08/03/07 – Hamill Inquiry to Proceed at Earliest OpportunityUT 08/01/07 Hamill Inquiry To Proceed 'At Earliest Opportunity'DJ 08/03/07 Priests On Patrol 'A Stunt': Fr. CannyCO 08/02/07 Priest: Irish Catholics Relieved Brits Military LeftAF 07/31/07 Timeline: British Army Role In N.IrelandBT 08/03/07 Opin: What Will Become of UDA in Peace ProcessBT 08/03/07 Opin: Just Who Is In Control Of UDA?EX 08/03/07 Clancy Leads Tributes To Legend Makem----

08/03/07 – UDA Should Take Responsibility For RiotBB 08/02/07 McGuinness: UDA Should Take Responsibility For RiotBN 08/03/07 Paisley: No Concessions For ParamilitariesBB 08/02/07 Orde Hits Out At UDA Over RiotingBN 08/02/07 Police Under Pressure In North----

Lets Dispel The Myths And Open Up A Real Debate On IrishLanguage"- Brolly MLA

Published: 28 August, 2007

He said,

"Unfortunately the straightforward issue of languagerights, a non-controversial issue in Wales, Scotland, theSouth of Ireland and throughout Europe, an issue whichshould be judged in the same light as any other expressionof human rights, has been hijacked by the outworkings ofunionist rivalry,"

"DUP politicians are talking up their determination toblock any recognition of the Irish language in a rathermisguided attempt at demonstrating their status withinunionist hegemony,"

"It is as if the status of unionism is being inextricablylinked to the ferocity of its anti-Irish stance. Wheneverthe DUP start talking up St Andrews and the UUP the'Belfast Agreement' it's a sure sign the two rival partiesare engaging in rhetorical fisticuffs,"

"I'm not sure who the DUP and UUP hope to impress but theissue of language rights is really a paper tiger. Unionistshave nothing to fear from Irish language legislation andany suggestion otherwise is not only misleading but alsoappeals to lowest of sectarian instincts,"

"According to the latest census 75,000 people within theSix Counties "speak, read, write and understand Irish" witha further 167,000 people who said they had "some knowledgeof Irish". It is also a growing language. Between 1991 and2001 (the date of the last census) Irish speakers increasedby 18%. The increasing demand for Irish medium education isan indication of the value attached to the language by manyfamilies in the North."

"These are the plain facts as opposed to many of the mythsanti-Irish campaigners are currently circulating. One ofthe most worrying distortions is the claim that, "morepeople speak Chinese than Irish".

"This is a cynical ploy designed to obstruct the rights ofIrish speakers rather than motivated by any genuine concernfor the Chinese speaking community of which there arearound 8,000 in the North. The rights of the Chinesecommunity are not dependent upon the denial of rights tothe Irish speaking community. To suggest otherwise is tocreate an illusion of division where none exists,"

"All languages deserve respect and all language communitiesshould have access to services. But the Irish language hasa very particular relationship with the island of Ireland.It is an indigenous language with an unbroken historicalline of being spoken here for over 2,000 years."

"It is part of a common culture and language that has beenshared with Gaelic Scotland for 1,500 years. The names ofthe majority of our mountains, rivers, towns and streetsare rooted in the Irish language. The issue of the Irishlanguage is not just a nationalist issue. The Irishlanguage is part of the cultural heritage of all of us,"

"There has been a deliberate attempt to inflate the likelycost of affording language rights to Irish speakers whilemeasures to address the historical exclusion of Irishspeakers has been presented as an unnecessary burden on theordinary taxpayer. But like many of the arguments deployedby anti Irish campaigners this is also spurious,"

"For example, it has been suggested that bilingual signagewould be very expensive but signage is routinely replacedand a simple undertaking to introduce bilingual signage,where there was a demand for Irish, during the normalcourse of replacement would not incur any additional cost."

"But where extra costs are incurred, the bottom line has tobe that Irish speakers are also taxpayers and have beenpaying towards their own exclusion for decades. All theIrish speaking community is asking is to be treated equallyin terms of resources with the Welsh language community,"

"Another spurious argument encouraged by anti-Irishcampaigners is the notion that Irish is divisive andexclusive. Unlike the Orange Order, which has a specificanti Catholic qualification, there is nothing divisive orexclusive inherent in the Irish language. The Irishlanguage is not confined exclusively to any religious,ethnic or racial group. It is not religion, race orethnicity that defines the community of Irish speakers butlanguage,"

He continued,

"Not everyone wants to speak Irish or learn to speak Irishanymore than every A level student wants to study physics.But surely it would be strange if by exercising thatchoice, a physics student was deemed divisive andexclusive. Irish speakers aren't asking for specialtreatment just parity of treatment in an environment whichrespects the fact that people exercise different choices."

"The notion of 'consensus' is also being deployed as ameans of undermining the rights of Irish speakers. Attemptsto force the Irish speaking community to seek thepermission of anti-Irish campaigners is as sensible asinsisting asylum seekers win the approval of the BritishNational Front. Human rights, and the exercise of humanrights, transcends consensus.

"Unionists have nothing to fear from the Irish language,Irish speakers or the Irish language community. A formerCanadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau described languagerights as basically two things, the right to speak and theright to learn. This encapsulates what Irish speakers areseeking in the North. There's nothing scary about that."

"The British government has already given a commitment toensure language rights and there is a mechanism to go backto the British if this is thwarted. But we'd rather not. Ifunionists have concerns about Irish language rights theyneed to come forward and engage with us so that we can allwork towards finding ways to resolving those concerns.Let's dispel the myths and open up a real debate,"

The DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson has accused the Britishgovernment of creating a "hierarchy of victims" in NorthernIreland over its funding of investigations of unsolvedkillings during the Troubles.

The SDLP has also criticised the government, calling forthe Historical Enquiries Team (HET), which is investigatingmore than 2,500 "cold cases" since 1969, to receive itsfull cash allocation of £34 million (€50 million) upfront.

Mr Donaldson, the Lagan Valley MP, accused the governmentof failing to provide adequate funds for the HET, forcingit to draw on some £4 million from the general policingbudget.

"It is totally unacceptable that the government should failto honour a commitment to properly fund the HET and it isalso unreasonable that money allocated had to be taken fromthe chief constable's budget," he said.

"The government must give the issue priority. With over3,000 unsolved murders it is totally unacceptable that thefunding of these inquiries should have to come from thepolicing budget.

Comparing the HET allocation of £32 million over six yearsto the £150 million spent on the Bloody Sunday inquiry, MrDonaldson added: "You are looking at a hierarchy ofvictimhood where some victims are given priority overothers."

The SDLP's Dolores Kelly, a member of the Assembly and thePolicing Board, said the manner of the HET's funding was"alarming".

"The chief constable should not have to choose betweencombating crime and investigating the past," she said.

"HET should have got the £34 million it needed upfront. TheBritish government promised victims truth and justice andoffered the HET as an alternative to public inquiries. Ithas now crippled the public inquiry system in the name ofpolitical expediency, and it cannot be allowed to stranglethe HET on the same grounds," she said.

The HET, established in 2005, comprises more than 100police officers from a range of police forces. Some 693murder files have been reopened.

Six cases of E. coli are being investigated in Co Sligo bythe Health Services Executive.

The Departments of Public Health and Environmental Healthare working to identify the source of the infection.

There are concerns about a possible association between theinfections and people who had been in Enniscrone, Co Sligobetween 20 July and 20 August, 2007.

The HSE states that the investigation is inthe early stages and no conclusive findings have yet beenmade.

As a precautionary measure, the HSE would like to identifyanyone who visited, stayed in, or ate food in Enniscrone,Co Sligo between 20 July and 20 August and who subsequentlybecame ill with diarrhoea or vomiting or abdominal pain.

All of these people are requested to contact the HSEhelpline at 1890 200 548. The helpline will be open from4pm to 8pm today and 9am to 6pm everyday until Friday 31August.

According to the HSE, E. coli is a cause of gastroenteritisthat may lead to vomiting and diarrhoea and sometimessevere abdominal pain.

With depressing inevitability, loyalist bandsmen passingthe Short Strand on Saturday gave a two-fingered salute tothe Parades Commission by blatantly flaunting that body’sruling that the only sound that they could make whenpassing the East Belfast nationalist enclave was a singledrumbeat.

It’s hugely disappointing as we try to leave our dark pastbehind us and move together into a shared future thatcertain people remain unwilling or unable to show the kindof compromise and goodwill that is required to makeprogress.

This is not the first time that this Apprentice Boys paradehas thumbed its nose at the Parades Commission. Last yearthe same restrictions were placed on the bands and whatmusic they could play, and last year they were ignored aswell. As far as we can make out, the penalty that they paidfor last year’s behaviour was zero, and there’s no reasonto suppose that they will be punished this time either,even though the Parades Commission acknowledged the breachyesterday, saying it had monitors in situ who witnessed thebands ignoring their determination.

There’s no reason that the march should happen in the firstplace, as the bandsmen get off a bus on the way tosomewhere else just so they can swagger past the Strand.Given that fact, the people of the area have shown greatforbearance in maintaining their dignity and calm. But ifthe march must take place, the nationalist people who putup with it must be assured that some control is beingexercised over it by the relevant authorities, otherwisechaos will soon prevail. In this case the ParadesCommission has been seen to have no control whatsoever, andthat is an unfortunate state of affairs. The ParadesCommission must act now to censure the organisers of thismarch in some meaningful way, otherwise they are storing upendless trouble for the future.

Two Derry men are to feature in a new television seriesfocusing on "world-class achievers".

Patrick Johnston, who is leading the world in cancerresearch, and lawyer Des Doherty, who advised SaddamHussein's defence team, will come under the spotlight in‘Thinking Big’, a new series from BBC Northern Ireland.

The first of the three-part series (Monday, September 3,10.35 pm) looks at Professor Patrick Johnston, one of theworld’s top oncologists who is transforming the way inwhich cancer is treated.

Born in Donegal, his family moved to Derry where he spenthis formative years. Johnston is now the Dean of Medicineat Queen’s University and was the driving force behind thenew Northern Ireland Clinical Cancer Centre.

In the programme, Professor Johnston returns to Americawhere he spent 10 years studying oncology at the worldrenowned National Cancer Institute in Washington DC. Healso visits Singapore, where the local administration hasenlisted his help in improving cancer care there.

In ten years he has transformed Northern Ireland to becomea true world leader in treatment and research.

The second programme looks at Des Doherty. Until now, theDerry lawyer has refused to speak publicly about his mostfamous client - Former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.Doherty became involved in the trial of the century afterforging an international reputation as a first-rate lawyer.

Born in Derry’s Creggan Estate, he failed his eleven plusbut never allowed this setback to hold him back. Apart fromthe Saddam case, he has represented victims of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and the Omagh atrocity.

However, it was his work at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry thatbrought him to the attention of some of London’s finestbarristers.

The BBC publicity surrounding the new series says of Mr.Doherty: “This is a man who defies convention. Viewers willsee him as he wrestles with his role in defending a despotand the moral dilemmas he faced in taking on the legalworld’s most difficult client.”

Trevor Birney, producer, said: “Northern Ireland has beenshort of role models but each of these men are trulyinspirational. They have faced and overcome huge challengesin their careers and have not allowed Northern Ireland’stroubled history or geographic location to prevent themfrom building global reputations and businesses.

“The series crosses all spectrums of age, religion andsocial class and demonstrates that ordinary people inNorthern Ireland can be successful on the world stagewithout leaving home.”

A man was subjected to a so-called 'tarring and feathering'attack in south Belfast on Sunday.

It is thought the attack was carried out by two men wearingbalaclavas as a crowd including women and children lookedon.

The victim was made to wear a placard reading 'I'm a drugdealing scum bag'.

Frankie Gallagher of the UPRG, the political wing of theUDA, said the paramilitary grouping was not involved in theattack.

Mr Gallagher said that "local people had gone to the UDA toask them to sort it out", but that it told them to go tothe police.

He claims that the police then failed to act on informationpassed on and that people in the area decided to take thematter into their own hands.

However, Alliance leader David Ford said: "Despite denialsfrom the UPRG, most people will find it very hard tobelieve that the UDA was not involved in this despicableact."

Northern Ireland's Social Development Margaret Ritchie saidthat this type of incident had "no place in a civilisedsociety".

"If the UDA is involved it is a stark demonstration of thethuggery and violence which I made clear has to end if thefunding to the CTI (Conflict Transformation Initiative)project is to continue," she continued.

Ms Ritchie's direct rule predecessor initiated the £1.2mscheme which aimed to encourage redevelopment in loyalistcommunities through the UDA aligned UPRG.

On 10 August, Ms Ritchie said she would withdraw supportfrom the project unless there was clear evidence ofdecommissioning and reduced criminality.

No trace

Although the police were made aware of the incident, by thetime officers arrived in the loyalist estate, neither thevictim nor his attackers could be found.

Sinn Fein have met police in Derry to raise "key concerns"over the recent Apprentice Boys' Parade in the city.

The meeting was a follow-up to the republican party’shistoric first meeting with police in Derry on August 7 todiscuss the August 12 parades in Derry.

The Sinn Fein delegation included Raymond McCartney MLA andWaterside Councillor Lynn Fleming while the police team wasled by Area Commander Richard Russell.

Mr. McCartney said the meeting focussed primarily on“accessibility and movement of citizens” in the city on theday of the Apprentice Boys’ parade.

“We also raised issues about the behaviour of several bandsand supporters, on street drinking and incidents which tookplace around the Memorial Hall on the night prior to theparade

“These engagements are part of a process to ensure that therights of everyone in this city are protected.

“Sinn Fein's focus in all of our engagements with the PSNI- indeed with all of the policing structures - will be toensure that it carries out its duties and responsibilitiesin a fair and impartial way, as a civic police service,which is democratically accountable to the public.”

Mr. Russell described the meeting as “highly positive”.

“The debriefing process is useful in that it allows us tolook at areas where we have been successful and equallyhighlights any concerns or issues that can be improved uponfor next year,” he said.

The son of a man murdered in the early Troubles has said afresh investigation has helped his family understand moreabout their father's death.

Benny Moane, a Catholic father of six, was a salesrepresentative for the Irish Bonding Company.

In May 1972, he was abducted by three men from the loyalistShankill area and taken to the Knockagh Monument, a warmemorial in County Antrim.

His captors sat and drank whiskey and beer samples from hiscar at the scene.

They warned visitors to the monument to stay away becausethey said Mr Moane was an IRA man, an allegationsubsequently refuted by the police.

During his abduction, Mr Moane pleaded with his captors tosave his life as he was an innocent person with a wife andsix young children. But he was shot dead.

His son, also called Bernard, who was 15 when his fatherwas murdered, said: "Daddy was a great family man and heworked long hours.

"There are six of us - I'm the oldest, I've a brother andfour sisters - and we were leading a normal family life.

"Then suddenly, our father was taken away from my motherand us and our family life was destroyed forever. We stillmiss him so much."

When the Historical Enquiries Team - a police investigativeunit set up to re-examine murders from Northern Ireland'sTroubles - contacted the family last October to say theywere re-examining the murder, Bernard said his family hadno hesitation about getting involved.

"It was a matter of presenting questions to the HET thatwould be penetrative enough so they could find the answersto the questions which had been on our minds over theyears," Mr Moane said.

He said his father had been in a bar just days after aProtestant teenager from the Shankill was murdered.

The family got more from the re-investigation than anypublication or any newspaper article ever could havebecause it went into a deeper process

Bernard Moane

It is believed the perpetrators overheard a conversationbetween Benny and the owner saying he should leave as hewas a Catholic and did not want to cause any offence tomourners from the boy's funeral in the bar.

"The perpetrators obviously overheard their conversationand decided they were going to do something. Unfortunatelyand with deep regret they decided to murder my father.

"In a sense we received some answers to our questions fromthe HET and the family got more from the re-investigationthan any publication or any newspaper article ever couldhave because it went into a deeper process.

"They investigated all avenues in the case and were able toobtain copy transcript reports, interview notes from theofficers who interviewed the murderers and spoke todetectives (now retired) who investigated the case," hesaid.

"The final resolution report provided us with a greaterunderstanding of why my father was killed on a particularday. He was just in the wrong place at the wrong time."

However, Mr Moane said only the perpetrators know all thefacts and his family will never have all the informationunless two of the three - one is now dead - confess ontheir death beds.

Shocking, disgusting and completely indefensible. That willbe the reaction to the return of so-called tarring andfeathering to the streets of Belfast.

Now a practice that all rational people had thoughtconsigned to the dustbin of history has suddenly reared itsugly head again.

Once common in the 1970s, it resurfaced briefly in 2003when two teenagers were attacked in Ardoyne by republicansand again a year later in attacks by loyalists.

The UPRG, which lends 'political advice' to the UDA, hassaid that the weekend attack was not carried out by theparamilitary organisation. Nevertheless, it is clear fromcomments made to the media that the UPRG supports'community action' of this kind.

The only principle that the URPG should be supporting isthe principle of the rule of law. If an accusation is madeagainst any person, it should be investigated by the policeand, if evidence exists, he or she should be brought beforethe courts.

The man attacked at the weekend is innocent until provenguilty, whether members of the local community accept thator not.

'Community action' is a completely misleading phrase.Tarring and feathering is simply the rule of the mob - andthat is unacceptable in any society.

The British government was accused today of failing todeliver on a pledge to fund an investigative unit re-examining murders from Northern Ireland's Troubles.

Dave Cox, head of the Historical Enquiries Team, revealedthat last year`s funding, worth £4 million, had to come outof Sir Hugh Orde`s policing budget for Northern Ireland,even though the government promised two years ago that itwould provide £32 million for the work over six years.

But as Northern Ireland Office officials prepared a stock-take of the HET, Mr Cox vowed the review of 3,268 murdersbetween 1969 and 1998 would go on even if it had to befunded from the existing Police Service of Northern Irelandbudget.

"There`s been a lot of publicity about a stock-taking ofthe HET process and that`s fine," Mr Cox said.

"We`re up for being audited and we`re up for justifyingwhat we do because we believe it is a very valuableprocess.

"But the message this sends out to families is: `Are yougoing to pull the process then? Is it going to stop? I amon the chronological list and they are not going to get tome for another couple of years. Does that mean they aregoing to change their mind and after all these promisesthey won`t come?`

"The chief (Sir Hugh) has been very upfront about all thisand I will as well. We will get around to all the familiesbecause the chief has told me if the NIO do not fund us, hewill.

"The point is we are almost back to square one as far asthe PSNI budget is concerned. You have the demands ofcurrent policing on the chief`s day-to-day budget, which iswhy the (NIO-backed) project fund was set up for HET.

"If the money the chief has for current policing isdiverted to policing the past, then that has a big impacton his planning."

In March 2005, then Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphyearmarked more than £24 million for the unit, which was thebrainchild of Sir Hugh, and almost #8 million for forensicscientists assisting its work.

A team of 100 investigators have so far worked on 700 casesand completed 262, working closely with the families ofthose killed.

However, with former Church of Ireland Primate Lord Eamesand ex-Northern Ireland Policing Board vice chairman DenisBradley heading up a review into how the province can bestaddress the past, concerns are mounting among some familiesthat the Government may be preparing to wind down the HET.

Bernard Moane, whose father, Benny, was abducted in Belfastand murdered by loyalists at a war monument outsideCarrickfergus in May 1972, today backed calls for theGovernment to honour its original funding pledge.

Mr Moane, whose father`s murder was reviewed by the teambetween last October and June, told PA: "There have beencertain rumours going around about whether the HET shouldcontinue or not or whether there is enough money to enableit to continue or not.

"In my view if the Government can afford to spend well over#100 million on the Bloody Sunday inquiry, then I do notsee why they cannot find additional money or enough money,sufficient resources for the HET to deliver on what theywere asked to do in their initial brief."

As he prepared to meet NIO officials, Mr Cox said a lotcould be learned by the Eames and Bradley review from theHET.

"Our experience to date has been that it`s the people whosuffered and lost in the Troubles are the people who shouldfirst be consulted," he said.

"We devised our process tailored around our interactionwith the families, asking them `What is it you want toknow?`

"Any process devised by Bradley and Eames or whoever, if itdoesn`t start by asking the families what they want out ofthis and end up by delivering what they need, then in myview that will be a waste of money because you have got togo to the people who are suffering.

"We have started work in 700 cases and that means we havegot at least a prospect that within a relatively definedperiod of time they will have some answers about whathappened to their loved ones.

"It is not like these massive public inquiries which sitmonths and months taking evidence and then theirconsiderations take years after that. We are a much morerefined process than that.

"We looked at our set disciplines and try and answer thefamilies` questions. In many cases they are not actuallyabout who pulled the trigger but are much more personalqueries."

A Northern Ireland Office spokesman insisted the PSNI hadnot lost out on any funding, even though the HET money hadcome out of its budget.

"The total budget for the entire HET project is £34million," he revealed.

"At the end of the financial year 06/07 the total spend forthe project was £9.5 million, of which the PSNI spend was£8.13 million.

"During the 06/07 financial year the PSNI spend was £4.18million, which was met from the overall PSNI budget and hasbeen deducted from the £34 million allocated to the HETproject."

Sinn Féin has called for serious drug and gun crime to bemade a priority in the Garda Policing Plan 2008.

Speaking at the launch of the party's submission to thepolicing plan, the party's justice spokesman Aengus ÓSnodaigh said gardaí must crackdown on serious drug and guncrime.

He said the Special Branch should be disbanded, re-trainedand re-deployed to focus on organised crime.

Mr Ó'Snodaigh also called for a higher garda profile inareas suffering public drug dealing problems.

"One of our key demands for 2008 is to see more gardaí onfoot and on bicycles patrolling anti-social behaviourhotspots and residential areas with greater frequency andparticularly during the hours when problematic and criminalbehaviour occurs", he said.

The party said it also wanted to see all future policingplans work towards the establishment of an all-Irelandpolicing service.

The pair were ambushed on the border as they returned froma meeting with Garda counterparts in Dundalk.

The Smithwick Inquiry was set up by the Dublin Governmenttwo years ago but has yet to hold any public sessions.

Mr Donaldson said it was essential the way was cleared forformer Army agent 'Kevin Fulton' - who penetrated theProvos in Newry - to give a full account to the tribunal.

The Lagan Valley MP said: "I am very concerned about thedelay which appears to have arisen because of concerns onthe part of Kevin Fulton that he may be compromised if hemakes full disclosure of what he knows and thecircumstances in which he came to know that detail as anArmy agent.

"Kevin Fulton's evidence is crucial to the success of theinquiry in obtaining first-hand accounts of potentialcollusion between a member or members of the Garda and theIRA in the murder of these two officers.

"It is essential that British Government agencies clear theway for Fulton to give a full account to the inquiryotherwise many will question the sincerity of theGovernment's commitment to get at the truth in thisimportant case."

Meanwhile, the tribunal has disowned reports that theinquiry was being delayed because of Fulton's refusal togive evidence. Stories emanating from Dublin suggestedFulton's attitude was the main reason the tribunal hadfailed to hold any evidence sessions to date.

The tribunal still hasn't replied to correspondence fromFulton seeking clarification on legal immunity provisionsin the Republic for him.

Fulton has been warned that any evidence he gives in Dublinrelating to IRA activity he had knowledge of in NorthernIreland could be used as evidence to prosecute him inBritish courts.

He has so far refused to agree to testify on his knowledgeof the IRA's links to Garda in the Dundalk area until hereceives assurances that he will not face prosecution ineither the Republic or Northern Ireland.

The tribunal refused to comment on reports blaming KevinFulton for the delay, but it's reliably understood that anofficial working for the tribunal contacted Fulton'ssolicitor and denied it was pointing the finger of blame atFulton.

A lawyer acting for Army agent Freddie Scappaticci hasalready asked the tribunal for paid legal services, while asenior Sinn Fein man alleged to be one of the gunmen in theBreen/Buchanan attack is also understood to have madecontact seeking similar facilities.

Allegations that a Sinn Fein Assembly member was a Britishagent highlight the delicacy of the political situation,writes Colm Heatley in Belfast.

When a Democratic Unionist Party power-sharing scepticalleged that a Sinn Fein figure was a British agent, hisintention was almost certainly to cause difficulties forSinn Fein.

David Simpson, a gospel-singing hardline unionist, claimeda well-known Sinn Fein man had been acting as an informerto the British since the early 1980s. Simpson claimed thealleged informer had played a role in the murder ofFrederick Lutton, a cousin of Simpson.

Lutton, who was killed in May 1979,was an RUC reservistfrom a well-known unionist family in Moy, Co Tyrone.

Whatever the truth of the claim - and, so far, Simpson hasnot provided any evidence - the allegation highlights howthe North’s past still affects its current politicalprogress.

Republicans have accused Simpson of attempting to derailthe progress made at the Stormont assembly by making theclaim.

They say sceptics such as Simpson, allied with remnants ofthe Special Branch, are attempting to halt the Sinn Feinpolitical project.

Since Freddie Scappaticci, a former senior figure in theIRA’s internal security unit, was outed as a British agentin 2003, the Sinn Fein leadership has been vulnerable toaccusations that informers still operate at senior levelswithin the republican movement.

That feeling was heightened in December 2005 when DenisDonaldson, a senior and well-regarded Sinn Fein member,confessed he had been working as a long-term British agent.Donaldson was found shot dead at a remote house in Donegalin April 2006.

In the wake of the Donaldson affair, more than a dozenrepublicans, mainly based in Belfast, were named in themedia as informers.

However, as in the case of Simpson’s allegations, no proofwas presented - and many of those named still play anactive role within republicanism.

Simpson claims the Sinn Fein figure was recruited as aninformer after being found in a compromising sexualposition.

Some dissident republicans claim this related to anincident in a caravan the party was using as an electionvehicle in Coal island, Co Tyrone, shortly after the 1981hunger strikes.

However, no proof has been offered and, unsurprisingly,Sinn Fein has made little comment on the claims.Republicans in the North were last week asking where theevidence was, and the man who Simpson is believed to bereferring to said he was taking legal advice about theallegations.

What is known is that over the past two years, republicanshave conducted their own inquiries into informers withintheir ranks across Ireland.

A fortnight ago, the Fox family from Co Tyrone, whoseelderly mother and father were killed by loyalists in 1994,called on Sinn Fein to ‘‘come clean’’ on the role ofinformers within republican ranks.

Past experience of people such as Donaldson andScappaticci, has taught republicans that nothing can beruled out but, in the meantime, they are treating theinformer claims with some caution.

The wave of hysteria that surrounded Donaldson’s outing -and what were perceived as attempts to destabiliserepublicanism in early 2006 - have bred caution withinrepublican circles about such stories.

Republican leaders have made no official comment on thelatest claims. Simpson has refused to comment further onhis claims, despite saying that he may name the Sinn Feinmember under parliamentary privilege when Westminster re-opens in October.

Sources say Simpson is convinced of the accuracy of hisstory and is confident that a number of policemen will comeforward to support him.

If his allegations are proven, it would be a blow to SinnFein, especially in east Tyrone, which was one of the mostmilitant republican areas during the Troubles.

However, the DUP has something of a chequered history whenit comes to naming republicans, or those it suspects ofbeing republicans, under parliamentary privilege.

In 1999, DUP leader Ian Paisley named Eugene Reavey as oneof the organisers of the 1976Kingsmill massacre, when tenProtestant workmen were killed by republicans.

Reavey’s three brothers had been killed by a UVF gang attheir south Armagh home in the same year.

Earlier this year, the Historical Enquiries Team, which wasset up to look at unsolved murders, said that Reavey had noconnection with Kingsmill, or with republicanism in anyform. Reavey asked Paisley to apologise, but the DUP leaderhas yet to do so.

More recently, Peter Robinson, the DUP deputy leader,alleged under parliamentary privilege that one of the mostsuccessful businessmen in the North, Peter Curistan, hadlinks to republicanism.

That allegation was also hotly disputed, and Curistan hastaken legal action in the courts to rebut Robinson’sclaims.

Some sources have pointed to the location of the Luttonmurder as a reason why the Sinn Fein member has beenimplicated, rather than any hard intelligence.

Lutton was killed just a hundred yards from where the SinnFein man lived, and he became a prime suspect for the RUCin the follow-up investigation.

Whatever the truth of Simpson’s claims, they are sure topoison the political atmosphere when Stormont re-opens in afew weeks’ time.

Some observers have suggested that that was Simpson’smotive in the whole affair, claiming that he wanted tocause difficulties for the power-sharing government, ratherthan get to the truth of collusion.

In such a scenario, allegations may be made, even on theflimsiest of evidence. Certainly, Simpson has never fullyembraced the reality of power-sharing with Sinn Fein.

Earlier this year, he was seen as a key opponent to theidea of sitting in government with republicans.

While other DUP members, notably Robinson, are keen forpower-sharing to run smoothly and want to get down to thebusiness of government, Simpson has been, at best, lukewarmabout the new political arrangements.

It is also claimed that Simpson has a close relationshipwith former members of the security forces, many of whomare opposed to Sinn Fein being in government.

If Simpson’s claims prove to be unfounded - as withPaisley’s allegations against Reavey - the whole episodemay say more about the internal state of the DUP, and theopposition to power-sharing within sections of the party,than it does about Sinn Fein. In a wider sense, theallegations are proof that the ‘‘dirty war’’ waged in theNorth is not yet over.

Many people believe British collusion with loyalists waswidespread and systematic. For many nationalists,especially the families directly affected by alleged statecollusion, getting to the truth of the matter is a toppriority.

At a rally in Belfast a fortnight ago, Sinn Fein leaderGerry Adams said the state’s role in collusion must bebrought into the open and admitted some republicans actedas agents for the state.

There is a growing feeling among nationalists that gettingto the truth of the matter may involve washing some of therepublican movement’s dirty linen in public.

The behind-bars bust-up between members of the breakawaysouth east Antrim UDA faction and mainstream UDA figureserupted on Friday night.

Snooker cues and balls inside socks were used as weaponsduring the fighting, which led to the entire prison beingclosed down.

One prisoner was taken to hospital with a facial injuryfollowing the clashes. Prison sources say the trouble beganwhen a group from south east Antrim defied a warning not toenter the dining area of Bush House.

" It was a pitched battle and the inner council prisonersseem to have come off worst," one prison source said.

"The whole jail was locked down after the alarm was soundedand an ambulance was called and took one man away to anoutside hospital."

A Prison Service spokes-man said: "There was an incident inthe recreation area on Friday evening involving prisonersfrom the loyalist separation wing in Bush House. As aresult, landings one and two were closed down."

Cops probing suspected leaks of medical records at a topUlster hospital believe they may be linked to theintimidation of witnesses in a loyalist terror case.

It's understood that an investigation into suspectedbreaches of confidentially at the Craigavon Area Hospitalis directly linked to a series of threatening emailsreceived by people who have given evidence against anotorious LVF gang.

Sunday Life understands that information contained in anumber of emails received by a victim of intimidationincluded material that could only have been discovered bysomeone with access to her medical files.

The victim is believed to have given evidence to police inrelation to a serious assault in Lurgan last December.

When the victim received the intimidating emails shealerted cops, who are now investigating the source of theleak.

It's understood that the home of an employee of thehospital was raided by cops last month and a computerseized.

Police and hospital authorities are now trying to establishif an employee has accessed private records and passed ondetails.

Sources close to the probe believe that as many as TENpatient files may have been illegally accessed at thehospital. And a number of people in the Lurgan area havebeen warned that their details may have fallen into thehands of the gang.

In relation to the raid, a police spokesman said: "Policecarried out a search in the Lurgan area as part of anongoing investigation. A number of items were seized forfurther examination. "

A spokeswoman for the Southern Health and Social Care Trustsaid: "We have been notified of these allegations thatmedical records were accessed.

"We take any breach of patient confidentiality veryseriously and we are investigating it at this time."

SDLP MLA Delores Kelly called on police to ensure that theinvestigation into alleged intimidation of witnesses wascompleted quickly.

"I am very concerned that people brave enough to take astand against known members of loyalist terror gangs shouldbe given support and that when that support is forthcoming,it will encourage other people to take a stand againstthese parasites in our community," she said.

The convicted crack-cocaine dealing son of Johnny 'Mad Dog'Adair has been caged again.

This time Jonathan 'Mad Pup' Adair has been banged up forseven months following a high-speed police chase inAyrshire.

Ayr Sheriff's Court was told last week how cops spotted thedopey drug dealer - who has never had a licence - drivingthrough the streets of the Scottish town.

When they tried to arrest him he sped off and police losthim.

The motor had been abandoned when cops eventually found itand Adair was arrested nearby.

Prosecutors said that when Adair was searched, police founda metal tube containing traces of cocaine.

Lawyers acting for the young loyalist, who has previousform for dealing heroin and crack as well as a string ofother offences, played down his criminal past by comparinghis record to that of his terrorist dad!

Solicitor Glenn Davis told the court: "My client has had adifficult upbringing, living in Belfast and Bolton beforemoving to this area.

"His father has expressed anger at his continued offendingand is determined his son will keep on the right side ofthe law and that he will not emulate the criminal recordheld by his father.

"His record, in relative terms, is minor."

Adair, who has been living in Troon, pleaded guilty todriving without due care, speeding, driving whiledisqualified and driving with no insurance. He was jailedfor seven months.

He was already banned from driving, even though he hasnever had a licence.

He was "admonished" on a drugs possession charge.

Adair made similar promises to stay out of trouble when hewas released from a young offenders centre after beingjailed for supplying drugs in Bolton.

He served just 13 months of a four-year sentence afterbeing caught running a 'dial-a-drug' heroin and crack-cocaine operation with Shankill brothers William and IanTruesdale.

Cops believed the gang was trying to take over lucrativedrugs trade in the Lancashire town.

What is Gerry Adams up to? In theory, he should be strivingto consolidate the power-sharing deal at Stormont. Arerepublicans not supposed to be delighted that Ian Paisleyand Martin McGuinness seem to be getting on so well thatthey've been nicknamed the 'The Chuckle Brothers'? YetAdams's recent activities are so undermining the delicaterelationship between the DUP and Sinn Fein as to have thepotential to blow it apart.

There are plenty of contentious issues that the Executivecan resolve only with the utmost goodwill. The two partiesare fundamentally at loggerheads over, for instance, anIrish Language Act, the Sinn Fein demand for a nationalstadium on the Maze site with a hunger strikers' cosycorner and the choice of a new victims' commissioner. Evenmore important is the chasm between the parties about thedevolution of justice and policing to Stormont: SF want itto happen next May; the DUP want a guarantee first thattheir colleagues in power are truly wedded to upholding lawand order and the State that pays them.

So you might think that Sinn Fein would wish to reassureunionists of their peaceable and honourable intentions. Wasthat not the purpose of setting up Unionist Outreach almosttwo years ago -- even if they rather spoiled it byappointing a convicted terrorist, Martina Anderson, to beits frontperson?

Why is Gerry Adams not uttering soothing words about peaceand harmony rather than -- as he's been doing for weeks --playing with increasing aggression the time-honouredrepublican game known as 'winding up the Prods'.

One of the sorest spots for unionists (and, indeed,constitutional nationalists) is that by screaming collusionat every turn, republicans are trying to market the fictionthat they didn't murder anyone.

Unionists know the statistics: republican paramilitarieskilled 2,160 or so and lost fewer than 400; loyalistskilled 1,000 and lost just over 170; the British armykilled 301 and lost 503; local defence forces (UDR and RIR)killed 8 and lost 206 and the RUC killed 50 and lost 303.So by any reckoning, republicans killed more than all theother participants put together, paramilitaries of allpersuasions got off very lightly and the security forcessuffered disproportionately.

Those truths of course don't suit the republicanrevisionists. The present Adams-led initiative seeks notjust to airbrush out the nastier bits of their threedecades of hideous and pointless violence: they're tryingto change their image completely. Think of replacingStalin's photograph with Gandhi and you've got the generalidea.

Republicans used to demand that there be no hierarchy ofvictims. Unionists feel these days that there is ahierarchy, and republicans are at the top.

They're already upset that all public inquiries in NorthernIreland are focusing on victims dear to republicans (exceptBilly Wright, whom most unionists despise) and all otherinvestigations seem never to touch on paramilitary wrong-doing.

For a long time, the SF mantra has been that the Britishgovernment directed and colluded in all murders committedby loyalists. Now we are being asked to believe that theBritish government and its agents were behind all thedeaths of the Troubles. (

That Lord Eames -- the former Archbishop of Armagh -- andDenis Bradley, who have been given the job of coming upwith ideas on how to address the legacy of the Troubles,should have headed off to London to discuss collusion withLord Stevens does not reassure unionists.)

Adams's recent activities climaxed in the 'March for Truth'he led a fortnight ago. Outside Belfast City Hall, wearinga black armband to symbolise solidarity with victims, theSinn Fein president told around 2,000 followers that therewould be no let-up in the search for truth until "theBritish state acknowledges its administrative andinstitutional use of state violence and collusion".

Coming from someone who led the IRA and denies even being amember, this didn't go down too well. Nor did the fact thatparticipants carried replica weapons and IRA insignia,although the Parades Commission prohibits paramilitarytrappings.

The outrage from the grassroots expressed in radio phone-ins and the letters pages of the unionist Newsletter wasdeeply alarming for the DUP: even the mild-mannered JeffreyDonaldson is calling for prosecutions.

So it is hardly surprising that the MP David Simpson wenton the offensive by announcing his intention of namingunder parliamentary privilege a prominent SF politician asthe man who had planned his [Simpson's] cousin's murder in1979 and who had then become a police informer.

So the primary result of Adams's most recent activities hasbeen to stir up the DUP heartlands and cause consternationin republican ranks.

Is it possible that his humiliation in the Irish electionhas unhinged him?

Work on what is expected to be Belfast’s biggest muralstarted in earnest this week.

A 48-feet stretch of wall that runs along Beechmount Avenuewill soon be transformed into what locals are terming ‘TheCollusion Wall’.

The mural, which will be a mixture of paintings and perspeximages, will tell the story of collusion between theBritish security services and loyalist paramilitaries.

Central to the piece will be images of more than 100 murdervictims who died as a result of collusion.

The Mid-Falls Commemoration Committee (MFCC), which isbehind the Collusion Wall idea, said the mural would getbigger with time.

“At the moment we have set aside a 48-feet long space forthe mural, but we expect that to grow over time with morefamilies wanting to add images of their loved ones,” saidMFCC chairman Paul Murphy.

“We’ve had families from as far away as South Armagh whohave got in touch wanting pictures of their murderedrelatives to form part of the mural. This isn’t just alocal thing, we want it to encompass the whole of Ireland.”

Taking up a large section of the mural will be PoliceOmbudsman Nuala O’Loan’s hard-hitting probe into collusionbetween the Special Branch and the Mount Vernon UVF.

Ms O’Loan found collusion had occurred and that police paidUVF double agent Mark Haddock £80,000 of public cash over a10-year period, despite the loyalist being involved in 16murders. Paul said images of the report would form a keypart of the Collusion Wall.

He added: “We want tourists, or anyone else for that matterwho looks at the wall, to see the full story of collusion.

“As well as the photos of the victims we want them tounderstand that collusion was a reality, and that it’s notjust the families of murder victims saying that but thePolice Ombudsman.”

The MFCC is currently raising funds to pay for a plasticguard to ensure the mural is protected.

They need to raise £1,500 and have appealed to localbusinesses for donations.

“Any help would be very welcome.

“If anyone does want to help they should contact the Mid-Falls Commemoration Committee,” said Paul.

New London — “My brother was a boat builder in Ireland ...”“There was a woman from Winnersh Island ...” “I'm halfIrish, half Scottish ...”

Tales began in this fashion all day Saturday as New LondonMain Street put on its second annual Celts & Currachsfestival on the city's waterfront.

The brother of the boat builder from Ireland was 70-year-old John Joyce, from South Boston by way of Connemara. Hewas one of the guys you were told to talk to if you wantedto know about the currach boats that were racing from theCustom House pier. The modern version of the traditionalCeltic fishing and racing boats are 25 feet long, built ofwood, tar and canvas and piloted by four-person teams usinglong, wooden, “paint stick” oars.

“I was more or less born in one of these type of boats,”said Joyce, his blue eyes a-twinkle in his pink face as hebegan his story. “I lived on an island, and the only way togo to the store, church or anywhere was by the boats.”

After immigrating to “Southie” in 1955, Joyce and hisbrother built their own currachs and tried to keep thetradition of racing them alive.

“I wanted to see it done like it was done in Ireland,” hesaid. “It was a very big sport.”

The sport appeared to be thriving Saturday in New London,where 14 teams, made up of teens to seniors — signed up torace a half-mile course. In the end, two teams fromHanafin's Irish Pub faced off for the championship, and thewinning team, with pub owner Diarmuid Hanafin — native ofDublin — pulling his own in the third seat, took a victorylap.

On City Pier, keeping the music of Celtic people and theirtraditional languages alive was the objective. Judith Gill,who has a World Music show on WCNI radio, was in her glory.Gill, who said she is half Irish and half Scottish, toldone person it did not matter whether they had any Celticancestry at all.

“That's what the whole Celtic movement is about,” she said.“It's like a big family.”

Musicians worked their fifes, fiddles, guitars and voicesall day, giving the crowd a taste of the merry and themournful. There was not an electric guitar in sight, thougha group resembling Irish rock's U2 was to perform atHanafin's late last night.

“It's all traditional music,” Gill said. “This wholefestival is about teaching young people and those who don'tknow about the culture.”

Performers sang the stories of people who lived before,tales of fishing and moonshine, weddings and funerals.

Balladeer Danny O'Flaherty filled the bleachers for hisafternoon performance. A native of western Ireland, he wasoperating a pub in New Orleans when Hurricane Katrinastruck.

Some New Londoners organized a fund-raiser here forO'Flaherty and his family, and he said he would neverforget “what the people of Connecticut have done for me.”

His personal mission, O'Flaherty said, is to ensure thatpeople continue to learn and speak the Gaelic language,which is spoken by only 8,000 people in Ireland.

He salted his stories and songs with Gaelic, including onesong, “from back in my parish,” about a woman from theIsland of Winnersh.

The day's events were to culminate in the area of Hanafin'son upper State Street, where the street was set to close,several musicians were to perform and more than a few pintsof Guinness were probably poured.

The Real IRA have claimed responsibility for yesterday'sgun attack on the home of a former Deputy Mayor of Derrywhose son is a serving PSNI officer.

The home of former Derry City Irish Independence PartyCouncillor Liam Bradley was targeted shortly before 1 am. Ashotgun blast was discharged through the front door of thehouse on Lone Moor Road while attempts were also made toset the family's car alight. Mr. Bradley was in the housewith his wife Marie at the time but they escaped injury.

In call to the `Journal' using a recognised code word lastnight, a spokesperson for Oglaigh Na hEireann read thefollowing statement, which warned of possible furtherattacks:

"Oglaigh Na hEireann claims responsibility for the attackon the family home of a serving RUC man. This attack was indirect response to ongoing attacks on the families ofrepublicans. If the Crown Forces continue with this courseof action they must realise that they and their familiesthat support them will have a price to pay."

Speaking to the `Journal' yesterday, Mr Bradley said he andhis family were "too upset" to talk about the incident.

"The family is very shocked and I must worry about them atthe minute. We're all very upset," he said.

Mr Bradley has been threatened in the past because his sonis a member of the PSNI. Derogatory graffiti referring tothe PSNI has also appeared on walls near the Bradley familyhome in recent times.

Mr and Mrs Bradley suffered the tragic death of another sonin an accident two years ago. Liam junior died in January2005 after a tragic fall.

`Very sinister'

Condemnation of the shooting was last night led by theBishop of Derry, Most Reverend Seamus Hegarty, who said hisprayers were with the Bradley family.

"This attack must be condemned by all right-thinkingpeople. The Bradley family are no strangers to intimidationbut this is a very sinister and frightening development.The family have shown great courage in the past and can beassured of the overwhelming support of all in thecommunity.

"This attack is not only an attack on the Bradley familybut also an attack on democracy and the newly formedassembly."

SDLP Leader Mark Durkan said he utterly condemned theattack, adding that those behind it have absolutely nosupport from the people of Derry.

"This was a despicable attack on a solid, strong and well-respected family and it is rejected by the entire communityhere in Derry. We had all hoped that the dark days ofattacks on people's homes had been consigned to history. Itis important not only that the family knows that the wholecommunity stands behind them, but that those responsiblefor this attack know that they do not have support from thecommunity."

The Foyle MP added that the people of Derry wanted to moveon and prosper, adding that those responsible had nothingto offer society. He said: "They prove nothing by usingthis violence other than the fact that they do not havestrong arguments to persuade anyone.

A former head of the Northern Ireland Civil Service hassaid some form of Irish unity is not unthinkable inprinciple.

Sir Kenneth Bloomfield added, however, the idea of closerassociation would also have to be mutually acceptable inpractice.

He told the 40th anniversary Merriman summer school incounty Clare: "Please do not suppose that if, in somefuture poll, 50.1 per cent of the electorate were to votefor Irish unity, the outvoted 49.9 per cent would trampinto the new jurisdiction like a defeated army."

Sir Kenneth, who earlier this year published a book calledA Tragedy of Errors: The Government and Misgovernment ofNorthern Ireland, said successive Stormont governments hadbeen too slow to acknowledge the Irishness felt by an"extensive minority" in Northern Ireland.

The former Victims Commissioner, currently involved withthe Independent Commission for the Location of Victims'Remains, said Irish unity should be thought of as apossible or potential contract between distinct groups ofpeople "with all the cards on the table."

It would not be a single step but a process with a "modestbeginning and no predetermined end," he told the gatheringon its 40th anniversary.

"So it is that I do not find the idea of some form of Irishunity or closer association - almost certainly after mytime - in any way unthinkable in principle," Sir Kenneth,who was secretary to the 1974 Sunningdale power-sharinggovernment, said.

"But what is conceivably acceptable in principle would haveto be mutually acceptable in practice."

Stressing he was offering a personal perspective, he added:"As I grow older, I care less which flag is flown and whichanthem is played where I live."

Sir Kenneth, who was targetted by the IRA in a bomb attackon his Co Down home in 1988, said he accepted the presencein government of Sinn Fein.

He said he would find it difficult to bear "with any senseof self respect" any relapse into a period of " that parodyof democratic government, direct rule".

"Far sighted politicians, economists and academics willhave to think long and hard about the true nature, cost,ethos and dynamics of a new orientation of affairs," headded.

Northern Ireland's sectarian problems inflate the policingbill here by as much as œ500m a year, an official reporthas found.

The figure is contained in a study for Government thatgives an estimate of up to œ1.5bn for the annual total costof the province's divisions.

The report was commissioned by the Office of the FirstMinister and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) prior to therestoration of devolution.

It examines the drain on the public purse that violence,segregation and duplication of services for the twocommunities causes.

Entitled 'Research into the financial cost of the NorthernIreland divide', the document was compiled by consultantsat Deloitte, with input by senior Government officials andthe PSNI.

It found that in one year alone, œ478,000 was spent onpolicing in Northern Ireland for every 1,000 people in theprovince. The figure for England and Wales was œ183,000.

Based on these figures, the report concluded that the"maximum additional cost of policing due to the sectariandivide is potentially œ504m per annum".

The Deloitte researchers also spelt out the impact thatdecades of violence and negative publicity has had onNorthern Ireland's economy.

This included the loss of 27,600 jobs in the period 1983 to2000, costing the economy on average œ12.5m a year.

Spending on industrial development per head of thepopulation here was almost three times the level of thatthe UK as a whole in one year recently.

In addition, Government has given support to "high-risk"investment projects like the ill-fated DeLorean carfactory, the study noted.

The consultants also concluded that some œ49m has been lostannually in tourism revenue on average, with potentialvisitors being confronted with " images of civil unrest,terrorist outrages and periodic sectarian strife" in theworld's media.

The cost of the divide in the public housing arena wasgiven as œ24m a year, of which œ21m is attributed toinefficiencies resulting from segregation and sectarianinterfaces.

Civil unrest has blighted districts, leading to houseslying empty and, in some cases, being demolished. In otherareas, meanwhile, waiting lists are growing while new homesare being built.

The report also stated: " The marking of territoriesaccording to tradition has led to inefficiencies in meetinghousing need. In particular, there are a significant numberof additional social housing units developed through thesocial housing development programme whilst other socialhousing lies vacant for reasons related to societaldivide."

In education, a œ10m estimate was given for the cost of thedivide.

On top of this, the Deloitte consultants outlined detailsof 165 additional school bus runs per day which need notoccur in the rest of the UK. They found that this required45 extra buses, costing some œ2.45m.

The study also quoted œ13m as the annual sum spent oncommunity relations, and œ7m on support for victims.

In conclusion, the report stressed that the examination ofthe costs of division was "particularly complex" andquantifying the figures had "proved difficult".

It further stated that the œ1.5bn overall total "could beconsidered to be the upper limit".

Responding to media reports claiming that the UUP MLA teambelieve that the proposed Irish language legislation is a"republican cultural weapon in their ongoing struggleagainst unionism" and should not be supported, Sinn Feinspokesperson on the Irish language Francie Brolly MLA hassaid that the UUP have missed the point.

Mr Brolly said:

"The UUP claim that any Irish language legislation is anegative move. Nothing could be further from the truth. TheIrish language is a threat to no-one and it is notcompulsory. What do the UUP have to fear from multi-lingualism?

"What does Unionism have to fear from safeguarding Irishlanguage rights? The language belongs to everyone;catholic, protestant and dissenter. What was agreed in theSt Andrews Agreement protects the rights of those 4000Irish speaking children which the UUP and the new Assemblynow represent. The legislation enshrines the Irish languagewithin a multicultural and multilingual society. Can theUUP tell me what is wrong with this?

"Ireland is changing into a positive, vibrant and welcomingentity which provides for all and the language has a partto play in uniting everyone. I urge the UUP to be long-sighted in this matter." Cr¡och

Sinn Fein East Belfast representative Niall O'Donnghailehas called on the Black Perceptory to ensure that, as aChristian organisation, there is no repeat of thedisgraceful scenes during its parade last year when the'sash' was played outside St Matthews Church in the ShortStrand.

Mr O'Donnghaile said:

"There was frustration locally that despite numerousbreaches of the Parades Commission determination last yearthat there was not a much stronger ruling on this year'sparade.

"There is a responsibility on the Black Perceptory, as aChristian organisation, to ensure that there is no repeatof the disgraceful scenes during its parade last year whenthe 'sash' was played outside St Matthews Church in theShort Strand.

"We all need to recognise that marching within areas wherethere is deep animosity does little to encourage goodcommunity relations. This is an interface area where muchgood work has gone on in recent months. This should not beundone by anyone wanting to inflame tensions." ENDS

1970/71: Appointed president of the UCG Students' Union. Helater becomes president of the Union of Students of Irelandbetween 1972 and 1974.

1974: Appointed national secretary of the Irish Transportand General Workers' Union.

1985: Wins a seat on Dublin County Council in the localelections of 1985 with Sinn Fein the Workers' Party.

1989: First elected to the D il as a Workers' Party TD. Helater joins Democratic Left when six of the Workers'Party's TDs leave to form DL.

1992: He accepts a œ2,000 cash donation from PR executiveFrank Dunlop. The money is later sent back after adiscussion with local DL party members.

1994: He is appointed as minister of state in the rainbowgovernment with special responsibility for commerce,science, technology and consumer affairs. He serves untilthe government loses office in 1997.

1999: Labour and Democratic Left merge. He is one of thechief proponents of the move. He was previously a member ofthe Labour Party, quitting in 1976 because of its alliancewith Fine Gael.

2002: He is elected leader of the Labour Party, taking overfrom Ruair¡ Quinn after a disappointing general election.

2004: The party performs well in the local elections,breaking the threshold of 100 county councillors.

2007: The party fails to make an impact in the generalelection, returning with the same number of seats it won in2002.

National History And Heritage News ReportFriday August 24, 2007 12:09 By Rooster

At this time of year we're used to an entire gallery ofludicrously fictional Michael Collins being mellifluouslywafted out of the Bael na mBlath clay by some Irish voiceor other, so I suppose there's no reason why some tameEnglishman like Lord David Puttnam shouldn't have beeninvited to add to the heap of poppycock about the mostfictionalised man in Irish history.

And naturally, he didn't disappoint, labelling MichaelCollins "an icon for peace and reconciliation" and anexample of " how people ought to behave in the service oftheir country".

Well, as it happens, at the time of his death, this "iconof peace and reconciliation" had already started a waragainst the Northern state, which, in the Treaty of theprevious year, he had already agreed should come intoexistence.

And with what did he equip the IRA units he unleashed onthe North?

Why, the very guns supplied by the British for the self-defence of the new Free State Army, which he had given hisword of honour would not be allowed to be used against theNorthern state. To " refresh" your memories - whichprobably have been misinformed by a criminally delinquenteducational system, and by a general social consensus whichprefers the annual farrago of falsehoods of the flowerymeadow to the truth of the school of hard fact - let meremind you of the truth about Michael Collins.

It was he who, with his murders of the men of the GDivision of the Dublin Metropolitan Police, introduced theconcept of a campaign of assassination in support of apolitical cause: in doing so, he injected a toxin intoIrish life that has never left it.

Bad as this was in southern Ireland, it had perfectlycatastrophic consequences in the North.

After he organised the murder of DI Swanzy in Lisburn,massive rioting followed there and in Belfast, in which 22people were killed, and almost all Catholic businesses inLisburn destroyed.

The murderous chaos moved the Northern authorities to enrola special constabulary, the Ulster Special Constabulary(USC), to restore order.

Contrary to republican myth ever since, this was notintended to be all-Protestant.

Some Catholics joined, but after one of their number,Special Constable McCullough was shot by the IRA, mostleft.

Collins's attitude to Northern unionists was perhaps bestexemplified by events in February 1922, when he authorisedthe kidnap of 100 Northern Protestants by cross-border IRAgangs.

The raiders actually managed to abduct just 42 men fromtheir homes, and these men were kept as hostages in IRAhide-outs in the Free State, incredibly, with the assent ofMichael Collins, the leader of the Provisional Government.

Collins then authorised an intensified assault on the USC.

A train containing mostly unarmed special constables enroute for Enniskillen was ambushed at Clones and fourconstables killed, with a dozen others captured.

The consequences were entirely predictable: riots inBelfast in which over 30 people, most of them Catholic,were killed.

That, however, did not slake Collins's appetite for blood,for he then ordered a further systematic assault on USCmembers.

Between March 10 and June 1922, and on Collins's generalorders, 38 Northern police officers were killed.

Some of them - such Samuel Laird and George Chittick ofTrillick, Co Tyrone - were assassinated in their homes. Twoothers, Sergeant Patrick Joseph Early, a Catholic fromRoscommon, and his colleague, Special Constable JamesHarper, were calculatedly lured to their deaths in southArmagh by IRA men wearing uniforms taken from the Clonescaptives.

In Garrison, Co Fermanagh, Special Constable James Plumbwas killed in an ambush and his body seized.

What followed had nothing to do with Collins's orders, butit is a salutary reminder of the consequences of ageneralised authorisation to commit murder. KiltyclogherIRA men lined up to beat the body into an unrecognisablepulp with rifle butts.

The return of Constable Plumb's shattered cadaver to hishome off the Albertbridge Road in Belfast must have donewonders for community relations.

Now admittedly, Collins was now no longer in control of theNorthern IRA, but he had equipped and formally unleashedit, with catastrophic consequences for all concerned.Meanwhile, elsewhere, the cult of murder, which Collins haddone so much to promote, was now reaching its diseasedapogee.

In Galway, two middle-aged RIC sergeants, Tobias Gibbons,from Mayo, and John Gilmartin, from Leitrim, who weregravely ill patients in St Brigid's Hospital, were shotdead in their sick-beds by the IRA.

The campaign against the Northern Ireland security forceswas ended, not by Collins's orders, but effectively by theCivil War, which divided the Northern IRA.

So to call Collins an "icon for peace and reconciliation"is not just idiotic, but is to indulge in the depravedrhetoric of Irish republicanism.

However, the growth in the show's audience from 180,000 inthe previous survey to 204,000 is largely explained by amove to a 4.30pm starting time, from 5pm, in August 2006.

Once again, RTE broadcast nine of the 10 most popularprogrammes in the State, led by Morning Ireland with alistenership of 435,000, up 11,000 on the previous survey.The only non-RTE programme in the top 10 is Today FM's RayD'Arcy in ninth position; his listenership dropped 2,000,to 246,000.

Commercial rivals suggested RTE's improved figures could belinked to its general election coverage, but this hardlyexplains the strong performance by 2FM's Gerry Ryan, whoadded 24,000 listeners to reach an audience of 325,000.

Another strong performance came from Marion Finucane, whoseSaturday-morning show gained another 13,000 listeners. HerSunday show has 237,000 listeners, compared to 102,000 forToday FM's Sunday Supplement.

RTE radio managing director Adrian Moynes said the figuresshowed that schedule changes were paying off.

"I've always said we're in this for the long haul. RTEradio made strategic changes last year on RTE Radio One andRTE Lyric FM, and earlier this year on RTE 2FM.

"The initial signs are that listeners are welcoming thosechanges. We are determined that this pattern willcontinue."

Overall, Today FM was steady, with its two rush-hourpresenters, Ian Dempsey and Matt Cooper, recording theirhighest listenerships yet. Dempsey was up 6,000 to 233,000,while Cooper's audience grew from 187,000 to 193,000.

For Newstalk FM, these were the second set of figures sinceit started broadcasting nationally in September 2006.George Hook's drivetime programme added another 5,000listeners, but the station has yet to make as strong animpact outside Dublin as it does in the capital.

Some 85 per cent of the population listen daily to theradio, the figures show.

Among national stations, RTE Radio One has a audience shareof 20.9 per cent, while 2FM has 13 per cent. Today FM is on12.4 per cent, Newstalk has 3.2 per cent and RTE'sclassical station, Lyric FM, has dropped slightly to 1.7per cent.

In Dublin, 2FM gained ground on its commercial music rivalsbut its 11.5 per cent share remains behind the 12.7 percent enjoyed by both 98FM and FM104. New entrant Phantomhas a 1.2 per cent share.

As usual, the most listened-to local radio station wasHighland Radio in Co Donegal, with a 64.2 per cent share ofits audience.

Mid West Radio and Radio Kerry also recorded audienceshares of more than 50 per cent.

GARDAI in Donegal are investigating a murder in a church inRamelton. The Second Ancestoral Church is the scene of agruesome crucifixtion in the town. The victim has beennamed as master carpenter James Moore from Downings.

Murder, suspense, affairs and intrigue are rarelyassociated with the Ramelton town, resting on the banks ofthe River Lennon, but for crime writer, Paul Charles, theDonegal town has provided inspiration for his new book,"The Dust of Death".

Local landmarks, like the Bridge bar, Letterkenny GeneralHospital, the Silver Tassie, Downings and many more venuestake centre stage in Charles' first crime novel set inDonegal. "The Dust of Death" is the first in a trilogy ofcrime novels the Irish author hopes will put Ramelton onthe literary map.

Speaking to the Donegal News on Wednesday while on holidaysin the US, it became clear that the Magherafelt man has along standing association with the county, beginnning longbefore he married Letterkenny woman, Catherine McGinley in1999.

"Catherine's from Glencar, so I should know Donegal well,but I'd been coming to Donegal for years. I spent manymonths traveling every back road and visiting every outpostin Donegal with my good friend John McIvor. It's abeautiful county and quite unspoiled. There are lots ofcharacters and stories just waiting to be told and writtenabout," he said.

Paul Charles, an accomplished crime writer, has writteneight Inspector Christy Kennedy novels which are primarilyset in London. This new book is a departure into Donegaland introduces the reader to the Garda Inspector Starret, anative of the county.

The plot revolves around the gruesome discovery, in thevery first chapter, of the crucified body of James Moorehanging in the Second Ancestory Church. InspectorStarrett's droll observations and keen eye for the ladiesbring the reader on a mission to unravel the mystery of"whodunnit".

The ingenuity of Charles' writing lies in his ability toinject his characters with realism. The Eileen McLaughlin'sof Ramelton and Sergeant Packie Garvey's of the novel seemalmost to be based on someone local we could all know orrelate to. Charles though says his characters are not basedon specific people. "When writing stuff we are allinfluenced by the people around us, so maybe that's whythey seem familiar. There is no one character replicated inthe novel; they're all composites of people I've met,"explained Paul.

For regular Paul Charles readers Garda Inspector Starrettwill be familiar. The central character first appeared in aChristy Kennedy detective novel, "I've heard the BansheeSing".

"I introduced Inspector Starrett when Christy Kennedy wassolving a crime and returned to his native Portrush. I liketo keep things factually accurate. I'd wouldn't like myreaders to be scoffing at something in the plot saying 'ahcome on that could never have happened,' so when it wentcross border he had to work in conjunction with InspectorStarrett. It made it much easier to write this firstDonegal detective novel because he came to me already fullyformed," said Charles.

"The Dust of Death" has been meticulously researched andplotted. The path of intrigue is set in actual locationsthrougout the county and the writer knows his way round.The real locations make the novel more atmospheric and isfascinating for readers, especially in Donegal, to see theplot unfold on our doorstep. The lead character also makessome barbed comments about planning legislation anddevelopment in the county. Starrett makes some keenobservations on Donegal developers, remarking to a couplewho have moved to Ramelton: "The klondyke has nothing onthe Letterkenny boyos; but instead ofprosepctors,Letterkenny is infested wth developers."

Ramelton's peaceful heritage town may have been shatteredby a brutal murder but Letterkenny has been robbed of itssoul.

Later Starrett observes: "Letterkenny was being forced togrow too quickly, robbing it- at least Starrett believed-of the opportunity ever to become a magnificent or even asoulful city. Starett believed Letterkenny was a bit likehis young guards in that they both needed to be nurturedand cared for in order to give them a chance of achievingtheir goals. He knew there was a good chance Letterkennyhad missed its opportunity".

The observations though are not a reflection of theauthor's own views. "That's the beauty of writing. You canmake your characters say and do things you normallywouldn't," said the author.

With a background in music, Charles' career as an authorbegan dismally back in the ealy 1960s.

"I first began to write in the 60s and 70s. I was workingin London and writing music reviews for a Belfast magazineCity week. They had a musical supplement and if VanMorrison or anybody Irish was in London I'd go along andwrite a review. I tried to write my first novel around thentoo but I couldn't find a hook. I'd start to writesomething and it would turn out as absolute rubbish," hesaid.

A passion for crime novels led Paul Charles into writingcrime fiction, and many idle hours travelling as a musicagent meant he had lots of time to create. "I have a hugecollection of books by British crime writers. I travel alot and had lots of time in airplanes and nights on my ownin hotel rooms to play around with ideas. Instead ofsitting in a pub on an evening I'd sit in and createplots," he said.

Paul and his wife Catherine are arriving back in Donegal onSaturday. The couple have a cottage in Ramelton.

"Ramelton's still has its own charm and much of theheritage is still intact. The people are nice andfriendly". It will come as no surprise then that PaulCharles is already working on his second novel based inRamelton, called "Family Life" and has the workings of athird Donegal crime novel already thought out.

"The Dust of Death" is available in all bookshops fromTuesday September 4th, priced 22.99 hardback.

THE Chairperson of Donegal-based Town and Country HomesAssociation has highlighted the urgent need for B&Bs andguesthouses to be properly licensed.

The comments by Chairperson, Kate Burns, come followingresearch carried out by the 'T&CH' which shows the majorityof overseas visitors into Ireland choose to stay in a B&Bor guesthouse, confirming the importance of the sector inbringing tourists to Ireland. F ilte Ireland has announcedplans to stop licencing holiday accommodation from nextyear.

Speaking with specific reference to Donegal, Ms Burnscommented: "The situation with B&Bs in Donegal is that theyare still the preferred type of accommodation with visitorsinto the county. In particular research shows that thevisitors we get from Italy, France, Austria, New Zealandand Australia are typically higher spenders than those whostay in hotels."

She added: "While our research shows that the majority ofvisitors stay in an B&B the fact of the matter is thatIrish people do not like staying in B&Bs and because ofthis we are not given the support that we need by tourismbodies. At the moment all their efforts are going toincreasing the capacity of hotel rooms."

There are, however, a number of challenges facing B&Bowners in Donegal.

"B&Bs in Donegal are suffering slightly because we are notgetting enough visitors to the North West. Donegal has someof the best B&Bs in the country but they are not gettingthe same trade as Galway and Dublin."

"B&Bs in Donegal experienced a decline in 2001 and 2002,partly because of the impact of 9/11 on visitors from theUS. Recently there have been more people coming to stay inthe North West and business in 2007 is up 20 per cent on2006. And the forecast for 2008 is looking promisingdespite terrible weather we have experienced this summer."

"We at the 'T&CH' recognise that the B&B sector, likeeverything else, needs a bit of innovation or else it goesstale. This is the reason we will begin rolling out amarketing programme in the autumn regarding themed B&Bs.This will enable visitors to chose their accommodationsuited to their needs, for example, there will be trainingand network supports put in place for B&Bs to marketthemselves on angling, culture and heritage, walking orgourmet themes."

Ms Burns continued, however: "We strongly feel that theIrish tourism industry has underestimated the importance ofthe B&B tourism product. For the good of the whole sectorit is very damaging not to have a situation where B&Bs andguesthouses are not licensed or regulated. It is estimatedthat over 50 per cent of B&Bs in Ireland have no fire,insurance or safety cover. And these are the places whichare pulling our product and reputation down."

"Ireland is the only country in Europe not to have B&Bslicensed or regulated. There is no quality control over theproduct. And despite our attempts to have a structure putin place we keep having barriers put in our way."

The findings of the 'T&CH' survey revealed that over 300million was spent in the Irish economy by tourists stayingin approved Town & Country Homes or Farmhouses. Ms Burnssaid the research also showed that the Central Exchequerderived a dividend of 144 million from these tourismovernights in the B&B sector.