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THE I N. A. HEROES
Autobiographies
OF
Maj. Gen. Shahnawaz
Col. Prem K. Sahgal
Col. Gurbax Singh Dhillon
OF
THE AZAD HIND FAUJ
Were they " puppets " or men of strong
determination prepare^ to lay down
their lives for the honou^ and safety of
their motherland has bean laid
the pages of this book by the
their own pens.
1946
6, LOWER MALL, LAHORE.
Just Published
NETAJI SPEAKS
TO THE NATION
A symposium of Important speeches an
writings of Netaji Suhhas Chandra Bose, (1928-45
His broadcasts, addresses, orders of the day fro
Berlin, Tokyo, Rangoon. Syonan and Burma wit
proper introductions surveying the history of tl
period when they were delivered or written.
The Book provides an insight into the re
played by Subhas Chandra Bose in the Indij
struggle for Independence.
Introductory notes and arrangement by :
THE AUTHOR OF THE REBEL PRESIDEN
Price 6/14 Post free
Publishers
HERO PUBLICATIONS
6, LOWER MALL, LAHORE.
01
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111
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To
All those brave sons and daughters of India
who -fought the battle of India's freedom,
far away from their country and continued
their epic march to Delhi in the face of the
greatest mechanised power of the world.
JAI-JA-HO
(National Anthem of the Azad Hind Fauj.)
Sabh sukh chain ki barkha barse Bharat bhag hai jiga,
Punjab Sindh Guirat Maratha Dravid Utkal Banga.
Chanchal Sagar Bind Hiaiy
Teije nit g^n gae,
VTujh se JeSwan pate,*
Sabh tan pae asha ;
Suraj ban kar jag par chatnke Bharat nam subhaga,
Jai-ya ho, Jai-ya ho, Jai-ya ho,
Jai-ya Jai-ya Jai-ya Jai-ya ho.
Sab ke dil men prit basae ten mithi bani,
Har sube ke rahnewale bar mazhab ke prani
Sab bhed aur farak mita ke
Sab god men ten ake, *
Goonden prem ki mala ;
Suraj ban kar jag men chamke Bharat nam subhaga
Jai-ya ho. Jai-ya ho, Jai-ya ho,
Jai-ya Jai-ya Jai-ya Jai-ya ho
Subha savere pankh pakheru tere hi gun gain
Bas bhari bharpoor havaen jeewan me rut laen,
Sab mil kar Hind Pukare,
Jai Azad Hind ke nahre
Piara desh hamara.
Suraj ban kar jag par chamke Bharat nam subhaga.
Jai-ya ho, Jai-ya ho, Jai-ya ho
Jai-ya, Jai-ya, Jai-ya Jai-ya ho f
Bharat nam subhaga.
Inqaldb Zindabad Azad Hind Zindabad
PREFACE
The trial Of the three I N. A, Officers has caused
great e*dtement in the country* It has been revealed
to the common man for the fitst time that tte
foreign rate in India is not all powerful and eternal
The gallant deads of the men and officers of the Azad
HmdFatijin the battlefields of Burma and Malaya
and on the Atakan Front have set a new precedent
before the country and the desire to shake oft the
foreign domination has become greater in the Indian
ftiind than at any other time in the history of the
British connections ift India.
The personality of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bosfc
&nd the achievements of the Indian National Army
have inspired new hopes in the rank and file of the
Indian massed Major General Shahftawaz, Colonel
Prem K. Sahgal and Colonel Gurbax Singh Dhilkm
have become the torch*beater$ of Indians fight for
freeddm and the real heroes of the people,
What role 'Aid they pky in the formation an<J
growth of the Indian National Army ; how the first
I. N, A. was formed and dissolved ; haw did Netaji
come to have the supreme command of the Azad
Hind Fattj ; ^hat were tb$ rektifcte irf t&e Indian
National Anby with the Nif4>oaee Fonrps; ;were they
* 4 puppets" 0r men of strong determination prepared to
down tlieir Bves If or tlbe liohoJUr aiid safety
* ii
motherland has been laid down in the pages of this
book.
They fought the war of India's liberation beyonl
the Far Eastern frontiers of India but unfortunately
failed. Had they been successful* they would have
been regarded as the greatest victors of all the times.
And now tjiat they have failed they are being treats i
as ordinary criminals, traitors, and rebels in the
British courts. But what is going to be the final
verdict of history we all shall have to wait and
see.
Being an enterprising publisher it has always been
my endeavour to present books on current political
problems but the present volume is inspired by alto-
gether ,a different reason. A retired judge of ths
Lahore High Court in the course of his talk with me
remarked :
44 I do not form judgments easily about men but
my judgment about these boys is that they
are above average in intellect and far
above average in character. To save these
officers to my mind is to save nationalism in
India/ 1
Since then my desire to collect more facts about
them and publish them in book form became almost
irresistabk, Hence the present publication.
iii
These autobiographies it must be mentioned were
written not for the purpose of publication. They cannot,
therefore be a complete and comprehensive record of
their adventures. The real es&austive story of the
brave sons and daughters of India who shed their
blood smilingly in the mountains and jungles of Burma
and Malaya and on the battlefield of ImphaL and
Kohima and continued their epic March to Delhi in the
face of the greatest mechanised power of the world
will be recorded only when India is a free country and
when the rebels of to-day will be the real rulers of the
land. The present volume is only a short though
Ppignant and illuminating account of their activities.
I4 jai HiacT
L \HOKB :
March, 1946.
DURLAB SINGH
41 To my countrymen " I say' Forget not that
the greatest curse for a man is to remain a slave.
Forget not that the grossest crime is to compromise
with injustice and wrong. Remember the eternal
law you must give, if you want to get it. And
remember that the highest virtue is to battle against
iniquity, no matter what the cost may be*
" In this mortal world, everything perishes and
will perish but ideas, ideals and dreams do not.
One individual may die for an idea but that idea
will, after his death, incarnate itself in a thousand
lives." Subhas Chandra Bose
For the real message of J^etajfs Life please book
your orders at once for :
NETAJI SPEAKS
TO THE NATION
A collection of his important speeches and
writings from the early days of the youth move-
ment in India till he hid his last forewell to his
officers and soldiers in Burma in the middle of 1945
Price 6/14/~
Publishers :
HERO PUBLICATION
i 6 Lower Mall, Lahore
CONTENTS
I Major General Shahnawat -
1. Life story ... . . . 1
2. My reactions and reasons for joining
the I. N. A. . : ... 13
3. Sepoy Mohd Hussain's case ... 50*
4. Surrender ... ... 57
5. Statement in the court ..'. ... 60>
n Col : P. K. Sahgal
1. Life story ... ... 85
2. Reasons for joining the
I. N. A. ... ... 106-
3. The trial and execution of
men of No. 4 Grla. Regi-
ment ... ... 121
4. Letter of Surrender ... ... 126
5. Statement in the court ... ... 127
III Col : G. S. Dhillon
1. Life story ... ... 143*
2. Outlines of my Life in the
I.N.A. * 164
3. Why I joined the I. N. A.
Different stages of mind ... ... 167
4. Collection of clothing from
the Separated Personnel ... ... 172
5. Statement in the court ... ... 175
Proclamation of the Azad Hind Gov-
ernment ... ... 185-
P Defence story
v? I. Shahnawaz Khan
la Nominal Roll of Defence
re witnesses 193
in II, P,K.Sahgal
Nominal Roll of
Defence witnesses 221
** III. G.S.Dhillon
J Nominal RoU of
** Defence witnesses, 257
lii
JOI
me
Pu\
I
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ
AZAD HIND FAUJ
(1)
LIFE STORY
Early History
I was born in a Janjua-Rajput family in
Rawalpindi district in January 1914. My father Latfe
Lt. Tikka Khan served with distinction in 58th F. F.
Rifles tor 30 years, and was the "head of perhaps
"The most militarized" family in India. During the
last Great World War (191418) and the recent Great
World War (193945), every able-bodied member
of my family joined the army, and at least 60 of them
are at present serving as King's and Viceroy's Commis-
sioned Officers ; in addition to these several others
have been either killed or wounded in the recent
war.
Education
(a) My father died in 1923, and I was brought up
under the guardianship of my Grand Uncle K. S.
Risaldar Nur Khan, another distinguished soldier, and
received my primary education in my village
Matore.
(fc) In 19261 was admitted to the Prince of
Wales's Royal Indian Military College, Dehra Dun, and
qualified in a competitive examination for the Indian
Military Academy in June 1932, On passing out of
2 LN. A. HEROES
R. I. M. C. I was awarded the undermentioned scholar-
ships for being the beat Cadet :
(0 Sir Partab Singh Memorial Prize.
(it) King Emperors Cadetsfaip.
Army Service
I passed out of the I. M. A. in December 1935, as
an under officer.
I was Commissioned in Feb. 1936 and posted for
>one year to 1st Bn. u The Royal Norfolk Regt."
at Jhansi.
In Feb. 1937, 1 was posted to 1st Bn. 14th Punjab
Regt. at Jhelum and shortly afterwards proceeded
on active service in Waziristan (1937-38).
In 1939, 1 was transferred to our training Battalion
. at Ferozepore, where I was a Company Command-
er, when my active Battalion went overseas to Malaya
in March 1941. In December 1941, realizing that
war with the Japanese -would break out shortly,
my Commanding Officer especially wrote to the
G. H. Q. India and asked for me to be sent out to
join the Battalion in Malaya. *
Twice his requests were turned down, because
my services could not be soared from the Training
^Centre. Eventually on his demand that ** it was im-
perative in the interest of the Bn. that I should be sent
out," I was ordered to proceed overseas to join the
Bn. I left Ferozepore in mid January, and arrived in
.Singapore on 29th January 1942.
Malayan Campaign
I jomcd my Battalion at the Naval Base in
Siatatxnre on nitfht 30/31st January and was put in
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHJSTAWAZ
command of a Company and allotted the task of
defending the Naval Base.
I continued to do this until 10th February 1942
when the Japanese having landed on Australian front
pushed inland and threatened to encircle us.
On night 10/llth February, I was ordered to with-
draw with my Battalion to Biddadari to which
position I held on after troops on my right and left
flanks had run away on 15th Feb. including the British
officers.
On 15th February, I received orders to surren der.
Surrender in Singapore.
On the day following the surrender, all Indians
including King's Commissioned Officers, were ordered
to assemble at the Farrer Park for being handed
over to the Japs. (This was a departure from the nor-
mal procedure, as all officers are kept separate from
the rank and fileX On 16th February, we. were offi-
cially handed over by the British representative, Col.
Hunt, to the Japanese representative, Major Fujiwara,
who in turn handed us over to Capt; Mohan Singh, an
officer of my own Battalian. Faujiwara's words were:
"I hereby hand you over toG.CXC. Capt. Mohan ingh,
who shall have the power of life and death over you."
To guard against being exploited by the Japanese
and actuated by a traditional sense of loyalty
and gratitude to the king I atonce set about
creating active propaganda 3&a^ni&t the formation
of an I N. A. inspite of the {act that I bad ^
feeling oj being deserted and frustration. , .
'Certain -paigea had to be xemovad from *fe* book a* pei
instruction* from Major General Shahaawaz. The reader should
not be puzstfcd tbei^f bfe to see the marking of pages in this
at certain places.
56 L-K. A. IfeROES
On Feb. 17, 1S42, 1 along with 22,000 P. CX W.
was sent to Neesoon Camp, where I organised .a
block of officers to resist the L N. A.
In March 1942, I was appointed Commander of
Neesoon Camp, where I continued my obstructionist
activities.
Return to Singapore and Crisis in the I,M.A,
In Nov. 1942, the O. T, S, was disbanded by order
of Capt. Mohan Singh, and a crisis arose between him
and the Japs.
In December, Motian Singh was aVrestefl and
taken away and a fresh drive was made by , Mtt &< B,
Base, to reconcile the officers, and men of the I, f$? A;
with a view to inducing them to remain in the
1. N. A.
At a final meeting held at Biddadari in February,
1942, Gen. Iwakuro declared that all members of the
*
I, N, A* were bound by the Bangkok resolution to
continue serving in the LN,A* and that Mohan Singh
had no authority to disband the I, N, A,
Finally he declared that any one attempting ta
disorganize the LN,A. would be treated as.a routineer
and the Japs army would give aH such aid as the
President of the Council of Actiem demanded, to
restore order in the 1. N. A, This waf a y'ety oitic^f
time, the Japs were out to tfarcb a few ring4ead*r
and execute them, with ebe intention of terrorizing;
others tt* continue m die L N^ A, All senior eiCJcer*
realized this ar>d topk the pf eciutioo of keeping well ir*
the background, Icpnld m>t stani thif amf
4p*m. Kn^^toiflppdeWm admit
no iut^aipa ; ^ -%tm us to
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 7
3vement, as in a " holy movement " for securing
dia's Independence there was no place for deceit
d coercion. He agreed and every one was allowed,
free choice of either continuing in the I. N. A.
ir going out of it.
*
Personally I wished to get out of the I. N. A.,
ut at this conference and the following day at ai
leeting at his Bungalow with Gen. Iwakuro, I had
Committed myself too far and could not retrace my
|teps f and sq joined the Second I. N. A. in February
JL943, as Chief of General Staff to the B. M. B. At this
fjfcitne my main objects were :
(a) To see that the mistakes made in the pre-
vious I. N. A., t.e., concentration camps
etc. were not repeated.
(fc) That every one was given a free chance of.
leaving the I. N. A. or joining it voluntarily
fully realizing the consequences of doing so,.
especially the fact that they would have to
,. fight against great odds and possibly against
first the British and then the Japs.
In May/June 1943, 1 went on a tour of mainland
>n Malaya to make arrangements for any such men.
/ho wished to join the I. N. A. to come down to<
Singapore.
In 'July 1943, Netaji S. C. Bose arrived in Singa-
pore and in the following month took over direct
command of the I. N. A. and at a conference held
at his H; Q. it was ecided to raise a "Crack
Regt."' which was to go into acftfon^ fiJWf and
depending on its achievement the rest of the I. N. A.
8 1. N. A. HEROES
was to be employed.
Netaji's speech had a profound effect on me
and entirely changed my whole outlpok, and I took
the greatest and hardest decision of my life That of
fighting my own kith and kin, whom I was certain I
could never induce to join me.
At the back of my mind was also a sense of tradi-
tional loyalty and gratitude to H. M. the King, and
the oath of allegiance which I owed to him.
But when I pondered deeply over it, I decided
that either it was a question of be loyal to the
King or my country and I decided to being loyal to the
country and in the actual fight in 1944, 1 fought against
my younger brother who was wounded and against my
cousin .almost daily for two months.
In October 1943, on declaration of the Provi-
sional Government I was appointed a Minister.
Raising and Activities of " Subhas Bde."
In September 1943, No. I GuerillaR egt. was raised
at Taiping and I was appointed to command it.
After a period of short, but intensive, training
the Regt. left for the front in November and arrived
in Rangoon in January 1944. 0n 4th February 1944,
the Regt. left Rangoon for the front. Prior to
departure, Netaji addressed the Regt. and told every
one of the greatest responsibility that rested on their
shoulders and the hardships that awaited them. He
also gave a chance to any one unwilling to go to the
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 9
front td stay behind in Rangoon and some officers
and men were left behind.
The Regiment was split up for operations as
under: No. 1 Bn. went for operations on the
Arakan front in the Kaladan Valley, under command
of Major P. S. Raturi (I. A. Cant. 5/18, Ghar^al
Rilfe) No. 2 and 3 Bns. under command of Lt.-Col.
Shahnawaz Khan on Haka-Falam front and later
on Kohima front.
On receipt of orders from the Supreme Comman-
der of the "Azad Hind Fauj" the Regt. started
withdrawing in June 1942, and arrived at Budalin
in September 1944, having lost more than 50 per cent,
of its men.
In October 1944, I went to meet Netaji at
Mandalay, and then went with him to Rangoon, to
Attend certain meetings of the Cabinet.
In December 1944, 1 was ordered to return to
Mandalay to help in the evacuation of No. 1 Dn. and
two hospitals to Pyinmana. There bing practically
no transport facilities other than* hired bullock carts.
The evacuation was completed in January 1945, and I
was appointed Offg. Commander No. 1 Dn. at
Pyinmana.
In February 1945, Netaji S. C. Bose came to
Pyinmana and told me that owing to injury received
in an sir bombardment, Col. Aiz Ahmad, Comd.
No. 2 Dn., would be unable to command No. 2
Da. He therefore ordered me to accompany him to
10 L N. A. HEROES
Kyauk-Padaung and Popa on a tour of front line
troops, and take over command of No. 2 Dn,
On 20th February we arrived at Meiktila, and
found that No. 4 Regt. had been heavily engaged at
Nyavngu and Pagan and had fallen back on Kyauk-
Padaung and returned to Meiktila on:24th February
1945, to repoit the situation.
At this the British mechanized forces were closing
in on us and by great deal of persuasion. I managed to
induce Netaji to come away from Meiktila. At this
time the enemy tanks were only 8 miles from
us.
We arrived at Pyinmana on 26th Feb. 1945, and
Netaji decided that with the remnants :>f No. 1 Dn.
he was going to put a fight to the last at Pyinmana.
He asked me to take command of this force. He
said he was determined to stay there and fight
himself.
The British forces were, however, halted at
Meiktila and Netaji returned to Rangoon, early in
March.
On 7th March 1945, 1 bade my last farewell to him
and left for Popa to take over command of No. 2
Dn. where the situation had become very grave.
I arrive i there on 12th March, and in accordance
with my previous orders I found the Dn. engaged
in fighting against the enemy.
On this front No. 2 Dn. was fighting against
most overwhelming odds"; where the enemy forces
were supported by numerous tanks, aeroplanes and
artillery, we had none of these weapons. But
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 11
in spite of these drawbacks we held our own against
them. In these operations No. 2 Regt. under com-
mand of Col. P. K. Sahgal and No. 4 Regt. under
command of Col. G. S. Dhillon distinguished
themselves.
Another off^r who deserves a special mention
was Capt. Bagri, who commanded a Batallion in No. 2
Regt. and who, in every action, fought like a^lion, and
finally laid down his life at the altar of his mother-
fend, always to be revered by his comrades 'as a
"Shaheed-i-Bharat."
On 12th April 1945, 1 received orders to with-
draw 2nd Dn. to Mag we. During the withdrawal
No. 2 Regt. was overtaken by enemy in the vicinity
of Prome and had to surrender. On 19th April 1945,
No. 4 Regt. with Dn. H. Q. arrived at Magwe and
joined No. 1 Regt. which had been there since March
1945.
Next day, we were forced by enemy mechanized;
columns to withdraw to Prome, and on arrival there
we found that the British forces were already there,
we broke through and continued our withdrawal
to Moulmein where we had received orders to
assemble.
Early in May I arrived with the remnants of 2 Diu
at Taikyi 30 miles North, of Rangoon and found
that Rangoon had been occupied by the British ; an-
other British column had occupied Pegu, and blocked
our retreat to Moulmein. I then, on finding my-
self encircled from all sides, entered Peguuomas to
12 I. N. A. HEROES
continue the fight. But eventually with the last party
of 45 men I was captured on 16th May 1945.
My ambition has always been :
(a) To show to the world that when it comes to
the question of making supreme sacrifices for
the liberation of our motherland, the Mus-
lims would in no way lag behind any one else.
(6) That given an opportunity, the most privileg-
ed and politically backwark classes, are
willing to make supreme sacrifices for the
liberation of their motherland.
(2)
MY REACTIONS AND REASONS
FOR JOINING THB I. N. A.
Brief background of the environments in which I
was brought up.
I was born in a family of Janjua^Rajputs in
Rawalpindi. My father was the leader of our clan in
the district. He sarved in the I. A. for 30 years. My
grandfather was also the Chief of the tribe and was
granted a large tract of land in Montgomery District
for his services in the last war. In the last war
(191418) and in the recent world war (1939 45)
every able-bodied member of my family joined the
army. At present there are 62 of them serving as
officers in the Indian Army.
In short I belong to a so-called privileged family,
in which loyalty to the Crown was a valued tradition.
On the death of my father, my mother and the
rest of the family were granted a pension by the Gov-
ernment.
I was educated at the Prince of Wales s Royal Mili-
tary College, Dehra Dun, where half of my expenses
were borne by the Government.
In 1933 I passed out into the Indian Military Aca-
demy, and received the undermentioned scholar*
ships :
1. King Emperor's Cadetship.
2. Six Pratab Singh memorial prize, for being the
best Cadet *t*4f or belonging to a family hav-
ing the beat military services.
13
14 L N. A. HEROES
I passed cut in 1935 api was posted to a British
Battalion (or one year and later to l/l4th Punjab
Regt. in Feb. 1937.
In short I was bought up in an atmosphere which
was purely military and up to the time of my meeting
with Netaji S. C. Bose at Singapore in July 1943, 1 was
.politically almost uneducated. I was brought up to
-see India, through the eyes of a British Officer, and
all that I was interested in was soldiering and sport.
When in January 1942 I was called to Singapore,
to rejoin my Battalion which had been in action
in Malaya, I was determined to go there and put
up a good show in the fighting and to uphold the mar-
tial traditions of my family.
I arrived very late in Singapore, January 29th, 1942,
when the situation had become very critical, but in
:spite of this I was determined to put up a brave fight.
In the battle of Singapore on the 13th, 14th and 15th
February 1942, when most of the British Offiters had
disappeared with their units, from my right and left
flanks, I held on to my position until ordered to sur-
render by my Commanding Officer.
I resented this order, especially when I felt
that I had not been given a fair chance to fight the
enemy, and to have brought me to Singapore so late in
the fight, only to be ordered to lay down my arms, was
I considered a crime and an injustice to my honour as
a soldier to lay down my arms and surrender.
Surrender and Concentration of the Farrer Park
On the night of the surrender 15/16th February
1942, we received orders that all Indians, including
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 15
the King's Commissioned Officers, were to concen-
trate at Fairer Park. All British Officers and other
ranks were to concentrate at Cbangi.
All of us, especially the officers, were surprised
to hear this order, because according to the laws
of warfare, all captured off icers whether Indian or
British are kept together and separate from the rank
and file.
We had hgard of the Japanese methods and
atrocities before, and felt that the British brother
officers were leaving us in the lurch, to face it all by
ourselves.
On the morning of 16th February 1945, when we
were marching oft to our concentratibn area, our
Commanding Officer Major Mac Adam, along with
other British officers, came to sse off the Bn. While
shaking hands with me, he said, '1 suppose, this is the
parting of our ways. M At the time I did not under-
stand the full significance of this, as I had no idea
of Japanese intentions, whereas he must have known
about it when he said so. But he did not tell any
of us what to expect, or any advice as to which
course we were to follow. His last words confirmed
my feeling of "being left in the lurch." This was the
ieeling and the state of mind in which I went to the
assembly area at the Farrer Pack.
Handing ov&r ceremony.
+
At the Farrer Park we were handed over to the
Commander of Jap. Int. Department, Major Fujiwara,
by Col. Hunt, the representative of the British
16 L N. A. HEROES
Government. Wfien handing- over. Col. Hunt called!
the parade to attention and said :
"To-day, I, on behalf of the British Govern-
ment, hand you over to the Japanese Govern-
ment as Prisoners of War."
After this he handed over the nominal rolls-
of all prisoners of war to the Jap representative.
Major Fujiwara, (there were approx. 42,000
P.O.W. there), then again brought the parade to
attention and said :
"On bahalf of the Jap Government, I take
you over under my charge." He then went
on to say that "I on behalf of the Jap
Government now hand you over to Capt.
Motan Singh, G. O. C., Indian National
Army, who shall have the power of life and
death over you."
After this Col. Hunt departed. After this Major
Fujiwara first made a speech, in which he declared that
we would not be treated as prisoners, but as brothers
by the Japs and expressed a hope that all of us
would join the I. N. A. which was being raised to
fight for India's freedom under the leadership of
G. O. C.l Capt. Mohan Singh.
After this Capt. Mohan Singh came on the stage
and delivered a similar speech.
Th* speeches came as complete bombshell to us.
The very idea of joining hands with our former
enemies and to tight against our own kith and kin was
fantastic.
I, as well as most of the officers, had a feeling
of being completely helpless, at being handed over
' MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 17
like cattle by the British to the Japs and by, the
Japs to Capt. Mohan Singh whom they gave powers
of life and death over us.
I was fully convinced that we would be
44 exploited " by the Japs, purely for their own nds.
I, therefore, firmly, made up my mind notto have any-
thing to do with such an I. N. A. and in spite of the
feeling of frustration and helplessness the element of
traditional loyalty to the King triumphed and not only
did I make up my own mind to keep out of the
I. N. A., but as the head of famous Military tribe,
I felt it my duty to warn all others especially the
m 2n I commanded and the men of my area .to keep
out of it.
The sort of remarks, I made on the occasion
were : " If any one asks you to shoot at your oWn
brothers, turn round and shoot him first/
There were many King's Commissioned. Officers
whom I knew v well before* the war. All of us got
togethefr- and, decided to keep out of the I,N*A,
Hi this fianje .o^ qiind we marched off, the next
day, t6 'dur< camp in Neesoon. On arrival there I
continued to persist in my idea and kept on address-
ing every one- who, came to me for advice, to keep
out of it. After a few days I got the command of
Neesoon Camp. There were approx, 20,000 P. Q. Ws.
The first thing I did was f fo organise a bloc of
officers, approx, 30 in number to resist the I. N. A.
These officers wer e mainly Muslims and the inten-
tion was to keep the bulk of Muslim rank and file
out df tiie
I. N. A, HEROES
I commanded the camp from March to June
1942, during which period my only concern was how
could I improve the unfortunate lot of the men under
my command*
Early in April Major Mahabir Singh Dhillon
came to Neesoon and delivered a lecture to appro*,
500 N. C, O's in that camp. He said : ** I have very
pleasant news for you : The Japanese have landed
at Madras/' After this he gave some other world
new* and his review on them* After had
finished I got up and spoke to the N. C. Os and said,
" The news given out by Major Dhillon is far from
pleasant, in fact it is shocking. It is a pity that at the
time when the sacred soil of our motherland was
being trodden down below the dirty feet of the
Aggressor (Japan) we were prisoners in Singapore
and could do nothing to protect India's honour/* This
was meant to counter the effect of Major Dhillon's
lecture. Later I learnt that the news of Japanese
landing on Madras was falsa and informed all concer-
ned.
Again at the end of April 1942, when Col. Gill
was going to Bangkok, I collected all the officers at
his bungalow to bid him farewell.
At that meeting I accused him of patting us all
in a difficult situation by making us accept Biddadari
resolutions etc. and at the time when we needed his
guidance and leadership most, he was deserting us.
In reply to me he said he was being pu%ed out of
i^^
THii was the trend of my mind at the time.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 27
Stay at Kuala-Lumpur June-Sept. 2942
I arrived at Kuala-Lumpur by a goods train
early in June. I was followed there by several
parties of P* O. W. On arrival of all the parties, I
was ordere^ to assemble them for the Japanese
Commander's Inspection. I did so. The Jap Com*
mander then addressed all the P.O.W. and said,
"I welcome you all ancj am very pleased to have
you under my command. We regard you not as pri-
soners of war, but as brothers, as we are all Asiatics*
"It is the most ardent desire of ail Japanese
people that India should achieve its independence as
soon as possible ; and to enable you to participate
in the freedom fight, we have made arrangements
for re-arming, and training for that purpose."
This was greatly resented by all-the P. O. W. as
they had no intention of being re-armed and to
undergo military training under the Japs.
On conclusion of the parade the P. O. W. refused
to dismiss unless their status and position was
clarified. I took the Japanese Commander to my
office, and in the presence of other P.O.W. officers
explained the situation among the Indian P.O.W.
who surrendered in Singapore. I told him that some
who were known as the "Volunteers" were willing
to take up arms and fight the British, and others who
were known as the "non-volunteers*' wished to remain
And be treated purely as P. O. W.
I requested him that the question of Indian
Independence was an affair of the Indians and that
28 I. N. A. HEROES
the Japanese should not force any Indian against his
wishes to participate in it.
I assured him that as far as the Japs were
concerned we were all willing to help them in their
war against the Anglo-American domination of Asia.
I went on to say that the volunteers would help by
actuary fighting the British and the non-volunteers
would help by strengthening rear bases and lines of
communications, such as building aerodromes, rail-
ways, roads, etc. ,
He agreed with me and said that the latter task
was even more important from their point of view
than the first one, and so he agreed to issue orders to
all Jap Commanders in Malaya under his command.
Very briefly it was : -
Volunteers for fighting.
Non- volunteers for labour etc.
A similar trouble occurred at Seramban, where
on refusal of the P. O. W. to take up arms the
Japanese fixed machine guns all round the camp, put
the camp commander Capt. Ghulam Mohd. in a cell
and gave the P. O* W. 24 hrs to think about it, after
which if the P.O. W. still insisted they would all be
shot*
I heard about this and at once rushed to
Seramban with the Jap Commander's deci-
sion, which he had given at Kaula-Lumpur and after
a great deal of persuasion I was able to make them
see our point of view.
In a similar manner I visited all the stations in
Malaya, where the Indian P. O. W. were employed,
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 29
and ensured that the Indian P. O* W. were not coerced
to take up arms or undergo Military training under
the Japs.
At Kuala-Lumpur, the Japs tried to teach the
Indian P. O, W. Jap foot-drill, words of command
and Jap method of saluting. I refused to allow
them to do so. Although it is interesting to note
that the English P. O. W. in Rangoon did all this.
During this period my main pre-occupation was
to improve the lot of the men under my command.
System of Command.
There were approx. 10,000 Indian P. O. W. in
Malaya. They were stationed at Kualalumpur
Alomar Sungeipatani Ipoh Malacca Seramban and
Port Dickson east station was under command of the
local Jap Command. Indian P-O. W. had their own camp
commanders. All these stations were under the Jap.
General Headquarters at Kuala-Lumpur, where I
had my 'Headquarters and came under command of
the Jap. Commander. 1 My job 'was to visit all Indian
P. O. W. camps and represent any of their diffi-
culties, etc-, to the Jap. G.H.Q,
While in that position I managed to secure for
the Indian P. O W. excellent living conditions very
likely the best given to any P. O. W. in the Far East,
Food : was excellent -Eggs, fish and chickens.
Work and Pay : was paid regularly and work was
very moderate.
There were adequate arrangements for recreation
of troops, they played foot-ball, hockey, etc. N
I. N. A. HEROES 30
Cinema shows were given in camps and troops
could go out and see any picture by paying 10 cents
(2 annas).
P O. W. soldiers could go out to thfe town with a
pass from their own camp commander, every day
from 10 A.M to 4 P.M. Officers could go out in Muf-
ti and visit any civilian friends. They could stay out
from 10 A.M. to mid-night.
Six men selected for execution by the Japs.
On one occasion when I was out of the station,
on tour, the Japanese took away 21 N.C.O.'s belong*
ing to a S. and M. Unit pn the accusation that they
were too pro-British. They selected six out of these
for execution and made them sign their last will.
When I returned from tour I found this out. I at once
went to the Jap G.H.Q. and requested them to hand
over my soldiers to me. I told them that I was sup-
posed to be the Commander of Indian troops and
that in principle it was wrong for the Jap to deal dis-
ect with my subordinate officers and take away the
men under my command without my knowledge. Fi-
nally I informed them that if they insisted on doing
this I would resign from my appointment.
They then told me that I could take away 15 of
the 21 N. C. O.'s back and that the other six, they had
decided to execute as they were too pro+British, and
feeing Japanese Prisoners were still insisting that they
had taken an oath to be loyal to the King.
I explained the full significance of this oath to
them and told them that the normal procedure for
dealing with any serious offence in the Indian Army
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 31
was to hold a "court of enquiry 19 and I assured them
tfcat I would go very thoroughly into the case and if
in the end, the court found their offence to be of a
serious nature, I would myself hand over the men to
the Japanese for punishment.
#
They agreed to this and I brought back all 21
N. C. Os. safely to their unit, held a court of enquiry
and released all of them. -
"Quit India Resolution" and Mass Rally at K.L.
On August 8th, 1942, the Indian civilians at
Kaula-Lumpur were going to hold a mass rally to
express their appreciation and approval of the "Quit
India Resolution" passed by the Indian National
Congress and to express their indignation at the
arrest of Mahatma Gandhi and other prominent
national leaders. That day in the morning, a Jap
Liaison officer, Lt. Nyui, came to me and told me that
the Gen, Comdg. K. L. area wished to know if I and
my troops would like to take part in the rally. I told
him that we would. He then went on to say that in that
case we will have to march to the scene of the meet-
ing carrying at the head of the column, Japnese Indian
National Flags crossed. He said that this would be a
sign of goodwill and close co-operation between the
Japanese and the Indians.
I told him to go and inform the General that if that
was the condition. I would not take part in the meet-
teg. I told him that no Indian, wishes to cmrry a Nation-
*! flag of anothernation, and that if the Japanese in-
*efctioa was to show to the Woiid that they cotd^make
32 L N. A. HEROES ,
the prisoners carry Japanese flag by force then they
ought to insist on this otherwise not. Finally I
assured him that if we go to the meeting we witl
inarch there only under our own National Flag and
vrill not carry any Japanese flags. He went to the
General and informed him of this. The Japanese
General not only allowed me to have my own way
but also issued orders that on that day no civilians
were to show er carry any Jap flags.
We went to the meeting, which was held at a big
open Maidan at K. L. There were approx. 15,000
people of all nationalities present there. Some high
ranking Japanese officers were also present at that
meeting.
I was asked to deliver a speech on behalf of the
Indian soldiers. I did so, and in the course of the
speech, I said: Nobody must ever have any miscon-
ceptions that the Japanese were going to make the
I. N. A. a puppet force. I said, if on arriving in India,
we found that the Japanese had any designs on it, we
would turn round and fight them most vigorously, and
assured them all that Bather than become a Japanese
puppet, every single soldier of I. N. A., would perish
fighting to uphold India's honour. This remark of
mine must have thrilled the masses, as there was wild
cheering. Perhaps it was too bold a statement to
make when the people were terrified of the Japanese.
A recording of my speech was also made. The
next day, the Japanese General met me and congratu-
lated me on my speech and said if we go into India
with the intention of just replacing the British you
33 MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ
must fight us otherwise you would be traitors to your.
country . ~.
Recall to Singapore
In September 1942 I was recalled to Singapore,
and posted as 2/In Command to Col. Bhagat
at the Officer Training School. Later I was
appointed Coindt. O. T. S* which commenced in
Nov. 1942 and after a few days it was disbanded by the
order of Captain Mohan Singh.
In my opening address to the cadets I said:
"That independence was our birth-right, and to
achieve this object we have to fight the British,
and later we must be prepared to fight the Japanese
too if they showed any intentions of dominating India."
4 *That the fight for India's liberation had been
going on in India for a long time and that we were
a part and parcel of that struggle, and that to us it
was immaterial who won the war, all that we were
concerned with was our own lndependence,and that our
fight had to go on until the time when India was
completely independent*"
The Crisis
At the end of November 1942 some differ-
ences of opinion arose between Capt, Mohan
Singh and the Japanese, over the official rati-
fication of the resolutions passed at the Bangkok
Conference.
He was arrested in December 1942 and taken
away* Before his arrest, however,, he issued order for
the disbandraent of the L N, A,
On receipt of disbandment orders, the L N. A,
ceased all work, dumped all their arms and equipmea"
34 I. N. A. HEROES
and burnt all I. N. A. Badges and from then on they
maintained they were prisoners of war.
The Japanese and Mr. R. B. Bose, the President of
the Council of Action, refused to admit this. This state
of affairs dragged on till February 1943. I was deter-
mined to stay out of all future I. N. A. I also advised
several officers and men to getout once and never to
join another I. N. A. which by this time it was quite
clear that the Japanese were determined to start and
a vigorous propaganda campaign was already well ad-
vanced to say that legally the I. N. A. could not be dis-
banded by Capt. Mohan Singh as he himself had been
appointed General to command it by the President of
the Council of Action Mr. R. B. Bose. They said
Mohan Singh could resign from the post himself, but
had no authority to disband the I. N. A.
Lecture by Gen. Iwakwro at Biddadan
In Febuary 1943 after the Japanese had carried
out intensive propaganda in the I. N. A. General
Iwakuro called a meeting of all I. N. A, Officers
(approx. 300) at Biddadari, and delivered a lec-
ture. The salient point of his speech were :
(a) "That the I. N, A. had been raised as a result
of decision taken by all the Indians in East Asia, at or
Bangkok Conference.
(6) That the Japanese Government had sympa-
thized with the desire of Indians to fight for the libe-
ration of their country, and granted facilities for the
representatives to meet at Bangkok and decide
upou the ways and means of conducting their
campaign.
(c) That a Council of Action was selected by the
Conference and Mr. R. B. Bose was appointed the
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 35
President, who had appointed Captain Mohan Singh
to command the L N. A. forces.
(<f ) That the Japanese Government had given a
promise of all-out aid to the President, and finally he
sXaid that Captain Mohan Singh could, if he so chose
resign the command of the L N. A., but he nad pto
authority to disband the L N, A, without the sanction
of the President and that any attempt at disorganizing
the I. N. A. would be treated as mutiny."
This was a very critical time. The Japanses were
determined to keep the I, N. A. going through sheer
force, and at the time they were looking for ring lea-
ders, they wished to make scapegoats, to frighten
others to remain in the I. NxA. The senior officers
realising the gravity of the situation kept themselves
well out of the light. ^/
I could not stand this and replied to General
I wakuro and made him admit that the Japanese had
no justification for forcing us to continue in such a
movement, as in a " holy movement " for securing
India's independence, there was no place for deceit
and coercion. He agreed and as a result of this every
one was allowed a free choice of either continuing in
the I.N.A. or going out of it.
I had no wish to continue in the Llsf.A. at that
time, next day I was sent for by General Iwa-
kuro at his bunglow for a " heart talk " as he called it.
He told me that he had fully appreciated the force
of my argument at the previous days meeting and
wished a man like me ought to take over the leader-
ship of the L N. A. He asked me if I would like to ac-
cept the leadership of the I. N.A.I replied that I
3640 L N, A. HEROES
would no* as I have not the necessary ability or
following.
He then requested me to give him my views on
how a teal and true LN.A, could be started, I sug-
gested 5
(a) That the question of Indian Independence
should be treated as a "holy thing" and anything per-'
taining to it should be based on truth and on unsha-
kable foundations,
(i) That there should be no coercion? of any tort
to induce any one to join it, everyone who came, for"
ward must do so of his own free will, fully realising
the consequences of doing so, I also suggested that
) the people wishing to leave the L N, A. should be
treated kindly.
(c) Finally I told him that there wa$ only one
man outside India, who could staff a real L N. A. and
that was- Netaji S. Bosev I insisted that by the real
I.N,A M I meant that it should be a formidable fight-
ing force and not merely a propaganda army.
He agreed rarith me and assured te that he would
try his best to make arrangement for Netaji S. C,
Bose to come to Singapore from Germany.
I continued to remain out of the I N. A~ but later
'due to persuasion by General Iwakuro, and by the
fact that in trying to get others otit of the L N. A.
without any blood I had committed myself too far
and could not retrace my steps and so bad to join the
LN. A. against my better judgement.
My feelings at the time were that whether 1 liked
it or not, I was in the I,N.A. Irealised that in trying
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWA2 41
to save others I had sacrificed myself, I therefore set
about to see that
(a) Every one who wished to leave the I. N. A.
was able to do so without any fear of reprisals against
him*
(fc) Those who remained in the I. N. A. were to
be prepared even to fight against the Japanese if they
proved dishonest.
(c) The Japs did not exploit us for their
own benefit.
By that time the Japanese had takan over all the
P. O. W. under their own control and the men were
xjuite happy. My next main worry was the treatment
that would be given to the men ot the I. N A. who were
gone out of it, after the crisis. We had an idea that
they would be sent to the Pacific Islands, where con-
ditions were very unpleasant. I, however, managed to
arrange for approx. 20 Officers who were too old to
undergo hardships to remain behind in Singapore.
1. Capt. Dilawar Khan 2. S. M. Chandans.
3. Lt. Shafi Ullah 4. S. M. Lai Khan.
5. Capt. T. M. Khanzada, 6. Sub. Hazara Singh.
M.C., D.S.O ,
and several others.
The re-organisation of the I. N. A, was then start-
ed. I was the Chief of the General Staff to tfie D.M.B.
(Director of Military Bereau) and in accordance
with my intention, I set about to find such men for
the I. N. A. as would be willing to tight the Japs if
they were dishonest rtith us-
For this I undertook a tour of the mainland of
|Sfalaya. During this visit at Kuala-Iumpar
42 I; N. A. HEROES
I found the Japanese in control of our Indian
Recruits Training Centre, I resented this strongly
and reported it to Col. Bhonsle, the D. M. B. and
laty went and discussed this with the Jap Chief
of Staff to put an end to this.
During this period I Vas not very happy as the
Japanese were openly and ruthlessly exploiting us*
by creating factions among the atmy as well as
in the civil.
Col. Bhonsle, a senior and experienced officer,
although a perfect gentleman was helpless and could
do nothing to stop Jap exploitation. I was disgusted
with the state of affairs and took no interest in it.
Early in July 1943 Netaji S. C. Bose arrived and
took over complete control and saved the situation.
^ietajis arrival and its effect an me
When Netaji arrived in Singapore, I watched him
very keenly. I had never seen him or met him before,,
and did not know very much about his activities in
India. I heard a number of his public speeches, which
had a profound effect on me. It will not be wrong
to say that I was hypnotized by his personality and his
speeches. He placed thd true picture of India before us
and for the first time in my life I saw INDIA, through
the eyes of an Indian* He rid me of the Anglo-
phobia, of which I had been a victim since my very
childhood*
I was most impressed by his selflessness, his
absolute devotion to his country t his frankness and his
refusal to bow before the Japanese wishes I knew
that in his hands India's honour was safe, he would
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 43
never barter it for anything in the world. Also when
I heard him give a free choice to everyone in the
L N. A. to leave its ranks if they were not prepared
to make extreme sacrifices and his warning to those
who stayed on in the I N. A. to be prepared to face
thirst, hunger, forced marches and in the end death*
and when with my own eyes I saw the madding,
enthusiasm of thousands of poverty-stricken Indians
in the Far EaSt, who gave to the I. N. A. all that they
possessed and whole families joined the Azad Hind
Fauj and became "Fakira" for the sake of their
country, I knew we had a real leader and when he
in the name of millions of poverty-stricken, unarmed
and helpless Indians appealed to us to come forward
and sacrifice our lives for their liberation no honour-
able Indian could have refused this much to him.
I found a leader and decided to follow him, and
for me it was the greatest and the most difficult
decision of my life That of fighting against my kith
and kin, who were in the British Indian Army in very
large numbers, and whom, I was certain, I could never
induce to see eye to eye with me.
At the back of my mind was the traditional urge
of loyalty to the King. I owed all my education to
him. My family ax^d my tribe were one of the privi-
leged classes in India. They were all prosperous ancE
contented. This too we owed to the British
Government and I knew that no change in India
would bring them any more prosperity. In fact they
were likely to suffer by it and lastly, there was the oatk
of allegiance which I as on officer owed to tfee King.
44 l. N, A. HEROES
I fully realized the consequences of " waging war
against the King."
But on the other band when I thought of the
"starving millions" who were being ruthlesslessly
exploited by the British, and were being deliberately
kept illiterate and ignorant to make this exploitation
easier I developed a great hatred for the system of
rule in India, which to me it seemed was based on
41 injustice " and to remove this injustice I decided to
sacrifice my everything My life, my home, my
iamily and its traditions. I made up my mind to fight
even against my brother if he stood in my way, and
in the actual fighting that followed in 1944, we fought
against each other. He was wounded. My cousin
and I were fighting each other in Chin Hill, almost
daily for two months. What enabled me do this was
the feeling that the British were sucking the life blood
of India, and of the streams they were sucking, they
were giving a drop of that blood to my family to enlist
tneir aid for this inhuman act. I realized that the
prosperity of any tribe was due to this "Drop of
India's Blood" and I considered it Immoral
to thrive on it. In short the question before me was
the King or the Country. I decided to be loyal to
my countty and gave my word of honour to my
NETAJI that I would sacrifice myself for the sake of
my country.
I was a soldi er t and once I had "taken the deci-
sion" I concentrated on fighting from the first to
the last day* I also "realized that if on going into
India* which was probable due to poor' British
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 45
defences,*the Japs were dishonest, I would be much
more useful to my country with a rifle in hand in
India, than as a P, O. W. in Malaya.
In Sept. 1^43, Nataji decided to select a picked
Regt,, cansisting of the " Cream of the I. N. A.' 1 and
send it into action to form the spearhead of the
advance into India,. I was given the proud privilege
of commanding this Regt,
At Rangoon in Feb. 1944, on the eve of the
departure of the Regiment to t^e front, Netaji came
and delivered a farewell speech. He addressed us thus
^-w/oUj ^ O^ )}\ ^Z>>} *-j~* "The eyes of whole of
India nay, the whole world are focussed on you. The
fate of 400 million Indians depends on what you
accomplish on the battlefield. You are the strength
of my arms, I fully realized the magnitude of the
task I had undertaken and my knee** trembled under
this heavy burden of responsibility ; but I was-
determined to overcome all obstacles and was certain
of victory. I knew that whatever might happen,,
nothing could stop me from achieving the greatest vic-
torythat of laying down my life for the sake of
my country, on the battlefield."
At first I was nervous, I prayed to Almighty
God to give me the necessary guidance and strength
to enable me to achieve my object.
The actual achievements and sufferings of
"SUBHAS" Brigade is an epic story, which is
described in full detail elsewhere, but here suffice
it to say that no army in the world could have
achieved so much with so little ; and no country
46 i. N. A. HEROES
could have wished for truer sons. The last words
of a soldier, who was dying through starvation and
lack of medical aid there were hundreds of maggots
in hi* wounds sum up concisely the achievement
of the Regiment that lose 60 per cent, of its men
in the first campaign. His words were : "Sahib,
please tell Netaji, that I died happily and that I did
my duty"
In Oct. 1944, the Regiment, having returned from
the front, concentrated at Budalin, near Yeu.
During the seven months that they were at the front,
they established their superiority over the enemy
wherever they went. In fact their main difficulty
*was that the enemy would not stand up against
them and fight (See my letter to Nataji written
fromHaka in May 1944). During this phase there
was never an occasion when they attacked the enemy
and did put him to flight or captured their posts, and
there was never an occasion when they withdrew,
even an inch, before the enemy's onslaught.
In Oct. 1944, I went to Mandalay to report
to Netaji and then accompanied him to Rangoon,
-where I stayed till December.
In Dec* 1944, 1 returned to Mandalay to take
over "the command of No. 1 Division and held in its
-evacuation to Pyinmana This was completed
early in February 1945.
On 18th Feb. 1945 Netaji came to Pyinmana.
to inspect No. iDi/ision. He told me that No. 2
Division had moved from Rangoon to Popa
ifront, but unfortunately Col. Ari* Ahmad, the
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 47
Divisional Commander, had been injured in an enemy
bombing raid, and that he was in a difficult situa-
tion, because he could not find a suitable officer
to replace him. He said Gen. Bhonsle, the Chief
of Staff, was not willing to come forward, because
he thought that it was a "come down'' for him to
command a Division, and Gen. Kiani was ^ unable
to go because of his ill-health and his inability to
co-operate with the Jap Divisional Commander,
Gen. Yamamota, in that area.
Every one at that time realized that the military
situation was very grave and the battle of Burma
had been lost. However I could not see Netaji in
difficulties and offered my services, although at that
time I was under treatment for Ben-Ben.
On 20th Feb. 1945, I accompanied Netaji to
Meiktilla, when he was going to inspect front
line troops in Popa-Kyauk-Padaung area*
When we were at Meiktiila, the enemy
mechanized columns broke through and almost
encircled us. We managed to escape and return to
Pyinqiana and then to Rangoon.
On 7th March 1945, 1 bid my last fare well to Netaji
and poceeded to Popa to take command of No.' 2
Division.
At the time of my departure Netaji was extremely
upset and worried about the situation in No. 2
Division, both from a Military point of view, and the
internal situation, which had become very grave
indeed by the desertion of 4 officers of the Divisional
48 1. N. A. HEROES
Headquarters, Netaji told me that he was very much
ashamed of it and could not show his face to anyone.
This grieved me immensely and I assured Netaji
that the situation was not so bad as he thought, and
promised him that we (I and other senior officers
of the Div.) would uphold India's honour, even under
the most adverse conditions. Thus when I left
Rangoon for the front, to take over command of
No. 2 Division, the only thought in my mind was to
allay Netaji's anxieties or die in the attempt. This
was the frame of my mind at the time when I left
Rangoon.
The events that followed are given in full detail
elsewhere. Suffice it to say that with the help and
outstanding leadership of my Regimental Commanders
at Popa Lt, Col. P. K. Sahgal and Lt. Col. G. S.
Dhillon, the situation was completely restored, and
we halted the enemy's advance for over one month
and rejuvenated the spirit and morale of the men ; and
later to the great joy of all of us received Netaji's
message expressing his complete satisfaction with the
situation in No. 2 Division, both from a Military as
well as internal point of view*
On April 12th the Division received orders to
withdraw to Magwe Taundwingy area. This was
much against my wish, and during the withdrawal
No. 2 Regt. under Col Sahgal was overtaken by
enemy tank columns and had to surrender. I with
Col. G. S. Dhillon and the remnants of No, 1, 2, and
4Regts. withdrew to Pegu, in an attempt to break
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 49
through and reach Moulmein. But we were unable
to do so and had to surrender.
During this retreat from Popa-Pegu, we covered
over 500 miles on foot, with no transport or proper
ration supply ; in doing so we had to break through
six enemy encirclements, and only surrendered after
we had heard that Netaji had ordered all I.N.A.
units in Rangoon to surrender and when we had no
other alternative^left.
Some soldiers unable to induce themselves to
accept this order, prefered to take their own lives and
committed "suicide." I did not do so, because I felt it
my duty still to lead my men and share their
hardships as I had done on the battlefield.
41 JAIHIND"
(2)
SEPOY MOHD. HUSSAIN'S CASE
(SHOT AT POPA ON 29ra MARCH 1945)
On 5th March 1945, when I was in Rangoon, I was
sent for by Netaji, for a talk in which he told me
that:
(a) The Military situation on 2 Div. Front
fead- become very grave and that this had been made
worse by the Divisional Commander Col. Aziz Ahmed's
inability to go there owing to a head injury. He
also stated that he had asked both Major-General
J. K. Bhonsle and Major-General M. Z. Kiani to
proceed to that front and take over command, but
both of them had declined to do so, the former,
because he considered it below his dignity to command
a division, after holding the appointment of the
Chief of Staff, and the latter because of ill-health, and
his inability to co-operate with the local Japanese
Commander on that front.
Netaji then told me that he wished me to take
over the command of 2 Division and proceed to
Popa as soon as possible*
(20 He went on to say that there were other bad
news from that front, and it was that four Majors,
namely, Mohd. Riaz, Mohd. Sarwar, P. J. Madan and
& NL Dey, all of Divisional H. Q., had deserted tq the
50
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 51
British side a few days earlier. He said that by this
cowardly act they had brought shame and disgrace
on India's honour, and that as a result of their action
we h&d lost all oar respect in the eyes of our Allies
the Japanese and the Burmese.
He impressed upon me the necessity of preventing
.any more desertions, and that I had his permission to
use any methods including award of Summary Capital
Punishment to stop it.
He finally concluded by saying that if there were
any more desertions among the troops, the orily course
left open to him, would be to "commit suicide." I
could see that Netaji was extremely upset and meant
what he said.
I was very devoted to my Netaji and was deter-
mined that to allay his anxiety and to uphold India's
-honour, I would stop short of nothing.
This was the frame of mind in which I arrived at
Popa on 12th March 1945, and took over command of
*No. 2 Division.
On arrival at Popa, I found the situation very
.critical. The troops had lost confidence in their
officers and their morale was low.
A large number of other officers, besides those
-who had deserted, were being detained in custody on
suspicion of having intentions to desert.
The Military situation was even
Powerful enemy mechanized columns
Meiktila and were threatening o
fortes were also being massed or
tafter their crossing of the Irrau
52 I. N. A. HEROES
complete air superiority and we were being subjected!
to constant bombing and machine-gunning from
numerous aeroplanes the enemy used on this front.
These were rendered very devastating by the exact
information of an H. Q. and troop concentration given
to the eqexny by the deserters.
My first and foremost task was therefore to restore
the lost confidence of the men in their officers, and
secondly to build up their morale, by taking offensive
action on the enemy and defeating them in battle,
and by taking steps for stopping further deserters.
Both these objects were achieved to a very great
degree.
As given above desertions had two very un-
fortunate results :
(a) They had bad effect on the morale of other
soldiers.
(6) They revealed the exact location of our
Head Quarters, troop concentrations, supply and
ammunition dumps and Hospitals, with the result
that these were bombed and great loss of life and
material was inflicted on us.
On one occasion our Hospital area was bombed
and some patients were killed and all our medicines
were burnt, with the result that these could never be
replaced and the sick and wounded naturally suffered.
There was great indignation against such indis-
criminate bombing} and against deserters who were*
fee canst of it*
TMAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 53
In the meantime written orders were received
frqm the Supreme Commander "AZAD HIND
FAUJ" (Netaji S. C. Bose) that in future the
punishment for desertion would be death, and the
Divisional and Regimental Commanders were given
the power to award this punishment summarily.
A few days later I received a personal letter
:feom Netaji, in which he asked me to exercise utmost
vig&llance to prevent desertions and to take any steps,
\which I considered necessary including award of
Capital Punishment to the offenders. He also asked
me to convey his message to all the Regimental
Commanders. 1 did so and obtained the initials
.of Cols. P. K. Sahgal and G. S. Dhillon on it.
Also before my arrival at Popa, four men of
No. 4 Regiment had been shot for desertion. Thus
a precedent had already been created, before Sy.
Mohd. Hussain of No. 2 Regt. was brought up before
me for desertion. The award of Capital Punishment
on him was distasteful to me, but at a time when
the extreme necessity was to restore confidence of
the troops in their leaders I could show no weak*
ness, especially because Mohd. Hussain was a Muslim
and any leniency in dealing with his case might have
been misinterpreted on communal lines. This was
Blithe more important in view of the fact that I
was new to the Division and had just taken over
its command, and had no previous contact with the
officers and men of that unit.
54 I. N. A. HSROES
Full facts of the case are as under :
On 26th or 27th March 1945, Maj. B.S. Ngi, 2/Itr
Command to Col. Sahgal, commanding No. 2 Regi-
ment and Lt. Khazin Shah, commanding 1st Bn. of
No. 2 Regiment came to my Head Quarters and
reported that they had some men to be brought up
before me for attempted desertion. I asked them to
march them in before me*
They produced three men before me.
Sy. Mohd. Hussain 1
Sy. Alladifa h All on charge of desertion
Sy. Jagiri Ram j
Major Negi handed over the charge sheet to me
and explained that owing to being unwell Col. Sahgal
could not come himself, and that he had gone into
the case of those three men and and was of te
opinion that they deserved the extreme penalty. Lt.
Khazin Shah, the Battalion Commander, was also
of the same opinion.
I read out the charge sheet to the three accused,
two pleaded not guilty and one Sy. Mohd. Hussain
pleaded guilty. I returned the charge sheet to Major
Negi, after full investigation and asked him to bring,
up Mohd. Hussain before me the next day for deser-
tion, and that the other two were to be dealt with
by the Regimental Commander, as they were not
guilty of desertion.
Next day Mohd. Hussain, along with the other
two. was brought up before me. I read out the charge
sheet to him, and asked him to tell me the truth. He
mid, that he did intend to desert and that be had
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 55
also instigated the other two to desert with him. 1
then asked the other two witnesses Sy. Alladitta and
Sy. Jagiri Ram to make their statements. They both
admitted that Sy. Mohd. Hussain had tried to
instigate them to desert and that he had told them
that he was going to desert.
Being fully satisfied from the evidence that the
nfen was guilty I awarded the punishment of death
to bin. Once the charge was established against the
man, there was no other alternative left for me, by
the existing orders on the subject, and by the
precedent of 4 men of No. 4 Regt. shot before my
arrival*
I ordered Maj. Mehr Das, my senior staff officer,
who was also present there, to take down in writing
the full statement and confession of Sy. Mohd.
Hussain, before the sentence was carried.
This I understand he was not likely to do, as we
had to move out immediately on active operations to
stop a serious advance by the enemy.
When, where and how (if ever) Sy. Mohd.
Hussain was shot is not known to me.
I would also like to point out that at the time
when I awar.ded the punishment to him, I and Sy.
Mohd. Hussain were both subject to the I. N. A. Act.
He bad voluntarily accepted to join the organization,
and to abide by its rules and regulations.
Prior to his being sent to the front, he had been
given undermentioned opportunities of not going to
the front if he did not wish to do so :
56 L tf, A. HEROES
i
(a) In Singapore, before the Regt. started moving
to the frontjin Burma.
(ft) At Rangoon^ in a speech by Netaji, and by
the Regimental Commander in which they
asked all men who were physically or
mentally unfit to go to the front to stay
: behind.
ptSome men did actually stay behind.
Again on arrival at Popa, the Regiment Com*
mander Col. P. K. Sahgal gave every one an oppor-
tunity to go back to Rangoon, if they did not wish to
stay on and fight in Popa or to go over to the Allies,
but in the latter case, he said the men would not be
allowed to take I. N. A. Arms with them. Some man
were actually sent back from Popa.
In conclusion, if in spite of voluntarily joining
the organization and accepting its rules and regulations
and given ample opportunities of staying behind, away
from the front, the man still insisted on betraying his
country and his pomrades he well deserved the punish-
ment which he received.
(3)
SURRENDER.
Having left Popa on 12th April in accordance
with orders, we reached the outskirts of Pegu, on 16th
May having marched over 500 miles, without any
proper supply of rations or transport. During this
inarch, by which we intended to join NETAJI at
Moulmein, we broke 'six times through enemy
encirclements.
On 16th May I realized that the situation had
become almost hopeless ; this was made worse by the
false information given to me by a Japanese Brigade
Commander. He said, the British forces had crossed
the Sittang river and that fighting: was probably going
on at Moulmein."
Rangoon had been captured by the Allies and the
British forces were stretched out along the road
JRangoon-Pegu-Meiktilla and Mandalay. So I ordered
all the troops with me to go and surrender to the
British at Pegu.
This they did under command of Major A. B.
Singh and Jagir Singh.
I did not intend ever to surrender to the British
and so took a party of approximately 5 officers and 40
soldiers with the intention of continuing the fight.
(See my diary X In the meantime the British forces
57
58 L N. A. HEROES
closed round us and finally without any rations or
medicines, in a country whose population was very
hostile, there was no other course left for us, but to
surrender.
The following day. 17th May at about 11.00 hrs.
we sent an officer 2/Lt. (I. N. A.) Rai Singh, with a
white flag and a letter. The contents of which were :
To
The Commander of British Forces.
From
The Commander of L N. A. Tps. 2 Division,
44 We have ceased fighting and wish to surrender,
our party consisting of 45,men."
It was signed by G. S. Dhillon.
At about 16.00 hrs. Lt. Rai Singh returned. He
was accompanied by a 2/Lt Tehl Singh of 2/lst Punjab
Regiment. Lt. Tehl Singh came and met us and
asked us to accompany him to his company area;
where we were all disarmed and taken to his Coy.
H. Qrs. where I met Major Ram Singh, 2/lst Punjab
Regiment, who was commanding the Company. From
there we were taken to their Batallion Head Quarters
and eventually to the Corp. Head Quarters, where
the officers were separated from the men and taken
to Pegu Jail.
The following day 18th May, CoL G. S. Dhillon
and I were taken to the F. I. C (Forward Interroga-
tion Centre) and a guard was placed over the house
ia which we were accommodated. After a few days
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 99
this guard was removed and we were told by Major
Orr, the Officer Commanding F. C. C. that we were
on Parole. Up to this time we had been wearing our
I. N. A. Uniform and Badges of rank.
We told him he could make us "take off' 9 our
I. N. A. Badges of rank, but could not order us to put
on British Badges of rank. He agreed to this.
On 9th June I left Pegu for Rangoon and from
there for Calcutta by Air arriving on llth June and
.DELHI on 14th June 1945.
(4)
STATEMENT IN THB COTOT.
Mr. President and members of this honourable
'court*
In this statement I am going to lay before you,
very frankly, the considerations and motives that have
impelled me from the day of my surrender in
Singapore on 15th February 1942 to the day of my
capture by the British forces at Pegu on 16th May
1945.
Before touching on the actual period, I would like
to throw some light on my early history and Army
career :
Early History
I was born in a family of Janjua Rajputs in
Rawalpindi. My father who was the leader of the
Tribe in the District served in the Indian Army for
30 years.
In the first and the second World Wars, every
Able-bodied member of- 'my family joined the army.
At present there are over 80 of them serving as
officers in the Indian Army*
In short I belong to a family in which loyalty to
ithe Crown has always been a valued tradition.
I was educated at the Prince of Wmles's Royal
jtodian Military College, Dehra Dun,
60
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 61
In 1933 I passed out into the I. M. A. Dehra Dun.,
and received the undermentioned scholarships : -
(a) King: Emperor's Cadet-ship.
(6) Sir Partap Singh Memorial Prize for being:
the best cadet and for belonging to a family
having the best military services to its.
credit.
I passed out of the I. M. A. as an under officer
and was attached to a British Battalion for one year,
after which I was posted to 1st Bn. 14th Punjab .
Regiment in February, 1937.
In short I was brought up in an atmosphere which
was purely military and up to the time of my meeting
with NETAJI S. C. Bos>e at Singapore in July 1943, 1
i was politically almost uneducated. I was brought up .
to see India through the eyes of a young British
officer, and all that I was interested in was soldiering
and sport*
Call to Malaya
In March 1941, my Battalion went overseas to
Malaya. At that time I was left behind in command
of a company at the Tiaining Centre at Ferozepore.
Early in November 1941, my 0. C. Lt. CoL
L. V. Fitzpatrick wrote to the G. H. Q. India,
asking for my being sent out to join the Battalion*
The Officer Commanding of the Training Centre, how-
ever, refused to allow me to go, on the grounds that my
services could not be spared. He also protested about it
to the G.H.Q, and an Indian Army Order was published v
42 L N. A. HEROES
stating that in 4?ture the active Bos. should not ask
for any officer by name.
CoL Fitspatrick, however, again applied forme
-through Malaya High Command, but his request
was again turned down.
Early in Dec. 1941, he wrote a private letter to
the Officer Commanding the Training Centre, stating
that it was imperative in the interests of the Battalion
that I should be sent out to join it.
On receipt of this letter I was allowed to proceed
to Malaya and join my Battalion.
I was very proud of my Battalion, and was very
happy to join it in the fight against the Japanese.
On 16th January, 1942, I sailed from Bombay,
determined to live up to the good name of the
Sherdil Bn. and to uphold the martial traditions of
my family.
I arrived at Singapore on January 29th, 1942, when
the situation had become very critical. In 'spite of
this I was determined to put up a brave fight.
In, the battle of Singapore on 13th, 14th and 15th
February 142, when the British officers, on my right
and left flanks, had disappeared with their units, I held
on to my position until ordered by my Commanding
Officer^to surrender.
I resented this order very much especially because
I 'felt that I had , pot been given a fair chance to fight
the enemy. To have brought me to Singapore so late
In the fight, only to be be ordered to lay down my
arms, and to surrender unconditionally, I considered
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWA2 63
to be extremely unjust to myself and to my sense of
honour as a soldier*
Surrender and the Concentration at the Farr er Park
On the night of 15/16th Feb. 1942 the day of
surrender, we received orders that all Indians,
including the King's Commissioned Officers, were to
concentrate at Farrer Park : and all British Officers
and other ranks were to concentrate at Changi.
All of us, especially* the officers, were surprised to
hear this order, because according to the laws of
civilized warfare, all captured officers irrespective
of nationality, whether Indian or British, are kept
together, and separate from the rank and file.
We had heard of the Japanese ways before, and
felt that British brother officers were leaving us in the
lurch to face it all by ourselves.
On the morning of the 16th Feb. 1942. when we
were marching off to our concentration area, our
Commanding Officer Major MaCadam, along with
other British Officers, came to see off the Bn ; when
shaking hands with me, he said, "I suppose this is the
parting of our ways/ 9
These words confirmed my belief that we, the
Indians, were being left in the lurch. These were the
feelings and the state of mind in which I went to
Farrer Park.
Handing over Ceremony
At Farrer Park we were handed over to the
commander o'f the Japanese Intelligence Departmen
64 I. N. A. HEROES
Maj. Fujiwara, by Col. Hunt, the representative of the
British Govt. When handing over. Col Hunt
called the parade to attention and said : -
"To-day I, on behalf of the British Govt. hand
you over to the Japanese Government, whose
orders you will obey as you have done
ours."
Major Fujiwara then brought the parade to
attention and said, "On behalf of the Japanese
Government I take you over, under my charge."
He then went to say, "I on behalf of the
Japanese Govt. now hand you over to G. 0. C.
Mohan Singh, who shall have the power of life
and death over you."
Major Fujiwara made a speech in which he
declared that we would not be treated as prisoners,
but as brothers by the Japanese, and expressed the
hope that all of us would join the Army which would
be raised to fight for India's Freedom, under the
leadership of G* O. C. Mohan Singh.
After this Capt. Mohan Singh came to the stage
and made a similar speech.
These speeches came to me as a complete bomb-
shell. The very idea of joining hands with our former
enemies to fight against our own kith and kin was-
fantastic.
I as well as most of the other officers had a
feeling of being completely helpless at being handed
over iifee cattle by the British to the Japs and by the
"japs to Capt. Mohan Singh, whom they gave power*
of life and death over us.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 65
With all due regards to Capt Mohan Singh's
iincerity and leadership which he displayed later ; I
had known him well for the last 10 years. He had
always been an efficient, but an average officer. The
mere fact of being handed over to him, and his
announcement as the G. O. C. having powers of life
and death over us, made me feel suspicious of the
Japanese intentions, as among the Indian P. of W.
there were some very senior and brilliant officers like
Col Gill and Col, Bhonsle with at least 15 to 20 years*
service in the army, whereas Capt. Mohan Singh had
only 8 to 9 years' service.
I was fully convinced, knowing Capt. Mohan
Singh so well, that politically at any rate, he would
not be able to cope with the Japanese political
intrigues and we would be exploited by them for
their own ends. I, therefore, firmly made up my
mind not to have anything to do with organisa-
tion and in spite of the feeling of frustration and
helplessness, the element of traditional loyalty to the
King triumphed and not only did I make up my
own mind to keep out of the I. N. A. but as the
head of a famous military tribe I felt it my duty to
warn others, especially the men I commanded and
the men that came from my area, to keep out of it.
The advice that 1 gave them at that time was that
if any of them was asked to shoot at his own brethren,
he should turn round and shoot at the person asking
him to do so.
66 I. N. A. HEROES
Three stages
The period from the time of my surrender in
Singapore in February 1942 to the time of my
capture by the British in May 1945, can be divided
into 3 distinct parts :
Part I. 15th February 1942 to the end of
May 1942, during which period I was against the
very idea of such an organization coming into
existence, and fought against it as vigorously as was
possible, under the unfortunate circumstances in
which we were placed.
Part II. June 1942 to June 1943. Realizing that
I had failed in my first object, I decided in the
interests of my men, to volunteer for the I. N. A.,
with full determination that I would do everything
possible to break it or to sabotage it from within,
as soon as I felt that it would submit to Japanese
exploitation.
Part III. July 1943 to May 1945, when I was
fully convinced that it was a genuine army of libera-
tion,
I would like to give some details and important
events that took place in each of the above given
parts :
In the first part, I was against the idea of
creating an Indian National Army, because
(a) I realized that the Japanese were out to
exploit us, and none of us was politically
capable of dealing with them ;
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 67
O) The hmnding over of all the Indian P. O. W
to Capt. Mohan Singh by the Japanese
made me feel even more suspicious of
their intentions, and so I felt it my duty
to fight against it .
Move to Weesoon
The next day, 17th February, 1942, I went with
my Battalion to Neesoon Camp, and after a few
days I was appointed Camp Commandant.
There were approx. 20.000 P. of W. in that
camp. The accommodation there was sufficient only
ior approx. 8 to 10 thousand men.
There were no sanitation arrangements.
There was no Water Supply.
Hospital arrangements were very poor and we
had no medicines.
As a result of this, dysentery and other epidemics
broke out.
The discipline of troops had gone off completely,
and so I had a very difficult task to perform ; but
thanks to the strenuous efforts of the camp medical
staff, particularly Col. Chaudhn, Maj. Elabi Bux.
and Major Gilani, disease was controlled, and by the
efforts of a S. and M. unit, electric, water and sanitary
arrangements were completed.
After the events in Farrer Park I was fully
convinced that the Japanese were going to exploit
us, and so on reaching Neesoon Camp, one of the
iirst things I did was to organize a block of officers,
whose object it was to prevent the formation of the
I. N. A.
68 I. N. A. HEROES
I commanded 'the Neesoon Camp from March
to June 1942, during which period my only concern
was to improve the unfortunate lot of the men under
my command.
During the time I was commanding Neesoon,.
the largest Indian P. of W. Camp in Singapore,
not a single person was ever sent to any concen-
tration or detention camp. I allowed every one to-
have, and express, his opinion freely and to decide
for himself, without any outside pressure.
By the end of May 1942 it had become quite
evident that in spice of all our efforts the L N. A,,
would come into existence.
In the same month we had to decide whether
or not we would volunteer for the L N. A. and volun-
teers and non-volunteers were to be separated. I
received orders from the Head Quarters to forward
lists of volunteers and non-volunteers to them,,
for allotment of separate camps to each category.
In view of this new situation I held several
meetings of the "Block" and it was decided that
since we had failed in our first object to prevent the
formation of the I. N. A. the next best thing was for
senior officers to join it with the object of :
(a) Giving protection and help to P. of W.
(&) To stop its being exploited by the Japanese,
(c) To sabotage and :wreck it from within,,
the r moment we felt that it would submit
to Japanese exploitation.
1, however, advisccf the rank and file to keep out
of it.
MAJOR-GENERAL 8HAHNAWAZ 69
t
In accordance with this decision, in the middle
of May 1942, at Neesoon, in the presence of all
officers of the camp, I declared myself a volunteer,
but gave every one a free choice to decide lor himself.
1 also gave orders that any one trying to persuade
any one else to join the 1. N. A. would be punished. I
also asked for the list which had to be forwarded to
J. N. A. H.Q. on the following day.
Mosque Meeting
The same afternoon I called a meeting of all
Muslim officers in the mosque and told them my
reasons for joining the I. N. A. I also told them that
they would be separated shortly, and I asked them
to give an assurance that they would not become
volunteers, through any force or coercion used
against them by the Japanese. They all agreed and
said a 4| Dua-Khair f| a religious 'confirmation of
the decision taken.
PERT II
Bangkok Conference
Early in 'June 1942 Captain Mohan Singh called
a conference of all senior officers at his residence to
discuss the plans for the forthcoming conference to be
Jheld at Bangkok.
He revealed that he had to take 90 delegates
there on behalf of Indian P. of W. He went on to
say that he proposed to take only 30 delegates and 60
proxy votes.
70 I. N. A. HEROES
My own feeling was that at Bangkok we were
likely to be committed too far and was not in favour
of Indian P. O. W, participating in such a confer-
ence. In the discussion that followed some misunder-
standing arose over the selection of delegates and from
Neesoon, the biggest P. of W. camp in Malaya,
only one delegate and not a single proxy vote was
sent td the conference.
On account of this misunderstanding the same
evening I was relieved of the command of Neesoon
Camp and was ordered to proceed to Kuala-
Lumpur, with working parties of prisoners of war.
Stay at Kaula-Lumvur
I arrived at Kaula-Lumpur by a goods train early
in June and was appointed Commander of all P- of W.
parties in Malaya, My duty was to tour ail
P. of W. stations in Malaya and put up their
grievances to the Japanese General Head Quarters
which wasjat Kuala-Lumpur.
At Kuala-Lumpur I was ordered by the Japanese
to assemble all droops for the Garrison Commander's
inspection* The Japanese Commander addressing the'
P. of W. said, "I welcome you all and am very pleased
to have you under my command. We regard you
not as P. of W. but as our brothers as we are all
Asiatics. It is the most ardent desire of all Japanese
people that India should achieve its independence as
soon as possible and to enable you to participate in the
fight for freedom we have made arrangements for re-
arming and training you for that purpose/'* I realized
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 71
that the Japanese were out to exploit the Indian P. of
W. who resented taking up arms.
I explained to the Japanese Commander that the
question of Indian Independence was an affair of the
Indians and that the Japanese had no right to force
any Indian against his wishes to participate in it. He
agreed with me and it was decided that in future the
Indian P. of W. would be asked to do only labour
and other P. of W. duties.
A similar trouble arpse at Seremban, whete on
refusal of the P. of W. to take up arms the Japanese
fixed machine guns ail round their camp, put the
Camp Commander Lt. Ghulam Mohd. 3/16' P. R.,
in a cell and gave the P. of W. 24 hours to think about
it and decide, after which if they sail insisted they
would all be shot.
I heard about it and at once rushed to
Seremban, with the Japanese G. H. Q. decision
given at Kuala-Lumpur, and after a great deal of
persuasion I was able to make the Japanese there to
see our point of view so that future trouble was
averted. In a similar manner,! visited all Indian
P. of W. camps in Malaya and ensured that they were
not coerced to take up arms or undergo any form of
military training under the Japs.
At Kaula- Lumpur the Japanese tried to teach the
Indian P. of W. Japanese foot drill, words of command
and saluting. I refused to allow them to do so,
although it will be interesting to know, that the
English prisoners of war in Rangoon did this.
i 72 I. N. A. HEROES
While holding this position I managed to secure
for the Indian P. of W. excellent living conditions ~
very likely the best given to any P. of W. in the Far
East.
(a) Food was excellent -eggs, fish, chicken
and vegetables.
(b) Work was moderate and pay was given
regularly.
(c) There were adequate arrangements for the
recreation of troops; they played hockey,
foot-ball, etc. Cinema shows were given in
camps and troops could go out and see any
picture by paying 10 cents.
(d) P. of W. soldiers could go out of their camp
on a pass given by their unit commanders
from 10 A. M. to 4 P. M. daily, and on holi-
days officers could go out in Mufti and visit
any civilian friends from 10 A. M. to mid-
night.
(e) On Fridays Muslims were allowed to go and
say prayers io the Jumma Masjid, and
Hindus and Sikhs could go to their respec-
tive religious places in the town on
Sundays.
S. &. M. Men selected for execution
On one occasion when I was out of the station on
tour, the Japanese took away 23 N. C. Os. belonging
to 42 Fd. Pk. Coy R, Bombay S. & M. on the accusation
that they were too pro-British and selected some of
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 73
them for execution and made them sign their last
will. When I returned from tour I found this and
at once went to the Japanese G. H. Q. and requested
them to hand over my soldiers to me. I told them
that I was supposed to be the Commander of Indian
Troops and that, in principle, it was wrong for the
Japanese to deal direct with my subordinate officers
and take -away the men under my command without
my knowledge.
Finally I told them that if they insisted on
doing this I would resign from my appointment.
They then told me that I could take away 15 of them
and the rest they said they must execute as they were
too " Pro-British'' and being Japanese prisoners they
were still insisting that they had taken an oath to be
loyal to the British King. They said they could not
allow such Indians to live, I explained the full
significance of this oath to them and told them that
the normal procedure for dealing with any serious
offence in the Indian Army was to bold a court of
enquiry and I assured them that I would go very
thoroughly into the case, and if in the end the court
found their offence of a serious nature I would myself
hand them over to the Japanese for punishment. They
eventually agreed to this and I brought back all the
twenty-three N.C.Os. safely to their unit, held a court
of enquiry and released all of them.
In Dec. 1942 1 was recalled to Singapore. During
the period of my stay at Kaula-Lumpur as
commander of P. 0. W. in Malaya.
74 I. N. A. HEROES
(a) I served them to the best of my ability.
Many a time I had to travel by goods train
without food and had to face insults and
humiliations from junior Japanese officers
for the sake of the men I commanded.
(6) I refused to allow the Japanese to exploit
in any way the Indian P. O. W* for their own
ends and at the same time secured for them
good treatment.
(c) I always upheld the honour and prestige
of my country and refused to accept any
racial superiority of the Japanese.
W) I also induced the Japanese not to arrest
any Indian soldiers who had turned civilians
during the War and were honourably earning
their livincr. The case of one Sy. Abdul
Matlab of 2/16 P. R. who had opened a
tea shop at Sercmbam Railway Station is
a typical one.
(<?) At Kaula-Lumpur I helped the Indian desti-
tute civilians as much as I could. There
were scores of them dying of starvation. I
requested all P. O. W. to fast for one day in
a week and send all the food thus saved to
them. The Japanese Commander, on coming:
to know of this/ was so impressed that he
gave 90 sacks of rice a month for the desti-
tute camp which we were supporting.
(f ) At Singapore in May 1943, the 'Japanese
ordered officers of 2/12 P. F. R, to provide
three hundred men to do -guard duties over
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 75
Japanese aerodromes. The men refused to go,
but the Japanese insisted and it looked as if a serious
situation would develop. Sub Fazal Dad Khan of
2/12 F. F. R. then approached me and informed me
of the critical situation that had arisen. I went to
the Seletar Camp with Sub. Fazal Dad Khan, talked
to the Japanese Officer and succeeded in convincing
him that it was wrong to persuade P-. O. W. to take
up arms. After this the unit was never troubled
by the Japs.
I was recalled to Singapore in September 1942 and
one of the first things I did was to go and pay a
visit to all the P. O. W. Camps in Singapore, where
there were large numbers of men from my area.
All along during my stay in Singapore I had been
most concerned about the welfare of the P f O. W.,
whom I quite often used to visit and distribute
among them my I. N. A. pocket money, and clothing
and medicine.
There ,was the case of one P. O. W, Jem*
Mirsaman, 2/10 Balauch Regt., who had an
ulcer in the stomach ; the doctor said that he would
not survive. I took him to my bungalow, kept him
with me for over 4 months and -through good
nourishment, completely cured him and the a sent
him back to rejoin his unit which was still a P. O. W.
unit. There are several such instances.
On recall from Kuala-Lumpur, I was appointed
a Commandant O. T. S. which had to be disbanded
after a few days, by order of Capt. Mohan Singh,
who had some misunderstanding with the Japanese.
76 L N. A. HEROES
I took full advantage of this situation and to-
gether with other members of my " Block' 1 persuaded
Capt. Mohan Singh to disband the I. N. A. I
did so because I knew that the Japanese were itrying
to exploit us.
I joined the 2nd L N. A. in Feb. 1943 -on being
told that Netaji S. C. Bose would be coming to
Singapore to take over its command.
At this time I also realized that whether we
liked it or not, the Japanese were definitely going
into India.
I also realized that the fight would, in all
probability, be carried into Indian territory as I did
not think that the British forces would be able to
stop the Japanese advance.
I had also seen with my own eyes the indiscrimi-
nate loo ting and raping in Malaya, and I did not
wish it to happen in India. I felt that by going into
India we would be able to stop this, or at any rate,
I would be much more useful to my country with a
rifle in my hand to save the life, property and
honour of Indians, than as a helpless prisoner of war
in MalayA.
I, therefore, set about to collect such men for
the L N. A* who would be prepared to fight even
against the Japanese if they proved dishonest, and
this fact has been established beyond doubt even by
the prosecution witnesses.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 7T
jis arrival and its effect on me.
When Netaji arrived in Singapore, I watched
him very keenly. I had never seen or met him
before, and did not know very much about his
activities in India. I heard a number of his public
speeches, which had a profound effect on me. It
will not be wrong to say that I was hypnotized by
his personality and his speeches. He placed the
true picture of India before us and for the first
time in my life I saw India, through the eyes of
an Indian.
I was most impressed by his selflessness, his
absolute devotion to our country, his frankness and
his refusal to bow before the Japanese wishes. I
knew that in his hands India's honour was safe ;
he would never barter it for anything in the world.
Also when I heard him give a free choice to everyone
in the I. N. A. to leave its ranks if they were not
prepared to make extreme sacrifices and his warn*
ing to those who stayed on in the I. N. A. to be
prepared to face, "thirst, hunger, forced marches and
in the end death " and when with my own eyes I
saw the enthusiasm of thousands
Indians in the Far East, who
all that they possessed and
the Azad Hind Fauj and becaij
sake of their country. I knew \
and when he, in the name
stricken, unarmed and
78 I. N. A. HEROES
to us to come forward and sacrifice our lives for
their liberation ; no honourable Indian could have
refused this much to him.
I found a leader and decided to follow him, and
for me it was the greatest and the most difficult
decision of my life, t.e., of fighting against my kith and
kin f who were, in the British Indian Army in very
] large numbers, and whom, I was certain, I could
never induce to see eye to eye with me.
At the back of my mind was the traditional
urge of loyalty to the King, I owed all my education
to him. My family and my tribe were one of the
privileged classes in India. The y were all prosperous
and contented. This, too, we owed to the British
Government and I knew that no change in India
would bring them any more prosperity. In fact they
were likely to suffer by it.
But on the other hand, when I thought of the
''starving millions'* who were baing ruthlessly
exploited by the British, and were being deliberately
kept illiterate and ignorant to make this exploitation
easier, I developed a great hatred for the system
of rule in India, which to me, it seemed, was based
on ''injustice*' and to remove this injustice I decided
to sacrifice my everything my life, my home, my
family and its traditions* I made up my mind to
fight even against ' my brother if he stood in my
way, and in the actual fighting that followed in
1944, we actually fought against each other. -He
was wounded* My cousin and I were fighting each
other in Chin Hill, almost daily for two months.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 79
In short the question before me was the King
or the Country. I decided to be loyal to my country
and gave my word of honour to my Netaji that I
would sacrifice myself for her sake.
Differential Treatment
Another thing, which has always upset me, has
been the difference of treatment between an
Indian and a British soldier.
I saw with my own eyes that as far as fighting
was concerned there was no difference. The Indian
soldier stood his ground and fought to the last
Why then there should be so much difference in
their pay, allowances, food and living conditions I
have never been able to understand. It seemed to
me to be extremely unjust.
Secondly, I would also like to point out that the
I. N. A. was raised, organized, trained and led in the
field entirely by Indians. Comparatively junior
officers commanded Divisions and Brigades ; O., C. Os.
commanded battalions, and under the circumstances,
they did not do it " too badly/' But on the other
hand, out of 2 millions of Indians in the Indian
Army, not a single officer was given the command of
a Division, and only one Indian was given the com-
mand of a Brigade.
There were some very senior and competent
Indian officers in the Indian Army, and it appeared
to me that the laok of talent could not have been the
reason for more Indians not getting higher com-
80 I. N. A. HEROES
mands. This a'so appeared to my mind ta oe very
unjust
I was a soldier and once I had taken the decision?
I concentrated on fighting from the first to the last.
In September 1943, Netaji decided to select *
picked Regt. consisting of the cream of I. N. A. and
send it into action to form the spearhead of the
advance into India. It was known as "Subhas
Brigade " and I was selected to command it. The
Brigade took part in fighting in the Arakan,
Haka-Falam and in the vicinity of Kohima.
In December 1944, 1 was appointed Commander
of No. 1 Division which was at Mandalay then.
In February 1945, when No. 1 D. Ill H. Q. wa
at Pyinmama, Netaji came there and told me
that No. 2, a fresh Division of the I. N. A., was
moving to the front in the vicinity of Popa, and
that unfortunately its Division Commander Col. Aziz*
Ahmed had beed injured in an air raid. He, there-
fore, ordered me to take over its command. I did so,
but in April 1945 I had to fall back to Pegu, where
I was captured by the British forces.
In joining the I. N. A. I was prompted only br
motives of patriotism. I fought a straightforward
and honourable fight on the battlefield, against
most overwhelming odds. I was further handicapped 1
by lack of proper medical, transport and ration
supplies, and for long periods I, with my troops, had
to live on paddy and jungle grass, when' even salt was>
a luxury for us.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAHNAWAZ 81
During these operations I, with my men, marched
over 3,000 miles in Burma
I gave good treatment to the' British troops r
whom my soldiers captured, and expected to receive
the same treatment for my troops when they surren-
dered as Prisoners of War.
Finally Sir ! I wish to bring to your notice, and
to the notice of my country, that no mercenary or
ouppet army could have faced the hardships as the
I. N A. did. We fought only for India's Independ-
ence.
I do not deny having taken part in the fight but
I dkl so as a member of the regular fighting forces of
the Provisional Government of Free India who waged
war for the liberation of their motherland according
to the rules of civilised warfare and to whom the
status of belligerency had been accorded by the
British Forces opposing us. I, therefore, committed
no offence for which I can be trifed by a Court Martial
or by any other Court.
As for the charge of abetment of murder, even if
the facts alleged by the prosecution were true, I
could not be held to have committed any offence.
Mohd. Hussain, who had voluntarily joined the
I. N. A. and submitted himself to its discipline,
admittedly attempted to desert and to induce others
to desert at a very critical juncture. If he had suc-
ceeded in his attempt he would have carried .all
information about the force under my command to
the British, which would have meant complete dig-
82 I. N. A. HEROES
aster for us. Under the Indian ^National Army Act
and under the Military Codes of all civilised nations,
the offence attempted to be committed was the most
serious and heinous one punishable with death. It is,
however, in fact wrong that I sentenced him to death
or that he was shot in execution of a sentence passed
by me. Mohd. Hussain and his companions were
only informally produced before me, there being no
.crime report drawn up. I only very strongly ad-
monished Mohd. Hussain and told him that he had
committed an offence for which he could and should
be shot. I t however, left the matter there and asked
the case to be put up again before me or the Regi-
mental Commander who had in the meanwhile been
vested with the power to try such cases, if the men
concerned attempted to misbehave a second time.
The case never came up before me again presumably
because the contingency never arose.
PART If
COL. P. K. SAHG AL
II
COL. P. K. SAHGAL
AZAD HIND FAUJ
(1)
LIFE STORY
1. Born on the 25th March 1917 at Hoshiar-
put (Punjab).
Father. Mr. Justice Achhru Ram, a lawyer from
Jullundur.
Mother. Shrimati Rattan Devi from Hoshiarpur.
Early childhood. Mostly spent at Jullundur
was very much interested in the Arya Samaj in the
early days. Attended the 1929-30 Congress session at
Lahore. At that time a student of Doaba High School,
Jullundur. On return from Lahore took active part
in the non-co-operation movement and was an active
member of the Jullundur Students Union.
Move to Lahore. End of 1930, my father
moved to Lahore to practise at the High Court and
the whole family moved with him. I matriculated
from the Central Model High School, Lahore, in 1932
and joined the Government College, Lahore.
Government College and the Indian Military
Academy. I passed my intermediate in 1934
and . in 1935 Sat for the competitive examination of
85
86 L N. A. HEROES
entrance to the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun.
I was successful and joined the L M. A. in 1936. I was
commissioned with effect from the 29th January 1938
and after attachment with a British Unit, I was posted
to the 5th Bn. of the Baluch Regiment.
Malaya. In 1940 I was transferred to the
2nd Bn. of the Baluch Regt. and sailed for Malaya with '
the Bn. in October 1940. I landed in Singapore on the
llth November 1940 and after a stay of about a
fortnight there, my Bn. moved to Kotah Bharu in
Kalaatan State on the North-East Coast of Malaya.
At the end of November I was promoted an Acting
Captain.
Kota Bharu. Soon after our arrival in
Kota Bharu my Bn. was allotted the task of beach
defences and throughout 1941, we spent most of our
time preparing these defences. I was commanding a
company which was given the task of defendin g
eleven thousand yards of the beach.
Malayan Campaign* The Japanese landed in
Kota Bharu on the night of the 7/8th December 1941.
By the morning of the 9th Japanese occupied Kota
Bharu aerodrome and the town. At midday on
the 9th I was allotted the task of commanding a
mixed force which was acting as rear guard to my
brigade. On the llth I rejoined my Bn. and we
fought our way down the Mainland of Malaya.
During this rime the Company distinguished itself ia
action on more than one occasion.
Battle of Singapore. We crossed the Johore
crossway on the night of 30/31st January and on arrival
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 87
in Singapore we were sent to the vicinity of the
Sambawatig aerodrome, with a counter-attack role in
case ot landing on the East Coast. The Japanese
landed in Singapore on the morning of the 8th Feb. 1942.
The initial landing took place in the part of the front
which was held by the Australians and it was pre-
ceded by a very heavy artillery barrage. The
Australians did not stand up to the Japanese onslaught
and fell back in disorder. On th> 10th my Bn.
moved out to counter-attack and llth Ind. Div. to
which my Bn. belonged drove the Japanese back into
the sea but as the Australian front had completely
collapsed, therefore we also had to fall back. My Bn.
was involved in heavy fighting throughout the battle
of Singapore. I was captured by the Japanese on
the 14th February and Singapore surrendered on the
15th Feb.
Ceremony at Farrear Park. On the 10th Feb.
all the Indian troops were marched off to the Farrear
Park, where on the 17th they were handed over to
the Japanese by Lt. Col. Hunt. The Japanese in
their turn handed the Indians over to Capt. Mohan
Singh, G O. C, I. N. A.
Prisoner of War. On the 18th Feb* my Bn.
went to Neesoin Camp where I met Lt. Col. N. S.
Gill. Orf the 19th Lt. Col. Gill told me that he was
going to form a headquarters in the Neesoin camp
to administer the Indian prisoners of war and asked
me if I would like to take charge of the Adjutant
General's branch of this R Q. I agreed and
88 I. N. A. HEROES
accordingly posted to the H. Q. in that appointment.
My work consisted of keeping the records of Indian
Officers and soldiers and preparing nominal rolls or
other routine returns which were demanded by
Captain Mohan Singh's H. Q. I continued to carry
out these duties until these H. Qs. were dissolved.
Bidadari Resolutions. In April 1942, Capt.
Mohan Singh and the companions returned from
Tokyo and a conference of Senior Officers was held
in Bidadari Camp. I was present at this conference.
Four resolutions which later came to be commonly
known as Bidadan resolutions were passed and Offi-
cers and men were asked to volunteer on these
resolutions. I did not trust the Japanese and I also
felt that there was no sense in asking Officers and
men to volunteer on the basis of those resolutions. I
was of the opinion that if volunteers are to be asked
for, they must be asked for participation in Indian
War of Liberation. Therefore I refused to accept
these resolutions and went to Tengali Aerodrome
camp which was a non-volunteer camp. When rep-
resentatives were going to Bangkok, I was asked if I
would like to go. I refused to go because I thought
that these people were wasting their time and nothing
substantial would ever come out of all these
conferences.
Joining the I. !A(. A. Delegates from the
Bangkok Conference returned to Singapore in the
month of July and at the end of that month Capt.
Mohan Singh sent for me and asked me to assist in
COL. P. Kt SAHGAL 89
the organisation of the I. N. A. I consented to do so
and later realising that Capt. Mohan Singh really
meant business, I volunteered to join the I. N A. I
finally made up my mind to join the Indian National
Army because I felt that the Japanese were absolutely
determined to go to India and if they were accom-
panied by a really strong I. N., A. the Japanese would
not be permitted to commit the same atrocities as they
had committed in Malaya and other countries in
East Asia and also if they did not honour their pledges
regarding Indian Independence, a well armed and
organised I. N. A. would be in a position to put up an
armed opposition against them. After joining the
I. N. A. I was posted to H. Q. 1st Hind Field Force
: Group where I stayed until the I. N. A. broke.
Crisis in the I. J{. A. The I. N. A. under
orders of Gen. Mohan Singh was broken at the end
of December 1942. I was one of the few officers
who were opposed to the idea of breaking up the
I. N. A. I was convinced that if we broke up the
I. N. A. Japanese would revive a puppet army,
through which they would be able to exploit the
Indians. I was also of the opinion, that having once
-started an Indian Independence movement, we had
no excuse for inaction, specially when the Indians
in India had asked the British to quit and the British
were employing every possible weapon of oppression
-to break their indomitable will to be free. Mr. Rash
Behari Bose further clarified the issues and the news
that Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was coming to the
90 i. N. A. HEROES
Far East, finally helped the majority of the Officers
and men of the I. N. A. to reorganise the I. N. A.
Directorate of Military Bureau. The I. N. A.
was reorganised under the Director of Mili-
tary Bureau and I was appointed the Military
Secretary in the Directorate.
Arrival of T^etajL On arrival of Netajt
the Directorate of Military Bureau was reorganised
into H.Qs. Supreme Command and I continued in my
post of Military Secretary. In the course of my
duties I came into very close contact with Netaji
and soon became one of his closest and most trusted
associates.
Arrival in Burma. Netaji with the Head
Quarters of the Provisional Government moved
to Rangoon on the 6th January 1944. I followed;
him and reached Rangoon on the 20th January. H. Q.
Supreme Command was set up in Rangoon and I
being the senior most Officer present in the H. Q.
took charge ot them, in addition to my duties
of Military Secretary ; I was also performing the
duties of Assistant Chief of Staff and Deputy Adjutant
General. In February came the news of the wonder-
ful exploits of the I. N. A. in the Arakans. Sooa
afterwards No. 1. Division moved towards the
Manipur front.
Mamiyo. Netaji left Rangooa on the 8th April
and moved to Mamiyo with the members of the Provi-
sional Government preparatory to going to ImphaL
Lt. Col. Habib-ur-Rahman arrived in Rangoon 01* the
COL. P. K. 8AHGAL 91
6th April and I handed over the charge of the H. Q~
in Rangoon to him. On the 15th April, I went to
Mamiyo and stayed with Netaji and I returned to
Rangoon on the 5th May.
Rangoon Again. I once again took charge
of the H. Q. in Rangoon and Col. Habib-ur-Rahmau
went to the front. Netaji returned to Rangoon in
June 1943. I stayed in Rangoon with H. Q. Supreme
Command until October 1943. During this time
No. 1. Division had to withdraw back and I was
responsible for making arrangements to meet their
requirements on arrival in the back areas. Arrange-
ments had also to be made to prepare No. 2 Division
which was arriving in Burma, to move to the front.
In September Netaji returned to the front to meet
No. 1 Division and on h?s return we had long
discussions about our future action. Netaji was
determined that in the coming operations No. 2
Division must give a good account of itself and he
wished to send his most trusted Officers with the
Division. I had been carrying out staff work ever
since the inception of the I. N. A. and was very keen
to participate in active operations ; therefore I
requested Netaji that I should be given command
of No. 5 Grla. Regt. in No. 2 Division which was to
be reorganised into 2 Inf. Regt.
In October 1943 Netaji went to Japan to confer
with the new Government of Japan. At the end
cff October I left Rangoon to go to the front to
visit units No. 1 Division. I returned to Rangoon
"92 L N. A. HEROES
in the beginning of December and left the H. Q.
Supreme Command on the 9th December 1944.
3\to. 2 Inf. Regt. I took over command
of No. 5 Grla. Regiment on the 10th December 1944.
Later on I organised this regiment into an Infantry
Regiment which meant the addition of some 600
men and certain new weapons such as Mirtans into
the Regiment. Intensive training was carried out to
.enable the regiment to fight as a field regiment in
War.
On assuming the command ot my regiment, I
spoke at great length to the Officers and men of
ach unit under my command. I told them that
they should have no illusions as to what was in store
for them when they went to the front. I
impressed on them that in the front line they must
be prepared for hunger, thirst, conditions of great
hardships and great dangers and finally death. Any-
one who was unwilling or unfit to face these condi-
tions was given the option of staying behind at the
base and a certain number of men who were either
unwilling or unfit to proceed to the front were
left behind in Rangoon and no action whatsoever
was taken against anyone.
T^ietajfs Inspection. On the 26th January
1945, Netaji inspected my reginlent in Rangoon and
warned them regarding the hardships and dangers
in the front line and once again anyopp who did not
feel himself mentally or physiclly -jj&j&p proceed
to the front was given the o
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 9$
Move to the Front. On the 28t?h January,,
my regiment started its move to the front. The
regiment was moving in parties of 250 Officers and
men which left Rangoon every alternate day, by
train. I left the same night by car for Pruna. At
Pruna I made arrangements regarding transport
and ration, etc,, for the second stage of the journey
(from Pruna t3 the front) which the whole division
was doing on foot.
On the 31st at Pruna I issued the administrative
orders for the second stage ' of the move for the
whole division.
On the 3rd February I came back to Rangoon,
and on the 4th reported to the Supreme Commander
the arrangements I had made for the move of the.
whole division.
On the 8th February I was notified by H. Q:
Supreme Command that the role of my regiment
was the defence of Popoa Hill.
On the 12th. February there was heavy bombing
in Rangoon in which Col. Aziz Ahmed, the Divisionat
Commander, was injured; therefore I took charge
of the advance H. Q. of the Division ] which was-
also moving to Popoa.
I left Rangoon on the night of the 13th Feb.
and the next day I spent at Saku Army H. Q.
(Japanese Army H. Q. under whose unified command"
my division had been placed for operational purposes).
I discussed the war situation in Burma with Major-
General Iwakuro, the Chief of Staff of Saku Army
4 L N. A. HEROES
We also came to an agreement as to how No. 2
Division could best fulfil its role. *
I arrived in Yomayang, the H. Q. of the Yoma-
moto Division, which was operating in the left of the
Sector allotted to No. 2 Division. On the 17th
February, here I learned that the British had already
crossed the Irrawadi river and that No. 4 Grla.
regiment of the I. N. A. had been badly wanted. I
discussed with Major-General Yomamoto the
measures to be adopted to meet the new situation
and I immediately returned to Popoa.
Popoa Area. I arrived at Popoa in the early
morning of the 18th, and met Maj. G. S. Dhillon
who had withdrawn there with the remnants of No. 4
Grla. regiment. From him I learned the details of
what had taken place on the Irrawadi River. I gave
him orders to immediately reorganise his regiment
and get them ready for battle and with all available
men of my regiment I took up a defensive position
covering Mount Popoa and also issued instructions to
carry out intensive patrolling in the whole area.
On the 22nd Feb Col. Shah Nawaz came to
Popoa and told me that he was going to take over
command of the division. I acquainted him with the
current situation and on the 23rd he left Popoa to
report the situation to the Supreme Commander
who was in Meikhlu area. The day after Col. Shah
Nawaz reached Meiktila ; that town was attacked
by the British and Shah Nawaz could not get back
to Popoa therefore once again I assumed temporary
command of the division.
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 95
On the 295fd Feb. I received orders from the
Saku army to carry out Guerilla Warfare in frogt of
Mount Popoa to help the Japanese forces which
were counter-attacking; the British forces east of
Irrawadi. I detailed No. 4 Grla. regiment for this
task.
Just about this time Khanji regiment of the
Japanese army arrived in Popoa to help in the
defence of Mount Popoa. An agreement was arrived
at with the Command of the Khanjo regt. according
to which he assumed the responsibility of holding
the road Popoa Myingyian and my regiment took
up defences in the Popoa Pynbin and Popoa Kyank
Padaung roads.
During this time the enemy was also carrying
out active patrolling in our areas and there were
many clashes between ours and their patrols ; but
the enemy patrols never stopped to give fight. This
had a wonderful effect on the morale of the Officers
and men under my command.
On the 1st March I sentenced S. O. Ganga
Saran to death because he had refused to go out
with a patrol when ordered to do so by his Battalion
Commander. Later realising that he was capable of
doing good work, I cancelled the punishment.
On the early morning of the 2nd March* five
officers from the Divisional Headquarters deserted and
went over to the enemy. They carried with them full
information about our organisation, arms, equipment
96 I. N. A. HEROES
and disposition. This was a great blow and had a very-
bad effect on the morale of the Units,
After the desertion of these officers I became
certain that the enemy would take full advantage of
the knowledge of my weak points and with the small
garrison at my disposal I could not possibly defend'
Papoa effectively against an organised attack by the
British. Therefore I decided that in my case
offensive was the best form of defensive and I issued,
intructions to carry out sorties into the enemy occupied
areas. The enemy seemed to be very chary to give a.
pitched battle to any of our attacking units with the
result that the morale of the officers and men went up
very high.
On the 4th March a fighting patrol of my
regiment put to flight an enemy patrol and captured
two Jeep cars and a wireless set and a quantity of arms
and ammunitions. .
On the 5th March enemy about 500 strong
supported by tanks approached the position held by the*
1st Battalion of my regiment. This enemy was met by
two Platoons (total strength about 40 men) and after-
trying to get past them, during the whole day,
withdrew back in the evening.
On the 12th March Col. Shah Nawaz came to*
Papao and took over command of the Division.
CJn the 13th Dhil Ion's regiment went into attack
and drove the enemy out of Tongram area.
On the 15th March I went to Pynbin with tw<y
Companies from my regiment to attack the enemy
COL. P, K. SAHGAL 97
positions. The attack was coming out at night and
the enemy on our approach left their positions and ran
away. We encountered only one patrol which was
annihilated. In this action the men marched &0. miles
through desert, attacked four enemy, positions, all in 36
hours and on one gallon of water per head for drink-
ing, cooking and washing purposes.
On the 20th March Col. Shah Nawaz ordered
me to undertake .the defence of.Kyank Padam Meiktila
road, because the enemy threat from that side had
become very menacing. I sent the 2nd Battalion of
my regiment for that task. f
On the 21st March Capt. Bagri with one
Company of the 3rd Bn, ot my regiment went to
Kalyo area and made contact with a mechanical column
of the enemy supported by tanks and artillery. The
fight lasted for about one hour'and then the enemy
withdrew back.
On the 23rd I went to inspect my Bn. positions
on the Kyank Padang - Meiktila Road. I also carried
out detailed reconnaissance of that area and sent a
patrol to Meiktila to bring back detailed information
of the enemy disposition in that area. On receipt of
this information I was convinced that if we could drive
the British out of Meiktila, then it would be a simple
affair to clear the enemy from our own area. I also
had information that the Indian troDps of the British
forces at Meiktila were likely to join us if tackled proper-
ly. Therefore I prepared plan of attack in Meiktila by
our force and submitted it to my Divisional Commander
Sfi L N. A. HEROES
who agreed to it. Unf orunately Meiktila was outside our
Divisional area and the Japanese did not agree to our
carrying out an attack in the sector. They thought
that they were strong enough to deal with the enemy
in that sector, on their own.
On the 27th March I got orders to attack Pynbin
in co-operation with the Japanese and No. 4 Grla.
Regiment.
On the night of the 29th March I left Popa with
an advance party in a car and a truck. Remaining
troops fo^pwed on foot. Near Seiktin my party was
ambushed and one battalion of the enemy opened fire
on us from about 25 yards. I had 14 bullet holes in
the radiator of my car. We had to abandon our
vehicles and fall back. But soon, we counter-attacked
with one Company of No. 1 Battalion, and as our
troops went into attack, the enemy abandoned their
positions and ran away. We recovered all our
vehicles.
The troops undeir my command took up a delen-
sive position in Lagyi area. On the morning ot the
30th an enemy battalion came to Seiktin area about
1500 yards away from my position. This battalion
Ispent the whole day tiring ineffectively towards us
but did not approach anywhere near us.
On the 31st an enemy mechanical rolumn attack-
ed and surrounded a Japanese Company in Kaleyo.
One Company of my 3rd Battalion under the com-
mand of Capt. Bagri attacked and drove away the
British forces and *managed to bring back Japanese
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 99
wounded officers and aaen who had been abando ,ed
by the Japanese.
On the evening of the 2nd April an enemy force
about 2000 strong, supported by tanks and artillery
approached my detences from two directions, but
when our troops opened fire the enemy withdrew
back.
Earlier in the day thirteen enemy planes bombed
and machine-gunned my defences for about 40 minutes
and afterwards enemy artillery kept on firing at us
until 9 P.M. that night.
One enemy lorry approaching our position was
captured.
On the 3rd April, one complete British Division,
supported by 13 medium tanks, 30 light tanks and 30
armoured cars and field and heavy artillery started an
attack on our position. Our force consisted of No. 1
Battalion and one Company of 3rd Battalion. Our
only defence against the enemy tanks were our
suicide squads consisting of men volunteered to tie
explosives round their body and crash into enemy
tanks, thus blowing them up.
Enemy's first attack against my 4 B' echelon in the
rear was successful and the enemy came in behind me
cutting me off from Popa.
After that the enemy made four determined
efforts to attack and break through from my right
flank and one attack was made to break through in
the left flank, but all these attacks were beaten back
with heavy casualties to the enemy. Throughout the
day we were under very heavy artillery fire.
100 I. N. A. HEROES
In the evening I collected two platoons and at-
tacked the enemy Battalion which had got it* behind
me, this attack was entirely successful and the enemy
was driven back.
By that night the troops under my command were
tired and completely exhausted. So arrangements were
made for one Japanese Battalion to move up and re-
lieve my units.
I reached Popa in the morning of the 4th April.
Withdrawal from Popa. Qn * the 5th April
owing to the general situation in Burma, No. 2 Div.
I. N. A. was ordered to move to Magwe and Natrauk
Tandangwyi areas. My regiment was to move to
Tandangwyi and Natmuk areas and the Div. H. Q.
and No. 4 Grla. regiment were to move to Magwe
area,
The withdrawal commenced on the 9th April,
Units of No. 4 Grla. regiment were the first to with-
draw. On the morning of the llth, the British forces
occupied Kyank Padaung and our direct line of with-
drawal was cut off. Therefore it was decided that the
Division Headquarters, remainder of No. 4 Grla.
regiment and No. 2 Inf. Regt. would attempt a break
through along the jungle route that very night. In
the evening the enemy attacked and surrounded one
of my Companies which was on outpost duty and all
efforts to relieve them were unsuccessful. Later on I
was informed by a British Intelligence officer that the
attacking British Force sent a note to me of ,the
Havildars commanding a platoon to surrender. The
COL. P. K, SAHGAL 101
platoon Havildar of the I. N. A. wrote on the back of
the note that had been sent to him, * 4 Mr. I do not
come," and his platoon died fighting to the last man.
The withdrawal was carried out on the night of
the llth and although the units were ambushed on the
way, they managed to assemble in the , Kyank
Pudaung Meiktila road by the morning ot the 12th.
On the afternoon of the 12th I receiv >d a note
from the Commander of my special service Company,
whom I had sent on ahead, informing me that a very
strong Mechanical British Column had already moved
from Meiktila towards Natmuk. I placed the inform-
ation before the Divisional Commander and we both
agreed that my regiment should move along the
bullock cart tracks and if we found Natmuk under
enemy occupation, we were to head further soutri.
On the night of the 12th I separated from the
Divisional Commander, who headed for Magwe
and I went towards Natmuk.
On the 17th April I divided my force into two
columns, one column under Capt. Bagri went on ahead
and the second column was under my personal
command.
On the 13th morning I arrived in the vicinity of
the Natmuk Magwe. road. I had already received
information that Natmuk was in enemy hands and
that an enemy column was moving towards Magwe.
I decided to break through the enemy positions that
night. Both the columns managed to do so quite
safely. After another 3 nights' march we approached
102 I. N. A. HEROES
Taundangwyi Magwe road, and found die enemy in
possession there also and once again we broke through
his positions. Now I ordered the regiment to head
for AUanmys.
Capt. Bagri after breaking through the enemy
position for the second time moved one day's march
ahead of my column. At Yamatha Captain Bagri's
column came into contact with an enemy mechanical
column supported by tanks and armoured cars.
Captain Bagri destroyed two tanks and two lorries*
and inflicted about 50 casualties on the enemy. Capt.
Bagri himself made the supreme sacrifice in this battle
and on his death Lt. Sher Singh took over command
of his column. After the incident at Yamatha the
column under Lt. Sher Singh got on the main road
and withdrew back to Prume, where it came under
the command of Lt. Col. B. S. Nagi, my second in
command, who had been sent there with the advance
party.
The other column undey my command was unable
to get on the main road, but proceeded along the
track following the Irrawadi river. I got information
that one enemy Brigade was following behind me and
that another mechanical column, i.e., 20th British
Indian Division, was moving along the main road
towards Allanmys. My column reached the vicinity
of Allanmys on the 27th and the same day Units of
the 20th British Division occupied Allanmys, Realis-
ing that it was not possible to get through that way
I fell back about 10 miles to Magyigaon.
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 103
On the 28th at Magyigaoti I called a coafefence of
all the officers under my command and acquainted
then; with the whole situation. I told them that there
were three courses open to us :
(a) Break through enemy line and make our way
to Pegu Yomas.
(b) Turn into civilians.
(c) Surrender to the British.
I explained to them that I t for myself, had decided
on tha first course and I would, with those who wished
to follow the same course, attempt a break through
that night but I would not stand in the way of any one
who wished to follow any of the alternative courses.
I orderded them to explain everything to the men
under their command and intorm me regarding their
decision. Eventually two hundred officers and men
volunteered to follow me and about three dundred
said that they wished to surrender and about 50 wished
to turn civilians and those people were allowed to go
away immediately.
I made all arrangements to break through that
night and issued instructions for the others under Maj.
Chatterjee's command of the hospital to surrender to
the British Forces the next day.
In the atternoon I was attacked by a Gurkha
column which had been following us. Now it became
impossible to break through and as the majority of the
officers and men wished to surrender therefore
I wrote a letter to the Allied Commander offering
the surrender of the Officers and men updgr my
104 1. N. A. HEROES
command as prisoners of war. I sent this letter
through Capt. Santa Singh, who also carried a flag
of Truce.
The officers and men who were with me had
marched over three hundred miles of desert in enemy
occupied areas. The only food available was what we
could carry on ourselves and we had been constantly
menaced by enemy aeroplanes. On four occasions
we had broken through the enemy lines and by now
we were completely exhausted,
The British Commander accepted our surrender
and we laid down our arms to the 4/2nd Gurkha Rifles.
If the British Commander had not accepted our
surrender as Prisoners of War, the officers and men
under my command were determined to fight on till the
end.
Captivity. On the evening of the 28th Lt. Col.
Kiterh ordeted the officers to be separated from the
men and when I spoke to him about this, he pointed
out that this was the usual procedure with the Prisoners
of War. Otl my giving an assurance to him that if he
allowed my officers to stay with their men for that
night only, I would hold myself responsible for the
conduct of the officers to rejoin the men.
That night the guerillas were attacked by the
Japanese but there was no incident among my men,
al thought our surrendered arms and ammunition were
stacked quite near us.
Oft the morning of the 29th I was first taken to
H. Q. 32nd Brigade and later H. Q. 20th Div. Two
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 1Q5
British and two Indian soldiers were detailed as guards
on us, but I was permitted to keep my bat. men
with me.
On the 31st April I was sent to a Prisoner of War
Cage in Magwe and later the officers and men who
surrendered with me also arrived there. Here I also
learned that the other column under Lt. Col. Nagi
had been captured near Pegu and taken to Rangoon.
At Magwe, I was interrogated at 2 F. I. C. on the
12th May. I left Magwe by air and landed at Dohazani
and from there was taken by train to Chittagong. On
the 13th I was taken by train from Chittagong to
Ziggergaru near Calcutta. I left Ziggergacha by train
on the 18th and was brought to Red Fort, Delhi, on
the 20th. I was kept in a cell during interrogation
up to the 7th June and was then moved to the cage.
(2)
REASONS FOR JOINING THE I. N. A.
Background.
My father had taken an active part in the 1920-
21 non-co-operation movement and from him I in-
herited an intense dislike lor the alien rule. Added
to this my own study ot History and Political Science
taught me that complete freedom was the birth-right
cf every human being and it was the sacred duty of
every Indian to tight for the liberation of his mother-
land. In 1930, I got the first opportunity to partici-
pate in the non-violent struggle for Indian Independ-
ence. I was far too young and immature to under-
stand the real significance of non-violence. I was
only carried away by the urge to do something vital
for ray motherland and I followed the creed because
it had been decreed by the Indian leaders. I did not
fully understand the views expressed by various Indian
leaders, but I felt certain that if we all did our bit,,
victory shall certainly be ours. When we failed to
achieve our coveted goal, I felt disillusioned. To me
it seemed futile that my countrymen and women
should have to make such terrible sacrifices and en-
dure such sufferings, fighting against an Imperialist
power, which was determined to keep India in her
bondage. I felt that the only language the British
106
COL. P. K. SAHGAL - 107
would ever understand was violence. The terrorist
movement in India appeared to me to be too weak,
and unco-ordinated to achieve anything vital. I did
not know what to do and felt at a loose end and even-
tually decided to wait and allow coming events to
decide my future action.
My father had intended me to follow in his pro-
fession of law and I was attracted by it. About 1932
the Government of India issued their scheme for the
Indianisation of the Army. It was a new and attrac-
tive opening for the young men of India and I made up
my mind to try my hand at soldiering. My plans
were quite naturally opposed by my family, but I
stuck to my decision. My father consoled himself
by thinking that, owing to my bad record with the
police, I would never be accepted in the Army. How-
ever I was successful in the open competition exami-
nation and went to the Indian Military Academy m
1936. Although I had often dreamed of a military
rebellion in India, but when I joined the army, I had
no set plan, my only ambition was to become a success-
ful soldier.
Atter being commissioned, I did a year's attach-
ment with two British Units and I grew to like the
average type of Englishman. I made many friends
and I found that I could get on well with most
Englishmen. A vast majority of my English friends
were very ignorant about conditions in India but they
were quite willing to learn. I did not consider myselt
too well informed on the subject, but whatever little I
108 I. N. A. HEROES
knew, I told my friends and found them sympathetic.
Once an average Englishman was convinced that
the Hindus and Muslims would not fly at each other's
throat, as soon as the British had turned the: - backs
on India. He was-prepared .to admit that it was sinful
for the British to stay in India*
After finishing my attachment with the British
Units I joined the 5th Bn. of the Baluch Regt.
Majority of the officers :in the Bn. were Indian and
politically conscious. There was hardly anyone among
the officers, who wished for the continuance of the
British rule.
End of 1940 I was transferred to the 2nd Bn. of
the Baluch Regt., which was not an Indianised Bn.
There was a very good set of British officers in this
Bn. and I made a number of friends. The "C. O."
was specially kind to me and always listened to my
-advice and it was seldom that he rejected any of
my requests. But I met a number of other Indian
officers who were not quite so fortunate as I was. They
were badly treated by their commanding officer and
'brother English officers.
Malaya.
I arrived in Malaya at the end of 1940 and was
horrified to learn the contempt and hatred shown
towards the Indians who had settled down there.
The following three reasons were mainly responsible
ior this :
(a) The British had always used Indian soldiers
and policemen.
COL P. K. SAHGAL 109*
(b) The Indian money-lenders in Malaya were
reputed to be worse than Jews.
(c) The Indian workmen in Malaya accepted
lesser wages than the workmen of other
races.
I also found that colour distinction in Malaya
was much worse than in India. Asiatics
were not admitted into clubs and hotels and an
' Asiatic was not permitted to travel in the same
railway compartment as a European. There were
certain Europeans who started a press campaign in
the Singapore press advocating that Asiatics should
not even be permitted to travel in the same buses
and trams as the Europeans.
End of December 1942, my Bn. moved to Kotaba-
lim in Kelantem State. On arrival there I found that
the local population was absolutely terrified of the
Indian soldiers. I soon discovered the reasons for it
At the end of ^the First World War, there was an
uprising in Kota Bharm and the British sent a com-
pany of Punjabi troops to quell the rebellion. These
Punjabi troops were very brutal in their dealings
towards the local Malays. The following incident
will clearly show, how much the Kotablan people
hated the Indian soldiers
I became very friendly with the Deputy Prime
Minister Dato Steim of Kelantam State, One day I
was sitting with him, when his litde son came run-
ning and started talking to his father in an excited
manner. I asked the Dato what the matter was and
110 I. N. A. HEROES
lie explained to me that his son was very angry to
see him talking to me, a Punjabi (Kota Bham Malays
called every Indian soldier a Punjabi) because, accord-
ing to the little boy, all Punjabies were wicked and
the enemies of the Malays.
I and a number of other officers did our best
to bring about a better relationship between our
soldiers and the Malays, I was very lucky in having
a number of very good friends among high Malay
officials who were of . great help and by the time the
war started, the relations between our soldiers and the
Malays had become really cordial. The Malays are
.a charming people but they do not care a great
deal about their political future. However, I found
-that the educated Malays resented the inferior social
status that was accorded to all Asiatics in Malaya,
by the British.
In June 1941, we heard the news of the firing in
the Indian labourers and the British action was natur-
ally resented by all Indians. I often discussed the
British Imperialistic ways with the other British
officers in my regiment and expressed my opinion
that the British preached one thing and practised
another.
Witness. Lt. Col. P. W. Davis The Baluch
"Regiment.
The Malayan Campaign.
By the end of November 1941, it became obvious
that war with Japan was imminent. I had read about
:tbe Russo-Japanese war and admired the Japanese
COL.> P. K. SAHGAL 111
for the courageous manner in which they had fought
and defeated the Russians. The remarkable progress
that the Japanese had made in a short time and the
way that the Japanese had risen to be a first class
power, in spite of the opposition of all the great powers
of the world, was in my opinion a wonderful achieve-
ment and worthy of praise. But I hated them for
their aggression against China and the cruel atrocities
that they had committed in .China, Manchuria and
Korea.
The British propaganda about their war aims
had also impressed me and I felt that their democra-
tic and ^iberal form of government was far to be
preferred to the Fascism of the Axis. In any case I
felt that if the British won the war they would be
compelled to meet Indian's demand for freedom and if
they were defeated, we would achieve our object
through a negotiated pact.
Therefore, when the war started, I fought loyally
and to the best of my ability. The company which I
commanded, distinguished itself in battle on more than
one occasion and whenever there was a difficult
mission to be carried out, I was invariably single4 out
for it. I had the full confidence of my C.O. and the
Brigade Comdr. both of whom often commended the
work done by my company.
During the campaign, I felt very much disappointed
in the British leadership. The British strategy had been
a complete failure and the top leaders stood discredit-
ed. The behaviour of many British officers ^a far
112 L N. A. HEROES
from correct, instead of leading their men, they seem
to be more concerned with thjir own person
comfort and safety. The callous manner in which t.
interests of the Asiatic people of Malaya were d
regarded hurt me terribly. We had not only let dov
the people whom we were supposed to protect b'
they were also subjected to many insults and hardshr
and often exposed to great danger because of the i
solent and callous behaviour of the British office!
Many Asiatics, including a number of Indians, wei
shot without any trial, on the suspicion of being eneir
agents.
The fall of Singapore finally convinced me of tfc
degeneration of the British people and I thought the
the last days of the British Empire had come.
February to September 1942.
After the surrender of Singapore, I felt terribl
let down by the British, who had handed us over to tb
Japanese and told us to obey their orders the sana
way as we had been obeying the orders of the Britisl
I felt that if a British general could be forced to agre
to such a handing over, the British nation must hav
such a pretty low level.
I also felt that the British were not in a position t
check a Japanese invasion of India. Little attentio
had been paid to the preparation of the defence i
India's North Eastern frontiers and the best India:
troops had been sent out on service overseas. Th>
British officers and men during the Malayan Gampaigr
had shown a marked disinclination to fight for
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 113
preservation of the overseas possessions of the British
Crown.
In spite of my disillusionment with the British.
I was far too distrustful of the Japanese and their inten-
tions. I was horrified by the atrocities committed
by the Japanese, and their economic exploitation of
Malaya clearly showed the hollowness of their bom-
bastic claims about the Greater East Asia Co-
Prosperity Sphere and their war for the liberation
of the Asiatic people.
I was in sympathy with Capt. Mohan Singh's cause
but I did not think that we could do any good to
India hy allying ourselves with the Japanese. That
is why, I did not accept che Bidadari resolution and
refused to attend the Bangkok conference.
The Bangkok Conference.
In July the delegates from the Bangkok con*
f erence returned to Singapore. This conference was
the first concrete step that had been taken in the
Indian Independence movement. The international
character of the Bangkok conference and the exhibition
of the spontaneous desire of the Indians in the Far
East to fight for Indian Independence, were most
encouraging. I was also impressed by the resolution
passed at the conference. These factors together
with the following other considerations influenced
me to join the LN*A* c
(a) It was quite evident that. an Indian National
Army was going to be raised and if the really
sincere and patriotic officers kept out of it,
it would be quite easy for the Japanese to
I. N. A. HEROES
exploit their army. On the other hand, if
the army was strong enough and had the
moral courage to oppose the Japanese, then
the Japanese would not be able to take an
unfair advantage of the I. N. A.
(fc) The Japanese appeared to be absolutely
determined to invade India and we knew
that the British in , India were not strong
enough to resist such invasion. Therefore,
it was our duty to organise and make
ourselves as strong as possible. So that when
we accompany the Japanese into India, we
shall not only be in a position to protect our
countrymen and women from the cruelties
of the Japanese but we should also be in a
position to put up armed resistance against
the Japanese if they did not honour their
promises.
(c) The Indians in East Asia had been left, by
the British, at the mercy of tne Japanese .
These Indian were also hated by the Chinese
and other Asiatics, therefore it was our duty
to organise ourselves to provide protection
for the two jnillion Indians of East
Asia.
(d) General Tojo and other members of. the
Japanese Government -had made repeated
COL. P. K, SAHGAL 115
announcements about the Indian indepen-
dence, whereas the British Imperialists had
turned a deaf ear to all demands by^ the
Indian Nationalists. Also, from the general
behaviour of the Japanese it appeared that
they were really sincere about Indian Inde-
pendence movement.
<e) On the 8th of August 1942, the Congress
Working Committee passed their famous
"QUIT INDIA" resolution. To us it was
tantamount to declaration of war on the
British. When the Indians in India had
declared war on the British Empire, what right
had we to remain idle ? Our countrymen and
women in India had decided to wage an
unarmed and non-violent struggle against the
weight of the British Empire and another
Empire had offered us the arms and the
opportunity to fight the British Empire and
we naturally accepted it.
Soon came the harrowing tale of* the British
oppression in India. Our blood boiled when we heard
that the i British had bombed their peaceful
cities and villages, fire had been opened on peaceful
processions and innocent women and children were
killed, Indian women were insulted and beaten by the
British soldiers, a number of villagers in East
India were laid waste and burned by the soldiers
of the mighty British Empire and the oppression
of the most horrible form, reminiscent of the
116 I. N. A. HEROES
medieval times had been let loose to break the will of
India to be free.
Iq these circumstances the historical urge, to be
free to smash the people who had inflicted such pain
and suffering on the men and women of my country
asserted itself and I willingly volunteered myself
to fight the British Imperialism for the freedom of my
motherland.
Wiinesses. Capt. R. M. Arshad, Capt. J. W.
Roderques and Capt. G. M. Hussain.
Crisis and the Second I. !A. A.
In December 1942, there was a crisis in the I. N. A.
The main cause was the distrust of the Japanese and
the fear that they would exploit the I. N. A.
for their own ends. Majority of the officers were in
favour of breaking up the I. N. A., but I was
against it. I was of the opinion that in the I. N. A.
lay our only strength and if we broke it we would be
playing the Japanese game because, they would cer-
tainly raise a puppet army and use it to further their
own purposes. I advocated that we ought to change
our own ranks and strengthen the movement. We
ought to make ourselves so strong that the Japanese
would be forced to meet our demands. Another
danger of breaking the I. N. A. was that we would
have exposed the two million Indians in East Asia to
the dreadful vengeance of the Japanese. In any case I
thought it was sinful for us to sit idle and do nothing,
while our countrymen and women in India were
undergoing such terrible sufferings in their ftaactoed
struggle against the British.
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 117
In the beginning there were very few who agreed
with :ne, but the Japanese soon showed their hands
They began propaganda to raise a puppet army from
amongst the civilians and certain prisoners of war. This
caused a change of views among the majority of the
officers who decided to reorganise the I. N. A. At this
stage we were determined not to repeat the mistakes
which we had committed in the previous I. N. A.
Admissions to the new I. N. A. were made purely
voluntary and only those officers and men were
asked to join who were willing and prepared to
fight the Japanese as well as the British, if they stood
in the way of Indian Independence. The Japanese
also realising the value of a really sincere army,
gradually gave up their ideas of raising an alternative
army and agreed to most of our demands.
News that Mr. Subhash Chandra Bose was coming
to the Far East to take over the leadership of the
Indian Independence movement, removed all our
remaining doubts and we joined the I. N. A. whole-
heartedly.
Witnesses. Capt. R. M. Arshad. Capt. S. M.
Hussain
Arrival of T^etaji
To say that Netaji s arrival in the Far East put a
new life into the movement is putting it very mildly.
His presence in East Asia electrified the Indian people
and there was a spontaneous and overwhelming
response to his demands for total mobilization of
men and material
118 I. N. A. HEROES
1 had the good fortune of making very close to
him and came completely under his spell. I differed
from him on many points and never hesitated to point
out these differences to him. He invariably listened
to me sympathetically and if I was right he did not
hesitate to admk it. In course of time I became one of
his closest associates and had the privilege of being in
his complete confidence. He bestowed so much love
and affection on me that he became more than a
commander to me he became my cherished friend and
guru. In April 1944 I spent a fortnight with him in
Mayrayo. At that time he did not have very
much work to do and every night he used to send for
me in his room and talk to me until the early hours of
the morning. That has been the greatest and the best
education that I have ever received.
One of the greatest lessons he taught me was that
it was our duty to fight and sacrifice ourselves for the
freedom of India, but it was selfish to wish for the
freedom to come in our life-time. He pointed it out to
me that to work for Indian Independence and hope to
see her free was not enough, our work and sacrifices
must be free from such selfish thoughts. Our fight
was for the 400 million peoples of India and our great-
est reward would be to lay down our lives so that
coming generations of India could live the lives of
free men and women. This gave me a new angle from
which to view our Independence movement. I also-
realised that our struggle was only one phase of the
great struggle that had been . going on within India,
since the battle of Plassey. The final outcome of the
COL. P.K.SAHGAL 119
world war. that was then going on, receded in impor-
tance. I was a soldier whose job was to continue
fighting till the end and have unshakable faith in final
victory. Then it became clear that chances of an
Axis victory were slender, the ideal keot me from
being depressed. The same ideal urged me, at the end
of 1944, to volunteer to go to the front and take an
active part in the operations. There was little hope
then of advancing into India, but I did not want to
miss the opportunity of actively fighting the enemies of
India. My dearest wish was granted and my regiment
was pitted against a purely British division.
In my opinion the sanctity of our cause did not
permit that any one should be kept in our ranks against
his wishes, therefore, before my regiment moved to
the front I gave every one the option of staying
behind if they were unwilling to go to the
front. On arrival at the front I once again gave
the officers and men under my command, the option
of going back if they did not wish to participate in the
fighting and I also showed my willingness to permit
people to go over to the enemy if they were desirous
of doing so.
The officers and men under my command fought
valliantly against the heavy odds. In every encounter
with the enemy, they came out victorions. I can say
with pardonable pride that the traditions of courage
and selfless devotion to duty that these officers and
men have created, the future of a National Army of
India would do well to follow. They were small ia
120 , I. N. A. HEROES
number and poorly equipped, and they fought a
gigantic army equipped with the .most modern
weapons. But these men were inspired by the sanctity
of their mission and their loyalty to India and their
leader Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. These inspired
their spiritual strength against the material strength
of their enemy. Many of them made their supreme
sacrifice in the execution of their duty. I would have
considered it a great honour to have died with my
comrades in the field of battle but this privilege has
been denied to me.
(3)
THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF 4 MEN OF
NO. 4 GRLA. REGIMENT.
War Situation. By the beginning of March
1945, the war situation in Burma had become most
critical for us. Mandalay and Meiktila had already
fallen. There was a danger of enemy advance from
Meiktila -towards Kyauk Padang and our forces on
the Meiktila Kyauk Padaung road were far from
adequate to check such an advance.
One enemy column was advancing towards
Tangthu, which was the Head Quarters of the
Japanese Division on our right.
On our own front the enemy was in position
in Pyibin and Tamgran both places only about 20
miles from Popa. Enemy patrols had approached
Kyauk Padang and within 6 miles of Popa. A full
scale enemy attack in Popa was expected at any
time.
No. 4 Grla. Regt. could produce only nine hun-
dred men for action and only half of No. 2 Infantry
regiment had arrived in Popa. These troops were
far from sufficient to defend Popa and Kyauk
Padang against an enemy attack. Nor were the
defence work in Popa anywhere near completion.
We were bluffing the enemy by constant offensive
121
122 I. N. A. HEROES
action in his own area and revelation of our weak*
nesses and the true state of defence could have been
suicidal for us, at that stage.
State of Wo. 2 Division. On the 1st of March
1945, 4 senior officers of H. Q. No. 2 Div. had
deserted from Popa and they had carried with them
full information regarding the strength, arms, equip-
ment and dispositions of the I. N. A. units in Popa
and Kyauk Padang areas. Their desertion was a
terrible blow to the morale of all ranks of the I. N. A.
in Popa area. After their departure it had become
very essential to adopt very severe measures to check
any more desertions,
No. 4 Grla. Regiment had taken /a long time to
recover the blow that it had received in Nayangu
and Pagan. The discipline in the regiment was not
quite satisfactory and unless stern action was taken
against all cases of indiscipline the morale and the
fighting efficiency ot the regiment would have suffered
^considerably.
No. 4 Grla. Regt. was reviewed by Netaji in
Rangoon before it proceeded to the front (May 1944)
and an option to stay behind was given to anyone
who did not wish to proceed to the front. On
assuming the command of the regiment, Lt. Col. G. S.
Dhillon repeatedly spoke to the officers and men
under his command and told them that those who
were unwilling to go into the battle, should let him
know and he would arrange to send them back to
the rear areas and no disciplinay action would be
COL. P. K. SAHGAL
taken against them. He went so far as to say that if
there was anyone who did not wish to openly confess-
his unwillingness to stay in the front line, he could
be sent back under the' excuse of some physical ail-
ment.
In December 1944, eightdeserters of No. 4 Grla.
Regt. were captured and brought up before Col. G. S.
Dhillon. He pardoned them all, but warned his
officers and men that no mercy to such people shall
be shown in future.
Before the regiment moved to Nayangu-Pagam
area a number of men who were unwilling to
participate in the battle were sent back without any
disciplinary action being taken against them.
After the battle of Pagam a letter was received
from the Supreme Commander, directing the I. N. A.
Commanders in the field that no mercy should, in
future, be shown to deserters and those who show
cowardice in the face of the enemy. The contents
of this letter were made known to all ranks of the
regiment, and once again the members of the regiment
were informed that those unwilling to stay en in
the front line, could go back to the rear areas. They
were also warned that henceforth no mercy whatso-
ever will be shown to those who either desert, or
show cowardice in the face of the enemy.
The desertion. In accordance with No. 4
Grla. Regt. operation order No, 2 (Exhibit SSS) No. 2.
Bn. at the end of Feb. 1945, established a Grla.
activity in Tamgrin area.
124 L N. A. HEROES
On the 28th Feb. Sub-Officer Khiali Ram and
iive men deserted from No. 2 Bn. and went into
hiding in a Burmese village. They wrote a letter in
Urdu and Roman Hindustani, -offering their surrende *
to the British and promised to give them valuable
information about the I. N. A. dispositions. They
gave this letter to the village head man, to take it
to the British Commander in that sector. The village
headman, instead of taking the letter to the British,
delivered it to the Coy. Commander of the deserters.
The Company Commander concerned sent a
patrol to recapture the deserters. The patrol sent
-surrounded the village and the deserters opened
iire on the patrol. However all the deserters except
the sub-officer, who had got away, were captured.
One of the captured deserters later tried to run
away, but was shot by the guard.
The Trial The deserters, sepoys Duli
Chand, Hari Singh, Daryao Singh and Dharam Singh,
were produced before their Bn. Commander who
investigated their case and sent them to Popa for
trial by the Regimental Commander.
The Regimental Commander once again investi-
gated the case and being satisfied that the men had
actually committed the crimes for which they were
charged, he handed them for trial by the officiating
Divisional Commander.
The case was brought before me as I was
the officiating Divisional Commander, on the 6th
March 1943.
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 12&
The men were charged with desertion and
attempting to communicate with the enemy. The
accused pleaded guilty. Lt. Col. G. S. Dhillon inform-
ed the Divisional Commander that he had repeatedly
offered the chance of returning to the rear to those
persons, who did not want to remain in the front
line and that no one in his regiment was made to
participate in battle against his wishes. The accused
admitted that they had been given this option and
that they had not taken advantage of it and they
also admitted that they had been given the warning
that all deserters would be shot.
After due investigation, I, as Divisional Commander,,
sentenced the four accused to death. Consideration
of tne existing war situation and the fact that the
accused were in a position to give a valuable infor-
mation to the enemy about our dispositions, precluded
any merciful treatment of these men.
Powers of Punishment. According to the
I. N. A. Act, the Supreme Comd. of the I. N. A,
had unlimited powers. Vide his letter dated 21st
February 1945, he vested the Divisional Commander
with th> powers to give death sentence. On the 3rd
March the Supreme Commander had sent me a
telegram vesting me with full powers of punish-
ment.
After the desertion of the four senior officers
of the Div. Hqrs. the Supreme Comd. vested all
Commanders in the field with full powers of
punishment. In addition orders were received that even
a sepoy could shoot anyone found trying to desert.
(4)
LETTER OF SURRENDER
To
The Allied Commander,
I, with five hundred officers and men of the
Indian National Army under my command, wish to
surrender to the Allied Forces as "PRISONERS
OF WAR "
(Sd.) P. K.SAHGAL,
Lt. Col.
28th April 1945.
Comd. No. 2 Inf. Regt. I. N. A.
126
(5)
8ATEMBNT IN THE COURT
I deny being guilty of any of the offences with
which I have been charged. I also maintain that my
trial before this Court Martial is illegal.
After serving one year's attachment with a British
Regiment, I joined the 5th Battalion of the Baluch
Regiment in February 1940. In October 1940 the
O. C. of my unit was asked to send a suitable officer
to fill up the vacancy of a Company Commander in
the 2nd Battalion of the same Regiment which was
proceeding overseas on active service. I was specially
chosen for being posted to the 2nd Battalion.
I disembarked at Singapore with my new unit on
llth November 1940. A fortnight later we were sent
to Kota Bharu in Kelantan State, where we were
entrusted with the task of the preparation and
manning of beach defences. Major-General Murray
Lyones, then Commander ot Northern Area in
Malaya, Major-Gen. Barstow, Commander of the 9th
Indian Division, Lt. Gen. Heath, the Corps Com-
mander, and Lt. Gen. A. E. Percival, G. O. C M Malaya
Command, inspected our work and complimented me
on the very remarkable work done by my Company.
During the Malayan Campaign, the Company that
I commanded distinguished itself in more than one
127
128 1. N. A. HEROES
encounter with the Japanese. Although, generally, we
were fighting a retreating battle, on occasions we
were able to take the offensive and inflict very heavy
losses on the enemy. On one occasion my Company
annihilated a Japanese Force, approximately 500
strong, and captured a large quantity of enemy arms
and equipment. This incident was noticed in the
Press.
During the night of the 30/31st January 1942, we
crossed the Johore Baru Causeway and reached
Singapore. Although my Battalion had been in
action without a break from the day the hostilities
started and had suffered heavy casualties, and its
officers and men were completely exhausted, and their
morale was low owing to constant withdrawals and
intense enemy air activity, they had immediately to
undertake the defence of Singapore.
The Japanese landed in Singapore on the 8th
February and on 10th February we marched out to
counter-attack the enemy and drove them back into
the sea in the Wood-lands area. Unfortunately, the
next day we were ordered back to relieve the Aus-
tralians in the Mandai Hill area. While we were
moving along the Mandai Road, the Japanese launched
an attack. The Australians abandoned their positions
and ran away and the Japanese got possession of the
high features on both sides of the Road. We were
caught on the Road and my Company, which was the
leading Company of the Battalion, suffered most
heavily. My Company Subedar and three other men
COL. IV 1C. SAHGAL
of the Company H. Qr$. were killed within five
minutes. The Company Head Quarters were cut off
from the rest of the Company and although the
Japanese beckoned my men to go over to them, I
managed to reassemble* in an hour or so. the whole-
Company except three or four men whom the
Australians had taken away with them. The Company
was completely separated from the rest of the
Battalion and we continued fighting on our own utitil
the afternoon when we managed to rejoin the
Battalion. The same night we were withdrawn to
Neesoon where we stayed for twenty-four hours. The
Japanese made three or four determined attacks to
break through our positions but we did not allow a
single Japanese to go through and the enemy lost
three medium tanks in the engagement. During the
night of the 12/13th February we were withdrawn to
Biddadari where we eventually surrendered.
As we were withdrawing southwards on the
mainland of Malaya, I was of ten approached by the
Indians living in those areas. They all asked me the
same question : " You are leaving us behind, what is
going to become of us ? We contributed all we could
for the defence of Malaya and now why do you leave
us at the mercy of the enemy ? The Chinese and
Malays all hate us. They will loot and plunder our
property, disgrace our women and murder us."
There was little that I could do, . or even say, to help
them. The only thing that I could tell them was to
trust in God, and to hope for the best. My heart
went out in sympathy to them but I felt helpless and
130 I. N. A. HEROES
ashamed because I was unable to do anything for
them.
On 17th February 1942, in a meeting held at the
Ferrar Park in Singapore Lt. Col. Hunt, as the repre-
sentative of the British, handed over the Indian
Officers and men, to the Japanese like a flock of
.sheep. This came as a great blow to us all. The
Indian Army had fought bravely against the heaviest
odds, and in return the British High Command had
left them completely at the mercy of the Japanese.
We felt that the British Government had, on its own,
cut off all the bonds that had bound us to the British
Crown and relieved us of all obligations to it. The
Japanese handed us over to Capt. Mohan Singh, who
was styled as the G. O. C. of the Indian National
Army and we were left free under him to fashion our
own destiny. W bona fide believed that the British
Crown having ceased to provide any protection to us
could no longer demand allegiance from us.
After formally taking over the Indian Officers and
men, Capt. Mohan Singh proclaimed his intention of
raising an Indian National Army for the liberation of
India. He was acclaimed by all those who were
present there and they all raised their hands to show
their willingness to job the Army.
When call for volunteers was made by Capt.
Mohan Singh, large numbers of officers and men came
forward to enlist. There were, however, some who
while equally desirous to see their motherland free
from all foreign domination, were sceptic of the in-
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 131
't ,
tentions of the Japanese in encouraging the formation
of the Indian National Army, and I was one of them.
I had a feeling that the Japanese only intended to
exploit the propaganda value of the proposed Indian
National Army but had no desire of helping the cause
of Indian freedom. I, therefore, in spite of my moSt
ardent desire to see my country free at the earliest
possible moment, refused to volunteer. In May 1942
volunteers were separated from non-volunteers and I
with my Battalion was sent to the Tengan Aerodrome
Non-volunteer Camp where I stayed as a non-
volunteer till the end of August 1942. During this
period no pressure of any kind was brought to bear
upon me or other officers or men in my camp
numbering about ten thousand to volunteer for the
I. N. A. The rations provided to us were, considering
the prevalent circumstances, quite good and medical
aid was satisfactory.
In June 1942, 1 was invited to attend the Bangkok
conference but I declined the invitation. However
during the period between June and the end of
August 1942 events of very far-reaching importance
took place which compelled me to revise my earlier
decision to keep out of the Indian National Army. In
the first place, the Japanese forces met with the most
astounding successes in every theatre of the War and
an attack on India appeared to be imminent. Every
one thought that the Indians would soon be exposed
to a Japanese onslaught and even the B. B. C. London
sent them messages of sympathy in their coming
misfortune. The last Indian drafts that bad arrived
132 I. N. A. HEROES
} "'''..''.' ,
to reinforce Singapore . Consisted only of raw recruits
and gave pne a fair indication of the type of men
available for the defence pf India. Officers who
came to Singapore shortly before its surrender told us
that there was no modern equipment available for the
army in India. I was told that the soldiers were being
trained with wooden rifles and light machine guns and
that the defences of the. North Eastern borders of
India were almost non-existe,nt. Every one of us telt
convinced that if the Japanese invaded India, there
was none to resist their advance. This was a most
distressing thought for all of us.
In the second place, on the 8th August 1942 f the
Congress Working Commitee passed the famous "Quit
India" resolution. Countrywide demonstrations
followed the passing of this Resolution. The All-India
Radio Delhi and B. B. C. drew a curtain over the
happenings in India. However, certain secret stations,
supposed to be functioning somewhere in India, and
the Japanese and other Axis-controlled Radio Stations-
outside India broadcast freely about these happenings
and the measures taken by the Government to suppress
the freedom movement. From the; da tails broadcast by
these stations a veritable reign of terror, -similar to
the one that had followed the Revolt of 1857, seemed
to have set in. In view of the complete reticence of
the British and the Indian Press and the official broadcas-
ting agency on the subject, we had no reason to doubt
the correctness of these broadcasts. Needless to say
that they filled us with most terrible anxiety concerning:
our near and dear ones whom we had left behind and
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 133
the bitterest resentment against the British
Imperialism wbiich seemed to be bent upon keeping
our country under perpetual subjection.
I and those of my friends, with whom I was on
initimate terms, every day discussed amongst ourselves
the very critical situation then existing in India and
the best way in which we could help her. We knew
only too well the fate that would be in store for our
countrymen when a new foreign power invaded India.
The British Government claimed the sole responsibility
for the defence of the country and had with contempt
rejected the offer of her own leaders to take charge
of and organise such defence. The information we had
about the state of the defence in India was by no
means encouraging and the most optimist amongst us
could not be sure of the ability of the British to stop
the Japanese advance. The civilian population could
not even think of organizing any resistance and must
submit to untold sufferings and hardships. The
"scorched earth policy" which the British Government
had already decided upon, and even begun to follow,
must add very considerably to the disaster. After
protracted discussion the only solution that we could
think of for.our country's problems was the formation
of a strong and well-disciplined armed body which
.should march into India side by side with the Japanese
army, and while fighting for the liberation of India
from the existing alien rule, should be able and ready
to provide protection to their countrymen against any
possible molestation by the Japanese, and to resist any
attempt by the latter to establish themselves as rulers
134 * I. N. A. HEROES
of the country in place of the British. This beinf
also the avowed object of the Indian National Army,
the question that began to agitate the minds of us, who
had so far stayed away from that Army was whether
it was not our duty to join that^Army for securing the-
freedom of our country not so much from the British
who could hold her no longer but from the Japanese-
who were bent upon invading India. The protection-
that the Indian National Army had already been able
to give to Indian life, property and honour in Malaya^
and Burma saemed to furnish another very strong,
argument in favour of joining it.
For days I passed through a terrible mental
struggle. On the one side was my loyalty to my former
comrades with whom I had fought shoulder to shoulder
and on the other was the urge to save my mother-
country from the horrors that stared her in the face.
After a great deal of careful thought and deliberation
I came to the conclusion that I must join the Indiaa
National Army, which must be built up into a strong r
well-armed, well-equipped and disciplined force*
dedicated to the cause of India. Every soldier of the
Army must be prepared to make the supreme sacrifice
for the sake of India, and the Army must be prepared*
to fight even the Japanese if they attempted to harm
the Indians or to establish themselves^ in India.
I did not join the I. N. A. through any fear of
Japanese ill-treatment or from any ulterior or mercenary
motives. In September 1942, as an I. N. A. Captain I
only received eighty dollars a month whereas, if I had
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 135
stayed out of the I. N. A. I would have received one
hundred and twenty dollars a month.
I joined the I. N. A. from purely patriotic motives.
I joined it because I wanted freedom for my
motherland and was ready to shed my blood for it.
Another reason why I joined it was that I wanted to
safeguard the honour of Indian women and the lives
and property of my unarmed countrymen in Burma,
Malaya and India. I joined for a noble cause and I
never stooped to coerce -or even to persuade any one
to join the I. N. A. against his wishes. So far as I am
aware, nobody ever coerced any one to join the L N. A.
The recruitment to the L N. A. to my knowle Jge was
purely voluntary. The evidence given by the prosecu-
tion on this point is false, In any event, I had nothing
to do with any of the alleged atrocities and have no
knowledge about them. From the very beginning I
was convinced that our strength lay in our selfless
devotion to our cause and my aim was that our army
should be composed of only those who were willingly
prepared to shed their blood for Mother India. For this
very reason, before proceeding to the front, I explained
at great length to the officers and men under my
Command the noble ideals for which the I. N. A. had
been raised and I also told them the grave dangers,
difficulties and hardships that lay in the way of the
fulfilment of those ideals. I warned every man that if
he was not willingly prepared to fight and suffer for
those ideals he need not proceed to the front. Many
who did not consider themselves physically or menta Uy
fit to- participate in the operations decided to stay
136 I. N. A. HEROES
behind They were not subjected to any force or
humiliations nor were they punished in any way. They
were all transferred to the Reinforcement Grout) and
left behind in Rangoon. On arrival on the front line,
I gave another chance to those who did not wish to
continue in the front line to return to the base. Tliose
who took advantage of this offer were returned to
Rangoon without being punished.
When I arrived in Popa, as I did not consider it
honourable that any men should be kept in the ranks of
the units under my command and made to fight against
their wishes, before going into action, I expressly and
publicly told all the men under my command that such
of them as were desirous of going over to the British
could do so at that time provided they left their arms
behind and went in one organized party whom I
assured a safe conduct through our lines.
I count a number of Englishmen and women among
my very best friends. Against the English people I never
cherished any enmity. To the officers and man under
my command I had issued explicit instructions that any
prisoner of war captured by them, be he of any
nationality, was to be treated kindly.
Till the end of November 1944, I was Military
Secretary in the Headquarters Supreme Command,
I. N. A., and for a time officiated as Assistant Chief
of the Staff. la December I was given the command
of a Regiment which fought in the Popa Area. I
took part in this figt*t a$ > a .member of the regularly
organized fighting forces *f the Indepi>dent Pro*
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 137
'visional Government of Free India which fought
according to the rules of civilized warfare for the
liberation of my motherland from foreign rule. I
claim that in doing so I committed Ho offence. On
the other hand I have served my country to the
best of my ability. I claim further that I am en-
titled to all the privileges Df a Prisoner of Wr.
In my Note of the 28th April, 1945, to the Com-
mander of the British Forces to whom I and the
Officers and men fighting under my command sur-
rendered at Magyigaon, (the receipt of which Note
is admitted by the Headquarters, Bahadurgarh Area,
in their letter No. J 900/50, dated 1 2th October 1945,
but which was stated in the letter to be "unavail-
able") I said quite plainly that we were ready to
surrender only as Prisoners of War. On receipt of
this Note, surrender was accepted without objection
to the terms on which we had offered to surrender
,and after the surrender we were actually treated as
Prisoners of War. Had we been told that surrender
on the terms offered by us was not acceptable to
the British Commander, we were determined to fight
on and were in a position to do so because we were
nearly six hundred strong, fully armed and equipped,
-and each one of us was prepared to shed the last
drop of his blood for the sake of his country*
From the 13th February to the 12th March 1945, 1
was officiating as Divisional Commander in the ab-
sence of Col. Shah Nawaz Khan. In my capacity
as Divisiopal Compander I had to try on 6th March
' {iafi Singh, Duli Ch^nd, Daryao
138 I. N. A. HEROES
Singh and Dharam Singh who had been committed!
for trial by Col. G. S. Dhillon for offences of deser-
tion and attempting to communicate with the enemy,
under Sections 35 and 29 (c) of the Indian National;
Army Act. They were found guilty and were sen-
tenced to death. The sentence was, however, not
carried out, the convicts, like many others who were
similarly tried and sentenced about that time, having
been pardoned on their expressing regret and giving
an assurance not to misbehave in future. The factr
of the sentence having been passed, was, of course,,
used for its propaganda value in order to deter others,
from deserting.
Even, however, if the sentence had been carried
out, I could not be charged with the offence of
abetment of murder. The four culprits had volun->
tarily joined the I. N. A. and had submitted to its,
discipline, and had voluntarily atid willingly agreed
to participate in the coming fight. They, having,
shamefully deserted while in action and in the face
of the enemy, had committed an offence punishable
with death under the Indian National Army Act and
under the Military Law all the world over. The
information which they sought to convey to the-
enemy would have meant the complete annihilation'
of the entire force under my command. The sen-
tence was passed after proper trial in the exercise of
authority lawfully vested in me.
Although the Indian National Araiy failed to*
achieve its primary object of liberating India, every;
one of us has the satisfaction that it fully accom-
COL. P. K. SAHGAL 1
plished its objective of protecting Indian life, pro-
perty and honour in Malaya, Burma and other parts
of South East Asia against all aggressors. The tele-
grams that I have received, after the commencement
of this trial from the President of the Indian
Christian Association Rangoon and the President of
the Burma Indians' Association and which I am
attaching to this statement bear ample testimony to
this.
PART III
COL. G. S. DHILLON
Ill
COL. G. & DHILLON.
AZAD HIND FAUJ.
(1)
LIFE STORY
Parentage
Father S. Thaker Singh Dhillon, V. A. S. t
retired from the Army after a
long service of 32 years.
Mother : Shrimati Karani Kaur Dhillon.
^Brothers :
(a) The eldest, Gurdial Singh Dhillon, is a
Jemadar Head Clerk in the Army. I have
learnt that he has asked for his release
from the Army because of my trial.
(6) The elder, Balwant Singh Dhillon, is also
a Jemadar in the R. L A. S. C.
(c) The younger, Amrik Singh Dhillon, is a
Ranger in the Forest Department.
Home Address: Village Chak No. 32,
P. O. Chhanga Manga, Tehsil Chunian,
Dt. Lahore.
Childhood. Born at Algon in Lahore Dis-
trict in March 1914. My first recollections are those of
Base Remount Depot. Deolali, where father was
.a Head Veterinary Surgeon. loused to take great
143
144 I. N. A. HEROES
interest in watching incoming and outgoing troops*
and a large number of horses.
Education . I went to different institutions as-
below :
Primary. (<z) A private tutor at Deolali.
(b) Primary School, Chhanga
Manga.
(c) Middle School, Pattoki.
(d) Primary School, Chak 32.
School. X#) Govt. High School, Chunian. I
joined the Boy's Scouts Move-
ment.
(6) Govt. High School, Dipalpore.
(c) D. B, Middle School, Raewind.
GO Victoria Dalip High School^
Solan in Bhaghat State (Simla).
I continued scouting in this SchooL
(*) D. A.V. High School, Mont-
gomery. It was in this school
that I became interested in the
Congress Non-cooperation Move-
ment, and -started wearing;
Khadar, writing National poetry,
but a very early end was put to
it by father who was a pro*
British and anti-Congress. My
inward sympathies, however, con-
tinued for the Congress.
I also took interest in learning about Arya Samai
and am one of its admirers up to to-day.
COL. G. S. DHILLON 145
College. Gordon Mission College, Rawalpindi*
My subjects were those of Medical Group with an
intention to join Medical College. I did not pass the
F.Sc. examination and eventually could not join the
Medical profession. I have always missed the pro-
fession ever since.
In this College I got a chance to learn about
Christianity, a religion I 'have always liked. Through
a Muslim friend, a son of a Judge, I learnt a great deal
about Islam and ever since have admired the religion.
In short I have no religious prejudices.
In the Army. Failure to join the Medical profes-
sion, in spite of father's wish to try again, caused a
great disappointment. I did not want to be a burden
to him any longer, and requested him to allow me to
join the Army. He agreed and I was enlisted as a
recruit on 2^th May 1933.
Recruiting was a difficult job, but I passed the
course with very good marks. The training at
Ferozepore ended on 24th Feb. 1934, the day I was
attested and sent to join ray active Battalion 4/14
Punjab Regiment, then at Lahore.
A Sepoy. As a sepoy, my Platoon Com-
mander a Sikh Subedar kept me in the background
because I was educated and belonged to a different
district from that of his. Uneducated V.C.O s used to
be very prejudiced against educated persons. A Muslim
Jemadar Head Clerk was very kind to me during these
difficult days and because of him, I selected to do an
N. C. O. Training Course lasting 3 months. Luckily
146 I. N. A* HEROES
I stood first in this course and was promoted Tern.
Acting Unpaid Lance Naik due to the shortage of
N.C.O'S.
A Mule Driver. Being in a light machine gun
section, I had to take my turn to look after the section
mule. Our mule (No. 36) was notorious for being the
most troublesome animal in the transport lines. It had
killed one man by kicking at a certain vital part of
the body and had wounded many. None of my section
fellow sepoys wanted me to do this job, but Platoon
Commander wanted me to stop from attending evening
classas in the Brigade, so that I may not pass the First
Class English Examination which was to be held in the
near future. His scheme worked according to plans,
and as 1 had to attend the mule in the morning as well
as in the eveaing, I missed classas and so could not take
the examination.
During these days my wife Basant was staying with
me in the married quarters. Disgusted with life, one day
I told her that I was going to resign from the Army.
She did not like my idea, and advised me to take
permission from father. It so happened that while we
were discussing this problem father turned up.
I quietly told Basant to make no reference regarding
my resignation to father, and myself went out to bring
some milk. On my return father smiled at me and
informed me that he" was ashamed of a coward like
myself. Basant had informed him about my intentions.
He told me that he would ask my Platoon Commander
to transfer me. I requested father not to do so, for
my pride could not stand that ray father should beg
COL. G. S. DHILLON 147
for anything from a person so mean as my Platoon
Commander. On this he said, " If you are so proud,
then why are you crying ? " With tears in my eyes-
I replied that I would continue to be a mule driver,
but in case I was killed or wounded he should not
repent. " Never, " said he and continued 4 * I have
spent my life in horses and mules, take a tip that
whenever you go to har give her * gur ' or * roti '
and she would become very tame " Father left that
very evening. I acted on his advice and the mule
became as tamed as a dog. I started liking the animal,
now I had not to fear her, for she would follow
me like a dog and bag for "gur" or "roti" by placing
her neck over my shoulders or rubbing her nose on my
chest.
Another difficulty left was, cleaning two sets of
saddlery which I used to take to my quarter, where
Basant would clean it and polish it so nicely that I
always got a " shabash " from the transport officer.
But poor Basant's hands used to bleed because of this
rough work, yet she would not let me help her. She
would say, " The time you want to spend on this work
can better be spent in reading and writing so that on
a day you could join the Indian Military Academy,
Dehra Dun." She also used to clean my rifle and
personal equipment for me, she became so efficient that
she could criticise my turnout if there were any faults
and promise it good.
Poverty as a Sepoy. Basant stayed with me for only
about 5 to 6 months during which time we used to
live within our pay. She had brought some money with
148 I. N. A. HEROES
her, which we spent all leaving eight annas. These 8
annas, we made up our mind to keep as a reserve. One
day when we had no "atta" in the house, father happened
to visit us. We had forgotten those eight annas, and
were greatly worried that in case father found out the
state of affairs we were in, he would be very much
hurt. I went to the Regimental Bania, but there
happened to be no " atta " in his shop. I did not like
to borrow cash and was greatly upset, suddenly I
remembered those 8 annas and ran back to my
quarters. On reminding, Basant gave me the money
.and the situation was saved. Luckily while leaving
father gave some money to Basant which came so handy.
Buying of fuel and rations used to leave us with
practically nothing out of the pay, yet we wanted to
pose out as if we were rich. I wonder how a poor
.sepoy can support his family. Thank God ! we had
no children. We never bought any clothes for us.
Kitchner College, J^owgong. Slowly and steadily
.by the help given to me by Jem. Head Clerk Atta
Mohd. Shah, I was selected to do a prospective Cadets
Long Course (2 years) at Nowgong in 1936.
I was an average student. Our course consisted
of 30, out of this lot 13 were to be selected at the end
of the course to do Cadet training in the Indian Military
Academy. I was one of the selected.
At Nowgong, I came to be known as a good speaker
or in any case loud speaker. I used to recite Hindustani
poems rather well and at times also composed poetry.
During my last turn.tlicre, I was elected the President
COL. G. S. DHILLON 149
of the Gurdwara Committee. At times I used to go out
on small shooting.
Indian Military Academy. Joined in 1938 and
passed out in 1943 with date of commission being
26th July 1939. I was an average gentleman cadet
and passed out 18th in a term of about 40.
1/14 Punjab Regiment. After getting the Com-
mission, I was posted to 1/14, Punjab Regiment, then
stationed at Lahore in the very lines where I had
stayed as a Sepoy. In October, 1941, the Battalion
moved to Secundrabad from where it moved for over-
seas in March 1941.
At Secunderabad, Basant came to stay with me for
42 days (19th Jan. 1st March 1941). During her stay,
all officers called on me as a courtesy, which was the
custom but the Colonel and the 2nd in command did
not. It was the first time when I realized that officer
or no officer I was an Indian, a member ot an enslaved
nation. While at Lahore, I had not been able to join
the Officers Swimming Club, this one was another
insult. By the way I was one of those whom the C.O.
liked and ours was an Indianized Battalion. When I
told my feelings to some ot the brother officers, I was
surprised to learn many more stories of discrimination.
On 3rd March 1941 we were due to sail from
Bombay for some unknown destination. I was the
Baggage Officer. A certain Sergeant Major on the
Embarkation Staff was rude to me. I overlooked as I
did not wish to waste time on unnecessary unpleasant
procedure of arresting him.
150 I. N. A. HEROES
Oa about 5th March 1941, during a conference, I
was shocked to hear the C. O. referring to the
incident in a very angry tone without poiiiting out
name. I was hurt and after the conference told him
how I felt about it. Th> result was the C. O. did not
talk to me throughout the voyage. Yet there were
five British officers junior to me with whom he would
often be seen drinking aaJ chatting. My only
consolation was that I was uc the only officer being
so treated, all the Indian officers, and all happened to
be senior to me, were also treated accordingly.
We landed at Penang on 17th March 1941 and
arrived at Ipoh on 18th March. All officers were
staying at Majestic Hotel, Ipoh. In April I was in
bed for about a week. I was surprisad that the C.O.,
staying hardly about forty yards away, did not pay me
a visit. I got a consolation, however, that he had not
seen Major Kiani, his Adjutant, during the latter's
illness, I was a junior guy.
We the Indians could not join the club. There are
many unpleasant such lik^ examples which I do not
intend relating, for perhaps behaviour of individuals
should not be taken as an excuse to blame a people.
On 7th May 1941, we moved from Ipoh to Sungi
Patani. Here we had some unpleasantness wit h the
C. O. and the 2nd in Command regarding Indian food
and promotion and appointments of ofticers. We who
were all regular officers were not given commands of
Companies, but emergency commissioned British Tea
planters and firm agents were given preference over us,
COL. G. S. DH1LLON 151
General Mohan Singh (a Major at the time after-
wards a Capt.) and the CO. had so much difference
of opinion that they were not on talking terms for
a long time.
About the middle of May 1941 Maj. M. Z. Kiani,
the Adjutant, fell seriously ill and was removed to
hospital. I became the officiating Adjutant and
carried on up to 10th June 1941, when 1 lett Malaya for
India to do a Signal Course at Pjona.
During my Adjutancy, I learnt a great deal of
stati work from the C.O. This knowledge has proved
very useful ever since. While I left him on 20th
June 1941, he said, "Dhillon, I thank you for helping
me as my Adjutant. I have found you much above
my expectations and would be glad to receive you
back." I thanked him in return and we said farewell
to each other,
Stgnal Course. I landed at Madras on 3rd July
1941 and reported at the Training Depot, 10/14 Pun-
jab, Ferozepore, on 6th July 1941. During the journey
from Madras by rail, I saw the horrible sight of poverty,
as I had not hitherto known. Begging children with
buldged out tommies and naked bodies whom one could
see at every stoppage, haunted me for days and nights.
I became an enemy of the system which was governing
the country. In spite of these feelings I continued
serving. A mistake for which I cannot excuse myself.
But what else could I do ? I did not want to be an
unemployed.
152 I. N. A. HEROES
I did the signal course at Poona from 4th Aug.
to 4th Oct. 1941 and passed in an above average
position.
At Poona I met Gurdial Singh, my eldest brother,
after about 16 years.
Malayan Camvaign. After the course I had
a month's leave and then landed back at Singapore on
30th Nov. 1941. I joined my Battalion on 5th Dec. 1941
at Jitra (North of Malaya). I took over the duties
of the Battalion Signal Officer.
On 8th Dec. 1941 the Greater East Asia War
broke out. 1/14 Punjab was the torward most unit
which came into contact with the Japanese. &fter the
battle at Chingham we were cut off on llth Dec. 1941.
I collected some 40 men and was trying to
rejoin our forces at Alorstar, while on 12th Dec. I
met Capt. Habibul-Rehman Khan (recently wounded
along with Netaji). We collected about 80 men ot
different units including British and made an effort to
rejoin the forces, but Alorstar and Jitra had tall en.
We sailed in a small boat or two from Kaula Kedah
and on 15th Dec. 1941 landed at Miami Beach, Penang.
Penang was being evacuated, we reported at 3 M. R. C.
and under orders left the same day without having had
any food or rest.
We were given commands of Companies found
from M. R. C. and were ordered to defend a Bridge
at Nibang Tibal until all forces had withdrawn from
North of it.
COL. G. S. DHILLON 153'
On 20th Dec. 1941 we rejoined our Battalion at
Ipoh. I was ill. and was evacuated to a hospital in
Singapore. Having recovered I reported for duty at
7 M. R. C where I was given to officiate as Adjutant
of the Indian Wing. During the bittle of Singapore,
I remained with 7 M. R. C.
It was very disgusting to note during those days
that the Indian troops were not allowed to make use
or Naafi Stores. In a conference of the Wing
Commanders, when I suggested that the privilege
should be granted to the Indian soldiers, all the
British Officers turned it down, saying "It is against
the regulations". I wonder why fighting side by side
was not against them.
It was after the surrender that I rejoined my
Battalion at Farrer Park on 17th Feb. 1942, and was
bended over by Col. Hunt to the Japanese and then to
Capt. Mohan Singh, the G. O. C., Indian National
Army. Soon after Farrer Park meeting my battalion
moved to Neesoon Camp. I accompanied.
P. O. IV. After the surrender, the discipline
and morale of troops suddenly went so low that men
started beating their officers.
Just after being handed over to Mohan Singh
Sahib, one day I had a long discussion with him re-
garding the I. N. A., which he wanted to raise. I
asked for time to think over on my own. The
question was the King or country ? I chose the
country and threw in my lot with him.
The condition at Neesoon Camp, where I was^
living was very bad. Due to lack of discipline,-
154 I. N. A. HEROES
dysentery had started. On permission irom Mohan
Singh, I addressed all officers and N. C. O's in that
Camp. Main points of my talk were :
(<a) Discipline
(fe) Sanitation
(c) Dysentery.
Later on under instructions froTi Mohan Singh
Sahib through Major M. S. Dhillon (who came over
to the British in 1942) I gave two lectures to about
500 to 600 men at a time, with an idea to bring
about :
(a) National Unity.
(fc) National Honour.
(c) Discipline and Morale.
(d) Feeling of Independence.
t
The main idea was that we were not sure as to
what would be the Japanese attitude, and the amount
of help we would receive from them. Whether we
xaised the I. N. A. or not the above points would be
.useful.
Main difficulties in those Jays were :
(a) Spirit of defeatism and so lack of sacrificing.
(fe) Poor discipline and morale
<(c) Communal-mindedness
(d) Mohan Singh's juniority.
*(e) The Japanese element.
(f) Pro-British persons.
(g) Selfishness and opportunists.
Changi Garrison. On llth March 1942
under 'instructions from Col. N. S. Gill I procceeded
COL. G. S. DHILLON 155
to Changi Camp where British P. O. W. lived. I had
.200 officers and men with me.
M.y Duties were :
(a) To supply sentry posts outside camps so
that the P. O. W. do not escape or trouble
civilians living just outside camps.
(fc) To patrol Changi area, for P. O. Ws. used to
snatch food from local people by force and
would destroy their crops. Some people 'had
reported of rape cases.
<c) To keep escapees (handed ov>r by the
Japanese) in my Garrison area until their
handing over back to their respective Camp
Commandants for necessary action. I was
supplied no food for th^se deserters, so they
were fed by my men. Our motto was "No-
body will starve under an Indian's roof." My
Adjutant 2/Lt. Sawarn Singh used to arrange
rations on the quiet through a Japanese Sgt.
Hirao. At times P. O. Ws. under my charge
used to quarrel amongst themselves and our
sentry had to restore peace.
id) To arrange necessary transport for supply-
ing rations to P. O. W. and for their move-
ments outside the Camp, I had 50 vehicles
under my charge for the purpose.
difficulties were :
(#) Not a pleasant job.
(6) To start with, my men had great inferiority
complex.
156 I. N. A. HEROES
(c) I was a Japanese tool which I hated to be;-
I had to receive orders from a Jap
Liaison Officer with whom I was always at
loggerheads.
(d) I had to see, that my men having the power
did not misuse it.
(e) Acts of kindness were taken in wrong light
both by the Japanese and the British.
(f) All P. O. Ws. including Generals were
opposed to me and my sentries.
The lighter side. At times certain P. O. W. used
to escape only to be captured by my or Japanese
guards or patrols so that during their detention they
would get better food. The Australians used to be
very friendly and helpful, so one could be kind to
them. Giving protection to civilians was a pleasure,
A Shooting Incident. In May 1942 on a certain
day at dusk about 14 P. O. W. attacked two of my
sentries. One sentry fired for self-defence. Only one
round was fired, which caused one killed and one
wounded. Both casualties were brought to me. The
wounded P. O. W. was treated in my camp hospital,
and the body of the killed was handed over to the
British P. O. W. The body was not recognised by
them. The Japanese M. P. carried out a thorough
enquiry at the end of which I was ordered to issue only
5 rounds to a sentry. On my part, I advised my men/
to shoot in the air to frighten and not to cause
casualties. No shooting, however, took after this
incident.
COL. G. S. DHILLON 157
My Illness. On 29th June 1942, I got
pneumonia, and was placed on D. L and S. I. Lists
by Lt. Col. B. Chaudry, I. M. S M who used to come to
&ee me from Salitar Camp. I continued commanding
the Garrison from my bed.
On 16th July 1942, the attack was repeated and on
5th Aug. 1942 I was removed to Salitar Hospital under
Col. Chaudry 's treatment.
From 3rd Oct. to 25th Nov. 1942 I spent a sick
leave at Penang, Though I recovered, weakness
continued and since then I never felt really fit in
Malaya.
In Oct. 1943 I had to be operated upon in the nose
and throat.
The First L K. A. On 1st Sep. 1942 I was
commissioned as 2/Lt. in the I. N. A. Due to illness I
remained on the strength of the reinforcement group
and was given no appointment throughout the
1st I. N. A.
During the crisis, I was actively against starting
the 2nd I. N. A. but afterwards changed my mind and
helped in reorganisation.
The 2nd I. K. A.
(a) D. Q. M. G. After the crisis, I was appoint-
ed Deputy Quarter Master General in the Army
H. Q. under Col. M. Z. Kiani, the Army Commander.
;My duties as D. Q. M. G. were to be responsible
:
1. Supplies of rations, oil and petrol.
158 1. N. A. HEROES
2. The Ordnance Department dealing with sup-
ply, issue and maintenance of clothing,,
arms and equipment, Ammunition.
3. The Workshop.
4. Mechanical Transport.
5. Military Engineering Services.
Apart from the I. N. A., I had to supply fresh
vegetables, fish, and certain foodstuffs to Indian
P. O. W. Hospitals, though they were not under the
I. N. A. Command.
In June 1943, Major N. N. Khosla took over the
Department from me. I started working as Supply
and Transport Otficer under him.
(b) 5th Grla. Regt. In December 1943. I was
appointed 2nd in Command to Major J. W. Rodriques.
Apart from helping him in raising the Regiment my
duties were :
L Training.
2. Discipline.
3. Morale.
On March 30th, 1944, the Regiment moved to-
Ipoh. It was very noticeable that though the
Japanese and Malaya guards and parties often used to
be attacked by the communists, yet they had so much
respect for our leader and the movement that they
never disturbed us.
(c) Move to Burma. For move to Burma I was
attached with the 1st Inf. Regt. Left Jitra for
Champhon by rail in July 1944. From Champhon-
COL. G. S. DHILLOH 155
went to Khawaji and then back to Champhon in
order to proceed to Bangkok from where I flew by
Netaji's plane to Rangoon on 21st August 1944.
(d) 3^0. 2 Divisional H. Qrs. On arrival in
Burma I took over the "A" and "Q" Branches in
No. 2 Div. H. Qrs. This was an officiating appoint-
ment due to the absence of respective staff officers on
their way from Malaya. Col. Aziz Ahmed was the
Divisional Commander.
(e) Wehru Brigade (4th Grla. Regt). On 13th
November 1944 I was appointed Commander of the
Nehru Brigade. I took over from Major Mahboob
Ahmed at Myingyan. Mahboob had officiated only
for about four days. While handing over the Brigade
he also handed over graves ot our heroes who had
been bombed by the British on 4th November 1944.
When i took over, the Brigade was under-
strength, poorly clothed and equipped. The discipline
and morale was non-existing. Some deficiencies were
made good, but my main efforts were devoted in
improving the standard of discipline and morale apart
from the fighting efficiency. This was done by giving
lectures, personal touch and listening to the grievances
of the the troops. Every body was given an option to
stay or be sent back to a rear area. All officers
including Sub. Officers were given separate interviews.
Attention was paid to the medical side and welfare of
troops.
One day per week was observed as " Jawanoa ka
Din." On this day officers used to share food witti
men in their lines.
160 L N. A. HEROES
On a special order of the day a slogan as under
-was given :
"Khoon Ka Badla Khoon Khoon Khoon. 1 '
Eight cases of desertion were brought before me.
I excused all with a warning that there would be
no mercy shown if they committed the crime again.
It is interesting that they did not let me down.
My policy was to get things done without or with
least possible punishment.
Relationship with the Japanese. Our treatment
to each was on reciprocal basis. I could never
.stand any interference by them and they knew it
well.
Once one of the unit happened to enter my
camp at night (24/25th December 1944) at Myingan
.after taking permission from the Japanese M. P. I
warned them to clear out otherwise they would be
fired upon by my guards. They cleared out within a
couple of minutes.
Once, Japanese M. P. approached the Burmese
authorities, to request them to see that a certain
building was not occupied by the I. N. A. They
were told to approach me direct, but the M. P. would
not, saying that they were not allowed to interfere
in the I. N. A. matters.
Relationship, with the Burmese. Very cordial
and friendly. They would always request us to
occupy their villages so that Japanese might not
come. For, the Japanese used to avoid us. We were
much helped by them in the way of transport
{bullock carts), fuel, vegetables and accommodation.
COL. G, S. DHILLON .
I received many donations from tlieir qfficeb.for
my hospitals, both in cash and kind.
In Action.
(a) Though the morale and discipline of the
Brigade had improved yet it was not to
my satisfaction. Materially I was still very
poor. I was under-strength, was short of
staff and officers, had no machine gun
belts and spare parts, had no supporting
weapons, there were only two M. T.
vehicles both not reliable. I received order
to occupy a defensive position opposite
Pagan on the western side of Irrawadi.
I was about 60 miles ffoto this place. My
only transport was 37 bullock c*rts and
a Brigade had to move. I had no means
of communication with my or the Japanese
H. Qrs.
On 29th January 1945 I reeeiv$4 prefers to occupy
the above-stated place by 20th, January 1945. This
means that the orders were late .by 9 days. ' At the
time I had an attack of tonsils. My staff car was out
of order.
On 30th January 1945 I left Myingyan by foot
to carry out a recce of T the area I had to occupy.
My Intelligence Officer, and . an",N. C. O. accom-
panied me. I took a bullock cart with me, which
came very useful. On 5A February 1945, I was back
in Myingyan having done, 108 miles by foot apart
from 2 days race of the area. Considering that the
162 I* N, A* HEROES
movement could not be carried out during the day
due to enemy air attacks, it was a Quick piece of work.
On 7th February 1945 my Jap Liaison Officer
brought me the news that the enemy had arrived
at Mitche about four miles opposite Nyangu which
I was supposed to occupy. I was so harsh to Capt.
Izuni, my Liaison Officer, that the poor fellow started
crying.
I left Myingyan on 7th February 1945 having
issued orders for all units to proceed that very
evening. The sick, weak personnel, unwilling and
undesirables were left back with Major Jagir Singh,
my 2/Lt. in command who had been given instructions
to arrange and send them back.
(6) As my personal sfaff I took only one
clerk.
Battles fought by the Brigade.
(0 Battle of Nyangu 7th Feb. 1945 to 14th
and Pagan Feb. 1945,
(it) Battle of Tanzang 16th March 1945.
<tit) Battle of Sade 16th, 17th, 19th
March 1945.
<tv) Guerilla Warfare 24th Feb. to 3rd
April 1945.
(c) Apart from the above battles small actions
were numerous connected with the de-
fence of Kyauk-P*dftung and Popa areas.
The withdrawal from Popa to Pegu without any
transport:* is a great military action of the Brigade.
COL. G- S. DHILLON 163
<d) From Magwc to Pegu up to my capture,
I was with the Divisional Commander
General Shahnawaz Khan. We were cap*
tured on 17th May 1945 at Bawaji near
Pegu.
(e) My casualties were about 200 out of an
effective strength of about 800 to 900
which I could put into action to start with.
</) I estimate to have inflicted over 500 casual-
ties on the enemy.
(2)
OUTkJNKS OF MY LIF8 IN THB I. tf. A.
I am one of those who believed in Mohan
Singh Sahib's leadership and sincerity. After having
a talk with him just after the surrender of Singapore,
I threw in my lot with him. Mohan Singh's task was
a hard one. I am one of those who believe that he is
a kind-hearted, efficient, brave, energetic, selfless,
national military leader.
I commanded Changi Garrison, i.e., guards over
British P. O. W. from llth March 1942 to August 5,
1942. Why this job over P. O. W. ? I can't account
fot this. Having joined an organisation I was prepar-
ed to do any job does not matter how dirty and I
did it.
My treatment to the British P. O. W. used to be
cold but humanitarian. To Australians warmer.
P. O. W. used to prefer living under me than
under their own officers. I fell sick with pneumonia
on 29th June 1942, these P. O. W. used to nurse me.
On 26th July I had another attack and on 5th August
I was removed to hospital. Fram 2nd October to 25th
November I remained at Penang on sick leave.
On 1st September 1942 I was commissioned in
the I. N. A., but due to illness and weak health
remained attached to reinforcement group no job.
164
COL, G, S. DH1LLON 165
During the I. N. A. crisis November 1942 to
February 1943 at first 1 helped ito break the I. N. A.,
but afterwards rejoined and helped in raising it again.
I felt being spied upon but I continued.
After the crisis I became Deputy Quarter
Master General in the Army H. Qrs. Remained so up
to June 1943 ; when Maj. N. N. Khosla took over, I
became his Supply and Transport Officer.
5th October to 26th October 1943 in hospita*
Nose and throat operation.
December 1943, 2nd in command of 5 Grla,
Regt., helped raising and training it.
17th |May to 21st August 1944, attached 1st
Inf. Regt. for movement to Burma.
21st August 1944 to 6th October 1944 officiat-
ing head of the Adjutant and Quartermaster's Branch-
es in No. 2 Divisional Head Quarters at Rangoon.
Hehru Brigade.
Took over on 13th November 1944 at Myingyan.
My activities as its commander have been :
(a) At Myingyan : 13th November 1944 to 7th
February 1945.
(t) Reorganising the Brigade,
(it) Spiritual Training.
<m) Preparation of Myingyan defences accompa-
nied by warfare training.
<fc) In Action :
<0 Battle of Pagan and Nyangn 7th to
14th February 1945.
166 I. N. A. HEROES
(it) Reorganisation after the battle of Pagan.
(tit) 25th February 1945 to 10th March 1945
Defence of Kyauk-Padang and Guerilla
warfare in Tangzin and Pymbin areas.
(f'v) Advance towards Nyangu occupation of
Tangzin area and Guerrilla warfare. Patrol
activity, Battle of Sade and Tangzin 10th
March to 5th April 1945.
(v) 5th April to llth April 1945 defence of Popa,
Move to Magwe.
(tn) Retreat from Magwe towards Moulmein
19th April to 17th May 1945.
Exhausted surrounded captured. Behind
Bars Pegu Jail 17th May 1945. Then Hos-
pital Rangoon Central Jail arrived (C S.
D. I. C) Red Fort 5th July 1945.
(3)
WHY I JOINED TBE I. N. A. ?
DIFFERENT STAGES OF MIND,
Before joining the Army.
During the school and college days I had my
sympathies with the Congress without knowing much
about it. These sympathies only remained within me
and did not take any practical shape.
After joining the Army.
As I joined the Army at the very bottom rank t
my experiences were those of poverty and struggle to
get into the Indian Military Academy. -I believed that
to be a good Indian, one must be self-supporting and
self-respecting. At the Academy the motto in the
Chetwood Hall appealed to me. The motto was :
"The honour, welfare and safety of your
country comes first, always and every time.
The comfort, welfare and safety of the men
you command comes next, always and every
time.
Your own comforts and safety comes last,
always and every time/'
Ever since I read this motto, I started thinking of
my country in a way I had never done before. I realized
that it was not only difficult but impossible, to get
167
168 I. N. A. HEROES
according to the spirit of the motto by remaining in
the Army. Anyway I continued serving purely for
selfish reasons.
After getting thfe commission I was posted to 1/14
Punjab Regt. Some of the brother officers (all
Indians) in that unit, gave me certain instructions so
that I could keep up the honour of the Indian officers.
Soon* I felt that there was great discrimination with
which we were treated. Some of the examples are :
(a) At Lahore I wanted to join the Officers'
Swimming Club % but I was told that it was
meant for the British,
(fe) Many a time I saw British officers openly
showing hatred for some of our Indian ways
and " Desi Khan*."
(c) The C. 0. and the 2nd I/C did not call on my
wife during her stay with me at Secundera-
bad.
<d) Many, a time when I had some difference of
opinion with a Britisher, invariably the
Britisher concerned would be backed up
by senior British officers irrespective of
reasons.
<e) My pay. and allowances were far less than
the pay and allowances of British officers
V of the same rank. Our standard of living
was the same.
</) There was far too much prominence given
to religion so as to keep different classes
separated*and divided.
COL. G. S. DHILLON 169
The very things which were considered to
be good in a British officer, for example,
mixing with troops, straightforwardness,
national pride and expression of indepen-
dent views, were considered to be dangerous
in the Indian officers.
(h) Colour bar came in even in the question of
certain appointments, for example, in l/14th
after the arrival of . C. O's who happened
to be Britons command of most of the
Coys, was given them though all the
Indians were experienced regular officers.
(0 Disregard of proper channels by the British
used to be so disgusting.
The above and many more experiences though very
email made me realize that whether an officer or a sepoy
an Indian was a " bloody nigger " a slave and nothing
more. In March 1941 at Ipoh (in Malaya) I dis-
cussed my feelings with Mohan Singh Sahib and asked
if one should resign. He told and advised me that
that was not the time to resign, for no purpose could
be served by it. Neither the Congress nor the re-
lations would be in a position to appreciate my point
of view. I would just be considered unwanted, in-
efficient officer who had been kicked out because of
reasons personal not national. My own people would
take me as a useless,. work-fearing person, and even
earning of livelihood would be a problem. I had better
wait for a better opportunity.
170 I. N. A* HEROES
The Malayan Campaign.
My opportunity comes with the break of Greater
East Asia War, yet my conscience did not let me desert
my men. The campaign showed the British in their
true colour of selfishness and inefficiency. My feelings
grew more and more against them.
The First I. H. A.
After the surrender of Singapore, I met Mohan
Singh Sahib again. He reminded me what I wanted
to do a year ago and told me that that was the
chance. After thinking for about a few days I took a
vow that henceforth I would devote my life to my
country, that I would not let even thoughts of my
wife, parents and beloved ones interfere with this*
sacred duty, and that I would not drink until India was
free.
Under General Mohan Singh I was all in all in the
movement.
The Second I. W. A.
The I. N. A. crisis showed us in our true colours,
yet I believed that by being in a movement, one could
do a lot as long as one were sincere and that others 9
cowardice, weakness or selfishness were not am excuse
for one's own. My main incentive remained the
welfare of the men and the movement* Even after
Netaji's arrival I always felt that Mohan Singh 1 *
I. N. A. was a better Military machine oa revolutionary
lines but politically, it even could not be compared
with ttie 2nd one under Netaji. Though I continued
COL. G. S. DHILLON 171
working hard, yet I was not satisfied with mjr
surroundings. In October 1944, Netaji called me for
an interview and I was surprised to learn that he
exactly knew my feelings. During this interview
which lasted for about two hours he gave me choice
between a staff oificership and a command. I chose
command, for I wanted to work independently and io
the front line. On 26th October 1944 Netaji called
me again and told me that I would be given the com-
mand of 4th Grla. Regt. (Nehru Brigade).
This was an appointment after my heart. Nehru Bde.
was in the front at the time.
(4)
COLLECTION OF CLOTHING FROM THE
SEPARATED PERSONNEL MARCH 1943
Situation
After the crisis about 4,000 officers and men
refused to continue in the 2nd I. N. A. They were
separated and accommodated in Salitar Camp where
-eventually Japanese P. O. W. H. Qrs. took them
over and they were removed from that camp.
Reasons
Before separation the personnel had been allowed
to retain all articles of clothing, certain items of
equipment such as water bottles, haversacks, ration tins
and cooking utencils, which had been issued from
I. N. A. Ordnance Stores. The Japanese authorities
informed the D. M. B's H. Qrs. that they (the Japanese)
.could not issue more stores to the I. N. A. so all articles
on the stock of L N. A. should be withdrawn
from the separated personnel.
Ascertainment
D. M. B. f s H. Qrs. ascertained that the Japanese
would issue necessary articles after they had taken
over the personnel. In fact they did issue them with
absolutely new clothing before the personnel were
cemoved from Salitar Camp.
172
COL. G. S. DH1LLON 175
Collection
Being the D. Q. M. G., Army Head Quarters this
unpleasant job of collecting stores was my responsi-
bility, under orders from the D. Q. M. G M DM. B.'s
H. Qrs. then Major K. H. Thimaya and shortly
afterwards Major A. D. Jahaagir, Thimaya having met
a car accident had been removed to a hospital
Ths Japanese who were taking over the separated 1
personnel were issuing these stores at the time these-
personnel left Salitar Camp. Had everything beet*
collected at once it would have meant leaving those
personnel stripped naked. I put up the matter again,
and the ruling was given that the maximum stores
possible would be collected immediately allowing the
separated personnel to retain on loan, one shirt, one
pair of shorts, a pair of P. T. shoes, a cap or pagri
per man, plus cooking utencils as necessary.
These things on loan were also to be collected as
they would move out of Salitar. Dates of their move by
parties were to be made known to me by the H. Qrs.
Hikari Kikan.
I ordered Regimental Quartermasters to carry out
the collection according to instructions issued by me.
During the collection certain Unit Quartermasters met
with hostile attitude from the separated personnel, so
Maj. A. D. Jahangir and I at times used to attend this
collection. In connection with this duty I collected
all separated officers and N. C. Os. and explained them
why we were collecting those stores from them. After
this lecture we had no difficulties in getting co-opera*
174 L N, A, HEROES
tion from them. Of course we had to be very lenient
in ' handling the situation. For this leniency Major
Jahangir and myself had to answer later on,
Court of enquiry. The information regarding
moves of certain parties was not given in time by the
Japanese as a result of which certain stores could not
be withdrawn. Maj. A. D. Jahangir and I were blamed
for failing to carry out the collection properly.
Eventually a court of enquiry was held under the
Presidentship of Lt. Col. A lag a pan, with Lt. Col.
S. M. Hussain and Maj. Pritam Singh as members.
(5)
STATEMENT IN THE COURT
My story is a simple one. I was enlisted as a sepoy
in the 4th Bn. of the 14th Punjab Regiment on 29th
May 1933. In 1936 at the recommendation of Lt. Col.
C. Hungerf ord Jackson, I was selected to do a pros-^,
pective cadet's course at Kitchner College, Nowgong.
Before this I had had a long struggle in the ranks.
Eventually I was selected to do a Gentlemen Cadet's
course at the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun.
It was in this Institution that I learnt to serve my
country above everything else. There, I read written
in Chettwood Hall in block letters of gold :
" The honour, welfare and safety of your country
comes first, always and every time. The comfort,
safety and welfare of the men you command comes
next, always and every time. Your own safety and
comfort comes last, always and every time."
Ever since I read this motto, the sense of duty
towards my country and my men has under all cir-
cumstances reigned supreme in my thoughts. It was
with this motto in front of me that I served my country
as an officer in the Indian Army. After joining the
1st Bn. 14th Punjab Regiment as a 2nd Lieut, on 30th
April 1940, I remained throughout with my unit, and
moved overseas with it. We arrived at Ipoh in
175
176 I. N. A. HEROES
Malaya on 18th March 1941. Then we went (to
Sungei Patani. Here I had the privilege of officiating
under my C O. Lt. Col L. V. Fitz Patrick as Adjutant
for about two months. In June 1941 I came back
home to do an All Arms Signal Course at Army Signal
School, Poona.
Just before the outbreak of war in East Asia I
rejoined my unit at Jitra on 5th December 1941.
During the Malayan campaign I was the Bn. Signal
Officer. My Bn. was the foremost unit in Jitra
sector to contact with the Japanese forces. We
held them for thre days. After a battle at
Changlun, as we were withdrawing to Jitra, which
was to be our main defensive line, we were surprised
by the enemy tanks. The C. O. and most of the
officers and men were cut off. On 12th December 1941
after a day of roaming about I managed to contact
Capt. Habib-ul-Rahman who was also in a similar
plight.
We managed to collect about 80 men of different
units of including British. The main road being in
the Japanese occupation we had to cut our way
through jungles and paddy fields. On the 13th early
in the morning, we were attacked by the enemyjand
most of the men deserted us except about 26 of our
own unit. During the day, however, we managed
to gather some more stragglers and in the evening
when we were two miles from Alor Star we were
informed by some civilians that Jitra and Alor 1
Star had falleA. We could not believe this and
Habib instructed me to follow him by bounds while
COL. G. S. DHILLON 177
he with a small party proceeded towards Alor
Star to find out the situation for himself. We had
hardly advanced a mile when we saw some people
running away from the town. They too told us
about the fall of Alor Star and asked us to with-
draw. We did so, and on 14th evening sailed in
small coastal boats fot Penang from Kuala
Kedah. On arrival at Penang we with our party
reported at 3 M. R. C. Within 15 minutes of our
arrival we were ordered to leave Penang. On 16th
morning we arrived, at Nibong Tibal about 26 miles
from Penang on the mainland. Here Habib and
myself were given the command "fa 'company each
and were ordered to defend two brigades. I was
placed in command of Gurkha Company formed out
of the M. R. C. and a detachment of 1st. Bahawal-
pore Company. I remained in position until all our
troops North of that point had withdrawn. Even-
tually on 19th December we were ordered to with-
draw. We fell back to Taiping and then to
Ipoh, where I rejoined the remnants of my Bn.
I had not had a single whole meal ever since
the war had started, i.e., the 8th December. Rest was
out of question during such a retreat. I had an
attack of fever and was admitted into a Hospital
and then evacuated to Singapore. On my discharge
from the Hospital I reported for duty at 7 M. R. C
I tried to rejoin my unit but red-tapistn caused so
much delay that by the time arrangements were
made for my conveyance, the battle of Singapore
had begun. During stay with the 7 M. R. C, I offi-
178 i. N. A. HEROES
ciated as the Indian Wing Commander and Adjutant.
The situation became such that the Commandant of
the 7 M. R. C. wanted my presence in order to con-
trol the Indian Troops who were getting dissatisfied
due to discriminatory treatment. The Commandant
said that he had great confidence in my way of
handling the Troops.
By the llth February, 1942 we began hearing
tumours that Singapore was going to surrender. I
or any body else could not believe it. While eva-
luating Bidadari Camp where 7 M. R. C. was stationed,
on the way to town I saw thousands of Indians
gathered in an open space. They had hoisted many
Indian National Flags. I pointed this out to a British
Col. who was with me. He said, "I don't blame
them. If we cannot defend them they have to look
after themselves."
On 13th evening we were told officially that 500
of our aeroplanes would arrive by the 15th morning
land that the Americans were going to land at
Pinang and come down South. But they never did.
On the 15th at about 2200 hours the C. O. called
ior me and told me that Singapore had surrendered
unconditionally. This came to me as a great shock.
With a heavy heart and teals in my eyes I dropped
my revolver, and ordered my men to collect their
arms. A still bigger shock came when the C. O.
told me that the Indians would march off to Ferrar
Park and the British to Chdngi. At Ferrar Park
CoL Hunt representing the British Supreme Command
handed us over to Maj. Fujiwara, a representative
GOL. G. S. DHILLON 179
of the Japanese Army, who in turn handed us over
to Capt. Mohan Singh who was introduced to us as
G. O. C, Indian National Army. I felt like one
deserted by the British in a state of utter and tragic
helplessness.
Mohan Singh spoke. He expressed his intention
of raising an Indian National Army for the liberation
of India. His declaration was received with great
enthusiasm and a feeling of hope and joy by all of us
present at Fertar Park.
I had known Mohan Singh before as we belonged
to the same Unit. He was one of my dearest friends
and I had confidence in him. However it was after
a long mental struggle that I could persuade myself
to accept him as G. O. C. With my knowledge of
the recent events and of the state of the Eastern
Defence of India I felt convinced that Singapore, the
biggest naval base in the world, having surrendered
so ignobly, there was no possibility of the British
being able to defend or hold India against the Japanese
invasion.
Mohan Singh's task was a hard one. He had
never even imagined that one day he would have to
handle 75,000 officers and men under circumstances
unprecedented in the history of the world. Dis-
cipline had to be maintained amongst a demoralised
and defeated Army. Freedom of political thought
had to be given as the I. N. A. was entirely based on
a voluntary basis. On top of all this lives of officers
and men suspected by the Japanese had to be saved.
180 I. M. A. HEROES
Our ^civilian nationals had to be protected against
all sorts of dangers. And all this had to be done
consistently with India's national honour and laws
of humanity. And in doing all this he had constantly
to deal with highly suspicious people like the
Japanese.
I bad seen how people in Malaya had suffered as
a result of the Japanese invasion ift consequence of
the utter lack of preparation on the part of the British
Government which had undertaken responsibility for
her defence and I shuddered to think of the plight
of my own countrymen on invasion of India. It was
at this time that I got to realise the full significance
of the havoc done to my unfortunate country by the
one and a half century of the British Rule. While the
British, I thought to myself, had exploited all our mate*
rial resources for their own benefit and freely drawn
upon our man power to fight their own imperialistic
wars, they had not only done nothing to prepare us
for the defence of our mother-land in case of need
but had, in order to keep us in bondage for all time
to come, completely emasculated us. I felt that if
India had been free and in a position to look after her
own defences no aggressor could have thought of
crossing her border. In the Indian National Army
proposed to be organised by Mohan Singh I saw a
new hope for India. I felt that if a strong and
willing National Army could be raised at that
juncture it could not only liberate (India from forwgtf
rule but could also resist the Japanese in case they t
should try to go back upon their word and instead of
COL. G. S. DHILLON 181
helping us to win our freedom, should seek to exploit
our country for their own purpose. Such an army
could also give protection to our Indian brethren
and sisters in the Far East against aggression by people
belonging to other nationalities. Mother India seemed
to be calling me and I decided to respond to her call
and threw in my lot with Mohan Singh.
I co-operated with Mohan Singh in the organiza-
tion of the Indian National Army till 29th June 1942
when I became very ill and had to go to the -hospital.
On being discharged from the hospital on 2nd Octobe
1942 I was sent to Penang for reasons of health. I
still not being quite well and fit for work, I returned
from Penang about the time when very sharp diffe-
rences had arisen between Mohan Singh and the
Japanese culminating in the arrest of the former and
dissolution of the I. N. A. by him. On receiving the
assurance that Netaji Subash Chandra Bose would
come to lead the movement I decided to continue in
the 2nd I. N. A.
Recruitment of the I. N, A. at all times was on a
purely voluntary basis. To my knowledge no coercion
or force was ever used to induce any Prisoner of War
to join the I. N. A. In fact use of force or coercion
for such purpose was wholly unnecessary because we f
always had a very large number of surplus volunteers
whom we were unable to arm or put on training for
want of equipment. The evidence given by some of
the prosecution witnesses that prisoners of war were
sent to Concentration or Detention Camps to coerce
them into vblunteerrag is absolutely false. There was
182 L N. A. HEROES
no concentration camp in existence at all. There was
a detention camp to which only persons found guilty
of indiscipline or other offences were sent by way of
punishment. That camp had, however, nothing to do
in any shape or form, with enlistment in the I. N. A.
On the contrary persons confined in the Detention
Camp were not accepted as volunteers even if they
offered to do so, because detention in that Camp for
any period indicated some defect of character and was
a disqualification for membership of the I. N A.
These witnesses have told false and distorted tales to
save their own skins or to curry favour with the
Government. In all lectures delivered by me I warned
my audience in the clearest possible terms that they
should volunteer only if they loved their country and
were willing and able to bear all kinds of hardships
and sufferings in her cause. At the time of going into
action I again warned the men under my command
that we had to fight against an enemy much better
equipped and far superior in men and materials and
that any body who, either for want of courage or
otherwise, did not wish to go to the front need not
do so and could, if he so desired, be sent back to the
rear areas. Some of the officers and men did show
their unwillingness and about 200 such men were sent
back to Rangoon before my Regiment left Myingyan.
This option I gave to my command at every stage of
the campaign and it was due to this particular reason
that although for weeks I stayed within two miles of
the enemy lines yet none of my men ever went and
reported my location to the Allies, Many a time I
COL. G. S DHILLON 183
had to go without water for 20 to 30 hours and with*
out food for two or three days. If as a Brigade Com-
mander I had to undergo these hardships my men must
have suffered much more yet they accompanied me.
No man who had joined under duress or coercion could
have done so.
It is true that I committed four men for trial on
charges of desertion and attempting to communicate
with the enemy. It is, however, quite untrue that
those men were shot at my instance or under my
orders. On the day and at the time they are said to
have baen shot I was confined to bed and unable to
move. In fact ths ssntances of daath passed on these
men were subsequently remitted by the Divisional
Commander and were never executed.
Whatever I did, I did as the member of a regular-
ly organised force fighting under the Provisional
Government of Free India and am therefore not liablj
to be charged with or tried under the Indian Army
Act and the Criminal Law of India for any offence on
account of any act done by me in the discharge of my
duties as a member of such force. I am further
advised that in point of law my trial before this court
martial is illegal. I joined the I. N. A. with the best
and purset of motives. As a member of the I. N. A.
I was able to help a number of Prisoners of War with
money and materials. The I. N. A. was able to
protect life, property and honour of the Indians
residing in the Far East. It saved the lives of many
civilians and prisoners of war who had been sen-
384 I. N. A. HEROES
tcnced to death by the Japanese on different charges.
It successfully persuaded the Japanese to refrain from
bombing civilians and their properties in Indian towns.
The Indians in the Far East showed their appreciation
of the services rendered to them by the I. N. A. by
contributing crores^ of rupees to the funds of the
Provisional Government of Free India.
I respectfully maintain that the I. N. A. rendered
distinguished service to 2i millions of Indians who
owed allegience to the New Provisional Free
Government of India, and was actuated by the most
patriotic motives.
PROCLAMATION
OF THB
PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF
A2AD HIND
After their first defeat at the hands of the British
in 1757 in Bengal, the Indian people fought an un-
interrupted series of hard and bitter battles over a
stretch of one hundred years. The history of this
period teems with examples of unparalleled heroism
and self-sacrifice. And in the pages of that history,
the names of Sirajuddaula and Mohan Lai of Bengal,
Haider Ali, Tippu Sultan and Velu Tampi of South
India, Appa Sahib Bhonsle and Peshwa . Baji Rao of
Mahrashtra, the Begums of Oudh, Sardar
Shyam Singh Atariwala of Punjab and last
but not least, Rani Laxmi-Bai of Jhansi, Tantia Topi,
Maharaj Kunwar Singh of Dumraon and Nana Sahib
among others the names of all these warriors are
for ever engraved in letters of gold. Unfortunately
for us, our forefathers did not at first realize that
the British constituted a grave threat to the whole
of India and they did not, therefore, put up a united
front against the enemy. Ultimately, when the
Indian people were roused to the reality of the
situation, they made a concerted move and under
the flag of Bahadur Shah in 1857, they fought their
185
186 1. N. A. HEROES
last war as free men. In spite of a series of brilliant
victories in the early stages of this war, ill-luck and
faulty leadership gradually brought about their final
collapse and subjugation. Nevertheless, such heroes as
the Rani of Jhansi, Tantia Topi, Kunwar Singh and
Nana Sahib live like eternal stars in the nation's
memory to inspire us to greater deeds of sacrifice and
valour.
Forcibly disarmed by the British after 1857 and
subjected to terror and brutality, the Indian people
lay prostrate for a while but with the birth of
the Indian National Congress in 1885 till the end of
the last world war, the Indian people, in their
endeavour to recover their lost liberty tried all
possible methods namely, agitation and propaganda,
boycott of British goods, terrorism and sabotage and
finally, armed revolution. But all these efforts failed
for a time. Ultimately in 1920, when the Indian
people haunted by a sense of failure, were groping
for new methods, Mahatma Gandhi came forward
with the new weapon of non-co-operation and civil
disobedience.
For two decades (hereafter, -.the Indian people
went through a phase of intense patriotic activity.
The message of freedom ,was carried to every Indian
home. Through personal example, people were
taught to suffer, to sacrifice, and to die in the cause
of freedom. From the cities to the remotest villages,
the people were knit together into one political '
organisation. Thus the Indian people not only re*
PROCLAMATION... PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 197
covered their political consciousness, but became a
political entity once again. They could now speak
with one voice and strive with one will for one
common goal. From 1937 to 1939, through *the work
of the Congress Ministries in eight provinces, they
gave proof of their readiness and their capacity to
administer their own affairs.
Thus, on the eve of the present world war, the
stage was set tor the final struggle for India's libera*
tion. During the course of this war, Germany, with
the help of her allies, has dealt shattering blows to
our enemy in Europe, while Nippon with the help
of her allies has inflicted a knock-out blow to our
enemy in East Asia. Favoured by a most happy
combination of circumstances, the Indian people to--
day have a wonderful opportunity for achieving their
national emancipation.
For the first time in recent history, Indians abroad
have also been politically roused and united in one
organization. They are not only thinking and feeling
in tune with their countrymen at home, but are
also marching in step with them along the path to
freedom. In East Asia in particular, over two million
Indians are now organized as one solid phalanx, in*-
spired by the slogan of "Total Mobilization." And
in front of them stand the serried ranks of India's
Army of Liberation, with the slogan "Onward to
Delhi" on their lips.
Having goaded Indians to desperation by ita
hypocrisy, and having driven them to starvation and!
188 I. N. A. HEROES
death by plunder and Floot, British rule in India has
forfeited the goodwill of the Indian people altogether,
and is now living a precarious existence. It needs
but a flame to destroy the last vestige of that
unhappy rule. To light that flame is the task of
India's Army of Liberation. Assured of the enthusias-
tic support of the civil population at home and also
of a large section of Britain's Indian Army, and
backed by gallant and invincible allies abroad, rely-
ing in the first instance on its own strength, India's
Army of Liberation is confident of fulfilling its his-
toric role.
Now that the dawn of freedom is at hand, it
is the duty of the people to set up Provisional
Government of their own, and launch the last struggle
under the banner of that Government. But with all
the Indian leaders in prison and the people at home
totally disarmed it is not possible to set up a
Provisional Government within India or to launch an
armed struggle under the aegis of that Government.
It is, therefore, the duty of the Indian Independence
League in East Asia, supported by all patriotic Indians
at home and abroad, to undertake this task the
task of setting up a Provisional Government of
Azad Hind (Free India), and of conducting the last
fight for freedom, with the help of the Army of
Liberation (that, is, the Azad Hind Fauj or the
Indian National Army) organized by the League.
Having been constituted as the Provisional
Government of Azad Hind by the Indian Indepen-
PROCLAMATION... PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 199
dence League in East Asia, we enter upon our duties
with a full sense of the responsibility that has
devolved on us. '#e pray that Providence may bless
our work and our straggle for emancipation of our
motherland, and our comrades in arms for the cause
of her Freedom, for her welfare and her exaltation
among the nations of the world.
It will be the task of the Provisional Govern-
ment to launch and to couduct the struggle that
will bring about the expulsion of the British and of
her allies from the soil of India. It will then be
the task of the Provisional Government to bring,
about the establishment of a permanent National
Government of Azad Hind constituted in accordance
with the will of the Indian people and enjoying their
confidence. After the British and their allies are
overthrown, and until a permanent National Govern-
ment of Azad Hind is set up on Indian soil, the Pro-
visional Government will administer the affairs of the
country for the Indian people.
The Provisional Government is entitled to and
hereby claims, the allegiance of every Indian. It
guarantees religious liberty, as well as equal rights
and equal opportunities to all its citizens. It declares
its firrn^ resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity
of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing
all the children of the nation equally and trans-
cending all the differences cunningly fostered by an
alien Government in the past.
190 I. N. A. HEROES
In the name oi God, in the nsme of by-gone
generations who have welded the Indian people into
one nation, and in the name of the dead heroes
who have bequeathed to us a tradition of heroism
and self-sacrifice, we call upon the Indian people to
rally round our banner, and to strike for India's
freedom. We call upon them to launch the final
struggle against the British and all their allies in
India, and to prosecute the struggle with valour and
perseverance and with full faith in Final Victory
until the enemy is expelled from Indian soil, and the
Indian people are once again a free Nation.
SIGNED ON BEHALF OP THE PROVISIONAL
GOVERNMENT OF AZAD HIND.
SUBHAS GRANDER BOSE (Head of State.
Prime Minister and Minister for War and
Foreign Affairs) ;
Capt, Mrs. Lakshmi (Women's Organisation) ;
Lt. CoL A. C. Chatterji (Finance) ;
S. A. Ayer (Publicity and Propaganda) ;
Lt, CoL Ariz Ahmad, Lt. CoL N. S. Bhagat, Lt.
CoL J. K. Bhonsle, Lt. CoL Gulzara Singh, Lt.
CoL M. Z. Kiani, Lt. CoL A. D. Loganadan, Lt.
Col. Ehsan Qadir, Lt, CoL Shah Nawaz.
(Representatives of the Armed forces) ;
A. M. Sahay, Secretary (with ministerial rank) ;
Rash Behari Bose (Supreme Adviser) ;
Karim Gani, Debnath Das, D. M. Khan, A.
Yellappa, J. Thivy, Sardar Ishar Singh (Advisrs) ;
A. N. Sarkar (Legal Adviser).
APPENDIX
DEFENCE STORY.
I
SHAHNAWAZKHAN.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES.
1. Subedar Hazard Singh
(a) That during the fighting in Singapore I com*
manded k B* Coy. in which he was the senior V.C.O.
(fe) That at Bidadari, Br. troops from our right
and lett flanks ran away, including the British officer^
The A.A. gunners manning the guns in our Coy. area,
also bolted led by their officers.
(c) That I with my Coy. held on to the ridge
till ordered to surrender. That I had issued orders to
men to tight to the last there,
(d) That I went to the Separation Camp 'Seletar'
and lectured to all officers and men and asked for true
volunteers who would even fight the Japs in India. I
also stated that we would give all possible aid to those
who were leaving thfc I. N. A.
(<?) That u few days later he was separated from
others and taken to P. O. W. Camp, Seletar, with other
"old men" approx. 20 in number, as it was intended
to save them from going to Pacific Island.
(f) That after the formation of the 2nd I. N. A.
I went to Seletar Camp several times and always tried
to help him and others in the P.O.W. Camp.
193
194 I. N. A. HEROES
2. Jemedar Mirzaman, 2/10 Baluch Regiment.
1. That at the Farrer Park on 17th Febuary 1942
I told him to inform all P. M's not to join the I. N. A.
2. That in September 1942, he fell dangerously
ill and all doctors told him that there was no hope for
him, and that I took him to my Bungalow, gave him
best nourishment and that he recovered, and was
taken back by me to his unit, still a P. O. W.
3. That about the end of September 1942, C. H. M.
Mohammad Khan came to me at Neesoon and in-
formed me that the P. O. W. at Seletar had decided to
volunteer for the I. N. A. and that I went to Seletar
the same day and dissuaded them not to do so.
4. That during the crisis I told Mirzaman, that
I wa& out to break the I. N. A. and that I used to have
meetings with various officers in my Bungalow for the
purpose.
5; That in September 1943 I went to bid farewell
to P. O. W. in Serengoon R. D. Camp and told them
that the reason for my accepting the command of No.l
Regt. (Bose Bde.) was that : *
(a) The Japanese were* definitely going into
: : India, and that there was a good chance of
their success and in such an event the
P. M's would be looked down upon for not
participating in the. fight for Free India.
(6) * That because the P. M's. as a class were out
of the I. N. A. I was in it to safeguard
their interests.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 195
3. tJemedar T^aushad, 1/4 P. Regt.
I. That at the Farrer Park I told him among
many others not to join the I. N. A.
' * f
4. Jemedar Abdul Hannan, 1/14 P. Regt.
(/.^.A. Lt.).
1. That I told him at Bidadari hill during the
battle of Singapore that we would fight to the last on
our positions in spite of the fact that, our flanks were
exposed.
2. That I told him at the Farrer Park and at
Neesoon not to join the I. N. A.
5. 2lLt. Tajamul Hussain, 6/14 Punjab Regt.
1. That at the Farrer Park I told him not to join
the I. N. A.
2. That at Neesoon, we formed a "Block" to re-
sist the I. N. A. and held several meetings.
3. That I refused to allow anyone from my camp
to be sent to the Concentration camp and when I was
forced to do "so I resigned and went to the Naval
base.
4. That I lectured to all officers at Col. Gill's
bungalow, on the eve of his daparture to Bangkok
and blamed him for putting us in a. difficult situation,
and made other anti-I. N. A. and anti-Mohan Singh
remarks.
5. About mid-May 1942, "Block" met again and
reviewed the situation and it was decided 'that all of
us should join the L N. A. with the undermentioned
objects :
196 1. N. A- HEROS >
(a) To help P. M's. who were to remain out as a
body, while a few of us were to join, the
I. N. A. to gain control of its policy, and
try and keep it as straight as possible. If
we all kept out we felt that we would
be maltreated and humiliated as others
were being done in the concentration camp.
(6) To wreck the I. N. A. when and if we had
an opportunity of doing so.
6. Next day a meeting of ail officers in
Neesoon Camp was called, where I told them that
I had received orders that everyone was to finally
make up his mind, whether or not they wished to
volunteer tor the I. N. A. But told everyone it was
their own free choice. Non-volunteers were then sent
to another camp*
7. Early in June owing to certain differences ot
opinion, with Mohan Singh over the choice and selection
ot candidates for Bangkok Conference, Shahnawaz
was sent out of Singapore as a punishment. This
was much resented by officers and men in Neesoon.
The same day Mohan Singh held a mass meeting
of approximately 15,000 P. O. W. and volunteers at
Seletat and gave a speech in which he declared that
there was a party within his party which was
trying to "wreck the movement" and before people of
that party could do so, he would wreck it.
On the night of Shahnawaz's departure a de-
putation of senior officers including undermentioned
officers went and protested to Mohan Singh against
his transfer, but were told that since he was forming
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 197
a party within Mohan Singh's party, he had been
punished and if anyone of his friends wished to follow
him they could do so. He threatened to send such
men to the concentration camp.
8. During the crisis I (S. N. K. ) played a leading part
in breaking it, and at Bidadari in February 1943 vigor-
ously refuted the statements made by Gen. Iwakuro.
He also told us that it was our opportunity of
getting out of the I. N. A. ani that our object of
wrecking it had been achieved.
9. Next met S. N. K. at Johore, where S. N. K. told
him that he was very worried about him, as the Japanese
had definitely succeeded in re-forming a new I. N. A.
and that they were going to send the non-volunteers
to the Pacific Islands. Shahnawazkhan told him that
he had already arranged for Capt. Dilawarkhan, Lt.
Shafiullah, Capt. T. M. Khanzada and several other
members of tbe * Block ' not to be sent overseas, but
for me he could find no excuse and so asked me
to join the I. N. AL. to escape hardships.
6. Lt. Ghulam Mohd., 3/16 Pb. Regt.
1. That he was also a member of the "block."
2. His statement up to the time of my depar-
ture from Neesoon camp in June 1942 is the same as
that of Lt. Tajamul Hussain.
3. In June 1942 he went with his unit to
Seremban for labour duties. On arrival there the
Japs tried to persuais his men to take up arms
and learn Japanese drill and words of command. He
refused and as a result M. Gs. were put around his
198 I. N. A. HEROES
camp, he himself was put into a cell. The Japs
held that unless they obeyed their orders they would
all be shot, after 24 hours. A crisis thus arose. I
went from Kuala-Lumpur and settled the affair in
favour of P. O. W.
4. That on his camp there were volunteers
(guard parties) as well as labour parties and that
there were orders that any soldier could change from
a P. O. W. to a volunteer any time. The names
of such men were periodically sent to the H. Q.
Mainland at K. L. through the Jap officer in Com-
mand of the camp. This being the method agreed
upon by Lt. Nakamiya of Fujiwara Kikan, Jem.
Sadhu Singh who was an Assistant of Mohan Singh
and the local Jap Garrison Comdr. under whom we
were placed.
5. That I persuaded the Japs not to arrest any
Indian soldiers who had turned civilians during the
fight in Malaya, and were then doing business. Sy.
Abdul Rab of 2/16 Pb. Regt. at Seremban Railway
Station was one.
6. That I visited his camp several times, but
never askei him or anyone else to become volun-
teers.
7. That during the crisis I took a prominent part
in breaking up the I. N. A. and refuted Iwakuro's
statement that according to the resolutions passed at
Bangkok, the I. N. A. could not be disbanded.
8. That I asked all friends to take chance
of that opportunity and get out of the I. N. A..
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 199
and that I assured all of them that I would do my
best to help them.
9. Other instances of help given to P. O. W.
including Jem. Mirzaman.
7. Sub. Jahan Dad Khan, 6/14 Punjab Regt.
That Major Mahabir Singh delivered a lecture
at Neesoon in March-April 1942 to all V. C. Os.
500 stating that the Japs had landed at Madras.
My conclusion "It was a very sad piece of news*
when the sacred soil of our motherland was being
trodden under the dirty feet of an invader, we were
not there to prevent it."
2. Dua-Khair in the Mosque ?
8. Sub. Mohd. Sadiq, 5/14 Pb. Rgt.
1. That I read out Biddadari resolutious and
that on second meeting I declared myself a volunteer,
and asked for lists of volunteers.
2. That I informed all present that it was being
done under orders and that every man was to make
up his own mind.
3. That I called a meeting of all P. M. officers
in Mosque at Neesoon in May 1942 and told them
that I hoped they would not become volunteers
through coercion, after being separated from my
camp. In a "Dua Khair" it was agreed to by alL
9. Sub. Sardar Khan, Farrer Park Coy. % S. and M .,
Roorki.
1, 2, 3. Same as Sub. Mohd. Sadiq.
4. That in Farrer Park I told him not to join
the L N. A. Major Mahabir's lecture ?
200 I. N. A. HEROES
5. That in June 1943 I met him at Choa Camp and
delivered a lecture to all P. O. W. there and told them
that more volunteers were wanted for the I. N. A. but
the essential qualification was that they should be
prepared to fight aginst the Japs, if they were dis-
honest with us.
6. That I was always very concerned about the
welfare of the P. O. W. and supplied medicines to
them,
10. Cavt. Firoze Khan, 2/20 Baluch Regt.
1. That in Neesoon Camp it was well-known
among the P. Ms. that I was in the I. N. A. to help the
P. O. W. and to wreck it when the time came and also
that I did not wish the P. Ms. to join it.
2. That while I was Commanding Neesoon no
one from my camp went to the concentration camp,
although from all other camps large numbers were sent
there.
3. That in Sep./Oct. 1942 I was sent for by him at
Seletar and told about the hardships the P. Ms. were
undergoing, and their decision to join the I. N. A. and
when the time came to shoot up the Sikhs.
4. That I advised them not to join the I. N. A.
Tore up their lists, went and saw Mohan Singh and
helped to do away with their hardships.
5. That in Sep. 1943 1 met them in Serengoon Rd-
Camp and told them (P. M. officers) that I had been put
in command of No. 1 Regt. (Bose Bde.) the first one to
go into action. I told them that I accepted the
Command because :
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 201
id) I felt the Japs were definitely going into
India and that there was a reasonable
chance of their success, and that in Free
India, they (P. Ms.) would be looked down
upon as having taken no part in the fight for
India's liberation. By being the foremost in
fighting I would be able to stand up for their
interests even in a free India.
<fe) That I had been completely won over by
Netaji S. C. Bose, who I was sure would never
allow the Japs to exploit us or to do any-
thing unbecoming of India's honour.
-6. Other instances of help rendered to the P.O.W.
11. Capt. Sherdil Khan, 2/15 P. Regiment.
1. That I met him while he was in the concen-
tration camp. Had him released and sent to P. O. W.
Camp.
2. Instances of help given to the P. O. W.
3. Never asked them to become volunteers.
12. Jem. Mohd. Khan, 2/10 Baluch Regt.
Same as Capt. Firoze Khan.
13. Jem. Mohd. Sadiq, 2116 P. Regt.
14. Jem. Sardar Khan, 2116 P. Regt.
15. Jem. Buta Khan, 3116 P. Regt.
That I always helped the P. O. W.
16. Maj Gilani, LM.S.
17. Capt. Harula, LM.S.
That I refused to allow them to be taken to the
concentration camp.
202 L N. A. HEROES
18. Capt. (S.M.) Painda Khan. 5/2 Punjab Regt.
1. Same as above,
2. Mosaue "Dua Khair" in May 1942.
3. Malacca Talk to all P.O.W. officers.
J9. Jemedar Sadhu Singh, 1/14 Punjab Regiment.
That he came to take above-mentioned officers to
the concentration camp if refused to allow him to take
them away.
20. 5. M. Bakhtawar Singh. H.K.S.R.A.
1. That from his unit or sector no one went to
the concentration camp on account of their political
views.
2. That he was' present during the meeting held
at Mohan Singh's Bungalow to select delegates for
Bangkok Conference.
3. That he was one of many selected to go but
refused to go as a result of my transfer.
4. That I advised him not to give any more A.A.
gunners to M. S. for handing over to the Japanese.
21. 5. M . Chanan Singh, 5/14 Punjab Regiment.
1 That during the crisis I advised him to leave
the I. N. A. because I was of the opinion that the
British would win the war.
2, My lecture at Seletar.
3. That he did not go to the Pacific Island and
that I met him again to enquire about his health.
22. Jemedar Kutab Sher. H.K.S.R.
That I dtd my very bast to get them out of the
Japanese clutches, and to improve their lot.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES* 203-
23. Jemedar Mohd. Sharief* H.K.S.R.A.
* They had been handed over to the Japanese in
February-March 1942, as A.A. gunners.
24. Captain Rabnawaz Khan, 512 P.R.
1. That I met him at Jitra, when he was I/C
P. O. W. parties and talked to all officers in his party
and told them that to me all were alike (v}lunteers or
P. O. W.) and that I was concerned only with their
welfare.
2. Again met him at Port Dickson in June 1943.
He was Commanding P. O. W. camp containing 2,000
prisoners ; and that I talked only to volunteers of the
old I. N. A. I stayed with him for two days.
3. The system of becoming a volunteer and sub-
mitting lists to the Head Quarter (Mainland).
4. That I never persuaded him to join the
I. N. A., and told him that the circumstances (Iwaku-
ro's meeting) had forced me into it, and that I had
been sent on tour by order as I know the main-
land.
3. That I was not happy in the I. N. A. as the
Japanese were trying to exploit us, and we could do
nothing about it.
25. Lt. P.J. Madan.
1. That on arrival of P. O. W.
the Japanese Comd. at K. L. car
them stating that : Nv
(a) The Japanese did not iffo^Apon In^&fts a)
Prisoners but as br
sympathized with
ence.
204 I. N A. HEROES
(fc) That the Japanese at K. L. had made arran-
gements fot their proper arriving and
training, P. O. W. resented this and refused
to discuss, and a crisis arose. I in the
presence of senior officers (P. O. W.).
explained everything to the Jap officer
and a final settlement was reached :
That the P. O W. would perform only such duties
as they are bound to do under the Interna-
tional Law.
2. That I resisted all Jap efforts to teach Jap
drill, words of command, saluting, etc, to our men, by
quoting Cebu incident. In March 1942, the Japs took
away some Indian P. O. W. (A. A. Gunners) from
Neesoon Camp on some pretext and made them fight
against their wishes at Cebu, where a large number of
^them were killed.
3. That I secured excellent living conditions for
-the men under my command.
(a) Very light fatigues, regular pay, good rations
(Mad an was Q. M.) Recreation, leave out of camps,
prayers, cinemas, etc.
4. That 21 men of S. and M. unit were taken
away by the Japs and six of them were selected for
execution for being M too Pro-British " during my
absence on tour. On return I had all of them
released.
5. (a) That at a mass rally at Kuala-Lumpur in
August ^1942, in the presence of approx. 15,000 men of
all nationalities I stated that the Japanese should give
up all ideas if they had any of making a puppet
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 205'
I. N. A. and to understand that the Indian soldiers
would fight them with all vigour if they found that
the Japs had intentions of dominating India.
(fe) That I refused to allow any of my men to
carry a Jap flag to the meeting, although they tried
to persuade me to do so, we carried only our National
flag.
(c) That there was no difference in the treatment
and living conditions of P. O. W. volunteers.
6. That I persuaded the Japs not to arrest Indian
soldiers who had become civilians during the war and
were earning their living as such.
7. That all Camp Comds. in Malaya periodically
sent names of new volunteers from their camps.
Volunteers and non-volunteers were all living in the^
same units and camps.
26. Sub. Fazal Din. Bengal S. and M .
That I persuaded the Japs in his presence not
to force the P. O. W. to take up arms or do drill
(Jap) or saluting.
27. Hav. Boston Khan. S. and M.
28. Sy. Sarfaraz Khan.
That the Japanese took them away and decided
to execute them besides four others, and that I went
and had them released, after my return from tour,
That they had signed their " Will."
29. Capt. H. L. Chopra. 17 Dogra Regt.
1. Same as Lt. P. J. Madan 17.
2. That I met him as Camp Comd. at Port,
Sweturbam and delivered a lecture stating that :
206 I. N. A. HEROES
(a) The old I. N. A. had been broken and a new
one raised, on the basic principle that there
should be no force or coercion used to make
anyone become a volunteer.
(fr) That everyone who became a volunteer
should be prepared to fight the Japs in
India, if they were dishonest.
(c) That I had come, because we felt we ought to
ask all surplus volunteers if they still wished
to remain in the I. N. A.
3. That at Pyinmana in Feb. 1945, he acted as
the defending officer for S. O. Mohd. Sharief who was
** let off " and the decision of the court was promul-
gated to him.
4. That when the court was convened I was not
present in Pyinmana, and had been apptd. offg.
command, 2nd Div.
i 30. Capt. A? I. S. Dara, 1/14 Punjab Regt.
1. That at the Farrer Park we decided not to
join the I. N. A. as there was danger of exploitation
by the Japs.
2. That at Neesoon we had a discussion in which
Gen. M. Z. Kianisaid that M. S. would probably have
some of us shot for our previous differences of opinion
in our Bn. All of us took a pledge to help each other.
We felt helpless and deserted for having been placed
at his mercy.
3. That at Neesoon we formed a " block " to
resist the I. N. A*
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 207
4. About this time concentration camps were
started, an intensive propaganda -campaign was
launched, and ruthless measures were being taken to
humiliate those who opposed this movement.
5. That my main concern was how to protect the
P. O. W.
6. That I refused any one out of my camp to be
sent to the concentration camp, and when some people
were forcibly taken I resigned in protest and they
were released.
7. That at the end of April I received an order
from Mohan Singh's H. Q. with a typed copy of
Biddadari resolutions, which were read out to all in
accordance with the instructions.
8. That at the time of Gill's departure to Bangkok
I lectured to all officers and accused Gill of putting us
in a very difficult situation.
9. That for the undermentioned reasons the
" Block " decided to join the I. N. A. :
(a) There was no discipline left among the troops,
and unit commanding officers were beaten.
(fc) Cows and pigs were being killed in camps
and there was a danger of communal riots.
(c) Senior officers and men were being taken to
concentration camps at the discretion of
junior officers and N. C. O/s for no offence
at all, and they were being put through
very humiliating experiences. Life meant
nothing to the organizers of this I. N. A.
The Japs gave them full powers of life and
death over us. Things looked very dark for
208 I. N- A. HEROES
us and we decided that the best thing for
us officers was to join the I. N. A., gain
control of it and give protection to the
P. O. W.
10. That at the end of May 1942, a lecture party
arrived in Neesoon Camp to address all officers, who
were asked to decide tinally whether or not they were
going to become volunteers. I addressed the meeting
as Camp. Comdt. and declared myself as a volunteer
and told everyone to decide for himself.
11. That in the afterhoon same day I called a
meeting of Muslim officers in Mosque, and told them
that the time for us to separate had come and that
up till then I had given full support to them in my
camp, but in future I foresaw great hardships tor
them. I told them that I agreed with the stand they
had taken and not to change it through fear.
They then said a " Dua-Khair " to that eftect.
Volunteers and non-volunteers were then
separated but I always kept an eye on the
P. O. W. and visited their camps frequently and saved
a large number from concentration camp. I sent
Dara and Sarwar many times to the D. P. M. to
request him not to be too severe on P. O. W. who in
majority of cases were innocent.
12. That in June 1942 I was sent to K. L. as a result
of trouble with Mohan Singh over Bangkok Confer-
ence. That I met Dara at Ipoh in July and told him
all about this trouble and that Mohan Singh was trying
to get us out of the way, as he had realized our
intentions, but that we were going to " stick in."
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 209"
In Sept. 1942 1 returned to Singapore and that 017
first task was a tour of P. O. W. camps in Singapore,
where I found a reign of terror going on. Concentration:
camp was full of officers. I visited this camp and had
most ot them released.
13. That I also tore up the lists of P. O. W. in?
Seletar Camp who had decided to volunteer through
coercion.
14. In Nov. 1942 a crisis arose between Mohan
Singh and the Japs. We took this opportunity as God
sent to wreck the I. N. A. We held meetings of the
" Block f> at Neqsoon and played an important part in
wrecking the I. N. A. In Dae. 1942 Mohan Singh was
arrested and taken away, and there were propa-
ganda lectures by Mr. R&s Behari Bose and Fujiwara.
I stated at that meeting that we did not take R. B.
BDSC to be an Indian as his son was in the Jap-
Army.
15. [ also opposed the demand of the I. N. A,
to have P. O. W. under theif command.
16. Final lecture by Gen. Iwakuro at Biddadaru
The impression of officers who considered it a very
critical moment and senior ones kept out of the light,
as it was feared that the Japs were looking for a few
scapegoats, to keep the I. N. A. intact through sheer
force. I was known to be a ring leader and my
friends kept a keen watch over me and asked me not
to speak*
My reply to Gen. Iwakuro,
210 I. N. A. HEROES
17. At this stage it was clear that the Japs would
keep the I. N. A. going at all costs, and that there
were enough junior and unscrupulous element who
would play in the Jap hands and become complete
puppets, and possibly restart a worse era of terrorism.
18. As a result of my reply to him Gen. Iwakuro
agreed to allow all such men who came into the
I. N. A. through fear, coercion and deceit to leave
its ranks. As a result of this there was a general feeling
of releif , and a feeling that a considerable amount of
bloodshed had been averted.
19. That the next day I was sent for by Gen.
Iwakuro and offered the leadership of the I. N. A.
returned and gave full details of the interview to my
friends I still continued to remain out of the I.N.A.
In Feb. 1943 I was offered the job of the Chief of
Operations Branch D. M. B. and I still refused to come
into the I. N. A. but later due to persuasion of Iwakuro
had to join it.
20. My talk with Dara :
(<i) That I had committed myself too far in
trying to get others out of the I. N. A.
and that I advised all the rest of my friends
to get out Capt. Imamuddin Sher Khan.
(b) That since I was forced by circumstances to
be in the I. N. A. my efforts were going
to be directed to see that every one
who wished to leave the I. N. A. was able
to do so and without any danger of reprisals.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 211
(c) That those who remained in the I. N. A.
were to be prepared even to fight against the
Japs, if they proved dishonest.
id) To stop the Japs exploiting us for their own
benefit.
1. In March 1943, the Japs took over control of
all exrj. N. A. men and were going to send them to
the Pacific Islands, where the conditions were, known
to be very unpleasant. I, however, managed to save
the undermentioned, most of them because they were
too old to face such hardships.
(1) Capt. Dilawarkhan; (2) S. M Channan Singh:
(3) Lt. Shafi Abdulla C4) S. M. Lalkhan; (5)
Capt. T. M. Khanzada; (6) Sub. Hazara Singh
and a large number of other aged officers.
22. Reorganization of the L N. A. units was then
started, as approx. 3,000 officers and men had gone
out of it. To fill up these gaps a party was sent to the
mainland where there were a large number of surplus
volunteers of the I. N. A. to inform them of what
had taken place in Singapore and to iind out if any
of them still wished to join the I. N. A. 4 For this
officers with a previous knowledge of the mainland
were sent, to make arrangements for any men to come
to Singapore for purpose of joining the I. N. A.
23. That at K. L. I found the Japs in control of
a Rect. Training Centre, that I resented this strongly
and on return reported to Col. Bhonsle and then went
to see Col. Kawaga of the Hikari-Kikan.
24. That during all this time I was not very
happy as I found that the Japs were ruthlessly exploit-
212 I N. A. HEROES
ing us, and; my sympaties Jwere gwith the* P. Q. W.
whose camps I visited regularly and* distributed medi-
cines, money, etc., to them.
25. In July 1943 Netaji S. C Bose arrived. We
had never seen him before we watched him very
carefully. In Aug. I told Dara that we had now a
leader who would not let the Japs exploit us he would
never sell India's honour for anything in the world
and that I had completely changed my heart and from
then onwards started working honestly for the
movement.
26 4 In Sept. 1943, No. 1 Grla, Regt. (Subhas Bde.)
was raised and I got Command of it. While leaving
Taiping in Nov. 1943 for the front, I told Dara that I
had accepted the comma nd of No. 1 Regt. because :
(a) The Japs were definitely going into
India, and that there was every chance of
their overcomin g the British resistance and
carrying the fight into India. We had seen
the Japs looting and raping in Singapore and
were determined to see that it did not
occur in India -if it did we would be able to
turn round and fight the Japs.
(b) Also I had a feeling that by my earlier
actions I had kept a large number of Muslims
out of the I. N. A., and that in the event of
India being liberated they would be looked
down upon in " Free India " for having taken
no part in the fight for her liberation. So I
felt an additional responsibility on those of
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 213
us who were in it for making an extra effort
to make up this deficiency and to prove that
the Muslims were as patriotic and as willing
to make supreme sacrifices for India's inde
pendence as any other class or community.
Doras Evidence
27. Conclusion :
(a) That I was mainly responsible for keeping
a large number of people out Df Mohan
Singh's I. N. A. and that I gave every possible
assistance and protection to them. Their
welfare was uppermost in my heart.
(b) That I played a prominent part in bringing
about the crisis, although 'through force of
>
circumstances I could not get out of it
myself.
(c) That after the arrival of Netaji I worked in
the I. N. A. with the noblest of intentions
and with tull determination of making
the supreme sacrifice for being a soldier
for the first to the last day of fighting
in Burma concentrated on fighting, under
the most adverse conditions. That
having given my word of honour to
Netaji to fight for India's Independence
I stood by it.
31. Capt. M. Riaz, 3116 Pb. Regt.
1. Same as Data. In addition that in October
lie was court-martialled as a part of. the campaign to
clear the I. N". A. of the party within the party.
214 1. N. A. HEROES
32. Lt. M ohd. Sarwarkhan. 2/16 Pb. Regt.
Same as Data, in addition that I did a lot for the
P. O. W. especially at Seletat.
33. That he was toy adjutant in Neesoon Camp hi*
evidence from Feb. 1942 to March 1943 as that of Dara.
34. Lt. Col. Loganadhan* I M.S.
1. That during the crisis I played an important
part against the I. N. A.
2. That in Feb. 1943, 1 refused the offer of the
Executive Committee to the post of " Chief of Opera-
tions Branch. 1 '
35. Cavt. I. Hassan, 1/14 Pb. Regt.
1. From the day of surrender till May 1942
Same as Dara (19) (2627).
2. That he was on the camp staff at Q. M.
36. Cavt. M. A. Rashid, 1/14 Pb. Regt.
Same as Dara. In addition, that in May 1942, 1
went to the Naval Base and joined him On fatigue
duties having given up command of Neesoon Camp in
protest of the arrest of four Subedar Majors. Tha
next day Cot. Gilani came and took me to my camp
having given the assurance that 4 V. G O.'s had been
released and that in future no one would be taken to
the concentration camp without my consent.
37. Cdvt. T. M. Khanzada, 5111 Sikh Regt.
1. That he met me at the end 6f March 1942,
when I told him all about the situation in Singapore
and that we had fortned a block to resist the I. N. A.
He kiso joined the Block, and organized artother
"Block ! ' in Biddadari. Froml theaon till Sept. 1945
his evidence is the seme as Data's. ..::,>.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 215
2. In addition that ^hen I returned from K. L. in
Sept. 1942, Taj told me about the Kranji shooting
incident and that he had been a member of C. M.
assembled for the purpose of trying the gunners. H
also stated that Mohan Singh had given them previous
orders that the punishment awarded by the court
would be death, and that the witnesses had been
beaten before the court by the prosecution, and that
neither he nor the president or other members had
objected to this. That I had rebuked Taj for this,
and had great sympathy with those who had been
thus maltreated ani that during the crisis I gave
money to Taj to distribute to the victims.
3. That in Nov./Dec. 1942 heard about a shooting
incident at K. L. and that some of men had been sent
to Singapore to be tried by the I. N. A. Taj and I
went to P. O. W. H. Q. and found five men were tied
up there. Took steps to have them released and sent
to P. O. W. camp in Seletar.
38. Major Aziz Ahmed, Kapurthala Infy.
1. That he met me after the surrender of Singa- 1
pore and found that I was against the idea of the
formation of an L N. A. (Taj-Dara-Irshad incident).
*2. That when the Biddadari resolutions were
being framed, for the purpose of creating an ob-
struction, that I was the follower of Sir Sikander
Hayat Khan, and the Muslim League, and that by the
words " on call from the people of India " I under-
stood it to be a call from them.
: I. N. A. HEROES
3. That a few days after this incident typed
forms bearing the Biddadari resolutions were sent to
all camp Comdts. with orders that these would be
read out to all officers and brought to the notice of
Sepoys by them.
4. That soon after this (appro*. 23) another
order from H. Q. was received, which ordered the
Camp Commandants to 'assemble all officers for an
address by a lecture party and that every one had to
decide whether or not they accepted the Biddadari
resolutions. The volunteers and non-volunteers were
to be separated and lists of each category were asked for.
Lecture tour party visited all camps, undermen-
tioned were the members of the party. That I was
not a member of it.
5. That we both were present at a meeting f
senior officers held at Mohan Singh's Bungalow at
Mt. Pleasant to discuss membership for the forth-
coming Bangkok Conference That I disagreed with
the method and all present, including Mohan Singh,
agreed with my proposal, but later he heard that I
(Sub) had been sent to K. L.
6. That in September 1942, 1 was recalled from
K. L. to Singapore and posted to O. T. S. Neesoon
where he was also stationed.
7. That during the crisis we worked together in
bringing the crisis to a head, we also held private
meeting! in Neesoon for their purpose.
a In Feb. 1943, Gen. Iwakuro addressed a meet-
ing of all officers, appro*. 200/300 and tried to establish
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WH NESSES 217
that the I. N. A. could not be disbanded and if anyone
tried to create any disturbances, it would be treated
as mutiny and that the Jap Army would assist that I
replied and convinced Gen. Iwakuro of the immorality
of keeping the I. N. A. going. His agreement to this.
9. That the following day I was sent for by Gen.
Iwakuro, and on return I (Sub.) told Ariz that I had
been offered the leadership of the I. N. A. and that I
refused it and told Iwakuro that the only way of
starting a real I. N. A. was to call S. C. Bosc to
Singapore.
10. Later on he joined the I. N. A. as C. G. S.
In May 1943, w* both were present, among many
others Ogawa told that in the Arakans some Indians
had been taken prisoners, but that due to the lack of
food they were killed by the Japs. I (Sub.) replied to
this and told Ogawa that it was a cold-blooded
murder, as some of them might have come as a result
of the I. N. A. propaganda and exhorted I. N. A. to
cease all co-operation with* the Japs so as to absolve
ourselves of all responsibility of the murder of Indian
soldiers.
11. That in Aug. 1943, a conference was held by
Netaji at G. H. Q. All Regt. Comds. and above were
present It was decided to raise a " Crack Regt. 11
Reasons and objects of raising this Re*t.
12. That he next met me in Rangoon in Oct.
1944 after undergoing great hardships during the
Iinphal operations. In Dec. 1944, I was sent to
218 1. N. A. HEROES
Mandalay to assist in the evacuation of 1 Div. to
Pyinmana, and in March got command of No. 2 Div.
Conclusion :
(a) Phase (0 Risked his life on more than one
occasion in his stand against the I. N. A.
(6) Phase (2) when convinced of the sincerity of
leader worked honestly under greatest hardships.
MAIN POINTS FROM NETAJI'S LECTURES.
41. Capt. Thahur S.
42. Capt. Mahboob Ahmed.
43. Cavt. P. S. Ratur.
1. That the people inside India were labouring
against great odds to secure their liberation, and that
it was our moral obligation to assist them, while we
were in a position to do so.
2. That he was determined to see that the
Indians themselves fought for and secured their own
independence, and that it would be a treachery to our
country to stay behind while the Japs invaded India.
3. That for the coming fight he asked for true?
volunteers, and gave ample opportunities^ to the
wayerers to leave the ranks of the I. N. A. To the
real volunteers he promised, thirst, hunger forced
marches and in the end death, but in return for all this
he promised them the liberation of their motherland.
4. He also stated on several mass meetings that
he regarded himself, provisional Govt. of India, and
the I. N. A. as the servants of the people of India, to
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES
whom everything would be handed over oti our
arrival thete.
MY LECTURES TO THE REGIMENT :
1. Reksons for which No. 1 Regiment was raised.
That it was the cream of the I. N. A. and that every
man in the Regiment must be prepared to pay the
price of liberty with his blood.
2. That the Japanese were going into India in the
near future, and that by being among the foremost, it
would be our duty to see that the Japs committed no
excesses in India.
Orders were issued that any soldier seeing a Jap
or anyone else looting or raping in India was to shoot
him at sight.
3. That every member of the Regiment was to
be on alert the whole time to see that by our actions
we were not merely replacing the British by the Japs
and every one was warned to be prepared at all times
to turn round and fight the Japs if they proved
dishonest.
4. That no soldier was to accept any form of
domination from the Japanese.
5. Finally chances were given to everyone to get
out of the Regiment it they did nzt feel equal to these
tasks. At Taiping a large number including Lt. Khan
Mohd. and Capt. Ilyas were left behind, and similarly
at Rangoon.
SOME INTERESTING INCIDENTS:
1. Bose Bde. soldiers refused to carry Japanese
Flags for purposes of co-operation with Jap airforce.
220 1. N . A . HEROES
so high was their nationalism and pride they consider-
ed it an insult to carry another nation's flag into India
ven for co-operation.
2. That *the L N. A. soldiers refused to salute
even the highest Jap officers when the Jap soldiers
did not salute I. N. A. officers.
3. That there were instances where the Jap units
were put under direct command of I. N. A. officers.
4. That there was a tendency among the I. N. A.
soldiers to beat the Jap soldiers to establish their
superiority, which they considered necessary to re-
move any disillusions that any Jap may have about
Indians. The Regt. Adjutant had to issue written
orders to forbid this practice.
5. That there were instances when the L N. A.
had to open fire on the Japs.
39. Jem. Han Singh, 6/14 Pb. Regt.
That the Indian soldiers taken prisoners by the
Japs and the I. N. A. were handed over to him, ap-
pro*. 500 and that most of them were released by him.
40. Lt. Ran Singh. 9 Jot.
That the Chin Platoon captured by us was treated
as P. O. W. and given the option of either staying
with us or joining Nishikikan (Chin Army) and that
they were treated very kindly.
II.
P. K. SAHGAL.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES.
1. Major Aziz Ahmad.
(a) Lt. Col. Hunt handing over ; speech at Farrer
Park, 17th Feb. 1942.
(fe) Maj. Fujiwara handed over Ind. P. O. W. to
Capt. Mohan Singh, G. O. C., I. N. A., in the presence
of Lt.-Col. Hunt. Many officers senior to Mohan
Singh present among the P. O. W. no objections
raised by Col. Hunt.
(c) International character of Bangkok confer-
ence and the resolutions passed there.
(d) Gen. I'ojo and various other members of the
Japanese Government made declarations regarding
the Independence of India, from time to time.
(e) The Prov. Government of Azad Hind was
formed on the 21st October 1943. It was recognised
by nine foreign Governments. Japanese Ambassador
to the Prov. Government appointed.
(f) The Prov. Government of Azad Hind de-
clared war on Great Britain and America on the 22nd
October 1943.
(g) I. N. A. was a properly organised armed
force, it wore uniforms and distinctive badges and
221
222 I. N. A. HEROES
badges of ranks. It was governed by I. N. A. Act
and various other rules and regulations. It waged war
according to the civilised modes of warfare.
(A) Existence and the Role bf I. N. A. was an-
nounced to the world by Netaji immediately after the
formation of the Prov. Government of Azad Hind
and the I. N. A. was recognised by the nine foreign
Governments.
(i) When Netaji assumed Supreme Command of
the I. N. A. every one was given the opportunity of
leaving the I. N. A. if he wished to do so.
(/) Japanese exercised no influence whatsoever
in the working of the I. N. A.
(k) I. N. A. was prepared to fight the Japanese
if needed.
(0 L N. A. was waging a war for the liberation
of India, it was not a racial war.
(m) Many Indian Army units from among the
Ps. of W. were taken away by the Japanese to
fight under their Command. Some Anti-aircrafts units
were even taken to Sabu in 1942, before the forma-
tion of the I. N . A. Netaji after a good deal of trou-
ble with the Japanese brought them back into the
I. N. A. These units were also given the option of
either joining the L N. A. or reverting back to proper
prisoners of war.
(n) At the end of 1942, there was a crisis in the
L N. A. Japanese then tried to raise a puppet army
from among the civilians and certain Ps, of W. S. M. %
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 223
Hakim Khan was brought from Hongkong to com-
mand this army. Officers of the I. N. A. did not like the
idea that Japanese should raise a puppet army and ex-
ploit the Indians, therefore, they decided to force the
Japanese to accept their terms. The Japanese realis-
ing that they could not do without the support of sin-
cere officers agreed to their terms. They also announc-
ed that Netaji would soon be coming to assume the
leadership of the Movement in East Asia so the
I. N. A. was reorganised,
(o) When the I. N. A. was reorganised only will-
ing volunteers were taken in the I. N. A. and no one
was forced to join.
(p) Following meetings of Indian Delegates from
East Asia were held in Singapore :
(0 April 1943 to revise the constitution of the
1. 1. L.
() August 1943 to elect Netaji as President
of L I. L.
(i) October 1943 to form the Prov. Govern-
ment of Azad Hind.
(<y) In 1944, during the Bengal Famine Netaji
offered 100,000 tons of rice to the Government of
India. The rice had been secured from the Govern-
ment of Burma and it was ready for shipment.
(r) Territories of Andamans and Nicobars hand-
ed over to the Prov. Government. Laganandan appoint
ed Chief Commissioner. (Islands renamed Shaheed
and Sawaraj).
224 ! N. A. HEROES
(5) Indian officers were not permitted to join
clubs in Malaya.
(t) 1942 disturbances in India owing to the cen-
sorship no news from their sources. Japanese stories
of peaceful Indian villages being bombed and machine-
gunned from the air, processions and other peaceful
citizens fired at by the British troops, great indignation
caused among all the Indians of East Asia.
(u) Shahnawar was in Rangoon till the 7th March
1945.
(GO After the surrender of Singapore the
Japanese told us about the way in which the
Indian civilians had been evacuated from
Burma. The very worst route had been
allotted to them and no arrangements for
supplies and medical attention had been made
en route. Over two lakhs Indians died ow-
ing to starvation and diseases. On arrival in
India, no arrangements had been made for
their reception.
(DD) After the surrender of Singapore the
Japanese also told us the schemes of the
British scorched earth policy in Burma
how many villages and towns had been burnt
and many inhabitants massacred. On arrival
in Burma, we saw the destruction caused by
the British with our own eyes.
2. Lt. Col A. D.Loganadan.
(a) Loganadan's potest to Brig Stringer re. senior
officers being put under Command of Captain Mohan
Singh. Stringer's reply "God help you."
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 225
(W Refusal of the Rep. of Swiss Red Cross to
visit the Indian Prisoners of War Camp in Singapore.
(c) Declarations by the members of the Japanese
Government re. Independence of India.
(d) International character of the Bangkok con-
ference and the resolutions passed there. '
O) The Prov. Government of A. H. was form-
ed on the 21st Octobar 1943. It was recognised b/
nine foreign Governments. Japanese Ambassador to
the Prov. Government appointed.
(f) The Prov. Government of Azad Hind declar-
ed war on Great Britain and America on the 22nd
October 1943.
(g) The I. N. A. was a properly organised force,
it wore uniform and distinctive badges and badges
of rank. It was governed by I. N. A. Act and various
other rubs and regulations. It waged war according
to the civilized modes ot warfare.
(/i) Existence and the role of the I. N, A. was
announced to the world by Netaji, immediately after
the formation of the Prov: Government of A. H.
and the L N. A. was recognised by the nine foreign
Governments.
(i) When Netaji assumed Supreme Command
ot the I. N. A. every one was given the opportunity of
leaving the L N. A. if he wished to do so.
(y) Japanese exercised 'no influence whatsoever
in the working of I. N. A.
(fe) I. N. A. was prepared to fight the Japanese
if needed.
226 i. tf ;A. HEROES
(I) I. N. A. was waging a war for the liberation
of Indift it was not a racial wa*.
. . (m) .Many Ifidian Army Units from among the
Prisoners of War were taken away by the Japanese
to fight under their Command. Some anti-aircraft
units were even taken to Cebu in 1942, before the
formation of the I. N. A. Netaji after a good deal
of trouble with the Japanese brought them back into
the I. N. A. These units were also given the option
of either joining the I. N. A. or reverting back to pro-
per Ps. of W.
(n) At the end of 1942, there was a crisis in the
1. N. A. Japanese then tried to raise a puppet army from
among the civilians and certain Ps. of W. S. M. Hakim
Khan was brought from Hongkong to command this
army. Officers of the I- N. A. did not like the idea that
the Japanese should raise a puppet army and exploit
the Indians. Therefore they decided to force the Jap-
anese to accept their terms. The Japanese realising
Netaji would soon be coming to assume the leadership
of the Indian Independence Movement in East Asia,
*p the I. N. A. was re-organised.
(o) When the I. N. A. was re-organised only
willing volunteers were taken and no one was forced
to join. .,,.,-' ,
(p) Following meetings of Indian delegates from
fiaat Asia were held in Singapore :
<O April 1943 to revise the constitution of 1. 1. L.
' v 00* Aug. 1943 to elect Netaji ai i Prudent of L L L.
Oct. 1943 teioMB the Fro?. Gort.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 227
', . : . .
(4) In 1944, during the Bengal Famine Netaji
ottered 1,00,000 tons of rice to the Govt. of India.
The rice^ad been secured from the Govt. of Burma
and it was ready for shipment.
(r) Territories of Andamans and Nicobars were
handed over to the Prov. Govt. of Azad Hind.
Loganadan appointed Chief Commissioner and took
.charge of the Adaman Islands renamed Shaheed and
Sawaraj isles.
(5) Indian officers were not allowed to join the
dubs in Malaya a cause of heart-burning*
(t) No Red Cross representative ever visited any
Indian P. of W. camp in Singapore.
(H) Protection accorded by the I. N. A, to the
Indian Civilians in Burma after the Japanese had left.
Murder incidents in Thingangyan, Rangoon, afier which
Brig. Lauder requested the I. N. A. authorities to post
guards in that area to protect Indian lives.
(?) Surrender of I. N. A. Units in Rangoon.
British request to wear I. A. badges of rank, etc., to
avoid trouble between the I. A. and I. N. A.
Great indignation caused by the British atro-
-cities in 1942 in India.
(x) After the surrender of Singapore the Japanese
told us about the way in which Indian civilians had
been evacuated from Burma. The British Govern-
ment gave the worst route to .the Indians and no
arrangements were mack ftt suppbes and medical
attention in the way. Owing to starvation asd disease
228 L N. A HEROES
over 2 lakhs died in the way* On arrival in India, no
arrangements whatsoever were made for their re-
ception. v ^
3. Maj. AC, Z. Kiani.
a, 6, c, d, e, f. g, A, i. j> k, I m, n % o, p, <r. r are same
as for Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
(u) Capt. I. J. Kiani administered liberated Indian-
territory in Manipur area from t^e H. Qr& in Chamol.
(t>) According to the understanding between.
Netaji and the Japanes2 Gsneral H. Qts, the I. N. A.
was recognised as an Allied army equal in status in
every form. No one from the L N. A. was 4t any
time subject to the Japanese Military Law whereas
Phillipines, Burma and Nanking armies bad accepted
such conditions under which members of their armed
forces could be tried according to the Japanese Law
and by Japanese courts, under certain conditions.
O) Col. P. K. Sahgal had been given full power*
of punishment by the Supreme Command.
(#) No representative of Red Cross ever, visited
any Indian Prisoner of War Camp.
/ Cy) Difference between British and Indian Com-
missioned Officers.
(z) Low rates of pay of Indian Sepoys.
(CC) and (DD) same as for Maj. Ariz Akmad,
4. Car*. A. D. Jakan&r.
a* b, c, d* , f> g, h, t, ; f i, 2, m, n. <r, ^ a. r, s and r
same as Maj. Azir Ahmad.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 229
It was in the month of Oct. 1944 wfcen Lt.
Col. A. D. Jahangir, Secretary, Recruiting and Training
Deptt. H. Qrs., 1. 1. League, East Asia, was ordered by
Netaji (President War Council) to proceed to North
Burma on a recruiting tour. The recruiting party
headed by Col. Jahangir left Rangoon in the middle of
Oct. 1944. Reached Pegu the next day and convened
a meeting of League officials (District Officer and
others) and Japanese authorities (Chief of Kimpe Tai
and others) were also requested to attend.
(0 In a. meeting at Pagu in Oct. 1944 the Indian
public complained to Col. Jahangir (Secty. R. and T.
Deptt on, tow) about the removal of cattle by Japs
specially Mori Butai authorities assisted by Burmese
officials. (Burmese and Jap officials were present in
the meeting).
(tt) An enquiry was made on spot and a complete
report submitted to Vice-President H. Qrs. 1. 1. League
at Rangoon.
(Hi) Reported to Officer in Charge I. L League
(Sri Sarkar) who authorised 3ol. Jahangir to liase
with (who arrived Pagu on the following morning on
his way back to Rangoon) , Burmese and Jap authori-
ties concerned and settle down the whole affair.
(iv) Col. Jahangir explained the situation, reper-
cussions, and the consequences to Burmese and Jap
authorities and requested them to stop this action
until the matter was finally decided by Mori Bontain
H. Qrs. and Burmese Govt. (Ministry of Commodity
andTtft).
L K. A. HEROES
(v) The same complaints were made b
League Bros., on the way. The local Jap authorities
were approached.
(in) At Kyautaga 30 miles south of Ziawaddy, an
Indian Grai>t under Jap Administration with a popu-
lation of 9,000 Indians, the same complaint was
strongly made and that of forced labour. The
Burmese Tuggis had already fixed a date and warned
local Indians to produce their cattle on certain spot.
Local Burmese and lap authorities were approached
too and the delivery of cattle was delayed for .some
time. An elaborate report was prepared and des-
patched to H. Qrs. in Rangoon, requesting them to
meet Mori Bontai authorities and get orders cancelled.
(vii) Col. Jahangir proceeded to Ziawaddy. The
date of delivery of cattle approached, but no answer
was received from Rgn. H. Qrs. due to bad communi-
cation and transport difficulties. A party of one Jap
officer and 20 O. R. arrived Kyautaga with transport
to take the delivery. Few hundred Indian civilians
demonstrated, but Japs informed them that they will
take the delivery by to-morrow morning and use force
if necessary.
(vttt) Two men were despatched to Ziawaddy by
the League's Chairman to inform the whole affair to
Col Jahangir. The prestige and honour of B. G. A-EL .
was at stake. Hence, Lt. Shiv Singh, O. C. Ziawaddy-
Trg. Camp with armed guard was despatched to-
Kyautaga. Col. Jahangir wrote a personal letter to
p. C. Japs party and requested* him not -to take tfie
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 231
delivery yntil Col. Jahangii^ return to Rangoon. Lt.
Shiv Singh was given definite orders to use force if
Japs misbehaved.
(ix) Shiv Singh and party, arrived Kyantaga at
4 P.M. the following morning and 9 met the Jap officer
at6.A.M who was slightly rude. He wanted to use
force, hut Shiv Singh told him that he too ha4 an
armed guard with him and he will be compelled to use
force against force.
Indian Banner was helped and Japs withdrew.
(v) Sahgals letter to Hikari Kikan regarding ex-
change of compliments.
O) Release of Naidu from the Japanese M. P.
(CO and (DD) the same as for Maj. Aziz
Ahmed.
5.
1. a, b, c, d % e, f % g," h, i f ;', k, I, m, n< o, p, q. r, s and t
same as for Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
(M) In Dec. 1942, Sahgal * was staying with
Hussain and they often ^discussed the crisis in the
I. N. A. Sahgal's views were "we should raake
every effort to counter the Japanese efforts to raise a
puppet army under S. M. Hakim Khan or any bne
ebe. As the Japanese seemed to be determined to
raise an army, it was essential that we should raise a
strong I. N. A. consisting of true volunteers, who were
not only willing to fight the British for the liberation
of India but they must be prepared to fight the
Japanese also if they failed to honour their pledge ?
(v) Efforts of the Britisja and Free French
authorities to induce the French men interned in St.
i23E . I. N. A. HEROES
John s wland to join the Free French forces in 1940
J941.
(v) F. ML S. Railway regulation prohibiting
Asiatics to travel in the same compartment of a
European.
(#) Difference between British Officer's and
I. C O.'a pay.
(y) Low rates of pay of Indian Sepoys.
(2) Shahnawazkhan left Rangoon 7th March
1945.
(ad) Chimpan clash between the Japanese and
Thai Units.
(fcfe) Magwe clash between the Japanese and
B. D. A.
(cc) and (dd) the same as for Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
(ee) Discriminate treatment of Asiatics during
the evacuation of Penang and Singapore.
(ff) The first aid posts established in Singapore
refused to give medical attention to Indian air raid
casualties.
(#g) Effect of news concerning 'the British atro-
cities in India during 1942 disturbances.
6. Capt. T. A. J^aidu.
(a) At Popoa Sahgal in his lectures gave the
option to each officer and soldier to return to
Rangoon if he was unwilling to stay in the front line.
(&) Sahgal in his lectures at Popoa told all the
officers and men under his cpmmand that anyone
wishing to go over to ttie idfies would be allowed to
do so.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 233
(c) On the 28th April Sahgal sent a letter
through Banta Singh offering the conditional surrender
of the officers and men under his command to the
Allies as prisoners of war.
W) After the surrender, at first the officers
were separated from the men, but later, they were
allowed to rejoin them. Sahgal told us that it was
done on his request and that lie had given the British
Commander an assurance that he would be personally
responsible for tke behaviour of his men during the
period he $vas with them. On the night of the 28th
there was exchange of fire between the Gurkhas and
some Japanese. No incident caused by the I. N. A.
troops. I. N. A. troops were only about 10 to 20 yards
from the arms and ammunition that they had sur-
rendered that day.
(e) On the night of the 16th March 1945, during
the raid of Pynbin 2/Lt. Joginder Singh beat a Japanese
2/Lt. who had refused to advance along with the
L R A. unit.
7. C&pt. Mahboob Ahmad.
{a) Mahboob sent a telegram to Sahgal, convey-
ing the Supreme Commander's confirmation of the
sentence of death passed in case of Ganga Ram, and
giving full powers of punishment to Sahgal.
(6) Divisional Commanders in the field were given
full powers of punishment by the S. C
(c) Sahgal was officiating commandant. No. 2
Division in Popoa area during the period 13th Feb. to
12th March 1945L
234 I N. A. HEROES
. (d) Difference between British Officers and
LGO's pay.
(e) Low rates of pay of Indian Sepoys.
(/) Extreme indignation caused by the atrocities
caused by the British in India during the 1942 disturb-
ances.
(g) Shahna wax Khan left Regiment on the 7th
March 1945.
(k) Indian Officers not admitted into clubs in
Malaya.
(cc) and (dd) the same as tor Major Azir
Ahmad.
8. Obtain J. IV. Rodergues.
(a) Arshad, Sahgal and Rodergues met in July
1944, and discussed rejoining the I. N. A. At the
time it seemed very likely that the Japanese would
soon be going into India and to save the Indians from
the ravages of the Japanese and to ensure that there-
would be strong armed body ready to oppose the Ja-
panese in case they decided not to honour their pledg-
es, it was decided to volunteer for the I. N. A.
x '
(b) Discussions during the crisis, decision to join;
the I. N* A. to counter the Japanese efforts' to-
raise a puppet ajrmy.
(c) In Magwe together in Ps. of War cage and
accorded the treatment of Ps. of W.
(d) Difference between British Officer sand
LCO's pay.
(e? tow fates of pay for Indian sepoys. ^
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 233>
(f) Indian Officers not allowed to become mem-
bers of clubs.
9. Cavtain R. M. Arshad.
a, fe, c f d, e. f, g, fe, t, ;', &, J, m, n, o, p f <y 1% s* and t
the same as for Major Aziz Ahmad.
(u) In June-July Arshad, Rodrigues and Sahgaf
met to discuss the subject of joining the I. N. A M de-
cided to do so to save the Indians from the ;&vages of
the Japanese and to be in a position to * fight the Ja-
panese if they decidsd not to honour thei* pledges
with regard to Indian Independence.
(V) Discussions during the crisis, decided to join
the L N. A. to counter the Japanese efforts to raise a
puppet army.
! , jf I
(w) Protection of Indian civilians in Burma after
the Japanese had left.
(*) Surrender of I. N. A. in Rangoon, British re-
quest to the I. N. A. to wear L A. badges of rank, etc*,
to avoid trouble with the I. A.
(y) No Red Cross representative ever visited-
any Indian P. O. W. Camp.
(z) Difference batween British Officers and*
I.C.O's pay.
(aa) Low rates qf pay for Indian sepoys,
(cc) and (dd) tlu same as for Major Aziz*
Ahmad.
(ee) Discrimination between the Europeans
and Asiatics during the evacuation of Singapore.
236 t N. X
(ff) The firts aid posts set up in Singapore re-
lused to treat Indian air raid casualties.
10. Subedar Banta Singh.
(a) In Rangoon Sahgal told all ranks in the
Regiment, that those wfio go to the front must be
prepared to face great hardships and on arrival in
India willing to fight against the Japanese if they did
not honour their pledges, and such persons who were
not willing or. fit to face these hardships should give
their names to him and arrangements would be made
to give them jobs in Rangoon.
(i) A number of such persons who were either
unfit pr unwilling to go to the front were transferred
to the Reinforcement group and no action was taken
against anyone.
(c) Sahgal told all ranks in the Regiment that
in Burma, their behaviour towards the Burmese and
other people should be exemplary. They should be
as their friends and not oppressors. "In India," he told
all his officers and men, " they should feel that they
are the servants of their people and not as masters/'
(d) After arrival in Popoa, Sahgal gave an op-
tion of going back to Rangoon, to all those who could
not stand up the danger and hardships of the front
line.
(e) In Popoa Sahgal also gave an option to all
ranks of his Regiment that they could go over to the
Allies. In such cases they would ^ not be allowed to
take any arms or papers with them and arrangements
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 237
would be made to allow them a safe passge through
the I. N. A. sentries.
(f) On the 28th of April Sahgal sent a letter
offering the conditional surrender of the officers and
men under his command as Prisoners of War to the
British Commander in Magigaon area. Banta Singh
carried the letter and the British Commander accept-
ed the conditional surrender. If the conditional sur-
render had not been accepted it were possible to con-
tinue fighting.
(g) After the surrender, first the Officers were
separated from the men, but later they were allowed
to rejoin them. Sahgal told us that it was done on
his request and that he had given an assurance to the
British Commander that he would be personally res-
ponsible for the behaviour of all ranks under his
Command. That night, there was exchange of fire
between the Gurkhas and the Japanese, no disturban-
ces caused by the I. N. A. I. N. A. troops were only
10 to 20 yards from the arms and ammunitions that:
they had surrendered that day.
(A) In Magwae Sahgal, I and the rest of the unit
were in a P.O.W. cage.
(0 In March 1945, Banta Singh put up about 5
meq including Mr. Ahmad Khan before Colonel Sahgal,
These men were charge i with desertion. Sahgal par-
doned these men and let them off.
G) On the 16th March during the raid on P$n~
bin 2/Lt. Jogindar Singh slapped the Japanese 2/Lt.
.238 L N. A. HEROES
(i) Sahgaltbad issued *der that any Jap who
.misbehaved was to be beaten up.
(I) Before the Regiment left Rangoon, Sahgal
'issued order that all Prisoners of War were to be
treated kindly.
12. Havaldar Shiv Singh.
To corroborate Captain Jehangir's statement re-
garding Kyantaga incident.
13. Captain A. B. Singh.
Certain men of No. 2 Infantry Regiment were
sent back from Popoa, because they were unwilling to
-stay intthe front line. No action was taken against
jmy of them.
14. Captain S.V. Knshnan^
In 1942 when Krishnan was serving with the
7/10 Baluch Regiment id Burma a report was received
describing a patrol action carried out by troops under
S*h gal V Command in Malaya.
15. Captain Gulzara Singh.
a. b< c, d, e* f. g, h, t, ;", i, I m, n f , p, q, r, s and t
^he same as for Major Aziz Ahmad.
( ) Corroborate Major Kiani's Statement re-
garding the understanding concerning the I. N. A.
andyed at between Netaji and the Japanese General
Head Quarters.
(v) Difference between the rates of pay of the
Mash Officers and the I.C.O's. ;
0*) Low rates of pay for the Indian sepoys in
M*laya.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 239
Extreme indignation caused by the British
atrocities during the 1942 disturbances.
GO Tfee fight put by Sahgal during the discussion
with the Japanese regarding the understanding con-
cerning the I. N. A.
16. Lt. Col Hunt.
(a) Handing over ceremony at Farter Park on
the 17th February.
(6) Lt. Col. Hunt was present when Fujiwara
handed oyer the Indian Ps. O. W. to Captain Mohan
Singh. G, O. C, L N. A.
(c) Lt. Col. Hunt made no protest about the
handing over of the Senior Officers of the I. A. to
Capt. Mohan Singh.
17. Lt. Col P. W.Davis
Information he had received regarding Sah gal's
work during the Malayan Campaign.
When the 2/10th Baluch Regiment arrived in
Kot Bham, the local people were very frightened of
the Indian soldiers, because of the high-handed treat-
ment acco rded to them by one Coy, of Indian troops
which was sent there to quell a rising.
18. Captain Rashid Yusuf AIL
(a) Yusuf Ali examined a number of persons
who had served under Sahgal's Command and they
told him that Sahgal had given every one under his
Command tha opportunity to go over to 'hii allies if
ar one wished to do w, : * >
240 I. N. A. HEROES
(6) Sahgal was living in a Prisoner of War cage
in Magwe when he met him.
,19. Major A. K. Dass.
Up to July 1942 Sahgal was- living in Tengah aero-
drome Camp which was a non- volunteer Camp. About
3 months before that Ofticer an 1 men had b^en asked
to volunteer on the basis of the Bidailari resolution
and the volunteers and non-volunteers had been put
in separate Camps.
20. Captain Zahir-'ud-Din.
Zahir was dropped by the Allies in Burma to carry
out espionage work for them. He was arrested
by the Japanese .Military Police and it was mainly
through Sahgal's efforts that was released,
21. Major Ghanshyam Singh.
(a) Certain Officers and men from among the
Indian Ps. O. W. in Singapore were taken away by
the Japanese and Ghanshyam Singh was one of them.
They were being forced against their wishes to . take
up arms and to do guard duties. They appealed to the
D. N. B., I. N. A. and it was through the effoits of .
the I. N. A. that they wera released. Sahgal played
an important part in this.
(&) No Rid Cross representative ever visited the
Indian RO.W. camps in Singapore.
22. Major Aung Sen.
(a ) Origin of the B, D. A. and its objects in 1941,
(ft) B. D. A. contained a number of penoot k
had once belonged to the British armed f irces.
NOMINAL ROLL OP DEFENCE WITNESSES 241
(c) B. D. A. and I. N. A. used to hold combined
staff conferences with the Japanese.
(d) B. D. A. fought against the Allied forces.
23. Colonel Kyado.
a< b, c, and d the same as for Major General Aung
Sen. -
(e) Col. Kyado was once in tfre Indian Army,
i.e. t 2/lst Punjab Regiment and later transferred to the
Burma Military Police.
24. Major General Kajmura.
(a) The I. N. A. had been accorded the status of
an Allied Army by Japan and functioned as such.
(fe) In 1944, Staff Officers of the I. N. A., B. D. A.
and Japanese Gensral Head Quarters used to Hold
combined conferences.
(c) B. D. A. was armed, equipped and trained by
the Japanese and it fought against the Allied Force.
25. Lt. Col. Thein Haw.
Some as Major General Aung Sen.
26. Lt Col. Fujiwara.
(a) Lt. Col. Hunt on behalf of the British
Government handed over the I. Ps. of W. to him as
the representative of the Japanese Government.
(fr) Lt. Col. Fujiwara handed over the Indians
to Captain Mohan Singh, G. O. C., I. N. A., in tbe
presence of Hunt. Hunt raised no objection ott this
procedure.
I. N. A. HhROES
(c) Declaration by* General Tojo and other mem-
bers of the Cabinet regarding Independence.
27. Lt. Col Takaki.
(a) Recognition of the Prov. Government of
Azad Hind by nine foreign powers.
. (&) Recognition ot the I. N. A. as an Allied
Army, equal in status by the Japanese and other
foreign Governments.
(c) Declaration of war on Great Britain and
America by the Prov. Government of Azad Hind.
(d) Handing over of the Andamans and Nicobar
Islands to the Prov. Government of Azad Hind.
(e) Administration by I. N. A. Officers ot the
liberated areas.
(f ) Sahgal's independent attitude and the refusal
to allow the Japanese to interfere with the I. N. A. t
affairs.
(g) Zahir-ud-Din's release due entirely to Sah-
gal's efforts.
(fe) Combined Staff Conference of the I. N. A.,
B. D. A. and Japanese Staff Officers.
(i) The B. D. A. had accepted terms according to
which personnel of the B. D. A. could be tried accord-
ing to the Japanese Law by Japanese Courts under cer-
f&in conditions, but Sahgai on behalf of the I. N. A.
bad categorically refused to Accept such terms.
0) Sahgai on behalf of the I. N. A. had catego-
rically refused to subordinate the I. N. ^ Military
Police to the Japanese Military Police.
*
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 243
Sahgal, on behalf of the I. N. A. had refused
to allow any. inf or matioh of the I. N: A. being placed
under the Unified Command of the Commander of a
lower Japanese formation, even if the Japanese Com-
mander concerned was senior in rank to the I. N. A.
Commander, whereas the Burmese and certain other
authorities had accepted it.
28. Representative of the Japanese Foreign
Office.
*
(a) Declaration by the Japanese Government
regarding In lian Independence.
(i) Recognition and status of the Indian Inde
pendence League.
(c) International character of the Bangkok Con-
ference and the resolutions passed at the Confer-
ence.
(d) Formation of the Prov. Government of Azad
Hind on 21st October 1943. Recognition by Japan and
eight other Governments.
(0) Terms of the treaty between 'the Prov. Go-
vernment of Azad Hind and the Government of
Japan.
(f) Recognition of the I. N. A. as an Allied
Army by Japan and other powers.
(g) 'Declaration of war by the Prov. Govern-
ment of Azad Hind on Great Britain and America on
22nd October 1943.
00 Handing over of the Andamans and the Ni-
cobaxs to the Prov. Government of A. H.
244 I- N. A, HEROES
(0 Diplomatic Delations established between the
Government of Japan and the Prov. Government of
India. Japanese Ambassador appointed. <
29. Lt. Gen. Ishoda.
a, 6, c, d t e> f, g> h, and i the same as for witness
No. 28.
(;) I. N. A. was properly organised armed body,
wore uniform and distinctive badges of rank and
fought according to the civilised forgis of warfare.
. (k) No Japanese influence in the working of the
I. N. A.
(I) Sahgal's independent attitude and his refusal
to allow the Japanese to interfere in any manner in the
working of the I. N. A.
(m) Contents of the understanding re. the I. N. A.
arrived at between Netaji and the Japanese General
Head Quarters.
30. 3V. Raghavan
(a) Aims and the early history ot the Indian In-
dependence Movement in East Asia.
(ft) Tokyo Conference, 1942.
(c) Japanese declarations regarding Indian Inde-
pendence.
(d) International character of Bangkok Confer-
ence and the resolutions passed therein.
(0) Functions of the Council of Action and the
working of the L I. L.
Qirifr December 1942.
NOMINAL ROLL Of DEFENCE WITNESSES 245
%
4 (g) Formation of the Prov. Government and its
recognition by foreign Governments,
(A) Declaration of war by the Prov. Govern-
ment of Azad Hind on Great Britain and America.
(0 I. N. A. was an organised armed force,
wearing uniforms, distinctive badges and badges of
rank.
(j) 1. N. A. fought according to the recognised
rules of civilised warfare.
(fe) Independent attitude of Sahgal towards the
Japanese.
( 2) Indignation caused by British atrocities during
1942 disturbances.
31. ^Subedar Thayacrajjan.
(a) Before leaving Rangoon, Sahgal warned all
officers and men under his command that their be-
haviour towards the population of Burma should be
exemplary. Furthermore on arrival in India they
should work as the servants cf the Indian people.
(fc) In Popoa Sahgal gave the option of going
back to Rangoon to all those persons undet his Com-
mand, who were unwilling to stay in the front line.
(c) In Popoa Sahgal offered a safe passage
through his lines to all those persons, who wished to
go over to the Allies.
(d) On the 28th of April 1945 when the Confer-
ence of all the Officers decided to surrender, Sahgal
wrote a letter offering the conditional surrender of the
246 i. N. A. HEROES
officers and a*ea under bis command, a* P. Q, W. to
the Allied Commander. This conditional surrender
was accepted and we surrendered as P.O/JMtf. If the
conditional surrender had not bsen accepted, it was
possible for us to continue fighting and all the officers.
and men were determined to carry on fighting to the
bitter end.
(e) After the surrender, first the officers were
separated from the men, but they were allowed to re-
join them. Sahgal told us that it was done on his re-
quest and that ha had assumed responsibility for the
good behaviour of the officers and men under his
command. That night there was exchange or fire
between the Gurkhas and some Japanese. No distur-
bance caused by the I. N. A. I. N, A, men only 10 to
20 yards trom the arms and ammunitions that they
had surrendered that day.
(f ) In Magwe we were all in a P. O. W. cage.
(g) Col. Sahgal had issued orders in his Regi-
ment that every one in the Regiment must uphold his
dignity while dealing with the Japanese. If anyone
acted otherwise, he would be severely dealt with.
Sahgal had issued orders that if any Jap
misbehaved himself he should be given a thorough
beating.
(;) Firing on Indian Labourers in Khaug.
(&) Discriminate treatment accorded to the Asi-
atics during, the evacuation of Penang.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 247
32, Doctor S. Lakskmi.
(a) Prov. Government of Azad Hind was formed
on the 21st October 1943. It was recognised by nine
foreign Governments.
(fe) The Prov. Government declared war oa
Great Britain and America on the 22nd October
1943.
(c) Soon after the formation of the Provisional
Government Netaji made an announcement to the
world about the formation of the I. N. A. and its ob-
jects.
(d) The I. N. A. was a regular armed force,
wearing uniforms, distinctive badges and badges of
rank and fought according to the recognised civilised
form of warfare.
(e) In 1944, Netaji offered to send 100,000 tons
of rice to India to relieve the famine-stricken Bengal.
This rice was ready for shipment.
(f) Sahgal continuously worked to keep the
I. N. A. clear of the Japanese influence. He always
aimed to couater all Japanese efforts to exploit the
I. N. A. or the Indians.
Cg) Extreme indignation caused by the British at-
rocities during the 1942 disturbances.
(h) Firing on Indian labourers on Khaug.
(t) Discrimination shown to Asiatics during the
evacuation of Penang and Singapore.
33. Mr. A. Vellavva.
a, 6, c, d, e, f, g, h and t the same as Doctor S,
Lakshmi.
248 L N. A. HEtOES
0*) Money collected in East Asia by the Prov. Go-
vernment was entirely through voluntary contribu-
tions.
34. Copt. L J. K4am.
a, b, c, d, e, f, g, fc, t, j. k, I, m, n, o, p, a, r, s and t
the same as Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
() L ]. Kiani administered liberated Indian terri-
tory in Manipur area.
GO No representative of the Red Cross ever
visited any Indian P. O. W. camp in Singapore.
(i*0 Difference between the British and L C. O/s
pay.
(x) Low rates of Indian sepoys.
35. Capt.S. A.Mahk.
a, b, c, d, e. f, g, h, t, j, fe, I m, n, o, p, q, r, s and t
the same as Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
(w) Capt. Malik administered the liberated areas
in Bishanpur sector.
(j>) No Red Cross Rep. ever visited aay Ind.
P. O. W. camp in Singapore.
36. Capt.S.W- Gupta.
a, fe, c, d, e t /, g, A, t f ;\ fe, 1, m, n, o, v, q, r, s and t
the same as Maj. Aziz Ahmad.
(u) Sahgal's constant efforts to counter Japanese
efforts to interfere in L N. A. affairs or to try and
exploit Indians.
(v) No Red Cross rep. ever visited any Ind.
P. O. W. camp in Singapore.
N OMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 249
O) Difference between the pay of the British
and I. C O.'s.
Gc) Low rates of pay of the Indian sepoys in
Malaya.
GO Europeans and Asiatics not allowed to travel
in the same railway compartment in Malaya.
37. Jem. Hari Singh.
500 Ind. P. O. W. saved in Kolumia area from the
Japanese.
38, Mr. S. C. Goho.
a, 6, c, d, e, f % g, h, i and ; the same as Mr.
Raghavan.
() Discrimination shown to the Asiatics during
the evacuation of Penang and Rangoon.
(Z) The 1st aid posts in Singapore did not give
treatment to Indian air raid casualties.
39. Capt. A. 5V. Kashap.
The help given by Sahgal to the Prisoners of War.
40. Capt. K. L. Saleem.
(a) Letter written by Sab gal to Hikari Kikan re-
garding exchange of compliments.
(6) Sahgals fight with Hikari Kikan re. the camps
in Malaya.
(c) Incident regarding the move of No. 4 Eng.
Company,
250 |. N. A. HEROES
BATTLE OF JITRA.
1. Sahgal on taking over command of No. 2 Inf.
Regt. addressed the officers and men of each unit
under his command in turn and told them :
(a) We should consider ourselves fortunate that
we have been given this opportunity to fight for the
liberation of our motherland. We are fighting for a
sacred cause and none of us should have any desire
for personal gain. We are the vanguards of the future
National Army of India and it is our duty to create
such traditions, which future members of the Indian
National Army would be proud to follow. We should
conduct ourselves in such a manner that our foreign
Allies should feel prDud to be associated with us.
Our behaviour towards the inhabitants of Burma
should be friendly and helpful. On entry into India,
we should conduct ourselves as the servants of our
people and should do our best to help them in every
manner and to work to alleviate their sufferings. Any
officer or other rank of the I. N. A. who did not
conduct himself properly would be severely dealt
with.
(fe) We are lighting against an Imperialist Power,
which has vast resources of men and material at her
disposal. Compared to our enemy our numbers are
small, and equipment poor. Therefore those who
are going to participate in this battle must realise that
they are going to fight against heavy odds. Every
one who goes to the front must be prepared to face
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 25$.
haodships, hunger, thirst, sufferings, dangers and
finally death. If there is any one who is either
mentally or physically , unfit to face these hardships
and dangers must give his name to his Platoon Com-
mander, and arrangements will be made to fit such
persons into employment at the base.
After these lectures a number of men who were
either unwilling or unfit to proceed to the front were
transferred to the Reinf. Gp. and no disciplinary action
was taken against anyone.
2. As each unit of No. 2 Inf. Regt. arrived at
Popa, Sahgal addressed the officers and men of that
unit and told them :
(a) " Now, you have seen something of the life m
the front line and if there is anyone among you who
finds himself incapable of facing its dangers and hard-
ships he should let me know and I will arrange for
him to go back to Rangoon,"
Two men of the signal platoon represented that
they wished to go back to Rangoon. They were sent
back to the Div. H. Q. to be despatched to Rangoon.
No action was taken against them.
(fe) 'There may b some persons among you who
are desirous of going over to the British. I do not wish
to hold you back against your wishes. Therefore,
those of you who want to go over, should give me
their names and i shall arrange for them to go safely
through our lines. Such persons must go in one group
and I do not like men going away in ones or twos.
252 I. N. A. HEROES
Persons going over to the British would not be allowed
to take any arms or papers with them."
3. Sahgal had issued orders in the regiment that
every officer and man in the regiment should uphold
Ids dignity with the Japanese. Any one found acting
otherwise would be very severely dealt with.
Sahgal had also issued instructions that if any
Japanese misbehaved towards any member of the
I. N. A. f such a Japanese should be given a thorough
beating and that Sahgal would assume full responsibi-
lity for the consequences.
.On the 16th March 1945, one Coy. of No. 21 Iri
Reg. under command of 2/Lt. Joginder Singh attacked
Pyinbin, two Japanese Sees, under a 2/Lt. were under
command of 2/Lt. Joginder Singh. At one stage the
Japs refused to advance any further, thereupon 2/Lt.
Joginder Singh slapped the Japanese 2/Lt. and forced
them to advance further.
4. In March 1945, Corad. No. 3 Ba. reported that
two officers under his command, 2/Lts. Narinder Singh
and Ismail were conspiring to desert. Col. Sahgal
called these officers and questioned them. The
officers protested their innocence and although there
was sufficient proof available against these officers,
Sahgal decided to give them another chance and trans-
ferred them to No. 1 Bn. 2/Lt. Narinder Singh desarted
shortly afterwards.
5. In March 1945, Comd. No. 2 Bn. produced five
prisoners including one Ahmad Khan in front of Col.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 25$
SahgaL All these men were? charged with desertion.
All the accused persons pleaded guilty but said that
they deserted in a moment of weakness and if they
are given another chance, they would L carry out
their duties satisfactorily. Sahgal pardoned all the
accused persons and set them free.
6. Sahgal had issued orders . in the Regt. that if
any prisoners of war were captured by the members
of the Regiment, such prisoners must be treated kindly
and on no account was any prisoner, whether he was*
an Indian, British or aa American, to be beaten or
ill-treated in any other way. This :>rder was issued
when the Regt. was ordered to move from Rangoon.
7. On the 28th April, at Magigaon, Col, Sahgal
called a curfew of all the officers under his command,
and acquainted them with the current situation and
told them the alternatives in front of them. All the
officers after discussing the situation with their men
decided to surrender as "Prisoners of War.". Sahgal
wrote a letter to the Allied Comd. in which he said
that he had offered the conditional surrender of the
officers and men under his command as Prisoners of
War. Capt. Banta Singh took this letter and later
told me that the Allied Comd. had accepted the con-
ditional surrender. It this conditional surrender had
not been accepted, the officers and men were deter-
mined to fight to the last. We had sufficient arms and
ammunition to do so,
8. After the surrender, on orders from the British
Comd., all the officers were separated from the
254 I. N, A. HEROES
Later Sahgal told me that we could rejoin the men.
He explained that he had spoken to the British Comd.
about the separation of the officers from the men,
but he had argued that this was the proper procedure
in case of Prisoners of War. Later, however, when
Sahgal gave fcim an assurance that if the officers were
permitted to rejoin the men, he would be personally
responsible for the behaviour of the men, the Br. Comd.
had agreed to allow the officers to rejoin the men*
That night the Gurkha Bn. was attacked by the Japs
but there was no incident among our men although
the arms and ammunition that we had surrendered
that day, were only 10 to 20 yds. away from us.
9. In Magwe our unit was put into a Prisoner of
War cage and we were treated as P. O. W. I. N. A.
officers were separated from the men.
10. It is only heresy that I learned that Mohd.
Hussain belonged to the Indian Army. I have no defi-
nite information on the subject.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 255
SPECIAL .INCIDENTS
1. Comvliments.
In 1944, when Colonel P. K. * Sahgal was in
charge of Head Quarters Supreme Command in Ran-
goon, a letter was received from the Hikari Kikan,
complaining that the soldiers of the I. N. A.* did not
salute the officers of the Japanssa Army. In reply
Colonel Sahgal wrote that originally orders had been
issued for the exchange of salutes on reciprocal basis
between the officers and men of the I. N. A. an J the
Japanese officers and men, but as the Japanese soldiers
did not salute the I. N. A. officers, the Japanese Army
should not expect the I. N. A. soldiers to salute their
officers.
Witnesses :
1. Lt. D. C. Nag.
2. Captain K. M. Saleem.
3. Captain A. D. Jehangir.
2. Arrest of an Indian Civilian Recruit.
About August, 1944, the Japanese Military Police
arrested an Indian civilian recruit Naidu, who was
undergoing training at the Gowshala Camp Rangoon,
on a charge of sabotage. Colonel A D. Jehangir, Secy.
1/L Recruiting and Training reported the matter to
Colonel P. K. Sahgal Head Quarter Supreme Com.
I. N. A. Colonel P. K. Sahgal approached the
Japanese M. P. for the release of Naidu, but the
Japanese refused. Sahgal then made it clear to the
Japanese authorities that if they did not release Naidu,
he would use armed force to take him out ot their
256 I. N. A. HEROES
custody. The P. M., thereupon, agreed to release
him.
Witnesses :
Captain A.D. Jehangir.
3. Camps in Rangoon.
End of July, a number of new I. N. A, units were
expected in Rangoon, but no Camps were available to
accommodate them. Repeated references to the Japa-
nese authorities were of no avail. Eventually a num-
ber of buildings beloning to Indians who had evacuated
from Burma were taken charge by the I. N. A. under
orders of Colonel Sahgal. These buildings were actu-
ally under the charge of the Japanese Military au-
thorities who had reserved them for .the Japanese
units which were expected to arrive in Rangoon. The
Japanese asked the I. N. A. to vacate the buildings
but Sahgal refused to do so unless suitable accommo-
dation was provided for the I. N. A. units and posted
armed guards on the buildings in question. The Japa-
nese threatened to take possession of these build-
ings by force. Sahgal retaliated by saying that he
would order the I. N. A. sentries to open tire at any
one attempting to take possession of the buildings.
Eventally the Japanese had to climb down and the
buildings were occupied by the L N. A. units.
The buildings in question were Gandhi Niwas,.
B. E. T. High School and Raidar. High School.
Lt. D. C Nag.
Captain K. M. Saleem.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 257
4. Unified Command.
The Japanese General Head Quarters in Rangoon
issued instructions that, when units of the I. N. A. or
B. D. A were placed under the unified Command of
a Japanese Commander, then, in certain cases the
members of the I. N. A. or B. D. A. could be tried
according to the Japanese Military law and by Japa-
nese Courts. The B. D. A. accepted it, but Sahgal told
the Japanese that I. N. A. under no circumstances
would accept such an order and eventually the Japa-
nese had to cancel this order.
Witnesses :
Major M. Z. Kiani.
Captain Gulzara Singh.
Captain I. J. Kiani.
Lt.-Colonel Takaki.
5. In May 1944, No. 4 Engineer Coy. of the I. N. A t
was detailed to leave Rangoon for the front. The Jap*
anese had made all transport arrangements for they
failed to provide good quality boots for the company.
Sahgal threatened that unless good boots were provid-
ed he Coy. would not proceed to the front. The
Japanese pleaded that such a postponement would
completely upset their transport arrangements, but
Sahgal refused to allow this Coy. to move unless the
boots were r forthcoming. Eventually the Japanese
produced the required boots.
Witnesses :
Captain K. M. Saleem.
6. Colonel P. K. Sahgal, Commander No. 2 Inf.
Regiment, had issued orders in his Regiment that if any
258 I. N. A* HEROES
Japanese soldier or officer misbehaved towards any
1. N. A. person the I. N. A. men should give him a tho-
rough beating and that Sahgal would assume full
responsibility for the concequences.
Witnesses :
Havaldar Ghulam Mohammad.
Subedar Banta Singh.
Subedar Thayagarajan.
7. On the night of 16th March 1945, one Coy. of
No. 2 Inf. Regiment under the command of 2/Lt.
Jogindar Singh went to attack Pynbin. A platoon of
the Japanese was also under the command of 2'Lt.
Joginder Singh. After the first phase of the attack,
the Japanese 2/Lt. commanding the platoon refused
to advance any further. 2Lt. Joginder Singh slapped
the Japanese 2/Lt. and forced him to advance further.
Witnesses :
Havaldar Ghulam Mohammad.
Subedar Banta Singh.
Captain Naidu.
.Entry in Sahgal's diary dated 17th March.
8. Japanese-Thias Clash.
In July 1942, certain elements of Head Quarters 2
Division I. N. A, and some units of No. 2 Inf.
Regiment were in Chumpan (Siam) on their way to
Burma. At about that time there was an armed clash
between the Japanese and Thai armed units in Cham-
pan area and both sides suffered heavy casualties. The
Japanese Commander approached Lt. Col. Chopra*
Senior I. N. A. officer in Chumpan, for help. Colonel
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 289
Chopra told the Japanese Comd. that the I. N. A.
was only fighting for the Independence of India and
would on no account interfere in Japanese-Thai
quarrel. The Japanese Commander insisted that as
Allies the I. N. A. units were bound to come
the aid of the Japanese units who were outnumbered
by the Thais. Thereupon Colonel Chopra went to
Bangkok to consult Lt. Colonel S. M. Hussain, a Senior
Officer of the Division, who was on his way to
Rangoon. Lt.-Colonel Hussain and Colonel Allagao*
pan, who also happened to be in Bangkok, told Chopra
that the I. N. A. was only fighting for the freedom of
India and it would not fight against the Thais, on any
account. These officers ordered Chopra to convey
their 'decision to the Japanese Commander and assured
him that they would assume full responsibility for the
consequences.
The I. N. A. units consequently did not render any
help to the Japanese in their fight with the Thai units
in Champan.
Witnesses :
Captain S. M. Hussain.
9. B. D. A. Javanese Clash.
In March 1945, the B. D. A. rebelled against the
Japanese and [started attacking their convoys and
dumps, etc. The Japanese approached Lt.-Colonel
S. M. Hussain, No. 1 Inf. Regiment, I. N. A., in Magwe
to help them to fight the B. D. A. troops. The Indian
civilians were also worried by the B. D. A. and were
frightened that they may once again be subjected to
360 L N. A. HEROES
the same brutal treatment which was meted out
to them in 1943. Lt.-Col. Hussain informed the Jap-
anese that the I. N, A. would not fight against
the B. D. A. unless the B. D. A. attacked any I. N. A.
units or any Indian civilians in that area. Hussain
conveyd this massage to the B. D. A. units also.
Witnesses :
Captain S. M. Hussain.
10. Kyaulaga Incident.
Included in the evidence of Captain A. D. Jehan-
m
G. S. DHILLON
We were with the Japanese because they were in
a position that we could take some help from them in
order to attack our old enemy the British. Our
policy was to make usa of 'any old stick to kill a
snake.'
i
Here are some instances to prove that I carried
out my dealings with them according to our move-
ment's policy :
I. Just after the I. N. A. crises in Fabruary 1943,
in a public rally held in connection with Mahatma
Gandhiji's fast, I made a statement something as this,
"Our strength lies in having complete faith in our-
selves, and in having courage enough to attack the
Japanese in case they betray us". During this rally
there were present Japanese officers of Hikan Kikan,
M. P. and Press Mr. Rash Bahari Bose was in the chair
and it was a gathering of several thousands.
Can be proved by :
1. Captain Jaswant Singh, 4-19 Hyd. A
Major of I. N. A.
~2. Maj. Aziz Ahmad, Kapurthala Inf. A
Major General of I. N. A.
3. Captain A. D. Jehangir, Bahawalpur
Infantry. A Colonel of I. N* A.
261
262 i. N. A. HEROES
II. In March 1943, during my tour upcountry, I
made statements ssmilar to the one referred above in
para. I. These statements I made wherever I ad-
dessad surplus volunteers. During this tour I also ad-
dressed a public rally in Penang and had made this-
very statement.
Can be proved by :
1. Lt. Colonel Alagapan. I. M. S. A Major
Gen. in I. N. A.
2. Prosecuting
7-8 Punjab. Paras 50-52 in the sum-
mary of evidence.
3. H. V. Major Kartar Singh, 26-lst
Punjab Regiment. Captain in I. N. A.
1/4 General Regiment.
III. In December 1944, during my command of
Nehru Brigade, a Japanese Colonel occupied a certain
building in my area at Myingyan. The Colonel had
taken permission from my Jap Liaison Officer
Captain Izuni of Hikari Kikan, but Capt. Iznni.
failed to isk me or any of my Staff Officers. I
called him in my office and told him to get the build-
ing vacated at once. He felt sorry for the mistake
but said that he was helpless to take any action be-
cause the Colonel was a very senior otficer and Regi-
mental Commander. To this, I replied, "Captain
Izuni, for your information I am not a Major only. I
am also a Regiment Commander an appointmet of a:
Colonel. Again I mm the Station Commander and the
senior most Indian National Army Officer in the area.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 263
I cannot image a Regimental Commander or any officer,
does not matter how senior, entering my area and
occupying a building under my charge without action
on my part. I take it as an insult not only personal
but national. I warn you to get the building vacated
at once otherwise I will not hesitate to use force,
colonel or no colonel. Now I do not want to hear
any excuses. You may please go/'
The result was that in the evening the colonel
acompanied by his adjutant the Japanese Garri-
son Commander, a Major and Capt. Izuni called on
me and apologised. After this they never occupied
any building within my area. Actually the
local Burmese officials came to know of the
fact and asked me to occupy certain of their buildings
so that the Japanese might keep away.
Can be proved by :
1. Hav. Darwan Singh Rawat, 2/18 Garhwal,
was Captain in I. N. A., Adjutant Nehru
Brigade.
2. Mohindar Singh,, 18th Garhwal. Was a Lieut,
in the I. N. A. Intelligence Officer Nehru
Brigade.
IV. On my resuming command of the Nehru
Brigade at Myingan, I found that the Japanese Garri-
son Commander, a representative of their operational
H. Qrs., namely, Major Ogawa, would give orders deal-
ing with Myingyan Defences direct to my Dn. Com-
manders. One day during the presence of certain
staff officers and Battalion Commanders, I strongly
264 I. N.A. HEROES
objected to this practice and explained him the
I. N. A. policy. Our talk grew to a heated discussion
just short of a quarrel. I asked him to let me
have the full scheme of defence, and I would make
my own plan in consideration with my strength,
armament and tactical training. Again, it was my
command and not his, and I would not stand any
direct dealings with my subordinates by him on a
matter of principle. In the end he apologised and
told me that he was doing so only to save more
time and trouble and that he would not do so.
again. Regarding telling me the full scheme he
said that he was not in a position to do so as
the Army Head Quarters were informing him bit
by bit. 1 reported this irregularity to Col. Arshad T
Officiating Divisional Commander No. 1 Div M who
took up the case with the higher authorities and after
an interval of some days the full scheme was reveal*
ed to me.
Can be proved by :
L Captain Chandar Bhan, 4-19 Hyd. A Maj,
in the I. N. A. O. C. 2/14th Grla. Regiment.
2. Mohindar Singh, 18th Garhwal. A Lieut, in
the I. N. A. Head Quarters Nehru Brigade.
3. Hav. Darwan Singh Rawat, 2/18th Garwhai.
Capt. in the I. N. A. Adjutant Nehru Brigade.
4. Capt. Arshad, 5/2nd Punjab. Colonel in
I. N. A.
NOMINAL ROLL OF DEFENCE WITNESSES 2(6
V. On 19th March 1945 while in action at Kweb-
yok, thj Jap Commander of Hosokawa Butri was led
to attain a certain position for which I had also made
preparations and had detailed No. 1. Dn. Towards
the evening the Japanese asked me to give them
only one platoon. They said that the platoon would
be used as guides, and they (the Japanese) would
carry out the main attack. I told them that I
had taken their message as an insult and though
my men were ready yet I was not prepared to
risk their lives in a role where the Japanese
wanted to play the main part. In the end they
asked even for only two men which I also refused. I
did this because it was against the declared policy and
prestige of the I. N. A. to allow itself to be used
for the benefit of the Japanese by playing a secondary
role.
At about mid-night the Hosokawa Butri Com-
mander called on me to explain that all his plans for
that night were being upset due to my non-co-oper-
ation. I explained my point of view, he apologised.
After this incident he never dared to play a selfish
trick.
Can be proved by :
1. Hav. Darwan Singh
Adjutant Nehru Bde.
2. Jem. Mbhd.
in the I. N. A. .
3. Mohindar Singh, 18 Gmwd. IJeugpm the
I. N, A. My Intelligence
266 1. N. A. HEROES
4. Havaldar Major Kartar Singh, 6/1 Punjab,
VI. On resuming command of my Regiment* I
iisued following instructions and orders to all units
undet my command :"
1. No Officer or a man will have any direct deal-
ing with Hikari Kikan or any of the Japanese
officers. In case they are being approached by
the Japanese their Head Quarters will be
immediately informed.
Can be proved*, by :
Same witnesses as in V above.
A Book of Political Documents
Famous Letters and Ultimatums
to the British Government
Edited and compiled by
DURLAB SINGH
The Amrita Bazar Patrika writes in its issue of
3rd March, 1946.
M The volume under review offers to us a collec-
tion of letters which have baen front-page news
within living memory. Mr. Durlab Singh aptly opens
his compilation with the poet Tagore's letter to the
Viceroy renouncing his knighthood after the 'massacre
of Jallianwala Bagh and the notorious martial law
regime in the Punjab in 1919. No student of Indian
politics should go without this carefully complied
volume which contains valuable documents for the
construction of the history of Indian National move-
ment/ 1
It is a collection of historic letters written from
time tcrome by the Indian political leaders and states-
men to the representatives of the British Government
since 1919. The writers include Tagore, Gandhi, Subhas
Bose, 1 President Patel, Sir Aushotosh Mookerjee, The
late S. Bhagat Singh JDr. Shyama Prasad Mookerji,
Fazal Haq and others.
Price 3112
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