Transcript

1.
Increasing the Burden:
Loan Repayment Schemes to Privatise
Higher Education Costs
A response to Ross Finnie, Adjunct Professor, School of Policy
Studies at Queen’s University, "Measuring the Load, Easing the
Burden: Canada’s Student Loan Programs and the
Revitalization of Canadian Postsecondary Education" in
Commentary, No. 155, November 2001.
Canadian Federation of Students
Janaury 2002
CUPE 1281
Revised: 12/02/2002

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Increasing the Burden:
Loan Repayment Schemes to Privatise Higher
Education Costs
“Student loan schemes exist in more than 60 countries, making them an increasingly
important financing mechanism for higher education.”
Jamil Salmi, Education Manager, Latin American and the
Caribbean Region, World Bank1
“[A]n enhanced loan-relief system could also provide students with the means to shoulder
higher costs for their postsecondary education.”
Ross Finnie, Adjunct Professor in the School of Policy
Studies at Queen’s University2
IN THE NOVEMBER 2001 ISSUE of the C.D. Howe Institute's Commentary, Ross Finnie presents a
series of recommendations for changing the Canada Student Loan Program and increasing tuition
fees. Given the implications associated with implementing the proposals, it is worth responding to
the paper in some detail.
To begin, it is important to understand the political context of Finnie's analysis. Although not
explicitly stated, the title of the article offers a telling sign of his political agenda: "Measuring the
Load, Easing the Burden: Canada’s Student Loan Programs and the Revitalization of Canadian
Postsecondary Education." It is clear from the title of the document that the underlying basis for
suggesting changes to the Canada Student Loan Program is not the revitalization of student financial
assistance, but rather a two-tier system of post-secondary education through the imposition of higher
tuition fees.
This response paper will argue that Finnie’s document is little more than a thinly veiled effort to
make palatable the downloading of post-secondary education costs onto students and their families.
Under Finnie’s model, the restructuring of student financial assistance is presented solely as a
political strategy to justify further tuition fee increases.
The underlying theme of the paper is that post-secondary education has been under-funded for the
past dozen years and Finnie is rightly critical of this fact. He notes, for example, that while
government contributions to higher education have declined, tuition fees have not adequately offset
these decreases in funding.3 However, this contention reveals Finnie’s basic belief that tuition fees
should be the primary source of post-secondary education. He notes that tuition fees “only cover a
relatively small portion – somewhere around a third – of the full costs of [post-secondary
education]”.4 Despite the fact that the vast majority of the population do not want to see tuition fees
1 Salmi, Jamil. 2001. Student Loans: The World Bank Experience. International Higher Education, Winter 2001. p.1.
2 Finnie, Ross. 2001. Measuring the Load, Easing the Burden, Canada’s Student Loan Programs and the Revitalization of
Canadian Postsecondary Education . C.D. Howe Institute Commentary. p 22.
3 Ibid. p. 26.
4 Ibid. p. 30.

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Increasing the Burden:
Loan Repayment Schemes to Privatise Higher Education Costs
increase, but rather want to see an accessible system of higher education, Finnie is proposing a
scheme designed to generate support for tuition fee hikes.5
It should be noted that Finnie’s arguments mirror those of William Leggett, Principal of Queen’s
University, where Finnie is Adjunct Professor in the School of Policy Studies. Leggett and other
university presidents argue that declining quality means that tuition fees must increase and therefore
debt levels should be expanded to accommodate such increases.6 Indeed, Finnie’s paper was released
shortly before Leggett’s proposal was submitted to the Ontario government.
From start to finish, Finnie’s arguments also portray a profound pessimism and politically motivated
fatalism about the possibility of convincing provincial and federal governments to adequately invest
in higher education. This pessimism provides Finnie a political alibi for the superficial solution that
the only way to address government under-funding is by increasing tuition fees. He notes that his
scheme would be a “means of raising some desperately needed new funds by making viable
additional payments on the part of students, along with contributions from both the provincial and
federal levels of government – an option that would be much more problematic without the sorts of
reforms suggested here.”
Despite the cynicism of Finnie and those who advocate similar views, there is a vibrant and
mobilised political movement fighting for progressive solutions to government under-funding.
Where students and faculty have been united, it has been possible to lobby governments to increase
their commitment to accessible higher education. Over the previous two years, five provincial
governments have shown leadership by freezing or reducing tuition fees. Moreover, such policy
measures have proven extremely popular within the voting populace.
In Ontario, the government has failed to take steps to regulate access and has moved further away
from such policies by allowing unlimited tuition fee increases for certain programmes. The resulting
increases have been particularly stark for college level programmes like dental hygiene where tuition
fees have increased by between 300 and 400 percent in only three years. Medical school tuition fees
at the University of Toronto have increased from $4,850 in 1997-98 to $14,700 for the current year.
Small wonder then, as demonstrated by public opinion surveys over the past two years, that more
than eighty percent of those surveyed support a freeze or reduction in tuition fees.
Opposition to tuition fee increases is based on the very real fear experienced by working people that
the costs of post-secondary education are becoming beyond their economic reach.7 What is crucial to
5 In three independent surveys over two years, 82% of those surveyed opposed increasing tuition fees. See
Feedback Research Corporation poll, GTA Survey, September 2001 (for poll results and tables, see the web site
of the Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations at www.ocufa.on.ca). Also see the Ipsos-Reid
poll, Ontarians and Access to Post Secondary Education, April 2001 (for poll results and tables, see the OCUFA web
site at www.ocufa.on.ca). Finally, also see the Angus Reid poll, Ontarians to Harris—Hold the Line on Tuition Fees,
February 2000.
6 In 1998, the Ontario government introduced a policy to allow for the complete deregulation of all graduate
programmes, as well as certain professional and post-diploma programmes, resulting in tuition fee increases
significantly greater than the rate of inflation and increased earnings.
7 According to the Canadian Association of University Teachers, access to higher education is linked to family
circumstances. Research by CAUT shows that in 1990-91, 20% of the lowest income families would have had
to set aside 14% of their after-tax earnings to pay the cost of one family member to attend university. By 1998-
99, those same families would have had to set aside 23% of their after-tax income to allow one family member
to attend university. By contrast, the top fifth of high-income families would have seen the amount of after-tax
income required for university shift from 3% to 4% (CAUT, Education Review, Vol. 3, No. 2).
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note about Finnie is that his work provides a convenient excuse for the provincial and federal
governments to ignore calls for more public funding for an accessible post-secondary system.
Regrettably, this lazy way of doing politics has extended to many college and university presidents
who now define their government relations strategy by begging the government to allow them to
charge higher tuition fees.
There can be no doubt that one reason for the heightened level of concern about increasing tuition
fees and student debt is the ongoing campaign launched by the Canadian Federation of Students.
Since before the 1990s decade, the Federation has been highlighting the impact of rising tuition fees
and the chronic under-funding of colleges and universities in Canada. As a result of the Federation’s
campaign, tuition fees were frozen by the British Columbia government in the mid-1990s and
remained frozen until this year, when tuition fees were reduced by 5%.
In the fall of 1994, the federal government introduced the single largest cut to social programme
spending – including post-secondary education – under the auspices of the Canada Health and Social
Transfer. At that time, Human Resources and Development Canada also proposed to re-vamp the
Canada Student Loan Program by introducing an "income-contingent loan repayment" scheme. The
book Double-Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power by Edward Greenspon and Anthony Wilson-
Smith highlights the impact of the Canadian Federation of Students in galvanizing opposition to a
loan repayment scheme that would allow tuition fees to increase. As stated in Double-Vision, it was
through the Federation’s mobilising campaign that “Axworthy had lost control of the critical terms
of the debate.”8 More recently, at a January 23, 2002 meeting in Vancouver, keynote speaker and
former Minister of HRDC, Lloyd Axworthy, publicly credited the Canadian Federation of Students
with forcing the federal government to retreat on its regressive income-contingent loan repayment
scheme.9
The fact that the federal government was proposing the ICR scheme at the same time as it was
cutting $1 billion from social programme spending – more than a third of the HRDC budget – was
no accident. As has been well documented by the Canadian Federation of Students in the early
1990s, the mid-1990s, and again last year, ICR schemes were developed as a mechanism to enable
federal and provincial governments to download the costs of higher education onto students and
their families. In other jurisdictions where ICR schemes have been introduced, tuition fees have
increased dramatically.10
Finnie’s paper relies on out-dated information about tuition fees. He bases his suggestions on tuition
fee data that ends in 1995, thereby ignoring available data which reflects the highest tuition fee
increases in Canadian history. Moreover, nowhere in his paper does Finnie address the issue of the
effect that higher tuition fees and higher student debt have on access to post-secondary education.
Like most of those who advocate for private solutions to the growing crisis in public post-secondary
education, Finnie ignores the social consequences of his policy suggestions. Finnie consistently
ignores the growing body of data that demonstrates that tuition fees are the determining barrier to
higher education for people from modest and low-income homes.
8 Greenspon, Edward and Anthony Wilson-Smith. 1997 Double-Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power, Seal
Edition, Doubleday Canada Limited: Toronto. p. 192-193.
9 Graduate Student Leadership Conference, University of British Columbia, Keynote Address, Hon. Lloyd
Axworthy, January 23-26, 2002.
10 See various papers at Center for International Higher Education, Boston College, available online at:
<http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/Center.html>.
Canadian Federation of Students – January 2002 3

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Finnie’s private solutions to Canada’s post-secondary education system should be placed in an
international context. The World Bank echoes many of Finnie’s suggestions in a document entitled:
Development in Practice, Higher Education: The Lessons of Experience, published in 1994.11 The Bank devotes
an entire chapter to the issue of “Diversifying the Funding of Public Institutions and Introducing
Incentives for Their Performance.” In this section, the Bank has the following to say:
The financial base of public higher education can be strengthened by mobilizing a greater share
of the necessary financing from students themselves … . Cost-sharing can be pursued by
charging tuition fees in public institutions and eliminating subsidies for noninstructional costs.
Governments can permit public institutions to establish their own tuition fees without
interference.12
It is also no surprise that in this same chapter, “Diversifying the Funding of Public Institutions,” the
Bank reveals its vision for student financial assistance, advocating for income-contingent loan
repayment schemes. Under this kind of scheme, students would be allowed – and encouraged – to
borrow as much as required to purchase their education. This would ensure that students’ borrowing
capacity keeps up with tuition fees allowing for the privatisation of higher education funding. Upon
graduation, students would then repay their loans based on post-graduation income. While on the
surface this may sound equitable, the scheme essentially condemns students to lifetimes of debt –
especially those who will earn relatively less.
In countries like New Zealand where this kind of scheme has been introduced, it is estimated that
student debt now exceeds the country’s national debt at $4.1 billion dollars.13 Moreover, by the year
2005 it is estimated that student debt will exceed $15 billion. The student debt crisis has exacerbated
that country’s "brain-drain" with many high debtor graduates working abroad where wages are higher
so that they may repay their debts quickly.14 For those in less lucrative employment, student debt has
prevented many from being able to participate in the economy, being saddled with debts the size of
mortgages – but without the houses to show for it.
In his document, Finnie underlines the impact that government funding cuts have had on the higher
education system in Ontario, yet he argues that if students were to pay more of the costs, then
governments themselves might be more inclined to help with funding. Of course, this logic is
contrary to the lived experience of Ontario institutions. In Ontario, the largest funding cuts have
corresponded with the highest increases in tuition fees. At the same time, per capita funding for post-
secondary education in Ontario is among the lowest of all jurisdictions in North America. In
addition, there is an extreme faculty shortage and student-teacher ratios have soared. Again, to re-
iterate Finnie ignores the implications of his proposal for access to post-secondary education and he
seems blissfully ignorant of the context into which his suggestions will be received.
11 World Bank. 1994. Development in Practice, Higher Education: The Lessons of Experience, Washington:
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
12 Ibid, p. 41.
13Australian Union of Students, Tertiary Update, Vol. 4, No. 44, December 13, 2001.
14Australian Union of Students, Tertiary Update, Vol. 4, No. 29, August 13, 2001. It is also noted that “[a]
survey of dentistry students at Otago University has found that less than half of the graduates are remaining in
the country, with the rest flocking overseas to earn higher salaries and pay off debts of between $50,000 and
$100,000. The Dental Council's 'Workforce Analysis' report shows that only 23 of 54 dentistry students
graduating in 1996 were still in the country last year. According to the figures, retention rates four years after
graduation are at about 43% compared with rates in earlier years of 50% to 70%.” Student representatives say
they hope new government funding, which has halved the cost of dentistry tuition, may mean more students
remain in New Zealand after they graduate.
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As a strong advocate of private funding for higher education, the World Bank makes the case for
governments to create incentives for corporations to make financial donations to post-secondary
education. In this regard, the Bank highlights India as the developing country with the most
"generous" tax incentives: 150% of donations are tax deductible. In other words, for every dollar
donated to a post-secondary institution, the corporation will receive $1.50 in tax breaks from the
government (Development, p. 43). Finally, the Bank argues that an important income-generating activity
for governments would be the introduction of “government matching funds linked to outside
income in some ratio or the inclusion of income generated from outside sources as a positive
element in funding formulas” (Development, pp. 41-42). This proposal is nothing short of a transfer of
public dollars to private corporations.
It is clear that the models advocated by the World Bank do not favour publicly funded higher
education. The Bank proposes complicated formulas to encourage governments to abdicate their
responsibility to fund post-secondary education adequately. As a fig-leaf for enabling governments to
withdraw from education funding, the World Bank – and indeed, Finnie himself – favours the
concept of "targeted-funding" for student financial assistance. The idea sounds harmless on the
surface: those who can afford to pay for their education should, while those who cannot will have
debt loads reduced or forgiven. However, this model fails to recognize that many students from
middle and lower income backgrounds may simply choose to avoid the risky venture of saddling
themselves with excessive debt. These are the students who will not be captured in any student loan
scheme that relies in the first instance on amassing high debt levels, with the possibility that some of
that debt may be eliminated.
And while there is not a shred of evidence to suggest that increasing tuition fees, regardless of the
student financial assistance model in place, will enhance access to higher education, there is growing
evidence that increasing tuition fees in Canada and elsewhere have compromised access. Statistics
Canada has presented data demonstrating a widening gap in higher education participation rates
between students from affluent backgrounds and those from middle and lower income
backgrounds.15 This trend corresponds to a period of dramatic increases in tuition fees across the
country. Moreover, studies at the universities of Guelph, Waterloo and Western Ontario have all
documented the changing socio-economic composition of students in different medical class
cohorts.16
In his paper, Finnie argues that the student debt crisis has been exaggerated. However, average debt
upon graduation is $25,000 – a figure released by Human Resources Development Canada in 1998.
Neither this figure nor the figures presented by Finnie reflect actual student debt. For example,
according to research recently released by the Millennium Scholarship Foundation, average credit
card debt incurred by graduating students is $1,500.17 Far from representing students’ joy of
borrowing as suggested by Finnie, it is a sad statement indeed that students are funding their
education at interest rates three hundred percent higher than standard lending rates. That those who
15 Statistics Canada. 2001. Participation in Postsecondary Education and Family Income. The Daily, Friday, December 7.
Available online at: <http://www.statcan.ca/Daily/English/011207/d011207c.htm>.
16 Medical Students of the University of Western Ontario. 2001. Access to Medical Education: A Proposal to the
University of Western Ontario Senate, Sid Gilbert, Ian McMillan, Linda Quirke, and Joanne Duncan-Robinson.
“Accessibility and Affordability of University Education,” University of Guelph, December, 1999. University
of Waterloo Federation of Students, The Changing Face of Ontario Universities: Are Universities Becoming the Domain of
the Rich?, 1998.
17 Canada Millennium Scholarship Foundation. 2002. Student Financial Survey – Baseline Results. Canada
Millennium Scholarship Foundation Research Series: Montreal.
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are able to access this source of debt do so is not reflective of students' willingness to choose
increased debt. Instead, it reflects the fact that students are increasingly held hostage by the very real
fear of losing access to post-secondary education. We can only speculate about the number of
students that are lost to the system because they do not have the financial confidence to incur debt.
Moreover, governments have implemented stricter borrowing criteria to determine a student’s
eligibility for student loans. This in itself has made higher education out of reach for those whose
backgrounds require a more heavy, and perhaps unstable, reliance on credit. These are the people
most in need of accessible higher education. These are also the people for whom the door has closed
on their educational aspirations.
Although Finnie recognizes the problems associated with stricter borrowing criteria, he makes an
incredible leap in logic to assert that students would be “glad” to incur higher debts were they given
the opportunity. In other words, he argues, tuition fees should be allowed to rise, students should be
allowed to borrow more with fewer restrictions, and they will be pleased to do so in exchange for
higher quality education. This position has been advocated at one time or another by both the
Canadian Alliance and the Ontario Undergraduate Student Association.18
There is simply no basis for asserting that higher tuition fees translate into higher quality education,
as Ontario’s experience with private colleges demonstrates. Moreover, the consequences of
burdening an entire generation with excessive debt have been well-documented in Australia and New
Zealand. Evidence is now surfacing in the United Kingdom which shows that as tuition fees have
increased, public funding has declined further, and the Labour government has admitted that not a
single penny in additional revenue has been generated for universities by imposing tuition fees (see
appendix I). In all cases, student debt has skyrocketed, tuition fees have put higher education out of
the reach of ordinary citizens, and governments have abdicated their responsibilities to fund public
education. When Finnie’s report is stripped of its academic veneer, this is his vision for post-
secondary reform in Canada.
Even where the World Bank has been successful in determining government policy, the conditions
for post-secondary education have not improved. Indeed, in a document outlining the global
challenges facing systems of higher education, Philip Altbach and Todd Davis have stated the
dilemma explicitly:
Demands for access come into conflict with another of the flashpoints of controversy of the
present era – funding. Higher education is an expensive undertaking, and there is much debate
concerning how to fund expanding academic systems. Current approaches to higher education
funding emphasize the need for “users” to pay for the cost of instruction, as policymakers
increasingly view higher education as something that benefits the individual, rather than as a
"public good" where the benefits accrue to society. This new thinking, combined with
constrictions on public expenditures in many countries, have meant severe financial problems for
academe.
Academic systems and institutions have tried to deal with these financial constraints in several
ways. Loan programs, the privatization of some public institutions, and higher tuition are among
the alternatives to direct government expenditure. In many parts of the world, including most of
the major industrialized nations, conditions of study have deteriorated in response to financial
See Parliament of Canada, Hansard, Monday, December 5, 1994 - Private Members' Business,
18
<http://collection.nlc-bnc.ca/>.
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constraints. Enrollments have risen, but resources, including faculty, have not kept up with
needs. Academic infrastructures, including libraries and laboratories, have been starved of funds.
Less is spent on basic research. Conditions of study have deteriorated in many of the world’s
best-developed academic systems, including Germany and France. Students have taken to the
streets in large numbers to protest declining budgets and poor conditions for the first time since
the 1960s.19
The present dilemma for Canada is whether our federal and provincial governments are prepared to
invest in higher education to ensure that it remains excellent and accessible. The outcome of the
debate in Ontario and throughout Canada is critical, since this debate is well underway
internationally. Are students prepared to accept the intransigence of governments and the World
Bank who are advocating the state’s retreat from ensuring that every qualified student has access to
the education so critical for economic survival? The response in Canada and around the world would
suggest that they are not.
Finnie’s vision of "improving" student financial assistance is simply opening the door to increases in
tuition fees that will put education out of the reach of ordinary Canadians. It is premised on the
assumption that government cannot be convinced to change their spending priorities. That
academics and administrators alike have been thoroughly imbued with such pessimism in our
democratic institutions that they have abandoned the arena altogether reflects poorly on the health of
democracy in Canada. Yet in contradiction to such views, where public support has been galvanized,
where decision-makers have had the courage to put the needs and desires of its own constituents
ahead of the corporate agenda, significant improvements have been achieved in many social spheres.
The Canadian Federation of Students – along with the vast majority of Canadians – remains
committed to a post-secondary education system that is of high quality and accessible to all. We call
on all those who support a publicly-funded, accessible system of higher education to oppose any
schemes that will further erode the affordability of higher education.
19Altbach, Philip G. and Todd M. Davis. 1999. Global Challenge and National Response: Notes for an International
Dialogue on Higher Education. International Higher Education, Winter.
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Appendix I
Tuition fees 'not benefiting' universities
EducationGuardian.co.uk
Lee Elliot Major
Tuesday January 29, 2002
Not one penny raised from charging students tuition fees has benefited universities, government
officials admitted to MPs yesterday.
The admission came yesterday during an inquiry by the House of Commons committee that
scrutinises government spending into the efforts universities are making to attract more students
from poor backgrounds.
Professor Sir Howard Newby, chief executive of the Higher Education Funding Council, told the
all party public accounts committee that there had been a "displacement effect" whereby the
government had reduced the budget for English universities by exactly the same amount that had
been generated by fees. The result is the £400m annual revenue has only been used to maintain
university budgets, not provide extra resources for the academic sector.
In effect, the government has generated £400m per year in extra income.
"I am staggered," said Gerry Steinberg, Labour MP for the city of Durham and a member of the
committee. Mr Steinberg said he had only backed the government's plans to introduce tuition fees
in 1998 because of the extra funds they would generate for cash-strapped universities.
The unpopularity among voters towards the government's student funding policies in England and
Wales prompted ministers to launch a review last October. But discussions within Whitehall have
now hit an impasse. Initial plans to re-introduce maintenance grants for students, collect student
payments for degree courses after university and scrap upfront tuition fees have now been
relegated to mere options, following concerns from Treasury officials over the cost of the
proposals.
Students, who graduate with debts, on average, of £12,000, now pay a maximum of £1,075 a
year in fees and have access to loans for their living costs. Under Labour, university funding rates
per student have not seen the annual cuts of previous years, although academic chiefs still argue
they need to generate more income to survive in the future.
Yesterday's hearing follows a report this month by government auditors that partly blamed
"snooty" attitudes in universities for the fact that student applicants from poor backgrounds are a
third less likely to be accepted by some elite academic institutions. Women and ethnic minorities
are now well represented among university students, found the watchdogs, but participation rates
are still low for people with disabilities and those from poorer social classes.
The inspectors said universities in England need to do much more to attract and retain poor
students, and called on more institutions to use a controversial scheme admitting students with
lower A-level grades if they come from poorly performing schools. Piloted by the University of
Bristol, the scheme is based on research that shows that students with poorer A-level results from
low scoring schools perform as well in their degrees as those with higher grades.
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Yesterday, Sir Howard welcomed the Bristol initiative, but said university admissions officers have
always taken into account a wider range of factors than just qualifications when selecting
students.
David Normington, the permanent secretary for the Department for Education and Skills,
meanwhile, told MPs there was a "mountain to climb" to reach the government's target of
attracting half of all 18 to 30-year-olds into higher education by 2010. The government estimates
that 41% of 18 to 30-year-olds now enrol on degree and diploma courses. Asked if he was sure
the government could reach its target, Mr Normington said: "I am as confident as I can be."
Mr Normington also conceded that mounting debts were alienating some poor students from
applying to university.
Canadian Federation of Students – January 2002 9