Institute for the Study of International Migration,
Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University

Transatlantic Perspectives on Migration
Policy Brief #1

June 2007

WOMEN, MIGRATION
AND DEVELOPMENT
Susan Martin*

* Susan Martin is Donald G. Herzberg Chair in International Migration
and the Director of the Institute for the Study of International Migration
in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Parts of this
brief are based on the 2004 World Survey on the Role of Women and
Development, on which Dr. Martin served as principal author.

The publication of Transatlantic Perspectives on Migration is made possible
by a grant from the German Marshall Fund of the United States

Women, Migration and Development

INTRODUCTION
Policymakers throughout the world are seeking to make migration a win-win-win situation â&#x20AC;&#x201C; for
host countries, source countries, and the migrants themselves. In thinking through strategies to
increase the benefits of migration, it is important to keep the gender dimension in mind. Women
have been an important component of international migration during the past four decades. As
of 2005, about 49.6 percent of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s migrants were women, up from 46.8 percent in 1960
(UN Population Division, 2005). See Table 1. Significantly, the proportion of migrants who are
women has grown to 51 percent in more developed regions. The highest proportion of women
are in Europe, Oceania, and North America. See Table 2.
Table 1: Total and Female Migration Worldwide
Year

Source: UN Population Division, Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2005 Revision

A gendered perspective is essential to understanding both the causes and consequences of
international migration. Gender inequality can be a powerful factor in precipitating migration,
particularly when women have economic, political, and social expectations that actual
opportunities at home do not meet. Globalization, with its emphasis on communications, trade,
and investment, has increased knowledge of options within and outside of home countries, and
it has opened up a range of new opportunities for women outside of their own homes. However,
globalization has also failed to live up to its potential, leaving women throughout the world in
poverty and without economic, social, or political rights. Migration may be the best, or indeed,
the only way out of such situations for women.
In an early and seminal work, Thadani and Todaro (1984) described four principal types of
female migrants, distinguished by their marital status and their reasons for migrating: 1)
married women migrating in search of employment; 2) unmarried women migrating in search
of employment; 3) unmarried women migrating for marriage reasons; and 4) married women
engaged in associational migration with no thought of employment. Many different factors

Source: UN Population Division, Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2005 Revision

influence whether women will migrate internationally. As described by Boyd and Grieco (2003),
these may be found at the individual, familial, and societal levels:
â&#x20AC;˘ Individual factors include: age, birth order, race/ethnicity, urban/rural origins, marital
status (single, married, divorced, widowed), reproductive status (children or no
children), role in the family (wife, daughter, mother), position in family (authoritative or
subordinate), educational status, occupational skills/training, labor force experience, and
class position.
â&#x20AC;˘ Family factors include: size, age/sex composition, life-cycle stage, structure (nuclear,
extended, etc.), status (single parent, two parents, etc.), and class standing.
â&#x20AC;˘ Societal factors include: those community norms and cultural values that determine
whether or not women can migrate and, if they can, how (i.e. labor or family reunification)
and with whom (alone or with family).
Family formation and family reunification are reasons of significant impetus for moving
internationally just as they are for moving internally. Typically, upon marriage, one or both
spouses move from the family home to a new residence. Usually, this move occurs within the same
country, but it can involve relocation to a new country. A spouse may also move internationally
for work purposes and then bring family members to reunify in the new area. Alternatively, a
worker or student may marry a resident of another place and then shift from being a temporary
or circular migrant to a permanent resident. Increasing numbers of women are now migrating
on their own for employment purposes. In countries such as the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and
Indonesia, a majority of emigrants are women, many of whom seek jobs to support their families
left behind in the home country.

Women, Migration and Development

IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON WOMEN
The migration experience itself is highly gendered, particularly in relation to social and family
relationships and employment experiences.
Traditionally, most women have migrated internationally to join husbands or fathers who paved
the way for them. As a result, their ability to remain in the destination country is often contingent
on their familial relationship. When marriage to a citizen or permanent resident is the only, or
principal, route to admission, marriage fraud may result. Further, when migrant women are
dependent on their husbands or children from legal status, they may find it difficult to leave
abusive situations.
Today, more women are migrating on their own as principal age-earners. Their experience is
gendered as well. They tend to take jobs in what are familiar female occupations. At the lower end
of the skills spectrum, women migrants pick fruits and vegetables, manufacture garments and
other items, process meat and poultry, work as nursing home and hospital aides, clean restaurants
and hotels, and provide myriad other services. Domestic service is a common occupation for
migrant women. Women migrants from a wide range of countries provide domestic services in
receiving countries in almost all parts of the globe. They may migrate through official contract
labor programs that match workers and employers, or they may obtain such employment after
migrating, often through informal networks.
Highly skilled women also migrate. Some are in traditional female occupations, such as the
health professions, particularly nursing and physical therapy, and teaching. Others conduct
research and provide expertise to industry and academia, design build, and program computers,
or serve as managers and executives in multinational corporations, to name only a few activities.
While highly skilled women generally represent a small proportion of female migrants, they can
represent a large proportion of women with professional degrees. Recent research on Mexican
migration, for example, shows that 38 percent of Mexican women with PhD degrees have
migrants (compared with 32 percent of men with PhD degrees); 29 percent of Mexican women
with Master degrees have migrated, compared with 19 percent of men (Lowell et al., 2007).
Female labor force participation among immigrants varies considerably among various
destination countries. In general, labor force participation by female immigrants is lower than
among natives. Unemployment rates among women immigrants in the labor force are generally
higher than among native women as well, although, again, there are differences by country of
destination. In the OECD countries, female unemployment rates among foreigners ranged from
a low of 4.5 percent in Norway to a high of 29.9 percent in Finland. See Table 3. Reflecting a trend
typical with non-migrating women, the earnings of female migrants tend to be lower than that
of male migrants.

Susan Martin

Table 3: Unemployment among migrant and non-migrant workers by gender in selected
OECD countries
Country

Many women who migrate find themselves at risk of gender-based violence and exploitation.
Whether labor migrants, family migrants, human trafficking victims, or refugees, they face the
double problem of being female and foreign. In addition, it is important to keep in mind that
gender does not operate in isolation from race, ethnicity, and religion. Since many migrant women
differ from the host population in these respects, they may face additional discrimination.
The migration experience goes well beyond these vulnerabilities, however. Migration is also an
empowering experience for many women. In the process of international migration, women
often move away from traditional, patriarchal authority to situations in which they can exercise
greater autonomy over their own lives. When women from traditional societies migrate to
advanced industrial societies, they become familiar with new norms regarding womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights
and opportunities. If they take outside employment, they may have access to financial resources
that had never before compensated their labor. Importantly, however, it is not only the role of
women that may change dramatically through international migration. Menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s roles changes as

Women, Migration and Development

well. Men often must adjust to their wives’ and daughters’ new participation in the labor market,
and with the greater economic autonomy that accompanies wage earning.
In other respects, migration can reinforce traditional gender roles. This is particularly the case
when women are expected to preserve cultural and religious norms that appear to be under
attack. Immigration rules can also reinforce traditional roles. Because many migrant women
obtain legal residency status through family reunification or formation, their ability to exercise
rights may be limited by their spouse’s willingness to support their immigration claims. Migrant
women who are victims of spousal abuse, for example, may be unwilling to leave the abuser if he
controls access to legal status. In recognition that immigration laws can make women and their
children vulnerable, some countries have legislation permitting abused women to petition on
their own for legal status.
Just as migration can affect gender roles, changing gender roles can influence immigration
policies. The growing participation of native-born women in the labor force in Europe and
North America has increased demand for foreign women to provide childcare, elder care, and
domestic services. New policies are also under development to provide work authorization to
spouses of executives, managers, and professionals, in recognition that many of these highly
sought migrants will not move if their spouses (male or female) are unlikely to carry on their
own professions.
There is little research on gender similarities and differences in naturalization patterns. What
data exist appears to be contradictory. Some theorize that men are more likely to naturalize
because they are more likely to be in the public sphere, for example, working in jobs requiring
citizenship (Yang, 1994). It appears, however, that in at least some immigrant groups, women are
more likely to naturalize. For example, migrant women from the Dominican Republic are more
likely to naturalize than their husbands (Jones-Correa, 1998). Further research might better
illuminate whether naturalization patters are dependent upon ethnic/cultural characteristics,
employment trends, or other factors.

FEMALE MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT
The nexus between migration and development is two-sided: underdevelopment affects migration
and migration affects development. In the long-term, the best solution to unwanted migration is
“stay at home” development. In the best case scenario, migration should be voluntary on the part
of the migrant and the receiving community, not forced by economic or political insecurity in the
home community. Similarly, migrants should be able to return voluntarily to home communities
that are economically stable and safe. No one strategy is sufficient to overcome the economic

Susan Martin

and political problems that compel present day international movement. Rather, a combination
of trade, investment, and aid is needed. Also needed is attention to the rights and security of
women. Gender inequality is a powerful barrier to economic, social, and political progress. To
the extent that women are unable to exercise their rights at home, or fear for their safety and
security, migration may be the only way to protect themselves and their families. Until women
can secure credible protection of their human and civil rights, migration will not be a truly
voluntary act on their part.
Stay at home development is unlikely to offset migration pressures in the short to medium
term, and, in fact, may stimulate increased movement as more people gain the resources and
knowledge needed to migrate. During this interim period, migrants can contribute to further
economic development in their home countries through their financial resources as well as
their skills, entrepreneurial activities, and support for democratization and human rights.
Individual remittance transfers continue to be an important source of income for many families
in developing countries. As of 2005, the World Bank estimates, international remittances to
developing countries exceeded $200 billion per year (World Bank). Considering that Official
Development Assistance (ODA) seldom exceeds $100 billion per year, migrants are contributing
more financial resources to their home countries than are the wealthy countries’ development
agencies (OECD, 2002).
Too little is known about the remitting behavior of women migrants, but studies indicate that
there may be significant gender differences in remitting habits. The evidence is contradictory,
however. As one reviewer of the literature concluded, “While research often finds that women are
less likely and/or tend to remit less than men when they do remit, this is not a uniform finding.
What is more, some of the available research finds that women remit more both overall and as
a percentage of income than do men – and women tend to have stronger networks with their
families that is associated with greater remitting behaviors” (Orozco et al., 2006). The Orozco et
al. study, based on a random survey of remitters in the United States and the United Kingdom
who were sending to relatives in Latin American and Africa, found that women remit more
monies than men to distant family members, including siblings and others, while men increase
the amount of remittances only when sending to their spouse. The study also found that both men
and women remit more the longer they have been sending remittances, but women remit more
than men over time. Women were also more likely to send funds for items needed by households,
such as food and clothing. These results are preliminary, however, because the survey did not
have sufficient information about the composition of the receiving household. More research is
needed on the dynamics in remittance-receiving households in order to determine the extent
to which women left behind by migrating husbands use remittances similarly or differently than
men left behind by migrating wives.

Women, Migration and Development

Given the important role remittances play in reducing the poverty in developing countries,
the cost of remitting money to home communities has been an area of particular concern.
Transfer costs can be exceedingly high. The market appears to be responding to this situation,
with greater competition leading to lower transfer costs, but more needs to be done in this
area. Immigrants often mention that they use a few well-established companies because of their
greater reliability, but this may be exacting high costs from migrants and developing countries.
To date, the business is dominated by wire transfer companies rather than financial institutions
that offer a wider range of services to customers. The greater entry of banks, credit unions, and
microfinance institutions could help reduce costs and abuses even further. To the extent that
credit unions and microfinance institutions, for example, reinvest transfer fees in the remittance
receiving communities, the development potential could be increased still further. Microfinance
institutions may play a particularly important role in enabling female-headed households that
receive remittances to obtain remittance-based credit to start small businesses and undertake
other income generating activities.
Diasporas also play an important role in stimulating development apart from remittance transfers.
Migrants often form associations to raise and remit funds for infrastructure development, health
and education programs, and income generation activities in their home communities. Migrant
groups as dissimilar as Malians in France and Mexicans in the United States have supported
health clinics, built schools, repaired roads, and invested in small business enterprises in their
home communities. Research indicates that women are often precluded from the decisionmaking structures in these associations, however, limiting their ability to influence the ways in
which the funds will be used (Jones-Correa, 1998). Given the research showing that women are
more likely to support health and education, their active involvement in hometown associations
might stimulate more investment in those areas that promote longer-term economic and social
development.
Diaspora communities can also help stimulate political reforms that improve conditions in home
countries. Mexican migrants in the United States have consistently pushed for democratization
and better governance in their home country, and Mexican political candidates have responded
by campaigning extensively in US communities. The new political leadership in a number of
post-conflict countries has urged their citizens abroad to provide not only financial resources
for rebuilding the country, but also technical expertise to help establish new democratic
institutions.
This is not to say that the diaspora experience is always positive in stimulating respect for
democratic values. Some returning migrants appear particularly reluctant to expose women
and girls to Western values if it means undermining cultural traditions, observing vehemently
that they would never allow their wives or daughters to migrate with them to Europe or North

Susan Martin

America. In some cases, returning migrants appear to have become more socially and religiously
conservative as a result of their own migration experience.
Under other circumstances, however, return can be a positive force for development. Migrant
women returning temporarily or permanently bring needed skills to their home countries.
Programs that identify women migrants with specific skills needed in their home countries, and
facilitate the return and reintegration of those migrants, contribute to economic development.
Similarly, organizations that support return migrants who plan to open small businesses upon
reintegration can enhance local development processes. Women’s skills may be needed for
economic development, but they may also be required to help move the source country towards
greater democratization and respect for human rights.
To summarize, the gender dimension of migration is only beginning to be researched and
understood in relation to devising policies and strategies to promote development. As half
of all migrants, women play an important role in remitting economic and social resources to
their home countries, while often struggling to survive in their host countries. The next section
outlines policies to maximize the contributions of women migrants and minimize the potential
harms they may experience.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Countries in Europe and North America, in cooperation with source countries of migrants and
the migrants themselves, can play an important role in maximizing the development payoff
accompanying the migration of women, while helping to ensure greater protection of the rights
of migrant women. Among the steps that can be taken is support for:
• Policies and programs to empower women migrants, and those left behind by male
migrants, to participate actively in decisions that affect them and their families, including
support for the formation of voluntary organizations composed of migrating women and
women left behind by migrating male relatives. Such programs would include technical
assistance and training for women interested in formed such associations, and financial
support for the organizations composed of women migrants. Policy approaches could
require that women’s organizations be consulted before migration-related policies that
affect women and their families are adopted.
• Improvements in the protection of migrant women’s rights and their safety and security.
In particular, governments should take steps to identify means to protect migrant
and refugee women from labor abuses, sexual exploitation, trafficking, involuntary
prostitution, and other exploitable situations.

Women, Migration and Development

• Improvements in the socio-economic status of migrant and refugee women to enable
them to support themselves and their families in dignity and safety. Steps need to be
taken to increase migrant women’s access to employment, credit, education and skills
training. Improvements are also needed in the access of migrant women to primary and
reproductive health care services, including programs to address gender- and sexualbased violence, and HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.
• Policies to help reduce the cost of remittance transfers, particularly by providing consumer
information and financial literacy programs for remitting migrants and their families.
• Programs to stimulate diaspora contributions to the economic, social, and political
development of home countries, with particular emphasis on programs that enable
women migrants to participate in decisions about diaspora investments and those that
promote respect for the rights of migrant women or women who remain in, or return to,
home countries.
• Identification of ways better to promote “stay at home” development that will provide
women with employment opportunities, education, health care and other services, legal
rights, and protection from violence in their home communities. Such programs would
help ensure that migration is by choice, not necessity, and that women migrants who
with to return can do so in safety and dignity.
• Improvements in the collection of data on international migration, with particular
attention to collecting gender and age disaggregated statistics. Additional research is
also needed to increase understanding of the causes of female migration, the impact on
women, and the impact of female migration on source and destination countries.

Susan Martin

REFERENCES
Boyd, M. and E. Grieco
2003 “Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into International Migration Theory,” Migration
Information Source, 1 March 2003, http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.
cfm?id=106
International Labour Organization (ILO)
2004 Towards a Fair Deal for Migrant Workers in the Global Economy, Geneva: ILO.
Jones-Correa, M.
1998 “Different Paths: Gender, Migration and Political Participation,” International Migration Review,
32(2).
Lowell, B.L., et al.
2007 “The Demography of Mexico/U.S. Migration,” in A. Escobar Latapi and S.F. Martin (Eds.), México
– U.S. Migration Management: A Binational Approach, http://isim.georgetown.edu/Publications/
SusanPubs/USMexicoMigration.pdf
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
2002 Statistical Annex of the 2002 Development Co-operation Report, Paris: OECD. http://www.oecd.
org/document/9/0,2340,en_2649_34485_1893129_1_1_1_1,00.html
Orozco, M., et al.
2006 “Gender-Specific Determinants of Remittances: Differences in Structure and Motivation,”
report prepared for the World Bank Group, Gender and Development Group, PREM, http://
siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGENDER/Resources/Session2Orozcoetal.pdf
UN Division on the Status of Women
2004 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development: International Migration, New York: United
Nations.
UN Population Division
2005 Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2005 Revision, New York: UN Population Division.
UN Population Fund
2006 State of World Population 2006: A Passage to Hope: Women and International Migration, New
York: United Nations.
Yang, P.Q.
1994 “Explaining Immigrant Naturalization,” International Migration Review, 28(3).

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Transatlantic Perspectives on Migration Policy Brief Series
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