Shop Organization the Base of the I. W. W.

By GEORGE HARDY

The One Big Union Monthly, June 1920

Transcriber’s Introduction

This article appeared in the June issue of The One Big Union Monthly,
during a time of growth and turmoil for the I.W.W. Thousands of
Wobblies, including the most experienced organizers and best
administrators, were in prison or under indictment for "criminal
syndicalism" or alleged violations of the Sedition and Espionage Acts.
Under the stress of relentless government persecution, internal
conflicts of personality, ideology, and practical strategy would soon
cause a split in the union from which it has not yet recovered. The
union’s membership saw a clear need for structural change, as well as
for a change in rhetoric and tactics. The following article is one
example of the proposals for change that circulated at the time. For
the existing structure of the I.W.W. in those days, see the 1919 Constitution. Many of Hardy’s recommendations were later adopted.

This
article is presented here for its historical interest, and also as a
basis for discussion towards the I.W.W.’s reconstruction—though much of
it will certainly be unacceptable to a generation of workers who know
the history of the Russian experiment with Communism, and consequently
know the dangers of centralized bureaucratic administration.*

George
Hardy joined the I.W.W. in Vancouver, B.C. in about 1909. He served as
General Secretary-Treasurer in 1921. In 1925 he was in England as a
representative of the Comintern, and in the 1930s he represented that
organization in South Africa. His autobiography is Those Stormy Years. Memories of the Fight for Freedom on Five Continents (1956).

In the following transcript from The One Big Union Monthly I have corrected obvious misprints but left Hardy’s ideosyncratic punctuation and spelling unchanged.

Shop Organization the Base of the I. W. W.

British Shop-Stewards

Much
discussion is going on in the ranks of labor, as to what is the best
form of organization to give power to the workers in industry. This is
an indication of discontent with the American Federation of Labor, and
all other craft forms of unionism, which in reality is not unionism at
all. The primary cause for discussion can be attributed to the advent
of the Shopsteward Movement in Great Britain, which was brought about
during the war, because the officials of the great trade unions pledged
labor’s support to the Government, and who afterwards were prevented
from participation in strikes, by the Defense of the Realms Act and the
Munitions Act, thereby forcing into existence the unofficial movement,
due to the abnormal conditions prevailing.

There has been a
desperate attempt to make this shopstewards’ system fit American
conditions by all and sundry. Especially is this true of some of the
bourgeois and semi-bourgeois minded people, who claim to be
revolutionary; while on the other hand, the members of the
Shopstewards’ Movement in Great Britain state frankly, they would be in
the I. W. W. if resident in U. S. However, the Shopsteward Movement
does fit British conditions, because of tradition etc.

Reason for Continuity

The
above position of the British militants is absolutely correct, because
the "Industrial Workers of the World" is thoroly in harmony with
capitalist development and the labor conditions prevailing in America.
There are less than ten per cent of the workers organized in this
country, as against fifty per cent in the British Isles; with
considerably weaker unions existing amongst the American workers, than
those of the British workers. The I. W. W. has stood the battle for
fifteen years—this alone proves its continuity inevitable and in
conformity to Economic Evolution. The I. W. W. admits of changes
necessary to prevent the organization from becoming obsolete, as the
craft unions have. This is because its constitution is an elastic
one—it has changed many times.

Necessary to Change

Today
again we are confronted with the necessity of changing our form and
tactics, due largely to the fact, that rapid changes are taking place
in the economic world, and the apparent blood-thirsty tactics of the
masters of industry. Therefore I submit the following program for
consideration—not as "my" program—but as a program evolved out of the
accumulated knowledge of the past; gathered by reading and discussion
with my fellow workers, and an analysis of the position of the
proletariat to the economic necessity of abolishing the system of
private ownership, together with the avaricious, trustified masters—the
capitalist class.

During the last two years many plans have
been submitted. Some members are willing to stay by the "Old Ship"’
(the I. W. W.) without applying modern machinery to run it. Others want
to change its name. To the thinking portion of the members both plans
are equally disastrous—you cannot fool the ruling class! What is
necessary now is new machinery to run it. We must abolish that part
which has served its purpose, and install the most uptodate equipment
the modern mind can conceive of, or we will be operating at a loss of
prestige—a loss of membership—the crew will become too small to run the
big ship, and we will land in some future storm on the rocks. This is
financially evident today. We can, however, insure the future by
installing new, modern, efficient and uptodate machinery of ad
ministration, to discharge the rotting cargo—capita1ism. Let us do it
today.

Efficiency calls first for an organization with its
basis on the job, with rank and file control from the bottom up to the
highest office; second, that administrative councils be created to
admit of joint action from the job to the whole of the organization;
third, that a regional council should exist to execute business that
interests the whole working class community; fourth, that a defense
council shall be maintained for the purpose of caring for members who
have temporarily ceased to be industrial workers, because of their
incarceration by the capitalist class; fifth, that at all times the
prerogative shall be in the hands of the members on the job; sixth,
instead of District Offices for each industrial union, supply stations
should be opened jointly.

The picture will get bigger if you expand this window. To see it full-sized, click on it.

The
above can only be gained by having a Union formed along the lines
indicated in the chart. I do not, however, claim its application should
be hard and rigid; but, I do claim the principle with slight variations
can be applied to all industries which we seek to organize.

Job Branches and Committees

The
job branches as set out are the base of all action, whether,
legislative or administrative—the executive power lies always with the
workers at that base. The workers first organize the job—a mine, mill,
camp or factory—immediately they have seven members they constitute
themselves a Job Branch; hold meetings; elect a job committee, one of
whom may be elected delegate for that job. This would move the avenue
of communication from the delegate to the job. When a delegate leaves a
job, immediately one is elected in his place, and supplies given him
which were left behind by the retiring delegate. It will be seen here,
the supplies become the property of the job committee, instead of the
delegate. It will also be noticed, there will always be a delegate on
the job, and one who expresses the wishes of the group so organized,
for they elected him. They have the power to remove him if not
satisfactory. With this system in operation there can never be more
than one delegate on one job, and all jobs organized will have a
delegate.

The job committee is the administrative committee,
and attends to all matters arising on the job between meetings; such as
grievances that may arise; differences prevailing amongst the members
etc., and have power to call special meetings by a majority vote of the
members of the committee. The meetings then take up the matters on the
agenda and decide what action shall be taken.

Organized in
this way the territorial divisions, prevalent in the craft unions
disappear, for all workers meet together who work together; thus, as
the workers gain power, so they are gaining control, and will form the
basis of the future administration of industry under the Co-operative
Commonwealth—Industrial Communism.

There are many workers who
work in separate factories and jobs, who will be found to be working
for the same master in a given piece of territory or a large city. We
also know, that modern industrial capitalists are all organized
industrially and territorially, so we must look on them as a class—the
exploiting class—with the above divisions for efficiency amongst
themselves; so, we must, therefore, unite our forces on the jobs to be
able to meet them in open combat.

Central Branch Council

The
Central Branch Council is fitted for meeting the opposition, and taking
the aggression against the locally organized industrial groups of
capitalists. The central branch council is made up of delegates from
the job branches, who will meet as often as the job branches
represented on the council decide, consistent with urgency, distance
and expense, etc. They could meet oftener in highly centralized
communities than where distance is an obstacle. A council ought to be
formed as soon as seven job branches have been organized. If the job
branches were large in membership, one could be formed with a less
number. Representation could be had on a pro-rata basis, say, one
delegate for every one hundred or any part thereof. The Central Branch
Council’s function is legislative. It is to enable the workers to come
in contact with each other through their duly elected representatives,
who would receive instructions from their job branches, and deliberate,
with their fellow workers in relation to the issues under discussion.
Here we find that one delegate would bring up a question never thought
of by some of the other delegates, so without instruction they would
use their best judgment and vote accordingly. The decisions would be
ratified by the members of the job branch. We must also concede that
large bodies of men become unwieldy and cannot make the best decisions.
They can also be played upon by eloquent popular orators. The central
branch council would deal with facts alone, and members would act [here a line is missing in the original] from the council by the rank and file.

Industrial District Council

Several
central branch councils could exist in an industrial district like some
of the large mining districts, lumber districts, coastal districts of
marine transport workers and agricultural districts, etc. This would
necessitate an Industrial District Council being organized, to
co-ordinate all the activities of a district within a given industry.
The industrial district council would be made up of delegates from the
central branch council, with a delegate for every 500 members
affiliated or less. Again we must bear in mind the job branches would
ratify the election of any delegate to the district council which would
meet as often as conditions demanded, say every six months, and
consistent with finance, urgency, etc.

This is absolutely
necessary for drawing up uniform demands in a district where natural
industrial divisions exist, such as in the logging industry where
different machinery is used to get out the logs. These districts should
not exist with territorial divisions where these natural divisions
exist—the uniform methods of industry in the district would demand
common council with each other—besides unity of action compels the
workers to adopt modern ways of accomplishing Solidarity. Instead of
striking separately, the workers would carry their grievances—if not
settled locally—to the industrial district council. This would produce
efficiency and a stability which would give ECONOMIC POWER to the
WORKERS’ ONE BIG UNION.

Today we know that our interests are
identical, that is, if we are workers. We also believe, that an
organization which still maintains that the workers have interests in
common with their employers—the parasites—is serving the masters’
interests, as opposed to the workers’ interests. Yes, the above is
generally true. The workers almost without exception nowadays, admit
they are fleeced daily by the profiteer, which means, they are
subconscious of the wolves in sheep’s clothing—the Industrial Kings of
the World, who rob us daily at the point of production.

General Industrial District Council

In
so far as the workers have interests in common, they must organize into
a General Industrial District Council. This would be done as soon as
two or more industrial district councils existed in a district. It
would not be necessary for this body to meet very often; say, once a
year, if nothing of a critical nature came up appertaining to the
interest of the whole district. Representatives or delegates from the
central branch councils would meet, and comprise the general industrial
district council, on the same pro-rata basis as the central branch
council—thus we create co-hesion within a district—District Solidarity.

There
will not be any permanent offices attached to the above councils, as
they are purely creative or legislative. They must be so because they
come from the job, and only workers who work on the job either by hand
or brain are entitled to legislate or create machinery to govern their
affairs. They know best! This does not mean that if some specialized
work needs to be done, they must place a worker from the job to do it.
No, they will hire the most efficient man to do the work.

Executives of Councils

The
above councils, central branch, district and general, will all have
their executives, who will attend to all matters as they arise during
the intervals between conferences or meetings, and call into
session—with permission of the job branches—emergency conferences, if a
critical condition arises which demands immediate and important action
that only a conference can settle. The office force of the clearing
house or supply station, will be under the jurisdiction of the
executive of the general industrial district council, who will go over
books from time to time and see that efficiency is maintained, and
render a report to the job branches.

Supply Stations

In
districts which are a long way from the head quarters of the industrial
unions, and where two or more industrial unions are operating, supply
stations should be opened where delegates elected on the jobs can
obtain supplies. All that would be necessary for the maintenance of
this supply house would be a supply book and delegates’ credentials
etc., with a Report Sheet for the daily supplies sent out and money
received, which should be sent to the industrial union headquarters
every day. Of course a duplicate of the work done would be kept on file
for comparison, should a mistake arise. In this fashion, there would be
no need for Index Cards, etc., together with the unnecessary work
caused by duplicating the work at this office. The up-keep of this
office would be maintained by those using it on a proportionate basis.

Form Union on Job

We
are inevitably, always forced back to the ground work of organization,
which always leads to the job. So we find, to form an industrial union
is, not to open an office, but to go to the job and form a job
branch—this is the foundation. It becomes unnecessary to open an office
to do organization work for a particular industry, since there is in
existence a general headquarters of all the industrial unions already
organized. The job branch once formed could get its supplies from
general headquarters temporarily, where a set of books could be kept
under the jurisdiction of the G. E. B. When several small industrial
unions exist, one bookkeeper and stenographer could be hired at
headquarters to do the work, until they grow large enough to warrant
the existence of separate offices with machinery. Then industrial
charters should be issued. We come now to the Industrial Union.

Industrial Union

After
5,000 members have been attained, Industrial Union Headquarters could
be opened. Remember, by the time a union reached a membership of 5,000,
there would be in existence many central branch and district councils,
therefore, not only would the work warrant the opening of a
headquarters, but would be necessary to bring the workers together for
common action nationally. The Industrial Union would then do business
direct with the general office, distributing supplies to supply
stations and job branches, and receiving the finance and paying its
debts. A solid front would be forming like an army division, but under
no circumstances should that division go to battle before enough
recruits have made its strength almost impregnable. Never let the enemy
choose the battle ground, especially while we are still weak.

Bureau of Industry

The
General Headquarters of the Industrial Workers, organized into their
respective industrial unions, now becomes the center of the whole
working class as far as their economic interests are concerned. It is a
central active bureau of industry. Each year a conference is held and
officials elected. The most important executive of all is brought into
being thru a ballot of the membership—the General Executive Board.

Under
the jurisdiction of the G. E. B. comes the General Office, with all its
subsidiaries, such as the publishing house, etc. They also supervise
all unorganized fields where no industrial union exists to take care of
it. They assist weak industrial unions, which come under their care
because of not having attained a membership large enough to get a
charter. This does not mean the G. E. B. would be the dictators to a
newly formed union, but would work in conjunction with the rank and
file in districts where job branches exist. Under no circumstances
would the G. E. B., or the Industrial Union executives, operate
contrary to the wishes of the membership of a district, providing they
were not violating the principles laid down in the general
constitution. Always the job branches, through their central branch
councils, would decide who would be the organizer. The general office
would finance this organizer until the district had sufficient funds in
general headquarters to pay their own way.

Regional Council

To
organize industrially is not enough for a revolutionary industrial
organization to accomplish. There are other interests, which are
communal in character. It is the working class community that will
benefit by class-consciousness; not only the industrial part, but the
mothers of the rising generation—the producers of the
producers—producers par excellence. Therefore, on regional or
territorial lines, we must form a city central council.

The
City Central Council is therefore made up of delegates from the job
branches, augmented by allowing membership to the wives of the fellow
workers, providing they agree with the principles of the organization.
This ought to be done, as a mother and companion’s interests are bound
up with the conditions of her husband’s, and vice versa.

Social Center

This
city central council would carry on propaganda meetings and finance
itself thereby. This would relieve the industrial units from direct
participation, which would only be connected by their delegate on the
City Central Council. This would allow the industrial units to put in
all their energies organizing the workers on the jobs. The council will
also be the Social Center, where all the units in the industrial arena
can find an outlet for their talents; a study could be maintained with
a scientific labor library, economic classes and industrial history
classes held, concerts and dances, giving an outlet for the musicians
and singers; social dramas would be staged for those with artistic
tendencies, and a multitude of things done in this direction.

The
greatest inspiration of sincerity would be injected into the members of
the City Central Council by the recognition that they are participating
in a social council, which may be the council that will care for the
community interests when capitalism is abolished. A beginning can be
made into this work by organizing a system of food stations, also milk
stations for the babies and the sick, to be brought into existence
during real strikes. They would also during strikes set up a vigilance
council to see that no acts of violence or vandalism were committed,
and if any such acts were committed, to be in a position to place the
responsibility. This may be the nucleus of a functioning body for the
future—a Protective Council.

General Defense Council

Attached
to the general office is the General Defense’ Council, which could be
made up of the G. E. B. members, and those actively engaged in the
responsible positions within accessible distance to the meeting place.
A secretary-treasurer would be appointed through the committee. The
office is a transitionary one, for, as soon as we gain power in
industry the masters of bread who now are so urgent in their demands
for blood and prison bars would then have to meet our representatives
and would be forced to look at a condition unfavorable to
themselves—the withdrawal of our Labor Power—which would solve the
defense question.

There are several important items that come
under the control of this transient office, and as long as we are
forced into the capitalist courts—their battle ground—we must have
funds to defend our members who choose to take legal defense. The
raising of these funds, therefore, comes under control of the defense
council. Under the direct charge of this council comes the hiring of
all the legal talent necessary for adequate defense. It will be the
duty of the council to observe closely all cases that are brought to
their attention, and to decide whether the victim’s case is an
organization matter. None but those arrested for doing organization
work, or for being a member of the Union should receive defense. We
should, however, always keep in mind the tactics pursued by the masters
and not allow their camouflage to deter defense of a sincere fellow
worker.

Defense Publicity and Relief

Publicity is a
part of the general defense councils’ work. They should, through the
secretary, get out publicity matter, nationally and internationally,
and show the world how capitalism—the white terror—operates to our
detriment. Also, the speakers for the defense are controlled by the
council, who will devote their attention to the injustices of the
capitalist class—imprisoning or killing our members.

Another
important item is the caring for the wives and families of those in the
dungeons. The assistance of those needing relief should be in
proportion to their obligations and necessity for relief; sickness,
number in a family and any reasonable obligation; but, in no case,
should a self-sustaining person receive assistance. We must, however,
avoid driving our dependents to the brink of injurious poverty. We
should look upon the sons and daughters of our imprisoned comrades, at
least, as an intelligent farmer looks upon his pure-bred
stock—perpetuation of the class-conscious— which will assume some
responsibility in the future.

Industrial Departments

The
Industrial Departments have been omitted from this chart because of the
desire to avoid confusion by extra complications. All that is necessary
is to show that which is absolutely necessary today. The industrial
departments may be a factor in the future, as there are many related
industries which could not run on any anarchical scheme. For example,
the tanneries and shoe factories, iron ore mining and the steel mills,
and a number of other industries would be found closely related, if we
had time and space to go into them. However, this is a matter for the
future, as related to our immediate needs for organizing with efficient
machinery under capitalism. As we develop our union, probably a need
will arise for departments. This need is not here now; so let us deal
with the immediate.

A Real International

With a
program such as this being put into a tangible form of unionism in
every country, we are reorganizing society to carry on production in a
Free Society. The Workers’ International is in the embryo stage. At the
present time messages are received daily from all parts of the globe of
a shifting of the industrial scenery. The masters of gold have left the
world the ruins of that of which they have always been the
beneficiaries; they refuse in all cases to give assistance unless they
may still continue to exploit. Their war did this—their greed for gold.
The hope of the world’s workers lies in their ability to organize this
prostrate world. Great hope and sincerity is shown now, for there are
the great revolutionary syndicalist movements in Norway, Sweden,
Denmark, Holland, Italy, Spain, France, Portugal and other small
countries; there are the revolutionary unions in Germany with civil war
reigning; also, the workers of Austria and Hungary, making desperate
plans to recuperate since the allied white terror has been introduced;
the workers of the South American countries have endorsed the I. W. W.
and become a part of the I. W. W. in Chile; the One Big Union movement
to our north in Canada, and in Australia, due chiefly to the influence
of the I. W. W. propaganda; and, the Shop Stewards’ and Workers’
Committees movement of Great Britain has voted in conference nationally
to link up with the I. W. W. Our Russian fellows have sent out a call.
Shall we answer and form an Industrial International? — International
Solidarity of Labor—yes, a thousand times yes!!!

A Social Institution

This
edifice of human affairs is a revolutionary one, because its very
structure, outlined by the chart, leads through all the avenues of
industry for taking care of the industrial and communal life, when
capitalism shall have ceased to exist. It is rank and file; that will
give them a lever to their own emancipation, and, by so doing, insure
the future by the avoidance of chaos. Every member of the revolutionary
union; every unit of the Army of Labor, so organized, will become a
steadying factor in the transitory period; it embodies the forces
necessary in the creation of food, clothing and shelter—the maintenance
of life itself as well as giving an outlet to all esthetic qualities.
There is the nucleus of protection, which, if extended nationally, can
become the guardian of the workers occupied in peaceful production,
which will be absolutely necessary, for, Lo and Behold the brutal
outlook of today!

Constitutional or Capitalist Right?

An
attempt has been made by trustified capital to outlaw any organization
that challenges its power to own and control industry. This is all done
in spite of the principles embodied in the Constitution of the United
States, that all one hundred per centers should learn and adhere to.
Article One of the first Amendment clearly states that no law should be
made "Abridging the Freedom of Speech, or the Press, or of the right of
the People Peaceably to Assemble." The fourth Amendment protects
persons in their homes and renders inviolate the invasion of homes by
any who may take it into their heads to invade—they must state
specifically in a warrant the "persons or things to be seized"—this the
so-called "law enforcers" hardly ever do. That great freedom-loving
statesman, Abraham Lincoln, speaking of the people of America on March
4th, 1861, said, "Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing
government they can exercise their constitutional right of amendment,
or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it." This is a
part of the Declaration of Independence.

Violence and Chaos?

We
propose to make the changes according to the above well-defined
principles—by peacefully organizing the workers and the jobs. We have a
legal right to do this. Judge Landis said in the great Chicago trial we
had a right to revolution, "providing we could put it over." Whether
the change will be by violence is a matter entirely in the hands of the
capitalist class. They are committing violence on every hand! We want
no violence and no chaos! The Constitution provides for these changes,
and facilities to bring it about, if the Constitution is inviolate. We
do not bother about Congress, for it expresses the economic interests
of those in control. It will make laws to prevent our representatives
getting there; so we must organize to control economically and choose
our own institution of political expression—this will be done.

The Russian Conquerors

The
inspiring devotion of our Russian fellow workers to their revolution
has given an example to the world’s workers. The greatest statesman of
the day—Lloyd George, says, "You cannot crush Bolshevism by the sword."
This is an admission of defeat by the physical force advocates amongst
the international gang of thieves. The same is admitted by Italian
statesmen, with an added rider by the British premier that, "the
Bolshevist Army is the largest and best disciplined army in Europe."
All this with practically no organization on the industrial field when
the collapse came—when the workers found the ruins of capitalism’s
great war at their feet. The Russian Proletariat was forced into the
building of the new society with chaos reigning on every hand. Yet they
have succeeded marvelously. We must learn a lesson from them. If they
have succeeded against a world of vengeance in spite of the apathy of
the labor movement of the world, how much quicker could they have
succeeded with a scientific industrial structure and a trained
industrial army? Let us learn our lessons from the past and never
repeat a failure.

NOTE— In this article a
statement is made that the writer does not want to claim he alone is
responsible for this work. Therefore, he names Roy Brown, with whom be
was cellmates while incarcerated in Leavenworth Penitentiary, as one
whom he accredits with having a great deal of knowledge along the lines
indicated in this article. [Roy Brown was Chairman of the General Executive Board in 1921.—Tr.]

Transcribed by J. D. Crutchfield
Last updated 14 January 2004

Last updated 5 November 2004 by David Walters for the MIA’s I.W.W. Collection. We extend our heartfelt thanks to J. D. Crutchfied for granting us permission to use his collection of online pamphlets.