This chapter looks at the two most influential and longlasting early fashion journals in France: Le Cabinet des modes (1785-1793) and Le Journal des dames et des modes (1797-1839). The publication of ...
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This chapter looks at the two most influential and longlasting early fashion journals in France: Le Cabinet des modes (1785-1793) and Le Journal des dames et des modes (1797-1839). The publication of these journals coincides with the growing public debate on French women’s right to a compulsory and improved education, and these journals engage in that debate, both tangentially in their role as cultural and sartorial educator, and directly in their discussions of the ideal components of a new female-focused pedagogy in France. The chapter also gives an overview of French girls’ access to education over the ninety years in question. The crumbling of the Ancien Régime meant that ‘good taste’ (in fashion) was now something that could be acquired through education and exposure to social norms rather than ‘naturally’ originating with the aristocracy and legally enforced through sumptuary laws. And fashion journals played a key role in providing that education, whether discussing clothes, morals, literature or national customs. This chapters argues that participation in fashion not only allowed French women tto consider themselves active contributors to the national economy through their consumerism but also to exoerience social and cultural empowerment through their access to the public realm.Less

Educating the Female Consumer : Early Fashion Journals

Siobhán McIlvanney

Published in print: 2019-05-01

This chapter looks at the two most influential and longlasting early fashion journals in France: Le Cabinet des modes (1785-1793) and Le Journal des dames et des modes (1797-1839). The publication of these journals coincides with the growing public debate on French women’s right to a compulsory and improved education, and these journals engage in that debate, both tangentially in their role as cultural and sartorial educator, and directly in their discussions of the ideal components of a new female-focused pedagogy in France. The chapter also gives an overview of French girls’ access to education over the ninety years in question. The crumbling of the Ancien Régime meant that ‘good taste’ (in fashion) was now something that could be acquired through education and exposure to social norms rather than ‘naturally’ originating with the aristocracy and legally enforced through sumptuary laws. And fashion journals played a key role in providing that education, whether discussing clothes, morals, literature or national customs. This chapters argues that participation in fashion not only allowed French women tto consider themselves active contributors to the national economy through their consumerism but also to exoerience social and cultural empowerment through their access to the public realm.

This chapter focuses on the networks by which Muslim traders brought opium to China across the northwest border. It shows that before 1839, the Qing drug problem was not solely or even mainly a ...
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This chapter focuses on the networks by which Muslim traders brought opium to China across the northwest border. It shows that before 1839, the Qing drug problem was not solely or even mainly a coastal issue involving the British. The chapter also notes that without energetic Chinese mercantile involvement, the opium trade could never have penetrated the Chinese economy to the extent it did.Less

Opium in Xinjiang and Beyond

David Bello

Published in print: 2000-09-18

This chapter focuses on the networks by which Muslim traders brought opium to China across the northwest border. It shows that before 1839, the Qing drug problem was not solely or even mainly a coastal issue involving the British. The chapter also notes that without energetic Chinese mercantile involvement, the opium trade could never have penetrated the Chinese economy to the extent it did.

This section narrates the controversial 1839 election for Speaker of the House. The demands of an ultra-proslavery States’ Rights faction deadlocked the House, but the stalemate was broken when the ...
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This section narrates the controversial 1839 election for Speaker of the House. The demands of an ultra-proslavery States’ Rights faction deadlocked the House, but the stalemate was broken when the entire Whig Party, including professed antislavery men, supported proslavery candidate Robert M.T. Hunter. Political abolitionists, like Joshua Leavitt, highlighted this disappointing conclusion to the much anticipated speakership election as evidence of all Whigs’ complicity with the Slave Power. Political abolitionists, however, also appreciated the evidence this contest provided that a small, committed ideological bloc could wield a balance of power in the U.S. House of Representatives.Less

“Bowing Down to the Slave Power”: Northern Whigs, Slavery, and the Speakership, 1839

Corey M. Brooks

Published in print: 2016-01-14

This section narrates the controversial 1839 election for Speaker of the House. The demands of an ultra-proslavery States’ Rights faction deadlocked the House, but the stalemate was broken when the entire Whig Party, including professed antislavery men, supported proslavery candidate Robert M.T. Hunter. Political abolitionists, like Joshua Leavitt, highlighted this disappointing conclusion to the much anticipated speakership election as evidence of all Whigs’ complicity with the Slave Power. Political abolitionists, however, also appreciated the evidence this contest provided that a small, committed ideological bloc could wield a balance of power in the U.S. House of Representatives.

Through the career of Ahmad, a governor of Kashgar in 1850s, this chapter examines how Opium War (1839-1842) and the subsequent discontinuation of the silver transfer from China to the oasis created ...
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Through the career of Ahmad, a governor of Kashgar in 1850s, this chapter examines how Opium War (1839-1842) and the subsequent discontinuation of the silver transfer from China to the oasis created crisis in both the Qing military financing and oasis capitalism in Central Asia. The oasis capitalists adopted monetary solution to solve the crisis. They developed copper mining and minted local copper currency to compensate for the loss of the silver provision. Its inflationary affect aggravated the economic stratification long underway in the oasis, privileging wealthy merchants and landlords, while worsening the livelihood of the wage earners. In combination with the burden of the labor mobilization imposed on the oasis farmers to work the copper mines, this growing socio-economic tension resulted in increasing local violence and the out-migration of the people from Eastern Turkestan. The Qing empire fell in 1864, amid a new round of khwaja attacks.Less

Global Crises of Oasis Capitalism, 1847–64

Kwangmin Kim

Published in print: 2016-10-19

Through the career of Ahmad, a governor of Kashgar in 1850s, this chapter examines how Opium War (1839-1842) and the subsequent discontinuation of the silver transfer from China to the oasis created crisis in both the Qing military financing and oasis capitalism in Central Asia. The oasis capitalists adopted monetary solution to solve the crisis. They developed copper mining and minted local copper currency to compensate for the loss of the silver provision. Its inflationary affect aggravated the economic stratification long underway in the oasis, privileging wealthy merchants and landlords, while worsening the livelihood of the wage earners. In combination with the burden of the labor mobilization imposed on the oasis farmers to work the copper mines, this growing socio-economic tension resulted in increasing local violence and the out-migration of the people from Eastern Turkestan. The Qing empire fell in 1864, amid a new round of khwaja attacks.

This chapter defines the otherworldly qualities of the man's relationship with the courtesan in the historical context of the Opium War and after. The courtesan is a special form of the remarkable ...
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This chapter defines the otherworldly qualities of the man's relationship with the courtesan in the historical context of the Opium War and after. The courtesan is a special form of the remarkable woman. She is a wanton and base woman who is permanently stigmatized by orthodox morality. If she marries a patron, as often happens, she in general can marry only as a concubine, not a main wife. But she can also be the one who sets the terms of the relationship or becomes a melancholic woman with heightened sensibilities. The chapter first compares an autobiographical and a fictional source of approximately the same period and geographical region, Gong Zizhen's poetry collection, 1839 Miscellany (Jihai zashi), and Hanshang Mengren's 1848 novel, Seductive Dreams (Fengyue meng), then focuses on an extravagant portrait of sublime passion and male same-sex love in Chen Sen's 1849 novel, Precious Mirror of Boy Actresses (Pinhua baojian).Less

The Otherworldliness of the Courtesan

Keith McMahon

Published in print: 2009-11-24

This chapter defines the otherworldly qualities of the man's relationship with the courtesan in the historical context of the Opium War and after. The courtesan is a special form of the remarkable woman. She is a wanton and base woman who is permanently stigmatized by orthodox morality. If she marries a patron, as often happens, she in general can marry only as a concubine, not a main wife. But she can also be the one who sets the terms of the relationship or becomes a melancholic woman with heightened sensibilities. The chapter first compares an autobiographical and a fictional source of approximately the same period and geographical region, Gong Zizhen's poetry collection, 1839 Miscellany (Jihai zashi), and Hanshang Mengren's 1848 novel, Seductive Dreams (Fengyue meng), then focuses on an extravagant portrait of sublime passion and male same-sex love in Chen Sen's 1849 novel, Precious Mirror of Boy Actresses (Pinhua baojian).

This chapter details the 1839 Equipment Act, also known as the Palmerston Bill, and describes how it was implemented in the 1840s. Itallowed the capture of Rufino’s ship by the British on the grounds ...
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This chapter details the 1839 Equipment Act, also known as the Palmerston Bill, and describes how it was implemented in the 1840s. Itallowed the capture of Rufino’s ship by the British on the grounds that it was equipped to take captives aboard. In the following years, many other ships were captured under the act before embarking slaves. The capture of Brazilian ships in the 1840s is discussed and incidents described. The year when the Ermelinda was seized, 1841, the British and Brazilian Mixed Commission for the Suppression of the Slave Trade in Sierra Leone tried and convicted ten Brazilian ships. The suppression of the slave trade, a mission with an indisputably moral basis, gave the Royal Navy a pretext to occupy or blockade African ports, seize ships, attack and burn trading posts, and threaten local chiefs.Less

The Equipment Act

Published in print: 2020-03-27

This chapter details the 1839 Equipment Act, also known as the Palmerston Bill, and describes how it was implemented in the 1840s. Itallowed the capture of Rufino’s ship by the British on the grounds that it was equipped to take captives aboard. In the following years, many other ships were captured under the act before embarking slaves. The capture of Brazilian ships in the 1840s is discussed and incidents described. The year when the Ermelinda was seized, 1841, the British and Brazilian Mixed Commission for the Suppression of the Slave Trade in Sierra Leone tried and convicted ten Brazilian ships. The suppression of the slave trade, a mission with an indisputably moral basis, gave the Royal Navy a pretext to occupy or blockade African ports, seize ships, attack and burn trading posts, and threaten local chiefs.

In nineteenth-century Greece, secret societies and oracular prophecies provided nationalists with a powerful repertoire of myths and symbols easily adapted to modern politics. During the Eastern ...
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In nineteenth-century Greece, secret societies and oracular prophecies provided nationalists with a powerful repertoire of myths and symbols easily adapted to modern politics. During the Eastern Crisis of 1839–41, the uncovering of a secret association in Athens called the Philorthodox Society, a major military rebellion on Ottoman Crete, and a surge in oracular prophecies about the resurrection of an Orthodox Empire provided an opportune moment for politically minded individuals to implement their vision of national revival. Capitalizing on the turmoil unleashed by the Eastern Crisis, a group of Greek nationalists drew upon the reservoir of myths and symbols relating to Russian salvation to mobilize traditional society toward certain implied goals, including the overthrow of the King and the “liberation” of territory under Muslim rule. Suspicions about a tsarist-backed conspiracy led to sweeping changes in the Greek government and Holy Synod, which, paradoxically, undermined the traditionalists in power.Less

Secret Societies, Armed Rebellions, and Oracular Prophecies

Lucien J. Frary

Published in print: 2015-06-01

In nineteenth-century Greece, secret societies and oracular prophecies provided nationalists with a powerful repertoire of myths and symbols easily adapted to modern politics. During the Eastern Crisis of 1839–41, the uncovering of a secret association in Athens called the Philorthodox Society, a major military rebellion on Ottoman Crete, and a surge in oracular prophecies about the resurrection of an Orthodox Empire provided an opportune moment for politically minded individuals to implement their vision of national revival. Capitalizing on the turmoil unleashed by the Eastern Crisis, a group of Greek nationalists drew upon the reservoir of myths and symbols relating to Russian salvation to mobilize traditional society toward certain implied goals, including the overthrow of the King and the “liberation” of territory under Muslim rule. Suspicions about a tsarist-backed conspiracy led to sweeping changes in the Greek government and Holy Synod, which, paradoxically, undermined the traditionalists in power.