Years ago, read the riot act was a common expression. When a boss set an employee straight, we often called that reading the riot act. The expression has its origin in Great Britain. In the early 18th century, there was social unrest as industrialization began.

Local police forces were in the early stages of development or not yet in existence. There was reluctance to call in the military, but often there was no choice. In 1714, Parliament passed the Riot Act. If people assembled and acted in a disorderly or violent manner, force could be used to disperse them.

But first, the crowd had to be informed that the assembly was unlawful. The local mayor or sheriff had to announce the following:

Our Sovereign Lord the King chargeth and commandeth all persons, being assembled, immediately to disperse themselves, and peaceably to depart to their habitations, or to their lawful business, upon the pains contained in the act made in the first year of King George, for preventing tumults and riotous assemblies. God save the King.

This was reading the riot act. The custom survives to this day in Britain and America, where the police are required to announce that an assembly is unlawful, so that people have the opportunity to leave. But if they do not, the police can then use reasonable force to disperse them.

The U.S. Militia Act of 1792 was titled, An act to provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions. This is in accordance with Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution. The Act provided that the president could  command the insurgents to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within a limited time, and it authorized the president to use the militia if they failed to disperse.

Otherwise, we would descend into mob rule. Although mob rule is sometimes confused with democracy, it is nothing but a violent minority imposing their will on the majority − the direct opposite of democracy. And democracy itself is majority rule, which may − or may not − be compatible with freedom. If you doubt this, look at Egypt or Iraq.

To believe that all people desire freedom is, as a lawyer would say, stating something not in evidence. Many people prefer other things to freedom − for example, Sharia law, or economic equality. And they may resort violence to get it.

Those who condone mob rule may pose as friends of freedom, but in reality they are its enemies. In the face of mob violence, we must be prepared to read the riot act if necessary. Of course, in order to read the riot act, one first has to recognize that there is a riot. The Occupy Wall Street movement, and it offshoots in other cities, are not only destructive, they are also anti-American and anti-Semitic.

The demonstrators hope to provoke the police and then complain of police brutality. But we cannot go to the opposite extreme, and under-react for fear of over-reacting. This leads to paralysis and to more rioting. Yes, some of the demonstrators grievances are legitimate. Some Wall Street big shots have acted irresponsibly, to say the least. But the demonstrators methods are not legitimate.

The demonstrators claim they want to overthrow the system, yet most have no idea of what they want in its place. But those who back the demonstrations may have a very clear idea of what they want. Many of the signs are professionally printed, and reportedly the SEIU, ACORN, and others − perhaps including George Soros − are funding the demonstrations.

I know a little about riots. My wife and I were living in Los Angeles during the 1992 riot following the Rodney King verdict. The verdict was announced on Wednesday, and localized rioting began. By Thursday morning, we could see multiple fires through our bedroom window, in a line coming closer − clearly carefully planned. We drove to a market to get a weeks groceries, but others had the same idea, so the lines were long.

While waiting, I listened to a pocket radio and learned that a sporting-goods store less than a mile away was being looted at that moment. I regretted that I had been unable to break my habit of obeying the law. It is impossible to obtain a permit to carry a firearm in Los Angeles, but who would have known if I had a small revolver in my jacket pocket?

As is universally true, strict gun-control laws restrain only the law-abiding, but do nothing to reduce violent crime, and even less to control a riot. The police were overwhelmed, and in addition were inhibited by political correctness. The California National Guard was mobilized, but they could not deploy promptly. Their M16 rifles retained their full-automatic capability, and politicians did not trust the guardsmen with them. So armorers had to alter them, one-by-one, to fire only semi-automatically, and this took days.

Finally, even politically correct politicians realized that something had to be done. President Bush the elder sent in Marines from Camp Pendleton and soldiers from Fort Ord. But to comply with the Posse Comitatus Act and the Insurrection Act, he first had to order the rioters to disperse.

I recall a vehicle with a pedestal-mounted machine gun on the streets of Westwood near UCLA. I dont recall what kind of vehicle it was − I was concentrating on the .50-caliber Ma Deuce. A colleague had to sleep on the floor of his office at USC for three days, because the streets were impassible. The tire store I patronize kept their window with the bullet hole for years as a memento. Medical clinics and businesses moved out of the area. Some never returned.

The riot finally ended after six days, but not before 53 were dead and perhaps $1 billion in damage had been done. Those who grumble about insurance companies should recall that fire, business, and home policies exclude damage resulting from war or insurrection. The companies might have refused to pay, and called the riot an insurrection − as did Congresswoman Maxine Waters. This would have intensified the economic damage. Those who make light of mob violence should consider these facts.

Serious damage was done to inter-racial relations. Korean American merchants felt − with some justice − that the police had abandoned them. In one revealing incident, the TV showed merchants on the roofs of their stores, defending their property and their lives with rifles − while talking heads called them vigilantes in a disparaging tone.

And it was months before I could look out our bedroom window and not remember the fires. Trust takes years to build, but it can be destroyed in a short time. In the end, loss of trust may be the most destructive effect of mob violence. If enough people no longer trust their fellow citizens to act in a non-violent manner, and they no longer trust their liberal mayors, liberal governors, and liberal president to suppress mob violence, what will they do?

They may turn to a leader who promises to restore order − even at the expense of their freedom. If high unemployment, a weakening currency, increasing disorder, and decreasing confidence in the government do not make you uneasy, perhaps you should study the history of Germany in the 20th century.

Before that happens, we should read Occupy Wall Street the riot act.

Authors Note: For a discussion of the role of the military during the Los Angeles riot, and the difficulties and confusion involved, click here and here (pages 56-68).

Dr. Stolinsky writes on political and social issues. Contact:dstol@prodigy.net. You are welcome to publish or post these articles, provided that you cite the author and website.

"Although mob rule is sometimes confused with democracy, it is nothing but a violent minority imposing their will on the majority − the direct opposite of democracy. And democracy itself is majority rule, which may − or may not − be compatible with freedom." To be fair, mob rule can be compatible with freedom, too. Just not very often. Democracy (meaning pure majoritarianism) is more likely to serve freedom, but then again not often enough, which is why our Founders spurned it.

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