Importing Constituents: Prisoners and Political Clout in Ohio

Census Bureau policy costs Ohio’s cities population

The Census Bureau counts prisoners not at their homes but as if they were residents of the town that contained the prison. This administrative quirk reduces the population of the urban communities where most prisoners originate and swells the population of the rural communities that house prisons. Ohio now incarcerates more than 3 times as many people as it did as recently as 1980, making what would once be a trivial issue into a critical one.[1]

When the Census began in 1790, demographics-based planning and redistricting did not yet exist. The Census’ sole constitutional mandate was and is to count the number of people in each state to determine their relative populations for purposes of Congressional reapportionment. It didn’t matter — for purposes of comparing Ohio’s population to Pennsylvania — whether an incarcerated person was counted at home in Cleveland or in prison in Lucasville, as long as they were counted in Ohio. Times have changed but Census methodology has not.

Counting incarcerated people as if they were residents of the prison town leads to misleading portrayals of which counties are growing and which are declining. Declining populations are often a sign of economic distress. While most counties in the country grew during the previous decade, Marion County’s growth of 1,943 people is attributable only to prison expansion and not to children being born or new residents choosing to move to the county. Its actual population declined by 144 people.[2]

How the incarcerated are counted in Ohio is of critical importance to an accurate count of Black communities. While Blacks are 11.5% of the Ohio population, more than half of the incarcerated people in the state are Black. (See Figure 1.) Blacks in Ohio are incarcerated at a rate 7 times higher than White residents of the state.[3]

Urban areas suffer, prison counties gain

All of Ohio’s major cities see a reduction in their Census population from how prisoners are counted. Although there are small state prison facilities in Cuyahoga County (Cleveland) Montgomery County (Dayton) and Franklin County (Columbus) the small gain is overshadowed by the loss. Cuyahoga County has 11,167 residents in prison with 10,441 incarcerated in other counties. The Census shows Hamilton County with 5,235 fewer people. This population is instead credited to the counties that contain the prisons. Pickaway County has a Census population of 53,437, but 5,583 of those people are actually prisoners from other parts of the state. (See Figure 2 below and Table 1 at bottom.)

Figure 2. Ohio’s largest cities lose sizable population to a Census Bureau quirk that counts the incarcerated as if they lived in their remote prison cells.

Redistricting and One Person One Vote

Ohio relies on Census Bureau data to redraw its state legislative boundaries so that each will contain the same number of people as required by the 14th Amendment’s One Person One Vote principle. Equally sized districts ensure that each resident has an equal access to government regardless of where she or he lives. The Census counts everyone including people who can’t vote such as prisoners and children. But children are at least a part of the surrounding community and share some common interests with it. Children can with some confidence rely on their neighboring adults to represent their interests. But prison communities are often very closely aligned with the prison industry and are likely to be quite dissimilar to the communities that the prisoners came from.

So while prisoners are barred from voting for or against the legislator that “represents” them while they are incarcerated, Ohio restores a prisoner’s right to vote on the day that he or she is released. But that is also the same day that the former prisoner will be getting on a bus to leave the prison district and return back home.

Including disenfranchised non-resident prisoners as population for purposes of redistricting creates prison districts with substantially fewer constituents than elsewhere. The real residents of the prison district have more access to their legislator than other state residents.

In Ohio, a House district is supposed to contain 114,678 people. But because of how the Census Bureau counts the incarcerated population, the drafters of legislative districts should not assume that everyone is a resident of the place where they are counted. District 85 (in Ross, Pickaway and Fayette counties), currently represented by John Schlichter, is 8.92% prisoners. These disenfranchised prisoners are overwhelmingly from homes outside the district, meaning that the actual population of the district is very small. Every group of 91 residents in District 85 gets as much of a say over state affairs as 100 people in Columbus or Cleveland.

This is precisely the situation the One Person One Vote rule was designed to correct.

Recommendations:

Census Bureau policy on how to count the population is not fixed, instead it responds to changing needs. When evolving demographics meant more college students studying far from home and more Americans living overseas, the Census policy changed in order to more accurately reflect how many Americans were living where. Today, the growth in the prisoner population requires the Census to update its methodology once again.

The Census Bureau should update its methodology and count the incarcerated at their homes and not in remote prison cells. Until that time, states should follow the lead of Kansas which conducts a special Census to fix how college students and the military are counted for purposes of state redistricting, and conduct a special census to correct how prisoners are counted.[4]

Tables

Table 1. Ohio counties and their population loss or gain from how Census 2000 counted state prisoners.

County

Census 2000 population

Number of state prisoners from county

Number of state prisoners in county

Net change in population from Census counting method

Adams

27,330

47

0

-47

Allen

108,473

407

3,024

2,617

Ashland

52,523

126

0

-126

Ashtabula

102,728

159

0

-159

Athens

62,223

126

0

-126

Auglaize

46,611

150

0

-150

Belmont

70,226

136

2,156

2,020

Brown

42,285

56

0

-56

Butler

332,807

1,123

0

-1,123

Carroll

28,836

65

0

-65

Champaign

38,890

159

0

-159

Clark

144,742

571

0

-571

Clermont

177,977

468

0

-468

Clinton

40,543

145

0

-145

Columbiana

112,075

225

0

-225

Coshocton

36,655

75

0

-75

Crawford

46,966

112

0

-112

Cuyahoga

1,393,978

11,167

726

-10,441

Darke

53,309

126

0

-126

Defiance

39,500

304

0

-304

Delaware

109,989

201

0

-201

Erie

79,551

379

0

-379

Fairfield

122,759

239

1,659

1,420

Fayette

28,433

84

0

-84

Franklin

1,068,978

4,706

630

-4,076

Fulton

42,084

103

0

-103

Gallia

31,069

47

0

-47

Geauga

90,895

65

0

-65

Greene

147,886

538

0

-538

Guernsey

40,792

112

0

-112

Hamilton

845,303

5,235

0

-5,235

Hancock

71,295

239

0

-239

Hardin

31,945

65

0

-65

Harrison

15,856

37

0

-37

Henry

29,210

89

0

-89

Highland

40,875

117

0

-117

Hocking

28,241

75

456

381

Holmes

38,943

47

0

-47

Huron

59,487

131

0

-131

Jackson

32,641

28

0

-28

Jefferson

73,894

145

0

-145

Knox

54,500

84

0

-84

Lake

227,511

538

0

-538

Lawrence

62,319

173

0

-173

Licking

145,491

501

0

-501

Logan

46,005

126

0

-126

Lorain

284,664

1,343

3,691

2,348

Lucas

455,054

1,796

0

-1,796

Madison

40,213

75

4,036

3,961

Mahoning

257,555

603

634

31

Marion

66,217

318

4,103

3,785

Medina

151,095

225

0

-225

Meigs

23,072

47

0

-47

Mercer

40,924

61

0

-61

Miami

98,868

351

0

-351

Monroe

15,180

56

0

-56

Montgomery

559,062

2,241

724

-1,517

Morgan

14,897

47

0

-47

Morrow

31,628

37

0

-37

Muskingum

84,585

370

0

-370

Noble

14,058

37

2,039

2,002

Ottawa

40,985

80

0

-80

Paulding

20,293

84

0

-84

Perry

34,078

75

0

-75

Pickaway

52,727

145

5,728

5,583

Pike

27,695

56

0

-56

Portage

152,061

285

0

-285

Preble

42,337

61

0

-61

Putnam

34,726

70

0

-70

Richland

128,852

589

4,612

4,023

Ross

73,345

164

4,507

4,343

Sandusky

61,792

145

0

-145

Scioto

79,195

332

1,512

1,180

Seneca

58,683

267

0

-267

Shelby

47,910

178

0

-178

Stark

378,098

1,993

0

-1,993

Summit

542,899

2,905

0

-2,905

Trumbull

225,116

407

1,455

1,048

Tuscarawas

90,914

196

0

-196

Union

40,909

112

1,755

1,643

Van Wert

29,659

84

0

-84

Vinton

12,806

51

0

-51

Warren

158,383

365

3,334

2,969

Washington

63,251

164

0

-164

Wayne

111,564

178

0

-178

Williams

39,188

126

0

-126

Wood

121,065

154

0

-154

Wyandot

22,908

51

0

-51

Methodology

This report relies on Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections (DRC) data on the county of commitment distribution for all state prisoners admitted to custody during the year 2000. This data was then extrapolated to apply to the entire population under DRC custody in 2000. We verified that each state prison facility identified by the U.S. Census was in fact a state prison, and then we performed our analysis of facility size with the numbers reported in the Census.

While the Census Bureau designated correctional facilities by type (state, federal, local, etc.) we found we could not rely upon this designation for reasons that will be detailed in a subsequent national report. Steve Vandine and Senarath Dassanayaka at the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction graciously provided April 1 2000 population counts for each facility so we could be certain that each state facility was correctly accounted for in the Census data.

The analysis of the legislative districts was performed by geo-referencing a map of the state legislative districts over the prison locations as determined by the Census Bureau.

About the authors

Peter Wagner is Assistant Director of the Prison Policy Initiative, an Open Society Institute Soros Justice Fellow, and a 2003 graduate of the Western New England College School of Law. Mr. Wagner is the author of “Importing Constituents: Prisoners and Political Clout in New York” (April, 2002), the first systematic state analysis of the impact of prisoner enumeration policies on legislative redistricting. He has spoken and testified at numerous national and state forums on this topic. Mr. Wagner edits PrisonersoftheCensus.org and writes a weekly fact column for the website about the varied impacts on society from miscounting prisoners.

His most recent publications are “The Prison Index: Taking the Pulse of the Crime Control Industry” (April 2004) and with Eric Lotke, “Prisoners of the Census: Electoral and Financial Consequences of Counting Prisoners Where They Go, Not Where They Come From” (forthcoming, Pace Law Review).

Rose Heyer is the GIS Analyst for the Prison Policy Initiative. She developed the Geographic Information System research strategy for the Prisoners of the Census project and consults with other organizations on the use of GIS for criminal justice reform advocacy.

Her most recent publication is, with Peter Wagner, Too big to ignore: How counting people in prisons distorted Census 2000, the first national analysis of how Census counts of prisoners distort statistics on race, ethnicity, gender and income.

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by a grant from the Soros Justice Fellowship Program of the Open Society Institute.

About the Prison Policy Initiative

The Prison Policy Initiative (PPI) conducts research and advocacy on incarceration policy. Its work starts with the idea that the racial, gender and economic disparities between the prison population and the larger society represent the grounds for a democratic catastrophe. PPI’s concept of prison reform is based not only in opposition to a rising rate of incarceration, but in the search for a lasting solution to pressing social problems superior to temporarily warehousing our citizens in prisons and jails.

The Prison Policy Initiative is based in Northampton, Massachusetts. For more information about PPI or prison policy in general, visit http://www.prisonpolicy.org.

Support us

Meet us

April 22, 2015: Executive Director Peter Wagner will be at Colby College in Waterville Maine. Detail TBA.

May 11, 2015: Peter Wagner and Bernadette Rabuy will be in NYC for the book launch party for Jason Stanley’s How Propaganda Works at 67 Orange. The party — and the royalties from the book — are to benefit the Prison Policy Initiative.

Events

April 22, 2015: Executive Director Peter Wagner will be at Colby College in Waterville Maine. Detail TBA.

May 11, 2015: Peter Wagner and Bernadette Rabuy will be in NYC for the book launch party for Jason Stanley’s How Propaganda Works at 67 Orange. The party — and the royalties from the book — are to benefit the Prison Policy Initiative.

Meet us

April 22, 2015: Executive Director Peter Wagner will be at Colby College in Waterville Maine. Detail TBA.

May 11, 2015: Peter Wagner and Bernadette Rabuy will be in NYC for the book launch party for Jason Stanley’s How Propaganda Works at 67 Orange. The party — and the royalties from the book — are to benefit the Prison Policy Initiative.

Events

April 22, 2015: Executive Director Peter Wagner will be at Colby College in Waterville Maine. Detail TBA.

May 11, 2015: Peter Wagner and Bernadette Rabuy will be in NYC for the book launch party for Jason Stanley’s How Propaganda Works at 67 Orange. The party — and the royalties from the book — are to benefit the Prison Policy Initiative.