This blog is to encorporate discussions on Lost Continents, Catastrophism, The origin of Modern Humans and the Out of Africa theory, Genetics and Human Diversity, The Origin and Spread of Civilization and Cultural Diffusion across the face of the Globe.

Deluge of Atlantis

Deluge of Atlantis

Saturday, March 31, 2012

Hello!
Thank you for your brave publications.
I'm sure your readers will send the blog links for their friends.
I know people want to understand truth.
Next second edited paper in the attached file.
I tried to send better images.
.
Best wishes
K. Margiani
The world’s first expert on Atlantis
Founder new field of science Cosmogeology

Thursday, March 29, 2012

I have asked Mr. Kakha Margiani to submit a guest blog which shall hopefully lead to a series of articles. Here is his first submission, Dealing with the Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings:

“Pseudoscience” — Catastrophic Plate Tectonics.

Problem of the Atlantis is interrelated to false understanding about the “pseudoscience” — catastrophic plate tectonics. Elite of the modern Geology have to change their opinion. Future of the modern Geology is that: — Gradualism + Catastrophic plate tectonics.:

There are lots of pre-flood (before 10.465 B.C.) maps made by unknown Atlantis’ geographers. In front of you, one of them — pre-flood North America. “Mar Del Zur” is a pre-flood name for the Pacific Ocean. Pre-flood Strait “Anian” passed above the modern Alaska-Canadian boundary, of Gulf of Alaska to Beaufort Sea. This part of the mainland was a sea-floor under the pre-flood Strait “Anian”. We can’t see northern isles as well. Pre-flood northern geographical pole situates in the middle of the Greenland. Premier meridian passes over the pre-flood Capitolium — Citadel of the Atlantis City.:

Now the sunken Citadel of the Atlantis City is situates on the sea-floor between the Azorean Isles: Sao Miguel and Santa Maria. We have many proof about greatest flood in 10.465B.C. Huge sedimentary layers of the so called Paleotsunami are dispersed over the American mainlands.

We have greatest scientific evidence about huge tsunami 25÷50m. that attacked Iberian Peninsula in 10,465B.C. German Geophysicist Marc-Andre Gutscher discovered tracks of the greatest tragedy in 1755 on the sea-floor near the Lisbon. Greatest Earthquake and tsunami ~(5÷10m.) attacked Lisbon in 1755 and killed ~50,000÷100,000 people. Marc-Andre Gutscher discovered 5 times greatest track over the same sea-floor ~12,000 yeas old (10,465+2012=12,477); Scientific equipment always has mistake 500÷1000 years. 5 times greatest track over the sea-floor means huge tsunami as a minimum 25÷50m. Marc-Andre Gutscher has written an interesting investigation —"Destruction of Atlantis by a great earthquake and tsunami? A geological analysis of the Spartel Bank hypothesis". He is the greatest specialist and intellectual but our mainstream scientists have a sample Dogmatic view —"Seeing is believing". Mainstream scientists have to see huge waves over the mainlands to believe that...???

Paleontologists have known as well, about huge extinction event ~12500 years ago. You can read or listen in the mass-media — "10,500B.C. destroys science". Lots of scientific fields are destroyed by false researches in Physics, Astronomy, Cosmology, Geology and historical sciences while the real science - catastrophic plate tectonics has a pseudoscientific status... billions of dollars are spent in the false scientific projects and produced lots of false degrees and false scientific dragons - "Top Scientists". Triumph of the false degrees can prevent only future global deluge - huge wave streams over the European and American cities... Natural investigators have no money to explain truth in the most popular mass-media.

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Pre-flood and modern northern geographical poles (approx.).

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Pre-flood and modern coastal lines and mainlands - (approx.).

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Pre-flood and modern maps and disappeared peninsula – “Hiperbaria”

global drifting over the 1000÷1500km in 10,465B.C. produced global destruction of the isostatic balance between the major and minor plates. You can see proof of the global and tragic readjustment in 10.465B.C.

Kakha Margiani sent along some links to be posted last night on the blog which mentioned his theories. There was a passage where I said his critics say that he has done things without good reason. He took exceptopn to that statement and sent me some links. The links did not come through properly and so I asked him to re-send. Here are the new corrected links he has provided:

Thank you for your attention!

“he has done this without giving any good reason to assume it is so”
The decoded map of Atlantis is interrelated to hard working for last decades.

In a moment of boredom this week, a documentary film maker, whose passion is the archaeology of the Americas, probably solved a riddle that has eluded architects and archaeologists for centuries. Where did the Mayas mine their “Maya Blue” pigment?Carmel, IN
– March 9, 2012 – Film maker Jon Haskell of Carmel, Indiana became bored this week on he and his wife’s small horse farm near Indianapolis. After being in Honduras for two weeks to film a documentary, he was back to the reality of late winter in Indiana; punctuated by a rash of killer tornadoes in his state. His infinite curiosity happened to turn that day to the subject of the mineral, mica. He was trying to find a location from where the Maya could have imported the vast amounts of mica that they used in cosmetics, mirrors and additives for stucco. There are no mica deposits in the Maya’s homeland, and very few in Mexico. That led him in the Wikipedia online encyclopedia to the states of North Carolina and Georgia, where mica is mined commercially today
Studying the mica deposits in Georgia somehow led to the subject of Georgia clays. Clay is one that state’s most important exports. Georgia clays are characterized by a wide variety of colors and chemical characteristics. Somewhere along the Wikipedia trail, Haskell stumbled onto a clay with the odd name of attapulgite, also known as palygorskite. He continued reading the article: “The name attapulgite is derived from the U.S. town of Attapulgus, Georgia, in the extreme southwest corner of the state, where the mineral is abundant. It is known to have been a key constituent of the pigment called "Maya Blue", which was used notably by the pre-Columbian Maya civilization of Mesoamerica on ceramics, sculptures, murals and (most probably) Maya textiles. The clay mineral was also used by the Maya as a curative for certain illnesses, and there is evidence to show it was also added to pottery temper.“
After searching for centuries, Mexican scholars found a cenote (sink hole) in the State of Yucatan in the 1960s that contained attapulgite. The small cenote seemed far inadequate to have furnished all of the Maya cities with their blue pigment for 1,800 years. Mexican geologists and archaeologists have
been searching South America since then for a major deposit of attapulgite. They should have looked northward. Attapulgus, GA is much closer than South America, and adjacent to the Chattahoochee, a major navigable river that flows into the Gulf of Mexico.
The town of Attapulgus, GA is derived from the name of an earlier Creek Indian town named Atapaw-lekhuse,which means “wooden stirring-paddle-very hot.” The name may refer to the heating and stirring of raw attapulgite clay that is required to chemically change it into Maya Blue pigment. It is located near Bainbridge in Decatur County, GA. Lake Seminole now covers much of the bottomlands of Decatur County where there were formerly Native American towns.
The locations of the attapulgite mines are close to one of North America’s earliest indigenous towns, Kolomoki. It was lived in from approximately 250 AD to 950 AD, which happens to coincide with the occupation period of several Classic Period Maya cities, Kolomoki contained approximately 2,000 residents and at least eight mounds. Anthropologists believe that Kolomoki’s population swelled during seasonal markets and festivals. Hopewell Culture sites in the Ohio Valley were contemporary with Kolomoki, but did not contain many permanent residents. Chemical analysis is needed for proof
Haskell contacted friends in architecture and archaeology to get their response. It was uniformly, “Oh my gosh . . . the answer to the Maya Blue riddle was always in the Wikipedia?"
An acquaintance, who was an archaeologist in the Midwest, advised him that a chemical analysis of both the attapulgite in Georgia and the Maya Blue from several Maya ruins would be required to absolutely confirm the source. However, there is no other known large deposit of attapulgite in the Western Hemisphere that could be directly loaded on to cargo boats and then shipped straight to the Yucatan Peninsula along coastal waterways.
A newsletter describing Haskell’s discovery went out to archaeologists and historians around North America on March 7, 2012. The mining of Maya Blue’s main ingredient is not a “definite yes,” but the probability is such that it stopped the presses on a recently published book on the Mayas that day. A second edition was quickly created to include a description of strong likelihood of Maya Blue coming from the “metropolis” of Attapulgus, Georgia.
Attapulgite is also a medicine. The clay has another name when used as a remedy for diarrhea. It’s kaopectate!
Boredom, curiosity and the internet can be a dangerous combination in the 21st century.

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

[I had mentioned the matter of Cuneiform being found near the ruins of Tiahanaco (Tiwanucu) and t no surprise to readers of A Hayatt and Ruth Verrill's book America's Ancient Civilisations (Putnam, 1953) where abundant evidence for connections between ancient Peru and Mesopotamia is given. Here is miform inscriptions together with some translations further down.-DD]

A large stone vessel, resembling a libation bowl, and now known
as the Fuente Magna, was originally discovered in a rather casual fashion by a
country peasant from the ex-hacienda CHUA, property of the Manjon family
situated in the surrounding areas of Lake Titicaca about 75/80 km from the city
of La Paz.
The site where it was found has not been subject to investigation
until recently.
The Fuente Magna has not been shown in Bolivia until year
2000. It was considered false, until we began the investigations.

The Fuente Magna was found The piece in question is a little
out of place. It is beautifully engraved in chestnut-brown both inside and out.
It reveals zoological motifs and anthropomorphic characters within.

In 1958/60 Don Max Portugal Zamora, a Bolivian archaeologist,
learned of it's existence Pastor Manjon. Mr. Portugal "baptized" the site with
the name it bears today, "Fuente Magna"--in our view an accurate assessment.
Instantly it's rescuing was studiously embarked upon. Through the mediation and
negotiation of General Armando Escobar Uria property was swapped for another
parcel in the neighborhood of Sopocachi.

Safely under the protection of the honorable, municipal,
mayoralty Mr. Portugal began to restore it by applying cement to the parts that
showed chipping and deterioration--minor repairs for effect, in our view. He
lost no time in attempting to decipher the writting inside the object turning
to the texts known as "Qellga Llippichi" one of those interpreted by Don Franz
Tamayo. He also consulted a publication by our illustrious friend, Dr. Dick
Edgar Ibarra Grasso, entitled "Indigenous Andean Writing" (HAM La Paz 1953), it
ends as you might expect (fruitless). The limits of his honest efforts. The
writing is undoubted from the Old World.

Hebraic--from the sinaitic appearance influenced by cuneiform,
or simply cuneiform of possible Sumero-Akkadian origins, this being the take-off
point on which we announced our extraordinary discovery. Two mayors (local guys)
don Armando Escobar Uria and Don Mario Mercado Vaca Guzman have been looking
after our investigation until very recently with many restrictions since we
cannot count on the support of the state.
Nevertheless, work has continued
on what we call the "Rosetta Stone of the Americas", for lack of a better name.
If our method of investigation holds up several things are worthy of note:

We are dealing with an object which was made in keeping with
Mesopotamian tradition.

It contains two texts, one in cuneiform and another Semitic
language of possible Sinaitic extraction cuneiform influences.

According to the symbols used one would be before an object that
evidently shows itself to be from the transitional period between ideographical
writing and cuneiform.

Chronologically, this leads us to the 3500/3000 B.C., the
Sumerian/Akkadian period.

Chapter 1 - Fuente Magna

We went to Chua to make a historic reference first, ubicate the place,
etc.
Asking residents of the place, we noticed that no one has any idea
about the theme. The famous Hacienda Manjon, was unknown there, beside the fact
that there were 6 Chuas, finally, a complete mess.....

The only way left was to speak to the old men at the place. They send us to
meet with an 98 years old man called Maximiliano, but when we got there his
wife, 90 years old lady, told us that he was at a land meeting.

Maximiliano (top) and Cuneiform Fuente Magna (bottom)

We found the gathering, and Maximiliano was there. Delegate from UNAAR ,
"Unidad de Arqueologia y Antropologia de Bolivia ", asked him for the
fountain. He didn't remembered, so we decided to show him a picture of it with
he cuneiform writings I have taken with me... he recognized it immediately and
called it by the name: "El Plato del Chancho" ( the pig's dish). We almost
fainted when the translator told us the history, it was an exact copy of what
was published about it. Also, he said that he would speak better at his home,
but he was at the meeting right now, that his brother probably has
another, that there were several, and even pottery was found at the place,
etc... and the bomb: "The fountain was found here" he said pointing at a group
of tacanas (staired monticles) in front of us. Again, we could not believe our
luck. Because it was the harvest time, the translator warned us not go up there
at this time, because if a rain or a blizzard felt, we could be seen as the bad
luck bringers and they will not allow us to research there anymore.

As soon as we came back from Chua, the UNAAR experts took a look at
the
Fuente Magna in the museum of gold and took measurments, copied the symbols,
etc..

As soon as they saw the 2 meters high Pokotia Monolith, they noticed signs on
its front. They called me to see it. Semitic or even cuneiform, very similar to
one on the second section of the Fuente Magna.
They got very excited and now
they want to dig, investigate, etc.
We never figured something like this
would happen.
I'm sending these pictures to EE.,UU., France, Israel, Egypt,
to get the confirmation about the kind of "signography" and to find out if it is
possible to translate it
Finally, the monolith from an early Tiahunaco`s period that nobody doubts is
not a fake. The monolith and the Fuente Magna bowl are real. SEMITIC and
CUNEIFORM writings in Tiahuanco - this has enormous significance.
We are handling it with caution.
We don't want the press behind
us:
we are going to take one step at time... we have proofs but still want
more...
I have decided to send the photos to Clyde Winters, PhD., the scientist who
deciphered the writing of the Fuente Magna .

The Pokotia monolith was discovered by Bernardo Biados, Freddy Arce, Javier
Escalente, Cesar Calisaya, Leocadio Ticlla, Alberto Vasquez, Alvaro Fernholz,
Omar Sadud, Paulo Batuani and Rodrigo Velasco on January 4, 2002. This discovery
and other research done by these scientist is supported by the Honorable H.
Enrique Enrique Toro, President of the Congress of Bolivia.
Originally it was believed that there was an inscription written only on the
front legs of the monolith, further research indicated that there was also an
inscription on the back of the statue and directly below the left hand of the
figure.

Pictures below show inscriptions on the back and side of the Pokotia
Monolith.

Decipherment of the Front and side inscriptions on the Pokotia
Monolithby Dr. C. A. Winters

The Pokotia signs are found on the front of the statue below the hands. The
Pokotia signs are found on the right and left thighs of the figure. The symbols
on the Pokotia statue are read from top to bottom, right to left. The signs have
syllabic values.

Translation:

" Distribute/
the opening of the Oracle to mankind./ Proclaim [that Putaki's] offspring (are
to) witness esteem./Act justly (now), to send forth the oracle to nourish
knowledge./ Appreciate the cult. [All to} witness the divine decree./ Send forth
the soothsayer to capture the speech [from the oracle] to make clear the ideal
norm [ for living, as a guide for mankind]. [Citizens] witness in favor of this
human being to create wisdom (for all mankind), and send forth [an example of
good] character [Indeed]!"

There is an additional inscription on the left side of the statue.

"The Diviner proclaims the phenomenal depth of
this area , of the deity's power, to entrust man with wisdom".

On the far right side of the Pokotia statue there are inscriptions which
appear to be engraved in a box that provide the name of the oracle. Below is the
inscription:

"Good Putaki, a wise man and progenator
of (many) people."

There is an additional inscription on the right side of the statue.

" Take an oath to witness character and wisdom.
Witness the deity's power [ to make for you] a righteous soul".

The Decipherment of the back inscription of Putaki is
below. The writing on the back is written in Proto-Sumerian. The language used
to read the inscriptions was Sumerian.

"Proclaim the establishment of character. The
strong father (Putaki) to send forth the devination. Strong wisdom (in this)
phenomenal area of the deity's power. Capture the speech (of the oracle) . (The
oracle is ) very strong to benefit (and) nourish the sprouting (of) character.
Tell human being(s) (the oracle's) benefit. The oracle to open (up) much
(benefit for all)."

"The divine decree to become visible and glisten
(from the oracle's own) mouth. Open up the divination. Agitate the oracle (to)
send forth (now) wisdom and character. Open (the oracle) to distribute the
divine decree (for all it is) lawful and righteous Good. Send forth the
sustenance of the pure oracle. Stand upright (Oh oracle) to appear as a witness
speaking purity. The oracle (of Putaki) to open (up and) send forth gladness and
character".

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Commentary

The inscriptions on the back of the Pokotia statue define the role of the
Putaki oracle in the community. It would appear that the people should recognize
this oracle as a source of "truth" and glad tidings. Its additional role was to
establish rigtheousness, wisdom and good character for the members of the
community who might use this oracle to communicate with the gods.

Throughout this inscription the Putaki oracle is called the "father". For
example, in column 1, it was written that: "Proclaim the establishment of
chracter. The strong father (Putaki) to send forth the divination". And, in
column 4, we discover that [Putaki is] the father of wisdom (and) benefit (for
all). This suggest that Putaki was recognized as the great ancestor of other
oracles in the region.

This suggest that offspring of this oracle was probably situated in other
parts of Peru-Bolivia, where the people went to divine the future, communicate
with the gods or ancestors, or simply obtain blessing and glad tidings from the
oracle.

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Discussion

Bernardo's discovery of the Pokotia monument supports the research of the
Verrills that the Sumerians came to South America in search of metals. A.H
Verrill and R. Verrill, Americas ancient civilizations (New York: Putnam, 1953),
and J. Bailey Sailing to Paradise, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994)
maintain that the area around Lake Titicaca may have been called Lake Manu, by
the Sumerians. According to the Verrills and Bailey the Sumerians came to this
area in search of tin. They support this view by a discussion of the Sumerian
traditions, that Sumerians set sail to the land west of the Mediterranean that
they called the "Tin land of the West" or "Sunset Land". It is interesting to
note that a major center in this area is Potosi. Bailey suggest that Potosi may
relate to the Sumerian term Patesi the Sumerian term for 'priest king'.

The writing on the Pokotia monument makes it clear that the Pokotia oracle
was a heard by many people in ancient Bolivia. This is interesting because the
Pachacamac oracle was very popular in this area in historic times. According to
Moseley , satellite shrines of one or another of his offspring were worshipped
by South Americans (p.68).

During Inca (Sumerian: En-ka "Great Lord") times, the temple city of
Pachacamac , contained the idol of Pachacamac which was a commanding oracle
drawing devotees from Ecuador in the North through Bolivia in the South. People
came from far and wide for a Pachacamac prophesy (Moseley, p.68). The Pokotia
statue makes it clear that the popularity of oracles in this part of South
America existed all the way back in time to the creation of the Putaki
oracle.

There is other support of the early presence of writing in South America
dating back to ancient times. Moseley published a number of inscribed Moche
bricks and a Tiwanaku portrait head. The characters on the bricks and statue are
identical to the Pokotia writing. The symbols on the inscribed Moche bricks are
identical to the na, I, a, mash/bi, mi, ma, po, ki, ta and su signs listed on
the Pokotia sign list above. The symbols on the Tiwanaku head are identical to
the me and mash/bi signs found on the Pokotia statue.

In addition to evidence from South American popular culture (oracle worship)
and archaeology there is linguistic evidence that support the Sumerian presence
in Bolivia. Mario Montano has found startling linguistic evidence that indicates
a Sumerian substratum in the Aymara and Quechua languages. These languages are
spoken in Peru-Bolivia.

Many Aymara terms relate to the metaphysical
world. This is not surprising given this decipherment of the Pokotia statue and
the Magna Fuente bowl which indicated that the Sumerians had established many
aspects of their religion in Bolivia.

The linguistic evidence supports the view that many of these Sumerians were
miners. The Sumerian term for copper was urudu, this term agrees with the Aymara
terms for gold 'ouri' and copper 'anta, yawri'. The similarity between urudu
and, yawri and ouri suggest that the Sumerians may have been the first people in
the area to exploit the metals found throughout the Titicaca area and
Bolivia.

The presence of Sumerian terms in the Aymara language, and Sumerian writing
on the Fuente Magna bowl and Pokotia statue make it obvious that Sumerian
civilization was formerly widespread in South America.

This leads me to believe that Bolivia and Peru, may represent the "Tin Land
of the West" mentioned in the Sumerian inscriptions. If this is ture ancient
Bolivia-Peru may have been called the mountains of Sunset or the "Sunset Land",
by the ancient Sumerians.

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Conclusion

In summary , the Pokotia statue is an oracle. The name of this oracle was
Putaki. It would appear that formerly the area where the Pokotia monolithic was
found was recognized as a major religious center where citizens came to hear the
oracle recited by soothsayers or shamen. The Pokotia area along with other areas
further north was probably the Sunset Land.

It is interesting to note that the name for the oracle Putaki is very close
to the name of the site (Pokotia) where the artifact was found. This suggest
continuity between the name of the oracle and the contemporary place name.

It is also interesting to note that the Pokotia statue and Tiahuanaco
monuments share similar headdresses and rib impressions along the chest area of
several monuments.

Church of Tihuanaco, built with stone fron the monuments of
Tihuanaco , front view . Idols of First Period of Tihuanaco, at the sides of the
Church door .

Both idols differ completely from those of later periods
and must be very old , judging not only by their bad state of preservation and
discoloration which their rocky material , the typical sandstone of that period,
has undergone, but also because they are sculptured in a realistic manner , a
circumstance characteristic of the First Period. - Prof. Ing. Arthur
Ponsnansky .

Here we see a comparison of the Pokotia (left) and Tiahuanaco
monolithic figures. The figures appear to be either in a setting pose or
standing. In both cases the hands are placed on the side of the figures. The
hands on the seated figure are placed on the knees.

These statues appear to have the same headdress and similar scarification
across the chest or rib cage area. The general situation of similar
"scarification" across the chest and headdress suggest that these artifacts may
date back to the same period.

I can not provide a date to the figure. But the fact that it was written in
Sumerian, like the Fuente Magna bowl suggest that the Sumerian language
continued to be spoken in this area for an extended period of time ( ). This
suggest that we may find some Sumerian linguistic relations with the languages
presently spoken in the area.

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Additional Comments by Dr. C. A. Winters

First of all the Sumerian language is not Semitic. Cuneiform was not just
used to write Semitic languages, it was also used to write Hurrian, Hittite
(Indo-European langauges), Sumerian and Elamite, languages which were not
Semitic.
As a result, I hold the belief that the authors of the Fuente Bowl
and Pokotia monument spoke a Sumerian language because of the appearance of both
cuneiform and Proto-Sumerian symbols on these figures.
Given this visual
identification of two writing systems on these artifacts we have to look at
Mesopotamian history and see who used both Proto-Sumerian writing and who used
cuneiform writing at the same time? The answer is: the Sumerians.
Once I
arrived at this hypothesis, I had to test the Sumerian hypothesis. To test this
hypothesis I had to attempt to decipher the writing by interpreting the signs
using the Sumerian language.
Before I could read the text on these monuments
I had to explore the origins of the Sumerian speaking people. Following the lead
of Rawlinson, I compared the Sumerian language to the Dravidian and Mande
languages. The languages show affinity in grammar and vocabulary. This made it
clear that the speakers of this language probably came from the same original
homeland.
Using archaeological and historical evidence I soon discovered that
the Sumerians, Proto-Mande and Proto-Dravidians probably lived in the highland
regions of Africa. I also found that through out the former homeland of the
speakers of the language there were a number of symbols used by these people
called Libyco-Berber writing.
During the research of these symbols I
discovered that Libyco-Berber writing could not be read using the Taurag,
Berbers, and Punic languages. This made it clear that the language of this
writing had to be different from the speakers of these langauges.
Research
indicated that the Mande speaking people formerly lived in the Sahara and
ancient Libya, and that they were pushed southward as a result of the Sahara
becoming a desert. Eventually I discovered the evidence that the Vai maintained
that their writing was very ancient. Given the fact that the Vai syllabary had
phonectic values suggested that I could use the phonectic values of the Vai
writing to read the ancient Libyco-Berber writing. I tested this hypothesis, and
learned that whereas the writing could not be read using Taurag and Punic, they
could be read in Mande.

Next I tried to decipher the Indus Valley writing. I knew from my linguistic
work that Dravidian was a substratum in the Indo-European languages spoken in
India and that there was still a Dravidian language spoken in Pakistan called
Brahui.
This suggested that the Indus Valley people may have spoken a
Dravdian language.
Again, I used the Vai writing.
First I gave the Indus
Valley signs, the phonectic values of identical Vai signs.
Then I read the
inscriptions using the Tamil language.
Voila, I was able to read the
writing. Since my decipherment of the script in the 1980's I have published a
grammar and dictionary of the signs which was published in three issues of the
Journal of Tamil Studies.
Given the success in reading Libyco-Berber and the
Indus Valley writing, it was only natural for me to read the Proto-Sumerian and
Minoan A writing using Vai symbolism, because as I said earlier, the speakers of
Sumerian (and the Eteo-Cretans) originally came from the Sahara. As a result,
when I recognized cuneiform writing on the Fuente Bowl I hypothesized that the
other symbols on the bowl might be Proto-Sumerian, my subsequent reading of the
inscriptions confirmed the hypothesis.
Today, hundreds of languages can be
written using our alphabet. And in ancient times cuneiform was used to write:
Hurrian, Hittite, Elamite, Akkadian, Sumerian and etc. Therefore, it is not
surprising that the Sumerians, Minoans, Indus Valley people, Libyco-Berber
people and Mande used the same writing.

Comments

"I think the Oruro writing is similar to the script on the
Phaistos disk. I also am of the opinion that both are related to Rongorongo and
the Indus script. Solving one may solve them all."

Dr Clyde Winters:

"This tablet is very interesting to me. After a
cursory examination of thetablet, it appears that the personage on the right
side of the tabletappears to have a headdress similar to that worn by the
People of the Seaor Hittites, when they attacked Egypt around 1200 BC.I
can not read the characters on the tablet, but they appear to beLinear B,
signs similar to the writing of the Greek speaking people ofCrete. Again
this is my opinion and I welcome the observation of otherpeople on the
forum. If this tablet is authentic, it indicates that inaddition to
Sumerians in ancient South America, Indo-European speakingpeople also began
to arrive in this area , at least by 1200 BC.The presence of People of the
Sea in South America woulkd not be toosurprising given the evidence of the
cocaine Mummies. If the Egyptians wereimporting cocaine from South America,
it stands to reason that when thePeople of the Sea made their way to Egypt,
they may have learned about thetrade and decided to see if they could find a
way to participate in thisprobably lucarative trade of the ancient people,
given the fact that someresearchers claim that cocaine was also being
exported to China at thistime. No matter what the truth is, Bernardo, if
this tablet is for real,Bravo, another great find by the most active
researchers on South Americanepigraphy ."

"No previous writer has attempted such an ambitious synthesis of the
archaeology of Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia. Stanish is to be
congratulated for his bold and successful endeavor. In this book he offers his
readers an impressively broad range of archaeological, historic and cultural
data and presents a coherent and plausible interpretation of the evolution of
society in the greater Titicaca Basin. It is exciting that this material will
now be available to Andean specialists and students of comparative civilization
alike. This work will be required reading in university level courses and a
regular presence on the bookshelves of Andean scholars for years to come."-Garth
Bawden, author of The Moche "This case study of prehispanic cultural evolution
in the Titicaca Basin addresses issues of broad general interest, not only to
Andeanists but also to scholars working in many other parts of the world where
archaic states and empires developed from simpler cultural forms. Stanish, who
has been working along the forefront of research on the Titicaca Basin, brings a
very large body of new data to bear upon major theoretical concerns in
evolutionary anthropology. This book makes the Titicaca Basin archaeological
record much more accessible than it ever has been in the past. It is a major
contribution, and will surely be a landmark study for years to come."-Jeffrey R.
Parsons, co-author of 2000 Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Upper Mantaro
and Tarma Drainages, Junin, Peru

About the Author
Charles Stanish is Professor of
Anthropology and Director of the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the
University of California, Los Angeles. His earlier works include Ritual and
Pilgrimage in the Ancient Andes: The Islands of the Sun and the Moon (2001, with
Brian Bauer) and Ancient Andean Political Economy (1992).

This is the best summer reading I've had in years. Forget the old
stories about Atlantis, this book is an excellent resource for proof of
transatlantic travel in ancient times. It is scholarly and meticulously
researched. There is nothing sensational here, the authors do a fine job in
connecting various ancient cultures. Great for research purposes.

Decipherment of the Fuente Magna Bowl, TheDiffusionist
author claims to have found a similarity between the Fuente Magna Bowl found in
Bolivia and ancient Sumerian.www.geocities.com/Athens/Academy/8919/Fuente.html

http://www.geocities.com/makubwa/Fuente.htmlControversy
surrounds the writing on the Fuente Magna Bowl. After a careful examination of
the Fuente Magna, linear writing I determined that the writing was probably
Proto-Sumerian. The Proto-Sumerian writing is found on many artifacts discovered
inwww.geocities.com/makubwa/Fuente.html

Cranial deformation has been the cause of much debate and fascination. The unique shape of the skulls from the Nasca even inspired the most recent Indiana Jones adventure. The elongated skulls and flattened foreheads have created speculation of evidence of aliens or satanic practices. Even this past year, the Daily Mail claimed that skulls found in Peru were potentially those of extraterrestrials. According to the article there are three anthropologists that all agree that these are not human. However, we know that this practice is not only easy to accomplish in humans, but also continues in cultures today (even our own). Moving beyond psuedoarchaeology claims, scholars have still been debating the reasons and methods behind the deformation for hundreds of years. The December 2010 publication from the Journal of Neurosurgery discusses cranial modification from a number of perspectives.
The basic architecture of the human skull is made up of six bones, the occipital, the frontal, two parietal and two temporal bones. While the skull itself is solid in adulthood, the cranial bones of children are malleable. The reason for this is to allow for growth of the brain and head throughout childhood. However, if pressure is applied in certain areas for a long duration during childhood, the shape of the skull can be changed. The bone will slowly ossify into the shape that it is pressed into, making it a permanent feature. Enchev et al. (2010) even note that there likely wasn’t any major neurological damage. Most modified skulls are from adults and old adults, suggesting that it doesn’t create permanent damage.Cranial vault modification can be achieved through a number of means. Enchev et al. (2010) discuss two types of modification: tabular or annular. Tabular, or “flat-head” modification involves compressing the fontal and occipital with fixed, erect boards or pads. This creates a lateral bulging of the head. A variation on this is when vertical boards are placed higher up on the back of the head to produce more upright modification. Annular modification is produced when bands are wrapped around the forehead and the back of the skull to force the bone to grow upright. Examination of modified crania show that they often vary by individual, attributed to the nature of bone growth and idiosyncratic variation in the application of bands and boards.
Another common term applied to these skulls is cranial deformity, however this term implies that the shape was unwanted or a malformation. Cranial deformities more accurately reflect the change in shape due to the birthing procedure or accidental distortion. One example of this is when infants are strapped to cradle boards, a practice often found in indigenous American populations as a way to protect the neck of the infant during travel.
However, it is unlikely that the changes found in the skulls of Peruvian and Egyptian populations are due to accident. This leads to the question of intent and purpose. In order to understand the reasons for the change, it is important to look at the social and political context of the practice, as well as the identity of the individual and their place within society. Ayer et al. (2010) argue that deformation was a sign of political and socioeconomic status. In support of their hypothesis, they examine a selection of modified crania in Peru and Egypt.

The earliest modified skulls in Peru date between 6000 and 7500 BCE, with the majority of remains from this period showing signs of deformation. There is potential evidence between 1350 to 1200 BCE in Egypt. It has only been found there in elite individuals, and doesn’t appear to be a widespread practice. Ayer et al. (2010) argue that the modification was a literal symbol of being the head of the state. Romero-Vargas et al. (2010) discussed the role of modification in the Maya. In the classic Mayan period, 250 to 900 CE, cranial modification consisted of creating a more erect frontal bone using compression pads. A 16th century Spanish chronicler, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, asked the Mayan why their heads were a different shape, and the reasons behind the modification. They responded: “This is done because our ancestors were told by the gods that if our heads were thus formed we should appear noble and handsome and better able to bear burdens”. Romero-Vargas et al. (2010) argue that the practice has religious and sociocultural meaning, and it is an integral part of someone’s identity.
While the cranial modification issue from the Journal of Neurosurgery does discuss a number of really interesting topics, they do not explore the issue in any depth. Modifying the cranium is a major undertaking and occurred in a variety of cultures through different forms and methods. However, it continues today in order to create the perfect shapes. See Kristina Killgrove’s post on cranial modification and its modern occurrence. It is important to look at the cultural background and compare it against other occurrences. Currently there is only speculation as to the reasons and purposes of the modification.
Works CitedAyer A, Campbell A, Appelboom G, Hwang BY, McDowell M, Piazza M, Feldstein NA, & Anderson RC (2010). The sociopolitical history and physiological underpinnings of skull deformation. Neurosurgical focus, 29 (6) PMID: 21121715Romero-Vargas, S., Ruiz-Sandoval, J., Sotomayor-González, A., Revuelta-Gutiérrez, R., Celis-López, M., Gómez-Amador, J., García-González, U., López-Serna, R., García-Navarro, V., Mendez-Rosito, D., Correa-Correa, V., & Gómez-Llata, S. (2010). A look at Mayan artificial cranial deformation practices: morphological and cultural aspects Neurosurgical FOCUS, 29 (6) DOI: 10.3171/2010.9.FOCUS10200Enchev Y, Nedelkov G, Atanassova-Timeva N, & Jordanov J (2010). Paleoneurosurgical aspects of Proto-Bulgarian artificial skull deformations. Neurosurgical focus, 29 (6) PMID: 21121717

Against this we have the statements of the Alien Origin enmthusiasts. It is to be admitted that some of the reconstructions shown on this video look reasonable enough.
This Pracas necropolis has ben the center of interest for the Defdormed crania seekers. Although Paracas culture runs back to 700 BC or before, the most of the mummies dig up in the Paracas tombs date from 200 BC to 200 AD approximately. These people are thought to have come down from the north and have some relationship to the Olmecs as their predecessoirs of the Cavin culture are suspected to have been. But from the shape of the skulls of some of the mummies, their people came from further North still: some of them are of the same physical type as the Adena Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley.

Unmodified Andean skull, similar type to the usual inhabitants of the Eastern USA since Archaic times, derived Paleoindiann like and rather long-headed.

More elongated Peruvian Paracas skull showing the more elongated type more popular there, but once again the strong s and heavy jaw typical of the Adena.

Two skulls from mummies with some preserved flesh still adhering, more typical Adena cranial flattening with once again the same kind of heavy facial features and heavy jaw. Some have seen a resemblance to the giant states of Easter Island in the conformation of the facial features.

Diagrams Illustrating how the skulls of infants were deformed

Museum of the necropolis at Paracas, Peru. The cemetery is noted for the fine quality of the textiles that the mummies were wrapped in. The Verills thought that some of the textiles incorportated messages written in old-world scripts such as the Hittite script from what is now Turkey. (America's Ancient Civilizations)

On pages 308-323 of his
1808 book, Travels in America, Thomas Ashe describes his inspection of
one of several different ancient Indian mounds he visited in the then thinly
settled Ohio valley. He gives an especially detailed account of how he and his
helper visited a mound near the banks of the Muskingum river, climbed to its
summit, lifted flagstones at the top, and descended into an artificial vault
where Ashe reportedly discovered ancient relics and ancient writing. What is
particularly interesting about Ashe's account is that he also speaks of
"Mound-Builder" giants in his story of opening that particular mound. On pages
321-323 of
his book, Thomas Ashe speculates that the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North
America were inclined to select for their top leaders men of gigantic stature.
Although Ashe's notion may not represent a universal truth, there are occasional
documented instances of the leaders or "upper classes" in certain socially
stratified Indian groups possessing an extraordinary stature. See, for example,
"Tomb of Giants" on pp. 64-65 of the March 2001 issue of National
Geographic for a depiction of "giants" in a Moche burial in Peru.

Extravagant grave goods add to the mystery of
this ancient people of Peru.

Get a taste of what awaits you in print
from this compelling excerpt.

The large copper bowl lay within my
grasp, undisturbed for 1,500 years since it had been placed upside down over the
dead man’s face. Our team had worked more than a month to reach this point in
the excavation of one of the richest and most intriguing tombs ever found in
Peru—the tomb of a Moche elite.

The Moche inhabited a series of river
valleys along the arid coastal plain of northern Peru from about A.D. 100 to
800. Through farming and fishing, they supported a dense population and highly
stratified society that constructed irrigation canals, pyramids, palaces, and
temples. Although they had no writing system, the Moche left a vivid artistic
record of their activities in beautiful ceramic vessels, elaborately woven
textiles, colorful murals, and wondrous objects of gold, silver, and copper.

Finding undisturbed Moche tombs is rare in an area that has been looted
for more than four centuries, yet from 1997 to 1999 our team of U.S. and
Peruvian researchers discovered three extraordinary tombs at Dos Cabezas, an
ancient settlement in the lower Jequetepeque Valley. Outside each burial chamber
was a miniature tomb containing a small copper statue meant to represent the
tomb’s principal occupant. Each tomb also contained a remarkably tall adult male
who would have been a giant among his peers. [Emphasis added-DD]Gently lifting the copper bowl, I expected to see a skeletonized face. But
instead, looking up at me with inlaid eyes, was an exquisite gold-and-copper
funerary mask. We were all astonished and knew then how important these
tombs could be to unraveling the mystery of the Moche.

--This article once again emphasizes that the Warrior elite in the Americas was carefully selected from the larger individuals and bred into a special class, training for combat throug gladiatorial excercises and not actually employed locally for warfare. Iton that they were shipped off to fight wars elsewhere, particularly in the Mid East,. And if you do not believe that Peru was diectly connected to Mesopotamia in tye early days (The Verrills have a LOT of evidence on this point), themn have a look at a piece of pottery found at Tiahuanaco which has an inscription on the inside in the cuneiform script common in Babylonia and associated nations:

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