While thousands of refugees are desperately calling for further involvement and support from the international community, western Kurdistan's (Rojava) middle canton, Kobanê, is resisting a ferocious siege by Islamic State (IS) organization. It appears that world has turned a blind eye to the screams for help coming from Kobanê, as the town is just a few miles away from a possible horrendous slaughter at the hands of ravenous IS militants. As the revolution in Rojava had long been sentenced to a deliberate silence, so have been the screams.

Rojava ("West" in Kurdish) is a de facto autonomous region located in north and north-western Syria, consisting of three cantons: Cizîr, Kobanê and Efrîn. The three cantons lay all the way along Syria's 560 mile-long border with Turkey, which not only separates the national territory of both states, but also the thousands of Kurdish families and friends that live there. People living on the either side of this artificial, mine-filled border speak the same dialect of Kurdish language, Kurmancî and most of them have historical kinship relations across the border that span centuries, sharing a common history going back long before the national borders were imposed on them.

A silent revolution, launchedIt was the beginning of Syrian civil war in early 2011 that changed Rojava's destiny drastically. Rojavan Kurds carried out a series of reforms that established a democratic autonomous administration, taking advantage of the instability in Syria caused by the ongoing bloody confrontations between Bashar al-Assad's state forces and a highly atomized Syrian opposition called Free Syrian Army. Under the leadership of PYD (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat – The Democratic Union Party) led by Saleh Muslim (as chairman) and Asya Abdullah (as co-chairwoman), the self-declared autonomous region of Rojava put into practice an alternative democratic model based on pluralism, social equality and social justice, through a self-governance agreement in accordance with the PKK's democratic autonomy model. The PKK (Partiya Karkêren Kurdistan - Kurdistan Workers' Party) has been in a 30-year armed confrontation against Turkish state for further democratic rights for all ethnic and religious elements living in this country. Shortly after guaranteeing the security of western Kurdistan through the YPG (People's Protection Units) in the presence of ongoing Syrian war, PYD took steps to make the first and long-awaited democratic reforms, which included improving severely repressed linguistic rights as well as social issues of literacy and gender equality.

Not surprisingly, Rojava's remarkable revolutionary process has been pushed into an odd silence (as quite righty defined by David Meseguer and Oriol Gracià's well-elaborated astonishing documentary "The Silent Revolution" which was realized under extremely tough conditions) and receiving little coverage in the international mass media. Only few alternative media, like Meseguer and Gracià's work, dared to reflect on what had been taking place. Many question why international media organizations did not cover the existence of an obligatory minimum 50% women representation quota for all public entities or the existence of a co-chair system between men and women in political positions. Bear in mind that it was long before Emma Watson's highly sensational speech that caught a wide media coverage and it was in the Middle East where women's value is equivalent to only few small cattle, not in New York's sumptuous UN buildings full of distinguished visitors.

On the other hand, the Rojava revolution had already disconcerted some. Pro-democracy defenders in the US and EU were not late in stating that they would not recognize Rojava administration and that they would make no distinction between Rojava's PYD and the PKK, which was on their blacklists as a terrorist organization. Turkey, also loudly expressed its security concerns and deployed a large number of troops and heavy artillery along the entire border, stating that it would take any necessary measures against any establishment which it considers a threat to its national security. Such measures referred would probably include the aircraft attacks civilians crossing across the border, as exactly happened in late 2011 in Roboski massacre which ended up in killing some 34 cigarette smugglers, majority being children, under heavy aerial bombardments of Turkish f-16 jets. Allegedly due to the same security concerns, the Turkish government implemented a plan to raise a wall in neighbouring Nusaybin border which had to be cancelled due to massive public and political protest. The leader of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Masoud Barzani, furiously rejected the autonomy declared in Rojava. The measure he took, slightly more humanist than those taken by his Turkish counterparts, was deep and long trench through the shared border between KRG and Rojava territory. It seems Rojava revolution was highly desired to be silent and isolated, not only media-wise but also physically.

IS joins the gameWhile the silent Rojava revolution was under way, and despite the difficult conditions of the Syrian civil war, the absolute isolation by the international community, as well as the constant pressure by neighbouring countries, IS organization emerged as a new actor in this old game. Iraq's highly corrupt and illegitimate Shia central government had long maintained harsh discriminative policies on once-governing Sunni sectors of the country. Al-Qaeda's regular attempts, like suicide bombs targeting Shia populated cities, made the Sunni - Shia divide in Iraqi society even more pronounced. The ongoing war in Syria between Asad's regime forces and so-called Free Syrian Army which also included al-Qaeda linked elements like al-Nusra Front, had prepared perfect grounds in order to extend jihadist doctrine over mostly Sunni Arab populations and, eventually, organize a bigger-scale Islamic insurgency which would brutally destroy anything standing against them.

Growing increasingly within a short period of time and allegedly nourishing by the financial support of oil-rich Gulf States as well as Turkish logistical help, IS took over in large number of Iraqi cities, including strategically crucial Mosul. This was where their leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, declared the Islamic Caliphate and further war on all "infidels" and their collaborators. Rapidly expanding across Iraq and Syria, IS militants began to indiscriminately slaughter or forcefully convert everybody not of their religion. The beheadings of kidnapped foreign journalist and aid workers were used as propaganda and tools for recruitment of newcomers willing to be martyrs in the name of Allah.

IS's early distance from the Kurdish administration in northern Iraq (mostly Sunni) was short-lived. Couple of months ago, intensive assaults began and IS militants made incredible progress on their way to key Kurdish cities, committing horrific atrocities, including the massive killings, kidnappings and rapes the women of the area's religious minorities.

An egregious massacre of Yazidi community in Sinjar left hundreds of men reportedly executed as well as hundreds of women kidnapped, raped and enslaved. Barzani's Peshmerga forces had to withdraw, leaving strategic towns in IS's hands. While IS was getting closer to KRG's capital Erbil (Hewlêr), it would be PKK's armed forces HPG and PYD's YPG and YPJ who would intervene and push IS militants out of Iraqi Kurdistan. After reconquering Makhmur, President Barzani himself would be present to thank personally to HPG commanders in charge. However, the media, once again, would give all the credit to Peshmerga forces, backed by US air strikes. It seems that the silence had been replaced with manipulation in Iraqi Kurdistan as a group officially blacklisted as terrorists cannot be depicted liberating a town invaded by another terrorist group. Apparently, they thought that would be too much nuance for western audiences to handle.

Kobanê under siege: silencing hopesIslamic State's next target was a key strategic point: Rojava canton of Kobanê which connects other western Kurdish cantons and acts as a passageway between southern and northern Kurdistan. Attacking Kobanê was not a random choice, but rather a strategic leap forward, as stated by Sabri Ok, one of PKK's high-ranking executive members, who openly accuses the Turkish State of complicity and partnership with IS.

Haki Kobanê, YPG's Commander in-chief in the Western front of Kobanê, points out that in the battlefield IS intensified its attacks in recent days in coordination with the Turkish government, and began to use heavier artillery. The accusations might not be merely a conspiracy theory or an anti-Turkish propaganda among Kurdish patriots: It was witnessed in the near past that anti-Kurdish jihadist al-Nusra Front's wounded members had been taken to Turkish hospitals and sent back to Syria once carefully cured. Also, "humanitarian aid trucks" full of heavy artillery accompanied by Turkish secret service members had been confiscated on the Syrian border by Turkish prosecutors on whom Erdoğan, then Prime Minister, had blamed for belonging to "Parallel State's" judiciary against his government referring to those judiciary members and police linked with self-exiled Muslim cleric Fethullah Gülen. It was also quite suspicious that IS had held hostage some 49 members of the Turkish consulate in Mosul and then released those "guests," pointing to Turkey's correct attitude and good will towards the jihadist organization.

Kobanê is also important symbolically for many Kurds in the conflict with Turkey, since 1984 when the first offensive was launched by the PKK guerrillas in northern Kurdistan. In the early days of the PKK's offensive, the historic leader of Kurdish national struggle, Abdullah Öcalan, was ruling the party while residing in Rojava, which was a safe haven for the party's executive board. Now, totally controlled by the PKK affiliated PYD and secured by revolutionary YPG guerrillas, a possible fall of Kobanê and subsequent conquest by IS would represent a deep wound in morale among many militants as well as civilian Kurds having sympathetic feelings towards the party. Such a possibility would definitely interrupt Rojava revolution and destabilize the region discrediting the authority of PYD. Obviously this would be a dream scenario for both opportunist neighbour Turkey which put into words its intention of establishing a "buffer zone" in northern Syria (which means a direct military invasion of Rojava by NATO-ally Turkish Army) as well as the US-led coalition forces which, finally, have agreed upon a joint military intervention over IS targets.

Eventually, it seems the current alternative democratic model created and put into practice in Rojava has bothered many, including those who maintain a pro-democracy discourse for the Middle-East to be constructed. For Kurds, a self-administration and democracy are available as long as they obey the rules of the game and get fully integrated to the market economy, as seen in Barzani's case. In other words, the democracy is desired when its most crucial part, demos, is left out in a system to be led by aristocratic elites who are in complete cooperation with their western counterparts.

Having been drawn the picture of the current situation, Rojava's revolution is still kept in silence. In recent days, the only noise heard from Kobanê has been the IS shells targeting civilians living in the town. US air strikes target oil reserves in the hands of IS, around 15 miles away from Kobanê, not the heavy artillery which is an open target surrounding the siege line. Kurdish male and female fighters are defending Kobanê in front of thousands of supporters flocking from the rest of northern Kurdistan in order to greet and morally support the Kurdish resistance against IS in bordering town of Suruç. Some volunteers are taking care of displaced Kurds whose number has already exceeded 100 thousand, some break the wire fences dividing people in order to join the YPG as Turkish authorities do not allow them to cross the border gate. While the war takes place in the villages surrounding Kobanê, just 500 meters away, on the other side of the border Turkish military police uses water cannons and tear gas to disperse those civilians who support their own people struggling on the other side. It is difficult to guess whether Turkish military presence aims to maintain the security or disperse the human chain made by YGP supporters.

Today, Kobanê is still resisting under unfair conditions. IS attacks with all heavy and sophisticated US weapons captured in Iraqi army, they are much more in numbers and also possess important oil revenues. However, they are not the only enemy that Kurds have to confront; Kobanê also resist IS's hidden allies and accomplices as well as, most importantly, an entire world turning a blind eye on their sufferings and struggle. As the hard work accomplished in Rojava revolution since the beginning of Syrian civil war has been kept in silence, a possible loss of Kobanê will not be perceived differently than any other town under IS threat. Each day the siege continue and IS attacks intensify, Kurds get more desperate and their hopes fade away. However, for many YPG fighters on the battle ground and people backing them, the hope and faith are the only moral sources in order to defend and struggle for what they have been constructing in Rojava as the silent revolution continues.

Associate

Barış Tuğrul is a researcher working at the Faculty of Communication at Hacettepe University in Ankara, Turkey. He is currently working at the University of Basque Country as visiting fellow. His main research interests are in political violence, ethnic and religious conflicts and conflict prevention strategies. Specific cases he has been dealing with are the Basque and Kurdish armed conflicts.

Education

Ph.D in Political Sociology at Complutense University of Madrid and the EHESS Paris, M.A. in International Relations, M.A. in Sociology at Complutense University, B.A. in Communication Sciences at Ankara University.

Languages

English, Spanish, French, Turkish

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