In a world with an intellectual history of seven thousand years behind it, where do Pakistanis stand, what are they doing, what do they aspire to be, and what ought they to be doing? This Blog takes Notes of all of that ...

Wednesday, January 2, 2013

The Taliban mindset

In order to secure constitutional protection for Muslims,
the Muslim League argued in separatist language on the basis of a different
religious identity. However, as the Congress would not budge on the issue, the
Muslim League went ahead with its demand for Pakistan.

Thus, the constitutional issue was merged into a religious
issue. Naturally when Pakistan came into being, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah found himself facing a dilemma: the Muslim League had been using the
rhetoric of separate religious identity and now he wanted to make the new
homeland a religiously neutral state as is evident from his speech of August
11, 1947.

That it could not happen, and the controversy lives to this
day, proves that.

Also, that a constitution could not be framed until 1973, or
while a few were framed and enforced, whatever their merit was, they could not
survive, is sufficient to demonstrate the point: transforming the
constitutional issue (especially the right to religious freedom) into a
religious one proved disastrous for the new homeland.

That it provided various elites, including military and
religious, with an excuse to exploit the absence of a constitution to their
benefit is undeniable, and it was they who tried their best to ensure that no
constitution should prevail in Pakistan.

The fundamental rights of the citizens, which found a
mention as far back as in 1928 in the Nehru Report, remained a chimera in Pakistan until
the lawyers’ movement brought them to the streets in 2007. Socialism, populism,
religion, ‘enlightened moderation,’ and a mixture of parasitism and welfarism
completely eclipsed the issue of fundamental rights.

All the politics through the last six decades can be
summarized thus: from the very beginning, a constitutional issue, i.e. the
issue of fundamental rights of individual citizens, was confused with the issue
of state’s control of individual citizens’ lives, i.e. the State’s right to
determine what is best for its citizens including their religion.

Principally, the only point of a constitution is its ability
to protect life and property and fundamental rights of individual citizens.
Also, the State’s control of its individual citizens is a relic of the
monarchical past where instead of law, the ruler was the law, and he acted like
a father or mother taking care of his subjects. When law rules supreme,
however, it means the laws and the State give equal protection to every
citizen’s life, property and fundamental rights. That is why all the attacks on
constitutions first require the suspension of these fundamental rights.

That brings us to two beliefs: that it is right to deprive
others of their natural freedom, and that it is not. Whether those who deprive
others of their freedom also try to control their lives or not is beside the
point: what is important is whether this deprivation is achieved by force or by
(false) law. That such rule of law, ensuring the fundamental rights of each
citizen to live his life as he wished, was missing in Pakistan,
created a vacuum which many groups and parties, religious, sectarian, ethnic
and otherwise, and conglomerations of intellectual, political, business and
military elites rushed to fill. That this vacuum was deliberately kept intact
and prolonged is obvious.

That what is happening around us in Pakistan today
again proves that the nature of the crises is constitutional. It explains the
onslaught of the Taliban as a violent resurrection of that mindset which was
never brought under the constitution nor dealt with constitutionally. The
absence of a constitution, and when we had one, its sheer violation by all
elites, intellectual, religious, political, business, and military,
strengthened that mindset.

Additionally, this mindset was deliberately strengthened by
all the elites to perpetuate their rule and hegemony, and to protect their
parasitism. It was nourished and nurtured and trained at the cost of
constitutional provisions relating especially to fundamental rights and
especially religious freedom.

So, what was sowed by the intellectual, political,
religious, business, and military elites is being reaped mostly by ordinary
citizens in the form of absolute insecurity that threatens their very existence
without any reprieve in sight. This tragedy is deeper than our imagination can
fathom: the number of Hardcore Taliban in Pakistan may well be smaller, as is
repeatedly claimed these days by the political and military elites, at hundreds
or thousands who will be wiped out in months, but who can enumerate the number
of Softcore Taliban living amongst us! The Softcore category can be divided
into active and passive. Religious groups and parties fall into the active,
while the passive are those ordinary citizens who are unaware of their own
Taliban mindset. This passive category openly believes in depriving others of
their freedom and controlling their lives according to its own scheme of
thought. That may be why we see no mass agitation against the Taliban in spite
of their killing us indiscriminately.

[This cartoon was published in The Frontier Post.]

To fight this war we first have to admit that we are in the
midst of an intellectual as well as a real war. The constitution of 1973 should
be the rallying point for all who do not believe in depriving others of their
freedom and who believe in the fundamental rights ensured in that constitution.
Not only will that help us fight both the Hardcore and Softcore Taliban but it
will help bring harmony, peace, stability and happiness to Pakistanis!

The Blogger

The blogger cherishes a cosmopolitan spirit; he is a moralist; a rationalist; a philosopher; a political philosopher; he believes in Classical Liberalism, as a Theory of Conduct.
He has substantially contributed to the founding of the first free market think tank of Pakistan, Alternate Solutions Institute.
He is a writer who wrote / published dozens of articles on a variety of issues, and is author of 4 books.
He wrote / published short-stories in Punjabi, a regional language of Pakistan.
He composes poetry both in Urdu and Punjabi, and has already published one collection.