The three disinformants made a joint attack
on the Palme murder investigation -
and in London, one of them intervened
to free British intelligence from
suspicions in connection with
Princess Diana's tragic death.

By
John Anderson - Tony Widing - Anders Leopold

(Leopold Report 100624)In the period 1988-1992, the three
US citizens Robert Harkavy, William Herrmann, and Oswald LeWinter, presented
three different stories to the public about who was behind the Palme murder
and - directly or via intermediaries - to the Swedish Murder Investigation
Group (PU), while appearing to be three independent sources.

Herrmann and LeWinter both accused the CIA, in various versions, while
Harkavy came up with an Arab solution that moved from Morocco via Libya
to the Middle East, including a small contribution from Mossad.

Herrmann and Harkavy were both declared disinformants by the Swedish
Government's Murder Investigation Commission (GK). Herrmann was also declared
a disinformant by the US Congress. LeWinter was declared a disinformant
by the FBI - and he even admitted being in this trade himself!

This was covered in the three first articles. In addition, we have shown
that LeWinter indeed was a professional disinformant, but not as a freelancer,
as claimed by the FBI. Rather, he had been deployed by the FBI itself as
well as the CIA.
Below, we summarize information from the previous articles and add new information
that shows that the three can be linked together in pairs and thus make
up a group working for a common superior. For details and references to
previously presented information, see part 1-3.

Harkavy and Herrmann

The Swedish Foreign Ministry, the Swedish Security Police (SÄPO),
and the FBI were all behind the information to PU that "nothing was
known about William Herrmann". However, it turned out that Professor
Harkavy knew about him. In March, 1993, according to GK, he told PU that
Herrmann was willing to come to Sweden to provide more information. Thus,
Harkavy revealed that he knew Herrmann, that he knew Herrmann was one of
PU's sources, and that he acted as Herrmann's messenger.

Hence, this pair is tied together.

In light of this, it is interesting that both had extensive networks
in Sweden:

Arms dealer William Herrmann had visited Sweden several times from the
early 80's until the disclosure of the Bofors scandal in 1985. Later, he
also was in Sweden at a number of occasions in connection with the Palme
investigation, and in connection with his own contacts in the arms industry
(Bofors and the Swedish arms dealer Sven Klang).

The Bofors scandal was about illegal exports of Swedish arms and ammunition
to countries at war or in warlike situations. It was discontinued after
Prime Minister Palme became aware of it in 1985 - six months before he was
murdered.

Harkavy had spent much time in Sweden from 1985 to 1993. His extensive
network in Sweden was more or less described by GK. Already in 1985, he
worked at the SIPRI peace research institute, and established a relationship
with Emma Rotschild, who had a personal relationship to Palme. After the
1986 Palme murder, he was in contact with Ebbe Carlsson. He even tried to
get in touch with Palme's widow Lisbeth and his son Mårten via Emma
Rotschild. Further, Harkavy made contact with Ambassador Hans Dahlgren at
the Prime Minister's Office (GK p. 508). Harkavy said that he also had received
information from Bernt Carlsson, one of the Palmes closest advisers (GK
p. 508). Harkavy was so well known in Sweden that he gave lectures at SIPRI
and the Swedish Foreign Policy Institute several times in the period 1991-1992.

Palme's relationship to Emma Rotschild must have caused a lot of attention
in the Swedish secret services. She was the oldest daughter of the British
national Victor Rotschild, who had been employed by MI5 during the WWII,
and played a very important role in MI5/MI6 and Conservative UK governments
for many decades. Together with one of his best friends, the famous spy
hunter Peter Wright of MI5, he was involved in the operations in the 70's
and 80's that aimed at getting the necessary evidence to prove that Labour
Leader and PM Harold Wilson was a Russian spy (Wright 1987). In hindsight,
one can say that such a personal relationship between this kind of daughter
and this kind of socialist prime minister is rather rare.
-----
Ebbe Carlsson was a publisher with extensive connections to the Swedish
Labour party leaders. He also had a personal relationship to the first Palme
murder Chief Investigator Hans Holmér. Some time after Holmér
had been fired from this job by the Government, Carlsson initiated a parallel
murder investigation using several officials from the Swedish Security Police
(SÄPO). He also managed to obtain cooperation and support from the
Minister of Justice, the Director of the Swedish Police Corps, and even
the SÄPO Director. This parallel operation was disclosed in the summer
of 1988, two years after the murder, causing a lot of political turmoil
that in turn resulted in several years of special investigations. The total
effect was very harmful to the real murder investigation.
-----
Bernt Carlsson was in the period 1976-1983 Secretary General of the Socialist
International and editor of the London magazine Socialist Affairs. In the
period 1983-1985, he was Swedish Ambassador and responsible for NGOs. From
1987 and until his death, he was Assistant Secretary General of the United
Nations and Namibia Inspector. He died in the Lockerbie crash, when Pan
Am Flight 103 was blown up above the Scottish village Lockerbie, on his
way to New York to attend the signing of the agreement on Namibian independence.
Carlsson was one of a handful of people with special and secret foreign
policy assignments from PM Palme personally.
-----
SIPRI is the Swedish peace research institute. Emma Rotschild was a SIPRI
employee. She persuaded Palme to recommend herself as its new director,
but the Board refused. SIPRI was also Harkavy's Stockholm base.

Thus, he had also acquired detailed knowledge of the Swedish society.

In February, 1992, he told PU that a contact person, who allegedly belonged
to the Mossad, in 1991 had shown him a death list including Olof Palme,
Carl-Fredrik Algernon and Bernt Carlsson (GK p. 507).

Carl-Fredrik Algernon was a Swedish Navy officer who reached Admiral's
rank. From 1981 until his death, he was a munitions inspector at the Swedish
Foreign Ministry, responsible for upholding Swedish law on arms and ammunition
exports. Algernon came into media focus in connection with the 1985 Bofors
scandal. Many believed his death in the Stockholm subway in 1987 in fact
was a murder linked to the Palme assassination.

Palme was assassinated in 1986, Algernon died under mysterious circumstances
in the Stockholm subway in 1987, and Carlsson was a PanAm 103 passenger
and was murdered in the 1988 Lockerbie disaster. These had for several years
been well-known events that Harkavy exploited to make himself interesting.
However, they hardly helped making his alleged death list particularly credible.
Herrmann and LeWinter

Herrmann and LeWinter both claimed they had been participants in connection
with the Iran-Contra scandal, and they both worked against media and the
Congress. Both of them dodged closer investigation and hearings in the Congress.

Later, both were parts of a group of less than ten people appearing in
connection with the so-called October Surprise scandal. LeWinter also in
this connection dodged the investigation and the Congress hearings by "fleeing"
to Europe. Herrmann, on the other hand, was investigated by the Congress,
and in clear terms declared a disinformant.

Although LeWinter was able to evade the Congressional Task Force that
investigated the October Surprise allegations, the Chief Attorney, former
District Attorney E. Lawrence Barcella jr., had a conversation with him
(we don't know whether they met in the United States or Germany, or talked
by telephone). In this conversation, LeWinter stated that his October Surprise
allegations "had been a complete fabrication", but he refused
to say the same under oath (Washington Post 2001).

This was obviously in accordance with the overall strategy; the time
had come to discredit the message. This happened "automatically"
for the stories from the other disinformants in the group, since these stories
were designed in a way that would make it easy for the Congress to reveal
them as forgeries with its own means. The disinformants would of course
maintain their stories when questioned under oath, and thus escape prosecution.
LeWinter's mission, however, was to torpedo his own history and thereby
the entire October Surprise story. He had to make a statement about the
falsehood of his allegations, but it could not be made under oath, since
this would expose him to criminal charges, and open for a host of new questions:
Did he have any principals, who they were, and so on. This is why LeWinter
refused Barcella's request that he should make the same statement under
oath. This way, however, LeWinter himself confirms indirectly that he indeed
had principals - and that's what is important in the Palme case and other
cases where LeWinter is involved as a disinformant.

The October Surprise group mostly consisted of arms dealers. One of these
was the arms dealer Richard Brenneke, with whom LeWinter had appeared on
Italian television when they claimed that the CIA and the Italian P2 lodge
were behind the Palme murder.

LeWinter kept so close company with arms dealers that Washington Times
(1991) - perhaps mistakenly - described him, too, as an arms dealer. In
the midst of this group, we also find arms dealer William Herrmann, who
in connection with the Palme case used Professor Harkavy from the same American
university as Professor LeWinter as a messenger (see below).

Both LeWinter and Herrmann appeared as sources in media and in a number
of books about October Surprise and Iran/Contra published in this period
(Bainerman 1992, Blum 1995, Bondeson 2005, Honegger 1989, Hunter et al 1986,
Parry 1993, Sick 1991, Stich 1999, Tarpley et al 1992, Vankin et al 1998,
and Willan 1991, as well as hundreds of newspaper stories).

Both acted as provocateurs for the FBI, LeWinter in Germany and the United
States, and Herrmann in the UK. They were also both connected to the CIA.

On PU's question about whether Herrmann knew about Oswald LeWinter, he
responded that, "he only had heard the name Oswald W mentioned",
and that "this person was believed to work for Israeli intelligence"
(GK p 443).

Both gave PU sensational information - Herrmann by appearing in person
in meetings with the investigators; LeWinter via intermediaries/media.

The message was the same: That the CIA was behind the murder.

It was important for the disinformants' principals to open a CIA disinformation
campaign against the investigators of the assassination of Olof Palme at
just this time; in the autumn of 1988 (we will explain this point in detail
in a later article, after more material has been presented). At this time,
suspicions and accusations against the CIA as the instigator of the murder
appeared from many directions, in Sweden as well as internationally.

The disinformants were inserted into this chorus. The background they
claimed for themselves was partly true and linked them to the CIA, which
would make them credible as a kind of "defectors". But towards
the end of the investigations they initiated, it became clear to PU that
they also supplied false and contradictory information, so absurd that they
lost all credibility as informers.

For years, information was disseminated in the media that the "informants"
had nothing whatsoever with US intelligence to do, and so forth. This created
a public opinion against the theory that the CIA was behind the murder,
and caused the Palme investigation more or less to close the entire CIA
lead - for which it was criticized by the Government's Commission (GK).

But this was also the original intention with the very professional disinformation
campaign.

This is more than enough evidence that Herrmann and LeWinter were connected
to common superiors and often worked the same arenas. Hence, it is also
very likely that they knew each other.
It is here worth noting that the prominent Professor Harkavy was willing
to act as a disinformant and as part of the group, but not with a story
that pointed to the CIA. It can be assumed that the basis for this was that
Harkavy was not willing to risk his reputation in the US by being discredited
later by the FBI, which from the beginning was the plan for those that were
tasked to launch the CIA lead.

Harkavy and LeWinter

Both Robert Harkavy and Oswald LeWinter took a special interest in peace
work. Harkavy was engaged by SIPRI in Sweden from 1985 onwards, and he was
later a lecturer at the Swedish Foreign Policy Institute. LeWinter was employed
by the War and Peace Foundation in New York in 1988. As we have seen, this
was not very typical for their general approach to peace issues.

Harkavy was from 1978 and for several decades Professor of Political
Science at the Pennsylvania State University,see his CV and the quote below from GK, p. 505:

It so happens that also Oswald LeWinter was a teacher at Penn State University,
in English, humanities, and comparative literature, as early as from the
sixties - see scan. This ties these two disinformants together.Pennsylvania

Hence, both Harkavy and LeWinter had been teachers at the Penn State University.
It further turns out that also the third party in the group, William Herrmann,
had a connection to Pennsylvania. After the London sting operation against
"Action Directe", when he was "arrested" by Scotland
Yard and later "sentenced" to five years in prison [lenke inn
her], he was transferred to the low-security Federal Correction Institution
in Loretto, Pennsylvania, where he could move freely around and receive
interested journalists working with the October Surprise allegations (Parry
1993:133).

The three made up a group

Now we can see that the three disinformants can be connected in pairs,
which increases the likelihood that all three knew each other and worked
together in a joint operation. The decisive factor is that all three of
them - even separately - can be connected to the FBI, the CIA, and the US
military establishment. LeWinter can also be connected to Mossad as well
as to missions for the British intelligence and security services MI5 and
MI6 (see below). Harkavy claimed that he personally had a connection to
a Mossad agent who had shown him a death list, and therefore must have been
a high-level agent.

Protected by the FBI

We have in parts 2 and 3 of this series shown that Herrmann as well as
LeWinter cooperated extensively with the FBI - in several countries - before
they appeared in the Palme murder case, and that the FBI made great efforts
to protect them.

In connection with PU's efforts to learn something about Herrmann and
LeWinter, it had to maintain a long, slow and cumbersome correspondence
with the FBI in Washington, sometimes via London. From what we know, there
was no direct contact between PU and officials at the US Embassy in Stockholm
about the American citizens about whom PU wanted information. This was quite
irregular, since both the time factor and practical considerations required
that the US authorities should have set up a system allowing efficient assistance
to Sweden in Stockholm. When agencies work together on a friendly basis
to undertake a common task, it is normal to ensure close, continuous, and
not least personal contact. That is why we have embassies!

But in this case, it didn't work this way, again suggesting that the
matter was highly sensitive.
We see a similar pattern with regard to Harkavy: In early January, 1990,
after three unsuccessful attempts to get in touch with PU, he contacted
the FBI in the United States, which contacted the US Embassy in London,
which in turn got in touch with Interpol. Finally, Interpol contacted PU
(GK p. 505). It is remarkable that the FBI sent the matter to the embassy
in London rather than the embassy in Stockholm. Also the London embassy
chose not to go via the Stockholm embassy. It was evident also in this case
that the "assistance" to the Swedes was to be given outside Sweden,
although it concerned the murder of a Prime Minister.

This can only be interpreted as another kind of protection of "Operation
Palme", including the disinformants that had been deployed. By avoiding
direct personal contact between US and Swedish officials in Stockholm, and
by ensuring complete control of the information flow in written form, the
communication was protected entirely against all sorts of hints, slips-of-the-tongue,
or body language. Such precautions are not required between partners that
otherwise have pleasant and friendly relations.

It would have been a simple matter for the US embassy in Stockholm to
appoint a special liaison for the cooperation with PU, if the Americans
had wanted to, unless they already had a legal attaché that could
have been given this job.

The evasive FBI effort, directed from Washington, contrasts sharply to
the CIA's immediate and efficient effort in Stockholm to find Palme's murderer.
At various occasions during the first two years after the murder of Palme,
the CIA put personnel as well as equipment to the disposal of the Swedish
Security Police (SÄPO) and PU.

The CIA even assisted the Swedish in phonetapping and possibly also bugging
of Russian embassy personnell." Already in the first hours and days
after the murder, the CIA and SÄPO bugged a number of the Kurds' living
quarters and meeting rooms in Stockholm. (GK 663-675, Poutiainen 1995:768-775,
785-788), Wall 1998:211-219, 261, 263-326, 331-345, Lidbom 1990:180, 190).
The suspicions against the Russian and the Kurds (separately and linked
together) later turned out to be disinformation leads.

Thus we see that it was rendered maximum US effort and cooperation by
the CIA to promote disinformation leads, but virtually zero effort from
the FBI to reveal American disinformants who sabotaged the Palme murder
investigation!

Such contradictory behaviour from the two key US government agencies
leads to the conclusion that the operations had a certain over-all, coordinated
planning.

The provocateur LeWinter was protected in the Princess Diana case

Princess Diana (the Princess of Wales) was - as everyone remembers -
killed in a tragic car accident 31 August, 1997, together with her new boyfriend,
Dodi Fayed. Dodi was the son of Mohamed Abdel Moneim Al Fayed, who is a
wealthy Egyptian investor and businessman in the UK. He owned i. a. the
famous Harrods magazine until May, 2010.

There were several suggestions in British and foreign press that the
British intelligence and security services MI5 and MI6 had kept Diana and
Dodi under continuous surveillance, including interception of their telephones.
Similar allegations had for long been made about surveillance of Princess
Diana and Prince Charles after they had parted, and of Prince Charles in
connection with his relationship with Camilla Parker Bowles.

Princess Diana was an icon in British and European society. After her
breakup with Prince Charles, she invested a lot of time in building her
new life, and she had a strong social commitment. Internationally, she became
best known for her extensive work against landmines.
Diana was with growing intensity followed by British and foreign media,
which did their utmost to uncover piquant details about her relationship
with Dodi. Probably no other celebrity in modern times has been persecuted
as much by so-called paparazzis.

The fatal Paris accident

After the fatal accident in Paris, the British went into a state of national
mourning that spread over large parts of the world. Public opinion condemned
the paparazzis, the media, and anybody who was considered to have contributed
to the accident.

Every now and then, there appeared allegations that British intelligence
had provided British media with information about Diana and her relationship
to Dodi, and that they therefore was responsible for the harassment from
media and the paparazzis that eventually made Diana and Dodi a couple on
continuous flight from their pursuers.

It might look like as if an "invisible hand" had implemented
a strategy for discrediting, and to destroy Princess Diana's relationship
to Dodi.

Media persecution contributed without doubt to what happened after the
couple left the hotel in Paris until the accident in the tunnel.

In this atmosphere of hysteria and national mourning, even allegations
that the MI6 had been involved in the accident as such gained some credibility.

MI5 and MI6 forced to counter-attack

MI5 and MI6 were now forced to launch an attack against the strongest
accusations that came from the Al Fayed family that demanded all the cards
on the table. They wanted not only to uncover the circumstances surrounding
the accident, but also to investigate certain other aspects. Al Fayed senior,
who had lost his eldest son and a possible future daughter in law, had unlimited
resources.

In order to stop the Al Fayed family's investigation, the UK agencies
turned to its closest partner, the CIA, which deployed its disinformant
Oswald LeWinter. Following the well-known patterns of disinformation, the
plan was - as we shall see below - that LeWinter first would accuse MI6
for having contributed to the accident, and provided media with gossip about
Diana and Dodi.

The intention was later to disseminate discrediting information about
LeWinter, thus to kill the true allegations along with the false ones.

In 1998, from his temporary residence in Austria (where he incidentally
also had been born and spent his early childhood years), Oswald LeWinter
implemented an operation against the Al Fayed family in London, in which
he tried to sell fake documents showing that the intelligence service MI6
had been involved in the accident. As usual, LeWinter stated that he had
extensive connections with the CIA.

Al Fayed family unmask CIA and LeWinter

Al Fayed put together a dedicated staff of lawyers, investigators and
security experts with connections within the secret services. The experts
could eventually conclude that LeWinter's behaviour was a provocation designed
by CIA/MI6 and protected by the FBI and the US Department of Justice.

Towards the end, the Al Fayed family filed a complaint against the CIA
and a number of other US institutions, in which they i. a. claimed that
the CIA and the FBI had helped prevent legal persecution of LeWinter &
Co. The lawsuit was not successful, but the ruling by the United States
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit 13 July, 2001, (District
Of Columbia Circuit Court 2001) [lenke] contains the plaintiffs' submissions
and accounts of the preceding events. In addition, there is much information
in the Washington Post (2001). Our recounting below is based on what can
be inferred from these as well as other sources listed below in the references
section.

Al Fayed's experts decided that the falsified documents were so well
made, in content as well as form, that they left an impression of genuineness.
In addition, LeWinter had also this time good and detailed relevant knowledge
of the CIA and the MI6.

All of this contributed to a suspicion that LeWinter in this case not
only had a connection to, but also help from the CIA - and hence that he
acted on behalf of the CIA.

However, It appears from the verdict that the Al Fayed family and its
advisers initially had an open mind as to whether they had been victimized
by a coordinated operation MI6/CIA and LeWinter together, or by a stand-alone
fraud operation designed by LeWinter alone to earn money.

To clarify this, the Al Fayed family's lawyers initially alerted the
CIA and the FBI about LeWinter and his documents and allegations. In parallel,
they also alerted Austrian authorities. They agreed to meet with LeWinter
in Vienna for a preliminary working session (under secret surveillance).
In connection with a later second meeting, LeWinter was arrested and put
in prison in Vienna.

The CIA and the FBI strongly condemned LeWinter and his collaborators
(including a lawyer's office and a journalist in California). On the US
side, the "attempted scam" was handled by the US Attorney General's
office in Washington DC, which promised the Al Fayed family to prosecute
those who were involved in LeWinters fraud operation.

However, it turned out that no part of the US Government was interested
in prosecuting LeWinter & Co., neither for the fraud operation against
the Al Fayed family, nor for abuse or falsification of alleged official
US documents. Moreover, LeWinter had presented himself as a previous CIA
employee, for which he also escaped prosecution.

The most serious aspect was that US authorities had urged Al Fayed to
transfer USD 25,000 to LeWinter & Co as an advance. The reason was -
as they had told Al Fayed in advance - that the US authorities then at least
would be able to prosecute LeWinter & Co for this part of the fraud
operation. But after the Al Fayed family had followed the advice, the Attorney
General still would not prosecute.

Based on this experience, the Al Fayed family concluded that LeWinter
& Co clearly had protection from the FBI as well as the CIA, and that
these agencies therefore must have contributed to halting the prosecution
that had been promised and facilitated by the Attorney General's office.
Thus, it was a reasonable conclusion that LeWinter really had the CIA as
his principal.

It was at this point that the family filed its complaint against the
CIA as the main defendant, and the National Security Agency (NSA), the FBI,
the Department of State, the Department of Defence, the Defence Intelligence
Agency (DIA), the Department of Justice, the Executive Office for United
States Attorneys, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and the US
Secret Service as co-defendants.

The background for the complaint is summarized this way in the ruling:

"[The] plaintiffs allege that the United States Attorney's Office
for the District of Columbia promised to prosecute those involved in LeWinter's
fraudulent scheme, but failed to do so. [..] They further contend that the
CIA and FBI may have been involved in efforts to prevent those prosecutions."

The complaint describes how the Al Fayed family had been the victim of
an attempted fraud from Oswald LeWinter, "a man claiming connections
to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), who tried to sell Al Fayed fabricated
documents indicating that MI6 was involved in the automobile crash."

It was also claimed that the NSA had bugged Princess Diana's telephone
conversations, and that it could be proven that the family driver of the
accident car (who also died) had been secretly recruited by the MI6 to spy
on Diana and Dodi.

Al Fayed's source for the latter point was a former British intelligence
officer who had delivered such evidence to the French investigators in Paris.
Moreover, Al Fayed claimed that US authorities at the initiative of the
British government had ensured that this intelligence officer had been refused
entry to the United States to present his evidence.

Another part of the background for the complaint was that the Al Fayed
family in July/August, 2000, had made a request under the US Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA) to get access to all documents concerning the circumstances
surrounding Diana's and Dodi's death that might be in the files of the CIA
and its co-defendants. The request also included all documents concerning
LeWinter and his operation, interception of Diana's telephone conversations,
and the MI6's recruitment of the driver. All these requests had been turned
down.

Unfortunately, the Court did not support the Al Fayed family at any point.
Hence, there was no US criminal prosecution of Oswald LeWinter, and the
Al Fayed did not get access to any information about LeWinter from US files.

Why was an operation with LeWinter required?

Why did the MI5 and MI6 need help from the professional disinformant
Oswald LeWinter?

The CIA and the British security and intelligence services have always
been close partners. In difficult situations, they always support each other.
Being accused - as MI5 and MI6 were - of having been involved in a fatal
accident in which a princess is killed can be considered to be among the
worst that can happen to a national service. The population's and the authorities'
confidence was at stake.

We have previously shown that LeWinter worked for both the FBI and the
CIA, and there are also reports that he worked for the Israeli intelligence
service Mossad. He was apparently one of the CIA's most experienced disinformants,
with broad international experience. His various operations suggest that
he has his nerves under control even in very difficult situations. Hence,
he was evidently a natural choice for the CIA when it was asked to put a
good disinformant to the disposal of the agencies in the UK.

Hence, Oswald LeWinter undertook operations that affected a US presidential
election, he helped to conceal the traces of those responsible for the murder
of the Swedish Prime Minister, and now he helped acquit the British intelligence
and security services from all accusations about surveillance of Diana and
Dodi and involvement in the tragic car accident.

This shows not only the cynicism of these intelligence services, but
also the ruthlessness of a well paid tradesman in disinformation around
murder and political intrigues. We will later return to other LeWinter-operations
in this trade.

This makes it easier to understand why not even Al Fayed, after he had
uncovered the CIA's and the FBI's protection of LeWinter, was able to get
hold of the evidence that these were LeWinter's principals.

It doesn't surprise us that it looks like the FBI also kept secret to
the Al Fayed family that the FBI already many years earlier, in connection
with the Palme murder, had informed Swedish authorities that LeWinter was
a fraudster who operated on his own behalf.

SÄPO and the Foreign Ministry

If LeWinter had been unmasked early as a professional disinformant during
the investigation of the Palme murder, his later operations, such as the
operation against Al Fayed, would have been unthinkable.

Neither the Swedish Foreign Ministry nor the Swedish security service
SÄPO apparently followed the developments in the Princess Diana matter.
Given all the publicity around this event and the serious allegations, it
is strange if these institutions never caught on to LeWinter's name, which
they knew well from the Palme investigation (see some examples from the
extensive international media coverage of LeWinter in the reference section
below).

If the Swedish Foreign Ministry and SÄPO had done their proper job,
and informed the Palme investigators about LeWinter's operations against
the Al Fayed family, PU would have been able to resume its investigation
and discover the lead that could have solved the murder.

Finally, if the Al Fayed family had learned about LeWinter's disinformation
campaign in Sweden (as well as all the others), they might have succeeded
in their efforts to discover LeWinter's principals and partners, and to
get access to all other relevant information.

But none of this happened.

Many questions remain about the Foreign Ministry's as well as SÄPO's
performance. We will return to these questions in a later article.

Conclusions

We have established the many connections and common denominators that
link the three disinformants together to a group, and we have shown that
they all three, separately and together, had close connections with the
CIA and FBI. We have also recounted the enormous efforts of the FBI to protect
Herrmann and LeWinter, and indirectly also Harkavy. Together, this represented
a very effective protection of the entire group.

We believe this is sufficient to conclude on the first three points from
the introduction "beyond all reasonable doubt."

In forthcoming articles, we will continue to provide information, analysis
and assessments that in the same way will establish a foundation for points
4 and 5.

Let's repeat that it is very hard in a case like this to present a small
set of documents as evidence that immediately removes all doubt. Solving
a case involving secret services require painstaking combination of multiple
pieces of evidence combined with analysis and complementary knowledge, before
the truth can emerge.

Our task is to draw conclusions at a level that shows that it is necessary
for the Swedish authorities to start a new investigation into the murder
of Olof Palme, in cooperation with today's US authorities - that are able
to provide the necessary documents.

PART 5: Pennsylvania - William Penn - "The New Sweden" and
the murder of PM Olof Palme.

Sources

(For other sources, see section 1-3).

Associated Press Online (2000): US to be sued in Diana Case. 30 August.

Bainerman, Joel (1992): The crimes of a President. Spi Books.

Blum, William (1995): Killing Hope; US Military and CIA interventions.
Common Courage Press.

Bondeson, Jan (2005): Blood on the Snow: The Killing of Olof Palme. Cornell
University Press.