President Bush met with Uganda’s President-for-life
Yoweri Museveni in the White House on October
30, 2007. Meanwhile, a broad swath of Africa is engulfed in interrelated
genocides and covert operations involving both the U.S. and Uganda, there is a
growing demand to probe the accounts of “Save Darfur” to find out how the tens
of millions collected are being spent due to allegations of arms-deals and
bribery, and the “Save Darfur” movement has become the false flag action of the
West, supported by most everyone, people who know little or nothing about what
it is they are supporting.
When President George Bush met with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni at the
White House on October 30 they certainly discussed much more than “Uganda’s
leadership in Somalia, the Lord’s Resistance Army, and President Museveni’s
development plan for northern Uganda” or their “strong partnership to combat
malaria and HIV/AIDS in Uganda,” as announced by the White House Office of the
Press Secretary.

The role of Yoweri Museveni and his “government” in service to the Western
economic neoliberalism and the shock doctrine of deconstruction and chaos is
greatly misunderstood and deeply camouflaged by simplified establishment
narratives like those above. Bush and Museveni discussed the U.S.-Uganda
military relations and bilateral involvement in the ongoing wars in Sudan,
Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo).

The “partnership to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS” is camouflage language for
military vaccination and bio-warfare programs involving pharmaceutical giants
like Pfizer, the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, USAID, and
“humanitarian” philanthropies.1 A vaccine for
malaria was developed for the U.S. military some time ago and this is shared
only with certain U.S. client state partners, though “clinical trials” have been
undertaken in public using African “volunteers.”2

Museveni and Bush certainly discussed America’s escalating war in the Sahara
desert, expanding petroleum operations across the region, U.S. Special Forces
deployments and newly identified uranium resources in Uganda.3
Maybe they discussed the March 1, 1999 killing of eight foreign tourists at
Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, a story that has not yet been critically
unpacked.4 The “development plan for northern
Uganda” is euphemistic language for the ongoing depopulation and massive natural
resource extraction that today proceeds in northern Uganda in parallel with the
genocide of the Acholi people and Uganda’s militarization in support of covert
programs in Sudan and Congo.

The Darfur conflict rides along the fault line of continental warfare spread
from Niger to Djibouti and Somalia, and from eastern Congo and Rwanda, through
Uganda and Sudan, to Eritrea and the Red Sea. Congo is at war with Uganda and
Rwanda. Ethiopia is at war with Somalia, and poised to reinvade Eritrea: there
are massive troop build-ups on both sides of the Eritrean-Ethiopia border.
Ethiopia, Uganda and Chad are the three “frontline” states militarily
destabilizing Sudan. Uganda is internally and externally at war, has intervened
secretly in Burundi, and the Ugandan military recently re-occupied towns in
eastern Congo over petroleum. Rwanda is fighting in Eastern Congo, meddling in
Burundi, and has some 2000 troops in Darfur. Burundi is militarily involved in
Congo and soon to be in Somalia. Khartoum backs guerrilla armies in Uganda, Chad
and Congo.

The U.S. is all over the place, with both covert and overt military programs.
France, England, Canada, Belgium, Libya, Israel and China are all involved. All
these conflicts are intertwined, and the targeted populations have allegiances
and alliances dictated by the pre-colonial boundaries demarcated at the Berlin
Conference of 1885 by the imperial doctrine of divide and conquer. In 1885
“Soudan” was synonymous with “Sahara” and “Darfur” was the center of power.5
Conflict involving U.S. covert forces and nomads in Niger and Nigeria, for
example, impacts Sudan: the history of the Sahara revolves around the
trans-Saharan influence of the Mahdi. In 1875 the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad, led the
indigenous resistance against Britain. ‘Abdallah at-Ta‘ishi, the Mahdi’s
“Khalifah” or successor, who took over as leader of the independent Sudan when
the Mahdi died in June 1885, was a native of Darfur.6

On October 24, 2007, the United Nations awarded Lockheed-Martin subsidiary
Pacific Architects and Engineers a $250 million no-bid contract to provide
“infrastructure” for the United Nations “peacekeeping” missions now unfolding in
Sudan (Darfur), Somalia, and Chad/Central Africa Republic. The newly announced
contract is to build five new camps in Sudan’s Darfur and Kordofan regions for
4,100 U.N. and African Union personnel. Lockheed Martin is the world’s largest
and most secretive aerospace and defense corporation.

This is not Pacific Architects and Engineers’ first contract in Darfur, or in
Africa’s “peacekeeping” missions. PAE won the contract for staffing the deeply
compromised “Civilian Protection Monitoring Team” (CPMT) in Sudan under a U.S.
State Department contract. In 2004, the CPMT office was being run by Brigadier
General Frank Toney (retired), who was previously the commander of Special
Forces for the United States Army; General Toney organized covert operations
into Iraq and Kuwait in the first Gulf War.

Pratap Chaterjee reported in 2004 how “Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Bittrick, the
deputy director of regional and security affairs for Africa at the State
Department, flew to Ethiopia to hammer out an agreement to support African Union
troops by committing to provide housing, office equipment, transport, and
communications gear. This will be provided via an ‘indefinite delivery,
indefinite quantity’ joint contract awarded to Dyncorp Corporation, and Pacific
Architects & Engineers (PAE) worth $20.6 million.”7
PAE also set up MONUC operations in Congo, and continues to operate there; the
total PAE involvement includes numerous intermediary contracts. In 2002, PAE/Daher
won a $34 million air-services follow-on contract amidst complaints of a “lack
of transparency and irregularities in the procurement system…confirmed by the
bidding of the air-service contract with PAE/Daher.”8
Daher International is a French aerospace and defense corporation.9

Meanwhile, the “Save Darfur” advocates pressing military intervention in Darfur
as a “humanitarian” gesture have escalated pressure in the face of mounting
failures, including allegations that millions of “Save Darfur” dollars
fundraised on a sympathy for victims platform have been misappropriated.

But the players, the private military companies, the arms dealers—and a handful
of missing SRAM missiles armed with nuclear warheads dumped by an American B-52
before it crashed—are mostly unknown to the general public. These covert wars
all involve different propaganda strategies to provide cover and deflect
attention through “perception management”—managing the perceptions, stereotyping
and creating false belief systems—of the North American and European public.

The numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons across the region are
staggering and they are indicative of a cataclysmic regional crisis in
sub-Saharan Africa. This is not because refugees, insurgency and guerrilla
warfare are inherent to Africa: refugees and IDPs are big business for white
systems of power that maintain structural violence based on profits and the
globalization of poverty, terror and war. The numbers are staggering, and these
are not merely statistics, they are about suffering human beings.

United Nations agencies report some 4,700,163 internally displaced persons (IDPs)
in Sudan—2,152,163 in Darfur and 2,276,000 in Northern Sudan—with some 686,311
refugees out of Sudan.

Is Kenya at war? Sure looks like it. Unreported anywhere are the massive
petroleum concessions and exploration projects in Kenya’s remote Samburu and
Turkana districts. (For $5000 apiece you can purchase reports like “Petroleum
Potential of Lake Turkana Area” from international oil and gas consultants
Beicip-Franlab.11) G.H.W. Bush’s old Swedish pal
Adolph Lundin and Lundin Petroleum signed an exploration contract for the
Turkana region in June 2007.12

While the United Nations lists some 200,000 IDPs in Ethiopia, the Norwegian
Refugee Council’s Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (iDMC) reports:
“[r]elatively little is known about the extent and nature of conflict-induced
internal displacement in Ethiopia.” There are 92,966 refugees out of Rwanda, if
we can trust the iDMC numbers, and an “indeterminate” number of IDPs. Refugee
and IDP statistics, like mortality figures, are highly politicized. The
situation in Ethiopia today is cataclysmic and the United Nations and the vast
network of profit-based NGOs operating in Ethiopia are complicit in genocide
because they do not stand up against that regime in fear of losing business.13

These humanitarian emergencies involve massive depopulation and death,
internally displaced persons and trans-national refugees, all of which provide a
lucrative business opportunity for Western “relief” and “development”
organizations. The business of AID is a racket. Weapons sales are a racket. The
people who suffer are different from the industries, the providers of services,
equipment and expertise who profit from these crises. Like most weaponry,
landmines are predominantly manufactured in white economies of North America and
Europe and, scandalously, it is the companies from the same white economies who
have a lock on UN landmine removal contracts worth billions of dollars a year.
The so-called “humanitarian relief” business is an industry that relies on the
creation of markets. Millions of people across the region are dying, while
millions more are homeless, set adrift in a sea of nowhere, with no rights, no
possessions, no protection and very little prospect for survival; their only
hopes come from the false belief that the Western “humanitarian” AID enterprise
is designed to rescue them.

The engagement of the world’s premier war-making industries—Lockheed Martin,
Boeing, Bechtel, SAIC—behind and within a so-called “peacekeeping” platform is
not new, and something is seriously wrong with this picture.

“Save Darfur” is the predominant propaganda front running on Africa and it has
overwhelmed the public consciousness with deceptions. In this establishment
narrative Arabs on horseback, the Janjaweed, backed by the Sudan government
seated in Khartoum, are the purveyors of genocide. This mirrors the
establishment narrative of Rwanda, 1994, which said that the Hutus and the nasty
Interahamwe militias committed genocide against the Tutsis in 100 days of
killing with machetes. The Rwanda genocide narrative—combined with the narrative
about “humanitarian” intervention in Yugoslavia, where the final blow to
dismember the country came with the NATO bombing campaign—set the stage for the
Darfur genocide narrative.

All over the United States, Britain and Canada advocates and activists who claim
to be concerned about human rights, and even those who otherwise would not get
involved, have supported the “Save Darfur” movement, a political movement
similar to the anti-Apartheid movement mobilized against South Africa in the
1980s. The “Save Darfur” movement has resulted in a huge outpouring of funds,
and it has mobilized support from people in all walks of life, and across the
political spectrum, on the “never again” platform of “stopping genocide.”

Hollywood personalities dubbed “actorvists,” including Mia Farrow, Don Cheadle
and George Clooney, have helped to whip up the “Save Darfur” hysteria. From Elie
Wiesel to Barak Obama, people are “outraged” by genocide that the Bush
Administration, we are told, is reluctant to stop. And it is hysteria, in the
true definition of the word, but it did not simply rise out of a sudden concern
for a bunch of Africans in some far-off God-forsaken place (as it is portrayed).

At a “Voices for Darfur” fundraiser held on October 21, 2007 at Smith College in
Northampton, Massachusetts, for example, the local chapter of the Congregation
B’Nai Israel Darfur Action coalition, raised over $14,000 for “humanitarian” aid
to Darfur. The B’Nai Israel Save Darfur Coalition had a broad array of public
and organizational support, including other Jewish organizations, Smith College,
Northampton Mayor Claire Higgins, Massachusetts’ Senator Stan Rosenberg and
Representative Peter Kocot. The campaign organizers claim that “more than 90%
goes to direct-on-the-ground AID.” Working with big humanitarian groups like
Doctors Without Borders and Save the Children, it is impossible that 90% of
funds will hit the ground in Darfur.14

Behind the “Save Darfur” movement are fundamentalist organizations and think
tanks with a deeply nationalistic, militaristic, religious fundamentalist
agenda. The Center for Security Policy, for example, supports the “star wars”
Strategic Defense Initiative, Homeland Security—which is nothing more than
expanding militarism and emasculated public rights—and the Biometric Security
Project. The BSP centers around emerging biological technologies that will be
used to register, identify, monitor, track and control each and every U.S.
citizen. They call it “identity assurance,” it involves state-of-the-art
recognition equipment, sensors and security technologies, and it is a central
component of the evolving national security and “counter-terrorism” apparatus.15

The Center for Security Policy is the nerve center of the U.S. military and
intelligence apparatus, a deeply nationalist, neoliberal think-tank and flak
organization promoting the all-out attack against non-cooperative
governments—dubbed “rogue states”—peripheral to Western economic control. These,
of course, are primarily Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, North Korea and
Cuba. Zimbabwe is a special case that has joined the list to some degree. What
these states have in common is that they are all targeted for divestment by the
Center for Security Policy brainchild, divestterror.org. Sudan is another of the
“rogue states” targeted.

The establishment narrative on Darfur motivates U.S. citizens to take action to
“Save Darfur,” thus facilitating popular support for heightened U.S. military
involvement. The truth is that the United States military is already there, in
its various incarnations, and the United States is involved in atrocities.

In the northern Uganda region—involving South Sudan and northeastern
Congo—another conflict has boiled for over 21 years between the government
Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF), led by Yoweri Museveni, and the Lord’s
Resistance Army (LRA), led by Joseph Kony. This war offers yet another one-sided
Western establishment narrative that says that Kony and the LRA—always described
as a Christian fanatical cult that captures and drugs children—is the primary
problem in northern Uganda. (Usually African savages are not Christian enough
for America’s liking; here we find that they are too Christian.)

The establishment narrative has been furthered across the popular culture, in
everything from Vanity Fair to the BBC to the journal The National Catholic
Weekly (America). The newly established ENOUGH Project (ENOUGH “genocide” and
“not on my watch” etc. etc.) picked up the mantle of LRA atrocities and, like
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, has supported the establishment
narrative which shields the Museveni government from the kind of criticism and
international action that is called for in keeping with the scale of the
atrocities the Uganda government is responsible for. Amnesty International and
Human Rights have produced disinformation, in some cases, Rwanda and Yugoslavia
being the most notable.

The Museveni war machine and its state terror apparatus have perpetrated massive
atrocities in the region and it has evolved into genocide against the Acholi,
Teso and Lango people of the north. The indigenous Acholi people have been
forced onto concentration camps over the past 21 years, and these camps have
become places of death. In the establishment narrative, the people are always
the victims of Kony’s LRA “rebellion.”

Human Rights Watch has addressed torture and government complicity in atrocities
in Uganda, and other problems, but they have rarely named names or corporations
and they almost never link the conflict or the atrocities to Western interests.
One massive report on Northern Uganda details criminal government actions, but
the recommendations sections effectively sanction structural violence and white
supremacy.16 The net effect of these policy and
“human rights” positions is complicity in genocide and genocide denial on
Uganda.

Contrary to the proliferation of propaganda always attributing Kony’s LRA with
child abductions—another example of Western Orientalism that essentializes
Africa to serve political purposes—is research showing that many LRA abductions
are short term with children returning home from LRA abductions in less than
three weeks. Further, many children who fight with the LRA have joined by
choice, and they do so willingly.17 In
“Childhood’s End” (Vanity Fair, 2006) Christopher Hitchens described the LRA as
a “grotesque zombie-like militia…that has set a standard of cruelty and
ruthlessness…” American troops that have committed atrocities in Iraq and
Afghanistan, no less brutal or gruesome or masochistic, would never be described
this way.

Yoweri Museveni and his business and military partners are responsible for
millions of deaths, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Eastern Congo.
Museveni and his generals were the primary backers of Congolese warlord
Jean-Pierre Bemba and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo. With UPDF
support, Bemba’s MLC perpetrated massive atrocities under the covert military
operation, Effacer le Tableau (Erasing the Board)—a scorched earth policy
amounting to genocide against the Mbuti pygmies of Eastern Congo.18

The U.S. military invasion of Zaire (now Congo), involved U.S. covert forces,
U.S. military communications, logistical and weapons support, and Ugandan and
Rwandan forces. Humvees, C-130’s and black-skinned U.S. Special Forces entered
South Sudan and northeastern Congo through the Gulu and Arua Districts of
Uganda, the heart of Acholiland and the center of atrocities against the Acholi
people.19

Ugandan and British interests living mostly in Britain and aligned with the
former dictator Idi Amin have always backed the Lord’s Resistance Army and the
West Nile Bank Front; support also came from Saudi Arabia and Qatar (the Qatar
General Petroleum Corporation is involved in Sudan’s oil sector and has
partnered in various international enterprises with Norwegian, Japanese and
French corporations). Idi Amin, the brutal dictator, lived out his life in
luxury in Saudi Arabia (d. 2003). The LRA stepped up its military actions in
parallel with the UPDF invasion of Zaire (1996), and the subsequent years of
warfare and plunder in Congo (1998-present).

According to the investigations of the United Nations and the humanitarian law
work of lawyer Karen Parker, the war in Uganda involves massive rapes, killing,
tortures, and extrajudicial executions as a policy by the Ugandan military. Some
1.3 million people are displaced in the Gulu, Kitgum and Pader districts of
northern Uganda (there were 1.7 million IDPs in March 2007). There are over 73
camps with from 1000 to 50,000 people in them, all forcibly displaced by UPDF
soldiers, with over 350,000 people out of some 400,000 people displaced from the
Gulu district alone.20

The forced displacements of Acholi people began with
Museveni’s ascension to power in 1986, but major forced displacements occurred
throughout the 1990’s and again in 2002-2003. However, there was a massive
displacement operation in 1996 that appears to have been coordinated in part
with the planned U.S. invasion of Zaire from Northern Uganda and Rwanda.

The UPDF Army barracks at Masindi and airstrip at Gulu, both in Northern Uganda,
served as the staging grounds for the U.S. invasion of Zaire. The Museveni
government organized the closure of northern Uganda in October 1996 ostensibly
because of heightened LRA attacks. The UPDF, in chronological coincidence with
the U.S. invasion, forced hundreds of thousands of Acholis into concentration
camps in the fall of 1996, often by bombing and burning villages and murdering,
beating, raping and threatening those who would not comply.

According to testimony from eyewitnesses, on Oct 26, 1996 the top Ugandan brass
behind the invasion of Zaire met at the village of Paraa, in the Murchison Falls
National Park, near Lake Albert, in the Gulu District. At the meeting were: [1]
UPDF Brigadier General Moses Ali—Idi Amin’s right hand man who later became
Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister for Disaster Preparedness, and Deputy
Prime Minister in the Museveni administration; [2] Museveni’s half-brother Salim
Saleh; [3] then Colonel James Kazini; and [4] Dr. Eric Adroma—head of Uganda
National Parks. Salim Saleh is perhaps the leading agent of terror in the UPDF
Zaire/Congo wars, but both Saleh and commander James Kazini led UPDF troops
involved in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide involving
millions of people in Eastern Congo (1996-2007).

The meeting was ostensibly about security and it was announced that due to a
recent LRA rebel attack at Paraa, the UPDF would be placing parts of Northern
Uganda off limits to all non-military personnel. (LRA rebels committed the Paraa
attack; UPDF troops arrived on the scene quickly and looted bodies but did not
pursue the LRA.) The main road from Karuma to the border town of Pakwach was
thereafter closed. This road apparently served as a primary transport route for
Ugandan and non-Ugandan military—including black U.S. Special Forces—who invaded
Zaire.21

On November 6, 1996, Bill Clinton was elected. Around 10 November 1996 an
armored 4×4 Humvee (HUMMWV)—heavily rigged with sophisticated communications
equipment inside and out—was encountered carrying two black U.S. special forces
in the Murchison Falls region: the soldiers were wearing UPDF uniforms. Two
busloads of black U.S. Special Forces were encountered at a UPDF checkpoint on
the Karuma-Pakwach road; wearing civilian clothes, with duffel bags, the muscled
and crew cut “civilians” showed U.S. passports and claimed they were “doctors”
heading to the tiny Gulu hospital. From November 21-23 Boeing C-130 military
aircraft passed over the region every 30 minutes, 24 hours a day, heading both
north and south. The C-130’s apparently landed at Gulu airstrip—closed by the
Museveni government for a two-week period—and offloaded military equipment then
moved by roads—closed by the UPDF—to the border. Some C-130’s were charted on a
course believed to take them to Goma, Zaire. From mid-November to February 1997
access to northwestern Uganda regions was highly restricted. On 1 March 1997
another wave of C-130’s passed over the region. The UPDF used the LRA threat as
cover for massive military operations involving the invasion of Zaire for the
United States of America.19

The in-country U.S. Ambassador to Uganda at the time was E. Michael Southwick
(October 1994-August 1997). Oil surveys began in 1998 and the entire
Northwestern Uganda region is now designated as oil concessions controlled by
Heritage Oil and Gas, Hardman Oil and Tullow Oil, three Anglo-American companies
connected to British mercenary Tony Buckingham (founder of he mercenary firms
Sandline International and Executive Outcomes) and his partners.22
Nexant, a Bechtel subsidiary, is involved with the trans-Uganda-Kenya pipeline.
South African firm Energem—tied to Tony Buckingham through Anthony Texeira, the
brother-in-law of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba—is also involved. Another
Energem and Buckingham affiliated company tight with the Museveni regime is
Branch Energy, involved with the oil pipeline and mining in Uganda.

On September 5, 2007, UPDF troops—and rebels reportedly aligned with Jean-Pierre
Bemba—had occupied the Congo’s oil- and gold-rich Semliki Basin on the western
shores of Lake Albert. Heavily armed foreign forces occupied the villages of Aru,
Mahagi, Fataki, Irengeti and the Ruwenzori mountains. The international press
and the United Nations Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) remained completely
silent about the Ugandan incursions. By September 8, 2007, Ugandan troops were
heavily massed on the Congo border while Kabila and Museveni were signing oil
and gold sharing agreements in Tanzania. UPDF forces and “rebel” troops alleged
to be Bemba’s remained in Congo as of October 25. The MONUC information offices
were claiming by mid-October that UPDF had pulled out, but Congolese citizens in
eastern Congo continued to report a significant UPDF military occupation.23

The China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering Company is also involved in the
Uganda-Kenya pipeline, offering an interesting comparison for people concerned
about China’s involvement in atrocities in the Darfur region. And, after much
scrambling, Libya was cut out of the Kenya-Uganda pipeline deals.24
The petroleum sector in Libya involves U.S., Canadian, and European companies.

Uganda’s representation at the International Criminal Court exploring war crimes
in Congo has included at least two very high-profile lawyers from Foley Hoag LLP,
an influential Washington law firm deeply entrenched in the proliferation of the
mainstream narratives and the victor’s justice doled out—through the ICTY and
ICTR tribunals—on Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Pentagon seconded its lawyers from
the Judge Advocate General (JAG) Corp to the ICTR to “try” those unfortunate
“enemies” both arbitrarily and selectively accused of genocide.25

The people most responsible for atrocities in the region—unprecedented human
bloodletting, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide—are protected.
These include Yoweri Museveni,
Salim Saleh, Paul Kagame,
James Kazini, Moses Ali, James Kabarebe, Taban Amin, Jean-Pierre Bemba, Laurent
Nkunda, Meles Zenawi… a long list of people whose culpability is without
question, many of whom have been named for atrocities again and again. U.S.
Special Operations forces know what happened and should be deposed under oath in
a legitimate International Criminal Court, which at present does not exist, and
is not in the making. Ditto for Madeleine Albright,
Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering, Susan Rice,
John Prendergast, General William Wald, General Frank Toney, Walter Kansteiner,
Dick Cheney, Donald
Rumsfeld,
Richard Holbroke, Roger Winter, Frank
G. Wisner, Andrew Young… another short list.

Foley Hoag LLP is also tied to the U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council. On May 6,
2002 in Washington D.C. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and wife Janet were
special guests at U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council event sponsored by members
Coke, Pfizer and Chevron-Texaco. Museveni also met with President Bush at the
White House. Coke director Kathleen Black is a principle in the Hearst media
empire, while Coke directors Warren Buffet and Barry Diller are directors of the
Washington Post Company, and these are the media institutions that whitewash
client regimes, corporate plunder and Pentagon actions. Of course, Coca Cola
covets the gum Arabic potential of Darfur, and
Coke is a client of Andrew Young’s PR firm Goodworks International. Uganda’s
image is sanitized by one of the world’s largest PR firms, London’s Hill &
Knowlton. In 2005 Uganda spent some $700,000 on a Hill & Knowlton contract to
facilitate and “encourage dialogue between the Ugandan government and people
like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty, Oxfam.”26

Museveni’s bush war began in 1980. Paul Kagame, current President of Rwanda, was
Museveni’s Director of Military Intelligence in the mid-1980’s. Museveni and
Kagame led the invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The two military commanders utilized
terrorist tactics that assigned blame for atrocities they committed—against both
their enemies and their own people—on their enemies. They used psychological
operations, embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres.
These tactics have continued to the present.

While Rwanda is billed as a major “success story” of recovery and development
after a devastating genocide—see for example the PR “documentary” film Rwanda
Rising produced by Andrew Young’s Goodworks International—the country is ruled
with an iron-fist and a finely tuned intelligence and torture apparatus involved
in political assassinations, suppression of information and disappearances. Huge
areas of Rwanda were entirely depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and
UPDF as they hammered away at Rwanda beginning in October 1990. The invasion
culminated in a coup d’etat that succeeded, with broad U.S. military support, in
capturing Kigali in July of 1994.

From 1994 to the present President Paul Kagame has used the genocide card and
the establishment narrative to institutionalize repression, criminalize or
assassinate anyone who challenges the regime, and further depopulate rural areas
for “development” benefiting corporate interests.

Another member of the U.S.-Uganda Friendship council is the Honorable
Andrew Young, former Mayor of Atlanta and U.S.
Ambassador. Andrew Young and his firm Goodworks International have helped
whitewash the image of the Rwanda government and its state apparatus of terror.
Andrew Young, Quincy Jones and other wealthy Americans are building (have built)
mansions on the shores of Rwanda’s Lake Mwazi in areas where peasants were
driven off the land or killed by the Kagame terror machine before, during and
after 1994. State terror and depopulation is ongoing along Lake Kivu and in the
Volcanoes National Parks regions for methane and high-end tourism development.27

Back to the refugees and IDPs question, the United Nations recognized some
650,000 IDPs in “makeshift camps” in Rwanda in 1998 and 1999, in the
northwestern prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. These IDPs were categorized
as “mostly Hutu” and forcibly resettled through implementation of Rwanda’s
“National Habitat Policy, or “villagisation” policy, of December 1996, which
provides for the relocation of all Rwandans living in scattered homesteads into
government-created villages.28 While the UN ceased to recognize these people in
Rwanda as internally displaced, in 2003 there remained 200,000 families living
in IDP conditions.29 What is their status today?

Rwanda gains currency and good press through big HIV/AIDS projects run by
Paul Farmer but funded by the Clinton AIDS
foundation. Rwanda was overthrown by and for the Pentagon on Clinton’s watch.
Hillary Clinton toured Uganda in July 1997, wore African clothes, danced African
dances, and spoke about “democracy” and “development” and a “partnership”
against HIV/AIDS.

The Kagame regime has recently awarded petroleum concessions to Canada’s Vangold
Resources for the project titled “White Elephant” in northern Rwanda—2700 sq.
kilometers of land depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army between 1990
and 2007.30 Contracted to provide “feasibility
studies” of petroleum infrastructural development in Rwanda is the San Diego
firm Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC).31

SAIC has ongoing collaborations with Bechtel—another of the world’s most
secretive aerospace technology, energy infrastructure and defense
contractors—both known for their involvement in U.S. beyond top-secret “black”
programs; SAIC also works closely with DARPA, the Defense Advanced Research
Projects Agency.32 Recent SAIC directors have
included: U.S. Navy Admiral B.R. Inman (Ret.); U.S. Army General W.A. Downing
(Ret.); and U.S. Air Force General J.A. Welch (Ret.). SAIC also has an ongoing
collaboration with the multibillion-dollar pharmaceutical giant Bristol Myers
Squibb (BMS).33 Unsurprisingly, through shared directorships, BMS is
economically and politically aligned with the New York Times Corporation. SAIC
has also been flagged for involvement in highly questionable U.S. mercenary
activities and human rights violations in Africa.34

Petroleum, defense and mining interests connected to the Dian Fossey Gorilla
Fund International programs in “gorilla conservation” led to the production of
high-tech satellite prospecting data, gathered by remote sensing over-flights
(1994-2000), delivered to the Rwandan Ministry of Defense.35

The Pentagon has been involved in building military bases in Rwanda, installing
military and civilian communications infrastructure, and training Rwandan
Defense Forces; a military-communications radar installation has been
constructed with U.S. support on Mt. Karisimbi in Ruhengeri Province.36
The installation is being built by the Rwanda Ministry of Defense in partnership
with the “Rwandan” company Terracom SPRL and Rwandatel. Terracom is owned by
U.S. businessman Greg Wyler; Rwandatel is 99%-owned subsidiary.37

It is believed that Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) sent to Darfur on the African
Union “peacekeeping” mission include black U.S. Special Forces disguised as RDF—just
as the black U.S. Special Forces were disguised as UPDF during the invasion of
Zaire.

Andrew Young is widely lauded as a leader of the African-American civil rights
movement and ally of Martin Luther King Jr., claims that were specious to begin
with. “In Rwanda Rising,” reads the PR promo for the film, Andrew Young, “a
former United Nations Ambassador, Civil Rights leader and top aide to the
Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. documented the amazing transformation taking
place in Rwanda today, including the country’s remarkable story of
reconciliation despite the 1994 Genocide.”38

Rwanda Rising opened the 15th Annual Pan African Film and Arts Festival February
8, 2007. “Fifteen years into the Pan African Film and Arts Festival and we
continue to showcase the important stories of our brothers and sisters on the
Continent,” Festival Director Ayuko Babu said. “Having Rwanda Rising open this
year’s festival is keeping in that tradition while making sure that we stay
connected to our roots in Africa.”38

Lockheed Martin is a California-based aerospace and defense giant involved in
classified black programs that are beyond “top-secret” and shielded from
government oversight. In September 2003, CNN—a corporate-military “news” agency
deeply embedded with the Pentagon—reported “[a]ccording to the U.S. Center for
Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA) classified or black programs account
for about $23.2 billion or 17 percent of the 2004 budget request for the
Department of Defense.”

According to United Nations spokeswoman Michele Montas the six-month Darfur
contract with Lockheed-Martin subsidiary Pacific Architect Engineers, Inc. was
awarded without competitive bidding “because of complex requirements and a short
timeline.”

Reporting from the United Nations, Inner City Press said the terms of the
contract will not be public and the United Nations has violated numerous UN
charter laws in the tendering of this award.39

The no-bid award process followed the United Nation’s issuance of an official
“Expressions of Interest” notice on October 9, 2007. “The United Nations is
seeking Expressions of Interest (EOI) from experienced Multi Functional
Logistics Services (MFLS) contractors,” the UN’s EOI notice reads, “for the
provision of a wide range of services at headquarters, logistic bases, military
and police camps, airfields and water resources at various locations in any or
all of the following: the Darfur Region of Sudan, Chad/Central African Republic
(CAR), and Somalia.”

Inner City Press reported that the EOI solicitation, made after the rules had
already been waived to allow the transfer of $250 million to Lockheed Martin for
six months in Darfur, is intended to try to clean up the process after-the-fact.39

Another multinational aerospace and defense corporation directly benefiting from
this regional U.S. war is Boeing Aircraft Corporation. The U.S. military used
Boeing Chinook helicopters in the U.S. invasion of Somalia in 2006. Tom
Pickering, former U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, is senior
vice president for International Relations and a member of the Boeing Executive
Council since January 2001. Pickering played a decisive role in the Clinton
Administration overthrow of Rwanda (1990-1994) and Congo (1996-1997). He is a
leading advocate for the “Save Darfur” propaganda. He is also a member of the
Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa along with Ed Royce (R-CA),
former U.S. Senator Nancy Kassebaum Baker (R-KS), Donald Payne (D-NJ), and
Andrew Young.

While the New York Times reported in December 2006 that the Ethiopian invasion
of Somalia began in late December, military involvement of U.S. covert forces
had been ongoing, and was heightened significantly in the early spring of 2006
when the U.S. Department of Defense and the Central Intelligence Agency openly
complained about cross purposes in Somalia. Private military companies were all
over Somalia, as were known international arms syndicates, including of course
the criminal networks of John Bredenkamp, one of Britain’s fifty richest tycoons
and one of the primary financial backers behind the rise and fall of Robert
Mugabe in Zimbabwe.

John Bredenkamp reportedly acquired three SRAM missiles with nuclear warheads
jettisoned in shallow water off the coast of Somalia by a U.S.A.F. B-52 that
soon after crashed into the Indian Ocean near the U.S. military base on the
island of Diego Garcia. The U.S. invasion of Somalia is believed to have been
partly an aborted attempt to recover the lost nukes—called “broken arrows” in
Pentagon speak. While the story of the dumped nukes “lost” by Dick Cheney has
received some attention, no one has publicly identified John Bredenkamp as the
likely weapons dealer involved.40

The war in Somalia dates back to deep U.S. involvement in the 1980s, where major
oil concessions were awarded to four Western multinational petroleum giants:
Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Philips petroleum. The infusion of Western “AID”
provoked destabilization of Somalia, leading to the U.S. military invasion that
culminated in the October 3, 1993 mission where scores of U.S. Special
Operations Forces were killed when their Blackhawk helicopter was shot down over
the capital city, Mogadishu. The mythology of U.S. involvement was indelibly
inscribed in the popular consciousness through the Hollywood/Pentagon film
Blackhawk Down. Part of the consistent propaganda on Africa is that “the U.S.
does not want to get involved and potentially face another Somalia.” But the
U.S. pullout of Somalia occurred in perfect synchronicity with the heightened
military involvement in Rwanda (1994).

U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) did not cease Special Ops deployments in
Somalia with the U.S. withdrawal and covert operations have proceeded on and
off, with heightened activity through the late 1990’s. The Pentagon confirmed in
November 2006 that SOCOM forces were in Somalia as of October “providing
military advice to Ethiopian and Somali forces on the ground.” The U.S. Navy
moved “additional forces” into waters off the Somali coast, where the Pentagon
said they “conducted security missions, monitoring maritime traffic and
intercepting and interrogating crew on suspicious ships.” These included the USS
Ramage guided missile destroyer, the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower aircraft carrier,
the USS Bunker Hill and USS Anzio guided missile cruisers, and the USS Ashland
amphibious landing ship.41 On June 2, 2007, a U.S. Navy destroyer shelled
northern Somalia. Somali media reported that News media reported that the
strikes destroyed farms, flattened hilltops and killed or injured an unknown
number of villagers.42

The British Navy’s newest warship HMS Bulwark was also stationed off the Somali
coast in early 2006. The HMS Bulwark deployed to the Indian Ocean on 9 January
2006 for the first live operation of this “unique Commando Assault ship” (as it
is described by the British Navy).43

However, sources in Kenya and Eritrea reported “snatch and grab” terrorist
operations involving massacres and torture that were run by SOCOM forces inside
Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya. There are at least 52,000 U.S. special operations
forces on active duty and reserve military worldwide, including SEALs, Green
Berets and commando-style troops from the 10th Mountain Division and others.

At least three U.S. Navy guided missile destroyers were operating off Somalia in
October and November 2007. The U.S.S. Porter, U.S.S. Arleigh Burke and U.S.S.
James E. Williams were operating—sinking “pirate ships” and “terrorist”
vessels—as part of the Combined Maritime Forces Task Force headquartered in
Bahrain.44

The establishment narrative is that Ethiopia invaded Somalia to displace
Al-Qaeda terrorists and check the spread of Islamic fundamentalism, both of
which are propaganda themes that misrepresent the reality of U.S. and allied
military interventions.

Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the U.S. in its “War on
Terrorism” and Ethiopian bases have been used for attacks on Somalia. In 2003,
the U.S. Army’s 10th Mountain Division (SOCOM) completed a three-month program
to train an Ethiopian army division in “counter-terrorism tactics”—code language
for covert operations. Operations are coordinated through the Combined Joint
Task Forces-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) base in Djibouti. In January 2004, SOCOM
forces from the 3rd U.S. Infantry Regiment replaced the 10th Mountain Division
forces at a new base “Camp United” established at Hurso, northwest of Dire Dawa,
near the border with Somalia. Since 2003, under the U.S. State
Department-sponsored Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA)
program, CJTF-HOA provided instruction to thousands of Ethiopian soldiers at a
base in Legedadi. CJTF-HOA forces from the U.S Army’s 478th Civil Affairs
Battalion also operated in Ethiopia (Somalia) in and around Dire Dawa, Galadi
and Dolo Odo, among other areas.45

Ethiopia seeks to control Somalia to gain access to a much-needed deepwater
seaport. Ethiopia’s oil concessions are contiguous with the oil reserves in
Sudan, Somalia, Kenya and Yemen. Hunt Oil, the Chinese National Petroleum
Company and many others are active in Ethiopia.46
Hunt’s $18-million refinery across the waters in Yemen was officially dedicated
by then U.S. Vice-President G.H.W. Bush in April, 1986. In remarks during the
event, Bush emphasized the critical value of supporting U.S. corporate efforts
to develop and safeguard potential oil reserves in the region.47

The U.S. military used and uses Ethiopian air bases modernized by infusions of
millions of dollars of “AID” funds to launch attacks against Somalia. Ethiopia
now has the largest standing army on the continent and this was achieved through
the conversions of millions of dollars in “AID” to weapons and militarization;
even “debt forgiveness”—where foreign “debt” was canceled—benefited the
militarization of Ethiopia, and the same occurred in Uganda.See: Ituri: Covered
in Blood (part VII), Human Rights Watch, July 2003. U.S. spy satellites were
used provide intelligence to Ethiopian troops as they swept across the Oganden
basin and Somalia. Presidents Bush and Zenawi both denied that the invasion was
coordinated and well planned, and both denied the involvement of the U.S.

The Ethiopian government retained former U.S. Republican house majority leader
Dick Armey as a lobbyist in Washington to whitewash the Ethiopian regimes’
crimes.48

The Ogaden, Oromo and Anuak regions of Ethiopia have seen massive military
occupation and state repression. The Ethiopian government of Meles Zenawi has
perpetrated mass starvation and scorched earth policy in the region. There has
been very little international media coverage and most is favorable the Zenawi
regime or pressing the upside-down stories about “relief” and “starvation” that
serve the Western “humanitarian” business sector. The Ogaden basin is a
bloodbath today. Applying the same legal standards as in Darfur, all three
Ethiopian regions qualify as ongoing genocides against indigenous people.49
Failure to apply the genocide standards constitutes genocide denial.

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1778 (2007) on 25 September 2007
established the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad
(MINURCAT). According to the UN’s October 2007 Expression Of Interest, “[i]n
it’s Presidential Statement of 30 April 2007, the Security Council requested the
Secretary General to ‘immediately begin appropriate contingency planning for a
United Nations mission to Somalia’. At this early stage it is planned to have a
UN logistics base at Mombassa, Kenya to support the main supply line from
Mombassa to Kismayo, Mogadishu and Hobyo, which will serve as secondary
logistics bases in Somalia. At this early stage the number and location of these
sites is unknown, but it is envisaged that approximately 24,000 personnel may be
required.”

Ethiopia’s war in Somalia has taxed the government drawing widespread criticism.
The U.S. is pressing for an African Union mission as a proxy force to replace
the Ethiopian troops and further U.S. interests. Mombasa, Kenya is a U.S.
military port. The U.S. war in Somalia is ongoing. More than 100 U.S. military
“trainers” supervised “combat training” of two Burundian “African Union”
battalions (1700 troops) in Bujumbura, Burundi, in advance of their deployment
in Somalia expected in November 2007. French military also provided training,
while the U.S. and France both are providing logistical and telecommunications
support. Burundian troops are also in Darfur.50 On November 28, 2004, the Bush
White House issued a document announcing a cooperative agreement with Burundi,
Guyana and Liberia preventing the International Criminal Court from proceeding
against U.S. personnel operating in these countries.51

In March 2007 the Pentagon deployed an additional 150 SOCOM Forces in Uganda.
The troops were part of the Combined Joint Task Force Horn-of-Africa, an
“anti-terrorist naval force” deployed around the Horn of Africa with support
points in Bahrain and Djibouti. Ugandan sources divulged that the SOCOM troops
would be dispersed “around the country” to “support UPDF troops” and “provide
support to distribute humanitarian aid.” It was openly reported that the SOCOM
are “possibly training the South Sudanese army, which has just signed an
agreement for this with its Ugandan counterpart, strengthening Ugandan capacity
to fight terrorism.” The U.S. military has also modernized the old Entebbe
airport for UPDF operations, and the Entebbe airport supports a small but
permanent U.S. military contingent.52

It is believed that U.S. SOCOM troops are operating in blood-drenched Eastern
Congo. Ugandan opposition sources have reported that SOCOM forces in UPDF
uniforms have joined the more than 2000 Pentagon-trained UPDF forces sent by
Museveni to Somalia. The UPDF troops operating in Somalia behind a
“peacekeeping” propaganda front have been accused of widespread atrocities. More
than 1000 people die daily in Eastern Congo where fighting since 1996 has
claimed at least 7 million lives. The Democratic Republic of Congo has seen
multiple genocide campaigns, and multiple genocide denials are ongoing.

SOCOM forces have been openly reported in Niger, where operations are billed as
“humanitarian” and “human rights” training of Nigerian troops.53
But the insurgency and “rebellion” by the Tuareg and Toubou nomads has always
been about uranium and depopulation: Canadian and Chinese companies have
recently gotten involved but Esso (Exxon), Japan and French corporations were
exploiting the Agadez and Air regions in the 1970’s and 1980’s (at least),
dumping radioactive sickness and social devastation on another indigenous
population.54 Niger is the poorest country in the
world. Yet another genocide?

Exxon, Elf and Hunt Oil are in Niger for oil. Barrick Gold is also in Niger, and
in Guniea, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Madagascar and Mali; through their
partnership with Anglo-Ashanti, Barrick is responsible for atrocities and
plunder in eastern Congo. Directors of the G.H.W. Bush-connected Barrick Gold
include former U.S. Senator Howard Baker (R-TN), whose wife, Nancy Kassebaum
Baker, has been an outspoken advocate for immediate action on Darfur.

“I was in the Senate at the time of Rwanda,” said Kassebaum Baker at a speech in
2006 where discussed Darfur. Kassebaum Baker served as chairwoman of the Foreign
Relation Committee’s Subcommittee on African Affairs. “We were all aghast at
what was taking place there [Rwanda], but I must say no one really knew what to
do about it,” Kassebaum Baker said.55

The Bakers are on the advisory board for the nationalist think-tank Partnership
for a Secure America—another policy-formulating-perception-management-force
behind the “Save Darfur” movement—along with a stellar cast of corporate
executives involved in war and plunder in Africa.56
Most notable of these are Frank G. Wisner, Richard Holbroke, Anthony Lake,
Thomas Pickering, Carla Hills and Sam Nunn. Wisner was also on the National
Security Council under Clinton, along with the International Crisis Group (ICG)
Special Advisor and ENOUGH co-chair John Prendergast. Wisner’s co-directors of
the American International Group include: Marshall Cohen, a director of the
Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation; Clinton Cabinet members William Cohen
and Richard Holbrooke; and Carla Hills, NAFTA negotiator and director of
Chevron-Texaco and the ICG. Partnership for a Secure America advisory board
members Zbigniew Brzezinski, Pickering, Hills, and Kassebaum Baker are all on
the Board of Trustees for the ICG—International Crisis Group—the leading flak
organization pressing the “Save Darfur” and Lord’s Resistance Army (Uganda)
narratives.

The Darfur region of western Sudan has been a hotbed of clandestine activities,
gunrunning and indiscriminate violence for decades. The Cold War era saw
countless insurgencies launched from the remote deserts of Darfur. Throughout
the 1990s factions allied with or against Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Congo, Libya,
Eritrea and the Central African Republic operated from bases in Darfur, and it
was a regular landing strip for foreign military transport planes of mysterious
origin.

In 1990, Chad’s President Idriss Déby launched a military blitzkrieg from Darfur
and overthrew President Hissan Habre; Déby then allied with his own tribe
against the Sudan government. Sudanese rebels today have bases in Chad, and
Chadian rebels have bases in Darfur, with Khartoum’s backing. When the regime of
Ange-Félix Patassé collapsed in the Central African Republic in March 2003,
soldiers fled to Darfur with their military equipment. Khartoum supported the
West Nile Bank Front, a rebel army operating against Uganda from Eastern Congo,
commanded by Taban Amin, the son of the infamous Ugandan dictator, Idi Amin, who
heads Uganda’s dreaded Internal Security Organization.

France is deeply involved in covert operations and genocide in Africa. Central
Africa Republic (C.A.R.), run by General François Bozizé, is a major base of
French defense and intelligence operations linked to security regimes in the
bloody dictatorships of Republic of Congo, Togo, Cameroon and Gabon, and France
backs guerilla groups committing atrocities in Chad, Sudan, DR-Congo, Rwanda,
Uganda and Burundi. C.A.R. is also a conduit for blood diamonds, and the back-up
for France’s nuclear policy, today heavily reliant on uranium exploitation in
Niger: C.A.R. reportedly has massive uranium reserves. Like oil-cursed
Equatorial Guinea, C.A.R. is also a bloodbath, completely off the international
media screen.57

Darfur is another epicenter of the modern-day international geopolitical
scramble for Africa’s resources. Conflict in Darfur escalated in 2003 in
parallel with negotiations “ending” the south Sudan war. The U.S.-backed
insurgency by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the guerilla force that
fought the northern Khartoum government for 20 years, shifted to Darfur, even as
the G.W. Bush government allied with Khartoum in the U.S. led “War on
Terrorism.” The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)—one of some twenty-seven rebel
factions mushrooming in Darfur—is allied with the SPLA and supported from
Uganda. Andrew Natsios, former USAID chief and now U.S. envoy to Sudan, said on
October 6, 2007 that the atmosphere between the governments of north and south
Sudan “had become poisonous.” This is no surprise given the magnitude of the
resource war in Sudan and the involvement of international interests, but the
investigation should center on the involvement and activities of USAID officials
Andrew Natsios, Roger Winter and Jendayi Frazer.

Roger Winter, USAID chief in Khartoum today, is directly linked to the Rwandan
Patriotic Front/Army and U.S. military campaign that destabilized Rwanda and
decapitated the leadership of Rwanda and Burundi. USAID’s affiliations with the
Department of Defense are now openly advertised with the propaganda peddling
AFRICOM—the Pentagon’s new Africa Command. AFRICOM combines U.S. CENTCOM,
PACIFICOM and EUCOM operations in Africa; it is nothing new, merely the
consolidation and expansion of widespread and ongoing involvement.58

Darfur is reported to have the fourth largest copper and third largest uranium
deposits in the world.59 Darfur produces
two-thirds of the world’s best quality gum Arabic—a major ingredient in Coke and
Pepsi. Contiguous petroleum reserves are driving warfare from the Red Sea,
through Darfur, to the Great Lakes of Central Africa. Private military companies
operate alongside petroleum contractors and “humanitarian” agencies. Sudan is
China’s fourth biggest supplier of imported oil, and U.S. companies controlling
the pipelines in Chad and Uganda seek to displace China through the U.S.
military alliance with “frontline” states hostile to Sudan: Uganda, Chad and
Ethiopia.

There are claims in the Arab community that Israel provides military training to
Darfur rebels from bases in Eritrea, but insiders in Eritrea dispute this.
Israel has a deep history of intelligence and military relations with both
Eritrea and Ethiopia, and Israel reportedly has a naval and air base on
Eritrea’s Dahlak and Fatma islands, from which German-made Dolphin-class
submarines patrol the Red Sea with long-range nuclear cruise missiles.60
Eritrea reportedly serves as Israel’s outpost for spying on enemies Saudi
Arabia, Yemen, and Sudan.61 Africa Research Bulletin in 1998 reported an Israeli
base in Eritrea’s Mahal Agar Mountains.62 Israel
has clearly strengthened ties with the regime in Chad, from which more weapons
and troops penetrate Darfur. The refugee camps have become increasingly
militarized. There are reports that Israeli and U.S. military and intelligence
operate from within refugee camps in Darfur. Israel is all over the Sahara, from
Burkina Faso to Ethiopia and Uganda. Israel’s clandestine actions are partly
funded by Israeli-American diamond magnates involved in Angola, Sierra Leone,
C.A.R. and Congo, especially Dan Gertler (G.W. Bush’s unofficial Ambassador to
Congo), Beny Steinmetz, Nir Livnat, Lev Leviev and Maurice Tempelsman.63

African Union (AU) forces in Darfur include Nigerian and Rwandan troops
responsible for atrocities in their own countries. Ethiopia has committed 5000
troops for a UN force in Darfur. AU troops receive military-logistic support
from NATO, and are widely hated. Early in October 2007, SLA rebels attacked an
AU base killing ten troops. In a subsequent editorial sympathetic to rebel
factions Smith College English professor Eric Reeves espoused the tired rhetoric
of “Khartoum’s genocidal counter-insurgency war in Darfur,” a position
counterproductive to any peaceful settlement.64 To
minimize the damage this rebel attack has done to their credibility Reeves and
other “Save Darfur” advocates cast doubt about the rebels’ identities and
mischaracterized the SLA attackers as “rogue commanders.” However, there is near
unanimous agreement, internationally, that rebels are “out of control,”
committing widespread rape and plundering with impunity, just as the SPLA did in
South Sudan for over a decade.

Debunking the claims of a “genocide against blacks” or an “Islamic holy-war”
against Christians, Darfur’s Arab and black African tribes have intermarried for
centuries, and nearly everyone is Muslim. The “Save Darfur” campaign is deeply
aligned with Jewish and Christian faith-based organizations in the United
States, Canada, Europe and Israel. These groups have relentlessly campaigned for
Western military action, demonizing both Sudan and China, but they have never
addressed Western military involvement—backing factions on all sides.

Christian and Jewish involvement in the “Save Darfur” campaign centers on a
long-running but deeply manipulative narrative about slavery and genocide in
South Sudan. The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum furthered the establishment
narrative about Darfur in keeping with the genocide theme; no one ever examines
the interests behind the Holocaust Memorial Museum (e.g. Bob Dole), it is merely
some apolitical institution with the championing of supposed “universal” human
rights of all people everywhere as its raison d’etre. The new political and
propaganda doctrine that uses “genocide” as a political tool is morally
ambiguous, it attacks the crimes of some and passes over the crimes of others.
It uses as its universal principle the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and
its complementary covenants and proclamations. On the one hand, however, this
involves genocide inflation, and on the other hand genocide denial. But the
USA—with good Christian and Jewish foot soldiers—is always the final arbitrator:
global cop, judge, jury, executioner, surgeon and savior all in one.

Christian organizations involved in Sudan for years include Servant’s Heart and
Christian Solidarity International. On Servant’s Heart’s “Board of Reference” is
British Baroness Caroline Cox, who is also closely affiliated with Christian
Solidarity International (CSI)—one of the main Christian allies of the SPLM/A
war in southern Sudan. The propaganda system advocates in favor of the “rebels”
in Darfur using a handful of techniques developed in their propaganda campaign
behind the “rebels” in South Sudan. Rebels are supported partly by never
mentioning them, partly by decrying abuses against them, partly by providing
sympathetic one-sided accounts of Khartoum government attacks, and partly by
defending their excesses if and when—infrequently—the rebel abuses come to
light.65

Christian Solidarity International (CSI) in 2006 issued press releases claiming
that the Lebanese organization Hezbollah “is using Christian villages to shield
its military operations in violation of international law.”66
These reports appear to be fabrications to begin with and the CSI accusation a
projection of their own involvement with the SPLA in South Sudan, where the SPLA
for over a decade used the civilian population as human shields, used the
Western AID apparatus (Operation Lifeline Sudan) as cover for military support,
and used food as a weapon. If Hezbollah did this during the recent U.S.-Israeli
invasion they [Hezbollah] certainly learned it by studying SPLA (CSI) tactics in
Sudan. Thus we have twisted triple-standards where the establishment propaganda
accuses Hezbollah of violating international law, but the SPLM/A—and the “rebel”
groups in Darfur—while doing exactly the same thing, are never anything but
poor, defenseless Christians under attack in a “genocidal counter-insurgency”
run out of Khartoum government.65

Who are the rebels in Darfur? Where do they get new uniforms and modern weapons?
With the establishment propaganda on Rwanda and the invading Rwanda Patriotic
Front/Army from 1990-1994, all abuses were covered up, the government of Juvenal
Habyarimana was blamed for everything, and the “rebels”—backed by Washington,
partnered with the Pentagon—were never exposed for atrocities and scorched earth
attacks. It was the same with the establishment propaganda that covered for the
SPLA: their role in committing and provoking atrocities in South Sudan from 1983
to 2003 has been greatly misrepresented and mischaracterized by virtually every
popular source cited in the western press. No one has pressed this line more
than Dr. Eric Reeves, the Smith College English professor and most widely cited
“expert” behind the establishment narrative to “Save Darfur.”67

There is growing dissent within the “Save Darfur” movement as more supporters
question its motivations and the links to Israel. “Save Darfur” leaders have
been replaced after complaints surfaced about expenditures of funds. Many rebel
leaders reportedly receive tens of thousands of dollars monthly, and rebels
emboldened by the “Save Darfur” movement commit crimes with impunity. There is a
growing demand to probe the accounts of “Save Darfur” to find out how the tens
of millions collected are being spent due to allegations of arms-deals and
bribery—rebel leaders provided with five-star hotel accommodations, prostitutes
and sex parties.68

The French “humanitarian” charity NGO Zoe’s Ark (L’Arche de Zoé) involved in
Chad and Darfur is under investigation by the United Nations, France and Chad
for trafficking in black children in the widely under-reported “L’Arche de Zoé
affair.” Chadian President Idriss Déby is under attack for alleging “pedophilia”
and “organ trafficking” and for arresting seventeen Europeans intercepted at an
airport in Chad attempting to depart to France with 103 “Darfur orphans” aged
six to ten. The Zoe’s Ark project began fundraising April 28, 2007 to “evacuate
10,000 orphans facing certain death” to France and the United States. Some 300
European’s paid 2000 Euros ($3450) each as “donations” toward logistics costs to
receive an orphan. UNHCR determined the children “were living with their
families in communities”—they were neither from Darfur nor were they orphans—and
their health was not a serious concern.69 The NGO
was reportedly provided logistical support by the French military, and they had
made numerous trips to villages on the Darfur border offering enticements and
taking children.70 Outraged Chadians on the border
with Sudan had already been questioning the motives of scores of foreign aid
groups that work with Darfur refugees.69The United Nations and other relief organizations initially denied
all knowledge of the Zoe’s Ark NGO but the NGO was registered as an
international charity with the UN Mission in Sudan. The Zoe’s Ark website lists
800,000 children “in mortal danger today who must be saved now!”

Humanitarian relief is an industry, with corporate directors, big salaries,
career advancement, permanent infrastructure in white economies but mobile,
structurally nebulous projects in black countries that entrench structural
violence and perpetuate dependence and suffering. Nancy Kassebaum Baker, the
outspoken advocate for Congo and Darfur, is also a Director Emeriti for the
International Medical Corps (IMC), a “humanitarian” NGO with operations in
Darfur, South Sudan, Central Africa Republic, Chad, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia,
Uganda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia and Sierre Leone—all the
“problem” countries involved in the transcontinental warfare and then some—and
14 countries outside Africa, including the U.S.-occupied Iraq and Afghanistan.
Total revenue to IMC in 2005 was $101,727,119.

Amongst the (many) large IMC donors for 2005 and 2006 were numerous Christian
and Jewish organizations, charities and missionary affiliates, the Christian
right organization euphemistically named Bread for the World (Bob Dole, Donald
Payne, David Beckman, Leon Panetta links), and the American Jewish World
Service, Pfizer, BP, American Friends Service Committee, Chevron, Trammel Crow
(affiliated with Barrick Gold directors), Coca Cola, World Food Program (Bob
Dole link), USAID, U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, and the U.S. Department of Defense.

“Save Darfur” is today the rallying cry for a broad coalition of special
interests. Advocacy groups—from the local Massachusetts Congregation B’Nai
Israel chapter to the International Crises Group and USAID—have fueled the
conflict through a relentless, but selective, public relations campaign that
disingenuously serves a narrow policy agenda. These interests offer no
opportunity for corrective analyses, but stubbornly press their agenda, and they
are widely criticized for inflaming tensions in Darfur. This is what we might
call Darfurism.

The latest Lockheed Martin contract with the United Nations illustrates the
latest stage in the transformation of international conflict whereby
military-industrial giants are openly engaged, rather than clandestinely, as has
been previously the case. This development parallels the rise of Darfurism— a
mass movement in the West designed to channel popular sympathy and agitate
people to act on a cause they know nothing about, but think they do. Darfurism
is a pathological mix of fear, patriotism, social immaturity, opportunism and
unconsciousness akin to fascism. Under the current climate of apathy, fear and
public opinion, anything goes, and warfare involves humanitarian agencies as
active players in the mix. Like the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum they are seen
as neutral, described as apolitical, but nothing could be further from the
truth.

The United Nations and African Union serve as pseudo-privatized military forces
backing a hegemonic, corporate, political and economic agenda. Someone who
produces both the danger and, at a price, the shield against it is a racketeer.71
The future has arrived, and it uses human rights institutions, the label of
genocide and accusations of atrocities, and the ever-expanding international AID
and charity industry—operating out of pure profit motives—as pivotal elements in
the Western portfolio of soft and hard weapons used to further the prerogatives
of Empire and clear the land for absolute corporate exploitation. ~

1 Maurice Tempelsman chairs the
International Advisory Council at the Harvard AIDS Institute (HAI) of the School
of Public Health; his involvement in covert actions and interventions flags this
program as cover for clandestine biowarfare. HAI partners with the U.S. Military
HIV Research Program (USMHRP), a program whose said purpose is to develop
vaccines and AIDS prevention for U.S. Military servicemen: <http://www.aids.harvard.edu/collaborations/external4.html#Anchor-United-58521>.

14 See: Michael Maren, The Road To Hell: The Ravaging
Affects of Foreign Aid and International Charity, 1996.

15 From the BSP web site: “As biometrics becomes an
increasingly important component of physical and logical security systems there
is a need for an authoritative and regularly updated reference and data base on
virtually all aspects of biometrics and identity assurance.” <http://www.nationalbiometric.org/>.