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Saturday, May 13, 2017

Patrick Buchanan Reveals Himself to Be the First Trumpist

Patrick J. Buchanan is a merry troglodyte, a naughty provocateur. He
still calls homosexuality “sodomy,” just to get the goat of a community
he will only reluctantly call “gay.” He writes that he wanted to be
named ambassador to South Africa by President Ford so he could support
the apartheid government. He thinks public television is “an upholstered
playpen” for liberals. He considers “The New York Times” an epithet.
His stump appearances in his outlaw 1992 and 1996 presidential campaigns
were a guilty pleasure for the reporters who followed him, a
hilariously clever, and prescient, exhibition of right-wing populism.
“Buchanan,” Richard Nixon once told him, “you’re the only extremist I
know with a sense of humor.”And
it is Buchanan, not Nixon, who emerges as the central — and most
intriguing — character in “Nixon’s White House Wars,” an entertaining
memoir of that benighted presidency. Buchanan’s Nixon is a familiar
figure: distant, awkward, smart, defensive and damaged, caring a bit too
much what the Establishment — a word Buchanan uses frequently — thinks
of him. The not-so-tricky president is a policy moderate; he has
surrounded himself with brilliant, if mainstream, experts like Henry
Kissinger and Daniel Patrick Moynihan. There is also a retinue of
traditional moderate Republican aides like Ray Price and Leonard
Garment, and technocrats like H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman.
Buchanan, the house wing nut, finds all this moderation frustrating; he
began as a peripheral figure in the Nixon White House, a political
gunslinger perhaps a bit too hot for the high-rent nuances of
governance. Over time, however, Nixon realized that the “liberal
establishment” was unwilling to cut him a break — even as he created the
Environmental Protection Agency and maintained many Great Society
programs — and a gunslinger could have his uses. Buchanan’s pen provided
the ammunition for Vice President Spiro Agnew’s attacks on the media
(which seem downright civilized compared with current presidential
standards). But Nixon sensed that Buchanan was onto something much
bigger than vitriol, a new grand strategy for the Republican Party, a
new majority anchored by the white working class, not just in the South,
but also in the Northern ethnic, mostly Catholic, enclaves. This
philosophy has been the driving vision of Buchanan’s life. It has made
him one of the most consequential conservatives of the past
half-century. Indeed, he’s a reactionary who was also an avatar: the
first Trumpist.

Buchanan was born in Washington, D.C., in 1938, although his family’s
roots are in Mississippi. He celebrates ancestors who fought for the
Confederacy, but his most enduring loyalty is to the conservative
Catholic Church of the 1950s — the church schools he attended, the
Knights of Columbus, the Legion of Decency, Sodality and the Holy Name
Society. His people are the white ethnic “unfashionable minorities,” as
opposed to the “media minorities.” He was kicked out of Georgetown
University for a year after a drunken fight with the Washington police:
“I was ahead on points, until they brought out the sticks.” But he
attended the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism — one of
his few Eastern elitist credentials, which he used to become an
editorial polemicist for the conservative St. Louis Globe-Democrat. He
was astonished by the 1960s. Well-off draft dodgers offended him; the
New York construction workers who beat up the protesters were his team.
Teddy Kennedy’s ability to “survive” Chappaquiddick was a confirmation
of Buchanan’s worldview. Nixon, he believed (correctly), would have been
crucified if he’d done something similar. He and Nixon “were like
working-class kids in an elite university who, caught smoking pot in the
dorm, would be expelled and disgraced for life, while the legacy
students would be confined to campus for the weekend.”
It was the “legacy” students in the C.I.A. and on John F. Kennedy’s
staff who had started the war in Vietnam — and “legacy” students who
opposed it; the children of Irish pipe fitters had to fight it. Despite
the war’s provenance, Buchanan was an unabashed hawk who believed
Vietnam was necessary to stem the tide of Communism. He continued to
believe this even as Nixon proved that Communism wasn’t monolithic by
embracing the Russians in détente and going to China — Buchanan was
along for the Beijing trip, appalled. Still, Buchanan’s assessment of
the impact of the defeat in Vietnam on American society has real power
to it: “The American establishment that led us to victory in World War
II … would never recover from Vietnam, never regain the confidence of
the nation. For Vietnam was not an unwinnable war for a country that had
reduced the Japanese empire to smoldering ruins in four years. … The
simple truth is the American establishment lost the war in Vietnam
because it lacked the will to win it.”
This is where Buchanan’s philosophy begins. The country that Nixon
inherited in 1969 was “no longer one nation and one people, but a land
divided by war and race and culture and politics.” The Establishment was
feckless, guilt-driven, hypocritical. Buchanan saw school busing to
achieve racial integration as a domestic Vietnam. It was social
engineering imposed by a liberal judiciary upon white ethnic communities
— the Irish, Italians, Poles — who had nothing to do with slavery. Once
again, the rich kids weren’t drafted to ride the buses. Buchanan
advised Nixon that the administration’s position should be: “outlawing
all segregation, but not requiring racial balance.” This line extends to
affirmative action, which he calls “racial injustice.” These are the
opening battles of Buchanan’s culture war. His case is primal and
compelling. These issues are not merely about tribal racial prejudices;
they are about class.
Buchanan’s political calculus is that the “silent majority” is larger
than the “fashionable minorities,” who include violent antiwar
protesters — nearly five bombings a day in 1971-72! — racial agitators,
limousine and lifestyle liberals. In fact, the only real weapon that the
counterculturalists have is the elite media, which he described, in a
memo to Nixon, as their true adversary: “The Nixon White House and the
national liberal media are as cobra and mongoose.” Does any of this
sound familiar?
Nixon won the 1972 election in a historic landslide, using Buchanan’s
strategy, but lost the war. Buchanan was boggled by Watergate, which he
considered stupid. Why bug the Democrats when Nixon’s new majority is
about to win bigly? Somehow he managed to skate through the scandal,
compartmentalized, kept out of the loop, but asked for cleanup advice —
and famously told Nixon to “burn the tapes.”
It is easy to be horrified by Buchanan’s gleeful excesses, but that
is the reaction he’s hoping to elicit. Humorless upper-crust liberalism
is the fattest of targets. Beneath the vitriol, though, Buchanan has
spent his career raising important questions that our society has never
seemed willing to discuss forthrightly. What should be the limits of
identity politics? In a democracy, should courts or legislatures decide
basic policies like abortion, busing and campaign finance? Should we
trade the higher prices that will come from protectionism for the
increased stability that might come from keeping more blue-collar jobs
at home? These are the issues that Buchanan has been thumping for the
past 50 years, and that Donald Trump exploited in 2016. They cannot be
dismissed. We are, for the moment, living in Pat Buchanan’s world.http://buchanan.org/blog/patrick-buchanan-reveals-first-trumpist-1269549May 2017

How YOUR millions are still flowing to 'corrupt' Kenya health chiefs... even though America has cancelled all its donations over ‘integrity issues’

Britain is pushing ahead with an eight-year project in Kenya costing £106 million America has cancelled its payments to the African country's Ministry of Health due to 'ongoing corruption and integrity issues' The DFID programme operates in same areas which caused alarm to US officials.

GPs demand patients should be forced to PAY to see them despite concerns that charge would hit poor and elderly

Family doctors insist charging patients is the only way to end the GP crisis GPs are leaving in droves, and patients are having to wait weeks to see a doctor The move would no longer make the NHS free at the point of delivery.

REVEALED: Prince Harry and Meghan Markle 'CAN marry at Westminster Abbey'PRINCE HARRY’S girlfriend Meghan Markle can have a dream royal wedding at Westminster Abbey, despite being a divorcee Meghan, 35, whose mother is African American and father is Jewish, has described herself as “half black and half white” and once gave an interview in which she described herself as “a Jew”.

Top London private school to allow boys to wear skirts as part of new 'mix and match' uniform rules for children questioning their gender identity

Highgate School plans to bring in uniform rules allowing boys to wear skirts The school, where fees reach £6,790 per term, is set to make the change as pupils are 'questioning their gender identity' Children are already allowed to request that staff address them by a name of the opposite gender Reaction from former pupils is mixed, with one telling MailOnline he thinks it is 'good thing' but that there are 'bigger issues to focus on'