30th anniversary of the Day of Heroism

19th of June 1986 – 19th of June 201630th anniversary of the Day of Heroism

Uphold, defend and apply Maoism to serve the advancement of the world proletarian revolution!

“The fierce Resistance, was accomplished, this has never been done, is a great triumph of Chairman Gonzalo, the Communist Party of Peru, we will all die. Honour and glory to the fallen comrades and combatants! Long live Chairman Gonzalo! Long live the Communist Party of Peru!”

- comrade Augusto, Shining Trench of Combat “El Frontón”, 19th of June 1986, moments before he gave his life for the Party and the Revolution

This 19th of June we celebrate the 30th anniversary of the Day of Heroism, a fact that needs special attention and particularly the strong stand of the communists who assume this bright lightening example: that is to give one's life for the class and the people in service of world proletarian revolution. It is necessary to agitate that this men and women conquer the laurels beyond the death because they were led by the highest ideology mankind has seen, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and the creative application to Peruvian reality, Gonzalo Thought, led by the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Chairman Gonzalo. The communists, combatants and masses, political prisoners and prisoners of war, that gave their lives in the shining trenches of combat El Frontón, Lurigancho and Callao, are living on in us, in the communists, are living in the struggle of the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, are living in the struggle of the brave communists that struggle hard together with the combatants and masses in order to reorganize the Communist Party of Peru and give a great impulse to the People's War in the country.

The 19th of June 1986 is sealed in history as the Day of Heroism

The Rebellion of the political prisoners and prisoners of war is a milestone in history, a milestone that demonstrates the consistent and implacable stance to defend the moral of the class by any means necessary; like the children of a people that rose up in People's War under the leadership of their Communist Party must uphold the red flag with hammer and sickle, never kneel and so contribute to the advancement of the revolution. The more than two hundred fifty communists and revolutionaries that died did it with conscious about that to serve the people wholeheartedly you must smash individualism, demolish the ego, and must be ready ready to pay any price demanded by the party and the revolution. Their example is an annihilating strike against any kind of capitulation and pessimism, expressing a deep understanding of the historical and political context, they burnt down any doubt and showed full faith in the party and the masses to unleash themselves against the enemy despite its overwhelming tactical superiority with optimism at high and fight until the end.

The rebellion of the political prisoners and prisoners of war was no act of desperation but an action decided and planned by CPP through the respective apparatuses. It was a military action with clear political objectives that were directed against the transfer to the, at that time, new concentration camps witch were constructed with the intention to smash the resistance of the prisoners of war, nothing less than part of the ongoing genocidal plan. The rebellion unmasked the true genocidal face of the old Peruvian state, its armed forces and its police, the APRA-Party of the fascist Alan García with the full blessing issued by the capos of the social-fascist Mafia, i.e. the sinister “Socialist International”, in front of the whole world. The biggest genocide against the people arisen in People's War took place in the countryside, the major arena of the People's War, where the deepest and broadest of the Peruvian masses, mainly poor peasants, supported the democratic revolution on its way over the years that went by since the initiation of the armed struggle in 1980; there the genocidal hordes of the old state massacred ten-thousands and there were the greatest expressions of heroism. In this way the rebellion of these political prisoners and prisoners of war in the shining trenches of combat in Lima served to enforce that the international public opinion couldn’t deny to see what really was going on in the country. This is an important accentuation today because Lima is still the biggest resonator. Actions carried out there echo in the whole Peru and on international level – an aspect not to forget regarding the new big impulse of the People's War.

Thirty years after the event of the 19th of June 1986 hundreds of political prisoners and prisoners of war still uphold the banner of the CPP inside the prisons of the old Peruvian state, the shining trenches of combat of the People's War, still serving the revolution; among them principally Chairman Gonzalo stands forth.

Chairman Gonzalo represents the fallen heroes and all political prisoners and prisoners of war in Peru

The rebellion of the prisoners of war against the genocide 30 years ago was inseparable from Chairman Gonzalo, he was its acknowledged leader. Since the 12th of September 1992 he is in the situation of a prisoner of war as a result of a plan of the Yankee CIA in collaboration with the litter of traitors – the rats that later appeared as the heads of the right-opportunist, revisionist and capitulationist line.

As the leader of the CPP and the Peruvian revolution, Chairman Gonzalo is acknowledged as their chief representative by all revolutionary prisoners of war and political prisoners in Peru; he incarnates and symbolizes their struggle like no one else. Therefore talking about the fallen heroes and political prisoners and prisoners of war today necessarily demands taking a clear and powerful stand for Chairman Gonzalo.

Chairman Gonzalo is in the situation of a prisoner of war for almost 24 years. During the whole time he was exposed to continuous and absolute isolation in the concentration camp that was especially built to annihilate him on the Callao marine-base of the navy of war of the old Peruvian state. Shortly after Chairman Gonzalo was relocated there, the fascist, genocidal and country-selling Fujimori who was then the president of the old state cynically told the international press that “no one survives long time living under the circumstances as he is incarcerated” (referring to Chairman Gonzalo). That the old Peruvian state did not consume the murder was principally because of the strength of the CPP and the People's War, that was supported by a deep and broad international campaign to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo. Responding to this situation, moving his direct agents and traitors, Yankee-imperialism went on to implement as part of psychological warfare – inside their strategy of the so called “low intensity warfare” - their plan to foist capitulation on Chairman Gonzalo, to behead the revolution, annihilate the leadership and separate the guerilla from the masses.

The sinister work of revisionism trying to liquidate the campaign to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo – spreading confusion and pessimism in Peru and abroad where the so called party RCP/USA played a definite role – had consequences. Although the left in the International Communist Movement never stopped to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo the campaign has not the dynamic it should have. It must be strengthened and developed together with the campaign for Maoism.

This year Chairman Gonzalo is going to be 82 years old; the old state and specially the revisionists headed by Miriam did everything possible to prepare his murder. The communists and revolutionaries of the world have to have present that the threat of the life of Chairman Gonzalo is real and concrete. We have to mobilize the deepest and broadest masses to defend his life. That has to be the principal aspect of the campaign on international level; statements of intellectuals etc. are important but the main issue is to mobilize the masses. The work with delegations can play an important role but that requires that in the country itself subjective conditions are at hand, that make that possible.

Once again we oppose the accusations against Chairman Gonzalo and make plain that the hoax is completely unmasked by facts.

The facts are: 1) Chairman Gonzalo is kept in absolute isolation since his arrest, 2) he had no chance to communicate directly with his party, 3) all accusations about his alleged capitulation are without any exception – the so-called “peace letters”, the “Call” abroad up to the tomes etc. – based on hearsay, are allegations and slanders. There is no one who asserts that he spoke to Chairman Gonzalo who aren't officials of the old state, traitors or renegades of the People's War, not a single person that defends the base of party unity of the CPP was able to visit or even meet Chairman Gonzalo in these 24 years. The tragic and sinister figures like Nancy, who asserts to be convinced by Chairman Gonzalo to renegade from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, were unmasked as traitors, to be at the diktat of the heinously “Servicio de Inteligencia Nacional (intelligence service)” (headed by CIA agent Montesinos), literally reading out what they were told to say.

Considering these facts every accusation about Chairman Gonzalo giving up anything defined in the base of party unity of the CPP at any time is nothing more than an allegation. It is a substantial part of the psychological warfare to foment doubts, so that the enemy does not trust in his own forces; the reaction plants lies in thousands of forms and by a massive diversity of means to bring the revolutionaries to doubts, speculations, estimations, everything so that they don't have faith in triumph. Therefore it is indispensable to smash and sweep away any doubt whatever with a firm class stand, taking as a starting point the concrete reality and not the manoeuvres of imperialism and its agents.

The current situation and the complex bend in the road, concretisised in the dramatic inflection in the People's War in Peru and the actual dissolvement of the Central Committee of the CPP, the liquidation of the national leadership is not the fault of Chairman Gonzalo. As well as the revisionist coup in China is not the fault of Chairman Mao – in China the coup happened about one month after the death of the great helmsman, but in Peru it was only after seven years of incarceration of the leader that revisionism was able to blow up the Central Committee but up to this date they have not been able to vanish the CPP or defeat the People's War.

On the contrary, the communists in Peru with combatants of the People's Liberation Army and masses of the New Power, stay upright and keep fighting despite all difficulties, demonstrate the power of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought – show the forge by Gonzalo.

The campaign to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo is linked inseparable with the struggle to put Maoism in command and as guidance for the new big wave of world proletarian revolution

The general counter-revolutionary offensive, headed by Yankee-imperialism on world level, has as its most important element a psychological warfare concentrated against Chairman Gonzalo and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, to saw confusion and pessimism among the communists of the world, to avert the development of the People's Wars, to avert the beginning of new ones and the reconstitution of the Communist Parties and to avert the reunion of the International Communist Movement. It is of crucial strategic importance for imperialism to prevent the leadership of Maoism over the struggle of the international proletariat and the peoples of the world. If we consider just the struggle of the Arabic people and the other peoples of western Asia, objectively part of the new big wave of the world proletarian revolution, then the problem is of guiding ideology. Because of that they have to aim against Chairman Gonzalo.

The principal contribution of Chairman Gonzalo is the definition of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of Marxism and therefore that being Marxist today means to be Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist. So he fulfilled the pending task of the communist of the world after the Chinese comrades were not able to due to the revisionist coup. We highlight that this definition does not reduce Chairman Gonzalo to the one who “called the thing by its true name”, what is part but not the main aspect, for it was he who defined it, taking as a starting point its application, did he show with transforming facts, with People's War, what is the content of Maoism, because every correct definition necessarily implies the systematisation, it requires analysis what allows to arrive to synthesis – which is the principal thing. This great work was done by Chairman Gonzalo and he gave it to us communists of the world so that we take it up.

Every other approach lets one slip into revisionism. A clear example is the declaration in which the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, but left open the problem concerning (the road of October), giving free space so that some effect-ably negate the universality of the People's War, and therefore leave the door open for the opportunist filth, parliamentary cretinism and legalism.

Chairman Gonzalo in his position as continuer of Marx, Lenin and Chairman Mao Tsetung contributes decisively to a new development of Marxism

Chairman Gonzalo applied Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, to the concrete conditions of the Peruvian revolution and so generated Gonzalo Thought; as the first congress of the CPP established: “Gonzalo Thought has forged itself in long years of intense, tenacious, and incessant struggle to uphold, defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, to retake the road of Mariátegui and to develop it, the reconstitution of the Party and, principally, to initiate, maintain and develop the People's War in Peru serving the world revolution, and that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism be, in theory and practice, its sole command and guide.” (Concerning Gonzalo Thought)

Strictly applying the principals of the universal ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and solving new problems he continued the work of Marx, Lenin and Chairman Mao. Therefore he is a continuer of them who was able to give significant contributions to a new development of Marxism; due to his arrest he is not able to set this forth. Nonetheless we have to adopt these contributions, because they are indispensable for the handling of the current situation of class struggle and the leading of a correct two line struggle, what serves to unite the communists of the world. To illustrate this, we will show some key issues below.

In his whole work Chairman Gonzalo has known to take Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to solve the current problems of the national and international class struggles; if we look at “Elections no! People's War yes!” for example, where he slits open the general counter-revolutionary offensive and forms a great defensive of Marxism, it is obvious that Chairman Gonzalo armed us decisively while the attack on Marxism resounded in many – until today, more than 25 years later, where we bear a weapon of combat of full validity to crush revisionism. The same applies to the whole theoretical work he gave to us.

It is Chairman Gonzalo who most completely adopted the remarkable thesis of Chairman Mao on the “50 to 100 years”, a very deep handling of historical materialism in the understanding of the laws of class struggle and the road of humanity to communism. As it was decided on the first congress of the CPP: “Chairman Gonzalo teaches us that in the process of the world revolution to sweep away imperialism and reaction from the face of the earth there are three moments:

1st, the strategic defensive; 2nd, the strategic equilibrium; and 3rd, the strategic offensive of the world revolution. He does so by applying the law of the contradiction to the revolution since contradiction rules everything and all contradictions have two aspects in struggle; in this case revolution and counter-revolution. The strategic defensive of the world revolution is opposed to the offensive of the counter-revolution, beginning in 1871 with the Paris Commune and ending with the Second World War. The strategic equilibrium begins around the victory of the Chinese revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and the development of the powerful national liberation movements. Afterwards, the world revolution enters the strategic offensive, this moment can be placed around the 1980s in which we see signs such as the Iran-Iraq war, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, the beginning of the People’s War in Peru, an epoch circumscribed within the “next 50 to 100 years.” From there onward the contradiction between capitalism and socialism will develop and whose resolution will bring us to Communism. We conceive it as a long process and not a short one with the conviction of reaching Communism even if it means passing through a series of twists and turns and the reverses that will necessarily occur. Furthermore, it is not strange that we apply the three moments to the world revolution, since Chairman Mao applied them to the process of the protracted people’s war. As Communists, we should see not only the moment, but the long years to come. … In the current situation and in perspective we have entered the strategic offensive of the world revolution inside the “50 to 100 years” in which imperialism will be sunk together with world reaction and we enter in the situation in which the proletariat definitely takes hold of power and establishes its dictatorship. From there forward the contradiction will be between socialism and capitalism on the road toward Communism. The fact that restorations have occurred in the USSR and China does not negate the strong developmental process of the international proletariat, but shows how the struggle is between restoration and counter-restoration takes place from which the Communists draw lessons to prevent the restoration and to definitively establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.” (International Line)

This application that he does on what Chairman Mao established enables us to understand the process of the world revolution; we can clearly see the revisionist character of position like “general retreat”, “globalization means a new phase of imperialism” or the deliria of Avakian on a “new stage” that needs a “new synthesis” (that is neither new, because it contains the old bourgeois prejudices of revisionism, nor a synthesis, because it is a botch of speculations and sapience as those of like Chinese fortune cookies).

It is Chairman Gonzalo who most deeply adopted the Maoist thesis on bureaucratic capitalism – without one cannot understand anything of the economic relations of today’s world – to apply it: “teaches us that it has five characteristics: 1) that bureaucratic capitalism is the capitalism that imperialism develops in the backward countries, which is comprised of the capital of large landowners, the big bankers, and the magnates of the big bourgeoisie; 2) it exploits the proletariat, the peasantry, and the petty bourgeoisie and places constraints upon the middle bourgeoisie; 3) it is passing through a process by which bureaucratic capitalism is combined with the power of the State and evolves into state monopoly capitalism, comprador and feudal, from which can be derived that in a first moment it unfolds as a non-state big monopoly capitalism and in a second moment, when is combined with the power of the state, it unfolds as state monopoly capitalism; 4) it ripens the conditions for the democratic revolution as it reaches the apex of its development; and, 5) confiscating bureaucratic capital is key to reach the pinnacle of the democratic revolution and it is decisive to pass over to the socialist revolution. … Furthermore, Chairman Gonzalo generalizes that bureaucratic capitalism is not a process peculiar to China or to Peru, but that it follows the late conditions in which the various imperialists subjugate the oppressed nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, at a time when these oppressed nations have not yet destroyed the vestiges of feudalism, much less developed capitalism.” (Democratic Line)

Without this understanding of the thesis of Chairman Mao many became cozened by the fairy tales of “emerging powers” and “imperialism brings development and can overthrow semi-feudalism”, that leads to denying the democratic revolution and taking trotskyte positions.

With his thesis on the militarisation of the Communist Parties and the concentric construction of the three instruments the Chairman gives to us communists an indispensable contribution to erect the dictatorship of the proletariat and to build up socialism:

“Chairman Gonzalo established the thesis that the Communist Parties of the world should militarise themselves for three reasons:

First, because we are in the strategic offensive of the world revolution, we live during the sweeping away of imperialism and reaction from the face of Earth within the next 50 to 100 years, an epoch marked by violence in which all kinds of wars take place. We see how reaction militarises itself more and more, militarising the old States, their economy, developing wars of aggression, trafficking with the struggles of the peoples and aiming at a world war, but since revolution is the main tendency in the world, the task of the Communist Parties is to raise revolution making reality the main form of struggle: The People’s War, to oppose the world counter-revolutionary war with world revolutionary war.

Second, because capitalist restoration must be prevented. When the bourgeoisie loses Power, it goes inside the Party, uses the army and seeks a way of usurping Power, of destroying the dictatorship of the proletariat to restorate capitalism. Therefore, the Communist Parties must militarise themselves and exercise the all around dictatorship of the three instruments, forge themselves in the People’s War and empower the armed organization of the masses, the people’s militia, so as to engulf the army. Towards this end, Chairman Gonzalo tells us to “forge all militants as Communists, first and foremost, as fighters and as administrators”; for that reason every militant is forged in the People’s War and remains alert against any attempts of restoration.

Third, because we march towards a militarized society. By militarising the Party, we complete a step towards the militarization of society which is the strategic perspective to guarantee the dictatorship of the proletariat. The militarized society is the sea of armed masses which Marx and Engels spoke about, that guarantees the conquest and defence of the conquered Power. We take the experience of the Chinese Revolution, of the anti-Japanese base at Yenan, which was a militarized society where everything flowed out of the barrels of guns, Party, Army, State, new politics, new economics, new culture. And that way we develop war communism.

In the First National Conference (November 1979), Chairman Gonzalo proposed the thesis of the necessity to militarise the Communist Party of Peru; then, in the early months of 1980, when the Party was getting ready to launch the People’s War, he proposed to develop the militarization of the Party by ways of actions, based on what the great Lenin said about reducing the non-military work and to centre it in the military, that the times of peace were ending and we entered the times of war so that all forces should be militarized. Thus taking the Party as the axis of everything, build the Army around it and with these instruments, with the masses in People’s War, build the new State around both. The militarization of the Party could only be carried forward through concrete actions of the class struggle, concrete military type actions; this does not mean we will carry out various types of military actions exclusively (guerilla actions, sabotages, selective annihilation, armed agitation and propaganda) but that we must carry out mainly these forms so as to provide incentive and development to the class struggle, indoctrinating it with facts, with these types of actions as the main form of struggle in the People’s War.

The militarization of the Party has precedents in Lenin and Chairman Mao, but it is a new problem developed by Chairman Gonzalo taking into account the new circumstance of the class struggle and we have to see that new problems will arise which will be solved through experience. This will necessarily imply a process of struggle between the old and the new in order to develop it further, with war being the highest form of resolving the contradictions, empowering the faculties of humans to find solutions. It is the militarization of the Party which has enabled us to initiate and develop the People’s War; and we consider that this experience has universal validity, for that reason, it is required and necessary for the Communist Parties of the world to militarise themselves.

The concentric construction of the three instruments is the organic fulfilment of the militarization of the Party and in synthesis it is summarized in what Chairman Gonzalo teaches: “The Party is the axis of everything, it leads the three instruments all around, its own construction, absolutely leads the army and the new State as joint dictatorship aiming towards the dictatorship of the proletariat.””(Line of construction of the three instruments of the revolution)

That is a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist position that powerfully smash the revisionist positions represented by all the legalistic parties like “multiple party system” as a proposed solution to “avert restoration” and the concept of “autonomous” and “parallel” structures inside the Communist Parties.

Chairman Gonzalo arms us with the decisive weapon to crush the revisionist positions centring on quantity and “accumulation of forces” as an excuse to never start the People's War. He says: “The struggle for Power as the principal aspect does not mean that from the beginning we are going to incorporate the masses all at once. Chairman Mao teaches us that developing Base Areas and armed forces is what generates the apogee of the revolution. This has to do with the law of incorporation of the masses into the revolution, which was established by the Party in the Second Plenum of 1980, an incorporation that will take place through leaps and progressively; with more People’s War will come a greater incorporation of the masses. Thus, the People’s War is a political fact that continues to pound ideas into the heads of men through powerful actions, who will bit by bit come to understand their only and true road, thereby developing their political consciousness. The People’s War summons all the revolutionaries and opens a trail as it develops.” (Mass Line)

To adopt “the law of the incorporation of the masses into revolution” burns down the positions that try to subtend mass-work and martial actions of the People's War.

On the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPP in 1992 Chairman Gonzalo presents that the third world expands in Europe, a very important thesis, mainly for the communists on thas continent, a work he could not develop more due to his arrest. A strategic orientation to the communists without one cannot understand the so-called “European Union”, the war in Ukraine, the situation in the Balkan countries and the Baltic states besides other burning topics.

As a last example we take the key issue of the general validity of the People's War and how he applies it in a creative manner – instead of simply reducing it to a mechanic copy of the Chinese experience. Chairman Gonzalo says that “in order to carry forward the People’s War we must take into account four fundamental problems: 1. The ideology of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism that must be specified as a guiding thought, therefore we base ourselves on the Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, principally the latter; 2. The need for the Communist Party of Peru that leads the People’s War; 3. The People’s War specified as a peasant war that follows the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside; and 4. Base Areas or the New Power, the construction of the Base Areas, which is the essence of the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside. … it is a specification of the People's War in Peru that the countryside is made into the main theatre of the actions, and the cities are a necessary complement.” (Military Line)

With these few examples we showed that Chairman Gonzalo solved new problems and contributed to a new stage of Marxism; we cannot and should not speculate over its future development – that will be defined by class struggle. Obviously Gonzalo Thought has nothing in common with the so-called “Prachanda Path”, what is not Marxism but revisionism. It shows that it is a weapon of combat of the communists and we cannot be on the level the armed struggle between revolution and counter-revolution on world-level needs if we do not learn from Chairman Gonzalo.

Being the celebration of the 30th anniversary of the Day of Heroism, which coincides with the campaign the communists develop regarding the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, it is necessary to make some comments regarding the ICM.

The reunification of the communists of the world is only possible on a solid Marxist-Leninist-Maoist basis

The CPP under the great leadership of Chairman Gonzalo fulfilled the role of the red faction of the ICM and was the left inside the RIM. From the very founding of the RIM till its cunning liquidation by parties being members of the committee it was dominated by the RCP/USA i.e. Avakian and his lackeys. First with the “Milleniumresolution” adopted by the third expanded meeting of the committee of the RIM was a document of the Rim that did not correspond to the plans of Avakian. Those who put forward a “new RIM” and do not take a clear stand regarding the left inside the RIM and its struggle – concretely presenting “avakianism” without Avakian or in other words: the line of the RCP/USA before they dared to argue openly that Avakian should be deemed as “the new Marx”.

Those today who are nostalgically celebrating the days when the “CoRIM Party” - as the supporters of Avakian inside the RIM were known – was on its way, are nostalgic regarding revisionism. It is no coincidence that in countries where communists are emerging to solve the pending task of the reconstitution of the Communist Parties, the right liquidationism tends to raise the tail and idolize the right within the RIM; even the haggling with the People's Wars in the world is a copy and retrace of what the RCP/USA did.

It is also necessary to highlight that it is an effrontery to handle the question of the capitulation in Nepal as unmentionable in the evaluation of the two line struggle in the RIM and in the ICM in general and furthermore the way in which parties and organisations supported it directly and/or conciliated with. The revisionist positions a la Prachanda still have their impacts and cause damage. The comrades who slipped into this situation should make a self-criticism and make a clear cut.

The process to reunite the ICM is a complicated question and not to be improvised. It would be easy if declarations would be enough but it is not. What you need to know is to unite, differentiate and lead. We are fully convinced that we must unite more and more, but that is only possible if we start from a solid Marxist-Leninist-Maoist base, fighting against revisionism and serving the world proletarian revolution.

Thus, with the vibrant example of the political prisoners and prisoners of war in June 1986 who won an ideological, political and military triumph, gave their lives for the party and the revolution, always having them present and learning from Chairman Gonzalo, we are on firm course and hear the voice of the titan ringing in our ears who says:

“Finally listen to this. As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have comprehension – and we all have it – use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be incarnated, and it is being incarnated, and by generating Communist Parties to drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming.” (Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, 24th September 1992)

Uphold, defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

Long live Chairman Gonzalo, continuer of Marx, Lenin and Chairman Mao!

Defeat the general counterrevolutionary offensive!

Long live the new big wave of world proletarian revolution!

Glory to the fallen heroes, long live the revolution!

Committee for Construction of the Communist Party (maoist) Galicia Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, AustriaCommittee Red Flag (FRG)Communist Party of Brazil Red Fraction – CPB (RF)Communist Party of Ecuador - Red SunMaoist Communist Party FranceMaoist Communist Party ItalyMaoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of ColombiaPeru People’s Movement (Committee for Reorganizing)Red Fraction of Communist Party of Chile