Third Year of Taihe (229 A.D.) Shu: Seventh Year of JianxingWu: First Year of Huanglong

1. Spring. In Han, Zhuge Liang sent his general Chen Shi to attack two jun, Wu-du and Yin-ping. [1] Guo Huai, the governer of Yong-zhou, led his troops to rescue them. Zhuge Liang in person went out to Jian-wei; Guo Huai withdrew. Zhuge Liang in the end captured the two jun and returned.

2. Summer, fourth month. On the day June 23 the King of Wu proclaimed himself Emperor. He gave a general amnesty and changed the reign-title to Huang-lung.

3. The hundred officials were all assembled. The Sovereign of Wu attributed the achievement to Zhou Yu. Zhang Zhao, the suiyuan jiangjun held up his scepter and was about to chant the achievements and virtue of the newly enthroned Emperor. He had not yet begun to speak, when the Sovereign of Wu said, "Had I followed His Excellency's Zhang Zhao's advice, I would have been a beggar by now." [5] In great shame, Zhang Zhao crouched on the ground, dripping sweat.

4. The Sovereign of Wu conferred the posthumous title Wu-Lie Huang-Di on his father Sun Jian, that of Prince Huan of Chang-sha on his elder brother Sun Ce, and appointed his son Sun Deng Crown Prince. [1] He enfeoffed Sun Shao, son of Prince Huan of Chang-sha, as Lord of Wu. [2]

5. He appointed Zhuge Ke zuofu duyu of the Crown Prince, Zhang Xiu his yu-pi tu-yu, Gu Dan his fu-cheng tu-yu, and Chen Biao his i-cheng tu-yu; these are the Four Friends of the Crown Prince, while Xie Jing, Fan Shen, Tiao Hsuan, Yang Dao, etc., became guests. And so the palace of the Crown Prince became renowned for its numerous talented men.

6. The Crown Prince had the shih-chung Hu Tsung write the Appreciations of Friends and Guests, which read:

"Preeminent for magnificant talent, standing high above his peers,--this is Zhuge Ke. Perspicacious about affairs of the time, probing the deep and examining the minute,--this is Gu Dan. Eloquent and far-reaching, able to untangle knots by his words,--this is Xie Jing. Profoundly learned and penetrating of fineness, a peer of Tzu-Yu and Tzu-Hsia [2],--this is Fan Shen."

Yang Dao privately refuted Hu Tsung, "Yuan-Hsun is talented but loose in mind, Tzu-Mo is fine in mind but unruly, Shu-Fa is eloquent but superficial, Hsiao-Ching is profound but narrow." [4] In each case his words were to the point. Because of these words, Yang Dao was eventually disliked by Zhuge Ke, etc. Afterwards these four men all met their ruin, as Yang Dao had predicted.

7. The Sovereign of Wu had the proposal conveyed to the Han that the two Emperors of Shu and Wu might be equally honored. The Han felt there was no advantage in relations with him, that such an arrangement would be proper neither in name nor in reality, and that accordingly the right principle should be clearly maintained and the pact of amity with him broken off.

Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang, said, "Sun Quan has long harbored the intent of usurption. The reason why our state ignored his wanton disire was that we wished him to lend us help from the other side. Should we now clearly maintain the right principle and break off the pact of amity with him, he is certain to bear a deep grudge against us; we will have to move our army east again and contend with him,--only after his territory has been annexed to us can we think of China Proper. There are still a large number of able persons about him, his generals and ministers are in harmony amongst themselves; we cannot conquer him in a single morning. We shall each have to hold our troops for self-defense against the other, growing old in inaction and letting the northern rebels (i.e., Wei) gain the initiative. This is not the best of all plans.

"Of old, the Emperor Xiao-Wen addressed the Xiong-nu in humble language, and the late Emperor condescended to conclude a covenant with Wu. In each case they were coping with emergency, thinking profoundly of the advantage in the long run; they were not like the common man in anger. Now those who discuss the matter all maintain that it is advantageous to Sun Quan for the empire to be divided into three, like the three legs of a tripod, that he is not strong enough to exert himself doubly [i.e., both to maintain his position and to attack Wei], and that, having what he wants, he is not bent on setting his feet on land to campaign against Wei. This to my thinking is a fallacy. For it is because his wisdom and strength are not yet equal to the task that he limits himself at the Jiang for defense. If Sun Quan cannot cross the Jiang to invade the North it is for the same reason that the Wei rebels are unable to cross the Han southward; it is that they are not over-strong, not that they are not after profit. Should our great army make an expedition against Wei, at most he [i.e., Sun Quan] will annex a portion of the territory and count on keeping it later; at the least he will annex more people elsewhere and open up new territories, thus demonstrating his military strength within his country. He is not one to sit still. If we now take advantage of his inaction and friendliness toward us, our northern expedition can proceed without worry about the east; the hordes of Ho-nan in Wei will not be able to exert all their strength westwards. This is a great advantage to us. It would be better not to demonstrate the crime of Sun Quan's usurption."

He then sent the wei-yu Chen Zhen as envoy to Wu to offer felicitations on Sun Quan's having become an Emperor. [12]

8. The Sovereign of Wu made a covenant with the Han and partitioned the empire. The provinces of Yu, Qing, Xu, and Yu were to belong to Wu, and Yen, Ji, Bing, and Liang, to Han. As for the territory of Su-zhou (Metropolitan Area), Han-ku-kuan was to be taken as the boundry between Wu and Han.

9. Zhang Zhao, on the grounds of age and ill health, resigned his office as well as the troops under his command. He was recommisioned as fu-wu chiang-chun, with the court rank next in degree to those of the Three Ducal Ministers, and was reenfeoffed as Lord of Lou, with an appanage of ten thousand households. [2]

Whenever he appeared at court, Zhang Zhao's language and attitude were magnificant and solemn, his upright nature showing through his mien. Once, because he incurred the wrath of Sun Quan by admonishing him with straightforward words, he was not admitted into the Court. Afterwards an envoy arrived from Han, who extolled the virtue of Han, and the numerous officials were not able to humble him. The Sovereign of Wu sighed and said, "If only His Excellency Zhang Zhao were here, this man would be dispirited if not actually yielding; how could he keep up this boasting?"

On the following day, he sent one of his attendants to console and inquire after him, and so invited him and saw Zhang Zhao. In thankfulness, Zhang Zhao rose up from his mat; the Sovereign of Wu fell down on his knees and stopped him. Having settled himself on his seat, Zhang Zhao looked up and said, "Of old the Dowager [i.e., Sun Quan's mother] and Prince Huan [i.e., Sun Ce] did not commit me, your aged subject, to Your Majesty's care, but Your Majesty to my care. Therefore I think of fulfilling my duty as a subject and thus repaying the graces I have received, so that after my death I might be praised; but, my mind and thought being shallow and defective, I opposed and displeased you. I thought I was cast off perpetually to wilderness, yet I now am received, beyond all expectation, in your presence here under the canopy. But my heart, foolish though it be, is bent on serving the state and I aim at loyalty to the very end of my life. As for changing my heart and altering my thoughts in order to steal glory and curry your favor, that is not a thing I am able to do."

13. On the day Aug. 3, the Emperor conferred the posthumous title of Gao-Huang-Di on his great-great-grandfather, the ta-ch'ang-chiu, and that of Gao-Huang-Hou on his wife nee Wu.

14. Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 8 - Sept. 5). An imperial edict: "The Rites prescribe that in case a queen lacks an heir, she may choose one from the sons of collateral lines and set him up, so that the great lineage may be continued. This means that the orthodox line of succession is to be continued and the great principle upheld; can one pay attention to his private relationships any more?

"Han Xuan-Di succeeded Zhao-Di, yet he added the title of Emperor to his own father Dao. Ai Di, who had been a vassal prince, was set up as Emperor, Tung Hung and others supporting their arguments from the precedents of the defunct Qin and misleading the court of that time. Having conferred the title of Emperor on his own father Prince Kung and erected his tablet in the temple, he further had his own mother, a mere vassal subject, honored and called Ch'ang-hsin-kung; he arbitrarily regulated the relationship of father and son in the Front Hall and united the four tablets in the Eastern Palace. As he usurped power boundlessly, neither men nor spirits helped him; yet he blamed and punished the loyal and correct admonition of Shi Dan, which act brought about the burning down of the spirit-tablets of the Empresses nee Ding and Fu. Since then this abuse has continued without intermission.

"Of old, when Duke Wen of Lu acted contrarily to the order of sacrifice, the blame fell on Xia-Fu; when the state of Song went beyond the limits of propriety in funeral matters, Hua Yuan was reproached.

"My Ducal Ministers and other ministers as well as te hundred officials are hereby commanded to take warning from the precedents from the past. Should it happen in the future that a feudal price succeed to the imperial line, they ought to be clear in their minds on the significance of his succession to some one else. Any who dare to be wickedly glibtongued in flattering the sovereign of the time, wantonly including him to establish false titles and thereby infringe on the orthodox line of succession, such as calling his own father Emperor and his own mother Empress--such persons shall be put to death by the ministers concerned without mercy.

"This shall be written down on metal slips and preserved in the Ancestral Temple, and shall be made manifest in the laws of the land." [7]

15. Ninth month (Oct. 6 - Nov. 3). The Sovereign of Wu moved his capital from Wu-chang to Jian-ye [the present Nanking]; he made his residence entirely in his former headquarters and did not make any further extension or alteration. [1] He left behind Sun Deng, the Crown Prince, as well as shang-shu and the Nine Ministers; he appointed Lu Xun, the shang ta-chiang-chun, to be guardian of the Crown Prince, to take charge of the affairs of Jing-zhou and the three chun, including Yu-zhang, and to superintend and direct the army and state business. [2]

16. Liu Yi, a native of Nan-yang, had once written the Treatise "Punishment first and then Rites"; Xie Jing, who was of the same chun, praised it to Lu Xun. Lu Xun reproved Xie Jing, saying, "The precedence of Rites before Punishments is of long standing. By means of his petty eloquence, Liu Yi would falsify the teachings of the former sages. This is entirely wrong. Now you are in service in the palace of the Crown Prince; you ought to follow the way of benevolence and uprightness so that you may make manifest his renown for virtue. Discourses like that man's should not be given attention."

17. The Crown Prince sent a letter to Bu Zhi, the tu-tu of Xi-ling, beseeching that he enlighten him by his instruction. [1] Therefore Bu made an inventory of the characters and abilities of those who were in official positions in Jing-zhou as well as the various subordinate functionaries, and gave it to him in responce.

On this occasion he sent up a letter exhorting him: "I have heard that a Sovereign does not in person take charge of petty affairs. He lets each of the hundred officials and those in official charge execute his duties. Hence Shun, after having given appointment to the nine worthies, did not have to worry his mind about anything; he played on the five-stringed lute and chanted the poem on the Southern Wind; he did not come down from the hall of the Ancestral Temple, yet the empire was well ruled. Duke Huan of Qi employed Guan Zhong: wearing his hair loose, he carried him in his carriage. First he ruled well the state or Qi, next did he unify the empire.

"In recent times, the Emperor Kao Tsu obtained three excellent men, and this founded his dynasty; the Western Chu (i.e., Xiang Yu) lost men of ability , and thus failed to accomplish its aims; Chi Yen being at court, the Prince of Huai-nan desisted from his plot, Zhi Du guarded the frontiers, and the Xiang-nu disappeared.

"Therefore where there are worthy men, one can conquer ten thousand li; they are indeed the sharp weapons of the state and the means of flourishing and decline. At present our royal transformation has not reached north of the Han river (i.e., to Shu); on the banks of the Yellow River and Lo River there still are despicable usurpers. It is indeed time to obtain heroic men, to select the excellent and employ the worthy.

"I hope that you, perspicacious Crown Prince, will give your serious attention to the matter; in that case the empire may be congratulated."

18. Zhang Hong was retuning to Wu to fetch his family to the capital. While on the way, he felt sick and died. While he was still gravely ill, he dictated to his son Zhang Jing his death-bed memorial, as follows: "Since antiquity those who ruled over a stage have all wished to cultivate virtuous rule to bring about a flourishing and prosperous age. But their rule was in many instances none too fragrant; it was not because there were no loyal ministers or worthy helpers nor because they the rulers were ignorant of the principles of good government. It was only because the rulers were not masters of their sentiments and hence could not employ them. Human sentiment is such that we abhor difficulties and take to ease, prefer sameness and dislike the different; this is the opposite of the way of good rule. The proverb says, 'To follow goodness is like climbing, to follow evil is like crumbling down.' This bespeaks the difficulty of goodness.

"A Sovereign receives the foundation from a long line of succession, takes possession of the power accrued to him automatically, wields the majestic Eight Powers; he is content with the pleasure of having others easily agree with him and never relies on others at all. On the other hand, the loyal minister is hampered by an art of statesmanship that does not advance him, and must emit words that displease the ear; is it not only right for him sometimes to disagree with the wishes of his Sovereign? If they are estranged, there will be dissension; wily eloquence will find its place in between. The Sovereign may be dazzled by petty loyalty, infatuated in his affections; then the worthy and the stupid are promiscuously put together, promotions and demotions are out of order.

"All these come from the confusion caused by sentiment. Therefore a wise Sovereign is awake to this; he seeks for the worthy as if in hunger and thirst; he accepts admonitions without satiety; he suppresses his sentiments and diminishes his desires, he replaces private affection by uprightness. When this is the case, at the top there are no prejudiced, unfitting appointments, and below there are no presumptuous hopes. You would do well to think thrice on this, and to humble yourself by subjecting yourself to filth and 'taking dirt in the mouth', that the great work covering the world with your virtue may be accomplished."

The Sovereign of Wu read the writings and shed tears on account of it.

19. Winter, tenth month (Nov. 4 - Dec. 3). P'ing-wang-kuan was renamed T'ing-sung-kuan (Terrace for Judgement of Crimes). The Emperor used to say criminal justice was the life of the empire. Whenever a major crime was judged, he always betook himself to T'ing-sung-kuan and listened to the case.

20. In other times, Li K'uei, teacher of Marquis Wen of Wei, wrote the Fa ching (Canons) in six sections. This was transmitted to Lord Shang, who used it as Prime Minister of Qin. Xiao He, when he codified the Han laws, augmented it to nine sections. Later the book was gradually augmented to sixty sections. There were also 'Regualtions' in over three hundred sections and the 'Decisions' in 906 chuan. Generation after generation there were augmentations and reductions; it was all confused and without order. Later people paragraphed and punctuated it, each one differently--Ma Jung, Zheng Xuan and other Confusion scholars, in all more than ten writers. And so down to the Wei, when what had to be consulted amounted altogether to 26,272 items comprising more than 7,730,000 characters; the readers were very much at a loss. The Emperor issued an edict that Zheng Xuan's paragraphing and punctuation alone were to be used.

Wei Ji, the shang-shu, memorialized, "Codes in nine sections have been transmitted since antiquity; for judging crimes and passing sentence, their import is both profound and detailed. Any officials in charge of a district of a hundred li in area ought to be aquainted with the law codes. Criminal laws are something the state holds to be important but which are despised in the opinion of private persons; a judge is one on whom the life of the people hangs, but who is held in contempt by the governmental officials who give him the appointment. There has been no unworthiness in the rule of a Sovereign but what must be attributed to this. I request that an Academician specializing in law codes be appointed, in order that he may give instructions."

The Emperor accepted this advice. By another edict he ordered the ssu-k'ung Chen Qun and the san-chi ch'ang-shih Liu Shao, and others to make an abridgment of the Han laws. They compiled new "Codes" in eighteen sections, "Regulations for Province and Prefectures" in forty-five sections, "Regulations for Officials of the shang-shu" and "Regulations for the Army", in all one hundred eighty-odd sections. Compared with the original Codes in nine sections, these contained augmentations; but compared with the subsidiary laws and regulations, they were simple.

21. Eleventh month (Dec. 2, 229 - Jan. 1, 230). The Ancestral Temple at Luo-yang was completed; the spirit-tablets of Gao-Huang-Di, D'ai-Di, Wu-Huang-Di, and Wen-Di in Ye were sent for.

23. Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang of Han, moved his headquarters to Xia-yuan in Nan-shan. He built Han-cheng at Mien-yang and Luo-cheng at Cheng-gu.

==================================

Chapter 10 NotesThird Year of Taihe (229 AD)Shu: Seventh Year of JianxingWu: First Year of Huanglong

1. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang.

1.1 SGZ has, “In the seventh year of Jianxing, Zhuge Liang sent Chen Jie to attack Wudu and Yinping.” The word 'spring' is from SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, which reads, “In the spring of the seventh year, Zhuge Liang sent Chen Shi to attack Wudu and Yinping; in the end he conquered the two jun.”

For the first passage, the Qianlong edition has Chen Shi instead of Chen Jie. The name Chen Shi occurs twice elsewhere in SGZ, Biography of the First Sovereign and in the Biography of Xu Huang. The name Chen Jie, however, does not occur anywhere else. From this fact, we think that the Qianlong edition is not wrong to alter Chen Jie to Chen Shi.

1.5 SGZ has, “The Second Sovereign conferred appointment on Zhuge Liang by this rescript, “The fault at the battle of Jieting lay with Ma Su, but you held yourself responsible and demoted yourself drastically.

Respecting your wishes, I complied with your principle. In the past year, you made our army illustrious and beheaded Wang Shuang. In the present year you led a campaign and put Guo Huai to flight, won the Di and the Qiang over to us, restored the two jun; your prowess has shaken the lawless, your achievements have become pre-eminent. At present, the Empire is in disorder and the chief criminal is not yet decapitated. To allow you, who are entrusted with a great work and important business of state, to remain demoted for a long time is not the way to glorify grand merit. I now reinstate you as chengxiang; do not refuse it.”

2. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, where the following passage precedes, “In spring of the first year of Huanglong, the Ducal Ministers, lower ministers, and the hundred officials all advised Sun Quan to proclaim himself Emperor. That summer, in the fourth month, both Wuchang and Xiakou reported that a yellow dragon (huanglong) and a phoenix had appeared.” It was because of this yellow dragon that the reign was named Huanglong.

3. From the Jiangbiao Zhuan.

3.5 {Achilles Fang reminds us that} it was Zhang Zhao who in 208 had advised Sun Quan to surrender to the powerful Cao Cao, whereas Zhou Yu had persuaded him to fight.

4. From SGZ as follows

4.1 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which reads, “He conferred the posthumous title of Wulie Huangdi on his father Sun Jian, the polu jiangjun, that of Wulie Huanghou on his mother Wuu, and that of Prince Huan of Changsha on his elder brother Sun Ce, the taoni jiangjun. The heir of the King of Wu, Sun Deng, became Crown Prince. Generals and officials all had their ranks advanced and received rewards.”

4.2 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Jian, “When Sun Quan proclaimed himself Emperor, he canonized Sun Ce as Prince Huan of Changsha and enfeoffed his son Sun Shao as Lord of Wu, later as Lord of Shangyu.”

5. From SGZ, biography of Sun Deng, which has the following introduction, “In the first year of Huanglong, when Sun Quan proclaimed himself Emperor, Sun Deng became Crown Prince.”

6. From the Jiangbiao zhuan.

6.2 Disciples of Confucius, also known as Yan Yan and Bu Shang respectively. “For their literary achievements, Ziyu and Zixia.”

6.4 The four names mentioned by Ying Dao refer to Zhuge Ke, Gu Tan, Xie Jing and Fan Shen respectively, who are here called by their zi.

7. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

7.12 Chen Zhen reached the Wu court, at that time in Wuchang, in the sixth month. SGZ, Biography of Chen Zhen states, “In the seventh year of Jianxing, when Sun Quan proclaimed himself Emperor, Chen Zhen was appointed weiyu and was sent to congratulate Sun Quan on having ascended the Imperial throne.”

8. SGZ, Biography of Chen Zhen, reads, “When Chen Zhen reached Wuchang, Sun Quan and Chen Zhen mounted an altar and, after smearing their mouths with the blood drawn from sacrificial animals, made a covenant. They partitioned the Empire: Xu, You, Yu and Jing were to belong to Wu; Bing, Liang, Ji and Yan, to Shu; the territory of Sizhou... After he returned, he was enfeoffed as Lord of Chengyang Ting.”

With regard to the text of this long covenant, SGZ, Biography of Hu Zong, Wu, states, “Informed of Sun Quan's accession to the Imperial throne, Shu sent an envoy to renew the former relations of amity. Hu Zong composed the text of the covenant. The style is very beautiful.”

9. SGZ, Biography of Zhang Zhao.

9.2 Between this paragraph and the next, SGZ inserts the following passage, “While living in retirement in his native district, he wrote 'Interpreation of Zuo's Commentary to the Chunqiu' as well as 'Commentary to the Lunyu.' Sun Quan had once asked the weiyu Yan Jun whether he still remembered the books he studied in his youth. Yan Jun then recited to him the Xiaojing passage beginning with the book's beginning. Zhang Zhao said, 'Yan Jun is but a vulgar fellow. I request to recite for Your Majesty's sake.' He then recited the passage beginning with the seventeenth chapter. All considered that Zhang Zhao knew what to recite.”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. Cao Li was one of the nine sons of Wendi. His biography is given in SGZ, Wei, where he is called Cao Li, 'Lamented' Prince of Yuancheng. The word 'Lamented' is his canonization.

11. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

12. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

13. The Emperor's ancestor here mentioned is Cao Teng, who was a palace eunuch in the Later Han dynasty; he was the adoptive father of Cao Cao's father Cao Song.

14. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

14.7 Hu Sanxing writes that it was because the Emperor did not have a son that he issued this edict.

15. From SGZ.

15.1 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which reads, “In the autumn, ninth month, Sun Quan moved his capital to Jianye; he took up his residence in his former headquarters and did not change to a different building.”

15.2 According to Hu Sanxing, the three jun referred to are (besides Yuchang), Poyang and Luling. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan continues the passage given in Note 15.1 as follows, “He appointed Lu Xun, the shang dajiangjun, to be the guardian of Sun Deng, the Crown Prince, and to take charge of matters left behind at Wuchang.”

16. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun.

17. From SGZ, Biography of Bu Zhi, where the following passage precedes, “After Sun Quan had proclaimed himself Emperor, Bu Zhi was given the title of piaoji jiangjun and appointed mu (Governor) of Jizhou. In this year, he became dudu of Xiling; succeeding Lu Xun, he administered the affairs of the two regions. Soon afterwards he was relieved of his office as mu because Jizhou was allotted to Shu.”

17.1 This sentence is Sima Guang's own, summarized from the following passage {of SGZ?}: “At that time, Sun Deng, heir-apparent of Sun Quan, was stationed at Wuchang. He loved men of ability and was fond of goodness. He sent Bu Zhi a letter, which read: 'Worthy and superior men are those who make the great transformation flourish and lend their help in administration of the affairs of the age. Being dull and unenlightened by nature, I have not attained to the Way. I am, indeed, assiduous in trying to exert my mind completely for the sake of bright virtue, and in giving due recognition to superior men; but with regard to which of the gentlemen, near and far, should be honored first and who next, I as yet am far from being able to know well. There is the saying, “Can there be love which does not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object?”

18. From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Hong. The reason Sima Guang puts this section in this year is found in the passage, SGZ, Wu, immediately preceding the one given in this section: “Zhang Hong advised that the capital should be moved out to Moling (i.e. Jianye). Sun Quan accepted this advice.”

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi

20. From Jin Shu, Treatise on Law. It is not entirely clear why Sima Guang placed this section under the third year of Taihe. The Jin shu passages mention no date more specific than the reign of Mingdi, nor do the biographies of the men concerned. Possibly the fact that the preceding section dealt with laws led Sima guang to launch into the matter of codification at this point. He omitted the greater part of the details as given in Jin Shu, and made few interpolations.

21. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

22. All that SGZ, Biography of Prince Si of Chen tells us is: “In the third year of Taihe, Cao Zhi was transferred to be Prince of Dong'a.” The more exact date “in the twelfth month” is not given there.

23. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

Last edited by Jordan on Sat Jan 07, 2012 9:27 pm, edited 1 time in total.

Chapter 11Wei: Fourth Year of Taihe (230 A.D.) Shu: Eighth Year of Chien-hsing Wu: Second Year of Huang-lung

1. Spring. The Sovereign of Wu sent the General (jiangjun) Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi with ten thousand armed men to sail the sea, in search of the islands Yi-zhou and Tan-zhou; [1] he wished to make captives of the people of these places to augment his army. [2]

Lu Xun and Quan Cong both protested, giving their opinion:[3] "When Prince Huan [i.e., Sun Ce] started, he had no more than one division of troops. At present the army is quite sufficient for our purpose. We should not let our men sail afar through the wastes. In this attempt to make an onslaught on a people ten thousand li distant, wind and waves are difficult to calculate. Furthermore, when people change climate, they are inevitably subject to diseases and epidemics. Bent on increase, we shall suffer decrease; bent on profit, we shall suffer harm. Besides, the people of these places are like animals--even if we obtain them, they will not serve much purpose; without them our army is not deficient."

The Sovereign of Wu did not listen.

2. The shang-shu Zhuge Dan of Lang-ye, the zhongshulang Deng Yang of Nan-yang, and others, formed a partnership. They went on to make internal distinctions: the sanji changshi Xiahou Xuan and others, four men in all, were the "Four Sagacious"; Zhuge Dan, etc., eight in all, were the "Eight Intelligent". [1] Xiahou Xuan was a son of Xiahou Shang. Liu Xi (劉熙), was a son of the zhongshujian Liu Fang; Sun Mi (孫密), a son of the zhongshuling Sun Zi; and Wei Lie (衛烈), a son of the shang-shu Wei Zhen. These three were not their equals, but because their fathers occupied influential positions, they were tolerated as the "Three Candidates". [5]

3. The acting Minister over the Masses (situ) Dong Zhao memorialized the throne, "Of all those who have ruled over the empire there has been none who did not appreciate men of simplicity and truthfulness, and profoundly dislike those who were false and untruthful. This is because the latter would demolish good teachings, disturb good rule, destroy good custom, and injure good transformation. In recent years, Wei Feng was put to death at the end of the Jian-an period and Cao Wei suffered the punishment of death at the beginning of the Huang-chu period. I respectfully observe that the sacred edicts, ancient and modern, expressed deep hatred for superficiality and falsity, to the extent of gnashing the teeth, the intention being to destroy and scatter wicked partisanship. Yet the officials in charge of the law all stand in fear of their power and influence, and so are unable to eliminate them. The destruction of good custom has thus reached an extreme degree.

"I presume to observe that young men of our times do not consider study as their fundamental duty but make it their exclusive business to form associations. These gentlemen of the land do not take filial piety, brotherly affections, and the cultivation of character as the paramount matter, but put first running after the powerful and associating with those who might give them profit. They form groups and associate into parties, mutually praising and eulogizing; calumny and defamation are considered as capital punishment, partisan commendation and praise as rank and reward. Those who follow they praise vociferously; those who do not, they find fault with. They go so far as to say to each other, 'Why worry that we cannot make our lives and careers good? Worry only lest we should not be assiduous in the "way" of searching out people and not extensive in spreading out out net. Why should any man worry that other people do not appreciate him? He only needs to make them swallow our medicine to make them affable.'

"I am also told there are those who even let their slaves and retainers presumptuously assume official titles in their houses; and under these false titles they go to and from the palace, take letters back and fourth, and make inquires.

"All these are things which laws do not permit and which are unpardonable with respect to punishment. Even the crimes of Wei Feng and Cao Wei are not worse than these."

The Emperor commended his words.

4. Second month. On the day Mar. 5 the Emperor issued an edict: "As for internal quality and external embellishment, the change depends on the different teachings. Since war and disturbance began, the study of the classics has been completely abandoned; the advancements of younger people are not given through two Canons (i.e., Yaodian and Shundian) and the three Counsels (Da-yu-mu, Gao-yao-mu, and Yiji, in the Shu jing). Is it not that those whose study is yet insufficient and who are about to be given official appointment have become prominent by their virtue? Those of the shang-shu-lang who have mastered one classic and whose talent suffices to govern the people shall be examined by the Academicians. Those who pass the examination with high marks shall promptly be given appointment; those who are shallow and superficial, and do not consider the source of the true way as their cardinal business, shall be dismissed."

8. The da sima Cao Zhen seeing that the Han had made several invasions, requested that a campaign be undertaken against them along Ye-gu, saying that if the various generals should proceed along several routes simultaneously, there could be a great victory. The Emperor concurred with him and issued an edict ordering the da jiangjun Sima Yi to sail up the Han river and enter it (Ye-ku) through Xi-cheng, in order to unite his forces with Cao Zhen's in Han-zhong. The various other generals were to enter by way of either the Ziwugu or Wu-wei. [2]

9. The sigong Chen Qun admonished, "Back when Cao Cao went to Yang-ping to attack Zhang Lu, he collected large quantities of beans and wheat to augment the army provisions; yet before Zhang Lu was subdued the provisions were already deficient. At this time we have nothing to rely on; besides, Ye-he is steep, difficult for advance, retreat, or transport. It is certain that our forces will be intercepted and cut to pieces. If we leave a large unit of troops to guard the place, we will be wasting out forces. We must give this mature consideration."

The Emperor accepted Chen Qun's advice. Cao Zhen then memorialized proposing that he would take the Ziwugu route. Chen Qun again set forth the drawbacks of this plan and also spoke on strategy. The Emperor forwarded Chen Qun's discussion to Cao Zhen in an edict on the basis of which Cao Zhen moved.

10. Eighth month. On the day Aug. 31, the Emperor traveled to the east on a tour of inspection.

11. On the day Sept. 14 the Emperor reached Xu-chang.

12. Hearing that the Wei troops had arrived, Zhuge Liang, the Prime Minister of Han, quartered at Cheng-gu and Chi-ban to wait for them. Summoning Li Yan he had him take twenty thousand men and proceed to Han-zhong. Through a memorial to the throne he had Li Yan's son Li Feng appointed dudu of Jiang-zhou, in which capacity he was to command the forces there and take charge of affairs left behind by Li Yan.

13. It happened that heavy rain fell more than thirty days and the plank roads were cut off. The taiyu Hua Xin sent up a memorial saying, "It is already two dozen years since war and disturbances broke out. Meanwhile out great Wei has succeeded to the heavenly mandate. With your sage-like virtue Your Majesty has met a time as flourishing as the Zhou Kings Cheng and Kang. You must propagate the good rule in this time and be an heir to the Three Kings. There are indeed the two rebels (i.e., Wu and Shu), who rely on their steep territory to prolong their lives, but when your sage-like transformation grows day by day and the distant people cherish your virtue, they will come to us, carrying their children on their shoulders.

"Now arms are to be used when there is no other choice; therefore they are held back and put into movement only on the right occasions. I sincerely hope that Your Majesty will first pay attention to the way of good rule, and regulate campaigns to the background. Besides, it will not be a successful campaign to carry provisions one thousand li; in crossing over defiles and making a deep incursion there cannot be any unchallenged achievements.

"I am told this year's enlistment and corvee has brought about a serious loss in agriculture and sericulture. The ruler of a state takes the people as foundation and the people take clothing and food as their fundamental. If China does not have the calamity of cold and hunger and the people do not have hearts estranged from their superiors, then it is the empire's good fortune, and the opportunity against the two rebels will come to us in no time.

"As one of the first ministers of the state, I grow day by day more aged and infirm. This unworthy life of mine is soon to end; I fear I shall no longer be able to raise my glance to your carriage. Therefore I dare not fail to carry to the utmost the love of a subject for his Sovereign. May Your Majesty take notice of this."

The Emperor replied, "You have reflected profoundly on the future of the state; I commend you highly. The rebels rely on mountains and waters. My two ancestors (i.e., Cao Cao and Cao Pi) toiled in earlier times but were unable to conquer them. Can I be so presumptuous as to think that I am certain to exterminate them? The various generals think that unless we attempt it once, the rebels will not bring about their own decline. It is because of this that I display our arms to seek an opportunity against them. The time being not ripe, King Wu of Zhou withdrew with his troops; this is a warning for me. Can I respectfully forget this warning?"

14. The shao-fu Yang Fu sent up a memorial saying: "Anciently King Wen of Zhou was the recipient of the auspicious augury of a red crow, yet throughout the whole day he did not have time to take a meal. A white fish leaped into the boat of King Wu; the Sovereign and his subjects all lost their color. In spite of having received downright auspicious signs, they were still fearful. Is one to remain without shivering when there are calamities and evil omens?

"At present Wu and Shu are not yet conquered, yet Heaven has frequently sent down strange omens. Your Majesty ought to devote yourself to concentrating your energy and obtaining advice, sitting humbly on the edge of the mat. You should think of demonstrating your liberality to the distant people and pacifying the nearer ones by your frugality.

"Our forces had barely moved forward when there came the calamity of great rain from heaven; for many day already they have been marooned in mountains and defiles. The toil of transport and the suffering from carrying burdens on the shoulders have already cost much. If this is not continued, our original plan will fail. Tradition says, 'To advance when you see advance is possible, and withdraw in face of difficulties, is a good way of moving an army.' To let the 'Six Armies' he harassed in mountains and valleys to no purpose, with nothing to conquer when they advance and not being able to retreat--this is not the way for the troops of a Sovereign.

"King Wu withdrew his troops, but in the end Yin perished; he knew the time appointed by Heaven. At present the crops are bad and the people are starving. An illustrious edict should be issued announcing reduced government use of food and clothing; works of art, rare and strange objects should be put aside. The shao-fu Shao Xin-Chen once memorialized, in times of peace and normalcy, to do away with superfluous food consumption. Now that army provisions are insufficient, temperance should be exercised all the more."

15. Wang Su, a sanji changshi sent up a memorial saying, "In an earlier treatise it is said, 'If provisions are carried a thousand li, the soldiers will show hungry looks; if wood is first gathered to make fires, the troops will not have their stomachs full over the night.' This refers to a march on a level terrain. In the case of making a deep incursion into defiles and steep regions, where roads have first to be hewn through, the toil will certainly be a hundredfold. Added to this, we now have incessant rain; mountain slopes are steep and slippery; our hosts are hard pressed and cannot spread out; provisions are far off and difficult to keep coming. These are indeed great evils for one who commands troops.

"I am told that Cao Zhen, who started more than a month ago, has only reached halfway in Ziwugu. The work of constructing roads is being done by the entire forces. In other words, the enemy, at their ease, are waiting for us, who are worn out. This is something students of strategy abhor. To speak of earlier times, King Wu made a campaign against Zhou but withdrew after having gone outside the Pass; in recent times, both Wu-Di and Wen-Di, leading expeditions against Sun Quan, did not cross the Jiang when they faced it. Are they not called men who complied with Heaven and knew their time, and were versed in expedient and compromise?

"If the myriads of the people know that you, a superior sage, gave them rest and repose because of the difficulty and severity of water and rain, then when you later take advantage of an opportunity to use them, it will be like saying, 'When it is pleasure that makes them encounter difficulties, the people forget what death is.'" [6]

17. Winter, tenth month. On the day Dec. 3, the Emperor returned to Luo-yang.

18. At this time, Xu Xuan, the Left pu yi, had been directing the business of the state in the absence of the Emperor. When the Emperor returned, the official in charge brought state papers to him. The Emperor said, "What difference is there between my inspecting them and the pu yi inspecting them?" He did not look into them at all.

19. Twelfth month. On the day Feb. 17, 231, the Empress Zhao, Consort of Wen-Di, nee Zhen, was reburied in the mausoleum Zhao-yang-ling.

20. The Sovereign of Wu noised it about that he was coming to He-fei. The zhengdong jiangjun Man Chong, through a memorial, had the Emperor summon various troops from Yan-zhou and Yu-zhou to assemble there. Soon the Wu withdrew and returned. The Emperor commanded that the troops be discharged and sent back. Xu Xuan maintained, "The retreat of the rebels with their entire forces is not a part of their original plan. They are only making a false retreat in order to get our troops discharged; they will come again to take advantage of our defenselessness and surprise us unguarded."

He memorialized the throne not to dismiss troops. After ten-odd days, the Wu came again to the walled city of He-fei, but meeting with not success, they withdrew.

21. Zhuge Liang, the Prime Minister of Han, appointed Jiang Wan as his changshi.. Zhuge Liang was frequently out of the capital to make campaigns, at which times Jiang Wan always adequately supplied Zhuge Liang with arms and provisions. Zhuge Liang was wont to say, "Gongyan is loyal and refined in his heart; he is the man with whom I can facilitate the work of our Sovereign." [4]

22. a) Yin Fan (隱蕃), a man of Qing-zhou, fled to Wu and sent up a letter to the Sovereign of Wu,"I have heard that when Zhou lacked the Way, the Viscount of Wei was the first to leave him; the Emperor Gao Zu being great hearted and perspicacious, Chen Bing was the first to enter his service. I am now twenty-two years of age; I have left behind a vassal realm (i.e., Wei) and returned to the land of the Way. Thanks to your heavenly protection I have arrived safe and sound. I have been here for some time, yet the usher treats me the same as those who surrendered and does not distinguish more finely, so that my fine words and profound meanings cannot be communicated to you. Grieved, I heave three sighs; how can my sorrow cease? Respectfully I have come to your palace to offer my writing. I beg you to receive me in audience." The Sovereign of Wu [4] then summoned him. Yin Fan advanced, thanked him and answered questions, and also expressed his opinion on matters of the time. His language was very impressive. Hu Zong, the shizhong and Right lingjun, was in attendance. The Sovereign of Wu asked him what he thought of the man. Hu Zong replied, "Yin Fan in his letter to you speaks grandiloquence, very much like Dong Fang So; he is nimble in mind and glib of tongue, very much like Ni Heng. Yet in talent he does not come up to those two men."

The Sovereign of Wu further asked to what office he was worthy of appointment. Hu Zong replied, "He should not be made to rule over people as a magistrate. You might try him out with a petty official position in the capital." Because the man had discoursed with spirit on matters of criminal justice, the Sovereign of Wu employed him as tingyu zhen. Zhu Ju, the zuo jiangjun, and Hao Pu (郝普), the tingyu, praised him time and again, saying he possessed talents worthy of a high minister. Hao Pu was especially intimate with him and often protested that he was employed below his worth.

b) And so carriages and horses assembled like clouds in the gate of the house where Yin Fan lived; guests and visitors filled up his halls. [14]

c) From the wei jiangjun Quan Cong down, every one associated with him with open heart. Only Yang Dao and the xuancaolang Yang Di (羊迪) of Yu-zhang refused to have anything to do with him.

d) Pan Jun's son Pan Zhu (潘翥), also befriended Yin Fan and made him a gift of grain. When he heard this Pan Jun was very angry and reprimanded Pan Zhu in a letter: "I have received great favor from the state; my aim is to devote my life to requiting it. All you in the capital ought to concentrate on being respectful and obedient, befriending the worthy and admiring the good. Why should you associate with a barbarian who came to surrender, and feed him with our grain? Hearing of this my heart was agitated and my face hot; I have been vexed for several tens of days. When you receive this letter, go forward speedily to the messenger and receive a hundred blows from him; the grain you made a gift must be retrieved." The people of the time all found him strange.

e) Soon afterwards Yin Fan plotted a rebellion in Wu. He fled when the plot was discovered, but was caught and put to death. The Sovereign of Wu severely reproved Hao Pu, who in fear committed suicide. Zhu Ju was confined to him home and it was only after some time that he was given freedom.

23. The Man barbarians of Wu-qi in Wu-ling had revolted against Wu. [1] The Sovereign of Wu, considering that the southern region had become completely pacified, summoned Lu Dai, the Governor of Jiaozhou to return and stationed him at Ou-k'ou in Chang-sha.

==============================

Chapter 11 NotesFourth Year of Taihe (230 AD)Shu: Eighth Year of JianxingWu: Second Year of Huanglong

The SGZ passage is preceded by the following, “In the spring of the second year of Huanglong, first month (february 1-march 1), the Wei rebuilt the city walls of Hefei. By edict, Sun Quan appointed a dujiang jijiu (Tutor and Libation-master) to instruct his various sons.” It is from this context that Sima Guang prefixes the date of “Spring” to the sentence.

The narrative is continued in SGZ as follows, “Tanzhou is situated in the sea. The elders transmit the tale that Qin Shihuangdi sent the magician Xu Fu with several thousand virgins to sail the sea in search of the divine mountain of Penglai and obtain the elixir of immortality. But he stayed on the island and did not return; one generation succeeded another and in the end there were tens of thousands of households there. The people of the place came now and then to Kuaiji to purchase cloth. There were some inhabitants of Dongxian in Kuaiji who, while sailing on the sea, were driven by wind to the island. The place was so distant that Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi in the end failed to reach it; having obtained several thousand men from Yizhou, they returned.”

With regard to these islands, Hou Han Shu, Account of the Dong'yi, gives more detailed information: “In the sea, bordering on Kuaiji, there is the island of the Dongdi tribe, who are divided into twenty odd states. There are also Yizhou and Tanhzhou. The story as transmitted is that the Qin First Emperor sent the magician Xu Fu with several thousand youths and maidens, to sail the sea in search of the Immortal of the Penglai mountain. But he failed, and fearing to be put to death, Xu Fu did not dare return and in the end stayed in these islands. One generation succeeded another and finally there were tens of thousands of households. The people came now and then Kuaiji to trade. There were some inhabitants of Dongyexian in Kuaii who, sailing in the sea, were drifted along by the wind to Tanzhou. The place was so distant that one could not travel to and fro.”

This passage would seem to be derived from the SGZ passage above, but there may have been a common source for SGZ and the Hou Han shu {which is not known}.

The Hou Han Shu passage is accompanied by the following commentary, “Shen Ying's Lin hai shui tu zhi says, 'Yizhou is two thousand li southeast of Linhai. The land does not have frost or snow. Grass and trees do not wither. Everywhere there are mountains and valleys. The inhabitants all have their hair shorn and their ears pierced, but their women do not pierce their ears. The soil is fertile; not only do the five kinds of grain grow, but fish and meat are abundant. There are dogs whose tails are as short as those of the jun deer (Moschus chinloo). Among these barbarians, father and mother, the son and his wife, all sleep together on a big wooden couch; they do not avoid each other at all. The land produces copper and iron, but they only use the deer antler for battle spears and use polished blue stone for their bows and arrows. They put uncooked meat and fish together in a big earthen vessel and pickle them with salt. After a month or so they eat this, and consider it a noble food.”

Hu Sanxing quotes these two passages more or less inaccurately and writes that the people of his time (Yuan dynasty) believed that Japan (Wa) was the place where Xu Fu stayed and ruled as king, and where his shrines were to be found.

Concerning Xu Fu and his expedition, see Shi Ji, Chronicle of the First Emperor of Qin.

An account more or less similar to that given by SGZ and the Hou Han Shu is also given in the Guo Di Zhi quoted in the zhengyi, Shi ji. References here are to the Kaiming collection.

1.2 Sima Guang's own sentence, probably derived from the memorial of Lu Xun.

1.3 This is a free adaptation of the following passage from SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, “Intending to send a detachment to conquer Yizhou and Zhuyai, Sun Quan consulted Lu Xun on both occasions. Lu Xun sent up a memorial saying: 'I presume to hold the opinion that now, when there is yet no peace within the four seas, we ought to utilize the strength of the people to take care of the affairs of the time. Now war has been continuing for years and our troops have changed in number. Your Majesty is worried in your sage-like thoughts, forgetting rest and meals; you are about to undertake the conquest of far-off Yizhou in order to settle the great affair. I have cogitated on the matter and I do not see any profit in this plan. In this attempt at onslaught on a people ten thousand li distant, wind and waves are difficult to calculate; when people change climate, they are inevitably subject to diseases and epidemics. Now you would drive our men to sail through the waters; bent on increase, we shall suffer decrease; bent on profit, we shall suffer harm.

Besides, Zhuyai is out of the way and difficult to approach. The people are like animals; even if we obtain these people, they will not serve much purpose. Without their soldiers, our army is not deficient; at present the army is quite adequate for our purpose. We only need to store up our strength before we make a move.

Formerly when Prince Huan started, he had no more than one division of troops, yet he began a great work. Your Majesty, succeeding to the time, has opened up the region south of the Jiang. I have heard that in quelling disorder and campaigning against rebels, one needs an army to demonstrate prowess. Agriculture and Sericulture, clothing and food are the fundamental work of the people. Yet arms and weapons have not been laid down, the people are suffering from hunger and cold. I presume to hold that we ought to nourish the people, loosen their taxes and the corvee, and through uprightness bring the masses into harmony and encourage them to be brave. Only thus will the region of the He and the Wei be conquered and the Empire become ours.'

But in the end Sun Quan made his campaign against Yizhou. What he obtained did not make up for his losses.”

As for Quan Cong's admonition, his biography in SGZ states, “Formerly when Sun Quan was about to lay a siege to Zhuyai and Yizhou, on both occasions he first questioned Quan Cong. Quan Cong said, 'With this great prowess of our sage-like court, what is there that we cannot conquer? But the strange lands and foreign regions are cut off by means of the obstructing sea; the climate has been poisonous since ancient times. The troops who enter them and the people who leave them will be certain to contract diseases and infect others. Those who go forward, I am afraid, will not be able to return. How much profit can there be, that we should take troops from the banks of the Jiang, for the sake of reaping a profit for which the chance is one to ten thousand? Stupid though I am, I feel uncomfortable in my mind.' Sun Quan did not listen.”

2. From the Shi yu.

2.1 The shi yu has: “At this time, the renowned men of the time, such as the sanji changshi Xiahou Xuan, etc., four men, were called the 'Four Sagacious,' Zhuge Dan, etc. were called the 'Eight Intelligent.'”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan states, “Zhuge Dan zi Gongxiu, a native of Yangdu in Langye, was a descendent of Zhuge Feng.”

As for Deng Yang, his biography is given in the Weilue, “Deng Yang, zi Xuanmao, was a descendent of Deng Yu. While still young, he became renowned in the capital. At that time, he became shangshulang and was appointed ling of Luoyang. Involved in a certain affair, he was dismissed and became zhonglang. Then he was reinstated at court, concurrently serving as zhongshu lang.

SGZ Biography of Lu Yu states, “Before this, Zhuge Dan and Deng Yang had become famous and were renowned as members of the 'Four Sagacious' and the 'Eight Intelligent.'”

Concerning the “Four Sagacious” and the “Eight Intelligent,” the Weilue in its biography of LI Sheng states, “While Mingdi was prohibiting shallow superficiality, some one reported that Li Sheng had a hall where there were four windows and eight compartments, each having the name of its owner. Because of this he was arrested, but the matter involved too many persons, so he was pardoned, but was dismissed forever from official career.”

2.5 After this, the Shiyu continues, “They were in all fifteen men. The Emperor, thinking they would instigate and encourage shallow superficiality, dismissed them forever from official career.”

3. From SGZ, Biography of Dong Zhao, where the following sentence precedes, “In the fourth year of Taihe, Dong Zhao became Acting situ; in the sixth year, he was actually appointed.

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where the passage is prefixed by a character (chun) that indicates Spring.

5. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi and SGZ, Biography of Zhong Yu.

6. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

7. From ibid. Empress Bian was buried in the same mausoleum that Cao Cao was buried in.

8.2 SGZ, Wei has, “The Emperor accepted his proposal. When Cao Zhen was on the point of starting for the western expedition, the Emperor in person bade him god-speed. He left Chang'an in the eight month (August 27-September 24) and entered southward by the Ziwu[-gu] route. Sima Xuanwang sailed up the Han river and was to meet him at Nancheng; the various other generals were to enter either by way of the Yegu route or Wu-wei.” (This Wuwei, according to Hu Sanxing, is an error; the correct name would be either Wudu or Jianwei.)

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, informs us: “In the fourth year of Taihe, Sima Xuanwang was promoted to be da jianjun; and the title of da dudu was added to this and the Golden Axe was lent him. Together with Cao Zhen, Xuandi hewed his way through the mountains from Xicheng. He proceeded simultaneously both on water and on land, sailing up the Mien river and proceeding up as far as Quren. He took Xinfengxian; his troops halted at Dankou, where they met with rain, and withdrew.”

9. From SGZ, Biography of Chen Qun, continuing from the passage given in note 8.1.

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

11. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

12. From the SGZ biographies of the Second Sovereign of Shu and of Li Yan. Until this time, Li Yan had been stationed at Jiangzhou.

13. Except the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Hua Xin. The first part of this is from Cao Zhen's SGZ biography.

14. From SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu.

15. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Su.

15.6 The relevant passage from the Zhou Yi goes, “When it [pleasure] animates them [the people] in encountering difficulties, they forget the risk of death.”

16. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

17. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

18. From SGZ, Biography of Xu Xuan, where the following passage precedes, “Eventually, Mingdi appointed Xu Xuan to be Left puyi (zuopuyi), later giving him the additional titles of shizhong and guanglu dafu.

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

20. From SGZ, Biography of Man Chong, where the following sentence precedes, “In the fourth year of Taihe, Man Chong was appointed zhengdong jiangjun.”

22. Paragraphs (a) and (e) are from SGZ, Biography of Hu Zong. Paragraph (b) is from the Wulu. Paragraph [c] is from the Wu shu. Paragraph (d) is from the Wu shu.

22.4 From the Shi jing, “The sorrow of my heart,--How can it cease?”

22.14 The Wu lu has: “Yin Fan was a fluent speaker. Wei Mingdi had him pretend desertion and come to Wu, ordering him to get himself appointed tinyu, in which office he could exercise very important functions and could examine ministers of the state and cause dissension among them. After he had become tingyujian, since Zhu Ju and Hao Pu were intimate with Yin Fan, crowds assembled incessantly in their carriages and on their horses like clouds, guests and visitors filling up his halls. When his plot was discovered, Yin Fan fled but was caught. Examined about his accomplices, he said not a word. The Sovereign of Wu had him brought to his presence and said to him, 'Why must you make your body suffer torture in behalf of others?'

Yin Fan said, 'Master Sun, you are a man worthy of the name. As you ought to know well, can one plot without companions? For a man of courage, even death is not sufficient to involve other people.' And he kept his mouth shut to the death.”

23. From SGZ, Biography of Lü Tai.

23.1 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. It is, however, by no means certain that these Man barbarians revolted in this year. All that can be deduced from the context of the passage in Pan Jun's biography is that the rebellion started some time after Sun Quan had proclaimed himself Emperor.

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 6:14 pm, edited 2 times in total.

Chapter 12Wei: Fifth Year of Taihe (231 A.D.) Shu: Ninth Year of JianxingWu: Thrid Year of Huanglong

1. Spring, second month (Mar. 21 - Apr. 19). The Sovereign of Wu, conferring the Tally on the taichang Pan Jun, put him and Lu Dai at the head of fifty thousand troops to carry out a campaign against the Man of Wu-qi.

2. Pan Jun's wife's elder brother, Jiang Wan, was changshi to Zhuge Liang. Wei Jing (衛旍), Prefect of Wu-ling, memorialized, "Pan Jun has sent an emissary to contact Jiang Wan, and intends to entrust himself to his protection." "Chengming is not a man to do such a thing" said the Sovereign of Wu, who thereupon sealed up Wei Jing's memorial in order to show it to Pan Jun. He summoned Wei Jing back and dismissed him from office.

3. Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi were away with their troops for a whole year, during which time eight or nine out of every ten of the soldiers died of disease and epidemic. Tan-zhou was so distant that they failed to reach it after all, and having obtained several thousand men from Yi-zhou, they returned. Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi were charged with failure and were put to death.

4. Zhuge Liang, Prime Minister of Han, had ordered Li Yan to serve as zhong duhu and to take charge of his headquarters in Han-zhong; Li Yan was renamed Li Ping. [1]

Zhuge Liang led his troops in an incursion and surrounded Qi-shan, transporting provisions by means of "wooden oxen". [3]

5. At this time, the da sima [1] Cao Zhen was ill. The Emperor ordered Sima Yi to go west and quarter himself at Chang-an and to direct Zhang He, Fei Yao, Dai Ling, Guo Huai, etc., in warding him off.

7. It had not rained from the tenth month (Nov. 23 - Dec. 22) until this month (Apr. 20 - May 18).

8. Sima Yi and Fei Yao and Dai Ling, with four thousand picked troops, stayed behind to guard Shanggui. With all the rest of the forces he moved west to reinforce Qi-shan. Zhang He wished to take a detachment and station it at Yongxian and Meixian. Sima Yi said, "If the vanguard is able to face the enemy alone, your words are right; but should they not be able to do so, the dividing of the forces into vanguard and rear would be unwise; in this manner the Three Armies of Qu were captured by Jing Bu." So he proceeded.

Zhuge Liang sent a detachment to attack Qi-shan; he himself encountered Sima Yi at Shanggui, Guo Huai, Fei Yao, and others joined battle with Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang defeated them, and he took the opportunity to mow their wheat extensively. He encountered Sima Yi east of Shanggui, but Sima Yi drew back his troops and found protection in defiles, so that no battle could be joined. When Zhuge Liang withdrew, Sima Yi and his men pursued Zhuge Liang from the rear until they reached Lu-cheng.

Zhang He said, "They have come far to meet us, and have sought battle in vain. They believe it is to our advantage not to fight with them, and intend to take recourse to some sly scheme to bring us under their control. Besides, those in Qi-shan, knowing that our large forces are near at hand, are heartened; we could quarter our troops there and send out irregular expeditions to show that we are at the enemy's heels. We should not advance unless we dare to press hard, else we will make the people lose hope in us. At present Zhuge Liang's solitary army lacks provisions, and so will go away."

Sima Yi did not follow his advice, but pursued Zhuge Liang as before. But when he came near to Zhuge Liang, he went up a mountain and dug out camps, being unwilling to fight. Jia Xu (賈栩) {Note: THIS IS NOT THE SAME JIA XU AS THE FAMOUS ONE. That one died several years prior by this point in time} and Wei Ping (魏平) repeatedly requested him to fight; they said, "Your Excellency fears the Shu as if they were tigers, and the whole world laughs at you." Sima Yi was vexed at this. The various generals all asked to fight.

Summer, fifth month. On the day June 27, Sima Yi let Zhang He attack Heping captain of the Wudang brigade of the Shu at Nan-wei. He himself took a middle route toward Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang let Wei Yan, Gao Xiang, Wu Ban meet and engage him. The Wei troops were heavily defeated; the Han troops killed three thousand men in armor. [23] Sima Yi retreated and guarded his camps.

9. Sixth month (July 17 - Aug. 15). Zhuge Liang withdrew his troops because supplies were exhausted. Sima Yi sent Zhang He to pursue him. Zhang He advanced to Mu-men, where he fought with Zhuge Liang. The Shu occupied a height, from which they laid an ambush, shooting volleys of arrows from bows and cross-bows. [4] An arrow hit Zhang He's right leg, and he died.

10. Seventh month. On the day Aug. 30, the imperial son Cao Yin was born; a general amnesty was given.

11. Since the Huang-chu period (220-226 A.D.), the laws concerning feudal princes had been harsh and strict. Governmental officials controlled them so straightly that they did not dare to have any relation with their in-laws. [1] Cao Zhi, Prince of Dong'a, sent up a memorial: [2] "I have heard that Heaven is noted for its height because their is nothing that it does not overspread; Earth is noted for its breadth because there is nothing that it does not sustain and contain; the Sun and Moon are noted for their illumination because there is nothing on which they do not shine; [4] the Jiang and the Ocean are praised for their magnitude because there is nothing that they do not contain. Therefore CONFUCIUS said, 'Great indeed was YAO as a sovereign! (How majestic was he!) It is only Heaven that is grand, and only YAO corresponded to it.' The virtue of Heaven can be said to be grand and wide towards the myriads of things. Now, YAO in his teachings considered his kindred first and then the distant; from the immediate he extended to the far off. His records says, 'He was able to make the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes of his kindred. The nine classes of his kindred having become harmonious, he regulated and polished the people of his domain.' [6] In his time, King Wen of Zhou also was able to respect YAO's teachings; in the Poem on him, it is said:

And his example acted on his wife, Extended to his brethren, And was felt by all the clans and States.

Therefore 'harmony' and 'profundity' [9] were sung by the writers of the Odes. Of old, the Duke of Zhou, grieved by the want of harmony shown by his brothers Guan(-Shu) and Cao(-Shu) lavishly enfeoffed the members of the royal clan, so that they might act as fences and screens to the royal House. [10] The Zuozhuan says, 'Now the House of Zhou in covenants first records the princes of its own surname, and those of different surnames come after.' Affection among blood relatives is not sundered even when there is a disagreement; the meaning of being intimate with one's kindred lies in consolidating the relationship. There never has been a righteous man who made his sovereign an after-consideration, there never has been a benevolent man who neglected his parents. [12]

"In prostration I observe that Your Majesty is endowed with the reverential and intelligent virtue of YAO and embodies the reverent benevolence of King Wen[13]; your graciousness permeates the chamber of your consort and you have earned gratitude from the nine classes of your kindred. Your multitudinous Lords and the hundred officials all take their rest in relays and offer their services in their turn; the administration of government is not amiss in the Court, the humble feelings of your subjects are unfolded in their private chambers. The road for the family relationship is open and feelings of felicitations and condolence are unfolded. You can indeed be said to be one who rules over the people by means of toleration and shows graciousness and benevolence. [16]

"As for me, I am cut off from all human relationships and live in interdiction in this brilliant time; I presume to commiserate myself. I dare not hope for associating with my kindred, cultivating human affairs and putting in order human relationships. To mention only things that are near at hand, I do not meet even those who are related to me by marriage, and relationships with my brothers are neglected and cut off. Inquiry on the occasions of happy or unhappy events is obstructed, the ceremony of felicitations are condolence in neglected. My relation with my relatives is more distant then with any casual acquaintance on the road; the distance that separates us in greater than that between the northern Hu and the Southern Yue. Under the present regulations I have no hope of ever paying a visit to the Court; as for when I may pour out my heart at the imperial palace and show my affection to the throne, only the gods and spirits know. But 'Heaven has done it; What then shall I say?'

"In my retirement I observe that the various princes of the blood, because they are closely related, cherish the desire to be near to each other. I hope Your Majesty will earnestly issue an edict permitting the various feudal States to offer each other other felicitations and inquires and to unfold their minds at each of the four seasons, so that they may enjoy the love of blood relatives and the praiseworthy purport of brotherly harmony may be fulfilled. [21] If the families of vassal women are given the gifts of ointments and congee water twice a year, so that their status equals those received by the hundred officials,--then what the ancients exclaimed in admiration, and what the Odes celebrated, will appear in this generation of Your Majesty's sage-like rule again.

"In prostration I reflect that I am of no use to Your Majesty, not even that of an awl or a knife. But when I observe those whom Your Majesty has selected for your service, I presume to think that were I a member of another clan than the imperial one, I would not be behind the gentlemen of the court.

"To be able to leave the country and travel afar, wearing the cap of a soldier, leaving off the vermillion strings of a feudal lord, and having my pendant made of blue strings like a general; to earn a title speedily, either as fuma duyu or fengju duyu; to have a residence in the capital and live in it, as an imperial coachman or a scribe; to come out in the suite of the imperial canopy and to enter and wait upon the imperial carriage; to answer the sage-like questions of the Emperor and be in his presence to supplement things that are defective,--this is my sincerest wish, from which I do not depart even in dreams.

"Far away, I long for the entertainment of the Sovereign and his ministers as sung in 'Lu-ming'; [22] next I sign the admonition of 'no others' as implied in the 'Changdi'; [23] next I think of the significance of 'seeking to have one's friends' in the 'Fa-mu', [24] and finally I cherish the 'illimitable' sorrow of 'Lu-o'. [25] On the occasions of the festivals of the four seasons, I stay alone without company; about me there are only my servants, for company I only have my wife and children; my exalted discourse lacks the people to whom it might be set fourth, the exposition of my meaning lacks the people to whom it might be unfolded. There never has been a time when I, on hearing music, did not clap at my chest, nor when I, confronting the cups, did not heave a sigh.

"In prostration I observe that with all their humble sincerity, dogs and horses cannot move human beings, just as men, in spite of their sincerity, cannot move Heaven. I used to believe in the crumbling down of the city walls and the fall of frost; [29] but judging from my own case, they are merely empty words. The sunflower turns its leaves; even when the sun does not shine on them, they nevertheless turn towards it,--this is due to their sincerity. I presume to compare myself with the sunflower; as for the one who sends down the beneficent influence of heaven and earth and emits the brightness of the Three Luminaries (sun, moon, and stars), it is certainly Your Majesty.

"I have read in the Wenzi, 'Be neither at the forefront of good luck, nor at the forefront of calamity.' At present all my brothers are grieved at this isolation, but I alone speak of it, because I am unwilling to see in this age of sage-like rule those who do not receive Your Majesty's favors. If there are those who do not receive Your Majesty's favors, there are certain to be feelings of lamentation. Thus in the 'Bozhou' there is murmuring of 'O Heaven' and in the 'Gu-feng' there is the sigh of 'You have cast me off.' [37] Thus Yi-Yin was ashamed that his sovereign was not a YAO or a SHUN. MENCIUS said, 'He who does not serve his sovereign as SHUN served YAO, does not respect his sovereign.'

"I am so stupid and dark in mind that I certainly am no peer of YU(i.e., SHUN) and Yi-Yin. But I wish to cause Your Majesty to exalt the beauty of 'display' and 'concord,' and propagate the virtue of 'clearness and brightness' and 'bright intelligence.' This is what I, in my humble and modest sincerity, stand alone for, expectant as a crane, or a man standing with his heels raised. I dare to set this forth, because I have hope that Your Majesty will open your celestial ears and condescend to give me a hearing."

The Emperor replied in an edict: "The means for extending teaching and good rule have their rise and fall. It is not that all begins well and ends badly; this is so in the nature of things. Hence, if magnanimity and benevolence reach to the grasses and trees, the Ode of 'Xing-wei' will be in ascendancy; if graciousness declines and the nine classes of kindred are loved, the verse of 'Jiao-gong' will serve to show condemnation.

"At present the love and proper ceremonies due to brother princes of the various states are neglected, and the bestowal of ointment and congee water on the families of vassal women are unattended to.

"While I, by letting things go along as they were, have not been able to consolidate and bring them into harmony, the prince (Cao Zhi) has instructed me thoroughly and amply by citing from antiquity. How can he say that his sincerity does not suffice to move me? To clarify the distinction between the high and the low, to exalt the love of one's kindred, to honor the able and excellent, and to be compliant with the young and the old,--these are the cardinal lines of a state.

"There exists no edict forbidding inquiries among the states. In the making straight of what was bent, things have gone to the other extreme. The lower officials are in fear or reprimand. Thus, and thus only has the situation come to such as pass. I have already commanded the officials in charge just as the prince complained."

Cao Zhi sent up another memorial, setting forth the significance of caution in making appointments: "I have heard that when Heaven and Earth combine their Breath, the myriad things are born; when a sovereign and his ministers unite in their virtue, the multifarious administration is accomplished. In the time of the Five Emperors, not all were wise; at the end of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Yin, Zhou), not all were stupid. It all depends on giving employment or not giving it, on knowing or not knowing. From time to time a show is made of seeking out the able, but in actuality the able are not obtained; in such cases, the seeker always selects from his own class. The saying is, 'Prime Ministers are to be discovered in a family that has had one, generals are to be discovered in a family that has had one.' Now Prime Ministers are men who are bright in the virtue or peace, generals are men with imposing military achievements. If the virtue of peace is bright, one may rectify the state and the court, and bring about harmony and concord; such men were Ji, Qi, K'uei, and Lung. If military achievements are grand, one may lead a punitive attack on the unsubmissive and put in awe the barbarians of the four quarters; such were Nan-zhong and Fang-shu. Of old Yi-Yin was an official brought by the daughter of his sovereign as part of her dowry--a most lowly position. Lu Shang lived as a butcher and a fisher--a mean position indeed. But when they were given employments by T'ang Wu and King Wen of Zhou respectively, their dao united and their aims were identical with those of their sovereigns, and their profound counsels were carried through as if they were divine. How could theirs have been a case of giving preferment to those with whom one is accustomed through propinquity and through introduction by one's retinue? The Shu says, 'An extraordinary sovereign will not fail to give employment to an extraordinary minister; by giving employment to an extraordinary minister, he is certain to earn extraordinary achievements.' [51] This applies to the two Kings of Yin and Zhou. To be narrow and limited in view, to tread the immediate path, to follow what is usual, and to persevere in tradition--these are not worthy of Your Majesty.

"Therefore if the female and the male principles of the universe do not stand in concord, if the Three Luminaries do not shine to the fullest, if the officials are empty and lack their personnel, if government is not regulated--the blame devolves on the Three Ducal Ministers. If there is disturbance in the territory, if the frontiers are invaded, if armies are annihilated and the multitudes are lost, if arms and weapons are put to rest--the blame is on the generals of the frontiers. How can they receive favors from the state to no purpose and not fulfill their trust? Therefore the greater the trust, the heavier is the load; the higher the rank is, the deeper is the blame. The Shu says, 'Let him not have the various officers cumberers of their places.' The Shi says, 'Let us first think of the griefs that may arise.' This (the foregoing) is the mean of these sayings.

"Your Majesty, embodying the limpid sage-like quality in all its purity, was endowed by nature to mount the divine throne and succeed to the imperial line. You wish to hear the song of 'Happily performed.' [54] You have put aside war to practice the fair virtues of civil culture. Nevertheless, in the past few years flood and drought have occurred out of season, the people suffer from lack of clothing and food; levying of troops has increased year after year. Added to all this, in the east an army was annihilated and in the west generals were killed. Things have come to such a state that mussels float on the Huai and Si rivers, and the very squirrels are in an uproar in the forests. Whenever I think of it, I never fail to stop eating my meal and brush aside my food, nor, sitting in front of wine cups, to swing my arms in agitation."

"Of old, when Han Wen-Di was about to leave Dai and proceed to the capital to be enthroned, he suspected there might be trouble in the court. But Song Chang said to him, 'Inside there are your relatives, the Lord of Zhu-xu and the Lord of Dong-mou; in the provinces there are princes of Qi, Chu, Huai-nan, and Lang-ye. These are relatives as dependable as rocks. I beg Your Highness not to harbor any suspicion.'

"In prostration I observe that Your Majesty should look back at the support given by the two Kuo to King Wen of the Ji clan [56], next think of the assistance given by the dukes of Shao and Pi to King Cheng of Zhou, and finally remember those' relatives as dependable as rocks' mentioned by Song Chang.

"Of old Qi-ji (a miraculous horse), while in Wu-ban, could indeed be said to have been in distress. But when Bo-Lo discovered it and Sun Yu rode on it, it underwent no hardship in galloping with ease a distance of a thousand li. Bo-Lo was one who could skillfully bridle a horse; even so can an intelligent sovereign skillfully bridle his ministers. Bo-Lo made the horse gallop a thousand li; the intelligent sovereign brings peace and prosperity. When officials in the court are excellent, the manifold business of the state will be regulated; when generals command their troops well, disturbances in the various localities will be quelled. Your Majesty may stay in the capital and enjoy happiness. What necessity is there for you to trouble yourself in the imperial carriage and expose your person at the frontiers?

"I have heard that a sheep in a tiger's skin is pleased when it sees grass and trembles when it sees a jackal, for it forgets the tiger's skin it wears. At present, generals are commissioned as badly as this. The saying goes, 'The misfortune is that those who act are ignorant, those who know cannot act.'

"Long ago when Yue Yi had fled to the state of Zhao, in his heart he did not forget Yen; though Lian Po was in Chu, he desired to become again a general of Zhao. [58] I was born in times of disorder, grew up among the troops, and frequently received instructions from Wu-Huang-Di (Cao Cao), whose generalship, as I observed it in prostration, was equal with that of Sun Wu and Wu Qi, although he did not emulate them. I cherished the hope of being received in audience at court, going through the golden gate and stepping on the jade stairs of the imperial palace, of being appointed an official with a duty to preform, and of being favored with an interrogation even if only for a short moment, so that I might gain gratification of my heart's desire and realize my long-cherished dream. I would then die without any complaint.

"The proclamation issued by the hong-lu for mobilization of troops is very urgent as to the limitation of time, and further I am informed that the Leopards' Tail has been attached to the imperial carriage and the imperial war chariots are spanned; Your Majesty is about to trouble your august person and to disturb your godlike mind. I am sincerely perturbed and do not know where to place myself. I want to grasp a whip and act as a lackey for Your Majesty, to be exposed to the dust and dew before Your Majesty, to apply the wonderful method of Feng-Hou, to follow the teachings of Sun Wu and Wu Qi, to emulate Bu Shang and 'bring out my meaning', [59] to serve in your presence with my life as your vanguard and to end my life under the wheels of the war-chariots. To be sure I cannot bring about any great advantage, but still I hope to be of some little use. Heaven in its loftiness listens from afar, and my feelings are communicated upwards; but in vain do I gaze at the blue clouds and beat my chest, look up towards high Heaven and heave my sigh. Zhu Ping said, 'In the state there is a wonder-horse, yet they do not know how to ride on it, but anxiously seek elsewhere.'

"Of old Guan-Shu and Cai-Shu were banished and put to death, the Dukes of Zhou and Shao acted as guardians to King Cheng; when Shu-Yu was punished by death, Shu Xiang acted as regent. The responsibility of the Three Superintendents over the Yin [63] I shall be able to fulfill. The assistance of the er-nan is not far to seek, for among the members of our illustrious clan and noble family, among the feudal princes, there are certainly those who can fulfill the task.

"The saying goes, 'Without the kinsmen that the Duke of Zhou had, one cannot accomplish the work of the Duke of Zhou.' I hope Your Majesty will attend to this. In recent times, the Han enfeoffed a great many princes of the blood; largest of their territories was composed of tens of walled cities, the smallest was barely sufficient to the offering of sacrifices to their ancestors. They did not have the Zhou institution of the Ji clan, which had five grades of feudal states. Fu-Su in his admonition to the First Emperor of Qin, and Qun-Yu Yue in his rebuke of Zhou Qing-Chen, can be said to have known the needs of the time. Only those who hold power are able to obtain the attention of the empire.

"Therefore, with counsels that can move the sovereign, with power that can put inferiors in awe, the powerful ones control the business of the state. They are not limited to the relatives of the sovereign alone. Where power is, even the distant are certain to be important; where influence has departed, even the relatives are sure to be taken lightly. It was the T'ien clan which seized the State of Qi, not the Lu; [66] it was the Zhao and the Wei who divided the State of Jin; not the Ji. Let Your Majesty take note of this. The officers of different surnames from that of the imperial clan are the ones who monopolize the high ranks in times of prosperity and flee calamity in times of disaster. It is the officers of the same clan as the sovereign who want the state to be at peace, who pray that the family be honored, who share glory in times of prosperity and the disaster in times of decline. But at present the members of the sovereign's clan are neglected and those of the other clans stand in his confidence. I presume to be puzzled at this.

"We hear from MENCIUS, 'When the superior man is poor, he attends to his own virtue in solitude; if advanced to dignity, he makes the whole kingdom virtuous as well.' [68]

"Now I am willing, in the company of Your Majesty, to tread on ice or step on burning charcoal, to climb mountains or drift in torrents; whether cold or warm, dry or wet, high or low, I will share Your Majesty's labors. How can I ever depart from Your Majesty?

"I am full of discontent. If there is anything improper in this memorial in which I express my feelings, I beg you to preserve it in the Archives and not throw it away on the spot. Should the matter be remembered after my death, and if there is any particle that displeases the sage mind of Your Majesty, I beg you to remove it to the Court and let scholars of wide classical learning correct the improper parts of my memorial. This is all I desire."

"In ancient times, Lords of feudal States visited and paid homage to the royal Court, by which means harmony was achieved and relatives of the blood were held in affection; 'the myriad States were united and harmonized.'

"The reason the late Emperor did not wish to have the various princes of the blood in the capital was to prevent a small beginning from growing gradually and eventually becoming a determining factor in the flourishing and decline of the dynasty at such times as a young sovereign should be on the throne with his mother as regent. Now I have not seen the various princes for twelve years; how can a longing for them not rise in my heart? Hereby the various princes, as well as those of the Lords who are of the imperial clan, are each ordered to bring one heir to visit the court in the first month of next year. Should there be in the future a young sovereign whose mother is in the imperial palace, the regulations of the late Emperor shall be followed formerly. This shall be proclaimed and incorporated in the laws of the land."

13. When Zhuge Liang, the Prime Minister of Han, attacked Qi-shan, Li Ping stayed behind to direct the business of transport of troop provisions. It happened that rain fell continuously. Li Ping feared that he could not transport the provisions without interruption, and sent the canjun Hu Zhong (狐忠) and the dujun Cheng Fan (成藩) to order Zhuge Liang, in the name of the Sovereign, to return. [3] Zhuge Liang accordingly withdrew his troops. But hearing of the withdrawal, Li Ping feigned surprise and said, "Army provisions are abundant; why have the troops withdrawn at all?" Further he wished to put the du-yun Cen Shu (岑述) to death. His object in all this was to exonerate himself from the charge that might be directed against him for not having executed his duties [4], and to show up Zhuge Liang's fault in not advancing with his troops. Still further he memorialized the Sovereign of Han, explaining to him that the troops were only making a false retreat in order to decoy the enemy and to engage him in a battle. Zhuge Liang produced as evidence all the letters and memorials Li Ping had written in his own hand; from beginning to end they were self-contradictory. Li Ping could not defend himself, but confessed and pleaded guilty. Thereupon Zhuge Liang memorialized the throne on Li Ping's various misdeeds, had him deprived of his rank and appanage and banished him to Zi-tong-jun. [8]

14. He then appointed Li Ping's son Li Feng (李豐), to be zhonglangjiang and canjunshi, and issued the following instruction to him.

"I, together with you and your father, have been exerting my utmost to further the cause of the House of Han. This is something even the gods and spirits are informed of, not something which only human beings know. In having the zhongduhu [4] appointed to take charge of Han-zhong and entrusting you with the Eastern Pass, [5] I did not share other people's criticism of your father; my sole thought was that my sincerity would move him and everything would turn out satisfactorily. I never expected that he, in the middle, would err.

"In ancient times Chu Qing was disgraced several times, but he was able to make his errors good, thinking on the correct Way; and in the end blessing came upon him in the natural course. I want you to console the zhongduhu and encourage him to make good his former deficiency. Although he is now relieved of his duty, all appearances being different from before, yet he has under him slaves, male and female, and retainers to the number of a hundred and several ten persons, while you yourself are a zhonglang and canjun occupying a position in the chengxiangfu. Considered all in all, your family is still of the upper class.

"If the zhongduhu reminds himself of his faults and devotes himself whole-heartedly to the state while you collaborate honestly with Gongyan the misfortune can be wiped out and what is lost can be retrieved. Think of this admonition and come to understand my disposition.

"It is only with a long sigh, and shedding tears, that I look at this letter."

15. Zhuge Liang also sent a letter to Jiang Wan and Dong Yun: "Some time ago, when he was about to leave for Wu, Xiaoqi told me that Zhengfang had scales in his stomach and men of his district were of the opinion that he should not be employed. I was of the opinion that scales are things which one ought not infringe upon and no more. I did not expect him to act as a second Su Qin or Zhang Yi; this was indeed beyond my foresight. You may inform Xiaoqi of this."

16. Winter, tenth month (Nov. 13 - Dec. 11). The Sovereign of Wu had the zhonglangjiang Sun Bu feign surrender in order to decoy the governor of Yang-zhou, Wang Ling; the Sovereign of Wu laid an ambush of troops at Fu-ling and waited for him. [1]

Sun Bu sent men to tell Wang Ling, "The way is far, and I am not able to come on my own strength. I beg you to send troops to fetch me." Wang Ling submitted the letter from Sun Bu and asked that he be given troops to go and fetch him.

The zheng dong jiangjun Man Chong thought the surrender false and did not give him troops. He wrote a letter of reply on behalf of Wang Ling, "Knowing who is true and who false, you wish to avoid calamity and make yourself obedient, to leave behind the unruly and return to the Way. This is very commendable. Now we wish to welcome you; but I am of the opinion that if the troops are too few, they will not be sufficient to protect you, and if they are too many, the matter will inevitably be heard of far away. Therefore you may first think out some secret scheme to bring your true intentions to a successful realization; the details shall be executed in accordance with circumstances as they emerge."

It happened that Man Chong was commanded to come to Court; however, he ordered the chang-shi, in his headquarters left behind, that should Wang Ling wish to come forth and fetch Sun Bu, he should not give him troops. Afterwards Wang Ling demanded troops, but in vain. Thereupon he sent a single dujiang with several hundred men of infantry and cavalry under him to proceed and fetch him. Sun Bu launched a sudden attack by night; the dujiang was put to flight, more than half of his troops being killed and wounded. Wang Ling was the son of Wang Yun's elder brother. [7]

17. Some time before this, Wang Ling memorialized the throne that Man Chong was too old and yet fond of wine, and that he was not fit for the important provincial post. The Emperor was about to recall Man Chong, when the jishizhong Guo Mu said, "Man Chong has served as prefect of Ru-nan and governor of Yu-zhou, and has earned merit as a provincial official for more than twenty years. When he was stationed at Huai-nan the Wu stood in fear of him. If he turns out to be different from what the memorial says, then we will be giving them a chance. Your Majesty might order him to return to the Court and question him on affairs in the east, at which time you can observe him."

The Emperor followed this advice. When he came, he was found to be strong and healthy; the Emperor thanked him for his labors and sent him back to his post. [3]

18. Eleventh month. On the day Dec. 12, last day of the month, the sun was eclipsed.

20. On the day Feb. 8, 232, a general amnesty was given in Wu; the reign-title of the following year was to be Jiahe.

=====================================

Chapter 12 NotesFifth Year of Taihe (231 AD)Shu: Ninth Year of JianxingWu: Third Year of Huanglong

1. Rewritten from the following three passages.

(a) Biography of Sun Quan: “Third Year of Huanglong, spring, second month. He sent the taichang Pan Jun to lead fifty thousand men in a campaign against the Man barbarians of Wuling.”

(b) SGZ, Biography of Lü Tai, continuing from the passage given in 229 AD, “It so happened that the Man barbarians of Wuling caused disturbances. Lü Tai and the taichang Pan Jun made a joint campaign and quelled them.”

[c] SGZ, Biography of Pan Jun, “After Sun Quan had proclaimed himself Emperor, Pan Jun was appointed to be shao fu and his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Liuyang. He was promoted to taichang. The Man barbarians of Wuqi rose in rebellion and united in defense. Sun Quan conferred the Tally on Pan Jun and had him direct the various troops in a campaign against them. He never failed in giving rewards, and allowed no infringement of laws and regulations. He killed and captured the Man to the number of ten thousand. From then on, the various Man tribes were weakened and their region was peaceful.”

2. From the Jiang biao zhuan.

3. From SGZ

4. From SGZ4.1 Li Yan's appointment as zhong duhu took place in 230 AD.

4.3 The “wooden oxen” here mentioned were a kind of automaton, a description of which is given in the Wei shi chunqiu, purportedly from Zhuge Liang's writings and quoted in SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang.

5. From the Han Jin chunqiu, where the following passage precedes, “When he surrounded Qishan, Zhuge Liang invited Kebineng of the Xianbei. Kebineng and his men came to the former Shicheng in Beidi in response.”

5.1 Han Jin Chunqiu says, “The da sima of Wei.” It says that Sima Yi was ordered to resist Zhuge Liang while Cao Zhen was still ill, and Sima Guang accepts this. But SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, under 'third month,' first records the death of Cao Zhen, and then says, “Zhuge Liang invaded Tianshui; the Emperor ordered the da jiangjun Sima Xuanwang to resist him.” It is quite probable that Sima Yi received the Imperial order after Cao Zhen's death.

6. From the SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

7. From ibid.

8. From the Han Jin chunqiu, continuing from the passage given in Section 5.

9.4 The Weilue reads, “When Zhuge Liang withdrew with his troops, Sima Xuanwang let Zhang He pursue him. Zhang He said, 'The Book of War says, 'An outlet must be made for a besieged city,' and 'Do not pursue an army that is withdrawing.' Sima Xuanwang did not listen to him. Having no choice, Zhang He in the end advanced. The Shu troops occupied a height, where they laid an ambush; they shot volleys of arrows from bows and cross-bows. An arrow struck Zhang He's leg.”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

11. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Zhi, 'Thoughtful' Prince of Chen. IN the foregoing translation, the two memorials comprising this section are given complete, although ZZTJ itself abridges them. The first memorial is also to be found in the Wenxuan.

11.1 This is Sima Guang's own sentence, derived from the contents of Cao Zhi's memorial. With regard to the notoriously harsh treatment of the princes of the blood in Wei times, there are several sources of information.

SGZ, Biography of Cao Zhi, reads, “At this time the regulations dealing with the vassal states were harsh and stringent. The subordinate officials consisted entirely of men of inferior qualities, such as tradespeople. As for their troops, the princes were given the residue of the army—the aged ones, and in number not over two hundred men.”Wei shi chunqiu states, “At this time the treatment accorded the various vassal states was harsh. When the Prince of Rencheng suddenly died, the various princes were heart-stricken because of their fraternal affection. Cao Zhi and Cao Biao, Prince of Baima, were returning to their own territories, intending to travel east together in order to enjoy fraternal company. But the jianguo shizhe (Superintendents of Vassal States) did not give permission. In vexation, Cao Zhi took leave of his brother and composed the following poem...”

The poem is also given in the Wenxuan, under the title, “To Cao Biao, Prince of Baima.”

Chen Shou, in his “Comment” at the end of SGZ, Biographies of the Sons of Wudi and Wendi, writes, “The Imperial princes of the House of Wei possessed their feudal territories in name only, without the actuality of sovereignty. Furthermore they were isolated and segregated, almost as if they were imprisoned. Their ranks and titles were not stable, being changed annually by promotion or demotion. Affection between blood relatives was subverted and the meaning of love between brothers was neglected. That the abuse of laws could reach such an extent!”

11.2 This is also Sima Guang's sentence. SGZ Wei, “In the fifth year of Taihe, Cao Zhi again sent up a memorial inquiring after the relatives of the blood; on this occasion he expressed his thoughts as follows...” Cao Zhi had been appointed Prince of Dong'a two years ago.

11.4 Li Ji, “Zixia said, 'Allow me to ask what you call the 'Three Impartialities.' Confucius said, 'Heaven overspreads all without partiality; Earth sustains and contains all without partiality; the Sun and Moon shine on all without partiality.” {Note that this and all the succeeding ones from note 11, as well as many other translations of ancient works used by Fang were translated by Legge}

11.6 Shu jing, “He was able to make the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes of his kindred, who all became harmonious. He also regulated and polished the people of his domain.” Unfortunately this translation does not fit the context here.

11.9 From the Shi jing, “They come full of harmony, they are here in all gravity, the princes assisting, while the Son of Heaven looks profound.”

11.10 Zuozhuan, translated by Legge, “Thus the duke of Zhou grieved by the want of harmony in the concluding times [of the two previous dynasties], raised the relatives of the royal House to the rule of States, that they might act as fences and screens to Zhou.” In this translation, Legge was following the commentary of Du Yu [see Chunqiu jing zhuan ji jie] who writes, “The Duke of Zhou lamented that in the concluding times of Xia and Yin, the relatives of the royal Houses were kept at a distance and thus came to destruction.”

11.12 Mengzi: “There never has been a benevolent man who neglected his parents. There never has been a righteous man who made his sovereign an after-consideration.”

11.13 Shu Jing, “Examining into antiquity, we find that the Emperor Yao was called Fangxun. He was reverential, intelligent, accomplished, and thoughtful, --naturally and without effort.”

11.16 Li Shan quotes from the Sanlue: “A good general rules over others by means of tolerance” and “If graciousness and benevolence are shown, the strength of the soldiers will be renewed day after day.”

11.63 According to Zheng Xuan, the Three Superintendents were Guan Shu, Cai Shu and Huo Shu.

11.66 The Tian usurped the throne of Qi, whose ruling house bore a different surname.

11.68 From Mencius, where it reads, “When the men of antiquity realized their wishes, benefits were conferred by them on the people. If they did not realize their wishes, they cultivated their personal character, and became illustrious in the world. If poor, they attended to their own virtue in solitude; if advanced to dignity, they made the whole kingdom virtuous as well.”

12. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

13. From SGZ, Biography of Li Yan. Li Yan was in charge of transportation of supplies.

13.3 Hu Zhong is identical with Ma Zhong, whose biography in SGZ, states, “Ma Zhong, zi Dexin, was a man of Langzhong in Baxi. As a child he was brought up in the household of his maternal relatives; he took the surname Hu and the ming Du, but later resumed his original surname and altered his ming to Zhong.”

13.4 SGZ, Shu has, “He intended thereby to exonerate himself...”

The first part of Sima Guang's sentence is derived from the Huayang Guozhi, where it reads, “It being in the middle of summer, rain fell and water overflowed. Li Ping {aka Li Yan} feared that he could not adequately transport the provisions and requested Zhuge Liang to retreat. That autumn, in the eight month, Zhuge Liang returned to Hanzhong. Li Ping feared that Zhuge Liang might blame him for not having executed his duty and wished to put the duyunling Cen Shu to death; in “surprise” he asked Zhuge Liang why he returned, and further memorialized to the Second Sovereign that Zhuge Liang had made only a feigned retreat. Zhuge Liang was furious, sent in a memorial and had him dismissed from office, made a commoner and banished to Zidongjuun. Zhuge Liang also deprived Li Ping's son Li Feng of his military command and appointed him a congshi zhonglang, putting him together with the changshi Jiang Wan in charge of the work the chengxiangfu left behind. At this time, Fei Yi was sima.

Cen Shu is mentioned only once in SGZ, Biography of Yang Hong, where it reads, “Later on, Zhang Yi had misunderstandings with the siyan jiao yu (Commissioner of Salt Administration) Cen Shu, to the extent of bearing him a grudge.” Zhuge Liang wrote a letter to Zhang Yi, “...Now that I have confidence in Yuanjian, you cannot tolerate him!” This shows that Cen Shu's zi was Yuanjian (元儉).

13.8 This is Sima Guang's composition, summarizing the two following passages:

(a) SGZ, Shu, “Thereupon, Zhuge Liang memorialized the throne about Li Ping, 'Since the Late Emperor died, Li Ping has been ruling in his own family with more or less graciousness; he has been content with his lot and bent on making himself renowned, not worrying himself on the future of our state. When I was about to leave on the northern campaign, I wished to obtain Li Ping's troops and station them in Hanzhong. Li Ping, however, raised all possible objections. He showed no willingness to come to me, but sought to have five prefectures under himself as the cishi of Bazhou.

Last year, when I intended to make the western campaign, I wished to have Li Ping direct affairs in Hanzhong. Li Ping however attempted to persuade me that since Sima Yi and others had opened their own Courts, I also ought to do so. I knew of his base motive: he wished to make capital out of my doing so. It was for this reason that I memorialized Your Majesty to have Li Ping's son, Li Feng, direct affairs in Jiangzhou. In this I was showing special honor to him, with the aim of meeting th eneeds of the time. When Li Ping came, I entrusted him with various affairs. All your subjects, high and low, found it strange that I treated Li Ping with such distinction. But my reason was that, with the great business unsettled and the House of Han weak, it would be better to praise Li Ping than to attack his shortcomings.

On the other hand, I considered that Li Ping was bent on his own glory and profit, and on nothing more. I did not think that Li Ping's mind was so perverted. If the matter is put off any longer, calamity will fall on us. It is all due to my stupidity, and with these all too many words I am only increasing my faults.' He then dismissed Li Ping from office and made him a commoner, and banished him to Zidongjun.”

(b) SGZ, Shu commentary reads, “Zhuge Liang's official communication to the office of shangshu reads, 'As a minister of the state, Li Ping has been given excessive favors, but he does not think of requiting them with loyal service. He has fabricated falsehoods; uneasy and ashamed at not having executed his duty, he has deluded high and low. Disregarding the codes in his examination of criminal issues, he has led people to become wicked. Dominated by his own feelings and wild in his aims, he has acted as if heaven and earth were not. Aware that his own dishonesty would be exposed, he became suspicious. Hearing that our troops were about to come west, he pleaded illness and returned to the region of the Ju and Zhang rivers.

When our troops were about to come to the region of the Ju, he would have returned south of the Jiang, but desisted thanks to the assiduous admonitions of his canjun Hu Zhong. At present, the Wei rebels who have usurped the throne are not yet destroyed, and our dynasty suffers from many difficulties. The business of the state can be accomplished only through harmony, and we must not endanger the great work by loose discipline. I have consulted with...[here follow the titles, ranks, and names of twenty-two officials]...They all agree that Li Ping should be relieved of his duty, and his office, and of the Tally, certificate, seal, and documents of appointment, and that he should be deprived of his rank and appanage.”

14. From SGZ, Biography of Li Yan.

14.4 Title refers to Li Ping.

14.5 Identical with Jiangzhou.

15. SGZ, Biography of Chen Zhen.

16. Except the first paragraph, the section is from SGZ, Biography of Man Chong.

16.1 Rewritten from the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, “Summer...the zhonglangjiang Sun Bu feigned surrender in order to decoy the Wei general Wang Ling; Wang Ling sent troops to fetch Sun Bu. Winter, tenth month: Sun Quan laid a large force in ambush at Fulingxian and waited for him; aware of this, Wang Ling fled.” Sima Guang is not strictly correct in putting the false surrender of Sun Bu, which occurred in the summer, in the tenth month.

The event narrated in this section is not given in Wang Ling's biography in SGZ, where however it is stated, “Afterwards, Wang Ling followed Cao Xiu in his campaign against Wu, and encountered the enemy at Jiashi. Cao Xiu's troops were defeated. Wang Ling fought strenuously and pierced through the encirlement, so Cao Xiu was rescued from difficulties (see 228 AD). Afterwards Wang Ling was transferred to be cishi (Governor) of Yuzhou and then of Yangzhou. In each case he won the hearts of the people.”

16.7 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling states, “Wang Ling, zi Yanyun, was a man of Qi in Taiyuan. His father's younger brother, Wang Yun, situ under the Han dynasty, had put Dong Zhou to death. Dong Zhou's generals, Li Jue and Guo Fan, avenging Dong Zhou, entered Chang'an, killed Wang Yun and annihilated the members of his family. Wang Ling and his elder brother Wang Zhen, who at the time were still young, scaled the city wall and fled to their own district.”

17. From the Shiyu.

17.3 Shi yu has, “When Man Chong came, he was received in audience; he drank a tan of wine without losing his head. The Emperor thanked him for his labors and sent him back to his post.”

SGZ, Biography of Man Chong, continuing from the passage given in Section 16 reads, “Formerly Man Chong and Wang Ling were colleagues, but they were not in harmony with one another. Wang Ling's followers defamed Man Chong, saying that he was decrepit and senile, and had lost his mental balance. So the Emperor Mingdi summoned him, and on his arrival found him to be strong and healthy; seeing this, he sent him back to his post.”

18. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads, “In the twelfth month on the day wuwu, the taiyu Hua Xin died.” SGZ, Biography of Hua Xin, states, “After Mingdi had ascended the throne, Hua Xin was advanced in his enfeoffment as Lord of Beiping.” The same source states, “In the fifth year of Taihe, Hua Xin died; he was canonized 'Respectful' Lord.” The commentary to the latter passage quotes the Wei shu, which says, “At that time Hua Xin was seventy-five years old.” Hence he lived 147-232 AD.

20. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, where it reads, continuing from the passage given in section 16.1: “In the tenth month, Nan Shiping in Kuaiji reported that a large ear of cereal (jiahuo) had been grown. In the twelfth month, on the day dingmao, a general amnesty was given and the reign title was altered for the following year.”

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 6:14 pm, edited 2 times in total.

Chapter 13Wei: Sixth Year of Taihe (232 A.D.) Shu: Tenth Year of JianxingWu: First Year of Jiahe

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 9 - Mar. 9). Sun Lu, Lord of Jian-chang, a younger son of the Sovereign of Wu, died. Sun Deng, the Crown Prince, came from Wu-chang to show filial respect to the Sovereign of Wu. He stated that by prolonged absence from 'making his parents bed' and 'inquiring after their health', he had been remiss in his filial duties. He also stated that, since Lu Xun was loyal and assiduous, there was no need to worry about state affairs at Wu-chang. So he stayed at Jian-ye. [2]

2. Second month (Mar. 10 - Apr. 7). The Emperor in an edict altered the term for fiefs of the feudal princes of the blood, in all cases, from prefecture to state.

3. a) The Emperor's favorite daughter Cao Shu died. The Emperor was deeply grieved. He canonized her posthumously as "Virtuous" Princess of Ping-yuan and built a temple to house her spirit in Luo-yang, burying her at the mausoleum of Nan-ling. She was buried together with the great-grand-nephew of the Empress nee Zhen, Zhen Huang, as her consort; he was posthumously enfeoffed as a Lord and an heir appointed to succeed to his rank. The Emperor wished to attend the funeral in person and further wished to travel to Xu-chang.

b) The sigong, Chen Qun, admonished him: "Long or short life is determined by fate; preservation or destruction is due to one's lot. Therefore sages regulated rites, both to suppress and to bring forth our emotions, in order to attain the Golden Mean. In the case of the tomb at Fang there was the frugality of abstaining from the work; in the region of Ying and Bo, there was a soul that did not return. [7] 'The Great Man is one who acts in concord with heaven and earth', and thus hands down a norm for eternity [8]; furthermore, 'the boundary-line in the great virtues is not to be transgressed.' [9]

"For the inferior kind of premature death, occurring under eight years of age, the rites do not provide, [10] yet you would now hold a funeral for a child not a year old; in accordance with the rite proper to a grown-up person. Furthermore your prescribe mourning, so that the entire Court is to wear white gowns and weep day and night. Such a thing has never occurred since antiquity. Furthermore you would visit the mausoleum and attend the funeral in person. I would wish that Your Majesty suppress and eliminate acts that bring no profit and are harmful, only allowing the various officials to attend the funeral; I beg you not make the trip yourself. This is the innermost hope of the myriad states.

"Further, I hear you are about to travel to Mo-po, but in reality are going to Xu-chang, and that the two palaces of the Emperor and Empress, including high and low, are all proceeding eastward. The entire Court is in astonishment; some say that by this means you intend to avoid the 'declining influence', [15] some say that you intend to change your palace, some do not know the cause at all. But I am of the opinion that fortune and misfortune are determined by fate, calamity and happiness depend on men; and that therefore there is no profit in seeking for security by changing one's abode. Should it be necessary to change the abode for some avoidance, you may repair either the West Palace in Jin-yong-cheng {nearby Luoyang} or the Villa at Meng-jin, and stay there for the time being. Why must you expose the entire palace in the wilderness? Furthermore, the people of the rebel regions, when they hear of this, will consider that there is an imperial mourning. The expenditures, public and private, will be beyond calculation. Furthermore, excellent gentlemen and worthy men do not without proper justification change the site of their abodes, so that men of their district may rest easy and feel no fear. Should then the Sovereign over the myriad states, whose rest puts the empire at ease and whose movement causes disturbances throughout the empire, be frivolous in his going and stopping, movement and rest?"

c) The shao-fu Yang Fu said, "When Wen-Huang-Di and Wu-Xuan Huang-Hou [i.e., the late Grand Dowager Empress nee Bien] died, Your Majesty in both cases did not attend the funeral; this was because the foundation of the dynasty had to be regarded as important, and untoward happenings guarded against. Why must you attend the funeral of a mere infant?"

The Emperor listened to neither of them.

4. Third month. On the day Apr. 14, the Emperor traveled east on a tour of inspection; at all the places he passed through, he inquired after persons of high age, widowers, widows, the fatherless, and the son-less, giving them grain and silk.

5. The Sovereign of Wu sent the General (jiangjun) Zhou He (周賀) and the jiaoyu Pei Qian (裴潛) to sail to Liao-dong to obtain horses from Gongsun Yuan.

6. a) Now, Yu Fan was by nature free and straightforward; he frequently lost control of himself after drinking. Furthermore, he was inclined to oppose other people, so that he had been greatly slandered. Once upon a time the Sovereign of Wu and Zhang Zhao were holding a discussion on the immortals. Pointing to Zhang Zhao, Yu Fan said, "They are both dead men, and yet they speak of the immortals. Can there be any immortal in this world?" The Sovereign of Wu had been vexed at him for long periods more than once, and he finally banished Yu Fan to Jiao-zhou. [5]

b) When Zhou He and others went to Liao-dong, Yu Fan, hearing of it, considered, "The Man barbarians of Wu-qi ought to be quelled. Liao-dong being out of the way and distant, there would be no advantage in having its envoys come to offer allegiance. Now we are about to throw away our men and wealth to obtain horses; not only is this of no profit to the state, but is also to be feared that we will not get any." He wanted to remonstrate, but did not dare to write a memorial. However, he expressed his thought to Lu Dai, but Lu Dai did not transmit it. The Sovereign of Wu received slanders about him from sycophants and banished him further to Meng-ling in Cang-wu.

7. Summer, fourth month. On the day June 13, the Emperor went to Xu-chang.

10. In the ninth month (Oct. 2 - 31). The Emperor reached Mo-po. He repaired his palace in Xu-chang, erecting the halls Jing-fu and Cheng-guang-tien.

11. Gongsun Yuan secretly harbored disloyalty to Wei and made frequent contacts with Wu. [1] The Emperor had Tian Yu, the Prefect of Ru-nan, proceed against him by sea, commanding the various troops of Qing-zhou, and had Wang Xiong, Governor of Yu-zhou, proceed by land to make a campaign against him. [2]

The sanji changshi Jiang Ji admonished the Emperor, "The states that would not conquer us, and the subjects that would not invade our territory or rebel against us, in general should not be attacked without serious premeditation. If they are attacked and yet cannot be controlled, we are only driving them to become our enemies. Therefore it is said, 'When tigers and wolves are in the road, do not pay attention to foxes and badgers; first remove the greater menaces, and the minor ones will disappear of themselves.'

"Now they of the region on the other side of the sea [i.e., Liao-dong] have been serving China most humbly for generations and have annually selected their officials shangji and xiaolian {Filially Pious and Incorrupt}, who have not been remiss in their duties and offering of tribute. Those who discussed their affairs have commended them. Should we with a single stroke win our victory, the State will not be profited by obtaining their people, nor will it contribute to our wealth by obtaining their resources. But should it turn out to be unsatisfactory, we will only make them resent and lose faith in us."

The Emperor did not listen to him. Tian Yu and his men went, but did not achieve anything, and the Emperor commanded them to disband the troops. [6]

12. a) Tian Yu calculated that the Wu envoys, Zhou He and the others, would soon be returning. The year being at its end, the wind would blow fiercely, so that they would surely be in fear of being blown adrift; and as there was no coast to the east, they would be certain to proceed to Cheng-shan. And at Cheng-shan there was no place where ships could be harbored in safety. So he stationed his troops at Cheng-shan. [3] When Zhou He and his men reached Cheng-shan on their return journey, they encountered wind; Tian Yu commanded his troops to attack Zhou He and his men, whom they killed. [4]

b) Only when he heard of this, did the Sovereign of Wu recall Yu Fan's words. He summoned him for Jiao-zhou, but it so happened that he had died, and his coffin was ordered returned. [5]

14. Twelfth month (Dec. 20, 232 A.D., to Jan. 27, 232 A.D.). The Emperor returned to his palace in Xu-chang.

15. The shizhong Liu Ye was one with whom the Emperor was intimate and whom he esteemed. When the Emperor was about to make a campaign against Shu, all the court officials, in the palace and without, disapproved. When Liu Ye entered the palace and held parley with the Emperor, he said, "The attack is feasible." When he came out of it and spoke with the court officials, he said, "It is not feasible." Being a man of courage and intelligence, Liu Ye could defend his arguments plausibly either way.

The zhonglingjun Yang Ji was an intimate official of the Emperor and furthermore respected Liu Ye. He was most adamant in his argument against making the campaign. Whenever he came out from the palace, he would invariably visit Liu Ye and Liu Ye would tell him his views on the inadvisability of the campaign. Afterwards when Yang Ji discussed the campaign against Shu, Yang Ji strongly remonstrated against it. The Emperor said, "You are a mere scholar; how can you know anything of wars?"

Yang Ji excused himself, saying, "I come from among the lowest of the literati, yet Your Majesty has been so over-indulgent as to pick me, put me in the ranks of the elites, and place me above the Six Armies; having a humble mind, I dare not to abstain from expressing my thought completely. My words are indeed unworthy of Your Majesty's attention, but the shizhong Liu Ye, who was a counselor of the late Emperor, used to say, 'Shu cannot be attacked.'"

The Emperor said, "When he spoke to me, Liu Ye said that Shu can be attacked!" Yang Ji said, "Liu Ye may be summoned as a witness."

The Emperor summoned Liu Ye to his presence. When the Emperor questioned him, Liu Ye did not answer at all. Afterwards the Emperor received him in single audience, when Liu Ye reproved the Emperor, saying, "Attacking another state is a serious plan; I have had the honor of sharing in this serious plan. I am constantly afraid that I will divulge it in dreams, thereby adding to my crimes. How can I dare to speak of it to other people? Now, war is a matter of deception. Before a war is made, there can never be too much secrecy. Now that Your Majesty has openly exposed it, I fear that the enemy state must have already heard of it too."

Thereupon the Emperor apologized. Coming out from the palace Liu Ye saw Yang Ji and said, "A man who angles for fish, when a big fish his bitten the bait, lets it have its way, and pulls the line only when he can control it; thus he will catch it without failure. Can the awe-inspiring prowess of a Sovereign be merely a case of a big fish? You are indeed an honest official, but your counsel is not worthy of attention. You must think finely." Yang Ji also apologized. Such was Liu Ye's ability to cope with emergencies and stand for opposite sides.

Some one said to the Emperor, "Liu Ye is not completely loyal and honest. He is good at discovering what Your Majesty has in mind and then conforming to it. Your Majesty might try speaking with Liu Ye, questioning him in all cases in terms opposite to what you really have in mind. If all of his answers are also opposite to what you have in mind when you questioned him, it will show that Liu Ye is always in conformity with Your Majesty's view. If all his answers are of this sort, there is no way for Liu Ye to conceal his attitude."

The Emperor made the test as he was told, and as was expected, probed to the man's real attitude. From then on the Emperor was estranged from him.

In the end Liu Ye became demented. He was given an appointment outside the palace as da honglu and died of worry.

Master Fu says: Clever falsity is not as good as clumsy honesty. This is indeed true. With his intelligence and resourcefulness, how could Liu Ye, if he had abided by virtue and propriety, and acted with loyalty and truthfulness, have been inferior to the worthy men of the superior class of antiquity? But he relied entirely on his talent and intelligence, not valuing sincerity and honesty. Within, he lost his Sovereign's confidence; without, he was harassed by the common world. In the end he endangered himself. Was it not a pity? [14]

16. Liu Ye once slandered the shang-shu-ling Chen Jiao as monopolizing power. Chen Jiao was afraid and told his son Chen Qian (陳騫). Chen Qian said, "Our Sovereign is a perspicacious sage and you are his high minister. If there is anything that is not agreeable, you have only to resign from your office." A few days later the Emperor's mind was calmed, as anticipated. [4]

17. The shang-shu-lang Lian Zhao (廉昭) of Luo-an had become a favorite of the Emperor through his talent and ability. He was fond of picking trifiling faults with the various officials in order to fawn upon the Sovereign.

The huang-men shih-lang Du Shu (杜恕) sent up a memorial:

"Prostrating myself, I observe in the shang-shu-lang Lian Zhao's memorial on the zuocheng Cao Fan these words" 'This ought to have been reported as a matter for punishment, but, contrary to the imperial command, the case was handled as an inquest.' Further, I note, 'All those who ought to be charged are to be memorialized separately.'

"The shang-shu-ling Chen Jiao has memorialized, 'I do not dare to exempt myself from punishment.' Yet he also does not dare to explain his position; his intention is sincere and commiserable. I presume to feel pity for him and consider it regrettable for the Court.

"Sages rise without predilection for one particular generation, and rule without changing their people. But when they are born there are always worthy and wise helpers for them; it is they who lead them along the Way and control them by the Rites. The reason why Emperors and Kings of ancient times could help the world and make the people prosper is that they always won the distant people's heart's, and near at hand always completely utilized the intelligence of the various officials.

"Even though the officials at present employed be all elites of the empire, if their strength is not completely utilized, you cannot be said to be efficient in drawing forth their services. If they are not elites of the empire, you cannot be said to be efficient in appointing them.

"Now, Your Majesty worries and works himself on the myriad business of the state, even during the night, yet all business is not happily performed, and laws have become lax. Is this not clear evidence that the 'members' are not worthy? The cause of all this is not only that officials have not been completely loyal, but also that the Sovereign has not been efficient in drawing out their services. Bo-Li Xi was stupid in Yu but wise in Qin. Yu Rang showed no loyalty to Zhong-Hang of Fan, but made his principles clear towards the Earl of Zhi. These are unequivocal evidences from antiquity.

"Were I to say that the entire Court is not loyal, I should be calumniating the entire Court. But the thing can be inferred by extension. Your Majesty is so moved by the deficient state of the treasury and the continuous war that you have even cut down on apparel for the four seasons, and made scant the storage of grain in the imperial granary. Because of your temperance the whole Court has become bright. Of those who share in state affairs, is there any high minister who takes these matters to heart? The chi-tu-yu Wang Cai had an illicit relation with the musical entertainer Meng Si; his crime shook the capital. But is was petty officials who discovered it; the high ministers of the state had not uttered a single word. Has there been, since Your Majesty ascended the throne, any instance in which the ssu-li chiao-yu or the yu-shih chung-ch'eng maintained the laws and controlled evildoers, so that the Court became solemn?

"If Your Majesty thinks that there is no one of excellent talent in the present generation, no worthy helpers for the Court, how can you hope to emulate the distant examples of Ji and Qi? How can you expect men of talent and excellent parts to appear in the coming generation? The so-called worthy men of today are all high officials who enjoy munificent remuration. But the principle of serving their Sovereign is not set up and their public spirit is not whole, because the responsibility for appointments is too concentrated and there are too many taboos in the usages.

"In my opinion, the loyal official is not necessarily an intimate one and the intimate official in not necessarily a loyal one. The reason for this is that when one occupies a place there he is not suspected, matters will be accomplished by themselves. Now if one who is not intimate slanders a man, Your Majesty will suspect that he is secretly taking revenge on a man he hates; if he praises a man, Your Majesty will suspect that he is secretly showing his affection for a friend. The attendants will take advantage of the occasion to speak words of esteem or hate. The result will be that those who are not intimate will not dare slander or praise, for even in administrative measures they will be suspected.

"Your Majesty ought to think of broadening the minds of the Court officials, and encouraging them to correct principles, so that they may have their names recorded in the company of the ancients. If on the other hand men like Lien Zhao are allowed to cause disturbances among them, I fear that the high ministers will protect their persons and preserve their official position, becoming mere onlookers of succession and failures. This will be a warning for coming generations.

"Of old, the Duke of Zhou warned his son the Marquis of Lu, 'Do not cause the high ministers to repine at the Prince's not employing them.' [14] This means that if one is not worthy, he should not be made a high minister; if he has become a high minister, he ought to be employed. [15] When the Shu enumerates Shun's achievements, it praises him for having removed the Four Criminals. It does not say that he removed them merely because they had transgressed, not paying attention to how serious their transgressions were. At present the Court officials do not consider that they are ignorant but think that Your Majesty does not make inquiries of them. How can it be said that Your Majesty follows the Duke of Zhou in his giving employment, and the great Shun in his removing the Four Criminals, thus letting the shih-chung and shang-shu attend you in your chamber when you are at rest and follow you under the embellished carriage when you travel, replying in person to the questions put to them, and each setting forth what he thinks? If such were the case the qualities of the various officials could all be known; the loyal and the able would be promoted and the stupid and inferior would be dismissed. Who would then remain undecided and not exert his utmost? If Your Majesty, with sage perspicacity, will discuss the state's business in person with the various officials, and let these various officials be made to exert their utmost, all will become intimate with you and all will be eager to repay you. Whether they are worthy or stupid, able or not, depends on how Your Majesty employs them. If you rule in this manner, what task is there that cannot be accomplished? If you undertake achievements in this manner, what is there that cannot be achieved?

"Each time there is a war, the edict should invariably be read, 'Who is there to shoulder these worries? Is it I only who should worry?' A recent edict said, 'Those who claim to be concerned for the public weal and to forget their private interests do not always do so in reality. Only when we put the public weal to the fore and our private interests to the rear will things be accomplished as a matter of course.' Having read this illustrious edict in prostration, I know who thoroughly you have probed to the real character of us, your subjects. On the other hand I also wonder at Your Majesty's neglecting the fundamental and worrying yourself about the peripheral. The ability and inability of men are indeed due to their nature. Even I think that the Court officials are not completely executing their duties.

"A perspicacious Sovereign employs men in such a manner that the competent dare not leave their strength unused, and the incompetent are not allowed to occupy positions to which they cannot do justice. If the wrong men are selected for offices, it is not necessarily their fault; that the entire Court should be composed of wrong men in indeed a thing to be wondered at. Your Majesty, knowing that they are not exerting their utmost, worries over their duties in their stead; knowing that they are not competent, you instruct them how to do their work. In such cases, it is not only that the Sovereign toils and the subjects remain at ease; even when sages and worthies are in the same generation, they cannot rule in this manner.

"Then again, why must Your Majesty worry himself because the prohibitions in the government offices are not strict and that private requests among the officials are not eradicated? You have introduced the regulations on receiving and dismissing visitors, yet allow venal under-officials to act as guards at the gates of official buildings. In all these you have not probed to the essence of prohibition. Formerly, during the reign of Han An-Di, the shao-fu Dou Jia gave an official appointment to the innocent son of the elder brother of the t'ing-yu Guo Gong; still he was impeached without let-up. In recent times the ssu-li chiao-yu Kong Xian gave an official appointment to the unruly younger brother of a da jiangjun [22]; yet the officals in charge kept silent and showed more partiality because of his influence than if they had actually received his request to do so. This is a case of official appointment given wrongly. Dou Jia was a favorite of the Emperor to whom he was related by marriage, and Guo Gong was not an important minister concerned with the fate of the dynasty, yet matters came to such a pass. Comparing our present state with antiquity, it is that Your Majesty does not superintend the punishments which should be meted out inexonerably to eradicate the sources of partisanship. The regulations for receiving and dismissing visitors, and letting wicked under-officials act as guards at the gates, are not instruments for inducing good rule.

"If my words are to be adopted even a little, what worry is to come from extirpating evil practices? Why nourish men like Lien Zhao? Indeed, to pick out evil practices is a loyal service, but the world hates small men's doing it, since they are not concerned for the humanity of it but thereby seek for their own advancement. If Your Majesty does not reflect on the whole matter, and insists that to incur the displeasure of the multitude and oppose the world is public service, that to accuse other people secretly is doing one's utmost, how is it that men of intelligence and talent do not do such a thing? It is indeed because they are humane that they do not do it. If the whole world turns its back on humanity to run after profit, then there will be a most serious cause of worry for the Sovereign. What rejoicing can there be for Your Majesty?

"Why do you not extirpate the thing in its incipient stage? Those who obey the wishes of the Sovereign in order to curry his favor are all the most shallow and unscrupulous people in the world. They are bent on pleasing their Sovereign's desire only; they are not men who wish to see the world ruled well and the people living in peace. Why does Your Majesty not alter his mind and make it clear to them--would they then persevere in their stand, thereby incurring the displeasure of Your Majesty? That a subject has won the heart of his Sovereign means security. To be placed in a high and prominent position is a glorious thing; to receive a remuneration of a thousand piculs is fortune. But there are no subjects, stupid though they be, who would take so much pleasure in these as to incur the displeasure of their Sovereign; if they do so it is because they are urged by their principle, which makes them strong. I think that Your Majesty ought to take pity on them and assist the insidious ideas of confidence, however slightly. How can you accept the insidious ideas of men like Lien Zhao and neglect such men? At present, outside is the enemy looking for his opportunity, and in the interior there are the poverty-stricken and unheeded people. Your Majesty must think on measures good and bad for the empire, things right and wrong in the state's business. You must indeed not be indolent!"

18. The Emperor once arrived suddenly at the gate of the shang-shu-tai. Prostrating himself, Chen Jiao asked the Emperor, "Wither are you bound, Your Majesty?" The Emperor said, "I want to examine the state documents." Chen Jiao said, "This is my duty and not a thing Your Majesty should take charge of. If I have been remiss in my duty, I request that I be dismissed forthwith. Your Majesty ought to return." The Emperor was ashamed and, turning his carriage, returned.

19. The Emperor once asked Chen Jiao whether His Excellency Sima Yi might be called a minister who, because of his loyalty, could be entrusted with the destiny of the ruling house. Chen Jiao said, "He is one in whom the court lays its hope; as for his being a minister who can be entrusted with the destiny of the ruling house, that is something I do not know."

20. Lu Xun of Wu was leading his troops towards Lu-jiang. Those discussing the matter thought they should hasten to reinforce the place. Man Chong said, "Small as Lu-jiang is, the generals there are strong and the troops are good; they can defend the place for some time. Now the rebels have left their boats and are marching on land for a distance of two hundred li; their rear is cut off. Even if they do not come, we should induce them to come; for the time being we ought to let them advance. I am only afraid that they may flee before we can get hold of them." Thereupon he put his troops in order and proceeded to Yang-yi-kou. Informed of this, the Wu fled by night. At this time, the Wu planned to come every year.

In the first year of Qinglong, 233 A.D., Man Chong memorialized:

"He-fei has the Jiang and the lake on the south of its city walls; it is distant from Shou-chun in the north. The rebels who would lay siege to it and attack will become powerful once they occupy these waters. Our troops, who come to reinforce the place, must first of all crush the main rebel forces; only then can the siege be relieved. It is very easy for the rebels to come, very difficult for our troops to come with reinforcements. We ought to move the troops from within the city walls. Thirty li west of the place is a high location which can be taken as our base. At this time we should build walls and take defensive action. In this manner we will be drawing the rebels to a level terrain and obstructing their route of retreat. This is a good plan."

The hujun jiangjun Jiang Ji expressed his view: "By first demonstrating our weakness to the world, and then destroying the city walls of He-fei at the raising of the rebels' darts, we will be defeating ourselves without the enemy's attacking us. If things reach such a stage, there will be no end of rout. We must by all means defend our positions north of the Huai river." The Emperor accordingly did not give his approval to Man Chong's plan.

Man Chong again sent up a memorial: "Sun Zi says, 'War is a matter of deception. Therefore when we are able, we make a show of inability to the enemy; we make him arrogant by yielding him advantage and showing fear to him.' [11]

"This shows that appearance and reality need not necessarily correspond. It further says, 'One who is good at making the enemy move creates appearances for him.' [12] Now to move our fortress further into the interior before the rebels come, is what is known as decoying by creating appearances. If we make the rebels leave water far behind while we ourselves move along the line of advantage, and act from the exterior, then good fortune will be brought about in the interior."

The shang-shu Zhao Zi (趙咨) held Man Chong's plan to be superior, and in the end the Emperor listened to him.

==============================

Chapter 13Sixth Year of Taihe (232 AD)Shu: Tenth Year of JianxingWu: First Year of Jiaohe

1.2 From SGZ Biography of Sun Deng, which reads, “Afterwards his younger brother Sun Lü died. On account of this, Sun Quan reduced his meals. Sun Deng traveled day and night; reaching Laixiang, he reported his coming. He was immediately summoned to the Court for an audience. When he saw Sun Quan, he shed tears of sorrow and admonished him,: 'Sun Lü has died of his illness; it is fate. AT present the Empire is not unified and within the four seas the people, in their eagerness to become your subjects, look up to you as to Heaven. Yet your Majesty, because of your affection for your son, has reduced your meals, served to you by the Bureau of Imperial Kitchen (taiguan); this is in excess of the proscription of rites. I am worried and anxious.'

Sun Quan accepted his advice and increased his meals. After he had stayed for more than ten days, Sun Quan wished to send him back west to Wuchang. He earnestly stated that through his prolonged absence from 'making his parents' bed and inquiring after their health' he had been remiss in his filial duties, and further stated that, as Lu Xun was loyal and assiduous there was no need for him to worry. Sun Quan in the end had him stay.”

The expression 'making one's parents' beds and inquiring after their health' means to serve one's parent's with filial piety. Li Ji has, “For all sons it is the rule—in winter, to warm the bed for their parents, and to cool it in the summer; in the evening, to adjust everything (for their repose) and to inquire about their health in the morning...”

2. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which reads, “In the sixth year of Taihe, spring, second month, an edict read, 'The Emperors and Kings of antiquity enfeoffed feudal lords in order to make fences and screens for the royal house. Does not the shi say, “The cherishing of virtue secures repose; The circle of the King's relatives is a fortified wall?” Qin and Han, in adopting the Zhou feudal institutions, were respectively too harsh and too lenient, in either way failing from the Golden Mean. Since our Great Wei dynasty was founded, the various feudal princes of the blood have been differently enfeoffed in accordance with the varying needs of the moment; there is as yet no fixed institution that can serve permanently as a norm for later ages. The names of fiefs of the feudal princes of the blood shall be altered in all cases from jun to guo.”

3. Parts (a) and [c] are, on the whole, from SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu. Part (b) is from SGZ, Biography of Chen Qun.

3.7 Li Ji, “Lizi of Yanling had gone to Li, and his eldest son having died, on the way back to Wu, he buried him between Ying and Bo.”

3.8 Zhou li. “The great man is he who is in harmony, in his attributes, with heaven and Earth.”

3.9 Lunyu. “Zixia said, 'When a person does not transgress the boundary-line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues.'”

3.10 Li ji, “They of Lau buried those who died between sixteen and nineteen in the coffins of Yin; those who died between twelve and fifteen or between eight and eleven in the brick enclosures of Xia; and those who died (still younger), for whom no mourning is worn, in the earthenware enclosures of the time of the Lord of Yü.”

3.15 The translation is in accordance with Hu Sanxing's commentary, which reads, “The expression means that as there are, in the arrangement of the five elements, places where royal reign is propitious and others where it declines; the Emperor was changing his abode to avoid the declining influence. We of today would say 'avoid calamity.'”

On the other hand, Chen Jiang in the Jinlei zi writes that the expression has to do with a superstition that the spirit of a dead person will return to its family at a certain time to claim the lives of its members, who therefore had to flee from the house. According to him, the expression was still used in his day in North China, whereas it had changed to something else in South China. This explanation of Chen Jiang's is cited in certain sources.

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

5. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

6. Paragraph (a) is from SGZ, Biography of Yu Fan. Paragraph (b) is from the Wu Shu.

6.5 After this sentence, SGZ continues, “Although he was in exile, he was not tired of teaching, his pupils amounting always to several hundred; he furthermore wrote commentaries on the Laozi [or Daodejing], Lunyu and Guoyu, all of which commentaries were circulated.”

7. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi

8. From ibid. It continues, “He was posthumously enfeoffed and canonized as 'Lamented' Lord of Anping.”

9. From ibid.

10. From ibid.

11. From Sima Biao's Zhan lue.

11.1 This is Sima Guang's sentence. Gongsun Yuan's SGZ biography, appended to Gongsun Du's, simply states that Gongsun Yuan sent envoys south to contact Sun Quan, and often exchanged gifts with him.

11.2 The Zhan lue says, “In the sixth year of Taihe, the Emperor Mingdi sent Tian Yu, the cishi of Pingzhou, to sail by sea and Wang Xiong, the cishi of Yuzhou {Youzhou?}, to take the land-route; both were to attack Liaodong.” There is one error in this account: Tian Yu was never appointed cishi of Pingzhou; there was no Pingzhou during Sanguo times. Sima Biao, the author, may have meant Bingzhou, for it is stated in SGZ, Biography of Tian Yu that, “in the beginning of the Chengshi period (240-250 AD), Tian Yu was promoted to be hu Xiongnu zhonglangjiang with the Tally, with the additional title of chenwei jiangjun and cishi of Bingzhou.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan has, “Autumn, ninth month. The Wei general Tian Yu intercepted and killed Zhou He at Chengshan.” It is because of the date given in this passage that Sima Guang puts the present section under the ninth month. On the other hand, SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, gives a different date: “Winter, tenth month. The chenyi jiangjun Tian Yu led troops to attack the Wu general Zhou He at Chengshan. He killed Zhou He.”

Sima Guang seems to draw his correction of the erroneous title given Tian Yu in the Zhan lue from SGZ, Biography of Tian Yu, “But the followers of Wang Xiong, the cishi of Yuzhou, wished to have Wang Xiong appointed hu Wuwan jiaoyu, so they slandered Tian Yu, saying he had been making trouble for the state by causing disturbances on the frontiers. In the end, Tian Yu was transferred to be taishou of Runan, with the additional title of chenyi jiangjun. At the end of the Taihe period, Gongsun Yuan had revolted in Liaodong. The Emperor wished to send an expedition against him, but could not find a satisfactory man for it. The zhonglingjun Yang Ji recommended Tian Yu, while retaining his former office, to direct the various troops of Qingzhou, and lent him the Tally. In this capacity, he proceeded to make a campaign against Gongsun Yuan.”

11.6 The Zhan lue has, “Tian Yu proceeded, but returned without having achieved anything.” SGZ, Biography of Tian Yu, continuing from the passage in the third paragraph of 11.2 reads, “At that time the Wu rebels sent envoys to join Gongsun Yuan. Since the rebels were superior in number and Tian Yu had to cross the sea besides, the Emperor commanded Tian Yu to disband the troops.”

12. From the SGZ biography of Tian Yu.

12.3 Rewritten from the following SGZ passage, “He then toured the sea coast, examining the topography and the various mountains and islands. He took possession of important positions and stationed his troops therein. He himself started up in Chengshan, and ascended to the pavillion built by Han Wudi.”

12.4 Rewritten from the following passage in SGZ: “When they were returning, the rebels, as he had anticipated, met with a strong wind. Their ships all ran against the mountains and sank beneath the waves, and those who reached coast could not escape him. He captured all their forces.” After this passage, SGZ continues, “At first his generals all laughed at him for waiting for the rebels in empty places. But when the rebels were defeated, they were eager to enter the sea and catch the ships from the waves with hooks. Fearing that the desperate enemy would fight to the death, Tian Yu did not permit this.”

12.5 The Jiangbiao zhuan reads, “Afterward Sun Quan sent his generals and troops to Liaodong. They encountered wind at sea and many were drowned and lost. Sun Quan became regretful and commanded, 'Of old, Zhao Jianzi said, 'Gentlemen, your yes-yes is not to be compared with the straightforward, direct admonitions of Zhou She.' Yu Fan, who is clear and direct, is good at speaking out his thoughts; he is the Zhou She of our state. Were he here with us as in former days, this expedition would not have started. Let it be communicated to the cishi of Jiaozhou that if Yu Fan is still alive, he shall be given ships to return to the capital; if he is already dead, his coffin shall be brought back to his native district. His sons shall be employed as officials.' As it happened, Yu Fan had already died.” With regard to Zhao Jianzi, what Sun Quan says does not exactly coincide with the account in the Shi Ji.

13. From SGZ, Biography of Mingdi. Cao Zhi lived 192-232 AD.

14. From ibid.

15. From Fu Xuan's Fu zi. The reason Sima Guang puts this section under this year is as follows. Liu Ye had been acting as a shizhong since 220 AD. “In the sixth year of Taihe, due to illness, he was appointed taizhong dafu. Soon afterward he became da honglu, in which office he remained two years. Then he resigned this position and became taizhong dafu again.” In our Section 15, Yang Ji refers to him as shijing, showing that the events must have happened either in 232 or sometime before it, during Mingdi's reign.

15.14 Fu zi has: “He relied entirely on his own talent and intelligence, not standing on friendly terms with men of his time. Within, he did not serve his sovereign with his entire heart; without, he was pained by the common world. In the end he could not secure himself here below. Was it not a pity?” Sima Guang's rewriting is better rhythmically, but was he justified in altering the original passage so drastically? This is not, however, a unique case of his mutilating his sources.

16. From the Shi yu.

16.4 Shi yu reads, “A few days thereafter, the Emperor consented to see Chen Jiao. Chen Jiao again consulted his two sons. Chen Jian said, 'His Majesty has become calm in his mind, hence he is seeing you.'

When he entered the palace, he stayed there the whole day. The Emperor said, 'Liu Ye plotted your downfall, but I could perceive you, so my mind has become easy again.' Then he gave him five bars of gold, which Chen Jiao declined. The Emperor said, 'Do not think them to be a petty gift from me. You know my mind well, but since your wife and children do not know it yet...'”

17. From SGZ, Biography of Du Shu. There seems to be no cogent reason for including Du Shu's memorial at this juncture, aside from perhaps the mention of Chen Jiao, who is dealt with in the preceding section.

17.14 From Lunyu, “The Duke of Zhou addressed his son, the Duke of Lu, saying, 'The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment.'”

17.15 SGZ, Wei has, “This means that whether worthy or stupid, all should be clearly employed for the tasks of the time.” Sima Guang has taken much liberty in his rewriting.

17.22 According to the commentator Pei Songzhi, this title refers to Sima Yi, and the younger brother in question is Sima Dong, who was then sili congshi. He was the fifth younger brother of Sima Yi. Sima Dong is mentioned in the biography of his son Sima Ling.

18. From SGZ, Biography of Chen Jiao. There also the exact date is not mentioned.

19. From the Shi yu.

20. From SGZ, Biography of Man Chong.

20.11 SGZ has, “Therefore when we are able, we make a show of inability to the enemy; when we are not able, we make him arrogant by yielding him advantage and showing fear to him.”

20.12 Sun Zi ji ju has, “Therefore one who is good at making the enemy move creates appearances for him; the enemy is certain to follow him.”

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 6:39 pm, edited 1 time in total.

Chapter 14First Year of Qinglong (233 A.D.) Shu: Eleventh Year of JianxingWu: Second Year of Jiahe

1. Spring, first month. On the day Feb. 19, a blue dragon appeared in a well in Mo-po in Jia-xian.

2. Second month. On the day Mar. 4 the Emperor went to Mo-po to see the dragon. He changed his reign-title.

3. a) Gongsun Yuan had sent his jiaoyu Xu Shu and langzhongling Sun Zong (孫綜) together with a memorial in which he called himself a subject of Wu. The Sovereign of Wu was greatly pleased and granted on this occasion a general amnesty. [2]

b) Third month (Apr. 19 - May 15). The Sovereign of Wu sent the taichang Zhang Mi (張彌), the zhijinwu Xu Yan (許宴), and the jiangjun He Da (賀達) by sea to take ten thousand troops, gold and treasures, precious wares, and the Nine Insignia to be conferred on Gongsun Yuan, to enfeoff Gongsun Yuan as King of Yen. The great ministers of the entire Court, from the Prime Minister Gu Yong down, all admonished him that Gongsun Yuan, although not to be trusted, had been given excessive favor, and that it only needed under-officials and troops to escort Xu Shu and Sun Zong back. The Sovereign of Wu did not listen to this.

4. Zhang Zhao said, "Having turned his back against Wei, and consequently in fear of attack, Gongsun Yuan has sought help from afar; his submission is not from a sincere heart. If Gongsun Yuan alters his plan with intent to reinstate himself with Wei, and our two envoys fail to return, shall we not become the laughing stock of the world?"

The Sovereign of Wu repeatedly refuted Zhang Zhao [2], but Zhang Zhao was persistent in his view. The Sovereign of Wu would not bear it, and grasping his sword in his hand, said angrily, "The gentry of the State of Wu bow to me when they enter the palace, and to you when they are outside it. My respect of you has indeed been extreme. But you have frequently opposed me in public; I am constantly afraid I might lose my poise and kill you." Fixing his gaze on the Sovereign of Wu, Zhang Zhao said, "If, knowing as I do that my words are not accepted, I continue to exhaust my stupid loyalty, it is because the posthumous command--the Testamentary Charge given me by the Empress Dowager as she was about to die after summoning me near her bed--is still there, as ever." Thereupon he shed profuse tears. The Sovereign of Wu threw his sword to the ground and joined him in weeping. Nevertheless, in the end he sent Zhang Mi and Xu Yen on the embassy.

Vexed that his advice was not accepted, Zhang Zhao pretended to be ill and did not attend Court any more. The Sovereign of Wu was angered by this and had the entrance to his house filled up with earth. Zhang Zhao on the other hand also sealed it up with earth from the inside.

5. Summer, fifth month. On the day June 13, Cao Rui, Prince of Bo-hai, died.

8. Kebineng of the Xianbei tribe seduced away Budugen, a Xianbei guarding the frontiers, and concluded a close alliance with him; leading ten thousand mounted troops in person, he went north of Xingling to receive the latter's baggages and belongings. [1] Bi Gui, Governor of Bing-zhou, memorialized the throne that he had immediately sent out an army in order to awe Kebineng on the exterior, and in the interior to quiet Budugen.

Inspecting this memorial, the Emperor said, "Budugen has already been seduced bu Kebineng and hence he must be suspicious in his mind. Now that Bi Gui has sent out the army, he must be careful not to let it go beyond the frontier post of Juzhu.

When the imperial command arrived, Bi Gui had already advanced his troops and stationed them at Yin-guan-xian, and had sent the generals Su Shang (蘇尚) and Dong Bi (董弼) to pursue the Xian-bei. Kebineng sent his son, leading more than a thousand mounted troops, to receive the tribe of Budugen; encountering Su Shang and Dong Bi, he engaged them in a battle at Lou-fan-xian. The two generals were lost. The tribes of Budugen and Xiegueini all rose in rebellion and moved outside the frontiers to join Kebineng in making incursions on the borders. The Emperor sent the xiaoji jiangjun Qin Lang at the head of the Imperial Bodyguards to attack them. Kebineng thereupon fled north of the desert. Xiegueini, leading his tribesmen, came and submitted; Budugen was soon killed by Kebineng.

9. Gongsun Yuan knew that Wu, being so far away from him, could not be relied on; so he beheaded Zhang Mi, Xu Yan, etc., and sent their heads to the capital. He confiscated all their military provisions and valuable treasures.

11. When he learned of this, the Sovereign of Wu was furious. He said, "I am now sixty years old; [2] there is no hardship in the world that I have not tasted. But recently I suffered a reverse from a mouse; my temper raises up like a mountain. If I do not in person cut off the head of this mouse and throw it into the sea, I shall have no face left to rule over the myriad states. Even if I suffer adversity from it, I will not regret it."

12. Lu Xun sent up a memorial saying, “Relying on his steep terrain and fortified positions, Gongsun Yuan has detained our envoys and has not presented us with fine horses. He indeed deserves our ire! The barbarous tribes disturb our bright great land—they are not imbued with your royal sway. These fugitives who like birds resort to uncivilized regions, would offer resistance to the royal army, going so far as to cause Your Majesty to rise majestic in wrath. [3] You would trouble your august person to sail lightly over the sea, and disregarding danger, risk mishap. At present the empire is in a turbulence like that of clouds; masses of heroic men contend like tigers, men of strength and spirit strive with raised voices and wide open eyes.

“With divine martial spirit, Your Majesty has become heir to the time. You have put Cao Cao to rout at Wulin, defeated Liu Bei at Yiling, and captured Guan Yu in Jingzhou. These three men were heroes of the age, yet you crushed their strength. Wherever is your Majesty's sage-dominion, the myriad li bend like grass. [7] You are on the point of conquering and tranquilizing the whole of China, to rule with your great Counsel. Yet now you will not bear a minor vexation and pour out your thunderous wrath! In this you disregard the warning against 'sitting below the overhanging roof of a house' and treat your august person lightly. This is something that puzzles me. I have heard that one who goes ten thousand li does not stop walking in the middle of the road; one who plans to win the land within the four seas does not concern himself with trifles and jeopardize the great plan. A strong enemy is on our borders; there are still those who have not submitted; yet Your Majesty would ride on a raft to undertake a distant expedition, which will surely provide opportunity for our enemies. You will blame yourself after disaster has come, but regret then will be too late. If the great affair is speedily accomplished, Gongsun Yuan will submit on his own before we send an expedition against him. Now you set your heart on the masses and horses of Liaodong; must you throw away your foundation in Jiangdong, secure enough to last through thousands of generations, and feel no regret for it? [I beg you to rest the Six Armies and put the greater enemy in awe, to conquer China as early as possible and so leave behind your brilliance for the future.”

13. Xue Zong sent up a memorial saying, “A sovereign is the head of the myriad states and the one on whom the whole world depends for its life. Therefore, when he stays, double gates are made and the clapper is struck to guard against the untoward [2]; when he travels, the road is cleared and the leather drum is beaten to enhance his majestic air. Thus the boon of his absolute safety is secured and the hearts of the people within the four seas are tranquilized. Of old, when Confucius, dissatisfied with the time, muttered something about getting upon a raft and floating on the sea, Ziyu was glad, but he was rebuked for not exercising his judgment upon matters; [3] when Han Yuandi wished to ride in a boat, Xue Guangde begged to cut his own throat to sprinkle the imperial carriage with his blood. For water and fire are most dangerous; they are not something Sovereigns should go through. The saying is, 'The son from the house which has one thousand pieces of gold does not sit below an overhanging roof.' [5] How much more should this be the case with the august person of a Sovereign.' Now, Liaodong is but a small country of the Mo barbarians, without fortification of walled cities and moats; their weapons are trifling and dull, and like dogs and sheep they do not have any government.

If you go, you will certainly catch them alive, even as your illustrious edict would have it. But the corner of earth they inhabit is cold and barren. No grains grow there; the people are accustomed to saddled horses, always roving here and there. When they suddenly hear of the arrival of our large forces, knowing they are no match for us they will be startled like birds and beasts, and flee far away on their mounts. Not a single man or solitary horse will be seen. Although we may take the territory, devoid of human beings, there will be no profit in keeping it. This is the first point of inadvisability of the proposed expedition.

Furthermore, the great waves are deep and wide, and there is the hardship of passing Chengshan. Sea voyages are uncertain, wind and waves being unavoidable. In a twinkling moment, men and ships are separated. Even one with the virtue of a Yao and a Shun may exercise his human brain in vain; even the courage and strength of a Meng Ben and Xia Yu are to no purpose. This is the second point of inadvisability.

Still again, dense fog will cover the ships above, and salt water steam below them; legs will easily become swollen and the disease will become infectious. There are scarcely any sailors exempt from this calamity. This is the third point of inadvisability.

Heaven has given rise to Your Majesty's divine sagacity, and has manifested its will through auspicious signs. You should take advantage of the time to quell disturbances and cause your people to prosper. At present, the disobedient rebels are about to be exterminated and the land within the seas is about to be tranquilized. Now, you are acting contrary to the imperative plan and seek the most dangerous hazards; you neglect the solid footing of the nine Provinces of China and exult in the wrath of a day. Not only is this not a weighty counsel for tranquilizing the dynasty, but there has not been such a precedent since the creation of the world. This is indeed why the flock of officials are in uncomfortable positions, neither relishing their food nor sleeping at ease on their mats.

I hope Your Majesty will be master of your thunder-like and awe-inspiring majesty and suppress your majestic wrath, that you will follow the safe way by going by the bridge [13] and keep away from the danger of walking on ice. Then will your subjects be blessed and the Empire will have cause for felicitation.

14. Lu Mao sent up a memorial saying: “I have heard that in controlling distant barbarians, a sage Sovereign holds only a nominal suzerainty and does not exercise a constant sway over them. Thus when such domains were instituted in antiquity, they were called 'wild domains,' which means that they were between being and non-being—inconsistent--and could not be kept. Now Gongsun Yuan is an insignificant thing among the Eastern Barbarians, cast away at the far corner of the sea; though he has a human face, he is no different from birds and beasts. The reason our state did not cherish our goods and treasures but gave them to him, far away, was not that he had any virtue we wanted to commend, but to induce his stupid mind to give us horses. That Gongsun Yuan in his arrogance and treachery relied on the distance between him and us to betray your command is only a normal attitude of the wild Mo barbarians; what is there in it for us to wonder at greatly? Of old, the various Han Emperors also paid keenest attention to the handling of the foreign barbarians, sending envoys one after another and scattering goods which filled the Western Regions. Now and then they showed respect and obedience; but envoys were also killed and goods plundered in innumerable instances. Now, Your Majesty, unable to bear your vexation, wished to cross the great sea and tread on their land in person. The numerous officials foolishly criticize; I presume to feel uneasiness at this. Why?

Our Northern enemies (i.e. Wei) border on our land; if given a chance, they will seize the opportunity to make inroads upon us. The reason we sent our men across the sea to seek for horses, thereby showing our attention to Gongsun Yuan, was that we wished to cope with the immediate urgency and to eliminate the source of all our troubles. But you would throw away the fundamental and run after the unessential, cast aside the near at hand and take care of the remote. Because of your vexation you would alter the plan; out of irritation you would mobilize the masses. This is just the sort of thing the insurgents (i.e. Wei) are glad to hear of, and is not the best of plans for the great Wu.

Furthermore, the art of students of war is to fatigue the enemy with labor, and to wait for the toiling enemy while remaining at ease. When we awake to the grave consequences, there will be great difference between gain and loss.

Then again, the sea coast of Liaodong is far distant from where Gongsun Yuan is; [6] if we land on the coast, our forces will have to be divided into three sections—the strong to be sent ahead, the inferior to keep guard on the ships, and the still more inferior to transport provisions. Our forces may be large in number, but they can hardly be employed in their entirety. Besides, while carrying the provisions and plodding along far into hostile territory, our men will be intercepted everywhere, for the insurgents have plenty of horses in their land. If Gongsun Yuan is merely playing a trick on us and has not cut off his relation with the northern enemy, when we start on the expedition they will help each other as closely as lips and teeth. In that case we will be alone with no one to rely on. But if in fear and panic he flees far away, it will not be easy to exterminate him quickly. Should your heavenly punishment be delayed in that northernmost region, the mountain barbarians [7] will seize the advantage to rise up in rebellion. I am afraid yours is not a far-sighted plan for the permanent security of the state.”

The Sovereign of Wu did not approve.

Lu Mao sent another memorial: “Arms indeed were employed in former generations to punish the unruly and awe the barbarians of the four frontiers. But such campaigns were made only after the wicked men of the land had been eliminated and the empire was enjoying peace; then the matter was discussed in the Ancestral Temple as a secondary measure. But in times when China was in tumult and the Nine Domains were partitioned among hostile powers, the ancients sank the root deep and consolidated the foundation, spared their strength and husbanded their expenditures. They made it their business to nourish their own states and awaited defects in the neighboring ones. They never at such times threw away what was near at hand to take care of what was afar, for the result would have been to wear out the army. Of old, when Yu Tuo rebelled and proclaimed himself Emperor, the time happened to be one of peace, with the people enjoying prosperity. Yet Han Wendi held that the distant expedition would not be easy; he only rearranged his armies and exhorted him. At present, the wicked powers are not exterminated and the territory is in alarm. Even were there the disorders of Ji Yu and Gui-fang, you must be moderate in accordance with the necessity of the time. [16] You should not make Gongsun Yuan your first consideration. I hope your Majesty will control your awe-inspiring majesty and use foresight, give a temporary rest to the Six Armies and remain profound and silent, making plans for the future. Then will the empire felicitate itself.” [17]

The Sovereign of Wu thereupon desisted.

15. The Sovereign of Wu repeatedly sent his messengers to console Zhang Zhao and apologize to him, but Zhang Zhao persisted in not appearing. On one occasion the Sovereign of Wu, being out, passed by the gate of his house and called Zhang Zhao. Zhang Zhao refused to see him on the pretense of being severely ill. The Sovereign of Wu set fire to the gate to frighten him out. Still Zhang Zhao did not come out. The Sovereign of Wu had his men put out the fire and he himself stayed at the gate for a long time. The sons of Zhang Zhao supported Zhang Zhao to his feet, and the Sovereign of Wu carried him in his carriage to the palace, where he profoundly apologized in person. So, finding no way out, Zhang Zhao attended court.

16. When Zhang Mi and Xu Yan had arrived at Xiang-ping, Gongsun Yuan plotted against them. First, therefore, he scattered their subordinate officials and soldiers. He placed assistant envoys such as Qin Dan (秦旦), Zhang Qun (張群), Du De (杜德), Huang Qiang (黃彊), with sixty of the subordinate officials and soldiers, at Xuandu jun. Xuandu jun was two hundred li away in the north of Liao-dong. The Prefect Wang Can ruled over two hundred households, in all about three or four hundred men. Qin Dan and his men were all quartered in the people's houses, on which they also depended for supply of their food and drink.

After more than forty days elapsed, Qin Dan held a discussion with Zhang Qun and others saying, "We have been sent afar by the state to execute its orders, but here we live like castaways; this is no different from death. Now I have observed that this prefecture is very weak. If we put all our effort together, set fire to the city walls and kill the chief officials, thus making good the disgrace our state suffers, then there will be no regret even if we are put to death. Is this not better than to live a dishonest life, remaining prisoners?"

Zhang Qun and the others approved. Thereupon they secretly made an agreement that they would rise up during the night of the nineteenth day of the eight month (Oct. 9). But at noon on that very day, Zhang Song (張松), a man of the prefecture, informed against them. Wang Can thereupon got his soldiers together and closed the city gates. Qin Dan, Zhang Qun, Du Fe, and Huang Qiang scaled the city walls and escaped. At the time, Zhang Qun had been suffering from an ulcer on his knee, and he could not keep up with his companions. Du Fe was always at his side supporting him. Over steep mountains and valleys they went on for six or seven hundred li. The ulcer became more and more serious, so that the man could go no farther. He lay down on the grass, while all the others watched him and shed tears.

Zhang Qun said, "Unfortunately my wound is grave; in no time I shall die. All of you had better hasten ahead in hope of reaching some place. By this useless watching, we shall all die in this desolate valley. What profit will there be in that?"

Du Fe said, "Wandering in this place ten thousand li from home, we share life and death. I cannot bear to leave you behind."

He then urged Qin Dan and Huang Qiang to go ahead. Du Fe alone stayed and took care of Zhang Qun, gathering vegetables and fruits to feed him.

After going on for a few days Qin Dan and Huang Qiang reached Gaogouli. They proclaimed a rescript of the Sovereign of Wu to Wei-Gong, King of Gaogouli and his zhubu, and dissembled that there had been a gift for them, but that it had been seized by the people of Liao-dong. Wei-Gong and his men were greatly pleased and immediately accepted the order as given in the rescript. He sent men to go along with Qin Dan and fetch Zhang Qun, and then sent twenty-five of his caoyito escort Qin Dan and his men on their return voyage to Wu. He sent up a memorial in which he called himself a vassal and offered as tribute a thousand sable skins and ten sets of falcon skins.

When received in audience by the Sovereign of Wu, Qin Dan and his men could not contain their mixed feeling of joy and sorrow. The Sovereign of Wu commended them and appointed them all to be jiaoyu. [19]

17. In this year the Sovereign of Wu led out his army with the intention of laying seige to the New City (Xin-cheng) of He-fei. Because the place was distant from the water, he dared not leave his boat for more than twenty days. Man Chong said to his various generals, "As we have moved the site of our fortress, Sun Quan is certain to boast among his people. Now he has come with his large forces with the aim of some achievement. Although he does not dare to come to us, he certainly will land on the bank and display his forces, to show that his strength is ample."

He then secretly sent sixty thousand horse and infantry to lay an ambush at a concealed place along the Fei-shui and wait for him. The Sovereign of Wu, as predicted, landed on the bank and displayed his forces. Man Chong's ambush troops rose up suddenly and attacked them. Several hundred men were slaughtered, and there were also some who drowned.

The Sovereign of Wu also had Quan Cong attack Liu-an, but he likewise was not successful. [5]

18. In Shu, Zhang Yi, the dudu of Lai-xiang, had been strict in enforcement of laws; he was unable to win the hearts of the outland peoples. The chieftain of the southern barbarians, Liu Zhou (劉冑), rebelled, and Zhang Yi put his troops into action to chastise Liu Zhou. The Prime Minister Zhuge Liang had the canjun Ma Zhong of Ba-xi replace Zhang Yi, and summoned Zhang Yi to return. The messenger said that Zhang Yi was to return speedily and receive his disgrace.

Zhang Yi said, "Not so. I am returning because with the Man barbarians in an upheaval I have not been able to execute my duties; but until my substitute comes, I must keep my post in the battlefield, transport and store provisions in preparation for exterminating the rebels. Shall I, merely because I am demoted, neglect the business of the state?"

With this he continued to superintend and direct, without being remiss. When his substitute came, he left. Ma Zhong, depending on this foundation, destroyed Liu Zhou and killed him. Upon learning this the Prime Minister Zhuge Liang commended him.

19. Zhuge Liang encouraged agriculture and trained his troops. He made wooden oxen and flying horses. [1] He transported rice to the entrance of Ye-gu and repaired the storehouses at Ye-gu. [2] He rested the people and the troops, and only after three years did he put them to the task.

===================================

Chapter 14 NotesFirst Year of Qinglong (233 AD)Shu: Eleventh Year of JianxingWu: Second Year of Jiahe

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

2. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi: “In the second month, on the day tingyu, the Emperor went to Mopo to see the dragon. He then changed his reign title and renamed Mopo 'Longpo.' He conferred two grades of rank on the male population and exempted widowers and widows, the fatherless and the sonless, from this year's land-taxes and other taxes.”

The giving of the general amnesty is mentioned in SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, under second year of Qinglong, spring, first month (February 16-March 17).

The proclamation reads: “Since this unworthy one received the great mandate (i.e. succeeded to the Imperial throne), I have been wary and fearful, without time for a momentary nap. I have had my mind on quelling the disturbances of the time and helping the people, so that I may become worthy of the spirits of Heaven and Earth and satisfy the people's hopes. Therefore I have been indefatigable in seeking for men of great ability, in order to unite my strength with theirs in the conquest of the Empire. If they are willing to exercise their minds, I will share my future with them.

Now the Commander of Yuzhou with the Tally, who is also mu of Qingzhou, taishou of Liaodong, and King of Yan has for long been a threat to the Wei rebels, while occupying one corner of the Empire. Although his mind was bent toward the State (i.e. Wu), he lacked a road to it. Now, following the Mandate of Heaven, he has sent his two envoys from afar to express his allegiance. His memorial is sincere. How great is my joy to receive it! Tang, when he met Yi Yin, nor the King of Zhou when he discovered LU Wang, nor Shizu (i.e. the Later-Han Emperor Guangwu) when he got Heyou before conquering the whole Empire, could be better pleased than this. The unification of the entire Empire begins from here. Does not the Shu say, 'When the one man enjoys felicity, the myriad peoplewill look to him as their sure dependence?'

A general amnesty shall be granted throughout the whole Empire, so that a new beginning may be made. All the provinces and prefectures shall be clearly notified of this event. Herewith I also issue my rescript to the State of Yan, my gracious command; the whole world shall hear of this felicity.”

The text of the rescript conferring Gongsun Yuan the title King of Yan is reproduced in the Jiangbiao zhuan.

4. From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Zhao, where the passage is preceded by the following introduction, “Because Gongsun Yuan had called himself his vassal, Sun Quan sent Zhang Mi and Xu Yan to Liaodong to enfeoff him as King of Yan.”

4.2 SGZ has, “Sun Quan repeatedly argued with him.” Sima Guang thus alters the original sentence, probably because he thought it unbecoming for a sovereign to argue or contend with a subject.

5. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

6. From ibid.

7. From ibid. According to Hu Sanxing, the Jushi is an enclosure in which football is played.

8. Except the first and the last sentences, this section is from ibid.

8.1 This passage is derived from the three following.(a) SGZ, Wei: Budugen, chieftain of the Xianbei guarding the frontiers, had secret relations with the revolted Xianbei chieftain Kebineng. (Budugen had been guarding Yanmenjun in Taiyuan).

SGZ Description of the Xianbei, Wei notes, “After acceding to the throne, the Emperor Mingdi strove to pacify the barbarian tribes, so that campaigns might be stopped, and maintained friendly relations with them.

In the first year of Qinglong, Kebineng seduced Budugen away and concluded a close alliance with him. So Budugen, together with Xieguini and his own tribesmen, supported Kebineng when he plundered Pingzhou, and slaughtered under-officials and people there. The Emperor sent the xiaoji jiangjun Qin Lang on an expedition against him. Xieguini revolted against Kebineng and, leading his tribesmen, surrendered. The Emperor appointed him Prince Guiyi, conferring on him banners, qugai, and musicians for state occasions, and stationing him at Pingzhou as formerly. Budugen was killed by Kebineng.”

SGZ Biography of Kebineng: “In the first year of Qinglong, Kebineng seduced Budugen to join him, caused him to rise in rebellion in Bingzhou, and concluded friendship with him. Personally leading ten thousand mounted troops, he went to the north of Xingling to receive the latter's baggages and belongings. Bi Gui, the cishi of Bingzhou, sent the generals Su Shang, Dong Bi, et al., to attack him. Kebineng sent his own son at the head of cavalry troops to fight Su Shang at Loufan. In this battle, he killed Su Shang and Dong Bi.”

9. From SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, appended to that of his father Gongsun Du. It reads: “Sun Quan sent his envoys Zhang Mi, Xu Yan, et al., to carry gold, jade, and valuable treasures, and to enthrone Gongsun Yuan as King of Yan. At the same time, Gongsun Yuan was afraid that Sun Quan, being so distant from him, could not be depended on; and yet he was also covetous of the goods. He decoyed the envoys, killed them all, and sent the severed heads of Zhang Mi, Xu Yan, and others to the capital.”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. “In the twelfth month, Gongsun Yuan killed and forwarded the heads of the envoys Sun Quan had sent to him, Zhang Mi and Xu Yan. The Emperor made Gongsun Yuan da sima and Duke of Lelang.” SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan appended to that of his grandfather Gongsun Du, continuing from the passage given in Section 9, reads: “Mingdi thereupon appointed Gongsun Yuan da sima and enfeoffed him as Duke of Lelang; as for his carrying the Tally and acting as head of the prefecture, there was no change.”

11. From the Jiangbiao zhuan.

11.2 Sun Quan lived 182-252 AD. In this year, 33, he must have been only fifty-two years old in Chinese computation; “sixty” is a loose term.

12. From SGZ, biography of Lu Xun, where the passage is preceded by, “When Gongsun Yuan broke the covenant, Sun Quan wished to go out on a punitive campaign against him.”

12.3 Shi jing: “The King rose majestic in his wrath; he marshaled his troops, to stop the invading forces.”

12.7 From the Lunyu, “The relation between superiors and inferiors, is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it.”

13. From SGZ, Biography of Xue Zong, where the following passage precedes: “In the third year of Huanglong (231 AD), Sun Lü, Lord of Jianchang, was appointed chenjun da jiangjun and was stationed over half a province. Xue Zong became his changshi, externally taking charge of general affairs, internally instructing him in books. After Sun Lü's death (see under 232 AD), he returned to the capital to become Tsei {???} cao shangshu, later being promoted to be shangshu puyi. At that time, Gongsun Yuan, who had submitted, revolted again. In great anger, Sun Quan wished to lead a campaign against him in person.”

13.2 Zhou Yi: They made the defense of the double gates, and the warning of the clapper, as a preparation against the approach of marauding visitors.”

13.3 Lunyu: “The Master said, 'My doctrines make no way. I will get upon a raft, and float about on the sea. He that will accompany will be Yu, I dare to say.' Zilu hearing this was glad, upon which the master said, 'Yu is fonder of daring than I am. He does not exercise his judgment upon matters.'”

The Jiyu in Xue Zong's memorial undoubtedly is Yu or Zilu in the Lunyu passage, although the two zi by which Zhong Yu is known are Zilu and Jilu.

13.5 Shi ji and Han Shu: “When the family has accumulated a thousand pieces of gold, the son of the house does not sit below an overhanging roof.” Zhang Ji comments that this is because some stray tile might fall on his head.

13.13 It was Xue Guangde who advised his Emperor, Yuandi, to cross by bridge instead of by boat.

14. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Mao, where the passage is preceded by, “In the first year of Jiahe, Lu Mao was nominated and appointed yilang and xuancao shangshu. Sun Quan, vexed at Gongsun Yuan's falsity and betrayal, wished to lead a campaign against him in person.”

14.6 Sunzi ji ju has: “So when the enemy is at rest we must be able to fatigue him.” The same source has: “Having gone a short distance, we await an enemy who has come from afar; at ease, we await a toiling enemy; with stomach filled, we await a hungry enemy; this is the way to take care of strength.”

14.16 Shu jing: “According to the teachings of ancient times, Chi Yu was the first to produce disorder.” Zhou Yi: “The third line, undivided, suggests the case of Gao Zong who attacked the Demon region, but was three years in subduing it.”

14.17 SGZ, Wu, continues, “Having read these two memorials, Sun Quan commended their balanced and ample language and thought; in the end he did not go.”

15. From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Zhao.

16. From the Wu shu. Hu Sanxing notes that Xiangping-xian was the capital of Liaodong. The SGZ Biography of Gongsun Du states that Gongsun Du, zi Shengji, was originally a man of Xiangping in Liaodong.

16.19 Wu shu has, “Sun Quan commended them and...”

Wu shu continues as follows: “After an interval of a year, Sun Quan sent the shiezhe Xie Hong (謝宏) and the zhongshu Chen Xun (陳恂)to invest Gong as shanyu, and made him a gift of garments and valuable treasures. Having reached Anpingkou, Chen Xun, et al., sent the jiaoyu Chen Feng (陳奉) on to Gong; but Gong had received instructions from the Governor of Yuzhou that he should earn merit at the expense of the envoys from Wu. Chen Feng got wind of this and returned. Gong sent his jubu Zhai Zi and Dai Gu (帶固) and others to Anpingkou to meet Xie Hong. Xie Hong thereupon bound more than thirty men and took them as hostage. Gong then apologized and offered several hundred horses. So Xie Hong sent Zhai Zi and Dai Gu to take the rescript and the gifts to Gong. At that time, Xie Hong's ship was small; hence he brought back only eighty horses.”

The Governor of Yuzhou here mentioned must have been Guanqiu Jian, whose biography in SGZ, Wei, states, “During the Qinglong period (233-237), the Emperor Mingdi, intending to make a campaign against Liaodong, transferred Guanqiu Jian, because of his ability, to be Governor of Yuzhou.”

17. Except the last sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Man Chong.

17.5 SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, notes, “In this year, Sun Quan proceeded towards the New City of Hefei; he also sent the general Quan Cong to attack Liu'an. Both failed of success and returned.”

With regard to Quan Cong's share in this unsuccessful campaign, SGZ, Biography of Quan Cong sates, “In the second year of Jiahe, he commanded fifty thousand men of infantry and cavalry in an attack on Liu'an. The people of Liu'an all dispersed. The various generals wished to send out the troops along different routes to capture them. Quan Cong said, “To risk dangers in expectation of possible advantages, without absolute certainty of achievement, does not belong to the general decorum of a state. Now you would send out troops along different routes to capture the people, but advantage and loss here are equal; how can one say that there is any certainty? Even if we capture some of them, it will not be enough to weaken the enemy or to meet the needs of our state. If on the other hand we encounter the enemy in the attempt, our loss will not be small. If we are blamed for not having captured the people, I will gladly take the responsibility; I dare not subject the state to loss through our ambition to earn merit.”

18. From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi, where the passage is preceded by, “In the ninth year of Jianxing, Zhang Yi was appointed dudu of Laixiang and suinan zhonglangjiang.”

19. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

19.1 SGZ reads, “Tenth year of Jianxing, 232 AD, Zhuge Liang rested his troops and encouraged agriculture; completed making flying horses and wooden oxen at Huangsha, instructed and trained his troops.” The flying horses are described in the Wei shi chunqiu.

19.2 SGZ reads, “Eleventh year (233), winter. Zhuge Liang had the various troops transport rice to the entrance of Yegu, and repaired the storehouse at Yegu.”

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 10:06 pm, edited 3 times in total.

6. On the day June 17 the Emperor ordered officials in charge to sacrifice a bull, a ram, and a boar at the temple of Wen-Di and announce the death of the Duke of Shan-yang. He canonized the Duke of Shan-yang as Emperor Xiao-Xien of Han and buried him in accordance with the Han ceremonies.

7. Zhuge Liang reached Mei and stationed his troops south of the Wei river. [1] Sima Yi led his troops across the Wei and took up his position with the river at his rear and constructed fortifications for resistance. [2] He said to his various generals, "If Zhuge Liang comes forth to Wu-gong and moves east along the mountain, it will be a matter for concern to us; if he moves west to Wu-zhang-yuan, you generals will be left in peace." [3]

Zhuge Liang did indeed quarter his troops at Wu-zhang-yuan. [4]

8. Guo Huai, Governor of Yong-zhou, advised Sima Yi: "Zhuge Liang is sure to try for Bo-yuan. We must occupy it first."

Most of those discussing the matter dissented, but Gui Huai said, "If Zhuge Liang straddles the Wei and climbs Bei-yuan, connecting his forces with Bo-shan, the route in the region of Long will be cut off, the aborigines and Chinese peoplewill be shaken. This would not be to the advantage of our state." [4]

Sima Yi thereupon had Guo Huai encamp in Bo-yuan. Before the fortifications were completed, the Han troops came in force; Guo Huai met and struck at them.

9. Although Zhuge Liang had indeed issued forth many times before, his aims had not materialized due to lack of steady transport of provisions. [1] So he divided his troops and settled them in military agricultural colonies as a foundation for permanent encampment. The troops who tilled land were mixed among the inhabitants on the bank of the Wei; the people lived in peace, the troops showing themselves no partiality.

10. Fifth month (June 15 - July 13). The Sovereign of Wu entered Zhaohu kou and took up quarters there; then he proceeded towards the New City of He-fei. His men were said to number a hundred thousand. [2] He also sent Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin to lead more than ten thousand men in Jiang-xia and Miankou and then proceed to Xiang-yang and the generals Sun Shao and Zhang Cheng to enter the Huai and proceed to Guang-ling and Huai-yin. [3]

11. Sixth month (July 14 - Aug. 12). Man Chong wished to lead his various troops to reinforce the New City of He-fei. The zhenyi jiangjun Tian Yu said, "The rebels have mobilized their entire forces; they are planning for no small profit, but are using the New City as a bait for attracting our main forces. We ought to let them attack the City and dissipate their initial vigor; we should not fight them while their strength is rampant. Failing to take the City, their troops will be fatigued and off guard; we are sure to win a great victory. If the rebels become aware of our scheme, they will be forced to withdraw. To advance our troops at this point will be only to fall into their trap. Furthermore, when our forces advance toward them, we should do it so that it will be difficult for the advance to be known. We should not allow them to take appropriate measures." [5]

12. At that time, officers and soldiers in the eastern region were all given leave by turns. Man Chong memorialized the throne requesting the Imperial Bodyguard troops, and asking that the generals and soldiers on leave be recalled, so that the enemy could be attacked when they were collected together. The sanji changshi Liu Shao of Guang-ping maintained, "The rebel forces having come only recently, they are concentrated in mind and keen in spirit. Man Chong will be fighting with a numerically inferior force on their own ground; if they advance and strike, he will certainly be unable to control them. Man Chong asks to wait for the troops; there is nothing for us to lose by so doing. I urge that we first send five thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry ahead of our army, marching forth with clamor and making display of their strength. When the cavalry troops reach He-fei, they will scatter their formation, and put out banners and drums in large number, making a show of force outside the city. Then they will get behind the rebels' line, aim for their route of retreat and intercept their supply route. When they hear that large forces of ours have arrived, and how our cavalry is cutting off their line from behind, the rebels are sure to be shaken and alarmed and take to flight. They will be put to rout without a battle."

The Emperor followed him. [8]

13. Man Chong wished to give up the defense of the New City of He-fei to attract the rebels of Shou-chun. The Emperor did not listen to him and said, "Of old, the Emperor Guang-Wu sent troops to occupy Lue-yang and so eventually destroyed Wei Xiao. The late Emperor set up He-fei on the east, defended Xiang-yang in the south, and consolidated Qi-shan in the west. The rebels were invariably destroyed at the outskirts of these three walled cities; this shows that certain places must be contended for. Even if Sun Quan does attack the New City, he certainly cannot capture it. I will order the various generals to make a strong defense of the New City, and I myself will go forth and direct the campaign against him. I am anxious lest Sun Quan be gone when I come."

14. Thereupon he had the zhengshu hu jun Qin Lang lead twenty thousand infantry and cavalry to help Sima Yi ward off Zhuge Liang.

15. He ordered Sima Yi, "You only need to make your defense within fortified walls, to blunt his edge. Advancing, he cannot accomplish his aims; retreating, he shall not be given battle. If he stays long, his provisions will be exhausted, nor will he obtain anything by foraging. This being so he will have to flee. When he flees, you shall pursue him. 'We await at our ease the tired army.' This is the way to complete victory."

16. Autumn, seventh month. On the day Aug. 30 the Emperor embarked in the imperial vessel ("dragon boat") for his eastern campaign.

17. Man Chong, enlisting brave men, burnt down the attacking machines of the Wu. [1] He shot and killed Sun Tai, a son of a younger brother of the Sovereign of Wu. [2]

Furthermore, many of the officers and soldiers of Wu suffered from diseases.

18. When the Emperor reached a place several hundred li distant from the New City, his surprise troops had arrived. [1] The Sovereign of Wu had at first thought that the Emperor would not be able to come out; hearing that large forces had arrived, he fled. [2] Sun Shao also withdrew.

19. Lu Xun had dispatched his confidant Han Bian (韓扁) to carry a memorial to the Sovereign of Wu, and Wei scouts seized him. Hearing of this, Zhuge Jin was very anxious and wrote a letter to Lu Xun saying: "The Emperor (i.e., Sun Quan) has returned. The rebels have seized Han Bian; they will know our whole situation. Furthermore the water is drying up. We ought to leave speedily."

Lu Xun did not answer him, but urged his men to plant tulips and beans, and with his various generals played chess and practiced archery as usual.

Zhuge Jin said, "Boyan is full of resources. There must be some reason in his behavior." So he came to see Lu Xun in person.

Lu Xun said, "The rebels are aware that our Emperor has returned, and consequently they have nothing to worry about; they can concentrate their attention on us. Furthermore, we are defending an important position, and the minds of the rank and file as well as generals are moved. So we ought to keep ourselves calm to put them at ease. We must first apply our minds to discovering some tactic of getting away. If we now exhibit our withdrawal without further ado, the rebels will certainly think we are afraid and advance to harass us, and we will inevitably suffer disaster."

He then devised a secret plan with Zhuge Jin: placing Zhuge Jin in charge of the boats, Lu Xun would put aboard his troops and take them toward the city of Xiang-yang. The Wei, who were always fearful of Lu Xun's fame, suddenly went back in their walls. Zhuge Jin then brought out the boats; Lu Xun carefully put his troops in order, and in full martial array they marched toward the vessels. The Wei did not venture to come near. When he reached Bo-wei he pretended to stop and hunt. Secretly, he sent his generals Zhou Jun (周峻) and Zhang Liang to go attack Xin-shi, An-lu, and Shi-yang, all in Jiang-xia.

At Shi-yang, the market happened to be crowded; as Zhou Jun and his men suddenly came, the people threw away all their belongings to go inside the walls. But the gates were crammed and could not be closed, and only after the officials of the city hewed down and slaughtered their own people could they close them.

They returned after having killed and captured more than a thousand men. [13]

20. The officials all maintained that with the da jiangjun Sima Yi engaged with Zhuge Liang without relief, the Emperor should go west to Chang-an. The Emperor said, "With Sun Quan in flight, Zhuge Liang must be disheartened. Our large forces are sufficient to control him; I have nothing to worry about."

He then advanced with his army and reached Shou-chun, where he recorded the achievements of his various generals, granting enfeoffment and rewards in accordance with their individual merits.

21. Eighth month. On the day Sept. 30 the Han Emperor Xiao Xian was buried at the mausoleum of Chan-ling.

22. On the day Oct. 9 the Emperor returned to Xu-chang.

23. a) Sima Yi and Zhuge Liang had been holding their positions against one another for more than a hundred days. [1] Zhuge Liang challenged for battle many a time, but Sima Yi would not come out. [2]

b) Zhuge Liang then sent Sima Yi a bonnet and woman's dress. Sima Yi was angered and sent up a memorial to the throne to be permitted to fight. [3]

c) The Emperor sent the wei-yu Xin Pi to carry the Plenipotentiary Tally and serve as Military Advisor, thus to restrain him. [4] The hujun Jiang Wei said to Zhuge Liang, "Since Xin Pi has come carrying the Plenipotentiary Tally, the rebels will not come out at all." Zhuge Liang said, "He has been indisposed to fight from the beginning. The reason why he persistently asked to fight was to make a martial showing to his own men. While with his army the general sometimes does not accept his Sovereign's commands. If he were sure that he could get the better of us, would he have to ask for a permission to fight, from a thousand li away?"

24. When Zhuge Liang's envoy came to Sima Yi's camp, Sima Yi asked his about his sleep and food, and how busy he was; he did not make any inquiry on military matters. The envoy answered, "His Excellency Zhuge rises early and goes to sleep late. Punishments of twenty blows or more he always supervises personally. As for what he eats, it does not amount to a few sheng.

Sima Yi said to his men, "Zhuge Kongming takes little food and does much work; how can he last long?" [7]

25. When Zhuge Liang was seriously ill, the Sovereign of Han sent the shang-shu puyi Li Fu to inquire after his health. [1] On this occasion he consulted him on important matters of state. Li Fu came and spoke with Zhuge Liang; after he had taken leave and was gone a few days, he returned. [3]

Zhuge Liang said, "I know why you have returned. Although we spoke during the past days through the length of the day, yet there still are matters that have not been exhaustively discussed. Hence you have come back to settle them. Your question is whether Gongyan is the right man for my successor."

Li Fu apologized, "On the former occasion I forgot to consult you as to who, after Your Excellency's demise, might be competent to fill the great post. It is for this that I have returned. I beg you tell me the name of a competent successor to Jiang Wan."

Zhuge Liang said, "Wenwei [7] can be his successor." When asked for still the next successor, Zhuge Liang made no reply.

26. In this month Zhuge Liang died, with the army.

27. The chang-shi Yang Yi put the army in order and marched off; the population rushed to Sima Yi and informed him [1], and Sima Yi pursued them. Jiang Wei ordered Yang Yi to turn the banners and beat the drums, as if intending to meet Sima Yi. Sima Yi held back his troops and withdrew, not daring to press hard. Yang Yi thereupon departed, with his troops in battle formation. Entering Ye-gu he announced the death of Zhuge Liang.

The people made it a saying, "Dead Zhuge has put live Zhongda to flight!" When he heard this Sima Yi laughed and said, "It is because I can take the measure of the living, but not of the dead."

28. Sima Yi inspected Zhuge Liang's camps one after another and exclaimed, "He was a genius." He pursued them to Chi-an; but not overtaking them, he turned back.

29. Now, the Han qian junshi, Wei Yan, was surpassingly brave and martial, and he took good care of his troops. [1]

Each time he went out under Zhuge Liang [2], he invariably wanted to take ten thousand men by a different route and rejoin Zhuge Liang's forces at Tong-guan, as had been done earlier by Han Xin. Zhuge Liang held him back and did not let him. Wei Yan used to consider Zhuge Liang faint-hearted and complained that his ability was not employed to the full.

As a man Yang Yi was able and quick. Each time Zhuge Liang went out on a campaign, Yang Yi always regulated and directed the organization of the troops and took charge of supply. He did not have to mull things over, but completed his arrangements in no time at all. All matters pertaining to the army were taken care of by Yang Yi.

Wei Yan was proud and arrogant by nature; his contemporaries were all humble to him. Yang Yi alone made no concession to Wei Yan, so that Wei Yan was extremely resentful of him; their relation was an antagonism as of water and fire.

Zhuge Liang deeply appreciated the endowments of both men and was unwilling to be partial to either. [8]

30. Earlier Fei Yi was in Wu as an envoy. [1] The Sovereign of Wu was intoxicated and said to Fei Yi, "Yang Yi and Wei Yan are low fellows, no better than shepherds. Although they were once useful in the management of affairs of the time by their howling and barking, one cannot neglect the fact that they have been entrusted with some power. Should one day there be no Zhuge Liang, they are sure to make trouble. You gentlemen of Shu, muddle-headed, do not think of taking precaution at this point; can you be said to have left your plans to your descendants?" [3]

Fei Yi answered, "The disagreement between Yang Yi and Wei Yan is simply a matter of private antipathy; their disposition is not like that of Jing Bu and Han Xin, who could not be bridled. At present, we are exterminating the powerful rebel and unifying China; achievements are accomplished and works extended by men of talent. To discard them as precaution against some eventuality would be like not using boats because one would prepare against a storm. This is not a farsighted counsel." [7]

31. During his grave illness, Zhuge Liang had given instructions to Yang Yi, as well as the sima Fei Yi, Jiang Wei, and others, concerning the army's retreat after his death. He ordered Wei Yan to defend the rear, with Jiang Wei after him; should Wei Yan disobey, the army was to march off without him. After Zhuge Liang's death, Yang Yi kept the death secret and did not announce it. He ordered Fei Yi to go forward and probe into Wei Yan's intentions.

Wei Yan said, "Although the Prime Minister had died, I am still here. The officials belonging to the Prime Minister may carry his mortal remains to be buried. I on the other hand ought to command the various troops and strike at the rebels. Because of the death of one man, must we neglect the business of the world? Besides, who am I, Wei Yan, that I should be commanded by Yang Yi to serve as general of the rear guard?"

So he and Fei Yi took charge of the troops left behind; he ordered Fei Yi to write a proclamation in his own hand, to be signed by them together and announced to the various generals. Fei Yi deceived Wei Yan saying, "I had better go back on your behalf and make the chang-shi Yang Yi understand. The chang-shi is a mere civil official with little experience in military matters, and will certainly not disobey you."

Fei Yi went through the gate and galloped away. Wei Yan soon regretted this, but it was too late to catch him. Wei Yan sent one of his men to Yang Yi and his men, who were intending to follow Zhuge Liang's plan, so that the various encampments were departing one after another. Wei Yan was very angry. Taking advantage of Yang Yi's not having started, he led fourth the troops under his command and marched directly south before them, burning the plank roads by which he had passed.

Wei Yan and Yang Yi each sent up a memorial that the other had revolted. Their express dispatches arrived in succession on the same day. The Sovereign of Han consulted the shizhong Dong Yun and the chang-shi in charge of the chengxiangfu left behind, Jiang Wan, who both stood guarantee for Yang Yi and doubted Wei Yan. Yang Yi and his men had trees hewn to make roads and marched day and night, thus coming close behind Wei Yan. Wei Yan, who had reached the entrance of the Southern Valley [9], sent troops to meet and attack Yang Yi and his men. Yang Yi and his men ordered the jiangjun He Ping {Wang Ping} [10] to take the vanguard and ward off Wei Yan.

He Ping {Wang Ping} railed at Wei Yan, climbing to the valley entrance before others and saying, "His Excellency so lately died that his body in not yet cold; how dare you people act this way?"

Wei Yan's officers and troops knew Wei Yan was in the wrong and none dared to act; they all scattered. Wei Yan, alone with his several sons, fled to Han-zhong. Yang Yi sent a general, Ma Dai, to pursue and kill him. He sent the severed head to Yang Yi, who got up and kicked it, saying, "You slave, can you do your wicked deeds any more?" [16] In the end the members of Wei Yan's family, to the third degree, were exterminated.

Now Jiang Wan had led the various camps of the imperial bodyguards towards the north to cope with the disorders; he had gone some tens of li when the news of Wei Yan's death was brought to him, and so he returned.

From the beginning, Wei Yan had wanted to kill Yang Yi and others in the hope that the opinion of the time would make him Zhuge Liang's successor in administrating the state's business. That was why he did not surrender to Wei in the north, but returned to the south to attack Yang Yi. In reality he did not intend to revolt. [19]

32. The various troops returned to Cheng-du, and a general amnesty was granted. [1] Zhuge Liang was canonized "Loyal and Martial" Lord. [2]

33. Now Zhuge Liang had memorialized the Sovereign of Han saying: "In Cheng-du I have eight hundred mulberry trees and fifteen qing of poor land; my sons and younger brothers have thus clothes and food in abundance. While serving outside, I have not drawn any emolument. As for the clothes and food I need for my person, I have depended entirely on the state. I have accumulated no other property. On the day I die, there will be no superfluous silk inside my house nor any extra wealth outside, for such would make me ashamed toward Your Majesty."

When he died, it was just as he had said.

34. The chang-shi to the Prime Minister Zhang Yi, used to say in praise of Zhuge Liang, "His Excellency does not leave out those afar when he deals out rewards, nor does he show partiality to the near when he metes out punishments. Rank cannot be obtained when one does not deserve it, nor can one escape punishment by dint of powerful influence. This is why all, regardless of wise or foolish, forget their own selves in serving him."

35. Chen Shou's "Comment" says: As chancellor of the state, Zhuge Liang soothed the people, demonstrated rules and regulations, simplified the official hierarchy, followed compromise measures, opened up his sincere heart, and spread fairness and justice. Those who served loyally and assiduously he would always reward even if they might be his enemies; those who violated laws or were remiss in their duties, he would always punish even in they were his relatives. Those who recognized their guilt and apologized, he would always pardon even if their misdeeds were heavy; those who cunningly prevaricated and elaborated, he would always put to death even if their misdeeds were light. There were no good deeds, however trifling, that he did not reward; there were no wicked deeds, however small, that he did not punish. He was well versed in the manifold affairs and took basic measures; he demanded reality corresponding to the name, and did not appreciate falsity. In the end, all within the land stood in awe of him and loved him. His punishments were indeed harsh and strict, yet there were none who complained; this was because he was equitable and fair in mind and clear in his exhortations. He could be said to be a man of outstanding ability who knew how to govern, a peer of Guan Zhong and Xiao He. Nevertheless, he made campaigns every year without achieving result. It would seem that resourceful generalship in response to changing situations was not his forte."

36. From the beginning, the chang-shui jiaoyu Liao Li thought his talent and renown deserved a position next to that of Zhuge Liang. Because of his unimportant position, he was constantly dissatisfied, ceaselessly complaining and slandering. Zhuge Liang degraded him to the rank of a commoner and banished him to Wen-shan. [2] When Zhuge Liang died, Liao Li wept and said, "After all, I shall wear the lappets of my coat buttoned on the left side." [4]

37. Li Ping heard of it (Zhuge Liang's death) and died of a broken heart. This was because Li Ping had hoped Zhuge Liang would reinstate him so that he might make good his misdeeds, and reckoned that his successor could not do so. [2]

38. Xi Zuochi in his Discourse says: "In ancient times, Guan Zhong took the city of Pian, with three hundred families, from the chief of the Bo family, yet the latter did not utter a murmur to the end of his life. The sage (i.e., Confucius) thought this not easy. Zhuge Liang's causing Liao Li to weep and Li Ping to die are not mere cases of not uttering a murmur. Now, water is as level as anything can be, yet the wicked take their warning from it; a mirror is as perspicacious as can be, yet an ugly person has no anger when he looks into it. The reason why water and mirror probe into the depth of things, and yet cause no murmur, is that they are impartial. Being impartial, water and mirror escape slander. Then how much more is it so with a great and superior man, who cherishes the desire to let live and spreads the virtue of pity; whose laws are applied because they cannot but be applied, and whose punishments are meted out to those who have transgressed of themselves; who confers ranks but not out of favoritism, and punishes to death without showing anger? Can there be any one in the world who does not submit to him? Thus can Zhuge Liang be called one who knows how to mete out punishments; there never has been such a one since Qin and Han.

39. The people of Shu begged to erect Zhuge Liang's shrines everywhere, but the Sovereign of Han did not let them. So the people offered their private sacrifices to him at different seasons on the roads and paths. The bubing jiaoyu Xi Long and others sent a memorial to the throne requesting erection of a shrine in Mian-yang, near where his tomb was, and prohibition of private sacrifices. [3] The Sovereign of Han acceeded to them. [4]

40. The Sovereign of Han appointed the zuo jiangjun Wu Yi to be chu-chi chiang-chun, in this capacity to carry the Plenipotentiary Tally and direct affairs in Han-zhong; and the chang-shih to the Prime Minister, Jiang Wan, to be shang-shu-ling, in this capacity to direct all business of state.

41. Soon afterwards he added to Jiang Wan the titles of hsing-tu-tu with the Plenipotentiary Tally, and governer of Yi-zhou. [1] At this time the commander-in-chief had recently died, and far and near were in fear and panic. Jiang Wan, unique and without peer, stood above the crowd of officials. He wore no expression of sorrow, nor showed any color of joy; his mind and behavior were just at they used to be. Because of this, the massses gradually submitted to him.

42. Hearing of Zhuge Liang's death, the Wu feared that Wei might take advantage of this weakening and take Shu. They increased the number of garrison troops at Ba-qiu to/by ten thousand. In the first place they wished to come to the aid of Shu, secondly they wished to join in it's partition. When they heard this the Han also increased their garrison at Yong-an against any eventualities. They Sovereign of Han sent the yu chung-lang-chiang Zong Yu as his envoy to Wu. The Sovereign of Wu asked him, "We of the east and you of the west are like a single family, but I hear that you of the west have increased the garrison at Bei-di (i.e., Yong-an). What does this mean?"

He answered, "I think the east's increase of the garrison at Ba-qiu and the west's increase of the garrison at Bei-di are both due to the necessity of the time, and it is not a matter worthy of putting in an interrogation."

The Sovereign of Wu laughed heartily and commended him for his proud report. His ceremony toward him was inferior only to his treatment of Deng Zhi.

43. In Wu, Zhuge Ke maintained that, the mountains of Dan-yang being so steep and its people for the most part so resolute and strong, the earlier expedition had resulted merely in annexing the common people of adjacent xian, and had been unable to capture completely the more distant inhabitants. He repeatedly sought to have himself appointed as official of the place, saying that by the time he had been out there three years he could obtain forty thousand armed men.

General opinion however had it: The Dan-yang terrain is steep and full of defiles. Adjacent to the four prefectures of Wu-zhun, Kuai-ji, Xin-du, and Po-yang, it is several thousand li in circumference, its mountains and valleys ten-thousandfold. Inhabitants of the secluded regions have never entered any walled towns to take commands from officials. They all live by weapons and roam in the wilderness. To the end of their lives they stay in woods and jungles. All those who escape the law, and habitual criminals, take refuge with them. The mountains produce copper and iron, which they cast into armor and weapons. By habit they are fond of war and versed in fighting, and place high value on strength. They climb mountains, cross precipices, and rush into jungles like fish darting in pools and monkeys climbing trees. From time to time, watching for the oppurtunity, they come out to plunder; whenever we send troops against them, they seek their holes. When they fight they gather like wasps; when defeated they scatter like birds and beasts. From early times it has never been possible to control them."

All held the task difficult. Zhuge Ke's father Zhuge Jin hearing about it, considered the thing in the end could not be done. He sighed and said, "Ke will not prosper our house, he is going to bring our clan to ruin!"

Zhuge Ke persistantly set forth his certainty of success. So the Sovereign of Wu appointed Zhuge Ke General for Pacification of the Mountain Yue and Prefect of Dan-yang[6], and had him carry out his plan. [7]

45. In Wu, Pan Jun had been campaigning against the Man of Wu-ling. In several years he killed and captured several tens of thousands. From this time the various Man tribes were weakened and their whole region was traquil. In the eleventh month Pan Jun returned to Wu-chang.

===============================

Chapter 15 NotesSecond Year of Qinglong (234 AD)Shu: Twelfth Year of JianxingWu: Third Year of Jiahe

1. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang. “Twelfth year of Jianxing, spring, Zhuge Liang led all his hundred thousand troops out from Yegu, transporting his supplies by means of the flying horses.” A more exact date, second month, is given in SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign. Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, gives the number of troops as ten-odd ten-thousands.

2. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

3. From ibid.

4. loc. Cit.

5. loc. Cit.

6. loc. Cit.

7. From Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, continuing from the passage given in note 1: “In this month (i.e. in the fourth month), Zhuge Liang came out from Yegu and encamped south of the Wei river. Sima Xuanwang led the various troops to resist him.”

7.1 Jin shu has: “He encamped in the plain south of the Wei river, in Mei.” Then it continues: “The Son of Heaven (i.e. Mingdi) was anxious at this and sent the zhengshu hujun Qin Lang to lead twenty thousand infantry and cavalry and put himself under Xuandi's direction. The generals wished to go to the north side of the Wei and wait for him (i.e. Zhuge Liang). Xuandi said, 'The people's provisions are all stored south of the Wei; it is a place that we must contend for.'”

7.2 Jin Shu has, “In the end, he led his army ahead and crossed, taking up a position with the river at his back and constructing fortifications.”

7.3 Jin shu has, “On this occasion he said to his various generals, 'If Zhuge Liang is a brave man, he can be expected to come out to Wugong and move east along the mountain. If he moves west to Wuzhangyuan, our troops will be left in peace.”

7.4 Jin shu has, “Zhuge Liang did proceed to Wuzhang yuan and was about to cross the Wei to the North.”

8. From SGZ, Biography of Guo Huai, where the passage is preceded by: “In the second year of Qinglong, Zhuge Liang went out to Yegu and held maneuvers at Langeng. At this time, Sima Xuan was encamped south of the Wei.”

8.4 After this, SGZ continues, “A few days later, Zhuge Liang, with a large force, moved west. The generals all thought he was intending to attack Xiwei. Guo Huai alone believed that by this move he was only making a show in the west with the object of making the Wei government troops respond, and that he would certainly attack Yangsui. That same night, he did attack Yangsui, but as it was guarded, he was unable to take it.”

9. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang.

9.1 SGZ has: “He occupied Wugong and Wuzhangyuan, and took his position against Sima Xuanwang south of the Wei. Zhuge Liang had always felt keenly that lack of continuous supply caused the failure of his aims.”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

10.2 SGZ, Biography of Man Chong: “In the following year, Sun Quan personally led his troops, said to number a hundred thousand, to the new city of Hefei.” A similar quote appears in Tian Yu's biography as well.

10.3 SGZ, Wei: “He also sent his generals Lu Yi and Sun Shao at the head of more than ten thousand men each to enter the Huai and the Mian.”

Sun Quan's SGZ Biography states, “Summer, fifth month. Sun Quan sent Lu Xun, Zhuge Jin, et al., to take their quarters in Jiangxia and Miankou, and Sun Shao and Zhang Cheng, et al., to proceed to Guangling and Huaiyang. Sun Quan himself led the main force and besieged the New City of Hefei.”

SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun: “In the fifth month, (must be corrected to 'third') year of Jiahe, Sun Quan made his northern campaign. He had Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin attack Xiangyang.”

Sun Shao was appointed chenbo jiangjun after Sun Quan had come to the throne. Zhang Cheng, eldest son of Zhang Zhao, was at this time fenwei jiangjun.

11. From SGZ, Biography of Tian Yu.

11.5 After this, SGZ Wei, continues: “Tian Yu immediately memorialized the throne, and the Son of Heaven followed him. It turned out that the rebels took to flight. Later on, the Wu made another invasion. Tian Yu went forth to resist them, and the rebels thereupon retreated. His various troops were alarmed in the night, saying that the rebels were coming again. Tian Yu kept to his bed and did not get up, ordering that any of the troops making a stir would be put to death. After a while, it turned out that no rebels came.”

12. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Shao, where the passage is preceded by: “During the Qinglong period, the Wu laid siege to Hefei.” SGZ notes, “Liu Shao, zi Gongcai, was a man of Handan in Guangping.”

13. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which continues the passage given in Note 10.3, as follows, “In the sixth month, the zhengdong jiangjun Man Chong moved his troops forward to resist them. Man Chong...”

14. From Jin Shu.

15. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in Note 7.

16. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

17. From SGZ, Biography of Man Chong, continuing from the passage given in Section 10, Note 2.

17.1 SGZ has: “Man Chong hurried to its rescue. He enlisted several tens of brave men, who cut pines for torches, poured oil on them, and set fires in a favorable wind, and thus burned down the attacking machines of the rebels.”

17.2 SGZ has, “He shot and killed Sun Tai, a son of Sun Quan's younger brother. The rebels thereupon withdrew.” A short notice of Sun Tai is given in the biography of his father Sun Kuang, in SGZ: “Sun Kuang's son Sun Tai was a nephew of the Cao clan [i.e. Sun Tai's mother, or Sun Kuang's wife, was of the Cao, the reigning house of Wei]. He became zhangshui jiaoyu. In the third year of Jiahe, he was with Sun Quan at the siege of the New City of Hefei. He was hit by a stray arrow and died.”

18. Adapted from SGZ:

18.1 The first clause is from SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in Section 16: “When Sun Quan attacked the New City, the jiangjun Zhang Ying and others defended the place and fought a strenuous battle. The Emperor's army had gone several hundred li, when Sun Quan fled; Lu Yi and Sun Shao, etc., also retreated.”

The second clause is supplied by Sima Guang; the “surprise troops” must refer to those mentioned by Liu Shao.

18.2 SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, continuing from the passage given in Note 10: “At this time, the Shu chengxiang Zhuge Liang having gone out to Wugong, Sun Quan thought that the Wei Mingdi would not be able to come out so far. But the Emperor had sent troops to help Sima Xuanwang resist Zhuge Liang, and he himself led marine troops for the eastern campaign. Before he arrived, Sun Quan withdrew and returned. Sun Shao also retreated.”

19. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, continuing from the passage given in Note 10.

19.13 Pei Songzhi sharply criticizes Lu Xun for this one move, arguing that it was not profitable and made the people of Shiyang suffer unnecessarily. He says that because of this cruelty, Lu Xun's descendents did not prosper, his line having stopped with the third generation.

20. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in note 18.2.

21. From Hou Han Shu, Chronicle of Xiandi.

22. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

23. Paragraph (a) is from SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in Note 22. Paragraph (b) is from the Wei shi chunqiu. Paragraph [c] is from the Han Jin Chunqiu.

23.1 SGZ, Wei: Sima Xuanwang and Zhuge Liang had been maintaining their positions and besieging each other for days.”

23.2 SGZ has: “Zhuge Liang challenged him to battle several times, but Sima Xuanwang strengthened his fortifications and did not respond.”

23.3 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Zhuge Liang first sent several messages and then sent a bonnet and women's adornments to irritate Sima Xuanwang. Sima Xuanwang was on the point of going out to fight...”

23.4 Han Jin Chunqiu has: “Zhuge Liang came in person and challenged him to battle several times. Sima Xuanwang persistently requested the permission to fight. The Emperor had the weiyu Xin Pi carry the Plenipotentiary Tally and restrain him.” Wei shi chunqiu, continuing from the passage given in Note 24.3 reads: “Xin Pi, carrying the Plenipotentiary Tally and an Imperial rescript, restrained Sima Xuanwang and his subordinate officers. And so {Sima Yi} desisted.”

Xin Pi's appointment as Military Advisor is mentioned in his biography in SGZ Wei: “In the second year of Qinglong, Zhuge Liang, leading his horde, came out to the south of the Wei river. Before this, the da jiangjun Sima Xuanwang had several times requested the permission to fight Zhuge Liang; Mingdi would not listen to him. This year he feared that he might not make him desist, so he appointed Xin Pi as Military Advisor to the da jiangjun and had him carry the Plenipotentiary Tally. The Six Armies were completely obedient to Xin Pi's command, none daring to transgress.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, gives a more dramatic account: “At that time, the Court felt that since Zhuge Liang had come a long way to make his invasion, it would be to his advantage to join battle as early as possible. Therefore Xuandi was ordered to be prudent and wait for some change in Zhuge Liang's position. Zhuge Liang challenged him to battle many a time, but Xuandi would not come out. Thereupon he sent Xuandi a bonnet and woman's ornaments. Xuandi, angered, sent a memorial to the throne to be permitted to fight. The Son of Heaven did not permit it, but sent a strong-willed official, the weiyu Xin Pi, to carry the Plenipotentiary Tally and serve as Military Advisor, to check him. Later Zhuge Liang came again to challenge him to battle. Xuandi was about to send out his troops to answer him. Xin Pi stood at the gate of the camp, holding the Tally in his hand. Xuandi thereupon desisted.”

24. From Wei shi chunqiu. This, as quoted in commentary to SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang, is designated Text A in the following notes; the same passage from this Wei Shi chun qiu is also given in SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, to be designated as Text B.

24.7 Text A has: “Zhuge Liang is about to die.” Text B has: “Zhuge Liang is about to collapse; how can he last long?” The famous expression is Sima Guang's own.

Again, Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, is more dramatic: “Before this, when Zhuge Liang's envoy came, Xuandi asked him, 'How is His Excellency Zhuge? How much rice does he eat?' The reply was, 'Three or four sheng.' Then he asked about his state business. 'All punishments of twenty blows and above, he supervises in person.' Afterward, Xuandi said to his men, 'Zhuge Kongming, can he last long?' In the end, it turned out to be as he said.”

The short biography of Li Fu states: “In the first year of Jianxing (223 AD), he was transferred to be taishou of Baxi, du of Jiangzhou, and yangwei jiangjun; then he was recalled to the capital as shangshu puyi and was enfeoffed as Lord of Pingyang ting.”

25.3 The Yi Bu shi jiu ca ji has: “Li Fu came and conveyed in detail the imperial desires, and listened to what Zhuge Liang had to say. He took leave and had been gone a few days, when he suddenly decided he had not set forth his thoughts in full, so he galloped back and saw Zhuge Liang.”

26. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, Shu, reads, “That autumn, in the eighth month, Zhuge Liang died on the banks of the Wei. SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang, reads: “In this year, in the eighth month, Zhuge Liang died of illness while with the army. He was then fifty-four years old.” In other words, he lived 171-224 AD.

27. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

27.1 Han Jin chunqiu has: “Yang Yi and others put the army in order and marched off; the populace rushed to tell Sima Xuanwang.”

SGZ, Biography of Yang Yi, states, “In the fifth year of Jianxing (227 AD), he followed Zhuge Liang to Hanzhong. In the eighth year (230 AD), he was promoted to be zhangshi and received the added title of suijun jiangjun.”

28. From SGZ with adaptation from Jin Shu.

29. Taken promiscuously from SGZ, Biography of Wei Yan and SGZ Biography of Yang Yi.

29.1 SGZ, Biography of Wei Yan has: “Wei Yan took good care of his troops and was himself surpassingly brave and martial, but was also by nature proud and arrogant. His contemporaries were all humble to him.”

loc. Cit. States, “In the eighth year of Jianxing (230 AD), Wei Yan made an incursion into the land of the Qiang in the west. The Wei hou jiangjun Fei Yao and the cishi of Yongzhou, Guo Huai, fought with Wei Yan at Yangqi. Wei Yan heavily defeated Guo Huai and others. He was promoted to be jianjunshi and zhengxi da jiangjun, with Tally, and was raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Nancheng.”

29.2 SGZ, Biography of Wei Yan has: “Each time Wei Yan went out...” In SGZ this and the following sentences in this paragraph are preceded by the passage given in Note 29.1, Paragraph 2, and followed by the passage given in Paragraph 1 of the same note.

29.8 SGZ, Biography of Yang Yi notes, “Zhuge Liang profoundly appreciated Yang Yi's endowments and relied on Wei Yan's bravery. He always regretted the enmity between them and was unwilling to show partiality to either.”

30. From the Xiangyang ji of Dong Yun.

30.1 The Xiangyang ji has: “Dong Hui, zi Xiuxu, was a man of Xiangyang. He went to Shu, and in the capacity of xuanxin zhonglang, assisted Fei Yi in his mission to Wu.”

30.3 From the Shi jing: “He would leave his plans to his descendents, and secure comfort and support to his son.”

30.7 After this, Xiangyang ji continues: “Sun Quan laughed in great merriment; hearing of this, Zhuge Liang said he knew how to speak. He had returned from the mission only three days, when he was appointed an official in the chengxiangfu, then promoted to be taishou of Bajun.

Here the commentator Pei Songzhi, to whom we owe this account from the Xiangyang ji, remarks that a similar account is found in Han Jin chunqiu (by the same author Xi Zuochi), where the words Dong Huai told Fei Yi to say differ slightly.

31. From SGZ, Biography of Wei Yan.

31.9 Hu Sanxing notes that the Southern Valley is Baogu, while the Northern Valley (beigu) is Yegu; they form a single valley, 470 li in length.

31.10 i.e. Wang Ping. His biography in SGZ, Shu states: “Wang Ping, zi Zijun, was a man of Tangchu in Baxi. Originally he was adopted by his maternal family, He; later he restored his original surname Wang.” ibid. states: “In the twelfth year of Jianxing, Zhuge Liang died at Wugong. While the army was withdrawing, Wei Yan caused trouble; his defeat by a single battle was the achievement of Wang Ping.”

31.16 The ZZTJ omits this sordid story. Further background for the atrocity is found in SGZ, Biography of Fei Yi: “In the eighth year of Jianxing (230 AD), Fei Yi was transferred to be zhonghujun; later he became sima. It happened that the junshi Wei Yan and the zhangshi Yang Yi hated each other; whenever they sat together they wrangled with each other. Sometimes Wei Yan would raise his drawn sword at Yang Yi, and Yang Yi wept copiously. Fei Yi used to come in where they were sitting and separate them by his remonstrances. It was due to Fei Yi's kill at easing the situation that both Wei Yan and Yang Yi were fully employed to the end of Zhuge Liang's life.”

31.19 SGZ, Shu has: “Wei Yan's real intention is not surrendering to Wei in the north but returning south was only that he wished to exterminate Yang Yi and other generals in disagreement with him, hoping that the opinion of the time was sure to make him succeed Zhuge Liang. His actual aim was thus, and he did not think of revolting.”

32. From SGZ.

32.1 SGZ Biography of the Second Sovereign reads, “The zhengxi da jiangjun Wei Yan and the zhangshi to the chengxiang Yang Yi vied for power and fell into disagreement; they raised troops to attack each other. Wei Yan was defeated and fled. Wei Yan was decapitated. Yang Yi led the various troops back to Chengdu, where a general amnesty was granted.”

32.2 SGZ Biography of Zhuge Liang, reads, “Zhuge Liang ordered in his will that he be buried at Dingjunshan (Mount Dingjun) in Hanzhong, that his tomb be made in the mountain, sufficient to hold the coffin, that he be shrouded in the garment of the season, without any vessels or other things.

The imperial edict read: 'You have embodied the civil and military qualities, abundantly possessing insight and wisdom. You have received from the Late Emperor the charge of an orphan, and have supported me. You have made the broken line to continue and the declining to flourish. Your aim has been to tranquilize the disturbances. You have put the Six Armies in order; there has not been a single year when there was no campaign. Your divinely martial fame has become brilliant and your prowess has shaken eight domains. You were about to accomplish extraordinary work in these latter days of our Han, and to share the great achievements of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou. Alas, when things had come to such a crux as to be reaching success, you fell ill and are lost to me. I am as desolate as if my liver and heart were torn asunder.

Now, to honor virtue and set forth achievements, to record deeds and designate canonization, is to make them illumine the future and to write them down beyond decay. I herewith send the zuo zhonglangjiang Du Qiong to carry the Plenipotentiary Tally and confer on you the seal of chengxiang and Lord of Wuxiang and canonize you as 'Loyal and Martial' Lord. If the soul is cognizant, take this especial grace commendably. Alas! Alas!'”

33. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang, continuing the passage given in Note 32.2.

34. From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi.

35. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Liang.

36. Rewritten from SGZ, Biography of Liao Li: “After the Second Sovereign had succeeded to the throne, he was transferred to be zhangshui jiaoyu. Liao Li thought that his talent and renown deserved a position next to that of Zhuge Liang, yet he was unimportant, below such as Li Yan. Hence he was constantly dissatisfied.”

36.2 loc. Cit. Reads, “Thereupon, Zhuge Liang degraded him to the rank of commoner and banished him to Wenshanjun.” It continues, “Liao Li, in person, led his wife and sons to till the land, living his life thus.”

36.4 From Lunyu, “But for Guan Zhong, we should now be wearing our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoned on the left side.”

37. From SGZ, Biography of Li Yan.

37.2 SGZ Bio of Li Yan reads: “It was because Li Ping had hoped Zhuge Liang might give him a chance to make good of his misdeeds, and as his successor could not do so, he was upset.”

38. From SGZ, loc. Cit.

39. From the Xiangyang ji.

39.3 Xiangyang ji reads: “Some of those who discussed the matter suggested that erection of a shrine might be authorized in Chengdu, but the Second Sovereign did not consent. The bubing jiaoyu Xi Long, the zhongshulang Xiang Chong, and others sent up a joint memorial saying: “We have heard that the people of Zhou, cherishing the virtue of the chief of Shao, would not hew down the sweet pear tree under which he rested; that the King of Yue, in remembrance to the achievements of Fan Li, cast a golden image of him. Since the founding of the Han there have been many men of minor qualities and minor virtue whose images were depicted and for whom shrines were erected. How much more should it be so with Zhuge Liang, whose virtuous example reaches far and wide, whose achievements cover the latter period of Han, and on whom is based the flourishing of the royal house without destruction!

Yet sacrifices to him are limited to private houses; his shrine and image have not yet been erected, so that the people sacrifice to him in the streets and the barbarians sacrifice to him in the fields. This is no way to preserve the memory of the virtuous and signal their achievements, thus to recall the ancient days. Should you now allow the people to have their own way, it would result in a profanity contrary to our institutions. If his shrine were built in the capital, it would be too near the Ancestral Temple. This is why Your Majesty has been undecided. We suggest that a shrine should be erected near his tomb in Mianyang, granting his relatives permission to offer sacrifice at different seasons. Former subordinates of his who wish to do homage should go to this shrine, and all private sacrifices should be prohibited, so that the correct rites might be honored.'”

39.4 Xiangyang ji has: “Thereupon for the first time he gave the permission.” Erection of the shrine in Mianyang was much later than one would expect from the ZZTJ account. See SGZ Biography of Zhuge Liang, “In the spring of the sixth year of Jingyao (263 AD), the Emperor ordered a shrine built for Zhuge Liang in Mianyang.”

40. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

41. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan.

41.1 SGZ reads, “After Zhuge Liang's death, Jiang Wan became shangshuling, and soon afterward the titles of xingduhu, with the Plenipotentiary Tally, and cishi of Yizhou, were added. He was promoted to be da jiangjun and lu shangshu shi (the year after this; see under 235 AD) and was enfeoffed Lord of Anyang Ting.

42. From SGZ, Biography of Zong Yu, where the passage is preceded by: “Zong Yu, zi Ceyan, was a man of Anzhong in Nanyang. During the Jian'an period, he followed Zhang Fei into Shu. During the early years of Jianxing, the chengxiang Zhuge Liang appointed him his jubu; he was then promoted to be canjun and yu zhonglangjiang.”

43. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

43.6 SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, under the third year of Jiahe, gives a definite date for this appointment: “That autumn, in the eight month, Zhuge Ke was appointed taishou of Danyang to attack the Shanyue.” It is this passage that causes Sima Guang to place the present section here.

43.7 Interpolated by Sima Guang. SGZ Wu, at this point, reads, “He gave him three hundred horsemen with lances. After the appointment Zhuge Ke returned home escorted by guards and preceded by state musicians. At this time he was thirty-three years old.”

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 11:01 pm, edited 1 time in total.

Chapter 16Third Year of Qinglong (235 A.D.) Shu: Thirteenth Year of JianxingWu: Fourth Year of Jiahe

1. Spring, first month. On the day Feb. 13, the da jiangjun Sima Yi was appointed taiyu.

2. On the day Mar. 14, the Empress Dowager nee Guo died [1]. The Emperor had asked the Empress Dowager time and again how the Empress nee Zhen had come to die [2], and the Empress Dowager died of anxiety. [3]

3. In Han, Yang Yi, having killed Wei Yan, felt that his own merits were great enough to succeed Zhuge Liang in administering the state. He summoned the duyu Zhao Zheng (趙正) to divine for him the Zhou Yi. The hexagram he obtained was the jiaren, at which he became sullen and silent. But Zhuge Liang privately had felt that Yang Yi was by nature temperamental and intolerant, and his heart was set on Jiang Wan. Jiang Wan hence was appointed shang-shu-ling and cishi of Yi-zhou. On his arrival at Cheng-du Yang Yi was appointed chang junshi, without any troops to command; he was given an idle position.

Formerly, Yang Yi had served under the Emperor Zhao-Lie as shang-shu, while Jiang Wan was a shang-shu-lang. Although they afterwards became canjun and changshi to the Prime Minister, Yang Yi, in serving him, was always given the more toilsome duty. He considered himself senior to Jiang Wan both in age and office, and superior to him in talent and ability. Therefore his discontent and vexation showed in his words and in his expression, sighs and groans issuing from his innermost being. His contemporaries feared his intemperate language, and none dared to associate with him. Only the zhou junshi Fei Yi visited and consoled him. Yang Yi told Fei Yi he hated to look backward or glance forward. He also said to Fei Yi, "If I had gone with the entire army over to Wei back when the Prime Minister died, could I have come down to such a plight as now I am in? I regret in vain."

Fei Yi secretly reported his words, and the Sovereign of Han dismissed Yang Yi to become a commoner, and banished him to Han-jia-jun. When he arrived at the place of his banishment, Yang Yi sent up a letter to the throne casting aspersions in strongest language. At this the prefect of Han-jia-jun was ordered to arrest Yang Yi, who committed suicide.

4. Third month. On the day Apr. 16, the Virtuous Empress, Consort of Wen-Di was buried.

6. The Emperor was fond of construction work. Having built his palace in Xu-chang, he also built a palace in Luo-yang [2], erecting the halls of Zhao-yang-tian and T'ai-chi-tian and constructing the Song-zhang-guan terrace, a hundred and some tens of feet high [3]. The work was carried on without ever coming to an end, interfering with the seasons of the people's agriculture and sericulture.

The sigong Chen Qun sent up a memorial saying: "Of old, Yu succeeded to the great days of Tang and Yu, yet lived in a low and humble dwelling and his ordinary garments were poor. [6] How much more should it now be thus! This is a time following hard upon disorders and troubles, when the population is extremely low, amounting to no more than that of a good-sized jun in the time of Han Wen-Di and Jing-Di. Added to this there is warfare on the frontiers, generals and soldiers suffering from toil. Should calamities of flood and drought befall, there will be much to worry you about the states. Furthermore Wu and Shu have not yet been brought to extermination, so that the foundation of our state is not yet secure; before they make any move, we must train our people in arms and encourage them in agriculture, so that we will be prepared. Now we neglect these urgent matters, and bring palaces to the forefront. I fear the peoplewillsuffer. How are we going to meet the enemy.

"Back when Liu Bei came to Bei-shui from Cheng-du, he built a large number of post-houses, incurring expenses and putting people to task. Cao Cao knew that he was wearing his people out this way. Now, it is indeed the fond wish of Wu and Shu that China Proper should exert itself in labor. This is the dividing-line between security and danger. I hope Your Majesty will reflect on this."

The Emperor replied, "The royal work and the palace must be attended to simultaneously. When he exterminate the rebels, we will retire only to the task of preservation; how can we then ever undertake any construction? This indeed is your work, and something that pertains to Xiao He's great scheme." [9]

Chen Qun further said, "Of old, Gao-Zu had to contend for domination of the empire with Xiang Yu alone. When Xiang Yu was destroyed, the palaces had all been burnt down. This is why Xiao He built the Storehouse and Granary, which were both urgent. Yet Gao-Zu disapproved of them for their magnificence and grandeur. At present the two rebels remain unconquered; it is by no means a time comparable with antiquity. Whatever we desire, we always have some excuse. The desire being that of the Son of Heaven, who will dare oppose? When formerly it was desired that the Storehouse be razed, it was said, 'It cannot but be razed!' Later when it was desired to rebuild it, it was said, 'It cannot but be rebuilt!'

"If it is to be built at all, certainly you need pay no heed to the words of your own subjects. Should you, on the other hand, pay a little attention and change your mind completely, it also is not your own subjects whom you must attend to. Han-Ming-Di desired to build the Deyangtian palace, but because of Zhong Li's advice against this plan, he followed his words. Eventually however he did build it. When the palace was about to be completed, he said to his ministers, 'The shang-shu Zhang Li is still with us; the palace should not be completed.' Should a royal person stand in fear of a single man? It was but for the sake of the people. Since I have not been able to arrest your sage hearing a little, I am far inferior to Zhang Li."

Thereupon the Emperor made a slight reduction in his plans.

7. The Emperor delighted in showing favor to his women. The ranks and emoluments of the court ladies were fixed in imitation of the hierarchy of the hundred officials. From the guiren down to those who did menial work in the harem, there were in all several thousand. He selected six girls who were literate and could be entrusted with documents, and appointed them nu-shang-shu, to inspect and judge memorials from the officials.

8. The tingyu Gao Rou sent up a memorial saying(1):

"[The two rebels are sly; They have been plotting secretly. They plan to use arms; failing in this, they are helpless. We must keep and nourish our generals and repair our arms and weapons; thus may we wait for them at our ease. But you have recently been erecting palaces, so that high and low are harassed with toil. If Wu and Shu are made aware of our weakness, they will exchange plots and unite their forces to come forward jointly and hasten to their deaths. This will not be an easy matter for us.]"

"Of old, Han Wen[-Ti], to spare the means of livelihood of ten households, abstained from building a small terrace for his amusement; (2) Huo Qubing, worried over the Xiongnu affliction, found no time for building his residence. The present situation is such that it is not merely a matter of incurring an expense of a hundred units of gold or worrying over calamity from the northern barbarians (3). It would be all right to complete roughly the work now underway, sufficient for the purpose of court banquets. When that work is finished, the people may be allowed to take care of their tillage. After the two regions are conquered, the work may be undertaken again in all ease. In accordance with the Institutions of the Chou, the Son of Heaven had one hundred and twenty women, including his consort and secondary consorts, a number of inmates for the harem which can be said to be indeed quite abundant (4). But i have presumed to hear that the inmates of your harem exceed this number. That your heir does not flourish is probably due to this fact. Stupid as I am, I am of the opinion that it would be proper for you to select the virtuous ones to make up the number of the court ladies and send all the rest back to their own homes, and furthermore, that you ought to nourish your energy, esteeming the quiet life. Then would it be possible to bring about the state of 'Ye locusts, winged tribes!"(5)

The Emperor replied, "[I am aware of your loyalty and sincerity, bent on the well-being of the royal house.] Your words are excellent; you may have me hear more of them."

9. At this time, the law against hunting (in the imperial park) was severe and strict. [1]Those who hunted deer in the imperial enclosure (2) were put to death and their property confiscated; any one who was able to inform against them was given liberal rewards. Gao Rou again sent up a memorial, saying (3) : "[There has never been a sage King who did not make it his business to extend agriculture, nor who did not augment resources by frugal expenditures. For when agriculture is extended, grain will be heaped up, when expenditures are frugal, wealth will be stored. With wealth stored and grain heaped up, there has never been a case of disaster or worry. In ancient times, when a single man did not till his land, (the entire land) suffered from famine; when a single woman did not weave, (the entire land) suffered from cold.] In recent times the people have been put to task by all kinds of corvee, reducing the number of those who could till their farm lands in person. Recently (4) too there is an interdiction on hunting. Hordes of deer wreak havoc and eat up the crops, so that their ravages are inflicted everywhere and the damages are innumerable. The people indeed take measures against them but their strength does not suffice to ward them off. In the region of Ying-yang (5), several hundred li in circumference, the year's harvest has not been reaped at all. [The lives of the people are certainly pitiable.] At this moment, those who produce wealth are very few, while the ravages of deer are exceedingly great. Should there be warfare and bad crops, we shall be without means to cope with the situation. I would wish Your Majesty to [think of what the former sages have thought and take pity on the plight of farmers,] permit the people to catch the deer and abolish the interdiction. The people would then be rescued for all time; there would be none who would not rejoice." (6)

10. The Emperor also wished to level down the hill Po-mang and ordered a terrace built on it so he would have a view of Mengjin (1). The wei-yu(2) Xin Pi admonished him, saying, "The nature of heaven and earth is to keep what is high high and what is low low. If now you reverse these natures, is it not contrary to them? Besides it will spend human labor, and the people cannot bear up under the toil. Should the nine streams overflow and cause flood calamity, how can we ward it off if the hills and mounds are all demolished?"

At this the Emperor desisted.

11. The shao-fu Yang Fu sent up a memorial saying (1): "[I have heard that when an enlightened Sovereign is above, all his subjects exhaust their words (for his benefit). Yao and Shun were of sage virtue; they sought to have their faults pointed out and asked for advice. The great Yu was assiduous in his work; he made it a duty to have his palace lowly and mean (2). Meeting with drought, Cheng Tang attributed the blame to himself. The example of King Wen of Chou acted on his wife, and was felt by all the clans and states (3). Han Wen(-Ti) personally practiced frugality and wore black garments (4). These are all men who were able to make their renown illustrious (5) and leave their plans to their descendants (6). I observe: (7) ]Your Majesty has succeeded to the great work of the Emperor Wu (i.e, Cao Cao) in founding the dynasty, and follows the great line of the Emperor Wen's (i.e., Cao Pi's) accomplishments. You should bend your thoughts to equaling the sage and talented of antiquity in their good rule, and keep in mind the wicked government of later ages, how lax and extravagant (8).

["The so-called good rule means to adhere to frugality and appreciate the strength of the people; the so-called wicked government means to indulge one's desires and act according to whim. I presume Your Majesty has examined the reasons why at the beginning of a new dynasty there is brilliance and clarity, and why in its last days there is decline, weakness, even extinction. If one studies the changes at the end of the Han dynasty, one can indeed be moved and take warning from them.]

"If in the past, Emperors Huan and Ling had not discarded the regulations (9) of Emperor Gaozu and the reverence and frugality of Emperors Wen and Jing, how could Taizu (i.e. Cao Cao), be he ever so divinely martial, have found opportunity to exercise his powers(10)? If such were the case how could Your Majesty find yourself in such an exalted position?"

"Now, Wu and Shu are not yet conquered, and the army is on the frontiers. [I would wish Your Majesty to think thrice before acting, and take your coming out and going in seriously, so as to derive lessons from the past for the future. My words seem to be of little importance, but prosperity and fall is a serious matter. Recently it has rained heavily, and there have also been such severe thunder and lightning as to kill birds and sparrows. The spirits of heaven and earth take the royal personage as their own son; when there is anything amiss in the government, they manifest calamities. To subdue the self, to accuse one's own self inwardly is what the sage noted down (11). I hope Your Majesty (12) will take precautions while things are yet shapeless, will be prudent while things are still budding, and emulate Han Emeror Xiaowen who sent out the women of Hui-Ti so they could be married. Your recent levies of young girls will not be savory among the distant people; you ought to take this matter up later.]

"As for the various building and repair projects, I hope Your Majesty will see that they are executed economically (13).

["The Shu says, 'The nine classes of his kindred all became harmonious; he united and harmonized the myriad states (14)'. In all matters one ought to think of what is proper so that one follows the golden mean. One should exert one's mind and counsel toward economy. Only after Wu and Shu are conquered can the high be at ease and the low rejoice, the nine classes of kindred be glad. Only thus will the spirits of your ancestor be happy. 'Even Yao and Shun were still solicitous about this (15).' Now, you ought to open up your great trust throughout the empire, in order to put the people at ease and manifest example of those afar."]

The Emperor replied to him graciously (16).

12 [Yang] Fu sent up another memorial, saying (1):

"Yao valued his grass-thatched house, so that the myriad states enjoyed peace. Yu lived in a low, mean house, so the people of the empire rejoiced in their own occupations. Coming down to Yin and Chou, the hall was raised to three feet and was measurable by nine mats, and that was all.

["Sage Emperors and enlightened Kings of antiquity never made their palaces too high or too handsome, lest the people be exhausted of their wealth and energy.]

Jie made bejewelled rooms and ivory corridors; Chou exhausted the resources of his palace to make the terrace Lu-T'ai. In the end they lost their dominions. king Ling of Chu built the terrace of Zhang-hua, and personally suffered disaster thereby (2). Qin Shihuangdi built the O-pang palace; [disaster fell upon his sons and the empire revolted;] the house perished in two generations. There has never been one who, not measuring the strength of the myriad people, gave free rein to his desires and yet did not perish. Your Majesty should take as models (3) Yao, Shu, Yu, T'ang, Wen, and Wu, take as profound warnings Jie of Xia, Zhou of Yin, Ling of Chu, and Shihuangdi of Qin.

["The exalted (heaven) is high above and watches over the virtue of the Sovereign. You must be prudent to keep the heaven-conferred position and continue the line of your ancestors. Their great work, high and soaring, you must always be afraid of losing. You do not revere them, nor desist (from indulgences) day or night to show respect and pity to the people.]

"Instead you exult and indulge in your pleasures, minding only to [lavish and] ornament your palaces and terraces (4). inevitably there will be the disaster of fall of destruction (5).

["The I says, '(The topmost line, divided, shows) its subjects with his house made large, but only serving as a screen to his household. When he looks at his door, it is still, and there is nobody about it (6).' A royal personage takes the whole world as his house; the passage means that the disaster due to enlarging his private house will go to the extent of having nobody in the house. At present, the two rebels are united in their plot to endanger our dynasty. Our army of a hundred thousand men rushes hither and thither, east and west; there is not a single day's leisure along the frontiers. Farmers are obliged to give up their occupation, and the people show the face of hunger. Your Majesty, however, does not take this to his heart, but builds palaces without ceasing. Should it be the case that I myself might be preserved though the state perish, I would not ask it.]

"The Sovereign is the head, and his ministers constitute his legs and arms (7); their preservation or destruction is as of a single body, and their interests are identical."

["The Xiaojing says, '(Anciently,) if the Son of Heaven had seven ministers who would remonstrate with him, although he had not right methods of government, he would not lose his possession of the kingdom (8).']

Faint in heart though I am, dare I lose sight of the meaning of 'remonstrating ministers'? If my language were not sharp and to the point, it would not be sufficient to move Your Majesty, and if Your Majesty does not need my words, I fear that the lineage of your ancestors will fall to the ground.

"Should my death serve towards mending the situation in the least, the day I die will be as good as the year when I began to live. Respectfully knocking at the coffin and having purified myself, in prostration I await the punishment of severest death."

When the memorial was presented, the Emperor (9), moved by his loyal language, replied with his own hand.

13. The Emperor once was wearing a cap and silken gown with half sleeves (1). [Yang] Fu asked the Emperor, "What sort of court garment (2), in the eyes of propriety, is this?" The Emperor remained silent and did not answer. From then on, the Emperor would not see [yang] Fu without having put on court dress (3).

14. [Yang] Fu further sent up a memorial requesting dismissal of those harem women who had not received imperial favors. he then summoned an official of the yu-fu and asked him about the number of the harem women. The official, sticking to an ancient regulation, said, "This matter is of an intimate nature, I cannot divulge it." In anger, [yang] Fu administered the official a hundred blows, saying in accusation, "If the State does not stand in intimacy with the Nine Ministers, must it be intimate with petty officials?"

The Emperor feared him the more (1).

15. Jiang Ji sent up a memorial saying (1):

"[Your Majesty ought to restore the former lineage and glorify the work transmitted you; this is certainly no time for you to rule with a sense of security. There are at present, indeed, twelve provinces, but the population does not exceed that of a large-sized jun in Han times. The two rebels have not yet been crushed, and troops are permanently quartered along the frontiers. We have been tilling land and at the same time fighting battles; deprivation of marital life has gone on for years. Ancestral temples, palaces, our business, all are being built on nothing. Those occupied in farming and silk production are few, while those who have to be clothed and fed are many. The most urgent thing at present is to stop waste, so the peoplewill not reach the limit of exhaustion. In case of flood or drought, a people tired and worn out will be of no use to the state, even if it number a million. In employing the people, spare time from agriculture should be utilized, but the necessary time for it must not be taken from them. A Sovereign bent on accomplishing a great work must first measure the strength of the people, and (both) exercise and rest it.]

"Anciently, (2) Goujian nourished the yet unborn in order to draw service from them; King Zhao soothed the sickly (to aid him in) vengeance. Therefore (the latter) with his weak (kingdom of) Yan subdued the powerful Qi and (the former) with his worn-out Yue exterminated the strong Wu. Now our two enemies are strong and powerful; if you do not eliminate them in your time, the task will fall on the coming hundred generations (3). If you, with your sage insight and divine martial endowment, will give up what is of remote importance and apply your mind exclusively to the campaign against the rebels, I do not consider the thing difficult.

16. The zhongshu shilang Wang Ji of Donglai sent up a memorial saying:

"I have heard that the ancients compared people with water, saying, 'Water is what floats a boat, but is also what capsizes the boat (2).'

[Therefore those who are above the people ought to take warning and be fearful; for, at ease, the peoplewill have an easy sentiment, and under toil, they will think of difficulty. It is because of this that the former Kings acted with simplicity and frugality, so that they did not bring about any trouble.]

"[Anciently (3)] Yan Yuan said that Dongyezi had strained his horse to the limit of its strength, yet would have it advance without cease; and that he would defeat in his purpose (4). At present, the corvee is toilsome and hard, and men and women are separated from each other. I would wish Your Majesty to look deeply into the defect (5) of Dongyezi and heed the comparison drawn between the boat and the water; to stop rushing and galloping (6) till our strength is used up and levying labor until the people are worn out.

"Of old, from the founding of the Han dynasty to the time of Emperor Xiao Wen, there were feudal lords bearing the same surname (as the Emperor). But Jia YI worried about this and said, 'A fire is placed at the base of a heap of firewood on which one sleeps; and one calls it safe! (7)' At present, the invading hosts are not yet exterminated and powerful generals head their troops. If they (the generals) are recalled, there will be no way to meet the enemy. Yet they are being let alone too long; this is not an easy matter to bequeath to posterity. If you, in this flourishing time, do not make it your business to eliminate the calamity, and if your descendants happen to be weak, there will be frat danger for the dynasty itself. If Jia Yi were to come to life again, (his lament) would be even more profound and keen."

The Emperor ignored all this (8).

17. The dianzhongjian, who was superintending the architectural work, unwarrantedly arrested the lan-t'ai ling-shih(a Censor); the yu puyi Wei Zhen memorialized the throne to have the former tried (1). The Emperor said, "I am very concerned that the palaces have not yet been completed. How is it that you would try him (2)?"

[Wei] Zhen said (3), "The ancient institution, the law against mutual encroachment of offices (4), is not directed against assiduity in state affairs. Its reason is that what is gained is small and what is lost is great. It has been corroborated in my supervision of officials. Should we let this case go (5), I fear that the various officials will encroach upon each other so far as to bring ruin to our whole undertaking (6)."

18. The shang-shu Sun Li of Zuojun persistently appealed to have the work stopped (1). The Emperor said in an edict, "I respectfully accept your advice (2), and will send the people away." The superintendent of the work, however, memorialized (3) that if they were kept one month more, the work would be brought to completion. [Sun] Li came straight to the site of construction and, without sending another memorial, dismissed the people, saying it was by imperial edict. The Emperor admired him for it and did not reprimand him (4).

19. The Emperor indeed was not able to accept all the honest admonitions of his ministers, but in each case he showed them magnanimous tolerance.

20. Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 2-30) The palace Ch'ung-hua-tien in Luo Yang caught fire (1). The Emperor asked Gaotang Long, who was shizhong and concurrently taishiling (2,) "What bad omen is this?(3) Is there any way of exorcising it in the Rites?"

He answered(4), "[Calamities occur in manifest of warning. Only by means of conforming to the Rites and cultivating virtue will it be suppressed.] The Commentary to the I says, 'When those who are not frugal and those below are not temperate, the fire of retribution will burn down their houses.' Further it says, 'When the Sovereign makes his terrace high, heavenly fire will cause conflagration (5).' This indicates that because the Sovereign is bent on embellishing his palaces and is not aware of the people's exhaustion, Heaven responds with drought and fire breaks out from the lofty palace. [Heaven on high is perspicacious and intentionally gives your Majesty warning; Your Majesty should augment and revere the Way of man in order to reply to the wishes of Heaven. Of old, in the time of Tai-Wu, mulberries grew in the Court; in the time of Wu-Ting, a young pheasant roosted on the tripod of the State. Both became fearful when they were told of these calamities; they retired and cultivated their virtue. Three years had elapsed when distant barbarians came to them to offer tribute. So they were called Chongzong and Gaozong respectively. This is a clear precedent from the past. According to the former divination, the conflagrations always occur as warnings about terraces and pavilions, as well as palaces. Now, your palaces have to be enlarged merely because the inmates of your harem are too numerous. Therefore you ought to make a selection, retaining those who are virtuous, as in the institutions of Cou, and dismissing the rest. If you do this, it will be like Tsu-I's admonishing of Kao-Tsung and Kao-Tsung's enjoying the far-reaching appellation (i.e., 'Exalted Ancestor')."]

The Emperor asked Gaotang Long, "I have heard that Han Wu-Ti built palaces on a large scale after the terrace of Po-liang caught fire, as a means of exorcism (7). What does that mean?"

He answered (8), "[I have heard that after Po-liang in the Western Capital caught fire, it was a shaman from Yueh who proposed the idea by which the palace of Chien-chang was built to exorcise the omen of conflagration.] This was something done by a shaman of the barbarian Yueh (9), not an illuminating teaching of sages of worthies. The Wu-hsing chih says that after the conflagration of the Po-liang, there was the black-magic case of Chiang Ch'ung (10). In accordance with what the (Wu hsing) chih says, the Yueh shaman and the Chien-chang palace did not exorcise anything.

["Confucious said, "Calamities are responsive acts and sympathetic influences for the warning of the Sovereign; therefore the sage-like Sovereign, when he sees a calamity, reproves himself and, in retirement, cultivates virtue in order to make it disappear and restore (normality).' (11)]

"For the moment, you ought to dismiss and scatter the people engaged in the work. In regulating your palaces, you should follow simplicity and temperance; [internally make them adequate for protection against wind and rain, externally adequate for practice of ceremonies]. And clear off the place where the fire occurred, do not dare to build anything new there. Then (12) auspicious plants sha-p'u and chia-ho are sure to grow there [to requite Your Majesty for your virtue of reverence and respect]. As for tiring the people's strength and exhausting their wealth, that is not what will bring about auspicious signs and make the distant people attach themselves to you (13).

21. Eighth month On the day Keng-wu (Sept. 23), the imperial son [Cao] Fang was appointed Prince of Qi, and [Cao] Hsun was appointed Prince of Ch'in (1). Having no son of his own, the Emperor had adopted the two princes; the matter being kept secret in the palace, there was no one who knew of their provenience (2). Some said [Cao] Fang was a son of [Cao] K'ai, Prince of Jen-ch'eng (3).

22. On the day ting-ssu (Aug. 10) the Emperor returned to Luo Yang.

23. The Emperor ordered the Ch'ung-hua-tien rebuilt, and renamed it Chiu-lung[-tien] (Palace of Nine Dragons) (1). The water of Ku-shui was led to flow before the Palace of Nine Dragons (2); a "jade well" and embellished balustrade were made, the "toad" gorging down the water and the "divine dragon" spurting it out. He had the po-shih Ma Jun of Fu-feng (3) make a south-pointing instrument and puppets propelled by water power. [At the beginning of the New Year huge animals, fishes and dragons were constructed; equestrian entertainments were displayed nearby. All in accordance with precedents of the Han Western Capital, screens were built outside of Chang-ho and various other gates.(4)]

24. The Ling-xiao-que was just being built when magpies nested on its roof. The Emperor asked Gaotang Long about this. He replied, “The Shih says, 'The nest is where the magpie dwells in it.' Now you have built your palaces and erected the Ling-xiao-que, but magpies have nested on it. This is a symbol that the palaces cannot be completed and a man of another surname is to be master of them; this is only a warning from high Heaven. Now, it is the Way of Heaven that it has no partiality, but favors good men.

You cannot take profound precaution, you cannot but think deeply. The last rulers of Xia and Shang merely succeeded to an inheritance; they did not respectfully obey the bright commands of high Heaven, but instead followed slander and flattery, threw virtue away and indulged in their desires. Hence their sudden destruction.

Tai Wu and Wu Ding saw calamities and became fearful; they respectfully obeyed Heaven's warning. Hence Heaven let fall its blessing on them. If you now dismiss the hundred works, [finding sufficiency in frugality,] increase and revere virtuous rule, act in accordance with the standard of an Emperor, eliminate what the whole world suffers from and institute what the myriads of people may benefit from, then the Three Kings will be increased in number to become Four and the Five Emperors to become Six. How can it be limited to turning disaster into blessing, as was the case with the Shang Ancestors.

Having the honor of being an intimate official of yours, if only I could bring prosperity and blessing to your sage person and effect peace and security for your dynasty, the day I were burnt to ash and my family annihilated would be as good as the year I began life. Could I, fearing the disaster of incurring your wrath, let your Majesty not hear the truth?”

The Emperor changed countenance at this.

25. The Emperor was by nature severe and precipitous. Officials superintending the building of his palaces who over-passed the time-limit, the Emperor interrogated in person, and while their words were still in their mouths, their heads and bodies were sundered.

Wang Su sent up a memorial saying:

“Our Great Wei is heir to the lineage of a hundred kings. The population is small, and shields and lances are not yet laid down. Surely it is a time when you ought to give the people rest and thus benefit them, and let near and far enjoy peace and quiet. Now, in order to be able to store provisions and rest the people, you must eliminate corvee and be assiduous in agriculture.

At present, palaces are not completed, the work is not brought to an end, provisions are transported from place to place so that supplies may flow in. And so adult males are worn with heavy work, and farmers have to leave their lands; those who sow grain are few and those who eat it are many. Old stocks are no more and new crops do not follow them. This is a great calamity for the state, not the best of measures to be taken in precaution against emergency!

At present there are thirty to forty thousand men engaged in the work. Jiulong(-dian) is adequate for the comfort of your sage person, and can easily house the ladies of the Six Palaces. Furthermore, the palace Xianyang(-dian) is about to be completed. But as for Taichi(dian) there is yet much work ahead. It is nearing the coldest season; diseases and epidemics may break out. I would wish that Your Majesty emit gracious words and issue an illustrious edict taking deep pity on the fatigue of the men on corvee and honestly sympathizing with the myriads of the people for the dearth of their livelihood. Put to work those who are regularly fed at state expense; for work that is not pressing, pick ten thousand able-bodied ones and retain them, shifting them every year; if they are all told a definite date for shift, there will be none who will not gladly go to work without murmuring at all. I calculate that there will be three million and six hundred thousand men working in a year, which is not a small number. The work planned for completion in a year ought to be prolonged to last three years. The remainder of the men should all be sent away to work on their lands.

This is a plan that will last. Let the granaries overflow with millet and the people enjoy abundant resources. If you start work under such circumstances, can there be any work that cannot be achieved? If you exercise your influence under such circumstances, can there be any influence that cannot be exercised?

The faith of the people is a great treasure for the state. Confucius said, “From of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state.' Unimportant was the state of Jin, and insignificant was Chong'er (Chong'er was a ruler of the state of Jin); but when he wished to draw service out of his people, he first demonstrated that they could have faith in him. It was because of this that the people of Yüan, about to surrender, offered their allegiance to him when they knew how much faith they could have in him; thus, with a single battle he became a hegemon and has been praised to this day.

Formerly, when the Imperial carriage was about to travel to Luoyang, the people were levied to build encampments; the officials in charge promised that after the encampments were built, they would be sent away. But after the encampments were completed, they found how advantageous it was to have their service, and did not send them away immediately. The officials in charge knew nothing beyond the advantages of the moment; they showed no consideration whatever of the great principles of ruling a state.

“Stupid as I am, I am of the opinion that from now on, when there rise occasions for utilizing the people, it ought to be clearly proclaimed that there are definite time-limits. With work to be undertaken in sequence, [11] it is better to levy the people afresh than to make them lose faith.

All the punishments Your Majesty has meted out extemporaneously have been on officials who have actually committed crimes and men who deserve to be put to death. But the multitude, who are ignorant, will say that it was all offhand. Therefore I would wish Your Majesty to hand down the cases to the officials in charge, who will expose their crimes and sentence them to death; do not let your palaces be sullied and those far and near become suspicious. Human life, furthermore, is a serious matter; it is difficult to give life, easy to kill. The breath of life, once broken, will not continue. Therefore the sages and worthies laid stress on it. Meng Ke (or Mengzi) said that the benevolent man will not put to death one innocent person in order to win the Empire. [12]

Of old, Han Wendi wished to put to death a man who trespassed the Imperial progression. But the ting yü Zhang Shizhi said, 'If your Majesty had put the man to death on the spot, there would be nothing to it. Now you have handed down the case to the tingyü. The tingyü is one who deals equitable justice to the Empire; he must not violate it.'

I consider in this that he greatly missed the mark, for it was not what a loyal minister should have set forth to his sovereign. A tingyü is an official subordinate to the Son of Heaven, who himself should not lose sight of equitable justice. This being so, should the Son of Heaven ever be led astray to commit errors? Thus he laid more weight on himself than on his own Sovereign; he was extremely disloyal.[16] The Duke of Zhou said, 'The Son of Heaven does not joke; whatever he says, the historiographer will write it down, the Court Musicians will chant it, and the gentleman of the land will speak of it.' Since one should not joke in words, how much less so in actions! Therefore the words of Zhang Shizhi you cannot but examine; the remonstrance of the Duke of Zhou you cannot but follow.” [18]

26. Cao Gun, Reverent Prince of Zhongshan, was sick. He commanded his subordinate officials: “Though of meager virtue, I have received much favor from the Emperor. Now I am about to die. I am fond of frugality, but the Emperor has illustriously honored me with titles—a permanent institution for the Empire. On the day I breathe my last, in everything, from the coffin to the burial, the Imperial command is to be strictly obeyed. Of old, Ju Yüan, a dafu of Wei, was buried at Puyang; looking at his tomb, I always reminded myself of his good fame. I wish to have my hair and teeth under the protection of his good spirit. My tomb is to be made at that place without fail. A man is not permitted to die in the hands of the women [2], so build quickly an eastern hall.”

When the hall was completed, he named it Hall for Consummation Wishes. Sick as he was, he was carried to it and stayed there. He then spoke to his heir-apparent: “In your youth, you have become a prince; you know only of pleasure, and are not acquainted with suffering. Now knowing suffering, you are sure to commit faults of arrogance and extravagance.

In your relations with the ministers of state, practice courtesy; even if the man be not a minister of state, but is an aged man, you still ought to return to bowing. Serve your elder brothers with respect, and compassionately treat your younger brothers with benevolence.

Should one of your brothers commit a wicked deed, you ought to visit him on your knees and remonstrate with him. If he does not accept your remonstrance, then admonish him with tears. If he does not mend his ways even after you have thus admonished him, then tell the mater to his mother. If he still persists in not mending his ways, you should report the matter in a memorial to the Emperor, at the same time renouncing your state and territory. It is better to keep yourself intact, in poverty and humble position, than to risk disaster by trying to preserve the favors you enjoy. For the latter would be a great crime. As for petty faults, you should cover them up.

Alas! My boy, be prudent in cultivating your person; observe the Emperor's commands with loyalty and sincerity; serve your grandmother with filial piety and reverence. Within the threshold of your house, obey the command of your grandmother; outside it, take instruction from the Prince of Pei. Never be remiss in your thought; thus you will console my spirit.”

27. Winter, tenth month. On the day of ji-yu (October 1), Cao Gun died

28. Eleventh month. On the day ting-yu (December 19), the Emperor went to Xuchang.

29. (a) In this year, the Cishi (Governor) of Yuzhou, Wang Xiong (王雄), had Han Long (韓龍), a man of strong muscle, assassinate the Xianbei [Shanyu/Chieftain] Ke Bineng.

(b) From now on, his [Ke Bineng's/Xianbei] tribes scattered and attacked each other; the stronger fled afar and the weaker submitted. The frontiers then became peaceful.

30. (a) The stream of Liu-gu-kou in Zhangye[-jun] overflowed and threw up a treasure stone [1], bearing emblems and resembling a divine tortoise in appearance. It stood west of the river. There were on it the figures of seven stone horses as well as phoenixes, unicorns, white tigers, bullocks, semi-circular jade pendants, the Eight Trigrams, constellations and comets. There were also the characters “Da Tao Cao.” In an edict the Emperor had the appearance of the stone proclaimed throughout the Empire, and held it to be an auspicious sign.

(b) The Magistrate of Ren [-xian (county)], Yu Zhuo, showed the thing to Zhang Qian (Pinyin not known) of Julu and asked him about it. [2] Zhang Qian privately told Yu Zhuo, “Divinities acquaint us with the future and do not revert to the past. First, auspicious signs appear; then they are followed up by changes in the dynasty. Now the Han dynasty has long perished and Wei has succeeded to it. How can auspicious signs occur after the event? The import of this stone lies in the present; it is an omen for the future.”

31. The Emperor sent a man to barter horses for round and unround pearls, lapis lazuli and tortoise shells in Wu. The Sovereign of Wu said, “These are things which I do not use and yet I can have horses by means of them. Do I have any love for them?” And so he dispensed them all.

============================================

Chapter 16 NotesThird Year of Qinglong (235 A.D.) Shu: Thirteenth Year of JianxingWu: Fourth Year of Jiahe

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi

2. Rewritten from SGZ and quotations in the commentary.

2.1 From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. The date is wrong, for the day dingsi is not in the first month, but is the eighth day of the second month. Hence it should be corrected to “second month.”

2.2 The Han Jin Chun qiu states: “The Empress Zhen had been put to death because the Empress Guo stood in the Imperial favor. When she was shrouded, her hair was left unbound and her face was covered, and her mouth was stuffed with grain-husks. Eventually the Empress Guo was appointed Empress; she was made to adopt the future Emperor Mingdi. Knowing this well, the Emperor was always resentful in his heart. He often shed tears and asked how the Empress Zhen had come to death. The Empress Guo said, 'It was the late Emperor who killed her. How make me account for it? Besides, can you take revenge posthumously on your dead father? Can you kill your present mother, who is innocent, for the sake of your former mother?' Mingdi remained angry and eventually had her killed. He ordered the undertakers to do to her exactly as had been done with the Empress Zhen.

2.3 The Weilue states, “Having acceded to the throne, Mingdi mourned the death of the Empress Zhen. Because of this the Empress Dowager suddenly died of worry. When about to die, the Empress Zhen had put Mingdi under the care of Li furen (one of the Imperial concubines). After the Empress Dowager's death, Li furen told him how the Empress Zhen had been treated and how she had not been shrouded properly, her hair unbound and her face covered. The Emperor was so distressed he wept, and ordered that the Empress Dowager be shrouded and buried just as the Empress Zhen had been.”

3. From SGZ, Biography of Yang Yi.

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which reads, “In the third month, on the day gengyin, the 'Virtuous' Empress Guo, Consort of Wendi, was buried; her mausoleum was built near the mausoleum of Shouyangling, at the west of the valley, and a three years' mourning was prescribed.”

A similar account is given in SGZ, Biography of the Empress named Guo. “In the spring of the third year of Qinglong, she passed away at Xuchang. A three years' mourning was prescribed and her mausoleum was built. IN the third month, on the day gengyin, she was buried west of the mausoleum of Shouyangling.”

5. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan, with the date from SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

6. Except the first paragraph, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Chen Qun.

6.2 From SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu. “Having newly built his palace in Xuchang, he also built a palace, halls, terraces and pavilions at Luoyang.”

6.3 SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in Note 4: “At this time the Emperor was building on a large scale his palace at Luoyang, erecting the Zhaoyangtian and Taijitian and construcgint the terrace of Zongzhangguan. The people were deprived of the time for agriculture.” The Weilue reads: “In this year the Emperor erected halls such as Taijitian and constructed the terrace of Zongzhangguan, a hundred and some tens of feet in height, and on top of it was constructed a soaring phoenix.” As Hu Sanxing remarks, the Emperor took courage to indulge himself in building palaces only after the death of Zhuge Liang.

6.6 Lunyu: “The Master said, 'I can find no flaw in the character of Yu. He used himself coarse food and drink, but displayed the utmost filial piety towards the spirits. His ordinary garments were poor, but he displayed utmost elegance in his sacrificial cap and apron. He lived in a low mean house, but expended all his strength on the ditches and water-channels. I can find nothing like a flaw in Yu.” Tang and Yu refer to Yu's immediate predecessors Yao and Shun.

6.9 Hu Sanxing writes that the second part of the sentence refers to Xiao He's building the Weiyanggong.

7. From the Weilue, which continues the passage here given in Note 6.3, as follows: “Further, in the Fanglingyuan, he built a lake, on which boats were rowed and the songs of the Yue were sung. Then further, north of the palace buildings he erected eight hostels in which the various cairen (secondary concubines) were housed in accordance with their different ranks; the guiren, furen, and up were placed on the south. Their ranks and emoluments were made analogous to the hierarchy of the hundred officials of the state. The Emperor spent his time in parties and banquets among them. Then he selected six girls who were literate and could be entrusted with documents, and appointed them female shangshu, to inspect memorials to the throne from the officials and give judgments on them. From the guiren down to the shangbao and those who did menial work in the harem or were trained in entertaining and singing, they numbered in the thousands.”

8. From SGZ, biography of Gao Rou, where the passage is preceded by the following introduction, “Later, the Emperor built palaces on a large scale and thus made the people toil; he made extensive levies of girls to fill his harem. The Imperial sons born in the harem died prematurely one after another, no heir growing up.”

8.2 Han Shu: Emperor Xiaowen once wished to build an open terrace; when he had the master of works come to estimate, the sum amounted to one hundred units of gold. The Emperor said, 'Having inherited the palaces of the late Emperor, I am always afraid I might disgrace them. Why should I make a terrace?'”

9. Except for the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Gao Rou.

9.1 SGZ, continuing from the passage in Section 8: “At this time, the law against hunting was severe and strict. Liu Gui, the diannong (superintendent of agriculture) at Yiyang, secretly shot a rabbit in the enclosure. His gongcao Zhang Jing informed against him to the official in charge. The Emperor concealed the name of Zhang Jing and sent Liu Gui to prison. Gao Rou demanded the name of the informer. In great anger, the Emperor said, 'Liu Gui deserves to be put to death, else why would he hunt in my enclosure? When I sent Liu Gui to the tingyu, the tingyu ought to have examined him. What need is there for him to demand the name of the informer? Can I have arrested Liu Gui unwarrantedly?'

Gao Rou said, 'The tingyu is an official in charge of maintaining equity throughout the land. How can he destroy the laws merely because of the pleasure or wrath of the August Personage?' He then repeated his demand, in a language profound and to the point. The Emperor then became calm and named Zhang Jing. Thereupon he examined them both and sentenced them to appropriate punishments.”

“I have profoundly reflected: The reason why Your Majesty does not take these deer early is that you wish them to multiply to the extreme, when you will take them on a large scale to make them serve army and state. But I presume to think that, as it is, the deer will daily decrease and you will have no chance to get them on a large scale. Why do I think so? Now the Imperial enclosure extends to an area of more than a thousand li. IN my calculation, there are in this area easily 600 tigers, large and small, 500 wolves, and 10,000 foxes. Supposing a large tiger eats one deer every three days, one tiger will eat 120 deer in a year; since there are 600 tigers, that means that the tigers will eat 72,000 deer a year. Supposing ten wolves eat a deer each day, the 500 wolves will eat up 18,000 deer a year. A newly born deer is not good at running; let ten foxes eat one young deer a day—during the period of a month when the young deer begin to run fast, the 10,000 foxes will eat 30,000 young deer a month. In all, the number of deer falling prey to these animals amounts to 1,200,000. The harm due from vultures, I have not counted. Thus seen, there will be no chance of obtaining them in large numbers. There is nothing like taking them early.”

10. From SGZ, Biography of Xin Pi.

11. From SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu. The passage precedes that given in 230 AD. Sima Guang is slightly lax in dates here.

11.1 Yang Fu's SGZ biography notes, “Yang Fu was transferred to be jiangzuo dajiang. At this time, the Emperor began to build his palaces and levy pretty girls to fill his harem; he also frequently went out hunting. That autumn, a heavy rain fell and thunder-bolts struke birds and sparrows dead in large numbers. Yang Fu sent up a memorial saying...”

11.3 Shi jing, “And his example acted on his wife, extended to his brethren, and was felt by all the clans and states.”

11.11 Lunyu: “Yan Yuan asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, ' To subdue one's self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue.'” Also in Lunyu, “The master said, 'It is all over! I have not yet seen one who could perceive his faults, and inwardly accuse himself.'”

11.14 From Shu jing, where it reads, “He was able to make the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes of his kindred, who all became harmonious. He also regulated and polished the people of his domain, who all became brightly intelligent. Finally, he united and harmonized the myriad states of the Empire.”

11.16 This sentence is Sima Guang's own, instead of which SGZ, Wei, reads: “At that time Cao Zhi, Prince of Yongqiu, had been murmuring about his inferior treatment; the feudal princes, even the nearest relatives to the Emperor, had been treated with harsh laws. It was for this reason that Yang Fu again set forth the significance of the nine classes of kindred. An imperial edict replied to him: 'I have recently received your privy memorial, in which you first set forth the practices of enlightened Kings and sage Sovereigns of antiquity to advise me on my poor rule. Your language, apt and to the point, indicates your sincere loyalty...'”

The edict then quotes from the Xiao Jing concerning the duties of a minister toward his prince in and out of his presence. Legge's translation of this part of the Xiao Jing is as follows: “when he retires from it his thought is how to mend his errors. He carries out with deference the measures springing from his excellent qualities, and rectifies him only to save him from what are evil.”

The edict then resumes the Emperor's words: “Indeed, you have done your best. Reading and reflecting on your well-chosen advice, I commend you exceedingly.”

12. From SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu, continuing from the passage given above.

13. From SGZ, Biography of Yang Fu.

14. From ibid.

15. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji, where the passage is preceded by the following: “He was then promoted to be hujun jiangjun and given the additional title of sanji changshi. During the Jingchu period (237-239 AD), externally there were numerous campaigns and internally much building of palaces; many were deprived of marital life, and the annual harvest was poor.” This shows that Sima Guang was not accurate in putting the material of section 15 in this year; he seems to have been carried along by the flow of events.

15.3 SGZ has: “Now our two enemies cannot be exterminated without attacking them; if you do not see to an immediate invasion and eliminate them during your own time, the duty will devolve on the coming hundred generations.”

16. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji, where the passage is preceded by the following: “The da jiangjun Sima Xuanwang gave Wang Ji an official appointment. Before he came to take the office, he had meanwhile been promoted to be zhongshu shilang. Mingdi was building palaces on a grand scale and the people were worn out under the toil.” SGZ states: “Wang Ji, zi Boyu, was a man of Qucheng in Donglai.”

16.2 Hu Sanxing writes that these words are uttered by Confucius in the Jiayu, but in Gongzi jia yu, under one section it reads: “Confucius said, 'A boat cannot be propelled without water, but if water enter the boat, it will sink; a Sovereign cannot rule without his people, but if the people infringe upon the superior, there will be an overthrow. Therefore the superior man cannot be solemn, and the little people cannot but be made uniform.”

16.4 SGZ has the last part of the sentence differently: “Hence he knew he would be defeated in his purpose.” As Hu Sanxing remarks, the earliest source for this story is in Xunzi, where the corresponding lines read: 'After passing through defiles and galloping far, the horse's strength was exhausted, yet he would demand it to gallop without cease, hence I knew that the horse would run away.”

17. From SGZ, Biography of Wei Zhen. The passage is preceded by the following: “When Zhuge Liang invaded Tianshui, Wei Zhen memorialized the throne that a separate division of troops should be sent through Sanguan to cut off his supply route. The Emperor, thereupon, appointed him zhengshu jiangjun, with Tally, to command the various troops and proceed to Chang'an. When Zhuge had withdrawn, he was restored to his former office (i.e. yu puyi), the title of guanglu dafu being added. At this time the Emperor was bent on building his palaces. Wei Zhen frequently remonstrated with him stringently.”

On the other hand, the passage given in Section 17 is immediately followed by: “When Zhuge Liang again came out to Yegu...” This sequence indicates that the event in Section 17 must be dated some time after 228 and before 234, when Zhuge Liang died. Sima Guang is again inaccurate in his date.

18. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Li, where the following passage precedes, “Sun Li went to the capital and became a shangshu. Mingdi at this time was engaged in building his palaces, but metereological signs did not harmonize with the season. There was scanty food throughout the land.” SGZ states, “Sun Li, zi Deda, was a man of Rongcheng in Zhuojun.”

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which continuing from the passage given in Note 6.3 reads as follows: “His remonstrating ministers, such as Yang Fu and Gaotang Long, et al., each stringently remonstrated with him several times. Although unable to heed them, the Emperor always tolerated them with magnanimity.”

20. Except the first sentence, this material is from SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long. Concerning him, the biography a little earlier states: “Gaotang Long, zi Shengping, was a man of Pingyang in Taishan. He was a descendent of Gaotang Sheng of Lu.”

20.10 The actual passage in the Wu xing zhi reads: “First year of Taichu, eleventh month. On the day yiyu, the terrace Boliangtai in the palace Weiyanggong caught fire....After-wards there was the case of Jiang Chong's black magic.”

It was Jiang Chong who falsely charged the Crown Prince (Wei taizi) for practicing black magic against the life of Emperor Wu.

The passage in SGZ reads differently. It does not make any sense at all, hence the editors of the Qianlong edition print the last four characters in it smaller, as if they belong to the editorial note; with this emendation the text will read: “After the conflagration of Boliang, there was the black magic case of Jiang Chong.” But there are two other ways of emending the text, which seem consistent with the passage in Wuxing zhi: either to omit here the senseless particle ye (also), as ZZTJ evidently does, or to relegate it to the end of the sentence, a transposition which does not alter the sense at all.

20.11 This obviously is not the Confucius of the Lunyu; it must be one of those apocryphal sayings attributed to him during the Han dynasty.

21. From SGZ and commentary.

21.3 This Cao Kai was the son of Cao Zhang, a brother of the late Emperor, Wendi. In other words, Cao Kai was Mingdi's first cousin.

22. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, Wei, which reads: “...to his palace in Luoyang.” This event is out of chronological sequence; is the date dingsi an error?

23. Except the first sentence, this is from the Weilue, continuing from the passage here given above in Note 7.

23.1 SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continues the passage given above in Note 22 (indicating that the Imperial command was issued on the same day as the return to Luoyang), reading: “The Emperor commanded the officials in charge to restore Chonghuatian, which was renamed Jiulongtian.” The reason for the renaming is given in SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, continuing from the passage given here in Section 20: “In the end, the Emperor nevertheless restored Chonghuatian. At this time, nine dragons in all appeared in various places, so the place was renamed Jiulongtian.”

24. SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, continuing from the passage given above in note 23.1

25. Except the first paragraph, Section 25 is from SGZ, Biography of Wang Su, where the following passage precedes: “Afterwards, Wang Su, in the capacity of sanji changshi concurrently served as bishujian as well as jijiu of Chongwenguan. During the Jingchu period (237-239 AD), palaces were being built on a large scale and the people were deprived of the time for tilling their lands. If the time limit for completion was overpast, capital punishment was meted out instantly.” The dates indicated here again show Sima Guang rather loose in chronology. The events of Section 25 happened a few years later than 235.

25.11 This rather obscure phrasing is explained by Hu Sanxing as follows: “If a batch of people is levied for the sake of working at one place, they should be made to continue another work at another place.” SGZ has: “If there are any jobs to be undertaken in sequence...”

25.12 The actual passage in Mengzi reads: “And none of them [i.e. Boyi, Yi Yin and Confucius], in order to obtain the Empire would have committed one act of unrighteousness, or put to death one innocent person.”

25.17 More or less adapted from the Lü shi chunqiu, which reads: “The Duke of Zhou answered, 'I have heard that the Son of Heaven does not joke; whatever the son of Heaven says...”

The passage is also found in the Shuoyuan. In Shiji, the saying is attributed to the historiographer Yi and the text varies slightly.

25.18 Here SGZ continues, “He furthermore set forth that pet birds and animals were useless things, only demanding expenditure for their upkeep and attendants, and that they should all be done away with.”

26. From SGZ, biography of Cao Gun, 'Reverent' Prince of Zhongshan. Cao Gun was a son of Cao Cao.

26.2 From Li ji. SGZ has: “According to the Rites, a man is not permitted...” Sima Guang eschews this inexact quotation and substitutes it for the original passage from the Li Ji.

27. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

28. From ibid.

29. Paragraph (a) is from SGZ, Biography of Kebineng. Paragraph (b) is from SGZ, Wei.

30. Paragraph (a) is from the Wei shi chunqiu and the Han Jin chunqiu, where the whole is told in much more detail and in different sequence. The ZZTJ account is more or less rewritten from the passage in these books.

Paragraph (b) is from SGZ, Biography of Zhang Qian attached to that of Guan Ning. There the following passage precedes, “In the fourth year of Qinglong, on the day xinhai (month not given), an Imperial edit read: 'The Xuanchuan in Zhangyejun overflowed, surging up in strong waves, a treasure stone appeared, with emblems on it, its shape resembling a divine tortoise. It had taken its place west of the river, sitting grandly. It has a blue ground and white emblems; Unicorns, phoenixes and dragon-like horses all appear on it distinctly and brilliantly, and words announcing the Mandate of Heaven are clearly legible. The taishiling Gaotang Long has sent up word that it is not a thing such as Sage Emperors of antiquity were never blessed with, and that is an auspicious sign for our Wei, an heirloom to be kept in the Eastern Hall. The matter shall be proclaimed throughout the Empire...”

30.1 The Wei shi chunqiu states that the stone was sixteen Chinese feet in width, seventeen feet and one inch in length, and fifty feet and eight inches in circumference.30.2 SGZ states: “At the time, Zhang Qian zi Ziming of Julu and Hu Zhao zi Kongming of Yingchuan, also enjoyed their own lives and did not enter state service.”

31. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, under fourth year of Jiahe.

Last edited by Jordan on Sun Jan 08, 2012 11:46 pm, edited 1 time in total.

2. Third Month (April 24-May 22). Zhang Zhao of Wu died; he was eighty-one. Zhang Zhao was of dignified and solemn appearance, and awe-inspiring carriage; from the Sovereign of Wu down, everybody in the state feared him.

3. Summer, fourth month (May 23-June 21). The Sovereign of Han reached Jian. Ascending the embankment Guanfan, he viewed the flow of the Wen [River?]. After ten days he returned to Chengdu.

4. Fu Jian (符健), chieftain of the Di of Wudu, begged to surrender to Han. His younger brother dissented and, leading four hundred households, came to surrender to Wei.

5. On the day yi-mao (July 4), Dong Zhao, the 'Constant' Lord of Luoping, died.

6. Winter, tenth month. On the day chi (ji?)-mao (October 25), the Emperor returned to his palace in Luoyang.

7. On the day jia-shen (October 30), a comet appeared in the constellation da chen. On the day yi-yu (December 1), it also appeared in the east. Gaotang Long offered his memorial, “Whenever Emperors and Kings moved their capitals and set up new cities, they first of all fixed the seats of the spirits of Heaven and Earth, and the Altars of Land and Grain; they took care of the matter reverently.

'When a superior man, [high in rank], is about to engage in building, the ancestral temple should have his first attentions, the stables and arsenal the next, and the residences last.' At present, the seats of the spirits of the Circular Mound, the Square Pond, the southern and Northern Suburbs, the Mingtang and the Altars of Land and Grain are not yet fixed; the institution of the Ancestral Temple, furthermore, is not in accordance with the Rites.

In spite of this, Your Majesty embellishes the residences; the gentry and their people miss their proper work. Outsiders all say that expenditures on the female inmates of the palace are almost equal to what the army and the government spend, that the people are in intolerable straits and all are disoriented and irate. The Shu (book) says, 'Heaven hears and sees as our people hear and see; Heaven brightly approves and displays its terrors, as our people brightly approve and would awe.' When the multitude sings the Sovereign's virtue, he makes hortatory use of the Five Happinesses; when the people are angry and sigh, he makes the awing use of the Six Extremities. [6]

This means that Heaven's rewards and punishments are being meted out in accordance with the sayings of the people and in conformity to the heart of the people.

Therefore, in government the primary business is to put the people at ease; for only then does the good rule of antiquity extend from Earth to Heaven. This has always been so, from antiquity to the present.

Now, by unembellished rafters and low-roofed edifices, Tang (i.e. Yao), Yü, Shun and the Great Yü left an august model for posterity; by jade terraces and jeweled rooms, Gui (i.e. Jie) of Xia and Xin (i.e. Zhou) of Shang violated Heaven. At present the palace buildings are too luxurious. The appearance of the comet is very clear.

The comet first appeared in the constellations of fang and xin, then violated the Imperial Throne by appearing in the constellation of ziwei. This shows that august Heaven cherishes a paternal affection for Your Majesty, and so instructs Your Majesty to take warning. The zodiacal signs are, first to last, in the exalted positions; they are sincerely and indefatigably bent on awakening Your Majesty. This is the sincere admonition of a loving father; Your Majesty should take the attitude of a filial son who reverently obeys, thus becoming a model for the world and giving a clear demonstration to posterity. You must not neglect it, else Heaven's ire will redouble.”

8. Gaotang Long admonished earnestly many times more, and the Emperor was quite annoyed. Lu Yü, a shizhong said, “I heave heard that when a Sovereign is enlightened, his officials are straight-forward. Sage Kings of antiquity were afraid that they might not be told of their faults. Therefore there was the drum [to be struck] by those who dared to offer admonitions. We officials attending Your Majesty all hold that in this we are not equal to Gaotang Long. Gaotang Long, a Confucian scholar, has the reputation of being straightforward without curb. Your Majesty ought to tolerate him.”

The Emperor was assuaged.

9. On February 7, 237, Chen Qun, the Calm Lord of Yingyin died.

10. Chen Qun had set forth his admonitions to the throne, many a time. But each time he sent a sealed memorial to the throne, he would burn the draft copies, so that the people of his day as well as his sons and younger brothers had no means of knowing the contents. Some critics slandered him, saying that while occupying his high position he held his hands together and kept silent. During the Zhengshi period, the Emperor commanded the editing of the memorials handed in by his officials, under the title Ming Chen Zou Yi (Memorials and Discussions by Famous Officials). The officials of the Court then saw Chen Qun's admonitions, and all sighed in admiration.

11. Master Yüan writes, “Some asked whether the late Yang Fu, the shaofu, was not a loyal official; for seeing his Sovereign's fault, he would burst out in anger and arouse him, never abstaining from mentioning it when he spoke to other people. [4] Is this not a case of 'the minister of the King serving loyally and faithfully, and not with a view to his own advantage?' My reply is, 'Indeed, he can be called a straightforward gentleman; as to his being loyal, I do not know.' For a benevolent man's love of other people is called loyalty when applied to his Sovereign, filialty when applied to his parents. Loyalty and filialty are fundamentally identical. Therefore, one whose benevolence and love is perfect will repeat his admonition if his Sovereign or parents, having committed a fault, do not listen to his admonitions. He speaks of it because he cannot help it, but he cannot bear to spread it. Now, he is a subject of his Sovereign, but seeing that his Sovereign has deviated from the right path, he does his best to ridicule the fault, thereby spreading abroad his badness. He can be called a straightforward official; he still is not a loyal official. The late Chen Qun, the sigong, was different: he would talk and discuss all day and never mention his sovereign's faults; he sent in tens of memorials to the throne, yet outsiders did not know of their contents. The superior man says that Chen Qun thus proves himself a great hearted man.”

12. On the day yi-wei (February 9, 237), the Emperor went to Xuchang

13. The Emperor had commanded each high minister of state to recommend a man with talent combined with virtue. Sima Yi recommended Wang Chang of Taiyuan, cishi of Yanzhou.

14. As a man, Wang Chang was prudent and magnanimous. He named his elder brother's sons Mu (Silence) and Chen (Gravity), his own sons Hun (Harmony) and Shen (Profundity). [2] He wrote a letter to exhort them, saying: “I have named you with the four qualities [4], thereby hoping you will all think of the names and their significance, and not dare to go against them...For things that are accomplished prematurely will soon perish; if they are done late, they will have a good end. Plants that bloom in the morning will wither in the evening; pines and cypresses flourish and do not perish even in the coldest winter. Therefore, the superior man takes warning from the case of the youth of the village of Que...For, by being able to bend, one unbends; by being able to give one takes; by being able to be weak, one is strong; there is seldom failure. Now blame and praise are the source of all like and dislike, the springs of calamity and fortune. Therefore the sage was prudent on this matter.

Confucius said, 'In my dealings with men, whose evil do I blame, whose goodness do I praise, beyond what is proper? If I do sometimes exceed in praise, there must be ground for it in my examination of the individual.' He also said, 'Zigong was in the habit of comparing men together. Si must have reached a high pitch of excellence! I have not leisure for this.' He was a sage of virtue, yet he was thus; should a mediocre man frivolously blame or praise?...When some one blames us, we then should retire and examine ourselves. If there is in us any act worthy of blame, then his words are right; if there is no act that deserves blame, then his words are wanton. If his words are right, we should not hate him. If he is wanton, there is no harm to us, so that we have no cause for requital. The saying is, 'There is nothing like a double fur coat for protection against the cold, and nothing like self-cultivation for stopping slander. These words are true...'

============================================

Chapter 17 NotesFourth Year of Qinglong (236 AD)Shu: Fourteenth Year of JianxingWu: Fifth Year of Jiahe

1. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, Wu, which reads: “In the spring of the fifth year of Jiahe, they minted Big Coins, one equivalent to five hundred. By edict, under-officials and the people were ordered to turn in copper, the price for which would be paid in accordance with this calculation. Regulations against private minting were also fixed.

According to Du Yu (Dongdian), in the fifth year of Jiaping (should be Jiahe), the big coin was equivalent to one hundred “wen,” with the four characters da quan wu bo (Big Coin, Five Hundred) inscribed on them. Each coin was 1-1/4 cun in diameter, 12 shu in weight.

2. From SGZ.

3. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

4. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “They moved Fu Jian, King of the Di of Wudu, together with more than four hundred households of the Di, to Guangdu.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi has: “In the fourteenth year of Jianxing, Fu Jian, King of the Di of Wudu, sought to surrender to Shu. Zhang Yu, a jiangjun, was sent to welcome him. But after the due date he had not come. The da jiangjun Jiang Wan was greatly concerned.

Zhang Yi soothed him, saying, 'Fu Jian is quite sincere in begging to surrender; there certainly cannot be anything untoward. However, I have been told Fu Jian's younger brother is a sly fellow; besides, they are only barbarians, hence they are not able to cooperate. There will be a rift; hence this delay. In a few days we shall hear news.'

As predicted, Fu Jian's younger brother, at the head of four hundred households, went over to Wei, and Fu Jian alone came.”

5. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which reads: “In the fifth month, on the day yimao, the situ Dong Zhao passed away.” According to this biography in SGZ, Dong Zhao was enfeoffed Lord of Luoping when Mingdi came to the throne; he died at the age of eighty-one and was canonized “Constant” Lord.

6. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

7. Except the first sentence, Section 7 is from SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long. The first sentence comes from SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.7.6 Zuo zhuan: “but he heard the soldiers singing to themselves the lines...” Shu jing: “The Hortatory Use of the five happinesses and the Awing Use of the Six Extremities.”

8. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu.

9. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, which reads: “In the twelfth month, on the day guisi, the sigong Chen Qun passed away.” According to his biography in SGZ, Wei, Chen Qun was enfeoffed Lord of Yingyin when Mingdi succeeded to the throne. He was canonized posthumously as “Calm” Lord.

10. From Wei shu.

11. From Yuanzi.

11.4 Evidently this is quoted from the Yi Jing: “The minister of the King struggling with difficulty on difficulty and not with a view to his own advantage.”

12. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. “On the day yiwei, he went to his palace in Xuchang.”

13. Rewritten from SGZ, Biography of Wang Chang, where it reads: “In the fourth year of Qinglong, the Emperor ordered proclaimed: 'I wish to recruit those of talent, wisdom, and literary accomplishments, and of profound counsel; those who can see the distant as if were near at hand; whose calculations always work and whose schemes are always fruitful; whose character is whole and whose minds are fine; whose persons are pure and cultivated, refined and calm, and who are indefatigable in their aims.'

Whatever their age and family status, they were still to be invested with office. Civil officials of the rank of qing or above, and military officials of the rank jiaoyu or above, were to recommend one each. The taiyu Sima Xuanwang recommended Wang Chang.”

According to his biography in SGZ, “Wang Chang, zi Wenshu, was a man of Jinyang in Taiyuan.” He had been appointed cishi of Yanzhou during the reign of Mingdi.

14. Abbreviated from the long letter and introductory remarks, given in Wang Chang's biography.

14.2 SGZ, Wei, reads: “When he gave ming and zi to his elder brother's and his own sons, he made plain his thoughts by concepts of modesty and solidity. Therefore his elder brother's sons were named Mu, with Chujing (rest in quietude) as zi; and Chen with Chudao (Rest in the Way) as zi. His own sons were named Hun, with Xuanzhong (Mysterious Emptiness) as zi and Shen, with Daozhong (Emptiness of the Way) as zi.”

14.4 By Sima Guang, rewritten from the following passage in SGZ: “I wished that, in establishing yourselves in the world of acting, you follow the teachings of the Confucians and emulate the words of the Daoists, therefore I named you with words meaning mysterious, silent, inane, empty.”

Last edited by Jordan on Mon Jan 09, 2012 3:44 am, edited 2 times in total.

Chapter 18First Year of Jingchu (237 AD)Shu: Fifteenth Year of JianxingWu: Sixth Year of Jiahe

1. Spring, first month. On the day of renchen (February 6), Shanqi Xian reported the appearance of a yellow dragon.

2. Gaotang Long held that it was because Wei had obtained the influence of “earth,” that the auspicious sign, the yellow dragon, had appeared [1], and that the calendar should be altered and the color of the court garments changed, so that its rule might be divinely brilliant and the people have their sight and hearing changed. The Emperor followed this proposal.

3. Third month (April 13-May 12). The Emperor issued an edict changing his reign title; the current month became the fourth month, middle of summer. [1] For the color of court garments, yellow was fixed, and in the offering of sacrifices, white was to be used; in this the principle of “earth” was followed. He further renamed the Taihe Calendar, calling it the Jingchu Calendar.

4. Fifth month. On the day of chisi (May 14), the Emperor returned to Luoyang

5. On the day of qizhou, a general amnesty was given.

6. Sixth month. On the day wu-shen (June 22), there was an earthquake in the capital.

7. On the day chi-hai [1], the shangshu ling Chen Jiao was appointed situ, and the shangshu zuobuyi Wei Zhen [was appointed] sigong.

8. On the day of dingwei [1], Wei-yang in Weixing [-jun] and An-fu and Shangyong in Xi[-jun], were detached to form Shangyong[-jun]: Xijun was discontinued. Xi[-xian] became a part of Weixing[-jun]

9. The officials in charge memorialized the throne to make Wu Huangdi (Cao Cao) the “Grand Ancestor (Taizu) of Wei [1]; to make Wen Huangdi (Cao Pi) the “Founder” (Gaozu) of Wei; to make the [reigning] Emperor the “Meritorious Ancestor” (Liezu) of Wei; and to preserve the temples of these three ancestors for myriad of generations to come, destroying all the other four temples—all just as in the Zhou institution of altering the order of the spirit tablets of Hou-Chi, Wen and Wu.

10. Sun Sheng discoursed on this as follows: “Canonization serves to display virtue, temples to preserve memory. Both of these become prominent only after the death of the persons in question. By this means the origin is traced and the end rounded up, to be shown to the people of the land. There never has been a case of fixing ancestors beforehand, or of causing oneself to be prematurely honored and renowned while still alive. Because of extravagant interment, Hua Yuan and Yue Ju were reproved; for offering condolence in anticipation, the King of Zhou erred in matters of propriety. So, the various officials of Wei were lacking in correction.”

12. Gongsun Yuan frequently used abusive language of Wei to guests in his country. [1] The Emperor wished to carry out a punitive campaign against him and for this purpose appointed the Cishi (Governor) of Jingzhou, Guanqiu Jian of Hedong, to be Cishi of Yuzhou. [2]

Guanqiu Jian sent up a memorial saying: “Since Your Majesty's accession to the throne, there has been nothing worth writing down. Wu and Shu, relying on their natural strongholds, cannot easily be subdued. Perhaps we may take the soldiers useless against them, to conquer Liaodong.”

The guanglu dafu Wei Zhen said [4], “What Guanqiu Jian sets forth is all a petty scheme of the Warring States, not the business of a royal personage. Wu has been invading our borders for many years, and if yet we put aside our armor and rest our soldiers, not attempting a punitive campaign, it is because the people are weary. Gongsun Yuan, born and reared on the other side of the sea, has succeeded to his patrimony in the third generation; on the outside he soothes the Rong barbarians, inside he trains his men for warfare. In spite of this, Guanqiu Jian proposes to make a distant expedition with a detachment of troops; arriving in the morning, he will have to retreat in the evening. I know the recklessness of it!”

13. The Emperor did not listen to him, but had Guanqiu Jian lead the various troops as well as the Xianbei and Wuhuan and take up a position on the southern border of Liaodong. [2] The Emperor sent a sealed edict to summon Gongsun Yuan. In the end, Gongsun Yuan arose in an armed rebellion, meeting Guanqiu Jian at Liaosui. It so happened that it rained for more than ten days and the water of Liaosui rose greatly. Guanqiu Jian fought him, but was unsuccessful and withdrew his troops to Youbeiping. [6]

14. Gongsun Yuan then proclaimed himself King of Yan. He adopted the reign title Shao-han. [2] He appointed officials for his government, sent an envoy to the Shanyu of the Xianbei to confer on him the royal seal, enfeoffed border peoples, and seduced the Xianbei, so that they would invade and trouble the northern regions (of China, on the northern border of Wei).

17. The fu-ren (first class concubine) Guo of Xiping was in favor with the Emperor, whose love for the Empress Mao was slackened. The Emperor had a party in his rear garden, inviting his concubines from cairen up; he enjoyed a most pleasant private entertainment.

The furen Guo asked that the Empress be invited, but the Emperor did not consent, at the same time prohibiting his attendants from divulging it. However, the Empress knew about it. The next day she said to the Emperor, “Was yesterday's party in the northern garden pleasant?” The Emperor thought that his attendants had divulged it to her and put more than ten of them to death.

On the day geng-chen (September 22), the Emperor commanded the Empress to commit suicide. Nevertheless, he honored her with the canonization Tao (Lamented). In the tenth month, on the day Gui-zhou (October 25), he buried her at the mausoleum of Minling. He promoted her younger brother, Mao Ceng.

18. Winter, tenth month (September 7-October 4). The Emperor, following the advice of Gaotang Long, took Weisushan, south of Luoyang, and made it Yuanqiu. [1] The edict issued on this occasion reads: “Emperors and Kings, having received their mandate, all revere Heaven and Earth to glorify the divinites, and offer sacrifices to their ancestors to illumine their achievements. Hence, when the records from former generations become known, the institution of sacrifice to the ancestors will become complete. Of old, at the beginning of the Han, a time succeeding to the destruction of learning by the Qin, fragments were picked up and patched together, and thus the Suburban Sacrifices were pieced out. From the time of the Sacrifices to the Spirit of Earth in Ganchuan and to the Five Spirits at Yonggong, the myriad divinites have not been regulated. Hence the institution is irregular, now this and now that. For more than four hundred years the Suburban Sacrifices have been in discuse, and that which ought to have been reinstated from antiquity is missing. The Cao trace their lineage from Emperor Shun. From now on, Huang-Huangdi Tian shall be sacrificed to at Yuanqiu paired with our primordial ancestory Shun. Huang-Huang Houdi shall be sacrificed to at Fangqiu, paired with Shun's consort Yi. The spirit of Huangtian shall be sacrificed to at the Southern Suburb, paired with Wudi (Cao Cao). The Spirit of Huangdi shall be sacrificed to at the Northern Suburb, paired with the Empress Xuan, Consort of Wudi.

19. The zhufu of Lujiang, Lü Xi (呂習), secretly sent an emissary to Wu requesting that their troops come; he intended to open the city gate, acting as a traitor from within. The Sovereign of Wu sent the Wei Jiang Jun Quan Zong to command the Qian Jiangjun Zhu Huan, etc., and proceed to him. [3] When they arrived the affair had leaked out, and the Wu troops returned. [4]

20. Zhuge Ke, having come to Danyang, dispatched instructions to the chief officials of the towns belonging to the four districts. [1] He ordered them to defend their own borders and put their troops in good shape. The people of the plain who had submitted were ordered to live in military settlements. The various generals were to be posted with their troops at important positions. Ramparts and walls were to be repaired. Arms were not to be exchanged (with the Shanyue). When the crops matured, the troops were to be released to reap them, leaving no seed behind. The old grain having been consumed and the new crop not yet harvested, and with the people of the plain living in settlements, there was nothing at all for the Shanyue to take in. Thus the people of the Shanyue were reduced to starvation and gradually came out to surrender. Zhuge Ke then sent further instructions: “Since the mountain people (note: Shan=mountain) have left their evil life behind and submitted, they shall all be soothed. If they migrate to other xian (counties), they should not be held under suspicion and apprehended.”

The head official of Qiuyang, Hu Kang (胡伉), got hold of Zhou Yi (周遺), a man who had submitted. This Zhou Yi had been a bad man, but being hard pressed, he tardily came out, secretly harboring intent to revolt. Hu Kang had him bound and sent him to the prefect, Zhuge Ke. On the ground that Hu Kang had disobeyed his instructions, Zhuge Ke put him to death as a lesson for others, and reported this case to the throne.

Hearing that Hu Kang was charged for having arrested a man and was hence put to death, the people were convinced that the government had no intentions other than to make them come out. Therefore they came out, old and young leading each other. The limit of time and the number of men were both as originally counted on. Zhuge Ke took ten thousand men to himself and distributed the remainder (thirty thousand men) among his subordinate generals. The Sovereign of Wu commended his achievements. [9] He appointed Zhuge Ke Weibo Jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Duxiang (or Buxiang?). He transferred him and stationed him at Huankou in Lujiang. [10]

21. In this year the Emperor moved all the drums and drumsticks, bronze camels and bronze men, and the dew-basin from Chang'an to Luoyang. The dew basin broke, and the sound could be heard tens of li away. [5] The bronze men were too heavy to be carried off, so they were left behind at Bacheng.

He furthermore levied copper on a large scale and cast two bronze men, called Wengzhong, and placed them as a pair outside the Sima Men (Gate of the Sima's office). He further cast a yellow dragon and a phoenix, the dragon forty feet high and the phoenix more than thirty feet high. Both were placed in front of the inner palace.

He constructed an artificial hill at the northwest corner of the garden Fangling Yuan; he had the Ducal and other Ministers and all the officials carry earth on their backs (to make the artificial hill). Pine trees, bamboos, various other trees and famous herbs were planted on its top. Mountain fowls and various beasts were caught and kept there.

22. The Situ Junyi Yuan Dong Xun (董尋) [of Hedong] sent up a memorial, remonstrating with the Emperor: “I have heard that upright gentlemen of antiquity spoke out their minds for the sake of the state, not fearing death and perishment. So Zhou Chang compared Han Gaozu with Jie and Zhou. Liu Fu compared the Empress Chao with a maid-servant. Loyal and upright by nature, they went ahead and did not shrink in the face of drawn swords and boiling water; they did so because they loved the empire on behalf of the Sovereigns of their time.

Since the Jian'an period (196-220 AD), the people have been killed on the battlefields, sometimes not a soul being left in a family; if there are any survivors, they are orphans, the aged, and children. If your palaces at present are too small and need extension, it should still be done gradually, and not interfere with the time needed for tilling the land.

Going still further, you have made useless things: the yellow dragon, phoenix, the Jiulong[-dian], the dew-basin, the artificial hill and ponds; all of these are things that sage and enlightened Sovereigns would not do. Besides, they demand three times more work than your palaces. The Three Ducal Ministers and nine Ministers of State, the Shizhong and Shangshu, are the most respected of the Empire. Yet knowing well that what you do is wrong, they dare not to utter a word against you, because you are still young and they are afraid of incurring your vehement wrath. Now, Your Majesty shows honor to your numerous officials: you make them distinguished with headgear, clothe them in embroidered garments, carry them in beautiful carriages. They are different from the common people; yet you make them dig holes and lift earth; their faces are dirty and dusky, their bodies are sullied and their feet covered with filth, their headgear and garments are in tatters. By this the respectability of the state is damaged—all from prizing the useless. This is indeed very wrong.

“Confucius said, 'A prince should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness.' Without faithfulness and without rules of propriety, how can a state stand on its feet?

When princes do not act as princes, nor ministers as ministers, and there is no exchange of thoughts between high and low, and minds are dissatisfied, the result is that the principles of yin and yang do not harmonize, calamities occur frequently, and the wicked rabble take the opportunity to rise up. Who is there who will speak out these words on behalf of Your Majesty? Or who will dare to incur the wrath of the august personage, toying with death?

I am well aware that once my words are out, death will be my certain lot, yet I compare my own person to a single hair of an ox. If living, I serve no purpose, then what loss can there be in my death? With the writing-brush in the hand, I weep and take leave of this world. I have eight sons, who will have to be taken care of by Your Majesty after my death. Having washed and purified myself, I submit this memorial, waiting your command.”

When the memorial was brought in, the Emperor said, “Is Dong Xun not afraid of death? The official in charge memorialized to have him arrested, but the Emperor's orders were to leave him alone.

23. Gaotang Long sent up a memorial saying, “Of old, King Jing of Zhou did not emulate the bright virtue of Kings Wen and Wu and neglected the sage institutions of the Duke of Zhou. Having minted the Big Coins, he went on to cast large bells. Duke Mu of Shan remonstrated with him, but he would not listen to him; the Musician Zhou Jiu advised him, but he did not follow him. He persisted in error, never mending himself, and thus the influence of the Zhou declined. The good historians recorded this as a warning for all time.

Nowadays, mean men are fond of speaking of the extravagance and luxury of the Qin and Han, thereby tempting your sage mind. To make vessels that can bring the state to ruin will waste labor and expenditure, only causing damage to virtuous rule; this is not the way for effecting harmony of rites and music or securing the blessings of the divinities.”

The Emperor did not listen to him.

24. Gaotaing Long again sent up a memorial saying, “The great virtue of Heaven and Earth is giving life; the great treasure of a sage is his position. How should the position be kept? By means of benevolence. How are people to be collected together? By means of wealth. This being so, the people are the foundation of the state. Grain and silk are the life of the people. Grain and silk cannot grow without assistance from the supernatural, nor can they be produced without human effort. Therefore, an Emperor tills the land in person to encourage agriculture, and an Empress attends to the mulberry leaves to make clothes. In this way is the August Creator (Shangdi) brilliantly served and blessing is reverently sought.

Of old, during the era of Tang (Yao), when fate had calamities fall on the Earth, the inundating waters seemed to assail the heaven. Kun was commisioned to control them, but the work was unaccomplished. So Wenming (Kun's son Yu) was given the charge. Following the course of the hills, he hewed down the woods. From beginning to end, it took twenty two years. Never was calamity heavier than this, nor was any work ever of such a long duration. Yet Yao and Shun, Sovereign and Subject, did nothing but take their seat facing south. When Yu divided the land into nine provinces, all the officials were given employment, each with distinction of rank. The superior and inferior ones were distinguished by five habiliments and five decorations.

At present, the need is not as great as at that time, yet the Ducal Ministers and other ministers of state do manual labor in the company of servants. When this is reported to the barbarians of the four quarters, it will not be a credit; when it is recorded for posterity to history, it will not be good fame.

Therefore, one who rules over a state takes his lesson from his own body and derives his model from the external world; thus he sends forth warmth and gives nourishment. Hence it is said, 'How much more should the happy and courteous sovereign be the parents of the people.'

At present, high and low are toiling, diseases and famine are working their ravages. Those who till the land are few, and there has been continuous famine. The people cannot live through the year. You must take pity and relieve their plight to rescue them from their distress.

As far as I can observe from what is written in ancient books, there has never been a case where the mutual action of Heaven and man has failed. So wise Kings of antiquity stood in fear of the bright commandment of high Heaven, and complied with the course, normal or abnormal, of the yin and the yang. Prudent and cautious, they always feared to go counter to it, the result being that their rule continued and their lineage was prolonged. But coming to later days, stupid Sovereigns and licentious Kings did not prize the precedents of their former Kings, nor accept honest remonstrances; they carried out their desires and neglected with seeming impunity the warnings given them by unusual physical phenomena. They all courted disaster and risked dangers, and went so far they were overthrown. So unmistakable is the way of Heaven.

Permit me next to continue my discourse with the Way of man. The six emotions and five sentiments are shared by all men; desires and righteousness are part of them. When one is about to act, they contend for supremacy in the mind. If desires are stronger than one's character, one will be reckless beyond control; if one is not directed by sincere sentiment, one will be wanton without bounds. What our mind desires is what it deems good or beautiful. But the good and the beautiful cannot be realized without human effort, which cannot subsist without grain and silk. If the Sovereign's desires are boundless, men will not be able to bear the toil, and there will not be enough things to satisfy his demands. With toil and demand interacting, troubles will naturally occur. In other words, without lessening one's desires, there will be no inducing of satisfaction.

Confucius said, 'If a man take no thought about what is distant, he will find sorrow near at hand.' From this point of view, the institutions of Rites are by no means arbitrary distinctions; they are meant to keep harm away and bring about good rule.

Now, Wu and Shu are not mere barbarian hordes on the northern desert, nor are they mere bandits. They have taken their position on defiles and navigate streams; they possess soldiers in large numbers; their rulers have proclaimed themselves Emperors and would vie for hegemony with our China Proper. If some one were to come and report that both Sun Quan and Liu Shan [9] are ruling virtuously, tread the path of simplicity and frugality, have reduced taxation, do not devote their minds to things they like, always ask the aged and worthy for advice, and follow earnestly what the Rites dictate—would not your Majesty, hearing of it, be distressed. Would you not be vexed that, because of this, they could not be easily subdued and exterminated, but remain a source of anxiety for the state?

If, however the informer were to tell you, 'These two rebels both practice wickedness, they indulge in luxury without limit, making their soldiers and people toil and increasing collections and taxation, so that the people below cannot bear it and groaning is increasing day by day'--hearing of this, would your Majesty not burst out in anger that they harass your innocent people, and resolve to punish them speedily? And then, would you not take advantage of their exhaustion and easily take them?

Furthermore, the First Emperor did not lay a foundation for virtue, but built the O-pang palace; he did not worry over the trouble within the screen of his own court, but constructed the Great Wall. When the Sovereign and his ministers planned these projects, they were bent on setting up a work for the coming myriad generations, so that his descendants might enjoy dominion over the Empire permanently. Could they have expected that one day a single man could emit a loud cry and overthrow the dynasty? Therefore I am of the opinion that the Sovereigns of the past, had they known that what they were doing would be certain to end in fall, would not have done it.

A Sovereign that brings his dynasty to its fall believes in his time that he is not going to fall, but still he eventually goes to his fall. A worthy and sage-like Sovereign considers that he might fall, and so eventually is spared from fall.

Of old, Han Wendi, who is known as a worthy Sovereign, personally practiced frugality, benefited and nourished his subjects. Yet Jia Yi compared the Empire with a man hanged by his feet, saying that there was one matter about which he could wail bitterly, two about which he could shed tears, and three about which he could heave a heavy sigh.

At present, the Empire is worn out. The people have not a picul of grain, and the state has not stored one year's revenues; outside there are powerful enemies, so that the Six Armies are exposed along the frontiers, and internally you have undertaken construction works, with the result that the provinces and prefectures are in an uproar. If there is an invasion, I am afraid those who are now engaged in construction work will not be able to pour out their lives to reach the court of the enemy.

Furthermore, the salaries of the generals and their subordinate officials have been more or less reduced, amounting to only one-fifth compared with former times. Those granted leave of absence are not given stipdends, and those formerly exempted from paying taxes have to pay half sum now. Thus the government revenues are more than doubled, while expenditures are less than one third of those in earlier times. Yet the government's finances are always deficient; even beef is always being issued as payment. If we probe into the matter, all the extra expenditures can be found (i.e. in the building of palaces).

Now, salaries and gifts, distributed in the form of grain and silk, are means for the Sovereign to show kindness to the people and to nourish them, means of keeping them alive. By dispensing with them at present, you are depriving of their lives. And, to lose things which one has already obtained—this is the fountainhead of complaint.

According to the Zhouli, the Ministry of Heaven took charge of the Nine Kinds of Revenues to supply the expenditures of the Nine Measures. There were definite revenues and also definite expenditures, these two items never infringing on each other, so that the disbursements were sufficient. When disbursements were sufficient, the remainder of the tribute was allotted for the personal use of the King. Furthermore, when superior personages laid out expenditures the matter had to be examined by the accountant-general.

At present, those who sit with you in the court to rule over the Empire are, first, the Three Ducal Ministers and Nine Ministers of State, and, then, your intimate officials of the government. They are all in your confidence and they ought to conceal nothing from you. If, observing your extravagance or economy, they dare not speak to you, but obey you blindly and run hither and thither at your behest, always fearing that they might not please you, they are your ministers in name only, not assistants with backbone.

Of old, Li Su instructed the Second Qin Emperor, 'A Sovereign who does not indulge his wildest desires is to be called one fettered and shackled by his Empire.' The Second Emperor adopted this advice, with the result that the Qin Empire was overthrown and Li Su as well as his entire family exterminated. Therefore the historiographer Sima Qian criticized him for not having given a correct admonition and not having warned him for the sake of the world.”

Having read the memorial, the emperor said to the Zhongshu Jianling, “This memorial of Gaotang Long makes me afraid.”

25. The Shangshu Wei Ji sent up a memorial saying: “The changing of one's sentiments and polishing up of one's character cannot be done forcibly. It is not easy for a subject to speak of it to his Sovereign, and it is difficult as well for the Sovereign to accept it. Furthermore, what human beings are fond of is riches and honors; what they dislike is poverty and death. But these four things are in the hands of the Sovereign; if he likes an individual, that individual will have riches and honors. If he dislikes him, there will be poverty and death. Those who comply with his desires are liked, those who contradict him are disliked. It is for this reason that subjects all vie to be compliant and avoid contradicting him. Except a man who would let his family be ruined for the sake of perfecting his Sovereign, will any one incur his wrath and touch upon sore spots in order to propose one idea or discuss one view? If your Majesty remains at watchful attention, the true sentiments of your subjects will be made manifest.

At present, many of those who would advise are inclined to please your ear. Speaking of your rule, they compare Your Majesty with Yao and Shun; speaking of your campaigns, they compare the two rebels with badgers and mice. But I hold a different view.

Of old, in the time of Han Wendi, the feudal lords were powerful; Jia Yi sighed repeatedly and said the situation was most precarious. It is more so now.

The land within the four seas is divided into three. Numerous worthy men are exerting their utmost for their masters. Those who come to surrender to us are not willing to say that they have renounced a wicked path to join the right one, but that they are compelled by urgent circumstances. In other words, the situation is not different from the separate dominions of the Six States. At present, along the stretch of a thousand li, the land is uninhabited, and the neglected people are in distress. If Your Majesty does not pay attention to this, the country will be so exhausted it will be hard to revive it.

“According to the Rites, the vessels used by the Son of Heaven were always decorated with gold and jade, and for food he had the Eight Delicacies laid before him; but in times of bad harvest, he would decrease the number of dishes and put on simpler garments. This shows that lavish or frugal standards depended on the abundancy or scarcity of the time.

At the time of Wu Huangdi (Cao Cao), the ladies of the palace lived on one kind of meat dish, their dresses were not brocaded or embroidered, their sitting mats were devoid of frills, and their vessels were neither painted red nor lacquered. It follows that he was able to conquer the Empire and leave it as a legacy to his descendants. All these were things Your Majest saw in person. As for present duty, Sovereign and subjects, high and low, should use the calculating sticks and check the treasury and storehouses so that expenditures will match revenues, and think deeply on the method by which Goujian caused his people to multiply. Even so, it is to be feared lest this be inadequate. Yet the amount of golden and silver wares manufactured in the Shangfang (Palace Workshop) increases more and more. Work and corvee never cease; luxury is increasingly prized day by day; and the palace treasury reserve is daily diminishing.

Of old, Han Wudi believed in the way of immortality, saying he had to get some dew drops from above the clouds so that he might eat pulverized jade; and so he set up an Immortal's Palm to receive dew drops that might fall from on high. Your Majesty, enlightened and broad, always ridiculed him. Now the Emperor Wudi sought his object, dew drops, yet he is ridiculed. Your Majesty, however, does not even search for dew drops, yet you set up the dew basin idly. It serves no purpose, for you have no object, but only wastes work. All these are things it would be well for you to think over and dispense with.” [8]

26. At that time there was an edict that daughters and soldiers already married to officials or common civilians were to be taken and mated with soldiers. It was permissible to ransom them by substitutes. Furthermore, selection was to be made of those with pretty faces and hair for the Imperial harem. The Taizi Sheren, Zhang Mao (張茂), of the State of Pei, sent up a letter in protest, saying: [1]

“In prostration, I observe in the edict that all the daughters of soldiers married to non-soldiers are to be taken and mated to soldiers. This indeed is an appropriate measure to meet the exigency of the time, but it is not a good one for right government. Allow me to discuss the matter.

Your Majesty is a Son of Heaven; the officials and people on the other hand are your sons. According to the Rites, gifts to the superior and inferior are distributed on the same day; it is because there is a distinction between high and low. Officials are high personages and soldiers are inferior ones. Now, you would take from one to give to the other; this is no different from robbing an elder brother of his wife to marry her to the younger brother, which is partiality on the part of the parents in showing their affection.

Then again, the edict says that it is allowable to bring in substitutes, who ought to be of the same age and beauty as the wives in question. Hence, the rich come to bankruptcy and the poor contract loans, buying substitutes at high prices to ransom their own wives. Under the pretext of finding mates for the soldiers, district officials deliver the women to the Imperial harem, distributing only the ugly ones among the soldiers. Those who get wives will not necessarily be happy, those who lose their wives will be certain to be dejected; on one hand, they are distressed, on the other they are worried—either way they will not be contented.

Now any Sovereign who rules over the Empire and yet cannot win the heart of the people, is seldom secure from danger. Furthermore, our armies are on the frontiers, hundreds of thousands of men; the daily expenditures do not stop at a thousand units of gold. All the revenues of the whole Empire are not sufficient to supply this war. Yet in the palace there are supernumerary girls, and gifts to the families of your consorts and the Empress are without measure. Both within and without there are expenditures, the total sum of which amounts to half of that of the armies.

Of old, Han Wudi, taking to the way of the immortals and believing in magicians, dug out a lake and raised an artificial hill. Thanks to the fact that the Empire at that time was unified, there was no one who dared to stand against him. It has already been forty or fifty years since decline set in. Horses are never relieved of their saddled and soldiers never divest themselves of armor. After each battle, blood flows on the gore-stained fields; the sounds of wailing have not ceased.

Powerful hordes are at our borders, plotting danger for the House of Wei. Your Majesty is not wary or fearful, does not prize frugality, does not think of putting the empire at ease, but is bent on luxury and extravagance. The Zhong Shangfang (Central Palace Workshop) is manufacturing exclusively objects of fancy to dazzle the eye; in the rear garden a basin to receive dew drops is erected. These indeed please the ear and the eye, but are enough to make our enemies exult.

Alas, to give up the frugality of Yao and Shun and to emulate Han Wudi in extravagance! I presume not to compliment Your Majesty for it.

I would wish Your Majesty to issue a gracious edict, eliminating one and all the things that have no benefit and are harmful, and using the expenditures saved from the things thus eliminated to make gifts to soldiers whose parents, wives and children are suffering from hunger and cold. You ought to inquire about the people's ailments and do away with the things they resent; replenish granaries, repair arms and weapons, and rule the Empire with reverence and sincerity. If you act thus, the Wu rebel will submit himself to be bound and the Shu barbarian will plead to be put to death; before you undertake a punitive campaign against them, they will submit of themselves. The path to peace can be anticipated, with a definite time. Your Majesty, then, need not belabor your will on the other side of the sea; your armies will enjoy peaceful sleep, and your troops will be without care.

At present, the various Ducal Ministers are tongue-tied. But I dare not abstain from offering you my blind advice; because some time ago, when I sent up my admonition and the San-Ji transmitted my letter with my Ting Jian Pian (Discourse on Listening to Admonitions), Your Majesty said, 'Excellent' and promoted me to be Taizi Sheren. In that letter I censured ministers who are unable to admonish their Sovereign. If now, when there is something about which I ought to admonish you, I should abstain from doing so, then my former letter would turn out to be false and I myself be one who cannot speak.

I am now fifty years old; always fearful that I may not be able to requite the state to the very end of my life. I ignore the safety of my own person and boldly make myself heard. I beg Your Majesty to take notice.”

The Emperor did not listen to him.

27. Seriously ill, Gaotang Long dictated and sent up a memorial saying: “The philosopher Zeng being ill, Meng Jing went to ask how he was. Zeng said to him, 'When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful. When a man is about to die, his words are good.'

I am chronically ill, my disease increases without ever diminishing. I am always afraid I may die all too suddenly, without demonstrating my loyal sentiments. My sincerity is not less than the philosopher Zeng's. I hope Your Majesty will pay a little attention to it.

You ought to amend your past faults entirely, opening the way for future posterity with one stroke, so that spirits and men will respond to you, foreign people come to submit to you, the four auspicious animals [4] bring their felicitous signs, and the celestial bodies shine brilliantly. Thus you may become a match for the Three Kings and supersede the five Emperors; this is not merely becoming a successor to the throne and following existing institutions.

I am always vexed that Sovereigns, though they all think of continuing the rule of Yao, Shun, Tang and King Wu of Zhou, nevertheless follow in the wake of Jie, Zhou and Kings Yu and Li {the notorious despots of antiquity}—that though they all laugh at the misguided and licentious Sovereigns of declining days who brought their dynasties to ruin, they nevertheless do not rise to the model of Yu, Xia, Yin and Zhou. {the sages of antiquity}

Alas! Acting as you do, in pursuit of what you would bring about, is like climbing a tree in search of fish [6], like boiling water to make ice—it is clear that you will not attain your object!

I have observed of the Empire during the time of the Three Dynasties that sages and worthy men succeeded one another for a period of several hundred years. There was not a foot of land that did not belong to them, not one man who was not their subject.

The myriad states all enjoyed repose [9] and the nine provinces of China were well ordered. They had no use for the gold of Lu-Tai and the grain of Ju-qiao and as ever they sat facing south. What accounts for all this?

But Gui, Jie, Xin and Zhou indulged their desires; august Heaven was wrathful and their states went to ruin. [10] Zhou's severed head was hung on the white banner and Jie was banished to Mingtiao. Tang and Wu were both Emperors. Are rulers different from men? Every Emperor is a descendent of illustrious kings.

Furthermore in the time of the Six States, the land was prosperous. The Qin united it, but did not cultivate the virtue of the sages. Instead, they built the palace of O-pang and constructed the Great Wall. They ruled over China and their sway extended to the hundred barbarian tribes; the whole world was trembling and fearful, people walked in the street with watchful eyes. They thought that their House was on a strong foundation, that their glory and magnificence would last forever. How could they anticipate that their dynasty would crumble down in two generations!

In recent times, Han Xiaowu, succeeding to the prosperity of Wendi and Jingdi, subdued the barbarians without and raised palaces within. For more than ten years the Emprie was in tumult. But he believed the shaman from Yue; he murmured against Heaven and showed anger toward it. He built the palace of Jianchang, with its thousand gates and ten thousand doors. In the end he brought about Jiang Chong's case of black magic; the result was that there was estrangement within the palace, father and son destroying each other. This disaster continued for several generations.

I observed that during the Huangchu period (220-226 AD), Heaven manifested warning signs. A strange bird settled in a swallow's nest, talons on its beak and its breast red. This was an important omen for the House of Wei. You must be wary of the falcon-like minister within the screen of your own Court. You ought to select the various feudal princes, and make them rulers over their states and commanders of troops; they should be stationed here and there like chessmen, to protect the Imperial domain and guard the Imperial house.

Formerly, when the Zhou moved to the East, Jin and Zheng served for them to rely on; during the troubles of the Lu in Han times, the lord of Zhuxu served as a prop. These are clear examples from former dynasties.

Now Great Heaven has no affections—it helps only the virtuous. If the people sing your virtuous rule, then the dynasty will be prolonged; but if those below have complaint, then Heaven will recall the mandate and entrust it to an abler hand. From this point of view the Empire is the empire of the people of the empire, not your Majesty's alone.

I am attacked by the hundred ailments and my strength is lessening. I shall be carried in a carriage to my village home. Should I fail to regain my health, I shall replay your kindness, assuming that the spirits of the dead retain consciousness.”

The Emperor thanked him in an edict written in his own hand. [18] He [Gaotang Long] died soon afterward.

28. Chen Shou in his Commentary says: “As for Gaotang Long, his learning was bright, his aims were directed towards rectifying his Sovereign; taking the opportunity of calamity he set forth his warning, which he expressed from his sincere and honest heart. Loyal indeed was he! But he went so far as to insist that the calendar be changed and that Yu (Emperor Shun) be made the ancestor of the Wei. May we not say that his good intentions carried him beyond his own convictions?”

29. The Emperor deeply disliked men of superficial elegance. He said to the Libu Shangshu Lu Yu (盧毓), “In selecting officials, do not employ those who are famous. For fame is like a mud-pie. It cannot be eaten.”

Lu Yu replied, “Fame is not a sufficient standard for obtaining extraordinary men, but suffices for getting the ordinary officer. The usual gentleman becomes famous only after holding the teachings in awe and craving goodness, and should not be despised. This stupid servant is not competent to recognize extraordinary men. It devolves then on the official in charge to take fame as his standard and follow the routine, only he must check the result. Hence the ancient saying, 'They will set forth, and you will receive, their reports; you will make proof of them severally by their merits.'

At present, the regulations for examining officials are in disuse and officials are appointed or dismissed in accordance with praise and blame. Hence, truth and falsity are intermingled, emptiness and reality are confused.”

The Emperor accepted his advice.

30. The Emperor commanded the Sanji Changshi Liu Shao to draft the regulations for examining officials. Liu Shao wrote Regulations for Examining Officials by the Du-guan in seventy-two items, and further wrote his Explanations in one section. [1] The Emperor had them sent down to the hundred officials for discussion.

The Sili Jiaoyu Cui Lin said [3], “In the Zhou Guan (or Zhou Li) the institution of examining officials is given in detail. But beginning with King Kang, it became neglected. This proves that the regulations for examining officials depends on men. Can the defects of these regulations at the end of the Han dynasty lie in the fact that the officials in charge were not strict in their duties? At present, military expeditions are made continually and without notice. If this item is also entered among the laws and proclaimed throughout the Empire, it will have to be now augmented, now relaxed, without constancy. Uniformity will be difficult. Furthermore, it would be like raising the supporting ropes of a net when the ten thousand openings of the mesh are not yet strung, or shaking a fur coat by the lapel before the mass of hairs is set in order. When Gao Yao served Yu and Yi Yin served under the Yin, all who were devoid of virtue disappeared. [7]

“The Five Emperors and Three Kings were not necessarily of the same mould, yet they all brought order out of chaos. The Yi says: “With the attainment of such ease and such freedom from laborious effort, the mastery is got of all principles under the sky.' Our Taizu (Cao Cao) set up laws in accord with the specific needs of his time and left them to us of today. He did not worry about not following ancient models. He thought that what he had to do, assuming the present system to be not too lax and loose, was to stick to one principle and not deviate from it.

If only our ministers are competent to do their duty and 'be a pattern to all the princes,' who is there who will dare not be serious? What need is there for us to examine officials?”

31. The Huangmen Shilang Du Shu said: “The Shu says, 'You will make proof of them severeally by their merits' and 'after three examinations the undeserving were degraded, and the deserving promoted.' This certainly is a grand institution for Emperors and Kings. To let the able be invested with their office and the deserving receive their emoluments is like Wu Huo's lifting a thousand jun and Liang Luo's picking out the feet of the splendid steed.

But, having passed through the six dynasties, the regulations on examining officials and merits are not manifest; having gone through the hands of seven sages, the records for examining them have not been transmitted. My explanation is that this is because those regulations can be followed in rough outline but their details can hardly be adopted.

The saying has it: 'It is only man who brings order, no law can bring order.' If laws could ever be relied one exclusively, Tang (Empero Yao) and Yu (Emperor Shun) need not have had Ji and Qi as their assistants, Yin and Zhou would not have prized the help of Yi Yin and Lu Shang. At present, those who memorialize for the examination set forth the laws of Zhhou and Han and bring the ideas of Jing Fang to culmination. They indeed can be said to have grasped the fundamentals of examination. But as means for heightening customs of mutual politeness and introducing august rule, they are not, in my opinion, all too perfect.

If we wish to let the provincial officials examine candidates, the four classifications must be followed. After they have proved their worth in deeds, they should be accepted and then employed on trial in government offices as lower officials close to the people. Those who in accordance with their merits are eventually promoted to be the chief officials of prefectures would have their ranks raised and receive enfeoffment. This is the most urgent matter that these men should be made relative to examining officials.

I am of the opinion that these men should be made personally prominent and their words be accepted, so that the laws on examining provincial officials may become complete. When these laws are completely implemented, rewards and punishments should be meted out punctually and without fail.

“As for the Ducal Ministers and other Ministers of State, as well as high officials of the Court, they also should be examined in their different duties. The Three Ducal Ministers of antiquity discussed the Way in their seats; the high officials of the court proffered advice and filled in deficiencies. There was no good deed that they did not record, no fault that they did not point out. The Empire being a big thing and state affairs multifarious, the light of a single intelligence cannot shine everywhere. Therefore the Sovereign serves as the head and his ministers as legs and arms; this indicates clearly that they form a single body and are complete when they are together. Therefore the ancients said that the timber for the ancestral temple is not from the branch of a single tree, nor is the work of an Emperor or King done through a single man's counsel. Seen from this point of view, can any minister induce a happy rule merely by attending to his duty and taking charge of official examinations?

“Further, even friendship between two common people stress trustworthiness. Once an oath is taken, they would tread fire and water; moved by friendship that understands and appreciates, they expose their innermost hearts. For the sake of name and fame, they abide by their principles. How much more so, then, when it concerns those who wear girdles and stand in the Court, whose ranks are those of the Ministers of State. Is what they stress merely the trust of a common man? Is what moves them merely friendship that understands and appreciates? Is it a mere matter of name and fame? Those who receive emoluments and are entrusted with important duties do not limit their ambition to lifting their enlightened Sovereign above Tang and Yu; they also wish to place themselves by the side of Ji and Qi. Therefore, the ancients did not worry if their minds were not completely applied to inducing good rule, but they took it to heart if they were insufficiently conscious of their own importance. It is indeed the Sovereign who made them so. The Sovereigns of Tang and Yu gave their trust to Ji, Qi, Gui and Long and urged them to accomplish their work; when crimes were committed, they held Kun a prisoner until death and banished the four criminals.

Now, Ministers of State serve your enlightened commands in person, and work under your very eyes. Those who apply their minds for the State day and night, who have distinguished themselves through reverence and assiduity, who as officials do not bend before position and power, who abide by equity and do not flatter their intimates, who abide at court with upright words and deeds—these, being a perspicacious Sovereign, you can yourself observe. As for those who think themselves superior by receiving their undeserved emoluments, or consider themselves wise by keeping silent, who as officials do not aim higher than evading reproof; who never forget the preservation of their persons while standing at court; who stay at court by unexceptional action and cautious words—being a perspicacious Sovereign, you can yourself notice these too.

Suppose one serves honestly and assiduously, preserving his person and protecting his position, without any crime that might get him dismissed or banished, yet finds himself in a suspicious position. While impartial judgment on him has not yet been made, private criticism is circulating. Even if Confucius were to examine him, he would not be able to probe completely this single man of ability. How much less, then, will a common man be able to do so.

Scholars nowadays derive their teaching from Shang Yang and Han Fei, and advise you with the Legalist teachings. They vie with each other in considering the Confucian school impractical and useless for the world. This is a fad of the gravest evil, and something which the founder of a dynasty must beware.” [23]

32. The Sigong Yuan Fu Jia of Bodi said [1], “I observe with regard to Liu Shao's treatise on examining the merits of officials that he intends, indeed, to restore the texts from past dynasties about promoting and dismissing. But those regulations are gone for good. What remains in outline are the Zhou institutions by which, externally, feudal lords were enfeoffed to serve as protection for the nine domains, and internally, various officials were appointed to administer duties of six functions. Each state had a definite tribute and each office had a definite standard. The hundred offices were charged with uniform functions and the four classes of the people were engaged in different occupations. Therefore it was possible to arrange the examination of officials of promotion and dismissal.

Our Great Wei continues the lineage of a hundred Kings. It is successor to the violent rule of Qin and Han, but all the defective aspects of their institutions have not been adopted. Since the Jian'an and down to the Qinglong period, the divine prowess of our Emperors has brought order to chaos and laid a foundation for the Imperial line. The wicked are wiped out and the remnants of the rebels are being mowed down; battle flags are furled and unfurled ay after day. In administration of state afffairs as well as in carrying out military campaigns, both makeshift and regular laws are used. The hundred officials and the horde of functionaries are employed in the army and in the state without distinction. Appropriate measures are taken in accordance with the needs of the time.

Therefore if we apply ancient usages to the present time, things will be confused and purports will be found to be different. It is difficult to execute the scheme. The reason is that in making laws we must be farsighted. If they are not appropriate to the laws at hand or competent to cope with the business of the time, they cannot be handed down to the future.

Now, instituting offices and dividing functions, so that the life of the peoplewill be ordered and regulated, is a primary necessity. Checking names with reality, to rectify extant statutes, is secondary matter. If we attend to the unimportant before the important is fixed, to hastening the examination of officials before the general policy of the state is made manifest, I am afraid that (the proposed measure) will not be adequate to distinguish between the able and the stupid, or to clarify the difference between the deserving and the undeserving.

When the ancient Kings selected men of talent, they made a point of taking their conduct in their own home districts as standard, and seeing to their virtue in the schools. With deeds complete, one was called worthy; with virtue cultivated, one was called able. The villages' elders offered the worthy and able to the King, who received them respectfully, appointing the worthy to serve as provincial officials and the able as court officials. Such was the ancient Kings' principle of recruiting the talented. At present, the people of the nine provinces are not recommended along with those of the metropolis for the positions of the Six Ministers; the duty of selecting the talented devolves exclusively on the Libu. If candidates are examined with regard to their external appearance, the really talented may not necessarily be picked out. If only those who have slight merits are given employment, those with virtuous conduct will not find a chance. In this matter, the examination will not exhaust men of talent. As for epitomizing the great principle of the King and discoursing on the norm of the state, the scope is too broad and the meaning is too deep to do so in detail.”

The matter was debated for a long time without any decision; in the end the proposal was not adopted.

33. {33. contains a long commentary by Sima Guang. For brevity and for the sake of my sleep, I am going to leave this out for now and maybe insert it later}

34. Some time before this, the Youbuyi Wei Zhen was in charge of selecting officials. The Zhonghu Jun Jiang Ji sent a letter to Wei Zhen saying, “The Sovereign of Han [Gaozu] treated a fugitive [Han Xin] as his First General (shangjiang), and King Wu of Zhou promoted a fisherman [Lü Wang also known as Lü Shang] as his Grand Preceptor (taishi)--a mere commoner and servant can climb to the position of a prince or a Duke. What need to follow the letter of the law and give employment only after examination?”

Wei Zhen said, “Not so. You think to identify Mu-ye with the reigns of Kings Cheng and Kang and compare the cutting down of the serpent with the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing [4]; you are inclined to unorthodox appointments, and would open up a flood of eccentric elections. You are going to make the Empire rise up in tumult and chaos!”

35. When Lu Yu discussed men and selected them for appointment, he always put their character and conduct in the foreground and only afterwards spoke of their talent. The Huangmen Lang Li Feng of Feng Yi [2] once questioned Lu Yu about this. Lu Yu said, 'Talent is for doing good; hence a great talent accomplishes a great good, a small talent a small good. If a man is known for his talent and yet cannot do good, then his talent is a useless thing.' Li Feng submitted to his words.

=============================================

Chapter 18 NotesFirst Year of Jingchu (237 AD)Shu: Fifteenth Year of JianxingWu: Sixth Year of Jiahe

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi: “First month” here must be counted in accordance with the ancient Taihe calendar, for the new Jingchuli came into force with the third month, which was then changed to become the fourth. In the ancient calendar, however, the first day of the first month is jihai (February 13) and the first day of the second month is jisi (March 15). That is, the day renchen would be the twenty-fourth day of the second month (April 7). Since this cannot be, we must locate the day renchen in the first month of the new calendar, i.e. in the twelft month of the preceding year. Accordingly, we have the twenty eighth day of the twelfth month (February 6, 237 AD). As an explanation, it may be suggested that the Chronicle of Wei, taken in SGZ, also shifted back one month even with the first months of the year.

2. Except for the first part of the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, where it reads: “Gaotang Long also maintained that changing the calendar, altering the color of the court garments, making insignia different [from those of the previous dynasty], and varying vessels and utensils, were means wherewith Emperors and Kings since antiquity had made their rule divinely brilliant and changed the sight and hearing of the people. Therefore it was said that in the three months of spring, 'the King makes the Three Lineages clear.' He then amplified and improved on his former memorial. The Emperor followed his proposal.”

2.1 SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi: “Thereupon the officials in charge memorialized that since Wei had obtained the lineage of 'earth,' it would be proper to have the year begin with the cyclic sign chou [i.e. the twelfth month in the calendar used until then, the Xia calendar].”

Gaotong Long's disquisition on the subject is given in the Song shu (Treatise on Rites).

3. From SGZ.

3.1 SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, continuing from the passage given in note 2.1, reads: “In the third month, the calendar was fixed and the reign-title was changed, the current month becoming the fourth month, middle of summer.”

SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, continuing from the passage given in Note 2, reads: “The third month, spring, of the fifth year of Qinglong was changed to be the fourth month, middle of summer, of the first year of Jingchu.”

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads: “...the Emperor returned to his palace in Luoyang.” From now on, until the end of the third year of Jingchu, one month must always be shifted back to conform to the usual calendar; I.e. this “fifth month” must be counted as the “fourth month.”

5. From ibid.

6. From ibid.

7. From ibid.

7.1 The first day of the fifth month (sixth month by the new calendar) being tingyu (July 11), the day jihai, if it is correct at all, corresponds to the fourth day of the seventh month (eighth month by the new calendar), August 12. Whether in the ancient or new calendar, the day jihai of the “sixth month” does not exist for this year. It must be an error for some other day in the “sixth” month.

8. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. It is quite natural for ZZTJ to omit this passage. It is here restored merely for the sake of giving a definite date to the following section.

8.1 If the day jihai of section 7 is the fourth day of the seventh month (August 12), the day dingwei must be the twelfth day of the month (August 20), which cannot be, for Section 11 mentions the day dingmao of the seventh month (i.e. the second day of the sixth month in the ancient calendar). The whole thing is thoroughly confusing. If the author of SGZ had been on the alert, he would not have let the dates get so chaotic. After having written down, “In the sixth month, on the day wushen,” he should have noticed the impossible situation when he wrote down the day dingwei (still in the sixth month). For, in the cyclical scheme, wushen is immediately preceded by dingwei; in other words, wushen is either the day following dingwei or the sixtieth day after it. No month can have so many days.

9. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, immediately after the passage given in Section 8. The ZZTJ omits the last part.

9.1 SGZ reads: “The officials in charge memorialized the throne to make Wu Huangdi, who had quelled disturbances and brought the age back to rectitude, the Taizu {Cao Cao} of Wei, using the music 'Wushi zhi wu;' and the Emperor, who had introduced institutions and effected reconstruction, Liezu of Wei, using the music 'Changwu zhi wu.'”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

11. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads: “The situ Chen Jiao passed away.” His biography in SGZ, Wei states: “After Mingdi ascended the throne, his rank was advanced to Lord of Dongxiang, with six hundred households as fief.” ibid. states: “In the first year of Jingchu he passed away; he was canonized 'Correct' Lord.”

12. Except the first paragraph, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Wei Zhen.

12.1 SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan appended to that of his grandfather Gongsun Du, continuing from the passage given in 233 AD, Note 10, reads: “When the envoys from Wei came, Gongsun Yuan made a show of arms and weapons, putting his men into battle array; only in this way did he come out to receive the envoys. Furthermore, he frequently used...”

12.2 SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian, Wei, reads: “Guanqiu Jian, zi Zhonggong, was a man of Wenxi in Hedong. His father, Guanqiu Xing, had been taishou of Wuwei in the Huangchu period. He led a punitive campaign against the rebels, made them submit, and opened up the region to the right of the Yellow River. In fame he was only second to the taishou of Jincheng, Su Ze. He earned merit in leading a punitive campaign against the rebel Zhang Jin and another against the rebellious Hu barbarians, and was enfeoffed Lord of Gaoyang Xiang. Then he was recalled to the capital to become jiangzuo dajiang. Guanqiu Jian succeeded to his father's fief and became a wenxue for the Lord of Pingyuan [later Mingdi].

After Mingdi ascended the throne, he became a shangshulang and then was promoted to be yulinjian. Because he had been with the Emperor when he was yet Crown Prince, he was accorded very intimate treatment. He then went out from the capital to become diannong of Luoyang. At this time, the Emperor was levying the farmers to build his palaces. Guanqiu Jian sent up a memorial saying, 'Stupid as I am, I presume to think that in our Empire the most urgent things to be attended to are food and clothing. Let the two rebels continue to exist and the peoplewill starve and freeze; there will be no benefit in making your palaces elegant and lofty.' He was then promoted to be cishi of Jingzhou. During the Qinglong period, the Emperor planned to make a punitive campaign against Liaodong; since Guanqiu Jian was a man of ability and resourcefulness, he transferred him to be cishi of Yuzhou and gave him the added title of duliao jiangjun, with Tally, and hu Wuwan jiaoyu.”

12.4 SGZ omits the title and the surname. The title suggests that the event of this section happened some time before the man's appointment as sigong. This surmise is strengthened by the fact that the appointment in question is mentioned in his biography after the passage given in this section.

13. In the main from SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where the following passage precedes: “Some time earlier, Sun Quan had sent an envoy to Gaogaoli to conclude an alliance; he intended to launch an onslaught on Liaodong.”

13.2 SGZ has: “He had the cishi of Yuzhou, Guanqiu Jian, lead the various troops, as well as the Xianbei and Wuwan...” The various troops in question seem to be all from Yuzhou, as is to be seen in the following passage from SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian: “He led the various troops from Yuzhou and proceeded to Xiangping; he took up his position at Liaosui.”

13.6 SGZ has: “The Emperor commanded Guanqiu Jian to withdraw with his troops to Youbeiping.” SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continues the passage given in note 12.1 as follows: “In the first year of Jingchu, the Emperor sent the cishi of Yuzhou, Guanqiu Jian, and others, with a sealed edict, to summon Gongsun Yuan. Gongsun Yuan eventually rose up with his troops and met them at Liaosui (see Note 13.4). He fought with Guanqiu Jian and his men, who were unsuccessful, and withdrew.” Further, SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian states: “Gongsun Yuan met and fought with Guanqiu Jian, who was unsuccessful and withdrew.”

14. Principally from SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan.

14.2 From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads, “On the day xinmao (August 4), Venus was visible by daylight. After Guanqiu Jian returned, Gongsun Yuan proclaimed himself King of Yan, appointing officials for his government and proclaiming the year to be the first of Shaohan.”

15. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, reads: “In the fifteenth year of Jianxing, summer, sixth month (July 10-August 7), the Empress named Zhang passed away.” Sima Guang is right in putting this section under the “seventh” month of the new calendar.

SGZ, Biography of the Empress Jingai, states: “The Empress Jingai (Reverent and Lamented) Consort of the Second Sovereign, was the eldest daughter of the cheji jiangjun Zhang Fei. In the first year of Zhangwu she became the consort of the Crown Prince (see 221 AD); in the first year of Jianxing, she became Empress; in the fifteenth year, she passed away and was buried at the mausoleum of Nanling.”

16. SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, reads: “In the ninth month, in the four zhou of Ji, Yan, Xu and Yu, the people were visited with floods. The Emperor sent shiyushi to make a tour and inspect those desolated by drownings or property losses; they were to be given relief from the government granaries of each place.”

17. From SGZ, Biography of the Empress Dao, named Mao, Consort of Mingdi. It reads: “Witht he Emperor delighting in the Empress Yuan, named Guo, his love for the Empress named Mao slackened more and more everyday.” The Lady named Guo was eventually raised to the position of Empress and was canonized Yuan after her death. For the first half of Sima Guang's sentence, see SGZ, Biography of the Empress Yuan, named Guo, Consort of Mingdi: “The Empress Yuan, named Guo, Consort of Mingdi, was from Xiping. For generations her family had been a powerful one in the region to the right of the Yellow River. During the Huangchu period, the people of Xipingjun revolted, so she was seized and made to enter the palace. After Mingdi acceded to the throne, she was much loved by him. She was made furen; her father's younger brother Guo Li was appointed jiduyu and her paternal uncle Guo Zhi huben zhonglangjiang. When the Emperor was seriously ill, she was raised to the status of Empress.”

18. Except for the first sentence, this section is from the Wei shu.

18.1 The second half of this is from SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads “On the day yimao (October 27), the Emperor made Huanqiu out of...” Concerning Gaotang Long's disquisition, SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji states: “After the Prince of Qi acceded to the throne, Jiang Ji was transferred to be lingjun jiangjun and his rank was advanced to Lord of Changling Ting. He was promoted to be taiyu. Formerly, the shizhong Gaotang Long had discoursed on matters concerning the Suburban Sacrifices, making the ruling house of Wei the offspring of Shun and hence pairing Shun with Heaven. Jiang Ji held that Shun's surname was Gui and his descendents took the surname Tian, and that therefore Shun was not the ancestor of the Cao. He wrote a treatise to refute Gaotang Long posthumously.”

19. From SGZ, Biography of Zhu Huan.

19.3 SGZ reads: “Zhu Huan and the wei jiangjun Quan Cong both went forth to receive him.” Here it is not mentioned that Quan Cong directed Zhu Huan, but see Note 19.4

Regarding Zhu Huan's title, the sentence in loc. Cit., preceding the passage in this section, reads: “In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), Zhu Huan was appointed jian jiangjun and mu (governor) of Qingzhou, with Tally.”

19.4 SGZ has: “When they arrived, the matter had leaked out, and the Wu troops had to return.” Then the story proceeds as follows: “Outside the walls was a stream, about one li from the city; it was three hundred and some tens of feet in width, the deepest place being eight or nine feet deep and the shallowest place half that depth. The various troops, doffed their armor and weapons and crossed it. Zhu Huan took the rear. At this time the taishou (prefect) of Lujiang, Li Yong, had put his mounted troops in array, intending to pursue the various troops when they had half crossed the stream, and attack them. Seeing Zhu Huan's insignia at the rear, he did not dare issue forth at all. Such was the extent to which he was feared.

At this time, Quan Cong was directing; Sun Quan also had the bian jiangjun Hu Cong convey his command and participate in the operation. Having achieved no result in this expedition, Hu Zong intended to divide the various generals and launch surprise attacks on Wei. Being proud by nature, Zhu Huan was ashamed to be seen by his own rank and file. He went to see Quan Cong and asked about the proposed attacks; excited, he burst out in anger, exchanging harsh words with Quan Cong. IN order to relieve his own position, Quan Cong said, 'It was the Emperor himself who appointed Hu Zong to be the director.'

Therewith, Quan Cong thought he had said the proper thing, but Zhu Huan became all the more angry and vexed. Returning to his own quarters, he sent for Hu Zong. When Hu Zong came to his camp, Zhu Huan went out to welcome him. He looked at his attendants and said to them, 'I am giving up; you may all go off.' A man came to the side of Hu Zong and told him to return. Upon coming out, Zhu Huan failed to meet Hu Zong. He then knew that his attendants were behind this, and killed them. Zhu Huan's zuojun came forward and remonstrated with him; he also killed the zuojun. Then he pretended he had gone insane and went to Jianye for cure.

Sun Quan valued his achievements and merits and did not punish him; instead, he let his son Zhu Yi command his troops by proxy, and had a physician attend to him. After some months, he sent him back to his post. Sun Quan in person gave him a farewell party, at which time he said, 'At present the enemy are still at large and the royal sway is yet uncertain. I must have your cooperation to conquer the Empire. I intend to put you in command of fifty thousand men to be sole commander of one flank, so that you may make advance. I trust your ailment will not recur any more.'

Zhu Huan said, 'Endowed by Heaven with the personality of a sage, Your Majesty will rule over the world. You have entrusted me with the task of exterminating the rebels; my ailment will be cured as a matter of course.'”

The surprise attacks attempted by Quan Cong may refer to the following passage from SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, under sixth year of Jiahe: “Winter, twelfth month (November 5-December 4). Sun Quan sent the wei jiangjun Quan Cong to launch a surprise attack on Liu'an, but it was unsuccessful.”

20. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

20.1 With regard to the “four districts,” Hu Sanxing suggests two interpretations. First, the four jun of Wujun, Kuaiji, Xindu and Poyang, in which case sidu is to be read as sijun. Secondly, the four administrative districts within Danyangjun, i.e. north, south, east, and west.

20.9 Between this and the next sentence, there is a long passage in SGZ: “He sent the shangshu puyi, Xue Zong, to offer thanks to the army; Xue Zong sent a letter ahead to Zhuge Ke and his men saying...”

20.10 SGZ has: “Zhuge Ke petitioned to be transferred to Huankou in Lujiang, where he might open a military agricultural colony. From there with his light troops he carried out a surprise attack on Shu, and having captured the people there, he returned to Huankou.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, continuing from the passage given in the last paragraph of Note 19.4 reads: “Zhuge Ke pacified the Shanyue, and having accomplished this he proceeded north and was stationed in Lujiang.”

21. From the Weilue.

21.5 Interpolated from the Hanjin chunqiu, which reads: “When the Emperor tried to move the dew basin, it broke and the sound could be heard tens of li away. The statues of Di barbarians in metal shed tears from their eyes, so they were left in Bacheng.” Wei lue has simply, “The dew basin broke.”

22. From the Weilue. This seems to be a memorial couched in the strongest of language, without any euphemism whatsoever. Yet it is well written, elegant and strong. In this respect, it is unparalleled throughout the Sanguo period.

23. From SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, where the following passage serves as an introduction: “During the Qinglong period, the Emperor was engaged in building palaces on a large scale; from the west, Chang'an, he took the big bells.” The date Qinglong shows that the memorial was written and submitted some years before 237; apparently Sima Guang puts this material here because the bells from Chang'an are mentioned.

24. From SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long, continuing from the passage given in Section 2 of the translation. The following introductory passage is omitted in ZZTJ: “He was promoted to be guangluxun. The Emperor had been further heightening and widening his palaces, and embellishing and decorating his terraces. He had quarters quarried from the Taihang mountain; collected the straked stones from Gucheng, raised an artificial hill called Jingyangshan in the garden Fanglingyuan, constructed the hall Zhaoyangtian north of the Taijitian, had a yellow dragon, a phoenix and other strange animals cast, and decorated the walled enclosure Jinyongcheng, the terrace Lingyuntai and the pavillion Lingxiaoxue. The hundred kinds of work were being executed one after another, the number of workers counted by the tends of thosuands. From the Ducal Ministers and Other Ministers of State to the scholars of the Imperial Academy, all contributed their labor. The Emperor himself handled mud as an example. But Liaodong (i.e. Gongsun Yuan) was rebellious; the Empress canonized Dao died; it rained continuously and there was a flood in Jizhou which washed away people and property.”

24.9 SGZ has: “Sun Quan and Liu Bei.” As Liu Bei had been dead for some years, ZZTJ tries to keep things chronlogical and so changes Liu Bei to Liu Shan, the Second Sovereign. But there is no necessity for doing so, for Gaotang Long might well have mentioned Liu Bei simply because he was better known than his son.

25. From SGZ, Biography of Wei Ji.

25.8 SGZ here concludes, “Wei Ji, living through Han and Wei, time and again offered his loyal advice, in the main like this.”

26. From the Weilue, continuing from the passage quoted in 235 AD.

26.1 Weilue has, “The taizu shren Zhang Mao sent up a letter of remonstrance because, while Wu and Shu had made several moves and the various generals were out in campaigns, the Emperor was building palaces on a large scale and devoting his attention to his fancy and pleasure, intermperate in his gifts and making his treasury empty, and that furthermore he had commanded that the dauhgters of soldiers married to civilian officials and people should be taken and mated to soldiers, and, allowing that they might be ransomed by substitutes, selected those who had pretty faces for his harem. The letter said...” Zhang Mao, zi Yanlin, was a man of Pei.

27. From SGZ, Biography of Gaotang Long.

27.4 They are: unicorn, phoenix, tortoise and dragon.

27.5 It can also mean the Alioth, the fifth star in the Dipper.

27.6 Modified from Mengzi: “But doing what you do to seek for what you desire is like climbing a tree to seek for fish.”

27.9 From Shu jing where it reads, “And they myriad states will all enjoy repose.”

27.10 The passage is rewritten from SGZ, where it reads, “But Gui and Xin relied on their muscular strength; they were so clever that they would refute admonitions and so talented that they could conceal their misdeeds; flattery was what they appreciated, terraces and pavillions were what they prized. They were fond of pleasures and pleased with entertainers; they made licentious music and found ease in lascivious notes. High Heaven did not bless them, but withdrew its glance from them. Their kingdoms became ruins and they were less even than menial servants.”

27.18 Rewritten from SGZ, which reads, “You are as pure as Boyi and as upright as the historiographer Yu, your mind is unswerving and pure. You struggle with difficulty on difficulty, and not with a view to your own advantage.

I did not expect that your trifling disease would stay with you and you would retire to your village home. In former days, Ping Ji practiced benevolence, and as a result his disease left him and he enjoyed longevity. Gong Yu persevered in his principle and he was cured of his disease, which had been serious. You must pay attention to your meals and nourish your vitality, so that you may be preserved.”

SGZ, Biography of Liu Shao, reads: “During the Jingchu period, Liu Shao received the Imperial command to draft “Regulations for Examination of Officials by the Duguan.” Liu Shao sent up a memorial saying: 'For royal rule, it is an important matter to examine the hundred officials for their record. But it has not been attended to throughout the reigns of many Emperors, hence records for it are lacking or incomplete, so that both good and bad are confused. With the magnificent insight of a superior sage, Your Majesty took pity on the decline of royal institutions; your divine thought saw from the inside and issued a bright command to the outside. Under your grace I am overwhelmed and am able to disperse my ignorance. I have written 'Regulations for Examination of Officials by the Duguan,” in seventy-two items, and further I have written 'Explanations' in one section. My learning is scanty and my judgment shallow; I am not competent to illumine your sage wishes and decide upon institutions.”

30.3 SGZ has, “Cui Li discussed...” SGZ states: “After Mingdi acceded to the throne, Cui Lin was given the rank of Lord without Fief, and was transferred to be guangluxun and sili jiaoyu. In the prefectures under his jurisdiction he eliminated all the illegalities and dismissed supernumerary officials; in his administration he was sincere and kept to main principles. Hence he was always remembered after he had left his position.” This passage precedes the one incorporated in this section.

30.7 Lunyu: “Zixia said, 'Truly rich is his saying! Shun, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed Gaoyao, on which all who were devoid of virtue disappeared. Tang, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed Yi Yin, and all who were devoid of virtue disappeared.'”

31. From SGZ, Biography of Du Shu appended to that of his father Du Ji, where the following passage precedes: “At that time, the institution of examining officials was being generally discussed; the proposal was to examine the numerous officials, in and out of the metropolis. Du Shu was of the opinion that when employment was not open to every person, even the talented would not be of any benefit; that what should be preserved was not what was aimed at; and what was aimed at did not have any direct bearing upon the time.” SGZ notes: Du Shu, zi Wubo, during the Taihe period, was appointed sanji and huangmen shi lang.”

32.1 SGZ states, “Fu Jia, zi Lanshi, was a many of Niyang in Beidi; he was a descendent of Fu Jiezi. His father's elder brother, Fu Quan, was a shizhong shangshu during the Huangchu period. While still only about twenty years old, Fu Jia became famous. The sigong Chen Qun appointed him his yuan. At that time, the sanji changshi Liu Shao wrote 'Regulations for Examination of Officials.' The matter was sent down to the Three Ducal Ministers. Fu Jia refuted Liu Shao, saying, '…'

33. Sima Guang's own comments.

34. From SGZ, Biography of Wei Zhen. As can be seen from the context there, the event of this section happened some time before this year, but the subject-matter being closely connected with those of the preceding sections, Sima Guang puts it here.

34.4 The meaning is: “You want to confuse the time when a dynasty is first founded with the time when it has settled down.”

At Muye, King Wu fought a decisive battle with Zhou of Yin and Gaozu of Han started his career by killing a snake.

35. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu. This episode also is not dated. It is put here because of the subject-matter, which cannot be separated from the foregoing sections.

Then again, Weilue states: “Li Feng, zi Anguo, was a son of the late weiyu Li Yi...Formerly when Mingdi was still Crown Prince, Li Feng was attached to the palace of the Crown Prince. After he mounted the throne, a man from Wu came to surrender. He was asked of whom he had heard as famous in China Proper, while he was still in Jiangdong (i.e. Wu). The man who had surrendered said, 'The one I heard of as famous was Li Anguo.'

At that time, Li Feng was a huangmenlang. Mingdi asked his attendants where Anguo was to be found. The attendants answered that he was none other than Li Feng The Emperor said, “Has Li Feng's fame then spread to Wuyue!'” It is from here that Sima Guang derives Li Feng's title.

Last edited by Jordan on Mon Jan 09, 2012 4:38 am, edited 1 time in total.

Second Year of Jingchu (238 AD)Shu: First Year of YanxiWu: First Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month. (January 3-February 1). The Emperor summoned Sima Yi from Chang'an and had him lead an army of forty thousand men in a campaign against Liaodong.

2. Some of the counselling ministers thought that forty thousand were too many and it would be hard to secure expenses. The Emperor said, “In this expedition of four thousand li, mobile troops must be employed, and we must exert our utmost. We should not mind the expense at all.”

3. The Emperor said to Sima Yi, “What plan will Gongsun Yuan take to meet you?” [1]

He answered, “To leave his walls behind and take to flight would be the best plan for Gongsun Yuan. To take his position in Liaodong and resist our large forces would be the next best. But if he stays in Xiangping and defends it, he will be captured.”

The Emperor said, “Which one of these three courses will he take?”

He replied, “Only a man of insight and wisdom is able to weigh his own and the enemy's relative strength, and so give up something beforehand. But this is not something Gongsun Yuan can do. On the contrary, he will think that our army, alone and on a long-distance expedition, cannot long keep it up. He is certain to offer resistance on the Liao-shui {Liao River} first and defend Xiangping afterwards.”

The Emperor asked, “How many days will it take, going and coming?”

He replied, “A hundred days for going, another hundred days for the attack, still another hundred days for coming back, and sixty days for rest. Thus, one year is sufficient.”

4. When he heard about this, Gongsun Yuan again sent an envoy to Wu, calling himself vassal and seeking for help. [1] The Sovereign of Wu wanted to kill the envoy. [2] Yang Tao disapproved saying, “By doing so you only exult in the anger of a common man, and the work of a hegemon will be abandoned. It is better to make the most of this opportunity-treat the envoy liberally, send a mobile force to proceed secretly, and await his success. Should the Wei attack Gongsun Yuan without success, then our troops, which have made a distant expedition, will be instrumental in earning friendship with the distant barbarians and our great spirit will be demonstrated to a region ten thousand li distant. Should the battles be so entangled that head and tail (Wu and Gongsun Yuan) are cut off from one another, then we shall seize the people of neighboring provinces and return with them as booty, which is a quite satsisfactory way of punishing him and requiting the affair.”

The Sovereign of Wu found this advice good. He then displayed his troops in grand style and spoke to the envoy from Gongsun Yuan. “Please wait for further communication. I comply with the message. I will share fortune with my younger brother (i.e. Gongsun Yuan) and live or die in his company; even if I perish in the Central Plain (i.e. Wei territory), I shall be happy.”

He further said, “Sima Yi is invincible wherever he goes. I am seriously worried on behalf of my younger brother.”

5. The Emperor asked the Hujun Jiangjun Jiang Ji, “Will Sun Quan come to the help of Liaodong?”

Jiang Ji said, “He is well aware that you are quite ready for him and that there would be no advantage in that for him. It is not in his power to make a deep incursion. A shallow incursion, on the other hand, will not result in any gain in spite of toil. Even when his children were in danger [4], he made no move. How much less so when it has to do with people of a foreign land. And, when, to make it worse, he suffered insult at their hands? The only reason why he makes such a to-do of it to the outside world is that he is deceiving the envoy and trying to make us suspicious; for if we fail to succeed, he hopes Gongsun Yuan may submit to him. On the other hand, Ta[-shi-xian] on the sea coast of Liaodong is far from where Gongsun Yuan is. If our troops do not advance, and result is not speedily obtained, even the shallow plans of Sun Quan may be capable of a surprise attack from his light troops. It is quite possible.”

6. The Emperor asked the Libu Shangshu Lu Yu who might be appointed situ. [1] Lu Yu recommended Guan Ning, a scholar without official appointment, but the Emperor was not able to employ him, and asked for the next. He answered, “For virtue and perfect conduct, there is the taizhong dafu Han Ji; for uprightness and rectitude, there is the Sili Xiaoyu Cui Lin, and for solidness and purity, there is the taichang Chang Lin. Second month. On the day of guimao, the Emperor appointed Han Ji as situ. [3]

7. The Sovereign of Han named Lady Zhang as Empress. She was the younger sister of the late Empress. [1] He established Liu Xuan, his son by the guiren {consort?} Wang, as his Crown Prince and Liu Yao as the Prince of Anding. [2]

8. The da sinong Meng Guang of Henan asked the Bishu Lang Qi Zheng about the crown prince's reading, character and propensities. [1] Qi Zheng said, “He serves his parents reverently, never remiss day or night. He has the qualities of the 'son and heir' of antiquity. He associates with the crowd of officials cordially and behaves righteously and tolerantly.”

Meng Guang said, “Such as you describe are found in every house. What I really want to know, in asking you, is how resourceful and intelligent he is.”

Qi Zheng said, “The duty of a son and heir lies in following his parents' wishes and pleasing them to the utmost degree. First, it is that he should not behave himself wantonly, and after that—intelligence is concealed in a man's breast, and resourcefulness appears at proper times. How can we know beforehand if these two qualities are there or not?”

Meng Guang understood that Qi Zheng was being prudent and not speaking freely, so he said, “I am used to speaking out my mind without avoiding anything. I always attack other people for their profit seeking, hence I am disliked by the world. I guess you, too, do not like my words; but my saying has some sense. At present, the Empire is not settled, and because of this intelligence is of the first importance. But intelligence is born with man and cannot be forcibly induced. This being so, must the heir to the throne imitate us in his study, must he exhaust his strength and widen his knowledge in the expectation of being consulted, must he take up a theme, as a bo shi would do, and write an essay on it, all for the sake of obtaining rank and position? What he ought to pay attention to is things that are immediately urgent.”

9. The Sovereign of Wu minted coins of large denomination, one worth a thousand units in value.

10. Summer, fourth month. On the day of gengzi, the “Reverent” Lord of Nanxiang, Han Ji, died.

11. On the day of gengxu, a general amnesty was given.

12. Sixth month (May 31-June 28). Sima Yi and his army reached Liaodong. [1] Gongsun Yuan had his dajiangjun Bei Yan and Yang Zuo lead several ten-thousands of infantry and cavalry on to Liaotsui, where they put up an encampment stretching more than twenty li. [2]

13. The various generals wanted to attack them. [1] Sima Yi said, “In fortifying their walls, the rebels wish to make our troops wear themselves out; if we attack them now, we will only be falling into their trap. Besides, with the bulk of the rebels here and consequently their lair empty, we are sure to destroy them if we proceed directly to Xiangping.” [2] He thereupon had large numbers of banners and flags put up and indicated that he was going to make a sortie south of them, to which position Bei Yan and his men hastened with all their best troops. [3] Sima Yi, however, secretly crossed the Liaoshui and came to their north, from which he hastened directly toward Xiangping. [4]

14. In fear, Bei Yan and his men withdrew with their troops during the night, and the various troops of Wei advanced to Shoushan. [1] Gongsun Yuan again ordered Bei Yan and his men to give battle. [2] Sima Yi put them to route, and then advancing to Xiangping laid siege to it. [3]

15. Autumn, seventh month (June 29-July 26). Heavy and continuous rainfall. The Liaoshui rose violently, so that convoy ships could sail from the mouth of the Liaoshui directly to outside the walls of Xiangping. [1]The rain did not stop for more than a month. [2] On level ground water was several feet deep. The Three Armies were alarmed and wanted to move their barracks. Sima Yi proclaimed that any one in the army who dared to speak of moving would be put to death. The Lingshi to the Dudu, Zhang Jing violated the order; he was put to death and the troops were stabilized.

The rebels, relying on the flood waters, were gathering firewood and grazing their domestic animals without fear. The various generals wanted to seize them, but in no case would Sima Yi hear of it. The Si-ma Chen Gui said, “formerly, when you attacked Shangyong, you had eight detachments advance simultaneously, without resting day or night, and so you were able to take the well-fortified walls and kill Meng Da in half a month. Now we have come a long way and you are satisfied to procrastinate. Stupid as I am, I do not understand.”

Sima Yi said, “Meng Da had not many men under him, but his supplies were sufficient for a year; our generals and troops were four times those of Meng Da, but our supplies were not enough for a month. Since I had to plan a month against a year, how could I not be quick? Since I was striking with four against one, it was worth while even if I had won victory at the cost of losing half. This is why I did not take into account the number of dead and wounded; I was contending against provisions. Now, the rebels are numerous and we are few; the rebels are hungry and we are full. With flood and rain like this, we cannot employ our effort. Even if we take them, what is the use? Since I left the capital, I have not worried about the rebels attacking us, but have been afraid they might flee. Now, the rebels are almost at their extremity as regards supplies, and our encirclement of them is not yet complete. By plundering their cattle and horses or capturing their fuel-gatherers, we will be only compelling them to flee. War is an art of deception; we must be good at adapting ourselves to changing situations. Relying on their numerical superiority and helped by the rain, the rebels, hungry and distressed as they are, are not willing to give up. We must make a show of inability to put them at ease; to alarm them by taking petty advantage is not the plan at all.

16. When those at court heard the army had run into rain, everybody wanted to stop the campaign. [1] The Emperor said, “Sima Yi takes proper measures when he confronts dangers. We may hear of Gongsun Yuan's capture in a few days.

17. When the rain cleared up, Sima Yi completed the encirclement. He constructed artificial hills and tunnels, and by means of shields, wooden towers, hooked ladders, and battering-rams, he attacked day and night, arrows and stones falling like raindrops.

18. Gongsun Yuan was hard pressed. His provisions were exhausted, and there were many deaths from cannibalism. His generals Yang Zuo and others, surrendered.

19. Eighth month (July 29-August 27). Gongsun Yuan sent the xiangguo Wang Jian and the Yushi dafu Liu Fu to beg that the siege be raised and the army withdrawn, whereupon the ruler and his ministers would present themselves bound. [1] Sima Yi ordered them put to death [2], and communicated to Gongsun Yuan, “Of old, Chu and Zheng were states of equal footing, but the Earl of Zheng nevertheless met the Prince of Chu, with his flesh bare and leading a sheep [4]. I am a superior Ducal Minister of the Son of Heaven, yet Wang Jian and his following wanted me to raise the siege and withdraw my men. [5] Is this proper? These two men were dotards and failed to convey your mind; I have put them to death. If you still have anything in mind, send a younger man of intelligence and resoluteness.

Gongsun Yuan sent another envoy, the shizhong Wei Yan, begging that they might send a hostage. Sima Yi said to Wei Yan, “The essential points in war are five. If you can fight, then fight; if you cannot fight, then defend yourself; if you cannot defend yourself, then flee. The remaining two points are nothing else than surrender and death. Now that you are not willing to come bound, you are determined to have death; there is no need of sending any hostage.”

20. On the day ren-wu (September 29), Xiangping fell. [1] Gongsun Yuan and his son Gongsun Xiu, leading several hundred mounted men, got through the encirclement and fled towards the southeast. The large Wei forces instantly struck at them and killed Gongsun Yuan and his son on the Liangshui. [3]

21. Entering the city, Sima Yi put to death their Ducal and other Ministers, down to soldiers and civilians, to the number of more than seven thousand. He buried their bodies together in a huge mound (jingguan). [1] The four prefectures of Liaodong, Daifang, Lelang and Xuandu were all pacified.

22. When Gongsun Yuan was about to revolt, his generals Lun Zhi, Jia Fan and others had bitterly remonstrated with him, and Gongsun Yuan had killed them all. Sima Yi raised mounds on the graves of Lun Zhi and the others, and honored their heirs; he also released Gongsun Yuan's paternal uncle, Gongsun Gong, from imprisonment. The Chinese who wanted to return to their own places of birth were allowed to do so. In the end, he marched back with the army.

23. Now, Gongsun Yuan's elder brother, Gongsun Huang, was living in Luoyang as Gongsun Gong's hostage. [1] Before Gongsun Yuan revolted, he frequently set forth the latter's disloyalty and wished the State to make ap unitive campaign against Gongsun Yuan. When Gongsun Yuan rose in rebellion, the Emperor could not bear to have him executed in public and wished to put him in prison and there put him to death.

The tingyu Gao Rou sent up a memorial saying: “The Shu says, 'The criminal shall die the death; and the doer of good shall have his virtue displayed.' This is an enlightened institution in the royal regulations. Gongsun Huang and his wife and children are the rebels' kin and deserve to have their decapitated heads hung high; no posterity should be left of them. I am informed that Gongsun Huang has repeatedly set forth the hidden danger from Gongsun Yuan. To be sure, he is a relative of the criminal, but he deserves to be pardoned for his sentiment. Confucius was perspicacious about Sima Niu's [6] anxiety; Qi Xi was clear about Shu Xiang's 'misdeed.' [7] These are instances of noble attitudes of the ancients. I think that if Gongsun Huang really expressed those words, he ought to be pardoned from death. If he did not, he ought to be executed publicly. Now, neither is his life spared, nor his crime manifested, but he is shut up in prison, allowing him to decide his fate himself. The four quarters of the Empire, observing this of our State, will perhaps raise some doubt at this measure.”

The Emperor did not listen to him, but sent a messenger with pulverized gold, which Gongsun Huang and his wife and children were made to drink. He donated their coffins and clothes. Their bodies were temporarily entombed in their own house.

25. In Wu, Lady Bu died. Now, the Sovereign of Wu, while he was married in Wujun as Daolu Jiangjun, married Lady Xu of Wujun. [2] The woman who bore the Crown Prince Sun Deng was a menial servant; hence the Sovereign of Wu had Lady Xu adopt him as her son. [3] Because of her jealousy, Lady Xu did not enjoy his favors. When the Sovereign of Wu moved to the west, Lady Xu was left behind at Wujin, while Lady Bu of Linhuai monopolized his affections in the harem. The Sovereign of Wu wanted to make her Empress, but his officials were all in favor of Lady Xu. The Sovereign of Wu remained undecided for more than ten years. When it happened that Lady Bu died, the officials memorialized that the seal of the Empress be conferred on her posthumously. [7] Thus, Lady Xu remained deserted and died in Wujun.

26. The Sovereign of Wu had the Zhongshu Lang, Lü Yi take charge of auditing all the documents and papers of the various governmental offices as well as of the provinces and prefectures. Thus, Lü Yi gradually came to abuse his power. He brought forth unwarranted accusations by deliberate misinterpretation and incriminated the innocent, brought impeachment against the Ministers of State, and made it his business to report to the throne on even the most trifling flaws. The Crown Prince Sun Deng had frequently protested, but the Sovereign of Wu did not listen to him. The officials did not dare to speak any more; they all feared him.

27. Lü Yi made false charged that Tao Jia, former taishou (Prefect) of Jiangxia, had spoken calumny of the government. The Sovereign of Wu, angered, threw Tao Jia into prison and put him to interrogation. AT that time all who were involved in the case, afraid of Lü Yi, said they had heard him speaking so. The Shizhong Shi Yi of Bohai, [4] alone said that he had not so heard, and he was questioned pressingly for days. The Emperor was very harshly disposed toward him, and the officials were all holding their breath for him.

Shi Yi said, “Now that the sword and saw are on my neck, why should I shield Jia only to have my family annihilated and myself become a ghost branded as disloyal? But what I heard and know happens to be different.

He then answered questions truthfully and did not waver in his words. In the end, the Sovereign of Wu freed him, and Tao Jia was also freed.

28. The shangda jiangjun Lu Xun and the taichang Pan Jun were concerned that Lü Yi was disturbing the peace of the land; every time they spoke of the matter they wept.

29. Lü Yi charged the chengxiang Gu Yong with misdeeds; the Sovereign of Wu was angry and reprimanded Gu Yong. The Huangmen Shilang, Xie Hong, when speaking of some other matters, asked Lü Yi, “How is the case of His Excellency Gu?”

Xie Hong said, “The taichang Pan Jun is always gnashing his teeth at you. It is only the distance of the road that hinders him. [5] Should he succeed to His Excellency Gu today, I fear he will strike at you on the morrow.” Lü Yi was fearful and had the case of Gu Yong dismissed.

Pan Jun asked for an audience at court, and proceeded from Wuchang to Jianye, wishing to use his oratory in earnest remonstrance. When he arrived he learned that the Crown Prince Sun Deng had already spoken repeatedly and had gone unheeded. Pan Jun then invited all the officials together, intending to stab Lü Yi on this occasion and take the responsibility on himself, to rid the State of the evil. Lü Yi, however, had been secretly informed of this, and under pretense of illness did not come. [7]

30. The dudu of Xiling, Bu Zhi, sent up a memorial saying: “The chengxiang Gu Yong, the shangda jiangjun Lu Xun, and the taichang Pan Jun, profoundly anxious for the State and entrusted with heavy duties, aim at using their sincerity to the utmost. Assiduous day and night, they are not at their ease when they sleep or eat; their desire is to build a permanent plan to put the State at ease and benefit the people. They can be called Ministers who serve as heart and backbone, arms and legs of the Sovereign, Ministers directing the destiny of the dynasty. [5] They ought to be given charge of their own duties; no other officials should supervise their functions, demand results, or exact their account. These three Ministers may fall short in thought, but would they dare to monopolize and abuse power, to deceive the one whom they hold as their Heaven?”

31. The troops under the Zuo Jiangjun Zhu Ju were entitled to receive thirty thousand min (strings of cash). An artisan by the name of Wang Sui received the mony under false pretense. Lü Yi suspected that Zhu Ju had embezzled the sum, and he tortured the subordinate official in charge of the account, who died under the cane. Zhu Ju in pity of his innocence had the body buried in a good coffin. Lü Yi then memorialized that Zhu Ju's subordinate had been shielding Zhu Ju, who on this account had given him a good burial. The Sovereign of Wu questioned Zhu Ju repeatedly. With no means to prove his innocence, Zhu Ju laid himself on straw and waited to be punished. In a few days, the Dian Junli Liu Zhu discovered the truth and said that the sum had been taken by Wang Sui. The Sovereign of Wu was greatly moved at this and said, “Even Zhu Ju is falsely accused. How much more so then is it the case with under-officials and with the people?” He then probed into Lü Yi's crimes and rewared Liu Zhu with a million cash.

32. The chengxiang Gu Yong went to the office of the dingyu to give sentence. Lü Yi appeared as a prisoner. With his face composed and friendly, Gu Yong questioned him. About to leave the place, he further asked Lü Yi if there was anything he wished to say. Lü Yi knocked his head on the floor without saying a word. At that time the Shangshu Lang Huai Xu reviled Lü Yi in his face. Gu Yong reprimanded Huai Xu, saying, “The government has laws. Why must you act like this?

33. The officials in charge memorialized to put Lü Yi to death. Some maintained he ought to be burnt alive or quartered, to show his great crime. The Sovereign of Wu asked the Zhongshu Ling, Kan Ze of Kuaiji [3] about it. Kan Ze said, “In this enlightened age, there should not be such punishments.” The Sovereign of Wu followed his advice {and put Lü Yi to death, albeit not with such “inhumane” methods}.

34. Lü Yi having been put to death, the Sovereign of Wu sent the zhongshu lang, Yuan Li to his various high generals to offer apologies, on which occasion he asked them about the improvement of State affairs. After Yuan Li returne,d an edict reproved Zhuge Jin, Bu Zhi, Zhu Ran, Lü Tai and others in these words:

“Upon his return, Yuan Li reported that he had met with Ziyu (the style name of Zhuge Jin), Zishan (Bu Zhi's style name), Yifeng (Zhu Ran's style name), and Dinggong (Lü Tai's style name) and sought their advice on what was urgent and what was not in State affairs; but each of them, on the grounds that he was not in charge of civil affairs, was unwilling to speak his mind and shifted everything to Boyan (Lu Xun's style name) and Chengming (Pan Jun's style name). Upon seeing Yuan Li, Boyan and Chengming shed tears and were sincerely grieved; their words were bitter, even to the extent of showing that they were fearful and felt their positions insecure. Hearing this I am grieved and profoundly puzzled.

Allow me to explain. Only sages are devoid of faults, but men of insight can see into themselves. How can men's acts all conform to the right measure? There must be things on which I have unknowingly displeased the opinion of others, hence you gentlemen are suspicious. If that is not so, how could things have come to this pass?

For the past fifty years of my military life, all those hundreds of levies and corvee came from the people. Yet the Empire is not unified and the evil elements are still there. That soldiers and people toil assiduously I am certainly well aware of, but it cannot be helped that the people must toil.

Since I began work with you gentlemen, from my youth to manhood, my hair has had two colors (turned gray). I would have said that we understood our minds perfectly, that public and private intersts were so well differentiated that we could feel secure towards each other.

To give honest advice and direct admonition is what you gentlemen are expected to do; I also desire to have my negligence and defects pieced out and supplemented. Of old, Duke Wu of Wei, although he had passed the age of maturity, still sought those who would support and help him; I have always admired him. Furthermore, you and I were friends at a time when we wore coarse clothes and leather girdles; though there have been many vicissitudes, I remain the same.

In my present relation with you gentlemen, there indeed is the distinction between Sovereign and subjects; yet no blood relation could exceed the tie between us. We share our prosperity and misfortune. True loyalty does not conceal honest sentiment, wisdom does not leave any plan unconsidered. IN all things, good or bad, we are united. How can you gentlemen remain unaffected? In crossing a river in the same boat, for whose company would you exchange me? Duke Huan of Qi [a mere hegemon among the feudal princes], Guan Zhong never desisted from admiring when he did right, nor from admonishing when he did wrong. When his admonitions were not accepted, he persisted in giving more admonitions. I am well aware that I lack the virtue of Duke Huan, but also you gentlemen have never uttered a single word of admonition, and still are suspicious. Speaking from this point of view, I must be superior to Duke Huan of Qi! But how are you gentlemen compared with Guan Zhong?

Having missed mutual company for so long, we ought to have a laugh when we discuss affairs. For accomplishing the great work and bringing unity to the Empire, whom else can I have? In all matters that need improvement, I rejoice to hear different opinions and to have my deficiencies rectified.”

35. Winter, eleventh month. On the day renwu (November 18), the Sigong Wei Zhen was appointed Situ and the Sili Xiaoyu Cui Lin {was appointed} sigong.

36. Twelfth month (December 24, 238-January 21, 239). In Han, Jiang Wen went to Hanzhong, where he took his quarters.

37. On the day yichou (December 31, 238), the Emperor fell ill.

38. On the day xinsi, the furen Guo was enthroned as Empress.

39. (a) While he was Duke of Wei, Taizu (Cao Cao) had appointed the magistrate of Can, Liu Fang, and the Can Junshi, Sun Zi, to be Bishu Lang. [1] After Wend's accession to the throne, the bishu office was restyled zhongshu. Liu Fang was appointed zhongshujian and Sun Zi zhongshu ling. [2] Eventually they took charge of important and secret matters of the State. [3] When the present Emperor succeeded to the throne, they were especially favored and trusted; both were given the additional titles of shizhong and guanglu da fu, and were enfeoffed as Lords of their own native districts.[4]

(b)At that time the Emperor in person was directing all the State business. Military campaigns were frequent. Matters of confidential nature were all taken in charge by these two men. Whenever there were important matters and Ministers of the court held discussions, the Emperor always had them decide, and adopted the measures they recommended. [5]

40. The zhongshu jun Jiang Ji sent up a memorial saying: “I have heard that when a Minister of the State is too much prized, the State is in danger; when attendants are held in too great intimacy, the Sovereign's own person is obscured. This is a profound warning from antiquity. In former times when the Ministers held power, both inside and outisde were in tumult. Since Your Majesty began to direct the myriad affairs of the State, there has been none who is not reverent and orderly.

“It is not that Ministers of the State are not loyal, but the fact is that when power lies with those who are low, the minds of the masses become lax in their regard towards their superiors. This is only natural. Since Your Majesty has observed this truth with regard to Ministers of the State, I hope you will not forget it with regard to your attendants. In loyalty, rectitude, and far-sighted thinking, the attendants may not necessarily be better than Ministers of the State; as for their practicing flattery to attain their objects, they may be more skillful.

At present, the outsiders all say of the zhongshu that they may be ever so prudent and cautious, not daring to associate with those without; but the mere fact of their having this name is enough to puzzle the common world. How much more so when they wield power and are under your eyes every day; at times you are tied, they may intrude and interfere.

Observing that they are able to exercise some power, the officials will naturally turn towards them. Should this precedent once be started, they will plot from within; hence the masses say that they beseech their friends' support. This being the case, there will arise flattery and calumny; rewards and punishments will unjustly alter. Those who advance along the straight path will sometimes suffer injustice, while those who attach themselves to the attendants will win success. They will go into the smallest crack and come out when they find suitable opportunities. Since you are intimate with them and trust them, you will not be aware of the abuse at all. This is something your sage wisdom ought to have been informed of at once. If you pay attention, their real shape will appear of itself.

“Possibly your Court Ministers are afraid that if they speak to you and fail to obtain your attention, they will only incur the displeasure of your attendants; hence they have not informed you of the matter.

I have observed of Your Majesty that you think profoundly and finely, listen fairly and see justly. If matters are not in accord with right principle, or things are not satisfactorily executed, you should change tune and alter the melody; you should emulate Huangdi and Tang (Yao) for antiquity of their achievements, and make illustrious the traces of Wudi and Wendi of recent times. How can you be fettered by workaday habits?

Yet a Sovereign cannot take sole charge of the affairs of the Empire, he must of necessity entrust them to others. If he entrusts them to a single minister, unless the latter is as loyal as Dan, the Duke of Zhou, and as just as Guan Yiwu (Guan Zhong), there will be the evil of abusing his power and duty.

At present, officials who can serve as pillar stones are indeed few. But those whose conduct is praised in their province and whose wisdom is sufficient for the offices they are invested with; those who are loyal and trustworthy, ready to give up their lives, and those who conscientiously execute their duties-- all should be employed in your service, so that the Court of Sage Enlightenment may divest itself of the name of monopolizing officials.”

The Emperor did not listen to him. [11]

41. His illness becoming grave, the Emperor was deeply concerned about his successor. He therefore appointed the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, a son of Wudi, as da jiangjun, and had him, together with the lingjun jiangjun Xiahou Xian, the wuwei jiangjun Cao Shuang, the dunji xiao yu Cao Zhao and the xiaoji jiangjun Qin Lang, serve as guardians. Cao Shuang was a son of Cao Zhen and Cao Zhao was a son of Cao Xiu. In his youth, the Emperor had been friendly with the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, and because of this entrusted him with his successor. [4]

42. Liu Fang and Sun Zi had long been in charge of confidential posts. Xiahou Xian and Cao Zhao were disquiet at heart. In front of the palace there was a tree on which chickens roosted. The two men said to each other, “What a long time this has been here. How much longer can it last?” By this they meant Liu Fang and Sun Zi. Liu Fang and Sun Zi, afraid lest eventually they might suffer harm from them, secretly plotted to estrange them from the Emperor. [4]

43. The Prince of Yan, reverent and good by nature, sincerely declined the appointment. The Emperor received Liu Fang and Sun Zi in his bredroom and said, “This is how it is with the Prince of Yan. They replied, “It is merely that the Prince of Yan knows that he is not competent for the great task.” [4]

44. The Emperor asked, “Who then is competent for the task?” At that time, only Cao Shuang happened to be at the Emperor's side. Hence Liu Fang and Sun Zi recommended Cao Shuang. They further said Sima Yi ought to be summoned and appointed to be his partner.

45. The Emperor said, “Is Cao Shuang competent for the task?” Cao Shuang perspired and was unable to speak. Liu Fang stepped on his foot and whispered in his ear, “Say, 'I will serve the dynasty to my death.'”

46. Following the advice of Liu Fang and Sun Zi, the Emperor desired to appoint Cao Shuang and Sima Yi. Meantime there was a change and the Emperor had his former order canceled. Liu Fang and sun Zi went in to persuade the Emperor. The Emperor again followed them. Liu Fang said, “There must be a rescript in your own hand.” The Emperor said, “I am too weak. I cannot.”

Liu Fang then went up to the Imperial couch, and holding the Emperor's hand, made him write it down. Then he brought out the rescript and said loudly, “By this rescript the Prince of Yan and the others are relieved of their appointment; they are not permitted to remain in the office.” In tears, they all went out. [5]

47. On the day jiashen (January 19, 239), Cao Shuang was appointed da jiangjun. [1] Fearing that Cao Shuang was not sufficiently able the Emperor appointed the shangshu Sun Li as zhangshi (secretary) to the da jiangjun to assist him. [2]

48. At this time, Sima Yi happened to be in Ji; The Emperor dispatched his courier, the bixie, with a rescript written in his own hand, to summon him. Before this, the Prince of Yan had counselled the Emperor that due to important matters in Guanzhong, it would be well to have Sima Yi take the short route by way of Zhiguan and return west to Chang'an. [2]This counsel had been already adopted and executed. Having received in close succession two rescripts entirely different in contents, Sima Yi surmised some change in the capital and hastened to the court.

============================================

Chapter 19 NotesSecond Year of Jingchu (238 AD)Shu: First Year of YanxiWu: First Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, where it reads: “Spring, first month. The Emperor commanded the taiyu Sima Xuanwang to lead troops in a campaign against Liaodong.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, under the fourth year of Qinglong has: “When the taishou of Liaodong, Gongsun Wenyi revolted, the Son of Heaven summoned Xuandi to come to the capital. The Son of Heaven said...” (here follows the passage given in section 3, with more or less unimportant textual variations)... “In the second year of Jingchu, Xuandi, leading Niu Jin, Hu Cun, etc., and forty thousand infantry and cavalry, started from the capital. The Son of Heaven in person bade him farewell at Ximingmen.

4.1 Han Jin chunqiu has: “Gongsun Yuan proclaimed himself Emperor and made the period the First Year of Shaohan. Learning that the Sovereign of Wei was about to send an expedition against him, he again called himself a vassal of the Wu and begged that their troops undertake an expedition to the north to help him out.”

5. From the Han Jin Chunqiu, where the following passage precedes: “Gongsun Yuan heard that the Wei were about to come and attack him, so he again called himself a vassal of Sun Quan, begging for reinforcements to help him come out.”

5.4 By his children are meant Zhang Mi and Xu Yan. See note 4.2.

6. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu. The passage is there found between the one given in 237 AD and another one given in Section 35 under that year.

6.1 Composed by Sima Guang. SGZ has: “It happened that there was a vacancy for situ.”

6.3 From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. Concerning this appointment, SGZ, Biography of Han Ji, Wei, states, “The edict of the second year of Jingchu, spring, read: 'The taizhong dafu Han Ji has purified his person and bathed in virtue; his aims and principle are lofty and pure; more than eighty years old, he perserveres in the Way all the more earnestly. He deserves to be called one whose character has become more illustrious with the advancing of age. Herewith he is appointed situ.'”

7. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, under the First year of Yanxi.

7.1 SGZ has: “In the first month, spring, he named Lady Zhang Empress.” The Shu first month is identical with the Wei second month.

Sima Guang's second statement iss from SGZ, Biography of the Empress named Zhang, where we read: “The Empress named Zhang, consort of the second Sovereign, was the younger sister of the late Empress Jingai. In the fifteenth year of Jianxing (237 AD), she entered the palace and became a guiren. In the spring of the first year of Yanxi, first month, the Emperor appointed her in the following words: 'Having succeeded to the great lineage, I rule over the Empire and continue the sacrifices at the Suburbs, Ancestral Temple, and the Temple of Earth. Herewith I appoint the guiren to be Empress: the acting chengxian (Prime Minister), zuo jiangjun Xiang Chong, is empowered to confer the seal upon her. May she cultivate her wifely virtue and be respectful in the offering of sacrifices. May the Empress be reverent.' IN the first year of Xianxi (264 AD), she accompanied the Second Sovereign to Luoyang.”

7.2 SGZ, Biography of the Crown Prince Liu Xuan reads: “Liu Xuan, Crown Prince to the Second Sovereign, zi Wenheng. His mother, the guiren Wang, was originally a chamber-maid of the Empress Jingai, named Zhang. In the first month of the first year of Yanxi, the Emperor appointed him to the throne; whether ancient or modern, this is invariable. Herewith Xuan is appointed Crown Prince, to make illustrious the grand command of my ancestors. The acting chengxiang zuo jiangjun Xiang Chong is empowered to confer the seal on him. May he cultivate his character and revere truth, study the institutions of the land and respect his tutors, associate with all men of good character and therewith accomplish his own virtue. May he exert himself and be not remiss.' At this time, he was fifteen years old.” Thus he was born in 224 AD.

8. From SGZ, Biography of Meng Guang, where no indication of date is given. Sima Guang puts the section here because the context is appropriate.

The same source states: “Meng Guang, zi Xiaoyu, was a man of Luoyang in Henan. After the First Sovereign became master of Yizhou, he was appointed yilang; together with Xu Zi and others he was in charge of institutions. After the Second Sovereign came to the throne, he became fujieling, tunji jiaoyu and zhangyue shaofu. Then he was promoted to be dasinong.”

8.10 Written by Sima Guang. SGZ, Biography of Qi Zheng states, “Qi Zheng, zi Lingxian, was a man of Yanshi in Hean. His grandfather, Qi Jian, who was cishi (Governor) of Yizhou at the end of Lingdi's reign, was killed by bandits.”

9. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi. SGZ Biography of Han Ji states, “In the seventh year of Huangchu (226 AD), he was promoted to taichang and his rank was advanced to Lord of Nanxiang Ting, with an appanage of two hundred households.” Ibid., continuing from the passage given above inn Note 6.3, states: “That summer, in the fourth month, he passed away. He made a will that his body should be clothed in the garments of the season and his grave should be of Earth. He was canonized 'Reverent' Lord.”

11. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

12. From SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, appended to that of his grandfather Gongsun Du.

12.1 SGZ has: “In the spring of the second year of Jingchu, the Emperor sent the taiyu Sima Xuanwang to lead an expedition against Gongsun Yuan; in the sixth month, his army reached Liaodong.

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, reads: “Xuandi, then advanced his army past Guzhu, crossed Jieshi, and halted at the Liaoshui. Gongsun Wenyi then sent some tens of thousands of infantry and cavalry to impede his advance at Liaosui, where they defended themselves behind strong walls, sixty to seventy li from south to north. Thus they resisted Xuandi.”

13. From Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, where the sequence of the two paragraphs in this section is reversed.

13.1 Sima Guang recapitulates from Jin Shu, which reads: “The various generals said, 'By abstaining from attacking the rebels and making an encampment, we are not displaying our strength to the troops.'” This can be understood if we follow the original sequence of the narrative as given in the Jin Shu, that is, if we first read the second paragraph in this section (see Note 13.3) and then this passage.

13.2 Jin Shu has: “Xuandi said, 'In fortifying their barracks and making high their ramparts, the rebels wish to make our troops wear themselves out; if we attack them, we will only be falling into their scheme. Thus Wang Yi was ashamed to pass by Kunyang.”

Sima Yi's words draw various from different sources. Hou Han Shu, Biography of Wang Chang has: “The ancients said, 'The reason why the enemy, in spite of their high ramparts, cannot but fight with us is that we attack what they have to rescue.'” Sun Zi ji ju notes, “The reason why, when we want to fight, the enemy, in spite of their high ramparts and deep moats, cannot but....”

Continuing Sima Yi's words as given in Jin Shu: “'Since the bulk of the rebels are here, their lair must be empty. If we proceed directly to Xiangping, they are sure to be frightened; in fear they will give us battle, and we are certain to destroy them.”

13.3 Jin Shu, continuing from the passage given in Section 12, Note 2 has: “Xuandi displayed his troops and had banners and flags put up in large numbers, and made a sally to their south, to which position the rebels hastened with all their select troops.”

13.4 Jin Shu has, “He then took boats, secretly crossed the river and came to their North. He sank the boats and burnt down the bridges. Along the Liaoshui he constructed a long encampment. Then he left the rebels along and proceeded towards Xiangping.”

SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given above in Note 12.2 has: “When Sima Xuanwang's army arrived, Gongsun Yuan ordered Bei Yan to encounter and fight him. Sima Xuanwang sent the general Hu Cun and others to attack and defeat him. Sima Xuanwang had his army pierce through the enemy's encampments and proceed southeast, but then he suddenly turned northeast and hastened directly towards Xiangping.”

14. From SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given at the end of Note 13.4.

14.1 SGZ has: “Fearing lest Xiangping not be defended, Bei Yan and his men withdrew during the night...”

14.2 SGZ has: “Gongsun Yuan again ordered Bei Yan and his men to make contact with the Wei army and fight to the last man.”

“Again” in ZZTJ is hardly justified, for until here no order for a battle has been mentioned. SGZ howeever mentions a battle before this (see note 13.4). One may force the meaning of a particle a bit in defense of Sima Guang, and translate it as something like “then, thereupon.”

14.3 SGZ has: “He again put them to rout and then advanced his army to outside the walls of Xiangping, which he besieged.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, continuing from the passage given in Note 13.2, reads: “Thereupon he put his army in battle array and moved. Seeing the troops coming out to their rear, the rebels, as expected, turned toward them. Xuandi said to the various generals, 'The reason I did not attack their barracks was my expectation of inducing a situation like this; we must not miss it.” Thereupon he loosed his troops, attacked them, and put them to rout. He won victory in all the three battles. The rebels retreated to Xiangping; he advanced and besieged it.”

15. Except for the first two sentences, this section is from the Jin Shu.

15.1 SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given in Note 14.3: “It so happened that it rained continuously for more than thirty days, and the Liaoshui...”

The date “autumn, seventh month” is Sima Guang's calculation. Sima Yi reached Liaodong in the sixth month and the campaign was brought to an end in the eighth month. The rain fell more than thirty days; hence it is reasonable to assume that it happened in the seventh mont.

15.2 By Sima Guang, based on “more than thirty days” in SGZ.

16. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi and Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi.

16.1 SGZ has: “Having reached Liaodong, Sima Xuanwang could not attack at once because of the continuous rain. Of the court officials, some maintained that as Gongsun Yuan could not be destroyed easily, it would be well to recall Sima Xuanwang.”

17. Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, continuing from the passage in Note 16.2 has: “The rain having finally stopped, he ordered the encirclement completed. He constructed artificial hills and tunnels, and employed shields, wooden towers, hooked ladders, and battering rams. Arrows and stones rained down, and he attacked day and night.”

SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given in Note 15.1 has: “When the rain cleared up, he constructed artificial hills, built wooden towers to hurl stones, and with crossbows sent volleys into the city.”

18. From SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given in Note 17.

19. From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, continuing from the passage given in Note 17. There the following passage precedes: “At that time, a long shooting star, white in color and with a tail, streaked from southwest of the city of Xiangping towards the northeast and fell into the Liangshui. Within the city the people were panick stricken and Gongsun Wenyi was terrified.”

This astronomical phenomenon is given a definite date in SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, “In the eighth month, on the day bingyin, during the night, a long shooting star, several hundred feet in length, from the northeast of Shoushan, fell southeast of the city of Xiangping.” This date is equivalent to September 3rd. The eight month here must be taken as in the ancient calendar because there is no bingyin in the eight month of the new calendar, i.e. seventh month of the ancient calendar.

By synchronizing the two accounts from SGZ and Jin Shu, Sima Guang arrived at the date.

19.1 Jin Shu has: “And so, terrified at the shooting star, he sent his xiangguo Wang Jian and yushi dafu Liu Fu to sue for surrender and to beg that the siege be raised, whereupon he would present himself bound.”

The date, eighth month, derived from the accounts of the shooting star, is not correct. It ought to be ninth month by the new calendar.

19.2 Jin Shu has, “He did not assent; seizing Wang Jian et al., he put them both to death.”

19.4 The sentence is from the Zuozhuan: “...where he was met by the Earl of Zheng, with his flesh exposed and leading a sheep.”

19.5 Jin Shu has: “I am the master and my rank is that of a superior ducal minister; Wang Jian...”

20. From SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given in Note 19.

20.1 SGZ has: “On the day renwu, Gongsun Yuan's forces were crushed.”

This renwu is meant to be the renwu of the eighth month of the ancient calendar (see Note 19.1) or the ninth month of the new one.

SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, has: “On the day bingyin, Sima Xuanwang, who had been besieging Gongsun Yuan in Xiangping, destroyed him and sent his severed head to the capital. The various prefectures east of the sea were thus pacified.” The whole chronology is confused.

20.3 SGZ has: “At the place where the shooting star fell, they killed Gongsun Yuan and his son.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, continuing from the passage given in Section 19 has: “Gongsun Wenyi attacked the southern section of the encirclement and got out. Xuandi, loosing troops to attack him, defeated and killed him on the Liangshui where the star fell.”

21. From Jin Shu and SGZ.

21.1 Rewritten from Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi: “Having entered the city, he set up two standards to distinguish recent and long-time rebels. Males above fifteen years old, more than even thousand men, were all put to death and used to form the Jingguan. The ducal and other ministers and the lower officials of the rebels were all put to death. Also put to death were the generals Bi Sheng and others—more than two thousand men. Forty thousand households, consisting of three hundred and several ten thousands of persons, were gained.”

SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan, continuing from the passage given in Note 20.3 reads: “After the city was taken, he put to death the xiangguo and lower officials, some thousand men, and sent Gongsun Yuan's severed head to Luoyang.”

22. From Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, which reads: “Now Gongsun Wenyi had usurped the throne of his paternal uncle, Gongsun Gong and imprisoned him. When he was about to revolt, his generals Lun Zhi, Jia Fan, and others bitterly remonstrated with him; Gongsun Wenyi killed them all. Xuandi now released Gongsun Gong from imprisonment, raised mounds on the graves of Lun Zhi, etc., and showed honor to their heirs. He proclaimed the following order: 'In ancient times, when a punitive campaign was made against a state, only the arch criminals were punished. All those who have been misled by Gongsun Wenyi are pardoned. The Chinese who want to return to their own places of birth will be allowed to do so.'

At the time, the troops were suffering from cold and hunger; they begged for padded coats, but Xuandi did not supply them. Someone said, 'Fortunately there is a large quantity of old padded coats which you could give to them.'

Xuandi said, 'Padded coats belong to the Emperor; a minister does not make gifts of them on his own authority.' Then he memorialized the throne that he would dismiss the soldiers over sixty years old—more than a thousand men—and that he would carry back the remains of officers who had been killed in the army. Finally he marched back with the army.”

Concerning the duration of the house of the Gongsun, SGZ, Biography of Gongsun Yuan epitomizes: “Gongsun Du first occupied Liaodong in the sixth year of Zhongping (189 AD); the house perished within fifty years, in the third generation, with Gongsun Yuan.”

The ZZTJ phrasing is rather from the Weilue, which reads: “Now, Gongsun Yuan's elder brother, Gongsun Huang, as Gongsun Gong's hostage, was living in Luoyang. When he heard that Gongsun Yuan had usurped the throne of Gongsun Gong, he thought Gongsun Yuan would not be able to last, and frequently memorialized the throne, wishing the State to make a punitive campaign against Gongsun Yuan. The Emperor conciliated Gongsun Yuan, because he had already seized power. When Gongsun Yuan revolted, Gongsun Huang was seized by the law of the land. Gongsun Yuan had formerly expressed his own stand and had nothing to do with the rebellion; nevertheless, he knew well that when Gongsun Yuan, whose brother he was, was destroyed, he would not be spared.

When the severed head of Gongsun Yuan arrived, Gongsun Huang was certain of his eventual death; facing one another, he and his son wept. The Emperor indeed wished to give him his life, but the officials in charge disapproved and in the end he was put to death.”

23.6 Sima Niu was troubled because his elder brother Huan Tui 'was contemplating rebellion, which would probably lead to his death,' and hence said, 'Other men all have their brothers, I only have not,'--meaning that he was going to lose one. Upon this, Zixia consoled him with an elevating thought. See Lunyu. With regard to the saying of Zixia on this occasion, Legge writes, “It is naturally supposed that the author of the observation was Confucius.” Here Gao Rou supposes likewise.

23.7 Fan Xuanzi of Jin put Yangshe Hu to death and imprisoned the latter's elder brother Shuxiang. It was Qi Xi who pleaded his innocence and got him liberated.

24. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, reads: “That autumn, in the eighth month, it was reported from Wuchang that a unicorn had appeared. The officials in charge memorialized that as the unicorn was a sign of general peace, the reign title should be changed accordingly. The edict said, 'Recently a red crow appeared in front of the palace and I myself saw it. If divine things are to be taken as auspicious omens, the reign-title should be renamed Chiwu (red crow).'

The officials memorialized, 'Of old, when King Wu made a punitive campaign against Zhou, there appeared the auspicious sign of a red crow, which Sovereign and subjects saw; eventually he became master of the Empire. This is an event most accurately described in the books of sages. This recent event is very excellent and, since Your Majesty has seen it in person, is unmistakable.' Thereupon the reign title was changed.”

The “eighth month” above is identical with the ninth month of the Wei, as ZZTJ records it.

25. This section is from three SGZ biographies: (a) Biography of Lady Xu, Wu. (b) Biography of Lady Bu, Wu. [c] Biography of Sun Deng, Wu. The reason Sima Guang puts the section here is that Lady Bu died in the “ninth month.”

25.2 SGZ, Biography of Lady Xu reads: “Lady Xu, Consort of Sun Quan, Sovereign of Wu, was a woman of Fuchun in Wujun. Her grandfather Xu Zhen was an intimate friend of Sun Quan's father, Sun Jian, who gave his younger sister to Xu Zhen for wife. Xu Zhen begat Xu Kun...[here follows the biography of Xu Kun]...Xu Kun begat Lady Xu, who first married Lu Shang of Wujun. At the time of his death, Sun Quan was in Wujun as taolu jiangjun and took her as his wife, having her adopt his son Sun Deng. Afterwards, Sun Quan moved away, and because of her jealousy she was left deserted at Wujun for ten-odd years.

When Sun Quan became King of Wu and later also proclaimed himself Emperor, Sun Deng became Crown Prince. The officials all requested that she be appointed his consort, but Sun Quan, whose heart was set on Lady Bu, to the end would not assent. She died later of illness.

25.3 SGZ, Biography of Sun Deng, reads: “Now, the woman who gave birth to Sun Deng was a menial servant. Lady Xu deserved his gratitude for having more or less mothered him. Afterwards, Lady Xu was left deserted at Wujun because of her jealousy, and Lady Bu received most favor. When Lady Bu gave him something, Sun Deng did not dare decline it, but he did no more than bow in accepting it. When a messenger from Lady Xu came with clothes for him, he would first bathe and then put them on. About to be appointed Crown Prince, Sun Deng refused, saying, 'The foundations having been set up, the Way will come into being. If you are desirous of appointing a Crown Prince, you must first appoint your Consort.' Sun Quan said, 'Where is your mother?' He replied, 'In Wujun.' Sun Quan became silent.

25.7 SGZ, Biography of Lady Bu, reads: “Lady Bu, Consort of Sun Quan, Sovereign of Wu, was a woman of Huaiyin in Linhuai. She was of the same clan as the chengxiang Bu Zhi. At the end of the Han dynasty, her mother took her and migrated to Lujiang. When Lujiang was captured by Sun Ce, the inhabitants all moved East and crossed the Jiang. Because of her beauty she was favored by Sun Quan, monopolizing his affection in the harem.”

Here follows the passage given in 245, Note 7. Then:

“By nature, she was not jealous, and recommended many girls for Sun Quan's pleasure. Hence she was treated with affection for a long period. When he became King of Wu and later Emperor, Sun Quan desired to make her his consort, but his officials were all in favor of Lady Xu. Sun Quan remained undecided for ten-odd years. But in the palace they all called her Empress. When her relatives sent up memorials, they referred to her as the Middle Palace.

Upon her demise, the offiicals, following the wish of Sun Quan, requested that she be granted posthumously the regular title. Thereupon he conferred the seal of Empress on her, with the following words of investiture:

'First year of Chiwu, intercalary (tenth or eleventh in the new Wei calendar) month, day wuzi (November 24). The Emperor says:'--Alas for the Empress! The Empress has assisted me in the execution of the Mandate, and received the commands of Heaven and Earth with me. Earnest and reverent day and night, she has shared my toil. Within the palace womanly virtues were regulated, propriety and righteousness not violated. Tolerant and magnanimous, benevolent and mild, she possessed the virtue of womanly obedience. The people and the officials all respected her, far and near submitting to her. Because the troubles of the Empire were not settled and its unification not accomplished, and also because the Empress in her great spirit was ever modest, I did not confer the title on her in due time.

I also thought the Empress would enjoy a long life and share Heaven-sent prosperity with me always; I did not dream of her sudden decease. I regret that my dear wish was not made manifest early. I lament that the Empress has passed away prematurely. My grief goes deep into my heart. I herewith empower the chengxiang, the Lord of Liling Ting, Gu Yong, to convey this appointment and confer the title on her; she shall be sacrificed to in the company of my ancestors. May her spirit, if sentient, rejoice in this glory. Alas! Alas!'

She was buried in the mausoleum of Jiangling.”

26. Mostly from SGZ, Biography of Gu Yong

27. From SGZ, Biography of Shi Yi.

27.4 SGZ notes: “Shi Yi, zi Ziyu, was a man of Yingling in Bohai. He followed in the suite of the Crown Prince and returned to Jianye, where he was again appointed shizhong and zhongzhifa, to serve as judge in administrative matters as formerly.”

28. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, where it reads: “At this time the zhongshu dianjiao Lu Yi had usurped power and was abusing it. Lu Xun and the taichang Pan Jun were of one mind in their concern about this; when they spoke of the matter, they even shed tears.”

29. Nearly all from SGZ, Biography of Pan Jun, where the following passage precedes: “At this time the jiaoshi Lu Yi was abusing his power; he impeached the chengxiang Gu Yong and the zuo jiangjun Zhu Ju, who were both prohibited from audience.”

29.5 Pan Jun was at Wuchang hence could do no physical violence to Lu Yi.

29.7 After this, SGZ continues, “Then Pan Jun was received in audience, whereupon he set forth the malice and wickedness of Lu Yi. Henceforward, Lu Yi gradually lost favor and was eventually put to death.”

30. From sGZ, Biography of Bu Zhi. Bu Zhi sent up four memorials in all with regard to Lu Yi. The present one is the third. The first memorial is introduced by the following passage, which comes after the passage given in 229 AD, Section 17, “Afterward, the zhongshu Lu Yi was given charge of auditing documents and papers; he impeached many. Bu Zhi sent up a memorial saying...”

30.5 Shu Jing: “I now give you charge to assist me. Be as my limbs to me, as my heart and back-bone.”

31. From SGZ, Biography of Zhu Ju, where the following passage precedes: “In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), Sun Quan moved his capital to Jianye and married Zhu Ju to one of his daughters, appointing him zuo jiangjun and enfeoffing him as Lord of Yunyang. He was modest and humble in his relation with men of worth, despised wealth, and was fond of making gifts. His emoluments were large but never sufficient for his uses. During the Jiahe period, coins of large denomination, one worth five hundred, were minted.”

32. From SGZ, Biography of Gu Yong, continuing from the passage given in Note 29.

33. From SGZ, Biography of Kan Ze.

33.3 SGZ states: “Kan Ze, zi Dejun, was a many of Shanyin in Kuaiji...During the Jiahe period, he became zhongshuling, with the additional title of shizhong.”

34. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

35. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, except the date.

36. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign of Shu, where it reads: “That winter, in the eleventh month, the da jiangjun Jiang Wan...” The eleventh month of the Shu is the same as the twelfth month of the Wei (new calendar).

37. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

38. ibid. reads: “On the day xinsi, the Empress was enthroned. Two grades of rank were conferred on each male in the Empire. Grain was given to widowers, widows, orphans and the sonless.”

39. Paragraph (a) is from SGZ, Biography of Liu Fang. Paragraph (b) is from the Sun zi Bie Zhuan. As Hu Sanxing writes, the events related in this and the following section did not occur in this year; the material is included as introduction to events that did happen in this second year of Qingchu.

39.1 SGZ has: “Taizu then appointed Liu Fang to be canjunshi to the sigong. He then became jubu and jishi, then was given provincial posts as magistrate of Heyang, Dexu and Can. After the feudal state (duchy) of Wei was founded, he and Sun Zi of Taiyuan both became bishulang. Formerly, Sun Zi also had served as district magistrate as well as canjunshi to the chengxiang.” Here sigong and chengxiang both refer to the offices Cao Cao had held.

39.2 SGZ has: “After Wendi ascended to the throne, Liu Fang and Sun Zi were transferred to be zuocheng and youcheng respectively; in a few months, Liu Fang was transferred to be ling. At the beginning of Huangchu, the office of bishu was renamed zhongshu. Liu Fang was appointed zhongshu jian and Sun Zi zhongshu ling. Each was given the additional title of jishizhong. Liu Fang was enfeoffed Guannei Lord (an honorary title, without fief) and Sun Zi Guangzhong Lord (similar).”

39.3 SGZ has: “Eventually they took charge of important and secret state affairs. In the third year of Huangchu (222 AD), Liu Fang was raised in rank to be Lord of Weishou Ting and Sun Zi to be Guannei Lord.

39.4 SGZ reads: “When Mingdi ascended to the throne, they were especially favored and trusted; they both received the additional title of sanji changshi, Liu Fang being advanced in his rank to be Lord of Xixiang and Sun Zi to be Lord of Luoyang Ting. At the end of the Taihe period, the Wu sent their general Zhou He to sail to Liaodong and win Gongsun Yuan over to their side.

The Emperor wished to attack him, but Court opinion was against the plan. Only Sun Zi decided for it and accordingly made detailed tactics. In the end of the campaign, he was highly successful, and his rank was raised to Lord of Zuoxiang. Liu Fang excelled in writing proclamations; most of the edicts and rescripts of the Three emperors (Wudi, Wendi and Mingdi) were written by him. Early in the Qinglong period, Sun Quan and Zhuge Liang became allies and intended to make incursions together. The spies on the frontier seized a letter of Sun Quan. Liu Fang then altered the phraseology of the letter, here and there making substitution in the original text and patching them into a whole. He then had the letter sent to the zhengdong jiangjun Man Chong. IN this garbled letter, Sun Quan appeared to be desirous of submitting to the Wei.

The letter was sealed, and when it was shown to Zhuge Liang he had it copied and sent to the high generals of Wu, such as Bu Zhi and others. They in turn showed the copy to Sun Quan, who feared that Zhuge Liang might be suspicious, and explained himself in detail. IN this year, both of them received the additional titles of shizhong and guanglu dafu. In the second year of Jingchu, Liaodong was conquered, and in reward for the tactics they had contributed, they were promoted in rank to be Lords of their own native districts, Liu Fang Lord of Fangcheng and Sun Zi Lord of Zhongdu.”

39.5 Rewritten from the following passage in the Sun Zi biezhuan: “At that time Sun Quan and Zhuge Liang were known as powerful rebels; no year passed without campaigns. Under these circumstances the Emperor directly supervised all his officials. IN thinking out ways for warding off the invaders and planning campaigns, Sun Zi in all cases took charge. Nevertheless, knowing he enjoyed the Imperial confidence, he used to admonish the Emperor, saying, 'IN levying the masses and undertaking affairs of great importance, you ought to share your plans with your officials. First you show thereby that you are enlightened, secondly you will thus obtain views from a wider circle.'

When, after Court ministers held discussions, Sun Zi spoke on the merits of each view, he would recommend adoption of the best one, never taking the credit for himself.”

Of course, this applies to Sun Zi, but he is so intimately connected with Liu Fang that Sima Guang does not separate them.

40. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji, continuing from the passage given in 228 AD. There the following passage precedes: “At that time, the zhongshujian and zhongshuling were reputed to monopolize power.”

This memorial of Jiang Ji's was not submitted in this year, but probably some time after 228 AD, as his title indicates.

40.11 By Sima Guang. SGZ has: “The Emperor replied, 'Officials possessing strong will are the ones in whom a Sovereign finds support. Jiang Ji, competent both in civil and military matters, has served me assiduously and righteously; whenever there were matters of importance for the Army or the State, he always sent up memorials and discussions. His loyalty and sincerity, his indefatigable spirit, I commend highly.' He was then promoted to be hujun jiangjun, with the additional title of sanji changshi.

41. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

41.4 From SGZ, biography of Prince of Yan Cao Yu, which reads: “The Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, zi Pengzu, was enfeoffed Lord of Duxiang in the sixteenth year of Jian'an (211 AD); in the twenty second year (217) his fief was changed and he became Lord of Luyang. In the second year of Huangchu (221 AD), his rank was advanced to Duke of Luyang. In the third year (222), he became Prince of Xiapi; in the fifth year (224), his fief was changed to Shanfuxian. IN the sixth year of Taihe (232), he was re-enfeoffed as Prince of Yan. Mingdi in his early days lived with Cao Yu and admired him. After he ascended the throne, he distinguished him with favors and gifts above other princes.

In the third year of Qinglong (235), he was summoned to Court for an audience. IN the first year of Jingchu (237), he returned to Ye; in the summer of the second year (238), he was again summoned to the capital, and that winter, in the twelfth month, Mingdi, seriously ill, appointed Cao Yu da jiangjun and entrusted to him his successor. Four days after the appointment, he declined out of modesty. The Emperor's attitude also changed, so he relieved Cao Yu of his office. In the summer of the third year (229), he returned to Ye. During the Jingchu, Zhengyuan and Jingyuan periods, his appanages were increased, in all amounting to 5,500 households. The Duke of Changdao Xiang, Cao Huan, was Cao Yu's son; he succeeded to the throne as the heir of Taizong (Wendi).”

42. From the Shiyu.

42.4 Shiyu has: “Liu Fang and Sun Zi were afraid, so they advised the Emperor to summon Sima Xuanwang.” The ZZTJ phrasing is derived from Han Jin Chunqiu, continuing from the passage given in Section 41: “The zhongshujian Liu Fang and the zhongshuling Sun Zi had long been monopolizing power and favor, and were disliked by Qin Lang and others. They were afraid lest they eventually suffer harm from the Emperor.”

43. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Fang, continuing from the passage given in 39.4. The following passage, similar to that from the Hanjin chunqiu given in section 41, precedes: “In that year, the Emperor fell sick and wished to appoint the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, to be da jiangjun, and have him, together with...(the names and titles as well as their sequence with those in the Han Jin chunqiu)...serve as guardians.”

43.4 After this, SGZ continues: “The Emperor said, 'Could Cao Shuang replace Cao Yu?' Liu Fang and Sun Zi gave their approval and further earnestly set forth that the taiyu Sima Xuanwang should be summoned quickly to serve as support for the Imperial House. The Emperor accepted their advice and gave Liu Fang a piece of yellow paper on which to write down his rescript. After Liu Fang and Sun Zi had gone out, the Emperor changed his mind and gave orders to stop Sima Xuanwang from coming. He then saw Liu Fang and Sun Zi, to whom he said, 'I sent for the taiyu, but Cao Zhao and the others made me stop him from coming. They have almost ruined my affairs.'

He ordered them to write another rescript. The Emperor summoned to his presence, in addition to Liu Fang and Sun Zi, only Cao Shuang. To all these he gave his command, and in the end relieved Cao Yu, Xiahou Xian, and Qin Lang of their appointments.”

In the zi zhi dong jian gao yi, Sima Guang quotes this passage and writes to the effect that Chen Shou, author of SGZ, inserted this passage because it would not have been becoming in Jin times to write that Liu Fang and Sun Zi instigated the Emperor's summons to Sima Yi. Sima Guang therefore dismisses it and adopts the narratives as given in the following sections.

44. From the Han Jin chunqiu, which continues the narrative given in Note 43;4: “Because Cao Yu was constantly at the side of the Emperor, they had no opportunity to speak to him. ON the day jiashen (January 19, 229 AD), the emperor's breath became weak. Cao Yu left the palace to look for Cao Zhao, with whom he had something to discuss. During the interval before he returned and the Emperor was at leisure, Cao Shuang alone happened to be there. Knowing this, Liu Fang called Sun Zi and plotted with him. Sun Zi said, 'There is nothing we can do.' Liu Fang said, 'We shall be boiled alive. What must we not do?'

They then rushed into the Imperial presence and in tears said, 'Your Majesty's breath is weak. Should anything untoward happen, who is to be entrusted with the care of the Empire?'

The Emperor said, 'Have you not heard that I appointed the Prince of Yan?'

Liu Fang said, 'Your Majesty has forgotten the command of the late Emperor that no feudal princes should be guardians of the throne. Furthermore, while your Majesty has been sick, Cao Zhao and Qin Lang have been philandering with the harem ladies who attend your sick bed. The Prince of Yan, with his troops, is independent; he has not permitted us to enter here. They are just like the eunuchs Diao and Zhao Gao.

At present, the Crown Prince is young and weak, incapable of directing State affairs. Outside there are the powerful invaders; insider there are people murmuring under their toil. Your Majesty does not think farsightedly on preservation or ruin; rather you attach yourself shortsightedly to the ties of intimate relationship. You discard the works of your grandfather and father by entrusting them to the care of two or three mediocre men. During these few days while you are ill, those within the palace and those without are cut off, and the foundation of the dynasty has become precarious, yet you yourself are not aware of this. We are extremely worried.'”

After this follows the passage incorporated in this section.

45. From Shi yu. The following passage precedes, “The emperor asked Liu Fang and Sun Zi, 'Who could be a partner for the taiyu?' Liu Fang said, 'Cao Shuang.'”

The Shi yu continuing from the passage given in section 45, gives another relevant anecdote: “Cao Zhao's younger brother Cao Zuan was sima to the da jiangjun. Now, the Prince of Yan had quite incurred the displeasure of the Emperor. When Cao Zhao came out, Cao Zuan said in surprise, 'With the emperor ill, why is it that you all have come out? You ought to return to the palace.'

It was already evening. Liu Fang and Sun Zi had conveyed the Emperor's order to the keepers of the palace gate not to admit them. Cao Zhao and his men then gave up. On the following day the Prince of Yan and Cao Zhao went to the gate, but could not enter. In fear, they went to the tingyu (Gao Rou), who informed them that they had been dismissed because of their mistakes in the management of State business. The Emperor said to Xiahou Xian, 'I am better now. You may go.' In tears, Xiahou Xian went out; he also was dismissed.”

47. From SGZ as follows:

47.1 From Sgz, Chronicle of Mingdi.

47.2 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Li, where it reads, “When Mingdi was about to pass away, he appointed Cao Shuang da jiangjun, needing a good assistant. By the Emperor's will issued on his death bed, Sun Li was appointed changshi to the da jiangjun and given the additional title of sanji changshi.” For the title shangshu, see 235 AD.

48. From the Shi yu and the Weilue.

48.2 Shi Yu has: “Xiahou Xian and others had already got the Emperor to order him to return west from Zhiguan to Chang'an.”

Weilue has: “Following the advice of Liu Fang, the Emperor summoned Sima Xuanwang; he exerted all his strength to write the rescript. Having sealed it, he called to his presence the courier of the palace whom he generally used for his personal service and said, 'Bixie, come. Take this rescript of mine and transmit it to the taiyu.' The bixie hurried off. Before this, the Prince of Yan had counselled the Emperor that due to the importance of affairs in Guanzhong, Sima Xuanwang should be ordered west from Henei along the shorter route.”