This thesis traces the Brazilian central government’s approaches to maintaining
control in the federal capital of Rio de Janeiro during the period from 1930 through
1937. After taking over power in late 1930, President Getúlio Vargas and his allies set
out to redefine the role of the state. Their fundamental objective was to undermine the
rural oligarchy that had controlled politics within Brazil over the previous four decades
by courting the loyalty of the urban laboring classes. To this end, Vargas created the
Ministry of Labor, charged with overseeing relations between capitalists, workers, and
the state. This new ministry formed part of a larger strategy of corporatism that aimed to
ensure broad-based government support through the passage of pro-laborer legislation
and the promotion of state-sponsored syndicates. During the first two years of Vargas’s
administration, corporatist ideology guided many of the government’s actions. Few
systematic efforts were made to exert direct control over non-aligned groups. Instead, the
government focused on rationalizing bureaucratic processes in hopes of incorporating
civilians into its ambitious attempt to reorient Brazilian society. The outbreak of rebellion in the large city of São Paulo in 1932 revealed the
shortcomings of this approach to fostering allegiance. Shortly thereafter, fears of
communism began to permeate the highest levels of society. As a result, the government
began to shift its central focus from an ideology of corporatism to a mentality of control.
The effects of this shift played out most clearly in Rio, as a select few leaders within the
Vargas administration supervised efforts to expand the state’s authority. By combining a
positivist approach to streamlining bureaucratic functions with a willingness to
personally intervene when tension arose, these leaders ensured the continued dominance
of the Vargas government. Surveillance became constant as the city’s police partnered
with the Ministry of Labor in order to detect all forms of discontent. Oversight of
syndicates increased, with strict requirements implemented for the reporting of group
activities. Additionally, the central government worked to strengthen its ability to censor
newspapers and other forms of media. Through the control of public dialogue and the emphasis of radical threats, the
state created a climate of suspicion within the metropolis. Individuals perceived as
threats faced harsh treatment in overcrowded jails, prisons, and work camps. Gradually,
the bureaucracy refined its mechanisms of punishment, further increasing repressive
state capacity. Through this build up of authoritarian power, I argue, the Vargas
government eliminated opponents and closed the gap between itself and civil society. By
late 1937, the state had eradicated all viable opposition, facilitating the president’s
public assumption of unchecked authority.