The US media almost entirely ignores news regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran. As Tony Snow of the Fox News Network has put it, this is probably the most under-reported news story of the year. Most Americans are unaware that the Islamic Republic of Iran is NOT supported by the masses of Iranians today. Modern Iranians are among the most pro-American in the Middle East.

There is a popular revolt against the Iranian regime brewing in Iran today. I began these daily threads June 10th 2003. On that date Iranians once again began taking to the streets to express their desire for a regime change. Today in Iran, most want to replace the regime with a secular democracy.

The regime is working hard to keep the news about the protest movement in Iran from being reported. Unfortunately, the regime has successfully prohibited western news reporters from covering the demonstrations. The voices of discontent within Iran are sometime murdered, more often imprisoned. Still the people continue to take to the streets to demonstrate against the regime.

In support of this revolt, Iranians in America have been broadcasting news stories by satellite into Iran. This 21st century news link has greatly encouraged these protests. The regime has been attempting to jam the signals, and locate the satellite dishes. Still the people violate the law and listen to these broadcasts. Iranians also use the Internet and the regime attempts to block their access to news against the regime. In spite of this, many Iranians inside of Iran read these posts daily to keep informed of the events in their own country.

This daily thread contains nearly all of the English news reports on Iran. It is thorough. If you follow this thread you will witness, I believe, the transformation of a nation. This daily thread provides a central place where those interested in the events in Iran can find the best news and commentary. The news stories and commentary will from time to time include material from the regime itself. But if you read the post you will discover for yourself, the real story of what is occurring in Iran and its effects on the war on terror.

I am not of Iranian heritage. I am an American committed to supporting the efforts of those in Iran seeking to replace their government with a secular democracy. I am in contact with leaders of the Iranian community here in the United States and in Iran itself.

If you read the daily posts you will gain a better understanding of the US war on terrorism, the Middle East and why we need to support a change of regime in Iran. Feel free to ask your questions and post news stories you discover in the weeks to come.

If all goes well Iran will be free soon and I am convinced become a major ally in the war on terrorism. The regime will fall. Iran will be free. It is just a matter of time.

Every moment this regime remains in power is a reminder that we just aren't dealing with the broader terrorist problem. You cannot fight a war on terror unless you are willing to destroy the regimes that support and/or export terror. I'm glad that we have removed Saddam and are rebuilding Iraq. But we cannot take a break... the iranians are trying to force a revolution in Iraq. We can't pretend these are separate problems anymore.

4
posted on 04/05/2004 9:04:37 PM PDT
by Betaille
("Show them no mercy, for none shall be shown to you")

FRANKFURT - UN nuclear chief Mohamed ElBaradei said he was running out of patience with Iran over its failure to fully assure the international community that it does not have a secret nuclear weapons program.

ElBaradei, on his way to the Islamic republic, said the 35-member board of governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was "impatient with Iran's cooperation."

The international probe into Iran's program "cannot go on forever. We have to discuss how to accelerate cooperation," he said. "We need to satisfy ourselves there are no undeclared nuclear activities in Iran."

The IAEA director general is due in Iran on Tuesday on the nuclear issue, although the Islamic republic insists it is not hiding any of its facilities from UN inspectors.

"We have a transparent and constructive cooperation with the agency, and this will continue," Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi told reporters on Sunday.

Iran also declared that its resumption of work on a key part of the nuclear fuel cycle was not a violation of its commitment to suspend uranium enrichment activities.

In a deal with the IAEA brokered last year by the European Union's big three -- Britain, France and Germany -- Tehran agreed to suspend uranium enrichment and related activities while UN inspectors delved into its program.

However, an IAEA board resolution on March 13 condemned Iran for failing to report sensitive nuclear activities, such as the possession of designs for sophisticated P-2 centrifuges that can make bomb-grade uranium.

Since then, ElBaradei said, Iran has delayed a crucial IAEA inspection mission to research the P-2 question.

"We were supposed to do the P-2 (investigation) last month and now we are going in on April 10," ElBaradei, making his third trip to Iran since February 2003, told reporters on a stopover in Frankfurt.

He said no date had yet to be set for Pakistan -- a nuclear power -- to allow IAEA inspectors in to the country to carry out so-called "environmental sampling" to compare certain key components with those sold on the international black market to Iran.

Iran has always claimed that the presence of highly enriched uranium (HEU) discovered by the IAEA was due to contamination from particles on the imported components.

HEU can be used both as nuclear fuel in civilian reactors or as the raw material for an atomic bomb.

IAEA inspectors have found traces of HEU at two sites in Iran. The United States says the particles are proof that Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons, despite Iran's claims of contamination.

The IAEA board is to hear a report on Iran's nuclear program when it meets in Vienna in June to consider "progress in verifying Iran's declarations and of how to respond" to Iran's omissions in reporting on its atomic activities.

Asked if the delay in inspections would make it impossible to file a full report, ElBaradei said: "A month is still four weeks."

He said there has been "some slowing of cooperation" from Iran since it filed in October what it said was a full report on its nuclear activities.

The report also did not mention that Iran had the P-2 designs.

During his visit, ElBaradei will meet with Iranian President Mohammad Khatami, Foreign Minister Kamal Kharazi, Iran's top nuclear policy-maker Hassan Rowhani and the head of Iran's atomic energy organization Gholamreza Aghazadeh.

ElBaradei said he "would like to make clear in my visit that restoring and accelerating cooperation is in the interests of everybody."

"After all this time, there has been ample time for us to come to a conclusion," he said.

Iran Should Not Back Off on Its Inalienable Right to Nuclear Technology: MP [Iranian Regime Propaganda]

TEHRAN, April 5 (Mehr News Agency) --

We are not trying to gain access to weapons of mass destruction, MP Mohsen Tarkashvand said here on Monday.

Tarkashvand, who is also a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, added, We should make it clear to world public opinion that nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction have no place in our military doctrine. The Islamic Republic should, as always, respect its commitments and defend its interests vehemently. Making use of nuclear technology is our inalienable right and we should not back off from our stance or retreat in this regard.

On the recent U.S. disinformation campaign about Irans nuclear program, the lawmaker said, The U.S. would like to deal with a weak, non-dynamic, and needy Islamic Republic, and that is the truth of the matter.

He went on to say that, unfortunately, some lack of transparency on the part of a number of officials allowed the U.S. to take advantage of the situation.

Tarkashvand stated that the U.S. has had a hostile attitude toward Iran for many years, which is partly due to lack of transparency on the part of Iran and partly due to the perpetual animosity of the U.S. toward Iran.

Karbala, IRNA -- Fifteen Iranian pilgrims are being held in police custody in this holy Shi'ite city in southern Iraq on charge of illegal entry into the war-ravaged country, an informed police source told IRNA here Saturday.

The source, who asked not to be named, said that most of the detainees were men, who had been picked up by the Iraqi police since last week after illegally entering the country ahead of the major mourning occasion of Arbain.

The arrests came following a series of coordinated attacks which turned a similar commemoration into carnage in early March, in which 171 people were killed in Karbala and Baghdad.

Arbain marks the peak of a 40-day period of mourning for Prophet Muhammad's (PBUH) grandson Imam Hussein (AS), who was martyred in the plains of Karbala more than 1,300 years ago.

The occasion is expected to attract millions of Muslims to the holy city, giving Iraqi police enough reason to worry amid worsening security situation in the war-torn country.

According to the informed police source, efforts were underway to release the Iranian detainees in the next few days and repatriate them, given that their intentions were merely pilgrimage.

Despite the Iraqi Governing Council's implementing of new security measures following the Ashura bombings, some Iranian pilgrims set out illegally for the holy sites in the country.

According to witnesses, many illegal pilgrims avoid arrest by the Iraqi police by prodigally bribing them.

Illegal arrivals have turned to a major security issue for Iraq, forcing its leading Shi'ite cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani to issue a decree, in which he banned such entries.

Iran, which has a dominant Shi'ite Muslim population, took action following the Ashura bombings and closed all its border crossing points with Iraq, except for Manzariyah, Zorbatiyah and Shalamchah.

The world's media seemed to expect drama and confrontation when Iran's clerical regime banned more than 2,000 candidates from standing in parliamentary elections in February. However, that drama never materialised. A sit-in held by blacklisted MPs came to nothing. Reformist cabinet ministers threatened to resign, but ended up staying in office. Without a single street protest, the conservative establishment took back control of parliament in an orchestrated election.

The conservatives, allied with Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, correctly calculated that the public had long since given up on the reformists.

Millions of voters had come out in support of reformists in previous elections, believing that the president, Mohammad Khatami, and his allies could nudge the country's authoritarian theocracy towards genuine democracy and tolerance. This year, however, they stayed at home.

After humiliating Mr Khatami and killing off his experiment with reform, the conservatives are gambling that prosperity, not democracy, will keep them in power.

The victorious conservative bloc, Developers of Islamic Iran, has promised to create what it calls a more "efficient parliament", and says that it will turn Iran into an "Islamic Japan". The group has yet to explain how it will manage to create more jobs and curb inflation while speeding up the privatisation of state-owned industry.

According to Iranian newspapers, the conservatives are pursuing the "China model". This scenario would see the regime open up the vast state-owned economy, and tolerate a degree of social freedom, while keeping a firm hand on the levers of political authority.

On paper, Iran's economy is booming. Oil prices are high, and climbing higher, with hundreds of millions of dollars in oil revenue flowing into government coffers every month.

The country's robust growth figures are the envy of the Middle East, with GDP at more than 6% over the past two years. The roads are full of flashy new cars, and mobile phone sales are brisk.

Much of the growth is based on high oil prices and a speculative bubble in the property market. But, for ordinary Iranians, all that oil wealth does not seem to be trickling down.

Inflation eats away at wages. Secure, full-time jobs are hard to come by. Unemployment is officially standing at 15% and, according to most economists, is probably higher.

In the capital, Tehran, and other major cities, housing has become unaffordable for young couples without affluent parents. Teachers, and workers in the state car industry, have launched strike action over low wages in recent months. The gap between rich and poor is steadily increasing, even according to cautious government estimates.

Sensing public frustration, conservative commentators speak about the need for social justice and a fight against corruption.

"We want to use social welfare measures and also proceed with privatisation plans, so the gap between rich and poor does not increase," said Amir Mohebian, a pragmatic voice among the conservatives, who writes for the daily newspaper Resalaat.

To address Iran's economic problems, the conservatives would have to make painful choices and take on vested interests that profit from the mercantile system.

No government has been willing to take the decision to shut down enterprises employing large numbers of workers, or to confront the powerful bonyads that have close ties to the ruling clergy. Previous attempts to wean Iran from its dependence on oil exports have failed.

During the early 90s, former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani recruited western-educated technocrats and set out ambitious plans for economic liberalisation. The reforms ended in half-measures and debt, with the bazaar merchant class firmly entrenched in monopolies and cronyism.

If fundamental reform seems unlikely, the regime may instead use the cash generated from higher oil revenues as a way of softening the effects of inflation through subsidies.

Such measures won't bring prosperity, but they might defuse tensions among the majority of Iranians, whose wages are outstripped by inflation.

On the ideological front, the regime has decided to turn a blind eye to violations of the Islamic dress code and rules that discourage mingling with the opposite sex. State television now shows Hollywood films alongside religious and ideological programming, with glamorous foreign women appearing without the veil.

Hamid Reza Taraqi, a leading member of the conservative Motalefeh party, said that CDs not completely in line with Islam have been allowed, and restrictions on how young people dress have been adjusted.

"We have provided normal freedoms in society and in the university environment for youth to express their mentality and worth in the way they dress, the way they wear their hair and also the kind of [social] relations they have," he said.

Such comments illustrate how the conservatives seem ready to abandon aspects of the ideology of the 1979 Islamic revolution to stay in power, and to co-opt the reformist agenda when convenient.

Hardline ideologues, who favour a strict interpretation of Islamic Sharia law, oppose moves to mollify the younger generation and worry about Iran taking a conciliatory stance towards former adversaries, both in the region and in the west.

Last October, they were incensed the leadership backed down and agreed to intrusive UN inspections of Iran's nuclear sites.

"If the system wants to rationalise and improve its image, then it means marginalising these hardliners," one Iranian analyst, who asked not to be named, said. "But there would be consequences for that."

Conflict between so-called "pragmatists" and the more ideological elements of the conservative establishment will increasingly emerge over economic reforms, social freedom and foreign policy.

Less than a week after the election, the head of the judiciary, Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi-Shahrudi, called for the creation of a new government office to combat "vice".

The comment, made on state media, seemed to hint at a revival of the notorious "komiteh" morals police that once patrolled the streets, enforcing strict Islamic dress codes.

The judicial chief's remarks were quickly buried, and the conservative press ignored the suggestion - a sign, perhaps, that the regime wanted to avoid antagonising Iranians over social restrictions.

While it has moved to stifle democracy activists, and keeps dozens of political dissidents in jail, no one expects the theocratic leadership to turn the clock back to the severe repression that followed the 1979 revolution.

Instead, Iran may be entering an era of stagnation, in which political opposition remains disorganised and oil wealth keeps the economy afloat.

Still reeling from their defeat, the reformists are debating the way forward. The more strident among them are considering forming a unified "front" that would openly advocate a secular state without superior authority invested in the Shia clergy.

One prominent student leader, Mehid Aminizadeh, of the Office to Foster Unity, said that the reformists never had a clear idea of what they were striving for. "This is the time for thought, contemplation and reconstruction," he said.

"Doc I have just got a report from a German based Persian Language website http://www.iran-emrooz.de discussing the role of the terrorist Mullahs of Iran in the recent Iraq unrests. The original article was also published in Al-Hayyat Arabic paper.

I am going to translate some of it here for the readers of your thread;

The Mullahs were fast to recognize interim governing council of Iraq but that doesn't mean they wanted to help Iraqis and the coalition forces.

Their favorite in Iraq is to see the quick defeat of the USA and stop rebuilding a country.

There is nothing more dangerous than victory of the US to the Mad Mullahs of Tehran and that is why they try their best to increase the casualties of the coalition forces in Iraq.

And the latest blocking of the border crossing points and decrease the number of the points from 19 to 3 shows that the US officials and Iraqi security services know better than all of us about the role of Iran in Iraq.

This website adds, American founds evidences about the role of the Iranian Charge D' Affair in Iraqi Capital.

This man, named Hossein Kazemi, is not just a diplomat. He is a former IRGC Intel officer who has personal connections with Lebanese Hizbollah and Palestinian Hamas.

He is the mediator of Hamas and Hizbollah with Moqtada Sadr.

The paper continues that This Iranian former officer will be expelled from Iraq as soon as possible.

Charge D' affair of the Iranian Embassy in Baghdad is also responsible for the attacks on US forces in Falujah in the past days.

He organizes a mission named "Sword" to prepare safe houses and weapons for foreign and internal terrorists inside Iraq.

Iran has already given $ 49 milion to Sadr and his deputies to increase their power in more than 800 mosques and some poor shiite regions.

The evidences of the aboved events are in hands of Kurdish forces and they handed these documents to American authorities in Baghdad.

Iran hasn't yet said about the arrest of its Charge D'Affair in Baghdad.

We have to wait for more bloodshed in Iraq in the days ahead."

15
posted on 04/06/2004 8:44:06 AM PDT
by DoctorZIn
(Until they are Free, "We shall all be Iranians!")

Holy Najaf, April 6 (IranMania) -- According to Iran's State News Agency (IRNA) an Iranian pilgrim got killed in Sunday chaotic conditions of Kufa due to the arrest of the head of the office of Iraqi prominent cleric Moqtada Sadr by Spanish forces.

The unrest between Sadr's followers and the occupier forces was meanwhile due to the ban on publication of Sadr's weekly publication by the civilian US administrator of Iraq, Paul Bremer.

One of the officials of the Iranian Hajj and Pilgrimage Affairs Organization, Hamid Farshadi, told IRNA on Monday night that Ms. Pour-Kouhi, from Deyr Township of the Bushehr Province, was unfortunately shot dead in Kufa`s Sunday unrest.

The official added, "The deceased Iranian pilgrim's body will be kept at Najaf's City Hospital before burial, either in Najaf, or being transferred to Iran, depending on her relatives' decision."

It is also said that two other Iranian pilgrims were wounded in Sunday chaotic conditions of various Iraqi cities, but IRNA could not get any more specifications about them in contacts with concerned Iranian and Iraqi officials and hospitals here.

Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid-Reza Asefi deplored the deaths or injuries among a large number of Iraqi nationals. Foreign Ministry Information and Press Department quoted Asefi as saying that the the occupying forces are responsible for continued ongoing unrest in Iraq and presence of the occupiers in Iraq has caused growing insecurity and chaos in the country.

Asefi called for speedy pullout of the occupying forces from Iraq and full transfer of power to the people. The campaign of violence by the Shiite radicals raised serious alarm for coalition troops who were initially welcomed by Iraq`s majority community after years of vicious rule by Saddam Hussein's Sunni-dominated regime.

Already burdened by a Sunni insurgency, a full revolt among the country's 15 million-plus Shi'as would be disastrous for the Iraqi ation and the occupiers alike. A coalition spokesman revealed Monday an arrest warrant was in force against Sadr for the murder of a rival cleric, Abdel Majid al-Khoei, last April, days after the fall of Saddam.

Aides of the anti-coalition cleric, who is currently barricaded in a mosque in the Shi'a shrine city of Kufa, vowed that he would never be captured. Apache helicopters fired on Sadr`s Mehdi Army militiamen during fierce battles in the western Baghdad district of Al-Showla Monday.

"There is only one God and America is the enemy of Allah," chanted the crowds in different Iraqi cities on Sunday and Monday. Hospital officials in Baghdad said that 22 Iraqis were killed and 85 wounded Sunday. The US military said it lost eight men in the violence as its forces were besieged by anywhere between 500 and 1,000 men.

The fighting was the worst to erupt in Baghdad since US troops entered the capital last April. The coalition's civil administrator, Paul Bremer, declared Sadr an outlaw and pledged that US forces would stop his power grab.

TEHRAN, April 6 (Xinhuanet) -- International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Mohamed ElBaradei arrived here early Tuesday with a warning that Iran needs to prove it was not seekingto develop nuclear weapons.

"We need to satisfy ourselves there are no undeclared nuclear activities in Iran," said the head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog in Vienna before leaving for Tehran.

ElBaradei is expected to meet with Iranian President Mohammad Khatami, Chief of Iran's Supreme National Security Council Hassan Rowhani and Gholam Reza Aghazadeh, vice president and chairman of Iran's Nuclear Energy Organization.

ElBaradei told reporters at IAEA headquarters in Vienna that hewould address two key issues with top Iranian officials: origin oftraces of enriched uranium found in the country, and an advanced P-2 uranium-enrichment centrifuge, capable of making bomb-grade uranium.

"The international probe into Iran's nuclear program cannot go no forever. I and the international community would like to bring the issue a conclusion," he said.

The IAEA chief also said he would make it clear that "restoringand accelerating cooperation is in the interests of everyone."

Repeatedly denying charges that it was developing a secret nuclear program, Iran agreed last year to submit to tougher IAEA inspections and suspend all enrichment-related activities.

ElBaradei said last month's resolution by the IAEA's 35-member board of governors, which censured Iran for hiding sensitive nuclear activities, showed the board had become "a little bit impatient" and that they would like to see progress.

Iran suspended IAEA inspections on March 14 in protest of the IAEA resolution. However, it reversed the decision the next day and allowed UN inspectors to return to Iran on March 27. Enditem

TEHRAN -- The head of the United Nations' atomic energy watchdog, Mohamed ElBaradei, arrived in Iran with a warning to the Islamic republic's clerical leaders that they were failing to ease suspicions that the country was seeking to develop nuclear weapons.

On his arrival, ElBaradei was asked by an Iranian journalist why he needed to visit when Iran had cooperated with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), to which he bluntly replied: "I think that does not necessarily reflect the facts."

"This is not a political issue, this is a technical issue," he added. He comment was an apparent dismissal of Iranian allegations that the IAEA was putting pressure on the Islamic republic because of lobbying by Tehran's arch-enemy, the United States.

The United States accuses Iran of using its atomic energy program as a cover for the secret development of nuclear weapons, a charge angrily denied by Tehran which insists it is only interested in producing electricity.

"I would like to close the issue tomorrow, if not today, but there are outstanding issues," ElBaradei said.

The IAEA director general told reporters accompanying him on his one-day visit that the 35-member board of governors of his Vienna-based anti-proliferation agency had become "impatient with Iran's cooperation".

The international probe into Iran's program "cannot go on forever. We have to discuss how to accelerate cooperation," he said. "We need to satisfy ourselves there are no undeclared nuclear activities in Iran."

ElBaradei said he "would like to make clear in my visit that restoring and accelerating cooperation is in the interests of everybody."

Later Tuesday was due to hold talks ElBaradei with President Mohammad Khatami, top national security official Hassan Rowhani -- the regime's point-man on the nuclear issue -- and the head of the national atomic energy body Gholam Reza Aghazadeh.

In a deal with the IAEA brokered by Britain, France and Germany in October last year, Iran agreed to make a full declaration of its nuclear activities, allow tougher IAEA inspections and suspend uranium enrichment-related activities.

But since then, inspectors have found undeclared designs for advanced P-2 centrifuges -- which can enrich uranium to weapons-grade -- and Iran also threatened to cut off cooperation altogether after such omissions from its declaration were condemned in Vienna.

In addition, Iran announced last week that it was resuming work at a uranium conversion facility in the central city of Isfahan, a key part of the sensitive nuclear fuel cycle that covers the early stages of uranium conversion before it is enriched.

Iran insists that does not violate its suspension, but the move has been criticised by the EU's big-three as likely to further damage confidence.

But an Iranian official greeting ElBaradei said he hoped the visit would manage to clear up the problems.

"We hope that all the outstanding issues will be sorted out, except the problem of contamination is a complicated problem," said Amir Hossein Zamani-Nia, director general at the Iranian foreign ministry for international political affairs.

A major question dogging the IAEA is how to account for traces of bomb-grade uranium found here. Iran says the traces came into the country on equipment bought on the black market from Pakistan, but the IAEA has yet to take samples in Pakistan to verify Iran's assertion.

"There are matters outside our control," Zamani-Nia told reporters. "But Iran has given all the information."

ElBaradei said earlier that no date had yet to be set for Pakistan -- a nuclear power -- to allow IAEA inspectors in to the country to carry out the so-called "environmental sampling" to compare certain key components with those sold on the international black market to Iran.

The next IAEA board meeting is in June, and Iran risks being declared in breach of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and find its dossier on the desk of the UN Security Council -- which in turn could choose to impose punishing sanctions.

Zamani-Nia, however, said Iran was more optimistic.

"We hope that after the June meeting, the question of Iran will no longer be on the agenda of the IAEA board of governors," he said.

TEHRAN -- The head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog meets President Mohammad Khatami and other Iranian officials in Tehran on Tuesday for talks he hopes will lead to better cooperation to prove Iran is not seeking atomic weapons.

"Iran has been actively cooperating, but I sense some slowdown in the process," Mohamed ElBaradei told reporters in Frankfurt on Monday before flying to Iran.

"Basically, I would like to discuss with our Iranian counterparts how to get accelerated cooperation," said ElBaradei, head of the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Hardline commentator Hossein Shariatmadari, appointed editor of the conservative daily Kayhan by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said any hope of a positive result from the meetings was "wishful thinking."

He wrote in the Siyasat-e Rouz newspaper that Tehran should set the IAEA a deadline to close its case and should follow North Korea in pulling out of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) if inspectors wanted to continue beyond that date.

The United States accuses Iran of pursuing a nuclear weapons program, but Tehran says its nuclear ambitions are confined to generating electricity.

Iran promised Britain, France and Germany last October it would suspend uranium enrichment and accept snap atomic checks.

If enriched to a low level, uranium can be used to fuel nuclear power stations. But if enriched further, to weapons grade, it can be used in warheads.

Last year the IAEA reported finding traces of weapons-grade uranium at the Natanz enrichment plant and a workshop at the Kalaye Electric Company.

A Western diplomat told Reuters last week on condition of anonymity that highly enriched uranium had been found at other sites. Several other diplomats said the same.

But ElBaradei denied this report, saying he had not heard that the IAEA had found traces of enriched uranium in Iran at sites other than the two already named. "We haven't seen or heard anything about new contamination," ElBaradei said.

PRESSURE ON IRAN

Last month, the IAEA passed a resolution deploring Iran's failure to declare potential arms-related activities. Iran initially blocked U.N. inspectors after the resolution but said on Sunday a new team would arrive in two weeks.

Hawks in Washington are trying to get the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on Iran for breaching IAEA commitments.

During his talks in Tehran, ElBaradei is expected to focus on Iran's omissions of key atomic technology from an October statement that included undeclared research on advanced "P2" centrifuges that can make bomb-grade uranium.

"It is in the interests of Iran to show from now until June maximum transparency, maximum accelerated cooperation," he said.

The IAEA's board of governors meets in June when it will issue a fresh report on the status of inspections in Iran.

On Sunday, Iran said it had no nuclear sites hidden from U.N. inspectors.

A group of Western diplomats who follow the IAEA had said recent intelligence has prompted suspicion Iran had not stopped enriching uranium but had moved enrichment activities to smaller sites out of view from the United Nations.

"We haven't seen any indication, nor have we got any information that they have been moving (enrichment activities)," said ElBaradei.

Influential Shia leaders in the Middle East criticised the US for continued instability in Iraq. However, they stopped well short of endorsing the young radical Shia cleric, Moqtada al-Sadr, whose forces clashed with coalition forces for the second day on Monday.

"The direct responsibility for this insecurity lies with the occupiers who should immediately leave Iraq and return sovereignty to the Iraqi nation," said Hamid Reza Asefi, the Iranian foreign ministry spokesman, in his weekly press briefing.

Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah, Lebanon's most influential Shia cleric, denounced the "horrible massacres" committed by US forces while also calling on Iraqis to exercise restraint in any response.

In Iran, television showed graphic clips from both Baghdad and Najaf, but described them calmly as "clashes between demonstrators and occupiers".

Iran's state-owned media has generally portrayed events in neighbouring Iraq as a result of US insensitivity and has stopped short of endorsing Mr Sadr.

Tehran has links with most Iraqi political leaders, including Mr Sadr, but its closest relationship is with the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. Its leader, Abdulaziz Hakim, sits on the interim Governing Council which opposes Mr Sadr's militia.

On Sunday, Abdolvahed Mousavi Lari, Iran's interior minister, stressed that the "return of security and stability in Iraq" was in the interests of all its neighbours, and called for a greater UN role "to enable the Iraqi nation to exercise its legitimate rights".

In meetings with Nouri Badran, the Iraqi interim interior minister who is on a four-day visit to Tehran, Mr Lari agreed the importance of ending unauthorised migration over the countries' shared 1,500km border.

At least 40 Iranian pilgrims were killed in last month's bombing of Shia shrines in Karbala and Baghdad.

The next few days in Iraq may be the most critical since President Bush ordered the invasion a year ago. Millions of Iraqis, and millions of Americans, are waiting to see if the U.S. is still fighting in Iraq to win.

Marines were digging in around Fallujah yesterday, in anticipation of a military response to last week's mutilation of four U.S. civilians in that part of the Sunni Triangle. Meanwhile, the coalition announced that an Iraqi judge had issued a murder arrest warrant for the Shiite Muslim cleric, Muqtada al-Sadr, who ordered the riots on Sunday that resulted in the deaths of eight Americans and a Salvadoran. If Mr. Bush fails to show that there is a price to pay for killing Americans, he might as well bring everyone home today.

Americans will support their President in war -- far more than liberal elites appreciate. But they won't support a President who isn't fighting with enough force and the right strategy to prevail. Unlike Mr. Bush's determination to topple Saddam Hussein, the transition back to Iraqi rule has been marked in recent months by drift and indecision. Especially in the runup to the transfer of power on June 30, the worst Iraqis are rushing in to exploit this uncertainty.

What's needed now is a reassertion of U.S. resolve, notably on security but also on the transition to Iraqi sovereignty, and even if it means no drawdown of American forces any time soon. The coalition had hoped to turn over more of this task to Iraqis, and this remains both desirable and inevitable. But they clearly aren't yet up to that task in the face of well-armed insurgents or private militias.

Partly this is America's fault for not arming Iraqis on our side with enough firepower soon enough. The State Department (rather than the Pentagon) is responsible for disbursing the small arms that are now available, while Congress's desire to micromanage Defense procurement has delayed contracts from being let for more and better equipment. If Senate soundbite kibbitzers Richard Lugar and Joe Biden want to be constructive, this is a problem they could work on. In the meantime, U.S. forces will have to re-enter such cities and towns as Fallujah and work with Iraqis friendly to the coalition to restore order and kill or arrest those who target Americans.

This has to include Mr. Sadr. The young cleric has been stirring trouble for months, but with Sunday's riots he has crossed a line that makes him an urgent threat to the coalition and any new Iraqi government. Yesterday's judicial warrant implicates him in the mob slaying of another Shiite leader, the moderate Abdel-Majid al-Khoei, shortly after he had returned to Najaf from exile in London in April 2003.

Unlike Grand Ayatollah Sistani, Mr. Sadr never mentions the word "democracy" in his fatwas and talks openly of creating an Iranian-style Islamic Republic in Iraq. Mr. Sadr has visited Tehran since the fall of Saddam, and his Mahdi militia is almost certainly financed and trained by Iranians. Revolutionary Guards may be instigating some of the current unrest. As recently as last Friday, Mr. Sadr declared that "I am the beating arm for Hezbollah and Hamas here in Iraq." Hezbollah has been financed by Iran for years.

Having let Mr. Sadr's militia grow, the coalition now has no choice but to break it up. It should also warn the Dawa Islamic political party that its dealings with Iran won't be tolerated. As for Tehran, we would hope the Sadr uprising puts to rest the illusion that the mullahs can be appeased. As Bernard Lewis teaches, Middle Eastern leaders interpret American restraint as weakness. Iran's mullahs fear a Muslim democracy in Iraq because it is a direct threat to their own rule. If warnings to Tehran from Washington don't impress them, perhaps some cruise missiles aimed at the Bushehr nuclear site will concentrate their minds.

Proof of U.S. resolve is especially important as the transfer of sovereignty on June 30 nears. Millions of Iraqis are grateful for their liberation from Saddam and are willing to help us finish the job. But too many Iraqis already suspect that June 30 has more to do with our elections than with theirs. If they now see the U.S. failing to respond forcefully to the past week's unrest, they will conclude that the Americans are preparing to leave. Then the mayhem and jockeying for power will only get worse.

Yesterday, Mr. Bush reiterated his support for the June 30 transfer. But the timing is less important than the fact that the U.S. still has no plan for what will happen on that date. The current non-plan is for U.S. regent L. Paul Bremer to toss the ball to U.N. envoy Lakhdar Brahimi and hope he can figure it out.

With elections put off for some months anyway, the default transfer plan will probably involve retaining the Iraqi Governing Council in some form. The coalition is better off doing this on its own and leaving the U.N. out of it. It isn't as if Kofi Annan is offering any troops, and Mr. Brahimi -- a Sunni Arab nationalist close to nations that coddled Saddam -- makes Shiites nervous. This latest Bush Administration dance with the U.N. is just one more signal to many Iraqis that the U.S. is eager to get out.

While we're at it, Mr. Bush can send an important signal with his choice of who should succeed Mr. Bremer as U.S. ambassador to Iraq. The worst choice would be a career diplomat. We'd recommend Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy Defense secretary, who has his own reputational stake in Iraq's success and would be seen by Iraqis as someone committed for the long haul. He also wouldn't need on-the-job training. Rudy Giuliani would also be a serious choice.

We trust that Mr. Bush knows that his reaction to Fallujah and Mr. Sadr matters far more to his re-election prospects than does Richard Clarke's book tour. Americans realize that the current 20-20 Beltway hindsight over 9/11 is mostly political. But they also know that Iraq was Mr. Bush's undertaking, and they will hold him responsible for any failure of will.

GENEVA -- The U.N. refugee agency said Tuesday that spiraling violence and other security threats had forced it temporarily to halt the return of Iraqi exiles from Iran.

"This is a worrisome development. But we hope it will be resolved quickly," said Peter Kessler, a spokesman for the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees. The agency has been running convoys three times a week from Iran to the southern city of Basra for Iraqis who have chosen to go home.

Monday, Basra and nearby Amarah were the scenes of clashes between U.K. troops and Shiite militiamen. Shiites who seized the governor's office in Basra and traded fire with U.K. forces.

Although UNHCR is able to truck refugees as far as Basra, Kessler said local transporters who take the exiles onward to their homes are refusing to carry passengers beyond the city, fearing hijacking and harassment at checkpoints set up by militiamen. This has caused a bottleneck in UNHCR's Basra transit center, which is too small to house large groups of stranded returnees, he said.

Citing continuing insecurity since the fall of Saddam Hussein a year ago, UNHCR hasn't launched a large-scale refugee return program for Iraqis. Last month, the agency reiterated that governments shouldn't send rejected asylum seekers back to Iraq because of the dangers they may face.

However, many who fled Saddam's regime are eager to go home and UNHCR tries to help anyone who expresses a clear wish to return to Iraq.

Kessler said some 202,000 Iraqis were living as refugees in Iran before Saddam's ouster. Most were Shiites who fled during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s or amid Saddam's crackdown in southern Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War.

UNHCR has helped 10,000 go home to the south - 5,000 from Iran and the rest from Saudi Arabia and Lebanon.

Many more are believed to have gone back to Iraq on their own, Kessler said. Local authorities in southern Iraq have registered 120,000 people in a food aid program for returning exiles.

Kessler said security problems also were hampering UNHCR's attempts to help rebuild the communities to which the refugees return - including villages in three southern provinces hit by recent flooding.

"Despite the enormous humanitarian needs, agencies are increasingly working to keep their profiles as discreet as possible," he said. "This is seriously affecting the amount of assistance that can be provided."

U.N. aid operations have been run by local staff and non-U.N. aid organizations since the global body withdrew its foreign employees after a deadly bomb attack on its Baghdad headquarters last August.

Last night Jews all around the world sat around their Seder tables to celebrate Passover, which marks the Jews' liberation from their bondage in Egypt more than 3,000 years ago. It is thus timely to tell another story of innocents held captive, one that has lasted far too long, and that now must come to an end: the story of the eleven Iranian Jewish hostages in Iran.

In the years since Islamic extremists took over Iran (with the blessing of the Carter administration), the number of Jews there has dropped from 100,000 to 20,000. Nowadays, Iranian Jews are accused daily of being spies for Israel and the United States (as in the case of the "Shiraz 13" in 1999). Government-controlled newspapers point fingers at Jews, claiming they use the blood of young Muslim children to make their Passover matzos. Jews are scapegoated for poisoning the water supply, bringing AIDS into Iran, and all the other social maladies plaguing the Islamic Republic.

In the 1980s and 1990s many Jewish refugees were forced to flee Iran by foot through the dangerous borders of Turkey and Pakistan to seek haven in the United States, Israel, and other countries that would accept them. Such was the situation of four groups of Jews who attempted to flee Iran between 1994 and 1997 by crossing the Iranian border with Pakistan. These eleven Iranian Jews never made it to the other side: They were detained by the Islamic Republic's goons. And their story has never been fully told.

From 1995 to 1999, the cries of the families of these eleven hostages were stifled by Iranian Jewish groups with suspicious connections to the Islamic regime. These organizations counseled the families to remain silent so that they could better engage in "quiet diplomacy." It was only in 1999  when my colleagues and I started a worldwide campaign to save the lives of the Shiraz Jews  that we discovered that the U.S. government and major American Jewish organizations such as the Simon Wiesenthal Center had not even been notified of this human tragedy. (It was only in 2002 that the State Department was convinved to include this matter in its annual human-rights report on Iran.)

No concrete action or step has been taken by any government or international human-rights organization to give these Jews their freedom. Information from various sources suggests that several (if not all) of these hostages are being kept in private prisons under the control of the Revolutionary Guard Corps (the same group that has purportedly sheltered bin Laden's son and other al Qaeda terrorists), so that they may some day be traded for one of the Islamic Republic's terrorist comrades.

The despicable behavior of the Iranian regime toward its own citizens must come to an end. The Simon Wiesenthal Center has joined our campaign to publicize the plight of Iranian Jewish hostages. You can sign various petitions to join the fight to free these Iranian Jews. I hope that you will also join the more important struggle to win freedom for all Iranians held hostage by their Islamic regime.

Iranian mullahs: Let my people go.

 Pooya Dayanim is the president of the U.S.-based Iranian Jewish Public Affairs Committee.

TEHRAN - Tehran made yet another promise Tuesday to rein in its nuclear program, and the visiting chief U.N. weapons inspector said he had received assurances Iran knows it has to step up cooperation with his agency.

Mohamed ElBaradei's trip to Iran came amid indications of continued nuclear cover-ups and signs that even previously reluctant U.S. allies were moving closer to the United States' view that Tehran should be penalized.

Appearing at a news conference with ElBaradei, Gholamreza Aghazadeh, head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, said the country would "voluntarily" suspend its centrifuge work starting April 9. That appeared to contradict a March 29 announcement from Iran that it already had stopped building centrifuges for uranium enrichment. Such ambiguities are among the reasons the international community views Iran's nuclear ambitions with increasing skepticism. Iran insists its nuclear program is peaceful.

Iran wants as quickly as possible "to bring this case to a close," Aghazadeh said Tuesday.

ElBaradei, who arrived early Tuesday, welcomed Aghazadeh's announcement on centrifuges and said a new team of inspectors would come to Tehran on April 12 to verify that all uranium enrichment activities had stopped.

"We agreed that we need to accelerate the process of cooperation," ElBaradei said. "Mr. Aghazadeh committed that Iran will do everything possible to accelerate the process of resolving the outstanding issues. I hope during the course of my visit that we can develop an action plan that can have a timeline."

Aghazadeh said he expected Iran's nuclear dossier would be closed by June, at the next meeting of the IAEA's board of governors.

"We will do our best (for) ... our relationship with the agency to be normalized," he said.

ElBaradei , who was to return to Vienna on Wednesday, said he would address two key points with top Iranian officials: the origins of traces of highly enriched uranium found in the country, and details on Iran's advanced P-2 centrifuges  equipment that could be used to enrich uranium for use in a weapon.

Vienna-based diplomats familiar with the IAEA's activities in Iran, where experts have been examining nuclear sites and programs for signs of past and present weapons ambitions, said there is lingering doubt about whether Iran is revealing all of its activities.

Iran says its nuclear program is geared only toward producing electricity. The United States and other nations contend it masks a covert effort to build a nuclear weapon, and an IAEA resolution last month censured Iran for hiding suspicious activities.

ElBaradei said last month's resolution showed that the board is "getting a little bit impatient and they would like to see progress."

On Sunday, Iran denied it has hidden any nuclear facilities by shifting them to easier-to-conceal sites.

Iranian officials were responding to alleged intelligence from the United States and an unnamed country suggesting that within the past year, Iran had moved nuclear enrichment programs to less detectable locations.

ElBaradei said last month that Iran has much to do before the IAEA can declare Tehran's nuclear program peaceful.

Iran's nuclear ambitions first came under international scrutiny last year, when the IAEA discovered that Tehran had not disclosed large-scale efforts to enrich uranium, which can be used in nuclear warheads. Finds of traces of weapons-grade uranium and evidence of suspicious experiments heightened concerns.

Critics say that Iran since has reneged on commitments to win international trust  such as a promise to suspend enrichment  as IAEA inspectors have discovered new evidence of past experiments that could be used to develop weapons.

"There is a growing feeling that the Iranians are playing games instead of honoring pledges of full disclosure," one diplomat said Monday, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Adding to the skepticism was Iran's announcement last month that it inaugurated a uranium conversion facility in Isfahan, 155 miles south of Tehran, to process uranium ore into gas  a crucial step before uranium enrichment.

Iran insists the move does not contravene its pledge to suspend enrichment. But Britain, France and Germany  which have blunted past U.S. attempts to come down hard on Iran  were critical. They said the Isfahan plant sent the wrong signal.

Last year, the three secured Iran's agreement to suspend enrichment and cooperate with the IAEA in exchange for promised access to western technology. They have stymied U.S. attempts to have Tehran brought before the U.N. Security Council for allegedly violating the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

Iraq's leading Shia cleric, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, struggled yesterday to retain his relevance as his call for a peaceful transition to a democratic sovereign Iraq is overtaken by a violent bid for control of southern Iraq by Moqtada al-Sadr, the young firebrand preacher.

Yesterday Mr Sistani, a 74-year-old recluse, appealed for calm, calling on Mr Sadr's followers to exercise self-restraint, while denouncing "provocation" by US troops.

"Ayatollah Sistani does not support blood-letting and heated gatherings in the streets, but he supports the freedom of speech and the right to express one's opinion publicly as long as it is logical," said Mohammed Haqqani, a Najaf-based adviser to Mr Sistani.

Until now, millions of Iraq's Shias who make up Iraq's urban poor have recognised Mr Sistani as their paramount spiritual guide, but sympathise increasingly with the radical way of Mr Sadr. Now they are faced with the dilemma of whom to follow.

The power struggle risks breaking what until now have been the relatively united ranks of the country's Shia majority. The Shia Islamic parties in the Governing Council who depend on Mr Sistani for legitimacy appealed for an immediate cessation of violence.

"Confrontation is rejected by the religious authorities, Al-Hawza [the Shia religious seminary led by Mr Sistani, a name also claimed by Mr Sadr] and the Governing Council," said Sadr al-Din al-Qabbanji, a Najaf-based official with the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, an Iranian-backed party represented on the Governing Council.

But television broadcasts from outside Iraq portrayed the uprising as already shifting in Mr Sadr's favour. Hizbullah television's al-Manar claimed that Mr Sadr's militias in conjunction with local tribes had taken over government buildings in Kut and in Nasiriyah, saying Ukrainian and Italian forces had pulled out of the town.

"The struggle of Islam is bigger than Sistani and bigger than Sadr," said a militiaman in Mr Sadr's Mahdi's Army. "Sistani has no choice but to support Mr Sadr's struggle."

As events threaten to spin out of control, Mr Sistani's appeal for US administrator Paul Bremer to amend the Transitional Administrative Law seems almost prosaic.

Mr Sistani's posters appealing for the amendments are plastered across government offices, but he is rarely seen in Sadr City, and other strongholds of Mr Sadr.

In an apparent effort to retain his constituency, in recent weeks Mr Sistani began issuing increasingly critical statements against the US-led transition. But he has failed to shrug off accusation from Mr Sadr's more radical acolytes that he is providing the cover for the US occupation of Iraq.

They accuse Mr Sistani of deflating an uprising against Saddam Hussein which followed the 1999 assassination of Mr Sadr's father, Ayatollah Mohammed Sadeq al-Sadr, a long-standing rival of Mr Sistani's, by refusing to bless the insurrection. Mr Sistani will not be allowed to spoil their revolt a second time, they say.

Mr Sadr's father had aspired to create a theocracy based on Wilyat al-Faqih, or governance of the cleric, similar to the political ideology which the Iranian Ayatollah, Ruhollah Khomeini, coined during his studies in Najaf and applied in Iran. Like Khomeini, he named himself as the Wali al-Faqih shortly before he was killed.

Mr Sistani opposes the Shia clergy assuming a direct political role in the state, a theology he calls Wilaya Juziya, or limited authority.

April 6, 2004 -- SUNDAY'S deadly riots look like the worst nightmare of Iraqis coming true: a Shiite uprising that could trigger not only a clash with the forces of occupation but also a civil war in the newly liberated country.

There is no doubt that the recently created Iraqi police force and the Coalition troops were taken by surprise, giving the armed rioters an initial advantage. For a few hours, parts of the affected cities looked like war zones.

But take a deep breath: This is not the start of the much-predicted Iraqi civil war.

The riots were orchestrated by a group led by Muqtada al-Sadr, a 30-year-old cleric nicknamed by his friends as "al-qunbulah" (the bomb). Sadr hails from one of the seven clans who have led Iraq's Shiite community for two centuries. He was propelled to the top of the clan's pyramid when most of its senior members, including his father and uncle, were murdered by Saddam Hussein or driven into exile.

But Muqtada is too young to claim the coveted theological title of "Marjaa al-Taqlid" (Source of Emulation) for himself. Nor can he circumvent the two dozen or so senior ayatollahs who dominate the Shiite seminaries throughout Iraq. He is, therefore, trying to make up for his lack of theological gravitas by flexing his political muscles.

To play a political role, Sadr needs a role in the script written by the Coalition Provisional Authority. But Sadr has been excluded from that script and almost forced to act as a loose cannon. Last year, when the Iraqi Governing Council was being set up, Sadr at first excluded himself because he believed he could seize control of the Shiite heartland and present the Coalition with a fait accompli. When he realized that this wouldn't happen, he sought a place in the council. But those who had already joined refused to have him, and the Coalition sided with them.

Yet the Coalition meanwhile turned a blind eye while Sadr raised an army of almost 5,000 men and turned parts of northern Baghdad into no-go areas for the new Iraqi police. Sadr has also set up a network of charities, patterned on those created in Lebanon by the Hezbollah, to win support among poor Shiites, especially in Baghdad.

Sadr has received some support from the Lebanese Hezbollah and Iran's ruling mullahs. But it would be wrong to dismiss him as an Iranian stooge or as the local agent of the global Hezbollah movement.

What was Sadr trying to do by organizing the riots? Three things:

1) Position himself as the most uncompromising Shiite leader in dealing with an increasingly unpopular occupation.

Almost all Shiite leaders have allied with the Coalition in exchange for a promise of free elections that would allow the Shiite community, some 60 per cent of the population, to dominate the government. Excluded from this alliance, Sadr is trying to operate in the only area left: opposition to the Coalition.

2) Win the support of all who wish the Americans to fail in Iraq. He is especially keen to persuade Iran to put its chips on him rather than on Ibrahim Jaafari and his Al-Daawah (The Call) Party. But Iran still regards Sadr as a temperamental egomaniac who might not be able to play a major role in a delicate anti-U.S. power play.

3) Perhaps most important: Ward off what he sees as a Coalition plan to dismantle his organization.

In February, a Najaf prosecutor issued arrest warrants for 12 men on charges of planning and carrying out the murder of Abdul Majid Khoei in Najaf in March 2003. Khoei, son of the late Grand Ayatollah Abol-Qassem Khoei, had entered Najaf ahead of the Coalition forces and was trying to wrest away control of the city from the remnants of the Saddamite regime when he was murdered by a mob. The Khoie family have blamed Sadr for the murder. Sadr denies the charge - but his name is on the arrest list issued by the Iraqi prosecutor.

The leak of the list last month was followed by the closure of Sadr's newspaper in Baghdad and by raids on several money-changing shops suspected of channeling funds to Sadr. He may have decided that attack was the best defense and ordered his "Army of the Messianic Guide" into action.

Sadr lacks the strength to disrupt plans for the handover of power to an interim government, but he may produce headlines that neither President Bush nor Prime Minister Tony Blair wants to see - each is coming up on an election.

As one Hassan Nasrallah, a Sadr relative and leader of the Lebanese Hezbollah, succinctly put it: "We may be unable to drive the Americans out of Iraq. But we can drive George W. Bush out of the White House."

What to do with Sadr? He and his intimates must not be allowed to ignore the prosecutor's warrant. While it is not at all certain that Sadr played a role in Khoie's murder, it is important for Iraqi justice to establish the truth. (The balance of evidence as far as I can make out is that Sadr was not involved in the murder.) Last December, Sadr offered to answer questions provided any interrogation took place in his own office. There is no reason why a compromise should be dismissed out of hand.

The decision to shut Sadr's newspaper was ill-advised to say the least, as any move to impose censorship often is. Having made its point, the Coalition should now allow the paper to resume publication.

The broader political picture also needs to be reviewed. Sadr's militia must be disarmed, by force if necessary. But the young mullah and his supporters must also be offered a place in the emerging political spectrum in Iraq ahead of general elections.

Like all who use violence in pursuit of political aims, Sadr knows he would fare badly in any free election. This is why, shut out of the process, he will do all he can to disrupt elections. The best way to counter Sadr and other anti-democratic figures and groups in Iraq is to speed up the electoral process and bring forward the date at which Iraqis will be able to choose their rulers for the first time.

"Last year, the three secured Iran's agreement to suspend enrichment and cooperate with the IAEA in exchange for promised access to western technology"

And now we know how secure that agreement was! Maybe they can get Iran to make another agreement? And another? And eventually get Iran not to attack them with nuclear weapons after the regime's done making them?

33
posted on 04/06/2004 7:01:25 PM PDT
by nuconvert
("America will never be intimidated by thugs and assassins." ( President Bush 3-20-04))

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