Second Congress1920

19 July – 7 August

I

Lenin’s Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and Colonial Questions

In submitting for discussion by the Second Congress of the Communist
International the following draft theses on the national and colonial
questions I would request all comrades, especially those who possess
concrete information on any of these very complex problems, to let me
have their opinions, amendments, addenda and concrete remarks in the
most concise form (no more than two or three pages), particularly on
the following points:

1. An abstract or formal posing of the problem of equality in
general and national equality in particular is in the very nature of
bourgeois democracy. Under the guise of the equality of the individual
in general, bourgeois democracy proclaims the formal or legal equality
of the property-owner and the proletarian, the exploiter and the
exploited, thereby grossly deceiving the oppressed classes. On the plea
that all men are absolutely equal, the bourgeoisie is transferring the
idea of equality, which is itself a reflection of the relations of
commodity production, into a weapon in its struggle against the
abolition of classes. The real meaning of the demand for equality
consists in its being a demand for the abolition of classes.

2. In conformity with its fundamental task of combating bourgeois
democracy and exposing its falseness and hypocrisy, the Communist
Party, as the avowed champion of the proletarian struggle to overthrow
the bourgeois yoke, must base its policy, in the national question too,
not on abstract and formal principles, but, first, on a precise
appraisal of the specific historical situation and, primarily, of
economic conditions; second, on a clear distinction between the
interests of the oppressed classes, of working and exploited people,
and the general concept of national interests as a whole, which implies
the interests of the ruling class; third, on an equally clear
distinction between the oppressed, dependent and subject nations and
the oppressing, exploiting and sovereign nations, in order to counter
the bourgeois-democratic lies that play down this colonial and
financial enslavement of the vast majority of the world’s population by
an insignificant minority of the richest and advanced capitalist
countries, a feature characteristic of the era of finance capital and
imperialism.

3. The imperialist war of 1914-18 has very clearly revealed to all
nations and to the oppressed classes of the whole world the falseness
of bourgeois-democratic phrases, by practically demonstrating that the
Treaty of Versailles of the celebrated “Western democracies” is an even
more brutal and foul act of violence against weak nations than was the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of the German junkers and the Kaiser. The
League of Nations and the whole post-war policy of the Entente reveal
this truth with even greater clarity and distinctness. They are
everywhere intensifying the revolutionary struggle both of the
proletariat in the advanced countries and of the toiling masses in the
colonial and dependent countries. They are hastening the collapse of
the petty-bourgeois nationalistic illusions that nations can live
together in peace and equality under capitalism.

4. From these fundamental premises it follows that the Communist
International’s entire policy on the national and colonial questions
should rest primarily on a closer union of the proletarians and the
working masses of all nations and countries for a joint revolutionary
struggle to overthrow the landowners and the bourgeoisie. This union
alone will guarantee victory over capitalism, without which the
abolition of national oppression and inequality is impossible.

5. The world political situation has now placed the dictatorship of
the proletariat on the order of the day. World political developments
are of necessity concentrated on a single focus – the struggle of the
world bourgeoisie against the Soviet Russian Republic, around which are
inevitably grouped, on the one hand, the Soviet movements of the
advanced workers in all countries, and, on the other, all the
national-liberation movements in the colonies and. among the oppressed
nationalities, who are learning from bitter experience that their only
salvation lies in the Soviet system’s victory over world imperialism.

6. Consequently, one cannot at present confine oneself to a bare
recognition or proclamation of the need for closer union between the
working people of the various nations; a policy must be pursued that
will achieve the closest alliance, with Soviet Russia, of all the
national and colonial liberation movements. The form of this alliance
should be determined by the degree of development of the communist
movement in the proletariat of each country, or of the
bourgeois-democratic liberation movement of the workers and peasants in
backward countries or among backward nationalities.

7. Federation is a transitional form to the complete unity of the
working people of different nations. The feasibility of federation has
already been demonstrated in practice both by the relations between the
RSFSR, and other Soviet Republics (the Hungarian, Finnish and Latvian
in the past, and the Azerbaijan and Ukrainian in the present), and by
the relations within the RSFSR in respect of nationalities which
formerly enjoyed neither statehood nor autonomy (e.g. the Bashkir and
Tatar autonomous republics in the RSFSR, founded in 1919 and 1920
respectively).

8. In this respect, it is the task of the Communist International to
further develop and also to study and test by experience these new
federations, which are arising on the basis of the Soviet system and
the Soviet movement. In recognising that federation is a transitional
form to complete unity, it is necessary to strive for ever closer
federal unity, bearing in mind, first, that the Soviet republics,
surrounded as they are by the imperialist powers of the whole world –
which from the military stand-point are immeasurably stronger – cannot
possibly continue to exist without the closest alliance; second, that a
close economic alliance between the Soviet republics is necessary,
otherwise the productive forces which have been ruined by imperialism
cannot be restored and the well-being of the working people cannot be
ensured; third, that there is a tendency towards the creation of a
single world economy, regulated by the proletariat of all nations as an
integral whole and according to a common plan. This tendency has
already revealed itself quite clearly under capitalism and is bound to
be further developed and consummated under socialism.

9. The Communist International’s national policy in the sphere of
relations within the state cannot be restricted to the bare, formal,
purely declaratory and actually noncommittal recognition of the
equality of nations to which the bourgeois democrats confine themselves
– both those who frankly admit being such, and those who assume the
name of socialists (such as the socialists of the Second
International).

In all their propaganda and agitation – both within parliament and
outside it – the communist parties must consistently expose the
constant violation of the equality of nations and of the guaranteed
rights of national minorities which is to be seen in all capitalist
countries, despite their “democratic” constitutions. It is also
necessary, first, constantly to explain that only the Soviet system is
capable of ensuring genuine equality of nations, by uniting first the
proletarians and then the whole mass of the working population in the
struggle against the bourgeoisie; and, second, all communist parties
should render direct aid to the revolutionary movements among the
dependent and underprivileged nations (for example, Ireland, the
American Negroes, etc.) and in the colonies.

Without the latter condition, which is particularly important, the
struggle against oppression of dependent nations and colonies, as well
as recognition of their right to secede, are but a false signboard, as
is evidenced by the parties of the Second International.

10. Recognition of internationalism in word, and its replacement in
deed by petty-bourgeois nationalism and pacifism, in all propaganda,
agitation and practical work, is very common, not only among the
parties of the Second International, but also among those which have
withdrawn from it, and often even among parties which now call
themselves communist. The urgency of the struggle against this evil,
against the most deep-rooted petty-bourgeois national prejudices, looms
ever larger with the mounting exigency of the task of converting the
dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e.
existing in a single country and incapable of determining world
politics) into an international one (i.e. a dictatorship of the
proletariat involving at least several advanced countries, and capable
of exercising a decisive influence upon world politics as a whole).
Petty-bourgeois nationalism proclaims as internationalism the mere
recognition of the equality of nations, and nothing more. Quite apart
from the fact that this recognition is purely verbal, petty-bourgeois
nationalism preserves national self interest intact, whereas
proletarian internationalism demands first, that the interests of the
proletarian struggle in anyone country should be subordinated to the
interests of that struggle on a worldwide scale, and, second, that a
nation which is achieving victory over the bourgeoisie should be able
and willing to make the greatest national sacrifices for the overthrow
of international capital.

Thus, in countries that are already fully capitalist and have
workers’ parties that really act as the vanguard of the proletariat,
the struggle against opportunist and petty-bourgeois pacifist
distortions of the concept and policy of internationalism is a primary
and cardinal task.

11. With regard to the more backward states and nations, in which
feudal or patriarchal and patriarchal-peasant relations predominate, it
is particularly important to bear in mind:

first, that all communist parties must assist the
bourgeois-democratic liberation movement in these countries, and that
the duty of rendering the most active assistance rests primarily with
the workers of the country the backward nation is colonially or
financially dependent on;

second, the need for struggle against the clergy and other
influential reactionary and medieval elements in backward countries;

third, the need to combat pan-Islamism and similar trends which
strive to combine the liberation movement against European and American
imperialism with an attempt to strengthen the positions of the khans,
landowners, mullahs, etc.;

fourth, the need, in backward countries, to give special support to
the peasant movement against the landowners, against landed
proprietorship, and against all manifestations or survivals of
feudalism, and to strive to lend the peasant movement the most
revolutionary character by establishing the closest possible alliance
between the West-European communist proletariat and the revolutionary
peasant movement in the East, in the colonies, and in the backward
countries generally. It is particularly necessary to exert every effort
to apply the basic principles of the Soviet system in countries where
pre-capitalist relations predominate – by setting up “working people’s
Soviets”, etc.;

fifth, the need for a determined struggle against attempts to give a
communist colouring to bourgeois-democratic liberation trends in the
backward countries; the Communist International should support
bourgeois-democratic national movements in colonial and backward
countries only on condition that, in these countries, the elements of
future proletarian parties, which will be communist not only in name,
are brought together and trained to understand their special tasks,
i.e. those of the struggle against the bourgeois-democratic movements
within their own nations. The communist International must enter into a
temporary alliance with bourgeois democracy in the colonial and
backward countries, but should not merge with it, and should under all
circumstances uphold the independence of the proletarian movement even
if it is in its most embryonic form;

sixth, the need constantly to explain and expose among the broadest
working masses of all countries, and particularly of the backward
countries, the deception systematically practised by the imperialist
powers, which, under the guise of politically independent states, set
up states that are wholly dependent upon them economically, financially
and militarily. Under present-day international conditions there is no
salvation for dependent and weak nations except in a union of Soviet
republics.

12. The age-old oppression of colonial and weak nationalities by the
imperialist powers has not only filled the working masses of the
oppressed countries with animosity towards the oppressor nations, but
has also aroused distrust in these nations in general, even in their
proletariat. The despicable betrayal of socialism by the majority of
the official leaders of this proletariat in 1914-19, when “defence of
country” was used as a social-chauvinist cloak to conceal the defence
of the “right” of their “own” bourgeoisie to oppress colonies and
fleece financially dependent countries, was certain to enhance this
perfectly legitimate distrust. On the other hand, the more backward the
country, the stronger is the hold of small scale agricultural
production, patriarchalism and isolation, which inevitably lend
particular strength and tenacity to the deepest of petty-bourgeois
prejudices, i.e. to national egoism and national narrow-mindedness.
These prejudices are bound to die out very slowly, for they can
disappear only after imperialism and capitalism have disappeared in the
advanced countries, and after the entire foundation of the backward
countries’ economic life has radically changed. It is therefore the
duty of the class-conscious communist proletariat of all countries to
regard with particular caution and attention the survivals of national
sentiments in the countries and among nationalities which have been
oppressed the longest; it is equally necessary to make certain
concessions with a view to more rapidly overcoming this distrust and
these prejudices. Complete victory over capitalism cannot be won unless
the proletariat and, following it, the mass of working people in all
countries and nations throughout the world voluntarily strive for
alliance and unity.

(Lenin: Selected Works, III (1971), 432-37)

II

Lenin’s Report of the Commission on the National and Colonial Questions

26 July 1920

Comrades, I shall confine myself to a brief introduction, after
which Comrade Maring. who has been secretary to our commission, will
give you a detailed account of the changes we have made in the theses.
He will be followed by Comrade Roy, who has formulated the
supplementary theses. Our commission have unanimously adopted both the
preliminary theses, as amended, and the supplementary theses. We have
thus reached complete unanimity on all major issues. I shall now make a
few brief remarks.

First, what is the cardinal idea underlying our theses? It is the
distinction between oppressed and oppressor nations. Unlike the Second
International and bourgeois democracy, we emphasise this distinction.
In this age of imperialism, it is particularly important for the
proletariat and the Communist International to establish concrete
economic facts and to proceed from concrete realities, not from
abstract postulates, in all colonial and national problems.

The characteristic feature of imperialism consists in the whole
world, as we now see, being divided into a large number of oppressed
nations and an insignificant number of oppressor nations, the latter
possessing colossal wealth and powerful armed forces. The vast majority
of the world’s population, over a thousand million, perhaps even 1,250
million people, if we take the total population of the world as 1,750
million, in other words, about 70 per cent of the world’s population,
belong to the oppressed nations, which are either in a state of direct
colonial dependence or are semi-colonies as, for example, Persia,
Turkey and China, or else, conquered by some big imperialist power,
have become greatly dependent on that power by virtue of
peace-treaties. This idea of distinction, of dividing the nations into
oppressor and oppressed, runs through the theses, not only the first
theses published earlier over my signature, but also those submitted by
Comrade Roy. The latter were framed chiefly from the standpoint of the
situation in India and other big Asian countries oppressed by Britain.
Herein lies their great importance to us.

The second basic idea in our theses is that, in the present world
situation following the imperialist war, reciprocal relations between
peoples and the world political system as a whole are determined by the
struggle waged by a small group of imperialist nations against the
Soviet movement and the Soviet states headed by Soviet Russia. Unless
we bear that in mind, we shall not be able to pose a single national
and colonial problem correctly, even if it concerns a most outlying
part of the world. The communist parties, in civilised and backward
countries alike, can pose and solve political problems correctly only
if they make this postulate their starting-point.

Third, I should like especially to emphasise the question of the
bourgeois-democratic movement in backward countries. This is a question
that has given rise to certain differences. We have discussed whether
it would be right or wrong, in principle and in theory, to state that
the Communist International and the communist parties must support the
bourgeois-democratic movement in backward countries. As a result of our
discussion, we have arrived at the unanimous decision to speak of the
national-revolutionary movement rather than of the
“bourgeois-democratic” movement. It is beyond doubt that any national
movement can only be a bourgeois-democratic movement, since the
overwhelming mass of the population in the backward countries consists
of peasants who represent bourgeois-capitalist relationships. It would
be utopian to believe that proletarian parties in these backward
countries, if indeed they can emerge in them, can pursue communist
tactics and a communist policy, without establishing definite relations
with the peasant movement and without giving it effective support.
However, the objections have been raised that, if we speak of the
bourgeois-democratic movement, we shall be obliterating all
distinctions between the reformist and the revolutionary movements. Yet
that distinction has been very clearly revealed of late in the backward
and colonial countries, since the imperialist bourgeoisie is doing
everything in its power to implant a reformist movement among the
oppressed nations too. There has been a certain rapprochement between
the bourgeoisie of the exploiting countries and that of the colonies,
so that very often – perhaps even in most cases – the bourgeoisie of
the oppressed countries, while it does support the national movement,
is in full accord with the imperialist bourgeoisie, i.e. joins forces
with it against all revolutionary movements and revolutionary classes.
This was irrefutably proved in the commission, and we decided that the
only correct attitude was to take this distinction into account and, in
nearly all cases, substitute the term “national-revolutionary” for the
term “bourgeois-democratic”. The significance of this change is that
we, as communists, should and will support bourgeois-liberation
movements in the colonies only when they are genuinely revolutionary,
and when their exponents do not hinder our work of educating and
organising in a revolutionary spirit the peasantry and the masses of
the exploited. If these conditions do not exist, the communists in
these countries must combat the reformist bourgeoisie, to whom the
heroes of the Second International also belong. Reformist parties
already exist in the colonial countries, and in some cases their
spokesmen call themselves social-democrats and socialists. The
distinction I have referred to has been made in all the theses with the
result, I think, that our view is now formulated much more precisely.

Next, I would like to make a remark on the subject of peasants’
Soviets. The Russian communists’ practical activities in the former
tsarist colonies, in such backward countries as Turkestan, etc. have
confronted us with the question of how to apply the communist tactics
and policy in pre-capitalist conditions. The preponderance of
pre-capitalist relationships is still the main determining feature in
these countries, so that there can therefore be no question of a purely
proletarian movement in them. There is practically no industrial
proletariat in these countries. Nevertheless, we have assumed, we must
assume, the role of leader even there. Experience has shown us that
tremendous difficulties have to be surmounted in these countries.
However, the practical results of our work have also shown that despite
these difficulties we are in a position to inspire in the masses an
urge for independent political thinking and independent political
action, even where a proletariat is nonexistent. This work has been
more difficult for us than it will be for comrades in the West-European
countries, because in Russia the proletariat is engrossed in the work
of state administration. It will readily be understood that peasants
living in conditions of semi-feudal dependence can easily assimilate
and give effect to the idea of Soviet organisation. It is also clear
that the oppressed masses, those who are exploited, not only by
merchant capital but also by the feudalists, and by a state based on
feudalism, can apply this weapon, this type of organisation, in their
conditions too. The idea of Soviet organisation is a simple one, and is
applicable, not only to proletarian, but also to peasant feudal and
semi-feudal relations. Our experience in this respect is not as yet
very considerable. However, the debate in the commission, in which
several representatives from colonial countries participated,
demonstrated convincingly that the Communist International’s theses
should point out that peasants’ Soviets, Soviets of the exploited, are
a weapon which can be employed, not only in capitalist countries but
also in countries with pre-capitalist relations, and that it is the
absolute duty of communist parties and of elements prepared to form
communist parties, everywhere to conduct propaganda in favour of
peasants’ Soviets or of working people’s Soviets, this to include
backward and colonial countries. Wherever conditions permit, they
should at once make attempts to set up Soviets of the working people.

This opens up a very interesting and very important field for our
practical work. So far our joint experience in this respect has not
been extensive, but more and more data will gradually accumulate. It is
unquestionable that the proletariat of the advanced countries can and
should give help to the working masses of the backward countries, and
that the backward countries can emerge from their present stage of
development when the victorious proletariat of the Soviet republics
extends a helping hand to these masses and is in a position to give
them support.

There was quite a lively debate on this question in the commission,
not only in connection with theses I signed, but still more in
connection with Comrade Roy’s theses, which he will defend here, and
certain amendments to which were unanimously adopted.

The question was posed as follows: are we to consider as correct the
assertion that the capitalist stage of economic development is
inevitable for backward nations now on the road to emancipation and
among whom a certain advance towards progress is to be seen since the
war? We replied in the negative. If the victorious revolutionary
proletariat conducts systematic propaganda among them, and the Soviet
governments come to their aid with all the means at their disposal – in
that event it will be mistaken to assume that the backward peoples must
inevitably go through the capitalist stage of development. Not only
should we create independent contingents of fighters and party
organisations in the colonies and the backward countries, not only at
once launch propaganda for the organisation of peasants’ Soviets and
strive to adapt them to pre-capitalist conditions, but the Communist
International should advance the proposition, with appropriate
theoretical grounding, that with the aid of the proletariat of the
advanced countries, backward countries can go over to the Soviet system
and, through certain stages of development, to communism, without
having to pass through the capitalist stage.

The necessary means for this cannot be indicated in advance. These
will be prompted by practical experience. It has, however, been
definitely established that the idea of Soviets is understood by the
mass of working people in even the most remote nations, that the
Soviets should be adapted to the conditions of a pre-capitalist social
system, and that the communist parties should immediately begin work in
this direction in all parts of the world.

I would also like to mention the importance of revolutionary work by
the communist parties, not only in their own, but also in the colonial
countries, and particularly among the troops employed by the exploiting
nations to keep the colonial peoples in subjection.

Comrade Quelch of the British Socialist Party spoke of this in our
commission. He said that the rand and file British worker would
consider it treasonable to help the enslaved nations in their uprisings
against British rule. True, the jingoist and chauvinist-minded labour
aristocrats of Britain and America present a very great danger to
socialism, and are a bulwark of the Second International. We are
confronted with the greatest treachery on the part of leaders and
workers belonging to this bourgeois International. The colonial
question has been discussed in the Second International as well. The
Basle Manifesto is quite clear on this point, too. The parties of the
Second International have pledged themselves to revolutionary action,
but they have given no sign of genuine revolutionary work or of
assistance to the exploited and dependent nations in their revolt
against the oppressor nations. This, I think, applies also to most of
the parties that have withdrawn from the Second International and wish
to join the Third International. We must proclaim this publicly for all
to hear, and it is irrefutable. We shall see if any attempt is made to
deny it.

All these considerations have formed the basis of our resolutions,
which undoubtedly are too lengthy but will nevertheless, I am sure,
prove of use and will promote the development and organisation of
genuine revolutionary work in connection with the national and colonial
questions. And that is our principal task.

(Ibid., 465-69)

III

Theses on the National and Colonial Questions

28 July 1920

1. An abstract or formal conception of equality in general, and of
national equality in particular, is characteristic of the very nature
of bourgeois democracy. Under a show of the equality of the human
personality in general, bourgeois democracy proclaims the formal
equality in law of property owners and proletarians, of exploiters and
exploited, thereby deeply deceiving the oppressed classes. The idea of
equality, which is itself a reflection of the conditions of commodity
production, is turned by the bourgeoisie, using the pretext of the
alleged absolute equality of the human personality, into an instrument
for combating the abolition of classes. The true meaning of the demand
for equality resides solely in the demand for the abolition of classes.

2. As the conscious expression of the proletarian class struggle to
shake off the yoke of the bourgeoisie, the communist party, in
accordance with its chief task – which is to fight bourgeois democracy
and expose its falseness and hypocrisy – should not advance abstract
and formal principles on the national question, but should undertake
first of all a precise analysis of the given environment, historical
and above all economic; secondly, it should specifically distinguish
the interests of the oppressed classes, of the workers and the
exploited, from the general concept of so-called national interests,
which signify in fact the interests of the ruling class; thirdly, it
should as precisely distinguish the oppressed, dependent nations,
unequal in rights, from the oppressing, exploiting nations with full
rights, to offset the bourgeois-democratic lies which conceal the
colonial and financial enslavement of the vast majority of the world’s
population by a small minority of the wealthiest and most advanced
capitalist countries that is characteristic of the epoch of
finance-capital and imperialism.

3. The imperialist war of 1914 demonstrated with the greatest
clarity to all enslaved nations and oppressed classes of the entire
world the falseness of bourgeois-democratic phraseology. Both sides
used phrases about national liberation and the right of national
self-determination to make good their case, but the treaties of
Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest on one side, and the treaties of Versailles
and St Germain on the other, showed that, the victorious bourgeoisie
quite ruthlessly determine “national” frontiers in accordance with
their economic interests. Even “national” frontiers are objects of
barter for the bourgeoisie. The so-called League of Nations is nothing
but the insurance contract by which the victors in the war mutually
guarantee each other’s spoils. For the bourgeoisie, the desire to
re-establish national unity, to “reunite with the ceded parts of the
country”, is nothing but an attempt of the defeated to assemble forces
for new wars. The reunification of nations artificially torn apart is
also in accordance with the interests of the proletariat; but the
proletariat can attain genuine national freedom and unity only by means
of revolutionary struggle and after the downfall of the bourgeoisie.
The League of Nations and the entire post-war policy of the imperialist
states disclose this truth even more sharply and clearly, everywhere
intensifying the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat of the
advanced countries and of the labouring classes in the colonies and
dependent countries, accelerating the destruction of petty-bourgeois
national illusions about the possibility of peaceful coexistence and of
the equality of nations under capitalism.

4. From these principles it follows that the entire policy of the
Communist International on the national and colonial question must be
based primarily on bringing together the proletariat and working
classes of all nations and countries for the common revolutionary
struggle for the overthrow of the landowners and the bourgeoisie. For
only such united action will ensure victory over capitalism, without
which it is impossible to abolish national oppression and inequality of
rights.

5. The world political situation has now placed the proletarian
dictatorship on the order of the day, and all events in world politics
are necessarily concentrated on one central point, the struggle of the
world bourgeoisie against the Russian Soviet Republic, which is
rallying round itself both the Soviet movements among the advanced
workers in all countries, and all the national-liberation movements in
the colonies and among oppressed people, convinced by bitter experience
that there is no salvation for them except in union with the
revolutionary proletariat and in the victory of the Soviet power over
world imperialism.

6. At the present time, therefore, we should not restrict ourselves
to a mere recognition or declaration of the need to bring the working
people of various countries closer together; our policy must be to
bring into being a close alliance of all national and colonial
liberation movements with Soviet Russia; the forms, taken by this
alliance will be determined by the stage of development reached by the
communist movement among the proletariat of each country or by the
revolutionary liberation movement in the undeveloped countries and
among the backward nationalities.

7. Federation is a transitional form towards the complete union of
the working people of all nations. Experience has, already shown the
expediency of federation, both in the relations, of the Russian
Socialist Federal Soviet Republic with other Soviet republics (the
Hungarian, Finnish and Latvian in the past, the Azerbaijan and
Ukrainian at the present time) as also within the RSFSR itself in
regard to the nationalities which had neither independent political
existence nor self-government (for example the Bashkir and Tatar
autonomous republics of the RSFSR, which were established in 1919 and
1920).

8. On this question it is the task of the Communist International
not only to promote further development in this direction, but also to
study and examine the experiences of these federations which have
arisen on the basis of the Soviet system and the Soviet movement. While
recognising federation as a transitional form of complete union,
efforts must be made to bring about an ever closer federal association,
consideration being given to the following: first, it is impossible for
the Soviet republics, surrounded by the imperialist states of the
entire world, which are far stronger from the military point of view,
to hold out unless they are closely allied with other Soviet republics;
secondly, the necessity for a close economic association among the
Soviet republics, without which it is impossible to restore the
productive forces destroyed by imperialism or to ensure the welfare of
the working people; thirdly, the movement towards the creation of a
unified world economy on a common plan controlled by the proletariat of
all nations. This tendency has already become clearly manifest under
capitalism, and socialism will without any doubt carry forward and
complete its development.

9. In regard to relations within states, the Communist
International’s national policy cannot confine itself to the bare and
formal recognition of the equality of nations, expressed in words only
and involving no practical obligations, to which bourgeois democracies
– even if they call themselves “socialist” – restrict themselves.

Offences against the equality of nations and violations of the
guaranteed rights of national minorities, repeatedly committed by all
capitalist states despite their “democratic” constitution, must be
inflexibly exposed in all the propaganda and agitation carried on by
the communist parties, both inside and outside parliament. But that is
not enough. It is also necessary: first, to make clear all the time
that only the Soviet system is able to ensure real equality for the
nations because it unites first the proletarians, and then all the
masses of the working people, in the struggle against the bourgeoisie;
secondly, communist parties must give direct support to the
revolutionary movements among the dependent nations and those without
equal rights (e.g. in Ireland, and among the American negroes), and in
the colonies.

Without this last particularly important condition the struggle
against the oppression of the dependent nations and colonies, and the
recognition of their right to secede as separate states, remains a
deceitful pretence, as it is in the parties of the Second
International.

10. To acknowledge internationalism in words only, while in fact
adulterating it in all propaganda, agitation and practical work with
petty-bourgeois nationalism and pacifism, is a common characteristic
not only of the parties of the Second International, but also among
those which have left the Second International. This phenomenon even
occurs not infrequently among parties which now call themselves
communist. The fight against this evil, against deeply-rooted
petty-bourgeois national prejudices which make their appearance in
every possible form, such as race hatred, stirring up national
antagonisms, anti-semitism, must be brought in to the foreground the
more vigorously, the more urgent it becomes to transform the
dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e.
dictatorship existing in one country alone, and incapable of conducting
an independent world policy) into an international dictatorship (i.e. a
dictatorship of the proletariat in at least a few advanced countries,
which is capable of exercising decisive influence in the political
affairs of the entire world). Petty-bourgeois nationalism calls the
mere recognition of the equality of nations internationalism, and
(disregarding the purely verbal character of such recognition)
considers national egoism inviolable. Proletarian internationalism on
the other hand demands: (i) subordination of the interests of the
proletarian struggle in one country to the interests of the struggle on
a world scale; (ii) that the nation which achieves victory over the
bourgeoisie shall display the capacity and readiness to make the
greatest national sacrifice in order to overthrow international
capitalism.

That is why, in the states where capitalism is fully developed and
which have workers’ parties which really are the vanguard of the
proletariat, the struggle against opportunist and petty-bourgeois
pacifist distortions of the idea and policy of internationalism is the
primary and most important task.

11. In regard to the more backward states and nations, primarily
feudal or patriarchal or patriarchal-peasant in character, the
following considerations must be kept specially in mind:

(a) All communist parties must support by action the revolutionary
liberation movements in these countries. The form which this support
shall take should be discussed with the communist party of the country
in question, if there is one. This obligation refers in the first place
to the active support of the workers in that country on which the
backward nation is financially, or as a colony, dependent.

(b) It
is essential to struggle against the reactionary and medieval influence
of the priesthood, the Christian missions, and similar elements.

(c) It is necessary to struggle against the pan-Islamic and pan-Asiatic
movements and similar tendencies, which are trying to combine the
liberation struggle against European and American imperialism with the
strengthening of the power of Turkish and Japanese imperialism and of
the nobility, the large landlords, the priests, etc.

(d) It is particularly important to support the peasant movement in the
backward countries against the landlords and all forms and survivals of
feudalism. Above all, efforts must be made to give the peasant movement
as revolutionary a character as possible, organising the peasants and
all the exploited wherever possible in Soviets, and thus establish as
close a tie as possible between the West-European communist proletariat
and the revolutionary peasant movement in the East, in the colonies and
backward countries.

(e) A resolute struggle must be waged against the attempt to clothe the
revolutionary liberation movements in the backward countries which are
not genuinely communist in communist colours. The Communist
International has the duty of supporting the revolutionary movement in
the colonies and backward countries only with the object of rallying
the constituent elements of the future proletarian parties – which will
be truly communist and not only in name – in all the backward countries
and educating them to a consciousness of their special task, namely
that of fighting against the bourgeois-democratic trend in their own
nation. The Communist International should collaborate provisionally
with the revolutionary movement of the colonies and backward countries,
and even form an alliance with it, but it must not amalgamate with it;
it must unconditionally maintain the independence of the proletarian
movement, even if it is only in an embryonic stage.

(f) It is essential constantly to expose and to explain to the widest
masses of the working people everywhere, and particularly in the
backward countries, the deception practised by the imperialist powers
with the help of the privileged classes in the oppressed countries in
creating ostensibly politically independent states which are in reality
completely dependent on them economically, financially and militarily.
A glaring example of the deception practised on the working classes of
an oppressed nation by the combined efforts of entente imperialism and
the bourgeoisie of that same nation is offered by the Zionists’
Palestine venture (and by Zionism as a whole, which, under the pretence
of creating a Jewish state in Palestine in fact surrenders the Arab
working people of Palestine, where the Jewish workers form only a small
minority, to exploitation by England). In present international
conditions there is no salvation for dependent and weak nations except
as an alliance of Soviet republics.

12. The centuries-old enslavement of the colonial and weak peoples
by the great imperialist powers has left behind among the working
masses of the enslaved countries not only feelings of bitterness but
also feelings of distrust of the oppressing nations as a whole,
including the proletariat of these nations. The despicable treachery to
socialism committed by the majority of the official leaders of that
proletariat in the years 1914-19, when the social-patriots concealed
behind the slogan of “defence of the fatherland”, the defence of the
“right” of “their” bourgeoisie to enslave the colonies and plunder the
financially dependent countries – such treachery could only strengthen
that quite natural distrust. Since this distrust and national prejudice
can only be eradicated after the destruction of imperialism in the
advanced countries and after the radical transformation of the entire
foundations of economic life in the backward countries, the removal of
these prejudices can proceed only very slowly. From this it follows
that it is the duty of the class-conscious communist proletariat of all
countries to be especially cautious and particularly attentive to the
national feelings, in themselves out of date, in countries and peoples
that have been long enslaved; it is also their duty to make concessions
in order to removed this distrust and prejudice the more quickly.
Unless the proletariat, and all the working masses of all countries and
nations of the entire world themselves strive towards alliance, and
unite as one, the victory over capitalism cannot be pursued to a
completely successful end.

(G. Adhikari: Documents of the History of the
Communist Party of India, I, 198-205)

IV

Supplementary Theses

1. To determine more especially the relation of CI to the
revolutionary movements in the countries dominated by capitalistic
imperialism, for instance China and India, is one of the most important
questions before the Second Congress of the Third International. The
history of the world revolution has come to a period when a proper
understanding of this relation is indispensable. The great European war
and its result have shown clearly that the masses of non-European
subjected countries are inseparably connected with the proletarian
movement in Europe, as a consequence of the centralisation of world
capitalism for instance the sending of colonial troops and huge armies
of workers to the battlefront during the war, etc.

2. One of the main sources from which European capitalism draws its
chief strength is to be found in the colonial possessions and
dependencies. Without the control of the extensive markets .and vast
fields of exploitation in the colonies, the capitalist powers of Europe
cannot maintain their existence even for a short time. England, the
stronghold of imperialism, has been suffering from overproduction since
more than a century ago. But for the extensive colonial possessions
acquired for the sale of her surplus products and as a source of raw
materials for her ever growing industries, the capitalistic structure
of England would have been crushed under its own weight long ago. By
enslaving the hundreds of millions of inhabitants of Asia and Africa,
English imperialism succeeds so far in keeping the British proletariat
under the domination of the bourgeoisie.

3. Super-profit gained in the colonies is the mainstay of the modem
capitalism – and so long as the latter is not deprived of this source
of super-profit, it will not be easy for the European working class to
overthrow the capitalist order. Thanks to the possibility of the
extensive exploitation of human labour and natural resources in the
colonies, the capitalist nations of Europe are trying, not without
success, to recuperate their present bankruptcy. By exploiting the
masses in the colonies, European imperialism will be in a position to
give concession after concession to the labour aristocracy at home.
Whilst on the one hand, European imperialism seeks to lower the
standard of living of the home proletariat by bringing into competition
the productions of the lower paid workers in subject countries, on the
other hand, it will not hesitate to go to the extent of sacrificing the
entire surplus value in the home country so long as it continues to
gain its huge super-profits in the colonies.

4. The breaking up of the colonial empire, together with the
proletarian revolution in the home country, will overthrow the
capitalist system in Europe. Consequently, the Communist International
must widen the sphere of its activities. It must establish relations
with those revolutionary forces that are working for the overthrow of
imperialism in the countries subjected politically and economically.
These two forces must be coordinated if the final success of the world
revolution is to be guaranteed.

5. The CI is the concentrated will of the world revolutionary
proletariat. Its mission is to organise the working class of the whole
world for the overthrow of the capitalistic order and the establishment
of communism. The Third International is a fighting body which must
assume the task of combining the revolutionary forces of all the
countries of the world. Dominated as it was by a group of politicians,
permeated with bourgeois culture, the Second International failed to
appreciate the importance of the colonial question. For them the world
did not exist outside of Europe. They could not see the necessity of
coordinating the revolutionary movement of Europe with those in the
non-European countries. Instead of giving moral and material help to
the revolutionary movement in the colonies, the members of the Second
International themselves became imperialists.

6. Foreign imperialism, imposed on the eastern peoples, prevented
them from developing socially and economically side by side with their
fellows in Europe and America. Owing to the imperialist policy of
preventing industrial development in the colonies, a proletarian class,
in the strict sense of the word, could not come into existence here
until recently. The indigenous craft industries were destroyed to make
room for the products of the centralised industries in the
imperialistic countries-consequently a majority of the population was
driven to the land to produce food grains and raw materials for export
to foreign lands. On the other hand, there followed a rapid
concentration of land in the hands of the big landowners, of financial
capitalists and the state, thus creating a huge landless peasantry. The
great bulk of the population was kept in a state of illiteracy. As a
result of its policy, the spirit of revolt latent in every subject
people found its expression only through the small, educated middle
class.

Foreign domination has obstructed the free development of the social
forces, therefore its overthrow is the first step towards a revolution
in the colonies. So to help overthrow the foreign rule in the colonies
is not to endorse the nationalist aspirations of the native
bourgeoisie, but to open the way to the smothered proletariat there.

7. There are to be found in the dependent countries two distinct
movements which every day grow further apart from each other. One is
the bourgeois-democratic nationalist movement, with a programme of
political independent under the bourgeois order, and the other is the
mass action of the poor and ignorant peasants and workers for their
liberation from all sorts of exploitation. The former endeavour to
control the latter, and often succeed to a certain extent, but the CI
and the parties affected must struggle against such control and help to
develop class consciousness in the working masses of the colonies. For
the overthrow of foreign capitalism which is the first step toward
revolution in the colonies the cooperation of bourgeois nationalist
revolutionary elements is useful.

But the foremost and necessary task is the formation of communist
parties which will organise the peasants and workers and lead them to
the revolution and to the establishment of Soviet republics. Thus the
masses in the backward countries may reach communism, not through
capitalistic development, but led by the class conscious proletariat of
the advanced capitalist countries.

8. The real strength of the liberation movements in the colonies is
no longer confined to the narrow circle of bourgeois-democratic
nationalists. In most of the colonies there already exist organised
revolutionary parties which strive to be in close connection with the
working masses. The relation of CI with the revolutionary movement in
the colonies should be realised through the medium of these parties or
groups, because they were the vanguard of the working class in their
respective countries. They are not very large today, but they reflect
the aspirations of the masses and the latter will follow them to the
revolution. The communist parties of the different imperialistic
countries must work in conjunction with these proletarian parties of
the colonies and, through them, give all moral and material support to
the revolutionary movement in general.

9. The revolution in the colonies is not going to be a communist
revolution in its first stage. But if from the outset the leadership is
in the hands of a communist vanguard, the revolutionary masses will not
be led astray, but may go ahead through the successive periods of
development of revolutionary experience. Indeed, it would be extremely
erroneous in many of the oriental countries to try to solve the
agrarian problem according to pure communist principles. In its first
stages, the revolution in the colonies must be carried on with a
programme which will include many petty-bourgeois reform clauses, such
as division of land, etc. But from this it does not follow at all that
the leadership of the revolution will have to be surrendered to the
bourgeois democrats. On the contrary, the proletarian parties must
carry on vigorous and systematic propaganda of the Soviet idea and
organise the peasants’ and workers’ Soviets as soon as possible. These
Soviets will work in cooperation with the Soviet republics in the
advanced capitalistic countries for the ultimate overthrow of the
capitalist order throughout the world.

(Ibid., 179-87)

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