on oath that he would never accept a bishopric.
When he had so sworn, they passed a canon respecting this feast, which they
entitled 'indifferent,' declaring that 'a disagreement on such a point was
not a sufficient reason for separation from the church; and that the council
of Pazum had done nothing prejudicial to the catholic canon. That although
the ancients who lived nearest to the times of the apostles differed about
the observance of this festival, it did not prevent their communion with one
another, nor create any dissension. Besides that the Novatians at imperial
Rome had never followed the Jewish usage, but always kept Easter after the
equinox; and yet they did not separate from those of their own faith, who celebrated
it on a different day.' From these and many such considerations, they made
the 'Indifferent' Canon, above-mentioned, concerning Easter, whereby every
one was at liberty to keep the custom which he had by predilection in this
matter, if he so pleased; and that it should make no difference as regards
communion, but even though celebrating differently they should be in accord
in the church. After this rule had been thus established, Sabbatius being bound
by his oath, anticipated the fast by keeping it in private, whenever any discrepancy
existed in the time of the Paschal solemnity, and having watched all night,
he celebrated the sabbath of the passover; then on the next day he went to
church, and with the rest of the congregation partook of the sacraments. He
pursued this course for many years, so that it could not be concealed from
the people; in imitation of which some of the more ignorant, and chiefly the
Phrygians and Galatians, supposing they should be justified by this conduct
imitated him, and kept the passover in secret after his manner. But Sabbatius
afterwards disregarding the oath by which he had renounced the episcopal dignity,
held schismatic meetings, and was constituted bishop of his followers, as we
shall show hereafter. (7))

CHAPTER XXII.

The Author's Views respecting the Celebration of Easter, Baptism, Fasting,
Marriage, the Eucharist, and Other Ecclesiastical Rites.

AS we
have touched the subject I deem it not unreasonable to say a few words concerning
Easter.
It appears
to me that neither the ancients nor moderns who
have affected to follow the Jews, have had any rational foundation for contending
so obstinately about it. For they have not taken into consideration the fact
that when Judaism was changed into Christianity, the obligation to observe
the Mosaic law and the ceremonial types ceased. And the proof of the matter
is plain; for no law of Christ permits Christians to imitate the Jews. On the
contrary the apostle expressly forbids it; not only rejecting circumcision,
but also deprecating contention about festival days. In his epistle to the
Galatians (1) he writes, 'Tell me ye that desire to be under the law, do ye
not hear the law?' And continuing his train of argument, he demonstrates that
the Jews were in bondage as servants, but that those who have come to Christ
are 'called into the liberty of sons.'(2) Moreover he exhorts them in no way
to regard 'days, and months, and years.' (3) Again in his epistle to the Colossians
(4) he distinctly declares, that such observances are merely shadows: wherefore
he says, 'Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of any holy-day,
or of the new moon, or of the sabbath-days; which are a shadow of things to
come.' The same truths are also confirmed by him in the epistle to the Hebrews
(5) in these words: 'For the priesthood being changed, there is made of necessity
a change also of the law.' Neither the apostles, therefore, nor the Gospels,
(6) have anywhere imposed the 'yoke of servitude' (7) on those who have embraced
the truth; but have left Easter and every other feast to be honored by the
gratitude of the recipients of grace. Wherefore, inasmuch as men love festivals,
because they afford them cessation from labor: each individual in every place,
according to his own pleasure, has by a prevalent custom celebrated the memory
of the saving passion. The Saviour and his apostles have enjoined us by no
law to keep this feast: nor do the Gospels and apostles threaten us with any
penalty, punishment, or curse for the neglect of it, as the Mosaic law does
the Jews. It is merely for the sake of historical accuracy, and for the reproach
of the Jews, because they polluted themselves with blood on their very feasts,
that it is recorded in the Gospels that our Saviour suffered in the days of
'unleavened bread.' (8) The aim of the apostles was not to appoint festival
days, but to teach a righteous life and piety. And it seems to me that just
as many other customs have been established in individual localities according
to usage. So also the feast of Easter came to be observed in each place according
to the individual peculiarities of the peoples inasmuch as none of the apostles
legislated on the matter. And that the observance originated not by legislation,
but as a custom the facts themselves indicate. In Asia Minor most people kept
the fourteenth day of the moon, disregarding the sabbath: yet they never separated
from those who did otherwise, until Victor, bishop of Rome, influenced by too
ardent a zeal, fulminated a sentence of excommunication against the Quartodecimans
(9) in Asia. Wherefore also Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons in France, severely censured
Victor by letter for his immoderate heat; (10) telling him that although the
ancients differed in their celebration of Easter, they did not desist from
intercommunion. Also that Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who afterwards suffered
martyrdom under Gordian, (11) continued to communicate with Anicetus bishop
of Rome, although he himself, according to the usage of his native Smyrna,
kept Easter on the fourteenth day of the moon, as Eusebius attests in the fifth
book of his Ecclesiastical History. (12) While therefore some in Asia Minor
observed the day above-mentioned, others in the East kept that feast on the
sabbath indeed, but differed as regards the month. The former thought the Jews
should be followed, though they were not exact: the latter kept Easter after
the equinox, refusing to celebrate with the Jews; 'for,' said they, 'it ought
to be celebrated when the sun is in Aries, in the month called Xanthicus by
the Antiochians, and April by the Romans.' In this practice, they averred,
they conformed not to the modern Jews, who are mistaken in almost everything,
but to the ancients, and to Josephus according to what he has written in the
third book of his Jewish Antiquities. (13) Thus these people were at issue
among themselves. But all other Christians in the Western parts, and as far
as the ocean itself, are found to have celebrated Easter after the equinox,
from a very ancient tradition. And in fact these acting in this manner have
never disagreed on this subject. It is not true, as some have pretended, that
the Synod under Constantine altered this festival: (14) for Constantine himself,
writing to those who differed respecting it, recommended that as they were
few in number, they could agree with the majority of their brethren. His letter
will be found at length in the third book of the Life of Constantine by Eusebius;
but the passage in it relative to Easter runs thus: (15)

'It is a becoming order which all the churches in the Western, Southern, and
Northern parts of the world observe, and some places in the East also. Wherefore
all on the present occasion have judged it fight, and I have pledged myself
that it will have the acquiescence of your prudence, that what is unanimously
observed in the city of Rome, throughout Italy, Africa, and the whole of Egypt,
in Spain, France, Britain, Libya, and all Greece, the diocese of Asia and Pontus,
and Cilicia, your wisdom also will readily embrace; considering not only that
the number of churches in the aforesaid places is greater, but also that while
there should be a universal concurrence in what is most reasonable, it becomes
us to have nothing in common with the perfidious Jews.'

Such is
the tenor of the emperor's letter. Moreover the Quartodecimans affirm that
the observance
of the fourteenth
day was delivered to them by the apostle
John: while the Romans and those in the Western parts assure us that their
usage originated with the apostles Peter and Paul. Neither of these parties
however can produce any written testimony in confirmation of what they assert.
But that the time of keeping Easter in various places is dependent on usage,
I infer from this, that those who agree in faith, differ among themselves on
questions of usage. And it will not perhaps be unseasonable to notice here
the diversity of customs in the churches. (16) The fasts before Easter will
be found to be differently observed among different people. Those at Rome fast
three successive weeks before Easter, excepting Saturdays and Sundays. (17)
Those in Illyrica and all over Greece and Alexandria observe a fast of six
weeks, which they term 'The forty days' fast.' (18) Others commencing their
fast from the seventh week before Easter, and fasting three five days only,
and that at intervals, yet call that time 'The forty days' fast.' It is indeed
surprising to me that thus differing in the number of days, they should both
give it one common appellation; but some assign one reason for it, and others
another, according to their several fancies. One can see also a disagreement
about the manner of abstinence from food, as well as about the number of days.
Some wholly abstain from things that have life: others feed on fish only of
all living creatures: many together with fish, eat fowl also, saying that according
to Moses, (19) these were likewise made out of the waters. Some abstain from
eggs, and all kinds of fruits: others partake of dry bread only; stilt others
eat not even this: while others having fasted till the ninth hour, (20) afterwards
take any sort of food without distinction. And among various nations there
are other usages, for which innumerable reasons are assigned. Since however
no one can produce a written command as an authority, it is evident that the
apostles left each one to his own free will in the matter, to the end that
each might perform what is good not by constraint or necessity. Such is the
difference in the churches on the subject of fasts. Nor is there less variation
in regard to religious assemblies. (21) For although almost all churches throughout
the world celebrate the sacred mysteries on the sabbath (22) of every week,
yet the Christians of Alexandria and at Rome, on account of some ancient tradition,
have ceased to do this. The Egyptians in the neighborhood of Alexandria, and
the inhabitants of Thebais, hold their religious assemblies on the sabbath,
but do not participate of the mysteries in the manner usual among Christians
in general: for after having eaten and satisfied themselves with food of all
kinds, in the evening making their offerings (23) they partake of the mysteries.
At Alexandria again, on the Wednesday (24) in Passion week and on Good Friday,
the scriptures are read, and the doctors expound them; and all the usual services
are performed in their assemblies, except the celebration of the mysteries.
This practice in Alexandria is of great antiquity, for it appears that Origen
most commonly taught in the church on those days. He being a very learned teacher
in the Sacred Books, and perceiving that the 'impotence of the law' (25) of
Moses was weakened by literal explanation, gave it a spiritual interpretation;
declaring that there has never been but one true Passover, which the Saviour
celebrated when he hung upon the cross: for that he then vanquished the adverse
powers, and erected this as a trophy against the devil. In the same city of
Alexandria, readers and chanters (26) are chosen indifferently from the catechumens
and the faithful; whereas in all other churches the faithful only are promoted
to these offices. I myself, also, learned of another custom in Thessaly. If
a clergyman in that country, after taking orders, should sleep with his wife,
whom he had legally married before his ordination, he would be degraded. (27)
In the East, indeed, all clergymen, and even the bishops themselves, abstain
from their wives: but this they do of their own accord, and not by the necessity
of any law; for there have been among them many bishops, who have had children
by their lawful wives, during their episcopate. It is said that the author
of the usage which obtains in Thessaly was Heliodorus bishop of Tricca in that
country; under whose name there are love books extant, entitled Ethiopica,
(28) which he composed in his youth. The same custom prevails at 'Thessalonica,
and in Macedonia, and in Greece. I have also known of another peculiarity in
Thessaly, which is, that they baptize there on the days of Easter only; in
consequence of which a very great number of them die without having received
baptism. At Antioch in Syria the site of the church is inverted; so that the
altar does not face toward the east, but toward the west. (29) In Greece, however,
and at Jerusalem and in Thessaly they go to prayers as soon as the candles
are lighted, in the same manner as the Novatians do at Constantinople. At Caesarea
likewise, and in Cappadocia, and in Cyprus, the presbyters and bishops expound
the Scriptures in the evening, after the candles are lighted. The Novatians
of the Hellespont do not perform their prayers altogether in the same manner
as those of Constantinople; in most things, however, their usage is similar
to that of the prevailing (30) church. In short, it is impossible to find anywhere,
among all the sects, two churches which agree exactly in their ritual respecting
prayers. At Alexandria no presbyter is allowed to address the public: a regulation
which was made after Arius had raised a disturbance in that church. At Rome
they fast every Saturday. (31) At Caesarea of Cappadocia they exclude from
communion those who have sinned after baptism as the Novatians do. The same
discipline was practiced by the Macedonians in the Hellespont, and by the Quartodecimans
in Asia. The Novatians in Phrygia do not admit such as have twice married;
(32) but those of Constantinople neither admit nor reject them openly, while
in the Western parts they are openly received. This diversity was occasioned,
as I imagine, by the bishops who in their respective eras governed the churches;
and those who received these several rites and usages, transmitted them as
laws to their posterity. However, to give a complete catalogue of all the various
customs and ceremonial observances in use throughout every city and country
would be difficult--rather impossible; but the instances we have adduced are
sufficient to show that the Easter Festival was from some remote precedent
differently celebrated in every particular province. They talk at random therefore
who assert that the time of keeping Easter was altered in the Nicene Synod;
for the bishops there convened earnestly labored to reduce the first dissenting
minority to uniformity of practice with the rest of the people. Now that many
differences existed even in the apostolic age of the church occasioned by such
subjects, was not unknown even to the apostles themselves, as the book of The
Acts testifies. For when they understood that a disturbance occurred among
believers on account of a dissension of the Gentiles, having all met together,
they promulgated a Divine law, giving it the form of a letter. By this sanction
they liberated Christians from the bondage of formal observances, and all vain
contention about these things; and they taught them the path of true piety,
prescribing such things only as were conducive to its attainment. The epistle
itself, which I shall here transcribe, is recorded in The Aces of the Apostles.
(33)

'The apostles and eiders and brethren send greeting unto the brethren which
are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. Forasmuch as we have
heard, that certain which went out from us have troubled you with words, subverting
your souls, saying, Ye must be circumcised, and keep the law; to whom we gave
no such commandment: it seemed good unto us, being assembled with one accord,
to send chosen men unto you, with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have
hazarded their lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore
Judas and Silas, who shall also tell you the same thing by mouth. For it seemed
good to the Holy Ghost and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these
necessary things: that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood,
and from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if ye keep yourselves,
ye shall do well. Fare ye well.'

These things indeed pleased God: for the letter expressly says, 'It seemed
good to the Holy Ghost to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary
things.' There are nevertheless some persons who, disregarding these precepts,
suppose all fornication to be an indifferent matter; but contend about holy-days
as if their lives were at stake, thus contravening the commands of God, and
legislating for themselves, and making of none effect the decree of the apostles:
neither do they perceive that they are themselves practicing the contrary to
those things which God approved. It is possible easily to extend our discourse
respecting Easter, and demonstrate that the Jews observe no exact rule either
in the time or manner of celebrating the paschal solemnity: and that the Samaritans,
who are an offshoot from the Jews, always celebrate this festival after the
equinox. But this subject would require a distinct and copious treatise: I
shall therefore merely add, that those who affect so much to imitate the Jews,
and are so very anxious about an accurate observance of types, ought to depart
from them in no particular. For if they have chosen to be so correct, they
must not only observe days and months, but all other things also, which Christ
(who was 'made under the law') (34) did in the manner of the Jews; or which
he unjustly suffered from them; or wrought typically for the good of all men.
He entered into a ship and taught. He ordered the Passover to be made ready
in an upper room. He commanded an ass that was tied to be loosed. He proposed
a man bearing a pitcher of water as a sign to them for hastening their preparations
for the Passover. [He did] an infinite number of other things of this nature
which are recorded in the gospels. And yet those who suppose themselves to
be justified by keeping this feast, would think it absurd to observe any of
these things in a bodily manner. For no doctor ever dreams of going to preach
from a ship --no person imagines it necessary to go up into an upper room to
celebrate the Passover there --they never tie, and then loose an ass again-and
finally no one enjoins another to carry a pitcher of water, in order that the
symbols might be fulfilled. They have justly regarded such things as savoring
rather of Judaism: for the Jews are more solicitous about outward solemnities
than the obedience of the heart; and therefore are they under the curse, because
they do not discern the spiritual bearing of the Mosaic law, but rest in its
types and shadows. Those who favor the Jews admit the allegorical meaning of
these things; and yet they wage a deadly warfare against the observance of
days and months, without applying to them a similar sense: thus do they necessarily
involve themselves in a common condemnation with the Jews.

But enough I think has been said concerning these things. Let us now return
to the subject we were previously treating of, the fact that the Church once
divided did not stay with that division, but that those separated were again
divided among themselves, taking occasion from the most trivial grounds. The
Novatians, as I have stated, were divided among themselves on account of the
feast of Easter, the controversy not being restricted to one point only. For
in the different provinces some took one view of the question, and some another,
disagreeing not only about the month, but the days of the week also, and other
unimportant matters; in some places they hold separate assemblies because of
it, in others they unite in mutual communion.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Further Dissensions among the Arians at Constantinople. The Psathyrians.

BUT dissensions arose among the Arians (1) also on this account. The contentious
questions which were daily agitated among them, led them to start the most
absurd propositions. For whereas it has been always believed in the church
that God is the Father of the Son, the Word, it was asked whether God could
be called 'Father' before the Son had subsistence? Thus in asserting that the
Word of God was not begotten of the Father, but was created out 'of nothing,'
and thus failing into error on the chief and main point, they deservedly fell
into absurd cavilings about a mere name. Dorotheus therefore being sent for
by them from Antioch maintained that God neither was nor could be called Father
before the Son existed. But Marinus whom they had summoned out of Thrace before
Dorotheus, piqued at the superior deference which was paid to his rival, undertook
to defend the contrary opinion. In consequence of these things there arose
a schism among them, and being thus divided respecting this term, each party
held separate meetings. Those under Dorotheus retained their original places
of assembly: but the followers of Marinus built distinct oratories for themselves,
and asserted that the Father had always been Father, even when the Son was
not. This section of the Arians was denominated Psathyrians, (2) because one
of the most zealous defenders of this opinion was Theoctistus, a Syrian by
birth, and a cake-seller [Psathyropola] (3) by trade. Selenas (4) bishop of
the Goths adopted the views of this party, a man of mixed descent; he was a
Goth by his father's side, but by his mother's a Phrygian, by which means he
taught in the church with great readiness in both these languages. This faction
however soon quarreled among themselves, Marinus disagreeing with Agapius,
whom he himself had preferred to the bishopric of Ephesus. They disputed, however,
not about any point of religion, but in narrow-mindedness about precedence,
in which the Goths sided with Agapius. Wherefore many of the ecclesiastics
under their jurisdiction, abominating the vain-glorious contest between these
two, abandoned them both, and became adherents to the 'homoousian' faith. The
Arians having continued thus divided among themselves during the space of thirty-five
years, were reunited in the reign of Theodosius the Younger, under the consulate
(5) of Plintha the commander-in-chief of the army, he being a member of the
sect of Psathyrians; these were prevailed on to desist from contention. They
afterwards passed a resolution, giving it all the cogency of law, that the
question which had led to their separation, should never be mooted again. But
this reconciliation extended no farther than Constantinople; for in other cities
where any of these two parties were found, they persisted in their former separation.
So much respecting the division among the Arians.

CHAPTER XXIV.

The Eunamians divide into Several Factions.

BUT neither did the followers of Eunomius remain without dissensions: for
Eunomius (1) himself had long before this separated from Eudoxius who ordained
him bishop of Cyzicus, taking occasion from that bishop's refusal to restore
to communion his master Aetius who had been ejected. But those who derived
their name from him were subsequently divided into several factions. For first
Theophronius a Cappadocian, who had been instructed in the art of disputation
by Eunomius, and had acquired a smattering of Aristotle's Categories, and his
Book of Interpretation, composed some treatises which he entitled, On the Exercise
of the Mind. Having, however, drawn down upon himself the reprobation of his
own sect, he was ejected as an apostate. He afterwards held assemblies apart
from them, and left behind him a heresy which bore his own name. Furthermore
at Constantinople a certain Eutychius from some absurd dispute, withdrew from
the Eunomians, and still continues to hold separate meetings. The followers
of Theophronius are denominated 'Eunomiotheophronians'; and those of Eutychius
have the appellation of 'Eunomieutychians.' What those nonsensical terms were
about which they differed I consider unworthy of being recorded in this history,
lest I should go into matters foreign to my purpose. I shall merely observe
that they adulterated baptism: for they do not baptize in the name of the Trinity,
but into the death of Christ. (2) Among the Macedonians also there was for
some time a division, When Eutropius a presbyter held separate assemblies,
and Carterius did not agree with him. There are possibly in other cities sects
which have emanated from these: but living at Constantinople, where I was born
and educated, I describe more particularly what has taken place in that city;
both because I have myself witnessed some of these transactions, and also because
the events which have there occurred are of pre-eminent importance, and are
therefore more worth of commemoration. Let it however be understood that what
I have here related happened at different periods, and not at the same time.
But if any one should be desirous of knowing the names of the various sects,
he may easily satisfy himself, by reading a book entitled Ancoratus, (3) composed
by Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus: but I shall content myself with what I have
already stated. The public affairs were again thrown into agitation from a
cause I shall now refer to.

CHAPTER XXV.

The Usurper Eugenius compasses the Death of Valentinian the Younger. Theodosius
obtains a Victory over him.

THERE was in the Western regions a grammarian named Eugenius, (1) who after
having for some time taught the Latin language, left his school, and was appointed
to service at the palace, being constituted chief secretary to the emperor.
Possessing a considerable degree of eloquence, and being on that account treated
with greater distinction than others, he was unable to bear his good fortune
with moderation. For associating with himself Arbogastes, a native of Galatia
Minor, who then had the command of a division of the army, a man harsh in manner
and very bloodthirsty, he determined to usurp the sovereignty. These two therefore
agreed to murder the Emperor Valentinian, having corrupted the eunuchs of the
imperial bed-chamber. These, on receiving tempting promises of promotion, strangled
the emperor in his sleep. Eugenius immediately assuming the supreme authority
in the Western parts of the empire, conducted himself in such a manner as might
be expected from a usurper. When the Emperor Theodosius was made acquainted
with these things, he was exceedingly distressed, because his defeat of Maximus
had only prepared the way for fresh troubles. He accordingly assembled his
military forces, and having proclaimed his son Honorius Augustus, on the 10th
of January, in his own third consulate a which he bore with Abundantius, he
again set out in great haste toward the Western parts, leaving both his sons
invested with imperial authority at Constantinople. As he marched against Eugenius
a very great number of the barbarians beyond the Danube volunteered their services,
and followed him in this expedition. After a rapid march he arrived in the
Gauls with a numerous army, where Eugenius awaited him, also at the head of
an immense body of troops. Accordingly an engagement took place near the river
Frigidus, which is [about thirty-six miles] distant [from Aquileia]. In that
part of the battle where the Romans fought against their own countrymen, the
conflict was doubtful: but where the barbarian auxiliaries of the Emperor Theodosius
were engaged, the forces of Eugenius had greatly the advantage. When the emperor
saw the barbarians perishing, he cast himself in great agony upon the ground,
and invoked the help of God in this emergency: nor was his request unheeded;
for Bacurius (3) his principal officer, inspired with sudden and extraordinary
ardor, rushed with his vanguard to the part where the barbarians were hardest
pressed, broke through the ranks of the enemy, and put to flight those who
a little before were themselves engaged in pursuit. Another marvelous circumstance
also occurred. A violent wind suddenly arose, which retorted upon themselves
the darts cast by the soldiers of Eugenius, and at the same time drove those
hurled by the imperial forces with increased impetus against their adversaries.
(4) So prevalent was the emperor's prayer. The success of the struggle being
in this way turned, the usurper threw himself at the emperor's feet, and begged
that his life might be spared: but as he lay a prostrate suppliant at the feet
[of the emperor] he was beheaded by the soldiers, on the 6th of September,
in the third consulate of Arcadius, and the second of Honorius. (5) Arbogastes,
who had been the chief cause of so much mischief, having continued his flight
for two days after the battle, and seeing no chance of escape, despatched himself
with his own sword.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Illness and Death of Theodosius the Elder.

THE Emperor Theodosius was in consequence of the anxiety and fatigues connected
with this war thrown into bodily illness; and believing the disease which had
attacked him would be fatal, he became more concerned about the public affairs
than his own life, considering how great calamities often overtook the people
after the death of their sovereign. He therefore hastily summoned his son Honorius
from Constantinople, being principally desirous of setting in order the state
of things in the western parts of the empire. After his son's arrival at Milan,
he seemed to recover a little, and gave directions for the celebration of the
games of the hippodrome on account of his victory. Before dinner he was pretty
well, and a spectator of the sports; but after he had dined he became suddenly
too ill to return to them, and sent his son to preside in his stead; when the
night came on he died, it being the seventeenth of January, during consulate
of Olybrius and Probus. (1) This was in the first year of the two hundred and
ninety-fourth Olympiad. The emperor Theodosius lived sixty years, (2) and reigned
sixteen. This book therefore comprehends the transactions of sixteen years
and eight months.