The Proletariat Must Exercise Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie

by Liang Hsiao

ARTICLE ONE of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China
stipulates: “The People’s Republic of China is a socialist state of the dictatorship of the proletariat
led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.” Article 12 stipulates:
“The proletariat must exercise, all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the superstructure,
including all spheres of culture.” Conscientiously studying the basic theory of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought on the dictatorship of the proletariat to make clear why the proletariat must exercise
dictatorship over the bourgeoisie is a major issue for the whole Party and the people of the whole
country. This is a fundamental question concerning the historical destiny of our Party, state and
people.

Our great leader Chairman Mao recently instructed us: Why did
Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie? It is essential to get this question
clear. Lack of clarity on this question will lead to revisionism. This should be made known to the
whole nation. Only through a clear understanding of this question is it possible for us to better
grasp and implement the Party’s basic line, further broaden, deepen and persevere in the movement to
criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, combat and prevent revisionism in a more effective way, strengthen
the revolutionary unity of the people of all nationalities in the country and persevere in continued
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Basic Principle of Marxism

The theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat is the quintessence
of Marxism. In his Critique of the Gotha Programme, Marx summed up his entire doctrine in the
famous thesis: “Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary
transformation of the one into the other. There corresponds to this also a political transition period
in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.”

Lenin defended and developed the Marxist theory on the dictatorship
of the proletariat. He pointed out in The State and Revolution: “The culmination” of the
revolutionary role of the proletariat in history “is the proletarian dictatorship.” He also
stressed, “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the
recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” In waging the struggle against the
revisionism of the Second International and based on his revolutionary practice in leading the
dictatorship of the proletariat, Lenin foresaw the danger of capitalist restoration and the
protractedness of class struggle. He clearly pointed out: “The essence of Marx’s teaching on the
state has been mastered only by those who understand” that the dictatorship of the proletariat
“is necessary ... not only for the proletariat which has overthrown the bourgeoisie, but
also for the entire historical period which separates capitalism from ‘classless society,’ from
Communism.”

Integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete
practice of the Chinese revolution, our great leader Chairman Mao has advanced the theory of continued
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and formulated a basic line for our Party for the
entire historical period of socialism. This basic line tells us that socialist society covers a
considerably long historical period. Throughout this historical period, there are classes, class
contradictions and class struggle, there is the struggle between the socialist road and the capitalist
road, there is the danger of capitalist restoration and there is the threat of subversion and aggression
by imperialism and social-imperialism. It points out that we must correctly understand and handle class
contradictions and class struggle and distinguish the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy
from those among the people and handle both correctly.

The Ninth and the Tenth National Congresses of the Communist Party of
China held in 1969 and 1973 respectively affirmed in explicit terms this basic line as the lifeline of
our Party and state, the beacon illuminating our victorious advance in different fields of work, as well
as the reliable guarantee for the consolidation and strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and the prevention of capitalist restoration.

Under the guidance of the Party’s basic line, we destroyed the bourgeois
headquarters of Liu Shao-chi and of Lin Piao, repudiated their counter-revolutionary revisionist line and
smashed their plots to restore capitalism during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the
movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, thus further consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat
and promoting socialist construction. But we must bear in mind that class struggle and two-line struggle
will continue for a long period of time. Unwilling to take their defeat lying down, the overthrown
exploiting classes still dream of seizing back their lost paradise. Since classes and class struggle
continue to exist, as do bourgeois right and bourgeois influence and erosion, new bourgeois elements may
emerge from among a section of the Party members, workers, personnel state and other organs and
intellectuals, apart from capitalism and bourgeoisie engendered from among the small producers and a number
of peasants who retain the habits of small producers. Both in the ranks of the proletariat and among the
personnel of state and other organs there are people who take to the bourgeois style of life. Class
struggle in the ideological field is all the more protracted and complicated. If we do not persist in the
dictatorship of the proletariat and in continuing the revolution under this dictatorship, a capitalist
restoration may still occur at any time. That the Soviet revisionist renegade clique usurped the leadership
of the Party and state and restored capitalism in the homeland of Leninism offers a profound lesson and
ought to alert us. In China, the fact that the Liu Shao-chi renegade clique and the Lin Piao anti-Party
clique pushed a revisionist line in their vain attempt to change the Party’s basic line and policies and
and subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism also confirms this.

Smashing Restoration Scheme of Exploiting Classes

Lenin pointed out: Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, “just
because they [the landlord and capitalist classes] have been defeated, their energy of resistance
has increased a hundred- and thousand-fold.” (Economics and Politics in the Era of the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat.) The stronger the state power of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the more
insidious and cunning the means employed by the class enemies to carry out disruptive activities and make
trouble. To overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and trestore capitalism, they always look for
agents in the Party and the state organs. The class enemies always try to win over the new emerging
bourgeois elements, degenerates, grafters and embezzlers and collaborate with them to oppose the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system. Take the state economy as an example. In some
units, socialist ownership exists in form only while actual leadership is not in the hands of the Marxists
and the broad masses of the workers. Class struggle in society invariably finds expression in the Party,
and there will inevitably be persons in the Party who practise revisionism and become capitalist-roaders
in authority. Lenin pointed out that the bourgeoisie had to make use of opportunism as a stepping-stone
in order to restore capitalism.

By pushing a revisionist line the Soviet revisionist renegade clique
had turned the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship of the bureaucrat-monopoly capitalist
class and the first socialist state in the world has degenerated into a social-imperialist state.
Representing the interests of the overthrown landlord and capitalist classes, the renegade and traitor
Lin Piao pushed a counter-revolutionary revisionist line and venomously attacked the dictatorship of the
proletariat in his vain attempt to restore capitalism. This, however, will in no way diminish the
brilliance of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but proves by negative example that the dictatorship
of the proletariat, “like food and clothing, ... is something a victorious people cannot do without
even for a moment,” and is “a protective talisman, an heirloom.” (Mao Tsetung: Why It Is
Necessary to Discuss the White Paper.)

Persist in Criticizing Capitalist Tendences

Lenin pointed out that small production engenders capitalism
and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale. (“Left-Wing”
Communism, An Infantile Disorder.) In China, with the socialist revolution in the ownership of the
means of production completed in the main, agriculture has embarked on the road of socialism as regards
the system of ownership and the individual peasants have become socialist collective peasants. The poor
and lower-middle peasants are the reliable allies of the proletariat in the countryside. But it must be
recognized that the peasants inevitably retain certain characteristics inherent in their former position
as small producers until socialist collective ownership is advanced to ownership by the whole people and
the vestages of private economy are eliminated. A number of well-to-do peasants are bound to have a
spontaneous capitalist tendency. As Chairman Mao has pointed out: “There is a serious tendency towards
capitalism among the well-to-do peasants. This tendency will become rampant if we in the slightest way
neglect political work among the peasants during the co-operative movement and for a very long period
after.” This spontaneous capitalist tendency will of course seriously affect the socialist orientation
of the collective economy and is bound to be in contradiction with the proletariat and the socialist road.
Failure to combat the spontaneous capitalist forces may lead to a change in the nature of the collective
economy and to a restoration of capitalism in the rural areas. Socialism can firmly occupy the positions
in the rural areas and capitalist restoration can be prevented in the countryside only through patient,
meticulous and convincing ideological and political work among the peasants, constantly instilling
socialist ideology into their minds, criticizing capitalist tendencies, isolating and attacking the
handful of class enemies to the maximum, and consolidating and strengthening the dicatatorship of the
proletariat.

Restricting Bourgeois Right

Socialist society is a society that has just emerged from the womb of
capitalism, therefore it “cannot as yet be ... entirely free from traditions or traces of capitalism.”
(Lenin: The State and Revolution.) These traces have to be gradually eliminated in the long course
of socialist revolution and construction. Bourgeois right inevitably continues to exist in our society.
Chairman Mao has pointed out: “China is a socialist country. Before liberation she was much the same
as a capitalist country. Even now she practices an eight-grade wage system, distribution according to
work and exchange through money, and in all this differs very little from the old society. What is
different is that the system of ownership has been changed.”

In elucidating this question, Lenin stated: “‘Bourgeois right’
recognizes them [the means of production] as the private property of individuals. Socialism
converts them into common property. To that extent—and to that extent alone—‘bourgeois
right’ disappears.” But “‘bourgeois right’ ... continues to prevail as long as products
are divided ‘according to the amount of labour performed.’” (The State and Revolution.)

How should we deal with that part of the bourgeois right still
existing? Chairman Mao has pointed out: “They have to be restricted under the dictatorship of the
proletariat.” The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China stipulates: “The state applies the
socialist principle: ‘He who does not work, neither shall he eat’ and ‘from each according to his
ability, to each according to his work.’” The principle of “to each according to his work” still plays
a role in the historical period of socialism and we will continue to implement it. But we should
recognize that this principle, after all, is not a communist principle, and will be abolished in the
future. The ultimate aim of the proletariat is to establish a communist society where the principle of
“from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” is applied. Before this aim is
realized, bourgeois right inevitably remains in distribution and in exchange through money, and there
are still differences between workers and peasants, between town and country and between manual and
mental labour. So long as these factors exist, they provide breeding grounds for capitalism and
revisionism. So if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the
capitalist system.

With a view to “creating conditions in which it will be impossible
for the bourgeoisie to exist, or for a new bourgeoisie to arise,” as Lenin pointed out, it is
imperative not only to suppress the resistance of the overthrown exploiting classes and guard against
subversion and aggression by external enemies and struggle against newly engendered bourgeois elements,
bourgeois forces and tendencies and the bourgeois style of life, but also to restrict under the
dictatorship of the proletariat that part of the bourgeois right still existing.

Whether gradually to restrict bourgeois right and break with the
concept of bourgeois right under the dictatorship of the proletariat or to continue to extend such
right—this is an important aspect of the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and
between the Marxist line and the revisionist line. Our Party has taken a series of revolutionary
measures and firmly supported socialist new things, such as reducing wage differences, cadres, workers,
peasants, soldiers, students and commercial workers resolutely taking the May 7th road, cadres taking
part in collective productive labour, educated youths going to settle in the countryside, and workers,
peasants and soldiers joining Marxist theoretical contingents. All these are of tremendous and
far-reaching significance for gradually eliminating the three major differences, restricting bourgeois
right, consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing the restoration of capitalism and
continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The renegade and traitor Lin Piao and company did their utmost to
spread the concept of bourgeois right, saying that “selfishness and pleasure-seeking are the rule,”
and viciously attacked the revolutionary measures and spirit aimed at restricting bourgeois right as
“completely wrong.” Their criminal aim was to subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore
capitalism. The emergence of the Lin Piao anti-Party clique, like the appearance of all revisionists
in the history of the communist movement, was by no means a fortuitous phenomenon of individuals.
Representing the declining and reactionary exploiting classes, this clique came into being in a
certain climate and soil. A clear understanding will enable us to carry on the struggle more
forcefully to combat and prevent revisionism.

All-Round Dictatorship Over the Bourgeoisie in the Superstructure

The realm of ideology has always been an important position from
which the bourgeoisie opposes the proletariat. Once a certain ideology is formed, it will be
relatively independent and will not change immediately following the change in the economic base.
After the bourgeoisie is overthrown economically and politically, it will continue to make use of
the ideological position it still occupies to carry on frantic struggles to restore its political
and economic status.

When China had completed the socialist transformation of the
system of ownership in the main, Chairman Mao clearly pointed out the protracted and arduous nature
of the struggle in the ideological sphere between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Chairman Mao
said: “It will take a fairly long period of time to decide the issue in the ideological struggle
between socialism and capitalism in our country.” (On the Correct Handling of Contradictions
Among the People.) Later, he pointed out: “The proletariat must exercise all-round
dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the superstructure, including all spheres of culture.”
This is a great development of the Marxist-Leninist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to
criticize Lin Piao and Confucius are political and ideological struggles in the superstructure in
which Marxism defeats revisionism and the proletariat triumphs over the bourgeoisie. These struggles
are a great practice in exercising all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the superstructure.

The doctrines a Confucius and Mencius are doctrines advocating
restoration, retrogression and national betrayal. The chieftains of opportunist lines in the Party,
from Chen Tu-hsiu and Wang Ming to Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, all sought ideological weapons from the
doctrines of Confucius and Mencius to oppose proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the
proletariat. The fundamental aim of criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius is to consolidate and strengthen
the dictatorship of the proletariat. This criticism must be carried out under the guidance of the
Marxist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat, and a good grasp of this theory will surely
push ahead the movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius in a more effective way.

Socialist society is a society in the period of transition from
capitalism to communism. To reach the final goal of communism, the proletariat must make “the most
radical rupture with traditional property relations” and “the most radical rupture with
traditional ideas.” (Marx and Engels: Manifesto of the Communist Party.) To achieve these
two “radical ruptures,” it is extremely necessary to restrict bourgeois right and criticize
the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius and the ideology of all exploiting classes. This is a long-range
fighting task throughout the historical period of socialism. Only an all-round dictatorship over the
bourgeoisie in the superstructure, including all spheres of culture, will provide a reliable guarantee
for the fulfilment of this important fighting task.

Revolutionary struggles over the last 20 years and more, especially
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, have
brought about the daily disintegration of the decadent superstructure, including decadent ideologies.
However, it will take time to thoroughly sweep away this garbage and the struggles between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the political, ideological and economic spheres will still be very
acute. We must never slacken our efforts in the least. We should continue to broaden, deepen and
persevere in the movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, attack the bourgeoisie and all decadent
and reactionary forces and their ideology without let-up, occupy the entire realm of the superstructure
with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and carry the continued revolution under the dictatorship of
the proletariat through to the end.

(A translation of an article in “Renmin Ribao,”
February 10. Subheads are ours.)