A failure to respond would reinforce a perception that ministers are "blundering" into negotiations with the EU on an artificial timetable with a "flawed Plan A" and "no Plan B whatsoever", shadow foreign secretary Emily Thornberry and shadow Brexit secretary Sir Keir Starmer said.

Labour have argued that Parliament must have a say on the basic terms of the Brexit negotiations before Article 50 is triggeredSir Keir Starmer, Shadow Brexit Secretary

They said: "Given you have consistently spoken up throughout your career in a highly principled way about the importance of parliamentary sovereignty, we hope you will reflect again on the decision to deny the country's elected representatives the opportunity to debate and vote on the Government's plan for Brexit before Article 50 is triggered.

"This would not be for the purpose of blocking the Brexit process, but simply to ensure that process will lead to the best possible outcome for Britain, and that the Government's proposed plan will deliver that outcome.

"We hope you will ... stay true to your principles, rather than following the edicts of an increasingly authoritarian Prime Minister, who seems intent on repeating her predecessor's mistakes, whatever the calamitous results."

Commenting on the Government's amendment which would allow Tory MPs to back Labour's call for a discussion on the Brexit strategy, Sir Keir said: "This is a real victory for Parliament and will help ensure there is proper democratic grip of the Brexit process.

"Labour have argued that Parliament must have a say on the basic terms of the Brexit negotiations before Article 50 is triggered - not to frustrate the referendum result, but to ensure that there is rigour and accountability on this vital issue.

"The Government's eleventh hour concession on that point is overdue, but greatly welcome."

Watch | Theresa May's key quotes on Brexit

01:57

What are Labour's 170 questions?

Free movement of goods and services

We are assuming that the government has considered the following options for its continued post- Brexit trading relationship with the European Union:

maintaining full membership of the Single Market, as at present;

negotiating UK terms for membership of the European Economic Area;

negotiating UK terms for membership of the European Free Trade Agreement;

negotiating a Customs union with the EU;

negotiating a bespoke, bilateral free trade deal with the EU;

adopting a unilateral free trade policy with all trading partners; and

reverting to WTO rules for future trade arrangements, including the imposition of tariffs.

In that light, please answer the following questions:

1. Which of the above options has the government definitively ruled out, which does it still have under consideration, and which does it regard as its preferred option(s) for the negotiations?

2. Of the options it is still considering, would any oblige the UK to continue abiding by Single Market regulations, and implementing new ones, despite being unable to influence their content?

3. Of the options it is still considering, would any involve the European Commission continuing to police and enforce the UK’s compliance with Single Market regulations?

4. Of the options it is still considering, would any involve the UK continuing to make net contributions to the European Union budget?

5. Of the options it is still considering, would any involve the retention of ‘State Aid’ restrictions on the ability of the government to intervene to support particular industries or regions?

6. Of the options it is still considering, which does the government believe could come into force immediately upon Britain’s exit from the European Union (i.e. no later than the end of March 2019), and which does it accept would take longer to negotiate?

7. Of the latter options above, is it the government’s intention to negotiate transitional arrangements for continued access to the Single Market while any longer-term negotiation is concluded?

8. Does the government accept that any such transitional arrangements would require the UK to continue making a sizable contribution to the EU budget for an indefinite period post-Brexit?

9. Does the government accept that any such transitional arrangements would require the UK to be bound by current and future Single Market regulations and their enforcement by the European Commission, for an indefinite period, while being unable to influence their content?

10. If it does not intend to negotiate transitional arrangements, does the government intend that – during the delay between Britain’s departure from the European Union and the negotiation of one of the options set out above – the UK would revert to WTO rules for its interim trading regime?

11. On what timescale does the government envisage securing independent representation at meetings of the World Trade Organisation, and how will the UK be represented in these meetings if there is any gap between Britain exiting the European Union and securing a ‘seat’ at the WTO?

12. In the event that there are ‘transitional arrangements’ whereby the UK retains access to the Single Market while negotiating a longer-term trade deal, who will represent the UK at meetings of the WTO during that interim period, and how will the government ensure UK interests are protected if we are still being represented by the EU?

Specifically, in relation to Options (v)-(vii), if those are still under consideration:

13. How would the government ensure that any bespoke free trade agreement with the EU would include continued free trade in: (i) services; and (ii) agricultural and fishing products, and how likely does it believe it to be that EU member states will accept that?

14. How would the government avoid the imposition of ‘rules of origin’ tests on UK exporters to prove that third-country products are not transiting through the UK to avoid paying EU tariffs?

15. What assessments have the government made of the impact of re-introducing customs checks and/or tariffs on cross-border supply chains within the manufacturing sector, and will the government publish those assessments?

16. Specifically, in relation to Option (vii), what assessments have the government made of the impact of each individual product tariff on the UK manufacturers who sell those products, and will the government publish those assessments?

Credit:
EPA/Andy Rain

Free movement of people

17. Given that the Prime Minister has said continued free movement will not be part of any post- Brexit deal with the EU, and has also ruled out a points-based immigration system, what system does the government now intend to introduce to manage migration from the EU to the UK?

18. What assessment has the government made of the fiscal impact of the different options it has considered for managing migration from the EU to the UK, and will it publish that assessment?

19. Will the system for managing future migration from the EU to the UK be the same as applies to citizens from other countries around the world, or does the government intend to negotiate a bespoke arrangement through the Article 50 process?

20. What assessments have the government made of the impact on different sectors (e.g. the NHS, agriculture, food production, etc.) of imposing the government’s new system for managing migration from the EU to the UK, and will the government publish those assessments?

21. Will the government consider introducing special post-Brexit migration arrangements for those sectors that are most heavily dependent on EU migrant workers?

22. Will the government also consider applying regional variations in post-Brexit migration arrangements so that different parts of the UK can agree bespoke arrangements with the government related to the different levels of EU migrant labour that they require?

23. What assessment has the government made of the viability of applying such regional variations in the migration system, and will they publish that assessment?

24. What agreement will the government seek to negotiate in relation to the continued ability of UK citizens to live, study, work or retire elsewhere in Europe without restriction, as they can at present?

25. Does the government stand by the recent remarks of the Secretary of State for International Trade that the future status of EU citizens currently living in the UK is a “negotiating card” to be played during the Article 50 process, or does it believe such language is inappropriate?

26. In that context, when will the government give a legally-binding guarantee that citizens of other EU countries currently living, working and using public services in the UK will have their rights to continue doing so entirely unaffected by Britain’s departure from the European Union, with reciprocal guarantees for UK citizens currently living elsewhere in Europe?

27. How does the government plan to ensure that UK citizens who own properties, businesses or other assets in other European countries are protected from punitive or discriminatory treatment (e.g. special taxes) once Britain leaves the European Union?

28. If the government believes that reciprocal agreement(s) will need to be reached to protect the rights of those UK citizens, does it believe that those will need to be bilateral agreements with individual member states, or a blanket agreement with all EU members secured as part of the Brexit process; and if it is the former, on what timescale with this be pursued?

29. Following Britain’s departure from the European Union, will UK citizens wishing to visit other European countries as tourists have to obtain visas in order to do so, and if so, how much will this add to the cost of a holiday to Europe for a family of four?

30. If EU citizens are also required to obtain (and pay for) visas to visit the United Kingdom in future, what assessment has the government made of the impact of those extra costs on the UK tourism sector, and will it publish that assessment?

31. What additional staff and resources will be required for UK embassies and consulates located in other European countries to process visa applications from EU citizens wishing to visit the UK, and on what timescale will those extra staffing and resourcing requirements be met?

Structural funding

32. What calculation has the government made of the amount of European Regional Development Fund and European Social Fund payments that the UK would expect to have been allocated in the 2021-27 funding tranche, which will be announced for the rest of the European Union in 2018?

33. What calculation has the government made of how those ERDF and ESF allocations would have been distributed around the regions of the UK between 2021-27, if the standard formulae for calculating those distributions were used?

34. How does the government plan to make up the shortfall in funding for those regions resulting from the loss of the ERDF and ESF allocations they would have received, into the 2020s and beyond?

35. What assessments have the government made of the impact on those regions if it fails to make up that shortfall in funding, in terms of job creation, business activity and infrastructure projects foregone, as well as the loss of programmes to fund social inclusion, transport links, etc., and will it publish those assessments?

36. If it is the government’s intention to develop a replacement system of regional funding for the long-term, can it confirm that this system will retain the seven-year tranche structure, which allows long term projects to flourish, and ensures the impact of grants can be properly assessed before they are renewed?

37. If such a replacement system is introduced, will the government confirm how this will be administered, and – if that falls to the current Local Enterprise Partnership (LEP) network – will the government take action in response to the March 2016 NAO report on the understaffing and under-resourcing of LEPs before handing them this key responsibility?

38. Will responsibility for determining the rules governing any replacement system (including the qualifying criteria for projects) be left to the devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland after these are no longer determined uniformly by Europe, or will this responsibility be centralised in the Westminster government?

Lobsters for sale at Sandgate market in WhitbyCredit:
EPA

Agriculture and Fisheries

39. How does the government propose to replace and reform for the long-term the current system of direct payments for farmers funded through the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP)?

40. Will that replacement system retain the contribution of additional support to younger farmers, will it retain qualifying criteria related to standards of environmental protection and animal welfare, and will it scrap the ‘three-crop rule’ that applies under the current CAP system?

41. How does the government propose to replace for the long-term the funding currently provided for the stimulation of the rural economy through the EU’s Rural Development Programmes?

42. How does the government propose to replace for the long-term the funding currently provided by the European Union for agricultural research programmes?

43. Will the government guarantee that regulations currently enforced under the Common Fisheries Policy will not just be enshrined in UK law through the ‘Great Repeal Bill’, but will be retained for the long-term to give long-term certainty to the fishing sector over future policy?

44. How does the government plan to ensure that current reciprocal access arrangements for fishing within the Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) of other Member States are maintained once the UK leaves the European Union?

45. Will the government also seek to negotiate accompanying reciprocal access agreements with Norway and other third countries, and ensure that these are ready to take effect immediately that the UK leaves the European Union?

46. How does the government intend to make up the shortfall in funding for the fishing sector currently derived from the European and Maritime Fisheries Fund, once Britain has left the EU?

47. Will responsibility for determining the rules governing the payment of (and qualifying criteria for) agricultural subsidies be left to the devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland after these are no longer determined uniformly by Europe, or will this responsibility be centralised in the Westminster government?

Northern Ireland

The government has already confirmed that the Common Travel Area between the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland, which predates both countries’ membership of the EU, will be maintained post- Brexit, but taking that as read, please answer the following questions:

48. Will the government guarantee that there will be no re-introduction of customs checks on the Irish border, similar to those that existed before the Maastricht Treaty in 1993?

49. How will the government enforce its proposed new system for managing migration from the EU if EU migrants can travel to the Irish Republic as they do at present, and then travel on into the United Kingdom via the Irish land border?

50. Will the government confirm whether – and how – the position on these matters would change if the Irish Republic was to become a member of the Schengen agreement, making travel between the rest of the European Union and Ireland much easier?

On other issues specific to Northern Ireland:

51. What specific assessment has the government made of the impact on the Northern Irish economy of its proposed future arrangements for trade with, and migration, from the European Union post-Brexit, and for its continued ability to attract foreign direct investment?

52. Will the government guarantee that any shortfalls in funding for Northern Ireland beyond 2020 arising from the loss of (i) Structural Funds; (ii) Common Agricultural Policy payments and programmes; and (iii) the PEACE programme will be made up in full from central government revenues, given the region’s heavy dependence on that funding for future peace, development and prosperity?

Employment Rights

53. Will the government guarantee that all existing employment rights underpinned by EU legislation will not just be fully transposed into UK law through the ‘Great Repeal Bill’, where they are not already, but will also be retained for the long-term, with none of the ‘watering down’ at the expense of workers for which some business groups and Leave campaigners have previously lobbied (e.g. in relation to TUPE rights, the Working Time Directive, health and safety regulations, and the rights of part-time and agency workers)?

54. Will the government guarantee that no existing employment rights will be put ‘on the table’ when it comes to: (i) negotiating trade deals with third countries in the future; or (ii) seeking to incentivise multinational companies to invest or become/remain headquartered in the UK?

55. Will the government commit to enshrine in law those protections for workers that currently derive not from EU legislation, but from judgements of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), for example their recent decision that the calculation of workers’ entitlement to holiday pay should include earnings from bonuses, commission and overtime payments?

56. Will the government give specific guarantees that employment rights for women that derive from EU legislation and ECJ rulings in relation to equal pay, pregnancy, maternity and protection against discrimination will be retained in full for the long-term after Britain’s exit from the EU?

57. Will the government rule out any plans to revive the proposal contained in Adrian Beecroft’s 2011 ‘Report on Employment Law’ to place a cap on the level of compensation that can be claimed in cases of workplace discrimination, which would currently be disallowed under EU law?

58. Will the government undertake to match any future, post-Brexit proposals agreed by the European Union to extend employment rights, to ensure that individuals working in Britain can enjoy all the same protections as workers employed in other European countries?

The Environment and Climate Change

59. Will the government guarantee to maintain current environmental standards in relation to clean bathing water, the protection of rare birds, the protection of habitats threatened by major infrastructure projects, and the cleanliness of rivers and lakes?

60. Will the government guarantee that the status of the UK’s 652 Special Areas of Conservation and Special Protection Areas will remain legally-protected after Britain’s exit from the EU?

61. Will the government guarantee to make up any post-2020 shortfall in funding for flood defences and flood relief arising from Britain’s departure from the European Union, and loss of access to relevant EU funding programmes?

62. Will the government seek to remain a part of the EU Emissions Trading System, and if not, how will it replicate the impact that membership of the EU ETS has on the UK’s ability to comply with its legally binding carbon budgets?

63. Will the government ensure that the Paris Agreement on climate change, including the goal of net zero emissions, is ratified as quickly as possible to ensure that the EU is able to ratify the deal as a bloc prior to Britain’s exit from the European Union?

64. Will the government remain committed to meeting the requirements and achieving the targets set out in the 2030 EU Climate and Energy Framework, even after Britain leaves the EU?

65. Will the government seek to remain part of the European Union negotiating bloc for future negotiations on climate change, and if not, what bloc will it seek to join?

66. Will the government guarantee to implement the plans it has submitted to the European Commission to meet the EU-agreed limits on pollution levels in major conurbations, including London, Manchester and Leeds, regardless of Brexit?

67. What assessment has the government made on the impact of any departure from the Single Market on access to imports of natural gas and electricity, and by extension on: (i) the security of the UK’s energy supplies; and (ii) the UK’s carbon emission targets?

68. Is the government still committed to meet its renewable energy targets under the EU 2020 agreement, and if not, what alternative targets – if any – is it seeking to meet?

69. Will the UK remain part of the EU Energy Union after leaving the EU?

70. In the absence of the European Commission and the European Court of Justice, what entities will be responsible for ensuring that the government complies with its own environmental regulations, and for taking legal action against the government when it fails to do so?

71. How does the government intend to make up the shortfall in current and future energy infrastructure investments, once EU investment in these projects (currently worth more than €2bn) is lost?

Law enforcement and security

72. Will the UK remain a full member of Europol after Britain leaves the European Union, and if not, what assessment has the government made of the impact of losing current Europol cooperation arrangements on law enforcement within the UK?

73. Will the UK’s law enforcement authorities still be able to directly access: (i) the Europol Information System; (ii) the Secure Information Exchange Network Application; (iii) the Passenger Name Records system; (iv) the Prüm database; (v) the European Criminal Records Information Service; and (vi) the Schengen Information System, and with no break in their ability to do so if access to these databases is still being negotiated at the time the UK leaves the European Union?

74. Will the UK remain a full participant in the Eurojust system, with no diminution or delay in our continued access to the judicial cooperation arrangements it provides?

75. What extradition arrangements will the UK reach with the EU to replace the current European Arrest Warrant agreements?

76. How long does the government expect it will take for the above arrangements to be negotiated, judging by comparable agreements that have been negotiated with other third countries?

77. What will happen in the event of any delay between Britain’s exit from the European Union and the above arrangements coming into force?

78. How long does the government expect it will take to negotiate a Mutual Legal Assistance agreement with the EU, and what will happen in the event of any delay between Britain’s exit from the European Union and that agreement coming into force?

79. How does the government plan to replace the current ‘Securing Victims Rights’ scheme for victims of intentional violent crimes to secure compensation for crimes committed in other member states?

80. How does the government plan to maintain the civil justice cooperation measures currently deriving from the Lugano Convention once Britain has left the European Union?

81. Assuming that the ECJ follows the Advocate General’s preliminary finding in the case brought by the Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union and the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party on the legality of the Data Retention and Investigatory Powers Act 2014, will the government abide by that ruling, and revise the Act accordingly, notwithstanding the Brexit vote?

82. When doesthe UK government intend to enshrine the provisions of the Network and Information Security directive into UK law, and can it confirm that this will take place before Britain leaves the European Union so that there is no difference in the regulation governing UK-based digital service providers when offering services within the UK or in the rest of Europe?

83. Will the government guarantee that future UK data protection standards will be equivalent to the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation framework starting in 2018?

Foreign and Defence Policy

84. How does the government intend to maintain the UK’s influence in the development of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) after Britain leaves the European Union?

85. If the UK will have no influence on CFSP post-Brexit, what assessment has the government made of the impact this will have on the UK’s broader influence throughout the world and the government’s ability to pursue its foreign policy objectives?

86. How does the government intend to maintain the UK’s participation in joint operations and initiatives taking place under the umbrella of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) after Britain leaves the European Union?

87. Does the government believe it will still be possible for the UK to retain a leadership role on joint CFSP operations (such as Operation Atalanta against piracy off the Horn of Africa), even after leaving the European Union?

88. Will the UK be obliged to leave the European Defence Agency after leaving the European Union, and if so, what plans does the government have to negotiate an agreement with the EDA enabling the UK to continue participating in its research and technology projects?

89. What assessment has the government made of the risks that, without the UK’s restraining influence, measures that we have long opposed at EU level – such as the establishment of an EU army – are more likely to come to fruition, and how does the government intend to deal with such risks in future?

90. Does the government intend to negotiate continued involvement for the UK in the work and future missions of the European Space Agency, even after Britain leaves the European Union, potentially through securing Associate Member status, similar to Canada’s?

Aerial view of the City of LondonCredit:
Alamy

Financial Services and Accounting

91. How does the government plan to ensure that the UK-based banking sector retains passporting rights to operate freely anywhere else within the European Union after Britain leaves the EU?

92. If full compliance with EU financial regulation is the price required to retain passporting rights, does the government accept that price, and if so, how does it propose to influence the direction and detail of future regulation at EU level?

93. Specifically, does the government intend to bring domestic legislation on ring-fencing into line with the requirements of the planned Banking Structural Reform regulation, even if the BSR regulation does not come into force until after Brexit?

94. What assessment has the government made of the potential impact on the UK foreign exchange trading sector if the European Central Bank were to succeed in a fresh attempt to bar clearing houses outside the Eurozone from trading the Euro, and does it believe the risk of such a move will be higher once Britain has left the European Union?

95. Will audit thresholds for companies be maintained at their current levels, tightened or relaxed, once Britain leaves the European Union?

96. In particular, is the government considering moving to an American model where audits would only be required for companies whose shares are publicly traded, with private companies only required to face an audit if mandated by their shareholders or debtors?

97. Will the new European Audit Regulation and Directive remain in force, as incorporated into the 2016 Ethical Standard issued by the Financial Reporting Council (FRC), or will the old Ethical Standard be left in place, with oversight by the professional bodies, rather than by the FRC?

98. Does the government intend to negotiate for the UK to remain a participant in the EC Regulation regime (Council Regulation 1346/2000) governing cross-border insolvency?

99. If so, how does the government propose to ensure that the interests of UK-based creditors are not disadvantaged in future negotiations over changes to the regulatory regime for insolvencies in which the UK will have no say, e.g. if France and Italy resume their attempts to bring UK schemes of arrangement within the regime?

100. If not, how does the government propose to retain the benefits for creditors located in the UK of being able simply to recover assets from debtors located in other member states, as they are able to do at present under the terms of the EC Regulation?