[(The Coming Conquest of England)] [Author: August Niemann] published on (September, 2010)

***RE-PRINT*** The coming conquest of England

permitted, by express command of the Prince, to stay a considerabletime in the upper conning-tower, from which the Imperial Admiraldirected the battle, and the deliberate calmness of the supremecommander, steadily pursuing his object, had filled him withunshaken confidence in a victory for the German fleet, in spite ofthe numerical superiority of the English.

Ever since Heideck had heard the news of Edith Irwin's death fromBrandelaar, all purely human feelings and sensations that connectedhim with life had died in his heart. He was no longer anything butthe soldier, whose thoughts and efforts were filled exclusivelywith anxiety for the victory of his country's arms. All personalexperiences were completely forgotten as if they had taken placeten years ago. At this moment, when the existence or extinction ofnations was at stake, his own life was of so little importance tohim that he was not even conscious of the foolhardy intrepiditywith which he risked it at every step.

Majestic and powerful, sending forth death-dealing flashes from herturrets and portholes, the Wittelsbach had hitherto proceeded onher way, not heeding the wounds which the enemy's shot hadinflicted in her hull. An almost thankful feeling for the gloriousship which carried him arose in Heideck's breast.

"You do honour to the great name you bear," he thought. Throughsmoke and steam he looked up at the conning-tower, where he knewthe Prince-Admiral was. Then he saw it no more, for suddenly athick, black cloud overspread his eyes. He had only felt a slightblow in his breast, but no pain. He tried to lift his hand to theplace where he had been hit, but it sank powerlessly. It seemed asif he were being turned round in a circle by an invisible hand.Thousands of fiery sparks shot up suddenly from the dark cloud--thenight closed completely round him--deep, impenetrable night, andstill, solemn silence.

Major Hermann Heideck had found a hero's death.

. . . . . . .

A torpedo-boat that had been summoned by signal hurried up at fullspeed to the Admiral's flagship which was lying on her side. Abroadside torpedo had struck the Wittelsbach; and although therewas no fear of her sinking, it was impossible for operations to bedirected from her any longer.

Regardless of the danger it involved, the Prince-Admiral hadhimself and his staff transferred by the torpedo-boat to theZahringen, on which his flag was at once hoisted.

. . . . . . .

The progress of the engagement had hitherto been favourable to theGerman fleet to a surprising extent. Its losses were considerablyless than those of its numerically far superior enemy, and itsships, with few exceptions, were still able to fight and manoeuvre.But as yet, considering the strength of the ships still at theenemy's disposal, it was too early to speak of a decision in favourof the German fleet. Although the clever manoeuvre of the Germansquadron had frustrated the intended attack of the English, andinflicted very considerable losses upon them, it might still bepossible for Sir Percy Domvile to atone for his mistake and to bindthe capricious fortune of war to his flag.

The same frightful scenes which Major Heideck had witnessed onboard the Wittelsbach had also taken place on the other Germanbattleships and cruisers. Blood flowed in rivers, and, if themurderous engagement continued much longer, the moment could not befar off when it would no longer be possible to fill the gaps causedby death in the ranks of the brave crews. A few luckily-aimedEnglish torpedoes, and no genius in the supreme command, no heroismon the part of the captains, officers, and crew would have beenable to avert disaster from the German arms.

Then, suddenly a fresh, apparently very powerful squadron, wassighted from the south-west, which, if it had proved to be aBritish reserve fleet, must have decided the victory at once infavour of the English.

The moments that passed until the question was definitely settledwere moments of the keenest suspense and excitement for those onboard the German vessels. The relief was so much the greater whenit was seen to be no fresh hostile force, but Admiral Courtille'ssquadron, advancing at full speed, just at the right moment todecide the issue.

The state of affairs was now changed at one stroke so completely tothe disadvantage of the English, that a British victory had becomean impossibility. The intervention of the French squadron, stillperfectly intact, consisting of ten battleships, ten large and tensmall cruisers, was bound to bring about the annihilation of theEnglish fleet. The English Admiral was quickwitted enough to gaugethe situation correctly, as soon as he had recognised theapproaching ships as the French fleet and assured himself of theenemy's strength. The orders given to form again for an attackwere succeeded by fresh signals from the English flagship, orderinga rapid retreat. The English Admiral, regarding the battle asdefinitely lost, considered it his duty to save what could still besaved of the fleet under his charge. Before the French couldactively intervene the English fleet steamed away at full speed tothe north-west.

Thundering hurrahs on all the German ships acclaimed the victoryannounced by this retreat. The boats of the torpedo division andsome swift cruisers were ordered to keep in touch with the fleeingenemy.

The French Admiral in command had gone on board the flagshipZahringen to place himself and his squadron under the command ofthe Prince-Admiral and to come to an arrangement as to the furtherjoint operations of the combined fleets. For there was no doubtthat the victory ought to be utilised at once to the fullestextent, if it were really to be decisive.

Deeply moved, the Prince embraced Admiral Courtille, and thankedhim for appearing at the critical moment. The French Admiral,however, excused himself for intervening so late. "I was obliged,"said he, "to wait till it was night and steer far out to the south-west before I could turn north; I had to do this, so as to be ableto break through Prince Louis of Battenberg's blockading squadronwithout being seen, under cover of night."

Meanwhile, the scouts sent after the enemy had returned with theinformation that the English fleet had altered its course andappeared making for the Thames. Further pursuit was impossible, asthe English Admiral had detached some ships, for which the Germancruisers were not a match.

Previous arrangements had been made for transferring the dead andwounded to the ships signalled to for the purpose, and were carriedout without great difficulty, the sea being now calmer. Now thatthe fearful battle had ceased, for the first time the crews becamefully conscious of the horrors they had passed through. The rescueof the wounded showed what cruel sacrifices the battle haddemanded. It was a difficult and melancholy task, which made manya sailor's heart beat with sorrow and compassion. The dead werefor the most part horribly mangled by the splinters of the shellswhich had caused their death, and the injuries of the wounded, forwhom the surgeons on board had, of course, only been able toprovide first aid in the turmoil of battle, were nearly all sosevere, that they could only be moved slowly.

After the German ships had signalled that they were again ready foraction, those which had the dead and wounded on board, togetherwith the German ships put out of action and the captured Englishships, were ordered to make for Antwerp. The combined Franco-German fleet, under the supreme command of the Prince-Admiral,resumed its voyage in the direction of the mouth of the Thames.

XXXV

AT HAMPTON COURT

The long rows of windows in Hampton Court Palace were still a blazeof light, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour. The doublepost of the royal uhlans before the entrance was still busy, forthe unceasing arrival and departure of officers of rank of thethree allied nations demanded military honours. Immediately afterthe naval engagement at Flushing, so disastrous to the English, alarge French army and some regiments of the Russian Imperial Guardhad landed at Hastings and were now quartered at Aldershot, on thebest of terms with the French and the German troops who had marchedfrom Scotland. The Prince-Admiral's headquarters had been removedto Hampton Court, whose silent, venerable, and famous palace becamesuddenly the centre of stirring military and diplomatic life.

Any further serious military operations were hardly considered, forthe supposition that the landing of large hostile armies wouldpractically mean the end of the campaign, had proved correct.

In the resistance which bodies of English troops had attempted tooffer to the French advance on London, the volunteers had clearlyshown their bravery and patriotic devotion; but had been unable tocheck the victorious course of their better-led opponents.Accordingly, an armistice had been concluded for the purpose ofconsidering the terms of peace offered by England, even before theGerman troops advancing from Scotland had had the opportunity oftaking part in the land operations.

The conclusion of peace, eagerly desired by all the civilisednations of the world, might be considered assured, although, nodoubt, its final ratification would be preceded by long anddifficult negotiations. The idea, mooted by the German ImperialChancellor, of summoning a general congress at the Hague, at whichnot only the belligerents, but all other countries should berepresented, had met with general approval, since all the stateswere interested in the reorganisation of the relations of thePowers. But the settlement of the preliminaries of peace wasnecessarily the business of the belligerents, and it was for thispurpose that the German Imperial Chancellor, Freiherr vonGrubenhagen, the French Foreign Minister, M. Delcasse, and theRussian Secretary of State, M. de Witte, accompanied by CountLamsdorff, and a full staff of officials and diplomatic assistants,had met at Hampton Court Palace.

The preliminary negotiations between these statesmen and theEnglish plenipotentiaries, Mr. Balfour, Prime Minister and FirstLord of the Treasury, and the Marquis of Londonderry, LordPresident of the Privy Council, were carried on with restlesseagerness. But the strictest silence in regard to their results upto the present was observed by all who had taken part in them.

The conduct of the Prince-Admiral was an obvious proof that themilitary leaders were not inactive, in spite of the commencement ofpeace negotiations. Although he took no part in the diplomaticproceedings and simply occupied himself with military affairs, notonly every minute of the day, but a good part of the night, wasspent by him in work and discussions with his staff officers, withthe chief officers of the land forces, and with the chiefcommanders of the allied Franco-Russian army. Everyone was full ofadmiration for the Prince's never-failing vigour and indefatigablepower of work; his tall, slender, Teutonic form, and fair-beardedface, with the quiet, clear sailor's eyes, never failed to impressall who came in contact with him. Only his imperial brother, whoheld in his hand all the threads of political action, could rivalthe Prince in the traditional Hohenzollern capacity for work atthis important time.

It was close on midnight when, after a long and livelyconsultation, the French general, Jeannerod, left the Prince'sstudy. No sooner had the door closed behind him than the adjutanton duty, with an evident expression of astonishment in the sound ofhis voice, announced: "His Excellency the Imperial Chancellor,Frieherr von Grubenhagen."

The Prince advanced to the middle of the room to meet his visitorand shook him heartily by the hand.

"I thank Your Excellency for granting me an interview with you to-day, although it is so late and you are overwhelmed with work. Ihad a special reason for wishing to confer with you, which you willunderstand when I tell you that all kinds of rumours have reachedme as to exaggerated demands on the part of our allies. Myprevious attitude will have shown you that I have no intention ofinterfering in diplomatic negotiations, or even exercising myinfluence in one direction or another. I feel that I am here notas a statesman, but simply as a soldier; and for that very reason Ithink you can speak the more openly to me. I have been told thatthe complete annihilation of England is intended as indispensableto the conditions of peace."

The Chancellor, whose manly, determined face showed no signs ofexhaustion, notwithstanding his almost superhuman labours, lookedfrankly at the Prince and shook his head.

"Your Royal Highness has been incorrectly informed. Neither we norour allies have the intention of annihilating England. Certainlywe are all fully agreed that this fearful war must not be waged invain, and that the reward must correspond with the greatness of thesacrifice at which it has been purchased."

"And to whom is the reward to fall?"

"To all the nations, Your Royal Highness. It would have been a sinto kindle this universal conflagration had it not been taken forgranted that its refining flames would prepare the ground for thehappiness and peace of the world. For centuries Great Britain hasmisused her power to increase her own wealth at the cost of others.Unscrupulously she grabbed everything she could lay hands on, and,injuring at every step important and vital interests of othernations, she challenged that resistance which has now shattered herposition as a power in the world. The happiness of the peoples canonly be restored by a peace assured for years, and only a justdivision of the dominion of the earth can guarantee the peace ofthe world. Therefore England must necessarily surrender anessential part of her possessions over sea. Russia wants the wayfree to the Indian Ocean, for only if she has a sufficient numberof harbours open all the year round will the enormous riches of hersoil cease to be a lifeless possession. And France--"

"Let us keep to Russia first, Your Excellency. Has the RussianGovernment already formulated its demands?"

"These demands are the essential outcome of the military situation;they culminate in the cession of British India to Russia. Whateverelse our Eastern neighbour may strive to gain, is intended toensure the peace of Europe more than her own aggrandisement. Thestanding danger which threatens the peace of Europe from the stormycorner of the old world, the Balkan Peninsula, must be finallyremoved. A fundamental agreement has been arrived at between thePowers concerned that the Russian and Austrian spheres of influencein the Balkans are to be defined in such a manner that a definitearrangement of affairs in the Balkan States will be the result.There is talk of an independent Kingdom of Macedonia, under therule of an Austrian archduke. The equivalent to be given to theRussian Empire as a set-off to this increase of the power ofAustria will have to be finally settled at the conference at theHague. But in any case the dangers which threaten the peace ofEurope from Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro will be effectuallyobviated for the future."

"But are you not afraid that the Sultan will resist such anagreement, by which Turkey is essentially the sufferer?"

"The Sultan will have to yield to the force of circumstances. Wemust not forget, Your Royal Highness, that Turkey has hithertoretained her European possessions more from the lack of unanimityamong the great Powers than any consecrated rights of the Porte.The unceasing troubles in Macedonia have shown that the Sultan hasneither the power nor the intention to give the Balkan countriesunder his rule a government corresponding to the demands of moderncivilisation. If the Porte loses the support it has hithertoreceived from England, the Sultan is at the same time deprived ofall possibility of serious resistance."

"And what is arranged about Egypt?"

"Egypt is the prize of victory for France; but only what she canjustly claim on the ground of a glorious history will be restoredto her. The sovereignty of the Sultan, which is a mere formality,will remain. But England's present position in Egypt--certainlywith a definite limitation--will henceforth fall to France."

"And what is the limitation?"

"It will be administered, not by France alone, but by aninternational commission, appointed by all the Powers, under thepresidency of France, in the place of the present Englishadministration. The first condition is that England must cede allher financial claims and her Suez Canal shares to the alliedPowers. These financial sacrifices will at the same time be partof the war indemnity which England will have to pay."

"Does France raise no further claims?"

"France is the more satisfied with the results of this war, sincean annexation of Belgium to the French Republic is very probable.Germany, however, claims the harbour of Antwerp, which we haveoccupied since the beginning of the war."

"If I am correctly informed, was it not suggested that Aden shouldfall to France or be neutralised?"

"The idea was certainly mooted, but the allied Powers have decidedto leave Aden to England. On the other hand, England will have topledge herself to raise no obstacles which would render theconstruction and working of the Bagdad railway illusory. Theharbour of Koweit on the Persian Gulf, the south-eastern terminusof this railway, must remain the uncontested possession of Turkey."

"And Gibraltar? It raised a storm of indignation in England, whenthe report suddenly spread that the cession of this fortress wouldbe demanded."

"And yet the English Government will have to submit, for thesurrender of Gibraltar is an indispensable condition on the part ofthe allies."

"It is impossible to rase this natural fortress."

"It would suffice if the English garrison were withdrawn, and allthe fortifications dismantled. Gibraltar will cease to exist as afortress, and will be restored to Spain on definite conditions.However, as it is not the intention of the allies completely todestroy English influence in the Levant, Malta will continue toform part of the British Empire. Thus England retains in theMediterranean the most important point d'appui for her fleet."

"It will not be easy to get the English Government to accept theseconditions. But you have not yet spoken of the demands of Germany--Antwerp does not touch England's interests directly."

"The policy of the German Government will culminate in ensuringsettled commercial and political relations with England and hercolonies and the rounding off of our own colonial possessions. Wetherefore demand Walfish Bay for German South-West Africa, the onlygood harbour, which, at the present time, being English, is closedto our young South African Colony. Besides this, we must insistupon the East African districts, which we gave up in exchange forHeligoland, being restored to us. This serious mistake in Germanpolicy must be rectified; for the abandonment of the Protectorateof Zanzibar to England was a blow, which not only paralysed thezeal of our best colonial friends, but also depreciated the valueof our East African Colonies."

"I certainly regard this as one of the most important demands ofour time. We must recover what the policy of the last centurieshas lost by neglect. At the same time that Your Royal Highness'sgreat ancestor waged war for seven years for a mere strip of land--for tiny Silesia, the far-seeing policy of England succeeded, at asmaller sacrifice, in getting possession of enormous tracts ofterritory far larger in their whole extent than the entirecontinent of Europe."

"But for centuries England has been a naval power, and obliged todirect her efforts to the acquisition of colonies over sea."

"And what was there to prevent Prussia, centuries ago, frombecoming a naval power that should command respect? It was ourmisfortune that the mighty ideas and far-seeing plans of the greatElector were frustrated by the inadequate means at his disposal.Had his successors continued what he had begun, Great Britain'spower would never have been able to reach such a height. We shouldhave secured in time, in previous centuries, our due share of theparts of the world outside Europe."

The Prince looked thoughtfully before him. After a brief silencethe Imperial Chancellor continued--

"Your Royal Highness may have heard that the Netherlands are firmlyresolved, in the interest of self-preservation, to be incorporatedwith the German Empire as a federal state, like Bavaria, Saxony,Wurtemburg, Baden, and the other German states, after the Franco-German War. The rich and extensive Dutch colonies would then alsobecome German colonies; that is to say, they would enter into thepolitical union of the other German colonies while remaining underthe administration of Holland. Our intention of repairing thewrong done by England to the Boers has made a very good impressionon the Dutch population. The Boer states will enter into the samerelation to us in which they stood to England before the Boer War,and their independence will be restored to them."

"Meaning self-government with the recognition of German supremacy.Certainly, they are kinsmen of the Dutch. But, my dear Baron, willnot the German people be alarmed at the consequences of anextension of our possessions over sea? Larger colonial possessionsnecessitate a larger fleet. Think of the struggle which the alliedGovernments had to carry through Parliament even a modest increasein the German fleet!"

"I am not so much afraid of this difficulty, for the German peoplehave learnt the value of the fleet. We have got beyond thetentative stage, and have paid enough for our experience. We musthold fast what we possess and recover what we have lost during thelast decades through the unfortunately unbusiness-like spirit ofour foreign policy. Then the German people will have renewedconfidence in our colonial policy."

"But how will you raise the sums necessary to make our fleet strongand powerful?"

"Our negotiations with the friendly Governments of France andRussia are a proof that in these states, just as in the Germanpeople, there is a desire for a diminution of the land army; thereis an equally strong feeling in Italy and Austria. The peoplewould break down under the burden if the expenses for the army wereincreased, if we diminish our land army we shall have the means toincrease our naval forces. Now, after a victorious war, the momenthas come when the whole Continent can reduce its enormous standingarmies to a footing commensurate with the financial capacities ofits people. The external enemy is conquered; we must not think ofconjuring up the internal enemy by laying excessive burdens on allclasses."

"You spoke just now of the unbusiness-like spirit of our foreignpolicy. How is this reproach to be understood?"

"Quite literally, Your Royal Highness! The bargain which gave upZanzibar to get Heligoland would never have been possible if ourdiplomacy had shown the same far-sightedness and intelligence asthe English in economic questions, which I can only designate bythe honourable title of a 'business-like spirit.' This business-like spirit is the mainspring of industry and agriculture, of tradeand handicrafts, as of all industrial life generally, and it isnecessary that this business-like spirit should also be recognisedin our ministries as the necessary condition for the qualificationto judge of the economic interests of the people. In this respectour statesmen and officials and our industrial classes can learnmore from our vanquished enemy than in anything else. England owesher greatness to being 'a nation of shopkeepers,' while oureconomic development and our external influence has been hinderedmore than anything else by the contempt with which the industrialclasses have been treated amongst us up to the most recent times.In England the merchant has always stood higher in the social scalethan the officer and official. Amongst us he is looked upon almostas a second-class citizen compared with the other two. What inEngland is valued as only a means to an end is regarded by us as anend in itself. The spirit of that rigid bureaucracy, of whichPrince Bismarck has already complained, is still unfortunately withfew exceptions the prevailing spirit in our Empire, from thehighest to the lowest circles; the lack of appreciation of theimportance of economic life is the cause of the low esteem in whichthe industrial classes are held. The sound business-like spirit,which pervades all English state life, cuts the ground from underthe feet of Social Democracy in England, while with us it isgaining ground year by year. I am convinced that our German peoplehave no need to fear Social Democracy, for in reforming socialcancers those who govern are of more importance than those who aregoverned."

"There may be much that is true in what you say, Herr Chancellor.But the extension of our colonial possessions will, first andforemost, benefit trade, and the merchant will naturally become ofgreater importance with us. There is already talk of greatplantation societies to be started with enormous capital."

"It is just against the formation of these societies that I intendto exert my whole influence, Your Royal Highness. We could commitno more fatal error than to allow the state-privileged speculationin landed property, which has produced such unwholesome fruits inthe old civilised states, to exist in our colonies. Real propertymust be no object of speculation, it must remain the property ofthe state. Agriculture belongs to the classes, who at the presenttime suffer most from economic depression. Nothing but an increaseof the protective duties can preserve the agricultural populationfrom the threatening danger of economic ruin. Increase ofprotective duty will bring with it increased profit, combined witha further increase in the value of land, which is also an articleof traffic. Then the increase of land values will at the same timecreate an increase of the rents to be obtained from landedproperty, and for this reason I cannot help fearing that, in spiteof an increase of protective duties, agriculture will have tosuffer in the next generation from the further increase in thevalue of land and the higher rents that will be the result.

"In our colonies we must not fall into the same error that hasproduced the socialist question in modern civilised states. Theearth belongs to those creatures who live on it and by it inaccordance with a higher law than human imperfection has framed.Therefore the soil of our earth must be no object of traffic. Itsgrowth is inseparable from that of the body of the state. I darenot hope that it will be allotted to me or my contemporaries tosolve this question, yet I shall never tire of using all myinfluence to prevent at least a false agrarian policy in our youngcolonies. Injustice dies from its results, for injustice breedsits own avenger. Mankind committed a fatal wrong in permitting theland that supported them to become an object of speculation. Thisnoxious seed brings noxious fruits to light. It must be thehighest task of all governments to carry out land reform--the greatproblem that decides the destiny of a world--by all possiblelegislative measures. Now that, in all human probability, peace isassured, now that external dangers no longer threaten the existenceof our Empire, there is nothing to exonerate us from the seriousand sacred obligation to commence the greatest and most powerfulwork of reform that humanity can undertake. Then our path willlead us--from the conquest of nations to self-conquests."

At this moment the door of the room opened, and a royal messenger,introduced by the adjutant on duty, handed the Prince a letterdecorated with the imperial crown and the initial of the imperialname.

The first glimmer of dawn entered the open window, and through thetops of the venerable trees of Hampton Court Park was heard amysterious rustling and whispering, as if they were talking of thewonderful changes of fortune, of which they had been the mutewitnesses since the remote days of their youth.

The blue eyes of the Hohenzollern Prince were shining proudly,while they scanned the imperial missive. For a few moments a deepsilence prevailed. Then the Prince turned to the ImperialChancellor--

"It will be a great day for us, Your Excellency! His Majesty theEmperor will enter London at the head of the allied armies. Peaceis assured. God grant that it may be the last war which we shallhave to wage for the future happiness of the German nation!"