LIN PIAO

REPORT TO THE NINTH NATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA

(Delivered on April 1 and adopted on April 14, 1969))

Comrades!

The Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China will be a
congress with a far-reaching influence in the history of our Party.

Our present congress is convened at a time when great victory
has been won in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution personally initiated
and led by Chairman Mao. This great revolutionary storm has shattered the
bourgeois headquarters headed by the renegade, hidden traitor and scab Liu Shao-chi,
exposed the handful of renegades, enemy agents and absolutely unrepentant
persons in power taking the capitalist road within the Party, with Liu Shao-chi
as their arch-representative, and smashed their plot to restore capitalism; it
has tremendously strengthened the dictatorship of the proletariat in our
country, tremendously strengthened our Party and thus prepared ample conditions
for this congress politically, ideologically and organizationally.

I. ON THE PREPARATION FOR THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

China's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a genuine proletarian
revolution on an immense scale.

Chairman Mao has explained the necessity of the current great
revolution in concise terms:

The current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is absolutely
necessary and most timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the
proletariat, preventing capitalist restoration and building socialism.

In order to comprehend this scientific thesis of Chairman
Mao's fully, we should have a deep understanding of his theory of continuing the
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

In 1957, shortly after the conclusion of the Party's Eighth
National Congress, Chairman Mao made public his great work On the Correct
Handling of Contradictions Among the People, in which, following his
Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China, he comprehensively set forth the existence of
contradictions, classes and class struggle under the conditions of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, set forth the thesis of the existence of two
different types of contradictions in socialist society, those between ourselves
and the enemy and those among the people, and set forth the great theory of
continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. This great
work, like a radiant beacon, illuminates the course of China's socialist
revolution and socialist construction and it has laid the theoretical foundation
for the current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

In order to have a deeper understanding of Chairman Mao s
great historic contribution, it is necessary briefly to review the historical
experience of the international communist movement.

In 1852, Marx said:

Long before me bourgeois historians had described the historical
development of this class struggle and bourgeois economists the economic
anatomy of the classes. What I did that was new was to prove: 1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular
historical phases in the development of production, 2) that the class
struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, 3)
that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the
abolition of all classes and to a classless society.
(Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence, Chinese ed., p. 63.)

Marx's theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat clearly
distinguished scientific socialism from utopian socialism and sham socialism of
every kind. Marx and Engels fought all their lives for this theory and for its
realization.

After the death of Marx and Engels, almost all the parties of
the Second International betrayed Marxism, with the exception of the Bolshevik
Party led by Lenin. Lenin inherited, defended and developed Marxism in the
struggle against the revisionism of the Second International. The struggle
focused on the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In denouncing
the old revisionists, Lenin time and again stated:

Those who recognizeonlythe class struggle are not
yet Marxists.... Only he is a Marxist whoextendstherecognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the
dictatorship of the proletariat. (Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese
ed., Vol. 25, p. 399.)

Lenin led the proletariat of Russia in winning the victory of
the Great October Socialist Revolution and founding the first socialist state.
Through his great revolutionary practice in leading the dictatorship of the
proletariat, Lenin perceived the danger of the restoration of capitalism and the
protracted nature of class struggle:

The transition from capitalism to Communism represents
an entire historical epoch. Until this epoch has terminated, the exploiters
inevitably cherish the hope of restoration, and thishope is
converted intoattempts at restoration. (Lenin, Collected
Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 28, p. 235.)

Lenin stated :

...the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increasedtenfoldby its overthrow (even if only in one country), and whose power lies
not only in the strength of international capital, in the strength and
durability of the international connections of the bourgeoisie, but also in
the force of habit, in the strength ofsmall
production. For, unfortunately, small production is still very,
very widespread in the world, and small production engenderscapitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly,
spontaneously, and on a mass scale. (Lenin, Collected Works,
Chinese ed., Vol. 31, p. 6.)

His conclusion was : "For all these reasons the
dictatorship of the proletariat is essential."(Ibid.)

Lenin also stated that "the new bourgeoisie" was
"arising from among our Soviet government employees". (Lenin, Collected
Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 29, p. 162.)

He pointed out that the danger of restoration also came from
capitalist encirclement: The imperialist countries "will never miss an
opportunity for military intervention, as they put it, i.e., to strangle Soviet
power". (Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese ed. Vol. 31, p. 423.)

The Soviet revisionist renegade clique has completely
betrayed these brilliant teachings of Lenin's. From Khrushchov to Brezhnev and
company, they are allpersons in power taking the capitalist road, who
had long concealed themselves in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. As
soon as they came to power, they turned the bourgeoisie's "hope of
restoration" into "attempts at restoration", usurped the
leadership of the Party of Lenin and Stalin and, through "peaceful evolution",
turned the world's first state under the dictatorship of the proletariat into a
dark fascist state under the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

Chairman Mao has waged a tit-for-tat struggle against modern
revisionism with the Soviet revisionist renegade clique as its centre and has
inherited, defended and developed the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian
revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chairman Mao has
comprehensively summed up the historical experience both positive and negative,
of the dictatorship of the proletariat and, in order to prevent the restoration
of capitalism, has put forward the theory of continuing the revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat.

As early as March 1949, on the eve of the transition of the
Chinese revolution from the new-democratic revolution to the socialist
revolution, Chairman Mao explicitly pointed out in his report to the Second
Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Party: After the
country-wide seizure of power by the proletariat, the principal internal
contradiction is "the contradiction between the working class and the
bourgeoisie". The heart of the struggle is still the question of state
power. Chairman Mao especially reminded us :

After the enemies with guns have been wiped out, there
will still be enemies without guns; they are bound to struggle desperately
against us, and we must never regard these enemies lightly. If we do not now
raise and understand the problem in this way, we shall commit the gravest
mistakes.

Having foreseen the protracted and complex nature of the
class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie after the
establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Chairman Mao set the whole
Party the militant task of fighting imperialism, the Kuomintang and the
bourgeoisie in the political, ideological, economic, cultural and diplomatic
spheres.

Our Party waged intense battles in accordance with the
resolution of the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee and
the Party's general line for the transition period formulated by Chairman Mao.
By 1956, the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of
production in agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce had
been in the main completed. That was the crucial moment for deciding whether the
socialist revolution could continue to advance. In view of the rampancy of
revisionism in the international communist movement and the new trends of class
struggle in our country, Chairman Mao, in his great work On the Correct
Handling of Contradictions Among the People, called the attention of the
whole Party to the following fact:

In China, although in the main socialist transformation
has been completed with respect to the system of ownership . . . there are
still remnants of the overthrown landlord and comprador classes, there is
still a bourgeoisie, and the remoulding of the petty bourgeoisie has only just
started.

Countering the fallacy put forward by Liu Shao-chi in 1956
that "in China, the question of which wins out, socialism or capitalism, is
already solved". Chairman Mao specifically pointed out: "The question of
which will win out, socialism or capitalism, is still not really settled." "The
class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle
between the different political forces, and the class struggle in the
ideological field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue to
be long and tortuous and at times will even become very acute." Thus, for
the first time in the theory and practice of the international communist
movement, it was pointed out explicitly that classes and class struggle still
exist after the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of
production has been in the main completed, and that the proletariat must
continue the revolution.

The proletarian headquarters headed by Chairman Mao led the
broad masses in carrying on the great struggle in the direction he indicated.
From the struggle against the bourgeois rightists in 1957 to the struggle to
uncover Peng Teh-huai's anti-Party clique at the Lushan Meeting in 1959, from
the great debate on the general line of the Party in building socialism to the
struggle between the two lines in the socialist education movement—the focus of
the struggle was the question of whether to take the socialist road or to take
the capitalist road, whether to uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat or to
restore the dictatorship of the. bourgeoisie.

Every single victory of Chairman Mao's proletarian
revolutionary line, every victory in every major campaign launched by the Party
against the bourgeoisie, was gained only after smashing the revisionist line
represented by Liu Shao-chi, which either was Right or was "Left" in form but
Right in essence.

Now it has been proved through investigation that Liu Shao-chi
betrayed the Party, capitulated to the enemy and became a hidden traitor and
scab as far back as the First Revolutionary Civil War period, that he was a
crime-steeped lackey of the imperialists, modern revisionists and Kuomintang
reactionaries and that he was the arch-representative of the persons in power
taking the capitalist road. He had a political line by which he vainly attempted
to restore capitalism in China and turn her into an imperialist and revisionist
colony. In addition, he had an organizational line to serve his
counter-revolutionary political line. For many years, recruiting deserters and
turncoats, Liu Shao-chi gathered together a gang of renegades, enemy agents and
capitalist-roaders in power. They covered up their counter-revolutionary
political records, shielded each other, colluded in doing evil, usurped
important Party and government posts and controlled the leadership in many
central and local units, thus forming an underground bourgeois headquarters in
opposition to the proletarian headquarters headed by Chairman Mao. They
collaborated with the imperialists, modern revisionists and Kuomintang
reactionaries and played the kind of disruptive role that the U.S. imperialists,
the Soviet revisionists and the reactionaries of various countries were unable
to do.

In 1939, when the War of Resistance Against Japan and for
National Liberation led by Chairman Mao was vigorously surging forward, Liu Shao-chi
came up with his sinister book Self-Cultivation. The core of that book
was the betrayal of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It did not touch at all
upon the questions of defeating Japanese imperialism and of waging the struggle
against the Kuomintang reactionaries, nor did it touch upon the fundamental
Marxist-Leninist principle of seizing state power by armed force; on the
contrary, it urged Communist Party members to depart from the great practice of
revolution and indulge in idealistic "self-cultivation", which actually meant
that Communists should "cultivate" themselves into willing slaves going down on
their knees before the counter-revolutionary dictatorship of the imperialists
and the Kuomintang reactionaries.

After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan,
when the U.S. imperialists were arming Chiang Kai-shek's counter-revolutionary
troops in preparation for launching an all-out offensive against the liberated
areas, Liu Shao-chi, catering to the needs of the U.S.-Chiang reactionaries,
dished up the capitulationist line, alleging that "China has entered the new
stage of peace and democracy". It was designed to oppose Chairman Mao's general
line of "go all out to mobilize the masses, expand the people's forces and,
under the leadership of our Party, defeat the aggressor and build a new China",
and to oppose Chairman Mao's policy of "give tit for tat and fight for
every inch of land", which was adopted to counter the offensive of the
U.S.-Chiang reactionaries. Liu Shao-chi preached that "at present the main form
of the struggle of the Chinese revolution has changed from armed struggle to
non-armed and mass parliamentary struggle". He tried to abolish the Party's
leadership over the people's armed forces and to "unify" the Eighth Route Army
and the New Fourth Army, predecessors of the People's Liberation Army, into
Chiang Kai-shek's "national army" and to demobilize large numbers of worker and
peasant soldiers led by the Party in a vain attempt to eradicate the people's
armed forces, strangle the Chinese revolution and obeisantly hand over to the
Kuomintang the fruits of victory which the Chinese people had won in blood.

In April 1949, on the eve of the countrywide victory of
China's new-democratic revolution when the Chinese People's Liberation Army was
preparing to cross the Yangtse River, Liu Shao-chi hurried to Tientsin and threw
himself into the arms of the capitalists. He fiercely opposed the policy of
utilizing, restricting and transforming private capitalist industry, a policy
decided upon by the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of
the Party which had just concluded. He clamoured that "capitalism in China today
is still in its youth", that it needed an unlimited "big expansion" and that
"capitalist exploitation today is no crime, it is a merit". He shamelessly
praised the capitalistclass, saying that "the more they exploit, the
greater their merit", and feverishly advertised the revisionist theory of
productive forces. He did all this in his futile attempt to lead China onto the
capitalist road.

In short, at the many important historical junctures of the
new-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution, Liu Shao-chi and his
gang always wantonly opposed Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line and
engaged in counter-revolutionary conspiratorial and disruptive activities.
However, since they were counter-revolutionaries, their plots were bound to come
to light eventually. When Khrushchov came to power, and especially when the
Soviet revisionists ganged up with the U.S. imperialists and the reactionaries
of India and other countries in whipping up a large-scale anti-China campaign,
Liu Shao-chi and his gang became all the more rabid.

Chairman Mao was the first to perceive the danger of the
counter-revolutionary plots of Liu Shao-chi and his gang. At the working
conference of the Central Committee in January 1962, Chairman Mao pointed out
the necessity of guarding against the emergence of revisionism. At the working
conference of the Central Committee at Peitaiho in August 1962 and at the Tenth
Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party in September of the
same year, Chairman Mao put forward more comprehensively the basic line of our
Party for the whole historical period of socialism. Chairman Mao pointed out:

Socialist society covers a considerably long historical
period. In the historical period of socialism, there are still classes, class
contradictions and class struggle, there is the struggle between the socialist
road and the capitalist road, and there is the danger of capitalist
restoration. We must recognize the protracted and complex nature of this
struggle. We must heighten our vigilance. We must conduct socialist education.
We must correctly understand and handle class contradictions and class
struggle, distinguish the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy from
those among the people and handle them correctly. Otherwise a socialist
country like ours will turn into its opposite and degenerate, and a capitalist
restoration will take place. From now on we must remind ourselves of this
every year, every month and every day so that we can retain a rather sober
understanding of this problem and have a Marxist-Leninist line.

This Marxist-Leninist line advanced by Chairman Mao is the
lifeline of our Party. Following this, in May 1963, under the direction of
Chairman Mao, the Draft Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese
Communist Party on Certain Problems in Our Present Rural Work (i.e., the
10-Point Decision) was worked out, which laid down the line, principles and
policies of the Party for the socialist education movement. Chairman Mao again
warned the whole Party: If classes and class struggle were forgotten and if the
dictatorship of the proletariat were forgotten, "then it would not be long,
perhaps only several years or a decade, or several decades at most, before a
counter-revolutionary restoration on a national scale would inevitably occur,
the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become a revisionist party, a
fascist party, and the whole of China would change its colour. Comrades, please
think it over. What a dangerous situation this would be!" Thus Chairman Mao
still more sharply showed the whole Party and the people of the whole country
the danger of the restoration of capitalism.

All these warnings and struggles did not and could not in the
least change the reactionary class nature of Liu Shao-chi and his gang. In 1964,
in the great socialist education movement, Liu Shao-chi came out and repressed
the masses, shielded the capitalist-roaders in power and openly attacked the
Marxist scientific method of investigating and studying social conditions
initiated by Chairman Mao, branding it as "outdated". He raved that whoever
refused to carry out his line was "not qualified to hold a leading post". He and
his gang were working against time to restore capitalism. At the end of 1964,
Chairman Mao convened a working conference of the Central Committee and, under
his direction, the document Some Current Problems Raised in the Socialist
Education Movement in the Rural Areas (i.e., the 23-Point Document)
was drawn up. He denounced Liu Shao-chi's bourgeois reactionary line which was
"Left" in form but Right in essence and repudiated Liu Shao-chi's absurdities,
such as "the intertwining of the contradictions inside and outside the Party"
and "the contradiction between the 'four cleans' and the 'four uncleans"'. And
for the first time Chairman Mao specifically indicated: "The main target of
the present movement is those Party persons in power taking the capitalist
road." This new conclusion drawn by Chairman Mao after summing up the
historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat, domestic and
international, set right the course of the socialist education movement and
clearly showed the orientation for the approaching Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution.

Reviewing the history of this period, we can see that the
current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with the participation of hundreds
of millions of revolutionary people has occurred by no means accidentally. It is
the inevitable result of the protracted and sharp struggle between the two
classes, the two roads and the two lines in socialist society. The Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution is "a great political revolution carried out
by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes; it
is a continuation of the prolonged struggle waged by the Chinese Communist Party
and the masses of revolutionary people under its leadership against the
Kuomintang reactionaries, a continuation of the class struggle between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie". The heroic Chinese proletariat, poor and
lower-middle peasants, People's Liberation Army, revolutionary cadres and
revolutionary intellectuals, who were all determined to follow the great leader
Chairman Mao closely in taking the socialist road, could no longer tolerate the
restoration activities of Liu Shao-chi and his gang, and so a great class battle
was unavoidable.

As Chairman Mao pointed out in his talk in February 1967:

In the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in factories, in the
cultural field, and we carried out the socialist education movement. But all
this failed to solve the problem because we did not find a form, a method, to
arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect openly, in an all-round way
and from below.

Now we have found this form—it is the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. It is only by arousing the masses in their hundreds of
millions to air their viewsfreely, write big-character posters and hold great
debates that the renegades, enemy agents and capitalist-roaders in power who
have wormed their way into the Party can be exposed and their plots to restore
capitalism smashed. It was precisely with the participation of the broad masses
in the examination of Liu Shao-chi's case that his true features as an old-line
counter-revolutionary, renegade, hidden traitor and scab were brought to light.
The Enlarged Twelfth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the
Party decided to dismiss Liu Shao-chi from all posts both inside and outside the
Party and to expel him from the Party once and for all. This was a great victory
for the hundreds of millions of the people. On the basis of the theory of
continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, our great
teacher Chairman Mao has personally initiated and led the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. This is indeed "absolutely necessary and most timely"
and it is a new and great contribution to the theory and practice of
Marxism-Leninism.

II. ON THE COURSE OF THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a great
political revolution personally initiated and led by our great leader Chairman
Mao under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a great
revolution in the realm of the superstructure. Our aim is to smash revisionism,
seize back that portion of power usurped by the bourgeoisie, exercise all-round
dictatorship of the proletariat in the superstructure, including all spheres of
culture, and strengthen and consolidate the economic base of socialism so as to
ensure that our country continues to advance in giant strides along the road ofsocialism.

Back in 1962, at the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth
Central Committee of the Party, Chairman Mao pointed out:

To overthrow a political power, it is always necessary
first of all to create public opinion, to do work in the ideological sphere.
This is true for the revolutionary class as well as for the
counter-revolutionary class.

This statement of Chairman Mao's dealt the Liu Shao-chi
counter-revolutionary revisionist clique a blow at the heart. It was for the
sole purpose of creating public opinion to prepare for the overthrow of the
dictatorship of the proletariat that they spared no effort in seizing upon the
field of ideology and the superstructure, violently exercising
counter-revolutionary dictatorship over the proletariat in the various
departments they controlled and wildly spreading poisonous weeds. To overthrow
them politically, we must likewise first vanquish their counter-revolutionary
public opinion by revolutionary public opinion.

Chairman Mao has always attached major importance to the
struggle in ideology. After the liberation of our country, he initiated many
criticisms including those of the film The Life of Wu Hsun, the Hu Feng
counter-revolutionary clique and Studies of "The Dream of the Red Chamber".
And this time it was Chairman Mao again who led the whole Party in launching
the offensive on the positions occupied by Liu Shao-chi and his gang for the
bourgeoisie. Chairman Mao wrote the celebrated essay Where Do Correct Ideas
Come from? and other documents, in which he criticized Liu Shao-chi's
bourgeois idealism and metaphysics, criticized the departments of literature and
art under Liu Shao-chi's control as being "still dominated by 'the dead'",
criticized the Ministry of Culture by saying that "if it refuses to change,
it should be renamed the Ministry of Emperors, Kings, Generals and Ministers,
the Ministry of Talents and Beauties or the Ministry of Foreign Mummies" and
said that the Ministry of Health should likewise be renamed the "Ministry of
Health for Urban Overlords". At the call of Chairman Mao, the proletariat
first launched a revolution in the fields of Peking Opera, the ballet and
symphonic music, fields that had been regarded as sacred and inviolable by the
landlord and capitalist classes. It was a fight at close quarters. Despite every
possible kind of resistance and sabotage by Liu Shao-chi and his gang, the
proletariat finally scored important successes after arduous struggles. A number
of splendid model revolutionary theatrical works appeared and the heroic figures
of workers, peasants and soldiers finally took the centre of the stage. After
that, Chairman Mao initiated the criticism of Hai Jui Dismissed from Office
and other poisonous weeds, focusing the attack right on the den of the
revisionist clique—that impenetrable and watertight "independent kingdom" under
Liu Shao-chi's control, the old Peking Municipal Party Committee.

The Circular of May 16, 1966 worked out under Chairman
Mao's personal guidance laid down the theory, line, principles and policies for
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and constituted the great programme
for the whole movement. The Circular thoroughly criticized the "February
Outline" turned out by Liu Shao-chi's bourgeois headquarters for the purpose of
suppressing this great revolution. It called upon the whole Party and the people
of the whole country to direct the spearhead of struggle against the
representatives of the bourgeoisie who had sneaked into the Party and to pay
special attention to unmasking "persons like Khrushchov . . . who are
still nestling beside us". This was a great call mobilizing the
people of the whole country to unfold a great political revolution. The Cultural
Revolution Group Under the Central Committee, which was set up by decision of
the Circular, has firmly carried out Chairman Mao's proletarian
revolutionary line.

Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's proletarian
revolutionary line, the broad revolutionary masses plunged into the fight. In
Peking University a big-character poster was written in response to the call of
the Central Committee. And soon big-character posters criticizing reactionary
bourgeois ideas mushroomed all over the country. Then Red Guards rose and came
forward in large numbers and revolutionary young people became courageous and
daring pathbreakers. Thrown into a panic, the Liu Shao-chi clique rushed out
with the bourgeois reactionary line, cruelly suppressing the revolutionary
movement of the student youth. However, this did not win them much time in their
deathbed struggle. Chairman Mao called and presided over the Eleventh Plenary
Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party. The Plenary Session
adopted the programmatic document, Decision of the Central Committee of the
Chinese Communist Party Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (i.e.,
the 16-Point Decision). Chairman Mao put up his big-character poster
Bombard the Headquarters, thus taking the lid off Liu Shao-chi's bourgeois
headquarters. In his letter to the Red Guards, Chairman Mao said that the
revolutionary actions of the Red Guards "express your wrath against and your
denunciation of the landlord class, the bourgeoisie, the imperialists, the
revisionists and their running dogs, all of whom exploit and oppress the
workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary parties and
groups. They show that it is right to rebel against reactionaries. I warmly
support you." Afterwards, Chairman Mao received 13 million Red Guards and
other revolutionary masses from all parts of the country on eight occasions at
Tien An Men in the capital, which heightened the revolutionary fighting will of
the people of the whole country. The revolutionary movements of the workers,
peasants and revolutionary functionaries developed rapidly. Increasing numbers
of big-character posters spread like a raging prairie fire and roared like guns;
the slogan "It is right to rebel against reactionaries" resounded
throughout the land. And the battle of the people in their hundreds of millions
to bombard Liu Shao-chi's bourgeois headquarters developed vigorously.

No reactionary class will ever step down from the stage of
history of its own accord. When the revolution touched that portion of power
usurped by the bourgeoisie, the class struggle became all the more acute. After
Liu Shao-chi's downfall, his revisionist clique and his agents in various places
changed their tactics time and again, putting forward slogans which were "Left"
in form but Right in essence such as "suspecting all" and "overthrowing all", in
a futile attempt to go on hitting hard at the many and protecting their own
handful. Moreover, they created splits among the revolutionary masses and
manipulated and hoodwinked a section of the masses so as to protect themselves.When these schemes were shattered by the proletarian revolutionaries, they
launched another frenzied counter-attack, that is, the adverse current lasting
from the winter of 1966 to the spring of 1967.

This adverse current was directed against the proletarian
headquarters headed by Chairman Mao. Its general programme boiled down to this:
to overthrow the decisions adopted by the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Eighth
Central Committee of the Party, reversingthe verdict on the overthrown
bourgeois headquarters headed by Liu Shao-chi, reversing the verdict on the
bourgeois reactionary line,which had already been thoroughly repudiated
and discredited by the broad masses, and repressing and retaliating on the
revolutionary mass movement. However, this adverse current was seriously
criticized by Chairman Mao and resisted by the broad revolutionary masses; it
could not prevent the main current of the revolutionary mass movement from
surging forward.

The twists and reversals in the revolutionary movement
further brought home to the broad masses the importance of political power: The
main reason why Liu Shao-chi and his gang could do evil was that they had
usurped the power of the proletariat in many units and localities, and the main
reason why the revolutionary masses were repressed was that power was not in the
hands of the proletariat in those places. In some units, the socialist system of
ownership existed only in form, but in reality the leadership had been usurped
by a handful of renegades, enemy agents and capitalist-roaders in power, or it
remained in the hands of former capitalists. Especially when the capitalist-roaders
in power failed in their scheme to suppress the revolution on the pretext of
"grasping production" and whipped up the evil counter-revolutionary wind of
economism, the broad masses came to understand still better that only by
recapturing the lost power was it possible for them to defeat the capitalist-roaders
in power completely. Under the leadership and with the support of Chairman Mao
and the proletarian headquarters headed by him, the working class in Shanghai
with its revolutionary tradition came forward courageously and, uniting with the
broad revolutionary masses and revolutionary cadres, seized power from below in
January 1967 from the capitalist-roaders in power in the former Municipal Party
Committee and Municipal People's Council.

Chairman Mao summed up in good time the experience of the
January storm of revolution in Shanghai and issued his call to the whole
country: "Proletarian revolutionaries, unite and seize power from the handful
of Party persons in power taking the capitalist road!" Following that,
Chairman Mao gave the instruction: "The People's Liberation Army should
support the broad masses of the Left." He went on to sum up the experience
of Heilungkiang Province and other provinces and municipalities, laid down the
principles and policies for the establishment of revolutionary committees which
embrace representatives of the revolutionary cadres, representatives of the
People's Liberation Army and representatives of the revolutionary masses,
constituting a revolutionary three-in-one combination, and thus pushed forward
the nation-wide struggle for the seizure of power.

The struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie for
the seizure and counter-seizure of power was a life-and-death struggle. During
the year and nine months from Shanghai's January storm of revolution in 1967 to
the establishment of the revolutionary committees of Tibet and Sinkiang in
September 1968, repeated trials of political strength took place between the two
classes and the two lines, fierce struggles went on between proletarian and
non-proletarian ideas and an extremely complicated situation emerged. As
Chairman Mao has said: "In the past, we fought north and south; it was easy
to fight such wars. For the enemy was obvious. The present Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution is much more difficult than that kind of war." "The problem
is that those who commit ideological errors are mixed up with those whose
contradiction with us is one between ourselves and the enemy, and for a time it
is hard to sort them out." Nevertheless, relying on the wise leadership of
Chairman Mao, we finally overcame this difficulty. In the summer of 1967,
Chairman Mao made an inspection tour north and south of the Yangtse River and
issued most important instructions, guiding the broad revolutionary masses to
distinguish gradually the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy from
those among the people and to further promote the revolutionary great alliance
and the revolutionary three-in-one combination and guiding people with
petty-bourgeois ideas onto the path of the proletarian revolution. Consequently,
it was only the enemy who was thrown into disorder while the broad masses were
steeled in the course of the struggle

The handful of renegades, enemy agents, unreformed landlords,
rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and rightists, active
counter-revolutionaries, bourgeois careerists and double-dealers who had hidden
themselves among the masses would not reveal their colours until the climate
suited them. In the summer of 1967 and the spring of 1968, they again fanned up
a reactionary evil wind both from the Right and the extreme "Left" to reverse
correct verdicts. They directed their spear head against the proletarian
headquarters headed by Chairman Mao, against the People's Liberation Army and
against the new-born revolutionary committees. In the meantime, they incited the
masses to struggle against each other and organized counter-revolutionary
conspiratorial cliques in a vain attempt to stage a counter-seizure of power
from the proletariat. However, like their chieftain Liu Shao-chi, this handful
of bad people was finally exposed. This was an important victory for the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

III. ON CARRYING OUT THE TASKS OF STRUGGLE-CRITICISM-TRANSFORMATION CONSCIENTIOUSLY

As in all other revolutions, the fundamental question in the
current great revolution in the realm of the superstructure is the question of
political power, the question of which class holds leadership. The establishment
of revolutionary committees in all provinces, municipalities and autonomous
regions throughout the country (with the exception of Taiwan Province) marks the
great, decisive victory achieved by this revolution. However, the revolution is
not yet over. The proletariat must continue to advance, "carry out the tasks
of struggle-criticism-transformation conscientiously" and carry the
socialist revolution in the realm of the superstructure through to the end.

Chairman Mao says:

Struggle-criticism-transformation in a factory, on the
whole, goes through the following stages: Establishing a three-in-one
revolutionary committee; carrying out mass criticism and repudiation;
purifying the class ranks; consolidating the Party organization; and
simplifying the administrative structure, changing irrational rules and
regulations and sending office workers to the workshops.

We must act on Chairman Mao's instruction and fulfil these
tasks in every single factory, every single school, every single commune and
every single unit in a deep-going, meticulous, down-to-earth and appropriate
way.

Confronted with a thousand and one tasks, a revolutionary
committee must grasp the fundamental: It must put the living study and
application of Mao Tsetung Thought above all work and place Mao Tsetung Thought
in command of everything. For decades, Mao Tsetung Thought has been showing the
orientation of the revolution to the whole Party and the people of the whole
country. However, as Liu Shao-chi and his gang of counter-revolutionary
revisionists blocked Chairman Mao's instructions, the broad revolutionary masses
could hardly hear Chairman Mao's voice directly.

The storm of the present great revolution has destroyed the big
and little "palaces of hell-rulers" and has made it possible for Mao Tsetung
Thought to reach the broad revolutionary masses directly. This is a great
victory. This wide dissemination of Mao Tsetung Thought in a big country with a
population of 700 million is the most significant achievement of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution. In this revolution, hundreds of millions of
people always carry with them Quotations from Chairman Mao Tsetung, which
they study and apply conscientiously. As soon as a new instruction of Chairman
Mao's is issued, they propagate it and go into action. This most valuable
practice must be maintained and persevered in. We should carry on in a
deep-going way the mass movement for the living study and application of Mao
Tsetung Thought, continue to run well the Mao Tsetung Thought study classes of
all types and, in the light of Chairman Mao 's May 7 Directive of 1966,
truly turn the whole country into a great school of Mao Tsetung Thought.

All revolutionary comrades must be clearly aware that class
struggle will by no means cease in the ideological and political spheres. The
struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie by no means dies out with
our seizure of power. We must continue to hold high the banner of revolutionary
mass criticism and use Mao Tsetung Thought to criticize the bourgeoisie, to
criticize revisionism and all kinds of Right or extreme "Left" erroneous ideas
which run counter to Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line and to
criticize bourgeois individualism and the theory of "many centres", that is, the
theory of "no centre". We must continue to criticize thoroughly and discredit
completely the stuff of the renegade, hidden traitor and scab Liu Shao-chi such
as the slavish comprador philosophy and the doctrine of trailing behind at a
snail's pace, and must firmly establish among the cadres and the masses of the
people Chairman Mao's concept of "maintaining independence and keeping the
initiative in our own hands and relying on our own efforts", so as to ensure
that our cause will continue to advance in the direction indicated by Chairman
Mao.

Chairman Mao points out:

The revolutionary committee should exercise unified
leadership, eliminate duplication in the administrative structure, follow the
policy of "better troops and simpler administration" and organize itself into
a revolutionized leading group which maintains close ties with the masses.

This is a basic principle which enables the superstructure to
serve its socialist economic base still better. A duplicate administrative
structure divorced from the masses, scholasticism which suppresses and binds
their revolutionary initiative, and a landlord and bourgeois style of going in
for formality and ostentations—all these are destructive to the socialist
economic base, advantageous to capitalism and harmful to socialism. In
accordance with Chairman Mao's instructions, organs of state power at all levels
and other organizations must keep close ties with the masses, first of all with
the basic masses—the working class and the poor and lower-middle peasants.
Cadres, old and new, must constantly sweep away the dust of bureaucracy and must
not fall into the bad habit of "acting as bureaucrats and overlords". They must
keep on practising frugality in carrying out revolution, run all socialist
undertakings industriously and thriftily, oppose extravagance and waste and
guard against bourgeois attacks with sugar-coated bullets. They must maintain
the system of cadre participation in collective productive labour. They must be
concerned with the well-being of the masses. They must themselves make
investigation and study in accordance with Chairman Mao's teachings, "dissect"
one or several "sparrows" and constantly sum up experience. They must make
criticism and self-criticism regularly and, in line with the five requirements
for the successors to the revolution as set forth by Chairman Mao, "fight
self, criticize revisionism" and conscientiously remould their world
outlook.

The People's Liberation Army is the mighty pillar of the
dictatorship of the proletariat. Chairman Mao has pointed out many times: From
the Marxist point of view the main component of the state is the army. The
Chinese People's Liberation Army personally founded and led by Chairman Mao is
the army of the workers and peasants, the army of the proletariat. It has
performed great historic feats in the struggle for overthrowing the three big
mountains of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, and in the
struggles for defending the motherland, for resisting existing U.S. aggression
and aiding Korea and for smashing aggression by imperialism, revisionism and the
reactionaries. In the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, large numbers of
commanders and fighters have taken part in the work of "three supports and two
militaries" (i.e., support industry, support agriculture, support the broad
masses of the Left, military control, political and military training) and
representatives of the army have taken part in the three-in-one combination;
they have tempered themselves in the class struggle, strengthened their ties
with the masses, promoted the ideological revolutionization of the army, and
made new contributions to the people. And this is also the best preparation
against war. We must carry forward the glorious tradition of "supporting the
government and cherishing the people", "supporting the army and cherishing the
people", strengthen the unity between the army and the people, strengthen
the building of the militia and of national defence and do a still better job in
all our work. For the past three years, it is precisely because the people have
supported the army and the army has protected the people that renegades, enemy
agents, absolutely unrepentant persons in power taking the capitalist road and
counter-revolutionaries have failed in their attempts to undermine this great
people's army of ours.

Departments of culture, art, education, the press, health,
etc., occupy an extremely important position in the realm of the superstructure.
The line "We must whole-heartedly rely on the working class" was decided
upon at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee. And now, at
Chairman Mao's call that "The working class must exercise leadership in
everything", the working class, which is the main force in the proletarian
revolution, and its staunch ally the poor and lower-middle peasants have mounted
the political stage of struggle-criticism-transformation in the superstructure.
From July 27, 1968, mighty contingents of the working class marched to places
long dominated by the persons in power taking the capitalist road and to all
places where intellectuals were predominant in number. It was a great
revolutionary action. Whether the proletariat is able to take firm root in the
positions of culture and education and transform them with Mao Tsetung Thought
is the key question in carrying the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
through to the end. Chairman Mao has attached profound importance to our work in
this connection and personally grasped typical cases, thus setting us a
brilliant example. We must overcome the wrong tendency of some comrades to
slight the ideological, cultural and educational front; we must closely follow
Chairman Mao and consistently do hard and careful work. "On its part, the
working class should always raise its political consciousness in the course of
struggle", sum up experience in leading the
struggle-criticism-transformation in the superstructure and win the battle on
this front.

IV. ON THE POLICIES OF THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

In order to continue the revolution in the realm of the
superstructure, it is imperative to carry out conscientiously all Chairman Mao's
proletarian policies.

Policies for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution were
early stipulated explicitly in the Circular of May 16, 1966 and the
16-Point Decision of August 1966. The series of Chairman Mao's latest
instructions including "Serious attention must be paid to policy in the stage
of struggle-criticism-transformation in the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution" have further specified the various policies.

The main question at present is to carry them out to the
letter.

The Party's policies, including those towards the
intellectuals, the cadres, "the sons and daughters that can be educated"
[the sons and daughters of those who have committed crimes or mistakes—translator],
the mass organizations, the struggle against the enemy and economic
policy—all these policies come under the general heading of the correct handling
of the two different types of contradictions, those between ourselves and the
enemy and those among the people.

The majority or the vast majority of the intellectuals
trained in the old type of schools and colleges are able or willing to integrate
themselves with the workers, peasants and soldiers. They should be
"reeducated" by the workers, peasants and soldiers under the guidance of
Chairman Mao's correct line, and encouragement should be given to those who do
well in such integration and to the Red Guards and educated young people who are
active in going to the countryside or mountainous areas.

Chairman Mao has taught us many times: "Help more people
by educating them and narrow the target of attack" and "carry out Marx's
teaching that only by emancipating all mankind can the proletariat achieve its
own final emancipation". With regard to people who have made mistakes,
stress must be laid on giving them education and re-education, doing patient and
careful ideological and political work and truly acting "on the principle of
'learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones' and 'curing the sickness to
save the patient', in order to achieve the twofold objective of clarity in
ideology and unity among comrades". With regard to good people who committed
the errors characteristic of the capitalist-roader in power but have now raised
their political consciousness and gained the understanding of the masses, they
should be promptly "liberated", assigned to suitable work and encouraged to go
among the masses of the workers and peasants to remould their world outlook. As
for those who have made a little progress and become awakened to some extent, we
should continue to help them, proceeding from the viewpoint of unity. Chairman
Mao has recently pointed out:

The proletariat is the greatest class in the history of
mankind. It is the most powerful revolutionary class ideologically,
politically and in strength. It can and must unite the overwhelming majority
of people around itself so as to isolate the handful of enemies to the maximum
and attack them.

In the struggle against the enemy, we must carry out the
policy "make use of contradictions, win over the many, oppose the few and
crush our enemies one by one" which Chairman Mao has always advocated.
"Stress should be laid on the weight of evidence and on investigation and study,
and it is strictly forbidden to obtain confessions by compulsion and to give
them credence." We must implement Chairman Mao's policies of "leniency
towards those who confess their crimes and severe punishment of those who refuse
to do so" and of "giving a way out". We rely mainly on the broad
masses of the people in exercising dictatorship over the enemy. As for bad
people or suspects ferreted out through investigation in the movement for
purifying the class ranks, the policy of "killing none and not arresting
most" should be applied to all except the active counter-revolutionaries
against whom there is conclusive evidence of crimes such as murder, arson or
poisoning, and who should be dealt with in accordance with the law.

As for the bourgeois reactionary academic authorities, we
should either criticize them and see, or criticize them and give them work to
do, or criticize them and provide them with a proper livelihood. In short, we
should criticize their ideology and at the same time give them a way out. To
handle this part of the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy in the
manner of handling contradictions among the people is beneficial to the
consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and to the disintegration
of the enemy ranks.

In carrying out the policies of the Party, all units must
study their specific conditions. In places where the revolutionary great
alliance has not yet been sufficiently consolidated, it is necessary to help the
revolutionary masses bring about the revolutionary great alliance in accordance
with revolutionary principles and on the basis of different fields of work,
trades and school classes so that they will become united against the enemy. In
units where the work of purifying the class ranks has not yet started or has
only just started, it is imperative to grasp the work firmly and do it well in
accordance with the Party's policies. In units where the purification of the
class ranks is by and large completed, it is necessary to take firm hold of
other tasks in keeping with Chairman Mao's instructions concerning the various
stages of struggle-criticism-transformation. At the same time, it is necessary
to pay close attention to new trends in the class struggle. What if the bad
people get unruly again? Chairman Mao has a well-known saying: "Thoroughgoing
materialists are fearless." If the class enemies stir up trouble again, just
arouse the masses and strike them down again.

As the 16-Point Decision indicates,

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a powerful motive force for
the development of the social productive forces in our country.

Our country has seen good harvests in agricultural production
for years running and there is also a thriving situation in industrial
production and science and technology. The enthusiasm of the broad masses of the
working people both in revolution and production has soared to unprecedented
heights. Many factories, mines and other enterprises have time and again topped
their production records, creating all-time highs in production. The technical
revolution is making constant progress. The market is flourishing and prices are
stable. By the end of 1968 we had redeemed all the national-bonds. Our country
is now a socialist country with neither internal nor external debts.

"Grasp revolution, promote production" —this principle
is absolutely correct. It correctly explains the relationship between revolution
and production, between consciousness and matter, between the superstructure and
the economic base and between the relations of production and the productive
forces. Chairman Mao always teaches us: "Political work is the life-blood of
all economic work." Lenin denounced the opportunists who were opposed to
approaching problems politically. "Politics cannot but have precedence over
economics. To argue differently means forgetting the A B C of Marxism."
(Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 32, p. 72.) Lenin again
stated: To put politics on a par with economics also means "forgetting the A
B C of Marxism". (Ibid.)Politics is the concentrated
expression of economics. If we fail to make revolution in the superstructure,
fail to arouse the broad masses of the workers and peasants, fail to criticize
the revisionist line, fail to expose the handful of renegades, enemy agents,
capitalist-roaders in power and counter-revolutionaries and fail to consolidate
the leadership of the proletariat, how can we further consolidate the socialist
economic base and further develop the socialist productive forces? This is not
to replace production by revolution but to use revolution to command production,
promote it and lead it forward. We must make investigation and study, and
actively and properly solve the many problems of policy in
struggle-criticism-transformation on the economic front in accordance with
Chairman Mao's general line of "Going all out, aiming high and achieving
greater, faster, better and more economical results in building socialism",
in accordance with his great strategic concept "Be prepared against war, be
prepared against natural disasters, and do everything for the people" and
with the series of principles such as "take agriculture as the foundation and
industry as the leading factor". We must bring the revolutionary initiative
and creativeness of the people of all nationalities into full play, firmly grasp
revolution and energetically promote production and fulfil and overfulfil our
plans for developing the national economy. It is certain that the great victory
in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution will continue to bring about new
leaps forward on the economic front and in our cause of socialist construction
as a whole.

V. ON THE FINAL VICTORY OF THE REVOLUTION IN OUR COUNTRY

The victory in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in
our country is indeed a very great one. But we must in no way think that we may
sit back and relax. Chairman Mao pointed out in his talk in October 1968:

We have won great victory. But the defeated class will
still struggle. These people are still around and this class still exists.
Therefore, we cannot speak of final victory. Not even for decades. We must not
lose our vigilance. According to the Leninist viewpoint, the final victory of
a socialist country not only requires the efforts of the proletariat and the
broad masses of the people at home, but also involves the victory of the world
revolution and the abolition of the system of exploitation of man by man over
the whole globe, upon which all mankind will be emancipated. Therefore, it is
wrong to speak lightly of the final victory of the revolution in our country;
it runs counter to Leninism and does not conform to facts.

There will still be reversals in the class struggle. We must
never forget class struggle and never forget the dictatorship of the
proletariat. In the course of carrying out our policies at present, there still
exists the struggle between the two lines and there is interference from the
"Left" or the Right. Much effort is still required to accomplish the tasks for
all the stages of struggle-criticism-transformation. We must closely follow
Chairman Mao and steadfastly rely on the broad revolutionary masses to surmount
the difficulties and twists and turns on our way forward and seize still greater
victories in the cause of socialism.

VI. ON THE CONSOLIDATION AND BUILDING OF THE PARTY

The victory in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has
provided us with valuable experience on how we should build the Party under the
conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat. As Chairman Mao has indicated
to the whole Party,

The Party organization should be composed of the
advanced elements of the proletariat; it should be a vigorous vanguard
organization capable of leading the proletariat and the revolutionary masses
in the fight against the class enemy.

Chairman Mao's instruction has determined our political
orientation for consolidating and building the Party.

The Communist Party of China has been nurtured and built up
by our great leader Chairman Mao. Since its birth in 1921, our Party has gone
through long years of struggle for the seizure of state power and the
consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat by armed force. Led by
Chairman Mao, our Party has always stood in the forefront of revolutionary wars
and struggles. Under the guidance of Chairman Mao's correct line, our Party has,
in the face of extremely strong domestic and foreign enemies and in the most
complex circumstances, led the proletariat and the broad masses of the people of
China in adhering to the principle of maintaining independence and keeping
the initiative in our own hands and relying on our own efforts, in upholding
proletarian internationalism and in waging heroic struggles with one stepping
into the breach as another fell, and it is only thus that our Party has grown
from Communist groups with only a few dozen members at the outset into the
great, glorious and correct Party leading the powerful People's Republic of
China today. We deeply understand that without armed struggle of the people,
there would not be the Communist Party of China today and there would not be the
People's Republic of China today. We must forever bear in mind Chairman Mao's
teaching: "Comrades throughout the Party must never forget this experience
for which we have paid in blood."

The Communist Party of China owes all its achievements to the
wise leadership of Chairman Mao and these achievements constitute victories for
Mao Tsetung Thought. For half a century now, in leading the great struggle of
the people of all the nationalities of China for accomplishing the
new-democratic revolution, in leading China's great struggle for socialist
revolution and socialist construction and in the great struggle of the
contemporary international communist movement against imperialism, modern
revisionism and the reactionaries of various countries, Chairman Mao has
integrated the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of
revolution, has inherited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism in the
political, military, economic, cultural, philosophical and other spheres, and
has brought Marxism-Leninism to a higher and completely new stage. Mao Tsetung
Thought is Marxism-Leninism of the era in which imperialism is heading for total
collapse and socialism is advancing to world-wide victory. The entire history of
our Party has borne out this truth: Departing from the leadership of Chairman
Mao and Mao Tsetung Thought, our Party will suffer setbacks and defeats;
following Chairman Mao closely and acting on Mao Tsetung Thought, our Party will
advance and triumph. We must forever remember this lesson. Whoever opposes
Chairman Mao, whoever opposes Mao Tsetung Thought, at any time or under any
circumstances, will be condemned and punished by the whole Party and the whole
country. Discussing the consolidation and building of the Party, Chairman Mao
has said:

A human being has arteries and veins through which the
heart makes the blood circulate, and he breathes with his lungs, exhaling
carbon dioxide and inhaling fresh oxygen, that is, getting rid of the stale
and taking in the fresh. A proletarian party must also get rid of the stale
and take in the fresh, for only thus can it be full of vitality. Without
eliminating waste matter and absorbing fresh blood the Party has no vigour.

With this vivid analogy, Chairman Mao has expounded the
dialectics of inner-Party contradiction. "The law of contradiction in things,
that is, the law of the unity of opposites, is the basic law of materialist
dialectics." Opposition and struggle between the two lines within the Party
are the reflection inside the Party of contradictions between classes and
between the new and the old in society. If there were no contradictions in the
Party and no struggles to resolve them, and if the Party did not get rid of the
stale and take in the fresh, the Party's life would come to an end. Chairman
Mao's theory on inner-Party contradiction is and will be the fundamental guiding
thinking for the consolidation and building of the Party.

The history of the Communist Party of China is one in which
Chairman Mao's Marxist-Leninist line combats the Right and "Left" opportunist
lines in the Party. Under the leadership of Chairman Mao, our Party defeated
Chen Tu-hsiu's Right opportunist line, defeated the "Left" opportunist lines of
Chu Chiu-pai and Li Li-san, defeated Wang Ming's first "Left" and then Right
opportunist lines, defeated Chang Kuo-tao's line of splitting the Red Army,
defeated the Right opportunist anti-Party bloc of Peng Teh-huai, Kao Kang, Jao
Shu-shih and others and, after long years of struggle, has shattered Liu
Shaochi's counter-revolutionary revisionist line. Our Party has consolidated
itself, developed and grown in strength precisely in the struggle between the
two lines, especially in the struggles to defeat the three renegade cliques of
Chen Tu-hsiu, Wang Ming and Liu Shao-chi which did the gravest harm to the
Party.

In the new historical period of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, the proletariat enforces its dictatorship and exercises its
leadership in every field of work through its vanguard the Communist Party.
Departing from the dictatorship of the proletariat and from continuing the
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is impossible to solve
correctly the question of Party building, the question of building what kind of
Party and how to build it.

Liu Shao-chi's revisionist line on Party building betrayed
the very essence of the Marxist-Leninist teaching on the dictatorship of the
proletariat and of the Marxist-Leninist theory on Party building. At the crucial
moment when China's socialist revolution was deepening and the class struggle
was extraordinarily acute, Liu Shao-chi had his sinister book
Self-Cultivation republished and it was precisely his aim to overthrow the
dictatorship of the proletariat in our country and restore the dictatorship of
the bourgeoisie. When he copied the passage from Lenin on the necessity of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, which we quoted earlier in this report, Liu
Shao-chi once again deliberately omitted the most important conclusion that
"the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential", thereby clearly
revealing his own counter-revolutionary features as a renegade to the
dictatorship of the proletariat. Moreover, Liu Shao-chi went on spreading such
reactionary fallacies as the theory of "the dying out of class struggle", the
theory of "docile tools", the theory that "the masses are backward", the theory
of "joining the Party in order to climb up", the theory of "inner-Party peace"
and the theory of "merging private and public interests" (i.e., "losing a little
to gain much"), in a vain attempt to corrupt and disintegrate our Party, so that
the more the Party members "cultivated" themselves, the more revisionist they
would become and so that the Marxist-Leninist Party would "evolve peacefully"
into a revisionist party and the dictatorship of the proletariat into the
dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. We should carry on revolutionary mass criticism
and repudiation and thoroughly eliminate the pernicious influence of Liu Shao-chi's
reactionary fallacies.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the broadest and
most deep-going movement for Party consolidation in the history of our Party.
The Party organizations at various levels and the broad masses of Communists
have experienced the acute struggle between the two lines, gone through the test
in the large-scale class struggle and undergone examination by the revolutionary
masses both inside and outside the Party. In this way, the Party members and
cadres have faced the world and braved the storm and have raised their class
consciousness and their consciousness of the struggle between the two lines.
This great revolution teaches us: Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, we
must educate the masses of Party members on classes, on class struggle, on the
struggle between the two lines and on continuing the revolution. We must fight
revisionism both inside and outside the Party, clear the Party of renegades,
enemy agents and other elements representing the interests of the exploiting
classes, and admit into the Party the genuine advanced elements of the
proletariat who have been tested in the great storm. We must strive to ensure
that the leadership of Party organizations at all levels is truly in the hands
of Marxists. We must see to it that the Party members really integrate theory
with practice, maintain close ties with the masses and are bold in making
criticism and self-criticism. We must see to it that the Party members will
always keep to the style of being modest, prudent and free from arrogance and
rashness and to the style of arduous struggle and plain living. Only thus will
the Party be able to lead the proletariat and the revolutionary masses in
carrying the socialist revolution through to the end.

Chairman Mao teaches us:

Historical experience merits attention. A line or a
viewpoint must be explained constantly and repeatedly. It won't do to explain
them only to a few people; they must be made known to the broad revolutionary
masses.

The study and spread of the basic experience of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the study and spread of the history of the
struggle between the two lines and the study and spread of Chairman Mao's theory
of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat must be
conducted not just once but should be repeated every year, every month, every
day. Only thus will it be possible for the masses of Party members and the
people to criticize and resist erroneous lines and tendencies the moment they
emerge, and will it be possible to guarantee that our Party will always forge
ahead victoriously along the correct course charted by Chairman Mao.

The revision of the Party Constitution is an important item
on the agenda of the Ninth National Congress of the party. The Central Committee
has submitted the draft Party Constitution to the congress for discussion. This
draft was worked out jointly by the whole Party and the revolutionary masses
throughout the country. Since November 1967 when Chairman Mao proposed that
primary Party organizations take part in the revision of the Party Constitution,
the Central Committee has received several thousand drafts. On this basis the
Enlarged Twelfth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party
drew up the draft Party Constitution, upon which the whole Party, the whole army
and the revolutionary masses throughout the country once again held enthusiastic
and earnest discussions. It may be said that the draft of the new Party
Constitution is the product of the integration of the great leader Chairman
Mao's wise leadership with the broad masses; it reflects the will of the whole
Party, the whole army and the revolutionary masses throughout the country and
gives a vivid demonstration of the democratic centralism and the mass line to
which the Party has always adhered. Especially important is the fact that the
draft Party Constitution has clearly reaffirmed that Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought is the theoretical basis guiding the Party's thinking. This is a
great victory for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in smashing Liu Shao-chi's
revisionist line on Party building, a great victory for Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought. The Central Committee is convinced that, after the discussion
and adoption of the new Party Constitution by the congress, our Party will, in
accordance with its provisions, surely be built into a still greater, still more
glorious and still more correct Party.

VII. ON CHINA'S RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES

Now we shall go on specifically to discuss China's relations
with foreign countries.

The revolutionary struggles of the proletariat and the
oppressed people and nations of the world always support each other. The
Albanian Party of Labour and all other genuine fraternal Marxist-Leninist
Parties and organizations, the broad masses of the proletariat and revolutionary
people throughout the world as well as many friendly countries, organizations
and personages have all warmly acclaimed and supported the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution in our country. On behalf of the great leader Chairman Mao
and the Ninth National Congress of the Party, I hereby express our heartfelt
thanks to them. We firmly pledge that we the Communist Party of China and the
Chinese people are determined to fulfil our proletarian internationalist duty
and, together with them, carry through to the end the great struggle against
imperialism, modern revisionism and the reactionaries of various countries.

The general trend of the world today is still as Chairman Mao
described it: "The enemy rots with every passing day, while for us things are
getting better daily." On the one hand, the revolutionary movement of the
proletariat of the world and of the people of various countries is vigorously
surging forward. The armed struggles of the people of southern Vietnam, Laos,
Thailand, Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, India, Palestine and other countries and
regions in Asia, Africa and Latin America are steadily growing in strength. The
truth that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" is being
grasped by ever broader masses of the oppressed people and nations. An
unprecedentedly gigantic revolutionary mass movement has broken out in Japan,
Western Europe and North America, the "heartlands" of capitalism. More and more
people are awakening. The genuine fraternal Marxist-Leninist Parties and
organizations are growing steadily in the course of integrating Marxism-Leninism
with the concrete practice of revolution in their own countries. On the other
hand, U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionist social-imperialism are bogged down
in political and economic crises and beset with difficulties both at home and
abroad and find themselves in an impasse. They collude and at the same time
contend with each other in a vain attempt to redivide the world. They act in
co-ordination and work hand in glove in opposing China, opposing communism and
opposing the people, in suppressing the national liberation movement and in
launching wars of aggression. They scheme against each other and get locked in
strife for raw materials, markets, dependencies, important strategic points and
spheres of influence. They are both stepping up arms expansion and war
preparations, each trying to realize its own ambitions.

Lenin pointed out: Imperialism means war. "... imperialist
wars are absolutely inevitable under such an economic system, as long as
private property in the means of production exists." (Lenin,
Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 22, p. 182.) Lenin further pointed out:
"Imperialist war is the eve of socialist revolution." (Lenin,
Collected Works, Chinese ea., Vol. 25, p. 349.) These scientific theses of
Lenin's are by no means out of date.

Chairman Mao has recently pointed out,

With regard to the question of world war, there are but
two possibilities: One is that the war will give rise to revolution and the
other is that revolution will prevent the war.

This is because there are four major contradictions in the
world today: the contradiction between the oppressed nations on the one hand and
imperialism and social-imperialism on the other; the contradiction between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the capitalist and revisionist countries; the
contradiction between imperialist and social-imperialist countries and among the
imperialist countries; and the contradiction between socialist countries on the
one hand and imperialism and social-imperialism on the other. The existence and
development of these contradictions are bound to give rise to revolution.
According to the historical experience of World War I and World War II, it can
be said with certainty that if the imperialists, revisionists and reactionaries
should impose a third world war on the people of the world, it would only
greatly accelerate the development of these contradictions and help arouse the
people of the world to rise in revolution and send the whole pack of
imperialists, revisionists and reactionaries to their graves.

Chairman Mao teaches us: "All reactionaries are paper
tigers." "Strategically we should despise all our enemies, but tactically we
should take them all seriously." This great truth enunciated by Chairman Mao
heightens the revolutionary militancy of the people of the whole world and
guides us from victory to victory in the struggle against imperialism,
revisionism and all reaction.

The paper tiger nature of U.S. imperialism has long since
been laid bare by the people throughout the world. U.S. imperialism, the most
ferocious enemy of the people of the whole world, is going downhill more and
more. Since he took office, Nixon has been confronted with a hopeless mess and
an insoluble economic crisis, with the strong resistance of the masses of the
people at home and throughout the world and with the predicament in which the
imperialist countries are disintegrating and the baton of U.S. imperialism is
getting ever less effective. Unable to produce any solution to these problems,
Nixon, like his predecessors, cannot but continue to play the
counter-revolutionary dual tactics, ostensibly assuming a "peace-loving"
appearance while in fact engaging in arms expansion and war preparations on a
still larger scale. The military expenditures of the United States have been
increasing year by year. To date the U.S. imperialists still forcibly occupy our
territory Taiwan. They have dispatched aggressor troops to many countries and
have also set up hundreds upon hundreds of military bases and military
installations in different parts of the world. They have made so many airplanes
and guns, so many nuclear bombs and guided missiles. What is all this for? To
frighten, suppress and slaughter the people and dominate the world. By doing so
they make themselves the enemy of the people everywhere and find themselves
besieged and battered by the broad masses of the proletariat and the people all
over the world, and this will definitely lead to revolutions throughout the
world on a still larger scale.

The Soviet revisionist renegade clique is a paper tiger, too.
It has revealed its social-imperialist features ever more clearly. When
Khrushchov revisionism was just beginning to emerge, our great leader Chairman
Mao foresaw what serious harm modern revisionism would do to the cause of world
revolution. Chairman Mao led the whole Party in waging resolute struggles in the
ideological, theoretical and political spheres, together with the Albanian Party
of Labour headed by the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Enver Hoxha and with the
genuine Marxist-Leninists of the world, against modern revisionism with Soviet
revisionism as its centre. This has enabled the people all over the world to
learn gradually in struggle how to distinguish genuine from sham
Marxism-Leninism and genuine from sham socialism and brought about the
bankruptcy of Khrushchov revisionism. At the same time, Chairman Mao led our
Party in resolutely criticizing Liu Shao-chi's revisionist line of capitulation
to imperialism, revisionism and reaction and of suppression of revolutionary
movements in various countries and in destroying Liu Shao-chi's
counter-revolutionary revisionist clique. All this has been done in the
fulfilment of our Party's proletarian internationalist duty.

Since Brezhnev came to power, with its baton becoming less
and less effective and its difficulties at home and abroad growing more and more
serious, the Soviet revisionist renegade clique has been practicing
social-imperialism and social-fascism more frantically than ever. Internally, it
has intensified its suppression of the Soviet people and speeded up the
all-round restoration of capitalism. Externally, it has stepped up its collusion
with U.S. imperialism and its suppression of the revolutionary struggles of the
people of various countries, intensified its control over and its exploitation
of various East European countries and the People s Republic of Mongolia,
intensified its contention with U.S. imperialism over the Middle East and other
regions and intensified its threat of aggression against China. Its dispatch of
hundreds of thousands of troops to occupy Czechoslovakia and its armed
provocations against China on our territory Chenpao Island are two foul
performances staged recently by Soviet revisionism. In order to justify its
aggression and plunder, the Soviet revisionist renegade clique trumpets the
so-called theory of "limited sovereignty", the theory of "international
dictatorship" and the theory of "socialist community". What does all this stuff
mean? It means that your sovereignty is "limited", while his is unlimited. You
won't obey him? He will exercise "international dictatorship" over
you—dictatorship over the people of other countries, in order to form the
"socialist community" ruled by the new tsars, that is, colonies of
social-imperialism, just like the "New Order of Europe" of Hitler, the "Greater
East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" of Japanese militarism and the "Free World
Community" of the United States. Lenin denounced the renegades of the Second
International "Socialism in words, imperialism in deeds, the growth of
opportunism into imperialism". (Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese ed.,
Vol. 29, p. 458.) This applies perfectly to the Soviet revisionist renegade
clique of today which is composed of a handful of capitalist-roaders in power.
We firmly believe that the proletariat and the broad masses of the people in the
Soviet Union with their glorious revolutionary tradition will surely rise and
overthrow this clique consisting of a handful of renegades. As Chairman Mao
points out:

The Soviet Union was the first socialist state and the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union was created by Lenin. Although the
leadership of the Soviet Party and state has now been usurped by revisionists,
I would advise comrades to remain firm in the conviction that the masses of
the Soviet people and of Party members and cadres are good, that they desire
revolution and that revisionist rule will not last long.

Now that the Soviet Government has created the incident of
armed encroachment on the Chinese territory Chenpao Island, the Sino-Soviet
boundary question has caught the attention of the whole world. Like the boundary
questions between China and other neighbouring countries, the Sino-Soviet
boundary question is also one left over by history. As regards these questions,
our Party and Government have consistently stood for negotiations through
diplomatic channels to reach a fair and reasonable settlement. Pending a
settlement, the status quo of the boundary should be maintained and conflicts
avoided. Proceeding from this stand, China has satisfactorily and successively
settled boundary questions with neighbouring countries such as Burma, Nepal,
Pakistan, the People's Republic of Mongolia and Afghanistan. Only the boundary
questions between the Soviet Union and China and between India and China remain
unsettled to this day.

The Chinese Government held repeated negotiations with the
Indian Government on the Sino-Indian boundary question. As the reactionary
Indian Government had taken over the British imperialist policy of aggression,
it insisted that we recognize the illegal "McMahon line" which even the
reactionary governments of different periods in old China had not recognized,
and moreover, it went a step further and vainly attempted to occupy the Aksai
Chin area, which has always been under Chinese jurisdiction, thereby disrupting
the Sino-Indian boundary negotiations. This is known to all.

The Sino-Soviet boundary question is the product of tsarist
Russian imperialist aggression against China. In the latter half of the 19th
century when power was in the hands neither of the Chinese people nor of the
Russian people, the tsarist government perpetrated imperialist acts of
aggression to carve up China, imposed a series of unequal treaties on her,
annexed vast expanses of her territory and, moreover, crossed in many places the
boundary line stipulated by the unequal treaties and occupied still more Chinese
territory. This gangster behaviour was indignantly condemned by Marx, Engels and
Lenin. On September 27, 1920, the Government of Soviets led by the great Lenin
solemnly proclaimed: It "declares null and void all the treaties concluded with
China by the former Governments of Russia, renounces all seizure of Chinese
territory and all Russian concessions in China and restores to China, without
any compensation and forever, all that had been predatorily seized from her by
the Tsar's Government and the Russian bourgeoisie". (See Declaration of the
Government of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic to the Chinese
Government.) Owing to the historical conditions of the time, this
proletarian policy of Lenin's was not realized.

As early as August 22 and September 21, 1960, the Chinese
Government, proceeding from its consistent stand on boundary questions, twice
took the initiative in proposing to the Soviet Government that negotiations be
held to settle the Sino-Soviet boundary question. In 1964, negotiations between
the two sides started in Peking. The treaties relating to the present
Sino-Soviet boundary are unequal treaties imposed on the Chinese people by the
tsars, but proceeding from the desire to safeguard the revolutionary friendship
between the Chinese and Soviet people, we still maintained that these treaties
be taken as the basis for the settlement of the boundary question. However,
betraying Lenin's proletarian policy and clinging to its new-tsarist
social-imperialist stand, the Soviet revisionist renegade clique refused to
recognize these treaties as unequal and, moreover, it insisted that China
recognize as belonging to the Soviet Union all the Chinese territory which they
had occupied or attempted to occupy in violation of the treaties. This big-power
chauvinist and social-imperialist stand of the Soviet Government led to the
disruption of the negotiations.

Since Brezhnev came to power, the Soviet revisionist renegade
clique has frenziedly stepped up its disruption of the status quo of the
boundary and repeatedly provoked border incidents, shooting and killing our
unarmed fishermen and peasants and encroaching upon China's sovereignty.
Recently it has gone further and made successive armed intrusions into our
territory Chenpao Island. Driven beyond the limits of forbearance, our frontier
guards have fought back in self-defence, dealing the aggressors well-deservedblows and triumphantly safeguarding our sacred territory. In an effort to
extricate the Soviet revisionist renegade clique from its predicament, Kosygin
asked on March 21 to communicate with our leaders by telephone. Immediately on
March 22, our Government replied with a memorandum, in which it was made clear
that "In view of the present relations between China and the Soviet Union, it is
unsuitable to communicate by telephone. If the Soviet Government has anything to
say, it is asked to put it forward officially to the Chinese Government through
diplomatic channels." On March 29, the Soviet Government issued a statementstill clinging to its obstinate aggressor stand, while expressing
willingness to resume "consultations". Our Government is considering its reply
to this.

The foreign policy of our Party and Government is consistent.
It is: to develop relations of friendship, mutual assistance and co-operation
with socialist countries on the principle of proletarian internationalism; to
support and assist the revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed people and
nations and to strive for peaceful coexistence with countries having different
social systems on the basis of the Five Principles of mutual respect for
territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, non-interference
in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful
coexistence, and to oppose the imperialist policies of aggression and war. Our
proletarian foreign policy is not based on temporary expediency; it is a policy
in which we have long persisted. This is what we did in the past and we will
persist in doing the same in the future.

We have always held that the internal affairs of each country
should be settled by its own people. The relations between all countries and
between all parties, big or small, must be built on the principles of equality
and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. To safeguard these
Marxist-Leninist principles, the Communist Party of China has waged a long
struggle against the sinister big-power chauvinism of the Soviet revisionist
renegade clique. This is a fact known to all. The Soviet revisionist renegade
clique glibly talk of "fraternal parties" and "fraternal countries", but in fact
they regard themselves as the patriarchal party and as the new tsars who are
free to invade and occupy the territory of other countries. They conduct
sabotage and subversion against the Chinese Communist Party, the Albanian Party
of Labour and other genuine Marxist-Leninist Parties. Moreover, when any party,
or any country in their so-called "socialist community", holds a slightly
different view, they act ferociously and stop at nothing in suppression,
sabotage and subversion and even in sending troops to invade and occupy their
so-called "fraternal countries" and kidnapping members of their so-called
"fraternal parties". These fascist piratical acts have sealed their doom.

U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism are always trying to
"isolate" China; this is China's honour. Their rabid opposition to China cannot
do us the slightest harm. On the contrary, it serves to further arouse our
people's determination to maintain independence and keep initiative in our own
hands, rely on our own efforts and work hard to make our country prosperous and
powerful; it serves to prove to the whole world that China has drawn a clear
line between herself on the one hand and U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism
on the other. Today, it is not imperialism, revisionism and reaction but the
proletariat and the revolutionary people of all countries that determine the
destiny of the world. The genuine Marxist-Leninist Parties and organizations of
various countries, which are composed of the advanced elements of the
proletariat, are a new rising force with infinitely broad prospects. The
Communist Party of China is determined to unite and fight together with them. We
firmly support the Albanian people in their struggle against imperialism and
revisionism; we firmly support the Vietnamese people in carrying their war of
resistance against U.S. aggression and for national salvation through to the
end; we firmly support the revolutionary struggles of the people of Laos,
Thailand, Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, India, Palestine and other countries and
regions in Asia, Africa and Latin America; we firmly support the proletariat,
the students and youth and the masses of the Black people of the United States
in their just struggle against the U.S. ruling clique; we firmly support the
proletariat and the labouring people of the Soviet Union in their just struggle
to overthrow the Soviet revisionist renegade clique; we firmly support the
people of Czechoslovakia and other countries in their just struggle against
Soviet revisionist social-imperialism; we firmly support the revolutionary
struggles of the people of Japan and the West European and Oceanian countries;
we firmly support the revolutionary struggles of the people of all countries;
and we firmly support all the just struggles of resistance against aggression
and oppression by U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism. All countries and
people subjected to aggression, control, intervention or bullying by U.S.
imperialism and Soviet revisionism, let us unite and form the broadest possible
united front and overthrow our common enemies!

On no account must we relax our revolutionary vigilance
because of victory or ignore the danger of U.S. imperialism and Soviet
revisionism launching a large-scale war of aggression. We must make full
preparations. preparations against their launching a big war and against their
launching a war at an early date, preparations against their launching a
conventional war and against their launching a large-scale nuclear war. In
short, we must be prepared. Chairman Mao said long ago: We will not
attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly
counter-attack. If they insist on fighting, we will keep them company and
fight to the finish. The Chinese revolution won out on the battlefield. Armed
with Mao Tsetung Thought and tempered in the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution, the Chinese people in their hundreds of millions and the Chinese
People's Liberation Army, with full confidence in victory, are determined to
liberate their sacred territory Taiwan and resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and
completely wipe out all aggressors who dare to come!

Our great leader Chairman Mao points out:

Working hand in glove, Soviet revisionism and U.S.
imperialism have done so many foul and evil things that the revolutionary
people the world over will not let them go unpunished. The people of all
countries are rising. A new historical period of struggle against U.S.
imperialism and Soviet revisionism has begun.

Whether the war gives rise to revolution or revolution
prevents the war, U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism will not last long!
Workers of all countries, unite! Proletarians and oppressed people and nations
of the world, unite! Bury U.S. imperialism, Soviet revisionism and their
lackeys!

VIII. LET THE WHOLE PARTY, LET THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE COUNTRY
UNITE TO WIN STILL GREATER VICTORIES

The Ninth National Congress of the Party is convened at an
important moment in the historical development of our Party, at an important
moment in the consolidation and development of the dictatorship of the
proletariat in our country and at an important moment in the development of the
international communist movement and world revolution. Among the delegates to
the congress are proletarian revolutionaries of the older generation and also a
great deal of fresh blood. In previous congresses of our Party there have never
been such great numbers of delegates from the Party membership among the
industrial workers, poor and lower-middle peasants, and of women delegates.
Among the delegates from the Party membership in the People's Liberation Army
are veteran Red Army fighters as well as new fighters. The delegates of Party
members from among the Red Guards are attending a national congress of the Party
for the first time. The fact that so many delegates have come to Peking from all
corners of the country and gathered around the great leader Chairman Mao to
discuss and decide on the affairs of the Party and state signifies that our
congress is a congress full of vitality, a congress of unity and a congress of
victory.

Chairman Mao teaches us:

The unification of our country, the unity of our people
and the unity of our various nationalities—these are the basic guarantees of
the sure triumph of our cause.

Through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution our
motherland has become unprecedentedly unified and our people have achieved a
great revolutionary unity on the broadest scale under the great red banner of
Mao Tsetung Thought. This great unity is under the leadership of the proletariat
and is based on the worker-peasant alliance; it embraces all the fraternal
nationalities, the patriotic democrats who for a long time have done useful work
for the cause of the revolution and construction in our motherland, the vast
numbers of patriotic overseas Chinese and our patriotic fellow-countrymen in
Hongkong and Macao, our patriotic fellow-countrymen in Taiwan who are oppressed
and exploited by the U.S.-Chiang reactionaries, and all those who support
socialism and love our socialist motherland. We are convinced that after the
present national congress of our Party, the people of all nationalities in our
country will certainly unite still more closely under the leadership of the
great leader Chairman Mao and win still greater victories in the struggle
against our common enemy and in the cause of building our powerful socialist
motherland.

Chairman Mao said in 1962:

The next 50 to 100 years or so, beginning from now, will
be a great era of radical change in the social system throughout the world, an
earth-shaking era without equal in any previous historical period. Living in
such an era, we must be prepared to engage in great struggles which will have
many features different in form from those of the past.

This magnificent prospect far-sightedly envisioned by
Chairman Mao illuminates our future path of advance and inspires all genuine
Marxist-Leninists to fight valiantly for the realization of the grand ideal of
communism.

Let the whole Party unite, let the people of the whole country unite, hold
high the great red banner of Mao Tsetung Thought, be resolute, fear no
sacrifice and surmount every difficulty to win victory!

Long live the great victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution!

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat!

Long live the Ninth National Congress of the Party!

Long live the great, glorious and correct Communist Party of China!

Long live great Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!

Long live our great leader Chairman Mao! A long, long life to Chairman Mao!