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VICTOR L BERGER:
CONGRESS AND THE RED SCARE
By Edward J. Muzik
THE susceptibility of Congress to public pressure is common knowledge and re¬ quires no documentation. Profiles in Courage, the late President Kennedy's stirring book about brave Senators, could easily be coun¬ tered by a hundred melancholy volumes on congressional "Profiles in Weakness." Too often it has been easier to remain silent or to go along with the majority than to stand re¬ solutely against the current and to expose one's convictions to merciless ridicule and abuse. Muzzled by public opinion, or para¬ lyzed by their own fears and prejudices, or consumed by overwhelming ambition, Con¬ gressmen too frequently have acted in ways calculated to insure re-election. This tendency is dramatically illustrated in the case of Vic¬ tor L. Berger, the Milwaukee Socialist, who twice was prevented from taking his House seat by congressional action during the na¬ tional hysteria accompanying the Red Scare of 1919-1920.
Berger's exclusions from Congress occurred in November, 1919, and January, 1920, cli¬ maxing a long career of left-wing journalism and politico-economic reform. An Austro- Hungarian emigre who arrived in Milwaukee about 1891, Berger first taught German in a local high school, then in 1892 resigned in order to establish the German-language Wis¬ consin Vorwaerts. As its editor, Berger used
the newspaper as a means of co-operating with various radical groups in Milwaukee. But by the end of 1896, disillusioned with the advantages to be obtained by intergroup co¬ operation, he took steps which culminated in the formation of the Socialist party of Amer¬ ica in 1901.
By 1910 the powerful political machine which Berger had constructed in Milwaukee enabled the Socialists to capture a majority of the important city and county offices. In November of that year he became the first Socialist to be elected to Congress and served until March 4, 1913, but was defeated for a second term by a coalition of Democrats and Republicans. The next year war broke out in Europe and Berger, both anti-war and pro- German, found himself in a state of anguish. Vainly he sought to induce the United States government to mediate a peaceful settlement, to inaugurate an embargo, and to remain ab¬ solutely neutral—aims which appeared irre¬ concilable to most Americans.
When the United States entered the war on April 6, 1917, Berger and the Socialists were in a dilemma. To support the war would mean the denial of their principles and con¬ victions. But to oppose the war might kindle accusations of disloyalty, entail long prison sentences, and perhaps even provoke the dis¬ solution of the Socialist party. This dilemma was resolved by a convention held in St. Louis April 7-14, 1917, which issued an anti-war proclamation roundly denouncing the United States' entry into the war, condemning Ameri-
309

Victor L. Berger: Congress and the Red Scare: The article recounts how Victor Berger (1860-1929), the first Socialist elected to Congress, was excluded from office during the national hysteria that accompanied the Red Scare, 1919-1920, that followed World War One and the 1917 Russian Revolution. Although democratically elected by the people of Milwaukee, Berger was charged with conspiracy and disloyalty under the Espionage Act in an effort to keep him out of Congress for his opposition to U.S. entry into the war. The charges were eventually dropped and Berger was re-elected in 1922 without incident, the Red Scare now over. (10 pages)

Volume

047

Issue

4

Year

1963-1964

State/Province

wisconsin

Personal Name

Berger, Victor L., 1860-1929

Subject

politicians; socialism; elections; World War, 1914-1918--Campaigns

Full Text

VICTOR L BERGER:
CONGRESS AND THE RED SCARE
By Edward J. Muzik
THE susceptibility of Congress to public pressure is common knowledge and re¬ quires no documentation. Profiles in Courage, the late President Kennedy's stirring book about brave Senators, could easily be coun¬ tered by a hundred melancholy volumes on congressional "Profiles in Weakness." Too often it has been easier to remain silent or to go along with the majority than to stand re¬ solutely against the current and to expose one's convictions to merciless ridicule and abuse. Muzzled by public opinion, or para¬ lyzed by their own fears and prejudices, or consumed by overwhelming ambition, Con¬ gressmen too frequently have acted in ways calculated to insure re-election. This tendency is dramatically illustrated in the case of Vic¬ tor L. Berger, the Milwaukee Socialist, who twice was prevented from taking his House seat by congressional action during the na¬ tional hysteria accompanying the Red Scare of 1919-1920.
Berger's exclusions from Congress occurred in November, 1919, and January, 1920, cli¬ maxing a long career of left-wing journalism and politico-economic reform. An Austro- Hungarian emigre who arrived in Milwaukee about 1891, Berger first taught German in a local high school, then in 1892 resigned in order to establish the German-language Wis¬ consin Vorwaerts. As its editor, Berger used
the newspaper as a means of co-operating with various radical groups in Milwaukee. But by the end of 1896, disillusioned with the advantages to be obtained by intergroup co¬ operation, he took steps which culminated in the formation of the Socialist party of Amer¬ ica in 1901.
By 1910 the powerful political machine which Berger had constructed in Milwaukee enabled the Socialists to capture a majority of the important city and county offices. In November of that year he became the first Socialist to be elected to Congress and served until March 4, 1913, but was defeated for a second term by a coalition of Democrats and Republicans. The next year war broke out in Europe and Berger, both anti-war and pro- German, found himself in a state of anguish. Vainly he sought to induce the United States government to mediate a peaceful settlement, to inaugurate an embargo, and to remain ab¬ solutely neutral—aims which appeared irre¬ concilable to most Americans.
When the United States entered the war on April 6, 1917, Berger and the Socialists were in a dilemma. To support the war would mean the denial of their principles and con¬ victions. But to oppose the war might kindle accusations of disloyalty, entail long prison sentences, and perhaps even provoke the dis¬ solution of the Socialist party. This dilemma was resolved by a convention held in St. Louis April 7-14, 1917, which issued an anti-war proclamation roundly denouncing the United States' entry into the war, condemning Ameri-
309