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Monday, September 30, 2013

How the Syrian War Is Stoking Sectarian Tensions in Turkey http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/09/how-the-syrian-war-is-stoking-sectarian-tensions-in-turkey/280052/“We are against war,” Karasu said. “The people here, they know that
the government is using Hatay to attack Syria, to stoke tensions between
Sunnis and Alevis.” As evidence, he pointed to the May 2013 car
bombings in Reyhanli, a nearby town, in which over 50 people were
killed. Erdoğan’s Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party (AKP)
had attributed the attack to Syrian intelligence agents, but Karasu had
other ideas. “We know the AKP was behind the bombing in Reyhanli, when
they killed our Sunni brothers,” he said. “Why? To pin the blame on the
Alevis, to stoke violence between us and our Sunni brothers.”“We’re afraid of tensions with Sunnis,” Khatifa Çapar, an older woman
clad in a pink headscarf, told me on the way back from the funeral. “If
there’s war with Syria, Hatay will be the first to get hit, the first
to explode.”Çapar and others appeared to retain a soft spot for the Syrian
regime. “Bashar doesn’t kill people, they are the ones killing people,
the jihadists,” she said. A young man, Mehmet Dağ, chimed in. “Before
the war, everyone was living comfortably in Syria. Then the Americans
came, along with the Turks, with their so-called Middle East democracy
projects, and made war,” he said. “I used to go to Syria all the time.
The kind of democracy they had there, you could hardly find in most
other places.In Armutlu, evidence that Turkey’s role in Syria was fueling a new
wave of Alawite resentment towards Erdoğan’s government was
everywhere. On my way back from Atakan’s funeral, and en route to a
protest that would end with yet more clashes with police, tear gas,
burning barricades and even reports of gunshots, I stopped at a teahouse
on the edge of the neighborhood.One of the local men, on recognizing a foreigner, asked me where I
was from. Poland, I answered. “You look Al Qaeda,” he said, deadpan.
(The cargo pants must have been a clear giveaway.) “That’s because I’m
Polish Al Qaeda,” I explained, winking. “I see,” he said. I looked for
some trace of a smile on his face. There was none.“Leave while you can,” a younger man sitting next to him yelled.
“War’s coming.” At least he, to judge by a good-natured grin and a
subsequent invitation to tea, appeared to be joking.But only to some extent. The man, Aytaç Bağcı, a sports instructor,
was convinced that the U.S. would attack Syria at any moment, and that
this would play right into Erdoğan’s hands. “Every day they’re sending
Islamist terrorists across the border,” he said, referring to reports
that extremist groups were transiting Turkey en route to Syria. He and
his friends had had enough of seeing bearded foreigners on the streets
of Antakya, Bağcı said. “Wherever they go, people die,” he said. The chemical weapons attack in Ghouta,
he was persuaded, had been staged by the rebels, not Syrian regime
forces, in order to goad the U.S. into military action against Assad.Erdoğan, he believed, wanted to “Sunnify” both Syria and Turkey.
“They want political Islam here, and they want political Islam there,
too,” he said Alevis, he said, wanted the government to stop
sticking its nose into their private lives. “We want a secular country.”

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