LETTER VI.
December 25, 1787.
Dear sir,
My former letters to you, respecting the constitution proposed, were
calculated merely to lead to a fuller investigation of the subject; having
more extensively considered it, and the opinions of others relative to it, I
shall, in a few letters, more particularly endeavour to point out the
defects, and propose amendments. I shall in this make only a few general and
introductory observations, which, in the present state of the momentous
question, may not be improper; and I leave you, in all cases, to decide by a
careful examination of my works, upon the weight of my arguments, the
propriety of my remarks, the uprightness of my intentions, and the extent of
my candor — I presume I am writing to a man of candor and reflection, and
not to an ardent, peevish, or impatient man.
When the constitution was first published, there appeared to prevail a
misguided zeal to prevent a fair unbiassed examination of a subject of
infinite importance to this people and their posterity — to the cause of
liberty and the rights of mankind — and it was the duty of those who saw a
restless ardor, or design, attempting to mislead the people by a parade of
names and misrepresentations, to endeavour to prevent their having their
intended effects. The only way to stop the passions of men in their career
is, coolly to state facts, and deliberately to avow the truth — and to do
this we are frequently forced into a painful view of men and measures.
Since I wrote to you in October, I have heard much said, and seen many
pieces written, upon the subject in question; and on carefully examining
them on both sides, I find much less reason for changing my sentiments,
respecting the good and defective parts of the system proposed than I
expected — The opposers, as well as the advocates of it, confirm me in my
opinion, that this system affords, all circumstances considered, a better
basis to build upon than the confederation. And as to the principal defects,
as the smallness of the representation, the insecurity of elections, the
undue mixture of powers in the senate, the insecurity of some essential
rights, &c. the opposition appears, generally, to agree respecting them, and
many of the ablest advocates virtually to admit them — Clear it is, the
latter do not attempt manfully to defend these defective parts, but to cover
them with a mysterious veil; they concede, they retract; they say we could
do no better; and some of them, when a little out of temper, and hard
pushed, use arguments that do more honor to their ingenuity, than to their
candor and firmness.
Three states have now adopted the constitution without amendments; these,
and other circumstances, ought to have their weight in deciding the
question, whether we will put the system into operation, adopt it, enumerate
and recommend the necessary amendments, which afterwards, by three-fourths
of the states, may be ingrafted into the system, or whether we will make the
amendments prior to the adoption — I only undertake to shew amendments are
essential and necessary — how far it is practicable to ingraft them into the
plan, prior to the adoption, the state conventions must determine. Our
situation is critical, and we have but our choice of evils — We may hazard
much by adopting the constitution in its present form — we may hazard more
by rejecting it wholly — we may hazard much by long contending about
amendments prior to the adoption. The greatest political evils that can
befal us, are discords and civil wars — the greatest blessings we can wish
for, are peace, union, and industry, under a mild, free, and steady
government. Amendments recommended will tend to guard and direct the
administration — but there will be danger that the people, after the system
shall be adopted, will become inattentive to amendments — Their attention is
now awake — the discussion of the subject, which has already taken place,
has had a happy effect — it has called forth the able advocates of liberty,
and tends to renew, in the minds of the people, their true republican
jealousy and vigilance, the strongest guard against the abuses of power; but
the vigilance of the people is not sufficiently constant to be depended on —
Fortunate it is for the body of a people, if they can continue attentive to
their liberties, long enough to erect for them a temple, and constitutional
barriers for their permanent security: when they are well fixed between the
powers of the rulers and the rights of the people, they become visible
boundaries, constantly seen by all, and any transgression of them is
immediately discovered: they serve as centinels for the people at all times,
and especially in those unavoidable intervals of inattention.
Some of the advocates, I believe, will agree to recommend good amendments;
but some of them will only consent to recommend indefinite, specious, but
unimportant ones; and this only with a view to keep the door open for
obtaining in some favourable moment, their main object, a complete
consolidation of the states, and a government much higher toned, less
republican and free than the one proposed. If necessity, therefore, should
ever oblige us to adopt the system, and recommend amendments, the true
friends of a federal republic must see they are well defined, and well
calculated, not only to prevent our system of government moving further from
republican principles and equality, but to bring it back nearer to them —
they must be constantly on their guard against the address, flattery, and
manoeuvres of their adversaries.
The gentlemen who oppose the constitution, or contend for amendments in it,
are frequently, and with much bitterness, charged with wantonly attacking
the men who framed it. The unjustness of this charge leads me to make one
observation upon the conduct of parties, &c. Some of the advocates are only
pretended federalists; in fact they wish for an abolition of the state
governments. Some of them I believe to be honest federalists, who wish to
preserve substantially the state governments united under an efficient
federal head; and many of them are blind tools without any object. Some of
the opposers also are only pretended federalists, who want no federal
government, or one merely advisory. Some of them are the true federalists,
their object, perhaps, more clearly seen, is the same with that of the
honest federalists; and some of them, probably, have no distinct object. We
might as well call the advocates and opposers tories and whigs, or any thing
else, as federalists and anti-federalists. To be for or against the
constitution, as it stands, is not much evidence of a federal disposition;
if any names are applicable to the parties, on account of their general
politics, they are those of republicans and anti-republicans. The opposers
are generally men who support the rights of the body of the people, and are
properly republicans. The advocates are generally men not very friendly to
those rights, and properly anti-republicans.
Had the advocates left the constitution, as they ought to have done, to be
adopted or rejected on account of its own merits or imperfections, I do not
believe the gentlemen who framed it would ever have been even alluded to in
the contest by the opposers. Instead of this, the ardent advocates begun by
quoting names as incontestible authorities for the implicit adoption of the
system, without any examination — treated all who opposed it as friends of
anarchy; and with an indecent virulence addressed M—n G—y, L—e, and almost
every man of weight they could find in the opposition by name. If they had
been candid men they would have applauded the moderation of the opposers for
not retaliating in this pointed manner, when so fair an opportunity was
given them; but the opposers generally saw that it was no time to heat the
passions; but, at the same time, they saw there was something more than mere
zeal in many of their adversaries; they saw them attempting to mislead the
people, and to precipitate their divisions, by the sound of names, and
forced to do it, the opposers, in general terms, alledged those names were
not of sufficient authority to justify the hasty adoption of the system
contended for. The convention, as a body, was undoubtedly respectable; it
was, generally, composed of members of the then and preceding Congresses: as
a body of respectable men we ought to view it. To select individual names,
is an invitation to personal attacks, and the advocates, for their own sake,
ought to have known the abilities, politics, and situation of some of their
favourite characters better, before they held them up to view in the manner
they did, as men entitled to our implicit political belief: they ought to
have known, whether all the men they so held up to view could, for their
past conduct in public offices, be approved or not by the public records,
and the honest part of the community. These ardent advocates seem now to be
peevish and angry, because, by their own folly, they have led to an
investigation of facts and of political characters, unfavourable to them,
which they had not the discernment to foresee. They may well apprehend they
have opened a door to some Junius, or to some man, after his manner, with
his polite addresses to men by name, to state serious facts, and unfold the
truth; but these advocates may rest assured, that cool men in the
opposition, best acquainted with the affairs of the country, will not, in
the critical passage of a people from one constitution to another, pursue
inquiries, which, in other circumstances, will be deserving of the highest
praise. I will say nothing further about political characters, but examine
the constitution; and as a necessary and previous measure to a particular
examination, I shall state a few general positions and principles, which
receive a general assent, and briefly notice the leading features of the
confederation, and several state conventions [i.e., constitutions], to
which, through the whole investigation, we must frequently have recourse, to
aid the mind in its determinations.
We can put but little dependance on the partial and vague information
transmitted to us respecting antient governments; our situation as a people
is peculiar: our people in general have a high sense of freedom; they are
high spirited, though capable of deliberate measures; they are intelligent,
discerning, and well informed; and it is to their condition we must mould
the constitution and laws. We have no royal or noble families, and all
things concur in favour of a government entirely elective. We have tried our
abilities as freemen in a most arduous contest, and have succeeded; but we
now find the main spring of our movements were the love of liberty, and a
temporary ardor, and not any energetic principle in the federal system.
Our territories are far too extensive for a limited monarchy, in which the
representatives must frequently assemble, and the laws operate mildly and
systematically. The most elligible system is a federal republic, that is, a
system in which national concerns may be transacted in the centre, and local
affairs in state or district governments.
The powers of the union ought to be extended to commerce, the coin, and
national objects; and a division of powers, and a deposit of them in
different hands, is safest.
Good government is generally the result of experience and gradual
improvements, and a punctual execution of the laws is essential to the
preservation of life, liberty, and property. Taxes are always necessary, and
the power to raise them can never be safely lodged without checks and
limitation, but in a full and substantial representation of the body of the
people; the quantity of power delegated ought to be compensated by the
brevity of the time of holding it, in order to prevent the possessors
increasing it. The supreme power is in the people, and rulers possess only
that portion which is expressly given them; yet the wisest people have often
declared this is the case on proper occasions, and have carefully formed
stipulations to fix the extent, and limit the exercise of the power given.
The people by Magna Charta, &c. did not acquire powers, or receive
privileges from the king, they only ascertained and fixed those they were
entitled to as Englishmen; the title used by the king "we grant," was mere
form. Representation, and the jury trial, are the best features of a free
government ever as yet discovered, and the only means by which the body of
the people can have their proper influence in the affairs of government.
In a federal system we must not only balance the parts of the same
government, as that of the state, or that of the union; but we must find a
balancing influence between the general and local governments — the latter
is what men or writers have but very little or imperfectly considered.
A free and mild government is that in which no laws can be made without the
formal and free consent of the people, or of their constitutional
representatives; that is, of a substantial representative branch. Liberty,
in its genuine sense, is security to enjoy the effects of our honest
industry and labours, in a free and mild government, and personal security
from all illegal restraints.
Of rights, some are natural and unalienable, of which even the people cannot
deprive individuals: Some are constitutional or fundamental; these cannot be
altered or abolished by the ordinary laws; but the people, by express acts,
may alter or abolish them — These, such as the trial by jury, the benefits
of the writ of habeas corpus, &c. individuals claim under the solemn
compacts of the people, as constitutions, or at least under laws so
strengthened by long usuage as not to be repealable by the ordinary
legislature — and some are common or mere legal rights, that is, such as
individuals claim under laws which the ordinary legislature may alter or
abolish at pleasure.
The confederation is a league of friendship among the states or
sovereignties for the common defence and mutual welfare — Each state
expressly retains its sovereignty, and all powers not expressly given to
congress — All federal powers are lodged in a congress of delegates annually
elected by the state legislatures, except in Connecticut and Rhode-Island,
where they are chosen by the people — Each state has a vote in congress,
pays its delegates, and may instruct or recall them; no delegate can hold
any office of profit, or serve more than three years in any six years — Each
state may be represented by not less than two, or more than seven delegates.
Congress (nine states agreeing) may make peace and war, treaties and
alliances, grant letters of marque and reprisal, coin money, regulate the
alloy and value of the coin, require men and monies of the states by fixed
proportions, and appropriate monies, form armies and navies, emit bills of
credit, and borrow monies.
Congress (seven states agreeing) may send and receive ambassadors, regulate
captures, make rules for governing the army and navy, institute courts for
the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and for
settling territorial disputes between the individual states, regulate weight
and measures, post offices, and Indian affairs.
No state, without the consent of congress, can send or receive embassies,
make any agreement with any other state, or a foreign state, keep up any
vessels of war or bodies of forces in time of peace, or engage in war, or
lay any duties which may interfere with the treaties of congress — Each
state must appoint regimental officers, and keep up a well regulated militia
— Each state may prohibit the importation or exportation of any species of
goods.
The free inhabitants of one state are intitled to the privileges and
immunities of the free citizens of the other states — Credit in each state
shall be given to the records and judicial proceedings in the others.
Canada, acceding, may be admitted, and any other colony may be admitted by
the consent of nine states.
Alterations may be made by the agreement of congress, and confirmation of
all the state legislatures.
The following, I think, will be allowed to be unalienable or fundamental
rights in the United States: —
No man, demeaning himself peaceably, shall be molested on account of his
religion or mode of worship — The people have a right to hold and enjoy
their property according to known standing laws, and which cannot be taken
from them without their consent, or the consent of their representatives;
and whenever taken in the pressing urgencies of government, they are to
receive a reasonable compensation for it — Individual security consists in
having free recourse to the laws — The people are subject to no laws or
taxes not assented to by their representatives constitutionally assembled —
They are at all times intitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus,
the trial by jury in criminal and civil causes — They have a right, when
charged, to a speedy trial in the vicinage; to be heard by themselves or
counsel, not to be compelled to furnish evidence against themselves, to have
witnesses face to face, and to confront their adversaries before the judge —
No man is held to answer a crime charged upon him till it be substantially
described to him; and he is subject to no unreasonable searches or seizures
of his person, papers or effects — The people have a right to assemble in an
orderly manner, and petition the government for a redress of wrongs — The
freedom of the press ought not to be restrained — No emoluments, except for
actual service — No hereditary honors, or orders of nobility, ought to be
allowed — The military ought to be subordinate to the civil authority, and
no soldier be quartered on the citizens without their consent — The militia
ought always to be armed and disciplined, and the usual defence of the
country — The supreme power is in the people, and power delegated ought to
return to them at stated periods, and frequently — The legislative,
executive, and judicial powers, ought always to be kept distinct — others
perhaps might be added.
The organization of the state governments — Each state has a legislature, an
executive, and a judicial branch — In general legislators are excluded from
the important executive and judicial offices — Except in the Carolinas there
is no constitutional distinction among Christian sects — The constitutions
of New York, Delaware, and Virginia, exclude the clergy from offices civil
and military — the other states do nearly the same in practice.
Each state has a democratic branch elected twice a-year in Rhode-Island and
Connecticut, biennially in South-Carolina, and annually in the other states
— There are about 1500 representatives in all the states, or one to each
1700 inhabitants, reckoning five blacks for three whites — The states do not
differ as to the age or moral characters of the electors or elected, nor
materially as to their property.
Pennsylvania has lodged all her legislative powers in a single branch, and
Georgia has done the same; the other eleven states have each in their
legislatures a second or senatorial branch. In forming this they have
combined various principles, and aimed at several checks and balances. It is
amazing to see how ingenuity has worked in the several states to fix a
barrier against popular instability. In Massachusetts the senators are
apportioned on districts according to the taxes they pay, nearly according
to property. In Connecticut the freemen, in September, vote for twenty
counsellers, and return the names of those voted for in the several towns;
the legislature takes the twenty who have the most votes, and gives them to
the people, who, in April, chuse twelve of them, who, with the governor and
deputy governor, form the senatorial branch. In Maryland the senators are
chosen by two electors from each county; these electors are chosen by the
freemen, and qualified as the members in the democratic branch are: In these
two cases checks are aimed at in the mode of election. Several states have
taken into view the periods of service, age, property, &c. In South-Carolina
a senator is elected for two years, in Delaware three, and in New-York and
Virginia four, in Maryland five, and in the other states for one. In New-
York and Virginia one-fourth part go out yearly. In Virginia a senator must
be twenty-five years old, in South-Carolina thirty. In New-York the electors
must each have a freehold worth 250 dollars, in North-Carolina a freehold of
fifty acres of land; in the other states the electors of senators are
qualified as electors of representatives are. In Massachusetts a senator
must have a freehold in his own right worth 1000 dollars, or any estate
worth 2000, in New-Jersey any estate worth 2666, in South-Carolina worth
1300 dollars, in North-Carolina 300 acres of land in fee, &c. The numbers of
senators in each state are from ten to thirty-one, about 160 in the eleven
states, about one to 14000 inhabitants.
Two states, Massachusetts and New-York, have each introduced into their
legislatures a third, but incomplete branch. In the former, the governor may
negative any law not supported by two-thirds of the senators, and two-thirds
of the representatives: in the latter, the governor, chancellor, and judges
of the supreme court may do the same.
Each state has a single executive branch. In the five eastern states the
people at large elect their governors; in the other states the legislatures
elect them. In South Carolina the governor is elected once in two years; in
New-York and Delaware once in three, and in the other states annually. The
governor of New-York has no executive council, the other governors have. In
several states the governor has a vote in the senatorial branch — the
governors have similar powers in some instances, and quite dissimilar ones
in others. The number of executive counsellers in the states are from five
to twelve. In the four eastern states, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and
Georgia, they are of the men returned legislators by the people. In
Pennsylvania the counsellers are chosen triennially, in Delaware every
fourth year, in Virginia every three years, in South-Carolina biennially,
and in the other states yearly.
Each state has a judicial branch; each common law courts, superior and
inferior; some chancery and admiralty courts: The courts in general sit in
different places, in order to accommodate the citizens. The trial by jury is
had in all the common law courts, and in some of the admiralty courts. The
democratic freemen principally form the juries; men destitute of property,
of character, or under age, are excluded as in elections. Some of the judges
are during good behaviour, and some appointed for a year, and some for
years; and all are dependant on the legislatures for their salaries —
Particulars respecting this department are too many to be noticed here.