tag:theconversation.com,2011:/institutions/university-of-bonn-2928/articlesThe University of Bonn2017-09-13T10:24:35Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/796622017-09-13T10:24:35Z2017-09-13T10:24:35ZKaum sekuler dan ateis Indonesia hidup di bawah bayang-bayang stigma<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/182391/original/file-20170817-13456-1wu0896.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=496&amp;fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Orang sekuler di Indonesia mendapat stigma yang tidak sesuai kenyataan. Sekularisme bukan identitas anti agama.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Citra (nama samaran), 25, adalah mahasiswi di jurusan kedokteran. Dia menjalani dua identitas di dunia maya. Pagi dia <em>posting</em> fotonya berjilbab, sore, di akun yang lainnya, dia <em>posting</em> karangan filsafat yang mendiskusikan argumen ketiadaan Tuhan. </p>
<p>Diskusi mengenai karangan dia di grup tertentu jadi ramai, tetapi di lingkaran lain, teman-teman muslim Citra, fotonya yang memakai jilbab mendapat banyak “<em>likes</em>”. Citra adalah seorang ateis yang menjalankan dua identitas untuk mencari tempat dalam masyarakat yang belum mampu menerima orang yang meragukan agama, apalagi ateis. </p>
<p>Menjadi ateis di negara muslim memang tidak gampang. Di awal bulan Agustus, sebuah foto menjadi viral di Malaysia. Foto pertemuan ateis itu tidak hanya mendorong <a href="https://dunia.tempo.co/read/news/2017/08/08/118898262/heboh-organisasi-ateis-internasional-bertemu-di-malaysia">pernyataan dari politikus dan pejabat</a>, tetapi banyak warga di media sosial mengatakan ateis tidak bisa diterima masyarakat bahkan bahwa orang murtad layak dibunuh.</p>
<p>Meskipun Indonesia masih dikenal sebagai negara yang lebih santai dalam soal agama, kehidupan sebagai orang ateis tetap susah karena ada stigma terhadap orang ateis dan orang sekuler.</p>
<p>Awal tahun ini, saya meneliti puluhan orang sekuler di Indonesia. Di antara mereka ada banyak yang beriman, tetapi ada beberapa yang tidak percaya kepada Tuhan sama sekali. Mereka bagian dari masyarakat Indonesia yang menjalani hidup sehari-hari yang dipengaruhi pandangan negatif tentang sekularisme dan ateisme. </p>
<h2>Stigma tidak sesuai kenyataan</h2>
<p>Pada kenyataannya, kebanyakan dari mereka tidak sesuai dengan stigma yang disematkan pada mereka. Misalnya, kebanyakan ateis tidak menolak sila pertama Pancasila—Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa—karena mereka sadar bahwa agama sangat penting untuk banyak warga negara. </p>
<p>Indonesia memang bukan negara sekuler atau negara Islam. Tetapi, sejak reformasi, agama menjadi semakin penting. Belokan ke arah konservatif ini punya dampak untuk kehidupan sehari-hari orang-orang sekuler, termasuk ateis. </p>
<p>Pandangan bahwa sekularisme merupakan sebuah gagasan yang berbahaya diekspresikan dalam <a href="http://mui.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/12b.-Penjelasan-Tentang-Fatwa-Pluralisme-Liberalisme-dan-Se.pdf">fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) di tahun 2005</a> yang menyebut sekularisme, liberalisme, dan pluralisme tidak sesuai ajaran Islam. </p>
<p>Sebuah contoh lain adalah keputusan hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) terhadap uji materi Undang-Undang Penodaan Agama pada tahun 2010. Menurut <a href="http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2010/04/19/18434764/MK.Tolak.Uji.Materi.UU.Penodaan.Agama-4">keputusan MK</a>, gagasan Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa berarti negara dan agama tidak boleh dipisahkan. Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa itu dinilai sebagai gagasan yang <a href="https://news.detik.com/berita/3373712/ketua-mk-indonesia-negara-hukum-pancasila-bukan-sekuler">tak sesuai dengan sekularisme</a>. Untuk para hakim MK, Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa itu bukan <a href="http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/6449480">gagasan transendental tapi mereka melihat agama sebagai institusi</a>. Meskipun para hakim MK mengambil <a href="http://www.mahkamahkonstitusi.go.id/public/content/persidangan/putusan/putusan_sidang_Putusan%20PUU%20140_Senin%2019%20April%202010.pdf">keputusan</a> yang ramai dikritik, saya menduga pandangan mereka merupakan pandangan mayoritas di Indonesia.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/182409/original/file-20170817-13444-1w7hg0b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip">
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<span class="caption">Indonesia memang bukan negara sekuler atau negara Islam. Tetapi sejak reformasi, agama menjadi semakin penting.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Sony Herdiana/Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<h2>Sekularisme bukan identitas anti-agama</h2>
<p>Baik dalam fatwa MUI maupun dalam argumentasi hakim MK, terlihat jelas bahwa sekularisme dianggap sebagai gagasan yang anti-agama. Pandangan tersebut merupakan sebuah <a href="https://books.google.co.id/books?id=QGqRKS7oI9gC&amp;printsec=frontcover&amp;hl=id#v=onepage&amp;q&amp;f=false">persepsi yang salah</a>: jelas, negara sekuler tidak selalu memusuhi agama. </p>
<p>Sekularisme hanya berarti bahwa negara itu memiliki posisi yang bebas (atau netral) dari agama, tapi negara tetap bisa menilai agama sesuatu yang penting bagi warganya. Kemudian, agama tentu saja boleh memberi semangat untuk berpolitik berdasar nilai-nilai agama. Begitu juga dengan orang sekuler, maupun orang ateis. Tidak percaya kepada Tuhan sama sekali tidak berarti memusuhi orang yang beragama. </p>
<h2>Manusia sekuler Indonesia: dari beriman sampai ateis</h2>
<p>Riset yang saya lakukan adalah tentang orang sekuler. Dan saya menemukan bahwa dalam kaum sekuler ada macam-macam pandangan. </p>
<p>Kebanyakan orang sekuler beriman, hanya mereka mengaku sekuler karena menurut mereka, negara dan agama lebih baik dipisahkan supaya negara bisa menjadi ruang netral bagi semua warga negara. Selain itu, ada orang agnostik, yaitu orang yang tidak yakin bahwa Tuhan ada atau tidak. </p>
<p>Kelompok sekuler ketiga, para ateis, juga lumayan banyak di wilayah perkotaan, tapi mereka merupakan kelompok yang tidak tampak di permukaan. Alasannya jelas, masyarakat dan negara belum bisa menerima fakta bahwa ada bagian masyarakat Indonesia yang tidak percaya kepada Tuhan padahal mereka melihat agama sebagai dasar kerukunan. </p>
<hr>
<p><em><strong>Baca juga:</strong> <a href="https://theconversation.com/merespons-populisme-islam-presiden-jokowi-mengambil-arah-ultra-nasionalis-86409">Merespons populisme Islam, Presiden Jokowi mengambil arah ultra-nasionalis</a></em></p>
<hr>
<p>Orang yang mengaku tidak percaya kepada Tuhan dianggap pengganggu kerukunan. Sepertinya sebagian besar masyarakat Indonesia belum mampu mendiskusikan masalah ateisme secara <a href="http://www.viva.co.id/indepth/fokus/282106-alexander-ateis-di-negeri-bersendi-syarak">tenang dan tanpa emosi</a>. Bahkan, banyak yang menilai ketidakpercayaan orang lain sebagai ancaman untuk iman sendiri.</p>
<h2>Pilihan siasat: diam, terbuka, atau identitas ganda</h2>
<p>Oleh karena itu, sebagian besar kaum sekuler, terutama yang ateis, tidak terbuka. Bahkan kaum sekuler yang beriman seringkali tidak terbuka mengenai ideologi mereka karena mereka sadar bahwa kata “sekuler” ini diperlakukan sebagai kata yang kotor. </p>
<p>Ketidakterbukaan ini bisa sejauh tetap pura-pura beriman bahkan bagi orang yang sesungguhnya ateis. Berdasarkan temuan saya, ada ateis yang melakukan ibadah dan memakai jilbab. Agama sebagai pertunjukan (<em>performance</em>) dilanjutkan, meskipun sudah tidak punya arti lagi bagi mereka. </p>
<p>Banyak dari mereka yang mengaku sudah tidak percaya lagi pada Tuhan mengalami masalah dengan keluarganya. Saya menemukan kasus-kasus cerai atau orang diusir dari keluarganya atas nama agama. Sebuah fenomena lain yang seringkali terjadi adalah rekonsiliasi antara ateis dan keluarganya: dalam kasus seperti ini, keluarga tahu bahwa ia ateis tapi mereka tidak lagi membicarakan soal agama. </p>
<p>Banyak anak ateis tidak terbuka dengan orang tua tidak hanya karena mereka takut sanksi sosial tapi mereka tidak mau membuat orang tuanya sedih atau kecewa. Anak ateis kemudian mencari kelompok sejawat (<em>peer group</em>) di luar keluarganya. Di era digital, tak sulit untuk bertemu orang dengan pandangan sama.</p>
<p>Kebanyakan ateis hanya terbuka dengan sahabat terdekat. Tetapi, di media sosial dan dalam kelompok tertutup mereka ramai berkomunikasi: kelompok ateis dan forum di media sosial merupakan ruang yang aman untuk membicarakan soal agama dan ateisme secara terbuka. </p>
<p>Hal yang menarik adalah ada beberapa orang ateis yang punya dua identitas, yaitu satu untuk keluarganya dan teman-teman beragama kemudian satu identitas “nyata” untuk sahabat yang cukup terbuka. Bahkan ada orang yang punya dua profil Facebook supaya mereka bisa muncul di dunia maya dengan dua identitas ini.</p>
<h2>Kelompok ateis: kiri dan kanan</h2>
<p>Meskipun dunia maya telah mempertemukan orang-orang dengan identifikasi diri sebagai ateis ini, tidak jarang mereka berdebat akibat tidak bersepakat tentang beberapa hal. </p>
<p>Dari percakapan dengan banyak orang ateis saya dapat informasi bahwa beberapa ateis membedakan antara “ateis kiri” dan “ateis kanan”. Memang tidak semua ateis bisa disebut “kiri” atau “kanan”. Ada banyak ateis yang tidak tertarik dengan politik atau isu sosial sama sekali, atau ada yang cuma tertarik pada saat pemilu.</p>
<p>Walaupun begitu, perbedaan antara ideologi kiri (yang peduli dengan isu sosial dan ingin mengurangi kesenjangan sosial) dan kanan (yang melihat kesenjangan sosial sebagai sesuatu yang alami) merupakan salah satu perbedaan dalam komunitas ateis yang menunjukkan mereka lebih beragam dari yang dipikir oleh banyak orang Indonesia.</p>
<p>Para ateis kanan lebih dipengaruhi gagasan liberal kanan termasuk ekonomi liberal; banyak dari mereka menolak agama karena dianggap tidak sejalan dengan argumentasi sains dan karena mereka berpendapat agama bisa mengajak manusia untuk tidak toleran.</p>
<p>Ateis kiri lebih peduli dengan isu-isu sosial, banyak dipengaruhi pikiran kiri termasuk Marxisme. Tapi tidak semua ateis kiri menjadi Marxis. </p>
<p>Namun, justru yang kiri tidak begitu anti-agama. Banyak yang menyebut diri sebagai ateis kiri memiliki latar belakang dari kelas bawah atau menengah bawah. Ini mungkin salah satu alasan mereka tertarik dengan isu sosial-politik. Justru yang kiri melihat potensi emansipatoris dalam agama, yakni sebagai alat perjuangan untuk kaum tertindas.</p>
<p>Beberapa ateis kanan cenderung menilai agama, terutama Islam, sebagai sesuatu yang kuno, yaitu tidak penting lagi untuk mereka. Tapi bahkan mereka tidak punya niat untuk mengubah dasar negara Indonesia. </p>
<p>Semua ateis yang saya wawancarai menghormati imam orang lain dan sadar bahwa agama merupakan sesuatu yang penting untuk mayoritas Indonesia. </p>
<p>Lebih dari dua tahun saya mengenal puluhan orang ateis Indonesia dan berdebat dengan mereka. Saya juga telah mewawancarai belasan dari mereka. Setelah penelitian ini, kesimpulan saya adalah: realitas kaum ateis itu sangat tidak sesuai dengan wacana umum di Indonesia yang masih melihat ateisme dalam konteks komunisme, perang dingin, dan propaganda Orde Baru.</p>
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<p><em>Pemutakhiran pada tanggal 17 September 2017 untuk melengkapi bagian mengenai ateis “kiri” dan “kanan”</em>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79662/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Timo Duile does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Stigma dilekatkan pada kaum sekuler, termasuk ateis, di Indonesia. Pada kenyataannya kebanyakan kaum sekuler adalah kaum beriman. Ateis ada tapi tidak semua anti agama.Timo Duile, Lecturer and researcher at the Institute for Oriental and Asian Studies, University of BonnLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/826972017-09-13T10:17:43Z2017-09-13T10:17:43ZIndonesian secularists and atheists live under the shadow of stigma<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/182568/original/file-20170818-7972-xb0rzr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=496&amp;fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">shutterstock</span> </figcaption></figure><p>Citra, 25, an Indonesian medical school student, assumes two cyber identities. In the morning she posts a picture of herself wearing an Islamic headscarf; in the afternoon she posts, in her other social media account, a philosophical essay, discussing an argument that God doesn’t exist.</p>
<p>Due to her different accounts, she gets different reactions to her posts. One peer group is discussing about the existence of God and the arguments that God does not exists. But among her Muslim friends, she got many “likes” for picture in hijab. Citra is an Indonesian atheist who assumes two identities to find a place in a society that cannot accept people who doubt religions, let alone atheists.</p>
<p>Being an atheist in a Muslim country is not easy. In early August, a photo depicting an atheist meeting in Malaysia went viral. The image not only <a href="http://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2017/08/08/non-believers-need-to-be-tracked-down-says-minister/">elicited statements from politicians and officials</a>, but also prompted many social media comments. Some Malaysians said atheists were not accepted in their society and that apostates deserved to be killed.</p>
<p>Indonesia enjoys the reputation of being more open-minded when it comes to religion, but atheists and secular people are still stigmatised.</p>
<p>Earlier this year, I made an anthropological study on dozens of secular people in Indonesia. Many of them are people of faith, but some secularists do not believe in God at all. Both groups are Indonesian citizens whose daily lives are shadowed by highly negative views of secularism and atheism.</p>
<h2>Stigma not based on reality</h2>
<p>In reality, most atheists living in Indonesia defy the stereotype. For example, most don’t reject the first principle of the Indonesian national ideology, <em>Pancasila</em> – Belief in One God – because they understand that religions are important for many citizens.</p>
<p>Indonesia is neither a secular country nor an Islamic country. However, since the democratisation, or <em>Reformasi</em>, in 1998, religion has become increasingly important. This conservative turn has affected the daily life of secular people, including atheists.</p>
<p>The Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) issued a fatwa in 2005 saying that pluralism, liberalism and secularism are <a href="https://academic.oup.com/jis/article-abstract/18/2/202/726927/Current-Issues-in-Indonesian-Islam-Analysing-the?redirectedFrom=PDF">against Islamic teachings</a>. </p>
<p>Another example is the Constitutional Court’s 2010 ruling on a judicial review of religious blasphemy law. The Constitutional Court <a href="http://www.loc.gov/law/foreign-news/article/indonesia-constitutional-court-upholds-blasphemy-law/">rejected the judicial review request</a> filed by several NGOs, saying that the principle of Belief in One God in the national ideology means there cannot be a separation of
religion and the state. For the justices, Belief in One God is not a transcendental idea. Rather, <a href="http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/6449480">they see religion as an institution</a>.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/182409/original/file-20170817-13444-1w7hg0b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip">
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<span class="caption">Since the ‘Reformasi’ era in 1998, religion has become increasingly important.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Sony Herdiana/Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>Both the MUI’s fatwa and the justices’ arguments demonstrate a perception that secularism is an ideology hostile towards religion. That perception is wrong, however. In most cases, secular countries do not prohibit religions. </p>
<p>Secularism means the country assumes a neutral position concerning religion, but it can still acknowledge that religions are important for some of its citizens. Also, religions can encourage politics to adhere to religious values. What is valid for countries is also valid for individuals: in contrast to what many people in Indonesia think, not believing in God does not necessarily mean opposing religious people.</p>
<h2>Secular Indonesians: Faithful people, agnostics and atheists</h2>
<p>According to my research, secular people in Indonesia are a highly diverse group. As in other countries, many secular people I met still hold onto their faith, but they call themselves secular because for them the separation of religion and state is desirable as it allows the state to become a neutral space that provides the same laws and duties for all citizens. Besides the faithful, there are the agnostics, people who are not sure whether God exists or not.</p>
<p>The other group is the atheists, who are numerous particularly in urban areas. However, in Indonesia they are largely invisible because large parts of society and the state do not accept atheism in public. Rather, both mainstream society and state institutions believe religion to be the basis of harmony. </p>
<p>People who announce that they don’t believe in God are perceived as disruptive to social harmony, and it seems most Indonesians <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/04/world/asia/indonesian-who-embraced-atheism-landed-in-prison.html?mcubz=0">cannot discuss atheism calmly without becoming emotional</a>. Many Indonesians even see other people’s lack of faith as <a href="http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/02/02/192028.html">a
threat</a> to their own faith.</p>
<h2>Silence, confessing atheists, or multiple identities</h2>
<p>That’s why most secular people, especially the atheists, are silent in public when it comes to their identity. Even the faithful ones are often not open about their secular ideology because they realise that many people perceive “secular” to be a dirty word.</p>
<p>Those who are atheists often pretend to be religious. Among my atheist friends in Indonesia, there are some who perform prayer and wear headscarves when they are at home. Their religion is as performance and it no longer holds any meaning for them but to please relatives and pious friends.</p>
<p>Many of the people I studied who are open about their disbelief have problems with their families. Atheism is sometimes even a reason for divorces and for kicking children out off home.</p>
<p>However, it is not uncommon that after a period of conflict, reconciliation between the atheists and their families happens, but in those cases they usually decide not to talk about religion.</p>
<p>To avoid conflicts, many atheists are not open to their parents. Not only are they afraid of the social sanctions, but also they do not want to make their parents disappointed or sad. These young atheists then look for peer groups outside their families, and in this digital era it is easy to find people sharing the same ideology.</p>
<p>Many atheists I studied are open only to their close friends. But in social media and in closed groups, they communicate a lot with fellow atheists. Atheist groups and forums in social media are a safe space for them to talk openly about religion and atheism.</p>
<p>The interesting thing is atheists who assume two identities. One is for the family and religious friends, and the other is their “real” identity for open-minded friends. Some even have two Facebook accounts so they can exist in the cyber world with different identities.</p>
<h2>Atheism in Indonesia: left-wing and right-wing</h2>
<p>Although the online world becomes the safe space for these atheists, they don’t always agree with each other and argue a lot within their groups. </p>
<p>In my talks with Indonesian atheists, I found some of them distinguish themselves as either “left-wing atheists” or “right-wing atheists”. However, many of them are neither “right” or “left”. Many atheists are not interested in politics or any social issues, or some do only during election time.</p>
<p>But the difference between left ideology (those who address social issues and want to narrow social gap) and the right (who see social gap as given) shows one facet of diversity in Indonesia’s atheist community.</p>
<p>Right-wing atheists are influenced by right-wing liberalism, including economic liberalism; they reject religions because they think these are not in line with scientific arguments and that religions encourage intolerance. </p>
<p>In contrast, left-wing atheists are more concerned with social issues and gain inspiration from leftist thinking, including Marxism, but not all of them are Marxists and they are not anti-religion at all. Many of them who call themselves left atheists come from low- or middle-income bracket and this is probably why they are interested in social-political issue. </p>
<p>The left-wing atheists see potential for emancipation in religion: They acknowledge religion because it could be a tool for fighting for the oppressed. Many left-wing atheists are open to cooperation with religious organisations they consider progressive.</p>
<p>Some who call themselves “right” tend to see religion, especially Islam, as something ancient, no longer relevant for them. But they do not have any intention to change Indonesia’s ideology.</p>
<p>All the atheists I met respect others’ religious leaders and understand that religion is something important for the majority of Indonesians. </p>
<p>For more than two years, I have met dozens of atheists in Indonesia both online and in person. I also have interviewed about a dozen of them, joined their discussions and found many friends among them. </p>
<p>So far, I’ve found the reality of atheists in Indonesia contradicts the general perception in Indonesian society that still frames atheism in the context of the Cold War and Indonesia’s New Order propaganda about communism.</p>
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<p><em>Updated on September 17th 2017 to reflect more accuracy on “left” and “right” atheists.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/82697/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Timo Duile does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Secular people, including atheists, in Indonesia have to assume multiple identities: they step into a religious persona for the religious family and friends, and a real one for trusted peers.Timo Duile, Lecturer and researcher at the Institute for Oriental and Asian Studies, University of BonnLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/747492017-05-07T19:38:23Z2017-05-07T19:38:23ZJunk food packaging hijacks the same brain processes as drug and alcohol addiction<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/168034/original/file-20170505-21608-20gdmn.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=496&amp;fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Neuroscience shows the brain&#39;s reward centres are activated by certain packaging.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Conversation</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Food is important for our survival, which is why all living beings have developed an urge for high energy foods, like those high in sugar and fat. Historically, this hadn’t been an issue, as energy dense foods weren’t always as available as they are today. </p>
<p>But in modern societies, we not only have easy access to cheap, high-energy food, we also have marketing companies pushing them at us. Food packaging plays a big part in <a href="http://tarjomefa.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/5476-English.pdf">triggering brain processes</a> that influence our food choices - similar brain processes that get us stuck on addictive behaviours. </p>
<h2>How our brain works in addiction</h2>
<p>Some people who eat too much high-calorie food show similar behavioural patterns to <a href="http://www.nature.com/nrn/journal/v13/n4/full/nrn3212.html">those with addictions</a>. An important behavioural component of addiction is a longing to experience the drug again and again, while in many cases, <a href="http://www.nature.com/neuro/journal/v8/n11/full/nn1105-1442.html">regretting that behaviour</a>. This distinction between <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2756052/">wanting something but not necessarily liking it</a> is shown in many studies. </p>
<p>In the 1950s, two <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/psycinfo/1955-06866-001">Canadian physiologists ran experiments</a> with electrodes implanted in specific brain regions of rats. The rats were then given the opportunity to stimulate these brain regions, later termed “reward centres”, by pressing a button. Once they started pressing the stimulation button, they stopped doing anything else, which was the first hint of a strong behavioural reinforcing mechanism. </p>
<p>Since then, researchers have shown that this reward centre of the brain – termed the “ventral striatum” – is also <a href="http://www.nature.com/neuro/journal/v8/n11/abs/nn1579.html">involved in substance addiction</a>, such as to heroin or cocaine. Just showing people drug-related pictures <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15465974">led to a strong activity</a> in the parts of the brain related to craving for the drugs.</p>
<h2>How our brain responds to junk foods</h2>
<p>With methods like functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), which allows us to measure brain activity in healthy volunteers, researchers have started to investigate processes underlying how we eat and view foods. </p>
<p>Such <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12948696">studies robustly show</a> that images of high caloric foods, like chocolate bars or cakes, lead to a stronger activity in the reward areas of the brain, in contrast to apples or salads.</p>
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<span class="caption">Foods like cakes and burgers lead to stronger activity in our brain’s reward areas in contrast to apples or salads.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/success?src=OqI5LQEnDEmDDy5lnCxYXA-1-0">www.shutterstock.com</a></span>
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<p>Longitudinal studies, which follow people over a period of time, have shown that the stronger the reaction <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22332246">in the brain’s reward areas</a> when confronted with these foods, the more weight people will gain over the next year. </p>
<p>These insights have made scientists think about how they could intervene to make people less reactive to foods high in calories. One important mechanism, which was <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19407204">researched by a team in California</a>, is that of self-control. </p>
<p>Volunteers were able to regulate the reward-related brain activity towards junk food. While in an MRI machine, they were instructed to focus on health attributes while making choices for healthier food options. When doing so, another region of the brain strongly involved in self-control (dorsolateral prefrontal cortex) was more active and regulated the spontaneous rewarding brain activity. </p>
<p>The main problem, though, is that <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10748642">people are not capable</a> of applying self-control over longer periods.</p>
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<span class="caption">A part of the brain’s prefrontal cortex is strongly involved in self-control.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/curtiscripe/32508360463/in/photolist-RwDQZv-yEftBq-eVzDoQ-osBBgA-36684f-6e3V2H-KVVxf-7fFWJt-b5nPWk-361nZr-5JxPNU-xZL4k-6iqy7v-ow5xyt-eWSV56-4gpEiv-5QH4yC-v8ay6V-4CWxwu-H9fRs5-89hX9w-vStNis-5AX2Wc-CVVQyo-BMkuLy-Q5d4qv-ELCeQv-Ekeyu8-DUDT8D-HGbVqA-FKDKEp-GCFtzw-EtjPsL-PZiXNU-G5xYzU-EcEiJw-PKY41g-My4Yu9-No5FGt-KYvdAq-HpaMva-Kcfzm4-KYuXwN-Kc4t5u-P68BEm-NszPhm-E1QNKC-E2bfVe-E1QNNU-E2bdnP">CurtisCripe/flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
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<h2>The impact of marketing</h2>
<p>We may think our eating decisions are mainly driven by rational factors such as weighing up the different attributes of products – for example, prices and content. But research shows we are strongly <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/jafio.2015.13.issue-1/jafio-2015-0015/jafio-2015-0015.xml?format=INT">influenced by environmental factors</a> that nudge us into making different decisions.</p>
<p>Designs of packages, brands or claims on food products also influence how we value and consume them. These influences are of course extensively used by companies to affect consumers’ choices. </p>
<p>Companies make use of bright colours, and well-known characters from movies or other celebrities to distinguish their products from others. These visual properties act as signals that <a href="https://elearning2.uniroma1.it/pluginfile.php/101781/mod_resource/content/1/Relative_visual_saliency_differences_induce_sizable_bias_in_consumer_choice.pdf">influence the way we value products</a> and make people more likely to be attracted to certain items over others. </p>
<p>Some studies in children show <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15010186">food-directed commercials</a> influence the amount of calories they consume, with this effect especially pronounced in overweight children. </p>
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<span class="caption">Research has begun to reveal why we are compelled to eat what we eat. It shows that food packaging plays a big part in influence choices.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/success?src=PrWWY6d1r3ybhbHZkLQxmw-1-51">from www.shutterstock.com</a></span>
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<p>But the fact contextual factors play a strong role in the perception of foods can also be used to help consumers in their choices.</p>
<p>We <a href="http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00882/full">conducted a study</a> in school children where we presented the same cereals in different packages. One of these was especially designed to be more appealing to children – we created cartoon characters and placed them on the package. </p>
<p>The same cereal not only tasted better when it was in the more appealing package, but children were also willing to make more effort to receive it (by more strongly pressing on a specially designed hand lever). </p>
<p>This influence of marketing on the actual taste experience has also been referred to as the marketing placebo effect. Expectations consumers may have about a known brand or a nice design can lead to actual differences in taste and consumption patterns, probably by acting on the human reward circuitry and raising the subjective pleasure of the taste experience.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/74749/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bernd Weber receives funding from the German Research Council and the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research.</span></em></p>No wonder we're addicted to junk food. Neuroscience shows food packaging affects our enjoyment of these foods, and plays on the same brain processes as hard drug addiction.Bernd Weber, Professor, Centre for Economics and Neuroscience, University of BonnLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/721102017-03-06T18:06:26Z2017-03-06T18:06:26ZMen and women farmers in Benin are responding differently to climate change<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158874/original/image-20170301-5529-q53v7z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=496&amp;fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">In Benin, women plant things which can be eaten while men planted things that earned them immediate income.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>As climate change brings with it increased extreme weather events, one of the pressing issues for Africa’s farmers will be how to address these challenges. One dimension to be factored in is that men and women farmers are responding to the pressures differently. The Conversation Africa’s Samantha Spooner asked Grace Villamor about her research on gender-specific responses by farmers in Benin.</em></p>
<p><strong>How are extreme weather events affecting farmers in Benin?</strong></p>
<p>Volatile climatic conditions and dwindling natural resources have been cited as the reason for <a href="http://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/6/1/375">persistent emigration</a> from Benin to other West African countries.</p>
<p>The northern part of Benin, in particular, is highly vulnerable. Floods have become more intense and there have been more droughts as well as erratic rainfall patterns. </p>
<p>The impact of this has been evident. <a href="http://reliefweb.int/disaster/ff-2013-000118-ben">In 2013</a>, the River Niger overflowed its banks and caused massive damage in the areas of Karimama and Malanville. The majority of the population in those areas are farmers and fishermen so families along the river lost crops, livestock and fishing grounds. Approximately 3,000 houses were destroyed, forcing more than 10,000 people to move and find shelter. According to the <a href="http://www.fao.org/home/en/">Food and Agriculture Organisation</a> (FAO), the value of <a href="http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/203975/icode/">crop losses</a> was estimated at $20 million. </p>
<p>Another <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120022/">study conducted</a> in Tanguieta, north-west Benin, found that winds have become increasingly violent and are responsible for the destruction of crops. Farmers also told the researchers that they had suffered delayed rainy seasons and less rain. As a result, the FAO <a href="http://www.fao.org/faostat/en/#country/53">estimated</a> cereal production in northern Benin to have declined by about 5% in 2014 over the previous year’s harvest.</p>
<p><strong>How important is agriculture to Benin and the Beninois?</strong></p>
<p>Benin is predominantly a rural society. About 80% of the country’s <a href="http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/benin/overview">10.9 million</a> people earn a living from agriculture and the sector <a href="http://www.fao.org/agriculture/ippm/projects/benin/en/">contributes</a> 40% to the country’s GDP. Most agricultural production is based on subsistence farming and 93% of that goes into food production.</p>
<p>Women play a crucial role in this sector. <a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i2050e/i2050e.pdf">About</a> 70% of women live in rural areas where they are <a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/x0250e/x0250e04.htm#P467_45664">responsible</a> for 60%–80% of agricultural work. They are <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120022/">more vulnerable</a> to the impact of climate change than men because of their locally defined roles as wives and mothers, while they have limited access to natural resources and little voice in decision making.</p>
<p><strong>Is there a difference between how male and female farmers are coping with extreme changes in weather patterns?</strong></p>
<p>I did <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120022/">a study</a> on gender-specific responses to climate variability in northern Benin. A total of 260 respondents – of which 197 were male and 63 were female – were surveyed using a semi-structured questionnaire. There were also role-playing games related to climate change adaptation that were conducted with men-only and women-only groups.</p>
<p>The questionnaire covered respondents’ socio-economic characteristics (such as income or occupation) and land-use preferences. It also included questions on decisions about farm and household-level adaptation strategies.</p>
<p>One of my <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120022/">key findings</a> was that men and women are equally aware of climate variability and share similar coping strategies. For example they adopt new, improved crop varieties when possible. </p>
<p>But they differ in their specific land-use strategies such as crop expansion or intensification. They also differ in relation to preferences of crop types and motivations – if they are motivated to reduce household expenses or by income security. </p>
<p>For example, women chose to plant maize and rice to satisfy food consumption whereas men chose cotton for which they receive government subsidies. Women planted things which can be eaten, men planted things that earned them an immediate income. We believe these differences emanate from their specific gender productive and reproductive roles, norms and identity. </p>
<p>In terms of livestock, women view livestock animals (such as goats or cattle) as a source of investment capital to expand their farms. For their part men sell livestock and use the proceeds to emigrate from the area to find work elsewhere, particularly during extreme weather events. </p>
<p>In the long run, these differences could lead to differentiated vulnerabilities and challenges. For example, in areas where men migrated to non-farm jobs, women would bear the entire responsibility of cultivating the family plot. This would include post-harvest storage, processing of food products for household consumption and marketing agricultural products.</p>
<p><strong>What can be done to help farmers cope?</strong></p>
<p>Due to the increasing role of women in agriculture in Benin, agricultural extension services – such as new crop varieties resistant to drought – should target women. These services should also include access to climate and weather related information, credit and farming technology. However, because the <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120022/">majority</a> of female farmers in rural areas do not have any formal education, extension services and the decision making process are currently always shared by men.</p>
<p>Adjustments such as knowing the best time to train the women and a solid means of communication are needed on the part of government and non-government projects or services to reach more women.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/72110/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grace Villamor received funding from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) through the West Africa Science Centre of Climate Change and Adapted Land use
(WASCAL) program.</span></em></p>In Benin the differences between male and female farmers are their specific gender productive and reproductive roles, norms and identity.Grace Villamor, Senior Researcher, University of BonnLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.