NTU Scholarshttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.twThe DSpace digital repository system captures, stores, indexes, preserves, and distributes digital research material.Sun, 07 Jun 2020 09:57:53 GMT2020-06-07T09:57:53Z50201《史記．循吏列傳》析疑https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/7112Title: 《史記．循吏列傳》析疑; An Analysis of Sima Qian’s
“Biographies of Conscientious Officials”
Authors: 閻鴻中; Yen, H.C.; 閻鴻中
Abstract: 循吏一名始見於《史記．循吏列傳》，但中國傳統的循吏觀念卻以《漢書．循吏傳》為基準，專指教化有成、能移風易俗的地方官。《史記．循吏列傳》反而遭到歷代讀者多所質疑，例如：傳中只有春秋戰國人物，不及秦漢；傳主的職務都不是地方首長；人物敘寫先後參差，事跡又多簡略牴牾。依據這類觀點，〈循吏列傳〉可算是大史家司馬遷少見的失敗作品。
本文擺脫《漢書》，回歸〈循吏列傳〉考察其旨趣，指出篇首「太史公曰」所揭示的「奉法（職）循理」乃是全文的綱領。司馬遷結合儒、道兩家的「循理」思想，提出循理以為政的循吏概念，並藉古賢臣的故事來詮釋其內涵。傳中的循吏，能體貼的引導人民，透過教化建立理想的社會，又嚴以律己，信念堅定，一心為國為民，絕不阿從君主，具有為理念而犧牲的精神。
司馬遷創立循吏一名，固然是為了與酷吏對比，但也隱然對當時道家和儒家官吏有所針砭。能以「循理」精神來為政、執法的官吏，既是貫徹「法治」的基石，又發揮權衡法令、節制權力的作用。司馬遷藉此表現出會通「人治」和「法治」的洞識。〈循吏列傳〉不屬於為人物記實寫真的典型史傳，其文體近於子書，但在《史記》一書裡不乏其例。; Although the term xunli (循吏) or “conscientious official” appears in the Shiji’s “Biographies of Conscientious Officials,” the traditional Chinese idea of the “conscientious official” is based on the figures portrayed in the Book of Han’s “Biographies of Conscientious Officials,” and refers specifically to local officials who guide people by means of moral transformation. Throughout history, readers of the Shiji’s “Biographies of Conscientious Officials” have raised many questions about its contents, genre, and meaning. It has been noted, for example, that it only mentions figures from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods without citing any from the Qin and Han periods. Also, instead of focusing on leading local officials, four of the important figures in the text are ministers and one is a judge. Finally, the figures are not presented in chronological order and most of their deeds are described only briefly. From this perspective, “Biographies of Conscientious Officials” could be considered one of the rare failures of the great historian Sima Qian.
However, this essay analyzes the text’s original objective instead of reading it in light of the Book of Han. This essay argues that “carrying out one’s duty (by means of) following principles” 「奉法（職）循理」, which appears in the “grand historian says” section at the beginning of the chapter, is the text’s main idea. Sima Qian combined the Confucian and Daoist notions of “following principle” in order to create the concept of a “conscientious official,” and a series of stories and anecdotes about worthy ministers of ancient times were composed to explain its meaning. The genre of the text is thus similar to that of texts written by philosophers, and though there are other examples of this type within Shiji, it is not a standard historiographical biography.
Sima Qian used the term “conscientious official” to refer to someone who follows “principle” in order to govern. Such officials have their own convictions in regard to what constitutes the true aim of government, reasonable means, and political ethics. This is expressed in their wholeheartedly devoting themselves to the state and the people rather than deferring to ruler’s personal whims. They are capable of solicitously leading the people, and establishing an ideal society through moral transformation. They are strict in regard to self-discipline, and willing to sacrifice themselves. This kind of ideal official has the effect both of stabilizing the “rule of law,” and of serving as a check on violations of the law. Sima Qian not only made use of this chapter to critique the “cruel officials” (酷吏), but also offered criticism of Daoist officials and Confucian officials of his time.
In contrast, the Book of Han’s description of “conscientious officials” emphasized their “benevolent” (循良) character and political achievements in regard to moral transformation, thus losing the term’s original meaning of “following principle.” That the Book of Han treated only local officials as “conscientious officials” further deviated from Sima Qian’s discussion of government as a whole.
Wed, 01 Jun 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/71122016-06-01T00:00:00Z職分與制度－錢賓四與中國政治史研究https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/7172Title: 職分與制度－錢賓四與中國政治史研究; Political Institutions and Responsibilities: Qian Mu and the Study of Chinese Political History
Authors: 閻鴻中; 閻鴻中
Abstract: Chinese scholars in modern times have almost uniformly come to the conclusion that the traditional politics in Imperial China was autocratic, and thus irrelevant to the ideas of modernity. Qian Mu (錢穆, 1895~1990) stands out as an important dissenting voice on this argument. His researches are distinguished also by his unique opinions about the study of political institutions, the scope of this field, its methodologies, and its significance. I summarize Qian Mu's ideas as follows. 1. Unlike the narrow model of describing political systems solely in terms of transitions of power, Qian Mu adopted the traditional approach set forth by the Tang historian Du Yo (杜佑, 735~812) in Tong Dian (《通典》, The Comprehensive Manual), of researching political institutions from the perspectives of the government and the ruled. Thus, he paid attention to economy, military service, and education. 2. To understand and evaluate traditional political systems, Qian Mu gave priority to what he called &quot;historical opinions&quot; (the ideas of the people of the time). He also described a &quot;doctrine of political responsibility&quot; as a unique mode of Chinese politicians' thought. Although he intended to respect cultural subjectivity, he never opposed the use of either modern or western approaches. The problem he warned against rather was: to have a slavish reliance on western theories at the expense of an accurate understanding Chinese historical truth. 3. Qian Mu stressed the political interaction between philosophical ideals, such as Confucian, Legalist and Daoist, and the practical necessities of the real politics. In his view, therefore, it was usually various combinations of ideals and realities that caused changes of political institutions, Since these political necessities and issues continue to exist in modern China, modem officials and people would be wise to look upon the historical experience of their ancestors as a reference when facing and dealing with current practical problems. 4. Although modem democracy might help to solve China's current political crises, Qian Mu believed that any successful political system must be based upon social realities and cultural values. It is wildly misguided to believe that the pursuit and successful development of a new political system requires the complete abandonment of tradition, Qian argued, because new institutions and values invariably must be established on the basis of traditional culture.; 在近代中國學界，將中國傳統政治視為專制制度，無疑是主流意見，即使在文化保守主義者中也不例外。錢穆(1895~1990)反對此種看法，並且對政治制度研究的範圍、方法和意義提出獨特見解。 1939年，錢穆以《國史大綱》整體描繪了政治演進，提出了非專制論的見解。在抗戰後期他寫作了多篇論文，評議現實政治，規劃未來前景，並嘗試對傳統政治特質從事理論化的界定。1950年以後，他提出「職分論」、「制度」等傳統觀念說明中國政治思維的特質，強調從文化的觀點理解政治的意義，要點包括：一、依據《通典》以來的觀點，重視經濟、兵役、教育等建立政治與社會合理關係的範疇，比僅僅著眼於權力運作的制度史研究遠為寬廣。此外，也強調所謂「制度」須有「公」的價值，對規範性制度研究有獨特的關注。二、優先從當時人的「歷史意見」來理解和評價制度，並提出「職分論」來說明中國特有思維。尊重傳統思維，是要避免因倚賴西方觀點而造成盲點，與探用西方概念、吸收其歷史經驗，兩者正相互補。三、中國傳統政治建立在國家形態和現實需求上，各派思想家則提供了不同的改革理想，傳統政治的特質是由兩方互動而成的，政治史的經驗不能化約為思想，其得失更不能僅僅歸因於「儒家」或「法家」等因素。中國特殊的國家形態依然存在，現實問題的解決仍須借鏡於歷史經驗。四、雖然近代民主制度有助於解決中國的政治困境，但制度運作也須有社會基礎與文化價值與之配合。要打倒傳統來移植新制度，有如緣木求魚；唯有銜接傳統文化，才能協助新制度的運作及新價值的孕生。
Fri, 01 Dec 2006 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/71722006-12-01T00:00:00ZHuman nature and learning in ancient Chinahttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/446932Title: Human nature and learning in ancient China
Authors: Yen, H.-C.; HUNG-CHUNG YEN
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/4469322015-01-01T00:00:00Z唐代以前「三綱」意義的演變－以君臣關係為主的考察https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/6437Title: 唐代以前「三綱」意義的演變－以君臣關係為主的考察
Authors: 閻鴻中
Wed, 01 Jan 1986 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/64371986-01-01T00:00:00Z師道初肇：孔子、墨子和莊子的教育故事https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/339964Title: 師道初肇：孔子、墨子和莊子的教育故事
Authors: 閻鴻中
Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3399642008-01-01T00:00:00Z錢賓四先生對中國傳統史學的詮釋https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/289503Title: 錢賓四先生對中國傳統史學的詮釋
Authors: 閻鴻中
Sat, 01 Jan 2000 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/2895032000-01-01T00:00:00Z從崇尚長者的風氣看西漢前期政治https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/339965Title: 從崇尚長者的風氣看西漢前期政治
Authors: 閻鴻中
Wed, 01 Jun 1988 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3399651988-06-01T00:00:00Z杜正勝著《編戶齊民--傳統政治社會結構之形成》https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/293079Title: 杜正勝著《編戶齊民--傳統政治社會結構之形成》
Authors: 閻鴻中
Tue, 01 Jan 1991 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/2930791991-01-01T00:00:00Z試析《黃老帛書》的理論體系https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/289496Title: 試析《黃老帛書》的理論體系; An Inquiry into the System of Thought in the Huang-lao po-shu
Authors: 閻鴻中
Mon, 01 Jan 1990 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/2894961990-01-01T00:00:00Z融攝人生志業於史事考訂的大家：悼念黃彰健先生https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/349235Title: 融攝人生志業於史事考訂的大家：悼念黃彰健先生
Authors: HUNG-CHUNG YEN
Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3492352009-01-01T00:00:00Z史記秦楚之際月表論考https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/349236Title: 史記秦楚之際月表論考
Authors: 閻鴻中
Fri, 01 Jan 1999 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3492361999-01-01T00:00:00Z義例、名教與實錄－劉知幾史學思想溯義https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/302666Title: 義例、名教與實錄－劉知幾史學思想溯義; The Origins of Liu Zhiji's Historiographic Criticism and Historical Thought
Authors: 閻鴻中
Abstract: Liu Zhiji (661-721) wrote the first work on Chinese historiography, Shitong. With a new idea of the merits of various forms of historical writing, Liu had confidence in dealing with the origin and development of historiography. He criticized Shangshu, Chunqiu and other Confucian classics for the records in them were not as truthful and complete as were those in the recent historical works. He also strongly challenged rule of concealing the parent's or emperor's errors as secrets depended on the teachings of Zhougong and Confucius. Although he doubted the ancient records, classics and sages, his purpose was to uphold justice and morals of the world. The main principles of human relationships he advocated all came from Confucianism. His historical thought was based essentially on the traditional knowledge of classical learning and on norms of politics in medieval period. He was primarily a Confucian scholar and humanist historian, rather than a scientific historian.; 劉知幾的史學思想以實錄直書為核心，疑古惑經、批判聖人、質疑名教，卻又堅持人倫是非的標準，這些鮮明的特點實為晉唐之間學術發展和文化動向的呈現與結晶。本文從四個方面對劉氏史學思想的意義與其所以然進行探討：一、義例論的特質，說明劉知幾在方法論上的淵源；二、對「名教」的批判與堅持，顯示其史學價值論的真義；三、「史識」說與實錄史學的關涉，探討其史學的理想；四、實錄史學的時代背景，以追溯漢唐之間史學理想轉變的過程與原因。綜合這些線索，可以清楚呈現此一史學脈動在文化史上的意義。扼要言之，處在經學精華已竭的時代，劉氏對經術中王道治平的宏圖、人倫精微的探究並無所知，因而與漢晉史學頗有隔閡；他考證雖粗，卻長於名理，具有歷史記載發展進化的眼光。他堅持史官「善惡直書」的實錄精神，意欲憑藉歷史記載扶持人倫，故而非對世俗名教的諱飾之風有所檢討不可，〈疑古〉、〈惑經〉兩文可說是實錄史學的拔本塞原之論。近人推許為具有科學精神，其實不如說他反映出當時一種特殊的儒家人文理想。至於輕視通史，忽略制度，求諸人事而不論天人之際，亦皆與此種歷史理念有關。
Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3026662003-01-01T00:00:00Z「優柔饜飫」──杜預論左傳釋經方法的學術脈絡https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/6052Title: 「優柔饜飫」──杜預論左傳釋經方法的學術脈絡
Authors: 閻鴻中
Thu, 01 Jun 2000 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/60522000-06-01T00:00:00Z制度與文化－試談教育性的制度思維https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/339967Title: 制度與文化－試談教育性的制度思維
Authors: 閻鴻中
Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3399672008-01-01T00:00:00Z東漢時代家庭倫理的思想淵源https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/349248Title: 東漢時代家庭倫理的思想淵源
Authors: 閻鴻中
Tue, 01 Jun 1999 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3492481999-06-01T00:00:00Z賓禮：論戰國秦漢的賓客與師友https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/349250Title: 賓禮：論戰國秦漢的賓客與師友
Authors: 閻鴻中
Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3492502009-01-01T00:00:00Z漢唐間對《孝經》的詮釋與應用https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/349249Title: 漢唐間對《孝經》的詮釋與應用
Authors: 閻鴻中
Thu, 01 Jul 1999 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3492491999-07-01T00:00:00Z〈易教〉與「六經皆史」https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/339966Title: 〈易教〉與「六經皆史」
Authors: 閻鴻中; HUNG-CHUNG YEN
Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3399662008-01-01T00:00:00Z從《封診式》、《奏讞書》和《春秋決獄》論經義在秦漢律令變革的作用https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/331223Title: 從《封診式》、《奏讞書》和《春秋決獄》論經義在秦漢律令變革的作用
Authors: 閻鴻中
Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3312232007-01-01T00:00:00Z章學誠「六經皆史」說新探https://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/331222Title: 章學誠「六經皆史」說新探
Authors: 閻鴻中
Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMThttps://scholars.lib.ntu.edu.tw/handle/123456789/3312222007-01-01T00:00:00Z