The Cia In Manila

Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines

By Roland G. Simbulan, Convenor/Coordinator, Manila Studies Program
University of the Philippines(Lecture at the University of the Philippines-Manila, Rizal Hall, Padre Faura,
Manila, August 18, 2000.)

For a long time, Manila has been the main station, if not the regional headquarters, of the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) for Southeast Asia. This is perhaps so because the Philippines has always been regarded as a
stronghold of US imperial power in Asia. Since the Americanized Filipinos were under the spell of American culture,
they were easy to recruit without realizing they were committing treason to their own people and country. And from
the beginning of the 20th century to 1992, there were the US military bases, the mighty symbols and infrastructure
of American power.

CIA human intelligence assets in Manila are said to have provided vital information at crucial times. According to
declassified documents under the Freedom of Information Act, on Sept. 17, 1972, a CIA asset in the Philippines
who was in the inner circle of Marcos informed the CIA station in Manila that Ferdinand Marcos was planning to
proclaim martial law on Sept. 21,1972. The CIA station in Manila was also provided in advance a copy of
Proclamation 1081--the proclamation that declared martial law in the country--and a list of the individuals whom
Marcos planned to arrest and imprison upon the declaration of military rule.

I would like to mention --without going into any conclusions--that, so accurate was the CIA's assessment about the
Sept. 21, 1972 declaration of martial rule that it boosted the prestige of the CIA station in Manila. Upon his
retirement a few years later, Henry Byroade, the American ambassador to Manila when martial law was declared,
was honored by the CIA headquarters in Langley,Virginia--a tribute that is said to be very rarely given to any retiring
ambassador. Also, in 1982, the CIA was able to verify from a high-ranking Philippine immigration officer the names
of the two doctors who visited the Philippines to treat Marcos for kidney failure, giving the CIA a clear picture of
Marcos's health problems.(Richelson, 1999).

It is important to expose US imperialism's clandestine apparatus in the Philippines. If the activities of this sinister
agency are not meticulously documented, there is a tendency to mythologize, or even Hollywood-ize, its notoriety and
crimes against the Filipino people and Philippine national sovereignty. The CIA is the covert overseas intelligence
agency of the United States government and is likewise an "action-oriented " vehicle of American foreign and military
policy. The 1975 Church Committee Report of the US congressional investigations into the CIA's covert activities
abroad revealed how countless foreign governments were overthrown by the CIA; how the CIA instigated a military
coup d'etat and assassinated foreign political leaders like Chilean President Salvador Allende, who merely tried to
safeguard the interests of their own country; and how "special ops" and paramilitary campaigns contributed to the
death, directly or indirectly, of millions of people, as a result of those actions.

The 1974-75 US congressional investigations also uncovered CIA intervention in the domestic politics of target
countries--from the overthrow of governments, attempted assassinations, to subsidies and financial support for the
media, political parties, trade unions, universities and business associations--all designed "to clandestinely influence
foreign governments, events, organizations or persons in support of US foreign policy." (Robinson, 1996;
Richelson,1999). The CIA has gone beyond its original mission of gathering intelligence and was conducting
Mafia-type operations not only in its own territory but against foreign governments and their leaders.

Doing covert action that undermines Philippine national sovereignty and genuine democracy in order to prop up the
tiny pro-US oligarchical minority that has cornered most of the wealth in their poor country is what the CIA is all
about and is the real reason for its existence. It is no longer just the collection and analysis of foreign intelligence
which is officially its mandate under the US National Security Act of 1947 that created the CIA.

The CIA in the Philippines has engaged in countless covert operations for intervention and dirty tricks particularly in
Philippine domestic politics. On top of all this is the US diplomatic mission, especially the political section that is a
favorite cover for many CIA operatives. CIA front companies also provide an additional but convenient layer of cover
for operatives assigned overseas. In general, wherever you find US big business interests (like Coca-Cola, Ford,
Citicorp, United Fruit, Nike, etc.), you also find a very active CIA. But the covers often used are diversified.

Desmond Fitzgerald, for instance, a former CIA chief of station in Manila was said to have fronted as a legitimate
businessman of an American multinational company. Joseph Smith, a top CIA agent assigned to the Philippines in
the early 1960s, posed as a "civilian employee" of the Clark Airforce Base's 13th Air Force Southeast Asia Regional
Survey Unit .On the other hand, CIA operative Gabriel Kaplan's initial cover was really more "civilian"--with the
CIA-created Asia Foundation (formerly the Committee for a Free Asia), then later as resident director of another CIA
creation, the COMPADRE both of which we shall be dealing with more extensively later.

On the other hand, CIA operative David Sternberg fronted as a foreign correspondent for an American newspaper
based in Boston, the Christian Science Monitor, when he assisted Gabriel Kaplan in managing the presidential
campaign of Ramon Magsaysay in the '50s.

The Agency's assets and technical infrastructure in Manila have been drastically affected by the withdrawal of the
bases by 1992 because, before this, the CIA operated jointly with the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) major
listening posts into most of Indochina and southern China. The joint CIA/DIA structure called the Strategic Warning
Staff, is headquartered in the US Department of Defense (Pentagon) and operated a number of similar posts as the
one in Manila. The Manila station includes very sizeable logistical capabilities for a wide range of clandestine
operations against Asian governments.

The loss of the bases in the Philippines was a tremendous blow to the CIA's Asian infrastructure, if not a major
setback. From the mid-50s, the US bases in the Philippines served as operational headquarters for "Operation
Brotherhood" which operated in Indochina under the direct supervision of the CIA's Col. Edward Lansdale and
Lucien Conien, and it involved several Filipinos who were recruited and trained by the CIA. Lansdale was the classic
CIA operative in Southeast Asia who was romanticized in Graham Greene's novel, The Quiet American. Lansdale
was even appointed by former President Ramon Magsaysay as his "military adviser" but was, in fact, his
speechwriter as well, who determined Magsaysay's foreign and military policy. So successful was the CIA in pulling
the strings thru Lansdale that in 1954, a high-level US committee reported that, "American policy in Southeast Asia
was most effectively represented in the Philippines, where any expanded program of Western influence may best be
launched."

Examples of such programs were the Freedom Company of the Philippines, Eastern Construction Co. and
"Operation Brotherhood," which provided "a mechanism to permit the deployment of Filipino personnel in other Asian
countries, for unconventional operations covertly supported by the Philippines." (Shalom, 1986). The CIA also
actively used Philippine territory, particularly Clark Air Base, for the training and launching of operatives and logistics
in the late 1950s, where the US covertly supported dissident Indonesian colonels in the failed armed overthrow of
Indonesian President Sukarno. The CIA then established supply, training and logistical bases on several islands in
the Philippines, including an airstrip in the Tawi-Tawi Island of Sanga-Sanga. A CIA-owned proprietary company,
the Civil Air Transport, was actively used by the CIA from Philippine territory to give direct assistance to Indonesian
military rebel groups attempting to overthrow Indonesian President Sukarno in the late 1950s.

Manila was also the center of operations for the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc., a CIA outfit operating along the
Burma-China border against the People's Republic of China. Using the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. as a front
company, the CIA recruited for this operation in the early 1950s several Filipino aviators who were World War II
veterans, including operatives of the Armed Forces of the Philippines' Military Intelligence Service (MIS) who were
still in active service.

In his memoirs, former Philippine Ambassador to Burma Narciso G. Reyes narrates that one of these Filipino
"undercover" MIS agents posed as the labor attache at the Philippine embassy in Rangoon even before this was
formally established. The Filipino CIA undercover agent was also reporting to the American ambassador to Burma
from whom he was also getting paid! (Reyes, 1995).

Side by side with CIA proprietary companies Civil Air Transport, Sea Supply Co. and Western Enterprises Co., the
agency used Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. in an attempt to invade the People's Republic of China in the early 1950s,
using the mercenary Chinese warlord Gen. Li Mi as leader of the invasion force. After a few skirmishes with the
People's Liberation Army (PLA), Gen. Li Mi later on "retired" and pocketed the US financial and military assistance
for an invasion against China and concentrated on the lucrative opium trade along the Burmese-Thai border.

US military advisers of the Joint US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) and the CIA station in Manila designed and
led the bloody suppression of the nationalist Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB) which was vehemently
opposed to the post-war Parity Rights amendment and the onerous military agreements with the United States. The
CIA's success in crushing the peasant-based Huk rebellion in the 1950s made this operation the model for future
counterinsurgency operations in Vietnam and Latin America. Colonel Lansdale and his Filipino sidekick, Col.
Napoleon Valeriano were later to use their counterguerrilla experience in the Philippines for training covert operatives
in Vietnam and in the US-administered School of the Americas, which trained counterguerrilla assassins for Latin
America. Thus, the Philippines had become the CIA's prototype in successful covert operations and psychological
warfare.

After his stint in the Philippines using propaganda, psywar and deception against the Huk movement, Lansdale was
then assigned in Vietnam to wage military, political and psychological warfare. It was Lansdale's view that the tactics
that he used to solve the problem in the Philippines were applicable to Vietnam. He was wrong. In 1975, after two
decades of protracted warfare, the Vietnamese people defeated the strongest superpower on earth.

The CIA's actions and activities in its Manila station have never been limited to information gathering. Information
gathering is but a part of an offensive strategy to attack, neutralize and undermine any organization, institution,
personality or activity they consider a danger to the stability and power of the United States. The late Senator Claro
M. Recto was believed to have been a victim of the CIA's dirty tricks department because of his staunch crusade
against the US military bases in the Philippines. It is now a well-documented fact that General Ralph B. Lovett, then
the CIA station chief in Manila and the US ambassador, Admiral Raymond A. Spruance, had discussed a plan to
assassinate Recto using a vial of poison. A few years later, Recto was to die mysteriously of heart attack (though he
had no known heart ailment) in Rome after an appointment with two Caucasians in business suits. Before this, the
CIA had made every effort to assure the defeat of Recto in the 1957 presidential election wherein the CIA
manufactured and distributed defective condoms with a label that said, "Courtesy of Claro M. Recto--the People's
Friend." Could it be that Recto was a victim of the CIA's covert operations, or what they call "executive action"
against those perceived as dangerous enemies of the United States?

It was also during the time of Recto and the Huks that the CIA covertly sponsored the Security Training Center as a
"countersubversion, counterguerrilla and psychological warfare school" on the outskirts of Manila. CIA funds
concentrated on the sensitive area of "rural development" and funds were channeled to the National Movement for
Free Elections' (Namfrel) community centers, the Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM) and a rural
development project called Committee for Philippine Action in Development, Reconstruction and Education
(COMPADRE) thru CIA fronts and conduits like the Catherwood Foundation and the "Committee for a Free Asia
(CFA), later renamed the Asia Foundation." (Shalom, 1986).

In the late 1980s, the CIA assigned Vietnam veteran U.S. General John Singlaub to organize anti-communist
vigilante groups all over the country for mass terror, particularly as part of the Philippine government's "total war
policy" against people's movements. General Singlaub posed as an American "treasure hunter" and even secured all
the necessary official permits for treasure hunting in the Philippines. Another operative active in the "total war"
operations in the Philippines was Vietnam counterinsurgency specialist Col. James Rowe, Joint US Military Advisory
Group (JUSMAG) adviser, whose cover was blown off when he was ambushed in 1989 by urban guerrillas of the
New People's Army in Timog Avenue, Quezon City. Rowe was clandestinely involved in the organization of
anti-communist death squads like Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after "Operation Phoenix" in Vietnam
which had the objective of eliminating legal and semi-legal mass activists and their political sympathizers that
constituted the political infrastructure of the insurgency movement.

The CIA lost its huge telecommunications installation at Clark Air Base--the Regional Relay Station when the
Philippine Senate rejected on Sept. 16, 1991, the proposed treaty for the bases' renewal. Before 1970, according to
a former CIA operative, the sprawling Subic Naval Base was the site of a China operations group of the CIA and "the
agency even constructed 100 expensive modern homes, a large two-story office building and a big warehouse at
Subic Bay." (Smith, 1976)

There is, however, a vital covert installation that the CIA was able to retain and maintain: the "Regional Service
Center" (RSC). Located along Roxas Boulevard in Manila at the Seafront Compound about a mile south from the US
Embassy, the RSC fronts as a facility of the United States Information Service (USIS), formerly called the US
International Communications Agency. This ultra-modern printing facility functions as a secret CIA propaganda
plant. It has the ability to produce large quantities of high-quality color offset magazines, posters, leaflets and the like
in at least 14 Asian languages.

During the Vietnam War, the RSC was ceaselessly involved in economic sabotage against the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam (DRV) or North Vietnam. The RSC was involved in counterfeiting North Vietnamese currency which were
airdropped all over the DRV to sabotage the economy and weaken the country's resistance. The CIA's Technical
Services Division maintains close liaison with the RSC, which still actively operates within the Seafront Compound
along Roxas Boulevard. The post-Vietnam War and later on, the post-bases era has only increased the importance
of Manila as a major listening post and regional headquarters of the Agency.

A former junior case officer of the CIA, Janine Brookner, who was stationed in Manila described the capital city of
the Philippines as "a wild place" for CIA operatives who spent a lot of time in bars, sex shows and brothels. This was
because, according to her, the standard CIA procedure for recruiting targets was to "get him drunk, get him laid, and
then get him on the Agency's dole." Brookner was an attractive but determined blonde who claimed to have
developed assets in both the government and the Communist Party during her assignment to the Philippines.
Brookner was also a very productive recruiter who, as a handler of important assets and as a CIA case officer,
claims to be able to make her targets confess everything. "You take care of them," Brookner recalls, "and they tell
you their fears and nightmares...I'm good at people depending on me." In fact, her targets, especially high-ranking
Philippine government officials, often propositioned her. (Starobin, 1997)

Cultural Fronts

The CIA has long utilized in the Philippines sophisticated or subtle means for clandestine propaganda, such as the
manipulation of trade unions and cultural organizations, rather than heavy-handed activities such as paramilitary
operations, political assassinations and coups as they had done extensively in Africa, Latin America and Vietnam.
During my interview in 1996 with Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent, and other former CIA operatives assigned to
the Manila station, I was told that the CIA had many unheralded successes in the Philippines such as the
manipulation of the trade union movement through the Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) and through
funds which were channeled thru the USAID, Asia Foundation and National Endowment for Democracy.

In a recent article in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, American sociologist James Petras describes how
progressive non-government organizations can be neutralized, if not coopted, thru US government, big
business-backed funding agencies or CIA fronts and conduits masquerading as foundations. The purpose,
according to Petras, is "to mystify and deflect discontent away from direct attacks on the corporate/banking power
structure and profits toward local micro-projects ...that avoids class analysis of imperialism and capitalist
exploitation." Neo-liberalism today, according to Petras, encourages NGOs to "emphasize projects, not movements;
they 'mobilize' people to produce at the margins, not to struggle to control the means of production and wealth; they
focus on the technical financial aspects of projects not on structural conditions that shape the everyday lives of
people." While using the language of the Left such as "people empowerment," "gender equality," "sustainable
development" etc., these NGOs funded by USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Asia
Foundation, etc. have become linked to a framework of collaboration with donors and even with government
agencies with whom they have partnerships that subordinate activity to nonconfrontational politics, rather than
militant mass mobilization. (Petras, 1999)

It must be emphasized that the US places high premium on the ideological legitimation of its continuing neo-colonial
domination over the Philipines and, as such, depends heavily on US-financed and US-sponsored institutions,
especially on the ideological front. Thus, grants are generously poured in by such agencies like USAID, NED, Asia
Foundation and the big business-sponsored Ford Foundation. The objective is to constantly lure and lull the masses
into the elite-dominated electoral process, thus legitimizing the neo-liberal economic system and its political
apparatus, producing a fragile social peace and a "peaceful" mechanism for competition among the Filipino elite and
oligarchy. In his book on French colonialism in Algeria titled, The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon wrote:

"Colonialism is not satisfied merely with holding a people in itsgrip, and emptying the native's brain of all form and
content.By a kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of the people, and distorts, disfigures and destroys it."

One of the most critical moments of the CIA station in Manila was the immediate post-Marcos years when they tried
to dissociate US links with the Marcoses and politically influence the contours of the post-Marcos era. Financial,
technical and political support for the pro-US "agents of influence" assured the dominance of pro-US local elites and
institutions as a counterweight to the progressive anti-imperialist, anti-Marcos forces that threatened to define and
restructure the architecture of the post-Marcos neo-colonial regime.

USAID was directed to grant the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) with a generous financing so it
could formulate a position paper on an economic program anchored on "the partnership between labor and capital."
USAID even temporarily set up an agrarian reform office, working closely at TUCP offices. Political analysts of the
CIA and USAID wanted to design an agrarian reform program that would not disrupt the agro-export sector and one
which could be synchronized with the counterinsurgency program and defuse peasant unrest. The CIA and US
military advisers also wanted a deeper role in the design and command of counterinsurgency. These funds were
supplemented by the so-called "democracy promotion" initiatives of the NED which poured in heavy funding for
TUCP, Namfrel, the Women's Movement for the Nurturing of Democracy (KABATID) and the Philippine Chamber of
Commerce and Industry (PCCI). The NED gave a total of $9 million from 1984-1990 to these institutions and
organizations.

Following the ouster of Marcos, the US set about to transform the "new" Armed Forces of the Philippines into an
effective counterinsurgency force that would integrate military, political, economic and social initiatives, including
broad "civic action" campaigns, psychological operations, military aid and training. It was a massive comeback of the
low-intensity conflict years of the Magsaysay-Lansdale era! Between 1987-1990, Washington reportedly authorized
stepped-up clandestine CIA operations against the Left in the Philippines, including a $10 million allocation to the
AFP for enhanced intelligence-gathering operations. There was also an increase in the number of CIA personnel,
from 115 to 127, mostly attached as "diplomats" to the US embassy in Manila. (Oltman and Bernstein, 1992)

In general, US military and economic aid are used quite effectively and they remain key elements of US policy in the
Philippines. The CIA station handles political aid and political matters. This means, according to the CIA's
Intelligence Memorandum on the 1965 Philippine presidential elections for instance, assuring that the victorious
national candidates who are acceptable to the US should be "western-oriented and pledge to continue close and
equitable relations with the US and the West on matters of mutual interest." (Bonner, 1987) The CIA station also
conducts widespread covert operations, among them: stage-managed national elections to assure preferred US
outcome; payoffs to government officials under the guise of grants; financing for favored business and civic groups
and pro-US propaganda campaigns among the population; the supply of intelligence information on activists and
dissidents to the Armed Forces of the Philippines and so on. (Robinson, 1996)

Among the most prominent CIA fronts in Manila is the Asia Foundation with offices at Magallanes Village, Makati.
According to a former US State Department bureaucrat William Blum in a recent book, the "Asia Foundation is the
principal CIA front" and funding conduit in Asia. The Asia Foundation funds and supports known anti-communist
groups or influential personalities, i.e. academics, journalists, local officials, etc. and institutions. (Blum, 1999)
According to the former executive assistant to the CIA's Deputy Director for Operations Victor Marchetti in his book,
The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, the Asia Foundation had the objective "to disseminate throughout Asia a
negative vision of Mainland China, North Vietnam, and North Korea." (Marchetti and Marks, 1980 edition). New York
Times investigative journalist Raymond Bonner has also identified the Asia Foundation as "a CIA creation" and
"front" in one of his books, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (1987). My
interviews with former CIA operatives in the Philippines in 1996 confirm the active use of this foundation for the
"Agency."

But the most credible and authoritative source that I have come across identifying the Asia Foundation as a CIA
front and conduit is Marchetti's book where the CIA-Asia Foundation link is defined in no uncertain terms:

"Another organization heavily subsidized by the CIA was the Asia Foundation. Established by the agency (CIA) in
1956, with a carefully chosen board of directors, the foundation was designed to promote academic and private
interest in the East. It sponsored scholarly research, supported conferences and symposia, and ran academic
exchange programs, a CIA subsidy that reached $88 million dollars a year. While most of the foundation's activities
were legitimate, the CIA also used it...to recruit foreign agents and new officers. Although the foundation often
served as a cover for clandestine operations, its main purpose was to promote the spread of ideas which were
anti-communist and pro-American--sometimes subtly and stridently...Designed--and justified at budget time--as an
overseas propaganda operation, the Asia Foundation also was regularly guilty of propagandizing the American
people with agency views on Asia. The Agency's connection with the Asia Foundation came to light just after the
1967 exposure of CIA subsidies to the (American) National Student Association. The foundation clearly was one of
the organizations that the CIA was banned from financing and, under the recommendations of the Katzenbach
committee, the decision was made to end CIA funding. A complete cut-off after 1967, however, would have forced
the foundation to shut down, so the agency made it the beneficiary of a large 'severance payment' in order to give it a
couple of years to develop alternative sources of funding. Assuming the CIA has not resumed covert funding, the
Asia Foundation has apparently made itself self-sufficient now.... during the 1960s, the CIA developed proprietary
companies for use in propaganda operations. These proprietaries are more compact proprietaries and more covert
than the now exposed fronts like Asia Foundation and Radio Free Europe." (Marchetti and Marks, pp.157-158)

The CIA-linked Asia Foundation has long been active in the Philippines. It has generously funded academic
seminars, researches, study tours, and conferences in most of the leading Philippine universities, most especially
among many colleagues and programs at the University of the Philippines (UP).

You name it, they have their fingers stuck into it! Many nongovernment organizations, journalists, local governments
and civic organizations have had their projects funded by Asia Foundation. This is what makes it strategic and
well-placed, thus naturally, a matter of great concern and alarm to friends and colleagues in both the academe and
the NGO sector who may be very upset by this information on the origins and CIA links of the Asia Foundation. But I
did not invent this issue about the CIA-created Asia Foundation. I merely documented the previous testimonies from
mostly open sources. It is part of the CIA's history in this country, which I have documented from the accounts of
former CIA agents and operatives. Many recipients of Asia Foundation grants as well as the Filipino staff of the Asia
Foundation in Manila may not even be aware of its notorious history. But now we know a little better.

It is important to note that in 1961, the chief of the CIA's Covert Action Staff wrote that books were "the most
important weapon of strategic propaganda." Tens of thousands of books have been produced, subsidized or
sponsored by the CIA and its conduits such as the Asia Foundation in support of US foreign and military policy.

Project Echelon

Together with the National Security Agency, the CIA also maintains "Project Echelon," the most sophisticated and
the most technologically advanced eavesdropping system that has ever been devised. Through a relay system of
satellites and spook stations in Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom, Canada and United States, the US
intelligence system is able to intercept all telephone, fax, e-mail, Internet and cellphone transmissions worldwide. Its
nerve center is located at Fort Meade in Maryland where the NSA maintains its headquarters. This has grave
implications for both our public and private security.

The National Security Agency (NSA) of the United States has developed a global surveillance system, Echelon,
which is a powerful electronic net operated by super-computers that intercept, monitor and process all phone, fax,
e-mail and modem signals. The European Parliament in a 1998 report entitled, "An Appraisal of Technologies of
Political Control" has listed serious concerns and has recommended an intensive investigation of US-NSA
operations. The NSA Echelon system provides awesome potential for abuse against civilian targets and
governments worldwide, even against allies of the United States.

It can be recalled that under the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the coverage for special privileges and
criminal immunity includes not only US armed forces personnel but also "civilian personnel who are employed by the
US armed forces and who are accompanying the US armed forces." These US "civilians" include technicians of the
secretive US National Security Agency which, during the existence of the US bases here, operated the spy
communications facilities at Clark, Subic and Camp John Hay, among others. (Simbulan, 1985) All private citizens'
and government communications are intercepted and monitored by the Echelon System.

According to Nicky Hager's book, Secret Power (1986) which deals with the international electronic spy network,
the
US has not only been using its NSA Echelon system to collect political, military and economic intelligence against its
enemies, but it also targets its own allies. According to Hager:

"...there is extensive interception of the ASEAN countries, including the Philippines....ASEAN meetings receive
special attention with both public and private communications of these countries being intercepted to reveal the
topics discussed, positions being taken and policy being considered."

Through the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the US plans to fully restore its Echelon system in the Philippines
which was greatly interrupted by the pullout of US military facilities and bases in 1992. The CIA heavily relies on the
Echelon Project for its technologically advanced Signal Intelligence or SIGNIT, which is managed by the US
National Security Agency (NSA).

Conclusion

Every CIA station is virtually an infrastructure for political, military, cultural and even economic intervention. In the
Philippines, the CIA has not only functioned as a listening post but has been actively used to engage in covert
operations, sabotage and political intervention to undermine Philippine sovereignty and self-determined national
policies. Former CIA operatives in the Philippines confirm the use of official "diplomatic covers," especially in the
political section of the US Embassy where they are given secure communications, protected files and diplomatic
immunity. They have also used "non-official covers," disguised as businessmen in US firms. Covers under the guise
of US naval or air force personnel are now minimal after the US bases and military facilities in the Philipines were
dismantled. But as we can now see, the CIA has long been operating with virtual impunity and has always gotten
away with its deep involvement in Philippine domestic affairs. Shall we allow this continued intervention in Philippine
political and economic life?

Bibliography

Books

Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Monroe, Maine: Common
Courage Press,1995.