Richard Edmonds – a Directorate member of the National Front, a party now banned from Facebook

The private company that manages the social-media site Facebook, has just announced that the National Front and its chairman, Tony Martin, together with a number of other nationalist spokespersons and nationalist organisations, BNP, etc. have been banned from the social-media platform.

The pretext given by Facebook is that the Nationalists named and their organisations have spread “hatred”, and have proclaimed “a violent and hateful mission.” This is all lies. It has always been a criminal offence to incite violence and for the last forty years, ever since the Race Act, it has been a criminal offence to promote racial hatred. If any of the individuals named were guilty of either offence then they would have been charged by the judicial authorities, which is not the case. And if any of the nationalist organisations, NF, BNP, etc, had been found to promote violence then they would have been closed down as was National Action, But none of the organisations named by Facebook have been closed down by the Authorities.

This action by the private company which owns and manages Facebook, and which has a near monopoly of the social-media, represents a tyranny answerable to nobody. The older ones of us can remember a time when we were told that Britain fought two world wars to guarantee Freedom of Speech. Not any more.

But friends, take heart. This banning is a form of back-handed compliment. Clearly it is recognised that Nationalists and only Nationalists are the true and only opposition to Mass-immigration and to the multi-criminal nightmare-society being forced onto us.

H&D comments:

Apart from the NF and BNP, Facebook have also banned (yet again) former BNP leader Nick Griffin, and his former young friend Paul Golding (now leader of the tiny Britain First group), and Paul’s former girlfriend/deputy leader Jayda Fransen; Paul Ray, a founder member of the a nut-group called Knights Templar International; former fundraiser for the BNP and Britain First Jim Dowson; Jack Renshaw, a former BNP Youth leader, who was linked to the proscribed NS Youth organisation National Action (although how young Jack can get onto Facebook to chat to his young friends from solitary confinement in HMP Belmarsh is not known!) and last but surely not least former BNP member and EDL leader Steven Yaxley-Lennon (AKA Tommy Robinson).

Nick Griffin modelling Knight Templar merchandise – both Griffin and the Knights Templar have now been banned from Facebook, whose policies mirror Griffin’s own attempts to silence racial nationalists more than a decade ago.

All very sad – right? But why on earth should this come as a shock to nationalists? Facebook is well and truly part (and a big part at that) of the liberal, multi-racial liberal establishment, who are our enemies, they are against everything we stand for and hold dear, so why would they give us a platform on THEIR social-media?

Although most nationalists will probably not agree with us now, these bans may be a good thing – in the long term anyway – if they get our young (and not so young) would-be activists away from their bedrooms and their computers, laptops and smart phones, where they spend so much time on social-media, talking to people who all agree with them anyway, and back onto the streets to do some real political work. Work rebuilding the former nationalist strongholds on the council estates of Burnley, Blackburn, Stoke, Sandwell, Essex and many others, which Griffin and co destroyed ten years ago.

One last interesting point regarding Facebook’s statement of the bans on British nationalists – and I quote:“Individuals and organisations who spread hate, or attack or call for the exclusion of others on the basis of who they are, have no place on Facebook. Under our dangerous individuals and organisations policy, we ban those who proclaim a violent or hateful mission or are engaged in acts of hate or violence. The individuals and organisations we have banned today violate this policy, and they will no longer be allowed a presence on Facebook or Instagram. Posts and other content which expresses praise or support for these figures and groups will also be banned. Our work against organised hate is ongoing and we will continue to review individuals, organisations, pages, groups and content against our community standards.”

If this is the case, then why has Facebook not banned the pages of Sinn Fein – the political wing of the terrorist IRA? Or the Irish Republican Socialist Party – the political wing of the terrorist INLA who murdered Tory MP Airey Neave amongst many others; the 32 County Sovereignty Movement – the political wing of the terrorist group Real IRA – and dozens of other Irish Republican/Marxist hate groups?

Members of the Real IRA – whose political front the 32 County Sovereignty Movement is not banned from Facebook

Why indeed, we may well ask. These are real hate groups – groups who hate everything British and English. Groups who hate with a passion our Ulster-Scots cousins and have carried out a murderous campaign against them and us since the late 1960s. These are hate groups who still carry out real acts of violence (as was seen in Londonderry yesterday).

Yet just like with the many hateful Wahhabi Muslim / Jihadist pages that Facebook lets continue without any problem, they refuse to ban any of these Irish Republican terror groups. It makes you think, don’t it.

With today’s release of nominations for local authority elections in Northern Ireland, H&D can now publish our calculation of the final candidate totals for the UK’s various eurosceptic / nationalist political parties.

Not all of these parties are in any way racial nationalist, and not all racial nationalists are in any way eurosceptic, but we publish this list for our readers’ interest in showing the state of British electoral politics everywhere to the right of the Conservative Party.

Perhaps even “right” is not the correct word, but it is from somewhere within this spectrum that a new force will have to be drawn to rescue the United Kingdom from its multiracial / multicultural chaos of recent decades.

UKIP has eighteen candidates in various parts of Ulster, given them a total of 1,400 candidates across the UK for the scheduled local council elections, plus three mayoral candidates and about twenty in local by-elections that are also being held on May 2nd.

In other words UKIP will be contesting 16% of the available seats this year

Anne Marie Waters’ For Britain Movement has no candidates in Ulster, so their total remains 42.

Democrats & Veterans have three Ulster candidates, giving them 20 nationwide, plus a by-election candidate in the London Borough of Lewisham.

The new party Aontú, on which H&D recently reported, is a socially conservative and eurosceptic split from both Sinn Féin and the SDLP (north of the border) and Fianna Fáil south of the border. Aontú has sixteen candidates in various parts of Northern Ireland: an impressive total for a very new party.

Jolene Bunting, originally elected as a councillor for Traditional Unionist Voice, later became associated with the anti-Islamist group Britain First, which has failed to register as a political party but is supporting two independent candidates for English councils. Ms Bunting is standing as an Independent in the Court area of Belfast. It is not clear to H&D precisely what her present relationship is with Britain First following some internal rows last year.

TUV themselves have 32 local authority candidates this year.

So the updated candidate totals are as follows:

UKIP 1,400

For Britain 42

Traditional Unionist Voice 32

Democrats & Veterans 20

Aontú 16

English Democrats 10

Veterans & People’s Party 7

Our Nation 5

National Front 3

Populist 3

Britain First (standing as Independents) 3

British Democrats 2

BNP 2

British Resistance 1

Patria 1

Independents 3

For further details check our earlier articles on election nominations here and here.

H&D will continue to report on the local election campaign, and will include a comprehensive report on the results in our next issue, which as a consequence will appear slightly later than normal in early May.

The United Kingdom Independence Party will have 1,382 candidates at the local council elections on May 2nd, according to an analysis by Heritage and Destiny. Our estimate is based on documents from 270 English councils and does not yet include Northern Ireland, where candidate totals have not yet been published. (There will also be a few UKIP local by-election candidates, and three Mayoral candidates on the same day.)

This is less than half the number that UKIP had aimed for to qualify for a television broadcast.

However even to reach this number (given the collapse of many UKIP branches) involved a colossal effort by the party’s national headquarters, twisting the arms of local members.

There are several councils where UKIP even its present state has managed to put up a full slate of candidates for every vacancy: these include Derby, Sunderland, North Tyneside, Worcester, Bolton and Eastleigh.

Alan Graves, leader of the UKIP group on Derby City Council, one of the party’s most successful branches

However there are others where the party is now reduced to a token effort or has disappeared from the electoral map: these include Blackpool, Fylde, Lincoln, Basildon, Solihull and Middlesbrough. Most notably UKIP has been almost obliterated in its former strongholds of Thurrock (where it is down to two candidates) and Thanet (a council UKIP used to control but now has only three candidates). Numerous former UKIP councillors are standing in these areas as ‘Thurrock Independents’ or ‘Thanet Independents’.

The good news for Gerard Batten’s party is that in the absence of his most important rival Nigel Farage – whose new Brexit Party is sitting out these local elections and concentrating on potential European and General Elections later this year – UKIP has comfortably outshone three other splinter parties. We are not yet aware of any local council candidates formally designated as ‘Brexit Party’, though in practice a number of ‘Thanet Independents’ and ‘Thurrock Independents’ will probably end up following Farage.

The For Britain Movement founded by former UKIP leadership candidate Anne Marie Waters will have 42 council candidates nationwide, according to H&D‘s analysis. These include eight in Leeds; four in the West Midlands racial battleground of Sandwell; three in Stoke; and perhaps most significantly two in Epping Forest. These latter two – former BNP councillor Patricia Richardson and former BNP London mayoral candidate Julian Leppert – are among the few candidates from the broad spectrum of British nationalism who have a chance of winning this year.

Anne Marie Waters on the by-election campaign trail with former BNP election guru Eddy Butler, who now runs For Britain’s strongest branch

Another UKIP splinter group Democrats & Veterans, founded by former UKIP leadership candidate John Rees-Evans, has 17 candidates in the main local elections, plus one in a London Borough of Lewisham by-election. The strongest D&V branches are in Yorkshire, where they have three candidates in Barnsley and three in Sheffield.

The English Democrats won over a few BNP defectors during 2010-2011, and though most of this group have since left the party, ED leader Robin Tilbrook has scored a publicity coup in recent weeks after launching a legal action to rescue Brexit. The EDs have ten local council candidates this year, including six in Barnsley. In the Derbyshire borough of Amber Valley their sole candidate is former NF and BNP activist Mick Sharpe.

UKIP’s short-lived leader Henry Bolton, who was forced to quit in February 2018, now leads a tiny party of loyal followers called Our Nation: they have five candidates this year, all but one of them in Dover.

NF candidate for Brunshaw ward, Burnley, Steven Smith (left)

There are no elections this year in London or Birmingham, which has drastically reduced the number of potential National Front candidates. In fact there are just three NF council candidates this year: deputy chairman Jordan Pont in Sheffield; Chris Jackson in Calderdale; and Steven Smith in Burnley.

Despite this relatively modest campaign, 2019 might go down in history as the year the NF overtook the BNP. The truth is that the NF has for a year or two now been much the more significant nationalist organisation, in all but the financial sense. Nevertheless it will shock many observers that the BNP are down to just two council candidates this year, one in Broxbourne and the other in Sevenoaks.

Dr Jim Lewthwaite, British Democrats chairman and one of last year’s most successful nationalist candidates.

The British Democrats (mostly made up of former BNP members) will have two candidates this year. Former councillor Dr Jim Lewthwaite again contests Wyke ward, Bradford, where he achieved one of last year’s best nationalist results; while Kevan Stafford contests Loughborough Shelthorpe ward, Charnwood.

Former BNP organiser Dr Andrew Emerson continues to run his breakaway party Patria, and will again be the party’s sole candidate in Chichester.

Similarly the British Resistance party, closely associated with controversial ex-UKIP candidate Jack Sen, will have just one candidate this year – Mr Sen’s ally Carl Mason in Worcester.

Several prominent nationalists are supporting the Populist Party‘s campaign in Sunderland, where they will have two candidates in the scheduled May 2nd elections, plus a third in a by-election held the same day.

Pete Molloy, an Independent nationalist candidate in Spennymoor

There are also several veteran nationalists standing as Independents or without a party label this year. These include Pete Molloy in Spennymoor ward, Durham; Alan Girvan in Heckmondwike ward, Kirklees; and Joe Owens in Kensington & Fairfield ward, Liverpool.

The eager publicity-seekers of Britain First have failed to register with the Electoral Commission as a political party, so their name cannot appear on ballot papers. However Paul Rudge (a Britain First activist) will be standing as an independent in Rowley ward, Sandwell, as will his Britain First colleague Geoff Miles in Ware Trinity ward, East Hertfordshire.

Summary of eurosceptic / nationalist candidate totals at 2019 local council elections:

Despite the Great Brexit Betrayal at Westminster, this year’s local elections bear witness to a vacuum where nationalist (and even eurosceptic) politics used to exist.

Nominations closed this afternoon with polling day on May 2nd, and though many councils have yet to publish their lists of candidates, it seems from H&D‘s early analysis that UKIP and its various splinters have put up smaller slates than expected, though almost everywhere UKIP remains well ahead of its rivals For Britain and Democrats & Veterans.

An exception is Epping Forest, where an efficient For Britain branch directed by former BNP election guru Eddy Butler is fielding two candidates, both of them ex-BNP, compared to one for UKIP. Former BNP councillor Mrs Patricia Richardson in Waltham Abbey Honey Lane and former London mayoral candidate Julian Leppert in Waltham Abbey Paternoster have already carried out extensive leafletting and are among the very few nationalist candidates with any chance of winning this year. Elsewhere in the borough English Democrat leader Robin Tilbrook is contesting his home ward of Chipping Ongar.

Stoke-on-Trent, once a jewel in the BNP crown, now elects its full complement of councillors once every four years, so 2019 should have been an important opportunity for both UKIP and Anne Marie Waters’ For Britain Movement, who presently have their sole councillor here.

Some anti-fascist “experts” had predicted a big slate of For Britain candidates here: in fact there are only three, including incumbent councillor Richard Broughan. Similarly UKIP have just three Stoke candidates.

A more impressive showing for Ms Waters’ party is in Leeds, where they are contesting eight of the 33 vacancies – in three of these they will have no UKIP opponent. UKIP have 16 Leeds candidates, and in Bramley & Stanningley ward voters will have UKIP, For Britain and the English Democrats on their ballot paper!

Another failure is in Burnley, where UKIP is contesting only three of the 15 wards and For Britain none. While racial nationalist parties are conspicuous by their absence from most ballot papers, there is one National Front candidate in Burnley – former BNP organiser Steven Smith, who we are pleased to note will have no UKIP opposition in the Brunshaw ward.

Other NF candidates so far declared include the party’s deputy chairman Jordan Pont in East Ecclesfield ward, Sheffield (where he unfortunately has UKIP opposition); and Chris Jackson in his home ward of Todmorden, Calderdale. Like Steven Smith, Chris has no UKIP opposition. Across Sheffield, UKIP are contesting 22 of the 28 vacancies, while D&V have three candidates, only one of whom has UKIP opposition. In Calderdale there are no UKIP candidates at all, and just one For Britain candidate.

Dr Jim Lewthwaite of the British Democrats

Former councillor Dr Jim Lewthwaite is again contesting Wyke ward, Bradford, for the British Democrats. He has no UKIP or D&V opponent and can expect a creditable result. The British Democrats are also contesting Loughborough Shelthorpe ward in Charnwood, Leicestershire.

Elsewhere in Bradford there are nine UKIP candidates, one from D&V, and none from For Britain, even though the latter’s head office is in the city!

For Britain (like the National Front before them) focused much campaigning energy in Rochdale following various Asian/Muslim scandals, but this has produced nothing electorally: UKIP will contest 16 of the 20 Rochdale wards, For Britain none. Even more startling is the total absence of nationalist/eurosceptic parties in Blackpool, an area that voted 75% for Brexit and where (as in Rochdale) there has been extensive campaigning by a range of anti-Islamist groups. For Britain supporters have talked for some time about targeting Blackpool, but they have not fielded a single candidate, and this year there will be no-one from Blackpool UKIP on the ballot paper either.

A similarly rare example of UKIP progress (at least in terms of candidates) is Oldham, where there is a serious slate of 14 UKIP candidates – though not the full slate of 20 that gullible “anti-fascists” had predicted. In nearby Tameside, UKIP have five candidates, Democrats & Veterans one, and For Britain none; while in Stockport there are six UKIP candidates and none from D&V or FB.

Yet another hopelessly inaccurate prediction by lavishly funded “anti-fascist experts” was in Hartlepool, where UKIP was said to have collapsed in favour of For Britain. In fact For Britain has just one candidate in Hartlepool, compared to three for UKIP, one for Democrats & Veterans, and a profusion of independents.

Thanks to boundary changes the most racially divided borough in England – Blackburn with Darwen – has an all-out election, so as in Stoke this should have been a bonanza year for any party seeking to recover some of the votes once cast for the BNP and the England First Party. Yet UKIP have just four candidates, and For Britain none.

Across the Pennines, UKIP is contesting only five of 21 vacancies in Wakefield; and eight out of 23 in Kirklees.

The English Democrats have staged a mini-revival in Barnsley, perhaps helped by the bold action of their leader Robin Tilbrook in launching a legal action to rescue Brexit. There are six EDs here (for 21 vacancies), compared to just three for UKIP and three from the UKIP splinter group Democrats & Veterans. D&V also have two candidates in Kirklees. Another English Democrat candidate is former NF and BNP activist Mick Sharpe, contesting Ripley & Marehay ward, Amber Valley.

In Sunderland UKIP have managed a full slate of 26 candidates, while For Britain and D&V each have just one. Elsewhere in the North-East the eurosceptic cause is less vigorous: Gateshead has seven UKIP candidates for 22 vacancies. Darlington is one of the very few councils anywhere in England where UKIP (with two candidates) has been overtaken by For Britain (with three). In Cheshire East the former UKIP councillor Brian Silvester (who has been re-elected unopposed as a parish councillor) is the sole For Britain candidate, and there is no-one from UKIP.

Another former nationalist heartland where none of the existing parties is reaping electoral potential is the West Midlands borough of Sandwell. UKIP and For Britain each have just four candidates here for 24 vacancies: the only good news is that only one ward has the parties fighting each other. Next door in Dudley there are fourteen UKIP candidates and none from For Britain.

Among the many former UKIP strongholds where the party has collapsed is Thurrock, where almost the entire former UKIP branch has regrouped as ‘Thurrock Independents’. They will have a full slate of seventeen candidates, while UKIP have only two. Similarly there are only three UKIP candidates this year in Thanet, where they once controlled the council and Nigel Farage once hoped to become an MP. The bulk of Thanet’s UKIP activists now call themselves ‘Thanet Independents’. Like their Thurrock counterparts, they will probably end up in Farage’s new Brexit Party, but this is gearing up to fight European (and perhaps General) elections, not local councils. For Britain has one Thanet candidate – ex-BNP parliamentary candidate Michael Barnbrook.

Veteran nationalist Joe Owens is contesting the Kensington & Fairfield ward of his native Liverpool, without a party description, but can be expected to run a professional campaign. Other nationalist independents include Paul Rudge, a Britain First activist standing in Rowley ward, Sandwell, with the party’s backing but without its name on the ballot paper; and former BNP activist Pete Molloy, standing in the Spennymoor ward of Durham.

During the next two days as councils continue to publish their lists of candidates, H&D will carry out a complete analysis of the nationalist/eurosceptic electoral picture, and of course our next edition will report on the election results and our movement’s prospects for recovery.

So far this year’s local election picture can be summarised as follows: UKIP has collapsed in many former strongholds, rather as the BNP did before its eventual death, while retaining pockets of strength. While his embrace of radical anti-Islamism has contributed to UKIP’s implosion, party leader Gerard Batten has the consolation that this same strategy has probably helped to stifle the For Britain Movement, whose founder Anne Marie Waters had hoped that anti-Islamism would be her party’s unique selling point.

Though failing to make a breakthrough in terms of defections from UKIP and overall candidate numbers, For Britain can reasonably hope to elect one or two councillors – perhaps in Stoke, perhaps in Epping Forest, perhaps in Thanet.

Overall however – while in past years we would have been looking at dozens of racial nationalist councillors, and hundreds of UKIP councillors – this year’s elections are likely merely to confirm the continuing crisis of both nationalism and euroscepticism, despite an obvious public appetite for alternatives to the Westminster charade.

The 29th March was meant to be the day Great Britain left the hated European Union. The Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, had promised in Parliament no less than 106 times that the 29th would be the day we leave. What a lie. What a deception. What a betrayal. A day of Infamy when May’s Tory government was exposed as totally lacking all honour, honesty and principle.

Brexit demonstrators in Westminster, March 29th 2019

But what did people expect from Parliament ? Three quarters of the MP’s voted Remain at the Referendum in 2016; Mrs. May herself voted Remain at the Referendum. The vast majority of Members of Parliament are committed Globalists and Internationalists who each year give billions of pounds of our money to ungrateful Third World countries.

Against the will of the British people they have brought millions of ungrateful Third Worlders into our country, including muggers, child-rapists, benefit-fraudsters and terrorists. The vast majority at Westminster clearly have no love for Britain and care nothing for the welfare and interests of the British people. Tory governments, Labour governments, Tory Liberal-Democrat coalition governments have turned our major cities into permanent crime and riot zones where no self-respecting Briton would want to live or raise a family.

Theresa May’s Tory party has spent the last two years lying to the British people. It is clear that the plan has always been that we will not leave the European Union. The party politicians at Westminster want us locked in for ever. The party politicians despise the British people. They think that they can thwart the wishes and ignore the seventeen million plus British patriots who cast the biggest vote in our history when they voted to LEAVE at the Referendum.

We in the National Front have always warned the British people that the politicians of the old failure parties, will ALWAYS betray us. Tory, Labour, Liberal makes no difference, they are the same and they will always betray us. It is time now for the seventeen million Brexit voters and all patriots to focus on the seriousness of Britain’s situation. We are ruled by traitors who despise us. No more fudging, let us all face the grim truth because together we can win. Only the principles and policies of the National Front will save the British people.

Matthew Collins is a middle-aged thug from South London who in his youth was briefly associated with the National Front. He has turned this connection into a lifelong career as an ‘anti-fascist expert’, courted by sections of the liberal media because he is probably the only person of working-class origins they have ever encountered, and they are prepared to overlook his former pastime of poisoning fish in a local primary school.

Unfortunately for his employers, Mr Collins – like the Dick Emery character above – has a sad habit of getting things wrong.

His recent article for an anti-fascist website, after an incomprehensible paragraph about the London Forum, makes a series of errors (as well as an inexplicable reference to ‘homophobia’, which might reflect Mr Collins’ sensitivity on this subject, following his close friendship with Ian Anderson thirty years or so ago).

No-one in our circles has accused Stead Steadman of being responsible for the sabotage of Prof. Faurisson’s Shepperton meeting on October 20th. We knew almost instantly who was responsible, partly thanks to security failures by Mr Collins’ employers.

On October 20th Mr Steadman was at the Traditional Britain Group conference (having made this arrangement long before our event was scheduled) – not as Mr Collins asserts in the Netherlands.

A young Matthew Collins (centre) on a National Front paper sale.

Weirdly Mr Collins posts a mocking caption on a photograph of Mr Steadman, describing him as “sad-faced” during the NF’s march to the Cenotaph on Remembrance Sunday.

Perhaps Mr Collins and his ilk view the centenary of the First World War – a true European Holocaust that left 20 million dead and 21 million wounded – as a cause for merriment. Decent Britons, including Mr Steadman and the NF marchers, are understandably saddened.

Peter Rushton was not a “McKenzie friend” for Alison Chabloz’s court case, he was a defence witness. Ms Chabloz did not have a “McKenzie friend”, she was professionally and ably represented by barrister Adrian Davies, as Mr Collins would know if he consulted prosecution witness Gideon Falter of the “Campaign Against Antisemitism”, who was cross-examined by Mr Davies to considerable effect!

Perhaps guided by wiser heads, Mr Collins cunningly edits his quotation from our article exposing Alison Chabloz as a saboteur. He does this to avoid mentioning the name of ‘Sophie Johnson’, the Chabloz puppet whose role as informant was inadvertently exposed by Hope not Hate themselves. Giving away your sources is not good for ‘anti-fascist’ Shoah business.

Among the first trails of evidence exposing Hope not Hate’s informant were these Twitter posts on the afternoon of the Shepperton event.

Andy Carmichael – the MI5 mole in the NF – operated long after the party had already gone into decline

According to a report posted this evening on the Guardian website, Britain’s security service MI5 is taking over responsibility for “combating extreme rightwing terrorism amid mounting fears that white supremacists are increasing their efforts to foment violent racial conflict on Britain’s streets”.

Until now, although MI5 maintained a small section monitoring the ‘far right’ from a counter-subversion angle, most state monitoring of such movements has been handled by the police, specifically Special Branch and its successor SO15.

For example the vast majority of operations against the ‘far right’ have involved public order questions surrounding demonstrations and marches by the likes of the English Defence League. ‘Anti-terrorist’ operations in this area have (until now) involved mainly connections between racial nationalists in the NF or BNP and Ulster loyalist paramilitaries.

As distinct from a range of police responsibilities to combat crime and preserve public order, MI5’s responsibility involves serious threats to national security. It is an extraordinary tribute to the failure of the multicultural experiment that racial nationalist groups are now deemed to fall into this category!

Contrary to the Guardian‘s implication, it is not unheard of for MI5 to take an interest in British racial nationalism. H&D has just finished serialising a detailed analysis of MI5’s files on British Movement founder Colin Jordan, dating from the 1940s to the end of the 1960s, while far more recently an MI5 agent operated inside a moribund splinter from the National Front, the late Ian Anderson’s ‘National Democrats’.

Several European countries have long-established sections of their security / counter-subversion services specialising in the ‘far right’. MI5 will hope that they fare better than their colleagues in Germany’s BfV, which has lost two directors in recent years due to scandals surrounding its handling of the ‘far right’.

The H&D team was very sorry to learn of the death of Dave Jones, an outstanding racial nationalist and loyalist who made a great contribution to our cause since the 1970s. As some readers will know, Dave had been in poor health for some years.

Dave Jones, racial nationalist, loyalist and parliamentary candidate, died on Friday 14th September

During the 1970s and 1980s Dave was a Manchester officer of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), carrying out intelligence work against the terrorist alliance between militant ‘antifascists’ and the IRA, INLA and republican splinter groups. At the same time he was also a National Front activist, remaining loyal to the NF through the difficult years of the late ’70s and early ’80s.

In 1978 he was an NF council candidate for the first time, gaining 136 votes (3.2%) in the Ashton West & Limehurst ward of Tameside Metropolitan Borough, east of Manchester. At the following year’s General Election he was NF parliamentary candidate for Ashton-under-Lyne.

After the multiple NF splits of the mid-1980s Dave found a new political home in the Conservative Party, for whom he twice contested Tameside council elections in the increasingly multiracial Ashton St Peter’s ward, polling 20.1% in 1988 and 15.1% in 1990.

Dave then emigrated to South Africa, where he spent much of the 1990s pursuing his studies. Dave was a mine of information on political and military history and a tenacious researcher. In the age of Google and ‘fake news’ it’s often difficult to rely on information supplied even by fellow nationalists, but with Dave Jones you always knew you could rely on the accuracy and acuity of his observations.

Dave and Bev Jones with members of what was then a very successful Tameside branch of the BNP

While in South Africa, Dave met and married his wife Bev, a fellow racial nationalist activist, and when they returned to England at the turn of the millennium our cause was once again in the ascendant, especially in Oldham – the town adjacent to Dave’s native Ashton.

Dave and Bev began attending Oldham BNP branch meetings, where H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton was at the time a regular speaker. Peter arranged with Nick Griffin for Dave and Bev to revive a Tameside branch of the party. Ironically Tameside BNP was to remain succesful for several years under Dave and Bev’s leadership, even after Oldham BNP had collapsed following Griffin’s treacherous conduct.

From 2004 to 2010 Dave contested five council elections for the BNP, with his best result coming in 2006: 755 votes (24.5%) in his home ward of Ashton Waterloo.

He also saved his deposit as a parliamentary candidate at successive general elections with 2,051 votes (5.5%) in Ashton-under-Lyne in 2005, and 2,259 votes (5.5%) in Stalybridge & Hyde in 2010.

Sadly this was to be Dave’s electoral swansong. The BNP collapsed soon after that 2010 election. Although already in very poor health, Dave bravely attended meetings organised by Andrew Brons and others in an effort to salvage something from the wreckage of the party Griffin had destroyed. Shortly before his death, Dave arranged with two longstanding comrades in the North West (who had by now left the BNP for the NF) to inherit his library – so his great store of knowledge about our movement, race and nation will be preserved for the next generation of activists.

The H&D team was very sad to learn of the deaths of two old friends and comrades in recent weeks.

Ken Booth of Newcastle, leading organiser for NF, BNP and British Democrats

Ken Booth, for years one of the most active nationalists in North East England, died from cancer on 17th July aged 65. Ken served in senior positions with the National Front, British National Party and British Democratic Party. Ken leaves eleven children, the youngest aged 7. His talents in leaflet design and branch organisation made racial nationalism the main challenger to Labour hegemony in many parts of the North East, and it is tragic to reflect on how much more he could have achieved had our movement not been blighted by factional division since the millennium.

Stephen Mitford Goodson, a frequent H&D contributor and a former director of the South African Reserve Bank, died on 4th August aged 70. While we knew that Ken Booth had been seriously ill, Stephen’s death came as a shock: his last contribution to our magazine will appear in the November issue. Stephen Mitford Goodson was a relentless and well-informed critic of the global financial elite and a contributing editor of The Barnes Review. His work serialised in H&D included biographies of two very different South African leaders, Gen. Jan Christian Smuts and Dr Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd.

RIP Ken and Stephen: we shall remember your courage and commitment as we continue the struggle.