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A Brief History of the
Scuppernong River
by Wilson Angley
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A Brief History of the Scuppernong River
by
Wilson Angley
29 September 1986
Research Branch
North Carolina Division of Archives and History
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The Scuppernong River takes its r i se in the eastern portion of Washing -
ton County, from which it flows northeastward through adjoining Tyrrell Coun-f
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ty and into Albemarle Sound. Approximately thirty miles in length, i t lei-surely
winds its way through an inhospitable and still sparsely populated
area of primeval forests and nearly impenetrable swamps . Part of the area,
however, has been reclaimed from nature through drainage projects dur ing the
past t wo centuries , and now comprises some of the mos t fertile farmland in
the state. 1
During his exploratory expedition from Roanoke Island in the spring of
1586, it is quite possible that Ralph Lane sailed near the mouth of the Scup-pernong
River as he passed westward through Albemarle Sound. Apparently, how-ever,
he did not enter the stream. At the time of the Roanoke~voyages , the In-dian
vil lage of Mequopen was located on the south bank of the Scuppernong , ap-proximately
mid - way between the present towns of Columbia and Creswell. This
village_and the village of Tramaskecooc on the Alligator River were Algonkian
2 settlements possibly affiliated with the Secotan tribe.
For fully a century following the last of the ill-fated Roanoke voyages,
the vast peninsula between Albemarle and Pamlico sounds remained almost entire-ly
the domain of a dwindling number of Indian inhabitants. Permane nt white
settlement began along the north shore of Albemar le Sound in the mid - seventeenth
century, but did not extend significantly across the sound until the late seven-teenth
and early eighteenth centuries. The areas near the mouths of Kendricks
Creek and the Scuppernong River were among the first to be settl ed. By 1710
residences dotted the shoreline as far west as the Alligator River. From the
choicest fites on and near the sound, settlement spread gradually up the major • 3 streams a .nd tributaries.
Among the first landowners on the lower po r tion of t he Scuppernong River '
was proprietary agent Thomas Pollock, who established a plantation there by
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4 the summer of 1697. Others soon to take up land along the stream included
members of the Ainsley, Bateman, Phelps, Fewox, Hassell , Davenport, and
Spruill families . 5 • • .. I • By 1729 settlement of the area south of Albemarle Sound
was sufficient to bring about the creation of Tyrrell County, which initially
included the present Washington and Dare counties, and a portion of Martin
6 County as well .
It is virtually certain that maritime activity on the lower r eaches of
the Scuppernong River followed hard on the heels of permanent white settlement.
Moreover , it appears that the stream quickly became part of a rather extensive
network of trade. In 1720, for example, shares in the eighty-three- ton vessel
Albemarle , "now lying in the River Coscoopernung [i.e., Scuppernong] ," were
purchased by Thoma s Bray of Chowan Precinct and Richard Sanderson of Perquimans .,
Precinct. Two of its previous owners were residents of Perquimans and Pasquo-tank
precincts; but the third was a mariner only recently removed to North
7 Carolina from Barbados. "Coscoopernung" wa s but one of several variant spell-ings
of . the stream in documents and maps of the colonial period, others being
" Cuscoponung," "Scuponung," "Scupperlong," and "Scopernong . .. s
It is s i gnificant to note that the Wimble Map of 1738 clear ly indicates
the pr esence of a "Shipyard" on the north bank of t he stream approximately mid­way
along its length. 9 This is one of the earliest such . facilities in North
Carolina of which we have definite evidence . It is even possible that Wimble ' s
own ship , the Rebecca, was constructed on the Scuppernong in 1730, though it
10 seems more likely that it was built on the Cape Fear . Wimble himself had re-ceived
a patent for 640 acres of land on the lower reaches of the Scuppernong
River in 1723; and he had continued t o buy and sell property in Tyrrell County
~ . until about 173o. 11
One other bit of contemporary evidence concerning the shipyard is provide~
by a patent of 1730, which conveyed to Jonathan Batemond (or Bateman) 423 acres
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"in Scupperlong called Viniard Island, joining Mathew Caswell and the River
12 on the E. side of the shipyard." A close comparison of the Wimble Map with
modern maps and aerial photographs indicates that the shipyard may well have
been located on the north bank of the Scuppernong approximately mid-way the
distance between the present Dunbar's and Simmon's landings. An aerial photo-graph
of 1938 showed an island in the river at this point and a large area of
abandoned farmland along the northern shoreline nearby. 13
In December of 1739 the Tyrrell County Court authorized the construction
of two public warehouses on the Scuppernong River for the payment of quit rents,
one at "Swift Creek Bridge," the other near the mouth of the stream at Back Bay.
With prescribed dimensions of 15' by 25', these buildings were to be of frame
construction with shingle roofs. 14 The colonial assembly duri9g the following
year altered slightly the proposed location of the upper or Back Bay warehouse
from Joseph Spruill's landing to that of his brother Samuel, its having been
determined that the former would not admit vessels of sufficient draft. 15
In· l755 the assembly designated "Scuppernong Warehouse" and "Scuppernong
River" as two of twelve inspection points for a variety of export coliDDodities
in what was then a much larger Tyrrell County . 16 "Scuppernong River" was fur-ther
designated an inspection point in similar legislation of 1758, 1764, and
1770.
17
Although contemporary maps indicated no roads in the vicinity of the
Scuppernong River during the colonial period, there were, nevertheless, at
least three ferries in operation at various points along the stream by the
late 1750s. 18
During the years just following the American Revolution, the prominent
Edenton ~rchant Josiah Collins, Sr. joined with Na\haniel Allen and Dr. Sam­uel
Dickenson to form the Lake Company. The aim of this ambitious enterprise
was to acquire and develop the lands on Lake Phelps, a vast body of water dis- •
covered by hunters same thirty years earlier. 19 Through grant and purchase,
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the company acquired nearly 100,000 acres of undeveloped land between Lake
Phelps and the Scuppernong River to the north . A canal between the lake and
river was completed by 1788 through the extensive use of slave labor and at
a cost of $30,000. Six miles in length, it was twenty feet wide and six feet
deep . Because Lake Phelps was elevated approximately eighteen feet higher
than the river , the regulated flow of water furnished ample power to drive saw,
grist, and other mills. The canal also served for purposes of drainage and ir-rigation
. Perhaps its most vital use, however, was as an artery of commerce and
transportation, for the development of the lake area ' s vast and manifold poten-tial
would clearly have been to little purpose had there been no efficient
means of getting pr oducts to market. 20
Large flat boats on the "Somerset Canal" (as it came to b~ called) carried
vast quantities of rice, wheat, corn, lumber, shingles, staves, and other prod-ucts
to sailing vessels of up to seventy- five tons waiting in the Scupper nong
to receive them for expor t . 21 Alr eady by 1791, Collins, Allen, and Dickenson
were advertising the availability of lumber for convenient shipment at the mouth
of the canal:
The subscribers take this method to inform the public that they
have completed their sawmills at their canal on Scuppernong River, where
they have for sale a quantity of excell ent Cypress plank and scantling,
which they will dispose of on reasonable terms • •• •
The lumber will be delivered at the mouth of the Canal, where any
vessel with an easy draft of water may take in her full car go.22
Josiah Collins, Sr. eventually bought out his partners ' interests in the:
Lake Company about 1816, having long since established his residence near the
head of the canal. The house tract later passed to his son and grandson. It
was the g\-andson, Josiah Collins I II, who built the )J>resent "Somerset Place"
in the early 1830s .23
In 1788 the Reverend Charles Pettigrew of Edenton moved to Lake Phelps
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to commence development of property adjoining that of his parishioner, Josiah
Collins, Sr. His home, "Bonarva," was completed about 1790, the first of
three plantations to be established by Pettigrew between Lake Phelps and the
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Scuppernong River. For many years Pettigrew had free use of the "Somerset
Canal" for the shipment of his own plantation products. However, his son
Ebenezer later constructed a separate canal. In addition to transportation,
the "Bonarva Canal" was also used for irrigation, drainage, and the operation
of extensive mill facilities. 25
The heirs of both Josiah Collins, Sr. and Charles Pettigrew continued to
operate their adjoining plantations on Lake Phelps until the time of the Civil
War, shipping huge quantities of lumber products and agricultural commodities
down their respective canals to seaworthy vessels anchored in ~he Scuppernong
Ri ver. In September of 1816, for example, the sloop Expedition received at
the mouth of the Bonarva Canal some 1,335 bushels of Ebenezer Pettigrew's wheat
for shipment northward to New York. In July of 1818 the schooner Sally Ann
26 took on · a similar quantity of his wheat for the same destination . Undoubted-ly,
the cargoes emanating from the Collins and Pettigrew plantations constituted
a very large portion of the total downriver shipments throughout the antebellum
period.
Back Landing, the location of Spruill ' s Chapel and of the upper warehouse,
was from the earliest period of settlement a center of trade and commerce on
27 the Scuppernong River; and it was to remain so until the Civil War. In 178~
the General Assembly enacted legislation for the creation of the town of Newport
at Back Landing, to be situated on an eighty-acre tract owned by John Maririer. 28
Like many , another projected town, however, Newport nrver materialized beyond the
planning stage. Its failure to do so soon gave impetus to the establishment of
Elizabeth Town on the opposite side of the river and some four miles farther
downstream, near the place then known as Shallops Landing. Authorized by the
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General Assembly in 1793, Elizabeth Town became the seat of Tyrrell County in
1799 . In 1810 the name of the fledgling settlement was changed to Columbia
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in order to avoid confusion with the older community in Bladen County.
Records indicate that a drawbridge was in existen.ce at Columbia even prior
to the name change of 1810. Apparently this bridge featured an opening of
t wenty-four feet, which was considered adequate for the small, shallow-draft
vessels employed on the stream. 30 It was in the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries that a more serviceable network of roads developed along
the course of the Scuppernong River. Moreover , there was also a concurrent in-crease
in the number of bridges and ferries on the middle and upper portions
of the stream. 31
By the late 1830s, if not before, a drawbridge had been constructed near
the head of navigation below Creswell (Spruill's Bridge), to permit small ves-sels
to proceed even slightly farther upstream. The Virginian Edmund Ruffin
passed over this bridge with Josiah Collins III en route from Plymouth to Somer-set
Place on Lake Phelps:
We crossed S~ uppernong river on a draw bridge . The river is
narrow, but deep, and navigable for sea vessels for a mile
above the bridge.32
Although small sailing ships, flats, canoes, periaugers, and rafts would
long continue to comprise the majority 6f vessel traffic on the Scuppernong,
steam navigation was well established on the stream by the mid-nineteenth cen-tury.
By the time of the Civil War, r egular steamer runs existed between
Columbia and Elizabeth City. 33
Falling predominantly under Federal sway after the loss of Roanoke Island
~ in 1862, the upper portions of coastal North Caroli.I& saw relatively little
action during the remaining years of the Civil War. On at least three occa-sions
, however, minor operations were carried out by Union forces on the
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Scuppernong River to prevent Confederate troop movements and to interdict
the flow of supplies.
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Perhaps the most significant of these actions occurred in July of 1864
when Lieutenant Commander Earl English, with the Union vessels Ceres, White-
~. and Ella May, successfully carried out his orders:
to ascend the Scuppernong River as far as Columbia and burn
the bridge at that place, in order to prevent the rebels from
transporting supplies to their army at Plymouth.34
Besides burning the Columbia bridge, which was its primary objective, this
expedition also destroyed a sizeable quantity of grain and a large gristmill
35 nearby.
In late September of the same year, the shallow-draft Federal gunboat
Valley City, accompanied by the tug Martin, was dispatched up~he Scuppernong
River to prevent the escape of Confederate troops being driven westward by a
coordinated expedition up the Alligator River . The Valley City, however, ran
aground on the bar as she entered the Scuppernong, and for some time exchanged
fire with a small Confederate shore battery until she succeeded at length in
getting free. 36
Finally, in March of 1865, Lieutenant Commander English again was ordered
up the Scuppernong, on this occasion capturing a Confederate vessel well up-stream
and making off with numerous fishing nets deployed in the river:
On Friday I went up the Scuppernong in the Ceres to Columbia,
where I drew up sufficient of the piles of the burned bridge at that
place to enable me to proceed on . I went on to Cross Landing, 10
miles above Columbia. In the Scuppernong I captured a schooner, and
up to now have taken sixty nets.37
The fact that public ferries were in operation at Columbia throughout the late
1860s preSbmably indicates that the bridge destroyed~y Union forces there had
38 not yet been rebuilt.
As early as 1874, the General Assembly of North Carolina forwarded to
Congress a resolution calling for the improvement of navigation on the
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Scuppernong River by the federal government. 39 Wo r k to achieve this improve-ment
finally began in 1879, and proceeded intermittently through 1885. During
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those years some $6,000 were expended in providing a channel 2,200 feet long,
7~ to 9 feet deep, and 60 to 70 feet wide through the bar at the mouth of the
river, dredging a turning basin at Spruill ' s Bridge, making four cut-offs,
rounding off eight sharp bends, and in removing a shoal three miles below Spru-ill
's Br1·dge. 40 A j f h t• f h S R. pro ect map o t e upper por 1on o t e cuppernong 1ver
reveals that there were rather extensive shipping facilities at Spruill's
Bridge, including separate warehouses for the steamers T. D. Coleman and Mary
E. Roberts, which operated regularly over the lower eighteen miles of the
stream. This same map reveals that the wreck of the schooner Lawrence was re-moved
from the stream on 26 August 1885 as a part of the work ~f improvement.
For an undisclosed period of time, it had lain near the south bank of the river
41 approximately 400 feet below Spruill ' s Bridge •
A South Carolina woman's much later recollections of a steamboat trip up
the ScuP.pernong River about 1890 clearly indicate that the going remained some-what
tortuous, despite the improvements only recently achieved:
We spent a few days in New York City then sailed on the Old
Dominion Steamship for Norfolk, Virginia. From there we took a
boat across Albemarle Sound , on up the Scuppernong River for Spru­ill's
Bridge, near Creswell, N. C. To me that boat rid e stands out
in my memory as most picturesque and thrilling- -up this beautiful
winding river . It was great fun to watch men push with great long
poles when we came up to an abrupt bend. After many hours we final­ly
came to Spruill's Bridge.42
In 1894 the federal government undertook an examination of the Scupper-nong
River to access current conditions of navigation and the advisability ?f
further improvements. It was found that previous work on the stream bad brought
" . about some lasting and beneficial changes , but that conditions at the river's
mouth had rather quickly deteriorated:
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Through the bar at the river mouth was dredged in 1880 a
cut about 2,200 feet long •••• {But] this cut remained in good
condition only a year or two, and although the bar is still in
better condition than before the cut was made, it has decreased
in width to 30 feet or less • • • • This bar is decidedly tne most
formidable obstacle to navigation up to Spruill's Bridge.
From the bar 18 miles to Sprui11s Bridge the channel gradual­ly
decreases in width from about 1,800 to about 50 feet, and the
least channel depth is about 7~ feet, which is sufficient for all
the needs of navigation. For several miles below Spruills Bridge
the river runs through a swamp, and has little or no current, the
obstacles to navigation being a few overhanging or fallen trees
and several rather sharp bends. Work of improvement carried on by
the United States from 1879 to 1885, inclusive, resulted in such a
decided change for the better that steamers are now able to run 13
miles from Spruills Bridge to Columbia in two and one-half hours,
and have trouble only at the sharp bend immediately below the turn­ing
basin at Spruills Bridge.43
At the time of this examination, the Scuppernong River was being navi-gated
on a regular basis by:
••• two steamers, from Edenton and Norfolk, respectively,
[which made] two trips per week apiece, discharging and shipping
freight at Columbia, Simmons Landing, and Spruills Bridge, respec­tively,
5, 11, and 18 miles from the river mouth.44
It was ~lso navigated by an unspecified number of sailing vessels, which on
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rare occasions ascended the stream to "a point about ~ miles above Spruills
Bridge. "45 Though barely navigable even for small sailing vessels, the river
for some distance above Spruill's Bridge was reported occasionally to be
"filled from bank to bank with rafts of logs. "46
Vessels bound downriver at this time carried cargoes comprised largely
of cotton, corn, potatoes, general merchandise, and vast quantities of lumber
and shingles. In addition, approximately 5,000,000 feet of lumber in the
form of logs were being towed from the river in rafts each year, to be sa~ed
elsewher;. Vessels returning upstream brought cargoes of fertilizers and mis­•
cellaneous merchandise for use by the sparse population of the river basin.
Total commerce on the stream, both inward and outward, amounted to some 23,000,
tons annually. 47 It was concluded from the examination of 1894 that the
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existing demands of commerce were not sufficient to warrant further improve-
48 ments by the federal government. · .. ,. ' ·
A rapid increase in actual and potential commerce on the Scuppernong
River between 1894 and 1900 brought about a reconsideration of the stream's
need for further improvement, specifically with respect to providing a more
adequate channel near its mouth. Both freight and vessel traffic were found
to have increased markedly over the past several years:
It is estimated that the present commerce is more than double
that of 1894, the part handled by steamer alone having increased
from about 2,000 tons in 1894 to nearly 38,000 tons in 1899-1900.
The increase is general and covers farm products, miscellaneous
freight, and lumber.
The development of this country depends mainly on the success­ful
navigation of this river, and two regular steamers now make tri­weekly
trips, while barges carry upward of 15,000,000 feet of manu­factured
lumber and 5 , 000,000 shingles annually, in addition to per­haps
$50,000 worth of juniper logs. Two new lumber mills have re­cently
been built and the juniper log industry is rapidly growing,
so that a successful increase over the present commerce may be ex­pected
in the near future.
This business is all handicapped by lack of water on the bar
at the river mouth, the present depth of which is not more than
6 feet in a very narrow channel, which is liable to decrease 2 feet
or more during the prevalence of westerly winds.
Ample relief can be obtained at comparatively small cost by
dredging the desired channel, and such work will place !his r iver
on an equal footing with other streams in the vicinity . 9
As a result of the 1900 examination, a project was soon undertaken to provide
a channel at the river ' s mouth 1,200 feet long, nine feet deep, and 150 feet
wide. 50
Before 1908 the Scuppernong River provided the only practicable means of
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transporting products from large portions of Washington and Tyrrell counties
to trading centers such as Edenton, Elizabeth City, and Norfolk. Any given
point on the stream lay between fifteen and twenty- five miles from the nearest
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railroad. In 1908, however, the Norfolk and Southern Railroad extended its
tracks to Creswell and Columbia, along the lower side of Albemarle Sound.
This, together with the widespread financial panic of that year, de'a lt a
severe but temporary blow to river commerce. Trade on the river had begun to
rebound within a year; and it continued a steady recovery thereafter, largely
due to the increasing shipment of lumber.51
By the end of 1910 the Branning Manufacturing Company at Columbia alone
was prodocirig 8,000,000 feet of lumber per annum, while the Scuppernong Mill-ing
Company, also of Columbia, was producing another 1,500, 000 feet. Other
smaller mills on the stream turned out at least 800,000 additional feet an-nually.
Approximately one-half of the total lumber produced was being carried
from the area by rail, but the other half was transported on s.t,a ndard lumber
barges of 6 to 8~ foot draft and between 150 and 200 feet in length. The lum-ber
barges were unable to navigate the river safely above Columbia, but a
steamer and as many as twenty-five schooners were in service up to Cross Land-ing,
with some of these continuing onward to the traditional head of navigation
at Spruill's Bridge. It was reported that vessels as large as eighty tons had
reached this point on occasion, "but with difficulty. n
52
In 1912 a project was adopted for the further improvement of the Scupper-nang
River. This project provided for channels 150 feet wide and 10 feet deep
across the bar, 100 feet wide and 10 feet deep to Columbia, 40 feet wide and
8 feet deep to Spruill's Bridge, and 30 feet wide and 7 feet deep to the high-way
bridge near Cherry, some twenty miles from the river's mouth. This pro-ject,
with few if any modifications, appears to be the one still in effect -and
being 53 ma~tained today.
When the federal government compiled its massive inventory of wharf facili-ties
in the country just prior to World War I, the Scuppernong River was re-ported
to have some twenty-six on those portions of the stream under improvement:
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nine below Columbia, eleven at Columbia, three near Cross Landing, and two at
Spruill's Bridge. All were of timber construction with pile foundations and
generally with plank decking. Depth of water at these wharves varied from 2
to 12~ feet. Fourteen of these wharves had adjacent warehouses. Road connec­tions
of some sort existed to all but four locations. 54
The bridges spanning the Scuppernong at this time were situated at Cherry,
Spruill ' s Bridge, Cross Landing, and Columbia, where there was both a highway
bridge and a railroad bridge. All of these bridges were drawbridges except
for the fixed truss bridge at Cherry, which afforded only a six-foot clearance
at mean low water. Spruill's Bridge and the Cross Landing Bridge both featured
draw spans of thirty feet, while the two bridges at Columbia provided openings
55 of thirty- nine feet for the passage of vessels. Th~ highway ~ridge at Colum-bia
has since been replaced, in 1927 and again in 1959 • 56
From the time of the Civil War until the Depression years of the 1930s,
the former Collins and Pettigrew plantations fell largely into desuetude except
for partial and occasional use by tenant farmers . Large sections were then ac-quired
by the Farm Security Administration and developed as the ill-fated Scup-pernong
Farms Project. After the abandonment of this project, much of the area
was taken up by the state for the creation of Pettigrew State Park. Somerset
Place, the residence of Josiah Collins III, has since been incorporated into the
57 system of State Historic Sites.
The years following World War II saw a general increase in lumber produc-~
tion along the Scuppernong River and throughout Tyrrell County in general. This
production brought with it the creation of even more extensive drainage and 'canal
projects and the reclamation of additional acreage fqpmerly covered by water. 58
By 1980 there were no fewer than six canals linking Lake Phelps and the Scupper-
59 nong River.
After nearly three centuries of continuous and varied usage, the Scuppernong
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• River remains an important artery of commerce . Moreover, its still sparsely
settled shorelines and unspoiled waters also provide ample recreation for large
numbers of hunters and sports fishermen •
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Footnotes
1 For a general discussion of the area, see United States Congress, 53rd
Congress, 3rd Session. House Executive Document, No. 217, pp. 2 and 4; and
Bill Sharpe, A New Geography of North Carolina, 4 volumes (Raleigh.:. ~harpe
Publishing Company, 1954-1965), IV, 2121-2137.
2 See map of "Raleigh's Virginia 1584-90" in David Beers Quinn, editor, The
Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, 2 volumes in 1 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1955), in­side
back cover and in Appendixes to this report. See also Quinn, Roanoke Voy­ages,
861 n. One source places the village of Mequopen so.mewhat farther down­stream,
near the mouth of Second Creek. See David E. Davis, History of Tyrrell
County (Norfolk: James Christopher Printing Company, 1963), 1.
3Jerry L. Cross, "The Spruill Home Place: Site 31TY9 Documentary Research
Report" (Research report prepared for the Archaeology Branch, North Carolina Divi­sion
of Archives and History, 1984), 1; and Davis, History of Tyrrell County, 7-8.
4 Mattie Erma Edwards Parker, editor, North Carolina Higher Court Records,
1697-1701. Volume III in Colonial Records of North Carolina [Second Series]
(Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Archives and History, 1971), 126-127.
5 .,
Margaret M. Hofmann, editor, Province of North Carolina, 1663- 1729 (Weldon,
North Carolina: Roanoke News Company, 1979), 74, 175, and 260; WilliamS. Price,
Jr . , editor, North Carolina Higher Court Records, 1702-1708. Volume IV in Colonial
Records of North Carolina [Second Series] (Rale'igh: North Carolina Division of
Archives and History, 1974), 110-111, 113, and 479; Parker, North Carolina Higher
Court Records, 371; Davis, Historl of Tyrrell County, 7-8; and Cross, "The Spruill
Home Place," 2-3 .
6 Cross, "The Spruill Home Place," 1-2.
7 Robert J. Cain, editor, Records of the Executive Council. 1664-1734 . Volume
VII in Colonial Records of North Carolina [Second Se.ries] (Raleigh: North Caro­lina
Division of Archives and History, 1984), 495-496.
8see Moseley Map (1733), Wimble Map (1738), and Collet Map (1770). See
also Hofmann, Province of North Carolina, 237 .
9see Wimble Map (1738) .
1. 799
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