Georgia, our northern neighbour

So, what is Saakashvili's government up to with the leadership of the Armenian communities in Javakhk?

Is this tie-sucking Georgian leader about to go into another failed adventure with the Armenians? Or is it that he has lost all credibility and power within his government that other more fascistic elements are gaining control. Perhaps they think with the Artsakh issue not fully resolved it would be an opportune time to strike at the Armenians of Javakhk?

Note to the moderators of Hyeforum: I think it is about time to open a new heading under "Javakhk" in the "Armenia" section of this forum.

So, what is Saakashvili's government up to with the leadership of the Armenian communities in Javakhk?

Is this tie-sucking Georgian leader about to go into another failed adventure with the Armenians? Or is it that he has lost all credibility and power within his government that other more fascistic elements are gaining control. Perhaps they think with the Artsakh issue not fully resolved it would be an opportune time to strike at the Armenians of Javakhk?

Note to the moderators of Hyeforum:I think it is about time to open a new heading under "Javakhk" in the "Armenia" section of this forum .

need some help - if members can post links to topics that are about Javakhk we will reorganize and move them to Javakhk forum

also can someone please post the Javakhk History,

Thank you In Advance

Good idea!This may be a beginning. I am sure there are more.http://hyeforum.com/...8893&hl=javakhkPlease note that the official name of the eclave is JAVAKHK/ՋԱՎԱԽՔ. Note the K ending denoting plural as there are several subdivisions of the region.

So, what is Saakashvili's government up to with the leadership of the Armenian communities in Javakhk?

Is this tie-sucking Georgian leader about to go into another failed adventure with the Armenians? Or is it that he has lost all credibility and power within his government that other more fascistic elements are gaining control. Perhaps they think with the Artsakh issue not fully resolved it would be an opportune time to strike at the Armenians of Javakhk?

Note to the moderators of Hyeforum: I think it is about time to open a new heading under "Javakhk" in the "Armenia" section of this forum.

He knows that Armenia needs Georgia for the transfer of goods and gas, since the only other border open is Iran but not fully developed and it won't help even if it's open with Russian trade. He is assuming that Armenia is not in a position to retaliate but he did miscalculate once before.

I’m sure there is more about the history of Javakhk. Not to forget Tumanian's "Tmkaberdi Aroum@".The following article is edited, abridged by me. See the full text here;http://www.armeniape...tskhe-JavakhetiJavakhk: The “third” ArmeniaSpecial to AGBU News Vahan Ishkhanyan Today, 100,000 Armenians live in about 100 settlements in Javakhk, Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda, an area of 2,600 square kilometers about 50 kilometers north of Armenia and 30 kilometers east of Turkey. In terms of its relative homogeneity, Javakhk—95 percent Armenian—is regarded as the world’s “third” Armenian land after Karabakh and Armenia. To reach Javakhk, you cross the northern border at Ashotsk, Armenia’s “Siberia” and enter the regions of Ninotsminda and Akhalkalaki, the Georgian “Siberia” “There’s been no summer here. Every year they’re saying it will come but it won’t,” says Mels Bdoyan, a Ninotsminda farmer. Locals claim there is only winter and spring here, some 2,000 meters above sea level. The average annual temperature is only 4 degrees Celsius and in winter the mercury on the thermometer dives to minus 25ºC. The dividing line between the sky and the mountains is invisible in the blue of the horizon beyond the Alpine meadows or in spring, in the intermingled darkness of the clouds and the snow-capped mountain heights. Nature has become a source of inspiration here, thanks to which Javakhk has begotten many Armenian writers. In the village of Gandza, Ninotsminda, was born the symbolist poet Vahan Terian whose poems are soaked in images of rain, mist, pallid fields and shapeless shadows deriving from the nature of Javakhk, the home of his childhood and the treasury of his reminiscences. These images became symbols of sadness, hopelessness and peace in the realm of his poetry. The climate is milder in the neighboring low-lying regions, such as Akhaltskha, Aspindza and Tsalka where there is also a minority Armenian population. Fifteen of 45 villages in Akhaltskha are Armenian, for example. Akhalkalaki, Ninotsminda, Akhaltskha, Aspindza and another region populated with Georgians were unified in the 1990s to form a single administrative unit—Samtskhe-Javakheti. According to Armenian social figures, the intention behind this move on the part of the Georgian authorities was to create an administrative union where Armenians would be in a minority. This is a Georgian region with the largest Armenian population, amounting to around 160,000. Javakhk was part of Great Armenia until 387 AD. In 428 it was annexed to Georgia, then under Persian control, and from the 16th to 18th centuries it was part of the Ottoman Empire. After the 1828-29 Russian-Turkish war, Javakhk came under Russian control. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, tens of thousands of Armenians left (present day) Turkey and settled in Javakhk. They were welcomed by the Russians, who saw the Christian Armenians as a safeguard against migration into Georgia by the Ottoman Turks. The majority of today’s population trace their origins to the emigration from Turkey, mainly from the district of Erzrum. Armenians set up 60 villages and built 50 churches in the regions of Akhaltskha, Akhalkalaki and the adjoining Tsalka.The passport checkpoint is not the only spot marking the beginning of Javakhk. The Georgian side of the asphalt road from Armenia is in a wretched state, full of deep holes all the way to the town of Ninotsminda. The state of the roads is the first sign of the region’s desolation. “Neither Georgia nor Armenia forecasts our weather,” says Ruzan Tepoyan, a teacher of the Tumanian school in Akhalkalaki town. “This is a forgotten land.” Akhalkalaki Akhalkalaki means “new town” in Georgian but the only new construction in recent years has been a couple of gas stations. One rarely hears Georgian or Russian spoken in the muddy and broken streets of this town of 10,000 people (it was 15,000 in Soviet times). The street signs are in Russian, Armenian and Georgian. Business is conducted in four currencies – the Georgian lari, Russian ruble, Armenian dram, and U.S. dollar. Sales people at any store can instantly convert one currency into another and tell you the price of their goods.

I’m sure there is more about the history of Javakhk. Not to forget Tumanian's "Tmkaberdi Aroum@". In Urartian records te region is mentioned as Jabakha/Ջաբախա.
The following article is edited, abridged by me. See the full text here;http://www.armeniape...tskhe-JavakhetiJavakhk: The “third” Armenia
Special to AGBU News
Vahan Ishkhanyan
Today, 100,000 Armenians live in about 100 settlements in Javakhk, Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda, an area of 2,600 square kilometers about 50 kilometers north of Armenia and 30 kilometers east of Turkey.
In terms of its relative homogeneity, Javakhk—95 percent Armenian—is regarded as the world’s “third” Armenian land after Karabakh and Armenia.
To reach Javakhk, you cross the northern border at Ashotsk, Armenia’s “Siberia” and enter the regions of Ninotsminda and Akhalkalaki, the Georgian “Siberia”
“There’s been no summer here. Every year they’re saying it will come but it won’t,” says Mels Bdoyan, a Ninotsminda farmer. Locals claim there is only winter and spring here, some 2,000 meters above sea level. The average annual temperature is only 4 degrees Celsius and in winter the mercury on the thermometer dives to minus 25ºC.
The dividing line between the sky and the mountains is invisible in the blue of the horizon beyond the Alpine meadows or in spring, in the intermingled darkness of the clouds and the snow-capped mountain heights. Nature has become a source of inspiration here, thanks to which Javakhk has begotten many Armenian writers.
In the village of Gandza, Ninotsminda, was born the symbolist poet Vahan Terian whose poems are soaked in images of rain, mist, pallid fields and shapeless shadows deriving from the nature of Javakhk, the home of his childhood and the treasury of his reminiscences. These images became symbols of sadness, hopelessness and peace in the realm of his poetry.
The climate is milder in the neighboring low-lying regions, such as Akhaltskha, Aspindza and Tsalka where there is also a minority Armenian population. Fifteen of 45 villages in Akhaltskha are Armenian, for example.
Akhalkalaki, Ninotsminda, Akhaltskha, Aspindza and another region populated with Georgians were unified in the 1990s to form a single administrative unit—Samtskhe-Javakheti. According to Armenian social figures, the intention behind this move on the part of the Georgian authorities was to create an administrative union where Armenians would be in a minority. This is a Georgian region with the largest Armenian population, amounting to around 160,000.
[b]Javakhk was part of Great Armenia until 387 AD. In 428 it was annexed to Georgia, then under Persian control, and from the 16th to 18th centuries it was part of the Ottoman Empire. After the 1828-29 Russian-Turkish war, Javakhk came under Russian control.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, tens of thousands of Armenians left (present day) Turkey and settled in Javakhk. They were welcomed by the Russians, who saw the Christian Armenians as a safeguard against migration into Georgia by the Ottoman Turks.
The majority of today’s population trace their origins to the emigration from Turkey, mainly from the district of Erzrum. Armenians set up 60 villages and built 50 churches in the regions of Akhaltskha, Akhalkalaki and the adjoining Tsalka.[b]
The passport checkpoint is not the only spot marking the beginning of Javakhk. The Georgian side of the asphalt road from Armenia is in a wretched state, full of deep holes all the way to the town of Ninotsminda. The state of the roads is the first sign of the region’s desolation.
“Neither Georgia nor Armenia forecasts our weather,” says Ruzan Tepoyan, a teacher of the Tumanian school in Akhalkalaki town. “This is a forgotten land.”
Akhalkalaki
Akhalkalaki means “new town” in Georgian but the only new construction in recent years has been a couple of gas stations. One rarely hears Georgian or Russian spoken in the muddy and broken streets of this town of 10,000 people (it was 15,000 in Soviet times).
The street signs are in Russian, Armenian and Georgian. Business is conducted in four currencies – the Georgian lari, Russian ruble, Armenian dram, and U.S. dollar. Sales people at any store can instantly convert one currency into another and tell you the price of their goods.

Above we saw that the Urartian name for Javakhk was Jabakha/Ջաբախա.Of course we know that in the Armenian language “jabagh/ճապաղ” means shallow/muddy (an onomatopoeic/bnadzayn/բնաձայն?” word. See if it was really named by its Urartian origin. Jabaghjour/Ճապաղջուր;http://hy.wikipedia....

In 1208 The sultan of Ardavel attacked Armenian town Aniss unexpectedly for Armenians. 12 000 Armenian peas-full citizen were brutally killed by Turkish barbarians. In this period the king of Georgia was Tamara who decided to punish sultan for this action so Georgians in secret prepared the army and attack Ardavel Georgians revenged for their neighbors and killed 12 000 Muslim. The examples like this are to much in the history of Georgia and Armenia. Even now despite of our encouragement the separatist regions of Georgia in past wars, this country is agree to open the governmental border with it`s enemy risks governmental safety for us. I think that Georgians are good neighbors.

What is the name of that Non-country anyway?Is it from the Armenian Iverastan/Vrastan from Iberia, Northern Armenia, Lori, Albania? If it is Iberia, then where is Portugal?What is the name of that land?What is their national food, red neckties? What.does Georgia mean? Is it based on what some of our neighbors call it -Gurjistan? (Remember that clown- Gurjiev)? Is it named for the British King George III or George VI? Or was it St. George, the dragon slayer? http://www.turnbackt...ling-dragon.gifNo, no. I know. It is named for this and other King Georgi-s ; http://en.wikipedia....ge_V_of_Georgiahttp://en.wikipedia....rationi_dynastyBelow an excerpt from the site, with highlights by me. Also survey some of the ridiculous maps where mercifully most of Greater Armenia is spared;

Main article: Origin of the Bagratid dynasties An earlier version of the Bagrationi family blazon. The Atlas of Georgia, by Prince Vakhushti, c. 1740s. According to a family legend, taken down by the eleventh-century Georgian chronicler Sumbat Davitis-Dze,[1] and supplied much later by Prince Vakhushti Bagrationi (1696–1757) with chronological data, the ancestors of the dynasty traced their descent to the biblical king and prophet David and came from Palestine around 530 AD. Tradition has it that of seven refugee brothers of the Davidic line, three of them settled in Armenia and the other four arrived in Kartli (a major Georgian region also known as Iberia by Classical authors) where they intermarried with the local ruling houses and acquired some lands in hereditary possession. One of the four brothers, Guaram (died in 532), allegedly gave an origin to a line subsequently called Bagrationi after his son Bagrat.[2] A successor, Guaram, was installed as a presiding prince of Kartli under the Byzantine protectorate and bestowed, on this occasion, with the Byzantine court title of Kouropalates [3] in 575.[4] Thus, according to this version, began the dynasty of the Bagratids, who ruled until 1801. [5]---- This tradition had been given a general acceptance until the early 20th century. [6] While the Jewish origin, let alone the biblical descent of the Bagratids, has been largely discounted by modern scholarship, the issue of their origin still remains controversial. Several Soviet-era historians of Georgia developed a view summarized by N. Berdzenishvili and et al. in their standard reference book on the history of Georgia:-------Many modern scholars, however, argue the above version, referring to a more complex analysis of primary Armenian and Georgian sources. A genealogical scheme per Cyril Toumanoff is, by far, the most accepted in Western scholarly literature. It affirms that the Georgian Bagratids branched out of the Armenian Bagratid dynasty in the person of Adarnase, whose father Vasak (son of Ashot III the Blind, presiding prince of last royal house of Georgia. Accordingly, the legend of Davidic origin of the Georgian Bagratids given in the work of Moses of Khorene.[9] Once the Georgian branch, who had quickly acculturated in the new environment,[10] assumed royal power, the myth of their biblical origin helped to assert their legitimacy and emerged as a main ideological pillar of the millennium-long Bagrationi rule in Georgia.[11]Although certain, generation by generation, history of the Bagrationi dynasty begins only in the late 8th century, C. Toumanoff has demonstrated that the first Georgian branch of the Bagratids may be traced back as far as the second century A.D., when we hear them ruling over the princedom of Odzrkhe in what is now southern Georgia.[12] [b]The Odzrkhe line, known in the medieval annals as the Bivritianis, lasted until the 5th century AD and they cannot be considered as the direct ancestors of the later Bagratids who eventually restored Georgian royal authority.[13]

This is not the first time Georgia is living up to its title of
"friendly foe" with Armenia. Although the cross is prominently featured
on the Georgian national flag, Christian brotherhood does not mean
much to the Georgian government. Otherwise, some consideration and
solidarity would have been warranted between the only two Christian
nations amidst an ocean of Islamic countries.

During the Soviet period, all ethnic tensions were subdued by the
central government although there was no love lost between Armenia
and Georgia, since the two had fought a war before being integrated
into the Soviet empire. As a result of that war, the historic Armenian
region of Javakhk was integrated into Georgia.

After the collapse of the Soviet empire, the two emerging republics
politically developed in opposing directions, pushing their simmering
mutual antagonism into political dimensions.

By historic necessity, Armenia aligned itself with Russia, becoming a
strategic ally of its northern neighbor and hosting Moscow's military
base on its territory. Georgia, meanwhile, veered towards the West,
entertaining its dream of becoming a NATO member. Although the
Tbilisi government suffered for its Western orientation as a result
of President Mikhail Saakashvili's reckless politics, the succeeding
government of the Georgian Dream Party did not alter the nation's
foreign policy.

During a speech delivered on February 12, President Serge Sargisian,
commenting on the implementation of recent constitutional changes,
also delved into the political background of the region stating, "with
our two neighbors, Georgia and Iran, our relations are developing in
good neighborly spirits."

However, that was a politically-correct statement rather than an
accurate one, made in order not to exacerbate tense relations with
Tbilisi.

In fact, relations with Iran and Georgia are on totally different
footings. At times, Iran may ignore some Armenian interests out of
political expediency, but on principle, it does not go out of its
way to antagonize Armenia.

Both internally and externally, Georgian policies hurt Armenians.

Since Georgia's independence, all succeeding administrations have
exercised an extremely xenophobic domestic policy, trying to assimilate
or alienate minorities. The brunt of that policy has been mostly
directed towards the Armenians in Javakhk. Although the policy cost
Georgia territorial losses --Abkhazia and South Ossetia -- little
has changed in the behavior of the central government.

Georgia's foreign policy treats Armenia as a virtual enemy. At the
UN and other world bodies, the Tbilisi government has brazenly sided
with Azerbaijan and Turkey, to Armenia's detriment, trampling the
"neighborly spirit" which Armenia tries to observe jealously and
hopelessly.

Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization
(CSTO) and relies heavily on that organization for its security. But
escalating tensions with Azerbaijan have raised legitimate concerns,
especially after Azeri encroachment on Armenia proper's sovereign
territory, in the face of Russia's enigmatic silence. Adding to
Armenia's worries is the alarming rate of transfer of Russia's modern
weaponry to the Baku government.

Those concerns were raised by Armenian journalists at a press
conference with CSTO Secretary Gen. Nikolay Bordyuzha, who gave an
indirect and terse answer: "Read the final documents of the annual
CSTO ministers' statements, which necessarily refer to the situation
in Caucasus."

The same press conference substantiated the fears of the Armenian
journalists when he stated, "We are greatly concerned about the
situation in the Caucasus, especially in connection with Nagorno
Karabagh conflict, where heavy weaponry and tanks are used and there
are casualties. Further escalation of the conflict is unacceptable;
the entire Caucasus will explode."

Against this political background, the Tbilisi government further
develops its political and economic relations with Turkey and
Azerbaijan, tightening the noose around Armenia.

On February 19, Georgia hosted the foreign ministers of Turkey and
Azerbaijan, who visited the railway station in Kartzakhi, near the
Turkish border. The foreign ministers of Azerbaijan, Georgia and
Turkey, Elmar Mammadyarov, Mikheil Janelidze and Mevlut Cavusoglu,
respectively, praised the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) railway project as
a "historic" one and they noted its importance within the context of
the new Silk Road connecting Asia to Europe. The railway is scheduled
to be completed by 2017 and one segment of it will run through the
Armenian-populated Akhalkalaki, after bypassing Armenia itself.

The Azeri Foreign Minister said, "I believe that we are on the
right track. It is a joint understanding that we must continue this
cooperation because it's a win-win-win for all three countries and
the region."

He stopped short of saying "it's a lose-lose-lose project for Armenia."

But what is more worrisome is that in addition to making statements
on economic cooperation, the trio have signed a political declaration
where they state they place "the utmost importance on the earliest
peaceful settlement of the conflict in and around the Nagorno
Karabagh region of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the conflict
in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region/South
Ossetia on the basis of principles and norms of international law,
particularly, sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability
of the internationally-recognized borders."

The last eight words are euphemistically intended to express
the territorial ambitions of the Aliyev dynasty. By contrast, the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) co-chairs
have been working on the principles of the final part of the Helsinki
declaration, which intends to reconcile territorial integrity with
the right to self-determination of the local population.

Georgia recklessly endorses Azerbaijan's position on the settlement
of Karabagh conflict while Armenia has cautiously refrained from
recognizing Abkhazia's independence to avoid a confrontation with
Tbilisi.

With the lifting of sanctions on Iran, the gas market became a hot
battleground in the Caucasus, where Russia, Azerbaijan and Iran are
competing. At one point, there was talk that Armenia may become a
transit route for Iranian gas to Georgia. It seems that the Georgian
government has been having second thoughts for fear of angering the
government of Baku. Azerbaijan's territory is being considered as
a conduit for Iranian gas and Georgia's Minister of Energy Kakha
Kaladze has said that "Tbilisi could consider this option, too."

The Turkish-Georgian cooperation has opened the floodgates for the
invasion of Turkish capital in Georgia.

Vahakn Chakhalian, the Armenian political activist in Javakhk who was
jailed by President Saakashvili, has issued an appeal to all Armenians,
saying, "no to the Turkification of Georgia."

He added: "The seeds that Saakashvili had sown are blossoming in
Georgia and the Turkification of the country is developing at an
alarming rate and it has almost reached the point of no return."

The statement specially informs that the Turkish investors discriminate
even against Christian Georgians by denying them employment and
preferring Azeris and Turks instead.

Adding insult to injury, the Georgian government has agreed to host a
Turkish military base on its territory, to complete the Turkification
of the country.

It is understandable that the US and NATO have welcomed the move
"as a contribution to stability." That base would substitute a NATO
base, which would irritate Russia to no end. In light of the current
escalating tension between Russia and Turkey, stability may become
the first casualty.

With a friend like Georgia in the region, Armenia does not need
any enemies.

Do Georgians take Khuchap monastery to themselves? Comments the Minister of Culture of the Republic of Armenia

On September 24, during his visit to Lori Province, the Minister of Culture, Armen Amiryan referred to the situation relative to Khuchap monastery.

Let us remind you that lately the Georgian nationalists had organized a demonstration, insisting that in Lori Province, Khuchap monastery which stands on Armenia-Georgia border, has been “appropriated” by Armenians. “The Ministries of Culture of Armenia and Georgia do not view the issue of belonging. On the issue the parties may have different opinions, but it does not disturb us to be able to stand up for our historical and cultural heritage”, explained Armen Amiryan. He noted that he had met with the Minister of Culture of Georgia two days before and discussed the issues of the restoration and strengthening of Armenian churches in the territory of Georgia. Let us remind you – this is not the first case when in Georgia they try to appropriate Armenian churches.

A few weeks ago, residents of the village of Dadash, on Georgia’s border with Turkey, blocked the main highway connecting the two countries. Their aim, they said, was to call attention to rampant lawlessness in the area since the opening of the border post with Turkey in 2015.

In particular, they assert that their livestock is being stolen, blaming Turks in neighboring towns.

A member of Georgia's parliament, Enzel Mkoyan, visited the village the day after the protest to hear out their grievances. A large majority of area residents is ethnic Armenian.

Residents told him that cameras on the Turkish side showed that the stolen animals had indeed been taken over the border. They also maintained that local authorities have been of little help.

“We live on the border and are very worried,” one of the villagers, Tsolak Martirosyan said at the meeting, according to an account by local news website JNews.ge. “Why is the Turkish side equipped with video cameras, and our side isn’t? What century do we live in?”

The problem is not new, residents complained. A village nearby, Kartsakhi, staged a similar protest in 2015, threatening to obstruct the construction of a new international railway through the area unless the authorities took action to find stolen property.

Mkoyan promised help. “I called all ministries – the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Foreign Ministry, and also the border police,” he told the crowd. “They are all worried about what happened and they promised to help. The state is behind you.”

But residents across the area say they want more than government assurances. “It used to be much safer here, but now the police are doing very little,” said Rima Gharibyan, the director of JNews. “Robberies have increased dramatically in recent years but no one will help us.”

The municipality of Akhalkalaki, which contains Dadash and Kartsakhi, is highly dependent on remittances from Russia and has been badly affected by the ruble’s decline. This has resulted in a rising crime rate. “Ever since the border with Turkey opened we’ve had nothing but trouble,” said Kristina Marabyan, a reporter for JNews. “Corruption is growing here – it’s like a return to the Soviet era.”

The nearby border crossing, between Ç?ld?r in Turkey and Kartsakhi, was reopened in 2015, after being closed for 10 years, amid growing ties between Tbilisi and Ankara. Georgia’s leadership has been cultivating its relationship with Ankara in recent years, in a bid to attract foreign direct investment and further its own NATO ambitions.

The situation around Akhalkalaki is particularly sensitive due to the high density of Armenians living there. After the Russian Empire conquered the area in 1828, many Muslims fled to the Ottoman Empire and the tsarist government resettled the area with Armenians, “seeing them as more reliable than the local Muslims,” according to Timothy Blauvelt, a historian of Georgia at Ilia State University in Tbilisi.

Amid the genocide against Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War, the south of Georgia took in many people who were fleeing the massacres. “Most of us have family from Kars and Erzerum” in Turkey, Marabyan said. “We became a region of refugees.”

Fear of Turkey has only heightened in recent years. Shortly after the border opened, someone using red paint wrote “we will return” in Turkish on the old Ottoman fortress silently watching over Akhalkalaki, local media reported.

“The problem is that [the Turks] have no respect for our local traditions,” Marabyan said. “I don’t want my country to be somebody’s playground.”

Many in the region saw the Russian military base in Akhalkalaki, which closed in 2007, as an important bulwark against Turkey. An old Soviet military base stands in ruins in Kartsakhki, overlooking the border. “Communism begins here!” is inscribed on its wall, for the benefit of the NATO soldiers who used to be based on the other side. Now, the town is in decline.

Despite the town’s new asphalt road, designed to help speed cargo across the border into Turkey, the village has experienced little economic benefit from the border’s opening. Locals complain that the growing number of heavily loaded trucks passing through the town are actually causing damage to the surrounding houses.

Others complain the open border is accelerating Akhalkalaki’s economic malaise. Turkish citizens regularly visit to buy food, cigarettes and gasoline, all of which are cheaper than in Turkey. Prices are reportedly rising as a result.

There’s also the issue of brothels and prostitution. Several brothels have opened in Akhalkalaki and neighboring Akhaltsikhe, which – locals say – was unheard of before the Turkish border opened.

In November, residents of Akhaltsikhe held a protest against the Turkish-oriented sex trade. But it was only ethnic Georgians who participated, Gharibyan said. “Armenians didn’t take part,” she said. “Every time we are involved in protests such as these local officials dismiss it as national hostility toward Turks, so it’s better for us to leave it to the Georgians.”

One of the most controversial symbols of Turkey’s growing presence in the region is the new Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) railway, which passes through the area and was built with largely Turkish and Azerbaijani labor.

“On the one hand, people in Akhalkalaki are afraid of the BTK strengthening Turkish influence in the region,” said Ghia Nodia, a political scientist at Ilia State University. “But on the other hand they are hoping it will lead to economic opportunities.”

But many have felt left out by the project. In 2016, a local Armenian activist Vahagan Chakhalyan released a public statement attacking the Georgian government’s “Turkification” policies. In Chakhalyan's words, “Turkish-Azeri capital is taking over the business market, and not hiring Christians.”

Chakhalyan and his party, the United Javakh Democratic Alliance, have long had a tense relationship with Georgian authorities, who accuse them of harboring separatist tendencies. Several party activists, including Chakhalyan, were even arrested in 2008 following a fatal bombing at the home of Akhalkalaki’s chief of police.

Locals say that Tbilisi exaggerates the separatist threat. “If we are separatists then where do we go?” Marabyan asked. “Would we join Armenia? They’re in an even worse position than we are.”