“Cyprus case should be a learning experience for Kurdish question”

Prof. Dr. Niyazi Kızılyürek is an internationally acknowledged expert on the Cyprus question and currently works in University of Cyprus. Kızılyürek is also known for his activism on the both sides of the island, his contributions to the efforts of confrontation and struggle for peace and reconciliation. We talked to Niyazi Kızılyürek about the recent situation in Cyprus, by way of his new book (“A History of Resentment and Violence: Fight for Status and Ethnic Conflict in Cyprus”) published in Turkey.

Given the
documents that are published in your book for the first time, can we
say that Turkish government's contradictions in terms of the power
groups in Cyprus that was represented by Rauf Denktaş and the
Special Warfare Department of Turkey are the reflections of “the
deep state” in Cyprus?

It
is not a secret that “the deep state” is directly related to
Cyprus. For instance, I remember that Mehmet Ağar said that the deep
state “worked in Cyprus and
Hatay”. Indeed, before the Special Warfare Department and the
Counter-Guerrilla were started to be discussed commonly, the deep
state was already working in Cyprus. Turkish Resistance Organization
(TMT) took up arms and got into the action in 1958. For instance, on
May 1958, leftist Turkish Cypriots had been targeted. And on June 7,
1958, a provocation was staged, which was similar to the one that led
to September 6-7 pogrom in 1955. As a result of TMT's bombing attack
against a Turkish news agency, the attacks against Greek Cypriots had
started and the ethnic conflict between two societies had escalated.
In my book, I lay bare the fact that the bomb was placed by TMT, and
Rauf Denktaş played an important part in this attack. Political
murders didn't ceased after the establishment of Republic of Cyprus.
Ayhan Hikmet and Muzaffer Gürkan, two journalists who were
advocating for the peaceful co-existence of the two societies, were
murdered in 1962. Similarly, Turkish Cypriot Derviş Ali Kavazoğlu,
a syndicalist and member of the communist party AKEL, was murdered in
1965.

There is another
point that should be noted: the Special Warfare Department and TMT
working under it hadn't always been working in concert with Turkish
government and in fact, they were sometimes in conflict with the
government and working in opposition. For instance, between 1960 and
1963, Turkish government was advocating for the survival and rooting
of the Republic of Cyprus and they instructed Emin Dırvana, who was
the ambassador sent to the island, accordingly. However, the Special
Warfare Department, TMT and Rauf Denktaş had been making
counter-propaganda and working for the separation of the island.
Thus, there was a virtual “war” between Emin Dırvana and Rauf
Denktaş.

You say, “The
fight for status in Cyprus is going on through different means.”
What are those different means? And what is the ultimate solution of
this “fight for status”?

I
mean, though arms are no longer (or not for now) a part of this fight
in Cyprus, it goes on diplomatically. Turkish side threatens with use
of force and annexation from time to time and Greek side appeals to
ECHR and carries out negotiations for the resolution of the Cyprus
question. These maneuvers of both sides in the eyes of the
international public opinion can be considered as “the different
means”.

The
ultimate solution should be the one which both sides agree on and
embrace. Given the contemporary conditions, this should be understood
as a federal state which would be founded on the basis of political
equality, containing two regions and societies.

What do you
expect from the ongoing peace negotiations in Cyprus? What is your
predictions?

Compared
to the previous ones, there is considerable progress and agreement in
the current negotiation process. However, it should be noted that
there are important difference of opinion concerning the issues like
territory and security/guarantee. Every one knows that the solution
is only possible with “Land for Peace” formula and this means:
Turkish side should give some parts of the territory seized in 1974
back to Greek side and in turn, Turkish Cypriots should be a part of
the sovereignty and government on the basis of political equality. At
this stage, Greek side accepted the political equality of Turkish
Cypriots and waits for the fulfillment of their request concerning
the territory. Soon, we will see that if it is possible, since the
sides will go abroad for negotiating this issue on November.

Can we say that
the tension between the ethnic groups in Cyprus history, which you
define as “conflict of purposes” and “status concern”, is
similar to the tensions that took place in other regions of Ottoman
territory?

The
ethnic conflict in Cyprus is not exceptional. During my research, I
benefited from the similar instances and the Cyprus experience helps
us to understand the other instances better. If we look at the
clashes in eastern provinces of Ottoman Empire and fights
in Balkans and Caucasus, we can understand that “fight for status”
is an important factor. However, given the current situation, I
believe that thinking through “conflict of purposes” and
especially “fight for status” might provide new insights for
understanding the current condition of Kurdish question in Turkey and
Middle East. In Turkey, the discussions concerning the Kurdish
question had been mainly focusing on the cultural and economic
aspects of the issue until recently and the emotional aspects and the
issue of status had been commonly ignored. If you look at the last 15
years of the Kurdish movement, you can see that the demand for status
is the most important one. I think that Cyprus case should be a
learning experience for Kurdish question. Today, Kurds in Turkey
demand decentralization, local government and constitutional status.
Repressing these demands by violence will create hatred, which will
probably lead to a grueling and blood-soaked future in Turkey and in
the larger region.

“The concept of
resentment can help us to understand the Armenian Genocide better”

Can we use the
concepts of “conflict of purposes” and “status concern” in
Cyprus case for explaining the Armenian Genocide?

I
think there are conceptual propositions in my book that should be
considered in terms of the Armenian Genocide as well. For instance
“violence reshape the societies” and of course the concept of
resentment which I insistently emphasize. I think that the concept of
resentment would help us to understand the aggression and “excessive”
violence of Unionist leaders and Muslims against Ottoman Armenians.
It should also be noted that the annihilation of Armenians amounts to
annihilation of the possibility of demand for status that might come
from Armenian political subjects. However, such analogies should be
used by considering the difference of contexts, political processes
and balance and relation of powers.

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