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yiyi'wyg- x&'r"'9
And plutes who get rich exploiting
those who work for them swell
around in the charity game as phi
lanthropists. A man may fool his family, he may
fool his neighbors, he may fool an
entire community. But he can't fool
himself. So what's the use? Why
four-flush?
Did YOU ever sit with yourself and
figure out how much of your every
day life is an inexcusable LIE?
Are YOU not trying to make every
body believe that you are a whole
lot better than you really are?
If you are not, then you are not
playing the game as practically
everybody around you is playing it.
o o
A READER REPLIES TO "THE
A. F. OF L. AND POLITICS"
As I read your excellent paper
daily, and with much enthusiasm,
since it voices in a plain and out
spoken manner what's so and what
isn't, I regret to say that the article
in Tuesday's Day Book, by R. F.
Paine, under the caption of "The A.
P. of L. and Politics," is far from the
spirit generally pursued by the paper
itself.
Mr. Paine has his history and eco
nomics pretty badly jumbled up.
While it may be true that "all things
in this country are done" by "politi
cal power" we must not overlook the
fact that they are done brown. And
the workingman's political timidness,
whether he be organized or unorgan
ized, is indeed a healthy sign.
We hear so often the popular re
mark: "Politics is a dirty game." Yet
we expect to make it clean by playing
the game. Almost makes one believe
that helping a highwayman do a few
jobs will cause him to reform.
For the benefit of Mr. Paine, who
might worry himself sick over "the
position of two millions or more of
organized workingmen," will say
that in the last analysis there is quite
a noticeable difference in the way of
sentiment, activity, etc., between the ,
rank and file and the officers, or
"select representatives." In other
words, the rank and file are always
ahead of the officers in everything
that makes for progress, and, while
the old fogies are wagging their
tongues and scratching their heads
as to whether a new party should be '
manufactured or whether to continue
being "at the tail of the ticket," they
(the workers) will go ahead and or
ganize along the powerful Industrial
Union line, recognizing the unskilled
and the army of unemployed as inte
gral parts of themselves and to
gether with this growing solidarity
will go to the realization that wage
slavery is an economic question and
not a political question and, lastly,
that economic power presupposes
political power.
After giving us a somewhat
graphic description of almost every
phase of civilized government which,
according to Mr. Paine, is kept in
smooth running order by simply
pressing the political button, we are
told that "this country will not stand
for riot, sabotage and other species
of brute force."
It is to be regretted that Mr. Paine
has not taken the pains to enlighten
us a little further as to those three
disturbers. But if my curiosity will
be pardoned I will try to fill in the
blank space. Riot no doubt stands
for a strike. Sabotage is that terrible
method by which "not a fair day's
work is given in exchange for not a
fair day's pay." And brute force must
mean forcing the poor boss to raise
the pay a little, or shorten the hours,
or both. Three hideous demons
which Mr. Paine is going to slay with
his trusty sword "politics."
There is one consolation or
rather expectation though and
that is, that the old guards who keep
the political pot boiling will see to
it that no ''extra" things are thrown
in. (Witness the Cunnea vote.)
No, Mr. Paine, the working class
has nothing to fear from "the law,,
the bench, etc., etc.," when they are