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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
&
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
/.
Vol. L, Nos. 1280-1305
January 6-June 29, 1964
INDEX
Vumber
Sale of Itsut
Paget
Number
Date of Ittut
Paget
1280
Jan.
6,
1964
1- 86
-1293
Apr.
6,
1964
517- 560
1281
Jan.
13,
1964
37- 72
1294
Apr.
13,
1964
561- 604
1282
Jan.
20,
1964
73- 108
1296
Apr.
20,
1964
<;or>- 648
1283
Jan.
27,
1964
109- 148
1296
Apr.
27,
1964
649- 688
1284
Feb.
3,
1964
149- 188
1297
Muy
4,
1964
689
1285
Feb.
10,
1964
189- 228
1298
May
11,
1904
7i!.V- 764
1286
Feb.
17,
1964
229- 272
1299
May
is,
1964
765- 808
1287
Feb.
24,
1964
27::- 316
1300
May
25,
l!l(!4
809- 848
1288
Mar.
2,
1864
317- 866
1301
June
1,
1904
849- 884
1289
Mar.
9,
1964
357- 388
1302
June
8,
1964
885- 920
1290
Mar.
16,
1964
889- 432
1303
June
16,
1964
921
1291
Mar.
23,
19(14
433- 472
1304
June
22,
1964
949- 988
1292
Mar.
30,
1964
473- 516
1305
June
29,
1964
989-1024
Corrections for Volume L
The Editor of the BULLETIN wishes to call at-
tention to the following errors in Volume L:
March 9, page 378 : The document number in the
fifth line of the second full paragraph should read
"A/RES 1005 (XVI)."
June 1, page 882 : The date in the sixth line under
the heading "Aviation" should read "June 14, 1904."
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Publication 7S03
Released July 19G5
For Bale by the Superintendent of Documents. D.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price 30 centt
I NDEX
Volume L: Numbers 1280-1305, January 6- June 29, 1964
Abdoul, Boukar, 02G
Abidia, Fathi, 330
Advisory Commission on International Educational and
Cultural Affairs, U.S., member, confirmation, 805
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob-
lems, member appointed, 1000
Advisory Committee on International Organizations, 07
Afghanistan, treaties, agreements, etc., 269, 555
Africa (seealso individual countries) :
Communism in ( Williams), 371
Economic cooperation and development: Johnson,
509; Rusk, 333; Williams. 502, 064
Food for Peace assistance (Williams) , 502
Foreign Relations volume on, published, 882
Heads-of-State conference, Addis Ababa (Williams),
503
Portuguese territories in (Williams) . 752
Problems and progress (Williams). 370, 509, 665
Regional and economic cooperation in (Williams),
503
Trade development and policy : Westerfield, 101 ;
Williams, 504, 664
Transition, period of (Williams), 502
United Nations, issues at (Williams), 751
U.S. policy : Johnson, 17, 18, 731 ; Williams, 373, 505,
699
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 828
African Development Bank (Williams), 505
Agency for International Development :
Assistant Administrator for the Far East, confirma-
tion, 684
Assistant Administrator for the Near East and South
Asia, confirmation, 430
China, Republic of, terminates programs (Phillips),
934
Deputy Administrator, confirmation (Gaud) , 429
Economic assistance (Rusk), 437
Equal employment opportunity in (Rusk), 630
Reorganization and efficiency (Johnson), 27, 521
Training programs (Rusk), 438
Agricultural Sciences, Inter-American Institute of,
convention on and protocol amending: Brazil, 428
Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas programs :
Agreements with: Bolivia, 33, 722, 846; Brazil, 946;
Canada, 105 ; China, 934, 1021 ; Colombia, 354 ;
Congo (Leopoldville), 846; Iceland, 429; India.
105, 846; Iraq, 33; Israel, 105, 805 : Jordan, 469;
Korea, 602; Mexico, 944; Pakistan, 386; Para-
guay, 106 ; Peru, 429 ; Philippines, 946 ; Poland,
308, 313; Syrian Arab Republic, 20!); Tunisia,
Agricultural surpluses — Continued
Agreements with — Continued
186, 762; United Arab Republic, 805; Viet-Nam,
269, 702 ; Yugoslavia, 882, 917
Food-for-worh program (Cleveland), 551
U.S. food provided under P.L. 480 (Harrlman), 507,
509
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act:
Agreements under: Brazil, 354; Ivory Coast, 646;
Sudan, 646; Yugoslavia, 882
Renewal and extension (llarriman), 507
Agriculture (see also Agricultural surpluses and Food
and Agriculture Organization) :
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences,
convention on and protocol amending : Brazil,
428
International trade, policy problems, 416
AID. See Agency for International Development
Air defense system, continental, agreement re : Canada,
917
Airmail, universal postal convention (1957) provisions:
Laos, 805; Uganda, 469; Venezuela, 805
Albania :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 269
U.S. policy toward (Rusk), 394
Algeria :
Dispute with Morocco: Kelly, 60; Rusk, 83; Wil-
liams, 502
Immigration quota determined, 213
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 226, 209, 313, 646, 722,
917
al-Hani. Nasir. 662
Alliance for Progress :
Achievements, objectives and progress: Johnson,
L. B., 536; Maun, 857; Rostow, 496; Rusk, 87,
610
Pan American Union, funds available from, agree-
ment modifying and supplementing, 386
Third anniversary of (Johnson), 535
U.S. policy: Johnson, 855; Rostow, 497; Rusk, 193
American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1960,
released, 806
American Republics (see also Latin America and Or-
ganization of American States) :
Foreign Relations, volume on, released, 33
International cooperation (Johnson), 535
U.S. assistance programs, 89
U.S. policy toward Cuba (Ball), 738
1027
Anderson, Robert B., 769
Angola, potential trouble spot, 502
Antarctica, treaties, agreements, etc., 200, 350
ANZCS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.) : Kennedy,
Robert F., 241; Rusk, 733
Apartheid: Rusk, 193 ; Stevenson, 92 ; Williams, 753
Arab nationalism (Johnson, U. Alexis), 209
Argentina :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 269, 354, 429, 917,
1021
U.S. ambassador, confirmation, 226
Armaments (see also Disarmament, Missiles and Nu-
clear weapons) :
Race, dangers of, and need to halt: Fisher, 756,
Johnson, 4, 442, 756 ; Rusk, 86, 1005 ; Stevenson,
131
U.S. position, Johnson, 951 ; Rusk, 392, 446
Armed forces, treatment of in time of war, Geneva
conventions (1949) relative to, Nepal, 646
Armed forces, U.S. :
Australia, logistic support, agreement re the payment
for, 313
NATO, strengthening (Rusk), 442
Special Action Forces, strength of (Johnson), 951
Strengthening of (Johnson), 951
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S., Assist-
ant Director, confirmed, 2G9
ASA. See Association of Southeast Asia
Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia (see also ANZUS,
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and individual
countries) :
Communist activities (Rusk) , 191, 278, 391
De Gaulle, proposals set forth by ( Rusk ) , 2S0, 283
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 761
Foreign forces in, withdrawal requested (Steven-
son), 911
French and U.S. positions (Rusk), 441
Friendship for U.S. (Rusk), 736
India and Pakistan, U.S. aid (Rusk), 193
Peace, prospects for : Rusk, 81 ; McNamara, 570
Regional relationships among countries in (Rusk),
572
"Town-centered planning" program, U.S. proposes
(Young), 759
U.K.-U.S. in agreement on (Kennedy, Robert F.), 241,
242
U.N. policy in (Cleveland), 974
U.S. commitments in (Rusk), 820
U.S. policy: Johnson, 731, 953; Pearcy, 322; Rusk,
42, 926 ; Stevenson, 908, 941
Association of Southeast Asia, relationships within
(Rusk), 572
Atlantic Alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty Orga-
nization
Atlantic community (see also Atlantic partnership and
North Atlantic Treaty Organization) :
Future of (Rostow), 181
Strengthening of the (Rusk), 851
Unity of (McGhee),339
Atlantic partnership :
Interdependence of: Rusk, 810; Stevenson, 969;
Tyler, 778
Objectives of: Johnson-Erhard, 75; Rusk, 192, 815
Organization of (Rostow), 181
U.S. policy : McGhee, 488 ; Johnson, 728 ; Stevenson,
967
Atlantic Treaty Association, 338
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of :
Agreements re civil uses : Argentina, 1021 ; China,
1021; Greece, 1021; Iran, 1021; Ireland, 186;
Japan, 762; Thailand, 1021; Viet-Nam, 1021
Fast neutron reactors, U.S. and EURATOil to co-
operate on, 941
Atomic Energy Agency, International :
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903
Israel-U.S. cooperative water program (Johnson),
286
Statute of, current actions : Algeria, 69 ; Gabon, 226 :
Nigeria, 602
Atomic Energy Commission, U.S. :
Research and development program on fast reactors,
943
To supply plutonium and enriched uranium, 942
Attwood, William, 429
Australia :
Strategic position (Hilsman), 243
Treaties, agreements, etc., 186, 226, 313, 386, 882
U.S. concludes meat agreement, 3S0
U.S. policies in (Ililsman), 248
Austria, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 429, 514, 917
Autobahn, safe now of traffic on, 8
Aviation :
Air cargo operations, U.S.-France discuss, 704
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Aerospace disturbances, agreement with Australia
for program of research, 1S6
Air navigation services, joint financing of, agree-
ments:
Greenland and Faroe Islands: Pakistan, 69
Iceland : Pakistan, 69
Air traffic control, agreement with Canada, 105
Air transport services agreement. International
(1044) : Algeria, 722; Canada, 844-45; France,
50G; Italy, 628; Mexico, 145; New Zealand, 549;
United Arab Republic, 846
Aircraft :
International recognition of rights in, convention
(1948) on, France, 555
Offenses and certain other acts committed on
board, convention : Portugal, Venezuela, 685 ;
Senegal, 514
Airmail regulations, universal postal convention
provisions re : Laos, Venezuela, 805 ; Uganda, 469
Carriage by air, convention (1929) for unification
of certain rules re: Bulgaria, 469; Nigeria, 469;
Tunisia, 469
1028
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BUIXETTN
Avliitlon — Continued
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued
Civil aviation, International convention (1944) on:
Current actious, Kenya, 846; Rwanda, 313;
Somali Republic, 401) ; Yemen Arab Republic,
701
Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e) and 61
on sessions of ICAO Assembly: Jamaica, 882
Protocol amending article 50(a) re ICAO Coun-
cil membership: Argentina, Costa Rica, Ja-
maica, Peru, 017
Protocol re amendment to increase parties which
may request meeting of Assembly: Denmark,
Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines,
Switzerland, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, 017
Badean, John S., 54
Badenhop, Robert A., 844
Balance of payments :
Situation improved (Johnson), 222, 4C4, CG3
U.S. position, 170
Ball, George W.
Addresses, remarks and statements:
Industrial and developing countries, problems of, C34
Interdependence — The Basis of I'. S. -Canada Rela-
tions, 770
National growth and U.S. world position, 123
NATO and world responsibilities, 823
North-South relations, open system in, 057
Principles of our policy toward Cuba, 738
World responsibilities, reallocation of, 287
Barbour, Walworth, 52
Barnes, Robert G., 429
Belcher, Taylor G., 805
Belgium :
Congo, role of, in (Rusk), 813
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 220, 002, 7G2
Bell, David E., 831
Bell, James D., 429
Benelux (Rusk), 810
Bennett, W. Tapley, Jr., 429
Berlin :
Autobahn, safe flow of traffic on, U.S. and Soviet
notes, 8
German-U.S. discussions (Erhard, Johnson), 992
U.S. commitments in (Johnson), 475
Berlin Wall, opening of (Rusk), 84
Buhlle, U.S.S., destroyer, 786
Bill of Rights Day, proclamation, 21
Blair, William McCormack, Jr., 946
Blantyre, Nyasaland, consulate established, 145
Bogota, Act of, September 1960, U.S.-Latin America,
497
Bogota, Charter of (Mann), 857
Bolivia :
American hostages, released, 9
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33. 555, 722, 846
Bonilla Atiles, Jos6 Antonio, 336
Brandon, Henry, 330
Brasil:
Economic and social development ( Husk), nos
President semis good wishes to new President, 609
Recognition »( government ( Rusk 1,610
Treaties, agreements, etc., 100, 304, 42N, 040
U.S. aid to ( Rusk), 608
U.S.-BrazIl pledge cooperation, 47, 448
Brezhnev, Leonid, 1-1
Budget 11>U5 (Juhusou),218
Bulgaria :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 409
U.S. position (Rusk), 894
Bundy, William P., 40. 470
Bunker, Ellsworth, 143, 225, 300
Burundi :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 18
King to visit U.S., 900
Butterwortb, W. W., 69
Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, treaties, agree-
ments, etc., 226, 1021
Calendar of international conferences and meetings
(see also subject), 28, 91, 185, 268, 353, 427, 050,
033. 716, 881
Cambodia :
Aggression by U.S., unsubstantiated charges of
(Stevenson), 937
Differences between Thailand and (Kelly), 62
Foreign forces In, withdrawal requested (Steven-
son), 911
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 946
U.S. policy toward (Rusk), 572
Cambodia-Viet-Nam frontier, U.S. views (Stevenson),
907, 1002
Cameroon, treaties, agreements, etc., 805, 1021
Canada :
Columbia River Development and Roosevelt Campo-
bello International Park, U.S. and Canada agree
on, 199
Economic interdependence, trend toward (Rusk), 773
Peacekeeping force :
National military establishment earmarked for
(Meeker), 801
Role of (Cleveland), 972
Removes restrictions on U.S. exports, 214
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105, 226, 269, 354, 386,
640, 686, 882, 946
U.S.-Canada civil air transport talks, 844
U.S.-Canada relations (Ball), 770
U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee to meet at Ot-
tawa, 070
Visit of Prime Minister, 199
Welland Canal, tolls on, 68, 685
Canada-United States Ministerial Committee on Joint
Defense, meeting announced, 906
Canal Zone :
ICJ report on, 1000
U.S. position on Panama and Canal Zone, 152, 195
Carter, Chester C, 805
1029
Castro, Fidel, 739
CENTO (see Central Treaty Organization)
Central African Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 105
Central Treaty Organization :
Ministerial Council, 12th session, Washington, D.C. :
Opening address (Rusk), 766
Text of final communique, 768
Ceylon, treaties, agreements, etc., 313
Chad:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 926
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354
Chamizal, convention for the solution of the problem,
49, 106, 186, 226
Chantr^a incident (Stevenson), 937
Charter of the United Nations (see United Nations
Charter)
Chayes, Abram, 682, 900
Chile, treaties, agreements, etc., 762
China, Communist (see also Communism and Sino-
Soviet disputes) :
Economic situation in (Ball), 126
"Great leap forward," collapse of, 12
Recognition of, question of : Department, 260 ; Rusk,
441, 818
Relation of, to other nations (Kennedy, Robert F.),
242
Tensions, easing of international (Rusk) , 81
Trade, 1948-62, 481
U.S. policy : Hilsman, 11, 243 ; Rusk, 42, 333, 390, 475,
480, 818
China, Republic of:
American troops in, Soviet views, 159
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 686, 846, 917, 1021
U.S. aid and commitments : Department, 755 ; Harri-
man, 508 ; Hilsman, 14, 15 ; Phillips, 934 ; Rusk,
395, 694, 732, 735
Cinematography, Standing Committee on, U.S.-U.S.S.R.
film committee confers on exchanges, 877
Citizenship, education for (Rusk), 358
Civil Administrative Corps, duties of (McNamara), 569
Civil aviation. See Aviation.
Civil rights. See Human rights and Racial discrimina-
tion.
Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva convention
(1949) relative to treatment of, Nepal, 646
Claims, Greece-U.S. sign debt agreement, 934
Clemenceau, Georges, 824
Cleveland, Harlan, 452, 550, 622, 971
Cline, Howard, 998
COCOM. See Consultative Group-Coordinating Com-
mittee.
Coffee :
International coffee agreement :
Current actions: Central African Republic, 105;
Congo ( Leopold ville), 428; Denmark, Ecuador,
Madagascar, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nica-
ragua, Portugal, 105; Indonesia, Togo, Trinidad
and Tobago, U.S.S.R., 428; Japan, 882; United
States, 69
Role in today's market ( Jacobson) , 260
Coffee — Continued
International coffee agreement — Continued
Senate approval requested (Harriman), 459
Views on (Westerfield),103
U.S. to propose action to halt rise in coffee prices:
Department, 143 ; Williams, 505
Coffin, Frank M., 429
Cold War :
Communist techniques of (Rostow) , 580
Easing of dangers of : Harriman, 462 ; Rostow, 867,
966 ; Stevenson, 130, 618, 970
U.S. position : Johnson, 4 ; Stevenson, 941
Collective security (see also Mutual defense), U.S. po-
sition (Stevenson), 967
Colombia :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354, 946
U.S. Ambassador, confirmed, 805
Colonialism :
Decline of (Ball), 289, 659
U.S. policy (Ball), 124 ; Johnson, 288
Columbia River Basin : U.S. and Canada cooperative
development of water resources, 199, 200, 226
Commerce Department :
Export promotion programs, 26
National export expansion coordinator, appointed, 56
Committee on Housing, Building and Planning, ECE
977
Committee on the Economic Impact of Defense and
Disarmament, formation of (Johnson), 120
Commodity trade problems (see also Agricultural sur-
pluses and individual commodity), efforts to
resolve and U.S. position (Nichols), 416
Communications :
Satellites :
Global system, 618, 682
Intercontinental testing in connection with experi-
mental, agreement with Canada, 354
World Weather Watch, 618
Space vehicle tracking and communication station
in Madagascar, agreement with Malagasy Re-
public, 69
U.S.-Soviet direct communications link : McGhee,
493 ; Rusk, 81
Communism (see also China, Communist; Cuba; Sino-
Soviet dispute ; and Soviet Union) :
Aggression and subversive activities :
Africa : Williams, 371
Asia : Rusk, 191
China, Communist : Hilsman, 15
Cuba : Department, 10 ; Rusk, 191, 813
Free world struggle against (Rusk), 391, 435, 814,
851
Latin America (Ball), 738
Panama : Rusk, 191
Southeast Asia : Rusk, 391, 732
Viet-Nam : Rusk, 191, 733
Western Hemisphere: Rusk, 813
Australia, problems of crisis in (nilsman), 246
Challenge of democracy in developing nations (Ros-
tow), 256
1030
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Communism — Continued
Economic failures of (Rusk), 898, "38
Guerrilla warfare, U.S. policy (Rostow), 003
U.S. policy toward: Johnson, 051; Rostow, 800;
Rusk, 300, 486, 413. 478, 681
Western Hemisphere (Rostow), 499
World developments (Rusk), 198
World revolution! commitment to: McGhee, 401;
Rusk, 301
Communist bloc :
Economic problems of (Rostow), 1S2
Industrial equipment and ruw materials, embargo
on (Rusk), 47.".
Conferences nnd organizations, international. See
International organizations and conferences and
subject
Congo, Republic of (Rrnzzaville) :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation. 084
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams to, 828
Congo, Republic of the ( Leopold ville) :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 428, 840
D.N. peacekeeping force in (Cleveland), C23
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 420
Visit .if Assistant Secretary Williams, 828
Congress, U.S. :
Chamizal convention, U.S. ratifies, 40
Coffee agreement, international, approval requested
(Harriman),469
Communications satellite program (Cliayes), 082
Death of President Kennedy, final day of mourning
( Johnson ) , 30
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists, 27, CO,
90, 122, 184, 268, 200, 349, 373, 404, 000, 555, 001,
631, 715, 843, 930, 070, 1001
Food for peace program, GS3
Legislation :
Foreign aid : Manning, 702 ; Rusk, 595
Foreign Assistance Act of 1003, 20
Immigration and nationality act, amendments
(Manning), 702
International Development Association, 035
National Academy of Foreign Affairs (Manning),
703
Military assistance program, 1005 (MoNamara), 705
Presidential messages, letters and reports. See un-
der Johnson, Lyndon 15.
Senate Committee on Appropriations, Dept. of State
Budget request FY 1965 (Rusk),83G
Consular convention :
Algeria, 017
Dominican Republic, 046
Korea, 33
U.S.S.R..94C, 070
Consultative Group-Coordinating Committee, 475
Continental sheLf, convention (1058) on: U.K. 882;
U.S., 940
Cook Islands (including Nlue), 640
Copyrights, convention on literary and artistic, current
action on Mexico, 386
Corrales Uadllla. Ilernan, 538
Corry, Andrew V., 260
Costa Rica, treaties, agreements, etc, 917
Cotton textiles:
Export restraint, request for (Nebmer),08
Long-term arrangements re trade In; China, 514;
India, 07, 846, 014; Israel, 88, 61, oo; Jamaica,
33. 07; Pakistan, 07 ; Philippines, 429; Spain,
07; O.A.R., 54,97, 106
U.S. and Philippines conclude agreement, 888
U.S. industry, condition of (Nelimer), 07
Crockett, William J., 032
Cuba :
Castro's regime: Rail, 730; Rostow, 497; Rusk, 19L
305, 408, 445
Communist power and influence (McGhee), 489
Factional disputes in ( Rusk), (ill
Fishing boat incident :
Interrogation and inspection of, 270
U.S. informs U.N, Security Council on (Steven-
son), 270
Guantanamo Naval Rase:
U.S. guarantees security of. 281
Water supply suspended ( Rusk), 277
Missile crisis (Rostow), 966
Subversion and guerrilla warfare, men trained In
(Rostow), 600
Terrorists trained in (Rusk), 191
Travel to :
Restrictions on (Rail), 740
U.S. prohibition, 10
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 002, 722
U.S. policy on flights over, 744
U.S. policy toward : Ball, 711 ; Department, 10; John-
son. 26; Rusk, 84, 278, 830, 800, ill, 480, 574
Vessels, violation of national waters, U.S. protests
(Rusk), 276
Cultural Exchange Program :
Agreements with : Belgium, 702 ; Greece, 24 ; I.Iberia,
829; Luxembourg, 762; Rumania, 25; U.S.S.R.,
451, 493
Cultural property, convention for protection of: Cur-
rent actions on. Austria. 017
Cultural relations and programs (see also Educational
exchange) :
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Educational, scientific and cultural materials,
agreement and protocol on Importation of:
Cameroon, 1021; Nicaragua, 313; Uruguay, 045
Customs {see also Tariff policy) :
Commercial samples and advertising material. Inter-
national convention (1052) to facilitate Importa-
tion : Jamaica, 105
Road vehicles, convention (1954) on tempornry Im-
portation: Cuba, 722 ; Jamaica, 1 I I
Touring, convention (1054) concerning customs fa-
cilities for, current nctlous: Hungary. 685;
Jamaica, 105
IXDEX, JANTJAEY TO JTJNT8 1964
1031
Cyprus :
Peace, prospects for (Johnson), 90
Peacekeeping force :
Creation of ( Stevenson ) , 374
U.N. problems : Chayes, 900 ; Meeker, 799
U.S. offers to help finance, 484
Presidents Johnson and L6pez Mateos hold talks, 396
Sixth Fleet, active in (Rusk), 88
Soviet letter on, 447
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354
Treaty of Guarantee (Stevenson), 375
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 805
U.S. position : Cleveland, 622 ; Johnson, 90, 465 ; Ken-
nedy, Robert F., 240 ; McCloskey, 284 ; Rusk, 83,
87, 283, 332, 408
Czechoslovakia :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 602
U.S. position (Rusk), 394
DAC. See Development Assistance Committee
Daedalus, 868
Dabomey :
Tensions between Niger and (Rusk), 83
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 354
U.S. recognizes, 239
D-Day, 20tb anniversary message (Johnson), 954
Dean, Fred M., 269
de Besche, Hubert Wathier August, 336
Debts. See Claims.
Defense (see also Collective security and National de-
fense) :
Continental defense system, agreement re phaseout
of radar stations with Canada, 946
Free world, U.S. contribution to (McNamara), 896
Internal defense and security, agreement re U.S.
defense areas in the Federation of The West
Indies, 646
U.S.-Canada Defense Committee to meet, 906
de Gaulle, Charles :
Proposals by, on Southeast Asia (Rusk), 280
Recognition of Red China (Johnson), 528
Dengler, Norbert, 25
Denmark :
Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 186, 226, 602, 762,
917, 1021
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 684
de Ribbing, Herbert, 62
de Valera, Eamon, 927
Development Assistance Committee (see also Orga-
nization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment) :
Activities of (Rusk), 812
Aid extended by (Tyler), 782
Development Association, International. See Inter-
national Development Association.
Development Bank, Inter-American. See Inter-Amer-
ican Development Bank.
Development Decade :
Development goals, 414
Progress of: Johnson, G. Griffith, 411; Westerfield,
101
DEW line (Rusk), 83
Dillon, Douglas, 4, 717
Diplomatic relations and recognition :
Africa-U.S. (Williams), 698
Dahomey (Department), 239
Increase in (Ball), 287
Panama breaks with U.S., 300
U.S.-Panama, reestablished, 655
Vienna convention (1961) and protocol : Byelorussian
Soviet Socialist Republic, 1021; Dominican Re-
public, 428, 646; Gabon, 946; Holy See, 945;
Liechtenstein, 946; Panama, 186; Rwanda, 917;
Switzerland, 144 ; U.S.S.R., 722
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See Foreign Serv-
ice.
Diplomatic representatives in the U.S. :
Presentation of credentials : Burundi, 18 ; Chad, 926 ;
Dominican Republic, 336; Haiti, 662; Hon-
duras, 538; Iraq, 662; Ireland, 853; Kenya, 662;
Libya, 336; Mauritania, 830; Panama, 830;
Peru, 336; Portugal, 662; Rwanda, 830; Spain,
899 ; Sweden, 336 ; Thailand, 18 ; Tunisia, 662
Disarmament (see also Armaments, Arms Control Dis-
armament Agency and Nuclear weapons) :
Economic impact of defense expenditures, review,
120
18-Nation Disarmament Committee. See Eighteen-
Nation Disarmament Committee.
Freeze on nuclear weapons : Fisher, 756 ; Foster,
350 ; Rusk, 194
General and complete :
U.S. position and efforts : Johnson, 157 ; Kelly, 58
Inspection and verification limited (Rusk), 392
- Limitation of arms : Johnson, 1005 ; Rusk, 82, 85,
88, 157, 194, 407, 445
' Nuclear weapons, U.S. proposes curb on spread of
(Foster), 376
« U.N. role ( Rusk ) , 115, 276
' Western position (Rusk), 445
Disputes :
Peaceful settlement of: Johnson, 157; Rusk, 82, 83
Sino-Soviet dispute: Hilsman, 246; McGhee, 490;
Meeker, 79S ; Rusk, 5, 194, 613, 614, 737
U.S.-Panama, OAS assists in solving: Bunker, 300;
Department, 1000 ; Johnson, 537 ; Rusk, 274
U.S. responsibility in (Rusk), 275
Dobrynin, Anatoliy F., 82
Dominican Republic :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 428, 646, 1021
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429
Double taxation :
Agreements and conventions for avoidance of :
Income, Honduras, 25, 312 ; U.K., 145
Inheritance, Greece, 354, 385
Douglas-Home, Sir Alec, 336
Driss, Rachid, 662
1032
DEPARTMENT OF 8TATE BULLETIN
Drugs, narcotic :
Manufacture and distribution of :
Protocol (1931) bringing under international con-
trol drugs outside scope of convention: Rwanda,
9S5
Opium, protocol (1053) regulating production, trade,
and use of : Rwanda, 1021
Duke, Angler Riddle. 344
Dulles, John Foster, 817
East-West Center In Honolulu, Larsen-Davis survey
report, 976
East -West relations :
Developments (Johnson), 5
Differences in, 41
Improvement in (Rusk), 81
Positive approach to (McGhee), 495
Sino-Soviet dispute (Rusk), 614
Solution of issues in : McGhee, 488, 494 ; Rusk, 88
TJ.S.-Germany reaffirm agreement on East-West prob-
lems. 992
U.S. objectives (Rostow),867
U.S.-Soviet reach limited agreement (Rusk) , 194
East-West tensions, 490
East-West trade, U.S. policy (Rusk), 475
Eban, Abba, 51
EGA. See Economic Commission for Africa.
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East.
ECE. See Economic Commission for Europe.
Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Committee on
Trade and, 774
Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on
Trade and, 235
Economic and Social Council, U.N. :
Documents, lists of, 307, 467, 978, 1020
U.S. representative to, confirmation, 470
Economic and social development (see also Economic
and technical aid, Foreign aid programs and Less
developed countries) :
Educational opportunities (Ball), 125
Trade and cultural exchange (McGhee), 495
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries (see
also Agency for International Development, Agri-
cultural surpluses. Alliance for Progress, Economic
and social development, Foreign aid programs,
Inter-American Development Bank, International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter-
national Development Association, Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development) :
Agreements with : Somali Republic, 186 ; Tangan-
yika, 722
Appropriations and authorization requests for FT
1965 (Johnson), 519
Treaties, agreements, etc. : Afghanistan, 269, Japan,
985; Somali Republic, 186; Tanganyika, 722
U.S. policy (Johnson), 3
Economic Commission for Africa, U.N. :
Role in economic planning ( Williams), 505
6th Plenary session, Addis Ababa, IStnlopla, 513
U.S. delegation. ;,i:;
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, U.N. :
Trade negotiations, study by (Hilsman), 208
20th session :
Statement (Young), 759
U.S. representative to, confirmation, 470
Economic Commission for Europe, D.N. !
U.S. representative at the 25th session of the Com-
mittee on Housing, Building and Planning,
appointed, 977
U.S. representative to 19th plenary session, confirma-
tion, 470
Economic i>olicy and relations, U.S. :
Domestic economy :
Need for expansion (Ball), 773
Objectives of ( Rostow ) , 864, 961
Foreign economic policy :
Balance of payments. See Balance of payments.
Economic interdependence U.S.-Canada (Ball), 773
EEC. See European Economic Community.
Foreign aid programs. See Foreign aid.
Objectives (Rostow), 961
World position, growth (Ball), 123, 773
Economic Report of the President (excerpts) , 222
Ecuador, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 846
Education (see also Cultural relations and programs
and Educational exchange) :
Foreign affairs (Harriman), 462
Importance of (Rusk), 358
U.S. Educational Foundation, agreement with China,
755
Educational exchange program, international (*ee also
Cultural relations and Education) :
Agreements with: China, 755, 846; Germany, 313;
Greece, 24, 69 ; Iceland, 429 ; Liberia, 946 ; Nor-
way, 539, 555 ; Portugal, 269
Financing of :
Agreements with : China, 846 ; Greece, 69 ; Spain,
646
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of
1961, 24
U.S. and China agree to extend, 755
Educational, scientific and cultural materials, agree-
ment (1950) and protocol on importation of: Cook
Islands (Including Niue), 646; Nicaragua, 313;
Uruguay, 945
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,
U.N.:
Assistant Director General, appointed, 426
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903
EEC. See European Economic Community.
Egypt. See United Arab Republic.
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee:
Geneva conference of, head of delegation named, 119
Reconvening of, (Foster), 1005
INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964
1033
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee — Continued
U.S. Deputy Representative, appointed, 835
U.S. position and efforts: Fisher, 641, 700; Johnson,
163,223; Rusk, 407
Eisenhower, Dwigbt D., 824
Elbrick, C. Burke, 220
Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Foundation, New York,
N.Y., executive director, designation, 040
Embassy sites, private committee to assist in finding,
750
Equal Employment Opportunity, U.S. position on
(Rusk), 029
Erhard, Ludwig, 74, 992
Escape-clause, restrictions imposed by, 507
Eshkol, Levi, 959
Estate tax protocol : U.S. and Greece sign, 385
Ethiopia :
Border issue with Somalia and (Williams), 502
Economic development (Williams), 504
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226
EURATOM. See European Atomic Energy Commu-
nity.
Europe:
Defense of (Rusk), 819, 820
Eastern Europe :
Communist countries: National independence of,
U.S. policy toward (Harriman),508
Developments and policy In: Harriman, 485;
Rusk, 5, 280, 474 ; Tyler, 587
Economic developments (Tyler), 587, 777
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1948, Volume
II, Europe, published, 985
Unification of:
Development of (Tyler), 777
Relationship to North Atlantic partnership
(Rusk), 812
Western Europe: Latin America strengthening ties
•with (Rusk), 409
European Atomic Enegry Community :
Fast-reactor program, 942
Objectives, 942
European Economic Community :
Africa, special status of (Williams), 505
Progress and purpose : Rusk, 811 ; Tyler, 777
Trade :
Problems of (Rusk) , 89
U.S. discussions with, 458
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105
U.S. support (Tyler), 781
European unity. Bee North Atlantic Treaty Orga-
nization
Executive orders :
Interagency Committee on Export Expansion :
Established (11132), 25
Secretary of the Interior to be a member of
(11148), 590
Trade Negotiations, Public Advisory Committee for
(11143), 506
Executive Service Corps: U.S. encourages the estab-
lishment of (Johnson), 520
Export-Import Bank credit guarantees, 298
Exports (see also Imports and Trade) :
Meat products to U.S., agreement limiting : Australia,
380; Ireland, 429; Mexico, 882; New Zealand,
3S6
U.S.:
Expansion of (Johnson), 663
Interagency Committee on Export Expansion es-
tablished, 25
Restrictions on, removed, 214
Extradition conventions with: Belgium, 33; Israel, 33;
Sweden, 33
FAO. See Food and Agriculture Organization.
Far East (see also Asia) :
AID Assistant Administrator for the, confirmation,
684
Prospects for peace ( Rusk ) , 44
U.S. policy : Hilsman, 15 ; Johnson, 730
Faroe Islands, agreement on joint financing of cer-
tain air navigation services in:
Current actions : Pakistan, Switzerland, 69
Fay, William P., 853
"Finaneial Management and the United Nations Sys-
tem," released, 67
Finland, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 226
Fish and fisheries :
Fishing and conservation of living resources on
high seas, convention (1958) on: Jamaica, 845
Fishing by foreign vessels in U.S. territorial waters
prohibited, 936
Inter-American Tuna Commission, convention for
the establishment of, 209
Northwest Atlantic fisheries :
International convention, protocol: Canada, 226;
Iceland, G02 ; U.K., 882 ; U.S.S.R., 722
Fisher, Adrian S., 641, 756
Fissionable material. See Nuclear weapons.
Fobes, John E., 426
Food and Agriculture Organization, U.N. :
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903
Freedom-from-hunger, U.S. goals for, and participa-
tion in (Cleveland), 550
Food-for-Peace Program :
Accomplishments and value: Cleveland, 551; Harrl-
man, 509 ; Phillips, 934 ; Rusk, 437
Africa, assistance to (Williams), 502
President reports to Congress on, 6S3
Food program, world, U.S. support and efforts (Cleve-
land), 550
Ford Foundation. 977
Foreign Affairs Scholars Program (Rusk), 630
Foreign aid programs, U.S. («ee also Agency for In-
ternational Development, Economic and technical
aid and Peace Corps) :
Achievements of ( Bell ) , 830
Administration, problems of (Rusk), 436
1034
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Foreign nld program, U.S. — Continued
Appropriations nnd authorizations requests for FT
1965: Johnson, 510, 528; Manning, 435; Ruak,
686
Interdepartmental committee appointed to review,
128
Need for nnd objectives of: Johnson, 731; Manning,
703 ; Rusk. 103, 436; Williams, 0G4
President's economic report (excerpts), 218
U.S. and Japan to cooperate on aid programs for
Ryukyus. T."5
U.S. stake in ( Rusk ) , 434
Foreign Assistance Act of 1903, signed (Johnson ),2fl
Foreign investment task force, reports to the Presi-
dent. 804
Foreign Ministers of the American Republics, informal
meeting. 10
Foreign policy. U.S. :
Briefing conferences:
Editors and broadcasters. 549
National nongovernmental organizations, 877
Regional : Cleveland (Ohio), 899; Milwaukee, 424
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy,
lists. 27, 50, 90, 122, 184, 2(>3. 299, 349. 374, 404,
509, 555, 601, 631, 715, 843, 93(1. 970, 1001
Growth and U.S. world position (Ball), 123
Making of (Rusk), 104
NATO, major problems. 339
People's right to know (Manning), 868
Principles, objectives and problems: Johnson, 523;
Johnson, U. Alexis, 364 ; Rusk, 435, 817, 887, 957 ;
Rostow, 961
Role of local community in (Johnson), 746
Role of U.S. citizen: Crockett, 632; Louchheim, 592;
Manning. 791 : Rusk, 359
Soviet Treaty with East Germany, position on, 993
Tasks of the 1000's (Rostow), 807
Viet-Nam, criticism of policy in (Rusk), 404
Foreign relations :
Forciijn Relations, Japan, 1931-1911, 2 vols., released,
33
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951, Volume
VI, The American Republic, released, 33
Foreign Relations of the United States, 19j3, Volume
11, Europe, published, 985
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume
IV, The Near East and Africa, published, 882
Geopolitics and (I'earcy),318
Foreign securities, importance of an interest equali-
zation tax on (Johnson), 404
Foreign Service (see also State Department) :
Ambassadors: appointments and confirmations, 34,
104, 225, 209, 313, 429, 470, 684, 722, 805, 844,
946,985
Consul General, designation, Hong Kong, 313
Consulates established at : Blantyre, Nyasaland, and
Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, 145
Coordinator of the National Interdepartmental Semi-
nar, Foreign Service Institute, designation, 722
National Academy for Foreign Affairs, proposed, 462,
793
Foreign Service — Continued
Key Officers of the Foreign Service— Guide for
Businessmen, published, 41S
U.S. ambassadors and AID mission chiefs In Latin
America bold consultations, 540
Foreign Service institute (tee also National Academy
of Foreign Affairs), National Interdepartmental
Seminar Coordinator, designation, ~-2
Foreign trade. See Trade.
"Forward defense" nations, list of (McXamara), 895
Foster. William ('.. 111M03, 350, 370, 1004
Foulon, Robert C, 145
France :
Air cargo operations, I* S. and, 704
Commercial aviation dispute, i'.S. -France, 506
President <le Gaulle, See <le Gaulle, Charles
Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214
Treaties, agreements, etc., 83, 105, 226, 500, 555, 040
U.N. peacekeeping assessments, position toward
(Meeker), 800
U.S. regrets France's recognition of Communist
China, 2G0
U.S. relations (Rusk), 6
Fredericks, J. Wayne, 510, 513
Free-enterprise economy (Ball), 127
Free World :
Communism, struggle against: Pearcy, 323; Rusk,
391, 435, 814, 851
Confrontation between Communist and (Rusk), 275
Future of (Rusk), 812
Security and strength of (Rusk), 192, 851
Free World community, U.S.-Gerumn cooperation In, 74
Freedom, worldwide efforts for: Johnson, 954; Ros-
tow, 183 ; Rusk, 190. 438
Freedom Academy, proposal, questioned (Ilarrlman),
402
Freedom Commission, proposal, questioned (Ilarrl-
man), 462
Freedom-from-IIunger Campaign, goals and problems
of (Cleveland), 550
Freeman, Fulton, 429
"Freeze" proposal : Fisher, 756 : Foster, 350
Fulbrlght-IIays Act of 1901 (see also Educational ex-
change), 539
Fuller, Donald L., 985
Fur seals:
Conservation of North Pacific, protocol amending,
U.S.S.R., 514
Gabon :
Revolts In, 502
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354, 380, 945, 946
Gardner, Richard N., 20
Garin, Vasco Vielra, 662
GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on.
Gaud, William S., 429, 430
General advisory committee on foreign economic and
military assistance problems, appointed (John-
son), 522
General agreements on tariffs and trade. See Tariffs
and trade, general agreement on.
INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964
1036
General Assembly, U.N. :
Colonial and racial issues (Ball), 131
Documents, lists of, 68, 143, 267, 352, 467, 978, 1020
18th session, accomplishments of ( Stevenson), 130
International law and nonintervention, 133
Peacekeeping activities : Johnson, 2 ; Stevenson, 131
Role of (Kelly), 59
Sovereign equality of States, 264
Geneva Accords, violation of: Rusk, 191, 889; Steven-
son, 909
Geneva conventions (1949) relative to treatment of
prisoners of war, wounded and sick, armed forces,
and civilians in time of war : Nepal, 646
Geneva Disarmament Conference. See Eighteen-Na-
tion Disarmament Conference.
Gentile, G. Marvin, 470, 933
Geopolitics (Pearcy), 318
German Democratic Republic treaty with Soviet Union
(Johnson), 992
Germany, Federal Republic of :
Berlin. See Berlin.
East- West relations : Erhard, Johnson, 74 ; McGhee,
339, 488
German Development Aid Service, progress of (Er-
hard), 75
Liberalization of U.S. exports, 214, 906
NATO's current look at (McGhee) . 338
Reunification of : Johnson, 992 ; McGhee, 495
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 226, 313, 762, 882
U.S.-German relations : Erhard, Johnson, 74, 992
U.S. postwar aid ( Harriman ) , 508
Ghana :
Anti-American demonstrations, 502
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226, 269
Goding, M. Wilfred, 1007
Godley, G. McMurtie, 429
Goldfinger, Nathaniel, 640
Goldman, Eric Frederick, 164
Goldy, Daniel L., 56
Goulart, Joao, 48
Greece :
Death of King Paul ( Rusk ) , 439
Debt settlement agreement with U.S. signed, 934
Economic development and situation in : Harriman,
508 ; McNamara, 897
Educational exchanges with, 24, 69
Estate tax protocol, U.S. and Greece sign, 385
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 69, 226, 354, 1021
Greenland, agreement on joint financing of certain air
navigation services in : Pakistan, Switzerland, 69
Guatemala, treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226
Guerrilla warfare : Rostow, 499 ; Rusk, 391
Gursel, Gen. Cemal, 90
Haiti :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 662
Harriman, W. Averell, 459, 462, 485, 507
Harris, Michael S., 31
Haugerud, Howard E., 429
Health Organization, World. See World Health Or-
ganization.
Herter, Christian A., 671, 703, 749, 878
Hilsman, Roger, 11, 243, 293
Hirasawa, Kazushige, 40
Hoff, Philip H., 17
Hoffman. Mrs. Claire Giannini, 640
Holmes, Edward W., 145
Holy See, diplomatic relations, Vienna convention
(1961) on, 945
Honduras:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 538
Treaties, agreements, etc., 25. 312
Hong Kong, consul general, designation, 313
"Hot line," U.S.-Soviet direct communications link
(Rusk), 81
Hubbard, Mrs. Charlotte Moton, 844
Human rights (see also Racial discrimination) :
Human Rights Day, proclamation, 21
U.S. promotion of: Gardner, 22; Mann, 996; Rusk,
119
Human Rights, Universal Declaration of, 15th an-
niversary : Gardner, 20 ; Stevenson, 19
Human Rights Commission, 22
Hungary:
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 685
U.S. policy (Rusk), 394
Hussein I, King of Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, visit
of, 594, 697
IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International.
IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development.
ICAC. See International Cotton Advisory Committee.
ICAO. See International Civil Aviation Organization.
Iceland, treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 429, 602, 805,
1021
ICEM. See Intergovernmental Committee for Eu-
ropean Migration.
ICJ. See International Court of Justice.
IDA. See International Development Association.
ILO. See International Labor Organization.
Immigration (see also Visas) :
New legislation requested, 211
Nonimmigrant visa fees, abolition of, agreement with
Yugoslavia, 722
Quotas established for: Algeria, Uganda, Indonesia,
proclamation, 213 ; Malaysia, 212
Immigration and Nationality Act (Manning), 792
Immigration and Naturalization Service, praised
(Johnson), 212
Immigration laws:
Foreign and domestic implications of U.S.
(Schwartz), 675
History of (Schwartz), 677
Proposals for revision of ( Schwartz) , 680
Imperialism, Communist:
Attacks on ( Stevenson ) , 968
Reconvening of (Foster), 1005.
103G
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Import marking requirements, President disapproves
legislation on (Johnson), 129
Imports of meat, curbing of (Rusk), 444
India:
Cotton exports to U.S. (Nehmer), 97, 914
Kashmir dispute: Kelly, 61; Rusk, 83, 193, 441;
Stevenson, 425
Nehru, death of, 926
Third Five- Year Plan, Consortium to aid, 943
Treaties, agreements, etc., 103, 226, 762, 846, 914
D.S. aid to (Rusk), 193. 612
U.S. cooperation (Johnson), 960
U.S. scientific attache, appointed, 985
Indonesia :
Attorney General's visit, 239
Cease-fire order issued ( Kennedy, Robert F.) , 240
Immigration quota determined, 212
Relationship within ASA (Rusk), 572
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 428, 429, 846, 917
U.S. aid program (Rusk), 613
Indus Basin Development Fund, agreement supple-
menting the 1960 agreement re : Australia, Canada,
Germany, International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development, New Zealand, Pakistan, U.K.,
U.S., 882
Industrial property, convention (1883, as revised) for
protection of : Cameroon, 805 ; Gabon, 386 ; Mexico,
Norway, 805
Information activities :
Foreign affairs, importance of (Manning), 541
Protecting the National Security ( Manning) , 868
Viet-Nam situation, need for improved coverage
(Manning), 543
Interagency Committee on Export Expansion :
Coordinator, named, 56
Established, 25
Secretary of the Interior, to be a member of, 590
Inter-American Alliance for Progress :
Support the (Johnson), 521
U.S. representation on (Johnson), 521
Inter-American Development Bank :
Achievements of (Dillon), 717
Social progress trust fund agreement, 3S6
Inter-American Economic and Social Council, U.S. rep-
resentative appointed, 89
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, con-
vention and protocol amending: Brazil, 428
Inter-American Peace Committee :
Communique, 152, 156
Role of : Bunker, 300 ; Rusk, 196 ; Stevenson, 153
Inter- American systems (see also Organization of
American States) :
Castro's regime incompatible with (Rusk), 395
U.S. strategy within the (Ball), 740
Inter-American Tuna Commission. See under Fish
and fisheries.
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration :
Biannual Council Meeting, 21st session: U.S. dele-
gation, 843
International Atomic Energy Agency. See Atomic
Energy Agency, International
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment:
Articles of agreement, current actions: Kenya, 818
Consortium, 10th meeting, Washington : India, aid t",
943
Financial statement, 299
International Civil Aviation Organization. Bee under
Aviation : Treaties.
International CofTee Agreement:
Implementing legislation requested (Harriman), 459
Views on (Westerfield), 103
International commission for the scientific Investiga-
tion of tuna, convention for the establishment of,
313
International Commission of Jurists, Panama, report
on, by, 1000
International community :
Changes in (Rusk), 811
Interdependence of (Rusk), 811
International Control Commission :
Established (Rusk), 889
History of ( Stevenson) , 938
Misuse of veto power ( Stevenson) , 911
Special report on Viet-Nam (McNamara), 567
U.S. reconnaissance flights, information on, trans-
mitted to (Department), 994
International Cooperation Tear : Cleveland, 452 ; John-
son, 991
International Cotton Advisory Committee: U.S. delega-
tion, 977
International Court of Justice :
Opinion on U.N. finances (Chayes), 901
Role of (Kelly), 59
Statute of: Kenya, Zanzibar, 33; Somali Republic,
Uganda, 144 ; United Kingdom, 186
International Development Association :
Appropriation restored (Stevenson), 967
Articles of agreement: Chad, Congo (Brazzaville),
Gabon, Kenya, Laos, 354
Bill, signed, 935
Contributions to, recommended (Johnson), 521
Resources, increase in (Rusk), 403
International Labor Organization :
Constitution of, amendment, 269, 428
International law (see also International Court of Jus-
tice and Law of the sea) :
Principles of friendly relations among States: Kelly,
57, 264 ; Plimpton, 133
Responsibility of the individual (Louchheim), 592
U.S. protests Cuban vessels' violation of national
waters, 276
U.S. welcomes jurists' findings on Panama, 1000
International Monetary Fund. See Monetary Fund,
International
International organizations and conferences (*ee also
subject) :
Arms race, efforts to halt, 1005
Calendar of meetings, 28, 91, 185, 268, 353, 427, 5C0,
633, 716, 881
International Rubber Study Group, 17th meeting
(Toyko), U.S. delegation, 843
INDEX, JANUARY TO JTJNE 1064
10:17
Investment, foreign investment task force reports to
President, 804
Investment guaranty program :
Agreement with: Bolivia, 555; Kenya, 917; Sierra
Leone, 33; Somali Republic, 200; Sudan, 055
Investment of private capital abroad ; Africa, 104
Iran, treaties, agreements, etc., 1021
Iraq :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, C62
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 917
Ireland :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 853
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 186, 226, 429, 468
Visit of Eamon de Valera, President of the Repub-
lic of, 927
Israel :
Science, a force for peace (Johnson ) , 285
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 51, 105, 186, 226, 805
U.S. concludes textile agreement, 51
Views on matters of mutual interest, U.S. and Israel
exchange, 958
Visit of Prime Minister and Mrs. Eshkol to U.S., 959
Water program, U.S.-Israel's cooperation, 285, 1001
Italy :
President exchanges greetings with Prime Minister,
47
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226
U.S.-Italy discuss air relations, 628
Vaiont Dam disaster relief provisions, 803
Visit of President Segni to U.S., 196
Ivory Coast, treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 646
Jacobson, Jerome, 260
Jamaica :
Cotton textile imports (Nehmer), 97
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, 507
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 105, 144, 226, 646, 846,
882, 017
Japan :
Foreign Relations, Japan, 1981-1941, 2 vols., released,
33
Joint United States-Japan Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs ( Rusk ) , 42, 235
King crab fishery, consideration given to, 936
Meeting of cabinet officials, rescheduled, 183
New Year's greeting to ( Rusk ) , 40
Outlook for 1964 discussed (Rusk), 40
Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214, 906
Role as a major nation (Rusk), 193
Trade :
U.S.: Joint Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs (Rusk), 42, 235
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 685, 686, 762, 882, 985
U.S. relations with: Department, 755; Harriman,
508 ; Rusk, 230, 736
U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in OECD, 853
Use of natural resources, U.S. and Japan to ex-
change data on, 737
Jewish community in Soviet Union, 24
Johnson, G. Griffith, 410
Johnson, Lyndon B. :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Alliance for Progress, Third Anniversary of, 535
America as a Great Power, 726
Chamizal Convention, 49
Cyprus, peacekeeping force in, 465
D-Day, 20th anniversary of, 954
Disarmament conference, efforts to halt arms race,
1005
Eigbteen-Nation Disarmament Conference, 103
Export expansion and balauce-of-payments, 663
Fishing by foreign vessels in U.S. territorial wa-
ters. 936
Foreign aid programs interdepartmental commit-
tee appointed, 128
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. 26
General Assembly, U.N., accomplishments and
problems of, 2
Great world society, building of, 090
International Development Association bill signed,
935
Local community and world affairs, 746
Marshall, George C, Research Library, dedica-
tion of, 922
National security and world responsibilities, 950
NATO, a Growing Partnership, 606
Peace, quest for, 576
Public Advisory Committee for Trade Negotia-
tions, 749
Science, a Force for Peace, 285
State of the Union (excerpt), 110
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development, 636
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, greetings
to, 509
U.S. marks final day of mourning for John F.
Kennedy, 39
U.S. policy in Southeast Asia, basic themes out-
lined, 953
U.S.-Soviet Union sign consular convention, 979
Correspondence and messages :
Brazil :
Greetings to new president of, 609
Pledge of continued cooperation, 47
Cyprus :
Exchange of messages with General Cemal
Gursel,90
Reply to Soviet Union on, 446
Import marking requirements, memorandum of
disapproval re legislation on, 129
India, congratulations to Prime Minister on elec-
tions, 960
Italy, exchange of greetings, 47
Kenya, greetings on independence of, 18
Latin American policy, 9
Nehru, death of, letter to President on, 926
New Year's greetings to Soviet leaders, 121
Zanzibar, greetings on independence of, 17
Executive orders. See Executive orders.
1038
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Johnson, Lyndon B. — Continued
Meetings uiili :
Heads of state mid offiicals of, remarks find Joint
communiques; Burundi, DOC; Germany, 7-1, 092;
Ireland, 027; Israel, l»r»i> ; Jordan, 607; Latin
America, 8.">4 ; Mexico, 89, 31)0, 399, 401; United
Kingdom, 836
Messages, letters and reports to Congress:
Budget message, FY moo (excerpts), 218
Economic report (excerpts) , 1222
Equalization tax, support of, 404
Food-for-Peaee program, l'.L. 480, C83
Foreign aid, 518
North Atlantic Council, 29
State of the Union. 110
Viet-Nam, aid to, 891
Proclamations. See Proclamations.
TV interview (excerpts), 023
Johnson, U. Alexis, 208, 304
Joint United States-Canadian Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs:
Joint communique, 770
9th meeting, Ottawa, 775
U.S. delegation, 070
Joint United States-Japan Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs: (Rusk), 42, 235; meeting re-
scheduled, 183
Jordan :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 469
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429
Visit of Hussein I, King of the Hashemite Kingdom,
594, 097
Journalism :
Coverage of foreign affairs (Manning), 541, 868
Protecting the national security (Manning), 808
Kabnnda, Celestin, 830
Kalb, Marvin, 5
Kashmir dispute : Kelly, 61 ; Rusk, 83, 193, 441 ; Steven-
son, 425
Kelly, Edna F., 57, 264
Kennedy, John F. :
Assassination (Johnson), 2
Human rights (cited), 20
Impressions of (Rusk), 4
Problems confronting (Rostow), 866
U.S. marks final day of mourning (Johnson), 39
Kennedy, Robert F. : TV interview, transcript of, 239
"Kennedy round" (see also Tariffs and trade, general
agreement on : International negotiations, 1904 and
Trade) :
Advantages to less developed countries, 223, 411
Objectives of : Hilsman, 295 ; Rusk, 814
Opportunities to liberalize trade (Nichols), 416
Public Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations,
appointed, 457
Tariff cuts across the board, 636
Trade of developed countries: Johnson, G. Griffith,
411 ; Rusk, 654
Kenya :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 662
Immigration quota determined, 828
Independence, congratulations on (Johnson), 17
Treaties, agreements, etc, :«, 221;, 200, 854, 12s, 7C.2,
805,843,017, 1021
Troop mutinies in (Williams), 502
United Nations, membership in, .'',2
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 12'.)
Ecu Officers 0/ the Foreign Bervice — Guide for /}u.»t-
netsmen, published, 413
Khanh, Nguyen :
Appointed chairman of council, 239
Government under, 508
New economic and social programs: McNamara, 568;
Rusk, 890; White House, 523
Khrushchev, Nikita, 82, 121, 158, 195, 447
Kltzlnger, Uwe, 810
Kohler, Fo.v D., 451
Korea, North, U.S. trade policy, 474
Korea, Republic of:
Conflict, U.N. role (Cleveland), 623
Exchange rate system, reform in (Rusk), 830
Friendship for U.S. (Rusk), 736
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 226, 002, 985
U.S. aid program (Harriman), 508
U.S. armed forces in, progress of negotiations on
status of, 238
Koren, Henry L. T., 684
Kotschnig, Walter M., 470
Krulak, Victor, 46
Kuwait, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 429
Labor :
International Labor Organization, constitution of,
amendment of, 269, 428
Migrant labor, agreement with Mexico, 106
Labor Organization, International, constitution of,
amendment of, 209, 428
Laos:
Foreign forces in, withdrawal of: Rusk, 888; Steven-
son, 911
Geneva accords, violations of: Rusk, 191, 612, 887;
Stevenson, 910
Government of, support of : Department, 703 ; Rusk,
889
Independence and neutrality of:
Maintaining (Stevenson), 910
U.S.-Soviet support (Rusk), 888
Issues in (Rusk), 887
Situation in, and U.S. objectives: Rusk, 403, 446;
Stevenson, 910
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354, 428, 805
U.S. reconnaissance flights over, 994
Larsen-Davis survey report, 976
Latin America (see also American Republics, Inter-
American, Organization of American States, Pan-
American Union and individual countries) :
Communism, target for (Ball), 738
Cuban terrorism and aggression In : Rostow, 499 ;
Rusk, 191, 391
INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964
1039
Latin America — Continued
Doctrine of nonintervention (Mann) , 998
Economic and social development (see also Alliance
for Progress), progress and problems: Harrl-
man, 508; Johnson, 9, 89, 855; Mann, 857;
Rostow, 496
Meetings, joint, re U.S.-AID policy in, 540
Strengthening ties with Western Europe (Rusk), 409
U.S. housing investments in (Johnson ), 521
U.S. position in : Johnson, 729 ; Mann, 995
Law of the sea (see also Continental shelf, Fish and
fisheries, Geneva conventions and Safety of life at
sea ) , conventions on, 845, 882, 946
Lawyers and newsmen (Manning), 868
Lebanon, treaties, agreements, etc., 226
Lehman, Orin, 640
Less developed countries (see also Newly developed
nations) :
Economic and social development (see also Economic
and technical aid and Economic and social de-
velopment) : Johnson, 636; Rostow, 179, 964;
Rusk, 392, 435, 437
North-South relations (Ball), 659
Private enterprise, functions of (Rostow), 499
U.S. role and policies: Ball, 635; Harriman, 508;
Johnson, 731 ; Johnson, G. Grifiith, 414 ; Rostow,
965 ; Rusk, 435, 438
Liberia :
Educational progress (Williams), 504
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 829, 946
U.S. and Liberia sign agreements on Free Port of
Monrovia and expansion of educational and cul-
tural programs, 829
Libya, Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336
Liechtenstein, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 945, 946
Linowitz, Sol M., 67
L6pez Mateos, Adolfo, meeting with President John-
son, 89, 396
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie, 347, 591
Lozano, Ignacio E., Jr., 703
Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, consulate established, 145
Luxembourg, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 602, 762
Macomber, William B., Jr., 430
Madagascar. See Malagasy Republic.
Malagasy Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105,
354, 429, 646, 762
Malaya :
ASA relationship (Rusk), 572
U.S. role and views (Rusk ) , 334, 443
Malaysia :
Attorney General Kennedy's visit, 239
Economic progress ( Rusk ) , 737
Guerrilla activity (Kennedy, R. F.), 241
Immigration quotas determined, 212
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 762, 917
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429
Manila Pact (see also Southeast Asia Treaty Organ-
ization), purpose of (Rusk), 734
Mann, Thomas C, 9, 34, 89, 152, 857, 995
Manning, Robert J., 541, 791, 868
Maphilindo, possibility of, for strengthening regional
relationships (Rusk), 572
Marriage, convention (1962) on : Cuba, Czechoslovakia.
Denmark, Italy, New Zealand, Rumania. 602
Marshall, George C, Research Library, dedication of,
922
Marshall Plan, 508, 617
Martin, Edwin M., 34, 50, 226
Martin, Paul, 68, 201, 205, 685
Mathews, Elbert G., 470
Mauritania, Islamic Republic of:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 830
Treaties, agreements, etc., 685
McClellan, Harold Chadwick, 1000
McCloskey, Robert J., 284
McCone, John A., 46
McGhee, George C, 338, 488
Mcllvaine, Robinson, 722
McNamara, Robert S., 4n, 46, 562, 705, 744, 893
Meeker, Leonard C, 797
Merchant, Livingston T., 448
Merry del Val y Alzola, Alfonso, 899
Meteorological observation program, cooperative, agree-
ment with Mexico, 429
Meteorological Organization, World. See World Meteo-
rological Organization
Meteorological satellites, U.N. and U.S. programs :
Cleveland, 454 ; Stevenson, 618
Mexican-United States Parliamentarians Conference,
Washington, 4th meeting (Rusk), 449
Mexico :
Chamizal convention enters into force, 186
Chamizal convention, U.S. ratifies, 49
Economic and social development (Rostow), 497
Migrant labor, agreement with U.S., 106
Treaties, agreements, etc., 49, 69, 106, 145, 186, 226,
269, 313, 386, 429, 722, 805, 882, 944
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429
U.S.-Mexican relations : Johnson, L6pez Mateos, 89,
396 ; Rusk, 449
Microphones, in walls of U.S. Embassy at Moscow
(Gentile), 933
Middle East. See Near and Middle East
Migrant labor, agreement with Mexico, 106
Military assistance (see also Mutual Defense) :
Agreements with : Argentina, 1021 ; Cambodia, 946 ;
Dominican Republic, 1021
Appropriations recommended for FY 1965 : John-
son, 519 ; McNamara, 705
China (Phillips), 934; Germany (Erhard, Johnson),
75
Military policy, U.S.: McGhee, 491, 494; McNamara.
894 ; Rusk, 391
Ming, Duong Van, 121
Miske, Ahmed Baba Ould Ahmed, 830
Missiles :
Cuba, Soviet supply to, 491
Deterrent to nuclear war (McNamara), 896
1040
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Missiles — Continued
NATO multilateral force (MLF). See under North
Atlantic Treaty Organization
Polaris. See Polaris missile
Soviet Union program (Fisher), 750
MLF. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization: Nu-
clear force, multilateral
Monaco, treaties, agreements, etc., 226
Monetary Fund, International:
Articles of agreement ; Cuba, 722 ; Kenya, 313
Assistance to : Brazil, U.A.R., 103
Foreign currencies, U.S., borrows, 407
Monroe's Declaration of 1S23 (Mann), 997
Moreno, Miguel J., Jr., 830
Moro. Aldci, 17
Morocco :
Dispute with Algeria: Kelly, 60; Rusk, 83; Wil-
liams, 502
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226
Moscoso, Teodoro, 89, 104
Mossman, James, 816
Mozambique, potential trouble spot, 502
Mutual defense and assistance programs, 1965
(Rusk), 595
Mutual defense assistance agreement : Belgium, 602
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of
1961 (Fulbright-HaysAct),24
Mwambutsa IV, King of Burundi, 900
Nabwera, Burudi, 602
NAC. See North Atlantic Council
Narcotics. See Drugs, narcotic
National Academy of Foreign Affairs, proposed, views
on : Harriman, 462 ; Manning, 793
National defense and security :
Expenditures, economic impact, 120
Relationship of U.S. military assistance programs
to ( McXamara ) , 898
National Export Expansion Coordinator, appointed, 50
National Institute of Administration, training of civil
servants ( McXamara ) , 563
National Interdepartmental Seminar, Coordinator, des-
ignated, 722
National Review Board, proposed, 976
Nationalism : Eastern Europe ( Harriman ) , 485 ; emerg-
ing nations (Rostow),579
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Natural resources, U.S. and Japan to exchange data
on, 737
Ndenzako, Leon, 18
Near and Middle East (see also individual countries),
U.S. policy in (Johnson, U. Alexis), 208
Near East and Africa, Foreign Relations, volume on,
publised, 882
Nehrner, Stanley, 96
Nehru, Jawaharlal, death of, 926
Xepal, treaties, agreements, etc., 354, 640
Xetherlands :
Peacekeeping force, national military establishment
earmarked for (Meeker), 801
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, ISO, 220, 313
Neustadt, Richard, 816
Neutrality :
Problems of: Cambodia (Ilusk), 572; Laos (Steven-
Bon),910; Viet-Nam (Rusk), 489
U.S. views mi ( Johnson i, r>27
New York World's Fair, proclamation, 822
New Zealand :
Civil aviation talks by U.S., 549
.Meat agreement concluded with U.S., 380
Treat les, ML-reements, etc., 105, 220, 380, 549, 002, 882
Newbegin. Robert, 709
Newly Independent nations (see also Less developed
countries) :
U.S. policy and relations : Ball, 059 ; Johnson, 731
World responsibilities (Ball), 288
Nicaragua, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 313
Xichols, Clarence W., 410
Niger :
Tensions between Dahomey and (Rusk), 83
Treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 702
Nigeria :
Economic development (Williams), 504
Treaties, agreements, etc., 409, 002
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 470
Nimmanheminda, Sukich, 18
Nongovernmental organizations :
Foreign policy conference, 877
Role in aid programs (Rusk) 438
Nonrecognition of Communist China (Hilsman),15
Non-self-governing territories :
African issues at the U.N. (Williams), 751
Trust Territory of Pacific Islands, 1007
Nordic countries, peacekeeping force (Meeker) , 801
North Africa, U.S. aids economic development (Harri-
man), 508
North and South, structural relationships between
(Ball), 058
North Atlantic Council :
Ministerial meetings :
The Hague (1904), texts of statement and com-
munique, 850; U.S. delegation, 853
Paris (1903) : message from President Johnson, 29 ;
text of communique, 30 ; U.S. delegation, 31
North Atlantic Ocean stations, 1954 agreement on:
Pakistan, 09
North Atlantic Treaty : Johnson, 006 ; Rusk, 192, 650
North Atlantic Treaty Organization :
Achievements of : McGhee, 337 ; Rusk, 850
Conventional armed forces, strengthening of (Rusk),
442
Council of. See North Atlantic Council
European unity : Ball, 291, 662 ; Rusk, 192, Smith, 790
Growing partnership (Johnson), 600
International affairs, U.S. policy in (Johnson, U.
Alexis), 304
Military policy:
Consultations on (Smith, Gerald C), 785
Interdependence in : BaU, 823 ; Tyler, 780
INDEX, JANUARY TO JTJNE 1964
1041
North Atlantic Treaty Organization — Continued
Nuclear force, multilateral :
Missile fleet (Rusk), 575, 651
Proposed ( Johuson, U. AU-xis), 3G8
Soviet Union objection (Rusk), 82
Support for (Ball), 826
U.S. position and views: Ball, S26; Rusk, 192, 812,
819; Smith, G. C, 785
Western Europe-U.S. situation (Rusk), 575
Objectives and commitments: Ball, 828; Johnson, U.
Alexis, 342: Rostow, 580; Rusk, 40; Tyler, 770
Political consultation within (Rusk), 652
U.S. support (Johnson), 29
North Pacific fur seals, protocol amending interim con-
vention on conservation of: Japan, CS5 ; U.S., 269,
428, 805;U.S.S.R., 514
Northwest Atlantic fisheries. See under Fish and fish-
eries
Norway, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 539, 555,
805, 917
N. S. Savannah, agreements with Norway, use of porta
and territorial waters, 917
Nuclear defense or deterrent :
NATO and Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization: Nuclear force, multilateral
New weapons (Johnson), 951; McNamara, 896
U.S. power of (Rusk), 391
Nuclear energy (see also Atomic energy, peaceful uses
of):
Fast neutron reactors, U.S. and EURATOM to co-
operate on, 941
U.S.-Israel cooperative research (Johnson), 2S5
Nuclear research and training:
Limitation on (Fisher), 758
Programs, agreement re Argentina, 269
Nuclear test ban :
Ban on tests in atmosphere, outer space and un-
derwater : McGhee, 493 ; Rusk, 81, 194
Safeguards, joint review on limited, 337, 744
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 69, 144, 186, 269, 313,
380, 469, 555. 046, 085, 805, 846, 917, 985
Nuclear war, U.S. efforts to abolish (Johnson), 990
Nuclear weapons :
"Freeze" proposals: Fisher, 750; Foster, 350, 370;
Rusk, 194
NATO nuclear force. See under North Atlantic
Treaty Organization
Polish proposals on, in Central Europe (Rusk), 442
Preventing dissemination of: Foster, 376; Johnson,
4 ; McGhee, 495 ; Rusk, 407, 496, 611
Nuclear weapons tests :
Inspection and control of, U.S. proposal and posi-
tion (Fisher), 756
Nyasaland :
Consulate established at Blantyre, 145
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145
OAS. See Organization of American States
OAU. See Organization of African Unity
Observation station, agreement on, 33
Odendaal Commission, 754
OECD. See Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development
Oil:
Petroleum agreement of 1964, Korea, 985
Pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for preven-
tion of, with annexes : Algeria, 269 ; Denmark,
1021; Netherlands, 186; Spain, 313; U.S., 428;
Venezuela, 186
Oliver, Covey T., 805
O'Meara, Andrew P., 152
O'Neill, Michael, 330
Opium. See under Drugs, narcotic
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment:
Deputy Secretary General, appointment (Harris),
31
Development Assistance Committee. See Develop-
ment Assistance Committee
Goals of (Tyler), 781
U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in, 853
Organization of African Unity:
Aims and accomplishments of: Kelly, 60; Williams,
503, 752
Organization of American States:
Action and efforts against subversive activities
( Rusk ) , 86, 191, 395, 408, 813
Control of travel to Cuba, 10
Council meeting on U.S.-Panama dispute, text of
resolution, 304
Cuban crisis, role and efforts (Rusk), 445
Report condemning Castro regime for acts of ag-
gession against Venezuela (Rusk), 408
Role of, in Panama dispute: Bunker, 301; Rusk, 613;
Stevenson, 153
U.S. Ambassador, appointed, 143, 225
Oswald, Lee, 572
Outer space (see also Satellites), 453, 493
P.L. 480. See Agricultural surpluses and Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act
Pacific community :
Australia, participation of, in (Hilsman), 250
Trade and development ( Hilsman ) , 293, 299
Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the, U.S. administra-
tion of : Goding, 100S ; Remengesau, 1018
Pakistan :
Kashmir dispute: Kelly, 61; Rusk, 83, 193, 441;
Stevenson, 425
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105, 226, 3S6, 762, 882,
917
U.S. aid (Rusk), 193
Palmer, Joseph II, 105
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1964,
proclamation, 450
Pan American Union :
Funds made available under Alliance for Progress,
agreement modifying and supplementing, 386
U.S. representative appointed to meeting of Inter-
American Economic and Social Council, 89
1042
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BrTLLETTW
Panama :
Ambassador to U.S.. credentials, 830
Diplomatic relations with, reestablished (Johnson),
655
President Johnson and President L6pez Mateos hold
talks, 311(5
Treaties, agreements, ete., 166, 186, 220
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 68 1
U.S. position on : Johnson, 105 ; Rusk, 335
U.S.-Panama dispute: Banker, 300; Department,
1000; Johnson, 537; Rusk, 274, 407, 440, 613;
Stevenson, 153
Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 106
Park, Chung Hee, 238
Passports, special validation for travel to Cuba, 10
Pastor de la Torre, Celso, 336
Patents, mutual safeguarding of secrecy of Inventions
for defense, agreement with Federal Republic
of Germany, 144
Pathet Lao, 887
Peace :
Peacekeeping role of U.N. : Chayes, 800 ; Kelly, 61 ;
Meeker, 797, 802 ; Rusk, 116, 532 ; Stevenson, 370,
940, 969
Prospects for (Rusk) , 45, 81, 85, 193, 282
U.S. commitment to: Johnson, 4, 337, 952, 954; Rusk,
532 ; Stevenson, 967
Peace Corps :
Expansion (Johnson), 75
Increased appropriation requested (Johnson), 76,
198
German Development Aid Service (Erhard), 75
Success of (Rusk), 438
Peaceful coexistence :
Sino-Soviet dispute (Rusk), 5, 85
Soviet policy (Rusk), 812
Peaceful world, ruled by law : Mann, 998; Rusk, 887
Peacekeeping operations, U.N. See under United
Nations
Pearcy, G. Etzel, 318
Pearson, Lester B., 199
Peru:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 429, 917
Petroleum. See Oil.
Philippines:
ASA relationship with (Rusk), 572
Attorney General Kennedy's visit, 239
Cotton textile agreement, U.S. concludes, 388
Mutual security pact with (Rusk), 733
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 383, 429, 917, 946
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 946
Phillips, Richard I., 744, 934
Phouma, Souvanna, 62, 888, 889
Pipeline, Haines-Fairbanks, agreement re winter main-
tenance, Canada, 640
Plaine des Jarres, tripartite meeting at, military at-
tacks on neutralist forces (Rusk ) , 889
Plimpton, Francis T. P., 133
Poats, Rutherford M.,684
Poland :
Agricultural commodities agreements, U.S. and
Poland, 308
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, restored, 480,
626
Nuclear armaments, proposals for a freeze on (Rusk),
412
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 30S. 313
U.S. policy toward : Department, ti2i; ; ilarrlman, 508;
Johnson, 720 ; Rusk, 304
Polaris missiles:
Role in NATO defense (Smith), 780
Strength of (Johnson), 951
Political rights, women, convention on political rights
for, Madagascar, 640
Political Year of the Quiet Sun. 452
Pollution of sea by oil, international convention (1051)
with annexes, for prevention of: Algeria, 269;
Denmark, 1021; Netherlands, ISO; Spain, 313;
U.S., 428 ; Venezuela, 186
Portugal :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 602
Treaties, agreemeuts, etc., 105, 220, 269, 685 ; 680
Postal convention, universal, with final protocol, an-
nex, regulations of execution and provisions re
airmail : Laos, 805 ; Uganda, 469 ; Venezuela, 805
Postal Union of the Americas and Spain, convention
of, final protocol, and regulations of execution, cur-
rent action, Guatemala, Panama, 220
Poverty, war on: Ball, 125; Johnson, 523, 701, 991;
Louchheim, 593 ; Stevenson, 620
Presidency, responsibilities of the (Johnson), 529
Presidential messages, letters and reports. See under
Johnson, Lyndon B.
President's Science Advisory Committee, 933
Press, the :
Freedom and management of news (Manning), 041
Obligations of government and ( Manning ) , 874
Protecting the national security (Manning), 808
Prisoners, Geneva conventions relative to treatment
of prisoners of war, Nepal, 640
Proclamations by the President :
Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day (3503), 21
Immigration quotas for : Algeria, Uganda, Indonesia
(3570), 213; Kenya (3587), 829; Malaysia
(3509), 212
New York World's Fair (3588), 822
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1904
(3570), 450
United Nations Day, 1904 (3590), 803
World Trade Week, 1904 (3591), 935
Project High Noon, program of research, agreement
with Australia, 180
Property :
Austrian property rights and interests, agreement
re: U.S., 429, 514, 917, 940; entered Into force,
917
Industrial, convention (1883) for protection of, Cam-
eroon, 805
Protocol, function of, 344
INDEX, JANTJART TO JUNE 1964
1043
Public Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations :
Established, 506
Members appointed, 457
Publications :
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy,
lists, 27, 56, 90, 122, 184, 263, 299, 349, 373, 464,
509. 555, 601, 631, 715, 843, 936, 976, 1001
State Department :
American Foreign Policy: Current Documents,
1960, 806
Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931-1941, 2 vols., re-
leased, 33
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Vol-
ume VI, The American Republics, released, 33
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1948, Vol-
ume II, Europe, published, 985
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Vol-
ume IV, The Near East and Africa, published,
882
Key Officers of the Foreign Service— Guide for
Businessmen, 415
Lists of recent releases, 34, 69, 106, 145, 270, 314,
430, 470, 558, 686, 806, 917, 986, 1022
Treaties in Force, 270
United Nations, lists of current documents, 67, 143,
267, 307, 352, 467, 513, 645, 978, 1020
Punta del Este, charter of: Johnson, 10, 855; Mann,
857 ; Rostow, 497, 500 ; Rusk, 84
Racial discrimination (see also Human rights) :
Apartheid : Rusk, 193 ; Stevenson, 92 ; Williams, 753
Effect on foreign policy : Ball, 124 ; Stevenson, 620
IntheO.S. (Rusk), 6, 629
Issues (Rusk), 815
Radio regulations (1959) , annexed to 1959 international
telecommunication convention. See under Tele-
communication convention (1959)
Reconnaissance flights, U.S., over Laos, 994
Red Sea, international agreement re maintenance
of certain lights in: Netherlands, 313; U.S., 428,
555, 686
Redeen, Robert L., 330
Refugees and displaced persons, U.S. assistance to
(Schwartz), 678
Remengesau, Thomas, 1018
Rhodesia, Southern :
Potential trouble spot, 502
Portuguese- African problem in (Williams), 753
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of:
Consulate established at Lusaka, 145
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145
Rice, Edward Earl, 313
Road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on temporary
importation, Jamaica, 144
Roosevelt, Eleanor (cited), 20, 22
Roosevelt, Theodore (cited), 997
Roosevelt Campobello International Park:
Establishment proposed, 206
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226
Rostow, W. W., 177, 251, 496, 578, 864, 961
Rubber Study Group, International, 843
Rumania :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 602
U.S. policy : Rusk, 394 ; Stevenson, 23
U.S.-Rumania mutual relations, 924
Rwanda, Republic of :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 830
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 313, 917, 985, 1021
Uprising in, 502
Ryukyu Islands :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 9S5
U.S. and Japan to cooperate on aid programs, 755
Rusk, Dean :
Addresses, remarks, and statements :
Atlantic Alliance, 650
Atlantic and European Unity, 810
Berlin wall, 84
Central Treaty Organization, 12th ministerial coun-
cil session, 766
Comments on Korean exchange rate system reform,
830
Communist countries, U.S. treatment of, 390
Cuba, U.S. relations with, 84
Disputes, settlement of, 82
Disarmament, U.S. interest in, 82
East-West trade, 474
Education for citizenship in the modern world,
358
Equal employment opportunity, 629
European situation, impression of, 4
Foreign aid program, misconceptions about, 595
Freedom, struggle for, 190
Kennedy, John F., impressions of, 4
Laos, situation in, 403, 446, 886
National interest (1964), 955
NATO, multilateral nuclear force, 82
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 81
Outlook for 1964, 40
Peace, prospects for, 81, 530
Sino-Soviet dispute, 194
TV interviews, transcripts of, 4, 40, 164, 816
United Nations, first 25 years, 112
U.S. foreign policy, no relaxation in, 83
U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in OECD, 853
U.S.-Soviet direct communications link, 81
Viet-Nam, situation in, 403
Visit to: Korea, 238; South Viet-Nam, 694; Tai-
wan, 694
Voice of America, interview, 81, 330
Western Pacific, situation in the, 732
Wheat, U.S. sale of, to Soviet Union, 81
Meetings :
NAC ministerial meeting, Paris, U.S. representa-
tive, 31
North Atlantic Council, The Hague, statement and
communique, 850
SEATO, Council of Ministers, 9th meeting at
Manila. 690
News conferences, transcripts of, 81, 83, 274, 403,
439, 570, 608
1044
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Sabrl, Hussaln Zulflqar, 54
SACEUR. See Supreme Allied Commander Europe
Safety of life at sea, convention on : Algeria, 269, 313
Sanz de Santamarla, Carlos, 536
Satellites :
Communications satellites. See Communications
satellites
Meteorological satellites. See Meteorological satel-
lites
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Experimental communications satellites, Canada,
354
Ionospheric research, joint program, agreement for,
Canada, 8S2
Space vehicle tracking and communication station :
Malagasy Republic, 69
Tracking and data acquisition station, re establish-
ment of : Spain, 313
Saudi Arabia :
Diplomatic relations resumed with United Arab Re-
public (Rusk), 439
Treaties, agreements, etc., 386
Schroeder, Gerhard, 74
Science (see also Atomic energy, Cultural relations,
Nuclear research, and Satellites) :
Exchange of scientific information, U.S.-Japan, 737
Exploration and research, international coopera-
tion : Johnson, 151, 401 ; Stevenson, 618
Research and development program (Cleveland),
454
Role of (Johnson) , 285, 952, 991
U.S. attach^ appointed to India, 985
U.S.S.R., agreement on exchanges with, 429
Welzmann Institute of Science, 285
Wiesner, Jerome B., visits Soviet Union, 933
Seaborg, Glenn T., 744, 942
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
Secretary of State ( see also Rusk, Dean ) , role of, 164
Secretary of the Interior, named to Export Expansion
Committee, 590
Security Council, U.N. :
Apartheid in South Africa condemned, 92
Cambodia- Viet-Nam border incident (Stevenson),
937, 1002
Canal Zone incident, 153
Cyprus, peacekeeping force in, resolution, 466
Documents, lists of, 67, 307, 467, 513, 645, 978
Kashmir dispute, U.S. views on, 425
Role of : Kelly, 59 ; Stevenson, 940
Segni, Antonio, 196
Seidman, Bertrand, 640
Self-determination :
Africa (Williams), 752
Germany ( Johnson ), 992
Senegal, treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 514, 762, 985
Shastri, Lai Bahadur, 960
Ships and shipping :
Cuba:
Fishing vessels in U.S. territorial waters (Rusk),
277
Ships and shipping— Continued
Cuba — Continued
U.S. shipping on ships used in Cuban trade, bar
on, 10
Dual-rate shipping contracts, talks concluded on, !tl3
Fishing by foreign vessels In U.S. territorial watera
prohibited, 936
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Red Sea, international agreement re maintenance
of certain lights in: Netherlands, 813; U.S.,
428, 555, 686
Safety of life at sea, convention (1960) on : Algeria,
269, 313
Welland Canal, suspension of tolls on, Canada, 685
Sierra Leone :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 469
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 269
Sino-Soviet dispute :
U.S. views : Hilsman, 246 ; Meeker, 798 ; Rusk, 5, 194,
613, 614, 737
World Communist movement, leadership of : McGhee,
490; Rusk, 392, 737, 818
Slavery convention (1926), as amended: Algeria, 226;
Madagascar, 646
Smith, Gerald C, 783, 805
Social progress trust fund agreement, protocol to, 386
Somali Republic :
Border issue with Ethiopia : Rusk, 83 ; Williams, 562
Technical cooperation, agreement extending, 186
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 186, 269, 469
South Africa :
Apartheid in, condemned (Stevenson), 92
Commission of Inquiry, 754
Potential trouble spot ( Williams ) , 502
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 762
South Africa and Territory of South-West Africa,
treaties, agreements, etc., 226
South and Southeast Asia. See Asia
South and South-West Africa, problems in (Williams),
753
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization :
Council of Ministers, 9th meeting (Manila) :
Communique and statement (Rusk), 690
U.S. delegation to, 577
Mutual security pact with (Rusk), 733
Soviet Union (see also Communism) :
Agriculture in (Harriman), 507
Cultural exchange agreement between U.S. and,
451, 493
Cyprus situation, Soviet letter on, 447
Detention of U.S. convoy on autobahn (U.S. and
Soviet notes), 8
Economic growth of (Ball) , 126
Human rights practices, 24
Information on Lee Oswald furnished (Rusk) , 572
Military budget reduced, 494
Military establishment in (Rusk), 812
Nuclear war, avoiding of (Rusk), 41, 392
Nuclear war, capability of ( Rusk ) , 5
Peaceful solution of East- West issues, 88
Spying by U.S. aircraft, charges by (Rusk), 574
INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964
1045
Soviet Union — Continued
Summit meetings, U.S. position on (Rusk), 6
Trade, U.S. policy on (Rusk), 331, 443, 476
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226. 423, 429, 514, 722
Treaty of friendship with German Democratic Re-
public, 902
United Nations, peacekeeping operations, position
toward : Chayes, 901 ; Meeker, 800
U.S. relations with : Hilsman, 15 ; Johnson, 727 ; Rusk,
6
U.S.-Soviet Union consular convention, 946, 979
Visit of Dr. Wiesner to, 933
Wheat, U.S. sale of, to : Harriman, 507 ; Rusk, 81
Space. See Outer space and Satellites
Spain :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 899
Cotton textile imports (Nehmer),97
Trade with Cuba (Rusk), 445
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 313, 646
Spanish Provinces of Africa, treaties, agreements, etc.,
226
Specialized agencies, U.N., provisions similar to arti-
cle 19 (Chayes), 903
Standing Committee on Cinematography, U.S.-U.S.S.R.
Joint members to meet, 877
State Department {see also Agency for International
Development, Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, Foreign Service, and Peace Corps) :
Advisers named to U.S. delegation to U.N. Trade Con-
ference, 640
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob-
lems, member appointed (McClellan), 1000
Appointments and designations, 34, 104, 105, 225, 269,
313, 426, 429, 430, 470, 640, 684, 722, 805, 843,
844, 1000
Assistant Secretary of State, confirmation (Mann),
34
Assistant Secretary of State, confirmation (Bundy),
470
Budget, FY 1965, requests (Rusk), 836
Coordinator of the National Interdepartmental
Seminar, Foreign Service Institute, designation
(Mcllvaine),722
Foreign policy briefing conferences. See under For-
eign policy
Functions re international discussions and disputes
(Rusk), 274,283
T.L. 480, supports 5-year extension, 509
Publications. See under Publications
Security in (Rusk), 575
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Multi-
lateral Force Negotiations, with personal rank
of Ambassador, designation ( Smith ) . 805
State of the Union (excerpts) (Johnson ), 110
Status-of -forces negotiations, progress of, 238
Stevenson, Adlai E. :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Apartheid, U.S. views on, 92
Cambodia-Vlet-Nam incident, 907, 937. 1002
Cuba, report to D.N. on fishing boat incident, 279
Cyprus, peacekeeping force, 374, 465
Stevenson, Adlai E. — Continued
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued
Human Rights, Universal Declaration of, 15th an-
niversary, 19
Kashmir dispute, 425
Panama dispute, 153
Peace and security, strengthening the machinery
of, 966
U.N. General Assembly, 18th session, accomplish-
ments of, 130
U.N. membership for Kenya and Zanzibar, 32
■World leadership, anatomy of, 615
Subversive activities. See under Communism
Sudan:
Economic development, 504
Treaties, agreements, etc., 555, 646
Sugar, international sugar agreement (1958), 269, 428
Sukarno, Achmed, 240
Sullivan, William H., 46
Supreme Allied Commander Europe :
Missiles, MLF, control of (Smith), 787
Sweden :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 105, 145, 226
Switzerland, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 188,
226, 354. 429, 917
Sylvester, Arthur, 46
Syrian Arab Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 269,
9S5
Tanganyika :
Economic development (Williams), 504
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 722
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on :
Agreements, declarations, proces-verbal and proto-
cols:
Accessions to, current actions on :
Argentina, provisional: Cyprus, 354; Dahomey,
105, 354; Denmark, Finland, France, Italy,
105; Madagascar, 354 j Netherlands, Norway,
105 ; Senegal. 762 : Sweden, 105
Iceland, Interim agreement revising schedule I,
effective date, 1021
Israel: Malaysia, 762
Portugal : Pakistan, 105
Spain: Brazil, European Economic Community
and Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,
Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Republic, United
Kingdom, 105
Switzerland, provisional: Dahomey, 105; Ger-
many. 33 ; Tanganyika, 105 ; U.A.R., 354
Tunisia, provisional : Brazil, 105
United Arab Republic, provisional: Argentina,
420: Brazil, Dahomey, 105; Denmark, 702;
Dominican Republic. Germany, 105 ; Indonesia,
Madagascar, 429; Malaysia, 702; New Zealand,
Nicaragua, 10."> ; Niger, 702; Pakistan, Peru,
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 105; Senegal, 762;
Switzerland, 429 ; Trinidad and Tobago, Tuni-
sia, 105
1046
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUTJJJTIN
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued
Agreements, declarations — Continued
Argentina, extending period of validity of declara-
tion on provisional accession : Austria, 514 ; Da-
homey, Denmark, France, 105 ; Germany, 762;
Italy, 106; Kuwait, Luxembourg, Madagascar,
3.">4 ; Netherlands, 105; Niger, 762; Norway, 105;
Pakistan, Senegal, 762; Sweden, 105; Trinidad
and Tobago, 354
Article XVI :4, declaration re provisions of, entry
into force, Japan, 762
Cotton textiles, arrangements re international
trade in : China, 514, 686 ; India, 846 ; Israel, 33 ;
Jamaica, 33, 846 ; Portugal, 686 ; U.A.R., 106
Geneva tariff conference (1960-61) :
Protocol embodying results of: Chile, 762;
Czechoslovakia, 105; South Africa, 762
Provisional application of, protocol of: Ivory
Coast, 313 ; Kenya, Niger, 313, 762
Switzerland extending and amending declara-
tion on provisional accession : Madagascar, 354 ;
Niger, Senegal, 762 ; D.A.R., 354
Tunisia, extending declaration on provisional ac-
cession: Brazil, Dahomey, 105; India, Japan,
Kenya, 762; Kuwait, 429; Madagascar, 429, 762;
Pakistan, Senegal, U.K., 762 ; U.S. 145
Contracting parties :
Admission of, Ivory Coast, 313 ; Kenya, 354 ; Niger,
313
Ministerial Meeting:
Announcement and U.S. delegation to, 423
Kennedy Round on trade negotiations and U.S.
views, 878
International tariff negotiations, U.S. and EEC dele-
gations discuss, 458
U.S. agreements supplementary to, current actions:
Venezuela, 145
Tariff Commission, U.S., 507, 697
Tariff policy, U.S. :
Most-favored-nation principle (Hilsman), 295
Venezuela, agreement re effectiveness of U.S. revised
tariff schedules, 145
Taxation :
Double taxation, conventions for avoidance of. See
Double taxation.
Interest equalization tax, supported (Johnson, L. B.),
464
Technical assistance and cooperation. See Economic
and technical assistance.
Technology :
Exchange of technical information, 942
Weather satellites (Cleveland), 454
Tejera Paris, Enrique, 155
Telecomunication (aee also Communications) :
Recommendations relating to, Antarctica, 269
Telegraph regulations (1958), annexed to: Albania,
Ghana, 269 ; Indonesia, 846
Telecommunications convention (1059), International:
Current actions: Costa Rica, 354; Iraq, 917; Kenya,
805; Nepal, 354
Radio regulations (1959), annexed to: Ghana, 209;
Indonesia, 846 j Mexico, 722
Radio regulations (1958), partial revision of, with
annexes and additional protocol : Algeria, '2'JH ;
Austria, 226, 514; Argentina, Australia, Austria,
Belgium, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist
Republics, Cambodia, Canada, China, Colombia,
Congo (Leopoldville), Cuba, Cyprus, Czecho-
slovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, France,
Group of Territories represented by the French
Office of Overseas Posts and Telecommunications,
Federal Republic of Germany, Ghana, Greece,
Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland,
Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kenya, Korea,
Kuwait, Lebanon, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Luxem-
bourg, Malaysia, Mexico, Monaco, Morocco,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan,
Philippines. Poland, Portugal, Rumania, South
Africa and Territory of South-West Africa,
Spain. Spanish Provinces of Africa, Sweden,
226 ; Switzerland, 226, 514 ; Tanganyika, Uganda,
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Repub-
lic, United Kingdom, Overseas Territories for
the international relations of which the United
Kingdom are responsible, 226; United States,
226, 429, 555, 686; Territories of the United
States, Vatican City, and Yugoslavia, 226
Television, Saudi Arabia, agreement re establishment
of a television system, 386
Television program, "CBS Reports," 4
Textiles. See Cotton textiles.
Thailand :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 18
Atomic energy, agreement amended for cooperation
re civil uses of, 1021
Differences between Cambodia and ( Kelly ) , 62
Economic progress (Rusk), 737
U.S. obligations and responsibilities (Kennedy,
Robert F.), 240
Thant, U, 798, 973
Theard, Andre, 662
Thomas, A. J., Jr., 998
Thomas, Ann, 998
Timberlake, Clare H., 835
Tin, disposal of surplus stockpile, U.S. views on, 379
Tin Council, International, U.S. views on long-range
plan for disposal of surplus tin from strategic
stockpile, 379
Tobago. See Trinidad and Tobago.
Togo, Republic of :
Coffee agreement (1962), international, 428
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 946
Tompkins, Pauline, 805
Tracking and data acquisition station, agreement re
establishment of, Spain, 313
10-17
Trade (see also Agricultural surpluses. Customs, Eco-
nomic policy. Exports, Imports, Tariffs and trade,
and under individual countries) :
Agricultural products, international trade In
(Nichols), 422
Barriers, reduction of:
GATT negotiations (Tyler), 782
U.S. policy ( Hilsman ) , 205
China, Communist, U.S. embargo (Hilsman), 15
Development and policy: Hilsman, 2!)5; Rusk, 331,
475 ; Westerfield, 101 ; Williams, 504
Expansion of, efforts for :
Addresses and statements (Nichols), 416
Africa (Williams), 6G4
Agriculture, role of (Herter),671
"Kennedy Round." See Kennedy round.
Meat agreement concluded with Australia, New Zea-
land, 380
Trade Expansion Act of 19C2. Bee Trade Expan-
sion Act.
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Commercial samples and advertising material,
international convention (1052) to facilitate
importation of, France. 646
Cotton textiles, arrangements re International
trade in : India, 014 ; Israel, 51 ; Jamaica, 33 ;
U.A.R., 54
U.N. Trade and Development Conferences :
Goals and purpose of : Hilsman, 205 ; Johnson,
G. G., 413
Meeting scheduled (Westerfield), 103
Preparatory committee for, U.S. delegation, 307
Public advisers to U.S. delegation, designation, 640
Role of U.S. ( Johnson, G. Griffith ) , 410
Statement (Ball), 657
Trade negotiations (Hilsman), 294
U.S. delegation, 557
U.S. position (Nichols), 410
World trade:
Expansion of (Ball), 127
Importance of (Hilsman), 294
Trade agreements :
With:
Soviet Union, suggested long-term (Rusk), 443
Venezuela, revised tariff schedules, 145
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com-
mittee on, 774
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Japan Com-
mittee on, 42, 235
Trade Expansion Act :
Poland and Yugoslavia, nondiscriminatory tariff
treatment to, 626
Purpose of : Rusk, 44, 814 ; Westerfield, 102
Tariff cuts (Hilsman), 295
Trade negotiation, Public Advisory Committee for.
See Public Advisory Committee for Trade Nego-
tiations.
Tradlng-with-the-enemy, economic impact, 474
Transition, Kennedy to Johnson administration, 7, 523
Travel :
Cuba :
Latin American restrictions on (Ball), 740
U.S. prohibition, 10
Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs fa-
cilities for : Hungary. 685 ; Jamaica, 105
Treaties, agreements, etc., international {for individual
treaty, see subject) : 33, 49, 69, 105, 106, 144, 185,
186, 226, 269, 313. 354, 3S6, 428, 409, 514, 555, 602,
646, 6S5, 722, 761, 805, 845, 8S2, 917, 945, 9S5, 1021
Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties and Other Inter'
national Agreements of the United States in Force
on January 1, 1964, published, 270
Trinidad and Tobago :
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, 507
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 428
Trust Territories, U.N. (see also Non-self-governing
territories), Pacific Islands, 1007
Trusteeship Council, U.N., accomplishments of, 1007
Tuna, international commission for the scientific in-
vestigation of, 313
Tunisia :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials. 662
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 186, 429, 469, 762
Turkey :
Economic development (Harriman), 508
GATT, protocol for accession of Spain to, 105
Situation in (McNamara), 897
U.S. aid and support : Harriman, 508 ; Johnson, 90
UA.R. gee United Arab RepubUc.
Udall, Stewart L., 18
Uganda :
Economic development, 504
Immigration quota determined, 213
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226, 469, 646
Troop mutinies in (Williams), 502
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, agreement re par-
tial revision of radio regulations (1959) with an-
nexes and protocol, 226
UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, U.N.
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See Soviet Union.
United Arab Republic:
Air transport services agreement, signed, 845
Congo assessments paid ( Meeker), 801
Cotton textile exports to U.S. (Nehmer), 97
Diplomatic relations resumed with Saudi Arabia
(Rusk), 439
Treaties, agreements, etc., 54, 105, 106, 186, 226, 354,
429, 805
United Kingdom :
Africa, East, U.K. views on (Kennedy, Robert F), 241
Cyprus, U.K. views on, 240
New role of (Rusk), 82
Prime Minister visit to U.S., 336
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, eased.
507
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145, 186, 226, 703,
702, 882
U.S.-U.K. relationships (Rusk), 821
1048
DEFAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
United Nations :
Achievements and U.S. support (Johnson), 2
African nations, role in (Williams), 752
Budget, U.S. share and contributions, and delin-
quent members: Chayes, 001, 005; Department,
67, 4S4 ; Meeker, 800
Disarmament. See Eighteen-Nation Disarmament
Committee.
Documents, lists of, 67, 68, 143, 267, 307, 352, 407,
513, 645. 078, 1020
Economic Commissions. See Economic Commissions
First 29 years ( Rusk ) , 112
General Assembly. Sec General Assembly, U.N.
International law In (Plimpton), 133
Legal committee of, 57
Membership, admission to: Kenya, 32; Red China,
question of, 528 ; Zanzibar, 32
Peacekeeping operations:
Capacity to act (Cleveland), 973
Decision-making processes of (Meeker), 802
Problems of (Meeker), 799
Soldiers of the world community (Cleveland), 622
U.S. concern and position ( Stevenson ) , 132, 938
Value in resolving conflicts: Cleveland, 454, 622;
Stevenson. 9G9
Permanent military staff in, development of, sug-
gested (Meeker), 801
Security Council. See Security Council, U.N.
Trade and Development Conference. See Trade :
U.N. Conference.
United Nations Day, 19G4, proclamation, 803
U.S. views and support: Department, 67; Gardner,
23; Johnson, 3, 607, 636; Rusk, 133, 533; Steven-
son, 132. 37.1
United Nations Charter:
Financial obligations under Article 19 (Chayes), 900
Human rights, emphasis on (Gardner), 21
Pacific settlement of international dispute (Kelly),
58
Statute of : Kenya, Zanzibar, 33
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, 22
United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop-
ment. See Trade : U.N. Trade and Development
Conference.
United Nations Day (19G4), 803
United Nations Economic Commissions. See Economic
Commissions.
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization. See Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization, U.N.
United Nations Emergency Force In the Middle East,
peacekeeping operation, U.N. financial crisis
(Meeker), 800
United Nations Institute (Cleveland), 457
United Nations Truce Supervision Organization, 61
United Nations Trusteeship Council. See Trusteeship
Council, U.N.
United States Advisory Commission on International
Educational and Cultural Affairs, 805, 976
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S.
United States-Canadian Economic Committee, 774
United States-Canadian joint defense programs
(Rusk). 771
United States-Canadian Working Group, 448
United States citizens and nationals:
Protection of:
Bolivia, release of hostages, 9
Cuba, limitation on travel, 10
Panama, U.S. Army use of arms, 1" i
Tasks confronting ( Harrlman), 4<>2
r.s. National Organizations for the United Nations,
international cooperation by, 453
United States-Panamanian treaty of friendship and
cooperation of 1036, 155
Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United
Nations, 1000
Universal postal convention. Sec Postal convention.
UNTSO. See United Nations Truce Supervision Or-
ganization.
Uruguay, agreement on the importation of educational,
scientific, and cultural materials, and protocol, 945
U.S.S.R. See Soviet Union.
Vaiont Dam disaster, Italian government provides
relief, 803
Vatican City, treaties, agreements, etc., 220
Vaughn, Jack Hood, 6S4
Venezuela :
Communist aggression and subversion in: Rostow.
500 ; Rusk, 408
Treaties, agreements, etc., 145, 1S6, 6S5, 805, 917
Vessels. See Ships.
Vienna conventions on consular and diplomatic re-
lations. See under Consular relations and Diplo-
matic relations.
Vlet-Nam, North :
Advantages to, from coups in South, 522, 730
Aggression in South Vlet-Nam, Communists support
(Rusk), 890
Atrocities committed by : McNamara, 564 ; Stevenson.
908
Cambodian territory, use of (Stevenson), 939
Guerrilla warfare (Stevenson), 910
Soviet Union positions re possible U.S. action In
(Rusk), 408
U.S. policy, 480, S30
Violation of Geneva accords: McNamara, 507; Rusk,
191, 734 ; Stevenson, 909
Viet-Nam, Republic of :
Cambodia-Viet-Nam border Incident (Stevenson).
907, 1002
Civil Administrative Corps, duties of (McNamara),
569
Current situation In : McNamara, 562, 897 ; Rusk, 44,
46, 403, 445, 890
Military situation in (Rusk), 281,439
National Institute of Administration, established
(McNamara), 563
Possibility of political settlement in (Rusk) . 408
Special report on, by International Control Commis-
sion ( McNamara ) , 507
INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1064
1049
Viet-Nam, Republic of — Continued
Treaties, agreements, etc., 269, 762, 1021
U.S. commitments : Johnson, 953 ; Rusk, 694
U.S. continues relations with new leaders, 239
U.S. objectives in (MeNamara),564
U.S. policy in: McNamara, 562; Rusk, 735; White
House release, 523
U.S. support and assistance to: Johnson, 121, 891;
McNainara, 569, 897; White House statement,
522
Visas (see also Immigration), nonimmigrant visa fees,
abolition of, agreement with Yugoslavia, 722
Voice of America (Rusk) , 81, 330
Walsh, Mrs. Lee, 684
War, danger of, measures to prevent: McGhee, 492;
Rusk, 392, 597
Ward, Paul, 330
Water resources, cooperative development of :
Colombia River Basin, exchange of notes with Can-
ada re treaty, 226
Desalting program, discussions with Israel re, 285,
1001
Weather:
North Atlantic Ocean stations, agreement (1954) on,
Pakistan, 69
World Meteorological Organization. See World
Meteorological Organization.
Weaver, Robert C, 977
Weizmann Institute of Science, 285
Welland Canal, agreement with Canada re tolls, 68,
69, 685
Westerfield, Samuel Z., Jr., 101
Western alliance :
Interdependence of (Ball), 290
Strong and united, importance of, 337
U.S.-U.K. relationships (Rusk), 821
Western Hemisphere :
Cuba, security threat (Rusk), 820
Subversive activities in (Rusk), 191
Western Pacific :
U.S. position (Rusk), 737
U.S. security interests in (Rusk) , 733
Whaling convention (1946), international, schedule
of, 144
Wheat, sale to Soviet Union : Harriman, 507 ; Rusk, 81
Wheat agreement (1962), international: Belgium,
Luxembourg, 602
Whitaker, Arthur, 997
White, Ivan B., 685
White, Mrs. Katharine Elkus, 684
WHO. See World Health Organization.
Wiesner, Jerome B., 933
Williams, G. Mennen :
Addresses, remarks and statements :
Africa :
Communist influence in, 370
Diplomatic rapport, Africa-U.S., 698
Issues at the U.N., 751
Williams, G. Mennen — Continued
Addresses, remarks and statements — Continued
Africa — Continued
Problems and progress, 501, 665
Regional and economic cooperation in, 503
Trade barriers, 664
Visits to West and Central Africa, 828
Wirtz, W. Willard, 4, 99
Witman, William, II, 946
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization.
Women :
Convention on political rights of, Madagascar, 646
Equal opportunities (Rusk), 631
Status of (Louchheim),347
World Bank. See International Bank.
World community, U.S. objectives for (Rostow), 867
World Court. See International Court of Justice.
World Pood Program (Cleveland), 551
World Health Organization, Constitution of: Kenya,
428 ; Zanzibar, 646
World leadership :
Resources for ( Ball) , 290
Structure of ( Stevenson) , 617
Trainingfor (Manning), 541
World Meteorological Organization :
Convention of : Kenya, 1021 ; Somali Republic, 469
Weather satellites. See Meteorological satellites.
World Weather Watch : Cleveland, 454 ; Stevenson,
618
World responsibilities, new concepts of (Ball), 288,
826
World Society :
Obstacles to (Johnson, L. B.), 990
Peace, purpose of (Johnson, L. B. ) , 991
World Trade Week, 1964, proclamation, 935
Yemen :
Civil aviation, international, convention (1944) on,
761
Independence supported by Saudi Arabia and U.A.R.
(Rusk), 439
Young, Kenneth T., 470, 759
Yugoslavia :
Congo assessments, partial payment of (Meeker) , 801
Economic growth (Rusk), 479
Trade, U.S., nondiscriminatory treatment (Johnson,
L.B.),626, 729
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 722, 882, 917
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 226
U.S. policy toward: Harriman, 508; Rusk, 391, 394
Zanzibar :
Independence, congratulations on (Johnson, L. B.),
17
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 646
U.N. membership, 32
U.S. recognition of, 424
i o:,o
US. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEtl96B
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF DOTTED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. L, No. 1280
January 6, 1964
KEEPING AND STRENGTHENING THE PEACE
Address by President Johnson 2
NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL HOLDS MINISTERIAL MEETING
Message From President Johnson and Text of Communique 29
FIFTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson and Address by Richard N. Gardner 19
DOTTED STATES POLICY TOWARD COMMUNIST CHINA
by Assistant Secretary Hilsman 11
For index see inside back cover
Keeping and Strengthening the Peace
Address by President Johnson*
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, dis-
tinguished delegates to the United Nations,
ladies and gentlemen :
We meet in a time of mourning but in a
moment of rededication. My nation has lost
a great leader. This organization has lost a
great friend. World peace has lost a great
champion.
But John Kennedy was the author of new
hope for mankind, hope which was shared by
a whole new generation of leaders in every con-
tinent, and we must not let grief turn us away
from that hope. He never quarreled with the
past. He always looked at the future. And
our task now is to work for the kind of future
in which he so strongly believed.
I have come here today to make it unmistak-
ably clear that the assassin's bullet which took
his life did not alter his nation's purpose. We
are more than ever opposed to the doctrines of
1 Made before the U.N. General Assembly at the
United Nations, N.Y., on Dec. 17 (White House press
release (New York, N.Y.) ; as-delivered text).
hate and violence, in our own land and around
the world. We are more than ever committed
to the ride of law, in our own land and around
the world. We believe more than ever in the
rights of man — all men of every color — in our
own land and around the world. And more
than ever we support the United Nations as the
best instrument yet devised to promote the peace
of the world and to promote the well-being of
mankind.
I can tell you today, as I told you in 1958,
when I came as majority leader of the United
States Senate to the First Committee of this
great tribunal, 2 that the full power and part-
nership of the United States is committed to
our joint effort to eliminate war and the threat
of war, aggression and the danger of violence,
and to lift from all people everywhere the
blight of disease and poverty and illiteracy.
Like all human institutions, the United Na-
tions has not achieved the highest of hopes that
some held at its birth. Our understanding of
3 Bulletin of Dec. 15, 1958, p. 977.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1280 PUBLICATION 7639 JANUARY 6, 1964
The Department of State Bulletin, a
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Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
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by the White House and the Department,
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the President and by the Secretary of
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
how to live — live with one another — is still far
behind our knowledge of how to destroy one
another.
But as our problems have grown, this orga-
nization has grown, in numbers, in authority,
in prestige, and its member nations have grown
with it, in responsibility and in maturity.
We have seen too much success to become ob-
sessed with failure. The peacekeeping machin-
ery of the United Nations has worked in (he
Congo, in the Middle East, and elsewhere.
The great transition from colonial rule to inde-
pendence has been largely accomplished. The
Decade of Development has successfully begun.
The world arms race has been slowed. The
struggle for human rights has been gaining
new force.
And a start has been made in furthering
mankind's common interest in outer space, in
scientific exploration, in communications, in
weather forecasting, in banning the stationing
of nuclear weapons, and in establishing princi-
ples of law.
I know that vast problems remain — conflicts
between great powers, conflicts between small
neighbors, disagreements over disarmament,
persistence of ancient wrongs in the area of
human rights, residual problems of colonialism,
and all the rest. But men and nations, working
apart, created these problems; and men and na-
tions, working together, must solve them.
They can solve them with the help of this
organization when all members make it a work-
shop for constructive action and not a forum
for abuse, when all members seek its help in
settling their own disputes as well as the dis-
putes of others, when all members meet their
financial obligations to it, and when all mem-
bers recognize that no nation and no party and
no single system can control the future of man.
The Problems of Hunger, Poverty, and Disease
When I entered the Congress of the United
States 27 years ago, it was my very great priv-
ilege to work closely with President Franklin
Delano Roosevelt. As a Member of Congress
I worked with him to bring about a profound
but peaceful revolution. That peaceful revo-
lution brought help and hope to the one-third
of our nation that was then "ill-housed, ill-clad,
ill-nourished."
We helped our working men and women ob-
tain more jobs, and we helped them obtain bet-
ter wages. We helped our farmers to own and
improve their own land, and conserve their soil
and water, and electrify their farms.
We harnessed the powers of the great rivers,
as in the Tennessee Valley and Lower Colorado.
We encouraged the growth of cooperatives and
trade unions. We curbed the excesses of pri-
vate speculation. We built homes in the place
of city slums, and we extended the rights of
freedom of all our citizens.
Now, on the world scale the time has come,
as it came to America 30 years ago, for a new
era of hope — hope and progress for that one-
third of mankind that is still beset by hunger,
poverty, and disease.
In my travels on behalf of my country and
President Kennedy I have seen too much of
misery and despair in Africa, in Asia, in Latin
America. I have seen too often the ravages of
hunger and tapeworm and tuberculosis, and
the scabs and scars on too many children who
have too little health and no hope.
I think that you and I and our countries and
this organization can, and must, do something
about these conditions. I am not speaking here
of a new way of life to be imposed by any single
nation. I am speaking of a higher standard
of living to be inspired by these United Na-
tions. It will not be achieved through some
hopeful resolution in this Assembly but through
a peaceful revolution in the world, through a
recommitment of all our members, rich and
poor, and strong and weak, whatever their lo-
cation or their ideology, to the basic principles
of human welfare and of human dignity.
In this effort the United States will do its
full share. In addition to bilateral aid we have
with great satisfaction assisted in recent years
in the emergence and the improvement of inter-
national developmental institutions, both within
and without this organization.
We favor the steady improvement of collec-
tive machinery for helping the less developed
nations build modern societies. We favor an
international aid program that is international
in practice as well as purpose. Every nation
must do its share. All United Nations members
can do better. We ran act more often together.
We can build together a much better world.
JANUARY 6, 1964
The Greatest of Common Tasks
The greatest of human problems, and the
greatest of our common tasks, is to keep the
peace and save the future. All that we have
built in the wealth of nations, and all that we
plan to do toward a better life for all, will be
in vain if our feet should slip, or our vision
falter, and our hopes end in another world-
wide war. If there is one commitment more
than any other that I would like to leave with
you today, it is my unswerving commitment to
the keeping and to the strengthening of the
peace. Peace is a journey of a thousand miles,
and it must be taken one step at a time.
We know what we want : The United States
wants to see the cold war end; we want to see
it end once and for all. The United States
wants to prevent the dissemination of nuclear
weapons to nations not now possessing them.
The United States wants to press on with arms
control and reduction. The United States
wants to cooperate with all the members of this
organization to conquer everywhere the ancient
enemies of mankind — hunger, and disease, and
ignorance. The United States wants sanity,
and security, and peace for all, and above all.
President Kennedy, I am sure, would regard
as his best memorial the fact that in his 3 years
as President the world became a little safer and
the way ahead became a little brighter. To the
protection and the enlargement of this new hope
for peace, I pledge my country and its
Government.
My friends and fellow citizens of the world,
soon you will return to your homelands. I hope
you will take with you my gratitude for your
generosity in hearing me so late in the session.
I hope you will convey to your countrymen the
gratitude, of all Americans for the companion-
ship of sorrow which you shared with us in your
messages of the last few weeks. And I hope that
you will tell them that the United States of
America, sobered by tragedy, united in sorrow,
renewed in spirit, faces the New Year deter-
mined that world peace, civil rights, and human
welfare become not an illusion but a reality.
Man's age-old hopes remain our goal — that
this world, under God, can be safe for diversity,
and free from hostility, and a better place for
our children and for all generations in the years
to come. And therefore any man and any na-
tion that seeks peace and hates war, and is will-
ing to fight the good fight against hunger and
disease and ignorance and misery, will find the
United States of America by their side, willing
to walk with them — walk with them every step
of the way.
Secretary Rusk Participates
in "CBS Reports" Program
On December 18 Secretary Rusk was one of
four Cabinet members x to appear on a "CBS
Reports''' television program entitled "John F.
Kennedy: The View From the Cabinet" a
group of separate interviews in which the par-
ticipants gave their impressions of the late
President and commented on domestic and in-
ternational events. Following are Secretary
Rusk's remarks made during the early portion
of the program and his interview with Marvin
Kalb, CBS State Department correspondent.
Press release 633 dated December 18
Impressions of President Kennedy
I think the President's interest was almost
all-consuming. As you know, he was a great
reader. He had unlimited curiosity. And he
felt very intensely about what I have called un-
finished business : What ought we to be doing
today that we haven't done as a nation? What
can we do to anticipate a crisis, forestall it,
head it off? What can we do to help another
country get on with its pressing problems?
These were the brooding concerns.
I think that he was impatient about hack-
neyed phrases; he was impatient about stereo-
typed ideas. He was ready to put all the ideas
out on the table and look at them. Is this really
so? Does this really make sense?
1 The other participants were Secretary of the Treas-
ury Douglas Dillon. Secretary of Defense Robert S.
McNamara, and Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz.
DEFAKTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN
President Kennedy had, with his youth and
freshness and vigor and sense of commitment,
almost more than we knew, established a per-
sonal relationship between himself and ordinary
people in so many countries. Therefore this as-
sassination came as a very deep shock, and the
reaction to this from all over the world was one
of the very moving aspects of this recent
tragedy.
I think the reaction of the rest of the world
to the resilience of our constitutional system,
the way in which we pulled ourselves together,
the way in which partisan considerations were
temporarily set aside to give support to a new
President, the way in which he picked up and
immediately carried on with the great stream
of American policy, this was all very impres-
sive and encouraging to people in other coun-
tries. But I will have to say that the double
tragedy in Dallas, including the murder of the
murderer, was a great shock to people as well
and has damaged us right around the world,
too.
My chief impression of President Kennedy
is that he had a deep sense, as you know from
his statements and his demeanor, of the great
tradition of freedom in this country. He knew a
lot about our past and our commitments. But
he also had an intense commitment to the
future. He felt himself a young man, as he was,
born in this century, a veteran of World War II,
whose primary concern was in building a decent
world for the future. So this combination of a
sense of the past and concern for the future was
his dominant theme.
Interview With Marvin Kalb
In one sense President Eisenhower in his sec-
ond term, and President Kennedy and Presi-
dent Johnson, faced problems that no other
American President has ever had to face, be-
cause in the middle 1950's there came into being
a massive nuclear strike capability in both di-
rections — the Soviet Union achieved one. That
is, a nuclear war became an operational
prospect.
President Kennedy once remarked that do-
mestic issues can only defeat you in an election
but foreign policy issues can incinerate the
Northern Hemisphere.
This is the overriding responsibility of a
President of the United States, or a Chairman
of the Soviet Union, or a chief of state of our
principal allies, because we must manage
our affairs to protect our vital interests, to re-
solve our differences without that kind of de-
struction if possible. And that takes concern
and personal attention, vigilance, and dedica-
tion on the part of any President of the United
States, and I am sure that President Johnson
is fully committed to this overriding problem
of his lonely responsibility.
I would think that at the present time the
overriding question is East-West relations,
what is happening in the Communist world,
and what does that mean in terms of relations
between the Communist world and the free
world — the Western World.
We are very much aware of the dialog be-
tween Moscow and Peiping. How is that going
to come out? It looks very real. The issues
seem to be very deep. And the issues that they
are debating between themselves are of some
consequence for us, this issue as between peace-
ful coexistence on the one side and militancy
on the other.
The developments in Eastern Europe are of
great interest here, indicating that we are in a
period of change. These Eastern European
Communist countries have been moving to im-
prove their relations with Western Europe as
though this were expressing some of that nos-
talgic feeling to restore their connections with
the great centers of Western civilization that
they were in touch with over so many decades.
And some of that involves improvement of
their relations with the United States. This is
important.
The "hot line," the nuclear test ban treaty—
a very significant step— the resolution in the
United Nations General Assembly, supported
by the United States and the Soviet Union, to
ban weapons of mass destruction from orbit in
outer space — these are significant steps.
There are some common interests that are
coming to be better recognized. For example,
the common interest to avoid a thermonuclear
JANTJART 6, 1964
war throughout the Northern Hemisphere, the
common interest in getting on with some of the
unfinished business that we have with regard
to our own people, in this country as well as in
the Soviet Union.
Q. Are you talking about civil rights?
A. I am thinking of, in the case of the Soviet
Union, the consumer interest in improving their
standards of living. As far as we are con-
cerned, in a material sense I would think of
those hundreds of thousands of new school-
rooms we need today, and all the other things
we need for the equipment of our society for its
great tasks. And I would certainly mention
civil rights in this regard.
Q. Mr. Secretary, you are speaking now as a
native of Georgia; so this is apparently a deeply
personal problem as xoell?
A. Well, I am a Georgian. I think there are
many Georgians who think as I do on this
matter, but I wouldn't pretend to be a spokes-
man for everyone in that State. No, this is a
personal matter for a citizen of the United
States. It is a personal matter that goes into
one's own personal commitments in morality.
We have a basic national commitment on this
question which to me is utterly fundamental to
our constitutional system and to our concepts
of freedom. And until we meet these commit-
ments, our voice is muted abroad.
I would not suggest that there is not dis-
crimination in many other countries. There is
such discrimination. But more is expected of
the United States. We are looked upon as a
leader. They are watching us. The klieg lights
are upon us. And when we fail to meet our
commitments, this has a major impact in other
countries.
Q. Do you feel, sir, that there has been in
that case considerable exaggeration of the ex-
tent of the problem betioeen France and the
United States?
A. I think the news, for a quite understand-
able and natural reason, tends to concentrate
on points of difference. I don't suppose that
you can stimulate much public interest over
serenity, or agreement.
We are cooperating with our allies, including
France, on a very considerable number of mat-
ters at any given time. And we are inclined in
our governmental relations, and on both sides,
not to exaggerate issues beyond their real
value — to talk them out, talk them over again,
to see where we might go on particular prob-
lems, but not to let these discussions eat into
or erode the basic commitments of the alliance
to each other in the face of external threats.
I think Moscow indeed understands this un-
derlying unity of the alliance on matters that
may affect Moscow.
Q. When you speak of the Soviet Union, sir,
one of the things that people credited President
Kennedy with was establishing some kind of
strange rapport with Premier Khrushchev —
that there seemed to be considerable respect
that one had for the other, a respect based ob-
viously upon a rather profound understanding
of the interests of either side. Do you feel,
since this seems to be a personal thing and not
just betioeen the positions of the President of
the United States and the Premier of the Soviet
Union, that President Johnson can carry on
this line of rapport or accommodation, what-
ever the right word might be?
A. I think so, because of the responsibilities
these two men carry. I think no one can deny
that the fate of the world does relate very
definitely to the sense of responsibility of the
President of the United States and the Chair-
man of the Soviet Union as the heads of the
two greatest nuclear powers, for example.
So that I think you will find that President
Johnson and Chairman Khrushchev will want
to keep these contacts open through diplomacy,
whatever means are suitable, because the issues
are too great, the stakes are too great, to be
able to afford a break in contact between those
who are carrying such heavy responsibilities.
Q. Do you think that this contact could be
strengthened by personal encounters?
A. Well, I think the attitude of Mr. Khru-
shchev, as well as President Kennedy and Presi-
dent Johnson, on summit meetings is pretty
much the same, that if a summit meeting could
contribute significantly to agreement on im-
portant matters, these matters could be pre-
DEr-ARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
pared in advance so that you could have some
assurance that such a meeting could produce
good results, that such a meeting of course is
always possible, but that a meeting which sim-
ply registers disagreement or accentuates dif-
ferences has in it some elements of danger that
might best be avoided.
So I think that the normal processes of di-
plomacy will be at work and that summitry is
not likely to be a habitual practice in this
relationship.
• • • • •
Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that the United
States is now internally, domestically, mature
enough to have the staying power to live with
long-range problems such as building up the
democratic spirit in Latin America, the long,
tortuous relations that are undoubtedly ahead
of us w-ith Communist China? Do we have the
maturity to live with these long-range problems
and come up looking good?
A. I have complete confidence in the readi-
ness and the willingness of the American people
to do what has to be done, and I think what we
need to do is find a way to explain in detail, with
all the seriousness that is involved in the issues,
what the stakes are in this present situation and
to ask for their support.
After all, the performance of the American
people during and since World War II has been
very impressive. We made a national decision
to involve ourselves in the fate of the world be-
cause among other things our own fate was
deeply involved in what happens elsewhere.
For example, we are having some difficulty, as
you know, with foreign aid. We have almost
a million men in uniform outside the continen-
tal United States. We put about $50 billion a
year into our defense budget. It is inconceiv-
able to me that the American people are not
ready to spend something less than 10 percent
of that budget to try to get this job done with-
out committing those men to combat if possible.
I have no doubt in my mind that the Ameri-
can people continue to be willing to work for
freedom throughout the world, and I think it is
up to us as political leaders and up to the Con-
gress to translate that readiness into the neces-
sary action year after year.
Of course we get tired; of course there are
moments of frustration ; of course we get impa-
tient because things don't move as fast as we
should like to see them move. But we are di fil-
ing with a world outside our own borders that
we can influence ; we can't control it, we can't
buy it. We can't buy Latin America with an
Alliance for Progress that represents 2 percent
of the gross national product of Latin America
because the 98 percent is theirs. We can't buy
other countries with an investment that repre-
sents less than 1 percent of our own gross na-
tional product.
So we must stay at it, keep the unfinished
business in front of us, work at it, and be pre-
pared to commit the reasonable resources that
this great task involves. The consequences are
so utterly costly otherwise that there is no real
choice in front of us. And I have no doubt
whatever that the American people are prepared
for that kind of effort and sacrifice in order to
build a decent world, rather than sacrifice every-
thing we have been working for for so many
generations in this country.
Q. In terms of the maturity of the state as
you are now describing it, is that really the ex-
planation for the remarkably smooth — and this
is a description applied by many foreigners —
the remarkably smooth transition from the
Kennedy to the Johnson administrations?
A. I think the smoothness of that transition
depended in the first instance upon the experi-
ence and the understanding and the tact and the
energy of President Johnson, who suddenly had
thrust upon him, under the most tragic of cir-
cumstances, an awful and lonely responsibility.
I think a great deal of it also can be attributed
to the steadiness of the American people them-
selves, their readiness to respond to their new
leader, and the attitude of support and good
wishes which came to him from all directions,
with partisanship left aside — from the congres-
sional leaders and from party leaders on both
sides of the aisle — because the national interest
required us to draw together at such a moment,
and the nation did draw together.
This is something I think that people in other
parts of the world will not forget for a very
longtime.
JANUARY 6, 19G4
U.S. Reiterates Allied Right
of Free Access to Berlin
Following is an exchange of notes between
the United States and the Soviet Union con-
cerning the floio of traffic on the autobahn be-
tween West Germany and Berlin.
U.S. NOTE OF DECEMBER 18
Press release 630 dated December 18
In connection with the note of November 21
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the
United States Government wishes to make clear
that the convoy procedures now in force, as
communicated to Soviet representatives in
Germany on October 29, are intended to facili-
tate the orderly and safe flow of traffic on the
autobahn. The United States, British and
French convoys of November 4 and 5 followed
these procedures, as have subsequent convoys.
The basic Allied right of free and unrestricted
access to Berlin is in no way limited by pro-
cedures used since the summer of 1945, which
have been intended solely to insure orderly and
safe autobahn traffic.
SOVIET NOTE OF NOVEMBER 21
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.K. is
instructed to state the following in connection with
the note of the U.S.A. Embassy of November G. 1
The Soviet Government rejects as without basis the
protest by the U.S.A. Government concerning the de-
tention on November 4 at the Soviet control point at
Marienborn of the American military convoy headed
for West Berlin. The Soviet Government deems it
necessary to stress that the above-mentioned detention
of the American convoy was brought about exclusively
by the attempt by American military personnel to vio-
late the existing procedure for the transit of person-
nel through the Soviet control point.
It is, of course, well known to the U.S.A. Govern-
ment that in the summer of 1945 it was agreed by the
Commanders of the Allied Powers that "the protection,
supervision maintenance (komendantskaya sluzhba),
and control (regulirovaniye)" on the highways used
by personnel of the garrisons of the Three Powers in
West Berlin, are carried out by the Soviet forces. In
the course of many years there were no difficulties at
'For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 25, 1963, p. 818.
the control points in connection with the implementa-
tion of these powers by the Soviet military authorities,
until these kinds of complications were artificially
created by the American side.
The U.S. Government, as evident from its note,
refers to instructions issued by the American mili-
tary authorities for the commanders of American
convoys traveling to and from West Berlin through
the Soviet control points. But these instructions are
in no degree valid for the Soviet military authorities.
And in general completely unfounded are the claims
of the American authorities to establish at their own
discretion the range of obligations and the manner
of operation of the Soviet military authorities in
processing American military personnel at the control
points. Naturally, if internal instructions for Amer-
ican troops have the aim of introducing proper order
into the activities of the American military personnel,
then this could only be welcomed. But at the same
time it is fully obvious that these instructions cannot
serve such an end insofar as they violate one part
or another of the existing procedure for checking mili-
tary personnel of the Three Western Powers at the
control points.
In its note the U.S.A. Embassy notes that French
and English military convoys on November 5 passed
through the control points on the Berlin-Marienborn
autobahn without any delay. In fact, no friction or
difficulty arose during the processing of these convoys
since the commanders of the French and English con-
voys conducted themselves in accordance with existing
procedures, presented their personnel for checking,
and took measures in order that control could be
accomplished without hindrance and quickly. How-
ever U.S. military personnel attempted to avoid going
through the same control procedure even after the
French and English convoys went through it in the
presence of the Americans. Only three hours after
the French convoy was checked did the American
military personnel finally announce their agreement to
go through the same check. And then the American
convoy was able to proceed to West Berlin without
hindrance.
It is clear from what is stated that in fact the Amer-
ican side deliberately created an incident for no pur-
pose, and then itself protests.
The question arises as to what is hidden behind the
repeated attempts of the American military author-
ities to violate the existing rules for the passage of the
military convoys of the U.S.A. through the Soviet con-
trol points in Marienborn and Nowawes. What is it —
insufficient discipline of American troops or conscious
actions by those interested in maintaining international
tensions in conjunction with the absence of a German
peace settlement and, as result of this, a continuing ab-
normal situation in West Berlin, namely actions di-
rected at complicating the situation on the lines of
communication which the American garrison in West
Berlin continues to use?
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
If the Government of the United States of America is
not striving to create incidents such as that which took
place at the Soviet control point at Marienboru, then It
remains only for It to give proper instructions to Its
appropriate military representatives and not to permit
a situation In which some irresponsible American officer
by his own actions could provoke dangerous incidents.
The Soviet Government expects that the Government of
the United States of America will take measures which
will put an end to the regrettable acts of American mili-
tary personnel. At the same time the Soviet Govern-
ment would like to warn that all responsibility for
possible undesirable consequences of violation by the
American troops of the control procedures at the Soviet
control points will lie wholly with the American side
Four American Hostages Released
by Bolivian Miners
Department Statement *
Ambassador Douglas Henderson has in-
formed the Department that the hostages be-
ing held by the Siglo Veinte miners have been
released and are now en route to Ornro. They
•were escorted by the Archbishop of La Paz,
Abel Antezana, and United States Vice Con-
sul Charles Thomas. The Ambassador reports
that the four American hostages are well and
will spend the night in Oruro, returning to La
Paz tomorrow morning.
Both the President and the Secretary have
followed this situation closely, and all who
have dealt with this trying situation have
shared the fears and preoccupations of the fam-
ilies of these men who were in no way involved
in the dispute between the Government of Bo-
livia and certain mine union leaders.
Many individuals and organizations have
contributed to the efforts which have finally
brought about the release of the hostages. In
particular these negotiations were brought to
a successful conclusion through the efforts of
President [Victor] Paz [Estenssoro] and his
Government acting in close cooperation with
our Ambassador.
President Outlines Latin American
Policy in Letter to Mr. Mann
Following is the text of a letter from Presi-
dent Johnson to Thomas C. Mann, UjS. Ambas-
sador to Mexico.
White House press release dated December 15
December 15, 1963.
Dear Ambassador Mann : I want you to know
how gratified I am by your response to my re-
quest that you leave your important position in
Mexico and come home to take up the tasks we
have discussed. 1
I have asked you, in addition to your duties as
Assistant Secretary, to undertake the coordina-
tion and direction of all policies and programs
of the United States government, economic,
social and cultural, relating to Latin America.
There can be no illusion that the work will be
easy. But, as I told you, next to keeping the
peace — and maintaining the strength and vital-
ity which makes freedom secure — no work is
more important for our generation of Amer-
icans than our work in this hemisphere.
I am sure you share my pride in the accom-
plishments to date; my deep gratitude to the
loyal and dedicated United States officials —
and the officials of other governments in the
hemisphere — who have made this possible ; and
to the Congress for its vision in authorizing and
financing the Alliance for Progress program.
I know that you share my determination to
press to full realization the visions of President
Roosevelt and President Kennedy of an Ameri-
can community of Nations moving forward to-
gether in progress and freedom.
The Alliance for Progress is a partnership in
which each free American republic has a part
to play together. "We must find ways to ex-
pand education, health, and low-cost housing
facilities; we must find ways to help govern-
ments increase revenues by tax reforms and, at
the same time, maintain an adequate and sus-
1 Released to the press on Dec. 16 by Robert J. Mc-
Closkey, Department press officer. For text of a
White House statement of Dec. 8, see Bulletin of Dec.
30, 1963. p. 998.
'Mr. Mann's nomination as an Assistant Secretary
of State was confirmed on Dec. 19. At a press con-
ference on Dec. 18 President Johnson announced that
Mr. Mann would also serve as Special Assistant to the
President ; on Dec. 27 Mr. Mann was also named U.S.
Coordinator for the Alliance for Progress.
JANUARY 6, 1904
tained rate of economic growth; we must find
ways to bring about land reform and, at the
same time, to increase agricultural production.
Job opportunities must be expanded and edu-
cational and health facilities and low-cost
housing must be provided. Social justice is a
goal for which we must constantly strive.
All of the American nations must market
their resources and devote themselves to find-
ing ways to bring the strength of those resources
to the task at hand.
I want you to work closely with private
United States groups and institutions carrying
out activities in Latin America. These include,
but are not limited to, the AFL-CIO, religious
and charitable groups, cooperatives and the pri-
vate business sector, which can make the sig-
nificant contribution envisaged in the Punta del
Este Charter.
You will find many outstanding public ser-
vants throughout our Government who will help
you in your difficult task. You can count on
my intense interest and complete support.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson.
of the United States Government to discourage
such trade.
Under the amendment to the present policy,
persons who control vessels which because of
charters already entered into have gone or may
go to Cuba may give assurance that such vessels
will be excluded from calls at Cuba as quickly
as the terms of the charter permit, and that all
other vessels under their control would be kept
from calling at Cuba. If this assurance is satis-
factory to the United States, the United States
may then agree to remove vessels which have
called at Cuba from the Commerce Department
list as any such vessel is withdrawn from the
Cuba trade.
If any assurance given in accordance with this
amendment is determined to be untrue or has
not been complied with, all ships owned or con-
trolled by the persons making such an assurance
will immediately be declared ineligible for the
carriage of United States Government-financed
cargoes from United States ports.
U.S. Repeats Warning
on Travel to Cuba
U.S. Approves Amendment
to Cuban Shipping Policy
Department Statement
Press release 629 dated December 16
The United States Government has approved
an amendment to its Cuban shipping policy
which is expected to result in a substantial addi-
tional reduction over the next 12 to 15 months
of the number of those free-world ships now
calling at Cuba.
The present policy provides that United
States Government-financed cargoes will not be
shipped from United States ports on foreign
flag vessels engaged in trade with Cuba. The
Commerce Department maintains a list of such
ineligible vessels. In its original form the policy
provided for the removal of a vessel from this
list when its owners gave satisfactory assurance
that no ships under their control would from
the date of the assurance be employed in the
Cuba trade, so long as it remained the policy
Press release 640 dated December 21
Since January 16, 1961, it has been unlawful
for Americans to travel to Cuba without a pass-
port specifically validated for such travel. 1
This prohibition should be understood by all
Americans.
The limitation on travel to Cuba is based on
a number of factors. Primary among them is
the joint effort by the United States and other
American Republics to check the efforts of the
Castro regime to subvert other countries in this
hemisphere.
Since the informal meeting of Foreign Minis-
ters of the American Republics in October
1962 - when special consideration was given to
the dangers of travel to Cuba for subversive
training, the American governments have been
cooperating through the Organization of Amer-
ican States to develop and carry out measures
1 For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p.
178.
3 For text of a final communique issued on Oct 3,
1962, see ibid., Oct. 22, 1962, p. 598.
10
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
for the control of travel to that country. The
governments of the hemisphere have reluctantly
taken these steps to limit the travel of their
citizens, but they are necessary defensive meas-
ures against the continuing attempts by the
Castro regime and its agents to subvert and de-
stroy the free institutions of our neighboring
American Republics.
Under present conditions the prohibition
against unauthorized travel to Cuba is, there-
fore, an essential part of this country's foreign
policy. Any United States citizen who travels
to Cuba without a specifically validated pass-
port has both violated the law and directly im-
paired the conduct of our foreign affairs.
Persons with a legitimate need to travel to
Cuba may submit their passports for validation
in accordance with the Depart incut's practice.
The Department of State has received infor-
mation that several groups of American citizens
may be planning to travel to Cuba during the
Christmas holidays without specifically vali-
dated passports. Criminal penalties are pro-
vided under existing law to prevent such travel.
Indictments are now pending against persons
on the charge that they traveled to Cuba last
summer without passports specifically validated
for that purpose.
Persons who may consider engaging in such
travel should be on notice that if they do so,
their passports will be withdrawn and they may
be subject to criminal prosecution.
United States Policy Toward Communist China
by Roger Hilsman
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs x
I am honored to be invited to this distin-
guished forum. Here in San Francisco you
stand at the gateway to the problems and
promise of the Pacific. As one currently re-
sponsible for dealing with the problems and
furthering the promise of this region, I feel a
special obligation to you.
Asia is not on fire ; but portions of it smolder
with each morning's headlines — a new South
Viet-Nam government struggling to defeat
Communist terrorism, Indonesia in a period of
"confrontation" with the new Malaysia, Cam-
bodia seeking an altered power balance between
East and West to preserve its neutrality and
independence, and many lesser conflicts.
I could focus today on any one of these prob-
lems, and our time would be too little to do it
1 Address made before the Commonwealth Club at
San Francisco, Calif., on Dec. 13 (press release 618
dated Dec. 12).
justice. For the passions of nationalism — at its
best and at its most vexing — are at floodtide in
much of Asia. And out of the interaction of
these passions and the threat of Communist
aggression are emerging new national iden-
tities and new national purposes.
Of course, the paradox of nation building is
that the ultimate guarantee of its success lies
in the capacity of national leaders to transcend
parochial nationalism and to understand the
interdependence of all peoples. How to bring
peaceful regional cooperation out of conflicting
national revolutions — that is the key question.
In the Far East that question has a special
significance. For the evolution of each Asian
state is taking place today under the long shad-
ows cast by China — by the China of history that
was for so long the matrix of East Asian civili-
zation, and by the mainland China of today,
the torchbearer of a rigid totalitarian ideology
that threatens all its neighbors.
JANUARY 6, 19 64
11
For Americans, China presents a special
problem in history. We first met Chinese civili-
zation late in the decay of its imperial splendor.
For a century we sent out to China our traders,
our missionaries, our educators, our doctors, and
our good will. In the turmoil that followed the
Chinese revolution of 1911 we felt a special
kinship with China's culture and people. In
World War II we became the stanchest of allies.
Yet our involvement with China, while in-
tense, was not wholly real; it was fed by illu-
sions as well as good will. We knew little — and
understood less — of imperial China's strength
and unity. We had little understanding of the
ferment and weakness created by the collapse
of the Confucian state. And we were little
aware of the depth and fervor of Chinese na-
tionalism in reaction to a sense of repeated
humiliation at the hands of the West.
As a result Americans were totally unpre-
pared for the tragedy of the Chinese revolu-
tion : its capture by Marxism-Leninism and its
transformation into a fiercely hostile force —
hostile to the West and menacing to its neigh-
bors. Our reaction was anger and disbelief, a
sense of personal betrayal.
Today, 14 years have passed since the estab-
lishment of the Communist government in Pei-
ping. It is time to take stock — dispassion-
ately — of the greatest and most difficult problem
we face in our efforts to assist in the development
of a peaceful Far East.
U.S. Does Not "Ignore" China
Let me begin by disposing of a myth. It is
frequently charged that the United States Gov-
ernment is "ignoring" China and its 700 million
people.
This is simply untrue. We do not ignore our
ally, the Government of the Republic of China.
We do not ignore the 12 million people in Tai-
wan. Nor, in fact, do we ignore the people on
the mainland. We are very much aware of
them, and we have a deep friendship for them.
Nor, finally, do we ignore the Communist leader-
ship which has established itself on the main-
land. We meet with them from time to time,
as at the periodic talks between our ambassa-
dors in Warsaw. We should like to be less ig-
norant of them and for them to be less ignorant
of us. To this end we have been striving for
years to arrange an exchange of correspondents ;
but we have been put off with the assertion that
so long as the "principal issue" — which they de-
fine in terms of their absurd charge that we are
"occupying" Taiwan — is unresolved, there can
be no progress on "secondary issues."
If we have not persuaded the Chinese Com-
munists to allow an exchange of correspondents
and to lower the wall of secrecy with which they
surround themselves, we have nevertheless spent
considerable effort in trying to understand what
manner of men the Chinese Communists are,
what are their ambitions, and what are the prob-
lems which stand in their way. We have tried
to be objective and to see to it that dislike of
communism does not becloud our ability to see
the facts.
Failure of the "Great Leap Forward"
What is the essence of our analysis? What
sort of people are the Chinese Communists?
What kind of power is at their disposal?
These are important questions. We shall be
in danger if we let our policies be guided by
emotionalism or our thought processes by
cliches. Our policies flow from the answers to
these questions, and it is not enough that we
prove ourselves properly anti-Communist by
repeating anti-Communist phrases.
First and foremost, the Chinese Communist
leaders have shown themselves to be danger-
ously overconfident and wedded to outdated
theories but pragmatic when their existence is
threatened.
Take the example of the so-called "great leap
forward" of 1958-1960. You have undoubtedly
heard that it was a catastrophe, and so it was.
The Chinese Communist leaders did not under-
stand the laws of the economically possible, and
they undertook to do what could not be done.
The collapse was extraordinary. Agriculture
has barely regained its 1957 level, but there may
be 70 million more mouths to feed. Industrial
production fell by perhaps one-half between
1959 and 1962. The Chinese Communists first
blamed the weather, then blamed the Russians.
But, as their educated men must know, they have
above all else to blame their own attempt to re-
write economics. I am still astounded at the
12
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
arrogance of a leadership which believed that
what all others have learned about economics
was wrong and that it had by some flash of
illumination come upon the truth.
The failure of the "great leap" is not the only
lesson which we may learn from this period of
internal crisis. Though the economy collapsed,
the regime did not. Nor was its authority effec-
tively challenged. It retained firm command of
the instruments of control.
Equally important, the leaders have learned,
and publicly admit, that it will take generations
before China becomes a modern industrial
power. They have finally shown an ability to
temper their grandiose slogans and frenetic
schemes.
To be sure, communism has yet to prove that
it can make agriculture work. The Commu-
nists have swallowed their Marxism and al-
lowed the return of small private plots, but
they have not abandoned collectivized agricul-
ture. This dogmatic contrariness in a land
which is still overwhelmingly agricultural may
yet bring them even greater troubles. More-
over, recent failures have eroded the morale and
discipline of the movement.
Nevertheless the Communists did correct the
most dangerous mistakes of the "great leap for-
ward." "When their survival depended upon
it, they showed flexibility in meeting the threat,
and we have no reason to believe that there is
a present likelihood that the Communist regime
will be overthrown.
A second major fact about Communist China's
leaders is their parochialism: They have seen
extraordinarily little of the outside world, and
their world view is further constricted by their
ideology. Thirty to forty years ago they took
over certain Marxist economic assumptions and
Lenin's technique for organizing a disciplined
party. To these Mao Tse-tung added certain
tactical innovations. Such methods worked in
their struggle for power, and they expect them
to work in their struggle for modernization. I
believe, however, that there are men at the sec-
ond echelon who know that the "great leap for-
ward'' reflected a stubborn addiction to theories
which do not work in a modern world. Yet I
wonder whether the leadership has absorbed the
same lessons.
These are the "Marxist puritans"; they see
all the world as a conflict between unblemished
good and unredeemable evil. Few people con-
sider themselves wrong and evil, but there are
very few people on earth who are so sublimely
confident as are the Chinese Communist leaders
that they are always right and good, 'liny
have arrogated to themselves the right to repre-
sent the "revolution." Those who disagree are
automatically wrong and evil. This attitude is
displayed in their quarrel with the Russians.
Unfortunately, in this world there is no as-
surance that people are good because they think
they are good or that they are right because
they think they are right. If the Chinese Com-
munists are obsessed with their own goodness,
rather than being consciously evil as (hey often
appear to others, the threat which they pose to
a peaceful world is not thereby diminished.
Mao and his colleagues are simply unaware of
some of the vital ideas which have moved civili-
zation. For them there is no problem of the
relationship between man and society : The in-
dividual must yield. These men know nothing
of the genuine purposes of democracy or of
constitutional government. These are men who
say that "all progressive wars are just, and all
wars that impede progress are unjust," and
who then reserve the right to decide what is
"progress." These are men who comfortably
clothe their own dictatorship in a cloak of doc-
trinal righteousness. Where such men triumph,
some of civilization's most precious values are
eclipsed. And they have proclaimed their de-
termination to spread their system everywhere.
Is this permanent? Musi we live indefinitely
with such men?
Perhaps I am too optimistic; but there is
some evidence of evolutionary forces at work
in mainland China. As I have said, the present
leaders have seen remarkably little of the out-
side world. They have conquered mainland
China. They may believe that, with concepts
unchanged, they can go on to conquer the world.
These leaders, however, were deep in rural China
when the rest of the world was debut ing Keynes
and sharpening the tools of economic analysis.
They may not yet have absorbed all the lessons
of the "great leap forward"; but the more so-
phisticated second echelon of leadership un-
JAXTTARY 6, 1904
13
doubtedly knows that it was simple ignorance
of the techniques of administering a complex
economy which led to many of the mistakes of
1958. This economic example is particularly
striking; it could be repeated throughout the
sciences and humanities. The leaders may not
know it, but the intellectuals know that the
official explanation is not adequate as a descrip-
tion of reality. As these ideas seep upward or
as the present leaders retire, this awareness may
eventually profoundly erode the present simple
view with which the leadership regards the
world.
Furthermore, an economy becomes geomet-
rically more complex as it modernizes, as the
stages of production multiply, and as wants
become more diverse. Rule by command be-
comes progressively less effective than encour-
aging the exercise of personal initiative in run-
ning such a society. The Chinese Communists
have shown that they see the problem ; but they
have not shown themselves willing to sacrifice
their doctrinal orthodoxy, as will be required if
they are to deal with the problem.
In China today the old gods have been struck
down and Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-tung put
in their place. We see no signs yet that a new
credo is on the rise to replace this present pan-
theon. "We may see a leadership professedly
Marxist for some time, even if its values and
priorities change. This process of change is not
automatic, nor is it likely to happen very fast.
Nevertheless, the present leaders have shown
that they already fear it, in their efforts to resur-
rect "revolutionary awareness." We do not
know which way these changes will go, but —
and here is my point — neither do the Chinese
Communists.
What about the appeal of the Chinese Com-
munists to the new nations of the world ? They
have scored some successes with extremists
everywhere in identifying themselves as the
radical end of the Communist movement.
Peiping has been alert to the worldwide oppor-
tunities for playing on nationalistic differences
and prejudices and gaining toeholds within the
so-called national liberation movements or
among the dissatisfied and disgruntled. We
may expect this process to continue. These suc-
cesses, however, may be more apparent than
real. As extremists approach power, they may
become less radical and may weigh more heav-
ily the questions as to who can offer them more
support and more protection.
The Chinese Communists are "true believers,"
arrogant in the assumption that other countries
will wish to do things their way and will see the
world as they see it ; they cannot see themselves
and their own beliefs as the product of a special
time and place. But if there is a tendency
afoot in the world, it would seem to be in the
opposite direction, as more countries look to
their own national ideals and interests rather
than to an unquestioning faith in Marxism-
Leninism.
Thus the Chinese Communists have set them-
selves up as a model for the less developed na-
tions. But, like the king in the fairy tale, they
seem unaware that they have no clothes. Others
see, though the Chinese Communists have not,
that the failure of the "great leap forward" has
shown the model to be gravely deficient.
Taiwan, a Model for Chinese Development
The tragedy of the closed and stagnant so-
ciety on the mainland is dramatized by the ro-
bust survival of an alternative model for Chi-
nese development : the record of the Government
of the Republic of China on Taiwan.
Here the modernization of Chinese society
has taken place outside the Communist strait-
jacket — and the results are extraordinarily im-
pressive.
Of the Republic of China I can only say:
"Go see for yourself." While Communist China
has suffered the disaster of the "great leap for-
ward," Taiwan has enjoyed a sustained and re-
markable economic growth. The model of
Taiwan's development in the past 15 years is of
increasing interest to the less developed nations
everywhere. In time the contrast with the
mainland can hardly be lost upon those nations
which have an opportunity to see it.
Stereotypes die hard, and Communist China
by its sheer size exercises a fascination ; but if the
economic techniques used by the Republic of
China over the next few years yield the great
gains in economic and social welfare that we
have reason to expect, the impact on other de-
veloping nations will be considerable. And we
may see a diminution in the attractive power
14
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
of industrialization carried out through the
suffering 'which seems to he the inescapable
companion of economic growth in Communist
countries.
Not alone through economic accomplish-
ment the Republic of China has the opportu-
nity to preserve and vitalize the humane tradi-
tions and values of Chinese civilization in the
course of its modernization. These are a legacy
which the. Chinese Communists are attempting
to eradicate on the mainland.
U.S. Purposes Are Peaceful and Defensive
You have expected me to talk about Ameri-
can policy, and I have talked mostly about Com-
munist China's prospects. I have had a reason
for doing this. Policies based upon a misap-
prehension of reality may lead us far from the
goals we seek. There has perhaps been more
emotion about our China policy than about our
policy toward any single country since World
War II. Yet our nation must look squarely at
China, pursuing policies which will protect the
interests of our country, of the free world, and
of men of good will everywhere.
Our prime objective concerning Communist
China is that it not subvert or commit aggression
against its free-world neighbors. It must not
be allowed to accomplish for communism
through force of arms that success which it has
rarely achieved at the ballot box.
President Kennedy called our purposes in the
Far East peaceful and defensive. And so they
remain.
If the free-world governments of Asia are
responsive to the needs and wishes of their own
peoples, and if they have developed the tech-
niques and machinery for fulfilling the role of
government in their countries, communism can
endanger them only through the naked threat
of military force. Most of the countries thus
threatened are too small to stand alone against
such a threat, and they need to use their re-
sources for their people's welfare rather than for
the creation of an elaborate war machine. We
have undertaken in many cases to provide the
protection against massive attack which will
permit them to pursue their own destinies
unafraid.
Our military assistance in the Far East has
been given with the objective of permitting
Asian nations to develop the forces to defend
their own borders and to protect themselves
against probing attacks and paramilitary chal-
lenges. This is a necessary and grave
responsibility.
However, I think that our hearts lie in that
assistance which we can give in another direc-
tion : in helping them to establish the economic
and political conditions in which a free society
can flourish. This is particularly agreeable to
us, because these are the tilings which those
countries would want to do, and which we
would want to help them to do, whether or not
communism existed.
Before I close, there is one other area in which
questions have been raised about American
policy and in which a clarification of this Gov-
ernment's position is timely. I refer to the
apparent differences in the policies which we
are adopting toward the Soviet Union and to-
ward Communist China. We maintain a policy
of nonrecognition and trade embargo of Com-
munist China — at a time when we are willing
to broaden contact with the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union and Communist China do
share the goal of communizing the world. But
we see important differences in the thinking
and tactics of the two. In the U.S.S.R. the
Communists were developing a modern indus-
trial society precisely when in China they were
conducting a guerrilla war from rural bases.
The Soviet leadership seems to have absorbed
certain lessons from its more extended develop-
ment — as to the values and priorities which
one may safely pursue on a small planet and
as to the price of miscalculating the nature of
the outside world.
We believe that the policies which have
proved their worth with Moscow are equally
valid for our long-term relations with Peiping.
But we also believe that our approach should
be adapted to the differences in behavior be-
tween the two, as they relate to our own na-
tional objectives.
First and foremost, we fully honor our close
and friendly ties with the people of the Re-
public of China on Taiwan and with their Gov-
ernment. We conceive of this relationship not
as an historical accident but as a matter of basic
JANUARY G, 19r, 4
15
principle. So long as Peiping insists on the
destruction of this relationship as the sine qua
non for any basic improvement in relations be-
tween ourselves and Communist China, there
can be no prospect for such an improvement.
Our differing policies toward the Soviet
Union and Communist China derive, secondly,
from their differing attitudes toward negotia-
tions, as such, even in limited areas. Faced
with the realities of the nuclear age, the Soviet
Union appears to recognize that certain in-
terests — notably survival — are shared by all
mankind. Peiping, however, remains wedded
to a fundamentalist form of communism which
emphasizes violent revolution, even if it threat-
ens the physical ruin of the civilized world.
It refuses to admit that there are common in-
terests which cross ideological lines.
Third, United States policy is influenced by
Chinese communism's obsessive suspicion of the
outside world, far exceeding even that of the
Soviet Union. Whereas Moscow appears to
have learned that free-world readiness to nego-
tiate limited common interests is not a sign of
weakness, Peiping regards any conciliatory
gesture as evidence of weakness and an oppor-
tunity for exploitation.
Perhaps the best evidence of this paranoid
view of the world came from Peiping's Foreign
Minister Ch'en I, who declared, at the height of
China's food crisis in 1962, that his government
would never accept any aid from America be-
cause this would mean "handing our vast
market over to America." Given the near-sub-
sistence level of the society and the limited
purchasing power of the government, this view
of American intentions could only be conjured
up by men possessed of an unremitting distrust
of all external peoples and a naive sense of their
own economic prospects.
Fourth are the differing circumstances and
opportunities on the peripheries of the Soviet
Union and Communist China. The Soviet
Union and European members of its bloc border
on long-established, relatively stable states de-
fended by powerful, locally based — as well as
more distant — deterrent and defensive forces.
Communist China's neighbors, on the other
hand, include newly established states strug-
gling to maintain their independence, with very
limited defense forces. There is a wider range
of opportunities for aggression and subversion
available to Peiping, which renders it even more
important that in dealing with Peiping we not
permit that regime to underestimate free-world
firmness and determination.
Much speculation has turned around the ques-
tion of possible commercial relations between
private American firms and Communist China,
especially in view of the declining trade be-
tween Communist China and its Soviet bloc
partners. Peiping's own policies, however,
seem crystal clear on this point. Peiping ap-
parently wants none of it. As one of its trade
officials recently declared, "We have a very clear
attitude. We won't trade with the United
States because the United States Government
is hostile to us." The Chinese Communists fol-
low Mao's maxim that "politics and economics
are inseparable." They made this clear in their
unilateral rupture of contracts with Japanese
firms in 1958 and their willingness to jeopardize
major industrial projects as the price for carry-
ing on their dispute with the Soviet Union in
1960.
In sum, while respecting the right of others
to view the matter otherwise, we find important
differences in the willingness and ability of the
Soviet Union and Communist China, at the
present stage of their respective development,
to reach limited agreements which can bring
some reduction of the terrible dangers and ten-
sions of our present-day world. We believe that
policies of strength and firmness, accompanied
by a constant readiness to negotiate — policies
long and effectively pursued with the Soviet
Union — will best promote the changes which
must take place on the China mainland before
we can hope to achieve long-sought conditions
of peace, security, and progress in this half of
the globe.
President Johnson said : 2
We will be unceasing in the search for peace; re-
sourceful in our pursuit of areas of agreement, even
willi those with whom we differ. . . . We must ho pre-
pared at one and the same time for both the confronta-
tion of power and the limitation of power. We must lie
ready to defend the national Interest and to negotiate
the common interest.
- Iii-LLETiN of Dec. 16, 1063, p. 910.
16
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
We are confronted in Communist China with
a regime which presently finds no ground of
common interest with those whose ideals it does
not share, which has used hatred as an engine
of national policy. The United States is the
central tigure in their demonology and the tar-
get of a sustained fury of invective. After
President Kennedy's assassination, while other
nations — Communist and free — shared our
grief, the Chinese Communist Daily Worker
published a cartoon of a man sprawled on the
ground with the caption "Kennedy Bites (he
Dust."' If this speaks for the Chinese Com-
munist leadership, I am confident that it does
not speak for most Chinese.
Americans — businessmen, missionaries, dip-
lomats — have long felt a particularly close rap-
port with the Chinese. In World War II
American pilots downed in Communist areas
came out with moving accounts of Chinese help-
fulness and friendliness. The Communists had
not destroyed those attitudes then. I doubt
they have succeeded in destroying them now.
We do not know what changes may occur in
the attitudes of future Chinese leaders. But if
I may paraphrase a classic canon of our past,
we pursue today toward Communist China a
policy of the open door : We are determined to
keep the door open to the possibility of change
and not to slam it shut against any develop-
ments which might advance our national good,
serve the free world, and benefit the people of
China. Patience is not unique to the Chinese.
We too can maintain our positions without being
provoked to unseemly action or despairing of
what the future may hold. We will not sow the
dragon's seed of hate which may bear bitter fruit
in future generations of China's millions. But
neither will we betray our interests and those of
our allies to appease the ambitions of Commu-
nist China's leaders.
We hope that, confronted with firmness which
will make foreign adventure unprofitable, and
yet offered the prospect that the way back into
the community of man is not closed to it, the
Chinese Communist regime will eventually for-
sake its present venomous hatreds which spring
from a rigid class view of society. We hope
that they will rediscover the Chinese virtue of
tolerance for a multitude of beliefs and faiths
and thai they will acoepl again a world <>f di-
versity in place <if the gray monolith whirl,
Mvuistobeco lunism's goal for human society.
On November liTt h President Johnson said :
The time has come for Americans of all races and
creeds and political beliefs to understand and reaped
one another. Let us put an end to the teaching and
the preaching of hate and evil and violence. Lei Da
turn away from the fanatics of the Cat left ami the far
right. . . .
President Johnson was talking about Amer
ica. But the words are valid for all mankind.
President Congratulates Zanzibar
and Kenya on Independence
MESSAGE TO ZANZIBAR, DECEMBER 9
White House press release dated December 9
Gov . Philip H. Hoff of Vermont, Personal
Representative of President Johnson with the
rank of Special Ambassador, on December 9
delivered the following message of greeting
from the President to His Majesty Seyyid
Jamshid bin Abdulla, the Sultan of Zanzibar,
whose country toas celebrating its independence
on that day.
I welcome the opportunity to extend my
greetings and best wishes and those of the peo-
ple of the United States. My country has
watched with great interest and satisfaction as
the tide of freedom has rolled across the African
Continent. We are pleased that the peoples of
Africa are moving with dignity and assurance
to take their rightful place in world affairs, and
we welcome the many contributions Africa is
making to the building of a better world com-
munity.
We in the Inited States are dedicated to the
same goals as the peoples of Africa — justice,
freedom, and peace. Under our late President,
John F. Kennedy, the United States made sig-
nificant advances toward the attainment of
those goals. We will continue to work toward
those same objectives under my administration.
' Hid.
JANUARY 6, 19fi4
716-200— « S
17
We want to help build a world in which all men
have a better opportunity to improve their lives,
both spiritually and materially. Thus, we will
continue to press for equal rights for all — both
in my country and abroad — and we will con-
tinue to assist the world's new and emerging
nations in their efforts to strengthen their foun-
dations of freedom and independence.
Zanzibar and the United States have had
cordial relations for many decades, and we look
forward to continuing warm relations for cen-
turies to come. We in the United States con-
gratulate you in Zanzibar as you assume the
proud rights and responsibilities of independent
nationhood.
MESSAGE TO KENYA, DECEMBER 10
White House press release dated December 10
Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. TJdall,
Personal Representative of the President with
the rank of Special Ambassador, on Decem-
ber 10 delivered the following congratulatory
message from the President to Prime Minister
Jomo Kenyatta, of Kenya, whose country gained
its independence at midnight December 11, rais-
ing the number of independent nations in
Africa to 35.
Once again, as has happened so frequently in
these exciting years, a new nation has appeared
in the family of mankind. And once again, the
people of the United States of America see in
that event a reaffirmation of the ideals which
were embodied in their own struggle for free-
dom. As our own freedom for all our citizens
was proclaimed to the world by our Declaration
of Independence, so Kenya's freedom begins
with her declaration of independence today.
The United States, under President Kennedy,
welcomed and supported the growth of free and
independent nations in Africa, and American
policy will continue along the same lines. Our
ultimate goal is a world dedicated to peace and
freedom. To help achieve such a world, we will
continue to combat those age-old enemies of
world peace — illiteracy, illness, malnutrition,
and poverty. We also are deeply committed to
the attainment of basic human rights by all men.
And we are irrevocably determined to speed that
process by assuring equal rights to all Ameri-
cans as quickly as we are able. In essence, then,
the United States is devoted to the same basic
human aspirations as those of the people of
Kenya — and, indeed, as those of people of good
will throughout the world.
To the courageous people of Kenya, the
American people and I send the warmest good
wishes as you enter into nationhood. Just as the
infant United States was encouraged and
strengthened by the sympathy of those through-
out the world who loved liberty, so your young
and vigorous nation will have the understand-
ing support of free men in every land. Good
fortune in the years ahead. May the responsi-
bilities of freedom wake the best that is in you,
and may its benefits be known by generations
vet unborn.
Letters of Credence
Burundi
The newly appointed Ambassador of
Burundi, Leon Ndenzako, presented his creden-
tials to President Johnson on December 13.
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 622 dated December 13.
Thailand
The newly appointed Ambassador of Thai-
land, Sukich Nimmanheminda, presented his
credentials to President Johnson on December
19. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and
the President's reply, see Department of State
press release 635 dated December 19.
is
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Following an texts of a statement by Ambas-
sador Aillni E. Stevenson, V.S. Representative
to the t'.X. General Assembly, and an address
by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Sec-
i, fury of State for International Organization
Affairs, made in connection with the celebra-
tion of the 15th anniversary of the adoption
on December 10, 19JS, of the Universal Decla-
ration of Human Rights.
STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON'
As a common standard of achievement for
all, the declaration was a milestone in history.
It was a great stride along the road to justice
and peace. For the first time an international
forum accepted the proposition that the pre-
condition to peace was human rights — the
rights of man that tyranny, bigotry, and op-
pression had too long denied him.
We meet here today to commemorate this act.
In the words of an immortal champion of those
rights, it is altogether fitting and proper that
we should do this.
For the United States, in particular, this
ceremony has added significance. In conjunc-
tion with marking the 15th anniversary of the
Declaration of Human Eights, we celebrate this
week, too, the 172d anniversary of our own Bill
of Rights. It is a matter of pride for us that
the two have so much in common — that from
our distant past we can take increased hope for
the world's future, a future in which dignity
and equality shall be the inalienable right of
all men everywhere.
As a bridge to the future there is profound
significance in the anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Risrhts which we cele-
brate today. Let me emphasize, however, an
less we cross that bridge, unless we use it as
an instrument to right the wrongs thai still
oppress so much of the human family, the dec-
laration will sometime wither on the shelves
with all the other pious affirmations of good
intentions.
Today, gratified though we may be that the
declaration has gathered reverence for 15 years,
human rights still remain the great unfinished
business of all men.
So this is not an occasion for lighthearted
celebration. It is a moment for sober reflec-
tion. The war it declared is not yet won.
Only when every man in every land can truly
say he has attained every right that is his due,
only then will we have the right to truly cele-
brate. And perhaps none of us will be here for
that celebration.
In marking this anniversary today I would
like to call your attention to some words re-
cently spoken by the new President of the
United States, Lyndon Johnson.
"Justice," he said, "is not a partial tiling
which can be measured in terms of percent-
ages. Any degree of injustice is complete in-
justice. And until we achieve complete justice
we can regard progress only as a series of Steps
toward the goal. Each step should hearten us:
but should not lull us into self-satisfaction that
the job has been done." "
And so it is that the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights must not be regarded as an end.
Xoble it is, but it is only one step toward the
establishment of a universal standard of jus-
tice, a precondition of the enduring world peace
we seek'.
It should hearten us, yes, "but should not lull
'Made in a special plenary meeting of the U.N. Gen-
eral Assembly on Dec. 9 (U.S. delegation press release
4335).
J From remarks made by Vice President Johnson be-
fore the Capital Press Club at Washington, D.C., on
May 18, 1963.
JANUARY G, 19C4
19
us into self-satisfaction that the job has been
done."
President Kennedy, in the last address he
was to make at this rostrum, 3 told us truthfully,
bluntly, what that job was, and he was equally
candid, whether referring to the United States
or to others. And if I may digress for a mo-
ment, I would suggest that all world leaders
who come to this rostrum discuss with equal
candor the stubborn ills that plague their own
societies.
Would that we did not have such ills in
America ! But until they are cured — and they
will be and soon — I can assure you that we
will never be secret or furtive about them; we
shall continue to battle them and discuss them
openly where all may see and hear. For this,
too, is a human right — the right of men to know
what is being done to combat the evils among us.
". . . man does not live by bread alone,"
President Kennedy said,
and members of this organization are committed by
the charter to promote and respect human rights.
Those rights are not respected when a Buddhist priest
is driven from his pagoda, when a synagog is shut
down, when a Protestant church cannot open a mis-
sion, when a cardinal is forced into hiding, or when a
crowded church service is bombed. The United States
of America is opposed to discrimination and persecu-
tion on grounds of race and religion anywhere in the
world, including our own nation. . . .
We are opposed to apartheid and all forms of human
oppression. We do not advocate the rights of black
Africans in order to drive out white Africans. Our
concern is the right of all men to equal protection un-
der the law — and since human rights are indivisible,
this body cannot stand aside when those rights are
abused and neglected by any member state.
New efforts are needed if this Assembly's Declara-
tion of Human Rights, now 15 years old, is to have full
meaning. And new means should be found for promot-
ing the free expression and trade of ideas — through
travel and communication and through increased ex-
changes of people and books and broadcasts. For as
the world renounces the competition of weapons, com-
petition in ideas must flourish — and that competition
must be as full and as fair as possible.
I have taken the liberty of quoting exten-
sively not what I have said but what two Presi-
dents of this country have said, because it could
have been said anywhere in the world by leaders
8 For President Kennedy's address before the 18th
session of the General Assembly on Sept. 20, 1963, see
Bulletin of Oct. 7, 196'3, p. 530.
concerned with prejudice, oppression, social ir-
responsibility, discrimination, and man's in-
humanity to man. To press forward the fron-
tiers of the human intellect and spirit is the task
of all leaders everywhere. And the United Na-
tions by this historic declaration has charted the
way to lift from the conscience and the shoul-
ders of man the ancient burden of inequality.
It is for us to follow the chart, to get on with
the great unfinished business of human rights
which are at the core, the very heart, of our
effort to bring about a peaceful change in the
affairs of the human family.
The history of tyranny and injustice is much
older than the history of freedom and justice.
Yet now we know full well that no society, na-
tional or international, can prosper or long
endure if it does not grant the people full hu-
man, political, and economic rights.
When the battle for the rights of man will be
won is not predictable, but this must not lessen
our determination that, in the end, it will be
won and that it will be won peacefully.
Eleanor Roosevelt, the beloved First Lady
of our era, who gave so much of her great heart
and tireless energy to the declaration, once
asked: "Where, after all, do universal rights
begin?" And she answered: "In small jilaces
close to home, so close and so small that they
cannot be seen on any map of the world . . .
they are the world of the individual
person . . . ."
Let us, each of us, go forth from here to
places close to home, and there let each of us
strive to finish the work that we, in this As-
sembly, have solemnly proclaimed "the highest
aspiration of the common people."
ADDRESS BY MR. GARDNER *
This week marks the 15th anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Eights. On
this occasion it is fitting and proper that we re-
view past efforts to strengthen the observance
of human rights around the world and consider
how these efforts may be strengthened in the
future.
4 Made before the World Jewish Congress at New-
York, N.T., on Dec. 8 (U.S. D.N. press release 4333
dated Dee. 6).
20
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Bill of Rights Day
Human Rights Day
A PROCLAMATION 1
Whereas December 10, 19G3, is the fifteenth
nnniver.sar.Y of the adoption by the United Nations
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ns
a common standard of achievement for all peoples
and all nations, and the General Assembly has called
for special observance of this anniversary in the
hope that it may mark a decisive step forward In
the affirmation of these fundamental freedoms; and
Whereas December IS, 1!)C3, is the one hundred
and seventy-second anniversary of the adoption of
the first ten amendments to the Constitution of the
United States, which are known as the Bill of
Rights, and this day has long been celebrated in
gratitude for the guarantees of individual rights
and liberties set forth therein ; and
WHEREAS many of the principles embodied in our
Bill of Rights — freedom of speech, press, and as-
sembly, freedom of religion and conscience, the right
to a fair trial, and prohibition against cruel and
unusual punishments — are likewise embodied in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and are
hailed by free peoples as the foundation of demo-
cratic government and of the rule of law ; and
Whereas the past year has seen a great surge of
determination in this country to assure the full
enjoyment of these rights and freedoms without
distinction as to race, sex, creed, or color ; and
Whereas the ideals epitomized in the Bill of
Rights and in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights were ever foremost in the heart of our gal-
lant thirty-fifth President, John Fitzgerald
Kennedy :
Now, therefore, I, Lyndon B. JonNSON, President
of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim
December 10, 1903, as Human Rights Day im<l De
cembcr 1."., 1963, as Bill of Rights Day, and call upon
the people of the United States to observe the week
of December 10-17 as Human Bights Week. Let us
set aside time, in our places of worship, in our
schools, and in our homes, and at gatherings of
civic and patriotic organizations, to examine once
again these cherished documents of human rights
in order that we may cultivate a greater apprecia-
tion of our heritage of Individual liberty and
responsibility.
Let us rededicate ourselves to the humanitarian
precepts enumerated in those documents and let us
resolve to devote our full energy to the task of
assuring that each human being — regardless of his
race, sex, creed, color, or place of national origin —
shall he afforded a meaningful opportunity to enjoy
fully the rights and benefits embodied in these in-
struments of liberty and to enjoy fully our heritage
of justice under law. In so doing, we will erect an
everlasting and vibrant memorial to our departed
President.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of
America to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this second day
of December in the year of our Lord
[seal] nineteen hundred and sixty-three, and of
the Independence of the United States of
America the one hundred and eighty-eighth.
Ly*XJ4/k*/«-«
1 No. 3563 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 12895.
By the President :
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.
One of the several ways in which the Charter
of the United Nations marked an important
advance over the League of Nations Covenant
was in its emphasis on human rights. The
charter makes the promotion of human rights
one of the main purposes of the organization.
In articles 55 and 56 members assume the re-
sponsibility to take action to promote "uni-
versal respect for, and observance of, human
rights and fundamental freedoms for all with-
out distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion."
The legitimacy of international concern for
human rights everywhere was thereby acknowl-
edged in an international instrument ratified
by every important independent country at the
time. In securing the adoption of these revolu-
tionary changes the United States played b
leading part and in doing so had the undivided
support and encouragement of the nongovern-
mental organizations represented at San Fran-
cisco.
The United States also took the initiative in
the formulation and adoption of article 71,
under which international nongovernmental or-
ganizations subsequently received consultative
JAXTTART 6, 10G4
21
status, among them this organization, the World
Jewish Congress. Cooperation between gov-
ernments and voluntary bodies is an old Ameri-
can practice and is perhaps more highly devel-
oped in this country than anywhere else. It is
one of the distinctive manifestations of our
democratic way of life and may fairly be
described as an American contribution to the
charter.
The nongovernmental organizations made an
outstanding contribution at San Francisco and
ever since, as an examination of the record will
show, have played an important part in focus-
ing attention on the human rights provisions
of the United Nations Charter.
The United States has sought consistently,
and under the guidance of its own history and
traditions, to give form and substance to the
promise implicit in the charter. It pressed for
the adoption of an international bill of rights,
the first element of which was to be the Uni-
versal Declaration, the 15th anniversary of
which we are now celebrating. The draft of
this declaration, which was the basis for the
action of the General Assembly in 1948, was
prepared and formulated by the United Nations
Commission on Human Eights under the chair-
manship of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 5
U.S. Leadership in Promotion of Human Rights
On this 15th anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Eights it is appropriate
that we rededicate ourselves to this historic ef-
fort under the United Nations to promote
human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In his address to the General Assembly on
September 20th, President Kennedy declared:
"New efforts are needed if this Assembly's Dec-
laration of Human Rights, now 15 years old,
is to have full meaning."
The United States Government in the months
ahead will continue to take a leading role in
the United Nations and elsewhere in the pro-
motion of human rights and fundamental free-
doms for all men — and to support practical
proposals in the pursuit of this objective.
I need hardly emphasize before this audience
6 For texts of a statement made by Mrs. Roosevelt
on Dec. 9, 1948, and the draft declaration, see Bulletin
of Dec. 19, 1948, p. 751.
the importance of continued U.S. leadership in
the worldwide promotion of human rights.
Since the Declaration of Independence our
country has been dedicated to the pursuit of
human rights and fundamental freedoms, not
just for Americans but for all men everywhere.
Our power in the world derives not just from
our position as an arsenal of weapons or as a
storehouse of commodities but as a base from
which to seek the universal realization of the
dignity of man.
The principles and ideals embodied in the
Universal Declaration of Human Eights are
the same principles and ideals embodied in our
Constitution and basic laws. They represent
an essential and irreversible element in the
policy of our country. This applies to our
policy at home as well as abroad. It is no acci-
dent that President Lyndon B. Johnson, in his
first address to Congress, 6 put special emphasis
on the speedy passage of the civil rights bill.
There are practical and urgent reasons for
our concern with the realization of human
rights on a worldwide basis. The experience
of recent years has demonstrated not only the
interdependence of nations in their pursuit of
basic values but also the interdependence be-
tween human rights and national security. We
have seen how the destruction of freedom at
home in totalitarian societies of the right and
the left can lead to the destruction of freedom
abroad. Conversely, we know that worldwide
progress in the vindication of human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all will also be
progress toward creating a peaceful and stable
world order.
During most of the U.N.'s 18 years, the drive
for freedom has tended to be denned as the
drive for national independence. But we know
that history is studded with examples of un-
holy alliances between nationalism and tyranny.
Now that freedom has been achieved for so
many new nations, we are still faced with the
previous question : What about freedom for in-
dividual men and women and children, the in-
dividual human persons whose dignity and
worth we reaffirmed on the opening page of the
U.N. Charter?
' Ibid., Dec. 1G, 1963, p. 910.
22
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
We all know how far the world is today from
a satisfactory answer to this question.
In some nations fundamental freedoms are
denied by governments as a matter of princi-
ple — by racial separation, by political oppres-
sion, by religious persecution. In other nations
many freedoms are deliberately postponed, by
government action, to concentrate on what are
thought to be more urgent items of public
business.
In all nations, in greater or less degree, free-
doms are infringed by lust for unchallenged
political power, by the animosities of tribe or
class or caste or sect or party, by prejudice and
bigotry and other evils which still divide the
branches of humanity.
There is no doubt that these matters are of
international concern. They can and should be
exposed to the awakened and articulate con-
science of mankind in the United Nations and
other international forums.
Specific Measures Supported by U.S.
What specific measures is the United States
now prepared to support in the international
effort for the promotion of human rights ? The
answer falls in two main parts :
In the first place, the United States Govern-
ment has embarked on a new policy of consider-
ing United Nations human rights conventions
on their merits.
In July of this year President Kennedy sub-
mitted to the Senate for advice and consent to
ratification three United Nations conventions
dealing with forced labor, practices akin to
slavery, and the political rights of women. 7
Each of these deals with an important human
right already guaranteed by the Federal Consti-
tution and by existing Federal law. We believe
their ratification can play a significant part in
cultivating an international environment con-
genial to American interests.
Beyond pressing for the speedy ratification
of these three conventions, we have been actively
participating in the consideration of other
human rights conventions, including the two
human rights covenants. We do not underrate
the difficulty and complexity of the problems
' For President Kennedy's letter of transmittal and
tests of the conventions, see iUd., Aug. 26, 1903, p. 322.
which must arise when an attempt is made to
formulate a single rule of law affecting human
rights which can apply to more than 100 nations
with varied social and political systems and
traditions. But we are resolved to make every
contribution we can toward the development of
international standards for the protection of
human rights which take account of the legal
systems and social structures of participating
states.
In the second place, apart from the process of
drafting conventions, we are considering ways
in which the United Nations can deal with
human rights questions on a more objective and
professional basis.
In the 18 years of its existence the United
Nations has developed effective procedures for
dealing with two of its principal concerns — the
maintenance of peace and security and the pro-
motion of economic development. It has been
less successful in developing adequate proce-
dures with respect to its third concern — the
promotion of human rights.
At the present time, for example, the United
Nations does not provide its members with an
up-to-date, comprehensive, and professional
analysis of the measures taken by member states
in fulfillment of their charter obligations to
promote human rights for all their citizens.
The Human Rights Commission regularly by-
passes discussions of current problems in speci-
fic countries. In the vacuum thus created the
General Assembly is tending to involve itself in
politicized and emotional discussions of a few
human rights problems without the benefit of a
broad and analytical review of the entire
subject.
We continue to believe, as President Kennedy
told the Assembly, that "new efforts are needed"
if the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
is to have full meaning.
We should consider the role the United Na-
tions might play in defining standards, in clar-
ifying experience, in reviewing government
performance against charter principles, and in
exposing to the conscience of the world the de-
nial of those rights which should be the heritage
of all human beings.
If this process of international discussion is
to bear fruit, however, it must be genuinely de-
voted to the national pursuit of human rights,
JATStVAKT 6, 1964
23
not the national pursuit of self-righteousness.
In this field we might well benefit from the ap-
plication of the familiar legal doctrine of "clean
hands": Those who would call in question the
practices of others should at least be making
every effort to put their own house in order.
The real test of a nation's commitment to hu-
man rights is not what it says for all the world
to hear but what it does in practice for all the
world to see.
Situation of Jewish Community in Soviet Union
This leads me inevitably to some specific com-
ments about the human rights practices of the
Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union in recent years has sought
to assert its leadership in human rights issues
before the United Nations. There is a certain
irony in this effort, an irony of which the
United Nations is frequently reminded not only
by ourselves but by other members. For the
Soviet Union has adopted as Government policy
a widespread disregard for those fundamental
human rights which are embodied in the United
Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights.
We cannot and should not forget for an in-
stant the violations of basic political liberties
which have affected all religious and national
elements of the Soviet population.
In this gathering today it is fitting to make
some reference to the specific disabilities, re-
ligious and cultural, of the Jewish community
in the Soviet Union. These are a matter of anx-
ious interest not only to other Jewish commu-
nities but to all who seek to build a better world
on the basis of the principles embodied in the
Universal Declaration :
— There has been a marked decline within
the last 3 years in the number of synagogs in
the Soviet Union. No Jewish schools are al-
lowed to be established. A majority of the stu-
dents at the one rabbinical seminary permitted
to exist in the entire Soviet Union were denied
residence permits in 1962 for the city of Moscow
on the grounds of a housing shortage.
— No Hebrew Bible has been published for
Jews since 1917, nor has even a Russian transla-
tion of the Jewish Old Testament been allowed.
Six — no more than six — books in the Yiddish
language have been published since 1953.
— Even the baking of matzos for Passover
has been prohibited, and the last kosher meat
market in Moscow has been closed.
— A person of Jewish descent who may have
broken completely with his religious tradition
must still carry the nationality designation
"Jew" in his identity card.
Our disquiet about the situation of the Jewish
community in the Soviet Union is not the result
of any diplomatic conflict or the so-called cold
war. We are equally opposed to any kind of
discrimination, and have made that repeatedly
clear, in any other country, irrespective of its
social or political structure. Our disquiet flows
from the deep conviction, which is as old as
our Declaration of Independence, that human
rights are inalienable and that the business of
government is to recognize and protect them.
Let me express the hope that the leaders of
the Soviet Union will seek to correct this situa-
tion in accordance with their own often pro-
claimed principle of equality for all the peoples
and religions under their jurisdiction. Let me
add that any amelioration of this situation
would itself be a positive contribution to the
development of better mutual understanding,
which is the indispensable foundation for a
common effort to overcome the dangers and dif-
ficulties which stand in the way of the fulfill-
ment of mankind's hope for a better world
founded on freedom and justice.
United States and Greece Extend
Educational Exchanges
Press release 628 dated December 16
The Governments of Greece and the United
States signed at Athens on December 13 an
agreement extending the program of educa-
tional exchanges between the two countries,
begun in 1949 under the Fulbright Act.
The new agreement is authorized by the Mu-
fcual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act
of 1961 (the Fulbright-Hays Act). It was
signed by Sophocles Venizolos, Deputy Prime
Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Greece, and American Ambassador Henry R.
Labouisse.
2\r
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Since the beginning the program has pro-
vided more than 1,100 giants for academic
exchanges between the two countries. Approxi-
mately 750 have been for Greek students, pro-
fessors, teachers, and research scholars to come
to the United States. Americans in compara-
ble capacities have gone to Greece for various
educational purposes under the program. In
addition to the categories under the agreement,
a number of leaders and specialists have been
exchanged between the two countries.
More than 2,500 scholarships have been given
through this program to Greek students, mostly
on the secondary and junior college level, to at-
tend American-sponsored schools in Greece.
U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964
Cultural Exchange Program
Press release 638 dated December 20
Agreement was reached on December 19 on
the 1964 U.S. -Rumanian cultural exchanges
program. The exchanges provided for in the
19G4 program will be in cultural, educational,
scientific, and other fields and will be based on
the April 2, 1963, arrangements for U.S.-Ru-
manian cultural exchanges. 1
Agreement on the 1964 program was reached
as the result of talks held in Bucharest Decem-
ber 17-19. Participating in the talks were Ru-
manian Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs
Pompiliu Macovei, American Minister to Ru-
mania William A. Crawford, and Frank G. Sis-
coe, Director of the Soviet and Eastern Euro-
pean Exchanges Staff, Department of State.
Norbert Dengler Named Consultant
for Cultural Affairs
The Department of State announced on Dec-
ember 18 (press release 634) that Norbert Den-
gler had been appointed a consultant to the
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs.
Mr. Dengler will assist the bureau in connec-
tion with educational and cultural exchanges
with Germany. For biographic detail-.
Department of Slate press release 634 dated
December 18.
Income Tax Convention
With Honduras Terminated
Press release 624 dated December 16
The convention of June 25, 1956, between
the United States and Honduras * for the avoid-
ance of double taxation and the prevention of
fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income
will cease to be effective for taxable years be-
ginning on or after January 1, 1964.
Article XXI of the convention provides that
it may be terminated by either party by a
6-month notice and that it "shall cease to be
effective for the taxable years beginning on or
after the first day of January next following
the expiration of the six-month period."
On June 26, 1963, the Government of Hon-
duras gave to the United States Government
notice for the termination of the convention.
President Establishes Interagency
Committee on Export Expansion
AN EXECUTIVE ORDER'
Establishing the Interagency Committee on Ex-
poet Expansion
Whereas foreign trade is an essential and contin-
uing element in the economic strength of the United
States, and expansion of exports by and through pri-
vate enterprise is of increasing imi>ortance and neces-
sity to the economic welfare of this nation; and
Whereas there is a need for a continuing and sys-
tematic coordination of Government programs and
policies designed to promote and expand United States
exports :
Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested In
me as President of the United States, it is ordered
as follows:
Section 1. Interagency Committee on Export Expan-
sion, (a) There is hereby established the Interagency
Committee on Export Expansion (hereinafter referred
to as the "Committee"), to serve in an advisory ca-
1 For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 29, 19C3,
p. 661.
1 Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3766.
2 No. 11132 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 13533.
JANUARY 6, 1064
25
pacity to the Secretary of Commerce with respect to
export expansion policies and programs, which shall
consist of the following members : The Secretary of
Commerce, who shall be Chairman ; the Secretary of
the Treasury ; the Secretary of Agriculture ; the Sec-
retary of State; the Secretary of Defense; the Presi-
dent of the Export-Import Bank of Washington; the
Administrator of the Small Business Administration;
and the Administrator of the Agency for International
Development. The Chairman shall from time to time
invite other heads of Federal agencies to participate
in Committee meetings when matters affecting their
interests are to be considered by the Committee.
(b) Each member of the Committee shall designate
an officer to sit on the Committee as an alternate mem-
ber whenever the designating member is absent or
otherwise unable to participate in a meeting of the
Committee. Alternate members from executive de-
partments shall be of rank not less than that of As-
sistant Secretary and other alternate members shall
be of rank as nearly comparable to that of an As-
sistant Secretary as may be practicable.
Sec. 2. The Secretary of Commerce. The Secretary
of Commerce shall be responsible for developing
methods for improving coordination among Federal
agencies in the development and carrying out of ex-
port promotion programs.
Sec. 3. Functions of the Committee. The Commit-
tee shall advise the Secretary of Commerce with re-
gard to (1) means for developing and stimulating more
effective export expansion programs; (2) changes in
existing policies and programs of the Federal agen-
cies which relate to improving export promotion and
expansion; and (3) related areas upon which the
Chairman may request advice.
Sec. 4. Consultation. In the performance of its
functions hereunder the Committee, as may be appro-
priate, shall seek the advice and support of the Na-
tional Export Expansion Council and shall consult
and closely coordinate with the Cabinet Committee on
Balance of Payments.
Sec 5. Administrative arrangements, (a) As may be
necessary for effectuating the purposes of this order,
the Federal agencies represented on the Committee un-
der the provisions of Section 1 hereof shall furnish
assistance to the Committee in consonance with Sec-
tion 214 of the Act of May 3, 1945 (59 Stat. 134; 31
U.S.C. 691). Such assistance may include the detail-
ing of employees to the Committee to perform such
functions consistent with the purposes of this order
as the Committee may assign to them and may also
include the assignment by the Secretary of Commerce
of an official in the Department of Commerce to serve
as the executive director of the Committee.
(b) With respect to functions of the Committee un-
der this order and insofar as practicable, Federal
agencies shall uiwn request of the Committee furnish it
information, data, and reports and shall otherwise
cooperate with the Committee.
Seo. C. Construction, (a) Nothing in this order shall
be construed to abrogate, modify, or restrict any func-
tion vested by law in, or assigned pursuant to law to,
any Federal agency or any officer thereof, or any Fed-
eral interagency council or committee.
(b) As used herein the term "Federal agencies" in-
cludes executive departments and other executive
agencies.
The White House,
December 12, 1963.
THE CONGRESS
President Johnson Signs Into Law
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963
/Statement by President Johnson
White House press release dated December 16
I have today [December 16] signed the For-
eign Assistance Act of 1963. The economic and
military aid programs authorized by this bill
are indispensable to the security of the United
States and the free world. This bill reflects this
nation's determination to maintain that security
by helping those nations willing to help them-
selves.
It also reflects, unfortunately, the growing
tendency to hamstring Executive flexibility
with rigid legislative provisions wholly inap-
propriate and potentially dangerous in a world
of rapid change. I wish to make clear now, for
example, that, when a free and peaceful gov-
ernment is ever established in Cuba, I intend to
exercise my authority to provide essential
health, educational, and other assistance to the
Cuban people, without waiting for a long and
complex adjudication.
In addition this bill reflects a dangerous re-
duction in funds and a consequent dangerous
reduction in our security. Wo cannot oppose
the spread of communism and promote the
growth of freedom by giving speeches. A pol-
26
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
icy of weakness and retreat, which any further
reduction at the appropriation stage would
represent, cannot be justified by the needs of our
security, the financial strength of our nation,
or the attitude of our citizens.
All of us desire greater efficiency in our aid
programs — and, make no mistake about it, we
are going to improve it — but in our pursuit of
efficiency, let us not hamper the progress and
safety of freemen.
I have already directed Administrator [of
the Agency for International Development
David E.] Bell to put our foreign operations on
a sounder basis, to insist on maximum effort by
aid recipients, and to intensify our efforts to
eliminate excess or ineffective personnel. We
will resist reorganization for reorganization's
sake — but we do intend to present to the Con-
gress next year a more effective, efficient aid
program.
Our cautious new hopes for a reduction in the
risk of all-out war may only imply an increase
in Communist efforts to prevail through eco-
nomic, political, and conventional military
means, particularly in the underdeveloped
countries. The aid programs of Truman, Eisen-
hower, and Kennedy are needed now more than
ever — this is no time to fail.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Small Business and Foreign Trade. Hearings before
the House Select Committee on Small Business pur-
suant to H. Res. 13. March 26-September 11, 1963.
429 pp.
Pacific Trade Patterns. Hearings before the Senate
Committee on Commerce. Serial 32. April 17-18,
1963 (Washington, D.C.) ; May 20, 1963 (Los An-
geles, Calif.) ; May 23, 1963 (San Francisco, Calif.).
240 pp.
Activities of Xondiplomatic Representatives of Foreign
Principals in the United States. Hearing before
the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Part
13. May 14, 1963. 216 pp.
Report of National Advisory Council on International
Monetary and Financial Problems. Special report
to the President and to the Congress on the pro-
posed increase of $1 billion in authorized capital of
the International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment. H. Doc. 154. May 20, 1963. 24 pp.
Discriminatory Ocean Freight Rates and the Balance
of Payments. Hearings before the Joint Economic
Committee pursuant to Sec. 5(a) of Public Law 304
(79th Congress). Pari l. June 20-21, 1903, 192 pp. ;
Part '-', October 9-10, 1963, 187 p|>.
Administration of National Becurity. Bearing! before
the subcommittee on National Security Staffing and
operations of tlie Semite Committee on Government
delations. Part 3. July 24-September 18, 1963.
72 pp.
International Labor Organization. Bearings before
the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on the interna t ional La-
bor Organization of the House Committee on Kdu-
eatioti and Labor on (nited Slates participation in
the International Labor Organization. July 2!>-
August 14, 1963. 208 pp.
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. Reports of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs ami the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations on H.R. 7885, to amend
further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and for other purposes. II. Kept. 6-16.
August 8, 1963, 140 pp. ; S. Rept. 588, October 22,
1963,83 pp.
South Pacific Commission. Hearing before the Sub-
committee on International Organizations and
Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs on H.J. Res. 666 to amend the joint resolution
of January 28, 194S, providing for membership and
participation by the United States in the South
Pacific Commission. August 27, 1963. 68 pp.
The Conduct of Communist China. Analysis prepared
by the Department of State at the request of the
chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs. September 5, 1963. 10 pp. [Committee
print.] _ . , *
Fishing in U.S. Territorial Waters. Hearings before
the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Subcommittee
of the Senate Committee on Commerce on S. 1988
to prohibit fishing in the territorial waters of the
United States and in certain other areas by per-
sons other than nationals or inhabitants of the
United States. Serial 31. September 5-6, 1963.
133 pp. . ..
U S Participation in the Hague Conference and the
Rome Institute. Hearing before the Subcommittee
on International Organizations and Movements of
the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.J.
Res 732 to provide for participation by the Govern-
ment of the United States in (1) the Hague Con-
ference on Private International Law and (2) the
International (Rome) Institute for the Unification
of Private Law; and authorizing, respectively, ap-
propriations therefor. September 16. 1963. 58 pp.
To Amend the Arms Control and Disarmament Act.
Hearings before the House Committee on Foreign
■Vffairs on (H.R. 3299, H.R. 6082, H.R. 6294, H.R.
7340 H R. 7531. S. 777) bills to amend the Arms
Control and Disarmament Act in order to increase
the authorization for appropriations and to modify
the personnel security procedures for contractor em-
ployees. Part II. September 25-October 2, 1963.
Skopje^' Yugoslavia, Earthquake Tragedy. Hearing
before the Subcommittee on Foreign Agricultural
Operations of the House Committee on Agriculture.
Serial A A. September 26. 1963. 29 pp.
Convention and Recommendations Adopted by the In-
ternational Labor Conference at the 46tb Session,
at Geneva Letter of transmittal from the Assistant
Secretary of State. H. Doc. 165. October 14, 1963.
Economic Policies and Practices, Paper No. 1 ^Com-
parative Features of Central Hanks in Selected For-
eign Countries. Materials prepared for the Joint
Economic Committee. October 15, 1963. 36 pp.
[Joint Committee Print.]
To Amend the Arms Control and Disarmament Act.
Report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs on S.
777 H. Rept. 863. October 24, 1963. 10 pp.
JANUARY 6, 1964
27
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1
Scheduled January Through March 1964
WHO Executive Board: 33d Session and Standing Committee on Ad- Geneva Jan. 6-
miristration and Finance.
Inter-American Meeting on Science and Technology Washington Jan. 6-
U.N. ECAFE Committee for Coordination of Investigations of the Bangkok Jan. 7-
Lower Mekong Basin : 23d Plenary Session.
U.N. Special Fund: 11th Session of Governing Council New York Jan. 13-
UNICEF Executive Board Bangkok Jan. 13-
U.N. Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection New York Jan. 13-
of Minorities.
OECD Energy Committee: Special Committee for Oil Paris Jan. 14-
OECD Agriculture Committee Paris Jan. 20-
U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 23d Session Geneva Jan. 20-
ITU African LF/MF Broadcasting Conference: Preparatory Meeting Geneva Jan. 20-
of Experts.
ICAO Meteorology/Operations Meeting (in association with WMO Paris Jan. 20-
Commission for Aeronautical Meteorology).
IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 8th Session London Jan. 21-
UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Indian Paris Jan. 22-
Ocean Expedition Coordinators.
U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Housing, Building, and Planning . . . New York Jan. 22-
UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Working Paris Jan. 27-
Group on Data Exchange.
IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement: 5th Session . . . London Jan. 27-
U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 7th Session Bangkok Jan. 27-
FAO Desert Locust Control Technical Advisory Committee: 12th Rome January
Session.
NATO Civil Aviation Planning Committee Paris January
IMCO Working Group on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea: 5th London Feb. 3-
Session.
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development: 3d Session of Prepara- New York Feb. 3-
tory Committee.
OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Feb. 4—
U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 16th Bangkok Feb. 10-
Session.
ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference: 1st Session on Geneva Feb. 10-
the Preparation of a Revised Allotment Plan for the Aeronautical
Mobile (R) Service.
U.N. ECLA Committee of the Whole Santiago Feb. 12-
ITUCCIR Study Group XI: Subgroup on Color Television Standards. London Feb. 14-
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York Feb. 17-
U.N. ECOSOC Ad Hoc Committee on Coordination of Technical As- New York Feb. 17-
sistance Activities.
OECD Agriculture Committee: Ministerial Meeting Paris Feb. 26-
North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 7th Meeting Moscow February
OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris February
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 6th Session Algiers February
FAO Working Party on Rice Soils, Water, and Fertilizer Practices: 9th Philippines February
Session. or March
IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision and Damage Sta- London Mar. 2-
bility of Passenger and Cargo Ships: 3d Session.
U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 20th Session . Tehran Mar. 3-
17th World Health Assembly Geneva Mar. 3-
1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 12, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
CCIR, Comit6 consult.itif international des radio communications; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and
the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission for Latin America; ECOSOC,
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; ICAO, International Civil Aviation
Organization; TMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommuni-
cation Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization;
UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological
Organization.
28 DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
5th Meeting Santiago M
New York Mar. Q
London M:ir. it-
Geneva Mai
Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission
UN ECOSOC Committee <>n Nongovernmental Organizations . .
IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 3d Session . .
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space: Legal Subcom-
mittee. -, , * • , T^ 1 *
U N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development . . .....
IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 4th Session . . .
U N. ECE Working Party on Construction ot Vehicles
OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris.
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development .eneva.
UN ECE Steel Committee: 31st Session geneva Mar. 2
FAO Working Party on Agricultural Engineering Aspects of llice Philippines March
Production^ Storage, aud Processing.
New York Mar. 9-
London Mar. 16
( '.eneva Mai
Mar. 17-
Mar. 23
Mar. 25-
North Atlantic Council Holds
Ministerial Meeting
The North Atlantic Council held its regular
ministerial meeting at Paris December 16 and
17. Following are texts of a message from
President Johnson, read to the Council by Sec-
retary Rusk on December 16, and a communique
issued on December 17, together with a list of
tlie members of the U.S. delegation.
MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT JOHNSON
Less than a month after John Fitzgerald
Kennedy took office, he sent to the North At-
lantic Council a message which pledged his
continuing support for the purposes and pro-
grams of the North Atlantic Treaty Orga-
nization. 1
He fulfilled this pledge in the 3 years of gal-
lant service which he gave us. That fulfill-
ment is a lasting memorial to the stature of
the man we mourn today.
We can best honor him by continuing our
pursuit of the goal of Atlantic partnership —
by seeking an ever-closer collaboration between
a united Europe and the United States in deal-
ing with all the great and burdensome tasks of
building and defending a community of free
nations.
It is evidence of my country's continuing
dedication to these purposes that I, too, upon
taking office, now send a pledge of America's
steadfast resolve to the North Atlantic Council.
For that dedication and this resolve do not
belong to one man, or one party, or one admin-
'For text of President Kennedy's message of Feb.
15, 1961, see Bulletin of Mar. 6, 1961, p. 333.
istration. They are shared by I lie vast majority
of my countrymen ; they have been held by each
of the American administrations since World
War II.
And this constancy, in turn, reflects not mere-
ly the community of ideals and culture which
binds us to Europe. It reflects also my coun-
try's awareness that its security can be assured,
its interests and values can be furthered, only
by a close partnership with Europe in common
tasks.
First among these tasks is that of creating a
balanced NATO defense posture, including
powerful nuclear and nonnuclear forces, which
will deter aggression and enable NATO to deal
with any aggression with the force appropriate
to the threat.
To NATO's continuing fulfillment of this
task, I pledge my country's will and resources.
We will keep in Europe the equivalent of six
American divisions that are now deployed there,
so long as they are needed ; and under present
circumstances there is no doubt that they will
continue to be needed. I am confident that our
allies will also make their full contribution to
this NATO defense, so that the burdens and re-
sponsibilities of partnership may be equitably
shared.
Military strength — both nuclear and non-
nuclear— is useful only as it serves political
ends. Our task is to insure that NATO remains
an effective means for concerting these ends, as
well as for building that strength. My country
will join its allies in using NATO fully for this
purpose.
In these fields— as well as in monetary affairs,
in aid to the developing areas, and in trade—
we must each assume responsibilities commen-
surate with our resources. That is what
JANUARY 6, 1964
29
partnership in a vigorous Atlantic community
means and requires. To this end, we welcome
the emergence of a Europe growing in unity
and strength. For we know that only a uniting
Europe can be a strong Europe, and only a
strong Europe will be an effective partner.
NATO is the enduring instrument for join-
ing such a Europe and the United States in
common programs to meet common military
and political needs. On its success hinges, in
large measure, the success of both European
and American efforts to build the Atlantic
partnership and the larger community of free
nations which that partnership serves. That is
why I, like three Presidents before me, rededi-
cate my country to its continuing support and
hold high hopes for its continuing success.
TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE
Press release 632 dated December 18
The North Atlantic Council met in Ministerial Ses-
sion in Paris on the 16th and 17th of December, 1963.
The Ministers expressed their profound grief at
the heavy loss sustained by the Alliance and the whole
of mankind in the tragic death of President Ken-
nedy. They welcomed a message from President John-
son renewing United States pledges to support the
Alliance with all its strength and to maintain its
forces in Europe.
The Ministers, reaffirming their faith in the North
Atlantic Alliance, emphasized that the continuing
strength of the Alliance, the solidarity of its member
states, and their determination to defend freedom and
to resist aggression, remain essential prerequisites for
the maintenance of world peace.
The Ministers stressed the peaceful and defensive
purposes of the North Atlantic Alliance. In subscrib-
ing to the North Atlantic Treaty the members of NATO,
whether members of the United Nations or not, had
affirmed their faith in the principles of the United
Nations Charter and had pledged themselves to re-
frain in their international relations from the threat
or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the
purposes of the United Nations. In the pursuit of
peace, the achievement of general and complete dis-
armament, under effective international control, re-
mains an essential objective.
In reviewing the international situation, the Min-
isters noted that there had been no major crisis since
the confrontation over Cuba. They emphasized that
the unity and military strength of the Alliance had
largely contributed to this result and to the interna-
tional atmosphere now prevailing. At the same time
the Ministers emphasized the importance not only of
seeking agreement on limited measures which would
help to reduce tension, but of achieving a genuine and
fundamental improvement in East-West relations.
They expressed the hope that Soviet policy would not
limit the possibilities of making progress in this direc-
tion and of reaching solutions for the problems which
are the real causes of tension in the world, in particular
those of Berlin and Germany. Despite recent incidents,
freedom of access to Berlin had been upheld ; in this
connection the Ministers reiterated their determination,
as expressed in the declaration of 16th of December,
1958, 2 to defend and maintain the freedom of West
Berlin and its people.
The Ministers also reviewed the situation in various
areas of the world threatened by internal conflict and
external force. They noted developments which con-
tinued to be a cause of concern in Southeast Asia, in
the Caribbean area and elsewhere.
The Ministers reaffirmed their determination to im-
prove and intensify their political consultation on
subjects of common concern. They also agreed on
the necessity of maintaining and strengthening the
defensive capability of the Alliance, having regard to
the constant advances in science and technology.
They reviewed the implementation of decisions reached
at Ottawa 3 regarding fuller information on nuclear
questions for national authorities and broader par-
ticipation by member countries in the organization
and operational planning functions of SACEUR'S nu-
clear forces. Finally, they took note of the progress
achieved to give effect to the decisions made at Ottawa
to pursue the study of the interrelated questions of
strategy, force requirements, and the resources avail-
able to meet them. This study is under way.
The Ministers reviewed the progress made during
the year in improving cooperation in research, devel-
opment and production of military equipment. They
also noted with satisfaction the recent decisions in
regard to the establishment of a NATO air defence
ground environment system.
In the economic field, the Ministers noted that the
economies of the NATO countries have been steadily
expanding and, in contrast to what has been happen-
ing in the Communist world, the economic systems of
the West have shown themselves capable of flexible
adaptation to circumstances. This has permitted not
only an increase in the standards of living of their
own peoples but has also enabled large-scale assistance
to be extended to the developing countries.
The Council, having noted progress made in the
implementation of earlier resolutions concerning the
defence problems of Greece, reaffirmed its interest in
the further effective application of these resolutions.
The Ministers agreed to give urgent priority to a
study of the military and economic problems of the
defence of Greece and Turkey, and, if possible, a re-
port is to be made to the spring Ministerial meeting
of the Council.
2 For text, see ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 4.
■ Ibid., June 10, 1963, p. 895.
30
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Ministers examined a report on civil defence
and civil emergency planning, which are an essential
complement to the defence effort.
The next meeting of the North Atlantic Council at
the Ministerial level will be held, on the invitation of
the Netherlands Government, at The Hague from the
12th to the 14th of May, 1904.
MEMBERS OF U.S. DELEGATION
The Department of State announced on De-
cember 11 (press release 617) that the follow-
ing would be members of the U.S. delegation to
the ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic
Council at Paris December 16-18.
United States Representatives
Dean Rusk, chairman, Secretary of State
Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury
Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense
United States Representative on the North Atlantic
Council
Thomas K. Finletter
Advisers
John W. Auchincloss, Deputy Director, Office of Polit-
ical Affairs, U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization and European Regional Orga-
nizations, Paris
John C. Ausland, Office of German Affairs, Depart-
ment of State
Charles E. Bohlen, U.S. Ambassador to France
William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs
Robert Carswell, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of the Treasury
Dixon Donnelley, Assistant to the Secretary of the
Treasury
Elbridge Durbrow, Deputy U.S. Representative on the
North Atlantic Council
Brig. Gen. Samuel K. Eaton, USA, Director, European
Region, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense
for International Security Affairs
Philip J. Farley, Director, Office of PoUtical Affairs,
U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty Orga-
nization and European Regional Organizations,
Paris
Robbins P. Gilman, Office of Atlantic PoUtical and
Military Affairs, Department of State
John A. Hooper, Defense Adviser and Defense Repre-
sentative, U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization and European Regional Organizations,
Paris
Ernest K. Lindley, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State
Edward S. Little, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State
Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary «t State for
Public Affairs
Francis E. Meloy, Jr., Director, Office of Western
European Affairs, Department of Slate
Ronald M. Murray, Assistant Director for Interna-
tional Programs, Office of the Director of Research
and Engineering, Department of Defen-e
David H. Popper, deputy coordinator, Director, Office
of Atlantic Political and Military Affairs, Depart-
ment of State
Henry S. Rowen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of De-
fense for International Security Affairs
J. Robert Sehaetzel, coordinator, Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for European Affairs
Ronald I. Spiers, Deputy Director, Office of Atlantic
Political and Military Affairs, Department of State
Gen. Dean C. Strother, USAF, U.S. Representative to
the NATO Military Committee and Standing Group
Charles A. Sullivan, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of the Treasury
Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Public Affairs
William R. Tyler, Assistant Secretary of State for
European Affairs
Christopher Van Hollen, Office of Atlantic PoUtical
and Military Affairs, Department of State
Secretary of Delegation
Francis Cunningham, Director, Office of International
Conferences, Department of State
Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy
Secretary General of OECD
The Department of State announced on De-
cember 20 (press release 639) that Michael S.
Harris, who had on that day been sworn in as a
Foreign Service Reserve officer, will proceed to
Paris at the beginning of 1964 to assume his
duties as Deputy Secretary General of the Orga-
nization for Economic Cooperation and Devel-
opment. Mr. Harris' nomination to this post
had previously been approved by the Council
of the OECD.
The OECD, with a membership of 20 coun-
tries including the United States, is, with
NATO, one of the two important Atlantic orga-
nizations. It serves principally as a consulta-
tive forum for senior policymaking officials
from member country capitals, who assemble
periodically to exchange views on common eco-
nomic problems with the view of developing
coordinated policies to deal with these problems.
JANUARY 6, 19G4
31
Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted
to United Nations Membership
Statement by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 1
There is something paradoxical about the ad-
mission of two tropical states on the coldest day
of the winter. But the admission of new mem-
bers committed to the principles of the charter,
and thereby the extension of the influence and
discipline of the United Nations to ever larger
areas of the globe, is always an occasion for re-
joicing. And so it is today. The privilege of
welcoming the new state of Kenya and the
ancient state of Zanzibar and their distin-
guished delegations on behalf of the United
States is an honor I shall long remember.
In a message to the Sultan of Zanzibar upon
the occasion of that country's independence,
President Johnson wrote : 2
. . . we will continue to press for equal rights for
all — both in my country and abroad — and we will
continue to assist the world's new and emerging na-
tions in their efforts to strengthen their foundations
of freedom and independence.
President Johnson expressed similar senti-
ments in a message delivered to the people of
Kenya at their independence celebration : 3
. . . the United States is devoted to the same ba-
sic human aspirations as those of the people of Ken-
ya — and, indeed, as those of people of good will
throughout the world. To the courageous people of
Kenya, the American people and I send the warmest
good wishes as you enter into nationhood. Just as
the infant United States was encouraged and strength-
ened by the sympathy of those throughout the world
who love liberty, so your young and vigorous na-
tion will have the understanding support of free men
in every land.
Mr. President, both these countries comprise
multiracial societies which are pledged to ac-
cord equal rights and opportunities to all of
their citizens in the eyes of the law, the gov-
ernment, and the world. As I said this morn-
ing in the Security Council, 4 the statesmanship
of their leaders and of the United Kingdom,
and the negotiations conducted with honesty,
forbearance, and determination which have con-
cluded so peacefully and happily, can serve as
an example of cooperation and tolerance
throughout the continent of Africa.
We believe too, Mr. President, that the states-
manship of Kenya and Zanzibar bodes well for
the future of this organization. For the suc-
cess of the deliberations of the United Nations
also depends upon the equality of nations, for-
bearance, concern for the views and interests
of others, and a sincere search for a common
agreement. No nation here is so big that it can-
not profit by listening to the views of others;
no nation is so small that it cannot make a use-
ful contribution to our work.
In the close exchange of views and the frank
expression of opinions lies our hope for a deep-
er friendship among nations and the best as-
surance we have against the dangers of mis-
understanding, mistrust, and conflict.
My country has long enjoyed such friendly
and mutually profitable relations with our new
members. The establishment of our first con-
sulate in Zanzibar predated the era of major
European influence in Africa. An American
Friends Service Mission was established in
Kenya as early as 1904 and is still functioning
there. Large numbers of students from both
these countries have come to the United States.
More than 1,000 from Kenya alone are now
studying in American schools and universities.
Our aid programs in these countries, worked
out with the recipient governments, along with
private commercial relations, have further con-
tributed to our respect and friendship for each
other.
We look forward to continuing this relation-
ship as equal members of this world organiza-
tion: in debates, in conferences, in all those
exchanges of opinions which express our desire
to create that world of free and equal men
envisaged in our charter. 5
'Made in plenary session on Dec. 16 (U.S. delegation
press release 4346) .
s See p. 17.
3 See p. 18.
' For text, see U.S./U.N. press release 4345 dated
Dec. 16.
6 On Dec. 16 the General Assembly by acclamation
admitted Kenya and Zanzibar to membership in the
United Nations.
32
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Nuclear Test Ban
Treats banning nuclear weapon tests in the atiuos-
Dhere in outer space anil under water Done at
Moscow August -.. 1963. Entered into force Octo-
ber 10, 1903. TIAS 5433.
Ratifications deposited: Greece, Ireland, December
18, 1003.
Trade
Proces-verbal extending and amending declaration
on provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (lIAb
4401) Done at Geneva December 8, 1901. Entered
into force December 31, 1901 ; for the United States
January 9, 1902. TIAS 4957.
Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Ger-
many, November 5, 1963.
Long-term arrangements regarding international trade
in cotton textiles. Concluded at Geneva February
9, 1962. Entered into force October 1, 1902. HAS
Acceptance deposited: Jamaica, November 26, 1963.
United Nations
Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the
International Court of Justice. Signed at San
Francisco June 26, 1945. Entered into force Octo-
ber 24. 1945. 59 Stat. 1031.
Admission to membership: Kenya, Zanzibar, De-
cember 16, 1963.
Iraq
Agreement amending tin- agricultural commodities
agreement of August 27, 1968 (TIAS 6417). effected
by exchange of notes at Baghdad December 5, 1903.
Entered into force December 5, 1968,
Signed nt
Entered Into force
Israel
Convention on extradition, witli protocol,
Washington December 10, 1962
December ■">, too:;.
Proclaimed by the President: December 20, 1968.
Agreement concerning trade in cotton textiles. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Tel Aviv and Jerusa-
lem November 5 and 22, 1963. Entered Into force
November 22, 1963.
Korea
Consular convention. Signed at Seoul January 8, 1963.
Entered into force December 19, 1963.
Proclaimed by the President: December 19, 1903.
Sierra Leone
Agreement supplementing the agreement of May 16 and
lit. 1901 (TIAS 4759), so as to provide for additional
investment guaranties authorized by new United
States legislation. Effected by exchange of notes
at Freetown December 28, 1902, and November 13.
1963. Entered into force November 13, 1963.
Sweden
Convention on extradition, with protocol. Signed at
Washington October 24, 1961. Entered into force
December 3, 1963.
Proclaimed by the President: December 20, 1963.
PUBLICATIONS
BILATERAL
Belgium
Supplementary convention to the extradition conven-
tion of October 26, 1901 (32 Stat. 1894), and the
supplementary convention of June 20, 1935 (49 Stat.
3°T0) Signed at Brussels November 14, 1903. En-
ters into force 1 month after exchange of ratifica-
tions.
Bolivia
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of February 4, 1903, as amended ( lIAb
:,-".r2 5323). Effected by exchange of notes at La
Paz November 20, 1903. Entered into force Novem-
ber 20, 1963.
France
Agreement extending the agreement of March 23, 1956,
as amended and extended (TIAS 3047, 4298, 4010),
relating to the establishment and operation of a ra-
Winsonde observation station on the island of Guade-
loupe. Effected by exchange of notes at Paris Au-
gust 13 and November 25, 1963. Entered into force
November 25, 1963.
Final Foreign Relations Volume
for 1941 Published
Press release 631 dated December 17, for release December 23
The Department of State released on Decem-
ber 23 the final volume in the regular annual
Foreign Relations series for 1941 : Foreign Re-
lations of the United States, 1%1, Volume VI,
The American Republic*. This volume con-
tains a "General" section on multilateral rela-
tions and the country sections for Argentina,
Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile. The documental ion
on relations with the other individual American
Republics is contained in volume VII. already
published.
Aside from the regular annua] Fort ign B< lo-
tions volumes for 1941, additional American
JANUARY 6, 1964
33
diplomatic correspondence for that year has
been published in the two volumes of Foreign
Relations, Japan, 1931-194.1. The annual For-
eign Relations volumes for 1942 have already-
been published. Documentation on the top-level
conferences of 1941 and 1942 between President
Koosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, with
their advisers, is scheduled for later publication
in a special Foreign Relations volume in the
series on wartime conferences.
The subjects treated in the volume now re-
leased relate primarily to problems of conti-
nental solidarity and defense created by the
war in Europe and the reactions upon inter-
American relations of the attack at Pearl Har-
bor and the declarations of war between the
United States and the Axis powers. Other
topics treated include trade relations, the pro-
tection of American business interests, and good
offices of the United States in boundary and
territorial disputes.
Copies of Foreign Relations, 1941, Volume
VI, The American Republics (vi, 622 pp.; pub-
lication 7618) may be obtained from the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for
$2.75 each.
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Status of Forces in the Federal Republic of Germany.
Agreement to supplement the Agreement between the
Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regarding the
Status of their Forces with respect to Foreign Forces
stationed in the Federal Republic of Germany. With
protocol of signature and related agreements and
Agreement on the abrogation of the Forces Convention,
the Finance Convention, and the Tax Agreement of
October 23, 1954 — Signed at Bonn, August 3, 1959.
Entered into force July 1, 1963. TIAS 5351. 158 pp.
45f>.
Status of United States Forces in the Federal Re-
public of Germany. Agreements with the Federal Re-
public of Germany. Signed at Bonn August 3, 1959.
Entered into force July 1, 1963. And exchanges of
notes — Dated at Bonn/Bad Godesberg August 3, 1959.
TIAS 5352. 52 pp. 20ff.
Telecommunication — Radio Broadcasting Facilities.
Agreement with the Philippines. Signed at Manila
May 6, 1963. Entered into force May 6, 1963. With
protocol and exchange of notes. TIAS 5353. 16 pp.
10«t.
Visas — Issuance of Nonimmigrant Visas. Agreement
with Ecuador. Exchange of notes — Dated at Quito
December 11, 1962, and January 7, 1963. Entered into
force January 7, 1963. TIAS 5354. 13 pp. 10<f.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmations
The Senate on December 19 confirmed Thomas C.
Mann to be an Assistant Secretary of State, vice
Edwin M. Martin. (For text of a letter to Mr. Mann
from President Johnson, see page 9. )
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 16-22
Press releases may be obtained from the Of-
fice of News,
Department of State, Washington,
D.C.,
205120.
Releases issued prior to December 16 which
appear in th
is issue of the Bulletin are Nos.
617 of December 11, 618 of December 12, and 622
of December 13.
No.
Date
Subject
624
12/16
Termination of income-tax conven-
tion with Honduras.
*627
12/16
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
628
12/16
Educational exchange agreement
with Greece.
629
12/16
Statement on free-world shipping
to Cuba.
630
12/18
Reply to Soviet note on autobahn
procedures.
631
12/17
Foreign Relations volume.
632
12/18
NATO communique.
633
12/18
Rusk : "CBS Reports."
634
12/18
Dengler appointed consultant on
educational and cultural ex-
changes (rewrite).
635
12/19
Thailand credentials (rewrite).
•636
12/19
Cultural exchange (Africa).
*637
12/20
Palmer designated Director Gen-
eral of the Foreign Service
(biographic details).
638
12/20
U.S. -Rumania cultural exchanges
programs for 1964.
639
12/20
Harris sworn in as Foreign Serv-
ice Reserve officer (rewrite).
640
12/21
Travel to Cuba.
;d.
•Not print(
34
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX January 6, 1964- Vol L, No. 1280
American Republics
Mann confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Inter-
American Affairs 34
President Outlines Latin American Policy in
Letter to Mr. Mann 9
Bolivia. Four American Hostages Released by
Bolivian Miners
Burundi. Letters of Credence (Ndenzako) . . 18
China. United Slates Policy Toward Communist
China (Hilsman) n
Communism. XJnited States Policy Toward
Communist China (Hilsman) H
Congress
Confirmations (Mann) • •. ■
Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy ■ • •_•_;■
President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign
Assistance Act of 1963
U.S. Approves Amendment to Cuban Shipping
Policy „'..""' \t\
U.S. Repeats Warning on Travel to Cuba . . iu
Department and Foreign Service
Confirmations (Mann) •■••■••• _,' „ -
Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy Secretary Gen-
eral of OECD . . . • • • • ■ • • • ■
Norbert Dengler Named Consultant for Cul-
tural Affairs M
Economic Affairs
Income Tax Convention With Honduras Termi- ^
nated _ • • • ' J
President Establishes Interagency Committee on
Export Expansion (text of Executive order) Zo
U.S. Approves Amendment to Cuban Shipping
Policy
Educational and Cultural Affairs
Norbert Dengler Named Consultant for Cul-
tural Affairs • • • • • • JS
United States and Greece Extend Educational
Exchanges • ■
U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 Cultural Ex-
changes Program 25
Foreign Aid
President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign
Assistance Act of 1963 &*
President Outlines Latin American Policy in
Letter to Mr. Mann 9
Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports"
Program
France. Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS
Reports" Program 4
Germany. U.S. Reiterates Allied Right of Free
Access to Berlin (texts of U.S. and Soviet
notes) °
Greece. United States and Greece Extend Edu-
cational Exchanges 24
Honduras. Income Tax Convention With Hon-
duras Terminated 25
Human Rights
Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day (text
of proclamation) 21
Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19
Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports"
Program 4
International Organizations and Conferences
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 28
Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy Secretary Gen-
eral of OECD 31
Kenya
Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Nations
Membership (Stevenson) 32
President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya
on Independence 17
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. North
Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Meeting
(Johnson, text of communique) 29
Passports. U.S. Repeats Warning on Travel
to Cuba 10
Presidential Documents
Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day ... 21
Keeping and Strengthening the Peace .... 2
North Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Meet-
ing 29
President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya
on Independence 17
President Establishes Interagency Committee
on Export Expansion 25
President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign
Assistance Act of 1963 26
President Outlines Latin American Policy in
Letter to Mr. Mann 9
Protection of Nationals. Four American Hos-
tages Released by Bolivian Miners 9
Publications
Final Foreign Relations Volume for 1941 Pub-
lished 33
Recent Releases 34
Rumania. U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964
Cultural Exchanges Program 25
Thailand. Letters of Credence (Nimmanhe-
minda) ^
Treaty Information
Current Actions 33
Income Tax Convention With Honduras Termi-
nated 25
United States and Greece Extend Educational
Exchanges 24
U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 Cultural Ex-
changes Program 25
U.S.S.R.
Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19
Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports"
Program *
United States Policy Toward Communist China
(Hilsman) U
U.S. Reiterates Allied Right of Free Access to
Berlin (texts of U.S. and Soviet notes) ... 8
United Nations
Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19
Keeping and Strengthening the Peace (John-
son) 2
Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Na-
tions Membership (Stevenson) 32
Zanzibar .
Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Nations
Membership (Stevenson) 32
President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya
on Independence *"
Xdinc Index
Dengler, Norbert -ji
Gardner, Richard N -°
Harris, Michael S 31
Hilsman, Roger J*
Johnson, President 2, 9, 17, 21. 2o, 26. 29
Kalb, Marvin ■'
Mann, Thomas C 34
Ndenzako, Leon **
Nimmanhcminda, Sukich 18
Rusk, Secretary *
Stevenson, Adlai E 19,32
ITS. COVCRNMEKT FRIHTIHG OFFICtiHM
Superintendent of Documents
u.s. government printing office
WASHINGTON, D.C., 204O2
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE UBI TO AVOID
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, «900
IOPOI
Foreign Relations of the United States
1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East
The Department of State recently released another volume of diplomatic papers relating to World
War II, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern
Europe, the Far East.
The section on the British Commonwealth includes the record on relations with the United King-
dom and other member states, except India. Documentation on India will be included in Foreign
Relations of the United States, 191,3, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, presently in preparation.
The section on Eastern Europe, comprising well over half of volume III, gives the documentation
on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the
record for Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand.
Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth,
Eastern Europe, the Far East may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $3.50 each.
PUBLICATION 7601 $3.50
ORDER FORM
PUBLICATION 7C01 $3.50
TO:
SUPT. OF DOCUMENTS
GOVT. PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON, D.C., 20402
Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United States
1U43, Volume III, The Hritish Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far
East.
NAMJD
Enclosed And %
(casb, check, or money order pay-
ADDIIESS
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CITY, STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOBEIGN POLICY
M4
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
THE LIGHTING OF THE NATIONAL CHRISTMAS TREE
Remarks by President Johnson 38
SECRETARY RUSK DISCUSSES THE OUTLOOK FOR 1964
OVER JAPANESE TELEVISION Jfi
PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW CONCERNING FRIENDLY RELATIONS AND
COOPERATION AMONG STATES: PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES
Statement by Edna F. Kelly 57
UNITED STATES RATIFIES CHAMIZAL CONVENTION 4d
For index see inside back cover
The Lighting of the National Christmas Tree
Remarks by President Johnson l
Tonight we come to the end of the season of
great national sorrow and to the beginning of
the season of great, eternal joy. We mourn our
great President, John F. Kennedy, but he would
have us go on. While our spirits cannot be
light, our hearts need not be heavy.
We were taught by Him whose birth we com-
memorate that after death there is life. We
can believe, and we do believe, that from the
death of our national leader will come a re-
birth of the finest qualities of our national life.
On this same occasion 30 years ago, at the close
of another troubled year in our nation's his-
tory, a great President, Franklin D. Roosevelt,
said to his countrymen, "To more and more of
us the words 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself have taken on a meaning that is show-
ing itself and proving itself in our purposes
and in our daily lives."
I believe that this is no less true for all of us
in all of our regions of our land today. There
is a turning away from things which are false,
1 Made at Washington, D.C., on Dec. 22 (White House
press release).
and things which are small, and things which
are shallow. There is a turning toward those
things which are true, those things which are
profound, and those things which are eternal.
We can, we do, live tonight in new hope and
new confidence and new faith in ourselves and
in what we can do together through the future.
Our need for such faith was never greater, for
we are the heirs of a great trust. In these last
200 years we have guided the building of our
nation and our society by those principles and
precepts brought to earth nearly 2,000 years ago
on that first Christmas.
We have our faults and we have our failings,
as any mortal society must. But when sorrow
befell us, we learned anew how great is the trust
and how close is the kinship that mankind feels
for us and, most of all, that we feel for each
other. We must remember, and we must never
forget, that the hopes and the fears of all the
years rest with us, as with no other people in all
history. We shall keep that trust, working, as
always we have worked, for peace on earth and
'^^ofood will among men.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1281 PUBLICATION 7642 JANUARY 13, 1984
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services. Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Infor-
mation on developments In the field of
foreign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin includes selected
press releases on foreign policy. Issued
by the White House and the Department,
and statements and nddresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin is for snle by the Super-
intendent of Documents. U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C..
20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50.
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents.
Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961).
notb : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
Is Indexed in the Renders' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
38
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
On this occasion one year ago. our beloved
President John F. Kennedy reminded us that
Christmas is the day when all of us dedicate
our thoughts to others, when we are all re-
minded that mercy and compassion are the
really enduring virtues, when all of us show,
aall deeds and by large, that it is more
blessed to give than to receive.
rit tonight, let me express to
you as your President the one wish that I have
as we gather here. It is a wish that we not
lose the closeness, and the sense of sharing, and
the spirit of mercy and compassion which these
last few days have brought for us all.
Between tonight and Christmas Eve, let each
rican family, whatev. n, what-
ever their religion, whatever their race or their
n — let each American family de
_ r with others something of thems-
-omething of their very own. Let us, if we
can do no more, lend a hand and share an hour,
say a prayer, and find some way with which to
mate this Christmas a prouder memory for
what we gave instead of what we receive.
And now here, as we have done so many years,
we turn on, in your Capital City, the lights of
our National Christmas Tree, and we say that
we hope that the world will not narrow into a
neighborhood before it has broadened into a
brotherhood. There are the lie':.
U.S. Marks Final Day of Mourning for President Kennedy
Remark* by President Johnson
Thirty days and a few hours ago John Fitz-
gerald Kennedy. 35th President of the United
States, died a martyr's death. The world will
not forget what he did here. He will live on
in our hearts, which will be his shrine.
Throughout his life he had malice toward
none: he had charity for all. But a senseless
act of mindless malice struck down this man
of charity, and we shall never be the same.
One hundred years, thirty-three days, and
several hours ago the 16th President of the
United States made a few appropriate remarks
at Gettysburg. The world has long remem-
bered what he said there. He lives on in this
memorial, which is his tabernacle.
A- it was 100 years ago, so it is now. TVe
have been bent in sorrow, but not in purpo-e.
"We buried Abraham Lincoln and John Ken-
nedy, but we did not bury their dreams or their
visions. They are our dreams and our visions
today, for President Lincoln and John Ken-
nedy moved toward those nobler dreams and
those larger visions where the needs of the peo-
1 Made at a candlelight memorial service at the Lin-
coln Memorial at Washington, D.C.. on Dec. 22 (White-
House press release) .
pie dwell. Their fight for a better life for more
people is their legacy to their countrymen. It
is the coin by which their work shall be counted.
It is the gage by which their memory shall be
measured.
In this land and around the world, those
whose hopes are meager plead for change.
Those whose children are hungry or illiterate
pray for sustenance and knowledge. Those
whose dignity is blunted and whose liberties are
scarce cry out for equality and decency and
opportunity.
On this eve of Christmas, in this time of grief
and unity, of sadness and continuity, let there
be for all people in need the light of an era of
new hope and a time of new resolve. Let the
light shine, and let this Christmas be our
thanksgiving and our dedication.
May God bless this land and all who live in
it. So let us here on this Christmas night
determine that John Kennedy did not live or
die in vain, that this nation under God shall
have a new birth of freedom, and that we may
achieve in our time and for all time the ancient
vision of peace on earth, good will toward all
men.
JANUARY 13. 1964
39
Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for 1964
Over Japanese Television
Following is the text of an interview between
Secretary Rusk and Kazushige Hirasawa of the
Japan Broadcasting System (NHK) recorded
at Washington on December 24- and broadcast
over television at Tokyo on December 28.
Q. Mr. Secretary, I know you liave just come
back from Europe after attending the NATO
ministerial meeting. I wonder whether you can
comment on your impression about the recent
European situation?
A. Yes, I shall be glad to. But first, Mr.
Hirasawa, let me say that I am very happy to
be with you on this program and to bring to my
friends in Japan New Year's greetings from
President Johnson and myself and the hope that
our friends in Japan will find that 1964 is both
a peaceful and a prosperous year.
I have just returned from the annual meeting
of the NATO foreign ministers in Paris. I
think that it is quite clear that, on the elemen-
tary purposes of the alliance, NATO is solid
and unified. NATO was devised at the end of
the 1940's as protection for the Western com-
munity. And insofar as any external threat is
concerned, NATO is today wholly unified.
There is discussion in Western Europe about
how Western Europe will take the next steps
in the organization of Europe — how to write the
next chapter, how to build a second story on this
house. And of course there are some differences
of view about what these next steps ought to be.
And so there are some differences that are being
expressed within the NATO community, par-
ticularly about the political organization of Eu-
rope. But these differences are less permanent
than the underlying commitment of the NATO
countries to the security of the Western World
and to the peaceful efforts throughout the world.
To me one of the more interesting aspects of
the recent NATO meeting, as reflected in its
communique, 1 was the feeling that we ought to
continue to explore possibilities of further
agreement with the Soviet Union, and this
readiness to maintain contact in the effort to
build toward a peaceful world was one of the
very important points of agreement at this re-
cent meeting.
Q. In view of the developments in these 6
months, with so many leaders changed — West
Germany, Great Britain, and unfortunately
here also, and Italy too — has all of Western
Europe concerned. The only major leader left
is General de Gaulle. It looks to us, viewed
from far away from the scene, tliat that sort of
change might put a little difficulty in unifying,
coordinating a new Western front.
A. In the first place it is true that there have
been political changes in 9 or 10 of the 15 NATO
countries in the last 9 months, and very im-
portant changes in some cases, but these changes
do not represent any departure from the central
policies which brought NATO into being.
For example, here in the United States
NATO is a national commitment; it is a bi-
partisan commitment. President Truman,
President Eisenhower, President Kennedy,
President Johnson have all had strong com-
mitments to NATO solidarity and to the
defense of Western interests.
This has been true in other countries: in
Britain, in Italy, in Germany. So that al-
though there have been changes of government,
these national commitments to the indivisible
security of the West are a continuing policy
throughout the NATO community, and this
was reaffirmed and made completely evident at
the recent NATO meeting.
1 For text, see Bulletin of Jan. C, 1964, p. 30.
40
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Taking the Next Steps Toward Peace
Q. Mr. Secretary, with regard to East-West
relations or contacts, we have the impression
that Great Britain — for instance, because of the
forthcoming election, Prime Minister Home
Wees to have initiative, to take initiative in mak-
ing contact with the Soviet Union, while Presi-
dent de Gaulle is rather against and West Ger-
many's new Chancellor is standing a little bit
in the middle. So you have the kind of balance
of power in deciding the policy.
A. I think this is a very important but com-
plex problem. I do believe that the Soviet
people want peace. I have no doubt that the
peoples of most of the rest of the world want
peace. The big question is how to move toward
points of agreement among governments so that
we can take the next steps toward peace. I
think there is a general impression that we
should not let the nuclear test ban treaty be the
end of our discussions. There are other points
of discussion, some of them involving multi-
lateral agreements in the disarmament field, for
example, others bilateral in character, such as
trade problems, which are being actively dis-
cussed with the Soviet Union.
There will be explorations through diplo-
matic channels; there will be discussions at the
Geneva disarmament conference which opens
again in the latter part of January. It will
take some time and some patience to bring other
matters to agreement. But we should not be
discouraged too soon.
We have had in this postwar period some
very deep and some very dangerous differences
between East and "West. We hope that these
differences can be resolved. On our side we
shall attempt to do so. But it will take time.
And it will take further understanding and
mutual concession and an attempt to bring to
formal agreement some of these common inter-
ests which we believe exist between us and the
Soviet Union.
I am quite sure, for example, that the Soviet
Union and the United States have a common
interest in avoiding a nuclear war, in trying to
find some way to turn the arms race downward,
in trying to develop somewhat more the possi-
bilities of trade, in exchanging in the cultural
and scientific fields; and in other respects there
are some genuine common interests.
But we have a lot of history to live through,
and memories are not all that short. And so
there are difficulties on both sides. But we be-
lieve that a continuing exploration of these
points will be worth while and important. Not
despite the differences but because of the differ-
ences it is necessary to explore them.
I would not give too much importance to
what seem to be the differences in mood of dif-
ferent Western countries, for example. This is
a matter thai will be resolved by the possibili-
ties of agreement; so we must first find whether
it is possible to bring additional points to actual
agreement.
Q. With regard to that point, Mr. Secretary.
do you think it is possible in the near future to
have the so-called summit meeting — East-
West?
A. I would think that the attitude toward the
summit is about the same in most countries to-
day, that if a summit has a good prospect of
producing a next step forward on an important
matter, I am sure that the heads of government
would be willing to meet for that purpose. But
it will be unfortunate if there were a summit
meeting which simply reflected disagreement,
because such a summit might make the situation
worse than before.
You see, when the chiefs of government get
together, this is the highest court in session.
There is no appeal from that court to some-
thing else. Therefore these matters must be
handled with some care.
I think Mr. Khrushchev as well as some West-
ern leaders feel that if a meeting can be pro-
ductive, well and good, but that if it is not
promising, then some further care and prepara-
tion is called for.
I do not myself expect an early summit meet-
ing, at least on any general basis, or even on a
bilateral basis, as far as we are concerned.
The United States and Communist China
Q. Clianging the subject — not quite far from
it — with regard to Communist China, I might
be wrong but I feel recently you are more or
less preparing for any change on the part of
JANTJARY 13, 1964
41
China, and I know your basic policy has been
changed a bit in the approach to the whole pro-
gram, getting a kind of new look, open-door
policy, for instance, Mr. Hilsman stated. 2 Can
you comment on that?
A. I think that was an expression that simply
referred to the longest range future.
No, as a matter of fact, we are very much
concerned about the attitudes that we find in
Peiping in this most recent period. For ex-
ample, in the dispute between Moscow and
Peiping, Peiping is promoting the idea of mili-
tancy, of vigorous and hostile promotion of
what they call their world revolution. It was
Peiping that attacked India and tried to set-
tle that dispute by force.
Peiping is not supporting the Geneva accords
on Laos. Peiping is interfering in the internal
affairs of countries in the American hemi-
sphere, through agents and through the trans-
mission of funds and things of that sort. And
there is some indication that they are also now
hoping to interfere in the continent of Africa —
in the internal affairs of the continent of
Africa.
In our own contacts with Peiping in War-
saw, we have seen no modification of their at-
titude or policy. They are insisting that we
must surrender Formosa. It is not up to us.
But in any event we. won't surrender Formosa.
We can't surrender 10 or 11 million people
against their will to these people on the main-
land.
So I don't see any early development of
Peiping's policy which would make their rela-
tions with other nations easier or more peaceful.
Q. The other day A?nba.ssador Stevenson
stated in the United States, on the program
"Meet the Press," that the policy — U.S. policy
toward Red China — was firmness, flexibility.
and dispassion. I was very much interested to
hear the word "flexibility." Can you tell us a
little more about that?
A. I have indicated why we feel that the rigid
and hostile attitude of Peiping toward us, to-
ward their own neighbors, toward the broad
a For text of an address made by Assistant Secretary
Roger Hilsman before the Commonwealth Club at San
Francisco, Calif., on Dec. 13, see ibid., p. 11.
principles of international life set forth in the
United Nations Charter creates the present sit-
uation. I would think that there is no present
prospect for any significant change either in
Peiping's policy or in the attitude of the free
world toward Peiping.
Q. Can you comment again — we are very
much worried about the situation in South Viet-
Nam at the present moment. That is the most
dangerous point in the whole of Asia. Viewed
from that angle, I loould like to have you com-
ment on the Southeast Asian situation.
A. There would be no problem in Southeast
Asia if Hanoi and those behind Hanoi would
leave their neighbors alone. If this little coun-
try of Laos, for example — 2 million people,
peace-loving people — could be left alone by all
foreigners to work out their own future, there
could be peace in Laos.
Certainly we have no ambitions in Laos. We
want no military bases there. The same with
South Viet-Nam. American forces are now in
South Viet-Nam simply because, in 1959, Hanoi
decided, and announced publicly, that they were
going to attempt to take over South Viet-Nam.
There could be peace in Southeast Asia if
Hanoi, Peiping, whoever else, would simply de-
cide to leave their neighbors alone. Tliis is the
cause of the tension. And when that situation
is normal, when international life is possible
along secure international frontiers, there is no
problem about the Americans being an external
or a complicating factor in that area. All we
are interested in is the independence of states
and their security from outside aggression.
Joint Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs
Q. Well, again changing the subject, you tvere
on the way to Wake when you heard of
the assassination of the late President Kennedy,
on your way to Tokyo to attend a meeting.
Also, I understand that when Prime Minister
\Hayato~\ Ikcda visited here right after the fu-
neral was over, President Johnson told Mr.
Ikeda that the parley will be held very shortly.
It was a very kind word on your part, because
we thought it was not the time to discuss that
sort of thing. Bu t nevertheless your new Presi-
dent took up the matter. What ice understand,
it was upon your kind ad 'rice to the President.
42
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
A. Well, this w;is something which President
Johnson himself did. You recall that this
Japanese-American Cabinet committee was ar-
ranged by President Kenned; and Prime Min-
ister Ikeda. 3 Wo have had now one meeting
in Japan, one in the United States, and we were
on our way to Japan when our recent tragedy
occurred. We are looking forward to resum-
ing that meeting in the latter part of January.
This Cabinet committee I think really has
been quite important to both our countries. We
are two very large trading partners. We are
important to each other in the trade field. And
so it has been extremely valuable for the Cab-
inet officers to talk about a wide range of trade
and fiscal economic relationships.
We should not be, I think, discouraged to
discover that at any one time each one of us
has certain problems with the other in the trade
field. We tend to forget how much is going
right, how much is going well, when there are
one or two points on both sides that need some
adjustment or discussion. But both our econo-
mies are dynamic, vigorous, expansionist, active,
and so I think that so long as we can see into
the future there will be particular points of
adjustment in order to keep these relationships
working smoothly.
I am looking forward very much to going to
Japan at the end of January for this meeting.
Q. As you said, Mr. Secretary, this is a child,
a baby of the late President Kennedy, and the
important decision was made both by President
Kennedy and Prime Minister Ikeda. But
wTu n the first one was held in Tokyo, actually
Hakone, President Kennedy was courageous
enough to send five Cabinet ministers at one
time. It was quite an event, and we very m uch
appreciate that decision on the part of President
Kennedy. It showed how deeply he teas inter-
ested in the American-Japanese affairs.
Again, the third meeting which is going to be
held under unique circumstances, and the
Japanese people are looking forward not only
to seeing the same sort of parley held as good
will or as an excliange on various complicated
"For background, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 57;
Nov. 27, 1961, p. 891 ; Dee. 24, 1962, p. 959 ; aud Nov. 25,
1963, p. 833.
economic and trade matters, but they would like
to see particularly this forthcoming parley as a
more f u ndn/n, /</,//, wholesali review log hoth
statesmen, and also the Foreign MinisU r. even
the Prime Minister. Will you comment on
that?
A. Yes. I think that such exchanges are in-
valuable and are not limited just to trade
matters. Indeed, the presence of the two
Foreign Ministers will make it inevitable that
far-reaching foreign policy matters will be dis-
cussed. And of course I would look forward
very much to an opportunity to discuss some of
these matters with the Prime Minister when I
am in Japan.
I might say, Mr. Hirasawa, that when I was
in government about 12 years ago, I think the
last thing I did for President Truman's admin-
istration was to negotiate with Japan the first
agreement between us on a governmental basis
at the end of the occupation. When I came
back to government, after some 10 or 12 years,
to me the dramatic and exciting change has been
the arrival of Japan among the front rank of
world powers, taking its responsibility in the
United Nations and in other world responsi-
bilities.
We have been very pleased, for example, that
Japan is moving toward full membership in
the OECD [Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development], so that trade in
fiscal and economic matters can be coordinated
among all of us here in the Northern Hemi-
sphere — the great industrial countries of the
Northern Hemisphere, so that we work in in-
creasingly close partnership, a partnership
based on the self-interest of each country but
nevertheless a self-interest which finds itself
rooted in the common interests of all of us in
such things as peace, prosperous trade, and
orderly arrangement of international affairs.
And so I don't underestimate at all the im-
portance of these contacts at the Cabinet level.
I have much enjoyed my chance from time to
time to go over these matters with Mr. | Masa-
yoshi] Ohira, my colleague, the Foreign .Min-
ister.
Q. Mr. Secretary, as I see it, the situation in
the Far East is rather changing fast. For in-
JANTJARY 13, 1D64
43
stance, South Korea, they have a government —
not new, but they have a regime which is new
and the situation in South Viet-Nam degener-
ating. In Red China, according to Mr. Hils-
man, the so-called second echelon is coming up
and more or less criticizing the policy and so
forth. And again, as you said before, Red
China now is making a kind of peace offensive
to all Asian-African groups, sending a person
like Chou En-lai and others.
In view of these changing circumstances,
again we put more stress on the political side
of the forthcoming Japanese-American con-
ference.
Situation in the Far East
A. I think there is no question but that we
should be talking about the general political
situation throughout the world in the course of
our meeting in Tokyo. But I would not stress
that the situation in the Far East is changing
more than in other places. I believe that we are
at the beginning of a period of considerable
movement in the world situation, and it is too
early yet to say just how this is going to de-
velop. Therefore I think it is very important
that the principal governments keep in very
close contact with each other to try to make a
common estimate of what is happening and
what this means to the prospects for peace.
Incidentally, I would not use your expression
"peace offensive" on the part of Peiping. We
are concerned that it is an offensive that re-
quires another adjective.
But I am quite certain that all of these prob-
lems, the East-West relations, the situation in
the Far East, will be discussed in considerable
detail when I come to Tokyo.
Q. Might we spend some time comparing
notes on China affairs?
A. That would be up to the ministers who
meet at the time as to how we allocate our time.
There will be ministers there who will want to
talk about trade questions and fiscal questions.
So that Mr. Ohira and I won't want to monop-
olize all the time. But I am quite certain that
he and I will find a chance to go over all of these
broader political questions in considerable de-
tail.
GATT Negotiations and U.N. Trade Conference
Q. With regard to these economic and trade
programs, many Japanese businessmen are wor-
ried about the next election year because of the
pressure from political circles and regions that
our trade might be affected. That is what many
Japanese businessmen are worrying about.
A. I don't see much prospect of that hap-
pening in the next few months. Again, at any
one time there may be three or four or five mat-
ters which are of concern to you, about your
trade with us, and at the same time there might
be three, four, or five matters of concern to us
about our trade with you.
We each have our lists of things to worry
about. But there may be hundreds of things
that are going well at the same time. But I
don't expect any unusual development this next
year. The overriding matter from the point of
view of both Japan and the United States will
be the success of the GATT negotiations next
year because both you and we have an interest
in a liberalization of world trade. We both
have a very high stake in an expansion and
growth of world trade. And many of our in-
terests — most of our interests — in those nego-
tiations will be identical.
So we are hoping that, with our Trade Ex-
pansion Act here in the United States and your
own policies toward liberalization in Japan, in
these negotiations that will be taking place dur-
ing 1964 that we can give a new impetus to
world trade, and that will be important both to
you and to us.
Q. With regard to that point, world trade,
I understand we are going to have a ivorldivide
trade conference in Geneva, some time in May
or so, sponsored by the United Nations.*
A. That is correct.
Q. I think both Japan and the United States
find themselves to a certain degree in the same
position vis-a-vis this conference. In view of
the Japanese special position like something
advanced and something kind of middle ad-
vanced, semiadvanced, toe might defer.
A. As a matter of fact I think our attitude
toward that conference will be one of the mat-
' For background, see ibid., July 29, 19G3, p. 173.
44
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
ters that we will be discussing with your Cab-
inet in January. I do think that it is a valuable
meeting which the United Nations has called.
But actually these trade matters turn more upon
the daily and detailed arrangement of trade.
General principles are very good, but what
really counts is the movement of goods and serv-
ices, and I think in these GATT negotiations we
will bo talking about how goods and services
can move across national frontiers with a mini-
mum of interference. To me that is perhaps
the more important of the two big meetings
coming up next year.
Probing for Possibilities of Peace
Q. As President Johnson put it, t/ie new year
of determination, the new year of hope ap-
proaching — do you mind commenting on the
general outlook, the international outlook of
1964?
A. Mr. Hirasawa, let me say first a word
about the United States. We have passed
through a period of national tragedy in our
country which has affected all of us very deeply.
Let me say also that we gathered strength and
comfort during this period from the fact that
our friends in Japan were sharing our sorrow
with us, and we very greatly appreciated the
fact that Prime Minister Ikeda came here to
join us at this critical period in our history.
I would like to say to you that President
Johnson is a strong President. He supported
the main lines of President Kennedy's policy,
not as a formality but through deep personal
conviction, and he brings to his high responsi-
bility a long and responsible experience in for-
eign affairs.
And so we now turn to the tasks ahead of us,
the unfinished business, in good spirit, in good
heart, and we feel that our friends abroad need
have no anxiety on that score.
Looking more broadly at the world situation,
I do believe that 1964 will be a period of prob-
ing for the possibilities of peace. My impres-
sion is that there is a certain soberness in the
attitude of the principal governments of the
world, that there is a recognition that crises such
as the missile crisis in Cuba in October 1962
must be avoided if possible.
Now there are very large and dangerous ques-
tions with us — Berlin, Germany, Culm. South
Viet-Nam, perhaps others. Ami these bave nol
been resolved, so that there are still .
points that bave to be dealt with and managed.
But I think there is a general feeling on the
part of the peoples of the world that somehow
a way to peace must be found, and this is re-
flecting itself in the care with which govern-
ments are exploring these possibilities.
So I enter 1964 with restrained optimism,
with a modest optimism. I am not pessim
I believe there are opportunities in the situa-
tion. But that does not mean that we have
already reached what is called a detente. That
does not mean that all the important questions
are solved. There is much unfinished business.
But I think that we shall go about that un-
finished business — your Government, ours, and
our other friends — to try to find solutions that
will help build one more year of peace behind
us in this world situation.
The Underlying Issue
Q. Just recently I met one of the Russian
delegates here, and he told me that he was very
much impressed by President Johnson's speech
here in Neio York? And also they are assured
oy the same policy of seeking for peace that will
be continued. What they wanted to see is not
only the word but the deed.
It is very reasonable. I xoonder what kind of
deed will prove the continuation of Moscow's
spirit in 1964?
A. The underlying issue in the world today,
indeed almost the only cause of — -possible cause
of — a major war is the greatest issue of all :
What kind of a world community shall come
out of this period of history ?
Most of us in the world are committed to the
kind of world described in the United Nations
Charter. There are some who say the world
must be transformed by revolution into a Com-
munist world.
This is the underlying issue, and it is not
going to be easy to make that issue disappear.
But from our point of view, and your point of
B For text of an address made by President Johnson
before the U.N. General Assembly on Dec. 17, see ibid.,
Jan. 0, 1964, p. 2.
JANUARY 13, 1964
45
view, we can have peace if everyone would de-
cide today to leave other people alone and let
them live in peace and work out their own
future for themselves. That is all we want.
That is all you want.
If we could have that kind of world, there
could be peace.
And so we must watch the world situation to
discover who is trying to impose something upon
someone else, because that is the great issue and
the great danger.
Q. That is the theory of so-called self-
determination.
A. Exactly. Exactly.
Q. Mr. Secretary, you are so kind to spare
your time.
From, today on, in Japan, we are going to
have a long New Year holiday. I wonder how
you spend the holiday here in Washington?
A. That answer is very easy for me. I have
a 5-week-old grandson, my first grandson —
Q. Congratulations.
A. So that any family man in Japan knows
that I shall be spending my Christmas here in
Washington with my grandson.
Q. Indeed, yes.
You already kindly gave a message — con-
veyed the President's message as well as yours
in the beginning of this interview to the people
of Japan. Can you say a little more about your
work to the people of Japan?
A. I would first thank you for allowing me
to be with you on this program and to say that
I have had a personal involvement with our
relations with Japan for many, many years and
I am deeply encouraged by the trust and con-
fidence and mutual interest which has been de-
veloped between our two countries.
I would like to wish all of my friends in
Japan every possible success and express the
feeling that both Japan and the United States
can look toward 1964 with confidence.
Q. Mr. Secretary, again, thank you very
much. I hope you come to Japan soon and
enjoy it.
A. Thank you, Mr. Ilirasawa. It is a great
pleasure for me.
Secretary McNamara Reports
on Situation in Viet-Nam
Following are remarks made to news corre-
spondents by Secretary of Defense Robert S.
McNamara on December 21 as he left the White
House after reporting to President Johnson on
a visit to South Viet-Nam December 19-20.
White House press release dated December 21
The members of my party * and I returned
this morning from South Viet-Nam. We have
just completed our report to the President of
our observations. We observed the results of
the very substantial increase in the Viet Cong
activity, an increase that began shortly after
the new Government was formed and has ex-
tended over a period of several weeks.
During this time the Viet Cong have attacked,
and attacked successfully, a substantial number
of the strategic hamlets. They have burned the
houses, the fortifications, and in many cases
have forced the inhabitants to leave. The rate
of that Viet Cong activity, however, has sub-
stantially dropped within the past week to 10
days.
This rapid expansion of activity, I think,
could have been expected. It obviously was in-
tended to take advantage of the period of or-
ganization in the new Government, a period
during which there was a certain amount of con-
fusion — confusion that you might have expected
would result from the replacement of the prov-
ince chiefs and other key administrators in the
Government.
We reviewed in great detail the plans of the
South Vietnamese and the plans of our own
military advisers for operations during 1964.
We have every reason to believe they will be
successful. We are determined that they shall
be.
1 Accompanying Mr. McNamara to Viet-Nam were
John A. McCone, Director of Central Intelligence ; Wil-
liam P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs ; Arthur Sylvester. As-
sistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs; Maj.
Gen. Victor Krulak, USMC, Special Assistant for
Counterinsurgency and Special Activities, Joint Chiefs
of Staff; and William II. Sullivan, Special Assistant
to the Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Depart-
ment of State.
46
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
President Exchanges Greetings
With Prime Minister of Italy
Following is an exchange of m-essages be-
i President John-son and Prime Minister
Aldo Moro of Italy.
White House press release dated December 13
President Johnson to Prime Minister Moro
December 9, 19G3.
Dear Mr. Prime Minister: I send heartiest
congratulations to you as you assume the great
office, of President of the Council of Ministers
and I am happy that this message can be one of
the early acts of my Administration. The rela-
tionship between Italy and the United States
has been warm and close for many years. Presi-
dent Kennedy added to this friendship. I in-
tend to continue on this course and do all I can
to ensure that the relationship will become even
stronger and closer during your and my period
of responsibility. We are partners in the North
Atlantic Alliance, and our political, economic
and military cooperation is of central impor-
tance to freedom.
We take office at almost the same time, and
both of us will be very busy during these early
days. I hope nevertheless that we will have an
opportunity to meet before too long and to dis-
cuss the many matters of concern to our two
countries.
I wish you and your government every suc-
cess in the tasks that lie ahead of you.
Sincerely,
Ltndon B. Johnson
Prime Minister Moro to President Johnson
December 11, 1963.
Mb. President: I have just received your
cordial message conveying your greetings and
good wishes, and I, too, am happy it was among
the first to reach me after I took office.
It is the intention of the Government that I
preside upon as well as my own to give all pos-
sible contribution to a steady strengthening of
the friendship and cooperation existing between
our two countries. I am, therefore, especially
happy to learn that you wish to continue along
the path, already indicated by Pre ideni Ken-
nedy, that leads to a close cooperation within the
framework of the Atlantic Alliance for the de-
fense of freedom and peace.
I envisage with great satisfaction the, possi-
bility of meeting you in a not too distanl future
in order to examine issues of common interest.
In thanking you for your good wishes, which
I wholeheartedly reciprocate for the work you
are about to carry out, I extend to you my i
cordial greetings.
A r.iM> Moro
United States and Brazil Pledge
Continued Cooperation
Following is an exchange of letters between
President Johnson and President Jodo Goidart
of the United States of Brazil.
White House press release dated December 23
President Johnson to President Goulart
December 18, 1963.
Dear Mr. President: I greatly appreciated
receiving your letter of December 13 conveying
your good wishes on my assumption of the Pres-
idency, as well as your message of sympathy of
November 22 ' in connection with President
Kennedy's tragic death.
Your Foreign Minister [Joao Augusto de
Araujo Castro] and reports from our Embassy
and Consulates have told me of the great out-
pouring of sympathy which was manifested in
all walks of life in Brazil at that grievous event.
The sympathy which we received from the en-
tire Brazilian nation has, I am convinced, evi-
denced the bonds of natural affection that exist
between our two peoples and demonstrated otice
ajjain the deep popular support of the great
ideals of peace, freedom and progress for which
President Kennedy stood. It is in this spirit
that I particularly welcome your having taken
the initiative in opening an exchange of per-
sonal correspondence between us.
Like President Kennedy I am convinced that
in the building of a better world, there is no
' r.i ii etin of Dec. 9, 1963, p. 884.
JANUARY 13. 1964
47
area more important than Latin America. I
am acutely conscious of the great importance
of joint efforts by our two countries.
It is my view that economic development,
social justice and the strengthening of repre-
sentative democracy are interrelated and that
progress in each of those fields can only be made
in con j miction with progress in the others. I
am convinced that development should be ac-
companied by reforms to modernize economic
and social structures, to build durable institu-
tions and develop human skills, and in this great
effort for economic and social progress in all
of Latin America, I am convinced that the Al-
liance for Progress can be of essential impor-
tance. As President Kennedy told a meeting
of the Inter- American Press Association only
four days before his death, 2 "The goals and
methods of the Alliance for Progress represent
the only route whereby men of good will can
obtain progress without despotism, social jus-
tice without social terror." I note with interest
that you made the same point in your letter.
Problems of trade, development, and invest-
ment, such as were raised by various delegations
at the recent Sao Paulo meeting, 3 naturally are
of concern to both of us. I believe that all
these problems are soluble if approached within
a framework of expanding international co-
operation — a framework which removes unnec-
essary barriers to trade and investment and
which creates new opportunities for economic
growth. This is, of course, especially impor-
tant to the accelerated growth of the less devel-
oped countries.
In the case of Brazil, it appears that there is
an immediate concern with the problem of debt
payments. Since the U.S. Government holds
only a relatively small portion of the obliga-
tions which are presently due or will fall due
in the next few years, a Brazilian initiative to
bring this problem within manageable propor-
tions will need to be directed primarily toward
arrangements with the commercial creditors,
international agencies and governments which
' Ibid., p. 900.
! For text of a statement made before the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council at Sao Paulo
on Nov. 13, by Under Secretary Harriman, see ibid.,
Dec. 1G, 1063, p. 937.
account for the bulk of such obligations. The
United States, however, stands ready to partici-
pate in negotiations for this purpose.
Brazil, I know, is the possessor of a fine tra-
dition of political freedom and stability, and of
social and religious tolerance. It also has a
rich cultural heritage, great natural resources,
an already very substantial industrial base and
internal market, and a highly talented people.
The remarkable progress made in the last thirty
years, with the creation in Brazil of the greatest
industrial center in Latin America, provides
solid ground for confidence that all the elements
exist for an even more brilliant early future.
Our countries have stood together in war and in
peace, and I believe that our continued coopera-
tion can make a vital contribution to the welfare
of both our peoples.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
President Goulart to President Johnson
Unofficial translation
December 13, 1963.
Dear Mr. President : The Brazilian Government and
people are following with brotherly sympathy the
decisive moments through which the United States is
passing, after being so hard hit by the loss of the admi-
rable leader who was John Fitzgerald Kennedy.
We are comforted by the certainty, based on the first
actions and statements of Your Excellency, that there
will be no interruption in the high destiny which con-
tinues to be reserved for your country, with which there
is indissolubly associated the survival of the demo-
cratic ideas and the permanent values of our civiliza-
tion.
The cruel attack which struck down your predecessor
left him, for all time, fixed in the very act of struggling
for generous causes and deepened the commitment of
all peoples and all men of good will for the construc-
tion of a new world, free from the already obsolete
ideological preconceptions of the last century and also
independent of the unacceptable privileges and inter-
ests of special groups, castes, or individuals. The
causes of improving relations among peoples and of
perfecting human society have been fortified by the
lamentable episode in which President Kennedy lost
his life, President Kennedy who infused both these
missions with a higher ideal of justice, with high
standards of peaceful brotherhood, and with the search
for a prosperity which could be enjoyed by all, in ac-
cordance with their merits and their needs.
We are certain, Mr. President, that the policies which
were the aspirations of the extraordinarily statesman-
like vision of your lamented predecessor will continue
•IS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
to be pursued with unshakable stubbornness and con-
Ddence, within the framework of the strictest respect
for human dignity. It is on this postulate that we base
the conviction that we are on the right road. No eco-
nomic process, however perfected, no modern technique,
however efficient, will be able to prove lasting and valid
if by chance it implies a sacrifice of the dignity of the
human individual. It is not possible to admit that
there should remain without rights the millions of
people who are demanding, all over the world, access
to a life which is dignified, free, and just.
I take pleasure in affirming to you, on this occasion,
that this is also the orientation of the government of
my country. I recognize that, if it lacks this sense of
authenticity, no power emanating from the people can
expect to be sustained without failing in its mission
and its purposes. This was the very reason for which
John F. Kennedy lived and died.
We are certain, Mr. President, that this banner of
a noble struggle will continue i" be held fearlessly by
you, ami that you win not let it fail, so that there may
thus be completed (be admirable work which wom begun
under (be aegis Of your predecessor, In this way wo
can maintain the understanding between . .1 1 r two coun-
tries, linked by traditional friendship and numerous
common interests. The spirit of reform, which belong!
to the cultural and historic patrimony of the Dnlted
States, and which was so eloquently stressed by Presi-
dent Kennedy, will certainly continue very much alive
under your government and will be able to help in
constantly increasing degree the fruitful cooperation
which should bring us together.
With wishes for your personal happiness, and for the
growing greatness of your country, I take this oppor-
tunity to present my highest appreciation and un-
changeable consideration.
Very sincerely yours,
JOAO GOULABT
United States Ratifies Chamizal Convention
Following is an excerpt from remarks made
by President Johnson on December 20 when he
signed the instrument of ratification of the
Convention With Mexico for Solution of the
Problem of the Chamizal, 1 together with a
statement made by Edtoin M. Martin, Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter- American Affairs,
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on December 12.
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT JOHNSON
White House press release dated December 20
"We are very glad to welcome Secretary [of
Labor W. Willard] Wirtz back this morning,
and we are very happy to see the Senators who
have participated in the ratification of this
treaty present with us. This is a moment of
which we can all be proud. We are particu-
larly delighted to have with us the distinguished
Ambassador from our neighboring country, the
beloved Antonio Carrillo Flores from Mexico.
We are taking the final step in bringing to a
close a problem which has been a thorn in the
side of our relations with Mexico for almost a
century. The way in which the thorn has been
removed is a real tribute to the good will be-
tween the people and the leaders of our two
countries. It indicates that old and distasteful
problems can be solved if men of honor seek to
understand the other man's viewpoint.
I recall the first visit that I made to President
Adolfo Lopez Mateos in Mexico before he took
the oath of office as President. He raised the
Chamizal question, and we agreed there that
we would start to work on it. Through the
administrations of President Eisenhower and
President Kennedy great progress was made,
which resulted in the Senate, under the leader-
ship of Senator [J. W.] Fulbright, ratifying
this treaty by an overwhelming vote. 2
I hope that other problems in our hemisphere,
and for that matter throughout the world, will
be solved with similar tolerance and trust. I
think it is always good if we just put ourselves
in the other man's position and try to estimate
how we would feel if he were in our place and
1 S. Ex. X, 88th Cong., 1st sess. ; for background and
text of convention, see also Bulletin of Sept. 23, 1963,
p. 480.
' The Senate agreed to the resolution of ratification
on Dec. 17 by a vote of 79 to 1.
JANUARY 13, 1964
49
we were in his place, and then make our judg-
ments accordingly. That is what we have done
in this situation. We think great benefits will
flow not only to Mexico but to the United States
and, of course, most of all, to the State of Texas,
where this land is located.
Mr. Ambassador, we welcome you here for
this historic occasion. We say thanks to the
Members of the Senate who made it possible.
We express gratitude to Secretary Rusk for the
leadership he has given.
STATEMENT BY MR. MARTIN
Secretary Rusk regrets very much not being
able to appear this morning. He has asked me
to appear for him and to urge the committee
to recommend that the Senate give its advice
and consent to ratification of the Chamizal Con-
vention with Mexico.
The position of the United States is that of
a country which entered into an arbitration and
rejected the award. The Chamizal Arbitral
Convention of 1910, of which the committee has
been furnished copies, provided that the deci-
sion, whether unanimous or by majority, would
"be final and conclusive upon both Governments,
and without appeal." In all good faith the
United States questioned the legal basis for the
decision, but our country appeared to be in de-
fault on a treaty obligation. When the United
States did not accept a Mexican proposal to
adjudicate our difference with respect to the
validity of the award, the only alternative was
to reach a practical settlement. This we have
tried to do for many years. The convention
before you represents such a settlement.
A principal difficulty has been the importance
this dispute has assumed in Mexico. From a
minor controversy over a relatively small piece
of ground transferred by erosion from the
southern to the northern side of the Rio Grande
at El Paso, the dispute has come to symbolize
in Mexico, with the passage of years, several
of the most significant elements in the law of
nations : sovereignty over national territory, the
sanctity of treaties, and the juridical equality
of states.
The Department has furnished the committee
considerable background material having to do
with this Government's obligations under the
arbitral convention of 1910, with the arbitral
award, about the long history of our attempts
to settle the dispute, and about the nature and
basis of the proposed settlement. I shall not
attempt to elaborate on these matters here.
Every administration beginning with that of
President Taft has sought to reach an agree-
ment with the Government of Mexico. All
conceivable combinations and locations in re-
spect to territorial adjustments have been ex-
plored, save that of cession to Mexico out of
the Chamizal zone in El Paso of the entire area
calculated to have been awarded to Mexico.
This we have long regarded as infeasible. In
the convention before you today the Govern-
ment of Mexico also recognizes in effect that
this is infeasible.
Of the 437.18 acres estimated to have been
awarded to Mexico in 1911, the Government
of Mexico has agreed to accept 71.18 acres from
an area of El Paso slightly downstream from
the Chamizal zone. Mexico would receive the
remaining 366 acres from the actual Chamizal
tract. The United States and Mexico have also
agreed to relocate the Rio Grande at El Paso
in order to maintain the river as the boundary.
The settlement also eliminates a Mexican en-
clave north of the Rio Grande known as Cor-
dova Island. This enclave has prevented the
orderly development of the city of El Paso.
Mexico has agreed to transfer the northern half
of this island, consisting of 193.16 acres, to the
United States in return for an equivalent acre-
age from United States territory to the east of
Cordova Island.
Both Governments continue to reserve their
legal positions with respect to the findings on
which the arbitral award was based. Ratifica-
tion of the convention would have no effect on
these respective positions. It would, however,
give effect in today's circumstances to an award
which both Governments, in submitting the dis-
pute to arbitration, bound themselves to carry
out.
The Department recommended this settle-
ment to President Kennedy and has commended
it to President Johnson, in the conviction that
it is not only the best arrangement that can be
negotiated at this time but also the best that
could conceivably bo expected in the future on
50
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the basis of historical experience and full
knowledge of the circumstances. Should this
settlement fail, there is nothing in the long
history of the dispute to encourage one to be-
lieve that the dispute will disappear. The pub-
lic discussion that the current negotiation has
necessarily engendered has aroused hopes and
expectations. To disappoint them will aggra-
vate an already unfortunate situation. Any
future attempt at settlement would almost cer-
tainly be more costly in terms of both money
and inconvenience to the people of both coun-
tries. These are the considerations that we
believe have moved both Governments to adopt
the positions of reasonableness and mutual un-
derstanding reflected in the terms of the present
convention.
Ambassador [Thomas C] Mann and Com-
missioner [J. F.] Friedkin, having participated
in the negotiations, are more familiar than I
with all the details of the settlement. They
will be glad to answer any questions you may
have for them. I do want to emphasize what
the Secretary mentioned in his report t<. Presi-
dent Kennedy. 3 The proposed agreement has
already been recognized as a major contribution
to the settlement of boundary disputes. It
should evince everywhere a special regard for
the responsibilities of the good neighbor. Even
where it is not emulated as an example, it
should lend some persuasive force to the con-
tinual argument we are called upon to advance
in favor of peaceful change and respect for in-
ternational obligations. It may not convince
others to do the same, but it will surely help
to show that our professions are the words we
live by.
If I can assist the committee in its considera-
tion of the convention in any way, I shall be
glad to do so.
1 For text, see S. Ex. N, 88th Cong., 1st sess.
U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel and U.A.R.
AGREEMENT WITH ISRAEL
Press release 620 dated December 12
Department Announcement
The Governments of the United States and
Israel announced on December 12 the conclu-
sion of a bilateral agreement covering trade in
cotton textiles between Israel and the United
States for a 4-year period extending from Oc-
tober 1, 1963, to September 30, 1967.
The agreement is designed to promote the
orderly development of Israel's export trade
in cotton textiles with the United States. It
was negotiated under article 4 of the Long-
Term Arrangement Regarding International
Trade in Cotton Textiles, done at Geneva on
February 9, 1962, 1 and was completed by an
exchange of diplomatic notes between Ambas-
1 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431.
sador Walworth Barbour and the Israeli Act-
ing Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, in Tel Aviv
during November.
The agreement is the result of bilateral talks
between a U.S. delegation consisting of repre-
sentatives of the Departments of Commerce,
Labor, and State and representatives of the
Government of Israel, held in Israel October
23-25, 1963, which led to a complete under-
standing between the two Governments on the
future pattern of cotton textile trade between
Israel and the United States.
The principal features of the agreement are
as follows :
1. The agreement covers all the 64 categories
of cotton textiles.
2. During the 12-month period commencing
on October 1, 1963, total exports of cotton tex-
tiles from Israel to the United States will be
limited to 12.5 million square yards equivalent.
JANUARY 13, 1964
51
3. Within this aggregate limit, the agreement
also provides for specific export ceilings on
particular categories and groups of categories
of cotton textiles.
4. For categories not subject to a specific ex-
port ceiling, exports will not exceed a level of
250,000 square yards equivalent in any one cate-
gory of apparel and 350,000 square yards equiv-
alent in any other category, except by mutual
agreement of the two Governments.
5. The aggregate limit, the specific export
ceilings for particular categories, and the limits
under the foregoing consultation provision will
be increased by 5 percent for the 12-month pe-
riod commencing on October 1, 1964, and on a
cumulative basis by 5 percent for each subse-
quent 12-month period of the agreement.
6. The two Governments agree on the spacing
of shipments over the agreement year in cate-
gories subject to a specific export ceiling.
7. The two Governments also agree on the
procedure that would be applied in the event
that an excessive concentration of exports in
apparel items made from particular types of
cotton fabrics should cause or threaten to cause
disruption of the U.S. market.
8. The two Governments will exchange such
statistical data on cotton textiles as are required
for the effective implementation of the agree-
ment. A set of conversion factors is specified
in the annex to the agreement to express various
categories of cotton textiles in terms of a square
yard equivalent.
9. The two Governments also agree to con-
sult on any problem that may arise concerning
the implementation of the agreement.
The export levels established by the bilateral
agreement supersede the restraint actions taken
by the U.S. Government over the past year with
regard to cotton textile exports from Israel to
the United States pursuant to article 3 of the
Long-Term Arrangement Kegarding Interna-
tional Trade in Cotton Textiles.
Text of U.S. Note
November 22, 19G3
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to recent dis-
cussions between representatives of the Government of
the United States and the Government of Israel, con-
cerning trade in cotton textiles between Israel and the
United States.
As a result of these discussions, I have the honor to
propose the following agreement relating to trade in
cotton textiles between Israel and the United States :
1. The Government of Israel shall limit its annual
exports to the United States in all categories of cotton
textiles for the twelve-month period beginning Octo-
ber 1, 1963 to an aggregate limit of 12.5 million square
yards equivalent.
2. Within the aggregate annual limit specified in
paragraph 1, the following specific ceilings shall apply :
a. Categories 1 and 2 : 1,700,000 lbs., provided that
within this ceiling, annual exports in category 2 shall
not exceed 50,000 lbs.
b. Category 3: 210,000 lbs.
c. Category 48: 26,000 doz.
3. Any shortfalls occurring in the aggregate annual
limit established for category 48 may be used to effect
a corresponding increase in any other category, pro-
vided that such increases may be made in categories
1, 2, and 3 only by prior mutual agreement. Annual
exports in categories not given specific ceilings shall
not exceed the levels specified in the following schedule,
except by mutual agreement of the two governments :
a. Categories 4-38 inel. and 64 : 350,000 syds. equiva-
lent.
b. Categories 39-47 incl. and 49-63 inel.: 250,000
syds. equivalent.
4. The limits on exports established by paragraphs
1, 2, and 3 of this Agreement shall be raised by 5 per-
cent for the twelve-month period beginning on October
1, 1964 and, on a cumulative basis, for each subsequent
twelve-month period.
5. The Government of Israel shall space its annual
exports within categories 1, 2, and 3 on a cumulative,
quarterly percentage basis of 30-55-80-100. Annual
exports within category 48 shall be spaced on a cumu-
lative quarterly percentage basis of 50-50-100-100.
6. Each Government agrees to supply promptly any
available statistical data requested by the other Gov-
ernment. In the implementation of this Agreement, the
system of categories and the factors for conversion
into square yards equivalent set forth in the annex
hereto shall apply.
7. During the life of this Agreement, the Government
of the United States shall not exercise its rights under
Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding
International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at Geneva
on February 9, 1962, to request restraint on the export
of cotton textiles from Israel to the United States. All
other relevant provisions of the Long-Term Arrange-
ment shall remain in effect between the two Govern-
ments.
8. In the event concentration in exports from Israel
to the United States of items of apparel made up of a
particular fabric causes or threatens to cause market
disruption in the United States, the Government of
52
nrci'AKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the United States may call for consultations with the
Government of Israel in order to reach a mutually sat-
isfactory solution to the problem. The Government of
Israel shall agree to enter into such consultations, and,
during the course thereof, shall limit its exports of the
item in question to an annual level of 105 percent of its
exports of that item during the twelve-month period
immediately preceding the month in which consulta-
tions are requested.
9. The Governments agree to consult on any question
arising in the implementation of this Agreement or in
connection therewith. In particular, in view of the
Government of Israel anticipation of the development
of the Israeli textile industry, the Government of the
United States agrees to undertake, at the request of
the Government of Israel, a joint re-examination of the
aggregate ceiling established in paragraph 1 of this
Agreement in the light of the record of Israel in meet-
ing the ceilings established in this Agreement, and
taking into consideration the condition of the United
States cotton textile market at the time of such re-
examination.
10. This Agreement shall continue in force until and
including September 30, 1967, provided that either
Government may propose revisions in the terms of the
Agreement no later than 90 days prior to the beginning
of a new twelve-month period ; and provided further
that either Government may terminate this Agreement
effective at the end of a twelve-month period by written
notice to the other Government to be given at least 90
days prior to the end of such twelve-month period.
If these proposals are acceptable to the Government
of Israel, this note and your Excellency's note of ac-
ceptance on behalf of the Government of Israel shall
constitute an Agreement between our Governments.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
Walworth Barbour.
ANNEX
Square Yard Equivalent Conversion Factors
by Category
Cate-
gory Description
1 Yarn, Carded, Singles . . Lb .
2 Yarn, Carded, Plied ... Lb .
3 Yarn, Combed, Singles . . Lb .
4 Yarn, Combed, Plied ... Lb .
5 Ginghams, Carded .... Syd
6 Ginghams, Combed . . . Syd
7 Velveteens Syd
8 Corduroy Syd
9 Sheeting, Carded Syd
10 Sheeting, Combed .... Syd
11 Lawns, Carded Yarn . . . Syd
12 Lawns, Combed Yarn . . Syd
13 Voiles, Carded Yarn . . . Syd
14 Voiles, Combed Yarn . . . Syd
15 Poplin and Broadcloth, Syd
Carded.
Una
Conversion
Factor
4.6
4.6
4.6
4.6
1.0
1.0
1.
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
Cate-
ton
16
17
18
10
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
60
61
62
63
64
DcKription < •„«
Poplin and Broadcloth, Syd .
Combed.
Typewriter Ribbon Cloth . Syd .
Print Cloth Shirting, 80 x Syd
80, Carded.
Print Cloth Shirting, Other, Syd .
Carded.
Shirting, Carded Syd .
Shirting, Combed .... Syd .
Twill and Sateen, Carded . Syd .
Twill and Sateen, Combed . Syd .
Yarn-Dyed Fab., Exc. Syd .
Ginghams, Carded.
Yarn-Dyed Fab., Exc. Syd .
Ginghams, Combed.
Fabrics, N.E.S. Carded . . Syd .
Fabrics, N.E.S. Combed . Syd .
Pillowcases, Plain, Carded . No. .
Pillowcases, Plain, Combed. No. .
Dish Towels No. .
Other Towels No. .
Handkerchiefs Doz .
Table Damasks and Mfrs . Lb . .
Sheets, Carded No. .
Sheets, Combed No. .
Bedspreads and Quilts . . No. .
Braided and Woven Elas- Lb . .
tics.
Fishing Nets Lb . .
Gloves and Mittens . . . Doz. Prs
Hose and Half Hose . . . Doz. Prs
M and B White T-Shirts . Doz
Other T-Shirts Doz
Knitshirts Exc. T and Doz
Sweatshirts.
Sweaters and Cardigans. . Doz
M and B Shirts, Dress, Not Doz
Knit.
M and B Shirts, Sport, Not Doz
Knit.
M and B Shirts, Work, Not Doz
Knit.
Raincoats, % Length or Doz
Over.
Other Coats Doz
M and B Trousers, Slacks Doz
and Shorts (Outer).
W and Ch. Trousers, Slacks Doz
and Shorts (Outer).
Blouses, Whether or Not in Doz
Sets.
W, Ch. & Inf. Dresses (Inc. Doz
Uniforms), Not Knit.
Playsuits, Washsuits, Sun- Doz
suits, etc.
Dressing Gowns, etc., Not Doz
Knit.
M and B Undershirts, Exc. Doz
T.
M and B Briefs and Under- Doz
shorts.
Drawers, Shorts and Briefs, Doz
Exc. M and B, Knit.
Other Underwear, Not Knit Doz
or Crocneted.
Nightwear and Pyjamas . Doz
Brassieres and Other Body Doz
Supporting Garments.
Other Knit or Crocheted Lb .
Clothing.
Other Clothing, Not Knit Lb.
or Crocheted
All other Cotton Textile Lb .
Items.
('ontrrilm
h actor
1.0
1.0
i. o
1.0
I. o
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
1. 084
1.084
.348
.348
1.66
3. 17
6.2
6.2
6.9
4.6
4.6
3.527
4.6
7.234
7.234
7.234
36.8
22. 186
24. 457
22. 186
50.0
32.5
17. 797
17. 797
14.53
45.3
25.0
51.
9.2
11.25
5.0
16.0
51. 96
4.75
4.6
4.6
4.6
JANUARY 13, 1964
716-«79— 84 3
53
AGREEMENT WITH U.A.R.
Press release 621 dated December 12
Department Announcement
The Governments of the United States and
the United Arab Republic announced on De-
cember 12 the conclusion of a bilateral agree-
ment covering trade in cotton textiles between
the two countries for a 4-year period extending
from October 1, 1963, to September 30, 1967.
The agreement is designed to promote the
orderly development of the United Arab Re-
public's cotton textiles exports to the United
States. It was negotiated under article 4 of
the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding Inter-
national Trade in Cotton Textiles, done at
Geneva on February 9, 1962, and was com-
pleted by an exchange of diplomatic notes be-
tween Ambassador John S. Badeau and the
United Arab Republic's Deputy Foreign Min-
ister, Hussain Zulfiqar Sabri.
The agreement is the result of bilateral talks
between a U.S. delegation consisting of repre-
sentatives of the Departments of Commerce,
Labor, and State and representatives of the
Government of the United Arab Republic, held
in the United Arab Republic October 18-22,
1963, which led to a complete understanding
between the two Governments on the future
pattern of cotton textile trade between the
United Arab Republic and the United States.
The principal features of the agreement are
as follows :
1. It covers all the 64 categories of cotton
textiles.
2. The United Arab Republic's aggregate cot-
ton textile exports to the United States are
limited to: 42 million square yards, 46 million,
50 million, and 51 million for the first, second,
third, and fourth year of the agreement re-
spectively.
3. Within the aggregate limit, the agreement
provides specific ceilings for 5 groups incor-
porating 11 categories of cotton textiles.
4. For categories not subject to a specific ceil-
ing, exports are not to exceed specified square
yard equivalents for each year of the agree-
ment.
5. Within the total ceiling, an annual in-
crease of 5 percent, starting with the second
year of the agreement and on a cumulative
basis, is provided for the 11 categories under
specific group ceilings.
6. The two Governments agreed on the spac-
ing of shipments within each agreement year.
7. The two Governments agreed on consulta-
tion in case concentration in items made from
any fabric or fabrics within certain categories
causes or threatens to cause disruption of the
U.S. market.
8. The two Governments will exchange such
statistical data as are required for the effective
implementation of the agreement.
9. The two Governments agree to consult on
any question arising in the implementation of
the agreement.
10. The agreement supersedes the restraint
actions taken by the U.S. Government with re-
gard to cotton textile exports from the United
Arab Republic to the United States under
article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Re-
garding International Trade in Cotton Tex-
tiles. All other relevant provisions of the Long-
Term Arrangement remain in effect between
the two Governments.
Text of U.S. Note
December 4, 1963
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to recent dis-
cussions in Cairo between representatives of the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and the Gov-
ernment of the United Arab Republic concerning trade
in cotton textiles between the United Arab Republic
and the United States.
As a result of these discussions, I have the honor
to propose the following agreement relating to trade in
cotton textiles between the United Arab Republic and
the United States :
1. The Government of the United Arab Republic shall
limit its annual exports to the United States in all
categories of cotton textiles at the levels specified in
the following schedule :
October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964 — 42,000,000
square yards
October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965 — 16,000.000
square yards
October 1, 1965-Sept ember 30, 1966— 50,000,000
square yards
October 1, 1966-Septeinber 30, 1967—51,000,000
square yards
2. Within the aggregate annual limits specified in
54
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
paragraph 1, the following specific ceilings shall apply
exeept as modified by paragraph t below:
a. Categories 1 and 2 — 2,100,000 pounds
(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 1
and category 2 shall not exceed 2,000,000 pounds and
300,000 pounds respectively.)
b. Categories 3 and 4 — 500,000 pounds
(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 4
shall not exceed 52,500 pounds.)
c. Categories 9 and 26 — 22,200,000 square yards
(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 9
and category 26 shall not exceed 14,500,000 square yards
and 13,250,000 square yards respectively.)
d. Category 60—15,000 dozen
3. Within the aggregate annual limits specified in
paragraph 1, the following additional specific annual
ceilings shall apply on an aggregate basis for categories
16, 21, 22, and 27 :
October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964—6,850,000 square
yards
October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965—7,500,000 square
yards
October 1, 1965-September 30, 1966—7,850,000 square
yards
October 1, 1966-September 30, 1967—8,250,000 square
yards
Within these annual aggregate specific ceilings, the
following subceilings may be exceeded by not more than
five percent:
Category 16 — 3,150,000 square yards
Category 21 — 2,100,000 square yards
Category 22 — 500,000 square yards
Category 27—2,100,000 square yards
4. The limitations on exports established by para-
graph 2 as well as the subceilings for categories 16, 21,
22, and 27 established by paragraph 3 shall be increased
by 5 percent for the twelve-month period beginning
October 1, 1964, and, on a cumulative basis, for each
subsequent twelve-month period.
5. Any shortfalls occurring in the appropriate ag-
gregate annual limit established by paragraph 3 may
be used for any category not given a specific ceiling.
Annual exports in categories or groups of categories
not given specific ceilings shall not exceed the levels
specified in the following schedule except by mutual
agreement of the two Governments :
a. Categories 45 and 50 :
October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964 — 350,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965—300,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1965-September 30, 1966—250,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1966-September 30, 1967—250,000 square
yards equivalent
b. All other categories or groups of categories not
given specific ceilings :
October 1, 1963 September 30, 1904 — 300,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1964 September 30, 1905—250,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1965-September 30, 1960—200,000 square
yards equivalent
October 1, 1966-September 30, 1907—200,000 square
yards equivalent
0. With the exception of seasonal items, the Gov-
ernment of the United Arab Republic shall space its
annual exports within each category or groups of cate-
gories given a specific ceiling on a cumulative, quar-
terly percentage basis of 30-55-80-100.
7. During the life of this Agreement, the United
Stales Government shall not exercise its rights under
Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding
International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at Geneva
on February 9, 1962, to request restraint on the export
of cotton textiles to the United States from the United
Arab Republic. All other relevant provisions of the
Long-Term Arrangement shall remain in effect between
the two Governments.
8. In the event concentration in exports from the
United Arab Republic to the United States of items of
apparel made up of a particular fabric causes or threat-
ens to cause market disruption in the United States, the
Government of the United States may call for consul-
tations with the Government of the United Arab Repub-
lic in order to reach a mutually satisfactory solution
to the problem. The Government of the United Arab
Republic shall agree to enter into such consultation,
and, during the course thereof, shall limit its exports
of the item in question at an annual level of 105 percent
of its exports of the item in question during the twelve-
month period immediately preceding the month in
which consultations are requested.
9. Each Government agrees to supply promptly any
available statistical data requested by the other Gov-
ernment. In the implementation of this Agreement,
the system of categories and the factors for conversion
into square yard equivalents set forth in the annex
to this Agreement shall apply.
10. The Governments agree to consult on any ques-
tion arising in the implementation of this Agreement.
In particular, the Government of the United Stales
agrees to undertake, at the request of the Government
of the United Arab Republic, a joint re-examination of
the aggregate ceilings established in paragraph 1 of
this Agreement in the light of developments in the
United Arab Republic cotton textile industry, the per-
formance record of the United Arab Republic in meet-
ing ceilings established by this Agreement, and the
condition of the United States cotton textile market.
11. This Agreement shall continue in force through
September 30, 1967, provided that either Government
may propose revisions in the terms of the Agreement
JANUABT 13, 1964
55
no later than 90 days prior to the beginning of a new
twelve-month period ; and provided further that either
Government may terminate this Agreement effective at
the beginning of a new twelve-month period by written
notice to the other Government given at least 90 days
prior to the beginning of such new twelve-month period.
If these proposals are acceptable to the Government
of the United Arab Republic, this note and your Excel-
lency's note of acceptance on behalf of the Government
of the United Arab Republic shall constitute an agree-
ment between our Governments, effective October 1,
1963.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
John S. Badeau
ANNEX
[The annex to the agreement with the U.A.R. is
identical with the annex to the agreement with Israel.
For text, see p. 53.]
Daniel L. Goldy Named National
Export Expansion Coordinator
The White House announced on December
20 (White House press release) that President
Johnson had on that day named Daniel L.
Goldy, currently a Deputy Assistant Secretary
of Commerce, as National Export Expansion
Coordinator, upon recommendation of Secre-
tary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges. He suc-
ceeds Draper Daniels, who resigned in July
to return to business.
In his new post Mr. Goldy will coordinate
the export expansion programs of the various
agencies of the Federal Government. He will
be responsible to Secretary Hodges and will
operate from the U.S. Department of Com-
merce. This follows President Johnson's an-
nouncement 1 recently that he is creating a Cabi-
net-level Interagency Committee on Export
Expansion to facilitate the coordination of ac-
tivities affecting export expansion. Secretary
Hodges will be chairman and Mr. Goldy execu-
tive director. Members will include represent-
atives of the State Department, the Treasury
1 For text of an Executive order establishing the In-
teragency Committee on Export Expansion, see Bulle-
tin of Jan. 6, 1964, p. 25.
Department, the Department of Defense, the
Agriculture Department, the Export-Import
Bank, the Agency for International Develop-
ment, and the Small Business Administra-
tion, all with responsibilities in the export
expansion field.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Report of a Study of United States Foreign Aid in
Ten Middle Eastern and African Countries. Sub-
mitted by Senator Ernest Gruening. October 1,
1963. [Committee print]
Providing for an Investigation and Study of Means of
Making the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence Sea-
way Available for Navigation During the Entire
Year. Report to accompany S. 530. H. Rept. 852.
October 15, 1963. 9 pp.
To Amend the Peace Corps Act. Hearings before the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 8754,
October 15-16, 1963, 79 pp.; report of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 9009, H.
Rept. 892, November 7, 1963, 29 pp.
Seventh Annual Report on the Trade Agreements Pro-
gram. Message of transmittal from the President
of the United States. H. Doc. 170. October 21.
1963. 61 pp.
International Coffee Agreement Act of 1963. Addi-
tional views to accompany H.R. 8864. H. Rept. 870
Part 2. October 28, 1963. 2 pp.
Amending Section 41(a) of the Trading With the
Enemy Act. Report to accompany S. 1451. S. Rept.
595. October 29, 1963. 3 pp.
South Pacific Commission. Report to accompany H. J
Res. 779. H. Rept. 874. October 29, 1963. 9 pp.
World Bank Capital Stock Increase. Report to ac-
company H.R. 7405. S. Rept. 625. November 1,
1963. 10 pp.
Report of the Special Study Mission to Southeast Asia
(October 3-19, 1963) of the House Committee on
Foreign Affairs. H. Rept. 893. November 7, 1963.
59 pp.
U.S. Participation in the UN. Report by the President
to the Congress for the Year 1962. H. Doc. 167.
November 20, 1963. 453 pp.
International Air Transportation Rates. Report to
accompany an amendment in the nature of a sub-
stitute to the bill S. 1540. S. Rept. 473. Part 2.
November 21, 1963. 30 pp.
United Nations Participation Act Amendment. Report
to accompany S. 949. S. Rept. 676. December 4,
1963. 13 pp.
Providing Certain Basic Authority for USIA. Report
to accompany S. 2213. S. Rept. 677. December 4,
1963. 15 pp.
Conference Report on Foreign Assistance Act of 1963,
H.R. 7885, to amend further the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961, as amended, and for other purposes.
H. Rept. 1006. December 6. 1963. 32 pp.
56
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations
and Cooperation Among States: Peaceful Settlement of Disputes
Statement by Edna F. Kelly
VjS. Representative to the General Assembly *
In our first intervention in the Legal Com-
mittee's discussion of friendly relations and
cooperation among states, we discussed the
principle contained in article 2, paragraph 4, of
the Charter of the United Nations, which makes
unlawful certain threats and uses of force. 2 On
that occasion we suggested that what was vital
was the practice of the United Nations, and
other international institutions, in implement-
ing the obligations contained in the charter.
We suggested, further, that the Legal Commit-
tee should pursue a study of the principles of
the charter carefully and dispassionately.
Today the United States delegation will address
itself to a principle which, as we and others have
pointed out, constitutes, in relation to article 2,
paragraph 4, the other side of the coin: the
principle of pacific settlement of international
disputes.
In a world in which the capacity for global
destruction is threatening to outrun the capacity
of human institutions to control it, the principle
of pacific settlement has heightened significance.
As Pope John XXIII has written, in the en-
cyclical Pacem in Terris:
. . . people live in constant fear lest the storm that
'Made in Committee VI (Legal) on Nov. 19 (U.S.
delegation press release 4305).
'For a statement made by U.S. Representative
Francis T. P. Plimpton on Nov. 11, see Bulletin
of Dec. 23, 19C3, p. 973.
every moment threatens should break upon them with
dreadful violence. . . . There can be, or at least there
should be, no doubt that relations between States, as
between individuals, should be regulated not by the
force of arms but by the light of reason, by the rule,
that is, of truth, of justice and of active and sincere
cooperation. . . . We say that it is an objective ear-
nestly to be desired in itself. Is there anyone who does
not ardently yearn to see war banished, to see peace
preserved and daily more firmly established?
The principle that states "shall settle their
international disputes by peaceful means in
such a manner that international peace and
security, and justice, are not endangered" is
stated in paragraph 3, article 2, of the charter
and is elaborated in a number of other article-.
It imposes an international legal obligation
upon states. In the course of these remarks I
shall speak of peaceful settlement of disputes, or
pacific settlement, in the sense in which it is
used in the charter. Pacific settlement, in these
constitutional terms, means the seeking of a
solution to an international dispute through
the variety of means spelled out in article 33
of the charter and the institutions of the United
Nat ions, rather than through the resort to force.
Historical Perspectives
Mr. Chairman, it may be useful to place in
some historical perspective the provisions of the
el, a iter which bear upon peaceful settlement of
disputes. Let us recall the atmosphere in which
JANUARY 13, 19G4
57
the Dumbarton Oaks and San Francisco con-
ferences took place. The international com-
munity had been torn apart by the upheavals
which, beginning in the early years of the
1930's, had resulted in the loss of millions of
human lives, the displacement of millions of
people, and the destruction of the agricultural
and industrial bases of livelihood of still others.
The victorious nations, defending themselves
against aggression, united in a determination,
as the charter puts it, "to save succeeding gen-
erations from the scourge of war." The par-
ticipants in the San Francisco Conference were
of course aware of the events which had taken
place in the 1930's — of the use of physical force
on a new and massive scale; of subversion in
practice accompanying nonintervention in
preachment; of massive, appalling violations
of human rights and murder of countless hu-
man beings in the interests of state "glorifica-
tion," state "security," and state "sovereignty."
The excesses of totalitarianism, national and
international, were fresh in mind. These then
recent, searing experiences of the international
community were the background against which
the charter was drafted.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the char-
ter provisions on peaceful settlement, taken in
conjunction with its provisions concerning
force, continue to provide, as a matter of obli-
gation, that code of conduct with which states
must comply if another global conflagration is
to be avoided. I say this because the great
changes which have taken place since the Sec-
ond World War — decolonization, proliferation
of nuclear and thermonuclear power, the grow-
ing recognition of the imperative need for eco-
nomic and social development, the expanding
international concern with human rights — have
radically changed the political context in which
states find themselves in dispute with other
states and have made all the more important
the practical necessity for full compliance with
the charter's legal obligation to settle disputes
by peaceful means.
Nor would the achievement of general and
complete disarmament alter that fact; on the
contrary. We of course recognize that the
goal of general and complete disarmament re-
quires fresh thinking and the grant of fresh,
far-reaching powers to the United Nations or
agencies acting within its framework. Indeed,
the Western treaty outline on general and com-
plete disarmament 3 advances a number of pro-
posals in this regard. The United States dele-
gation has addressed itself during this Assem-
bly to this problem in a statement delivered by
Ambassador [Charles C] Stelle in the First
Committee on October 29. 4 It is a problem to
which the United States will continue to
address itself with perseverance and determi-
nation.
Obligations of Member States
The charter places obligations and bestows
correlative rights upon the states members of
the United Nations. The interrelated obliga-
tions of pacific settlement and nonresort to cer-
tain threats and uses of force — both stated as
principles of the organization — constitute a
commitment to a peaceful world. By adhering
to the charter the member states of the United
Nations have acknowledged the existence of
definite limits to the exercise of the sovereign
powers of the state as those powers were under-
stood even a generation ago. Indeed, it is dif-
ficult to conceive of a step more fundamental
to the preservation of peace than the commit-
ment embodied in the charter to pacific settle-
ment of international disputes.
The twin principles of pacific settlement and
nonresort to certain threats and uses of force
have meaning, have impact upon international
relations, precisely to the extent to which they
are complied with. A state member of the
United Nations which is a party to a dispute
the continuance of which is likely to endanger
the maintenance of international peace and
security is obliged, as a matter of law, to seek
a solution from among the range of means men-
tioned in article 33. These are: "negotiation,
enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration,
judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies
or arrangements, or other peaceful means. . . ."
! For text. Bee ibid., May 7, 1962, p. 747.
4 Ihiil., Nov. IS. 1063, p. 793.
58
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
A party to a dispute has a further obligation
in the event of the failure of these procedures.
Article 37 of the charter states, again in man-
datory terms, an international legal obligation
binding upon states members to refer unsettled
disputes to the Security Council. So much, for
the moment, concerning the obligations of
states members.
Responsibilities of the United Nations
What are the responsibilities of the United
Nations, acting as a political and juridical en-
tity? Article 1 of the charter sets forth, as a
purpose of the United Nations, the bringing
about "by peaceful means, and in conformity
with the principles of justice and international
law, adjustment or settlement of international
disputes or situations which might lead to a
breach of the peace."
Attainment of this purpose is, of course, a
condition for the maintenance of international
peace and security. And it is the keeping of the
peace that is the paramount objective of this
organization. As the International Court of
Justice said in its advisory opinion of July 20,
1962, on Certain Expenses of the United Na-
tions, "The primary place ascribed to (the
maintenance of) international peace and secu-
rity is natural, since the fulfilment of the other
purposes" — developing friendly relations; pro-
moting economic, social, cultural, and humani-
tarian progress and respect for human rights;
and acting as a harmonizing center— "will be
dependent upon the attainment of that basic
condition" (p. 21).
The charter delegates to the Security Council,
the General Assembly, and the Secretary-Gen-
eral broad powers necessary for the fulfillment
of these great collective responsibilities. I shall
comment on them in turn.
Role of the General Assembly
Article 10 of the charter authorizes the Gen-
eral Assembly to discuss any questions or mat-
ters within the. scope of the charter and, with
an exception concerning matters under Security
Council consideration, to make recommenda-
tions to states members and to the Security
Council. The General Assembly has effectively
used these powers. It. has not approached its
prerogatives timorously. And, while article 10
empowers the. Assembly only to make recom-
mendations, the members of the United Nat ions,
as Judge Sir Hersch Lauterpachl once wrote,
are expected to give consideration, in good fail h,
to the Assembly's recommendations.
Article 14 of the charter deals more specifi-
cally with pacific settlement. It gives to the
Assembly the right to "recommend measures
for the peaceful adjustment of any situation,
regardless of origin, which it deems likely to
impair the general welfare or friendly relations
among nations. . . ." This provision is of great
importance to the organization's capacity to
promote peaceful change in international rela-
tions. The exercise of this right is, again, sub-
ject to stay during Security Council considera-
tion of a particular matter.
Role of the Security Council
Beyond these powers of the General Assembly
lie the more far-reaching prerogatives of the
Security Council. Thus the Security Council,
when it deems necessary, is empowered to call
upon parties to a dispute which, if continued,
may endanger the peace to settle their dispute.
The Council may, at any stage, recommend
"appropriate procedures or methods of adjust-
ment," a power given by article 36. Of particu-
lar interest to the members of the Legal Com-
mittee is the provision which states that, as a
general rule, legal disputes should be referred
by the parties to the International Court of
Justice in accordance with the provisions of the
Statute of the Court. This provision has been
only rarely used. Members might do well to
consider whether more attention should not be
paid in the future to this principle.
Finally, the Security Council may, acting
under article 38, if requested by the parties,
make recommendations to them "with a view to
a pacific settlement of the dispute." Here again
we find a provision which has been little used
in practice. In this case the reasons for lack of
use would seem to be found in the lack of inter-
national confidence which has, to so significant
an extent, characterized the postwar era.
JANUARY 13, 1964
.V.I
Characteristics of International Disputes
What was the view of the framers of the
charter concerning the characteristics of inter-
national disputes, particularly those disputes
having a potentially adverse effect upon keep-
ing the peace? Some of these characteristics
are obvious; some are not. First, the framers
believed, in general, that the typical interna-
tional dispute naturally enough is one involving
differences between states. Second, the typical
dispute is one which is bilateral in nature, al-
though the continuance of a dispute may be
likely, by virtue of the proliferation of state in-
terests and the speed of communications, to
draw other states into its ambit. "Escalation"
was a recognized fact in 1945, even if the term
was not itself much used. Third, the parties
to a dispute are identifiable. Fourth, the issues
giving rise to a dispute are capable of precise
statement.
A fifth set of characteristics concerns the re-
lation of the dispute to the maintenance of in-
ternational peace and security. All disputes —
while important to the disputants — do not have
the same peace-destroying potentiality; the
factual circumstances of great-power involve-
ment and of deep political, economic, and social
undercurrents can have a different effect, in
terms of importance and immediacy, than, for
example, isolated border controversies in areas
far removed from the centers of political and
economic competition.
The charter acknowledges this fact and visu-
alizes a scale by which the political seriousness
of a dispute is to be judged. The powers of the
United Nations and the principal organs of the
organization bear a direct relationship to this
pattern of escalation. Thus article 14 gives the
General Assembly recommendatory powers with
regard to "any situation, regardless of
origin . . . likely to impair the general welfare
or friendly relations among nations." Consid-
erably up the scale of explosiveness lie those
matters which are described by article 34 as
situations "which might lead to international
f rict ion or give rise to a dispute." The Security
Council is given important, authoritative
powers of investigation in respect of situations
of this character "in order to determine whether
the continuance of the dispute or situation is
likely to endanger the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security." Finally, at the top
of the scale are those disputes which erupt into
a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act
of aggression ; as to those, the Security Council
is invested, under chapter VII of the charter,
with power to make recommendations or de-
cisions necessary "to maintain or restore inter-
national peace and security."
Underlying this pattern of escalation lies the
principle that disputes should not, in general,
be brought to the United Nations until the
parties have tried to reach a settlement and have
failed. This principle has been greatly de-
veloped through the use of regional arrange-
ments, a development foreseen by paragraph 2
of article 52, which obliges members of the
United Nations who are also participants in
such arrangements to "make every effort to
achieve pacific settlement of local disputes
through such regional arrangements or by such
regional agencies before referring them to the
Security Council."
The Latin American states and the United
States can take pride in the development in
the Western Hemisphere of the Organization
of American States, whose charter was signed
in Bogota in 1948, and of the dispute-settling
and peacekeeping facilities which that organi-
zation provides. Article 20 of its charter places
upon the American states the duty of submit-
ting international disputes arising between
them to the peaceful procedures set forth in the
OAS Charter before referring them to the
United Nations Security Council.
As many other delegates have noted, Africa,
in May of this year, created its own regional
arrangement, the Organization of African
Unity, whose charter was drawn up at the
Addis Ababa conference. 5 May I note, in this
connection, that we warmly welcome the begin-
ning of the solution of the first great question
which has arisen within the framework of the
Organization of African Unity and in the con-
text of the African statesmanship. I refer, of
course, to the meeting held in Bamako for the
amelioration of the Algerian-Moroccan dis-
• For a message from President Kennedy to the Con-
ference of African Heads of State on May 22, 19C3, see
ma., June 10, 1903, p. 902.
60
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
pute 6 and to the recent meeting of African
foreign ministers.
The framers of the charter thought it wise to
bestow upon the parties to a dispute the right,
insofar as they had not already limited it, to
choose any method of settlement from among
the means listed in article 33. It is important
to stress that this right of the parties to choose
a particular method of settlement cannot be
allowed to derogate from their basic obligation
to seek a settlement in good faith. The charter
does not. give disputing states the right to post-
pone an effort to settle their dispute, for a pro-
tracted period on the ground that they have not
been able to agree to a particular method of
settlement. Indeed, if the charter had done so,
it would have undermined the principle that all
members shall "settle their international dis-
putes by peaceful means in such a manner that
international peace and security, and justice, are
not endangered."
As I have noted, the charter also embodies the
general rule that legal disputes should be re-
ferred by the parties to the International Court
of Justice in accordance with the provisions of
the Statute of the Court. Thus article 36, par-
agraph 3, is a continuing reminder to the Se-
curity Council that it should take into consid-
eration the facilities for impartial international
adjudication which are afforded by the Court.
The Security Council, as early as 1946, acted
upon this provision when it recommended to
Albania and the United Kingdom that they take
to the Court the dispute between them arising
from the loss of British lives and naval vessels
by reason of Albanian mining of the Corfu
Channel. Since that time the Security Council
has hardly acted upon the basis of article 36,
paragraph 3, of the charter. My delegation be-
lieves that the Council, and indeed the Assem-
bly, would do well to give greater life to this
principle.
Experience of the United Nations
Mr. Chairman, I would like to turn now to
the experience of the United Nations since the
creation of the organization at San Francisco.
I want at this juncture to deal with the expe-
rience of the organization in preventing dis-
putes from destroying the peace, the mainte-
nanceof which, as we have noted, is the primary
purpose of the United Nal
By way of preliminary definition it may be
said that the goal of peacekeeping is the ame-
lioration or pacification of disputes. The ex-
perience of the United Nations as a pacifying
and ameliorating global institution is oxter
We may usefully consider, for a moment, the
varieties of experience which have been gained
in keeping the peace.
These experiences are not easily categorized.
Perhaps, for purposes of simplification, they
may be adverted to in the manner suggested
below.
First, the United Nations has acted both as
a creator and a supervisor of truce arrange-
ments. Early experience was gained in the
creation of the United Nations Truce Supervi-
sion Organization in Palestine. UNTSO is
today still playing an invaluable role in keeping
the peace in the Middle East. Closely related
to UNTSO has been the United Nations Emer-
gency Force in the Middle East; the legality
and value of its activities have been confirmed
by the International Court of Justice, in the
opinion to which I earlier referred.
A second example in which the organization
has concerned itself with truce arrangements is
furnished by the United Nations Military Ob-
server Group for India and Pakistan. The
group, while now small, continues to play a role
of real importance. I do not think it can be
doubted that the force remains of the greatest
importance in keeping peace while — and we still
retain our optimism— the parties to the dispute
concerning Kashmir and related areas and
questions hopefully proceed along the arduous
path of settlement. I might repeat, in this con-
text, my earlier reference to the determination,
recorded in the charter, "to save succeeding gen-
erations from the scourge of war.*' No one can
doubt that a violent outbreak along the Indo-
Pakistani border would have grave conse-
quences. Not only do the states parties to this
dispute have a legal obligation to seek a settle-
ment by such means as will not endanger the
peace. All members have committed themselves
' For a Depart at statement on the Algeria-Morocco
cease-flre agreement signed at Bamako, Mali, on
Oct 30, see ibid., Nov. 18, 1963, p. 787.
JANUARY 13, 1964
61
to peaceful settlement and, thus, to do what they
can to insure the amelioration of this long-
drawn-out difficulty.
A second category of United Nations peace-
keeping activities has been concerned with find-
ing facts and, at times, extending good offices.
Each of the three principal organs of the
United Nations having responsibilities in the
sphere of peaceful settlement — the Security
Council, the General Assembly, and the Secre-
tary-General — has had a good deal of expe-
rience with missions of factfinding and good
offices. The work of the United Nations Good
Offices Committee for Indonesia was one of the
earliest experiments of this character. The ap-
pointment by the General Assembly of a United
Nations Mediator in Palestine was another
early example, one which ended tragically for
Count Bernadotte, whose effort, and that of his
successor, Dr. [Ralph] Bunche, was, in the end,
successful. The Security Council Subcommit-
tee on Laos played an important role in furnish-
ing the United Nations with much-needed in-
formation about Laos. I might note that that
member of the organization is still suffering
from the refusal in some quarters to respect its
independence and neutrality. We maintain our
hope that under the distinguished and deter-
mined leadership of Prime Minister Souvanna
Phouma the difficult problems of Laotian inde-
pendence, integrity, and neutrality can be
solved.
Still other instances of United Nations fact-
finding and extension of good offices are those
in which the Secretary-General has exercised
his authority under the charter, notably under
articles 98 and 99. He has appointed a repre-
sentative to elicit the facts of the situation in
Oman. That representative, Ambassador
[Herbert] de Ribbing, has presented a report, 7
which has been circulated to members, and will
shortly be considered by the Fourth Committee.
Another representative of the Secretary-Gen-
eral has been quietly at work on problems aris-
ing from differences between Cambodia and
Thailand, differences which benefit no member
of the organized international community and
the furtherance of which can be the object only
' U.N. doc. A/5562.
of those who would wish to destroy the fabric
of that community. A very recent example,
fresh in our minds, is the factfinding mission of
the Secretary-General's representative in North
Borneo and Sabah. This is a case in which
the Secretary-General accepted a task which
Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines had
jointly asked him to assume as one of the chief
points in the agreed resolution of their
differences.
The United Nations has also acted as an ob-
server of illicit movement, across borders, in
munitions and other implements of war.
Thus, early in its history, the General Assem-
bly created the United Nations Special Com-
mittee on the Balkans. The Committee's func-
tion was to investigate whether Greece's north-
ern neighbors were covertly, and in defiance of
the United Nations, furnishing war material
to persons in rebellion against the Government
of Greece. In 1958 the Security Council cre-
ated the United Nations Observation Group in
Lebanon, which exercised similar functions
with regard to the alleged illegal infiltration
into Lebanon of military personnel and the sup-
ply of arms and other material. Today the
United Nations Yemen Observation Mission is
doing its best, in the extraordinarily difficult
Yemeni terrain, to monitor the situation in
Yemen.
In several other historic cases the United Na-
tions, in fulfilling its role as protector of the
peace, has acted to support the independence
of states. The achievements of the United Na-
tions Command in repelling the aggression
launched across the 38th parallel by forces of
the North Korean regime, subsequently joined
in by the Communist Chinese, may not have
produced the unified and independent Korea
for which the General Assembly has repeatedly
called, but it had its effect in warning those
who would unleash aggression of the conse-
quences of doing so. In this sense it may have
made its contribution to the settlement of inter-
national disputes by peaceful means.
The Secretary-General has repeatedly acted
to support the independence of states. A note-
worthy case is the appointment of Ambassador
[Pier Pasquale] Spinelli as representative of
the Secretary-General in Jordan. This one
62
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
example of many of the exercise by the Secre-
tary ( reneral of his constitutional political
powers serves to remind us of the potentialities
for peace inherent in the office of Secret ary-
General.
Yet another example is furnished by the
United Nations Operation in the Congo.
Those who have lived with the situation in the
Congo since the original request by the Gov-
ernment of the Congo for United Nations as-
sistance in the early days of July 1960 will
recognize that the magnitude of the task under-
taken by this organization will not soon be for-
gotten. Even with all the problems which
remain to be solved by the Republic of the Con-
go, none can doubt that the vortex into which
the Congolese state was pulled upon the
achievement of its independence could, in turn,
have drawn into it the great powers. That
tragedy, for Africa and for the world, was
averted through the creation of ONUC, not
only for the benefit of the Congolese people and
others in Africa but for the entire world.
The United Nations has also been active as
a protector of the peace through human-
welfare activities. The United Nations Relief
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in
the Near East and the Palestine Conciliation
Commission have tried to alleviate the suffer-
ing which flowed from the Palestine fighting.
It is to be hoped that UNRWA will press on
with its task of economic and social assistance
and that, in time, the PCC, in conjunction with
other bodies and other efforts, will be able to
bring a more permanent peace to and a better
life for the countries and peoples of the Middle
East.
Finally, in this illustrative list of United
Nations peacekeeping activities, there has been
one which is quite novel. The charter itself, in
article 81, presents our organization with the
possibility of becoming responsible for the ex-
ercise of the administration of a trust territory.
While the organization has not yet had occa-
sion to exercise that authority, it has acted,
albeit for a very brief period of time, as an
administrator of territory. The United Na-
tions Temporary Executive Authority in West
New Guinea, agreed upon by Indonesia and the
Netherlands and confirmed by the General As-
sembly, has constituted an important step in
the process of resolution of the lon<:
dispute over West New Guinea. It is not im-
possible that the United Nat ions will find it
necessary in the future to exercise an authority
which may properly be called executive in
character.
Mr. Chairman, I have addressed myself only
to those instances of the amelioration and
pacification of disputes in which the United
Nations as an entity has become involved. I '»■-
cause the incidence of disputes, particularly
bilateral disputes, has always been high, one
could go on at some length concerning experi-
ence since 1945 in the field of pacific settlement.
I cannot, however, resist referring to the amica-
ble settlement this year of an ancient dispute
between Mexico and the United States concern-
ing the precise location of the border between
our two countries. We hope that the settlement
of the Chamizal case 8 will serve as an encour-
agement to those who may at times regard
pacific settlement as impossible because of the
persistence of a dispute over a long period of
time. We are particularly pleased to resolve
this longstanding difference with our friends
and neighbors of Mexico.
Conclusions To Be Drawn From This Experience
Now, Mr. Chairman, what are the conclu-
sions to be drawn from this brief description of
United Nations experience with peacekeeping?
I would suggest that, in most of the cases with
which the United Nations has been required to
cope, the foresight of the framers of the charter
has been demonstrated. The instrument which
they produced, while by no means perfect, does
provide the juridical and constitutional basis
upon which progressive, productive diplomatic
action can be taken. In terms of the nature of
the dispute, which I discussed as an abstrac-
tion some time ago, the conceptions of the
framers of the charter have been borne out.
They have, of course, been developed by prac-
tice.
Thus we recognize today that international
disputes do not always involve differences be-
tween states, although this is generally the case.
8 See p. 49.
JANUARY 13, 19G4
63
There have been and are disputes between a
state, on the one hand, and an international or-
ganization, on the other. I would cite, by way
of example, the dispute which the members of
the Soviet bloc, and a few others, have with the
United Nations on the subject of financing of
peacekeeping activities of the organization.
This is not, of course, a dispute in which the
contending state and international organization
are likely to resort to force, one against the
other, but it is a dispute which, if unresolved,
would endanger the peacekeeping capacity of
this organization. It is a dispute which can
only be resolved in accordance with the law of
the charter.
We further recognize that it may not be de-
sirable specifically to identify parties to a many-
sided dispute, even though it is possible as a
legal matter to do so. The resolution of the
Security Council which created UNOGIL
[United Nations Observer Group in Lebanon]
did not identify the parties to that situation,
nor was it necessary that the resolution should
have done so.
We know also that there are certain disputes
which it is hard to imagine can be "definitively"
terminated. It seems true, although regrettable,
to note that there are disputes with regard to
which the diplomat can imagine only ameliora-
tion, not final solution. However, it is also im-
portant to say that amelioration may be enough,
for it may give the parties concerned the chance
to live sufficiently long with a "temporary"
solution for the passions and emotions which
earlier made the situation intractable to wither
and pass away.
Role of the Secretary-General
A most notable institution having demon-
strated capacities in the field of pacific settle-
ment in the contemporary world is the Office of
the Secretary-General. I have already men-
tioned a few examples. The institutional poten-
tialities of the Secretary-General's Office can be
used still more in the future than in the past.
Often this can be done with a small expenditure
of funds. Often this can be done without plac-
ing undue burdens upon the Secretary-General,
either in terms of expecting that he and the
international civil servants who work with him
can overnight contrive solutions for ancient
problems or placing upon him demands for per-
sonnel and expertise which the members of the
United Nations have not put the Secretary-
General in a position to fulfill. My delegation
suggests that the Office of the Secretary-Gen-
eral can be put to even greater use in connection
with border and related disputes than has been
the case in the past. I do not have especially in
mind those cases in which contending legal
claims of sovereignty are asserted but, more
particularly, those involving doubt or direct
controversy concerning factual conditions along
and upon national borders.
The Secretary-General speaks for us all. His
Office is that of the international community as
a whole. The noble concept of the international
civil service, responsible in its official functions
only to the organization, constitutes an advance
toward a saner world which must at all costs be
preserved and nurtured. Accordingly, attacks
upon the constitutional character of the Office
of Secretary-General, and upon the letter and
spirit of article 100 of the charter, must be re-
pelled. The notorious proposals for a troika —
reactionary in the extreme — must remain in
the shadow to which they have rightly been
confined.
Question of Codification
Mr. Chairman, a number of suggestions have
already been made concerning implementation
of the principle that states shall settle their in-
ternational disputes by peaceful means. Some
of these informal proposals have taken up the
question of so-called codification of this princi-
ple. Strangely enough, certain delegations
which call most insistently for codification of
the entire subject of friendly relations seem to
have little concrete and constructive to say about
pacific settlement. On October 29 the delegate
of Czechoslovakia opened the debate in our com-
mittee with a statement to the effect that only
by codification can the Legal Committee make a
contribution to the maintenance of peace. He
suggested that, to article 33 of the charter,
should be added a rule to the effect that "States
are free, when using other methods of settle-
64
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
meat, to choose the more appropriate means for
such a settlement on the basis of an agreement
and with regard to the nature of the dispute."
This simply will not do.
The proposal of Czechoslovakia is identical
to the proposal it made last year as the second
of its list of 19 principles of peaceful coexist-
ence. The consequences of this nationalistic
and retrograde proposal should be clearly
understood: It would narrow the range of all
the various methods of peaceful settlement set
forth in article 33 of the charter to the singlo
method of negotiation. That is what is meant
by the Czechoslovakian emphasis, earlier in its
restatement of this principle, that "Dis-
putes .... must be settled by peaceful means,
in particular by direct negotiations." The
view that direct negotiations are the best, if
not the only, way of solving international
disputes — at least disputes between a Commu-
nist state, on the one hand, and a non-Commu-
nist state, on the other, is of course a consistent
Communist approach to international relations.
Yet one would think that Czechoslovakia, in
particular, would know better. Its experience
with direct negotiations with great powers and
by great powers has not been such as to inspire
great confidence in the justice of direct
negotiations.
The Communist emphasis on negotiation
seems to flow from the outmoded concept of
state sovereignty which is held by the Commu-
nist states. It seems to flow also from the
Soviet tendency to consider as purely political
questions all disputes between states having dif-
fering economic and social institutions. It
seems to flow, further, from the Soviet depre-
cation of the judicial process, a view which
arises from the Soviet thesis that judicial insti-
tutions within a Communist country are not
independent and impartial arbiters but, rather,
agents of the state for the furtherance of the
political aims of the state. Until very recently
Soviet juridical philosophy seemed to be in-
clined to view the theory of the independent
and nonpolitical judge as a "bourgeois institu-
tion" by which the capital-owning classes could
perpetuate their rule of the "oppressed" labor-
ing "masses." And these views, denying either
the possibility or the desirability of an impar-
tial judge, free from political direction by t In-
state, resulted, on the Internationa] plane, in
opposition to the impartial finder <>f facta, the
impartial commission of conciliation, the im-
partial extender of good offices, and the impar-
tial arbitrator. We all recall, in a related con-
text, Mr. Khrushchev's criticism of Dug Ham-
marskjold — Mr. Khrushchev's contention that,
while there can be neutral states, there cannot
be neutral men.
Mr. Chairman, a few specific proposals have
been made in this discussion. In particular,
the delegate of the Netherlands has suggested
that study be given to the possibility of estab-
lishing a permanent center of international
factfinding. We think this idea worthy of
serious consideration within the framework of
the Office of the Secretary-General or the new
United Nations Institute. We should also be
interested in the development of the sugges-
tions made by the distinguished delegate of
Colombia.
But we have, generally speaking, some skep-
ticism as to the desirability of creating farther
machinery for the pacific settlement of disputes.
Let me give an example. There have been, and
no doubt will continue to be, suggestions for the
creation of regional international courts of jus-
tice, from the decisions of which appeal could be
taken to the International Court of Justice at
The Hague. We do not think that these sugges-
tions are meritorious. To us, the likely effect of
the creation of highly complicated regional ju-
dicial machinery would be to discourage the use
of existing international institutions — in par-
ticular, the International Court of Justice. We
do not think that the reasons why the Interna-
tional Court has been so little used lie to any
substantial degree in a supposed distrust of the
wisdom, impartiality, and legal sophistication
of judges of the Court. We would prefer to
stimulate further resort to the Court as it e\
now rather than to run the risk of possibly
weakening the concept of impartial, interna-
tional adjudication and of a single, universal
international law, through the creation of other
international courts of general jurisdiction in
the various regions of the world.
Furthermore, the United States believes that
there already exists an almndance of machinery
JANUARY 13, 19C4
65
for peaceful settlement. What is necessary is
the greater use of machinery which already
exists. When did the Security Council last
avail itself of a rapporteur? How can we
stimulate, increased resort to the International
Court of Justice, which, as a result of the elec-
tions held in the Security Council and in the
General Assembly during this very session, has
lived up to the requirement of its statute that
the representation of the main forms of civili-
zation and the principal legal systems of the
world should be assured? There is also the
Permanent Court of Arbitration, with its sec-
retariat at The Hague, which until last year,
when Denmark and the United Kingdom took
a dispute to it, had not been lately used.
Existing regional arrangements and institu-
tions provide additional machinery for pacific
settlement. The pacifying influence of the Or-
ganization of American States, and now
of the Organization of African Unity, holds
much promise. Indeed, the creation of the Or-
ganization of African Unity adds still another
chapter to the role which the Charter of the
United Nations, in chapter VIII, envisages for
the settlement of international differences. As
I pointed out earlier, article 52, paragraph 3,
obliges members of the United Nations entering
into such regional arrangements to make every
effort to achieve pacific settlement of local dis-
putes through such arrangements.
To put the matter another way, Mr. Chair-
man, we think that the emphasis of our work
on this extremely important topic of friendly
relations and cooperation among states should
be an inquiry into the reasons for the disuse into
which certain United Nations and other inter-
national machinery has fallen. I have already
noted the potentiality and achievements of the
Office of the Secretary-General in the field of
pacific settlement and of the resources of the
United Nations Secretariat. Indeed, the
Secretary-General has the authority under the
charter to recommend to the parties to a dispute,
however informally, that they should pursue a
friendly solution in order that he not be called
upon to exercise his authority under article 99
of the charter to bring to the attention of the
Security Council any matter which he believes
may threaten the peace. The potentiality of
other institutions of peaceful settlement must
also be exploited.
With regard to arbitration, we have sug-
gested that greater use be made of the Perma-
nent Court of Arbitration. We would note
that some years ago the International Law
Commission produced an outstanding text of
the Model Eules of Arbitral Procedure, which
lie in wait for use by disputing states. We note
with interest the draft convention on the settle-
ment of investment disputes which is now under
consideration by the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development. As to ju-
dicial settlement, we note with pleasure the
recent acceptances of Somalia and Uganda of
the jurisdiction of the International Court of
Justice, in accordance with article 36, para-
graph 2, of the statute of the Court,. We hope
that other states will consider doing so. More-
over, states might be reminded of the possi-
bility of concluding special agreements for the
submission to the Court of a specific dispute
or disputes. For our part, I can state — and this
I wish to emphasize — that the United States is
prepared earnestly to consider concluding a
special agreement with any member of the
United Nations to take any outstanding legal
difference we may have to the Court for its de-
termination.
Moreover, in pursuance of the point so well
made by the distinguished delegate of the
United Kingdom, we might further consider
why the advisory competence of the Interna-
tional Court of Justice is so much less used by
the United Nations than was that of the Perma-
nent Court by the League. Increased resort to
the Court's advisory competence by the United
Nations and the specialized agencies is a matter
of high importance. We would like to see the
Court become the constitutional interpreter of
the United Nations Charter and the specialized
agencies' charters.
Finally, we might note the growth of regional
institutions, as, for example, the Organization
of African Unity, and remind states of their
obligations to foster regional settlement of local
disputes and the Security Council of its obliga-
tion to encourage (he resolution of such disputes
through these regional arrangements.
66
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BULLETIN
Report on Financial Management
and the U.N. System Released
The Department of State on December 29
(press release 614 dated December 27) released
the third report of its Advisory Committee on
International Organizations entitled "Finan-
cial Management and the United Nations Sys-
tem.'' 1 The report makes three major
recommendations:
(1) The Department of State should develop
plans projected over a 5-year period covering
U.S. participation in the United Nations and
its specialized agencies;
(2) In making these plans and in consider-
ing current programs, the Department of State
should consider the U.N. and its several
agencies on a coordinated basis and not as sep-
arate, unrelated entities; and
(3) The United States should give further
consideration to the development of a special
scale of assessments for the financing of U.N.
peacekeeping operations.
The Advisory Committee was appointed by
the Department of State in the fall of 1962.
Chairman of the committee is Sol M. Linowitz,
chairman of the board of the Xerox Corpora-
tion. 2
In the report to Assistant Secretary Harlan
Cleveland the committee points out that the
rapid growth of the U.N. system and the num-
ber, cost, and scope of its programs have
created a situation where present financial man-
agement practices are inadequate. It therefore
recommends that new procedures be established,
looking ahead at least 5 years, laying down
priorities for the various U.N. agencies and
their programs, and making projections as to
future levels of U.S. financial commitment.
The committee urges that the United States
determine its support for the various U.N.
1 A limited number of copies of the report are avail-
able upon request from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State, Washington, D.C., 20520. A
limited number of copies of the Advisory Committee's
earlier reports, "Staffing International Organizations"
and "The Technical Cooperation Programs of the
United Nations System," are also available.
3 For names of the other members of the committee,
see Department of State press release 644 dated
Dec. 27.
agencies in a consolidated, unified manner and
that the budgets of these agencies be reviewed
as a package.
The report underscores the necessity of assur-
ing that U.N. financial planning is adequal
enable it to meet effectively situations threaten-
ing world peace. It cites the temporary special
scale of assessments for peacekeeping adopted
by last year's special session of the U.N. Gen-
eral Asscmlily 3 as perhaps pointing the way
toward a permanent financing program. The
report recognizes that congressional approval
would be necessary before any commitments
were made for payment of a U.S. assessment of
more than 33% percent.
Other recommendations deal with the ade-
quacy of financial management practices in the
U.N. agencies, with the timing of U.S. con-
tributions, and with the use of "matching"
funds.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed documents [such as those
listed below) may he consulted at depository libraries
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Security Council
Letters received by the Secretary-General in connection
with Security Council resolution of August 7, 1063
(S/5386), regarding shipment of arms to South Af-
rica for possible use to support a policy of apartheid.
S/5438/Add.l, October 22, 1963, 6 pp. ; A/5438/Add.2,
October 30, 1963, 4 pp.; S/5438/Add.3, November 8,
1903, 3 pp. ; S/5438/Add.4, November 20, 1963, 2 pp. ;
S/5438/Add.5, November 26, 1963, l pp.
Election of five members of the International Court of
Justice. Note bv the Secretariat regarding Security
Council procedure, S/5449, October 31. 1963, 3 pp.;
letters dated October 22 and November 21, 1903,
from the representative of Lebanon to the President
of the Security Council and to the Secretary -General,
A/5445, October 24, 1963, 2 pp., and S/5461, Novem-
ber 21, 1963, 5 pp. , „
Report by the Secretary-General to the Security Coun-
cil on the funrtii f tin- United .Nations Yemen
Observation Mission. S/.M47, October 28, 1963, '.» pp.
and map: S 5447/Add.l. October 31. 1983, 2 pp.;
S/5447/Add.2, November 11, 1963, 1 p.
Report by the Secretary General pursuant to Security
Council resolution of July 31, 1963 tS ,-.380), con-
cerning territories under Portuguese administration.
S 5448, October 31, 196;?, 37 pp.: S .Mis A.M.I. No-
■ Bulletin of July 29, 1963, p. 178.
JANUARY 13, 19G4
67
vember 19, 1963, 5 pp. ; S/5448/Add.2, November 22,
1963, 4 pp.
Letter dated November 1, 1963, from the representa-
tive of Pakistan to the President of the Security
Council regarding alleged military activities by In-
dian authorities along the cease-fire line in Kashmir,
S/5450, November 1, 1963, 3 pp. ; and reply by the
representative of India, S/5467, November 27, 1963,
3 pp.
Letter dated October 30, 1963, from the chairman of
the Inter-American Peace Committee to the Secre-
tary-General transmitting copies of a report on the
termination of the activities of the Honduras-Nicara-
gua Mixed Commission. S/5452. November 7, 1963,
61pp.
Letter dated November 12, 1963, from the representa-
tive of India to the President of the Security Coun-
cil regarding Kashmir. S/5454. November 12, 1963.
2 pp.
Letter dated November 13 from representatives of
African nations to the President of the Security
Council regarding implementation of the resolution
on territories under Portuguese administration.
S/5460. November 21, 1963. 2 pp.
Cable dated December 10, 1963, from the Prime Min-
ister of Zanzibar to the Secretary-General regarding
application for U.N. membership. S/5478. Decem-
ber 10, 1963. 1 p.
General Assembly
Dissemination of Information in the Non-Self-Govern-
ing Territories on the Declaration on the Granting of
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
Report of the Secretary-General. A/5523. Sep-
tember 18, 1963. 9 pp.
Report of the Secretary-General transmitting a study
by a group of experts on economic development of
underdeveloped countries. A/5533. October 10.
1963. 216 pp.
Economic Development of Underdeveloped Countries:
Summaries of U.N. activities in field of industrial
development : Centre for Industrial Development,
A/5534, October 14, 1963, 4S pp.; Special Fund.
A/5534/Add.2, October 17, 1963, 5 pp. ; International
Atomic Energy Agency, A/5535/ Add.5, October 25,
1963, 11 pp.
Comments received from governments and interna-
tional organizations and institutions regarding tech-
nical assistance to promote the teaching, study, dis-
semination and wider appreciation of international
law: Trinidad and Tobago, A/5455/Add.5, October
18, 1963, 3 pp.; U.S.S.R., A/5455/Add.6, November
14, 1963, 3 pp.
Letter dated October 15, 1963, from the chairman of
the Philippine delegation to the President of the
General Assembly regarding statements on the ques-
tion of Malaysia. A/5574. October 17, 1963. 1 p.
Letter dated October 15, 1963, from the representative
of Tunisia to the Secretary-General regarding the
evacuation of the French Armed Forces from Tu-
nisia. A/5576. October 18, 1963. 1 p.
Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the
Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New
Guinea (West Irian). Report of the Secretary-Gen-
eral. A/5578. October 21, 1963. 2 pp.
The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa :
Note verbale dated October 15, 1963, from the repre-
sentative of Libya to the Secretary-General.
A/5577. October 21, 1963. 1 p.
Letter dated October 25, 1963. from the representa-
tive of Trinidad and Tobago to the President of
the General Assembly. A/5583. October 28, 1963.
2 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
U.S. and Canada To Reimpose
Welland Canal Tolls
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
The Department of State announced on De-
cember 23 (press release 642) an exchange of
notes between W. W. Butterworth, Ambassador
to Canada, and Paul Martin, Canadian Secre-
tary of State for External Affairs, regarding
the reimposition of tolls on the Welland Canal.
The tolls, which were suspended as of July 18,
1962, will be reimposed as of April 1, 1964.
TEXT OF CANADIAN NOTE
No. 198
Sib : I have the honour to refer to the exchange of
notes of March 9, 1959 ! setting out the tariff of tolls
on the St. Lawrence seaway including the Welland
Canal, and to the exchange of notes of July 3 and 13,
1962 2 which varied the tariff of tolls in order to pro-
vide for the suspension of tolls on the Welland Canal.
In my predecessor's note number IIS of July 3, 1962, he
said :
"I shall of course communicate further with you if
the Government of Canada subsequently decides that
it would be advisable to revoke this suspension and
reimpose tolls on the Welland Canal."
The Canadian Government has decided that it would
be advisable to revoke the suspension referred to and
to reimpose tolls on the Welland Canal as of April 1,
1964 at the rates and under the terms existing immedi-
ately prior to the suspension.
I have the honour to suggest that this note and your
reply shall constitute an agreement between our two
Governments to terminate as of April 1, 1964 the ex-
change of notes of July 3 and 13, 1962 and to restore
the original provisions of the exchange of notes of
March 9, 1959 in relation to the Welland Canal.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
Paul Martin
Secretary of State for External Affairs
Ottawa, December 19, 1963
1 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1959, p. 440.
'Not printed here.
68
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE
No. 202
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to your Note
No. 198 of December 19, 1963 concerning the proposal
of the Canadian Government that the exchange of
notes of July 3 and 13, 1962, be revoked and that tolls
on the Welland Canal be reimposed as of April 1, 1964
at the rates and under the terms set forth in the orig-
inal exchange of notes of March 9, 1959.
I have been instructed by my Government to inform
you that the proposed reimposition of Welland Canal
tolls, revocation of the exchange of notes of July 3 and
13, 1962, and restoration of the original provisions of
the exchange of notes of March 9, 1959 in relation to
the Welland Canal are acceptable.
Accordingly, your note and this reply shall constitute
an agreement between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of Canada to
terminate as of April 1, 1964 the exchange of notes of
July 3 and 13, 1962 and to restore the original pro-
visions of the exchange of notes of March 9, 1959 in
relation to the Welland Canal.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
w. w. butterwobth
The Embassy of the United States of America
Ottawa, December 20, 1963
Weather
Agreement on North Atlantic ocean Stations, Dona
at Paris February 25, 1864. Entered Into force
ruary 1, 1955. TIAS 3186.
Accession deposited: Pakistan, November 27, 1963.
BILATERAL
Canada
Agreement regarding reimposition of tolls on the Wel-
land Canal. Effected by exchange of notes at Ot-
tawa December 19 and 20, 1963. Entered into force
December 20, 1963.
Greece
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Athens, December 13, 1963.
Entered into force December 13, 1963.
Agreement for the use of funds made available in
accordance with the letter credit agreements signed
on May 16, 1946, September 25, 1946, October 4, Hi Hi,
and January 6, 1948, as amended (TIAS 4087, 3037,
3280, 4697). Signed at Athens April 23, 1948. En-
tered into force April 23, 1948. TIAS 1751
Terminated : December 13, 1963 (superseded by agree-
ment of December 13, 1963, supra).
Malagasy Republic
Agreement providing for the establishment and oper-
ation of a space vehicle tracking and communica-
tion station in Madagascar. Effected by exchange of
notes at Tananarive October 7, 1963. Entered into
force October 7, 1963.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Atomic Energy
Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Done at New York October 26, 1956, as amended.
Entered into force July 29, 1957. TIAS 3873, 5284.
Acceptance deposited: Algeria, December 24, 1963.
Aviation
Agreement on joint financing of certain air navigation
services in Iceland ;
Agreement on joint financing of certain air navigation
services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands.
Done at Geneva September 25, 1956. Entered into
force June 6, 1958. TIAS 4048 and 4049, respec-
tively.
Accession deposited: Pakistan, November 27, 1963.
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters,
New York, September 28 through November 30, 1962.
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963.
Ratified by the President: December 20, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere,
in outer space and under water. Done at Moscow
August 5, 1963. Entered into force October 10, 1963.
TIAS 5433.
Ratification deposited: Mexico, December 27, 1963.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, xchicK
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Education— Educational Foundation and Financing of
Programs. Agreement with Thailand — Signed at
Bangkok May 24, 1963. Entered into force May 24,
1963. TIAS 5355. 5 pp. 50.
Agricultural Commodities— Sales under Title IV.
Agreement with Ecuador — Signed at Quito April 5,
1963. Entered into force April 5, 1963. With ex-
change of notes. TIAS 5356. 11 pp. 100.
Maritime Matters— Public Liability for Damage
Caused by N.S. Savannah. Agreement with the Neta-
erlands — Signed at The Hague February 6. 1963. En-
tered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5357. 6 pp. 50.
Maritime Matters— Operational Arrangements for
Visit of N.S. Savannah. Agreement with the Nether-
JANUART 13, 1964
69
lands— Signed at The Hague May 20, 1963. Entered
into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 535a. 11 pp. 10*.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Poland-
Signed at Washington February 1, 1963. Entered into
force February 1, 1963. With exchanges of notes.
TIAS 5359. 14 pp. 100.
Telecommunication — Radio Communications Between
Amateur Stations on Behalf of Third Parties. Agree-
ment with the Dominican Republic. Exchange of
notes — Dated at Santo Domingo April IS and 22, 1963.
Entered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5360. 4 pp.
50.
Defense — Furnishing of Articles and Services.
Agreement with Jamacia. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Kingston June 6, 1963. Entered into force June 6,
1963. TIAS 5361. 4 pp. 50.
Direct Communications Link. Memorandum of Un-
derstanding, with Annex, with the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics — Signed at Geneva June 20, 1963.
Entered into force June 20, 1963. TIAS 5362. 11
pp. 100.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Ethi-
opia — Signed at Addis Ababa June 11. 1963. Entered
into force June 11, 1963. With exchange of notes.
TIAS 5363. 7 pp. 10*.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Cyprus.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Nicosia May 29, 1963.
Entered into force May 29, 1963. TIAS 5364. 4 pp.
5(*.
Telecommunication — Radio Communication Facilities
at or near Embassy Sites for Transmission of Official
Messages. Agreement with Guinea. Exchange of
notes— Signed at Conakry February 19 and April 23,
1963. Entered into force April 23, 1963. TIAS 5365.
3 pp. 5<f.
Education — Educational Commission and Financing of
Exchange Programs. Agreement with the Republic
of Korea— Signed at Seoul June 18, 1963. Entered
Into force June 18, 1963. TIAS 5366. 16 pp. 10*.
Telecommunication — Radio Communication Facilities
at or near Embassy Sites for Transmission of Official
Messages. Agreement with Israel. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem May 10 and
21, 1963. Entered into force May 21, 1963. TIAS
5367. 2 pp. 5*.
Peace Corps. Agreement with Niger. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Niamey July 23, 1962. Entered into
force July 23, 1962. TIAS 536S. 6 pp. 5*.
Aviation — Joint Financing of Certain Air Navigation
Services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands and in
Iceland. Agreement with Other Governments amend-
ing the Danish and the Icelandic Agreements done at
Geneva September 25, 1956. Adopted by the Council
of the International Civil Aviation Organization, at the
first meeting of the forty-ninth session, Montreal,
June 4, 1963. Effective January 1, 1964. TIAS 5369.
2 pp. 5*.
Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Agree-
ment with Panama — Signed at Washington June 24,
1959. Entered into force June 27, 1963. TIAS 5370.
11 pp. 100.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Japan.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Tokyo June 14, 1963.
Entered into force June 14, 1963. TIAS 5371. 6 pp. 50.
Tracking Stations. Agreement with Mexico. Extend-
ing and amending the agreement of April 12, 1960.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico May 16, 1963.
Entered into force May 16, 1963. TIAS 5372. 4 pp. 50.
Education — Financing of Exchange Programs.
Agreement with Ceylon, amending the agreement of
November 17, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Colombo June 17, 1963. Entered into force
June 17, 1963. TIAS 5373. 3 pp. 50.
Aviation — Transport Services. Agreement with New
Zealand, amending the agreement of December 30,
1960, as amended, supplementing the agreement of De-
cember 3, 1946. Exchange of notes — Signed at Wash-
ington June 28, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963.
TIAS 5374. 3 pp. 50.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re-
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November
7, 1962. Exchange of notes — Signed at Seoul June 17,
1963. Entered into force June 17, 1963. TIAS 5375.
2 pp. 50.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Yugo-
slavia, amending the agreement of November 28, 1962,
Exchange of notes — Dated at Belgrade April 19 and
May 9, 1963. Entered Into force May 9, 1963. TIAS
5376. 3 pp. 50.
United States Naval Communication Station in Aus-
tralia. Agreement with Australia — Signed at Canberra
May 9, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963. TIAS
5377. 6 pp. 5*.
Use of Veterans Memorial Hospital — Grants-in-Aid
for Medical Care and Treatment of Veterans. Agree-
ment with the Philippines, amending the agreement of
June 30, 1958. Exchange of notes — Signed at Manila
June 28, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963.
TIAS 5378. 4 pp. 5*.
Education — Educational Foundation and Financing of
Exchange Programs. Agreement with India — Signed
at New Delhi June 19, 1963. Entered ijito force
June 19, 1963. With memorandum. TIAS 5379. 6 pp.
5*.
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries. Declaration of under-
standing with Other Governments, regarding the con-
vention of February 8, 1949 — Signed at Washington
April 24, 1961. Entered Into force June 5, 1963. TIAS
5380. 5 pp. 5*.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreements with Indo-
nesia, amending the agreement of February 19, 1962,
as amended. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Djakarta
June 21, 1963. Entered into force June 21, 1963. And
exchange of notes — Signed at Djakarta June 28, 1963.
Entered into force June 28, 1963. TIAS 5381. 7 pp.
10*.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Cyprus —
Signed at Nicosia June 18, 1963. Entered into force
June 18, 1963. With exchange of notes. TIAS 5382.
9 pp. 10*.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the United
Arab Republic. Exchange of notes — Signed at Cairo
June 29, 1963. Entered Into force June 29, 1963.
TIAS 5383. 5 pp. 5*.
Agricultural Commodities — Barter and Exchange of
Commodities under Title III. Agreement with India —
Signed at Washington June 27, 1963. Entered into
force June 27, 1963. TIAS 5384. 3 pp. 5*.
Education — Austrian-American Educational Commis-
sion and Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree-
ment with Austria. Signed at Vienna June 25, 1963.
Entered Into force June 25, 1963. TIAS 5386. 12
pp. 100.
Claims. Agreement with Bulgaria. Signed at Sofia
July 2, 1963. Entered into force July 2, 1963. W'th
exchanges of letters. TIAS 5387. 14 pp. 10*.
70
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX January 13, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1281
Asia. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for
1964 Over Japanese Television 40
Brazil. United Slates and Brazil Pledge Con-
tinued (Mcperation (Goulart, Johnson) . . 47
Canada. U.S. and Canada To Reimpose YVelland
Canal Tolls (Butterworth, Martin) .... 68
China. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook
for 1904 Over Japanese Television .... 40
Congress
Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy 56
United States Ratines Chainizal Convention
(Johnson, Martin) 49
Death of President Kennedy. U.S. Marks Final
Day of Mourning for President Kennedy
(Johnson) 39
Economic Affairs
Daniel L. Goldy Named National Export Expan-
sion Coordinator 56
Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for 1904
Over Japanese Television 40
U.S. and Canada To Reimpose Welland Canal
Tolls (Butterworth. Martin) 68
U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel
and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) 51
Europe. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook
for 1904 Over Japanese Television .... 40
International Law. Principles of International
Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Coop-
eration Among States : Peaceful Settlement of
Disputes (Kelly) 57
Israel. U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements
With Israel and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) . 51
Italy. President Exchangee Greetings With
Prime Minister of Italy 47
Japan. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook
for 1964 Over Japanese Television .... 40
Mexico. United States Ratifies Chamizal Con-
vention (Johnson, Martin) 49
Military Affairs. Secretary McNamara Reports
on Situation in Viet-Nam 46
Presidential Documents
The Lighting of the National Christmas Tree . 38
President Exchanges Greetings With Prime
.Minister of Italy 47
United States and Brazil Pledge Continued
Cooperation 47
U.S. Marks Final Day of Mourning for Presi-
dent Kennedy 39
United States Ratifies Chamizal Convention . 49
Publications. Recent Releases 69
Treaty Information
Current Actions 69
U.S. and Canada To Reimpose Welland
Canal Tolls (Butterworth, Martin) .... 68
U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel
and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) r.i
United States Ratifies Chamizal Convenii"u
(Johnson, .Martini |:i
United Arab Republic U.S. Concludes Textile
Agreements With Israel and U.A.R. (Badeau,
Barbour) r, i
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 67
Principles of International Law Concerning
Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among
Slates: Peaceful Settlement of Disputes
(Kelly) :,7
Report on Financial Management and the U.N.
System Released 67
Viet-Nam. Secretary McNamara Reports on
Situation In Viet-Nam 46
Name Index
Badeau, John S .". I
Barbour, Walworth 52
Butterworth, W. W 69
Goldy, Daniel L 56
Goulart, Joao 4s
Hirasawa, Kazushige 40
Johnson, President 3S, 39, 47, 49
Kelly, Edna F r,7
Martin, Edwin M 50
Martin, Paul . . 68
McNamara, Robert S 40
Moro, Aldo 47
Rusk, Secretary 40
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 23-29
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.,
20520.
Releases issued prior to December 23 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos.
620 and 621 of December 12.
No. Date Subject
*641 12/23 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
642 12/23 Reunposition of tolls on Welland
Canal (rewrite).
*643 12/24 Cultural exchange (India, Paki-
stan).
644 12/27 Report on financial management
and the U.N. system released
(rewrite).
'Not printed.
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Foreign Relations of the United States
1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East
The Department of State recently released another volume of diplomatic papers relating to World
War II, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern
Europe, the Far East.
The section on the British Commonwealth includes the record on relations with the United King-
dom and other member states, except India. Documentation on India will be included in Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, presently in preparation.
The section on Eastern Europe, comprising well over half of volume III, gives the documentation
on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the
record for Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand.
Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth,
Eastern Europe, the Far East may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
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CITY, STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. L, No. 1282
January 20, 1964
PRESIDENT AND CHANCELLOR ERHARD REAFFIRM COMMITMENT
TO U.S.-GERMAN COOPERATION WITHIN FREE-WORLD COMMUNITY 74
SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF JANUARY 2 81
U.S. PARTICIPATION IN LONG-TERM COTTON TEXTILE ARRANGEMENT
Statement by Stanley Nehmer 96
TRADE DEVELOPMENT AM) TRADE POLICY
Statement by Samuel Z. Westerfield, Jr. 101
For index see inside back cover
President and Chancellor Erhard Reaffirm Commitment
to U.S.-German Cooperation Within Free-World Community
Chancellor Ludwig Erhard of the Federal
Republic of Germany, accompanied by Foreign
Minister Gerhard Schroeder and other advisers,
was a guest of President and Mrs. Johnson at
the LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tex., December
£8 and 29. Following is the text of a joint com-
munique released by the President and the
Chancellor at the conclusion of their talks, to-
gether with exchanges of remarks made at Berg-
strom Air Force Base at Austin, Tex., upon the
Chancellor's arrival and departure, and remarks
made at a barbecue given in his honor at Stone-
wall, Tex.
JOINT COMMUNIQUE
White House press release (LBJ Ranch, Johnson City, Tex.)
dated December 29
President Johnson and Chancellor Erhard
have held a series of frank and far-ranging
talks at the President's ranch in Texas in the
last two days. A number of their discussions
were private; in other talks they were joined by
Secretary Rusk, Foreign Minister Schroeder,
and other advisers.
The Chancellor told the President of the deep
sorrow and sense of personal loss which the Ger-
man people have felt over the death of Presi-
dent Kennedy. The President expressed deep
appreciation for himself and for the American
people for this expression of sympathy. He
paid a tribute to the late President [Theodor]
Heuss, the distinguished first President of the
Federal Republic.
The President and the Chancellor both em-
phasized the importance which they attach to
this opportunity to meet early in their Admin-
istrations. Their extensive discussions serve to
confirm the close understanding and high meas-
ure of agreement between the two governments
on major international issues. These conversa-
tions have made it emphatically clear that there
will be continuity in the policies of the United
States and the Federal Republic of Germany as
they work toward common objectives.
The President and the Chancellor had an ex-
tended discussion of the current state of East-
West relations. They were determined that the
basic rights and interests of the free nations
must be defended, and in particular they
agreed that there should be no arrangement that
would serve to perpetuate the status quo of a
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1282 PUBLICATION 7643 JANUARY 20, 1964
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Infor-
mation on developments In the field of
foreign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreign policy, issued
by the White House and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of international affalrB and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation is Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States is or may become a
party and treaties of general inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
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20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50,
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
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note : Contents of this publication are
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74
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
divided Germany, one part of which is deprived
of elementary rights and liberties. On this
basis, the President and the Chancellor agreed
that it is highly important to continue to explore
all opportunities for the improvement of East-
West relations, the easing of tensions, and the
enlargement of the prospects of a peace that can
be stable because it is just. They continue to
hope that this effort of the Western powers will
meet a constructive response from the Soviet
Union.
The President and the Chancellor agreed that
the central requirement in the policy of the
West must be to increase the strength and effec-
tiveness of the emerging Atlantic partnership.
They reaffirmed their conviction that an increas-
ingly unified Europe is vital to this effort.
The Chancellor stated, and the President
agreed, that efforts to achieve such unity must
always respect the traditionally open trading
relationship Europe has enjoyed with the
United States and the rest of the Free World.
The President and the Chancellor agreed that
the forthcoming trade negotiations should be
guided by the double objective of enlarged in-
ternational trade and increasing economic inte-
gration in Europe. They agreed that agricul-
tural as well as industrial products must be in-
cluded and that the negotiations should proceed
without delay.
The President reviewed the measures being
taken to stabilize the United States' interna-
tional payments position, and the Chancellor
reaffirmed his cooperative support for this
program.
The President and the Chancellor emphasized
the importance of extending effective aid to
the developing nations. The Chancellor de-
scribed the progress being made in the work of
the German Development Aid Service (German
Peace Corps), and the President responded by
describing the expansion of the American Peace
Corps and the wide public support which it
has won. The President and the Chancellor
agreed that these two undertakings would gain
from close cooperation, and as a part of this
process of cooperation, the President has re-
quested Mr. Sargent Shriver to make an early
visit to Bonn to take part with German col-
leagues in discussions of the work of the two
programs.
The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed
their shared commitment to the peaceful reuni-
fication of the German people in freedom, by
self-determination. The Chancellor stressed
the desire of the Federal Republic to examine
all paths that might lead to this goal. The
Chancellor also stated that the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany would continue its efforts to
improve its relations with the nations of East-
ern Europe.
The President, renewed the commitment
of the Government and people of the United
States to maintain the present six-division level
of combat forces in Germany, as long as they
are needed. The Chancellor welcomed the
President's further assurance that the United
States would continue to meet its commitments
in Berlin. The President expressed apprecia-
tion for the cooperative arrangement whereby
United States dollar expenditures for Ameri-
can military forces in Germany are offset by
German purchases of military equipment in
the United States. It was agreed that this ar-
rangement should continue.
The President and the Chancellor agreed on
the need for all members of NATO to cooperate
closely in strengthening the ability of the Alli-
ance to meet all challenges. In particular, they
expressed their conviction that the proposal for
a multilateral nuclear force now being discussed
by several NATO partners would provide a
new means of strengthening Western defense.
The President and the Chancellor agreed that
in all these matters there will be great value
to both their governments in the maintenance
of ever closer and more intimate exchanges of
views and of information. Where common in-
terest is so great, both sides can only gain from
the closest cooperation and from the prompt
and continuous exchange of views by whatever
means are most appropriate in each case. In
addition, the President and the Chancellor
agreed that they themselves would establish
and maintain the closest personal communi-
cation.
Finally, the President and the Chancellor re-
affirmed their commitment not simply to close
German-American cooperation, but to the wider
interest of both countries in the growing part-
nership of free nations — of the Atlantic and of
the world.
JANUARY 20, 1964
75
EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS, DECEMBER 28
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 28 ;
as-delivered text
President Johnson
Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Foreign Minister, Mr.
Secretary of State : It is with the greatest pleas-
ure that we bid you welcome to the United
States and to my home State of Texas — as a
good friend, a great European, and as Chancel-
lor of the Federal Republic of Germany.
You have come to a part of our country where
there are many Americans whose forebears came
from Germany. So while all of us are your
friends, there are many who feel a very personal
relationship and who look forward to meeting
you.
We shall be working hard while you are here,
but there will also be time to meet some of our
neighbors, to see us as we are, and to join us
in a Texas barbecue.
It is our duty in these next 2 days to discuss
the great tasks of the future. It is our good
fortune to build on the work of great men who
have gone before — to begin our labor together
in a time when historic dangers have been
turned back and hope for the future of freedom
has been strengthened.
Two years ago President Kennedy asked me
to fly to the beleaguered city of West Berlin
to make plain our determination that freedom
there could not be strangled by a wall. 1 Today
the freedom of West Berlin is more secure than
ever. As we meet, Mr. Chancellor, the people
of West Berlin for the first time in years are
able to cross the wall on errands of simple hu-
manity. Yet the wall itself remains. The
guards who man it still shoot to kill. Germany
is still divided. There is work to do for free-
dom in your land.
The United States of America remains com-
mitted to the great peaceful purpose of freedom
and self-determination for all Germans and for
all men everywhere. It was a threat to Ger-
man freedom which took me to Berlin in 1961.
It was hope and confidence in the future of Ger-
man freedom that brought John Kennedy to his
majjnificent welcome in Berlin 2 years later. 2
1 Bulletin of Sept. 4, 1901, p. 391.
2 Ibid., July 22, 19G3, p. 123.
Germans and Americans still stand united
against danger and strong in hope.
So in that spirit, Mr. Chancellor, we meet
today. We have much to do — to strengthen the
forces of freedom, to reinforce the Atlantic
partnership, to increase our cooperation with
all free nations, new and old, and to enlarge
the prospect of peace everywhere. In all that
we do, we shall act together as the leaders of two
free peoples who have proved their friendship
with each other in trial and in triumph.
So, Mr. Chancellor, once more let me tell you
how happy all Americans are to have you here
and what a very special pleasure it will be for
Mrs. Johnson and me to have you as our guest at
our home.
Chancellor Erhard
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary of State:
Thank you from the bottom of my heart for the
most friendly welcome which you have accorded
me here today. My partj' and I consider it as
a privilege during those quiet days of Christ-
mas to be with you in order to follow the mes-
sage of Christmas and to do everything in our
power to deepen and to enlarge the peace all
over the world. That is our task.
I am looking forward to this meeting because
I think that we have to bring a new hope into
this world, and when I say that I am not only
speaking on behalf of Germany but I am speak-
ing for Europe, which has the great task, in the
closest possible association with the United
States, to do everything to preserve peace and
freedom in this world.
Mr. President, the German people feel closely
linked with the United States and the American
people. In these times of fast technology, evil
things, but also, unfortunately, good things,
tend to be forgotten very quickly. But there is
one thing which will be never forgotten, and
that is the gratefulness which the German peo-
ple feel — have felt and feel today — toward the
United States and everything they did after the
Second World War in order to help this beaten
Germany, to extend a brotherly hand to the
German people, and to let the German people
participate again in the benefits of civilization
and find peace.
7fi
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
When I Bay that, I think especially of the
Marshal] Plan, and I often said thai the Mar-
shall Plan, in fact, was the date of birth of a
Europe, the date when the European slates that
had been caught up in a wrong nationalism
again were able to move on to a higher level
and to feel that there is a force which is alive
La this world, which is borne by the United
States, and which gave hope to Europe — hope
for a new and better life.
During these last 18 years the friendship be-
tween our I wo peoples and, in fact, between the
statesmen of our two peoples, lias grown ever
more and become deeper and deeper. More and
more we have realized that there are common
tasks for us. More and more we have felt that
our faith is a common one, and we in Germany
know that peace and freedom are indivisible.
They are not only indivisible insofar as the fears
of life of the individual peoples are concerned,
but peace and freedom are indivisible insofar
as the cohesion of the free world altogether is
concerned.
You, Mr. President, in one of the darkest and
most worrisome hours, have given hope and
courage and confidence to the people of Berlin,
and this deed, Mr. President, will never be
forgotten, in the same way as the hearts of
the Berliners opened up to the late President
Kennedy. We, too, in some way, are start-
ing our work from the same position. We are
called upon to carry on a great heritage and
to fructify that heritage. That is the sense
of this meeting: that we - — you, Mr. President,
and I myself — should come into close human
contact so as to have the confidence which exists
between our two peoples deeply rooted in our
two persons, and the friendship which has
borne such rich fruit during the past years,
and which has brought peace and freedom to
the world, and very particularly to Germany —
this friendship gives us the firm hope that the
right of self-determination of peoples will also
one day be applied to the German people and
that the hour of freedom for all Berlin will
come. May that be the fruit of our common
work. We want to work hard, Mr. President,
but it is a fine piece of work which we have
before us. I am especially glad to have this
opportunity.
1 would like to say particularly to Mrs. John-
son that wo have today the great honor of being
received as your guests in your home.
Again, Mr. President, let me tell you of all
the satisfaction and pleasure which I feel that
we have so soon an opportunity of meeting and
the hope which I have that, this meeting will
be a fruitful one.
President Johnson
On behalf of all of us, I want to say to the
Governor, Senator Yarborough, Congressman
Pickle, the distinguished Mayor, and all the
good people of Austin, we thank you so much
for your warm hospitality.
We will now go back to the hills to proceed
with our discussions. We thank you from the
bottom of our hearts for your warmth, and we
ask for your prayers in the days ahead.
REMARKS AT BARBECUE, DECEMBER 29
Following is the substantive port/on of
remarks made at a barbecue in honor of Chan-
cellor Erhard at the Stonewall High School,
Stonewall, Tex. (White House press release
(Austin, Tex.) dated December 29).
President Johnson
Mr. Chancellor, distinguished guests, and my
fellow Americans: Last night at the ranch
house I told Dr. Erhard that I was a politician
because of tragic circumstances, and fiscal neces-
sity had forced me to turn from a politician to
an economist. I have spent the last month
working on the Federal budget. Dr. Erhard,
on the other hand, is a most distinguished econ-
omist who, for other reasons, has had to be-
come a politician. We also have some other
things in common.
I went to Washington 32 years ago as a young
secretary to a Congressman from south Texas
named Richard Kleberg, whose father had come
here from Germany. So the Germans really
launched me into American political life, and
Dr. Erhard assured mo that the Americans
really launched Dr. Erhard into political life.
Mr. Chancellor, on the basis of the reception
here today, I hope that your people wdll keep
JANUARY 20, 19G4
77
you busy at home because I would not like to
have you as an opponent in a free election, either
in Stonewall or Fredericksburg.
Mr. Chancellor, in a few moments now I am
going to turn you over to the American press,
and then I think you will know how the deer
feel.
Others have been writing and talking about
the new diplomacy. The Chancellor and I have
been practicing it. We have had a wonderful
2 days together. We have formed a firm and
lasting friendship personally. Our talks have
been full and frank, and full of candor, and, I
think, have strengthened the bonds that exist
between our two great countries.
As I told the citizens of Free Berlin in 1961,
and as I have pledged again during the last
2 days, we of the United States have made, and
intend to keep, our promise that for the integ-
rity of the people of Free Berlin we will pledge
our lives, our property, and our sacred honor.
Mr. Chancellor, we have experienced a season
of great shock here in America, and great sor-
row, but we stand before the world this morn-
ing one nation, indivisible, under God. We
work for peace as the American people have al-
ways worked. But like those pioneers who set-
tled this land not many years ago — pioneers
who came from Germany, Mr. Chancellor, came
in search of peace and freedom — we of this gen-
eration trust in the Lord and keep our powder
dry.
Mr. Chancellor, we shall never be too weary,
never be too tired, never be too content, or
never too complacent to walk another mile
toward peace, with honor. But neither shall
we be too weak, or too uncertain, or too unsure,
or too reluctant to defend honor or to search
for peace wherever there is hope to find it.
We are determined, Mr. Chancellor, that
neither your children nor ours shall know war
any more, but we are even more determined
that never shall they wear the yoke of any
tyranny.
So, we work for a world of peace, a world
of justice, a world of freedom, and we know
that in this work, you of the Federal Republic
of Germany are at our side, a strong nation,
one of the most powerful in the world, work-
ing with us, walking with us — yes, searching
with us — hoping with us, praying with us, hav-
ing faith with us in our success and in our
yearning for peace on earth, good will toward
all men.
So, as we approach the conclusion of a most
treasured 2 days together, as spokesmen for the
two great countries, may the good God above
us guard our people and guide us both, whatever
the future may betide.
Chancellor Erhard
Mr. President, Mrs. Johnson, ladies and gen-
tlemen: Before concluding this visit with the
President of the United States, I would like
to express my deep satisfaction and to tell you
how happy I am about this meeting. We were
both faced with the task of carrying on the
heritage — not only of carrying it on but of
fructifying it.
I would like to stress here that in this meet-
ing we found the same moral views, the same
spirit that motivated the one and the other of
us, the same political ideas, and they brought
lis very close together. The personal friend-
ship that has grown yesterday and today has
been a good beginning for a hopeful future for
our two countries.
The President has already indicated that I am
a sort of American discovery, and that is lit-
erally true, because one day after the occupa-
tion, after one of the most terrible wars that has
ever come on this earth, an American officer
came to my home with the very laconic words,
"Come on." But as I had a very good con-
science, I could follow him easily, and it is since
that time that I feel a deep friendship that ties
me to all the American people.
There is something in the nature of man
which permits immediate, basic understanding,
and this has been the case in all the meetings
between the American people and mysel f . This
friendship with the American people has found
its correlation today in this friendship that has
developed with you, Mr. President.
I am going back to my country firmly con-
vinced that if we have solidarity, if we stand
together, if wo share our fate with our friends
and allies, we have not to be afraid of the fu-
ture and we have to have no fear about the
preservation of freedom and peace.
Ladies and gentlemen — or may I say dear
78
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
American friends — I am told that more than
100 years ago many German immigrants came
to this part of the country and that my country-
men — many of you are descendants, in fact, of
those countrymen of mine — helped to develop
this country. Let me tell you that I am proud
and happy about this achievement, and I am
proud and happy when I see that those whose
forebears were Germans are the most loyal and
the most faithful citizens of the United States
of America.
I also know something about Texas, and I
think I can say that your President, whom I
so highly admire — I not only admire him as the
first citizen of the United States of America but
as the great son of Texas, or let me say, as the
great son of the great State of Texas.
I can only confirm what the President has al-
ready said, and I am talking very seriously, that
I think we have put our time to very good use.
Yesterday we worked from morning until
night. This morning we have continued work-
ing, and if I am not mistaken, we are even going
to continue working after this barbecue. And
during those talks we have formed a judgment
on the situation of the world, not only of the
free world but of East-West relations as a
whole, and this judgment was a common one.
I can only say here that we fully share our con-
victions, that we see matters exactly with the
same eyes, and I think the secret of this under-
standing is that each of us has tried to penetrate,
and has successfully tried to do so, into the very
soul and tasks and heart and worries of the
other.
I think we must not be narrowminded or
approach matters in an egotistic way, but we
have to go beyond the individual and see the
interests of the community, because the common
fate is as indivisible as freedom is. Freedom is
indivisible in the economic, in the political, in
the democratic, in the defense fields — in all the
fields of life, and as freedom is indivisible,
peace, too, is indivisible. There is no more
worthy or higher goal to fight for than to fight
for peace on earth, and in that fight, we stand
together without fear. We share the courage
of exploring new avenues and new ideas. It is
in that spirit that I shall leave this wonderful
State of Texas.
I am deeply impressed with your country, but
let me, in conclusion of this speech, turn to Mrs.
Johnson and sing her praise, because with the
homelike atmosphere which she has created, she
brought about a spirit for our talks which al-
ready was a guarantee of success. Mrs. John-
son, let me tell you I no longer feel as your guest.
I feel at home with you. I am sure this is not
going to be the last meeting.
We stand together, talk with each other, talk
with our friends, and do everything in our
power together, to form this community of
ideas for all the free world, conscious of the
great responsibility which lies on our shoulders,
a great responsibility that goes beyond the
present times and goes far into the future, and
we do everything in order to be able to stand
the judgment of history and to create a heritage
which will insure a safe life to our children.
Thank you again, Mr. President, for this
wonderful, this magnificent, welcome. These
days in Texas will remain un forgotten, person-
ally and as a political event. They will con-
tinue to be effective; they will continue to reign
in our hearts.
President Johnson
Ladies and gentlemen, I should like you to
meet the distinguished Foreign Minister of
Germany, Mr. Schroeder.
Dr. Schroeder
Mr. President, my dear American friends:
The Chancellor has already so well said every-
thing which we all have so much at heart, and
I can only say that all of us share his feelings.
I would only like to add that we are particularly
glad to have had, as a conclusion of our visit,
this wonderful barbecue.
Thank you again for this great opportunity
of meeting you all.
President Johnson
Keen, analytical, patient, kind, courteous, and
courageous — one of the greatest men of our
time — my strong right arm, the distinguished
Secretary of State.
Secretary Rusk
President and Mrs. Johnson: It is a very
great pleasure, indeed, for me to be here among
JANTJARY 20, 196 I
79
your friends and neighbors, here hi Texas,
especially at a time when we are receiving in
your home Chancellor Erhard and his distin-
guished colleagues from Germany.
Our talks have demonstrated a solid basis of
common interest in building a peace, in protect-
ing the security of the free world, and improv-
ing the lot of ordinary men and women right
around the world. Our two countries can
together make an enormous contribution in all
of these great directions.
Let me say, Mr. President, to your own neigh-
bors here at home, that I have had the oppor-
tunity and the necessity, in the past several
weeks, of being in touch with many govern-
ments in many parts of the world who are
looking to this country for steadiness, for
leadership, and for a sense of direction. The
greatest asset that we have at this moment is
the courage and the clear view which you
brought when you took up these great respon-
sibilities under such tragic circumstances.
So, for every possible reason, being here to-
day with you and your neighbors is a very great
privilege for me. Thank you, sir.
REMARKS ON DEPARTURE, DECEMBER 29
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 29
Secretary Rusk
Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Foreign Minister : Presi-
dent and Mrs. Johnson have already shown you
how warmly welcomed you have been in their
home, among their neighbors in Gillespie
County, and here in their home State of Texas.
All of the American people have been looking in
on your visit here. They have greatly appreci-
ated that you have come to us during Christmas
week and have appreciated the message of soli-
darity and friendship which you brought from
the people of the Federal Republic of Germany.
We hope you will take back with you that same
message of solidarity from the American people
to your people.
The talks here have been friendly and frank
and full of understanding on both sides, under-
standing based upon a full exposition of what
is in each other's minds, and that lays a basis
for cooperation for the future, for confidence
between our chiefs of governments, between our
peoples, which will be of the greatest possible
value for the free world. So as you leave for
your homeland, we wish you Godspeed and
every possible success. Thank you for coming,
Mr. Chancellor.
Chancellor Erhard
Mr. Secretary, I was deeply impressed with
this visit which I paid to the United States.
I knew that our two peoples were friends, but
in the United States, due to the tragic death
of President Kennedy, the office of President
has now a new man, and I, myself, have come
into the office of Chancellor only a short time
before that.
Although there are [many] influences in our
life, there are still men who shape that life, and
therefore this meeting was vital and I am very
happy that there was this human understand-
ing between the President and myself. When
I come back to Germany, I feel it is my task
to see to it that this Europe will grow stronger,
that we do all to strengthen the European Com-
munity in the economic, political, and military
fields so that Europe as a whole can become a
full partner in the Atlantic community. To-
gether we need not be afraid of this world; to-
gether we are strong enough to preserve peace
and freedom and justice all over the world.
When we stand together, we can have the cour-
age of being openminded and of exploring ideas
and possibilities of a relaxation of tension. All
these questions were discussed in detail, and we
have been able to state full agreement and full
unity of views. This is not just a diplomatic
statement ; it is just the truth I feel.
Mr. Secretary, thank you again very much
for having escorted us here, and would you
please extend to the President again my and
my party's cordial greetings and thanks. I
think upon leaving the soil of the United States
I shall now greet the whole American people
and assure them of the full solidarity of the
German people.
80
DEl'AIt'OIENT OK STATK lil'I.I.KTIN
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of January 2
Press release 1 (revised) dated January 2
Secretary Husk: I should like, first, to wish
each of you a very good year in 1964. I hope
to have a chance at your reception tomorrow to
tell most of you personally my good wishes in
that respect.
By long tradition, in our own and many other
countries, the turn of a new year is a period of
stocktaking and of a systematic look toward the
future. It is a period when people are lifted up
by fresh hope in the expectation that perhaps
a new year can be better than the one just past.
I think that is true of us this year, as it is on
most such occasions.
I shan't try to comment on all of the events
of 1963, but I would like to say that peace re-
mains the most urgent business of mankind and
that it is this urgent business that is very much
on our minds as we enter 1964.
Now, the prospects for peace are mixed. We
have in front of us certain liighly dangerous
situations, where the remedies appear to us to be
quite simple. For example, in the troubled area
of Southeast Asia, if there is no peace there it is
because there are those who will not leave their
neighbors alone. I said at the Geneva confer-
ence on Laos that there is no threat to Southeast
Asia from across the Pacific. 1 The threat is
from the north. If the Geneva accord of 1954
and the later accord on Laos would be respected,
then those countries can live in peace and there
would be no problem about any American pres-
ence or effort in that area. But those countries
are at the present time not being left alone, and
the Geneva accords are not being given full
effect.
Just before Christmas, for example, a Viet-
namese Army group seized in the delta area of
Viet -Nam some 300,000 rounds of small-arms
ammunition, weapons like mortars, recoilless
ammunition, made in China. It is quite clear
that there continues to be infiltration from the
north across national frontiers and, despite ex-
isting accords, support and encouragement for
those who are trying to take over a peaceful and
friendly country.
Another dangerous situation is in Cuba.
Without going into the ramifications of that
problem, a step which would move us somewhat
toward peace, of course, would be for Cuba to
demonstrate by its action that it will leave its
neighbors alone. The capture of a substantial
arms cache in Venezuela, 2 clearly of Cuban ori-
gin, is an example of the sort of thing that will
not be tolerated in this hemisphere.
So we have these dangerous questions in front
of us, and there is the general proposition that,
if neighbors do not leave their neighbors alone,
then the chances for peace are diminished.
In the broad field of East-West relations,
1963 did see, I think, some improvement. A
"hot line" was established — a line that we hope
never has to be used — between Washington and
Moscow. 3 That was a small step. The nuclear
test ban treaty * was a more important step but
a somewhat limited step. The United Nations
agreed on a resolution prohibiting the weapons
of mass destruction in orbit. 5 There has been
opened up the possibility of substantial Soviet
purchases of wheat in the American market. 6
As you know, they stopped the jamming of
Voice of America broadcasts. And there have
been a number of improvements in relations
1 Bulletin of June 5, 19(51, p. 844.
' For a Department statement of Nov. 29. 1963, see
ibid.. Dec. 16, 1963, p. 913.
* For test of a U.S.-U.S.R.R. agreement on a direct
communications link, see ibid., July 8, 1963, p. -~0.
' For text, see IMd., Ant;. 12, 1963, p. 239.
■ For text, see Ibid., Nov. 11, V.)i\:>,, p. 764.
" Fur background, see ibid., Oct. 28, 1963, p. 660.
JANUARY 20, 1964
81
between the West and the small countries of
Eastern Europe.
U.S. Interest in Disarmament
Now, we hope that these moves in 1963 can
continue to 1964. There will be discussions
with the Soviet Union on some of the larger as
well as a number of the smaller questions. I
think our interest at the moment is very much
concerned with the general disarmament ques-
tion. Our Disarmament Agency here, with the
assistance of the departments concerned, is
making an intensive review of the disarmament
situation to see whether additional steps can be
taken when the Geneva conference convenes
about the 21st of this month.
We should like to see some physical disarma-
ment. We should like to see some important
steps taken in this field, steps against surprise
attack, steps which would open the way toward
a reduction in the armed forces of the respective
sides. But these are issues that are not likely to
be resolved easily and quickly.
On matters like defense budgets, which will
be discussed perhaps in Geneva, there are some
important technical questions quite apart from
the broader political aspects of the matter.
The Soviet defense budget does not include in
its published figures all of the same items which
we include in our defense budget because some
of their defense effort is included in other budg-
ets in the Soviet Union.
The difference in our social system makes
comparison between budgets somewhat more
difficult. We pay our private soldier something
like $120 a month after 2 years' service, whereas
they pay their soldiers a fraction of that
amount, and that means that comparing dif-
ferent budgets in the gross totals is not a very
simple matter. And then, in the difference be-
tween a closed and open society, the question
of assurance and reliability of published de-
fense budgets necessarily arises— whether agree-
ments in this field can be verified. So we have
a range of difficult questions of that sort.
There is some indication that the two sides
will not be pressing their defense budgets up-
ward into new levels of competition during
this next year, and to that extent that is all
to the good; but. to bring that sort of thing
to a point of agreement or formal agreement
is a somewhat more complex matter.
On a matter such as the nondissemination
of nuclear weapons, there again a formal agree-
ment is being held up, partly because of objec-
tions raised by the Soviet Union to the
multilateral nuclear force in NATO and partly
because there may be some, such as Peiping,
who have indicated that they would have no
interest in being a party to an agreement, which
ought to be as comprehensive as possible if it
is to achieve its purpose.
But even there we have no reason to think
at the present time that any one of the powers
possessing nuclear weapons has in mind ex-
tending those nuclear weapons to others; in
other words, the underlying attitude is against
the dissemination of nuclear weapons to those
not having them, even though this is a matter
which has not been yet brought to a formal
agreement.
There may be other questions which can be
subject to movement in 1964. Certainly an
intensive review will be made of the complex
of problems known as the German and Berlin
issue, to see whether new initiatives might be
promising in that situation, and that is some-
thing on which the Allied governments will be
working intensively in the weeks immediately
ahead.
On the bilateral side we will be going ahead
with such matters as the consular agreement,
with an exchange agreement on which negotia-
tions begin this week in Moscow, possible fur-
ther steps in the trade field — although those
prospects are somewhat diminished — matters of
a bilateral character which may help to im-
prove the situation.
I can confirm to you that Ambassador
[Anatoliy F.] Dobrynin handed me today a let-
ter from Chairman Khrushchev to President
Johnson on the subject of the peaceful settle-
ment of territorial disputes. That is a commu-
nication of some length — about 20 pages — in
Russian. It is now being translated, and I
have not had a chance to read it. We will, of
course, give it very careful study.
If it suggests that territorial disputes should
be settled by peaceful means rather than by
war, it would appear to be consistent with long-
82
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
established policy and practice by the United
States. But I should not comment on it today
until we have had a chance to study it. I
understand that that message has pone to a
considerable number of other chiefs of govern-
ment, and it is my understanding that it will
shortly be made public, although I have had
no official and formal word in that regard. It
is just a conjecture of mine.
Hope for Settlement of Chronic Disputes
Now I would like to call your attention to
another aspect of peace in 1964, which is much
on our minds, and that is the idea that Presi-
dent Kennedy used in the General Assembly
in September of 1963, 7 when he said that
The task of building the peace lies with the leaders
of every nation, large and small. For the great powers
have no monopoly on conflict or ambition. The cold
war is not the only expression of tension in this
world, and the nuclear race is not the only arms
race. Even little wars are dangerous in a nuclear
world.
And he continued :
Chronic disputes which divert precious resources
from the needs of the people or drain the energies
of both sides serve the interests of no one, and the
badge of responsibility in the modern world is a
willingness to seek peaceful solutions.
Well, now, we are concerned about the fact
that there are a great many disputes around
the world, not necessarily directly involving
the largest powers but, nevertheless, which are
troublesome to the peace of their own peoples
and which open up the prospect of the involve-
ment of the larger powers unless they are
settled. I am thinking of such matters as the
present disturbance in Cyprus, the problems we
have had in the Yemen, the tensions between
Algeria and Morocco and between India and
Pakistan, between Indonesia and Malaya and,
at the moment, between Dahomey and Niger,
and between Somali and one or two of its
neighbors.
These are matters which arise out of the un-
settlement of this postwar period, when new
states have been emerging in large numbers, and
involve issues or quarrels some of which go back
hundreds of years into history, and emotions
7 Ibid., Oct. 7, 1963, p. 530.
which are deeply rooted among the particular
peoples, and yet are disputes which are worth
intensive effort during 1964 in the hope that
set tlements can be found.
No Relaxation in U.S. Policy
Finally, I would say in this preliminary com-
ment that I see nothing ahead which makes it
possible for us to think about a serious reduc-
tion of the United States effort in our foreign
policy field. We must maintain a very substan-
tial Defense Establishment. We have almost a
million men in uniform outside the continental
United States. We think of those who are
quietly and steadily serving their country right
around the world in this effort to keep the peace,
whether along the DEW line of the frozen
north or in the ricefields of South Viet-Nam.
Thinking of the effort we have been making
over this postwar period to help other countries
achieve some decent economic life and internal
stability — such efforts as our foreign aid pro-
grams — I do not myself believe that we should
enter 1964 thinking that it is going to be easy
or that we can suddenly relax and give up what
we have been trying to accomplish and the
burdens which it has placed upon us.
But you will find that President Johnson will
be determined to explore every possibility of
achieving a more peaceful world order, of sup-
porting the kind of world that has been written
into the United Nations Charter, making our
alliances as effective as possible, and getting on
with the help which we industrialized countries
of the West need to give to the developing coun-
tries of the Southern Hemisphere.
But all of this means that there is much un-
finished business. I think we are entitled to
enter the new year with a feeling of some confi-
dence and hope but, more importantly, with
determination to see our great tasks through
and do what is required to build that decent
world order which is our basic and underlying
objective.
Now, gentlemen, I will take your questions.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in a practical, even me-
chanical sense, how do you expect to go about
exploring the possibilities for what I think
the President called "breakthroughs to peace y '?
JANUARY 20, 196 4
83
A. Well, I think that that will be approached
from a number of different directions. For ex-
ample, in the disarmament field, we will be
working here in our own Government with our
allies, particularly in NATO, with a view to-
ward proposals in the Geneva conference, which
will be assembling at the end of the month.
There will be, undoubtedly, other possibilities
of contact with the Soviet Union on other prob-
lems. I think the allies responsible for German
questions will be discussing these matters among
themselves intensively to see whether there are
initiatives which ought to be taken in that field.
On bilateral questions, of course, we will be
in direct contact with the Soviet Union our-
selves, and there will be a good deal of contact,
I am sure, between Western countries and the
smaller countries of Eastern Europe in this
next year.
But there will be a variety of means used, both
bilaterally and multilaterally ; so I would not
think that this would be compressed into a sin-
gle strategy or single method or single forum.
The Berlin Wall
Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us what is apt
to develop from the opening of the Berlin wall
to permit visitors in during the Christmas holi-
days? There has been considerable speculation
that there ?night be the possibility of continuing
that agreement and, also, that the negotiations
which made that possible may lead on to some
further negotiations on the German question.
A. Well, this is something on which it is a
little difficult for me to comment definitively
this afternoon because it is a matter that is being
discussed among the three governments respon-
sible for Berlin and with the Berlin and Federal
Republic authorities. Anyone who has visited
West Berlin and seen the wall, and has recog-
nized the impact of that wall upon the families
of Berlin, can, I think, not help but have great
sympathy with the efforts that were made to
let these families see each other during the
Christmas vacation.
I think it has not been lost upon the rest of
the world that the visitors have gone from West
Berlin to East Berlin and that thus far no op-
portunity has existed for the East Berliners to
visit in West Berlin.
If ways could be found to permit that kind
of visiting to continue, I think we would want
to give it the most sympathetic and careful con-
sideration.
We are, of course, concerned about any effort
on the part of the authorities in East Germany
to translate what ought to be considered as a
humanitarian matter into a matter of high po-
litical moment. But this is a matter on which
discussions are going on and on which I think I
could not usefully comment further today.
U.S. Relations With Cuba
Q. Mr. Secretary. Fidel Castro claims that
just before he died President Kennedy was con-
sidering the possibility of normalising relations
between the United States and Cuba. And the
implication of his remarks is that, if President
Johnson does not do this, then he will have
reversed a trend which President Kennedy al-
legedly set in motion. What can you tell us
about this?
A. Well, I would think you would need to
read any such remark that he might have made
against the background of other remarks that
he has been making in the last day or two about
the United States, some of them aimed per-
sonally at President Johnson. It is not true
that President Kennedy foresaw any early im-
provement of our relations with Cuba.
If you look at the resolutions s of the inter-
American system of Punta del Este 2 years ago,
you will see what the basic requirements of the
hemisphere are for a restoration of Cuba to the
family of the Western community. Those have
to do with the military intrusion into this hemi-
sphere of an extrahemisphere power, and they
have a great deal to do with the attempt on the
part of Castro and his associates to interfere
with the affairs of other countries in this hemi-
sphere.
Now, those are fundamental points, and they
remain fundamental to us and the other mem-
bers of the hemisphere. I think the path to
peace there could be easily delineated if the
requirements of the hemisphere are acknowl-
edged and action taken to live in peace with the
rest of the hemisphere and become a good mem-
ber of the hemispheric family.
8 For text, see ihid., Feb. 19, 1062, p. 278.
84
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
So I would say that Mr. Castro was factually
wrong in saying that Mr. Kennedy was con-
templating an early change in the situation with
regard to Cuba.
Little Hope for Change in Peiping's Attitude
Q. Mr. Secretary, at the start of your confer-
ence, you mentioned the arms supply which
Communist China had sent into South Viet-
Nam having been captured. Do you see any
chance for an easing of tensions or relations
with Communist China during this coming
year? And do you see any prospects for the
pursuit of peace being advanced at all with
them?
A. Well, I think we must —
Q. Cotdd we have the question down here,
please?
A. Yes, would you restate your question
somewhat more loudly, please, sir?
Q. At the start of the Secretary's conference
he mentioned the capture of a considerable arms
supply in South Viet-Nam., which had come
from Communist China. The question was if
the Secretary saw any chances for easing ten-
sions with Communist China during this year.
A. I believe my remark had to do with the
capture of ammunition supplies made in China.
Who actually forwarded them into South Viet-
Nam is a matter of some speculation, but almost
certainly the authorities in Hanoi were pri-
marily responsible for that.
I think the principal judgment we can make
on the authorities of Peiping at the present
time is on the basis of their conduct. I do not,
myself, see any change in the attitude of Peiping
toward peace with the rest of the world, regis-
tered by actions, which can demonstrate any
attempt to live in solid peace with their neigh-
bors and with the rest of the world.
They are not supporting the Geneva accords
in Southeast Asia. For 8 years they have re-
jected the renunciation of force in the Formosa
Straits. They did attack India a year ago.
They are engaged from time to time in sub-
versive activity in places like Latin America.
They refused to sign the nuclear test ban treaty.
They, in their dispute with Moscow, are press- • lUd., Jan. 13. 10<U, p. 40.
ing for the militant line, although Mr. Chou
En-lai has made some remarks about peaceful
coexistence during his African trip.
We feel that we have to evaluate Peiping's
attitude and policy by their deeds and their ac-
tions. At the present time we are not too
hopeful about any change from that capital.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in your interview with the
Japanese correspondent the other day B you said
that Communist China, tvhich had been inter-
fering in Latin America, now showed indica-
tions of wanting to interfere in the continent
of Africa. Did you have in mind only Chou
En-lai's current trip, or are there other evi-
dences of their maneuvering in that direction?
A. I wouldn't want to be too specific on that.
But it seems to me that they are showing an
interest in establishing their presence, their in-
fluence, and I think we'd have to say their rev-
olutionary influence on the continent of Africa,
and that they will be competing there for in-
fluence among Communist parties and, to the
extent they can, will increase their presence in
that continent.
Limitation of Arms Races
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes.
Q. Folloxoing your stopover in London on
your way back from NATO, there was a spate
of stories in the paper under London dates sug-
gesting that you were considering, or again
considering, the plan to have a big bonfire and
set fire to B-lfPs and the equivalent Russian
jets. Would you put that in perspective for
us? Have there been any talks on this sub-
ject ? Where do toe stand with them?
A. No, there has been some informal discus-
sion of such a possibility. I indicated earlier
today that we thought that some physical dis-
armament, if it could be achieved, would be
a good step.
Now, we are moving into a period where, as
between the major powers of East and West,
say, between the Soviet Union and the United
Slates, certainly highly sophisticated weapons
are in the process of coming out of inventory.
JANUARY 20. 1904
We think it would be unfortunate if those
weapons should be distributed around the
world by the two sides, because in most sit-
uations they would represent a sharp in-
crease in the qualitative arms races in other
continents. Although they may be becoming
obsolete in the East-West confrontation, they
are still highly advanced weapons and are not
obsolete at all in other contexts.
Now, it may be that there is some room here
for discussing some physical disarmament of a
sort that would be of advantage to the East and
West, as well as the general problem of limit-
ing arms races in other continents, with the
diversion of so many resources in these more
highly sophisticated weapons. I have been
told — and I can't confirm this — that the cost of
a supersonic fighter squadron, for example, is
of the order of magnitude that could build and
maintain a university in a developing country.
Well, this illustrates the point that if other
arms races can somehow be discouraged, it
would be a good thing to do so. But this partic-
ular example has not proceeded very far, and it
may be that there are other weapons which
might be approached on that basis.
Reexamining Areas for East-West Agreement
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes.
Q. When the President speaks, and when you
speak, sir, of a minor intensive exploration of
East-West differences, are you thinking in
terms of a greater intensity of the number of
East-West discussions, or of a more fundamen-
tal reexamination of fixed positions, or perhaps
both?
A. I think perhaps a little of both. Because
if the other side indicates that it is prepared
to take a look at questions which have not been
the subject of much movement for a period of
some years, if there is some flexibility on the
other side, this opens up the possibility for a
reexamination of opportunities on our side.
You remember, at the beginning of 1963 we
were not at all hopeful that a nuclear test ban
treaty, even a partial nuclear test ban treaty,
could be achieved, yet one was reached during
the summer. Therefore, if the situation is in
movement — and I have indicated to you before
that I thought that the general situation is in
a period of movement — then I think it is a good
occasion for us to review where we are, to con-
sider the possibilities, to look at the positions of
the two sides, to see whether we can find points
of agreement, some of them new, some of them
perhaps fresh movement on old questions.
Now, this is not in the sense of any illusion
that it will be easy. These matters are going
to take time, persistence, patience, and we ought
not to suppose that, just because we have failed
to get agreement at a particular point, therefore
there is no possible agreement on any other sub-
ject. Somewhat like the advance of infantry
on a broad front, you move forward where you
can. If you come to a point of hard resistance,
you take more time with that and see if you can
manage it. And it may be that the general sit-
uation could take an adverse turn and make
these discussions impossible or unprofitable.
But we want to be certain that, since peace is
the most, urgent business of mankind, we not
let opportunities go by to advance the possibili-
ties of peace and that, if somehow peace fails,
it will not be through negligence or inaction
or failure on our part to take advantage of op-
portunities to build another step toward a
peaceful solution.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in your opening remarks
you mentioned that the United States — tliat we
would not tolerate, or that it would not be tol-
erated in this hemisphere, that there be further
shipments of arms out of Cuba to countries such
as Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin America.
Could you elaborate on that and say how we are
going to enforce that policy? Would it be
unilaterally or with the other American
Republics?
A. This is a matter which is active in the OAS
[Organization of American States], and the
OAS committee has recently been investigating
one particular instance of the sort of thing we
are talking about, the arms cache in Venezuela.
We are working bilaterally with certain govern-
ments on procedures by which we can anticipate
or handle attempts of subversion, violence, stim-
ulated from Cuba. But the OAS will be tak-
86
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
ing up this question more broadly in the very
near future. I think we perhaps had better
leave it for that discussion before getting into
details.
Situation in Cyprus
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes?
Q. A moment ago you listed Cyprus among
the minor but important issues. Now Arch-
bishop Makarios announced yesterday that he
wants to abrogate the Cyprus treaty with the
three guarantors. How do you view such a
statement?
A. Perhaps if I had earlier used the word
"minor," I misspoke. These were other dis-
putes not directly involved in the direct East-
West confrontation. We naturally have been
very much concerned about, the Cyprus situa-
tion and have followed it very closely and have
been in touch with all the governments con-
cerned. We have been disappointed that the
two communities on the island have not been
able to work out their relations with each other
on a more enduring basis than has appeared
thus far.
You will recall this was a matter of highest
possible tension — fighting — back in '59 and '60,
where after the most difficult and complex nego-
tiations the independence of Cyprus was estab-
lished on the basis of a constitution which gave
certain positions to the two communities there —
the Greek and the Turkish communities — and
at the same time involved joint guarantors —
guarantee — of the arrangement on the part of
Britain, Greece, and Turkey.
Now, we have been encouraged in the last
few days by the sober and responsible attitude
of those guarantor powers. We feel that the
British, who have acted more or less as the
chairman of the guarantor powers, have done
a highly responsible job in trying to separate
the two communities and get the tempers cooled
and get the matter back into the field of dis-
cussion.
We feel that we ourselves should not inject
ourselves into the specific points that need to be
talked out, but rather use our maximum influ-
ence to urge moderation upon the two communi-
ties, their leaders, and upon the governments
most directly concerned, so that talks can be
resumed, that tempers can cool, and some new
pat bs to solutions might open up.
But there is great dissatisfaction by both
tho Greek and the Turkish Cypriote in the pres-
ent situation. It would be most unfortunate
if that should flame into further violence. But
at the moment we are relying upon the leader-
ship of the two communities and the three
guarantor powers to try to find an answer.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in discussions and perhaps
even agreements with the Soviet Union we
begin to list the peaceful settlement of territo-
rial disputes. Would the United States consider
Quemoy, Matsu., and Formosa — Taiwan — as
such a territorial dispute as ready for negotia-
tion?
A. Well, I think that since we have a 20-
page communication in front of us, which I
have not yet read, I ought not to talk about
any specific questions in relation to that subject.
I'm sorry to duck your question, but I think we
ought to see what this communication says first.
The Alliance for Progress
Q. Mr. Secretory, in the past and in this last
policy statement on Latin America, you have
coupled the action to counteract Communist
subversion in Cuba icith the discussions of the
positive steps taken to stabilize the governments
in Latin America through the Alliance for
Progress program. There has been a great
deal of discussion on the reorganization, and I
wonder if yon could, put this into perspective
for us?
A. Well, we started from the assumption that
economic and social change will occur in Latin
America, that some of the changes that occurred
in other parts of the world were perhaps over-
due and were bound to make their impact upon
Latin America. The Alliance for Progress was
an effort to put democratic processes and hemi-
spheric cooperation into the leadership of those
necessary changes.
Now, tension is involved — tension within
countries and tension between Latin American
countries and the United States — under such
a program as the alliance. Within countries
JANUARY 2 0, 1964
87
there are tensions because very important in-
terests, country after country, are going to have
to adjust to a new situation. Between us and
some of our Latin American friends there are
tensions because they will hope that we would
do more than we feel able to do at a par-
ticular moment and we would hope that they
would do more about their own problems than
they perhaps feel able to do, by democratic
process or by their own inclination.
But we have been encouraged by progress
made in a number of countries. We are anx-
ious that more progress be made and that it be
more generally made around the hemisphere. I
will say that, although the Congress was rather
stringent in its recent appropriations, we were
pleased that they did put us in a fairly good
position to deal with the Alliance for Progress
matters under the foreign aid bill.
But we shall stay with it and work at it with
the closest possible coordination of political and
economic relationships. Mr. Mann's appoint-
ment and responsibility in both fields 10 was very
much of an evidence of that determination.
And I hope that 1964 will register some im-
portant additional gains in this whole effort.
Q. Mr. Secretary, even though you haven't
read the full text of the message from Premier
Khrushchev, at first glance does it appear to
offer anything new or promising? Or is it
more a restatement of their past position?
A. Well, it's true that I haven't read it, and
I haven't read any of it. It was handed to me
in Russian, and the first glance would have done
me no good. (Laughter.) So I turned it im-
mediately over to the translators and haven't
heard from them since. So I really don't
know — I really don't know.
Q. Mr. Secretary, is the Sixth Fleet active in
the vicinity of Cyprus? There have teen some
rumors abroad that it was being brought into
that area.
A. Not to my knowledge. I looked into that
matter in connection — when the violence first
occurred in connection with American citizens
in Cyprus. There is a good deal of American
shipping in the area, merchant and otherwise.
10 For background, see ibid., Jan. 6, 19(54, p. 9.
But the Sixth Fleet, I think, has made no spe-
cific moves in connection with it.
Q. Mr. Secretary, without asking you to com-
ment on a document you Jiave not read, do you
regard the question of territorial dispute as a
main question between East and West that is
susceptible to some of the movement that you
have discussed at the outset of your remarks?
A. I mentioned a number of issues earlier
which do involve territorial disputes, most of
them in other parts of the world. But when
you get to East-West relations, I think we had
better find out what the proposition is, because
there are territories and territories and disputes
and disputes and I wouldn't want to marry
these tilings up without seeing what the pro-
posal is.
Steps Toward Solution of East-West Issues
Q. Mr. Secretary, in view of the present ex-
tensive peace moves between Washington and
Moscow, would you tell us more exactly what in
your opinion — what kind of concrete steps in
your opinion could be taken in the near future
to make us move along the road of peaceful solu-
tion of issues between East and West?
A. Well, I think there could be some useful
steps taken on the bilateral side, to start with.
And we are discussing those with the Soviet
Government. They may not appear to be large
and dramatic in character, but nevertheless they
are useful steps and we would hope that some
headway could be made on them.
On the larger, the multilateral problems, 1
would suppose that disarmament is very high
on our list of priorities. We would hope that
some further steps could be taken in the dis-
armament field. This is partly because here we
feel there is, objectively considered, a genuine
common interest between the two sides, an in-
terest based upon prospects for peace and an
interest deriving from the diversion of major
resources on both sides to armaments.
Both sides have enormous unfinished business
to which they would prefer to commit their re-
sources if it were possible. So I think the dis-
armament questions ought to remain high on
our list, that both sides should explore even'
s^
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
possible way of the possibility of making furt her
steps.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in the last few days the
European Community succeeded in overcoming
a difficult problem. In the climate of hopeful
expectation for the New Year, how do you look
upon this development and hoio do you feel it
may enhance the progress for political unity?
A. Well, we were pleased that in the broad
sense the European Community was able to
handle the problems that were put before them
at Brussels without major political difficulty.
But on these trade matters, so much turns upon
detail. The ministers worked, as you know,
very late just before the Christmas break, and
then came the Christmas holidays, and the truth
of the matter is that no one yet is in full pos-
session of all the details of what was agreed
at Brussels.
The Commission is working on it, and some
of the experts are working on it, and we have
not had a foil report yet as to just what
happened. So that, since it is possible that
there may be points that we would want to raise
when we find out more about the details, I
would prefer not to hide behind some general-
ization, because we may wish to complain a lit-
tle here and there. But wait until we see what
actually occurred. We, in general, though are
pleased that progress seemed to have been made
and that the issues that are of interest to us,
of course, will remain open for discussion.
Q. Mr. Secretary, we thank you very much.
President Lopez Mateos of Mexico
To Meet With President Johnson
White House press release (LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tex.)
dated December 27
President Johnson has invited President
Adolfo Lopez Mateos of Mexico to meet with
him in southern California on February 21-22,
1964.
This invitation to the President of Mexico
followed an invitation to both President John-
son and President Lopez Mateos to receive
honorary degrees from the University of Cali-
fornia at Los Angeles. The invitation for the
honorary degrees was extended to the two
Presidents by Edmund G. Brown, Governor of
California, president of the University of Cali-
fornia Board of Regents, and the Board of
Regents. The university plans to hold a spe-
cial convocation on the morning of February 21
to confer the honorary degrees.
Following a luncheon in Los Angeles, which
is currently in a state of planning, the two
Presidents will fly to Palm Springs, Calif.,
where they will meet on February 21 and 22.
President Lopez Mateos has accepted the
invitation.
Mr. Moscoso Named Representative
to Inter-American Economic Units
White House press release (LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tei.)
dated December 27
The President announced on December 27
that Teodoro Moscoso will be appointed U.S.
Representative to the Inter- American Commit-
tee on the Alliance for Progress and the U.S.
representative to the meetings of the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council of the
Pan American Union. He will also act as Spe-
cial Adviser, with the rank of ambassador, to
the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, Thomas C. Mann. 1
Mr. Mann will assume Mr. Moscoso's respon-
sibilities for administering the Alliance for
Progress. His first job will be to explore all
the possibilities for increased efficiency as well
as operating economies which may be obtained
through the exercise of his combined respon-
sibility for the work of inter- American affairs
and the Alliance for Progress.
These changes are designed to facilitate bet-
ter use of U.S. resources, both private and pub-
lic, in promoting economic development and
social progress in Latin America. U.S. assist-
ance programs supplement the self-help meas-
ures taken in other American Republics.
1 For biographic details, see Department of State
press release 3 dated Jan. 3.
JANUARY 20, 1964
717-2S8 — 63 2
89
President Johnson Expresses Hope
for End of Strife in Cyprus
Following is an exchange of messages be-
tween President Johnson and Gen. Cemal
Gursel, President of Turkey.
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 26
General Gursel to President Johnson
December 25, 1963
The President
White House
In Cyprus unleashed Greek Cypriots ter-
rorists helped by the regular law forces com-
posed of their kinsmen are perpetrating in the
execution of a prearranged plan atrocities to-
wards Turks of Cyprus without discrimination
for women or children. This barbaric assault
which continued with ever-increasing intensity
on the Turkish community since Friday eve-
ning, December 21st, took the dimensions of
acts of genocide aiming at the annihilation of
the Turkish Cypriots. The appeals made uni-
laterally by us or jointly undertaken by the
signatories of the Cyprus Agreements with a
view to stopping this massacre proved of no
avail. The latest action by issuing a joint state-
ment by the three guaranteeing powers — Tur-
key, the United Kingdom, and Greece — has not
been heeded by the Greek Cypriots and, there-
fore, did not bring about a change in the de-
plorable situation. I wish to bring to your high
knowledge these dastardly acts of massacre
undertakings by the Turks of Cyprus in this
Twentieth Century where human rights and
freedoms are enshrined in the most solemn uni-
versal documents and ask you most earnestly
to do all in your power in order that this blood-
shed be stopped forthwith.
Cemal Guhsel
President of the Republic of Turkey
President Johnson to General Gursel
December 26, 1963
Dear General Gursel : I have received your
telegram dated December 25 on the tragic
events occurring in Cyprus. I, too, am deeply
concerned, and have sent the following message
to President Makarios and Vice President
Kutchuk. This message, I assure you, repre-
sents my heartfelt feelings.
You may be sure that I will continue to do
everything I can to support any and all actions
proposed by the three guarantor powers which
offer any reasonable hope of assisting in a
peaceful solution.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Deab Friends : My Christmas holiday hours, and
those of my fellow Americans, are saddened by the
thought that Cypriots of both communities whose
hands I have pressed less than eighteen months ago
are killing and wounding one another. I will not
presume to judge the root causes, or rights and wrongs
as between Cypriots of the two communities. This is,
in any case, inappropriate when innocent human lives
are at stake.
I cannot believe that you and your fellow Cypriots
will spare any efforts, any sacrifice, to end this ter-
rible fraternal strife. I hope and trust that tomorrow
will find all Cypriots living at peace with one another
and with the three nations which have special treaty
responsibilities for the security of Cyprus.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Report of National Advisory Council on International
Monetary and Financial Problems. Special report
to the President and to the Congress on increase in
the resources of the Inter-American Development
Bank. H. Doc. 153. June 10, 1963. 76 pp.
U.S. Participation in the International Labor Organi-
zation. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Inter-
national Organizations and Movements of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs. Part III. Winning
the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological Offensive. July
8-October 3, 1963. 149 pp.
Winning the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological Offensive.
Hearings before the Subcommittee on International
Organizations and Movements of the House Commit-
tee on Foreign Affairs. Part IV, U.S. Cultural and
Artistic Exchanges, U.S. Student and Leader Ex-
changes, September 9-10, 1963, 140 pp. ; Part V, The
Impact Abroad of U.S. Private Information Mass
Media, the Impact Abroad of Special Activities of
Selected Private U.S. Organizations, the Problems
and Techniques of International Communication,
September 11-13, 1963, 182 pp.
Operation of Article VII, NATO Status of Forces
Treaty. Hearing before a subcommittee of the Sen-
ate Committee on Armed Services. November 26,
1963. 21 pp.
90
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'
Adjourned During December 1963
U.N. General Assembly: 18th Session
12th Pan American Child Congress
GATT Action Committee: Subcommittee I
GATT Cotton Textiles Committee • • • • • •
U.N. ECE/FAO Study Group on Problems of Methodology
and Definitions in Agricultural Statistics: 3d Session.
UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 7th
Session. .
GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions . .
U.N. ECA Standing Committee on Industry, Natural
Resources, and Transport.
UN Seminar on Status of Women in Family Law . . . .
OECD Development Assistance Committee: Turkish Con-
sortium.
OECD Oil and Steel Committee
FAO Council: 42d Session . ■•■••_• ■
U.N. ECE Ad Hoc Group of Experts on Use of Steel in Con-
struction.
OECD Joint Working Party on Apples and Pears
OECD Special Committee for Textiles
UNESCO Headquarters Committee: 41st Session
Inter-American Children's Institute: 44th Meeting of Direct-
ing Council.
IMCO Expert Group on Facilitation of Travel and .trans-
port: 3d Session of Subgroup on Customs.
GATT Committee on Legal and Institutional Framework in
Relation to Less Developed Countries.
GATT Working Group on Preferences •
ILO Tripartite Technical Meeting for the Food Products and
Drink Industries.
U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session (resumed) .
U.N. ECAFE Asian Population Conference . .
NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Trans-
port.
OECD Tourism Committee • ■
OECD Development Assistance Committee: Program Cri-
teria Meeting. .
U.N. ECE Working Party on Combined Transport Equip-
ment.
OECD Special Committee for Coal and Working Party . .
NATO Ministerial Council
OECD Maritime Transport Committee
OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III
(Balance of Payments).
GATT Action Committee
In Recess as of December 31, 1963
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarma-
ment (recessed Aug. 29, 1963).
GATT Negotiations on United States Tariff Reclassification
(recessed Dec. 13, 1963).
New York Sept. 17-Dec. 17
Mar del Plata, Argentina . . . Dec. 1-7
Geneva Dec. 2 (1 day)
Geneva Dec. 2-6
Geneva Dec. 2-6
New Delhi Dec. 2-7
Geneva Dec. 2-13
Addis Ababa Dec. 3-13
Bogota Dec. 3-16
Paris Dec. 5-6
Paris Dec. 6 (1 day)
Rome Dec. 6 (1 day)
Geneva Dec. 9-10
Paris Dec. 9-10
Paris Dec. 9-10
Paris Dec. 9-10
Mar del Plata, Argentina . . . Dec. 9-12
London Dec. 9-13
Geneva Dec. 9-18
Geneva Dec. 9-18
Geneva Dec. 9-20
New York Dec. 10-19
Manila Dec. 10-20
Paris Dec - 11-13
p ari3 Dec. 11 (1 day)
fE£: : : : : Dec. n-12
Geneva Dec. 11-13
Paris Dec. 12-13
Paris Dec. 16-18
Paris ' ' ' ' Dec. 16-18
SS: : : : : . De c. i8(ida y)
Geneva Dec. 19-20
Geneva Mar. 14, 1962-
Geneva Oct. 15, 1963-
1 Prepared in
_ the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 31, 1963. Following is Vif ^t^E^Economtc
Economic"Con mission ^Africa; EC AF^ Economic Commission for Asia „dtte F„ East, BCB^Eoonom.0
Commission
Trade; ILO
; for Eurbp • FAC Food I and Xgr lecture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and
J, InternEal f L^orTrganizatio^ IMCO Intergovernmental Maritime Consul ^« Orgam»t,on.
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, drganiiation for ; Economic .C^^.f"^,, P '
U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.
JANUARY 20, 19G4
91
Security Council Again Condemns
Apartheid in South Africa
Following is a statement made by Ambas-
sador Adlai E. Stevenson, V.S. Representative,
in the Security Council on December 4-, together
with the text of a resolution adopted by the
Council on that day.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON
U.S./U.N. press release 4328
Last Wednesday the new President of the
United States, speaking to a joint session of
our Congress, 1 rededicated the Government of
the United States — and I use his words — "to
the unswerving support of the United Nations."
I speak today in the spirit of that rededica-
tion, in the spirit of his plea for an "end to the
teaching and the preaching of hate and evil and
violence," and in the spirit of his determina-
tion that "It is our responsibility and our trust
in this Year of Our Lord 1963, to strike the
chains of bias and prejudice from minds and
practices as Lincoln, a century ago, struck down
slavery." 2
President Johnson's first message to our Con-
gress included an urgent call for action to wipe
out the remnants of racial discrimination in
this country.
No less firm is our opposition to racial dis-
crimination anywhere, for we believe that no
longer can any society long endure in peace,
really live with itself, really prosper economi-
cally, if in that society one race denies to another
human and political rights. My Government is
dedicated not only to the principle of equal
rights for all citizens but also to the principle
of government with the consent of the governed.
When I last spoke to this Council on the issue
of apartheid I said : 3
. . . just as my country is determined to wipe out
discrimination in our society, it will support efforts
to bring about a change in South Africa. It is in the
1 Bulletin of Dec. 16, 1963, p. 910.
a From an address made by Vice President Johnson at
Wayne State University, Detroit, Mich., on Jan. 6,
1963.
* Bulletin of Aug. 26, 1963, p. 333.
United States' interest to do this ; it is in the interest
of South Africa ; it is in the interest of a world which
has suffered enough from bigotry and prejudice and
hatred.
The past two decades have seen an explosion of
nationhood unequaled in history. Certainly the pace
of decolonization in Africa has been nothing less than
phenomenal, and it offers a record of progress far
beyond what the most optimistic among us could have
expected in 1945 [when the United Nations Organiza-
tion was established]. The new states of Africa are
gaining strength, resolutely fighting to build prosperous,
dynamic societies and to do this in cooperation with
other African states.
But . . . the full potential of this new era cannot
be realized because of South Africa's self-chosen
isolation. Worse yet, progress in Africa is overshad-
owed by the racial bitterness and resentment caused by
the policies of the South African Government. And
it is the duty of this Council to do what it can to
insure that this situation does not deteriorate further
and that the injustice of apartheid comes to an end —
not in bloodshed and bondage but in peace and freedom.
These are still the views of my Government.
The questions before us here are not, unfor-
tunately, solved by saying once again how
thoroughly we reject apartheid. They can be
resolved only by practical steps that will really
contribute toward its elimination in conformity
with the charter.
Speaking recently in the Special Political
Committee, Ambassador Plimpton outlined cer-
tain principles that bear repetition for they are
the heart of our approach to the impasse in
South Africa :
First, an enduring solution cannot be imposed
from the outside for, in the last analysis, the
change must be brought about primarily by the
South Africans themselves, white and black.
Second, every effort to bring about that
change should be made by peaceful means.
Third, the aim of our joint efforts should be
to create the external conditions most conducive
to bringing about change, to mobilize world
opinion in such a way that the South Africans
will bo left in no doubt that the more they segre-
gate their neighbors, the more they isolate them-
selves and the more the links that bind them
to the outside world will weaken.
And fourth, these conditions must be created
within the framework of the charter and must
take into consideration the effects of our action
on the situation in South Africa.
92
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Such considerations as these led the United
States more than a year ago to announce * a
policy forbidding the sale to the South African
Government of arms and military equipment,
whether from government or commercial
sources, which could be used to enforce apart-
lu id.
And they led to our decision, which I an-
nounced in this chamber last August, to ter-
minate all sales of military equipment to the
Government of South Africa by the end of this
calendar year, subject to our honoring existing
contracts and our right, as I then stated, "to
interpret this policy in the future in the light
of requirements for assuring the maintenance of
international peace and security. If the inter-
ests of the world community 7 require the pro-
vision of equipment for use in the common
defense effort, we would naturally feel able to
do so without violating the spirit and the intent
of this resolve."
We believe the Security Council must con-
tinue to press for a solution to this menacing
situation, a solution which will lead to the en-
joyment by all of the people of South Africa of
their human rights and fundamental freedoms.
We see two main courses of action which the
Council might pursue to achieve this objective.
One is to help bring about a peaceful evolution
in South Africa toward a free and just society,
not only through the weight of world opinion
but also through the various means of investi-
gation, inquiry, study, and recommendation
available to the United Nations. The other is
to make such recommendations to member
states which will diminish the chance that inter-
national tensions over apartheid might lead to a
major explosion.
The Norwegian resolution 5 now before the
Security Council contains valuable proposals in
both these directions, and the United States will
support it. The Norwegian delegation has
demonstrated what careful and patient efforts
can accomplish, and I believe we are all in-
debted to it and to its distinguished representa-
tive for helping the Council achieve such a de-
gree of unanimity.
'IMA., Nov. 19, 1962, p. 791.
' U.N. doc. S/5469.
The United States will, among other things,
support the recommendation in paragraph five
that states should cease providing to South
Africa equipment and materials for the produc-
tion and maintenance of arms and munitions.
We believe that this is implicit in the action
taken by the Council in August, and we hope
that this step to eliminate a factor which might
contribute directly to international friction in
the area will help create the kind of atmosphere
which must exist if there is to be a peaceful
settlement of this stubborn situation. We will
carry it out within the same terms and condi-
tions of our arms policy as we stated in con-
nection with the resolution of August 7 and to
which I have just referred.
We do not consider that the present situation
in South Africa falls within the provisions of
chapter VII of the charter. Accordingly we
would not consider a recommendation for co-
ercive action as appropriate under or author-
ized by the charter. The transformation of the
resolution of August 7 from chapter VII to
chapter VI language was the "decisive" step,
as we said at the time, that made it possible for
the United States to support the resolution.
We support the pending resolution for the same
reasons.
The United States will carry out the policy
on restricting arms and equipment to South
Africa contained in this resolution as a corol-
lary of the policy which we announced in Au-
gust, and would do so even in the absence of
such a resolution. We will act under this para-
graph of the resolution and in accordance with
our own law on the basis of materials and
equipment whose primary uses are connected
with the manufacture and maintenance of arms
or ammunition. Thus we will no longer, for
example, sell or provide to South Africa equip-
ment such as artillery and ammunition lathes,
shell tappers, rifle and rifle working machines,
military type jigs, hydraulic presses equipped
to manufacture arms, artillery casting ma-
chines, and equipment for the production of
military explosives. We do not regard multi-
purpose items, such as petroleum products or
raw materials, as being within the scope of this
policy.
We do this as a demonstration of our resolve
that the apartheid policies of the Government
JANUARY 20. 1964
93
of South Africa must be abandoned and as an
earnest of our intent to cooperate with other
nations in this same resolve in accordance with
the provisions of the charter.
We hope that the Government of South Af-
rica will understand the full import of that
resolve and that the people of good will and
vision in South Africa will see to it that the
present course of events in their country is re-
vised before it leads to tragedy.
The United States also supports paragraph 6
of the resolution, which looks to a more system-
atic approach to the search for a realistic
solution. It is difficult, I know, to speak of
long-range approaches when the pain and the
provocation are so present and so intense. But
in dealing with so intractable an issue there are
no easy solutions.
Under such difficult circumstances we see
merit in the idea of mobilizing the best brains
we can find and directing at least part of our
attention to examining how a system of preju-
dice and discrimination can be in fact dis-
mantled and new relationships based on equal-
ity of rights established. That is why the
United States supports the proposal that a
study group of experts be set up to conduct
an inquiry under the direction of the Secretary-
General. None of us can, nor should we be
able to, predict with confidence what the re-
sults of their examination of the problem will
be. The experts must choose their own ap-
proaches and reach their own conclusions on
the basis of the facts as they see them.
It is because of our belief that such an ex-
amination and analysis of the possibilities for a
long-range solution would be helpful that the
United States supported the Scandinavian in-
itiative in the General Assembly for an expert
study of alternative possibilities in the South
African racial situation.
As Mr. [Per] Haekkerup, the distinguished
Foreign Minister of Denmark, told the plenary
session on September 25: "It is high time for
the Assembly to give thought to the positive
policy to be pursued in South Africa and to
the role which the United Nations should play
in coming developments. Careful studies to
this end should be initiated now. If not, we
may one day be taken by surprise and have
reason to regret it."
Now, gentlemen, action by the Security Coun-
cil and the United Nations generally is only one
part of the total effort of members of the orga-
nization to hasten the end of apartheid in South
Africa. We all have an obligation under the
charter and in accordance with the resolutions
of the General Assembly to act individually,
to use our own influence to bring about a change
in South Africa. The United States accepts
that responsibility. We realize that, as one of
the countries maintaining diplomatic, consular,
and other relations with South Africa, we bear
a responsibility. For if the massive change we
all seek is to come — and come it will — it must
come from within. It will come when the sup-
porters of apartheid realize that the way they
have chosen is, in the eyes of the world in which
South Africa must live, morally intolerable,
politically unviable, and economically unprof-
itable. The conviction that this is so will come
through more — not less — contact with the reali-
ties of the modern world, including the realities
of this organization.
We are determined to have the Embassy of
the United States in South Africa represent
our national principles of racial equality.
All — white or black — who enter its doors will
be treated as always in the same dignity and
respect as they are in our embassies and con-
sulates in every country.
This, however, is only one part of the story.
Another aspect is education. We firmly believe
that no people can grow and develop without
the advantages of higher education now denied
so many South Africans. The United States —
through both public and private resources — has
done and will continue to do what it can to help
provide such education for those permitted to
seek it. It is a source of pride to me that al-
ready many young South Africans, not to men-
tion young people from South-West Africa,
have availed themselves of these opportunities.
The number may be small but the impact will
be great, and both, I hope, will grow.
These are constructive approaches that I be-
lieve will also contribute to the solution of this
problem.
Mr. President, the struggle before us will not
be over tomorrow. Would that it were.
It could if the Government of South Africa
but heeded the universal conscience of humanity.
94
i>r.P\RTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN
It could if the Government of South Africa
put into immediate practice article 55 of the
charter, which, as we know, calls for "universal
respect for, and observance of, human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all without dis-
l met ion as to race, sex, language, or religion."
In a few days we will celebrate the 15th an-
niversary of the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. I appeal to the
Government of South Africa to join with us
in upholding the principles espoused in that
noble document and to abandon forever its pol-
icy of discrimination between men because of
the color of their skin.
Until it does, it must accept the consequences
of an aroused world arrayed against it.
President Kennedy once asked : ". . . is not
peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of
human rights?" 6
The answer we give here is yes, and by our
action in this Council we shall get on w T ith our
work of protecting and advancing both. For all
these reasons the United States will vote for the
draft resolution now before this Council.
TEXT OF RESOLUTION 7
The Security Council,
Having considered the race conflict in South Africa
resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Govern-
ment of the Republic of South Africa,
Recalling previous resolutions of the Security Coun-
cil and of the General Assembly which have dealt
with the racial policies of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa, and in particular the Secur-
ity Council resolution S/5386 of 7 August 1963,
Having considered the Secretary-General's reports
contained in S/5438 and Addenda,
Deploring the refusal of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa as confirmed in the reply
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of
South Africa to the Secretary-General received on 11
October 1963, to comply with Security Council resolu-
tion S/5386 of 7 August 1963, and to accept the re-
peated recommendations of other United Nations
organs,
Noting with appreciation the replies to the Secretary-
General's communication to the Member States on the
action taken and proposed to be taken by their Govern-
ments in the context of that resolution's operative
' Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2.
'U.N. doc. S/5471 (S/5469) ; adopted unanimously
on Dec. 4 by the Security Council.
paragraph 8, and hoping that all the Member states
as soon as possible will inform the Secretary-General
about, their willingness to carry out the provisions of
that paragraph,
Taking note .it" the reports of the Special Committee
on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa contained in document
A r,l97,
Noting with deep satisfaction the overwhelming sup-
port for the resolution A/RES/1881 (XVIII) adopted
by the General Assembly on 11 October 1963,
Taking into account the serious concern of the Mem-
ber States with regard to the policy of apartheid as
expressed in the general debate in the General As-
sembly as well as in the discussions in the Special
Political Committee,
Being strengthened in its conviction that the situa-
tion in South Africa is seriously disturbing interna-
tional peace and security, and strongly deprecating
the policies of the Government of South Africa in its
perpetuation of racial discrimination as being incon-
sistent with the principles contained in the Charter
of the United Nations and with its obligations as a
Member State of the United Nations,
Recognizing the need to eliminate discrimination in
regard to basic human rights and fundamental free-
doms for all individuals within the territory of the
Republic of South Africa without distinction as to
race, sex, language or religion,
Expressing the firm conviction that the policies of
apartheid and racial discrimination as practised by
the Government of the Republic of South Africa are
abhorrent to the conscience of mankind and that there-
fore a positive alternative to these policies must be
found through peaceful means,
1. Appeals to all States to comply with the provi-
sions of Security Council resolution S/5386 of 7 Au-
gust 1963 ;
2. Urgently requests the Government of the Republic
of South Africa to cease forthwith its continued im-
position of discriminatory and repressive measures
which are contrary to the principles and purposes of
the Charter and which are in violation of its obliga-
tions as a Member of the United Nations and of the
provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights ;
3. Condemns the non-compliance by the Government
of the Republic of South Africa with the appeals con-
tained in the above-mentioned resolutions of the Gen-
eral Assembly and the Security Council ;
4. Again calls upon the Government of South Africa
to liberate all persons imprisoned, interned or sub-
jected to other restrictions for having opposed the
policy of apartheid;
5. Solemnly calls upon all States to cease forthwith
the sale and shipment of equipment and materials for
the manufacture and maintenance of arms and ammu-
nition in South Africa ;
6. Requests the Secretary-General to establish under
his direction and reporting to him a small group of
JANUARY 20, 1964
95
recognized experts to examine methods of resolving the
present situation in South Africa through full, peace-
ful and orderly application of human rights and
fundamental freedoms to all inhabitants of the terri-
tory as a whole, regardless of race, colour or creed, and
to consider what part the United Nations might play
in the achievement of that end ;
7. Invites the Government of the Republic of South
Africa to avail itself of the assistance of this group
in order to bring about such peaceful and orderly trans-
formation ;
8. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to
keep the situation under observation and to report to
the Security Council such new developments as may
occur, and in any case not later than 1 June 1964, on
the implementation of this resolution.
U.S. Participation in Long-Term
Cotton Textile Arrangement
Statement by Stanley Nehmer 1
The period under review by this meeting, the
12 months ending 30 September 1963, has wit-
nessed the beginning of a unique international
experiment. The joint venture of our 24 gov-
ernments represents the first multilateral effort
of a group of friendly nations to pursue policies
which will minimize injury to an important sec-
tor of our national economies by avoiding dis-
ruptive trade, while at the same time providing
for growing trade opportunities.
When the Long-Term Cotton Textile Ar-
rangement was negotiated in January and Feb-
ruary 1962, 2 it was recognized by the 19 govern-
ments which drew up the arrangement that the
achievement of this objective was essential,
however difficult to fulfill. To provide for in-
creasing trade in cotton textiles from the de-
veloping countries while avoiding, in the
1 Made before the Cotton Textiles Committee of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade at Geneva
on Dec. 3. Mr. Nehmer is Deputy Director of the Office
of International Resources, Bureau of Economic Af-
fairs; he was U.S. representative at the meeting of
the Committee.
2 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431.
The governments participating in the Long-Term Ar-
rangement are Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada,
Colombia, Denmark, France, Federal Republic of Ger-
many, India, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Luxem-
bourg, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Pakistan, Portu-
gal, Spain, Sweden, United Arab Republic, United
Kingdom, and United States.
interest of all, the disruption of the markets
of the older established cotton textile producing
countries presented all of us with a complex
problem of mutual accommodation.
Yet, despite many problems and unforeseen
difficulties in implementing a venture as unique
as the Long-Term Arrangement, we believe that
for the United States the first year's operations
have furthered the objectives of the Long-Term
Arrangement. The meeting this week should
provide all of us with a better basis for apprais-
ing how well the objectives have been followed
for all countries.
I should like to report on the participation
of the United States in the first year of the
Long-Term Arrangement. I should like to tell
you what has happened to cotton textile trade
with regard to the United States market and
what has happened to the cotton textile indus-
try in the United States in the period under
review. Also I should like to mention some of
the problems which the United States has en-
countered to date in its participation in the
Long-Term Arrangement.
United States Trade In Cotton Textiles
The record of import trade in cotton textiles
into the United States during the first year of
the Long-Term Arrangement indicates quite
clearly that the United States has provided
growing opportunities for the cotton textiles
produced and exported to our market by the
developing countries in accordance with the ob-
jectives of the Long-Term Arrangement. In-
deed, I was struck by the statement in the
forthcoming report of the GATT secretariat on
International Trade in 1962 that increases in
exports to the United States (and to a smaller
extent to Australia and New Zealand) were the
only bright spots in the sales endeavors of the
major Asian suppliers of cotton textiles.
It is important to note that the United States
entered the Long-Term Arrangement after
having experienced an increase of 37 percent
in its imports of cotton textiles during the
period of the Short-Term Arrangement 3 over
the base period of that arrangement.
During the first year of the Long-Term Ar-
rangement, United States imports of cotton tex-
3 For text, see ibid., Aug. 21, 1961. p. 3:i7.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUrXETIN
tiles from the developing countries continued
to rise. They reached a level of 718 million
square yard equivalents, an increase of more
than 13 percent from (lie level of such imports
during the Short-Term Arrangement year (634
million square yards) and 58 percent more than
imports from the developing countries during
the 12 months ending 30 June 1961, the base
year of the Short-Term Arrangement (455
million square yards).
Between the base period of the Short-Term
Arrangement and the first year of the Long-
Term Arrangement, developing countries ac-
counted for 85 percent of the increase in United
States imports of cotton textiles. In the
former period, imports into the United States
from the developing countries accounted for a
little more, than half of our total cotton textile
imports; during the first year of the Long-
Term Arrangement the developing countries
accounted for almost two-thirds of the total.
These increases in imports, measured in
quantitative terms, do not tell the full story,
particularly for individual countries. Not only
have imports from the developing countries
into the United States increased on an overall
basis; it is important to note that there has
been a decided trend from the primary stages
of manufacture to imports of the more ad-
vanced stages of manufacture. The implica-
tions to the foreign exchange earnings of the
developing countries of a combination of an
increased volume and an increased unit price
in terms of square yard equivalents are
apparent.
It is also important to point out that these
gains of the developing countries were widely
distributed among the various low-income re-
gions of the world. For example, cotton textile
imports from India increased by almost 200
percent between the Short-Term Arrangement
year and the first Long-Term Arrangement
year. Those from Pakistan by 280 percent;
from the United Arab Republic, 45 percent :
from Spain, 60 percent; from Jamaica, 50 per-
cent. Imports from these important suppliers
increased in the aggregate from 91 to 194 mil-
lion square yards. If imports from a few ma-
jor suppliers among the developing countries
did not show gains during the first Long-Term
Arrangement year over the preceding 12-month
period, all of these countries had previously
registered impressive increases during the
Short-Term Arrangement year aud still hail
substantially higher levels during the first
Long-Term Arrangement year than they had
during the base period of the Short-Term
Arrangement.
Taking cotton textile imports from the de-
veloping and the industrialized countries to-
gether, we find that total imports into t he-
United States amounted to 1,123 million square
yards during the first year of the Long-Term
Arrangement compared to 1,113 million square
yards during the Short-Term Arrangement and
813 million square yards during the base period
of the Short-Term Arrangement, an increase
of 300 million square yards.
At the same time United States exports of
cotton textiles declined by 10 percent during the
first year of the Long-Term Arrangement and
reached the lowest level since 1940.
While there has been an increase in total
United States cotton textile imports, there has
been a decline in imports from the industrial-
ized countries. As a result of market influences
and in the absence of any restraints under
article 3, United States imports from these
countries declined by 16 percent between the
Short-Term Arrangement and the first Long-
Term Arrangement year.
Furthermore, the total figures I have given
you do not show the substantial increases in
imports of certain categories or products.
There were 17 such categories or products
where imports increased by 15 percent or more.
During the first year of the Long-Term Ar-
rangement, imports of these categories in-
creased by some 100 million square yards equiv-
alents, a rise of one-third in the import pattern
for these categories.
Condition of U.S. Cotton Textile Industry
The rising level of cotton textile imports into
the United States from the developing countries
has represented a significant contribution to
the strengthening of trade relations with these
countries and to the expansion of needed for-
eign exchange earnings of the low-income re-
gions of the world. However, I would be less
than candid if I did not point out that this
JANUARY 20, 1964
97
has not been without cost to the United States
economy. Let me detail some of the elements
of this cost.
First, mill consumption of raw cotton — the
best measures of cotton textile mill activity —
declined by 6 percent during the 12 months end-
ing July 1963.
Second, total domestic consumption of cotton
textiles has continued to stagnate and has actu-
ally tended to decline during the first Long-
Term Arrangement year.
Third, the ratio of imports to domestic con-
sumption of cotton textiles continued to rise
during the first Long-Term Arrangement year,
reaching 7.6 percent for this period. This com-
pared with 6.6 percent during the Short-Term
Arrangement, 5.2 percent during the base period
of the Short-Term Arrangement, and 3 percent
in 1958.
While we recognize that some other countries
import a larger portion of their total consump-
tion, these countries either did not have estab-
lished domestic industries capable of providing
all their needs or arrived at their higher import
ratio over a long period of time, in some cases
resulting from special trade and political ties
with the exporting countries involved. Not
only is competition felt directly by the mill
sector, but the important garment sector is suf-
fering as well.
Fourth, the changing pattern of imports to
the more advanced stages of manufacture has
compounded the adverse effect of a rising im-
port level on production and employment.
Fifth, the United States, which has tradi-
tionally been a net exporter of cotton textiles,
has now clearly become a net importer. Since
1962 the gap between rising imports and de-
clining exports of cotton textiles has been
widening rapidly. The ability of the United
States cotton textile industry to export has been
increasingly inhibited by restrictions on imports
and increased tariff protection imposed in
various other markets.
Sixth, the textile industry is the largest em-
ployer of labor in manufacturing in the United
States. Yet during the first 9 months of 1963
the number of unemployed in this industry rep-
resented 9.5 percent of the labor force in ap-
parel and 6.9 percent in textile mill products,
levels strikingly higher than the high overall
national unemployment rate of 5.7 percent.
Moreover, because textile mills in many small
towns in the northeastern and southern parts of
the United States represent the only source of
factory employment in the community, the de-
cline of this industry has had particularly
severe social and economic effects.
To conclude this brief statement on the con-
dition of the United States cotton textile indus-
try, it is important to note that domestic mills
have continued to operate under the so-called
two-price cotton system, which forces them to
pay a substantially higher price for raw cotton
than foreign mills pay for the same cotton.
This is a domestic problem which is now being
considered by the United States Congress.
Requests for Export Restraint Under Article 3
Concern has been expressed by some partici-
pating countries in the Long-Term Arrange-
ment that the United States has resorted to arti-
cle 3 4 more often than was envisaged when the
arrangement was negotiated almost 2 years ago.
I think it is important to the Committee's re-
view of the first year of the Long-Term Ar-
rangement to examine the situation fully and
to ascertain all of the facts.
At the present time only five countries which
are participants in the Long-Term Arrange-
ment are restraining their exports of cotton tex-
tiles to the United States pursuant to a request
from my Government under article 3. In the
case of four of these countries, an average of
only three products or categories are under re-
straint. In the other case, a country which is
the third largest supplier of cotton textiles to
the United States market, the number of prod-
ucts or categories under restraint is more ex-
tensive.
In taking action to request restraint from an
exporting country, the United States has acted
consistently with the spirit and the letter of the
Long-Term Arrangement. "We have invoked
our rights under article 3 only to insure an
orderly development, of trade where there has
been disruption or a threat of disruption to a
' For text, see ibid.. Mar. 12, 11M12, p. 431.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
particular segment of the United States cotton
textile market.
It should be remembered that the United
States market is an open, highly competitive
market. Imports are subject only to duties.
The United States does not follow the practice
of some other governments of imposing quanti-
tative restrictions on imports or prohibitive
import duties, nor is the American textile
industry permitted by our domestic antitrust
legislation to enter into industry-to-industry
agreements which have in some countries taken
the place of either quantitative restrictions or
resort to article 3.
In requesting restraints under article 3, the
United States Government has been careful to
safeguard the rights of exporting countries and
to proceed in an equitable manner toward all
supplying countries, whether or not these coun-
tries were participants in the Long-Term Ar-
rangement. Restraints have often exceeded
the levels applicable under the formula of annex
B. 5 No country is denied some access to the
United States market in a cotton textile product
merely because the absence of a previous history
could result in a zero level of restraint under the
formula of the Long-Term Arrangement.
The experience of the United States during
the past year has been that when a request for
restraint is made to a major supplier in a par-
ticular product, our importers, in an effort to
find alternative sources of supply, have gen-
erally responded by contracting for supplies in
countries which had not previously been sig-
nificant sources of imports into the United
States. Thus the initial restraint request soon
engenders additional requests to other supply-
ing countries in order to avoid the circumven-
tion of the original request and to insure equity
in accordance with the provisions of the ar-
rangement. Indeed, at the present time cotton
textile exports from 10 nonparticipants are
subject to restraint under articles 3 and 6(c).
During the course of the negotiation of the
Long-Term Arrangement, W. Willard Wirtz,
now Secretary of Labor in the United States
and spokesman for our delegation at the time,
said the following:
6 For text, see ibid., p. 434.
The United States (iovermm-nt regards a lung-term
world Cotton Textile Agreement as a means of bringing
about expansion of world trade in cotton textiles by
making it possible in the course of expansion to safe-
guard the legitimate Interests of domestic producers
in importing countries.
He also pointed out :
No one will disregard the inevitability of strong
domestic pressures being exerted on the governments
of importing countries to treat the base period import
levels referred to in the agreement as the measure of
market disruption. . . . Surely none can have any
doubt that when imports of a category of textiles ap-
proach the base period figure there will be close con-
sideration given the question of whether a situation
of market disruption exists or is developing. We say
advisedly that we will propose to initiate proceedings
under this Agreement when but only when market
disruption occurs or is imminently threatened.
We have done just that. Every restraint re-
quest under article 3 has taken full account of
the objectives of the Long-Term Arrangement
and the commitment made bj' the United States
Government.
The United States has also been mindful of
the provisions in paragraph 6 of article 3, which
calls for the relaxation and elimination of re-
straints as soon as practicable. The United
States has, in fact, kept existing article 3 re-
straints under review and has dropped several
categories of products from restraint either
during the initial 12-month period of restraint
or at the conclusion of such period.
Often bilateral agreements are used by gov-
ernments to intensify restrictions on trade. It
should be noted that the United States has, in a
number of important cases, moved from article
3 to article 4 of the Long-Term Arrangement.
This has been done in an effort not to make more
restrictive article 3 restraints but rather to lib-
eralize such restraints. Such agreements have
thus far been completed with Hong Kong,
Japan, the Republic of China, Jamaica, Spain,
Israel, and the United Arab Republic. Other
agreements are now under discussion with sev-
eral other important suppliers. These bilateral
arrangements under article 4 provide assurance
to the exporting countries as to the future level
and pattern of trade at the same time that
growth and flexibility are provided for the ex-
porting country's cotton textile shipments to
the United States.
JANUARY 20, 19C4
99
Obligation of Exporters
In talking about the experience of the United
States during the first year of the Long-Term
Arrangement, I think it may be useful to com-
ment on the position of exporting countries in
their relations with the United States under the
Long-Term Arrangement during this period.
The Long-Term Arrangement is not a one-way
street. The arrangement, imposes reciprocal
obligations on both the importing and the ex-
porting countries. In the case of the exporting
countries the Long-Term Arrangement clearly
imposes an obligation to cooperate with the im-
porting countries in maintaining orderly mar-
keting patterns. The preamble of the Long-
Term Arrangement states that the development
of the trade of exporting countries should
proceed "in a reasonable and orderly manner so
as to avoid disruptive effects in individual
markets and on individual lines of production
in both importing and exporting countries."
Conversations which have taken place between
representatives of my Government and those of
the governments of exporting countries have
shown that several of the latter have not given
sufficient regard to the obligation to avoid undue
concentration of exports, either within a par-
ticular period of time or within a given product.
This is evident by the concentration of im-
ports into the United States in particular
products. Imports of only four categories ac-
counted for 40 percent of total cotton textile
imports during the first year of the Long-Term
Arrangement.
There also have been difficulties with certain
exporting countries over the obligations im-
plicit in the procedures of article 3. The 60-
day period of consultation is not a period for
exports to be maximized, nor does the 60-day
consultation period mean that an exporting
country should wait until the last Meek of the
period before responding to a request for re-
straint or beginning serious consultation.
In some cases we understand that genuine
problems have made it difficult for exporting
countries to cooperate. Legal authority to con-
trol exports may not exist initially. Means of
communication with the industry and with ex-
porters may be imperfect. In some cases
American importers have no doubt contributed
to the problem. Whatever the reason — and
there are many others — it has frequently been
our experience that during the 60-day consul-
tation period shipments have continued un-
abated and often have even increased substan-
tially.
Difficulties have also been encountered by us
in administering the exemption in the arrange-
ment for handloom fabrics of the cottage indus-
try. It was agreed during the negotiation of
this exemption in the Long-Term Arrangement
that a certification procedure would be used to
exempt handloom fabrics from the provisions
of the arrangement. Some exporting countries,
however, have encountered difficulties in estab-
lishing the procedures that would insure the
proper certification of shipments, and there
have been lengthy delays in working out an
effective system.
Position of Other Importing Countries
One of the key elements in the concept of the
Long-Term Arrangement is that a country such
as the United States, which has an unrestricted
market, should not alone be the recipient of
growing exports of cotton textiles from the de-
veloping countries. The Long-Term Arrange-
ment very clearly provides for the sharing
among the industrialized countries of their col-
lective responsibility to provide growing op-
portunities for the cotton textile exports of the
developing countries. It is understood in the
Long-Term Arrangement that countries whose
markets were largely closed to low-cost imports
of cotton textiles should reduce their restric-
tions over a period of time.
Secretary Wirtz, in the same speech to which
I have already referred, said :
A constructive long-term multilateral arrangement
must, as a matter not only of equity but of practicality,
reflect a willingness on the part of all importing coun-
tries to share proportionately in absorbing cotton tex-
tile exports of the less-developed countries.
The United States delegation will be most
interested in hearing at this meeting what steps
other industrialized countries have taken to
open their doors to the cotton textiles produced
in the developing countries. To what extent
has their ratio of imports from the developing
countries to consumption increased during the
100
nKIWRTlMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
course of the Short-Term and the first year of
the Long-Term Arrangements? Furthermore,
we would be interested in hearing whether the
controls on imports which still exist in these
industrialized countries have been implemented
in such a manner as to provide equal opportuni-
ties for all developing countries.
Conclusion
These are the facts— the record of the United
States with respect to the first year of the Long-
Term Arrangement. During the year we and
you have had many problems which quite natur-
ally were to be expected under a new program
such as the Long-Term Arrangement. This ex-
perience should be useful in the years ahead,
and we confidently look forward to a satisfac-
tory second Long-Term Arrangement year.
The United States has made a meaningful
contribution to the expansion of trade through
the Long-Term Arrangement. Progress has
been made in meeting our common goals, and
we expect that this will continue in the future.
Trade Development and Trade Policy
Statement by Samuel Z. Westerfeld, Jr. 1
It is a pleasure to be here at the second meet-
ing of the Trade Committee and to observe the
progress made in the work of the committee
during its short life.
I am particularly happy that my current
duties relate directly to the work of the regional
commissions of the United Nations. I can thus
pursue my longtime interest in the development
of Africa. As dean of the School of Business
Administration at Atlanta University I visited
most of the colleges and universities in Africa,
seeking candidates for fellowships at my univer-
sity in the field of government and business
administration.
Over the last 3 years the university has pro-
vided fellowships to some 15 young men and, I
' .Made on Nov. 21 before the Standing Committee on
Trade of the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa,
which met at Niamey, Niger, Nov. 20-2S. Mr. Wester-
field, who is Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs, was head of the U.S. observer delegation.
know, hopes to find the means for continuing
and expanding this program. A number of
these young men have now returned and are
contributing to the growth and developmenl of
their countries through their work in key gov-
ernmental agencies or in private industry.
In studying the excellent documentation pre-
pared by the secretariat for this meeting, I was
impressed by the truth of the statement in one
paper that "There is always a great danger in
generalizations, and particularly so in Africa."
Although almost all of the countries of this vast
continent are in the early stages of development
relative to the industrialized countries, there are
very great differences between the most and the
least developed. Although the broad goals are
the same, the immediate steps toward the goals
will be very different.
The documentation shows, for instance, that
although the exports of most of the countries
of the region consist predominantly of primary
commodities, so does a large portion of imports.
Some countries are beginning to export proc-
essed goods and light manufactures. The
vagaries of the weather and plant disease may
mean that the trade of one coffee producing
country declines and another expands. The
same seems true of cotton. A few fortunate
countries are developing their petroleum re-
sources. Mining products are becoming of in-
creasing importance in the export trade of
others.
This diversity is well presented in the docu-
mentation before us and tends to make our dis-
cussions more meaningful as we discuss broad
trade issues. It brings us down to earth.
In the last few years there has been a great
stirring of interest and concern about the trade
situation of the developing countries. The
world community in designating the sixties as
the Development. Decade has released forces that
will not be denied. There will be disappoint-
ments. The process of development is compli-
cated and hard to accelerate, but progress is
being made.
The urgency of the need of the developing
countries to expand their export earnings more
rapidly than in the past is now generally recog-
nized. There is a growing determination to do
something about it. A many-pronged attack on
JANUARY 20, 1964
101
this problem — both internationally and within
each developing country — offers hope for the
future.
My Government believes that an immediate
task is to open markets for the products of the
developing countries in the industrialized coun-
tries as fully and as rapidly as possible. We
generally support, the program of action spon-
sored by the developing countries in the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. This pro-
gram calls for a standstill on tariff and non-
tariff barriers now applied to key products of
the developing countries and for the progressive
reduction or elimination of existing barriers
over a 1- to 3-year period.
We support efforts to improve conditions in
individual commodity markets through com-
modity agreements, study groups, or other
forms of international cooperation. Where
prices are too low, efforts must be made to bring
supply into better balance with demand
through reductions of obstacles to consumption
and through production controls. We believe
that this is the way in which commodity prices
can be improved on a sound and lasting basis.
We are taking many steps to increase the rate
of growth of our economy. I mention this be-
cause a more rapid growth rate will automati-
cally result in an expansion of imports and also
make the adjustment to imports stimulated by
tariff reductions much easier.
Our Trade Expansion Act recognizes that
the increase in imports that can be expected if
there are substantial tariff reductions may
threaten or cause serious injury to domestic
interests and provides for assistance to firms or
workers in such an eventuality. The purpose
of such assistance is to enable the firm to mod-
ernize its plant, to move into other products, to
become viable. For workers, the assistance
would be designed to maintain income while be-
ing retrained or aided in finding other work.
Prospects in 1964
19G4 will be a year of trade meetings. The
most comprehensive trade negotiations ever
undertaken are scheduled to start on May 4
under the auspices of the GATT. If these ne-
gotiations are as successful as my Government
wants them to be, they will result in substantial
reductions in existing barriers to all trade, in-
cluding the export products of the developing
countries.
The negotiating plans adopted by the GATT
ministers last May 2 call for across-the-board
cuts in tariffs affecting the full tariff schedules
of the major trading countries, with a mini-
mum of exceptions. The United States hopes
this across-the-board reduction will approach
50 percent. The negotiations will deal with
nontariff barriers to trade as well as with tar-
iffs. Acceptable conditions of access to world
markets for agricultural products is another
goal of the negotiations.
The across-the-board plan for the tariff re-
ductions will in itself result in more benefits to
the trade of the developing countries than was
true of the old system of item-by-item bargain-
ing. In addition, the GATT ministers agreed
that special attention would be given to reduc-
ing barriers to the trade of the developing coun-
tries. Reciprocity in tariff reductions from
these countries will not be required. Due to
the widespread application of the most-
favored-nation principle, the benefits of the
tariff reductions will be extended to many non-
GATT countries.
Most of the countries represented here are
contracting parties to the GATT or otherwise
associated with it. I urge that you participate
as fully as possible in the planning for the
negotiations and in the negotiations themselves,
under the special procedures to be worked out.
Although the full effect of the results of these
negotiations will not be realized for several
years, the substantial reduction of tariffs over
the whole range of commodities entering into
international trade will open the markets of
the developed countries to present and future
manufactures and semimanufactured products
for the developing countries. In many in-
stances tariff reductions may be significant for
trade in primary products. Although the in-
tent of the negotiators will be to give special
attention to the tariffs and trade barriers affect-
ing the exports of the developing countries,
that intent will be reinforced by your partici-
pation in the negotiations.
The other important trade meeting scheduled
1 Rui.i.ctin of June 24, 1963, p. 990.
102
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
for 1964 will be considered here — the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Develop-
ment. 3 It offers us all the opportunity of con-
sidering together ways in which the export
earnings of the developing countries may be
expanded and protected against, sudden, sharp
fluctuations, and the steps needed to be taken
by each country — whether developed or less
developed — toward this goal.
My Government has participated in the two
meetings of the Preparatory Committee and is
giving concentrated and sympathetic attention
to the problems that will come before the con-
ference. We are testing as objectively as pos-
sible the many suggestions that have been put
forward as ways to expand the export earnings
of the developing countries.
It is our hope that all countries will review
the documentation prepared by the United Na-
tions secretariat and the special staff under the
leadership of Dr. Raul Prebisch, and the re-
ports of the Preparatory Committee, in the
light of their own problems; that they will
come to the conference prepared to judge the
various recommendations that will be made
from the point of view of their effect, both im-
mediate and longrun, on their own trade and
development interests. Only by such hard-
headed tests can we hope to arrive at conclusions
that are sound and in the interests of all.
Review of Actions Being Taken
But 19G3 has not been a year of inaction, or
simply of preparation for 1964. The Interna-
tional Coffee Agreement is provisionally in
effect. 4
The Coffee Agreement was not an easy one to
negotiate, as the representatives of coffee pro-
ducing countries among you well know. It is
not easy to administer, as shown in the meetings
of the International Coffee Council. For our
part, we believe it is in the long-term interests
both of the coffee producing and consuming
countries and that, with determination to make
it. work, it icill work.
The United States had hoped that an agree-
* For an article by Isaiah Frank, see ibid., July 29,
1903, p. 173.
' For background, see ibid., July 15, 19G3, p. 109.
ment could be negotiated for cocoa. As you
know, consumers and producers could not, how-
ever, agree on price, and negotiations have been
temporarily suspended. Fortunately the cur-
rent cocoa year is a good one and there appears
to be no need for an agreement at this time to
protect producers against a price decline. We
hope that the conference may be reconvened at
an early date and that a satisfactory settlement
of the price issue can be worked out and other
negotiating problems resolved so that an agree-
ment may enter into force next year. We ap-
preciate the desire of producing countries for
the best possible prices. They must bear in
mind, however, the consequences of forcing up
prices above the levels dictated by market re-
alities: Such prices discourage consumption at
the same time that they stimulate production
and thus create conditions that make long-term
maintenance of the prices well-nigh impossible.
International consultation and study regard-
ing the problems of other commodities impor-
tant to the African area are under way or
planned, e.g., bananas, hard fibers.
Earlier in the year the International Mone-
tary Fund established a new compensatory fi-
nancing facility to give more ready assistance
to members experiencing temporary shortfalls
in export earnings. Two countries to date have
drawn on the facility— Brazil and the U.A.R.
We believe that, as policies are perfected with
experience in the use of the facility, it will prove
an adequate mechanism for tiding countries
over short-term losses in commodity trade. We
shall continue to work for an imaginative and
liberal use of the facility.
The GATT is not only involved in prepara-
tions for the 1964 round of trade negotiations
but is expanding its work on behalf of the trade
of the developing countries.
It is a source of deep gratification to my coun-
try that there are now 58 countries full partici-
pants in the GATT, a majority of which are de-
veloping countries. Seventy-five countries all
told attend GATT meetings or are associated in
some way with it.
The Action Committee authorized by the
ministers last spring is at work. A working
party set up to consider the granting of pref-
erences on selected products exported by the
developing countries is studying the technical
JANUARY 20, 1964
103
aspects of two possible measures : the granting
of preferences by industrialized countries to less
developed countries as a whole, and the grant-
ing of preferences on selected products by the
less developed countries to all other less de-
veloped countries.
In GATT Committee III, plans for a series
of studies of the trade and aid relationships in
individual developing countries are being
drawn up. Such studies will be made in collab-
oration with other interested international
agencies and particularly the lending agencies.
These studies will analyze the expert potential
and market prospects of each country and re-
lated matters. The results should be of great
assistance in the development planning of these
countries.
The rules and procedures of the GATT are
being reviewed to determine what changes may
be required to make the GATT a more effective
instrument for promoting the trade of the de-
veloping countries. The GATT has special
rules on the import side for countries in an
early stage of development. Its extensive work
on the export side in recent years has not been
linked to any provisions of the agreement. It
is the intention to correct this and other possible
deficiencies in GATT's legal and institutional
framework for helping the less developed
countries.
As the report of the secretariat on "The "Work
of Other Regional Commissions in the Field of
Trade" shows, a tremendous amount of work is
going forward in all of the regional commis-
sions. There is a high degree of similarity in
the work of the regional commissions for Latin
America, the Far East, and Africa. The search
for ways to expand the domestic market
through regional trade groupings is a common
characteristic. Related to this, but with a
different emphasis and purpose, is exploration
of ways and means of expanding trade among
the countries of the region. There is increas-
ing recognition of the need to mount selling
programs for the products of these countries
which should find a market in other countries.
Trade fairs are increasing in number and sig-
nificance. The United States participates in
these to the extent its resources permit. Mar-
ket analysis, packaging, product standardiza-
tion, quality control are all receiving attention.
I believe a great deal more can and should be
done in this field, and my country is presently
exploring ways to help in this effort.
In conclusion I'm glad to note that U.S.
trade with Africa is expanding — both ways.
Our trade with Africa in 1962 was approxi-
mately $1.7 billion. True — cocoa, coffee, dia-
monds, and minerals constitute the bulk of our
imports from the continent, but I've been
pleased to notice that your handicrafts and art
objects are appearing in many of our stores and
command a ready market. The fact that cer-
tain manufactures and semimanufactures are
now being produced and are entering into ex-
port trade encourages me to believe that the
mix of your exports to us will change.
U. S. investment in Africa quadrupled dur-
ing the 1950's, rising from $248 million in 1950
to more than $1 billion in 1961. Investment
guaranty agreements have been negotiated with
15 countries. I believe most American busi-
nessmen investing in Africa are not only in-
terested in the opportunities for profitable in-
vestment but in contributing to the development
of the countries in which they invest. They are
willing to assume their responsibility for assist-
ing with nation building.
This committee has much to do. It has made
a most promising start. It has a most signifi-
cant role to play in illuminating the trade
problems of this diverse continent, in stimulat-
ing common action toward their solution, in
providing professional and technical assistance
in the mechanics of commercial policy imple-
mentation. My country not only wishes you
well but recognizes that these problems are not
just the problems of Africa, or of any one re-
gion or country, but are ours too. We welcome
working with you in this committee.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Designations
Teodoro Moscoso as Special Adviser to Thomas C.
Mann, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs
Mini Special Assistant to the President, effective Jnn-
KH
DEPARTMENT OF STATE I5ULLETIN
uary 3. (For biographic details, see Department of
State press release 3 dated January 3.)
Joseph Palmer II to be Director General of the
Foreign Service. (For biographic details, see Depart-
ment of State press release C37 dated December 20.)
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Automotive Traffic
Convention concerning customs facilities for touring.
Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879.
Notification received- that it considers itself bound:
Jamaica, November 11, 1963.
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters,
New York, September 28 through November 30. 1962.
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963.
Ratifications deposited: Central African Republic,
December 31, 1963 ; Denmark, December 27, 1963 ;
Ecuador, December 30, 1963 ; Madagascar, Decem-
ber 26, 1963; Netherlands, December 30, 1963;
New Zealand, December 23, 1963; Nicaragua, De-
cember 31, 1963; Portugal, December 31, 1963;
Tinted States, December 27, 1963.
Entered into force definitively: December 27, 1963.
Customs
International convention to facilitate the importation
of commercial samples and advertising material.
Done at Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into
force November 20, 1955 ; for the United States Oc-
tober 17, 1957. TIAS 3920.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Jamaica, November 11, 1963.
Trade
Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force May
21, 1960 ; for the United States June 15, 1960. TIAS
4408.
Signature: Brazil, November 15, 1963.
Proces-verbal extending and amending declaration on
provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of Novem-
ber 22, 1958 (TIAS 4461). Done at Geneva Decem-
ber 8, 1961. Entered into force December 31. 1961 ;
for the United States January 9, 1962. TIAS 4957.
Sir/natures: Dahomey , November 25, 1963; Tangan-
yika, September 30, 1963.
Proces-verbal extending declaration of November 12,
1959, supra, on provisional accession of Tunisia to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva December 9, 1961. Entered Into force fox
the United States January 9, 1962. TIAS V.CS.
si (/mil ii res: Brazil, November 15, 1963 ; Dahomey,
November 25, 1963.
Protocol for accession of Portugal to the General
Agreement on Tariffs anil Trade. Done at Geneva
April 6. 1962. Entered into force Mm- 6, 1962; for
the United States July 1, 1902. TIAS 521V
Acceptance deposited: Pakistan, October 24, 1963.
Protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade embodying results of 1960-61 tariff conference.
Done at Geneva July 10, 1962. Entered into force
for the United States December 31, 1962. TIAS
5253.
Signature: Czechoslovakia, October 14, 1963.
Proces-verbal extending period of validity of declara-
tion on provisional accession of Argentina to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of Novem-
ber 18, 1960 (TIAS 5184). Done at Geneva Novem-
ber 7, 1962. Entered into force January 1, 1963.
TIAS 5266.
Signatures: Dahomey, November 25, 1963; Denmark,
October 10, 1963; Finland, November 26, 1963;
France, October 7, 1963; Italy, September 30,
1963; Netherlands, September 19, 1963; Norway,
November 26, 1963 ; Sweden, October 31. 1963.
Declaration on provisional accession of the United
Arab Republic to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Geneva November 13, 1962.
Entered into force January 9, 1963; for the United
States May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309.
Signatures: Brazil, September 30, 1963: Dahomey,
November 25, 1963 ; Dominican Republic, October
21, 1963 ; Federal Republic of Germany (subject to
ratification), October 3, 1963; New Zealand, De-
cember 4, 1963; Nicaragua, October 14, 1963:
Pakistan and Peru, October 24, 1963; Federation
of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, September 19, 1963;
Trinidad and Tobago, September 24, 1963 ; Tunisia,
October 21, 1963.
Protocol for accession of Spain to the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva July 1,
1963. Entered into force August 29, 1963.
Signatures: Brazil, September 30, 1963; European
Economic Community and Federation of Rhodesia
and Nyasaland, September 19, 1963 ; Tunisia. Oc-
tober 21, 1963 ; Turkey, November 19, 1963 ; United
Arab Republic, November 26, 1963 : United King-
dom, September 24. 1963.
BILATERAL
Canada
Agreement concerning air traffic control. Effected by
exchange of notes at Ottawa December 20 and 27,
1963. Entered into force December 27, 1963.
India
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of June 27, 1963 (TIAS 5384), under title
III of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954. as amended (68 Stat. 459 ; 72
Stat. 1791 ; 7 U.S.C. 1902). Effected by exchange of
notes at Washington December 9 and 20, 1963.
Entered into force December 20, 1903.
Israel
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of December 6, 1962 (TIAS 5220). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Washington December
24 and 30, 1963. Entered into force December 30,
1963.
JANUARY 20, 19G4
105
Mexico
Convention for the solution of the problem of the
Chamizal. Signed at Mexico August 29, 19G3.
Ratification advised by the Senate: December 17,
1903.
Ratified by the President: December 20, 1963.
Agreement further extending the migrant labor agree-
ment of August 11, 1951, as amended and extended.
Effected by exchange of notes at Mexico, December
30, 1962. Entered into force December 20, 1963.
Paraguay
Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV of
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 1954, as amended (08 Stat. 454; 73 Stat. 610;
7 U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed
at Asunci6n September 16, 1963. Entered into force
September 16, 1963.
Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455 ; 7 U.S.C. 1701-
1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at Asunci6n
November 14, 1963. Entered into force November
14, 1963.
United Arab Republic
Agreement concerning trade in cotton textiles. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Cairo December 4,
1963. Entered into force December 4, 1963.
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land. Exchange of notes — Signed at Bangkok April 1
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tered into force April 10, 1963. TIAS 5343. 2 pp. 5tf.
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tered into force May 1, 1963. TIAS 5346. 3 pp. 5#.
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into force April 20, 1963. TIAS 5347. 13 pp. 100.
Army Mission. Agreement with Costa Rica, extend-
ing the agreement of December 10, 1945, as amended
and extended. Exchange of notes — Dated at San
Jos6 May 16 and 17, 1962. Entered into force May 17,
1962. Operative retroactively December 10, 1961.
TIAS 5348. 3 pp. 50.
Status of United States Forces in Australia. Agree-
ment and Protocol with Australia. Signed at Can-
berra May 9, 1963. Entered into force May 9, 1963.
TIAS 5349. 17 pp. 100.
Aerospace Disturbances — Research Program. Agree-
ment with New Zealand. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Wellington May 15, 1903. Entered into force May
15, 1903. TIAS 5350. 7 pp. 100.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re-
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November
7, 1902, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Seoul July 5. 1903. Entered into force July 5, 1903.
TIAS 5388. 2 pp. 50.
Education — Financing Exchange Programs. Agree-
ment with Sweden, amending the agreement of No-
vember 20, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Stockholm June 28, 1963. Entered into force
June 28, 1963. TIAS 53S9. 6 pp. 5e\
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Nepal, re-
lating to the agreement of May 17, 1900. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Kathmandu June 4, 1903. Entered
into force June 4, 1963. TIAS 5391. 3 pp. 50.
106
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX January 20, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1282
Africa. Trade Development and Trade Policy
(Westerfleld) 101
American Republics
Hoscoso designated Special Adviser to Assistant
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs . . . 104
Mr. Mus., .mi Named Representative to Inter-
American Economic Units 89
Asia. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
January 2 81
China, Communist. Secretary Rusk's News Con-
ference of January 2 81
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to
Foreigu Policy 90
Cuba. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
January 2 SI
Cyprus. President Johnson Expresses Hope for
End of Strife in Cyprus (Gursel, Johnson) . . 90
Department and Foreign Service
Designations (Moscoso, Palmer) 104
Mr. Moscoso Named Representative to Inter-
American Economic Units 89
Disarmament. Secretary Rusk's News Confer-
ence of January 2 81
Economic Affairs
Trade Development and Trade Policy (Wester-
field) 101
U.S. Participation in Long-Term Cotton Textile
Arrangement (Nehmer) 96
Germany. President and Chancellor Erhard
Reaffirm Commitment to U.S.-German Coop-
eration Within Free-World Community (Er-
hard, Johnson, Rusk, Schroeder, text of
communique) 74
International Organizations and Conferences
Calendar of International Conferences and Meet-
ings 91
Trade Development and Trade Policy (Wester-
field) 101
U.S. Participation in Long-Term Cotton Textile
Arrangement (Nehmer) 96
Mexico. President L6pez Mateos of Mexico To
Meet With President Johnson 89
Presidential Documents
President and Chancellor Erhard Reaffirm Com-
mitment to U.S.-German Cooperation Within
Free-World Community 74
President Johnson Expresses Hope for End of
Strife in Cyprus 00
Publications. Recent Releases 106
South Africa. Security Council Again Condemns
Apartheid in South Africa (Stevenson, text of
resolution) 92
Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 106
Turkey. President Johnson Expresses Hope for
End of Strife in Cyprus (Gursel, Johnson) . . 90
U.S.S.R. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
January 2 81
United Nations. Security Council Again Con-
demns Apartheid in South Africa (Stevenson,
text of resolution) 92
Xante Index
Erhard, Ludwig 74
Gursel, Cemal 90
Johnson, President 71. DO
Moseoso, Teodoro 89, 104
Nehmer, Stanley 96
Palmer, Joseph, II 105
Rusk, Secretary 74,81
Schroeder, Gerhard 74
Stevenson, Adlai E 92
Westerfleld, Samuel Z., Jr 101
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 30-January 5
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.,
20520.
No. Date Subject
1 1/2 Rusk: news conference (revised).
*2 1/3 Mann sworn in as Assistant Secretary
for Inter-American Affairs (bio-
graphic details).
*3 1/3 Moscoso sworn in as special assistant
to Mann (biographic details).
*4 1/3 Itinerary for visit of President of Italy.
*Not printed.
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Foreign Relations of the United States
1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East
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on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
St '
^_
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
THE STATE OF THE UNION
Address of the President to the Congress (Excerpt) 110
THE FIRST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF THE UNITED NATIONS—
FROM SAN FRANCISCO TO THE 1970's
Dag Hammarskjold "Memorial Lecture by Secretary Busk 112
PROFITABLE GROWTH AND OUR WORLD POSITION
by Under Secretary Ball 123
PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW CONCERNING FRIENDLY RELATIONS AND
COOPERATION AMONG STATES: INTERNATIONAL LAW AND NONINTERVENTION
Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton 133
For index see inside back cover
The State of the Union
ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE CONGRESS CEXCERPT)'
We must also lift by legislation the bars of
discrimination against those who seek entry
into our country, particularly those with much-
needed skills and those joining their families.
In establishing preferences, a nation which was
built by the immigrants of all lands can ask
those who now seek admission, "What can you
do for our country?" But we should not be
asking, "In what country were you born ?" For
our ultimate goal is a world without war, a
world made safe for diversity, in which all men,
goods, and ideas can freely move across every
border and every boundary. We must advance
toward this goal in 1964 in at least 10 different
ways, not as partisans but as patriots.
First, we must maintain — and our reduced
defense budget will maintain— that margin of
military safety and superiority obtained
through 3 years of steadily increasing both the
'Delivered on Jan. 8 (White House press release;
as-delivered text) ; also available as H. Doc. 251, 88th
Oong., 2d sess.
quality and the quantity of our strategic, our
conventional, and our antiguerrilla forces. In
1964 we will be better prepared than ever before
to defend the cause of freedom, whether ft is
threatened by outright aggression or by the in-
filtration practiced by those in Hanoi and Ha-
vana who ship arms and men across interna-
tional borders to foment insurrection. We must
continue to use that strength as John Kennedy
used it in the Cuban crisis and for the test ban
treaty— to demonstrate both the futility of nu-
clear war and the possibilities of lasting peace.
Second, we must take new steps— and we shall
make new proposals— at Geneva toward the
control and the eventual abolition of arms.
Even in the absence of agreement we must not
stockpile arms beyond our needs or seek an ex-
cess of military power that could be provocative
as well as wasteful.
It is in this spirit that in this fiscal year we
are cutting back our production of enriched
uranium by 25 percent. We are shutting down
four plutonium piles. We are closing many
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1283 PUBLICATION 7647 JANUARY 27, 1964
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Infor-
mation on developments In the field of
foreign relntlons and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin includes (elected
prmii releases on foreign policy. Issued
by the White House and the Department,
and Statements and addresses made by
the I'resldent and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation ts Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial Id the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
intendent ,.i Documents. U.S. Govern-
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20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50,
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961 i.
Note : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
is Indexed in the Headers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
110
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
nonessential military installations. And it is
in this spirit that we today call on our adver-
saries to do the same.
Third, we must make increased use of our
food as an instrument of peace, making it avail-
able by sale, trade, loan, or donation to hungry
people in all nations which tell us of their needs
and accept proper conditions of distribution.
Fourth, we must assure our preeminence in
the peaceful exploration of outer space, focusing
on an expedition to the moon in this decade —
in cooperation with other powers if possible,
alone if necessary.
Fifth, we must expand world trade. Having
recognized in the act of 1962 that we must buy
as well as sell, we now expect our trading part-
ners to recognize that we must sell as well as
buy. We are willing to give them competitive
access to our market, asking only that they do
the same for us.
Sixth, we must continue, through such meas-
ures as the interest equalization tax, as well as
the cooperation of other nations, our recent
progress toward balancing our international ac-
counts. This administration must and will pre-
serve the present gold value of the dollar.
Seventh, we must become better neighbors
with the free states of the Americas, working
with the councils of the OAS [Organization of
American States], with a strong Alliance for
Progress, and with all the men and women of
this hemisphere who really believe in liberty
and justice for all.
Eighth, we must strengthen the ability of free
nations everywhere to develop their independ-
ence and raise their standard of living — and
thereby frustrate those who prey on poverty
and chaos. To do this, the rich must help the
poor — and we must do our part. We must
achieve a more rigorous administration of our
development assistance, with larger roles for
private investors, for other industrialized na-
tions, and for international agencies and for
the recipient nations themselves.
Ninth, we must strengthen our Atlantic and
Pacific partnerships, maintain our alliances, and
make the United Nations a more effective in-
strument for national independence and inter-
national order.
Tenth, and finally, we must develop with our
allies new means of bridging the gap between
the East and the West, facing danger boldly
wherever danger exists, but being equally bold
in our search for new agreements which can
enlarge the hopes of all while violating the
interests of none.
In short, I would say to the Congress that we
must be constantly prepared for the worst and
constantly acting for the best. We must be
strong enough to win any war, and we must
be wise enough to prevent one. We shall neither
act as aggressors nor tolerate acts of aggres-
sion. We intend to bury no one, and we do not
intend to be buried.
We can fight, if we must, as we have fought
before, but we pray that we will never have to
fight again.
My good friends and my fellow Americans,
in these last 7 sorrowful weeks we have learned
anew that nothing is so enduring as faith and
nothing is so degrading as hate. John Ken-
nedy was a victim of hate, but he was also a
great builder of faith — faith in our fellow
Americans, whatever their creed or their color
or their station in life; faith in the future of
man, whatever his divisions and differences.
This faith was echoed in all parts of the world.
On every continent and in every land to which
Mrs. Johnson and I traveled, we found faith
and hope and love toward this land of America
and toward our people.
So I ask you now in the Congress and in the
country to join with me in expressing and ful-
filling that faith in working for a nation — a
nation that is free from want and a world that
is free from hate — a world of peace and justice,
and freedom and abundance, for our time and
for all time to come.
JANUARY 27, 1964
111
The First Twenty-Five Years of the United Nations-
From San Francisco to the 1970's
by Secretary Rush 1
I regard this event as a welcome oppor-
tunity — and a command performance. Any in-
vitation bearing the name of Dag Hammar-
skjold is compelling for me.
In my job I often think of Hammarskjold's
reply to a newsman who asked about his interest
in mountain climbing : "What I know about this
sport," he said, "is that the qualities it requires
are just those which I feel we all need today —
perseverance and patience, a firm grip on
realities, careful but imaginative planning, a
clear awareness of the dangers — but also of the
fact that fate is what we make it and . . . the
safest climber is he who never questions his
ability to overcome all difficulties."
Dag Hammarskjold was an intensely practi-
cal idealist; and I think this is why his name
will live. He never wore his devotion to world
peace as a personal adornment. Instead, he
worked for peace through action. It was self-
less and tireless action — and for this we honor
the man. But it also was rational, considered,
calculated action — and for this we respect his
method.
During the regime of Dag Hammarskjold the
United Nations found its capacity to act and to
grow. As the institution grew in stature, so
did he. But he never subscribed to the idea that
any man was indispensable to the United Na-
tions; he knew that what counts is the creation
and use of the machinery and procedures for
1 Tbe Dag Hammarskjold Memorial Lecture, pre-
pared for delivery by Secretary Rusk and read by Har-
lan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary for International
Organization Affairs, at Columbia University, New
York, N.Y., on Jan. 10 (press release 11).
peaceful settlement and peaceful change. He
helped build that machinery and passed it on
to the world when death met him on a mission
of peace.
My assignment — to talk about the first 25
years of the United Nations — is unusual pun-
ishment for a Secretary of State. It is difficult
enough to be a reasonably accurate historian of
world affairs years later, after all the evidence
is in. It is nothing short of foolhardy to fore-
tell the future — especially when you are trying
to tinker with the future to make it come out
the way you think it should.
However, the punishment is self-inflicted ; for
the hazards of my situation tonight I have only
myself to blame. Andy Cordier [Andrew W.
Cordier, dean of the School of International
Relations, Columbia University] gave me a free
choice of topic. And I decided to try to look
ahead as well as to look back. For, if we are
to act wisely in world affairs, we must have
some sense of direction, some conviction about
the way human events are moving, some expec-
tations about the forces and counterforces just
over the horizon. I do have some expectations
for the United Nations over the next 5 or 10
years, and I might as well state them straight-
away.
I believe that the influence of the United Na-
tions will be even greater in the 1970's than it
is today.
I believe also that the executive capacity of
the United Nations to act in support of the
purposes of the charter will be greater in the
1970's than it is today.
I hold these convictions despite valid cause
112
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
for concern and some necessary reservations.
I shall try to explain why.
The U.N. a Necessity for Our Times
Let me begin by observing that it means little
to study the performance of an institution
against abstract standards without reference to
the realities — and even the illusions — of the
total environment in which it must operate. In
that context the first thing that strikes one
about the United Nations is that international
organization is a plain necessity of our times.
This is so for both technical and political
reasons.
The technical reasons stem, of course, from
the headlong rush of scientific discovery and
technological advance. That process has over-
run the hypothetical question as to whether
there is to be an international community that
requires organization. It has left us with the
practical question of what kind of international
community we have the wit to organize around
the scientific and technical imperatives of our
time. In the words of Ogden Nash :
When geniuses all in every nation
Hasten us towards obliteration,
Perhaps it will take the dolts and geese
To drag us backward into peace.
World community is a fact
— because instantaneous international commu-
nication is a fact;
— because fast international transport is a
fact;
— because matters ranging from the control
of communicable disease to weather reporting
and forecasting demand international orga-
nization ;
— because the transfer of technology essential
to the spread of industrialization and the mod-
ernization of agriculture can be assisted by in-
ternational organizations;
— because modern economics engage nations
in a web of commercial, financial, and technical
arrangements at the international level.
The advance of science, and the technology
that follows, create an insistent demand to build
international technical and regulatory institu-
tions which lend substance to world community.
Few people seem to realize just how far this
movement has gone. The United States is now
a member of 53 international organizations.
"We contribute to 22 international operating pro-
grams, mostly sponsored by these same orga-
nizations. And last year we attended 547 in-
ternational intergovernmental conferences,
mostly on technical subjects. We do these
things because they are always helpful and
often downright essential to the conduct of our
national and international affairs.
It is obvious that in the 1970's we shall require
more effective international organization —
making for a more substantial world commu-
nity — than we have today. We already know
that in the next decade we shall become accus-
tomed to international communication, includ-
ing television, via satellites in outer space. We
shall travel in aircraft that fly at speeds above
a thousand and perhaps above two thousand
miles per hour. Industrialization will pursue
its relentless course. Cities and their suburbs
will keep on growing. The world economy will
become increasingly interdependent. And sci-
ence will rush ahead, leaving to us the task of
fashioning institutions — increasingly on the in-
ternational level — to administer its benefits and
circumscribe its dangers.
So, while nations may cling to national values
and ideas and ambitions and prerogatives, sci-
ence has created a functional international so-
ciety, whether we like it or not. And that so-
ciety, like any other, must be organized.
Anyone who questions the need for interna-
tional technical organizations like the United
Nations agencies dealing with maritime matters,
civil aviation, telecommunications, atomic en-
ergy, and meteorology simply does not recog-
nize the times in which we live.
In a world caught up in an urgent drive to
modernize areas containing two-thirds of the
human race, there is need also for the United
Nations specialized agencies dealing with
health, agriculture, labor standards, education,
and other subjects related to national develop-
ment and human welfare. A massive effort to
transfer and adapt modern technology from the
more to the less advanced areas is a part of the
great drama of our age. This sometimes can be
JANUARY 27, 1964
113
done best through, or with the help of, the insti-
tutions of the international community.
And the international organizations con-
cerned with trade and monetary and financial
affairs are important to the expanding pros-
perity of the world economy.
Adjustment to Reality of Political World
The need for political organs at the interna-
tional level is just as plain as the need for tech-
nical agencies.
You will recall that the decision to try to form
a new international organization to preserve
peace grew out of the agonies of the Second
World War. The United States took the lead
in this enterprise. President Franklin D.
Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull
sought to avoid repeating what many believed to
have been mistakes in political tactics which
kept the United States from joining the League
of Nations. They consulted at every stage the
leaders of both political parties in both Houses
of Congress. They insisted that the formation
of this organization should be accomplished, if
possible, before the end of the war.
Most of our allies readily endorsed this objec-
tive and cooperated in achieving it. You will
recall that the charter conference at San Fran-
cisco convened before the end of the war against
Hitler and that the United States Senate con-
sented to ratification of the charter in July 1945,
before the end of the war in the Pacific. The
vote in the Senate was 89 to 2, reflecting a na-
tional consensus bordering on unanimity. The
significance of that solemn action was especially
appreciated by those of us who were in uniform.
The commitment of the United States to the
United Nations was wholehearted. We threw
our best efforts and some of our best men into
getting it organized and moving. We set about
binding the wounds of war. We demobilized
our armed forces and drastically reduced our
military budget. We proposed— not only pro-
posed but worked hard to obtain agreement —
that atomic energy should be put under control
of an agency of the United Nations, that it
should be devoted solely to peaceful purposes,
that nuclear weapons should be abolished and
forever forbidden.
What happened ? Stalin refused to cooperate.
Even before the guns were silent, he set in mo-
tion a program of imperialistic expansion, in
violation of his pledges to the Western Allies
and in contravention of the principles of the
United Nations.
You will recall that the United Nations was
designed on the assumption that the great pow-
ers in the alliance destined to be victors in the
Second World War would remain united to
maintain the future peace of the world. The
United Nations would be the instrument
through which these powers, in cooperation with
others, of course, would give effect to their mu-
tual determination to keep the peace against any
threats that might arise from some future Mus-
solini or Hitler. World peace was to be en-
forced by international forces carrying the flag
of the United Nations but called into action
and directed by agreement among the major
powers. Action without big-power agreement
was not ruled out by the charter, but such agree-
ment was assumed to be the prior condition of
an effective peace organization. Indeed, it was
stated repeatedly by early supporters of the
United Nations that the organization could not
possibly work unless the wartime Allies joined
in collective action within the United Nations
to exert their combined power to make it work.
That view of the postwar world rapidly
turned out to be an illusory hope. One might
well have expected — as many good people did —
that when the conceptual basis for the United
Nations fell to the ground, the organization
would fall down beside it.
But all great institutions are flexible. The
United Nations adjusted gradually to the po-
litical and power realities of the quite different
world that came into being. In the absence of
major-power agreement in the Security Council,
it drew on the charter's authority to balance
that weakness with a greater reliance upon the
General Assembly.
By adapting to political reality the United
Nations lived and grew in effectiveness, in pres-
tige, and in relevance. It could not act in some
of the ways the founding fathers intended it to
act, but it went on to do many things that the
founding fathers never envisaged as being nec-
essary. The most dramatic reversal of its
intended role is seen in the fact that, while the
111
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
United Nations could not bring the great powers
together, it could on occasion keep them apart
by getting between them — by becoming the
"man in the middle" — as it did in differing ways
in the Middle East and in the Congo.
In short, the political organs of the United
Nations survived and did ell'ective work under
the shadow of a nuclear arms race of awesome
proportions, despite the so-called cold war be-
tween the major powers whoso unity was once
presumed to be its foundation.
This was not bound to happen. It is evident
that in the political environment of the second
half of the 20th century both technical and po-
litical reasons dictate the need for large-scale
and diversified international organizations.
But it does not necessarily follow that the
United Nations was destined to work in prac-
tice — or even to survive. Indeed, its very sur-
vival may be more of an achievement than it
seems at first blush. That it has steadily grown
in its capacity to act is even more remarkable.
It has survived and grown in effectiveness
because a great majority of the nations of the
world have been determined to make it work.
They have repulsed those who sought to wreck
or paralyze it. They have remained deter-
mined not only to keep it alive but to improve
and strengthen it. To this we owe in part the
peace of the world.
Preserver and Repairer of World Peace
Indeed, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
that the existence of the General Assembly and
the Security Council these past 18 years was a
plain necessity for the preservation and repair
of world peace. The failures would still have
been failures, but without the U.N. some of the
successes might not have been possible.
In the world of today any breach of the peace
could lead to the destruction of civilization. In
the thermonuclear age any instrumentality with
a potential for deterring war can hardly be de-
scribed as less than indispensable to mankind.
In 18 brief years the United Nations has helped
to deter or to terminate warfare in Iran and
Greece, in Kashmir and Korea, in the Congo
and the Caribbean, and twice in the Middle
East and twice in the Western Pacific. It is
not fanciful to speculate that any or all of us
may owe our lives to the fact that these dangers
were contained, with the active and persistent
help of the processes of the United Nations.
With half a dozen international disputes
chronically or repeatedly at the flash point,
with forces of change bordering on violence
loose in the world, our very instinct to survival
informs us that we must keep building the
peacekeeping machinery of the United Na-
tions — and keep it lubricated with funds and
logistical support.
And if we are to entertain rational hopes for
general disarmament, we know that the U.N.
must develop a reliable system for reconciling
international conflict without resort to force.
For peace in the world community — like peace
in smaller communities — means not an end of
conflict but an accepted system of dealing with
conflict and with change through nonviolent
means.
"Switchboard for Bilateral Diplomacy"
Traditional bilateral diplomacy — of the quiet
kind — has a heavier task today than at any time
in history. But with the annual agenda of ur-
gent international business growing apace, with
the birth of more than half a hundred new na-
tions in less than two decades, an institution
that can serve as an annual diplomatic confer-
ence becomes almost a necessity. As a general
manager of our own nation's diplomatic estab-
lishment, I cannot imagine how we could con-
duct or coordinate our foreign affairs if we were
limited to dealing directly through bilateral
channels with the 114 nations with which we
have diplomatic relations tonight.
At the last General Assembly representatives
of 111 countries met for more than 3 months
to discuss, negotiate, and debate. Two more
countries became U.N. members, to make it 113.
When the tumult and the shouting had died,
the General Assembly had adopted, curiously
enough, 113 resolutions. This is what we have
come to call parliamentary diplomacy.
But outside the formal agenda the General
Assembly also has become the world's greatest
switchboard for bilateral diplomacy. For
many of the young and small nations, lacking a
fully developed diplomatic service, the United
Nations is the main, sometimes the only, gen-
JANUARY 27, 19G4
115
eral mechanism available for the conduct of
their diplomacy.
Without formal decision the opening of each
new Assembly has turned into something like
an informal conference of the foreign ministers
of the world community. In New York last
fall, in a period of 11 days, I conferred with
the foreign ministers or heads of government
of 54 nations.
I believe that too many items are placed on
the agenda of the General Assembly. Too many
issues are debated and not enough are nego-
tiated. I feel strongly that members should
take more seriously article 33 of the charter
which pledges them to seek solutions to their
disputes "first of all ... by negotiation, en-
quiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judi-
cial settlement, resort to regional agencies or
arrangements, or other peaceful means of their
own choice" before bringing disputes to the U.N.
at all.
But the point here is that it is hard to imagine
the conduct of diplomacy throughout the year
without a meeting of the General Assembly to
deal in one forum and, in a more or less sys-
tematic manner, with subjects which demand
widespread diplomatic attention among the
members of the world community.
The need for an annual diplomatic confer-
ence, the need for a peacekeeping deterrent to
wars large and small, and the need for an inter-
national monitor of peaceful change are plain
enough. They seem to me to warrant the con-
clusion that the political organs as well as the
technical organs of the United Nations have
been very useful to the world at large for the
past decade and a half. Common sense in-
forms us that they can be even more useful in
the years ahead.
Recognizing the Peacekeeping Capacity of U.N.
I suspect that the near future will witness an-
other period of adjustment for the United Na-
tions. Some adjustments are, indeed, required —
because the political environment is changing
and so is the structure of the U.N. itself.
For one thing the cobweb syndrome, the illu-
sion that one nation or bloc of nations could, by
coen •ion, weave the world into a single pattern
directed from a single center of power, is fading
into limbo. That other illusion, the bipolar
theory, of a world divided permanently between
two overwhelming centers of power with most
other nations clustered about them, is fading
too. The reality of a world of great diversity
with many centers of power and influence is
coming into better focus.
Meanwhile, a first brake has been placed on
the nuclear arms race, and the major powers
are searching for other agreements in areas of
common interest. One is entitled to hope that
the major power conflicts which so often have
characterized U.N. proceedings in the past will
yield more and more to great-power coopera-
tion ; indeed, there was some evidence to sustain
such a hope in the actions of the 18th General
Assembly.
As long as a member possessing great power
was intent on promoting conflict and upheaval —
the better to coerce the world into its own
image — that member might well regard the
United Nations as a threat to its own ambi-
tions. But suppose it is agreed that all mem-
bers, despite their deep differences, share a
common interest in survival and therefore a
common interest in preventing resort to force
anywhere in the world. Then the peacekeeping
capacity of the United Nations can be seen
realistically for what it is: an indispensable
service potentially in the national interest of all
members — in the common interest of even rival
states.
If this reality is grasped by the responsible
leaders of all the large powers, then the peace-
keeping capacity of the United Nations will
find some degree of support from all sides, not
as a rival system of order but as contributor to,
and sometimes guarantor of, the common inter-
est in survival.
It would be a great service to peace if there
could develop common recognition of a common
interest in the peacekeeping capacity of the
United Nations. That recognition is far from
common now. My belief that it will dawn is
based on the fact that it would serve the national
interests of all nations, large and small, and
because sooner or later nations can be expected
to act in line with their national interests.
Peace will not be achieved by repeating worn-
out propaganda themes or resetting rusty old
traps. But if our Soviet friends are prepared
11G
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
to act on what Chairman Khrushchev says in
part of his New War's message — thai war over
territorial questions is unacceptable, thai na-
tions should not be the targets of direct or indi-
rect aggression, that we should use the United
Nations and every other means of peaceful set-
tlement — then let us together build up the peace-
keeping machinery of the United Nations to
prevent even small wars in our flammable world.
For small wars could too easily, too quickly,
lead to nuclear war, and nuclear war can too
easily, too quickly, prove fatal to friend and
foe alike.
Problems Affected by Growth
Meanwhile the internal structure of the
United Nations has been changing radically over
the past several years. The United Nations be-
gan life with 51 members. When its head-
quarters building was designed, United Nations
officials believed they were foresighted in plan-
ning for an eventual membership of 75. This
year major alterations will be undertaken to
make room for the present 113 members and
more. It is a fair guess that membership of the
U.N. will level off during the next decade at 125
to 130 members.
This more than doubling of the U.N.'s mem-
bership is proud testament to the tidal sweep
through the old colonial areas of the doctrine of
self-determination of peoples. It is a triumph
of largely peaceful change. It is a tribute to
those advanced countries which have helped
bring dependent areas to self-government and
independence and made possible their free
choice of their own destiny. It is a striking and
welcome result of the greatest wave of national
liberation in all time. It also has important
implications for all U.N. members — the new
members and the older members too — and for
the U.N. itself.
The most prosaic — but nonetheless impor-
tant — implication is for methods of work in the
General Assembly. With more than twice as
many voices to be heard, views to be reconciled,
and votes to be cast and counted, on a swelling
agenda of business, there is obvious danger that
the General Assembly will be swamped.
I already have suggested that the agenda may
be unnecessarily bloated, that in many cases
private discourse and real progre are prefer-
able to public debate and symbolic resolution
and thai the U.N. might well be used more as a
court of last resort and less as a forum of origi-
nal jurisdiction.
But I think still more needs to be done. If
the expanded Assembly is to work with reason-
able proficiency, it must find ways of delegat-
ing some of its work to units less cumbersome
than committees of 113 members. The General
Assembly is the only parliamentary body in
the world that tries to do most of its business in
committees-of-the-whole. The Assembly has,
in fact, moved to establish several subcommit-
tees, including one to consider financing peace-
keeping operations, and perhaps more thought
should now be given to the future role of such
committees in the work of the organization.
The radical expansion of the membership
raises problems for the newer and smaller na-
tions. They rightly feel that they are under-
represented on some organs — notably the Se-
curity Council and the Economic and Social
Council — whose membership was based on the
U.N.'s original size and composition.
The growth of membership also raises prob-
lems for the middle-range pow T ers, who were
early members and have reason to feel that they
are next in line for a larger voice.
And it raises problems — or potential prob-
lems — for the larger powers too.
The rapid and radical expansion of the Gen-
eral Assembly may require some adaptation of
procedures if the U.N. is to remain relevant to
the real world and therefore effective in that
world.
Theoretically, a two-thirds majority of the
General Assembly could now be formed by na-
tions with only 10 percent of the world's popu-
lation, or who contribute, altogether, 5 percent
of the assessed budget. In practice, of course,
this does not happen, and I do not share the
dread expressed by some that the General As-
sembly will be taken over by its "swirling ma-
jorities."
But even the theoretical possibility that a
two-thirds majority, made up primarily of
smaller states, could recommend a course of
action for which other nations would bear the
primary responsibility and burden is one that
requires thoughtful attention.
JANUARY 27, 19G4
117
There are two extreme views of how national
influence should be expressed in the work of the
United Nations. At one extreme is the conten-
tion that no action at all should be taken by
the United Nations without the unanimous ap-
proval of the permanent members of the Secu-
rity Council. This is a prescription for chronic
paralysis. The United Nations was never in-
tended to be kept in such a box. The rights and
duties of the General Assembly are inherent in
the charter. The United Nations has been able
to develop its capacity to act precisely because
those rights were not blocked by the requirement
of big-power unanimity.
At the other extreme are those few who feel
that nothing should matter except the number of
votes that can be mustered — that what a major-
ity wants done must be done regardless of what
states make up the majority. This notion flies
in the face of common sense. The plain fact
of the matter is that the United Nations sim-
ply cannot take significant action without the
support of the members who supply it with re-
sources and have the capacity to act.
Some have suggested that all General As-
sembly votes should be weighed to reflect popu-
lation, or wealth, or level of contributions, or
some combination of these or other factors.
I do not believe that so far-reaching an answer
would be realistic or practical. The equal vote
in the General Assembly for each member —
however unequal in size, wealth, experience,
technology, or other criterion — is rooted in the
idea of "sovereign equality." And that idea is
not one which any nation, large or small, is
eager to abandon.
I do not pretend to have the final answer,
nor is it timely or appropriate for any member
to formulate the answer without wide and care-
ful consultations with others in the world com-
munity. However, extended discussions lie
ahead on such questions as expanding the coun-
cils, scales of payment for peacekeeping, and
procedures for authorizing peacekeeping opera-
tions.
I shall not discuss U.N. finances in detail
tonight. But let me say that the first principle
of :i health; organization is that all its members
take pari in its work and contribute their proper
share to its financial support. Two years ago
more than half the U.N. members were behind
in their dues — some because of political objec-
tions but many simply because they were not
paying. I am glad to see that most members
are now beginning to act on the principle of
collective financial responsibility. But there
remains a serious problem of large nations that
have not been willing to pay for peacekeeping
operations.
I would hope that the discussions which lie
ahead will not only strengthen the financial
underpinnings of the U.N. but, among other
things, develop an acceptable way for the Gen-
eral Assembly to take account of capacity to
act, of responsibility for the consequences, and
of actual contributions to the work of the U.N.
Such a way must be found if the United Nations
machinery is to be relevant to the tasks that lie
ahead— in peacekeeping, in nation building, and
in the expansion of human rights.
All adjustment is difficult. Adaptation of
the U.N. to recent changes in the environment
may take time. It will require a shift away
from some hardened ideas and some rigid pat-
terns of action and reaction — perhaps on all
sides. It will require — to come back to Ham-
marskjold's words — "perseverance and patience,
a firm grip on realities, careful but imag-
inative planning, a clear awareness of the
dangers . . . ."
To ask all this may seem to be asking a great
deal. But I am inclined toward confidence be-
cause the U.N. already has demonstrated a ca-
pacity to adapt under the flexible provisions of
the charter to the realities of international
politics.
I am further persuaded that all, or most, of
the smaller members are realistic enough to
know:
— that their own national interests lie with,
not against, an effective United Nations;
— that the U.N. can be effective only if it has
the backing of those who have the means to
make it effective;
— that the U.N. is made less, not more, effec-
tive by ritualistic passage of symbolic resolu-
tions with no practical influence on the real
world ;
— that only responsible use of voting power
is effective use of voting power;
118
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
— that true progress on behalf of the world
community lies along the path on which the
weak and the strong find ways to walk to-
got her.
The Greatest Goal — Extending Human Rights
These are some of the reasons, derived from
analysis of the current state of world a Hairs,
why I export the United Nations to evolve and
to grow in executive capacity to act in support
of its goals.
And apart from the issue of human survival,
the greatest of these goals is, of course, the
steady extension of human rights.
Dedication to the principle of the universal-
ity of fundamental human rights collides in
practice with dedication to the principle of na-
tional sovereignty. For most violations of hu-
man rights are committed within the confines
of national societies, often by the very govern-
ments that have ratified the charter's prescrip-
tion for "fundamental freedoms for all." Yet
securing equal rights for all individual mem-
bers of the human race is the ultimate goal of
world community — and the ultimate challenge
to the United Nations as the elementary but
principal expression of that community. Some-
how the United Nations must learn how to in-
crease respect for the rights of the human per-
son throughout the world.
It is here that we sense the permanent value
and the final force of the basic principles of a
charter which dares to speak for "We the peo-
ples of the United Nations." Sometimes I feel
that we talk too much about the universality
and brotherhood of man and too little about the
valuable and interesting differences that dis-
tinguish all brothers. But the lessons of re-
corded history, and the teachings of the world's
great teachers, make clear the basic wants of
mankind.
Men and women everywhere want a decent
standard of material welfare for themselves and
their children. They want to live in conditions
of personal security. They want social justice.
They want to experience a sense of achievement,
for themselves and for the groups with which
they identify themselves.
But men and women everywhere want more.
They want personal freedom and human dig-
nity.
Individuals ami societies place differing
values on these aspirations. Bui sorely these
are universal de8ires, shared by all races in all
lands, interpreted by all religions, and given
concrete form — or lipservico — by leaders and
spokesmen for every kind of political, economic,
and social system.
Peace and security, achievement and welfare,
freedom and dignity — these are the goals of
the United Nations for all peoples. And any
nation which questions for long whether we
should seek these aims is destined to become a
pariah of the world community.
Because the kind of world projected in the
charter is the kind of world we want, the
United Nations — despite its quarrels and its
shortcomings — commands our continuing sup-
port. As President Johnson said to the Gen-
eral Assembly on December 17 : 2 ". . . more than
ever we support the United Nations as the best
instrument yet devised to promote the peace of
the world and to promote the well-being of man-
kind."
And because the kind of world projected in
the charter is the kind most people everywhere
want, I believe that others will join with us in
improving and strengthening the United Na-
tions. That is why I am confident that the ex-
ecutive capacity of the United Nations — its
machinery for keeping peace, building nations,
and promoting human rights — will be greater
on its 25th birthday than on its 18th.
William C. Foster Named To Head
Delegation to Disarmament Talks
White House Statement
White House press release dated January 9, for release
January 10
The President has instructed "William C.
Foster, Director of the Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency, to lead the United States
delegation to the 18-Nation Disarmament Con-
ference at Geneva when discussions resume on
January 21.
In so doing, the President said that he views
the negotiations as one of the most important
■ Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1904, p. 2.
JANUARY 27, 1964
119
way stations in this nation's priority efforts to
strengthen the peace.
He said that as the United States enters these
negotiations in a new year, we harbor no illu-
sions of quick or easy success. But he said we
do take encouragement from developments in
the recent past and look to new opportunities
in this nation's search for agreement on sound
and significant arms limitation and reduction
measures.
He told Mr. Foster that he will take a deep
and continuing personal interest in the negotia-
tions as they proceed.
Committee To Study Economic
Impact of Defense and Disarmament
White House press release dated December 21
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT
The President on December 21 announced the
formation of a high-level Government commit-
tee to coordinate the work of Federal agencies
in appraising the economic impacts of disarma-
ment and changes in defense spending. It will
be chaired by a member of the Council of Eco-
nomic Advisers and will replace an informal
group that began work on this problem last
spring. The President noted that changes in
the composition or total level of defense spend-
ing can significantly affect jobs and incomes in
particular communities or in the Nation as a
whole. He stated :
I am confident that our economy can adjust to
cbanges in defense spending or arms reduction that
may occur. Our experiences after World War II and
the Korean conflict prove that. But the Nation as a
whole and the communities with heavy concentrations
of defense industry deserve assurance that any changes
will be made with as little dislocation as possible. This
Committee's work will contribute to the process of
smooth and speedy changeover when such changes
occur.
The President asked to be kept personally in-
formed of the results of the Committee's work.
His memorandum establishing the Committee
is attached.
TEXT OF MEMORANDUM
Decembeb 21, 1963
Memorandum fob
The Hon. Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense
The Hon. Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce
The Hon. W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor
The Hon. Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman, Atomic Energy
Commission
The Hon. James E. Webb, Administrator, National
Aeronautics and Space Administration
The Hon. William C. Foster, Director, U.S. Arms Con-
trol and Disarmament Agency
The Hon. Edward McDermott, Director, Office of
Emergency Planning
The Hon. Kermit Gordon, Director, Bureau of the
Budget
The Hon. Walter W. Heller, Chairman, Council of
Economic Advisers
Subject : Formation of a Committee on the Economic
Impact of Defense and Disarmament
As you are aware, on July 10, Chairman Heller or-
ganized an informal committee to review and coor-
dinate the work of Federal agencies relating to the
economic impact of defense and disarmament. Based
on the preliminary work of this informal committee,
it seems desirable that it be given a more formal and
permanent status.
I am therefore requesting you to designate a senior
official in your department or agency to serve on this
committee on a continuing basis. A Member of the
Council of Economic Advisers will serve as Chairman
of this Committee.
The Committee will be responsible for the review and
coordination of activities in the various departments
and agencies designed to improve our understanding
of the economic impact of defense expenditures and of
changes either in the composition or in the total level
of such expenditures.
Federal outlays for defense are of such magnitude
that they inevitably have major economic significance.
In certain regions of the Nation and in certain com-
munities they provide a significant share of total em-
ployment and income. It is therefore important that
we improve our knowledge of the economic impacts of
such spending, so that appropriate actions can be
taken — in cooperation with State and local govern-
ments, private industry and labor — to minimize po-
tential disturbances which may arise from changes in
the level and pattern of defense outlays.
I know that your agencies have already initiated a
number of activities which will improve our ability to
assess the economic consequences of the defense pro-
gram. I do not expect this Committee to undertake
studies of its own, but rather to evaluate and to co-
ordinate these existing efforts, and, if it seems desir-
able, to recommend additional studies — subject, of
course, to appropriate review and authorization
through established channels.
120
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Committee may wish to add representatives
from other Federal agencies, and it is hereby author-
ized to do so.
As work in this area produces results of interest to
the Congress and the general public, they should be
made available in appropriate form.
This is an important subject and I wish to be kept
personally informed as your work progresses.
Lyndon B. Johnson
President and Soviet Leaders
Exchange New Year's Messages
The "White House released at Austin, Tex., on
January 1 the texts of the following messages
exchanged on December 30 between President
Johnson and Nikita Khrushchev, Chairman of
the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., and
Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman of the Presidium
of the Supreme Soviet.
President Johnson to Soviet Leaders
Dear Chairman Khrushchev and Chair-
man Brezhnev: The old year has brought
significant breakthroughs in many areas of hu-
man endeavor. But all the work of the chemist
in the laboratory, the scientist in space, and the
agronomist in the field will be in vain unless we
can learn to live together in peace. No feat of
physical science can compare to the feat of
political science which brings a just peace to
earth.
The American people and their government
have set the strengthening of peace as their
highest purpose in the New Year. I myself am
wholly committed to the search for better under-
standing among peoples everywhere. "Peace
on Earth, Good Will Toward Men" need not be
an illusion ; we can make it a reality. The time
for simply talking about peace, however, has
passed — 1964 should be a year in which we take
further steps toward that goal. In this spirit
I shall strive for the further improvement of
relations between our two countries. In our
hands have been placed the fortunes of peace
and the hope of millions; it is my fervent hope
that we are good stewards of that trust.
On behalf of the American people and my-
self, I extend cordial greetings and bed wishes
for the coming year to you and your families
and to the peoples of the Soviet Union.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Soviet Leaders to President Johnson
My dear Mr. President: On the eve of the
New Year 1964, we want to extend to the Ameri-
can people and you and your family personally
on behalf of the people of the Soviet Union and
ourselves New Year's greetings and very best
wishes. The past year was marked by a signifi-
cant improvement in the approach to the solu-
tions of urgent international problems and in
the development of Soviet-American relations.
The conclusion of the Moscow treaty limiting
nuclear testing was a good beginning, and
demonstrable evidence of the fact that, given a
realistic assessment of the actual world situa-
tion, cooperation of governments in resolving
urgent international problems and achieving
mutually satisfactory agreements is entirely
possible. We would like to hope that the com-
ing year will be marked by further significant
successes, both in the resolution of important
international problems and the improvement of
relations between our countries, in the interest
of the Soviet and American peoples and the
interests of strengthening world peace.
N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev
Moscow, The Kremlin
President Pledges Continuing
Support to Republic of Viet-Nam
Following is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Johnson to Gen. Duong Van Minh, Chair-
man of the Military Revolutionary Council of
the Republic of Viet-Nam.
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated January 1
December 31, 1963
Dear General Minh : As we enter the New
Year of 1964, 1 want to wish you, your Revolu-
tionary Government, and your people full suc-
cess in the long and arduous war which you are
waging so tenaciously and bravely against the
JANUARY 27, 1964
121
Viet Cong forces directed and supported by the
Communist regime in Hanoi. Ambassador
[Henry Cabot] Lodge and Secretary [of De-
fense Kobert S.] McNamara have told me about
the serious situation which confronts you and
of the plans which you are developing to enable
your armed forces and your people to redress
this situation.
This new year provides a fitting opportunity
for me to pledge on behalf of the American
Government and people a renewed partnership
with your government and people in your brave
struggle for freedom. The United States will
continue to furnish you and your people with
the fullest measure of support in this bitter
fight. We shall maintain in Viet- Nam Ameri-
can personnel and material as needed to assist
you in achieving victory.
Our aims are, I know, identical with yours :
to enable your government to protect its people
from the acts of terror perpetrated by Com-
munist insurgents from the north. As the
forces of your government become increasingly
capable of dealing with this aggression, Amer-
ican military personnel in South Viet-Nam can
be progressively withdrawn.
The United States Government shares the
view of your government that "neutralization"
of South Viet-Nam is unacceptable. As long
as the Communist regime in North Viet-Nam
persists in its aggressive policy, neutralization
of South Viet-Nam would only be another name
for a Communist takeover. Peace will return
to your country just as soon as the authorities
in Hanoi cease and desist from their terrorist
aggression.
Thus, your government and mine are in com-
plete agreement on the political aspects of your
war against the forces of enslavement, brutal-
ity, and material misery. Within this frame-
work of political agreement we can confidently
continue and improve our cooperation.
I am pleased to learn from Secretary Mc-
Namara about the vigorous operations which
you are planning to bring security and an im-
proved standard of living to your people.
I wish to congratulate you particularly on
your work for t lie unity of all your people, in-
cluding the Hoa Ilao and Cao Dai, against the
Viet Cong. I know from my own experience in
Viet-Nam how warmly the Vietnamese people
respond to a direct human approach and how
they have hungered for this in their leaders.
So again I pledge the energetic support of my
country to your government and your people.
We will do our full part to ensure that under
your leadership your people may win a vic-
tory — a victory for freedom and justice and
human welfare in Viet-Nam.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Economic Policies and Practices. Paper No. 1, Com-
parative Features of Central Banks in Selected
Foreign Countries, October 15, 1963, 36 pp. [Joint
Committee print] ; Paper No. 2, Governmental
Policies To Deal With Prices in Key Industries in
Selected Foreign Countries, October 31, 1963, 16 pp.
[Joint Committee print.]
The United States Balance of Payments — Perspectives
and Policies. Staff materials and other submissions
prepared for the use of the Joint Economic Commit-
tee. November 12, 1963, 164 pp. [Joint Committee
print.]
Amendments to Inter-American Development Bank
and International Development Association Acts.
Hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations on H.R. 7406 and S. 2214. November 15-
December 4, 1963. 80 pp.
Foreign Agents Registration Act Amendments. Hear-
ings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on S. 2136. November 19-21, 1963. 123 pp.
Government Guarantees of Credit to Communist Coun-
tries. Hearings before the Senate Committee on
Banking and Currency on S. 2310, a bill to prohibit
any guaranty by the Export-Import Bank or any
other agency of the Government of payment of obli-
gations of Communist countries. November 20-22,
1963. 275 pp.
The Eighth Special Report of the National Advisory
Council on International Monetary and Financial
Problems. H. Doc. 175. November 25, 1963. 39 pp.
Convention With Mexico for Solution of the Problem
of the Chamizal. Hearings before the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations on Executive N, 88th
Congress, 1st Session. December 12-13, 1963. 134
pp.
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration
and Field Inspections of Operations Under P.L. 86-
648 (Fair Share Refugee Act). Report of the House
Committee on the Judiciary, transmitting a report
of a special subcommittee pursuant to H. Res. 36 and
H. Res. 510. H. Rept. 1034. December 12, 1963.
25 pp.
Increasing U.S. Participation in the Inter-American
l>evelo|inient Hank. Report to accompany II. R.
7406. S. Rept- 777. December 13, 1903. 9 pp.
Amendment of International Development Association
Ac t. Report to accompany S. 2214. S. Rept. 779.
December 13, 1903. 7 pp.
122
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Profitable Growth and Our World Position
by Under Secretary Ball x
For the past few days you have been meeting
here in New York to discuss, in all of its aspects,
"The Challenge of Profitable Growth." This
is a central question for you in its application
to retail merchandising. It is a central ques-
tion for all of American business and for Amer-
ica itself. If our system is to work, business
must grow and, at the same time, it must make
profits.
In fact, we must make our whole economy
grow at an adequate rate, not merely to guar-
antee the well-being of our people at home but
so that we may be able to meet the world re-
sponsibilities with which history has entrusted
us — responsibilities on which we dare not de-
fault if we wish free societies, including our
own, to survive.
Four Areas of National Growth
In the brief but concentrated 49 days that
President Johnson has led this nation, he has
been particularly concerned with what one
might call the challenge of profitable growth in
its larger implications. I mean by this the
growth of our nation — not only in quantity but
in quality ; growth for the profit of our people —
not merely in material terms but also in moral
strength and spiritual well-being.
To this end the President has moved with
special urgency in four areas of policy: first,
the passage of civil rights legislation that will
enable us to make a great stride toward the
elimination of racial inequality; second, the
improvement of living conditions in areas of
special hardship, such as the Appalachian
region, as a campaign in a nationwide war
against poverty ; third, the advancement of edu-
cation and the provision of educational oppor-
tunities to more young Americans; and fourth,
the assurance of continued and more rapid
growth for our whole economy through enact-
ment of the tax reduction bill now pending
before Congress.
Domestic Issues and Foreign Policy
Each of these measures, to which the Presi-
dent directed much of his state of the Union
message yesterday, 2 has a special relevance to
your business.
As retail merchants, you are especially af-
fected by the question of racial discrimination.
Many of you have shown impressive leadership
in your own communities in helping to find
local solutions to this major national problem.
As retail merchants, you are also necessarily
concerned with the elimination of poverty at
the lowest levels, where any increase in income
has an immediate and dramatic impact on con-
sumer spending.
As businessmen, you know the importance of
education for your employees and for the
strength of our nation. The measures to assist
education will make it possible for more Amer-
icans than ever before to attend school and
college.
And, of course, you have a vivid interest in
the pending tax bill, which, when enacted,
should produce a surge of purchasing power
that should enable you to sell more goods — and
sell them at a profit.
Apart from your direct concern with these
1 Address made before the National Retail Merchants
Association at New York, N.Y., on Jan. 9 (press
release 8).
' For an excerpt from the state of the Union message,
see p. 110.
JANXTARY 27, 1964
123
problems, stemming from the nature of your
vocation, you have an interest, as responsible
Americans, in improving our national life and
in creating a global environment in which it can
flourish.
It is with regard to this last point that I
would like to make some comments tonight.
The four issues that I have mentioned have
traditionally been thought of as domestic issues,
as indeed they are. But they also deeply affect
our foreign policy. They are profoundly re-
lated to our ability as a nation to lead the 2
billion people of the free world — a leadership
which we must provide to assure our own
security.
The End of Colonialism
Consider first the question of civil rights.
We live in a multiracial country. It is our job
to make our multiracial society work if we are
not to mock deeply held principles — the great
commitments that we have proclaimed to man-
kind since the birth of our nation.
But we also live in a multiracial world — a
world in which less than one-quarter of the
population is white. A large part of the non-
white population has only recently gained self-
governing status, thus ending an epoch in which
a handful of industrial countries— mainly Eu-
ropean — controlled much of Asia and most of
Africa. The new nations that have now been
created contain a billion people.
Colonialism, from which these billion people
have now emerged, was by no means an inven-
tion of the modern age but is as old as recorded
history. Colonialism was not by any means
uniform in its application. Some colonial ad-
ministrations, in all periods of history, were
marked by cruelty, oppression, and exploitation.
In other cases there was a significant degree of
generosity not untouched with idealism. In the
language of my topic this evening, many col-
onies never paid off for their rulers in terms of
"profitable growth."
But the essence of the colonial system con-
sisted of a group that ruled and a group that
was ruled. In its worst manifestations this was
the bleak relationship of master and slave; in
oilier cases, of first- and second-class citizens.
This transition of a billion people from co-
lonial status to independence and equality has
occurred within less than two decades since the
Second World War. Colonialism as an arrange-
ment by which a metropolitan power could rule
a territory for its own advantage is giving way
to progress. In all the less developed areas of
the free world nationalism is the order of the
day. The principal areas in which colonialism
and colonial exploitation can still be seen in
brutal manifestations lie behind the Iron and
Bamboo Curtains, and these, also, are threat-
ened by the inexorable march of the new order.
The end of colonialism means more than the
achievement of independence by the former co-
lonial subjects. The principle which underlay
most colonial arrangements was the arrogant as-
sumption of the "white man's burden," an atti-
tude which for generations misled the governors
and offended the governed. But now the notion
of white supremacy is nearing its final days in
international relations. And it is essential that
the last vestiges of that discredited doctrine be
eradicated from our domestic affairs, that it be
purged completely from our American way of
life.
Civil Rights and Foreign Policy
Its lingering evidences cost us dearly.
Those of us who live with the everyday busi-
ness of foreign policy are made constantly aware
of the heavy handicaps we Americans impose on
ourselves because we have not yet eliminated
racial injustice from our own land. The pic-
tures of dogs and firehoses, the visual symbols of
man's inhumanity, have done lamentable dam-
age to our standing in many parts of the world.
But we would pay a far heavier cost in pres-
tige and influence did the other nations of the
world not believe that our Government and our
people are actively working to remove this can-
cer of injustice — that the events that produce the
dogs and firehoses are, in fact, marks of prog-
ress. Most of those who observe us from abroad
continue to have faith not merely in our inten-
tions but also in the ultimate success of our ef-
fort. They take much of their inspiration from
the great documents of our history : the Decla-
ration of Independence, the Constitution with
124
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
its Bill of Rights, the utterances of Jefferson,
Lincoln, Wood row Wilson, Franklin 1). Roose-
velt, John F. Kennedy, and other great Presi-
dents. They have high expectations that we as
a nation will live up to the principles we have so
eloquently affirmed. Enactment of the civil
rights legislation now before Congress will help
make clear to all the world that the United
States means what it says and that we practice
at home what we preach abroad.
The Relief of Poverty
Associated with the problem of racial injus-
tice is the problem of relieving poverty.
We Americans lead a full life — on the whole
a good life. In the main we do have an afflu-
ent society. But our economic complexion is
marred by pockmarks of poverty. Many Amer-
icans find this hard to believe because they don't
see much poverty around them. I recall Presi-
dent Kennedy's mentioning to me his experience
in the West Virginia primary in 1960 — how
shocked he had been by some of the poverty he
saw there. In his years in public life he had not
only campaigned intensively in his home State
but had visited many other States. He had
seen city slums. But he was unprepared for
the misery he found in the depressed areas of
West Virginia.
I suspect a good many of us in this room
would be surprised and shocked if we took a
really close look at some of the slums and de-
pressed areas in our own home States. And let
us remember that poverty anywhere in our own
country impoverishes all of us — whether or not
it directly affects our own personal way of life.
Economic Growth and Foreign Policy
But to remove poverty — to declare "all-out
war" upon it, as President Johnson said yester-
day — it is not enough to deal with special local
conditions. We must achieve a climate of over-
all economic progress that will keep the growth
curve of our economy moving steadily upward.
To merchants like yourselves, the business cycle
is not just an aggregation of statistics. Each
of you, in the past, has seen and felt the conse-
quences of a downward trend in our national
economic activity. You have measured it in
lost sales, lost markets, lost opportunities, the
resulting squeeze on your profits and the need
to reduce staff. Equally, yon know thai the
consumer purchasing power flowing Erom a
vigorous upsweep in our economy can be trans
luted by astute merchants into rising Bales fig-
ures and heart-warming profit statement -.
Economic growth for America is not merely
a domestic need. Severe cyclical recessions in
our great country beat on the shores of all the
world. Even where the direct impact is small.
the psychological shock can be very great.
Throughout the world we are seen as the
owners and operators of the preeminent eco-
nomic system organized on the principles of
private enterprise. Any faltering in our econ-
omy is viewed as a reflection on those principles.
The most urgent piece of business to keep our
economy health}' is prompt passage of the tax
bill now pending in Congress.
Expanding Educational Opportunities
In the field of education, too, it is important
to achieve steady growth, not just to afford
greater opportunities for self-improvement to
individual Americans but also to live up to
the high expectations that others have of us.
Our ideal of universal education, a goal that
in some quarters is now approaching the ideal
of universal higher education, has spread
throughout other lands.
What we invest now in education will pro-
foundly shape our national future — both at
home and in the world. As Walter Lippmann
put it, "As we fail to educate adequately one
generation of school children, the evil results
of this failure do not appear fully until these
children grow up and become the uneducated
parents of a still less educated generation."
Most of the new countries that have been
born in this turbulent postwar period have vast
educational needs — for professional men and
administrators, for a wide range of technical
skills, and for basic literacy. These newly in-
dependent people recall Thomas Jefferson's
advice: "Liberty and learning — each must lean
on the other for their mutual and surest sup-
port." In practical t ernis t hey know, as we have
learned before them, that an educated popula-
JANUART 2 7, 1964
717-789 — 64 3
125
tion is the surest foundation for economic
growth and political freedom.
The Economic Morass in Red China
Other nations as well as our own are seeking
economic growth- — including countries that do
not have freedom.
In Bed China, for example, the "great leap
forward" ended in a great stumble backward.
The recent New Year's editorial in the Peiping
People's Daily was a sober document — in
marked contrast to the exuberant boasting of
prior years. Recovery from the "great leap"
has not been swift. A high percentage of Chi-
nese industry remains inoperative, and the food
problem is, as always, a nightmare. Agricul-
tural output is now at about the 1957 level,
although the population has grown by 50-70
million people. The purchases of grain and
other foodstuffs required by these somber facts
currently sop up one-half of available foreign
exchange.
Disenchantment has set in and, with it, pas-
sivity, apathy, and withdrawal. Certainly this
does not lead to the dynamic economy needed
for economic growth in our age.
The economic morass in Red China contrasts
vividly with the situation on Taiwan, where
under the leadership of the Chinese Republican
Government a striking growth rate of 7 per-
cent per annum has been sustained for the past
10 years.
Economic Growth and the Soviet Union
At the moment, also, the Soviet Union is suf-
fering what we Americans would call a reces-
sion. The Russians have experienced a succes-
sion of bad harvests culminating in a disastrous
one this year. Their rate of economic growth
overall has steadily sagged since 1958 to the
point where, in the last 2 years, it has averaged
less than 2.5 percent annually. In absolute
terms the gap between our output and that of
the Soviet Union has grown wider; in the past
12 years the excess of our gross product over
that of Soviet Russia has risen from $245 bil-
lion to $290 billion — a gain of 19 percent. Even
if the U.S.S.R. were to double its output in the
next decade — which it cannot do — its produc-
tion in 1972 would still be less than ours in 1962.
Much of the Soviet growth over the past three
decades was the result of shortcuts borrowed
from technological skills developed in leading
nations of the free world, and without question
Russia has built a complex modern economy.
But now it has exhausted much of the advantage
it can gain in this manner.
The troubles of the Soviet experience today
pose questions that go to the heart of the ideolog-
ical argument. Can a complex modern econ-
omy be effectively operated under the restrain-
ing hand of Communist doctrine — a system
without a market mechanism, a system that, in
other words, lacks competitive pricing and the
related automatic compensatory processes
which provide an efficient means of allocating
resources correctly and swiftly ? Today in the
Soviet Union the problems of managing a cen-
trally planned economy appear to be piling up,
and even the new tools of the planners and
managers — computer technology, linear pro-
graming, and input-output analysis — may not
prove adequate to solve them.
The Soviet leaders are urgently debating
these problems. During the past 5 years they
have shifted their emphasis from centraliza-
tion to decentralization and back again to a
centralized control. The hard decision they are
facing today may well present itself in these
terms : Should they move farther in the direc-
tion of some kind of market economy with all
of the ideological compromise which that im-
plies, or strive still harder to achieve produc-
tivity through even more elaborate and com-
prehensive planning and controls?
Expansion of Trade
But the misfortunes of the Communist nations
are no excuse for smugness on our part. Our
task is to make sure that our own system works
even more effectively. Then, by contrast, the
deficiencies of the Communist system will be-
come even plainer to people everywhere, includ-
ing those who presently are ruled by the
Communists.
There are, of course, many reasons why we
must move toward a full use of our resources.
I shall not list all of them tonight.
Certainly our ability to put our resources to
full use will profoundly affect our position in
126
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
world affairs. It will determine whether we
can continue to assure our own security while
still providing amply for the well-being of the
American people. It will determine the extent
to which we can assist the less favored nations
of the world to move toward economic and po-
litical independence as an essential step in the
creation of a more stable world.
In addition it will add a new dimension of
flexibility to our own economic life. It will en-
able us to make the structural adjustments at
home that are required of a dynamic economy —
adjustments of our production to changing con-
sumer demand, to the new technology, to auto-
mation, and to substantial shifts in trading pat-
terns with our world trading partners.
This last point is, I think, of special impor-
tance at the present time. We shall begin late
in the spring with an unprecedented trade nego-
tiation, looking toward the substantial expan-
sion of United States trade with Europe and
the rest of the world. "We need this negotiation
to open new markets for our products and to
protect existing markets. As a nation which
exports substantially more than it imports, we
have a substantial interest in the expansion of
world trade. I can make this statement to you
knowing that you will regard it with under-
standing, for I have been long aware of the
forthright and constructive stand which the Re-
tail Merchants Association has consistently
taken in support of reciprocal trade negotia-
tions.
You have recognized with great perception a
fact too often overlooked — that a people profit
by imports as well as exports and that free men
should be able to buy the best and cheapest
goods that are available anywhere. The more
the great trading nations come to accept this
simple proposition, the more efficiently will the
world be able to utilize the rich resources which
are everyone's heritage.
Techniques of American Merchandising
One of the arts which we Americans have
carried to the highest point of development is
the art of buying, selling, and distributing
goods — the art your fraternity of retail mer-
chants has developed to such a high point.
Your techniques of distribution have contribu-
ted greatly to the richness of our economic lift'.
They are, in fact, the envy of the world.
Those techniques invariably fascinate the
peoples of the Iron Curtain countries, where
merchandising still smacks of an earlier century.
It is no accident that the American supermarket
is a spectacular attraction at every trade fair
where American exhibits have been shown with-
in the bloc. For, after all, the slogan "From
each according to his ability, to each according
to his need" is no great help in an economy of
relative scarcity.
American retail merchandising also has
much to offer the less developed countries, where
modern life as we would define it is character-
istically confined to a few cities. I think it can
be said that many of the less developed nations
of the world are most backward precisely in the
field in which you are most skilled — the theory
and the practice of buying and selling.
One hard task these countries face is to make
their rural areas part of their national life, not
merely by improving the level of agricultural
output but by using modern distribution tech-
niques to incorporate those areas in the national
economy. The dimensions of this task are sug-
gested by the results of a recent survey in one
less developed country. There it was found that
90 percent of the goods sold to consumers are
bought by the 39 percent of the population that
live in towns and cities, while the 61 percent w r ho
live in the coimtryside buy only 10 percent of the
available consumer goods. The implicai ions of
these statistics for the health of the economy as
a whole are obvious.
This is a problem that has been seen before in
other countries — including our own. It is only
since the 1930's that substantial sections of the
United States have become actively partici-
pating parts of our total economy. The impact
of rapid industrialization — to a large extent re-
sulting from the manufacturing requirements of
World War II — coupled with modern tech-
niques of distribution, including national adver-
tising, multioutlet selling and diversification,
has produced a revolution in the economic life
of many parts of our country, especially the
South. This transformation, occurring in the
context of rapid economic growth in a free-
enterprise economy, is one that many nations
JANUARY 27, 1964
127
hope to emulate, and it is experts like yourselves
who can help them.
Building a Peaceful World
I return, therefore, to the central theme of my
observations to you this evening. It is that what
we do in this country, how we conduct our in-
ternal affairs, how effectively we apply our ener-
gies and resources to the building of a strong and
proud America — all of these things are basic to
our position in the world. It is a fatuous vocab-
ulary that distinguishes foreign policy from our
domestic affairs.
We Americans have much to be proud of. We
were given a land bountifully endowed, and we
have over the generations of our national life
employed those endowments to good ends. But
the tasks that lie ahead are very great, and the
hazards of this nuclear age are always with us.
Thus we face more than ever the imperative to
build solidly at home so that we may play our
proper role in the building of a peaceful world.
President Appoints Committee
To Review Foreign Aid Programs
Statement by President Johnson
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 26
I have appointed an interdepartmental com-
mittee to make an intensive review of our pro-
grams of foreign economic and military assist-
ance and means of strengthening them. I have
asked the committee to report its recommen-
dations to me by January 15th. The committee
is under instructions to approach the problem
of foreign aid with fresh minds not bound by
precedent or by existing procedures or arrange-
ments. I have asked members of the commit-
tee to give serious study to the following
approaches :
(1) They should seek all possible ways to
simplify procedures and to render the admin-
istration of foreign assistance as speedily and
as effectively as possible.
(2) They should consider steps to enlist in
our foreign assistance efforts, to a much greater
extent, the energy, initiative, and resources of
private business, labor organizations, coopera-
tives, universities, cities and States, and other
non- Federal institutions.
(3) They should examine ways of encourag-
ing more self-help on the part of recipient
countries.
(4) They should consider means of persuad-
ing other developed countries to increase aid to
underdeveloped countries, both bilaterally and
through international machinery.
(5) They should seek all possible means to
achieve economies and efficiencies in the admin-
istration of our aid program and to reduce to
a practical minimum the number of personnel
employed in those programs at home and
abroad.
(6) They should give most serious considera-
tion to the suggestions made by the Senate For-
eign Eelations Committee for the improvement
of foreign assistance.
(7) They should recommend the arrange-
ments by which the Assistant Secretary of State
for Inter- American Affairs will give policy di-
rection to the Alliance for Progress.
My action in appointing this committee, far
from reflecting any lack of conviction in the
necessity for foreign assistance, demonstrates
my strong determination that those programs
be so administered as to yield the greatest bene-
fit to our country and to the free world.
This nation has now been engaged in peace-
time programs of economic and military assist-
ance for 16 years, since President Truman's
decision in 1947 to aid Greece and Turkey.
Over the years these efforts have yielded enor-
mous dividends to the United States and other
free nations. In that period we have several
times changed our methods of administering
foreign assistance. This is only natural, for
two reasons. First, history holds no precedent
for such a large national undertaking as the
United States foreign assistance program : Its
administrators have had few examples or ex-
periences to guide them. Second, the condi-
tions and the needs for such assistance are sub-
ject to rapid change. Since 1947 our European
allies have achieved prosperity, and many of
them are now conducting substantial foreign
assistance programs. Since the war, 48 coun-
tries have achieved independence, each with its
128
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
own set of problems and needs. We have over
the years altered earlier programs and insti-
tuted new ones. The Alliance for Progress is a
major example of a new initiative to meet spe-
cial needs. It is the mandate of this new com-
mittee to examine recent changes, to anticipate
the needs and demands of the future, and to
recommend measures and methods that will
assure the most efficient and most effective use
of all our foreign assistance resources.
The committee will consist of the Under Sec-
retary of State George W. Ball, the Adminis-
trator of the Agency for International Devel-
opment David E. Bell, the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget Kermit Gordon, the As-
sistant Secretary of Defense for International
Security Affairs "William P. Bundy, the Assist-
ant Secretary [of the Treasury] for Interna-
tional Affairs John C. Bullitt, and the Special
Assistant to the President Ralph Dungan.
The Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs Thomas C. Mann will serve
as a member of the committee with respect to
all matters affecting the Alliance for Progress.
I have asked Under Secretary Ball to serve as
chairman.
President Disapproves Legislation
on Import Marking Requirements
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 31
Memorandum of Disapproval
I am withholding my approval from H.R.
2513, a bill to require, with respect to every im-
ported article removed from its container and
repackaged, that the new package be marked
with the name of the country of origin if, under
present law, the original container must be so
marked, with failure to do so subjecting the
repackager — regardless of whether he is the im-
porter, the distributor, the retailer or any other
handler of the merchandise — to fine, imprison-
ment, and seizure and forfeiture of the article.
Such a bill was vetoed by President Eisenhower
in I960. 1 A second provision of the bill would
require that all sawed lumber and wood prod-
ucts be marked with the country of origin, a
provision which specifically violates our long
standing trade agreement with Canada.
This bill would raise new barriers to foreign
trade and invite retaliation against our exports
at a time when we are trying to expand our
trade and improve Western unity.
This bill would impose new costs upon our
merchants and consumers at a time when we are
trying to keep all costs and prices down.
This bill would saddle new and unworkable
burdens upon our Bureau of Customs at a time
when we are trying to reduce Government ex-
penditures.
This bill would encourage new price increases
in lumber and home-building at a time when
we are trying to expand our housing oppor-
tunities.
This bill would aggravate our relations with
Canada at a time when we are trying to improve
those relations at every level.
There is no need for this bill. The Federal
Trade Commission already has authority to re-
quire disclosure of the foreign origin of articles
offered for sale where there may be danger of
deception of the purchaser. The Federal Tariff
Commission already has authority to protect
domestic industries against serious economic in-
jury resulting from imports. A unanimous
Commission decision last February, in fact,
found that the facts did not entitle the soft wood
lumber industry to such protection.
Approval of this bill, in short, is clearly not
in the best interests of all the United States.
Lyndon B. Johnson
The White House
December 31, 1963
1 For text of a memorandum of disapproval of Sept.
6, 1960, see Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 500.
JANUARY 27, 1964
129
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Accomplishments of 18th Session of U.N. General Assembly
Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly *
This is the third year in a row that I have
had the pleasure of meeting with you ladies and
gentlemen of the United Nations press corps
to discuss the work of the General Assembly.
There is no need to tell you again how much
store we set by the United Nations. President
Johnson made that clear yesterday both in what
he said 2 and equally in what he did — the fact
that he thought it important to come here and
meet personally with the delegates to the Gen-
eral Assembly. I think we should underline
here the President's declaration :
The United States wants to see the cold war end ;
we want to see it end once and for all.
We have seen very clearly in this Assembly
how much can be accomplished when there is
even a small rise in the political temperature.
The declaration against placing nuclear
weapons in orbit ; 3 the declaration of the legal
principles in the use of outer space; 4 the sharp
reduction in cold-war polemics — all these are
welcome progress, welcome steps on that long
road called general and complete disarmament
which can only be traversed one step at a time.
In this respect, the 18th session is well de-
scribed as a transitional session — part of a
1 Made at a press conference at U.N. headquarters
on Dec. 18 (U.S. delegation press release 4349) at the
close of the 18th session. A question-and-answer
period followed Ambassador Stevenson's statement.
* For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1964, p. 2.
' Ibid., Nov. 11, 1963, p. 753.
' Ibid., Dec. 30, 1963, p. 1012.
worldwide shift from arguing about peace in
the abstract to building the machinery of peace
in a very practical organization called the
United Nations. If we are in a time of transi-
tion, let us hope it is transition to a world of
diversity in which no nation or bloc thinks of
itself as presently or potentially in charge of the
world. Certainly the tightest bloc, which we
have called the monolithic Communist world, is
full of cracks, and diversity is no longer a mo-
nopoly of any region or grouping. A world
more safe for diversity is not yet a world more
safe with diversity.
There are dangers, of course, when any big
iceberg begins to crack. The fissures in the
Communist world have caused the aggressive,
lone-wolf foreign policy of Communist China
to stand out as both more obvious and more
threatening to the rest of the world.
Easing of Cold-War Dangers
All in all, this Assembly has both reflected
and contributed to the easing of cold-war dan-
gers which started with President Kennedy's
speech at American University last June 6 and
the coming into force of the limited nuclear test
ban treaty this autumn. 6
Now, as the disarmament negotiators go back
to their tasks in Geneva next month, 7 coopera-
' Ibid., July 1, 1963, p. 2.
" For background, see ibid., Oct. 28, 1963, p. 658.
7 See p. 119.
130
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
tion comes in for a now lost. They will talk
of technical problems like static observation
posts and nuclear production controls, but the
big question is wholly nontechnical: It is
whether each military power is willing enough
and bold enough and imaginative enough to
find agreed ways of slowing the arms race to a
halt and building simultaneously the interna-
tional peacekeeping machinery which will per-
mit the first steps toward practical arms control
and reduction.
Colonial and Racial Issues
The Assembly's record on colonial and racial
questions is a paradoxical mixture of strong,
sometimes unfair and provocative words and,
for the most part, sober actions. We hope that
the Kepublic of South Africa takes careful note
of the unanimity and force of world opinion. 8
Policies of government-sponsored racial dis-
crimination are contrary to the charter and
the universal elementary principles of freedom.
There is still a sincere desire in the United
Nations membership to make the inevitable
change peaceful, but the other side of the coin
is that the maintenance of peace requires will-
ingness to change.
On the Portuguese territories, a resolution
of the Security Council 9 has asked the Secre-
tary-General to continue efforts to get the Por-
tuguese and interested African states to work
through negotiations toward self-determination
for the Portuguese territories in Africa.
The United Nations' biggest contribution on
any really difficult issue is to start a process of
quiet diplomacy looking toward a solution, and
not merely to raise the dust of mutual
recrimination. It is certainly not too late to
talk, as some would contend, about the growing
political conflict in the southern third of Africa.
It is also not too early for positive action to
move toward equality of rights and equality of
treatment, in Africa and elsewhere.
The Africans who feel strongly about their
grievances have not followed hot words with
irresponsible action. The intemperate scenes
"For text of a statement regarding apartheid in
South Africa made by Ambassador Stevenson in the
Security Council on Dec. 4, see Bulletin of Jan. 20,
1964, p. 92.
• Ibid., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 309.
and walkouts which characterized some United
Nations conferences last summer have not been
repeated in this Assembly. The good sen <•,
restraint, and orderly procedure which they
have evidenced here is a favorable augury for
the future handling of these difficult colonial
and racial issues, which will continue to occupy
an important place on the United Nations ac-
tion agenda.
Peacekeeping Activities
Support for United Nations peacekeeping
activities was reaffirmed when the Assembly
overwhelmingly endorsed a 6 months' extension
of the United Nations Operation in the Congo
and a year's financing on an equitable basis of
the United Nations Emergency Force in the
Middle East.
The United Nations is helping maintain the
peace in Yemen, in Kashmir, in Korea, and
throughout the Middle East under continuing
Security Council and General Assembly man-
dates. Thus in a practical way experience is
being gained and procedures are being devel-
oped that can be used in restoring and maintain-
ing peace in future security crises in other parts
of the world.
But the steady development of the United
Nations peacekeeping capacities requires a solu-
tion to familiar problems — the payments past
due from some members, and arrangements for
financing future peace and security operations.
The United Nations peacekeeping capacities —
indeed its future as an action agency — are
threatened by the refusal of the Soviet Union
and some other countries to pay their assessed
share of legally constituted operations.
The law on this subject is clear. The Inter-
national Court of Justice has ruled, and the
General Assembly has accepted the ruling, that
members have charter obligations to pay their
assessments for peacekeeping as well as for the
regular budget. 10 The proper solution is for the
Soviet Union and other debtors to pay up.
This is what we would like to see happen. If it
does not, if the delinquent countries insist on
challenging the charter, it would be a grievous
"Ibid., July 2, 1962, p. 30; Aug. 13, 1962, p. 246; Jan.
7, 1963, p. 30.
JANUARY 27, 1964
131
blow to this organization because it would erode
the support of some large and loyal contributors
to its growth. We believe that if the other
members want to preserve the organization they
must preserve its charter.
So I want to say once more on behalf of the
United States that we regard financial support
of the United Nations peacekeeping operations
as an essential obligation of the member states.
And I think I have already made it plain that
I feel just as strongly about the United States of
America's own financial contributions to the
United Nations.
Trade and Development
Coming up over the horizon is a series of
issues in the field of trade and development.
As the President said yesterday, one of our
urgent tasks is "the steady improvement of col-
lective machinery for helping the less developed
nations build modern societies." This means
the streamlining of technical assistance and pre-
investment work at United Nations headquar-
ters and the strengthening of the resident repre-
sentatives of the United Nations in many
countries, to enable the United Nations family
of nation-building agencies to act more like a
family.
Strengthening the United Nations in the
development field is urgent because of the dan-
ger of rising tensions between poor countries
and rich countries — and the possibility that
these tensions could merge with racial tensions
that sometimes divide the world along similar
lines. The rich and the poor could work more
effectively together, and as the United Nations
itself is effectively organized for this purpose,
it can be enormously helpful to both by pro-
viding a political framework for mutual
assistance.
Question of Improving Representation
We are glad that the 18th General Assembly
began to get down to cases on the enlargement
of the Security Council and the Economic and
Social Council, to achieve better representation
for member states that did not exist when the
original agreements were made on the distribu-
tion of seals.
The United States abstained on the final vote
because, for a permanent member of the Security
Council, this is an especially serious business
that requires full consultation through our own
constitutional processes between the executive
and legislative branches of our Government.
But we would like to see something worked out
on this and regret the rigidity which still char-
acterizes the voting of our Soviet friends in this
matter. If you ask me whether they are using
the Chinese Communists to conceal their own
attitude, I cannot answer.
Failures of the Membership
Now before anyone accuses me of radiating
only sweetness and light — to which no U.N. am-
bassador should plead guilty — I want to point
out that the spirit of detente I noted earlier was
not present in every area of the Assembly's
work — particularly in the Third [Social, Hu-
manitarian and Cultural] and Sixth [Legal]
Committees.
There the cold war did not thaw as much as
elsewhere.
I need hardly say that this 18th session of the
General Assembly was not an unqualified suc-
cess in other ways too. It did not, for example,
see the end of the Russian veto — indeed it saw
one more added to make a total of 101 in the
Security Council ; 21 it still saw some abuse of
the principles of free and open debate; it still
saw a tendency, although less than in previous
sessions, to introduce unrealistic resolutions that
have little chance of implementation; and it
still saw needless inscription of items on an al-
ready overburdened agenda.
But, let me emphasize, these are not failures
of the organization as such. They are failures
of the membership.
Certainly the Secretary-General and his staff
deserve our thanks and admiration for the
splendid manner in which they have carried on
their work. And here, too, let me say a word
about the splendid performance of the President
of the Assembly, Dr. Carlos Sosa-Rodriguez.
This was an orderly, well-run session, and it
marked a still further improvement in the gen-
eral status and accomplishment of the Assem-
bly, which can only enhance respect for the
organization. It was, I think, one of the least
u Ibid., Sept. 30, 1963, p. 520.
182
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
contentious sessions in recent United Nations
history. Much of this is due to Dr. Sosa-
Bodriguez, and he deserves and has our con-
gratulations and thanks.
Perhaps the ISth session will not go down as
one in which miracles were worked, hut I believe
it may well he remembered as the session that
proved that great and small powers do have the
ability to look in the same direction and to
labor together for the benefit of all. We must
remember that the history of the United Na-
tions consists largely of problems, pitfalls, and
progress. As we have had occasion to say, the
U.N. was built for trouble and thrives on it.
This fact, plus the improved disposition of
our Communist friends to cooperate and to use
the U.N. machinery instead of abusing it, en-
courages our hope that the prophets of doom
and gloom will again be proven wrong, together
with the derisive critics of the U.N. who usually
see it ;is either dangerously effective or innocu-
ously ineffect ive.
And now before we part I would like to ex-
press my warmest compliments to all of you
here today for your conscientious and distin-
guished efforts to keep the world informed
about what is happening behind the draperies
of this house of glass. Let me assure you 1 do
not compliment you with any hopes that you
will make your cross-examination any easier.
But I want to emphasize my high regard and
appreciation of the day-in-day-out excellence
of your coverage.
Yesterday someone wished me a Merry Christ-
mas and a Happy New Year. Let me wish
all of you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New
Year. May you have safe journeys back to your
homes wherever they may be. While our world
is not yet one, it is surely unique and precious
to us all alike.
Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations
and Cooperation Among States: International Law and Nonintervention
Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton
UjS. Representative to the General Assembly 1
The delegation of the United States will
address itself today to the third of the four
principles under study : 2 nonintervention in
matters within the domestic jurisdiction of any
state, in accordance with the charter. Certain
basic assumptions underlie the approach of the
United States delegation to an analysis of this
legal principle.
It should initially be noted that intervention
by states is to be distinguished from interven-
tion by the United Nations. The United Na-
'.Made in Committee VI (Legal) on Dec. 3 (U.S.
delegation press release 4324) .
' For U.S. statements on the threat or use of force
and on the peaceful settlement of disputes, see Bul-
letin of Dec. 23, 1963, p. 973, and Jan. 13, 1964, p. 57.
tions is not a sovereign state, or, in the words
of the International Court of Justice, not " 'a
super-State', whatever that expression may
mean." 3 Its functions are performed with a
view to the establishment and maintenance of
international peace, security, and justice. The
actions of the organization assume significance
in the light of their purposes; they cannot be
judged on the same basis as those of states.
With regard to intervention by the United Na-
tions, article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter
articulates the limitation on the organization's
actions. That paragraph does not, by its own
terms, regulate the actions of states; other pro-
* Reparation for injuries suffered in the service of
the United Nations. I.C.J. Reports, 1949, p. 179.
JANUARY 27, 1904
133
visions of the charter, notably article 2, para-
graph 4, encompass intervention by states. Ac-
cordingly, while the United States delegation
will discuss intervention by both states and the
United Nations, it will do so separately. It will
endeavor, in its presentation, to remain mind-
ful of the differences, as well as the similarities,
in the legal regime governing intervention by
states and by the United Nations.
I observed a moment ago that intervention by
states is encompassed by article 2, paragraph
4, and that intervention by the United Nations
is regulated by paragraph 7 of that article.
Neither provision can be read in isolation ; both
must be considered in the context of related
charter provisions. To illustrate — in no sense
exhaustively — intervention by the United Na-
tions raises issues not only under article 2, para-
graph 7, but also under provisions of the char-
ter establishing the competence of United
Nations organs. Similarly, intervention by
states raises issues not only under article 2,
paragraph 4, of the charter; other provisions,
such as the duty of states to settle their disputes
by peaceful means, are also relevant. Other
illustrations will be offered later in this state-
ment.
Finally, we must recognize that what is in-
volved in the articulation of the concept of "in-
tervention in domestic affairs" is to a consider-
able extent a question of balance and degree.
We cannot insulate states from each other or
the United Nations — nor should we wish to do
so.
In the case of the United Nations, whether
it be a binding decision of the Security Council,
pursuant to article 25, or a recommendation by
another organ of the United Nations, such as
the General Assembly, with moral force but
without a legally binding character, the actions
of the United Nations often have domestic con-
sequences for members.
Similarly, in conditions of world interde-
pendence which exist today, many actions of
states have consequences in other states. To
deny this interrelationship would be to turn our
backs on the nature of the international com-
munity which began to emerge even before the
San Francisco Conference and which has ma-
tured and developed within the framework of
the charter. To attempt to prohibit all state
acts whose consequences touch the domestic life
of other states would be a practical impossi-
bility. Many such activities have tradition-
ally been recognized as those which states are
entitled to pursue.
Accordingly, our task is not to prohibit all
actions by the United Nations or individual
states which may have consequences within the
territory of member states. Our task is rather
to illuminate which of such actions are permis-
sible and even desirable in recognition of the
interdependence of states in the modern world
and which of such actions represent impermis-
sible intervention in the domestic affairs of
states.
Developments in Concept of Nonintervention
Today when one approaches the question of
intervention by states in matters within the do-
mestic jurisdiction of other states, he is at once
impressed with the extent to which classical
conceptions have been altered. Before this cen-
tury there was little restraint upon the employ-
ment of military force to accomplish national
objectives.
In the 19th century the practice of the Con-
cert of Europe was evolved in a context far
different from that in which today's interstate
relations are worked out. By the Protocol of
Troppau in 1820 the members of the Great
Alliance bound themselves to exclude from the
European alliance those states which had under-
gone a change of government by a revolution
the results of which were deemed by them to
threaten other states. If the states parties to
the protocol considered that there existed an
immediate danger to other states, they under-
took, and I quote, "by peaceful means, or if
need be by arms, to bring the guilty state into
the bosom of the Great Alliance."
The interventions in the 19th century in
the name of humanitarian considerations — in
Greece in 1827, in Poland in 1860 — are seen in
the perspective of history as reflecting not only
humanitarian but political objectives.
It would not be accurate, however, to infer
that contemporary international law concern-
ing nonintervention by states sprang into being
with the adoption of the Charter of the United
134
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Nations. The charter was the culmination and
articulation of a process of development of
international law during the l'.Mh century and
the first half of the 20th. This process well
illustrates the dynamic character of interna-
tional law. New rules were established, and
old claims to the use of national power were
abandoned, in response to the changing char-
acter of the world and international society.
In the Western Hemisphere this process may
be discerned in a series of landmarks. They
have been discussed already in the distinguished
statements of our Latin American colleagues,
whose interest in this field is generally recog-
nized. More recently the states of the Western
Hemisphere joined together in the prohibition
of intervention in notable treaties which have
been amply referred to in earlier statements.
Accordingly, I shall not dwell on their pro-
visions.
The development of international law relat-
ing to nonintervention was also carried forward
on a global scale, though with less thrust than
characterized the effort of the Western Hemi-
sphere.
What is the present state of the law of non-
intervention by states to which this historical
development, so thinly sketched, has led?
Of fundamental importance is the fact that
the classical conception of intervention involved
dictatorial interference; that is, it involved
measures of compulsion. The use of force, or
the threat to use it, was a principal element in
the classical conception of intervention. Under
the charter much of the classic conception of
intervention has accordingly been absorbed by
the prohibition of the threat or use of force
against the political independence and terri-
torial integrity of states, and by the organs
whose purpose it is to insure that that obligation
is fulfilled. The fact that the principal aspect
of intervention by states in the past is the sub-
ject of charter regulation today does not, how-
ever, divest our study of utility or difficulty.
On the contrary, it requires the greater per-
ception on our part, since intervention may be
pursued in more subtle modes designed to escape
the charter's prohibition.
Over the years there has been much debate
as to what constitutes intervention contrary to
the pn>\ isionsof the charter. Many dcl'mii
bave been proposed, bul none bas received uni-
versal or even general acceptance, Rather than
make any further attempts at formulating a
del in it ion at this t imc, I suggest that we consider
different elements and aspects of the principle
of nonintervention.
The first of these relates to the nature of the
act which is asserted to constitute intervention.
Is that act generally recognized as possessing
an international character for the purposes of
the doctrine of nonintervention? As I have
already suggested, many acts by states have
consequences in the internal affairs of other
states. These acts cannot, merely by virtue of
this consequential relationship, be considered
intervention.
The economic policies of states, for instance,
in such forms as tariffs, taxes on international
transactions, the fixing of prices at artificial
levels, the establishment of import and export
limitations, and even policies regarding immi-
gration, necessarily affect the internal economy
of other states. But such actions are generally
recognized as lying within the discretion of the
state taking them, unless that state has volun-
tarily accorded an international character to
them by the conclusion of a treaty, or unless
those policies fall within the area in which cus-
tomary international law has recognized the
obligation of states to protect the persons or
property of foreign nationals.
A second aspect worthy of closer analysis re-
lates to the interest which the complainant state
asserts to have been injured. Is that interest
an exclusively domestic one? Or has it ac-
quired an international character? Matters
lying within the domestic jurisdiction of states
are, as we all know, continually being reduced in
number as the growth of customary interna-
tional law and international agreements adds
to the network of international rights and
duties. International law, for instance, has
long recognized the right of states to take meas-
ures permitted by international law to protect
their nationals and their property in foreign
states. Other examples would not be difficult
to find.
A third aspect relates to the mode of inter-
vention. Is the means by which one state has
135
acted to produce a certain effect within another
stale appropriate to the particular problem?
For instance, international practice recognizes
many areas where appropriate communications
on the diplomatic level may be exchanged re-
garding subjects which could not properly be
dealt with by the threat or use of force. The
legitimate functions of consuls customarily and
properly take them into matters internal to the
receiving state.
As previously suggested, the classical concep-
tion of intervention involved, to a predominant
extent, the presence of the threat or use of force,
though "i her measures of compulsion were also
comprehended. It is a regrettable fact of con-
temporary international life that clandestine
activities are not infrequently carried on by one
state within the territory of other states for the
purpose of overthrowing existing governments,
or even of radically altering the, political and
economic structure of those states. Such ac-
tivities generally involve open and concealed
affiliations with domestic political movements,
which are encouraged, if not financed, by the
intervening state. This kind of intervention,
is. indeed, in certain quarters glorified as a
means of world domination. No sophisticated
observer can fail to see, and no candid spokes-
man can refuse to acknowledge, that this prac-
i ice constitutes one of the major forms of illegal
intervention by which the political independ-
ence of states is violated.
Now, Mr. ( 'hairman, these factors, and others
which could be suggested, must be considered
by states in evaluating their own actions and the.
actions of other states which affect them. But
it would he a misconception to assume thai they
■ their major purpose in guiding (he de-
cisioi lies alone. For iii modern inter-
national society, intervention is not a matter
simply of unilateral slate response, except to
i he 1 1 in i led extenl necessary to deal with an ur-
gent and immediate danger. It is within the
mi of collective security embodied in the
1 liarter that we must determine
-ns that intervention has oc-
d are v. irranted. li is pursuant to the
''!' ! " I' he taken to deal with
fence has been e: lab
Intervention may well entail a situation the
continuance of which is likely to endanger the
maintenance of international peace and security.
It accordingly may be within the competence of
the Security Council. Intervention even more
surely involves a situation likely to impair the
general welfare or friendly relations among
nations, with which the General Assembly may
deal under article 14. Intervention may also
be the subject of action by regional organiza-
tions within the terms of reference established
by their own constituent instruments and by
chapter VIII of the charter.
The obligation of a state which considers that
it has been the victim of an act of intervention
is, without prejudice to its right of self-defense,
to seek its remedy within the system of collective
security — including regional security — of the
charter. That obligation finds its counterpart
in the obligation of a state against which such
charges have been made to respond to inquiry
and other action by the appropriate organ of the
international community.
Intervention by the United Nations
Let us turn now to intervention by the United
Nations. It should be noted that the authors of
the charter were clear that the provisions of
article 2, paragraph 7, should not be read as
applying directly to the United Nations ex-
isting principles of international law relevant
to nonintervention by states. The rapporteur
of the First Committee of Commission I of the
San Francisco Conference, in reporting on the
draft provision which was to become article -,
paragraph 7, of the charter, articulated the
relevant distinction. Referring to drafl para-
graph 8 of chapter 1 I. he declared : 4
it is evident that the subject we are dealing with is
nn( the intervention of one state in matters which
fall within the domestic jurisdiction of another, hut
licit we .-Hi- dealing with the relations of the Organiza-
tion and iis members with respect to domestic ami
internal ional jurisdict ion.
The Organization we are developing is assuming,
under the present charter, functions wider in their
scope than these previously assumed by the League of
Nations or other international bodies ami even wider
than those which were (list contemplated at Dumbarton
Oaks, especially in the economic, social, and cultural
* United Nations Conference on International Organi-
zmI ion, Put-unit )ils. vol. 0, p. 48C.
!:..;
Id l'\KI Ml s 1 OF STATE BULLETIN
Holds. The tendency to provide the United Nations
with a broad Jurisdiction is. therefore, relevant and
founded. The necessity, on the other hand, to make
sure that the United Nations under prevalent world
conditions should not go beyond acceptable limits
or exceed due limitation called for principle 8 as an
instrument to determine the scope of the attributes
of the Organization and to regulate its functioning in
matters at issue.
The practice of the organization has shown
the validity of this distinction between the au-
thority of states and the authority of the United
Nal ions. Thus questions concerning the scope
and import of article 2, paragraph 7, have
arisen in connection with the competence of
United Nations organs to discuss and adopt
resolutions, a function essentially foreign to
the traditional concept of intervention by states.
United Nations practice might usefully be
studied in the context of three questions. First,
what meaning has the term "intervention" in
article 2, paragraph 7? Second, in the age of
the charter, what matters lie "essentially within
the domestic jurisdiction of any state"? And
third, what procedure should the organization
follow when the effect of article 2, paragraph
7, has been placed in issue ?
In using the term "intervention" the authors
of the charter and, for that matter, the authors
of the Covenant of the League of Nations, since
a comparable provision appeared in article 15,
paragraph 8, of the covenant, used a term rich
in historical connotation. Historically the term
denoted interference of an imperative character,
depriving a state of its customary discretion.
The late Judge Sir Hersch Lauterpacht has held
that it should be so regarded in its charter
context. 5
The United States delegation shares this con-
ception and agrees with that great jurist that
to give the term "intervention" a loose meaning
embracing all actions which have an impact
within member states would have the drastic
consequence of nullifying significant provisions
of the charter — a consequence which could not
have been contemplated by the authors of the
charter.
Now, Mr. Chairman, what are the legal rules
governing nonintervention by the United
Nations?
To begin with, recognition thai the concept
of intervention denotes imperative interfei
leads to the conclusion thai article 2, paragraph
7, cannot have the effect of limiting the com-
petence of an organ of the United Nations to
discuss any question within its jurisdiction
under the governing articles of the charter.
These powers are not impaired by the provisions
of article 2, paragraph 7.
The contrary proposition has, of course, been
argued. The inscription of items on the agenda
has not infrequently been opposed on the basis
of article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter: at the
third session of the General Assembly in con-
nection with the questions of the treatment of
people of Indian origin in the Union of South
Africa and of the observance of human rights
in Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania; at the
seventh session in connection with the question
of apartheid; at the ninth session in connection
with the question of Cyprus; at the tenth ses-
sion in connection with the question of Algeria.
In no case were these challenges to competence
on the basis of article 2, paragraph 7, upheld.
My delegation has had occasion to address
itself to this point. For example, in responding
to an assertion by the Czechoslovak representa-
tive that article 2, paragraph 7, precluded the
Assembly from discussing the question of the
observance of human rights in Bulgaria, Hun-
gary, and Rumania, Mr. Benjamin Cohen of
the United States delegation stated : 6
Article 2(7) of the Charter regarding noninterven-
tion in matters of domestic jurisdiction was not in-
tended to preclude, in appropriate cases, discussion in
the Assembly concerning the promotion of human rights
and fundamental freedoms. . . . Nor is the Assembly
barred under appropriate circumstances from express-
ing an opinion or making a recommendation when there
is a persistent and willful disregard for bnman rights
in any particular country. Moreover, in determining
the applicability of article 2, paragraph 7, we must
not lose sight of the important fact that in the case
before us, Bulgaria and Hungary have assumed in the
treaties of peace special obligations under interna-
tional law to secure human rights and fundamental
freedoms. . . .
Under what circumstances, then, may United
Nations intervention arise? The problem may
be viewed as a kind of spectrum whose extremes
alone are clear. At one extreme, intervention
° Lauterpacht, International Law and Human Rights
(1950), p. 168.
• Bulletin of May 1, 1949, p. 556.
JANUARY 27, 10G4
137
must cover more than the application of en-
forcement measures, since it is plain that mere
discussion of a question by an organ of the
United Nations does not constitute intervention.
At the other extreme, the very terms of article
2, paragraph 7, make it plain that that clause
shall not prejudice the application of enforce-
ment measures under chapter VII. What
about the areas in between ?
As to these areas, my delegation, at this initial
stage of the committee's study of the principle
of nonintervention, wishes to raise questions
rather than give answers. The problems are
complex, and they are important. They do not
admit of easy answers. Still less do they admit
of facile reformulations of principle.
A few of the relevant questions are these. If
it may be said that intervention draws from
interstate relations the connotation of the im-
perative, does it follow that a mere recommen-
dation by a United Nations organ, which nor-
mally lacks such imperative connotation, does
not constitute intervention? Does a recom-
mendatory resolution which is directly spe-
cifically to a state, and calls upon it to take
measures in a sphere essentially within its do-
mestic jurisdiction, constitute intervention?
By way of shedding some light upon the latter
question, I may note that it is the view of the
delegation of the United States that the injunc-
tion of article 2, paragraph 7, extends further
than decisions of a legally binding character
under article 25. Any other position would
render article 2, paragraph 7, applicable only
to the Security Council, and to only a part —
and the less frequently exercised part — of the
Council's functions. Such a conception, though
supported by such authorities as Professor
[Julius] Stone and, with some reservation, Sir
Hersch Lauterpacht, would, arguably, view the
role of the various organs of the United Nations
as they may have been originally conceived but
not as they have developed in practice.
The functions of United Nations organs are
not static, frozen as of the date the charter
entered into force. The response of those
organs to new challenges — recent history to us
now— were, in 1945, veiled by the future.
Weakening of the Security Council by (he
abuse of the veto has thrust upon other organs
of the United Nations considerable responsi-
bilities. Those organs, notably the General
Assembly, have sought and found means to give
their actions effectiveness commensurate with
the organization's responsibilities. To assert
that resolutions of the General Assembly are
necessarily devoid of any element of the impera-
tive even where such resolutions, as to states
members, are only recommendatory is to shut
our eyes, for example, to General Assembly
resolutions establishing and regulating mili-
tary-type forces. There is, of course, the
imperative financial aspect authorized by
article 17 and sustained by the International
Court of Justice. There is, moreover, an imper-
ative element insofar as instructions are given
to the Secretary-General. Moreover, even
where such mandatory aspects are not present
in a resolution of the General Assembly, it may
be asked — to raise another question — whether
the recommendations of that organ may not
assume fresh emphasis because of the compe-
tence of that organ to take imperative measures
within a related administrative and financial
sphere. Whatever the answer to this question,
it should be noted that, if the General Assembly
makes recommendations to members which
plainly will not be followed, it runs the risk of
debasing its currency.
We also should note the tendency of organs
of the United Nations to recognize and accept
determinations of fact and policy by other
organs. The resolutions of the Security Coun-
cil not uncommonly give a certain weight to
previous resolutions of other organs. In some
cases this result appears to have been fully in-
tended. However, in any case the Security
Council remains master of its own judgment,
and it is important and right that this be so.
It should be added that, in the original Dum-
barton Oaks proposals, the provision which be-
came article 2, paragraph 7, related to the Secu-
rity Council alone. During the consideration
at San Francisco it was placed in a broader
context, relating to the organization as a whole,
as the functions of the other organs assumed a
greater significance in the minds of the charter's
drafters. This change supports the proposi-
tion, if reinforcement were needed, that article
2, paragraph 7, was intended by the authors of
138
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the charter to apply to organs other than the
Security Council.
Consideration of these factors leads to the
conclusion that the determination whether ac-
tion by a United Nations organ has the impera-
tive element which is important to the concept
of "intervention" is necessarily one to be an-
swered in the context of a sophisticated analysis
of the language of the resolution and the attend-
ant circumstances. There can be no pat and
automatic answer to the complex question of
the relationship of this organization to its mem-
ber states in diverse political situations. In
short, not only the Security Council can be
guilty of intervention.
From what has been said it will be clear that
the United States delegation would reply nega-
tively to a further question which certain dele-
gations have raised, namely, is the test of
whether or not a recommendation constitutes
intervention whether the recommendation is ad-
dressed to all members of the organization or
merely to one or a few of them ? The addressees
of a recommendation are logically determined
by the scope of the situation under considera-
tion. Where the situation in a single state, or
a few states, is at issue, no logical consideration
would be served, and no legal aspect would be
altered, by casting the resolution in general
rather than specific form.
Question of Domestic Jurisdiction
Let us turn now to the question of what mat-
ters lie "essentially within the domestic juris-
diction of any state." The change from the
term "solely," which was used in article 15, para-
graph 8, of the Covenant of the League of
Nations, does not, in the view of my delegation,
have substantive effect. In saying this, my dele-
gation is not unaware that this difference in
language was emphasized, to another effect, in
the opinion of Judge [Sergei B.] Krylov in the
advisory opinion of the International Court
of Justice on the Interpretation of the Peace
Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania.
Suffice it to say that his opinion represented a
minority dissent from the majority opinion, and
a small minority at that.
Whether a matter lies essentially within the
domestic jurisdiction of a state depends in the
first instance on the scope and content of inter-
national law. As the International Court of
Justice staled in tin- Peace Treaties ca
The Interpretation of the terms of a treaty for this
purpose could not be considered as a question e
tially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State.
It is a question of international law which, by its very
nature, lies within the competence of the Court.
These considerations also suffice to dispose of the
objection based on the principle of domestic juris-
diction and directed sjiecifieally against the compe-
tence of the Court, namely, that the Court, as an
organ of the United Nations, is bound to observe
the provisions of the Charter, including Article 2,
paragraph 7.
Characteristic of contemporary international
society is a growing network of legal rules.
They complement the practice of states which
reflects a recognition of international obliga-
tions as to matters previously considered within
their unfettered discretion. There is, more
particularly, a marked growth of treaty rela-
tionships by which states voluntarily assume
international obligations concerning, and thus
grant international character to, matters which
may previously have been within their domestic
jurisdiction. That the international character
of a question is a consequence of the acceptance
of international obligations concerning it was
recognized by the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice in its opinion concerning the
Nationality Decrees Issued in Tunis and
Morocco : s
The words "solely within the domestic jurisdiction"
[appearing in article 15(8) of the covenant] seem . . .
to contemplate certain matters which, though they may
very closely concern the interests of more than one
State, are not, in principle, regulated by international
law. As regards such matters, each State is sole
judge.
The question whether a certain matter is or is not
solely within the jurisdiction of a State is an essen-
tially relative question; it depends upon the develop-
ment of international relations. Thus, in the present
state of international law, questions of nationality are,
in the opinion of the Court, in principle within this re-
served domain.
For the purpose of the present opinion, it is enough
to observe that it may well happen that, in a matter
which, like that of nationality, is not. in principle,
regulated by international law, the right of a State
'I.C.J. Reports. I960, pp. 70-71.
8 P.C.I. J., Series B, No. 4 (1923) , p. 23.
JANUARY 2-i
139
to use its discretion is nevertheless restricted by obli-
gations which it may have undertaken towards other
States. In such a case, jurisdiction which, in prin-
ciple, belongs solely to the State, is limited by rules
of international law. Article 15, paragraph 8, then
ceases to apply as regards those States which are en-
titled to invoke such rules, and the dispute as to the
question whether a State has or has not the right to take
certain measures becomes in these circumstances a
dispute of an international character ....
It must again, in this context, be recalled that
efforts to distinguish this case on the basis of the
difference in wording between article 15, para-
graph 8, of the covenant and article 2, para-
graph 7, of the charter were not accepted by the
majority of the Court in its advisory opinion in
the Peace Treaties case.
In any event, in the area of most immediate
concern, namely, the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security, it is clear that the
provisions of the charter have placed within the
international sphere the full competence neces-
sary for effective action by United Nations
organs. In becoming parties to the charter, the
members of the organization have assumed the
obligations contemplated in paragraphs 3, 4,
and 5 of article 2. Matters relating to those
provisions could, accordingly, not lie essentially
within the domestic jurisdiction of states.
Thus the Security Council acts with regard to
disputes or situations whose continuance is
likely to endanger the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security, under chapter VI.
It also acts with regard to threats to the peace,
breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression,
under chapter VII. The General Assembly may
discuss and make recommendations as to any
questions or matters within the scope of the
charter, as stated in article 10, except that, while
the Security Council is exercising its functions
in respect of a dispute or situation, the General
Assembly, as provided in article 12, may not
make any recommendations as to that dispute or
situation unless the Council requests. Neither
organ, acting within the scope of its assigned
competence under the charter, may intervene in
matters essentially within the domestic juris-
diction of states. The, authors of the charter
recognized this rule. The rapporteur of Com-
imltee 1 of Commission I at San Francisco ob-
served that "Roth the rule and the exception can
be looked upon as being really implicit in any
organization which is genuinely international in
character." 9
Kecognition of the fact that a matter cannot
lie essentially within the domestic jurisdiction
of a state if it, or its continuation, would be
likely, in the words of chapter VI, article 33,
to endanger the maintenance of international
peace and security has received repeated reaffir-
mation in the practice of the United Nations
from its earliest years. The organization has,
on a number of occasions, dealt with questions
which might, under other circumstances, have
"been considered essentially within the domestic
jurisdiction of the state concerned. Objections
to competence have been rejected, the organ
concerned basing its actions on its responsibility
'for keeping the peace. It need not be added
that the determination of whether a matter is
likely to endanger the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security is an important
question, which must be answered, in good faith,
with a regard for the facts. Merely saying
that a matter is likely to endanger the main-
tenance of international peace and security, or
in the words of chapter VII, article 39, is a
threat to the peace does not in fact make it so.
Here, too, loose and emotional usage could
weaken the credit and creditability of the orga-
nization's holdings — could debase the currency
of international confidence which the organiza-
tion must maintain.
Determination of Competence
A third aspect of the study of the import and
scope of article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter
relates to the procedures by which that pro-
vision has been and should be implemented by
organs of the United Nations. Here we find
that the difference in wording between article
15, paragraph 8, of the Covenant of the League
and article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter has
been reflected in a perceptible difference in
practice. Article 15, paragraph 8, of the
covenant provided :
If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one
of them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a
matter which by international law is solely within the
domestic jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall
* United Nations Conference on International Orga-
nization, Documents, vol. 6, p. 487.
140
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
so report, mul shall make no recommendation as to Its
settlement.
Article 15, paragraph 8, of the covenant thus
explicitly contemplated a finding by the League
Council responsive to the assertion thai ;i matter
lay solely within the domestic jurisdiction of
a state.
In practice the League Council appears to
have taken the position that, in view of the legal
issues raised, that determination should be made
by a body possessing special legal competence.
In the Aaland Island Question the League
Council appointed a three-member committee
of jurists to consider and decide the Finnish
assertion that consideration of the status of
those islands was precluded by article 15, para-
graph 8, of the covenant. The League Council
indicated, however, that the preliminary ques-
tion of domestic jurisdiction would have been
referred to the Permanent Court of Interna-
tional Justice had that body been constituted at
the time.
The question of the competence of the League
Council to consider the dispute between Franco
and the United Kingdom concerning the nation-
ality decrees in Tunis and Morocco was accord-
ingly referred to the Permanent Court of
International Justice in 1922. The only other
dispute in which the prohibition of article 15,
paragraph 8, of the covenant was raised in the
League Council was the dispute between Greece
and Turkey concerning the Ecumenical Patri-
arch. Prompt settlement of that dispute by
the parties obviated the need for a determi-
nation of the League Council's competence.
In implementing article 2, paragraph 7, of the
charter, however, the organs of the United Na-
tions have followed a less formal course. The
determination of competence has frequently
been made by the organ involved, in the context
of substantive action. In adopting a resolution
after objections based on article 2, paragraph
7, had been raised, organs of the United Nations
have implicitly rejected those objections. On
other occasions the organ concerned has either
rejected motions that it lacked competence on
grounds of article 2, paragraph 7 (as the Ad
Hoc Political Committee of the General Assem-
bly did at the seventh and eighth sessions in con-
nection with the question of apartheid) or has
affirmatively decided in favor of its compel
(as the First Committee of the General Assem-
bly did at t he third and fourl I as in con-
nection with the question of t he threat to the
political independence and territorial integrity
of Greece). Both the Security Council (in
connection with the Indonesian question in
1947) and the General Assembly (at the first
session in connection with the question of the
treatment of people of Indian origin in the
Union of South Africa) have rejected pr<.| I
that an advisory opinion on the question of com-
petence be sought from the International Court
of Justice.
In the view of the United States delegation,
this less formal procedure is not, in principle,
objectionable. It comports, as we have indi-
cated, with the terms of article 2, paragraph 7.
Moreover, it appears to have been contemplated
by the authors of the charter that organs of the
United Nations would, at least where no com-
pelling controversy was raised, interpret the
charter. In answering the question of which
organ or organs of the United Nations should
be entrusted with the responsibility of inter-
preting the charter, Committee 2 of Commission
II at San Francisco stated : 10
In the course of operations from day to day of the
various organs of the Organization, it is inevitable that
each organ will interpret such parts of the Charter as
are applicable to its particular functions. This process
is inherent in the functioning of any body which oper-
ates under an instrument defining its functions and
powers. It will be manifested in the functioning of
such a body as the General Assembly, the Security
Council, or the International Court of Justice. . . .
Difficulties may conceivably arise in the event that
there should be a difference of opinion among the
organs of the Organization concerning the correct
interpretation of a provision of the Charter. ... It
would always be open to the General Assembly or to
the Security Council, in appropriate circumstances,
to ask the International Court of Justice for an advi-
sory opinion concerning the meaning of a provision of
the Charter.
However, it may well be that the practice of
the organization reflects some instances in which
an advisory opinion could usefully have been
requested from the International Court of Jus-
tice. And this, too, as the foregoing quotation
'Ibid., vol. 13, p. 709.
JANUARY 27, 1964
141
indicates, was contemplated by the authors of
the charter. Certain benefits flow from a re-
quest for an advisory opinion in cases where the
issue of competence has been persuasively chal-
lenged on the ground of article 2, paragraph 7.
Not only would subsequent action by the Gen-
eral Assembly or the Security Council proceed
with greater clarity on the basis of the Court's
opinion, but it is possible to anticipate greater
cooperation on the part of the state raising the
jurisdictional objection if its juridical anxieties
have been allayed or authoritatively dealt with.
Moreover, we all would benefit from a lucid
exposition by the Court of the complex prob-
lems inherent in article 2, paragraph 7.
In suggesting that the International Court
of Justice might, in appropriate cases, be asked
to pass upon the question whether a matter
before a United Nations organ lies essentially
within its domestic jurisdiction, the United
States delegation is not unaware that article
2, paragraph 7, of the charter, unlike article
15, paragraph 8, of the covenant, contains no
reference to international law. This omission
is not inadvertent. The rights and obligations
of states, and the competence of international
organizations brought into being by a multi-
lateral treaty, must be interpreted in the light
of international law. No express reference is
necessary in the charter's text to establish that.
At the San Francisco Conference the representa-
tive of Australia stated, in this connection, that
he saw no possible criterion other than interna-
tional law which could be used and that ac-
cordingly he saw no need for including a
reference to it in the article. And if these legal
characteristics are recognized, there can be little
question that a case where a substantial question
exists would warrant a resort to the advisory
jurisdiction of the International Court of
Justice.
The preceding discussion has focused on the
United Nations because of its primary role in
the galaxy of international organizations. But
the problem may arise in other international
organizations, for example in the specialized
agencies or the International Atomic Energy
Agency. Some of these, such as the Agency,
have constitutional provisions equivalent to
article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter. Issues
such provisions present may be dealt with by
criteria similar to those applied to the United
Nations. Some of these organizations do not
have the authority to take action with that de-
gree of compulsion normally necessary to con-
stitute intervention, and the issue, consequently,
may be said not to arise. As to other organiza-
tions which have such authority but are not
barred by a provision equivalent to article 2,
paragraph 7, of the charter, the issue may be
posed as a basic question of competence. In
such cases the issue will be whether the com-
plainant state has exclusive competence over
the subject matter or, to put it differently,
whether the subject matter has an international
character. And in these cases it will be recog-
nized that the most significant legal obligations,
and thus the most significant source of an inter-
national character, may well be the constitu-
tional instrument of the international organi-
zation concerned.
Contributing to Development of Law
Mr. Chairman, in reviewing the present state
of international law relevant to noninterven-
tion, and the political and legal factors of the
past which have shaped it, my delegation has
done no more than to scratch the extensive sur-
face of the problem. This has been a prelimi-
nary attempt to examine elements of a signifi-
cant aspect of international law which must,
in large measure, sustain the just and ordered
international society to which we aspire. The
evolutionary character of that international
law, as reflected in its response, in the 19th and
20th centuries, to the growing recognition of the
needs of an increasingly interdependent inter-
national community, has given pertinence to the
legal concept of nonintervention in a multi-
plicity of temporal and factual contexts. To
contribute, in the continuity of that evolutionary
process, to the development of an international
law responsive to present and future needs
will constitute the ultimate justification of our
efforts in the Legal Committee of the United
Nations.
Such a contribution will not come from facile
formulations. It will not come from partisan
proclamations. It will not come from declara-
tions which, in denying the difficulties and depth
of the subject before us, do scant credit to our
142
DEPARTMENT OF STATE Brjni^ETIN
legal insight or political acumen. We rather
can significantly contribute to the progressive
development of international law by the pro-
gressively more profound study and analysis of
the complexity and challenge of the law.
Through such study and analysis there may
emerge that enhanced understanding and ap-
preciation of the law which may promote its
more effective application.
U.S. To Propose Action To Halt
Rise in Coffee Prices
Department Statement
Press release 14 dated January 10
The Department of State today [January 10]
advised diplomatic representatives of countries
that are members of the Executive Board of the
International Coffee Agreement of action the
United States Government will recommend to
the International Coffee Organization at the
January 27 meeting of the Executive Board to
halt a rise in coffee prices.
In late September, as a consequence of an
unprecedented combination of natural disasters
that severely damaged coffee plantations in
Brazil, green coffee prices began to rise. In the
past 2 weeks the rise has assumed disturbing
proportions. (Spot prices for Brazil Santos 4's
reached 46.25 cents a pound yesterday com-
pared to 33 cents in September and 38.75 cents
2 weeks ago. Latin American "milds" and Af-
rican "robusta" coffees have also made sharp
advances, as have coffee futures.)
In this situation the United States Govern-
ment believes that corrective action must be
taken by the International Coffee Organization
to insure that the agreement does not restrict
supplies necessary to meet the full needs of the
market. The United States Government will,
therefore, recommend a radical upward adjust-
ment in export quotas. These quotas have been
set under the International Coffee Agreement
at a level that is ample to meet normal consump-
tion requirements. However, in today's ab-
normal market in which traders and roasters
are buying heavily as a safeguard against the
possibility of future supply shortages, a major
increase in quotas clearly is called for.
Last November, when the United States pro-
posed an increase in export quotas, some produc-
ers were reluctant to support the action, believ-
ing the price increase to be only a temporary
flurry. The intervening weeks have made it
clear that prompt corrective action is needed to
reassure the market there is no coffee short ago.
The United States Government is confident that
the members of the International Coffee Or-
ganization will support such action.
President Names Ellsworth Bunker
Ambassador to OAS
Statement by President Johnson
White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated January 2
I am very pleased to announce the appoint-
ment today [January 2] of Ellsworth Bunker
as our Ambassador to the Organization of
American States.
Ambassador Bunker is an experienced diplo-
mat who has served the Nation well in a variety
of difficult assignments. His assignment to this
post is in line with our desire to carry on and
strengthen this Government's relations with the
countries of the hemisphere. The OAS is an
important instrument in the maintenance of
political and economic stability in the hemi-
sphere. We intend to give every support to the
Organization of American States, and I look
forward to Ambassador Bunker's contribution
to this end.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries
in the Unitt rf States. V.N. printed publicatUms may be
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
General Assembly
Question of South West Africa. Special Educational
and Training Programmes for South West Africans.
Report of the Secretary-General. A/552G/Add.l.
October 22, 1963. 2 pp.
14.",
The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa :
Report of the Special Committee on the policies of
apartheid of the Government of the Republic of
South Africa. A/5497/Add.2. October 31, 1963.
18 pp.
Report of the Secretary-General. A/5614, Novem-
ber 19, 1903, 14 pp.; A/5614/Add.l, December 2,
1963. 5 pp. ; A/5614/Add.2. December 6. 1963, 2 pp.
Note by the Secretariat containing a brief indication
of measures reported bv member states pursuant
to Resolution 1761 (XVII). A/SPC/94. No-
vember 22, 1963. 29 pp.
Report of the Special Committee on the Situation With
Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on
the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries
and Peoples. A/5446, October 30, 1963, 381 pp., and
Corr. 1, December 6, 1963, 1 p.
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights.
Observations from Governments. A/5411/Add.2.
October 25, 1963. 3 pp.
Technical Assistance To Promote the Teaching, Study,
Dissemination and Wider Appreciation of Interna-
tional Law. Report of the Secretary-General with a
view to the strengthening of the practical applica-
tion of international law. A/5585, October 29, 1963,
45 pp., and Corr. 1, November 11, 1963, 1 p.
Special Training Programme for Territories Under
Portuguese Administration. Report of the Secre-
tary-General. A/5531/Rev.l, October 30, 1963, 25
pp. ; A/5531/Rev.l/Add.l, November 27, 1963, 2 pp. ;
A/5531/Rev.l/Add.2, December 3, 1963, 1 p.
Question of Oman. Cable dated October 26, 1963, from
the Sultan of Muscat and Oman to the President of
the General Assembly. A/C.4/619. October 31,
1963. 1 p.
Manifestations of Racial Prejudice and National and
Religious Intolerance. Report of the Secretary-
General. A/5473/Add.2. November 7, 1963. 14 pp.
Territories Under Portuguese Administration. Re-
quests for hearings. Letter dated November 4, 1963,
from Mr. Henrique Galvao addressed to the Chair-
man of the Fourth Committee. A/C.4/600/Add.5.
November 11, 1963. 2 pp.
Denuclearization of Latin America. Letter dated No-
vember 14, 1963, from the representatives of Bolivia,
Chile, Ecuador, and Mexico to the Secretary-General.
A/5415/Rev. 1. November 14, 1963. 2 pp.
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. In-
formation on space launehings : Letter dated No-
vember 7, 1963, from the representative of the United
States to the Secretary-General, A/AC.105/INF.50,
November 14, 1963, 2 pp. ; letter dated December 5,
1963, from the representative of the U.S.S.R. to the
Chairman of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses
of Outer Space, A/AC.105/INF.51, December 5, 1963,
2 pp.
United Nations International School. Report of the
Secretary-General. A/5607. November 15, 1963,
23 pp.
Human Rights Day : Observance of the 14th anni-
versary of the adoption of the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights. Report of the Secretary-
General. A/INF/105. November 18, 1963. 11 pp.
International Co-Operation in the Peaceful Uses of
Outer Space. Additional report of the Committee
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. A/5549/
Add.l. November 27, 1963. 42 pp.
Question of South West Africa. Report of the Secre-
tary-General. A/5634. December 2, 1963. 4 pp.
Review of the Pattern of Conferences. Report of the
Secretary-General. A/5638, December 3, 1963, 25 pp. ;
Corr. 1, December 4, 1963, 1 p. ; Corr. 2, December 9,
1968, 1 p.
1 Not in force.
Note Verbale dated November 29, 1963, from the repre-
sentative of the United States transmitting a report
of the Unified Command regarding the detention
of two officers of the U.N. Command by the
Korean People's Army/Chinese People's Volunteers
in North Korea. A/5641. December 4, 1963. 3 pp.
Letter dated December 2, 1963, from the representa-
tives of several countries to the Secretary-General
requesting inclusion in the agenda of the 18th ses-
sion of the General Assembly of an additional item
entitled : Admission of New Members to the United
Nations. A/5640. December 4, 1963. 2 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Automotive Traffic
Customs convention on the temporary importation of
private road vehicles. Done at New York June 4,
1954. Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS
3943.
Notification that it considers itself bound: Jamaica,
November 11, 1963.
Diplomatic Relations
Optional protocol to Vienna convention on diplomatic
relations concerning compulsory settlement of dis-
putes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. 1
Ratification deposited: Switzerland, November 22,
1963.
International Court of Justice
Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat.
1055).
Declarations recognizing compulsory jurisdiction
deposited: Somali Republic (with conditions),
April 11. 1963; Uganda (with a condition), Oc-
tober 3, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at
Moscow August 5, 1963. Entered into force Octo-
ber 10, 1963. TIAS 5433.
Ratifications deposited: Rwanda, December 27, 1963;
Guatemala (with a statement), January 6, 1964;
Finland, Ghana, January 9, 1964.
Patents
Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of
inventions relating to defense and for which applica-
tions for patents have been made. Done at Paris
September 21, 1960. Entered into force January 12,
1961. TIAS 4672.
Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany,
January 6, 1964.
Trade
Proces-verbal extending declaration on provisional ac-
cession of Tunisia to the General Agreement on
144
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Tariffs and Trade of November 12, 1969 (TIAS
4498). Done at Geneva December 12, 1063. 1
Signature: United States, January G, 1904.
Whaling
International whaling convention with schedule of
whaling regulations. Signed at Washington De-
cember 2, 1946. Entered into force November 10,
1948. TIAS 1S49.
Notification of withdrawal: Sweden, December 18,
1963, effective June 30, 1964.
BILATERAL
Mexico
Agreement extending the air transport agreement of
August 15, 1960 (TIAS 4675). Effected by exchange
of notes at Mexico August 14, 1963. Entered Into
force provisionally August 15, 1963.
Entered into force definitively: January 6, 1964.
United Kingdom
Agreement continuing in force for Southern Rhodesia,
Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland individually in-
come tax convention of April 16, 1945, as modified
and extended to certain overseas territories of the
United Kingdom (TIAS 1546, 3165, 4124, 4141).
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington De-
cember 31, 1963. Entered into force December 31,
1963.
Venezuela
Agreement relating to effectiveness of the United States
revised tariff schedules to the trade agreement of
November 6, 1939, as supplemented (54 Stat. 2375;
TIAS 2565). Effected by exchange of notes at
Caracas July 15 and 23, 1963. Entered into force
July 23, 1963.
PUBLICATIONS
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Consulates Established
at Blantyre and Lusaka
Department notice dated January 2
Effective January 1, 1964, the Office of Resident Con-
sul at Blantyre, Nyasaland, will be superseded by the
establishment of Consulate Blantyre. Edward W.
Holmes will be Principal Officer.
Effective January 1, 1964, the Office of Resident Con-
sul at Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, will be superseded
by the establishment of Consulate Lusaka. Robert C.
Foulon will be Principal Officer.
1 Not in force.
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, D.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.O., 20402.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
High Seas Fisheries of the North Pacific Ocean.
Amendments to the annex to the convention of May 9,
1952, with Canada and Japan. Recommendations re-
lating to halibut and to herring adopted at the ninth
annual meeting of the International North Pacific
Fisheries Commission, at Seattle, November 17. 19(12,
and amended, with respect to herring. January 25, 1963.
Notifications of acceptance received by the Commis-
sion from Japan on February 26, 1963, from the United
States of America on March 23, 1963, and from Canada
on May 8, 1963. Entered into force May 8, 1963. TIAS
5385. 4 pp. 50.
Defense — Loan of Additional Vessel. Agreement with
Pakistan. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Karachi
and Rawalpindi April 22 and June 9, 14. and 29. 1963.
Entered into force June 29, 1963. TIAS 5390. 3
pp. 50.
Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement with Portugal, amending the agreement of
November 28, 1961. Exchanges of notes — Dated at
Lisbon June 5 and 26, 1963. Entered into force June
26, 1963. TIAS 5392. 3 pp. 5tf.
Tracking Stations. Agreement with Spain, extending
and amending the agreement of March 11 and 18, 19G0.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Madrid June 27 and 28,
1963. Entered into force July 1, 1963. TIAS 5393.
3 pp. 54.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Guinea.
Signed at Conakry May 22, 1963. Entered into force
May 22, 1963. With exchange of notes. TIAS 5394.
14 pp. 10*.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Jordan re-
lating to the agreement of July 10 and September 24,
1956, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Am-
man June 25, 1963. Entered into force June 25, 1963.
TIAS 5395. 4 pp. 5*.
Trade. Agreement with Paraguay, terminating parts
and amending and continuing parts of the agreement
of September 12, 1946, as amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Asunci6n June 26, 1963. Entered
into force June 26, 1963. TIAS 5396. 3 pp. 54.
Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Acree-
ment with United Kingdom, amending the agreement
of June 15, 1955, as amended. Signed at Washington
June 5, 1963. Entered into force July 31, 1963. TIAS
5397. 3 pp. 5*.
Agricultural Trade. Agreement with the Dominican
Republic. Signed at Washington August 13, 1963.
Entered into force August 13, 1963. TIAS 5398. 4 pp.
Mutual Defense Assistance — Cash Contribution by-
Japan. Arrangement with Japan relating to the
agreement of March 8, 1954. Exchange of notes —
JANUARY 27, 1964
145
Signed at Tokyo July 19, 1963. Entered into force
July 19, 1963. TIAS 5399. 5 pp. 54-
Trade. Agreement with Switzerland relating to
United States schedules to the agreements of Janu-
ary 9, 1936, and June 8, 1955. Exchange of notes-
Dated at Bern July 10 and 11, 1963. Entered into
force July 11, 1963. TIAS 5400. 3 pp. 54.
International Labor Organization— Amendment of the
Constitution, 1962. Instrument of amendment adopted
by the General Conference of the International Labor
Organization, at the forty-sixth session, Geneva, June
22, 1962. Entered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5401.
7 pp. 10(f.
Trade. Agreement with Argentina relating to United
States schedules to the agreement of October 14, 1941.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Buenos Aires July 24,
1963. Entered into force July 24, 1963. TIAS 5402.
4 pp. 54.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re-
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November
7, 1962, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Seoul August 16, 1963. Entered into force August 16,
1963. TIAS 5403. 2 pp. 5<f.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Tenth
Protocol of supplementary concessions to the agree-
ment of October 30, 1947. Done at Geneva January 28,
1963. Entered into force August 15, 1963. TIAS 5404.
14 pp. lOtf.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Colombia,
amending the agreements of June 23, 1955, April 16.
1957, and March 14, 195S, as amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Washington August 14, 1963. En-
tered into force August 14, 1963. TIAS 5405. 3 pp.
54.
Air Service — Lease of Equipment. Agreement with
the Federal Republic of Germany, extending the agree-
ment of August 2, 1955, as extended. Exchange of
notes — Dated at Bonn/ Bad Godesberg and Bonn July
1 and 24, 1963. Entered into force July 24, 1963.
TIAS 5406. 4 pp. 50.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the Malagasy
Republic. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tananarive
July 26, 1963. Entered into force July 26, 1963. TIAS
5407. 5 pp. 50.
Trade in Cotton Textiles. Arrangement with Japan.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington August 27,
1963. Entered into force August 27, 1963. Operative
retroactively January 1, 1963. With exchanges of let-
ters. TIAS 5408. 23 pp. 150.
Trade — Zipper Chain. Understandings with Japan.
Exchange of letters — Signed at Washington August 28,
1963. Entered into force August 28, 1963. TIAS 5409.
3 pp. 50.
Neutrality of Laos. Declaration and protocol be-
tween the United States and Other Governments.
Signed at Geneva July 23, 1962. Entered into force
• inly J.',. 1962. With United States letter— Signed at
Geneva July 18, 1!M»2. TIAS 5410. 64 pp. 250.
Cultural Relations. Agreement with Iraq. Signed at
Baghdad January 23, 1961. Entered into force August
13, 1903. TIAS 5411. 6 pp. 50.
Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree-
ment with Brazil, amending the agreement of Novem-
ber 5, 1957, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed
al Kio de Janeiro May 20 and June 6, 1963. Entered
into force June C, 1963. TIAS 5412. 4 pp. 50.
Mutual Defense Assistance — Disposition of Equipment
and Materials (Machine Tools). Agreement with the
■I Kingdom. Exchange of notes— Signed at Lon-
don August 28, 1963. Entered into force August 28,
1963. TIAS 5413. 3 pp. 50.
Defense — Loan of Aircraft. Agreements with Saudi
Arabia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Jidda Novem-
ber 10 and 13, 1962. Entered into force November 13,
1962. And signed at Jidda May 1 and 22, 1963. En-
tered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5414. 6 pp. 54.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreements with Paki-
stan, amending the agreement of October 14, 1961, as
amended. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Karachi
May 31, 1963. Entered into force May 31, 1963. TIAS
5415. 4 pp. 54.
Visas — Abolition of Fees. Agreement with the United
Arab Republic. Exchange of notes — Dated at Cairo
June 3 and August 1, 1963. Entered into force Au-
gust 1, 1963. TIAS 5416. 4 pp. 54.
Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement with Iraq. Signed at Baghdad August 27,
1963. Entered into force August 27, 1963. With ex-
change of notes. TIAS 5417. 11 pp. lOtf.
Visas — Extension of Validity of Diplomatic and Official
Visas for Accredited Officials. Agreement with Spain,
amending the agreement of January 21, 1952. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Madrid Mav 11 and July 5,
1963. Entered into force July 5, 1963. TIAS 5418.
4 pp. 54.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Viet-Nam,
relating to the agreement of November 5, 1957. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Saigon August 8, 1963.
Entered into force August 8, 1963. TIAS 5419. 3 pp.
54.
Education — Commission for Educational Exchange
and Financing of Exchange Programs. Agreement
with Afghanistan. Signed at Kabul August 20, 1963.
Entered into force August 20, 1963. TIAS 5421. 13
pp. 104.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: January 6-12
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.,
20520.
No. Date Subject
* 5 1/6 U.S. -Japan Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs.
* 6 1/6 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
* 7 1/6 Rusk biography.
8 1/9 Ball: "Profitable Growth and Our
World Position."
* 9 1/8 Retirement of Ernest R. Perkins.
flO 1/8 Rostow: "Shaping the Future."
11 1/10 Rusk: "The First 25 Years of the
U.N. — From San Francisco to the
1970's."
*12 1/9 Blair House reopened.
tl3 1/10 Removal of restrictions on U.S.
exports.
14 1/10 Recommendation for action to check
coffee price rise.
*15 1/10 Program fur visit of President Segni
of Italy.
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
1 Hi
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX January 27, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1283
American Republics. President Names Ells-
worth Bunker Ambassador to OAS (Johnson) . 143
Congress
Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy 122
President Disapproves Legislation on Import
Marking Requirements (Johnson) 120
The State of the Union (excerpt from Presi-
dent Johnson's message) 110
Department and Foreign Service
Consulates Established at Blantyre and Lusaka . 145
President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador
to OAS (Johnson) 143
Disarmament
Committee To Study Economic Impact of De-
fense and Disarmament (text of memoran-
dum) 120
William C. Foster Named To Head Delegation
to Disarmament Talks 110
Economic Affairs
Committee To Study Economic Impact of De-
fense and Disarmament (text of memoran-
dum) 120
President Disapproves Legislation on Import
Marking Requirements (Johnson) 120
Profitable Growth and Our World Position
(Ball) 123
U.S. To Propose Action To Halt Rise in Coffee
Prices 143
Foreign Aid. President Appoints Committee To
Review Foreign Aid Programs (Johnson) . . 128
International Law. Principles of International
Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-
operation Among States : International Law
and Nonintervention (Plimpton) 133
International Organizations and Conferences
President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador
to OAS (Johnson) 143
U.S. To Propose Action To Halt Rise in Coffee
Prices 143
William C. Foster Named To Head Delegation
to Disarmament Talks 110
Military Affairs. Committee To Study Economic
Impact of Defense and Disarmament (text of
memorandum) 120
Northern Rhodesia. Consulates Established at
Blantyre and Lusaka L40
Nyasaland. Consulates Established at Blantyre
and Lusaka 146
Presidential Documents
Committee To Study Economic Impact of De-
fense and Disarmament 120
President and Soviet Leaders Exchange New
Year's Messages 121
President Appoints Committee To Review For-
eign Aid Programs 128
President Disapproves Legislation on Import
Marking Requirements 120
President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador
to OAS 143
President Pledges Continuing Support to Re-
public of Viet-Nam 121
The State of the Union (excerpt) 110
Publications. Recent Releases 145
Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 144
U.S.S.R. President and Soviet Leaders Ex-
change New Year's Messages (Johnson, Brezh-
nev, Khrushchev) 121
United Nations
Accomplishments of 18th Session of U.N. Gen-
eral Assembly (Stevenson) 130
Current U.N. Documents 143
The First Twenty-Five Years of the United Na-
tions — From San Francisco to the 1970's
(Rusk) 112
Principles of International Law Concerning
Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among
States : International Law and Noninterven-
tion (Plimpton) 133
Viet-Nam. President Pledges Continuing Sup-
port to Republic of Viet-Nam 121
Name Index
Ball, George W 123
Brezhnev, Leonid 121
Bunker, Ellsworth 143
Foster, William C 119
Johnson, President . . . .110,120,121,128,120,143
Khrushchev, Nikita 121
Plimpton, Francis T. P 133
Rusk, Secretary 112
Stevenson, Adlai E 130
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Foreign Relations of the United States
1941, Volume VI, The American Republics
The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Volume VI,
The American Republics, which completes the documentary record on relations with the other American
Republics in 1941.
This volume contains a "General" section on U.S. multilateral relations and country sections
on bilateral relations with Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile. The documentation on bilateral rela-
tions with the other individual American Republics in 1941 is contained in volume VII, published in
December 1962.
The subjects treated in this volume relate primarily to problems of continental solidarity and
defense created by World War II and the reactions upon inter- American relations of the attack at
Pearl Harbor and the declarations of war between the United States and the Axis powers. Other topics
treated include trade relations, the protection of American business interests, and good offices of the
United States in boundary and territorial disputes.
Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 194-1, Volume VI, The American Republics (pub-
lication 7(518) and Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Volume VII, The American Republics
(publication 7447) may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $2.75 and $3.25, respectively.
ORDER FORM
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
ADVANCING THE FRONTIERS OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE
FOR THE BENEFIT OF ALL MANKIND
Remarks by President Johnson 160
PRESIDENT JOHNSON CALLS UPON SOVIET UNION FOR CONCRETE ACTIONS
TO PROMOTE PEACE
Texts of U.S. and Soviet Letters 157
THE MAKING OF FOREIGN POLICY
Interview With Secretary Rusk on "The Open Mind" 16£
SHAPING THE FUTURE
by W. W. Rostow, Counselor 177
THE SITUATION IN PANAMA
UjS. Statements and Related Documents 152
For index see inside back cover
Advancing the Frontiers of Human Knowledge
for the Benefit of All Mankind
Remarks by President Johnson *
Dr. [Melville Bell] Grosvenor, Mr. Chief
Justice, members of the Society, my fellow
Americans: This is a very proud and happy
occasion.
In the homes of our land and in all lands
around the world, the National Geographic So-
ciety and its magazine are old friends and a very
welcome companion. You have broadened the
horizons and narrowed the misunderstandings
of many generations — and you have helped us
all to be better citizens of the world and better
citizens of our times.
It is gratifying today to now join in welcom-
ing the Society and its magazine into this new
and magnificent home. This imposing home for
the National Geographic stands not as a monu-
ment to the past but as a testament of confidence
in and enthusiasm for the future.
For free men, whatever lands they may call
home, these qualities are indispensable. The
1 Made at the dedication ceremony of the National
Geographic Society Building at Washington, D.C., on
Jan. 18 (White House press release; as-delivered text).
future is the special trust of the free. We are
not likely to keep that trust or likely to keep our
freedom unless we keep our confidence in the
future and unless we maintain our enthusiasm
for always meeting new challenges and new
opportunities.
The last four centuries of human experience
have been centuries of exploration, discovery,
and advancement of the frontiers of man's
knowledge. We of this strong and still devel-
oping young nation are more than any others
children of those explorations.
America as we know it, and freedom as we
know it, could well not exist tomorrow for either
our children or their children if we should lose
from our national life that confidence in the
future and that enthusiasm for exploration
which has brought us to this high moment of
history and high moment of hope.
All the seas have been sailed, and all of the
continents have been explored. The highest
mountains have been scaled, and the darkest
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1284 PUBLICATION 7650 FEBRUARY 3, 1964
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Infor-
mation on developments in the field of
foreign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreign policy, Issued
by the White House and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C.,
20402. Price : 52 issues, domestic $8.50,
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents.
Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961).
note : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
150
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
jungles have been penetrated. We have reached
into the realms of space and out toward the
domain of the stars. Yet our work is not com-
plete, our race is not yet won.
This generation of Americans is challenged
to live a life of high adventure. If we are to
keep our trust in freedom, we must in these last
four decades of this century undertake explora-
tions in many realms, realms which dwarf all of
those of the last four centuries.
"We must participate in the high adventure of
advancing man's knowledge of both the universe
about us and the capacities within us.
We of this land must commit ourselves to a
demanding life of dedicated participation in
the forward movement of the times in which
we live.
We are called to the greatest works that man
has ever done. If we are to live as free men in a
world of danger, we must explore for new and
better ways to maintain our security without
impairing our solvency.
If we are to live at peace in a world of peril,
we must set forth to discover the secrets of
peace just as we long ago discovered the awe-
some secrets of war and devastation.
If we are to live with pride in a world of
decency, we must commit ourselves to removing
from the earth the scars and scourge of human
poverty, disease, ignorance, and intolerance.
These works are not and can never be the
works of one nation or one people alone. These
works will be accomplished when they become
the joint works and the common labors of na-
tions and peoples everywhere.
If that is to come to pass, nations must have
more than common forums in which to meet.
They must have common enterprises on which
they can work together for the common good.
We of the United States believe today, as we
have long believed, that the realms of scientific
explorations offer this opportunity for common
enterprises and endeavors.
Scientific exploration and research knows no
national boundaries. Human knowledge is
never the captive of international blocs. Com-
mon sense dictates that all nations lend their
learning to other nations. This is a loan in
which the science of all nations is the bene-
ficiary and the good of all mankind is advanced.
The more that we share wit h each other, the less
we misunderstand each other.
Today, in this house of exploration, let us
invite exploration by all nations, for all nations.
The only way to begin is to begin. What
greater challenge can there be for the National
Geographic Society to take the initiative in this
endeavor? Why should not the National Geo-
graphic in this land and around the world serve
as a clearinghouse for knowledge, to bring
together men of science of every land, to share
and to spread their knowledge and their talents.
Where they begin, others will follow. So let us
renew our hope that all nations with the interest
and the capacity for scientific exploration unite
in mutual enterprises of discovery to the benefit
of their neighbor nations.
As the late beloved President Kennedy said
one month before his death : 2
Recent scientific advances have not only made inter-
national cooperation desirable but they have made it
essential. The ocean, the atmosphere, outer space, be-
long not to one nation or one ideology but to all
mankind. . . .
This is the principle upon which we stand.
Explorations and discoveries of centuries past
were most often meant to serve the interest and
the advantage of individual nations. Today,
as we meet here, we believe that the explorations
and the discoveries of decades ahead must be
meant to serve the aspirations and the well-
being of individual men in all nations.
This nation is committed now to the most in-
tensive effort ever made by any peoples to ad-
vance the frontiers of human knowledge. We
shall remain committed. The cost of knowl-
edge, whatever its price, is small against the
price mankind has already paid throughout all
history for his ignorance and for the darkness.
The United States shall welcome any who
wish to join with us in seeking to serve the com-
mon good of mankind. But if others are not
willing or if they are not able to join with us,
our own endeavors will not slacken.
I will have more to say about that in the early
part of the week, which I hope you will follow,
in an exchange I have with some other nation.'
With confidence in the future and in our-
selves, with enthusiasm for the opportunities
2 For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 18, 1963, p. 778.
• See p. 157.
FEBRUARY 3, 19C4
151
that the future presents to us, we therefore wel-
come the privilege of leading this century's
great explorations to find a better life, to build
a better world for all the races of man.
So in this spirit, then, it is my very proud
privilege now, on this 18th day of January in
the year one thousand nine hundred sixty-four,
to dedicate this beautiful new home of the great
National Geographic Society: to the increase
and diffusion of geographic knowledge, to man's
eternal quest for knowledge of earth, sea and
space.
The Situation in Panama
BACKGROUND
In January 1963 the Governments of the
United States and Panama agreed that the Pan-
amanian flag would be flown on land in the
Canal Zone where the U.S. flag is flown officially
by civilian authorities. 1 In implementing this
agreement, the Canal Zone Governor reviewed
all flag sites on land where the U.S. flag is flown
and decided to eliminate some. Outdoor flags
at schools were among those eliminated. On
January 7, 1964, students at Balboa High
School hoisted a flag on their own in defiance
of the Governor's orders. Two days later Pan-
amanian students attempted to display their
flag, and disorders ensued.
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 102
The President has this morning reviewed the
situation in Panama with his senior advisers.
lie has ordered the Assistant Secretary of State,
Mr. [Thomas C] Mann, to proceed at once to
the Canal Zone. The United States Govern-
ment greatly regrets the tragic loss of life of
Panamanians and Americans. The President
has given most earnest instructions to General
[Andrew P.] O'Meara, Commander in Chief,
Southern Command (CINCSOUTH) , to do all
that is within his power to restore and to main-
tain peace and safety in the Canal Zone.
The President has noted President Chiari's
1 For text of a joint communique, see Bulletin of
Kcli. 4, 1963, p. 171.
* Read to news correspondents by Pierre Salinger,
Press Secretary to the President.
appeal to the citizens of Panama to join in the
restoration of peace, and the President is mak-
ing a similar appeal to the residents of the Canal
Zone. The path to a settlement can only be
through peace and understanding and not
through violence.
INTER-AMERICAN PEACE COMMITTEE
COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 10
His Excellency the President of the Inter-
American Peace Committee convened a special
meeting today at 3 p.m. at the joint request of
the Governments of Panama and the United
States.
The Committee forms part of the inter- Amer-
ican system for the preservation of peace and
it met in order to consider the events which had
occurred in Panama during the night of 9 to
10 January. It agreed to take up the problem
immediately and, with the consent of the inter-
ested parties, it decided to study the case and
to go to Panama the same evening in order to
investigate the situation and recommend meas-
ures for the settlement of the dispute.
The Committee, which is composed of Argen-
tina, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, the
United States, and Venezuela — the presiding
country — decided to request the Organization of
American States, under articles 10 and 11 of the
Committee's Statutes, to designate a substitute
for the United States, 3 which is a party to the
dispute.
* The OAS Council elected Chile to serve on the Com-
mittee in connection with this matter.
152
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
DEBATE IN U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL,
JANUARY 10
Following are statements made by Adlai E.
Stevenson, UjS. Representative to the United
Nations, on January 10 daring debate on the
Panama complaint * in the Security Council.
First Statement
U.S. /U.N. press release 4352
I must confess that it is with a very heavy
heart and deep distress that I speak here to-
night. The incidents of yesterday and today in
the Canal Zone and in the Republic of Panama
are a matter of extreme concern to the United
States Government.
My Government and the people of this coun-
try are distressed at the tragic and the needless
loss of human life — both Panamanian and
American. The riots and the violence are of
special regret since they blot the record of the
long and friendly and improving relationship
between our Government and that of Panama.
Indeed, with the signature of a new treaty be-
tween our Governments in 1955 5 and the con-
tinuing discussions which have taken place be-
tween our officials since that time, we had
embarked on a new, and a more satisfactory,
phase of our historical and friendly relation-
ship.
My Government is doing everything humanly
possible to restore the situation. Before noon
today President Johnson telephoned President
Chiari to discuss the situation, and the two
Presidents agreed that there had to be a stop
to violence in the Canal Zone.
President Jolinson also has given most em-
phatic instructions to United States authorities
to do everything within their power to restore
and maintain peace and order in the Canal
Zone. United States officials are exerting every
effort to assure that restraint and good judg-
ment are exercised.
In addition, to prevent further incidents, all
of the residents of the Canal Zone not engaged
in official duties have been ordered to remain
in their homes.
I devoutly hope that the Panamanian author-
' U.N. doc. S/5509.
For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 7, 1955, p. 237.
itics are being equally rigorous in their efforts
to restrain lawlessness and to maintain order
and prevent further incidents <>f violence and
bloodshed.
I also hope that efforts by any lawless ele-
ments hostile both to Panama and the United
States to exploit, this sit nation for their own
special purposes will be fully exposed and
thwarted.
As further evidence of our concern and of
our desire to do the utmost to restore order and
to contribute to a peaceful adjustment of the
problem, President Johnson dispatched this
morning several of our most expert and com-
petent officials to the area, headed by the As-
sistant Secretary of State for Latin American
Affairs.
In addition, Mr. President, the Organization
of American States lias moved with great ra-
pidity. This afternoon the Inter-American
Peace Commission of the OAS met at the re-
quest of Panama and of the United States to
consider the situation. The Commission unani-
mously agreed, pursuant to the request of both
Governments to go to Panama immediately to
ascertain the facts. I understand that this
group leaves for Panama at midnight tonight.
Under these circumstances, Mr. President, I
will not attempt to give the Council a detailed
account of the facts surrounding these riots as
we understand them. It is precisely for this
purpose that the Inter-American Peace Com-
mission is going to Panama.
That the distinguished Ambassador of Pan-
ama presumes to make charges of aggression, I
must say, surprises me, because his knowledge
of the facts can be no better than mine. But
from what I already do know, I can categori-
cally deny his allegations of aggression by the
United States. The incidents of violence, ac-
cording to our information, started when a
group of Panamanian high school students
were permitted by United States zone authori-
ties to move peacefully to the Balboa High
School within the zone for the purpose of rais-
ing the Panamanian flag. On the way out of the
zone some of these students got unruly and
damaged property by throwing Btones and by
other means. The zone police continued to
escort them to the zonal boundary, and most of
the students peacefully withdrew. Subse-
153
quently, however, disorderly crowds of people
came back into the zone, destroying property
and attacking American citizens. At the same
time rioters within Panama itself attacked
United States citizens and property. These
lawless assaults were accompanied by sniper fire
across the boundary and the use of Molotov
cocktails, those familiar stimulants of mob vio-
lence.
The zone police, who were few in number, at-
tempted to stop a further penetration into the
Canal Zone by the use of tear gas and even-
tually by small-caliber fire when it became
necessary to protect human life. But still the
police were unable to restore order. The Act-
ing Governor then requested the Commander
of the Army forces to assume responsibility for
the protection of the zone. And thereupon
Army elements took up positions along the
boundaries of the zone to prevent further incur-
sions from outside.
United States Army forces, I am informed,
have acted with the greatest restraint. In fact,
they have already suffered many casualties
without using the full means of defense avail-
able to them.
While I do not purport to know all of the
facts — any more, I believe, than does Ambas-
sador [Aquilino] Boyd — I do know that there
is no evidence that either the police of the zone
or the United States Army ever went outside
the zone, that their only use of firearms was
inside of the zone to protect the lives and prop-
erty of American citizens residing there against
an onrushing crowd of several thousand and
against snipers. And yet my distinguished
friend, the Ambassador of Panama, calls this
act of self-defense within the boundaries of the
Canal Zone an act of aggression.
I mention these facts, as they are reported to
me, not as a complete account of these unhappy
events but only to show that, instead of ag-
gression by the United States against Panama,
the fact is that only the minimum measures
have been taken to insure the safety of the zone
and its inhabitants.
Moreover, it was the United States that pro-
posed that the Inter- American Peace Commis-
sion should move at once to ascertain the facts.
We were pleased that the Panamanian Govern-
ment agreed that this would be the proper step.
There is, I am informed, very good cooperation
between the Panamanian National Guard and
the United States forces, both in controlling
sniping and in safeguarding the lives of Ameri-
can citizens.
Looking beyond this tragic day, Mr. Presi-
dent, it is our earnest hope that this episode will
constitute only a temporary obstacle in the con-
tinuing development of friendly relations be-
tween my country and the Republic of Panama.
The way to resolve differences, as the Presi-
dents of our two Republics have agreed, is not
by violence but by peaceful means. We are
ready through direct discussions with the Pana-
manian Government to try to resolve such dif-
ferences as may exist. And, indeed, I am
advised that the Assistant Secretary of State
for Latin American Affairs and the Secretary
of the United States Army [Cyrus R. Vance]
have met with the President of Panama this
very evening.
Mr. President, we might well, given these
circumstances, ask ourselves what the Security
Council itself should do with this problem. I
believe there will be general agreement around
this table that, in view of the fact that the Inter-
American Peace Commission is about to leave
for Panama, the problem should continue to be
pursued in the regional forum which was estab-
lished precisely to deal with situations arising
among states in the Western Hemisphere.
The United Nations Charter, both in article
33 and in article 52, provides for pacific settle-
ment of local disputes through regional agen-
cies as does the Charter of the Organization
of American States in article 20. Without der-
ogating from the responsibilities of the Council,
we believe that such local disputes can most
effectively be dealt with through regional pro-
cedures. The decisive and rapid action of the
Organization of American States this afternoon
indeed shows that this is the case.
I would conclude merely by saying once more
how deeply my Government regrets that such
a tragic incident has taken place to mar the
cordial relations with a good neighbor. There
is no question about the old affinity of the people
of my country for the people of Panama, and I
am confident that transcending this one un-
happy chapter there will be a progressive de-
ir.i
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
velopment of cordial relations between our two
Governments.
The United States-Panamanian treaty of
friendship and cooperation of 1936 6 defined
the overriding goal of our relations as "a per-
fect, firm and inviolable peace and sincere
friendship between the United States of Ameri-
ca and the Republic of Panama and between
their citizens."
Mr. President, my Government continues un-
reservedly to adhere to that goal.
Second Statement
U.S./U.N. press release 4353
Regarding the proposal by our distinguished
colleague, the representative of Brazil, that the
President of the Security Council address an
appeal to the Governments of the United States
and of Panama to impose the utmost restraint
upon the military forces and civilians of both
countries in order to bring an end to the dis-
order and violence, we welcome this suggestion
and think that such an appeal coming from the
Security Council would be helpful. I can as-
sure the members of the Security Council that
the United States will comply in letter and spirit
with any such representation.
And we would respectfully suggest that in
his appeal the President of the Security Council
take note of the action already taken by the
Organization of American States.
Further, Mr. President, I also agree with
what the delegate of Brazil said that no further
action or resolution of the Security Council is
necessary at this time.
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS WITH PEACE COM-
MITTEE, JANUARY 12-13
Committee Chairman to U.S. Representative
Panama, Republic of Panama,
12 January 1964.
His Excellency Ambassador Edwin Martin,
Representative of the Government of the United
States to the Inter- American Peace Committee
Mr. Ambassador : The Inter- American Peace
Committee, over which I have the honor of
presiding, has received from the Governments
• 53 Stat. 1807.
of the United States and Panama, a urances
that they will intensify their efforts to maintain
order within their respective jurisdictions, in
the Canal Zone and the Republic of Panama,
particularly in the areas contiguous to the
boundary line.
To facilitate that objective, I point out the
necessity of paying special attention to those
places which, while located in the Canal Zone,
remain subject to the vigilance of the National
Guard of Panama, and which will require spe-
cial measures.
This Committee suggests the creation of a
Joint Cooperation Committee. It would have
the specific purpose of ascertaining the prob-
lems which might arise in the execution of the
task of maintaining order, and it would agree
upon measures to prevent and resolve any inter-
ruption of the same. It would also designate
the places that will be subject to the vigilance
of the National Guard of Panama as mentioned
in paragraph 2 of this note. The Joint Co-
operation Committee would be made up of a
civilian and military representative on behalf
of each one of the Governments. They would
work together with a representative of the Inter-
American Peace Committee who will be the
president.
I beg Your Excellency to advise me of the
acquiescence of your illustrious Government
and, at your convenience, to advise me of the
names of your representatives.
Said Joint Cooperation Committee will go
into session as soon as the favorable replies of
both Governments are received and their rep-
resentatives are designated. Please receive,
Excellency, the expression of my highest con-
sideration.
E. Tejera P.
U.S. Representative to Committee Chairman
Quarry Heights, Canal Zone,
13 January 196J h
The Honorable Enrique Tejera Paris,
President, Peace Commission, Organization of
American States, Panama, R.P.
My dear Mr. Ambassador: Thank you for
your letter relating the proposal of the Inter-
American Peace Commission, of which you are
chairman, to set up a committee for dealing
FEBRUARY 3, 1964
155
with the public order aspects of the present
emergency. On behalf of the United States
Government, I accept the proposal to set up
such a committee and nominate Mr. William
Belton and Brigadier General George L. Mabry,
Jr., to serve as the U.S. members.
In doing so, I wish to state that the United
States is pleased to continue to cooperate with,
and has in fact already invited the cooperation
of, the Panamanian authorities for dealing with
the problems of public order in certain areas
calling for special vigilance.
With respect to the arrangements mentioned
in the second paragraph of your letter it is our
understanding :
1. Such arrangements in no way change the
jurisdiction of either the Government of the
Canal Zone or the Panama Government.
2. They are only for the duration of the pres-
ent emergency.
3. These arrangements will apply to 4th of
July Avenue, and its extension as Kennedy Av-
enue, and Shaler Triangle; and in Colon, part
of Eleventh Street, part of Bolivar Avenue;
part of Calle 14 ; part of Avenida Herrera and
Boundary Street, and the Colon Corridor, all
of which areas are public thoroughfares or
gathering places directly adjacent to heavily
populated areas of Panama or the Canal Zone.
4. The areas mentioned in the last preceding
paragraph can only be extended by unanimous
agreement of the joint committee.
It would be helpful to my Government if you
could confirm to me in writing that the above
arrangements are consistent with the views of
the Inter- American Peace Commission.
Very truly yours,
Thomas C. Mann
Assistant Secretary of State
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 14 »
The President received a full report on the
situation in Panama from Mr. Mann. Mr.
Mann emphasized that United States forces
have behaved admirably under extreme provo-
cation by mobs and snipers attacking the Canal
7 Read to news correspondents by Andrew T. Hatcher,
Associate Press Secretary to the President.
Zone. The President continues to believe that
the first essential is the maintenance of peace.
For tliis reason, the United States welcomes
the establishment of the Joint Cooperation
Committee through the Inter- American Peace
Committee.
The United States tries to live by the policy
of the good neighbor and expects others to do
the same. The United States cannot allow the
security of the Panama Canal to be imperiled.
We have a recognized obligation to operate the
Canal efficiently and securely. And we intend
to honor that obligation in the interests of all
who depend on it. The United States continues
to believe that when order is fully restored it
should be possible to have direct and candid dis-
cussions between the two governments.
INTER-AMERICAN PEACE COMMITTEE
COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 15
The Inter-American Peace Committee, based
on its statutes which authorize it to offer its
good offices to the states requesting them, has
carried on conversations with representatives
of the Republic of Panama and the United
States and notes with satisfaction the re-estab-
lishment of peace which is an indispensable
condition for understanding and negotiation be-
tween the parties.
As a consequence, the Inter- American Peace
Committee has invited the parties to re-estab-
lish their diplomatic relations as quickly as pos-
sible. The parties have agreed to accept this
invitation and as a consequence thereof have
agreed to begin discussions which will be
initiated thirty days after diplomatic relations
are re-established by means of representatives
who will have sufficient powers to discuss with-
out limitations all existing matters of any na-
ture which may affect the relations between the
United States and Panama. 8
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 16 °
The United States Government is ready and
8 A disagreement regarding the Spanish translation
of the communique arose after it was issued, and rela-
tions between Panama and the United States were
not reestablished.
' Read to news correspondents by Pierre Salinger,
Press Secretary to the President.
15G
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
willing to discuss all problems affecting the re-
lationship between the United States and Pana-
ma. It was our understanding that the Govern-
ment of Panama was also willing to undertake
these discussions. Our position is unchanged.
We feel in this time of difficulty between I h<>
two countries that it is time for the highest exer-
cise of responsibility by all those involved.
President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union
for Concrete Actions To Promote Peace
Following is an exchange of letters between
the United States and the Soviet Union. The
Soviet message was sent simultaneously to
heads of state, or government, throughout the
world.
U.S. LETTER OF JANUARY 18
White House press release dated January 20
Dear Mr. Chairman: I welcome the stated
objective of your December 31 letter and agree
with much of its contents. It is my hope that
we can build on these areas of agreement in-
stead of merely emphasizing our well-known
disagreements. This Nation is committed to
the peaceful unification of Germany in accord-
ance with the will of the people. This Nation,
which has fundamental commitments to the Ke-
public of China, has for many years sought
the renunciation of force in the Taiwan Strait.
This Nation's forces and bases abroad are for
collective defense, and in accordance with
treaties and agreements with the countries
concerned.
Let us emphasize, instead, our agreement on
the importance your letter places on preserving
and strengthening peace — and on the need to
accompany efforts for disarmament with new
efforts to remove the causes of friction and to
improve the world's machinery for peacefully
settling disputes. In this spirit, let us both
present new proposals to the Geneva Disarma-
ment Conference * — in pursuit of the objectives
we have previously identified :
See p. 163.
— to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons ;
— to end the production of fissionable mate-
rial for weapons;
— to transfer large amounts of fissionable ma-
terials to peaceful purposes ;
— to ban all nuclear weapons tests;
— to place limitations on nuclear weapons
systems ;
— to reduce the risk of war by accident or
design ;
— to move toward general disarmament.
I am sure you will agree that our task is to
work hard and persistently on these and other
specific problems and proposals — as you ami
President Kennedy did on the Test Ban
Treaty — instead of confining ourselves to vague
declarations of principle that oppose some wars
but not all.
Your letter singles out the problem of terri-
torial disputes and concludes that "the use of
force for the solution of territorial disputes is
not in the interest of any people or any coun-
try." I agree ; moreover, the United States pro-
poses guidelines to implement this principle
which are even broader and stronger than your
own.
First, all governments or regimes shall ab-
stain from the direct or indirect threat or use
of force to change
— international boundaries;
— other territorial or administrative demar-
cation or dividing lines established or con-
firmed by international agreement or practice;
— the dispositions of truce or military armi-
stice agreements; or
FEBRUARY 3, 19G4
157
— arrangements or procedures concerning ac-
cess to, passage across or the administration of
those areas where international agreement or
practice has established or confirmed such ar-
rangements or procedures.
Nor shall any government or regime use or
threaten force to enlarge the territory under its
control or administration by overthrowing or
displacing established authorities.
Second, these limitations shall apply regard-
less of the direct or indirect form which such
threat or use of force might take, whether in the
form of aggression, subversion, or clandestine
supply of arms; regardless of what justification
or purpose is advanced; and regardless of any
question of recognition, diplomatic relations, or
differences of political systems.
Third, the parties to any serious dispute, in
adhering to these principles, shall seek a solu-
tion by peaceful means — resorting to negotia-
tion, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judi-
cial settlement, action by a regional or
appropriate United Nations agency or other
peaceful means of their own choice.
Fourth, these obligations, if they are to con-
tinue, would have to be quite generally observed.
Any departure would require reappraisal ; and
the inherent right of self-defense which is recog-
nized in Article 51 of the United Nations Char-
ter would, in any event, remain fully operative.
You will note the basic similarities in our
position. Agreement should not be impossible
on this or other propositions — and I share your
hope that such agreement will stimulate dis-
armament and peaceful relations.
The prevention of wars over territorial and
other disputes requires not only general princi-
ples but also the "growth and improvement" to
which you refer regarding the machinery and
methods for peaceful settlement. The United
States believes that the peace-keeping processes
of the United Nations — and specifically its Se-
curity Council— should be more fully used and
strengthened and that the special responsibili-
ties and contributions of the larger countries —
particularly the permanent members of the
Security Council — deserve greater attention in
solving its financial problems.
In consultation with our allies, we shall offer
specific proposals along these lines in the weeks
ahead. Both the Geneva Disarmament Confer-
ence and the United Nations are appropriate
places for such discussions.
Mr. Chairman, let me assure you that practi-
cal progress toward peace is my most fervent
desire. This requires, not only agreements in
principle but also concrete actions in accord
with those principles. I believe this exchange
of letters offers real hope for that kind of prog-
ress—and that hope is shared by all peace-loving
men in every land.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
SOVIET LETTER OF DECEMBER 31
Unofficial translation
I am sending you this message in order to draw your
attention to one of the problems which in my opinion
is of particularly great significance for strengthening
peaces — the question of territorial disputes between
countries and the ways of settling them. I should
like to explain first of all the reason why the Soviet
Government is raising this question precisely at this
moment and why it regards it as one of great urgency
and significance.
I hope you will agree that life itself has now implac-
ably placed the problem of maintaining and strengthen-
ing peace in the center of attention of all people, regard-
less of their nationality and race, of their political and
religious convictions.
By the combined efforts of many states it has been
possible of late to achieve a certain success in reducing
international tension. By common opinion, the signing
of the treaty banning nuclear weapons tests in the
atmosphere, in outer space, and under water, which
has been warmly acclaimed by the peoples, is a major
forward step toward a peaceful settlement of urgent
international problems. The agreement between the
U.S.S.R. and the United States, sealed by the unani-
mous resolution of the United Nations to keep vehicles
with nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass de-
struction out of orbit, has also been positively acclaimed
by all those who want to strengthen peace. These steps
have made a good beginning and now must be pur-
sued further.
In recent months, it will be recalled, opinions have
been exchanged between the governments of several
states concerning the possibility of carrying out a num-
ber of further measures toward the relaxation of inter-
national tension and the strengthening of peace.
Agreement on such measures would naturally have
a positive effect on the international situation. The
Soviet Government proceeds from the assumption that
the search for agreements on rii>e international ques-
tions will be continued.
Making due appraisal of what it is customary to call
158
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the realities of the atomic age, one would have to ac-
knowledge thai ii is the common duty of statesmen
bearing a high responsibility tor the destinies of the
world and the future of the peoples to agree to even
more radical steps capable of eliminating the danger
of another war.
Seeking to contribute to the accomplishment of this
great task, the Soviet Government made a proposal
for general and complete disarmament. It is gener-
ally recognized today that realization of this proposal
would secure a genuinely stable and inviolable peace.
The trouble, however, is that when the matter comes
to specific negotiations on general and complete dis-
armament and drafting an appropriate international
treaty — and such talks have oeen going on for some
years — it turns out that far from all states are ready
to take practical steps in this direction.
They evidently have their own reasons for this, but it
is not my intention to analyze them here or, the less
so, to start polemics on this question. The only thing
I want is to state the fact that talks on general and
complete disarmament have so far practically yielded
no tangible results.
Struggle for the implementation of the idea of gen-
eral and complete disarmament, which embodies the
most cherished aspirations of the peoples, continues
and will continue until agreement is reached, until it
is implemented. The Soviet Union for its part is
doing, as before, and will continue to do everything
necessary to promote its success. Fresh steps in this
direction, it will be recalled, were undertaken by the
Soviet Government at the 18th session of the U.N.
General Assembly which recently ended.
Analyzing the present situation, the Soviet Govern-
ment came to the conclusion that it would be advis-
able, while tirelessly working to settle the problem of
general and complete disarmament, to step up our
efforts for removing friction in the relations between
states and the breeding grounds of tension.
I think that you will agree with me that if we try
to pick out the questions which most often give rise
to dangerous friction between states in different parts
of the world, these undoubtedly will be territorial
disputes, the problems of frontiers between states,
mutual or unilateral claims of states to each other's
territory. Here are the factors which lead us to this
problem. All this is taken from life and one cannot
but ponder over this, I think.
The question of boundaries or, to be more specific,
of territorial claims and disputes is not new, of
course. It has existed practically through the entire
history of humanity and not infrequently caused sharp
conflicts between states, mutual mistrust and enmity
among the peoples. The seizure of foreign territories
was the invariable attendant of wars of conquest
waged by many rulers in ancient times, in the Middle
Ages, and in the course of modern history. And the
numerous colonial wars? Their main aim also invari-
ably was to seize other peoples' territories, to enslave
other peoples. No one can deny this now, no matter
bow the colonialists In iin-ir time covered up i in-ir
sinister deeds by talk about a "civilizing mission."
in our century too, territorial claims of states have
caused a number of armed conflicts. The desire to
seize foreign territories played a great part in the
two World Wars which were engendered by imperial-
ism. Tens of millions of lives wire sacrificed to the
Moloch of war. The strivings of those who in Kaiser
Germany, on the one hand, and in the Entente coun-
tries on the other, hatched plans for recarving the
map of Europe and other parts of the world in I heir
favor gave impetus to events which resolved into World
War I. The claims of Hitlerite Germany and its
allies in aggression to Lebensmiim at the expense of
other nations paved the way for World War II.
But while it is true that territorial claims in many
cases have led to wars and armed conflicts, it is also
equally true that wars as means of settling territorial
disputes have always been very costly to the peoples.
No sooner had one state seized by armed force the
disputed territory from another state, than the latter
began to prepare a new war to regain the lost terri-
tory. After that the cycle repeated itself. Suffice
it to recall, for instance, how Alsace and Lorraine
changed hands and how rivers of blood were shed
at each change. After each war for territories, the
territorial disputes between states proved to be per-
haps even more, not less, acute than before the war.
Many of these territorial disputes were inherited
by our generation, too. Now the number of such
disputes and reciprocal claims has increased even
further. One of the reasons for this is that many
young sovereign states which have recently won na-
tional independence have inherited from the colonial
regimes a large number of artificially embroiled border
problems. A glance at the political map of the world
today will show scores, if not hundreds, of districts
which are disputed by various states.
Of course territorial claims and disputes between
states are different in character. There are some that
are associated with the completion of the liberation
of this or that people from colonial oppression or
foreign occupation.
It is well known that not all young national states
by any means managed to liberate from the power of
the colonialists all the territories that are theirs by
right immediately after they became independent
Taiwan is a case in point. This island has since
time immemorial been an integral part of the Chinese
state. Taiwan's unlawful occupation by American
troops should be terminated. The island is an inalien-
able part of the Chinese People's Republic and would
have long since been reunited with It but for outside
interference by another state.
If other examples were needed, they are there for all
to see. Take, for instance, such a recent case as West
Irian's reunification with Indonesia. The demands of
the liberated states for the return of territories that
are still under the colonial yoke or under foreign occu-
pation are unquestionably just
FEBRUARY 3, 190 4
159
Of course all this also applies to the territories of
the peoples who have not yet achieved national inde-
pendence and whose status is still colonial. One can-
not recognize the casuistry of the colonialists who still
hold colonies and contend that these colonial territories
are component parts of the metropolis. There should
be no ambiguity about that : the right of all colonial
peoples to liberation, to freedom and independence,
proclaimed in the U.N. declaration to give independence
to colonial countries and peoples, cannot be questioned
by anyone.
I should like to say that the role of all those who are
sincerely interested in the earliest completion of the
liquidation of the disgraceful colonial system, the
remnants of which still poison the atmosphere of our
planet, is to help these peoples to shake off colonial
oppression most quickly.
The quicker and more completely it is done, the bet-
ter for the cause of world peace. The peoples still un-
der colonialist domination are striving to achieve their
freedom and independence by peaceful means. But
these means do not always prove adequate, be-
cause those who are interested in preserving and per-
petuating the remnants of the colonial system
frequently reply by force of arms to the legitimate
demands of these peoples for the abolition of colonial
regimes. In this event the oppressed peoples have no
other choice but to take up arms themselves. And this
is their sacred right.
War bases established on foreign territories alienated
from other states should be liquidated in the same way.
And no one should be misled by the arguments that the
land on which such bases are built and foreign troops
stationed was leased under some treaty or agreement
some time in the past.
The way such agreements were concluded in the past
is no secret to anyone : the stronger imposed his will on
the weaker. At present, the countries which were
compelled at one time to lease their territories for the
construction of foreign bases find it difficult to tolerate
them on their territories and demand the dissolution
of the treaties on war bases, the restoration of these
territories to them, and the dismantling of bases and
withdrawal of foreign troops. These just demands
should be satisfied.
There is one more problem, that of unification of
Germany, Korea, and Viet-Nam, which is associated
to a certain degree with the territorial question. In
the postwar period each of these countries was divided
into two states with different social systems. The de-
sire of the peoples of these countries for unification
should be treated, of course, with understanding and
respect.
It gees without saving, however, that the matter of
reunification should be settled by the peoples of these
em, i, tries and their governments themselves, without
any Interference or pressure from the outside and cer-
tainly without foreign military intervention — occupa-
tion, as is actually the case, for instance, in South
Korea and South Viet-Nam.
No force should be used in settling this matter, and
the peoples of these countries should be given an op-
portunity to solve the problems of unification by peace-
ful means. All other states should contribute to this.
But this is not the question we are examining here.
The question before us is how to deal with territorial
disputes and claims which arise over the presently ex-
isting well-established frontiers of states. Let us have
a look, first of all, into the nature of these disputes and
claims.
A special class among such claims are the demands
of the revenge-seeking circles of certain states which
were the aggressors in the Second World War. These
circles craving revenge for the lost war are harboring
plans for a revision of the just postwar territorial set-
tlement. In the first place they want to get hold of
those territories which went to other states by way
of eliminating the consequences of the aggression and
providing guarantees of security for the future. Such
territorial "claims" must be resolutely rejected as in-
compatible with the interests of peace, because nothing
but a new world war may grow out of these claims.
There exist, however, other territorial claims and
border disputes, and they are perhaps the most numer-
ous. These disputes have nothing to do with the post-
war settlement. To justify their claims the parties to
these disputes advance arguments and considerations
relating to history, ethnography, blood affinity, religion
and so forth.
It often happens that one state justifies by such argu-
ments its territorial claim to another state, and the lat-
ter in turn finds other arguments of the same kind but
of an absolutely opposed nature, and itself advances
a territorial counterclaim. The result is the kindling
of passions and deepening of mutual strife.
How can one tell which side is right, whose position
is just and whose unjust? In some cases this is very
difficult because the existing borders came into being as
a result of the influence of many factors.
In many cases, references to history are of no help.
Who can affirm that, say, a reference to the 17th cen-
tury which one state puts forward in substantiation
of its territorial claim is more valid than, for instance,
the reference to the ISth or 19th century by which the
other state tries to bolster its counterclaim? And if
one were to take as the basis for the solution of a
border dispute the entire history spread over several
millennia, all would agree, one should think, that in
many cases no real solution could be found. Nor can
we forget the fact that references to history are not in-
frequently used to provide a cover for overt aggression,
as was the case, for instance, with Mussolini's refer-
ences to tile borders of the Koni.in Empire to substan-
tiate his territorial grabs in the Mediterranean, which
the Italian Fascists even christened marc nostrum, in
other words, "our sea," in an effort to present them-
selves as the heirs of the ancient Romans.
Occasionally it is difficult to get one's bearings among
numerous "arguments" based on national, ethno-
graphic, or blood affinity grounds. The development
L60
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
of mankind was such that some peoples are now living
on the territories of several states. On the other hand
there exist states of the multinational type Inhabited
sometimes by dozens of peoples belonging even to dif-
ferent races.
Unfortunately, disputes about borders take place not
only between historians and ethnographers but also
between states each of which possesses armed forces
and quite big ones sometimes. Life shows that the
majority of territorial disputes are fraught with the
danger of complication of relations between the parties,
with the possibility of a serious armed conflict, and
consequently constitute a potential threat to universal
peace. This means that one has to display due under-
standing of boundaries as they have been formed in the
course of history.
There may perhaps be some naive people who would
say that since the majority of territorial disputes con-
cern the relations between small states, which do not
possess nuclear weapons, nothing terrible can come of
it. So a couple of small countries do have a quarrel or
fight it out between themselves, if worst comes to
worst. What of it? This will not have any terrible
consequences for mankind.
But such views are wrong and harmful. Can one
remain indifferent if the blood of peoples is shed over
border disputes? Moreover, one should be a realist in
this matter. In our time, when the development of
international relations has resulted in the situation in
which the interests of states — economic, political,
strategic, and others — have become closely intertwined,
when ramified systems of alliances are in existence, a
clash that occurs in some one place and would seem to
be purely local in nature might quickly escalate to in-
volve many other states.
This would bring into play the allied commitments
and the fears, real or imaginary, of other states con-
cerning their security, both adjoining the area of the
conflict and those thousands of kilometers away from
it, and — we shall say it straight — it would bring into
play simply the desire of certain states to take ad-
vantage of a local conflict to achieve their special preda-
tory aims. At the same time one cannot fail to reckon
with the fact that wars which begin with the use of
conventional weapons may in our time develop into a
world war with the use of thermonuclear weapons.
I believe you would agree with me that especially
dangerous to all humanity would be an armed conflict
over borders in the area of the world where both World
Wars started in the past and where at the present
time are concentrated great masses of troops and
armaments of states belonging to the two principal
antagonistic military groupings. Europe is such an
area — this is undeniable.
Undoubtedly if a world thermonuclear war breaks
out over a local clash of states striving to settle their
territorial disputes by armed forces, it will spare no
one. No one would be able to shun it. No one except
madmen or political figures blinded by hatred can
resign themselves to such a prospect.
I should like to say quite definitely and iirmiy thai In
the Soviet I Dion then' :ire no BUCl political liuure.. and
had they appeared they would certainly bare bean
committed to a madhouse. The main line of the policy
of the socialist states aimed at strengthening peace
and preventing war is exactly the earnest of the fad
that on our side armed force will not and cannot be
used to settle any territorial dispute in our favor.
One should like to think that the statesmen of other
countries. Including the member countries Of the North
Atlantic' alliance and other military blocs created by
the Western Powers, realize the formidable dangers
involved in our time In any attempts to use force for
the settlement of territorial issues.
It is our deep conviction that the use of force for the
solution of territorial disputes is not in the interest
of any people or any country. It is not in the interest
Of the European peoples inhabiting countries where
almost every inch of soil is drenched witli blood shed
in past wars. It is not to plunge headlong into fateful
military adventures for the sake of seizing a strip
of land from their neighbors that these peoples by their
labor created their economy, built factories and mills,
plowed land.
And is it not dangerous for the peoples of Asia to
use force for the purposes of revising the state borders
existing in this part of the world? Of course they
don't need that. Is it not a fact that the border con-
flicts existing between some states of Asia even now
have a most adverse effect on their life? The people a
of the Asian Continent face great tasks. It is exceed-
ingly important for them to raise their national econ-
omy, lay the groundwork for a modprn industry,
bring about a turning point in the efficiency of their
agriculture so as to deliver the population of their
countries from age-old poverty and want. This calls
for great efforts and above all for peace and tran-
quillity on the borders. Now that border conflicts not
only exist but sometimes are even aggravated between
Asian states, they are compelled to maintain and even
increase their armed forces and spend their resources
unproductively. Who is to profit by this? Certainly
not the peoples of the countries which have liberated
themselves from colonial oppression.
The question of frontiers between African states is
a very complicated and knotty question they inherited
from colonialism. But despite the complexity of terri-
torial problems the summit conference of African
states, in its charter of the Organization of African
Unity adopted in May lf)f!o. unanimously stressed the
impermissibility of settling territorial differences and
disputes between African states by force and the neces-
sity of resolving such questions exclusively by peaceful
means.
Africa is throwing off the last colonial fetters. The
young African states still have much to do to liquidate
the dire consequences of colonialism, to stand up
firmly on their own feet. The carrying out of this
task requires the exertion of all forces and means.
Recent events in North Africa leave no doubt that
the cause of strengthening and developing the inde-
FEBRETART 3, 1964
161
pendent African states is harmed substantially when
one of them embarks upon the road of using armed
forces against another in the attempt to satisfy its
territorial claims. One should also not forget that
conflicts between African states over territorial ques-
tions may prove to be a find for the stronger states,
which have not yet abandoned their hopes of getting
back in this or another way some of what they have
lost.
And what about Latin America? To this day some
of the Latin American countries are unable to recover
from the consequences of military clashes caused by
territorial disputes which occurred in the past. Suffice
it to recall the war between Paraguay and neighboring
countries at the end of the 19th century, in which so
much blood was spilled that the population of Paraguay
is still smaller than before this war. Is it worth it for
the Latin American countries to sharpen knives against
each other in our days, when there is so much they
yet have to do at home?
I do not know what words I should choose, but it is
my desire to express with utmost clarity the thought
that there are not nor can there be such territorial
disputes in our time between the already formed states,
such unresolved frontier questions, for the solution of
which it is permissible to use armed force. No, this
cannot be allowed to happen, and we must do every-
thing possible to rule out the possibility of such a
development of events.
One may ask — and I reckon this question has already
come to your mind — is it that the Soviet Union pro-
poses to cross out with one stroke all territorial issues
between states, to abandon all attempts to settle them,
as if these issues do not exist at all? No, this is not
the point. We realize that some countries have weighty
reasons for their claims. In all current frontier dis-
putes between states the sides must of course study
the matter thoroughly in order to settle these issues.
We are wholly for this. The only thing we are against
are the military methods of solving territorial dis-
putes. This is what we should agree upon, precisely
upon this.
As for peaceful means of settling territorial disputes,
experience proves them to be feasible. Even the ex-
istence of different social systems and forms of state
power in the modern world need not be an obstacle
to peaceful solution of territorial problems, provided
of course it is sincerely desired by both sides. Life
shows that whenever states firmly abide by the prin-
ciples of peaceful coexistence and display good will,
restraint, and due regard for each other's interests,
they are quite capable of extricating themselves from
the maze of historical, national, geographical, and
other factors and finding a satisfactory solution.
It is also important to stress that while the military
road, that is, the use of force, does not lead at all to
the ending of territorial conflicts but rather deepens
and aggravates them, the peaceful road, on the con-
trary, liquidates such conflicts and eliminates to a
considerable extent the very source of the dispute, be-
cause more chances for solution are offered by the
level-headed consideration of issues than in the case
where the disputing sides are ready to start a shooting
war against each other.
Everything, including the tremendous changes which
have lately occurred in the world and which throw
a new light on many international questions, the ter-
ritorial problem among others, shows that at present
we have a situation where it is possible to set and
solve in a practical way the task of ruling out from
international life the use of force in territorial disputes
between states.
The possibility of a radical turn in the solution of
these questions by peaceful means is also facilitated by
the increasing recognition of the idea of the peaceful
coexistence of states with different social systems.
The idea of peaceful coexistence, which lies at the root
of our Leninist foreign policy, found expression in the
decisions of the historic Bandung conference, the char-
ter of the African unity organization, and in many
other international documents. More and more gov-
ernments in the world are coming firmly to the con-
clusion that, in the nuclear age, war can no longer be
a means of settling international disputes and that
peaceful coexistence is the only foundation on which
relations between states can and should be built.
Neither can one fail to see that the present onrush
of science and technology, which opens enormous pros-
pects for increasing industrial and agricultural pro-
duction in all territories, exposes still further the
falsity of the arguments of those who are wont to refer
to overpopulation or inadequate economic productivity
of their own territory to justify their territorial
claims.
A peaceful settlement of territorial disputes is also
favored by the fact that in the practice of international
relations there already exists a store of improved meth-
ods of peaceful settlement of outstanding issues —
direct negotiations between the states concerned, use
of good offices, request of assistance from international
organizations, etc. Although in my opinion the United
Nations in its present form is far from being an ideal
instrument of peaceful cooperation of states, even this
organization, granted an impartial approach, can make
a positive contribution to the cause of peaceful settle-
ment of territorial and border issues.
Considering this, the Soviet Government, guided by
the interests of strengthening peace and preventing
war, is submitting the following proposal to the con-
sideration of the governments of all states : to conclude
an international agreement — or treaty — on the renun-
ciation by states of the use of force for the solution of
territorial disputes or questions of frontiers. In our
opinion such an agreement should include the following
principal propositions :
First, a solemn undertaking by the states that are
parties to the agreement not to resort to force to alter
existing state frontiers,
Second, recognition that the territory of states should
not even temporarily be the object of any invasion,
162
DEPARTMENT OF 6TATE BULLETIN
attack, military occupation, or any other forcible meas-
ure directly or indirectly undertaken by other states
for whatever political, economic, strategic, frontier, or
any other considerations,
Third, a linn declaration that neither differences In
social or political systems, nor denial of recognition or
the absence of diplomatic relations, nor any other pre-
texts can serve as a justification for the violation by
one state of the territorial integrity of another,
Four, an undertaking to settle all territorial disputes
exclusively by peaceful means, such as negotiations,
mediation, conciliatory procedures, and also other
peaceful means at the option of the parties concerned
in accordance with the U.N. Charter.
Needless to say, such an international agreement
should cover all territorial disputes concerning the
existing borders between states. The proposed
agreement would be a confirmation, specification,
and development of the principles of the U.N. Char-
ter concerning the relations between states on ter-
ritorial matters, an expression of good will and the
determination of states firmly to abide by these
principles.
The Soviet Government is deeply convinced that
the undertaking by states to settle territorial dis-
putes by peaceful means only would go a long way
toward putting international relations in order.
Conclusion of an international agreement by states
renouncing the use of force for the solution of ter-
ritorial disputes would dispel like a fresh wind many
of the things in international life that are artificial-
ly exaggerated and create obstacles to the relaxa-
tion of tension in the world and to the consolida-
tion of peace. It would bring about a considerable
new improvement of the international climate and
create a good basis for greater confidence among
states.
One can say with confidence that, in the new
situation which would be created by the conclusion
of an agreement on the renunciation by states of
the use of force for the solution of territorial ques-
tions, it would be much easier to find a solution
to other basic international problems, too. This
refers primarily and mainly to the problem of dis-
armament.
Indeed, the desire of some states to resort to force
against other states in order to settle border dis-
putes in their favor has always been and remains
one of the main factors stimulating the arms race.
Territorial disputes between states is a nutrient
medium for militarism as well as for fanning up
passions which are so willingly exploited by those
who regard an unbridled arms race as a source of
their profits. In conditions in which states will no
longer have to worry about their frontiers and in
which any plans for changing these frontiers by
force are banned by international law, many of the
motives by which the states were guided in increas-
ing their armed forces must disappear.
This will expose still more the insolvency of those
who either hesitate to agree to disarmament or,
trying to conceal their unwillingness lo reach iik'r
ment on this question, point to difficulties nrlsing
from the present situation in view of the unsettled
territorial disputes. The great powers must set an
example in disarmament.
It is also clear that opportunities for large-scale
peaceful international cooperation will Immeasurably
increase in conditions in which the states have no
grounds for mutual suspicions with regard I" fron-
tiers. A powerful impetus will be given t < > the de-
velopment of trade and transport, communications,
cultural exchanges, and scientific contacts for the
good of the peoples. Every state, every people, and
the whole world will stand to gain from all this.
As to the forms of a future international agree-
ment on the renunciation by states of the use of
force for the solution of territorial disputes, and
also the order of conducting talks on the conclu-
sion of this agreement, it seems to me that it would
not be very difficult to reach agreement on this, If
of course the sides concerned will show interest in
this. The Soviet Government, for its part, is ready
to do everything possible to facilitate the solution
of these questions.
In conclusion I would like to express the hope
that you will study attentively the considerations of
the Soviet Government set forth in the present
message and that they will meet with your favor-
able response. These considerations are dictated by
the interests of peace, by a desire to contribute to
the prevention of war.
Sincerely,
N. Khrushchev
Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers
Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament
Conference at Geneva
White House Statement
White House press release dated January 16
The President met with William C. Foster
on the eve of his departure for Geneva, where
Mr. Foster will lead the United States delega-
tion to the 18-Nation Disarmament Conference,
which convenes on January 21. 1
In wishing Mr. Foster every success, the Pres-
ident emphasized his determination that the
United States will take every opportunity to
•For a White House statement of Jan. 10, see
Bulletin of Jan. 27, 1964, p. 119.
FEBRUARY 3, 1064
163
seek out possible new areas for agreement.
He stated that he has been encouraged by de-
velopments in this area over the past year and
that Mr. Foster will carry with him to Geneva
proposals aimed at further controlling the weap-
ons of war.
The Making of Foreign Policy
Following is the transcript of a television
interview between Secretary Rush and Profes-
sor Eric Frederick Goldman of Princeton Uni-
versity, filmed at the Department of State on
January 11 and first broadcast on January 12
on the WNBO {New York) program "The
Open Mind."
Q. Hello, ladies and gentlemen. As you
know, occasionally "The Open Mind" departs
from its usual panel discussion to do a profile
of some one important American. Today we
have a distinguished guest, indeed, the Secre-
tary of State of the United States, Mr. Dean
Rusk. A very warm welcome to "The Open
Mind," sir, and it is particularly pleasant to be
talking with you in this lovely John Quincy
Adams Room of the State Department.
Mr. Secretary, as one reads through the
things written about you, you are struck by the
fact that you do have a very clear-cut definition
of the role of the Secretary and that it is a
definition which has its very definite limits, it
seems to me. I think characteristic, at least in
my impression of your attitude, is this quota-
tion from you, where you say, "Former Presi-
dent Truman's remark that l the President
makes foreign policy^ is not the whole story,
but it will serve well enough if you want to say
it all in five words."
A. That is correct, Mr. Goldman. The Presi-
dent, under our constitutional system, is pri-
marily responsible for the conduct of our rela-
tions with the rest of the world. The Secretary
of State is the President's principal assistant
in this task. But the President is our principal
spokesman ; he is our Commander in Chief, who
disposes of our Armed Forces; he is our prin-
cipal legislative leader and, in that regard, has
a major role to play in our foreign relations, be-
cause almost everything that we do, requiring
men or money, requires our legislation. The
Secretary of State is his right arm in this
respect.
There is another role which the public prob-
ably doesn't know too much about. And that
is the sheer management of the daily relation-
ships between us and other governments. We
get about 1,300 incoming cables a day in this
Department, in every working day throughout
the year. We send out about a thousand cables
a day. Now, these have to do with the entire
range of the contacts of the American people
with other nations; the protection of American
interests — whether it is tourists traveling
abroad or businessmen taking part in the $20
billion of exports and the $15 billion of im-
ports — as well as the political relations with the
other governments, make up a vast amount of
business here in this Department. And, ob-
viously, the Secretary of State must direct that
process, under the general policy direction of
the President.
Q. In this function — the first function you
described — did you use the word "adviser"
there — chief adviser in foreign policy? Or
would you use it?
A. Yes. I think that one would have to say
"advise," because a President must be free to get
ideas about foreign policy from many different
directions: from his legislative leaders, from
his party leaders, from the press, from repre-
sentatives of foreign governments. So that the
Secretary of State tries to pul] together all of
the elements that the President needs to have
K.I
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
in his mind before the President can make a
considered decision or judgment about foreign
policy matters.
The Decisionmaking Process
Q. ~\Yell, / brought up that -ward because it
seems to tin-, as a historian, that there hare been
Secretaries of State who have defined that ward
"ai/r/s," in different ways. That is, you can
press for policy, so to speak, to a greater or lesser
/. And I take it that your conception of
the role of the Secretary of State is that he
should be somewhat limited in the degree to
which he presses?
A. No. I think that depends entirely upon
the issue. A Secretary of State should not be
timid about giving advice, nor should he be
timid about pressing a point of view very
strongly. Because he must, as a part of his duty
to the President — must insure that the Presi-
dent lias before him the elements, and many of
them are difficult and disagreeable elements,
that go into a situation and the making of a
decision about that situation.
Now, I think that a Secretary of State has a
responsibility, for example, not to screen out
differences of view so that, when advice goes
to the President, the President will know that
here is a situation requiring a decision, that
there are alternatives, there are choices to be
made — including doing nothing — and that these
may very well be on-balance judgments — here
are the considerations pointing in one direc-
tion, here are those pointing in another.
Q. You do exercise, then, this restraint, so
to speak. That is, I can think of Secretaries
in the past who, when they were convinced that
so-and-so policy was correct, took to the Presi-
dent what amounted to a brief specifically di-
rected toxoard their own —
A. Well, that, then, throws upon the Presi-
dent the responsibility for doing his own staff
work. And it seems to me that a Secretary of
State can combine his own strong recommenda-
tion about a particular course of action and, at
the same time, call to the President's attention
the fact that there are alternatives and that
there may be important people who prefer those
alternatives. You see, in this postwar world a
President and a Secretary of State never gel
simple or easy questions. 1 think Presidenl
Kennedy and Presidenl Johnson have them-
selves pointed this out Thai means thai most
of the questions they get arc quest ions requiring
finesse, requiring balanced judgments, requir-
ing choices among alternatives no one of which
is entirely pleasant or comfort able. 1 mean, if
it were quite clear that there is an easy answer,
that question would have been taken up and
disposed of down the line.
Q. A colleague of mine says, "If the question
gets as high as the Secretary or the President,
it is insoluble anyway."
A. Well, there is a good deal to that — a good
deal to that.
Q. Well, this process of making the deci-
sion — it is always something that has fascinated
me. Could you give us the major elements?
Something happens out there in the world; a
decision is going to be made.
A. Well, I think that there are many elements
that go into every important decision. In the
first place, you must try to grapple with the
facts. What is the actual situation ? And, try
as you might, you cannot be sure that you have
all of the relevant facts in front of you.
Q. Frequently the first facts are wrong,
aren't they? I noticed the otlier day the first
facts — according to the Times — which came
into the Panama situation were incorrect.
A. Well, the first, immediate reports are only
fragmentary, and it takes a little time to build
up the entire nexus of the factual circumstances.
Those first flashes did, I think, lead to some
early misunderstanding. And one of the chief
advantages of this Peace Committee's investiga-
tion is to get a balanced report on the entire
episode.
But, after the facts have been reasonably
established, then it is necessary to try to define
what the question is, because frequently, by the
way in which you pose the question, you tend
to tilt the answer. You see, for example, in con-
nection with our relationship to Americans em-
ployed in the United Nations Secretariat, one
can say, "Do we want disloyal Americans work-
ing in the United Nations Secretariat?" But
you could put another question, and that is, "Do
FEBRUARY 3, 196 4
718-451—64 S
165
we want the Soviet Union or other Communist
countries to have a veto on their nationals em-
ployed in the U.N. Secretariat?'' So that the
way in which the question is posed has a good
deal to do with framing the answer. And accu-
racy in finding out what the real question is
often does, of course, give you a lead to the
answer. Then there are many other —
Q. Excuse me, sir. In terms of the role of
the Secretary of State, is it frequently he who
frames that question, so to speak, in his rela-
tions with the President?
A. Well, he has to keep searching for it.
And, in terms of consulting his own colleagues,
he has to grope for an accurate identification
of the question itself.
Now, General Marshall used to try to get us
to concentrate on the essence of the question by
saying to us, "What do you want me to do now ?
What am I supposed to do about it ? Let's don't
have a seminar. Let's don't speculate. What
must someone do about this situation today,
this morning, while we are talking ?"
Now, that's one way of getting at it. There
are other ways of getting at it. But on most
of these important questions there are political
factors, security and defense factors, economic
factors, the attitudes of 114 governments with
whom we do business.
In the case of a particular question, the atti-
tudes of certain governments are far more im-
portant than others. Eelations arising out of
international law, questions of precedent — what
will happen if we do the same thing here and in
a dozen other similar situations in other places?
So that —
Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy
Q. When you say "-polit'icaV in that, you are
referring to politics in the larger world sense, or
are you referring to domestic politics?
A. Well, both. Because at least when these
questions get to the level of Presidential ap-
pointees, Cabinet level, or discussions with the
President, the domestic support for a particular
policy is an important element of the decision.
It can't help but be.
Q. I read a quotation the other day from
John 17 ay, who argued that he thought the Sec-
retary of State should ignore political questions
in the domestic sense — that that was for the
President to worry about, that the Secretary
ought to be the man who sticks strictly to what
is good in foreign policy. This seemed to me
a little academic in approach.
A. Well, I remember — if I could quote some-
one later than Mr. Hay— Mr. Truman used to
tell us, when I was an Assistant Secretary, more
junior than now — he used to tell us that he pre-
ferred that we put our recommendations up in
foreign policy terms and not take into account
prematurely what we consider to be the domes-
tic political reaction. "In the first place," he
said, "you people are amateurs in domestic poli-
tics and I am an expert." And, he said, "At
least the President ought to know what, from
a foreign policy point of view, would be the
most sensible course for us to adopt. Then he
will take that matter up and think about it in
terms of mobilizing public support for it, con-
sulting with congressional leaders."
The President, I think, does have the primary
responsibility for making those broad judg-
ments.
Now, it is also true — and I think this is rele-
vant — that more recent Presidents have taken
special steps to insure that the Secretary of
State, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of
the Treasury, stand away from partisan politics,
so that there is an easier opportunity to discuss
these matters on a national basis, or with the
leaders of both parties, or without premature
regard for the more controversial aspects of
politics here at home.
Q. Could you think of an instance where,
without talking about things you shouldn't be
talking about, you could give us a few of the
details of decisionmaking — some instance in
your own experience?
A. Well, there have been many, of course. I
think perhaps one of the cases that occurs to
me is a decision that we had to come to in the
early part of the Kennedy administration as
to how we would handle the Congo situation.
That matter had come up during the last year
of (lie Eisenhower administration. President
Eisenhower had been faced with, in effect, civil
war in the Congo. The Belgians were pulling
out much more rapidly than they had expected
lOf,
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
to, disorders spread throughout the country,
there was a danger that the Soviet Union and
the Communist bloc might intrude into this
great country in the very heart of Africa and
pose far-reaching securit} - and political ques-
tions for the free world. So President Eisen-
hower made the decision to try to handle this
problem in the United Nations.
Now, when we took a look at that in early
1961, we had to review t hat decision in great de-
tail and to take a look at it in terms of the
known difficulties of pursuing it through the
United Nations : particularly the financial prob-
lem, mobilizing support in the United Nations
for a reasonable allocation of the expenses;
problems of domestic support here in the United
States ; the possibilities of a sharp confrontation
with the Soviet Union in the Congo despite the
fact that the United Nations was taking it under
control. And we boxed the compass on the fi-
nancial, the security, the political aspects of it
and concluded that President Eisenhower's
decision was right and that the Kennedy ad-
ministration should take it up and pursue it
even more vigorously perhaps, because some
important decisions had to be made at that point
about the Congo in order to drive that U.N.
operation through to a successful conclusion.
Now, this involved thinking about the atti-
tudes of maybe 50 or 60 governments. It in-
volved whether we should go into a great deal
of U.S. financing, because U.N. financing of it
was very difficult. Now, that kind of a decision
brings in almost all elements of your national
policy and brings in quite a few agencies of
Government before you are through.
Q. Yes. Mr. Secretary, you have served in
this decisionmaking process, of course, with
President Kennedy and now with President
Johnson. Is there anything appropriate, in
your position, which you could say in comparing
and contrasting the two Presidents in their
functioning as foreign policy leaders?
A. Well, I think the two of them actually
were very much alike in the more fundamental
aspects — both of them very much concerned
about what is required to be done. They were
men of action, they were very conscious of the
unfinished business before the United States.
more interested in what is required of us in a
particular situation than in the long-range,
broad, philosophical aspei ituation.
Now, we can recall a iiumlier of occasions
where President Kennedy acted immediately
and with dispatch on particular issues.
Lasl Thursday night, in the middle of the
night, we began to get reports from Panama. 1
We kept the President informed in the course
of the night, and then early the next morning
he made certain important decisions for action
on that one day — before all the facts had come
in. For example, that we send —
Q. Well, before that question had been
framed, so to speak, the one —
A. Before we could be completely clear about
exactly what the question was, he, for example,
dispatched Mr. Mann and Secretary Vance to
Panama, to have two of his top representatives
right there on the scene to deal with the
situation on the spot. He made immediate ar-
rangements for this to be considered by the Or-
ganization of American States and a decision as
to how to deal with it in the United Nations
Security Council. He gave other instructions
about the security of American life and prop-
erty in the zone itself. He telephoned Presi-
dent Chiari to get agreement that this is a
matter that ought to be settled by discussion
and not by violence.
Now, that was in the very first few hours of
the crisis. Because events move so fast these
days that when something like this comes up,
it is important to begin to take the first steps
to bring it under control, rather than let it drift
and by indecision or inaction become much more
explosive than it really is.
Staffing Problems
Q. Mr. Secretary, in trying to reach that
question, of course, you are dealing with your
own Department. And this Department is one
of the favorite whipping boys and always has
been, for years, for newspapermen to bring up
a series of criticisms over and over again. I
would like you to comment on them.
One of them — just to run down the list — one
of them is that this place is overstaffed, the
• nt bureaucratic curse of overstating, yet,
1 See p. 152.
FEBRUARY 3, 1064
167
really, nothing can be done about it. People
are locked in here by Civil Service, veterans' 1
legislation, et cetera, et cetera. And when the
St-ate Department is hit by a reduction in force,
the good people go while the drones are protected
by veterans'' legislation and seniority, and they
stay on while the good people go, et cetera,
et cetera. This is one of them.
A. Well, it is one that is fashionable. And
I am not sure that it is necessarily bad to keep
raising the question as to whether Government
bureaus or departments are overstaffed. That
is, I think, a wholesome question. But I must
say that I think the Department of State is
getting to be pretty lean.
We, for example, since 1950 have doubled the
number of countries that we have relations
with, and we have fewer people today in the
Department of State than we had in 1950.
We have about twice as many international
conferences today, say, as we had 10 years ago.
But we hold those conferences on about the same
appropriations that we used 10 years ago for
international conferences.
We, I suppose, have more unpaid overtime in
this Department per man than at least any large
organization that I know of, either inside or
outside of Government.
Now, our problem, really, is that we cannot
always know where the crises are going to occur
and where additional personnel will be required.
Now, we can't, on the one side, staff every part
of the Department on the assumption that crises
will occur in those particular sections of respon-
sibility. So we have been moving toward more
flexible assignment of personnel, in effect, some
reserves to move into crisis situations. We do
that through the Operations Center ; we do it in
our intelligence work; we do it in a variety of
ways. And we can beef up one of our embassies
or posts overseas temporarily to help out during
a particular period of tension.
Q. What about this charge which some people
make, that your difficulty lies in the seniority
protection and so forth?
A. Well, I think that this is something that
arises wherever there is a tenure system.
Q. Like universities?
A. You gentlemen in the universities know
something about this.
Q. Yes. I will be very quiet.
A. But I think this is a matter that has to
be worked at all the time. Our Selection
Boards, for example, not only look down the
lino to see who are the youngsters who are going
to move forward fast, and should move forward
fast, in terms of high ability, but they also rec-
ommend certain ones for selection out because it
is discovered, for reasons which are not neces-
sarily blameworthy, that individuals quit grow-
ing before their time, or they demonstrate that
they are unsuitable for the higher echelons of
the service, and so they are simply advised that
their career ought to be somewhere else.
But you can't be completely arbitrary about
that sort of thing, because we are interested also
in recruitment. And when we recruit people
to commit their lives to service in far-off and
disagreeable and sometimes dangerous places,
we have got to give them some assurance of con-
tinuity on the job. We just can't go in with
knives and cut people off here and there friv-
olously.
So, on the one side, we have got to maintain
our capacity to recruit for a genuine career serv-
ice and, on the other, try to find the ways and
means of keeping that service honed up to its
top responsibilities.
Now, in addition to that, diplomacy has
changed, at least as far as the United States is
concerned — has changed dramatically since
World War II. We have been thrown into a
new world situation and a new responsibility
toward it. And the demands on our diplomats
are different in kind from those that were
thrown upon them during our period of isola-
tion, say, in the 1920's and 1930's. So the entire
career service has had to grow and expand, and
expand its horizons, and develop new talents
and new executive abilities. And I think they
have responded magnificently to it.
Q. The State Department is really a creed
or a product, isn't it, of the last 30 years or so?
I think I remember reading about an editorial
in the New York Sun, about 1903, which pro-
posed abolishing the State Department. I
mean, this represented some public opinion at
that time.
168
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
A. Well, it is interesting to me, in terms of
the rigors of our jobs, seen from the point of
view of the professional service, that we have
very, very few applications for jobs on a politi-
cal basis. Now, there was a time when an am-
bassadorship abroad was sought after as a po-
litical matter; it was a social accolade. But
these jobs have become tough, and exact ing, and
demanding, and, as I say, sometimes dangerous.
And we have very, very few what might be
called political applications for appointments
in our diplomatic work right around the world.
Improving Administrative Procedures
Q. Mr. Secretary, there is another kind of
criticism xvhich, as you well know, is frequently
made. One gentleman puts it that your prob-
lem, really, here in the State Department is
complicated by the very intelligence and ability
of your people. When something important
is afoot, everybody wants to get into it; they
are all so good that you have to have endless
committees. And then the committee system, in
turn, produces— I think it was Secretary
Acheson who called it "the waffle paper'''' — the
endless memos and waffle papers. And here is
a quote from George Kennan, who says, "The
result''' — of government by committee and waffle
papers — "is compromised language, obscurity, a
hodgepodge inferior to any of the individual
views out of which it teas brewed."
A. This is not a new problem. I remember
a dispatch from Benjamin Franklin to the
Secret Committee on Correspondence, when
Benjamin Franklin was representing the Colo-
nies in Paris, when he said, "Twelve months ago
I asked you gentlemen a question, and I have
heard nothing from you. If your committee
can't agree on an answer, would one of you
please sit down and tell me what is going on?"
Now, this is a problem in any large organiza-
tion, again whether in Government or in the
private field. "We have been trying to work at
it in a variety of ways — one of them to substi-
tute consultation for committee structures, so
that you do not leave dangling vetoes all over
town — leaving the responsibility for action in
the hands of the Departmental officers who
must act, or thereby make a decision, you see.
Now, we do — I think we are moving some-
what more toward a day when, if there is delay,
it is intentional; if there is obscurity, it is on
purpose.
Q. Well, how much papi r, .!//-. s, ,-,-, tary,
tually comes across your desk m a given
That is, are these various divisions of the State
Department actually reporting directly to you,
so to speak, on a piece of paper?
A. Well, I get a considerable flow of paper
across my desk. But on the more important
decisions, the paper is usually brought to me,
with three or four of my close colleagues, for
discussion. Very seldom do I make an impor-
tant recommendation or a decision without
actually discussing the matter with the individ-
uals concerned. In the first place, it tends to
reduce the length of papers if you do it thai
way.
Q. Yes.
A. But nevertheless there is a steady flow of
information. For example, I suppose in the
course of a day I would see 20 or 30 incoming
cables. I would see perhaps up to a dozen out-
going cables for my own personal approval.
Q. These aren't, of course, from your own
State Department operation here — they are
from out there?
A. That's correct. And I also get a great
many informational bulletins, that is, very short
notes telling me about a development in a par-
ticular part of the world or what is happening
in a particular country. And I find those in-
valuable. And there is always the briefes
be gone through in so-called off-duty hours.
There is a great deal of reading in this job.
Q. What is a typical division doing on a
given day wlien their section is not "hot" so to
speak? Are they sending you a memo? Is the
Far Eastern division — if the Far East is fairly
quiet at a given moment, do they conceive it to
be their function to be communicating with you
in any given week?
A. Well, we have a regular procedure for
keeping in touch on the daily flow of business.
For example, I have a staff meeting with my
senior colleagues every day.
Q. This would have each part of the world,
so to speak, represented?
FEBRUARY 3, 1964
1G9
A. That is correct. On 3 days of the week
this staff meeting is large enough to include all
the geographic bureaus and the principal parts
of the Department. Twice a week there may
be half a dozen of us at the very top of the De-
partment. Then, I get a daily roundup of in-
formation about what is coming in in the cables,
both incoming and outgoing. And so we get a
pretty good fill-in every day — so that I can have
a chance to ask questions, or to make sugges-
tions, by phone or otherwise to my colleagues,
about things which seem to me to be worth
attention.
Then I, in turn, give the President a daily
rundown on what is going on. He, too, gets a
daily intelligence briefing, and he is in a position
then, by telephone or otherwise, to raise ques-
tions and make suggestions which might be in
his mind.
Now, this does not mean, however, that I feel
that I must necessarily know about everything
that is going on before it happens. Today a
desk officer must act upon questions which
before World War II would have gone to the
Secretary of State ; otherwise the business can't
be transacted.
So that my general approach has been that
each officer of the Department should occupy
the horizons of his responsibility and that he
should go ahead and take decisions that are
within that responsibility so long as he is com-
fortable about it and willing to live with the
results; otherwise —
Q. Actually, hoio many memos then are being
written? I mean is there anything to this kind
of criticism at all? Are the divisions ex-
changing memos with each other? Not much
is coming up to you in the way of memos?
A. Well, there is. I suppose from the point
of view of the historian, who loves to have the
maximum amount of material at his disposal to
sort these things out later, that there is going to
be a deficiency of paper on particular issues.
But I must say, given the mass of our business
and the complexity of it, it still appears that
there is a blizzard of paperwork necessaiy.
Now, again, we have been trying to reduce this.
We have eliminated about 120 routine reports
from our missions overseas, and we have saved
over half a million dollars a year by the elimi-
nation of reports which simply came into Wash-
ington and sat here in stacks without anything
necessarily being done about them. So we are
fighting this battle of paperwork all the time.
Q. I take it, you really feel you are winning
on this one.
A. We are making some headway. I won't
say we are winning; but we are not losing.
Question of Extent of Authority
Q. The critics really, I think, like to hit you
hardest on this maiter of how independent a
Foreign Service officer can be — an ambassador
or Foreign Service officer. I notice — reading
up for this program — one after the other says
that the man out there simply doesn't have
enough independence, whether he is the ambas-
sador or the lower Foreign Service officer. And
an Alsop article quotes one officer saying, "/
have to get permission from the State Depart-
ment even to go to the bathroom"
A. Well, that is a rather dramatic way of
stating an untruth, but nevertheless it is true
that complete independence, as some people
might want it, is not possible in our system.
In the first place, everyone must adjust him-
self to the policies of the President and the
Secretary of State and must know what those
are on important questions.
But secondly, we are talking about the alloca-
tion of men and money, and these resources are
limited. So we are trying to allocate limited
resources to almost unlimited problems. And
that means that we have to give instruction
from Washington on a great many questions
that otherwise we could give them freedom of
action about.
Q. Mr. Secretary, I want to press you a bit
on this point of the independence of our man
out there. Kerens another critic icho says, "A
Soviet ambassador can on his own authority
offer bribes, scholarships, laws, or anything else
he needs to fight the cold war.''' I don't know
what that "laws" means in there. "At least
until recently an American ambassador had to
In/re Washington's permission to send one boy
back to America on a scholarship, to send one
of his men out for treatment in an emergency,
170
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
or even to redecorate his living room." This is
the kind of thing one finds in the criticism.
A. Well, a part of this problem again is the
shortage of resources. Now, we could not easily
make broad allocations of money for the refur-
nishing of embassies because we haven't got that
much money to go around. We have to ration
this out, as the most urgent needs come up. I
do think we can go further in allocating ex-
change funds for students and things of that
sort. But I think one would have to look at the
particular question that is involved.
For example, if a particular ambassador
thinks that the chief of the government where
he is accredited ought to visit Washington, ob-
viously this is a matter that we have to take into
account and apportion these visits over a period
of time.
An ambassador in one particular capital may
be at great, variance in his view with our own
ambassador in a neighboring capital, because
these two countries may have an important dis-
pute between them, and we can't give either one
of those ambassadors too much freedom of
action in pursuing a policy aimed solely at the
country in which he is stationed.
Q. But these critics feel that other countries —
of course that citation of the Soviet is not partic-
ularly appropriate, but I have read some
criticisms which argue, for example, that the
British give their men in the field far more au-
thority than we do, which tends first of all to
attract better men and secondly to permit them
to perform their responsibilities more satis-
factorily.
A. This is one side of it. The other side of
it is encouraging all our people, whatever their
posts, or however senior they might be, fullj-
to exercise the responsibilities that they already
have. And my guess is that our problem is not
so much a straining for independence — al-
though I think that is wholesome — but rather
a reluctance to occupy fully the horizons of
one's power and responsibility.
I don't think that I have complained in 3
years to any colleague about having exceeded
his authority. But this is a point that any bu-
reaucratic organization — again, Government or
private — has to keep constantly in front of it,
to see whether it is giving its people sufficient
policy direction and sufficient freedom of action
to get on with the execution of that policy.
This is one of the arts of government thai
we are working on all the time.
Q. I wonder — as you speak, it occurs to me —
/ wonder whether getting men to use the in-
dependence that they have might have some-
thing to do toith the kind of people who tradi-
tionally have gone into the Foreign Service.
Thinking of other fields, it seems to me that the
men tend to want to exceed their authority.
A. I am not convinced that that is so in the
private field any more than it is in Government,
really. I have had many contacts with people
in business and large organizations outside.
And those who are in top authority tell me that
they have the same problem that I am just
talking about.
Foreign Policy and American Public Opinion
Q. Mr. Secretary, I have to worry about the
time here. May I switch this over to something
quite different?
Of course, one of the problems of a Secretary
of State is to deal with the American people, to
have their support for what he wants to do, and,
as a historian, in the last 5 or 6 years I have
read colleague after colleague of mine who has
said that the American people have an idea
about America's role in the world which creates
a terrible problem for a Secretary of State.
And I want to read a couple of what seem to me
characteristic sentences from the well-known
American historian, Mr. Henry Commager,
writing in the London Observer.
lie is talking about what we Americans —
that is, the public — believe, and he says, "We
think that we can bestride the stream of his-
tory, that we can indeed command that stream,
even when its swift and turbulent. We think
that there is a special destiny for lis, special
rules, special laws. . . ." et cetera. He goes on
here and says, '■'■What we have here is deeply in-
grained vanity and arrogance, vanity and ar-
rogance fed by isolation, by our school histo-
ries. . . ." et cetera. "Of course, in some ways
we have been a peculiar people, more successful
than others, more fortunate than others. But
FEBRUARY 3, 1964
171
has this not been in large fart a function of the
wonderful bounty of nature, and should it not
induce humility rather than the arrogance and
pride that we exhibit?"
A. Well, I think that we do have some prob-
lems in the conduct of our foreign relations that
arise from the nature of our debate on these
matters here at home. And we have extreme
views here, as other countries have. We have a
special problem in talking about particular for-
eign policy issues — because we can't talk about
them just among Americans. There are three
other large audiences listening in to everything
we say: our allies, the unalined countries, the
Communist bloc. And it's very difficult to know
how best to discuss these things with four audi-
ences at the same time.
Now, I think that it's proper for a writer to
put pungently and in such sharp fashion some
of the weaknesses in some parts of opinion here
in this country, but if I could be a little provin-
cial, perhaps a little presumptuous, I'd like to
express my own tremendous respect for the
quality of the American attitude toward for-
eign policy since World War II.
I say that because the record of the American
people in this period has really been quite ex-
traordinary: this solid decision in 1945 to try
to work toward the kind of world outlined in
the United Nations Charter, the willingness to
come up with more than a hundred billion dol-
lars of aid to rebuild a war-torn world and to
build a peaceful world, the readiness to have up
to a million of our men stationed in uniform
outside the continental United States, in all
parts of the world — and let. me say also the
readiness to do all these things with a certain
modesty and restraint. I put it to you, as a
distinguished professor, that Lord Acton prob-
ably has to be reexamined, because we did come
out of World War II with an unimaginable
amount of power and yet that power was com-
mitted to purposes which by and large are
congenial to the basic wishes of men and women
in all parts of the world. We have not exploited
that power for purely national or jingoistic
self-interests of our own. It has been a most
fxl inordinary achievement.
Now, it is sometimes said that the Depart-
ment of State has no constituency. In a sense,
that is true. But on the other hand, our real
constituency is in every home and in every com-
munity. Because foreign policy does touch
every home and every community.
These million men in uniform outside the
United States are a direct contact between
American foreign policy and every community
in the country. Indeed, one out of every seven
Americans is a veteran. And on April 15th I
think everyone fully understands the connec-
tions between foreign policy and their own pri-
vate business.
In many ways everything that we do — and
we are very conscious of it here in the Depart-
ment of State — everything that we do has a
direct effect upon individuals and their own pri-
vate activities throughout the year. This is re-
flected in polls. It's reflected in steady support
for the United Nations, in, broadly speaking,
60 percent support year after year after year
for the necessary foreign aid expenditures.
I don't find that I have to make too much of
an argument away from Washington, in the
local communities, on the question as to whether
they are willing to pay three or four cents of
their Federal tax dollar for foreign aid to try to
get this job done in the world without commit-
ting these men to combat that we have stationed
all over the world.
So that I think this is a matter that ought
to be discussed, and vigorously, but I don't think
we ought to sell the American people short in
the decency and responsibility of their general
attitude toward the rest of the world.
Q. Well, I too have certainly been struck by
the extraordinary willingness of the American
people since World War II to change a number
of their foreign policy ideas, and I don't par-
ticularly share this hind of feeling. But it is,
as you know, very strong in intellectual circles.
A. You see, Professor Goldman — if I could
interrupt, for just a second — one of our prob-
lems is that in our own affairs here at home we
can pretty much control what we do here in this
country ; that is, we the American people can do
so. In our foreign relations we are dealing
with a world that we can only influence, we can't
control. And so it's filled with tumultuous
events which we can't necessarily shape and de-
termine. During the last calendar year, 1963,
172
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
there were elections and changes of government
in more than 50 of the 114 countries that we do
business with, and 12 or 15 of those changes
were unscheduled in character, if I might say
so. This included 10 of the 15 NATO countries.
So this creates frustrations. Why does this
particular country seem to act so unreasonable
despite everything we have tried to do for it?
Well, all 1 can say is that we too have our
frustrations and I suppose every foreign office
does. But the steady progress toward the U.N.
kind of world order I think is marked and is
there to be found. And I think thoughtful peo-
ple will see that we are making headway toward
some notions of law in this international scene.
Q. Mr. Secretary, may I stay with this for a
moment, because a number of the kind of people
who watch our program, I am sure, feel that
this kind of criticism, such as Commager was
making, is of great importance. I take it from
what you say— and you have been Secretary of
State for quite a while — you don't really feel
that your work is seriously — let me put it this
way — seriously hindered by problems of public
opinion?
A. Not seriously hindered by the problem of
the extreme elements in public opinion. For
example, I don't believe that the American peo-
ple want us to rush over the precipice into a
nuclear war. I don't think the American peo-
ple want us to quit the international scene and
turn the whole world scene over to those who
don't have a commitment to freedom.
There are extreme statements, and sometimes
there are extreme debates on some of these
issues. But perhaps you would be interested in
this observation: I suppose in the course of 3
years I have sat in executive committees, exec-
utive meetings of congressional committees, per-
haps over a hundred times, to talk about some
of these difficult and frustrating problems of
foreign policy. I can't recall at the moment an
instance where in executive session the dis-
cussion turned on partisan lines. In other
words, there may be differences of view in the
committee about what we ought to do in a par-
ticular situation, because most of these questions
are questions that call for on-balance judg-
ments — no particular line of action is entirely
comfortable. But these differences of view
normally don't fall on partisan grounds, on
partisan lines. So that we gel relatively little
partisanship as such in these committeee when
we can sit down with them quietly and go ■
the full implications and agonies of sonic of
these difficult questions we have.
Q. If you take this matter of public opinion
off extreme views which exist in some parts of
our public and hold it to what intellect >/„/.,
frequently talk about; namely, the general feel-
ing on the part of Americans, since we are peo-
ple of action, that we ought to get things settled
abroad, these more general propositions, and of
course the Secretary of State necessarily gen-
erally pursuing the patient policies of adjust-
ment and negotiation in the world— this still to
you presents no really serious problem?
A. Well, I think there is a problem which is
present in public opinion and present for us,
and that is a certain impatience about getting
the job done.
Q. Which is supposed to be characteristically
American.
A. That is right. And we ourselves are im-
patient about these matters. Now, a question
like Kashmir has been with us since 1947. We
would like to get it settled. Three administra-
tions have suffered with that one and have
agonized about it. I am sure that the American
people would like to see this issue settled so that
our relations with Pakistan and India can be
on a much more solid and intimate basis of com-
plete friendship.
But some of these problems just don't yield
that easily. Some of them have a thousand
years of history behind them. Some of them are
out of a context with winch we as a people have
had relatively little contact in the past. And,
in any event, we don't own these countries, we
can't buy them with less than one percent of
their gross national product in aid, and they
are not going to click their heels and salute us
just because we tell them what we think about
a particular problem.
But nevertheless there is a respect right
around the world for what this country is gen-
erally all about, and our influence is very, very
substantial. And we do have, and will have for
FEBRUARY 3, 19G4
173
the indefinite future, a chance to build toward
this decent community that I was talking about.
A Personal View
Q. Mr. Secretary, in the course of these pro-
file programs we like to pause for just a few
moments and drop back, before the gentleman's
present position, and talk for a moment about
your life before you were Secretary of State.
Born in — / love the name of this county, Chero-
kee County, Georgia, the son— I think your
father was both a schoolteacher and a farmer,
wasn't he?
A. Yes, he was a graduate of Davidson Col-
lege, in North Carolina, my own college. And
we had a little 40-acre tenant farm in Cherokee
County, just north of Atlanta.
Q. It was a tenant farm?
A. Yes, it was.
Q. Then, Davidson College, this brilliant
record of yours — Phi Beta Kappa and a Rhodes
Scholar. You taught for a while at Mills Col-
lege, out in California —
A. That is correct.
Q. — taught government, international rela-
tions. The years in the State Department, par-
ticularly the Far Eastern Division, as I have it
here. And then of course from '52 to 'GO, the
head of the Rockefeller Foundation.
I don't think an academic like me should let
you off his program without bringing up one
thing in connection with that past career.
Here you were the head of a very powerful
foundation, and you are now out of it and can
look at it with some perspective. If there is
anything bothering the university world, it is
the question, are the foundations stripping the
independent scholar of his desire to go off in a
corner and do what he wants to do regardless
of what the foundation wants him to do, and
are they really beginning to seriously interfere
with the ultimate independence of universities?
Now, I am not raising those as questions. I
would be very much interested, and I am sure
our audience would, if you would, looking now
from the perspective of having been out of that
world for a while, comment on this in any way
you care to.
A. Well, I don't want to appear to be speak-
ing for any organization with which I am no
longer connected.
Q. No, of course not.
A. So I'd like to just speak generally on
this.
I think that it would not be right for a
foundation to attempt to determine university
policy. But on the other hand, a foundation
should determine its policy — its own policy.
Q. Yes.
A. Now, my guess is that there have been
more individuals given a chance to go off and
do what they wanted to do through foundation
funds in this country than from any other
source, except — unless it be, in more recent
years, through the Government's ventures in
science and things of that sort.
Q. You knoio the point that is always made.
The foundation wants — the scholar wants to
write about bees, and the foundation says, u But
if you write about flowers, here is the money,
because we want floioers."
A. I think an offer of that sort would be
pretty unwise, because the man who knows
about bees wouldn't do very well about flowers.
Q. What about the university end of it, sir?
You look at these budgets of universities. More
and more, of course, they are involved with the
foundations and with the Government. There
are people who worry about that.
A. Well, I think the foundation side of it is
still a very relatively tiny part of the university
budget. The Government side of it has become
more and more important. But the relative po-
sition of the foundation financing in the uni-
versity-college field in the last 40 years has
dropped tremendously in proportion, because
colleges and universities have just expanded
enormously. For example, I suppose when the
Rockefeller Foundation was first established
there was no university that had an annual in-
come equivalent to that of the Rockefeller
Foundation. But I suppose now there must be
60 or 70 universities whose annual income is
larger than that of the Rockefeller Foundation.
As a matter of fact, when I was there, I made
a proposal to one of our great university presi-
171
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
dents, whose endowment at that point had just
exceeded that of the Rockefeller Foundation,
that 1 wouldn't ask him for any money if he
wouldn't ask us for any money. But he
wouldn't accept t hat proposal.
Working Toward a Rule of Law
Q. Mr. Secretary, we are in the -final 10 or 15
minutes of this program, and I wonder if we
could use them to look forward to what kinds
of things you would like to see introduced into
our foreign policy as general themes. I have
triiii to put down here some of the things that
people who have studied your work have said
you are particularly interested in introducing
into our foreign policy, giving more emphasis
to. May I bring some of them up here and get
you to comment on them?
One of them is a greater acceptance and per-
haps I should say even welcoming of neutral
regimes and policies in less developed countries,
as long as neutralism, does not mean procom-
munism.
A. Well, we have a basic commitment to the
notion that the international community should
be made up of independent states working out
cooperation across their national frontiers on
the basis of common interest with other coun-
tries, and working toward, in effect, a ride of
law in the international scene. Now, we
formed alliances after World War II. When
it became clear that that U.N. system was going
to need a good deal of shoring up, we formed
alliances, in order to sustain the notion of the
independence of states, with countries whose
independence was being threatened.
Now, our interest in the so-called nonalined
countries is exactly the same underlying interest
in their independence and their capacity to co-
operate in this international community along
with the rest of us. So that there is not that
sharp a distinction in our basic interest in the
situation of an ally and a so-called unalined
country.
Further than that — and this is something that
involves simply a personal judgment that would
just have to be talked out — I am convinced there
is something pretty universal about the basic
political notions of the American people and
their ideas about a tolerable world order thai
we have seen written into the Charter of the
United Nations.
Now, if we could sit down with the maximum
number of these 114 countries that we have re-
lations with, if we limit ourselves just to two
questions — What are the basic interests of the
United States in this relationship? What are
the basic interests of country x in this relation-
ship? — we usually find that there is an enor-
mous underpinning of common interest and
purpose between us and almost any other coun-
try we do business with, except those commit t a 1
to a Communist world revolution, where the
common interests are more related to the avoid-
ance of nuclear war and certain things of that
sort. So that between ourselves and the un-
alined there is a range of common interests
which supports a good and friendly relation-
ship.
Then I would add a further comment : I think
the long-term purposes of the American people
are held in pretty high regard right around
the world, whether by allies or by neutrals, and
in moments of crisis there are not as many neu-
trals as one thinks.
I remember at the time of President Tru-
man's decision to go into Korea, in that first
week, when the danger was there and it wasn't
clear that the danger was going to be met, there
weren't any neutrals. And again in the mis-
sile crisis in Cuba in 1962, there were very few
neutrals until it became clear that the danger
was going to be met.
Q. I wish — / just got the 5-minute signal —
/ wish I hadn't because I was very struck by
that statement of yours. Actually there is a
kind of fundamental faith beneath your policy,
isn't there, that in the long run around the world
the general postulates of our society are really
what are wanted by people?
A. Well, Professor Goldman, this is, I sup-
pose, a matter of faith, because you could attack
it from so many different directions. But I feel
that these very simple but fundamental polit-
ical ideas of the American people are a part
of a 2,000-year discussion that has been going
on about the political implications of the nature,
of man, and that when we talk about individual
FEBRUARY 3, 1964
175
rights, and when, we talk about opportunities
for a decent life, and when we talk about re-
spect for each other and things of that sort,
we are talking about something that immedi-
ately puts us in touch with ordinary people in
almost every other country in the world, in-
cluding the Communist countries.
Q. You would add to that list — it was simply
accidental that you left end political rights?
You would put them in?
A. I would include political rights with the
reservation that our own way of giving insti-
tutional form to these ideas may not be those
that others feel comfortable about, or may not
want to use in exactly the same way. But
broadly speaking the political rights are pretty
much the same.
We don't know anyone who likes to face the
possibility that there will be a knock on the
door at midnight and he will be taken off to
jail arbitrarily. And in most of the villages in
the world the villagers themselves determine
who their leaders are going to be.
These are things that are pretty universal,
and this gives us a kinship and a common tie
that I think are far more important in our
foreign relations than appears on the surface.
Q. May I bring up another one of these things
which I think I detect as a kind of summary of
people's comments upon what you would like
to see us move toward in foreign policy. I have
it here as active support for relatively demo-
cratic movements around the world, involving
some implicit abandonment of the U.S. policy
of nonintervention in other nations' internal af-
fairs and some implicit support for so-called
"good" revolutions?
A. Well, I think the American capacity to
act, whether through aid or security matters or
just in the exercise of influence, means that in
a certain sense we cannot avoid intervening in
the affairs of other countries. To withhold our
interest is itself a form of intervention in many
situations.
But I think that we are in a situation where
there are going to be dramatic changes. Those
dramatic changes are in process — political, eco-
nomic, and otherwise. We feel that it would be
important for us to help those who are trying
to direct those changes into the constitutional
and democratic processes on which can be built
the possibilities of a greater degree of law in the
international scene.
Because those changes are going to happen,
and if they happen through violent means and
they simply shore up aggressive or hostile
dictatorships of one type or another, in country
after country, then the prospects for peace and
for the protection of American interests
throughout the world are greatly diminished.
Q. There are four or five more of these, but toe
have about Ifi or 50 seconds, and one I wish you
would close with, a comment on this: There is
implicit in what you have said, as Secretary of
State, that you want some kind of greater, I
think, identification of the U.S. with social and
economic reform around the world, something
more than we have had in the past. Is this
righ t? And if so, is there anything specific you
have in mind?
A. I think that, if one looks back and brings
it up to the present, President Roosevelt's at-
tempt to do something about this country gave
him an enormous influence in other parts of
the world. President Kennedy's known desire
for economic and social improvement in this
country made a powerful impression in other
countries. President Johnson's own personal
background of rural populism and the feeling
that these things that he is talking about with
the Congress are very deep in his own inner sys-
tem give him an influence that is greatly appre-
ciated among other people in other parts of the
world.
Q. I am very sorry, sir, we are cut off.
Thank you very much for taking time to come
and be with us an) id some very, very busy days.
Thank you for being with us, ladies and gentle-
turn, inn/ goodhyt for this week.
176
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Shaping the Future
by W. W. Rostoio
Counselor of the Department and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council l
It is peculiarly appropriate for a State De-
partment planner to share this occasion with
you. In this 2-day meeting you are peering
ahead, t rying to feel your way toward the future
environment in which American business will
have to operate on the international scene.
None of us, of course, can know the future,
but it is essential that we try to peer through
the fog for two simple reasons: First, our cur-
rent actions are based on one assumption or
another about what the future will be like;
second, what we do now will, in some degree,
determine what the future, in fact, will be. "We
live and work within the framework of large
historical forces, but we are also the makers of
history. Whether we like it or not, whether
we are conscious of it or not, our day-to-day
actions cast long shadows forward.
In the course of planning foreign policy our
working definition of the task tries to cover
both aspects of the problem. We examine, with
all the insight of which we are capable, the
forces and trends at work at the moment and
those which are likely to emerge in the period
ahead ; then we try to answer this question : In
the light of these forces and trends, what spe-
cific actions, in specific fields, should be under-
taken now to make the Nation's future on the
world scene better?
Planning combines, therefore, reflection and
action, invention and innovation. In the wid-
est sense we in the State Department, like your-
selves, are concerned with investment deci-
1 Address made before the Business International
Chief Executives' Roundtable at New York, N.Y., on
Jan. 9 (press release 10 dated Jan. 8).
sions — in our case, how should the Nations pres-
tige, influence, and resources be disposed on the
world scene.
Historic Interval of Opportunity
Before one can peer ahead and make plans,
one must, of course, try to understand where
one is in the sweep of history.
At the moment I believe we are in the midst
of an interval of pause, and it is my thesis to-
night that where this pause leads is not a matter
wholly in the lap of the gods. It is not merely
a question of abstract historical forces. The
future will be determined substantially by what
Americans, in and out of Government, decide
to do.
To understand this pause one must look back
to the day in October 1957 when the first Sput-
nik was launched. Heartened by that powerful
symbolic event, the Communists launched
against the free world a major offensive, whose
main lines had begun to emerge in the several
previous years. The confident mood through-
out the Communist Moc was caught up by Mao
Tse-tung's post-Sputnik statement: "The east
wind is prevailing over the west wind."
It was in 1958 that the ultimatum on Berlin
was launched by Moscow ; Ho Chi Minh, in vio-
lation of the 1954 Geneva agreements, began to
press down hard in South Viet-Nam and into
central Laos. At the end of 1958 Castro took
over in Cuba and began to press out into the
Caribbean with subversion and propaganda.
The Communists vigorously sought to exploit
the aftermath of independence in the Congo,
as well as opportunities in Indonesia and else-
FEBRUART 3, 19G4
177
where in the developing areas. This post-
Sputnik offensive aimed to gain ground in Eu-
rope by the application of nuclear blackmail
against Berlin, and in the developing areas by
a mixture of subversion and guerrilla warfare,
aid and trade, and the projected image of com-
munism as the wave of the future.
Although this offensive was set back in two
areas — by the Lebanon-Jordan and Quemoy-
Matsu crises of 1958 — it had real momentum
when President Kennedy came to office. The
first task of his administration was to deal with
it.
Eoughly between May of 1961 and October
1962, under President Kennedy's leadership,
this offensive was halted. Dangerous Commu-
nist actions have by no means ceased, but the
momentum of the post-Sputnik offensive
drained away. The offensive was halted not by
a single event but by the protracted application
of diplomacy, backed by radically increased
American force and the evident will to use it,
if necessary, to defend vital interests of the free
world. This was the pattern in Southeast Asia,
Berlin, and, above all, in the Cuba missile crisis
of October 1962.
In the foreword to his Public Papers of 1962,
President Kennedy wrote :
Future historians, looking back at 1962, may well
mark this year as the time when the tide of inter-
national politics began at last to flow strongly toward
the world of diversity and freedom. Following the
launching of Sputnik in 1957, the Soviet Union began
to intensify its pressures against the non-communist
world — especially in Southeast Asia, in Central Africa,
in Latin America and around Berlin. The notable
Soviet successes in space were taken as evidence that
communism held the key to the scientific and techno-
logical future. People in many countries began to
accept the notion that communism was mankind's in-
evitable destiny.
1962 stopped this process ....
Sensing this historic interval of opportunity,
President Kennedy in June 1963, in his Ameri-
can University speech, 2 moved from the position
of equilibrium and strength, which had been
created under his leadership, in the direction of
peace.
Whether, in fact, the turning point of 1961-62
becomes a watershed in human history, in which
2 For text, see Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2.
the cold war gradually gives way to the organi-
zation of a peaceful and progressive community
of nations, or whether it leads merely to a paren-
thesis between two Communist offensives, de-
pends primarily on what we in the free world
make of this interval and, in particular, what we
Americans make of it. It is evident — in South-
east Asia and in the Caribbean, for example —
that the Communist danger remains acute.
Peace has not broken out. We face danger as
well as opportunity. Nevertheless, the initiative
is in our hands if we have the will and the vision
to seize it.
We by no means fully control the forces at
work in the world about us ; but, at this time in
history, our behavior — what we do and what we
fail to do — will substantially influence the course
of events.
In the balance of my talk to you this evening
I should like to illustrate and make concrete this
proposition by talking about some of the tasks
before us, at home and on the world scene, which
are likely to prove important to the outcome. I
shall not talk about our full national agenda —
which covers the whole field of military and for-
eign policy — but I should like to consider with
you a few items which bear on issues you have
discussed today and will be discussing to-
morrow.
Maintaining American Leadership
As President Johnson made clear in his state
of the Union message yesterday, 3 our ability to
influence the course of events abroad depends
mightily on how we handle our affairs at home.
A United States which fails to face and deal
with its problems of race relations, education,
health, and unemployment is not likely to be
accepted for long as leader on the world scene.
But even more is involved in maintaining a
role of world leadership. It requires that we be
able to support military forces in many parts of
the world and that we be able to invest both
public and private capital abroad, notably in the
developing areas. This, in turn, requires that
we maintain a substantial surplus on current
account in our balance of payments.
" Ibid., Jan. 27, 1964. p. 110.
178
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
I shall not enter into the details of our present
balance-of-payments position or discuss the im-
mediate measures which are under way to keep
that position sound. In the context of this ses-
sion it is more appropriate to focus on the long-
run problem of maintaining the United States
as a front-runner on the world scene.
Put simply, our longrun balance-of-payments
position depends primarily on the relative pro-
ductivity of our economy. "Wage-price policy
and exchange-rate policy are, of course, also
relevant. But we are committed to hold to the
present gold value of the dollar, as befits a gov-
ernment responsible for the world's reserve cur-
rency; and the possibility of holding wage in-
creases within the limit of the average increase
in the Nation's productivity is strongly affected
by the rate of increase in productivity itself.
Historically, our productivity advantage
flowed not merely from our favorable balance
between population and natural resources but
from our leadership in certain specific fields of
industry. For example, the fact that we were
the first to enter the age of mass production of
automobiles gave us an important lead in the
production of strip steel, petroleum and petro-
chemicals, light electronics, and so on.
At the present time Western Europe and Ja-
pan are moving toward — or have achieved —
technological equality with us in the production
of a number of industrial products in which we
had an initial lead. Meanwhile, we have had
to put a great deal of our best research and de-
velopment talent and managerial skill into the
arms race and into the exploration of space.
Our research and development talent and man-
agerial skill are unevenly spread throughout
the economy. There is a high concentration of
the best talent in three industries: chemicals,
electronics, and the aerospace industry.
The challenge before us can, I believe, be
stated in some such terms as these : If we are to
remain in the next generation a front-runner
on the world scene, we must learn to bring to
bear our highest skills in research, develop-
ment, and management on sectors of our econ-
omy which have in the past been neglected.
After all, it is into construction, transport,
metals and metalworking, and textiles that the
bulk of our industrial resources still go; and
these industries have fallen behind in the use of
thetoolsof modern science and technology. We
must, I believe, pioneer the application to i
industries of the same kind of scientific, tech-
nical, and managerial skill that we have brought
to bear in the chemicals, electronics, and aero-
space industries.
Much the same can be said about services
which absorb and will continue to absorb a ris-
ing proportion of our national income. I sus-
pect that there are real possibilities for the
imaginative use of new methods in health and
in education.
One basic challenge at home is, then, to bring
to bear methods, now applied over a narrow
front, over the whole broad front of the na-
tional economy. This, I believe, will prove an
essential condition for maintaining a foundation
for continued American leadership abroad.
A particular circumstance makes this prob-
lem germane. Barring some unforeseen new
circumstance, it may be that our military ex-
penditures have reached a peak. In certain im-
portant sectors they may level off or even
slightly decline. This process should release
important industrial talents and resources for
civil purposes. The longrun problem I am
raising is thus practical and urgent, not distant
and abstract. You will have noted that Presi-
dent Johnson has recently put a team to work
on this question within the Government.*
Like most of the great problems we face at
home and abroad, a solution to this one requires
a spirit of partnership between Government and
private enterprise, although the principal acts
of imagination and initiative must come from
the vital private sector of our economy and from
private institutions.
Private Enterprise and the Developing Nations
Private enterprise has, I believe, an equally
exciting challenge in the developing areas.
Surveying the position of the countries in Asia,
the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America,
it is clear that a great many of them — embrac-
ing perhaps 70 percent of the population of the
developing areas— have passed through a first
phase of modern development. They have built
* Ibid., p. 120.
FEBRUARY 3, 1964
179
great cities, learned something about the ad-
ministration of modern government, and ac-
quired a wide range of industrial skills. Their
industry, however, has been mainly built up by
the production of consumers goods in substitute
for imports for a small, urban, middle-class
market. They still need to plow a good deal
of their capital into roads, power stations, edu-
cation, and other infrastructure projects; and
these needs justify continuing development
loans and technical assistance on a government-
to-government basis.
But the great challenge to the private enter-
prise sectors within those countries — and to pri-
vate enterprise abroad — is to do what private
enterprise has succeeded in doing in the United
States, Western Europe, and Japan, that is, to
produce and market efficiently to all the people,
not merely to a small, urban middle class, the
things that modern industrial skills can pro-
duce: cheap farm equipment, textiles, shoes,
transistor radios, household utensils, sewing ma-
chines, bicycles, and all the rest. All of you
who have traveled in developing nations must
have been struck by the gap between the cities
and the countryside — the cities with their jet
airports, big highways into town, luxury hotels,
and upper middle-class suburbs, while many
rural areas have been barely touched by mod-
ernization. It is no wonder that the more en-
terprising country folk take to the roads and
gather in the slums which ring the modern
cities.
The next great job in the developing areas
is to narrow this rural-urban gap by creating
truly national markets. Specifically, there are
four major jobs that must be done, and they
should be done simultaneously as part of a con-
scious national strategy, shared by the public
and private authorities. The four elements are
these: a buildup of agricultural productivity,
a revolution in the marketing of agricultural
products in the cities, a shift of industry to the
production of simple agricultural equipment
and consumers goods for the mass market, and
a revolution in marketing methods for such
cheap manufactured goods, especially in rural
areas.
If I am correct, what is involved are two dis-
tinct revolutions in marketing — one urban, the
other rural — plus a shift in public and private
resources to agriculture, plus a shift in the di-
x*ection of industrial output to meet the require-
ments of a mass market.
Efforts to create such national markets must
begin within the developing countries them-
selves, but American, European, and Japanese
private enterprise have major creative roles to
play in helping bring about this next stage in
the development process.
Let me underline one implication of this argu-
ment which bears directly on your discussions
here. The question is asked : What is the future
of private enterprise in the developing nations?
My answer would be as follows: It was alto-
gether natural, if not inevitable, that in the first
phase of modern economic development the gov-
ernment in many countries should dominate the
economic scene. In the first place, the private
sectors were weak, often lacking the traditions
and experience with which we are familiar in
the United States and Western Europe. In the
second place, a great deal of investment had to
flow into education, roads, and other elements in
the basic infrastructure of the economy where
only governments could undertake the initia-
tive. But many of these countries now have the
basis for vital private enterprise systems.
Their younger men have often been trained
abroad or have had the experience of working
with modern business organizations within
their own countries.
I firmly believe that if private enterprise,
domestic and foreign, now purposefully goes
about the job of assuming leadership in the
making of national markets — making available
the goods that the poorer folk would buy or
work harder to get if they were efficiently pro-
duced and marketed — the future of private en-
terprise in the developing nations can be
assured. There will, of course, be problems.
As nationalism grows, there is often a pressure
to alter old arrangements, notably where for-
eign firms have owned and managed basic na-
tional resources; but if private enterprise can
begin to do in these countries what it has done
for all the people in the United States, Western
Europe, and Japan, I believe that the govern-
ments and peoples in these areas will recognize
its virtues and accept its legitimacy.
180
1>I IWKTMKXT OF STATE liUIXETIN
Organization of the Atlantic Partnership
The future will be shaped by still another
enterprise in which collaboration and mutual
understanding will be required between our
public and private sectors. Beneath the surface
of sometimes noisy debate about the future of
the Atlantic community, the elements of part-
nership across the Atlantic — and across the
Pacific, too — are slowly being built. Europe
and Japan, emerging from postwar reconstruc-
tion and a decade of remarkable growth, are
shifting from dependence on the United States
to a sharing of responsibility and authority in
all the great affairs of this decade and beyond.
How this partnership shall be organized is, in
fact, the subject of the debate : What degree of
unity should Europe develop? How should
European unity be organized? What shall be
the relations between a uniting Europe and the
United States — military, political, and eco-
nomic ?
Great national interests and traditions are
involved here for all the nations engaged, and
we should not be surprised that the process
moves slowly, with some grinding of gears.
Nevertheless, it is moving. In the last few
years, for example, in quiet ways the monetary
authorities of the more advanced nations of the
free world have developed practical methods of
day-to-day collaboration which would have
seemed impossible only a short while ago and
might have saved us much difficulty if they had
existed in the 1930's.
In the field of assistance to developing na-
tions we have been gradually learning to concert
our efforts through the IBRD [International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development]
and the Development Assistance Committee of
the OECD [Organization for Economic Coop-
eration and Development] in ways which in-
creasingly reflect a recognition of shared
interests and shared responsibilities in many
parts of the world. Contrary to a popular im-
pression, the United States is not alone in the
foreign aid business. The assistance to devel-
oping areas is increasingly recognized as a com-
mon responsibility of all the more advanced
nations.
In the field of political consultation we are
learning within NATO how to consult together,
not merely on problems <>f defense bul <>\, prob-
lems of negotiation with the Soviet Union.
Above all, we face this year ;i test of « hethor
we can take advantage of the Trade Ivxpan
Act of 1962 to negotiate a lowering of trade
barriers across the Atlantic and throughout ! lie
world. Every nation will bring to those nego-
tiations strongly felt special interests, charge. I
with political meaning. This will be true of
the United States as well as of our European
negotiating partners.
I would make only two observations about
these forthcoming negotiations. First, it will
be necessary for all the participants to bear in
mind the large common interests involved in
their success. No country is going to be able
to get all that it would like ; but the vital eco-
nomic interests of many nations, including our
own, will have to be respected in bringing the
negotiations to successful completion. We
should expect hard bargaining by our own ne-
gotiators as well as by others. The greatest
stake in these negotiations, however, will not lie
in this or that particular advantage gained — or
in this or that disadvantage avoided ; it will lie
in creating a general world environment of low-
ered barriers to trade. It will lie in moving
toward, rather than away from, the concept of
an Atlantic partnership as the core of a pros-
perous free-world community of nations.
The second observation is that the higher the
degree of prosperity a nation enjoys, the wiser
it is likely to be in its policy toward trade
barriers. Relatively small margins of unem-
ployment produce a disproportionate protec-
tionist reaction in all countries. Quite aside
from the many other reasons which justify a
prompt tax reduction in the United States and
a determined effort to reduce the level of un-
employment, we need an environment of vigor-
ous expansion so that we can handle with wis-
dom and perspective the trade negotiations that
lie ahead.
As I say, the building of the great northern
partnership across the Atlantic and across the
Pacific proceeds simultaneously on many front s ;
but no single ad of collaboration would move
it more substantially forward than a success for
the negotiations in which Governor Herter
[Christian A. Herter, the President's Special
FEBRUARY 3, 19C4
181
Representative for Trade Negotiations]
shortly be engaged.
will
Economic Problems in Communist Bloc
The future will be shaped, of course, not only
by what we do within the free world but also
by the course of events within the Communist
bloc. In the nations now governed by Com-
munist regimes a quiet drama is taking place.
The essence of it is simply this: Can nations
committed to communism, as we have known it,
solve their fundamental economic problems?
In China the issue centers on the inability to
grow sufficient food to feed the people, to supply
working capital for industry, and to earn for-
eign exchange. The fact of the matter is that
a very high proportion of foreign exchange
the Chinese Communists earn must go to buy
food from the West to feed China's coastal cities.
This weakness stems in part from an unwilling-
ness of the Chinese Communists to concentrate
their resources in such a way as to manufacture
or to buy the chemical fertilizers on which the
development of modern China will depend over
the next several generations. But it flows also
from the simple fact that the Communists in
China, as in most other places, have, by their
methods, destroyed the incentive of the peasant
to produce efficiently. Communist methods of
control can be tolerably efficient in a factory;
but there are simply not enough policemen in
the world to follow peasants about to make sure
they do the things necessary to make food grow
efficiently.
Only a few years back there was real anxiety
that leaders in the underdeveloped areas would
take the view that, while communism was ruth-
less and inhumane, it represented a system for
mobilizing resources more efficiently than any-
thing free societies could offer and that, per-
haps, even with regret, it would be necessary to
adopt such methods to get quick modernization.
That view is fading. Communist China, now
trapped in industrial stagnation, is demonstrat-
ing that no amount of force can substitute for
the individual commitment of human beings
and their families to their own interests and to
the development of their society. No one can
now predict the outcome of this deep crisis of
communism in China, concealed as it is to a de-
gree by the debates and maneuvers that accom-
pany the Sino-Soviet split. But we should be
clear that history is being made by the Chinese
Communist demonstration that an underdevel-
oped nation, with three-fourths of its people
still engaged in rural life, cannot steadily move
forward with the dead hand of communism
weighing upon its agriculture.
Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe another more subtle demonstration is at
work. I do not refer here to the well-known
agricultural difficulties of the Soviet Union but
to a phenomenon which is not yet widely recog-
nized ; namely, the deceleration in its industrial
economy.
The high rates of industrial growth in the
Soviet Union and the more advanced parts of
Eastern Europe in the 1950's were based on the
forced-draft expansion of heavy industry ca-
pacity : coal, steel, cement, general purpose ma-
chine tools, and so on. It was predictable (and
predicted in Soviet forward projections) that
these heavy industry sectors would slow down in
the course of the 1960's. That is now happening.
An economy maintains its momentum by
bringing in new sectors as the old leading sectors
decelerate. The natural leading sectors for na-
tions at the average level of income attained in
the Soviet Union and most of Eastern Europe
would be those which sparked the extraordinary
surge of growth in Western Europe and in
Japan in the 1950's; that is, those linked to the
expansion of automobiles and other durable con-
sumers goods on a mass-market basis.
But quite aside from such inhibitions as the
Soviet regime may have about accepting con-
sumers goods production as the central task of
development, Moscow faces expensive prior
tasks. Having cheated on allocations to agri-
culture in the past and maintained an inherently
inefficient method of organization, vast outlays
are now required to assure a minimum food sup-
ply of indifferent quality. Somewhat similarly,
there are enormous backlogs in housing to be
met. Neither agricultural nor housing invest-
ment on the Soviet scene is likely to prove highly
productive in terms of its impact on the overall
rate of Soviet growth.
The prospect is, therefore, that Soviet growth
rates over coming years will remain distinctly
unglamorous and that the allocations struggle
182
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
now evidently taking place in Moscow will con-
tinue. It is altogether possible that, if we do a
reasonably good job in the West, the average
growth rates in the United States and Western
Europe during the 1960's will exceed those in
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
A Future of "Diversity and Freedom"
The deep economic problems in the nations
ruled by communism are, in themselves, no cause
for rejoicing, nor do they eliminate the dangers
we face. Guerrilla warfare and subversion do
not require great resources, and the Soviet nu-
clear delivery capability is substantial and ex-
panding.
We were never threatened by Soviet growth
rates in themselves. The danger always lay in a
possible failure of the West to allocate its own
ample resources wisely and to deal in concert
with the threats and opportunities we all have
confronted and still confront.
The conclusion to be drawn from these Com-
munist economic difficulties is the point at which
I began : We in the United States — and through-
out the free world — should face the future with
confidence and determination, not with fear or
complacency. We have every reason to believe
that the principles in which our society is rooted
are historically viable: that the combination of
personal freedom and personal responsibility on
which successful democracies are erected is valid
for the second half of the 20th century as it has
been in the past ; that we have the resources of
mind and talent to maintain a position of world
leadership ; that private enterprise is on the eve
of a great and expanding future in the develop-
ing areas, if private enterprise learns in those
set tings to serve all the people ; that we have the
opportunity to weave together a great partner-
ship, stretching from Japan to Berlin, which
would combine the diverse resources, energies,
and moral commitment of the advanced nations
of the free world ; and that, from such a base, we
can patiently and confidently search for a peace-
ful resolution to the cold war on terms which
would enlarge the area of human freedom and
national independence.
None of this will happen automatically —
without great public and private effort, here
and abroad. There may well lie dangerous crises
s( ill to surmount. There will certainly be long,
difficult tasks of construction to cany forward
stubbornly, day after day, mouth after month,
year after year. But I deeply believe that it lies
within the grasp of this generation to make tin'
years 1961-19G3 the hinge of history in the sec-
ond half of this century — the interval of into
crisis, surmounted with strength and modera-
tion, which opened the way to peaceful victory
for the forces of "diversity and freedom."
United States and Japan Reschedule
Meeting of Cabinet Officials
Press release 17 dated January 14
The third meeting of the Joint United States-
Japan Committee on Trade and Economic Af-
fairs will be held at Tokyo on January 27 and 28.
This Committee was established as a result of
the talks held by the late President Kennedy
with Prime Minister Ikeda during his visit to
Washington in 1961. 1 The first and second
meetings of the Committee were held respec-
tively in Hakone in November 1961 2 and in
Washington in December 1962. 3 The third
meeting of the Committee, which was originally
scheduled to be held at Tokyo in Novem-
ber 1963," had long been anticipated. The
meeting was postponed because of the tragic
death of President Kennedy. Notwithstanding
heavy legislative demands on the Cabinet mem-
bers, both in Tokyo and in Washington, it was
found possible to reschedule this session at the
end of January.
The United States will be represented by
Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of
Commerce Luther Hodges, Secretary of Labor
W. Willard Wirtz, Chairman of the President's
Council of Economic Advisers Walter W.
Heller, Under Secretary of the Interior
James K. Carr, Under Secretary of Agriculture
Charles S. Murphy, and Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury John C. Bullitt.
At the forthcoming meeting of the Commit-
tee, Japan will be represented by Minister of
1 For background, see Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57.
■ Ibid., Nov. 27, 1961, p. 891.
> Ibid,, Dec. 24, 1962, p. 969.
*For an announcement of the meeting, see ibid.,
Nov. 25, 1963, p. 833.
FEBRUARY 3, 19G4
183
Foreign Affairs Masayoshi Oliira, Minister of
Finance Kakuei Tanaka, Minister of Agricul-
tm - e and Forestry Munenori Akagi, Minister of
International Trade and Industry Hajime
Fukuda, Minister of Labor Takeo Ohashi, Min-
ister of Transportation Kentaro Ayabe, Direc-
tor of the Economic Planning Agency Kiichi
Miyazawa, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasumi
Knrogane.
The meeting will take place in the morning
and afternoon of the 27th and 28th of January
at the auditorium of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. Agenda of the meeting will be as
follows:
(1) Economic situation in the United States
and Japan.
(2) Financial, monetary, and balance-of-
payments situation.
(3) Developments in trade and economic rela-
tions between the United States and Japan.
(4) Developments in international trade and
economic relations.
( 5 ) Cooperation in the economic development
of the less developed countries.
(6) Ad hoc matters.
The U.S. delegation will arrive by special
plane at Haneda on the evening of January 25
and will be welcomed by the Japanese Cabinet
Ministers. On January 26 Secretary Eusk will
visit Foreign Minister Ohira. On January 27
Prime Minister Ikeda will entertain the U.S.
delegation at luncheon at the Prime Minister's
residence. In the evening Foreign Minister
Ohira will entertain the U.S. delegation at
dinner.
On the 28th, the Japanese Cabinet Ministers
will meet with the respective U.S. principal
delegates at breakfast. Secretary Eusk will
entertain the Japanese delegation at luncheon,
following which he will call on Prime Minister
Ikeda. His Imperial Majesty The Emperor is
expected to receive in audience the U.S. Cabinet
Secretaries and other representatives on the
afternoon of the 28th. In the evening the
Japan-America Society and American Chamber
of Commerce will cosponsor a dinner in honor
of the delegations.
Senior advisers on the U.S. side will be:
State: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Af-
fairs Philip H. Trezise
Treasury: Deputy Assistant Secretary Merlyn N. Trued
Interior: Deputy Director, Resources Program Staff,
Harry Shooshan, Jr.
Agriculture: Director, Procurement and Sales Division,
Clifford G. Pulvermacher
Commerce: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Trade
Policy Robert L. McNeil
Labor: Louis Silverberg, labor attache^ American
Embassy, Tokyo
Council of Economic Advisers: Robert Solomon
Other members of the U.S. delegation will be
Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Eeischauer,
Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs
Eobert J. Manning, Special Assistant to the
Secretary of State Edward S. Little, Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern
Economic Affairs Eobert W. Barnett, and
Special Assistant to the Director for East Asian
Affairs, Department of State, Thelma E. Vettel.
Deputy Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
Takio Oda, Vice Minister of Finance Shinichi
Ishino, Vice Minister of International Trade
and Industry Zenei Imai, Director of the Eco-
nomic Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Agri-
culture and Forestry Makoto Matsuoka, Vice
Minister of Labor Hideo Hori, Vice Minister of
Transportation Satoru Okamoto, and Vice Di-
rector of Economic Planning Agency Keiichi
Matsumura will also attend the meeting as senior
advisers to the respective Ministers on the Japa-
nese side. Ambassador to the United States
Eyuji Takeuchi will also attend.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Cuban Refugee Problem. Hearings before the Sub-
committee To Investigate Problems Connected Witb
Refugees and Escapees of the Senate Committee on
the Judiciary- Part 2 — Grand Rapids, Mich. Octo-
ber 14, 1003. 60 pp.
The United States Balance of Payments. Hearings
before the Joint Economic Committee. Part 3. The
International Monetary System : Functioning and
Possible Reform. November 12-15, 19(53. 293 pp.
Expanding the Resources of the International Devel-
opment Association. Hearings before the Subcom-
mittee on International Finance of the House
Committee on Banking and Currency on H.K. 9022.
December 3-16. 81 pp.
('(invention Adopted by Ibp International Labor Con-
ference at Its 40th Session at Geneva. Letter from
the Assistant Secretary of State transmitting the
text of a convention (No. IIS) concerning equality
of treatment of nationals and nonnationals in social
security. H. Doc. 183. December 13, 1963. 11 pp.
184
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1
Scheduled February Through April 1964
IMCO Working Group on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea: 5th London Feb. 3-
Session.
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development: 3d Session of Preparatory New York Feb. 3-
Comniittee.
GATT Expert Group on Trade Information Geneva Feb. 4-
OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Feb. 4-
U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 16th Bangkok Feb. 10
Session.
ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference: 1st Session on Geneva Feb. 10-
the Preparation of a Revised Allotment Plan for the Aeronautical Mobile
(R) Service.
U.N. ECLA Committee of the Whole Santiago Feb. 12-
ITU CCIR Study Group XI: Subgroup on Color Television Standards . London Feb. 14-
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York Feb. 17-
U.N. ECOSOC Ad Hoc Committee on Coordination of Technical New York Feb. 17-
Assistance Activities.
OECD Agriculture Committee: Ministerial Meeting Paris Feb. 26-
North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 7th Meeting Moscow February
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 6th Session Algiers February
FAO Working Party on Rice Soils, Water, and Fertilizer Practices: 9th Philippines February or
Session. March
IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision and Damage Stability London Mar. 2-
of Passenger and Cargo Ships: 3d Session.
U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 20th Session . . Tehran Mar. 3-
17th World Health Assembly Geneva Mar. 3-
Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission: 5th Meeting Santiago Mar. 5-
U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations .... New York Mar. 9
IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 3d Session .... London Mar. 9-
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space: Legal Subcommittee . Geneva Mar. 9-
U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development New York Mar. 9-
IM CO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 4th Session London Mar. 16-
U.N. ECE Working Party on Construction of Vehicles Geneva Mar. 16-
OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris Mar. 17-
U.N. Conference on Trade and Development Geneva Mar. 23-
U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 31st Session Geneva Mar. 25-
FAO Working Party on Agricultural Engineering Aspects of Rice Pro- Philippines March
duction, Storage, and Processing.
11th Inter-American Conference Quito Apr. 1-
U.N. ECE Working Group on Public Sector Statistics Geneva Apr. 6-
ICAO Panel on Holding Procedures: 2d Meeting Montreal Apr. 6-
ITU Administrative Council: 19th Session Geneva Apr. 6-
FAO/WHO Conference on Nutrition Problems in Latin America . . . Montevideo Apr. 10-
NATO Planning Board for Ocean Shipping Washington Apr. 13-
SEATO Council of Ministers: 9th Meeting Manila Apr. 13-
U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 19th Session Geneva Apr. 13-
IMCO Group on Facilitation of Travel and Transport: 4th Session . . London Apr. 14-
OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris Apr. 15-
Growth).
International Cotton Advisorv Committee: 23d Plenary Meeting . . . New Delhi Apr. 16-
IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 8th Session London Apr. 20
ICAO All- Weather Operations Panel: 1st Meeting Montreal Apr. 27-
CENTO Ministerial Council: 12th Meeting Washington Apr. 'JS -
17th International Film Festival Cannes Apr. 29-
1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Jan. 17, 1964. Following is a list of abbreviations:
CCIR, Comity consultatif international des radio communications: CENTO, Central Treatv Organization;
ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA,
Economic Commission for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture
Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization;
IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union;
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development;
SEATO, Southeast Asia Treatv Organization; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World Health Organization.
19C4
185
TREATY INFORMATION
Chamizal Convention With Mexico
Enters Into Force
Press release 18 dated January 14
On January 14, 1964, the Convention Be-
tween the United States of America and the
United Mexican States for the Solution of the
Problem of the Chamizal, 1 concluded at Mexico
City on August 29, 1963, was brought into force
by the exchange in Mexico City of instruments
of ratification. The instruments were ex-
changed by C. A. Boonstra, Charge dAffaires
ad interim of the United States, and Manuel
Tello, Secretary for Foreign Eelations of
Mexico.
The convention was transmitted by the Presi-
dent to the Senate on October 7, 1963, for advice
and consent to ratification. On December 17,
1963, the Senate gave its advice and consent to
ratification. The United States instrument of
ratification of the convention was signed by the
President on December 20. 2
Enabling legislation and appropriations will
be sought from the U.S. Congress to provide for
execution of the terms of the convention so far
as the United States is concerned.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at
Vienna April 18, 1961."
Accession deposited: Panama, December 4, 1963.
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo-
matic relations concerning the compulsory settle-
ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961."
Accession deposited: Panama, December 4, 1963.
1 For background and text of convention, see Bulle-
tin of Sept. 23, 1963, p. 480.
' For remarks made by President Johnson on Dee. 20,
together with a statement made by Assistant Secretary
Martin before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on Dec. 12, see ibid., Jan. 13, 1964, p. 49.
International Court of Justice
Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat.
1055).
Notice of withdrawal of November 26, 1958, declara-
tion accepting compulsory jurisdiction: Unite*!
Kingdom, November 27, 1963.
Declaration recognizing compulsory jurisdiction de-
posited: United Kingdom, November 27, 1963.*
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at
Moscow August 5, 1963. Entered into force Octo-
ber 10, 1963. TIAS 5433.
Ratifications deposited: Denmark, Israel, Jan-
uary 15, 1964; Switzerland, January 16, 1964;
United Arab Republic, January 10, 1964. 6
Oil Pollution
International convention for the prevention of pollu-
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at Lon-
don May 12, 1954. Entered into force July 26, 1958;
for the United States December 8, 1961. TIAS 4900.
Acceptance deposited: Venezuela, December 12, 1963.
Amendments to the international convention for the
pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 (TIAS 4900). Done
at London April 11, 1962."
Acceptance deposited: Netherlands, December 23,
1963.
BILATERAL
Australia
Agreement concerning a program of research on aero-
space disturbances (Project High Noon). Effected
by exchange of notes at Canberra January 3, 1964.
Entered into force January 3, 1964.
Ireland
Amendment to the agreement of March 16, 1956, as
amended (TIAS 4059, 4690), for cooperation con-
cerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at
Washington August 7, 1963.
Entered into force: January 10, 1964.
Mexico
Convention for the solution of the problem of the
Chamizal. Signed at Mexico August 29, 1963.
Ratifications exchanged: January 14, 1964.
Entered into force: January 14, 1964.
Somali Republic
Agreement extending the technical cooperation pro-
gram agreement of January 28 and February 4,
1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 5332). Effected
by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio December 24
and 29, 1963. Entered into force December 29, 1963.
Tunisia
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of December 19, 1963, as amended (TIAS
5190, 5430). Effected by exchange of notes at
Tunis December 19, 1963. Entered into force Decem-
ber 19, 1963.
3 Not in force.
'Applicable to disputes arising after Feb. 5, 1930.
5 With a statement.
186
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX February 3, 196J,. Vol. L, No. 1281t
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating
to Foreign Policy 184
Department and Foreign Service. The Making
of Foreign Policy (Goldman, Rusk) .... 104
Diplomacy. The Making of Foreign Policy
(Goldman. Rusk) 164
Disarmament
Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament Conference
at Geneva 163
President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union for
Concrete Actions To Promote Peace (exchange
of letters) 157
Economic Affairs
Shaping the Future (Rostow) 177
United States and Japan Reschedule Meeting of
Cabinet Officials 183
International Organizations and Conferences
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 185
Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament Conference
at Geneva 163
The Situation in Panama 152
Japan. United States and Japan Reschedule
Meeting of Cabinet Officials 183
Mexico. Chamizal Convention With Mexico
Enters Into Force 186
Panama. The Situation in Panama 152
Presidential Documents
Advancing the Frontiers of Human Knowledge
for the Benefit of All Mankind 150
President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union for
Concrete Actions To Promote Peace .... 157
Public Affairs. The Making of Foreign Policy
(Goldman, Rusk) 164
Science. Advancing the Frontiers of Human
Knowledge for the Benefit of All Mankind
(Johnson) 150
Treaty Information
Chamizal Convention With Mexico Enters Into
Force i8C
Current Actions ] •,
U.S.S.R. President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet
Union for Concrete Actions To Promote Peace
(exchange of letters) ir.7
United Nations. The Situation in Panama . . 152
Name Index
Foster. William C 163
Goldman, Eric Frederick 164
Johnson, President 150, 157
Khrushchev, Nikita 158
Mann, Thomas C 152
Rostow, W. W 177
Rusk, Secretary i($4
Stevenson, Adlai E 153
Tejera Paris, Enrique 155
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: January 13-19
Press releases may be obtained from the
Office of News, Department of State, Washing-
ton, D.C., 20520.
Release issued prior to January 13 which
appears in this issue of the Buixetin is No. 10
of January 8.
No. Date Subject
*16 1/13 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
17 1/14 U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs.
IS 1/14 Entry into force of Chamizal Con-
vention with Mexico.
*22 1/18 Program for visit of Prime Minister
of Canada.
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. /.. No. 1285
February 10, 1964
THE PRESENT PROSPECT
Address by Secretary Rusk 190
AMERICAN POLICY IN THE NEAR EAST
by Deputy Under Secretary Johnson SOS
PRESIDENT SEGNI OF ITALY VISITS THE UNITED STATES 196
CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER VISITS WASHINGTON; U.S. AND CANADA AGREE ON
COLUMBIA RTVER DEVELOPMENT AND ESTABLISHMENT OF CAMPOBELLO PAKK
Joint Communique, Joint Statements, and Texts of Agreements 199
For index see inside back cover
The Present Prospect
Address by Secretary Busk '■
President Park [Eosemary Park, president
of Barnard College], Your Majesty [Queen
Frederika of Greece], President Kirk [Grayson
L. Kirk, president of Columbia University],
distinguished guests : I suppose I owe the honor
of being here tonight to the fact that I began
my career as a teacher in a woman's college.
Indeed, it was in that capacity that I began to
practice the art of diplomacy. I had one nota-
ble success — I persuaded a former student to
marry me. I understand that a former dean of
your faculty scored a similar diplomatic
triumph.
No one can spend 6 years teaching in a
woman's college, as I did, without sharing Pres-
ident Barnard's audacious view that "in the
interest of society, the mental culture of women
should not be inferior in character to that of
men." Although this view "failed to attract
the serious attention of the Trustees" of Colum-
1 Made at the Barnard College 75th anniversary
dinner at New York, N.Y., on Jan. 22 (press release
25).
bia in 1879, we are here this evening to celebrate
the fact that they were wise enough to change
their minds 10 years later.
Seventy-five years of distinction in teaching
the liberal arts is a record of which Barnard
women are justifiably proud. Dean Gilder-
sleeve used to tell Barnard students to "repre-
sent Barnard on every occasion." The more
than 13,000 graduates who have represented
Barnard have enriched this country by the har-
vest of their education on Morningside Heights.
For the discipline of a good liberal arts educa-
tion helps to arm the individual against un-
thinking emotion, demagoguery, and extremism.
You are committed to "Following the Way of
Reason. " You have offered the opportunity
of your liberal arts training not only to Ameri-
cans but to students from overseas, in this
manner helping both yourselves and them, our
country and their countries.
All of us feel especially honored by the pres-
ence of your newest Doctor of Laws, Her Majes-
ty The Queen of the Hellenes. Man's long fight
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1285 PUBLICATION 7654 FEBRUARY 10, 1961
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and interested
agencies of the Government with Infor-
mation on developments In the field of
foreign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreign policy, Issued
by the White House and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of international affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is Included concerning treaties
and international agreements to which
the United States la or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of international relations
are listed currenUy.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C.,
20402. Price : 52 issues, domestic $8.50,
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents.
Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961).
nutk : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
190
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
for freedom began in Greece two and a half
millennia ago. The modern Greeks are sturdy
defenders of freedom. Americans are proud
and comforted to have them as allies.
Dangers, Active and Latent
The cause of freedom has been the central
commitment of our nation since its birth. It
is the central issue in the world struggle in
which we are engaged. The first purpose of our
foreign policy, and of the military power which
supports it, is to defend freedom — without war,
if possible. Our foreign policy is designed
also to strengthen freedom wherever it exists
and to promote it by peaceful means where it
is still suppressed. Tonight I should like to
summarize the state of the cause of freedom in
the world, as I see it.
A realistic appraisal must take full account
of dangers, some active, others latent. There
are active dangers in Southeast Asia and in the
Caribbean. Those who now rule Hanoi and
Habana are infiltrating arms and agents across
international borders to foment Communist in-
surrection within other nations.
In Laos there is an uneasy truce. The Com-
munists continue to refuse to cooperate with the
Government of National Union. Hanoi still
has troops in Laos in violation of the Geneva
accords of 1962. 2 And it is using the "Ho Chi
Minh Trail" through Laos to reinforce the Com-
munist guerrillas in South Viet-Nam.
With the help of new cadres trained in North
Viet-Nam and new supplies of weapons and
ammunition from the north, the Viet Cong have
stepped up their activities in South Viet-Nam.
This course of action is dangerous for those who
refuse to leave their neighbors alone.
The Government of South Viet-Nam has set
in motion new measures, political and economic
as well as military, which will, I believe, bear
good fruit.
The 15,000 military men we have there to sup-
port and assist the South Vietnamese are proof
of our own commitment to the independence of
that brave people.
Now and then somebody suggests that a con-
ference be called to "neutralize" South Viet-
1 For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 13, 1962, p.
259.
Nam; nothing is said about "neutralizing"
North Viet-Nam. With Hanoi ruled by ag-
gressive Communists, this is a prescription for
a Communist takeover in South Viet-Nam. No
new conference or agreement is needed. All
that is needed is for the North Vietnamese to
abandon their aggression. When they renewed
it in 1959, no foreign nation had bases or light-
ing forces in South Viet-Nam. South Viet-
Nam was not a member of any alliance. If it
was a threat to North Viet-Nam, it was because
its economy far outshone the vaunted "Com-
munist paradise" to the north.
We want no bases in South Viet-Nam. We
want nothing for ourselves there. But we are
determined that this aggression shall not suc-
ceed.
Habana continues to encourage and engage in
subversive activities in the Western Hemi-
sphere. A few weeks ago the Government of
Venezuela uncovered a cache of arms from
Cuba 3 intended for terrorists whose objective
is the destruction of the democratic government
of Venezuela. The recent unfortunate disturb-
ances in Panama were immediately exploited
by terrorists trained in Cuba. In several other
Latin American countries Castro-trained agents
are actively promoting violence and terrorism.
This is a situation which requires further meas-
ures by the Organization of American States,
and in fact the Venezuelan arms cache is being
investigated by a special OAS committee with
a view to such further action.
The continuing dedication of the Cuban re-
gime to active terrorism and aggression in
Latin America is a basic reason for our attitude
toward free- world economic ties with Cuba.
We cannot accept the contention that trade with
Cuba is comparable to ordinary trade with any
Communist country. The Castro regime rep-
resents an unacceptable intrusion of Marxist-
Leninism into the Western Hemisphere. Two
years ago the Organization of American States
declared it to be incompatible with the inter-
American system. 4 The OAS has taken vari-
ous steps to isolate Castro's Cuba and to curb
its capacity to do harm. It is considering fur-
' For a Department statement of Nov. 29, see ibid.,
Dec. 16, 1963, p. 913.
' For text of Resolution VI adopted at Punta del
Este in January 1961, see ibid., Feb. 19, 1962, p. 279.
FEBRUARY 10, 1964
191
ther steps in order that the Cuban people may
regain their freedom and rejoin the inter-
American system.
Those countries which for commercial reasons
supply Cuba, especially with goods critical to
the Cuban economy, are prejudicing the efforts
of the countries of this hemisphere to reduce the
threat from Cuba. President Betancourt of
Venezuela, a prime target of Castro's attacks,
recently put the case in these words :
It is not comprehensible that countries that are
within the free world . . . trade with a government
that is actively promoting communist subversion in
the Hemisphere. . . . This [subversion] is a risk and
a danger for ... all the free world.
We agree. During the missile crisis of Oc-
tober 1962, it was plain that what happens in
Cuba can affect the security of the whole free
world. We think that free nations outside the
Western Hemisphere — and especially our allies,
whose freedom is so actively bound up with
ours — should pursue with respect to Cuba pol-
icies which harmonize with those of the Orga-
nization of American States.
There is danger in Berlin and in Germany
so long as the basic right of self-determination
is not accorded to the German people.
There is danger in other places where Com-
munists continue to tempt the hungry, the frus-
trated, and the bitter, where they find leverage
amid political and social conflict and confusion.
There are dangers arising from disputes
within the free world, which communism seeks
to exploit. Many are deeply imbedded in his-
tory and encrusted with emotion.
In a world in rapid transition we have to
learn to live with turbulence. But many acri-
monious disputes could be settled, we believe, if
the parties concerned and their neighbors put
their minds to the task. Peacemaking is not a
job for the great powers alone but a duty which
all must share.
And finally, among the dangers we cannot
forget are those inherent in weapons of almost
inconceivable destructive power.
Building Strength and Cohesion of Free World
The main task before us is to build the
strength and cohesion of the free world.
In the North Atlantic our goal remains the
further development of a closer partnership be-
tween the United States and a uniting Europe.
There is talk of disarray in the Atlantic al-
liance. There is no disarray concerning the
fundamental purpose for which this alliance
was constructed.
There are differences of view about next
steps: about how Europe shall be organized,
about trade relations both within Europe and
with the rest of the world. We should under-
stand two things about these debates. First,
they are natural among friends and partners,
especially in the absence of acute crises. Sec-
ondly, many of them are about essentially Eu-
ropean problems, although the United States
has a vital interest in their outcome. The pres-
ent need within the Atlantic alliance is for the
European nations to agree about the future of
Europe.
The first task of the Atlantic partnership is
defense. The heart of NATO remains strong.
The combined military power of its members is
immense. But, like any living organism,
NATO must adapt to a changing environment.
When NATO was set up, we had a virtual
atomic monopoly and the Soviets had massive
conventional superiority. Since then the So-
viets have achieved an atomic arsenal and
NATO has gained in both conventional and
nuclear strength. This makes it even more im-
portant that NATO have a force structure ca-
pable of deterring, or coping with, a wide range
of possibilities — that it should be able to re-
spond with the force appropriate to each threat.
We also recognize the need to share nuclear
responsibilities more effectively in NATO. To
this end, we have been discussing with interested
allies the formation of a multilaterally owned,
manned, and operated missile fleet. Such a
fleet would enable our allies to play a self-
respecting role in nuclear deterrence without
proliferating national nuclear forces. It could
provide a framework within which Europe, as
it moves toward unity, could have an increas-
ingly authoritative voice in the use of weapons.
This will be a year of important trade nego-
tiations. We strongly favor lowering the ar-
tificial barriers to the flow of goods throughout
the free world.
In Latin America some nations are making
192
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
steady and hopeful progress; others have been
disappointing. The material resources for
economic progress are present. We think the
will of the people is that progress take place.
In both the public and private sectors of Latin
American life there are dedicated men, able and
willing to bring their skills to hear. This ef-
fort is the central task of this hemisphere for
the coming decade. The Alliance for Progress
is not the cause of present tensions; those ten-
sions arise from the necessity for change. It is
aimed at permitting those changes to occur
within a climate of political freedom. We shall
continue to meet our commitments to the Alli-
ance for Progress.
In the Pacific our task is not merely to turn
hack the outward thrust of communism. It is
to work constructively with the forces of
strength and stability gathering in the Philip-
pines, Korea, Thailand, and elsewhere.
Japan has become a major constructive force
on the world scene. We welcome the member-
ship of Japan in the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development as a full partner
of the Atlantic nations.
In South Asia we shall continue to help build
the security and prosperity of India and Paki-
stan, those two great countries whose struggle
for the well-being of their citizens has lifted the
hearts of free men everywhere. Sensitive to
their anxieties, we regret the tragic fact of con-
tinuing friction between them.
In Africa, too, nations are moving forward to
build the longrun foundations for growth and
development : in education, in public health, in
agriculture, in early industrialization. We
shall help them, as we seek together to complete
by peaceful means the historic transition to
self-determination.
In Africa, as in the United States and else-
where, men will be tested to the limit of their
wisdom and self-discipline in seeking construc-
tive solutions to serious racial problems. They
must find ways to build societies where the
rights of citizens to equal social and political
status are respected, regardless of the color of
their skins.
I shall speak frankly about our foreign aid
programs. The need for them, which has been
explained by every postwar President, has
never been more compelling than it is rigbJ
now. Communism's last chance is to exploit
the frustration and the turmoil which is
inevitable as nations — many of them new na-
tions — struggle to modernize themselves. This
decade — the 1960's — is the critical decade.
We have approximately 2,700,000 men under
arms — nearly 1 million outside the continental
United States, ashore or afloat. All of us hope
that it won't be necessary to commit them to
combat. To undermine our foreign aid pro-
gram, now costing three to four cents of your
Federal tax dollar, would increase the danger
of crises whose costs in blood and treasure
would dwarf our foreign aid outlays.
Day by day we are working at the job of
strengthening the institutions of the free
world — above all the United Nations. We hope
that the Soviet Union, as well as the other mem-
bers, will join in steps to improve the proce-
dures of the General Assembly and to
strengthen the U.N.'s peacekeeping machinery.
The principles of the charter remain the goal
and the inspiration of all who want a world
without war, a world of law, a world of peace-
fid change, a world in which the sovereignty
of the human person is secured in peace and
social justice.
Developments in the Communist World
Now let us look at some developments inside
the Communist world.
First, the Sino-Soviet dispute: It is not a
complete break, and the leaders of totalitarian
systems can change course quickly. But, sub-
ject to those reservations, the dispute seems to
be fundamental and far-reaching, embracing
ideology, struggle for influence in other parts
of the world, economic interests, state relation-
ships, and personal rivalries.
To the extent that the dispute is about mil-
itancy versus genuine peaceful coexistence, we
prefer recognition of the dangers of war in
this nuclear age. The Soviets have not aban-
doned their basic goal of world revolution, nor
have they renounced all force for the settlement
of international disputes. Nevertheless, we
think they show a better understanding than
the Chinese Communists of the clangers and
meaning of nuclear war. We do not intend to
FEBRUARY 10, 19G4
193
give any Communists anywhere cause to sup-
pose that they can reap dividends by resort to
force.
In Eastern Europe there is a visible resur-
gence of nationalism. Out of this have come
two parallel trends: one toward greater auton-
omy, the other toward increased trade and other
contacts with Western Europe and, to some
extent, with the United States. Despite the
gulf in ideology and political organization, the
peoples of Eastern Europe seem to feel a nostal-
gia for their historic links with the main centers
of Western civilization.
All the Communist nations are experiencing
internal economic difficulties, and in most of
them these difficulties are serious. The Soviet
Union is using substantial portions of its lim-
ited gold and foreign exchange reserves for
foodstuffs in a single year. Meanwhile its rate
of industrial growth has slowed down sharply
and new problems in economic planning and
management have been coming to light. At the
same time the Soviet peoples want more of the
good things of life they have so long been
promised. The Soviet leadership is confronted
with some dilemmas in allocating resources, as
well as in how to increase the efficiency of the
Soviet economy.
These difficulties within the Communist world
are no cause for complacency on our part. They
do not justify our relaxing the defenses of free-
dom, or reducing our efforts to build the polit-
ical, economic, and social strength of the free
world, or abandoning our search for agreements
with our adversaries to reduce the dangers of
war.
"We Must Build the Peace"
Above all, we must build the peace. As Pres-
ident Johnson said in his state of the Union
message : 5
... we must develop with our allies new means of
bridging the gap between the East and the West,
facing danger boldly wherever danger exists, but be-
ing equally bold in our search for new agreements
which can enlarge the hopes of all while violating the
interests of none.
After a classic and sober debate, the Senate
6 For an excerpt from the message, see ibid., Jan. 27,
19G4, p. 110.
ratified the treaty banning nuclear tests in the
atmosphere, outer space, and under water. We
have taken bilateral steps to improve our com-
munications with Moscow in order to reduce
the danger of misunderstanding in a period of
crisis. We have joined the Soviet Union and
others in affirming that we have no intention of
placing weapons of mass destruction in orbit.
We have agreed on principles of law for outer
space. We have been exploring with our allies
and shall be talking with the Soviet Union
about other possible limited measures.
All such measures must meet one hard test:
They must offer a better route to security. If
they are going to meet that test, they will do so
only by meeting the interests of our allies as
well as ourselves. We would not, if we could,
purchase our own security at the expense of
our allies. We shall consult them intensively
about the advantages and disadvantages of par-
ticular arms control measures. And we shall
move ahead together toward a more secure
world for all, not down separate paths toward
greater insecurity for each.
Two points about the present state of East-
West relations deserve special emphasis. The
first is that the very limited agreements we have
reached with the Soviet Union do not yet
amount to a detente. There can be no genuine
detente without progress in resolving dangerous
political issues, such as the future of Berlin and
Germany, Southeast Asia, and Cuba, and with-
out progress in controlling armaments. These
are the points which need urgent attention and
on which we hope Soviet attitudes can demon-
strate a basic desire for peace.
We shall continue to explore these matters.
We shall try to avoid the pitfalls of illusion
and naivete. But, equally, we shall try hard
not to overlook any possibility of advancing,
even by small steps, toward a more secure peace.
Yesterday, in a message to the disarmament
conference at. Geneva, 6 President Johnson called
for several important measures to speed prog-
ress toward arms reductions under effective
safeguards. He proposed that the United
States, the Soviet Union, and their allies agree
to explore a verified freeze on the number and
characteristics of strategic nuclear offensive and
1 See p. 223.
194
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
defensive vehicles. The development of this
concept would be a matter for consultation with
our allies before negotiations with the Soviets;
the multilateral force that I described earlier
could and would be protected.
The President called for a verified agree-
ment to halt the production of fissionable mate-
rials for weapons. Pending such agreement,
he expressed the willingness of this Government
to join the Soviet Union in closing comparable
production facilities on a plant-by-plant basis.
We have started on this path and hope the So-
viet Union will do likewise. The President
made clear that we will be prepared to discuss
proposals, in consultation with our allies, for
creating a system of observation posts as a move
in reducing the danger of war by accident, mis-
calculation, or surprise attack. Finally, he
called for agreement to stop the proliferation
of national nuclear arsenals and for the ac-
ceptance of inspection of peaceful nuclear activ-
ities to guard against diversion to weapons use.
We are convinced that this program of action
is in the best interest of the United States and
that progress in these areas will lead to a more
secure and peaceful world.
We are also trying to see whether anything
constructive can be developed from Mr. Khru-
shchev's message on the nonuse of force in con-
nection with frontier disputes. 7 We earnestly
hope that the guidelines set forth by President
Johnson in his letter to Mr. Khrushchev will
commend themselves to the Soviet Government
and that it will be prepared to move on to dis-
cussion of their practical application.
Confidence in the Future of Freedom
A steady appraisal of the main trends in the
affairs of man justifies, I believe, a sense of con-
fidence in the future of the cause of freedom.
Our most enduring asset in this world struggle
is our indelible identification with the ideas of
freedom : of consent of the governed, of equal-
ity under law, of human dignity. Those ideas,
which we have done so much to nurture and
have fought to preserve, have seized the minds
of men everywhere — even, 1 believe, behind the
Iron and Hamboo Curtains.
The kind of world we want is the kind of
world that most other people in the world want.
But that kind of world cannot be wished into
being. It must be built by untiring work —
and must be unfailingly protected at every
stage.
We are making progress. But all the prog-
ress we have made could collapse overnight if
we should relax our vigilance or our efforts.
There are some who would have us quit the
struggle : by drastically reducing our defenses,
by withdrawing from danger spots, by slash-
ing our foreign aid, by resigning from the
United Nations. That is a policy of surrender,
a prescription for disaster.
I don't believe the American people will fol-
low those who would quit. I believe that they
are determined to "secure the Blessings of Lib-
erty" to themselves and their posterity, that
they intend to win this world struggle — to win
it by building a world that is safe for freedom,
in President Johnson's words, "a world of peace
and justice, and freedom and abundance, for
our time and for all time to come." 8
President Restates U.S. Position
on Panama and Canal Zone
Statement by President Johnson l
I want to take this opportunity to restate our
position on Panama and the Canal Zone. 2 No
purpose is served by rehashing either recent or
ancient events. There have been excesses and
errors on the part of both Americans and Pan-
amanians. Earlier this month actions of im-
prudent students from both countries played
into the hands of agitators seeking to divide us.
What followed was a needless and tragic loss
of life on both sides.
Our own forces were confronted with sniper
fire and mob attack. Their role was one of re-
7 For an exchange of letters between President John-
son and Chairman Khrushchev, see Bulletin of Feb.
3, 1964. p. 157.
*Ibhl., Jan. 27. 1004, p. 110.
1 Made to news correspondents at the White House
on Jan. 23 (White House press release).
' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 3, 1904, p. 163.
FEBRUARY 10, 19 04
195
sisting aggression and not committing it. At
all times they remained inside the Canal Zone,
and they took only those defensive actions re-
quired to maintain law and order and to protect
lives and property within the canal itself. Our
obligation to safeguard the canal against riots
and vandals and sabotage and other interfer-
ence rests on the precepts of international law,
the requirements of international commerce,
and the needs of free- world security.
These obligations cannot be abandoned. But
the security of the Panama Canal is not incon-
sistent with the interests of the Republic of
Panama. Both of these objectives can and
should be assured by the actions and the agree-
ment of Panama and the United States. This
Government has long recognized that our opera-
tion of the canal across Panama poses special
problems for both countries. It is necessary,
therefore, that our relations be given constant
attention.
Over the past few years we have taken a num-
ber of actions to remove inequities and irritants.
We recognize that there are things to be done,
and we are prepared to talk about the ways and
means of doing them. But violence is never
justified and is never a basis for talks. Conse-
quently, the first item of business has been the
restoration of public order. The Inter- Ameri-
can Peace Committee, which I met this morn-
ing, deserves the thanks of us all not only for
helping to restore order but for its good offices.
For the future, we have stated our willingness
to engage without limitation or delay in a full
and frank review and reconsideration of all
issues between our two countries.
We have set no preconditions to the resump-
tion of peaceful discussions. We are bound by
no preconceptions of what they will produce.
And we hope that Panama can take the same
approach. In the meantime, we expect neither
country to either foster or yield to any kind of
pressure with respect to such discussions. We
are prepared, 30 days after relations are re-
stored, to sit in conference with Panamanian
officials to seek concrete solutions to all prob-
lems dividing our countries. Each Government
will be free to raise any issue and to take any
position. And our Government will consider
all practical solutions to practical problems that
are offered in good faith.
Certainly solutions can be found which are
compatible with the dignity and the security of
both countries as well as the needs of world
commerce. And certainly Panama and the
United States can remain, as they should re-
main, good friends and good neighbors.
President Segni of Italy
Visits the United States
Antonio Segni, President of the Italian Re-
public, and Mrs. Segni visited the United States
from January 13 to 18. They were in Washing-
ton January 14-16. Following is the exchange
of greetings upon their arrival at Union Station
on January 14- and the text of a communique
released on January 15 at the conclusion of con-
versations between President Johnson and Pres-
ident Segni.
EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS, JANUARY 14
White House press release dated January 14
President Johnson
Mr. President, Mrs. Johnson and I are de-
lighted to welcome you, Madame Segni, your
distinguished Foreign Minister, Mr. [Giuseppe]
Saragat, and other members of your party to
the United States.
You, Mr. President, are no stranger to this
country. Indeed we are not strangers to each
other. The United States has had the honor of
welcoming you before as a leading Italian states-
man who served with distinction as the Italian
Republic's Premier and Foreign Minister.
Personally, I will never forget the warm
hospitality that we received on my visit to Rome
in the fall of 196:2 and then again last summer
when I attended the funeral of Pope John.
Our ties with the Italian people go back sev-
eral centuries — to the discovery of America it-
self. The close association of our Governments
and our peoples is an important political fact
of life in this half of the 20th century. There
are living today in our country millions of citi-
zens whose blood is Italian and whose contribu-
106
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
tion to the building of this nation has been
large.
Together, our Governments and our peoples
share many common interests not only in fight-
ing poverty but in improving the lot of ordi-
nary men and women everywhere.
So we join also in strengthening the security
of the free world and in seeking to brighten
the prospects for world peace for our time and
for all time to come.
So, again, .Mr. President, let. me say how
pleased we all are that you have been able to
come here at this time and what a great per-
sonal pleasure it is for Mrs. Johnson and me
to receive you, your wife, Foreign Minister
Saragat, and the other members of your party
as our guests and as our friends.
President Segni
Mr. President, it is with deep emotion that I
return to this great country which is united to
Italy by so many ties of history, civilization,
and blood.
A great Italian, less than five centuries ago,
united the American Continent to the Christian
civilization of Europe. From that day, the
histories of the two continents have been inter-
woven through many events which have brought
into being this country, which is great because
it is free and because it has been faithful to the
principles of freedom through the entire course
of its history, ever since the representatives of
the young American States, on the Fourth of
July, 1776, signed the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and George Washington took the lead
in the war of liberation.
George "Washington not only was an out-
standing statesman in war and peace, but above
all he was the champion of all those American
statesmen who by their deeds have constantly
shown their faith in liberty, embodied in the
fundamental acts of this great people, and a
spirit of personal self-denial for the sake of the
community.
Therefore my thoughts go to the late Presi-
dent Kenned j', who gave his life for the defense
of those ideals. His generous and bold image
is among those that left a mark on our times
and brightly enlighten our future. In remem-
bering him with deep emotion, we renew our
pledge to continue along I lie path which lie has
shown us and to carry on his task in the de-
fense of liberty, social progress, and peace.
Tins solemn pledge lends a special meaning
to my meeting with President Jolinson, whom
I am extremely pleased to see again after the
talks I had with him and his distinguished aides
in Rome.
This meeting takes place at the beginning of
a year in which we will be confronted with old
and new problems, almost, invariably not easy
to solve; but in solving them we must not for-
get that, first and foremost, our task is to in-
sure the advancement of our common civili-
zation. This makes it necessary, therefore, to
intensify the amplest consultations between the
governments of the countries which are in-
spired by the principles of freedom, justice, and
democracy, and which defend these principles
on a common frontier of ideals and policies.
I believe that the talks we shall have on this
occasion will be devoted, above all, to the two
everlasting problems of peace and liberty and
to the means to assure our peoples that peace
shall not mean surrender of the essential prin-
ciples of our liberty and that liberty shall be
based upon the respect of the dignity of man.
These are the ideals to which the peoples of
the United States and Italy are especially
dedicated.
The practical problems of the strengthening
of the Atlantic community will find their place
in this framework, together with those concern-
ing the easing of international tension, the de-
velopment of European unity, the expansion of
economic relations between free countries, and
the assistance to new nations.
It will be an open and friendly exchange of
ideas from which we may expect an ever-grow-
ing coordination of our entire action aimed at
si fi'iruarding peace, domestic and international
freedom, and an increasing prosperity for all
peoples.
In this spirit I wish now to extend my warm-
est thanks to the President of the United States,
who, through his invitation, has enabled me to
return to this hospitable American soil for a
visit that takes place under the auspices of the
closest, friendship and the full solidarity of our
two countries.
FRISK CART 10, 1964
197
TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 15
White House press release dated January 15
President Johnson and President Segni had
two conversations at the White House on Jan-
uary 14 and 15. Secretary of State Rusk and
Foreign Minister Saragat were present on both
occasions.
President Segni told President Johnson how
deeply the Italian people felt the tragic death
of President Kennedy. Expressing his ap-
preciation and that of the American people for
this sympathy, President Johnson observed that
President Kennedy had valued highly the close
friendship between Italy and the United States,
which is a source of strength to both people.
The conversations between the two leaders
reaffirmed the warm personal relationship estab-
lished during President Johnson's visits to Italy
in 1962 and 1963. The two Presidents found
that their views coincide on a broad range of
issues.
President Johnson emphasized to President
Segni and Foreign Minister Saragat his deep
personal dedication to strengthening the North
Atlantic Alliance. They agreed that basic
Western objectives require continued efforts
toward building Atlantic partnership through
steady progress toward European unity. In
this connection, they noted that political and
military talks on a multilateral seaborne missile
force are proceeding satisfactorily.
The two Presidents expressed the view that
the forthcoming trade negotiations should be
pursued energetically with a view to stimulat-
ing freer international trade on a more liberal
basis. The Presidents also emphasized the im-
portance of the more fully developed countries
extending economic and technical assistance to
the developing states of the world.
The Presidents noted the importance of ex-
ploring means of improving East- West rela-
tions and hoped that the Soviet Union would
respond constructively to Western efforts in this
direction. They agreed that new proposals
should be introduced at the forthcoming dis-
armament talks in Geneva in an effort to achieve
positive results. They stressed thai It:ily and
the United States would work together with
other nations in consolidating peace and free-
dom throughout the world.
President Requests Increased
Appropriation for Peace Corps
Following is the text of a letter from Presi-
dent Johnson to John W. McCormack, Speaker
of the House of Representatives. An identi-
cal letter was sent on the same day to Carl
Hayden, President pro tempore of the Senate.
White House press release dated January 16
January 16, 1964
Dear Mr. Speaker: I take pleasure in trans-
mitting legislation which would authorize the
appropriation of $115 million for the Peace
Corps in fiscal year 1965.
The Members of the Congress know how close
this program was to the heart of John Fitzger-
ald Kennedy. The day-to-day achievements of
nearly 7,000 American men and women now at
or about to depart for work overseas in over
2,400 cities, towns and hamlets in 46 countries
are a living memorial to the 35th President of
the United States.
For fiscal year 1964 the Congress appropri-
ated approximately $96 million for the Peace
Corps, under an authorization of $102 million.
The amount appropriated is sufficient to enable
the Peace Corps to reach a level of 10,500 Vol-
unteers by September 1964. The requested
Peace Corps authorization for fiscal year 1965
is an increase of $13 million over the amount
authorized by the Congress for fiscal year 1964.
This increase of less than 15 percent will enable
the Peace Corps to expand by a third to reach
a level of 14,000 Volunteers by September 1965.
As the Peace Corps concentrates on improv-
ing the scope of programs in existence, and as
more and more American men and women vol-
unteer for service in the Peace Corps, it is be-
coming possible to take advantage of economies
of size in the Peace Corps budget. The steps
which have been taken during the last year to
reduce tho cost of the Peace Corps will be
spelled out in detail in the agency's presenta-
tion materials.
In view of these economies, the requested
increase in authorization and appropriation is
fully consistent with my fiscal year 1965 budget
program.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
198
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Canadian Prime Minister Visits Washington; U.S. and Canada Agree
on Columbia River Development and Establishment of Campobello Park
Lester B. Pearson, Prime Minister of Canada,
and Mrs. Pearson made an official visit to Wash-
ington January 21-23. Following is a joint
communique between President Johnson and
Prime Minister Pearson released on January 22
at the conclusion of their discussions, together
with joint statements and texts of agreements
signed that day regarding the cooperative de-
velopment of the water resources of the Colum-
bia River Basin and the establishment of the
Roosevelt Campobello International Park.
JOINT COMMUNIQUE
White House press release dated January 22
Useful discussions on many matters have been
held during the past two days while Prime
Minister Pearson has been visiting Washington
as the guest of President Johnson. The Prime
Minister was accompanied by Mr. Paul Martin,
Secretary of State for External Affairs. Mr.
Dean Rusk, Secretary of State, was with the
President.
The President and the Prime Minister had a
wide-ranging discussion about the international
situation. In their review of world affairs they
discussed the NATO alliance and the Atlantic
Community, the prospects for easing East-
West tensions, the importance of practical
specific initiative toward disarmament, and the
current problems in Asia, Africa, and the West-
ern Hemisphere. They will continue to co-
operate fully in helping the countries of these
areas move toward economic development,
political stability, and peace along their borders.
The Prime Minister and the President noted
with satisfaction the progress made towards
the cessation of nuclear testing. They affirmed
their desire to promote additional measures to
ease international tensions and to support fur-
ther advances towards effective disarmament.
The steady development of the peacekeeping
capacity of the United Nations remains for
both a goal essential to the preservation of
world peace.
The President and the Prime Minister ex-
amined various bilateral defense questions and
noted with satisfaction that appropriate agree-
ments have lately been concluded between their
two Governments. They agreed to plan for a
meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee on
Defense during the first half of this year. They
reaffirmed the support of both Governments for
the developing defense production sharing pro-
gram, which is of mutual benefit.
The Prime Minister and the President re-
ferred to the balance of payments problems of
their respective countries. They reviewed out-
standing economic problems between the two
countries, including certain trade and tax meas-
ures. They agreed on the urgency of success-
ful GATT negotiations to achieve a substantial
■ reduction of trade barriers in order to meet
the goal of expanded world trade.
The President and the Prime Minister re-
viewed the work of the joint Cabinet level Com-
mittee on trade and economic affairs at its
meeting last September * and agreed that it
should meet again around the end of April.
The Prime Minister and the President dis-
cussed at some length the practicability and
desirability of working out acceptable prin-
ciples which would make it easier to avoid
divergences in economic and other policies of
1 For text of a communique, see Bulletin of Oct. 7,
19C3, p. 548.
FEBRUARY 10, 1DG4
199
interest to each other. They appreciated that
any such principles would have to take full
account of the interests of other countries and
of existing international arrangements. The
President and the Prime Minister considered
that it would be worthwhile to have the pos-
sibilities examined. Accordingly, they are ar-
ranging to establish a Working Group, at a
senior level, to study the matter and to submit
a progress report to the April meeting of the
Joint Committee.
The Prime Minister and the President agreed
that negotiations on the bilateral air agree-
ment should be undertaken almost immediately,
with a view to working out satisfactory ar-
rangements on a North American basis.
The President and the Prime Minister noted
the importance of shipping on the Great Lakes
and the St. Lawrence Seaway and agreed to
cooperate with each other and with labor and
management in each country to avoid industrial
strife along these waters.
Final agreement was reached on the use of
the resources of the Columbia Eiver Basin, and
this agreement was embodied in an exchange of
notes between Secretary of State Rusk and the
Secretary of State for External Affairs for
Canada, Mr. Paul Martin. The Columbia
River Treaty signed in 1961, 2 was ratified that
year by the United States; the agreements
reached today pave the way for Canadian rati-
fication and make possible the further develop-
ment of the resources of this great Basin.
At the same time, the President and the
Prime Minister have joined in arrangements to
establish on the East Coast the Roosevelt In-
ternational Park at Campobello, New Bruns-
wick, in memory of a President who took a
keen interest in both countries and in the good
relations between them.
In recognition of the breadth and importance
of their mutual interests, the President and the
Prime Minister have determined to maintain
close and continuous contact, on a personal
and confidential basis and in the spirit of can-
dor and friendship that has characterized these
meetings.
' For text, see ibid., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 234.
"For text of a joint communique of May 11, 1963,
see ma., May 27, 1963, p. 815.
COLUMBIA RIVER AGREEMENT
White House press release dated January 22
Joint Statement
President Johnson and Prime Minister Pear-
son presided today at the "White House at the
signing of further important agreements be-
tween the two governments regarding the co-
operative development of the water resources
of the Columbia River Basin. Mr. Rusk, Sec-
retary of State, signed for the United States,
and Mr. Martin, Secretary of State for External
Affairs, signed for Canada.
The arrangements which are now being made
will be of great benefit to both countries, par-
ticularly to the province of British Columbia
in Canada and to the States of Washington,
Idaho, Montana, and Oregon in the United
States. Today's signing took place in the pres-
ence of representatives of the area on both
sides of the border.
The treaty of January 17. 1061 provided for
effective regulation of the flow from the Cana-
dian portion of the Columbia River for flood
control and increased power production in the
United States as well as for benefits in Canada.
The downstream power benefits resulting from
increased generation in the United States are
to be shared by the two countries, and the
United States is to compensate Canada for
the flood protection which it receives. Effec-
tive storage amounting to 15,500,000 acre-feet
will be provided in Canada from two clams on
the main stem of the Columbia at Mica Creek
and Arrow Lakes, and from one dam near Dun-
can Lake, all in British Columbia. The addi-
tional storage approximately doubles that pres-
ently available for regulation of the flows of
the Columbia River.
Under the terms of the treaty, the United
States has the option to commence construction
of the Libby project on the Kootenai River in
northern Montana with 5,000,000 acre-feet of
usable storage. Canada and the United Stales
each will retain all of the benefits from the
Libby project which accrue in their respective
countries.
At the Hyannis Port meeting in May
1963 President Kennedy and Prime Minister
Pearson 8
200
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
. . . noted especially the desirability of early prog-
ress on the cooperative development of the Columbia
River. The Prime Minister Indicated thai if certain
Clarifications and adjustments in arrangements pro-
posed earlier eould be agreed on, to be Included in B
protocol to the treaty, the Canadian Government would
consult at once with the provincial Government of Brit-
ish Colombia, the province ill which the Canadian por-
tion of the river is located, with a view to proceeding
promptly with the further detailed negotiations re-
quired with the United States and with the necessary
aetion for approval within Canada. The President
agreed that both. Governments should immediately un-
dertake discussions on this subject looking to an early
agreement.
These things have now been done. The way
has been cleared for the completion of the neces-
sary financial and related arrangements in the
United States and the ratification of the treaty
by Canada.
The primary purpose of the first set of docu-
ments signed today was to agree now on the
clarifications and adjustments that would elimi-
nate possible sources of controversy between the
two countries in later years. These documents
contain important, if rather technical, provi-
sions regarding such varied matters as condi-
tions governing flood control : the intention to
complete arrangements for the initial sale of
Canada's share of the downstream power bene-
fits at the time when ratifications of the treaty
are exchanged; the avoidance by Canada of
stand-by transmission charges in the event of
sales of downstream benefits in the United
States; provision for cooperation in connection
with the operation of the Libby Dam in the
light of the Canadian benefits from it ; clarifica-
tion regarding water diversions; the procedures
relating to hydroelectric operating plans; the
adoption of a longer stream flow period as a
basis for calculating downstream power bene-
fits; various matters relating to power load cal-
culations; adjustments to be considered in the
event of the provision of flood control by Can-
ada ahead of schedule; the avoidance of any
precedent regarding waters other than those of
the Columbia River Basin; and clarification
regarding the position of the boundary waters
treaty of 1909.
The other set of documents relates to the
arrangement to be made for the sale of the
Canadian entitlement to downstream power
benefits for a period limited to 80 years. The ar-
rangements which the two governments have
agreed upon will be beneficial to the Onited
States in facilitating the coming into force of
the treaty and thereby removing uncertainty
about the availability of power and flood con-
trol protection for the northwestern part of the
United States for a considerable period of time.
Equally, they will benefit Canada by removing
uncertainty about the return to be received by
Canada from the Columbia River development
during the first 30 years after the completion
of each dam.
The treaty, together with the arrangements
now being made, represents an important step
in achieving optimum development of the water
resources of the Columbia River Basin as a
whole, from which the United States and Can-
ada will each receive benefits materially larger
than either could obtain independently.
The arrangements fully respect the sover-
eignty and the interests of the two countries. As
was said in the Hyannis Port Communique,
"Close cooperation across the border can en-
hance rather than diminish the sovereignty of
each country by making it stronger and more
prosperous than before."
Exchange of Notes on Columbia River Treaty
Secretary Martin to Secretary Rusk
January 22, 19fi4
Sir, I have the honour to refer to discussions which
have been held between representatives of the Govern-
ment of Canada and of the Government of the United
States of America regarding the Treaty between Can-
ada and the United States of America relating to co-
operative development of the water resources of the
Columbia River Basin signed at Washington on Jan-
uary 17, 1961. On the basis of these discussions, the
Government of Canada understands that the two Gov-
ernments have agreed to the terms of the attached
Protocol.
I should like to propose that, if agreeable to your
Government, this Xote together with the Protocol at-
tached thereto and your reply, shall constitute an
agreement between our two Governments relating to
the carrying out of the provisions of the Treaty with
effect from the date of the exchange of instruments of
ratification of the Treaty.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.
Paui, Martin
Secretary of State for External Affairs
FEBRUARY 10, 1964
201
Annex to Exchange of Notes Dated January 22, 1964
Between the Governments op Canada and inE
United States Regarding the Columbia River
Treaty
Protocol
1. If the United States entity should call upon Can-
ada to operate storage in the Columbia River Basin to
meet flood control needs of the United States of Amer-
ica pursuant to Article IV (2) (b) or Article IV (3) of
the Treaty, such call shall be made only to the extent
necessary to meet forecast flood control needs in the
territory of the United States of America that cannot
adequately be met by flood control facilities in the
United States of America in accordance with the fol-
lowing conditions :
(1) Unless otherwise agreed by the Permanent En-
gineering Board, the need to use Canadian flood con-
trol facilities under Article IV(2) (b) of the Treaty
shall be considered to have arisen only in the case of
potential floods which could result in a peak discharge
in excess of 600,000 cubic feet per second at The Dalles,
Oregon, assuming the use of all related storage in the
United States of America existing and under construc-
tion in January 1961, storage provided by any dam
constructed pursuant to Article XII of the Treaty and
the Canadian storage described in Article IV (2) (a) of
the Treaty.
(2) The United States entity will call upon Canada
to operate storage under Article IV (3) of the Treaty
only to control potential floods in the United States
of America that could not be adequately controlled
by all the related storage facilities in the United States
of America existing at the expiration of 60 years from
the ratification date but in no event shall Canada be
required to provide any greater degree of flood control
under Article IV(3) of the Treaty than that provided
for under Article IV (2) of the Treaty.
(3) A call shall be made only if the Canadian entity
has been consulted whether the need for flood control
is, or is likely to be, such that it cannot be met by the
use of flood control facilities in the United States of
America in accordance with subparagraphs (1) or (2)
of this paragraph. Within ten days of receipt of a
call, the Canadian entity will communicate its accept-
ance, or its rejection or proposals for modification of
the call, together with supporting considerations.
When the communication indicates rejection or modi-
fication of the call the Uniled States entity will review
the situation in the light of the communication and
subsequent developments and will then withdraw or
modify the call if practicable. In the absence of agree-
ment on the call or its terms the United States entity
will submit the matter to the Permanent Engineering
Board provided for under Article XV of the Treaty for
assistance as contemplated in Article XV(2) (c) of the
Treaty. The entities will be guided by any instruc-
tions issued by the Permanent Engineering Hoard. If
the Permanent Engineering Hoard does not issue in-
structions within ten days of receipt of a submission
the United States entity may renew the call for any
part or all of the storage covered in the original call
and the Canadian entity shall forthwith honour the
request.
2. In preparing the flood control operating plans in
accordance with paragraph 5 of Annex A of the Treaty,
and in making calls to operate for flood control pur-
suant to Articles IV(2)(b) and IV(3) of the Treaty,
every effort will be made to minimize flood damage
both in Canada and the United States of America.
3. The exchange of Notes provided for in Article
VIII (1) of the Treaty shall take place contemporane-
ously with the exchange of the Instruments of Ratifica-
tion of the Treaty provided for in Article XX of the
Treaty.
4. (1) During the period and to the extent that the
sale of Canada's entitlement to downstream power
benefits within the United States of America as a re-
sult of an exchange of Notes pursuant to Article
VIII (1) of the Treaty relieves the United States of
America of its obligation to provide east-west standby
transmission service as called for by Article X(l) of
the Treaty, Canada is not required to make payment
for the east-west standby transmission service with
regard to Canada's entitlement to downstream power
benefits sold in the United States of America.
(2) The United States of America is not entitled to
any payments of the character set out in subparagraph
(1) of this paragraph in respect of that portion of
Canada's entitlement to downstream power benefits de-
livered by the United States of America to Canada at
any point on the Canada-United States of America
boundary other than at a point near Oliver, British
Columbia, and the United States of America is not
required to provide the east-west standby transmis-
sion service referred to in subparagraph (1) of this
paragraph in respect of the portion of Canada's entitle-
ment to downstream power benefits which is so
delivered.
5. Inasmuch as control of historic streamflows of the
Kootenay River by the dam provided for in Article
XII (1) of the Treaty would result in more than
200.000 kilowatt years per annum of energy benefit
downstream in Canada, as well as important flood
control protection to Canada, and the operation of
that dam is therefore of concern to Canada, the entities
shall, pursuant to Article XIV(2)(a) of the Treaty,
cooperate on a continuing basis to coordinate the oper-
ation of that dam with the operation of hydroelectric
plants on the Kootenay River and elsewhere in Canada
in accordance with the provisions of Article XII(5)
and Article XII (6) of the Treaty.
6. (1) Canada and the United States of America are
in agreement that Article XIII (1) of the Treaty pro-
vides to each of them a right to divert water for a
consumptive use.
(2) Any diversion of water from the Kootenay
River when once instituted under the provisions of
Article XIII of the Treaty is not subject to any limita-
tion as to time.
7. As contemplated by Article IV (1) of the Treaty,
202
DEPAKTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN
Canada shall operate the Canadian storage In accord-
ance with Annex A and hydroelectric operating plana
made thereunder. Also, as contemplated by Annexes
A and B of the Treaty and article XIV(2)(k) of the
Treaty, these operating plans before they are agreed
to by the entitles will be conditioned as follows:
(li As iho downstream power benefits credited to
Canadian storage decrease with time, the storage re-
quired to be operated by Canada pursuant to para-
graphs «i ami !» Of Annex A of the Treaty, will be that
required to produce those benefits.
i '.'i The hydroelectric operating plans, which will
be based on step I of tlie studies referred to in para-
graph 7 of Annex B of the Treaty, will provide a
reservoir-balance relationship for each month for the
whole of the Canadian storage committed rather than
a separate relationship for each of the three Canadian
storages. Subject to compliance with any detailed
operating plan agreed to by the entities as permitted
by Article XIV (2) (k) of the Treaty, the manner of
operation which will achieve the specific storage or
release of storage called for in a hydroelectric operat-
ing plan consistent with optimum storage use will be
at the discretion of the Canadian entity.
(3) Optimum power generation at-site in Canada
and downstream in Canada and the United States of
America referred to in paragraph 7 of Annex A of the
Treaty will include power generation at-site and down-
stream in Canada of the Canadian storages referred
to in Article 11(2) of the Treaty, power generation
in Canada which is coordinated therewith, downstream
power benefits from the Canadian storage which are
produced in the United States of America and meas-
ured under the terms of Annex B of the Treaty, power
generation in the Pacific Northwest Area of the United
States of America and power generation coordinated
therewith.
8. The determination of downstream power benefits
pursuant to Annex 15 of the Treaty, in respect of each
year until the expiration of thirty years from the
commencement of full operation in accordance with
Article IV of the Treaty of that portion of the Cana-
dian storage described in Article II of the Treaty
which is last placed in full operation, and thereafter
until otherwise agreed upon by the entities, shall be
based upon stream flows for the thirty-year period
beginning July 1928 as contained in the report entitled
"Extension of Modified Flows Through 195S — Columbia
River Basin" and dated June I960, as amended and
supplemented to June 29, 1961, by the Water Manage-
ment Subcommittee of the Columbia Basin Inter-
Agency Committee.
9.(1) Each load used in making the determinations
required by Steps II and III of paragraph 7 of Annex
B of the Treaty shall have the same shape as the load
of the Pacific Northwest area as that area is defined
in that paragraph.
(2) The capacity credit of Canadian storage shall
not exceed the difference between the firm load carry-
ing capabilities of the projects and installations in-
cluded in Step II of paragraph 7 of Annex B of the
Treaty and the projects and installations included
in Step III of paragraph 7 of Annex B of the Treaty.
10. in making nil determinations required by Annex
B of the Treaty the loads used shall include the power
required for pumping water for consumptive use into
the Banks Equalizing Reservoir of the Columbia Basin
Federal Reclamation Project but mention of this
particular load is not intended in any way to exclude
from those loads any use of power that would normally
be part of such loads.
11. In the event operation of any of the Canadian
storages is commenced at a time which would result
in the United States of America receiving Hood protec-
tion for periods longer than those on which the
amounts of flood control payments to Canada set forth
in Article VI 1 1) of the Treaty are based, the United
States of America and Canada shall consult as to the
adjustments, if any, in the flood control payments that
may be equitable in the light of all relevant factors.
Any adjustment would be calculated over the longer
period or periods on the same basis and in the same
manner as the calculation of the amounts set forth
in Article VI(1) of the Treaty. The consultations
shall begin promptly upon the determination of definite
dates for the commencement of operation of the
Canadian storages.
12. Canada and the United States of America are
in agreement that the Treaty does not establish any
general principle or precedent applicable to waters
other than those of the Columbia River Basin and
does not detract from the application of the Boundary
Waters Treaty, 1909,' to other waters.
Secretary Rusk to Secretary Martin
Washington, January 22, 1964
Sib: I have the honor to refer to your note dated
January 22, 1964, together with the Annex thereto
regarding the Treaty between Canada and the United
States of America relating to cooperative development
of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin
signed at Washington on January 17, 1961.
I wish to advise you that the Government of the
United States of America agrees that your note with
the Annex thereto, together with this reply, shall con-
stitute an agreement between our two Governments re-
lating to the carrying out of the provisions of the
Treaty with effect from the date of the exchange of
instruments of ratification of the Treaty.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.
Dean Rusk
Exchange of Notes on Downstream Power Benefits
Secretary Rusk to Secretary Martin
January 22, 1964
Sib: I have the honor to refer to the discussions
which have been held between representatives of the
4 36 Stat. 2448.
FEBRUARY 10, 19G4
203
Government of Canada and of the Government of the
United States of America regarding a sale of Canada's
entitlement to downstream power benefits under the
Treaty between Canada and the United States of
America relating to cooperative development of the
water resources of the Columbia River Basin, signed
on January 17, 1961.
On the basis of these discussions my Government
understands that the two Governments recognize that
it would be in the public interest of both countries
if Canada's entitlement to downstream power benefits
could be disposed of, as contemplated by Article VIII
of the Treaty, in accordance with general conditions
and limits similar to those set out in detail in the at-
tachment hereto, and further, that before such a dis-
position can be concluded and confirmed by the two
Governments, additional steps must be taken in each
country. Therefore, in furtherance of this aim, it is
understood the two Governments are agreed that :
a) the Government of the United States will use
its best efforts to arrange for disposition of Canada's
entitlement to downstream power benefits within the
United States of America in accordance with the gen-
eral conditions and limits set forth in the attachment,
and
b) the Government of Canada will use its best efforts
to accomplish all those things which are considered
necessary and preliminary to ratification of the Treaty
as quickly as possible, including any arrangements for
implementation and acceptance of the general condi-
tions and limits set forth in the attachment.
I should like to propose that if agreeable to your
Government this note together with the attachment
and your reply shall constitute an agreement by our
Governments relating to the Treaty.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.
Dean Rusk
Attachment Relating to Terms of Sale
A. The disposition shall consist of the downstream
power benefits to which Canada is entitled under the
Treaty, other than Canada's entitlement to downstream
power benefits resulting from the construction or op-
eration of a project described in Article IX of the
Treaty, and shall be by way of a contract of sale au-
thorized in accordance with Article VIII of the Treaty
between the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au-
thority and a single Purchaser containing provisions
mutually satisfactory to the parties to the contract
but shall be subject to and be operative in accordance
with the following general conditions and limits :
1. (a) The storages described in Article II of the
Treaty shall be fully operative for power purposes in
accordance with the following schedule :
Storage described in Article 11(2) (c)— approxi-
mately 1,400,000 acre feet on April 1, 1968,
Storage described in Article 11(2) (b)— approxi-
mately 7,100,000 acre feet on April 1, 1969,
Storage described in Article 11(2) (a)— approxi-
mately 7,000,000 acre feet on April 1, 1973.
(b) The period of sale of the entitlement allocated
to each of the storages shall terminate and expire
thirty years from the date on which that storage is
required to be fully operative for power purposes in
accordance with the schedule in subparagraph (a) of
this paragraph.
(c) In the event any storage is not fully operative in
accordance with the schedule in subparagraph (a) of
this paragraph or if, during the period of sale, the
storage is not operated as required by the hydroelectric
operating plans agreed upon in accordance with the
Treaty, as modified by any detailed operating plan
agreed upon in accordance with Article XIV (2) (k) of
the Treaty, and the Canadian entitlement is thereby
reduced, the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au-
thority shall pay the Purchaser an amount equal to
the cost it would have to incur to replace that part of
the reduction in the Canadian entitlement which the
vendees of the Purchaser could have used other than
costs that could have been avoided had every reason-
able effort to mitigate losses been made by the Pur-
chaser, the United States entity and the owners of
non-federal dams on the Columbia River in the United
States of America. Alternatively, the British Colum-
bia Hydro and Power Authority may, at its option,
supply power to the Purchaser in an amount which as-
sures that the Purchaser receives the capacity and
energy which would have constituted that part of the
reduction in the Canadian entitlement that the vendees
of the Purchaser could have used if there had been no
default, together with appropriate adjustments to re-
flect transmission costs in the United States of Ameri-
ca, delivery to be made when the loss of power would
otherwise have occurred.
If the assurance described in paragraph B.5. of this
attachment is given to the Purchaser, the United
States entity may succeed to all the rights of the Pur-
chaser and its vendees to receive the entire Canadian
entitlement, or that part that could be used by the
vendees, and to be compensated by British Columbia
Hydro and Power Authority in the event of non-receipt
thereof. The United States entity agrees that before
it purchases more costly power from any third party
for the purpose of supplying the necessary amount of
the Canadian entitlement to the Purchaser, it will first
cause to be delivered to the Purchaser, or for its ac-
count, any available surplus capacity or energy from
the United States Federal Columbia River System and
compensation to the United States entity because of
such deliveries shall be computed by applying the then
applicable rate schedules of the Bonneville Power Ad-
ministration to the deliveries.
In the event of disagreement, determination of com-
pensation in money or power due under this paragraph
shall be resolved by arbitration and shall be confined
to the actual loss incurred in accordance with the prin-
ciples in this paragraph.
(d) For the purpose of allocating downstream power
benefits among the Treaty storages from April 1, 1998
204
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
to April 1, 2008, the percentage of downstream power
benefits allocated t" each Treaty storage shall be the
percentage of the total <>f the Treaty storages provided
by that storage.
•_'. Kit the period of (lie sale the British Colombia
Hydro and Power Authority shall operate and main-
tain the Treaty storages In accordance with the provi-
sions of the Treaty.
3. (a) Tiie purchase price of the entitlement shall
be $254,400,000, in United States Funds as of I tetober l.
L984, subject to adjustment, In the event of an earlier
payment of ail or i>art thereof, to the then present
worth, at a discount rate of i ' - percent per annum.
i 1>i The purchase price shall lie paid to Canada
■ temporaneously with the exchange of ratifications
of the Treaty and shall be applied towards the COSt Of
Constructing the Treaty projects through a transfer of
the purchase price by Canada to the Government of
British Columbia, pursuant to arrangements deemed
satisfactory to Canada, to be entered into between
Canada and the Government of British Columbia.
4. If, during the period of the sale, there is any
reduction in Canada's entitlement to downstream
power benefits which results from action taken by the
Canadian entity pursuant to paragraph 7 of Annex A
of the Treaty, the British Columbia Hydro and Power
Authority shall, by supplying power to the Purchaser,
or otherwise as may be agreed, offset that reduction
in a manner so that the Purchaser will be compensated
therefor.
5. The Purchaser shall have and may exercise the
rights of the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au-
thority relating to the negotiation and conclusion with
the United States entity, of proposals relating to the
exchanges authorized by Article VIII (2 I of the Treaty
with resjieet to any portion of Canada's entitlement
to downstream power benefits sold to the Purchaser.
B. The Notes to be exchanged pursuant to Article
VIII (1) of the Treaty shall contain, inter alia, provi-
sions incorporating the following requirements:
1. As soon as practicable after start of construction
of each Treaty project the Canadian and United States
entities shall agree upon a program for filling the
storage provided by the project. The filling program
shall have the objective of having the storages described
in Article 11(2) (c) and Article 11(2) (b) of the Treaty
full by September l following the date when the stor-
ages become fully operative and the storage provided
by the dam mentioned in Article II (2) (a) of the Treaty
full to 1') million acre-feet by September 1, 1975. This
objective shall be reflected in the hydroelectric operat-
ing plans and shall take into account generating re-
quirements at-site and downstream in Canada and the
I'nited States of America to meet loads.
2. In the event the United States of America be-
comes entitled to compensation in respect of a breach
of the obligation under Article IV (6) of the Treaty to
commence full operation of a storage, compensation
payable to the United States of America under Article
XVIII (5) (a) of the Treaty shall be made in an amount
equal to 2.70 mills per kilowatt-hour, and 46 cents |mt
kilowatt of dej>endable capacity for each month or
fraction thereof, In United States funds, fur and in
lieu of the power which would have been forfeited un-
der Article XVIII (5) (a) of the Treaty if Canada's
entitlement to downstream power benefits had not been
sold in the United stales of America. Alternatively,
Canada may, at Its option, supply capacity and energy
to the United States entity in an amount equal to that
which would have been forfeited, together with ap-
propriate adjustments to reflect transmission costs in
the United States of America, delivery to be made when
the loss would otherwise have occurred.
3. A diminution of Canada's entitlement to down-
stream power benefits sold in the United States of
America which is directly attributable to a failure
to comply with paragraph A.l(a) or paragraph A. 2
of this attachment. In the absence of compensation
therefor by the British Columbia Hydro and Power
Authority, constitutes a breach of the Treaty by Can-
ada and Article XVIII (5) of the Treaty and the
exculpatory provisions in Article XVIII of the Treaty
do not apply to such breach. Compensation or re-
placement of power as specified in paragraph A.l(c)
of this attachment shall be made by Canada and shall
be accepted by the United States of America as com-
plete satisfaction of Canada's liability under this
paragraph.
4. For any year in which Canada's entitlement to
downstream power benefits is sold in the United States
of America, the United States entity may decide the
amount of the downstream power benefits for pur-
poses connected with the disposition thereof in the
United States of America. This authorization, how-
ever, shall not affect the rights or relieve the obliga-
tions of the Canadian and United States entities relat-
ing to joint activities under the provisions of Article
XIV and Annexes A and B of the Treaty; nor shall
it apply to determination of compensation provided
for in paragraph A.l(c) and paragraph B.2 of this
attachment.
5. If necessary to accomplish the sale of Canada's
entitlement to downstream power benefits in accord-
ance with this attachment, the United States entity
shall assure unconditionally the delivery to or for
the account of the Purchaser, by appropriate exchange
contracts, of an amount of power agreed between the
United States entity and the Purchaser to be the equiv-
alent of the entitlement during the period of the
sale.
C. Canada shall designate the British Columbia
Hydro and Power Authority as the Canadian entity
for the purposes of Article XIV (1) of the Treaty.
Secretary Martin to Secretary Rusk
January 22, 1964
Sik, I have the honour to refer to your Note dated
January 22, 1964, together with the attachment thereto
regarding the Treaty between Canada and the United
States of America relating to cooperative develop-
FEBRUARY 10, 1964
719-084— C4 3
205
nient of the water resources of the Columbia River
Basin signed at Washington on January 17, 1961.
I wish to advise you that the Government of Canada
agrees that your Xote with the attachment thereto,
together with this reply, shall constitute an agreement
between our two Governments relating to the Treaty.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.
Paul Maktin
Secretary of State for External Affairs
CAMPOBELLO AGREEMENT
White House pres9 release dated January 22
Joint Statement
President Johnson and Prime Minister Pear-
son signed today in the Treaty Room of the
White House an intergovernmental agreement
providing for the establishment of the Roose-
velt Campobello International Park at the house
formerly belonging to President Franklin
Delano Roosevelt on Campobello Island, New
Brunswick. The President and the Prime Min-
ister recalled the generous offer of the Hammer
family, made to President Kennedy and Prime
Minister Pearson at Hyannis Port in May 1963,
to donate the property to the Governments of
Canada and the United States as a memorial to
President Roosevelt. President Johnson and
Prime Minister Pearson have welcomed the op-
portunity on this occasion to sign the intergov-
ernmental agreement under which the Roosevelt
estate will become an Internal ional Park jointly
owned and operated by the United States and
Canada as a memorial open to the peoples of the
two countries and of all the world.
The establishment of the Roosevelt Campo-
bello International Park represents a unique ex-
ample of international cooperation. The Park
will stand forever as an expression of the close
relationship between Canada and the United
States as well as a fitting memorial to the Presi-
dent of the United States who so greatly
strengthened that relationship and who himself
spent so many happy days of rest and relaxation
on Canadian soil and in Canadian waters. The
memorial will celebrate President Roosevelt's
love of Campobello Island and of sailing in the
deep waters of the Ray of Fundy ; his deep sense
of the abiding values of conservation and
recreation; and the old and friendly relations
between the people of the Maritime Provinces
of Canada and the people of New England and
New York. When Canadians and Americans
visit the International Park, they will see a liv-
ing expression of the historic collaboration be-
tween their two countries; while visitors from
other parts of the world may find it an inspira-
tion for similar cooperative arrangements along
many frontiers across the world.
This intergovernmental agreement has, of
course, been drawn up in close consultation with
the government of the Province of New Bruns-
wick where the property is located. The
agreement will require legislative action in both
countries. The President and the Prime Min-
ister hope for speedy enactment of such legisla-
tion in order to open the Roosevelt Campobello
International Park to the people of both
countries at the earliest moment.
Text of Agreement
Agreement Between the Government or the United
States of America and the Government of Canada
Relating to the Establishment of the Roosevelt
Campobello International Park
The Governments of the United States of America
and Canada
Noting the generous offer by the Hammer family
of the summer home of President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt on Campobello Island, New Brunswick,
Canada, with the intention that it be opened to the
general public as a memorial to President Roosevelt,
and the acceptance in principle of this offer by Presi-
dent John F. Kennedy and Prime Minister Lester B.
Pearson at Hyannis Port in May 1963 ; and
Recognizing the many intimate associations of Presi-
dent Roosevelt with the summer home on Campobello
Island ; and
Desiring to take advantage of this unique opportunity
to symbolize the close and neighborly relations between
the peoples of the United States of America and Canada
by the utilization of the gift to establish a United
States-Canadian memorial park ;
Agree as follows :
Article 1
There shall be established a joint United States-
Canadian commission, to be called the "Roosevelt
Campobello International Park Commission", which
shall have as its functions:
(a) to accept title from the Hammer family to the
former Roosevelt estate comprising the Roosevelt
home and other grounds on Campobello Island ;
(b) to take the necessary measures to restore the
Roosevelt home as closely as possible to its condition
when it was occupied by President Roosevelt;
206
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
(c) to administer as a memorial the "Roosevelt
Campobello International Park" comprising the Roose-
velt estate and and) other lands as may be acquired.
Article 2
The Commission shall have juridical personality and
all powers and capacity necessary or appropriate tor
the purpose of performing its functions under this
agreement including, but not by way of limitation, the
following powers and capacity :
(a) to acquire and dispose of i>ersonal and real
property, excepting the power to dispose of the Roose-
velt home and the tract of land on which it is located ;
(b) to enter into contrails;
(c) to sue or be sued in cither Canada or the United
States ;
(d) to appoint a staff, including an Executive Sec-
retary who shall act as secretary at meetings of the
Commission, and to fix the terms and conditions of
their employment and remuneration;
(e) to delegate to the Executive Secretary or other
officials such authority respecting the employment and
direction of staff and the other responsibilities of the
Commission as it deems desirable and appropriate ;
(f) to adopt such rules of procedure as it deems
desirable to enable it to perform the functions set
forth in this agreement ;
(g) to charge admission fees for entrance to the
Park should the Commission consider such fees desir-
able; however, such fees shall be set at a level which
will make the facilities readily available to visitors ;
(h) to grant concessions if deemed desirable;
(i) to accept donations, bequests or devises intended
for furthering the functions of the Commission and to
use such donations, bequests or devises as may be pro-
vided in the terms thereof.
Article 3
The Commission shall consist of six members, of
whom three shall be appointed by the Government of
the United States and three appointed by the Govern-
ment of Canada. One of the United States members
shall be nominated by the Government of Maine
and one of the Canadian members shall be nominated
by the Government of New Brunswick. Alternates
may be appointed for each member of the Commission
in the same manner as the members. The Commission
shall elect a chairman and a vice-chairman from among
its members, each of whom shall hold office for a term
of two years, in such a manner that members of the
same nationality shall never simultaneously serve as
chairman and vice-chairman. The chairmanship shall
alternate between members of United States nation-
ality and Canadian nationality every two years. A
quorum shall consist of at least four members of the
Commission or their alternates, including always two
from the United States and two from Canada. The
affirmative vote of at least two United States and two
Canadian members or their respective alternates
shall be required for any decision to be taken by the
Commission.
Article 4
The Commission may employ both United States and
Canadian citizens. Their employment shall be subject
to the relevant Canadian labor and other laws, and
the Government of Canada agrees to take such meas
ures as may he necessary to permit United Slates . -iti
zens to accept employment with the Commission on a
similar basis to Canadian citizens.
Article 5
The Commission shall maintain insurance in reason-
able amounts, including but not limited to, liability and
property insurance.
Article 6
The Commission shall hold at least one meeting every
calendar year and shall submit an annual report to the
United States and Canadian Governments on or before
March 31 of each year, including a general statement
of the operations for the previous year and an audited
statement of the financial operations of the Commis-
sion. The Commission shall permit inspection of its
records by the accounting agencies of both Govern-
ments.
Article 7
All property belonging to the Commission shall be
exempt from attachment, execution, or other processes
for satisfaction of claims, debts or judgments.
Article 8
The Commission shall not be subject to Federal,
State, Provincial or local taxation in the United States
or Canada on any real or personal property held by it
or on any gift, bequest or devise to it of any personal or
real property, or on its income, whether from Govern-
mental appropriations, admission fees, concessions or
donations. All personal property imported or intro-
duced into Canada by the Commission for use in con-
nection with the Park shall be free from customs duties.
Further consideration shall be given to granting ex-
emption from other taxes the imposition of which
would be inconsistent with the functioning of the
Commission.
Article 9
Arrangements may be made with the competent
agencies of the United States and Canada for render-
ing, without reimbursement, such services as the Com-
mission may request for the orderly development,
maintenance and operation of the Park.
Article 10
The Commission shall take appropriate measures to
emphasize the international nature of the Park.
Article 11
1. The Governments of the United States and
Canada shall share equally the costs of developing
the Roosevelt Campobello International Park and the
annual cost of operating and maintaining the Park.
2. Any revenues derived from admission fees or
FEBRUARY 10, 1964
207
concession operations of the Commission shall be
transmitted in equal shares to the two Governments
within 60 days of the end of the Commission's fiscal
year. Other funds received by the Commission may
be used to further the purposes of the Commission in
accordance with the provisions of this agreement.
3. The Commission shall submit annually to the
United States and Canadian Governments a budget
covering total anticipated expenditures to be financed
from all sources, and shall conduct its operations in
accordance with the budget as approved by the two
Governments.
4. The Commissioners shall receive no remuneration
from the Commission; however, they may be paid
reasonable per diem and travel expenses by the
Commission.
Article 12
This agreement requires implementation by legisla-
tion in each country ; it shall come into effect after the
enactment of such legislation on a date to be fixed by
an exchange of notes between the two Governments.
Done in duplicate at Washington, this 22nd day of
January 1964.
For the Government of the United States of America :
Lyndon B. Johnson
For the Government of Canada :
Lester B. Pearson
American Policy in the Near East
by U. Alexis Johnson
Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs
I am fully conscious of the responsibility that
is mine in speaking to you today on American
policy in the Near East. I well appreciate that
you are a group of Americans intensely inter-
ested in as well as being already well informed
on the Near East. I well know that your in-
terest in the Near East arises in large part from
the obligations that you feel as American citi-
zens. There is thus a special responsibility to
you as interested and inquiring citizens. There
is also a responsibility to insure that our Near
Eastern policies are placed in their proper focus
and setting.
I therefore hasten to say that I speak to you
today not as the herald of any innovations or
new initiatives. To the contrary, what I have
to say will in large part serve to underline the
continuity of the main principles that have
guided our Near Eastern policy during the past
few years.
Among the first acts of the administration
'Address made before the Citizens Committee on
American Policy in the Near East at Washington,
D.C., on Jan. 20 (press release 20).
after President. Johnson took office was to assure
our friends, and to make it clear around the
world to those who were not friendly to us,
that the tragic event of November 22 had not
changed the essentials of our foreign policies.
President Johnson's emphasis on the continuity
of our policies was made clear in the Near East.
From the steps that have been taken, the leaders
of the Arab states and Israel know that the
administration of President Johnson intends
no fundamental changes in our Near Eastern
policies. They know that the main lines of
policy followed in the past several years will
continue to be our guide.
To emphasize policy continuity of course does
not mean we are not aware of the dangers of
policy rigidity. It does not mean that we are
not alive to the continuing, dynamic social and
economic changes thai are taking place in the
Near East. Nor does it mean that we are not
conscious of the forecasts of the imminent out-
break of trouble in one place or another in the
area that will test our policies. Unfortunately,
it is easy to build a reputation on predicting
trouble in the Near East. It is much more
208
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
difficult in build a reputation for making prog-
ress on solutions t" the problems confronting
the peoples of the area.
All of you know the basic problems of this
region, lmt ii may be useful briefly (<> review
them. Poorly endowed geographically and
economically, the Near East is thrice blessed as
the birthplace of three great world religions.
But at the same time it is severely handicapped
by other aspects of its historical and cultural
heritage, which in some ways has made its
people ill equipped to lace the problems of
the mid-20th century. As if climate, geog-
raphy, resources, and history had not made
enough difficulties, there is the unhealed sore
of the Arab-Israel dispute as well as continued
intra-Arab bickering to plague the peoples and
leaders of the Near East .
U.S. Objectives in the Near East
Although American educators and mission-
aries have for generations accomplished good
works in the Near East, it was after the Second
World War that the United States became
intimately involved with the problems of the
Near East. We have found that it is easy to
become discouraged and to believe those prob-
lems are not susceptible of solution. And in
regard to solutions I would not wish to inject
any false note of optimism today. On the
other hand, I believe we cannot afford to be
mere Cassandras, to wring our hands and to fail
to try, in cooperation with the peoples of the
area, to bring about the small steps toward
peace and a better Near Eastern world that
may be possible.
We recognize of course that the Near East
belongs to the people of the Near East and that
American interests and objectives must be con-
sistent with those of the people of the area.
In this imperfect world, where no man and no
state ever gets exactly what he wants, we sin-
cerely believe that American interests and ob-
jectives are consistent with those of the Near
Eastern peoples. By pursuit of our own ob-
jectives we aim to buttress their peace and
independence and prosperity, for we see this to
be in our own interest. But it is not enough
for us or other outside states to be interested
in the well-being of the Near Bast. The people
themselves, the region as a whole, must con-
tribute to the efforts that will be needed.
Our objectives in the Middle East are dem-
and can be briefly stated.
First, as a fundamental contribution to
world peace, we are deeply concerned with
helping to create political stability, to advanc-
ing economic development, and to modernizing
the social systems of the area. Our concern is
both for the sake of the peoples involved and
for strengthening the free world against expan-
sion by those hostile to it.
Second, we are concerned to limit hostile
Soviet influence in the area. Arab experience
with the Soviet Union since 1955 has tended to
increase awareness that the Near East in fact
shares in larger measure mutual interests with
theAVest.
Third, there should be an accommodation be-
tween Israel and its Arab neighbors, which we
believe is the only way in which the area as a
whole can develop political stability, self-
sustained economic growth, and, thus, true
independence. We know this is difficult, but we
also know it is important to our national secu-
ri t y i nterests and to the at t ainment of our objec-
tives in the area.
Fourth, the continued flow of oil at economi-
cally reasonable rates to Western Europe is of
great importance. Europe's economic strengt h,
so essential to free-world strength, relies on an
elastic supply of Near Eastern oil at reasonable
cost. The oil-producing states, conversely,
have an interest in Western markets.
Fifth, access to the air and sea routes to and
through the Near Fast is important to us com-
mercially and militarily.
Forces and Factors Affecting U.S. Policy
In trying to achieve these objectives, we face
certain forces and factors that may enhance or
hinder our efforts. Among the more important
are:
1. Arab nationalism. On its positive side,
the drive for Arab unity and national dignity
is based on the dream of a national, unified, and
prosperous Arab future. Although And) na-
tionalism has a large component of neutralism,
FEBRUARY 10. 1964
209
it is also one of the strongest forces resisting
Soviet expansionism in the area.
Negatively, Arab nationalism contains the
strains of resentment and suspicion engendered
by the colonial past and by the frustrations of
the mid-20th century. In the past year ideo-
logical and practical differences between various
Arab national groups have even been the cause
of regrettable violence, governmental upsets,
and continued instability. We are not opposed
to Arab unity. We do believe, however, that
all the peoples of the area have a right to de-
termine how and when it will be realized.
2. The historical gap in social, cultural, and
political understanding poses serious difficulties
of communication between vis and the peoples
and governments of the area. Bridging this
gap is in itself a continuing major challenge to
our Government, for without a bridge our
efforts to be helpful may be misunderstood and
stultified.
3. The Soviet drive for domination is demon-
strated by the continued Soviet efforts to create
dissension and undermine any trends toward
peace and stability in the area. The Soviet
position and Communist potential in the Near
East have markedly declined in the past few
years, but the Communists have by no means
given up their objectives.
4. The Near East is important to us in its
own right, but we live in one world. Our Near
Eastern interests must be fitted into and some-
times must necessarily be modified by our
worldwide security and strategic concerns. At
times what we would like to do in the Near East
may be obstructed by what we must do else-
where in the world.
Those are the main forces and factors consti-
tuting the policy environment in which we seek
to attain our Near Eastern objectives. In that
policy environment we are faced constantly
with choices. Practically speaking, we are
faced with such questions as :
1. How can we deal with a single Arab state
without alienating other Arab states temporar-
ily at odds with it ? Or —
2. How can we maintain constructive rela-
tions with the more conservative and traditional
states without stifling modernist democratic
forces in the area ? Or —
3. How can we act to insure the security and
integrity of the individual states of the area,
including Israel, without becoming directly in-
volved in their disputes and losing our ability
to act as a moderating influence in area disputes ?
How can we most effectively pursue our bi-
lateral relationships with individual Arab states
without appearing to stand in the way of the
attainment of Arab unity ?
Over the years we have found that an essen-
tial element in a workable Near Eastern policy
is to avoid taking sides in regional disputes.
This does not mean that we will stand idly by if
aggression is committed. We have shown we
will not. Nor does it mean that we will not use
appropriate occasions to be helpful to disputing
parties or to discuss frankly possible solutions
to issues and problems as we see them. We do
this constantly. Whenever possible, we also do
it quietly. We have an interest in the inde-
pendence and well-being of all the states of the
Near East. Instability, uncertainty, and in-
security in one Near Eastern state may quickly
spread into the region as a whole. We cannot
afford to pick and choose. We must maintain
constructive and balanced relationships with the
area as a whole. This we have endeavored to
do. It was in this spirit that last May 8 Presi-
dent Kennedy publicly reiterated our general
policy. He said in part : 2
The United States supports social ami economic and
political progress in the Middle East. We support the
security of both Israel and her neighbors. . . . We
strongly oppose the use of force or the threat of force in
the Near East, and we also seek to limit the spread
of communism in the Middle East which would, of
course, destroy the independence of the people.
The President also said that in the event of
direct or indirect aggression we would support
appropriate courses of action in the United
Nations or on our own to prevent or put a stop
to such aggression.
I believe that what the President said on May
8, 1963, contains no ambiguity and lends itself
to no misinterpretation. Any intended victim
of any would-be aggressor can count on our sup-
port. In so saying we do not threaten or cajole.
'President Kennedy's statement was in reply to a
news correspondent's question at his regular news
conference on May 8, 1963.
210
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
We underline our commitment to our objectives.
It may be that some believe they do not need our
help, but we axe certain all states arc aware of
our intentions and commitments and of our
capability if need be to carry them out. Those
who wish our help can count on it when they
need it.
Our policy in recent years has been predi-
cated on a greater awareness of the aspirations
of the Near Eastern peoples, their accomplish-
ments and their potential. It is perhaps mainly
this awareness that lias brought us whatever
successes we may have achieved in the Near East.
It is perhaps when we have lacked this aware-
ness that we have had our failures.
In the coming months many of our policies
will be put to the test. I would not pretend
to you that we believe the decisions we reach and
the actions we believe we must take will always
meet with full approval on the part of the Arab
states or of Israel. We will seek their under-
standing and will value their approval. We
will always endeavor to act in such a way as
not to damage their interests. But in the final
analysis our policies will be based on the United
States interest as we see it. Since we sincerely
believe there is no incompatibility between our
interests and those of the peoples of the Near
Bast, we shall pursue our policies in the full
confidence that they are right and fair for all
concerned.
President Johnson Urges
New Immigration Legislation
Following are remarks made by President
Johnson on January 13 {White House press
release) during a meeting at the White House
with representatives of several organizations
interested in immigration and refugee matters.
Also attending the meeting were Senators
James O. Eastland, Philip A. Hart, and Ken-
neth B. Keating and Representative Michael A.
Feighan.
Members of the Senate, Members of the
House, my fellow Americans : We welcome you
to the White House this morning when it is very
difficult to get here. We are very pleased that so
many of you could make the sacrifice to come
through the snow and come here and join us
today.
We have met for the purpose of pointing up
the fact, that we have very serious problems in
trying to get a fair immigration law. There is
now before the Congress a bill [S. 1932] that,
I hope, can be supported by a majority of the
Members of the Congress.
This bill applies new tests and new standards
which we believe are reasonable and fair and
right. I refer specifically to : What is the train-
ing and qualification of the immigrant who
seeks admission ? What kind of a citizen would
he make, if he were admitted? What is his
relationship to persons in the United States?
And what is the time of his application ? These
are rules that are full of common sense, com-
mon decency, which operate for the common
good.
That is why in my state of the Union message
last Wednesday 1 I said that I hoped that in
establishing preferences a nation that was
really built by immigrants — immigrants from
all lands — could ask those who seek to immi-
grate now : What can you do for our country ?
But, we ought to never ask: In what country
were you born ?
President Roosevelt and President Truman
and President Eisenhower and President Ken-
nedy 2 have all asked for a revision in the pres-
ent statute. The present statute has overtones
of discrimination. President Truman said that
the idea behind this discrimination was, to put
it boldly, that English or Irish names were bet-
ter, and better citizens, than Americans with
Italian or Greek or Polish names. And such
a concept is utterly unworthy of our traditions
and our ideals.
Now I would hope that each of us and all of
us are descended from immigrants. I hope we
would ask ourselves this question : How would
we feel, if we were put in the other fellow's
place? Maybe by doing that and engaging in
a little introspection for a time we would find
it a good feeling to apply the Golden Rule and
1 Bulletin of Jan. 27, 1064, p. 110.
' For a letter from President Kennedy to the Con-
gress dated July 23, 1963, transmitting proposed legis-
lation, see ibid., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 298.
FEBRUARY 10, 1964
211
President Praises Immigration
and Naturalization Service
Statement by President Johnson
White House press release dated January 17
The report of the Immigration and Naturali-
zation Service is an example of Government
with a heart. 1 By applying existing immigra-
tion laws with humanity, we are demonstrating
that compassion and efficient administration go
hand in hand.
America's strength has risen from the diversity
of its heritage. Its future has always rested on
the hopes of our forebears as they came to
seek freedom and abundance.
We can take renewed faith in the eagerness of
people throughout the world to become citizens —
to share with us in the building of an even
stronger country.
We can express that faith by passing and im-
plementing legislation already proposed to abol-
ish the discriminatory national origins system.
This bill will eliminate the waste of unused
quotas. It will permit families to be reunited.
I am hopeful of passage a* early as possible.
The Attorney General's report makes it clear
that the Immigration Service has done its job
with understanding, ability, and energy. In
executing the new legislation it will continue to
perform in that manner.
1 For text of a letter of Jan. 13 from the At-
torney General to the President concerning
accomplishments of the Immigration and Nat-
uralization Service, see White House press release
dated Jan. 16.
do unto others as we would have them do unto
us.
Great Britain has a quota of 65,000. It uses
less than half of that quota. Germany has a
quota of 25,000, which it never fills. Italy has
a quota of 5,645, but it has a current backlog
of almost 300,000. Greece has a quota of only
308, but it has a current backlog of over 100,000.
So I think that the immigration statutes require
very special examination.
I would hope that we would do nothing hast