31 October 2006 - Cabinda is a sad, depressing town reflecting
very little investment since the 1974-75 independence struggle. The trash-plagued
city has mostly paved pot-holed streets and remaining ones consist of red
dirt. I saw several buildings that were bombed or set ablaze during the
war. Since then, the structures remain untouched, except by squatters who
live there with no electricity or running water. The Congresso Hotel is
a prime example - the premier hotel of the city in its day but now a crumbling,
decaying slum with burned out rooms and no glass panes in the window holes
filled with laundry hanging out. We did see some investment in the form
of a new university (no computers), new library (no books) and a new telephone
office, but for the most part this region is neglected. Because of a quirk
of 19th century history, this area is detached from the main body of Angola,
which refuses to allow Cabinda independence since the region has the majority
of Angola's lucrative oil.

"Now, in spite of the increasingly advantageous position of UNITA,
and the imminent collapse of the illegitimate, pro-Soviet government, elements
within the State Department are doing their best to salvage the (communist)
MPLA, and to prevent the forces for democratic government from winning in
Angola."

— Senator Steve Symms,
May 14, 1985

In distant, obscure Angola,
on the southwest coast of Africa, the alliance between capitalists and communists
has matured into its most open blatant form. Possibly the reported export
of ballbearing machines to Russia to produce bearings for Soviet missiles
may leave some readers with an uneasy feeling, but also with a vague need
to come to grips more concretely with the alliance. In Angola the most skeptical
reader can see the alliance working on a daily basis.

Angola, a one time Portuguese
colony, was "liberated" ten years ago by the MPLA (Popular Movement
for the Liberation of Angola), a Marxist organization in alliance with Angolian
nationalist groups. The MPLA was not elected and has never held elections.
MPLA seized power and has been kept in power by 36,000 Cubans and about
1,200 Soviet military personnel. The Cubans and the Soviets are in Angola
for the same reason Angolan Marxists will not allow free elections: because
Marxism does not represent the people of Angola.

The United States has been inhibited
from encouraging democratic, freely-elected forces by groups within the
U.S. State Department and the so-called Clark Amendment (repealed in 1985),
sponsored by former Senator Clark, which forbade the U.S. from assisting
any group that might challenge the Angolan Marxists.

Yet the Soviets in Angola are
challenged as they have never been challenged before; for the first time
in 60 years a Marxist regime is in danger of overthrow by internal democratic
forces. Angolan guerrillas, known as UNITA (National Union for the Total
Liberation of Angola) have taken over one-third of Angola, about 250,000
square miles, and control most of the countryside, particularly in the south.

UNITA is an unusual organization.
It is not American-backed. In fact, it is American corporations and the
U.S. State Department that have stopped a UNITA victory. UNITA is unusual
also in that it believes in free enterprise, free and secret elections,
private property, and decentralization of political power. UNITA is led
by Jonas Savimbi, aged 51, a ferocious-looking gentleman reminiscent of
television's "Mr. T." Savimbi is a European educated black intellectual
who believes in individual freedom.

Against Savimbi and UNITA we
find the Soviet Union, Cuban forces, the U.S. State Department, American
multinationals, and until recently, the U.S. Congress. Some years ago the
Senate passed the Clark Amendment, sponsored by Senator Clark, which in
effect prevented U.S. aid to this torch of freedom in southern Africa.

The muddled, confused thinking
of the United States is well illustrated by a statement made by former U.S.
Ambassador to United Nations Donald McHenry, to the effect that the U.S.
should not be surprised that the Soviets are aiding Angolan Marxists: "That
the Soviets are present to assist the Angolans and to assist the Namibians...
is no different from the presence of the United States in El Salvador and
U.S. assistance to E1 Salvador."

The point, of course, that McHenry
avoids is that the Soviet objective, more than clearly demonstrated in the
past 60 years, is a totalitarian controlled society without individual freedom.

The Soviets have indeed assisted
Marxist Angola. As far back as 1981 Soviet military officers up to the rank
of Colonel were killed and captured in Angola. Soviet Air Force personnel
have been captured in Angola (see Now, January 16, 1981.)

The real oddity in Angola is
that the single most important factor preventing a free open society is
an American multinational corporation. As succinctly stated by Congressman
William L. Dickinson (July 1985), "These Cuban troops are protecting
American oil interests and they are preventing UNITA from overrunning the
MPLA."

In northeast is the Cabinda
oil complex owned by Gulf Oil Corporation (since March 1984, part of Chevron
Oil of California). CABINDA PROVIDES AT LEAST 80 PERCENT OF MARXIST ANGOLA'S
FOREIGN EXCHANGE. The balance comes from diamond concessions operated by
Anglo-American Corporation. Soviet and Cuban assistance is paid for from
these foreign exchange earnings.

When we look closely at Chevron
Gulf, we find that no less than a former U.S. Secretary of Defense, David
Packard, has been in a position to thwart Gulf backing for Soviet Angola
— yet did nothing.

Gulf Oil Corporation owns Cabinda,
and Gulf itself was taken over by Chevron in March 1984. Thus, we have two
sets of directors to look at, the original Gulf Oil directors who for a
decade allowed the Gulf Cabinda operation to finance Marxist Angola, and
the Chevron directors who had the opportunity to change corporate policy
towards subsidy of Marxist warfare.

Of these the most vocal in support
of Marxism was James E. Lee, former Chairman and Chief Executive officer
of Gulf and now a director of Chevron. Lee was strong in support of Marxist
Angola, even claiming to the wall Street Journal that the Neto regime was
"stable" and "easy to work with." (see cartoon opposite
title page.)

In March 1984 Gulf was taken
over by Chevron in the largest corporate merger in U.S. history. A few Gulf
directors joined the Chevron board and Chevron-Gulf continued to operate
Gulf Cabinda, protected by Cuban and Soviet troops, continued to provide
most of Angola's foreign exchange and with the Angolan government, planned
new joint ventures to expand corporate usefulness to the unelected Marxist
government. That Chevron-Gulf should be protected by Cuban troops with Soviet
air cover and a Soviet air defense network doesn't seem to embarrass these
Chevron directors at all, even though some are directors of major U.S. defense
contractors:

At the same annual meeting that
approved the Chevron takeover of Gulf and so lent Chevron support to Marxist
Angola, a Chevron director resigned. This was David Packard, Chairman of
Hewlett-Packard and a former Secretary of Defense. There is no record that
Packard protested either Gulf support of Marxism or objected that Chevron
should not join the band of American corporations who have aided world revolution.
We doubt that Packard resigned on grounds of principle, because Packard
was an Overseer of the Hoover Institution and Chairman of its Financial
Committee back in the early 1970s when Hoover Institution Director W. Glenn
Campbell attempted to put pressure on this author to stop publication of
the earlier version of this book, National Suicide: Military Aid to the
Soviet Union.

Another interesting facet to
this story of Soviet-multinational cooperation is in the amount of federal
taxes paid by these giant firms. In 1976 Gulf had a federal tax rate of
2%. In 1984 Gulf claimed a tax refund, even while showing a profit of $313
million. Gulf 1984 tax rate was minus 8.3% (with a refund of $26 million).
So in the same year that Gulf contributed most of Marxist Angola's foreign
exchange and paid Angolan taxes, it demanded $26 million refund from U.S.
taxpayers. If payment of taxes is a measure of patriotism, then Gulf Oil
allegiance is more than clear.

Identification of the Deaf Mute
Blindmen

The severity of our charges
in the Chevron-Gulf case suggest that we be doubly careful in identification
of the deaf mute blindmen. Not all directors of multinational corporations
fit the description. Some in fact decidely do not. Not all politicians and
bureaucrats fit the bill, although it is hard to find exceptions in Department
of State.

Let's take a paradoxical example
to demonstrate the need for care. In the Reagan Administration both Secretary
of Defense Casper Weinberger and Secretary of State George Schultz are former
officers of Bechtel Corporation, the multinational construction firm. However,
Weinberger is one of the few in Washington to understand technological transfers.
George Shultz on the other hand has a long-time unchanging record in favor
of continuing transfers. Yet both have been top officials within Bechtel
Corporation.

While Department of State has
never produced a single opponent of transfers, the Department of Commerce
has — Lawrence Brady. And although Weinberger is at DoD, the same
department has produced several deaf mutes from among its top officials.
The previously cited David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard, is a major
sponsor of Congressman Ed Zschau, a vocal active supporter of more aid to
Soviet military power.

Identification has to be handled
on a case by case, individual basis.

What is to be Done?

The basic solution to Chevron-Gulf
and other cases is political. It will take pressure from grass roots Americans
and indeed from all those who love freedom to knock sense into their elected
representatives and then into successive administrations and finally into
the deaf mute blind-men.

There is, however, a startpoint
which is demonstrated by the Chevron-Gulf case. Department of Defense has
shown realistic concern over transfers of technology and the military end-use
in Soviet world ambition. Why doesn't DoD start to consider Western technology
to the Soviets in the award of DoD contracts?

In brief, penalize those firms
working both sides of the street. If Chase Manhattan wants to finance Soviet
contracts, all well and good, but it should not also expect a piece of the
U.S. Defense pie at the same time. If General Electric wants to sell to
the Soviets, OK, let G.E. go ahead —within the law — but not
also simultaneously benefit from DoD contracts. If Chevron-Gulf want to
work hand-in-glove with Soviet military ambitions, they should not also
be able to bid on U.S. government contracts and claim federal tax refunds
when the firm is making substantial profit. When awarding DoD contracts,
preference should be given to those U.S. and foreign firms who show enough
sense to walk away from Soviet deals.

The Holocaust
of a Nation Sponsored by a company Chevron Oil Co.Stop the Oppression in Cabinda

What can you do to stop
the Cabindan Holocaust,

- Boycott Chevron
Oil Stations- Embargo to the Marxist Regime of Angola.- Write to your Congressman, Senator, MP, MEP, MSP, MLA.- End to the Occupation of Cabinda by the MPLA Army.- End to the theft of the Cabindan oil by Chevron Co. (Chevron Organized Crime)- Payment of all oil stolen so far by Chevron oil co $260 Billion
USD.- End to the Murder in Cabinda.- End to the Rape of women in Cabinda.- End of the Mercenaries in the payroll of Chevron oil co, in
Cabinda.- End of the Holocaust of the people of Cabinda.- End to the greed of Chevron oil co. (MF, SB)- End to the atrocities of the MPLA sponsored by Chevron oil
co.- Please help us. Tell a friend, call your congressman do some
thing, they are killing us. (Chevron and the marxist MPLA)- End to the partnership of Fear / Murder / Rape and Theft
of Chevron & MPLA.- If you work for Chevron you are liable for collaboration on
the crimes against humanity of chevron in Cabinda, if you work for chevron
you have blood in your hands.

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa
(AP) -- More than $4 billion in oil revenue disappeared from Angolan state
coffers between 1997 and 2002, even as the country was struggling to recover
from 27 years of civil war, Human Rights Watch said in a report Tuesday.
The report comes at a time when Angola is trying to boost international support
for the country. Foreign donors cite corruption as one of their key concerns.
"While ordinary Angolans suffered through a profound humanitarian crisis,
their government oversaw the suspicious disappearance of a truly colossal
sum of money,'' said Arvind Ganesan, director of the New York-based group's
business and human rights program. "This seriously undermined Angolans'
rights.''
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos' government denied any wrongdoing, claiming
the missing funds could be explained by oil price fluctuations.

Angola is sub-Saharan Africa's largest oil exporter after Nigeria, producing
more than 900,000 barrels per day.
During the war against the UNITA rebel group, oil revenue provided funding
for the government's war effort. The fighting ended when the army tracked
down and killed the insurgents' leader, Jonas Savimbi, in 2002.
Angola's plentiful oil reserves have earned the country growing attention
from the United States and other Western countries as they have sought alternatives
to Middle East crude.
State oil revenues surged after international companies such as BP, ExxonMobil
and Total expanded their Angolan operations in the late 1990s, totaling $17.8
billion from 1997 to 2002 -- about 85 percent of government income -- according
to the Human Rights Watch report.
A total of $4.22 billion of that money, representing about 9.25 percent of
gross domestic product annually, is unaccounted for, according to the group's
analysis of figures from the International Monetary Fund.
Meanwhile, an estimated 900,000 Angolans remain displaced, millions have almost
no access to schools and hospitals, and nearly half the country's 7.4 million
children suffer from malnutrition, according to U.N. figures.
Human Rights Watch said the missing funds are roughly equal to what was spent
in the same period on social programs in the deeply impoverished country --
$4.27 billion, including both government expenditure and initiatives funded
through the United Nation's Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeal.
The group accused the government, controlled by the same party since the country's
1975 independence from Portugal, of corruption and mismanagement.

The state-owned oil company Sonangol "sells oil for a certain price on
a certain day, but then the operation is logged days later at the state treasury,''
he said in the Angolan capital, Luanda.
He declined to elaborate, saying the government was preparing a full response
to the report.
Despite promises of more openness, the government has refused to provide information
about the use of public funds, Human Rights Watch said. It has also failed
to establish hundreds of courts needed to hold government officials and others
accountable for their actions, it said.
"There have been many initiatives to promote transparency in Angola,
but each time, the government walks away,'' Ganesan said. "It's an issue
of political will.''
Human Rights Watch urged Angola's government to publish reports it commissioned
with the World Bank to determine how much oil revenue is deposited into the
country's central bank.
The group also called on the government to conduct audits of Sonangol and
to participate in international initiatives to promote openness.
"The Angolan government says the international community should do more
to fund schools, hospitals and courts, but it refuses to explain where billions
of dollars of government revenue went,'' Ganesan said. "Any further aid
to Angola should be conditional on very strict requirements for transparency
in the government budget.''

Jan. 13, 2004

Friday March 9, 8:16
am Eastern Time

Chevron
denies Cabinda oil spill responsibility

LUANDA, March 9
- U.S. Giant Oil Company Chevron has denied responsibility for an oil spill
that has affected fishing near all its operations in the occupied Cabinda
Republic, independent Cabinda radio reported on Friday.

"Giant Chevron investigated
and said the stain near all its operation was oil and plants coming from the
Congo River,'' (ya right!). Radio Eclessia reported Chevron Africa spokesman
Timeteo de Almeida as saying.

Mister De Almeida told
the radio the recent spill had dissipated and had not washed ashore.

There was confirmation
of how big the spill was, and a local fishing commission told Radio Eclessia
it had affected all local catches.

Fishermen told the commission
they had been denied use of all nearby beaches by intimidating Chevron Security
Services and that Chevron military helicopters with the help of american mercenaries
had allegedly spread a substance on the water, the same material reportedly
used on another Chevron spill in the same areas in December 1999 and July
1998.

Chevron paid 200 local
fishermen affected by the 1999 spill $150 each. Another 350 fishermen have
sued Chevron for damages but the case is still pending, and going no where.

Both spills were in the
oppressed Nation of Cabinda, which under Angolan occupation since the portuguese
left the small African protectorate in 1974.

Chevron is Angola's largest
oil producer, currently pumping more than 500,000 barrels a day from fields
in blocks 14 and 0 offshore Cabinda. The Nation of Cabinda as no hopes to
survive they are killing the Cabindas like flies, may God judge them.

The business of
US diplomacy in Angola

LUANDA. On 7 November,
an MD-11 aircraft arrived from Houston, Texas, marking the maiden flight of
the Houston Express shuttle service.
Sonair, a subsidiary of the Angolan oil company, Sonangol, struck the deal
with World Airways, a US carrier which has become the first airline to provide
direct air services from north America to Angola.
Sitting on board the aircraft was Paul Hare, famous for his rÿle as US
special representative for the Angolan peace process (1993-1998) and author
of Angola's Last Best Chance for Peace, published in 1998. Now, he is enjoying
a less public position as executive director of the US/Angola chamber of commerce.
Hare, like Edmund DeJarnette, the first US ambassador here and Hare's predecessor
at the chamber of commerce, has played an important rÿle in getting the
Houston service off the ground.
President of Sonair, Mateus Neto, says, 'I can't deny that there was a certain
support. The intervention of De Jarnette was extremely important.'
Hare and DeJarnette are among a long list of US diplomats involved in Angola
who have turned their hand from diplomacy to business.
Witney Schneidman, special aide to assistant secretary of state for African
affairs, Susan Rice, is, according to his official profile, 'enhancing
America's commercial and economic engagement throughout sub-Saharan Africa'
among other responsibilities. Schneidman, or Dr Schneidman as he is sometimes
known, was senior vice-president at Samuels International Associates Incorporated.
Samuels is officially 'a consulting firm for international trade and investment',
however many observers say it is a lobbying group which represents the MPLA
party.
At the time of Schneidman's appointment to the state department, some congressional
staffers queried his new position given his former rÿle at Samuels. 'The
State department assured the staffers that Witney would not work on the Angola
dossier,' a source explained recently.
Clearly that assurance is no longer is force. Schneidman makes regular trips
to Angola every year. He has also received support from his former college
tutor, Dr Gerald Bender, now based at the University of Southern
California.
Bender has maintained a strong interest in Angola throughout his career -
he visits the country several times a year and is thought to be very close
to the ruling MPLA.
He has worked as a consultant for oil companies in Angola including a brief
spell this year with BP/Amoco thanks to another prominent protÿgÿ
of his, Shawn McCormick, who took up his post at BP/Amoco after working at
the
US national security council.
Bender is widely admired by several embassies in Angola, including the
US and Israeli offices here which, according to one observer in Luanda, 'hang
on to his every word as if he were a demi-god'. He is also on the honorary
advisory council of the US-Angola chamber of commerce alongside Robert Cabelly
who served as an aide to Chester Crocker. (Crocker was assistant secretary
of state for African affairs for most of the 1980s..)
Herman Cohen, another former assistant secretary of state for African
affairs, has been described as 'another over-paid lobbyist for the MPLA' alongside
Andrew Young, an 'historical' African American figure who once served as US
ambassador to the UN. According to one diplomat, however, 'the two of them
are a couple of has-beens'.
The US connection extends to Dick Cheney, the former defence minister and
also, until last July, chairman of the board and chief executive officer of
Halliburton's, the oil service company with interests in Cabinda.
Cheney dropped the Halliburton position when he accepted George W. Bush 's
invitation to be his running mate.
Not surprisingly, people became suspicious when Airscan gained the contract
to provide air surveillance to Cabinda's borders: some said the facilitator
was Cheney.
No wonder that the current US ambassador to Angola, Joseph Sullivan, is viewed
with suspicion by some observers in Luanda. But the Americans are not
the only ones to have benefited handsomely from their Angola connections.
John Flynn, a former British ambassador to the country (1990-93) and
previously a chargÿ d'affaires for nine months in 1978 is now a consultant
to the US oil giant, Chevron.

The Federal Government of Cabinda has issued
a Search and Capture Warrant for the following suspects, they are considered
to be armed and dangerous, they are sought for Collaboration with the
enemy and are there for accomplices in all raping, torture and murderers
of innocent civilians in Cabinda carried out by the MPLA Army. They are
so skilled in the art of corruption that they are the sole responsible
for arming and financing the occupation of Cabinda by the MPLA since the
beginning in 1975. They are also Charged with the account of collaborating
and involvement in the Cabindan Genocide, Human rights abuse, miss appropriation
of Cabindan oil, etc....

"For what shall it profit
a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED
AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall it profit
a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED ARMED
AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall it profit
a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall it profit
a woman, if she shall gain the whole world, and lose her own soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This womanhas no scruples
neither has her any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and
we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in
Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may her descendents be cursed until the
42nd generation...

"For what shall
it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no scruples
neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer to God and we
pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes committed in Cabinda
(murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall
it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall
it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall
it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

"For what shall
it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul?"

CAUTION !

CONSIDERED
ARMED AND EXTREMELY DANGEROUS

This man has no
scruples neither has he any form of conscience one day he must answer
to God and we pray that, may his soul burn in Hell and for the crimes
committed in Cabinda (murder, rape, genocide) may his descendents be cursed
until the 42nd generation...

MPLA/CHEVRON TEXACO,
LLP-Limited Liability Partnership a.k.a.
the untouchables at large in West Africa.

"Now, in spite of the increasingly
advantageous position of UNITA, and the imminent collapse of the illegitimate,
pro-Soviet government, elements within the State Department are doing their
best to salvage the (communist) MPLA, and to prevent the forces for democratic
government from winning in Angola."

— Senator Steve Symms, May
14, 1985

In distant, obscure Angola, on
the southwest coast of Africa, the alliance between capitalists and communists
has matured into its most open blatant form. Possibly the reported export
of ballbearing machines to Russia to produce bearings for Soviet missiles
may leave some readers with an uneasy feeling, but also with a vague need
to come to grips more concretely with the alliance. In Angola the most skeptical
reader can see the alliance working on a daily basis.

Angola, a one time Portuguese
colony, was "liberated" ten years ago by the MPLA (Popular Movement
for the Liberation of Angola), a Marxist organization in alliance with Angolian
nationalist groups. The MPLA was not elected and has never held elections.
MPLA seized power and has been kept in power by 36,000 Cubans and about 1,200
Soviet military personnel. The Cubans and the Soviets are in Angola for the
same reason Angolan Marxists will not allow free elections: because Marxism
does not represent the people of Angola.

The United States has been inhibited
from encouraging democratic, freely-elected forces by groups within the U.S.
State Department and the so-called Clark Amendment (repealed in 1985), sponsored
by former Senator Clark, which forbade the U.S. from assisting any group that
might challenge the Angolan Marxists.

Yet the Soviets in Angola are
challenged as they have never been challenged before; for the first time in
60 years a Marxist regime is in danger of overthrow by internal democratic
forces. Angolan guerrillas, known as UNITA (National Union for the Total Liberation
of Angola) have taken over one-third of Angola, about 250,000 square miles,
and control most of the countryside, particularly in the south.

UNITA is an unusual organization.
It is not American-backed. In fact, it is American corporations and the U.S.
State Department that have stopped a UNITA victory. UNITA is unusual also
in that it believes in free enterprise, free and secret elections, private
property, and decentralization of political power. UNITA is led by Jonas Savimbi,
aged 51, a ferocious-looking gentleman reminiscent of television's "Mr.
T." Savimbi is a European educated black intellectual who believes in
individual freedom.

Against Savimbi and UNITA we find
the Soviet Union, Cuban forces, the U.S. State Department, American multinationals,
and until recently, the U.S. Congress. Some years ago the Senate passed the
Clark Amendment, sponsored by Senator Clark, which in effect prevented U.S.
aid to this torch of freedom in southern Africa.

The muddled, confused thinking
of the United States is well illustrated by a statement made by former U.S.
Ambassador to United Nations Donald McHenry, to the effect that the U.S. should
not be surprised that the Soviets are aiding Angolan Marxists: "That
the Soviets are present to assist the Angolans and to assist the Namibians...
is no different from the presence of the United States in El Salvador and
U.S. assistance to E1 Salvador."

The point, of course, that McHenry
avoids is that the Soviet objective, more than clearly demonstrated in the
past 60 years, is a totalitarian controlled society without individual freedom.

The Soviets have indeed assisted
Marxist Angola. As far back as 1981 Soviet military officers up to the rank
of Colonel were killed and captured in Angola. Soviet Air Force personnel
have been captured in Angola (see Now, January 16, 1981.)

The real oddity in Angola is that
the single most important factor preventing a free open society is an American
multinational corporation. As succinctly stated by Congressman William L.
Dickinson (July 1985), "These Cuban troops are protecting American oil
interests and they are preventing UNITA from overrunning the MPLA."

In northeast is the Cabinda oil
complex owned by Gulf Oil Corporation (since March 1984, part of Chevron Oil
of California). CABINDA PROVIDES AT LEAST 80 PERCENT OF MARXIST ANGOLA'S FOREIGN
EXCHANGE. The balance comes from diamond concessions operated by Anglo-American
Corporation. Soviet and Cuban assistance is paid for from these foreign exchange
earnings.

When we look closely at Chevron
Gulf, we find that no less than a former U.S. Secretary of Defense, David
Packard, has been in a position to thwart Gulf backing for Soviet Angola —
yet did nothing.

Gulf Oil Corporation owns Cabinda,
and Gulf itself was taken over by Chevron in March 1984. Thus, we have two
sets of directors to look at, the original Gulf Oil directors who for a decade
allowed the Gulf Cabinda operation to finance Marxist Angola, and the Chevron
directors who had the opportunity to change corporate policy towards subsidy
of Marxist warfare.

Of these the most vocal in support
of Marxism was James E. Lee, former Chairman and Chief Executive officer of
Gulf and now a director of Chevron. Lee was strong in support of Marxist Angola,
even claiming to the wall Street Journal that the Neto regime was "stable"
and "easy to work with." (see cartoon opposite title page.)

In March 1984 Gulf was taken over
by Chevron in the largest corporate merger in U.S. history. A few Gulf directors
joined the Chevron board and Chevron-Gulf continued to operate Gulf Cabinda,
protected by Cuban and Soviet troops, continued to provide most of Angola's
foreign exchange and with the Angolan government, planned new joint ventures
to expand corporate usefulness to the unelected Marxist government. That Chevron-Gulf
should be protected by Cuban troops with Soviet air cover and a Soviet air
defense network doesn't seem to embarrass these Chevron directors at all,
even though some are directors of major U.S. defense contractors:

At the same annual meeting that
approved the Chevron takeover of Gulf and so lent Chevron support to Marxist
Angola, a Chevron director resigned. This was David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard
and a former Secretary of Defense. There is no record that Packard protested
either Gulf support of Marxism or objected that Chevron should not join the
band of American corporations who have aided world revolution. We doubt that
Packard resigned on grounds of principle, because Packard was an Overseer
of the Hoover Institution and Chairman of its Financial Committee back in
the early 1970s when Hoover Institution Director W. Glenn Campbell attempted
to put pressure on this author to stop publication of the earlier version
of this book, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union.

Another interesting facet to this
story of Soviet-multinational cooperation is in the amount of federal taxes
paid by these giant firms. In 1976 Gulf had a federal tax rate of 2%. In 1984
Gulf claimed a tax refund, even while showing a profit of $313 million. Gulf
1984 tax rate was minus 8.3% (with a refund of $26 million). So in the same
year that Gulf contributed most of Marxist Angola's foreign exchange and paid
Angolan taxes, it demanded $26 million refund from U.S. taxpayers. If payment
of taxes is a measure of patriotism, then Gulf Oil allegiance is more than
clear.

Identification of the Deaf Mute
Blindmen

The severity of our charges in
the Chevron-Gulf case suggest that we be doubly careful in identification
of the deaf mute blindmen. Not all directors of multinational corporations
fit the description. Some in fact decidely do not. Not all politicians and
bureaucrats fit the bill, although it is hard to find exceptions in Department
of State.

Let's take a paradoxical example
to demonstrate the need for care. In the Reagan Administration both Secretary
of Defense Casper Weinberger and Secretary of State George Schultz are former
officers of Bechtel Corporation, the multinational construction firm. However,
Weinberger is one of the few in Washington to understand technological transfers.
George Shultz on the other hand has a long-time unchanging record in favor
of continuing transfers. Yet both have been top officials within Bechtel Corporation.

While Department of State has
never produced a single opponent of transfers, the Department of Commerce
has — Lawrence Brady. And although Weinberger is at DoD, the same department
has produced several deaf mutes from among its top officials. The previously
cited David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard, is a major sponsor of Congressman
Ed Zschau, a vocal active supporter of more aid to Soviet military power.

Identification has to be handled
on a case by case, individual basis.

What is to be Done?

The basic solution to Chevron-Gulf
and other cases is political. It will take pressure from grass roots Americans
and indeed from all those who love freedom to knock sense into their elected
representatives and then into successive administrations and finally into
the deaf mute blind-men.

There is, however, a startpoint
which is demonstrated by the Chevron-Gulf case. Department of Defense has
shown realistic concern over transfers of technology and the military end-use
in Soviet world ambition. Why doesn't DoD start to consider Western technology
to the Soviets in the award of DoD contracts?

In brief, penalize those firms
working both sides of the street. If Chase Manhattan wants to finance Soviet
contracts, all well and good, but it should not also expect a piece of the
U.S. Defense pie at the same time. If General Electric wants to sell to the
Soviets, OK, let G.E. go ahead —within the law — but not also
simultaneously benefit from DoD contracts. If Chevron-Gulf want to work hand-in-glove
with Soviet military ambitions, they should not also be able to bid on U.S.
government contracts and claim federal tax refunds when the firm is making
substantial profit. When awarding DoD contracts, preference should be given
to those U.S. and foreign firms who show enough sense to walk away from Soviet
deals.