Somebody asked me if I had to renounce on all
literature, but were allowed to keep only one for my choice. The
long letter, from and about KRANKHEIT
IM RECHT, was my answer. I asked you for literature, was the reply. Exactly
because of that, I answered.

N.N., 0207

Thanks to the patients‘ class in all
continents for their interest in reading and making use of the contents of our
SPK-Stromzeitung. Therefore we send this first edition now firstly to them.

PF/SPK(H), 20.07.2005

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

22.10.1993

Dear friend:

here the first 9 pages of our answering letter, meanwhile grown onto 20 or
more pages, but not yet ready.

We already just can have presentiment about what there could be the
mainstream of your intentions concerning your book, especially regarding the
few questions you already asked us in your last letter and also the qualities
related to them. The more questions and the more material, the more
possibilities also for us to select between those which need to become
answered and to what extend and those, which absolutely have to be rejected,
because we in spite of needing absolutely nothing in favour for ourselves,
done by you in your book, the more we have to care about what strengthens
illness and the commonly getting along and forward with. Not for idealism, not
for materialism, but for everyday change, for not to say: revolution here and
now and by those who do elsewhere and here.

As you write in your last letter, you have decided to hold back the more
material you already got ready and also the more questions, not to speak about
your every sources. Shame? Cui bono, Lenin often asked.

What do you mean thereabout?

Best wishes

P.S.: The maybe somewhat excessive interpunctuation is done in order to
facilitate reading. Be it so.

18.10.1993

Dear friend Trevor:

"... to know from where the wind blows." Dinka Dinka, blink blink. Stay quiet
nevertheless, because we know the difference between the wind and you.
(Rhetorical question:) "Do you believe in casuality?" We not, too. If there is a
question about Huber

[The name Huber serves for the Patientenfront (more female than male)
nowadays as her body. For himself the name Huber consists of the middle-thing
between a nobody and an everybody. Proof: "your body becomes a remonstrance
(Vorstellung) ..." (Huber in: 'Ueber das Anfangen',
page 122, line 15)]

concerning the word 'fired', or if there are topics like "patient of Huber"
tied to the time of

SPK
there arises an outburst of laughter, which ends more and more rallentando and
decrescendo, yawning, sometimes. Remember: Huber is a useful name and activity
for all of us. To this name once was linked the word 'fired' used by himself
against Kretz & Co., before Kretz used it as a spy of the criminal police, after
SPK had ended (Lefty publications, dink, dink).

Dr. Huber's male or female patients during or after SPK? They didn't exist at
all. Proof: no therapying, no prescripting, no proscripting, no taking money
from, no distributing (so-called referring) any patient to other doctors or
clinics (see time-line). Thus: no patient at all does
such things, as you know, and no Huber did so during SPK and so on, a patients',
patients', patients' collective, practising socialistic interrelationship, a
socialist patients' collective.

From such words as 'fired', or 'Dr. Huber's patients' arise a lot of
movie-pictures and a lot of other words, able to fill books which, for luck,
don't need to be written down, except all the written and unwritten notes, which
we accumulated and re-accumulated during all these years of keeping silence. You
remember why we decided about one year ago to publish almost freely? All groups,
be it in prison or somewhere else, agree be it only in the one point, that they
have been smashed and must look out for other ways and methods since capitalism
has gained once more and that there has been wasted the time since long long ago
to save mankind, earth and what else from final destruction. Until now most of
them are convinced and also agree in that point, that SPK is the false way, for:
'a man convinced against his will, is of the same opinion still', as knew
already old Shakespeare. But nevertheless a growing lot of people take more and
more interest to care about their own future regardless our enemies, but
regarding the more our true past. But quite a lot of the mentioned
movie-pictures and of the other words still is lacking in our former expressions
or, as you got clear, is substituted by the lies of our enemies, and many
friends from long ago among them. Only a few years ago a leader of the
Heidelberg city has mentioned about 40 - by him and others so-called -
terrorists, who once have studied or lived there and who were in his eyes SPK
because they had visited colleges about philosophy in the same university or
because they had lived in streets or houses, famous for SPK. Nonsense? Not easy
to imagine, but the concerned persons the more put their shoulders against. Or
quite on the contrary. Now!

Maybe some of the persons you mention once believed still
to be in the SPK, while they were in reality with the IZRU (

InformationsZentrum
Rote VolksUniversitaet,
Information Centre for a Red University). This makes a great difference. Exactly
the difference between reality and truth. IZRU was, as you can take it from the
time-line, no more SPK and not yet
Patientenfront. Proof: in the name IZRU there is lacking the letter P, not so in the
names SPK
and PF.
Names just like data are programs. There lacks the P in the name IZRU.

The truth of the SPK and of the PF, practicating and theorizing illness day
and night within a permanent people's warfare by all means, this truth got on
working far away from IZRU from its beginning in 1971 until to its ending in
1973. While existing IZRU did really and in reality an excellent, wide-spreading
and very efficient work, tying contacts, organizing international congresses,
founding the newspaper RVU (

Rote
VolksUniversitaet,
Red People's University), supporting prisoners, reproducing even SPK-literature
and so on, and in all this views it was more successful than SPK itself. But it
was not in truth and truth was not in it. Some of us, who had been activists
there, remember that they for example tried to continue the single agitations
and group agitations and the therefore necessary working circles like they had
experienced and remembered from SPK, in spite of all programs and other plans,
failing after some weeks. Modification: new trial, same failing. Why? IZRU
became more and more influenced by medical doctors and medical students who took
part there, and also by lawyers who visited the prisoners out of most different
groups and their doctors there (in prison and elsewhere), all well done in a
seemingly quite unselfish and reasonable manner. That's to say, as remember the
now Frontpatients: those people who never had entered SPK, falsificated and
suppressed all informations which were available only for them because of their
privileges, took command of all the publications of IZRU in their secret
circles, wide-spread until abroad, as for example Paris and Amsterdam, Berlin
and Hamburg, and they had there all about their quite unselfish performances in
more or less brilliant so-called political rhetorics and lecture-givings.

You mentioned in your letter a schedule about "supporters". Be careful and
remember nothing but the most important

P,
if you need "standards" and "proofs" for truth. Jesus himself (atheist or
religious - ¿quien sabe?) upon truth didn't ask for facts, names and data. Upon
truth he made a decision and a difference between those who are in truth and
those, who only speak truly, while they are not in truth. Thus there is a
difference between there where P
is and there where P
never had even could have been allowed to be.

Only in order for completeness we mention here that there is also spoken
about IZRU in the book 'Ueber das Anfangen' on page 88. The name on the spot
aside is related to a wife of one of the lawyers who meanwhile has died (of
course we alterated all of these names in our humorous manner, by the every
purpose. You don't need to care about this note. But if you do, then please read
very carefully: "... self-dissolution, of the SPK into the IZRU, done by myself"
(means: H). A collectively taken decision against continuing
practical and theoretical work on illness in a people's warfare round the clock.
Or: favouring other groups, and from that resulting IZRU as a new foundation
done by Huber. That's our hint, how to interprete a sentence like that. We hope
that the other sources you mention take comparable qualities as to their
clearness and making sense. But enough about IZRU and what arose from it: truth
of SPK, strengthened in the IZRU, and having returned to the Patientenfront
since long ago on the one hand, and wrecked illusions on the other hand, wrong
even if true.

To all this we perhaps ought to add that, in the context with your book, we
struggle for the only aim to do our uttermost, providing to the reader the means
to take a decision and to learn how to get along with illness, as, spoken in
your words, genuine resistance (of everybody, as to add). Nobody of us needs to
care about the image of SPK/PF, least concerning Huber ('Ueber das Anfangen',
page 135, line 22: "I never had a face and consequently not to lose one, be it
in court, be it in television, nor in movies ((they offered to me)). ..." Till
to the end of page 135). It's not because of shame, though shame could be a
revolutionary sentiment, Marx, Bakunin and Moses already were aware about that
and, marvel about marvel, did agree upon it. And in spite of knowing that we
need some time to translate back to German, all we write here, we must go on
ceasing stopping.

*

*

If you in a former letter -
already answered by us to your seeming sufficiency - should have had the
intention to reproach us with that we ought not to "fire" patients now and
subsequently, who nevertheless had been in the SPK, we answer: yes, we do,
because that's a part of our job in KRANKHEIT IM
RECHT / Patientenfront
(= Illness In Right / Patients'
Front). Proof: If in the last 20 years
only one of them, be she or he now in prison or elsewhere, had continued,
better spoken: begun to work pro illness in some way, we, be sure,
would have addressed to him or her, in order to offer support, and would not
have waited, until she or he should have addressed to the Patientenfront.
Nothing, absolutely nothing there all about, be it not just on the contrary,
means: addressing to the doctors, collaborating with their helpers, and so on,
and so on.

But you will see, later on, that we of course will affirm the having been
present of everybody in SPK you ask us, if he or she was there, be it only in
reality and therefore disregarding truth. Please understand, that we are
charged by distrust in everybody and in everything outside (

paranoia),
the more as we simultaneously enjoy a mania of trusting in ourselves each
other, by means of what we call since before SPK: patients' control
(Patientenkontrolle).

Morning has broken, the morning of gossip, tittle-tattle, twaddle, and it is
a morning of our six honest "serving"-men, yours and ours. Here how this morning
perhaps will end:

I keep six honest serving-men
They taught me all I knew
Their names are what and why and when
And how and where and who.
I send them over land and sea
I send them east and west
But after they have taught for me
I give them all a rest.

Fine, if there is need for consolations. Or otherwise:

Bend your sinews to the task,
put your shoulders to the wheel!

With your book, if it is finished, you take good chances to become an
outsider, one more of those who were unfortunately seduced and defrauded by SPK.
Incompetence is no excusion, it's a conditio sine qua non and an epitheton
ornans for that.

We ourselves until 1987 had good chances never to break our silence, since
then one of our best helpers to continue our heretic doing as initiated in 1966,
charged with all experiences about secret karate circles, formed by male nurses
against male patients and also against women of course, if there was want,
commanded and put into action mostly by Dr. Kretz; charged by our experiences
about the secret photo circle of the male nurse Keilbach in the cellar-rooms of
the Psychiatric Clinic door to door with the Nazi-forensic psychiatrist Prof.Dr.
Rauch, who there had ordered from the named Keilbach the photographies from the
then murdered children whose brains this professor had been very fond of
researching scientifically until 1945 (look
at him on page 9 of our "Kleinkrieg
gegen Patienten" 8th person from left in the first row of the named
picture); charged with experiences about the secret working circles of explosive
materials by electro-shocking and chemical shocking effects applied into the
brains of the patients, secretly planned in the secret circles of the doctors
and secretly done against male and female patients, separated from the others by
shutting the door by key ... . Oh, yes, Dear Trevor, there still existed and
exist a lot of secret working circles all around the world, which keep their
secrets very carefully, and even SPK was such a secret at those times (1966),
especially for ourselves. But in 1987 by our heretic studies, initiated and good
working since a lot of years, we detected another secret. Please look at the
back cover of our book 'Krankheit,
die Ganzheit mit Zukunft' (protocol of congress discussions in May 1987,
published 1988), second line of our "poem":

"... 2-1-0, eight89nine in July ... "

That means: there will happen a count-down (2-1-0) 1989 in July. The smallest
part of our preparation consisted in publishing this book as soon as possible.
But in July 1989 there happened nothing except some very serious hurtings of
UdSSR-limits by NATO-aircrafts, not answered by the Russians (proof: taken from
the newspapers). You can't imagine our disappointment at the failing of our
coming back and breaking silence after a nuclear war, failing only because of
the good will of the Eastern part. But within weeks we could realize that
nevertheless things changed, nevertheless favouring illness, be it in a very
chronical, but the more solid way, aiming at the above mentioned end, that all
those groups who had been brought together with the SPK, practicating SPK
against illness, now had decayed, but going on betraying their own being
sick to the doctors and continuing the more distributing their twaddles about an
SPK without SPK (look '... Anfangen', page 14, line
16: "... shortly, an SPK without SPK ..."). But revolution works solidly. (Aber
die Revolution ist gruendlich. Karl Marx, Brumaire).

Shortly: our hopeful dream to keep shutting up for all times vanished since
the mentioned events up from 1989 for, after a nuclear war of course for a long
time also the gossips about SPK would have ceased automatically because of the
then needed demand for doing and thinking quite new things concerning illness,
instead of repeating, iterating and perseverating old nonsense.

It is a pity therefore, that we can't demonstrate now to you a world in which
the last doctors in the last therapeutic activity are treated by the first
Frontpatients. In this view morning not yet has broken. Not our guilt. Ask the
Russians. Being in a lack for another proof, we only can give you a hint to
something you just have read. Please look at SPK – TURN
ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, page X,
especially line 22-27.
Well, the named class-antagonism between patients and doctors exists. Not as a
clear and distinctly divided formation, as mentioned above in our utopatheidical
view from 1989 and before. But it exists in ourselves and also in yourself, and
you can grasp it by your mind, using the words and the letters and also the
numbers we just did cite. If you do, there follows the truth and the being in
truth about some really important things which you ask from us for your book.

From the mentioned antagonism there arise and arose the facts

that there was an SPK which founded an IZRU which
was no SPK

there were and there are secret circles all about
which really until nowadays are almost totally unknown. But there were never
secret circles in the SPK, best known up then until nowadays, because they
were founded by those secret circles we firstly mentioned.

There came from the SPK-Huber also two theories of revolution, the second
following from the first, which is no longer as totally secret, as it was
during the years before (!) the SPK - see later on -, the second being since
the end of SPK very successful and which continues being distributed,
but with diminishing success until nowadays. The first of the two theories of
revolution in the SPK has to do with being pro illness, while the second has
to do with the illusion of personal health and wealth.

Summary and speaking with the Righty German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche:
"If I would tell the truth, I should be constrained to lie" (Wenn ich die
Wahrheit sagen wollte, muesste ich luegen). You not, too.

Of course we do remember one of your first letters, in which you dealt with
the necessity of the contrasts in order to put truth in the light. Be it not the
righty light as a consequence for your readers! From our song you know that we
prefer warmth, for illness' sake, in spite of our high esteem for all those who
still prefer sunlight and skin-cancer, and the theory of light-emanation back to
old Plotin and Plato and even back to the oldest pupils of the most eldest
Zarathustra.

But back to present. I just communicated this tape to a Frontpatient who
since the beginnings had been in the SPK. He read your letter some days ago and
now heard the tape until to the above mentioned words "iterating and
perpetuating old nonsense". While he affirmed our response in each point, he
nevertheless had doubts, if it was correctly spoken to say, that the efficiency
of IZRU, in which he also had taken part, had been even in any of the named
points greater than the efficiency of the SPK. I therefore meanwhile put the
same question to another Frontpatient with comparable experiences. She also
didn't affirm in this point. I myself (taken from H) at the times of IZRU have
been in prison. I got my informations about the efficiency of IZRU by a lawyer
who worked with IZRU and by a woman from the SPK, from whom they just told me,
that she had been in the IZRU the most advanced practitioner, simultaneously
working as the right hand of one of the students' doctors of the university (see
time-line page 2,
03.06.70: "psychotherapeutische Beratungsstelle" founded against the SPK),
gaining by that her money and having been before the SPK a - because of illness
- less efficient social case worker. Yes, two or three times she also had
visited me in the prison, where she criticized under the eyes of the watching
police my behaviour of resistance up to the point that I refused to see her
again. Proof: she was a very charmful little person at those times, but reading
her name in your schedule in your last letter I just experienced a little
wretching arising from beneath of my solarplexus, and just the same bad feeling,
accompanied by a whiter shade of pale had the PF-women responding the question,
but quite on the contrary the mother of the asked Frontpatient told me that her
son had become only red in the face because of anger, while pushing fisticuffs
against the table (he also has been tortured later on in prison and that by
doctors, where the charmful woman still is).

Now to point 2) concerning the secret circles more in detail:

*

*

About some places appearing in the
following: look H-rough sketch,
page 9 herein, backside. On purpose for true orientation "by heart to heart".
For military cartography
look same page, left corner above.

Huber never was fired. But Kretz has been fired two times before the times of
SPK and at least one time after the SPK. The wife of Dr. Kretz, while she was a
post-medical student and got a part of her practical formation by Dr. Huber in
the Psychiatric Polyclinic

*
in the summer of 1968 (or be it 1969?) told him, that there had taken place a
discussion between her husband and his new chief, the leader of the so-called
Central-Institute for Mental Health in Mannheim, a discussion, in which this
chief finally had ordered, that Dr. Kretz had to go, because there was no longer
any need for him. Some months before the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic at the
University of Heidelberg, Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer, had done the same to
him, because he had spent there eight or ten years without fulfilling the
demands in scientifical research neither in a practical view, not to speak about
the theoretical level in philosophy, biochemistry and other disciplines, such as
it had been found for example in Huber up from his going on in psychiatry.
That's what she told. By the way, Kretz is a dandylike guy, but sometimes he
wore a dirty tie without becoming aware of it, except a patient mentioned it
(life danger).

*

We accomodate ourselves to the
English spelling of the German word 'Poliklinik'. The word is derived from
Greek: polis,
means: town. From the term 'Poliklinik' there results, that originally a
policlinic
had to serve to such people in a town, who could not afford an expensive
therapy. Kretz e.g. strove to turn the thing completely from the feet to the
head. But the revolutionary SPK patients made him fail and suffer from
shocking headache, (the patients) using their own brains and electricity in it
- -.

Well, fired two times, Kretz came back in 1969, at least to the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, because nobody else had been ready to fulfill the tasks of a
Polyclinic leader for longer than a few months, be it only the representative
tasks, and not to speak about the indeed hard work there. So Kretz had got the
chance once more, he soon began to fail. The chief, Prof. Walter Ritter von
Baeyer, fired him again in 1972/73, but Kretz went to the court, gained there a
delay for some months, with regard to the patients, whom he didn't shame to
mention, and with regard to the Social Democratic Party which he mobilized,
because meanwhile he had become a member there and a candidate, and also he
achieved to mobilize colleagues (Kretz had been often at congresses) up from
Finland (for example the psychiatrist Sirallha) until to Israel, for which he
had collected money, after Israel had won its first war in 1966.
Following these facts, we can't be quite sure, if Kretz had been fired for three
times or for four times. But what we almost have forgotten to mention, is the
most important thing, concerning firing against Kretz: one day after the first
protest assembly of the patients in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and in the world,
in February 1970, the newspapers of Heidelberg related, that Kretz had been just
fired, when (the secret circle of) the highest staff in the university had taken
place in order to elect Kretz, member of the Social Democratic Party like the
Rector Rendtorff, for one of the
Pro-Rectors (at those times not many doctors belonged to the Social Democratic
Party and therefore Rendtorff had not much choice). Why? On the table were the
morning newspapers about the fact, that in the night before some dozens of
patients on the plenum in the Psychiatric Polyclinic by signature had declared
their mistrust in Kretz and their full trust in Huber. One of the secret
circling doctors and professors after the other stood up, as related the press,
and spoke in favour of Kretz. In vain. And just one morning too late. Kretz was
out and remained knocked out from rectorship, and rector Rendtorff himself kept
suffering along all the time of his university's rectorship from his
achilles-heel (his own words), received by the revolutionary strength of
illness. Proof:
Huber-patients this morning have fired the medicine-prorector (see: 'Ueber
das Anfangen', page 77ff).

If nowadays Kretz is met somewhere and titled "Mr. Professor" he answers:
"No, not professor, I am no professor". So we were told from a patient who later
on came to KRANKHEIT IM RECHT. That means: also up to nowadays Kretz has failed
any career in spite of all his efforts.

And Huber? 1975, still in the prison of Ludwigsburg, he got a letter from his
lawyer, containing the message and the decision of the court, that the
dismissal- and eviction (=Bann)-decision had been wrong, because done by the
administration of the university, instead of the doctors, instead of the highest
university's council or instead of the rector himself. Proof: Huber never has
been fired, because there had been lacking law and competence, but there had
been an abundance of cowardness and abuse, when the university in February 1970
had put into action their secret karate-, photo-, radio- and explosive circles
against the patients and himself, in order to prevent them from entering the
Psychiatric Polyclinic once more, be it in the distance of a boundary.

*

*

Please take it from the time-line,
that also Mrs.Dr.med. Ursel Huber, born Schaefer, born in Cologne 20 July
1935, meanwhile has fired all doctors up to the World Medical Association,
last 1976, when she later on
affirmed and kept doing, what Huber had begun. Those two Frontpatients since
more than 23 years have turned out to be excellent doctor-killers, including
themselves as registered doctors, for sure. Sometimes less is more, remember.
Means: because even killing, if done tied to illness and in the context of SPK
is quite another thing, quite more fundamental, radical and absolutely
permanent, if done from there and in comparison to elsewhere. You everytime
must even risk your life in order that nobody else runs the risk to lose it.
Proof: time-line because that is a proof, taken from SPK/PF/H. For truth. You
alreadly got it.

Why didn't Huber ever ask for becoming chief of the Polyclinic, you may ask?
Answer: there is no need for chiefs, but work. They wanted him back to the
Psychiatric Clinic to help there two chief-doctors doing their researches,
watching their wards and preparing their lectures, the latter just as he had
done before (see 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 118, line 12 - 26: " I ((Huber)) was
entrusted with the scientific task ... to clarify ... genesis of dopey state ...
epilepsy ... and even the basic concepts of psychiatry ... by means of
philosophical science"), supposing once to become him a higher chief than only a
polyclinic chief (proof: compare: "a type
like him", look time-line, p. 8), totally disregarding Huber's opinion
about. Huber refused quite courteously (= "schroff" = "curtly", as there took
down the publishing police officer later on), saying: "I continue doing my own
researches and there is no lack of good work here." So he had claimed for
continuing his autonomous work place. Exactly these words, here set
in bold, and he added "continuing my researches, which you until now still
approve, isn't it? Or go elsewhere." But the chief Baeyer said that such a thing
(an autonomous work place) can't exist within a State. (Please do think about
world-scale-iatrocracy, be it
just for a moment!) At the end of the discussion on that this chief, running
off, nearly suffered a jaywalking accident. As it happened, it was not Huber,
who did something against, but a colleague of his - not Kretz! - saved him by
adverting him not to run with the head through the glasses of the door. Proof:
spring/summer 1969, Wednesday, blink, blink, (compare: "... Baeyer ... to
cast ... stones", see 'Kleinkrieg ...', p. 126, 3rd line from beneath).

Still point 2) and some more details in the corresponding know how. Not all
the patients, and there were about 180 involved, had read the newspapers,
because there was a weekend between the sending of the named administration's
paper to Dr. Huber in Wiesenbach and its giving there to the mother of Dr. Huber
on Saturday morning. Next week many patients walked from all around to the
Psychiatric Polyclinic like usual or tried to call up Dr. Huber there. What now?
The (male) nurses (secret karate circles) and some uniformed policemen were
waiting at the doors or behind his former phone in the Polyclinic and gave to
the patients the address of a small house on a hill, rented by Dr. Huber since
the earlier sixties in Wiesenbach, which he, his wife and three little children
had got, because another doctor from there had emigrated to
Sherbrooke (Quebec). At those times
the door was never shut by key, because the children preferred to open it by
pushing against with their shoulders when they returned from school or from
kindergarden. Now, up from Tuesday there came also patients, sent by the
karate-nurses and by the police, because Dr. Kretz was not ready to speak to
them. They expected the Hubers or the children, waiting in the garden or sitting
at the wall before the door, and some of them who went for the second time with
the bus from Heidelberg, that means from a distance of 15 kilometers or from
elsewhere, that means some miles more, entered the kitchen and waited there. On
Monday only the woman in the library of the Psychiatric clinic had called up
Huber in order to make him return some books. Huber had begged her to tell the
chief, that he or somebody else from the doctors first must come to Wiesenbach
in order to give him out the secret files about the patients they still kept,
because everybody was allowed and invited to come to Wiesenbach, but nobody was
allowed to enter his (v. Baeyer's) clinic without his (v. Baeyer's) permission,
as he (v. Baeyer) had ordered. No response. To add, that there was of course no
means, usually regarded to be necessary for therapy, except nourishing, speaking
and living together*. There
were four tiny rooms more and also a room in the garden for a car and also in
the garden a room for washing and a quite small cave in the garden filled by
barrels of oil in order to get one room more warm, except the kitchen,
containing a hearth, fired by wood and coal. It is still cold in Germany during
February and March. The wife of Dr. Huber still had her place of work at the
Physiological Institute of the University of Heidelberg, where she did
researches about the muscles of growing chickens in their eggs and also had to
care about the stipendiums of all medical students once or twice a week. ("more"
about that look: 'Ueber das Anfangen', p. 114, line 6 from beneath: "... support
Patientenfront ..."). The youngest child then was three years old and either she
was together with him at her place of work or some female friends of her were
with the children in Wiesenbach. To add, that just we remember that the young
man who had given the administration's paper to the mother of Dr. Huber had come
from Heidelberg by a motor-bicycle. And the mother was there only for some of
her short visits, because she had to care about the father of Dr. Huber, who was
at those times 92 years old and with whom she lived in a distance of about 100
kilometers far from Wiesenbach.

*

The
Huber house was a simple housing, rented
exclusively for the familiy, not a clinic, not a doctors' practice, neither
was she- or he-Huber a there practising physician, nor was there a consulting
room, nor medical tools, thus not even an ambulance.

Attention! Step after step. You now are reaching the top of the event from
which started the criminal secret circles formed to say: telekinetically far
away within and without the boundaries of the university in Heidelberg.

On Tuesday evening there came four or more cars filled with about one dozen
patients from Heidelberg to Wiesenbach. What had happened? In the afternoon of
Tuesday there had been their usual weekly day of group-therapy. Of course some
of them had very carefully observed the events and read the newspapers from
Monday. Some of them were still students and got therefore time not only to
contact each other but many of the patients whom they knew from the
above-mentioned protest-plenum and by their all-about best known researches and
activities during the last weeks in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in favour and by
want of all the other patients there and against the doctors. (We come back to
those researches and activities later
on.) They told me, that the group entirely had marched to the Polyclinic, more
of them women than men, had pushed the (male) nurses and the police aside
saying, that they hadn't come in order to get any therapy, but in order to
gather in their group room just like ever they had did before. After they had
discussed in the presence of the secret karate-circlers and of the police, who
did nothing but calling for commands at the doctors who didn't appear, they took
the decision to continue the discussion in the home of Dr. Huber, which most of
them entered in this night of Tuesday for the first time.
First they asked him what had happened since Friday last week after the big
so-called hearing in the lecture-giving room of the Psychiatric clinic.
Attracted by the mass-media which had announced this performance, there had come
some hundred persons, patients, inhabitants also out of other towns, newspaper,
broadcasting and television-reporters to watch and to discuss about the at those
times still so-called "Fall Huber", he himself also present and speaking.

At the end of the discussion in Wiesenbach which lasted till to the morning
there were taken the two decisions:

a) plaint by a lawyer at the court against the paper of the administration
(decided in favour of Dr. Huber five years later!);

b) coming to Wiesenbach only once a week, namely on Wednesday in the night
in order not to hinder the other patients, to whom must be guaranteed the
possibility to come when, if and as long their time it allows to them.

Some details more: while they had their discussion a person appeared at the
window who turned out to be the priest, demanding Dr. Huber to order his guests
please to drive away their car from "his" place at the church and to call up the
police in the neighbour village that there was no need to come, because now all
was o.k. By that the first patients-circle had got publicity. Because the priest
was a catholic, it was perhaps a good publicity all around Wiesenbach. For that
you must know also the detail, that Huber between the years had left the
evangelic church, to which he had belonged since then for all times. At any rate
everybody from the SPK, when he entered for example a restaurant in Wiesenbach
to buy a bottle, had good chances to have a friendly talk with the barkeeper or
with some of the guests to talk for a while about the patients' collective or
about the Dr. Huber community, as the inhabitants all around Wiesenbach used to
say. Even later on, when in September 1970 the patients-assemblies in Wiesenbach
took part on Thursday, nothing changed, and also nothing changed after the
shooting out on 24 June 1971, when the patients continued their assemblies on
Thursday. But since the warrants on 20/21 July 1971 you only can read about
secret circles on Wednesday and never about secret circles on Thursday. Once
more: From September 1970 till to the self-dissolution of SPK on 13/07/1971
there was no assembly of patients, no so-called "secret circle" on Wednesday,
and up from the first moment on Tuesday afternoon all events among and around
the patients took place under the eyes of the university, of the State and of
the Church. Why secret circles up from their being in prison until nowadays?

Back to Wednesday night in February 1970, when the patients came again to
Wiesenbach, just as decided in the night
before. Remember, that then only the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and the
Patientenkollektiv there were a secret for everybody, because the secret circles
in the university continued to work, sending the patients to Wiesenbach, where
they arrived, lived and discussed one after the other, together or assembled
just like the other persons, families, associations, political parties, friends
of music or groups there in the neighbourhood or elsewhere.

On Wednesday night there was to decide about proposals as to reoccupy the
rooms of the Psychiatric Polyclinic, directing to other political groups or
parties at the university or elsewhere, institutions and organizations like the
Union of Victims out of the Last War (proposals of a since the last war
brain-hurt patient, member of this organization and did pay for it). The urgency
had grown, because of the lot of visits and calls in Wiesenbach, since the
morning to the evening. The plaint at the court had been done by the lawyer, but
it was quite clear for the patients, that they could not wait until the result.
It was the secret of the secret circles, that they would need five years
to decide in favour of Dr. Huber. From all available informations it was quite
clear, that the secret circles of the doctors had done a successful work against
the patients influencing the mass-media. To organize a great demonstration in
Heidelberg in order to protect the patients when reoccupying their rooms in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic seemed to be no useful proposal. Because of what to do
when the demonstration had ended and the doctors then should bring into action
police? Perhaps the patients could regain the secret files, which the doctors
otherwise could make use of in order to submit them to their compulsory therapy
in a hospital of Heidelberg or of Wiesloch. The later aim seemed not to justify
the risk. Finally the patients in this night got clear, that there existed for
them no other help, but what they could do themselves being patients, trusting
in their illness. To keep sitting in Wiesenbach and discussing there, could not
change anything. Thus they decided to enter up from the next day a room in the
administration building of the clinics, from where had come the paper against
Dr. Huber, and this paper was signed exactly by this chief of the clinical
administration who neither was a doctor nor a member of the researching or
teaching corpus of the University in Heidelberg. Thus the patients planned to
enter the library in this administration building one after the other and
waiting there until students and other people should come, to whom there had to
be announced up from the next day that the patients, who planned a collective
hunger-strike, would discuss that with them.

Thus: a public working circle in Wiesenbach strives to gain more publicity
returning to Heidelberg in order to discuss their plans and problems with other
people bad influenced by the doctors and their secret circles.

Of course it had there been discussed, both in this Wednesday night in
Wiesenbach and in the administration library,
also about all available weapons, be it only in order to get clear that,
regarding the now existing problem, weapons like explosives and some old rifles
could be only a risk, but no help for them. On the other hand there already had
taken place a lot of explosions: the propaganda actions, caused by the doctors
in the mass-media, didn't need yet any reinforcement by the patients, because
they still continued to drop, say: like new-laid eggs, new-laid by old skunks.

The discussion in the administration library took place just as having been
planned by the patients and only a few student people from outside had come. But
with them together there came two doctors from the Psychosomatic Department,
being situated in the same building of administration. Huber, as a former
colleague, asked them to go. They begged for permission to take part. Dr. Huber
told them, that the patients just had decided against the present students and
the representatives of other organizations who perhaps were also here, that next
Thursday morning they would go to occupy the rooms of the administrating chief
in order to begin a hunger-strike. If they then were expected by police, it
should be quite clear that one of those doctors once more had cheated the
patients like usual. The two doctors promised to keep silence and the patients
continued their discussion saying, that if the hunger-strike should fail, they
intended to destroy for example the electric circuit in the administration
building in order to reach a decision be it by means of all necessary tools, for
not to say weapons, be it at once, be it later. Soon the two doctors withdrew,
followed by the students and the other persons.

One day later, on Thursday when the patients and Huber did what they had
planned, there came after about two hours also the first students and then more
and more of them, because they had realized, that there had been no police, when
the patients had started their unexpected action, unexpected by nobody, known to
all, and their red Union Jack was blowing in the wind before the window above
the entrance to the administration building. But it was not well done by the
students to trust in the published armed circles of the patients, while
disregarding the fact, that there exist armed circles everywhere, which are
secret, but able to turn published armed and unarmed circles into secret circles
of victims. Proof: just in the same building, just in the same hour of beginning
there happened to take place a secret circle of doctors as there was documented
and commonly known some days later. One of those doctors cried: "There we have
them all together now, Huber within! Shocks! Injections! Internment to him and
to the others now! What a marvellous opportunity!" Only because the patients'
plan had consisted also in calling up as soon as possible all available
newspaper offices from the next phone in the street (because soon there were
some nurses out of the secret karate circles who pushed them down as they tried
to use the phone in the director's room), the cowardness gained and the doctors
withdrew. Just as they had done some days before, having not dared to sign the
dismissal order against Dr. Huber, just as the Rector, chief of the university,
not had dared too, but thereby it had got clear later on for everybody, that we,
the patients, had been only separated by some minutes or say half an hour from
ending our lives quite secretly behind the walls of a hospital, done by the
secret circles of the doctors and their helpers. Once more the patients and not
the students and not somebody else always best covered by being private and
secret. Proof: look at the picture:
later-on-SPK-patients lonely, 'Kleinkrieg...', p. 73.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

5 November 1993

Dear Trevor:

here the next pages of our answer letter. There is demand, to publish it
also in the U.S.A. and in Great Britain within some weeks. What do you think
thereabout? Of course we also could make wait the thereabout interested
publishers, if you yourself intend to publish it in your book. We also got
permission of Huber, to use his signature therefore.

We regret, that we still cannot send you the entire letter, because it is
indeed almost ready now, but not yet completely typed.

The headline you asked us about ('Kleinkrieg...', p. 70) are the words of
our enemies, the jacker, the doctors. Please give an advice thereupon to your
readers, if you make use of.

Best wishes

And of course all others didn't hunger and were not there during the two
nights until Saturday morning. Quite on the contrary: some of them, like the
doctors, asked us to stop also drinking, prohibited especially the female
patients to use one of the water-closets in this building of university's
administration, asking them to do it "on the market place" (auf dem Marktplatz).
Nobody cared about, thus: secret circles for whom even the name 'pig' is not
suitable, because it would be an offence against the animals with the same name.
To add, that we were at those times and for our own part, being patients like
Huber and all the others who were on our side, nowhere secret: not in
Wiesenbach, from where we had returned to Heidelberg for a while, while staying
some also in Wiesenbach, because there was the mentioned house. Nor were we
secret circles in Western and Eastern Germany at all, nor in Brasilia for
example. With us had been a patient from there who asked us urgently to take
measures against the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), in which
they had read in Brasilia and told about to the patient from Brasilia that in
this paper some anonymous, belonging to a secret writing circle thus, had
described our action as a new form of bank-robbery, a doctor (Huber!!) taking
about 200 patients as hostages and so on. Yes there were in danger, caused by
the secret circling activities of the doctors, quite a lot of patients,
especially also those who didn't take part in the hunger-strike, and from whom
nobody could tell what to them could happen else. But nobody was threatened or
constrained in any way by Huber, he himself threatened by death more than every
other patient in this as public as possible warfare-circle.

Did whoever meet a bank-robber, be it in dream, who enters a bank, runs back
in order to call up the press by phone, then runs back into the bank, where
there are waiting some office-hostages for him in order to see him attacked as
the first wanted by karate-, explosives-, photographers- and radio-liars? Those
of the secret circles which were existing and which still exist, did so and will
go on doing so, because they need not to care about reasons, except their more
or less great distance to the doctor, that is the lie, or to the patient, that
is the truth in everybody.

Later on, in Rohrbacherstrasse, there could nobody enter without passing the
literature, pinned at the walls, about those events, nobody could sit in the
waiting room without following discussions about even the details of those
events and nobody could stay with Huber for the first time, be it only five
minutes, without firstly experiencing, that she or he was in high and permanent
danger, be it because of the other patients, who maybe were more advanced in
practice or consciousness than he, be it because of looking out of one of the
windows and regarding, in a distance of about twenty meters on the other side of
the street, the windows and the doors of the police headquarter of Heidelberg.
Everybody knew that everybody returned from the SPK back to elsewhere, be it at
home, be it to a restaurant, be it to the university, be it to a sport club, be
it to a lesson for autocar conducing, be it to another part of the university,
where she or he just was working, or be it to Wiesenbach or back from
Wiesenbach. Everybody could not only know, but knew because he had seen, heard
and felt it, that there were also explosives sometimes in the SPK, sometimes in
a students' room where he or she had also their intercourses (more secret
circles?) and also there were patients who long ago had frequented judo-,
karate-, and what else circles, continuing them also during the times of SPK,
continuing them with and without rifles and guns in their pockets, if there
seemed to be need, when they entered during the night those rooms, because the
owners rising from what reasons, causes or intercauses ever, had given them one
or two keys more to use such rooms also during the night.

Just about hostages we have a note just out of the week before the
hungerstriking of which here is dealt. Not in Wiesenbach, but in the room of a
later SPK patient. According to the mentioned note, we had to gather, because
just another patient had suffered a break-down, and unable to reach his home,
had come there from his place of work at a school. Some weeks before, he had
passed his examinations and now he had become a music-teacher at a public
school. While studying and before, he had done excellent performances as a
pianist, he had deepened his knowledge of that, reading especially Walter
Benjamin for example and also Adorno (Lefty scientists about culture). Though
being a very strong man he then had suffered more and more, because they, while
admiring his skill, criticized his less successful concurrence in public music
competences as Lefties. Because of that he had developed a great interest in
publications of social psychiatry. And because of that he came to the
Psychiatric Polyclinic as a private patient and begged Dr. Huber to send him for
some weeks to the - at those times still so-called: Department of Social
Psychiatry in the University's Psychiatric Clinic in order to have discussions
with the publisher of the mentioned articles about social psychiatry. Dr. Huber
warned him and his wife who had the same profession, but they insisted. Armed by
the false diagnosis "neurotical situation of exhaustion, coloured by depressive
tendencies" ("nervoeser Erschoepfungszustand mit depressiver Faerbung") he had
reached after some weeks his aim to enter the most prominent part of the social
psychiatrist secret circle in the psychiatric clinic, upper class. But after the
first week, his wife called up Dr. Huber and told him, that her husband now had
become really ill and sick. The publisher of social psychiatric literature had
laughed at him and destroyed all his illusions, and soon there had followed "a
very light therapy in order to approve his mood and to strengthen his body".
Meanwhile his eyes had become so bad, that, in spite of new glasses, he was
unable to read. The social psychiatrist publisher, as she told, had been very
glad about those effects of therapy, "because music consists of hearing, but not
of reading books like those of Adorno and Benjamin as they lay on the table".
Some days later, a female doctor of the social psychiatric department called up
Dr. Huber, asking him, if he were ready to take this patient back, because he
had become a danger there in the night, suffering from attacks of raving madness
in the night, which he nevertheless still had been able to control himself. Of
course Huber ran the risk and agreed to take him back. (Jaywalking?)

Now, during the week before starting SPK he lay down in the room of another
patient (not secret, not conspirative). For meanwhile, by the support of other
later Frontpatients he had become an inspired teacher who tried to inspire
children and young ones for music and socialist living together, in order that
they could do it later on better than the now upgrown, who were, as he often
said, nothing else but reproducers of Nazi-structures. Well, his pupils had
revolted against him, collaborated with the other teachers, and just he had had
a discussion with the chief of the school, a friend of his and his family
because of the music, but now at the end of his wit's knowing from newspaper
that there didn't exist yet any Huber to help. Now he lay on the sofa and trying
to get him asleep, we took him off the boots. About half a dozen kept wispering
about the last events and what to do in the room (secret conspiracy?), while he
got asleep. Two more came and told in the same wispering manner that they only
had entered because of the three cars in the street in front of the house, known
to them. They told that some people, walking there did say: "A lot of Huber
there, this evening" and addressing to them: "Good luck".

They had a list about all the places, where Kretz used to park mostly his
fine new Mercedes-car, because they had observed him very busily since some
days. They told also, that just they saw him, as he left the
police-headquarters, walking along and finally entering the building, in which
was the editors' office of the Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung (RNZ, biggest press of
Heidelberg). They mentioned, that they were sure, that Kretz didn't recognize
them, because, in spite of being very short-sighted, he was always too vain to
use glasses, as they had experienced during the weeks before, when there had
been pinned up their flyers everywhere in the Polyclinic, and Kretz had passed
by often and often without noticing anything. First they had decided to wait
there until he returned. But shortly after him there entered some more doctors
accompanied by a well-known police-officer who wore civil clothes. They had
achieved to escape unrecognized, kissing each other in the shadow, close to the
next door.

Meanwhile the patient awoke and murmured for several times the word
"hostage". Then he told, that in his dream there had been Kretz without clothes
walking along a highroad in a great forest some miles behind of Wiesenbach,
accompanied by a television team, sitting and acting in a huge Mercedes-car and
Kretz, who took a microphone always cried something which had to do with
"bowels" and "God", and the background-music within the car by a moving record
always repeated the melody of Little Jacky (Haenschen klein / ging allein / in
die weite Welt hinein ...). Huber, suppressing an outburst of laughter, asked:
"Could the full text have been the following: "And my intestines jubilate to
heaven" ("Und meine Gedaerme jauchzen zum Himmel")? The just awoken friend was
flabbergasted: "By whom do you know?" Huber: "By Kretz himself, for he often
mentioned this line out of a psalm in the Bible and took it as a proof that
there was a connection between soul and body, disregarding the tremendous
humorous effects by that, unvoluntarily caused even in some female listeners,
who got a red flush in their faces; for Kretz was, as mentioned, at least
short-sighted and vain and whatelse. But there were some other patients who
shouted: "Do it! Take him! Hostage!" "And what about the intestines, the bowels
in this dream?", Huber asked. And soon the other patients remembered that the
awoken patient was not yet informed about the planned hunger-strike and just
began to discuss with him about it. Soon he joined, saying that this was the
best idea. Next morning he went to school, did his work, caring about nothing
else and remained there till to the end of the SPK, when they casted him into
prison, pretexting guerilla activities. The doctors achieved to "self"murder him
in 1976/77 by berufsverbot (prohibition of profession), because he had done
after the SPK some translations from French and Italian language into German
language, the contents of which were directed against medicine and psychiatry.

From the mentioned story you can take almost all the truth about, that there
existed already, before the beginnings of SPK, working-circles which were known
to all and others, which were done totally secretly. The dream about Kretz as a
hostage, becoming a particularily affirmed doing, was the product of a
working-circle of the later on SPK, remaining totally secret during about 24
years, until to this moment, when I took it down for the first time by letters
and words. But the newspapers' articles all around the world said, the patients
had been taken for hostages in their hunger-strike until two days before the
beginning of the patients' collective in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12. Thus, a
hostage-taker with whom they lived and who lived with them everywhere and day
and night and who ran the greatest risk to lose his life, that's quite
another thing. Isn't it? From that thing arises also, that I now must
take down the just mentioned story, disregarding which secret working circles
just exist and continue to exist, creating thus myself perhaps new secret
circles, new menace, new danger, new death up to against the Patientenfront, but
never being able to reach the roots of illness! Proof: some of us just returned
from the Anarchist Bookfair in London. In each article, dealing with SPK there

is mentioned the taking-hostage-lie.

Just during the named hunger-strike a journalist from the Frankfurter
Rundschau called up the wife of Dr. Huber, if she couldn't make her husband
immediately write a letter against the named hostage-article of the author
whom he (Franke) knew under the name Gillessen. Huber did on Saturday, when he
was home from the hunger-strike and announced this writing to the FAZ, which
promised to print it in any case. Nothing appeared. Huber called back during
the next week. Answer: they were not obliged to print political statements.
Remember: the

P
!

Did any anarchist or Lefty publisher ever ask us whether such things they
intended to print and to reprint were in our eyes correct or not? Never!

So far to the extend of the real secret working circles, murderers,
falsificating and destroying not only photos and identities.

Or are all these things produced by the now dead patient, arising from that
what there followed or not followed? How did his dreamed hostage-taking get into
the brain of a so-called Gillessen, who all over the time had been elsewhere, at
least in a distance between Heidelberg and Frankfurt, thus about 80 kilometers?
Telepathy? Why then were his hostages (the "poor" Huber-"patients") so different
from the never-a-hostage-Kretz, poor in no way, except in brain, heart and
cojones and therefrom following in skill, luck and success, thus in the
strength of illness (Krankheitskraft), which last not least even such patients
have proved against him, whom he and his doctor-company had standardized and
labelled by the etiquettes (often enough it is only the etiquette which counts!)
"debil" and "feeble-minded", "labile", "impotent" and so on, better spoken:
firstly made so?

For truth, even in the days before the beginning of SPK we ran with our
cameras behind people we took for being spies, took photographies of their cars
and of the ways they used. And if they asked us, we told them that we had taken
them for spies. If they denied we begged them to excuse, offered to them the
film, saying that others from us already kept photos from them. Secret
working-circles in the SPK? Answer: neither secret, nor in, but before
and ever. Because: Turn illness into a weapon! There could be nothing done
secretly and separated from the work in SPK, before SPK already existed. If then
we discussed there in a common working-circle about sexuality and then went in
other rooms and did it, as secretly as a lot of persons can do, if they are
together, was then the first working circle the good one and the second the
secret? Had we therefore to remain in the rooms of the SPK, reading and
discussing books about, which were on music stands, then running to the next bed
in the room, doing it and in the same way back in order to compare if well done
or not, just as in some clubs who try to practicate tantra-yoga? Did we demand
500 explosive-permissions during the last weeks of the SPK, written and by
calling up the police-headquarter as secret working circles or was that a public
thing

* in
spite of the police being a secret work-circle who never answered except taking
Huber-children as hostages on 24 June 1971? (see
SPK Dokumentation II, page 287,
line 35ff). Was the jumping into death out of a rapid-train, long after the
self-dissolution of the SPK, caused by those secret working-circles who impose
berufsverbote from which they say that it is forbidden by punishment to call
those things berufsverbote (prohibition of profession) - is a man who jumps in
death without announcing it a proof that there exist secret working circles?
Marlies Lutz was taken for such a proof, and she had been in SPK. How to prove
truth? To speak with Goethe (old German poet): "If you don't feel it, you never
will grasp it" ("Wenn ihr's nicht fuehlt, ihr werdet's nie erjagen").

*

At those times the Lefties and
others accused us to practicate an exhibitionism (!), for "such things
are not to be discussed in public." (Proof: 'Kleinkrieg ...', p. 40, RNZ
7.7.71). At the time of SPK the reproach was "exhibitionism", later on:
"secret circle". Funny? Of course, for gossip makes fun.

But that is not yet all. Before continuing with point 2), just read once
more. To be clear I must add in order to avoid misunderstandings: the main part
by publishing, creating secret circles and so on concerning SPK, has been
done up from the first weeks of June 1971 (see press, see the declaration from
the lawyer, mentioned by yourself, in 'Kleinkrieg ...', page 33, line 17-26:
"declaration of the lawyer office verbatim: ... the measures of prosecution ...
prepared since more than a week, ... 19 June 1971. The shooting ... night
23./24. June 1971 ... pretext... ."). For ourselves a) all of the up then and
later on so-called secret circles never had existed before, and b) the real
existing secret circles, governed by the doctors, never had been for ourselves,
say: an "ideal" or whatever else to become imitated.

Maybe you still miss details about the so-called "secret radio
working-circles". Many patients in the SPK and also, quite on the contrary, in
the student movement at those times and since some years before the SPK disposed
of prepared radios by which they could hear, what for example the police did say
by their broadcasts or else. In the SPK in Rohrbacherstrasse 12, in the rooms in
Heidelberg and all around, where they lived, everybody could see such radios,
watching their being prepared and watching their being used. Of course it was a
very hard job to hear day and night the commands and the twaddling of those guys
and to take notes from, in order to get a panorama about, which you needed, if
there was want to be warned of for example planned attacks against you or your
people. There didn't even exist a law for punishment against this hearing. But
soon after the SPK and the publishing about the so-called "secret radio working
circles" there arose a claim for such a law in all parliaments of the Republic
and up from about 1973 then existed the possibility to get punished by money or
by, say: three months of prison therefore. Of course, we ourselves disposed of
some transmitters, which we had bought and paid in a second-hand shop. Because
we had at those times not enough money and our proceedings in repairing on our
own account didn't advance suitable enough, they never were used. What a pity,
regarding the every-day-nonsense from the so-called pirate-transmitters
(Piratensender) which are nowadays still all in use, especially at the Greenies
(Green Party, Greenpeace and so on). We at those times already knew a lot of
things, very important for quite a lot of people. For truth. Some of us
remember, that in the SPK many people knew, that we had got those transmitters.
Even strange visitors who happened to come to Wiesenbach, where there was always
open door, had seen and admired them, not to mention those, who never had been
jailed and sentenced under the pretext, to have belonged to any "secret
working-circle of the SPK". In order for completeness, there is to mention, that
after the SPK those transmitters all about in Heidelberg and elsewhere emerged
to be well-known and famous up to the degree, that everybody, urgently asked by
the police and together with it, did researches in every corner of the whole
State, wherever there had lived SPK patients, in order to find the named
"proofs", because they had turned out to be of the uttermost importance to keep
exceptionally the two Huber imprisoned, prolongating the warrants from July 1971
up to Dezember 1972 (!!), and of course the prisoners had to remain in prison
until 1976. Up to nowadays - dink, dink, blinka-blink - nobody knows where the
transmitters can be found, meanwhile repaired, as we hope. Well, all truth
depends on being linked to illness, as someone mentioned elsewhere. Otherwise
there is to deal with nothing else but bullshit. Transmitters transmitting
bullshit or transmitters transmitting news about illness. That's the question.
Remember, remember!

For the rest and before dealing with so-called "urban guerilla in the SPK"
(lacking in none of the warrants against), just some also up to now mostly
inedited details about the later on so-called "secret photo working-circles"
about identity.

For: individual identity, if there is in truth, is to become done and gained
by nothing else, but by passing through illness in any way.

If there came somebody, asking to join the SPK,
after the first minutes in which there was shortly dealt with permanent warfare
all about, just as we already mentioned in this letter here above, Huber asked
the person, sitting opposite, to say him a name she or he liked, just freely
chosen by the person herself or himself, a name, which he then would take down,
and which the person was asked by him urgently to use for all time in the
context of her or his having joined to SPK. During the mostly then following
discussion on that he sometimes begged the person to look at her or his
passport, asking for example: - "Is there taken down anything about which kind of commodity or
merchandise (Ware) you are, have been or shall become? Is there something taken
down about the illness, because of which you have come here?" - "Nothing, truly nothing." - "Are you quite sure, read once more! Thus: your identity, your passport
is forged, false and wrong. Of how many identities, of how many passports do you
dispose just in this moment? Only of one? Maybe that's not enough all time. But
if you dispose of only one illness, and that is enough for you for all time,
then welcome, because we all in the SPK can help you by means of discussion,
collectively working and by means of agitation to develop from your only one
illness the following three modifications of true identity:

a) pathopractical identity
(so-called political identity ), stable against all changes,
the latter resulting from your being here, there or
elsewhere;

b) diapathical identity (so-called ideological identity), by which you
will gain
stability against all changes, the latter brought about
by the time; and finally
c) uthopathical identity (so-called revolutionary identity) from which
there will result
effects in which you quietly can trust."

Proof: in the passport of one SPK patient, detected by the police, when
executing the warrant against him on 21 July 1971 there was in his identity, in
his passport the photo of Hitler, taken at Hitler's last birthday on 20
April 1945. In the passport of another patient there was the photo of Mao Tse
Tung. On the desk and on the tables of the court, there lay in December 1972 for
truth some forged passports and some unforged tools apt to forge passports,
found in the house of Huber and elsewhere, the passports which had been used to
rent a "conspiracy appartment" (what's that?) taken down and sentenced by the
judge in "free estimation of proofs" ("free estimation of evidence", "freier
Beweiswuerdigung"). Only the latter mentioned part about this detail is known.
The rest is silence. Still how long?! Who, except ourselves will take down also
the above-mentioned aspects of identity in the same completeness, as they do,
when they deal with criminal falsification, who? Who doesn't care about, if they
then call him an idiot, whom nobody is able to understand?

Also there had been never a secret about "urban guerilla" in SPK or elsewhere
there around. A secret about that could never exist, because up from the first
beginnings there took place a permanent discussion about every kind of
revolutionary warfare, and up to the first weeks of June 1971 there didn't even
exist the name RAF. Not before the first weeks of June there had appeared
writings about, which had the name and the emblem RAF, in the mailboxes and on
the tables of SPK and all around the Republic. Well, up to nowadays there appear
publications also in the Lefty scene (we brought some just from London), in
which you can read, that the RAF had been founded or new-founded according to
the patterns of organization as developed by the SPK. But quite on the contrary
each prosecutor, dealing with warrants against SPK, and each Righty and Lefty
publisher from since long ago had made the point, that the SPK had formed,
according to the patterns of Baader and Meinhof (the name before RAF), an urban
guerilla unknown and quite secret to others in the SPK and elsewhere, and the
judge in December 1972 took down by means of "free estimation of proofs" ("free
estimation of evidence", "freier Beweiswuerdigung"), that the beginning of the
"secret urban guerilla" must have begun at least be it so all about before or
after January 1971 ("aber spaetestens ab..."). To say it before and just as you
perhaps suppose, Dear Trevor: nobody could ever form, keep secret or even affirm
an urban guerilla inside or outside of the SPK.

For the rest, we until now have heavy doubts, whether a group like the later
on so-called RAF ever had been an urban guerilla, following the patterns, as
they had been taken down by Che Guevara, who never practicated it himself,
neither was fond of doing it (see the about one and a half pages about, he has
taken down), and also following the 'Mini-Manual Of Urban Guerilla' by
Carlos Marighela. What is an urban guerilla according to the named "books"?
Answer: An urban guerilla is a person who chooses the mask, the behaviour and
the living style of a criminal, never expressing her or his political
intentions, in order to remain secret and undiscovered, be it for ever. What
does this mean quite in common? Answer: if you distinguish a guerilla, be sure,
that it was anything else, except urban guerilla. You must distinguish between a
criminal person like that or a criminal person like this. But if you succeed, be
sure that you failed. Do statistical researches about growing or falling rates
of criminality and respond the question: what's the difference between a number
and between an urban guerilla, if you can! Why doesn't mask an urban guerilla as
she or he were a patient? Maybe because there exist a lot of patients, but
scarcely one single urban guerilla by truth.

Well and just in detail: before the doctors came and their police, there had
been no masked, no unmasked criminal secretly within the SPK. As you perhaps
know, only the doctors from the beginning to the end of the SPK again and again
published, that in the SPK never had been really ill persons. Proof: prisons as
therapy. Conclusion: the urban guerilla was founded either by the secret circles
of the doctors, acting just as in the beginnings of the SPK, or there never
existed something like an urban guerilla during, before or in a later context of
the SPK. Please remember again the

P,
now for patient and also for political, lacking all over in that what is called
in Germany BMB/RAF, Second June, RZ and so on.

Some details more: the rooms of the SPK, the rooms in the kitchen and in the
other tiny rooms in the rented and ever open house of Wiesenbach, the rooms of
the SPK patients wherever they were, bursted from books and literature about all
available kinds of resistance, be it armed, be it unarmed. As so-called proofs
("evidences") for secret circles, criminal conspiracy and urban guerilla those
literature later on, that means in December 1972, after the SPK, lay on the
tables of the court. As there was related in the press, the judge from time to
time took such a book and read some lines which were underlined or marked beside
by pencil or stylograph. For example: "How to detect a spy in the street who
persecutes you? Answer: look at the legs of the ladies behind the windows of a
shop. Wait until the spy passes behind you, observing him in the mirror reflexes
of the window. Then decide whether to follow, observing him or to disappear and
escape." (Paranoia? Whose? Compare: SPK – TURN ILLNESS
INTO A WEAPON, page 108 - 112, persecution "mania"...) The judge, being
interrupted by an outburst of laughter in this court, continued: "This is taken
from the book 'The Total Resistance' (new laughter) written by the author von
Dach, major in the Swiss Home Army." We beg your pardon, that we here can't
take down all details about this, a lot of weeks lasting trial, because up from
the beginnings we soon were excluded from taking part there and for that we had
to do a lot of nonsense, casting projectiles against the judge (batteries from a
transistor, for example, as did Huber) or jumping (as did Mrs. Dr. Huber)
against the judge who therefore hid under the table to reach our aim to become
excluded, and of course they were struck down, just like the other patients,
with whom they had lived in the SPK, struck down by the police between the
prison and the court and before the trial, during the trial and after the trial,
because they didn't go there and disturbed their taking part. Thanks to the
authorities and their secret working circles.

Back to the details concerning SPK and before.
Already before SPK we read and discussed and rejected Bakunin and Netchajew,
Malatesta and Blanqui, because we had realized that not only the times had
meanwhile changed. Where there once had been the explosives in the hands of the
Bakunin-anarchists, there now were the atoms, the rockets and the rays in the
hands of the others, developed, proved and governed by the doctors. Where else
had been discovered radio-activity, if not in the former dissection-rooms,
medical dissection-rooms of the Sorbonne in Paris, done by Madame Curie, you
know for sure. What were the poisons and the daggers, recommended by Netchajew
in comparison to the so-called medicaments and the genetical instruments in the
hands of the doctors from nowaday? What could do the barricades, the
fortificated streets and houses and the forged scythes of old Blanqui against
the helicopters, scattering bacteria, virus and other "medicaments" chosen and
measured by doctors before, if put into action against resisting people in the
houses, in the streets and behind the barricades, we asked us and rejected also
Blanqui. What about Malatesta, if the insurrection has gained, but the stores
are empty and illness and epidemies enter the intestines so that the people need
doctors and lose liberty the more and the longer by that. Already in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic questions like such arose from time to time, very often
in the brains of so-called simple people, if they had been a little bit
encouraged to think about, but also, be it quite occasionally in the patients,
who were students and also in single- or in group-therapy.

Later on, in July 1971, when the police, helpers of the doctors, who were not
present, did their second search in the rooms of Wiesenbach (and there followed
some more searches in the house of this ever-open-door) they asked the mother of
Huber, why he had such a lot of such books. She answered that her son was a
psychiatrist and a doctor and that, what there is in the brains and in the
bodies all about of the patients also must be in a good psychiatrist, in order
to be able to help. This she had learned from her son, of course. But the police
officers shook their heads, ordered to take off all those books and to leave
there all the other books about medicine, psychiatry, philosophy, psychology,
music, culture and entertainment. Finally they told condolence to the old lady
and wished her good health. She died 1987, aged 86 years.

Some years before, the doctor, responsible for
health in the district where she lived, had taken the decision to put her for
ever into a hospital, because she had become blind and dull, without being even
no longer aware of that, when she for example walked through the street and he
met her there (jaywalking?, see you later!). A Frontpatient took her farest away
to the old, now again new capital of Germany. The Frontpatient out of the former
SPK, who also never took part in some of the so-called secret working circles,
which he there never had found, but now had learned from just a lot of useful
things helped by the Patientenfront from far away, and he always needed help,
because he, just like the struck old lady, had lost all, because of his decision
to stay with her there abroad day and night, and mostly quite alone, when she
suffered her homesickness-attacks and also the attacks of fever up to 40o
Celsius some times, arising from scars in the left wing of her lungs, resulting
from a tuberculosis in her youth, by which a lot of doctors had become rich and
powerful people, while she had lost by the doctors' twaddeling (secret
working-circles) some chances to become married and to get children and her
father lost about all his money, because he had to pay for the - at those times
(post World War I inflation and revolutionary situation in Germany) - very
expensive costs for a treatment, which was, quite on the contrary to the
illness, a torture for her, lacking all effectiveness else. Day and night she
damned the doctors, and thereby the Frontpatient was a good helper for her,
because she by that could forget and overcome her anxiety and her bad humor,
arising from the lack of breath and the accumulation of phlegm in her lung
scars.

During the first year she once had to wait on a walk, because a woman, with
whom she had been, just for a moment had entered a shop. Meanwhile the police
regarded her passport (unforged-forged, unfortunately) and, by that becoming
aware and also by the colours of her dialect (dialect features), that she was
from far away, they took her off and soon there was a doctor, ready to cast her
into the geriatric department (the death-ward) of the bad-famed psychiatric and
neurologic hospital there. Just in time the Frontpatient saved her, after having
been called up by the other woman and calling back to the doctor at the police,
mentioning thereby SPK. That was more than enough to get and to keep her free
during the resting six years of her life.

What she needed were the drops of forged water, the so-called iatrocids,
invented, developed and being already worked out for her by the Patientenfront
in order to get rid of the phlegm. Her breath and her, in the beginnings quite
irregularly pulses responded to that very well, she learned by growing life-will
and consciousness to dress and to undress again, to re-remember her past life,
which she had almost totally forgotten before, read and discussed by loud voice
and also singing and dancing SPK-texts. For about three times in all these years
she secretly could meet and see again her son, be it only for some hours on
secret places, being brought there and returning from there by car, one way
about thousand kilometers of distance. As she died ten days before his birthday,
Dr. Huber was with her and stayed there also for four days longer, reciting
texts, he firstly had learned from her and singing her melodies, all in the
manner of a just new founded, new secret work-circle, because there took part by
and by also some more female and male Frontpatients, who until now kept silence
about, having got disappointed just like the rest, that there didn't happen 1989
later on, instantly enough to guarantee to the deceased their sleep and their
utopatheidic dreams, and to care about the survivors.

Just I got a note, done by another SPK patient as there follows:
On every Thursday after the 30 September 1970, the night in which I had belonged
to those, who had decided to defend the rooms of SPK by risk of their lives in
the case of the expected assault from outside, there was no difference in
working there or in Wiesenbach, except that even sometimes in SPK or in my home
I had to do or keep my Hegel studies secretly, because of some still strongly
Lefty-influenced newcomers, who disapproved my interests. In Wiesenbach I didn't
need cautiousness, if I used words like 'identity', 'symbolism', 'ideology',
'sign' or even 'justice', by which those newcomers tried to unmask me as an
"idealist". So I couldn't use such words, disregarding who was there in the
streets, in my home, in the rooms of the SPK or elsewhere, except in Wiesenbach.
There they were trying to produce identity from illness, actions from signs,
letters, thoughts and words, tying them back to illness, in order that they get
the effectiveness of completeness and permanence. There I experienced and
learned some new kind of materialism, exceedingly mechanical materialism, which
Marx had criticized, but exceedingly also the, after Marx so-called scientifical
socialism. Here they dealt with revolution just here and now, but not by
somebody else, like the workers, not somewhere else, like in industry, not some
time else in a coming generation. I experienced a revolutionary feeling, feeling
no longer constrained to do secret work caused by those eternally criticizing
and twaddling vain newcomers, who for the rest, of course had withdrawn, as
there had been danger, some days before. Well, it was my fault, that I didn't
resist and protest by all my efforts, when they asked also my permission that a
newcomer like thus, who also had been among those, who had withdrawn some days
before - or even worse, in spite of being invited most urgently to come, be it
in time from 700 p.m. or at least whenever they could, be it in the
next morning at 530 a.m., they kept away -, that such a newcomer now
nevertheless on Thursday came to Wiesenbach in order to take part also there.
Perhaps I didn't resist, because I hoped to get justified by that my Hegel
studies, needing no longer then to do them secretly. Once more: There I
experienced and learned as each other SPK patient who had a deeper interest in
questions of the revolutionary turning of illness. Well it was my fault, that I
didn't warn against the appearing of a newcomer like thus later on on Thursday
to Wiesenbach. Perhaps I hoped that he would change his attitude towards my
Hegel studies.

As I remember, it was the newcomer who asked us, what we should have told our
lawyers, if we all now were in prison because of the 30 September. Huber first
mentioned to the other patients, that the questioner, who now was studying in
order to become later on a lawyer, had tried before to study medicine, but
failed to continue for having become sick in anatomy, when he had to operate and
to regard human cadavers. The newcomer affirmed, that his mother had dreamed
about, that he once should become a famous surgeon, like for example Sauerbruch.
Then Huber said, that a lawyer ought to know nothing, because lawyers, just like
surgeones, just like the named famous Sauerbruch, best act in movies. Then he
looked around, watched his wife, just sitting in the corner of the kitchen on
the bottom, going asleep, the child on the one hand and female and male patients
close to another on the other hand, and continued to say, that the newcomer, if
he had been with us on 30 September, he only should have said to his lawyer,
that the wife suffered from the fear to lose her husband, planned, in order to
regain him, a revolution with Huber for president, had rented a house near the
railway, where there lived already 500 criminal persons, being ready to take
part at the revolution on, say: 1 January 1973. The wife awoke, asked him,
because of what all were laughing about her. Somebody answered, that we were
laughing about the lawyers, and soon she got on sleeping. To add, that the named
newcomer since then almost every day came to Wiesenbach, cared about the
children, who also loved his dog, emerged in the SPK, disappeared, returned here
and there, but as I remember him and his nice brown lady-dog, named "Moeffel",
he or she never - be it single or be it together - were to be seen or even took
part in Thursday evening again, later on.

Well, the by me asked Frontpatient and former SPK patient continued:
The so-called secret circles turned out to be secret from the first minute they
emerged. Even for those, who as they said, had been in there. They read their
warrants until the line, where there was dealt with the mentioned circles. They
stopped their reading, began once more, continued, returned, and seemed to
understand absolutely nothing. Such told us their lawyer later on. Ask also
Huber about that! He told us in February 1976, just returned from the prison,
the same events in his view and asked us to keep it well in memory. The lawyer
had come to him, saying, that he just (on 21 July 1971) had shown the warrants
to about 4 patients which of course had refused to accept them from the police.
Well, the lawyer said to Huber, I know that you all have decided not to
collaborate neither with the authorities nor with me, because, as you say,
illness has nothing to do with. Nevertheless the fact can't be hidden, that the
secret consists in that and in nothing else, that there never has existed a
secret or something corresponding. Who are the pigs? Whom you protect by your
keeping silent and by your non-collaboration. They are elsewhere and look down
on you. Think it over once more.

Remember also, continued the Frontpatient, that no lawyer was allowed by
them, to defend them at the court. No need. The court turned health into a
weapon, chose Kretz for expert, some other barristers for common-censors and
three judgemen for decency-ladies. What there resulted from, was an empty
vessel, and so sound, that only illness could overcome and triumphate, because
of being elsewhere, for, as all people knew by heart in Germany and up to
England: empty vessels make the most sound. So, that for example the
judge cried in the secret circles of radio and press, that he took care about
his health, because he had to expect doing SPK trials until the end of his life,
for no patient was available, when he cried for court (because of their warrants
the last two former SPK patients were wanted by strong police efforts, and the
last trials took place in 1979), and he never was chosen again, when he appealed
by press and radio for more big trials.

For ourselves, especially for me, just a young one at those times, living
almost continuously at the town, where that performance took place, the contrast
between, say: a scarcely masked military tribunal and my understanding, say:
nothing, with whom and especially with what they dealt there, was a, say: little
bit strange middle-thing between the poles of curiosity and stupor. The same my
teachers, by the way. Just to mention the detail, that they dealt also with a
huge blue bag, with tools therein, belonging to the "Wednesday" (!) secret
working circle, thus belonging to the "inner circle" = "headquarter - Dr. Huber"
in Wiesenbach.

And the bag herself seemed to be very proud about its now aquired honour.
Miss-bag-of-the-blue-hours, for so to say, talked stories about a male pupil in
the age of mine who, already before SPK had preferred to escape from the
upper-school and for entering one of the famed secret circles, having done a
very "unsteady" life in the wide world, sometimes using even drugs, one day
voluntarily he entered a course about how to become a mechanical, paid by the
money let to Dr. Huber from the university, meanwhile visiting quite
unsuspiciously his lessons at the upper-school, means, supported therefore also
by SPK. The blue bag not only told stories about world-wide adventures. It also
did pilgrimages, be it only in my brain, up and down in Wiesenbach and, whoever
can tell, all about elsewhere, just like most of the other things, which lay
there on the table of the court, and which some Lefty publishers just in July
1972 had classified and listed in detail as stock on hand of the
propaganda-catalogues, just as usually distributed by the German capitalist
moneymaker Neckermann. By such piously doings the Lefty publishers hoped to get
free the three last lacking persons of the SPK, being still in prison, lacking
in truth themselves, when the court began, because of falling completely into
silence, disregarding also materials about illness, they had got by the SPK long
before the first detentions, and last time on the last but one weekend before
the 24 June 1971, personally given to them in old Berlin from patients of the
SPK.

Well, many years ago, as I remember, perhaps in 1982, I happened to talk with
Huber for the second time in my just young life. He also did remember the famous
blue bag. It once had belonged to the boy-friend of the then "self"-murdered
Marlies Lutz, who was a young craftsman, just having returned from the German
army and who had come with her from Cologne (Koeln) to the SPK, staying there
with her since, say: April 1970, day and night in order to prevent her from the
menace of a new internment into a psychiatric State hospital at Cologne. Some
days after 30 September 1970 the above-mentioned newcomer with the brown
lady-dog met Huber and asked him about this blue bag, which he had found in the
rooms of the SPK, doing there secret researches in the evening, when all who had
been there, happened to be off, and he had achieved by persuasion to get the
last one also out of the rooms, begging him to provide cigarettes, in spite of
he himself, the newcomer, at those times didn't smoke. Huber absolutely knew
nothing about the blue bag and about the suspiciously robbery-tools, the
newcomer and jurisprudence-student talked him about. Finally Huber decided to
keep provisionally this huge blue bag also in the since not yet famous kitchen
of the since also no longer "secret headquarter", secret no longer for the
newcomer up from the first or second Thursday after the 30 September 1970.

Till the beginning of the trial in November 1972 nobody in the SPK heard
about or missed the named blue bag, there included also the boy-friend of
Marlies. Conclusion: the blue robbery huge bag had to wait until to the end of
the SPK for the then urgently emerging real secret working circles in the
clinics, police-headquarters and also in the Righty and Lefty redactions. In
spite of being empty then, and consisting scarcely of metallic attribute,
because all the tools lay there beside on the judge-table, Misses blue-bag,
empty as she was now, also the more sounded her drumfire of health and finally
reached the pupil-student, murdered in May 1975 by Swedish and German
prison-doctors, but failed to murder illness, which at those times was
represented in another prison (Ludwigsburg), working out there the
Krankheitsbegriff (see SPK Dokumentation III and ... Anfangen ...
about The complete concept of illness).

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

4 December 1993

Dear Trevor:

Here the next pages of the letter. The letter itself meanwhile is finished
(on tapes), but the part we sent you until now, is only the half of the entire
letter.

Best wishes

Just here to stop for a moment and to throw a glance back to the beginnings
of this truly long letter.

Firstly we marked the difference between SPK/PF and all what there followed.
We also explained, why we have broken our silence now and not before.
Of course we meanwhile read your letter repeatedly and especially your
questions.
Up to now we answered quite a lot of more questions, telling quite a lot of more
details than you even could enter to ask us, while asking questions to ourselves
and doing researches, just not having taken down all of them.
We also dealt with truth and whom to trust and whom not to trust, concerning SPK
and in the context of illness.
We took down proofs and hints, translating into English, be it only some, but
nevertheless essential words, to throw a light upon.

Until now we just can dream about what there could be the mainstream of your
intentions concerning your book, especially regarding the few questions, you
already asked us, and also including the qualities, related to them. The more
questions and the more material, the more possibilities also for us, to select
between those, which need to become answered and those, which absolutely are to
be rejected, because we, in spite of needing absolutely nothing in favour for
ourselves, the more have to care about what strengthens illness and the commonly
getting along and forward with it. Not for idealism, not for materialism, but
for everday change, for not to say: revolution, here and now and by those who do
elsewhere and here. As you wrote in your last letter, you just decided to hold
back the more material and the more questions, you already got ready, not to
speak of your every sources. Shame? Cui bono, Lenin often asked.

We had to spread out uttermost intimate details about our living together,
because you need, following some of your questions, only so to say: internal
secrets concerning SPK/PF, slimery secrets therefore, because illness (in
German: die Krankheit) is also, in the one or other aspect, a woman,
secreting, horribile dictu!, also phlegm. Be it scarcely only for contrast, we
there had to deal also with other, more external sources, the latter, if even
unable to produce slime and phlegm themselves, the better are able to nourish
from it.

Of course it is far from our mind, to do in such a letter agitation against
external secret circles, because very seldom we met somebody who doesn't
mention, that she or he in no way should need any agitation or enlightenment
about it, least by patients. But how to avoid to deal with an administrative
director like Wilhelm Ernst who, at the university's clinics, had to care for
nothing else, but for the meals, the number of beds and money, the work of the
electric circuits and the water circuits, there in use and needed, and for the
rest he was the chief secret police-officer, responsible for the campus of the
university clinics, now using the corrupt means of a gangster-boss, in order to
keep Huber silent and bound again, a small fat gangster-boss, this Wilhelm Ernst
who, long before, when Huber had worked as a doctor in the Clinic for Internal
Medicine of the university of Heidelberg, asked the chiefs on the wards there,
to take his wife to the psychiatry for life-long internment if possible, because
she had ceased to be good enough for him (but that is quite another thing, we
meanwhile experienced); the named Wilhelm Ernst, neither doctor, nor teacher,
nor something else at the university, and therefore out of law to do other
things, except those just mentioned, had been, so to say the last useful idiot,
behind whom the others could hide. Proof: the mentioned sentence of a so-called
legal court in 1975. Ill agitation, sick and foul from bitterness? Quite common
social facts, best in use and therefore lacking any interest related to this in
the meantime died Wilhelm Ernst? Bullshit! More details wanted, better proofs?

Nevertheless still some details more about the upheaval in the Huber-kitchen
some Thursday evening, October 1970. There was no sentence ever against him, no
sentence against somebody else, because of Huber-for-president instead of Gustav
Heinemann. On the table of the court in November 1972 there lay also the book
"How to organize an upheaval" ("Wie man einen Staatsstreich inszeniert". Do you
need the name of the author from us, or can you do own researches?). In this
book, also discussed and rejected in the SPK, there is dealt with, that you
firstly must occupy the most important radio- and television stations, then
catch and kill the police-minister and the military minister, then take the
command, without caring about any president, without caring about any dirty
policeman, without caring about any smart doctor. Just like SPK-Huber, isn't it?
If you need more details, say the birth-hour of such a meanwhile died
Social-Democratic Party-guy, like the named Gustav Heinemann, ask, but wait.
Unimportant to mention also, that such a president in Germany has nothing else
to do, but to choose whether he preferred walking here or abroad.

Quite more important seems to us the fact, that the Huber-upheaval-story,
learned by the female and male young ones once from the mass-media, by the young
ones from once, frontpatients now, still worked as a lucky strike, when they
told, that they had been very happy, truly happy at those times, when they
learned from the newspapers or from television or radio about those
Huber-upheavals all about. Why did the young ones enjoy that so much? Answer:
change now! Here! Always! Permanently! By us! By others! Possible! Easy! Just
present!

Here we stop this look back. There just climbed tears in our eyes, being for
the purpose constrained to confess, that the famous Huber-upheaval-story just
also has died, killed by ourselves. Proof: Look at the
picture on the back side of our book 'Ueber das Anfangen'. Look at the
'walking president' and do repeat the reproaches from once, that he already in
the SPK always was abroad, and didn't care enough about his

people, for not to
say: about "his" patients,
neglecting also his wife, who for the rest was a colleague of his, neglecting
the whole family and, just worse: sacrifying them all for a revolution, which
exceeded, as there said and took down a prosecutor of the court in Karlsruhe (7
November 1972), in dilettantism all thinkable and past revolutionary attemps up
to the highest top of imagination and, if it has been done, as there had added
the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic against the yet existing SPK: this
revolution, if done and successful, would have caused more victims than every
past revolution and even more victims than all World Wars together.

If you nevertheless could spend some words about the Huber-upheaval-story as,
to say: a middle-thing closer to a tranquilizer than to a speed, such as they
are in use in the everyday medicine causing a tremendous lot of damage, be it
only by their secondary effects, be it only after decennia of application,
suddenly exploding then or having up to then poisoned the bodies up to the
degree of no return, well, if you only spend some words about the side-effects,
which had been caused by the Huber-upheaval-story just in the time of its
beginning, then be quite sure, that the named young ones from once also can
agree, as oldies can dry their tears about their having now killed this famous
story. But be also aware, that stories done by illness have a strong tendency of
being destined never to die, such as false atom-theories do finally, and not
before their inventors end their lives, as mentioned in a book of a famous
German atom-theorist meanwhile also no more alife. Take it easy, just as we can
afford it.

In spite of that there exist yet no proofs about the story, that our 'walking
president' like Elias for example will not disappear before the year 2017, we
here must insist on the fact, that the patients in the SPK did exercise the
proof, that based

even
on illness, be it an awful illness in an aesthetic view, be it a dangerous
illness in some sense else, it is possible to live together, awoken and asleep,
disregarding all distances of time and space, including even walking presidents,
who formerly had done their criminal carreer as doctors and even as
psychiatrists. For the rest the named proof was exercised at a time, when there
existed in Europe not even the name Symbionese Liberation Army (bravo!). Proof:
it didn't appear in any of the warrants against us in July 1971 and so on, and
even also not in the mass-media articles against us, in spite of all
hostage-taking, secret-working, abroad-walking, guerilla preparing and
Huber-for-president-things.

Leaving now the short summary to point 2) and point 1) in this letter, we now
turn to point 3), where there is, according to our already announced intention
to deal with the two kinds of SPK-theory of revolution, the one arising from the
patient in everybody, the other from the doctor in somebody, if he not yet has
become totally outcasted by collective doing or if he happens to enter again.
(Proof: see '... Anfangen ...', page 30, line 5 - 16: "... to confuse the due
whole-world-patients'-collective with a mixture of an upheaval-crime-story and a
family drama in the style of BILD-newspaper "reports" on the sayings of a
witness for the prosecution, a doctors' patient, who had taken back his sayings
for several times."). Well, the latter "theory" we just made vanish, but we hope
to meet it again in your book, be it for the last time, be it not for the last
time.

What about the true theory of revolution, true, because tied to illness, we
are quite aware, that in your book you, perhaps, can only touch upon the
one or the other aspect of it. That is neither the fault of you, nor the fault
of competence in you or in whom ever who writes or wrote about, including
ourselves. In all theories, as you can take from the name:

theory, there is
involved God (theos, greek, = God), God as realizing (theo-rea...y) him-, her-
or itself by own means. People don't like theories, it is more liked to like
oneself. But a doctor as a philosopher becomes a God (greek: íatros gar
philosophos isotheos). No, people in the New World don't so much enjoy theories.
May be it needs revolution, but not theories of it, least those of patients,
perhaps. Proof: I have here a note out of our collective memories, written down
in August 1968, done in the Allan Memorial Hospital of Montreal (I hope my
spelling of this name is correctly done). "For dollars you here can gain all
theories, especially those made in Germany, where there all begins with a
theory. But here in Canada quite on the contrary. As for your polyclinical work
(to add: in Germany, relating here about) that is quite another thing. It could
become a revolutionary help for the miners in asbestos-mines and for their
families. Most of them need our psychiatric care. Well, stay here, begin!"
(Look: "... Canada ...", page 129, line 13; p. 117, line 7/8: "... frontier
between Canada and America ..."; both in: 'Ueber das Anfangen').

Well, and nevertheless. For your book the
patients' theory of revolution doesn't need so much display (efforts; Aufwand).
You already mentioned in your last flyer "illness is resistance". Indeed: the
core of our theory of revolution. Perhaps some reader of your book will ask
herself/himself: from where results this statement, what were the axioma, the
presuppositions, the hypotheses, shortly: from where got the patients the
starting point to believe in a scientifically never proven statement like that?
Answer: they started from the point that

nothing is more theoretic than practice. Proof:
your own suffering how to gain your life, how to do your social relations,
demanding sophisticated plannings and strategies, becoming punished sooner or
later, if you forget to care about. If it is so, and if you can agree, there
rests only the problem, how to explain it to the readers in short and good
words. To regard therefore the named axiom, first be aware that there now lacks
all about illness in this axiom. It is not easy to say the date, when the
patients became aware about this axiom. But it was not in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic and not after 1968. It was at any rate in their homes or in the
streets, when they had their discussions with Huber, who since then lived with
them. Discussions before, during or after manifestations and political events
there all around. The named events in any case turned out to be in some way
practicated theories. Before, during and after each action theories, fragments
of theories sometimes, while the action, while the event by tendency a nothing,
a 'blow up' (title of a famous movie at those times). It was a quite simple
thing to tie illness to the named axiom, because when being in the clinic,
before, during and after, there were just the same experiences. In the streets
the own theories of life turned out to be twaddle, and in the clinics the same,
concerning the theories of the patients of their illness. The praxis of the
doctor coincided with the always gaining theories of illness. Therefore our
above mentioned axiom once more: nothing is more theoretic than practice.
What about the authors of the medical theories of the ever illness? They were
not there, for either they had died or not done. What about the authors of the
theories of revolution? Just the same. Soon the since involved patients -
encouraged by Huber, who at those times (two or three years before the beginning
of the SPK) indeed was their doctor, but then ceased to be even in public -
began to trust more in their own theories of illness, and from there arose
illness as protest and resistance, thus: illness as the root or radix of a
theory of revolution. Please therefore note, that from all of the beginning, and
from quite remote from the beginning of the SPK, there is dealt with practice
against theory, neither practizing theory, nor theorizing practice for, to say
it once more: nothing is more theoretic than practice. The theory of revolution
in the SPK therefore never has been the product of some lonely armchair
philosopher, be it a doctor in the clinic, be it a criminal in prison. It
resulted from a so to say metaphysical warfare against other theories, resulting
from this warfare a new theory of revolution, say: an instant-theory, an
everybody-theory, an everytime-theory, an allround-theory, a just starting
instant theory of revolution. At those times there resulted quite a lot of
flyers about it, some of which are collected in our documentations, others at
our disposition, others even mentioned in researches and documents of our
doctor- & Nazi-enemies. Only some enemies of nowadays, friends from before,
seemingly there did never experience about. The leading woman from IZRU for
example, who always was with the doctors and the lawyers and against the truth
of SPK, as we in detail mentioned it on the first 9 pages of this letter, in
those times always was very proud of herself, because she used to use the
SPK-theory of revolution only for the one purpose, to check-up newcoming people,
whether they were apt to take part in RAF-groups or in nothing else. This detail
is of some importance now, because by that she approves, that there existed a
theory of revolution in SPK, while later on others of her friends from since
took down in their published twaddle, that they never had learned something
about that there had even existed an SPK-theory of revolution.

If you, Dear Trevor, now ask us about the Krankheitsbegriff
(The Concept of Illness) and the date of its having been taken down by Huber,
you need, last not least for truth of your readers, least to mention also data
and details about the mentioned axiom and its interrelationship with the germ of
our theory of revolution, working within and without the Psychiatric Polyclinic

latest since 1968.
If you do so, your readers can be enabled to learn and to experience something,
if you do not, nothing. When they learn, that up to this moment we continue to
be in revolution just as since, then that is something and not nothing, because
they themselves can do it in their own way, and on that depends all. Up from
their starting, they will develop a lot of resistance against theories,
including such of revolution, a resistance, which we ourselves could only gain
and maintain by a lot of expense. They also can learn, that a theory of
revolution, based on illness, coincides with producing revolutionary theoretical
effects, which are in no way theoretical, because the effects of them resist to
time, space and reality, except truth. Perhaps some of your readers then will
care no longer of the question, if there is to be done the revolution on 1
January 1973, if 1 January 1973 once will return again. Also some of your
readers perhaps take no interest in the correct answer to the question, if the
leader of those, who menaced the patients to come and struck them down by iron
sticks, was Mehdi Padamsee (spelling taken from one of their flyers) from the
Socialist Students' Union in Heidelberg, or whether the name of him, who really
ran behind SPK patients and really struck them down once, was Auny, once the
chief of the Foreigner Students' Office in the university of Heidelberg,
cowardly fleeing, when some patients next day came to him and Huber among them
(about June 1970) and did nothing, but ask his name; or, when in the second or
be it in the third night of our occupation there in July 1970, the Rector of the
university had ordered a formerly Nazi-prisoner to watch the doors, because
someone had alarmed the named Rector Rolf Rendtorff, that a group of Neo-Nazis,
mostly occupied in para-police professions, had planned an assault against the
SPK patients, the doctors of the clinic of course there behind them, and so on,
and so on. Still we remember a lot of details, and a lot of materials then to be
researched again, for it waits here and then. But do you really think, that all
of the readers of your book in future expect those questions correctly answered,
in spite of knowing to the abundance, that he or she who marks her- or himself
as a patient or even as a Frontpatient, doesn't seem to belong so very to a cast
of persons, whom for example in India nobody is permitted to meet, without
inclining to the bottom of the earth.

For the rest the mentioned names like Mehdi Padamsee and Auny need not to
become mentioned in your books with regard to the readers, because the (Padamsee
or Auny) named persons are of no interest at all and in the context of your book
could only serve to withdraw the interest of the readers from other things of
more importance and extend about SPK. Padamsee in no way belonged to the SPK and
so also didn't Auny. The first, a black coloured man who, before the SPK, was
among the students who belonged to the Institute of Mathematics (please esteem
my cautious manner of description), but after the SPK he worked there as some
kind of assistant of an assistant and got money for his work from the named
chief of the university Prof.Dr. Rolf Rendtorff, who was the chief at those
times say, until 1972, a good chief for those persons like the two mentioned
here because, especially if they had belonged to a socialist students' circle,
like Padamsee (Rolf Rendtorff himself and Kretz were Social Democratic Party, as
to repeat here). Also Padamsee had suffered some kicks by the police in 1968. As
they told because of racism. Once more you can see here, that, be it even
axiomatically: nothing is more theoretic but practice. Maybe Padamsee
also enjoyed theories a little bit , for he had chosen mathematics once. But in
our eyes he was, like all the others, the victim of theories, which had neither
to do with life, nor with revolution. Against Auny, chief of the students'
office for foreigners (Auslaender-Referat der Universitaet Heidelberg beware all
the other details, see pictures and words about that, and Mrs.Dr. Huber could
there fill books about!), now, about Auny there is to tell here about another
"theory" linked to SPK, he became a victim of. Having been alarmed also he by
the chief of the university, Rolf Rendtorff, when the patients had occupied his
chief rooms in the Heidelberg university in July 1970, he came there for a
glance. Some women of the SPK were sitting on the bottom, disregarding their
pants. But Auny must regard, inclining himself almost down to the bottom,
because he was a giant of a fat man. Disregarding her menstruation also, the one
of the SPK women had joint on this morning of occupation. Auny said, that he now
had become the less ready to do anything in favour of the SPK, because, so his
words, the SPK women were so dirty. Even Huber, who lived with the patients now
there could do nothing against, quite on contrary to his having put to flight
this Auny some time ago (see above). Reason? Here had taken place the collision
of two quite different theories, well theo-rea...ies, literally two different
sights down to the bottom of identity and antagonism: our theory, still at those
times producing revolutionary effectiveness (proof: you even can't hinder its
entering your mind just now and also you can't hinder the consequences, even if
you keep secret about it) on the one hand and on the other

the theory of the mentioned Auny, caused by doctors
and causing death, for
we were later on told, that the struck woman who therefore left the SPK and
never returned, died in the drug scene. Perhaps not superfluous to mention, that
the chief of the university, the Rector Rolf Rendtorff, who was an evangelic
priest and even the cultus-minister, far away in Stuttgart, in the government,
if they had been there, could have nothing done against, the
sinner-your-name-is-wife theorist Auny, who for the rest was a practicating
moslem, in public.

Now it is again my turn, to take down some details all around your question
about the struggle of the SPK to become an institution at the university of
Heidelberg. Long ago, between 1973 and 1974, a person, which you also mention in
your schedule, since still in prison, broke the SPK silence about it and
addressed (via lawyer) to the RAF-group, being also in prison, and denied this
by the latter group often repeated "reproach" against SPK. Indeed they stopped
and never repeated. But there still must exist somebody, who takes an interest
to maintain the named "theory". Why? In the cold light of day there follows from
this "theory" again something like "Huber-for-President", be it not even God.
Well, already in 1969 Huber had proclaimed to trade unions, student unions and
other political unions, that "all clinics with all there around in truth belong
to the patients and to nobody else ..." (see: '... Anfangen ...', page 137, line
15 - 17). At those times Huber was still the "doctor of his patients", because
he hadn't yet entered the SPK, for it did not yet exist. But when it
existed, the patients, and Huber among them, occupying the chief-leader's rooms
in the university in July 1970 repeated their demands, insisting, that the
patients, representing the university, immediately had to become enabled to
control money, doctors and there all around of the clinics (see: SPK – TURN
ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, page 33).

It was
the university, which now proposed to the patients, that the SPK should become
an institution at the university. But Huber, and
particularly Huber, was the only among the patients, who even not had been ready
to discuss this proposal, as had asked him the leader of the university, Prof.
Rolf Rendtorff, the rector, and his people. Afterwards they told nevertheless,
that he had accepted this proposal, because his wife, Mrs. Dr. Huber had there
been about, when the other SPK patients discussed with the rector, and that
therefore it had been done in a juridical sufficient form, that the SPK now
should become attached finally to the university of Heidelberg. But for luck,
the doctors immediately took measures against it and therefore the named
proposal failed and for the rest the State government submitted itself to the
doctors and helped them against the SPK patients, ready to put into action all
available means against them, be it blinded cars and combat tanks (Kampfpanzer).
What does this mean in the view of the SPK-theory of revolution? First please
remember the core, the hard core, the in no way secret core of this theory:
"there is nothing more theoretic than practice". The patients quite simply
wanted to see the university destroyed, all existing universities. They in truth
never could struggle for the aim to become there attached. They had founded
since years ago their own quite inconspiculous (unscheinbare) world-university
and took it for the best, even regarding common wealth and health.

Not lazy, they didn't wait till to the next Wednesday-secret-work-circle or
to a later on Thursday-such. They distributed their flyers directed against each
universitary discipline as governed by the doctors'-theory instead of the
patients'-theory-of-revolution (look
SPK Dokumentation II, page 161: "... theology ... religious mania ..." "...
mathematics ... passionate dialectical proceeding ..."). Again the doctors were
at a loss for answer. Still until now. Another example in this context: just
from the beginnings in March/April 1970, the SPK patients had not only to cry
for medicaments, they did neither need nor apply, for telephone, which they only
needed because of assurance and security, shortly spoken: symbolically. They
also had to cry for money, money, money, because the university first had
promised to pay, say: an alm, but now refused, submitting to the orders of the
doctors. Good people came and offered a lot of money for the patients to Huber.
Huber refused to accept, but begged them to transfer it to the
university-rector-Rendtorff, to be used only in favour of the SPK. The patients
collectively went to the university and asked chief Rolf Rendtorff for money.
Again he answered, that he lacked money for purposes like SPK. The patients
addressed to the good people, who had done the gifts in favour of the SPK to
chief Rolf Rendtorff. Chief Rolf Rendtorff and not only he by that became
constrained to admit, that he was like a hostage (our words) in the hands of the
doctors like the entire university thus, not even daring to do something
against. One of the good people lived abroad and by that Sartre for example and
also an old physicist, who had gained once the price of Nobel, were always good
informed, about what there happened at the university of Heidelberg, since the
first month, when there had started SPK, in spite of their never having taken
part in a so-called "secret working circle of the SPK" or even in an agitation
group. Not easy to imagine?

Sartre in his youth had many interests
in boxing studies. From that he had learned, told in our own words the just
abundantly mentioned "the most theoretical is practice". Later on, in his big
volumes on dialectical reason ('critique of ...', in German first published
after the SPK, but known since long ago), he writes about it, that for example a
champion in the ring, if he forgets theory, be it just for a moment, is knocked
out for some hours or forever. And that he or she, who doesn't care about
collectivity, because not all persons there around, imprisoned like himself,
imprisoned like herself, are sympathical, well educated or beautiful and
healthy, sooner or later will become aware of, that he will even risk his life.
Now remember the formula

patients'
warfare, respectively people's
warfare of the SPK round the clock, mentioned since the first pages of this
letter here and then. And, for truth, all industries, and even learn-industries
like universities, belonging to the iatro-capitalist system, as we say nowadays,
still had gone in the eyes of the patients months and years before the real
beginning of SPK. And about money? Scarcely in prison Huber was ordered to pay
the coals of another doctor from Heidelberg, also named Huber. Of course he
refused (August 1971), because in spite of having lived with patients and as a
patient, he ever had payed not only for his own coals. Also had done his wife,
for truth. And more and more "Huber" have grown up since then in SPK/PF. None of
them prefers paying for doctors instead of patients warfare there against.

Back to the proto-typical patients'-theory of revolution. It still lacks the
most important hint, that a person, affected by this theory can transform into a
passionate devil, a she or a he, who therefore risks all, except for her or his
passion for illness

*.
Is illness a passion for passion, or is a passion for passion different from
illness at any rate? You can stop it, but not escape returning. Well, only for
purpose here. Some doctors also used against the patients theories like those:
"It's not even easy for healthy people to suppress their drives and to put a
delay between drive and satisfaction. SPK patients quite on the contrary cried
for becoming a universitary institution and couldn't wait. They cried for money
and couldn't wait, because they were patients. They cried for revolution and
couldn't wait, because they were patients." To add: president, God. Who cries?
They cried for doctors and the doctors cried for patients and after the
SPK they even dropped crocodile tears, which until now have not dried, except
the salt within (salt = salus = health and wealth); crocodile tears in German
means: the tears of a crocodile, which drop down from its eyes, when it has
devoured its prey and doesn't achieve to assimilate it. Thus a reaction,
sometimes a revolution if, say: the crocodile fails to vomit its prey back).
Yes, our theory of revolution reaches an extend up from an axiom up to Godhead
and up from the later '60s up to nowadays, including the core problems to be
resolved during the next thousand years (see: 'Ueber das Anfangen', page 31,
second line from beneath: "program point No 1 of next millenary, conquered by
anticipation done by the Patientenfront still in the '70s").

*

passion seeking the most secret
unknown, a middle-thing between woman, child and man, hidden in ages and
cancer of mind and body, causing mania, while seeking for rage (Sucht),
superior to all other passions like opium and game of hazard and luck, for
example.

Maybe, there exist some more readers of your book in whose eyes the
iatro-capitalist system also has ceased to exist since decennia. It will turn
out, if you write about it in your book. If not, the more, the less? You never
can tell before. If we don't forget, we add some proofs to this letter, from
which you can be assured and also perhaps your readers, that the patients'
theory of revolution already existed before the SPK had begun. Applications,
applications, as we repeat and from that the expressions for the every purpose
in the flyers, not yet to find in the SPK-documentations, because there not yet
existed an SPK. We already mentioned that our doing about it in collectively
done reading and abolishing (aufhebend) all the other theories of revolution,
which were at those times and later on available for us (remember the books on
the table in the court in November/ December 1972) and look also the
photo-documents about it in the German SPK literature, especially in 'Kleinkrieg
...', page 60, as I just remember). During
the time of SPK itself there we mainly dealt also with the revolutionary and the
reactionary moment of the every expression of illness, especially developed for
the purposes of single- and group agitation. On page 196 of the
'SPK-Dokumentation II' you find for example the words "Begriff von Krankheit"
(idea = concept of illness) as the first headline of some pages which then
follow there, published in May 1971. If you ask, whether the
Krankheitsbegriff was taken down by Huber in 1975, we therefore must answer,
that he first and long before the SPK began, had to take down the patients'
theory of revolution, just as mentioned, discussed, proved and taken down here
in this letter.

The patients' theory of revolution, the same as the Krankheitsbegriff,
is and has been a complete theory, every part within in accordance to the other
and vice versa. (In German we say: "geschlossene Theorie der Revolution" and I
am not quite sure, if it is correctly spoken to say 'complete', 'universal' or
something like that for "geschlossen". At any rate, that's no case of secondary
importance, whether to use the correct word or data or not. Please ask if there
are difficulties in matter, whether you need to decide the one way or the one
word or another. Just a hint more: "geschlossen" doesn't mean: "closed" at all,
but is some closer to: all-including.) Fragments of SPK-theory of course passed
to be published from the moment when patients had pinned them up also on their
blackboards in the entrance of Psychiatric Polyclinic (up from January 1970) or
in the SPK. Already before the times of SPK they were distributed in Heidelberg
and in other towns and also they were collected to be published for example as
our documentation-books at the times of SPK. More about that see: 'Ueber das
Anfangen', page 26, line 9ff from beneath: "... Krankheitsbegriff ... back to
the midst of the '60s years." For your readers a note about it also could be
helpful, because there are "friends" of that time, who now are very busy to make
believe the readers, including them in South America, that there never existed
something like a theory of revolution in the SPK.

Now we are perhaps fairly well prepared to care about the warrants as in
question in your letter, and we thereon hope that it has not been too boring for
you, to follow us in this letter up to here. The number of warrants against SPK
patients from the beginning on 24 June 1971 differed, spoken mathematically
correct, between zero and countable endless. You may take from that, that there
was a of course secret circling interest of, medically spoken, diagnoses behind.
First, on 24 June 1971 they came with pistols, automatic machine guns and
helicopters, but had no warrants. Look also the cars
for imprisonment on the picture of page 29 in 'Kleinkrieg ...' and Huber from
the back, beneath on the left on this picture. During the following months,
until say: to the beginnings of 1972, there came, sometimes every fortnight to
each patient now imprisoned, a new warrant. Thus a countable endless number of
warrants by and by came together, as already mentioned, in each of the about 11
prisons, where the patients now were taken in solitary confinement. You see by
that, that the doctors behind the police had taken uttermost precaution to
suffocate the agitating voice of illness. Simultaneously the reports in the mass
media, which completely were hold back against the imprisoned patients at those
times, got a tendency to divide between patients in the SPK, who had known
absolutely nothing, namely almost the entire SPK, and patients who had known
all, but kept it secret. Thus: the doctors, secretly behind and above the
authorities, struggled by all efforts, to regain their sick-goods (Krankengut),
namely the entire SPK, except those in prison, destined in their eyes for
Nazi-euthanasia, the herold-victims of which also had been the patients and not
the jews and the communists, as nearly nobody remembers nowadays. Proof: a
court-reporter ("legal correspondent") in Winter 1972/73 publicly thought about
that prisoners like the three of the SPK there at the court in Karlsruhe were
not worth a sentence in a democratic republic, but, badly to say (his own words)
to become treated in such a way and by the same methods, which still many people
in Germany don’t like to remember (Heidelberger Tageblatt, 11.11.1972, "Ulrich
Huettner"). On the other hand there must be mentioned, that nobody was
surprised, for not to say: nobody felt guilty, when the detentions were done. In
spite of having been warned repeatedly from the beginnings of June 1971,
nobody had prepared his flight and nobody cared about. Quite on the contrary the
patients reinforced their efforts, persecuting spies in the streets, looking out
for hiding places, taking there their materials, attacking doctor-theories in
other towns, for example in Berlin on the last but one weekend before 24 June
1971, Huber among them as you mentioned, but not giving lectures, except
agitations, contacting and unmasking chief-lefty leaders also in Eastern Berlin
and so on. Since before the SPK they had learned to trust in illness, instead of
trusting in some other way of life, and therefore they were convinced to get
along even with prison, more than ever. There above they regarded it as their
task, for not to say: as their revolutionary duty to prove in public, that
illness could resist against all psychiatrists and doctors and that also their
SPK-theory of revolution could resist against them. For they knew, that not only
detentions and warrants were to expect, but also psychiatric reports.

And they came in Winter 1971/72, but soon withdrew with damage, after the
first vain attempts. The judge of the court in consequence ordered some
psychiatric clinics to put an end to this blame. But also there, the chief
doctors refused to receive any of those "famous" SPK patients in their fine
clinics. So the judge could do nothing else, but to laud the good mental health
of his SPK prisoners in public and to continue his preparing the trial.

It took place in November 1972. Up from the second day there governed the
psychiatrist Dr. Helmut Kretz, transformed by the judge from a witness against
the patients into an expert. But also Kretz withdrew as soon as possible,
because he had explained there, that testimonies done under high doses of drugs
like Haloperidol

*,
were apt to produce truth in the trial, because the then inquired person felt
relaxed and free of inhibitions enough to confess. The court felt disgraced and
blamed as a modern witch tribunal and the colleagues of Kretz all over in the
Republic had become angry with him about that. So also Kretz, disgraced, blamed
and ridiculed at the court, felt sick, withdrew as soon as possible and never
returned.

Well, there are many examples in history, that persecuted people didn't care
about persecution, because there were better and more important things as even
life to do and to expect. But in our case also the persecutors didn't care a rap
for importance, regarding the warrants, about which you ask us. With warrants
(on 20./21. July 1971) the same as without warrants (on 24 June 1971) and also
since the beginnings of SPK they ran at least behind the same patients, namely
such, who had marked themselves always in public as patients. They ran behind
the revolutionary identity produced by illness in a collectively done effort.
They couldn't realize it, but the more defame by their criminalist theories,
just like the doctors from the first of all beginnings by their medical
theories.

From the about one dozen persons from 24 June 1971 they kept two in prison
and added to them another person, caught in the same night, but never in the
SPK. Because of solidarity the SPK patients also struggled by manifestation and
by support for the third person in prison. He was released about 1 year later,
the sentence had failed and he got money for compensation. The two patients of
the SPK, a female and a male, were separated, became separated once more,
carrying them to two different prisons. The first warrants against them came
within the first fortnight. More warrants then after. Among the SPK patients,
provisionally detained ("taken in custody", "voruebergehend festgenommen", so
the words of the authorities) on 24 June 1971 there also were some, who later on
were in the IZRU and more later on were also sentenced, but not because of the
SPK. Summary: 2 warrants against SPK patients, also sentenced because of SPK
during the following years until 1979. To add: 7 warrants against those who were
imprisoned on 20 July 1971, thus 9 warrants. Two more patients of the SPK, not
available on 20 July, but imprisoned also because of not caring about prisons
(see above), thus 2 warrants more, thus 11 warrants against patients of the SPK.
One SPK patient abroad until 1974, but then also imprisoned and, as in the
course of this turned out, also by a warrant against him, prepared also between
24 June and 20 July 1971. Summary: 12 warrants, if you add: 0 + 2 + 0 + 7 + 2 +
1. But 13 warrants for firstly, if you there add the money-compensated person
from 24 June, which you perhaps must add, because not the money, but he himself
had spent his time and lost his existence in prison. For the rest, and in order
to speak truly, you must say, that there came together about 3 dozen warrants
against about 1 dozen SPK patients, some of them meanwhile dead, but some others
only abroad. And if you there will add the medical reports, which, in one or in
the other way, also are warrants, and even sometimes life-long warrants, last
not least, you must add some half a dozen more. But that is your choice, because
our decision about that never needed a choice. Perhaps some cabbalists among
your readers will enjoy the just and for the first time listed game on numbers.

Of course the readers also will enjoy the, say: dancing warrants, better: the
warrants' dance, especially if they also experience, that the imprisoned
patients also always in prison, took them, handled by a simple policeman, by a
high prosecutor or even by the more higher judge of the court, only in their
hands in order to tear them or to crumple them up, before they then threw them
either in the air or to the bottom, then turning their backside to the every
conveyer. Look at the picture on page 49 in 'Kleinkrieg ....': there you see in
the foreground a young patient, just caught in
his home, now surrounded and fastened there by a complot of police officers in
civil clothes, trying to give him a lecture by spelling the warrant against him,
because they still were adverted, from 24 June 1971, what there would happen
with the warrant, if they handed it over to him.

The warrants had only some weight in the hands of the authorities and most
weight in the hands of the doctors there behind and above. But in the hands of
the patients they had less weight than a piece of paper or say a feather. What
they got about them resulted from their lawyers or from gossip and twaddle about
them.

The just mentioned warrants' dance caused a lot of twaddle, especially among
all the common prisoners and in all the prisons of the State at those times.
Just a, say, common prisoner from since, who now sometimes enters KRANKHEIT IM
RECHT/

PF
told me, just as I only mentioned SPK, that in those remote times they got a lot
of fun and malicious joy (Schadenfreude) against the authorities. Because of the
"fucking flood of warrants against the imprisoned SPK" and also because of the
years there between the detentions and the beginning of trial, they had the
impression, that there had been absolutely nothing behind. Nothing but a
criminal conspiracy of doctors and their secret working circles, as to add.

For the rest the young patient on the picture in straight consequence since
1975 is dead, his death then caused by doctors, who were responsible for him in
prison. Yes, there is much entertainment enclosed for the readers all about the
warrants. But regarding the readers we neither look to divert them nor to make
them suffer respectively to all, what there had to suffer the SPK. We should be
glad, if the readers from the beginning could be encouraged for more trust in
the strength of illness, for more radicalism in convictions and for more
sufficiency with their own proceedings about it as we ourselves ever had. In our
opinions those things and some more are not only good and possible, but also
necessary. Most of the other patients' groups in our surroundings and also as we
experience from U.S.A. by reports and reviews available for us, are governed by
doctors and doctor-theories, and even seem to be proud of this fact, looking
down to us, if they even realize like say: professionals do regarding dilettants
or bad educated children. Therefore in our eyes it is necessary to care about,
that the readers develop resistance, genuine resistance from illness against
doctors and their theories, becoming also enabled to reject doubts and so-called
criticisms, the real foundation of which is iatrocapitalism and
iatrarchy (remember all about 'nothing is more
theoretical than practice', as mentioned here in this letter) instead of
being founded on pathopractique out of the SPK-theory of revolution in the
Krankheitsbegriff (concept of illness).

If the awareness of the readers becomes occupied by warrants, prisons, death
and misery, the reactionary moment of illness there will be activated, the
reactionary moment, which at least also tends to accelerate the decay of the
system, and therefore in a dialectical sense also facilitates revolution, but
only at the cost of misery for the greatest number and in favour of only
so-called theories of revolution.

For truth, we often and often experienced and latest again, when our book
'... Anfangen ...' appeared, that people say: "wonderful", "bravo", "go on", and
even quite more applause and esteem. But there was also included, quite
spontaneously expressed, not to risk detention, prison, death. Well, we on our
part, know since long ago, that if the case should occur there exists the
decision, taken by the authorities to bore patients from the SPK/PF ne bis in
idem with prisons or even with psychiatric hospitals. Therefore, what there is
about, concerning your readers, they should be enabled by your book also to
learn and to remember that for about 2000 years Christian people of nowadays
must not end just like the first christs, but quite on the contrary other people
sometimes, as we can take from history. That is, maybe the crucial point,
literally spoken. Told in other words, there is to say, that warrants, prisons
and personal destines are common matters of fact like to eat, to drink, to
sleep, like day and night, sunshine and rain, while SPK, itself in many aspects,
say in most of its aspects, doesn't differ so much from such common things.
Consequently all about SPK depends on some specific properties, which were in
the world for a moment, not before and not later on, while prisons, warrants and
so on stay to be banalities, and nobody cares or doesn't care about, be it only
occasionally. For occasion about entertainment-industry, there was in use in the
SPK a publication, done by Huber in 1968/69 about the philosophic, economic and
cultural aspects of anxiety as a raw material in the capitalist system,
necessary for its gaining profits (see also '... Anfangen ...', p. 143, line 9ff
from beneath: "... explosives also on the tables in the SPK rooms, used as test
materials about anxiety, mentioned later on in the files of the police ...
already before SPK an explosive publication", from which there still those times
arose "reproaches against Huber as a "communist" in the eyes of his colleagues,
there among also Japanese psychiatrists as the protagonists of the mentioned
"communism"-diagnosis", line 11 from beneath on page 144. The named publication
only in German is taken down in 'SPK
Dokumentation III'). Again you may see from that, how closely all things in
the SPK, even explosives (nitro-penta and nitro-celluloses in an amount of some
milligrams in the mentioned case) were tied to illness, instead of being tied to
capitalist purposes. Also you may see from that until now never published
detail, how we were practising our SPK theories of revolution so to say:
chemically pure from keeping secret in a quite emphatic manner and we not even
ever could have dreamed about to elaborate theories in order to mask criminal
intentions. For, as to remember, all other theories of revolution, if revolution
doesn't gain, must suffer the reproach, that they have been worked out for
nothing else, but for talking one's way out of something (Ausreden) at court.
Nothing about that in the context of SPK. You can take all these notes also as a
hint therefore, that you yourself can best decide, what can be important for
your readers, close enough to illness, distant enough from entertainment and
diversion, which for the rest they better can take from everyday newspaper
articles, popular scientifical periodica and from science fiction.

The more it is our turn to write now excessively and as detailed as possible
about it, for only then you are enabled to select between informations, which
are specific for the true SPK context and able to cast a light on it and on
other informations from your sources, still unknown to us, which may be and as
we hope at least are truely spoken, but nevertheless serving iatro-capitalist
interests. We also will do our best to avoid superfluous repetitions, while
following only the relative abundance of our notes, memories and documents,
avoiding even to throw a glance into secondary literature about SPK. Concerning
the latter, we think it for better, to do it afterwards and also we hope, that
you will remember and critizise us, if there arise untolerable contradictions
between. Perhaps and not only for completeness we also should mention here, that
there still are also copies of some files of the court and of the police at our
disposition, while the originals following German law, as a rule can be and
therefore must be destroyed, if correctly done, latest 15 years after the trial,
that means that there is, latest since 1987 tabula rasa.

First to say, that all the warrants and all the sentences in the context of
SPK agreed on the one point that there should have existed in the SPK a criminal
conspiracy or say: a criminal association (German: "Kriminelle Vereinigung"),
which, according to the Penal Code (in German: Strafgesetzbuch), can be punished
by prison in an extend from between half a year to 5 years. I just will attempt
to cite here the mentioned paragraph 129 of the Penal Code (§ 129 StGB), just as
I have it in memory: "He, who founds a criminal association, being a leader, a
member, a helper or a supporter there, the aim of which consists in that, to
commit criminal delicts, is to be punished ... (look before). In less heavy
cases ..." (follows something about between nothing and money).

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

27.11.1993

Dear Trevor,

many thanks for your drafts and the books of Callahan. You’re right, the
soup tastes better than potatoes, carrots, onions and so on.
Here enclosed the next pages of our letter and also the enclosures mentioned
in the former part of this letter (compare: " if we don’t forget ...", we did
indeed).

Best wishes

To add, that there is not automatically dealt with crimes in this § 129,
because a crime in the juridical definition is something, which only is there in
the world, if you get therefore at least one year of prison. To mention here
also, that this § 129 originated from one of the last German emperors, namely
from 1871, created because of and against the first socialist associations. To
mention also that in the since 1945 democratic republic of Germany (FRG) the SPK
patients were the first group sentenced by means of this paragraph.

None of the SPK patients from 24 June and from 20 July 1971 became punished
or released from punishment because of having been only a sympathizer, means: a
helper or a supporter. The highest judge and a lot of prosecutors in their
sentences and their warrants had detected in their "criminal association"
nothing else but "members", "leaders" and also a chief, being simultaneously the
founder. Thus they had finally "detected" all, what they needed to found and to
sentence a "criminal conspiracy". What is the difference between a chief and a
member, for example? Quite simple. Take a member of about 18 years, well
experienced by journeys to many countries and also top intelligent by formation
and trade (artisan skills). Can such a person be the chief or founder of a
"criminal association"? Never, if there exists somebody else, who has 17 years
more of age and a family and a lot of children and a lot of titles. O.k., be it
so, and so it was.

The SPK patients, and there was nobody else in the SPK except patients,
especially those from 24 June and 20 July 1971 now had become criminals, because
in the eyes of the highest judge and formerly in the eyes of the prosecutors and
some less high judges they agreed to all things and roles, demanded by the § 129
for a "criminal association". For at last 12 persons all in all got 22 years of
prison, two of them four and a half years, some three years

*,
all of them, including even the adolescents, not less than 6 months, because as
you also have to know, the power of the existing judiciary consists last not
least in its ability to differentiate and to divide. Twentytwo years were spent
in the prison up to the last day, and for the authorities, that means for the
supporters, helpers, sympathizers and so on and so on of the doctors, the big
thing was not achieved until 1979, because of the causes already mentioned above
(the SPK patients kept absent from the court, hidden, emigrated and so on).

*

Some of the patients, e.g. Huber,
WD, during the 4 1/2 years was displaced from prison to prison 10 times, 2
times within the same prison from one cell to another.

And was there lodged an appeal against the "sentence"? Of course, there was.
The lawyers of the patients in prison had been well prepared by them. Though
there existed only the possibility to raise objections against faults of form to
the court of appeal, which was the final instance in this trial, just and only
against faults like such, the patients had found and accumulated a lot of
arguments and handed them over to their lawyers.

But in December 1973, when the appeal court had decided in a secret assembly,
lasting about 7 minutes (taken from press), then there arrived in prison the
sentence of rejection and enclosed also the some lines, which the lawyers had
lodged before. None of the arguments, worked out by the patients, therein. The
lawyers, asked for an explanation about that used excuses (talked themselves out
of it) and told, that IZRU had decided, that the SPK now was over and that the
lawyers must care about the "more important problems of other groups". For the
rest they had been reminded by the leading girl of
the IZRU, who, just for that purpose had cited a so-called collectively taken
IZRU-decision, there based on the event (see "Kleinkrieg ...", page 142-148, see
also p. 136) that a lawyer of the SPK until December 1971 had been excluded from
defence of the patients for some weeks by the court and also from visiting them
in prison, because of having conveyed SPK agitation from the prison to outside.
Therefore the lawyers talked their way out of it and declared, that up from now
they were forbidden because of "political reasons of the IZRU" even to remember
the word SPK in public. Thus finally the doctors in their secret working circles
in and all around IZRU succeeded in founding and establishing the "criminal
association (within) SPK". That's all, of which contained all the warrants and
all the sentences against the SPK patients, and the point on which they all
agreed, and in which the warrants and also the sentences succeeded till to the
last instance, and here in this letter is also for the first time dealt with the
"reasons", to use this word mentioned above ("... reasons of the IZRU").

Being in truth, say: in illness' collectivity, the "criminal association" in
the warrants survived the end of the trials, be it only by means of 22 years of
prison and some other consequences there related to, mentioned before in this
letter. A so-called "urban guerilla", which also figured in each warrant, having
been in truth, say and repeat: the first patients people's warfare in
permanence, didn't survive the end of the trial, in spite of having been a very
useful means in the hand of the persecutors to keep the patients in prison.
About that is to say, that the chief prosecutor after the trial had to admit in
public his failing about it, be it only because of the one circumstance, that
they for mistake had "destroyed the SPK, before it could reach the underground",
say, the bottom of urban guerilla (remember also the upheaval-story).
Technically spoken, the urban-guerilla-story thus had fallen back into the
criminal-association-story waiting for resurrection.

And the resurrection took place. For half a dozen years later on, there
appeared in Germany the new law against the new "terrorist associations" (§ 129a,
"criminal association" there replaced by "terrorist organization"). And just as
you know, the SPK now had resurrected as a "terrorist group". Proof: your first
flyer. With regard to the readers of your book we therefore feel constrained to
ask us the question how to show to the reader patients-people of SPK by some
kind of physiognomic description, in order to enable the reader to recognize
SPK/PF patients and to distinguish them among a lot of urban guerillas, which if
you recognize them, that is the proof, that they never have been urban guerillas
and terrorists, whom you best can meet in hospitals, lazarettos and sick bays if
you go there as a doctor-patient. (Remember also, that it was the US-citizen
Benjamin Rush who, about some hundred years ago, first used the formula:
therapeutic terror).

Well, as we know from outside (secondary literature) patients-people in their
permanent patients people's warfare ("Volkskrieg hier!") from the first moment
and just by a glance are detectible, recognizable, distinguishable in the every
population because of their image of sniper girls or gun women (some anal
symbolism there included?) and Knight Templars behind the more or less deep
traces of their having formerly been doctor-patients. As 'sniper women'
patients-people are very likely to become defined by women of the womens'
movement, while those marking them as Templars and crusade Knights and Queens,
not to forget, are more likely doctors and their people, influenced by social
medicine and social hygiene up to catholic formed esoteric fans. And for the
rest, they mark themselves as Frontpatients just like formerly as SPK patients,
and simultaneously they mark the doctors as mummies (mummified relicts) and the
iatro-capitalist system as their soul flying around them, but in chronical
decay.

At any rate, urban guerillas disappear in the mask of normality, be it the
mask of a criminal, and can't be distinguished, while so-called terrorists
disappear in the endless lot of stories, caused by their activity, while
warfaring patients appear and even remain present by unchangeable traces and
scars, used also sometimes for anticipating perception (or is it correct in
English to say: anticipative perception?), all mentioned marks for the rest
being exponentially reinforced, because the patients scarcely appear somewhere,
be it only on the paper, as lonely bodies, and especially not in the times of
accentuated warfare, but in groups, and therefore as a woman, because more than
two persons are sufficient to produce revolutionary illness, which is in German
and in other languages a female being (a "Waermekoerper", as we
say in our text "Iatroklasie" (iatroclasm)
in SPK Dokumentation IV from
1978).

Not in all the warrants appeared the famous "Wiesenbach-shoot-out" from
24 June 1971. On the other hand it had caused a thirteenth and a fourteenth and
maybe some more warrants against SPK patients and others, because there had been
found in a car - standing in front of a restaurant in Wiesenbach and controlled
by the police, and then happened the shoot-out - indeed later on some passports
with the names and the photos of SPK patients, but no SPK patients at all there
around. Also the researches of the police produced in the rooms of an SPK
patient a shooter (a firebird pistol?), hidden by a big cello, which lay there
above it. But the shooter was in Heidelberg and the shoot-out had taken place in
Wiesenbach, 15 kilometers far away.

Also the VW-car of Dr. Huber had disappeared and H. had been told by an
anonymous call to another SPK patient, that he could take back his car from the
next town (Mannheim), more than 30 kilometers away from Wiesenbach. When he went
there two days later, accompanied by another SPK patient, three cars with about
20 policemen therein already expected them there for detention, or was it for
killing them in the street? At any rate there lay automatic machine guns on the
seat in their car, when they opened the door and begged Huber to take a seat,
and also it happened, that just in this moment three policemen stood behind and
beside him in a distance of about 2 meters with their automatic weapons directed
against him.

Later on in the headquarter of the police the chief there was very
disappointed and angry, as he got by call the order, that the two patients and
their VW-car had to be released. But nevertheless the Wiesenbach-shoot-out
appeared again and repeatedly up from the 20 July 1971 in some of the warrants
against SPK patients. But concerning the 13th and the more warrants, it
disappeared some months before the beginning of the trial against SPK, because
of "Shorty", that was the nickname for the 13th warrant person, who was very
proud of his tallness of about 1,93 meters. In the trial against him he turned
out to be not guilty and he got some money in compensation for the lot of
prison, which he already had suffered for the famous Wiesenbach-shoot-out, in
which there also had been hurted one of the controlling policemen at his left
upper arm, and had lost nothing else by that, than some blood, less than every
woman does by menstruation once every month. The proceedings about that, also
against the SPK patients, were quashed. But not before some weeks before the
beginnings of the trial against them in November 1972, the still imprisoned SPK
patients were instructed about that by a writing of the judge to their lawyer.
Also none of the SPK patients became ever sentenced because of one of the
resting reproaches in the famous warrants.

Just for contrast we also should not forget to keep in memory some details,
which never entered the warrants, but nevertheless threw a light upon the
doctors there behind.

Murder proceedings were on the way against the imprisoned SPK patients. Such
they learned from their lawyer who visited them there in the many different
prisons in the autumn 1971. From the searches and from the evaluation of the
material, found in the rooms of the patients, as told the lawyer, there had
resulted, that the doctors, especially those in the Psychiatric Clinic, and
there especially the chief, von Baeyer, and also Kretz had become convinced that
the "SPK criminals", now in prison, were responsible also for the death of a
philosophy professor at the university of Heidelberg, committed in 1969.

The lawyer, as a former leader of the
former socialist student movement (SDS) was deeply impressed,

1st)
because the police officers lanced their suspicions about that also against
him, up to the degree, that he regarded himself as menaced by compulsory
psychiatric internment;

2nd)
because in 1969/70 the named since then existing Socialist Students' Union had
suceeded in public in rejecting suspicions against them, repeatedly lanced by
the mass media, about their having possibly been guilty for the death of this
philosophy professor;

3rd)
because none of the SPK patients there in prison seemed even to have ever
heard the name of this philosophy professor, not to speak of the events there
related to.

But the bad mood of the lawyer changed to the better, as he last visited
Huber in the prison of Rastatt, now asking him. Huber told him, that he was a
friend of this professor, who was the best expert in Hegel-philosophy at the
university of Heidelberg, and, for the rest all about, in the opinion of Huber,
and therefore he had been all the years ago his favorite teacher, who
accompanied him working out his doctoral-thesis in philosophy about "The
Frontier" (dialectics upon open frontier, closed frontier, frontier in
proceedings).

In summer 1969 Huber had proposed to the Psychiatric Clinic to invite this
professor to give some lectures there, because there was a great demand for it
of the students and even of the other doctors there, not to mention the great
interest of Huber himself. For the rest this professor also was a psychiatrist,
who practicated in Wiesbaden, especially
therapying US-airbase officers and their families there. All agreed to invite
him to give some lectures during the coming winter semester there also at the
Psychiatric Clinic. But some weeks later the second chief of the Psychiatric
Clinic told Huber, that they meanwhile had decided to invite the chief of the
Faculty of Philosophy in Heidelberg, be it only in a small and more privat
frame. Cause? Meanwhile they had started researches all about concerning this by
Huber proposed professor, and there had resulted from these researches, as there
said the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic, that the proposed professor
indeed was a very skillful specialist, but always in struggle with other
philosophers, thus not yet commonly affirmed and well esteemed all about in
philosophy. Therefore they had decided to prefer his chief, who, indeed, as the
second chief admitted to Huber, in no way was an expert in the essentials

*
of Hegel-philosophy and also had absolutely nothing to do with psychiatry,
except his friendship to (Nazi-) Heidegger, but because of his needing no
struggles and of his good philosophic feeling and his being well situated and
established all about, he should be the just apt man to be invited, and also to
become presented eventually to the students. What had happened meanwhile, what
was there behind? Danger for the doctors, who in winter 1966, Kretz amongst
them, had taken part in a discussion with Huber in Wiesenbach about a summary of
his later on thesis "The Frontier" (mentioned above). After the
SPK, as to remember, such assemblies in the famous house of Wiesenbach were
named "secret working circles", at least because of the patients, who had
gathered there, but before and often and often and since long ago, it had been
doctors, colleagues of Huber, who had gathered there. For the rest well
separated from patients, who, from time to time also happened to pass there,
soon in such remote times. [Proof: 'Kleinkrieg ...', page 126/127 line 17:
"... seminar paper, which he presented to a gathering of 6 or 7 psychiatric
assistants in his home (perhaps 1966)..." with Kretz as a spy of the prosecutors
and police officers in August 1971 and also later on.] Danger for the doctor
colleagues of Huber now in 1969, because if the philosophy professor and also
medical doctor and psychiatrist himself would speak in the same way as Huber in
the Psychiatric Clinic and thus in public about the scientific fundaments of
psychiatry, they all risked to turn out as the stupid and narrow-minded
policemen, they were indeed, differing from every other police officer only by
that, usually to work not in a police office or in the streets, but in
psychiatry, controlling there all forms of traffic between and against the
patients.

*

Means for example: identity.
Hegel: "Identity in itself (an sich) is difference." Means: identity is the
challenge to produce and to maintain identity. Therefore: all
concepts (Begriffe) are to be taken as producing, inventing and achieving what
there is involved. If there is a philosophy professor who is, say only aware
of that, then he is on our side, regardless his opinions and his fame,
regardless also his opinions on his "own" opinions and on his "own" fame.

Unfortunately the philosophy professor didn't survive the next quarter (of a
year). On 30 September 1969, in the night, when the (federal) parliamentary
elections in Germany had been held, and the Social Democratics had won, he died
in the mainstream of Germany, in the Rhine, closely to the rock of the Loreley
at Bingen. A so-called suicide.

His last letter, thus "the proof", contained in no way any reproach against a
certain person, but there was spoken in a say: stoical manner about his hopes
for luck in his now about 60 years old life, which had failed, and the chances
of which now had become in no way better, regarding the Lefty tendencies in the
State, which menaced the up to now stability in Germany, not favourable for
himself as a native foreigner, born in the Netherlands. These contents of his
last letter we learned some weeks after his death from the newspapers.

First the decision of the doctors to reject him. Second his own decision to
die. But there was a third decision, which arose from the circumstance, that the
second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic had been too cowardly to inform by
himself the philosophic professor about the fact, that and why he was not
welcome, now suddenly, to the doctors with his Hegel-philosophy and to the
students in the Psychiatric Clinic. Therefore the second chief begged Huber "to
speak to the colleague" (means: the philosophic professor, who also was a
psychiatrist) and to explain to him as cautiously as possible, why the doctors
of the Psychiatric Clinic had withdrawn the invitation, but on the other hand
not to let any doubts about the fact, that their decision had been taken
forever, because indeed there existed a very important interdependence between
psychiatry and its basical concepts, which were philosophic ones of course,
and therefore worth all the scientific efforts, done by
Huber for example; but on the other hand there was also a great need to keep
seperated philosophy and psychiatry, because of the danger to hurt the peace
between the doctors by discussions, which necessarily always must remain upon
and beyond their level, perhaps because they were too limited and too narrow in
their capacity of understanding. (Proof: "Kleinkrieg ...", page 126, line 18f:
"... that his (Huber's) explanations remained incomprehensible in spite of all
of our efforts ..." and line 21f: "... Huber and the others seemed to talk at
cross ...").

Now there existed 1969 since many months the so-called "Critical University",
formed by mostly liberal and also moderate Lefty students, who had invited a
philosophic assistant, a medical doctor, and also Huber, to take part and to
give lectures there, especially in order to bring together again different
faculties like for example medicine and psychology, philosophy and psychiatry,
thus striving for the aim to create a more anthropological medicine, means: a
less technical and commercial one. They all, students, assistants and doctors,
welcomed the proposal of Huber, to invite there also his philosophic professor
and they welcomed this proposal even more than the psychiatric doctors had done
in the beginnings, because the students at those times had often discussed
dialectic materialism and materialist dialectics, but the more they had
discussed it, the more they had become aware, that they needed, quite on the
contrary to the so-called political people, truely solid and thorough knowledge
of it, if there was the question to apply it in their work. The "Critical
University" took place in the lecture rooms somewhere in the Faculty of Medicine
or in the Faculty of Philosophy or Psychology, but never in the psychiatry, and
indeed once or twice a week.

To mention also, that until now the basic concepts in this "Critical
University" had been about and revolved around the Freudian delight,
pseudo-philosophic bio-feedback behaviourism and adult-games there all around,
there added statements, that all should depend on pleasure and on dreams to be
realized, regardless the quality of the dreams, regardless the circumstances,
regardless the concept of pleasure, which, just like all other things do,
consists the same of its contrary, indeed as well in reality as in thinking.
Some students were still aware, that by that they could not get in any way along
with for example so-called psychosomatic problems, or be it for example with
questions, how to get along later on in profession or elsewhere with the awful
sides of life. Among the other students there had been some, who eagerly
defended their, say: pseudo-freudianism, but by and by they also had consented
to invite the philosophic professor. They all, like Kretz, were also associated
to a sectarian doctors' club, but Kretz, quite on the contrary to them, neither
there took part, nor mentioned in public his being on the side of this in no way
well-famed doctors' club.

Well, Huber phoned the philosophic professor in Wiesbaden, just as he often
did and vice versa, if the philosophic professor was not in Heidelberg for his
lectures, and spoke to him about the invitation to the "Critical University" and
also about the by the Psychiatric Clinic abolished invitation. The philosophic
professor first laughed also like Huber at the Psychiatric Clinic and at the
anxiety of the doctors there because of philosophy, saying, that those
psychiatrists themselves seemed to need psychiatric help, better represented by
Huber, because closer there, he himself (the philosophic professor) being glad
about his "independence". Then he asked Huber for detailed information about the
"Critical University". And finally he accepted provisionally the invitation, to
give some lectures there on the dialectic method under condition, that Huber
should be ready to see to it, that nobody would dare to identify him with the
mentioned ill-famed tendency there.

All seemed well. But some weeks later, still in summer 1969, between August
and September, as there were not yet lessons at the university, the philosophic
professor phoned Huber and told him, that he had meanwhile changed his opinion
and was in no way ready, to give any lecture at the "Critical University" in
winter semester, because he meanwhile had received some letters from students in
Heidelberg, who called him a fascist. Huber remembered two students, who in one
of the professors' formerly done seminars on sexuality and ethics at all costs
had tried to stop the discussion on basic matters about it, and this just from
the beginnings, while propagating malthusianist and darwinist opinions of the
19th century, taken from newspapers and asking his opinion on that, blaming him
even still after the seminar, because he had not answered their letters about
it, while he had continued very patiently going on speeking to them and after
three or four weeks the "interested" turned out to be exhausted, for they then
never had appeared again in the seminar on sexuality. As it seemed also to the
professor, the two students, who now had written to him the mentioned letters,
were the same. And they were the same, accompanied by some more, who had
appeared in the mentioned Kretz-context at the "Critical University" and they
were the same, who later on sometimes came to the public assemblies in the SPK,
scarcely saying something, but apparently being against everything, but never
ready to work there and to take part, as the other patients did.

Finally the philosophic professor decided to give no lessons at the "Critical
University" during the next semester, but perhaps later on, because of the named
circumstances. But quite on the contrary he took another decision, namely to
announce lessons and seminars at the Faculty of Philosophy on Marxian
materialism in comparison and in opposition to Hegelian dialectic proceedings.
As he told Huber, he was completely aware of the fact, that this should be a
challenge and an answer to the doctors, as well as to the students of the
university of Heidelberg. He also wrote some letters about that, which the
police also had found in Wiesenbach, and which the doctors in the Psychiatric
Clinic and also in the Faculty of Medicine, and where else, took eagerly care to
transform them into the "announce for murder of a philosophic professor" againts
the patients. For he was dead and therefore couldn't affirm the contrary, and of
course he had not taken witnesses with him, when he addressed himself to death,
because of a lack of other colleagues there in medicine and also in philosophy.

Scarcely the winter semester had begun, there came a student of the socialist
students' association (SDS) to Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, expecting
him there after a group therapy and asking Huber, whether he could not do
something to dissuade his doctoral-teacher in philosophy from critizising Marx
and communism. He (the SDS student) and the other people of SDS were in no way
against those lectures. But as they were told, there had emerged some other
persons of a sectarian group, who always interrupted the philosophic professor
by crying "fascist", but seemed in no way able, to accept his proposal for a
discussion about that and about dialectics. They, of the SDS, in vain had tried
to exert their influence on the mentioned sectarians, and on the philosophic
professor they of course lacked all influence. Having got explained the past
experiences with those guys and their tendency to disappear automatically after
some lectures, the SDS student felt relieved, because the case apparently now
had turned out to be no problem of the student movement. But some weeks later,
after the death of the philosophic professor, just quite on the contrary,
regarding the tendencies in the mass media, to put the blame for it on the SDS.

Now, in autumn 1971, the lawyer also felt relieved, proposing to Huber, that
he and the other patients at once should lodge an announce because of murder
especially against Kretz. It was a hard job, to remind the lawyer again and
again, that the patients and their resistance because of illness has absolutely
nothing to do with breaking silence (TAV,

Totale Aussage-Verweigerung
= total refusal of speaking to and acting with any kind of authorities). Finally
the lawyer consented and agreed.

Until nowadays we ourselves don't know the cause, because of which the named
murder proceedings against SPK patients never entered be it in only one warrant,
and also didn't appear in any newspaper article. There was a dead body, and the
doctors were best informed about the perpetratorship (Taeterschaft) and the SPK
patients under suspicion refused completely any kind of defence, their TAV (see
above) working best and by effects of permanent attacks. At least the doctors
had kicked him off (the philosophy professor) twice. The first time, as they had
ordered Huber to tell him, that he was an undesirable person at the Faculty of
Medicine. The second time, when they stopped his lessons at the Faculty of
Philosophy, his chief there being well informed about that, and meanwhile in
permanent relation with the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic (see above,
"in a small and more private frame"), and the chief of the Faculty of
Philosophy, though his office rooms in a distance of only about 50 meters from
there, where students stopped the lectures of his philosophic colleague, there
never (was) present to support him. Seemingly there existed no problem for the
doctors to pretend that the third and the last kick, which pushed the philosophy
professor out of his life, could have been exercised by nobody else, but by
"patients of Dr. Huber" or best: by Huber himself, because at those remote times
there still existed the "colleague Dr. Huber" and thus also patients, not to
say, property of his, for whom he in any case had the responsibility. Not to
forget, that in the warrants the "criminal association SPK" since long time
there already existed in autumn 1971, and murder proceedings, like those which
the doctors apparently intended and expected against the SPK patients, would not
fit less well to a "criminal association", as the, at least by the doctors
founded and by the police only published "criminal association" itself, fitted
to a group of patients, occupied with illness and its genuine and its specific
expressions, occupied with it in a permanent patients people's warfare, now and
in prison going on in solitary confinement, but the more under public interest.
In short: nothing fitted, but since long ago the doctors and their helpers, the
authorities, had proved, that they were able to make fitting what they wished,
not caring about, if people believed or not, and people like to believe more in
doctors than in patients. Or, has there changed something since SPK? We have
some good reasons to believe so.

Still at a loss for an explanation, always in the context of your question on
the warrants, for perhaps it is more important what there stayed out of them,
than what there entered in, we have to apologize to mention some details more,
because neither you, nor we ourselves can be quite sure, whether the readers of
your book will expect an explanation or even insist on it, be it only one of
your readers.

We lacked also an alibi, even though only in one case. All SPK patients,
there in prison in autumn 1971, had nothing to do with
Wiesbaden, where the philosophy professor lived
and practicated in a distance of about 100 kilometers from Heidelberg, and also
they had nothing to do with Bingen, in a distance of about 30 kilometers from
Wiesbaden, where the philosophy professor had died. All SPK patients under
suspicion to be involved, in the death night of 30 September 1969 had been with
other persons in Heidelberg or there around, just like Huber himself, but quite
in difference to all the others he had happened to be alone, just in this night.

Late in the evening he had returned to Wiesenbach from his work. Just as he
arrived in the street at the hill of the later on so famous Wiesenbach-house he
remembered because of a car there standing aside, that some women were in the
house with his wife, one of them being pregnant with a child and also with a
divorce. Some days before, she had consulted Huber about that, but apparently
she had not agreed with his opinion about it, because he was a man. And because
Mrs. Huber is a woman and also was a medical doctor, she had preferred to speak
to her, just as Huber had proposed, without even having prepared his wife about
it.

* So he
drove into the garage, some 20 meters below of the house, shut the door and fell
asleep till to the next morning and then returned from there to his work in
Heidelberg, without having entered the house. Next evening he returned just for
a moment, prepared himself for the work in the night and returned to the
Psychiatric Clinic, nobody there to see in the house, because the children by
the others were prepared to go to bed.

*

The Huber house was a simple
housing, rented exclusively for the familiy, not a clinic, not a doctor's
practice, neither was she- or he-Huber a there practising physician, nor was
there a consulting room, nor medical tools, thus not even an ambulance.

There is to add, that twice or thrice a week and also a weekend once every
month in those times he had to work also in the night, because the chief-doctors
in the clinic, who had to decide about it, were of the opinion, that a colleague
like Huber, who spent so much time with patients and politics should need more
better occupation, that means: to work instead of them also in the nights there
and in full responsibility for the Psychiatric Clinic, their place of work, but
no longer the work place of Huber since 1966, by the way. Of course they were
fond of more holidays and rest in the night, and Huber didn't care about, and
even didn't complain of, because he took it for a proof, that his basical work,
which by and by had turned out to be useful and fertile, even in the eyes of his
colleagues, now had begun to gain pregnancy, quite in a common sense. Well,
there had taken place something like a crossing-over between the real pregnancy
of a woman, pregnant also with a divorce and a more theoretic pregnancy, the
latter nevertheless combined with an abundance of practice, both in the night of
death. In the night of no return to an alibi for Huber, if there should be ever
need.

First there was no need at all, when Huber learned about this event some
days, or be it some weeks later from a colleague in the Polyclinic, who at those
times was something like a friend to him. Huber first couldn't believe. But soon
he remembered a private discussion with the philosophy professor in the floor of
the new university after a lecture-giving. They spoke there about the
renaissance-philosopher Pico della Mirandola, who had promised one of his
opponents, that they would meet after their death in order to start the
discussion of a certain philosophic problem then once more, a philosophic
problem, which seemingly never could become resolved on earth. But there was
also just in this moment the idea, that his philosophic teacher perhaps could
have taken Huber for his enemy during the last weeks until to his death.

Now, about two years later, when the lawyer visited Huber in prison, it was
good for him, that he had acquired by his studies some resistance against
feeling guilty, and the more it was good, that only he himself lacked an alibi.
Of course he never spoke of it to his lawyer, but later on the more with the
Frontpatients. Even in prison, under the condition of sensory deprivation, the
theory of which he had to work out at those times, when he first had warned the
lawyer, with regard to the other SPK patients, who were also struck by this
modern method of torture, even in prison Huber had good dreams about it, as he
told later on, because his philosophy teacher sometimes appeared there in his
dreams and encouraged him to continue.

But that is no argument for your readers to explain, why the doctors, there
included meanwhile the whole Faculty of Medicine, dropped their murder-reproach.
Kretz had transformed into a "former SPK patient, being their doctor also in
SPK". It was this, what Huber had learned in winter 1971, and he believed to
dream, even day and night, when he first heard of it from a woman of Berlin, who
visited him in prison, she herself back from Berlin, where she had been present
in a public assembly of students and doctors, with Kretz, applying there for a
place of work at the Free University of Western Berlin. There he had been asked
by the just mentioned woman, if he indeed was the doctor Helmut Kretz of
Heidelberg, and what he had done before, during and after the SPK. He had
answered, without hesitating be it only for a moment: "I always have been on the
side of SPK and of Dr. Huber, for whom I have done my best to get him out of
prison and, what is more, till to the last weeks before the end of the SPK I
worked and lived there just like Dr. Huber among the SPK patients and supported
their resistance until to the moment, when the police detected the secret
working circles there around Dr. Huber. Just in this moment, be it only 4 or 8
weeks before the SPK did its self dissolution, I withdrew, because and of course
it was intolerable for me, to become also responsible for the criminal
activities there, while all my efforts since then had to do with nothing else,
but with my care for the health of my patients, being their doctor". The woman,
who of course also never had seen Kretz in the SPK or there around, be it only
but fleeing, if he saw somebody whom he took for an SPK patient, continued
talking, that also the doctors there in Berlin bursted into laughter. Meanwhile
the application of Kretz in Western Berlin had been rejected, in spite of some
former colleagues of his, there also emigrated from Heidelberg, supporting him
by all efforts.

After the visit of the woman, back in his cell, Huber had time enough to
contemplate the case once more. First, as he remembers, he was in doubt, whether
he had laughed enough with the woman, who had been so truly glad because of the,
in her opinion, so pretty little, tiny, crazy and stupid Kretz. One person as a
such, and be it even Kretz himself could not have changed so much within the
scarcely two years, since he (Huber) for the last time had to do with him. On
the other hand he (H) had learned by newspaper articles from his lawyers, that
Kretz went on collaborating side by side with his party and Party-friend
Rendtorff, the chief of the university, both giving political lectures, whenever
there was occasion.

Not before two or three years ago up from now, we happened to learn from some
so-called scientific writings of the psychiatric chief von Baeyer, that Kretz
after the SPK always suffered from attacks, and indeed mostly from all his
chiefs in psychiatry, who during the beginnings of the SPK had established him
(Kretz) as the leader of the Psychiatric Polyclinic. But that is another story,
and we hinted about that in the beginnings of this letter.

Some essential thing, and not a good one, must have changed since the
abolishment of the murder-reproach against us (so Huber went on with his
contemplations in prison). Well, some more of our books meanwhile were available
in all bookshops and maybe Kretz & Co also had read therein. But nobody, be it
on the left wing or on what wing else seemed to take seriously our explanations
about dialectics, about multi-focal expansionism (MFE) or about the patients as
a revolutionary class. For the rest our books had passed the indeed very strict
censorship by special policemen in the prisons. Therefore it was quite clear,
that the judge could not have any interest to present them to the court, quite
on the contrary to all the other books, which still were there, expecting to
become proofs ("evidences") against us. Well, once more the story of the glad
woman, but now in short: Kretz had told in Berlin, that a part of the SPK,
namely those around Huber had planned a kill-off, one part against the other and
thus each (against the) other, by which was struck, at least, or last not least,
the entire SPK and what else more.

It is a quite rare thing, that patients kill each other, isn't it? Neither in
hospitals they do so, because there they are supervised, and, quite reasonable,
they are in hospitals, because they need supervision, that's it. Therefore they
can't kill each other, and because they cannot do it, they also don't do it. But
on the other hand, there is also to be admitted, and especially doctors do so
and admit, that patients outside of prisons and hospitals, where they are not
supervised and controlled, also do not prove a strong tendency to kill each
other. Quite on the contrary patients, who are in the SPK, following Kretz and
his affirmations in Berlin, develop, say within 14 months, killer-instincts
against each other, as they never appear outside, not to mention clinics,
hospitals and so on.

At this point of his contemplations Huber remembered all the warrants against
SPK patients and also the text of the § 129 of Penal Code: "He who founds a
criminal association, being a chief, a member ..." (see above). What about it,
if there, exactly in our case, were not signified in truth chiefs, members and
so on, but only patients, killing each other? Following Kretz, you only have to
withdraw from there in time, in order to become a former SPK patient and in
consequence a lefty career-doctor in Western Berlin. Now what about patients
before SPK, do they like to kill a philosopher because he is a doctor, to kill a
doctor, because he is a philosopher? Either or, or neither nor? Both together by
evidence and by simple logic reason doesn't seem to fit well. Consequently one
of the two stories had had to die, in order to keep surviving the other. - And
this could be also the explanation for your readers, why the doctors dropped
their murder-reproach concerning the philosopher in 1969: - They abolished the
murder reproach against one person and before the SPK, and they
established an each-other-killing-reproach, but now against all
imprisoned SPK patients, and even against others, which there could follow
eventually, on condition that the followers were truly based on illness by
thinking and doing. To repeat: equals among equals, tied by the strong tendency
to kill each other, thus a danger for the entire society, regardless if they
were or had been members, or chiefs, or founders or something else. If there
really existed or should ever exist the revolutionary class of patients against
the doctors, being the chief-class in the capitalist society (private- or
state-capitalist), the § 129 should be the apt and sufficient mark to extinguish
it up from the every first germ, regardless all crimes committed thereby or not.
Proof: the later sentence against the SPK was based on the crucial point of:
"gezieltes revolutionaeres Handeln" ("revolutionary doing by a common will and
aim", to use some approximative translation, just as a proposal; see also our
time-line.) Conclusion: the "patients-kill-patients" murder-reproach firstly was
directed against SPK patients, but secondly this reproach was directed
prospectively against the whole patients' class coming into being as the
revolutionary class opposite to the doctors' class.

Kretz was neither crazy nor stupid, but he had turned out to be an apt mark
for his class, the doctors' class, being welded together since most remote
times, quite on the contrary to the patients, by the common tendency to kill
patients and also philosophers, if there seemed to be need. And in fact by all
means of nature and society, better spoken: of nature in society (for there
doesn't exist any longer any piece of nature, which is not submitted to
capitalist society nowadays). Remember for example the famous greek philosopher
Sokrates. He died from the best poison, supervised if not handed to him by
doctors, because of his philosophy having turned out to be inconvenient for them
and therefore for the society, as there was the sentence. Sokrates had been
forced to commit a so-called "sui"-cide. Nobody has ever affirmed or pretended,
that it were patients who constrained him to do so. Wilhelm Reich in the '50s of
our century was killed in the U.S.A. with an injection by a doctor in prison
whom he trusted or not. Wilhelm Reich first had been a psychiatrist and later on
more a philosopher than a doctor. The doctors, his colleagues, first had
declared him for being mentally disturbed, later on the National Food and Drug
Company was behind and against him, and finally there was last not least the
prison doctor, who applied to him the last injection, which his until then, say:
safe and sound heart was unable to tolerate, stopping its action and also
stopping breath, just in the same way, as the water of the mainstream in Germany
had did in the case of "our" philosopher and psychiatrist, rejected some weeks
before by his doctor colleagues. Remember finally, that the mass-extinctions
here in Germany and in the times of Hitler had their beginnings about more than
100 years ago in the secret (doctor) working circles of
England and in the New
World, favoured later on by social-democrats like nowadays the Rendtorffs
and the Kretz, from the beginnings directed exclusively against patients, later
on also against philosophers, not only if they were jews or communists, but also
if only inconvenient for the doctors. Hitler had nothing to do but to provide
them with a general permission to kill. For the rest you can doubt about it, if
they in truth need a permission. There exists a famous letter of Ernesto
Guevara, nick-named: "the Che", to his father, who was a kind of an architect
and had the same pre- and family name as he himself. As it seems, his father had
done reproaches against him, because during and after the revolution he had
become a killer, disregarding his grievances as a patient, suffering from a very
bad asthmatic difficulty in breathing; instead of doing his honest work as a
medical doctor. The son therefore in the named letter proposed to his father, to
write on the door of his house in Argentinia the name Dr.med. Ernesto Guevara,
because he then could kill as much as he wanted, without risking any punishment,
quite on the contrary to he himself, because he himself, the son Ernesto Guevara
had ceased to be a doctor and therefore risked death penalty, done to him for
the rest later on without any sentence, a doctor being not far away, who just
before had cared about some hurtings. Finally old Plinius II in the ancient Rome
has taken down, that nobody is allowed to kill, except the doctors, because they
risk no punishment, if they do.

Finally Huber, as he told us, concluded his contemplations in the prison-cell
by some comparisons between Kretz and himself. Neither he nor Kretz, as it
seemed to him, were more or less stupid or crazy or mentally disturbed.
Remember, that Kretz had affirmed against Huber just the latter suspicion, when
Kretz was as a spy with the police, be it during, be it after, be it even before
the SPK. Both had perhaps suffered the same crippling conditions and
constraints, in order to become doctors. But Huber, quite on the contrary to
Kretz, seemed to have done a lot of things besides school and study, neglecting
diligence and adaption at school and studies, but studying the more the things
there seemingly necessary principally (in der Hauptsache) for others later on,
things which Kretz in no way even had dared to do, and also things which now
enabled him to compensate his having become a member of the killing doctors'
class.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

4 December 1993

Dear Trevor:

Here the next pages of the letter. The letter itself meanwhile is finished
(on tapes), but the part we sent you until now, is only the half of the entire
letter.

Best Wishes

If you, dear friend, want more proofs, with regard to the readers' interest
about that, please let us know. For the moment I have no better proofs about the
fact, which secret working circles produced the dead body in the time before the
SPK and which secret working circles (perhaps the same) withdrew the
murder-reproach in order to employ a more common and a better working one, first
against the SPK patients, but aiming at the whole social class, being in
development and formation just by the whole of the existing circumstances, and
last not least aiming against the human species not yet existing. But that is
also another thing, which belongs to the Krankheitsbegriff (concept of
illness), about the latter there were a lot of hints even in the present
letter.

Of course we can provide more proofs, and we must do so, for until now not
having yet sufficiently and exhaustively dealt with all contents in the
warrants.

At a loss for an introduction, better: for a fill to bridge, there is
a proverb and saying in German, a proverb, which is a little bit hard for me to
translate: "in common they catch the little men, but favourish the chiefs" ("Die
Kleinen faengt man, die Grossen laesst man laufen", "it's always the big fish
that get away"). Maybe you sometimes wondered and maybe also some readers do,
that also concerning this view, the doctors behind the authorities

put the things from the feet to the head in the
case of SPK. The two medical doctors, the two
Huber, in truth simultaneously and chronically Frontpatienten, had to remain
continuously and for the longest in prison, up from the beginning till to the
last day. Not to speak of all what there followed, meanwhile best transformed
by all their mediately or immediately involved family people, for the sake of
transformed and transforming illness.

Of course the traces of the named differences soon appeared in the first of
the many warrants. The difference, which seemingly fits to the structure of the
paragraph about the "criminal association" (§ 129), a difference, which you also
can meet in many other paragraphs, a difference between above and beneath,
which probably is not a difference, but quite on the contrary the forecast of
the new revolutionary identity, gained and maintained already by all SPK
patients, who in the times of the questioned warrants already were in prison.

To interpolate here, that the warrants consisted of pink paper with the size
of a letter. One page in the beginnings, two pages later on, pinned together.
Only the every upper side of the paper contained text. About a quarter of a page
at the beginnings, about one page and a quarter later on, the various warrants
were not very different in length. The words and the letters therein, as to
their numbers and places in all the warrants, were of comparable
agreement, and also the faults of punctuation and spelling. Even the sense in
all warrants was the same, because sense was in no way therein, and therefore
consequently could only be outside of the warrants. We were constrained to seek
the sense there outside, and even to invent sense, in order to find it and wait
for the evidences. They came, the evidences. Just as we told it before in
detail, when we had to explain to the readers, who are the assassins opposite to
patients and patient-people, and what is the sense of the secret work of the
first just in a detail, like for example an abolished reproach before entering
warrants.

In order to avoid misunderstandings, once more we have to say, that there of
course in none of the warrants it read, that patients killed each other or were
on the way to do it. Quite on the contrary, be it a contrary for the every
readers, there only was written something about an accomplished, but failed
assault against the hospital of Wiesloch, or about a "planned assassination"
against somebody named Gustav Heinemann, who at those times, we already
mentioned it, was neither a governing leader, nor an authority in
Germany, but only one person among 60 millions, in whom the rest of the world
had to see the only representative of Germany, thus the president. The words
therefore in the warrants, as we remember: "... president of the Federal
Republic ...". What there seemed to be an incrimination in the warrants, for all
reproaches are incriminations, if they there appear in a warrant, as to know,
well, what there seemed to be incriminations in the warrants against SPK
patients in reality had been destined by the doctors (iatrocrats = jacker, as we
say) to be proofs for: patients kill patients, their hypothesis put in
action since they had abolished their philosopher-murder-reproach from 1971.
For, with the president there behind, related to their hypothesis, they could
hang it on the highest clock, be it only the pink paper of a warrant, but mainly
directed against SPK patients. As to repeat: doctor assassinates patients, is a
quite usual and common thing, and therefore a boring secret, but SPK patients
kill a president, that's a tremendous sensation, able to produce highest
headlines. You remember: dog bites child, that's absolutely nothing. But child
bites dog, that's a headline in the police report of a newspaper, be it only a
small.

For truth, we never cared about the doctors of the president Gustav
Heinemann, who in summer 1976 "helped" him to die, the Patientenfront at those
times being complete again since several months ago. But if the named president
had died from the hands of patients in 1971, there then had lacked a president
Heinemann to be killed by the pretended day of the patients' revolution on 1
January 1973, of course. Yes, the Huber-for-president-story was in the same
warrants separated by the Heinemann-in-Heidelberg-story only by a point
between two sentences there in the warrants.

Heinemann himself never had taken any harm against SPK patients. Proof: still
in June (!) 1971 (!) there had come 4 SPK patients to his home in the capital of
the German government (Bonn) in order to talk to him about SPK, just as they had
announced to him by a letter, some days before, ascertaining their coming and
their being welcome there once more before starting. As they came to the home of
the president, they were accepted by his daughter, Mrs. Ranke-Heinemann, without
even any control of their passports. Killing patients for president? The
patients came there to the home of the president in a great BM-car, famous at
those times because of

Baader-Meinhof,
and all who drove such a car, had great trouble, because at every corner
becoming stopped and searched by the police. Quite on the contrary the SPK
patients, we mentioned it just. The SPK patients had no explosives with them on
their journey to the home of the president in the government capital, which is
in a distance of about 300 kilometers from Heidelberg (left hand in the
map, drawn by ourselves, somewhere behind
Wiesbaden). Nobody even lost a word about explosives at those times, be it
inside, be it outside the SPK.

But after the SPK there soon appeared articles in the press about
explosives, especially directed against the president.

We never experienced, if the president Heinemann (in 1976!) died with harm
against the SPK since the newspaper articles appeared in 1971/72. If he did, it
was caused exclusively by the doctors and their helpers, just like in the case
of the philosophy professor, who died before the SPK existed. So one real
death before the SPK. And another real death after the SPK. The first death, the
death of the philosophy professor didn't succeed in entering the warrants. In
the second case there entered a "death" the warrants, which was neither a death,
nor the real circumstances, related to the event president-visits-Heidelberg,
could ever have anything to do with a warrant. Both deaths finally caused by the
doctors. But where is the sentence? There exists instead of a sentence only a
secret sense beside the warrants, as to repeat. The named secret sense has a
name: killer-doctors.

A warrant-judge told the SPK lawyer in September 1971, that the SPK had
disposed of more and stronger explosives, produced in their "secret working
circles", more and stronger than there had been necessary to destroy the
building, where there was the SPK in ("patients-kill-patients") and even and of
course to destroy also the police-headquarter and the Trade Union house there in
front, and the whole city-quarter there around. Easy to imagine, that the
production of such a lot of explosive material needs a lot of time, work and
money, if there are not capitalist industries involved, instigated by doctors
there behind, who struggle for the life of the patients, just as they always do.
But patients, especially SPK patients don't work, nor study, if they indeed are
patients. There exists no marvel on the world, be it in the good or be it in the
evil sense, which they are not apt and able to do.

Well, in February 1971, on the 16th and on the 17th day, the first a Tuesday,
the second a Wednesday, it happened, as there had been announced some weeks ago,
that the president Heinemann should come to Heidelberg for a visit. As he had
also announced,

all
citizens, all about in Western Germany, were invited by him to speak to him
about their trouble. The patients in the SPK discussed about it. They took
themselves at those times also for citizens, and because of trouble
they were not at a loss at all. They couldn't refuse to speak to the
president, the latter who expressively had invited all citizens. On the other
hand they could not go to the city house, because they of course were not
welcome there, the chief there being an enemy to the SPK patients and also
simultaneously the leader of the city-police, and for the rest an intimate
friend in the secret working circles of the doctors, there often present
and represented always.

What to do? The SPK patients sat down and wrote a letter to the president,
inviting him to come to the SPK in order to take part at a public work assembly,
welcome also his body-guards, if he needed.

Some days later the patients assured by phone, that the president had got the
letter.

On the first day, when he was in Heidelberg, he didn't come to the SPK, nor
on the second, and there was no answer by him, neither by message, nor in the
press. From this fact the SPK patients drew the conclusion, that either they
themselves were no longer also citizens in his eyes, or, that he himself
in reality was also no citizen and thus a patient like themselves. Maybe,
he himself was not aware of the fact, that there existed then consequently only
patients, but no longer citizens all about. What to do, how to help him?

On the second day there had been programmed his visit at the Cancer Research
Institute of the university of Heidelberg, thus in the neighbourhood of the SPK
and within the exclusion zone, the off-limits for SPK patients. Two students of
medicine, who had done by the help of the SPK their examinations by success,
soon were ready to go there and to speak to him. But what to do, if he refused?
No loss, the president could read letters, as there had been assured by the SPK
patients before. Therefore the two medicine students turned into sandwich-men
and went just in time to the Cancer Research Institute, on their front a placard
with the letters and signs: CAPITALISM = CANCER, GROWS EXUBERANTLY,
PROLIFERATES INFILTRATING AND DESTROYING. On their backside the letters and
signs: PRESIDENT = PATIENT, PATIENT = PRESIDENT.

When they arrived, they were stopped by body-guards, but soon the president
read the placard on their front and addressed to the chief of the Cancer
Institute, asking him for an explanation.

As a surgeon, answered the doctor, shaking his head, as a surgeon,
that's what he said, but what he didn't say was, that he had been a very
ill-famed Nazi-sterilizator, not only a simple member in Hitler's party
therefore, like most of the German doctors and quite in difference to all other
professions at those times, thus this children-killer, chief-surgeon and
professor, charged with the highest prize of the Republic, shook his head once
more, regarding also the faces of the two students, known to him by their good
examination, and began once more, continuing now as a cancer-surgeon and -researcher,
saying, that he during all the forty and more years in his life, never had
experienced something like capitalism, when he looked at the cancer, even in
best microscopes after the operations, even the cancer, of which he himself had
suffered in the ends of his intestines once. No capitalism, neither in the
microscope, nor there all around. Therefore, as there added the surgeon, the
sense on the placard, made by the students, also of his, for himself was a
riddle, and he, though an expert in cancer research, giving lectures about it
until now, on congresses all over the world, yes, so far his explanation, be it
an explanation, as he asked back.

The president was satisfied, thanked for "the explanation", turned his back
to the students and went on in the crowd, followed by the surgeon, while the
students also withdrew, but without turning their back to the couple, just as
they were accustomed from manifestations, if confronted with the police.

When they returned to the SPK later on, all the patients there were very
happy about the event, especially because some press-men had shown great
interest, especially in the placard on their backside, and had discussed about
it also with doctors of the Psychiatric Clinic, being there present, just like
also other representatives of the Faculty of Medicine. (See also about that in
"... Anfangen ...", page 79, line 14 to page 80 line 5, both from above). Some
of the SPK patients asked, if they should go next day to the station or to
another place, where there should pass the special train of the president,
leaving Heidelberg, in order to show to him the backside. Of the
placard, of course. But most of the SPK patients there present took it for a
loss of time, pointing also out, that we meanwhile in SPK also had overcome the
one or the other point of view from the beginnings of SPK, where we had taken
down, that she or he, who in the context of a paranoia, offers the backside to
an enemy-phantasma, in reality loves it, suppressing its tendency to melt with
(look SPK Dok I, page VIII, line 9 - 14
from above, radio interview), instead of caring about revolutionary identity, as
we did now, having experienced in many cases its efficiency to be expected
sooner or later.

*

*

Just I got a note at that: the
police had kept tapes of phone calls from two SPK patients to Heinemann, tapes
which had made the phoning SPK patients in order to communicate the contents
of calls to the other SPK patients. It was a riddle. An "unexplainable
marvel" in the eyes of the police officers how it could have happened, that
SPK patients there opposite the police headquarter exactly in the secretary
room of the SPK could have dared to call up the president, succeeded to
advance to him, phoning for several times, some big tapes there filled up with
the results now, undoubtable evidences (but not permitted for evidences being
evaluated at a German court, as to add). The solution to the "riddle"? The two
phoning patients, well prepared and armed with the dialectical method, knew
their duty being SPK patients, to mark themselves also just for the purpose
in public by illness. They knew also the duty of a president under the
given conditions, to follow either their invitation to visit the SPK, or to
keep away from Heidelberg. This argumentation was sufficient to advance to the
president. The tapes, kept by the police, never returned.

That was all and the later came later, when the doctors, by means of their
helpers all about, after the SPK lanced their warrants, abolishing the one
reproach, replacing it by blowing-up-reinforcements governed by their
hypothesis, that patients kill patients. Not to forget the peaceful visit in the
home of Heinemann, quarter of a year after his February visit in
Heidelberg and about less than half a year before the warrant-explosion
all about the "planned assassination", in truth not even a noise of the backside
of the upon that then reproached SPK girl, never sentenced because of the
mentioned "planned assassination", the warrant against the other SPK patients
also in this point collapsed before the trial was over. Superfluous to mention,
that there lacked also any circumstantial evidence. By that, we mean also proofs
apt to abolish jacker-Nazi-hypotheses against the SPK like planned upheavals and
assaults. Of course there were in those times abundantly enough circumstantial
evidences to suffocate already in the germ hypotheses like those.
Circumstantial evidences, to repeat once more, not to mention the fact, that a
patients' self organization, who calls itself socialist, of course
strives for revolution, regarding the fact that there is a causal relation
between society and illness. But the means to do this revolution can never be
upheavals and assaults, if thereby is not intended
to-heal-illness-by-killing-those-who-are-ill, just as the international
doctor-circles allied to the Bank of England, since the last century had strived
for and then succeeded in alliance with nazism; later on nearly all Nazi-doctors
exculpated first by US-tribunals, and later on and until nowadays by German, or
should we better say by iatro-nazi-tribunals.

Also in Germany there exists a law, which demands from each prosecutor to do
also researches about circumstantial evidences

in favour of those,
whom he persecutes. Just on the contrary in the case of SPK. Or was it more than
the contrary? At any rate, the prosecutors were not at a loss, even to produce
circumstantial evidences, which never had entered the SPK or its surroundings,
but now were destined and used against SPK, be it only for public relations.
Circumstantial evidences, like such, lacked also in the case of the
Heinemann-story. The latter taken down in the warrants by a prosecutor, never
can be an incrimination, except a proof for the already proved hypothesis, that
international iatrocrats use to establish war criminal associations, like the
Hitler-Nazi-party and the Himmler-Nazi-SS in order
to-heal-illness-by-killing-those-who-are-ill.

This brown theory now turned against the SPK in a quite stupid and torpid
manner, which could be exceeded only by the Kretz-as-a-SPK-patient pretention in
winter 1971 at Berlin (see above).

To repeat: nothing entered any warrant or any indictment or remained there
until to the end of the trial in December 1972, except the secret working
circles of the doctors, there before and there behind, took there an interest
in.

What about the "assassination" against the Mental Hospital in Wiesloch? Just
the same. This "incrimination" in the warrants against the SPK patients dated
from between Christmas and New Year 1971 and was founded on
circumstantial evidences.

As there turned out in autumn 1971, the doctors of the Mental Hospital
of Wiesloch had found there one morning after the named date the rests of a
failed explosion, handed to them by some workers, who at those times were
occupied there to build a
high-security prison, which later on should be destined to devour for life
"mentally disturbed" persons, who had committed crimes. (Dinka dink,
blink blink?).

The doctors kept silence about that, founding also a secret circle
with the workers, to whom they ordered, never to mention the thing, be it
even to their family, because as they said, everybody runs the risk, to become
mentally ill, be it only by an accident, means: to become a patient in Wiesloch,
and then dependent on them, thus on the doctors there. Perhaps
this was a mistake, quite unusual in secret doctor circles, for the only mistake
there consists not in doing, but in existing, generally spoken. For, after the
end of the SPK the doctors suddenly had changed their opinion and just now began
to speak about their findings, thus half a year later on.

Their (the doctors) high-security-palace still was far away from being
finished, a good excuse (to talk one's way out of it) for the rest, to precare,
not to run the risk getting transferred imprisoned patients'-warfare-people
of the SPK to become compulsorily researched and treated by them (the
doctors in Wiesloch).

No doubt in their (the doctors') eyes, as it read in the police files, that
the SPK patients had planned a holocaust against about 2000 patients there,
there among also Russian survivors of the last World War, who had refused to
return home to Stalin and suffered, as the doctors not forgot to mention, from
nothing else, except from "the communism" in the world. Even the reproach about
a "planned holocaust" was seemingly not so exaggerated. Some of the leading
doctors there in Wiesloch had done their pilot studies in the sick bays and
clinics of the Hitlerian concentration camps. They still could remember very
well, that their holocaust had not started with a holocaust, be it in Auschwitz
or elsewhere. It had started with secret actions against patients, carried from
their homes in red cross-cars, just as accustomed to them and quite usual,
carried to the one and from there eventually to another hospital, from where
they "forgot" to return. Holocaust therefore is a bad word and the more a simple
lie, if directed against such doctors. Against SPK patients, if imprisoned, the
same word turns into a weapon of heal. And the heal, in German: das HEIL is such
a holy thing, and just as rare as all about in the world of nowadays, and it
indeed needs uttermost efforts of support, to achieve, be it one holocaust more.

Now, the Wiesloch-assault, the more it grew up, producing warrants,
indictments and public relations in summer and autumn 1971, the more shrank in
real the force of evidence and also of circumstantial evidence, the latter quite
secretly; for nobody seemed to ask himself about the causes there probably
responsible for.

Well, the workers, who had found the circumstantial evidences in the
beginnings of 1971, now asked by the authorities and by the crises-staffs of the
doctors (yes, they had formed crises staffs there in Heidelberg and in Wiesloch
and all about, the doctors!) could remember absolutly nothing. None of them
could. Asked on that only some more than half a year later, they (the workers)
remembered nothing about it. It looked just as if they (the workers) had passed
a treatment by Voodoo-priests (the doctors), a special treatment, because for
the rest, their (the workers') behaviour proved no signs of disturbance and also
their memories worked best, just like their hard work, going on to establish
their doctors' high-security-palace against the so-called criminal, mentally
disturbed people, (the palace) established also regarding the health and wealth
of their families, as to repeat here.

What about the circumstantial evidences? Either they had disappeared
meanwhile or they had lost their circumstantial-evidence-force, be it also by
magic, or by somewhat else.

If they nevertheless should have appeared in the trial, where neither the SPK
patients nor their lawyer took part, as to remember, they (the circumstantial
evidences, magically charged, as to suppose, compare: fetishes and fetishism)
perhaps had become angry against their Voodoo-doctors (the Wiesloch
psychiatrists) and their former helpers (the workers), because nobody of them
had been constrained by the judge of the court to come there and to repeat there
the testimonies from one year ago, in public. And, we have to add, be it only
for completeness, that there had appeared in all bookshops meanwhile the "Kleinkrieg
gegen Patienten" in winter-semester 1971/72. The great picture there on
the cover of the first edition, and also some other pictures therein and in
others of our books showing the named high-security-palace of Wiesloch in
statu nascendi, and in a distance from about half a kilometer from
the other Wiesloch-buildings with the doctor-patients therein.

The named pictures were not only taken by "members of the secret working
photo-circles in the SPK", as they were founded after the SPK by the
doctors and their helpers.

The pictures were also taken by a lady who at those times worked in the
highest esteemed week-periodical of Western Germany. In winter 1970 she had come
to the SPK to take a photo of Huber, but she couldn't do, because he was among
some patients, who asked her to find out by herself "who is our Fuehrer
(leader)". As she had failed twice, Huber addressed to her and said, that he
would be ready to show her the most wanted person, because of whom she had come
driving about 550 kilometers in order to get a photo of him. But she would get
the photo only under the condition, that she first travelled also the dozen
kilometers to Wiesloch, accompanied by some patients, in order to take
photos there from the new security-palace, there being built.

The lady consented, Huber bowed to her, gave her a kiss on the hand in a
distance from about 4 millimeters between his bearded mouth and her fragrant
skin, saying: "Pardon, Mylady, the wretch is me, but the promise is yours." She
kept her promise and she got the photo, be it only a group photo, because some
patients insisted thereon. She seemed not even to have a presentiment about it,
that she had become just in this moment the collaborating woman of a later on
so-called "secret photo working circle in the SPK".

Her Wiesloch photos of winter
1970 (compare e.g.: "Kleinkrieg ...", page 91 and 116) later on also appeared in
the named week-periodical, occasionally and several times until some years ago
from now.

The Wiesloch-holocaust story, established beneath the
patients-kill-patients hypothesis of the doctors finally had burned down in
winter 1972, but of course it had not been the winter as a such, which had
suffocated it until to this moment in 1993, when I felt constrained to take it
down, thus to get it alive once more.

Nevertheless, as we still are dealing with the warrants of that time there
should be mentioned also some accompanying circumstances, which read not there
within (the warrants), because being included in the also until now secret
sense outside of the warrants.

Quite in common, the conditions in closed hospitals and also in prison lack
comfort and somewhat more. There exists torture, but also fun, and also all SPK
patients from time to time enjoyed both. But there were also specific
differences, not to be neglected in the context of the warrants as a whole.
Shortly spoken

all SPK patients in prison
were taken for zombies and robots, because of
their resistance against the doctors and the authorities (authorities =
helpers of the doctors), except the two
Huber, being regarded and treated as something like sub-patients,
guilty for the still working resistance program, formerly implanted to the now
imprisoned SPK patients, still going on working without any rest and exercised
best by (the "zombies") themselves, but for luck of no influence on all the
other also imprisoned "political groups", except the imprisoned part of the SPK
itself, infecting also by and by more and more inmates among the so-called
"common criminals". The prison administration up to the minister there - at a
loss of consult about the "new quality" of patients' resistance against the
prison doctors - saw mass-riots now standing before them, mass-riots, of which
it would be difficult to take hold of and even more difficult to get them
suffocated with conventional measures (inner-prison-punishment, shift into
another prison, gas bombs, rifles), and addressed to the scientists.

Especially the psychologists and the case-workers, serving to the doctors in
the prison as their helpers, had come to the just mentioned results on the
SPK-structures and dynamics, there in the prisons, of course and even quite by
distance, because they also were struck by the patients' resistance and
therefore felt hindered to dare researches just in the same way as usual for
them with other (common and political) prisoners. Yes, they did their researches
out of a distance from more than 700 kilometers, namely also from Western
Berlin, and they took down their results about the "zombies" (the imprisoned SPK
patients) and the self-programmed sub-patients (the two Huber), published them
in the universities and where ever else there was occasion for.

For the purpose also professors who gave lectures about politics and
philosophy at the university of Heidelberg, Berlin or elsewhere liked very much
to make use of the "protocol Dr. Huber" in "Kleinkrieg ..." as a proof for a
behaviour consisting in sitting at the floor, speaking to walls and tables
(things) in the presence of prosecutor and a judge (under-things), as it read,
trying to open a door or a window and spitting there against, and so on and so
on, thus a behaviour, which even no SPK patient was able to imitate and, for
luck, no other "political prisoner"; the mentioned she- or he-professor taking
from that the proof, that this Dr. Huber, who for the rest in no view was
disturbed, but always was disturbing, was in a scientific view therefore neither
a doctor, nor a patient, but something else, means: a sub-patient. The same
Mrs. Dr. Huber was seemingly neither a doctor, nor a patient, following the
mentioned scientific researches, because she later on at the court lay down at
the floor, where the policemen had flung her, cut her beautiful fair hair up to
the skin of the head, and ostentatively reading in a Marxian book, till the
judge started with his court, and Mrs. Huber was grasped by some policemen and
thrown down on a seat, fastened by the two policemen, just as the judge had
ordered. Not only no doctor, no patient, but also

no mother of her
children, and because of that even the family not apt to earn any pity, not to
speak of favours guaranteed to all other imprisoned citizens by law (prolongated
visiting times, exemption from imprisonment, when they have children and
especially very little ones), as there was taken down by the scientists and in
the same or other words also distributed in the newspapers.

Just for purpose, Dear Trevor: why didn't you ask us in your letter, whether
for example also the two Huber belonged to the SPK or not? A difficult question,
as you perhaps now realize, because even top-scientists up to about 8 years ago
from now finally have turned out not being able to decide, whether the two Huber
ever belonged to the SPK or not. But meanwhile there has grown up a new
generation of medical doctors in old Germany, formed by examinations in the
multiple choice system. Be it only one of them, who belongs to your for us until
now secret sources, I will not hesitate to congratulate you, because some fine
doctor like such surely can answer this question and perhaps some more, taken
down in your last letter.

There was also help for the programmed zombie-robot-SPK-patients still or
again in prison in 1974. This "help" came not from doctors immediately
and also not even from under- or sub-patients like the two Huber. This "help"
came from other political groups there in prison, who ordered, for the
sake of solidarity, to give up the patients' resistance, be it only at
the court or elsewhere in public. The patients obeyed to this command,
again except the two Huber, but also went on continuing their resistance
in prison, thus secretly, now again, as we learned from instructions,
which are, as we hope, reliable, be it only in some few cases. In 1975, as the
two Huber started their last hunger-strike, the named SPK patients were once
more ordered (by the political groups there in prison) to keep on
eating, and they obeyed again to the command, while some other
prisoners, who before had been neither SPK patients, nor so-called political
prisoners, so-called by themselves, joined the now
Patientenfront-resistance, be it only for some days, and not to forget the
support from outside, done by the SPK/PF-patients now in 1975, the names of whom
were kept in secret for the two Huber in prison, "secret working circles" thus
again and again.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

13.12.1993

Dear Trevor,

Here the next pages of the letter as we mentioned during our
telephone call we just have finished.

Best wishes

You remember, what we told about
pathopractical,
diapathical and utopathical identity (so-called political, ideological and
revolutionary identity), tied to illness, mentioned in the beginnings of this
letter, and concerning also the beginnings of the SPK? Well, if you do, you and
perhaps also the readers of your book are well prepared to give explanations
about, why the two Huber each got four and a half years of prison, only four and
a half years, and not more.

First the judge took all circumstantial evidences on his table, regardless
all kinds of secret working circles and pushed the named fetishes over to the
two Huber, figuratively spoken. Of course there among was a huge old and
corroded printing machine, with a weight of about 3 hundredweights, the named
printing machine formerly having been in a neighbour-town at a students' group
room, then in Heidelberg at a students' group room, from where there resulted
some prints in our book SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A
WEAPON (compare e.g. page 122/123), and finally the printing machine,
because it made too much noise in the students' rooms, had been carried to the
washing-room in the garden near the Wiesenbach house. It lasted about 3 months
after the imprisonment, till the police came and ordered their workers to take
the named machine off as a circumstantial evidence for, as they said:
"falsificated passports". But quite on the contrary there had also been a tiny
foil out of metal, about 1 centimeter to 3 centimeters, found in a black
suitcase for patients' files, lying on a huge black Steinway concert piano in a
room in the house of Wiesenbach. Not before the third or some later police
search there after the 24 June 1971 they had taken off the named suitcase, which
for the rest was empty, except the named foil. The judge took also the foil as a
very heavy circumstantial evidence for "falsificating passports" and pushed it,
not figuratively spoken, also over to the two Huber. And there were found the -
on a preceding page of this letter in detail mentioned - city-quarter-destroying
explosives in a cellar near the SPK rooms, which also were, figuratively spoken,
pushed by the judge over to the two Huber, and also some more fetishes, found
here and there and now and then at those times. From this "pushing-movement" of
the judge, instigated by the doctors, never to forget, resulted the only 9
years, divided by two (two Huber), makes exactly 4 1/2 years for her and for
him.

But on one of the last days of the great trial the compulsory-barrister
(appointed by the court; Pflichtverteidiger) of Mrs. Dr. Huber arose from
his seat, showed the students' SPK book "Kleinkrieg gegen Patienten" to
the court, while shouting: "Everybody here in the room should have read this
book, before doing any decision ... . I demand from the court, latest just and
now, to release Mrs.Dr. Huber, because she is only the wife of Mr.Dr. Huber, and
therefore, as a wife, must obey her husband". The court didn't obey the
barrister, and also didn't ask for the book. In Germany the helping judgemen of
course are not allowed to read something, except the literature, presented to
them by the chief-judge. But what happened here at the court, had nothing to do,
neither with the two male and the one female judgemen, nor with the chief-judge.
For in the eyes of the doctors, over and behind them all, there were necessary
the equal and the apt number of years for the two Huber, in order to sentence
them twice and for life concerning their social existence, if not their
biological one simultaneously.

All medical doctors themselves always have to do with explosives, poisons and
knifes and so on, which are in principle and actually deadly, but they call them
e.g. "medicaments". Quite on the contrary remember the Hubers' saying: "death to
therapy, death to iatro-capitalist system".

The doctors, thus the real judges in the named trials, feigned that people
like the two Huber, who have to do with explosives, for life are not allowed to
come together with other people in any medical or even nursing profession. From
that follows by consequence that all blasters, demolition- and other explosive
experts like doctors either are died out or imprisoned.

If a patient kills a patient, there results a surviving patient, a patient
for a doctor thus. If a doctor kills a doctor, there also results a surviving
doctor, maybe transitorily transformed into a patient in the private ward of a
Mental Hospital, but later on a doctor again, thus so to say: one doctor more.
If a doctor kills a patient, that's of course no murder, but the more a
therapeutical act. But what to do with under-patients, like the two Huber, who
killed themselves, thus two formerly so fine and smart doctors like all the
other doctors, but now in clothes like wretcheds and practising a behaviour,
which even SPK patients are not able to imitate? What to do with persons, who
prefer to be nobodies and everybodies at the same time, instead of being fine
therapists by killing, and fine killers by therapy, or, shortly spoken: who
prefer to be more alife than dead? They turned into jacker-hunters as they
remained still in prison and arrestable also later on, you didn't ask for. They
remained arrestable and also were (already in prison and also later on) wanted
as compulsory witnesses. Of course they managed the wonder (brachten das
Kunststueck fertig) not to appear in any single case at court or somewhere
else to bear testimony as witnesses. Quite on the contrary the two Huber
themselves made the doctors and their helpers becoming constrained to appear at
court as witnesses and to bear testimonies concerning SPK, being submitted to a
very closely questioning by the lawyers of the Patientenfront.

They also continued keeping under-dressed, just like in the remote times of
SPK, where everybody was in the misery-quarters. Also they kept their programmed
behaviour against doctors' ideologies and upper class customs. In upper class
quarters, if they there for example asked the way, they happened to be well
esteemed, after the first words pronounced by them. If there happened to be
doctors with policemen, they even became identified as "colleagues" after some
minutes of talking, and neither names nor passports had been in the game until
then.

In the first moment after the prison they had no time, nor were there any
conditions to think about profession, home or family. Their two daughters
meanwhile, beside the school, had taken part in red support groups for prisoners
and in committees of other groups. As the children of the two H they had been
used there to practice in political activities, which ran the highest risk of
becoming caught. As they first saw the "two walking skeletons", they were full
of distrust, but nevertheless seemed to be somewhat glad with their parents
again.

The latter had not to care about the other groups, but to provide to the
daughters nourishment and a new home, because they just had been fired by their
grandfather who since long ago had enough of the police, which always disturbed
his home because of the two Huber-children there.

Some months later on, the children broke with the political groups
voluntarily, and asked for activity in the Patientenfront. The little son kept
staying with his "new" mother, and meanwhile in school, he sometimes wrote
essays, in which he defended his parents as well as possible. He therefore
earned from his teacher a not bad mark. Later on his "new" mother asked by her
lawyer, whether the son could not change his name. The two Huber agreed, and so
it was well done, as we cannot but hope about that.

Two years later the two daughters got arrest warrants, because of their
formerly having belonged to the mentioned other political groups. The
Patientenfront turned this thing into a trial against the doctors there over and
behind, with good and permanent success until now. Proof: "... Anfangen", page
129, line 4 from above to line 9: "A prison-jacker and also a police-president
...".

Yes, the two H had neither time, nor were there ever the conditions to care
about their prohibition of profession (Berufsverbot), nor about their
"rehabilitation" concerning jacker-upper-class-and-even-jacker-underdog-customs.
Their acquired behaviour-reflexes, acquired by self-doing, continued to work
best. Even their medical knowledges and their skills at all, are often asked by
the Patientenfront, to which they indeed belong, being from time to time and
just as there passes some occasion, the most advanced Frontpatients; and that
must be mentioned, if there arise doubts, whether they ever did belong to the
SPK, where they had been, as we have to admit, indeed under-patients,
nevertheless living among, with and under other SPK patients, being still
medical doctors and, respectively, psychiatrists, if that is a contrary in any
SPK-view.

But now there is maybe reached or even passed the climax of curiosity in
yourself and also in your coming readers, what there resulted from the warrants

*
against the other SPK patients.

*

We elsewhere mentioned: "... we
were sentenced because of "gezieltes revolutionaeres Handeln"
("revolutionary doing by a common will and aim") (nota benissime!). As you can
see in this formula there lacks completely the word illness, both as basic
matter and as the aim. They substituted it by "verfassungsmaessige Ordnung
der Bundesrepublik", the latter which also lacks the word illness. Thus:
no concern to illness, bullshit." Why we note this: no prosecutor in the world
should dare to mention such a nonsense once more, be it in a warrant or
elsewhere. But also: stop smiling.

In the summary, they all proved, that they had become able, be it only
transitorily, to turn from "zombies" and "robots" - to say it for truth, in the
just named scientifically and objectively proved words -, into someones who had
become able to gain and to maintain upper class positions, but never to run a
life again, completely determined by the norms of doctors and by the upper class
customs.

One of the women meanwhile was employed as a doctor at a great clinic, had
married, born one or more children and nevertheless sought contacts to the
Patientenfront, since 1976. She was never accepted again.

Another SPK patient from the warrants - after the SPK called the "SPK
chief-ideologist" by the doctors and their helpers, a "chief-idiot" by other
political groups also in prison - was later on a counselling member attached to
an African government, became there also a medical doctor, and the SPK woman,
also with a SPK warrant you asked for, was there with him, giving lectures and
counsels the same. Both were not accepted in the Patientenfront later on.

One SPK patient, also with a warrant you asked for, the only SPK patient who
suffered a transitorily psychiatric break down therefore, later on became a
teacher at a private school and succeeded in becoming divorced from a meanwhile
PF woman.

Another of the then imprisoned "SPK zombies", a meanwhile doctor in natural
sciences, continues his social-revolutionary resistance by achieving astrologic
programs for forecasts and patients' control, while doing his work as a computer
specialist, employed in a permanent capacity in a respected firm. By a former
friend in the SPK, a later on - but not because of SPK - imprisoned
occasional-lefty, the just mentioned now computer-robot-zombie then also had
been called a "chief-idiot".

An SPK girl, then also imprisoned by warrant, was caught around the 20 July
1978 because of SPK, somewhere in the Northern U.S.A. As it read in the
newspapers, she now was very fond of playing tennis and studying jurisprudence.

Just some weeks ago one of the former by warrant most wanted SPK patients and
also a pre-programmed resistance zombie and robot then in prison, pre-programmed
by the under-patient Dr. Huber, has phoned the Patientenfront for help. As a
physicist-teacher he after the SPK had been marked as the "SPK-explosive-master"
by the doctors and their helpers, while in reality suffering from a tremendous
phobia, and nobody had better knowledges about that than the Heidelberg
psychiatrist doctors and also the internists there. To add, that in the SPK and
in the atmosphere there, pregnant from explosives, his phobia had disappeared,
being replaced by his volcanic-revolutionary rhetorics, causing fear and
anxiety, when unmasking especially chief-doctor-secret-circles in public. Now he
suffers from a bad liver (the word liver being derived from 'to live',
means: survive in a iatro-capitalist world), because after the SPK he once was
constrained to take the profession of a wine-gourmand, wrote books about that,
gained a lot of money and a loss of liver, sorry, an exuberantly growing
poisoned liver, his rhetorics meanwhile burned down, but his memories and his
heal- and doctor-damning instincts still working best.

Well, 7 identities, eternally tied to illness. Add also the 3 more
identities, concerning the 3 meanwhile dead former SPK patients. 7 + 3 = 10. Ten
warrants to "identify and imprison" SPK patients. In none sense, the warrants,
instigated by the doctors, ever could identify anything. The SPK patients had to
do it by themselves, and they did it indeed by revolutionary illness. The rest
was falsification and string-pulling by means and by base of the existing
iatro-capitalist system. Yes, we never lost the contact to reality and truth,
for illness' sake. We not.

The last from the now dead SPK patients, about whom you asked us only
respectively to the warrants, died on 20 May 1987. So it happened to be read
some weeks later in a quite modest announcement, done by his widow to such a
damned Heidelberg newspaper, and she must have paid for, of course.

We don't know, whether the death was caused for example by a jaywalking, but
we know, that nobody did care about that later on. We ourselves had sent one of
the daughters of Huber in 1976, first time when she had happened to visit
Heidelberg, to the wife of the now dead, former SPK patient. She had begged the
Huber-daughter never to come again, because she was in fear, that her husband,
now again in prison, but not because of SPK, could risk disadvantages by other
political groups, to the command of whom he had felt constrained to obey because
of "solidarity" since 1974, but continuing his patients' resistance in prison
secretly, as already mentioned, but truely, as here to add.

Before the SPK, on a voluntarily done visit to a student doctor at the
University of Heidelberg, this all time happy student-boy, refusing theories,
but preferring practical activities all time, finally had come to the
Psychosomatic Clinic of the university, and there he had jumped head beneath
from a stair, because the doctors there had ordered him to go to the Psychiatric
Clinic of the university, accompanied by some carate-nurses, they had called for
precaution from the ward of Dr. Kretz. There he became labelled by the diagnosis
of a "schizophrenia", but soon he was released and came to Dr. Huber into the
Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he soon passed over to group therapy, needing
never medicaments but, as he said, practical education in politics, because all
practising yoga and sports, like judo and carate, had turned out to be no longer
of any interest or use for him.

Most of the books, the records, and the tapes in the SPK and in Wiesenbach,
later on circumstantial evidences at the court in Karlsruhe against the SPK, had
been provided and even chosen by him, while he himself had less interest in
that, except some tapes and records, which he liked very much, except also the
collective discussions about the former revolutionary contents in the books,
discussions, he always was eager not to miss.

Later on the police doctor-helpers certified him a "high intelligence". This
praise resulted from the fact, that the now dead SPK patient had detected and
unmasked quite secretly, but known to all in the SPK, a doctor- and
police-collaborator from the already named newcomers already about quarter of a
year before the self-dissolution of the SPK. For this purpose he himself had
taken in front of the mentioned newcomer the mask of a police-collaborator
(schizophrenia?), and soon the newcomer had trusted him, and soon the newcomer
had gained more trust by the police, and both, the SPK patient, and the Lefty
newcomer, the failed medicine-student and later on jurisprudence-student, you
remember, had turned into "high intelligent persons", as followed from the
police files, because now (!) also confirmed by the psychiatric doctors.

For the rest there is to be mentioned, that the books and all the other
things had been paid by Huber, not with the money of the university, because he
surely would have died of hunger, if he had waited for that. The money resulted
from a lot of scientifically and voluntarily done reports, some about several
hundred pages long, used for the defence of patients incriminated at court.
Until now we dispose of documents, in which the typing women had blamed Dr.
Huber, because he had not demanded enough money for his work. Also the
psychiatrist Kretz had done reports, but they were mostly very thin, but the
more high in demanded money for, because Kretz, we already mentioned it in this
letter, had to pay for his new-bought blue mercedes-car, which he never entered
without putting on finest special leather-gloves before. But later on he refused
even to touch the file of a former Huber patient, be it by dressed hands, and
not to speak of each Huber patient herself or himself, related to the named
files.

Yet more about money? Please, take it also easy, Dear Trevor. Indeed you
didn't ask us any questions about that in your last letter, not yet thus, but
you announced us a lot of more questions in your following letter. Remember the
Bible: "What you go doing, do it soon", just so or similar (Jesus to
Judas

*),
and excuse, being always aware, that I am no English native Bible reader.

*

Somebody,
say Stefan Aust, the
inferiority-complex+ of whom
are his by him so-called inside-informations. He was never in the SPK, but
quite on the contrary maybe in the student movement.

+

(German title: Der
Baader-Meinhof-Komplex. In German no sub-title concerning
"inside-informations").

Well, somebody, whom we named elsewhere a modern Judas, achieved an English
translation, in which it perhaps also reads, just as in the moment I take it
from my German memory, that SPK patients stole vegetables from the fields of the
farmers and cooked and ate in an SPK kitchen. Perhaps, for the sake of some of
your coming readers you can take from that the conclusion, that patients are not
always parasites, in spite of the for sure not casual circumstance, that also
these both words begin with a

P.
To admit, that patients sometimes become extinguished like parasites by doctors
and their helpers also by means of literature. The patients stole vegetables and
other things for their use in the SPK. They by that produced a circumstantial
evidence, that either they were no parasites or the two Huber were patients
among, or better, namely scientifically spoken: beneath-patients,
under-patients, under-human-beings. Proof: Mrs.Dr. Huber, in prison, was asked
to pay back at once several thousands Deutschmarks to her bank, by menace of
punishment. From what resulted those credit-debts, never having such before?
There were a lot of hungry patients people in the SPK, but no doctors, ready to
take them therefore for parasites. By far it was not only Marlies Lutz, who had
to eat and to drink and therefore to pay, without money in her hands, refused to
her by all insurances and doctors there behind and above, except Mrs.Dr. Huber,
a later on so-called degenerated monster of a mother, so-called publically.
Maybe some of your readers later on feel grateful to you, if you can take down,
that stealing patients in a society of property-fixed egoists - while being also
Marxian materialists, because they sometimes have to eat and to drink, sometimes
just like other people - nevertheless can turn into the contrary of parasites,
be it only by breaking most sacrosanct laws and taboos of most healthy property,
automatically forgetting their inhibitions about that, because seduced by the
running program of dangerous SPK ideology, implanted into them by
self-programmed money-givers, living far beyond their means. We also don't know
the words of the headline in English, by which is entitled the
telling-tales-book of the modern million-dollar-Judas about the SPK. As I
remember the headline in German, I would translate it by the words: "Fools, take
the gun".
Some days ago I was told by a now old SPK patient, that he had seen as a child
by his own eyes in the last weeks of the last World War the Hitler-companies of
60 to 70 years old men, there among volunteers, who went to the front. The
paroles about that were like "people to the arms" and "people's storm" ("Volk
ans Gewehr" und "Volkssturm"). As he remembered, most of them seemed to him like
"weak old grandfathers", like "sick, old men", thus like patients, leaving a
doctor's practice or a clinic, not to mention here the volunteer youths of 16
years.

We also remember, that there had been a discussion in the SPK, when a patient
there had brought a book out of the US-city-library, the book by Alfred
Rosenberg "The myth of the 20th century" ("Der Mythos des 20. Jahrhunderts"),
the author being hanged as a war-criminal at Nuremberg by the US-forces in
Europe. The former SPK patient remembered also, that he had mentioned there in
the SPK his memories of Hitler's last army, and the then present patients, about
a dozen, had been deeply impressed, comparing now the medically proved, safe and
sound German race there in the book with the memories of his, there added to.
From that results the headline "Fools, take the gun", as it seems to us. An
inside-information thus, nevertheless? A head- and deathline of a modern Dr.
Mengele helper.

Maybe, some of your readers will enjoy this detail in your book, even if they
already got the "truth" about that by the lecture of the - as we suppose - first
"SPK-pilot-story", which there appeared in the U.S.A., being published with so
great success, and in spite of nothing is more successful than success,
as we also do know.

For the rest the author was sentenced and punished by a German court because
of this book, sentenced by a German court. Punished and sentenced. Only
sentenced, but not hanged, no, not yet.

In this case KRANKHEIT IM RECHT, thus we ourselves, had nothing to do but
wait, just as it had been proposed to us by our computer-programming
astrologist, whom we mentioned above as detailed as possible for us at the
moment.

Just I remember your tape, your works, some of your life-experiences and my
impressions about that. There is peace, good mood, love, good hope and trust,
perhaps a lot of courage and also politeness and modesty. The same I have a
certain impression about the impressions caused by this letter on you.
Impossible to compare. But that is not the question.

Impossibility is wanted and necessary. Perhaps that's it. Guessing that
impossibility be the matter, some notes can be useful about my actual situation,
while taking down some of our results in this letter. If you wonder about the
details, there is an explanation: in remote times some of us practised to
remember everyday-events against the current of time. When I started this
letter, I could not fall asleep any more, nor wake up as usual. I therefore need
to say, that I am now in an altered state, and can do most of the other things
only in a mechanical way, and perhaps sometimes need some help, because for
example, there is no time-line associated and no patterns at all to the rising
ghosts and phantasmata. The others helped and confirmed.

I am surrounded by literature, which has nothing to do with the letter. There
is for example a Spanish book on Sevilla and Yucatan, written by somebody under
the indeed very romantic name Roso di Luna, to add: Mario. A book
in French, "la liberté que je prends", more spoken than written by the
Italian Armando Verdiglione, now still in prison or out again. I met him
last time in 1976. There is a book in German by the Netherlander Frits H.
Julius about "The Animal Between Man And Cosmos" (e.g.: How do birds
generate warmth under polar conditions?). There are also a lot of photocopies in
Spanish and in German on the dolmen, old tombs or somewhat else, nobody can tell
exactly, in any rate about 3000 years back from now. There is also a little
keyboard and a pocket-chromonica, and I practise some hours a day, if possible
and if the battery works, at the moment also Blues patterns, each of them
through all 12 keys, though preferring to learn some more Mompou or
Mozart by heart.

Until now they (Frontpatients) don't stop repeating, that we never answered
multiple choice questions about the SPK and almost every day some more vote
against that. It is true, that we once decided to continue our own revolution,
and that we had a good time up from then, some years before 1989. In my own
opinion we at any time can return to this good decision again. It is quite easy
to decide, because there is no game all around, we truly like. The game of worth
in commodities and in psychology is not our game. We are convinced to have no
worth at all. We have no position in any position of society and also no
position in the game concerning the hunger in the world, the differences between
poor and rich there at present, because we also know from experience, that the
often blamed so-called ideology there can work better in every body, than
differences like the mentioned and some more.

We are convinced, that someone who strives to

suppress all her or
his personal possibilities and talents which favourish and nourish the games
there around, does the best to be done. That is difficult, for truth. There is
no need to call for a protection by law and order, e.g. to have this method
patented. Unions and alliances are there involved, if they are worth nothing.
Especially marvels belong to realism. About all that there can't be but
misunderstandings.

Please let us work for you and don't feel guilty. To our situation it also
belongs, that utopathy is reached, our way of revolutionary living in illness
and its contents replacing reality by truth, better spoken: efficiency, far
beyond usual and unusual standards.

If our common situation in your eyes should look somewhat like Tom
Sawyer-and-his-friends, it doesn't matter at all, because there remains, that
old aunt illness for truth needs a new paint on her garden-fence.

I took it from your birthday and your name, that guilt isn't your problem;
but the same, that it is your task to write

exactly just as, e.g. Homer did long long ago,
before Troja and so on were detected as a reality, in spite of having been taken
down by Homer and read by generations of high sophisticated people as nothing
else but an incredible myth, thus somewhat like ideology.

If I caused more misunderstandings and impossibilities by this maybe
erroneous remarks, let it pass by. If they (the misunderstandings and
impossibilities) vanished, the better.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

20.12.1993

Dear friend Trevor:

Enclosed you find another 9 pages of the letter.

Greetings

Before reading your letter once more, in order to answer the questions or to
conclude before, I will first deal with our relations to manifestations in New
York in 1971 and the events all around March 1970, for which you asked. But
first some remarks

in review
of the letter here.

Our proceedings at the courts, if we ourselves there appealed, be it only for
completeness, from the beginnings run through all instances, from the lowest to
the highest, except that our lawyers and barristers became excluded by the
prison-authorities (first exclusions in post-war-Germany were against SPK, how
could it be otherwise) and did nothing, sometimes without even noticing that the
transfer was cut through.

If there arise contradictions between the data in this letter and somewhere
else, including the time-line, from which we for the rest do not know, if you
make use also of the bigger one in German (and we still keep here another and
even bigger time-line), then please prefer the time-line. Slight differences in
content, if there are, for example about our needing to nourish or to have money
in the one context, in difference to another, are not very difficult to be
resolved, regarding for example our explanation about ideology and its
importance, mentioned in the upper section of this letter.

Real contradictions
are between the patients' class and the doctors' class, shortly spoken. In the
letter and in our collective context there are no doctors.

One or the other quite slight contradiction can also arise from unintentional
humor, be it even on our own side. Only shades (nuances) thus. The readers
themselves will find it out.

Thereby it just comes to me a fleeting shadow in our warrants, which I forgot
to mention. Explosive material, found in a tax-office-mailbox, in the warrants
dated to 9/10 March 1971. Thus also an "assault against the German constitution"
and a circumstantial evidence for "urban guerilla", following the warrants.
Following Marx, tax-offices, and thus also the mailboxes there, have absolutely
nothing to do with the basical elements of any capitalist constitution. The
first causor resp. auctor (cause, the person) of the finding, a "Marxist" but
emigrant from a "communist" Eastern country, had been excluded from the SPK in
summer 1970 by collective decision, because he cared about nothing but some
exhibitionist hobbies of his, even boring women there, thus phenomena, which for
the rest in his opinion had absolutely nothing to do with the tertiary sector of
capitalism, the sector of consumption, exhibition, generating simultaneously
wants and dependency and the need to acquire and maintain both, lacking the
money to pay for, if they produce just like in the case here also allergic
skin-damages and high debts owing to the doctors, who of course without any
success had submitted him to their therapies, causing nothing but more damages,
and finally had sent him to the psychiatrists, where he had been in compulsory
therapy for some weeks, not at Huber and not in the Psychiatric Polyclinic.

Nevertheless he had come again after his "action" against the mailbox to the
public working circle on Monday in the SPK

*,
boasting about it. Of course he got no warrant, when the 9 + 2 + 1 SPK patients
got some all around the 20 July 1971 and were thrown into the 11 different
prisons, except him. But his lion-of-the-day-activity for some months was also
in all warrants, tied to the "secretly working explosive circles", remaining
there and repeatedly appearing, least in the indictment, no, inclusively also
within the indictment, which for the rest by way of criminal justice was given
to the mass-media and spread there all around in Europe. But about the latter
fact nobody cared, except the archives in Genf, some years later on, taking down
a small note about that.

*

public working circle on Monday
was called "public" also at the times of SPK, because it was announced as a
working circle open to the public, thus not only for SPK patients. The public
working circle on Monday was something like an open day every week at special
hours, announced to and known to the public. At this public working circle
everybody could take part, also people who didn't want to join SPK. To this
public working circle on Monday, the SPK e.g. also invited by leaflet its
enemies, as e.g. Rector Rendtorff or cultus-minister Hahn to come for a
discussion (they never did come). Also for the rest, there was more publicity
in all rooms and homes of SPK permitted and in use, than say between most
shameless couples. A leading police officer later on felt terrorized by the
idea, as he took down, that once it could happen to himself, to become
submitted to agroup
agitation as the last and only possibility to recover from illness and to keep
his profession (a doctor-governed foreign body liking to remain a reactionary
piece of illness from its start to its end, from head to foot). "If the
Huber-therapy is therapy and once becomes a standard", there added the
mentioned police leader, "I prefer death. That's my private decision, and at
least therapy must remain forever a private and intimately done, secretly done
service to everybody." (Look also the hints, there related to, in the police
files in "Kleinkrieg ...": "Dr. Huber ... in groups... .") Either the police
leader was mistaken, or there was neither a secret, nor a therapy in the SPK.
All the worse: It worked!

Also those details can be of some interest for some readers, who maybe wonder
about our "seemingly crazy" theory that for all that the doctors are the
initiators and the governors, without any relation to illness. For truth, the
patients in the prison very consciously were tied to illness. Proof: none of
them appears by name in your letter, though there appear a lot of other names,
for which you ask by multiple choice. That is, of course, in no way your guilt.
It is our strong supposition, that the mentioned modern Judas

*
indeed knew best each name of the SPK patients, thrown into prison. But he had a
special interest to keep them secret, replacing them by other names, tied in no
way to illness or to the SPK, but the more to "crime & politics", which sell
better in a society in which, as there was written once in an IZRU-paper:
"Murder all around in no way is punished at all, except it hurts a law of the
ruling class", that is the therapying iatro-capitalist ruling class, as there is
to add now, because the doctors in the IZRU at that time extinguished the latter
mentioned words.

*

We
don't know the title of the English translation of his book.

I myself have no separating phobia in front of lion-of-the-day-activities.
Quite on the contrary, I would join again in every moment to such "heroic
methods", regardless all consequences, if there were anybody apt to convince me
about that, be it only theoretically. But until to this moment I never met
somebody, able to convince me, that there is any basical element within, tied to
illness, for patients'-people sake.

Being aware from your letter, that the names of the SPK warrant-patients are
of uttermost interest for the readers of your book about the SPK, I nevertheless
can't exclude for the moment, whether you will not change your opinion, whether
you, by reading this letter until here, now know more.

For ourselves there is also the difficulty, that it would take too much
circumstances and time, the latter also regarding your own intentions and
schedules (Terminierungen) to achieve your book, if we should now attempt to get
the permission in any case, and in some cases also from the relatives, to
publish the names in your book.

On the other hand, you already dispose of all the asked names, having bought
our books, with the there by former permission published names, the first time
published without any permission, published by the doctors and their helping
authorities, of course without any patient's consent.

To repeat here also the fact, that quite a lot of the not imprisoned patients
learned the full name of the imprisoned patients for the first time from the
newspapers and asked there all around, whether the there mentioned names indeed
corresponded to the one or to the other nick-name, better known to them from the
everydays' meetings and also from the sleepings together in the night.

Remember also our struggles to get back the patients' files from the
beginnings of the SPK, be it even by intended grievous burglary and employing
explosives, if necessary for purpose, not to forget the fact, that the chief of
the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic still in the '80s published "scientific
researches" based on exactly those files and dealing exactly with those patients
and their names, the illness of whose he obstinately had denied in public during
all the time of the existing SPK and the more later on, when there were the
imprisonments.

Not to forget to mention here, that he (the chief) in his later on
publications had to complain about the fact, that the files of Dr. Huber on the
one hand presented a surprising level of accuracy, but on the other hand
obviously and by intention were encoded in the most important parts, so that
nobody except Dr. Huber himself could make use of them (secret working circles,
already in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, practising encoded researches and
therapies. Forgotten in the warrants. Blinka blink, dink dink).

Just for the purpose and for some more I dare to propose to you, to mention
only the two first letters of each prename. Thus:

name

prison

age at that time

He (he)

9 months

28 years

Ax (he)

9 months

36 years

We (he)

10 months

33 years

Ek (he)

48 months

28 years

Si (he)

42 months

19 years

Su (she)

10 months

27 years

Ew (he)

7 months

22 years

Da (she)

9 months

29 years

Kr (she)

7 months

20 years

To (he)

9 months

23 years

Ur (she)

54 months

36 years

Wo (he)

54 months

36 years

Summary:

268 months

For some of your readers it is perhaps of greatest importance to learn, that
about the half of the here listed SPK patients in a so-called scientifically
done evaluation would not have been so-called psychiatric cases, but suffered in
the beginnings of their coming either to the Psychiatric Polyclinic or to the
Psychiatric Clinic from accidents, mutilating operations, as one-side ovarectomy
(amputation of an ovary), only because of pains there and after the operation
more plaints; poisonings, acquired by compulsory therapy in the Psychiatric
Clinic and even electro-shocks and so on and so on.

Most of the here listed later on SPK patients had been former pupils or
students after a break-out or a break-down, not to forget the by
doctor-colleagues in the beginnings of the SPK so-called "deplorable
development" of one of the doctors, there beneath in the list.

About the later on development of all, after the 22 and more years in prison,
spent there until to the last day by constraint, we already have dealt in this
letter as detailed and as excessively as we can for the moment. They are not in
trouble, that they risk disadvantages at their work places for example, if there
will appear your book. They once have learned to struggle by the methods of
patients-people's-warfare, and for the rest there is the Patientenfront,
ready for support and reinforcement, if they need and ask for.

Just for the purpose I dare to do a proposal more to you. If you can, please
don't publish with the same publisher, which had served to the modern Judas. As
to admit, I am, regarding the latter proposal, at a loss for basical arguments,
and therefore can only hint at aesthetics.

Now forward to your question on the New York demonstration in the last weeks
of the SPK.

First to mention, that we got it from someone of the SPK, whom we are no more
very pleased to remember, and he got it by telephone just one or two days before
there appeared the flyer, in which it is mentioned. We got in the times of SPK a
lot of messages from U.S.-people, as well from Europe more, but also from the
States.

I myself still do remember some messages by phone and all the other messages,
we removed as soon as we could do. This kind of secret doing needs some
explanation, for not all the readers from nowadays can imagine, what there
happened at those remote times.

Some weeks or some months before there started the SPK, one night in the
Psychiatric Clinic a top-urgent case was announced to Dr. Huber by the doorman.
As he came to the door there lay a husky, short-haired young man on the bottom,
dressed in nightclothes, without shoes, totally exhausted, almost breathless,
and very excited, saying to him only the word "secret, secret", in English of
course. The doorman asked, if he should call nurses and which tranquilizer
injection they should bring with them. In spite of being at a loss of consult
Huber sent back the doorman to his work and kept waiting on the bottom. After a
while he addressed to the "patient", saying in English: "Can I speak to you?"
The man turned his eyes to him, slowly got up and followed him to a
doctor-office for women, cared not about it, that Huber shut the doors by key,
and sat down on the chair offered to him. As he told, he was a U.S. sergeant,
back from Vietnam, but now on return. Therefore he had run away and reached the
Psychiatric Clinic, named to him by his German girl-friend, who had been a
former short-time patient of Huber, in order to be hidden there. Huber, being
not so very accustomed to English language, but more to old Roman imperium
doctors' Latin at those times, did not lose many words, regarded the feet and
once more the body of the man, let him there, closing the door once more by key,
ran to the doorman, saying to him, that he was on the way to provide some
medicaments, and then walked to a nurse, to whom he could trust, and got shoes
and a coat, which he secretly brought to the sergeant, who left the clinic
without being noticed by the doorman, while Huber called the doorman by phone to
tell him the name of a little village in Northern Germany, which he, the
doorman, could only find on a map, hanging at the wall of a secretary office,
for which he had to leave his doorman's office. The sergeant had also got some
German money and some addresses.

Some days later there came the Military Police to the chief of the
Psychiatric Clinic, but nobody could remember anything about the night in
question. This event had happened in 1969. Formerly, in 1944/45 the French
Nazi-collaborator Laval, who had sent thousands of jews in death by gas in
Auschwitz, therefore later on sentenced and executed in France, had been hidden
in a private apartment of the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic by the doctors there
until a lot of months after the end of war. And indeed under the most
comfortable conditions. His wife all time at his side, mostly in the bed. Times
had changed meanwhile and there was of course no hiding-place in the Psychiatric
Clinic of Heidelberg, when there came a simple sergeant, who was, be it
everything else, but no Nazi-collaborator, no longer.

Next time, in the beginnings of May 1970 there came an SPK girl, a former
patient in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, who now, besides her studies, worked in
the military barracks at Heidelberg, caring about some children there, with a
message, "destined only to Dr. Huber" and said, that her chief, a high-ranking
officer of the U.S. army, had ordered to her, to say to Dr. Huber, that he and
his patients could do in Germany, whatever they liked to do, but if one of them
should do anything against the U.S. forces, they had to be quite sure, that they
risked their lives, just like everybody else.

Some days before, there had taken place a manifestation through the
U.S.-quarter against the occupation of Cambodia on 30 April 1970. About a dozen
SPK people with Huber among them had joined this manifestation, consisting of
some hundred persons.

Most black people, and of course only women and children had opened their
windows and shown their signs of solidarity and consent to this manifestation.
When it passed the barracks of the Military Police, the soldiers there beside
the entrance had jumped into a straddle position before the door, presenting
their automatic rifles at their bodies in a vertical direction. Some eggs with
colour therein had reached the wall of the barracks.

From the midst of March 1970 there had entered a lot of later on SPK patients
the SPK, who came from a neighbour-town, where also were U.S. military barracks.
Some of them were very close to most black G.I.s and to their families.

At the end of the SPK there had been caught in K-town two so-called Black
Panthers distributing flyers. They chose the same lawyers, who defended the two
SPK patients, who were kept in prison since 24 June 1971.

Well, we had in the times of the SPK good relations to American people, but
obviously not to high-ranking doctors in the U.S. army, and of course the
mentioned high-ranking officer and friend of the SPK-girl with the mentioned
message, happened to be also a doctor.

If the mentioned manifestation in New York in favour of the SPK patients
should have been only a flop, there nevertheless rests, that American people
don't need to care about, because SPK has gone, but some Krankheitsbegriff
(concept of illness) will come.

As you perhaps realize, the latter explanations also touch your question on
what there was with the SPK all around March 1970 and what in our opinion
American people should know about it.

Regarding the time-lines you already got, we have to conclude from your
question, that you got by the there mentioned data and the comments there
belonging to, either too much information or information which seems to you of
less interest, especially regarding the prospective readers.

As we cannot decide from your question, what you mean, we think it best, to
answer as well quite in common, but also quite in detail. To answer quite in
common means, that we have to attempt here to explain how American people were
involved in the SPK-events all around March, even if they knew and know
absolutely nothing about it. To answer by details means, that details, being
phenomena, can speak their own language about the whole, they belong to, if
there is interest in the readers, though not being a well trained
phenomenologist everybody. In the latter case it should be your task, to choose,
which of the many details seems to you characteristic enough, to be presented to
the readers. We therefore only have to provide the conditions for a multiple
choice.

Now, all around March 1970 there was a dying student movement all over in the
Western World and the last cries for revolution were to hear. All over in the
Western World during the named student movement, from the beginnings the
patients had been excluded from taking part like the others, not extinguished,
only excluded, destined to wait until the end of revolution, if the others had
won, who then had to care first for the most important things, including perhaps
also the patients, but not first, therefore perhaps latest, perhaps not at all,
perhaps by extinguishing them, including others, but in the case of
extinguishing them, patients first (look around, remember the past, care about
genetics, our future, today).

Simultaneously all around March 1970 there existed in Germany a doctors'
class, which the U.S. forces after the last World War had come to exculpate,
though having been most of them (the doctors) members in the Nazi-party, Hitler
and Himmler being there also members, thus a criminal organization, most of the
doctors having been exculpated by the U.S. forces, and many of them proud of
that until nowadays; some doctors, as to admit, having been hanged as
war-criminals, but also and the same a lot of Nazis who had

seemed to be the
governors. The former Nazi-doctors
continued to governor seemingly continued not to
govern, because now there was a democracy here, like in the U.S.A., because the
U.S. forces and also their Western and Eastern Allied Forces had come to
exculpate German Nazi-doctors, to say: almost all of them. Therefore, American
people should ask themselves first, what there is the same and what is the
difference between German Nazism and American Nazism, if there is also some, and
what there is the difference between German doctors and American doctors
concerning exculpation for example.

Maybe you don't need to explain to your readers, that all around March in
1970 there was also illness and there were also patients all over the world. But
what your readers should become aware by your book is the fact, that only and
exclusively in Heidelberg there began all around March 1970 a lot of patients,
and among them quite a lot of bodily disturbed patients, began to cry for
revolution, to attack the doctors, to transform the last relicts of the student
movement either into patients-people or to send them back to their doctor-devils
at the university and elsewhere for re-adaption. Remember for that also the
Bible: "The last shall be first" and add: "The first shall be last", means:
their doctor, their first until then and in their eyes, turned out to have
become the last among them, be she- or he-doctor only the latest to leave prison
later on.

Regarding the more specific circumstances of the events all around March 1970
your readers should be enabled to learn, that patients who do so, can take care
for that, whenever and wherever they start to do the same thing, that they have
to like the illness in the patients at their side, just like if it was their own
life, for their life or death depends on that. For the purpose there is to
mention also, that it was the French philosopher
Sartre, for whom you also asked us in your letter, who did a
most important description upon that. While
Foucault for example did nothing but to be an obstacle in the way of patients,
when he in an excessively filled doctors' assembly in 1976 in Paris sat on the
step of a stair, where he kept sitting, when some patients ran to help another
patient there above at the microphone, who was attacked by a crowd of
doctor-patients. But that is only a detail, be it not a phenomenon, thus some
more detail, you asked for.

Perhaps American people enjoy criticism and therefore would like to ask us if
they could, what there were our more or less great mistakes around our
beginnings quite in common.

Regarding the attempt, we here also do, namely to fight against already
and still established lies in the U.S.A. concerning SPK, we of course should
have had to go first of all to the U.S.A., be it only one of us, in order to
give there lectures on the real origins and roots of nazism, consisting in the
doctors' class, back to the most remote times of history, with the
doctor-priests, shamans and what else therein, they themselves having been
arosen from illness, but profiting from every kind of

lack there in the
ancient world, back to Atlantis, and even more back, the lack, first being
caused by natural constraints, like for example hunger and frost, becoming
transformed into social constraints by those "doctors", in order to establish
their governing, their suppressing and their killing therapy upon the others.

Maybe that she or he of us then never had returned and never experienced a SPK
there in Heidelberg. But nevertheless it was a mistake not to do so, looking
back from now, and we therefore have to apologize.

To mention here, that we in March 1970 and also a bit later on had been
invited to students' congresses at Bonn and also at Cologne later on. There
were also psychiatrists, who told us, that our patients' collective was a
thoroughly false project, up from the beginnings, because most of the
patients, of whom they have to care in the mental hospitals, were worth
absolutely nothing and can do absolutely nothing, but to become nourished in
order to die later or hopefully sooner. We ourselves almost couldn't say
anything against that, because most of the students couldn't but cry
"Fascists! Fascists!", until the blamed doctors still assuring, that they had
said nothing else but truth, felt hurt and left the lecture room. Had it been
a mistake, not to follow the doctors? This we have to ask us also here in our
review, because there are to expect also among the U.S.-readers some who
already know, enjoy or even suffer the same "bitter truth". We ourselves in
this letter already gave a hint at our opinion (reaction by means of
quantitative growth also is reason to hope for revolutionary change, thanks to
illness) and have not to insist in it once more, be that a mistake or not.

It was a great mistake that the patients before March 1970 had not better
prepared their intellectual tools about and against the doctors quite in
common. They were not aware of the hierarchical system there in the ruling
doctors' class. Not aware of their arms of evaluation among each other,
concerning their darwinist struggle for survival by therapeutic killer-power.

For the rest they also had not been aware, that there had begun to take
place attempts seemingly aiming at more democracy, attempts which from the
start had become abused by the younger carrierists there in the ruling
doctors' class. But this was not all.

They (the patients) sometimes had completely forgotten themselves, there
between New Year 1970 and publicity. Forgotten themselves, that means: illness
and pain have only the one signature of

highest time and only the one voice, the voice
to call for revolutionary im-mediate
change.

There came the church people to the patients, taking them for a misery,
offering support. Some patients were deeply impressed and dropped off.

There came student people, dealing with where there was the working class
among the patients and where there was the ruling class among the patients.
Some patients had to admit, that they never had cared about that, except the
tale, that there died sometimes more patients in the private beds or
supervised by the doctor-chiefs, than in the 3rd class-beds. Flunk.

They attacked the doctors in the rooms of the latter and also at home, and
sometimes they there received lecture givings on the ways of official power up
and down and on signatures, tied to the sometimes very long ways of the named
offical power, ways demanding patience and once more patience, as the doctors
were not unpleased to admit. Some patients also by that were so deeply
impressed, that they forgot their own lives and themselves, which in the past
often and often had depended on a chief-doctors' signature, which not had been
there, because he himself had been elsewhere, but in no way in his official
power, not to speak of his office, but sometimes bedside-teaching and doing
researches in a secretary room of the clinic, behind the door closed by key.

Thus some more patients, deeply impressed by the privat lecture-giving of a
courteous chief-doctor, became reasonable and dropped off.

We remember one of them, who later on came to the SPK, in order to beg our
pardon for his mistakes, because since then full of regret. He was a theology
student and sometimes together with the wife of his colleague. But that was
not the crucial point of his regrets, of course. The crucial point was, that
this wife had spoken to him about the churches and the nevertheless same or
different misery in the world since the medieval times of most noble and pious
hospitallers, Knights of St. John (of Jerusalem) and old warfaring templars
and crusade knights. The student had taken from those, as to admit, very
romantic tales nevertheless the sense, that he had followed the wrong avenue,
concerning his own misery and the misery in the world. He now asked for the
same psychotherapy as before, because the wife meanwhile suffered from his
disturbances, when they were together. There now was agitation, and there had
been agitation already before, "psychotherapy" in his eyes, as it now had
turned out. He was asked to speak about that to the chief of the Psychiatric
Clinic. But this was no mistake, because the wife had now come to the SPK and
found her luck there again, till to the end, while her husband had got
divorced from her and the theology student, instead of psychotherapy, had left
the university, became a beekeeper, wrote later on some very funny postal
cards about that into prison, which passed without any difficulties all the
ways of official power and censorship there, despite of his signature, which
nobody could read, and despite of his sender, which was not there on the
postal card.

Some more

mistakes
resulted from the two already mentioned facts, that the patients, be it
only transitorily, had proven:
1st)to forget themselves,
2nd)to lose their
inter-dependences, in summary: their being based on illness.

One of the chief psychiatrists, exactly he who had called for Wiesloch
during the hunger-strike in the administration building, took down in a
newspaper article "they (means: the patients) could no longer distinguish
between their friends and their enemies". Of course he had taken himself for a
"friend" of the patients. Nevertheless there is some regrettable truth in this
statement. Huber, continuously the object of all attacks from the side of the
doctors' class, the latter becoming more and more supported in their attacks
against him by the surroundings of the patients and also by their relatives,
(Huber) was more and more constrained, to answer the attacks by escalating
sharpness

*,
because the tendency in "his" patients to turn collectively their illness into
a (highest time and im-mediately revolutionary) weapon in some, be it only
resistance-demanding occasions had diminished to a degree of approximately 0o
Kelvin.

*

The
patients for example recommended to Huber to appear alone in front of the
secret working university's councils, administration counsils and so on,
depending on a "Lefty" lawyers' advice. The results of those performances he
also had to manage alone, later on. He, a volcano of ice-cold energy, if
there was need, but a more slender man, an average welter-weight by body and
bones, but well-tonic, raged there 'like the ax in the wood', as we say in
Germany ('behaved like a boor') and as the fine doctors and administrators
later on commented in public; Huber had chosen that behaviour instead of a
taboo-armoured behaviour, an imprisoned behaviour, imprisoned by
courtesy-crippling forms (always the choice of the respective person and
there is a choice!), the doctors, as they made take down the journalists,
lacking words, forces of imagination and of course lacking former
experiences to describe the banning and damning adventure, done to them by
Huber, as they not forgot to add. (Events of around 18 February 1970)

Was it his own mistake, that they had not been sufficiently prepared by
himself? Perhaps the readers can decide or at least critizise. At any rate
things like that are mistakes, not to be recommended to all further attempts,
in order to become never repeated in any patients' group, wherever in the
world, which in truth corresponds to its name and to its idea, tied to
illness.

About detailed informations forward from 1 March 1970, we were also in permanent
correspondence with 4 SPK patients and about the time up from 1 March 1970 there
was one more SPK patient to our disposition.

The 1st March was a Sunday. The later on SPK in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 at
Heidelberg thus started on Monday, 2 March 1970. Before we had left the
administration building on Saturday noon after the hunger-strike there, we had a
short discussion on the further proceedings, before the patients then went home
or elsewhere. One had proposed to care about the keys for Rohrbacherstrasse 12
next Monday in the morning and also about all the other things. Some others,
there among Huber, went to find the named building before returning home at
Wiesenbach. To add, that there also had been decided collectively to take down
the needed declarations about the event just finished.

First those with Huber, when they had reached the police headquarter in
search of the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, took all for a flop. But when the traffic
lights turned from red to green, they crossed the street and noticed the number
12 there in front of the building with the great reflecting glass-doors. They
studied the nameplates there beside, some names, a firm and again some names,
and finally there was also a nameplate, hinting to somewhat about the
university. Hungry and tired, as they were, especially the women, they returned
once or twice more to become assured by reading again. Then they walked to the
next phone box, in order to inform some patients, who meanwhile had returned to
their homes, that they, until Monday, could do their journeys all around the
Republic in order to return there "all things, for which at the moment there
seemed to be no longer need", because not before Monday there could turn out, if
the "compromise", handled out between the patients and the chief-rector with the
doctors there behind and above, had been a flop or not.

In the car to Wiesenbach, the three patients continued their discussion,
after they had decided, to decide at the moment nothing, which could be proposed
to the patients' collective, because their condition after the only two days and
nights of hunger-strike obviously had not yet left the critical state, which
can't be expected to be over, before at least three days of continued
hunger-activity are over.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

28.12.1993

Dear friend,

thank you for your letter of 14 December 1993 and especially for your many
art works!

You have written about your cold and your thoughts about that.
A common cold and a common question concerning illness, as often asked by
people coming to KRANKHEIT IM RECHT. We send you a note about your question and how is talked
about such a question with people coming to us, by this giving you some more
insight into our practical work - beside what you already know from the
KRANKHEIT IM RECHT information sheet and
the week list of activity, from SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, from the
time-line, from our former letters and especially from our current letter.

(K = KRANKHEIT IM RECHT, P = people who come to us).

K: You are talking about a "virus". How can you be sure that something
like a so-called virus actually does exist?

P: Everyone is talking about ...

K: The word "virus" comes from the doctors. The meaning of this word
from old Latin is: poison. So you were poisoned. Who was it who
poisoned you?
I don't know if you have a "virus" in your body, but I know that your mind has
been poisoned and colonized by the doctors' language imposed on you. You are
talking about "virus" like in former times they talked of demons and devils as
the cause of illness. From those ancient theories there followed e.g. an
exorcism by the therapists of those times, and from the theory of "virus"
there follows another treatment as prescripted and executed by the doctors of
nowadays and their theory.
I am not talking about whether demons do exist or not - if you are interested
we can talk about that later on - I am talking about mind imperialism
(Hirnimperialismus) imposed by the doctors, about iatrarchy, to use the exact
word.

P: Anyway, there was a weakening of my body defenses and therefore the
virus could have effects on me ...

K: Now I tell you a secret, published more than 20 years ago: the only
real immun defense system is - - illness. Illness is resistance. By illness
you defend yourself against the effects of iatro-capitalism. Be glad that you
have illness.
Illness is productive, it is illness itself which produces "virus" as well as
it can create proliferating flesh, growing life, what the medical men call
"cancer", it can create earth what the doctors call kidney-stones or
gallbladder-stones and it can produce realities which only some people can
perceive and others can't what is called optical and acoustic hallucinations.
These are the particular manifestations of the productive force of illness if
illness is suppressed and put in chains by the jackers. But what illness
actually will produce is the human species (Gattung), something which can't be
found, least can be bought, but has to be done, by patients. And therefore in
every single manifestation of illness the most important thing is not what can
be perceived e.g. as high pulse, fever, anxiety, proliferation, broken leg and
so on, but you must be aware of what is lacking and what hasn't been achieved
yet: the human species (Gattung). And from that follows consequently that no
medicament, no medical treatment can achieve the human species (Gattung), the
unity of people tied together by illness. Medical treatment can only mislead
illness and tie it to single manifestations. And you help putting illness in
chains by using words like "virus" which transform illness into some tiny
crystal instead of better seeing it or him or her as God, stronger than any
ridiculous virus.

P: Okay, I see, there are different theories of illness, and the one
you have is obviously completely opposite to what doctors think. But I am not
at all interested in theories ...

K: We are talking about doing. Columbus had the theory that the world
is not a disc but a round globe and from that followed that you can cross the
Atlantic in Western direction to reach the countries in the Far East. A new
theory, another kind of action and enormous social effects, ask the people in
South America and what they think of the conquistadors.
We don't want to spread a new theory of illness of how to catch a cold and you
don't have to agree with us. What we are doing is to recommend what is
important for those who get messed around everyday. You, too, are an object of
the doctors' everydays warfare against the patients. But where is your
counter-attack?
You were talking about body defenses. Don't you know that there is a
connection between your so-called weakening of the body defenses and x-rays
and radioactive material blown into the air by e.g. atom-tests? And who is
profiting by those experiments?
You don't have to believe in "virus". But what you are quite sure from your
daily living is that this society is divided into two parts, there are
exploiters and there are the exploited ones, there are the jacker and the
patients, those at the top and those at the bottom. And the doctors above for
example let drop "virus" that means: poison on those below to carry out
medical experiments. We just have a recent newspaper article to the hand which
tells about some areas in the USA like Tennessee where doctors spread
radioactive substances by airplanes. But only those areas were hit where poor
people live because they were supposed to be dumb and usually don't complain
and protest. And it's a pity, but seemingly the doctors were right. Or do you
know of any resistance against this poisoning, not to speak of patients'
resistance? But you can be quite sure that the doctors in their scientific
research departments have had a lot of fun. If people from these areas
trustfully came to the medical aid center complaining: I feel so weak, my
stomach is aching, I have always a cold, the jacker accurately and very
scientifically would write down the symptoms in their files. The weaker and
more sick the hit people became, the more fun for the doctors, be sure.
Because the jacker now got the "very interesting scientific material" they
wanted to turn it into scientific articles, scientific speeches on medical
congresses and more money and power for scientific research. This is exactly
the same science from where you learned your "virus", it is
science-against-mankind and now you understand that this science of course
needs protection by police guns, because the jacker themselves know very well
what they do to the people and that the patients have every right and reason
to attack. That's what you can learn from SPK and the book you just have in
hand, SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON.
And because you are interested in legal matters you can also learn something
very surprising: if it is doctors who kill patients, this is no murder, no
crime at all! It's nothing but therapy and thus well done! But it's even worse
than murder because it is done insidiously and under the cloak of help.

P: It's only me with this cold, others have other diseases.

K: Are you sure? You haven't asked others. The perception of illness in
others is widely submerged. This is one of the effects of isolation and
alienation in iatro-capitalist societies, very common. This so-called virus
cold is increasing. The first step to get knowledge about illness: talk with
others. And I can tell you what you will learn: the times have changed. Once
you got a cold once or twice a year, but now it's permanent, you can't even
tell when the one cold has ended and when the new cold is beginning, it's a
permanent poisoning. So you'd better get in touch with illness, make friends
with this defense system, you surely need it. And as you know from us,
following this way we ourselves are getting by very well with our colds,
influenzas, allergies... And it's no individual problem and no individual
solution thus.

P: But I was lying in my bed and actually had to do something very
urgent ...

K: And you didn't know anyone who could do it for you? You were too
ashamed to ask others? But what will be in future if more and more people are
sick so that they are too weak and cannot move and go out? Isn't it time to
make some connections between people based on illness to help each others
mutually in their illness? Or will you call the doctors and be at the mercy of
them, when they apply infusions with poisoned blood, amputate some lymph
nodes, fill you up with antibiotics, which are against life as already the
name tells (anti-bios)?

P: I haven't got the time and I haven't got the slightest knowledge
about illness...

K: You'd better start right now - or do you need a weatherman to know
from where the wind blows?

We here stop the notes. Of course there is a lot more to be said about
"virus", but this depends on what the respective person wants to know and what
has to be done at the moment.

As you have written, you meanwhile know what we did not do – crimes – and
that you are interested in what we actually do. We don’t know if you will be
talking in your book much about "crime" and if doing so you will refer to the
many aspects of "crime".
Do you think most of your readers will be law students who are conditioned to
impose the standards of criminal law on everything they hear, see, read or
otherwise perceive?
Talking about "crime" you would have to give least some hints for your readers
about that theme, e.g. some questions:

You know that criminal who was crucified at Golgatha about 2000 years ago?
Because he was planning an upheaval he was sentenced to death in a regular
trial and he never had a trial at an appeal court. Thus he remained sentenced
and a criminal up to nowadays. But there are millions of people in the
imitation of Christ who form a criminal association with their leader over the
ages. And even the speeches of this criminal to prepare the upheaval can be
obtained nearly all over the world. And the crucifix - is it a symbol of
religion and as such even protected by the State, or is it a criminal sign
reminding of the execution of a rebel and the upheaval he planned, a symbol
for insurrection thus?

In the Third Reich of the Nazis there was the official guiding principle of
the jurisdiction: the law has to serve to destroy our enemies. Now who is the
criminal: the judge who applies this principle while administering justice or
the boy sentenced to death by this judge because the boy had said: I'm sure we
will lose the war?

How become life events turned into crimes? Not before you have a Criminal
Code and criminal proceedings.

Did you know that there are countries e.g. the People's Republic of China
which had no Criminal Code until about 30 years ago? If something occured the
people who were together in the factory or who lived together were discussing
the problem and were searching solutions. No Criminal Code, no crime thus.
This is no discussion about socialism or what ever, it's just a hint that
speaking of "crime" one should not forget that it's the Criminal Code which
makes the "crime".

If you talk about "crimes", will you mention some of the revolutionary
speeches of Marx, Blanqui, Castro, Rosa Luxemburg and who else when they were
accused at the court and have outlined the relation between "crime" and
revolution? Or will you point to the literature e.g. to classic works on this
theme like O. Kirchheimer's "Political Justice" who needed about 600 pages to
discuss the problem?

But if you would do so what would that have to do with illness?
Do you think a patient e.g. suffering from cancer or a patient who feels
persecuted by mysterious powers is in any way interested in reading about
"crimes", especially in the USA where - if we would believe the newspapers and
TV - everyday more crimes are committed than babies are born?
And you know, "crime" is not enough to interest people, least you must add sex
(sexand crime) to attract attention. But Hollywood can do it
better, you can't beat them in this field.

About 20 years ago many Americans refused to go to Vietnam to kill the
people there. Many deserted and escaped to other countries, which wasn't
legal. Even if one says, it wasn't a crime, one applies the standard "crime",
you categorize people like a cop or like a prosecuting attorney does and by
this you kill the ideas of those people, their intentions, their strive for
humanity and peace, as they said, their hard decision they had to make whether
to leave the USA with probably no chance to ever come back, the task to build
a new home abroad - all this you would extinguish by applying the standard:
"was it a crime or not what they did?"

If you meet someone, say a woman you like, would it bring you closer to her
if you check out: has she committed a crime or not? And after having found
out, would you say: I know she did no crime, but I absolutely don't know what
else she actually does?

The ruling law is the law of the rulers (old anarchist wisdom). You agree?
What is the robbing of a bank compared to the setting up of a bank? Nothing
(old anarchist wisdom); crowned crimes have become legitimate and thus are no
crimes any longer (old anarchist wisdom). Okay?
Property is theft (old anarchist wisdom). So what is theft?
A crime or not?

Those collected arguments are not specific SPK/PF(H) ones, as you may have
noticed. But these thoughts are widely known also to anarchists. For those
there can be no standard "crime or not?", because anarchists know that
every standard is a standard of the rulers. Maybe some coming readers of
your book might wonder why you refer to "crime" without giving some hints to
its historical, political, social, economic, philosophical context in a
society which is divided into two antagonistic parts where consequently you
always have to observe what interest of what class an idea, a word, a thought
is serving. Cui bono? Lenin often asked.

And if you are looking at the other side of the front, the doctors' side,
there is no crime at all. Impossible for a doctor to commit a murder against a
patient. Killing a patient never will be judged as a crime. A widely known
fact. Remember our letter: Che Guevara, once having been a doctor, gave his
father the advise to write "Dr.med.(MD)" at his door and from then on he could
kill as much people as he wanted without ever being punished. And already old
Plinius II in ancient Rome had stated that nobody is allowed to kill except
the doctors, because they risk no punishment at all if they do.

Referring to "crime", also by excluding "crime", also by acquitting someone
from having "committed crimes", one has been turned into a little policeman.
No reason for being ashamed. This is a very common thing as one may learn from
SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON (pp 102 ff).

"Crime or no crime" can't be the question because it has
NO RELATION TO ILLNESS. It is like applying the unit of measurement for
electricity on paintings. It doesn't fit.

"Crime" is aiming at a single person, who before has been isolated, divided
(the old 'divide et impera', you remember?) and separated from the living
together, from the collective.
Did you ever divide a melody, a lot of warmth, an illness or some other
species? could ask one of your coming readers remembering what he has read in
the preface of SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON and could go on: specified
illness to create the human species or medical specialists to destroy it for
all times (die MenschenGATTUNG gegen deren Zerstoerungs- und
EndloesungsKLASSE), that's the class antagonism of nowadays and the only
real problem to be solved.

All about SPK depends on some specific properties which were in the
world for a moment, not before and not later on - while prisons, warrants and
so on stay to be banalities and nobody cares or doesn't care about, be it only
occasionally.

The patients in the SPK did exercise the proof that based even on
illness, be it an awful illness in an aesthetic way, be it a dangerous illness
in some sense else, it is possible to live together, awoken and asleep,
disregarding all distances of time and space. This is important.

If tied to illness everything is changed. For example: every
passport, every identity is forged - individual identity, if there is in
truth, is to become done and gained by nothing else but by passing through
illness in any way.
You may have seen how closely all things in the SPK, even explosives, were
tied to illness, instead of being tied to some capitalist purpose.

Referring to our current letter is meant as a help for you, as is intended
the whole letter itself, ready to be used in the book and with regard to your
coming readers. Even your question concerning what we do is already answered.
So why not let speak the truth instead of imposing standards which are
lightyears away from illness?

From your last letter we are not sure if you intend to publish the whole
letter, maybe in an appendix to the book, or if you will only take parts of it
and which ones and why. Please let us know.

As you wrote you start thinking of us as friends. Friends should support
each other in releasing each other from standards and chains – from chains put
on the mind, on feelings, on will, on fantasy, on the body, on doing ...

We hope you understand our doing, here: writing this letter, in this
manner.
And if you start losing objectivity as you said, did you gain revolutionary
development instead of it?
Sometimes oneself doesn't even notice such changes.

To one of the next letters we will add some notes to your first draft.

Best wishes

Encl.:

the next pages of the letter (68-75

*)

new information sheet of KRANKHEIT IM RECHT with some important
supplements (not meant as a criticism against you)

* The page numbers
don't refer to the internet-version.

For the rest during the weekend one of them had to travel some hundred
kilometers more, in order to return some of the mentioned things.

Having arrived at Wiesenbach they first drank a lot of water and then went to
sleep. Two didn't succeed in falling asleep, and after a while there rang the
phone at the bed, and there was the call from the Frankfurt press (see above),
who now needed news from the patients, because - as there turned out - they
already had been informed by the doctors. They got their informations and
meanwhile the woman had fallen asleep.

Later on there came also the nowadays "new" mother with the little son. She
had trouble with her new-bought car (Simca, water-cooled) and asked the women,
if one of them was ready to accompany Huber on his travel to do with her new
car, in order to get assured about it before risking expensive car repairs. She
herself preferred to care for the children and also Mrs. Huber seemed to need
some sleep and help during the weekend. The asked woman consented, the little
son asked for a walk through the wood there in the neighbourhood, and the others
sat down at the table in the kitchen and took down the needed declarations, just
as decided collectively, before all had left the administration building of the
clinic.

On Monday morning, back from the weekend-excursion and back to the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12, there was a paper on the left of the door, and there to
read "Patientenkollektiv Dr. Huber" ("patients' collective Dr. Huber"). They
rang the doorbell, the door was opened and there came some later on SPK patients
and accompanied them to the rooms left hand on the lowest floor.

We just had entered and experienced, that above in the house, on the next
floor but one, there were also empty rooms of the university to the right and to
the left indeed, thus the entire floor not in use since years, and not destined
for use further on, while the biggest room of those destined to us, was closed
by key and off limits for ourselves, as the housekeeper had said, and the right
half of the lower floor was already and entirely in use for doctors' assemblies
once a week. We just had entered the flat and closed the door behind us, when
the doorbell was rung and there expected a former Psychiatric Polyclinic patient
to enter. As he told, he had just been sent from there to here.

By that event three things became clear at once: the jacker seemed to be
ready to send the patients no longer neither to Wiesenbach, nor to the Mental
Hospital Wiesloch, but now to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12.

We had to start here and now.

Then we spread some pages of a newspaper on the very dirty floor, sat down
there and promised, never again to give up the won rooms, be it for risk of our
lives. Then we inspected the indeed wretched rooms there and the perhaps even
more wretched chairs, tables and so on, brought there by the craftsmen of the
administration, just in the morning before we had come, compared completeness
regarding the list, which had resulted from the "compromise", fixed the further
destination of the therefore most important rooms, bought some great buckets and
brushes in the next shop and began to clean the rooms and the furnitures, last
not least because we needed movement, for it was cold there in our new, later on
SPK rooms.

He, who had been first here, caring about the keys and so on, asked for money
in order to take the curtains from the windows and doors to his mother, in order
to get them washed. He had been labelled by the Psychiatric Clinic doctors as a
"debil and feeble-minded person", and because of that his dreams had vanished,
to return to the army, where he, as he told, had spent the best time in his
life, sitting in a storeroom for uniforms, drinking German beer out of the
bottle and saluting correctly, if there happened to pass an officer. He asked,
whether he now could become the doorkeeper, responsible also for all
correspondences to be sent from or accepted by the patients' collective, and the
same with the money, the nameplates, the stamps and what else it could be,
getting replaced nothing but his expenses for the tram and, if there seemed to
be need, for a trip to a bar and the girls there. The collective consented, and
he had a good time, and maybe a better than in the military barracks. At any
rate, his dreams about that ceased.

And when he was ordered later on to the court as a witness against the SPK,
it had been him, who had filled himself with drugs and alcoholics to a degree,
that the psychiatric expert Kretz at the court because of him lost his face in
public, because of ridiculousness and blame, as already mentioned in this
letter.

Here in the rooms of SPK the other patients, and especially the she-patients
laughed at Huber, also on his knees, while cleaning the floor and showing his
naked skin beneath the pullover, which always rode up. They took some photos and
pinned them at the two blackboards, right and left at the walls of the floor,
the two blackboards, which urgently had been fixed there and still were empty,
and the photos vanished after one or two days and never reappeared, because
having become replaced by the growing up more important information.

There came the typewriter and also the copying machine (Abzugsmaschine)
needed not only for the flyers, from which there followed later on the SPK
documentations. And there came the two phones and also the electric circuits
therefore and for the light in the rooms, and there were very obstinate efforts
necessary to provide them, but finally achieved before the first week had
passed.

On the second day in the morning, there came two new patients. They had been
told at the Psychosomatic Clinic, that all doctors there felt threatened and
terrorized by the patients' collective, and also they told, that the Psychiatric
Clinic and the Psychiatric Polyclinic, as told to them by the doctors in the
Psychosomatic Clinic, had established new crises staffs. They therefore
had become interested and went to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, asking, if they
could join the patients' collective. They could.

Later on they were among those, who got warrants, then were in prison, became
charged, became released and one of them, 1978 again in prison because of the
(same) indictment, started a hunger-strike up from the first day, became feeded
by force, means: bodily tortured with danger for life (forced feeding =
operation without anaesthesia), continued to be feeded by force for several
months, until they had to release him, because the sentence was fulfilled up to
the last day.

The doctor, who had been responsible for this torture, in March 1970 also
sometimes had taken part in the patients' collective, but had withdrawn, because
nobody there had cared about his "therapy", in spite of his being a publically
known sympathizer of the Communist Party and of the cover-organization Deutsche
Friedens-Union (German Peace Union) belonging to it.

The nurses of the Frontpatient in 1978, top-carate policemen in the prison,
shook their heads and remained flabbergasted at the court in 1979, when in a
trial against the prison doctors the Patientenfront unmasked the mentioned
psychiatrist and peace-communist as a "former member of the
Sozialistisches Patientenkollektiv", thus as a gangster in the former -
later on so-called - "criminal association SPK". The mentioned SPK patient from
the 3 March 1970, with whom is dealt here, had great fun about that, thanks to
his Patientenfront-lawyer Juergen Schifferer, dead since 1991.

He, the lawyer, had died because of the consequences of the U.S. forces in
Europe, who had exculpated the teacher of the named psychiatrist, but had
forgotten to hang him after the last World War. This university's teacher in
forensic psychiatry, born as a very rich son in Heidelberg and later on there at
the university as a chief-doctor, in 1982 had gone as an expert to a colleagues'
trial of the professional association of lawyers (Ehrengericht), in order to
achieve the compulsory internment of the named lawyer in the Mental
Hospital of Wiesloch, because the lawyer had defended since then patients and
their resistance in Wiesloch and elsewhere. The doctor tried to achieve this by
psychiatric diagnosing of the lawyer's activity as a lawyer at court

in favour of the
resisting patients. The expert didn't succeed, but
the lawyer had been "a broken man and remained to be, after the named trial", as
he sometimes used to say, if some bystander from outside missed him at court or
criticized, that he was so seldom to be seen at court. And finally, but quite
suddenly the lawyer had died of a heart break-down - as a lady-doctor later on
supposed by tele- and phone-diagnosis - the lawyer nevertheless having supported
the Patientenfront as good as he could till to his death at the age of 47.

When the named university's teacher in forensic psychiatry had had his
seventy's jubilee in the year 1983, the press had not forgotten to point out,
that he in the past had suffered hard attacks by certain "patients' lawyers".
What the press never mentioned was, that the Patientenfront in 1982 had saved
the lawyer from internment in Wiesloch by unmasking the named great son of
Heidelberg as the author of a scientific propaganda, that

only the German race
had the right to create right and laws, but nobody
else in the world, and no other race at all.

And now in this present year 1993, when he should have had in great public
his eighty's jubilee, the press related by three or four lines, that the
announced great jubilee performance had suddenly been stopped, shortly after its
beginning, because a colleague of the 80-years-birthday-child had fallen to the
floor there in the university and was dead.

For the rest there is to mention, because of all around March in 1970, that
the named university's teacher once had come from the office of Dr. Kretz in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he often was in those last days of February
1970, to the office of Dr. Huber, there straight opposite to the office of
Kretz at that time, to announce to Huber the decision of the medical council,
that Huber had been commanded by the latter to stop the patients' rebellion
there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Huber had thrown out the named great
teacher and authority in forensic psychiatry, just before the latter had ended
his first sentence, and had shouted: "Let's go to Wiesloch. Either you
or we!" (Means: life-long compulsory internment in a Mental Hospital).

The great expert stopped to make any sound afterwards, but he and his circles
continued secretly and sometimes, as here related by details only, he
reappeared. Therefore: who first kills, lives longer, we here in Germany learned
from American Western movies. Why did the American Forces in Europe hesitate to
hang such a man, why was he just on the contrary exculpated, why would he have
nearly succeeded to celebrate his jubilee, if there had not happened some
accident? Had there been doctors behind the American Forces, there among and
there above? Please do ask American people. Also they meanwhile and by and by
should have become conscious about that. Maybe, some of them then will agree
with us on the point, that it is not enough, to export democracy by fire and
sword (some of us still hear the detonations also of American explosives in
their ears from the last World War), if thereby simultaneously is expressively
excluded to liberate illness, following from that nothing but continued and
world-wide spread iatro-democratism, as we say, based on the doctors'
dictatorship and the people's trust in their heal and normgiving activities,
even from before having been born, a dictatorship, which for the rest needs
neither Hitlerian, nor fundamental-islamic support, because it is itself the
most reliable fundament of all evergreen nazism and racism, be it only in the
system of delusion (und sei es auch nur im Wahnsystem) of some later on SPK
patients, who because of that in March 1970 voluntarily decided, to spend the
second weekend at the Psychiatric Department of a university in Northern
Germany.

Yes, all, who had taken part in the occupation of the administration building
during the last days of February, submitted voluntarily to psychiatric,
psychosomatic and psychological tests and researches, there among also Huber,
and indeed anonymously like all the others until the researches of the doctors
had been done, asking then to get also taken down their names. As you can see, I
speak here beside the time-line only about facts, with which in the past there
never has been dealt elsewhere. This excursion was our immediate response to the
upper mentioned message, that the Heidelberg doctors still felt again terrorized
and continued to establish their crises-staffs.

There exist outside-theorists until nowadays, who indeed favour the SPK, but
nevertheless point out, that we would have indeed strengthened our Hegelian
dialectics on the common and the whole in society there all about on the one
hand and the specifity on the other, while absolutely forgetting, that we
ourselves, namely the SPK, were in a total loneliness (Vereinzelung) and even in
an objective sectarian isolation, regarding generality and specifity in their
dialectical interdepence.

If there should arise any need for truth in future, there also can be
affirmed - even based on scientific proofs - just the contrary. The SPK already
in those times was in no way isolated nor did isolate itself, neither from the
coming millenial future, nor from the diluvial or ante-diluvial past, neither
from other people, nor from other institutions, and even not from their enemies
in the doctors' class. By no means. If there was fun, all skin colours slept
there together, American people there in no way excluded, as we mentioned
already, and there was a lot of more things involved than only sleeping
together. If there seemed to be need, they delivered themselves also into the
hands of their - so to speak - enemies-by-nature (natuerliche Feinde).

From both experiences, and of course from all the others there between, for
there were permanently all strata of society also involved, they came of all
sections of the population because of illness, not only because of psychiatric
ones, but because of illnesses of all medical subject areas. And from there
resulted the raw materials, which needed to become worked out by the methods of
dialectics in order to become statements, far beyond of common sense and reason,
as to admit, and even seemingly pseudo-psychotic systematized delusion.

For the rest we until now never cared again about the results, done by the
doctors and their test-batteries there on the second weekend in March 1970. For
ourselves it was sufficient, that we could return to the Rohrbacherstrasse 12
which, with its collective therein, still had best chances, to land up in the
Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, with Huber at the top, of course, as there had been
told still in March 1970 the democratically chosen leader in the university of
Heidelberg, thus about half a year before the named university then for a moment
suddenly changed its opinion, proposing to the SPK, that it could become an
institution at the university of Heidelberg.

On Tuesday in the second week of March 1970, in the morning there came –
accompanied by some lawyer of Dr. Huber at that time

*
- the second chief of the university with a contract, which had needed a lot of
work and presented a quite greater lot of difficulties, to become overcome by
the "collectively done work" between the named lawyer and himself, as there said
the second chief of the university, a professor for national and constitutional
law, for the rest. Now the contract, as the two juridical colleagues repeatedly
assured, would need nothing else, but the signature of Dr. Huber.

*

not the later on
Patientenfront-lawyer mentioned above.

There was nobody else present in the rooms of the SPK just in this moment,
except the three persons and Hegel himself, who arose from Huber's memory,
saying to him, while repeating the part of a sentence in his philosophy of
State: "The signature of the monarch is nothing but the dot on the i, but
nevertheless as necessary as the monarch himself." Huber threw a glance down at
his crumpled parka, his old jeans and the cracked boots on his feet. Also he
remembered by contrast imagination, that illness - being neither a mono-
nor any -archy, and thus in no way something like monarchy - disposed of
his own signature, namely: immediacy and revolutionary change.

The same he remembered his experiences concerning signatures back from March
1970 till to the beginnings of his work in the Psychiatric Polyclinic just like
a panorama. Up from 1966/67 and also in all the years before, since he had
become a medical doctor and then a doctor in psychiatry, he never had problems
because of his signature under prescriptions, applications, letters, reports as
an expert for a court or other authorities and so on, connected with his
everyday-work. If there seemed to be problems because of responsibility, he made
his every chiefs to read his writings and begged for their signature.

In the Psychiatric Polyclinic his first chief there soon had begged him, to
read also the writings done by himself, and so it was done, as and when
required.

In May 1969 there came another chief (not Kretz) to the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, who told Huber, that he needs not expect his presence, but continue
to do his work as usual, the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic, whom he had asked
about that, being also of the same opinion, as the since May 1969 new
Psychiatric Polyclinic chief of Huber expressively added, begging Huber
simultaneously to take part also in the scientific researches of the latter,
because he himself didn't feel so very capable of and experienced in caring for
the patients here in the Polyclinic and the scientific work with them, as he
also added.

Indeed, when there seemed to wait a patient for him late in the afternoon, it
soon turned out that it was his wife, who expected him to return with her just
in time at home, to the theatre or to an anthroposophic lecture-giving by a
Steinerian teacher anywhere in Heidelberg.

It had been not before January 1970, that the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic
asked Huber, to get his writings, except the prescriptions of course and also
the more administrative things, now signed also by Kretz, the new chief now in
the Psychiatric Polyclinic, released therefore from rather all other obligations
in the Psychiatric Clinic. Huber answered to the chief, that he himself of
course also realized, that Kretz should need help for adaptation and
accomodation to the truly hard work there in the Polyclinic, and that therefore
Kretz could learn a lot of things by busily reading and also signing the
writings of him (done by Huber), especially those, which were not very urgently
to become sent off, but the more large and difficult. Huber also added, that
Kretz seemingly not had come to the Psychiatric Polyclinic in order to work
there with the patients or even to learn how best to work, because he since
October 1969 had apparently done nothing but to announce to him (Huber) that he
had decided to fire all the oldies there in the so-called group therapy and to
become represented by two more young-doctors, who also had come there with him,
but had done almost nothing except sitting there in their offices, the latter,
as to admit, quite on the contrary to Kretz himself, who never was present, if
there had asked a lady secretary for him, because of a call, Kretz appearing by
coming and going only for stip-visits of 5 or 10 minutes at his youngsters
there.

The chief of the Psychiatric Clinic had promised to think about the
signatures once more, and also to speak to Kretz.

But during the first weeks in January 1970 nothing had changed in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic. Meanwhile the patients had started their collective
investigations (see time-line),
repeatedly done and limited to three days a week, the entire questioning being
limited to a fortnight. They asked the patients in the waiting room, to which
doctor they had become announced to go, why, how they felt, what they thought
about improvements and so on, but nothing about politics in any way.

The results were published in the general assembly of patients (12 February
1970) and at the patients' congress in the clinic (so-called "hearing")
(20 February 1970).

The doctors all there present in the hearing, after that were in a complete
loss of words during the first minutes and continued being so later on. Result
of the investigations: from totally 55 patients there waited 46 patients for Dr.
Huber, for the two mentioned young-doctors of Kretz: 5, and for Kretz himself 4
patients (thus a proportion of 12:1 in comparison between Huber and Kretz). On
the whole there were in continuous treatment at Dr. Huber 180 patients at that
time.

While the patients started their collective investigations, the chief phoned
Huber to come to his (the chief's) office in the Psychiatric Clinic, in order to
have a discussion with him, especially on the signatures. The reply of Dr. Huber
just to this call has entered the literature once more, but now moving from
left-wing

*
poet circles of the '20s to the upper class, becoming noticed there of course
not only by the ruling doctors, but also by the doctor-patients there all around
from the bottom to the top of our glorious iatro-capitalist society: "Only the
most stupid calves / choose their butcher by own behalfs." ("Nur die
allerduemmsten Kaelber/waehlen ihren Schlaechter selber", Bertolt Brecht, 1898 -
1956).

*

Left/Right here in the usual sense
of the word.
We understand by Righty, right-wing, right: medical, normal, standards,
standard-makers and standard-made (ones); all what is the rule (opposite to
exception); all those who keep all (things, means, capacities ...) to
themselves, keep all as private property. That is the case, even if they elect
so to say: "left-wing", even if they pursue chaotic ideologies and aims.

Left-wing, left on the other hand is: the condition of exception, state
of emergency, out of orden and of ordinary, the state of ex-cess, both: in
lack or aboundance, the state of ecstasy (Ausnahmezustand), and that in
permanence, thus illness, the condition of communication and

informa(c)tion,
collective, revolution, revolutionary collective and collective revolution,
in any case scorn and derision against all rules and against being conform
to rules (including natural, social, legal and whatever laws). All that
became irrefutably clear and obvious, as we assume, by all the details,
connections and references in this letter. This present concluding hint
therefore is only the sum, the summary.

Next day, the chief of the Psychiatric Clinic called once more, but now by
writing some lines. Huber there put his own signature under that and pinned it
at the wall opposite to the waiting room in the Psychiatric Polyclinic so, that
each patient could read it, and of course they all asked Huber about that. Alas,
the patients in no way were ready to spend any awareness to a quarrel between
doctors about signatures, a quarrel, which for the rest had been caused by the
chief far away there in the clinic and far away from their problems. Thus the
signature of Huber had turned into the signature of illness, there in the
patients themselves, and there followed after the lightning of highest urgence a
thunderous call for revolution, and there was later on also the inundation,
namely the mass-assembly of the patients in the Psychiatric Polyclinic on 12
February 1970 and the debacle of the university's chief-council with the
swept-away Kretz as a candidate for rectorship, next days later and with no
return.

Absolutely priority to illness,
front against the doctors, illness now for the first time entered into medicine,
thus a modern and revolutionary signature-doctrine, of which even old medieval
Paracelsus, Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim*,
never had even dreamed, even if you research therefore and at that the last
edition of his works, and the most sophisticated comments on that. (The new
edition meanwhile has been worked through by several Frontpatienten.)

*

Paracelsus
had had quite another signature-doctrine: e.g. that some plants
show the face or resemble more saturn, others more mars and so on, illnesses
as well. Learned from gipsies and travelling people. To sign s.th. with one's
name, such a signature shows only the phiz (Fratze) of capital(ism), the peak
of it are autographs. Paracelsus was according to his own confession a
heretic, killed by doctors, a rumour, obstinately denied but always again
emerging, a South-German, for the rest, respectively a Swiss as the - in this
letter already mentioned - Major von Dach of the Swiss Home Army
with his book: 'The Total Resistance'.

The latter was the last picture in the panorama just mentioned, while Huber
calmly sat down on a chair, opposite to the "two-men-collective", at the large
table in the SPK room straight opposite to the Trade Union house on the other
side of the street, the mentioned SPK room, being already destined for public
assemblies and also for other public working circles to be done there in future.
Huber asked for a ball-point and for the contract. Then he read by loud voice:
"patients of Dr. Huber", and added: "don't exist"; then he continued without
interruption: "work-contract", and added: "doctors sell service-commodities, but
never achieve to produce health, thus they produce no work, thus there can't be
any contract or any responsibility about that." Then he read of the contract:
"ends 30 September 1970".

Then he took the ball-point, drew a line from the left beneath to the right
above on the paper and returned it to the second chief of the University of
Heidelberg, pushing also the ball-point to him there behind.

The two jurists did not seem to be very astonished at all. The second rector,
while putting the two things back into his little black suitcase, stuttered in
his habitual manner the words: "Your signature can serve for nothing else, but
for criminal contracts between the patients and you, Dr. Huber. We already spoke
about that at the way (he and the lawyer of Dr. Huber so). Thus keep your
signature and take care, if there is legality, and there is still legality. See
you later, but elsewhere, but never here." Huber added: "So long and welcome, in
your office and in your rooms." And, remembering old Hegel and the
dot on the "i", he added: "collectiva iuria novit collectiva curia", while
accompanying the two contract-forgers to the door.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

7.01.1994

Dear friend Trevor:

Thank you very much for your postcard

*
with the nine angels and for the newspaper information about "Doctors kill
more Americans than car crashes".

*

We enjoyed it very much and
discussed what many things are to be seen and to be associated to.

Enclosed you find the next pages of the letter.

Best wishes

There was not yet one day over, still in March 1970, when some patients and a
student, chosen by the collective, sat down, took down their own contract, and
sent it, still within the first fortnight of March, to the second and to the
first Rector of the University and also a copy to the lawyer of Huber. The
contract of the patients of course was rejected, because of "offending and
ideologic remarks there added". But already before the rejected contract had
reached the SPK, the electricity for the telephones, for the light and for the
radiators had been cut off from outside by the clinic administration, following
the command of the social democratic rectors there at the university of
Heidelberg. (Note: in the programs of scientific (!) socialism electricity,
water, housing, therapy and so on are free and gratis).

And the same the doctors' council of the Faculty of Medicine had ordered to
all pharmacists not to accept any longer a prescription, signed and stamped by
Dr. Huber (yes, the patients' collective already had his own stamp in the second
week of March 1970), because "Huber could prescribe explosive material like
dynamite to the patients". The latter can be taken as a proof, that the Faculty
of Medicine of one of the oldest universities in the world till to this moment
not had been able to realize the explosive material, of which consists illness,
and that consequently the medicine and the doctors never experienced illness,
before there was the SPK to introduce illness, so to say:

from outside into the
medicine. On the other hand by that and by the
argumentation of the medical council there also turned out that all the fine
pharmacies and drugstores, not to speak of the industry related to them, are
very dangerous places, because each tiny doctor and even each crazy psychiatrist
can order from there by prescription explosives and poisons in all quantities
and qualities, just as pleasure and good or bad humour ask to him. If he by that
kills patients, but also the illness in them, then that is no crime but therapy.
Be sure, that a council of medical experts will find it out, and the courts will
obey, just for all sake of legality. (Nazism the crucial experiment; the
patient-question being the only mark of differentiation between nazism or not,
even in so-called democratic societies, up to socialist and anarchist ones.)

Please decide yourself, if details and "news" like the mentioned are
important also for English speaking people. Do it in a better grammar, by
correcter words, as there are at our disposal just in the moment. Perhaps your
readers are competent enough, to grasp the sense of our argumentations, feeling
enabled to look out for taking precaution and also for protest against the upper
mentioned mechanisms just in time. On principle there are to expect always the
same patterns and mechanisms on the part of the jacker. But not necessarily
(only) such, which a believing and trusting or even a "critical" doctor-patient
expects, certainly not.

Not everybody, and there among very sophisticated people, knows that also for
patients there exist channels to express their protest, just like there exist
channels for the now old and overcome class from the last century, means: the
working class.

Quite in common the general strike has disappeared in the trade union houses,
and in the SPK we could realize the named fact each day, if we looked out of the
window of the SPK at the windows and at the doors of the trade union house there
opposite which - quite on the contrary to the coming and going, discussing and
doing in the SPK up from the second day of March - was more likely to be
compared with a mausoleum, or say: a dolmen in the still existing stone age,
than with a channel for protest, regardless for or against whom or whatever it
could have been.

Quite on the contrary to the police headquarter there opposite the people
behind the windows there in the trade union house seemed not to mean us any
harm. One year later, when we pinned our placards onto the window panes of our
general assembly room, one year later in March 1971, some women there opposite
opened their windows beckoning us with their hands. When we were in prison, also
some German trade union leaders joined the protest in favour of the "political
prisoners", trade union leaders, who for the rest had spent some time in the
concentration camps of Hitler, or better to say: in the concentration camps of
Nazi-doctors like Mengele, Heyde, Brandt and so on. From the SPK patients there
in prison (see our texts under the headline
The way out of torture is
paved with broken doctors) those protests in favour of the "political
prisoners" became almost not even noticed, because they (the "political
prisoners") obviously had nothing to do with protest of illness, but quite on
the contrary with caring about the not existing health, thus favouring our
enemies.

Of course also English speaking people can keep their illness far away from
the doctors, just as we did in SPK, just as we do in the Patientenfront until
nowadays. That is a very useful channel to forward the protest of illness, there
not to forget, that need creates inventions (necessity is the mother of
invention).

If all the workers, the she and the he had decided to do a life-long general
strike against the doctors, neither the police and the military, nor the every
government could suffocate it or even keep it hidden.

Of course you can withdraw your illness, just the same, as you can withdraw
your working force from the industry. In the latter case you have to demand for
higher wages. In the other case you have to demand for nothing, because the
patients have to do it by themselves, helping each other, liking illness in its
ugliest forms of expression, learning to control all ideologic, economic and
social conditions there around, changing by that and besides that a lot of
things in an indeed revolutionary way.

More and more channels will arise from that, and some of them good enough to
put and to keep the protest of illness in force. There is no need to look back
to old and well-established channels of the past.

Well, again I am, as I hope, sufficiently aware that if I here make use of
the sign Generalstreik (general strike*), I have to take in count
reproaches like that, to suffer from ambitious tendencies or even from
megalomania. Some years ago such reproaches emerged against the SPK in English
speaking literature and just we have taken back some of them to our homes from
the book-fair in London.

*

Also here in the English-speaking
countries still exists the classical Signifikant "general strike" and be it
only in the literature. More there about,
see Sartre and Lacan. A long time
ago the working class has drawn from it all his forces and hopes. And the
ruling class has trembled in the face of this Signifikant. Today the
ruling class of nowadays can laugh about this matter, but not about the
Signifikant illness, a really terrifying horror, a ghost being declined by
everyone except the patients’ class in so far as the patients’ class has
grasped, that there never can arise reconciliation between illness and
iatrocapitalism.

Therefore we here have to take down some more details and memories concerning
the SPK-March in 1970.

In March 1970 there are common calls and claims in the press to refer SPK
patients back to the doctors, if there is need or if the collective can't get
along in some serious cases. Well the collective can get along and nobody wants
to get or gets referred. Thus a "general strike" in permanence against the
doctors. Just on the contrary the doctors refer former doctor-patients, who now
insist that they become referred to the patients' collective, thus to the SPK.

They have no writings of a doctor or of anybody else with them, when they
come, don't get paid their expenses for a car, if they need, regardless that we
ourselves of course do it with our own cars, if we are asked for.

The doctors, belonging to the chief-council of the Faculty of Medicine, e.g.
the chief of the Clinic for Skin and Sexual Diseases, sent also spies to us,
just in March 1970, there among a beauty of a medical-student-girl, to whom the
chief of the named clinic has offered more financial advantages, if she
succeeds. There have not yet passed the first fifteen minutes and a short talk*
about political, ideologic and revolutionary identity, as the lady-spy discloses
the reason of her coming, joining the patients. She takes part in SPK for two
months, going also with her boy-friends to their homes, but then decides to
continue her studies at another university in Germany or abroad, because her
chief-doctor, there in Heidelberg, had withdrawn from her and even seemed to
suffer from distrust of her. Of course there had not been involved a later on by
the doctors so-called "secret working photo circle" in this spy-case.

*

with Huber

Only some few examples for channels of illness in protest, March 1970:

On 5 or 6 March there was a phone call - just as there took place a
discussion between an anarchist leader of the students, who for the rest was
just on the way to withdraw from Heidelberg because of his, as to expect,
father-in-law, who was one of the highest judges in Western Germany, as he
told, and he was withdrawing in order and there related to do his
examinations, main-condition for a lucky marriage with the high girl, as he
added - just in this moment there was a call, that an 8 or 9 years old child,
sleeping in the second storey of a bed (her elder sister there in the first
storey of the two-storeyed bed), had just fallen out of bed and down to floor
and now suffered from a laceration at her forehead. She was at home with her
mother.

The collective decided to send a patient there. After about 3 hours, the
patient returned, saying, that he had got the sore stitched up, helped by the
mother.

The big anarchist leader went on speaking and arrived at drawing the
conclusion, that the patients' collective already in its beginnings suffered
from political absenteeism, just as it had been proven just here within the
last three hours by a very significant circumstantial evidence (the man was a
jurisprudence-student) and that he therefore saw himself motivated to risk the
prediction based on experience here and now, that the patients' collective
would end, just like the revolutionary student movement had ended three, or
say: two years ago, be it, concerning the patients' collective, even more
rapidly, say: within some weeks, because of political absenteeism.

When the big leader - dressed in black colour from the feet to the in no
way cut hair, and with dark glasses before his eyes - had ended and had left
the SPK rooms, some of us risked to interpret the event in our own terms.
Conclusion: once more we had withdrawn illness from the doctors, from the
surgeons in the named case, but that we had to keep silence about that, while
observing the child, making the mother to care about the temperature, because
if there arose complications like for example tetanus, the punishing
consequences could strike all of us.

But because we kept our mouths shut about that also later on and until now,
nothing happened and some days later the mother came with the child, to get
the three or four stitches taken out. We did it by our therefore well washed
hands and by a knife, cleaned by fire, the child being very glad about the lot
of people, most known to her, playing the just for the purpose invented game
tied to illness in revolution, for the rest: one stitch taken out in one hour,
because she meanwhile preferred excursions there all around in the rooms of
the SPK and outside in the shops.

About half a year later on we learned from the media propaganda of the
Heidelberg chief of all neurologists there in Western Germany, that all
doctors expected what there would happen, if some SPK-women would become
pregnant. We therefore collected reports of women, who in the past and then in
no relation to later on SPK-activities had become pregnant, had gone to a
doctor for an abortion, had been ordered by them to get blood from a butcher,
to colour themselves the inner sides of their thighs and to come again to him
(to the doctor), thus feigning a very severe case of emergency in beginning
pregnancy. They had to forward to the doctors the wanted amount of money for
and because under precautions, and coming later on to them, in order to have
sex, whenever the doctors wanted. Well, within the next months there came
together about half a dozen of the named reports, which we, for the rest,
never needed.

Yes, there exist a lot of channels, channels to withdraw illness from the
doctors, just like in former times the workers could withdraw their labour
force, not to speak about the possibilities, which come together, if there in
modern times illness is collected in addition to the labour force, just as it is
the case indeed nowadays in every she and in every he. Look also at the second
moment of our Krankheitsbegriff, consisting in the word
dependence-of-wages (Lohnabhaengigkeit)

*,
there already in the days of the beginning of the SPK in March 1970, and sooner.

*

means: the modern slave is "free",
because there is no immediate owner or chief possessing him; he is only
in the possession by money, thus: wage; compare also reification and ask who
is the thing, either the money or the person or both or all, thus: every-thing
among everything. Of course she or he doesn't grasp it. Why? Look at the first
moment of the Krankheitsbegriff: Entfremdung
(alienation). In the context of SPK alienation means:
Gattungsentfremdung (alienation from human species), Gattung
in mankind
still being replaced by money.

Just for purpose there to mention, because in English speaking literature
there arose until now hints in favour of the SPK, that the women's movement,
spread around the Western world, be it only in some of its parts and be it
only from time to time, had assimilated a lot of SPK methods, and even done it
better. Far away from ambitions and envy, we quite on the contrary become
happy, if we experience about proceedings done meanwhile, or beside or before
SPK. But from our view or review there always remains the most important
question: against she- or he-doctors, against he- and she-iatrocapitalism;
in favour of or against she-illness or not?

Well, as we could experience until now, such parts of the women's movement
sometimes and in their writings are against male-dominated medicine, but not
against medicine at all, are against high-tech and reproduction medicine, but
not against therapy at all, be it "soft", "natural", "human" or whatever else.
They also sometimes are against Reichian machismo and sexism,
and also they care about pregnancies and about the question, how sexuality
could work best. But there is never the question, how sexuality in doing and
working best could be tied to the she- and he-most-ancient-Godhead illness,
who strives to create for the first time human species, using therefore all
available channels of illness as a protest force, being until now constrained
to fall back upon the she- and he-bodies, striking them by splitting pains and
illnesses, but nevertheless in an entire manner, causing by that a reactionary
entity of illness, as we say, thus in a way which everybody is very inclined
to reject. For the rest the third moment of the Krankheitsbegriff
(Selbstbegattung) deals with that, and on that depends quite a
lot of so-called physiology, chemistry, physics and last not least philosophy,
which altogether depend in no way on experts and medical doctors, but must be
done collectively, then creating effects of revolutionary identity, some of
them mentioned here in this letter. These collective

doings also
caused improvements in illness, as to admit, and as there had been pointed out
from outside, calling them "Wunderheilungen" (curings which were really
miraculous), but nevertheless had and have nothing to do with therapy, but
they were and are quite secret, for not to say occult channels, thus:
literally spoken: underground managements, opening doors and channels for more
protest, nourished by the force of illness and prospectively outlasting,
because of sexuality, which is always tied to recreation and creation till to
the end of mankind, if not even from its beginnings, the latter even faster
tied to illness, the others to become the more and the better tied to illness,
thanks to consciousness, awareness, and Krankheitsbegriff (concept
of illness), now.

But meanwhile the doctors are at work to extinguish sexuality and also the
existing mankind, substituting it, by and by, with their own glorious
creatures out of their laboratories, the women's movement thus already being
overwhelmed, except some rearguard actions against some reificated and thus
stupid reproduction technology. They blame penetration, but don't care about
their being penetrated, and pleasantly rocked or shocked by doctors' ideology
from the morning to the morning after the next night.

Or do we have to apologize, because most of the women already don't get
pregnant and for the rest fight as lions in favour of their cubs, no matter
how crippled or whatelse, against the jackers' front?

For the rest, there is silence and agreement. Nature worship, how long
still? Diapathics is the contrary, but there is dealt with on another page,
not in this letter.

(This indented insertion is taken down by a PF woman on 17 November 1993,
day of prayer and repentance.)

Quite simple things can be there among the protest channels of illness. For
example to do nothing else but to change the lock at the door in order to add
permanence to some detailed sort of protest, arosen also from illness.

We announced it and did it in the midst of March 1970 against some
representative of the administration. The representative in this case was not
Wilhelm Ernst

*,
the chief of the clinic administration, the latter whom we mentioned in another
case of signatures here in this letter, more in the beginnings.

*

Meanwhile we know that the highest
representatives of the university, first of all the doctors, in the days after
Kretz' fall (he was not chosen as pro-rector), intended to force Rendtorff to
sign against Huber right away. It is also documented, that Rendtorff as office
and as person refused and for his part he demanded it from the doctors to do
it. Those, too, were cowards, too much. So there was only left the "janitor"
or "porter", namely Wilhelm Ernst. Certainly, the iatrocracy, among other
things, also has to be taken into consideration as a doorman's office; so
there exist even today photos of the selection ramp in Auschwitz with Dr.
Mengele and other doctors and over-killers. To occupy especially the administration
building of the clinic, i.e. to annoy a "porter", was the best thing to do. We
kicked the dog and hit the master (as German saying: we kicked the sack and
hit the donkey), the Iiiaaa-trocracy (German: iiiaaah = English: hee-haw, like
donkeys do).

The concept differential euthanasia we already had pre-coined,
and a later on SPK patient (a Jewess for the rest, most of her relatives having
been gased in Auschwitz!) in public had reproached the doctors with that concept
at the "hearing" on 20.2.1970. Those had laughed at her, so the patients

carried outE(a)rn(e)st
(machten Ernst = were serious about that), for he who laughs last, laughs
longest. Did we need the agreement of the court against Wilhelm Ernst 5 years
later on? No, we didn't, we had illness and therefore the right on our side, and
Earnest (the name Ernst)
there dropped down and was added to, just like a gift from heaven (German:
daraus wurde Ernst, English litterally: from that resulted E(a)rn(e)st;
means: now it was serious.)

This remarks are not only a play on words. Ask some Lacanists about
that and about their meaning of signifier - signified one, see
also Sartre-preface, page 3f in SPK – TURN
ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON.

One noon, still in the first weeks in March 1970, one of the patients
happened to realize, that he was alone there in the rooms of the SPK. He looked
at the entrance, if the door was closed, and also at the windows, and then sat
down at the table to continue his work. On the table there were candles, of
course not in use for the moment, and the phone didn't work, because of the
electricity cut off by the second rector, as mentioned above.

Suddenly there were voices, very loud voices of men and women in one of the
rooms there. The collective patients, as to know, could only enter, if they rang
the doorbell and got opened by another patient. For the rest there were three
keys for the entrance, of which disposed the patient-housekeeper who had made
chosen himself by collectively done decision. He was not here, but the keys hung
on the board, except one which he had taken with him.

Meanwhile the bell rang and there was a patient-woman who entered. The two
went into the SPK-room there behind on the right, from where the voices came.
There were two women, both a little bit too thick and a little bit too
overdressed, chief-doctor lady secretaries, as there turned out, with the
administration representative in working clothes and another two men of the
administration.

Just in that moment the administrator said to the two ladies, that they could
take "this room and the other there beside" just, say, from the beginnings of
next month, for, if they had taken down their wishes concerning colours,
installations and other things, they (the workers) would come during the next
days, latest at the end of this month, to do their best in order to get
satisfied the two ladies. The patient asked how they had entered the rooms of
the collective, but they continued to twaddle. Then the patient shouted as loud
as he could, that for the moment only the patients who were in the SPK here had
the rights as a householder (Hausrecht). The two ladies began to tremble. The
patient added: "If you are not on return within ten seconds from now, I'll make
you run, without telephone and without police, thus I myself", standing there
like a boxer in the ring. The administrator was the first to ran to the
entrance, the lady secretaries behind him, threatening to speak about that with
their chiefs, the professors "this" and "that", getting only sarcasm and
laughter from the two SPK-patients, and the other two administration men running
behind the ladies.

Till to the evening we had changed the lock and quite a lot of more keys at
the board. Till to the end of SPK this one had been the only visit from strange
and unwanted doctor-people there in our rooms. Till to the end of SPK we also
lost none of the rooms, but quite on the contrary gained in addition the biggest
one, there on the left from the entrance, because Mrs.Dr. Huber, still
scientific assistant at the university and also responsible for the grants of
the students, had let this room, dedicated to her, to the patients' collective
later on in summer 1970, when the collective had grown up also in number more
and more, and in the eyes of the university's rectors there was threat of a new
occupation of the empty university's rooms in the upper floor of the named
building. Or, worse: the occupation of the also always empty rooms of the
doctors there beside the SPK rooms on the right in the same lowest floor of the
building, which they (the doctors), for the rest, more and more seemed not very
fond of using, not even for their in March still regular gatherings there once a
week.

It was the principal matter of fact in March 1970 and later on, that we

,
DEATH TO ALL THERAPY, had reconquered our
illness, that we had achieved a SEGUNDA
RECONQUISTA(SECOND RECONQUEST), prepared in the
shadow of "therapy", often enough unable to do more but the best to avoid
hospitalizations of patients, be it to the Mental Hospital Wiesloch, be it to
the Psychiatric Clinic of the University of Heidelberg. Yes, we were a little
proud of that and indeed we felt as crusade maids and knights, when we read
there in a newspaper later on, that some psychiatrist - a high functionary in
the last not least Nazi-World-Health-Organization - tried to offend us by
writing, that we seemed to him to be rather "crusaders" than "modern
psychiatrists", some of us had a fine smile on their faces.

Yes, we now lived, where? In illness of course, and illness seemed very
inclined to stay with us, the doctors by and by refusing to run after their
doctor-patients, if they decided to join us, the doctors in no way fond of their
illness, but the more fond of regaining their until then uncontested possession
of the patients, their raw-material to maintain their more or less archaic power
over life and death.

The rooms there in the Rohrbacherstr. 12 were only conditions for us to be
there, while in reality we lived in illness, thus everywhere and nowhere. We
knew up from the first day, thus up from the 2 March, that - looked at from a
strategical point of view - in the case of an assault from outside the
SPK-rooms, there in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12, had no chance to be successfully
defended by us, not only because of being situated in the lowest floor of the
building, the half floor only, all windows to the street just like about six
doors more, easily to be climbed and no use of a ladder being necessary; but
there was also a hidden and now fastened door at the right wall of the WC, with
some steps there behind, down to the cellar of the building, the cellar itself
of course supervised by the housekeeper, the housekeeper of course at the side
of the administration and so on.

From a tactical point of view there were some possibilities outside, even in
the same building, but nevertheless the SPK-rooms were the same and
simultaneously our workshop and our tomb, means, Hegelianic spoken: the
common concept (Begriff) in its concrete form (illness) and in its abstract form
(death).

This to mention is of some importance, also nowadays, because for some
publishers SPK seems to have consisted of nothing else, but of permanent
quarrels about some rooms, which there belonged to the university, which itself
belonged to - whom? Either to the people, as to admit, and to the state of
Baden-Wuerttemberg (who is that, for heaven's sake?) or to the medical doctors
and their helpers, following our experiences.

Just for purpose it is also to mention, that our experiences related to that,
were indeed not good, but in no way new.

We remembered for example the experiences of the, as to admit, atheist German
philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804 - 1872) from the left-wing of Hegelian
philosophy and also the experiences of the conservative and right-wing German
philosopher Joseph Goerres (1776 - 29.1.1848).

The latter, in his youth, had actively favoured the French Revolution in
Germany. Later on, when he had changed his opinion about liberty in a quite
radical conservative way, he had succeeded to become a lecture-giving professor
at the university in Heidelberg during the 19th century. But soon, after only a
few years, he withdrew, because of the "two reactionary Faculties of Medicine
and of Jurisprudence (there in Heidelberg), which governed all".

The aforementioned philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach, in spite of never having
actively participated in the failed Revolution of 1848, later on had been
invited by a lot of friends to give lectures in Heidelberg, and of course not at
the university, but outside. He started, but stopped after about four of his
first lectures there and never returned, in spite of the rented hall being
filled with listeners till to the last place. As he said, he felt not healthy
enough to resist against the bad influences, arising especially from the
university-establishment there in Heidelberg.

Of course we also remembered the best hated and persecuted Jewish and
Netherlands philosopher Benedictus de Spinoza from the 17th century (compare:
Baruch Benedictus d'Espinoza in: SPK – Turn Illness into a Weapon,
page XII), who had preferred to refuse to come to the university of Heidelberg,
in spite of all guarantees of highest protection and highest esteem and
life-long wages.

Well, at those times, up from 2 March 1970, we sometimes used words with
pathos like "the rights as a householder (Hausrecht) is ours", but in reality we
didn't believe so much in our private property concerning the rooms, nor in
signatures, offered to us by State-administrators. The first who had drawn a
long line across the first page of the contract had not been Huber. Some
fortnight ago, exactly on 21 February 1970, on Saturday morning in Wiesenbach,
there had been given to him his contract as an - until then - officer at the
university of Heidelberg, each page

*
there on the contract neatly crossed out by means of a ruler, thus quite in
difference to his own way to cross out only the first page of a contract, but
done by free hands on Tuesday, 10 March 1970, there in the rooms of the SPK.

*

means: all rights,
resulting from all of Huber's employments up to then as a medical civil
servant at the university, lapsed, professional and civil existenceannihilated.

Well, the SPK was never the question or the result of property or robbery, of
right or left or democratic politics, of housing here or housing there, of
squattering here or squattering there.

To
live in illness and Death to Therapy.
That was all, because "where there's a will, there's a way", you remember from
the proverbs and sayings?

While about 30 patients ran after the electricity on 24 March 1970 to the
leaders of the university and on 25 March 1970 after their prescriptions to the
leader of the Psychiatric Clinic of the university, sent there by the
university's leaders, and while Huber on 28 March 1970 during the weekend cared
about a permission to set up as a private doctor with patients there outside a
clinic, be it in the university's rooms of the SPK or somewhere else, they (the
SPK-patients) also were at a party in the home of the above-mentioned forensic
psychiatrist, who later on in 1978 tortured an SPK-patient in prison and he was
unmasked, this mentioned forensic psychiatrist doctor, namely by the
Patientenfront there at the court as a communist-sympathizer and a
short-time-member of the "criminal union" SPK -, well they had been invited to
his home there in the neighbourhood of Heidelberg and went also there, Huber
there among.

The mentioned, at that time still "colleague" of Huber, as he said, had
announced, "to do something in favour of the patients". There had been also
invited the leader of the Evangelic Students' Community to this party, and also
the latter intended "to do something ...".

There turned out, that they realized real chances to provide a house there
between Heidelberg and Wiesloch and also money to support the Patients'
Collective. As they added, they would have offered it already to the Patients'
Collective, but they had been in doubts, whether the Patients' Collective, as
they said, was ready to accept private property from the hands of "capitalists",
the latter of course the only people to provide money and rooms to the patients
as a gift.

The patients asked the host and his friends there, how long they could stay
in the house offered to them. First for some years and later on to be prolonged,
because he himself, the host knew best, as he said, that it was impossible to
produce health within some months, just as the university had demanded it from
Huber to do.

Then there followed a discussion on capitalism, in which the patients
explained to the doctors there, that capitalism consisted in their eyes not of
certain persons, who disposed of a lot of money, but of a system, means: the
capitalist system from which there follows richness and poverty and also the
there related persons, and that, for the rest, in the eyes of the patients, the
named system had its roots in that, what we nowadays call the relation between
patients and doctors. Therefore of course it would be possible, to get along
also with capitalists, especially if they were of the same opinion, or ready to
accept the opinion of the patients, just like usual and demanded in democratic
societies.

Up to this moment the wife of the doctor had only listened, caring for the
drinks and the meals for her guests. Now she sat down and said, that they
wouldn't be ready to do the first steps, before the patients had not promised to
renounce all agitation, distributing flyers and so on, but caring about nothing
else in the new rooms with the new money, but about their therapy, regardless if
they wished to do it by medicaments, by psychotherapy or by any other thing
else, of course within the common decency and the laws, but of course within all
liberty else. The patients promised to think it over, went back to the SPK and
discussed that later on. At first most of them were against it, and after some
hours of further discussion also the rest of the SPK-patients joined, never to
come back to the proposal of the, as mentioned, later on medical torturer of a
prisoner.

This had been the only proposal of the named sort in March 1970. Later on in
the beginnings of May 1970 there was some further proposal. By some private
doctors in Heidelberg and its surroundings, who also were active members in the
Evangelic church, there was offered a house in the centre of Heidelberg to the
Socialist Patients' Collective on condition, that they separated from Huber.
They refused because of the named condition.

Still in March 1970, all around the SPK, there happened much more things,
which by far not all is mentioned in our time-line, because our several
time-lines were taken down, before having received your questions concerning
what there happened all around March 1970, concerning SPK.

In the second week of March 1970 the patients had invited all available
relatives of other patients to the waiting room of the SPK and also the
house-administrator and the house-keeper there. The latter began to speak as the
first, bitterly reproaching the patients, who until now had not come to him.

A "middle-wing" student leader there joined saying, that in any case all the
patients here were on the way to the Mental Hospital Wiesloch, Huber there at
the top.

Some husbands and some wives of the patients, being in the SPK still, again
or newly, expressed their esteem for the patients, because they, as they
mentioned, did a lot of good and useful work, and because they answered very
patiently the reproaches and the more questions of the house-administrator and
even didn't cease to discuss with the "middle-wing" leader, until he answered by
something like an excuse, while leaving the assembly before it had ended after
about 1 1/2 hours.

Also there had come a colleage-friend of Dr. Huber in the third week of
March, who presented his experiences with his work, done with apprentices,
asking, if we would like to continue this work in the SPK. We informed him that
we just had started with our planned agitations, working circles and so on, but
that we agreed to let to him and to his people a room once or twice a week, to
work there with the apprentices (political instruction work).

There turned out, that the teacher of the mentioned young ones, not the
doctor-friend of Huber, was very busy drawing a clear and distinct line between
his people and the patients, because, as he explained, his people were on the
way to become a cader-group of future leaders in the decided proletarian
population and therefore must be kept at a distance to all other people, but he
himself, as he expressively added, having nothing against the patients there in
the collective.

Still to add here, that meanwhile there also had come people from the drug
scene, especially from another university's town there in the neighbourhood.
They told in the beginnings a lot of things about their - in a political sense,
as they suggested - very important experiences with drugs. They also reported
about their very skillful doctors, who produced drugs like LSD in their private
laboratories and had become very rich men by the named doing, but nevertheless
remaining excellent lefties.

Two of the named skillful doctors later on were sentenced by a court and
simultaneously with SPK patients were in prison then. They got altogether about
1 1/2 years of prison, maybe a suspended sentence with probation, except the
period of imprisonment while awaiting trial, but of course they remained being
very rich people later on, only their money perhaps having become imprisoned in
a Swiss bank, done by themselves, just in time before their having become caught
(remember Mao Tse Tung: do something before the catastrophe occurs. The
two were indeed excellent Lefties.)

I just remember one evening in late March 1970, when some patients, there
among Huber, asked for the physiological, chemical and physical aspects, related
to those drugs and also how to situate the famous experiences into, say: an
esoteric context. The asked drug-patients, later on most of them in the SPK, but
without drugs, seemed to be in a loss of arguments concerning the named
questions. After a while, one of the SPK-patients, maybe Huber, produced from
his pocket a little electric torch and from the torch the little bulb and then
from his other pocket some file, just as usual in the hands and in the pockets
of doctors. He got off the little glass of the little bulb by the file, then put
the battery in contact to the metall cheroot of the bulb, the wires of which of
course began to spread some light, and he said: this is a physical phenomenon.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

17.01.1994

Dear friend Trevor:

Here the next pages of the letter. Thanks for calling on 13.1.1994 and for
the news about the blockade of a hospital.

To our last letter we had added a picture of a doctor donkey sitting at the
patient’s bed: iatrocrat at his work.

We want to add that this picture was made by the Spanish painter Goya in
the 18th century. The picture originally had the title: "From what
will he die?"

We are writing you this not for art history’s reasons but to avoid
unnecessary work for you, if you should want to know more about the picture.
So you don’t have to pore over art books and can use your time for better
things.

Best wishes

Then he produced some matches out of his pocket and also his knife and began
to shave off from the head of the every match the material, which he collected
within the glass very carefully, saying nothing, while the others continued
talking. When he had finished after about five or ten minutes he put the rests
of the bulb and the battery together as well as he could and then there was a
little flash of lightning in the room for a moment. Then he bowed down at the
floor seeking the glass of the bulb, which he then showed to the others, saying:
there in the inner are the rests of chemistry, you just can regard the ashes,
realize the smell and here on my finger there is a little blister because of the
heat, which just has hurt my skin there a little bit. If I were a well-trained
yoga-practitioner, perhaps I would not even have realized any ache at my finger
here. Well that's physiology, remember orgasms, or quite on the contrary the
blood vessels in the brain of somebody who became hanged, and I hope old Dr.
Wilhelm Reich would also consent to that, you have in combination physiology,
chemistry and physics. If there had been a little bit of nitroglycerine or some
other nitro- there in the glass, or there around the wires some other nitro
material, well-packed (well-dammed, gut verdaemmt), the thing would have caused
a tiny explosion.

Do you suffer also from anxiety, if you take your drugs, caused by the drugs?
Some answered, that they had also experienced bad "turkeys", when they had
"thrown their trips". Then Huber said, and I am sure that it must have been
Huber, the phosphorus and the sulphur in the material, I just used, has quite
something to do with the devil in your intestines and with the light in your
understandings, but if you always mention LSD, you also have to speak about
nitro-combinations there in the air all around you and about the amino-acids in
your body of course, LSD being Lyserg-acid-diaethylamid, -amid
means something with nitro.

There is a very close relation between your kidneys and the

nitro-substances,
not to speak of the word nothinnng,
not to speak of your veins, not to speak of Missis Venus, there in the sky in
the morning and in the night. But that is esoterism and alchemy. Did you ever
experience the latter mentioned things in your LSD-dreams? If not, take care
about your kidneys and become familiar to other nitro-stuffs, there around you,
maybe your anxiety then also will transform. Think also about the very strong
poison nitrocyan, think also about what serpents need, if there has come the
time to get a new skin, to become a new serpent therefore, except
sodium-hydroxide or something like that which has to do with soap.

At those times I myself first could understand almost nothing. But later on,
all around winter 1972 or be it autumn, I read there in a newspaper about some
manifestations near the homes, where there lived the chief-doctor of the
Psychiatric Clinic, the chief of the university and the culture-minister there
in Heidelberg

*.
When I read there something about the tiny wires of broken little battery-bulbs,
I just remembered Huber and the others now in prison, and the evening there in
the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in late March 1970, when the electricity had been cut
off. Some of the former SPK-patients obviously had transformed their anxiety and
had turned into an angry cow, a child of Venus thus, she or he had confronted
enemies outside, and obviously also with enemies inside and had become, so to
say, familiar with them. I just forgot to mention, that all sorts of
behaviour-therapy, just like all sorts of psychoanalytic therapy had been
abolished in the SPK, thus: death to all therapy.

Radio riddles, emerging from old files and reports against the SPK? Here
another solution of our doings recommended by illness: About little microphones,
the so-called bugs, found in the former work office of Dr. Huber in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic, found also in the telephone at the home of the chief of
the university, found also in the right-wing floor of the doctors there in
Rohrbacherstrasse 12, I never got to know anything at those times of March 1970
in the SPK or elsewhere. We already mentioned, that the doctors there in the
right-wing floor later on liked less and less to do their visits and their
gatherings there, the same I never got to know any circumstantial evidence,
related to some fact that anybody of the SPK had a real interest in learning,
what the doctors and the chiefs twaddled there in their homes and in their
offices. Therefore I am of the opinion until nowadays, that the little
microphones, the so-called bugs, had been destined not for hearing, but for
speaking. Re-volutionary significance: They

spoke about sick feelings
and about illness in the doctors when they had been detected casually.

Once more I have to return to the copying machine there in the SPK since
March. It worked, and worked and worked. Reparatures, replacements, but always
copies, just like Mrs. Luna (the moon) does, reflecting the rays not only of the
sun, but of all stars in the sky, up to the milky way and so on.

One of your questions aims at a certain Patients'-Info, which lacks there in
your collection. As we think, it was the Patients'-Info copied about February
1971, when there was carnival also in Heidelberg. Two SPK-patients went to
distribute it just in the evening, when it had been finished. After about only
ten minutes, the two patients returned - one of them, if I remember accurately,
Marlies Lutz, do you remember the name? -, and they were asked the cause. They
told that there had been some persons in the street who had seemed to be very
fond of distributing our flyers in all restaurants, because they were on their
way to visit them in Heidelberg. Some of us had a bad feeling and went to the
indicated places, where the mentioned persons should have been, for the rest
from out of town, as they had said. But nevertheless, some of them reminded
Marlies, as she said, a little bit of some of our neighbours in the police
headquarter there opposite. We looked into the litter containers in the street
and found there most of the some hundred or more flyers. Of course we could no
longer make any use of and let them there, returning to the SPK with a good
experience more to learn from.

Back to December 1969 and from there to March 1970, we just for the moment do
not dispose of memories, concerning the announced dismissal against Dr. Huber.
Perhaps he himself took it not for serious, didn't open the letter of his chief
there in the Psychiatric Clinic, did not receive it before January, or even
forgot what there was written.

The conferences of the doctors there in the Psychiatric Clinic began at about
nine o'clock in the morning and lasted sometimes till eleven o'clock, while in
the Psychiatric Polyclinic some patients already waited from eight o'clock in
the morning or later on, when Huber came at about nine o'clock from home or from
the night-duty in the Psychiatric Clinic. There always had been chiefs of the
Psychiatric Polyclinic, sitting there in the conferences of the doctors in the
Psychiatric Clinic, starting their work in the Psychiatric Polyclinic not before
ten o'clock or sometimes in the noon or even later. Their few patients knew that
and, following from that, had their special dates with the every chief.

It was a custom lasting for years, that he (Huber) asked the other doctors by
phone, whether there had happened something in the doctors' conferences,
important enough to get informations about, or if there had come letters for
him, which he then got from the every chiefs.

Maybe, that Kretz held back a letter like the named of the psychiatric chief
in his own office, be it only for revenge, because Huber hadn't agreed with him
on his plans of dissolving the geriatric groups there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic just before Christmas 1969/70, he (Huber) seeming to him, as Kretz
said, "not very ready for coalitions".

There follows from a report we just received, that Huber scarcely needed a
dismissal-letter from his chief to know, what's what (was die Uhr geschlagen
hat). Just between Christmas and New Year 1970 a very nice patient-lady, later
on in SPK and then in prison and at court, had called up Mrs. Dr. Huber, that
she had suffered a breakdown, when being at home with their parents at
Christmas. Mrs. Huber had demanded of her husband to care about the lady and he
did, just at the day, when he left the Evangelic Church (see in the beginnings
of this letter). As she remembered, she met him in a restaurant of a station far
away from Heidelberg, being somewhat angry with Mrs. Huber, because she had in
no way the intention, to steal the husband and father from her and the children,
just now, as she said. She therefore now proposed to her still therapist to
speak about his own problems. So he did, and after he had ended, she said to
him: "And what do you think, what now will happen?" Huber responded by a
question: "What do you think, what there will happen?" "I hope you'll get
a lot of holidays in the new year, in compensation for the just lost holiday."
"So I hope too", was the answer, and he added: "But for the next weeks and who
knows for how much longer then some doctor colleagues will not enjoy so much
their own too many holidays at my expense, as they still could do during the
past old year".

Till to New Year's Eve the nice lady had completely forgotten her breakdown
from Christmas. She had become very curious to be presented to the other
patients there in Wiesenbach in the kitchen, who had come there in order to
prepare some, as we nowadays would say, pathopractical party. Yes, in 1970, not
in 1971.

She knew most of the patients there from the waiting room in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, indeed only by seeing, because patients usually are accustomed to
speak to their doctor, but not to each other in the waiting room.

Just I am told by an SPK-patient-from-the-beginnings, that for himself and
also for others the greatest problem and the hardest task even in the waiting
room of the SPK, where they had books about revolution and music by a
record-player, provided by themselves -, that his hardest task there in the
beginnings consisted in starting be it only a smalltalk with other patients, who
for the first time had come there.

One day, as he still remembers, already in spring/summer 1970, the tension
there in the waiting room had grown up to a degree that one of the patients took
the records, smashed most of them on the floor and also the books, which he
tore, some of them page by page, by and by helped by other she- and he-
patients. Those who carefully had avoided every discussion until then, now began
first to cry, then using worst insults against the destroyers. Finally there
took place a common discussion there and of course also in the homes of the
patients, and of course those who came during the following days and weeks had
asked, what there had happened with the records and the books, some of them
having been gifts, thus their former and prospectively later on property.

By that, the discussion became once more animated and reanimated because of
reifications like commodities, consumption and properties; the named
reifications becoming replaced by collectiveness.

At any rate, the ice had been broken, because some of the patients had also
realized, that there beneath and above all music was either warmth or nothing
but sound, and that between the letters and the words of a book there had been
formerly a hot basic temperature, at any rate, how shall I express it, say: a
holy-sacral region, somewhere at the end of the body, or exactly there within,
where the nurses take temperature, - or the books and what there was in, was
nothing but dead iatrocapitalist nonsense, deadly dust, for so to say.

Those who had grasped it, of course explained it also to the others, and by
that even the style of agitation and cooperation became improved and never
jumped back to the former level of a boring waiting room atmosphere, there
also in the SPK in the beginnings. Maybe there was a repetition necessary,
and if so, not before winter 1970/71.

Pain and boredom are the "basic evils of the human race", as there mentioned
somewhere the German headmaster of pessimistic philosophy (Schopenhauer), who
proposed against that - what? To read his two great books and to think it over.
For ourselves, the patients, this was not sufficient, regardless the warmth even
between the pieces of ice, of which seemed to consist his ideas there in the
books. We needed channels for the protest of illness and we needed also the most
coherent stuff to keep us tied together collectively, closing every hole there
between, thus: warmth.

What about the "basic evils of the human race", namely boredom and ache? They
vanished, because they themselves felt bored and pained because of the protest
and the collectiveness there in permanence, causing instant awareness because of
illness and revolutionary changes, here and now.

Just for purpose a note about multi-focal expansionism (MFE) (see also
"TURN ILLNESS ...", page 74). In the latter section we dealt with
waiting rooms, explosive situations there, high tensions, densest
warm-warmth-coherence, detonations and destructions therein, at the expense of
books and records in the named mentioned example.

Great parts of the world in actuality consist of waiting rooms, with a
doctor, with a therapist there behind or elsewhere, doesn't it? During the last
twenty years from time to time there were publishing scientists who occasionally
asked themselves, means: caused their readers to decide, that the multi-focal
expansionism of the SPK obviously and of course would have had failed. Some even
found out, that the SPK, latest since IZRU, would have done almost nothing to
create multi-focal expansionism elsewhere. As it seems to us quite strongly, the
mentioned publishing scientists never touched the idea there closely associated
to, that their readers and perhaps even themselves, if not just being occupied
with writing lovely sophisticated publications or be it writing in the yellow
press, could, would and ought to do it themselves, since long ago could have
done it, namely the multi-focal expansionism, be it only by some serious
attempt.

Where are they living? As we know neither at the north-pole, nor in a region
there opposite and even there, be it only occasionally exist waiting rooms for
doctors, of course with patients therein, who do, what? Nothing, of course,
because waiting for some doctor, be it only some Greeny therapist.

It couldn't be and it never can be the task of SPK patients to travel about
in the world in order to destroy records, books, videos or tapes, including the
hifi-CDs of nowadays there in the worldwide waiting room-society, with its
doctors, waiting and protecting the governments there at each corner since Stone
Age old times.

As we just got to know again, publishers, armed with field glasses, as the
mentioned, still go on reproaching the SPK patients that they were and perhaps
still are ambitious and arrogant up to the degree that their aims and goals even
could not be achieved by the hugest mass-party, and therefore in no way and
never by some self-separated, isolated and sectarian she- and he- oddballs of
the SPK, as there to add, and not to forget their robot-like, unpersonal
language, sounding like the noise of machines in the ears, especially of native
English speaking readers, just like the books of K. Marx, good for middle-class
cadres who feign to understand the sense therein, if there is some at all, in
order to suppress lowest class patients' people, who still are honest enough to
admit, that they can understand absolutely nothing. Being ambitious and arrogant
enough, if there seems to be need, we here dare to ask the rhetoric question, if
the multi-focal expansionism (MFE) of the SPK in reality has failed, and if
those, who try to blame us for that, from so far away in the English speaking
world, so far away from here, are not some least but not last scientifically
based proof exactly for the contrary, namely for the fact, that there indeed and
truly exists multi-focal expansionism of SPK, because they themselves last not
least are able to call it into question and even to deny it.

As it seems, there lacks nothing but the do-it-yourself, by one's own native
language, kill therapy in the sphere of consumption, and wherever it is in
production, this top commodity, which causes nothing but damage, do multi-focal
expansionism yourself, or finally shut up, if there is need, and there is. You
don't have to repeat and perseverate to damage records and books, especially if
you feel shame to imitate stupid SPK patients, who, for the rest are not here
any more. Replace your leader by fantasy, leader here of course meant
sarcastically, or became your fantasy totally exhausted since it turned into
that, what you take for your illness?

We ourselves somewhere took down that human species (Menschengattung) is to
be created not only by replacing the

species (Gattung) work by the
machines as Marx meant; not by replacing God by the society, as meant L.
Feuerbach before Marx; therefore better to replace the sarcastically meant
mentioned leader by your own fantasy tied to your, as to hope, reconquered
illness. The species to create consists of nothing but fantasy which lives in
warmth, but it still also existed for aeons before Feuerbach and Marx and even
there within, but they couldn't realize illness as their own basic element of
understanding, because maybe they lacked some little bit fantasy, indispensable
in any case of incarnation dealing with some matter of a species (Gattung) in
fact. Please esteem also our modesty upon that, if there is some, dear English
speakers and scientific publishers being also involved in MFE personally and in
no way robot-like, as we do hope.

Writing this letter to you, dear Trevor, I once more have to apologize,
because the matters I feel constrained to mention, sometimes carry me away, be
it only by fantasy or because of a lack of better customs, the latter seducing
me into caring about some writings of persons, who are for the rest in some way
excellent interpreters of SPK, whom I, quite in difference to you, not even know
by their voice, be it only at phone, not by their patho- and physiognomies, be
it only by a photo or by their birth-moment constellations.

Returning to your question about all around March we will try to modify the
proceedings.

While dealing with the events and the circumstances before 2 March 1970 I
will also mention some facts from afterwards, there related to, be it only for
contrast. Therefore best I repeat some facts concerning the places there joined
to. Only three places now, because for a moment we can forget the housings of
the patients, the Psychiatric Clinic, the university, the mental hospitals and
the prisons, except the Psychiatric Polyclinic, the Huber house at Wiesenbach
and the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK.

First: the house in Wiesenbach

It was not and never a clinic or a consulting room,
thus what you call a doctor's practice, but only a house to live there. Its
owner was a then about fifty years old workman or a craftsman, a brick-layer,
who lived with his family in the city of Heidelberg. Please look at the
photo of the Huber-house in "Kleinkrieg
..." on page 81. It is indeed a very bad photo, with its shadows there all
around, and the text there beneath is a lie, because Huber had rented this
house during the first years of 1960, exactly in 1963/64, thus exactly more
than two years before he began to work as a psychiatrist in the Polyclinic for
the first time. He therefore never could have rented it for "his patients'
collective" as it reads there. If we get some better photos, we will send them
to you enclosed to one of the next letters*.
It was nothing but a quite modest residential house, if this is the correct
expression, or say quite simple a little house, destined for nothing else, but
for the purpose to be or say to live there.

*

Meanwhile you have got the
video tape, on which you can look at this
house.

Second: the Psychiatric Polyclinic

At those times here in question, especially up
from 1968, the Psychiatric Polyclinic was on a floor in a great building with
about three more floors over it, an old but maintained building which in
former times had served as the children's clinic of the university, for the
rest having been a gift, dedicated to some princess named Luise. The
Psychiatric Polyclinic now in this building at the lowest floor always had
served as a so-called outpatients' clinic, if this name is correct in English
and there also in use in the USA. That means that in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic existed no beds to keep the patients there. They had their beds at
home or elsewhere, but not in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Nevertheless in the
upper floors of the named building there existed also patients' beds. But the
latter had nothing to do with psychiatry, and also it was not allowed to keep
psychiatric patients there in the beds.

Later on in this letter I perhaps need to mention an example for that, when
Huber so to say "secretly" felt constrained to hide there one of the - at
those times still "his" - patients.

But now back to the Psychiatric Polyclinic again. There was a corridor
within, some dozen meters long, crossed at about half the way by some steps
leading to the entrance at the frontside of the building and to the entrance
at the backside of the building, the crossing way in both directions about six
meters long, three meters broad. On the left side of the floor, looking in
Western direction, there were on both sides of the corridor the offices of the
about four doctors and two ladies, one a secretary, the other an assistant. On
the right wing there was midst and left-hand from the long corridor the
waiting hall for the patients (later on a so-called centre of patients'
rebellion) and there all around were the offices and the rooms of two male
nurses and a lady-caseworker. The office of Huber was the last on the left
wing side, aiming with its window at the backside of the building, there
opposite the corridor in a distance of about two or three meters only, the
office of the chief, aiming with its window at the frontside of the building.
There could have been worked day and night by doctors and patients, but of
course then nobody else there around, except perhaps a cleaning lady, while in
the day, when all or some were there, the lady-assistant cared about the files
of the patients and the lady-secretary about the writings of the doctors. The
lady-caseworker, if there was one, and the male nurses, present by day, if not
demanded to do something outside, also were invited to take part in the group
therapies, most in the afternoons or evenings, one also in the morning, and on
almost each workday one of them; the lady-caseworker also occupied with taking
down protocols of the group therapies, and both, the male nurses and the
formerly male, later on and since about 1968 the female caseworker there
invited to the group therapies by the doctors, also in order, as to say, to
become familiarized with the patients.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

28.1.1994

Dear friend Trevor:

As announced we now send you some comments and proposals for your first
draft, especially for the Introduction To Part One.
There are two pages entitled: comments on the first draft of Trevor Blake,
where we have named the places und sentences where we have made the notes.
You will see that we haven't changed much and we also - each of us, just like
you, having been forced to go to the oppression machine school - are not at
all fond of becoming turned into some headmasters, correcting and cutting down
other people's work.

After having finished the remarks for your Introduction we had the idea to
fit the proposals into your text right away by ourselves to make it easier for
you and therefore we have typed the whole Introduction once again (see the
enclosed 4 pages) and hope it's okay.
This doesn't mean that these pages shouldn't be changed any more. No, not at
all. In our letter there are many descriptions and more detailed informations
about the people, places, events and dates you mention in your Introduction,
informations which were not available for you before you had got the following
pages of the letter which you now have at your disposal and which you can add
now to your draft if there is need.

To the other pages of your first draft we also have made some additional
remarks, which we will send you next (but those following pages of the first
draft won't be typed).

Just another hint in general: if you cite words and terms specific for
SPK/PF like iatrocracy, iatrarchy, or pathopractice, please don't put them in
quotation marks. Besides many other reasons what is there to be said against
it

*,
using quotation marks above all will bring no information for your reader
about the context of these new words and ideas.

*

No quotation marks needed. Why?
Therapeutical terrorists have them in their eyes. Thus they will be added by
the simple mechanisms of physico-optical light refraction, then becoming
automatically projected to certain places of your book-text. For ourselves you
need no explanation, if you nevertheless do. But for yourself maybe a revision
concerning your distance. To matters of the patients' class and the SPK
perhaps your tools ("objectivity", "standards") are of little use for the by
you chosen subject. Example: you couldn't have a daughter or a son from your
wife if you had, if you used for example a sewing machine. In our case:
quotation marks to our terms. In cases of doubt, please a hint like: SPK/PF
literature. But also in the cases of the doctors' class up to all its
terrorist groups and sub-groups, also if you there add no quotation marks
(compare e.g. "military-industrial complex", e.g. commonplace, much in use to
veil truth).

We therefore suggest to use no quotation marks in such cases but to add
behind the term, maybe in brackets the following hint: see PF-texts, or e.g.:
... iatrocracy as the PF says, or: ... pathopractice, to use the specific term
the PF has invented for that ... or: ... thus and in the words of the PF -
based on own experiences, they repeatedly had, and also based on
historic-philosophic researches on economics and its destructive influence on
the development of so-called human reason -: iatro-capitalist madness.
(Compare Introduction).
By that your readers are informed about the source of the word and about the
people who use it, and you have done what you intended to do: let the people
speak themselves and you don't have to dissociate yourself from any statement.

In case of citing statements or opinions of others we suggest to do it in
the same way, mentioning the source. So the reader is enabled to see what is
what and who is who and can judge by himself.
As you have written in your Introduction: SPK/PF are not interested in
criticizing but are adamant on differentiation between the SPK/PF and others,
and that's for the reader's sake who holds in hand a book about SPK/PF.

Enclosed you find, as usual, the following pages of the letter. It will
contain about 14 x 9 pages when it's finished and the last pages will be ready
for sending off by end of February. So if you send us your second draft by
that time, the book can be done till May, the date which you have set yourself
and ourselves respectively, and you can be sure that even beyond that there is
left enough energy for our doing which is also going on and consists by far
not only in writing and caring about books.

*

We hope that the warmth we put in the enclosed letters while doing them,
and together with your warmth, will bring the remaining green pears to ripen
so that the reader can taste golden fruits, - and that of course will also
attract all the true vegetarians (and not only those between meals...).

*

Compare KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
information sheet, there to add, that the police we mostly use to send to
the doctors, sometimes return. But at any rate, writing is a harder job. For
them.

Best wishes

While the lady-caseworker in the trial of November to December 1972 there
reappeared as an over-prepared and of course over-underdressed witness against
Dr. Huber, the two male nurses were up to a certain degree more on the side of
the patients, we already pointed to that, when there was to deal with the
events during the last week of February 1970. For the rest the two male nurses
often had been invited, and also vice versa, to the home of the chief of the
Psychiatric Polyclinic (look also at
the sketch) (Dr. Spazier) who had gone in May 1969, while the lady
case- and streetworker once had fallen into disgrace with the above (on some
former pages) mentioned WHO-Nazi-professor and therefore had been sent now to
the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where she had been very fond of expecting
Kretz as a chief, also fired by the latter named psychiatric professor (yes,
the one with the patients-for-crusaders, there in the press later on).

So far concerning the Psychiatric Polyclinic. And now to the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12.

Third: Rohrbacherstrasse 12, the later on SPK. You already know
it.
To repeat, that we saw it consciously for the first time from outside
on 28 February 1970. You also have got our drawing of the rooms there, taken
down in this letter. We already mentioned the things there in the
Rohrbacherstrasse, as for example a copying machine, chairs and so on.

Caused by the prescription-embargo against the patients in March 1970
there were offered a lot of medicaments to the SPK from outside. They were
collected in two great boxes and put onto the wardrobe there in one of the
rooms. They were never used, be it only one tablet, be it only one placebo.
After the SPK the police took them with them, but then was in a tremendously
embarrassing situation (in groesster Verlegenheit), because nobody took them
back.

Even children of practising doctors from outside of Heidelberg had come to
the SPK or to Wiesenbach with gifts of medicaments in their pockets. They
begged to keep silence about that, especially the drug addict son of the
health officer in Heidelberg did so ("Greetings from my father to his
colleague Dr. Huber").

The just named "colleague" was also there in Wiesenbach on 20 July 1971,
when they started their prisons against the SPK. He was among the armed
policemen, because of his office, thus quite naturally.

For the rooms in the Rohrbacherstrasse-SPK, there in March 1970, the
patients themselves had provided quite a lot of mattresses, to sit or to lie
on the floor, also during group agitations sometimes, but also useful as
barricades, when there threatened assaults from outside, as for example on 30
September 1970. A bag or box for emergency cases was also lying there on the
wardrobe beside the old never used medicaments and also never in use itself.

But each SPK patient got a training how to use the doctors' instruments in
it, how to take blood pressure and how to do neurological examinations and
diagnoses from patient to patient, thus an education supervised by Huber
because of a collectively done decision. That was all.

To repeat once more: there were no beds for patients in the
Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK, there were no beds and no meals provided in the Huber
house in Wiesenbach for the patients. There were in both places, in
Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, no assurances
and no protections else for anybody. There was no doctor's practice and
there was no clinic or hospital, neither in Wiesenbach, nor
in the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK.

But there had been all assurances and protections in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic just as necessary or demanded for anybody, just as
usual. There had been no beds and no meals in the Psychiatric Polyclinic for
anybody, because it was an outpatients' clinic, just as you call it in
U.S.A. and if I am not mistaken about that.

Just for purpose once more about Wilhelm Ernst, the administration
director of the Faculty of Medicine who had put his signature under the papers
directed against Huber and also had done some things more against him, since
January/February 1970, because all the others had been too cowardly and shunned
the light of day (doctors' councils, universitys' councils, chiefs there).

What had he to do, this Wilhelm Ernst with the Psychiatric Polyclinic and
with Dr. Huber, when there were neither meals nor beds for him to care about,
except perhaps water and electricity as to mention only for completeness,
because the latter named things on their side had of course nothing to do with
the work of Dr. Huber, or with the work of someone else there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic?!

Can you now imagine, what they did on 23 February 1970, when they, truly so
to speak, took the Psychiatric Polyclinic and threw it into the private house,
into the Huber house there in Wiesenbach? Can you imagine the murderer's
instincts and the bestial stupidness there at the bottom and there behind, thus
the killer instincts against the patients and the same against Huber and the
others? It is no shame, if you can't. But it is of course a constitutional
element of the killer violence
there represented and used by the doctors quite in common, that almost nobody
can understand that the mask of violence
is violence itself, as there said the also in the
U.S.A. well-known German sociologist Max Weber already in the beginnings of this
century.

Perhaps now you can also better understand why we insist so obstinately, that
there had been never, never, never
secret working circles there in Wiesenbach or elsewhere in the SPK, before they
were founded after, after, after
the SPK by the doctors and their helpers. Perhaps you also now can better
understand, what there were the indeed and truly revolutionary changes, which were the
response of the later on SPK patients there around 21 February 1970: There was
not even a trace of psychiatry, medicine or therapy there in Wiesenbach or later
on there in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, but the patients got better along with
all than they had ever done in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. Would it have been a
"revolutionary" action, if they had blown up in the air the entire Psychiatric
Polyclinic by means of say 75 kilo dynamite? Of course, for a thing like this is
a lion-of-the-day action, followed by some headlines of a size of at least three
centimeters in the media. But the extinction of the whole medicine and
psychiatry at once that's absolutely nothing, because there remain the
buildings, the doctors and the doctor-patients therein, and where remains
illness is of no interest at all.

Of course we have also to ask ourselves, if perhaps there exists in
Australian, New Zealand, in US- or in other English speaking readers a certain
motive or motivation, subliminal enough, that it has to get awoken by a certain
stimulus, say, for example by the - there in the book at a certain place written
- word "secretly" or "secret" or something similar to all what has to do with
separation or secretion in all its derivations, there included sectarianism and
so on, thus if it would be indispensable to introduce some slight falsification
into the history of the SPK itself, in order to get satisfied the - in a certain
way programmed - readers there in the wide world in a way, which is perhaps
based on a so-called transcultural psychiatry and progresses therein, which we
over here until now not have been able to get to know from some special
publications, perhaps or perhaps not available for us.

Be it so, then we of course will join this until now for us unknown opinion,
trying to favour a certain use of language, even if it is in our opinion
incorrect, but as we suppose and very strongly hope, necessary with regard to
your readers.
And TAV (= keeping shut up)? That's for
resistance,
not for playing on "secrets".

But nevertheless and just now we once more have to point to the fact, that
illness or sickness for most of the readers, wherever they are, is as a such
one, a thoroughly hidden, dangerous, exciting and tremendous unknown thing. Also
therapy is the best masked killing power, force and violence, which we baptized
('christened'; tauften) with the name
iatrarchy*, in order to drag it out into the
open, iatrarchy belonging to something like that, what in former times
mostly has been described by the word "second nature" (see Condillac, Ravaisson,
Erdmann et al.), or in more modern times by the sentence "practice without
originator" (J.P. Sartre), iatrarchy nevertheless commanded by the
doctors. Because of this fact it is possible and also proposable and even
recommendable, and it - namely the battle between liberating illness and
iatrarchy - is, last not least, the most correct and exact description of
SPK history from February 1970 until including July 1971 in which there
never appears the word "secret" in all its derivations and associations, if
it is not tied and indeed exclusively tied to something, which you also may
name medical or therapist power or influence (iatrarchy once more!), but never a
"secret"; there included all its derivations which, if being on the side of
the SPK patients and therefore being illness, the latter of which the SPK
patients made use themselves permanently, became expressed in public and
not secretly, yes in public again and again, the patients doing by that
the same, what for example Jewish people should have done in former Nazi-times,
wearing and taking by spontaneity and by freewill the star of David, in order to mark and to
unmask themselves in public -: for so did the patients, the SPK patients: mark
themselves by illness in all its expressions, in all its explosive,
photo-technical, sporting and radio-telephonic aspects, by and along all the
ways and channels, for not to say: birth- and vomit-channels of public doing and
expressing themselves, (flyers andso on!).

*

No quotation marks needed. Why?
Therapeutical terrorists have them in their eyes. Thus they will be added by
the simple mechanisms of physico-optical light refraction, then becoming
automatically projected to certain places of your book-text. For ourselves you
need no explanation, if you nevertheless do. But for yourself maybe a revision
concerning your distance. To matters of the patients' class and the SPK
perhaps your tools ("objectivity", "standards") are of little use for the by
you chosen subject. Example: you couldn't have a daughter or a son from your
wife if you had, if you used for example a sewing machine. In our case:
quotation marks to our terms. In cases of doubt, please a hint like: SPK/PF
literature. But also in the cases of the doctors' class up to all its
terrorist groups and sub-groups, also if you there add no quotation marks
(compare e.g. "military-industrial complex", e.g. commonplace, much in use to
veil truth).

What's that, a secret? How is it defined? Who defines? Until now the secret
is, that there was never a secret in the SPK. There was also no lady or
gentleman-

secretary.
All were publishers, about 500 publishers thus in the SPK, truely
publishers, publishers of truth in its core, be it voluntarily, be it
unvoluntarily, publishers of truth, name it illness, name it sickness!

What else have I to take down about the three places? How to make it clear in
a commonly understandable and in the most convenient manner? Well, just I got
it: money, money, money. That's the key.

Well, if in the

Psychiatric Polyclinic
a patient would have suffered an accident, say for example, if he had fallen
down from the stairs, over an obstacle there at the floor, or quite on the
contrary had suffered some so-called levitation and bumped his head at the
ceiling of one of the rooms, he would have received money for
compensation later on and gratis help at once, of course, even lifelong under
the conditions therefore taken down by law, if the conditions were given.

In the Huber house in Wiesenbach and in SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse-12, nothing,
nothing, nothing, except punishment, perhaps lifelong, if the conditions ... .

To add, that in a case, like the latter mentioned the jacker of course knew
what issues and measures there were to take and

against whom. They
waited for accidents caused by the SPK, they expected them eagerly, day and
night, and even were very eager to anticipate accidents in the SPK, be it by
public work, be it also by simply setting traps. There has been dealt in this
letter already with pregnancies in the SPK, which didn't happen and also with
the doctors' attempts to lure and to decoy SPK patients already in March 1970,
sending to the SPK a beauty of a student-lady for spy, thus a trap, which
entirely failed, because, last not least there didn't even result a pregnancy
from.

As the chief representative finally responsible and guilty for all and for
everybody in the case of an accident there in the SPK, they of course had chosen
whom? Huber, of course. But not before the trial against the SPK had ended in
December 1972 and not before the appeal against it in December 1973, the jacker
could enjoy any success there related to
Huber-for-chief-of-responsibility-and-guilt.

Their contract-proposal, the aim of which had been last not least to put all
responsibility for the SPK at Huber's door, had failed, because Huber, our
master of a modern signature-doctrine, you remember, by free hands had drawn a
line across their well-prepared contract-trap and they never dared some more
attempt at the same level, for instead of the level of contracts, they didn't
hesitate and immediately continued at the level of terrorism, cutting off
electricity from the SPK rooms and getting patients to be rejected, who came to
the pharmacists with a prescription in their hands, signed by Dr. Huber. The
latter mentioned attempts at the latter mentioned level, which obviously not
only suffered from bungling but the more from the patients' resistance against
it, had been in no way successful and couldn't even survive the first month of
the SPK (see also time-line).

But on 24 November 1970 they climbed their provisionally highest level, when
the doctors' council of the Faculty of Medicine ordered to the SPK patients
either to kill themselves or to become killed by the doctors, with

all responsibility and guilt then put at Dr.
Huber. They failed once more, because Huber left
the SPK and returned, returned and left again, just like the most humble servant
of the patients people lacking
all responsibility and guilt even concerning his self-awareness, and the SPK
went on to continue, disregarding the friendly commands of the named jackers'
council, repeatedly strengthened during the following months by their helpers,
the government with its - just for that and because of this case - famous
culture and church representative, minister Professor Wilhelm Hahn, the command
of whom, strenghtened by perseveration, finally had been the cause of the
"self"-killing of Marlies Lutz on 8 April 1971. All attempts to put
responsibility and guilt therefore of course again and again at Dr. Huber
finally also failed, be it only in matter,
and regardless some quicky Lefty publishers who prefer occasionally to repeat
especially the doctors' liar opinions about that, until nowadays (compare: SPK
patients killing each other, guilt and responsibility thus at Dr. Huber).

If somebody asks, be it only herself or himself, from where the patients took
their strength to overcome all those difficulties, or from where came the
strength,

needed
also for "self"-killing, which the doctors quite in common very often like to
point out ("deeply hidden riddle of human existence"), then we would answer,
that the strength came from illness,
reconquered by the SPK, segunda reconquista,
second reconquest, thus. Our
responsibility!!

But if a reader still has difficulties to follow our argumentations about
responsibility and guilt in the SPK, we also were not at a loss for, be it only
"crazy" explanations. For the purpose we would beg her or him to notice, that
both, in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 and in the Huber house in Wiesenbach,
there was no private property and also, at least usually, no money. Before
responsibility and guilt are in the mind of a person of nowadays, they are in
the private property

there outside
the every person. Thus: if there is not related private property and money to a
person, or if there are not related patients to a doctor, in this respect being
also his property, there also cannot exist any responsibility and guilt for that
in the mind of persons all around.

There exists the danger among some Marxian readers perhaps, that they grasp
the true sense of our just mentioned argumentation, because already for Marx
contents like "responsibility" and "guilt" in their basical elements were
nothing, but the

expressions of private
property and money, if you have some, or if you
have none. Some anarchists among your readers perhaps will argue that, "quite on
the contrary", property is robbery,
just as there had been pointed out by Proudhon, an avatar (forefather) of
anarchism. Nevertheless in the case of SPK or Patientenfront we never met some
publisher of the left wing who seemed to like to apply his basic knowledge, like
the just mentioned, also to the struggle in favour of illness, in favour of
patients.

Proof:
a) look at the mentioned killer doctors' theories, reported until now against
the SPK by left-wing publishers,

b) the bailiff who, accompanied by some hundred policemen, came to the
Huber house in Wiesenbach on 20/21 July 1971 and to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse
12 at the same day, there found absolutely nothing "worth" to take it with
him.

Quite in contrast to the two places, we just dealt with (H. house in
Wiesenbach, SPK rooms Rohrbacherstr. 12), the third place, namely the
Psychiatric Polyclinic there in Heidelberg, all time had been best provided
with, say state property, money and medicaments and even with machines and
disposals apt to apply electroshocks, cardiazol shocks

*
and insulin shocks, as Huber arrived there in 1966/ 1967 for the first time.

*

A chemical poison, injected
usually into the cubital vein, causing repeatedly a disorder of very heavy
convulsions like in epilepsy, the convulsions of the entire body or of parts
of it sometimes returning unexpectedly even hours later, so also in the
mentioned case -. For the rest, there also to mention, that a lot of students,
once "voluntarily" exposed to such doctor experiments (not in Heidelberg) then
suffered lifelong from automatically returning epileptic convulsions, they
never had had before. Yes, it has broken, the morning of true
twaddle (= inside information). And there is not the question, if we hate it
ourselves or not.

He came from the Psychiatric Clinic also as a well-trained and in the
eyes of all his colleagues uttermost skillful electroshocker against there by
key and lock interned more female than male patients, as he told us. He also
told us, that he had been ready to continue with the application of
electroshocks also there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in favour of the
out-patients, and only out-patients came there, as to repeat. "In favour" means,
that the uttermost interest of the out-patients of course consisted in
remaining out-patients, thus avoiding longtime internments by key and lock
in the Psychiatric Clinic of the university of Heidelberg, or yet worse, in the
Mental Hospital of Wiesloch. As interned patients they are treated, or should we
better say: tortured, as a rule, with medicaments and its so-called side
effects. "Therefore better then": with electroshocks: "not so much side effects
and remaining late damages (Spaetschaeden)". The patients for the rest put under
anaesthetics before the electroshock, "recommended for the sake of humanism", at
least there in Heidelberg, as the chief of the Heidelberg Psychiatric Clinic,
Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer also had suggested, being also the famous
author of a scientific and sophisticated book on
electroshocks-under-anaesthetic, Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer who only
regretted, but only from time to time, that his book not had become a
best-seller.

At any rate it was a seductive idea to help also in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, thus in an outpatients' clinic, also for example a housewife, if
she came there under conditions of a, say, "psychotic excitation" and
accompanied by her relatives, "to help her" by applying a "slight anaesthetic"
to her, and then the, as to say, "very slight electric waves flowing through her
brain", her brain "which obviously needed them for a moment", and then she could
remain laying down for, say, half an hour, and afterwards, accompanied by her
relatives if there were some, or even alone, could do her shoppings in the city
and return to her home, thus avoiding her compulsory internment, thus
"maintaining and improving her capacity for work" and even her "social
adaptation", achieved by nothing else but by, say, one or, at the most, two
shocks a week, the mentioned cure lasting "only" for about one or two months and
then: "good health till to the next relapse", which - "as to hope better not" -
could come again, say, in the next autumn or in the next spring in the case of a
so-called "endogenous depression" for example, if the named "psychosis" had been
"in truth" a such, but "good" also in the case of a so-called "schizophrenia" or
somewhat else, if all the conditions about indication, there to be demanded,
evidentially were there.

Well, Huber still remembers the step in his doctor office, where he was
sitting and also his chief (Dr. Dieter Spazier) from since spring 1967, when
they discussed for about two hours, whether to introduce again
electroshocks there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic. It had not been a question of
responsibility or guilt, when the two psychiatrists finally agreed to renounce
electroshocks, it also had not been a question of money, which led to this
decision, for, at the Psychiatric Polyclinic there were possibilities
enough to earn moremoney. There only seemed to be the relation
between "case-relative efficiency" on the one hand and "prospectively scientific
use" somehow not very well in the balance.

In the named discussion Huber had remembered the wife of a policeman who had
been caught by the detective in a department store, just when she had stolen
some commodities, which she liked very much, but didn't dare to ask from her
husband and for shame in the eyes of her two girls, because there was not enough
money in the pocket of the little police officer, her husband. In the mentioned
occasion, she had also related certain voices somewhere in her body who had, in
her opinion, finally done the crime

*.
Therefore she was interned in the Psychiatric Clinic and Huber (who worked still
there at those times) was demanded to work out a report about her case, because
she was threatened by a trial. Huber did his report, got it signed by the
Nazi-psychiatrist Professor Dr.Dr. Hans-Joachim Rauch, chosen by Huber himself
on purpose, because Rauch was a high-esteemed forensic psychiatrist at the
courts all around in Western Germany. Then Huber went with his report, his
scientific top-book, as there said also two more clinic chiefs, to the court and
got the lady free from indictments and accusations. All were satisfied and
celebrated the victory, except the lady herself. She felt crazy, a shame for her
officer-husband and for the entire family and she almost did not dare to return
back to the little city, where there had happened the "catastrophe". She soon
returned from an excursion at home after some few days and begged Huber in the
presence of her husband and her children to do his uttermost to get and to keep
her healthy again, disregarding also all expenses on her side. Finally she had
asked him, her family there present and consenting, to treat her by
electroshocks, because she, as she said, had become convinced also by talks
about that to other patients who had got their electroshocks in the Psychiatric
Clinic, that the named treatment had been a great help for some of them. Huber
promised to think it over, spoke about it to his chief there, the Huber-report
about this case also in his (the chief's) hands and the latter, the almost
best-seller-author about modern electroshocking, of course recommended to Huber
to apply the named treatment. He did, about eight times, one quarter of a year.
All was okay and well-done, and the lady returned to her family. During the next
month, she once or twice called up Dr. Huber, praising the slight
sleep-medication, recommended by him to her private doctor there in the little
city at home.

*

He who seeks "criminality" on the
side of the others, should cause the police under specific conditions to make
a house search in his flat. Then he has good chances to get punished with
imprisonment up to 5 years. At the first time a suspended sentence not out of
the question. Even in the U.S.A. this is at least not impossible. As to
"criminal doing". There where exist doctors and their helpers and henchmen,
all the others, thus the majority, is able to be represented as being
criminals from the start. Ill they are anyway. Therefore it only exists the
possibility to start with illness. The "criminality" then follows
automatically. Turn illness into a weapon? Yes, what else. Also for illness
goes: Become what you are, all the rest is therapy. And what follows from
that? Illness, because adaption also lasts not eternally.

About one year later, thus in 1966, her husband and the two girls asked for
Dr. Huber, at that time still in the Psychiatric Clinic. The girls had some
gifts with them, which they handed to Dr. Huber as, so they told, last greetings
from her mother, and then the police officer excused two or three times before
he told, that his about 30 years old wife suddenly had died some weeks ago in
the bed at his side. In the evening she had complained only a little about some
headache, the only from which she had suffered from time to time since her last
visit here in Heidelberg. The now widower there added once more, that he only
had come for information, because he, as he said, of course knew about the
report and still was full of grateful sentiments as for the successful gained
process, gained by Dr. Huber before the trial had started against his now dead
wife. The doctor at home had attested a natural cause of death, a lung-embolism
for example, possibly arosen from a deep vessel (vein) in the legs of the lady.
Nevertheless the husband, as he said, remembered the scientific interest in the
case and only therefore had decided to report about that to Dr. Huber.

Now, in spring 1967, the chief of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the named
discussion there added, that he also disposed of experiences concerning insulin
shock therapy. He had worked it out also scientifically and had come to the
conclusion, that there indeed had been some improvements, but on expense of a
lot of work, done by the nurses there with the patients, and that he had been
more inclined to believe, that the improvements were due to the caring of the
nurses about the patients there involved, while the injections of insulin,
causing shocks and comas, just as usual in very severe cases of diabetes
mellitus, to him rather had seemed to be of no measurable effect.

Well, so far about the discussion, at the end of which there was the decision
to let the electroshock machine exactly there, where it had waited, out of use
already since some years ago.

In compensation the two doctors planned, to depend in future more and more on
the use of psychopharmaca and medicaments, apt to compensate up to a certain
degree the so-called side effects, especially the so-called Parkinson's tremor
and so-called blood circulation disorders, in order to provide the way for more
psychotherapy, group therapy and caseworking there combined to and of course
doing scientifically based evaluations about the possibilities, to get the
patients kept away from internment and even to replace the Psychiatric
Polyclinic itself one far and utopical day, caring then about the patients at
their homes and places of work, based on a widespread support, being done by
almost all institutions in the existing society (schools, kindergarden,
churches, assurances and so on), and then even introducing perhaps methods of
precaution, able to prevent people from falling into psychiatric diseases.

Why do I report here details like such, seemingly far away from the events
all around March, far away from the nothing but agitation in the SPK and, said
in words from nowadays, pathopractic and diapathics there? Well, one of the
arguments there against Huber at the by the doctors so-called "hearing" on 20
February 1970 consisted, besides "conferences" and "signatures", in the attempt,
to reproach him for that he in some cases also should have prescribed too
expensive and too much medicaments, regardless his successful therapies, as to
admit not to doubt that, but too expensive and too much medicaments in
comparison for example to Kretz, the latter for the rest doing almost nothing
and avoiding places like the Psychiatric Polyclinic, be it not as chief, because
there were combined to a place like the mentioned a lot of work and patients,
demanding also a lot of responsibility resulting from the former mentioned
decision, to keep the out-patients in that, what they took for their liberty, be
it only a quite relatively liberty, namely existing outside of a compulsory
internment in hospitals and prisons.

Not only for completeness there is also to mention, that this work not in any
case could be left to the specialists who in former times had also been educated
at the university's psychiatry there in Heidelberg and now were practising
doctors there outside with their practices there among the population in the
city and in the villages there around.

In summer 1968 there came an about 50 years old woman to Dr. Huber into the
Polyclinic, carried in her wheel-chair by her husband, a former nurse in the
orthopaedic clinic. The wife since some years suffered from drug addiction,
caused by broken bones, the latter caused by some cardiazol shocks, suffered in
the practice rooms of a psychiatrist, who formerly had been with Professor
Walter Ritter von Baeyer and his predecessor in the same office of the
Psychiatric Clinic in Heidelberg. Huber of course spoke about that also with his
named chief, Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer, but of course not in one of the
named conferences. He, the chief, told him, that it was a riddle for him, why
his former disciple, the named now private practitioner of psychiatry and
neurology, electro-encephalography and psychotherapy could have committed the
named mistake, for not to say, crime. The chief especially wondered, why his
disciple had made use of cardiazol shocks

*
instead of electroshocks (remember therefore the almost best-seller book of the
named chief). Huber offered his chief an explanation, about which the named
chief nevertheless not became very high. The killer, thus the former disciple of
the named chief, had committed his crime some weeks after he had started his
private practice. The man had needed therefore quite a lot of money, because he
also had been with two ladies, there occupied in the Psychiatric Clinic, on
holidays in very expensive hotels. Cardiazol shocks were much more expensive
than electroshocks, thus the more cardiazol shocks, the more money, and the
doctor, master-disciple of the named chief, had applied to the woman, who now
suffered because of a lack of sleep, day and night pains, tortures because of
her broken bones and almost all consequences due to the abuse of morphine-like
medicaments -, to the woman had been applied several cardiazol shocks,
disregarding some broken bones already during the first treatment, for: the more
treatments by cardiazol shocks, the more money for the doctor, just started,
just needing high life, regarding the by him suffered renounciations during the
years of education. That was all, and more than enough, at least for the chief
who at once had forgotten the thing and never came back to that.

*

A chemical poison, injected
usually into the cubital vein, causing repeatedly a disorder of very heavy
convulsions like in epilepsy, the convulsions of the entire body or of parts
of it sometimes returning unexpectedly even hours later, so also in the
mentioned case -. For the rest, there also to mention, that a lot of students,
once "voluntarily" exposed to such doctor experiments (not in Heidelberg) then
suffered lifelong from automatically returning epileptic convulsions, they
never had had before. Yes, it has broken, the morning of true
twaddle (= inside information). And there is not the question, if we hate it
ourselves or not.

Yes, the doctors also attempted to land reproaches because of too expensive
and too much therapy

*.
There to mention also in order to prevent misunderstandings, that Huber of
course could earn no penny for himself by prescriptions. He earned his money
there in the Polyclinic as a doctor officer, thus each month the same amount,
and of course later on in the SPK he never was paid in an equivalent way
corresponding to his work. Just like every worker else, submitted to
exploitation? No, never, worse.

*

Nothing but pretexts by "fine"
cowards in a complete lack of arguments, therefore preferring police pistols,
you remember.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

7.2.1994

Dear friend Trevor,

enclosed you find the next pages of our letter.

Greetings

We take down also these details, because you have to know all and because we
ourselves never got any reliable informations about that, except the documents
and the explanations we asked from Huber and other witnesses available for that.

Describing details about the Psychiatric Polyclinic in its difference to the
two further places, namely the H-house in Wiesenbach and the
SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, there is to mention also, that none of the about 200
patients could disappear, be it for only some time, be it forever. The doctors
knew where they were, or where they had gone. In cases of doubts, for example if
there appeared some lines in the police report of the local press or if there
called up the police, because a seeming patient of the Psychiatric Polyclinic
had appeared or disappeared at an unusual place or in an unusual context, the
doctors soon got the informations provided to satisfy all the demands of the
just mentioned institutions (police = media), but for the rest the more kept
secret the medical secrecy, playing the game of, say: information embargo in
front of all other persons, relatives, friends and so on.

*

*

Against the SPK patients the
doctors broke the medical secrecy and delivered informations to police,
prosecutors and judges. Therefore the SPK patients had to attack the doctors
again and again. Finally the SPK patients had achieved after some years
of attacks that in trials and in preliminary proceedings against RAF people,
especially (!!) concerning those who formerly had been in the SPK the doctors
made use of their right to refuse to give evidence "because of the medical
secrecy". And the doctors, namely Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer (!), Prof.
Alexander Mitscherlich (!!!) & Co added in unisono: "This is merely a matter
of criminal police techniques and a matter of forming political gangs. To that
we can't say anything."

It therefore was a tremendous revelation, when there turned out after the
SPK, that all doctor colleagues of Huber, from the young ones to the chiefs
about him knew nearly approximatively nothing, there also included the chief
of the clinic administration Wilhelm Ernst, who only disposed of a file,
consisting of, say, one or three pages, with nothing there taken down, except
the data of the civil servant candidate and scientifical assistant Dr. med.
Huber, having taken the oath of office onto the State Constitution in August
1964 when Huber had appeared in the office of the named administration director
Wilhelm Ernst, Huber there very correctly dressed in a black suit and when it
had happened to appear also an assistant of the surgery clinic for the same
purpose, but in his everyday's doctor clothes, some spots of blood there also on
his white uniform, thus the surgeon, who in June 1972, then at the university's
hospital of Hannover succeeded to identify a just caught "political prisoner" by
x-rays, because the mentioned woman, just caught, still had some metal clips in
some veins of her brain, resulting from an operation, which the mentioned mother
- yes, she was also a mother - had suffered some years before. The doctors'
files now of course in instantly presence for persecution and "identification".
Casualities, casualities there in life and destine (where else, except in
illness?).

With Huber it was quite another thing. We, Frontpatienten of the
Patientenfront, since we got to know for the first time details about his work,
details in relation to E-shock-therapies, surgery operations and so on, were
struck by stupor about the say elephantastic thick skin there all around the
body of Huber, the thick skin, which he must have had at those times of
psychiatric polyclinical work, of psychiatric clinical work before that and of
common clinical work all around in surgery, neurology, obstetrics and internal
medicine, and what it could have been else before. We also realized sometimes
his meanwhile, be it possible, yet thicker grown skin when there were to do
hard, but seemingly inevitable things.

In our discussions, we read once more the reports of his doctor colleagues,
who once had been quite familiar to him, thus psychiatrists, psychologists and
so on, who, after the end of the SPK, had taken down the named reports.
We became struck once more, but now by a laughter-sickness, so to say, if in
English language laughter-sickness actually exists. As objectively as we could
do it, we tried to imagine the person, there described in the named reports and
files. What we saw in our uttermost strengthened imagination, was a monster of
sensibility, even of childlike sensitivity, maybe too weak for any struggle for
life in the surrounding dirty world of illness, death and misery, demanding
heroic, old-German and even Wagnerian consciousness of killing pity, not
at all renounceable, if there "was need" to deliver miserable ones from their
miserable lives; or at least tolerance, tolerance and once more tolerance, for
not to say patience regarding illness and the circumstances around it.

Of course we therefore asked also Huber himself, once, if there seemed to be
a good occasion. He answered that of course such monsters do exist, remember for
example old Faust, whom we know from school: "Two souls, alas, dwell here in my
brest". But you are seemingly not satisfied with my explanation, he continued.
The monster exists, it exists, he started once more, it exists there in
medicine, no, not so very in medicine, because there it is taken for an
uncurable monster. Therefore it exists in psychiatry, there also taken for an
uncurable monster until nowadays, and thus beware the genetical technology,
which in future perhaps will damn the named monsters to life instead to death as
formerly. Well, he added, the named monster exists nowhere, but in psychiatry,
since there is psychiatry, the latter which started not before some hundred
years ago. In the earlier past there had been the already mentioned Dr. Faust,
and still earlier the witches and the shamans and there before the avatars
(forefathers) and the Great Mothers, the kings and the kaisers, thus the
emperors, not to forget to mention; and in the beginnings, as we strongly
suppose, there had been the physician-priests or priest-doctors
(Priesteraerzte), arosen from somehow crippling illness, skillful virtuosi in
surviving, the named "patients" thus.

Back to more modern times. The, as to repeat, still uncurable monsters exist,
stand and fall and decease never, except together with therapy. You got it now,
he asked, the named monsters like me once became labelled as "psychopaths", and
least 10% of the world-population since then walk through the streets of our
cities, through the pathes in some jungle, most of them secretly, because until
nowadays most of them not recognized, nor identified as psychopaths

*.
A tremendous danger, so long.

*

Dear reader, the psychopath is
you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on
the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of
nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his
doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he
thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at
all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for
"scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining
ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the
doctor at once.

Until now, we all of the Patientenfront had listened, keeping silence,
occasionally shaking our heads, while making some notes about that, or not about
that on a paper, or be it on some paper clipped together, except Mrs. Huber, who
shouted to her husband something like: nonsense, stop, shut up. There to mention
just for purpose, that Mrs. Dr. Huber at those times in the files of the
psychiatrists had been labelled as a, quite in contrast to her husband, "quite
reasonable woman", without having taken it for a compliment.
But Huber nevertheless continued, saying, that in the case of his, thus in the
case of the "case Huber", the named monster - regardless existing exclusively in
psychiatry or including all hidden ways of society - was not an average or an
every-day 10-%-psychopath, but worst of the worst, some of the uttermost rare
so-called "fanatical psychopaths" and, higher you can't climb, lacking even all
until now known political marks, renounceable in no way for a differential
diagnosis, thus the monster of a monster.

Arrived at this point, Mrs. Huber said very calmly, that her husband now
needed bitterly to go on with his exaggerations and to strengthen still more a
little bit his fantasy, thus fantasy for the sake of fantasy in order to become
aware, that neither Faust, nor some "fanatical psychopath" ever did mention the
word or had done Iatroklasie (iatroclasm), except the
Frontpatients in the Patients' Front, except herself. Upon that there arose a
common protest out of illness against her, with contradictions and
contradictions and self-reproaches from her side, but finally the thing had been
done.

All along the several last sections of this letter we have presented to you
some aspects out of the little world there in Heidelberg from 1966 to 1970,
represented by the Psychiatric Polyclinic of the university, for not to say, of
the universe. It was our secret intention there behind to make you see, what we
take for the way of revolution, actually and in future, filled with patients
there on the road (echo: ta-rot, torat, atrot, ortat ...). In a macroscopical
view the differences vanish, for advantage. The medicine vanishes, let it vanish
and there remains therapy, the illness continues growing, and there appears
revolution. You need not care about differences in medicine, as there are the
faculties, not care about methods, as there are electroshocks in psychiatry, but
also in police-headquarters, and you need not care about psychiatry and the same
anti-psychiatry: the same psychiatry, and you even need not care about different
diagnoses there in medicine, and lacking diagnoses there in other, so-called
unscientifical therapies

*,
if there seems to be a lack of diagnoses in the eyes of anybody. Fasten your
awareness just for a moment only on illness there in the medicine, and then
return again to the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg with the illness there liberated,
be it only to an infinitesimal little extent there once in the past.

*

e.g. natural medicine, so-called
outside-methods and even the in medieval times commonly current
iatro-mathematics.

Now, as I hope we are prepared well enough to return to the three named
places far away from you in time and space, Dear Trevor, there in the USA, or
say, we return to the only two places, namely the Psychiatric Polyclinic before
2 March 1970 and to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse-12 up from 2 March 1970, because
we can let aside the Huber house there in Wiesenbach, there in the context of
all around March, your question, nothing but a basso continuo, the house at the
hill, regarding the big orchestra tuning its instruments there in Heidelberg,
figuratively spoken.

Some day in December 1969 the first quite unspecific dissonance: a call to
Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in urgency of danger at noon and an offended
psychiatrist in the evening there in between.

Event: some patients after a group therapy there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, meanwhile informed, had gone in confrontation against the successor
of Kretz in the Psychiatric Clinic, asked him either to call the police against
themselves, or to release immediately the patient with the call because of
emergency danger. With successor of Kretz we here mean a psychiatric assistant
whom they had chosen there in the Psychiatric Clinic to replace Kretz, there for
the first time fired in 1966, while Huber simultaneously had started his work in
the Psychiatric Polyclinic. In the evening of the just mentioned day the since
1966 successor of Kretz had happened to meet Huber and had complained bitterly
about the Psychiatric Polyclinic patients with their lies, as he said, from the
noon in this day, that he, the psychiatrist were on the side of the police,
while in truth, as he said, the Psychiatric Polyclinic patients obviously had
been the policemen themselves, trying to play with him the game of police
against patient-robber, a ridiculous game, as he added, but nevertheless an
offence demanding punishment. Thus police, Huber added, and asked back, of
course in vain, where there had been the lie of the patients, there in question.

The involved patient, a student, had been labelled once in the Psychiatric
Clinic as "pseudological psychopath

*,
not to exclude danger for society". He mostly wrote long letters to a chief
psychiatrist in the Psychiatric Clinic, with seemingly philosophic or
pseudo-philosophic contents, as there said the just mentioned chief
psychiatrist, among the relatives of whom there had been an uncle or someone
else, who had been one of the famous two philosophers, against whom Lenin once
had written his book "Empiriocriticism and Dialectic Materialism", a book of
less interest, be it only in a political view from nowadays. Now, because of the
letters of the mentioned patient, the mentioned chief psychiatrist in the
Psychiatric Clinic always was in trouble, because he, as he said to Huber, could
not decide, whether the patient announced to him crimes of danger for the
society by the philosophic or pseudo-philosophic contents in his letters, or if
he, the patient, by his letters intended nothing else, but to laugh at him, thus
at his therapist, thus gaining joy and libido, as the psychiatrist said, on his
expense, on the expense of him as a doctor, who for the rest never had demanded
money from the patient for his therapeutical efforts during his free time. He,
always the same chief psychiatrist there in the Psychiatric Clinic, relative of
a former top-philosopher, therefore had addressed himself to Huber, begging the
latter, just as he said to Huber, to redeem him from this nevertheless not
disagreeable patient, for whom he, one of the chief psychiatrists in the
Psychiatric Clinic, could no longer bear any responsibility in the case, if
there should happen some catastrophe by fire or somewhat else, while he, always
the same mentioned psychiatric professor, was day and night in anxiety to say to
the patient that he, the professor, had decided never to receive him again, the
mentioned patient, for a therapy in the Psychiatric Clinic, except behind by key
and lock closed doors.

*

Dear reader, the psychopath is
you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on
the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of
nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his
doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he
thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at
all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for
"scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining
ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the
doctor at once.

Well, Huber promised to care about the named patient and had done so since
about 1967, having been very glad, that it had not been the professor himself
who had begged for therapy. The mentioned patient, the "pseudological psychopath*,
not to exclude danger ..." turned out to be an obstinate young man, an only
child, bodily suffering from the fact, that he for example neither was Cassius
Clay (a famous boxer at those times), nor could get any satisfaction out of his
studies, quite in contrast to his sister and quite in contrast to his father, an
old reliable lawyer and also in contrast to his still very young second mother,
who sometimes seemingly had tried to play her games with him, for the rest not
meant very seriously.

He now visited Huber sometimes for some moments only in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic (no medicaments!), sometimes he visited at home his little children,
also when the parents were absent, then staying longer (remember: "... danger
for society not to exclude"), but never was ready to take part also in group
therapy or to join then so-called "political activities", but liked very much to
report Huber about movies he had seen, like for example "Fahrenheit 451" (or had
been the heat there in the fire of an even higher degree?) and to discuss with
him about that for at least half an hour.

At the named noon in December 1969 he had gone to visit somebody in the
Psychiatric Clinic compulsorily interned there and the carate-trained nurses
there, don't ask me the cause, suddenly had decided to keep him there, of course
with the permission of the doctor, called up somewhere in the city, where he
took his meal.

In 1973, still in the prison of Stammheim, Huber was told by the
IZRU-leader-lady (see first nine pages of this letter) that this
(l)only-child-patient now also was dead.

Here to add, be it only for completeness, that the offended psychiatric
doctor, responsible for the here reported, say incident or say accident in
December 1969, later on, on Friday 20 February 1970, when there had taken place
the by the doctors so-called "hearing" in the Psychiatric Clinic, had been the
only one who neither voted in favour of Huber and the patients, nor against him.
Just in the moment, when there took place the decision by show of hands, the
named Huber colleague here in question, arose from his seat there midst in the
hall, put his right hand between his legs and then ran downstairs, maybe to the
WC, because he left the hall and returned already after about three minutes,
taking his seat there again, just as if there had happened nothing meanwhile or
before.

As we already repeatedly mentioned, the expulsion of the patients and of
Dr. Huber from the Psychiatric Polyclinic secretly had been planned and prepared
since some weeks ago, and of course also the mentioned Huber colleague with his
right hand between his legs, because of a full, or be it an empty urinary
bladder, presumably had to take down his decision before by writing, for he also
automatically was a member of the doctors' councils which, as to repeat again
and again, were the only true criminal conspiracy which secretly worked at those
times.

It also was his signature, which we until now never got before our eyes. For,
the next day, 21 February 1970, the only signature beneath the writing handed to
the mother of Dr. Huber there in Wiesenbach (look also the first nine pages of
this letter) was the signature of the clinic administration director Wilhelm
Ernst, the useful chief idiot of all the useless, better said: crimes and damage
causing chief killers there behind and above, namely the medical doctors there
all around at the university of Heidelberg and elsewhere, not to forget their
helpers from the State government up to the motor-bicyclist in the latter
mentioned case, who brought the

patients-out message, simultaneously the police-inmessage,
concerning the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg to his at that time still
alive mother, also not daring to hand it to himself.

Well, there did not yet exist the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, but the big
Wagnerian orchestra, there around the Psychiatric Polyclinic in Heidelberg,
tuned its instruments and the since January 1970 so-called Huber-patients had
caused the first shrill dissonance there in December 1969, still an unspecific
dissonance, but at least one string, at least one horn or trumpet, at least one
drum there in the orchestra, always figuratively spoken, had broken: a
psychiatrist felt bitterly offended and attacked by lying "pseudologic
psychopaths"

*
thus: warmth was on the way, just as usual in dissonances**,
because the tone, "the tone, if it dies, dies in warmth" (Hegel) and "not only
the musician sweats, but also his instrument" (Hegel, once more).

*

Dear reader, the psychopath is
you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on
the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of
nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his
doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he
thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at
all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for
"scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining
ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the
doctor at once.

**

Each consonance also tied to
dissonance there all around the circle of under- and uppertones, there all
around all phenomena of resonance, isn't it?!

Specific attacks against all patients of Huber there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic arose around the beginnings of 1970 with Kretz there behind.

About two dozen of patients, almost every day contacting Huber in his doctor
office there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, because they needed help,

started their researches and investigationsthere, collecting also data by collaborating with the
lady secretaries in the Psychiatric Polyclinic; then the further proceedings,
the decision to do so having been taken collectively outside the Psychiatric
Polyclinic all around Christmas (look also above "New Years' Eve party").
Contradictory voices, for not to say: rigorously contrapointed ones there in the
just started orchestra-performance, thus and so to say, if we continue in our
more figurative manner to express and to describe the development in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic until March 1970 (to repeat here, that not before 2 March
1970 there were the rooms of the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12).

In the first days of January 1970 another emergency therapy there in the
building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic had become crossed out by Kretz. The
struck patient had been a student-girl who, just like many others, worked at
those time on the side also in the US-military barracks of the headquarters
there in Heidelberg. Shortly spoken, her white friend had announced to kill her
black friend, because of jealousy and her black friend had announced to kill
her, if she didn`t cease at once to meet her white coloured friend.

Well, a problem concerning the military police, perhaps, but then in any case
afterwards, and too late. What to do now, now between Christmas and New Year,
when the woman sat there with the lady secretary in the Psychiatric Polyclinic
and Huber happened to pass by? She needed protection, nothing else, she was
fleeing, prospectively only for two or three days, because then one of her
boy-friends had to return to elsewhere. How to keep her in security? Of course
not in the Psychiatric Clinic of Heidelberg, nor in the Mental Hospital of
Wiesloch behind closed doors. In her need, to mention it only for completeness,
she herself would have consented to spend some days in the Psychiatric Clinic of
Heidelberg or in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, but regardless all other
points of view and aspects, which were against that, it was also the problem,
that the two American boy-friends of her knew, that she had fled to the
Psychiatric Polyclinic and could follow her elsewhere, and in their
army-uniforms they had good chances, to make a doctor - if available in spite of
holidays, or at least some female or male nurse - that they could meet her also
there in one of the hospitals.

Of course she couldn't stay in the Psychiatric Polyclinic during the night,
because there were no beds and no meals for the patients, the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, as to repeat, an out-patients' clinic. Huber therefore now went some
floors upstairs there in the building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic, met there
the female chief nurse of the ward of a branch of internal medicine and
spoke to her. She consented to care about the persecuted girl, there were also
some beds not in use on the private ward, and the persecuted girl of course was
ready to pay and did pay. It became arranged, that Huber would care about her
therapy, the female chief nurse should send her to go down every day and for the
rest continuing contacts to Huber. To add, that the professor of the named ward
there above in the building of the Psychiatric Polyclinic was in holidays
including the first week of the New Year as there mentioned the female chief
nurse.

It had not been for the first time, that Huber felt constraint to take
necessary steps, necessary there in emergency cases also in a, say: a little
uncommon, but not unusual way. Also his Psychiatric Polyclinic chief, who had
gone in May 1969 had done so before, if there was need.

All worked well until to the first days after New Year. There this, say,
double out-patient/in-patient lady had been fired and indeed because of Kretz,
who, informed by the lady secretary there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic,

secretly had followed her upstairs,
then called up at home the professor and chief of the female nurse and chief of
his ward, who of course had prohibited to let some psychiatric patient in a bed
in the ward of internal
medicine, the responsibility in the case of some complication then on his side,
as the professor said.

The by Kretz fired first, so to say: "US"-patient later on for some weeks
also joined the SPK in summer 1970, but, taking indeed very strong interests in
old German ideology, had increasing trouble to follow the proceedings and
developments there in SPK. But also later on from time to time she called up at
Huber there in the SPK, mostly then using a telephone in the US-military
barracks.

Other news about Kretz entered the Psychiatric Polyclinic during the first
fortnight of January 1970, he himself (Kretz) mostly there absent, as to repeat.

In a public assembly there elsewhere in Heidelberg he had given a lecture and
the patient, who reported about that to Huber in the Psychiatric Polyclinic,
there for therapy, had happened to take part also in the named assembly. In the
following discussion after the lecture-giving of Kretz the patient, at that time
still unknown to Kretz had asked him the question what was his opinion about all
the patients in the capitalist society, the problems of which obviously could
only become resolved in an at least system-revolutionary manner. As the patient
reported, Kretz had answered that he "of course" entirely agreed with the
Huber-patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, where he now, himself, was
the chief. Kretz also added, that he himself already disposed of some methods to
reach the goal, but "of course" could not speak about that here in public, but
soon would do it, still in time, and "before one month will be over".

We, the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic at those times knew
Kretz already well enough, to take all, what he had told in the named public
assembly especially about ourselves, for nothing else but for an attempt of
propaganda in favour of himself. We even didn't ask us why he wasted his time at
assemblies like the mentioned. From the years before, he was commonly known
there at the university to appear here and then in different events about
different matters, but always under the condition, that there was occasion for
discussion later on. He then, as soon as the lecturer had ended his recitation
or something else and opened the discussion, took up the word, saying first,
that there were some very important "things" to mention and to add from his
(Kretz') side, then repeated the headline of the event and also parts of the
conclusion, twaddled a while about that, sometimes failing at all sense and
context, and if the lecturer or somebody else then succeeded to interrupt his
twaddles for a moment, he then immediately started again, affirming that the
correction was exactly that, what he had meant before, and so on and so on.

There is to admit, that happenings like the just mentioned all around are in
no view rare, nor do they lack useful side effects of humour, enjoyment and
diversion. But when Kretz had ended, there was always to hear a sigh of relief,
and just in this always consisted the indisputable fact, that Kretz always was
the lonely champion in the mentioned events there all around.

Maybe, that later on he developed his faculties and his proceedings in
rhetorics, because of the more occasions, provided to him also by the now
imprisoned SPK, be it only and "of course" unvoluntarily; but in those times in
the

beginnings
of New Year 1970,
it already was enough for the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic and a
given occasion to care not so much about what Kretz perhaps intended else except
wasting time, which for the rest was not the time of the patients, who didn't
need him at all.

His revolutionary method, he had announced, his marvellous weapon to win the
patients' revolution within one month consisted in two things only:
first, to become (pro-)rector at the university of Heidelberg,
second, to liquidate the therapeutic work, there the accent on work, thus, to
liquidate the Psychiatric Polyclinic.

The latter goal, namely to extinguish the Psychiatric Polyclinic he reached
on 21 February 1970, when the patients and Huber got pushed out of the
Psychiatric Polyclinic by illegal violence and exclusion zone.

The first goal, namely to become a (pro-)rector, he missed on 14 February
1970, when he himself by the patients of the Psychiatric Polyclinic had been
pushed out of the office of rectorship, his candidacy for the named office
having been kept

totally secret
until to the mentioned date by himself and by his helpers - compare the secret
working circles in our "open society", killing and liquidating patients in order
to promote killer doctors and the so-called secret working circles in the SPK,
which indeed never existed, except in the warrants and so on, but in reality the
work of the SPK being combined to "marvellous healings" ("Wunderheilungen";
curings which were really miraculous) and patients' promotions up to counsellors
of governments and to skillful pathopractitioners in all parts of the society.
Compare once more and make a confrontation of the facts.

For readers, who like more to critizise the later on SPK in the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12

*
there is to mention, that we at those times, there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic
in January 1970, still were in the beginnings and at a lower level of, for
example, analysing facts down to their roots and up to their goals, and also our
methods of anticipating and forecasting events were rather undeveloped and
lacking the training, thus faculties of which we meanwhile dispose up to a
certain degree, almost sufficient to resolve each real problem, which could
appear in our collective work. But quite on the contrary there in the beginnings
of the later on SPK it could happen, that we even didn't care about facts like
the impending liquidation of "our" Psychiatric Polyclinic, did not care about
secret candidatures of someone like Kretz and even did not care about victories
of our own, namely the fall of Kretz, thus a victory to which we had, as there
exists a somewhat stupid saying in Germany: to which we had come just and
exactly like the virgin to her child (means: it just fell into our hands).

*

the readers therefore owe it to
us, not to make once again what they think to have been our mistakes.

Well, the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the first fortnight
of January 1970 busily did their researches and were more than a little proud of
the statistical result, now found and measured by numbers like 46 : 5 : 4

*
- thus a proportion of 12:1 comparing Huber and Kretz -, that their still
therapist Dr. Huber was a 180 to 200-%-therapist in comparison to Kretz and the
others.

*

Of the questioned 55 patients in
this fortnight 46 patients came to Huber, 5 to another doctor and 4 to Kretz;
in total at that time there were about 180 patients in a therapy of Huber.

The later on SPK patients enjoyed also very much their success, when they
presented on 20 February 1970 - in the by the doctors so-called "hearing" - to
an indeed very great and at that flabbergasted public the results of their
statistical busy-bee-work (isn't there collectivity also in bees and ants, thus
in communism and totalitarism, thus not new, but bad?), and Kretz and all the
doctors at his side were totally surprised, Kretz himself quite at a loss to
stutter more than some words, the sense of which was, that he now for the first
time got to know something about researches, done in "his" Psychiatric
Polyclinic by patients, "so-called researches and investigations", which he "of
course" would have "forbidden, prohibited and in any rate stopped", if somebody
had spoken to him about that, "latest in this moment". Therefore, and be it only
therefore, the by the "Huber-patients" just presented results could not but be
without any relevance.

Just in the latter mentioned moment Kretz indeed had spoken truly, because
the pistols of the police and the exclusion zone there around the Psychiatric
Polyclinic up from next day (21 February 1970) were, just as Kretz must have
known best, already prepared and ordered.

Just after the here once more mentioned, by the doctors so-called
"hearing", still in the hall, there came two lady doctors, former colleagues and
even somewhat like political allies to Huber, whispering: "Please do take care
for you. There is eminent life danger, there waits a great existential
catastrophe. You will realize it up from tomorrow. We now cannot say more about
that. Once more: danger".

Maybe I should not forget to mention, that the lady doctor, who told the just
mentioned words to Huber, was a very close relative to an at those times famous
social democratic representative there in the government of the Western German
government-capital. She once had been of the opinion, that Huber because of
philosophy would be a man very interested in politics, the same as her relative,
as she told, there in the government. Huber had been more than a little
astonished about that and answered her, that for him philosophy had absolutely
nothing to do with actual or current politics, but the more and so to say quite
on the contrary with medicine and therapy. There the lady had silently looked at
him for some moments. Then she said, that she would think it over, but for the
moment she, as a simple internist woman, seizing her stethoscope just while
saying the mentioned words, felt absolutely unable to grasp the sense of what
could be the relation between philosophy and therapy.

As it seemed to Huber the lady had been not completely wrong because: either
philosophy or therapy. Therefore, now in the Patientenfront we have since many
years replaced the word philosophy by the word diapathics. Concerning the word
therapy there was no need to replace something, because therapy is more than a
nothing, means: damage and destruction. The patients got it especially during
the last weeks before the SPK there still in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, all
patients there, some of them indeed learned it there, learned it by heart, as so
to say; others forgot it even before they had started to learn it.

You, dear Trevor, mentioned in a schedule of your last letter somebody, the
two first letters of his prename are 'Kl'.

He came to the SPK not before spring/summer 1970, say April/May. He later on
mentioned somewhere and had it taken down and spread there all around by the
media, that up from the first day, thus latest from 2 March 1970, he had taken
care and preventions to defend the SPK from outside, being for the rest absent
on 30 September 1970, no, to be correct, he first had been there in the evening,
but then had gone. To add that during the last week before the self-dissolution
of the SPK on 13 July 1971 he had dwelled day and night there in the Huber house
in Wiesenbach, watched the police secret messages, drove all around with the
Huber car, but unable to drive it back in the garage there, even regardless the
help of the neighbours, who told him, that Dr. Huber always and without
difficulties had been able to drive the car into the garage, backside first.

The named, as to admit, also SPK patient, do you take him for a
forgetter-before-learning or for someone else? Please decide by yourself, but do
beware your readers there in future to decide by themselves just that, what you
on your side already are able and enabled by us to decide in a correct way,
regarding the "reports" of the named, as to admit, also SPK patient who, for the
rest, was and maybe is until nowadays a very pleasant man, he did the best he
could already in the times of the SPK and later on in other groups.

The last group in which he collaborated, now out of any danger and risk of
life, was the top chief of the prosecutors and persecutors against so-called
terrorism there in Germany. The son of the latter mentioned Chief Federal
Prosecutor died of drugs some years ago, thus in a certain sense a patient
himself, his father still alive and the mentioned Kl in your schedule now on the
side of the mentioned chief prosecutor and persecutor, and there on the side,
side by side not only when they celebrate their performances in television, but
also afterwards, when they drink together some drops of good old German wine and
have their smalltalks about good old common times there in the wide field of
"terrorism", the one at those times at the one side, the other at those times at
the other side, but now and as to hope in future good friends and companions.

There to add, that the named Kl, who had been for at least one week, day and
night, say: the host there in the Huber house in Wiesenbach, never had been
present there on some of the Wednesday evenings before 30 September 1970, never
on one of the Thursday evenings after the 30 September 1970.

But there in the mass media later on, when he had returned from prison by a
pardon some years ago, never been in prison because of SPK, neither because of a
warrant against him because of SPK, he did quite a lot of statements, repeating
nothing else, but the same old and eternal lies of the enemies of course, say
there may exist some split of so-called truth also in each lie, but by means of
permanently repeating them, there doesn't arise more truth.

We ourselves can't help, but we don't get away from the strong opinion, be it
only by review, that the named Kl, up from his beginnings in the SPK, disposed
of only the one secret, that he never came together with the illness of, be it
only: one other she- or he-patient.

There is to mention also the above (on the first nine pages of this letter)
in detail and detailed mentioned lady leader of the IZRU with the first letters
of her prename being Si.

Quite in difference to the latter mentioned Kl she, as a later on lady case-
and streetworker, already appeared from time to time in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic and even before, there in the Psychiatric Clinic, when Huber there
still had his place of work.

She was neither there in a therapy in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, nor she
took part, when there were the events from January 1970 to March 1970. Of course
she got outside informations about what happened there, but at those times she
preferred to be with the war refusal groups (so-called conscientious objectors'
groups) which were compulsorily occupied to do their service in the different
hospitals and clinics all around in Heidelberg, and also she liked more to be
with her boy-friend, who later on became something like an anti-psychiatrist
publisher, of course against the SPK, and the problems of the badly getting
along with the named boy-friend she also tried to act out during the one or the
other of her, for the rest, very rare flying visits in the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse
12.

A group of military service refusers (so-called conscientious objectors), at
that time employed in the orthopaedic clinic of the university, one first weeks'
evening in March 1970 also came to the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 to offer their
"limited political solidarity" to the SPK patients there in the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12. Maybe, the later on IZRU-leader-lady had sent them there.
They never returned to the SPK.

After the 30 September 1970 the named Si had been also there in the H.-house
in Wiesenbach on Thursday evening, say, for two or three times. She became
closely related to another SPK patient also there, but didn't get along with him
and therefore never returned.

She took down notes about the just mentioned quarrels which, found by the
police, later on became quite in detail reported and, say: "completed" in a
"scientific" report of the in this letter already mentioned she-enemy of the
SPK, a university's teacher about political philosophy, who for the rest worked
out the named report under order and by money of the chief prosecutor, there
mentioned in the upper paragraph with Kl.

In 1976 the lawyer of Huber (Huber then out of prison) had received the same
order and had been offered to get the same money for Huber if he achieved to
make him writing also such a "scientific" report about his experiences,
especially concerning SPK. Huber had refused.

Now, concerning you, dear Trevor, he for the first time refuses to refuse.
Thus it is now your turn to decide what your readers have to know, and what is
from less importance, regarding repetitions and regarding making sense or
nonsense.

We can't but continue answering your question about the events all around
March. If you will mention the two named persons as true members of the SPK,
please do. Maybe it will serve also as a good method to make forget their
"reports" about what they take for their having been once in SPK, there occupied
with illness and also with other patients (in their own opinion).

The second fortnight of January until including the first days of February
and from then continuing till to the end of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in
Heidelberg, this time was filled up by, say, agitation in a very broad sense
signified by this word. Imagine for example an anthill, in which all has been
penetrated, don't ask me the cause, by quite a little split of a foulish bone,
filled with nearly invisible scorpionic living things (see Kretz from horoscope,
born 8 November 1934) spreading an intolerable stink, the obstacle being in no
way to grasp, not to speak: to get it out again, without the anthill then at any
rate being lost (death to death = resurrection, means: "scorpio").

Two years later on, at the first trial against the SPK there in Karlsruhe
(November till December 1972) a prepared witness, a male nurse from the
Psychiatric Clinic brought, say: traces related to the mentioned phase, there
also into the media. As he told there, Dr. Huber had been almost every night
there in the Psychiatric Clinic at work on the wards, or, indeed very seldom, in
the sleeping office for the night-duty (about the causes look at an upper part
of this letter, page 86

*,
hints and details). Doing there his work on the wards with patients and also
with nurses like him, he (Huber) had spoken, as to admit, in a rather soft and
moderate way, but nevertheless sometimes and for moments quite determined about
politics and "changes", quite in general as to admit, and as it told the nurse,
now witness at the court. He, the witness, as he said, answering a question of
one of the prosecutors, couldn't yet remember, if there also had been dealt with
the Psychiatric Polyclinic, but he was rather sure that not, as he also said.

* The page numbers
don't refer to the internet-version.

Nevertheless some ideas of Dr. Huber were seemingly, say, strange but, as the
nurse added, in some way also quite correct, say: logical. So, for example he,
the male nurse, once had asked Huber about his opinion about the Sovjet Union,
he, the male nurse, having taken part in the Second World War against Russia.
Huber had answered - and the nurse witness affirmed that he still was quite sure
- that if all the German people had voted for Stalin instead of Hitler, there
never would have come a Second World War with about 60 millions of dead people,
following from that.

He, the nurse, had risked, as he said, a contradiction, pointing at
totalitarism, dictatorship and communism. Huber had answered by the question, if
he, the nurse, in truth believed, that then, namely in the world peace instead
of the World War, there would have been, say, necessary still some Stalin.
Instead of an answer he, the nurse who again praised his good memory, had said
to Dr. Huber: Doctor (Herr Doktor), you talk on expense of your head and collar
(German saying: "... Sie reden sich noch um Kopf und Kragen"; means: you risk
life and limb). There to add, be it only for completeness, that Huber didn't
even disdain the pious nuns there in the Psychiatric Clinic in the night who,
quite as usual, prepared him a meal and got "ideology" for compensation, but
also piano lessons by him, there sometimes in the early morning.

None of the nuns had come as a witness against him or against the SPK. They
all later on withdrew from the Psychiatric Clinic, where they had worked since
the First World War. It were the "modern times there in the hospitals", because
of which they withdrew, but not the Socialist Patients' Collective.

Well, also the second chief of the Psychiatric Clinic - a very catholic and
peaceful man, who had accepted Huber in the early 1964 there in the Psychiatric
Clinic, so to say, with open arms - once in the night after a theatre
performance came into the Psychiatric Clinic there in the mentioned second
fortnight of January 1970 and spoke to him "under four eyes". There finally were
left only two eyes intact, because the indeed very peaceful, but nevertheless
also false and intrigant man had filled his eyes with true tears.

In the

Psychiatric Polyclinic
the patients there in agitation were neither soft nor moderate, but sometimes
rather angry, some she- and he-patients sometimes up to the ends of their
uncutted, but the more beautiful long hair. It is a simple lie, that they at
those times, just like at later on times, close to the end of the SPK, were made
suffer, be it by Huber or be it by other patients there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, from the idea to end in the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch.

Wiesloch and the Psychiatric Clinic already existed since decades of years.
Since 1966 by the work of Huber and the chief of the Psychiatric Polyclinic at
that time and till May 1969, there had been drastically reduced the chances of
all patients to land by compulsory decision in the Psychiatric Clinic of the
university of Heidelberg, for not to speak about the Mental (State) Hospital
there in Wiesloch.

None of the patients there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic, especially up from
the second fortnight in 1970, for truth needed any agitation as for compulsory
internment. They needed nothing, except to regard Kretz and his doctors' people,
or only to remember them, and soon they were entirely instructed about
therapeutic terrorism (all terrorism has to do in some way with HEAL, isn't it?)
-, with the shocking and poisoning machines, namely the psychiatry of Wiesloch
and of Heidelberg there behind them. The only difference consisting in that,
that in Wiesloch the electroshocks still were applied without anaesthetics, the
patients there waiting for in series from about a dozen, the doctor putting them
the electrodes both sides at the temple, until the patient there in turn
suffered a strong convulsion, two nurses then catching her or him in order to
lay them aside at the floor for careful supervision; while in the scientific
Psychiatric Clinic there in Heidelberg they got anaesthetics and were alone
there in a room and in a bed, except the shocking doctor and about four nurses
there around the bed, while her or his brain became just a little bit barbecued
by an inevitable side effect of current electricity heat, thus warmth. To add
here also the more scientific aspect, that in Wiesloch the mentioned barbecue
side effect was just a little bit slighter

*,
because of the there lacking anaesthetics, while in Heidelberg, concerning the
caused brain-damages, the side effect could be a little bit harder, because of
the humanism there combined to and incarnated in the anaesthetic substances.

*

There is, simply spoken, "less
current" needed in an awoke than in a sleeping patient.

The patients

there in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, who once had been struck by the mentioned killer therapy, since long
ago there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic had ceased to keep the mentioned
treatments secret, be it even in public and not only the then "Huber-patients" now knew
their enemies, pointing with their forefinger at Kretz and his doctors' people,
when they passed by in the Psychiatric Polyclinic or elsewhere. And they also
didn't spare slogans like: DEATH TO
THERAPY!

Some incidents, there all around, already are mentioned in this letter, in
our time-lines or elsewhere. Remember for example Kretz hurting a patient, who
for the rest was the daughter of a South American diplomate there in Europe.
Remember also the patient-kill-Nazi-forensic psychiatrist, who complained at
Huber because of the "intolerable and chaotic patients' rebellion" there in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic.

None of the patients got lost or was missed at those times there in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic, quite in contrast to the last week in February 1970,
when the patients had been pushed out of the Psychiatric Polyclinic by pistols
and by exclusion zone.

It was not Kretz, "of course", who then missed patients in the Psychiatric
Polyclinic. It were the "Huber-patients" who missed about 200 more
"Huber-patients", formerly there visiting or calling up the Psychiatric
Polyclinic, but now not available, and it was Huber at the hunger-strike
occupation in the administration building (remember Wilhelm Ernst, not a doctor
at all, but the chief of the administration in the university's clinic campus of
Heidelberg) -, it was Huber who got announced also to the press, that about 200
patients were not available, a part of them thus in danger.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

16 February 1994

Dear friend Trevor:

Enclosed you find the next pages of our letter and a leaflet from March
1970, mentioned in this part of our letter, but not published in our books.

It isn't necessary to have this leaflet translated. The leaflet is signed
with HAK-Teufel. The letters HAK mean: Hass- und Aggressions-Kollektiv
(the patients' collective was called by the doctors and their helpers: hate-
and aggression-collective, and the patients used this name against
their enemies). Teufel means devil. As you know the name Sozialistisches
Patientenkollektiv was not in use before summer 1970.

Now there remain only the last pages of the letter to send you, containing
the relation to a certain political group, and the summary and conclusion.
After this you will get also the last part of our comments on your first
draft.

Best wishes

The doctors' people all around Kretz felt extorted by that and the media
diagnosed a hostage-taking, as we reported by detailed description in the first
part of this letter.

Still in March in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 the mentioned problem, caused by
the doctors continued:

During the first weeks of March there had come to the now Patients'
Collective Rohrbacherstrasse 12, armed by a Hitler Youth dagger, a journalist,
as he said, who was on the road with his caravan and passing Heidelberg, and who
had read in a newspaper about the Patients' Collective. He in former times, as
he said, had suffered also once a compulsory psychiatric internment there
somewhere away. As he told he had great interests in psychiatric matters and
therefore had decided to stay, say: simultaneously, with the Patients'
Collective, but also with the Psychiatric Clinic in Heidelberg and also he
intended to achieve an internment in Wiesloch. Huber explained to him in true
words, that he was in danger, because each psychiatrist, regardless his own
opinion on that, would take his decision and his intentions for a symptom of
psychosis, say: schizophrenia, demanding researches at least and in the better
case in order to have excluded the named psychosis, but most probably causing an
internment for a lot of weeks, because for the rest he, the journalist once, as
he had told himself, already had been in psychiatric treatment, the latter
circumstance to keep secret, be it only for the beginnings, in front of the
psychiatrists there in the hospital for his own best, regarding the good
condition, in which he still was and as to suppose and to hope, intended to
maintain because of his travelling hobby. The good man transmitted his Hitler
Youth-"sword" to Huber as a sign of trust, as he said repeatedly.

Just as also promised by him he kept contact to the Patients' Collective in
the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in March 1970, and also he came there once more some
days later.

Then the electricity had been cut off on command of the doctors to the
administration and there was no phone to call up the Patients' Collective.
Meanwhile our good man in truth had entered the Psychiatric Clinic but returned
from there again to the Patients' Collective reporting, that the psychiatrist,
to whom he had spoken there, had told him, if Rendtorff (chief-rector of the
university) keeps remaining in his office, also the Patients' Collective and
Huber will remain. But if the rector falls, also Huber falls. The psychiatrist
having spoken to him the just "sibylline" words, had combined to that, as the
Hitler Youth sword-man added, the good advice to go back to Huber in the
Patients' Collective and to stay there as long as possible.
The named psychiatrist, as to suppose, seemingly had followed the famous
so-called rule of least resistance. He in security, and as for Huber (so to
speak, German saying:) "help yourself, then God will help you" (means: "God
helps those who help themselves"), to add: that the psychiatrist here in
question was a moderate evangelic churchgoer, in spite of boasting sometimes
about the 3.000 electroshocks he had applied, as he said, all the time with no
noticed bad consequences ("except the obvious biofeedback effects on your own
brain", as Huber had murmured once in a doctor's conference there in 1965/1966).

But now all touch was lost and the patient, quite on the contrary to his done
agreement, for about a week had not returned to the Patients' Collective.

The patients looked for his caravan. No caravan of his there on the camping
places. The patients called up from a telephone cell at the Psychiatric Clinic
and at the Mental Hospital in Wiesloch. No information. They called up
repeatedly on their own expense. No information, information embargo to the
Patients' Collective, expressis verbis, even.

The police on 20/21 July 1971 had taken with them also the Hitler-"sword"
lying in a desk drawer in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12. It didn't appear on the
table of the court against the SPK, there during the trial in Karlsruhe in
winter 1972. Also the mentioned patient never appeared again.

Just simultaneously one of the two women who had been with Huber at home at
Wiesenbach on 28 February, had disappeared.
Two students announced it to Huber there in the Patients' Collective. As they
told, they had consulted their doctor and had asked him what to do. The doctor,
as they told, had asked them urgently to make the police search the woman there
in the Patients' Collective and in the Huber house at Wiesenbach. The students
came almost each day extorting Huber, but seemingly had nothing achieved at the
police. Some of the Patients' Collective two or three times went to the woman's
room, with the only result, that they were told there by the neighbours, that
she was absent, just as it had happened already sometimes in the past, be it for
weeks, be it even for months.

After about a fortnight in March 1970 the pretty lady returned to the
Patients' Collective and told, that she had been with a girl-friend, who had
happened to meet her in the street, being just on the way with her car to
Frankfurt. So she had left with her in order to visit "all political groups
there in Frankfurt", in order to discuss with them the Patients' Collective in
Heidelberg.

The two lefty students never returned to the SPK, and the same they ceased to
care about the pretty lady, thus once and for all.

Some lefty publishers, not before the last, say: seven years, sometimes in
their writings asked themselves very cautiously the question, whether the SPK
maybe had been exposed "to repressions from the State" already in its
beginnings.

Here to answer to them and also to some twaddling former, but by far not from
the beginnings: SPK patients, that they were not mistaken, neither completely
nor at all, except their - as to admit - very soft reproaches directed against
"the State", directed against "the repression". By and by they should leave it
to the young ones to learn that there exists a killer therapy, arising from the
doctors' class, but that there existed once also an SPK, which nevertheless
caused a lot of damage to the named treacherous killers' class and to its
helpers, as to say: State, government, down to old Nazi-ideology in everybody in
the world, thus an SPK, which until nowadays continued to exist, be it only by
some traces, never to become extinguished totally, be it by time, be it by
space; never to become compensated, neither by assurances nor by sentences,
better hospitals, better prisons, better military barracks, better eugenic
technology (genetic engineering); because if there is broken once the trust in
the governing doctors' class, there will arise the strength of illness, the new
reconquista (reconquest) of a new species and there will appear a new
continent, say and do just now: utopathia.

Concluding the answer of your question "... all around March 1970 ..." I just
will give some more hints, just as they enter my memory. For the moment I can't
do more but give some hints, concerning importance in our eyes.

Of the uttermost importance there seems to us until now the - by the patients
self-organized - gathering of illness, including all its relatives and
representatives as there are: population, masses and media, there in the waiting
room of the Psychiatric Polyclinic in the evening of 12 February 1970.

The later on SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12, March 1970 to July 1971, you may regard
as a plenum of illness, one more plenum thus in comparison and relation to the,
say: waiting room-plenum of 12 February 1970.

Take the assembly of 5 February, also there in the Psychiatric Polyclinic in
the afternoon, as something like a group agitation, there enclosed student
guests from outside and only for one time, and combine it to the discussion on
25 February concerning the administration library

*,
a discussion between Huber and some other patients with some obviously
Kretz-polarized student groups and take the students' documentation "Kleinkrieg
..." from the times of the imprisoned SPK patients as a mirror, then by
that is another proportion signaled, say: a proportion of secondary importance.

*

Compare first 9 pages of this
letter

Concerning the class antagonism between patients and doctors, all around our
arguments here in our letter: the occupation of the rector's office in July 1970
corresponds to: Huber against the administrative director in January 1970 and to
Huber against the doctors' council, with rector Rendtorff there among, around
18 February 1970

*,
if you take Huber for a sign or a hint at the until now not yet existing true
patients' class against the - since the beginnings of mankind - well-established
governing doctors' class.

To the just attempted exposition I could add a lot of proofs and details, the
latter being perhaps not to refuse, if there is need for understanding and
explanation, and there always still will be need.

Concerning importance on a more basical level there stand out, of course, the
data of 26 to 28 February 1970, thus hunger-striking in the administration
building, which was a response against the liquidation of the Psychiatric
Polyclinic because of Kretz & Co and against the attempts of the latter
mentioned company, to transform the Huber house in Wiesenbach, so to say, by
compulsory

externment
into a hospital. It was destined to become exposed by the Kretz-company to the
public as soon as possible as a terrifying example of anti-psychiatry or
something worse, the doctors supposing its soon failing, producing fracas, being
in ruins from the first moments of its beginnings, the responsibility and blame
of which the Kretz-company then intended to put on Huber.

There to add the events of 25 March, the occupation of the v. Baeyer-doctor
office in the Psychiatric Clinic as a response against the attempt of the
doctors to liquidate the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 just in its beginnings (no
electricity, no medicaments, no money).
To the latter mentioned event preceded the 19 March 1970 Go-in at the doctors'
council because of the just in the sentence before mentioned attempts of the
doctors, to liquidate also the Rohrbacherstrasse 12; the doctors in the council
being in a total and tremendous lack of arguments during the Go-in, done by the
patients against the doctors

*.
To add also the 30-patients-Go-in from 24 March 1970 and the medical
practitioner examen of Huber on 28 March 1970 as a response against the doctors'
attempts of liquidating the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in March 1970.

*

See also flyer of 23 March, copy
enclosed, but not necessary to translate.

My attempt, just done, to separate between importances is meant as a help,
but not to create further confusion. So I stop here, expecting your further
questions especially about March 1970 forward and back.

Just I remember your question about the jaywalking she-SPK patient.

Her name was El......

*.
The event, we remember from our documentations about that, took place close to
the end of the SPK and indeed in the first week of July 1971, exactly in the
week from 27 June 1971 until 3 July 1971. We did nothing, because El herself had
asked us by promise to do nothing, also we knew nothing, Huber then being
imprisoned.

*

No, not Elisabeth van Dyck.

El lived in Heidelberg. She was one among the first patients, who had come to
the Rohrbacherstrasse-12-SPK, in March 1970. There before in the past, being
herself a student and having grown up there in a suburb of Heidelberg for
becoming a teacher later on, she had contacted left-wing groups, her parents
"proletarian people", thus she herself, as she said one of the few percents in
the population aiming at an academic career. Nevertheless she never had felt at
home, there in the left-wing scene.

In the SPK, where there was a lot of "proletarian" people, grown up in
comparable circumstances, she somehow stood out from the others by her always
very correct done hairs, clothes and shoes, and also because she had the
lady-behaviour of a person of about 30 years, which she seemed sometimes to be
fond of, maintaining it and even to exaggerate it quite a little bit.
Nevertheless she got very well along with all, who soon became familiar also to
her most of the time earnest physiognomical expressions. She felt at home, when
she visited the SPK, as she said. Nevertheless she preferred, so to say, more
peripherical positionalities, remaining standing at the door of the "waiting
room" there in the SPK, listening to the others who sat there at the floor or on
one of the few chairs, while managing the copy machine and discussing.
Concerning the group agitations she also preferred those groups, which took
place in the night, for example on Monday/Tuesday from 0 o'clock to about 3
o'clock in the morning, there patients, who could especially afford to stay
awake during the nights, there among Mediterranean people, or patients who knew,
that they probably couldn't achieve to fall asleep in the night.

El also from the start needed no medicaments. Her problem, as she said was,
how to get along with her studies, being always somehow tired and timid.

On a work day in the first week in July 1971 also Huber was told by some SPK
patients in the Rohrbacherstrasse 12 (El had never asked to come to Wiesenbach)
that El had been with them there in the streets of Heidelberg some evening
before, distributing flyers. A police car had stopped and the policemen had been
very courteously to the women, as El had said later on, almost offering to help
them at their work (namely SPK flyers distributing - "friendly and almost
collaborating police").

Now El had asked to speak once more to Huber, because she knew, that during
the next week, until to the 13 July 1971 (strategic withdrawal) the
SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse should be shut, only Huber there before the entrance in
the street, all over the day. She told Huber, means in the week before, when the
rooms still were in use, that she had decided to withdraw from the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12, begging his permission (everybody else did not ask
especially Huber for any permission, if at all, then the others) and to get a
check-up by him. He did, just as she had asked and there had nothing changed
meanwhile, El then also assuring him, that she felt relatively good and had no
complaints. He asked her intentions in future and she said, that she in any case
would meet and contact other SPK patients there in the streets or at the
university, her place of work, but on 13 July she would not come to the
Rohrbacherstrasse 12, because she felt not able to decide or to do something
there in the street and in front of the police-headquarter. Huber then mentioned
the prename of Marlies Lutz and El answered that she never would do something
like Marlies, because she had realized by her own eyes the strucking effects
against the entire SPK, caused by her (Marlies) death. She herself, El, being
quite sure since then, that if Marlies herself, as she (El) knew her, had been
able to imagine the strucking effects on the other patients in the SPK, caused
by her death, she never would have done it. Then El had asked Huber to promise
to her, that he would care about that, that nobody would care about her, if
there should happen some of the things, which ever can happen to everybody, she
herself remaining responsible as well for herself, as for the SPK whatever there
could happen against the SPK in future.

That was all, because, when the lawyer, some weeks later, came for the first
time to the SPK patient in prison and told about a jaywalking which had ended in
Wiesloch, a female SPK-patient there struck, the lawyer even couldn't remember
the name.

Precaution against help and support by previously outcasts, was it that? At
any rate an argument against "secret working circles", one argument more,
regarding careful preparations for withdrawal just like with El.
Support for resistance against doctors till nowadays is not so very wanted,
because automatically combined to some disadvantages and inconveniences for
those who have decided to resist, especially if they already are in a hospital
or in another prison, when they take the decision, maybe for the first time, to
resist.

To mention also, that also El must know how to address to us. We ourselves
until now do not feel caused to seek her in order to ascertain or to augment
informations, which are, as to expect, at least distant from pro-illness.

There were more SPK people later on, who withdrew, not only from the SPK, but
also from pro-illness. We don't know and even don't care about nowadays, if they
regretted or not.
What we know for sure is, that the Kretz-patients for him always served very
well when he went to the court in order to provide advantages there for himself.
The SPK patients never succeeded at any court, neither in the beginnings, nor
towards the end

*,
quite on the contrary they had to pay once 3000 DM, because of "abuse" of the
recourse to legal action ("Missbrauch" des Rechtswegs), and there were still
some more "3000 DM" to pay to the courts there in the so-called State under the
rule of law (Rechtsstaat) of the then Federal Republic of Germany.

*

The fact that a legal court
declared that the signature of Wilhelm Ernst under the dismissal- and
eviction(=Bann)-decision was wrong and false, because done by the for that not
competent administration of the university, is no contradiction to that. The
court decided five years too late. For the rest Huber - quite on the
contrary to Kretz - did not claim at any time, that the patients depend on
him as their doctor and that he therefore had to remain in job and
office.

Concluding here our detailed answering of, as it seems to us, all your
questions, now here a short review of the letter, and we hope we will achieve to
keep it short. Then I'll read once more your questions, take them down and
answer them just in a way, which will perhaps also satisfy your computer.

Inside informations, pro-illness inside-informations, based on the essence of
SPK/PF, exemplary historiography, history by example (exemplarische
Geschichtsschreibung) for the second time after our book "Ueber das Anfangen",
which appeared December '92 / January '93, thus just a year before. Inside
information from those who needed knowledge all around the SPK, and who
needed to keep it. To keep it secret, without caring about all
disadvantages there resulting from until now. The outside informations - spread
and distributed by the Patientenfront also since long before the SPK in very
different ways, in very different contexts and under different, but always
significant signatures - always became used from outside

against the
patients, last not least later on by the courts sentencing the SPK patients, the
ruling doctors' class last not least all time being there behind and above.

Also the mentioned outside informations of the SPK, later on turned into
police files (circumstantial evidences etc.), became used by mass media
publishers, who gained by that a lot of money, the latter being their only
interest, except "objectivity", which is a lie in itself, if not combined to
subjectivity and truth, means: revolutionary proceedings in changes tied to
illness, to pro-illness.

We hope, we pointed out sufficiently clear in this letter that also
explosives, photos, radios and sports are tied to illness and were tied to
illness especially in the SPK, be it in a revolutionary or in a reactionary way
and therefore no secret working circles in the "SPK"-Psychiatric Polyclinic; no
secret working circles in the "SPK"-Huber-house in Wiesenbach; no secret working
circles in the "SPK"-Mrs.-Dr.-Huber-physiological-institute at the university of
Heidelberg; no secret working circles in the "SPK"-rooms-and-homes of the
patients; no "SPK" secret working circles in a cellar

*,
there in the neighbourhood of the SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12; no SPK-secret
working circles there all around, if illness is a public matter of fact and not
a secret itself (keep your ache and pains secret, if you can!).

*

Sometimes also outside-travellers
slept there deep and peacefully as they affirmed. Upon or beside the
explosives, we don't remember exactly, because we in the every night were not
with them. Are tourists terrorists? If travellers are also allowed to sleep in
a drug- and pharma-factory or in a pharmacy with their (in contrast to
"sleeping" and therefore harmless explosives) always dangerous and poisoning
products, we don't know.

There never existed "good" working circles, for example about religion, about
sexuality (remember: spirituality is nothing but misdirected sex) on the one
hand in the SPK, and "bad" working circles, bad and therefore secret, secret and
therefore bad, on the other hand in the SPK. Neither a working circle, nor
something else could become introduced in and by the SPK, wherever it was,
without a collectively taken decision, done before.

Well, as to admit, there exist also collective secrets. But nobody until now
has reproached to the SPK that it had been in reality and "of course" nothing
but, say: the US-Central Intelligence Agency from nowadays, or the Freemasonry
from the 16th century.

Nobody, except ourselves, up to nowadays achieved to reveal a little bit the
secret there all around the ruling doctors' class, nevertheless the secret of
ruling is very familiar almost to everybody, remember the old Latin saying
divide and rule (divide et impera) and transpose it to the nowadays ruling
doctors' class, which is a secretly killing and secretly ruling class, and soon
you perhaps will understand, why there suddenly appeared

after the SPK - and
last not least during the first trial against SPK patients in winter 1972 - the
there also named "good" SPK working circles on the one hand, and the there also
named "bad" working circles on the other hand, the word "public" crossed out or,
for better to say: crossed over and becoming devoured by the word "secret".

The doctors' class based on and represented by the administrating apparatus
needed the named dividing and splitting, because it needed to restore its
rulership, by the patients once there in the SPK in public contested, and to
restore also their disposal of their private property, named patients, say:
medical insurance record cards, the latter which they collect (loads of them, if
possible), the patients, whom they split. A patients' collective thus absolutely
impossible, except under the condition to reject splitting activities, directing
the splitting activities back to the ruling class, from which they come, from
the doctors and the "doctors" (physician-priests or priest doctors -
Aerztepriester -, shamans and so on, therapists) who need splitting activities
since there is need in the world, since there is mankind on the earth, the earth
being itself a very hard and resistant matter to manage.

For the purpose of publication you of course can maintain the difference
between "secret" working circles and others there in the SPK, if there is need.
But don't be astonished, if some readers then perhaps will reply to you that
working circles with the ability or capacity in themselves to become published
later on or at all, indeed must have been bad circles, because having been
rather foulish from the start, but in no way secret, thus tied - if they were
indeed - to reactionary illness, but nevertheless to

illness thus, and
therefore can't have been foulish at all because of illness herself, pro-illness
herself an explosive matter indeed, the SPK once having been an explosion of
illness, based on explosive matters, being in truth its explosive basic
elements, the latter having become sentenced nevertheless only as "attempts",
never as a matter of accomplished fact. -

Some readers then will grasp also the sense, that illness and only illness
indeed creates matters of accomplished facts, which are complete, final and
definitive, and permanent, thus circumstantial evidences for revolutionary
identity, thus circumstantial evidences, but not to manage neither by doctors
nor by governments, nor by courts, nor by administration and their warrants,
indictments, sentences, check-ups and killer treatments.

Now we repeat your questions and answer them briefly in a manner, satisfying
also your computer, as we hope.

Q1: What is the full name of Dr. Kretz, who was critical of Dr. Huber
and his patients in 1969?

Answer: Helmut Kretz. Compare e.g. page 5 of this letter.

Q2: Was there a female patient of Dr. Huber arrested for jaywalking
and then taken to Wiesloch psychiatric hospital? When did this occur, and who
was the woman? What was the response of the SPK?

Answer: In SPK there were no "patients of Dr. Huber". The female
patient was El, the event took place during the last week before the
self-dissolution. The SPK did nothing, because El had claimed so. Compare p.
116f of this letter. For the rest, we had to beat back some more comparable
aggressions against patients, even before the SPK existed. Therefore some of
them mentioned also in detail, here in this letter (compare e.g. pages 102ff,
105f, 113f

*).

Q3: Who specifically fired Dr. Huber on 21 February 1970?

Answer: Wilhelm Ernst signed, in spite of being incompetent, because
nobody else dared, the rector and the doctors being cowards ("conflicts of
ambi-valence") from the top to the bottom. Compare e.g. p. 6 first paragraph, p.
21, p. 80 footnote in this letter.

Q4: I would like to know more specifically what the SPK did at its
very beginning around March 1970. What references would you suggest I have
translated? What would you like people to know about that period?

Answer: See the respective reports in this letter, page 63ff, 114f

*.
In short:

* The page numbers
don't refer to the internet-version.

5 February
Thursday

Patients' assembly in the
Psychiatric Polyclinic in the afternoon, which fails because of the students
who try to apply Marxian categories, which they themselves haven't yet
sufficiently understood. But from that for the patients results the impulse
to start next time a patients' plenum based on illness and marxism:::

12 February
Thursday

First general assembly of
patients, self-organized gathering of
illness in the clinic.

14 February

Kretz is down (fails to
become pro-rector).

circa 18 Feb.

Huber against the doctors'
council, with rector Rendtorff among them. The patients e.g. recommended to
Huber to appear alone in front of the secret working university's councils,
administration councils and so on, the patients depending on a "Lefty"
lawyers' advice (compare footnote page 67 of this
letter).

20 February Friday

By the doctors so-called
hearing, the patients achieving to turn it from the start into a tribunal
against the doctors.

21 February Saturday

Dismissal without notice
against Dr. Huber. Pistols and police and exclusion zone (Bannmeile) against
him and the patients concerning all rooms in the clinic area.

23 February Monday

The woman in the library of
the Psychiatric Clinic calls up Huber at his home to make him return
some books lent from the clinic library (a ridiculous spy-pretext, ordered
to her by Baeyer). Huber demands to tell the chief of the clinic that he
first has to bring all patients' files to Wiesenbach, because nobody is
allowed to enter the clinic. Patients come to the Psychiatric Polyclinic to
see Dr. Huber. The nurses and policemen give them the private address of
Huber and send them there.

24 February Tuesday

The first patients come to
the Huber house in Wiesenbach.
In the afternoon a group of patients goes into the Psychiatric Polyclinic in
spite of the police to have their group therapy without Huber. In the
evening comes this group of patients to Huber in Wiesenbach. Discussion
until next morning about further proceedings.

25 February Wednesday

Discussion concerning the
administration library, being there also some students and two doctors who
soon withdraw. Planning of the hungerstrike up from next day.

26 - 28 Feb. Thursday

Dr. Huber and the Patients'
Collective occupy the office of the administrative director of the clinical
university institution and

Saturday

begin hungerstrike.
Result: a "compromise". The institutional conditions for the continuation of
the work of the patients' collective up from 2 March 1970 in
Rohrbacherstrasse 12 are guaranteed and regular financial support and free
prescriptions are agreed.

Yes, the events up from 21 February all took place within one week. First we
ourselves couldn't believe and thought it happened in a fortnight. So we have to
correct

* our
respective data or expressions like "next week", as written on the first nine
pages of this letter. (Sorry!)

* Here, in this version corrected.

To add and to remember the events from before February 1970 (e.g. patients'
investigations in January 1970 - compare page 105, 108 - and many other events),
serving in the one or other case for better understanding, but here not
mentioned again, in order to avoid repetitions.

2 March Monday

First day in
Rohrbacherstrasse 12. The patients, among them Huber, first promise
themselves never to give up (be it not deliberately) the won rooms. Then
they have to renovate the rotten rooms.

3 March Tuesday

The first new patients join
the patients' collective and tell from the doctors' fear and plans against
the patients' collective.

5 or 6 March

Example for channels of
illness in protest: a child of SPK patients had fallen out of the bed and
hurt its forehead. The patients get along with this on their own.

First week

Within the first week there
was also the printing machine, their typewriter and other necessary things
provided.

7 / 8 March weekend

Against the doctors' plans
to bring them all into the Mental Hospital of Wiesloch, the patients'
collective, including Huber, voluntarily submit themselves to psychiatric,
psychosomatic and psychological tests at the Psychiatric Department of a
university in Northern Germany. They never needed to make use of the
results.

Second week

On Tuesday comes the second
chief of the university (a jurist) together with some lawyer, to get a
contract signed by Huber, a contract which contains impossible conditions.
Huber refuses, crossing out the first page of the contract.

Next day the
patients take down their own contract and send it to the university. It is
rejected.

Before the rejected contract has reached the SPK the doctors make the
administration cut off the electricity for light, phone and radiators. The
same all pharmacists of Heidelberg are ordered not to accept any
prescription, signed by Huber.

The patients invite all relatives of other patients, also the
house-administrator and the house-keeper and some students to a gathering in
the waiting-room of SPK.

Change of lock and keys in Rohrbacherstrasse 12 in confirmation of the
patients' rights as a householder against the university, which by some
administrator intended to give the SPK rooms to some professors and their
lady secretaries.

Third week

A former colleague of Huber
asks because of the work with apprentices (to make a proletarian cader-group
out of them). The patients' collective allowes to use its rooms for this
work.

19 March Thursday

Go-in at the doctors'
council against the cutting off of electricity and the prescription embargo.

Fourth week

24 March Tuesday

Go-in at the university
rector's office because of the same reasons. Rector and second rector (a
jurist) promise by contract to take back the measures, the doctors put their
veto against.

25 March Wednesday

Occupation of the v.
Baeyer-doctor office in the Psychiatric Clinic because of the same reasons.

28 March Saturday

Huber cares about the
formality-permission to set up as a private doctor with patients outside of
the clinic.

28/29 March weekend

Some doctors and the leader
of the Evangelic Student's Community offer the patients' collective a house
for free, if they agree to renounce at all political activities, leaflets
etc.

Some day in March

There comes the lady spy,
sent by the doctors. During the first introducing agitation she discloses
her order and joins the patients' collective (compare e.g. pages 77, 95 of
this letter).

Also some day in March

A good will psychiatrist
leaves SPK, because the patients prefer other patients for agitation,
instead of his therapy. (Later on this psychiatrist was a torturer in a
prison, compare letter page 70.)

Late March

Agitation with people of the
drug scene, concerning physiological,
chemical,
physical
aspects related to drugs and how to situate them into a somehow esoteric
context.

And
some more activities and also some more troubles.

Q5: Some have said the Working Circles studying radio, explosives,
photography, judo and karate were secret and not all of the SPK patients knew
about them. Is this true?

What's that, a secret? How is it defined? Who defines? Until now the secret
is, that there was never a secret in the SPK. There was also no lady or
gentleman-

secretary.
All were publishers, about 500 publishers thus in the SPK, truely
publishers, publishers of truth in its core, be it voluntarily, be it
unvoluntarily, publishers of truth, name it illness, name it sickness! But the
more secrets and secret circles on the side of the doctors, since ancient
times and still going on.

Compare also e.g. the first 9 pages, page 118 of this letter.

Q6: Which student group threatened SPK patients with iron bars? When
did this happen?

Answer: People of the Socialist Students' Union
(SDS) in Heidelberg and of the Foreigner Students' office at the university
of Heidelberg as well as a group of Neo-Nazis, mostly occupied in para-police
professions. It happened around July 1970, compare e.g. page 25 of this letter,
first paragraph. Full names known to you. Please make no use of, because this
kind of shit doesn't need a special name. (The same concerning the newcomers and
the later on police-spy Hans Bachus, see comments on your first draft, see also
time-line.)

Q7: Which Nazi group threatened SPK patients? When did this happen?

Answer: Right-wing people of Heidelberg, forming private circles of
para-police (so-called Buergerwehr), the people being incited by
the Ku Klux Klan =

Klinikbonzen,
Kultusminister,
Kapitalagenten
(medical clinic
bigwigs, cultus
minister, agents of capitalism
which tried to declare the pure existence of the SPK as illegal, in vain for the
rest).
The NPD (National-Democratic Party of Germany) latest since 1968 against later
on SPK patients.
Compare e.g. pages 25, 28 of this letter.

Q8: What did the SPK hope
to gain by integration into the university?

Answer: Nothing. It was the university which offered that against the
claims of the SPK patients during the occupation of the rector's office in July
1970 (compare e.g. page 26 of this letter, page 33f of SPK – TURN ILLNESS
INTO A WEAPON). The Socialist Patients' Collective achieves, by its de
facto institutionalization as an independent working group in the university
rooms and by the named "offer" of the university the recognition of the entire
university under the direction of the rector,

the incompetence of the Medical Faculty for the
care of the sick ones. The medical profession as a whole was forced to
demonstrate their failure status before the eyes of the world.

Q9: To whom did Prof. Bochnik write his letter of 6 October 1970?

Answer: To Prof. Urs Schnyder. For the rest the letter was written
on demand of Prof. Walter Ritter von Baeyer.

Q10: What radio station interviewed five SPK patients on 7 November
1970? Do you have a recording of this interview?

Answer: Sueddeutscher Rundfunk and Suedwestfunk. Took place in
Karlsruhe. No recording existing. The interview, questions and answers, written
down in SPK Dokumentation Teil I,
page VII - XI.

Q11: What is the full name of the university rector who four SPK
patients saw on 9 November 1970?

Answer: Prof. Rolf Rendtorff.

Q12: Where is Hall 13, where the SPK held a teach-in on 19 November
1970? Do you have a recording of this teach-in? Did Dr. Huber or other SPK
members deliver lectures or teach-ins at other times (one of my references says
Dr. Huber gave a lecture in Berlin at around this time)?

Answer: Hall 13 is in the (old) university of Heidelberg, see
video. No recording existing. The contents are
written down in SPK Dokumentation
Teil II, pages 17-29. There were various agitations, teach-ins or
discussions in various cities with SPK patients, mostly also Huber among them,
also in Berlin. But no official and reactionary-authoritarian lecture-givings.

Q13: Did the SPK continue to meet at Drs. Hubers' home on Wednesday
nights after being evicted from Rohrbacherstr. 12?

No effective and real eviction in spite of the
eviction order. After the self-dissolution (13 July 1971) and the imprisonment
of the SPK patients, also of W. und U. Huber, no meetings at Drs. Hubers' home.
Never "secret" meetings with doctors before the SPK, never
"secret" meetings of patients then. Compare letter, e.g. pages 36f.

Q14: According to one of my references, during the period where the
SPK was meeting in his home (if in fact that did occur) Dr. Huber suggested
1 January 1973 as the target date for a revolution. Is this true?

Q15: Who was the president of the FDR in 1970? (I am being lazy here
-- this is information I could find out for myself).

Answer: Gustav Heinemann. Compare letter pages 44ff.

Q16: What is the full name of the female SPK patient who died on 8
April 197

1?
Did she leave a final note, and do you have a copy? (I intend to ask permission
to reprint in full the Patienten-Info relating to this event).

Answer: Marlies Lutz. Yes she did. No we haven't (see the enclosure to
the letter sent 5 November 1993, comments on the
picture of the tower); she asked to burn it. You have the permission to
reprint the Patienten-Info. However we think that on the part of the patients
there is needed doing, patients' people warfare, but no explanations about what
they suffered from a iatro-capitalist system, which there existed already before
they were born, nobody ever having asked their agreement or their veto for or
against this "subject". That's why we ask ourselves, if you can't publish
another Patienten-text or even better: both, and in fact for contrast.

Q17: Who are the Working Congress of the Evangelical Academy in Ar

noldshain
(who passed a resolution in favor of the SPK on 18-20 May 1971)
and what is their relation/relevance to the SPK?

Answer: The Working Congress was on the topic "suicide" [Translation
of the title of this Congress: Self-Destruction. An answer to self-destructive
living conditions in the industrial society] and the resolution was one of the
many solidarity actions of others to support the SPK. See our respective
comments on your first draft:
The congress takes place every year (compare weekend-seminars, workshops etc.)
somewhere in the Taunus [a mountain- and forest area near
Frankfurt, from Heidelberg in Northern direction. Taunus looks like
Odenwald, compare video]. A lot of SPK patients decided to go there, because
there took part some hundred of persons for some days, coming there not only
from Germany, but also from abroad, there included for example also
Czechoslovakians. Also most of them all belonged to the Evangelic Church, just
like e.g Professor Rolf Rendtorff did, just like Professor Wilhelm Hahn did,
both Evangelic theologists by learned profession. This year of course they took
care not to go there, because of the SPK. Nevertheless it was a great success
for the SPK patients to fight there against them, and not only Evangelic papers
later on felt constrained to relate in favour of the SPK and thus against the
named hypocritical churchmen. Also to mention, that some members of the congress
joined the SPK and returned together with the patients to Heidelberg in order to
continue the discussion. A foreign country priest next morning left the
SPK-Rohrbacherstrasse 12 by a window, because he was in a hurry for his train to
an Eastern influenced country. He became caught by the police from opposite the
street (Jaywalking etc.). Next day in the morning he reached his train, leaving
the SPK-rooms by the door now opened.

Q18: Who were the SPK patients arrested on

24-26 June 1971?
One of my references said 8 people were arrested on this day.

Answer: They were about a dozen, only some two or three of them were
later on among them who became punished because of the SPK. The names of the
latter ones you find listed by abbreviation in our letter page 61. Compare also
e.g. pages 28f, 30.

Q19: On 27 June 197

1
Dr. Huber's lawyer released a press statement. Is this press statement to be
found in one of your books? If not, what did it say?

Answer: It is to be found in "Kleinkrieg ... ", p. 33,
line 17-26:
"declaration of the lawyer office verbatim: ... the measures of prosecution ...
prepared since more than a week, ... 19 June 1971. The shooting ... night
23./24. June 1971 ... pretext... ."
Compare also p. 14 in this letter.

Q20: What was the nature of the SPK "agitation and demonstration" on
4 July 197

1?
Do you have any reference material for the student demonstration in New York in
support of the SPK that occured on this day (I am especially interested in this
event -- I have very few SPK references that come from neither you nor
unreputable sources but are instead entirely outside both)?

Answer: As to the nature of the SPK agitation and demonstration on
4/5 July 197

1:
it was in support of the imprisoned SPK patients and to plan further actions.
Compare SPK Dokumentation II,
pages 260 - 263.
There were many contacts between American people and SPK. Compare letter, e.g.
pages 62ff, 105f. We learned about the New York demonstration by phone.

Q21: According to one of my sources, on

20/21 July 1971
eleven warrants were issued against SPK patients. Is this true? Who were the
warrants issued against?

Answer: The number of warrants against SPK patients from the beginning
on 24 June 1971 up to the trial in November 1972 differed, spoken mathematically
correct, between zero and countable endless. The names of the imprisoned
patients you find listed by abbreviation in our letter page 61.
Compare also letter, e.g. pages 28 f, 30ff.

Q22: Who were the SPK patients who began their trials on 7 November
197

2? What
sentences did each receive? Where was the IZRU teach-in about their trials? Do
you have a recording of this teach-in?

Answer: Correctly spoken there began only

the trials, it were
not "their" trials. With the Hubers (both 54 months) there was also Siegfried
Hausner (36 months, in total 42 months), because the three were in prison. The
other didn't go there, because it was not "their" trial. Of course they became
persecuted and chased because of that, but for years not caught (compare letter,
e.g. page 19, 30, 33, 54). IZRU organized and did an international counter-tribunal
("enquête"), our
tribunal against their
tribunal. In the same time and context there took place also a lot of teach-ins
in the University of Heidelberg, in which took part a lot of people from entire
Europe (continuation also during the following years in many cases) and in the
same contexts there also was the supporting letter of Jean-Paul Sartre (yes,
contexts, regarding history and interrelations of actual events are always
better, than so-called facts about "members", we already have dealt elsewhere).
There were also activities, sometimes every day, in Milan, Paris, the
Netherlands and so on.
We have no recordings. There exist various IZRU-newspaper-publications
(newspaper called Rote VolksUniversitaet RVU , Red People's
University), being at our disposal. As to the declaration, issued at one of the
teach-ins, issued by the people taking part, compare e.g. page 176ff in the book
Hunde, wollt Ihr ewig sterben?
The title of this declaration (being a founding or a foundation declaration): Fuer eine Internationale der Rasenden Narren (In Favour/For an
Internationale Of Raging Fools).

Q23: Has a copy of Patienten-Info Nr. 31 been found since the
publication of Dokumentation Teil II? Does anyone remember the contents
or title?

Answer: No, it has not been found. During carnival February 1971 two
SPK-patients went to distribute it, but returned after a few minutes. Some
persons (policemen) in the street had seemed to be very fond of distributing our
flyers, as they told. We went outside and looked into the litter containers in
the street and found there most of the some hundred or more flyers, dirty.
Therefore we let them there. The contents dealt with the connexion between
medicine, capitalism and Nazism, especially concerning so-called scientific
researches. Perhaps it dealt also with the anniversary of the SPK. Compare also
letter p. 86.

Answer: The germ of our Krankheitsbegriff and our theory of
revolution, working within and without the Psychiatric Polyclinic exists

latest since 1968.
Published for the every purpose, first by flyers, then by blackboards, then in
books. Compare also SPK
Dokumentation I, pages 1-11, first edition 1971; SPK Dokumentation II,
pages 161f, 197ff, first edition 1971; the respective chapters in SPK – TURN ILLNESS INTO A WEAPON, first
edition in German 1972; and also for the rest and in general: SPK Dokumentation
III, first edition in 1977. The text, written down in SPK Dokumentation III,
page 169ff, dates 1975. Compare letter, e.g. page 24.

So far as to your questions and our computer-satisfying answers.

A boring lot of dates? An exciting lot of doings? Exciting, least in the eyes
of criminalist ideology, because in the average, there is no day, already all
around March, without at least one crime, as there are offending leaflets,
hurtings of the "peace" of doctors and officers, incarnating agitations and so
on.
Quite on the contrary so-called terrorists just like soldiers suffer most time
from a boring normal life, which Frontpatients even can't enjoy. Poor scouts,
with their everyday doing at least one

good thing, if nobody cares about that, because
normality is boring, the same like crimes for patients, who even can't enjoy
normality. Maybe, our list of dates can serve for some readers also as a proof,
that neither exciting criminality nor a lack of possibilities in permanent
doings makes the difference between those who went from the SPK to other groups.
As we mean, the difference consists between iatrarchy, causing among other
things the boring normality, and pathopractics, antagonist to a life in a
lifelong or death-permanent waiting-hall of the doctors' class.

Perhaps another point, we pointed out here, became, following from the
matter, pointed out also clear enough, but being underasked by yourself, if
there exists the word underasked, nevertheless demands some more care from
ourselves now, late, as to admit, but perhaps not too late. Once more our
relation to the other groups, especially to the RAF.

The RAF in no way is defined, and in no way is to define by murder, crimes
against property and so on, indeed not concerning the past, the latter with
which here is dealt, with regard to the SPK; not nowadays and the less in
future, not because they, just as all the other groups, except ourselves, have
surrendered or ceased to go on, but because there exists a contradiction in
matter, never to resolve by their own means, and even not by changes in basic
matters or in strategy and tactics, apt and due to reach revolutionary aims and
goals.

They can't but to become defined, be it not as people in the Western, say:
very high developed democratic society, who nevertheless are killed and stay
becoming killed, because of nothing else but of their opinion and their ideas
incarnated in a language, which before they started in no way differed from the
language of Misses and Mister everybody. As they changed their language -
because nobody cared about what they said and wrote down, criticizing the
"legal" crimes, the everyday crimes, the best honoured crimes of the named
society by practice (and nothing is more theoretic than practice) - and not
before, they were understood; yes, their language now was loud enough, but the
language of their opponents still was louder. You know the old Chinese method of
killing death-delinquents only by applying to them permanently and obstinately
the same noise? You got it by modern and hypermodern movies, James Bond for
example? Fine, that's it, if you add, that also the contrary works best, leaving
it to the struck persons themselves, say: solitary confinement, say: sensory
deprivation and it soon, say: after some months - that depends on the every
conditions in the every persons - will arise, it will arise the killing
medicament.

No, they are in no way sick or crazy or, for better to speak: they usually
reject firmly to the uttermost all definitions and identifications tied to
illness, just on the contrary to ourselves, and that is the principal
characteristic of difference between SPK and other groups, the latter claiming
quite reasonable for doctor's help in the hospitals and in the prisons and even
before, before they are for example shot in the streets. In any case they took
precautions before, providing doctors at all expense and costs. Just like usual
in regular armies with regular soldiers, where it is also the first condition,
that there is a doctor available, before the fights begin, in order to diagnose
then death, or to care about the hurtings in body and mind of the fighters
before the next fight, in which they "of course" must take part.

In this sense, they also are indeed Red-Crossers and even old Templars, if
there is some connection between, and there is. They themselves in the past also
repeatedly demanded the protection tied to the rules of the Genf-Convention, all
armies in the world submitted to it, especially also the US-army and the Russian
for example, the RAF "of course" there rejected ("irregulars"), the latter
mentioned circumstance nevertheless being unimportant at all, concerning the
army-is-army relation to the doctors, about which latter relation is dealt here
exclusively in the context with the SPK.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

22 February 1994

Dear Trevor,

some more pages of the end of the letter (127 – 132)

*.

We also send you some pages where we made corrections. Please substitute
the old pages you have by the new ones here enclosed (pages 33, 67, 74, 99,
108, 124)*.

What has been changed, sometimes only one or two words, can you see by the
yellow marked passages.

There remain only the summary and conclusion and the further comments on
the first draft to send to you.

Best wishes

* The page numbers don't refer to the
internet-version.

KRANKHEIT IM RECHT
Pathopraktik mit Juristen
Mannheim, Germany

To
Trevor Blake
U S A

28 February 1994

Dear Trevor:

Enclosed you find the last pages (pp. 127 – 135

*)
of our long letter. Page 127 – 132 are completed
pages (you can omit pages 127 – 132 we sent to you with our letter dated 22
February). For facilitation we have written on each page: "completed page", so
that they can’t get confused with the incomplete ones.

Sorry: Page 124 we have to send you for a third time. After talking about
the contents we have to correct once more: not only Evangelic papers wrote
about the event in Arnoldshain, but also newspapers and others. Also on this
page we have written "completed page".

Also we send you our further comments on your first draft, pages 3 – 22.
Pages 1 and 2 you have got already.

To this further comments on your first draft we enclose once more our by us
so-called Schildblatt (sheet about KRANKHEIT IM RECHT) in its last version of
December 1993 and a bibliography list of
KRRIM – PF - publisher pro-illness, in which
we have written for you at the side of some pages the date of the first
edition of books of SOZIALISTISCHES PATIENTENKOLLEKTIV, because you wrote
about that in your draft.

Best wishes and greetings from all of us.

* The page
numbers don't refer to the internet-version.

No, they are in no way to be defined by crimes they did, in difference to the
SPK which - as a prosecutor pointed out, the judge following the prosecutor in
December 1972 during the first trial in Karlsruhe against the SPK - was only
hindered by the detentions and warrants from the year before to commit just the
same crimes side by side with the RAF, the latter having once decided to recruit
also SPK patients and of course the more SPK-doctors, the latter who still
existed and maybe continue to exist in all eternity in the brain not only of the
named SPK-prosecutor, but also in the brains of the RAF.

Therefore, if you define the RAF by crimes - the RAF who conducts most time
an unoccupied and even normality high praising life -, then you have
consequently, be it only in the eyes of your readers, the more to define the SPK
just by some more crimes pro time unit (compare: busy not like bees or
ants, but because of collectiveness, solidarity and deliberate decision). The
SPK existed in any form ("crimes, crimes!") quite a lot of years before
the RAF and will continue to exist in any "irregular" and therefore punishable
form also in future, therefore all time provided with the same mark of
criminality - nowadays and in our little Western world - be it finally
criminality by compensation or by revenge

*,
which had not been done during the times of the SPK, during the named times,
when there existed the SPK; because for, as there argued the named prosecutor,
the time of only 1 1/2 years had been too short, and the named prosecutor,
because of the doctors there behind him, had been "(for luck!) too rapid" to let
the named crimes occur and having been done and committed by the SPK itself.

*

"The poor patients having suffered
quite a lot of intolerable injustice, just like a dog who finally bites his
torturer", as a famous Austrian behaviourist noted once, in U.S.A., for the
rest. We ourselves never took us for jacker who understands why a dog bites or
not.

We already pointed at the fact, that we became punished because of things, we
hadn't done. And those things we did, never became punished. As there reads that
is rather the rule in, commonly spoken: revolutionary contexts, but not an
exception

*.
Thus also no difference between ourselves and others.

*

Huber once also was famed or
ill-famed for being able to justify ideologically all criminal matters. He
himself was and is also nowadays of the opinion, to live in a iatro-capitalist
system where crime is the rule and justification of crimes in no way an
exception. Thus to be in truth he markes himself as a patient just like do all
the other Frontpatienten.

There to add, and not only for completeness, that people are more inclined to
attribute the most cruel crimes to patients, especially to so-called mental ill
patients than to the army, be it a regular huge army, or be it a tiny and even
irregular army, thus at any rate at least an army.

As you know, and you know it up to a degree far beyond of satisfaction, the
SPK - even since more than quite a lot of years before of its beginnings - in
theory and practice was tied to illness and still is, so that I here, in order
to get it clearer, if there is possibility, risk to say, just in this moment,
that if I, myself, Huber, had the possibility, I just in this moment should not
hesitate ...

*.
Please don't be frightened and remember also our notes somewhere in this letter
about the 10-%-psychopathy**,
no, about the "fanatical psychopathy". To explain, not for excuse, that I
somehow feel myself as a iatro-capitalist, fixed to private property, my own
private property (= reconquered illness), consisting in some fixed ideas, which I for
the rest enjoy, and which for the rest are in no way a danger for the society,
except for the doctors' gang which, be sure, needs to survive still for a lot of
decades more, because the warfaring patients-people need them, be it only in
order to become reminded from time to time, that they (the Frontpatienten, just
like me) still have to do a lot of unusual things, in order to become finally
enabled to achieve by their own doing, that doctors no more are among the
patients-people (and there is no other people), neither needed nor even wanted.

*

We drop here the rest of the
conclusion taken down from Huber.

**

Dear reader, the psychopath is
you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on
the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of
nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his
doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then
he thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at
all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for
"scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining
ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the
doctor at once.

For the rest I myself became for several times deprived of all private
property, by far not only in prison and at the surgery ward, where there took
place the 82 compulsory forced-feeding-tortures in 71 days, to which I had been
submitted for punishment of "criminal behaviour", because of my hunger-strike in
1975, as there marked it the prosecutor. I therefore have my private property
exclusively by mind and ideas, ideas for the rest in my opinion the densest
stuff, matter and material here on earth, harder to penetrate, for doctors'
sake, than atoms, chemical elements and proto-quarks.

I never produced myself some own private property, be it in matter, be
it in mind, also didn't other "psychopaths"

*,
as there are "pseudological psychopaths", "asthenic psychopaths", "sthenic
psychopaths", "erotomanic psychopaths", "criminal psychopaths", "sensitive
psychopaths", "explosive psychopaths (explosible Psychopathen)", "psychopaths
emotionally impoverished (gemuetsarme Psychopathen)", "psychopaths craving for
admiration (geltungssuechtige Psychopathen)", "psychopaths unsure of themselves
(selbstunsichere Psychopathen)", "fanatical psychopaths", "weak-willed
psychopaths (willensschwache Psychopathen)", "psychopaths, weak and fickle in
mood (stimmungslabile Psychopathen)", "hyperthymic psychopaths (hyperthyme
Psychopathen)", "depressive psychopaths", "hysteric psychopaths" and so on and
so on. I therefore have strong doubts, if the scientific evaluation of the
10-%-psychopathy-population is correct, while "of course" scientifically it is
also correct, regarding the say 90% till 1010(!)-%-wide-spread property all over
the world, to say: all owners - thus all in the world - are psychopaths, a lot
of them - as to admit - underdeveloped ones. From that must and must arise
rebound-effects, striking the entire society all over the world, and thus I now
will confess my deepest and best hidden secret, namely: that I myself am a
nothing, last not least not even a psychopath, if not all others, shes and hes,
are the same, there to add also the somehow or 10% doctors, and among them the
tiny minority of psychiatrists, a tiny minority, but radical dangerous.

*

Dear reader, the psychopath is
you, if there exists a doctor. Do you like it? Doesn't matter? You quite on
the contrary prefer to become interned into a hospital or a prison because of
nothing, maybe for life? Fine. There once was a patient who was angry with his
doctor, because he had put on him the diagnosis "psychopath". But then he
thanked the doctor very gratefully, when the doctor told him that he not at
all had meant any harm by that and that it had been done exclusively for
"scientific reasons". So the patient was set quiet. But there is gaining
ground a new moral for psychopaths: at the first opportunity knock down the
doctor at once.

Where there is only one nothing, a lucky lack of value, on the other
side there must be for the rest and for contrast and for the sake of property
only worthy things (compare reification). But a nothing, thus I myself -
if I try to reificate here my, say: fixed ideas - perhaps will climb the top
(Capricorn being my ascendent, exactly 15o, if there exists some
master witch, who wants to make use of it, in favour of me, of course) and, for
pro-illness' sake, achieve to explain the difference between the
Patientenfront/SPK and other high valued and most wanted groups like the RAF, in
spite of having co-existed once; and in spite of co-existing still, because
value still exists, and as to suppose also in future, by making use just of
the same time and the same space,

Zeitgenossen (contemporaries) thus, as we say
in German.

Nevertheless old Hegel there in Germany and even in Prussian Germany some 200
years ago, already knew, that time and space as such ones are the most stupid
categories there in the world (not literally cited; Hegel himself never citing
others in a just correct literally way). Consequently there follows, that,
shortly spoken, if "crime", a counter-value, thus the same a value, in no
way is a mark of definition between Patientenfront and RAF, the same is true of
time and space.

Regarding social interrelationship, the SPK/Patientenfront are especially
here in Europe, and especially in Germany, the only public known "group"

*,
which in all the years up from 1973 until 1992 never replied the by the RAF
first done step of, say: excommunication against us.

*

Concerning ourselves we prefer to
write collective or front instead of "group", for groups result
from iatro-capitalist coincidences (families, parties, gangs and so on), while
collectivity origins from the choice of confrontation, front itself
creating collectivity, aiming at production, groups at decay and destruction,
compare: group-therapy.

But nevertheless last year there were lefties - and the entire world seems to
consist of nothing else but of lefties in such cases - who said that we now
would be in the situation to fall back into the same "panic of separation"
means: delimitation or something like that, and to draw a line of
differentiation like many other people who had always done it, even before
there had happened some loud-voice-action, running then for separation from the
"criminals", asked or not asked to do so by the media, the police, or be it
whatever kind of social-hygienic doctors' class there behind.

No, we never spoke against the RAF or against other groups, not when we had
been thrown again in prison, then, as to admit, because of them and their
actions, not when the police had hurt the toes of the left foot of Mrs. Huber,
not when the police had stolen DM 3.000.-, searching "RAF" in the rooms of us
(1976 and so on).

No, we never separated, we never did the first step to separate from
anybody, except from the doctors' class. We always kept silence. But as
we published our first explanations in 1993 ("Anfangen ..."), lefties - with
nothing in their head but mass media twaddle, with nothing in their intention
but not to grasp, if even possible, any line of our own expressions in a book -
those people now cried and since then didn't cease to cry "panic, separation
panic".

For truth, what we ourselves did, helped by nobody else, was to study and to
exercise how to attack best also our persecutors there in the administration,
obstinately, repeatedly, once more and again, for years, for decades, up to the
point, that they withdrew and didn't dare to come again to us, since last
time there in 1987, because of the named RAF-interrelationships. Quite on the
contrary the named lefties could not do anything else, but to exercise on their
side very busily indeed "separation panic", panics at all, being at a loss for
advice how to address to a court to take legal actions against, if they
themselves were under persecution, or if they had suffered "injustice", done by
the police, not to speak here about the doctors' class. Still even then they
continued reproaching us, especially if we had helped them, saying to us for
example, that we were mistaken, if we address to courts because, because (?) the
courts are the courts and therefore somehow the ruling courts.

Are they lefties or taoists? In any case they

practice the nothing,
those worth-marked somebodies, while we ourselves living within illness
are the nothing,
but can afford therefore pathopractics, diapathics and so on. We never needed
any RAF or somehow else relationship, in order to remain ourselves nobodies
and therefore everybodies.

They who, quite on the contrary prefer the as long as possible peace periods
of well adapted iatro-capitalist high life normality, feigning and pretending to
abolish iatro-capitalism ("imperialism", as they called it), what should they
do, if they once should have succeeded and all possibilities for high life had
disappeared in favour of utopathy? They would either die because of painful
boredom, or attempt to recreate iatro-capitalism, but now first time in their
lives as true terrorists, terrorism being all time the, say, natural consequence
of new rulers, striving to maintain their rulership (Sartre).
They need to mask themselves, just as if they were quite normal everybodies, in
order to remain undetected urban guerillas? As we pointed out in this letter,
the mask of an authentical urban guerilla consists of the lifestyle of an as
modest as possible little criminal. High life normality is the contrary of
inconspicuousness, and quite a lot of RAF-helpers have landed in jails and
prisons, because of nothing else, but of the over-exaggerated normality
lifestyle of which they had helped.

So you see and realize that we can't escape from them, regarding social
interrelationships, regarding our rooms, our housings, our bodies, to which they
always serve and in which they always are, be it only represented by
administrative activities, letters (characters) in newspapers, pictures in the
televisions, books in foreign countries, last not least, spreading epidemically
and endemically countervalue-

values
which, the same like microbes need a doctors' class to gain destructive
efficiency all around.

Our permanent serving-men, those from the RAF, very expensive servants, you
can believe us, that they are very expensive servants, but we ourselves, in our
lack of valuable private property and of state property at all, can
afford them. Thus a marvel, marvels upon marvels, real marvels, thus our job,
producing nothing else but marvels, very modest marvels, as to admit, because
tied to illness and to what is even less in value, tied to pro-illness.

Personal interrelationships? As I (Huber) met them for the first time in
January 1971 they had a smile on their face and the pistols there behind at
their back and then, when I sat down at the table with them, they had their
pistols, at least three, on the table, I myself had come there with blank hands,
all shooters and other things far away, at far away places since latest 1 March
1970 again, just as it reads also in this letter. But I felt not at all the
tiniest "panic", and also I didn't feel at a loss for arguments, in spite of
triple death there between me and them at the round table, trusting in nothing
else, but in the strength of illness.

Next time, there in prison in 1973/1974 they again produced death and put it
between themselves and the Patientenfront (their product named by them later on
"military deviation", maybe meant as a justification, just for another purpose
maybe).

You may take from this detail, also unpublished until to the moment just now,
that there existed and still exist in a personal view of interrelations also a
tremendous lack of possibilities to differentiate between what there is
Patientenfront and what there is RAF, unless you, and then also your readers
already are on the way of maturity to differentiate between the illness, in
which lived and still lives the Patientenfront/SPK on the one hand and the RAF
on the other hand, with death and heroic

values of normality and holyhealth and not to
forget high life there between, instead of illness as an all time and all space
missing link.

To continue, letting Huber here aside, who indeed had been RAF for the RAF,
be it only for the RAF till 1973, just the same as he once started to become the
patient for each patient who came to him without expressively and definitively
denying illness, we ourselves have to say, seriously and truly spoken, that we
are quite convinced, that there exists indeed the Patientenfront for ourselves
and we ourselves for the Patientenfront. But we are in no way sure and convinced
that there exists or existed something like a RAF separated from the doctors'
class and its administration, down to the last doctor-patient, able to strike us
by therapeutic terrorism, in no way different from effects which are
related to words like RAF by current language in all Western and Eastern idioms.

Shortly spoken: we are at a loss for existential and also of circumstantial
evidences except ourselves, living there in illness. If you succeed to present
to your readers reliable relationships, relationships

in being and substance
between RAF-effects and SPK-Patientenfront-effects, concerning revolutionary
identity, we will not hesitate to congratulate you, doing nothing else but to
think over the thing once more and to take it down.

Our own proceedings arising from the review of the here taken down letter
should also be noted.

There is the, so to say: somnambulic or lunatic

*logic in some
examples, we never noticed before.

*

Compare: luna, the old Goddess,
the moon. Not only the sun, but also the moon shines upon the just and the
unjust. And this all over the world, in Heidelberg the same as in Brasilia, in
Australia the same as in America.

The logic of the hostage-taking dream tied to the hostage-taking reproach,
reflected by the newspapers up to Brasilia;

the exceptional and casual falling asleep in the garage and the
disappearing in a, say: eternal sleep in the whirls of the waters in the river
Rhine, named also Father Rhine, just in the same night;

the plan to cut off the electricity in the clinic administration building,
knowing that there could not arise any damage or disadvantage for any patient
in the clinic, because there was an aggregate elsewhere reserved, to continue
immediately to work in the case of an emergency, and to become cut off the
electricity three weeks later, not by plan, but in truth and reality there in
the Rohrbacherstrasse 12-SPK in March 1970, despite the danger for the
patients, really arising from that.

What "coincidences"!

Notice well the striking logic there in the events (moonlight, and just there
is full moon not far from now!), regarding the mentioned examples.

But to notice also the logic in our collectively done choice, to occupy
exactly the clinic administration building for the hunger-strike continuously,
day and night and without any interruption, from 26 to 28 February 1970, thus
addressing and confronting ourselves against the administration director Wilhelm
Ernst, because of his signature, consisting of nothing else but of the exclusion
zone there around the Psychiatric Polyclinic against us and of the police
pistols directed against us. Against us?

Against the
trust between patients and doctors, the ultimate
value in the
existing iatro-capitalist society! -

We started the occupation and called up the press. But soon there had come
the chief-rector of the university of Heidelberg with his team to the clinic
administration building and there had come also all doctors' councils of the
Faculty of Medicine, appearing one after the other there in the one door of the
Wilhelm-Ernst-administration office, one after another rejected by the patients
who, doing their hunger-strike, refused even to speak to or to discuss with
them, so that there were rejected by the patients, after the administration
director Wilhelm Ernst, also the chief rector Professor Rolf Rendtorff, the
chief Professor Walter Ritter von Baeyer, accompanied by his wife

*
(the famous lady scientist in political philosophy), the chief of the radiologic
clinic, the chief of the clinic for obstetrics, the chief of the ear, nose and
throat clinic, last not least Prof. Urs Schnyder, the chief of the
dermatological clinic (him with the lady-spy, compare pages 77, 95**
of this letter), all were rejected within the three first hours up from the
start, except Kretz, who had not dared to appear there at the open small door of
the administration director's office, where there were inside the patients
exercising their hunger-strike, a red and, if we remember correctly, also a
black flag there at the window. The entire doctors' class gang, also the chief
rector Rolf Rendtorff and his helpers there among***,
needed to gather in another room of the administration building, maybe in the
library, there discussing what to do, sending from time to time a lady secretary
to the door, in order to signal to us their readiness for a compromise and to
ask the patients for information, the lady secretary nevertheless not forgetting
to demand us also to stop drinking, the latter which was her own idea, which she
then never dared to repeat again, because the patients had attacked and offended
her, as to admit, very strongly, be it only by words, because of her quite
sarcastically expressed proposal.

*

You want to have her prename also?
Do you remember the movie: A fish named Wanda? (Wanda von Baeyer-Katte. Katte
means: familiar to the king Friedrich II of Prussia; the latter who has been
the highest ideal of Hitler).

**

The page numbers don't refer to the
internet-version.

***As there read
afterwards, but not before 1989/90, the doctors after that had introduced an
"advisers' council" at Zundel (Lord Mayor of Heidelberg at that time), a
"council" which gathered regularly - sometimes daily ("day for day") - and
influenced and swayed Zundel against SPK. All doctors in the surroundings of
Heidelberg came to the Lord Mayor to speak to him about the SPK, but mostly
called by him to come, because he himself, not a specialist, at a loss for
advice.

From the named event, namely the hunger-strike by occupation of the
administration office there in the administration building from 26 to 28
February 1970 and from nothing else, resulted the Rohrbacherstrasse 12-SPK,
which started on 2 March 1970.

As it seems to us, it makes some sense, if we try to specify our above
mentioned attempts for

revolutionary
change, sucessful till nowadays, occasionally also by the term cosmic-social
revolution, the latter term ("cosmic-") being in use in our doings and writings
since the late Seventies.

Dear Trevor, it is now our turn to thank you, and we can't but offer our
thanks to you quite sincerely and in advance, for your efforts. You can't take
it easy, because it isn't easy. The guilt is on our side, because it was our
decision, first to shut up, but now the more to shout. But it was also your
choice, and of course there don't exist coincidences.

Reading our sentences, devouring the serpents in the letter, itself a serpent
- which we of course do not intend to devote to Aesculap for illness' sake/snake
-, please from time to time get aware or conscious (what is there the
middle-thing between?), that almost all the words, taken down in this letter, at
least are not German words, a circumstance which, as we hope, is an improvement
and not a further obstacle.

To make it easier and regarding your work economy, as we imagine it, we tried
to omit all superfluous terms and names, especially if we could suppose they
being at any rate familiar to you, or just on the contrary, have been totally
unknown, just like for example all names in the SPK-warrants. As already
mentioned in this letter, we have in that a certain interest of reserve, not so
in most of the other cases.

It is now more the question, what this "letter" will do with us, you there
included, if there is permission, than what we shall do with it now. Thank you
for your permission to send it to Ms. Helen, exclusively indeed. She did her
best, concerning the SPK, but again our 'ax-in-the-wood-behaviour'

*,
as we say in Germany ('behaved like a boor'), is present to us, causing even
something like self-reproaches at the other inside of our elephantastic thick
skin. Please do say to her some good words, if she feels angry against us. In
principle matter we also hate criticism. To hope that one good utopathic day we
collectively will overcome it.

*

instead of a taboo-armoured
behaviour, an imprisoned behaviour, imprisoned by courtesy-crippling forms
(always the choice of the respective person, and there is a choice!).

Summary and conclusion

For the first time after 23 years there are responsible answers to the SPK.

There were to be answered multiple choice questions, asked on the background
of hostile propaganda products also in the U.S.A.

In the result only those questions themselves remain to be called into
question (a demand to all readers and questioners of this kind).

Encroachments of medical and State origin in the form of the handed down
stereotypes of confusion-reporters and of rumour-mongers against the SPK, right
around "terrorism", "criminality", "violence", "aggression" and "urban
guerilla", had to be rejected already in preceding correspondences, the
affiliated real matters, at least by attempt, had to be aligned again with the
concepts of diapathics (dialectics of illness). Why?
Language as a whole today either belongs to the cosmic-social revolutionary
liberation of illness including the forcing of Gods, or it is and it remains the
hangman's tool of political oppression.
In principiis verbum: first there were words. History consists of nothing but
words; why not for SPK-history SPK-words?

There exist quotation marks for the others, some of them named above!

The history of illness just has begun. Also this letter belongs to that.

In the terms of the medieval philosophy: illness is the highest arcanum.

In this letter there are outlined the doings and the developments of the SPK,
which up from the first steps were expressions, consciously based on illness;
expressions of illness to become incarnated, expressions: as there are bodies in
instant motion, materials in instant motion, minds in instant motion, and also
light (photo), lives and noises (radio and so on).

There are also outlined the re-actions: treatments by secret working circles,
secret working circles of the doctors and their helpers, terror arising from
that, attempts to terrorize patients, treatments by pistols and also by prisons
later on.

Huber, in the eyes of his former colleagues valued as an all time "sound" and
"healthy" looking person, was turned by them because of the SPK into a further
proof for their ideology, that the by them so-called psychopathy occasionally
and most time is undetectable and therefore dangerous. Note therefore: all real
and true danger in economy, society and politics nowadays arises from the
doctors' class. There is no need for some further proof.

The first measures of all revolutions and for all future up from now became
fixed by the SPK and its doing.

In the beginning of this letter there are discussed its conditions of genesis
and the scope of this treatise. In this context there are also related to each
other the different significances concerning Patientenfront, SPK and IZRU.

There results the, from the beginning up to nowadays, determining
(bestimmende) revolutionary tendency Patienten-FRONT against systems and
therapies.

The SPK in the closeness of its permanent patients-people warfare by all
means and to all times, stood or fell by the Patientenfront. The IZRU and what
followed from that, the test on the contrary: products of decomposition
and having been put under the spell (Verfallenheit) of outside influences,
hostile to illness.

In the forefront of the SPK there are shown the repeated breakdowns of the
compulsory therapists in front of the patients' protest and the failure of the
medical(il)legality (Medikolegalitaet) in front of the collective patients'
protest.
This failure has remained recognizable up to nowadays by their retreat to armed
arbitrary measures, outside every legal validity, relevant to present times, and
methods of secret (geheimbuendlerische) societies as ultima ratio against the
self-organized patients who had gone over to the attack.

The relation of enmity between doctor and patient, main theme for the society
as a whole also for the next millenium (class antagonism), was to be reified on
the occasion of the "question" about detention and prison. There was to be
determined more closely the bodily and social ascent motion of the then involved
ones and their relation to the Patientenfront, as well as the greater or less
nearness to the strength of illness in all SPK deeds and so-called
Un-Taten (literally: no-deeds, means: atrocious deeds: In fact and
really doing nothing is atrocious!).

Also the question for the events close to the beginning of the SPK for the
first time could be answered in a diary's style.
More in passing there were to be corrected old handed down canards of authors
and newspapers, the same there were to be put straight, for the first at least
and by attempt, wrong weights and wrong qualifications pretending to be
political.

Who publishes about the SPK, this is emphasized several times, especially
should take seriously its authentic reports and experiences and at the most
should even put in relation his own experiences in a self critical way. He
should not standardize and write, but de-scribe and re-fer in a complex way and
with the many aspects which he has got to know first hand.

The SPK, too, has made its history all by its own, the computers only came
afterwards. Thus the computers were defeated before they existed, because
dialectics combined to illness, being diapathics, is death to yes/no-computerism
and death to the new-fashioned multiple choice system, the same as death to
therapy. Diapathics self-understanding (of course) can get along also with
computers, but computerism never can neither replace diapathics and illness, nor
produce, be it health or at least adaption à la longue (for any length of time).

For the first time in SPK and continuing up to nowadays there exist liberated
regions. Off limits for the doctors and for value. SPK/Patientenfront has
reached its aim: living in illness, in

To mention here the entire Patientenfront, most of whom took part in reading,
providing informations and so on. To mention also all predecessors of the
patients' class. Sorry for the following only untruth: the following

one signature.

Huber

This contribution in favour of illness belongs to the revolutionary patients‘
class meanwhile spread all over the world, last not least by our Stromzeitung.

Trevor Blake has withdrawn ...
withdrawn from working out. His sources, he kept so obstinately secret to us,
have been destroyed by their former collaborators and friends.

Kretz, the loser from the beginning, meanwhile has turned out to be the Mr.
Nobody amongst all losers.

Besides the antagonism between the patients in confrontation and the class of
physicians (iatrocracy) there remains nothing to mention, being this antagonism
the true source of all in present.