If we want to call people a source, Dr. Rafe de Crespigny's email is Rafe.deCrespigny@anu.edu.au according to ANU. I am not sure how well he responds to inquiries, but it seems like its worth mentioning.

Alone I lean under the wispy shade of an aged tree,Scornfully I raise to parted lips a cup of warm wine,Longingly I cast an empty vessel aside those exposed roots,And leave behind forgotten memories and forsaken dreams.

I know that in the past he has responded positively to the occasional email when members of the board have asked him to clear up queries about his books. I don't know what he'd think if lots of people started emailing him though! At some point I'll go through and update it!

“I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.” ― Nelson Mandela

I emailed him once to thank for him his work and got a nice reply. I think he is a source one should use with care so not to ruin it for everyone else

Edit: Aaron's right

“You, are a rebellious son who abandoned his father. You are a cruel brigand who murdered his lord. How can Heaven and Earth put up with you for long? And unless you die soon, how can you face the sight of men?”

I think when it comes to Rafe, it's best if you're going to email him with specific questions rather than general ones (and preferably ones relating to his books). It would be incredibly rude to inundate his email box with questions that you could easily look up on Google or ask here.

I mean, his email is listed publicly on his Australian National University page, so it's not difficult to find. But I agree, best not to have it completely out in the open. If someone wants to ask him a specific question, I think they're probably smart enough to know how to search for his email.

I've been going through Journal Publications, and... well, there's more out there. J. Michael Farmer currently edits a journal on Early Medieval China. A couple can be read without subscription, while others can probably be looked for if you are at a university. Even where you can't see it, its a helpful reference. I used to be irritated that there were so few sources when I first fell in love with the period, while now my frustration is I cannot read them all!

From among the Wuhuan who had submitted to the Han dynasty select “shock cavalry” (tuqi 突騎) troops were recruited, and a substantial contingent of Wuhuan even served in the Han imperial bodyguard. As the Chinese presence along the northern frontier began to decline towards the end of the dynasty, the Han government increasingly relied upon non-Chinese peoples such as the Wuhuan for border defense.2626 Lin Gan, 44. Uchida Ginpū, 46–47. Xing Yitian 刑義田, “Dong-Han de Hu bing” 東漢的胡兵, Guoli zhengzhi daxue xuebao 國立政治大學學報 28 (1973): 155–56.

Non-Chinese soldiers were active in many of the warlord conflicts attending the demise of the Han dynasty, but after the greatest warlord of them all, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), decisively defeated the Wuhuan at the battle of White Wolf Mountain 白狼山 (in modern Liaoning) in 207, Wuhuan identity was permanently disrupted. Large numbers of Wuhuan were relocated south onto the Central Plain, blending into the general Chinese population, while their more able-bodied men were mobilized into cavalry units in the service of Cao Cao. Those Wuhuan people who remained north of China Proper, meanwhile, were gradually absorbed into the emerging Xianbei identity.2727 Sanguo zhi, 30.835. Li Dalong 李大龙, “Jianlun Cao Cao dui Wuhuan de zhengtao ji yiyi” 简论曹操对乌桓的征讨及意义, Shixue jikan 史学集刋 (2005.3): 35–40. Lin Gan, 60–70. Uchida Ginpū, 67–68. On the battle of White Wolf Mountain, see also Rafe de Crespigny, Imperial Warlord: A Biography of Cao Cao, 155–220 ad (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 230–36.

As the Wuhuan people had moved south towards Chinese borders during the late Han dynasty, the Xianbei had followed along behind, not only entering former Wuhuan territory but also spreading west as far as modern Gansu. After the decisive Han dynasty defeat of the Northern Xiongnu, and the Xiongnu leadership’s abandonment of all of what is now Mongolia by 91 ce, the Xianbei occupied the old Xiongnu pastures in Mongolia. The residual Xiongnu people who lingered in the area reportedly now began to call themselves Xianbei: “there were still over a hundred-thousand camps of remaining Xiongnu descendants, and they all proclaimed themselves Xianbei. After this, the Xianbei gradually flourished” (匈奴餘種留者尚有十餘萬落，皆自號鮮卑，鮮卑由此漸盛).28

The various Xianbei groups in Mongolia were initially not unified, but in the mid-second century a mighty leader named Tanshihuai 檀石槐 (ca. 136–181 ce) briefly pulled together much of the population of the eastern steppes. The story is told that when Tanshihuai was fourteen or fifteen sui (his age by Chinese reckoning), another tribe stole some cattle and sheep from his mother’s family, and he rode alone in pursuit, successfully retrieving all the purloined livestock. With this impressive feat he began to build an awe-inspiring reputation and, thanks also supposedly to his fairness in judging legal cases, he became a great chieftain. From his court roughly a hundred miles north of modern Datong he presided over an empire covering all the former Xiongnu lands, and oriented especially towards raiding Han dynasty China. After 168 there reportedly were annual Xianbei incursions across the entire northern frontier of the Han, from modern Hebei in the east to Shanxi and Gansu in the west. In 177 a large-scale Han punitive expedition against the Xianbei was spectacularly defeated.2929 Hou Han shu, 90.2989–2990. Rafe de Crespigny, “The Military Culture of Later Han,” Military Culture in Imperial China, ed. Nicola Di Cosmo (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 106–8.View all notes

By the time Tanshihuai died, around 181, although he himself had been of illegitimate birth and achieved ascendance through his personal charisma and ability, the hereditary principle was already familiar enough for leadership over his huge empire to be bequeathed directly to Tanshihuai’s son. The rule of hereditary succession was insufficiently firmly established, however, for this inheritance to win universal acceptance, and the huge empire soon began to disintegrate.3030 Thomas J. Barfield, The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China, 221 bc to ad 1757 (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1989), 89–90.

A man from a lesser Xianbei lineage named Kebineng 軻比能 (d. 235) then emerged in the central and western portions of Tanshihuai’s former empire on the strength of his ability, and by around 233 he had unified much of the area south of the Gobi desert.

According to the Sanguo zhi [Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms], because Kebineng’s lands were near the Chinese border, many Chinese people (Zhongguo ren 中國人) fled the warlord depredations of late Han and Three Kingdoms China to join Kebineng, teaching the Xianbei how to make Chinese-style arms and armor, and even introducing some literacy. Kebineng supposedly learned to command his following somewhat in the Chinese military style, and Kebineng alternately offered tribute to and fought with the Cao-Wei dynasty in north China. In 235, he was killed by a Cao-Wei assassin, after which his empire disintegrated.3131 Sanguo zhi, 30.838–839. Lin Gan, 75–76. Tamura Jitsuzō 田村實造, Kita Ajia ni okeru rekishi sekai no keisei 北アジアにおける歷史世界の形成 (Kyōto: Hābādo-Enkei Dōshisha tōhō bunka kōza iinkai, 1956), 13–14.

If it is true that by this time the Xianbei were acquiring certain Chinese skills and technologies, it is equally true that they could still appear very alien to the Chinese. In 268 one Chinese Censor wrote with venom: “I regard the Hu and Yi [non-Chinese peoples] as having the hearts of beasts, [they are] not the same as the Chinese, and the Xianbei are the worst” (臣以為胡夷獸心，不與華同，鮮卑最甚).32

Last edited by waywardauthor on Thu Feb 02, 2017 7:41 pm, edited 2 times in total.

Alone I lean under the wispy shade of an aged tree,Scornfully I raise to parted lips a cup of warm wine,Longingly I cast an empty vessel aside those exposed roots,And leave behind forgotten memories and forsaken dreams.

Those are some amazing links there Waywardauthor. I should have headed to bed an hour and a half ago, but instead spent it reading that wonderful companion piece "Rotten Pedant!" Now I really should head to bed, but I have even more respect for Qiao Zhou (historically and novelwise) than before, thank you very much.

As you know security is mortal's greatest enemy.

SimRTK is back up in a testing phase! Go ahead and give it a look over on the Simzhou forum branch.

Xu Yuan wrote:Those are some amazing links there Waywardauthor. I should have headed to bed an hour and a half ago, but instead spent it reading that wonderful companion piece "Rotten Pedant!" Now I really should head to bed, but I have even more respect for Qiao Zhou (historically and novelwise) than before, thank you very much.

Glad to be of assistance!

When you wake up tomorrow, maybe they'll be even more to see!

Alone I lean under the wispy shade of an aged tree,Scornfully I raise to parted lips a cup of warm wine,Longingly I cast an empty vessel aside those exposed roots,And leave behind forgotten memories and forsaken dreams.

Continuing down the Rabbit Hole of looking into the publications and journals of the authors, we get to Dore Levy of Brown University. She is a Chinese Literature kind of professor, and appears to have only two publications directly in our era - both about Cai Yan. No copy for this one.

“Literary Criticism in China in the Early Third Century A.D.,” Asiatische Studien/Études Asiatiques 28, no. 2 (1974), pp. 113-149 (reprinted in Chinese Literature in Transition V).

“From Scepticism to Belief in Third-Century China,” A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Jao Tsung-i on the Occasion of His Seventy-fifth Anniversary, Hong Kong: The Institute of Chinese Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993, pp. 311-317 (reprinted in Immortlas, Festivals, and Poetry in Medieval China IV).

“Wei Shou, Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism: An English Translation of the Original Chinese Text of Wei-shu CXIV and the Japanese Annotation of Tsukamoto Zenryû,” by Leon Hurvitz, reprinted from Yün-kang, the Buddhist Cave-Temples of the Fifth Century A.D. in North China, Volume XVI, Supplement, Kyoto: Jimbunkagaku Kenkyûsho, Kyoto University, 1956, pp. 25-103. Journal of Asian Studies (below, JAS) XVII, 3, 1958, pp. 474-476.

Gustav Haloun is a Czech Sinologist who died in the 50s, making his work on the Liang rebellion one of the last he ever published. All of those articles provided first were primarily through his efforts though, as this was the man who revived the publication after the German one fell into disrepair. It also appears to be the only thing he wrote for this era.

Andrew Chittick is a somewhat younger professor from Eckerd College. He does not have many publications to his name at the moment. The Patronage and Community in Medieval China: The Xiangyang Garrison, 400-600 CE he's published is sadly outside of the TK period.

Andrew E Dien is a Stanford Professor who appears phobic of even mentioning a detail about himself other than that he exists. However, he is widely published - just not much in Three Kingdoms. His look into Sima Yan appears to be the earliest detail he'll go in the Northern and Southern Dynastic Period. He may have been pulled into it by Carl Leban, as Dien shares credit with the man even though Leban was dead for several decades by the point of publication. Its a bit of nuance that makes me really want to read Sima Yan's ascension. Leban also wrote Ts'ao Ts'ao and the Rise of Wei: The Early Years, Columbia University, 1971 as a dissertation and Managing Heaven's Mandate: Coded Communication in the Accession of Ts'ao P'ei, AD 220 in Ancient China: Studies in Early Civilization which also suggests that it was Leban who pushed for it before he died. There are some manuscripts that he was writing that never got published, I would be surprised if Sima Yan was not one of them.

Rebecca Doran is a Harvard Grad teaching at the University of Miami after leaving Boston University. While her first publication was on Cao Pi, she has moved later on in Chinese history. “Education and the Examination System” will be coming out eventually, and it will no doubt cover some of this period. She's also young, so there's a good chance there will be at least a dozen more publications from her.

John Makeham appears to be a younger colleague of Rafe de Crespigny, as he's another one from the Australian National Univeristy. He has a monstrous amount of publications, but only a few deal with the past, and even fewer for our period. Xu Gan peaked his interest because of his Confucianism and scholarship.

Keith N. Knapp, along with Dien, is in the process of editing the Cambridge History of China Volume 2. You'll know that if you look through Cambridge looking for a history for the Three Kingdoms period, you won't find it even though you can find almost every other piece of Chinese history. Its been decades, but it looks like they're finally doing it. Still don't know when that glorious gift to the world will happen, but in the meantime this professor from the Citadel has a lot of publications...

Matthew Wells teaches at the University of Kentucky, but appears to have popped over to UC Berkley as a visiting professor. The article on Wang Dao is just the first step, as he is currently writing what no doubt will prove to be a tome for early Jin court life. I'll want to buy that book, and since its from Purdue, it won't cost 150-400 dollars to purchase from Brill.

Wilt L. Idema is another Harvard Professor, and just like the other he publishes in too many languages. Even more detrimentally, his focus has almost nothing to do with medieval China, let alone the Later Han and Three Kingdoms period.

Now Wu Fusheng is our kind of scholar, straight out of the Univeristy of Utah. My only issue is that his field is poetry, so poetry is what he writes about.

“’I Roamed and Rambled with You’: A Look at Liu Zhen’s (?-217) Four Poems to Cao Pi (187-226),” Journal of American Oriental Society, 129.4 (2009): 619-633. (page numbers were not available in last year's report). Published, 2009.

Fanning the Flames of War: Considering the Military Value of the Three Kingdoms Period in Chinese History at the Battle of Chi Bi. Lopez, Vincent 2010, American Journal of Chinese Studies, volume 17, issue 2, starting on page 145

[Medieval Group]

Hung, Shun-lung, ed. Bibliography of Chinese and foreign studies on literature of the Six dynasties. Taipei: Center for Chinese Studies, 1992.

Kubozoe Yoshifumi. "Japanese research in recent years on the history of Wei, Chin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties." Acta Asiatica 60 (1991): 104-134.

Lai, Ming-chiu. "On the procession in China from the second to the sixth centuries A.D.: an interpretation of an elephant sculpture at the Kongwangshan site." In: Politics and Religion in Ancient and Medieval Europe and China, edited by Frederick Hok-ming Cheung and Ming-chiu Lai (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1999), pp. 41-75.

Bray, Francesca. "Swords into plowshares: a study of agricultural technology and society in early China," Technology and Culture 19:1 (January 1978):1-31.

Ikeuchi, Hiroshi. "A study on Lo-lang and Tai-fang, ancient Chinese prefectures in Korean peninsula," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 5 (1930):79-95. ****

Perelomov, L.S. "China and Vietnam from the third century B.C. to the third century A.D." In Tikhvinsky, S.L. and Perelomov, L.S., ed. China and her neighbors, from ancient times o the Middle Ages: a collection of essays. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1981. pp. 59-70.

Ho, Tzu-ch'uan. "Early development of manorial economy in Wei and Tsin." In: Chinese Social History, edited by E-Tu Zen Sun and John DeFrancis. Washington, D.C.: American Council of Learned Societies, 1956.

Holzman, Donald. "Ts'ao Chih and the immortals." Asia Major third series 1:1 (1988).

Ikeuchi, Hiroshi. "The Chinese expeditions to Manchuria under the Wei dynasty," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 4 (1929):71-119.

Ikeuchi, Hiroshi. "The establishment of Tai-fang prefecture by the Kung-suns and Lo-lang and Tai-fang prefectures as under the Wei dynasty," in Shi-en 2:6 (September 1929).

Frankel, Hans H. "Fifteen poems by Ts'ao Chih: an attempt at a new approach." Journal of the American Oriental Society 84:11 (1963):39-48.

Kent, George W., translator. Worlds of dust and jade: 47 poems and ballads of the third century Chinese poet Ts'ao Chih. New York: Philosophical Library, 1969. 82p.

Roy, David T. "The themes of the neglected wife in the poetry of Ts'ao Chih." Journal of Asian Studies 19 (1959-60):25- 31.

Frankel, Hans H. "The development of Han and Wei yueh-fu as a high literary genre." In Lin, Shuen-fu; Owen, Stephen, eds. The vitality of the lyric voice: 'shih' poetry from the late Han to the T'ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. pp.255-286.

Frodsham, John David and Ch'eng Hsi. An anthology of Chinese verse: Han Wei Chin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties. London: Oxford University Press, 1967.

Lin, Shuen-fu. "The nature of the quatrain from the late Han to the high T'ang." In Lin, Shuen-fu; Owen, Stephen, eds. The vitality of the lyric voice: 'shih' poetry from the late Han to the T'ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. pp.296-331.

Lin, Shuen-fu; Owen, Stephen, eds. The vitality of the lyric voice: 'shih' poetry from the late Han to the T'ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. 405p.

Miao, Ronald. "The Ch'i ai shih of the late Han and Chin periods," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 33 (1973):183-223.

Zhou, Zhenfu. "The legacy of Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties yueh-fu tradition and its further development in T'ang poetry. In Lin, Shuen-fu; Owen, Stephen, eds. The vitality of the lyric voice: 'shih' poetry from the late Han to the T'ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. pp.287-295.

Chen, Shih-hsiang, transl. Essay on literature: written by the third century Chinese poet Lu Chi. Portland, ME: Anthoensen Press, 1953.

Wang Yi-t'ung. "The political and intellectual world in the poetry of Juan Chi," Renditions 7 (1977):48-61.

Loewe, Michael. "Chinese relations with Central Asia, 260- 290," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 32:1 (1969):91-103.

Gardiner, K.H.J. and de Crespigny, R.R.C. "T'an-shih-huai and the Hsien-pi tribes of the second century A.D.," Papers on Far Easterm History 15 (1977):1-44.

Duman, L.I. "Chinese relations with the Xiongnu in the first to third centuries A.D." In Tikhvinsky, S.L. and Perelomov, L.S., ed. China and her neighbors, from ancient times o the Middle Ages: a collection of essays. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1981. pp. 43-58.

Bielenstein, Hans. "The census of China during the period 2-742 A.D." Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 19 (1947).

de Crespigny, Rafe. "Prefectures and Population in South China in the first three centuries AD," Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taiwan 40:1 (1968):139-154

Link, Arthur E. "Evidence for doctrinal continuity of Han Buddhism from the second through the fourth centuries: the prefaces to An Shh-kao's Grand Sutra on Mindfulness of the Respiration and K'ang Seng-hui's introduction to 'The Perfection of Dhyana'." In: Papers in Honor of Professor Woodbridge Bingham: a festschrift for his seventy-fifth birthday (editied by J.B. Parsons, San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1976). pp.55-126.

Bauer, Wolfgang. "The hermit's temptation: aspects of eremitism in China and the West in the third and early fourth century A.D." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Sinology: section on thought and philosophy. Taipei: Chung Yang Yen Chiu Yuan, 1981. pp.73-115.

Chen, Kenneth. "Neo-Taoism and the prajna school during the Wei and Chin dynasties." Chinese Culture 1:2 (1957).

Lynn, Richard. The Classic of Changes: A New Translation of the I Ching, as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. [Also issued as: The I Ching on CD ROM. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. (A multi-media format, user-interactive electronic version, Windows and Macintosh compatible)].

Lynn, Richard. The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Daodejing of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

Petrov, A.A. Wang Pi, his place in the history of Chinese Philosophy. [Institute of Oriental Studies Monograph : 13] Moscow: Moscow Academy of Science, 1936.

Frankel, Hans. comp. Catalogue of Translations from the Chinese Dynastic Histories for the Period 220-960. Chinese Dynastic History Translations, Supplement no. 1. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957.

Goodrich, Chauncey. "Two Chapters in the Life of an Empress of the Later Han." Part 1 and 2. HJAS 25 (1964–1965): 165–177; 26 (1966): 187–210.

Ho, Tzu-ch'uan. "Early Development of Manorial Economy in Wei and Tsin." In E-Tu Zen Sun and John DeFrancis, eds. Chinese Social History. Washington, D.C.: American Council of Learned Societies, 1956.

Hsü, Cho-yun. “The Roles of the Literati and of Regionalism in the Fall of the Han Dynasty.” In Norman Yoffee and George L. Cowgill, eds. The Collapse of Ancient States and Civilizations. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988. 176-95.

Liu, Cary, Michael Nylan and Anthony Barbieri-Low. Recarving China's Past: Art, Archeology, and Architecture of the "Wu Family Shrines." New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. A stunning book containing articles on the Wu family shrines, Han tombs in general, funerary objects, tomb construction, and funerary practice by leading specialists.

Alone I lean under the wispy shade of an aged tree,Scornfully I raise to parted lips a cup of warm wine,Longingly I cast an empty vessel aside those exposed roots,And leave behind forgotten memories and forsaken dreams.