The New World Order: What A Greater Country America Would Be

The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ASPA as an organization.

By Adeline EmiheMay 20, 2016

The idea of a new world order has occupied academic and policy discussions. Political idealists, religious philosophers and conspiratorial theorists refer to the new order as the emergence of a totalitarian world government with subjective policies to drive its specific goals, aims and objectives. These theorists explain that a secretive, powerful, elite group with a universalist agenda is planning to usurp global leadership through political pluralism, limited freedom and strong centralized power of government. This agenda would pose restrictions on political parties, legislators and interest groups.

There is a proposition that the group might seek legitimization based on emotions directed toward the eradication of obvious societal problems. These include insurgency, terrorism, poverty, underdevelopment and suppression of political opponents. Furthermore, Gretchen Caper posited that the elites would also seek to accomplish their objectives with vague shifting powers of the executive. Religious postulates refer to the replacement of a global evil era with one of universal good as the new world order. However, for this article, the new order is simply a new progressive global era.

Discussing the new order without bringing into perspective those nations and institutions that play a major role in global affairs—notably the United States and Europe—is rife. The new world order idea has infused discussions in terms of policies and international legal instruments that drive global economic, environmental and political success including positive social change. Thus, the onus falls on international as well as local policymakers and administrators to create new policies that drive job-creation, global security and environmental safety. Notably, the role of the U.S. and other major global players are important to the new global order.

In contemporary times, the United States has gradually emerged as a superpower with immense global influence. Despite security threats from terrorist groups, positioning from Russia and North Korea, economic and financial shake-ups from China, its influence has continuously expanded. Yet, its policies—whether economic or political—do not uniquely drive global governance. Despite the present global dispensation and recent economic meltdown, America still seeks to have greater influence in international affairs, global politics and power. This quest is obvious in the United Nations, NATO, WTO and other quasi-strategic alliances. Furthermore, the slogans of its 2016 presidential aspirants have underscored the zeal of supporters for a greater global role.

Trump says that he wants to “Make America Great Again.” Sanders is moving toward “A Future to Believe In.” Others, like Hillary Clinton, have, in subtler ways, projected American leadership in diverse terms that point to the supremacy of America in future global affairs.

However, the truth remains that the country is the world’s superpower and is already great. What really matters is how America can be greater by carrying other nations along into the new world order. Despite America’s present greatness, the world is less secure now than it was before. Global threats abound. Many nations are in a failed state. International legal instruments are violated with impunity. Many countries like Greece have not recovered from the last economic meltdown. Mass migration has become an imminent global threat. Islam and Christianity are shaken by ruthless extremism.

If America wants to be greater, then it must use its leadership role to “Heal, Inspire, Revive,” as stated by former presidential candidate Ben Carson, and it must “Fight for Us,” according to Hillary Clinton. America should take the leadership role to make the world more peaceful, more secure and more economically viable.

Indeed, the new world order needs progressive global and national policy reconstruction and changes that would move the countries individually and the world collectively. New administrative, economic, political, financial, trade and quasi-policies, including legislation and resolutions, must touch areas such as education, skills, professionalism, technological advancement and technology transfer. Other areas include the use of international resources to advance and help developing nations, manufacturing, industry, small business assistance, job opportunities for young people, containment of migrant crisis, international partnerships that reach and cut across language, religion and cultural compatibilities. Major global players and nuclear powers must take a decisive stance on how to resolve the problem posed by ISIS, other terrorist groups, North Korea and other situations that have currently rendered the world insecure.

According to many scholars, the new world order is already here. America is already great. Russia is powerful. The European Union is formidable and the Arab League is strong. Nevertheless, the new dispensation needs new premises, frameworks and foundations for momentum. The premises sought include grounded security, real employment for the unemployed, measurable global peace and formidable global strategic alliances and regional partnerships that work with each other on emergent global issues.

Finally, scholars suggest the new world order demands a global status quo in which the United Nations, with the dynamic support of major global powers, must lead global institutions and initiatives to guarantee international security and peace. When the above happens, a stronger United Nations, NATO, WTO, EU, OAU, ECOWAS, Arab League, etc., would become added advantages to enhance the new order and make America greater.

Author: Adeline Emihe is a doctorate scholar (law & public policy) at Walden University. She earned master’s degrees in international law and political science from Long Island University and is a consultant on legal and policy issues. Adeline is a known author of African literature, a writer for the United Nation’s Secretariat News and has served in the New York City Department of Education. Contact:[email protected]

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