Excerpts from Enrique Ayala Mora (the “Manual”)

This is a translation of brief excerpts from Enrique Ayala Mora’s “Manual de Historia del Ecuador” (“Manual of the History of Ecuador”) -pages 43,44,50 & 63-68.This manual is a very condensed version of the History of Ecuador. Other books by Dr. Ayala Mora develop the history of Ecuador in much greater detail; this manual is intended for a relatively fast, high-level overview.

The administration of President Cordero and Progressivism reached its historical limit on occasion of the scandal known as “the sale of the Flag” or the smuggling of Esmeralda. In short, the “affair” 2 consisted of the abusive arrangements of Jose Maria Placido Caamano, the ex-President who continued on as governor of Guayas, with a commercial house in New York and the government of Chile which had facilitated the sale of a ship from the Chilean Navy to Japan using the flag of Ecuador. Pursuance of the Sino-Japanese war had forced Japan to buy weapons and ships. The agents of Japan, Charles R. Flint and Co. of New York, made contact with the government of Chile, expressing interest in the Esmeralda. But Chile, which had declared its neutrality in the war between China and Japan, was prevented from selling weapons or ships to either of the belligerents. Flint then plotted to find a broker who had not declared its neutrality. Through Caamano, who had nearly autonomous decision-making power, the negotiation was finalized but when it was discovered by the Ecuadorian press it provided an opportunity for an uprising by the opponents of President Cordero3 and Progressivism. Caamano fled to Spain while Cordero, whose guilt seems to have been limited to being a victim of abuse of power by the governor, whom he did not control, faced increasingly angry voices. Moderate liberals wanted Caamano’s resignation, and the vice president, the conservative Vicente Lucio Salazar, was even more hated. But finally Cordero resigned and there was a popular announcement in favor of Alfaro in Guayaquil which was readily joined by all agricultural exporters and bankers of the time…

In 1905, Plaza supported the candidacy of his former adversary, Lizardo Garcia, manager of the “Commercial and Agricultural Bank”. The opposition liberals tried to resist the “continuation” but the government imposed Garcia as president. Despite the support of economic interests, the new administration was weak. In December of 1905 he was overthrown by a military revolt headed by Alfaro who became dictator as head of one liberal movement emerging from a struggle against another. The military garrisons (with Riobamba and Guaranda in first place) staged the event. Guayaquil was one of the last places to be taken (January 14 to 16). The majority of the Liberal notables of Guayaquil backed Garcia. Alfaro triumphed against the bulk of the bourgeoisie with the backing of the army, popular groups, historical intellectuals of liberalism, a minority sector of the bourgeoisie with industrial interests, the Railroad Company, and the situational support of a sector of highland landowners with industrial interests in need of protection. Don Eloy gained this support to “save the revolution”. The liberal secular reforms and the the Railroad were included. The attempt of the bourgeoisie to win the political leadership excluding other sectors of liberalism had been premature.

Alfaro moved forward a program that established the definitive institutionalization of the Secular State, the completion of the Railroad and the implementation of measures to protect and develop national industry. Faced with popular expectations, he returned to talk of social reform.
The Constitution of 1906 institutionalized the liberal reform that had been completed two years after the nationalization of several estates of the Church. However, this measure did not bring the distribution of land to the peasants but only a change of tenants. On July 25, 1908, the Trans-Andean railway was opened. It was a great moment for Don Eloy. But the Railroad left the government with a monstrous debt and without its basic premise, more so since the project did not have the immediate effects that had been expected. After an attempt to establish a system of industrial protection, the government yielded to pressure from merchants and abandoned its timid industrial projects.

The Alfaro movement (“alfarismo”) lost its social bases. On April 25, 1907 the Universities demanded elections not controlled by the government and were suppressed. This underlined the divorce between Alfaro and the Liberal intellectuals. Weeks later in Guayaquil the president suffered an attempt on his life. The failure of industrial protection was seen as a power opportunity by the opposition. The government gave customs revenues to the National Commercial Company, CNC. The reaction was widespread frustration of popular groups and Alfaro’s loss of leadership over the Army. The Old Campaigner had suffered a violent physical deterioration, but was able to preside over the commemoration of the anniversary of August 10 in 1909 and in 1910 to lead the national response to the announcement that the King of Spain was preparing his arbitration opinion against Ecuador in its dispute with Peru and he marched to the border to lead the army. The country supported him, but he missed a new opportunity to fix the territorial dispute.

For the 1911 Election, Alfaro selected Emilio Estrada as candidate. His nephew Flavio Alfaro launched his own candidacy with military backing. Alfredo Baquerizo Moreno was nominated by liberals of the Plaza strain and sectors of the conservatives. Alfaro ensured the success of his candidate. However when he tried to force Estrada to resign the presidency before assuming it, Estrada refused and secured the backing of opposition liberals and the barracks where General Emilio Maria Teran -who was assassinated- had influence. On August 11, 1911 confronted by a rumor of a coup against Alfaro, the barracks revolted. A coalition of Plaza Liberals and conservatives disavowed the government. Don Eloy resigned and traveled to Panama.
Assuming the Presidency in September of 1911, Estrada consolidated his support, forming alliances with his adversaries. Although he was linked to industrial interests and with the CNC, he sought support from Plaza Liberals. But the president didn’t last long. He died on December 22. Carlos Freile Zaldumbide took office. Immediately there were armed uprisings in Esmeraldas and Guayaquil, led by Flavio Alfaro and Pedro Montero who called Don Eloy who returned attempting to become a mediator. But the Government of Quito refused any settlement and sent the army commanded by Generals Plaza and Andrade. The rebels were defeated in Huigra, Naranjito and Yahuachi. An agreement negotiated by diplomats provided for the peaceful surrender of Guayaquil. Alfaro, Franco, and other Leaders were taken prisoner. In the midst of a trial, Montero was killed. The Old Campaigner and his companions were sent to Quito where a crowd stormed the panopticon6 in which they had been imprisoned, killed them and dragged the bodies through the streets to El Ejido park where they were incinerated. There has been much discussion about the responsibility for the event and although not everything is clear there is evidence pointing to criminal complicity on the part of Fraile Zaldumbide and his government. The Plaza Liberals, along with conservative clerics incited the crowd.

Along with Alfaro, the radical alternative was defeated. In 1895, a leader was needed for Liberal triumph. Alfaro, radical popular leader and a great military leader, was the man. But his presence in power came with a price that the dominant groups were increasingly reluctant to pay. Alfaro promoted the secularization of the state and also its modernization, including industrial development, organization and craft workers, and to some extent, liberation of the peasants. This alienated the support of the bulk of the Bourgeoisie and of the powerful landlords which led to his downfall and murder. Popular mobilization and reform plans were limited but sufficient to alarm the oligarchy who feared that Alfaro would go further. The radicalism that was his advantage in 1895 was now a liability once the secular reforms were done. Then it became necessary to get rid of the Old Campaigner who had become a victim of his historic role of revolutionary leader.

Translator’s note: the progressive movement was formed by conservatives in an attempt to reach out to the opposition. Thus, liberals who collaborated too closely with them were seen by some as defectors from the liberal cause. ↩

Translator’s note: This incident is sometimes referred to as the “Esmerelda Affair”. ↩

Translator’s Note: Luis Cordero was president of Ecuador at the time of the sale of the “Esmeralda”. He was a “Progressive”. The progressive movement had been in power in Ecuador from the mid-80′s to the mid-90′s. Historians regard it as an offshot of the conservative movement; an attempt to move away from the radical position of traditional Ecuadorian Conservatism without abandoning it completely. ↩

Translator’s Note: Juan Montalvo was an idological leader of the Liberal movement in South America and its foremost author. ↩

Translator’s note: This law of Patronage was intended to secure for the Ecuadorian Government the Right of Patronage which the kings of Spain had enjoyed with respect to their South American Colonies and which they viewed as their natural right after they were freed from colonial rule at the early part of the 19th Century. For more detail see the discussion of the Concept of Patronage. ↩

Translator’s Note: “panopticon” refers to a circular prison design with guards in the center and jail cells on the perimeter. ↩