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Iran and Syria: An Enduring Axis

Dr. Wastnidge is a lecturer in politics and international studies at Open University Milton Keynes, United Kingdom.

In a Middle East beset by shifting alliances, the Iran-Syria relationship has been one of the region's most enduring axes. Since its establishment following Iran's revolution in 1979, the alliance has weathered several challenges, from the interstate conflict seen in the Iran-Iraq War, to popular uprisings and now, most recently, Syria's own protracted and bloody civil war. It is a relationship that has endured because of both states' shared aims in the region and their positions as vanguards of resistance against U.S. and Israeli interests in the Middle East. These common aims are vitally important in understanding what is at stake for Iran in the current Syrian conflict. Iran's involvement in Syria stems from the shared strategic outlook of Tehran and Damascus regarding key regional issues such as the plight of the Palestinians and maintaining a presence in Lebanon. There is also a strong defensive element in the Islamic Republic's thinking towards Syria, with Iran seeking to maintain its position in the region. As time passes, the Syrian conflict grows ever more complex, and a whole range of state and non-state actors become involved. It has also drawn in both regional and global powers.

Before delving into the myriad complexities of the Islamic Republic's involvement in Syria, it is worthwhile pausing for a quick methodological note. First, the Iran-Syria alliance, despite being one of the longest standing in the Middle East, has not historically been subject to much scrutiny in academic publications. While this paper concerns "the present," the history of the relationship is key to understanding why the alliance persists. The focus of this piece is more on explaining the reasons behind Iran's involvement in the Syria conflict, than educated guesswork on possible outcomes. I do not seek to gaze into the future, or offer policy recommendations or potential scenarios. Finally, because of the very immediate nature of the subject, I have had to make use of current awareness, news and sources that give an insight into the views of key figures where necessary.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Before exploring what is at stake for Iran in the Syria conflict, it is first necessary to examine the historical roots of the relationship, to gain a fuller understanding of what drives Iran's actions there. This is a relationship based on a long-held, common strategic outlook in the region. It is an alliance that has strengthened and acquired greater institutional depth over the last 37 years, as both states face similar threats from Israel and the United States, and see themselves as constituting a so-called Axis of Resistance in the Middle East. For this reason, the alliance has been characterized by scholars as primarily defensive in nature.1

The relationship between the Islamic Republic and the Assad dynasty has its roots in the sanctuary that Hafiz Assad provided to members of the Iranian opposition who were seeking the ouster of the shah during the 1970s. Although Assad had established limited relations with the Pahlavis, it was the Lebanese context that helped provide the initial impetus for relations between the Syrian regime and those who were to become key figures in post-revolutionary Iran. Lebanon has long provided a key link between the two countries, and, while the religious element has arguably not been a determining factor in the Iran-Syria alliance,2 it does play a significant role via the shared value that both place on Lebanon's Shii community. As Von Maltzahn notes,3 Musa al-Sadr, the prominent Iranian-born cleric who was to become vital in the awakening of Lebanese Shii political consciousness, developed a close alliance with Assad. Al-Sadr knew the value of having a powerful external ally, while Assad viewed Lebanon's Shia as an important tool in his bid to maintain influence over Lebanon. Furthermore, Al-Sadr conferred religious legitimacy on Assad's Alawite community,4 recognizing them as Shii, and acted as a key go-between with Iran's revolutionary leader Khomeini.5 A large number of key revolutionary figures were given diplomatic protection by Syria in the run-up to the revolution, and Khomeini was also offered asylum in Syria after he was exiled from Iraq in 1978.6 The historical confessional linkages, and connections made in the pre-revolutionary era by key figures in the Islamic Republic, were also to become crucial in Iran's establishment of Hezbollah in Lebanon.7

Subsequently, Syria was the first Arab country to recognize the new government in Iran. Assad saw the birth of the Islamic Republic as a positive development, especially in light of its sympathy towards the Palestinian cause, the similar stances held on key regional developments and relations with other Arab states,8 most notably, Saddam Hussein's Iraq. To this end, the burgeoning Iran-Syria alliance can be seen as a classic form of "hard balancing" against Iraq, Israel and United States.9 The relationship was born of a sense of shared purpose which is foundational in both states' foreign policies towards key regional issues. Finally, a relatively underexplored element of the Iran-Syria relationship, significant in reinforcing the foundational links between the two, is the cultural diplomacy Iran has practiced towards Syria. Von Maltzahn ably explores how cultural exchange and Iranian religious tourism to Shii shrines helped foster closer bilateral relations.10 This is part of a wider approach by the Islamic Republic to utilize soft-power strategies as a means of projecting its influence.11 It also acts as a useful vector for projecting its "hard" power, as seen in its harnessing of a religious narrative to justify its involvement in the Syria conflict.

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