It is crucial to recognize that both of these solutions to amour-propre rest upon an underappreciated premise: that minimizing individuality can only be achieved in rural life. If Pierre Force is right that Rousseau’s discussion of amour-propre in the Second Discourse is “contaminated” by the emerging commercial economy, then it would seem that one way to lessen amour-propre is to avoid the new commerce and the cities that housed it. In his texts, Rousseau repeatedly encourages people to do this very thing. He praises country simplicity and disparages city-life as corrupt. He writes of “the black morals of cities,”54 and claims they “are the abyss of the human species.”55 They are places of vice, crime, and “inflamed” amour-propre. Rousseau insists that Emile be raised in the country and champions peasants as the most suitable citizens for a society governed by the general will, i.e. “when we see among the happiest people in the world bands of peasants regulating the affairs of state under an oak tree, and always acting wisely...”56 Rousseau’s early critics recognized his taste for provincial life, i.e. Voltaire’s smarmy accusation that he wants humanity to return to walking around on all fours and Constant’s charge that he naively thinks he can recreate Sparta. Both criticisms are wide of the mark. It is not difficult to locate textual evidence with which to defend Rousseau against both indictments. Two passages should suffice: “human nature does not go backward”57 and “ancient peoples are no longer a model for modern ones; they are too alien to them in every respect.”58 Nonetheless, Voltaire and Constant do touch upon something true about Rousseau. He rejects progress as defined by the intellectuals of his day, and is nostalgic for a simpler age. If it is impossible to literally go back in time, Rousseau realizes that the past still lives in much of modern life, especially in the provinces. By being behind the times, they manage to escape modern corruptions. Thus, by leaving the city, one can effectively return to a simpler age in which individuality counts for less and there are fewer temptations that “inflame” amour-propre.

Much of Rousseau’s argument rests upon economics. In the provinces, there is much less wealth. Most are engaged in the mechanical arts and low-level commerce, and do not amass great fortunes. The provincial political economy is primarily a medieval one in that it is dominated by agriculture and skilled craftsmen. While there are hierarchies, few think of climbing the social ladder and most, like Emile and Rousseau from the Dialogues, are content with their lot in life. As a result, people are more focused on survival or amour de soi than superiority. To repeat some earlier points, division of labor is less mature, and people’s economic lives are less integrated. People mostly work out of view of their neighbors, and are less dependent upon them in their day to day tasks. Not having the same economic function (except farmers), most have neither the expertise nor the inclination to judge one another. In short, they are less immersed in society and have the space to be self-referential, at least part of the time. Moreover, when people do engage socially, they tend to be drawn together by their collective identities, which are far stronger in the country than in the city. Provincial men are more likely to define themselves through their religion and nationality rather than their achievements.59Amour-propre, then, takes a qualitatively different form in the provinces.

Rousseau also thinks that provincial division of labor is ennobling. Everyone becomes a craftsman and can perform challenging and socially useful work that everyone recognizes—yet at the same time does not swell amour-propre. Since most people live modestly and work with their hands, few have the time and inclination to make great contributions to the arts and sciences. There is, therefore, less cognitive inequality than in the cities, as natural inequalities have much less space in which to develop. There are still intellectuals and artists, but they exist in fewer numbers and have much less status. At bottom, the economic and social conditions in the provinces are unfavorable to individual distinction. In the Letter to M. D’Alembert on the Theatre, Rousseau draws a compelling picture of provincial economic life. Rural artisans possess “…the simplicity of true genius. It is neither scheming or busybodyish; it knows not the path of honors and fortune nor dreams of seeking it; it compares itself to no one; all its resources are within itself; indifferent to insult and hardly conscious of praise, it if it is are of itself, it does not assign itself a place and enjoys itself without appraising itself.”60 This is the reason why Emile is to be a farmer, or short of that, a carpenter.

Thus, while living in the country does not eliminate amour-propre, there is much less chance it will come to dominate conscious life. It bears repeating that in the provinces, individuality is less important and the limited economic progress leaves very little room for financial and cognitive inequalities to emerge. Arguably, this minimizing of the self and of inequality may be enough to reduce bad forms of amour-propre to manageable levels and provide adequate outlets for collective forms of it to develop. Rousseau assumes that once people become self-aware individuals, they are obsessed with their social status and can think of nothing else: “When I see each of us ceaselessly occupied by public opinion extending sot to speak his existence entirely around him without reserving hardly any of it in his own heart.”61 This assumption is questionable, and as Rousseau admits, especially in the country when people’s lives are less integrated and inequalities less perceptible. Farmers, for example, live a solitary existence and rarely consort with others. Blacksmiths, carpenters, etc, likewise probably had limited social circles. When they did socialize, as Rousseau claims, they were united by God or country. Even people who lead a more social existence may not feel the intense pangs of amour-propre that wracked Rousseau’s consciousness. It is no secret that Rousseau was exceptionally sensitive and that he spent many years pursuing celebrity.62 Perhaps his decade spent in the Parisian salons had jaded him too much. Furthermore, Rousseau downplays the psychological defenses that allow people to cope with disappointment and failure. Even in cities, most people come to terms with their social status and learn to live with amour-propre. It need not consume people. Of course, there is no empirical evidence available that might demonstrate the level at which amour-propre becomes dangerous. Internal subjective states are not amenable to empirical analysis. However, this is no reason to uncritically accept Rousseau’s assertions, particularly when he identifies socioeconomic conditions that increase amour-propre.
Wrong Turns

Although the three positive amour-propre theorists—Dent, Cooper, and Neuhouser—hold differing views as to how the negative form of amour-propre can be overcome, they all ultimately believe that the problem is ultimately solvable. Dent, to repeat, is the most optimistic, believing that the problem of amour-propre comes from amour-propre itself. Cooper and Neuhouser, on the other hand, are more skeptical that amour-propre contains its own cure, and seek solutions elsewhere. Cooper looks to the sentiment of existence while Neuhouser abandons Rousseau altogether and finds a solution in Hegel. All three attempts, it shall be argued, are unconvincing.

To begin, Dent argues that amour-propre need not result in jealousies and rivalries and only requires that people treat others “as a morally significant being, a bearer of certain rightful titles and immunities.”63 The interpretation here is Kantian and Hegelian, as is the solution. One can only be treated as a morally significant being if one treats others as such. “Inflamed amour-propre,” conversely, “devises a significance for others which directly denies the possibility of achieving its own inherent goal, that of securing categorically recognized standing.”64 As such, Dent thinks it is self-defeating. His move here is straight out of Kant’s third formulation of the categorical imperative, i.e. one’s freedom to choose one’s own ends must be consistent with other’s attempts to do the same, and Hegel’s contention in the master/slave passage that one can only be free and recognized as such by recognizing other individuals as free and equal beings. The claim rests upon a fundamental equality—everyone has equal dignity as a moral person. Furthermore, Dent argues that so long as this baseline recognition is provided to all the members of the community, inequalities in talent are tolerable, even welcome, if they can be shown to either assist an individual in achieving his freedom or benefit the community. Writes Dent: “All he requires is that those attributes in which one person exceeds another, for his superiority in which he may be honoured and esteemed, be ones that disclose excellences in the person that are inherently enlarging to the quality and fullness of his substantial life, and/or benefit to others.”65

Both of Dent’s claims are highly questionable. To begin, as Neuhouser contends, Dent confuses respect and esteem,66 a distinction first made by Axel Honneth (this debt is acknowledged in a footnote). According to Honneth, recognition is about one’s general humanity while esteem emphasizes one’s individuality and uniqueness: recognition “is a matter of the general feature that makes them persons at all, whereas [esteem]…is a matter of the particular characteristics that distinguish them from other persons.”67 While Rousseau does not explicitly make his distinction, Neuhouser claims that both can be readily identified throughout his writings, and that the problems of esteem are too complex to be resolved by recognition.68 As a consequence of failing to appreciate this distinction, Dent is far more comfortable with interpersonal inequalities than is Rousseau. Dent is correct that Rousseau accepts inequalities and allows them expression, especially when they benefit society. However, as previously argued, Rousseau is also careful to manage the public expression of talent. While the talented are welcome in administration, their job is to work behind the scenes and be largely invisible to the population at large. They are not to be honored and esteemed, as talents are not to be linked to public identity. Rousseau under no circumstances wants people to compare themselves with genius, or even think of themselves in such terms. He does not want great clothiers to be shamed into becoming “a bad versifier or an inferior Geometer…”69 If there is to be room for private fulfillment, as Dent contends, Rousseau is adamant that it remain private.70 If the talented perform public acts of obvious social value, it might only further inflame amour-propre as they can legitimately claim to be more valuable. A beneficial and deserved hierarchy is still a hierarchy, and may actually further demoralize those on the bottom rungs of society. To be at the bottom of the society is painful enough, deserving to be there is even more so.

Additionally, it might be argued that when rights and honors are evenly distributed, they become taken for granted as people care little for them. If everyone has something, it ceases to become special. Hence, moral recognition may not provide the dignity that Dent supposes. Finally, as Tocqueville effectively demonstrates, equality may actually exacerbate amour-propre (though he is careful never to use the word.) Although there is no logical necessity to this, both Aristotle and Tocqueville think that political equality has a spillover effect. To quote Aristotle, democrats think “if they are equal in one respect, for example free birth, they consider themselves to be equal in all.”71 Tocqueville terms this “complete equality,” and claims it is wholly unrealistic, as there are all sorts of natural inequalities that find expression in American commercial society. His democrats spend lots of psychic energy attempting to ignore talent and any other inequality they inevitably come across in their everyday life. “Complete equality” thus results in democrats become resentful, envious, and bitter. They “are tired of the sight of any superiority, however legitimate.”72 This problem is intensified by the fact that the expectation of equality makes democrats hyper-sensitive to inequality: “when each sees a million others around him all with the same or similar claims to be proud, pride becomes exacting and jealous.”73 So, there is little reason to believe that Dent’s Kantianism resolves the problems of amour-propre.

Second, Cooper’s measured treatment for a third solution to amour-propre found in The Reveries of the Solitary Walker suggests that it does not represent a meaningful possibility. In the text, Rousseau recalls that during his time on the Île de Saint-Pierre, he was capable of wiping away his self-consciousness while lying in a boat or on the banks of the water in complete solitude. This period, he claims, was the happiest in his life because he was able to confine his consciousness to the “sentiment of existence.” Writes Rousseau: “As long as this state lasts, we are sufficient unto ourselves, like God.”74 Elsewhere in the text, he fondly recalls an incident in which he was knocked out by a Great Dane and suffered temporary amnesia.75 His description of his mental state is nothing short of remarkable:

“Entirely absorbed in the present moment, I remembered nothing; I had no distinct notion of my person nor the least idea of what had just happened to me; I knew neither who I was nor where I was; I felt neither injury, fear, nor worry. I watched my blood flow as I would have watched a brook flow; without even suspecting that his blood belong to me in any way. I felt a rapturous calm in my whole being; and each time I remember it, I find nothing comparable to it in all the activity of known pleasures.”76Whether on a boat or admiring his head injuries, Rousseau is clear about his goal—to utterly forget his individual self and experience life from nowhere. In these reveries, bliss results from being completely drained of self-consciousness.77 Rousseau makes a similar statement in Emile: “A truly happy being is a solitary being. God alone enjoys an absolute happiness.”78 And, from Julie, “in seclusion, one has other ways of seeing and feeling than in involvement with the world…”79 Cooper celebrates Rousseau’s reveries on the Île de Saint-Pierre (he curiously ignores the vignette about the Great Dane knocking him senseless), claiming that he “has added new dimensions or even wholly new capacities to the ordinary complement of mental powers.”80 He views Rousseau’s conscious state as a form of mysticism that allows him to adopt the consciousness of the savages from the Second Discourse without losing his self-awareness.

In one respect, Rousseau’s reminiscing confirms one of the central theses of this essay—that he is mostly concerned with the psychological problems associated with individual identity and self-consciousness. At the same time, Cooper concedes that this is not a widely available option. Only a few special souls are capable of it, and even Rousseau only attained it in old age. He likewise acknowledges that it contradicts the positive amour-propre thesis and undermines his more measured treatments of the problem in both Emile and The Social Contract. As previously argued, in those texts he argues that allowing individual space to develop ability and make one’s own decisions is a good thing both for the individual and society. By transcending individuality all the positive effects of amour-propre are lost. Less positive amour-propre means less of what is best in humans.

The problems, however, may be worse than Cooper imagines. Rousseau’s claim that he is able to avoid amour-propre through a solitary lifestyle may be either too ordinary or too fantastic. If Rousseau only means that he is able to escape from the competitive social grind, then it would seem his ability is not all that unique. It is not uncommon for people retreat to their private gardens, so to speak, and successfully turn off the noise of society and their relationships frequently in the course of their lives. He is hardly the only person who has retreated to nature to flee the pressures of society. On the other hand, if he has, as Cooper contends, managed to experience a wholly new form of consciousness, then there is reason not to believe him. Or course, no one can verify subjective states, so it is impossible to disprove Rousseau. However, Rousseau’s claims of transcendence seem less persuasive than other attempts to argue for the presence of a subjective state. With amour-propre, Rousseau can, like a good phenomenologist, appeal to his readers’ experiences. We can verify his claims because his descriptions match up with our experiences. The same cannot be said of transcending amour-propre, for almost no one has achieved it. This is akin to Nagel’s claim that no human no know what it is like to be a bat—one can only imagine what it is like being a human imagining what it is like to be a bat.81 Similarly, it could be argued that Rousseau does not really know what it is like to transcend amour-propre—he only is a person with amour-propre imagining what it is like not to have it. And, unsympathetic critics might very well argue that his contention that he has transcended amour-propre is itself proof that he suffers from it. His claims amount to little more than assertions of moral superiority. This is not Rousseau at his best.

Finally, Neuhouser attempts to remedy the problems of esteem by widening the available avenues by which one may earn esteem. He suggests that Rousseau might develop his theory in a manner similar to Hegel by allowing individuals to find esteem in other spheres of society, such as the family or civil society.82 A good parent might not compare him or herself to a surgeon. Or, someone with low socio-economic status might find respect in a non-economic activity, e.g. singing in the church choir or playing in a pick-up basketball league. This argument can take another form. Mead, for example, argued that division of labor can be expanded to allow everyone a socially valuable productive role. This would allow people to gain recognition in an activity in which they are superior, i.e. they are better than the general population.83 The idea is simple: the more socially valuable economic roles that exist, the more people who will perform those roles and hence gain sought after esteem. His model is lawyers and surgeons—“one is a good surgeon, a good lawyer, and he can pride himself on his superiority…”84

Both of these claims are plausible, and probably help alleviate some of the problems of amour-propre. However, there are still reasons to remain skeptical. Taking Mead first, division of labor increases both financial and cognitive inequality, and again overemphasizes individual identities. There is no reason to think these problems will disappear with extreme division of labor. Indeed, societies that maintain advanced division of labor tend to create a small cadre of powerful leaders and a large majority of workers engaged in monotonous and tedious labor. Most jobs in such societies are mind-numbing and are less cognitively demanding than the medieval trades they replaced. This critique is ubiquitous in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,85 and includes some of the preeminent capitalist theorists themselves. Smith, for example, worries that the average worker “naturally loses…the habit of exertion, and generally becomes as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become.”86 In the twentieth century, Schumpeter argues that lack of meaningful work will lead to an “electoral” revolution that will put an end to the dominance of the entrepreneurs.87 Capitalists tend to dislike skilled labor—it requires high wages and makes the owners too dependent upon the workers. They want perfectly replaceable cogs in their highly differentiated wheels. There is thus an incentive to chop up an activity into so many parts that few occupations require ability. Thus, capitalists do not want to create new professions akin to surgeons and lawyers.88 They want to make work as simple and meaningless as possible. And, it should be remembered, Emile is not to participate in mind-numbing or stupid professions.89 Thus, in advanced capitalist societies, there is still a premium on individual talent and an ever-decreasing pool of challenging jobs.

Neuhouser’s suggestion is more compelling but also not entirely persuasive. It is far from certain that success in family life or another civil sphere will make up for deficiencies in the areas of life that reap most of society’s social and economic rewards. Amour-propre is a cultural problem, and is most problematic in cultures that put too much value on individual achievement. A cultural overhaul is necessary, as Rousseau makes clear time and time again. It is not enough to find dignity in other spheres of life.

Conclusion

There is no doubting that Rousseau believed that rural life was a necessary condition for curing inflamed amour-propre. However, he stops short of suggesting that it is a sufficient condition. Despite the fact that the “leavens” that inflame amour-propre cannot be found in the provinces, Rousseau remains pessimistic that rural folk can maintain healthy moral personalities. Living away from the city, he maintains, is simply not enough.

Why such pessimism? On a practical level, Rousseau would probably argue that Enlightenment culture is much too imperialistic to be confined to the cities. Culturally, the philosophes wanted the world—they wanted to define social mores for everyone. As Melzer observes, “in Rousseau’s time, France, above all, acted as a cultural magnet drawing the rest of Europe to imitate its splendid vices.”90 With all eyes became fixated on the city. Rousseau plainly fears that provincial men will be much too tempted by wealth and the promise of celebrity to want to be farmers, smiths, abbeys, etc.91 As evidence, Melzer cites a line from Julie in which Claire warns Julie that France “has more than one manner of making conquests, and its armies are less to be feared than its mores.”92 Elsewhere in Julie, Rousseau laments that rural men and women almost slavishly consume the novels, plays, and tales of the city, despite the fact they “all heap derision on the simplicity of rustic morality” and “preach the manners and pleasures of high society.”93 Rousseau makes a similar appeal in his Plan for Corsica, contending that “a cultivating people must not look covetously at residence in cities and envy the fate of the sluggards who live there.”94 If they do, good clothiers will insist upon becoming bad geometers, and virtuous cities like Geneva will want to import features of urban culture such as theaters.