The long hand of the Cuban American
National Foundation
in and around the Elian Case
"La mas fea no perdona..."

The CANF has been hyperactive around Elian and has bankrolled the Gonzalez family in
their kidnapping effort. Here in numerous published reports we see how la Mas Fea
(Most Ugly, Mafia) operated in this case.

* According to intelligence reports revealed by Cuban president ON a television panel,
broadcast on March 28, consisting of psychologists and educators who discussed the Elian
Gonzalez case, Cuban President Fidel Castro revealed that the charges he made two days
previously regarding the possibility of the child being kidnapped and taken to another
country by the anti-Cuba mafia in Miami are not rumors but reliable information from
intelligence sources.

Reading out some of his words spoken on that day at the congress of university
students, words described by the U.S. media as Cuban "rhetoric," Fidel divulged
the content of the paragraphs which completed a note sent to the Cuban Interests Section
in Washington, to be handed over to the Department of State.

On this occasion, he assumed full responsibility for revealing the contents of the
note, a step which the U.S. authorities were against, even though Cuba would have
preferred to make the report public. Fidel stated that he had not revealed these specifics
at that time, in order not to add fuel to the fire, given the Department of State's fear
that such disclosures could complicate the situation even more. Nevertheless, he added,
given the resistance of the anti-Cuban mafia in Miami and its attempts to win over U.S.
public opinion through ABC television's so-called interview with Elian, he decided, after
sending the note, to make it public.

In this text, the Cuban president referred to plans made by Cuban American National
Foundation (CANF) if the appeals court decides to repatriate the child. "We learned
that on March 16, a high-level meeting was held among CANF members in Florida. During the
meeting it was stated that the boy's case was lost and that the courts would rule in favor
of his repatriation."

President Castro continued, "The alternative studied was to kidnap the child and,
with the relatives, take him to a third country where they would seek refuge. Reliable
sources state that this third country could be Nicaragua or Costa Rica."

He revealed that talks had taken place between Cuban diplomats in Washington and State
Department officials, who had indicated their willingness to search for a solution to this
problem which is causing the United States so many headaches.

Nevertheless, Fidel continued, the U.S. authorities stated that they did not believe an
operation of this nature would be likely, because the full weight of the law would fall on
those who carried it out, and they agreed to send the note to the Department of Justice.
He pointed out that a copy of this note was sent to Gregory Craig, Elian's father's
lawyer.

In this document, Cuba outlines to the State Department the seriousness of the matter
in a constructive way, the Cuban president stressed. "Although there are immense and
profound differences between the two countries in many matters, we cherish the hope that
in this particular and delicate matter, our warnings will not be underestimated."

MARISLEYSIS, MOBSTER'S FIANCEE

As part of his argument related to the dangers facing Elian, likewise based on
intelligence reports, Fidel mentioned the name of Mario Miranda, Jorge Mas Canosa's
ex-bodyguard and current CANF security chief, who has a close relationship with
Marisleysis, whom he is soon to marry. Miranda has told close friends that if the child
remains in the United States, he intends to adopt him and buy a house for the three of
them.

This individual's plans include reaping the maximum gains from this situation, given
that he has approached various publicity companies interested in making commercials, toys
and comics featuring Elian, something that would bring in large economic dividends, Fidel
warned.

The aspiring stepfather was a U.S. police officer and a member of the Cuban Patriotic
Junta, a counterrevolutionary organization. With Roberto Martyn Perez, the all-too-well
known son of an extremely infamous Batista henchman, he controls the group in charge of
the CANF's paramilitary plans. Fidel added that he also participated in acts of terrorism
organized in the '90s against Cuba, including the planting of bombs in Havana and
assassinations, among them the attempt on Fidel's life cooked up in Puerto Rico with .50
caliber weapons. They were cleared of charges arising from this attempt, which came as no
surprise as they have always acted with total and absolute impunity. The group has also
devoted itself to promoting defections by Cuban athletes during meets aboard. "Now we
know the identity of this character who is daily in and out of the house where Eliýn is
currently living," Fidel noted.

He recalled that on Sunday, March 26, he exposed the manipulative nature of Diane
Sawyer's television program 11 hours before it was broadcast, and stated that it would
arouse indignation among the U.S. public. Those opinions were not erroneous, as evidenced
by the surveys, he noted. After seeing the program, 85% of the U.S. public is in favor of
the child's return, according to a CNN survey. The president had predicted that certain
things would be suppressed and others reedited in that program. The following day, March
28, the news arrived that the essential point of the second part, where the child
allegedly affirms that he doesn't want to return to Cuba, was in fact eliminated. It was
replaced by testimonies to that fact by the journalist, psychiatrist and Elian's cousin
Marisleysis.

They didn't dare to show the scene with the child because they must have become aware
of the wave of protests regarding the interview in the United States. But instead of
grasping that it was not doing their evil cause any good, the stupid mafia attacked ABC
for not having presented that sequence and threatened to destroy the ABC offices in Miami.

A few weeks ago, articles appeared in the Central American press commenting on the
dangerous decision of a court of justice in the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula in favor
of returning to Mario Delamico, a terrorist of Cuban origin, a weapon confiscated last
year by the military authorities of that country.

That decision, the sources agree, is once again giving a free hand to this mercenary
who, moreover, is known as a central pillar in the Central American connection for arms
and explosives trafficking in the region. Delamico, 57, operates as a representative in
Honduras for the Panamanian Longlas Enterprise.

This Cuban-American "entrepreneur" arrived in Honduras in the 1980s
after being expelled from Guatemala, and joined the operative team of then Ambassador John
Dimitri Negroponte, who had links with the CIA. Negroponte had met Delamico in Viet Nam
and decided to use him in activities against the Sandinista government. On October 6,
1999, the Nicaraguan newspaper El Nuevo Diario published an extensive article entitled:
"Crime pays in Central America," with an epigraph that warned: "Arms and
terrorists on the loose in the region."

The article affirmed that "over the decades, the covert arms trade has become one
of the most flourishing businesses in Central America and the Caribbean, and a source of
destabilization within the countries of the region which, in some cases, have served as a
springboard for certain unscrupulous persons lining their pockets with dollars in exchange
for facilitating the implements to fill many nations in the region with pain and
mourning."

Many months earlier, on December 1, 1998, the Mexican news agency NOTIMEX reported from
Tegucigalpa that Alfredo Landaverde, a member of the Honduran Police Intervention Squad,
claimed in the national newspaper La Tribuna that Mario Delamico had offered to sell that
country's police force a cache of Israeli-manufactured weapons, which were being kept in a
military unit. According to Landaverde, the abovementioned weapons were utilized in the
'80s by Nicaraguan contras, at that time quartered in Honduras, and that Delamico was
involved in an assault in which President Carlos Roberto Reina (from 1994-1998) was killed
when a grenade exploded in the garage of his home.

In another dispatch, datelined December 5 that year,NOTIMEX revealed that the Public
Ministry had confiscated various arms caches belonging to Delamico which were being kept
in safekeeping by the Naco battalion of the Honduran Armed Forces, located in the
department of Cortes, in the northern region of the country. One day later, the agency
returned to the theme, reporting that Edmundo Orellana, the Honduran attorney general, had
announced the start of an investigation to clarify the link between the Armed Forces and
Delamico, after his chief, General Mario Hung Pacheco, confirmed the existence of the
abovementioned cache in a military warehouse.

Nonetheless, Colonel Jorge Andino Almendarez, commander of the 105th Infantry Brigade,
based in San Pedro Sula, subsequently affirmed that the Armed Forces had not committed any
crime, given that four presidents from 1985 onward were aware of the situation. However,
on the same theme, the AP agency quoted statements from ex-president Azcona Hoyo, who
governed the country between 1986 and 1990, and who denied authorizing the custody of
Delamico's arms. According to the daily, which quotes as its sources political observers
and intelligence information, "the Central American connection has roots in Miami,
New Jersey and other U.S. cities where the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) has
influence."

What are we talking about and who is Mario Delamico? Why are sections of the media
concerned about the impunity granted this terrorist by a court of justice in San Pedro
Sula? These are questions worth addressing.

The first response is evident. We are talking about a wellorchestrated and organized
network of arms traffickers with the clearly defined objective of destabilizing
governments in the region, and carrying out acts of terrorism against the Cuban
Revolution, on a basis of broad collaboration with and the complicity of important
political and military figures, sheltered by the CIA and funded by the CANF.

Who is Mario Delamico?

Simply a paid terrorist and counterrevolutionary who has amassed a fortune based on
bloodshed and whose existence is possible because of the existence of an empire
maintaining a policy of hatred against anyone who defuses to follow its dictates. He is a
personal friend, collaborator and supplier of killer Luis Posada Carriles and a whole
bunch of terrorists based in Miami and other South American countries, awaiting orders and
funding from the counterrevolutionary CANF to commit all types of crimes. It was precisely
his proven actions against the Sandinista government from Honduras and presumably from El
Salvador that allowed him to attain the domination and control he now has as a consequence
of his close relations with Central American military and police chiefs and with CIA
stations in those countries, from which he has received more than a few favors.

To give some kind of outline of Mario Delamico, suffice it to say that by 1992 he had
become Luis Posada Carriles' central supplier and logistic support in relation to arms and
explosives utilized in various acts of terrorism against Cuba and against its president.
Two years previously, Delamico was directly involved in plans for an attempt on Fidel's
life during a speculated visit to Honduras, to which end he supplied antitank weapons to
the conspirators.

Another plan, likewise financed by the CANF, and directed by Posada Carriles with
participation from Gaspar Jiminez Escobedo and Felix Rodriguez Mendigutia, aimed to take
advantage of another possible visit by the Cuban president to the inauguration of Honduran
President Carlos Roberto Reina, in January 1994, and to assassinate him.

At the end of that same year, "entrepreneur" Delamico hid his friend Posada
Carriles in Honduras, after the infamous terrorist failed to execute a further plan to
assassinate the Cuban president during that year's Ibero-American Summit in Cartagena.

In 1997, Delamico supplied Posada Carriles with weapons and explosives for acts of
terrorism against Cuban interests, particularly those utilized in the attacks on
tourist facilities during that period.

The following year, in 1998, he would act as supplier of C-4 explosive to
counterrevolutionaries Enrique Bassas, Luis Orlando Rodriguez and Ramon Font, to be used
in a further frustrated attempt on Fidel's life during a visit to the Dominican Republic
in August of that year. This criminal project was financed by CANF Director Arnaldo Monzon
Plascencia. Fidel is and was not Delamico's sole target. According to The Miami Herald, in
1994, Delamico, with Posada Carriles and the then chief of Honduran Army Intelligence,
Colonel Guillermo Pinel Calix, created the subversive group MOSCA, which unleashed a
terrorist campaign over two years aimed at destabilizing the government of President
Carlos Roberto Reina, which they perceived as being sympathetic to the Cuban Revolution.
As can be seen, terrorists like Mario Delamico and Luis Posada Carriles move around our
region with impunity, fulfilling orders from the Miami mafia with the "innocent"
indulgence of the U.S. secret services in the execution of political destabilization
programs in the region.

Today, putting an end to arms trafficking, terrorism and the situations that facilitate
them, are imperatives that cannot be put off, given the irrefutable claims that, to date,
these mafia groups and their leaders have operated with total impunity within the United
States and in Central American countries.

The return of Elian to his father The city of Miami has opened a rumor control hotline
to deal with concerns and questions about the seizure of Elian Gonzalez. The number is
305-579-1800.

At least one person at the house of Elian Gonzalez's Miami family during Saturday's
predawn raid -- a Cuban American National Foundation security chief with a concealed
weapons permit -- had been seen frequently at the home with a handgun strapped to his
ankle.

Federal authorities point to Mario Blas Miranda, 48, a licensed private investigator
and president of Wellington and Knight Security, and fellow members of the family's
security team as partial justification for their armed entry. Miranda, a former Miami
police officer who left the force in 1992, has been a constant fixture in and around the
house since the controversy began.

Federal officials confirmed Sunday that their ''credible reports of weapons inside that
house'' centered on the comings and goings of Miranda and his team -- not on information
that any family members or other visitors had weapons.

As it turned out -- authorities concede -- there were probably no guns inside the
house. The family and its supporters are outraged that the government used guns during the
incident. 'We were not armed,'' Marisleysis Gonzalez said at a press conference in
Washington, D.C., Sunday morning. ''All we had was God on our side.'' The task force
outside the home early Saturday focused attention on Miranda, knocking him to the ground,
forcing him to spread eagle, and dousing him with pepper spray while pushing a shotgun in
his ear.

''I could not think,'' Miranda said later. ''I could not move.'' Federal agents did not
search Miranda for his weapon Saturday morning. Miranda declined to comment on Sunday.

WEAPONS PERMIT

Miami Police Chief William O'Brien said Miranda weeks earlier ''had reached out to our
personnel to let us know he was carrying a weapon and that he had a concealed weapons
permit.''

O'Brien also said other Miami officers who had visited the home reported ''no weapons
had been seen in the house. But with the number of people going in and out of the house,
there was no guarantee. ''It's better from a law enforcement standpoint to err on the side
of caution,'' he said.

Federal authorities say the weapons coming in and out of the house with the private
security force were enough to raise doubts about the safety of the operation.

''We had credible intelligence reports that led us to believe there could have been
guns inside that house,'' said Maria Cardona, Immigration and Naturalization Service
spokeswoman in Washington.

''If you have that information -- even if it doesn't end up being true -- you have to
act accordingly.

EXPERTS AGREE

Law enforcement experts agree. They say whether or not guns were in the house -- or who
in the house might have them -- is of little consequence, compared to whether police had
even a small reason to be concerned. Cardona confirmed reports from other federal and
local law enforcement authorities who said the only reports of weapons inside the house
were those weapons carried by security guards on the payroll of the Cuban American
National Foundation.

''I can tell you that I have heard those reports from our people in Miami,'' Cardona
said. Those reports, in addition to at least two other unconfirmed reports of weapons in
the neighborhood in the days preceding the raid, helped sway federal agents away from a
''soft approach'' and toward a use of force that shocked many.

TWO REPORTS

One such report came from a television reporter who said a woman showed her a gun in
her purse. Pressed by police, the reporter declined to identify the woman.

The second report centered on a nearby house where police had unspecified and as yet
unconfirmed ''intelligence reports'' that weapons were being stockpiled. No police ever
saw weapons coming or going from the home, and no warrant was ever obtained to search the
house.

The day before the raid, immigration officers arrested two residents of that home on
unrelated immigration warrants. No one was at the house Sunday afternoon to comment.

Cardona also confirmed reports from other unnamed Justice Department sources that
Marisleysis Gonzalez made this troubling comment to members of the INS Community Relations
Service on Thursday: ''You think we just have cameras in the house? If people try to come
in, they could be hurt.''

Said Cardona: ''I didn't hear the comment so I cannot confirm it personally, but I can
tell you that our people in Miami have reported that comment was made, yes.''

Armando Gutierrez, the family's spokesman, said Marisleysis ''would never say such a
thing. I doubt that very much.''

An anti-Cuba organization which actively supports the kidnapping of Elián
González threatened on April 7 to blockade Miami airport, according to Prensa Latina.

The so-called Democratic Movement, based in Miami, said
that it plans to prevent what it believes to be the imminent return of the child to his
father, after the father had met with U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno in Washington.

The mayors of Miami and of Miami-Dade County, Joe Carollo
and Alex Penelas, respectively, have stated that they will not move to repress this type
of action, which has caused considerable concern within the federal government.

A private investigator who, police reported, was frequently seen with a weapon near the
home of Elian Gonzalez's Miami family said Monday those reports are untrue.

``I have never had a weapon inside the house, outside the house or anywhere near the
house,'' said Mario Blas Miranda, 48, the security chief for the Cuban American National
Foundation who was assigned to the security detail for the family.

``And I tell you now that anyone who says I did have a weapon there is a liar.''

Federal authorities have said they chose a tactical use of force in part because they
had ``credible reports of weapons inside that house.''

Miami Police Chief William O'Brien and Immigration and Naturalization Service
spokeswoman Maria Cardona on Sunday confirmed information from other federal sources that
those ``credible reports'' centered on Miranda wearing a weapon at his ankle.

In addition, a Herald reporter at the Gonzalez house on Thursday reported seeing the
butt of a semiautomatic handgun on Miranda's ankle.

Miranda did not return repeated telephone calls for comment on Sunday. His ex-wife,
called several times at home, told The Herald she had contacted Miranda and he did not
wish to be interviewed.

On Monday, after a Herald story detailed the police reports of his weapon, Miranda
called to say the story was inaccurate.

``I have never owned an ankle holster,'' said Miranda, a former Miami Police officer.
``I know the laws that say you cannot carry a weapon into a demonstration, and there have
been demonstrations out there 24 hours a day. What do I need to carry a weapon for when
there are seven million police officers around?