From Yemen to Gaza and beyond: UK arms export controls are broken

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The humanitarian crisis being inflicted on the people of Yemen is only
getting worse. Over 2000 people have died in the Saudi-led bombardment that, according
to the World
Health Organisation, has left over one million people displaced. The long
term consequences are likely to be no better; the UN
has warned that over 20 million civilians are in need of urgent assistance.
The situation has been exacerbated by a Saudi
imposed blockade that is stopping food and other basic essentials from
reaching those in need.

Both situations are intolerable, and in both cases it is
civilians who are paying the price. Both situations have been condemned by the
international community, and yet both have been fuelled by arms and political
support from Western powers.

UK support for Saudi Arabia and Israel

We are forever being told of the 'rigorousness' and
'robustness' of UK
arms export controls, but the reality is that nothing could be further from the
truth.

The problem is less to do with legislation and more to do
with a lack of political will. In theory UK arms exports are supposed to
work on the basis of a risk assessment. This means that arms should never be
licensed if there is a 'clear risk'
of them being used in violation of international
humanitarian law or for internal repression. By any reasonable
interpretation this should block all arms sales to Israel
and Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi regime is one of the most oppressive in the world,
and Israel's
treatment of people in the occupied territories has been both
immoral and illegal. Both states have regularly been accused of flouting
international law and both have a history of aggression towards their
neighbours. At the same time, both have enjoyed close political and military
relationships with the UK.

Last August a report from the
Department of Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) found that the UK had approved 12
export licences to Israel
for weapons that may have been used in attacks on Gaza. In response, the then Business
Secretary, Vince Cable, concluded that the licences should be suspended, but only
with the unacceptable caveat that this should only be in the event of any
'resumption of significant hostilities.' In effect, the government's policy was
that even more people would need to die before anything could be done.

What these examples have in common
is that they are representative of an arms control policy that is broken. They
are the inevitable result of a policy that focuses on maximising arms sales
rather than limiting them. This is because the government is not merely a
dispassionate observer in the arms trade, it is an active participant.

There is even a government
department, UK Trade & Investment's Defence & Security Organisation (UKTI
DSO), that exists solely to promote the sale of weapons abroad. This year the
130 strong body will be key to the organisation of DSEI, the world's biggest
arms fair, which will be rolling into East London
this September. Among attendees will be some of the biggest arms companies in
the world and many of the most oppressive dictatorships. How can the government
credibly claim to be fighting for human rights and democracy when it is
actively courting and arming tyrants?

UK weapons haven't just being used
against Yemen and Gaza, in recent years they have also been linked to abuses in
Bahrain, Egypt, Hong
Kong and Kuwait. These are only the examples we know about, and the only
reason we know about any of them is because of the brave work of activists and
journalists in uncovering them. None have been brought to light by the
government off its own accord and nor have they resulted in changes to
legislation.

When countries like the UK sell weapons
it not only facilitates the attacks they are used in, it also sends a message
of support to the governments that are carrying them out. For this to change it
will require more than the cancellation of a few licences, it will need a
complete overhaul of government priorities and an end to the hypocrisy that is
at the heart of foreign policy.

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