International order has risen and fallen. One of the great dramas of world politics over the last hundred years has been the rise of American liberal hegemonic order . At its core, it was a hierarchical order with liberal characteristics. America played the leading role in the provision of rule and stability in this order. Currently economic growth in countries like China and India has created new centers of global power. these and other developments have led to profound questions about the American-centered nature of the old order. 3The future of international order,less American or less liberal ?

As the United States' relative power declines, will the open and rule-based liberal international order start to erode?

The question that John poses is whether we are witnessing just the decline of the United States or we are also witnessing the decline of the liberal world order . If the latter is true then the global order will not only look less American but less liberal. As the newly emerging states become more central to the world order, they will bring a more illiberal less open, less rules-based and less democratic world order.

4Some anxious observers argue that it wnot just less American but also less liberal

The panicked narrative

The fact that today's rising states are mostly large non-Western developing countries gives force to this narrative.

Liberal International order could give way to a more fragmented system of blocs, spheres of influence, mercantilist networks, and regional rivalries.

Brazil, China, India, and other fast-emerging states have a different set of cultural, political, and economic experiences, and they do not share the concerns of the advanced capitalist societies they see the world through their anti-imperial and the colonial pasts.

The recent global economic crisis has also bolstered this narrative of liberal international decline. the crisis has tarnished the American model of liberal capitalism and raised new doubts about the ability of the United States to act as the global economic leader.

5Ikenberry argue that it will be less American but more liberal

The panicked narrative misses a deeper reality

Although the United States' position in the global system is changing, the liberal international order is alive and well.

The struggle over international order today is not about fundamental principles.

China and other emerging great powers do not want to contest the basic rules and principles of the liberal international order.

China and the other emerging powers do not face simply an American-led order or a Western system. They face abroader international order that is highly developed, expansive, integrated and deeply rooted in the societies and economies of both advanced capitalist states and developing states

Today's power transition represents not the defeat of the liberal order but its ultimate ascendance. Brazil, China, and India have all become more prosperous and capable by operating inside the existing international order.

Rising states have deep interests in an open and rule-based system that provides members with tools for economic and political advancement.

There is no competing global organizing logic to liberal internationalism

"Beijing model"--would presumably be organized around exclusive blocs, spheres of influence, and mercantilist networks. on a global scale, such a system would not advance the interests of any of the major states, including China. The Beijing model only works when one or a few states opportunistically exploit an open system of markets. But if everyone does, it is no longer an open system but a fragmented, mercantilist, and protectionist complex--and everyone suffers.

On is the creation and expansion of the modern state system, a project dating back to the Peace of Westphalia .

the project has promulgated rules and principles associated with state sovereignty and norms of great-power conducted.

At the heart of the Westphalian project is the notion of state sovereignty and great-power relations.

The original principles of the Westphalian system--sovereignty, territorial integrity, and nonintervention--reflected an emerging consensus that states were the rightful political units for the establishment of legitimate rule. Founded in western Europe, the Westphalian system has expanded outward to encompass the entire globe.

The Westphalian project has focused on solving the "realist" problems of creating stable and cooperative interstate relations under conditions of anarchy.

7The other project is the construction of the liberal order, which over the last two centuries was led by the United Kingdom and the United States and which in the twentieth century was aided by the rise of liberal democratic states.

In the nineteenth century, liberal internationalism was manifest in the United Kingdom's championing of free trade and the freedom of the seas, but it was limited and coexisted with imperialism and colonialism.

In the twentieth century, the United States advanced the liberal order in several phases. After World War I, Wilson and other liberals pushed for an international order organized around a global collective-security body, the League of Nations, .the Wilsonian worldview in the interwar period of closed economic systems and imperial blocs, this experiment in liberal order collapsed.

After World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt's administration tried to construct a liberal order again, drawing lessons from Wilson's failure and incorporating ideas from the New Deal, American architects of the postwar order also advanced more ambitious ideas about economic and political cooperation, which were embodied in the Breton Woods institutions. This vision was originally global in spirit and scope, but it evolved into a more American-led and Western-centered system as a result of the weakness of postwar Europe and rising tensions with the Soviet Union.

As the Cold War unfolded, the United States took command of the system, adopting new commitments and functional roles in both security and economics. Its own economic and political system became, in effect, the central component of the larger liberal hegemonic order.

This order currently challenged by rising powers but it have capability and capacity for over coming this challenges.

8Ikenberrys propose Today is the best time for update the liberal international order for a new era

Now, as this hegemonic organization of the liberal international order starts to change, the hierarchical aspects are fading while the liberal aspects persist.

The hierarchical aspects of international liberal order should be updated .

The rising powers challenges can be managed by liberal advanced states.

Today is the best time for the democratic partners to update the liberal order for a new era

So even as China and other rising states try to contest U.S. leadership--and there is indeed a struggle over the rights and responsibilities of the leading states within the system--the deeper international order remains intact.

Rising powers are finding incentives and opportunities to integrate into this order, doing so to advance their own interests.

For these states, the road to modernity runs through the existing international order.

9

more explorations and studding

On the classic study of world order and international order see

Hedly Bull, The Anarchical Society A Study of Order in World Politics (London Macmillan, 1977)

On anticipations of the end of American dominance, see

Charles Kupchan, he End of the American Era U.S. Foreign Policy and the Geopolitics of the Twenty-First Century (New york Knopf, 2003).

Fareed Zakaria, he Post-American World (New York Norton, 2009).

On the politics and ideas of order building after major wars, see

G. John Ikenberry, Ater Victory Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major War (Prince-ton, NJ Princeton University Press, 2001)

Kalevi J. Holsti, Peace and War Armed Conflicts and International Orders, 16481989 (New York Cambridge University Press, 1991)

For explorations of the rise and spread of Anglo-American liberal internationalism, see

Mark R. Brawley, Liberal Leadership Great Powers and their Challengers in Peace and War

(Ithaca, Ny Cornell University Press, 1993)

Tony Smith, Americas Mission he United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ PrincetonUniversity Press, 1994)

Michael Mandelbaum, the Ideas that Conquered the World Peace, Democracy, and Free Markets in the Twenty-irst Century (New york Public Afairs, 2002)

Wal-ter Russell Mead, God and Gold Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World (New york Knopf, 2007)

David Ekbladh, he Great American Mission Modernization and the Construction of an American World Order (Princeton, NJ Princeton University Press, 2010).

Ferguson, Empire the Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Les-

sons for Global Power (New York Basic Books, 2002),

G. John Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order (Princeton Studies in International History and Politics 2011).

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