Eastern North Carolinians
in the Union Army:
The First and Second North Carolina
Union Volunteer Regiments

By Dr. Donald E. Collins

The War Between the States was truly a civil war in every sense of
the word. Although the popular image is of North fighting South, it is
also true that Northerners in significant numbers supported the South,
and Southerners in significant numbers fought for the North. Eighty-five
[White] Union army regiments were recruited in the Confederate States:
51 from Tennessee; 10 each from Arkansas and Louisiana; 4 from North Carolina
and Texas; 2 from Florida; and 1 each from Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia,
Mississippi, and Virginia. While many of these Southern Unionists confined
their service to within their native states, many others took active roles
in fighting against the Southern Confederacy. Alabama and Tennessee Union
regiments fought under Sherman in the Atlanta campaign and joined him for
his March to the Sea. At least two Tennessee regiments fought at Fort Fisher,
occupied Wilmington, fought at Avrasboro and Bentonville, occupied Raleigh,
and were present at Johnston's surrender at Bennett Place.

North Carolina's four [White] Union regiments were: the First and
Second North Carolina Union Volunteer Infantry, and the Second and Third
North Carolina Mounted Infantry. The two mounted infantry regiments were
stationed in Knoxville, Tennessee and saw service primarily in the mountains
of Western North Carolina and Tennessee. The two infantry regiments were
organized in eastern North Carolina and remained in that region for the
entire war. This paper deals exclusively with these latter two Eastern
North Carolina regiments.

Why did 1,300 men from the counties of Eastern North Carolina go
against their native state and join the Union army? The answer is complex
and is not simply loyalty to the United States and/or opposition to slavery.
The nucleus of the First and Second North Carolina regiments, those who
entered in the first enthusiastic burst of recruiting, were anti-slavery
men who opposed secession. That, however, is even too simple an explanation.
As pointed out by historian Wayne K. Durrill in his book A War of Another
Kind, in describing the war in Washington
County [See: Tidbits], it was a form of class warfare of haves versus
have-nots -- the poor whites and small yeoman farmers who opposed and acted
against their wealthy slave holding planter neighbors. Such men rushed
to join a Union army that would help them punish the secessionist planter
class.

Union soldiers were amused and impressed by the desire for vengeance
of these Unionist North Carolinians. As described by a correspondent for
the New York Tribune, they maintained "bitter and malignant
feelings toward their disloyal neighbors and hated slavery and slave holders
whom they believed to be responsible for their condition. The earliest
North Carolina Union soldiers were "carried away with the idea that
when they became soldiers they would be licensed to shoot down indiscriminately
every disloyal citizen to the government they could find, and appropriate
all of the property belonging to such persons to their own comfort, or
to the benefit of the Government. " These Unionists were less anti-slavery
than pro-white labor. They wished to end slavery as the first step toward
deporting Blacks from the country -- to the benefit of the white working
man.

Later recruits brought new motivations for enlisting in the First
and Second North Carolina regiments. Beginning in late 1863, following
the Southern defeat at Gettysburg and the down turn of the war for the
Confederacy, Confederate deserters in increasing numbers found the North
Carolina regiments to be safe havens from the war and from potential punishment
if they returned to their former Southern units. While precise statistics
on this are unavailable, it is known that at least 34 of the 97 members
of Company F, Second North Carolina Union Volunteers were deserters from
the Confederate army.

The economic incentives of Union service attracted many poor whites
who were motivated by the introduction of bounties that paid recruits $100
for enlisting in 1862, and increasing to $300 in December 1863. This amounted
to more than a year's pay for many destitute North Carolinians.

Economic incentives also attracted poor men with families. The government
found that when it took on the poor of North Carolina, it also took on
their families. The very enormity of the numbers of destitute families
in its ranks proved to be an embarrassment for the government which, in
trying to solve it acted in the roll of parent and welfare organization.

Finally, the fear of Confederate retribution for joining the enemy
was mitigated by Union promises of protection. Volunteers in the Buffalo
regiments were promised that "the Government of the United States
would protect them and their families to the last extreme; and ... the
Southern men who placed themselves under the protection of the [American]
flag would, by fighting in the ranks of our army. . ., be looked upon as
special wards of the Government; and that any outrage perpetrated upon
them, or their families, would be severely punished." North Carolinians
took this promise seriously and were bitter whenever it broke down.

The military status of the First and Second North Carolina regiments
was that of Home Guards. Recruiting
posters attracted Unionists and others with promises that service would
be local and that under no circumstances would they be required to leave
North Carolina. As home guards, their primary military roll was defense
service at garrison towns where they served as artillerists in blockhouses,
manned outposts, and did picket duty. Rarely did they work alone when beyond
the garrison towns, but rather in cooperation with elements of Northern
regiments. More active service included serving as scouts for Northern
units and participating in reconnaissance missions--again acting in concert
with non-North Carolina regiments. Perhaps the most hazardous duty involved
recruiting forays into the no-man's land of the Albemarle Sound and Roanoke/Chowan
rivers region where they were regularly harassed by small bands of Confederate
guerillas.

Active combat, with certain exceptions, was avoided, and normally
took place during Confederate offensives against the garrison towns. The
localized nature of the Home Guards doubtlessly attracted recruits to the
Union regiments who, regardless of loyalty, wished to avoid frontline service
in either army. During the latter years of the war, this feature attracted
Southern draft-dodgers and Confederate deserters who saw the Buffalo regiments
as a convenient way to sit out the war in relative safety or to avoid punishment
upon returning to their original Confederate units.

By the summer of 1861, President Abraham Lincoln had already begun
to recruit Southern regiments in Tennessee and Virginia. But when Charles
Henry Foster, a Maine native who edited a newspaper in Murfreesboro, North
Carolina, broached the subject in August of that year, the president's
reply was that if arms were given to a regiment of Unionist North Carolinians,
they probably would not remain in their hands long.

Lincoln's attitude changed soon after the Union
occupation of Hatteras, North Carolina on August 28 of the same year.
His reversal was largely a result of the influence of Colonel Rush C. Hawkins
of the Ninth New York Volunteers, a.k.a. the Hawkins Zouaves. He was a
compassionate Union officer whose concern for the Union people of North
Carolina would not end with the conclusion of the war. Hawkins, left in
command of the forts at Hatteras Inlet by General Benjamin Butler, became
convinced that a third of North Carolina could be back in the Union within
a short time if the government would send sufficient forces to protect
those North Carolinians who wished to return to their allegiance to the
Federal, government.

On August 30, 1861, a delegation of Hatteras citizens met Hawkins
to state their loyalty and request the protection of the army. The following
day thirty citizens appeared to take the oath of allegiance to the United
States. Within a week, Hawkins reported to his superiors that two hundred
and fifty people had taken the oath, and "they are still coming in."
He suggested that "troops could be raised here for the purpose of
suppressing the rebellion in North Carolina upon the assurance that they
would not be called on to go out of the state. Hawkins' report came to
Lincoln's attention. As a result, he changed his mind on North Carolinians
in the Federal service and authorized Hawkins to "accept the services
of such loyal North Carolinians, not to exceed one regiment, as in his
neighborhood may volunteer to take up arms for the United States. He reported
that fifty or sixty men enlisted and were assigned to garrison duty. However,
there are no muster rolls for such a unit, and no other evidence of this
enlistment is on record. Union meetings continued to spread throughout
the mainland counties, nevertheless, giving continued encouragement to
Hawkins and his fellow officers.

The first concrete proof of North Carolinians enlisting in separate
Union organization had to await the conquest of the coastal section of
the state from New Bern northward. Following, the capture of New Bern,
Beaufort, Fort Macon, and Morehead City, Unionists increasingly met in
organized groups in support of the occupying army. In Craven County, citizens
met under the leadership of Frederick Alford to form the Craven County
Home Guards and invited all "loyal residents" to join.

The nucleus of the First North Carolina Regiment was formed in April,
1862, shortly after the occupation of the town known then and now as Little
Washington, North Carolina. Mayor Isaiah Respess, after "partaking
a social glass" with Union officers aboard their boat in the Pamlico
River, prepared the way for a force under Lieutenant Commander A. Murray
to land at the town's wharf. Murray marched his men to the Court House,
raised the American flag, had his band play "Dixie," and won
over some of the towns people by handing out several hundred bushels of
confiscated meal and corn to the poor. The naval commander wrote to his
superiors that the "woods and swamps of this and [adjacent] Hyde County
are represented as being alive with refugees from the [Confederate] draft
.... They are deep and bitter in their denunciation of the Secession heresy,
and promise a regiment if called to aid in the restoration of the flag."
In addition, delegations from other parts of the county called on him and
offered to raise Union companies in their towns ... if he [would] furnish
them with arms." Hyde County, he reported, was "still more enthusiastic
and outspoken for the Union" than Carteret. [See:
Sylvester McGowan Letters]

Soon after Murray's arrival in Little Washington, Union sympathizers
in Carteret County chose John R. Respess, the mayor's son, to make an offer
to General Burnside of "a regiment of loyal men" from the county.
The general accepted Respess' proposal, and the First North Carolina Union
Volunteer Regiment was born. Captain Edward E. Potter of General John Foster's
staff was promoted to Colonel and made regimental commander. Respess was
placed second in command with the rank of Acting Lieutenant Colonel, a
position he would soon resign, perhaps because of concern for his father
who was on trial in Richmond for collaboration with the enemy. The junior
Respess would later enlist in the regiment as a private.

On May 1, 1861, enlistment posters appeared addressed "TO
THE PEOPLE OF EASTERN NORTH CAROLINA," informing them that General
Burnside, in command of the Department of North Carolina, had authorized
the raising of a regiment in the eastern part of the state. Prospective
recruits were informed that the regiment would be "under the protection
of the United States," and that they would be paid, clothed, and fed
by the Federal government. They were further informed that the regiment
was "intended for the protection of loyal citizens." As a final
note, those "able to bear arms" but who failed to join, were
subtly warned with a veiled threat that the "Government [would not]
protect those "who make no effort to protect themselves." The
poster was signed by Potter and Respess. A second broadside, also signed
by Potter, promised prospective recruits that they would not only remain
in North Carolina, but that they would not be moved from the county of
enlistment except for battalion drill or emergency.

Although the First North Carolina had it's start in Little Washington
in April, most historians incorrectly credit the regiment's origin to a
meeting between Hawkins and Lieutenant Charles W. Flusser with a group
of Washington County Unionists in Plymouth on June 12, 1862. It was reported
that within four days, enough men enlisted to fill a company of the First
North Carolina. Hawkins stationed a company of his Ninth New York regiment
in Plymouth to protect the new company, and Flusser stationed gunboats
in the river nearby. Recruiting posts were established in the northeastern
counties in August. This proved to be hazardous duty as Union authority
was effective only in the few towns garrisoned by the army. Beyond those
points was a no-man's land in which irregular Confederate and Union guerilla
units made life uncomfortable for both sides. Companies D and E were recruited
in these counties under the most trying circumstances. Chicago native Captain
Enos Sanders of Company D, upon returning from a recruiting expedition
to Pasquotank County in September, found that local guerillas had captured
men and equipment from his home base at Shiloh in Camden County. During
the following months numbers of his men would be killed, wounded, and captured
in ambush and small-scale attacks by local guerilla or home guard units.
His own brother, a lieutenant in the company, was shot to death while walking
in Elizabeth City. Sander's attempt at revenge led to his arrest for murder,
and subsequent release when the evidence mysteriously disappeared. The
initial recruiting for Company E was begun by Lieutenant John Fairless,
described as a "hard-drinking, fast-living Gates county farm boy from
Mentonville." He turned Wingfield, the plantation home of a secessionist
doctor high on the banks of the Chowan River, as his headquarters and recruiting
base. Wingfield became notorious as a refuge for "fugitive Negroes,
lawless white men, traitors and deserters from the Confederate army."
Even union officers referred to Fairless' men as "our home guard thieves."
The report made by Lieutenant Thomas Woodward who visited Wingfield on
September 18, 1862, is worth reading:

". . . I found, out of sixty three recruits, only twenty present;
the others had gone to their homes or elsewhere as they chose. The captain
was in a state of intoxication, threatening to shoot some of the remaining
men, and conducting himself in a most disgraceful manner by taking one
man's horse and making other people pay him the money to pay for them,
and this, too, from people who are well disposed toward our Government....
He has no control over his men and [by] the manner in which he conducts
himself he is doing much injury to the U. S. Government. Some of the men
that have gone have taken their arms or guns with them; the ammunition
has all been smuggled out and sold to citizens for liquor; what remaining
arms there were I took on board for safe-keeping.... His men say they will
serve under him no longer. They are now left in charge of a man they call
lieutenant, with no clothing, no rations; are dependent on the county for
subsistence."

Fairless was shot to death the following month during a drunken argument
with a private in his own company.

The last quarter of 1862 found the men of the First North Carolina
heavily involved in a Congressional campaign to elect a representative
to Congress that reflected their own anti-slavery views. Charles Foster,
who had failed to interest Lincoln in creating a North Carolina regiment
in 1861, returned to the state in September 1862 as Recruiting Officer
for North Carolina with the rank of Captain in the army. Foster had failed
in an earlier attempt at a Congressional seat through a sham government
on the Outer Banks. Now he hoped to try again. He had the full support
of the North Carolina regiments, but was opposed by Edward Stanly, the
Military Governor appointed by Lincoln. The election was set for January
1, 1863. Stanley imported a former North Carolinian from Washington, D.C.
named Jennings Pigott to oppose Foster. He also set regulations for voting
that allowed persons loyal to the Confederacy to vote, and worked against
Foster's candidacy. North Carolina Unionists came to hate the Governor
because he opposed emancipation of slaves and wanted to restore North Carolina
to the Union with the same social and political conditions as it had before
secession.

Free Labor Associations supported and sometimes led by soldiers of
the First North Carolina held meetings throughout the Union-occupied areas
designed to recruit for the regiment and support Foster's candidacy. The
Buffalo soldiers believed that slavery needed to be ended as the first
step toward deportation of Negroes. They therefore insisted upon the vigorous
and prompt enforcement of the Confiscation and Emancipation acts."
They even threatened their own candidate and superior officer, Captain
Foster, with the loss of their support if he failed to come out against
slavery. On election day, Pigott came in first, with Foster second, despite
receiving the unanimous vote of the First North Carolina. In response,
an indignation meeting was held at the Court House at Beaufort on January
6, 1863. It was chaired by Abraham Congleton, a sixty-two year old private
and Pitt County native in the First North Carolina and president of the
Carteret Free Labor Association. Congleton had two sons in the First North
Carolina and was reputed to be the man who first proposed free suffrage
in the state and the abolition of land qualifications to vote. The meeting
produced a strongly worded resolution that concluded with the statement
that: as native citizens of North Carolina, and loyal men who have taken
up arms for the Union,. . . and inasmuch as the majority of our regiment
were disfranchised through the trickery and meanness of Gov. Stanly and
his confederates .... we protest against the recognition of the election
of the said 'Jennings Pigott.'" In addition, forty-five "loyal
Union citizens of Carteret County," members of Company F, and thirty-six
members of Company G, petitioned Congress not to seat Pigott because he
had the support of secessionists. On February 14, 1863, the House Committee
of Elections reported against Pigott's right to a seat in Congress since
the 864 total votes cast in the election was insufficient given the number
of voters in the district. Governor Stanly resigned on January.... The
army, navy, and Union citizens in the state strongly opposed appointment
of a successor, and none was appointed. Following the occupation of eastern
North Carolina by the Burnside Expedition in February and March 1862, the
military situation remained fairly static until Confederate General Robert
Hoke's capture of Plymouth in April 1864. Early plans for conquering inland
cities disappeared with removal of General Burnside's troops in June 1862
to join General George McClellan in the Peninsula Campaign. Most military
activity consisted of small expeditions of short duration, but never to
capture and hold territory.

North Carolinians did not expect to participate in major battles
given their roll as garrison troops. However, on September 6, 1862, the
Buffalo recruits of less than four months service found themselves in the
most intense three-hour fight of their lives. At 4:00 a.m. that morning
it was still dark, and the fog added to the poor visibility. Regimental
Commander Colonel Potter was in the saddle riding out of town on the Plymouth
road for a planned attack on Hamilton, North Carolina, with five companies
of cavalry. The North Carolinians of companies A and B and two companies
of the Twenty-fourth Massachusetts were sound asleep in their barracks
on the banks of the Pamlico River. That was the situation when Colonel
S. D. Poole with detachments of the Seventeenth, Fifty-sixth, and Eighth
North Carolina regiments, and seventy men from the Tenth Artillery acting
as infantry stormed into Washington, passed the pickets, and surrounded
the still-sleeping garrison. The Buffalo soldiers and their Northern comrades
answered calls for surrender by firing their weapons out the windows. [See:
Battle of Washington, NC]

The sounds of firing alerted the departing cavalry on the Plymouth
road who wheeled around and charged down First, Second, and Third streets
in the darkness towards the Confederates. For three hours, cavalry charged
the streets, infantry fired from behind fences and between houses, and
artillery fired from cross streets. Sergeant William McGowan of Company
B died in trying to retrieve a field piece after two previous crews had
been killed. Sergeant Thomas Jewell was wounded with his wife and child
when he tried to lead them to safety from their home. By the time the Confederates
retreated in the direction of Greenville, two North Carolina Union soldiers
died and seven were wounded, and Colonel Potter's horse was shot from under
him. Little Washington was saved from capture only by the timely action
of the gunboat "Louisiana" which placed it's fire through the
streets with deadly effect. Confederate losses were severe.

On November 8, 1862, seventeen men of the First North Carolina under
Lieutenant John B. McLane, with a combined force of thirty-seven other
soldiers and sailors, boarded the steamer North State in Little
Washington, and traveled up the Tar River to capture Greenville. At 9:00
p.m., a sandbar blocked the way, and the men transferred to a flat boat
and launch. They landed at Greenville under a flag of truce and took possession
of the town, which was surrendered by the mayor. Shortly thereafter, shots
were fired from the bridge, and one Federal soldier was killed. In retaliation
for firing on a flag of truce, the bridge was set on fire and ten Greenville
citizens were taken prisoner back to Little Washington.

The following month, the Seventeenth North Carolina Regiment got
some measure of revenge with the capture and destruction of much of Plymouth.
The town was held by approximately two hundred men of the Third Massachusetts
Infantry, Company C of the First North Carolina, and Company L, aka the
First North Carolina Cavalry as the men of this unit preferred to style
themselves. Between four and five a.m. a combined force of Confederate
infantry, artillery, and cavalry pushed into the town with such speed that
the Union troops were forced to break formation and retreat to the customs
house. The Confederate artillery disabled the U.S.S. Southfield in the
river, then turned it's guns on the building in which the North Carolina
and Massachusetts troops had taken refuge. For an hour, groups of Confederates
moved up and down the street burning buildings, including the headquarters
of Company C, with all its official records. During the battle, this company
escaped without casualties, while the North Carolina cavalry reported one
wounded and three men taken prisoner. The families of the two Buffalo companies
were reported to be left "in a distressful condition," without
a change of clothing.

By January 1863, the First North Carolina Regiment had grown to eight
companies. Regimental headquarters and companies A and B were located in
Little Washington. Two companies, D and E, were located respectively at
Elizabeth City and Wingfield on recruiting service, while C and L were
at Plymouth. Of the last two companies, F was at Beaufort and G at New
Bern. Two more companies would be added: H and I at Hatteras Inlet.

From January through March, 1863, military affairs were comparatively
routine for the First North Carolina. In January, Lieutenant Nathaniel
Sanders, brother of Captain Enos Sanders was killed from ambush while he
and two others walked home from a party in Elizabeth City. This was rapidly
followed by the ambush of the family of one of Sander's officers as they
were returning from their home in Pasquotank county. Sander's would eventually
be arrested for murder for the punishment he inflicted on one of the suspects.
He would be released, however, when the evidence mysteriously disappeared.
In March, Company
G under Lieutenant George Joy, with a company of the Third New York
Cavalry, was involved in several skirmishes during a five-day expedition
around Lake Mattamuskeet and Swan Quarter. In addition to the loss of one
man, this expedition nearly resulted in the court martial of Lt. Joy when
a prisoner he had taken was paraded through New Bern in a dress with a
sign on his back that read: "Guerilla caught fighting in women's clothing,
and protected by Governor Stanly." The governor ignored the insult
and pardoned Joy, a man he knew as editor of the Union army newspaper in
New Bern.

On February 28, 1863, General D. H. Hill was ordered to attack Little
Washington and New Bern in order to create a diversion to protect Confederate
supply trains that were then foraging in the northeastern counties. After
failing to take New Bern on March 14, he turned his attention to Little
Washington. Generals Lee and Longstreet, concerned over the loss of life
in a frontal assault, ordered Hill to take the town by siege. The only
face-to-face combat in the nearly three week stalemate came on the night
of March 30 and morning of the 31st. Company A, under Captain Charles Lyons
was ordered to hold Rodman's Point across the river from town at all costs.
The Buffalo company threw up pickets and erected an earthwork against the
approaching Confederates. At ten p.m., Lyons' men were driven back to the
river. Fighting lasted until dawn when the North Carolinians were seen
lying in their flatboats to escape the heavy Confederate musket fire. Their
escape is credited to a Negro who jumped into the water to push the boat
off a sandbar, reputedly saying, "Somebody's got to die to get us
out of this, and it may as well be me!" The siege ended on April 15,
when General John Foster escaped Washington on the U.S.S. Escort
with plans to organize an expedition to relieve the town. This took place
at the same time that General Hill received orders to call off the siege
and return to Virginia with his army. Confederates left a departing note
at Rodman's Point stating in part: "Yankees! .... We leave you a few
bursted guns, some stray solid shots and 'a man and a brother' on the wharf
[i.e., the Negro who had saved the North Carolinians on March 31] whom
we rescued from the waves to which some foray among his equals consigned
him. But this tribute we pay you, you have acted with much gallantry during
this brief siege. We salute the pilot of the Escort." [signed]
Co. K, 32 N.C. Vols. [The "man and a brother" left on the wharf
referred to the Negro who had saved Captain Lyons' North Carolinians by
pushing off their boat at Rodman's Point.]

The siege had a number of repercussions. All civilians who refused
to take an oath of allegiance to the United States were ordered out of
all Union-occupied towns. Wingfield on the Chowan River was ordered to
be abandoned and destroyed. All North Carolina Union companies, except
those at Hatteras Inlet, were ordered to leave Elizabeth City and other
posts in the northeastern counties. Companies C, D, E, F, G, and L, which
had respectively been stationed at Plymouth, Elizabeth City, Wingfield,
Beaufort City, and New Bern, were ordered to Washington, arriving there
at the end of April. This rapid pullout of the North Carolina companies
left a significant number of men, particularly in Company E, behind to
fall into Confederate hands.

Lee's withdrawal of D. H. Hill's Confederate troops to Virginia left
Union General Foster with opportunities to carry out expeditions and raids
throughout eastern North Carolina. Many of these raids took place in the
vicinity of Greenville. Other targets included Rocky Mount, Tarboro, Swansboro,
and Kenansville. Particularly prominent in these raids was the North Carolina
Cavalry company, now under command of Captain George W. Graham, a fearless
New Yorker whose exploits earned the company the respect and admiration
of military leaders and Northern regiments in the state.

During the latter quarter of 1863 and early 1864, the Second North
Carolina Union Volunteer Regiment began to take shape under the leadership
of Captain Charles Henry Foster. The regiment was essentially a failure.
It's soldiers cared less about Unionism and Emancipation than the earlier
more politically motivated recruits of the First North Carolina. Many of
its men were ex-Confederates who were deserting in increasing numbers after
the Southern defeats at Vicksburg and Gettysburg in mid-1863. These men
had much to fear if captured since return to their former units meant certain
death. The Second North Carolina also attracted scores of poor and destitute
North Carolinians who were attracted to the service by an increase in the
enlistment bonus from one to three hundred dollars in December of 1863.
These men constantly petitioned/begged their officers to carry out expeditions
behind enemy lines to retrieve wives and children. The poor and their families
became a constant concern and worry to Federal military and civil officials.
Recruiters heatedly competed for enlistees. Threats were used and aged
men and young boys, and persons too ill and disabled were accepted and
taken into the regiment. Such tactics brought a severe rebuke from General
John Peck, in command at New Bern.

The decline of the Second North Carolina began in February 1864 during
an offensive against New Bern by Confederate forces under Generals George
Pickett and Robert Hoke. Company F, stationed on outpost duty at Beech
Grove eight miles outside of New Bern, found itself trapped behind enemy
lines. Their pleas to the New York officer in command to allow them to
lead the outpost to safety were ignored until too late. Fifty-three members
of the company were taken prisoner. Twenty-seven of these were former Confederates
who had deserted from the Southern army. Court martials were held and twenty-two
were publicly hanged within view of the citizens of Kinston. Within two
months, all but a handful of the remaining fifty-three died slower deaths
in prison camps at Richmond and Andersonville.

The executions caused shock-waves in the Union army, and struck fear
in the hearts of the North Carolina regiments. Their greatest apprehension
about being captured appeared to be confirmed -- and worse, death by hanging
instead of firing squad. Colonel Edward Ripley reported the utter demoralization
of the North Carolina soldiers. "Indeed, they are already looking
to the swamps for the protection they have so far failed of getting from
our government... I believe they will inevitably, in case of a fight, become
panic-stricken and have a bad effect on the rest of this slim command."
The men were further distracted when their regimental commander, now Lieutenant
Colonel Charles Foster, a man who was well-loved by his men, but not by
other Northern officers, was dismissed from the service.

In March, only six weeks after the hangings in Kinston, disaster
struck again. General Hoke captured Plymouth
on April 20 following a three-day battle. Most of companies B
and E of the Second North Carolina regiment were taken prisoner. The
latter company had been ordered to Beaufort the previous month and might
have been saved. The order was reversed through the pleading of Captain
Calvin Haggard of Bertie County who had argued that "we are as safe
here as anywhere in Union lines." Remembering the fate of Company
F in Kinston, North Carolina soldiers sought refuge any way possible. Private
Joseph Pritchard removed the identification from a dead New Yorker and
attempted to pass himself off as a Northern soldier. General ... Wessells,
in command at Plymouth, reported that "during the siege and in the
night a considerable number of North Carolina soldiers ... left their companies
without authority, escaping in canoes, being picked up . . by our boats
in the sound." Their conduct led to a general loss of confidence in
the North Carolina Buffalo regiments.

General I. N. Palmer wrote to his superior in Fort Monroe that General
Peck "not only has no confidence in them, but that he fears they will
desert to the enemy." Palmer himself had little faith in the North
Carolinians and their steadfastness in the face a very superior force.

The loss at Plymouth led to another disgraceful incident involving
the North Carolina soldiers. On the same day as the surrender at Plymouth,
General Palmer ordered the evacuation of Little Washington and the removal
of the North Carolina companies to New Bern. "Not a particle of property
was to be destroyed," he said in his order, "as the move was
not being made in the face of the enemy." Despite this, the Northern
occupation troops went on a three day rampage that began at the quartermaster's
store of the First North Carolina. The Buffaloes of Company L joined Northern
soldiers and sailors, Negroes, and in some instances citizens. Gangs of
men patrolled the city, breaking into houses and wantonly destroying everything
that they could not carry away. Officers were ignored, and the pillaging
ended only when there was nothing left to plunder. To make matters worse,
two fires, one purposely set to destroy the bridge, spread and burned much
of the town. General Palmer was outraged, calling his own men an "army
of vandals," who were "not soldiers, but thieves and scoundrels.
"

To add to the problems of the North Carolinians, two thousand refugees,
mostly their wives and children, flooded into New Bern, Beaufort, and other
towns, in need of care. For months, the Union army served as a giant welfare
agency for these dispossessed persons. Pleas for aid were published in
the Northern press, the U. S. Sanitary Commission extended its aid to include
destitute whites, collections were taken up among Northern regiments, and
North Carolina soldiers were detailed to build houses for the families
of the Buffalo regiments. A tent city, to be replaced later by cottages,
arose for these families on the banks of Core Sound near Beaufort. These
deteriorated within months due to the poor upkeep by its residents.

Despite their low esteem among the army leadership, recruiting for
the North Carolina regiments would continue well into 1865. A new Conscription
Act, passed by Congress in July, 1964 provided that each Northern state
was at liberty to obtain substitutes in the States in insurrection and
have them credited to her quota. This turned the occupied eastern sections
of North Carolina into prime recruiting territory. Service in the North
Carolina regiments could now be credited to fill the quotas of Northern
states. The August 8, 1864 issue of the North Carolina times reported that
"agents for recruiting for the loyal States are thicker in New Berne
than locusts, and every boat continues to bring more." General William
Tecumseh Sherman was appalled. His criticism, published in the New Bern
paper, complained that "the duty of citizens to fight for their country
is too sacred a one to be peddled off by buying up the refuse of other
States." The contest for men attracted corrupt agents who recruited
men of their states, then sold the lists to other recruiters to be credited
to yet other states.

For the remainder of the war, the North Carolinians, with the exception
of Captain Graham's cavalry company, occupied themselves primarily with
garrison duty in Beaufort, New Bern, Hatteras Inlet, Morehead City, and
Fort Macon. The
Second North Carolina regiment, severely reduced in number following the
capture of three of its (five/six??) companies at Beech Grove and Plymouth,
and with the loss of its regimental commander due to wounds received in
a skirmish in Little Washington in January, 1865, was dissolved and consolidated
with the First North Carolina regiment on February 27, 1865.

The First North Carolina cavalry, under Captain Graham, continued
to win headlines and the commendations of Northern military leaders. In
mid-February 1865, his company of North Carolinians took twenty-seven Confederates
prisoner at Haddock's Crossroads in Pitt County, then charged into Greenville,
took possession, and captured among others, Major Demill, Confederate Commissary
General and former mayor of Little Washington. He then placed his prisoners
aboard the Federal steamer Escort, and returned to New Bern. The
following month, while the remaining North Carolinians remained on garrison
duty, Graham's cavalry joined the Union drive to link up with General Sherman's
army at Goldsboro. The North Carolina Buffalo Yankee cavalry company fought
against North Carolina Confederates at Gum Swamp and Wise's Fork. This
closed the war for the Unionist North Carolinians. The First North Carolina
was mustered out of Union service in June, 1865.

In June 1869, the flags of the First North Carolina Union Volunteers
were placed in the office of Governor William Woods Holden by a guard of
honor of United States soldiers. The Raleigh newspaper, in reporting the
ceremony, commented that the "day has arrived when the men who fought
under these colors are honored among the foremost of the Union heroes.
It noted that some of its members had gone on to serve the state as secretary
of state (Surgeon Henry Menninger), state senator (Lt. Joseph Etheridge
of Co. E, who had resigned because of feelings of incompetence to lead;
Col. W. A. Moore, senator from Carteret), and as merchants, and lawyers.

The error-filled article, in praise of the North Carolina troops
turned cowardice into bravery, inaccurately pointing out that 240 state
Union soldiers, at the Battle of Plymouth, "stepped forth to sell
their lives as dearly as possible or cut their way through the lines and
escape." With time, however, North Carolinians would come to remember
only those who fought for the Confederacy. The state forgot the Buffalo
regiments that fought for the Union, and would only honor those who fought
for the Confederacy. This paper is perhaps a beginning to restoring their
memory.