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<div align="center">
<h2>Sullen Fires Across the
Atlantic:<br />
Essays in Transatlantic Romanticism</h2>
</div>
<h3 align="center">London-Kingston-Caracas: The
Transatlantic<br />
Self-Fashioning of Sim&oacute;n Bol&iacute;var</h3>
<h4 align="center">Joselyn M. Almeida, Long Island
University</h4>
</div>
<div id="content">
<ol>
<li style="list-style: none; display: inline">
<blockquote>
Whilst he was at Paris, Bolivar's favourite and
principal occupation was the study of those branches
of science which belong to the formation of the
warrior and the statesman . . . Humboldt and Bompland
were his intimate friends, and accompanied him in his
travels in France: nor did he think he had learned
enough until he had traversed England, Italy, and a
part of Germany . . . He went back to America, where
he arrived at the very moment when his
fellow-countrymen, who were wearied with the
oppression of the Spanish government, had determined
to unfurl the standard of independence . . . but he
disapproved of the system adopted by the Congress of
Venezuela, and refused to join Don Lopez Mendez in
his mission to England, which was connected with the
interests of the new government. Bol&iacute;var even
declined any connexion with it, though he continued a
staunch friend of his country's liberties. ("Sketch"
5)
</blockquote>
</li>
<li>
<p>"Sketch of the Political Career of Sim&oacute;n
Bol&iacute;var" is among the opening pieces of the
January 1823 issue of the <i>New Monthly Magazine</i>,
which, as Nanora Sweet has argued, served to foster
Anglo-Hispanic ties (Sweet 143). Within the first
paragraphs, the anonymous author endeavors to establish
the image of Bol&iacute;var as a cosmopolitan gentleman
who had completed his education with the European grand
tour. The assertions that follow this initial
description, however, are puzzling to anyone familiar
with Bol&iacute;var's life. He in fact was with
L&oacute;pez M&eacute;ndez "in his mission to England";
Jos&eacute; Blanco White, who corrected the proofs for
the <i>New Monthly</i> article, knew this not only
because of his friendship with Andr&eacute;s Bello, who
had accompanied <i>el general</i> to London, but also
because he met Bol&iacute;var there. Andr&eacute; Pons
notes that "Blanco White personally met Bol&iacute;var
in the summer of 1810 when Bol&iacute;var was appointed
by the Junta in Caracas to a diplomatic mission with
Andr&eacute;s Bello and L&oacute;pez M&eacute;ndez"
(Pons 508).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Why did Blanco White not correct this historical
error in the "Sketch"? If it was an oversight, he
caught it in "Noticia biogr&aacute;fica de D&oacute;n
Sim&oacute;n de Bol&iacute;var," his version of the
<i>New Monthly</i> piece that opened the first issue of
<i>Variedades</i>, and which was published in January
1823 as well. Blanco suppressed the erroneous passage
for his Latin American readers, to whom
Bol&iacute;var's London visit would have been familiar.
That the author of the <i>Monthly</i> article would
want to make British readers think that Bol&iacute;var
had not accompanied L&oacute;pez M&eacute;ndez and that
Blanco would go along with this impression point to the
careful manipulation of Bol&iacute;var's image in the
early 1820s: a victorious general and statesman who had
liberated a continent from "the oppression of the
Spanish government" through his own efforts. A public
acknowledgement of how much British assistance he
received would have been, as Blanco astutely added in
the conclusion of the "Noticia biogr&aacute;fica,"
contrary to Britain's political interests. "Aunque los
enlaces pol&iacute;ticos de la Gran Breta&ntilde;a . .
. requer&iacute;an la neutralidad que su gobierno ha
guardado, los Republicanos de la Am&eacute;rica
Espa&ntilde;ola no cumplir&iacute;an con los deberes de
la gratitud si no mirasen a la Inglaterra como origen,
en parte, de la libertad que empiezan a gozar" ["Though
the political ties of Great Britain . . . required it
to be neutral, the Republicans of Spanish America would
not fulfill their debt of gratitude if they did not
regard England as an origin, in part, of the liberty
they begin to enjoy" ] (Blanco 12).<a href=
"#1">[1]</a>
Blanco also intuits that the idea that Sim&oacute;n
Bol&iacute;var, who embodied the gestas of independence
and the liberation of South America, was ever in the
position of a supplicant to a European power like
Britain, would have been repellent to the new
republics.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Notwithstanding Blanco's dexterous editorial
diplomacy, his remarkable statement&mdash;that England
be considered an origin of Latin American
independence&mdash;posits a challenge to scholars
interested in transatlantic Romanticism.<a href=
"#2">[2]</a>
William Keach's "thinking transatlantically about
romanticism" (33), which pervades current critical
discourse, is caught in an impasse: the transatlantic
journeys are assumed to be between Britain and its
English speaking contacts in the American hemisphere.
This monolingual notion of the transatlantic cannot
explain Blanco White's assertion. Nor, in fact, do
other models of British Atlantic culture that include
the Caribbean in their formulations.<a href=
"#3">[3]</a>
With the exception of Mary Louise Pratt and Eugenia
Rold&aacute;n Vera, the Spanish American nexus that
connected London, Kingston, and even Dublin with Spain,
the Caribbean, South America, and Africa has been
largely overlooked. Pratt, whose work on Humboldt has
reintroduced Latin America as a locus for Romanticism,
devotes a chapter to Andr&eacute;s Bello and Domingo
Faustino Sarmiento, two major nineteenth century
writers in Latin America, but it has not had the same
critical impact as her work on Humboldt.<a href=
"#4">[4]</a>
Eugenia Rold&aacute;n Vera's work has shown the
intricate connections between Rudolph Ackermann's
bilingual press and the newly formed republics in the
Americas; he published Blanco White's
<em>Variedades</em> as well as 100 titles, including a
translation of Scott's <i>Ivanhoe</i> and Jos&eacute;
Joaqu&iacute;n de Mora's <i>Meditaciones
Po&eacute;ticas</i>, a series of poems to accompany
William Blake's engravings to Blair's <i>The
Grave</i>.<a href=
"#5">[5]</a>
This body of work, however, has not received the
attention that it merits from transatlantic
scholars.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>To invoke the Americas, the Caribbean, and the
Atlantic, and ignore the crucial presence of
Hispano-Americans, whom Romantic authors themselves
acknowledged, is an act of critical oversight that
becomes less and less viable. Implicitly, this
oversight condones what Kirsten Silva Gruesz calls the
"imperial conflation of America with the United States
. . . America [is] a name which [the U.S] has
appropriated synechdocically unto itself" (10).
However, the cultural history Gruesz maps for the
United States, one in which intercultural exchanges
cross linguistic borders, has earlier origins than
those she claims for Jos&eacute; Mar&iacute;a Heredia's
"Ni&aacute;gara" (1824) and William Cullen Bryant's
translation of Heredia in 1827. As Nigel Leask and more
recently Robert Aguirre have shown, Humboldt's
incursion into the Americas generated an avid interest
in Mexican and Peruvian artifacts. Aguirre writes that
"in the wake of Alexander von Humboldt's journeys,
which made Latin America an object of intense scrutiny
after 300 years of Spanish domination, the British
quest for and representation of pre-Columbian antiquity
became a crucial cultural arm of the larger political
strategy historians call 'informal imperialism'" (xv).
He focuses on William Bullock's <i>Residence and
Travels in Mexico</i> (1824) and his collecting, which
forms the basis of the British Museum's permanent
collection of Mexican art (Aguirre 26-33).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>As central as Humboldt's travels are when thinking
about the European construction of Latin America, it
must be remembered that two other pressing concerns
made the Americas extremely real to the British public
during the Romantic period&mdash;Napoleon and the slave
trade. James Mill argued in "Emancipation of Spanish
America" (1809) that South America was a "barrier . . .
to resist the torrent whose pressure we must continue
to dread" (230), a sentiment later echoed in other
journals. "The Continent of America alone can save us
from the gigantic power of Bonaparte" declares the
November issue of <i>The Statesman</i> (Miranda
23:103).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Debbie Lee has most recently elaborated the
connection between Britain and the slave trade, one
that through commodities, maps, images, literature,
discourse, and disease made itself felt in the
metropolis and "shaped the Romantic imagination" (6).
What has not been considered is how British discourse
about the slave trade was linked in the British
imagination with the independence of Latin America. A
transatlantic reading of Sim&oacute;n Bol&iacute;var's
"Carta de Jamaica" ("Jamaica Letter"), written during
his exile&nbsp; in Kingston in 1815, shows that he
draws on the discursive connection between abolition
and independence that Mill and others had made familiar
to the British public in order to make his case for
continued British support of the Latin American
enterprise.<a href=
"#6">[6]</a>&nbsp;
Like <em>El Espa&ntilde;ol</em>, the <i>New Monthly
Magazine</i>, and <i>Variedades</i>, the "Jamaica
Letter" aims to create a textual alliance between
Britain and Latin America. Though it has long been
considered a foundational document of Latin American
thought, the letter's intended audience is clearly the
British public, metonymically represented by its
addressee, Henry Cullen. Bol&iacute;var's language
expresses anxiety about slave uprisings even as it uses
the language of abolition as a critique of empire to
gain sympathy for the Latin American cause, an anxiety
with which British audiences, and especially British
Creoles in Kingston, could clearly identify. This
reading also reasserts the importance of Kingston as a
locale that connects the Anglophone and Hispanophone
transatlantic.<a href=
"#7">[7]</a></p>
</li>
<li>
<p>The letter's publication history also supports the
need to reconsider it within a transatlantic context,
rather than the more nationalistic readings that it has
hitherto received. As Pedro Grases, a renowned
Bol&iacute;var scholar, has shown, the first known
manuscript of the letter is in English. It was
published in <i>The Jamaica Quarterly and Literary
Gazette</i> in 1818 and again in 1825 under the title
"General Bolivar's Letter to a Friend, on the Subject
of South American Independence. (Translated from the
Spanish.)" (706). The manuscript in Spanish was not
published until 1833, after Bol&iacute;var's death in
1830. Like the "Sketch" in the <i>New Monthly</i> and
the "Noticia Biogr&aacute;fica," the "Carta de Jamaica"
has a double life. This article will briefly address
the ways in which Bol&iacute;var's self-fashioning in
the "Jamaica Letter" and other writings during his
exile in Kingston in 1815 shapes the image of
Bol&iacute;var for the British public. My reading
suggests that Romanticism in the Caribbean and the
Americas has a multilingual dimension, and invites
readers to rethink the "movements of time, plot, and
history" (Bakhtin 84) in the transatlantic that more
traditional readings exclude.</p>
<p><b>II. Kingston Circa 1815</b></p>
</li>
<li>
<p>For British sailors, travelers, and planters like
Olaudah Equiano, Lady Maria Nugent, and Monk Lewis
experiencing the city of Kingston became <i>de
rigeur</i> when in Jamaica. Lewis, who arrived during
the John-Canoe celebrations at Christmas in 1816, gives
a lively account of the city, declaring that he "never
saw so many people [both black and white] who appeared
to be so unaffectedly happy" (40). Equiano's
experience, on the other hand, points to Kingston's
role as a major slave-trading port. Having been denied
his wages by a captain Baker, he goes from magistrate
to magistrate seeking redress, "and there were nine,
but they refused to do anything for me, and said my
oath could not be admitted against a white man . . .
Such oppressions as these made me seek for a vessel to
get out of the island as fast as I could" (218).
Trevord Burnard notes that during the eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries, Kingston "remained the
principal port of entry of slaves until the abolition
of the trade in 1808 . . . [from 1700] to 1808, 830,000
slaves were imported into Jamaica" (234). Merchants
also supplied slaves to the Spanish American
colonies&mdash;the illicit trade in goods and slaves
provided needed bullion for traders, who in turn used
it for loans to sugar planters (Burnard 237). Burnard
continues "Having gone to the Caribbean to make their
fortunes, some wealthy West Indians returned to Britain
and made new careers as London merchants, continuing to
deal with their brethren back in the tropics"
(232)&mdash; dealings that Jane Austen dramatized in
<i>Mansfield Park</i> through the figure of Sir Thomas
Bertram. Kingston, as a city of empire, seemed distant
and marginal, but as Edward Said has pointed out,"Far
from being nothing much 'out there,' British colonial
possessions in the Antilles [West Indies] and
Leeward&nbsp; islands were during Jane Austen's time a
crucial setting for Anglo-French colonial competition"
(90).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Said, however, does not mention that Spain also was
part of this contest and does not posit Kingston as a
site of resistance. The Ashanti Queen Nanny, who
defeated the British in the Jamaican Maroon Wars during
the 1720s and 1730s, played on the imperial rivalry
between Spain and Britain. The British feared a plan by
slaves to "hand over the island [of Jamaica] to Spain
when they had taken it over, on the condition that the
Spanish guarantee their freedom" (qtd. in Linebaugh and
Rediker 195). Resistance was also expressed in the
domestic sphere: Toussaint L'Ouverture's revolution
encouraged enslaved Afro-Caribbeans in Kingston to "not
do anything but listen" to the tabletalk of whites.
Lady Nugent records in her journal: "The splendour of
the black chiefs of St. Domingo, their superior
strength, their firmness of character [. . .] are the
common topics at dinner; and the blackies [sic] in
attendance seem so much interested, that they hardly
change a plate, or do anything but listen. How very
imprudent, and what must it all lead to!" (198). The
latent implications of a revolution in
Jamaica&mdash;one that domestics could conceive around
her own dinner table as they ignored the dishes that
needed to be retrieved&mdash;do not escape Lady Nugent.
As Lucille Mathurin Mair notes, "Domestic slaves in
particular, many of whom were women. . . listened
carefully to the discussions of their masters and
mistresses: planters spoke quite frequently about
slavery in their homes, at the dinner tables . . .
confident that blacks were too unintelligent to
understand the conversation of whites" (991).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>If the slave trade connected the Anglo-Hispanic
world in Kingston, the city also served as a strategic
location for the wars of Spanish American Independence
because of its geographical proximity to Venezuela, and
its financial, political, and military connections to
London. In 1806, when Francisco de Miranda had tried to
invade Venezuela while the British attempted to take
Buenos Aires, Kingston was a purveyor of supplies, and
perhaps more importantly, the communications hub for
news about Miranda's operations. London papers relied
on their Kingston counterparts to report what was
happening in South America and the Caribbean. A report
from <em>The Times</em> is typical: "The Jamaican
papers state, that Miranda's squadron touched at Jacmel
of the 10th of April and sailed again on the 6th for
Caraccas, joined by the Echo Schooner at Jamaica. The
avowed object of the expedition (says the royal Gazett)
is to revolutionize the south american Colonyes [sic]"
(Miranda 23: 157).<a href=
"#8">[8]</a>
When Bol&iacute;var arrived in Kingston after the
disastrous loss of Cartagena to the Spanish at the end
of 1814, the Latin America-Kingston-London news circuit
was thus well established.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>From Kingston Bol&iacute;var launched a public
relations campaign to raise British support for more
money and troops, directing his efforts towards
individuals and the press. On May 1815, Bol&iacute;var
wrote to Sir Richard Wellesley, who had been an
Ambassador to the Central Junta in Spain in 1809 and
Secretary of Foreign Affairs until 1812: "Me he salido
a dar la alarma al mundo, a implorar auxilios, a
anunciar a la Gran Breta&ntilde;a y a la humanidad
toda, que una parte de su especie va a fenecer, y que
la m&aacute;s bella mitad de la tierra ser&aacute;
desolada" [ "I have come to sound the alarm, to ask for
assistance, to tell Great Britain and the world that
part of its species will die, and that the most
beautiful half of the earth will be desolate"] ("A Sir
Ricardo"). He also wrote to the Duke of Manchester, who
was then Governor of Jamaica. Besides those in
governmental positions, Bol&iacute;var had contacts
among the merchant class in Jamaica, which is not
surprising given the fact that Kingston and South
America carried on trade in defiance of prohibitions
from the Spanish Crown. Maxwell Hyslop, who acted as an
agent for plantation proprietors, is one of the persons
to whom Bol&iacute;var wrote for money.<a href=
"#9">[9]</a>
"Suplico a Ud. que se sirva suministrar el dinero que
Ud pueda . . . en la inteligencia de que, en llegando a
Cartagena, le pagar&eacute; a Ud. la suma total" [ "I
humbly ask that you provide whatever money you can . .
. with the knowledge that I will pay you the total sum
upon my arrival in Cartagena"] ("Al Se&ntilde;or Don
Maxwell").</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Besides contacting government figures and merchants,
Bol&iacute;var also wrote pieces for the <i>Jamaica
Gazette</i>, which were reprinted in the Times; these
were calculated to appease and appeal to a British
audience. He had a difficult task ahead. On the one
hand, the British were elated and exhausted after
Wellington's triumph over Napoleon at Waterloo; the
benefits of British intervention in South America would
not seem as urgent to Britain after the Napoleonic
menace had been removed. In a letter to the <i>Royal
Gazette</i>'s Editor published on September 23, 1815,
Bol&iacute;var explains his view of "internal
differences" between Royalists and those in the
Independence army. The letter's temporal proximity to
the better known Jamaica Letter shows Bol&iacute;var's
struggle to rewrite the rationale for British
participation and intervention in Latin America. He
places Latin America in a historical continuum,
beginning with Athens and concluding with "the United
States of North America": "What free nation, ancient or
modern, is there, which has not suffered by disunion?
Can there be a history more turbulent than that of
Athens?&nbsp; . . . Civil wars, more violent than those
of England? Dissensions, more dangerous than those in
North America?" ("To the Editor"). Bol&iacute;var sees
the internecine struggles in Latin America as a
"thermometer of liberty," and not as a symptom of an
instability that threatens to give victory to the
Spanish, which is the concern of his detractors. He
also notes that the United States had "a foreign Power"
support its bid for independence, whereas "we were
abandoned by the whole world" ("To The Editor"). His
disappointment after months of lobbying is palpable:
"We have no other weapons to resist our enemies but our
arms, our breasts, our horses, and our pikes. The weak
require to struggle long, in order to conquer. The
strong give, as at Waterloo, one battle, and an Empire
disappears!" (Bolivar "To the Editor"). Yet
Bol&iacute;var ends with a brave front despite these
reverses, acknowledging the desperate situation in
which "The South-Americans" find themselves, "a despair
which has almost always led to victory" ("To the
Editor").</p>
<p><b>III. The "Jamaica Letter"</b></p>
</li>
<li>
<p>If the "Letter to the Editor of the <i>Royal
Gazette</i>" presents a defiant Bol&iacute;var
struggling to write Latin America into the narrative of
world and British history, the "Jamaica Letter,"
written around the same time (September 6, 1815), shows
a Bol&iacute;var who confidently draws upon authors
such as Alexander Von Humboldt, William Robertson,
Abb&eacute; Raynal, Montesquieu, and Blanco White to
seek the "auspicios de una naci&oacute;n liberal que
nos preste su protecci&oacute;n" ["auspices of a
liberal nation that would lend us its protection"]
("Carta" 84). While other scholars have focused on the
letter's relationship to Enlightenment thought, I focus
on Bol&iacute;var's doubling strategies within the
letter given his consciousness of a transatlantic
audience, and that the perception of his persona in
London was crucial to the success of the Wars of
Independence. <a href=
"#10">[10]</a>
The letter's double life in Spanish and English creates
a mirroring effect between Latin America and Britain in
order to cement a textual alliance. Bol&iacute;var also
uses the discourses of slavery and empire to deflect
another "doubling" that he is at pains to conceal from
his British audience: the actions of Afro-Venezuelans
who, like the Independence army, fight against their
criollo masters to get the freedom the latter are
demanding from Spain. This was a special concern to the
British, who were in the midst of abolitionist
campaigns, and for Bol&iacute;var's financiers in
Kingston and London, whose profits from slavery would
be jeopardized if enslaved Afro-Jamaicans took up arms
like their Venezuelan counterparts.<a href=
"#11">[11]</a></p>
</li>
<li>
<p>The letter's composition in two languages is
extraordinary&mdash;its historical equivalent would be
a 1776 translation of the Declaration of Independence
into Spanish for circulation in Florida, New Orleans,
and Latin America. After Bol&iacute;var wrote the
letter in Spanish, General John Robertson, an
Anglo-Canadian officer in the British Army who had
served as secretary of the governor of Curazao, drafted
the English translation, and Bol&iacute;var then
corrected it, marking his corrections on the English
manuscript in French (Grases 706).<a href=
"#12">[12]</a>
Yet the Declaration, as an official, public, statement
carries with it the weight of the letter of the law. By
contrast, a letter is dialogical in nature and depends
on the addressee to complete its signification. As
Lacan concludes with regards to Poe's purloined letter:
"the sender . . . receives from the receiver his own
message in reverse form" (52-3). The letter's
signification points to several reversals. First there
is the reversal of language in Bol&iacute;var's answer.
Bol&iacute;var assumes the rhetorical stance of
answering questions that he receives from Henry Cullen,
and although Cullen's letter is presumably in English,
Bol&iacute;var answers in Spanish. The second reversal
is the Jamaica Letter's translation from Spanish to
English; Bol&iacute;var reverses his own text by
authorizing Robertson's translation into English.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>The mirroring of English and Spanish in the letter
stands for a complex rewriting of Anglo-Hispanic
historiography, in which Spanish Americans emerge as
accomplices of Britain, rather than as their
traditional antagonists. In his <i>Days of Obligation:
An Argument With My Mexican Father</i>, Richard
Rodr&iacute;guez, the renowned Latino essayist,
suggests that the emblematic episode of Anglo-Hispanic
history is the sinking of the Spanish Armada. He
summons this cultural icon as paradigmatic of
Latino-Anglo American relations:</p>
<blockquote>
According to the <em>Dallas Morning News</em>, a gang
of "Anglos" and a gang of Hispanics shed real blood
in a nonfictional cafeteria, in imitation of a
sixteenth century sea battle the students have never
heard of. Who could have guessed that a European
rivalry would play itself out several hundred years
after Philip's Armada was sunk by Elizabeth's navie?
And here? Yet Americans comically (because
unknowingly) assume proxy roles within a
centuries-old quarrel of tongues. (110)
</blockquote>
</li>
<li>
<p>While Rodr&iacute;guez is right to point out that
the narrative of imperial Spain and its rival England
frames the Latino and Anglo students fighting in a
cafeteria &agrave; la West Side Story, he overlooks how
translation&mdash;mirroring rather than
confrontation&mdash;was one of the strategies Latin
Americans used to resist Spain's imperial narrative and
author their own. Like other translations that invert
colonial relations&mdash;for example, Richard Madden's
translation of the autobiography of Cuban slave Juan
Manzano&mdash;the "Jamaica Letter" problematizes the
assumption that European rivalries replay themselves
obsessively in the theatre of the Americas.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Rather than recapitulating the bitter history of
England and Spain, Bol&iacute;var presents himself as
Cullen's ally by quoting and answering Cullen's
questions on the character of the "New World." Indeed,
Cullen's letter serves to organize Bol&iacute;var's
exposition. Bol&iacute;var assumes the role of the
addressee returning the sender's message in "reverse
form"; the message that Bol&iacute;var returns is a
narrative of empire and oppression. Prompted by Cullen,
who writes, "For the last three centuries, the Spanish
have been committing barbarities in Columbus'
hemisphere" (56), Bol&iacute;var invokes Las Casas, who
"denunci&oacute; ante su gobierno y
contempor&aacute;neos los actos m&aacute;s horrorosos
de un frenes&iacute; sanguinario" [ "denounced before
his government and contemporaries the most horrendous
acts of a bloodthirsty frenzy"] (56). The
bloodthirstiness of the Spanish is "insaciable" (58),
and the implied cannibalism and/or vampirism of the
Spanish transposes the valuation of the European as
"civilized" and the Native as "savage." As Tzvetan
T&oacute;dorov has observed, Las Casas is the first
European to make this transvaluation. Las Casas
"show[s] the relativity of the notion of 'barbarism' .
. . each of us is the other's barbarian" (190).</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Las Casas's denunciation of abuse and torture
against Native Americans becomes the basis of the case
against Spain, and this seems to be the accepted reason
as to why Bol&iacute;var chooses him to open his case
to the British. <span class=
"MsoEndnoteReference"><a href=
"#13">[13]</a>
Antonio Ben&iacute;tez Rojo has noted that "las ideas
de Las Casas cobraron particular importancia en las
primeras d&eacute;cadas del siglo XIX, cuando la gran
mayor&iacute;a de las colonias espa&ntilde;olas de
Am&eacute;rica se rebelaba para conseguir la
independencia" [ "Las Casas's ideas became particularly
important during the first decades of the nineteenth
century, when the great majority of American colonies
rebelled to obtain their independence"] (112). When
read in a transatlantic context, however,
Bol&iacute;var's billing of himself as a second Las
Casas raises important questions about the
contradictions regarding slavery at the heart of the
independence movement, and the way in which
Bol&iacute;var wants to control how the British public
read reports of his revolution, one that, for all its
rhetoric against slavery, will not result in the actual
liberation of slaves, and in fact conceals actual slave
uprisings against Bol&iacute;var and the Independence
army. While Bol&iacute;var writes from Kingston, slaves
in Venezuela and Latin America have not been liberated,
and Britain&mdash;still profiting from slavery&mdash;is
providing financing for the Wars of Independence.
Invoking the comparison to Las Casas allows
Bol&iacute;var to communicate to his British audience
that he vehemently opposes Spain without having to
declare a position on slavery.</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">This double
signification is possible because of Las Casas's
contested status in Britain as an icon for
abolitionists. Thomas Clarkson opens his Essay on the
Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species narrating Las
Casas's activities against slavery; Clarkson places his
work in relation to that of "the pious Bishop of
Chiapa" (Preface). In the midst of the brutal scene of
the conquest, he is the man to "make a publick
remonstrance before the celebrated emperor Charles the
fifth, declaring, that heaven would one day call him to
an account of those cruelties which he then had it in
his power to prevent" (Preface). The abolitionists'
identification with him partially explains Las Casas's
deus ex machina role in Williams's Peru, where he
appears as "the pitying angel" who opposes the priest
Valverde's cruelty and brutality (3.97). In <em>The
West Indies</em>, which James Montgomery wrote to
commemorate the abolition of the slave trade in 1808,
he calls Wilberforce "The new Las Casas of a ruin'd
race" (4.136); Las Casas "raised his voice against a
sea of blood / Whose chilling waves recoiled while he
foretold / His country's ruin by avenging gold"
(1.120-2). At the same time, abolitionists fiercely
defend him against the charge that William Robertson
imputes in his <i>History of America</i>: "While [Las
Casas] contended earnestly for the liberty of the
people born in one quarter of the globe, he laboured to
enslave the inhabitants of another region; and in the
warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the yoke,
pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one
heavier still upon the Africans" (Robertson
1:319).</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">Robertson is not
being entirely fair to Las Casas, though. In the early
period of the conquest Las Casas did recommend that "if
necessary, white and black slaves can be brought from
Castille to keep herds and build sugar mills, and wash
gold" and suggested that each Spanish migrant should be
allowed to take 20 black slaves (qtd. in Traboulay 50).
Todorov points out that "Las Casas did not have the
same attitude towards Indians and Blacks: he consents
that the latter, and not the former, be reduced to
slavery. We must remember that the enslavement of
blacks is an acknowledged phenomenon at the time,
whereas that of the Indians is beginning before his
eyes" (170). Las Casas's attitude changes from 1516 to
1546, for as Traboulay puts it, "The matter of
providing Black slaves took a different turn than Las
Casas had intended. The contract to provide 4,000
slaves was given to one of King Charles' friends,
Governor Bresa, who then sold the license to Genoese
merchants" (52). In other words, the Las Casas of 1514
sees the ramifications of Native American slavery but
cannot foresee the enslaving of Africans becoming as
systematized, inhumane, and genocidal as what he is
witnessing in the New World. By 1546, the trade and
exploitation of enslaved Africans leads him to write,
"He [Las Casas] always considered the Blacks as
unjustly and tyranically reduced to slavery, for the
same reasons applied to them and to the Indians" (qtd.
in Todorov 170).</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">Peter Blanchard
has attributed "the origins of the language of the
independence era" to the Enlightenment and notes that
the "particular analogy [of] slavery" creeps into the
language of "those fighting for freedom" (500). Yet
slavery as a metaphor for the condition of Latin
Americans in the Jamaica Letter is a result of
Bol&iacute;var's unstated but analogous relationship to
Las Casas, and his knowledge of the British
abolitionist debate. While Bol&iacute;var has to gain
support for his cause, he cannot afford to alienate
those of his supporters who are profiting from slavery,
which included the Baring family and banking house
(Williams 171). Bol&iacute;var describes the colonial
relationship between Spain and the Americas as a
relationship between an abusive master and his slave.
Speaking to Cullen of Spain's attempt to suppress the
Independence army, he writes "Ya hemos sido libres y
nuestros enemigos pretenden de nuevo esclavizarnos" [
"We have been free, and our enemies pretend to enslave
us again"] ("Carta" 63). Under Spanish rule, Latin
Americans have lived "en un grado m&aacute;s bajo de la
servidumbre, y por lo mismo con m&aacute;s dificultad
para elevarnos al goce de la libertad" [ "in a state
lower than servitude, and because of this, with greater
difficulty to lift ourselves to the enjoyment of
liberty"] ("Carta" 70). Following Montesquieu, he
speculates that it is harder for "naciones esclavas" [
"enslaved nations"] to become free than it is to
"subyugar un[a] libre" [ "to subdue a free one"]
("Carta" 76). The metaphor is calculated to engender
pathos: the degradation that accompanies slavery
highlights the righteousness of the patriots' cause,
since no free man would ever want to be enslaved.
Resistance against the Spanish is fierce because men
"han perecido por no ser esclavos" ["have died so as
not to be slaves"] (Carta 58). But the metaphor also
points to Bol&iacute;var's attitudes towards slavery.
To Bol&iacute;var and his audience, enslavement is the
most degraded state of being, and renders it "difficult
to enjoy liberty." One can see how this argument could
be used by both abolitionists and planters.</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">When
Bol&iacute;var actually refers to slavery, he imagines
slaves as incapable of becoming free in the sense that
would be acceptable to a European audience, "la
[libertad] que se alcanza infaliblemente, en la
sociedades civiles, cuando ellas est&aacute;n fundadas
sobre las bases de la justicia, la libertad y la
igualdad" [ "the [freedom] reached infallibly in civil
societies, when they are founded on the basis of
justice, liberty, and equality"] ("Carta" 76).
Surveying the likelihood of success for the
independence army, Bol&iacute;var paints the geography
of the continent from Mexico to Peru. The only country
where he doubts independence can be achieved is Peru
because it "encierra dos enemigos de todo
r&eacute;gimen justo y liberal: oro y esclavos. El
primero lo corrompe todo; el segundo est&aacute;
corrompido por si mismo" [ "[Peru] encloses two enemies
of any just and liberal government: gold and slaves.
The first corrupts everything; the second corrupts
himself"] ("Carta" 80). The self-corrupting slave "rara
vez alcanza a apreciar la sana libertad: se enfurece en
los tumultos o se enfurece en las cadenas" ["rarely
appreciates healthy liberty: he rages in revolt or
rages in chains"] ( "Carta" 81). Bol&iacute;var's claim
that slaves are incapable of "appreciat[ing] healthy
liberty" echoes Coleridge's pronouncement that slaves
were "unprepared for freedom" (Richardson 11). It also
anticipates the resistance of planters just before the
abolition of slavery in 1834, captured in Mrs.
Carmichael's <i>Domestic Manners and Social Condition
of the White, Coloured, and Negro Population of the
West Indies</i>. Intended as evidence for Parliament
and an apologia for planters, she writes from her
experience as a planter's wife: "I could enumerate
numerous facts, all tending to prove that many negroes
are utterly unfit for rights of civilized men" (2:
198).</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">Bolivar's
insistence on the inability of enslaved persons to
translate their "rage" into action culminates in a
portrait of the contented slave, which Bol&iacute;var
offers in another letter he writes to the <i>Royal
Gazette</i> of Jamaica:</span></p>
<blockquote>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">El esclavo en la
Am&eacute;rica espa&ntilde;ola vegeta abandonado en
las haciendas, gozando, por decirlo as&iacute;, de su
inacci&oacute;n, de la hacienda de su se&ntilde;or, y
de una gran parte de los bienes de la libertad; y
como la religi&oacute;n le ha persuadido que es un
deber sagrado servir, ha nacido y existido en esta
dependencia dom&eacute;stica, se considera en su
estado natural, como un miembro de la familia de su
amo, a quien ama y respeta.</span></p>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">[The slave in
Spanish America loafs abandoned in the plantations,
enjoying, as it were, his inaction, his master's
grounds, and a greater part of the fruits of liberty;
and because religion has persuaded him that service
is a sacred duty, because he is born and raised in
this domestic dependence, he considers himself, in
his natural state, as a member of the family of his
master, whom he loves and respects.] ("Carta al
Editor" 87)</span></p>
</blockquote>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">The rhetoric of
Kingston's planters has found its way into
Bol&iacute;var's prose here, for after all, British
slaves, like those in Spanish America, were also
treated as "members of the family of his master." The
idleness of slaves in the midst of abundance is a
favorite theme of Mrs. Carmichael's, who informs her
readers that "The slave may be perfectly idle, and yet
he is supported. The British labourer strains every
nerve to live. The slave is provided for without
anxiety on his part" (1:180) and that "Indeed one had
only to walk about the states in the vicinity of
Kingstown . . . and see how cheerful the slaves were,
to be convinced that the idea of slavery as bondage,
was the last thought that ever entered their minds" (1:
244).&nbsp; But Bol&iacute;var knew this portrait did
not correspond to reality any more than those painted
by the Kingston planters. Manuel Piar, one of his
generals, was a mulatto who "proclaimed to the
inhabitants of Margarita Island in 1814 that to him
'death was more worthy than slavery'" (qtd. in
Blanchard 501).<a href=
"#14">[14]</a>
While Piar fought for the Independence army, there were
enslaved Venezuelans who chose to throw in their lot
with the Royalists, a far cry from the filial fantasy
the Bol&iacute;var depicted in the pages of the
<i>Royal Gazette</i>. <a href=
"#15">[15]</a></span></p>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><b>IV. Puy and
P&iacute;o</b></span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">Puy and P&iacute;o
are two Afro-Venezuelans whose opposition to
Bol&iacute;var and the independence army have earned
them the excoriation of Bolivarian scholars for almost
two hundred years; yet what has not been sufficiently
considered in Bolivarian historiography is the fact
that they were enslaved men siding with the Royalists
in the hope of earning their freedom, and, given the
uprisings throughout the Caribbean, freedom for slaves
at large. As Blanchard records, the Spanish crown
offered slaves their freedom if they sided with the
Royalist army, an action which is reminiscent of
British strategy in the American Revolution; the
Independence army had to make accommodations if it was
not to lose the large number of men to the Crown:
"Needing soldiers for their armies and trying to
prevent slaves from supporting the royalist cause,
revolutionary leaders in all parts of the continent
granted slaves the freedom that they wanted" (Blanchard
501). But the delay in granting slaves their freedom
cost the revolutionaries troops. Bol&iacute;var did not
grant freedom to slaves serving in his army until 1816;
prior to that, Miranda had done so in 1812, and the war
had been going on for two years by then. Jos&eacute;
Ramos Gu&eacute;dez notes that Miranda's "measure did
not consolidate the Independence army's efforts to
destroy the Spanish forces that in a short time
frustrated the republican cause. Furthermore, many
slaves obtained their liberty by fighting for both
sides, or by fleeing their place of work to maroon
communities, where they obtained protection and food"
(125).<a href=
"#16">[16]</a></span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">The <i>New
Monthly</i> "Sketch" features Puy, a recruiter and
commander for the Spanish, though it is silent on
P&iacute;o, who in fact tried to kill Bol&iacute;var
while they were in Kingston in 1815: "The execrable
Puy, who was far more bloodthirsty than any of his
comrades" goes to "organize their [the slaves']
irregular bands" accompanied by "Palomo, a negro, who
was a notorious thief and a murderer" ("Sketch" 8).
After Puy assumed command of this "irregular band" and
they entered Barinas, he had five hundred inhabitants
executed "fearing that its inhabitants would rise en
masse against him" (8). The "Sketch" continues:
"Exasperated by the infamous conduct of his
adversaries, Bolivar assumed a character totally
foreign to his generous principles and habits, and
ordered eight hundred Royalists to be shot" (8). The
organized slaves are presented as "irregular" in
contrast with a well-organized army, and of course
"bloodthirsty"&mdash;as "bloodthirsty" as the Spanish
whom Las Casas denounced. In writing about Haiti, Bryan
Edwards, as Alan Richardson indicates, "depicts
massacres of white colonists in racist and
blood-curdling terms: 'Upwards of one hundred thousand
savage people, habituated to the barbarities of Africa,
avail themselves of the silence and obscurity of the
night, and fall upon the peaceful and unsuspecting
planters, like so many famished tygers thirsting for
human blood'" (11). The <i>New Monthly</i> writer
clearly evokes "the Spectre of Domingo" and Toussaint's
revolt in his description of Puy, a connection
clarified in Jos&eacute; Blanco White's version of the
"Sketch." We learn in the Spanish version that Puy is
"uno de los gefes negros" [ "one of the Black chiefs"];
Blanco also suspects the Spanish of starting "la
violencia de una guerra civil" ["the violence of a
civil war"] by arming slaves (5). Bol&iacute;var's
extreme response was not only a lesson to Spain, but
sent a clear message to Puy and his men, and any slave
who would join the Royalists or try to rise up against
the independence cause. As late as 1828 "Bol&iacute;var
was indifferent to the fate of those enslaved . . . it
must have stemmed from his fear of a 'race' or 'color'
war, which had developed in Haiti and other Caribbean
islands" (Ramos Gu&eacute;dez 14). That the English
article does not contain Puy's status as a "Black
chief" again shows to what lengths Bol&iacute;var's
image, and by extension, Latin America's, is being
manipulated across the Atlantic.</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">P&iacute;o, the
Afro-Venezuelan who tried to kill Bol&iacute;var, is
absent from the <i>New Monthly</i> and
<i>Variedades</i> biographies of Bol&iacute;var
altogether, even though the trial had been reported in
the <i>Royal Gazette</i> during December 1815.
P&iacute;o was Bol&iacute;var's slave and traveled with
him to Jamaica. Not surprisingly, there are two
versions of the story as to why P&iacute;o tried to
kill his master, but instead killed Felix Amestoy, a
friend of the general's whom he mistook for
Bol&iacute;var. The first story is the one the <i>Royal
Gazette</i> reports. The coroner's inquest determined
"That the deceased came to his death of a wound,
supposed to be received from a negro man named Peo, the
property of General S. Bolivar, with a sharp pointed
knife, which entered his left side . . . and which
wound was a cause of his death" ("A Coroner's"). The
statement taken says that "The negro was offered two
thousand dollars by some Spaniards" and "agreeably to
his murderous contract" accepted the money ("A
Coroner's"). P&iacute;o was sent to Kingston's
Slave-Court, where he was identified again as "the
property of Simon Bol&iacute;var, Esq." According to
witnesses Felix Amestoy had arrived the night
Bol&iacute;var was to be murdered, and was lying in the
General's hammock when a black man came in and stabbed
him. Antonio Paez, Bol&iacute;var's aide de camp, heard
Amestoy exclaim "Paez, Paez, this negro is murdering
me" ("A Special"). Bernardo Castillo, another witness
who heard Amestoy, tried to get out "but could not, as
his servant had locked his room" ("A Special"). This
detail shows that Pio could not have been acting on his
own; however, he alone was convicted for the murder:
"The Court then pronounced the sentence of death" and
called for "his head to be afterwards severed from his
body, stuck on a pole, and Placed in Spring-Path" ("A
Special").</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">Daniel O'Leary,
who became Bol&iacute;var's aide de camp after 1817,
gives a very different account, which he presumably
heard from Bol&iacute;var himself:</span></p>
<blockquote>
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference">In Kingston,
Jamaica, an Italian Jew corrupted the fidelity of
Pito [P&iacute;o], the servant of Paez, his ADC, and
who had formerly been his own slave and received his
freedom from him (B). This boy had for some time
meditated his infernal design. His first intention
was to execute it by means of poison. In this he was
providentially frustrated every time he made the
attempt by some unforeseen accident. Finally he
resolved at the instigation of his employer to stab
the general. (38)</span>
</blockquote>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">In this later
version of the story, Bol&iacute;var denies his
ownership of P&iacute;o, a denial that is in line with
Bol&iacute;var's public familial vision of slaves'
lives. A contented slave would not have reason to try
to murder his or her master; and Bol&iacute;var clearly
wants it known that he was a good master, one who his
slaves would not want to murder. The second notable
alteration is the person who pays P&iacute;o for the
murder: from two Spaniards to "an Italian Jew." Why
would an Italian Jew have any reason to have
Bol&iacute;var killed? The outrageousness of the
suggestion signals, as Stephen Greenblat argues,
"power, whose quintessential sign is the ability to
impose one's fictions on the world: the more outrageous
the fiction, the more impressive the manifestation of
power" (13). The effect is to isolate P&iacute;o from
the historical context of slaves who like Puy and
himself, thought that the Spanish offered better
chances of liberty than Bol&iacute;var. He adds a touch
of the gothic through the detail of the poison, which
was a terror of whites wherever they had slaves. Monk
Lewis gives a detailed account on "the deadliest
poisons used by the negroes" (207), and whites
connected Obeah with poisoning. Robert Dunbar, a
British Creole poet in Kingston, records "I myself was
present at the trial of three Negroes for Obeah. An
Obeah-man and two accomplices were clearly convicted of
a design to administer poisonous drugs to a lady of the
island" (129). Fears of Obeah and poisoning were
connected to the larger fear of a slave revolution
(Richardson 10-9), which I would suggest explains the
alteration of the story to incorporate poison. As late
1828, Afro-Venezuelans were taking up arms against
their masters; though it was a "free" republic, slavery
was not abolished until 1830 (Ramos Gu&eacute;dez
14).</span></p>
</li>
<li>
<p><span class="MsoEndnoteReference">The two versions
of P&iacute;o and Puy's stories betray the anxiety of
Europeans and white Creoles following Bol&iacute;var's
career. If freedom is the ultimate goal of Latin
Americans, what is to stop the fire of revolution from
spreading to Jamaica and the other British possessions
in the Caribbean? What is to stop the reversal of
master and slave? Bol&iacute;var employs rhetorical,
affective, and political comparisons between enslaved
Spanish Americans and actual slaves in Kingston and
throughout the American hemisphere to give his argument
urgency. Yet his transatlantic doublings as a new Las
Casas, as a general who never crossed swords with a
"Black chief," and as the victim of the perfidy of an
ungrateful former slave allow him to separate any
connection between rising against this metaphorical
enslavement and Afrocaribbeans taking up arms, and to
emerge as the Bol&iacute;var that a British audience
could embrace. His crossings of the Atlantic and then
the South American continent&mdash;from Venezuela to
Per&uacute;, Bolivia and back over the Andes on
horseback&mdash; were truly Napoleonic in scope, and
earned him an admirer in Byron, who immortalized
Bol&iacute;var in what has to be one of the most
remarkable rhymes of the English language. In the "Age
of Bronze," Byron links his sympathies with the Greek
struggle to the American one: "On Andes' and on Athos'
peaks unfurled, / The self-same standard streams o'er
either world: / The Spartan knows himself once more a
Greek, / Young Freedom plumes the crest of each
cacique" ("Age of Bronze" l. 275-279).<a href=
"#17">[17]</a>&nbsp;
The transatlantic imaginary that connects Latin
America, Kingston, and London reveals that on the path
to those peaks of freedom, one might find displayed on
a pike the head of a slave who also wanted to climb
them.</span></p>
</li>
</ol>
</div>
<div id="notes_content">
<h4 align="center">Notes</h4>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="1"></a>1</sup> Translations
in English are mine.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="2"></a>2</sup> The intense
involvement of the British in Latin American independence
is reflected in George Canning's statement regarding the
event: "The deed is done, the nail is driven, Spanish
America is free; and if we do not mismanage our affairs
sadly, she is <i>English</i>" (Galeano 173).</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="3"></a>3</sup> The
available critical concepts illuminate different aspects of
the Americas-Africa-Europe triad, but are mostly predicated
on an Anglo-American outlook. Concepts like Paul Gilroy's
"Black Atlantic," focuses on the Anglophone African
diaspora; Joseph Roach's circum-atlantic gestures towards
Latin America, but does not engage it; the "transatlantic"
implies the U.S. and Britain or Europe; Srinivas
Aravamudan's "tropicopolitan" gestures to the Francophone
world, but conflates Asia and the Americas; &nbsp;Mary
Louise Pratt's "transculturation" is a more inclusive term,
but one that neglects the AfroCaribbean or Afroamerican
experience in relation to the Hispanophone world. Most
recently, Kaplan and Gerassi-Navarro note that "the Spanish
empire and early Spanish American republics have not
figured as centrally into these new transnational
figurations" (2).</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="4"></a>4</sup> For a more
recent assessment of Humboldt and Romanticism, see Leask
243-97.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="5"></a>5</sup> For a
complete catalogue of Ackermann's publications in Latin
America, see Rold&aacute;n Vera 239-59; for commentary on
Mora's <i>Meditaciones Po&eacute;ticas</i>, see Essick and
Pailey 38-9.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="6"></a>6</sup> Francisco de
Miranda, the general, diplomat, and ceaseless agitator for
the Latin American cause, preceded Bol&iacute;var in
London, and laid the groundwork for the latter's dealings
with Britain. Miranda had fought as a general in the French
Revolution, and upon Napoleon's expulsion of him from
France, he sought asylum in London, where he began a
campaign for British support of Latin American
independence, including audiences with William Pitt, and
William Wilberforce. For a discussion of the activities of
Miranda and other Latin Americans in Britain, see Casa de
Bello, vol. 1 and 2; Almeida 197-209; Racine 141-208. For a
recent fictional treatment of Miranda's life, see Duncker,
where Miranda figures as the stepfather of James Miranda
Barry, a woman who passed as a man for over fifty years so
she could study medicine.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="7"></a>7</sup> The
London-Kingston-Latin America connection is dramatized in
Robert Dunbar's <i>The Caraguin</i>, a Caribbean epic
published in 1839. <i>The Caraguin</i> chronicles the
failed love affair between Amy, a British planter's
daughter, and Guzman, a Venezuelan revolutionary.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="8"></a>8</sup> Other papers
carried similar bulletins. On July 6, 1806, <i>The Morning
Herald</i> reported "A Jamaica mail arrived yesterday, and
has brought us later and more authentic intelligence
relative to Miranda's expedition than any we have yet
received." On July 7, the <i>Times</i> continues "The
arrival of the Jamaica Mail puts it beyond all doubt that
Gen Miranda effected a landing on the Spanish Main about
the end of April." See Miranda 23: 165-7.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="9"></a>9</sup> Robert
Madden identifies Hyslop in his narrative <i>Twelve Months
in the West Indies</i>: "My friend, Mr. Hyslop, agent of
the legatee, one of the most respectable men in the
islands, furnished me with these particulars" (165).
Absentee planters regularly hired agents to represent their
interests in Kingston while they lived in London and
lobbied Parliament. See Dunn 200-217.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="10"></a>10</sup> Pons gives
an excellent analysis of how Burkean thought finds its way
into Bol&iacute;var's writing via Blanco White. See Pons
507-529.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="11"></a>11</sup> Galeano
explains how Britain's financial world was dependent on
slavery. In the early nineteenth century "an Englishman
could live on &pound;6 a year; Liverpool slave merchants
garnered more than &pound;1.1 million a year in the
Caribbean alone . . . An economist described the slave
trade as 'basic and fundamental principle of all the rest,
like the mainspring of the machine which sets every
cogwheel in motion.' Banks proliferated in Liverpool,
Manchester, Bristol, London, and Glasgow; Lloyds piled up
profits insuring slaves, ships and plantations" (81).</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="12"></a>12</sup> Grases
notes that no original manuscript for the Spanish has been
found (706).</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="13"></a>13</sup> "Las
Casas's writings criticizing the Spanish colonists were
used by Spain's enemies as propaganda in the
sixteenth-century conflicts between Protestant England and
Catholic Spain. . . . These editions carried the message of
Spain's cruelty throughout Europe. The Spanish conquest,
not Las Casas' struggle for justice, was emphasized in
these editions. Conquest, not the struggle for justice,
came to define the Spanish legacy in America, at least for
the English-speaking world" (Traboulay 187).</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="14"></a>14</sup> See
Quintero for an analysis on race relations in
Bol&iacute;var's army; she notes that Bol&iacute;var had
Piar executed because he allegedly was advocating a race
war.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="15"></a>15</sup> For a
discussion how Bol&iacute;var constructs the "family
narrative" in terms of gender in the 'Jamaica Letter,' see
Davies 5-19.</p>
<p class="indent"><sup><a name="16"></a>16</sup> Ramos
Gu&eacute;dez's original reads "Tal medida no logra
consolidar los esfuerzos de los independentistas por
destruir a las fuerzas espa&ntilde;olas que en poco tiempo
frustran los dos primeros intentos de organizaci&oacute;n
republicana. Adem&aacute;s, en el transcurso de la guerra,
muchos esclavos logran su libertad al participar como
soldados en los distintos bandos en conflicto y en otras
circunstancias, cuando huyen de sus sitios de trabajo y se
trasladan a las comunidades integradas por negros
cimarrones, en las cuales consiguen tanto protecci&oacute;n
como alimento."</p>
</div>
<div id="wc_content">
<h4 align="center">Works Cited</h4>
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<p class="hang">"A
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<p class="hang">Almeida,
Joselyn. "Romanticism
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<p class="hang"><i>Archivo
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<p class="hang">Bakhtin. <i>The
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<p class="hang"><i>Bello
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<p class="hang">Blanco
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Peter. "The
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117.</p>
<p class="hang">---. "Al
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134.</p>
<p class="hang">---. "Carta
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<p class="hang">Burnard,
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<p class="hang">Clarkson,
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<p class="hang">Gilroy,
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<p class="hang">Gruesz,
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<p class="hang">Kaplan,
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<p class="hang">Keach,
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<p class="hang">Linebaugh,
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<p class="hang">Williams,
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</div>
</div></div></div><section class="field field-name-field-authored-by-secondary- field-type-entityreference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Authored by (Secondary):&nbsp;</h2><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even" rel="role:AUT"><a href="/person/almeida-joselyn-m">Almeida, Joselyn M.</a></div></div></section><section class="field field-name-field-parent-section field-type-entityreference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Parent Section:&nbsp;</h2><div class="field-items"><div class="field-item even"><a href="/node/31532">Praxis Series</a></div></div></section><section class="field field-name-taxonomy-vocabulary-3 field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Tags:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/debbie-lee" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Debbie Lee</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/1667" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">slavery</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/sim%C3%B3n-bol%C3%ADvar" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Simón Bolívar</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/jos%C3%A9-blanco-white" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">José Blanco White</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2088" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">New Monthly Magazine</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2089" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">South America</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2090" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">liberation</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/mary-louise-pratt" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Mary Louise Pratt</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/eugenia-rold%C3%A1n-vera" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Eugenia Roldán Vera</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/jos%C3%A9-joaqu%C3%ADn-de-mora" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">José Joaquín de Mora</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/robert-aguirre-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Robert Aguirre</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/william-bullock" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">William Bullock</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/francisco-de-miranda" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Francisco de Miranda</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/james-mill" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">James Mill</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/title/el-espa%C3%B1ol" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">El Español</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2099" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Variedades</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/title/carta-de-jamaica" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Carta de Jamaica</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2101" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Kingston</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/richard-wellesley" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Richard Wellesley</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2103" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Times</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/richard-rodriguez" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Richard Rodriguez</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/henry-cullen" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Henry Cullen</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/tzvetan-todorov" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Tzvetan Todorov</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/las-casas" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Las Casas</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/william-robertson" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">William Robertson</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/p%C3%ADo" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Pío</a></li><li class="field-item even" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/category/person/felix-amestoy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Felix Amestoy</a></li><li class="field-item odd" rel="dc:subject"><a href="/taxonomy/term/2111" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Age of Bronze</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-person-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Person:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/robert-aguirre-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Robert Aguirre</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/domingo-faustino-sarmiento" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Domingo Faustino Sarmiento</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/pedro-grases" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Pedro Grases</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/richard-rodr" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Richard Rodr</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/henry-cullen" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Henry Cullen</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/s-bolivar" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">S. Bolivar</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/alexander-von-humboldt" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Alexander von Humboldt</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/maria-nugent" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Maria Nugent</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/jos%C3%A9-blanco-white" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">José Blanco White</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/francisco-de-miranda" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Francisco de Miranda</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/simon-bol" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Simon Bol</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/person/napoleon-bonaparte" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Napoleon Bonaparte</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/person/eugenia-rold" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Eugenia Rold</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-city-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">City:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/city/dublin" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Dublin</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/city/caracas" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Caracas</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/city/kingston" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Kingston</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/city/london" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">London</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-country-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Country:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/country/great-britain" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Great Britain</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/country/venezuela" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Venezuela</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/country/peru" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Peru</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/country/mexico" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Mexico</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/country/united-states" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">United States</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/country/jamaica" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Jamaica</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/country/spain" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Spain</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/country/latin-america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Latin America</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-provinceorstate-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">ProvinceOrState:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/province-or-state/florida" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Florida</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-region-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Region:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/region/spanish-america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Spanish America</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/region/west-indies" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">West Indies</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/region/antilles" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Antilles</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/region/caribbean" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Caribbean</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-continent-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">Continent:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/continent/america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">America</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/continent/americas" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Americas</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/continent/africa" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Africa</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/continent/latin-america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Latin America</a></li><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/continent/north-america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">North America</a></li><li class="field-item odd"><a href="/category/continent/south-america" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">South America</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-opencalais-naturalfeature-tags field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">NaturalFeature:&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/natural-feature/indies" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Indies</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-field-nines-discipline-s- field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">NINES Discipline(s):&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/nines-discipline/literature" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Literature</a></li></ul></section><section class="field field-name-field-nines-type-s- field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-above view-mode-fulltext"><h2 class="field-label">NINES Type(s):&nbsp;</h2><ul class="field-items"><li class="field-item even"><a href="/category/nines-type/typescript" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel" datatype="">Typescript</a></li></ul></section>Thu, 18 Aug 2011 05:18:05 +0000rc-admin28237 at http://www.rc.umd.edu