Wednesday, February 27, 2013

Preface

We,
the Karen of Burma, have been cornered into fighting
against ruling Burmese Governments for the past
forty-three years. [in 1992]

Holding the reins of all organs of the state, and in full control
of the press, radio, and television, the successive ruling
Burmese Governments from U Nu's AFPFL (Anti-Fascist
People's Freedom League) to the present Military Junta
headed by General Than Shwe and his State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), have always painted us as
black as they can. They have branded us insurgents, warmongers,
a handful of border smugglers, black-marketeers and stooges of
both the communists and the imperialists.

Even
so, to the extent of our ability we have always tried to
refute the nefarious one-sided Burmese propaganda of
false accusations, and make the true facts of our cause
known to the world.

In fighting against the ruling Burmese Government, we are not being
motivated by narrow nationalism, or by ill will towards the
Burmese Government or the Burmese people. Our struggle
was instigated neither by the capitalist world nor by the
communists, as some have falsely accused us. It has an
originality completely of its own. Throughout history,
the Burmese have been practicing annihilation, absorption
and assimilation (3 A's) against the Karen and they are still doing
so today. In short, they are waging a genocidal war against
us. Thus we have been forced to fight for our very
existence and survival.

In this document we venture to present a concise outline of the
Karens' struggle for freedom, the Karen case, which we consider
just, righteous and noble. We hope that through it, the
world may come to know the true situation of the Karen, a
forgotten people who continue to fight for our freedom
intensively, single handedly and without aid of any kind
from anyone.

Karen National Union (KNU)
Kawthoolei.

The Karen, a NationTheir Nature and History

The Karen are much more than a national minority. We are a nation
with a population of 7 million, having all the essential
qualities of a nation. We have our own history, our own
language, our own culture, our own land of settlement and
our own economic system of life. By nature the Karen are
simple, quiet, unassuming and peace loving people, who
uphold the high moral qualities of honesty, purity,
brotherly love, co-operative living and loyalty, and are devout
in their religious beliefs.

Historically, the Karen descend from the same ancestors as the Mongolian
people. The earliest Karens (or Yangs, as called by the
Thais) settled in Htee-mset Met Ywa (land of Flowing
Sands: a land bordering the source of the Yang-Tse-Kiang
river in the Gobi Desert. From there, we migrated
southwards and gradually entered the land now known as
Burma about 739 BC.

We were, according to most historians, the first settlers in this
new land. The Karen named this land kaw-lah, meaning the Green
Land. We began to peacefully clear and till our land free
from all hindrances. Our labours were fruitful and we
were very happy with our lot. So we changed the name of
the land to Kawthoolei, a land free of all evils, famine,
misery and strife: Kawthoolei, a pleasant, plentiful and
peaceful country. Here we lived characteristically uneventful
and peaceful lives, before the advent of the Burman.

Pre-World War II ErasBurmese Feudalism, British Imperialism and Japanese Fascism

We, the Karen could not enjoy our peaceful lives for long. The Mon
were the next to enter this area, followed at their heels by
the Burmese, both the Mon and the Burmese brought with
them feudalism, which they practiced to the full. The
Burmese won the feudal war, and they subdued and
subjugated all other nationalities in the land. The Karen
suffered untold miseries at the hands of their Burmese
lords. Persecution, torture, killings, suppression, oppression and
exploitation were the order of the day. To mention a few
historical facts as evidence, we may refer to the Burmese
subjugation of the Mon and the Arakanese, and especially
their past atrocities against the Thais at Ayudhaya.
These events stand as firm evidence of the cruelties of
Burmese feudalism. So severe are these atrocities that
those victimized continue to harbour a deep-seated resentment of
the Burman even today.

At that time, many Karen had to flee for their lives to the high
mountains and thick jungles, where communications and means of
livelihood were extremely difficult and diseases common.
We were thus cut of from all progress, civilisation and
the rest of the world, and were gradually reduced to
backward hill tribes. The rest of the Karen were made
slaves. We were forced to do hard labour and were cruelly
treated.

When the British occupied Burma, the conditions of the Karens gradually
improved. With the introduction of law and order by the
Colonial Central Authority, the Karen began to earn their
living without being hindered, and we could go to school
and be educated. This infuriated the Burmese, to see the
despised Karen being treated equally by the British.
Progress of the Karen people in almost all fields was
fast, and by the beginning of the 20th Century, they were
ahead of other peoples in many respects, especially in education,
athletics and music. It could be said that the Karen had a
breathing spell during the period of the British regime.

In 1942, the Japanese invaded Burma with the help of the Burma
Independence Army (BIA), who led them into the country.
These BIA troops took full advantage of the situation by
insinuating that the Karen were spies and puppets of the
British, and therefore were enemies of the Japanese and
the Burman. With the help of the Japanese, they began to
attack the Karen villages, using a scheme to wipe out the
entire Karen populace which closely resembled the genocidal scheme
Hitler was enacting against the Jews in Germany.The Karen of
many parts of the country were arrested, tortured and
killed. Our properties were looted,our womenfolk raped
and killed, and our hearths and homes burned. Conditions
were so unbearable that we retaliated fiercely enough to
attract the attention of the Japanese Government, which
mediated and somewhat controlled the situation.

Post World War II Eras
Demand for Karen State, Tensions and Armed Conflicts

The bitter experiences of the Karen throughout our history in Burma,
especially during the Second World War, taught us one
lesson. They taught us that as a nation, unless we
control a state of our own, we will never experience a
life of peace, free from persecution and oppression. We
will never be allowed to work hard to grow and prosper.
Soon after the Second World War, all the nations under colonial
rule were filled with national aspirations for independence. The
Karen sent a Goodwill Mission to England in August 1946,
to make the Karen case known to the British Government
and the British people, and to ask for a true Karen
State. But the reply of the British Labour Government was
"to throw in our lot with the Burma". We deeply
regretted this, for as it predictably has turned out today,
it was a gesture grossly detrimental to our right of
self-determination, only condemning us to further
oppression. It is extremely difficult for the Karen and
the Burman, two peoples with diametrically opposite
views, outlooks, attitudes and mentalities, to yoke together.

However, differences in nature and mentality are not the main reason
for our refusal to throw in our lot with the Burman. There
are other more important reasons for sticking to our
demand for our own State within a genuine Federal Union.
1. We are concerned that the tactics of annihilation, absorption
and assimilation, which have been practised in the past upon all
other nationalities by the Burmese rulers, will be
continued by the Burman of the future as long as they are
in power.
2. We are concerned about the postwar independence Aung San - Atlee
and Nu - Atlee Agreements, as there was no Karen
representative in either delegation and no Karen opinion
was sought. The most that the Burman would allow us to
have was a pseudo Karen State, which falls totally under
Burmese authority. In that type of Karen State, we must
always live in fear of their cruel abuse of their authority
over us.

On January 4, 1948, Burma got its independence from the British.
The Karens continued to ask for self-determination
democratically and peacefully from the Burmese
Government. The Karen State requested by the Karens was
comprised of the Irrawaddy Division, the Tenasserim
Division, the Hanthawady District , Insein District and the Nyaunglebin
Sub-Division, the areas where the bulk of the Karen
populace could be found. But instead of compromising with
the Karen by peaceful negotiations concerning the Karen
case, the Burmese Government and the Burmese Press said
many negative things about us, especially by frequently
repeating their accusations that the Karen are puppets of
the British and enemies of the Burman. The Burmese Government
agitated the Burmese people toward communal clashes between the
Karen and the Burman. Another accusation against the Karen
demand was that it was not the entire Karen people who
desired a Karen state, but a handful of British lackeys
who wanted the ruin of the Union of Burma.

To counter the accusations and show the world that it was the whole
Karen people's desire for a Karen state, a peaceful
demonstration by Karens all over the country was staged
on February 11, 1948, in which over 400,000 Karens took
part. The banners carried in the procession contained
four slogans, namely:

1. Give the Karen State at once 2. Show the Burman one kyat and the Karen one kyat
3. We do not want communal strife
4. We do not want civil war.

The slogans of the Karens in this mass demonstration voiced the
same desire as the three slogans of the British Colonies after
the Second World War: Liberty, Equality, and Peace. We
followed the established democratic procedures in our
request for a Karen state.

A few months after Burma got its independence, successive desertions
and revolts in the AFPFL put U Nu, the then Premier, in
grave trouble. The revolts of the Red Flag Communist
Party in 1947, the Communist party of Burma in March
1948, the People's Volunteer Organisation in June 1948.
and the mutinies of the 1st Burma Rifles stationed at
Thayetmyo and the 3rd Rifles stationed at Mingladon, Rangoon
(August 15,1948), prompted U NU to approach the Karen leaders to
help the Government by taking up the security of Rangoon to
save it from peril. The Karen did not take advantage of
the situation, but readily complied with U Nu's request
and helped him out of his predicament. The KNDO (Karen
National Defence Organisation) officially recognised by
the Burmese Government, was posted at all the strategic
positions and all the roads and routes leading to Rangoon. For months
the KNDO faithfully took charge of the security of Rangoon.

The KNDO was given several tasks in forming an outer ring of defence,
particularly at Hlegu and Twante. Most important of all was
the reoccupation of Twante town, Rangoon's key riverine
gateway to the Delta towns and upper Burma. This little
town had fallen several times to the communists. Each
time it was retaken by regular troops, only to fall back
into the hands of the rebels as soon as conditions
returned to normal and control was handed back to the civil authorities
and the police. This time, a KNDO unit under the
leadership of Bo Toe and Bo Aung Min was ordered to
retake Twante, which was once more in the hands of the
Red Flag Communists. They succeeded with their own
resources and without any support from the regular army
other than river transport. After wresting the town from the Red
Flag Comnunists' hands. they garrisoned it in accordance with
their given orders.

The two mutinied Burma Rifles marched down south, unopposed along
the way, until they reached Kyungale bridge, near the town of
Let-pa-dan, where they were stopped by a company of Karen
UMP (Union Miltary Police). Their truck carrying arms
and ammunition received a direct hit from mortar fire of
the Karen UMP and was destroyed, so they retreated after
suffering heavy casualties.

But even while all this was happening, the ungrateful Burmese Government
was hastily organising a strong force of levies to make
an all-out effort to smash the Karen. By December 1948,
they had arrested the Karen leaders in many parts of the
country. Karen personnel in the armed services were
disarmed and put into jail. General Smith Dun, General
Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Burma Army, was forced to
resign. Many Karen villages were attacked and many Karen villagers
were shot and killed, women raped, properties looted and
hearths and homes burnt and destroyed. On the 30th of
January 1949, the Burmese Government declared the KNDO
unlawful. Early the next morning on the 31st of January,
the Burmese troops attacked the KNDO Headquarters at a
town about 10 miles north of where most of the top Karen leaders
lived. There was no alternative left for the Karen but to fight
back. An order was issued to all the Karen throughout the
country to take up whatever arms they could find and
fight for their lives, their honour, and their long
cherished Karen state Kawthoolei.

When we took up arms, we attained great successes and occupied many
towns and cities. We soon suffered military reverses,
however, as we had not prepared for Revolution and
therefore had no stockpile of arms and ammunition. We had
to withdraw from many fronts, thus allowing the Burmsse
troops to reoccupy these areas. Compounding this, the
Burmese Government called for unity with all the other
uprising Burmese rebel groups. These Burmese rebel groups saw the
Karen as the greatest obstacle to their seizing exclusive
power, joined hands with the Burmese Government, and
fought against the Karen. As a result, the Karen found
themselves fighting against all the armed elements in the
country.
Another reason for our setbacks was that all along we had to stand
on our own feet and fight alone without aid of any kind from
any other country. In contrast, the Burmese Government
received large amounts of foreign aid, including military
aid from both capitalist and socialist countries, and
even from some so-called non-aligned nations. Many times
then and since the situation of the Burmese Government
has been precarious, but it has managed to continue mainly
through aid from abroad. Many times it has been in dire financial
straits, but it has not been ashamed to go begging. And as
hard as it is for us to believe, its begging bowls have
always come back filled.

Present Day Situation
The Karen under Successive Burmese Régimes
The Revolutionary Areas - The Present Situation

Under the rule of the Burman, the Karens have been oppressed
politically, economically, and educationally. The Karen
schools and institutions were taken by force and many
were destroyed. We are no longer allowed to study our own
language in Burmese schools. Many of the Karen
newspapers and literary books were banned. Economically, our fields
and plots of land were nationalised and confiscated, we have
to toil hard all year round and have to take all our
products to the Burmese Government for sale at its
controlled prices, leaving little for ourselves.
Culturally, they have attempted to absorb and dissolve
our language, literature, traditions, and customs. We have been
denied all political rights, and militarily, our people have all
along been systematically exterminated as part of the
annihilation, absorption, and assimilation programme of
the Burman. Our educational quality and living standards
have dropped considerably, falling far behind the Burman
in all respects. Their efforts and actions against us are
as strong, or stronger, today as ever before in the
past.

Since the 1960's, they have been attacking with the "Four Cuts
Operation". This includes cutting our provisions, cutting the
contact between the masses and the revolutionaries, cutting
all revolutionary financial income and resources, and
cutting off the heads of all revolutionaries. To make the
four cuts operation successiul, the Burmese troops are
using strong suppressive measures. They destroy the
fields of crops planted by the villagers and eat their grains
and livestock. They take away whatever they like and the things
they cannot carry away they destroy. Captured villagers,
woman and adolescents as well as men, are made to carry
heavy loads as porters for the Burmese soldiers. Many of
the villagers have been forced to work as porters for
several months; they are deliberately starved, and
regularly beaten, raped, or murdered. When the Burmese soldiers
enter a village, they shoot the villagers who try to escape. Some
of the villagers have been accused of helping the
revolutionaries and then have been killed. In certain
areas, the villagers have been forced to leave their
villages and have been moved to camps some distance away.
They are not permitted to leave the camps without
permission from the Burmese guards. Some villagers, who have been
found in their villages after being ordered to move to the
camps, have been shot and killed by the Burmese soldiers
with no questions asked.

Situations such as these and sometimes worse are happening constantly
throughout Kawthoolei and are causing a large number of
Karens and Shans in Kawthoolei to leave their villages
and take refuge along the Thai border; a difficult
situation for us as we do not have enough money to
provide for these refugees. In spite of these situations
we are determined to progress. Even though there is no end of the
war in sight, and we are unable to obtain assistance from other
countries, we are moving forward as best we can.

During this long and gruelling forty-three years of war, we have
seen many changes take place in our Revolution. The strong
willed determination of our fighting forces and our
masses to fight to win the war has increased. We have
been able to endure hardship, both physically and
mentally. We have grown in strength, and not just in
numbers. Our occupied areas have now joined our Revolution
in great numbers. Many Karen who are universty graduates have also
joined us, thus enriching the quality of our revolution.
Villagers throughout Kawthoolei are active in support
roles, while the morale, discipline, and military skills
of our fighting forces have increased. We have been able
to inflict greater setbacks on the enemy in all our
military engagements.

Burma is a multi-national country, inhabited also by the Kachin,
Arakanese, Karenni, Lahu, Mon, Pa-O, Palaung, Shan and Wa, etc.
After independence, these ethnic races were also denied
the basic rights of freedom, self-determination, and
democracy. Hence, almost all the other nationalities in
Burma have also taken up arms to fight against the
Burmese Governnent for their own self-determination, and
are now united in the National Democratic Front (NDF). There
are now altogether nine members in the National Democratic Front,
namely:

The consolidated National Democratic Front (NDF) has resolved to
form a genuine Federal Union, comprised of all the states of the
nationalities in Burma, including a Burman state, on the
basis of liberty, equality and social progress.The NDF
is determined to fight on until victory is achieved, and
requests the people of all classes and all works of life
to join hands and fight against the Ne Win-Than Shwe
military dictatorship.

By 1988, the oppression of Ne Win's military regime had become so
severe that even the Burmese masses rose up against it.The
regime's response was to gun down thousands of peaceful
demonstrators, mainly young students and monks. Even so
Ne Win could not subdue them and he was forced to resign,
seemingly handing over power to his chosen successors in
the State Law and Order Restoration council (SLORC), but
continuing to pull the strings of power from behind the scenes.
The SLORC promised a multi-party election and held it in 1990,
only to persecute and imprison the winners rather then
hand over state power to them. Thousands of Burmese
students, monks and other dissidents fled to the areas
governed by NDF member organisations. There they were
accepted and sheltered by the ethnic peoples, particularly
in the Karen areas, where no less then 6,000 students arrived along
with other dissidents, all wanting to organise and struggle
against the SLORC.In late 1988, the KNU took the
initiative of proposing that the NDF form a broader
political front along with the newly formed Burmese group
to meet the developing political situation.

The Karen National Union (KNU)
Aims, Policy and Programme

The second Karen National Union (KNU) congress was held at Maw Ko,
Nyaunglebin district in June and July 1956, and was attended
by KNU representatives from Delta Division, Pegu Yoma
Division and Eastern Division. In this congress the
political aims of the KNU were laid down as follows and
they still apply today:

• The establishment of a Karen State with the right to self-determination.
• The establishment of National States for all the nationalities, with the right to self-determination.
• The establishment of a genuine Federal Union with all the
states having equal rights and the right to self-determination.
• The Karen National Union will pursue the policy of National Democracy.

In spite of the internal and external situations, we continue to
maintain our state, Kawthoolei, administered by our own
Kawthoolei Government since 1950,under the banner of the
Karen National Union (KNU), and the well trained and
disciplined Karen National Liberation Army, which were
formed in that same year. We desire Kawthoolei to be a
Karen State with the right to self-determination. We are
therefore endeavouring to form a genuine Federal Union comprised
of all the states of the nationalities in Burma, including a
Burman state, on the basis of Liberty, Equality,
Self-Determination and Social progress.

We desire the extent of Kawthoolei to be the areas where the Karens
are in majority. It shall be governed in accordance with the
wishes of the people of the State and just in the eyes of
the country and the world. The policy of the Karen
National Union is National Democracy. It fully recognises
and encourages private ownership and welcomes foreign
investment. All the people in Kawthoolei shall be given
democratic rights, politically, economically, socially and culturally.
Freedom and equality of all religions is guaranteed.
Kawthoolei will maintain cordial relationships with all
other states and other countries on the basis of mutual
respect, peace and prosperity. Kawthoolei will never
permit the growing or refining of opium or the sales and
transport of illicit drugs through its territory.

Our Beliefs and Determination

To us, the "independence" Burma gained in 1948 is but a
domination over all other nationalities in Burma by the Burman.
The taking up of arms by almost all the nationalities against the
ruling Burmese Government is sufficient proof that
though Burma got its independence, only the Burman have
really enjoyed independence and they have subjugated the
other nationalities. The State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) headed by General Than Shwe will never
and can never solve the conflicts and crises in the country.
The Karen Revolution is more than just a struggle for survival against
national oppression, subjugation, exploitation and
domination of the Karen people by the Burmese rulers. It
has the aim of a genuine Federal Union comprised of all
the states of the nationalities on the basis of equality
and self-determination. In our march towards our
objectives we shall uphold the four principles laid down by
our beloved leader, the late Saw Ba U Gyi, which are:

•For us surrender is out of the question.
•The recognition of the Karen State must be completed.
•We shall retain our arms.
•We shall decide our own political destiny.

We strongly believe in the Charter of the United Nations, its
Declarations on Human Rights, the principle of
Self-Determination and the Democratic Rights of Peoples -
all causes for which we are fighting.

The fighting may be long, hard, and cruel, but we are prepared for
all eventualities. To die fighting is better than to live as a
slave. But we firmly believe that we shall survive and
be victorious, for our cause is just and righteous, and
surely any tyranny so despised as the Burmese regime must
one day fall.

31 Junly 1992Burma
is a country where indigenous nationalities have lived
together in adjacent territories for the last several
millenia. It belongs to all indigenous nationalities.Only
when a true Federal structure is established based on
the desires and aspirations of all the indigenous
nationalities will Burma stand united and stable. With
this intention, General Aung San and indigenous leaders
signed the Pang Long Agreement on February 12, 1949. But
that agreement was never enacted in practice.Currently
because of the chauvinistic behavior of the fascist
military dictatorship of the Burma Socialist Programme
Party (BSPP) and the State Law and Restoration Council
(SLORC), the indigenous nationalities are deprived of
their ethnic rights. Democracy and basic Human Rights of
the people are also abused. National unity has been destroyed
and civil war is going on unabated.Thus,
indigenous nationalities and all the peoples must topple
the military dictatorship and set up a true Federal
Union where equality, right of self-determination,
democracy and basic Human Rights are guaranteed.To
attain equality, freedom, unity, security, fraternity,
trust and development in the Federal Union, the main
tasks which are necessary are to topple the SLORC
military dictatorship and to establish democracy, peace
and true Federal Union. To achieve these aims, the:National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)
National League for Democracy, Liberated Area (NLD-LA)
Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), and National Democratic Front (NDF)
have resolutely agreed to the following at Manerplaw on July 31, 1992. We will struggle together to end Chauvinism and the fascist military dictatorship of the SLORC.
After ending the SLORC military dictatorship and when freedom and
peace are attained, a true national convention involving all
indigenous nationalities and all political parties will
be convened.
We will draw up a true Federal Union constitution in accordance
with the desires of indigenous nationalities and all peoples.
We will follow the principles that no nationality shall have special
privileges and no restrictions will be imposed on the basic
rights of any nationality or minority in the Union.
We will build a Federal Union where all indigenous nationalities
enjoy equality, rights of self-determination, democracy and
basic Human Rights to the fullest extent. In doing so: a.
The Kachin, Karen, Chin, Mon, Burman, Arakan, Shan
poeples, etc. will have National States.incorporated in a
Federal Union of States.b.
The National States will assign certain power to the
Federal Union and the remaining powers will be exercised
by the National States including legislative,
administrative and judicial powers.c.
The Federal Union will consist of two houses of
Parliament: The National Assembly (Upper House) and The
People's Assembly (Lower House).d.
In accordance with the principle of civilian supremacy
over the military the Federal Union and State armies will
be put under the direct supervision of the Elected
Governments.e. The legislative, administrative
and judicial branches of the Federal Union Government
will be checked and balanced in power, and the judiciary
will be independent.f.
The Constitution will be designed to prevent any
re-emergence of Chauvinism and fascist dictatorship in
the future.http://www.kwekalu.net/photojournal1/soldier/story5.html

Burma
is a country where several ethnic nationalities have
been living in adjacent for centuries. All major ethnic
nationalities in Burma have their own languages, cultures
and traditions that can distinguish them from one
another. However, the political rights* of those people
have been denied by the ruling Burmese governments. Instead of
recognizing the country's diverse ethnic reality and
political sensitivity of various ethnic issues,
successive Burmese governments have tried to eliminate
ethnic movements mainly by means of military offensives.

Since
Independence, not only have the concerns of ethnic
nationalities never been addressed, but political,
cultural and educational rights of ethnic people have
been systematically denied. It is true that some ethnic
individuals had achieved high positions of government a
few years since independence. But ever since Gen. Ne Win took
power in 1962 through a military coup, Burma had been ruled by a
centralized political system instituted by Burma Socialist
Programme Party (BSPP). Top leadership positions in civil
services, armed forces and the state administration held
by minorities were disproportionately replaced by
majority Burman nationals. After the 1947 constitution
was dissolved, in 1974, the BSPP adopted a new constitution in which
no specification was stated regarding ethnic representation
in the government. Instead of leaders duly elected by
their people, only a few ethnic leaders were hand-picked
by the Burman leadership to symbolize ethnic
representation in the BSPP government. Hence, those
handful of selected ethnic leaders acted only at the desire of the
central government rather than as representatives of their own
ethnic nationalities.

I
would call such method as "select and rule,"which is
still being used by current ruling military regime, the
State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Except
for annual folk dance and costume parades on traditional
holidays recognized by the government, most ethnic
cultures are being eliminated. In the so-called "Union"
of Burma, only Burmese language is recognized as the medium of
education; none of the ethnic languages is allowed to be
taught at schools or allowed to be used at any level of
administration. Consequently, ethnic nationality
schoolchildren and the young generation are growing up
without knowing their own cultures or speaking their own languages.
In this way, social and cultural domination has been
effectively taking place in Burma today. After all, the
"Union" that the SLORC claims, means nothing or makes no
sense to the ethnic nationalities. This is one of the
most sensitive political issues facing Burma and all her
inhabitants, and not only must we discuss openly about
it, but all of us must enthusiastically strive to resolve
it.

According
to the SLORC, at least fifteen ethnic armed
organizations have entered cease-fire agreements with
them. SLORC thinks that those cease-fire agreements will
legitimize its holding onto power. However, beneath the
surface of cease-fire agreements between SLORC and fifteen different
ethnic nationalities lie a deeper reality of human rights
violations and of ethnic annihilation campaign in Burma
today. I would like to urge the international community
to think about this: who among us will be willing to
fight against an army with 500, 000 troops, if the
so-called "peace" that is being offered to us could be
considered a genuine one? When the SLORC launched massive offensives
"against the KNU" this year, villages were burned, many
young women were raped and many Karen villagers including
children, women and elders were arbitrarily tortured and
killed by the SLORC soldiers. As a result, hundreds and
thousands of Karen villagers have fled their villages to
the Thai-Burmese border where they hope to find a
temporary safe place. While they are afraid of SLORC brutality,
those refugees choose to stay in the border refugee camps with a
possibility of being forced to return by the Thai
authorities. The question is who would know the SLORC's
mentality and brutish character more than these refugees
do? More than a hundred thousand Karen refugees remained
suspicious of SLORC and are fear to return to Burma.
Politically naive as they may be, their painful experiencees
have taught them severe lessons. How can someone whose village was
burned, whose father was brutally murdered and whose
sister was repeatedly raped by the SLORC soldiers easily
learn to "trust?" How can the Karen leadership ignore the
plight of these refugees when they talk with the SLORC?
If these people cannot have peace, who will? In one case,
a young Karen soldier asked: who could solve the painful
dilemma of a young Karen girl who was allowed by SLORC
soldiers to choose whether she be raped passively and live or be
killed instantly at gun point? The SLORC must bear the
responsibility to answer all these questions. Actually,
in Burma, peace is not merely the absence of battles; it
is something that must be achieved by all the people of
Burma regardless of their ethnic backgrounds and creeds.
For the time being, SLORC seems to be winning the battles,
but not the peace. One thing we have to keep in mind, so long as
the ethnic annihilation campaign continues, the spirit of
revolution will remain strong in the minds of millions of
Karen people.

Towards A Genuine Union of Burma

Among
all the ethnic nationalities, the Karen is known as the
largest group with an estimated 7 millions population.
The Karen have learned their lesson from their
experiences throughout the history and especially from
the World War II that as a nation, unless we have a state of
our own, we will never be able to experience a life of peace and
decency, and never be free from persecution and oppression.
After Burma gained her independence from the British, it
has been extremely difficult for the ethnic nationalities
and the Burman, with some diametrically opposite views,
outlooks, attitudes and mentalities, to yoke together
peacefully. However, differences in nature and mentality
are not the main reasons for the Karen's refusal to throw
in their lot with the Burman. There is more important reason, that
is, to have the state of our own within a genuine Federal
Union.

The
Karen resistance movement is more than just a struggle
for survival against national oppression, subjugation,
exploitation and domination of the Karen people by the
Burmese rulers. It has the aim of a genuine Federal Union
comprised of all the states of the nationalities on the
basis of equality and self-determination. Burma is a multi-national
country, inhabited also by the Kachin, Karenni, Chin, Lahu,
Mon, Pa-O, Palaugng, Shan, and Wa, etc. All these ethnic
nationalities in Burma have taken up arms to fight
against the Burmese Government for their own
self-determination. The consolidated National Democratic
Front (NDF) has resolved to form a genuine Federal Union,[again,]
comprised of all the states of the nationalities in Burma,
including a Burman state, on the basis of liberty,
equality and social progress. The ethnic nationalities,
more than ever, are determined to fight until victory is
achieved, and request the people of all classes and all
walks of life to join hands and fight against the military
dictatorship. As we all know, in late 1988, the Karen National Union
took the initiative in proposing that the NDF form a
broader political front along with the newly formed
Burman organizations to meet the developing political
situation. The other members agreed, and the Democratic
Alliance of Burma (DAB) was formed, including all the
members of the NDF as well as organizations such as the All Burma
Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) and the All Burma Young
Monks' Union (ABYMU). This really marks the first time
that the people of all races, even the Burmans, are
united in trying to throw off the yoke of an oppressive
Burmese military regime.

In Relation to the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Burma

Ethnic
nationalities of Burma ardently support the people's
movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of the NLD for
democracy and the dismantling of the military
dictatorship. Just as Daw Suu revealed her belief with
regard to the Karen's struggle: "the plight of our Karen
refugees should appeal to the compassion of all right-thinking people
all over the world…," she also called on all the nations
and all ethnic nationalities to join hands in solving the
problems. I have no doubt that the ethnic conflicts in
Burma can be peacefully and smoothly solved by having
face-to-face dialogues, as clearly stated by the NLD:

1) Frankness, sincerity and mutual respect;

2) National reconciliation;

3) Practice of peaceful means; and

4) General harmony without hard feelings are essential policies which must be observed.

As
genuine peace is the most essential to all the people of
Burma, we do look forward to the courageous and candid
cooperation of our fellow Burmans along the way of our
struggle. The conflicts we have between us, the Burmans
and the ethnic nationalities, has never been personal
hatred, and we are responsible never to let it become
one. The end of the military regime must be the end of all wars
against the ethnic nationalities and their struggle for freedom.
We cannot afford to have war after war as governments
change. We must make sure that when we say peace in the
future Burma, it means peace for all her inhabitants.

Thank you.

This
paper was presented by Naw May Oo at the Free Burma
Conference '97 held at the University of California, Los
Angeles on October 4-6, 1997.

Wednesday, February 13, 2013

A battalion of regular troops from the rebel Karen National Union (KNU)
on Dec. 11 launched a short attack on the Burmese army in Manerplaw,
and have remained active in the area. Manerplaw was the headquarters of
the KNU from 1948 until it fell into Burmese army hands in 1995.

Located in Hlaingbwe Township in Karen State at a picturesque juncture
on the Moei River, which seperates Thailand and Burma, Manerplaw was
the KNU's most strategic base during the reign of Gen Bo Mya, the
former chairman of the KNU. Its fall into enemy hands—primarily due to
the notorious betrayal of the KNU by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
(DKBA)—marked a turn in the decades-old civil conflict which resulted
in several ethnic armies signing cease-fire agreements with the
military regime, while members of the KNU were forced to flee to
refugee camps in Thailand or to small guerilla bases in remote parts of
Karen State.
After the Fall of Manerplaw in 1995, the KNU was unable to launch major
offensives against government forces around that area, and it became a
Burmese army stronghold and an ideal base to coordinate cross-border
trade, especially logging.
KNU sources said that Battalion 202 from Brigade 7 of the KNU's
military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), and some
members of a Karen specialist unit known as the “Special Force” were
involved in a skirmish with government forces involving gunfire and
mortar attacks.
The KNU fighters retook some of their former bases around Manerplaw,
and are now patrolling along the trails and hills of Kachaw Wah Lay,
Htee Thit Kee, Manerpaw, Htoo Wah Lu, Law Kwa Lu and Yadae Nee, said
the sources.
Nang Paw Gay, the editor of the Karen Information Centre, said that the
KNLA's Battalion 202 led by Maj Saw Tamla and the “Special Force” have
been much more active in the area since the beginning of December.
Small skirmishes between Burmese government troops (assisted by DKBA
regulars who are now part of the border guard force) and KNU Brigade 7
have been occuring on a near daily basis since early December in the
areas surrounding Manerplaw, souces said.
The worst fighting broke out on Dec. 10-11, which resulted in some 300
local villagers fleeing to the Thai side of the river to seek refuge in
Sop Moei District in Mae Hong Son Province, according to one source
who visited the refugees.
Mahn Mahn, a leader of the Backpack Health Worker Team, a medical
relief group which works in Karen State, said, “Some pregnant women who
are ready to give birth were among the villagers. We had to make
preparations to deliver their babies en route.”
The refugees will be unable to return home while the fighting is
ongoing, the sources said. Some refugees who tried to get into Mae La
Oon refugee camp in Mae Hong Son Province were prevented by the Thai
authorities.
Relief workers have said that there are several refugees who are sick among those held up at the border.