:fe'^#f^^
BitU. O.T Afo^ry^'U. EnjUitv ftufU'z*^^- '"^n
THE
Holy Bible
ACCORDING TO THE AUTHORIZED VERSION (A.D. 1611).
WITH AN EXPLANATORY AND CRITICAL
AND
% lUbiston of i\i translation,
By clergy of the ANGLICAN CHURCH.
APOCRYPHA.
EDITED
By henry wage, D.D.,
PREBENDARY OF ST. PAUL's ; PRINCIPAL OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON; PREACHER
OF LINCOLN'S INN ; HONORARY CHAPLAIN TO THE QUEEN ;
CHAPLAIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
IN TWO VOLUMES. Vol. I.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1888.
\_AU rights are reserved.^
BS
V.I
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS. Limited.
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
^
/'
PREFACE.
The scope and limits of this addition to the Speaker's Commentary
on the Holy Bible are so lucidly explained in the General Introduction
by Dr. Salmon, the Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of
Dublin, that little need here be added in presenting these two volumes
to the reader. "The Books called Apocrypha" formed an integral
part of the Authorized Version of the Holy Bible m i6i i, and it was
thought therefore that the design of a Commentary on that Version
would not be completely carried out unless these books received a
similar treatment with those which are recognised as Canonical, while
their inherent interest and importance rendered it desirable that the
English reader should be furnished with a much more complete
edition and explanation of them than any he has hitherto possessed.
The plan and principles of the Speaker's Commentary have been
as far as possible adhered to ; and it is hoped that these volumes will
afford the latest information which modern learning has supplied
on the subject of the Apocryphal books, and will furnish a
trustworthy guide in their study.
5
11
)
x)
CONTENTS OFVOL. I.
THE APOCRYPHA.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. .
BY THE REV. DR. SALMON, REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN
THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN.
I. Claims of the Apocrypha
ON THE ATTENTION OF CHRIS-
TIAN READERS.
1 The interval between Old Testament
and Ne^w Testament times
2 Value of the books called Apocrypha
as throwing light on that inter-
val .....
3 Prevalent neglect of these books
II. History of the Greek
Bible.
4 J elvish use of the Greek language .
5 Providential result of the calamities
of the Je-tvish natio/i
6 Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism .
7 'The Greek Old Testament
8 Read by heathen
9 The medium through nvhich the
Christian Church generally kneiu
the Old Testament .
lo Differences betiueen the Greek and
Hebrenv Bibles
1
II
"3
1.5
I
II. Palestinian Canon of the
Old Testament.
Melito
Conception of a closed Canon of
Scripture ....
e list of Melito
jsephus .....
Means of identifying the t-iventy-
tivo books of Josephus
The theory and the practice of Jose-
phus .....
Agreeyjient as to the Canon bet<ween
the Christians and the Jews of
Palestine ....
Origin of the Septuagint
XI
xi
XI
xii
xii
xiii
xiii
XIV
xiv
xiv
xiv
xiv
XV
XV
xvi
XVI
xvi
19 The story told by the so-called
Aristeas ....
20 Later improvements on that story .
21 Fictitious character of the whole
story .....
22 More probable account of the origin
of the Septuagint .
23 Diversities ofjeivish opinion as to
the merits of the 'work
24 Literary activity of Hellenistic Je-ws
25 Additions made by them to the
Canonical books
IV. Alexandrian Canon of
THE Old Testament.
2 6 Generally coincident 'with Pales-
tinian .....
2 7 Philo : prominence given by him to
the Pentateuch
2 8 According to the original story, the
Seventy Interpreters translated
the Pentateuch only.
29 The Pentateuch probably came into
synagogue use before the other
Old Testament books
30 Recognition of these other books by
Philo
3 1 His silence as to the Apocrypha
V. The Old Testament as
used by the christian
Church.
32
33
34
35
Non-recognition of the Apocrypha
in the New) Testament
Patristic use of the Old Testament.
The Christian Fathers 'were ac-
quainted fwith the books called
Apocrypha ....
And frequently quote them as Scrip-
ture .....
xvii
XV ii
xvii
xviii
xviii
xviii
xix
XIX
xix
XX
XX
XXI
xxi
xxu
xxii
xxu
xxiii
VI
CONTENTS.
VI. Learned Eastern opinion
CONCERNING THE OLD TESTA-
MENT Canon.
36 Ortgen
37 Africanus
38 Origen's reply to Africanus
39 Athanasius
40 Other Eastern authorities
VII. The Old Testament Canon
IN the West.
41 Augustine ....
42 Riifinus .....
43 Jerome .....
44 Augustine's expostulation nvith Je-
rome .....
45 The story of the gourd
46 Ruftnus assails Jerome for rejecting
the Apocrypha
The argummts of Rufnus deri-ved
from Origen ....
The practice of St. Jerome as to the
use of the Apocrypha
49 Ultimate success of Jerome's trans-
lation .....
50 The Middle Ages
5 1 De Lyra .....
52 Cajetanus ....
53 The Complutensian Polyglot .
54 The Reformation
5 5 The name Apocrypha .
The t^ivofold division of books as to
Cationicity Cyril of Jerusalem .
The threefold division Rufnus
Jerome's adoption of the tqxjofold
division ....
The Council of Trent .
60 What ^weight to be attached to the
ruling of this Council
Controversial inducements to its
recognition of the Apocrypha
The acceptance of the Apocrypha as
inspired necessitates a low theory
of Inspiration
47
48
56
57
58
59
61
62
XXIU
xxiii
xxiv
XXIV
XXV
XXV
xxvi
XX vi
xxvii
xxvii
xxvii
xxviii
xxviii
xxviii
xxix
xxix
XXX
XXX
XXX
xxxi
xxxi
xxxi
xxxii
xxxii
xxxiii
xxxiv
XXXIV
VIII. The Use of the Apocry-
pha IN THE Church of Eng-
land.
63 The Apocrypha formerly used ex-
tensively in public .
64 And in private ....
65 7^1? Lectionary ....
66 Changes in the reign of James I. .
67 The Long Parliament .
68 The Savoy Conference .
69 The revised Lectionary o/" 1867
70 The Church's practice as to the
public reading of iminspired books
has been always determined by
considerations of expediency
71 The Book of Ecclesiasticus .
72 The Apocrypha unlikely to regain
its former place in public reading
IX. The Value of the Apocry-
pha for private use.
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
XXXV
xxxvi
xxxvi
xxxvii
xxxvii
xxxvii
xxxvii
XXXV lU
xxxix
Undue neglect of the Apocrypha
The Ne^iv Testament ^writers exhibit
acquaintance with the Apocrypha
The Epistle to the Hebrews .
St. James ....
St. Peter and St. Paul
St. John .....
Claims of the .Apocrypha arising
from its long-continued use in the
Christian Church .
Note on the Syriac Versions of
THE Books of the Apocry-
pha.
The Apocrypha in the Peshitto
The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexa-
plar Fersion ....
Printed editions of the Syriac Apo-
crypha .....
Notes on the several Books of the
Apocrypha in the Syriac Versions
Xl
Xl
xl
xli
xli
xli
xlii
xliii
xliv
xlv
xlv
I. ESDRAS.
BY THE REV. J. H. LUPTON, SURMASTER OF ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL, j
PAGE PAC
S? I. Title and Reception
II. Form and Contents
I III. Composition and Design
6 IV. Age and Authorship .
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 16-69.
CONTENTS. vii
II. ESDRAS.
BY THE REV. J. H. LUPTON, SURMASTER OF ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL.
PAGE PAGE
L Title 71 IV. Analysis of the Contents. 75
II. Original Language AND Ver- V. General Character of the
SIGNS 72 Work .... 79
III. State of the Text . . 74 VI. Date and Authorship . 80
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 82-148.
TOBIT.
BY THE REV. J. M. FULLER, PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.
PAGE PAGE
I. Contents . . . . 149 V. Place of Composition. . 162
II. Texts and original Lan- VI. History .... 1.63
GUAGE . . . .152 Excursus I. Original Language. 164
III. Date of Composition . . 155 excursus II. Angelology and De-
IV. Aim of the Book . . 162 monology . . . . .171
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 184-240.
JUDITH.
BY THE REV. C. J. BALL, CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN.
PAGE
\
I. General Relation of the V. His Use of Pseudonyms . 248
Book to Ancient History 241 appendix I. Hebrew Forms of the
^ II. Patristic Testimonies and History of Judith . . .252
original Language . . 241 Appendix II.:
III. Date inferred from inter- i. The Vulgate and the Sep-
nal Evidence and Trai;i- tuagint . . . .257
TiON 244 2. The Old Latin and the Vul-
IV. Author's Standpoint and gate ..... 259
Object .... 245 Appendix III. Authorities . . 260
/
COxMMENTARY and critical notes, pp. 262-360.
viii CONTENTS.
THE REST OF ESTHER.
BY THE REV. J. M. FULLER, PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.
PAGE PAGE
I. Contents .... 361 IV. The Object of the 'Addi-
II. Original Language . . 361 tions' . . . .367
III. Date 366 V. Canonicity . . . .367
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 370-402.
WISDOM.
BY THE VEN. F. VV. FARRAR, D.D., F.R.S.,
ARCHDEACON OF WESTMINSTER.
PAGE PAGE
I. Character of the Book IV. Date. (' Quando ' ) . . 420
('Quid?') . . . . 403 V. History of the Book . 422
II. Author of the Book. VI. The Text . . . .422
CQuis?') . . . . 410 VII. Versions . . . .422
111. Object of THE Book. ('Cur?') 420 VIII. Commentaries . . ^ 422
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 424-534.
\-^
APOCRYPHA.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
I. Claims of the Apocrypha on the
ATTENTION OF CHRISTIAN READERS.
PAGE
1 T/ie mterval between Old Testament
and New Testament times . . x
2 Value of the books called Apocrypha
as throwing light on that interval. xi
"^ Prevalent neglect of these books . . xi
II. History of the Greek Bible.
PAGE
xix
4 yezvisk use of the Greek latiguage
5 Providential result of the calamities of
the Jewish nation
6 Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism .
7 The Greek Old Testament
8 Read by heathen ....
9 The medium through which the Chris-
tian Church generally kneiu the Old
Testament ....
ID Differences between the Greek and
Hebrew Bibles ....
III. Palestinian Canon of the
Old Testament.
11 Melito ......
12 Conceptio7i of a closed Canon of
Scripture . .
13 The list of Melito ....
14 Joseph us .....
15 Means of identifying the ttuenty-two
books of Joseph-US
16 The theory and the practice of Jose-
phus. .....
17 Ap-eement as to the Canon betweeji
the Christians and the Jews of
Palestine .....
18 Origin of the Septuagint .
1 9 The story told by the so-called Aristeas
20 Later improvements on that story
21 Fictitious character of the whole story
22 More probable account of the origin of
the Septuagint ....
23 Diversities of Jewish opinion as to the
merits of the 'work
24 Literary activity of Hellenistic Jezus .
25 Additions made by them to the Canon-
ical books .....
Apoc Vol. I.
XI
xii
xii
xiii
xiii
XIV
xiv
xiv
XV
XV
xvi
XVI
xvi
xvii
xvii
xvii
xviii
xviii
xviii
xix
IV. Alexandrian Canon of the
Old Testament.
26 Generally coincident with Palestinian
27 Philo : prominence given by him to
the Pentateuch .... xix
28 According to the original story, the
Seventy Interpreters translated the
Pentateuch only . . . . xx
29 The Pentateuch probably came into
synagogue use before the other Old
Testament books .... xx
30 Recognition of these other books by
Philo ....
31 His silence as to the Apocrypha
V. The Old Testament as used
3Y the Christian Church.
32 Non-recognition of the Apocrypha in
the Nezi.1 Testament . . . xxii
Z'i Patristic use of the Old Testament . xxii
34 The Christiaft Fathers were acquainted
with the books called Apocrypha . xxii
35 And frequently quote them as Scrip-
ture ...... xxiii
VI. Learned Eastern opinion con-
cerning the Old Testament Canon
XXI
xxi
36 Origen.
37 Africamis
38 Origen''s reply to Africanus
39 Athanasius .
40 Other Eastern authorities
xxiu
xxiii
xxiv
xxiv
XXV
VII. The Old Testament Canon
in the West.
41 Augustine ..... xxv
42 Ritfinus ..... xxvi
43 Jerome xxvi
44 Augustine's expostulation with Jerome xxvii
45 The story of the gourd . . . xxvii
46 Rufimis assails Jerome for rejecting
the Apocrypha .... xxvii
47 The arguments of Rufinus derived
from Ongen .... xxviii
48 The practice of St. Jerome as to the
use of the Apocrypha . , . xxviii
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
49 Ultimate success of Jeroine's transla-
tion ......
50 The Middle A^i^es ....
51 De Lyra .....
52 Ca /eta?! Its .....
53 The Coniplutensian Polyglot .
54 The Reformation ....
55 The name Apocrypha
56 The twofold division of books as to
Canonicity Cyril of yeritsalem .
57 The threefold division Riifinns
58 ferome's adoption of the tzvofold
division .....
The Council of Trent
What weight to be attached to the
ruling of this Council .
Controversial inducements to its re-
cognition of the Apocrypha .
The acceptance of the Apocrypha as
inspired necessitates a low theory of
Inspiration ....
59
60
61
62
PAGE
.xxviii
xxix
xxix
XXX
XXX
XXX
xxxi
xxxi
xxxi
xxxii
xxxii
xxxiv
xxxiv
VIII. The Use of the Apocrypha
IN the Church of England.
63 The Apocrypha formerly used exten
sively in public . . . .
XXXV
64 And in private . . . .
xxxvi
65 The Lectionary . . . .
xxxvi
66 Changes in the reign of James I.
xxxvii
67 The Long Parlia}7ient
xxxvii
68 The Savoy Conference
. xxxvii
69 The revised Lectionary of i2>6'j
xxxvii
70
71
The Chm-cWs practice as to the public
reading of uninspired books has been
always determined by considerations
of expediency ....
The Book of Ecclesiasticus
72 The Apocrypha unlikely to regain its
former place in public reading
PAGS
xxxvui
xxxix
xl
IX. The Value of the Apocrypha
FOR private use.
73 Undue neglect of the Apocrypha
74 The New Testament 'writers exhibit
acquaintance with the Apocrypha .
75 The Epistle to the Hebrews
76 St. James
77 St. Peter and St. Paul .
78 St. John
79 Claims of the Apocrypha arising from
its long-continued use in the Chris-
tian Church ....
xl
xl
xli
xli
xli
xlii
xlii
Note on the Syriac Versions of the
Books of the Apocrypha.
1 The Apocrypha in the Peshitto. . xliii
2 The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexaplar
Version ..... xliv
3 Printed editions of the Syriac Apo-
crypha . . . . . nIv
4 Notes on the several books of the
Apociypha in the Syriac Versiotts. xlv
I. Claims of the Apocrypha on the
ATTENTION OF CHRISTIAN READERS.
I. T/ie interval bettueen Old Testament
and New Testament times. The Chris-
tian reUgion has its roots in Judaism :
its Founder and its first preachers were
Jews, who all held in profound reve-
rence the sacred books of the Jewish
nation, and transmitted that reverence
to the Church which they founded.
Consequently Christians have always
felt a deep interest in the study of
these books, and of the history of the
Jewish people which they contain. Many
a Sunday School child would find it easier
to tell rightly the succession of the Kings
of Judah than of the Kings of England.
But there is a great gap in popular know-
ledge of Jewish history. That knowledge
is now almost exclusively derived from
the canonical books of the Old and New
Testaments ; but between these two col-
lections of writings there is an interval
of about 400 years concerning which
these authorities are almost quite silent.
And yet during that interval important
changes took place ; as we discover
when we compare the state of Jewish
religious feeling in Old Testament and
in New Testament times. In the latter
times we find no hankering after idola-
try, no desire for the worship of strange
gods ; monotheism has become the pas-
sionate faith of the people. Their uni-
versal conviction is. There is one God,
and there is none other but He. Again,
we find that at the time of our Lord's
appearing the study of the ancient pro-
phetical writings had produced a uni-
versal belief in the advent of a Messiah,
and a general persuasion that His coming
was then close at hand. The doctrine
also not only of a future life, but of the
Resurrection of the Body, though dis-
puted in the schools, had become the
firm conviction of the most religious
^.part of the nation. It is surely an in-
teresting study for a Christian to trace
the historical continuity of Jewish re-
ligious faith ; and if there is a period of
the history which the Inspired Volume
leaves comparatively obscure, he ought
not to disdain to inquire what light ca'
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XI
be thrown on that period from other
trustworthy sources.
2. Value of the books called Apocrypha
as throiuing light on that interval. The
books which in the Authorized Version
are designated as " the books called
Apocrypha," and which form the -sub-
ject of the present volumes, include
the most authentic and most valuable
remains of Jewish literature belonging to
the period between the prophesying of
^ Malach i and the birth of our Lord.
These^books, then, present sources of
information which evidently cannot be
neglected by any one who desires to
study the history of the preparation
which God made, through the religious
training of the Jewish nation, for the
reception of the revelation which His
Son was to communicate to the world.
The use of the books from this point of
view is so obvious that they could
scarcely have fallen into so much neglect
as they now generally have done among
English-speaking Christians, if it were
not for a reaction against extravagant
claims that have been made for them.
The Council of Trent set the whole
collection, with three exceptions (viz.
the two books of Esdras and the Prayer
of Manasses), on a level of complete
equality with the books of the Hebrew
Bible and of the New Testament. This
decision was so much at variance with
learned opinion in the earlier Church,
that the framers of the Thirty-nine
Articles had no difficulty in producing
the authority of the most learned of the
Western Fathers, St. Jerome, in support
of their assertion that the Church reads
the Apocryphal books for example of
life and instruction of manners, but
does not apply them to establish any
doctrine.
3. Prevale7it neglect of these books.
These books were not only for the
reasons just mentioned retained in the
public reading of the English Church,
but were commended in the authorized
editions of the Holy Bible to the private
study of her members. But in the earlier
part of the present century, objections
which had been heard of before, against
the circulation of the Apocrypha as part
of the sacred volume, took formidable
shape. It was urged that the circulation
of the Apocrypha, bound up with the
canonical books in the same volume, if
it did not amount to an acknowledgment
of the Romish claims for the Apocrypha,
at least would induce the less learned to
accept all the books so presented to
them as possessing like authority. It is
not necessary to enter here into the
history of the controversy that ensued ;
but the practical outcome of it has been
that for the greater part of the present
century the Bibles in common use no
longer contain the Apocrypha; and so
these books have come to be really
" hidden away," and are practically un-
known to the bulk of our people.
In order to judge dispassionately what
the claims of these books really are, we
must study the history of their reception
in the Christian Church ; nor can that
history be understood without going fur-
ther back, and studying the history of
the Greek Bible.
II. History of the Greek Bible.
4. Jewish use of the Greek language.
If it were proposed to compare the
books of the Old and of the New Testa-
ment with the view of ascertaining what
changes had passed on the nation during
the interval between the two dispensa-
tions, the first thing that presents itself
at the outset of the inquiry is the dif-
ference of the language in which the
two collections of books are written.
This difference corresponds to a funda-
mental difference between the two dis-
pensations. As long as Judaism was but
the religion of a single nation, which,
content with admitting some casual
proselytes, made no systematic effort at
extending itself beyond the borders of
its own land, so long the Hebrew lan-
guage could well suffice for its needs.
But out of Judaism was developed a re-
ligion which aimed at nothing less than
making a conquest of the whole world.
It would have been, humanly speaking,
impossible to gain this victory through
the instnmientality of Hebrew, which
was barely known by name to the most
cultured peoples of the time, as one of
the languages spoken by those whom
they called barbarians. Greek, on the
othei hand, was universally spread over
b 2
xii GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
the eastern part of the Roman world, carried off to foreign captivity. The
where it afforded the means of com- pohcy of the conquerors of those days
munication between the ruUng nation included extensive deportations of the
and its subjects. In the West also conquered peoples. No cruelty was in-
Grecian traders had established settle- tended : the involuntary exiles were
ments. Greek cities had been founded assured the move would be for their
in the South of Italy ; and one of the good. " Make an agreement with me,"
most interesting Christian remains of the said Rabshakeh, " and come out to me,
second century^ affords evidence that until I come and take you away to a
Greek-speaking settlers had made their land like your own land, a land of corn
way up the Rhone from Marseilles to and wine, a land of bread and vine-
Lyons. Besides the use of the Ian- yards." (Isaiah xxxvi. 17.) That these
guage for the purposes of business, its were no delusive promises may be
noble literature made acquaintance with gathered from Jeremiah's subsequent
it a necessity to every man of culture and letter to the Babylonian exiles, counsel-
education. When the Jews looked out- ling them to settle down contentedly in
side the boundaries of their own nation, it the land of their captivity. " Build ye
seemed to them as if all else were Greeks, houses, and dwell in them ; plant gar-
In the New Testament the antithesis dens, and eat the fruit of them; take
" the Jew and the Greek " is of frequent wives, and beget sons and daughters ;
occurrence, exhibiting the feeling that take wives to your sons, and give your
all who were not Jews might be roughly daughters to husbands, that they may
described as Greeks. If, then, Jewish bear sons and daughters, that ye may
missionaries were to go forth, converting be increased there and not diminished,
the other nations of the world to own And seek the peace of the city whither
that He whom the Jews worshipped was I have caused you to be carried captive,
the only God, it seems a necessary con- and pray unto the Lord for it, for in
dition for their success that they should the peace thereof shall ye have peace."
be able to use the instrumentality of the (Jer. xxix. 5-7.) These counsels were so
Greek language. acted on that, when seventy years after-
5. Providential result of the calamities wards the decree went forth that the exiles
of the Jewish nation. But how did it might return to their own land, only a
happen that Jews were found in con- fraction of them cared to remove, and
siderable numbers possessing this ac- Babylonia continued for centuries to
complishment, and how indeed did they include a large Jewish population.
come to take such interest in foreign 6. Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism.
nations as to be anxious to labour for But Nebuchadnezzar was far indeed
their conversion? We find that it was from being the last of the conquerors of
the temporal calamities of the Jewish the Jewish nation. Those who returned
people, though to the eye of men they from the Babylonian exile found suc-
seemed certain to crush out their na- cessive waves of foreign conquest to
tional existence, which really in the pass over their land, the same policy of
providence of God were made the means deportation being persisted in. For ex-
of training them to become the teachers ample, the city of Alexandria is said to
of the world. Had their sovereign have had its first population provided
continued to retain his independence, for it by a forced migration of many
sitting at Jerusalem on the throne of thousand Jews. It is needless to trace
David, they would have had little minutely the history of these compulsory
inducement to acquire a mastery of removals, because they were rapidly suc-
foreign languages, and it is likely that ceeded by voluntary migrations, as the
they would have cared as little as in intelligence which Jews at home received
former times to propagate their faith in from their brethren abroad made them
distant lands. But their capital was taken, acquainted with greater facilities for
their king slain, all their leading men commercial enterprise enjoyed in other
The story of the martyrs of Lyons (Euseb. countries. Thus, in one way or the
H. E. V. i). other, so many of the people removed
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XllI
that there came to be more Jews outside
Palestine than within it. Meanwhile the
victories of Alexander had made Grecian
influence potent in Palestine, as in other
parts of what had been the Persian
Empire; so that not merely did Jews
go largely out into the heathen world,
but the heathen world pressed in upon
Judaea. Those who were zealous for
their own law grieved at the difficulty of
maintaining Jewish exclusiveness under
the increasing pressure of Hellenism.
But God's providence ordained that the
throwing down the barriers which had
hedged in the Jew from contact with
foreign nations should result, not, as had
been feared, in the swamping of Judaism
by heathenism, but in spreading reve-
rence for the law of Moses over every
part of the civilized world.
7. The Greek Old Testament. We
have now to speak of one of the chief
means used in spreading this reverence
for the Mosaic Law. It is a piece
of theological information so elementary
as to be possessed by every educated
person, that the Old Testament was
written in Hebrew, the New Testa-
ment in Greek : but not every one who
knows so much as this knows, or at least
often happens to think, that between the
Hebrew Old Testament and the Greek
New Testament there was a connecting
link \ namely, the Greek Old Testament.
In fact we have a Greek New Testa-
ment because there had been a Greek
Old Testament. And yet this commonly
forgotten Greek Old Testament has left
very distinct traces on our English Bible.
On first opening it, we find the several
books designated by Greek titles, Genesis,
Exodus, and so on. These names tell
a story. They tell that the Old Testa-
ment was originally translated into Latin,
not out of Hebrew, but out of Greek, so
that the Greek titles of the books passed
into the Latin ; and again that it was
first translated into the modern languages
of Europe, not out of Hebrew, but out
of Latin, so that the same Greek names
have passed into our current use. This
remark lies on the surface ; but when the
student of our English Bible goes deeper,
he finds other phenomena which would
perplex him if the explanation were not
at hand that the New Testament writers
used a Greek Old Testament. To take
one of the most striking examples : any
one who compares with the Old Testa-
ment the quotation from the 40th Psalm
in Heb. x. 5, must be struck with the
difference; the words "mine ears hast
thou opened," in our translation of the
Psalm, being replaced by " a body hast
thou prepared me" in the quotation in
the New. The former represents cor-
rectly the reading of the Hebrew text ;
the latter gives the rendering of the
old Greek translation. There are several
other passages where a careful reader
even of the English Bible may discover
traces of the influence of the old Greek
version, and it need scarcely be said that
the theological student who desires to
trace the influence of the Old Testa-
ment on the New is bound to keep
his eye constantly on the Greek Old
Testament.
8. Read by heathen. INIention has
already been made of the preparation
which in God's providence w-as made
for the propagation among other nations
of the religious truths which the Hebrews
had preserved. In consequence of the
captivity and dispersion of the Jewish
nation, it came to pass that the first
Christian missionaries found, in every
city which they visited, a Jewish colony,
which had already taught many of the
thoughtful of the surrounding Gentiles
to scorn the follies of the popular poly-
theism and to admire the purity and
simplicity of the Hebrew faith. The
agency through which had been effected
this leavening of the Gentile world by
Jewish doctrines was the Greek Bible,
which has been truly described as the
first Apostle that w^ent out from Judaism
to the Gentile world. The Jews boasted
that their nation had records reaching
back to an antiquity far superior to any
historical documents the Greeks could
shew, and laws of greater excellence
than the legislation of any other state.
Thus they were proud to impart their
sacred books to any whose curiosity
they had been able to excite, and the
extent to which the Jewish books were
read is proved by the prominence that
the argument from prophecy presents in
the early Christian apologies. Justin
Martyr, fo^ example, had been educated
XIV
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
The medium through which the
in Grecian philosophy : though bom and
bred in Palestine, he shews no know-
ledge of the Hebrew Bible, and does
not even seem to have had a very accu-
rate copy of the Greek version on which
he is entirely dependent. But that book
seems to have saturated his thoughts and
to have furnished him with all the con-
ceptions of the Messiah which he found
faltilled in Jesus of Nazareth
9
Christian Church generally knew the Old
Testament. We might expect to find
more knowledge of Hebrew in an Epistle
ascribed to the Apostle Barnabas ; yet in
this work the writer discovers mysteries
in the letters by which a numeral is ex-
pressed in the Greek translation of an
Old Testament text ; and he seems never
to have reflected that the Greek was not
the original, or to have suspected that on
going back to the Hebrew the grounds
for his exposition would completely dis-
appear. In later Fathers, it is an ex-
ceptional thing to find one with any
( knowledge of the Hebrew Bible. And,
1 as has been already said, it was from
the Greek Old Testament that the Latin
versions were made, so that it was
I through the Greek book, known either
i directly or indirectly, that the Christian
Church for centuries obtained its know-
i ledge of the Old Testament.
lo. Differences between the Greek a?id
Hebreiij Bibles. After a time, however,
it came to pass that some who, either
through intercourse with Jews or from
acquaintance with Hebrew, had the
means of comparison, became aware of
a difference between the Greek Bible
which they used and the Bible of the
Jews. And this difterence did not
merely affect the meaning of single
texts, but there were large passages
and whole books contained in the one
volume which were absent from the
other. In particular the Canon of the
Jews did not include the books which
we know as 'Apocrypha,' and which
found extensive reception in the Christian
Church, because they had come to be in-
cluded in the Greek collection of sacred
I books. This is why a history of the re-
* ception of the Apocrypha must include a
history of the Greek Bible.
III. Palestinian Canon of the
Old Testament.
11. Melito. The earliest indication
we find of uncertainty in the Christian
Church as to the Old Testament Canon
is contained in an interesting extract
presei-ved by Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. iv.
2 6) from the Preface to a work of Jlelitp
oLSaidis, who died somewhere about
A.D, i8o. It appears hence that Melito's
book had been written in compliance
with the request of a friend named One-
simus, who had frequently asked him
to make selections from the Law and
the Prophets, of passages concerning
our Saviour and concerning all our faith.
Onesimus had also asked Mehto to give
him accurate information concemincf
" the old Books ; " how many their
number and what their order.
12. Conception of a closed Canon of
Scripture. We may remark here in pass-
ing that this question of Onesimus shews
that the idea of a definite closed Canon of
Scripture had then become familiar to the
mind of the Church. It will be readily
understood that when the books of the
New Testament were first written, each
of them separately might be venerated
by those who became acquainted with it
and who acknowledged its apostolic au-
thority ; but that the formation of a defi-
nite collection of sacred books, admitted
to be superior in authority to all other
books, could not take place until each
of the books, though it may be originally
intended for local use, had become the
property of the universal Church. It is
clear that in the mind of Onesimus, his
Old Testament ought to consist of a
definite collection of books arranged in
a definite order ; and he wished to be
assured what those books were and what
their order. It may reasonably be in-
ferred that he who asked this question
about "the old Books" had already
obtained similar information about " the
new."
13. The list of Melito. In answer to
Onesimus, Melito, praising the pious
motives which had prompted the re-
quest, declares that he had been earnest
to comply with it, and states that he
had travelled up to the East and had
arrived at the place where the things
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XV
had been preached and done ; and that
he had there accurately learned the
books of the Old Testament. And then
he gives their names as follows : Five
books of Moses, Genesis, Exodus,
Leviticus, Numbers,^ Deuteronomy ;
Joshua the son of Nave, Judges, Ruth,
four books of Kings, two of Chronicles ;
the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of
Solomon also called Wisdom, Ecclesi-
astes, Song of Songs, Job ; the Prophets,
Isaiah, Jeremiah, the Twelve in one
book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras, This
list pretty nearly agrees with the Canon
of our Church ; for Jeremiah no doubt
included Lamentations, and Esdras the
Book of Nehemiah, so that the only point
of difference is that there is no mention
of Esther. The Old Testament books
are here called by their Greek names,
and the order is not the same as the
Jewish order. We have therefore no
reason to think that Melito made his
lists from personal knowledge of the
Hebrew Bible, or from consulting with
those who used it. But, as his narrative
implies, his list gives the contents of the
Greek Old Testament which he found in
use in the Christian churches of Pales-
tine at the time of his visit.
14. Josephus. This list of Melito fur-
nishes proof that, as far as the Old Testa-
ment is concerned, the Canon of the
Christian Church in Palestine agreed with
that of their Jewish brethren. Concern-
ing the Canon of the Jews of Palestine
towards the end of the first century, we
have information in a passage of Jose-
phus, which, though it has been frequently
quoted, cannot be omitted from this
account. The passage is taken from the
treatise against Apion, on the antiquity
of the Jews, in which Josephus under-
takes to prove that the Jewish records
are more ancient and more trustworthy
than those of the Greeks. And one of
the points he urges is, that among the
Greeks the composition of histories was
taken up by every man who felt inclined
to it : by one man in order to shew off
his literary skill, by another with the
view of writing a panegyric on some
kings or cities, or of throwing discredit
upon others ; but that among the Jews
* Some very ancient authorities for the text
transpose Leviticus and Numbers.
the framing of historical records was no
volunteer work, but was the special
business of the priests and prophets, and
the faithful preservation of the truth
their only object. And he goes on to
say, " For_ we have not thousands of
books discordant and conflicting, but
only twenty-two, containing the record
of all time, which have justly been
believed to be divine. And of these,
five are the books of Moses, which
embrace the laws and the tradition of
the creation of man, reaching to the
death of Moses. This period is little
short of three thousand years. And from
the death of Moses down to the reign of
Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who suc-
ceeded Xerxes, the prophets who came
after Moses related the things done in
their times in thirteen books. The re-
maining four books contain hymns to
God and practical directions for men.
From the time of Artaxerxes to our own
time, each event has been recorded, but
the records have not been deemed
worthy of the same credit as those of
earlier date, because the exact succes-
sion of the prophets was not continued.
But what faith we have placed in our
own writings is seen from our conduct ;
for though so long a time has now
passed, no one has dared either to add
anything to them or to take anything
from them, or to alter anything. But it
grows up with Jews from their very birth,
to regard them as decrees of God, and
to abide by them, and if need be gladly
to die for them." ^ He goes on to say
how often Jews had given their lives in
defence of their sacred books ; and he
asks what Greek would die, or even
submit to a trifling loss, in defence of
any book of his ; nay, even of his
whole literature. And in fact there was
no reason why he should. He knew
that the authors of his books wrote each
on his own mere motion, and there was
no reason to think the ancient writers
more trustworthy than the modern, who
notoriously wrote books recklessly, about
things they had neither witnessed them-
selves nor knew from authentic infor-
mation.
15. Means of identifying the twenty-
Cont. Apion., i. 8; Westcott, Bible in the
Church, p. 26.
XVI
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Hvo books of Josephus. Josephus does
not name his twenty-two books ; but
this count of twenty-two books accord-
ing to the number of the letters of the
Hebrew alphabet became usual among
the Jews ; and we can obtain their
names from other sources, of which
two in particular deserve attention.
Origen gives the list of the twenty-
two books in a passage preserved by
Eusebius {Hist. Ecd. vi. 25) ; and
Jerome gives the names in the Preface
to his Latin translation of the Bible,
called the ' Prologus Galeatus.' We have
thus no difficulty in defining the Canon
of Josephus. There can be no question
about his first division, the five books of
Moses ; and the four of his last division
are no doubt the Psalms of David, and
the three books ascribed to Solomon.
The thirteen that remain in Jerome's
list are Joshua, Judges and Ruth,
Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah and
Lamentations, Ezekiel, the twelve minor
prophets in one book. Job, Daniel,
Esdras, Esther, and Chronicles. We
have no reason to imagine that the list
of Josephus was different.
16. The theory and the practice of Jos e-
phus. It appears from the extract just
quoted, that besides the twenty-two books
which Josephus accounted sacred, he
knew of other Jewish books, composed
later than the time of Artaxerxes, which
he did not hold in the same considera-
tion. It deserves to be mentioned that
if we had not this explicit statement of
the difference which Josephus put be-
tween the two classes of books, and had
been left to infer his theory from his prac-
tice, we might have come to a different
conclusion. In his account {Anft. xi.
1-5) of the return of the Jews from the
captivity, he chiefly follows, not the
canonical Book of Ezra, but the apo-
cryphal First Book of Esdras, telling the
story peculiar to that book, of the contest
between the three young men who were
members of King Darius's guard. In
telling the story of Haman and Esther
{Afitt. xi. 6), he gives at length a letter
bearing the name of Artaxerxes, taken
from the apocryphal additions to the Book
of Esther. And in his account of Judas
Maccabseus {Antt. xii. xiii.) he employs
the First Book of the INIaccabees. This
example teaches us the necessity of dis-
criminating in other cases between proofs
which merely establish that a writer was
acquainted with disputed books, and
proofs that he ascribed to them canonical
authority.
17. Agreement as to the Canon betweeti
the Christians and the Jezvs of Palestine.
The agreement of the Canon of Melito
with that of Josephus proves that late in
the second century the Christians of
Palestine were in substantial agreement
with their Jewish neighbours as to the
Old Testament Canon. This is only
what might have been expected, since it
is plain from the New Testament, that
our Lord and His apostles had no differ-
ence with the Jews on this subject of
the Canon. In every part of the New
Testament the authority of the sacred
books of the nation is assumed as undis-
puted ; and in all controversy with the
Jews these books are common ground.
Our Lord appeals to these Scriptures as
testifying of Himself (John v. 39). The
Apostle Paul enumerates it as among
the highest privileges of the Jewish
nation that to them had been committed
the oracles of God (Rom. iii. 2). No
hint is given that they had been un-
faithful to their trust by adding to or
subtracting from the sacred deposit.
If it w^ere only proposed to trace the
history of the Hebrew Bible, the investi-
gation might stop at this point, for the
Jews to this day count no books as
sacred but those which were reverenced
in the time of Josephus. A few of the
books which we know as Apocrypha
appear to have been originally written
in Hebrew, but they have not been
preserved in that language, nor do they
appear ever to have been set, by those
who used it, on a level with their ancient
sacred books. The claims of the books
called Apocrypha depend altogether on
the place which these books found in
the Greek Bible ; and therefore it has
become necessary to speak of the history
of that translation, and of the authority
attributed to it in the Christian Church.
1 8. Origin of the Septuagint. All autho-
rities agree in naming Alexandria as the
birthplace of the Greek Bible. Mention
has already been made of the multitudes
of Jews who resided outside the limits of
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XVI 1
the Holy Land, and who came to be
technically known as " the Dispersion "
(/; SiacTTropd : see John vii. 35 ; James i. i).
This " Dispersion" had centres in Baby-
lonia, in Syria, in Egypt, and with the
last of these we are here concerned.
Of all the Jewish foreign settlements it
was the greatest, possibly in numbers,
certainly in influence. The Jews had
received ev'ery encouragement to settle in
Alexandria, and had largely availed them-
selves of it. Philo tells that in his time
the Jewish inhabitants of the city num-
bered a million, and that they occupied
almost exclusively two of the five dis-
tricts into which the city was divided,
and were not altogether absent from the
remaining districts. The quarter they
occupied was close to the river, much of
the commerce along which was in their
hands. The majority of them used
Greek as the language of their daily life,
and read their sacred books in a Greek
translation.
19. T/ie story told by the so-called Aris-
teas. Concerning the origin of this ver-
sion, a marvellous tale was told, which
came to be generally accepted. Its
earliest form is to be found in a letter
purporting to be written by one Aristeas,
an officer in the court of King Ptolemy
Philadelphus, the second, and perhaps
the most distinguished of the Ptolemies,
who reigned b.c. 284-246. The letter
relates that this king, having founded
the celebrated library at Alexandria, felt
that his collection would be incomplete
if it did not include the laws of the Jews,
of the fame of which he had heard from
his librarian. And it goes on to tell,
how the king acquired the desired volume
at a cost unparalleled in the history of
literary enterprise. We are told that, in
order to conciliate the favour of the
Jews for the request he was about to
make, the king began by proclaiming the
liberty of every Jewish captive in his do-
minions, paying the owners 20 drachmae
for each slave. The number of captives
had been calculated at over 100,000,
and the estimated cost of redemption
was over 400 talents ; but as the king in
his liberality included even the sucking
children, paying for them at the rate of
adults, the sum actually spent swelled to
660 talents. He then sent an embassy
to Jerusalem with gifts of gold, silver,
and precious stones, on quite as liberal
a scale, praying the high priest to send
him seventy-two elders, six out of each
tribe, who should make for him a faithful
translation of the Jewish laws. The
letter relates that this request was com-
plied with. It gives the names of the
elders sent ; it tells the splendid enter-
tainment provided for them in Egypt,
and the magnificent fees with which they
were rewarded on the conclusion of
their work.^
20. Later improvements on that story.
The story as originally told went no
further than this ; but an improvement
subsequently made to it obtained general
credence. It was said that the king,
wishing to test the fidelity of the seventy-
two interpreters, locked them up in
separate cells ; and that afterwards when
they came to compare the translations
which each had made separately, they
were found to agree not only in sense,
but word for word. This story was
known to Philo {De Vit. Mos. ii.). It
was believed by Irenseus and several
other Fathers of the Church. Justin
Martyr had even been shewn at Alex-
andria the cells in which the work had
been done.
21. Fictitious character of the whole
story. When in a more critical age the
story came to be scrutinised, it was found
that in its earliest form it had not con-
tained any mention of the seventy cells,
and therefore that part of the story was
cleared away as a later embellishment.-
Next it was seen that the story, even as
told by Aristeas, bears the marks of being
enriched with much fictitious ornamen-
tation the extraordinary profusion of
treasure, for example, lavished on the
accomplishment of the work being un-
like anything we read of in real history,
but natural enough in a romance, the
author of which can, at no cost to him-
self, endow his characters with boundless
riches.
' The letter of Aristeas is printed by Hody,
Dc Bibliorum tcxtihits originalibiis.
- " Nescio quis primus auctor septuaginta
cellulas Alexandria mendacio suo exstruxerit,
quibus divisi eadem scriptitarunt, cum Aristeas
ejusdem Ptolemsei vTrepaa-mcrT-ns, et multo post
tempore Josephus nihil tale retulerint." (Hieron.
Friif. in Pent.)
XVIU
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
2 2. More probable account of the origin
of the Septuagint. Finally, the authority
for the story being found to be entirely
untrustworthy, modern criticism rejects
it altogether, and regards the Greek Bible
as having not originated in any royal com-
mand, but as having sprung up to supply
the wants of the many thousands of J ews
who resided permanently at a distance
from the land of their fathers, and who
habitually used Greek as the language
of their daily life. These foreign Jews
in wealth and numbers surpassed the
parent stock; but they all looked to
Jerusalem as their religious centre. We
know, from Acts ii. 5-1 1, what multi-
tudes of them collected to celebrate the
feasts at Jerusalem, and, from Acts vi, 9,
that there were in Jerusalem synagogues
specially frequented by foreign Jews.
The need for these special places for
religious instruction probably arose from
the employment in them of the Greek
language. The reading of the books of
Moses was everywhere part of the syna-
gogue service on every Sabbath day
(Acts XV. 21), and among those who
were known as Hellenists (Acts vi. i) it
was only in the Greek language that these
books could be read with advantage.
At least, if the Hebrew text was read
aloud, it needed to be followed by an
interpretation ; and in any comments
that might be made on what had been
read, the Greek language would in these
synagogues be employed. Thus, in the
account (Acts xiii.) of St. Paul's visit to
the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia, we
are not told in what language took place
the reading of the law and the prophets,
related v. \^; but we find that in Paul's
immediately following address to the
assembled congregation it is from the
Greek translation that he quotes the Old
Testament.^ Thus, then, the Greek
translation being required for the reli-
gious wants of the dispersed Jews them-
selves, it is irrational to suppose that it
took its origin from a desire to satisfy
heathen curiosity, however true it be
that in point of fact the Greek Bible
* The quotation " Behold, ye despisers," &c.
{v. 41), is from the Greek, not the Hebrew, of
Hab. i. 5 ; and in the " sure mercies " of David
{v. 34) the words of the LXX. translation of
Isaiah Iv. 3 are also followed.
proved to be a principal agent in the
conversion of the heathen world.
23. Diversities of Jeiuish opinion as
to the merits of the work. Philo (De
Vit. Mos. ii.) tells that the Jews of
Alexandria held an annual feast in
commemoration of the Greek transla-
tion, when they made a pilgrimage to
the island of Pharos, where, according
to tradition, the cells for the seventy
interpreters had been built. On the
other hand, we find from Rabbinical
authorities that there were at a some-
what later time in Palestine stiff main-
tainers of Jewish exclusiveness, who held
in abomination the whole conception of
a Greek version. They said that it had
been forbidden to write the law on the
skin of an unclean beast : surely it was
ten times forbidden to pollute it by the
language of the heathen. Consequently
that which was in Alexandria a day of
feasting was turned by them into one
of mourning ; and they commemorated
by a fast what they regarded as a day
of apostasy, like that when the people
danced round the calf which Aaron had
made. Little did these short-sighted
rigorists consider that it was owing to this
book, the making of which they deplored,
that their brethren who lived among the
heathen were preserved from learning
any of their ways; and, even though
they might lose the use of their national
language, held fast to their national
religion as a thing with which none of
Jewish race could ever bear to part.
24. Literary activity of Hellenistic Jews.
We learn, however, that in judging of
Jewish opinion we must take separate
account of Palestine and Alexandria, as
distinct centres of religious thought,
which conceivably might develop itself
differently in the two places. The
Alexandrine Jews might well regard
themselves as entitled to hold an opinion
of their own. Alexandria was one of the
foremost cities of the world, as a centre
both of commerce and of literature.
Its inhabitants boasted that theirs had
been a great city when Rome was as yet
but a village, and that even then Rome
must starve if it did not receive supplies
of corn from Egypt. The Jews held a
leading place in the commerce of the
city, and many of them were deeply
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XIX
tinctured with Hellenic culture. They
were forced, in a way that Palestinian
Jews were not, to take account of Gre-
cian speculative systems, and were na-
turally desirous to present their religion
in the form most likely to attract a
philosophic inquirer, and were solicitous
to smooth away difficulties which might
be expected to repel him. Some of the
Greek-speaking Jews were active in
literary composition. Eusebius, in his
Praeparatio Evangdica (Book ix.), gives
extracts from several writers who had
arrayed the facts of the Old Testa-
ment history in a Grecian garb. One
writer named Ezekiel had turned the
history of the Exodus into a drama, in
which Moses and Zipporah and Raguel
hold dialogues in iambic verse ; and
even the scene at the burning bush, in
which God Himself is a speaker, is
thrown into like form. Another writer,
Theodotus, told in hexameters the story
of the rape of Dinah and the destruction
of Shechem {Ev. Praep. ix. 22). An-
other, who in distinction from his better-
known namesake is called the elder
Philo, wrote a description of Jerusalem,
also in hexameters. Others, as Deme-
trius and Eupolemus, retold in prose the
Scripture narrative of the early history
of the Jewish nation. Some of these are
treated by Josephus and by Eusebius as
if they were heathen writers bearing
independent testimony to the truth of
the Old Testament narratives; but an
examination of the extracts which have
been preserved proves decisively that the
writers in question obtained their know-
ledge solely from the Old Testament.
It is reasonable to think that those who
exhibited so intimate an acquaintance
with that volume were probably Jews.
If any of them were heathen, we have
indirect evidence how successful Jews
had been in commending their literature
to Greek-speaking people.
25. Additions made by them to the
Ca?iofiical books. But Jewish literary
activity did not Hmit itself to the re-
production or recasting of the sacred
histories. It displayed itself also in the
composition of narratives, some entirely
fictitious, such as probably the story of
Susanna ; others, such as the books of
the Maccabees, recording the history of
times later than those treated of in the
books of the Palestinian canon. It is
intelligible that many who might set
little value on works which merely told
over again with less authority the story
told in the 'canonical books might be
ready to give a different reception to
writings which appeared really to sup-
plement the Scripture history, and might
regard such works as at least edifying
for private reading, even though not
possessed of canonical authority. Thus,
for example, in Scotland, where in
modern times there has been no dis-
position to receive apocryphal writings,
the works of Josephus have been ad-
mitted to rank as edifying Sunday read-
ing. Certain it is that several works, to
which there was nothing corresponding
in the Hebrew Bible, came to be joined
in the current use of Greek-speaking
people with the translations of the
canonical books.
IV. Alexandrian Canon of the
Old Testament.
26. Generally coincident with Pales-
tinian. It has been already said that we
are not at liberty to assume that Alex-
andrian opinion was always identical with
Palestinian, and therefore that the ques-
tion what value was attached to the later
books at Alexandria is not decisively
settled by our knowledge that they were
not resrarded as canonical in Palestine.
But we hear nowhere of any difference
between native and foreign Jews on the
subject of the Canon ; and as far as the
Apocr}^pha is concerned, no difference
is exhibited in our great source of in-
formation as to Alexandrian religious
thought ; namely, the writings of the
great Alexandrian Jew, Philo.
27. Philo: promi?ience given by hitn to'\.
the Pentateuch. Indeed, on comparing
Philo's Scripture quotations with those
of the New Testament writers, we
are conscious of one difference. The
New Testament quotations range freely
through all the books of the Old, and
seem to treat all as of like authority.
The Law and the Prophets alike fur-
nished materials for synagogue reading
(Acts xiii. 15; Luke iv. 17), and even
the title " the Law " ceases to be ex-
XX
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
clusively given to the books of Moses.
St. John m his Gospel three times cites
the Psalms as " the Law " (x. 34, xii. 34,
XV. 25), and St. Paul (i Cor. xiv. 21)
gives as from the Law a quotation from
the prophet Isaiah. In the writings of
Phiilo, on the contrary, the books of
Moses have such prominence that it
requires attentive examination to dis-
cover what value he set on other Old
Testament books. The subjects of the
great majority of Philo's treatises are ex-
positions of parts of the Mosaic writings :
not one of his treatises formally professes
to explain any other part of Scripture.
And, again, there are in Philo's writings
about fifty quotations from the Penta-
teuch for one from any other part of the
Old Testament. We are thus led to put
to ourselves the question, Can it be that
Philo and the Alexandrian Jews did not
include in their Canon any books but
those of the Pentateuch; and that thus
the books of the Apocrypha found it
easy to establish themselves, not indeed
on a level with the Pentateuch, but on a
level with other Old Testament books ?
The result, however, of careful examina-
tion is to answer this question in the
negative, by proving that Philo did attri-
bute inspiration to the later Old Testa-
ment books, and that he did not set the
Apocrypha on a level with even these
latter books.
28. According to the original stoiy, the
Seventy Interpreters translated the Penta-
teuch only. There can be no doubt,
however, of the special authority at-
tributed in Egypt to the Pentateuch.
On turning back to the letter of Aristeas
already referred to, it is proved that
the original story of the Seventy Inter-
preters limited their work to the trans-
lation of the Pentateuch. It is only of
the Mosaic laws that the fame is de-
scribed as having reached the Egyptian
king. It is only the Book of the Law
that is said to have been sent from
Jerusalem, and this only is mentioned
through the whole story. Indeed, the
length of time which the translation is
said to have taken, viz. 70 days, suits
well enough for the work of rendering the
Pentateuch, but would be altogether in-
adequate for that of translating the whole
Old Testament. Josej^hus, who tells the
story after Aristeas, not only like him
makes mention only of the Law as having
been sent to the King of Egypt, but in
the preface to his Antiqnifies expressly
says that no other part of the Scripture
had been so sent. But setting aside the
story of the Seventy Interpreters, internal
evidence proves that the Pentateuch was
translated by different hands from those
that worked on the other books. Not
only is the style of the translation dif-
ferent, the rendering of the Pentateuch
being the more close and literal, but
many proper names (for example, Phi-
listines, Mesopotamia, Idumaea) are dif-
ferently rendered in the earlier and the
later books ; and so are several technical
words, such as Urim and Thummim. It
is quite true that the Christian Fathers
generally lost sight of this distinction,
and commonly thought of the Greek Old
Testament which they used, as a work
translated all at one time, and that they
ascribed the origin of the entire collec-
tion to the seventy elders who, accord-
ing to the current story, had been sent
to the King of Egypt. But the earlier
version of the story only referred to the
Pentateuch, and, as has been already said,
the different books are proved by internal
evidence to have been translated at dif-
ferent dates.
29. The Pentateuch probably came into
synagogue use before the other Old Testa-
ment books. That this should be so is
quite intelligible if we believe, as there is
every reason to do, that the Greek transla-
tion took its origin in the needs of the
synagogue worship in places where Jews
habitually spoke Greek. There is a
current story that until the time of An-
tiochus Epiphanes only sections from the
Law were read in their synagogue worship,
but that under his tyranny the public
reading of the Law being forbidden, the
rulers of the synagogue substituted for
use in their worship a selection of lessons
from the Prophets. When on the death
of Antiochus the reading of the Law was
restored, the reading of the Prophets
was still continued. This story, how-
ever, rests on no good authority;^ and
the true date of the introduction into the
' The earliest authority seems to be Elias
Levita, who lived at the end of the fifteenth
century.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxi
synagogue worship of readings either times described as "that divine person " (o
from the Law or the Prophets is lost in Oecnrco-Los avyp), as " no common person,
obscurity. But at least there is every but a prophet whom it is good to trust "
reason to think that the public reading (oix o tu^wi' aAAa koI 7rpo07yTr;s <S KaXov
of the Pentateuch was much the older of Trto-Teu'etv, 6 tus v/AvcuStas avaypdij/as, De
the two ; and therefore it is quite intelli- Agric. i. 308, Mangey's edition) ; and
gible that the need of a Greek version of the prophetical writings are cited with
the Pentateuch would occur before one such formularies of quotation as the
of a translation of the other books became following : " An inspired member of the
necessary. With this agrees the fact that prophetic choir" (toS irpocfirjTLKov OLacnwri]^
existing copies of the Greek of the Pen- xpo^ -^^ Con/. Ungg. p. 411) ; " one
tateuch differ but slightly from each other, of the old prophets who in divine inspira-
and not very much from the current tion said" (rts twi/ TraAatW 7rpo<f)r]Twv os
Hebrew text, while there is much more eVt^ciao-as elirev, Qiiod a Deo mitfanfiir
uncertainty about the Greek text of the Somnia, p. 681) ; " the father of the uni-
later books, and the variations from the verse uttered iDy prophetic mouths " (6
Massoretic Hebrew text are often con- irari^p twv oXojv Sm 7rpo(/)r^TiKav idecnna-e
siderable. And evidently the text of a CTTo/tarwv, De Profiigis, p. 575 ; see also
book only employed in private reading p. 293), One passage of Philo {De Vit.
might be liable to corruptions from which Contcmp. 3) has been quoted as indicat-
one constantly used in public worship ing his Canon. He describes the Thera-
would be secure. The proofs have been peutce as bringing into their holy place
already given that the prophetical books none of the things needed for nourish-
fumished materials for synagogue reading ment of the body, but only laws^ and
in the apostolic times, not only in Judsa oracles delivered by prophets, and hymns
but in Asia Minor. But it is possible and other writings by which knowledge
enough that the public reading of the and piety are increased and perfected,
prophetical books may have been of And no doubt the well-known threefold
later introduction in Egypt than in these division of sacred books appears to be
countries, and may not have been very here recognised ; but the passage itself
ancient in Philo's time. determines nothing as to the authority
30. Recognition of these other books by ascribed by Philo to each of these
Philo. In this way we can account for sections.
the very great prominence which Philo 31. His silence as to the Apocrypha.
gives to the Mosaic writings ; but though Philo exhibits his sense of the pre-
his use of the other books is compara- dominant authority of Moses, by de-
tively small, it is only by comparison that scribing the later prophets, even one so
it is so, for he quotes these books some late as Zechariah, as companions (iraipoi)
fifty times, and he clearly treats them as of Moses, as if they owed their authority
inspired.^ He quotes the words addressed to having been the scholars and sue-
to Joshua, " I will never leave thee or cessors of the great legislator. If it is to
forsake thee," as a Xoywv or inspired be inferred from this that Philo did not
utterance ; he treats the whole story of set the historical and prophetical books
Gideon or of Samuel like the narratives on quite the same level as the Pentateuch,
in the Pentateuch, making it a source it is still plainer that he did not set the
of mystical deductions ; the Book of Apocrypha on a level with the historical
Judges is quoted with the formula, us o and prophetical books. These latter
tepos Aoyo9 4>W^} the song of Hannah is books he quotes far less frequently than
cited as inspired ; the Psalmist is several the Pentateuch, but still very often ; and
1 ^ .^ . ., , , , , . quotes them in such a way as to exhibit
V2uite similar features present themselves m /. r ^-u ^.t a. i.
another Alexandrian writing, the Book of Wis- ^^^ reverence for them : the Apocrypha
dom. That work exhibits the writer as strongly he never quotes at all. This silence
influenced by the prophecies of Isaiah, by the is truly remarkable, because Philo re-
Psalms, and by the Book of Proverbs : but the peatedly quotcs profane authors ; so that
histories which he makes the subject of direct ^ / ,^ -f j ^ ^i u i n j
comment are taken exclusively from the Penta- ^^'^n if he ascribed tO the books called
teuch. Apocrypha no canonical authority, we
xxu
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
might still expect that he should shew
some signs of acquaintance with them.
When we join to the evidence aftbrded
by Philo the fact that we never hear of
any difference of opinion between Alex-
andrian and Palestinian Jews as to the
books to which they ascribed inspired
authority, we are warranted in concluding
that the Canon of both was the same ;
and that though the Greek-speaking
Jews used in private reading non-
canonical books which they found to be
edifying, they did not set these on the
level of the ancient Scriptures.
V. The Old Testament as used
BY THE Christian Church.
32. Noii-J-ecognition of the Apocrypha
iti the New Testament. Philo's silence
with regard to the Apocrypha harmo-
nizes with the fact that in the New
Testament writings which quote freely
all the parts of the Canon recognised
by Josephus, there is no formal quota-
tion of any of those other books which,
according to Josephus, were later than
the reign of Artaxerxes, and which he
regarded as inferior in credit to the
earlier writings. It is true that in the
New Testament there are some half-
dozen passages where the formulae of
Scripture citation are used, but where
the passages quoted can either not be
identified at all, or not with any cer-
tainty, with anything found in our Old
Testament. Such passages are Matt. ii.
23, Luke xi. 49, John vii. 38, i Cor. ii. 9,
Eph. v. 14, 2 Tim. iii. 8, James iv. 5.
But the singular thing is, that if we fail to
find the originals of these passages in the
books of the Hebrew Canon, we equally
fail to find them in the works commonly
called the Apocrypha, in no part of
which can anything resembling these
passages be found. If indeed the Book
of Enoch had formed part of the Canon
of the Council of Trent, we should be
bound to consider what inference ought
to be drawn from the fact that that book
is quoted by St. Jude ; but except Ter-
tullian, no one in the Christian Church
seems to have owned the Book of Enoch
as canonical ; and the fact remains that
among the books which were anywhere
admitted into the Canon of the Christian
Church, none but those of the Hebrew
Canon are directly quoted by New
Testament writers. In fact the Apostles
appear to have been in full agreement
with their Jewish brethren as to the Old
Testament Canon ; and Jewish tradition
on the subject has never wavered down
to the present day.
33. Patristic use of the Old Testament.
But the Gospel was rapidly propa-
gated among men unacquainted with
Jewish tradition, and unable to read the
Hebrew Bible. The Greek Bible had
been a chief instrument in their con-
version, and continued to be a principal
means of sustaining their religious life.
Many of them had not the qualifications
for discriminating between the claims of
the different parts of the Greek book which
they used. It has been already remarked,
that ordinarily the Christian Fathers apply
to their whole Greek Bible the account
which Aristeas gave of the origin of the
Pentateuch, and imagine that the trans-
lation of all the books was the work of
the Seventy Interpreters. So, for ex-
ample, Irenseus (iii. 21), when he tells
the story of the seventy cells, tells it con-
cerning the translation, not of " the
Law," but of all the books of the Scrip-
tures. And at an earlier time, Justin
Martyr, in his controversy with Trypho,
accuses the Jews of having taken away
many Scriptures from the translation
effected by the seventy elders who were
with Ptolemy ; and when he is asked to
specify these mutilations, they turn out to
affect passages in Isaiah, in Jeremiah, in
the Psalms, and in Esdras; and the
idea does not appear to occur, either to
Justin or to his Jewish interlocutor, that
these books had not been translated by
the same hands as the Pentateuch.
34. The Christian Fathers were ac-
quainted with the books called Apocrypha.
But the Greek Bible which passed into
the hands of the Gentile converts to
Christianity included whole books not to
be found in the Hebrew Canon ; and it
is not wonderful that where the Hebrew
language was unknown, and where there
was no contact with Jewish tradition, all
should have been received indiscrimi-
nately. Numerous instances can be pro-
duced of the use of the books of the
Apocrypha by Christian Fathers from the
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXlll
earliest times; and in many cases the
quotations are made with the usual
formula of Scripture citation. Judith is
cited as a pattern of female heroism in
the Epistle of Clement of Rome (c. 55) :
in the Epistle which bears the name of
Barnabas (xix. 9) a saying of the Son of
Sirach (iv. 31) is incorporated; and the
occurrence of the same passage in the
lately discovered Teaching of the Tivclve
Apostles has led many critics to believe
that Barnabas here copied a still earlier
document. The homily which goes by
the name of Clement's Second Epistle
exhibits (ch. 16) a reminiscence of the
Book of Tobit (iv. 11, xi. 9), though with
much freedom of alteration. The same
passage of Tobit was clearly also known
to Polycarp (ch. 10). The Story of Bel
and the Dragon is cited by Iren^us
(iv. 5).
35. And frequently quote them as Scrip-
ture. The instances just produced only
exhibit acquaintance with the books of
the Apocrypha, and determine nothing as
to the consideration in which they were
held by those who quoted them. And
perhaps we cannot lay much stress on
the fact that Irenseus (v. 35) ascribes to
the prophet Jeremiah a quotation really
taken from the apocryphal Book of Ba-
ruch. But Clement of Alexandria, who
was omnivorous in his reading, not only,
like Irenjeus, quotes Baruch as Jeremiah
{Strom, i. 10), but repeatedly quotes
apocryphal books as Scripture. Thus
he quotes Tobit as Scripture {Strom.
vi. 12), Ecclesiasticus (i. 8), 2 Esdras
(iii. 16), Wisdom (v. 14), ascribing the
last-named book to Solomon (vi. 14).
Clement was not very critical ; and if, in
deference to his authority, we were to add
the books just named to our Old Testa-
ment Canon, we should be bound in con-
sistency to add the Epistles of Clement
and of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Her-
nias, and other books to our New Testa-
ment Canon. Tertullian ascribes the
Book of Wisdom to Solomon {Adv. Va-
Icnt. 2), and quotes Ecclesiasticus with
the formula "sicuti scriptum est" {Ex-
hort, ad Cast. 2). In this style of quota-
tion Clement and Tertullian are followed
by many succeeding writers, popular
usage constantly tending to make no dis-
crimination between the different books
which circulated as component parts of
the current Greek Bible.
VI. i^EARNED Eastern opinion con-
cerning THE Old Testament Canon.
36. Origen. But whatever popular
usage might be, learned opinion con-
stantly remained cognizant of the dis-
tinction between those books which the
Hebrews recognised as part of their
Bible, and those which owed their circula-
tion to the Greek version. The Christian
world was, no doubt, much indebted for
its wide knowledge of this distinction to
the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. In
this the historian had inserted not only
the testimonies of Josephus and Melito
which we have already quoted, but also
that of Origen, than whose authority
none stood higher on questions of biblical
criticism. He quotes (vi. 25) a passage
from Origen's commentary on the First
Psalm, in which it is stated that the
canonical books of the Old Testament
are, as the Hebrews have handed down,
twenty-two in number, answering to the
number of letters in their alphabet ; and
then the Hebrew as well as the Greek
names of these books are given. Of the
books of the Apocrypha, the only men-
tion in this place is that Origen adds
that, besides the twenty-two books which
he has enumerated, there are the books
of the Maccabees.
37. Africa nus. But Origen himself
affords a curious example of the conflict
between popular and scientific opinion.
He used a Greek Bible himself; and
though he has shewn himself aware that
some of the things included in it formed
no part of the Hebrew Canon, he habitu-
ally conformed to what, in Alexandria at
least, was the popular usage. Thus he
read the Story of Susanna as part of the
Book of Daniel, and he appealed to it
in a public discussion which he held in
Palestine. For this he was taken to
task by Africanus, at that time the most
learned scholar in Palestine; and since,
in the question what Canon was recog-
nised by the Apostles, it is with the Pales-
tinian tradition we are mainly concerned,
it is interesting to find that the Canon
which is attested as recognised in Pales-
tine, by Josephus in the first century and
XXIV
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
by Melito in the second, appears now
from Africanus to have been in the third
century still in exclusive possession.
Africanus writes, that having been pre-
sent when Origen had quoted that part
of the Book of Daniel which contains the
Story of Susanna, he was not so discour-
teous as to interrupt at the time ; but he
expresses his surprise that Origen could
fail to be aware that this section of the
book was spurious. The story was a
pretty one, but was a modern addition,
as might be shewn by many proofs, of
which he proceeds to give a summary.
Only one of the arguments he uses need
here be noticed : viz. that all the books
of the Old Testament had been translated
from the Hebrew, but that the original
of this story was plainly Greek, as ap-
pears from a certain play on words. The
story tells how Daniel convicted the two
false witnesses by asking each separately
under what tree he had seen Susanna
commit adultery. The one answers.
Under a mastich-tree (o-;)(iVos) ; and
Daniel replies, God will cut thee asunder
(o-xtcrei). The Other answers, Under a
holm-tree (Trptvos) ; and Daniel replies,
The angel of the Lord is ready to saw
thee asunder (Trptcrat). Origen replies
seriatim to the objections stated by Afri-
canus ; and in answer to this one, he
refuses to accept the paronomasia as
proof that the Story of Susanna was not
originally written in Hebrew, He chal-
lenges Africanus to tell the Hebrew
names of the two trees in question ; a
thing which he himself, notwithstanding
many inquiries from Jews, had never
been able to find out. How, then, could
Africanus tell that the Hebrew names
might not have admitted the same play
on words? Or at least might there not
have been a play on words in the He-
brew, which, though incapable of literal
translation, had yet, by a change in the
names of the trees, been skilfully re-
presented by the Greek translator? If
Origen is right here, the Greek trans-
lator must not only be complimented for
his skill, but congratulated for his good
fortune in being able to find Greek
names of trees so admirably suited to his
purpose.
38. Origen' s reply to Africanus. But
a more fundamental question was raised
with regard to the principle assumed
by Africanus, that no books were to
be recognised as belonging to the Old
Testament but those which had been
originally written in Hebrew. The ad-
mission of this principle would evidently
be fatal to the claims of many of the
books of the Apocrypha, Origen points
out what revolutionary consequences
would follow if the Christian Church
were required then to alter its Canon into
conformity with the Hebrew text. It was
not only the Story of Susanna that must
be cut out : not only the other additions
to the Book of Daniel, the Song of the
Three Children, and the Story of Bel
and the Dragon, but there were also
passages in the Book of Esther, in the
Book of Job, and indeed in many other
parts of the Old Testament, which,
though found in the Greek text, had
nothing corresponding in the Hebrew.
Must all these be also excised? Must
we reject the sacred books current
among the brotherhood, and pay humble
court to the unbelieving Jews, entreating
them to impart books free from spurious
admixture? Can we suppose that Di-
vine Providence, which had given in the
sacred Scriptures edification to all the
churches of Christ, did not care for
those whom He had bought with a price,
for whose sake God spared not His own
Son, hut delivered Him up for us all, that
He with Him also might freely give us all
things. It were well if Africanus would
remember the precept, " Thou shalt hot
move the everlasting landmarks which
those before thee have set up,"
39, Athanasius. However Origen's
practice may have tended to obliterate
the distinction which his theory ac-
knowledged, between the books extant
in Hebrew and the additions made
to them in the Greek Bible, that dis-
tinction was not lost sight of even in
Alexandria. The century after Origen
presents us with the testimony of the
great Alexandrian bishop Athanasius. In
the letters which, in conformity with
ancient custom, he annually issued to
announce the date of Easter to the
churches of his province, it was his wont
not to confine himself to that notifica-
tion, but to take a wider range of instruc-
tion. In that which he issued in the
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXV
year 365, he gives a list of the books of
Scripture, stating that the books of the
Old Testament, whose names he gives,
were twenty-two, according to the number
of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet.
He then gives a list of New Testament
books, agreeing with our own Canon,
and adds, " These are the fountains of
salvation, so that he who thirsts may
satisfy himself with the oracles in these.
In these alone the lesson of piety is pro-
claimed. Let no one add to these, nor
take anything from them." Apparently,
however, the books of the Canon were
reserved as the exclusive property of
members of the Church ; for Athanasius
goes on to say that there were other
books not included in the Canon used
for the instruction of catechumens, viz.
the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus,
Esther, Tobit, Judith, the Teaching of
the Apostles, and the Shepherd. It will
be observed that Esther is placed, not
among the canonical books, but with
those of the Apocrypha, and that the
books of the Maccabees are not men-
tioned at all. Athanasius, being ignorant
of Hebrew, used a Greek Bible; and
though he was aware of the inferior au-
thority of the books which he names as
not belonging to the Canon, it is very pos-
sible that he may not have been equally
aware of the spurious character of some
of the additions made in the Greek text
to some of the books which he acknow-
ledged. He certainly counted Baruch as
part of Jeremiah; and in this he was
followed by several succeeding writers.
40. Of/ier Easter7i authorities. It
would be tedious to quote other Eastern
Fathers, such as Cyril of Jerusalem,
Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, Epi-
phanius. Nor need time be spent in
discussing the Council of Laodicea, a
small council which met about a.d. 363,
and which appears to have been the first
council to make decrees on the subject
of canonical books. The list of books
commonly appended to their decrees
omits the Apocrypha, but its authenticity
cannot be relied on. The exclusion
of the Apocrypha is so completely in
accordance with Eastern learned opinion,
that it is immaterial whether the list
as we have it was drawn up at the
council itself, or afterwards appended as
Apoc Vol. L
expressing general church usage. Suf-
fice it, then, to say that when Eastern
writers undertake formally to enumerate
the books of the Old Testament, they
ordinarily reckon only the books of the
Hebrew Canon ; but that, in practical
use, all the books of the Greek Bible are
apt to be indiscriminately employed. It
is worth while to mention that this prac-
tical use applies quite as much to the
apocrj'phal First Book of Esdras, which
is not recognised by the Council of
Trent, as to any of the apocryphal books
which that council has admitted. There
is no story more frequently cited by the
Fathers than the tale of the three young
men at the court of Darius, which is
told in the book just mentioned. It may
be added that the Apostolic Constitu-
tions a work which in its present form
may be dated as of the latter part of the
fourth century gives a list (ii. 57) of
books to be used in church reading, and
in this is quite silent as to any books but
those of the Hebrew Canon. The Apo-
stolic Ca7ions is a compilation to the ear-
lier part of which may be assigned the
date just given for the present form of the
Apostolic Constitutions, but which has
received additions of uncertain later date.
The last of the Canons so added gives a
list of Scripture books, which adds to the
books of the Hebrew Canon three books
of Maccabees, and mentions on a lower
level the Book of Ecclesiasticus as useful
for the instruction of the young.
VII. The Old Testament Canon
IN THE West.
41. Augusti7ie. We turn now to the
West, and there, as might be expected,
we find an echo of Greek opinion.
The Latin Old Testament was, at least
for some three centuries, only a trans-
lation from the Greek, so that popu-
lar usage in the West, as well as in
the East, tended to an indiscriminate
use of all the books which possessed
ecclesiastical authority. The story that
the Seventy Interpreters had evidenced
their inspiration by the exact agree-
ment of their separate works was very
generally believed ; and with those who
accepted that story, the Greek Bible
was evidently an inspired book of au-
c
XXVI
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
thority, fully equal to that of the Hebrew
original. Nor was this belief shaken
when, in process of time, it came to be
known that there were passages in which
the Greek did not faithfully represent the
Hebrew. Augustine held that, if the Greek
differed from the Hebrew, it was because
God had inspired the translators to make
it different. The Hebrew book was
written for the use of Jews: no doubt
some changes were necessary to adapt it
to the use of the Gentile world. If there
was even a direct contradiction between
the Greek translation and the original,
Augustine held that this contradiction
was to be regarded as a signal indicating
that in the passage in question we were
not to rest satisfied with a literal inter-
pretation. And going beneath the letter
to look for an allegorical interpretation,
he was always able to shew that the same
truths were taught in both books, though
under different figures. Augustine, who
has no pretensions to rank as a learned
scholar, habitually used a Latin Bible
which contained the books of the Apo-
crypha ; and he frequently appeals to the
authority of these books, though he some-
times shews himself aware that their
authority was questioned, and that they
were not included in the Canon of the
Jews. In the Council of Carthage,
A.D. 397, at which he was present, a list
of canonical Scriptures was drawn up,
agreeing with that afterwards adopted by
the Council of Trent. In fact, this
African Council of Latin-speaking bishops
is the best authority which the Trent
divines can produce for their decision.
There is reason, however, to think that
the Council of Carthage did not intend
to exclude, as was done at Trent, the
apocryphal First Book of Esdras from
their list of canonical books. Augustine
certainly, when he spoke of Esdras, in-
tended to include this book, and acknow-
ledged it as Scripture {De Civ. Dei,
xviii. 36). In copies of the Septuagint
the First Book of E^sdras meant the apo-
cryphal first book; the second book meant
the canonical Ezra and Nehemiah re-
garded as making a single book. We
can scarcely doubt that these were the
two books of Esdras acknowledged at
Carthage ; and It would seem to be from
noc understanding this point that the
apocryphal First Esdras escaped recogni-
tion at Trent.
42. Rufinus. Scholars, however, in
the West could not help being acquainted
with Greek learned opinion as to the in-
ferior authority of some of the books in
Church use, and they made that opinion
known to their countrymen. Rufinus, for
example, in his Commentary on the Apos-
tles' Creed, gives a list of Old Testament
books agreeing with the Hebrew Canon ;
and then he adds, "Yet it must be
known that there are other books which
have been called by the ancients not
canonical, but ecclesiastical;" and he
then specifies the so-called Wisdom of
Solomon, the Wisdom of the Son of
Sirach, the books of Tobit, Judith, and
Maccabees ; and in the New Testament,
the Shepherd of Hermas and the Two
Ways or Judgment of Peter. These, he
said, the Fathers wished should be read
in churches, but not alleged to establish
any article of faith.
43. Jerome. For the emphatic enunci-
ation of the inferior authority of those Old
Testament books, or parts of books, which
were not extant in Hebrew, the ^^'estern
world was indebted to Jerome, who was
the first Western scholar to acquire a know-
ledge of Hebrew himself, and who even
made the study of that language fashion-
able in Rome. He shewed that the story
of the seventy cells was wanting in histori-
cal authority ; and he altogether rejected
the notion of the inspiration of the Greek
translators, pointing out that the work of
a translator was quite different from that
of an inspired prophet, and required dif-
ferent qualifications ; human learning and
knowledge of languages being the essen-
tial qualifications of a translator. By the
help of the Hebrew, Jerome revised the
former Latin version, and in the prefaces
to the books of his revised version he
insisted on the claims of the " Hebrew
verit}\" But the authority of the books
previously current in Latin was by
this time so well established, that this
department of Jerome's labours drew on
him an amount of opposition and ca-
lumny of which he repeatedly complains
bitterly. He says in the preface to his
version of the Book of Job, "If I occu-
pied myself in basket-making" then a
common employment of monks "in
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXVI I
order to eat my bread by the sweat of
my face, nobody would assail me. But
now, because according to the Saviour's
command I choose to labour for the meat
that perisheth not, and strive to clear of
briar: and thorns the way of the sacred
volume, I am violently attacked. When
I correct faults, I am treated as a forger,
and I am accused of introducing errors
when I am taking them away. Such is
the force of custom, that many like even
what are acknowledged to be faults,
and are more anxious to have their
copies beautifully written than correctly
written."
44. Augustin^s expostulation with Je-
rome. It was, however, neither personal
animosity nor stupid ignorance which in-
spired the dislike that many pious men
then felt to the attempt to supersede the
current Latin Bible by one translated
directly from the Hebrew. Augustine, for
example, made friendly expostulation with
Jerome. He protested against the im-
modesty of correcting the translation of
the seventy interpreters. If the passage
in the original was plain, they could not
well have gone wrong ; if it was obscure,
they were as likely as any modern trans-
lator to give the true meaning. He
pointed out that the adoption of a
new translation would not only set the
Latin Churches at variance with the
Greek, but would cast uncertainty on
the whole text of Scripture. If a ques-
tion arose as to the accuracy of a trans-
lation from the Greek, that language
was so generally known that there would
be no difficulty in obtaining skilled and
trustworthy opinion as to which transla-
tion was right. But who knew Hebrew
in the West besides Jerome himself? If
they scrupled on his word to reject ren-
derings sanctioned by prescriptive use,
to whom were they to resort in order to
test his assertions ? Were they to go to
the Jews ? What a humiliation to have
the authority of the Greek and Latin
Churches set aside in deference to these
Jewish judges ! Perhaps they might
give some translation different both from
the Septuagint and from Jerome's, and
who was then to decide between them ?
And how could you ever be sure that
they were not purposely giving false in-
formation? Who could trust the good
faith of those enemies of the Cross of
Christ ?
45. The story of the gourd. In illus-
tration of the practical inconvenience
of translation from the Hebrew, St.
Augustine told a story which has been
often quoted. An African bishop having
adopted Jerome's translation in his
church, there came to be read the lesson
about Jonah's gourd, when, instead of
the "gourd" to which the people had
been accustomed, there was read Je-
rome's word "ivy." On this there arose
a tumult in the congregation, the Greeks
among them especially accusing the
translation of falsification. The bishop
was obliged to consult the Jews, who,
St. Augustine tells Jerome, " either
through ignorance or malice," answered
that it was " gourd" in the Hebrew copies,
as it was in the Greek and Latin, so that,
in short, the bishop was compelled to
correct this reading as a fault ; for, if he
had not done so, he would have been
left without a flock. In fine, Augustine
pressed on Jerome the great scandal
which a new translation would cause the
people, by shaking the credit of the
Septuagint, to which their ears and hearts
had become accustomed, and which had
been approved by the authority of the
Apostles,
46. Rufinus assails Jerovie for re-
jecting the Apocrypha. The remon-
strances which Augustine made, cour-
teously and respectfully, were repeated
by Jerome's antagonist Rufinus angrily
and scurrilously. Jerome had learned
Hebrew from a Jew named Baranina,
a name which, for the purposes of
invective, was made to take the form
Barabbas.^ "What wickedness," cries
Rufinus, "to violate the deposit of the
Holy Ghost ! The History of Susanna,
who afforded an example of chastity to
the Church of God, has been cut out and
rejected by you. The Song of the Three
Children, which is sung on festivals in the
Church of God, has been removed from
its place. Why need I name separately
changes the number of which is too
great to be counted? Are we to pay
more respect to the one and harmonious
* In fact Barrabanus, instead of Baranina, is
the reading of many MSS., and probably the
name was so read by Rufinus.
C 2
XXVlll
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
voice of Seventy Interpreters, guided in
their separate cells to uniformity by the
inspiration of the Holy Spirit, or to what
one man utters at the instigation of
Barabbas? Peter presided over the
Church of Rome for twenty-four years,
and no doubt gave the Church the same
books which were used when he himself
sat and taught. Did he deceive the
Church by handing over to it books full
of falsehood ; and, though he knew the
Jews had the truth, wish Christians to
have falsehood ? Perhaps you will say,
Peter was unlearned, and was not well
enough skilled in languages to make a
new translation. What, did the gift of
tongues on the day of Pentecost confer
nothing on him? Well, Paul at least
was not without letters. When he taught
his disciples ' to give heed to reading,'
would he not care that they should have
correct readings? He ordered his dis-
ciples to beware of the circumcision, and
to give no heed to Jewish fables. How
was it that he did not foresee by the
Spirit that the time would come when the
Church should discover that the truth of
the Old Testament had not been de-
livered to her by the Apostles, and when
she must send ambassadors to the cir-
cumcision acknowledging that she had
been 400 years in error, and imploring
them of their charity to impart some of
the truth which had been in their keep-
ing ; when she would be obliged to own
that she, who had been chosen as the
bride of Christ, had been decked by the
Apostles with false jewels, and must beg
the Jews to send Barabbas, whom once
the Church had rejected in order to wed
Christ, that he might replace the false
with true ornaments ? "
47. The argwiients of Riifiiius derived
from Origen. It is to be observed what
a close relation there is between the line
taken by Rufinus in this controversy with
Jerome, and that taken by Origen in his
controversy with Africanus. Their argu-
ments would have great weight if their
assumption were correct that the Apostles
had guaranteed the authority of what
passed in the fourth century as the Sep-
tuagint version ; but we have already
seen that there is no reason to think that
the Canon of the Apostles included the
books of the Apocrypha. It is also to
be observed that what was involved in the
assumption was not merely the claims of
the books not extant in Hebrew : the
correctness of the Septuagint translation
of all the recognised books was equally
supposed to be guaranteed. But that no
such guarantee was given, is plain from
the number of passages where New Testa-
ment writers cite the Old Testament, and
do not use the Septuagint translation.
48. The practice of St. Jerome as to
the use of the Apocrypha. It has been
remarked in the case both of Josephus
and of Origen, that the practice of
these writers does not agree with their
theory ; and we are therefore led to
inquire whether Jerome has been more
consistent. The result is found to be
that when Jerome is using the books
of the Apocrypha, " for example of life
and instruction of manners," he does not
scruple to quote them with the formula
" sicut scriptum est," and even on one
occasion with the epithet " scriptura
divina." But when he is writing con-
troversially and using testimonies to
establish doctrine, he is careful to mark
the inferior authority of these books
(see, for example, Cont. Pelag. 31, 33).
There is a like difference between the
theory of the Church of England stated
in her 6th article, and her practice evi-
denced by the approval given in the
35th article to the use of the First Book
of Homilies, in which books of the
Apocrypha are quoted as Scripture.
49. tfltimate success of Jerome^ s trans-
lation. What has been stated as to the
opposition Jerome's revision met with,
entitles us to say that there seldom has
been a case where the results of scientific
investigation had to encounter stronger
dislike, opposed as they were to long-
received opinion, sanctioned by highly
venerated authority. And yet, in the end,
Jerome's work had a singular success,
a success, indeed, involving the aban-
donment of the principle for which
Jerome contended, viz. that the au-
thority of the most approved translation
must bow to that of the original. For
Jerome's own translation not only tri-
umphed over the hostility which had
threatened to suppress it at its birth, but
gained an authority which only the ori-
ginal could rightly claim. In the cele-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXIX
brated Complutensian Polyglot ^ the Latin
was placed in the middle, the Hebrew
and Greek on each side, as the Preface
said, like Christ between the two thieves ;
the idea being that we could rely on the
Latin text, which had been in the
keeping of the Roman Church, but not
on those in the other two languages,
which had been in the custody, in the
one case of unbelieving Jews, in the other
of schismatical Greeks. The thesis that
the Vulgate is far closer to the original
than either the Hebrew or Greek text
was elaborately maintained by Morinus
in the early part of the seventeenth
century. The Vulgate was pronounced
" authentic " by the Council of Trent ;
and what is implied by that epithet to
those who acknowledge the authority of
that council, may be gathered from the
dictum of a Jesuit writer of the present
day, that " the Greek and Hebrew texts
are of the greatest value, as means in
order to arrive at the gcnimie setise and
full force of many passages i?i the Latin
Vulgate." 2
50. The Middle Ages. But the Latin
Bible which passed into general circula-
tion was not altogether Jerome's work.
He had declined to translate the books of
the Apocrypha, but ultimately allowed
himself to be persuaded by the urgency of
two bishops, his friends, to make a hasty
version first of the Book of Tobit, then of
Judith. His version of the former book,
he tells us, was the work of a single sitting,
performed under the guidance of an in-
structor skilled in Hebrew and Chaldee.
Latin-speaking Christians, when adopting
Jerome's versions of the canonical books,
were still unwilling to be without the
books which they had been accustomed
to read in their Bibles. They therefore
joined to the translations revised by
Jerome (including Tobit and Judith) the
translations of the other books which had
been current before Jerome's labours.
The Latin Bibles therefore in general
use represented at once popular usage
and learned opinion : popular usage
because they contained all the books
commonly regarded as Scripture, learned
opinion because they also contained
Jerome's prefaces, in which he repeatedly
* Published in 1517.
' Humphry, The Written Word, p. 228.
insists on the distinction between the
" canonical Scriptures " and the books
which were read in the Church for the
edification of the people, but not for the
authoritative confirmation of doctrine.
The consequence was that this distinc-
tion was never lost sight of, and it would
be easy to cite a long list of writers,
all through the Middle Ages and down
to the very epoch of the Reformation,
who shew themselves aware of it.^ It
will suffice here to name three.
51. De Lyra. Nicolaus de Lyra,
who lived in the middle of the four-
teenth century, was one of the most
popular of the pre-Reformation com-
mentators on Scripture. He begins his
commentary on the Book of Tobit as
follows : "Now that I have, by the
help of God, written on the canonical
books of Holy Scripture, beginning from
Genesis and going on to the end of the
Apocalypse, I proceed now, trusting in
the same help, to write on the other
books which are not of the Canon ; viz.,
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit,
and Maccabees. . . . The books which are
not of the Canon are received by the
Church to be read for instruction in
morals, but their authority is reckoned
less fit for proving matters which come
into dispute, as Jerome saith in his pro-
logue to the Book of Judith, and in his
prologue to Solomon's Proverbs ; where-
fore they are of less efficacy than the
canonical books. . . . The books of Holy
Scripture which are called canonical are
of such authority, that whatsoever is
contained there is firmly held to be true ;
and consequently also whatsoever is
plainly inferred from them. For as in
philosophic writings the truth is known
by reduction to first principles known of
themselves, so in the writings of Catholic
doctors the truth in matters which are to
be held by faith is known by reduction
to the canonical Scriptures which have
been given by Divine revelation, so that
nothing false can be contained in them.
. . . The truth written in the canonical
books is for the most part prior in time,
and always superior in dignity and
' In Cosin's Scholastical History of the Canon
will be found in successive chapters (chaps, vi.-
xvii.) testimonies from each century, from the
fourth to the sixteenth.
XXX
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
authority, to that which is written in the
non-canonical books." Similarly in the
preface to Ezra he had said, " The books
of Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, though
they be historical, I yet pass by for the
present, because they are not of the
Canon, either among the Jews or among
Christians. Moreover Jerome says of
them . . . that they are reckoned among
the Apocrypha,"
52. Cajetatius. The second writer
whom it is worth while here to cite
brings us down to the very epoch of
the Reformation, del Vio, better known
as named from his birth-place, Caje-
tanus, the papal legate before whom
Luther was summoned to appear in
1518. He was a man of the greatest
reputation in his day,^ and the fact that
he was a strenuous defender of papal
prerogatives and of the parts of the
Romish system assailed by Luther makes
his testimony the more valuable, to the
authority enjoyed, down to the time
of the Council of Trent, by Jerome's
ruling on the subject of the Canon. He
says, " In order not to err in our dis-
crimination of canonical books, we follow
the rule of St. Jerome. What he handed
down as canonical we accept as canoni-
cal \ what he separated from the canoni-
cal we hold outside the Canon " {Co7nm.
in cap. i. ad Hebr.). In his dedicatory
preface addressed to Pope Clement VII.
he says, " The whole Latin Church owes
very much to St. Jerome, not only on
account of his noting in the books of the
Old Testament the small portions which
are either spurious or doubtful, but also
on account of his separation of the
canonical from non-canonical books.
For he has thus freed us from the re-
' " Cavete ne lumen Ecclesiae exstinguatis," is
said to have been the exclamation of Clement VII.
when he saw the Cardinal in peril in the capture
of Rome in 1528. The following is the cha-
racter given of him by Ughelli (Italia Sacra,
i. 544; Venice, 1717): "Hie ille est alter
Thomas, ingeniorum extrema linea, doctorum
virorum miraculum, hcereticse pravitatis terror,
sacrarum Scripturarum lumen ac fax, scholastici
pulveris athleta invictus, Thomisticse doctrinse
galeatus defensor, sincerioris doctrinae propug-
naculum, arx ac promptuarium subtilium argu-
mentorum, cathedra; demum splendor ac decus,
cujus adeo immortalia scripta sunt ut tamdiu
videantur perennatura quamdiu divinam sapien-
tiam scholastica subsellia personabunt."
proach of the Hebrews that we invent
books, or parts of books, of the old
Canon which are quite unknown to
them," Accordingly Cajetan refuses to
include in the canonical books on which
he comments, Tobit, Judith, and Mac-
cabees, stating that they had been put
among Apocrypha with the books of
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus {Co?n?n. in
iilt cap. Esther). And he adds, " The
words both of councils and of doctors
must be brought to the file of St. Jerome :
and according to his opinion these books
(and if there be others like them in the
Canon of the Bible) are not canonical
as respects establishment of doctrines of
faith, but may be called canonical as
respects the edification of the faithful.
For with this distinction you can recon-
cile what is said by Augustine in his second
book De Doctri7ia Christiana, and what
is written in the Council of Florence
under Eugenius IV. and in the provincial
councils of Carthage and Laodicea, and
by Popes Innocent and Gelasius."
53. The Cojnphitetisian Polyglot. To
the same epoch belongs the third autho-
rity which we cite. Cardinal Ximenes,
who, in the Preface to the Complutensian
Polyglot published in 15 17, echoes St.
Jerome's language, and describes the
books of which he can only print a
Greek, not a Hebrew text, as " the
books outside the Canon, which the
Church receives rather for the edification
of the people than to confirm the autho-
rity of ecclesiastical dogmas."
54. The Reformation. From what has
been stated it appears that in refusing
to place the books of the Apocrypha on
a level with the earlier canonical books
the Reformers made no innovation, but
were in accordance with the best learned
opinion of their day. But Luther gave
emphasis to the doctrine of the inferior
authority of the Apocrypha, by the place
he assigned them in his German Bible.
In Latin Bibles, as in the Greek books
from which the Latin translation was
made, they had been mixed up, ac-
cording to their subjects, with the
canonical books. Thus Tobit and
Judith are treated as historical books,
coming between Nehemiah and Esther;
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus follow the
canonical books of Solomon ; the Song
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXXI
of the Three Children, and the Stories of
Susanna and of Bel and the Dragon,
take their place as parts of the Book of
Daniel. In Luther's translation the dis-
puted books were placed by themselves ^
as an appendix at the end of the Old
Testament, with the title, " Apocrypha ;
that is, books that are not held as equal
to the Holy Scriptures, and yet are good
and useful to read." This separation of
the disputed books, and the use of the
name Apocrypha as their title, was fol-
lowed by Coverdale in the first English
Bible that contained them, and in sub-
sequent English translations. Cranmer's
Great Bible had " Hagiographa " as a
separate titlepage for this section, but
" Apocrypha " as the running heading on
each page.
55. The 7iame Apocrypha. From this
period dates the use of the word " Apo-
crypha" as a technical name for the
disputed books of the Old Testament
Canon. In the earliest Christian use of
the word it appears to have retained its
> etymological rneaning " secret." Thus
Clement of Alexandria speaks of the
secret books of Zoroaster {Strom, i. 15).
It was common with heretical sects to
throw an air of mystery about their
books : partly in order to flatter their
disciples with the belief that they were
in possession of secrets known only to
the initiated; but partly also because
those who forged books in the names
of Apostles found that the fiction that
these books had been intended to be
kept secret was convenient, as affording
an explanation why they had not been
heard of before. It is almost exclu-
sively with regard to heretical books that
the word " apocryphal " is first used.
Clement of Alexandria {Strom, iii. 4)
applies it to a Gnostic book from which
he cites a passage; see also Tertullian
{De Aniiiia, 2).
56. The twofold division of books as to
Canonicity Cyril of Jerusalem. Cyril
of Jerusalem is, as far as we know, the
first to apply the name Apocrypha to the
books added in Greek Bibles to the books
of the Hebrew Canon. In his fourth
Catechetical lecture, he says, " Learn
* The separation, however, had previously
been made in an edition of the Septuagint pub-
uccii iiiauc 111 au cuiLiua ui i
lished at Strasburg in 1526.
diligently and from the Church which
are the books of the Old Testament and
which of the New, and read not, I pray,
any of the Apocrypha. For why should-
est thou, who knowest not those which
are acknowledged by all, take needless
trouble about those which are ques-
tioned ? Read the Holy Scriptures,
those two-and-twenty books of the Old
Testament which were interpreted by
the seventy-two interpreters." Then,
having related the current story of the
origin of the Septuagint, he proceeds :
" Read the two-and-twenty books of
these Scriptures, and have nothing to do
with the Apocrypha. Those books only
study earnestly which we read confidently
even in church. Far wiser than thou
and more devout were the Apostles and
the ancient bishops, the rulers of the
Church, who have handed down these :
thou, therefore, who art a child of the
Church, tread not on their sanctions."
He goes on to teach his disciples the
names and order of the twenty-two
books. We may gather from this, as
well as from the passage already quoted
in which Athanasius describes the books
outside the twenty-two as only used in
the instruction of catechumens, that in
the fourth century lessons from the Old
Testament Apocrypha were not read ia
the Eastern Church. Cyril's own practice
shews that he did not regard the study of
these books as unlawful ; and the object
of his lecture would seem to be to exhort
the less learned members of his flock to
confine their reading to the books about
whose authority there was no dispute.
57. The threefold division Rufinus.
In the West, however, lessons were
read in church not only from the Apo-
crypha of the Old Testament, but of the
New, including such books as the Shep-
herd of Hermas and the Two Ways.
Accordingly Rufinus, in his Commentary
on the Apostles' Creed (37), where he
appears to be following the guidance of
Athanasius, makes a threefold division ^
' With regard to the well-known threefold,
or rather fourfold, division of books made by
Eusebius in treating of the New Testament
Canon {H. E. iii. 25), it may be remarked that
he does not apply the name Apocrypha to any
of them ; but elsewhere (iv. 22) he employs
incidentally the phrase twv Xeyoixivoiv aizoKpicptav,
ha%-ing apparently only heretical books in view.
XXXll
.GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
of books. First, the books which the
Fathers included in the Canon, and out
of which they willed that assertions of
our faith should be established. This
list contains only the twenty-two Old
Testament books. Secondly, books not
canonical, but called by our ancestors
Ecclesiastical, which they willed should
be read in the Church, but not alleged
as authority for the establishment of doc-
trine. The rest they called Apocryphal,
which they did not admit to be read in
the churches.
58. Jerome's adoptioji of the twofold
division. Jerome, however, conformed
to the usage of Cyril, and only recognised
the twofold division canonical and apo-
cryphal. That in his language " apo-
cryphal " may fairly be translated " non-
canonical " appears from what he says
about the Epistle ascribed to Barnabas,
which in his Catalogue he accepts as a
genuine work of that Apostle, but says
of it, " Barnabas composed one epistle
tending to the edification of the Church,
which is read among apocryphal Scrip-
tures." But there is no doubt that the
word Apocrypha in Jerome's use of it
contained a note of disparagement. His
feelings with regard to these books are
indicated beyond mistake in his letter to
Lseta {Ep. 107), giving her instruction
as to her daughter's education. Having
given his advice as to the order in which
the child is to be made to read the books
of the Old and New Testament, among
which none are mentioned save those
recognised by the Church of England as
canonical, he goes on to say, repeating
Cyril's warning, " Let her beware of all
apocrypha {Caveat ovinia apocrypha).
And if at any time she should wish to
read them, ' non ad veritatem dogmatum
sed ad signorum reverentiam,' ^ let her
know that they are not the works of
those whose names they bear, that many
faulty things are mixed up in them, and
that it needs great prudence to look for
gold in mire."
It has been suggested that St. Jerome
had only in his mind New Testament
apocryphal books falsely ascribed to
Apostles, and that he did not mean to
* I am not sure that I rightly understand the
last two words ; and as they are irrelevant to the
uresent discussion, I leave them untranslated.
apply the name Apocrypha to the dis-
puted books of the Old Testament. But
he expressly does so apply the name in
his prefaces. Cyril of Jerusalem had
done so before him ; for as Cyril con-
trasts the Apocrypha with the twenty -two
books, it is clearly the Old Testament he
has in view. In St. Jerome's enumera-
tion of sacred books in the letter just
quoted, the exclusion of the disputed
books from mention is very marked. The
same feature presents itself in his letter to
Paulinus {Ep. 53). He there goes regu-
larly through the books of the Old and
New Testament, leaving out the books not
included in the Hebrew Canon, and then
adds, " oro te frater carissime inter hsec
vivere, ista meditare, nihil aliud nosse,
nihil quaerere." St. Jerome's attitude of
mind towards the disputed books is that he
not only did not regard them as canonical
Scripture, but that he thought a Christian's
time might be more profitably spent than
in reading them. It was the persistence
with which St. Jerome used the name
Apocrypha in speaking of the non-
canonical books of the Old Testament
which led to the adoption of it by the
Reformers. In what precedes we have
retained the use of the noun " Apocry-
pha" in the technical sense, but have
avoided the adjective " apocryphal,"
which in modern English conveys a
different meaning.
59. The Council of Trent. It was just
at the time of the death of Luther when,
in 1547, the question of the Canon
came under consideration at Trent.
There were some of the Council who
advocated the following the authority
of St. Jerome, by making two classes of
books differing in authority ; others who
would have evaded controversy by mak-
ing a mere list of books, and defining
nothing as to the authority of each ; but
the view which ultimately prevailed, and
which was embodied in the canon
adopted by the Council, put all the books
that had been popularly regarded as
belonging to the Old Testament on a
footing of perfect equality. The Council
declared that it received alike the books
of Old and New Testament, since one
God was the author of both ; as well as
also the traditions relating to faith or
conduct, dictated by Christ or the Holy
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXXlll
Spirit, and preserved by continual suc-
cession in the Catholic Church ; and that
it accepted all with equal regard and
reverence. Then, lest any doubt should
arise as to the books of Scripture in-
tended, a list is given, such as that already
described, in which the books of both
classes are intermixed without any hint
of difference of authority. In modern
times learned Roman Catholics have
found it impossible to avoid making a
division of Old Testament books into
proto-canonical and deutero-canonical.
But since the Council gives no warrant
for such a division, they are obliged to
explain that the term "deutero-canoni-
cal " is not intended to imply any infe-
riority of authority, but only a later date
of admission into the Canon. Finally
the Council passed an anathema on any
one who does not receive as sacred and
canonical these books, entire with all their
parts, as they have been wont to be read
in the Catholic Church and are contained
in the old Latin Vulgate edition. The
effect of this " entire with all their parts "
is that though in the list of canonical
books only the Book of Daniel, for
example, is mentioned by name, any one
-^ would come under the anathema who
should reject the Song of the Three
Children or the Story of Bel and the
Dragon.
60. What iveight to be attached to the
ruling of this Council. To any one who
regards the Council of Trent as infallible
this decree closes the controversy. It
may be perfectly true that this decision,
equalizing the authority of all the books,
is quite opposed to the judgment of all
the most learned divines of previous
times; but it can be said that these
divines had not been privileged to hear
the voice of the Church declaring the
truth on this subject. But one who
thinks that the Church had not to wait
till the 1 6th century for its knowledge
of the Canon of Scripture will find that
if he cannot attribute to tlie Council of
Trent inspired and infallible authority,
he will be unable to acknowledge it as
possessing any authority whatever.
In questions of criticism requiring
learning for their determination, merely
official position conveys no title to
respect. In these islands the authority
of Parliament is supreme ; yet if both
Houses of Parliament were to pass
unanimous votes that Sir Philip Francis
wrote the letters of Junius (or that he
did not write them), such votes would
count for nothing as affecting the judg-
ment of critics, except so far as they
furnished evidence what was the pre-
valent opinion at the time when they
were passed, and except also so far as it
could be shewn that persons had joined
in these votes whose knowledge and
skill entitled them to be listened to with
respect. But when inquiry is made as
to the knowledge and skill of those who
passed the Trent decree, no favourable
answer can be given. It would be out
of place here to give any account of the
political difficulties which impeded the
assembling of the Council of Trent.
Sufhce it to say that when, after some
futile attempts to bring a council together
elsewhere, the Pope's legates proceeded
to Trent, they found no prelate there
but the bishop of the place. And for
some ten months afterwards the number
of bishops assembled remained so few
that it was felt they could not without
manifest indecency venture to describe
themselves as an CEcumenical Council.
Nor was it any high standard of numbers
at which they at length arrived. When
the Council actually opened, there were
present, besides the legates, only four
archbishops and twenty-eight bishops ;
and some of these were titular bishops,
pensioners of the Pope, and having no
real connection with the dioceses which
they nominally represented. The subject
of the Canon was the first matter of con-
troverted doctrine with which the Council
dealt, and it was discussed in congrega-
tions at which not more than thirty persons
were present. By the time the decree was
actually promulgated in a meeting of the
Council, the total number had not risen
above fifty-three. But though the Council
was not strong in numerical representa-
tion, its weakness was far greater as
respects the quality of those who took
part in it. Though the Council called
itself QEcumenical, no part of the world
was really represented in it except Italy.
The great bulk of the bishops were
Italian : of the rest the majority were
Spanish ; there were a couple from
XXXIV
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
France, none from Germany, Switzerland,
or the Northern countries. But a still
worse account has to be given of the
scholarship of its members. None knew
Hebrew ; only a few knew Greek ; there
were even some whose knowledge of
Latin was held in but low repute ; not
one had eminence as a learned divine.
Westcott's summing-up of the case is
completely justified. " This fatal decree,
in which the Council, harassed by the fear
of lay critics and ' grammarians,' gave
a new aspect to the whole question of
the Canon, was ratified by fifty-three
prelates, among whom there was not one
German, not one scholar distinguished
by historical learning, not one who was
fitted by special study for the examina-
tion of a subject in which the truth could
only be determined by the voice of
antiquity. How completely the decision
was opposed to the spirit and letter of
the original judgments of the Greek and
Latin Churches ; how far it was at
variance, in the doctrinal equalization of
the disputed and acknowledged books of
the Old Testament, with the tradition
of the West ; how absolutely unprece-
dented was the conversion of an ecclesias-
tical usage into an article of belief, will be
seen from the evidence which has been
already adduced." ^
6 1. Controversial iiidiicetiients to its
. recognitio7i of the Apocrypha. It has
been said, and probably with truth,
that the majority at the Council, being
men who took much more interest in
the polemical discussions of their own
day than in learned research as to the
opinions of earlier times, were mainly
induced to give so high a rank to the
Apocrypha, by the controversial use to
be made of a few texts in it. Thus, in
controversy concerning the help or inter-
cession of angels, use might be made of
the Book of Tobit (see in particular
xii. 12, 15), and so concerning the inter-
cession of departed saints (2 Mace. xv.
12-14; Baruch iv. 4). On the question
of prayers for the dead, appeal might be
made to 2 Mace. xii. 44, 45 : and con-
cerning the merit of almsgiving and
other good works, to Tobit iii. 10, iv. 7 ;
Ecclus. iii. 30.
' Bible in the Church, p. 257.
62. The acceptance of the Apocrypha as
inspired necessitates a low theory of In-
spiration. If the Tridentine divines were
influenced by such considerations as
these in ascribing canonical authority to
these books, the Reformers' reasons for
refusing to do so were far more funda-
mental than were suggested by any
possible use to be made of them in par-
ticular controversies. It ought never to
be forgotten that the question concerning
the authority of the books of the Apo-
crypha is intimately connected with the
question how much is meant by the
inspiration and authority ascribed to
the books of the Hebrew Old Testa-
ment. The two classes of books can be
put on the same level, either by mag-
nifying the authority ascribed to the
former, or depressing that ascribed to
the latter. Thus, for example, the ra-
tionalistic critic of the present day, who
does not ascribe inspiration, as the
Church understands the word, to any
books, has no inclination to set the
books of the Apocrypha in any inferior
position. Jewish literature of one age
has as many claims on his regard as
Jewish literature of another. The Jewish
literature now extant in Hebrew may be,
speaking generally, of earlier date than
that only extant in Greek ; but he regards
the one as no more above his criticism
than the other ; the older no more than
the later, an authority to which he is
bound to defer. Where a somewhat
higher view of the inspiration of the Old
Testament Scriptures is held, it is still
evident that the more of error and imper-
fection is imagined to be compatible with
inspiration, the less difficulty is there in
ascribing that attribute to the books of
the Apocrypha, or to any other books.
Now the Reformers felt it to be a neces-
sity of their position to hold a very high
doctrine of Inspiration. They rejected
the infallibility claimed for the authority
of the Church, but they taught that
Christians were not left without the se-
curity of an unerring guide. This they
found in the Bible ; and if they rejected
decisions made by high Church authority,
it was because they found them opposed
by authority which they recognised as
superior.
Now some of the books of the Apo-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXXV
crypha are plainly indefensible by any
one who holds any high theory of Inspi-
ration. It is not merely that they are
wanting in external attestation ; there
are many passages where the moral tone
falls distinctly below the dignity of Scrip-
ture. The Book of Wisdom, which is one
of the finest, is certainly not Solomon's,
and probably is one of the latest in the
collection ; the Second Book of the Mac-
cabees is disfigured by several anachro-
nisms and historical blunders ; the books
of Tobit and Judith, not to speak of the
stories of Susanna and Bel and the
Dragon, cannot possibly be maintained
as historical, and must be relegated to
the class of edifying fiction. And even
in the latter point of view they are un-
acceptable to a modern reader. It is
hard, for instance, for such a reader to
take seriously the story of the demon
Asmodeus in the Book of Tobit. This
demon is capable of sexual lust, and is
able to take the lives of the men of whom
he is jealous ; but is unable to bear the
stench of the burning of a fish's liver,
and flies off to the upper parts of Egypt.
Any controversy concerning the books
of the Apocrypha in modern times will be
found really to regard not so much the
credit due to these books as that due to
the books of the older Scriptures. No
one can now venture to demand for the
statements found in the books of the
Apocrypha that unhesitating deference
which the men of the early Church ac-
corded to the books which they recog-
nised as Scripture; and therefore it is
not possible now to bring the Apocrypha
to the level of the Old Testament
Scriptures through any process of raising
the authority of the former books. If the
books of the Apocrypha are to be called
sacred and canonical, it can only be by
maintaining that these epithets can be
bestowed on books full of blunders and
false conceptions, which the early Church
would have thought it scandalous to
attribute to any books which they re-
^ garded as inspired. It has already been
observed, that when the prerogatives of
Inspiration are denied or extenuated, the
controversy concerning the authority of
I the Apocryphal books ceases to have any
\ practical meaning.
VIII. The Use of the Apocrypha
IN the Church of England.
6;^. The Apocrypha formerly used eX'
tensively in public. When the Reformers
denied the inspired authority of the books
of the Apocrypha, it was by no means
their intention to exclude them from use
either in public or in private reading. The
Articles of the Church of England quote
with approbation the ruling of St. Jerome,
that though the Church does not use
these books for establishment of doctrine,
it reads them for example of life and
instruction of manners. Accordingly,
lessons from the Apocrypha were ap-
pointed to be read on the week-days
during two months of the year ; and these
books are once or twice quoted as Scrip-
ture in the Homilies set forth by au-
thority. Not only was this the view of
the cautious men who held high office in
the Church of England, but it was not
dissented from by a more extreme sec-
tion of Reformers. The Geneva Bible,
which, until it came to be superseded by
King James's Authorized Version, was
the most popular and widely circulated
of English Bibles, prefixed the following
Preface to the section containing the
Apocrypha: "The books that follow in
order after the Prophets unto the New
Testament, are called Apocrypha ; that
is, books which were not received by a
common consent to be read and ex-
pounded pubHcly in the Church, neither
yet serve to prove any point of Christian
religion, save inasmuch as they had the
consent of the other Scriptures called
Canonical to confirm the same, or rather
whereupon they were grounded : but as
books proceeding from godly men were
received to be read for the advancement
and furtherance of the knowledge of the
history, and for the instruction of godly
manners : which books declare, that at
all times God had an especial care of his
Church, and left them not utterly desti-
tute of teachers and means to confirm
them in the hope of the promised Mes-
siah, and also witness that those calamities
that God sent to his Church were ac-
cording to his providence, who had both
so threatened by his prophets, and so
brought it to pass for the destruction of
XXXVl
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
their enemies and for the trial of his
children."
64. And in private. Abundant refer-
ences to the books of the Apocrypha in
our elder literature testify the extensive
use that for some time continued to be
made of them, and in many cases by men
who cannot be suspected of sympathy
with Romish teaching. Perhaps the most
interesting illustration of the acquaintance
with them possessed by the less learned
of the people is afforded by what John
Bunyan tells in his Autobiography,^ how
he was roused from a state of religious
despondency by the recollection of a
text from the Apocrypha, though for
some time he could not remember where
he had met with it, " Look at the genera-
tions of old and see ; did ever any trust
in the Lord, and was confounded?"
(Ecclus. ii. 10.) He probably knew the
words from having heard them read in
church ; but it appears from his account
that he had the means by his private
study of discovering the source of the
quotation.
In the present general neglect of the
Apocrypha, young readers require a com-
mentator to explain to them why Shy-
lock should exclaim, " A Daniel come
to judgment," or why Milton should
describe Raphael as the " affable Arch-
angel ;" or as
"the sociable spirit that deigned
To travel with Tobias, and secured
His marriage witli the seven-times-wedded
maid."
Of those who quote the saying, " Magna
est Veritas et prsevalebit," probably a
majority could not tell whence it was
derived. Christian names still in use
Susan, Toby, Judith bear witness to the
influence once exercised by the books
which bear these names, but which would
now be seldom thought of in connection
with them, if it were not that pictures
have made the stories familiar to many
who do not care to study the books
themselves.
65. The Lectio7iary, A somewhat
fuller account may now be added of
the public and the private reading re-
spectively of these books in the Re-
formed Church of England. The Lec-
' Grace Abounding, 62.
tionary, which in the main continued
in use down to the present reign, not
only declined to use the two books of
Esdras and the Prayer of Manasses,
which are not recognised in the Triden-
tine Canon, but also with less apparent
reason the books of the Maccabees,
although they contain information con-
cerning a most interesting period of
Jewish history, which might well with
advantage have been made popularly
known. The remainder of the books
were read with scarcely any attempt at
curtailment or selection. Among the
Puritan complaints in the reign of Eliza-
beth, objections to the public reading
of the Apocrypha had no prominent part.
The great anxiety of the objectors was
that the time available for the ordinance
of preaching should not be encroached
on, and therefore their dislike extended
to the reading of any fixed Scripture
lessons beyond the passages which the
officiating minister might choose as the
subject of comment. They objected
likewise to the use of the Homilies.
The futility of their objections was easily
shewn by Whitgift and Hooker ; but the
latter, while shewing the unreasonable-
ness of refusing to submit to the decision
of authority in such a matter, allows it
to be seen that, according to his private
judgment, he would have preferred con-
fining church reading to the canonical
Scriptures. At the Hampton Court
Conference of 1604, the objections
made to the Apocrypha lessons did not
raise the general question of the pro-
priety of reading non-canonical books,
but were only directed against particular
passages in the lessons read ; and these
it was attempted to meet by a revision
of the Lectionary. The history of Bel
and the Dragon, which had been read
as part of the Book of Daniel, was now
omitted ; and so were also some of the
less credible chapters of the Book of
Tobit, though with considerable damage
to the story, A few of the lessons for
instruction in manners were also omitted
as not conformed to modern ideas. Thus
the writer of the Book of Ecclesiasticus
exliibits a very low opinion of the female
sex, and this led to the omission of the
whole of his 26th chapter in the Prayer
Book for 1604. In the revision under
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXXVll
Charles XL half the 25th chapter was
left out besides. A few specimens will
sufficiently indicate the reasons for the
omission : " Give me any plague but the
plague of the heart, and any wickedness
but the wickedness of a woman. . . . All
wickedness is but little to the wickedness
of a woman : let the portion of a sinner
fall upon her. As the climbing up a
sandy way is to the feet of the aged, so
is a wife full of words to a quiet man. . . .
A woman, if she maintain her husband,
is full of anger, impudence, and much
reproach." " Of the woman came the be-
ginning of sin, and through her we all
die. Give the water no passage ; neither
a wicked woman liberty to gad abroad.
If she go not as thou wouldest have her,
cut her off from thy flesh, and give her a
bill of divorce, and let her go."
66. Changes hi the reign of James I.
One other of the omissions of 1604
is curious for its leaving out a single
verse of a chapter (Ecclus. xlvi. 20),
the thing asserted in this verse being the
reality of the appearance of Samuel
when called up by the Witch of Endor.
Although Justin Martyr and some other
ancient authorities had explained the
prophet's complaint, " Why hast thou dis-
quieted me and brought me up ? " by a
theory as to authority exercised by evil
spirits over souls in the departed state,
such a theory was deeply repugnant to
the general sense of the Church, which
held to the doctrine expressed in the
Book of Wisdom : " The souls of the
righteous are in the hand of God, and
there shall no torment touch them." And
so the theory found more favour that
the appearance to Saul was a demoniac
illusion, in which powers were claimed for
the evil spirits which they did not really
possess. And this theory is evidently
that which was adopted by the revisers.
67. The Long Parliament. During
the Long Parliament objections against
the use of the Apocrypha became
louder. The abolition of Apocrypha
lessons was one of the concessions
offered in 1641 by the Committee of the
House of Lords presided over by Bishop
Williams. In a sermon preached before
the House of Commons in 1643 the well-
known scholar Lightfoot complained of
the custom of printing the Apocrypha
between the books of the Old and New
Testament. " Thus sweetly and nearly
should the two .Testaments join together,
and thus divinely would they kiss each
other, but that the wretched Apocrypha
doth thrust in between." " Like the two
cherubins in the temple-oracle," the end
of the Law and the beginning of the
Gospel would touch one another, "did
not this patchery of human invention
divorce them asunder." He goes on to
account for the reception so long given
to the Apocrypha as due to the ignorance
and superstition of the times, the Talmud
being then unknown and the world being
ignorant how impious and ridiculous were
the doctrines and fables of the Jewish
schools. But he wonders that Churches
which had cast off the yoke of custom
and superstition should do as first igno-
rance and then superstition had done
before them. " It is true they have
refused these books out of the Canon,
but they have reserved them still in the
Bible, as if God should have cast Adam
out of the state of happiness, and yet
have continued him still in the place of
happiness." And he closes with the
demand, " Cast out the bondwoman and
her son, for the son of the bondwoman
may not be heir with the son of the free."
68, The Savoy Conference. At the
Savoy Conference it was asked that
the use of Apocrypha lessons should
be discontinued, as being inconsis-
tent with the sufficiency of Scripture.
To which the bishops replied that the
same objection lay against the use of
sermons, and that it were much to be
wished that all sermons gave as useful
instruction as did the chapters selected
from the Apocrypha. And in the end,
not only were the Apocrypha lessons
retained, but the story of Bel and the
Dragon, and all but one of the omitted
chapters of the Book of Tobit, were
restored to the Lectionary. The omis-
sion of Apocrypha lessons was one of
the concessions contemplated in the
abortive attempt made for the compre-
hension of Dissenters in the reign of
William III.
69. The revised Lectionaiy of iSG'j.
Although the books of the Apocrypha
were so largely employed in the Church's
Calendar, it was only the week-day
XXXVlll
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
lessons that were thence taken. The
Sunday lessons were all taken from the
canonical books ; and owing to the very-
general disuse of attendance on week-
day services, the consequence has been
that there is a large number, perhaps a
majority of members of the Church, who
have scarcely ever heard a lesson from
the Apocrypha. At the revision of the
Lectionary by Convocation in 1867, the
reading of Apocrypha Lessons was much
diminished. The time during which
such lessons were read on week-days
was reduced from two months to three
weeks. All the historical or quasi-histo-
rical books were put out of the Lec-
tionary. It has been stated that there
had previously been no lessons from the
books of Esdras or Maccabees ; and
now the books of Tobit and Judith, and
the stories of Susanna and Bel and the
Dragon, were also removed. Thus,
except that on one morning and one
evening lessons are taken from the Book
of Baruch, the only books read are
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus ; and these
are not read continuously as before, but
are only represented by some short selec-
tions. In fact, so small a portion of the
apocryphal books has been retained in
the present Lectionary that the retention
of any would seem intended for little
more than an assertion of the Church's
right to use these books if she pleases in
public reading. This is still more true
of the American Church, which entirely
discontinued the use of lessons from the
Apocrypha on ordinary week-days ; but
still uses such lessons on two or three
holy days. The Irish Church on its last
revision of the Lectionary has not even
retained so much as this.
70. The Church's practice as to the
public readijig of uninspired books has
been always determined by consideratio?is
of expedieficy. It must be owned that the
English Church and its different branches
have, with respect to the public use of
the Apocrypha, departed a good deal not
only from the practice of the ancient
Church, but even from its own earlier
practice since the Reformation. But it
must be remembered that the public use
of uninspired writings is a matter on
which the Church has always used her
liberty of change, according as expedi-
ency and regard for the edification of
her children suggest. In the very early
Church the Epistles of Clement, the
Shepherd of Hermas, and other writings
were publicly read; but this use was
afterwards so completely discontinued
that these writings almost ceased to be
copied, so that they have had a narrow
escape of being lost to our time. One
of these books, indeed, the Revelation of
St. Peter, has almost entirely perished. In
some cases the cause of the disuse of the
public reading of books has been jealousy
for the honour of Scripture, and a fear
lest uninspired books should be placed
in the minds of the people on the same
level. It was this fear which led to the
exclusion of some of the books which
have been just named, while no scruple
was felt as to the reading of acts of
martyrdom or letters of living bishops, to
which no inspired authority was likely to
be attached. And no doubt the fact
that the books of the Apocrypha have
been set by the Church of Rome on
exactly the same level as the canonical
books has led many Protestants to desire
that no possible countenance should be
given to such an estimate of them by the
public reading of the Church. But there
are quite different reasons why composi-
tions which at one period can be read with
the greatest advantage, " for example of
life and instruction of manners," cannot
be used with equal advantage at another.
The best sermons of the great preachers
of former days, if now read without alter-
ation or adaptation, would be found to
tend little to edification. If there is one
Article of the Church of England which
commends the books of the Apocrypha
as useful to be read, " for example of
life and instruction of manners," there
is another Article which commends the
two books of the Homilies as containing
a godly and wholesome doctrine and
necessary for these times ; and which
judges them " to be read in churches
by the ministers diligently and distinctly,
that they may be understanded by the
people." And yet it may be doubted
whether during the whole course of the
year all over the kingdom a single
homily is now so read. And it is not
that the clergy who thus disregard the
Church's recommendation have ex-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
XXXIX
amined the Homilies and formed an
unfavourable opinion of their teaching ;
but simply that they believe that more
modem lessons can be delivered to the
people with greater probability of edifi-
cation. In former times some deemed
it inexpedient to read lessons from the
Apocrypha, lest the people should learn
to look on these books with too much
reverence : the late revisers of the
English Lectionary had to take into
account quite the opposite danger;
namely, lest it might be inexpedient to
read that towards which many of the
people might be contemptuously dis-
posed. Thus, for example, as long as
the Book of Tobit was accepted as con-
taining a history substantially true, it
could be read with edification for the
sake of the lessons of piety and charity
which it conveys. But if the bulk of
the hearers would be likely to take
offence at the absurdity of the fable, it
might be prudent to give useful lessons
in a less questionable form.
71. Th^JBMh.^^^ -Ecdesiaitiais.
Similar considerations justify the large
excisions from the Book of Ecclesiasticus
made by the late revisers of the English
Lectionary. The whole book may be
read in private with great interest and
advantage. It contains the wise counsels
of a shrewd and pious Jew of former
times, and the reader takes no offence
even though some of his advice may be
out of date and not adapted to our
present circumstances. But it is dif-
ferent if the same things are read out as
a sermon intended for the immediate
edification of the hearers. If, indeed,
these hearers have been trained to regard
the lessons as possessing some kind of
inspired authority, they may listen to all
with undiscriminating reverence. But if
the hearers regard what is read as a
human sermon by no means above their
criticism, there are some things from
which they would be likely to dissent ;
other things which would provoke a
smile and tend to disturb the attitude of
deferential attention with which it is de-
sirable Church Lessons should be listened
to. Mention has already been made of
this preacher's low opinion of the female
sex, expressions of which break out con-
tinually. " From garments," he says.
*' Cometh a moth, and from women
wickedness " (xlii: 13). He describes the
perpetual anxiety which the care of a
daughter entails on her father. " The
father waketh for the daughter, when
no man knoweth ; and the care for her
taketh away sleep : when she is young,
lest she pass away the flower of her age ;
and being married, lest she should be
hated : in her virginity, lest she should
be defiled and gotten with child in her
father's house ; and having an husband,
lest she should misbehave herself; and
when she is married, lest she should be
barren." The following is shrewd advice,
but scarcely what one would expect to
receive in church : " Give not thy son
and wife, thy brother and friend, power
over thee while thou livest, and give not
thy goods to another, lest it repent thee,
and thou entreat for the same again. As
long as thou livest and hast breath in
thee, give not thyself over to any. Far
better it is that thy children should seek
to thee than that thou shouldest stand
to their courtesy." Still more wanting
in dignity is the advice to guests at a
feast. " If thou sit at a bountiful table,
be not greedy upon it, and say not,
There is much meat on it . . . Judge of
thy neighbour by thyself : and be discreet
in every point. Eat, as it becometh a
man, those things which are set before
thee ; and devour not, lest thou be hated.
Leave off first for manners' sake ; and
be not unsatiable, lest thou offend. When
thou sittest among many, reach not
thine hand out first of all. A very
little is sufficient for a man well nurtured,
and he fetcheth not his wind short upon
his bed. Sound sleep cometh of mode-
rate eating : he riseth early, and his wits
are with him : but the pain of watching,
and choler, and pangs of the belly, are
with an unsatiable man. And if thou
hast been forced to eat, arise, go forth,
vomit, and thou shalt have rest." It
would be too long to quote other ex-
cellent advice about the choice of friends
and about the lending of money : for
example, " Lend not unto him that is
mightier than thyself ; but if thou lendest
him, count it but lost." " Consult not
with a fool ; for he cannot keep counsel."
" Open not thine heart to every man, lest
he requite thee with a shrewd turn.'
xl
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
And the contrast is amusing which the
preacher draws between the wisdom of
the learned man who devotes his hfe to
the knowledge of the law and the limited
attainments of those whose time must be
mainly occupied with the business of
their craft. " The wisdom of a learned
man cometh by opportunity of leisure ;
and he that hath little business shall
become wise. How can he get wisdom
that holdeth the plough, and that
glorieth in the goad, that driveth oxen
and is occupied in their labours, and
whose talk is of bullocks ? "
72, The Apocrypha unlikely to regain
its for7ner place in public reading.
These few examples sufficiently illus-
trate the need of selection and excision,
if it is desired that lessons from one of
the most instructive books of the Apo-
crypha shall be listened to with serious
reverence by ordinary congregations of
the present day. And it becomes appa-
rent that the use of this literature for
purposes of public instruction is never
likely to become as great as it was in the
ancient Church, especially now that the
very much increased use of preaching
has provided such an abundance of
sermons more likely to deal with the
immediate wants of the people than
anything written by a homilist of former
days.
IX. The Value of the Apocrypha
FOR PRIVATE USE.
73. Undue neglect of the Apocrypha.
But the difficulties which may be felt
as to the public reading of the apo-
cryphal books do not at all affect the
private study of these books; and it must
be pronounced not quite creditable to
our people that, in the reaction against
the claim for the Apocrypha books of
inspired authority, they have permitted
themselves to become so very generally
completely ignorant of books which
God's providence has for so many cen-
turies employed for the instruction of His
Church. There are many, even of those
who would not hke to be pronounced
ill informed in theological knowledge,
with whom the whole history of the
Jewish nation is almost a blank for the
400 years from the close of the Old
Testament Canon to the birth of our
Saviour, What training the nation had
received in order to fit them for the re-
ception of the further revelation which
our Lord was to communicate they have
never cared to inquire. Yet the Apo-
crypha contains evidence that, in the
later times to which it belongs, the doc-
trine of a future life had taken hold of
the people as it had not done earlier.
The third part of the Homily on the
Fear of Death offers proofs of the belief
in a future life held by "the holy fathers
of the old Law ; " but these proofs are
taken exclusively from the Book of
Wisdom. And it would not be possible
to replace the two passages from that
book selected as the lessons for All
Saints' Day, by two other Old Testament
chapters expressing the same belief with
equal distinctness.
74. The New Testament writers exhibit
acquai?itance with the Apocrypha. Again,
can there be a matter of greater interest
than to know what books our Lord and
His Apostles are likely to have used,
what literature they may have read
which may at times have influenced their
language or their trains of thought ?
Admirers of Shakespeare at the present
day have tried to form a Shakespearian
library : that is to say, a collection of
the books which their favourite poet is
likely to have used ; very justly believing
that, by a comparison of his works with
these his sources of information, they
will be better able to appreciate his
genius. And though, in the case of the
New Testament writers, the inspired
books of the Old Testament were cer-
tainly the main subject of their study,
and therefore the knowledge of these
books is to us the most important aid
for understanding the New Testament,
yet the question is an important one.
Did the Apostles and Evangelists read
anything else besides the Scriptures ?
and if they did, may not the knowledge
of this literature afford a useful subsidi-
ary help to the full understanding of the
sacred volume ? The New Testament
writers not only never quote the apo-
cryphal books with the authority of
Scripture, but they never make any
direct reference or allusion to anything
which these books relate. Yet there are
GENERAL INTRODUCTION,
xli
unmistakeable coincidences of language
which make it pk\in that these books
were not altogether unknown to them.
Several instances will be found in the
references given in the notes of the
following commentary, and we can only
here give by way of illustration what does
not pretend to be an exhaustive list.^
With respect to these parallels, it must
be observed that though it is always to a
certain extent precarious to infer literary
obligation from mere similarities of ex-
pressions; yet if we have independent
knowledge that one writer was acquainted
with the works of another, then we are
justified in pronouncing it to be less
probable that both independently should
chance to hit on the same ideas or forms
of expression than that the earlier writer
should have suggested them to the later.
The books we know as Apocrypha are
nearly all earlier than the New Testament
writers, who could not well have been
ignorant of them ; and therefore coinci-
dences between the former and the latter
are not likely to have been the result of
mere accident. On this account we have
allowed several coincidences to stand in
the list which, separately considered, have
little force as proofs of literary obligation.
75. The Epistle to the Hebrews. The
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews
habitually used the Greek Bible, and
beyond doubt exhibits acquaintance
with the disputed books. In the very
opening of the Epistle (i, 3), the phrase
" brightness of his glory " {a-n-avyaa-fxa
TTJ's S6$r]<; avTov) recalls a similar expres-
sion in the Book of Wisdom (vii. 26,
airavyacrixa (^coros atSi'oi;). In both cases
we have the rare word 7ro/\u/xep>;s in close
neighbourhood (Wisdom vii. 22; Heb.
i. i). Other coincidences with the same
book are Heb. iv. 12, 13 = Wisd. vii.
22-24; Heb. viii. 2, 9, ii=Wisd. ix. 8;
the description of temporal sufferings as
TratSet'a, Heb. xii. 6-1 1 = Wisd. iii. 5 ;
TOTTog fxeravoia<;, Heb. xii. 17= Wisd. xii.
10; /<)Sacris, Heb. xiii. 7 = Wisd. ii. 17.
It may be regarded also as put beyond
doubt by several verbal coincidences
that in the close of the eleventh chapter
of the Hebrews reference is made to the
martyrdoms in the times of the Mac-
* A long list of coincidences will be found in
an article by Bleelc {Studien ttnd Kritiken, 1853).
Apoc Vol. I.
cabees. Thus iTViJ.TravLa-6y](rav (xi. 35)
seems plainly to refer to eVt to rv^-n-avov
Trpoa-rjye (2 Macc. vi. 1 9, 28) ; the word
ifXTTULyixwy (xi. 36) is found also 2 Macc.
vii. 7, 10 ; and for the hope of a " better
resurrection " which animated the mar-
tyrs, see 2 Macc. vii. 9.
76. St. James.- St. James, in his
Epistle, has many coincidences with books
of the Apocrypha, one of the most striking
of which is, "Be swift to hear, and with
patience give answer " (Ecclus. v. 11;
compare James i. 19, also Ecclus. xx. 7).
What is said about the tongue (Ecclus.
xxviii.) ought to be compared with the
corresponding passage in James iii. In
particular the use of the word ^Aoyi^co
(James iii. 6) seems to have been sug-
gested by Ecclus. V. 22 ; and '' out of the
same mouth proceedeth blessing and
cursing," by v. 12. The following other
parallels between St. James's Epistle and
the Book of Ecclesiasticus have been
enumerated by Dean Plumptre :
James i.
5 =
Ecclus.
, XX, 15, xli. 22.
8 =
i, 28, ii. 12.
12 =
i. II, 16, 18.
12 =
XV. II.
23 =
xii. II.
25 =
xiv. 23, xxi. 23.
V.
7 =
vi. 19.
Dean Plumptre has also given a table of
coincidences between St. James and the
Book of Wisdom, as follows :
James i. li=Wisd. ii. 8.
,, i. 12= ,, V. 7.
,, i. 17= ,, vii. 17-20.
,, i. 20= ,, xii. 10.
,, i. 23= ,, vii. 26.
,, ii. 13-16 = Wisd, vi. 6, 24, &c.
,, ii. 21= Wisd. X. 5.
,, iv, 14= ., iii. 16, v, 9-14.
,, V, 6= ,, ii. 12,
Bleek adds the use of the word ov(.iZit,^iv
with reference to benefits conferred
(James i, 5 ; Ecclus. xviii. 18, xx. 15, xli.
28) ; the thought that God tempteth not
to evil (James i. 13 ; Ecclus. xv, 11) ; for
the Wisdom that descendeth from above
(James iii, 15; Ecclus. vii, 25, &c.).
77. St. Peter. Again, the opening of
St. Peter's first Epistle (i. 6, 7) has many
verbal coincid-ences with Wisd. iii. 5, 7,
where also Iv Kaip<5 hriuKOTzri'i avToJv may
be compared with i Pet. ii. 12.
And St. Paul. Of St, Paul's acquaint-
ance with the Apocrypha perhaps the
d
xlii
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
most strikinec illustrations are obtained
from the parallels between his description
of the Christian armour (Eph. vi.) and a
similar description, Wisd. v, 18-20; and
between the illustration of the potter
(Rom. ix. 21) and the same illustration,
Wisd. XV. 7. What is said (Rom. ix. 22)
about God's " long-suffering " with the
vessels of wrath has a parallel in Wisd.
xii. 20. The whole section, Rom. i.
20-32, has close affinities with thoughts
in the Book of Wisdom; compare Rom.
i. 20, Wisd. xiii. i. See also Wisd. xiii. 8,
xiv. 21. Other parallels are
Rom. ii. 4 = Wisd. xv. I.
xi. 32= ,, xi. 24.
I Cor. vi. 2= ,, iii. 8.
2 Cor. V. 4= ,, ix. 15.
I Thess. iv. 13= ,, iii. 18.
For the combination X'^P'-'^ '^"^ e'Aeos,
I Tim. i. 2, see Wisd. iii. 9, iv. 15.
Coincidences with the Book of Eccle-
siasticus have been found :
Rom. ii. 5-ii = Ecclus. xxxii. 15, &c.
xii. 15 = ,, vii. 35.
I Cor. vi. 12, 13= ,, xxxvii.28, xxxvi.20.
2 Cor. vii. 10= ,, XXX. 21, 23, xxxviii.
18.
78. S^. John. The prologue of St,
John's Gospel has affinities with the
tlioughts in Wisdom, chaps, vii.-ix.
Compare especially Wisd. viii. 3, ix. i.
The Johannine phrase " signs and won-
ders," o-rjfxeLa kul repara, iv. 48, is found
in Wisd. viii. 8, x. 16. Other parallels
are John iii. 14 = Wisd. xvi. 5; John iii.
12 = Wisd. ix. 16; John xvii. 3= Wisd.
XV. I. One passage of Ecclesiasticus
presents a coincidence striking but per-
haps accidental, ol eo-^iovres jxe en Tretva-
croiicrt, KaL ol Trti'ovTe's /xe en Snf/-qaovuL,
xxiv. 21 ; John vi. 35. The phrase ets
Tov ataiva, I John ii. 17, is found Wisd.
v. 17 ; and the a^ta yap dcTL of the Apo-
calypse (iii., iv., xvi. 6) may have been
suggested by Wisd. iii. 5.^
The Books of Wisdom and Eccle-
siasticus - are those of which we find the
most distinct traces in New Testament
writers ; but one passage in the Book of
Tobit bears on the interesting question
whether any before our Lord had enun-
ciated the golden rule, "Whatsoever ye
* Deane, oo/e of Wisdom, p. 30.
== See the Introduction to the Book of Eccle-
siasticus in this edition.
would that men should do to you, do
ye even so to them." For the rule as
stated in this comprehensive positive
form no earlier authority can be pro-
duced, but we find it in the negative
form (Tobit iv. 15), " Do that to no man
which thou hatest."
79. Claims of the Apocrypha arising
from its lon^^-co7iti?iued use in the Chris fia7i
Church. Finally, it has been always the
study of the Church of England to main-
tain continuity with the ancient Church.
We use in our public worship no new-
fangled forms of prayer, but make our
petitions often in the very words which
for centuries the Church has employed.
We count the holy men of the earlier
Church as ours, and we read their
writings with edification. It cannot
therefore be without interest for us to
be acquainted with books to which so
many divines of the earlier Church at-
tributed high authority, and from which
they drew many illustrations. It is this
Christian use of the Apocrypha which
accounts for the limitation of the con-
tents of the present volumes. The
writings included in them are not the
only pre-Christian writings which may
be studied with advantage in order to
trace the religious progress of the Jewish
people. Some materials for the study
have indeed only recently come to light.
The Book of Enoch has special claims
on our attention ; and there are some of
the so-called Sibylline verses which are
certainly pre-Christian, and which may
be used to illustrate the history of Mes-
sianic expectations. But though a larger
collection of Jewish apocrypha would
certainly not be without interest, it would
be hard to keep it within moderate
limits ; and whatever acceptance other
apocrypha may have met with in Jewish
circles, the books included in the present
volumes have enjoyed a consideration
in the Christian Church to which no
others can lay claim.
Note on the Syriac Versions of
THE Books of the Apocrypha.
The following Note on the Syriac
versions of the books of the Apocrypha
has been contributed by the Rev.
Dr. Gwynn :
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
xliii
I. The Apocrypha in the PesJiiito. It
is a remarkable fact that, though the
Peshitto Version of the Old Testament
is (as regards the canonical Books) un-
questionably rendered in the main from
the Hebrew direct, every existing MS.
of that version which makes the least
approach to being a complete Old Testa-
ment contains most of the Apocrypha of
the Greek. This is so alike in the oldest
MS., which is of the 6th century, and
in the latest (not including very recent
transcripts made for European use),
which is of the 17 th. Even the smaller
collections of O. T. writings which some
]\ISS. exhibit shew this same feature.
A volume of the Prophets usually gives
Baruch with Jeremiah, and with Daniel
its Greek interpolations. A ' Book of
Women' always joins Susanna and
Judith with Ruth and Esther. More-
over, in the Syrian order, which differs
both from the Hebrew and the Greek,
these Apocrypha are most of them classi-
fied with the rest according to their con-
tents, and not relegated to an inferior
place in any Syriac ]\IS., but rather
placed higher than is usual in Greek
MSS. Thus, in the oldest and best
Syriac Old Testament, the Ambrosian
(Cod. B. 21 /;//.), which is of the 6th
century, the Book of Wisdom follows
Proverbs and stands before Ecclesiastes
and Canticles. The whole arrangement
of the O. T. in this MS. is worthy of
observation. The earlier Books (omitting
only Ruth) are placed as in our Bibles,
except that Job (as written by Moses)
follows the Pentateuch^ and (on the
same principle) the Psalms follow the
Books of Sasmuel, and the writings of
Solomon (as above, including Wisdom)
follow the Books of Rings. Next come
the Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah (with
Lamentations, Epistle of Jeremiah, two
" Epistles of Baruch "), Ezekiel, the
twelve Minor Prophets, and lastly Daniel
(including the Prayer and Song of tlie
Three Children, and with Bel and the
Dragon appended) ; then the Book of
Women, viz. Ruth, Susanna, Esther,
and Judith ; ^ then Ecclesiasticus, the
^ The ' Book of Women ' is sometimes found
in Syriac collections as a separate volume. It
is remarkable that two ancient Nitrian copies of
this book (Brit. Mus. Add. 14,652, and 14,447)
Books of Chronicles, the (otherwise
unknown) " Apocalypse of Baruch " ;
then the Book known in English as
2 Esdras (in Latin 4 Esdras), which is
here i Esdras ; then the canonical Ezra
and Nehemiah; and lastly, five Books
of Maccabees, of which the first two are
those given in the English Bible, the
third is that which is found in most
Greek MSS. of the LXX., the fourth
is the history of Eleazar and Samona,
ascribed to Josippus or Josephus, and
the fifth is Josephus's ' De Bello Jud.,'
bk. vi.
This order is in great measure followed
in all the later MSS. of the Syriac O. T.,
as for example in the two very recent
copies, now in the Bodleian Library,
which Walton used for his Polyglot, both
of the 17th century (viz. "Poc," now
Poc. 391; and "Uss.," now Bodl. Or.
141), dated respectively 1614 and 1627.^
The latter of these differs from the order
of the Ambrosian MS., in the earlier part,
only in (i) omitting the Psalms altogether,
(2) placing Chronicles next after Rings,
and (3) giving Wisdom the last place
among Solomon's writings. But it then
proceeds to divide the Book of Women
into two, placing Ruth and Susanna next
to Solomon and before the Prophets,
while Esther and Judith follow the Pro-
phets. Among the Prophets, the twelve
Minor come next after Isaiah ; then
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel (Jeremiah and
Daniel having the same apocr}'phal
matter attached as in the ancient codex).
After Judith follow the canonical Ezra
and Nehemiah, then Ecclesiasticus, and
four Books of Maccabees. As a supple-
subjoin as a fifth book to the four above named,
'The History of Thecla,' being a veiy early
Syriac version of the extant Greek ' Acts of
Paul and Thecla.' The former of these two
MSS. is of the 6th century at least 400 years
older than any existing Greek copy of these
' Acts,' and is thus the earliest known authoiuty
for their text.
' It is worth while to note here that the Cam-
bridge MS., Ll. 2. 4 (formerly the property of
Erpenius), cited as " Cant." in Walton's Poly-
glot, is wrongly described in his ' Prolegg.' xiii.
(p. 89) as containing " Prophetas majores et
libros ointics qui vulgo Apocryphi dicuntur."
No Syrian, unless under Western influences,
would so segregate the apocryphal books. The
only parts of the Apocrypha contained in this
MS. are the additions to Daniel in ch. iii., and
Bel and the Dragon.
xliv
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
ment, the Book called in English Bibles
" I Esdras " (Greek 3 Esdras), and Tobit,
are appended, each headed, " according
to the Septuagint." Almost the same
description applies to " Poc," except
that the Prophets are removed to the
end, so that the four books of Women
come together. In this copy there is a
note at the end explaining that the
Psalms are omitted merely because
separate copies of that book are com-
monly to be met with. The great Cam-
bridge MS. of the Syriac Bible, Oo. i. 7,
which is intermediate in age between the
Ambrosian and the Bodleian copies,
agrees substantially with the latter in its
canon and arrangement of the books of
the Old Testament.
It appears then that the early Peshitto
Old Testament contained all the Books
which form the English Apocrypha, ex-
cept I [3] Esdras and perhaps Tobit, the
apocryphal Additions to Esther, and the
Prayer of Manasses, which also are want-
ing. In the more recent copies Tobit and
I Esdras are supplied the former partly,
the latter wholly from a later version.
In this respect, as well as in the partial
alteration of the order of the books,
these copies shew signs of Western in-
fluences. Notably "Uss.," the later of
the two Bodleian copies, was copied in
1627 at the order of Thomas Davis,
a resident at Aleppo, for Archbishop
Ussher, from a MS. iDclonging to the
Patriarch of the Lebanon ^ in the Ma-
ronite Convent of Kanobin, several
years after the time when the authority
of the See of Rome had become para-
mount within the Maronite Church.
Western influences probably account
likewise for the omission from the later
MSS. of part of the additional apocry-
phal matter found in the earliest, viz.
the Apocalypse of Baruch, and the book
which stands as 5 Maccabees. But it is
probable that neither of these books
ever attained a permanent place among
the Syriac pseudepigrapha. The third
and fourth Books of Maccabees, how-
' See Elrington's ' Life of Ussher,' Letter
125; and Payne Smith's ' Catalogus ' of the
Syrian MSS. in the Bodleian Library, p. 10.
Walton (7it sup)-.) wrongly describes this MS. as
copied from one in the possession of the Patriarch
of Alexandria.
ever, held their ground ; and so does the
Book styled " First Epistle of Baruch,"
standing before the Baruch of the LXX.
which is reckoned " second " to it.^
2. The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexaplar
Version. The later Syriac version of
the O. T., known as the Syro-Hexaplar,
follows (so far as its existing remains
enable us to judge) the text and arrange-
ment of Origen scrupulously. It is
known to have been made by Paul of
Telia in Mesopotamia, a Jacobite bishop,
at Alexandria, about the year a.d.
616-17. The former half of it is extant
only in portions ; the latter half is
complete in another Ambrosian MS.
(C. 313 inf.)., of 8th century, and con-
tains most of the apocryphal Books (all
that are classed as poetical or propheti-
cal), in their usual Greek order. The
books of the Apocrypha wanting from this
MS. are thus the quasi-historical ones :
Tobit, Judith, i and 2 Esdras, the Mac-
cabees, the Greek additions to Esther,
to which is to be added the Prayer of
Manasses. But a MS., now lost, which
was in the possession of Andreas Masius
in the 1 6th century, apparently contain-
ing exactly the books which are wanting
to the Ambrosian, included Tobit ; and
the extracts from it printed by him
in his ' Syrorum Peculium,' when com-
pared with the earlier chapters of Tobit
printed by Walton in his Polyglot from
his 17th century MSS., identify these
chapters as part of the Syro-Hexaplar
Version. And the i [3] Esdras of the
same Polyglot, derived from the same
MSS., is similarly identified as Syro-
Hexaplar by comparison with extracts
from that version contained in a MS.
collection of the 8th centuiy (Brit. Mus.
Add. 12,163). In both these Books,
the internal evidence of the manner and
diction entirely confirms this identifica-
tion, agreeing perfectly with the other
Books as rendered by Paul of Telia.
No doubt the Book of Judith and the
Maccabees (three Books) were comprised
in this version, and also the Additions
For other MSS. of the Syriac O. T. contain-
ing the apocryphal books, see Rosen-Forsh all's
'Catalogue' of the Syriac MSS. of the British
Museum (pp. 3-7) ; Wright's ' Catalogue ' (pp.
1-3) ; and Zotenberg's .of those belonging to the
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (pp. i, 2).
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
xlv
to Esther, and probably the Prayer of
Manasses; but there is no reason to
suppose that 2 Esdras was known to
Origen or translated by Paul.
The Psalter in this version includes
the apocryphal Ps. 151, which has passed
hence into many Syriac Psalters. It is
printed in the Paris and London Poly-
glots.
3. Printed editions of the Syriac Apo-
crypha. The first printed edition of the
Syriac O. T. is that contained in the Paris
Polyglot of Le Jay (1645). It included,
of our Apocrypha, only Wisdom, Eccle-
siasticus, i Maccabees, the Prayer (but
not the Song) of the Three Children, and
Bel and the Dragon, together with Ps. cli.,
and the above-mentioned " Epistle of
Baruch " which is not found in Greek,
distinguished as " the first Epistle."
Walton, in the London Polyglot {1657),
by the aid of Ussher's and Pococke's
MSS., supplied all the wanting books,
except 2 Esdras, the supplement to
Esther, and the Prayer of Manasses ;
and also added the Third Book of Mac-
cabees. Thus this edition gives two
" Epistles of Baruch." It also gives two
distinct recensions of Susanna, of which
fuller particulars are added below.
The apocryphal Books as given in
Walton have been reprinted, with emen-
dations and various readings, by Lagarde
(Leipzig and London, 1861).
The Ambrosian Peshitto MS. above
mentioned (B. 21 inf.) has been pub-
lished by Dr. Ceriani in photolitho-
graphic reproduction.
The Ambrosian Syro-Hexaplar MS.
(C. 313 inf.) has also been issued by him
in similar form. But no book of the
Apocrypha in this version has been
printed except Ps. cli., as already men-
tioned, Baruch (see below), and the Greek
additions to Daniel, which are included
inBugati's' Daniel Syriace' (Milan, 1788),
also I Esdras and Tobit (see below).
4. Notes on the several books of the
Apocrypha iti the Syriac Versions.- Sub-
joined are a few additional notes on the
Syriac versions of the Apocrypha, taking
the books in their English order :
I. I Esdras. This Book not being in-
cluded in the Paris Polyglot, \\^alton's edition
of it, based on the two MSS. above noted, is
the first. It is also found in the Brit. Miis.
Apoc. Vol. I.
MS. Egerton 704, and in the great Cambridge
copy, Oo. i. 17.
2. 2 Esdras. Contained only in the
Milan MS. as above, but wanting the first
two and last two chapters. This Book has
been printed by Dr. Ceriani in ' Monumenta
Sacra et Profana,' torn. v. fasc. i. p. 45.
3. All that is said above concerning MSS.
and edition of i Esdras applies equally to
Tobit. The text as we have it is Hexaplar
down to ch. vii. 1 1 ; but the rest is of an
earlier version.
4. For Judith, see above.
5. The apocryphal additions to Esther
do not seem to exist in any Syriac MS. of
either version.
6. Wisdom. Is headed in Cod. Ambr.,
' The latter Book of the Great Wisdom ; '
in Uss., 'Book of the Great Wisdom, as to
which it is doubtful whether it was written by
Solomon or by some of the Hebrew wise men
under his name.' But at the end we read,
"Here ends the Great Wisdom of Solomon
son of David king of Israel."
7. EccLESiASTicus. Deviates Considerably
from the Greek, as does also Wisdom ;
both seeming as if they followed a different
recension from any now known in Greek.
8. Baruch (including Ep. of Jeremy).
The Peshitto version offers no points of note ;
but the Hexaplar is remarkable as having
marginal readings marked as from Theodotion,
which fact seems to imply the existence of a
Hebrew original for the i5ook. This latter
version has been printed by Dr. Ceriani in
his ' Monumenta S. et P.,' tom. i. fasc. i.
The Syriac " ist Epistle of Baruch " is quite
distinct. It is not found in Greek, and seems
to have been extracted from the " Apocalypse
of Baruch " (mentioned above among the
contents of the Ambrosian Peshitto), in
which it is found with immaterial variations ;
or perhaps that Apocalypse may have been
a later work in which this Epistle was in-
corporated.
9. Song of the Three Children. This
stands, in both versions, as part of Daniel iii.
The older version substantially agrees with
that of Theodotion as usually given in Greek
Bibles. The later version is literally rendered
from the Origenian (so-called Septuagint)
version, as given in Cod. Chisianus. This
agreement extends through the whole of
Daniel, canonical or apocryphal; and the
subscription of the Chisian Greek copy is
word for word the same as that of this Syriac
" Written from the Tetrapla, whence also
it was collated." As regards this Song, and
the Prayer preceding, the two Greek texts
agree closely, except in verses 22-25, 46-51,
where the Tetraplar Greek, and the Syriac
following it, are fuller.
10. Susanna. The case of this Book is
peculiar. Not only is tlVere a Tetraplar text,
xlvi
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
given in Cod. Chis. and rendered in the
version of Paul, distinct from tliat of Tiieo-
dotion, but there is a double Syriac text,
vv^hich must be (in part at least) of great
antiquity. From the MS. noted by Walton
" Poc," he printed in his Polyglot two
versions of this Book, the first (also con-
tained in his " Uss.") following pretty closely
on Theodotion's text, the second varying
from it not merely in language but in sub-
stance, to such a degree as to amount to a
distinct recension. And, to add to the com-
plication, the ancient text of the Ambrosian
MS. seems to be a compromise between
the two : for while its first 40 verses agree
with the first of the two given by Walton
from " Poc," the next 10 partly agree and
partly disagree with both; and from f. 51
to end it gives the text of Walton's second
version. This version appears to be a later
recension than the former, adding many
details, and expanding considerably (in the
latter part, though not in the earlier). Dr.
Westcott's opinion that the Susanna and Bel
and the Dragon of Theodotion are marked
by " improvements in style and language "
on the LXX. (Ciiisian) version, and " contain
large additions which complete and embellish
the story," ' is very open to question, and the
contrary opinion might well be maintained.
But that the second Syriac version of Susanna
is an embellished and enlarged recension of
that of Theodotion, or of an older original
underlying Theodotion, seems certain. This
second version is headed in " Poc," the " Har-
kleian ; " and some have therefore ascribed it
to Paul of Telia's contemporary, Thomas of
Harkel, the retranslator of the New Testa-
ment into Syriac. But the internal evidence
is quite against this. The version bears no
trace of the mannerism of Thomas, whose
aim it was (like that of Paul) to force the
Syriac into artificial conformity with the
Greek. And the fact above noted, that part
of this version is found in the Ambrosian
Peshitto, is conclusive on the same side ; for
that MS. was written in the 6th century,
whereas Thomas is known to have made his
version of the New Testament in 616.
^ Smith's 'Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. L
P- 396.
The chief points peculiar to this second
recension are: (i) Daniel is t-xvelve years
old [yv. I, 45I. (2) Helcana (in Hexapl.
Chelcias), Susanna's father, is a priest \y. 2].
(3) She has withdrawn from conjugal re-
lations with Joakim her husband [y. 4].
(4) The synagogue is held in their house \_ib.~\.
(5) The elders are named Amid and Abid
[1;. 5]. (6) They are usually styled " rulers
of the synagogue" [y. 16 and passim; once,
'' chief priests" -v. 41], whereas in the other
versions they are mostly described as " elders,"
which title in this recension is found only in
w. 51, 54. (7) Their resort to Joakim^ s
house is thus accounted for [1;. 61. (8) The
accusation is laid before " the synagogue "
[t. 28 and throughout] in this and the
Hexaplar; but in the other version, before
"the people," except in v. 41. (9) She is
chained \'v. 27]. (10) After three days she is
brouglit to trial \y. 28], not on the same day,
as in the other versions. (11) Sentence is
passed at the ninth hour \y. 41]. (12) She
is to be sto7ied \ih?\. (13) Daniel declares
himself a prophet \y. 48]. (14) A chair is
brought for him from the Treasury, but he
dechnes to sit Sw. 50, 51]. (15) The names
of the trees difl:er from those given in the
former version, and the Hexaplar differs from
both f^"i'. 54, 58]. (16) The invidious con-
trast drawn in the other versions, especially
in the ordinary one, between the daughters of
Judah and those of Israel, is left out [v. 57].
(17) The concluding sentence, concerning
DaniePs grooving fame, is much enlarged
[y. 64].
Of these points the first and last look like
the result of a Christian rehandling (cp
St. Luke ii. 42, 52). Possibly the same ma^
be said of the third, which savours of tb ^
asceticism of some sects of the early Churcl '
The age of t^welve is assigned to Daniel ^
Ignatius, ' Ad Magn.' iii. ; and by Sulpif ^
I. Ye
Hist. Sacra,' n.
Severus '
II. Bel and the Dragon.
See last.
12. Prayer of Manasses. Is found .
a Paris MS. (Anc fonds 2, Biblioth. Nat.)
See Zotenberg's ' Catal.' p. 5. It seems
never to have been printed.
13, 14. I and 2 Maccabees. See above.
APOCRYPHA.
THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
INTRODUCTION.
T. Title and Reception
II. Form and Contents
PAGE
I
6
III. Composition and Design
IV. Age and Authorship .
PAGE
8
ID
I. Title and Reception of the
Work.
nPHE name and position assigned to
-L this book have varied at different
times. In our Authorized Version, as in
die Genevan which preceded it, it is called
le ' First Book of Esdras,' and is placed
: the head of the Apocryphal Books.
It in the list inserted in the sixth
Ucle, it is called the ' Third Book of
- ^ras.' This difference corresponds, in
1' Tiain, to that observed in the arrange-
g- : of the Greek and Latin Bibles re-
ively. In the former, as it may be
( to remark at the outset, by ' First
Esdras ' is denoted the present Apo-
yphal Book, and by ' Second of Esdras '
ar canonical Ezra and Nehemiah to-
ether.
It will be convenient to trace briefly
the changes in name and order, as they
appear {a) in the oldest MSS., {b) in
early Versions, (c) in lists of Councils,
{(i) in printed editions.
{a.) In what was believed by its dis-
coverer to be the most ancient MS. of
the Greek Bible known, the Codex Fri-
derico-Augustanus, and Sinaiticus,^ it
' The first name was given by Dr. Tischen-
dorf to the detached portion, consisting of
43 leaves, discovered by him in 1844, and pub-
Apoc. VoLL
is not found, but apparently so only
through the fault of a transcriber. The
error is so singular a one as to deserve
noticing in some detail. The part of the
MS. known as the Friderico-Augustanus
begins with the quire numbered Xc (35)>
and bears at the top of the first page
the heading ec2ip^.C ^1 or 'Second
Book of Esdras.' But, instead of con-
taining this book, the first four leaves,
down to line 26 of the fourth column
on leaf 4 verso, are filled with a por-
tion of the First Book of Chronicles,
xi. 22 xix. 17. In the middle of that
line, without any break or division what-
ever, ^ the text passes on to Ezra ix. 9,
and is continued to the end of the cano-
nical Ezra. The book we call Nehemiah
then succeeds, with no more break than
lished in facsimile in 1S46. The rest of the
MS., not obtained till 1S59, was called Sinai-
ticus. The peculiar defect, referred to in the
text, is noticed in the Prolegomena to the Cod. ,
Frid.-Aug., p. 14 ; and also in Westcott's ' Bible
in the Church,' App. B, p. 307.
^ How abrupt and unexpected the transition
is, can hardly be understood, except by a tran-
script of the actual lines :
^.c2^^!2^K^.Ie^oXe
JULKce rt^.*ff xoHKc
where the last word, KC {Kvfios), is a word in
the middle of Ezra ix. 9.
B
INTRODUCTION TO THE
that of a single line. A note in a later
hand, at the foot of the fourtli column
of this leaf 4 vaso, calls attention to the
error of " the seven leaves which are
redundant and are not of Esdras." Of
these seven, five can now be accounted
for, by the first four of the Codex Frid.-
Aug. itself, and one leaf of Codex Sinait.,
containing i Chr. ix. 27 xi. 22, which
must have stood next before it ; and
further, by counting the lines requisite to
fill the given space, it may be inferred
that the first leaf must have begun at
some point in i Chron. vi. Had the
seven leaves, on the other hand, been
filled with their proper matter, reckoning
back from Ezra (' 2 Esdras ') ix. 9 at
line 26 of leaf 4 verso, and assuming
I Esdras to precede, the first of those
leaves would have begun about i Esdras
viii. By observing that each of these
passages, i Esdras viii. i and i Chron.
vi. 4, begins a genealogical list, it has
been ingeniously conjectured that the
scribe who made the mistake " had been
led, on reaching the pedigree of Ezra
in I Esdras viii. i, to refer back to the
genealogy of the High Priests down to
the Captivity given in i Chron. vi. 4-
15, and then inadvertently proceeded
to transcribe that passage and what
followed ; " thus filling the seven leaves
after i Esdras vii. with a repetition of
part of I Chronicles.^ It may thus be
fairly presumed that in the archetype
from which Cod. Sinait. was immediately
derived there was a quire or roll contain-
ing I Esdras viii. i Ezra ix. 9 ; instead
of which portion the transcriber inserted
the passage of i Chron. equivalent in
amount ; and then, taking up the section
he would have come to, if right, went
on so blindly as to make the transi-
tion from I Chron. xix. 17 to Ezra ix.
9 in the same line, and without the least
hint of any dislocation. In any case,
the presence of the title ' Esdras B '
may be taken as indicating the existence
of an ' Esdras A.'
' For the conclusion thus drawn I am in-
debted to the kev. John Gwynn, D.D., Arch-
bishop King's Lecturer in Divinity in the Uni-
versity of Dublin, who has also most courteously
allowed me to enrich this first section of the
Introduction with several other notes prepared
by him
In the Vatican MS. (Cod. B) the book
is found as ' Esdras A,' and is followed
by ' Esdras B,' that is, our Ezra and
Nehemiah together ; the division be-
tween these two latter books being
indicated by no more than a small space
in the same line.^ The three stand
between Chronicles and Tobit. In the
Alexandrine MS. (Cod. A) i Esdras is
found under the heading of oiepCffC
(6 icpevs, " The Priest "), but subscribed
e^p^LC <L- It is followed, as in the
former instance^ by e?p<i-C E. (Ezra
and Nehemiah), having this title for
subscription, but headed 6 tepei's, as the
previous book was. The three stand
between Judith and Maccabees. The
division between the two parts of ' Es-
dras B ' is here also marked by no more
than the beginning of a fresh line.^ It
will thus be seen that in two of the three
great MSS. the book is found, without
anything to distinguish it, in point of
canonicity, from the rest ; and that in
the remaining one, or rather in its arche-
type, there is clear evidence to shew that
it once was present.^
{b.) In the Peshito, or old Syriac
Version, the book was not found, so far
as can be judged from the earliest extant
copies. It appears, indeed, in Syriac in
Walton's Polyglott, 1657, but had no
place in that of Gabriel Sionita (Paris,
1645), the Syriac text of which is the
basis of Bishop Walton's.* Walton him-
self does not clearly state from what
source the Syriac text he prints is
drawn ; ^ but a Syriac note translated
^ This is shewn in the facsimile of Vercellone
and Cozza, p. 607 (of MS.), col. i.
^ Thanks to the photographed facsimile edited
by Mr. E. Maunde Thompson, the student can
now turn over what are all but the actual leaves
of the venerable MS. itself. ' Esdras A ' ends
in it on the reverse of leaf 172 (=447).
^ A list of the later Greek MSS. containing
I Esdras is given in Fritzsche's ' Einleitung,'
8, on the authority of Holmes and Tarsons.
* See Scrivener's Plain Introduction (1883),
P- 315-
^ In his Proleg. xiii., p. 89, ' De Imgua
Syriaca,' &c., he speaks of having had the help
of four Syriac MSS., two lent by Archbishop
Ussher; one by Pococlie ; and the last, "the
most ancient of all," belonging to the University
of Cambridge. Walton describes this as con-
taining all the Apocrypha, but in reality it
contains only the Additions to Daniel. A con-
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
by him at the beginning of the version
states that it was made " ex traditione
LXX."^ It has, however, been ascer-
tained that it is not in the Ambrosian
j\IS. of the Peshito, one of the oldest
and best extant; akhough that MS.,
curiously enough, contains 2nd (4th)
Esdras. And, what is more important
than this merely negative evidence, it
has been discovered that the Syriac Ver-
sion in question is taken from the Syro-
Hexaplar of Paul of Telia (a.d. 616).'^
" It is cited as his," adds Dr. Gwynn, to
whom I owe this information, "in one
of the Nitrian MSS. in the British
Museum (Add. 12,168), written in the
8th century. And the fact that Paul
included it in his version is a strong
presumption that it was admitted by
Origen as part of the LXX." It is in
keeping with this that we find in Origen
a quotation from iv. 59 (" From thee
Cometh victory," &c.) in his ' Homilia
ix. in Josuam.' ^
In the Old Latin the book is also met
with,* bearing the same name and rela-
tive position as in the Greek ; and it has
been sometimes thought that this is the
version now extant in copies of the Vul-
gate.^ But the difference between them
is apparent.*^ When we come to the
Avork of St. Jerome, we find a distinct
displacement of i Esdras from the posi-
spectus of various readings from some of these
MSS., drawn up by Herbert Thorndike, is
given in vol. vi.
^ In like manner at the end: "Hie autem
liber primus est Ezra; ; quern quia non inveni-
mus in excinplari siinplici (i.e. the Peshito),
descripsimus secundum eum qui ex LXX.
versus est."
^ For the work of this Monophysite, see
Dr. Trcgelles' article Versions, An'cient
(Syriac), in 'Diet, of the Bible,' iii. p. 1629.
^ Eichhorn, ' Einleitung in die apokryph.
Schriften' (1795), p. 376.
* At least in Sabatier's representation of it,
in his ' Bibliorum sacrorum Versio vetus Italica,'
&c., 1743-9-
^ "The text of the remaining books of the
Vehts Latina, not having been revised by
Jerome, is retained in MSS. of the Vulgate."
(Prof. Westcott, in art. The Vulgate in ' Diet.
of the Bible,' iii. p. 1692, b.)
* A comparison of readings from the Cod.
Sangcrmanensis (containing a text similar to
that of the Cod. Colbertinus which Sabatier
used), so far as concerns the Fourth Book of
Esdras, is given in Volkmar's ' Esdra Propheta,'
1863, pp. ZOi,sqq.
tion it has hitherto -held. In the pref:tce
to his version of Esdras (Ezra) and Ne-
hemiah, addressed to Domnion and
Rogatianus,^ he says: " Tertius annus
est quod semper scribitis atque rescri-
bitis, ut Esdrre librum et Esther vobis
de Hebrseo transferam." After stating
various obstacles to the gratification of
their wish, he continues: "Nee quenquam
moveat quod unus a nobis liber editus
est ; nee apocryphorum tertii et quarti
somniis delectetur : quia et apud He-
braeos Esdrs Nehemi^que sermones in
unum volumen coarctantur, et quae non
habentur apud illos, nee de viginti-
quatuor senibus sunt, procul abjicienda.
Si quis autem Septuaginta vobis oppo-
suerit Interpretes, quorum exemplaria
varietas ipsa lacerata et inversa demon-
strat, nee potest utique verum asseri
quod diversum est, niittite eum ad Evan-
gelia," &c.
In this passage three points should be
noticed : (i) that Jerome, in the sentence
last quoted, appears to allow that this
book was in the LXX. ; (2) that he
makes no difference between the " som-
nia " of the two apocryphal books of
Esdras ; (3) that he states that our Ezra
and Nehemiah were commonly reckoned
as one volumen. This last statement
is of importance in its bearing on
the question of what books were
meant under the title of 'Esdrce Libri
duo,' found in certain lists. In accord-
ance with Jerome's somewhat arbitrary
decision, i Esdras appears to be wanting
in the older MSS. of the Vulgate.-
{c.) The only Councils that need be
noticed here, as having come to deci-
sions about the books to be included in
' This and other Prefaces by St. Jerome are
prefixed to many editions of the Vulgate. In
the one from which I quote (Paris, 1666) it
stands at p. xiii. of the Prolegomena. In his
'Prologus Galeatus in libros Samuel,' &c. {ib.
p. vii.) he also mentions certain books as not in
the Canon (' Sapientia,' &c.), and among them
ranks one called ' Pastor.' This has been some-
times thought to denote i Esdras, the super-
scription of which, in the Alexandrian MS., is,
as before mentioned, 6 Upevs.
- As in the Codex Amiatinus (on which see
Scrivener, t/l>i sup., p. 353), and the MS. (Brit.
Mus. Add. 10,546) known as Charlemagne's
Bible, the contents of which are described by
Dr. Westcott, in 'Diet, of the Bible,' iii.
p. 1704.
B 2
INTRODUCTION TO THE
the sacred canon, are those of Laodicea
(the date of which is fixed by some at
about A.D. 363, by others about 394),
the Third of Carthage (397), and Trent
(1546), In the Laodicean catalogue
* Esdras i. ii.' are enumerated, and are
placed between the Books of Chronicles
and the Psalms.^ In the third Council
of Carthage, at which Augustine was
present, " two books of Esdras " are in-
cluded in the list of ' Canonical Scrip-
tures,' and are placed between Esther
and "two books of the Maccabees,"^
That the first of these two Books of
Esdras meant what we call i Esdras,
and the second our Ezra and Nehemiah
together, seems very probable, not
merely from the statement of St. Jerome
before referred to, but from two passages
of St, Augustine (' De Doctr. Christ.' ii.
13, and ' De Civit. Dei,' xviii. 36), in
one of whicli he speaks of tiuo Books of
Esdras, and in the other quotes a pas-
sage from what we call the First. ^
The decision of the Council of Trent
on the subject was promulgated during
the fourth session of the Council, April
8th, 1546.* By this it was declared
that the Synod " pari pietatis affectu ac
reverentia suscipit et veneratur " " omnes
libros tarn veteris quam novi Testa-
ment! ;" a list of which follows. ' Esdras
primus et secundus qui dicitur Nehe-
mias ' are inserted between Chronicles
and Tobit ; but the definition of ' Esdrre
secundus' of course shews that by ' Esdros
^ The dispute as to the authenticity of this
catalogue cannot here be entered upon. The
subject is discussed in Westcott's ' Canon of the
N. T.' (1866), pp. 384^(7^.
^ Westcott, ib. p. 391. For the wider sense
to be attached in this place to the word "ca-
nonical," see the Bishop of Bath and Wells'
art. Esdras, First Book of, in 'Diet, of the
Bible.'
^ The former of these passages is cited at
length by Westcott, nbi sup., p. 507. In the
latter, Augustine expressly refers to the episode
fining chs. iii., iv. of I Esdras: "nisi forte
Esdras in eo Christum prophetasse intelligendus
est, quod inter juvenes quosdam orta quaestione,
quid amplius valeret in rebus," &c. if Augus-
tine, by the way, really understood Zerubbabel
to be the third of the ao!/jLaTO(pv\aKes there
described, his term juvenes ijucsdam sounds
strange.
_ * This is the date given in ' Concilii Triden-
tini . , . Canones et Decreta ' (Brux. 1714),
p. 20. In Caranza's ' Summa Conciliorum '
(1681}, p. 420, it is April 5th.
primus' the canonical Ezra is meant. The
book we are considering was accordingly
left out. What were the precise grounds
of its rejection we are not distinctly told.
Sarpi, in his history of the Council,"-
relates the successive stages through
which the subject passed in discussion,
but says nothing to make it clear to us
why the Additions to Daniel, for instance,
were included in the Canon, and not
this Book of Esdras. One thing at any
rate seems certain. "Whatever may have
been the reason that weighed with the'
Tridentine Fathers in their decision, it
cannot have been, as is sometimes sug-
gested, that they were unaware of its
existence in a Greek original. It stands
plainly enough in the Aldine edition of
1518 ; in the Strasbourg edition of 1526,
reprinted, with additions, from the for-
mer; and in the Basle edition of 1545.^
A more natural conclusion is, that they
were content to follow the course pur-
sued by St. Jerome.
id.) With regard to printed editions,
we shall expect to find, as a rule, that
those which appeared before 1546 con-
tain I Esdras, and that those subsequent
to that date do not. This is true in the
main, but with some noticeable excep-
tions. The early Latin Bibles (Colon.
1474, Norimb. 1480, &c.) insert the book
without remark. In the ' Copia Accen-
tuum' of Franciscus Robles, 1532 (a
guide to the pronunciation of the hard
words in the Bible), the name and order
of the four connected books are as fol-
lows : ' Primus liber Esdra;,' ' Secundus
NeemijE,' 'TertiusiV^^OT/^'(our i Esdras),
' Quartus Esdrae.' But De Lyra, i498,
while he leaves i and 2 Esdras after
Nehemiah, notes that " de canone non
sunt," and adds " apocryphus " to the
title of each. Passing over many other
editions, we may observe that in the first
of Robert Stephens (Paris, 1528 2) i
Esdras comes after Nehemiah, but with
^ ' Historia,' &c., ed. 1629, lib. ii. p. 157.
* A copy of the Aldine edition is in the
library of St. Paul's School. It is strange that
even Eichhorn {iibi sup., p. 377) should repeat
the assertion that I Esdras is not in it : "In
der aldinischen Ausgabe (Venedig, 15 iS) findet
sich gar nicht."
' There is a short notice of this edition in
Greswell's 'Early Parisian Greek Press,' i.
P- 193-
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
this title : ' Liber Esdnc tertius, qui
inter Apocrypha ponitur.' The same
note is prefixed to 2 Esdras ; but to no
other of the Apocryphal books (as we
count them) ; and as this is repeated in
later editions, we may understand how a
sort of stigma had come to be attached
to these two particular books by the
time of the assembling of the Tridentine
Council, Still more remarkably, in his
edition of 1556-7,^ which contained an
alternative version by Sanctes Pagnini
and Vatablus, a note by the latter trans-
lator was admitted, to the effect that no
one, so far as he knew, had ever met
with a Greek MS. of i Esdras, much less
a Hebrew one.- This statement, extra-
ordinary as it may seem, is in keeping
with the total omission of both i and 2
Esdras from the Complutensian Poly-
glott (15 1 4-1 5 1 7), which admits even
the Prayer of Manasses, though then
supposed not to be extant in Greek.
The decision of the Council of Trent is
first distinctly appealed to in the Sixtine
edition of the Vulgate (Romce, 1590).
Prefixed to that is a letter of Pope Sixtus
V. himself, dated 1588, in which he
aftirms his adherence to the principles of
that decision : " Merito sacra Triden-
tina Synodus veteris Vulgatce editionis
libros, non aliter quam prout in Ecclesia
legi consueverunt, pro canonicis susci-
piendos decrevit. Nos autem, ut hrec
editio qu?s nunc prodit nostro excusa
prelo, ejusdem Synodi pra^scripto modis
omnibus responderet .... apocrypha
rejecimus, authentica retinuimus. Nam
tertium et quartum Esdras libros in-
scriptos, et tertium Machabffiorum, quos
Synodus inter canonicos non annumerat
. . . ab hac Editione prorsus explosimus.
Orationem etiam Alanassas . . . repu-
diavimus." And yet, in the edition of
the LXX. printed at Rome in 1587,
under the authority of Sixtus V., and
dedicated to him by its editor. Cardinal
Carafa, the present book stands, as the
First of Esdras, before the books of Ezra
and Nehemiah.^ The Preface to the
* See Greswell, 7ibi S7ip., \. p. 390.
^ " Hujus libri ne Grsecum quidem codicem,
nedum Hebrceum, nemini, quod sciam, videre
contigit."
' The reason why, in editions of the LXX.,
this book bears the title oi First of Esdras, and
Clementine Vulgate of 1592, written by
Bellarmin, follows tVie same line as that
of 1588, with the addition of a reason
for excluding the Prayer of Manasses,
" quce neque Hebraice neque Grasce
quidem extat, neque in manuscriptis an-
tiquioribus invenitur, neque pars est
ullius Canonici libri." Accordingly, in
modern editions of the Vulgate, while
3 Maccabees (specified in the Preface
of Sixtus V.) is altogether wanting, the
two Books of Esdras and the Prayer of
Manasses form a kind of apocryphal
appendix by themselves, with a note
prefixed to them, setting forth that they
are placed " hoc in loco, extra sciUcet
seriem Canonicorum Librorum , . . ne
prorsus interirent, quippe qui a nonnullis
Sanctis Patribus interdum citantur,^ et
in aliquibus Bibliis Latinis tam manu-
scriptis quam impressis retinentur."
What remains to be said under this
heading may be summed up in a few
words. Luther did not translate the
book,^ so that it is entirely absent from
the Bible of the Lutheran Church. In
our own country, in the ' Great Bible ' of
1539, it is placed at the head of "The
Volume of the bokes called Hagio-
grapha," under the title of * The thyrde
boke of Esdras,' and followed by the
Fourth Book and Tobias. The declara-
tion set before them has often been
quoted, from the strange mistake it
makes in the definition of " Hagio-
grapha : " " In consyderacyon that the
bokes before are founde in the Hebrue
tonge, receaued of all men : & that the
other folowyng, which are called Hagio-
grapha (because they were wont to be
redde, not openly and in comen, but as
it were in secret and aparte), are nether
founde in the Hebrue nor in the Calde :
in whych tonges they haue not of longe
is placed before the canonical Ezra and Nehe-
miah, is probably, as Sixtus Senensis says
(' Bibliotheca Sancta,' lib. i. p. 9), because tlie
events it relates precede in point of time, at
least in part, those related in the other two.
^ Citations of i Esdras by Origen and St.
Augustine have been already referred to. To
these may be added Justin Martyr, 'Dial. c.
Tryph.,' p. 297; Cyprian, ' Epist. ad Pom-
peianum' (Ep. Ixxiv.) ; and Athanasius, 'Contra
Arianos,' Orat. ii. 20. For a supposed citation
by Tertullian, see the note on v. 3 below.
* See Gutmann, ' Die Apokryphen des Alten
Testaments,' 1841, p. 213.
INTRODUCTION TO THE
bene written. . .we haue separate them,
& set them asyde, that they may the
better be knowen." In tlie Geneva Ver-
sion (1560), and in the Bishops' Bible
{156S), I Esdras holds the same position
as in our Authorized Version. In the
notes which follow^ the Geneva Version
has not seldom been referred to, as in
some respects closer to the Greek than
that of 1611.^
It may be added that while for English
readers the title ' First Book of Esdras '
is distinctive enough, from our custom of
calling the canonical book ' Ezra,' and
not ' Esdras,' much confusion unavoid-
ably arises when versions in other lan-
guages have to be referred to. On this
account, ' The Greek Esdras ' has been
proposed as a suitable title.^
II. Form and Contents.
With one notable exception, to be men-
tioned presently, this book appears at lirst
sight to be little more than a reproduction
of parts of the Second Book of Chronicles,
Ezra, and Nehemiah. It begins, some-
what abruptly, with an account of the
great Passover held by king Josiah at
Jerusalem, in the i8th year of his reign;
and it ends, or rather is broken oft, in
the middle of a sentence apparently
beginning a fresh section, after an ac-
count of the public reading of the Law
by Ezra. It thus includes portions of
Jewish History from B.C. 623, before
the Babylonish Captivity, to B.C. 445,
when the people had been restored to
their native land. A short abstract of
the contents will make this plainer :
(a.) I Esdras i. = 2 Chr. xxxv. i
xxxvi. 21.
Account of the great Passover held by
Josiah in Jerusalem, in the i8th year of
his reign. His directions to the priests
and Levites. The gifts presented for the
^ The names of the group of translators who
shared the Apocryphal books among them, for
this version, are given in Westcott, ' Hist, of
the English Bible,' 1872, p. 1 15. The trans-
lator of I Esdras in the Bishops' Bible was
Dr. William Barlow, Bishop of Chichester.
- For further details on this subject, see the
Introduction to the Second Book of Esdras, I.
It should here be stated, as explaining some
possible repetitions, that the Commentary on
2 Esdras was finished before the present one
was undertaken.
occasion by the king and his nobles,
helping to make it such a splendid cele-
bration as had not been seen since the
days of Samuel. Expedition of Pharaoh
king of Egypt against the Assyrians,
and Josiah's resolution to attempt to bar
his ])assage. His defeat and death at
Megiddo. The lamentations of his people
for him. The short succeeding reigns
of Joachaz, Joacim, and Zedekiah. In-
vasion of Judeea by Nabuchodonosor,
and carrying away of the people into
captivity. Their sins which had brought
this judgment upon them. The Jews in
bondage to the Assyrians till the reign
of the Persians, that the words of Jere-
miah might be fulfilled.
(b.) ii. 1-15 = 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23;
Ezra i. 1-15.
The spirit of Cyrus moved to restore
the Jews to their own land. His pro-
clamation. Patriotism of the leaders of
the people ; their gifts, and those of the
people among whom they dwelt. De-
livery of the sacred vessels of the Temple
by Cyrus, through his treasurer, to
" Sanabassar ^ the governor of Judea."
Their number and weight.
(c.) ii. 16-26 = Ezra iv. 7-24.
Opposition to the rebuilding of the
Temple {v. 20) and of the city walls
(v. 24) on the part of ofliicials of the
Persian government residing in Samaria.
Their letter to king " Artaxerxes." His
reply, admitting the justice of their pro-
test, and authorizing the stoppage of the
works. Their speedy enforcement of the
prohibition. The rebuilding abandoned
till the "second year of the reign of
Darius the Persian."
{d.) iii. I V. 6 (has nothing to corre-
spond).
This section of the book is in some
respects the most interesting of all, inas-
much as it is an episode, the source of
which, whatever it may have been, is no
longer known to us. Its beginning is
not unlike that of the Book of Esther.
Darius king of the Persians makes a
great feast. When the guests have all
departed, he retires to rest, but after a
while is unable to sleep. Thereupon
three " young men," the guards of the
royal chamber, agree to compose each
* The forms of words in the A. V. are kept
for convenience in this abstract.
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
one a " sentence " on a given thesis, and
deposit it, written and sealed, under the
kincf's pillow, to be read when he rises
in the morning. The proposition main-
tained by the first is that Wine is the
strongest ; by the second, that the King
is so ; and by the third, that Women are
strongest, but Truth above all. In the
morning the king summons an assembly
of his courtiers, and the three recite their
" sentences " before them. The argu-
ments for each tenet are given in detail ;
the supporter of the third ("this was
Zorobabel," iv. 13) daring to borrow
an illustration from the conduct of
the sovereign himself, at whicli " the
king and the princes looked one upon
another" {v. 33). His conclusion that
the truth " endureth and is always strong ;
it liveth and conquereth for ever," is
hailed with applause. The king bids
him ask what he will, and he seizes the
opportunity to remind the king of a vow
he had made at his accession, to restore
the Jews. Darius accedes to his wishes,
and issues a firman granting licence to the
Jews in his dominions to return, with
grants of money and many privileges.
Departure of the caravan from Babylon,
with the names of the leading men who
were in charge of it (v. 5).
{e.) V. 7-73 = Ezra ii. iv. 5, 24.
Lists of the people who returned with
Zorobabel and Jesus (v. 8), classified
under their several heads, and the num-
ber of their servants and cattle. The
altar of burnt-offering is set up in its old
place (v. 48) and sacrifices offered upon
it. The feast of Tabernacles is cele-
brated, and preparations made for the
rebuilding of the Temple, by obtaining
timber from Lebanon, and the like. The
foundation is laid "in the first day of
the second month, in the second year
after they v/ere come to Jewry" {v. 57).
Mingled joy and sorrow on the occasion.
Offer made by the " enemies " of the
people to co-operate in the work, and
their hostility when the offer is rejected.
Through their opposition the work is
hindered all the time of king Cyrus, and
" for the space of two years " until the
reign of Darius (v. 73).
(/.) vi., vii. = Ezra v. i vi. 22.
In the second vear of Darius the work
io resumed through the prophesying of
Aggeus and Zacli arias. The provincial
governors of the Persians again interfere,
but not in a directly hostile manner,
writing to the king for instructions.
Darius makes inquiry about the matter,
and finds at Ecbatana a copy of the
decree of Cyrus, His rescript directs
that the government officials in Syria and
Phoenicia shall help, and not hinder, the
work. And so the Temple is finished
" in the sixth year of Darius king of the
Persians" (vii. 5). The solemnities at
its dedication.
(g.) viii.jix. = Ezra vii. i x. 44; Neh.
viii. 1-13.
Return of the Jews under Esdras, in
the reign of Artaxerxes. PI is qualifica-
tions for the office of leader, and the
royal commission given him. Privileges
and immunities granted by the king.
Lists of the famiUes returning in this
later migration. Halt at " the river called
Theras " (viii. 41), and requisition for a
larger number of priests and Levites.
Safe arrival of the caravan at Jerusalem,
with their silver and gold. Appeal of
the rulers of the people to Ezra on the
painful subject of mixed marriages. His
grief at the intelligence, and the resolu-
tion taken (viii. 93). A national assembly
called to hear the address of Ezra. The
people agree to accept his decision, and
to put away all wives of alien race. The
arrangements for this purpose, and lists
of those who had transgressed. After
this, on the first day of the seventh
month (ix. 37) the people desire Ezra to
read to them the Law of Moses. This
is publicly done in the open space before
the porch at the east side of the Temple.
The names are given of the Levites and
others who assisted in the exposition.
" Attharates " bids the people now turn
from their mourning to gladness, for the
day is "holy unto the Lord" (ix. 50).
So they go their way, making merry,
and sending portions to the needy ones,
and rejoicing " because they understood
the words wherein they were instructed,
and for the which they had been
assembled."^
* This might appear a complete and natural
ending ; but in the original the last words are
iv Tols p-ofiaaiv oh 5i5ax6''?o'o''- ''"' eincrvvnx-
e-rjaav . . . The punctuation is, of course, arbi-
traiy, but that such is the right coustruction
8
INTRODUCTION TO THE
The chronological and other diffi-
culties involved in this account, and the
connection with it of the episode iii. i
V. 6, will be briefly discussed in the next
section.
III. Composition and Design.
Before any sound theory can be formed
of the nature and object of the work
before us, we must have some conception
of the incongruities, apparently not to
be reconciled with any true version of
history, which it presents.
Passing over, for the moment, the
account of Josiah, which it is conceivable
might be meant as a fitting prelude to
some epoch of Jewish history, we have,
rather touched upon than narrated, the
reigns of his successors and the final
captivity. Then, without a word as to
the sojourn in Babylon, we have (ii. i)
the movement for deliverance in the first
year^ of Cyrus, B.C. 536. The first
convoy of Jews, Avith their sacred vessels
and treasures, is brought back by Sana-
bassar- (ii. 15). We are not distinctly
told that any beginning was then made
with the restoration of the Temple ; but
in ii. 18 a complaint is made of such
work being carried on, both as regards
the Tempie and city walls, by Persian
officials in Samaria, in a letter to king
" Artaxerxes." A rescript of "Arta-
xerxes" causes the work to be stopped
till the second year of Darius the Per-
sian (ii. 30). Then follows the original
episode (iii. i-v. 6) in which Zorobabel,
described as a "young man," is repre-
sented as being one of the body-guard in
the king's palace at Babylon. By the
means briefly related above ( 2) he gains
permission for the Jews to return, and
they do so ; but among their leaders enu-
merated in v. 5 Zorobabel is not named
as one, and it is apparently his " son "
Joacim, and not he, who is now described
as the speaker of the " wise sentences "
before the court of Darius. Next follows
appears certain on a comparison with Neh. viii.
' That is, his first year as king of Babylonia.
See Professor Sayce's ' Ezra, Nehemiah, and
Esther' {1S85), p. 19. The date of the return
is there given as 538.
' For the evidence to prove that he was
Zerubbabel, see the note on ii. 12. ,
the list of those who returned 7V!f/i Zoro-
babel (v. 8), as it is in Ezra ii., just as
though all from ii. 16 to v. 5 were to be
effaced from memory. All goes on, as
is duly related in Ezra, to the laying the
foundation-stone of the Temple (v. 57);
the fact being forgotten that in ii. iS the
foundation had been spoken of as already
laid. Through the enmity of the re-
jected Samaritans, the work has to be
laid aside till the second year of Darius
(v. 73; vi. i). From this point to the
end of the book there is no material dis-
crepancy with the order of events as
related in the canonical books, excepting
that the reading of the Law (ix. 39) is
made to fall, according to the natural
sequence (comp. viii. 6 with ix. 7), in the
eighth year of Artaxerxes, or B.C. 457 ;
while according to Neh. viii. 2 it was in
the time of Nehemiah's governorship at
Jerusalem, that is, not earlier than B.C.
444 (comp. Neh. ii. i).^
No theory has been proposed which can
satisfactorily account for the confusion of
history and chronology here presented to
us. De Saulcy - would assume that the
first expedition was led, not by Zerub-
babel, but by the unknown Sheshbazzar
of ii. 15. To this first expedition he
would refer the names in Neh. xii. But
the reasons for identifying this Shesh-
bazzar, or Sasabazzar, with Zerubbabel
are too strong to give way to such an
assumption.^ Reuss,* observing that in
I Esdras v. 6 it is not Zerubbabel, but
' On this point see Fritzsche, 'Das dritte
BuchEsra' (1851), Einleit. p. 7; and Ravvlin-
son's 'Introd. to Nehemiah,' p. 425. Fritzsche
says that on this question all historical proba-
bility is on the side of i Esdras. Bertheau,
' Esra, Nechemia,' <S:c. p. 210, is of the opposite
opinion.
- ' Etude chronologique des livres d'Esdras,'
&c. {1868), p. 7-;
^ They are thus summed up by Ewald, ' Hist,
of Israel ' (tr. by Carpenter), v. p. 87 n. : " It is
certainly never said in the Book of Ezra that
this Sasabazzar was identical with Zerubbabel ;
but since in i. 8, 11 he is called Nasi, i.e. royal
prince oijiidah, and in v. 14, 16 is designated
by the Assyrian official title Pacha, as an equiva-
lent, it is impossible not to consider him and
Zerubabbel to be the same." Neteler holds the
same view, 'Die Biicher Esdras,' &;c. (1S77),
p. II.
* ' Chronique ecclesiastique,' p. 50. Fritzsche,
' Einleit.' p. 6, takes the same view so far as to
maintain that Joachim, and not Zerubbabel, was
the real )iero of the discussion before Darius.
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
his son Joachim, Avho (according to the
natural construction of the sentence) was
the speaker at the court of Darius, starts
the hypothesis that after Zerubbabel had
led the first expedition homewards in the
reign of Cyrus, a second was led in the
reign of Darius by this his son ; and that
the short passage in ch. v. i-6, which in
style is admittedly unhke the episode in
chaps, iii., iv., and yet has nothing to
answer to it in the canonical Ezra, is a
rehc of some fuller account, relating the
return of this second band under Joachim.
There are some plausible features in
this view of the matter. The assertion
in iv. 13 that the speaker was Zerub-
babel is inserted in such a parenthetical
manner, as to warrant a suspicion that it
may be nothing more than a marginal
comment which has slipped into the text.
In iv. 58 he is again simply "the young
man." There would also be an end of
the difficulty (about which more will be
said presently) arising from the descrip-
tion of Zerubbabel as " a young man."
Unfortunately for this supposition, the
names of Zerubbabel's children are pre-
served in I Chron, iii. 19, and no Joachim
is amongst them. Fritzsche asks whether
this proves that he had no such son. But
to allow that he might have had, would
be only to base an hypothesis upon an
hypothesis. And the probability of the
passage (v. 6) being in some way or other
corrupt is increased by observing that
Jeshua (though not Zerubbabel) had in
point of fact a son named Joachim
(Neh. xii. 10).
It may help to clear the way a little,
if we observe that, by taking out as much
of the book as lies between ii. 16 and
V. 6 inclusive, we have a consecutive
account, parallel, so far as it goes, to
that in Ezra and Nehemiah. Setting
aside, out of this portion, the contents
of chaps, iii. and iv., as forming the
original episode before referred to, we
should then have to account for the
section ii. 16-30, describing the opposi-
tion under " Artaxerxes," and the short
section v. 1-6, which looks like a con-
necting passage, designed to link on the
enumeration of the people which follows
to the story of Zerubbabel at the Persian
court just recited.
If we are allowed to take this view of
the component parts of the book, the
charge against the author, or compiler,
would amount to little more than his
having left us a group of historical docu-
ments, not in proper order, and further
(unless this be a charge more properly
brought against some subsequent arranger
of the materials) of having tried to piece
two together where the sides did not
correspond. For, in the first place,
whatever difficulties may be inherent in
the section ii. 16-30, regarded as a
detached passage, are also found in Ezra
iv. 7-24, to which it is parallel. Whether
or not it be reasonable to suppose the
Pseudo-Smerdis to be meant under the
name of Artaxerxes^ in ii. 16, the same
considerations will apply in Ezra iv. 7.
In that chapter also the work of re-
storing the Temple is described (in r. 5)
as frustrated " even until the reign of
Darius king of Persia ;" and then, after
the events in the reigns of Ahasuerus
{v. 6) and Artaxerxes {vv. 7-23) have
been recorded, it is again said {v. 24)
that the work ceased " unto the second
year of the reign of Darius king of
Persia."
As for the short passage v. 1-6, that
need not trouble us long. There is a
Hebrew cast of expression about it, quite
different from that of the episode before.^
Whether we take the view of Reuss
above-mentioned, that these few verses
may be a relic, in translated form, of some
Hebrew original describing a second
migration under Darius, or prefer to
regard them as merely a connecting
passage, more or less unskilfully adapted,
* The sovereign known under that name
(Artaxerxes Longimanus) did not come to the
throne till B.C. 465, sixty-four years after the
death of Cyrus. According to Professor Sayce
(ubi sup. p. 22), " the whole difficulty may be
solved by considering that the account in Ezra iv.
6-23 is episodical, and refers merely to the re-
storation of the walls of Jerusalem, and not to
the restoration of the Temple. In strict chrono-
logical order the twenty-fourth verse of the
chapter would then follow immediately after the
fifth as, indeed, is indicated by the gramma-
tical construction of the original Chaldee." Raw-
linson (on Ezra iv. 5, 7) favours the application
to Pseudo-Smerdis : Reuss (ad loc.) thinks it
merely an exchange of one difficulty for another.
* This is pointed out by Fritzsche, who in-
stances the expression mt' i\p7)vt]s, = Di7t^3.
rendered in the A. V." safely," and some others.
lO
INTRODUCTION TO THE
in either case we need not allow it, any
more than the section ii. 16-30, to disturb
the chronological sequence of the rest.
There remains the episode, as I have
called it for convenience, referred to
several times already, in chaps, iii., iv.
It has been described by some commen-
tators as the nucleus, the original part,
of the work, round which the rest has
been grouped. I would venture not so to
regard it. Original it undoubtedly is, in
the sense that there is nothing to answer
to it in the canonical books ; and what-
ever Persian or Jewish story it may have
been based upon, or translated from, is
not now known to us. But it seems to
me more probable that the writer, telhng
again the story of his nation's deliverance,
and impressed with the traditional great-
ness of its leader, Zerubbabel, made use
of this story which he had met with,
either as really believed to refer to
Zerubbabel, or as serving to explain the
favour shewed to the exiles by the son of
Hystaspes.^
This leads us to consider what object
the compiler may have had in view. And
this again cannot be determined satis-
factorily, without a better knowledge
than we are likely to acquire of the time
and circumstances in which he wrote.
But, considering that it begins with a
description of the great Passover of
Josiah, and ends (so far, at least, as it
has any formal conclusion) with the read-
ing of the Law by Ezra at one of the
Jewish festivals, while the intermediate
portion is chiefly concerned with the
return from foreign kingdoms, and the
favours shewn by foreign potentates,- it
seems natural to conclude, that the writer
wished alike to stimulate his country-
men to a more zealous observance of the
Law, and to win for them the favour of
some foreign ruler, it might be one of
the Ptolemies. The subscription " De
Templi Restitutione," found in the ' Veins
Latina,' - describes accurately what is
perhaps the central subject of the book.
But some collateral design, at least, must
' See Fritzsche, ' Einleit.' p. 6 ; and Ewald,
ubi sup., p. 125.
^ After a supplementary verse, numbered 56 :
"Et coadunati sunt omnes in Hierusalem jo-
cundari, secundum dispositioneni Domini iJei
Israel."
have underlain the exaggerated accounts
of the munificence of Cyrus and Darius ;
and this probably was, as Ewald sug-
gests,^ " to secure to Judea the favour of
a Ptolemaic or other heathen power."
That the work is certainly incomplete
at the end, and probably at the beginning
as well, encourages a supposition that
the writer may have meant his Scenes
from Jewish History, if we may so call
them, to begin with the reformation of
Josiah (2 Chron. xxxiv.) instead of with
his Passover (2 Chron. xxxv.), and to
continue at any rate to the end of the
celebration of the great Feast of Taber-
nacles (Neh. viii. 13-18).- Even if we
regarded the book, as it now stands, as
beginning where the compiler intended,
merely lengthening out its broken termi-
nation to the next reasonable pause, there
would be a certain completeness in a
work on the restoration of the Jewish
Church, which begins with the account
of a Passover, such as " was not kept
in Israel since the tiine of the prophet
Samuel," and would end with the ac-
count of a Feast of Tabernacles, kept in
such a manner, that " since the days of
Jeshua the son of Nun unto that day
had not the children of Israel done so "
(Neh. viii. 17).
IV. Age and Authorship.
The materials Ave have to work upon
in forming an opinion of the date of
I Esdras are but scanty. That the work
was used by Josephus ^ gives us a limit
of time in one direction. Why he should
have preferred it as an authority to the
canonical books is not hard to see. The
style of the Greek is more elegant and
fluent than that of the LXX. ; diliiculties
and apparent contradictions in the ori-
ginal accounts are smoothed over ; and
the sequence of the Persian kmgs, as
Ubi sup., p. 127.
- This would of course imply that he referred
the events of Neh. viii. to the time of Ezra's
presence at Jerusalem.
^ ' Antiqq.' xi. i sqq. Several instances will
be found in the ensuing commentary of the way
in which Josephus used this work, and, after
his manner, improved upon it. But that he did
not always follow it in preference to the canoni-
cal books, is shewn by the passages quoted by
Dr. Bissell, ' Apocrj-pha,' p. 70.
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
II
it appears in i Esdras, better suits the
Jewish historian's chronology.^ The fact,
at any rate, of Josephus's employment of
the book is undisputed. But there are
indications, though faint ones, that we
must go some way beyond his time, and
look for the origin of the work in the
first, or at the latter end of the second,
century B.C. The story in chaps, iii., iv.
is, of course, the most important for
giving us an anterior limit, since there is
every presumption to shew that the com-
piler found it existing, and took and
adapted it to his purpose. Now Ewald -
thinks that there is an indication of this
story being read and referred to by the
earliest of the extant Sibylline poets. In
the oldest section of the Third Book,
which Alexandre " assigns to the reign
of Ptolemy Philometor (b.c. 1S1-146),
there is an allusion to Persian kings
lielping forwards the restoration of the
Holy Temple, in consequence of a dream
sent by God in the night."* This, he
thinks, can only have been suggested by
I Esdr. iii., iv. The idea is ingenious,
but it would have appeared more pro-
bable if there had been any distinct
reference to a dream in iv, 43, 45, and
not merely to a vow.
The resemblance between the story of
Zerubbabel and his companions at Da-
rius's court and that of the Jewish elders
at the court of Ptolemy "Philadelphus,
related in the so-callecl ' History ' of
Aristeas,^ must also form an element in
the consideration. Ewald ^ indeed says
positively that "the book of Aristeas also
must already have been known to the
author." It might be safer to say that
the story in i Esdras is a composition of
the same class, and probably of the same
time, as the other ; and this latter is not
considered to be earlier than the first
century b.c.
^ Netekr, iihi sup., p. 5.
* ' Abhandlung iiber . . . der Sibyllinisclier
Blicher,' p. 36.
^ ' Orac. Sibyll' 1869 ; Introd. p. xxi.
* iii. 293-4 :
Autos "yap Swaei Qtos tvvvxov ayvhv uveipov.
Kai to't6 St; vahs irdXiv fcrcrerai, oas irapos
ijV irep.
' See the note on iii. 10-12 below. For
Aristeas see Tischendorf s ' Proleg.' p. xviii.,
and the full discussion in Dr. Sp. C. Papageor-
gios, ' Ueber den Aristeasbrief,' Miinchen, 1S80.
* ' Hist, of Israel,' v. 127, n.
If it could be decided with any cer-
tainty whether the compiler lived in
Palestine or in Egypt, some little light
might be thrown upon the subject of its
date, by our knowledge of surrounding
events. But here again, even in his
adaptation of the Persian court-story, the
writer has managed to keep his per-
sonality undisclosed.^ One slight allu-
sion only is thought to i^oint to a resi-
dence in Egypt, the mention in iv. 23
of "sailing upon the sea and upon the
rivers " for the purpose of " robbing and
steahng." ^ The language, being so
largely Septuagintal,^ does not afford any
certain clue. If there v/ere reasons, on
any other grounds, for placing the com-
position somewhat earlier, they might
seem strengthened by the character of
the events taking place both in Egypt
and Syria between 170 and 160 b.c. For
about that time Egypt was repeatedly
invaded by Antiochus Epiphanes, and,
at the close of his second and fourth
campaigns in 170 and 168, the Temple at
Jerusalem was sacked. Considering how
largely the number of the Jewish resi-
dents in Egypt was recruited during the
reign of Ptolemy Philometor, it might be
thought that a work which described the
rebuilding of the Temple, and the bene-
ficence of foreign kings to the work,
and which also introduced the story of
Josiah, slain in an invasion of Syria
by the Egyptians, would ha\'e a special
interest.
But, in particular, an event related by
Josephus as occurring about this time,
* Fritzsche truly says : " Pragmatischen Sinn
hat der Uebersetzer dadurch bewahrt, dass er
nirgends eine Riicksicht auf seine Zcit hat ein-
tliessen lassen." Einlcit. p. 9.
- Bissell, ubi sup. p. 64, who refers to Graetz,
'Geschichte der Juden,' iii. p. 39 sq. As this
passage comes in the original story, it would in
strictness only tend to shew that the author of
that lived in Eg)'pt. Kence it has only a secon-
dary and remoter application to the compiler.
^ Dr. Gwynn thinks that there are some re-
markable coincidences of expression between,
ch. ii. of this book and Dan. i. (in the Hexaplar);
sufficient, indeed, to justify a suspicion that one
and the same hand dealt witli the canonical
Ezra and Daniel, rewriting them and interpo-
lating (in Greek) ; and from them produced this
I Esdras and the Hexaplar Daniel of the Chisian
MS. Eichhorn ('Einleit.' iibi sup., p. 346) had
noticed how much the style resembled that of
Symmachus.
12
INTRODUCTION TO THE
or a little latcr,^ may be thought likely
to have suggested the production of such
a work. This was the building of a
temple, or the restoration in altered
form of a ruined Egyptian temple, in the
neighbourhood of Heliopolis, for Jewish
worship. Onias, the son, or grandson,- of
Onias III., the High-Priest assassinated
by his brother Menelaus in B.C. 171, had
taken refuge in Eg}'pt, under the govern-
ment of Ptolemy Philometor. Being the
lawful successor to the Jewish High-
priesthood, he seems to have drawn
many of his countrymen along with him,
and to have formed the idea of giving
cohesion, by means of a new centre of
national worship, to the numerous Jewish
communities throughout the Delta. For
this end he petitioned Philometor and
his queen Cleopatra for permission to
build a temple in some part of Egypt,
Avhere he and his countrymen might
worship the God of their fathers after
their own manner. The result of such
an indulgence would be, to animate the
Jews still more in their resistance to
Antiochus, the destroyer of their temple
at Jerusalem, and to attach them more
closely to the Egyptian king.^ What
purports to be a copy of the actual letter
written by him is preserved by Josephus
in another place,* together with the
answer of the king and queen. From
' Ewald, ' Hist, of Israel ' (tr. by Carpenter),
^- P- 354) decides on the date B.C. 160 as the
most probable. Prideaux, 'Connection' (1720),
ii. p. 264, makes it as late as 149. The un-
certainty arises from the reading in. Josephus,
'Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 4 (ad Jin.), where the
temple is said to have stood 343 years to the
time of its demolition [circ. a.d. 73). Hudson
(;/. ib.) and Ewald both think 233 should pro-
bably be the number. This would fix the erec-
tion to about B.C. 160, as said above.
^ In ' Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 2, he is called 'Ovias
'S.ijxoivus vlos. This, as Josephus elsewhere calls
him son of Onias, is naturally thought (as by
Tanaquil Faber, and others) to be a slip of
memory. But Ewald thinks it may point to his
being really the grandson of Onias III.
2 'Bell. Jud.,' ^/ J///., 2.
* 'Antiqq.' xiii. 3, i. The author of the
art. Onias, City of, in the ' Diet, of the Bible,'
refers to these letters as "spurious ;" but Ewald
takes a more favourable view of them. " The
correspondence," he says, " may certainly, as in
most other cases of the kind, be reproduced
freely; but Josephus evidently read it in an
older work, and its author certainly relied upon
trustworthy ancient narratives."
this we learn, that he had seen with
regret the divisions growing up among
his countrymen from the number of
different places for divine worship re-
sorted to by them ; and that, having
found a convenient spot, a fortress in
the Heliopolite noma, with a dilapidated
temple sacred to Bubastis, he prayed for
leave to cleanse and purify it,^ and to
build a shrine to the most High God,
after the pattern of that in Jerusalem.
As giving a kind of divine sanction to
his work, he ended with a quotation
from the prophet Isaiah (xix. iS, 19):
"In that day shall five cities in the land
of Egypt speak the language of Canaan,
and swear to the Lord of hosts; one
shall be called The city of the Sun.
In that day shall there be an altar to the
Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt,
and a pillar at the border thereof to
the Lord." 2 The reply of Ptolemy and
Cleopatra was a permission to undertake
the work, with an expression of wonder
(which Josephus is careful to note and
amplify) that a spot which teemed with
associations, to a Jewish mind impure,
should be selected for a temple to
Jehovah. Accordingly, Onias set about
his task of restoration and rebuilding.
The sacred enclosure (Upov) he encom-
passed with a wall of baked tiles, or
bricks, relieved by gateways of stone.
The inner building, or temple proper
(i/ao's), he appears to have built anew,
and after the pattern of the Holy Temple
in Jerusalem, but " smaller and poorer."^
The tower was of huge blocks of stone,
' The language used should be noted : Sfo/xai
ffvyxo:pri<ya.^ fJ-oi, rh aSeaTroroy avaKaBapavTi
iephv KoL ffv/xireTrTcoKus, o'lKoSoixrjcrai vahv tw
jXiylcTTii} @e(f, KaB' o/xoiwaiv rod iu 'Iepoao\v/M)iSf
To7s avTo7s jite'Tpoij.' Antiqq.' xiii. 3> I-
* This is the rendering of the A. V., except
that the words in capitals embody the marginal
reading in place of "city of destruction." These
of course are the cardinal words. Dr. Tregelles,
in his edition of Gesenius [s. v.), while admitting
that D^nri TJ?j "city of destruction," has the
better authority, considers the other reading,
D^nn Ty, "city of the sun," preferable. It
has the support of Symmachus (iroAis rjAlov),
and of the Vulgate [civitas soHs). The LXX.
differs from both, having ir6\is oceSe'/c, as if ta
denote "city of righteousness."
^ ft.iKp6Tipov 5e Kol ireviXP^Tepou. 'Antiqq.'
xiii. 3, 3. The account has to be combined
with ' Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 3, for a full descrip-
tion.
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
13
like those used in its prototype. The
altar, too, with its appendages, was a
copy. But there was one remarkable dif-
ference. Instead of the seven-branched
candlestick, a lamp, " shedding a golden
radiance," ^ was hung by a chain of gold
from the ceiling.
Without entering further into details,
one or two inferences seem naturally to
follow from this account. It points to
the fact, known to us from other sources
also, of the increase in the number of
Jewish communities in Egypt, not only
in the capital, but in other parts of the
Delta, It discloses the want of religious
unity felt among them, and how it oc-
curred to one aspiring mind to attempt
to supply this want. Moreover, it shews,
I think, distinct traces of an adaptation
of the old forms of Jewish worship to
meet the demands of altered circum-
stances ; an adaptation that might com-
mend itself, in some measure, to the
resident heathen, as well as to the Jewish,
population. This comes out more clearly
if we compare with the record of Jose-
phus what Herodotus tells us of the
festivals of Bubastis, the goddess whose
deserted temple Onias had chosen for
his site. Few passages, even in that
historian, are more picturesque than
those in which he tells us of the heavily-
laden barges dropping down the Nile, on
their way to the city named after that
goddess ; of the crowds of devotees em-
barking on this joyous pilgrimage ; of
their music of lotus-pipes and cymbals ;
of their consumption of wine on the
occasion, more than in all the rest of the
year together.^ That Onias should have
sought to retain some of the attractions
of the old local worship was both natural
and politic. He was a Hellenist, hold-
ing office under the king;^ he had the
remembrance of bitter wrongs sustained
in his native land ; he was founding a
* Others render it "a golden lamp." But
the run of the words, aurhv 5e xaAKeutrajUe^'os
thv Kvx^ov xpucouj/ ^-KKpaivovTa aiKas, seems to
favour the above interpretation. To understand
the aurSv, we must bear in mind that the
"candlestick" (as we term it) was the Xux"'a,
or "lamp-holder." Though the "lamp-holder"
was not there, the lamp itself was.
^ The city and temple of Bubastis are described
in Hdt. ii. 137-8 ; the processions to it by water
in ii. 59, 60.
' Josephus, * Contra Apionem,' ii. 5.
rival temple.^ The wider his estrange-
ment from Jerusalem, the more closely
he would naturally seek to connect him-
self with his adopted land. This may
help to explain the startling boldness
shewn in his choice of a site, and in his
adaptation of a disused temple to his
purpose. Whatever may have been the
exact position of the place called after
him,^ there must have been many points
of resemblance between the outward
aspect of its earlier temple, and the rites
celebrated there, and what existed at
Bubastis itself, the great centre of the
worship of the goddess Pasht. If, then,
we find a certain similarity between the
temple of Onias and that at Bubastis,
that is enough for the purpose. And
such a similarity is plainly to be seen on
comparing the descriptions of Josephus
and Herodotus. The sacred enclosure,
lepov, appears to have been left un-
changed, only purified, and surrounded,
as that in the mother city was, by a wall
of tiles.^ The shrine, or inner temple
itself, yao's, though Onias professed the
intention of rearing it after the pattern
of the one in Jerusalem, seems, in the
actual construction, to have resembled
it in the tower only, as if the old fabric
had been made to serve as far as it
would go.'^ Especially in his replace-
ment of the seven-branched candlestick
by the one sun-like lamp depending from
* "The Aramean Jews looked on their
Egyptian brethren viilh assumed contempt, but
inward jealousy : perhaps the distance only
prevented a feud, almost as deadly as that with
the Samaritans." MiLMAN, If/sf. of the Jews
(1866), ii. p. 25.
^ Josephus calls it Leontopolis, and says that
it was 180 stades from Memphis, and in the
Heliopolitan nome. But the writer of the article
before mentioned (' Diet, of the Bible,' ii. p. 634)
shews that this must be an error, Leontopolis
being the capital of the nome bearing the same
name. Sir Gardner Wilkinson (' Modern Egypt
and Thebes,' 1843, i. p. 299) explains the con-
fusion by pointing out that the place was in one
home, but near the other. He would fix its
position at the mounds called "Tel el Yehood,"
" a little to the E. of N. from Heliopolis, from
which it is distant twelve miles."
^ With the difference that Onias's wall was of
burnt tiles, or brick, ottt^ -nXivQu, and that at
Bubastis, of cnide brick. See Wilkinson, zibi
sup., -p. 427. But comp. Creuzer's note (speak-
ing of " lateribus coctis ") on Hdt. ii. 60.
* This assumes the reading in 'Bell, Jud.'
vii. 10, 3, to be correct : rov jxtv vabv ovx op-oiov
wKo56fj.T}ae rlf iv 'lepocroAv/iois, /c.t.A.
14
INTRODUCTION TO THE
the roof, Onias would appear to have
had in mind the associations of the "city
of the sun," and the AvxvoKaii] of the
Egyptian festivals,^
Now, if there is reason to think that
this Egyptian Ezra or rather, as he may
well have regarded himself, in the sup-
posed light of Isaiah's prophecy, Ezra
and Nehemiah in one accommodated
his new temple to Egyptian ideas, it
would be natural to expect that the story
of Israel's great temple-restoration, if told
afresh then, as at an ajipropriate time for
its republication, would be coloured by
the same local associations. And this
is what, to some slight degree, we find
in I Esdras. In judging of its origin, we
must fix the attention on the features it
presents most distinct from the Old
Testament version of the same story.
And these, if we omit for the moment
the Episode in iii., iv., are the incidents
described by the writer as marking the
reception by the Jews of the news of the
king's favour, and the starting of the
convoy homewards (iv. 63 v. 3). The
seven days' carousal, with its accompani-
ment of music and rejoicing; the escort
of a thousand horsemen ; and the setting
out with pipes and timbrels playing,
are features peculiar to this book, and
suggestive rather of the Egyptian festivals
than of the return from the Babylonian
captivity.^ Even the remarkable scene
at the court of the Persian king (chs. iii.,
iv.), while presenting many features in
common with what we observe in the
Book of Esther, has also so many points
of resemblance to the descriptions in
Aristeas, that it might be held to have
something of a Ptolemean colouring.^
* Hdt. ii. 62. Ewald's reason for the non-
reproduction of the seven-branched candlestick,
namely, that it "seems to have been regarded
as too holy to be imitated," is not satisfactory.
Why should it have been considered more sacred
than the altar, which was exactly copied ?
* Tlie peculiar word iicwBcuvi^ovTo, iv. 63, is
noticed below. The use of it recalls the great
consumption of ohos a/j.Tr4\ivos noticed by
Herodotus. Some lesser points of resemblance
might be mentioned, such as the fact that what
in Ezra is the district "beyond the river" (vii.
21), cr "this side the river" (iv. 16), is in
I Esdras " Coele-Syria and Phoenicia" (ii. 17;
comp. viii. 23) ; the term used in Onias's peti-
tion to Philometor (Joseph. 'Antiqq.,' xiii. 3,
^ As one slight instance, compare the dignity
Without seeking to attach undue im-
portance to what may be thought slight
indications, I venture to submit that in
the invasions of Antiochus Epiphanes,
when the Holy Temple was sacked ; in
the foundation of the temple of Onias,
rising, as it might seem, after the ruin of
the former ; and, it may be added, in the
contest for precedence between Jews and
Samaritans, which Josephus records as
the next subject that occupied the atten-
tion of Philometor,^ we have a series
of events to which the story as told in
I Esdras might be thought a suitable
parallel.
This supposition as to the time, though
not as to the occasion, would agree with
that of Herzfeld.^ But it must be ad-
mitted that the majority of scholars
choose rather to assign the work to the
first century B.c.^
Authorities. The chief of these have
been cited in the Introduction, or will be
found in the notes which follow. Most
useful of all has been the commentary of
Dr. Otto F. Fritzsche, in the ' Kurzge-
fasstes Handbuch zu den Apokryphen,'
Leipz., 185 1. That of Bertheau on
Ezra, &c., in the same series (1862),
has also been often referred to. A valu-
able companion to them is Wahl's ' Cla-
vis Librorum . . . Apocryphorum,' 1853.
More recent is Dr. B. Neteler's ' Die
Biicher Esdras,' &c.,Miinster, 187 7, which
gives a German translation of the ca-
nonical books Ezra Esther, interspersed
with comments. The section relating
to this period of Reuss's work, which
he entitles ' Chronique ecclesiastique de
Je'rusalem' (1878), has been of service.
His theory of a continuous Chronicle is,
of course, strengthened by the form in
which I Esdras appears. Of commen-
taries in English, most use has been
of the office of awtJ.aTO(j)v\a^, if it is to be assigned
to Zorobabel (i Esd. iii. 4), with what Josephus
says of the position of rovs rov awfiaros avrov
(pvKaKi)v iyKexeipur/xfuovs at the court of Phila-
dclphus ('c. Apion.' ii. 4). Other points of
similarity are noticed afterwards in the com-
mentary.
^ 'Antiqq.' xiii. 3, 4.
- " Kam diese Compilation noch vor den
Makkabaerkriegen zu Stande." Gcschichtc des
Volkes Israel, ii. 73.
' So De Wette, ' Lehrbuch,' &c. (1869), p.
5C6 ; Ewald, and Fritzsche.
FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS.
15
made of Canon Rawlinson's edition of
Kings Esther in the ' Speaker's Com-
mentary.' Tliis is often cited in the
notes by the simple letter R,, as that
of Fritzsche is by the letter F. The
American edition of the Apocrypha, by
Dr. E. C. Bissell (1880), must be spoken
of with respect, for the industry and
research it shews. It gives a revised
version of the Enjglish text, and also
comparative tables of the names and
numbers ^ in i Esdras and in the ca-
' It has not been thought necessary to furnish
such comparisons of numbers for the present
nonical books. With the exception of
thi.s work, the writer has avoided con-
sulting any modern English commen-
taries on the Apocrypha. His great
obligation to Dr. Gwynn, for notes and
references made use of in the first
section of this Introduction, must be
once more repeated.
commentary ; especially as the discrepancies are
noticed by Rawlinson. On the other hand,
some effort has been made to clear up the con-
fusion in the lists of proper names. There
remains a mine to be worked out, even in the
corrupted forms of the Vulgate.
St. Paul's School,
Dec. list, 1885.
J. H. L.
I. ESDRAS.
B.C. CHAPTER I.
cir. 623.
I ybsi'as his charge to the priests and Lezntcs.
7 A great passovcr is kept. 32 His death is
mtich lamented. 34 His successors. 53 Tlie
tcfnple, city, and people are destroyed. 56
The rest are carried zinto Babylon.
" 3 Kings A ND Josias held the " feast of the
2^Chr." 35. Ix. passover in Jerusalem unto his
^' ^'^- Lord, and offered the passover the
fourteenth day of the first month ;
2 Having set the priests according
to their daily courses, being arrayed
in Ions: trarmcnts, in the temple of B.C.
*U T J cir. 623.
the Lord.
3 And he spake unto the Levites,
the holy ministers of Israel, that they
should hallow themselves unto the
Lord, to set the holy ark of the Lord
in the house that king Solomon the
son of David had built :
4 And said.. Ye shall no more bear
the ark upon your shoulders : now
therefore serve the Lord your God,
and minister unto his people Israel,
CHAPTER I.
1. And Josias.'] The abruptness of the
beginning is to be noticed ; about which more
has been said in the Introduction. But the
reader need not infer, from the first word
" and," that anything is deficient at the begin-
ning of this section of the history. The
particle so rendered is one of the most
frequent occurrence in Septuagint Greelv, and
used with many shades of connecting force.
In its simplest meaning it is seen at the begin-
ning of each of theoii'. 7-13 of this chapter;
but it is equally present, though disguised
under other renderings, at the beginning of
each of the "vv. 15-20.
held the feast of the passover.'] A brief
account of this is given in 2 Kings xxiii. 21-23,
and a much fuller one in 2 Chron. xxxv. 1-19,
to which the present one runs parallel. The
words "feast of the" are unnecessary; "kept
the passover" (as in the Geneva Version)
being an exact rendering of the Greek. For
the use of ('{yeiv (= tvou'lu in the LXX.)
comp. Hdt. i. 147. As the word " pass-
over" may be used of the paschal victim, as
well as of the feast, it is also said to be
" offered " (lit. " sacrihced ") in the present
passage.
of the frst mo72th.] I.e. of Nisan : see
Ex. xii. 6. This passover was held in B.C. 623,
being the iSth year of the reign of Josiah,
who succeeded his father Amon in 641.
2. daily courses.] For the institution of
these by David, see i Chron. xxiii. 6 ; and,
for their liability to derangement when the
Temple service was interrupted, the note on
2 Chron. xxxi. 2. The same word, e^Tj^epiay
is rendered "ordinary service" in v. 16
below.
arrayed in lone; garments^ Or, more
simply, " robed," ia-ToKia-ixivov^. The same
word in v. 59 and vii. 9 is rendered "arrayed
in their vestments."
3. the holy ministers^ Ratlier, "as holy
ministers," or ministers of the Temple ; there
being no article in the Greek. Elsewhere,
as in v. 29, 35, the word (J.(p6hov\oO is used
in its more restricted sense to express the
Nethinim, or servants of the Levites (Ezra
viii. 20), whose position appears to have
somewhat risen after the Captivity.
to set.] Lit. " in the setting of," &c. It is
not clear whether we are to understand that
the ark of the covenant had been removed
from the Temple (by the act of the late king,
or otherwise), or whether we are to suppose
that it had become the custom to carry it
about in procession. In either case, it was
now to be stationary. See Reuss on 2 Chron.
xxxv. 3 ; and comp. i Chron. xv. 2.
4. prepare you^ So in 2 Chron. xxxv. 4,
" prepare joz/rjf/i'f J." But the Geneva Version
was probably right in rendering the word by
" prepare " alone {i.e. the Passover), as in
Matt. XX vi. 17, 19, where the same word
iroLiiu^fLv, " make ready," is used.
V. 5 lo.]
I. ESDRAS. I.
17
B. C.
cir. 623.
and prepare you after your families
and kindreds,
5 According as David the king of
Israel prescribed, and according to
the mas-nificence of Solomon his son :
and standing in the temple accordmg
to the several dignity of the families
of you the Levites, vt^ho minister in
the presence of your brethren the
children of Israel,
6 Offer the passover in order, and
make ready the sacrifices for your
brethren, and keep the passover ac-
cording to the commandment of the
Lord, w^hich was given unto Moses.
7 And unto the people that w^as
found there Josias gave thirty thou-
sand lambs and kids', and three thou- b. c.
sand calves : these things w^ere o-iven '^'
of the king's allowance, according as
he promised, to the people, to the
priests, and to the Levites.
8 And Helkias, Zacharias, and
" Syelus, the governors of the temple, '' O'"..
gave to the priests for the passover 2 chrJn.
two thousand and six hundred sheep, ^^' ^'
and three hundred calves.
9 And Jeconias, and Samaias, and
Nathanael his brother, and Assabias,
and Ochiel, and Joram, captains over
thousands, gave to the Levites for the
passover five thousand sheep, and )2!i^^*
" seven hundred calves. cahjes,
10 And when these things were 35. 9.
families and kindreds.'] Rather, "families
and tribes." The " family," or " house,"
Trarpta, had a wider signification than with
us. Comp. Tobit i. 8, where it is rendered
" kindred ;" and see the art. GENEALOGY in
the ' Diet, of the Bible.'
5. as David . . . prescribed.'] More lite-
rally, "according to the writing of David,"
&c., nearly as in the Geneva Version. So in
2 Chron. xxx. 4, where there is the noticeable
variation, " and according to the luriting of
Solomon his son," instead of, as here, "ac-
cording to the magnificence" The phrase in
the LXX. is there 6ta ;^;fipoy 2., instead of
Koxa Tr]v ypa<pr]v, but the change was probably
due to a wish on the part of the later writer
to convey the idea of greater magnificence.
To the minds of Israelites in later generations,
r.s Fritzsche remarks, comparing Matt. vi. 29,
Solomon was the very ideal of splendour.
and standing.] A fresh sentence should
begin here, as in 2 Chron. xxxv. 5.
the several dignity, h'c^ The Greek is
Kara Tt)v fxepidnp^iav ttjv TrarpiKrjv vp-av. In
I Mace. X. 65 the word fjLepiSdpxrjs is used to
express the office to which Johanan was
raised, rendered in the margin of our version
"governor of a province." But here the ex-
pression seems rather to mean " according
to the several family headships of you the
Levites," agreeably with the LXX. in 2 Chron.
xxxv. 4, Kara ras 8taipeaeis o'lKcov narptcov vpuiv.
6. in order.] These two words, according to
F., should be coupled with the previous verse.
7. that ivas found there.] That is, " who
were present;" so rendered in v. 19. Evpe-
Bqvai in this usage is much like the French
se trouver. Comp. Winer, P. iii. s. Ixv. 8, and
Reuss's translation of the parallel expression
in 2 Chron., "qui se trouvaient la."
Aj)oc. Vol. I.
of the king's alloivance.] Rather, " of the
royal treasury," or "royal stores." So F.,
who compares TO /3ao-tXtKoi/ in i Mace. xiii. 15.
8. Helkias, (iss'c] This Helkias, or Hilchiah,
was probably the High-priest of Josiah's reign,
who found the Book of the Law (2 Kings xxii.
8). Zacharias is thought by R. to have been
the " second priest " (an office mentioned in
2 Kings XXV. 18); while Syelus, or Jehiel,
may be identical with the Jeiel (2 Chron.
xxxv. 9) or Ochiel (infra, v. 9), a chief of the
Levites. The variations in his name are
traceable to the different equivalents given in
MSS. of the LXX. to the Hebrew 'px^n^, as
'O^t^Xoy, 'OxirjXos, 'Ho-u^Xoy, and the like.
governors of the temple.] If the term is
here used in a general sense, we may under-
stand it to include all the three just mentioned.
But F. takes it to refer only to the two latter,
Helkias, as High-priest, being separate. The
office would seem to answer to that of the
Tvpoa-TaTT^s Tov Upov in 2 Macc. iii. 4, with
which may be compared the " captain of the
temple" {o-rpaT-qyos tov Upov) of the Acts
iv. I ; cf. St. Luke xxii. 4.
9. Jeconias, (b'c] The names here given
will be easily identified with those in 2 Chron.
xxxv. 8. For the abbreviation of Jeconiah to
Coniah (whence Conaniah), see Jerem. xxii.
24, and the art. Hananiah (8) in 'Diet, of
the Bible.' The only material change is the
substitution of Joram for Jozabad.
captains over thousands.] Gk. ;^iXtap;^oj,
rendered in Acts xxi. 31 (in the singular)
" chief captain." As a military term it was
equivalent to the Roman tr'tbunus militum, or
commander of one-sixth of a legion, but here
it is transferred to the officers of the Temple
guard. ^
C
Hfb
i8
1. ESDRAS. I.
[v. II 1 6.
B. C.
cir. 623.
* 2 Chron.
3S. 12, and
so of t lie
bullocks.
" Exod.
12.8.
II Or, wt'l/t
good speed,
or, -will-
ingly,
2 Chron.
35- 13-
done, the priests and Levites, having
the unleavened bread, stood in very
comely order according to the kin-
dreds,
11 And according to the several
dignities of the fathers, before the
people, to offer to the Lord, as it is
w^ritten in the book of Moses : * and
thus did they in the morning.
12 And they "^roasted the passover
w^ith fire, as appertaineth : as for the
sacrifices, they sod them in brass pots
and pans " vi^ith a good savour,
13 And set them before all the
people : and afterward they prepared R- C.
i- \ 1 J r ', ^ ^. cir. 623.
tor themselves, and lor the priests
their brethren, the sons of Aaron.
14 For the priests offered the fat
until night : and the Levites prepared
for themselves, and the priests their
brethren, the sons of Aaron.
15 The holy singers also, the sons
of Asaph, were in their order, accord-
ing to the appointment "^ of David, to '' => chron.
wit, Asaph, Zacharias, and Jeduthun, vavikana
who was ^ of the king's retinue. ^ "'^'^'
16 Moreover the porters were at 35. 15, /^'
every gate ; it was not lawful for any
kits
10. in 'very comely order ^ The word
"very" is not needed to render finrpeTras.
The inconvenient division of w. 10 and 11
will be noticed.
11. t/?e several dignities^] ras fiepibapx^as,
on which see note on -z^. 5.
and thus did they in the morning.'] The
marginal reading "and so of the bullocks" is
what is found in the Geneva Version at the
parallel passage in 2 Chron., where the A. V.
has " and so did they with the oxen." Since
the same expression as is here used, to
Tvpativov, is found in v. 50, in connection with
oXoKavTcofia, it would be most natural to
understand it so here. The sense would then
be: "and thus they performed (or offered)
the morning sacrifice."
12. as appertaineth.'] Rather, " as is fitting,"
(OS Ka6r]Kfi.
brass pots.] The " brasen vessels " of
Mark vii. 4.
(with a good savour.] p.(T evcoBlas. The
marginal reading " with good speed" suggests
a variant /xer' evoBias, which it might be
thought the author of the book would have
i:sed in preference, as more nearly correspond-
ing to the expression in 2 Chron. xxxv. 12. Is
is possible that fvo)8ias was due to a mis-
understanding of the evoobcadr] there, evo86co
being confused with ei'coS/o) ? But comp.
Eph. V. 2. It is noticeable that a like varia-
tion is found in the spelling of the name
Euodia in Phil. iv. 2.
14. offered^ <^r.] More exactly: "for the
priests were offering . . . till late at night " (ewj
acoptaj). That the priests were thus busied
in offering the parts of the different victiniis
to be consumed {ra a-Tiara, pi.) is given as the
reason why the Levites sliould make pre-
paration for them. This is clearly brought
out in 2 Chron. xxxv. 14.
15. holy singers.] iepo\/^dATat ; that is, those
of the Levites appointed to conduct the
musical portion of the service. The meaning
of the parallel passage in 2 Chron. xxxv. 15 is
clear ; namely, that the singing-men took their
station according to the directions left by
David, and by his three choir-masters, Asaph,
Heman, and Jeduthun. But in the LXX.,
there as well as in the present passage, the
three names last mentioned are in the nomi-
native case, implying that they were the
Levites present. In that case, of course, we
must understand representatives of the three
musicians so called to be meant. Moreover,
instead of Heman, we have in the text
Zacharias, and instead of Jeduthun, Eddinus ;
for such is the reading of the Greek. The
identity of 'E88ivovs with 'iSt^w/x or 'ldi.6ow is
not far to seek. Why Zacharias should have
been introduced instead of Heman, is, as F.
admits, difficult to say. In i Chron. xv. 18
there is mention of one Zechariah, as a singer
" of the second degree," and there is some
difficulty connected with the name there also,
as it is followed by " Ben," standing alone as
a proper name, but plainly requiring to be
rendered "son of" some one whose name
has dropped out, unless the " Ben " itself
should be omitted. See Reuss there ; and, for
the identity of Jeduthun with Ethan, Lord
Arthur Hervey in ' Diet, of the Bible,' art.
Jeduthun.
luho nvas of the king's retinue^ 6 irapa tov
l3amXf(os (Aid.), for which F. has ot napd,
referring to them all. The phrase may be
explained by comparison of i Mace. xvi. 16
and similar passages ; but, if we observe that
the LXX. of 2 Chron. xxxv. 15 has oi
7rpo<t)rJTat tov /3., we may be led to suspect the
word napa to be corrupt. By "seer" in the
parallel passage no more need be meant than
professional adviser.
16. porters.] Or, doorkeepers : see i Chron.
xxvi. 1 4-1 8.
ordinary service.] See note on " daily
courses," v. 2.
V. 17 2 6.]
I. ESDRAS. I.
19
B. c. to go from his ordinary service : for
cir^s- ^j^gjj. bj-gti^j-en the Levites prepared
for them.
17 Thus were the things that be-
longed to the sacrifices of the Lord
accomplished in that day, that they
might hold the passover,
18 And offer sacrifices upon the
altar of the Lord, according to the
commandment of king Josias.
19 So the children of Israel which
were present held the passover at that
time, and the feast of sweet bread
seven days.
20 And such a passover was not
kept in Israel since the time of the
prophet Samuel.
21 Yea, all the kings of Israel
held not such a passover as Josias,
and the priests, and the Levites,
and the Jews, held with all Israel
that were found dwelling at Jeru- b. c.
1 cir. 623.
salem.
22 In the eighteenth year of the
reign of Josias was this passover kept.
23 And the works of Josias were
upright before his Lord with an heart
full of godliness.
24 As for the things that came to
pass in his time, they were written in
former times, concerning those that
sinned, and " did wickedly against the u Or, were
Lord above all people and kingdoms, ""^^ '''
and how they grieved him " exceed- n Or, .wi-
ingly, so that the words of the Lord " ^'
rose up against Israel.
25 H/ Now after all these acts of./'aChron.
Josias it came to pass, that Pharaoh ^^'. ''
11- r T- r ' . cir. 610.
the kmg or -tgypt came to raise war
at Carchamis upon Euphrates : and
Josias went out against him.
26 But the king of Egypt sent to
for their brethren, (fc-V.] This gives the
reason why there was no need for them to
leave their posts. The other Levites prepared
the paschal meal for them to eat.
17. that they might hold^ Rather, " should
be held;" and, in the next verse, "that the
sacrifices should be brought;" the verbs in
both places being passive.
19. s^eet bread.l An unusual expression
for " unleavened bread," found also in Cran-
mer's Bible. Compare James iii. ii, 12,
where the same word y\vKv is rendered
"sweet" and "fresh."
20. such a passo'ver.'] For the points in
which it surpassed all earlier ones since the
establishment of the kingdom, see R.'s note
on 2 Kings xxiii. 22.
21. avith all Israel.'] The word " Israel"
is here used in a more limited sense than in
the clauses immediately preceding.
23. ^nd the ivorks.'] This verse and the
next contain an addition to the account as it
is in 2 Chron., apparently meant to make the
transition less abrupt to the very different
scenes about to be described.
24. the things that came to pass in his
time.] Rather, " the events concerning him,"
ra Kar avruv.
exceedingly.] The Greek is eV alcrdrjafi,
which will explain the marginal reading,
" sensibly." If the reading be genuine, it is
a difficult one, and seems to mean " in fiis
feelings ;" that is, " to the heart." So Wahl :
" Wie sie ihn in seinem Gefilhle gekrankt
haben." The Geneva Version has " with
sensible things," and, in the margin, an ex-
planation of this : " by worshipping sensible
creatures." Comp. Ezek. viii. 10. But this
would be a forced interpretation.
rose up.] This expression is more than
a mere metaphor, like " lifted up his voice,"
"took up his parable," &c. A personal
agency is ascribed to the word of the Lord,
as to the ancient Bir^. F. compares i Ki.
xiii. 2, and 2 Ki. xxiii. 16.
25. after all these acts.] How long after
is not said; but the date is fixed at 608 B.C.
See R.'s note on 2 Chron. xxxv. 20. The
Pharaoh here spoken of was Pharaoh-Necho
(NfKco? in Hdt. ii. 158), said by the Greek
historian to be son of Psammetichus I.,
who had at this period newly ascended the
throne. Herodotus mentions an engagement
of this Necho with the " Syrians " at " Mag-
dolus " (Megiddo ?), adding that after the
battle he took a great city of Syria named
Cadytis, thought by some to denote Jeru-
salem itself, by others Gaza. In his passage
along the coast of Palestine to seize the fords
of the Euphrates at Carchemish, he was
encountered by Josiah. Carchemish is iden-
tified by Reuss and Fritzsche with the
Circesium, or Circusium of the Greeks,
which stood at the junction of the Khabour
with the Euphrates. But Rawlinson has
shewn good reason for believing it to have
stood much higher up, near the site of the
later Hierapolis.
C 2
20
I. ESDRAS. I.
[v. 2733.
?.. c. him, saying, What have I to do with
'^'l ^' thee, O king of Judea ?
27 I am not sent out from the
Lord God against thee ; for my war is
upon Euphrates : and now the Lord
is with me, yea, the Lord is with
me hasting me forward : depart from
me, and be not against the Lord.
28 Howbeit Josias did not turn
back his chariot from him, but under-
took to fight with him, not regarding
the words of the prophet Jeremy
spoken by the mouth of the Lord :
29 But joined battle with him in
the plain of Magiddo, and the princes
came against king Josias.
30 Then said the king unto his
servants. Carry me away out of the
battle J for I am very weak. And
immediately his servants took him
away out of the battle.
3 1 Then gat he up upon his second
chariot ; and being brought back to
Jerusalem died, and was buried in his
father's sepulchre.
32 And in all Jewry they mourned
for Josias, yea, Jeremy the prophet
lamented for Josias, and the chief
men with the women made lamen-
tation for him unto this day : and
this was given out for an ordinance
to be done continually in all the
nation of Israel.
33 These things are written in the
book of the stories of the king-s of
Judah, and every one of the acts that
Josias did, and his glory, and his
understanding in the law of the Lord,
B.
cir.
c.
610
27. tbee.'] The word is emphatical. " Ce
n'est pas a toi," &c. (Reuss). The religious
tone of the utterances ascribed to the Egyptian
king is noticeable. Compare the words of the
Assyrian Rabshakeh in 2 Kings xviii. 25.
28. did not turn back bis chariot from him?\
The Greek is literally : " and Josias did not
turn himself away to his chariot ;" which, taken
in connection with what is said about " his
second chariot" in -y. 31, seems to imply that
the king would not be induced to return
to his travelling chariot, and give up the
encounter.
the prophet Jeremy?^ In the parallel pas-
sage of 2 Chron. the expression is that
Josiah would not hearken to the words of
Necho from the mouth of the Lord. And
though in the prophecy of Jeremiah there
may be references to this defeat (as in xv.
7-9), yet there is nothing, as F. points out,
which can be construed as a dissuasion from
the encounter.
29. Magiddo:\ The " plain of Megiddo "
mentioned here is in keeping with the " valley
of Megiddo " spoken of in 2 Chron. It would
seem that the Egyptians, marching northwards
along the coast, had turned oft" at Mount Car-
mel into the plain of Esdraelon, the great battle-
field of Palestine, and been met by Josiah at
the pass of Megiddo, the modern el-Lejjun.
the princes.'] Rather, " the leaders," ol
("ipxovTes. In I Mace. ix. 37, where also a
military force is spoken of, the word is
rendered " governors." For the expression
"came against," more literally "came down
against," comp. Judith xiv. 13. For some
reason, the author has here diverged from the
account in 2 Chron. (found in the LXX. as
well as the Hebrew), " the archers shot at
king Josiah."
30. / am very weak.'] Rather, " I am
grown weak" {j^a-Bevrja-ii), or "I have lost
strength." It is not here expressly stated that
Josiah was wounded, but this is implied in
what follows.
31. his second chariot.] The word rendered
" second," SevTeptov, is late, and rarely found.
In the LXX. it is SfvTepevov. The chariot in
question seems to have been the one for
travelling (see note on -v. 28), waiting in
attendance while the king was engaged in the
combat in his war-chariot (2 Chron. xxxv. 24).
died.] There is no real contradiction
between this and 2 Kings xxiii. 30. See R.'s
note there, and comp. 2 Kings xxii. 20.
32. Jeremy the prophet.] Josephus (' An-
tiqq.'x. 5. i) states that Jeremiah composed a
funeral dirge for Josiah, which was still extant,
6 Koi p-expi vvv diafievet. But the Book of
Lamentations, as we have it, does not contain
anything that could properly be so described.
33. the book of the stories.] In 2 Chron.
xiii. 22 we have a mention of "the story of
the prophet Iddo ;" but the word there used,
Midrash, is rather " interpretation," or " com-
mentary," as in the margin. It might be
reasonably thought that the Second Book of
Chronicles was here referred to, and the
Second Book of Kings in the latter part of
the verse. But if so, the writer's language is
vague. In -y. 42 he speaks of the " chronicles
of the kings" (eV rfj /3t'/3Xcj ra>v ;(^poi'a)i'),
while here the expression is eV rfj ^i,SKco twv
IcTTopovp-ivoiv TTepl K. T. X. Thc work so often
referred to as an authority in the Books of
Kings themselves, as " The Book of the
V. 3442.]
I. ESDRAS. I.
21
B. c. and the things that he had done
cir^o. ^gf^j.^^ ^j^^ jl^g things now recited,
are reported in the booic of the kings
of Israel and Judea.
dr. 610. 34 s And the people took Joachaz
2 Kings the son of Josias, and made him king
^Chron. instead of Josias his father, when he
^' ' was twenty and three years old.
35 And he reigned in Judea and in
Jerusalem three months : and then
the king of Egypt deposed him from
reigning in Jerusalem.
36 And he set a tax upon the land
of an hundred talents of silver and
one talent of gold.
37 The king of Egypt also made
king Joacim his brother king of
Judea and Jerusalem.
38 And he bound Joacim and the
nobles : but Zaraces his brother he b. c.
apprehended, and brought him out of "LJ'
Egypt.
39 Five and twenty years old was cir. 610.
''^Joacim when he was made king in ''^Chron.
the land of Judea and Jerusalem ; ^e/^ia.
and he did evil before the Lord. "iikkln.
40 Wherefore against him Nabu- cir. 606.
chodonosor the king of Babylon came
up, and bound him with a chain of
brass, and carried him into Babylon.
41 Nabuchodonosor also took of
the holy vessels of the Lord, and
carried them away, and set them in
his own temple at Babylon.
42 But those things that are re-
corded of him, and of his uncleanness
and impiety, are written in the
chronicles of the kings.
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah," or " of
Israel" (i Kings xiv. 29, xv. 7; 2 Kings x.
34, &c.), is in all those places uniformly
described in the LXX. as the Book \6ya>v
nonv recited?^ The word " recited " should
be in Italics. A closer rendering would be,
" and the things done now."
34. Joacha%^ This is the reading of the
Aldine, agreeably with the Hebrew ; but the
best Greek text has ^If^^ovlav. The Vulgate
has also " Jechonias," and this form is pre-
served in Matt. i. 11. The error probably
arose from a misreading of the Hebrew name,
such as has caused frequent confusion be-
tween Jehoiakim ('Iwa^e'V) "^^d Jehoiachin
('IcuaKfi/x). See Lord Arthur Hervey's art.
Jehoiachin in ' Diet, of the Bible.' Jehoahaz
(^or Shallum, as he is called in Jer. xxii. 11)
was the younger brother of Eliakim or
Jehoiakim. For his short reign of three
months, see R. on 2 Kings xxiii. 30.
37. king?^ This word seems unnecessarily
repeated before Joacim ; but it is found in
the Greek. Jehoiakim's age at his accession
is given below, -z^. 39 ; and by a comparison
of it with 'V. 34 we see that he was older than
his half-brother and predecessor Jehoahaz.
38. The statements in this verse seem
hopelessly confused. There is no authority
for "and" before "the nobles." Indeed
there would be no sense in saying that the
king of Egypt " bound " the king whom he
had just placed on the throne. The literal
rendering of the passage is : " and Joakim
bound the nobles, but Zaraces his brother he
apprehended," &c. If this be right, the re-
ference must be to some despotic proceedings
of which we have no other account. The
alteration of Zedekiah (who was the king's
half-brother, being own brother to Jehoahaz)
to Zaraces is not inexplicable, when we think
of the resemblance of T to "1 ; but a com-
parison of the statement in 2 Ghron. xxxvi. 4,
" and Necho took Jehoahaz his brother, and
carried him to Egypt," makes us suspect
some corruption of the text. The reading of
the Vulgate suggests a possible explanation :
et all'igavit mag'tstratus loacim, et Zaracelem
fratrem suum, et apprehendens reduxit in
Aegyptum. That Necho should take the own
brother of the deposed king, and his chief
nobles, as hostages into Egypt, would be
natural enough ; and there is nothing to
forbid our taking 'Iwaxt/i as genitive, though
the position would be unusual. But we
should be compelled to read eh Kiyvmov in
place of 6^ AtyvTTTou, a change for which
there is not authority. The Geneva Version
makes sense, at the expense of the text, by
rendering " he bound Joachaz and his gover-
nours." Josephus, following the Hebrew,
throws no light on the subject.
41. in his o^n temple^ Compare the ex-
pression " the house of his god," used of
Nebuchadnezzar in Dan. i. 2 ; where also the
mention of "-part of the vessels of the house
of God " as being carried away will illustrate
the language here. For the special devotion
of this king to Bel-Merodach, the Babylonian
Mars, see R.'s note on 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7.
That this incident should be mentioned in
Chronicles, but not in Kings, accords with
the theory of Jeremiah being the compiler of
the latter (or its later portion), and Daniel of
the former. See also the note on ii. 10.
42. Comp. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 8,
11
I. ESDRAS. I.
[v. 4354.
B.C.
cir, 599.
599-
Jer. 52
:, S:c.
S93-
43 And Joacim his son reigned in
his stead : he was made king being
eighteen years old ;
44 And reigned but three months
and ten days in Jerusalem ; and did
evil before the Lord.
45 So after a year Nabuchodonosor
sent and caused him to be brought
into Babylon with the holy vessels of
the Lord ;
46 And made Zedechias king of
Judea and Jerusalem, when he was
one and twenty years old ; and he
reigned eleven years :
47 And ^ he did evil also in the
sight of the Lord, and cared not for
the words that were spoken unto him
by the prophet Jeremy from the
mouth of the Lord.
48 And after that king Nabucho-
donosor had made him to swear by
the name of the Lord, he forswore
himself, and rebelled ; and hardening
his neck, and his heart, he trans-
gressed the laws of the Lord God of
Israel.
49 The governors also of the
people and of the priests did many
things against the laws, and passed b. c.
all the pollutions of all nations, and *^'!li?^*
defiled the temple of the Lord, which
was sanctified in Jerusalem.
50 Nevertheless the God of their
fathers sent by his messenger to call
them back, because he spared them
and his tabernacle also.
51 But they had his messengers
in derision ; and, look, when the
Lord spake unto them, they made
a sport of his prophets :
52 So far forth, that he, being
wroth with his people for their great
ungodliness, commanded the kings
of the Chaldees to come up against
them ;
53 Who slew their young men
with the sword, yea, even within the
compass of their holy temple, and
spared neither young man nor maid,
old man nor child, among them j
for he delivered all into their hands.
54 And they took all the holy
vessels of the Lord, both great and
small, with the vessels of the ark
of God, and the king's treasures, and
carried them away into Babylon.
43. Joacim.'] Called in the A. V. of
2 Chron. Jehoiachin. The age here assigned
him agrees with 2 Kings xxiv. 8, and is more
probable than the eight years of 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 9.
45. So after a year?\ That is, from the
expedition referred to in -y. 40.
the holy vessels.] That is, such as were
left after the partial spoliation related in
-v. 41. The final clearance is mentioned in
-v. 54-
46. Zedechias.] The writer avoids the
apparent error of calling him the late king's
brother, as is done in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 11.
Being the son of Josiah and Hamutal, he was
uncle to Jehoiachin. His timid, vacillating
character is well described by Mr. W. A.
Wright in his article in 'Diet, of the Bible,'
iii. p. 1834.
47. cared for.] ivfTpairt} ano. The con-
struction seems worth citing as throwing
light on the classical evrpeTreadal tlvos, which
cannot surely mean "to turn to^-ards a
person " (as explained in Liddell and Scott),
but rather " to turn in upon oneself /row," as
a snail drawing in its horns, and so " to
stand in awe of," " reverence."
Jeremj.] Jer. xxi. 3-7, and many later
passages, would apply here.
49. of the priests.] That is, the chief of
the priests, a suitable word having to be sup-
plied from " governors." For the general
subject, see 2 Chron. xxxvi. 14, and the note
on "v. 24 above, in connection with Ezek.
viii. 10-16.
50. messenger.] In 2 Chron. the word is
plural, " messengers ; " that is, the prophets.
If any stress is here to be laid on the singular,
we may suppose Jeremiah to have been
meant. Comp. the next verse.
52. to come up, <b'c.] Rather, " to bring
up against them the kings," Sec. ; the verb
dva^i^dcrai being transitive.
54. the 'vessels of the ark.] This is the
reading of the Aldine, ra crKev-q kijBoitov. But
the best text has kul rds kijScotoiis, " and the
arks," or chests, explained by F. to be trea-
sure-chests. It is against this view that,
although the word may have this meaning in
other Greek authors (as in the passage of
Suidas quoted by F.), in biblical Greek it
appears to be used only for the ark of the
Covenant, and for Noah's ark (for which the
Hebrew terms are not the same). The word
55 3-]
I. ESDRAS. I. II.
^3
B. c. 55 As for the house of the Lord,
^^jJ- ' they burnt it, and brake down the
walls of Jerusalem, and set fire upon
her towers :
56 And as for her glorious things,
they never ceased till they had consumed
and brought them all to nought : and
the people that were not slain with
the sword he carried unto Babylon :
57 Who became servants to him
and his children, till the Persians
jer. 25. reigned, to fulfil the ^ word of
'^' the Lord spoken by the mouth of
Jeremy :
58 Until the land had enjoyed her
sabbaths, the whole time of her deso-
I Or, keep lation shall she " rest, until the full
tabbath. ^ '
term or seventy years.
B.C.
cir. 536.
CHAPTER II.
I Cyrus is moved by God to build the temple,
5 and giveth leave to the Jeivs to ^-etiirn, and
contribute to it. II He delivereth again the
vessels zvhich had been taken the?ice. 25 Ar-
taxerxes forbiddeth the Jews to build any
more.
IN the '^ first year of Cyrus king cir. 536.
of the Persians, that the word "/ ^hron.
t '30. 22 2 "X.
of the Lord might be accomplished, Ezra 1. 1,
that he had promised by the mouth
of Jeremy ;
2 The Lord raised up the spirit of
Cyrus the king of the Persians, and
he made proclamation through all
his kingdom, and also by writing,
3 Saying, Thus saith Cyrus king
of the Persians ; The Lord of Israel,
used in the LXX. for the ark in which Moses
was laid, is QlQi^.
56. And as for, <b^c7\ The English here is
somewhat free, for "they finished the work
of destroying her glorious things." There
may, however, be an imitation of a Hebrew
use of the infinitive in the phrase crvvfreXecrai/
axpeiaaui, on which see VVahl, s. v.
slain with the sivord.'] The translator was
perhaps influenced by the reading of the
Aldine, airo pofjicpaias, which would suggest
its being coupled with eTTiXoiTrovs. But the
best reading is p.eTa pofKpaias, "with the
sword ; " that is, " he led them away sword
in hand" {das Schivert in der Hand, F.), as his
captives.
58. It is not certain where the pause in
the sense ought to be made. In the Hebrew
(2 Ghron. xxxvi. 21) the words " until," &c.
are coupled with what precedes. Then a
fresh sentence would begin thus : " All the
time of her desolation shall she rest, up to,"
8cc. If we are to take a year of captivity as
representing the compensation for each sab-
batical year of rest not enjoyed by the land,
then, as Reuss points out, we should have to
go back 490 years, or to the time of David,
for the beginning of the period of neglect.
But, as Dr. Bissell observes, " it is the theo-
logical, not the chronological, idea that
predominates."
CHAPTER II.
1. In the first year, (i^r.] The writer now
passes to the restoration of the Jews in 5 3 8 B.C.
Like the author of the Second Book of
Chronicles, he is silent about all that inter-
vened at Babylon. The abrupt ending of
2 Ghron., /cat dvajirjTw, is linked on to what
follows, in Ezra i. 3 and in v. 5 of the present
chapter. The abruptness is not so notice-
able in the A. V., but in reality, as Reuss
observes (' Introd.' p. 10), the proclamation
of Cyrus is broken off in the middle of a
sentence. For the date, see Sayce's ' Introd.
to the Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther'
(1885), p. 19. By "first year" is meant the
first year of his reign in Babylonia.
that he had promised^ These words are
not wanted. The Greek is literally : " for
the fulfilment of the word of the Lord by
the mouth of Jeremiah," nearly as it is in the
Geneva Version. For the reference, see Jer.
XXV. 12, 13 ; xxix. 10
2. The Lord raised up.'] On the possible
contact of Cyrus with Daniel at Babylon,
and the knowledge he may have gained of
Hebrew prophecies, see the note on Ezra i. i.
Sayce (p. 17) gives reasons of worldly policy
which may have influenced Cyrus: " Expe-
rience had taught Cyrus the danger of allow-
ing a disaffected people to live in the country
of their conquerors. He therefore reversed
the old policy of the Assyrian and Babylo-
nian kings, which consisted in transporting
the larger portion of a conquered population
to another country, and sought instead to
win their gratitude and affection by allowing
them to return to their native land. He saw
moreover that the Jews, if restored from
exile, would not only protect the south-
western corner of his empire from the
Egyptians, but would form a base for his in-
tended invasion of Egypt itself."
6y writing.'] Lit. " by letters," or " des-
patches," biCL ypaiTTwv, a rare word, found
in 2 Mace. xi. 15.
3. king of the Persians.] On the propriety
of this title, see Sayce, ' Fresh Light from
24
I. ESDRAS. II.
[v. 4-
-12.
B.C.
cir. 536.
B Or, this.
the most high Lord, hath made me
king of the whole world,
4 And commanded me to build
him an house at Jerusalem in Jewry.
5 If therefore there be any of you
that are of his people, let the Lord,
even his Lord, be with him, and let
him go up to Jerusalem that is in
Judea, and build the house of the
Lord of Israel : for " he is the Lord
that dwelleth in Jerusalem.
6 Whosoever then dwell in the
places about, let them help him,
those, I say, that are his neighbours,
with gold, and with silver,
7 With gifts, with horses, and
with cattle, and other things, which
have been set forth by vow, for the
temple of the Lord at Jerusalem.
8 ^I Then the chief of the fami-
lies of Judea and of the tribe of
Benjamin stood up ; the priests also,
and the Levltes, and all they whose
mind the Lord had moved to go up,
and to build an house for the Lord
at Jerusalem,
9 And they that dwelt round
about them, and helped them in all
things with silver and gold, with
" horses and cattle, and with very
many free gifts of a great number
whose minds were stirred up thereto.
10 King Cyrus also brought forth
the holy vessels, which Nabuchodo-
nosor had carried away from Jeru-
salem, and had set up in his temple
of idols.
1 1 Now when Cyrus king of the
Persians had brought them forth, he
delivered them to Mithridates his
treasurer :
12 And by him they were de-
livered to " Sanabassar the governor
of Judea.
B. c.
cir. S36.
il Heb.
substance,
Ezra 1 . 6.
I! Gr.
Skas'i-
bazar:
the first
part of i'lt
word is
corrufiily
joined to
the word
goine; be-
jore.
Ezra I. 8.
the ancient Monuments,' 1884, p. 153; and,
for the religious tone of his proclamation,
R.'s note on Ezra i. 2.
4. Jewry?^ The fondness of the English
translator for variety is shewn in the use of
this word here, and of " Judea" in the next
verse. In the Geneva Version both were
" Judea," as in the Greek.
6. places.'] ronovs, " districts." The for-
mation of the words rmrapx^s and rorrapxia
seems to shew that the word was acquiring
something of a precise and technical meaning.
A closer translation would be : " As many
therefore as dwell in the districts, let them
that are in his district help him," &c.
7. horses.'] It is observable that in the
parallel passage in Ezra there is no mention
of horses as part of the gifts. The fame of
the Assyrian horses at this time (comp.
Hab. i. 8) would make them highly prized;
and, as a matter of fact, we find the number
of those brouj;htback, 736, carefully recorded
in Neh. vii. 68.
8. Judea.] This should be "Judah,"
lovda.
stood up.] Both here, and in the LXX. of
Ezra i. 5, there is the variation of KaTacrravTes,
" standing up," for the better-established
reading Karaa-Trjo-avrfs, " settling," or " re-
solving ; " and in both the sentence is incom-
plete. The A. V. makes the sense easy, by
rendering it as a main verb.
nvhose mind the Lord had moved.] This
shews that the desire to return was not
universal. Of the Levites, in particular, only
seventy-four went back to their native
country. Few would remember a land left
68 years ago; and motives can readily be
imagined that would make numbers prefer to
stay where they were.
9. free gifts.] fvxals, lit. " votive offer-
ings." Comp. v. 7.
10. the holy vessels.] There would be an
obvious discrepancy between this statement
and that in iv. 43 sqq., if we had to regard
chs. iii., iv. as forming part, along with this,
of a continuous historical account. See the
Introd. III. The word rendered "set up"
{aTT-qpt'iaaTo, "deposited ") is the same as was
used in i. 41, and is found also in the Chisian
MS. of Dan. i. 2.
11. Mithridates.] Another of this name
is mentioned in v. 16 below. As meaning
" given by Mithra," the sun-god, it would be
a natural one for Persians to bear. The
name of the office borne by this Mithridates,
yaCocpvXa^, or treasurer, explains the curious
addition offlius Gazabar in the Vulgate, and
of Ya(T^apr)v6s in the LXX. of Ezra i. 8. In
each case it is simply a misinterpretation of
the Hebrew gizbdr., or treasurer. See the
art. MiTHREDATH in 'Diet, of the Bible.'
12. Sanabassar ^, The form of the name
in the Geneva Version, " Abassar," will help
to explain the marginal note in the A. V.
about the wrong division of words. The
Greelc is Trapf8u6r](Tav ^ava(3a(ranpcp, and it
is suggested that the a-av has got redoubled.
In the Aldine d^acraapco is in fact read. But
the reading of the best MSS., ^aaa^aa-ap,
V. 13 16.]
I. ESDRAS. 11.
25
B.C. 1 2 And this was the number of
'"jJl ' them ; A thousand golden cups, and
a thousand of silver, " censers of silver
twenty nine, vials of gold thirty, and
of silver * two thousand four hundred
{/"ed^a^ and ten, and a thousand other vessels.
ien. i^ So all the vessels of gold and
of silver, which were carried away.
DHeb.
knives,
Ezra I. 9
* Ezra I.
10, 6ui
were <^ five thousand four hundred b. c.
threescore and nme. __
15 These were brought back hy[^"^/-
Sanabassar, together with them of the j^^"f'f"-
. . r T- 1 1 T 1 sandfmir
captivity, from iDabylon to Jerusalem, hundred.
16 '^ But in the time of Arta- -^ Ezra 4.
xerxes king of the Persians Belemus, ^'
and Mithridates, and Tabellius, and
or 'S.acra^aa-crap, agreeing with the Hebrew
"l-V?tf'^, makes this improbable. The com-
mon opinion that Sheshbazzar is a Baby-
lonian name for Zerubbabel is attacked by
De Saulcy, ' Etude chronologique des livres
d'Esdras,' Sec, 1868, pp. 7, 12, on the ground
that the difference of lists given in Ezra ii. and
Neh. vii., together with the expression ^^ first
returned " in v. 5 of the latter passage, makes
it evident that there was an earlier convoi
under Sheshbazzar. This argument does not
carry much weight. See Ewald's ' Hist, of
Israel' (tr. by Carpenter), vol. v, p. 87.
go-vernorJ] Trpoa-rnTT]. His office seems to
have been the same in rank as that afterwards
held by Nehemiah ; namely, that of Pekhah,
or ruler of a sub-district, under the satrap, or
ruler of a province. The word " governor "
is used in the A. V. to render many widely-
different terms. See Sayce's ' Ezra/ Sec,
p. 23 ; and Ewald, as above, p. 87 .
13. It will be observed that the separate
numbers in this passage make up the total
of 5469 in v. 14; while those in the corre-
sponding place of Ezra do not amount to half
the total given. But it does not therefore
follow that the later authority is right. Reuss
suspects the words rendered " of a second
sort" in Ezra i. 10.
cups."] What these and the " censers "
really were is difficult to determine, as the
Hebrew words for each in Ezra are found
nowhere else, while the rendering of the first
in the LXX. is -^vKTrjpes, " coolers," and in
this passage a-ivov^ela, " vessels for libation ;"
and that of the second is in the LXX. TraprjX-
\aypiva (= " plaited work," " baskets " ?), and
here Gvta-Kai, " censers." The Vulgate athisca
is probably only a corruption of thyisas,
6vt<TKau Reuss renders the last, conjecturally,
by encensoirs.
16. At this point a fresh section begins,
answering to Ezra iv. 7-24, and removed by
an interval of time from what has gone
before. To understand it at all, the sequence
of events as given in Ezra iv. must be kept
in mind. We there read that the work of
building the temple was hindered, through
the jealousy of adversaries, " all the days of
Cyrus king of Persia, even until the reign of
Darius king of Persia" (-u. 5). In the reign
of" Ahasuerus" (-y. 6) a fresh letter of accu-
sation is sent to the king. In the days of
" Artaxerxes," another document, the contents
of which are given at length {yv. 7-16), was
forwarded on the same subject, and an answer
from the king received; in consequence of
which the Jews were forcibly " made to
cease" {y. 23) from the work, as it appears,
of rebuilding the city. Lastly, in t. 24 we
are told : " Then ceased the work of the house
of God which is at Jerusalem. So it ceased
unto the second year of the reign of Darius
king of Persia."
To explain this, three theories present
themselves, (i) Assuming the Darius first
mentioned to be Darius Hystaspis (B.C. 521-
485), we may suppose Ahasuerus to be his son
and successor Xerxes (for the Persian form
of the name see on Esther i. i), who reigned
from 485 to 465; then Artaxerxes will be
Longimanus (465-425), and the Darius at the
end of the chapter will be Darius Nothus
(425-405). The objection to this is that we
should have to admit that Jeshua and Zerub-
babel, who returned in 538, were still alive at
the dedication of the Temple in the sixth year
of this last king's reign ; which is not credible.
(2) It is assumed that Ahasuerus (Ezra iv.
6) is another name for Cambyses, the son
and successor of Cyrus the Great (529-522),
and Artaxerxes a name for the Pseudo-Smerdis
(522) who usurped the throne for seven
months after him. Thus the Darius of Ezra
iv. 24 would be Darius Hystaspis, to whom
the narrative which follows would properly
apply. This is the supposition approved by
Rawlinson, and in a qualified manner by
Reuss. The names would then be considered
to be dynastic. It is in favour of this that
Josephus (' Antiqq.' xi. 2) makes the letter of
Belsemus to be addressed to Cambyses.
(3) It is supposed that all between "vv. 5
and 24 in Ezra iv. is parenthetical ; the
stoppage of work at the Temple up to the
reign of Darius being related in 1;. 5, and its
resumption in the second year of that king
being again noticed in 1;. 24. In favour of
this supposition is the fact, that all the inter-
vening part relates to the building of the city,
and so might be treated as a long parenthesis,
and also that it requires no forced interpreta-
tion of the proper names. This theory is
adopted by Sayce. If it be the right view,
then we must conclude that the writer of
2.6
I. ESDRAS. II.
[v. 17 20.
B.C.
cir. 522.
II Bahu-
jnus, and
the name
whichfol-
loweth is
but an epi-
tliet to tlie
former,
Ezra 4. 9.
Shini-
shai,
Ezra 4. 8.
" Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and
" Semellius the secretary, with others
that were in commission with them,
dwelhng in S:imaria and other places,
wrote unto him against them that
dwelt in Judea and Jerusalem these
letters following ;
17 To king Artaxerxes our lord,
Thy servants, Rathumus the story-
writer, and Semellius the scribe,
and the rest of their council, and the
judges that are in Celosyria and
Phenice.
18 Be it now known to the lord
the king, that the Jews that are come b. c.
up from you to us, being come into '^"li!**
Jerusalem, that rebellious and wicked
city, do build the market-places, and
repair the walls of it, and do lay the
foundation of the temple.
19 Now if this city and the walls
thereof be made up again, they will
not only refuse to give tribute, but
also rebel against kings.
20 And forasmuch as the things
pertaining to the temple are now
in hand, we think it meet not to
neglect such a matter.
I Esdras misunderstood his authorities, for
in -y. 18 of the present chapter he includes
the work at the Temple as part of the
grievances alleged.
16. Belemus, (b'c.'] There is some con-
fusion in the proper names here, not made
clearer by the marginal misprint of Bahumus
for Rathumus. The parallel lists are as
follows :
In Ezra. In i Esdras.
Bishlam. Belemus.
Mithredath. Mithridates.
Tabeel. Tabellius.
Rehum. Rathumus.
Shimshai. Beeltethmus.
Semellius.
Of these, Bishlam does not appear in the
LXX. of Ezra as a proper name, but we have
instead eV elp^vj], " in peace." This looks as
if the translator had been misled by the termi-
nation of the name Q?tr'3, Bisheldm, and un-
stood it as uh\ the Chaldee form of Di"?^,
Shalom, " peace';" as if it had been the greeting
at the beginning of a letter. Exactly m the
same way, in Psalm lxxv.(-vi.) 2, we have
in the LXX. iyfvi^Orj iv elprjVTi 6 tottos avTov
for "at Salem is his tabernacle." But the
form BljXeixos found in the present passage
supports the view that a proper name is in-
tended. Mithridates and Tabeel (= Tabeal,
Isai. vii. 6) need no comment. The former
is thought to have been satrap of SvTia, and
the latter his secretary. Rathumus is a
Grecised form of Rehum. Beeltethmus, as
the marginal note implies, is not a proper
name at all, but a title of Rehum, Be el-Te'em,
"lord of judgment." In the Greek it is
rendered by 6 ra npoa-nliTTOvTa (sc. ypdipun'),
= " the chronicler" or " recorder." In v. 17
the A. V. renders it " story-writer," discard-
ing it as a proper name; but in i;. 25, by a
strange confusion, due to the Aldine text,
we have " Rathumus the story-writer," and
Beeltethmus as a distinct person. Professor
Sayce explains the title as signifying " lord of
official intelligence," or "postmaster:" "the
word M'em being the technical word used by
the Assyrians and Babylonians to denote the
regular reports forwarded to the king by his
official correspondents abroad." " Shimshai,"
he adds, " ' he that belongs to the Sun-god,*
was Rehum's secretary " (_' Ezra,' Sec, p. 25).
that nvere in commission luith them^ oi
TovTois (TvvTaaa-opfvoi, eorum college (Wahl),
seems to answer to " the rest of their council "
in the next verse. The geographical names
of the various settlements, whose repre-
sentatives combined in this despatch, are here
omitted by the writer.
17. and the judges^ koI Kpiral. These
words are omitted in the Alexandrian MS.,
and F. thinks them due to a misunderstand-
ing of the Hebrew word rendered " Dinaites,"
the first of the series of local names in Ezra
iv. 9. But the expression rdSe iKpive 'Veovp.
K. T. X. in the LXX. of Ezra is in favour of
Kpirai in its ordinary sense.
Celosyria.'] Properly, the plain lying between
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. The name came
into use after the time of Alexander the Great.
See the art. Coele-Syria in 'Diet, of the
Bible.'
18. that rebellious, (b'c^ According to F.'s
punctuation of the Greek, the sense would
be : " having come into Jerusalem, are building
the rebellious and wicked city, are repairing
both the market-places and the walls of it,
and are laying," &c.
19. Noiu if this city.l There seems little
doubt that a word has slipped out here, and
that it should be, " Now if this city be built,
and the walls," &c. It is so in the Geneva
Version, and the Greek requires it : iav ovv rj
TTokis avrrj olKodopridj].
they ivill not only refuse.'] The Greek is
simply " they will not endure," ov /ij) vtto-
p.eivU)(TL.
20. are norjj in hand.] ivepye'trai, "are
V. 21-
-3-]
I. ESDRAS. II.
27
B. c. 21 But to speak unto our lord the
' king, to the intent that, if it be thy
pleasure, it may be sought out in the
books of thy fathers :
22 And thou shalt find in the
chronicles what is written concern-
ing these things, and shalt under-
stand that that city was rebellious,
troubling both kings and cities :
23 And that the Jews were rebel-
lious, and raised always wars therein ;
for the which cause even this city
was made desolate.
24 Wherefore now we do declare
unto thee, O lord the king, that if
this city be built again, and the walls
thereof set up anew, thou shalt from
henceforth have no passage into Celo-
syria and Phenice.
25 Then the king wrote back
again to Rathumus the storywriter,
to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the
scribe, and to the rest that were in
commission, and dwellers in Samaria
and Syria and Phenice, after this b. c.
manner ; cir^a.
26 I have read the epistle which
ye have sent unto me : therefore I
commanded to make diligent search,
and it hath been found that that city
was from the beginning practising
against kings ;
27 And the men therein were
given to rebellion and war : and that
mighty kings and fierce were in
Jerusalem, who reigned and exacted
tributes in Celosyria and Phenice.
28 Now therefore I have com-
manded to hinder those men from
building the city, and heed to be
taken that there be no more done in it j
29 And that those wicked workers
proceed no further to the annoyance
of kings.
30 Then king Artaxerxes his let-
ters being read, Rathumus, and Semel-
lius the scribe, and the rest that were
in commission with them, removing
being urged on." The word is the same as is
rendered " had more force" in Wisd. xvi. 17.
The Geneva Version has " goe forward." The
writer here deviates from the sense of Ezra
iv. 1 4, for which see the marginal note there.
21. it may be sought out?^ Rather, " a
search may be made," as in Ezra iv. 15.
Comp. -y. 26 below.
of thy fathers^ Rather, " which have come
down from thy fathers," otto rwv Trarfpoov.
What these were, may be understood from
Esther ii. 23 ; vi. i. Such archives are called
in the next verse vTrofxvrjfiaTta-fioi (v. 1. vno-
IxvrmaTo), memorials, or state records. Comp.
2 Mace. ii. 13, and the "book of remem-
brance " of Mai. iii. 16. By " fathers " may be
simply meant predecessors on the throne.
23. and raised alivays (wars therein. 2 koI
TToKiopKLas avvicTTdfifvoi iv avrfi '4tl e^ aloovos.
The expression is peculiar ; lit. " and under-
taking sieges in it continually for ever."
Dr. Bissell explains it of the Jews causing
themselves to be besieged, through their
turbulent conduct. But this would be a
forced meaning of a-wiaTcififvoi. It seems
more natural to connect it with such military
expeditions as are alluded to in 1;. 27.
24. ie built again.'] Rather, " be built,"
oiKo8ofjLrjdfj,
no passage, (h'c.'j The motive for the
king's intervention, as given in the Hebrew
of Ezra iv. 16, is that he would otherwise
" have no portion on this side the river,"
that is, west of the Euphrates ; in the LXX.
" that he would not have peace ; " and here,
that his passage into Palestine from the north
would be barred.
25. the storywriter.'] See note on -u. 16
above. In Ezra iv. 1 7 it is '' Rehum the
chancellor," but in the LXX. 'Peovfx BaXra/x.
after this manner.] The Greek word
implies that the letter is subjoined. In Ezra
iv. 1 7 its formal superscription is given :
" Peace, and at such a time ;" that is, " Peace,
and so on." See R.'s note there.
26. practising against.] Gk. ai/rt7rapara(r-
a-ovva, "setting itself against." For the
word in the A. V. comp. Shaksp. ' L. L. L.'
i. I : " He will practise against thee with
poison."
27. given to.] Lit. "forming," or "accom-
plishing," (TWTt'KovvTes. Compare the terms
used in v. 23.
28. done in it.] Rather, " that nothing be
done contrary hereto."
29. those tvicked luoriers.] ra rfjs KaKcas,
a Hebraism for ra kuko, or al KUKiai, as in
3 Mace. ii. 25. It should rather be, "and
that the mischief proceed no further," &c.
If there were any authority for omitting the
TO before t^s KUKias, it would give the simple
meaning of proceeding to a further degree of
wickedness.
30. .Artaxerxes his letters.] The " his " is
28
I. ESDRAS. III.
[v.
B. c. in haste toward Jerusalem with a
cir^2. ^j.QQp q horsemen and "a multitude
l^eai'^ of people in battle array, began to
w.v?-<y hinder the builders : and the buildino;
soldiers. . , 1 T 1 I
of the temple m Jerusalem ceased
cir. S20. until the second year of the reign
of Darius king of the Persians.
CHAPTER III.
4 Three strive to excel each other in wise speeches.
9 They refer themselves to the judgment of the
king. 1 8 The first dcclareth the strength of
wme.
N
OW when Darius reigned, he
made a great feast unto all
his subjects, and unto all his house-
hold, and unto all the princes of
Media and Persia,
2 And to all the governors and
captains and lieutenants that were
under him, from India unto Ethiopia,
of an hundred twenty and seven pro-
vinces.
3 And when they had eaten and
drunken, and being satisfied were
gone home, then Darius the king
went into his bedchamber, and slept,
and soon after awaked.
4 Then three young men, that
an old equivalent for the -es of the genitive,
as at the end of the prayer for All Sorts and
Conditions of Men.
remo'ving.'\ dva^ev^avres, a military term,
implying that they " marched off," like an
armed force. Gomp. Thuc. viii. io8.
the second year, (i?'f.] B.C. 520, assuming
Darius the son of Hystaspis to be meant.
See the note above (p. 25) on "v. 16.
CHAPTER III.
(iii. I V. 6.) The curious episode which
follows, composed, as it would seem, partly
in imitation of the beginning of the Book of
Esther, and partly from some current stories
of the Persian Court, appears to have been
inserted here as a means of stringing the nar-
rative together ; so far, at least, as it professes
to account for the readiness of Darius to
help the Jews. With the same idea, appa-
rently, of making the order of events seem
easy and natural, Josephus, who repeats the
story with embellishments of his own ('Antiqq.'
xi. 3), relates how Darius, while yet a private
person, had vowed that, if he should ever
attain the throne, he would send back to
Jerusalem all the sacred vessels of the Temple
still remaining in Babylon. Further to facili-
tate matters, Zorobabel, who had been chosen
leader (r;ye/ia)i/) of the captive Jews, had
lately returned to Babylon from Jerusalem,
and being welcomed by Darius (to explain
which he is made to have been a friend of
old standing) is made one of three body-
guards ((TcofxaTocfivXaKfs) in attendance on the
king. How clumsily such invented accounts
hang together is strikingly illustrated in the
present instance.
1. Noiu <when Darius reigned.'] This ren-
dering is due to the reading of the Aldine,
Koi (Haa-ikfixras A. The best reading is koi
^aa-ikevs K. T. X., = " and king Darius made,"
&c.
tnade a great feast.'] As Dr. Bissell points
out, this expression is exactly repeated in St.
Luke V. 29. It occurs also in the Additions
to Esther, i. 9.
household.] Lit. " house-born slaves,"
Tols olKoyfvecTiv. The full term olKoyevrjs
8ovXos is found in Diodorus Siculus.
Media and Persia.] The order in which
the names here occur should be noticed, in
connection with the reverse order in -y. 14.
2. to all the governors, is'c] The terms
in the original are aarpaivais, crTpar-qyois,
Tonapxais. For the " satraps," see R.'s note
on Esther i. 3. The a-Tparriyoi, or " generals,"
would be the military commanders under
them, but responsible to the central govern-
ment. See Sayce (' Ezra,' Sec, p. 55). By
" toparchs" we may understand the rulers of
districts, such as the three " governments "
(Joparchies^ of i Mace. xi. 26.
from India, (i^T.] Comp. Esther i. i, and
R.'s note there. The number of " provinces "
is there also given as 127. But though the
Greek term used is o-aTpaTrelas, we are not
to suppose so many satrapies in the proper
sense of the word. Sub-provinces must be
meant to be included. " Darius enumerates
twenty-three at Behistun, and twenty-nine
on his tomb at Nakhs-i-Rustem." (Sayce,
ubi sup. p. 54.)
3. and slept, dsT'c] There is a want of
skill in the way in which the events are here
strung together. No reason is given why
the body-guards should propose their com-
petition, and their scroll is placed under the
king's pillow (-y. 8) as if he were still asleep.
Josephus, more consistently, makes the king
enter into conversation with his attendants,
as a relief from wakefulness, and suggest
this competition to them.
4. three young men.] Rather, "the three
young men," ol rpe'is veaviaKoi. It is difficult
to reconcile the use of the term veavia-Kos, as
applied to Zerubbabel, with our ideas of
historical propriety. That Saul should be
514.]
I. ESDRAS. III.
29
were of the guard that kept the king's
body, spake one to another ;
5 Let every one of us speak a
sentence : he that shall overcome,
and whose sentence shall seem wiser
than the others, unto him shall the
king Darius give great gifts, and great
things in token of victory :
6 As, to be clothed in purple, to
drink in gold, and to sleep upon gold,
and a chariot with bridles of gold,
and an headtire of fine linen, and a
chain about his neck :
7 And he shall sit next to Darius
because of his wisdom, and shall be
called Darius his cousin.
8 And then every one wrote his
sentence, sealed it, and laid it under
king Darius his pillow ;
9 And said that, when the king is
risen, some will give him the writings ;
and of whose side the kino- and the
three princes of Persia shall judge
that his sentence is the wisest, to
him shall the victory be given, as was
appointed.
10 The first wrote. Wine is the
strongest.
1 1 The second wrote. The king
is strongest.
12 The third wrote. Women are
strongest : but above all things
Truth beareth away the victory.
13 ^ Now when the king was
risen up, they took their writings, and
delivered them unto him, and so he
read them :
14 And sending forth he called all
called a veavlas in Acts vii. 58 is but little to
the point. The best defence of it would
perhaps be to regard it as a military term,
= soldiers, as it is found in Polybius. So
probably the " young men," oi veavia-Koi, of
Mark xiv. 51, if the reading be genuine; but
it is rejected by Westcott and Hort.
5. he that shall, i&'r.] This is a wronT
division of the sentence. The sense is " let
each of us propound a thesis that shall pre-
vail." The word " sentence " in the A. V. is
here used for two different words, Xoyos and
i^-rina, of which the first denotes the proposi-
tion to be enunciated (see Wahl, who quotes
4 Mace. i. 1), and the second the dictum or
argument in support of it.
great things in token of 'victoryJ\ Simply,
*' great prizes," emvUia /xe'yaXa.
6. As, to be clothed.'\ Lit. " both to wear,"
&c. Fritzsche illustrates these Persian glories
from the Books of the Maccabees ; the purple
robe from i Mace. x. 20, and elsewhere, and
the title of Darius's kinsman from 1;. 89 of
that same chapter. For the golden drinking-
cups comp. I Mace. xi. 58. The " headtire
of fine linen," Kibapis ^va-a-ivrj, is elsewhere
used of the tiara of the High Priest (Wisd.
xlv. 12); while the /xai/iuKr/s, or chain about
the neck, was sometimes used for the
bracelet, or armlet, worn by Gauls and
others.
7. cousin.'] Gk. avyyevris, " kinsman."
" Cousin," like its original, consobrinus, came
to have a more extended signification. Comp.
Luke i. 58.
8. then every one, (i^V.] In Josephus,
after the king has given them their theses,
he goes to rest again. Then, in the morn-
ing, he convenes his court to hear their
arguments.
9. some ivill give him.'] Lit. " they will
give him," a common idiom in the Greek of
the N. T. Comp. John xv. 6, &c. ; and Winer,
p. 544.
of ivhose side, (is'c.] More simply, " and
about whomsoever the king . . . shall decide."
the three princes.] F. points out that
according to Ezra vii. 14 and Esther i. 14
there were seven " counsellors " or " princes
which saw the king's face" at the court
of Persia (on which comp. Herod, iii. 84),
and suggests that the mention of three
here may have been made with reference to
the three competitors.
10-12. A large number of such propo-
sitions, with the "resolutions" of them
(sixty-six such in all), may be seen in the
work of the Pseudo-Aristeas on the ' Ancient
History of the Septuagint ' (Eng. tr. 1685),
pp. 96-154. They are there proposed in the
form of questions to the Jewish elders, as they
sat at table, put by Ptolemy Philadelphus. If
those in the text were regarded as answers
to the question " What is strongest ? " they
would be very similar to them.
12. but above all things, (b'c] The third
appears to have a double thesis to maintain,
thus interfering with the symmetry. In
Josephus the first is asked by the king whe-
ther wine is the strongest ; the second,
whether the king is so ; the third, whether
women are so, or whether " more than these
(=than all these r) is truth."
13. their writings.] Rather, " the writing,"
or document. The word throughout is in
the singular.
3
I. ESDRAS. III. IV.
[v. 153.
the princes of Persia and Media, and
the governors, and the captains, and
the heutenants, and the chief officers ;
15 And sat him down in the
' Or, "royal seat of judgment; and the
writings were read before them.
16 And he said. Call the young
men, and they shall declare their
own sentences. So they were called,
and came in.
17 And he said unto them. De-
clare unto us your mind concerning
the writings. Then began the first,
who had spoken of the strength of
wine ;
18 And he said thus, O ye men,
how exceeding strong is wine ! it
causeth all men to err that drink it :
19 It maketh the mind of the
king and of the fatherless child to be
all one; of the bondman and of the
freeman, of the poor man and of the
rich :
20 It turneth also every thought
into jollity and mirth, so that a man
remembereth neither sorrow nor debt :
21 And it maketh every heart
rich, so that a man remembereth
neither king nor governor ; and it
maketh to speak all things by talents :
14. and tbe governors, (b'c.'] Rather, "both
satraps, and generals," &c. There is no
article with these several terms, so that we
may regard them as all included under the
heading of " princes " (jMeyiaraves) or mag-
nates.
15. the royal seat of judgment^ tw xRVf^^i-
TKTTrjpiw. Wahl renders this by Raths-
zimmer, *' council-chamber."
17. be said unto tbe/n.] This is the reading
of the Aldine. A better text is, " and they
said unto them;" i.e. the order was given
them. For the idiom see note on -v. 9.
19. mind.l didvoiav, the same word as is
rendered " thought " in the next verse. The
Vulgate reading vanam, for " one," is in all
probability a corruption of unam.
21. remembereth, (h'c.'] That is, he forgets
in whose presence he may be. Josephus
gives as an equivalent avaiaOriTOVs anepya^e-
Tai, " it renders them unconscious of," Sec.
by talents.'] Rightly explained by Wahl,
" to talk like a millionaire " {als ob er Millionen
besasse). There is a vein of humour in the
i/w cont-
}iiand.
22 And when they are in their
cups, they forget their love both to
friends and brethren, and a httle after
draw out swords :
23 But when they are from the
wine, they remember not what they
have done.
24 O ye men, is not wine the
strongest, that enforceth to do thus ?
And when he had so spoken, he held
his peace.
CHAPTER IV.
I The second declareth the power of a king. 13
The thi7-d, the force of -aiotnen, 33 a7id of
truth. 41 The third is judged to be wisest,
47 and obtaineth letters of the king to build
Jerusalem. 58 He praiseth God, and sheweth
his brethreji what he had done.
THEN the second, that had
spoken of the strength of the
king, began to say,
2 O ye men, do not men excel in
strength, that " bear rule over sea and 11 Or, have
land, and all things in them ?
3 But yet the king is more
mighty : for he is lord of all these
things, and hath dominion over them ;
and whatsoever he commandeth them
they do.
description here, to which we might find a
parallel in the Scottish poet, but which has
no place in the stern portrayal of Prov. xxiii.
29-35, or even in the more tolerant maxims
of Ecclus. xxxi. 25-31.
23. cwhen they are from.] A better reading
is orav . . . eyepdcoaiv, " when they have
waked from" their drunken slumber (vom
Weinschlafe, F.). Josephus also represents
them as sleeping oft' the effects of their wine.
CHAPTER IV.
2. do not men, (Z^c.] Josephus expands the
argument and makes it clearer. Behold the
sway that men exercise over land and sea !
The king's empire is over them. " Reges in
ipsos imperium est." The words "that bear
rule" should rather be "in bearing rule,"
there being no article.
3. of all these things.} This rendering is
due to the Travrav of the Aldine, but it spoils
the connection. The right reading is avruv,
= " he is lord of them " (i.e. of men). So at
the end of the verse, for " they do " (tvoiovo-i)
it should be " they obey " iimaKovovaC).
\
V. 4 1 7-]
r. ESDRAS. IV.
31
4 If he bid them make war the
one against the other, they do it : if
he send them out against the enemies,
they go, and break down mountains,
walls, and towers.
5 They slay and are slain, and
transgress not the king's command-
ment : if they get the victory, they
bring all to the king, as well the
spoil, as all things else.
6 Likewise for those that are no
soldiers, and have not to do with
wars, but use husbandry, when they
have reaped again that which they
had sown, they bring it to the king,
and compel one another to pay tri-
bute unto the king.
7 And yet he is but one man : if
he command to kill, they kill ; if he
command to spare, they spare ;
8 If he command to smite, they
smite ; if he command to make de-
solate, they make desolate ; if he
command to build, they build ;
9 If he command to cut down,
they cut down ; if he command to
plant, they plant.
10 So all his people and his armies
obey him : furthermore he lieth down,
he eateth and drinketh, and taketh
his rest :
11 And these keep watch round
about him, neither " may any one " or, can.
depart, and do his own business,
neither disobey they him in any thing.
12 O ye men, how should not the
king be mightiest, when in such sort
he is obeyed ? And he held his
tongue.
13 ^ Then the third, who had
spoken of women, and of the truth,
(this was Zorobabel) began to speak.
14 O ye men, it is not the great
king, nor the multitude of men,
neither is it wine, that " excelleth ; ' Heb. w
who is it then that ruleth them, or
hath the lordship over them ? are
they not women ?
15 Women have borne the king
and all the people that bear rule by
sea and land.
16 Even of them came they : and
they nourished them up that planted
the vineyards, from whence the wine
Cometh,
17 These also make garments for
of force.
4. break do<wn mountains^ The word ren-
dered "break down," Karepya^ovrat (demo-
liiintur, Vulg.), does not seem very appropriate
to mountains. But it is probably meant to
apply by a kind of zeugma to all the three
objects spoken of. The successive lines of
defence, mountain-chains, walls, towers,
all are forced by the invading army.
5. as (well the spoil, (Isfcl More literally:
" and they bring all to the king, if they gain a
victory, and if they make a raid {iav Trpovo-
fievcrcocri), and all else " (in like manner).
6. compel one another?^ There is a deep
vein of irony in this. For the whole descrip-
tion, compare i Sapi. viii. 11-18,
8. If he command, (i)V.] The Greek has
more descriptive power: etTre Trard^at, tvtt-
TovcTLv, K.T.X. " Hc glvcs thc word to smite;
they strike," &c. So all through the verse.
Compare the Centurion's answer, Matt. viii. 9.
10. he lieth, <b'c.'\ Rather, "he himself re-
clineth:" the great potentate himself (awros,
ipse) is at a banquet.
13. ivho had spoken7\ Rather, " who spake."
this ivas Zorobabel.'] It will be noticed in
what a parenthetical manner this is intro-
duced. The speaker has not been mentioned
by name before, nor is he again, till the end of
the account (v. 5), and there too the identi-
fication of him with one of the declaimers
comes in as a kind of afterthought.
14. it is not, <h'c^ The sentence is in-
terrogative: "is not the king great, and
mankind many, and wine mighty ? Who
then is he that," &c. The Aldine, as well
as more critical editions, has ov fxiyas 6
(iaaiXfvs; not, as the translator appears to
have read, 6 /xeyay /3. The marginal re-
ference " Heb." is also a slip for " Greek."
16. them that, (b'c.'] Rather, " the planters
of the vineyards themselves " (airovs).
17. make garments.'] Tvoiovai ras oroXay,
lit. "make the robes of men," the "long
clothing" of Mark xii. 38. It seems natural
to refer to Prov. xxxi. 22, 24, as Churton
does, in illustration of this. And yet, as the
making of clothing is a service, or act of
ministration, the mention of it comes in some-
what singularly in the midst of an enumera-
tion of the ways in which women have more
power and glory than men. Could the words
mean " cause their expeditions for men,"
taking aroXas in the sense it has in earlier
Greek? This would suit the obvious re-
ference to Delilah in i'. 24 ; as, to a Greek
32
I. ESDRAS. IV.
[v. 1 8 29.
men ; these bring glory unto men ;
and without women cannot men be.
18 Yea, and if men have gathered
together gold and silver, or any other
goodly thing, do they not love a
woman which is comely in favour
and beauty ?
19 And letting all those things go,
do they not gape, and even with open
mouth fix their eyes fast on her ; and
have not all men more desire unto
her than unto silver or gold, or any
goodly thing whatsoever ?
" Ger.. 2. 20 '^ A man leaveth his own father
that brought him up, and his own
country, and cleaveth unto his wife.
21 He sticketh not to spend his
life with his wife, and remembereth
neither father, nor mother, nor
country.
22 By this also ye must know that
women have dominion over you : do
ye not labour and toil, and give and
bring all to the woman ?
23 Yea, a man taketh his sword,
and goeth his way to rob and to steal,
to sail upon the sea and upon rivers ;
24 And looketh upon a lion, and
goeth in the darkness j and when he
hath stolen, spoiled, and robbed, he
bringeth it to his love.
25 Wherefore a man loveth his
wife better than father or mother.
26 Yea,
there be that have
., many
" run out of their wits for women, and ' Or,
become servants for their sakes. ^desperate.
27 Many also have perished, have
erred, and sinned, for women.
28 And now do ye not believe
me ? is not the king great in his
power ? do not all regions fear to
touch him ?
29 Yet did I see him and Apame
the king's concubine, the daughter of
mind, it would recall Helen of Troy. But
Josephus interprets itof clothing, Tasea-drjTas
v(f)aivov(rLv tj/i'lv, smoothing the way for what
he seems to have felt an abrupt illustration,
by first saying that there is nothing which we
do not owe to them. So the Old Latin has
vestes, though the Vulgate retains the original
word, stolas.
18. do they not love.'] This follows the
reading ovx^ ayaTcuxri. A better-supported
one is Ka\ 'ISwai, thus making the sense con-
tinuous: "and if they see a woman, fair in
form," Sec. The " and " at the beginning of
y. 19 would then be omitted.
19. gape.l Comp. -y. 31. The word here
used in the original, iKKexrjvav, is perhaps
not found elsewhere. Neither eKxabo} nor
(Kxaa-KO} is recognised by L. and S. Wahl
gives a present K)(aivo), referring to Lucian,
' Timon,' 21, and Anacr. ' Carm.' xxxiii. 12.
But in both these passages it is the simple
partic. Kex^^ores which is used. The form of
the termination is illustrated by Winer, p. 88.
21. He sticketh not, 4sfci\ This rendering
seems uncalled for. The Geneva Version
has, more simply, "and for the woman he
jeopardeth his life." Literally it is: "and
along with his wife he giveth up the ghost,"
KCiL fXTa Trjs yvvaiKos k.t.X. That is, as
Dr. Bissell explains it, he remains by his wife
till death. The change of the word " woman "
to " wife " is awkward (the Greek word being
the same), but perhaps unavoidable.
22. to the njoomanP[ Rather, " to your
V.'ives," raty yvvai^i, pi.
23. to jail upon the sea."] els rrjv 6a\acr(rau
nXe'iv. It is difficult to believe that eVt ttjv
K. T. X., the reading of Aid. and some inferior
MSS., is not the right one here. Wahl gives
Xen. * Hell.' v. i, 16 (should be v. i, 6) as an
instance of TrXelv els, but that is merely the
common usage of els with the name of a tovra
reached by sea.
24. /ooketh upon a Hon.] Rather, "the
lion," Tov XiovTu. By " looketh upon,"
Beoopel, is meant "gazes undismayed upon,"
like Horace's "qui rectis oculis . . . vidit."
The reference seems to be, in part at least, to
the story of Samson, Judg. xiv. 5 jqq.; but it
may also be taken as a converse picture to
that in Prov. xxii. 13: "The sluggard saith,
There is a lion without, I shall be slain in the
streets."
26. ha-ve run out, (i^v.] See the margin.
Perhaps " have grown distracted in their
minds" would be a closer rendering. The
additional trait of " becoming slaves " seems
again to indicate Samson. " For," in this
verse, means strictly " on account of," not
"for the sake of," which would better suit
such an example as that of Jacob serving for
Rachel.
28. to touch?^ That is, " to meddle with,"
as in Ps. cv. 15: " Touch not mine anointed,
and do my prophets no harm."
29. did I see.] More exactly, " I was
watching," " I was a spectator of," eOedopow,
the word used in Luke x. 18, which is made
much more expressive by that rendering.
V. 3 39- J
I. ESDRAS. IV.
33
Joseph.
Aintiq. lib
ti. cap. 3,
Raisaces
Thetna-
I Or,
hereat.
I Or, he
friends
jjith him.
the admirable ' Bartacus, sitting at
the right hand of the king,
30 And taking the crown from
the king's head, and setting it upon
her own head ; she also struck the
king with her left hand.
31 And yet "for all this the king
gaped and gazed upon her with open
mouth : if she laughed upon him, he
laughed also : but if she took any
displeasure at him, the king was fain
to flatter, that she might " be recon-
ciled to him a2;ain.
32 O ye men, how can it be but
women should be strong, seeing they
do thus .?
33 Then the king and the princes
looked one upon another : so he
began to speak of the truth.
34 O ye men, are not women
strong ? great is the earth, high is
the heaven, swift is the sun in his
course, for he compasseth the heavens
round about, and fetcheth his course
again to his own place in one day.
35 Is he not great that maketh
these things ? therefore great is the
truth, and stronger than all things.
36 All the earth " calleth upon the ' Or.
truth, and the heaven blesseth it : all the truth,
works shake and tremble at it, and ^^'^'
with it is no unrighteous thing.
37 Wine is wicked, the king is
wicked, women are wicked, all the
children of men are wicked, and such
are all their wicked works j and there
is no truth in them ; in their un-
righteousness also they shall perish.
38 As for the truth, it endureth,
and is always strong ; it liveth and
conquereth for evermore.
39 With her there is no accepting
of persons or rewards ; but she doeth
the things that are just, and refraineth
Apame?\ This name is known to have
been borne by more than one lady of rank
in antiquity. The mother and daughter of
Antiochus Soter were both so called. In
Josephus this Apame is said to have been the
daughter of 'Pa/Se^aK?;? 6 ee^do-iojr. If that
reading could be depended upon, Rabe-
zaces would probably be no more than Rab-
shakeh, the title of office. Petitus (quoted
by Hudson in loc^ thinks that the word
rendered ' admirable," Bavfioalov, really means
"from Mount Thaumasius," meaning, I sup-
pose, the place in Thessaly, so called from its
wonderful prospect. If so, he must have
migrated to Persia. It is more natural to
take 6avjia.(Tios as an epithet of rank or office.
The name Bartacus recalls the 'Apraxairjs of
Hdt. vii. 22.
right hand.'] Comp. Ps. xlv. 9.
30. struck-l Lit., "was slapping," or striking
with the open hand.
31. Jnd yet for all thisT] Rather, "and
in addition to this," koi Trpos tovtois. Ewald
(' Hist, of Isr.' V. p. 127, n.) notices " the ridi-
culous attitude " in which Darius is here por-
trayed, the anecdote being taken, as he thinks,
from " some book of Persian court-stories."
34. fetcheth his course again.] TraXtv ano-
rpixft, lit. " runneth back again." Comp.
Ps. xix. 6 (O. v.): "It goeth forth from the
uttermost part of the heaven, and runneth
about unto the end of it again."
35. he . . . that maketh?^ 6 ttolwv, "the
Maker." The connection of thought in what
follows, which the translator has tried to indi-
ApocVol. I.
cate by rendering koI "therefore," is made
more easy to follow by Josephus, as his
manner is throughout this narrative : " Now
all these things are set in motion according
to the will of God. And he is true and
just," &c. Hence truth, as an attribute of
God, shares His greatness.
36. calleth upon.] Gk. KaXet, Vulg. in-vocat.
It is not quite clear in what sense the word
is used. That of " invoking " or " appealing
to " would perhaps be the best. F. prefers
the sense of " inviting " (^ladet sie ein). Atha-
nasius, in the passage referred to in the
margin (' Or. ii. c. Arian.' c. xx.) explained it
by vfivel, " singeth of : " el 8e naaa rj yri tov
drjfiiovpyov kol ttjv aki)6ei.av vp.vei Ka\ evKoya.
/cat rpep-ei, k. r. X.
37. and such are, (b'c.] The literal render-
ing is : " and unrighteous are all their works,
all such." The addition of navra ra ToiavTa
at the end looks like a gloss. " Unrighteous "
or " unjust " would be a better equivalent for
aSiKos than " wicked," all through this verse.
38-40. This passage, with the exception
of the latter part of v. 39, is quoted by
Cyprian, ' Ep.' Ixxiv. Compare also August.
*De Civit. Dei,' xviii., c. 36.
39. or reivards.] ovBe 8ia(j)opa, lit. "nor
difference," as it is correctly rendered in the
Geneva Version ; that is, with Truth there is
no partiality. She ^^ indifferently ministers
justice," in the old sense of the word :
" Looks on (men's) wrongs with an indifferent
eye,"
34
I. ESDRAS. IV.
[v. 4047.
from all unjust and wicked things ;
and all men do well like of her works.
40 Neither in her judgment is any
unrighteousness ; and she is the
strength, kingdom, power, and ma-
jesty, of all ages. Blessed be the
God of truth.
41 And with that he held his
peace. And all the people then
shouted, and said, Great is Truth,
and mighty above all things.
42 Then said the king unto him,
Ask what thou wilt more than is
appointed in the writing, and we will
give it thee, because thou art found
wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me,
and shalt be called my cousin.
43 Then said he unto the king.
Remember thy vow, which thou hast
vowed to build Jerusalem, in the day
when thou camest to thy kingdom.
44 And to send away all the
vessels that were taken away out of
Jerusalem, which Cyrus set apart,
when he vowed to destroy Babylon,
and to send them again thither.
45 Thou also hast vowed to build
up the temple, ^ which the Edomites * ? 37.
burned when Judea was made deso- Ezek. 25.
late by the Chaldees. "'
46 And now, O lord the king,
this is that which I require, and
which I desire of thee, and this is the
princely liberality proceeding from
thyself: I desire therefore that thou
make good the vow, the performance
whereof with thine own mouth thou
hast vowed to the King of heaven.
47 Then Darius the king stood
up, and kissed him, and wrote letters
for him unto all the treasurers and
lieutenants and captains and governors.
and refra'meth from, (i^v.] The reading of
the Aldine, aTre'xeTai, rendered here " re-
fraineth from," makes the sense very simple ;
but it lacks MS. authority.
40. the strength, kingdom, irv.] In his
desire, often shewn elsewhere, to avoid the
repetition of " and," so frequent in this book,
the translator has spoilt the rhythm of this
passage. It was much better in the Geneva
Version: "and she is the strength, and the
kingdom, and the power," &c. Compare also
the similar doxology in i Chron. xxix. 11:
" Thine, O Lord, is the greatness," &c.
41. Great is Truth, 6v.] The Vulgate
rendering of this sentence has passed, with
a slight change, into the common proverb :
Magna est Veritas, et pnevalebit. In the Vulg.
it hpr^evalet. For the applause which followed
this declamation, compare the similar instances
in Aristeas, as for example : " And when he
ceased, there was a burst of applause, with
shouting and joy, for a considerable time."
('Hist. Ixxii. Interpretum,' 1692, p. 95.)
42. cousin.'] See note on iii. 7.
43. hast 'voived.'] Rather, "vowedst;" and
so in "v. 45. This vow has not been hinted
at hitherto. Josephus, framing a more con-
nected story, begins by mentioning this vow
as made by Darius before he came to the
throne. (' Antiqq.'xi. 3. i.) The unreasonable-
ness of representing the early kings of Persia
as thus thinking of the restoration of the
Israelites " at every critical moment of their
lives," is pointed out by Ewald, ubi sup.,
p. 126.
44. Jnd to send aiuay.'] The "and" is
better omitted. The vow was "to send away,"
&c. For the circumstances, comp. ii. 10. As
Josephus expresses it, Darius "arranged to
do all that Gyrus before him wished to do,
with respect to the restoration of the Jews."
45. the Edomites.'] That they had a share
in the burning of the Temple, as F. observes,
is not an empty supposition. The bitter
feeling which long rankled in the breasts of
the Jews towards this "vindictive and un-
generous race " (as Stanley calls them) breaks
out in many passages of the later writings of
the O. T. " Remember, O Lord, against the
children of Edom the day of Jerusalem ; who
said. Rase it. Rase it, even to the foundation
thereof" (Ps. cxxxvii. 9, Rev. Ver.), is but
one such instance. Having been allowed by
the Chaldeans to occupy some portion of the
conquered country, they spread westwards
during the Captivity, and encroached upon
Southern Palestine as well. Some parts of
these acquisitions they are now spoken of as
being compelled to restore Qv. 50). Comp.
also Ezek. xxvi. 5 ; i Mace. v. 3.
46. princely liberality ?\ ixeyaXcoa-vvrj, answer-
ing to the word rendered "majesty" in Dan. iv.
36. The Geneva Version has "magnificence."
47. letters.] Gk. ra? eTricrToXds, " the
letters ;" i.e., those which he desired.
governors.] lAt. " satraps." See on iii. 2.
The word rendered " treasurers " should
rather be "stewards," as in the margin of
v. 49. In Rom. xvi. 23 the same word
was rendered " chamberlain," and the choice
of the word "treasurer" as a substitute, in
the Rev. Ver., obscures the identity of the
V. 48 6o.]
I. ESDRAS. IV.
35
that they should safely convey on
their way both him, and all those
that go up with him to build Jeru-
salem.
48 He wrote letters also unto the
lieutenants that were in Celosyria
and Phenice, and unto them in Liba-
nus, that they should bring cedar
wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem,
and that they should build the city
with him.
49 Moreover he wrote for all the
Jews that went out of his realm up
into Jewry, concerning their freedom,
that no officer, no ruler, no lieutenant,
nor "treasurer, should forcibly enter
into their doors ;
50 And that all the country which
they hold should be free without tri-
bute ; and that the Edomites should
give over the villages of the Jews
which then they held :
5 1 Yea, that there should be yearly
given twenty talents to the building
of the temple, until the time that it
were built ;
52 And other ten talents yearly,
to maintain the burnt offerings upon
the altar every day, as they had a
commandment to offer seventeen :
53 And that all they that went
from Babylon to build the city should
have free liberty, as well they as their
posterity, and all the priests that went
away.
54 He wrote also concerning the
charges, and the priests' vestments
wherein they minister ;
55 And likewise for the charges of
the Levites, to be given them until
the day that the house were finished,
and Jerusalem builded up.
56 And he commanded to give to
all that kept the city "pensions s.nd'^pr.^or-
wages.
iiims of
land.
57 He sent away also all the
vessels from Babylon, that Cyrus had
set apart j and all that Cyrus had
given in commandment, the same
charged he also to be done, and sent
unto Jerusalem.
58 Now when this young man
was gone forth, he lifted up his face
to heaven toward Jerusalem, and
praised the King of heaven,
59 And said. From thee cometh
victory, from thee cometh wisdom,
and thine is the glory, and I am thy
servant.
60 Blessed art thou, who hast
given me wisdom : for to thee I give
thanks, O Lord of our fathers.
word with that still rendered "steward" in
I Cor. iv. I, I Pet. iv. 10, &c.
that ^0.] Rather, " that were going."
48. Libanus.] See Ezra iii. 7.
52. j^nd other ten, (i^c.] The sense of this
passage is obscure. Perhaps on that account
it is omitted by Josephus. The Geneva
Version exhibits the order of the Greek :
"And, to maintain the burnt offerings upon
the altar every day (as they had a command-
ment to offer seventeen), other ten talents
every year." The verb naptvovcrdai, however,
cannot signify to "maintain." If we could
suppose that r had been lost before to dvaia-
rrjpinv, the construction would be simple:
" and, to the intent that the altar should
receive (or enjoy) burnt-offerings day by day, as
they have a commandment to offer seventeen,
other ten talents yearly." On the number 17
see an additional note at the end.
54. concerning the charges.] Lit. " And he
wrote also (that is, prescribed) the contribu-
tion." The term xop'ny'--i ^^ed in classical
Greek to signify the defrayal of the cost of
one of the public choruses, is meant here to
denote the cost of supporting the officiating
priests, just as in the next verse it is applied
in like manner to the Levites. In the Vul-
gate, somewhat strangely, it is rendered in
the first instance by quantitatetn, and in the
second by pnecepta.
56. kept.] I.e. "guarded." The word
rendered " pensions," KXrjpovs, means rather
" allotments." This would provide them
with a dwelling, in addition to their o-^lfuvia,
" rations," or " wages."
57. from Babylon.] In the original, these
words go more naturally with " set apart,"
referring to the act of Cyrus in keeping them
separate from the rest of the spoil. See
v. 44.
58. this young man.] See note on iii. 4.
toward Jerusalem.] Comp. Dan. vi. 10.
59. From thee, (b'c] This passage, with
part of -v. 40, is cited by Origen, ' Hom. ix.
in Josuam' (ed. Lommatzsch, t. xi. p. 100):
" Illo etenim duce semper vincent milites sui,
ita ut et nos dicamus, sicut in Esdra scriptum
D 2
36
I. ESDRAS. IV. V.
[v. 6 1 6.
6 1 And so he took the letters, and
went out, and came unto Babylon,
and told it all his brethren.
62 And they praised the God of
their fathers, because he had given
them freedom and liberty
63 To go up, and to build Jeru-
salem, and the temple which is called
by his name : and they feasted with
instruments of musick and gladness
seven days.
CHAPTER V.
4 The names and 7iumber of the Jews that
returned home. 50 The altar is set up in his
place. 57 The foundation of the temple is
laid. 73 The work is hindered for a time.
cii-s36- A FTER this were the principal
Xjl nien of the families chosen ac-
cording to their tribes, to go up with
their wives and sons and daughters,
with their menservants and maid-
servants, and their cattle.
2 And Darius sent with them a
thousand horsemen, till they had
brought them back to Jerusalem
safely, and with musical [instruments]
tabrets and flutes.
3 And all their brethren played,
and he made them go up together
with them.
4 And these are the names of the
men which went up, according to
their families among their tribes, after
their several heads.
5 The priests, the sons of Phinees
the son of Aaron : Jesus the son of
Josedec, the son of Saraias, and
"Joacim the son of Zorobabel, the
son of Salathiel, of the house of
David, out of the kindred of Phares,
of the tribe of Judah ;
6 " Who spake wise sentences
before Darius the king of Persia in
the second year of his reign, in the
B.C.
cir. 536
I yoachitn
and Zoro-
babel :
This place
is corrupt
for Joa-
chim was
the son of
Josedech,
Neh. 12.
10, and
not Zoro-
babel, who
was of the
tribe of
Judah.
" Zoroba-
bel.
est, quia a te, Domine, est 'victoria, et ego
servus iuus : benedictus es, Deus njeritatis."
61. unto Babylon^ Rather, " into Babylon,"
into the city from the king's palace.
62. freedom and liberty.'] Lit. " a loosening
and letting go," dveaiv naX cicpfo-Lv. So acfyeais
Koi aTTaXKayT] are used to express a complete
release, or quittance.
63. they feasted.] iKcodaviCovro, lit. " were
carousing," from KoyOcov, the Laconian drink-
ing-vessel. Comp. Esther iii. 5. tClw jxovcnK^v
may simply mean " music," as in Xen. ' Cyr.'
i. 6, 38, but more probably means "musical
instruments," as in the text. Comp. v. 59.
CHAPTER V.
1-6. The relation in which this passage
stands to the preceding narrative, or to the
lists that follow, has been discussed in the
Introduction, III.
1. the principal men.] Rather, " leaders,"
apxTjyoL
2. safely.] Gk. fier' flp^vris, lit. "with
peace," in imitation of the Hebrew. Comp.
the note on ii. 1 6.
3. played.] This conducting the proces-
sion to the sound of music is thought by F.
to be a token of Hebrew authorship. Comp.
Gen. xxxi. 27; i Kings i. 40 ; i Chron.
xiii. 8. But this seems doubtful. TertuUian
has been thought to refer to this passa^^^e in
his ' De Cor. Milit.,' c. ix., since there is no
allusion to such accompaniments of the return
in the canonical Ezra. His words are : " faci-
lius cum tympanis et tibiis et psalteriis re-
vertens de captivitate Babylonias, quam cum
coronis, &c."
5. Jesus.] The Jeshua of Ezra ii. 2, iii. 2,
and Zech. iii. i, Hag. i. i.
Joacim the son of Zorobabel.] As the mar-
ginal note says, this place is corrupt ; but the
correction there made is itself misleading.
In the passage referred to, Neh. xii. 10,
Joacim is called the son of Jeshua. See also
V. 26. There is the further difficulty, that
while Joacim is here described as the one
who " spake wise sentences before (or in the
time of) Darius," this part was before assigned
to Zorobabel (iv. 13). Burrington would
leave out the words in the Greek, answering
to " Joacim the son of," but there is no autho-
rity for this in the MSS. Herzfeld (see
Fritzsche's ' Einleitung,' p. 6) would emend :
Tov 'lioaKifj. Koi Zopo^ajSeX. For this there is
some little countenance in two inferior MSS.
Fritzsche himself is inclined to defend the
reading as it stands. Though no son of
Zorobabel named Joacim is found in the list
given in i Chron. iii. 20, that is not, he
thinks, a proof that no such son ever existed.
But this is hazardous reasoning. If his view
were adopted, it would make Joacim, and
not Zorobabel, the main actor in the debate
before Darius.
Phares.] From Pharez, who succeeded to
the rank of second son of the patriarch Judah,
David and ultimately Christ himself were
descended. Lord A. Hervey (' Diet, of the
Bible,' art. Pharez) thinks that we may
V. 7 12.]
I. ESDRAS. V.
Z1
B.C.
cir. 536.
month Nisan, which is the first
month.
7 And these are they of Jewry that
came up from the captivity, where
they dwelt as strangers, whom Nabu-
chodonosor the king of Babylon had
carried away unto Babylon.
cir. 536. 8 And they returned unto Jeru-
salem, and to the other parts of
Jewry, every man to his own city,
who came with Zorobabel, with
Saratah. Jesus, Nehemias, and ^ Zacharias,
and Reesaias, Enenius, Mardocheus,
Beelsarus, '^ Aspharasus, ^ Reelius, b. c.
Roimus, and Baana, their guides. '^^J^>
9 The number of them of the 'Miipar.
nation, and their governors, sons of ''Or,
' Phoros, two thousand an hundred < p^^^^j'
seventy and two ; the sons of-^'^Saphat, Ezra 2. 3'.
^ four hundred seventy and two : where for'
10 The sons of Ares, seven hun- h^k'for
dred fifty and six : ''^ t
/-T-M I" T\^ ^ IV T 1 numbers
1 1 The sons of r haath Moab, of the par-
two thousand eight hundred and fonowing:
twelve H^ ^^""^
LWCiVC . they vary
12 The sons of Elam, a thousand much, and
' the names
much more, f Shepkatiak. ^ Or, three hundred severity two.
trace to the lineage of Pharez the children of
Bani, Bigvai, Jorah or Hariph, Bethlehem
and Netophah, Kirjath-arim, Harim, as well
as many intermediate families, afterwards
mentioned.
6. in the month Nisan, (i)V.] The Greek is
peculiar : firjvX 'Nicrw tov nparov firjvos. F.
thinks it a misrendering of a Hebrew original.
The Vulgate has mense Nisam primo, but the
Old Latin, numenia primi menjis, " on the
first day of the first month." tov irpairov
(xr]vos looks like a gloss on Nto-ai/.
7. At this point the account begins to run
parallel to Ezra ii. i sqq., and Neh. vii. 7 sqq.
8. Nehemias.'] An earlier one than the
contemporary of Ezra. It will be observed
that twelve names are here given as those of
the leaders, probably to represent the twelve
tribes. So in Neh. vii. 7. In Ezra ii. 2,
there are only eleven names, possibly (as
Neteler thinks, ' Die BUcher Esdras,' &c.,
p. 13) to represent the tribes, counting
Ephraim and Manasses as one. But it is
more probable that a name answering to
Enenius in this list, and to Nahamani in
Neh. vii. 7, has dropped out in Ezra. How
liable to error are such lists may be seen
from the LXX. of the passage in Nehemiah,
where fourteen names appear instead of
twelve ; two, Maa-ipapad and Maacjidp, being
plainly duplicates, and "EaBpa being probably
an inserted marginal reference.
Reesaias.'] In Ezra, Reeliah ; and in Nehe-
miah, Raamiah. The variations in case of
the two latter may be accounted for by the
similarity of AI to M. De Saulcy (' tude
chronol.' p. 10) endeavours to account for
changes in the form of other names by the
confusion likely to be made between similar
Hebrew characters by a Greek scribe.
This might explain the change of the first
letter of Bigvai (as the name stands in Ezra
and Nehemiah) to the R of Reelius, while
the further resemblance between r and A
would account for the next consonant. The
same cause may have produced the change of
Nehum {'ivaovp,, Nahum) in Nehemiah to
Rehum in Ezra, whence its Grecized form
of Roimus here. The Vulgate Emmanio
may serve as a connecting link between the
Nahamani of Neh., and the ''E,vr]VLov of the
present passage. The identity of the other
names in the three lists will be perceived
without difficulty.
9. and their go'vernors.] After this should
be a longer stop (:) as the words " sons of
Phoros " begin the enumeration. Compare
Ezra ii. 3. In the Geneva Version it is
rightly punctuated. The words " and their
governors " (or rather, " leaders ") are, as F.
remarks, an unskilful addition made by the
Greek writer.
PhorosP\ An assimilation of the Hebrew
name Pharez or Parosh. So we had Rathu-
mus for Rehum, ii. 16. Another company
of the same family are mentioned afterwards
(viii. 30) as returning with Ezra.
11. Phaath Moak] After this name comes
in the Greek : etj rovs vlovs 'irja-ov koL 'lcoa(3,
which seems to mean " for the sons of Jeshua
and Joab ; " that is, to represent them. It is
not clear what Jeshua (or Joshua) and Joab
are meant. The name Pahath-Moab, "ruler
of Moab," is itself a singular one, and may
point, as Lord Arthur Hervey suggests (' Diet,
of the Bible,' s. -v.), to the possessions gained
in Moab by the Shilonites, the descendants of
Shelah, son of Judah. See i Ghron iv. 22,
where some of the family are described as
having had " the dominion in Moab." Pahath-
Moab may have been of this lineage. The
connection of Joshua or his descendants with
Moab (supposing the son of Nun to be re-
ferred to) is not obvious, but the descent of
Joab from the Moabitess Ruth, through his
mother Zeruiah, David's sister, supplies a
connecting link in his case.
12. Elam.] This is probably the name of
a person, not a place. The well-known Elam
of Gen. xiv. i, 8cc., cannot, of course, be
3
I. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 1319-
B. c. two hundred fifty and four : the sons
'^":J^ of ^ Zathui, nine hundred forty and
Zatiu. ^ five: the sons of ^ Corbe, seven hun-
'^"^^' dred and five : the sons of Bani, six
hundred forty and eight :
13 The sons of Bebai, six hundred
^Asgar. twenty and three : the sons of '^'Sadas,
three thousand two hundred twenty
and two :
i4\The sons of Adonikam, six
hundred sixty and seven : the sons of
t Bigui. I Bagoi, two thousand sixty and six :
the sons of Adin, four hundred fifty
and four :
15 The sons of '"Aterezias, ninety
and two : the sons of Ceilan and
Azetas, threescore and seven : the
* Ater-
hezekiah.
sons of Azuran, four hundred thirty b. c.
J ^ or. 536.
and two :
16 The sons of Ananias, an hun-
dred and one : the sons of Arom,
thirty two: and the sons of "Bassa, ''5'^
three hundred twenty and three : the
sons of Azephurith, an hundred and
two :
17 The sons of Meterus, three
thousand and five : the sons of" Beth- 'j^^^^''
lomon, an hundred twenty and three :
18 They of Netophah, fifty and
five : they of Anathoth, an hundred
fifty and eight : they of -^ Bethsamos, -^-^/'-
rorty and two :
19 They of ? Kiriathiarius, twenty ^_Kiriath-
and five : they of Caphira and Beroth,"'''
referred to ; and as it was itself called after a
son of Shem, there is the less difficulty in
supposing that Elam here is a personal name.
With Bethlomon in nj. 17, on the other hand,
names of places begin. A second person of
the name, known as "the other Elam," is
mentioned in Ezra ii. 31, with exactly the
same number of followers.
Zathui7\ In Ezra ii. 8, Zattu ; in ch. viii. 32
below, Zathoe.
Corbe?^ Greek, Xop/3e (Aid. Kop^e, whence
the English form). This name appears to
answer to Zaccai in Ezra, the Zacchaeus of
the New Testament.
13. Sadas^ This is the form in Aid.
Most MSS. have Astad, which is only a
transposition of the same syllables. Ez. and
Neh. have Azgad ; Vulg., Archad.
15. Atere%ias7\ This form is due to the
Aldine, which has aTTjp^Kiov in one word.
F. reads 'Attjp 'E^eKtov, which answers to
Ezra ii. 16, " Ater of Hezekiah." The addi-
tion of the patronymic may have been made
to distinguish this Ater from the doorkeeper
of the same name, mentioned in Ezra ii. 42.
Ceilan and Azetas.'] The spelling again
follows the Aldine. The Geneva Version
has Azotus. F. gives KiXau kqI 'A^rjvdv.
There is nothing in Ezra ii. to answer to
these and the following names down to Arom
inclusive.
16. Bassa.'] Marg. Bezai, as a note of
identification with the Bezai of Ezra ii. 17.
The form Baaa-ai (F.) supplies a connecting
link.
A%ephurithl\ In the Geneva Version,
Arsephurith, which is nearer the Greek,
'Apcn(Povpid, answering to Hariph in Neh.
vii. 24. In Ezra ii. 18 the name is replaced
by Jorah.
17. Meterus.'] This form follows the
Aldine. F. has Bmrripovs, which looks like a
Grecized form of a Hebrew local name be-
ginning with Beth-. Compare BaidXcopwv
next following. There is nothing apparently
answering to it in the parallel lists.
Bethlomon.] Bethlehem. Local names now
follow, distinguished in the Greek by the use
of the preposition ex.
18. Netophah^ A small town or village
near Bethlehem, perhaps the modern An-
tubeh, or Om Tuba, about two miles N.E.
from that spot. It is not named in the Old
Testament, but Netophathites are spoken of,
I Chron. ii. 54, &:c. See Mr. Grove's art.
in ' Diet, of the Bible,' s. -v.
Anathoth.] The city of Benjamin, about
three miles from Jerusalem, the native place
of the prophet Jeremiah.
Bethsamos.] In the margin, Azmaveth, to
agree with Ezra ii. 24. The margin there
gives Beth-azmaveth. For the transposition
of syllables in Samos and Asma, comp. the
note on Sadas, -y. 13. The place was pro-
bably in Benjamin, from the connection in
which it stands, and therefore not to be iden-
tified with Beth-shemesh in Judah. At the
same time Kirjath-Jearim, next mentioned,
was a frontier town of Judah.
19. Kiriathiarius.] In F. ol sk Kapiadipi.
In Ezra ii. 25 the LXX. has Kapiadiapip..
Kirjath-Jearim is meant.
Caphira.] In Josh. ix. 17 this is men-
tioned as one of the four cities of the Gibeon-
ites, and in xviii. 26 as a town of Benjamin.
It has been identified with Kefir, about two
miles east of Ajalon. Beroth, or Beeroth,
was a neighbouring town allotted to Ben-
jamin. It has been identified with El-Bireh,
about ten miles N. of Jerusalem. See Mr.
Grove's arts, in ' Diet, of the Bible.'
V. 20 25.]
I. ESDRAS. V.
39
B.C.
cir. 536.
'' Rama.
^ Gaba.
t Mich-
fnas.
" Bethel.
^ ISIagh-
his.
y Lod/ta-
did.
seven hundred forty and three : they
of Pira, seven hundred :
20 They of Chadias and Ammidoi,
four hundred twenty and tw^o : they
of ^ Cirama and ^ Gabdes, six hundred
tw^enty and one :
21 They of ^ Macalon, an hundred
twenty and two : they of " Betolius,
fifty and two : the sons of ^ Nephis,
an hundred fifty and six :
22 The sons of y Calamolalus and
Onus, seven hundjed twenty and five : ^- ^
the sons of Jerechus, two hundred '^'^ '
forty and five :
23 The sons of ^ Annaas, three ^ Senaah.
thousand three hundred and thirty.
24 The priests : the sons of '^ Jeddu, " Jedaiah.
the son of Jesus, among the sons of
Sanasib, nine hundred seventy and
two : the sons of ^ Meruth, a thou- * immar.
sand fifty and two :
25 The sons of "^ Phassaron, a " Pashur.
Pira.'] This name is taken from the
Aldine, oi e'/c Uipas. But as it is wanting in
the best MSS., it has been thought with pro-
babihty to be only a repetition of the last
two syllables of the preceding name Kafpdpas.
If so, the numerical symbol for 700 has been
repeated also.
20. T&ey of Chadias and Ammidoi.'] The
Aldine has oi Xadias koi 'Afifii8ioi. A better
reading is Xabiaa-aL The Geneva Version
has Ammidioi, more correctly than the A. V.
Fritzsche thinks that under the former title
are meant the people of Kedesh (Josh. xv. 23),
and under the latter, the people of Humtah
(ib. -v. 54). As the LXX. (Alex.) for Humtah
is Xafinard, we have a connecting link with
Ammidii, or, with its guttural replaced, Cham-
midii.
Cirama a7id Gabdes.] In Ezra ii. 26, Ramah
and Gaba. The form in the Greek, Kipafxd,
is probably due to the form of the Hebrew
name with the definite article prefixed, HD^n.
Ramah is mentioned along with Geba in Is. x.
29. Both were cities of Benjamin.
21. Macalon.] This represents the Mich-
mash so well known in the history of Saul
and Jonathan. The' change in the form of
the name can be partially traced. In Ezra ii.
27 it is Michmas; in i Mace. ix. 73 it is
Machmas, as in the LXX. of Ezra. The M
could easily be altered into AA, but the termi-
nation is difficult to account for.
Betolius is Bethel, for which Ezra has Bethel
and Ai.
Nephis.] The marginal reference makes
this answer to the Magbish of Ezra ii. 30,
but it is possible that it may rather be the
equivalent of Nebo in -v. 29. The collocation
with Michmash and Bethel points to Nephis
as being in the tribe of Benjamin. The ex-
istence of towns with foreign names in the
tribe of Benjamin is noticed by Grove in his
art. on Michmash in 'Diet, of the Bible.'
22. Calamolalus and Onus.] In Ezra ii.
33 this appears as " Lod, Hadid, and Ono,"
where the LXX. has AoSaSt Kal 'Qva. The
places in Ezra are easily identified, being towns
which the Benjamites had built in the plain of
Sharon, westwards of their original boundaries.
See the art. Lod in ' Diet, of the Bible.' The
first of them is better known to us as the
" Lydda nigh unto Joppa " of the New Testa-
ment. The difficulty is to account for the
strange form Calamolalus, which looks like a
running together of two or more of the names
in Ezra.
Jerechus.] This form for the name of
Jericho seems to have arisen from the trans-
lator's taking the Greek 'lepexov as a genitive
from 'Upexos. Instead of 245, the reading
should be 345, as it is in Ezra.
23. Annaas.] This speUing of the name
seems due to the Geneva Version, as the
Aldine has 'Avdas. In the best text it is
2avdas, answering to the Senaah of Ezra. The
greatness of the number of people connected
with it is so remarkable (compared, for in-
stance, with Jericho), that Michaelis hazarded
the conjecture that it was an opprobrious
name for Jerusalem itself (HX^p^ "thorny");
but this, as F. remarks, is not probable.
There is no town named Senaah in the Old
Testament, but Eusebius and Jerome (quoted
by Grove) mention a Magdal-Senna, or " Great
Senna," seven miles N. of Jericho.
24. Jeddu.] In the Greek, 'leSSou, answer-
ing to the LXX. 'ledovd of Ezra ii. 36, where
the Hebrew form of the name is Jedaiah.
A Jedaiah is found in i Chron. xxiv. 7 as
head of the second course of the priests.
Who the Jesus, or Jeshua, here spoken of as
his ancestor, was, it is impossible to say.
among the sons, is'c] eh tovs vlovs
2avaaiid, " for the sons of Sanasib ;" that is,
to be taken as representing them. See note
above on -z;. 11. The name of Sanasib is not
found in the O. T., and possibly the Vulgate
Eliasib may have preserved the true reading.
The initial' letters EAIA and SANA would
easily be confused. An Eliashib was a priest
in the time of David (i Chron. xxiv. 12).
Meruth.] In this form the A. V. follows
the Geneva Version and the Aldine : vlo\ sk
fiTjpovd. But the best reading is viol 'Efifn^povd.
It is doubtful whether the expression viol e'/c
below is found. Emmeruth must answer to
40
I. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 26 29.
B.C.
cir. 536.
thousand forty and seven : the sons of
'^ Carme, '^ a thousand and seventeen.
26 The Levites : the sons of
^Jessue, and Cadmiel, and Banuas,
27 The holy singers : the sons of
Asaph, an hundred twenty and eight.
B.C.
cir. 536.
<l Haritn.
' Ot, two
hundred
and seven- . f, ,. , ^
teen, ac- and buuias, seventy and four
cording to
some
copies.
./Thus it is
read, Ezxa 2. 40, the sons of yeshua, and Cadiniel, of tlie sons of Hodaviah.
. ^ Slial-
28 The porters : the sons of
^ Salum, the sons of ^ Jatal, the sons
of Talmon, the sons of ^ Dacobi, the ^i^J^
sons of '^' Teta, the sons of ^ Sami, in * Ater.
all an hundred thirty and nine. ^A^^"!''
29 1 he servants or the Xs,n\-^\Q '. i shobai.
the sons of ^ Esau, the sons oi"'Zick.
Immer of Ezra ii. 37, the same who in ix. 21
below is called Emmcr. Immer is mentioned
in I Chron. xxiv. 14 as head of the sixteenth
course of the priests.
25. PhassaronJ] This form again is from
the Aldine, ^aa-uapov. The best reading
gives I'iol ^acraovpnv. Pashiir, the son of
Malchiah, was a chief prince at the court of
Zedekiah (Jer. xxxviii. i). Another Pashur,
"son "of the Immer mentioned in the pre-
ceding verse, was " chief governor in the
house of the Lord" in the time of Jeremiah
(Jer. XX. i).
Carme.'] More correctly, Charmi, the same
as Harim (Ezra ii. 39), head of the third
course of the priests (i Chron. xxiv. 8).
26. Jessue, (i^V.] Jeshua the Levite is
called in Neh. x. 9 son of Azaniah. In Ezra
ii. 40 he and Kadmiel are described as "of
the children of Hodaviah," for which, in iii. 9,
we have " children of Judah." Kadmiel, pro-
bably a younger member of the same house,
is mentioned along with Jeshua as taking a
prominent part in the rebuilding of the
Temple (Ezra iii. 9). Compare Neh. ix. 4, 5.
The form Cadmiel is due to the Alex. Ka8^ir]-
\ov, for which the Vat. has KaSoi^Xou.and Aid.
Ka8/i('XXov. Banuas and Sudias are not re-
cognizable in their present form. Banuas is
probably only a misprint for Bannas, as the
Geneva Version has Bannu and Suiu, exactly
representing Bdwov koI Sout'ou of the Aldine.
It looks as if the two were a corruption of
Bene-Hodaviah, "sons of Hodaviah."
28. Sa/um, (ij'c] Shallum was chief of a
family of gatekeepers at the east gate of the
Temple (r Chron. ix. 17). Jatal, or rather
'Atal, appears to be a variety of the name
Ater in Ezra ii. 42. Compare above, v. 15.
Talmon is mentioned along with Shallum in
the passage of i Chron. just quoted, as is
also Akkub (3-1py), here disguised as Dacobi,
AaKovi3 (Aid. AuKo^l). Teta (Aid. T^ra) is in
the best texts *Arj;rd, answering to the Hatita
of Ezra. Sami, in the form 2aj3et (Alex.),
answers to Shobai in Ezra. The Vatican
instead of it reads Ta)^i?.
29. T^e servants of the temple^ In the
Greek, lepoSouXot, a word used of the servants
attached to Greek and Asiatic temples. It
is here an equivalent for the Nethinims of
Ezra ii. 43, the successors of those whom
David "gave" for the service of the Levites,
as the Levites themselves had been at the
first "given" to Aaron and his sons to be
their Nethinim. See the art. Nethinim in
' Diet of the Bible,' and R.'s note on i Chron.
ix. 2.
Esau.] This seems to be a corruption of
2r]d (Vat. ^ovdia, Alex. 2ovad), the Ziha of
Ezra ii. 43. The identity of the names of the
Nethinim, as here given, with those in Ezra
and in Nehemiah (vii. 46-56), will in most
cases be seen at once. The following table
may serve to shew this in the simplest manner.
It should be premised that there are forty-six
names in the present passage, thirty-five in
Ezra, and thirty-two in Nehemiah.
Names of the Nethinim.
I Esdras v. 29-32.
Ezra ii. 43-54.
A. V.
1. Esau
2. Asipha
3. Tabaoth
4. Ceras
5. Sud
6. Phaleas
7. Labana
8. Graba
9. Acua
10. Uta
11. Cetab
12. Agaba
13. Subai
14. Anan
LXX.
'Ha-av
'Aaicpd
Kripds
'Sovd, 'SovSi
4>aAajos
Aafiaud
'Ayya^d, 'Aypa^d.
'AkovS
Oiird
KTjra/S
'AKKafid
'Avdv
A. V.
Ziha
Hasupha
Tabbaoth
Keros
Siaha
Padon
Lebanah
Hagabah
Akkub
Hagab
Shalmai
Hanan
LXX.
'Aaov<pd.
Ta^adid.
KaSrjs, K-qpdoS,
'Siad, 'Arrad.
Aa^avdo.
'Aya^d.
'AKOvff.
'Ayd0.
SeAttyuf.
'Afdv.
3034-}
I. ESDRAS. V.
41
B.C.
cir. S36.
//a-
supJia.
Keros.
P Siaha.
1 Padon.
'' Agaba.
f Akkub.
' Hagab,
Sham-
lai.
X Giddel.
y Gahar.
" Reaiah.
" Rezin.
* Necodah.
'^ Gaza7ii.
^ Huzza.
' Paseak.
f Besai.
^ Asnak.
" Asipha, the sons of Tabaoth, the
sons of Ceras, the sons of ^ Sud, the
sons of ? Phaleas, the sons of Labana,
the sons of '' Graba,
30 The sons of ^ Acua, the sons
of Uta, the sons of '^ Cetab, the sons of
Agaba, the sons of ^ Subai, the sons
of Anan, the sons of "^ Cathua, the
sons of '' Geddur,
31 The sons of *Airus, the sons
of ** Daisan, the sons of ^ Noeba, the
sons of Chaseba, the sons of '^ Gazera,
the sons of ^Azia, the sons of
* Phinees, the sons of Azara, the sons
of / Bastai, the sons of ^ Asana, the
sons of '' Meani, the sons of' Naphisi,
the sons of -^Acub, the sons of 'Acipha,
the sons of '"Assur, the sons of Pha-
racim, the sons of '* Basaloth,
32 The sons of ^Meeda, the sons
of Coutha, the sons of ^ Charea, the
sons of ^ Charcus, the sons of '' Aserer,
the sons of ^Thomoi, the sons of
^ Nasith, the sons of Atipha.
33 The sons of the servants of
Solomon : the sons of " Azaphion,
the sons of * Pharira, the sons of
>'Jeeli, the sons of ^Lozon, the sons
of '^ Isdael, the sons of ^ Sapheth,
34 The sons of <^ Hagia, the sons
B.C.
cir. 536.
* Meu-
nint.
' Nephu-
sin.
^ Bakbiik.
' Hacuta.
"^ Har-
hur.
Bazluth
Mehida.
P Harsha
? Barcos.
^ Sisera.
^ Thaiiiai,
' Neziah.
Sophe-
reth.
X Pernda.
y Jaalah.
z Darcon.
" Giddel.
* Shepha-
tiah.
<= Haiti.
I Esdras v.
A. V.
15. Cathua
16. Geddur
17. Airus
18. Daisan
19. Noeba
20. Chaseba
21. Gazera
22. Azia
23. Phinees
24. Azara
25. Bastai
26. Asana
27. Meani
28. Naphisi
29. Acub
30. Acipha
31. Assur
32. Pharacim
33. Basaloth
34. Meeda
35. Coutha
36. Charea
37. Charcus
38. Aserer
39. Thomoi
40. Nasith
41. Atipha
Names of the
29-32.
LXX.
Kadoi/a
TeSSovp
'\a.'ipos
Aaicrav
KaC-npd
'OCias
'Aaapd
Bacrdai
'Affffavd
Wlavi
'Akov(1>
'Axi&d
'A(TOVp
'^apa.Kefj,
BaaaXcuO
MeiSSd
Kovdd
Xap^a
Bapxove
^fpdp
Qofiot
Nao-t
'ATe<t>d
Nethinim {continued).
Ezra ii.
A, V.
Giddel
Gahar
Reaiah
Rezin
Nekoda
Gazzam
Uzza
Paseah
43-54-
Of the above, some have probably differed
only in the vowel-points, as Asipha, Hasupha ;
Acipha, Hakupha. The familiar confusion of
D and R. in Hebrevsr (t and l) will explain the
difference in Daisan and Rezin (No. 18). So
we have 'Pewd in the LXX. for Dannah
(Josh. XV. 49). The similarity between D
and L in Greek (a and A) may explain No. 6.
33. The sons, (i)V.] These appear to have
been an order of men of still lower rank than
the Nethinim. In i Kings v. 15 we read that
Solomon had 70,000 men employed in bearing
burdens, and 80,000 in hewing stone, for the
building of the Temple. Those here men-
LXX.
Tadp.
'-Paid.
'Pacrdu.
Ne/ccoSo.
Eezai
Boer/.
Asnah
'Aaevd.
Mehunim
Moovvi/x.
Nephusim
Necpovffifi
Bakbuk
BaK^ovK.
Hakupha
'AKov(pd.
Harhur
'Apovp.
Bazluth
Ba(TaXd)Q.
Mehida
MoouSo.
Harsha
Barkos
Sisera
Thamah
Neziah
Hatipha
'Apcrd.
BapKos.
'Sio'dpa.
@e/jLd.
No(r0i,
'ATOU(J)a.
tioned were a remnant of their descendants.
In the art. Solomon's Servants in ' Diet, of
the Bible ' it is suggested that, as the Nethinim
were originally appointed to be hewers oiivood,
so these men were specially employed as
hewers of stone ; and the enumeration of them
here may be due to the importance of skilled
labour in that department. It will be noticed
that many of the names both of Solomon's
servants and of the Nethinim are not Hebrew.
Azaphion, <b'c.'\ The list in Ezra ii. 55-57
contains only ten names; the present list
appears to contain eighteen. Arranged as
before, they are :
42
I. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 3538.
B.C. of '^ Phacareth, the sons of Sabi, the
- " sons of Sarothie, the sons of Masias,
rHh^Haz- the sons of Gar, the sons of Addus,
^<5a/w, thg sons of Suba, the sons of Apherra,
the sons of Barodis, the sons of Sabat,
the sons of Allom.
35 All the ministers of the temple,
and the sons of the servants of Solo-
mon, were three hundred seventy and
two.
36 These came up from Thermc-
leth and Thelersas, Charaathalar lead- b. C.
ing them, and Aalar ; -
37 Neither could they shew their
families, nor their stock, how they
were of Israel : the sons of ^ Ladan, ' Deiajak.
the son of / Ban, the sons of ^ Ne- ^ ^''^'^''^
codan, six hundred fifty and two. dak.
38 And of the priests that usurped a Hoba-
the office of the priesthood, and were-^." '
not found: the sons of '*'' Obdia, the ^^^^^^.
sons of ' Accoz, the sons of ^' Addus, /
I EsDRAS.
LXX.
Ezra.
LXX.
I. Azaphion
' Pi.(rffair<pi<ii6
Sophereth
'S,e<pr)pd, 'Aa-fcpvpdO.
2. Phariia
^apipd, ^aptdd
Peruda
^aSovpd.
3. Jeeli
'Uiri\i
Jaalah
'leriXd.
4. Lozon
A6^(iiv
Darkon
AapKuiv.
5. Isdael
'laSarjK
Giddel
TeS-fiK.
6. Sapheth
2o$iii', '2a<pvBl
Shephatiah
'Sacparia.
7. Hagia
'Aytd
Hattil
'AtiA, 'AttIK.
8. Phacareth
4>axap6fl
Pochereth of
\ ^ax^pdO.
f 'Acre^wein.
9. Sabi (Gen.
Sabie) 2a;8i7J^
Zebaim
10. Sarothie
2apa)0i
[Ami the last, and 'Hfiet
n. Masias
Mtffaias
Sotai the first,
in 2Tot.
12. Gar
rds
the list, have none
13. Addus
'ASSois
to answer to them
in
14. Suba
'SovPd
1 Esdras.l
15. Aspherra
'A(peppd
16. Barodis
BapoiSls
17. Sabat
'^afdy, 'Sacpdr
18. Allom
'A\\w/j.
In the above list, the first letters of Lozon
and Darkon (No. 4) might have been easily
interchanged, as explained before; but it is
difficult to see any resemblance in the rest of
the word. The addition "of Zebaim" to
the name of Pochereth (No. 8) suggests the
thought that this family may have originally
come from Zeboim, the neighbouring city to
Sodom. See Mr. Grove's art. in ' Diet, of the
Bible.' It is possible also that the So/Sitj in
Esdras may represent this Zebaim ('Ao-e^caei/ii),
so that both lists would agree to the ninth
name. The form Gar for Gas (No. 12) is
due to the spelling Tap in the Aldine.^
Instead of 'AXXcojn (No. 18) F. proposes to
adopt 'AXXcov, the reading of some MSS., and
to understand it as <[X\(.)v, " of others," like
our " etc." But this is not probable.
36. These.l I.e. those whose names follow,
iav. 37.
Thermekth, 'h'c.'] In Ezra ii. 59 the places
from which they came are given as " Tel-
Melah, Tel-Harsa, Cherub, Addan, and
Immer ;" all supposed to be cities or villages
' The writer of the short art. Gar in ' Diet.
of the Bible,' and of many similar articles, would
have found a reference to the Aldine edition suf-
ficient to explain the difficulty about the spelhng
of several proper names in the A. V.
in Babylonia. Rawlinson identifies the first of
these with the Thelme of Ptolemy, near the
Persian Gulf, and Cherub with Ptolemy's
Chiripha, in the same region. The site of
the rest is uncertain. By some perversion of
the original, as it would appear, the author
of I Esdras has made out of the last three
names of places the clause " Charaathalar
leading them, and Aalar," Tjyov^evos airwv
X.apaa6a\uv kol 'AaXap,
37. Ladan, ds'c.'] Instead of Ladan the
son of Ban, the list in Ezra gives two heads
of families : the children of Delaiah and the
children of Tobiah. The reading of the Vat,
viol i^aXav Tov vlov tov Baevdv, by giving
Dalan for Ladan (A for A), brings us nearer
to Delaiah (LXX. AaXata), while the LXX.
of Ezra ii. 60 has a reading viol Bova after
AaXaia, which seems to point to the tov
Baevav here.
38. that usurped.} This is too strong a
term. The Greek is ol ip-Troiovpevoi. lepaawrjs,
which Wahl explains as edocti munus sacerdotale^
"taught the priestly office," justifying the
peculiar use of the genit. by the examples given
in Winer, iii. 30, 4, such as Ki'ivqs hihaKTo.
(Soph. ' El.' 344), Kapblav yeyv pvaa-pivrjv ttXc-
ove^ias (2 Pet. ii. 14), &c. But none of these
seems quite to bear out the construction, and
V. 3944.]
I. ESDRAS. V.
43
B.C.
cir. 536.
II Nehe-
tnias, who
also is
A tJiarias :
two of one:
Ezra 2. 63.
Neh. 8. 9.
& 10. I.
OHeb.
Uritn and
TJnttn-
mim.
who married Augia one of the daugh-
ters of Berzelus, and was named after
his name.
39 And when the description of
the kindred of these men was sought
in the register, and was not found,
they were removed from executing
the office of the priesthood :
40 For unto them said " Nehemias
and Atharias, that they should not be
partakers of the holy things, till there
arose up an high priest clothed with
" doctrine and truth.
41 So of Israel, from them of
twelve years old and upward, they
were all in number forty thousand,
beside menservants and womenservants
three hundred and
B.C.
cir. 536.
67.
two thousand
sixty.
42 Their ^ menservants and hand- ^ See Neh
maids were seven thousand three ^' ^'"
hundred forty and seven : the singing
men and singing women, two hundred
forty and five :
43 ^ Four hundred thirty and five "* Ezra 2.
camels, seven thousand thirty and
six horses, two hundred forty and five
mules, five thousand five hundred
twenty and five " beasts used to the
yoke.
44 And certain of the chief of
their families, when they came to the
temple of God that is in Jerusalem,
vowed to set up the house again in
it is a question whether 01 ifnroiovfievoi here
is not meant to be in the sense of ol Tvpoa--
TvowviievoL, " that laid claim to."
Obdia, is'c.'] In Ezra ii. 61 the first name ap-
pears as Habaiah. The Alex. 'OjSaui connects
the two. Accoz is merely the Koz of Ezra
with the definite article left prefixed (PPD).
Addus took the name of his father-in-law
Barzillai (for whom see 2 Sam. xvii. 27 ; xix.
31-39), and is thus himself called Barzillai in
the parallel passage of Ezra.^
39. tbe description of the kindredJ] More
shortly, " the genealogy," rjjy yeviKr)^ ypacpris.
executing, is'c.'] This is a somewhat lengthy
phrase for rod lepaTeveip, " from acting as
priests."
40. Nehemias and Atharias.'] As the mar-
ginal note indicates, this is making two of one.
In Ezra ii. 63 it is "the Tirshatha" (margin,
" governour "), meaning Zerubbabel. l"he
Greek word represented by Atharias, 'Ardapias,
is almost certainly a corruption of i<riK^"}Jiin,
" The Tirshatha." In the LXX. of Ezra ii.
63 the word is 'Adepcraa-dd. Why the name
of Nehemiah should have been introduced
here is not easy to explain, unless we suppose
that he was so familiarly known as the Tir-
shatha, that the mention of one word sug-
gested the other. Comp. Neh. viii. 9. Dr.
Bissell points out a similar redoubling in vi.
1 8 below, where Zorobabel and Sanabassarus
are made separate persons.
twith doctrine and truthJ] ttjv SrjXcixriv kol
TTjv akrjGfiav. This is a translation of the
terms Urim and Thummim in Ezra ii. 63 ; on
which see the learned article of Dr. Perowne
in ' Diet, of the Bible,' and the notes on Exod.
xxviii. 30. The text shews that the second
^ The names Addus ('ASSouj) and Augia are
both wanting in * Diet, of the Bible.'
Temple did not possess these symbols, and
in fact they are not recorded to have been
consulted since the days of Abiathar. " Light "
or " illumination " would be a better equiva-
lent for Urim than " doctrine."
41. in number.'] For the respective totals in
the three accounts see R. on Ezra ii. 64. It
will be observed that the name of Israel is
retained, agreeably with the mention of t^uehe
leaders in -v. 8 above. The absence of a comma
after " womenservants " makes it less obvious
that the continuity of the number, 42,360, is
broken by the insertion of the words " be-
sides . . . servants." The margin of the
Geneva Version gives it more correctly:
" forty and two thousand three hundred and
sixtie." There is nothing in the Greek to
require this awkward arrangement of the
words.
42. singing men and singing <women.']
There is nothing ,in the Greek, \|/'dXrai koi
y\raKTtdhoi, to imply this variety of men and
women; but it is expressed in the parallel
passage of Ezra. The fact of these musicians
fwho were not slaves) being placed in the
list between the servants and cattle, made
Michaelis (in a passage quoted by Fritzsche
and discussed by Bertheau) speculate whether
the original words in the Hebrew might have
been two, similar in form to these, signifying
" oxen " and " cows." Besides other objections,
the smallness of the number would condemn
this supposition.
43. beasts used to the yoke^ vnoCyyi-a- As
camels, horses, and mules have been men-
tioned, these must have been either oxen or
asses, and the word used in Ezra ii. 67 shews
the marginal interpretation to be right.
44. of their families.'] Rather, "according
to their families."
44
I. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 4552.
B. c. his own place according; to their
ar. 536. ,.,. ^ to
abuity,
45 And to give into the holy
treasury of the works a thousand
pounds of gold, five thousand of silver,
and an hundred priestly vestments.
46 And so dwelt the priests and
the Levites and the people in Jerusa-
lem, and in the country, the singers
also and the porters j and all Israel in
their villages.
535. 47 But when the seventh month
was at hand, and when the children
of Israel were every man in his own
place, they came altogether with one
consent into the open place of the
1 Or, be- first " gate which is toward the east.
east gate. 48 Then stood up Jesus the son of
Josedec, and his brethren the priests,
and Zorobabel the son of Salathiel,
and his brethren, and made ready the 8.0.535.
altar of the God of Israel,
49 To offer burnt sacrifices upon
it, according as it is expressly com-
manded in the book of Moses the
man of God.
50 And there were gathered unto
them out of the other nations of the
land, and they erected the altar upon
his own place, because all the nations
of the land were at enmity with them,
and oppressed them ; and they offered
sacrifices according to the time, and
burnt offerings to the Lord both
morning and evening.
51 Also they held the feast of
tabernacles, as it is commanded in
the law, and offered sacrifices daily,
as was meet :
52 And after that, the " continual ja^^;^^,'/
45. pounds^ fivas. In Ezra ii. 69 the
amounts are distinguished as 61,000 " drams "
of gold, and 5000 "pound" of silver. The
word in the LXX. for the former is fivai
(Vat.), dpaynas (Alex.) ; for the latter, fipai,
as here. Rawlinson, on i Chron. xxix. 7,
shews reasons for taking "darics," rather
than " drams," as the rendering in the former
case. Taking the daric at the value commonly
given, i/. IS. 10^., the sum contributed in gold
would answer to betw^een 66,000/. and 67,000/.
of our money. If, in like manner, we take
the silver mina as worth 4/. is. id., the con-
tribution in silver would be about 20,300/. ;
making a total (according to Ezra) of nearly
87,000/. If we take the 5000 silver " pounds "
(mitias) of the text as before, and the 1000 gold
minas as each worth 152 times the silver one,
we get a total not widely differing from that in
Ezra; namely, between 83,000/. and 84,000/.
But modern equivalents tor ancient money are
deceptive, unless other conditions be taken
into account.
47. But ivben, (h'c.'] At this point a fresh
section begins, answering to Ezra iii. i sqq.
Compare the end of ch. vii. and the beginning
of ch. viii. in Nehemiah. The seventh month
was Tisri, nearly answering to our September.
See R. on Ezra iii. i.
the open place, <b'c.'] In the parallel passage
of Ezra these details are not given, and F.
thinks tliat the writer introduced them from
Neh. viii. i, where mention is made of the
people being assembled (on a later occasion)
"into the street that was before the water
gate." If Fergusson be right in identifying
the water-gate with the southern gate of the
Temple ('Diet, of the Bible,' i. p. 1027, b),
probably the same area may be meant here
as in the passage of Nehemiah ; namely, that
between the East gate and the Water gate
(ii^. Plate ii.), within the modern Haram
area. Compare the notes on ix. 6, 41.
48. son of Salathiel^ More exactly, nephew,
being the son of Pedaiah, the younger brother
of Shealtiel or Salathiel. See R.'s note on
I Chron. iii. 19.
made ready."] fjTolfiaaav. It had to be
built anew (Ezra iii. 2), and was of unhewn
stones (i Mace. iv. 47), and according to
tradition (Joseph.' Antiqq.' xi. 4, i) was on
the same spot as that on which the one
erected by Solomon had stood.
50. And there <ivere gathered, (Isfcl This
statement is an addition to the account as
given in Ezra, apparently to explain the haste
of the Jews in setting up their altar of burnt-
offering, and restoring the customary sacrifices,
even before the foundations of the Temple
were laid.
both morning, (b'c.'] Lit., " both the morning
and the evening one ;" that is, the lamb for a
burnt offering twice every day. See Exod.
xxix. 38.
51. feast of tabernacles^ This lasted from
the 15th to the 22nd of Tisri, the "seventh
month" of -y. 47. See Exod. xxiii. 16; Levit.
xxiii. 33 sqq. Instead of ioprr} a-Krjvav, the
Greek term used here is aKrjvoTrrjyla, the same
as in St. John vii. 2.
52. continual oblations.'] Greek, Trpos(j)opas
eVSeXfx'cr/iov. The latter word is used ad-
jectivally, after a common Hebrew idiom. By
V. S3 5S.]
I. ESDRAS. V.
45
B.C.
cir. 53S.
I Gr. hal-
lowed.
oblations, and the sacrifice of the
sabbaths, and of the new moons, and
of all holy feasts.
53 And all they that had "made
any vow to God began to ofFer
sacrifices to God from the first day
of the seventh month, although the
temple of the Lord was not yet
built.
54 And they gave unto the masons
and carpenters money, meat, and
drink, with cheerfulness.
55 Unto them of Zidon also and
Tyre they gave carrs, that they
should bring cedar trees from Libanus,
which should be brought by floats to
the haven of Joppe, according as it
was commanded them by Cyrus king
of the Persians.
56 And in the second year and
second month after his coming to the b. C.
temple of God at Jerusalem began ^^1^^
Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and
Jesus the son of Josedec, and their
brethren, and the priests, and the
Levites, and all they that were come
unto Jerusalem out of the captivity :
57 And they laid the foundation
of the house of God in the first day
of the second month, in the second
year after they were come to Jewry
and Jerusalem.
58 " And they appointed the Levites " ^^^'^^^
from twenty years old over the works
of the Lord. Then stood up Jesus,
and his sons and brethren, and Cad-
miel his brother, and the sons of
Madiabun, with the sons of Joda the
son of Eliadun, with their sons and
brethren, all Levites, with one accord
the "ofTerings of continuance," or continual
oblations, seem to be meant those prescribed
in Numb, xxviii. 3-8, except that the chief
part of them, the lambs for a burnt-offering,
have been already referred to in -v. 50. The
directions for the Sabbaths and new moons,
next mentioned, follow in order in Numb,
xxviii. 9, II.
boly.l Rather, " consecrated," Tjyiaa-fiivav.
54. money, meat, (Is'c.'] The natural order
of the words, according to the Greek, would
be : " And they gave money to the masons
and carpenters, and drink and meat and ' cars '
to the men of Sidon and Tyre, for them
to bring," &c. This agrees better with the
language in Ezra iii. 7. There are two diffi-
culties about the reading of this verse. The
A. V. has " with cheerfulness," answering to
the Vulgate cum gaudio, and to the fxeTo.
xapas of some printed editions of the Greek.
But the words have no MS. authority, and
seem to be derived in some way from the
Xappa which follows. The Aldine has the
confused reading koI fipwyLara koX ttoto. Kappa
K. T. X. ; the best text, koL ttoto. koX ^pcora kol
xappa (Alex. Kappa) to'is k. t. X. No authority
is found for x-Ppa in the sense of " cars "
(Genev. " charets," i.e. charettes) ; and as in
Ezra iii. 7 " oil " is named in addition to the
meat and drink, it is not improbable, as F.
conjectures, that some such word as pvpa,
"ointments," may have been the original
reading. R. compares the similar arrange-
ments made by king Solomon, i Kings v.
6-1 1, where also "twenty measures of pure
oil" formed one of the items given as an
equivalent for Hiram's assistance. As the
word Kopovs is used for "measures" in the
LXX. of the first part of that verse, it might
deserve consideration whether Kappa here is a
corruption of that word.
55. by floats?^ The Greek has (r;^e^taj (not
(tx^^'mi^i as in the LXX. of the similar passage
2 Chron. ii. 16); lit. "to convey floats" (or
" rafts "). The timber might itself form the
rafts.
Joppe!] Then, as it was in Solomon's time,
and still is, the seaport of Jerusalem.
56. Jesus the son of Josedec] The name of
the father of this Jeshua is the same as that of
the father of the High Priest. But it seems
clear from :;. 58 that a chief of the Levites
is here meant. Hence we may identify this
Jeshua with the one mentioned in "z;. 26 above,
where also the name of Cadmiel (or Cadoeliis)
occurs as that of the head of another Levitical
house.
57. laid the foundation.] Comp. above,
ii. 18; and, for the chronological difficulty
involved, the notes on ii. 1 6 and -y. 7 3 below.
58. his brother.] That is, in office.
Madiabun!] This is the form of the name
in the Aldine. The best text has 'UpadajBovv.
There is nothing in Ezra to correspond to it.
As three Levitical families are reckoned in
Ezra iii. 9 (where see Reuss's note, shewing
reasons for reading " and the sons of Hena-
dad"), it is not unlikely that 'HpadajBovv
is a perverted repetition of the words 'HXia-
8ov5 (Tvv which follow, caused by the recur-
rence of the words Kal ol viol, which would
mislead a transcriber's eye. The three sets
46
I. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 5968.
B.C.
cir. 535-
H Or, over-
seers, or,
encou-
ragers of
them that
wrought
in the
house of
the Lord.
II Or, after
the 7nan-
ner of
David
king of
Israel.
"setters forward of the business, la-
bouring to advance the works in the
house of God. So the workmen
built the temple of the Lord.
59 And the priests stood arrayed
in their vestments with musical instru-
ments and trumpets ; and the Levites
the sons of Asaph had cymbals,
60 Singing songs of thanksgiving,
and praising the Lord, "according as
David the king of Israel had ordained.
6 1 And they sung with loud voices
songs to the praise of the Lord, because
his mercy and glory is for ever in all
Israel.
62 And all the people sounded
trumpets, and shouted with a loud
voice, singing songs of thanksgiving
unto the Lord for the rearing up of
the house of the Lord.
63 Also of the priests and Levites,
and of the chief of their families, the
cemed.
ancients who had seen the former b. c.
house came to the building of this ^^L^'
with weeping and great crying.
64 But many with trumpets and
joy shouted with loud voice,
65 Insomuch that the trumpets
might not be " heard for the weeping Or, dh-
of the people : yet the multitude
sounded marvellously, so that it was
heard afar off.
66 ^ Wherefore when the enemies / Ezra 4-
of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin ^' ^*^*
heard it, they came to know what
that noise of trumpets should mean.
67 And they perceived that they
that were of the captivity did build
the temple unto the Lord God of
Israel.
68 So they went to Zorobabel and
Jesus, and to the chief of the families,
and said unto them. We will build
together with you.
of overseers would thus be the families of
Jeshua, Gadmiel, and Eliadud. Joda would
then answer to the Judah or Hodaviah of
Ezra iii. 9.
setters for^ward.'] epyoSiSxrai, " task-
masters;" a rare word. In what follows,
the English translator appears to have read
novovvTis els to. epya instead of Troiovures
K. T. X.
59. arrayed, is'c.'] The first occasion on
which they had ventured to display the ancient
magnificence of their religious service. See
Stanley's 'Jewish Church,' Lect. xliii.
61. because his mercy, (i^V.] The same
words were used at the first dedication under
Solomon. It seems most natural to regard
them as a quotation from the 136th Psalm;
but Reuss, observing the recurrence of tlie
words in 2 Chron. vii. 3, xx. 21, considers
them rather a customary liturgical formula.
63. ancients.'] As the building had not
yet begun to rise, the grief of these aged men
could not have been caused by any com-
parison between it and the splendid structure
whose destruction they had witnessed some
fifty-three years before. Josephus, who
amplifies and embellishes the account (' An-
tiqq.' xi. 4, 2), seems conscious of this ; for
he makes the lamentation to take place when
the building was completed. In speaking of the
first Temple as " very great " as well as " very
costly," he is led away by his rhetorical instinct ;
for the first Temple was smaller by a third,
in nearly all its dimensions, than this second.
No doubt the recollection of its unparalleled
magnificence of adornment, and the con-
sciousness of their present poverty, would
weigh on the minds of these survivors of the
past generation.
65. might not be heard^ More literally,
" so that the people did not hear," Sec. The
whole passage, as it stands in the Greek, is
obscure : " And many with trumpets and joy
(resounded) with loud voice, so that the
people did not hear the trumpets on account
of the waihng of the people; for it was the
multitude that was trumpeting loudly, so as
to be heard afar off." The sense appears to
be, that though the joyful sound of trumpets
was so great as to attract the attention of
people far o^iy. 66), yet it was overpowered,
loud as it was, by the sounds of lamentation.
In Ezra. iii. 12, the meaning is much more
simply expressed.
66. the enemies.'] As Reuss remarks (note
on Ezra iv. i), this term is applied to them
prospectively. The applicants became ene-
mies, but there is no reason to regard these
first overtures as anything but friendly.
There might also, no doubt, be a feeling of
jealousy, as to the extent to which so many
thousands of new comers might disturb their
acquisitions of property. The mixed race
inhabiting Samaria are probably the " enemies"
spoken of. Their various nationalities are
specified in Ezra iv. 9, 10.
68. We ivill build.] A better reading is
" Let us build," avvoiKo8op.fi(ru>fiev.
V. 69 I.]
I. ESDRAS. V. VI.
47
B.C.
cir. S3S.
11 Or,
Esar-
haddon,
E^ra 4. 2.
cir. 534-
69 For we likewise, as ye, do obey
your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him
from the days of "Azbazareth the
king of the Assyrians, who brought
us hither.
70 Then Zorobabel and Jesus and
the chief of the families of Israel said
unto them, It is not for us and you
to build together an house unto the
Lord our God.
71 We ourselves alone will build
unto the Lord of Israel, according as
Cyrus the king of the Persians hath
commanded us.
72 But the heathen of the land
lying heavy upon the inhabitants
of Judea, and holding them strait, B.C.
hindered their building ; ^^^
73 And by their secret plots, and
popular persuasions and commotions,
they hindered the finishing of the
building all the time that king Cyrus n or, unui
lived: so they were hindered from ''^^^^^5'^
, ., ,. r L r yearof
buildmg ror the space or two years, Darius,
" until the reign of Darius. "' '
Ezra 4. 5,
6, 7, 24.
CHAPTER VI.
I The prophets stir up the people to build the
te)?iple. 8 Darius is solicited to kinder it:
27 hit he doth further it by all means, 32
a7id threateneth those that shall hinder it.
cir. 520.
NOW ^ in the second year of the Ezra 4.
reign of Darius Aggeus and ^j "' ' '
s- 1.
69. Azba%areth^ In Ezra iv. 2 it is
Esar-haddon ; the name in the LXX. there
being 'Aa-l3aKa(pds. It is not easy to account
for the corruption of the Assyrian name
(though represented by such varying forms
as AcropSav, ^axep^ovos, and 'Acrapt'Sai/os) tO
'A(T[BaKa(f)as. The great monarch here re-
ferred to, the son of Sennacherib, reigned from
B.C. 680 to 660. On the three successive
colonizations of Samaria, see R.'s note on
Ezra iv. 2.
71. fVe oursel-ves alone, (irr.] An ansv^^er
of this kind will be approved or censured
according to the point of view from which it
is regarded. Sayce remarks upon it : " It
was little wonder that the Jews should have
indignantly rejected the companionship of a
population so mixed and impure, both in
race and religion, as that of Samaria" (' Ezra,'
&c., p. 21). Dean Stanley ('Jewish Church,'
Lect. xliii.) sees in it " the story again and
again repeated in modern times: first, the
natural desire of an estranged population
heretical and schismatical as they might be
to partake in a glorious national work ; then
the rude refusal to admit their co-operation ;
then the fierce recrimination of the excluded
party, and the determination to frustrate the
good work in which they cannot share."
"The Protestants," he adds, "of the six-
teenth, the Puritans of the seventeenth
century may see their demands in the inno-
cent, laudable request of the northern
settlers : ' Let us build with you, for we seek
your God as ye do.' The stiff retort of the
Church, whether in Italy or in England, may
fortify itself by the response of the ' chief of
the fathers of Israel :' ' Ye have nothing to do
with us to build an house unto our God ; but
we ourselves together will build unto the God
of Israel.' "
72. But the, lij'c.] Rather, perhaps, "And
the," &c. ; this conduct being regarded as the
consequence of the answer given.
lying heavy upon.'] The word in the
Greek is a remarkable one, eniKoifiaiiieva, lit.
" sleeping on them," " lying as an incubus on
them." It is the word used in the LXX. of
the woman overlying her child, in i Kings
iii. 19.
73. their secret plots, (isfc.'] The English
is here rather a paraphrase of the original,
which, as it stands, is difficult to translate
literally. This will be seen from the diver-
gence of the A.V. from the Geneva Version :
" and by their ambushments and seditions
and conspiracies hindered the finishing of the
building."
tivoyears.'] As Darius I. did not begin to
reign till B.C. 521, eight years after the death
of Cyrus, and fourteen years after the founda-
tion of the second Temple, this is an obvious
error. It may be due to a confusion with
the " second year of the reign of Darius "
mentioned just after in vi. i.
CHAPTER VL
1. Notv in the second year, isi'c7\ The ac-
count from this point runs parallel to that
in Ezra iv. 24 ; v. i sqq. The details of the
opposition to the Jews during the reigns of
"Ahasuerus" and " Artaxerxes," related in
Ezra iv. 6-23, are here omitted. On the
reasons for thinking that the two kings just
mentioned were Cambyses and the Pseudo-
Smerdis, see R. on Ezra iv. 5-7.
Aggeus andZacharias.'] "Theystand side by
side. One is far advanced in years, apparently
belonging to that older generation which had
wept over the contrast between the first and
second Temple Haggai who bore a name
which no prophet had ever assumed before,
48
I. ESDRAS. VI.
[v. 27.
B.C.
cir. 520.
I Or, Iddo.
lOr,
which was
called on
them.
' Ezra 5.
3-
I Or,
Tatnai.
I Or, She-
tharboz-
nai.
Zacharias the son of ' Addo, the
prophets, prophesied unto the Jews
in Jewry and Jerusalem in the name
of the Lord God of Israel, 'which
was upon them.
2 Then stood up Zorobabel the
son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of
Josedec, and began to build the house
of the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets
of the Lord being with them, and
helping them.
3 *At the same time came unto
them ' Sisinnes the governor of Syria
and Phenice, with " Sathrabuzanes and
his companions, and said unto them,
4 By whose appointment do ye
build this house and this roof, and
perform all the other things ? and who
are the workmen that perform these
things ?
5 Nevertheless the elders of the
Jews obtained favour, because the
Lord had visited the captivity ;
6 And they were not hindered
from building, until such time as
signification was given unto Darius
concerning them, and an answer
received.
7 The copy of the letters which Si-
sinnes, governor of Syria and Phenice,
B. c
cir. 52
cir. s
but which henceforth seems to have become
familiar the ' Messenger, or Angel, of the
Eternal' (Haggai i. 13; comp. Mai. iii. 1).
The other must have been quite young, being
the grandson of one of the returning exiles.
Zechariah belonged to the priestly tribe, and
is thus remarkable as an example of the union
of the two functions, which, being long so
widely separated in ancient times, had in the
last days of the Monarchy gradually become
blended together." (Stanley, ' Jewish C hurch,'
Lect. xliii.)
son of Addo7\ Strictly speaking, he was son
of Berechiah, and grandson of Addo or Iddo.
R. compares the case of Jehu the "son of
Nimshi " (i Kings xix. 16 ; 2 Kings ix. 14).
ivh'ich luas upon them.'] That is, by which
they were called. This should be the render-
ing of the parallel clause in Ezra v. i. The
LXX. has eir' avTovs in both.
2. began to build.'] Resumed, that is, the
work long interrupted. What Jeshua and
Zerubbabel had been doing in the long in-
terval of fourteen years, or more, we are not
told. It would seem, from the tone of Haggai,
ch. i., that both leaders and people had lost
heart, and become more or less indifferent to
the work. They need the " prophesying," or
preaching, of the outspoken Haggai, to stimu-
late them afresh to the task.
3. Sisinnes.] In Ezra v. 3 the name is
given as Tatnai; in the LXX. Qavdavat, or
QaOdavat. By a common interchange of sh
and th, this might be expressed in Hebrew
by Shashnai, or Sheshnai, and so in Greek
by 2i(Tfvvrjs or StcrtWrjy. In like manner
Sathrabuzanes (^adpalBovCdvrjs ; in the LXX.
l,a6ap^ov(ai>ai) answers to the Shethar-boznai
of Ezra. According to Professor Sayce
('Ezra, &c.,'_p. 24), "neither Tatnai nor
Shethar-boznai seems to be a Persian name.
The latter may be Elamite, the former Ara-
maean."
Rawlinson, however (' Appendix to Ezra,'
p. 423), while admitting that Tatnai cannot
be identified with any known Persian name,
agrees with Lord Arthur Hervey ('Diet, of
the Bible,' s. v.) in thinking Shethar-boznai
Persian, and probably the same as that
Grecized by Arrian into Satibarzanes. Tatnai
was satrap of Syria and Phoenicia, a great
district west of the Euphrates, and hence " on
this side of the river " from the Judean point
of view. From his ofBce, he was superior to
Zerubbabel; and, if of Syrian origin, might
well be hostile to the returning Jews.
4. By ivhose appointment, <h'c.] As R.
points out, the edict of " Artaxerxes " for-
bidding the work (Ezra iv. 23) would by
Persian customs be in force in his successor's
reign, unless formally repealed; and hence
the Jews were acting in one sense illegally.
As Darius's hands were greatly tied at this
time (see Sayce, ubi sup., p. 53), the moment
may have been thought opportune for ven-
turing to begin the building again, without
waiting for a special sanction.
roof.] The use of this term seems to point
to the advanced state of the framework of
the building, with "the timber already laid
upon the walls" {y. 9). So F. would render
it here by Gebalk.
6. an ansiver received.] More exactly,
"a notice sent," or "an intimation given."
Another form of the same word, Tj-poa-cj^covr]-
o-aVo), is rendered in -y. 22 "let him signify."
7. The copy.] The Vatican text, as Fritzsche
and Tischendorf punctuate, reads thus : " The
copy of the letter which he (i.e. Sisinnes)
wrote to Darius, and they sent. 'Sisinnes
the governor of Syria, &c., to king Darius,
greeting.' "
V. 821.]
I. ESDRAS. VI.
49
B.C.
cir. 519.
and Sathrabuzanes, with their com-
panions, rulers in Syria and Phenice,
To
and
in
wrote and sent unto Darius j
king Darius, greeting :
8 Let all things be known unto
our lord the king, that being come
into the country of Judea, and entered
into the city of Jerusalem, we found
in the city of Jerusalem the ancients
of the Jews that were of the
captivity
9 Building an house unto the Lord,
great and new, of hewn and costly
stones, and the timber already laid
upon the walls.
10 And those works are done with
great speed, and the work goeth on
prosperously in their hands, and with
all glory and diligence is it made.
11 Then asked we these elders,
saying, By whose commandment build
ye this house, and lay the foundations
of these works ?
12 Therefore to the intent that
we might give knowledge unto thee
by writing, we demanded of them
who were the chief doers, and we
required of them the names in writing
of their principal men.
13 So they gave us this answer.
We are the servants of the Lord
which made heaven and earth.
14 And as for this house, it was
builded many years ago by a king of
Israel great
finished.
and strong, and was
15 But when our fathers provoked B.C.
God unto wrath, and sinned against !lif''
the Lord of Israel which is in heaven,
he gave them over into the power of
Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, of
the Chaldees ;
16 Who pulled down the house,
and burned it, and carried away the
people captives unto Babylon.
17 But in the first year that king
Cyrus reigned over the country of
Babylon Cyrus the king wrote to
build up this house.
18 And the holy vessels of gold
and of silver, that Nabuchodonosor
had carried away out of the house at
Jerusalem, and had set them in his
own temple, those Cyrus the king
brought forth again out of the temple
of Babylon, and they were delivered
to ' Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus "P""', . ,
, , Zorobabel,
the ruler, which u
19 With commandment that he ,Xj^V
should carry away the same vessels, ^^^l^^'^
and put them in the temple at Jeru- babei
salem ; and that the temple of the tol^^
Lord should be built in his place. ^IttX
20 Then the same Sanabassarus, ^^^ * 2-
being come hither, laid the founda-
tions of the house of the Lord at
Jerusalem ; and from that time to
this being still a building, it is not
yet fully ended.
2 1 Now therefore, if it seem good
unto the king, let search be made
among the " records of king Cyrus : s Or, rolls.
9. costly stones.'] It is perhaps a better
division of the text to take the word " costly "
as qualifying " timber " (TroXwreXcoi/ ^vku>v
Tideiiivoov). The reference might then be
to the cedar w^ood mentioned in v. 55.
Reuss, however (on Ezra v. 8), thinks the
beams or girders to be meant. Comp. the
note on v. 4, above.
10. are done.] Rather, " being done ;" the
clause depending on " we found." So " going
on," just after, for "goeth on;" and "being
finished," or " completed," for " is it made."
12. Therefore, is'c^ More literally : " We
questioned them, therefore, for the sake of
making known to thee . . . and asked for
the list of names of their leaders." The word
for "list of names," oi/o/xaroypa^ia, occurs
Apoc Vol. I,
again in viii. 49, where it is rendered " cata-
logue of names."
15. of the Chaldees?] According to the
Greek, "king of the Chaldees;" the word
'' king " being repeated.
16. Who pulled down.] Rather, " And they
pulled down," 3cc.
18. in his oiun temple.] See note on i. 41.
to Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus?] The
marginal note to v. 40, " two of one," might
be repeated here. The specification of Zerub-
babel alone, in w. 20, 27, and 29, shews that
he is the one referred to. Above, in ii. 12, 15
(where see the note), he was called Sanabassar
alone.
21. records.] Rather, " record-offices," or
50
I. ESDRAS. VI.
[v. 22 30.
B. C. 22 And if it be found that the
cii^jig. ijyiijjj^g Qf (.^e house of the Lord at
Jerusalem hath been done with the
consent of king Cyrus, and if our lord
the king be so minded, let him signify
unto us thereof.
' Ezra 6. 23 '^ Then commanded king Darius
*' '^' to seek among the records at Babylon:
and so at Ecbatana the palace, which
is in the country of Media, there was
\^'e. found a "roll wherein these things
were recorded.
24 In the first year of the reign of
Cyrus king Cyrus commanded that
the house of the Lord at Jerusalem
should be built again, where they do
sacrifice with continual fire :
25 Whose height shall be sixty
cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits,
with three rows of hewn stones, and
one row of new wood of that country;
and the expences thereof to be given
out of the house of king Cyrus :
26 And that the holy vessels of the
house of the Lord, both of gold and
silver, that Nabuchodonosor took out
of the house at Jerusalem, and
brought to Babylon, should be re- b. C.
stored to the house at Jerusalem, and '^^l^
be set in the place where they were
before.
27 And also he commanded that
Sisinnes the governor of Syria and
Phenice, and Sathrabuzanes, and their
companions, and those which were
appointed rulers in Syria and Phenice,
should be careful not to meddle with
the place, but suffer Zorobabel, the
servant of the Lord, and governor of
Judea, and the elders of the Jews, to
build the house of the Lord in that
place.
28 I have commanded also to have
it built up whole again ; and that
they look diligently to help those that
be of the captivity of the Jews, till
the house of the Lord be finished :
29 And out of the tribute of Celo-
syria and Phenice a portion carefully
to be given these men for the sacri-
fices of the Lord, that is, to Zoro-
babel the governor, for bullocks, and
rams, and lambs ;
30 And also corn, salt, wine, and
"rolls-courts," ^i^XiocpvXaKiois. In Ezra v.
17 the LXX. has eV tw o'Ua r^s ya(v^-
23. at Ecbatana the palace?}^ The simple
statement that, after searching at Babylon,
they found the document at Ecbatana, is a
mark of candid truthfulness in the writer.
According to Sayce, the edict " had, in the
first instance, no doubt, been inscribed on
clay, and stored up among the archives in
Babylon ; but a copy on papyrus had been
afterwards made of it, as of other State docu-
ments, for preservation at Ekbatana" {iibi
^^P-t P- 52). Ecbatana, the Balmoral of the
Persian kings, is here called "the palace"
{jji ^apei), rather " the fortress," in Media.
Josephus (' Antiqq.' x. 1 1, 7) uses the same
peculiar word.
rollj] To/ioy, for which some MSS. have
roTToy, whence the marginal rendering.
24. ivhere they do sacrifice.'] The sense
may perhaps be : " where they shall do," &c.
To the same purport R. would read in
Ezra vi. 3.
25. ivith three rows^ The meaning of
the Greek, 8ta hoixav, is obscure. In Ezra
vi. 4 the words are nearly the same, the LXX.
in both places having fio/ioi, where the A. V.
gives " rows." Fergusson (' Diet, of the
Bible,' iii. p. 1459) thinks it means "storeys."
R. prefers to apply it to the thickness of the
walls, which was to be that of three blocks
of hewn stone, together with the inner lining
of timber. The opinion that every three
layers, or courses, of stone were to have
above them a layer of timber, is objected to
by Reuss, who points out that, especially with
ncuv (and therefore unshrunk) timber, such
a mode of building would be a strange one.
27. And also he commanded.'] The tran-
sition from the decree of Cyrus quoted in the
rescript, ending with v. 26, to the orders
given by Darius in the rescript itself, is
abrupt. In Ezra vi. 6 it is still more so;
Tatnai and the others being there suddenly
addressed in the second person. That -u. 27
cannot be considered as forming part of the
decree of Cyrus, seems plain from the fact that
Sisinnes and his companions had addressed
to Darius their inquiry about such a decree.
28. ivhole^ oKo(Txipu>i, lit. entirely, or
completely, from the very foundations.
29. portion.] Or, " contribution," a-vvra^iv.
30. corn, salt, (b'c] Needed for the burnt-
offerings. See Exod. xxix. 40.
V. 31 5-]
I. ESDRAS. VI. VII.
51
B. C. oil, and that continually every year
'lli!^' without further question, according as
the priests that be in Jerusalem shall
signify to be daily spent :
1 Or, 9 1 That "offerincTS may be made
offerings, to the most high God for the king
and for his children, and that they
k may pray for their lives.
32 And he commanded that who-
soever should transgress, yea, or make
light of any thing afore spoken or
written, out of his own house should
a tree be taken, and he thereon be
hanged, and all his goods seized for
the king.
33 The Lord therefore, whose
name is there called upon, utterly
destroy every king and nation, that
stretcheth out his hand to hinder or
endamage that house of the Lord in
Jerusalem.
34 I Darius the king have ordained
that according unto these things it be
done with dilio-ence.
CHAPTER VII.
B.C.
cir. 519.
I Sisinnes cmd others help forward the btdlding.
5 The temple is finished, and dedicated. 10
The passover is kept.
THEN '^Sisinnes the governor " Ezra 6.
of Celosyria and Phenice, and '^'
Sathrabuzanes, with their companions,
following the commandments of king
Darius,
2 Did very carefully oversee the
holy works, assisting the ancients of
the Jews and governors of the temple.
3 And so the holy works prospered,
when Aggeus and Zacharias the pro-
phets prophesied.
4 And they finished these things
by the commandment of the Lord
God of Israel, and with " the consent 11 or, the
of Cyrus, Darius, and Artaxerxes, '^^'^^'
kings of Persia.
5 And thus was the holy house 515.
finished in "the three and twentieth ".^^/'''^
day of the month Adar, in the sixth Ezra 6. 15'.
year of Darius king of the Persians.
31. for their lives.'] That is, of the king
and his children. As instances of such
prayers, Bertheau (on Ezra vi. 10) quotes
Jer. xxix, 7, where the exiles in Babylon are
exhorted to pray for the welfare of that city ;
and I Mace. xii. 11, where the High-priest
Jonathan speaks of remembering the Lace-
dsemonians in the daily sacrifices and prayers.
32. hanged^ Compare the punishment of
Bigthan and Teresh (Esth. ii. 23). But R.
thinks crucifixion to be meant. Reuss also
renders the words in Ezra vi. 11 "qu'il y soit
crucifie et cloue." For " tree " comp. Gal.
iii. 13.
seized for the king.] Gk. eivai iSacrtXtfcd,
= publicari, " to be confiscated." In the
parallel passage of Ezra it is "let his house
be made a dunghill."
CHAPTER VII.
2. very carefully.] Lit. " more diligently,"
eTTififXicTTepov, answering to the eTrt/xfXcof,
" with diligence," of vi. 34. Their assiduity
was increased by the king's command.
governors of the temple^ UpoaTarats,
a word said to be only found in this place.
If genuine, it seems formed on a false analogy
with TTpoa-TaTTjs. But it may be questioned
whether it is not a corruption of lepov npo-
a-Tarats. A TrpooraTTjs tov lepov is men-
tioned in 2 Mace. iii. 4, answering to the
" captain of the temple " of Luke xxii. 4.
4. consent.] Better, as in the margin, "de-
cree," or decision ; Gk. yj/co/x/jj.
and .Artaxerxes.] This third king's name
is a source of difficulty. The one so named
in Ezra iv. 17, 23, has been assumed to mean
the Pseudo-Smerdis. But he forbade, instead
of helping, the building of the Temple: and
moreover the name here stands after, not
before, that of Darius. If, following the
sequence of names, we come to the first
Artaxerxes who reigned after Darius, we are
carried down to a date subsequent to B.C.
465, when Artaxerxes Longimanus ascended
the throne. And the work of building the
Temple is said in the very next verse to have
been finished in the sixth year of Darius, B.C.
516. Various explanations are offered. Reuss
thinks that the compiler, or perhaps a later
copyist, wishing to place together the three
Persian kings who did most for the Jews,
added the name of Artaxerxes. Fritzsche "
considers that he is named already by antici-
pation, because of the favour shewn by him
afterwards (ch. viii. 9 sqq.).
5. in the three and twentieth day^ In
Ezra VI. 15 it is the third day. No reason
has been suggested to account for this varia-
tion, except the fanciful one (see Dr. Bissell's
note) that as the later Encania, and the great
Mosaic festivals, lasted eight days, the writer
thought it more appropriate to make this
dedication festival last eight days as well ;
E 2
s^
I. ESDRAS. VII. VIII.
[v. 615.
B.C. 515- 6 And the children of Israel, the
priests, and the Levites, and others
that were of the captivity, that were
added unto them, did according to
the things written in the book of
Moses.
7 And to the dedication of the
temple of the Lord they offered an
hundred bullocks, and two hundred
rams, four hundred lambs ;
8 And twelve goats for the sin of
all Israel, according to the number of
" J^r. the "chief of the tribes of Israel.
9 The priests also and the Levites
stood arrayed in their vestments, ac-
'??'? cording: to their "kindreds, in the
divisions, o i/^irT
Ezra 6. 18. service of the Lord God of Israel,
according to the book of Moses : and
the porters at every gate.
tOr.wiik JO And the children of Israel "that
tliosethat, . . , , , ,
<5^c. were of the captivity held the passover
the fourteenth day of the first month,
after that the priests and the Levites
were sanctified.
1 1 They that were of the captivity
were not all sanctified together : but
the Levites were all sanctified to- B.C.
, cir. 515.
gether.
12 And so they offered the pass-
over for all them of the captivity, and
for their brethren the priests, and for
themselves.
13 And the children of Israel that
came out of the captivity did eat,
even all they that had separated
themselves from the abominations of
the people of the land, and sought
the Lord.
14 And they kept the feast of
unleavened bread seven days, making
merry before the Lord,
15 For that he had turned the
"counsel of the king of Assyria to- " 9^
ward them, to strengthen their hands
in the works of the Lord God of
Israel.
CHAPTER VIIL
I Esdras bringeth the king's commission to
build. 8 The copy of it. 28 He declareth
the names and number of those that came
with him, 6 1 and his joufney. "J I He
lamenteth the sins of his people, 96 and
which space of time, as Adar was the last
month of the Jewish year, would just com-
plete the old year. The peculiar expression
in the Greek crvvfTe\(a6ri .... ecos rpirrji
K.T.X., is exactly rendered in Neteler's German
version : " Und es wurde dieses Haus vollen-
det bis zum dritten Tage des Monats Adar."
sixth year."] B.C. 516-5. It had thus been
twenty years in progress, including the time
during which the works were stopped.
6. others.'] Rather, " the others," oi
"KomoL Comp. Ezra vi. 16.
7. an hundred, is'c.'] R. compares this
"modest sacrifice," suiting well the day of
small things (Zech. iv. 10), with the lavish
offering of Solomon (1 Kings viii. 63).
8. tivehe goats, (b'c.'] This was a recogni-
tion of the unity of Israel, after the restoration,
as before. In the Greek the reading varies.
The A.V. appears to have had npos apidfiov
t5>v <pv\S)v, but the best text has (according
to F.'s punctuation) Scofie^a npos apiBpov, e'/c
Ta>v <^vKapx(^v k.t.\., "twelve in number, fi-om
the twelve leaders of the tribes of Israel."
11. TIjey that ivere, (i^v.] The reading of
the Greek here varies considerably. As given
in the last edition of Tischendorf, the sense
would literally be : " And the children of
Israel, of those that were of the captivity,
kept the passover on the fourteenth day of
the first month, when the priests and the
Levites together and all the children of the
captivity were sanctified; (i) for they were
sanctified, (2) for the Levites together were
sanctified."
The clause marked (2) is omitted in
several MSS., and (i) and (2) together in a
few ; and F. would omit them both. But
the best MSS. retain them. The reading of
the Vulgate is scarcely more intelUgible :
" And the children of Israel kept . . . &c.,
when the priests and Levites were sanctified.
All the children of the captivity were not
sanctified together, because the Levites were
all sanctified together." The text must be
corrupt as it stands ; but the general drift of
the passage seems to be, that the Levites stood
in less need of special purification than the
rest, even than the priests.
15. iing of jissjria.'] Darius is so called,
from a part of his dominions, as Cyrus (in
Ezra v. 1 3) and Artaxerxes (in Neh. xiii. 6)
are called kings of Babylon. The Assyrian
characters are even said to have been em-
ployed by Persian sovereigns in their de-
spatches and inscriptions. See Bp. Words-
worth's note on Ezra vi. 22, and Duker and
Arnold on Thuc. iv. 50.
Y. I lO,]
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
53
B.C.
Cir. 457-
"Aza-
rias.
* Ozias.
' Merai-
oth,
^ Uzzi:
Some
copies
want these
three
names.
IHeb.
wasjirst,
Ezra 7. I.
sweareth the priests to put away their strange
wives.
AND after these things, when
Artaxerxes the king of the
Persians reigned, came Esdras the son
of Saraias, the son of ''Ezerias, the
son of Helchiah, the son of Salum,
2 The son of Sadduc, the son of
Achitob, the son of Amarias, the son
of ^Ezias, the son of "^Meremoth, the
son of Zaraias, the son of '^Savias,
the son of Boccas, the son of
Abisum, the son of Phinees, the son
of Eleazar, theson of Aaron "the chief
priest.
3 This Esdras went up from Baby-
lon, as a scribe, being very ready in
the law of Moses, that was given by
the God of Israel.
4 And the king did him honour :
for he found grace in his sight in all
his requests.
5 There went up with him also
certain of the children of Israel, of
the priests, of the Levites, of the holy
singers, porters, and "ministers of the B.C.
temple, unto Jerusalem, "r^?.
6 In "the seventh year of the reim \9-^'-^^'
of Artaxerxes, m the fifth month, this 11 see Ezra
was the king's seventh year ; for 7' 7' ^' 9-
they went from Babylon in the first
day of the first month, and came to
Jerusalem, according to the "pros- d Or,
perous journey which the Lord gave ""^'^"^'
them.
7 For Esdras had very great skill,
so that he omitted nothing of the law
and commandments of the Lord, but
taught all Israel the ordinances and
judgments.
8 Now the copy of the "commis- " Or,
sion, which was written from Arta-
xerxes the king, and came to Esdras
the priest and reader of the law of the
Lord, is this that followeth ;
9 King Artaxerxes unto Esdras the 457-
priest and reader of the law of the
Lord sendeth greeting :
10 Having determined to deal gra-
ciously, I have given order, that such
CHAPTER VIII.
1. j^nd after these things.'] Between the
end of the last chapter and the beginning of
this a long interval has to be placed, from
the sixth year of Darius (b.c. 516-5) to the
seventh of Artaxerxes (b.c. 459-8). The
same occurs between chaps, vi. and vii. of
Ezra. This is assuming the Artaxerxes
named to be Longimanus (b.c 465-425),
which is the most natural supposition. See
R.'s note on Ezra vii. i.
EsdraSy h'e.'] For Ezra's genealogy, see
the note on 2 Esdr. i. i.
3. as a scribe, being 'very ready.] Rather,
" as being a ready (or able) scribe," a>s ypanjia-
Tfiis v(f)vris a>i>. The word v(jivr]s, bona
indole praditus, " of a good natural disposi-
tion," is replaced in Joseph us by iKavws
e^Treipos, " well versed." For the gradual de-
velopment of the scribe's office among the
Jews, see R.'s note on Ezra vii. 6.
5. ministers of the temp/e.] The Up68ov\oi,
or Nethinim; on whom see the note on v. 35.
The sequence of what follows becomes
clearer, if no notice is taken of the division of
verses, and a longer pause is made after " fifth
month."
6. this luas the king's seventh year.] The
way in which this fact is twice stated is
noticeable. It is similarly repeated in Ezra
vii. 7, 8 ; where it is also specified that their
arrival at Jerusalem was on the frst day of
the fifth month ; so that the caravan had been
exactly four months on the road, from the
first of Nisan (March) to the first of Ab
(July).
7. had "very great skill.] Such an inci-
dental touch as this would shew Ezra himself
not to be the writer. Compare the more
modest description in Ezra vii. 10.
8. Noiv the copy, ir'f.] The sense is
broken in the original, which runs, literally :
" Now when the decree which had been
written came from Artaxerxes the king to
Esdras the priest and reader of the law of
the Lord, of which the subjoined is a copy."
The word TTpocnTLivTfw is used in 2 Mace. v.
10 (11), viii. 12, &c. of news coming to one's
ears.
10. Having determined.] It is probable
that some words are missing ft-om the begin-
ning of the decree, as here given, since the
Greek begins with Ka'i, "and." It may be
that only the customary formula "and so
forth," used to shorten the superscription, is
wanting (see Ezra vii. 12) ; or it may be, as
F. supposes, that some words of a petition
had been recited first, and this "and"
54
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. II
20.
B.C. 457- of the nation of the Jews, and of the
priests and Levites, being within our
realm, as are willing and desirous,
should go with thee unto Jerusalem.
11 As many therefore as have a
mind thereunto, let them depart with
thee, as it hath seemed good both to
me and my seven friends the coun-
sellors ;
12 That they may look unto the
affairs of Judea and Jerusalem, agree-
ably to that which is in the law of
the Lord ;
13 And carry the gifts unto the
Lord of Israel to Jerusalem, which I
and my friends have vowed, and all
the gold and silver that in the country
11 Or, ^ot. of Babylon can be "found, to the Lord
in Jerusalem,
14 With that also which is given
of the people for the temple of the
Lord their God at Jerusalem : and
that silver and gold may be collected
for bullocks, rams, and lambs, and
things thereunto appertaining;
15 To the end that they may offer
sacrifices unto the Lord upon the b. c. 457-
altar of the Lord their God, which is
in Jerusalem.
16 And whatsoever thou and thy
brethren will do "with the silver and iiOr,aVA
gold, that do, according to the will of Ez^ra". is!
thy God.
17 And the holy vessels of the Lord,
which are given thee for the use of
the temple of thy God, which is in
Jerusalem, thou shalt set before thy
God in Jerusalem.
18 And whatsoever thing else thou
shalt remember for the use of the
temple of thy God, thou shalt give it
out of the king's treasury,
19 And I king Artaxerxes have
also commanded the keepers of the
treasures in Syria and Phenice, that
whatsoever Esdras the priest and the
reader of the law of the most high
God shall send for, they should give
it him with speed,
20 To the sum of an hundred n Qr,
talents of silver, likewise also of wheat >"^''""'",
even to an hundred "cors, and an Ezra 7. 22.
( = "and so," like " Atque ego" in Cic.
* Epp. ad Div.' iv. 6, quoted by F.) was used
to introduce the concession in reply.
11. my seven friends, is'c?^ Rather, " my
seven beloved counsellors." All the com-
mentators refer to Esther i. 14, where men-
tion is made of " the seven princes of Persia
and Media, which saw the king's face, and
which sat the first in the kingdom." Raw-
linson quotes in addition the notice in Herod,
iii. 84, of seven leading families in Persia, who
formed the conspiracy against the Pseudo-
Smerdis. Bertheau further quotes Justin,
'Hist.'i. 9, 19, where these seven conspi-
rators are mentioned.
12. may look tinto^ Gk. inia-Ki'^aiVTCu.,
implying an official inspection.
13. my friends^ Referring to the "friends
the counsellors" of -y. 11. This is made clear
by Ezra vii. 15.
and all the ^old, (ij'f.] The construction, as
F. points out, is : " and that all gold (or,
every piece of gold) and silver that is found
in the country of Babylon for the Lord at
Jerusalem, along with what has been given
by the people for the temple of the Lord
their God which is in Jerusalem, be gathered
together."
16. ivitb the silver, (b'cJ] More literally,
" with gold and silver," there being no article.
That is, " whatever can be done by money,
that do." In Ezra vii. 18, it is "with the
rest of," &c., which is more natural.
17. the holy vessels^ Referred to in viii.
25 below.
18. thou shalt remember?^ Gk. vTroiriTrrT]
aoi, like tibi subvenerint in the Vulg., taken in
the sense of " occur to thee," " come into thy
mind." But F. denies that this is the right
meaning here, and prefers the general one of
" befalling," with which Wahl agrees.
19. send for, (b'c.'] Rather, "whatsoever
message Esdras, &c., may send," oar a iav
dnocfTeiXr].
mjith speed.] Rather, "diligently," eVt/ieXtoy.
The comparative, eVt/ieXeWepoi', is the word
used above in vii. 2, where it is rendered,
somewhat laxly, " very carefully."
20. To the sum of, (b'c'] This would limit
the demand on the provincial treasuries.
One hundred talents of silver would amount
to about 24,300/. The cor, or homer, is fixed
by some at about 86 gallons ; by others, at
about 44. The piece, or butt (French, " une
piece de vin"), Gk. nerprjTrjs:, nearly answered
to our firkin, being, according to one system,
V. 21 29.]
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
E. C. 457- hundred pieces of wine, and other
things in abundance.
21 Let all things be performed after
the law of God diligently unto the most
high God, that wrath come not upon
the kingdom of the king and his
sons.
22 I command you also, that ye
require no tax, nor any other imposi-
tion, of any of the priests, or Levites,
or holy singers, or porters, or ministers
of the temple, or of any that have
doings in this temple, and that no
mian have authority to impose any
thing upon them.
23 And thou, Esdras, according to
the wisdom of God ordain judges and
justices, that they may judge in all
1 Heb. of Syria and Phenice " all those that
kn^, ^'^ know the law of thy God ; and those
Ezra?. 25. t}^^t- know it not thou shalt teach.
'Ezra?. 24 And ^whosoever shall trans-
gress the law of thy God, and of the
king, shall be punished diligently.
whether it be 'by death, or other
punishment, by penalty of money, or
by imprisonment.
25 H Then said Esdras the scribe.
Blessed be the only Lord God of my
fathers, who hath put these things
into the heart of the king, to glorify
his house that is in Jerusalem :
26 And hath honoured me in the
sight of the king, and his counsellors,
and all his friends and nobles.
27 Therefore was I encouraged by
the help of the Lord my God, and
gathered together men of Israel to go
up with me.
28 And these are the chief accord-
ing to their families and several
dignities, that went up with me from
Babylon in the reign of king Arta-
xerxes :
29 Of the sons of Phinees, Gerson:
of the sons of Ithamar, -^ Gamael : of
the sons of David, ^ Lettus ^ the son
of Sechenias :
ss
B. C. 457.
/Or,
Daniel.
-^Or,
Chattus,
A Ezra 8.
Z, of the
sons of
Shecha-
niah, of
the sons of
Parosh,
between eight and nine gallons. See the art.
Weights and Measures in ' Diet, of the
Bible,' iii. p. 1742.
and other things in abundance.'] In Ezravii.
22 it is " and salt without prescribing how
much." The variation is due to the con-
fusion between Ka\ ak\a and kuI aXa. The
latter is the better-supported reading. Comp.
above, vi. 30.
22. you also.'] Addressed to the Persian
officials in Palestine.
no tax.] This was more liberal than even
the edict of Darius (ch. iv. 50). The grant
of such great privileges naturally raises the
question : To what was this striking indul-
gence due ? Professor Sayce {ubi sup., p. 6 1 )
thinks that we may see in it " a recognition
that the troubles of the first few years of the
reign of Artaxerxes had been due to the
anger of the God of Israel. Esther, the
Jewess, had been the wife of Xerxes, and it
is difficult not to think that she may have
had some influence over the religious ideas of
the new king."
any that have doings, is'c] Gk. irpayfia-
TiKo'isTov lepov, a general term for all servants
and others employed about the Temple. The
Vulgate scribis tempU points to a v. 1. ypafj.-
fj-ariKols, for which there is a little authority.
23. thou shah teach.] As Reuss remarks,
this is not to be understood as conveying to
Ezra a general commission to make prose-
lytes (" pour faire de la propagande") among
the heathen residents in Palestine, but only as
conferring upon him an ecclesiastical autho-
rity over his own countrymen. At the same
time it is plain, as R. points out, that Ezra's
commission, including in it the power of
capital punishment (y. 24), must have super-
seded in some respects that of the regular
governors of the province.
24. or other punishment.] The alterna-
tives were death and a less penalty; the
latter being subdivided into fine and im-
prisonment (or banishment, aTTayayri). In
Ezra vii. 26, three forms of the inferior
penalty are given.
26. all his friends.] As counsellors has
been already mentioned, _/r/fK^j must here be
used in a wider sense. See above, -w, 11,13.
28. And these are, <h'c.] Ezra viii. i sqq.
sei'eral dignities.] See the note above, on
i. 5-
29. Gamael] So in the Aldine. The
best text has Gamaliel. In Ezra it is Daniel,
which Bertheau thinks confirmed by Neh.
X. 7-
Lettus?, Rather, Lattus, Xarrovs (Aid.),
but the best text has Attus, 'A.ttovs. answering
to the Hattush of Ezra. He was grandson of
Shechaniah (i Chron. iii. 22). In Ezra viii.
56
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. 3041.
B. C. 4S7.
i Zera-
chaiah.
k Or, of
the sons of
Skecka-
niah the
ton of
yahaziel.
D Heb.
fifty men.
'Or,
AtJialiah.
'"Or,
Zebadiah.
Or,
fourscore
tnen,
"Or,
Obadtah.
30 Of the sons of Pharez, Zacha-
rias ; and with him were counted
an hundred and fifty men :
31 Of the sons of Pahath Moab,
Eliaonias, the son of ' Zaraias, and
with him two hundred men :
32 ^ Of the sons of Zathoe, Seche-
nias the son of Jezelus, and with him
three hundred men : of the sons of
Adin, Obeth the son of Jonathan, and
with him "two hundred and fifty
men :
33 Of the sons of Elam, Josias son
of ^ Gotholias, and with him seventy
men :
34 Of the sons of Saphatias, '" Za-
raias son of Michael, and with him
" threescore and ten men :
35 Of the sons of Joab, " Abadias
son of '^ Jezelus, and with him two
hundred and ^ twelve men :
36 '' Of the sons of Banid, Assali-
moth son of Josaphias, and with him
an hundred and threescore men :
37 Of the sons of Babi, Zacharias
son of Bebai, and with him twenty
and eight men :
38 Of the sons of ^ Astath, Johan-
nes son of ^ Acatan, and with him an
hundred and ten men :
39 Of the sons of Adonikam the
last, and these are the names of them,
Eliphalet, Jeuel, and " Samaias, and
with them '^ seventy men :
40 Of the sons of " Bago, Uthi the
son of Istalcurus, and with him
seventy men.
41 And these I gathered together
B. C. 457-
tOx,
fehiel.
9 Ox,
eighteen
tnen.
' Or, of
the sons of
She I omit h
the son of
fosiphiah.
'Ox,
Azgad.
'Or,
Catan.
Or,
Shemaia.
X Or,
sixty men.
I Heb._
Bigvai.
2, 3, the text wants re-arranging. See R.'s
note there.
30. Pharez?^ The Phoros of v. 9.
31. Pahath Moakl Ch. v. 11.
Eliaonias.'] In Ezra, Elihoenai.
32. Jezelus.'] Called in Ezra, Jahaziel.
R. would alter the reading there to agree
with the LXX. and this passage. Another
Jezelus is mentioned 'in v. 35 below.
Adin.'] Comp. v. 14. Obeth in Ezra is
Ebed. The word means " slave," and is found
in compound names, as Ebed-Melech (Jer.
xxxviii. 7).
33. Elam.] Ch. v. 12. Josias, 'lealas,
called in Ezra viii. 7 Jeshaiah. On the other
hand, the Jeshaiah of Ezra viii. 19 is in this
chapter (1;. 48) called Osaias. GothoHah is
the same as the Athaliah (which is also found
as a female name) in Ezra, the initial ayin
being replaced by the Greek guttural.
34. Saphatias.] Called in v. 9 Saphat,
otherwise Shephatiah.
Zaraias.] To be distinguished from the
two of the same name mentioned before in
this chapter, "w. 2, 31. In Ezra it is
Zebadiah.
35. Joab.] See the note on ch. v. 11,
where a clause containing the name of Joab
is omitted in the English Version. It is
doubtful whether the one there referred to is
the same as this Joab. Abadias is in Ezra
Obadiah.
36. Banid.] This form is fi-om the Aldine,
^avi^, probably a corruption of Bavi'a (by inter-
change of A and A). The Vatican has Bai/i'ar.
In Ezra viii. 10, where the name should
occur, it is thought by R. to have dropped out
from its resemblance to beney, "sons."
Assalimoth.] In Ezra and in i Chron. iii.
19 (where it is a female name) the form is
Shelomith : in the Greek here it is 2a.\ifx<ad.
It is not unlikely that the form in the text,
Assalimoth, is due to a wrong division of
syllables in the names Bavi | asSaXt/ico^.
37. Babi . . . Bebai.] In Ezra viii. 1 1 the
names are identical. Comp. v. 13.
38. Astath.] In v. 1 3, Sadas ; in the Greek,
'AcrraS. In Ezra, Azgad. Acatan, in Ezra
Hakkatan, only differs from the form Catan,
given in the margin, by having the Hebrew
definite article prefixed. Compare the name
Accoz in V. 38 with Coz in Ezra ii. 61.
39. the last.] That is, "the last of the
sons of A." This may mean the last left in
Babylon. R. thinks it denotes the younger
branches of the family ; which would come to
the same thing, supposing the older members
to have returned with Zerubbabel. Comp.
V. 14.
40. Bago.] Called Bagoi in v. 14, Bigvd
in Ezra. The name Bagoas is said to mean
" eunuch " in Persian. See ' Diet, of the
Bible,' s. n)., where Dr. Westcott quotes
Pliny, ' H. N.' xiii. 4, 9, in illustration.
Uthi the son of Istalcurus.] Instead of this
we have in Ezra viii. 14, " Uthai and Zabbud,"
with marginal reading " Zaccur." It is diffi-
cult to see how Ka\ ZaKKovp could be changed
to 6 Tov 'IcTTokKovpov, though there is some
V. 42 46-]
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
B.C. 457. >to the river called Theras, where we
> Or, to pitched our tents three days : and
then ^ I surveyed them.
42 But when I had found there
none of the priests and Levites,
43 Then sent I unto Eleazar, and
'^Iduel, and ^Masman,
44 And Alnathan, and Mamaias,
the river
called
Ahava,
Ezra 8. 15,
* Or, he
numbered
the people
aftd the
priests:
but/ound
JXrj<^^/and '-^Joribas, and Nathan, Eunatan,
Levi. <^ Ox, Ariel.
Ezra 8. 16.
* Or, Shemaiah. ' Or, Jarib. These men's
Zacharias, and MosoUamon, principal
men and learned.
45 And I bade them that they
should go unto ^ Saddeus the captain,
* who was in the place of -^ the trea-
sury :
46 And commanded them that
they should speak unto Daddeus, and
to ^ his brethren, and to the treasurers
names with their generations are rightly distinguished.
hi
B. C. 457.
rfOr,
Iddo.
' Or, of.
/Or,
Casiphia.
^ Or, the
Nethi-
nitns at
the place
o_fCaii-
phia.
resemblance between the last syllables. But
the way in which the two previous names
appear as one in the Aldine, Bayou^i, will shew
how liable such names are to be corrupted
in transcription.
41. the river called Theras.^ In the parallel
passage of Ezra the expression is " the river
that runneth to Ahava." And as it is called
later on (Ezra viii. 21) "the river o/" Ahava,"
it would seem that this was the name both
of a river and of a place. Rawlinson thinks
that the spot can be identified with the
modern Hit, called in Babylonian Ihi, a town
on the Euphrates, about 80 miles N.W. from
Babylon. Reuss thinks the spot unknown,
and the " river " to have been one of the
numerous canals, the "waters of Babylon."
Why the name should be Theras, Of pas, in
the text, has not been satisfactorily explained.
The LXX. at Ezra viii. 15 and 21 gives the
forms Evt and 'Aove. F. thinks that Gepas
or Qepa is only a perverted reading of the
Hebrew J^IIjX. One might almost suspect
that Josephus converted it into ivepav, in
his equivalent expression etj to nepav tov
'EicPpa.Tov.
43. The small number of Levites who were
inclined to return was noticed in the first
expedition. See above, v. 26. But the priests
on that occasion (ib., v. 24) were conspicuous
by their numbers, and in the parallel passage
of Ezra here no mention is made of any failure
on their part. But the fact that in v. 47 of
this chapter " sons of Levi " appear to answer
the requirement for men to "execute the
priests' office " (v. 46), suggests the thought
that the distinction between the two might
be growing less marked.
43, 44. The following are the parallel
lists of names in Ezra and i Esdras :
Ezra viii. 16-19.
1. Eliezer.
2. Ariel.
3. Shemaiah.
4. Elnathan I.
5. Jarib.
6. Elnathan II.
7. Nathan.
8. Zechaniah.
I Esdras viii. 43-4.
1. Eleazar.
2. Iduel, '15qv7]Xos.
3. Masman, Mum koI
4. Alnathan. [Maffp-dv.
5. Mamaias, Sa^ai'as.
6. Joribas.
7. Nathan.
8. Eunatan, 'EwaTav.
Ezra viii. 16-19.
9. Meshullam.
10. Joiarib.
11. Elnathan III.
I Esdras viii. 43-4.
9. Zacharias.
10. Mosollamon, MoaSx-
[Aa/ios.
From the above it will be seen, that if
for Masman (No. 3 in i Esdras) we read
with the best Greek text Maia and Mas-
man, the number is the same in both lists.
No. I of Ezra will then answer to i of the
other, 3 to 6, 4 to 5, 5 to 7, 7 to 8, 8 to 10,
9 to II, and II to 9. The Maia (No. 3 of
I Esdras) may be merely a misreading of the
last part of No. 5. The change of Ariel,
" Lion of God," to Iduel is noticeable ; and
still more so the strange equivalent for the
latter in the Vulgate, Eccelon. The "Ihov- in
\hovr\Kov appears to have been translated by
Ecce, and the name Ecce-elori thus formed,
which would naturally become Eccelon.
Eunatan (No. 8 in i Esdr.) is simply a mis-
print for Ennatan, as it stands in the Geneva
Version.
45. Saddens.'] In the Gk. AoSSalo?, Aid
AaSSaios- ; in Ezra, Iddo. The form AoSSaTo?
appears to have arisen from running together
ny'pX in the Hebrew. See Bertheau's
note on Ezra viii. 17. Bertheau suggests
that the Nethinim may have been called the
" brethren" of the Levites {ib.') from their
dwelling together. But in the present pas-
sage the Nethinim, or " servants of the
temple " (jv. 49), are kept clearly distinct.
in the place of the treasury."] For this, we
find in Ezra "at the place Casiphia," but in the
LXX. the perverted phrase iv rw dpyvplo
TOV TOTTov, corrected in the present version to
eV TIB TOTTCf) ya^o(j)v\aKcov. As no such place
as Casiphia is known, there are various con-
jectures to account for the name, and for
yaCo(J3v'KaKLov as its equivalent. Perhaps the
simplest way would be to suppose that the
Hebrew f]P2l, " silver," had been taken for a
proper name, and Grecized in transliteration.
Bertheau suggests that Casiphia might be the
name of a college, or institution, where
Levites were established; over which Iddo
or Saddeus " the captain" presided.
46. Daddeus.'] The same as the Saddeus
above.
58
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. 4756.
B.C.4S7-
A Or,
Machli.
' Or, She-
rebiah,
Ezra 8. 18.
* Or, Also
HasJui-
hiali, and
ivith hitn
Jesliaiah
of tlie sons
of Merari
luith his
brethren,
Ezra 8. 19.
1 Or, pro-
claimed.
in that place, to send us such men as
might execute the priests' office in
the house of the Lord.
47 And by the mighty hand of
our Lord they brought unto us skilful
men of the sons of ''' iVloli the son of
Levi, the son of Israel, ^ Asebebia,
and his sons, and his brethren, who
were eighteen.
48 ^ And Asebia, and Annuus, and
Osaias his brother, of the sons of
Channuneus, and their sons, were
twenty men.
49 And of the servants of the
temple whom David had ordained, and
the principal men for the service of
the Levites, to wit, the servants of
the temple, two hundred and twenty,
the catalogue of whose names were
shewed.
50 fl And there I "vowed a fast
unto the young men before our Lord,
to desire of him a prosperous journey
both for us and them that were with
us, for our children, and for the b. 0.457-
cattle : j Yi^y^.
5 1 For I was ashamed to ask the substance.
king footmen, and horsemen, and
conduct for safeguard against our
adversaries.
52 For we had said unto the king,
that the power of the Lord our God
should be with them that seek him,
to support them in all ways.
53 And again we besought our
Lord as touching these things, and
found him favourable unto us.
54 Then I separated twelve of the
chief of the priests, ^ Esebrias, and As-'^^'l"^'
1 r 1 1 t- and Has-
sanias, and ten men or their brethren sHias.
with them :
55 And I weighed them the gold,
and the silver, and the holy vessels of
the house of our Lord, which the
king, and his council, and the princes,
and all Israel, had given.
56 And when 1 had weighed it, I
delivered unto them six hundred and
47. Mo/i.] In Ezra, Mahli ; Gk. MooXt.
*' Son" is here again used for grandson, as in
vi. I, and often. See Ex. vi. 16-19.
ylsebebia-l In Ezra viii. 18, it is " they
brought us a man, of understanding, of the
sons of Mahh, . . . and Sherebiah;" which,
if correct, would leave us to wonder why the
name of one so distinguished should not have
been recorded. The Alex, here, too, has the
singular, " a skilful man," which would point
to Asebebia as the one. If so, the "and"
before Sherebiah in Ezra should, as R. sug-
gests, be left out. But if we prefer to assume
that a name has been lost, and that the " ar2d
Sherebiah" of Ezra viii. 1 8 is correct, the first
letter of 'A(Tepr]f:iLav may represent such a
missing Kal, especially as in the Aid. the
name appears as Ula-eprj^iav.
48. Annuus, (h-'cl Gk "Awovos. Some
of the names given here are altogether un-
like those in Ezra viii. 19. Asebia is of
course Hashabiah, and Osaias is Jeshaiah
(LXX. 'laaia) ; but the Other two are very
doubtful.
49. qvbom Da-vid had ordained.'] F. agrees
in this punctuation, placing a comma after
AaviS. But the sense requires us to read,
" whom David and the principal men had or-
dained (lit. 'gave') for the service," &c., in
accordance with Ezra viii. 20, " whom David
and the princes had appointed." Comp.
above, v. 29, and 1 Chron. ix. 2.
ivere shelved."} The use of the plural num-
ber seems due to the attraction of the word
" names " just before.
50. a fast.} As Jehoshaphat had done :
2 Chron. xx. 3. Ezra would have many
reasons for anxiety. " The passage of the
troops to Egypt had no doubt increased the
ordinary dangers of a road always infested
by Beduins and brigands, and Ezra had been
* ashamed to require of the king an escort of
soldiers and horsemen,' for he had told him
that ' the hand of our God is upon all them
for good that seek him ; but his power and
his wrath is against all them that forsake
him.' The amount of gold and silver, how-
ever, which he was carrying with him (Ezra
viii. 26, 27), gave him good reason to feel
anxious." (Sayce, ' Ezra,' &:c., p. 62.)
the young men.} The reason of this special
addition to the account in Ezra viii. 2 1 is not
clear. For the term employed, see note on
1'. 91 below, and comp. Neh, viii. 2.
54. Esebrias.} Gk. 'Ecrepe^Las, Vulg. Sede-
bias (by interchange of d and r in Hebrew),
the same as Sherebiah (Ezra viii. 18, 24) or
Asebebia (above, v. 47). As Assanias an-
swers to Hashabiah (Ezra viii. 19), both
these were Levites ; and the question arises,
how they could be described as " chief of the
priests." R. thinks that the Hebrew should
be read as " to Sherebiah," &c. ; that is, Ezra
appointed twelve priests to form a joint body
V. 5765-]
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
59
Heb.
two
vessels,
Ezra, 8. 27
B. C.4S7- fifty talents of silver, and silver vessels
of an hundred talents, and an hundred
talents of gold,
57 And twenty golden vessels, and
" twelve vessels of brass, even of fine
brass, glittering like gold.
58 And I said unto them. Both ye
are holy unto the Lord, and the ves-
sels are holy, and the gold and the
silver is a vow unto the Lord, the
Lord of our fathers.
59 Watch ye, and keep them till
ye deliver them to the chief of the
priests and Levites, and to the prin-
cipal men of the families of Israel, in
Jerusalem, into the chambers of the
house of our God.
60 So the priests and the Levites,
who had received the silver and the
gold and the vessels, brought them
unto Jerusalem, into the temple of
the Lord.
61 And from the river Theras we
departed the twelfth day of the first B.C. 457-
month, and came to Jerusalem by the
mighty hand of our Lord, which was
with us : and from the " beginning of n Or,
our journey the Lord delivered us ^^"fhP
from every enemy, and so we came to ">
Jerusalem.
62 And when we had been there
three days, the gold and silver that
was weighed was delivered in the
house of our Lord on the fourth day
unto "Marmoth the priest the son of 0r, ^<>
IMerimoth
ri the son of
63 And with him was Eleazar the ^^^^ *^
son of Phinees, and with them were
Josabad the son of Jesu and " Moeth d Or,
the son of Sabban, Levites : all was the^s^lf
delivered them by number and weight. ^'"'-
64 And all the weight of them was
written up the same hour.
65 Moreover they that were come
out of the captivity offered sacrifice
unto the Lord God of Israel, even
with these twelve Levites. But, as was sug-
gested above (1;. 46), the distinction between
the two orders may have begun to disappear.
56. talents, (i^v.] Reuss interprets the
parallel passage in Ezra as expressing the
actual weight of the silver in talents : " un
poids de six cent cinquante talents," &c., but
the twenty golden vessels, or bowls, he gives
as " valant mille dariques." Hence it is per-
haps best to take all these amounts as repre-
senting value, not weight. So Bertheau.
The value of the talent of silver was about
243/.
57. brass, (ij'r.] In Ezra it
IS
two
vessels of fine copper, precious as gold." F.
thinks twelve more likely to have been the
number. The " fine brass glittering like
gold," ;^pj;(rTo{i ;)^aXKo{) aTiXfiovTa ^pvcroei8rj
(lit. "good," "genuine," brass or bronze),
seems to point, as Dr. Bissell suggests, to the
metal known as orichalcum. Reuss thinks
the vessels were gilded (" d'un metal dore ").
59. into the chambers^ Rather, " in the,"
&c., eV Tols nacrTo(Popiois. These were cells,
or chambers in the cloisters surrounding the
Temple. See F.'s note, and comp. i Kings
vi. 5.
60. unto Jerusalem.'] The Greek is ra
fv 'lepov(TaXT]fi, " which were in Jerusalem."
This might by a stretch of interpretation be
supposed to mean " which had (before) been
in J.," but the ra is probably faulty. It would
be simplest to strike it out ; only, as F. points
out, it is in all the best MSS.
61. tiuel/ih day.]
above.
Comp. "W. 6 and 41
from the beginning.'] The variety in the
marginal reading is due to the obscurity of
the Greek : otto ttjs elaobov otto iravros
exdpov. F. says that e'la-odos must have the
sense of onset, attack ; but would any Greek
writer use elVoSos otto in such a connection ?
62. that tvas ^weighed.] Rather, "after
being weighed," a-radiv, not to a-radiv.
Marmoth.] In Ezra viii. 33, " Meremoth
the son of Uriah." In the Geneva Version,
" Marmoth the priest, the sonne of louri,"
with marginal reading, " Marmoth the son
of lori of Urie." This last may be traced to
the Aldine reading napfxcodiovpl Upel, from
which lepe'i appears to have been under-
stood as a proper name. Hence possibly
the peculiar form Iri in the text. Urias is
mentioned again in ix. 43.
63. Jesu.] The Levite Jessue, or Jeshua,
mentioned above, v. 26. " Moeth the son of
Sabban" appears in Ezra viii. 33 as "Noadiah
the son of Binnui." The name of Binnui
(LXX. Bavata) probably lurks in the latter
part of 2a-/3ai/j/ou, and it might be possible to
trace the change of Nwafim to Mcoed. A
prophetess named Noadia is also mentioned in
Neh. vi. 14.
64:. hour.] Rather, "time."
6o
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. 66 77.
B.C. 457.
IHeb.
Seventy
seven
lambs,
twelve he
goats for
a sin
offering,
Ezra 8. 35.
*" Ezra 9.
3.
twelve bullocks for all Israel, four-
score and sixteen rams,
66 " Threescore and twelve lambs,
goats for a peace offering, twelve ;
all of them a sacrifice to the Lord.
67 And they delivered the king's
commandments unto the kind's stew-
ards, and to the governors of Celo-
syria and Phenice j and they honoured
the people and the temple of God.
68 Now when these things were
done, the rulers came unto me, and
said,
69 The nation of Israel, the
princes, the priests and Levites,
have not put away from them the
strange people of the land, nor the
pollutions of the Gentiles, to w'lt^ of
the Canaanites, Hittites, Pheresites,
Jebusites, and the Moabites, Egyp-
tians, and Edomites.
70 ^ For both they and their sons
have married with their daughters,
and the holy seed is mixed with the
strange people of the land ; and from
the beginning of this matter the
rulers and the great men have been
partakers of this iniquity.
71 And as soon as I had heard b. c.4S7-
these things, I rent my clothes, and
the holy garment, and pulled off the
hair from off my head and beard, and
sat me down sad and very heavy.
72 So all they that were then
moved at the word of the Lord God
of Israel assembled unto me, whilst I
mourned for the iniquity : but I sat
still full of heaviness until the evening
sacrifice.
73 Then rising up from the fast
with my clothes and the holy gar-
ment rent, and bowing my knees,
and stretching forth my hands unto
the Lord,
74 I said, O Lord, I am con-
founded and ashamed before thy face ;
75 For our sins " are multiplied Or, have
1 , , . . ^ abounded.
above our heads, and our ignorances
have reached up unto heaven.
76 For ever since the time of our
fathers we have been and are in great
sin, even unto this day.
77 And for our sins and our
fathers' we with our brethren and
our kings and our priests were given
up unto the kings of the earth, to the
66. for a peace offering^ The Geneva
Version, more correctly, " for salvation,"
vTrep aaTTjpiov, as a thanksgiving^ for safe pre-
servation on their journey. It will be noticed
that all the numbers here are multiples of
twelve, again expressive of the unity and
completeness of Israel. The number 77 in
Ezra viii. 35 does not accord with this.
Bertheau regards it as the intensification
(" die Starke Steigerung ") of the number
seven.
67. and they honoured, fZi^c] I.e. the Per-
sian officials just mentioned. The word
"stewards," olKovofioi, answers to the Stoi-
KrjTM of the LXX. at Ezra viii. 36, where the
original word is rendered "lieutenants."
Reuss properly translates it by satrapes
royaux.
68. Noiv <iuhen, (h'c.~\ Ezra ix. i sqq.
Between this verse and the last an interval
must be placed. From Ezra vii. 9 we learn
that they reached Jerusalem on the first day
of the fifth month (July-Aug.) ; and from
Ezra X. 9, that the meeting on the subject
now introduced was held on the twentieth
day of the ninth month (Chisleu, = Nov.-
Dec). Hence something like four months
must be supposed to have elapsed. During
this interval, as Stanley suggests ('Jewish
Church,' Lect. xliv.), there would have been
time for the residents in Palestine to become
acquainted with the copies of the Law
brought from Ghaldea by Ezra and his fol-
lowers. Hence the stir which arose.
69. Egyptians.'] The insertion of this
name among those of the Canaanitish races
shews, as Reuss observes, the great extent to
which a mixture of races had been going on.
71. pulled off, (b'c.'] R. notices that
while shaving the head was a common sign of
mourning among Orientals (Job i. 20 ; Jer.
vii. 29, &c.), plucking off the hair was un-
usual. Bertheau, however, compares the
conduct of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 25).
72. then^ It would appear that the
English translator read roVe here, but the
best text (as well as the Aldine) has Trore, " as
many soever as were," &c.
the evening sacrifice^ Compare the con-
duct of Elijah on Mount Carmel, i Kings
xviii. 26.
75. our sins, (b'c.'\ R. aptly compares Ps.
V. 7890.]
I. ESDRAS. VIII.
61
Heb.
life,
Ezra 9. 8
B.C. 457- sword, and to captivity, and for a
prey with shame, unto this day.
78 And now in some measure hath
mercy been shewed unto us from
thee, O Lord, that there should be
left us a root and a name in the place
of thy sanctuary ;
79 And to discover unto us a light
in the house of the Lord our God,
and to give us " food in the time of
our servitude.
80 Yea, when we were in bondage,
we were not forsaken of our Lord ;
but he made us gracious before the
kings of Persia, so that they gave us
food ;
81 Yea, and honoured the temple
of our Lord, and raised up the deso-
late Sion, that they have given us a
sure abiding in Jewry and Jerusalem.
82 And now, O Lord, what shall
we say, having these things ? for we
have transgressed thy commandments,
which thou gavest by the hand of thy
servants the prophets, saying,
83 That the land, which ye enter
into to possess as an heritage, is a
land polluted with the pollutions of
the strangers of the land, and they 6.0.457.
have filled it with their uncleanness.
84 Therefore now shall ye not
join your daughters unto their sons,
neither shall ye take their daughters
unto your sons.
85 Moreover ye shall never seek
to have peace with them, that ye
may be strong, and eat the good
things of the land, and that ye may
leave the inheritance of the land unto
your children for evermore.
86 And all that is befallen is done
unto us for our wicked works and
great sins : for thou, O Lord, didst
make our sins light,
87 And didst give unto us such a
root : but we have turned back again
to transgress thy law, and to mingle
ourselves with the uncleanness of the
nations of the land.
88 " Mightest not thou be angry n Or, 5*
with us to destroy us, till thou hadst ^^^^^^s^y-
left us neither root, seed, nor name ?
89 O Lord of Israel, thou art
true : for we are left a root this day.
90 Behold, now are we before thee
in our iniquities, for we cannot stand
xxxviii. 4, " mine iniquities are gone over
mine head."
78. in some measure?^ Kara ttoo-ov ti. But
Tisch. and F. prefer to accentuate it /caret
Tvoa-ov Ti, " in liow great a measure !"
a root.'] In Ezra ix. 8 the expressive
metaphor is used of " nail in his holy
place." Comp. Eccles. xii. 11; Isai. xxii. 23.
R. thinks that by " holy place " is meant " his
holy land ;" that is, " the land of Israel," com-
paring Zech. ii. 12. But surely the present
passage shews the Temple to be referred to.
Comp. Ps. xxiv. 3, xxvi. 9.
79. to give us food.'] The w^ords in the
Greek thus rendered are the same as are
rendered in the next verse " so that they gave
us food;" bovvai Tjiilv Tpo(pr]v. The latter
should probably be altered in the English to
coincide with the other. Comp. Ezra ix. 9,
where the LXX. has Ccooiroirjaiv, "quicken-
ing," or " keeping alive."
83. That.] This word should be omitted ;
oTi being the usual mark of a quotation. For
the general form of the reference to the law
of Moses (no particular text being quoted,
but the sense of several), see Reuss's note.
In the next verse there is a reference to Deut.
vii. I sqq.
85. peace, (b'c.] In Ezra ix. 1 2 still more
strongly, "nor seek their peace or their
wealth (welfare)." As Berth eau points out,
the prohibition in Deut. xxiii. 6 was limited
to seeking the peace and prosperity of the
Ammonites and Moabites. In "v. 7 ib. the
people were distinctly commanded not to
abhor the Edomite or the Egyptian, for
reasons there given ; both which peoples are
included in the list above, v. 69. Ezra, in
his zeal for the law, had allowed himself to
be carried even beyond the strict letter of it.
86. didst make ... light.] Dr. Bissell ex-
plains this as "didst lighten us of;" but it
should rather be, " didst punish less than they
deserved." So Wahl, who compares Ezra
ix. 13.
88. Mightest not thou, tl^c] So in the
Geneva Version. But there seems no reason
for so translating ovxi upylaQrjs tjixIv, "thou
becamest not angry with us," the reading of
the Vat. and Aldine.
89. true.] a\r]6iv6s, which here appears to
be used in the sense of dXrjdrjs, verax. The
62
I. ESDRAS. VIII. IX.
[v. 91 I.
B. C. 457- any longer by reason of these things
before thee.
Ezra 10. gi "And as Esdras in his prayer
made his confession, weeping, and
lying flat upon the ground before the
temple, there gathered unto him
from Jerusalem a very great multi-
tude of men and women and children :
for there was great weeping among
the multitude.
92 Then Jechonias the son of
Jeelus, one of the sons of Israel, called
out, and said, O Esdras, we have
sinned against the Lord God, we have
married strange women of the nations
of the land, and now is all Israel
[Oy:c. "aloft.
Deutlas. 93 Let us make an oath to the
Barucha. Loi'd, that wc will put away all our
5- wives, which we have taken of the
heathen, with their children.
94 Like as thou hast decreed, and b. c. 4S7'
as many as do obey the law of the Lord.
95 Arise, and put in execution :
for to thee doth this matter appertain,
and we will be with thee : do vali-
antly.
96 So Esdras arose, and took an
oath of the chief of the priests and
Levites " of all Israel to do after these Heb.
, . , , and all
thmgs \ and so they sware. Israel,
: Ezra 10. 5.
CHAPTER IX. "^7-
3 Esdras assembkth all the people. lo They
promise to put aivay the stra7ige ivives. 20
The fiavies and number of them that did so.
40 The laiu of A/oses is read and declared
before all the people. 49 They weep, and are
put in tnind of the feast day.
^'nr^HEN Esdras rising from the ''Ezra 10.
X court of the temple went to '
the chamber of Joanan the son of
Eliasib,
reasoning, according to F., is this : " Thou,
O Lord, art true in thy promises; and there-
fore it is not according to our works that wq
are still left remaining at this day."
91. Ezra x. i sqq. There also a change is
made from the first person to the tliird. For
the conclusions as to the authorship to be
drawn from the circumstance, see R.'s note
there.
children.'] The word in the Greek is
veaviai, " young men," and in Ezra x. i (in
the LXX.) veavLo-Koi, the word used in ik
50 above. The terms " men, women, and
children " go so naturally together, that the
Greek translator must have had some object
in replacing the last by "young men," espe-
cially as veavias could be used of one no
longer what we should call young, as by
Xenophon of Agesilaus when he came to the
throne at the age of 40. The reason perhaps
lay in the nature of the topic discussed, which
would concern adults alone.
92. Jechonias.'] In Ezra, Shechaniah. If
Jeelus ('le'r;Aos) his father is the same as
Hierehelus of ix. 27 (and both are sons of
Elam, Ezra x. 2 and ib.), he had himself con-
tracted one of the forbidden marriages.
married.] In the Greek, o-vvaKicrafxei',
" cohabited with," a less respectful word.
and now is all Israel aloft.] /cat vxJv earh
tncivco Tras 'laparjX. The margin gives the
alternative rendering " is exalted." And
eVaVw is the word used in the LXX. of the
passages referred to, Deut. xxviii. 13, "and
thou shalt be abo-ve only, and not beneath,"
and Baruch ii. 5. But surely this was not a
moment to talk of the exaltation of Israel.
In Ezra x. 2 it is "yet now there is hope in
Israel concerning this thing," which is ap-
propriate, but does not help to clear the
present text. As F. points out that some
MSS. have jravros for nas, this might counte-
nance tlie Vulgate reading, et nunc es super
omneyn Israel: "and now art thou over all
Israel." This would agree with the tone of
w. 94, 95, and would only necessitate the
change of eVrii/ to d o-u. Even without any
change, reading Trai-ros', we might interpret
it " and now is there one over all Israel,"
whether the application be to Ezra or to
God. Gomp. the LXX. of Neh. viii. 5.
93. Let us make, (&=f.] The words " in this
matter " are wanting either at the beginning
or end of this clause, to answer to the iv
TovTw of the Greek. The Geneva Version
has " concerning this."
<ivit/j their children.] On the victory thus
gained "over the natural affections of the
whole community," see the remarks of Dean
Stanley, ' Jewish 'church,' Lect. xliv.
95. j^rise, <is}'c.] The abruptness of the
Greek is striking : dwlora, emreXei. The
ascendency also thus ascribed to Ezra,
what Stanley calls "this acknowledged su-
premacy of Ezra's personal force," accords
with the interpretation put upon the last
clause of i). 92.
CHAPTER IX.
1. Joanan.] There was a Joanan, grand-
son of Eliashib (Neh. xii. 10, 11), who was
V. 213.]
I. ESDRAS. IX.
63
B- C. 2 And remained there, and did eat
cir. 457. J 1 ^
no meat nor drink water, mourning
for the great iniquities of the multi-
tude.
3 And there was a proclamation
in all Jewry and Jerusalem to all
them that were of the captivity, that
they should be gathered together at
Jerusalem :
4 And that whosoever met not
there within two or three days, ac-
cording as the elders that bare rule
appointed, their cattle should be seized
to the use of the temple, and himself
^J**i'^^y, " cast out from them that were of the
destroyed, , .
Josh. 10. captivity.
5 And in three days were all they
of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin
gathered together at Jerusalem the
twentieth day of the ninth month.
6 And all the multitude sat trem-
bling in the broad court of the temple
because of the present foul weather.
7 So Esdras arose up, and said unto
them. Ye have transgressed the law
in marrying strange wives, thereby
to increase the sins of Israel.
8 And now by confessing give
glory unto the Lord God of our
fathers,
9 And do his will, and separate
yourselves from the heathen of the
land, and from the strange women.
10 Then cried the whole multi-
tude, and said with a loud voice,
Like as thou hast spoken, so will
we do.
1 1 But forasmuch as the people are
many, and it is foul weather, so that
we cannot stand without, and this is
not a work of a day or two, seeing
our sin in these things is spread
far :
12 Therefore let the rulers of the
multitude " stay, and let all them of
our habitations that have strange
wives come at the time appointed,
13 And with them the rulers and
B.C.
cir. 457.
II Or,
sta>id.
high-priest at a later period (ib., 'v. 22) ; but
as his son Jaddua was high-priest in B.C. 332
(see R,'s note on Neh. xii. 10), he could not,
by any reasonable calculation, be the one here
referred to.
2. remained tbere.'] Or, "lodged there,"
avXicrdels fKel. The LXX. of Ezra x. 6 has
the curious reading of eiropevdr] twice re-
peated, on which see Bertheau's note. But
the Aldine has rjvKia-Br] there.
4. 'withint'wo or three days.'] In Ezra X. 8,
more precisely, " within three days." As so
short a time was allowed for the people,
wherever resident, to repair to the capital, " it
is clear," as Sayce remarks, " that the number
of the Jewish inhabitants in the country must
have been small."
seized to the use of the templeJ] Gk. avu-
pa>6i]a-ovTai, for which in Ezra the word is
ava6efxaTi(T6T](TeTai. Either word might mean
simply the being devoted, an " Einziehung
zum Besten des Tempels," as Bertheau words
it, but the Hebrew of Ezra x. 8 implies some-
thing stronger than this, the actual destruc-
tion of the cattle or other property. See
Gesenius, s. -v. D'ln, and F.'s note on the
T '
text (where for Numb, xxvii. 28 sqq. read
Levit. xxvii. 28 sqq.).
cast out.'] Not banished, but " separated
from the congregation " (Ezra x. 8) ; that is,
as R. explains it, " excommunicated."
5. ninth month.] See note above, on viii.
68.
6. the broad court.] Comp. v. 47, and
note. The same place is apparently meant
in 2 Chron. xxix. 4 (where Reuss explains
it as "la grande cour, devant la facade du
temple"), and Neh. viii. i. Bertheau, on the
latter passage, agrees with R. in thinking
that the open space or court in question was
not immediately in front of the temple porch,
between it and the eastern boundary, but
between the latter and the water-gate in the
town walls.
foul iveather.] In the ninth month, Chisleu,
answering to part of our November and
December, the rainy season would, as a rule,
have begun. See Thomson's ' The Land and
the Book,' p. 91.
10. the whole multitude.] On this decision
by the voice of a popular assembly, see
Stanley, 'Jewish Church' (u/ji sup., p. 108).
It is noticeable that the word rendered " con-
gregation " in Ezra x. i is in the LXX.
eKKXrjCTLa.
11. forasmuch as?\ These words are not
wanted, the Greek being in the simpler form
of Ezra x, 13.
12. stay?[ Not " stand," as in the margin,
but remain in Jerusalem, to form arrange-
ments for carrying out the resolution of the
general assembly.
64
I. ESDRAS. IX.
[v. 14 21.
B.C. judges of every place, till we turn
"LI!'' away the wrath of the Lord from us
for this matter.
14 Then Jonathan the son of
Azael and Ezechias the son of Theo-
canus accordingly took this matter
upon them : and Mosollam and
Levis and Sabbatheus helped them.
15 And they that were of the cap-
tivity did according to all these things.
16 And Esdras the priest chose
unto him the principal men of their
families, all by name : and in the
first day of the tenth month they sat
together to examine the matter.
habitations.] Rather, " settlements," kutoi-
Ki(ov. The same word is found in -v. 37
below, for " were in their habitations " (with
marg. reading "villages"), referring to the
different spots outside Jerusalem where the
returning Jews had taken up their abode.
at the time appointed.] Gk. XajSoi/rej )(p6vov,
lit. " receiving a time ;" that is, apparently,
having a time appointed them severally for
making any declarations required. This
would agree with Ezrax. 13, where theLXX.
has eXderacrav els Katpovs, but the expression
is unusual.
14. Then Jonathan, is'c] As in 1;. 16 it is
said that Ezra chose the members of the
council, it is not clear who these persons
were, or what title they had to act in the
matter. But Reuss renders the parallel
clause in Ezra, "II n'eut que Jonatan...
qui s'opposerent a cela ;" and Neteler, " Nur
Jonathan ... standen dagegen auf;" and R.
also would make the sense to be, that those
here mentioned were the only " opponents "
of the measure. It is difficult to reconcile
the Greek of the present passage with this
meaning: 'lavaQas k.t.\. inebi^avTO KaraTavTa.
In Ezra (x. 15) the LXX. has nXijv 'loivddav
K.T.\. fifT ep.ov TTfpl TovTov. The assumptiou
of J. D. Michaelis, that the two first named
were chosen by the people as their represen-
tatives in the matter, and the others nominated
by Ezra as assessors or joint arbiters with them
(^(Tvve^pu^eva-av avTols), has, as F. remarks,
no authority in the text. F.'sown conclusion
is, that Ezra appointed the regular commission
(y. 16), but that the persons here named
undertook the task [without waiting for any
such formal appointment ?] when some of
those implicated had begun to come to Jeru-
salem, to take the necessary preliminary steps.
Levis and Sabbatheus.] The Geneva
Version leaves out the words "and Levis"
altogether. One person alone is probably
17 So their cause that held strange b. c.
wives was brought to an end in the *^'Lif '
first day of the first month.
18 And of the priests that were
come together, and had strange
wives, there were found ;
19 Of the sons of Jesus the son of
Josedec, and his brethren ; * Mat- ^^-^^
thelas, and Eleazar, and '^ Joribus, ^ ^^
and '^ Joadanus. 7'*-
20 And they gave their hands to y^J^^-^f^
put away their wives, and to ofFer ^^^^ ^
" rams to make reconcilement for ram
their 'errors
21 And of the sons of Emmer
< Or, puri-
Jication.
meant, Sabbatasus, or Shabbethai, the Levite.
So in Ezra x. 1 5 ; where also Theocanus, or
Thocanus, appears as Tikvah.
16. tenth month.] Tebeth, answering to parts
of our December and January. From this
to the first day of the first month (Nisan or
Abib) would be three months (not two, as R.
on Ezra x. 17); a space of time not too long
for the many difficult questions that would
have to be settled.
17. that held.] Gk. tovs fincrvvfxovT^s.
The force of the compound should be
noticed, implying that they had something
over and above what the law allowed them.
18. that (Were come together.] This is not
accurate, as the clause is in the nominative,
01 eTna-vvaxdevTfs (Vat.). But the Aldine
has ol eni(Tvvex06vTfs, which may be an
error either for -e'xoi^res or -eXdovrts. The
Geneva Version translates according to the
former : " which had married strange wives."
The Vulgate has permisti, " mixed up " with
the other culprits. Judgment begins at the
house of God.
19. Jesus.] The former high-priest. In
Ezra X. 1 8 the four names which follow are :
Maaseiah, Eliezer, Jarib, and Gedaliah. The
difference between the first names in each list
is probablv due to mistaking s for th (in
Greek, C 'for 0). See ' Diet, of the Bible,'
s. V. The interchange of I and r, and of A
and A in the two forms of the last name, are
also easy to understand.
20. gave their hands.] Gk. ini^dkov ras
Xe'ipas, a phrase which in ' Add. ad Esth.' i.
J 4 is used for "to lay hands on." Here it
answers to ibuxav x^ 'P" i" the LXX. of Ezra,
" they pledged themselves."
errors.] The marginal reading "purifica-
tion " is due to the reading of the Aldine,
dyvelas for dyvoias,
21. Emmer.] In Ezra, Inuner. His family^,
V. 2 2 3I]
I. ESDRAS. IX.
65
B. C
cir. 456.
f Harim.
siah.
h Jehid.
' Uzziah.
k Pasluir.
' yosabad.
" Elasah.
Kelaicih.
" Kelitah.
P Petlia-
hiah.
V Elia.
shib.
'' Telem.
^ Parosk.
' Rajniah.
jfesiah.
Ananias, and Zabdeus, and / Eanes,
and ? Sameius, and ^' Hiereel, and
' Azarias.
22 And of the sons of ^ Phaisur ;
Elionas, Massias, Ismael, and Na-
thanael, and ^ Ocidelus, and '"Talsas.
23 And of the Levites ; Jozabad,
and Semis, and "Colius, who was
called " Calitas, and ^ Patheus, and
Judas, and Jonas.
24 Of the holy singers ; ^ Elea-
zurus, Bacchurus.
25 Of the porters ; Sallumus, and
'' Tolbanes.
26 Of them of Israel, of the sons
of ^Phoros ; '^ Hiermas, and "Eddias,
Inch. "Adaiah. " Sheal.
and Melchias, and -^Maelus, and Elea-
zar, and ^Asibias, and Baanias.
27 Of the sons of Ela ; Matthanias,
Zacharias, and ^Hierielus, and Hiere-
moth, and ''Aedias.
28 And of the sons of ^Zamoth ;
'^ Eliadas, "^ Elisimus, ^ Othonias, Jari-
moth, and / Sabatus, and ^ Sardeus.
29 Of the sons of Bebai ; Johan-
nes, and Ananias, and ''' Josabad, and
^ Amatheis.
30 Of the sons of ^ Mani ; ^ Ola-
mus, "' Mamuchus, " Jedeus, Jasubus,
"^ Jasael, and Hieremoth.
31 "And of the sons of Add!;
Naathus, and Moosias, Lacunus, and
II Of the names in ver. 31, 32, 34, 35, See Ezra 10. 30,
B.C.
cir. 456.
^ Mia-
min.
y Mai-
chiah.
== Jehiel.
^ Abdi.
* Znttu.
"^ Elio-
enai.
d Elia-
shib.
' Matta-
fiiah,
f Zabad.
S Aziza.
h Zabbai,
' A thlai.
* Bant.
I Meshul-
lam.
'" Mai-
31. 34. &c-
and those of Pashur and Harim, were men-
tioned among the priestly families in Ezra ii.
37-39. Comp. above v. 24. The peculiar
spelling of Eanes is due to a misprint of 'Hdvrjs
for Mai/?;? in the Aldine. The Vat. hasMai/;;?.
According to the marginal note, it answers to
Harim in Ezra x. 21, but it really is all that
remains to answer to three names in Ezra ;
and probably something has been lost from
the text.
22. Phaisur.'] In Ezra, Pashur. In v. 25
above, Phassaron. Most of the names in this
verse agree with those in Ezra, the only im-
portant variations being in the last two. Oco-
delus, 'AkoSt^Ao? (in Aid. 'QkiSt^Ao?, whence
the form in the A.V.) is in place of Jozabad ;
and Talsas (so Aid.), SaXciay, is in place of
Elasah.
23. The six names of Levites agree with
those in Ezrax. 23, except that Jonas, the last,
is in place of Eliezer. In ' Diet, of the Bible,'
under Eliezer (i. p. 527, No. 9) he is mis-
takenly referred to as Eleazurus, from the
next verse.
24. Eleazurus^ In the Aldine 'EXtd^ou^oy,
whence probably the form in the A. V., being
read as p. In the Vat. it is 'EAiao-t/3os', an-
swering to Eliashib in Ezra. It will be
noticed that here we have two singers and
two porters to answer to one singer and three
porters in Ezra. Hence it might be conjec-
tured that the four names originally agreed,
the Uri of Ezra having got corrupted into
Bacchurus.
26. Phoros.'] Mentioned first of the ordi-
nary lay people, as above, v. 9. The names of
his seven descendants here given nearly agree
with those in Ezrax. 25, the form Eddias(for
lezias) being due to "E88ias in the Aldine.
The difference is in Asibias replacing Mal-
Apoc. Vol. I.
chijah. But the LXX. gives 'Aa-ajBia for the
latter name in Ezra.
27. Ela.'] In v. 12, Elam. The absence
of the final m in the Aldine is no doubt due to
the next word beginning with that letter. Of
his sons, the names of five only are given in
the A. V. (following the Aldine) as against
six in Ezra x. 26 ; that is, Aedias (Aid.
'AT]8ias, Vat. AiSt'nj) answers to Abdi and
Eliah together. But the best text has here
also 'Iwa^Stoy . . . Kai AlSlas. Allowing for
the common confusion of A and A, the last
name properly represents Eliah ; so that the
lists agree.
28. Zamoth.] Above, v. 12, where he is
called Zathui. Of the six names which fol-
low, Othonias is the equivalent for Mattaniah
in Ezra, and Sardeus (Aid. SapSaioy, but Vat.
ZepaX'ias) for Aziza.
29. Bebai.] v. 1 3. The fourth of his sons,
Amatheis, is called in Ezra x. 28 Athlai.
The form in the A. V. is due to the Aldine
'E/xa^eis, Vat. 'Afiadlas.
30. Mani.] In v. 12, Bani, as in Ezra.
The names of his sons agree substantially
with those in the parallel list, the only ap-
parent exception being Olamus for Meshul-
1am. Olamus ('QAa/xd?) is probably the last
two syllables of the Hebrew name, with a
Greek termination added. In viii. 44 we
have the same name under the form Mosol-
lamon, and in f. 14 above, Mosollam. The
last mentioned, if one of '.he council, could
not well be the one- here named.
31. Addi.] The name or title corresponding
to this in Ezra x. 30 is Pahath-Moab, on
which see the note on v. 11. The name Addi
is found in Luke iii. 28, but not in the O. T.
The correspondence between the eight names
which follow, and those in Ezra, will best
66
I. ESDRAS. IX.
[v. 3236.
B. c. Naidus, and Mathanias, and Sesthel,
'^ ' Balnuus, and Manasseas.
32 And of the sons of Annas ;
Elionas, and Aseas, and Mclchias,
and Sabbcus, and Simon Chosameus.
33 And of the sons of Asom ;
p Matte- P Altaneus, and ^Matthias, and ^ Ban-
"^'' naia, Eliphalat, and Manasses, and
e Matti- o
thiak. bemei.
r Zobad. 24 And of the sons of Maani ;
Jeremias, Momdis, Omaerus, Juel,
Mabdai, and Pelias, and Anos, Cara- ^^'^'^
basion, and Enasibus, and Mamnita-
naimus, Eliasis, Bannus, EliaH,
Samis, Selemias, Nathanias : and of
the sons of Ozora ; Sesis, Esril,
Azaelus, Samatus, Zambis, Jose-
phus.
35 And of the sons of Ethma ;
Mazitias, Zabadaias, Edes, Juel,
Banaias.
36 All these had taken strange
appear by a parallel list, with the order
slic'htly changed :
I EsDRAs. Ezra x. 30.
1. Naathus. I. Adna.
2. Moosias. 4. Maaseiah.
3. Lacunus. 2. Chelal.
4. Naidus. 3. Benaiah.
5. Mathanias. 5. Mattaniah.
6. Sesthel. 6. Bezaleel.
7. Balnuus. 7. Biniiui.
8. Manasseas. 8. Manasseh.
Of the above (i) appears to be only a trans-
position, >ia-ad for 'AS-m ('ESi/e, Vat.) ; (4) is
probably the latter part of Benaiali ; (6) in
like manner of Bezaleel (Beo-eXe/yA). (7)
Balnuus is explained by 'Bavovt, the LXX.
form of Binnui.
32. Annas.'] So Aid. ; Vat. Anan. The
name stands in place of Harim in Ezra x. 31.
In V. 25 above, a priest of this name appears
in the A. V. as Carme (Xap^i) ; but the
Harim here referred to is probably the Ares
of V. 10 above. The name Ares is wanting
in 'Diet, of the Bible.' It would take too
much space to set out in parallel lists the
names of the more numerous families. The
first five names in the text answer fairly well
to the first five in Ezra ; the remaining name
(probably corrupt), Chosameus, Xoo-a/xalos-,
is all that is left in place of Benjamin, Mal-
luch and Shemariah.
33. Ajom.'] In Ezra X. 33, Hashum. The
same name also appears disguised under the
form Lothasubus, -v. 44 below. Six sons here
answer to seven in Ezra. The second name,
Altaneus {'Akravmos:), has probably lost its
initial letter m from the name preceding
ending in that letter. Hence it corresponds
to Mattenai. Bannaia is from the Aldine,
but the Vat. has 2aj3avva'ios, nearer to Zabad.
There is nothing to answer to Jeremiah in
Ezra's list ; but as there is one of this name
at the head of the next family Qv. 34), without
anything to correspond in Ezra, it is probable
that the word has only got misplaced.
34. Maani.'] A Mani has been mentioned
already, v. 30. There is a similar duplicate
in Ezra's list, in which two Bani's appear as
heads of families (x. 29, 34). Of the long
list of names of sons following, Jeremiah has
been accounted for in the last note ; Omaerus
is from the Aid. '\ay.ar]pos ; Pelias is a mistake
for Pedias (A for A), answering to Bedeiah ;
Anos answers to Vaniah (Ovowla) ; Cara-
basion is probably a corruption of /cat 'Pa,:ia-
(Ticov (the form in the Vat.), Kal being wanted
before this name : Enasibus and Eliasis may
be duplicate forms answering to Eliashib.
Mamnitanaimus is plainly a corruption, the
Aldine having the stranger form Mapviixa-
ravat^os, repeated in the Geneva Version. It
stands in place of the two names (if tliey
should be two) in Ezra, Mattaniah and
Mattenai. The next name in Ezra's list,
Jaasau, is not reproduced here, perhaps as
being wanting in the LXX. of Ezra (x. 37),
where there is an awkward change to Kal
eTToirjcrav k. t. \, instead of the proper name.
of the sons of Ozora.'] There is no such
indication of a fresh family in Ezra x. 40.
From its position, the name appears to answer
to Machnadebai in that list, but in form bears
some resemblance to Sharai ('O^copa, Aid.
2apiov). Sesis answers to Shashai (2ea-et)>
and Esril ('Eo-pi'X) to Azareel ('EtptT?^). The
form Zambis is due to the Aid. ZaplSis. The
Vat. has ZajjijSpi. This is seen to correspond
to Amariah, when the sibilant at the beginning
is removed (the preceding word ending in s),
and the common insertion of ,3 between p. and
p is allowed for, as in 'AfilBpap, for Amram.
35. Ethma.] How this name came to be
substituted for the Nebo (J^a^oi) of Ezra x.
43, it is hard to conjecture. It is noticeable
that in V. 21 above there is nothing but the
word Nephis to answer both to Nebo and
Magbish in Ezra. As Mr. Grove ('Diet, of
the Bible,' art. Nebo) identifies Nebo with
the modern Beit-Nubah, it is just conceivable
that the first syllable of Ethma is the remnant
of ^T]d-. The last syllable is also the first of
the next word Mazitias, and might thus be
accounted for.
Mazitias, (b'c.] A name is wanting before
this, to answer to the Jeiel of Ezra. Its
presence is testified to by the Vulg. Idelus.
17-45-]
I. ESDRAS. IX.
^7
B. c. wives, and they put them away with
cir. 456. .1 ', .,, ^ ^
their children.
37 And the priests and Levites,
and they that were of Israel, dwelt in
Jerusalem, and in the country, in the
first day of the seventh month : so
the children of Israel were in their
r Or, " habitations.
^ nX^8 3^ -^ And the whole multitude came
I- together with one accord into the
cir. 445. broad place of the holy porch toward
the east :
39 And they spake unto Esdras
the priest and reader, that he would
bring the law of Moses, that was
given of the Lord God of Israel.
40 So Esdras the chief priest
brought the law unto the whole
multitude from man to woman, and
to all the priests, to hear the law in b. c.
the first day of the seventh month. '^"jj^s-
41 And he read in the broad court
before the holy porch from morning
unto midday, before both men and
women ; and all the multitude gave
heed unto the law.
42 And Esdras the priest and
reader of the law stood up upon a
pulpit of wood, which was made for
that puf'pose.
43 And there stood up by him
Mattathias, Sammus, Ananias, Aza- HUkiah.
rias, Urias, ^ Ezecias, " Balasamus, " Or,
upon the right hand : ^/./..
44 And upon his left hand stood Pelaiah.
*" Phaldaius, Misael, Melchias, J'Lo-J'Or,
thasubus, and ^Nabarias. asiu,n.
^ See
45 Then took Esdras the book ofNeh. 8. 4.
Omitting Zebina from Ezra's list (as is done
in the Alex.), the other five names on each
side agree ; 'HSais being 'laSat.
36. With this verse the part of the ac-
count taken from the canonical Book of Ezra,
or corresponding to it, comes to an end.
The Book of Ezra itself ends with what
Stanley calls the "dry words:" "all these
had taken strange wives ; and some of them
had wives by whom they had children;" a
contrast, in its want of human tenderness, to
" that pathetic passage of the primitive records
of their race which tells how, when their first
father drove out the foreign handmaid with
her son into the desert, it ' was very grievous
in his sight.' "
37. At this point the narrative runs parallel
to Neh. vii. 73 sqq.\ the two last clauses of
which should begin ch. viii. See R.'s note
there. The language in Neh. vii. 73 (first
part) is simply a repetition of Ezra ii. 70 ; and
Neh. viii. i, as well as the present passage,
should begin as Ezra iii. i does.
Between the events just related and the
public reading of the Law by Ezra, we must
place an inten'al of thirteen years, from the
eighth to the twentieth year of Artaxerxes,
B.C. 457-445. On the question of Ezra's
absence from Jerusalem during that period,
see the art. Ezra in ' Diet, of the Bible.'
the first day, <h'c7\ The first of Tisri, or
Ethanim (= part of Sept. and Oct.), was to
be a day of holy convocation (Lev. xxiii. 24).
Hence it would be a suitable day for such an
assembly as is here described. Neteler, on
Neh. viii. 2, tries to shew that by " first day of
the seventh month " there must be meant the
first day of the Feast (of Tabernacles), and
not of the actual month.
38. the broad place.~\ See note on ix. 6.
39. reader?^ Gk. dvayvaa-TTj. So in v. 42
below. The term is not used in Nehemiah.
This last scene of the story, in which Ezra
appears, first and foremost, as a reader and
expounder of the Law to the people, is of
great interest, as containing the beginnings of
many important changes. The formation of
the canon, the rise and growth of synagogue
worship, the extension of the office of the
scribe, these and other great developments
were involved in it. See Stanley's ' Jewish
Church,' Lect. xliv.
40. from man, (h'c] In Neh. viii. 3 there
is the additional clause " and those that could
understand," implying young people, the
veavUu O? vi'n. 91.
41. the broad court, (h'c'] See above, w.
6, 38. In the Geneva Version this is ren-
dered, " in the first broad place of the gate of
the temple," an error which seems due to
the reading of the Aldine, ev tS nporov k.t.X.,
mistaken for Trparov or irpara. In v. 47 (46)
the LXX. has rod TrpaiTov ttvAmvos. There is
no difficulty about the Greek text, as Dr. Bis-
sell seems to find ; tti^Xcoi' being not the gate
(ttv'Xt]), but the porch, as it is properly ren-
dered. See further, Bertheau on Neh. viii. i.
42. a pulpit ofivood.^ Rather, " upon the
wooden pulpit (or platform) that had been
prepared;" tov ^vXlvov j3TjfiaTos, k.t.X. Com-
pare the " stairs " (marg. " scaffold ") of the
Levites in Neh. ix. 4, and R.'s note there.
43. there stood, (b'c.'] In the text twelve
names are given, of those who assisted Ezra,
F 2
68
I. ESDRAS. IX.
[v. 46 48.
B.C.
cir. 445.
II Heb.
obove
tJiein all.
the law before the multitude : for
he sat "honourably in the first place
in the sight of them all.
46 And when he opened the law,
they stood all straight up. So Es-
dras blessed the Lord God most
High, the God of hosts, Almighty.
47 And all the people answered.
Amen ; and lifting up their hands
they fell to the ground, and wor- B.C.
shipped the Lord. '
48 Also Jesus, Anus, Sarabias,
Adinus, Jacubus, Sabateas, ''Auteas, " Or,
Maianeas, and Calitas, Azarias, and " '"'"
Joazabdus, and Ananias, Biatas, the
Levites, taught the law of the
Lord, making them withal to under-
stand it.
seven on his right hand and five on his left, may mean only that he took his place there.
In Neh. viii. 4, thirteen names are given, six
of those on the right, and seven of those on
the left. Both arrangements seem to offend
against our notions of symmetry. The fol-
lowing are the parallel lists ; the names from
Nehemiah being printed in italics :
I.
2.
Mattathiasl
Mattithia ]
Sammus \
Shenia )
Ananias ]
Anaiah J
Azarias 1
6.
Urias \
Urijah j
Ezecias \
Hilkiah f
Balasamus \
Maasciah )
6.
Phaldaius 1
Pedaiah )
Misael \
Melchias \
Makhiah )
Lothasubus \
Has /mm )
Nabarias \
Zechariali )
Hashbadana)
Meshullam )
From this it will appear that the first three
on each side are the same in both lists. The
fourth name on the right, in Esdras, namely
Azarias, has none to correspond to it in
Nehemiah; and it would be the easiest solu-
tion of the difiiculty to suppose that a name
had dropped out in the Hebrew. The
fourth on the left in Esdras, Lothasubus
(Aw^ao-ou^o?, Aid. 'Aco^acrou/Sos), plainly con-
tains the name of Hashum or Hashub
i^-aa-ov^^. Comp, the note on ix. 33 above.
The fifth on tlie right is the same in both.
The fifth on the left, Nabarias, may be a cor-
ruption of Zechariah (sixth in Nehemiah). Of
the rest I can give no probable explanation.
The lists in the Vulgate agree pretty closely
with those given above, except that seven
names are found for the left side, Sabus being
inserted after Abusthas in the fifth place, it
is possible, however, that Abustbas-sabus
may be nothing more than a further perver-
sion of 'Aa)^do-ov/3oy.
45. honourably^ Gk. eVtSoIco?, referring
to the elevated or conspicuous position in
which he was placed. Comp. Neh. viii. 5.
The words " he sat " appear at first to dis-
agree with the statement in f. 42, that "he
stood up" upon the raised platform. Sitting
was the proper position for a teacher among
the Jews; and hence the expression in 1;. 42
In any case, the word " up " should be
omitted in 'w. 42 and 43.
46. opened the la-iv.] In the Geneva Ver-
sion it is : " And they all stood upright ivhen
he expounded the Law." The expression in
Luke xxiv. 32 would seem at first to be a
good parallel, " while he opened to us the
Scriptures;" but there the word is Birivoiyev,
here, ev tS Xiicrai. The Vulgate absoluisset
is of doubtful import. F. is probably right
in explaining it as " unfasten " or " unroll."
This will agree best with Neh. viii. 5.
48. The names in the parallel lists are :
I.
2.
4-
5-
6.
I Esdras.
Jesus.
Anus.
Sarabias.
Adinus.
Jacubus.
Sabateas.
7. Auteas.
8. Maianeas.
9. Calitas.
10. Azarias.
11. Joazabdus.
12. Ananias.
13. Biatas.
Neh. viii. 7.
1. Jeshua.
2. Bani.
3. Sherebiah.
4. Jamin.
5. Akkub.
6. Shabbethai.
7. Hodijah.
8. Maaseiah.
9. Kelita.
10. Azariah.
11. Jozabad.
12. Hanan.
13. Pelaiah.
Most of them can be easily identified. Anus
(^Avovs, Aid. ; 'Awiovd, Vat.) appears to have
lost its first consonant; Adinus (from the
Aid.) is in the Vat. 'ladivos ; Auteas (Avraias)
looks unlike Hodijah, but may have been
nearer it in sound ; Biatas (Aid. Btn'ray) is in
the best text ^aXlas. The LXX. of Neh. viii.
7 gives only the first three names.
the Lei-ites.'] This is more correct than the
corresponding expression in Nehemiah : " and
the Levites," as if these thirteen had not been
Levites, representatives of the great Levitical
families whose names they bear. See R.'s
note on Neh. viii. 7.
taught.'] Rather, " did teach," or " were
teaching." Reuss finds a diflficulty in realiz-
ing the scene. Did the Levites above men-
tioned divide the people into so many groups,
each instructing one ? Or did each Levite
rise and speak in turn ? If so, how could he
be heard ? In either case, he adds, it is diflS-
cult to imagine a multitude of people standing
V. 4955-]
I. ESDRAS. IX.
69
B.C.
cir. 445.
I Then
NeJie-
inicih, and
Ezra the
priest the
scribe,
a fid the
Levites
t/uit in-
structed
t lie people,
said iijito
all the
people,
Neh. 8. 9.
* Neh. 8.
10.
II Or, the
poor.
49 " Then spake Attharates unto
Esdras the chief priest and reader,
and to the Levites that taught the
multitude, even to all, saying,
50 This day is holy unto the Lord ;
(for they all wept when they heard
the law : )
51 ^Go then, and eat the fat, and
drink the sweet, and send part to
" them that have nothing ;
52 For this day is holy unto the
Lord : and be not sorrowful ; for the
Lord will bring you to honour.
53 So the Levites published all
things to the people, saying, This
day is holy to the Lord ; be not
sorrowful.
54 Then went they their way,
every one to eat and drink, and make
merry, and to give part to them that
had nothing, and to make great
cheer ;
55 Because they understood the
words wherein they were instructed,
and for the which they had been
assembled.
B.C.
cir. 445.
patiently to listen to an explanation of the
Pentateuch, from morn to mid-day. But,
besides the novelty and interest of the occa-
sion, we need not suppose the restraint to
have been more irksome than it really was.
Scottish Covenanters would not have winced
under it.
making . . . to understand.'] Gk.e fxcfivcriovvTfs,
a striking term, which is repeated, in the pas-
sive voice, in v. 55. A cognate word, e'^ic^u-
aav, is used (as F. points out) in John xx. 22
for " he breathed on them." The idea is thus
that of inspiring or infusing doctrine into the
learner's mind.
49. Attharates^ In Neh. viii. 9 it is
" Nehemiah, which is the Tirshatha." Above,
in V. 40 we had " Nehemias and Atharias"
CArSapias, here 'ArdapaTrjs) : where the Per-
sian title had not been understood, and so, as
the marginal note says, two had been made
of one. For the origin and meaning of Tir-
shatha, see Sayce, 'Ezra,' &c., p. 23; and
comp. R.'s note on Neh. viii. 9.
50. This day is holy, is'c.'] As being the
Feast of Trumpets. Stanley, ' Jewish Church,'
Lect. xliv. (p. 126), calls it the Feast of Ta-
bernacles ; but that was later on in the same
month.
51. part.'\ More correctly in the Geneva
Version, "presents." The word used, dno-
(TToXai, is used in later Greek for gifts at
parting, and then, generally, for gifts, as in
I Mace. ii. 18, &c. In Neh. viii. 10 the word
is " portions," which would be as appropriate
as any.
55. and for the ivhich, (ij'r.] By this ren-
dering the sense appears to be complete, and
the book to end naturally. But there is
nothing in the Greek to answer to the words
" for the which." The sentence really ends
with " wherein they were instructed ;" after
which come the words Ka\ enicrvvrjydi^a-av,
"And they were gathered together," as if
the beginning of a fresh section. This would
correspond with the sequence in Neh. viii. 13,
where, after the record of the same events,
there follows : " And on the second day urre
gathered together the chief of the fathers," &c.
The Old Latin and the Vulgate both end the
sentence in such a way as to make the ac-
count seem complete ; and Josephus (' An-
tiqq.' xi. 5, 5) winds up with a rhetorical
addition about their keeping the feast for eight
days (he had called it the Feast of Taber-
nacles, though the ist and not the 15th day
of the month is spoken of), and about Ezra's
dying full of years and honours and being
buried at Jerusalem. On the abruptness of
the ending, see further Reuss, ' Chronique
ecclesiastique,' Introd. p. 48.
ADDITIONAL NOTE on iv. 52.
No satisfactory account of the number
seventeen has been proposed. The best MSS.
(A and B) agree in reading: KaQa ex^ova-tv
evTokrjv enra Ka\ 8eKa Trpncrcpepeii' aXXa
ToKavTa SeKu Kar' eviavruv, but, of course,
with nothing to shew whether euTci kqI 8fKa
should be taken as one word, or divided. The
Old Latin and Vulgate agree in connecting
^' ofTerre " (=7rpoo-(^epe(i/) with what precedes;
in inserting "et" before "alia per singulos
annos ;" and in having nothing to represent
the numeral eTrraKaideKa. The Syriac also
Tas Dr. Gwynn informs me) omits it. Hence
it seems most natural to conclude, that the
ewTa was first inserted in the margin (perhaps
as a reference to the seven lambs of Numb,
xxviii. II, &c.), and thence found its way into
the text. The repetition of S/ko, and the
subsequent insertion of a /cat, could be easily
accounted for.
THE
SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.
INTRODUCTION.
g I. Title 71 IV.
II. Original Language and Ver- V.
SIGNS 72
III. State of the Text .... 74 VI.
75
Analysis of the Contents . .
General Character of the
Work 79
Date and. Authorship ... 80
I. Title.
In the earliest citations made by name
from this book, the author is called " The
Prophet Esdras " ("Eo-Spas 6 irpo^rir-q<;,
Clem. Alex. ' Strom.' iii. 16 ; cf. Ambros.
' De bono Mortis,' c. xii.). The necessity
of distinguishing it from the canonical
Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, as well as
from the Greek Esdras (our i Esdras),
has led to various modes of classification,
some of them rather intricate. In old
editions of the Vulgate it appears as the
Third Book of Esdras ; Ezra and Nehe-
miah together making the First Book,
and'our i Esdras the Second. In editions
published since the Council of Trent
(which left on one side as Apocryphal
the Prayer of Manasses and the two
Books of Esdras), Ezra and Nehemiah
count as the First and Second of Esdras,
and our two Apocryphal Books as the
Third and Fourth. This would be a
simple and sufficient method, but for the
fact that chaps, i., ii., xv., xvi. of our
2 Esdras are confessedly of a different
authorship from that of the integral por-
tion of the Book (chaps, iii.-xiv.). Hence,
in one of the two oldest and most im-
portant manuscripts which contain it
the Codex Sangermanensis the first
two chapters rank separately as ' Liber
Ezrse Secundus,' the main body of the
work (chaps, iii.-xiv.) as ' Liber Ezr^e
Quartus,' and the two concluding chap-
ters as ' Liber Ezrge Quintus.' In this
arrangement a part of our i Esdras
makes the ' Liber Ezr^e Tertius.' In our
Authorized Version, following the exam-
ple of the Genevan, the two Apocryphal
Books are called the First and Second of
Esdras ; a title justified, in case of the
latter, by the opening words of the book
itself : " The second book of the prophet
Esdras." A name less liable to confusion
would be the "Latin Esdras," as dis-
tinguished from the " Greek Esdras "
(our I Esdras, which exists in a Greek
original). The title found in a Greek
writer of the sixth century, Anastasius
Sinaita, namely "EcrSpa aTroKaXvif/t?, ' The
Revelation of Esdras,' is so appropriate,
that Dr. Westcott and others have
wished it could be restored. But the
publication by Tischendorf, in 1S66, of
a later and inferior work bearing this
very title, would render the adoption of
that name for the work now before us
a source of confusion. See, on this sub-
ject, Hilgenfeld, 'Messias Judaeorum,'
1869, pp. xviii.-xxii. ; Volkmar, ' Das
vierte Buch Esra,' in * Handbuch der
Einleit. in die Apokryphen,' 1863, pp.
279 s^^.; Bensly, 'The Missing Frag-
ment,' &c., 1875, p. 86; Westcott, art.
Esdras, Second Book of, in ' Diet, of
the Bible'; Tischendorf, ' Proleg.' to
the work just referred to, p. xii.
72
INTRODUCTION TO THE
II. Original Language and
Versions.
That the original language in which this
book was written was Greek admits of
no doubt. Two fragments, if not more,
have been preserved in Greek: v. 35 in
Clement of Alexandria, and viii. 23 in
the ' Apostolical Constitutions.' The
list of the twelve prophets in i. 39, 40,
follows the order of the Greek LXX. But,
besides this, the Latin Version, the oldest
and most important of all, bears traces
of Greek idiom on every page, almost in
every line. To select but a few instances.
The genitive is found after a comparative,
as Jiorum majora, v. 13 ; viajiis aliorum
capituin, xi. 14. Genders are used
which can only be accounted for by the
influence of original forms in Greek, as
sigmicubnn ( = o-t^payt?) . . . tradita est,
X. 23 ; caput { = Ket^iaki]) . . . sect et ipsa,
xi, 4. Constructions are found which
admit of only the same explanation ; as
the frequent use of et answering to koI
temporal, et factum est . . . etcor meuP',
&c. vi. 36, X. 2, and often ; the accusative
for dative after 7wcucrunt, as in xi. 42 ;
the attraction of the relative, as in ex
omnibus istis guibus prcedixi tibi, vi. 25,
and the like. In some cases the text
maybe successfully amended by attention
to this fact, as in the ingenious correction
oi pater aspice by reference to Trepi/BXeil/ov,
proposed by Bensly (ubi sup., p. 25 ;/.).
On the other hand, there arc some pecu-
liarities of construction which cannot be
thus accounted for, such as the constant
use of the ablative to express duration of
time (xiii. 58, et passim). One idiom,
commonly called a Hebraism, is also very
frequently used, that of the participle
joined with the cognate verb to intensify
the sense : as in excedetis excessit, iv. 2 ;
odiens odisti, v. 30, and many more. A
collection of the most striking Grecisms
will be found in Van der Vlis, ' Dispu-
tatio critica de Ezrae Libro apocrypho,'
&., 1839, pp. 10-14.
The Latin Version above mentioned
deserves to hold the tirst place, both for
antiquity and fidelity to the original.
Van der Vlis, indeed {ubi sup., p. 2), gives
the preference to the Aethiopic; but
when the text of the Latin is corrected
and restored, as it still may be to a very
considerable extent, there seems no
reason to refuse it the precedence claimed
for it by one of its most recent editors
(Fritzsche, ' Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test.,'
1S71, p. xxvi.). That it is closely literal
will have been inferred from what was
said before of the traces of Greek idiom
preserved in it. In Fritzsche's opinion it
was made in the third century. Am-
brose of Milan (374-379) adopts or
paraphrases many passages in it (comp.
' De bono Mortis,' c. x., with 2 Esdr. v. 42,
50-55, and vii. 8o*-87'^ ; ib. c. xi. with
2 Esdr. vii. 9i'^-ioi*; ib. c. xii. with
2 Esdr. vii. 39*-42"'; 'De excessu Satyri,'
i. 2, with 2 Esdr. x. 6-1 1 ; ' Epist.' xxix.
with 2 Esdr. xvi. 59). Jerome, ' adv.
Vigilant.,' refers to it in a passage often
quoted, or rather mis-quoted (see
Bensly, p. 41 n., and the note on vii. 102*
below). More doubtful is the supposed
reference to the Latin Esdras in Tertul-
lian, * De prsescrip. Hseret.' c. iii. (see note
on viii. 20), and his allusion to xiv.
37 sqq. in his ' De habitu mul.' c. iii.
Equally vague and uncertain is the re-
ference to V. 50-55 and xiv. 10, 17
(about the world's growing old) in the
' Ad Demetrianum' of Cyprian. It may
be added in passing that the references
in Volkmar, p. 273, are inaccurate and
misleading. Two passages from the
original Greek, v. 5 and viii. 3, have
been supposed to be cited in the Epistle
of Barnabas (c. xii. and c. iv.), but
without good grounds. See Charteris,
'Canonicity'(i88o),p.vii. .; and Salmon,
' Historical Introd. to the New Test.'
(1886), p. 108. On the other hand, there
is reason to think that Irenseus (' adv.
Hteres.' v. 36) had in mind the words of
ii. 31, in the passage which he introduces
with a vague " quemadmodum Prophetia
ait." See Dr. Salmon, as above, p. 459 .,
and Pearson, ' On the Creed,' art. v. (ed.
1723, p. 242). The words of ii. 34, 35
are embodied in the ancient ' Missa pro
Defunctis ' (see the ' Breviar. ad usum . ,
Sarum, ' edd. Procter and Wordsworth,
fasc. ii. p. 527), whence the origin of the
common use of the word Requiem (Wal-
cott's ' Sacred Archceol.' s. v.). As Canon
Eddrup points out, the words of ii. 36,
37 were also used as an Introit for Whit-
sun Tuesday (Blunt, ' Annotated Book of
Com. Prayer,' ed. 1884, p. 302).
SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.
73
Besides the Latin Version, four others
(of cc. iii.-xiv.) are in existence : the
Syriac, Arabic, Aethiopic, and Arme-
nian. Of these, the best, in Fritzsche's
judgment, is the Syriac. Like the Aethi-
opic, it bears the marks of having been
made directly from the Greek, though
not so Hteral a translation as the Latin.
It was edited by Ceriani in 1868, in
vol. V. of Monumenta Sacra et Profana,'
from a MS. in the Ambrosian Library at
Milan.
The existence of the Arabic text was
pointed out by an English writer, John
Gregory, in 1646 (Bensly, ubi sup., p. i
n.) ; and a translation of it by Simon
Ockley was afterwards published, as an
appendix to vol. iv. of Whiston's ' Primi-
tive Christianity Reviv'd,' 17 11. The
Arabic text itself has only recently been
made accessible to scholars. Volkmar,
in 1863, made use of Ockley's English
version to supply the long passage missing
after vii. 35. Hilgenfeld, still later, used a
Latin retranslation of Ockley for his ' Mes-
sias Judaeorum.' But in 1863 Ewald had
published the Arabic text, with a German
translation, in vol. xi. of the ^ Abhand-
lungen der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen,' from which
it was afterwards reprinted separately.
The MS. used by Ewald is the same as
that from which Ockley made his transla-
tion long before (Bodl. 251), and its date
has been added by the scribe at the end
as the "year of the holy martyrs 105 1 ; "
that is, according to Ewald (p. 21), the
year 1354 of our era. Whether made
directly from the Greek, as Hilgenfeld
thinks, or from the Syriac, as Fritzsche
inclines to believe, the Arabic Version is
more of a paraphrase than the others,
and in consequence less trustworthy.
Still more recently, in 1877, the text of
the Arabic Version was published by
Gildemeister, with a Latin translation,
from a manuscript (Ar. 462) in the
Vatican. The age of this MS. is con-
sidered to be about the same as that of
the Bodleian ; both being referred to
the 14th century. The Version it con-
tains differs in many points from that
translated by Ewald, and appears to
have been made independently from the
Greek. The readings of these two
Versions are often quoted in the follow-
ing notes ; but from my ignorance of
Arabic I have had to depend entirely on
the renderings of Gildemeister and
Ewald.
The Aethiopic Version, though cited
as early as 1 661, in the ' Lexicon Aethi-
opico-Latinum ' of Job Ludolf. was not
printed till 1820. In this case also, as in
that of the Arabic, the MS. used was in
the Bodleian Library. The editor. Dr.
Richard Laurence, Professor of Arabic,
and afterwards Regius Professor of
Hebrew, at Oxford, added a twofold
rendering of it, in Latin and English.
Van der Vlis (p. 77) finds great fault
with this edition, on the ground of its
editor having scrupulously preserved the
inaccuracies of his MS., and suggests
many emendations. A surer basis for
revision is afforded by the various
readings collected from other MSS. by
Aug. Dillmann, and printed at the end of
Ewald's edition of the Arabic ; and these
have been further enriched by a collation
of MSS. made by Fr. Pratorius at
Frankfort and Berlin. Evidence of the
Aethiopic Version having been made
directly from the Greek is furnished by
Van der Vlis (jibl s//J>., pp. 77 s^^.), and
both he and Fritzsche estimate its value
highly.
The Armenian Version, though pub-
lished, according to Bensly, as early as
1666, and found in the Armenian Bible
of 1805 (Venetiis, 4 vol.), appears to have
been unnoticed by scholars till attention
was called to it by Ceriani in 1861. A
Latin translation of it was made by J. H.
Petermann for Hilgenfeld's ' Messias
Judaeorum;' but as the Armenian di-
verges most widely of all from the rest,
and, in Fritzsche's opinion, was not made
originally from the Greek, its value is
comparatively small.
There should be noticed in conclusion
an attempt at reproducing the original
Greek. This was made by Hilgenfeld,
with the assistance of Paul de Lagarde
and Hermann Ronsch, and inserted in
his ' Messias Judseorum.' The task was
executed with undoubted ability, though
separate words and phrases are open to
question. But it is surely going too far
to make this modem retranslation a basis
for proving coincidences between the
author of 2 Esdras and the writers of the
74
INTRODUCTION TO THE
New Testament. When, for instance,
Hilgenfeld {op. cit.., p. Ixix.) points to the
close resemblance between 2 Peter i. 19,
*' as unto a light that shineth in a dark
(or squalid) place," and 2 Esdras xii. 42,
it is obvious that a good deal will depend
on the question whether aixMpw was
the actual word used for " dark " in both
passages, or not.
III. State of the Text.
The text of the Latin Version the only
one that will be here noticed has been
disfigured by many errors and corruptions,
but these are gradually disappearing in the
light of critical inquiry. A short account
of the chief manuscripts will make this
better understood. Until within the last
ten years, the MS. universally regarded
as the oldest and most important was
that known as Codex Sangermanensis
(S.), so called from its having belonged
to the Benedictine Abbey of St. Germain
des Pres. It is now in the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris, being part of the
second volume of the Latin Bible num-
bered MS. 1 1504-5, fonds Latin (Bensly,
ul>i sup., p. 5). It bears its own record
of date ; namely, " the eighth year of
Louis leDebonnaire"( = A.D, 822). With-
out entering into minute details, it may
be stated in brief that from this all the
later MSS. known appear to have been
derived. The two otliers on which
Fritzsche mainly relied, after S., for his
critical recension of the text in 187 1,
were the Codex Turicensis (T.), and the
Codex Dresdensis (D.). The dates to
which these are referred the 13th and
15th centuries respectively will shew
how inferior tlieir value is likely to be.
Moreover, all three, as well as all others
known until recently, had one remarkable
omission in common. It had long been
observed how abrupt was the transition
from z/. 35 to z'. 36 of the vii. chapter of
this book. Something was plainly wanted
to connect the two. And as the Oriental
versions became known, it was found
that in all of them there was a connecting
passage of considerable length. When,
further, it was discovered, on a closer
examination of S., that a leaf had been
at some early time cut out of this MS.,
which might have contained the missing
portion, the field was cleared for a very-
interesting discovery. This discovery it
was the good fortune of a Cambridge
scholar to make ; or, rather, it came as the
due reward of long and patient investiga-
tion. ]\Ir. R. L. Bensly, the Reader in
Hebrew of Gonville and Caius College,
and one of the Old Testament Revision
company, had been struck by the de-
scription given in a catalogue of a Latin
biblical MS. in the Bibliotheque Com-
munale of Amiens, once the property of
the neighbouring Benedictine Abbey of
Corbie, Its age is given in the catalogue
as the 9th century. Space forbids more
details; but Mr. Bensly's description of
his first examination of the MS. is so full
of interest that it must not be omitted.
" The perusal of a few verses," he says,
" served to shew the great value of this
new critical aid ; I read on with growing
interest till I approached the place of the
long-familiar chasm : then, as my eye
glided on to the words et apparehit loais
tor??ic?iti, I knew that the oldest and best
translation of this passage was at last
recovered ; that another fragment of the
Latin was gathered up ; and that now at
last an event which can scarcely happen
again in these latter days a new chapter
would be added to the Apocrypha of our
Bible," (' Missing Fragment,' p, 7.) It
detracts but little from the interest and
importance of such a discovery to learn
that it was, in a manner, anticipated by
the researches of an earlier explorer, the
Rev. John Palmer, of St. John's College,
Cambridge, Professor of Arabic in that
University from 1804 to 1 819. In No-
vember 1826 Professor Palmer examined,
among other MSS. then preserved at
Alcald de Henares (the ancient Com-
plutum), in Spain, a Latin Bible de-
scribed as ' Biblia Latino-Gothica maxi-
mas molis,' and referred by the editors
of the Complutensian Polyglott to about
the end of the 8th century. From this
Professor Palmer extracted the missing
passage of cap. vii., in a form substan-
tially agreeing with that obtained by
Mr. Bensly. Professor Palmer's papers,
however, lay forgotten after his death in
1840, and his transcript might never
have become known but for its publi-
cation in vol. vii. of the 'Journal of
SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.
7S
Philology,' in 1877, by the Rev. J. S.
Wood, of St. John's College. A few
readings from this MS., referred to as
' MS. Complut.,' are given in their
place ; and it will be seen how remark-
ably this fresh witness confirms, in
several instances (ch. vii., vv. 55*, 98*,
I04''), the conjectural emendations of
Mr. Bensly.
The Amiens MS. is denoted by the
letter A. It is considered to be of co-
ordinate authority with S., though
entirely independent of it ; and, what is
a noticeable fact, it contains the text from
which our own writer Gildas quoted,
some centuries before the date of either
of the two earliest extant MSS. (' Missing
Fragment,' p. 36.) A comparison of the
readings in A. and S. with those in the
Vulgate, will form a necessary element in
the notes following. The reader will
thus be able to judge for himself of the
condition in which the Latin text has
come down to us. He will see further
that, in case of the present book, it is not
so much in explaining the subject-matter
that a commentator's difficulty lies, as in
determining what it was that the author
actually said.
IV. Analysis of the Contents.
Leaving out of consideration, for the
moment, chaps, i., ii., xv., xvi., as con-
fessedly of later origin, we find the real
Second Book of Esdras to be filled with
an account of visions or, more pre-
cisely, three revelations and four visions
granted to Ezra during the Captivity.
In the thirtieth year of that Captivity,
Ezra is represented as musing on the
dealings of God with His people, and
troubled to account for their continued
affliction. Could Divine justice allow
greater wrongdoers still, such as the
Babylonians themselves, to bear rule
over them ? AVould not the Almighty
weigh both in an impartial balance ?
(ch. iii.)
First Vision (ch. iv. ch. v. 14).* To
* The arrangement of Van der Vlis is here
followed. According to his view, chap. iii. is
introductory, and chap. xiv. is an Epilogue.
Volkmar divides them rather differently, thus :
First Vision, iii. i-v. 20 ; Second Vision, v. 21-
vi. 34 ; Third Vision, vi. 35-ix. 25 ; Fourili
answer these doubting questions, the
angel (or, as he is called in iv. 36, the
archangel) Uriel is sent to him, and
propounds to him three problems. Can
Ezra weigh the flame of fire, or measure
the wind, or recall the days that are
past ? If he can do none of these, how
can he presume to challenge the inscru-
table dealings of God ? By another
parable, taken from the sea and the
forest, the angel teaches him the same
lesson. Does Ezra still doubt? Then
a day of reckoning is coming, when all
wrongs will be redressed. On the pro-
phet's enquiring whether this day is far
off or nigh at hand, its nearness is shewn
by " similitudes." Signs of the ap-
proaching end make up the rest of this-
revelation.
Second Vision (ch. v. 20-ch. vi, 34).
After fasting and praying seven days, as
the angel had commanded him, the pro-
phet is again troubled in spirit. The lot
of the chosen people is still a mystery.
He cannot solve the question why the
INIost High should have suff"ered them to
be led into captivity. The angel Uriel
is again commissioned to reason with
him, and declares that he will make this
clear to him, if he can first perform cer-
tain hard conditions which he then pro-
poses. On Ezra professing himself, as
before, unable to do so, the angel assures-
him that it is a far harder thing to under-
stand the judgments of God. The men-
tion of a final judgment suggests to Ezra
the thought, whether it were not better
to be of the number of those who should
be alive when the end of all things drew
near. They would at least feel that God
was nigh at hand for tnem. Or again,
why should not the Almighty have made
all the successive generations of men live
at once upon earth, that so none might
be far removed from the ultimate rectifi-
cation of all wrong? The analogy of
the successive birth of children is brought
forward as an answer to this. Then if
the Earth be our mother, and we her
children, -so reasons the prophet, is it
the case that the latter generations of
men are inferior to the former, even as
the last-born child is often more puny
Vision, ix. 26-x. 59 ; Fifth Vision, x. 60-xii. 50 ;
Sixth Vision, xii. 51-xiii. 56 ; Seventh Vision,
xiii. 57-xiv. 47.
76
INTRODUCTION TO THE
than the rest ? This is declared to be
so, Ezra next enquires who it is, througli
whom God will at last visit His world,
and is answered that it is even the speaker
himself, the angel Uriel, who here assumes
the attributes of the Word of God. All
things in the beginning, he says, " were
made through me alone, and through
none other." To yet further questions
as to the signs of the final visitation, a
series of tokens and portents is revealed,
ending with a short picture of millennial
happiness, when " evil shall be put out,
and deceit shall be quenched,"
Third Vision (ch. vi. 35-ch. ix. 25).
After an interval of seven days, Ezra's
heart is again "vexed within him," and
he renews his communing with the Lord.
Regarding the world as created for the
chosen people first of all, he enumerates
the works of creation in order, and then
asks why, if all other races of mankind
were indeed but as outcasts compared to
the children of Israel, the chosen race
should be dispossessed of their inherit-
ance. The reply to this is, that for
Adam's sin " the entrances of this world
were made narrow, full of sorrow and
travail." But there was this to console
the good, that, though now they suffered
" strait " things, they might hope in the
future for " wide." The signs that should
precede this wider and more glorious
scene are then again adverted to ; and
a.t this point the language becomes very
striking, though bearing marks of inter-
polation : " After these years shall my
son Christ die, and all men that have
life. And the world shall be turned into
the old silence seven days." After that
a state of happiness should follow, such
;as was set forth at the close of the Second
Revelation.
At this point (ch. vii. 35) comes in the
passage long missed from the Latin Ver-
sion, in which the final judgment is de-
:scribed. Ezra expresses his fear that
very few will obtain the reward of the
just ; and the angel denies not that it is
.so, adding reasons why such should be
the case. The most precious things of
the earth are the rarest. Then if so,
the prophet continues, the lot of man is
indeed a hard one, and it would have
been better for him to be even as the
beasts that perish. The next question
that arises is, whether a state of rewards
and punishments follows immediately
after death. The soul of man, is the
answer, on leaving the body, comes to do
homatre before the throne of the Most
High. If it be the soul of one who has
despised His law, it finds no restmg-
place, but is visited with seven dolours.
In like manner there are seven consola-
tions to refresh the souls of those who
have died in the fear of God. The time
for experiencing each of these allotted
portions is the mystical seven days ; after
which they pass to the habitations pre-
pared for them. Ezra goes on to enquire
whether a man may intercede with God
at the final judgment for a fellow-man,
and is told that at that time no man may
make intercession for another, but each
shall bear his own righteousness or un-
righteousness. The examples of inter-
cession cited by Ezra from the Scrip-
tures, as of Abraham for the people of
Sodom, and the like, are not allowed to
stand as arguments to the contrary.
They had reference to a temporal state ;
the kind of intercession which Ezra asks
about would affect an eternal state. This
drives Ezra to exclaim that it would have
been better not to create Adam, with
freedom of will to sin, than to leave the
race of men thus prone to fall, with the
prospect of punishment after death. The
angel can but answer that such are the
conditions of the fight; but that the joy
over those who attain salvation is greater
than the sorrow for those who fail. Ezra
confesses that God is merciful and pa-
tient, or the world could not continue.
Owning the truth of what the angel de-
clares to him, that there is much common
earth in the world and but litde gold, he
still extols the goodness of Him who pre-
serves the works of His hands. Passing
from man in general, as God's handi-
work, to his own fellow-countrymen, Ezra
again prays for himself and them, that
God would not look upon the sins of His
people. The angel (speaking here, as
elsewhere, as if himself God) encourages
Ezra in his prayer. As the husbandman
sows much seed, but only a part comes
up ; so out of the multitude of created
men, part only should be saved. But for
such as Ezra there need be no fear. For
them rest was prepared.
SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.
n
To the prophet's wish to learn some-
thing of the time, as well as the signs, of
the last judgment, the angel replies by
discouraging vain curiosity : " Be thou
not curious how the ungodly shall be
punished, and when." This Revelation
ends with a repetition of Ezra's sorrow
that so many more should be lost than
are saved, and a parable of a vine by
way of answer.
Fowih Vision (ch. ix. 26-ch. x. 59).
Ezra is communing with himself in " the
field which is called Ardath," and gives
utterance to the thought that, whereas a
ship in the sea or a seed in the ground
may perish, without the sea or the ground
suffering loss, yet with his countrymen it
was not so. They had received the Law,
and had not kept it. But in their case
the receivers had been made to suffer ;
while the Law, corresponding to the seed
sown, had remained unharmed. These
reflections are interrupted by the appear-
ance of a woman in distress on his right
hand. She is lamenting with a loud
voice, and, when questioned, makes
known to him that the cause of her
mourning was the death of an only son,
born after thirty years of sterility, who
had died on the very day of his wedding.
The prophet strives to comfort her, by
shewing how small her loss is, compared
with that which had befallen the chosen
people as a nation. While bidding her
shake off her heaviness, a marvellous
change takes place before his eyes. The
woman is seen no more ; but, where she
stood, there arises a great city, Sion
itself, whose story had been foreshadowed
in the sufferings of the bereaved mother.
A vision of future glory is promised by
Uriel to the prophet, as a reward for his
virtues.
Fifth Vision (ch. xi. i-ch. xii. 39),
The night following, Ezra sees in a
dream an eagle rising from the sea, Avith
twelve wings and three heads. While
her wings overshadowed the earth, there
grew out of them eight " contrary fea-
thers," or pinions. The middle head of
the three was the greatest, but all the
heads alike remained at rest. When a
voice came forth, it was from the midst
of the body. Presently a wing arose on
the right side, and reigned over all the
earth. But it passed away, and gave
place to another, which endured for a
longer time ; so that a voice came, say-
ing, " There shall none after thee attain
unto thy time, neither unto the half
thereof" So it was with all the wings in
succession : all rose up in turn to reign,,
though some were deposed without reign-
ing. With the twelve wings there came
to an end two of the pinions. Of the
remaining six, two placed themsehes
under the protection of the head on the
right-hand side, the other four " con-
tinuing in their place." Of these latter,
two soon perished, but the other two
" thought in themselves to reign." Upon
this, the middle head, that was the great-
est, took to itself the other two heads,
and together with them devoured these
two remaining pinions. The middle
head then exercised dominion over the-
earth, and cruelly oppressed it, till it
suddenly disappeared, and there were left
only the two side heads. These in like
manner bare rule, till the one on the
right hand devoured that on the left ; sO'
that now there remained only the right-
hand head, and the two pinions that had
put themselves under its protection. At
this point, a roaring lion comes forth
from a wood, and with human voice
upbraids the eagle with its tyranny, and
commands it to appear no more. Upon
this, the head still remaining passes
away, and the two pinions, after attempt-
ing to reign by themselves, pass away
also ; so that now there is an end of the-
monster altogether.
On Ezra's praying for an interpreta-
tion of this vision, the angel shews him
that this eagle represents the fourth king-
dom seen by Daniel. The twelve wings
were twelve kings, who should reign in
succession, the reign of the second being
the longest of them all. The voice from
out of the midst of the body signified
the outbreak of civil discord. The eight
pinions, in like manner, were so many
kings, whose reigns should be brief and
unprosperous. The three heads were
also three kings, of whom the middle-
most and greatest would die a natural
death, the other two falling by the sword.
The lion was the Lion of the tribe of
Judah, the " anointed " one, who should
reprove the kingdoms of the world for
their unrighteousness and cruelty, and
7^
INTRODUCTION TO THE
on the other hand bring a joyful dehver-
ance for His own. This interpretation
Ezra is to write in a book, and teach it
to the wise among the people.
Sixth Vision (ch. xii. 40-ch. xiii. 58).
For seven days Ezra remains in the open
field, as the angel commanded him.
Seeing that he does not return, his fel-
low-countrymen come and expostulate
with him. He only is left to them, and
they repine at being forsaken. He re-
assures them and bids them depart, and
then at the end of the seven days a
vision of the night is sent to him. He
sees in his dream a wind arising from
the sea. The form of a man appears,
and all things tremble at the look of
him. But presently a multitude of men
are gathered together from the four quar-
ters of heaven, to subdue him that arose
out of the sea. He on his part lifts up
against them neither sword nor spear,
but from his mouth he discharges upon
them a blast of mingled fire and tempest,
which consumes them all. Then he
summons to him another multitude, this
time a peaceful one. The interpretation
of this vision given by the angel is that
the Man seen in it is He whom the Most
High has reserved for the last times to
be a deliverer and judge, even the Son of
God. He should come and stand upon
Mount Sion, and by the power of the
law, which is compared to the blast of
fire proceeding from his mouth, should
destroy all that opposed themselves.
The peaceful multitude that was after-
wards gathered together to him, consists
of the ten tribes carried into captivity by
the Assyrians, who had migrated into a
far-off region, that they might keep the
law of their God. And the reason why
the Conqueror came from the deep sea is
this, that, just as none can tell what is in
the depths of the sea, so none can under-
stand the things of the Son of God ; at
least, till the time of that last day. With
this, the angel leaves Ezra, promising to
shew him yet further wonders after three
days are past ; and the prophet spends
that interval in wandering abroad, glo-
rifying God for His mercies.
Epilogue, or Seventh Vision (ch. xiv.).
After this, as Ezra is sitting under an
oak on the third day, there comes to him
a voice out of a bush, as of old to Moses,
enjoining him to make known openly
some of the things that he has seen and
heard, and to keep others secret. Time
is hastening to its close. Of the twelve
ages wliich the world had to run, ten
and a half are spent, and only one and a
half remain. Therefore Ezra must pre-
pare for his departure. On the prophet's
asking who shall take his place as a
guide and admonisher of the people, the
angel bids him withdraw from the con-
gregation forty days ; in which interval,
with the aid of five ready writers, he is to
make a record of what he has seen and
heard. Part is to be pubhshed; part
to be kept secret. Ezra does so. After
a parting charge to the people, he with-
draws from them, accompanied by his
scribes. Then a cup is given to him,
" full as it were with water, but the colour
of it was like fire," on drinking which his
spirit and memory are strengthened. For
forty days he dictates to the five, and they
write in all ninety-four books. Of these,
twenty-four (being the number of books
in the Old Testament) are published
openly ; the other seventy are kept back,
to be divulged only to the wise among
the people. In the Oriental versions this
is followed by a closing passage, giving
the year of the events, as computed from
the Creation, and ending with the
assumption of Ezra.
Additions to 2 Esdras (2 Esdr. chaps.
L, ii., XV., xvi.). The prophet Esdras,
whose genealogy is set forth at the outset,
is commissioned by God to shew His
people their sinful deeds, and to put them
in mind of His mercies in time past.
While He would have been to them as a
Father, they had turned their faces from
Him. His servants the prophets, whom
He had sent unto them, they had taken
and slain. Wherefore now He would
forsake their offerings, and would give
their habitation to a people that should
come after ; a people who, though they
had not yet heard of Him, should believe
in Him, and unto whom there should be
given for leaders the ancient patriarchs
of Israel (chap. i.).
The controversy which God has with
His people is continued. They are
bidden to remember what was done to
Sodom and Gomorrha. Even yet God is
SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.
79
willing to give His children the kingdom
which Israel had rejected. For their help
would He send His servants Esay and
Jeremy ; for them He would prepare
fountains flowing with milk and honey.
Let these therefore do that which is
right : let them judge the fatherless,
defend the orphan, and discharge all the
other duties of life. If the chosen people
refuse to hear the voice speaking to
them, Esdras is charged to turn to the
heathen, and bid them " look for their
Shepherd," who should give them ever-
lasting rest. The prophet sees in vision,
in response to this call, a great multitude
whom he cannot number standing upon
Mount Sion ; and in the midst of them
" a young man of a high stature, taller
than all the rest." These, the angel tells
him, are the glorified people of God, and
the one in the midst of them, wearing
a crown, is the Son of God. Such are
the wonderful things that Esdras is com-
manded to make known to his country-
men (chap, ii.).
The latter section (chaps, xv., xvi.)
begins almost as if in direct continua-
tion of the former. Esdras is bidden,
though not by name, to speak in the
ears of God's people the words of pro-
phecy which the Lord would put into
his mouth, and to " cause them to be
written in paper," as being faithful and
true. But a difference of subject is soon
perceived. The earth is declared to be
full of wickedness, and the plagues to
chastise it are ready at hand. As Egypt
had aforetime been smitten, and God's
people led out like a flock, even so should
it be now. Woe is pronounced upon the
world and them that dwell therein ; for
wars and seditions shall arise, and the
right hand of the Lord shall not spare.
A "horrible vision" from the east is
proclaimed. The dragons of Arabia shall
come forth, and the Carmanians, like
wild boars from the wood, and they shall
lay waste a portion of the land of the
Assyrians. Clouds shall come from the
east and from the north, and again there
shall come great storms from the south
and north and west, which strong winds
from the east shall dispel. In vague and
mysterious language it is announced that
wrath will go forth against Babylon.
Asia, as a partaker with Babylon, is to
share her plagues. Like as she has
done to the children of God, so should
it be done to her and her children
(chap. XV.).
The proclamation of woe is continued
against Babylon and Asia, against Egypt
and Syria. As an arrow shot from a bow
cannot return, so the plagues denounced
must go on to their fulfilment. Trees
shall yield their fruit, but there shall be
none to gather it; grapes shall ripen,
but there shall be none to tread them.
These things are signs for the servants of
the Lord to understand. When the evil
days come, let them be as pilgrims upon
the earth. Let all sit lightly to their
occupations: "he that selleth, let him
be as he that fleeth away ; and he that
buyeth, as one that will lose." If they
will abstain from evil, the time will soon
come when " iniquity shall be taken
away out of the earth," and righteousness
shall reign among them. The Lord
knoweth the hearts of men. He who
created all things at the first, who
knoweth the number of the stars, and
spreadeth out the heavens like a vault,
" surely He knoweth your inventions,"
saith the prophet, and how can men hide
their sins before Him ? If they will leave
off from their sins, God will deliver them
from all troubles. A day of wrath is at
hand, a " great insurrection" upon those
that fear the Lord. Let not the beloved
of the Lord be afraid, nor let their sins
weigh them down. They who were so
" bound with their sins and covered with
their iniquities," were as a field overgrown
with thorns, the end of which is to be
burned.
V. General Character of the
Work.
A tone of melancholy pervades the
book, meaning by that the Fourth
Book proper (chaps, iii.-xiv.). The place
and time at which the scene is laid
require that this should be so. Ezra,
musing in the outskirts of Babylon in
the thirtieth year of the Captivity, could
not consistently have been made to take
a bright and hopeful view of the future,
such, for instance, as is set forth in
the Book of Enoch. We need not stay
to raise the chronological difticulty, that
8o
INTRODUCTION TO THE
Ezra is thus placed some ninety years
too early. In what has been called the
apocalyptic class of these writings, it is
usual to find the most eminent names in
the history of Israel chosen for the
bearers of the revelations. (Schodde,
'Book of Enoch,' 1882, p. 14.) But
there was, perhaps, more than a sense
of artistic fitness in making the shades
of the picture so dark. There are to-
kens that the book was written by
one whose mind was impressed by some
recent visitation. Like the third and
fourth books of the Sibylline Oracles,
or the ' De Civitate Dei ' of Augustine,
it may be regarded as the utterance of
one who had witnessed such terrible
scenes, that the speedyadvent of Messiah
must seem the only thing to be hoped
for. Hence the bitter complaints of
the heathen going unpunished, and the
anticipations of vengeance. Hence the
limiting of salvation to "very few"
(vii. 70), and the sufterings and death of
Messiah himself (vii, 29). There is some-
thing very solemn in the idea of the
world being " turned into the old silence"
for seven days. At the same time, the
faithful Jew is encouraged to hope for
future restoration. The peaceful multi-
tude who were to be assembled at the
holy mountain (xiii. 39) are the ten tribes,
lost to outward view, but not forgotten.
As regards the doctrinal character of
the book, some striking resemblances
have been pointed out between its
teaching and that of St. Paul. Passages
like iii. 20 sgq. remind us at once of the
Epistle to the Romans, just as the imagery
throughout recalls the Revelation of St.
John. The wildness of this imagery, in
some of the Visions at least, has caused
many readers to disparage the book, and
drawn the attention away from the deep
problems of human life which are pro-
pounded in it, problems like those with
which Bishop Butler deals in the First
Part of his ' Analogy.' Such was at first
its effect on the learned Dr. Lee, who, in
a letter to Simon Ockley (published in
his 'ATroXenro/xej/a, 1752), has recorded
the stages through which his mind
passed, during the study of the book,
from contempt to a qualified admiration.
The additions at the beginning and
end (chaps, i., ii,, and xv., xvi.) are of a
very different character. In the first
portion the Jews are upbraided for their
rebellion against God, and the call of the
Gentiles is foretold (i. 35). In the last
portions the judgments to come upon
heathen nations are pronounced, and
God's chosen people exhorted to stand
fast through the time of trial (xvi. 40
sgq.), till the triumph of righteousness
should come. The frequent allusions to
the New Testament (i. 30, ii. 43 sgq.,
XV. 35, xvi. 54, &c.), as well as the anti-
Jewish tone of the first part, betoken a
Christian writer. It is in this part also
that the resemblance to the ' Shepherd '
of Hermas is most striking. (Compare
especially ' Similitude ' ix. 6 with 2 Esdr.
ii. 43.) A complete list of parallel pas-
sages, or what are supposed to be such,
between 2 Esdras and the New Testa-
ment, is given in the work of Dr. Lee
above referred to, pp. 1 12-125.
VI. Date and Authorship.
(i) Chaps, iii.-xiv. The plain cita-
tion of a passage (v. 35) by Clement of
Alexandria (fl. 193-217), who quotes
the verse in Greek, with the addition
of "Eo-Spas 6 7rpO(jir]TT]<; A.eyet Q Strom.'
iii. 16), fixes the date within reason-
able limits in one direction. But when
we try to approximate more closely,
the materials for forming a judgment
seem insufficient. Admitting, for the
moment, that the author of the older
portion, with which we are here con-
cerned, was a Jew, not a convert to
Christianity, is there any internal evi-
dence to shew whether his work appeared
before the time of Christ, or after ? Hil-
genfeld thinks there is, and lays stress on
such expressions as " Esau is the end of
the world " (vi. 9), i.e. of this age, which
he interprets of Herod the Great; "and
of all builded cities thou hast hallowed
Sion unto thyself" (v. 25, conip. vi. 4),
which he thinks inconsistent with the
feelings of a Jew writing after the final
destruction of Jerusalem. Another argu-
ment urged on the same side is, that no
Jew, writing after the death of Christ,
would have introduced the prophecy of
Messias dying (vii. 29), of which Chris-
tians would be likely to lay hold. The
passages on which Hilgenfeld mainly
SECOND BDOK OF ESDRAS.
8i
relies are quoted in the Prolegomena to
his ' Messias Judseorum,' p. Ixi. On the
other hand, it is contended that such
expressions as the " casting down the
walls " (xi. 42) point with as much pro-
bability to a date subsequent to the fall
of Jerusalem, as v. 25 or vi. 4 can do to
an earlier date. The computation of
time in xiv. 11 is too vague to be relied
on, though Hilgenfeld tries to press that
into his service ; and in like manner the
signs and portents enumerated in v. 3
sqq., though capable of being referred to
what we read of as preceding the Battle
of Actium, might no doubt, with a little
research, be found to have had their
fulfilment at other epochs as well.
Space forbids more details. It must
suffice, then, to say that the balance of
evidence seems to be in favour of the
reign of Domitian as the time in which
the author wrote. The interpretation put
upon the Vision of the Eagle (chaps, xi.,
xii.) will influence the decision, one way
or the other; and if the conclusion be
right that the author wrote when the third
/ieadyf3.s still ruling (see Appendix), and
that that head was Domitian, we may
assign the latter portion of the period
A.D. 81-96 with some probability as the
date of 2 Esdras. In this conclusion
most authorities are now agreed. Ewald,
indeed, would place the time of com-
position a little earlier, while Titus was
still alive (' Das vierte Ezrabuch,' 1863,
p. 19), but Fritzsche ('Libri Apocr.,'
Praef p. xxvii.) speaks of the end of the
first century a.d. as fixed upon by the
common consent of almost all scholars.
Such, too, is the opinion of Schiirer
(' Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im
Zeitalter Jesu Christi,' ii Theil, 1886,
pp. 656, 657).
That the author was a non-Christian
Jew can admit of little doubt. Through-
out the book there is a patriotic love and
admiration of the race, and a conviction
that the world was made for their sakes.
Jewish traditions are introduced, such as
those about Behemoth and Leviathan
(vi. 49). The language used concerning
the death of Messiah (vii. 29), and the
computation at the end of ch. xiv. (found
in the Versions) by years a?mo mzmdi,
may be thought to point to a Jew of
Alexandria, rather than to one living in
Apoc Vol. I.
Palestine. If so, we may the more easily
account for the writer's acquaintance with
Roman history subsequent to the time of
Antony, and also for the quotation of his
work by Clemens Alexandrinus.
(2) Chaps, i., ii., and xv., xvi. The
author of the additions (i., ii., and xv.,
xvi.) was undoubtedly a Christian, and
probably a Christian Jew of Alexandria.
There is little difference of opinion
as to the date of the latter portion,
which is given by Alfred de Gutschmid
('Zeitschrift fiir wissensch, Theologie,'
i860, p. 1. sgq.) as about a.d. 263; by
Volkmar, about a.d. 260; and by Hil-
genfeld, about A.D. 268. Some reasons
for this conclusion will be found in the
notes on xv. 28 sqq. The date of the
first part is not fixed so unanimously.
Hilgenfeld thinks it was written by the
same author, and at the same time, as
the second; but it was more probably
earlier.
The authorities chiefly relied on for
the commentary which follows Volk-
mar, Hilgenfeld, Fritzsche, Ewald have
been specified in the Introduction. One
must be named by me apart from the
rest, the discoverer and editor of the
Missing Fragmetii, R. L. Bensly. Had
he consented to undertake the present
task, and to anticipate the results of his
long and patient study of the Latin text,
I should not have dreamt of approaching
it. Till his critical edition of the Latin
text appears, this, and any like attempt,
must be regarded as merely provisional.
Except in a very few instances, I have
avoided consulting any English commen-
taries, such as that of the Rev. Prebendary
Eddrup, from a desire that the work
should be as much as possible my own.
But I have derived some benefit from
the 'Introduction to 2 Esdras' of Dr.
Bissell, in the volume of Lange's Com-
mentary containing the Apocrypha, and
have taken a few marginal references (in
most cases with acknowledgment) from
Churton's ' Uncanonical and Apocryphal
Scriptures' (1884). The works of Apel
('Libri Vet. Test. Apocr.,' 1837) and
Gutmann (' Die Apokryphen des Alt.
Test.,' 1841), being limited to Greek
texts, do not include 2 Esdras.
J. H. L.
G
II. ESDRAS.
CHAPTER I.
I Esdras is commanded to reprove the people.
24 God threateneth to cast them off, 35 and
to give their houses to a people of more grace
than they.
THE second book of the prophet
"^ Esdras, the son of Saraias,
the son of Azarias, the son of Hel-
iiOr5-A<i/- chias, the son of "Sadamias, the son
^'""' of Sadoc, the son of Achitob,
2 The son of Achias, the son of
Phinees, the son of Heli, the son of
Amarias, the son of Aziei, the son
of Marimoth, the son of Arna, the
son of Ozias, the son of Borith, the
son of Abisei, the son of Phinees,
the son of Eleazar,
3 The son of Aaron, of the
tribe of Levi ; which was captive
in the land of the Medes, in the
reign of Artaxerxes king of the
Persians.
4 And the word of the Lord came
unto me, saying,
Ms. 58. 1. 5 Go thy way, and '^shew my
people their sinful deeds, and their
children their wickedness which they
have done against me ; that thev may
tell their children's children :
6 Because the sins of their fathers
are increased in them : for they have
forgotten me, and have offered unto
strange gods.
7 Am not I even he that brought
them out of the land of Egypt, from
the house of bondage ? but they have
provoked me unto wrath, and despised
my counsels.
8 Pull thou off then the hair of
thy head, and cast all evil upon them,
for they have not been obedient unto
my law, but it is a rebellious people.
9 How long shall I forbear them,
unto whom 1 have done so much
good ?
10 Many kings have I destroyed
for their sakes ; <^ Pharaoh with his "^l^^- "
- IT
servants and all his power have 1
smitten down.
11 '^AU the nations have I de-^f""--^'-
stroyed before them, and in the east Josiv 8, &
I have scattered the people of two
provinces, even of Tyrus and Sidon,
and have slain all their enemies.
CHAPTER I.
1. Tl^e second book?^ For the title here
given, see the Introduction, I.
the son of Saraias^ If this Saraias be the
Seraiah of Zedekiah's time, it is obvious, as
Canon Rawlinson points out (Ezra vii. i),
that three or four links are wanting between
him and Esdras. By piecing together the
genealogies given in i Chron. vi., Ezra vii.,
1 Esdras viii., and the present one, we may
obtain a fairly complete list, as follows: i.
Aaron; 2. Eleazar; 3. Phinehas ; 4. Abishua;
5. Bukki (= Boccas, i Esdr. viii. 2,= Borith,
3 Esdr. i.) ; 6. Uzzi (= Sarias, i Esdr. viii.,
= Ozias, 2 Esdr. i.); 7, Zerahiah (=Zaraias,
I Esdr. viii., = Arna, 2 Esdr. i.); 8. Meraioth
(= Marimoth or Meremoth) ; 9. Amariah ;
10. Ahitub : 11. Zadok ; 12. Ahimaaz ; 13.
Azariah ; 14. Johanan (the last six from i
Chron. vi.) ; 15. Azariah ( = Ezias, i Esdr.
viii., = Aziei, 2 Esdr. i.); 16. Amariah; 17.
Heli; 18. Phinees; 19. Achias (the last three
from 2 Esdr. i.) ; 20. Ahitub; 21. Meraioth
(from 1 Chron. ix. 11); 22. Zadok; 23.
Shallum(=Salame, or Sadamaias, 2 Esdr. i.) ;
24. Hilkiah; 25. Azariah; 26. Seraiah; 27.
Jchozadak (from i Chron. vi.) ; 28, 29, 30.
(three probably missing) ; 31. Ezra.
3. Artaxerxes.'] Artaxerxes, surnamed
Longimanus, reigned from B.C. 464 to 425.
See the note on Ezra vii. i.
4. And the nvord of the Lord, <b'c^ It has
been observed that this formula does not
occur in the writings of the true Ezra.
11. Tyrus and Sidon.'] Gutschmid thinks
that there is a special reference in this to the
V. I
2 28.]
II. ESDRAS. I.
83
^Ex. 14.
29.
II Or,
street.
/Ex.3.
10. & 4. 14
^Ex. 13.
zi.
h Ex. 16.
13-
Ps. 105. 40,
Niun. 14.
3-
*Wisd.i6.
20.
^ Num. 20.
Wisd. II.
4-
II Or, abun-
dantly.
12 Speak thou therefore unto them,
saying, Thus saith the Lord,
13 *I led you through the sea,
and in the beginning gave you a
large and safe "passage; f\ gave you
Moses for a leader, and Aaron for a
priest.
14 -S" I gave you light in a pillar of
fire, and great v/onders have I done
among you ; yet have ye forgotten
me, saith the Lord.
15 Thus saith the Almighty Lord,
The '^'quails were as a token to you ;
I gave you tents for your safeguard :
nevertheless ye murmured there,
16 And triumphed not in my name
for the destruction of your enemies,
but ever to this day do ye yet mur-
mur.
17 Where are the benefits that I
have done for you ? when ye were
hungry and thirsty in the wilderness,
'did ye not cry unto me,
18 Saying, Why hast thou brought
us into this wilderness to kill us ? it
had been better for us to have served
the Egyptians, than to die in this
wilderness.
19 Then had I pity upon your
mournings, and gave you manna to
eat ; -^so ye did eat angels' bread.
20 ^When ye were thirsty, did I
not cleave the rock, and waters flowed
out "to your fill .'' for the heat I
covered you with the leaves of the
trees.
21 I divided among you a fruitful
land, I cast out the Canaanites, the
Pherezites, and the Philistines, before
you : '" what shall I yet do more for "' is. 5. 4.
you ? saith the Lord.
22 Thus saith the Almighty Lord,
When ye were in the wilderness, "in \9jy"-^*^'^
r ^ A 1 bitter
the river of the Amontes, \)Q.\\\^ioaters,ox,
athirst, and blaspheming my name, ISJrak,
23 I gave you not fire for your ^j^" ^^' *^'
blasphemies, but cast a tree in the
water, and made the river sweet.
24 What shall I do unto thee, O
Jacob ? thou, " Juda, wouldest not " ^^- 3^-
obey me : I will turn me to other
nations, and unto those will I give
my name, that they may keep my
statutes.
25 Seeing ye have forsaken me, I
will forsake you also ; when ye desire
me to be gracious unto you, I shall
have no mercy upon you.
26 "Whensoever ye shall call upon "is. 1. 15-
me, I will not hear you : for ye have
defiled your hands with blood, and
your feet are swift to commit man-
slaughter.
27 Ye have not as it were forsaken
me, but your own selves, saith the
Lord.
28 Thus saith the Almighty Lord,
Have I not prayed you as a father
destruction of Tyre by the troops of Pescen-
nius Niger, in the contest for the empire
between him and Severus, a.d. 193. The
hostility of the Phoenicians to the Jews (Joseph.
'c. Apion.' i. 13") would make the latter exult
at such an overthrow. But the prophecies of
Isaiah (ch. xxiii.) and Ezekiel (ch. xxvi. j^.)
against Tyre and Sidon would appear suffi-
cient to account for the language of the text.
It has been observed that the description of
these cities as in the east points to the west
as the quarter from which the author writes.
13. a large and safe passage?^ " Large "
here = broad, or spacious, as in Ps. xxxi. 8,
"Thou hast set my feet in a large room."
But if in invio be read (from S.) instead of
the Vulg. in initio, the sense would be, " and
I provided for you broad roads laid down in
the pathless (sea)," i.e. "a highway in the
deep." Comp. Isa. li. 10.
14. have I t^one.'] Rather, " did I :" the
simple preterite should be kept through all
this passage.
20. ka-ves of the trees."] This seems meant
to replace the "pillar of a cloud" (Exod. xiii.
21), not mentioned in its natural context, in
V. i\ above. Comp. also Baruch v. 8.
22. river of the Amorites.] The reading
of D., S., T. \sflumine A77iorreo ; but the latter
word, which strictly means only " Amorite,"
is probably a corruption of amaro, the equi-
valent of Marah, " bitter." Otherwise, as
Arnald points out, there would be a confu-
sion between the events which happened at
the "brooks of Arnon" (Numb. xxi. 15) and
at " the waters of Marah " (Exod. xv. 23).
25. I shall.] Rather, " I will."
26. are jivift, i)V.] Comp. Prov. i. 16;
Rom. iii. 15.
G 2
84
II. ESDRAS. I. II.
[v. 29 I.
his sons, as a mother her daughters,
and a nurse her young babes,
29 That ye would be my people,
Wr,ns/ i^Lnd I should be your God: that ye
am your ^J ' J
God. would be my children, and I should
be your father ?
/Matt. 23. 30-^1 gathered you together, as a
^^' hen gathereth her chickens under her
wings : but now, what shall I do
unto you ? I will cast you out from
my face.
?is. 1. 13. 21 '^When ye offer unto me, I
"*' will turn my face from you : for
your solemn feast days, your new
moons, and your circumcisions, have
I forsaken.
32 I sent unto you my servants
the prophets, whom ye have taken
and slain, and torn their bodies in
pieces, whose blood I will require of
your hands, saith the Lord.
33 Thus saith the Almighty Lord,
'Matt. 23. ''Your house is desolate, I will cast
Luke 13. you out as the wind doth stubble.
34 And your children shall not be
fruitful ; for they have despised my
commandment, and done the thing
that is evil before me.
35 Your houses will I give to a
people that shall come ; which not
having heard of me yet shall believe
me ; to whom I have shewed no
35
signs, yet they shall do that I have
commanded them.
36 They have seen no prophets,
yet they shall call their sins to re-
membrance, and acknowledge them.
37 I take to witness the grace of
the people to come, whose little ones
rejoice in gladness: and ^though ^J^"*-
they have not seen me with bodily
eyes, yet in spirit they believe the
thing that I say.
38 And now, brother, behold what
glory ; and see the people that come
from the east :
39 Unto whom I will give for
leaders, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
Oseas, Amos, and Micheas, Joel,
Abdias, and Jonas,
40 Nahum, and Abacuc, Sopho-
nias, Aggeus, Zachary, and Malachy,
which is called also an ^angel of the 'Mai. 3.1
Lord.
CHAPTER IL
I God complaineth of his people : 10 yef Esdras
is willed to comfort them. 34 Because they
refused, the Gentiles are called. 43 Esdras
seeth the Son of God, and those that are
crowned by him.
THUS saith the Lord, I brought
this people out of bondage,
and I gave them my commandments
29. and I should be.'] The marginal reading
" as I am," &c., appears to assume a reading ut
ego "vobis in place of et ego -vobis, for which
there is no authority.
30. as a hen.] The unmistakeable re-
ference to St. Matt, xxiii. 37 should be
noticed, as bearing on the age and religion of
the writer. The nearest parallels in the O. T.
(Deut. xxxii. 11 ; Ps. xci. 4) would not be
sufficient to account for the language used.
32. I sent unto you.] This might be an
allusion to the words of Jeremiah (xxv. 4) ;
but the tenor of the passage which follows,
and especially the language of v. 33, "your
house," Sec. (comp. Matt, xxiii. 38), seem to
point to Matt, xxiii. 34-38 as the source of
the whole.
35. to <ivhom, is'c] Rather, " they to whom
I have shewed no signs shall," &c.
36. sins.] Vulg. iniquitatum. But Bensly
cites the reading of A. and S. as antiquitatum,
a word rendered, in the singular, "ancient
estate" in Ezek. xvi. 55.
37. Comp. Matt. xiii. 17.
38. And no'VJ^ brother7\ The want of fitness
in the term " brother " here employed, when
God is the speaker, must be obvious. Bensly,
observing that S. has pater by the first hand,
ingeniously conjectures that the original read-
ing may have been Tre piiSXeyj/ov, and that the
abbreviated form of Trepi was mistakenly
rendered pater. The resemblance of the
passage to Baruch iv. 36, 37, makes this con-
jecture still more probable, as the cum gloria
of the Latin ( = " with glory," not " what
glory ") answers closely to an expression in
Bar. V. 6.
39. Abraham, iyc] This list contains th^
names of the three patriarchs and the twelve
minor prophets ; the latter being arranged in
the order of the Septuagint.
40. angel.] Rather, " messenger."
2 15-]
II. ESDRAS. II.
85
by my servants the prophets ; whom
they would not hear, but despised my
counsels.
2 The mother that bare them saith
unto them, Go your way, ye children ;
for I am a widow and forsaken.
3 I brought you up with gladness ;
but with sorrow and heaviness have
I lost you : for ye have sinned before
the Lord your God, and done that
thing that is evil before him.
4 But what shall I now do unto
you ? I am a widow and forsaken :
go your way, O my children, and
ask mercy of the Lord.
5 As for me, O father, I call upon
thee for a witness over the mother of
these children, which would not keep
my covenant,
6 That thou bring them to confu-
sion, and their mother to a spoil, that
there may be no offspring of them.
7 Let them be scattered abroad
among the heathen, let their names
be put out of the earth : for they
tOr.scu:- have despised mv "covenant.
or, oath. o Woe be unto thee, Assur, thou
that hidest the unrighteous in thee !
O thou wicked people, remember
^Gen. 19. vvhat I did unto Sodom and Go-
morrha ;
24-
9 Whose land lieth in clods of
pitch and heaps of ashes : even so
also will I do unto them that hear
me not, saith the Almighty Lord.
ro Thus saith the Lord unto
Esdras, Tell my people that I will
give them the kingdom of Jerusalem,
which I would have given unto
Israel.
11 Their glory also will I take
unto me, and give these '^the ever- * Luke 16.
lasting tabernacles, which I had pre-
pared for them.
12 They shall have "^the tree of^R^^-'-v-
life for an ointment of sweet savour; ^
they shall neither labour, nor be
weary,
13 Go, and ye shall receive :
pray for kw days unto you, that
they may be shortened: '^the king- "^ ^^^"- *s-
dom is already prepared for you :
^ watch. ^ Mark 13.
14 Take heaven and earth to
witness ; for I have broken the evil
in pieces, and created the good : for
I live, saith the Lord.
15 Mother, embrace thy children, wor, bri,!^
and "bring them up with gladness, f^'^^^'J^.
make their feet as fast as a pillar : 'f^-s'. -f f
r -r y 1 1 1 1 aove make
ror 1 have chosen thee, saith the their feet
Lord. ^ScJ-^""'
CHAPTER II.
2. The mother, ^c.'\ The striking resem-
blance between this passage and Baruch iv.
should be noticed. Sion, or Jerusalem, is
there also represented as a widowed mother,
alternately lamenting and rejoicing over her
children : " Go your way, O my children,
go your way: for I am left desolate" (v. 19)
" With joy did I nourish them ; but sent
them away with weeping and mourning " (1;.
11).
5. father.'] These words must be un-
derstood to be uttered by the Son of God.
They lend some countenance to the reading
" Father " {Pater, iov f rater, or irepi-) ini. 38.
7. co'venarit.'] The marginal reading is
nearer the Latin, sacramentum.
8. Assur?\ We might expect Babylonia
to be thus apostrophized, rather than Assyria;
in other words, the scene of the later cap-
tivity of Ezra's own time, rather than that of
the earher one of the ten tribes. But pro-
bably the word Assur has a wider meaning,
as in the ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii. 268, quoted by
Hilgenfeld.
9. that hear me not.'] Rather, " that have
not heard me."
11. everlasting tabernacles.] The " ever-
lasting habitations " of St. Luke xvi. 9, the
words in the Latin being the same. The re-
miniscences of the N. T. in the next two
verses will also be noticed.
14. broken in pieces.] Contrivi in the Vulg.,
but the best MSS. read omisi, "I have over-
looked," or " passed over."
15. as a pillar.] This reading, found in
Coverdale, is due to a conjectural alteration
of sicut columba to sicut columnam ; and this
again was due to a needless connection of
sicut columba with the words following, instead
of those preceding. The text in A. and S. is
educam illos cum Icttitia sicut columba, " I will
lead them forth with gladness like a dove."
See Bensly, p. 25.
86
II. ESDRAS. II.
[v. 1634.
16 And those that be dead will I
raise up again from their places, and
bring them out of the graves : for I
iOr, i/iy have known "my name in Israel.
hme'i. 17 Fear not, thou mother of the
children : for 1 have chosen thee,
saith the Lord.
18 For thy help will I send my
servants Esay and Jeremy, after
whose counsel I have sanctified and
prepared for thee twelve trees laden
with divers fruits,
19 And as many fountains flowing
with milk and honey, and seven
mighty mountains, whereupon there
grow roses and lilies, whereby I will
lill thy children with joy.
20 Do right to the widow, judge
for the fatherless, give to the poor,
defend the orphan, clothe the naked,
21 Heal the broken and the weak,
laugh not a lame man to scorn, de-
fend the maimed, and let the blind
man come into the sight of my clear-
ness.
22 Keep the old and young within
thy walls.
/Tobit I. 23 -^Wheresoever thou findest the
isi-rning dead, "take them and bury them, and
burytiiem. \ will give thee the first place in my
resurrection.
24 Abide still, O my people, and
take thy rest, for thy quietness shall
come.
25 Nourish thy children, O thou
good nurse ; stablish their feet.
^johniv. 26 -rAs for the servants whom I
have given thee, there shall not one
of them perish ; for I will require
them from among thy number.
27 Be not weary : for when the
day of trouble and heaviness cometh,
others shall weep and be sorrowful,
but thou shalt be merry and have
abundance.
28 The heathen shall envy thee,
but they shall be able to do nothing
against thee, saith the Lord.
29 My hands shall cover thee, so
that thy children shall not see hell.
30 Be joyful, O thou mother,
with thy children ; for I will deliver
thee, saith the Lord.
31 Remember thy children that
sleep, for I shall bring them out of
the sides of the earth, and shew
mercy unto them : for I am merciful,
saith the Lord Almighty.
32 Embrace thy children until I
come and "shew mercy unto them : " ^^^ .;^_
for my wells run over, and my grace
shall not fail.
33 I Esdras received a charge of
the Lord upon the mount Oreb, that
I should go unto Israel ; but when
I came unto them, they set me at
nought, and despised the command-
ment of the Lord.
34 And therefore I say unto you,
O ye heathen, that hear and under-
stand, look for your Shepherd, he
shall give you ^everlasting rest j for '' i^iatt it,
he is nigh at hand, that shall come in
the end of the world.
16. in Israel.'] Rather, " in them ;" in illis
being the reading of the best MSS. The
reference is to God's people in v. 10. Com-
pare also Isa. xxvi. 19.
18. after ivhose counsel^ Comp. Isa. xl.
13, 14. The imagery which follows is a re-
miniscence of Rev. xxii. 2, and perhaps also
of the Book of Enoch, c. xxiv. (Schodde's
transl. p. 99). Comp. also the twelve
mountains in the ' Similitudes' of Hermas
(' Pastor,' c. xxviii.),
'2.0. the fatherless?^ Lit. "the ward;" Lat.
pupillo.
23. take them, <b'c.'] The marginal reading
is nearer to the Latin as it now stands :
signans commenda sepiilchro. Tobit i. 17, 18
offers a good illustration of obedience to the
precept. For signans comp. consignati, vi. 5.
frst place.] The Latin, primam sessionem,
is apparently a close rendering of the Trpwro-
KaSfSpiav of the original Greek.
31. sides.] Vulg. lateribus, but probably
the true reading is latibulis, " hiding-places,"
or " secret places."
32. until I come and sheiu mercy unto them.]
These words go together, the Vulg. being
et pro: stem illis misericordiam. But the best
reading is pra:dica for pr^xstem ; making the
sense, " embrace, &c. till I come, and pro-
claim to them my mercy."
33. Oreb.] Like a second Moses. Comp.
xiv. 3.
35 !]
II. ESDRAS. II. III.
87
< 1 Cor. 7.
3'-
*Rev. 7.
3. 4-
II Or, for.
i Matt. 22,
I, &c.
Kev. 19. 9.
' Rev. 3.
4. & 7. 14.
II Lat. co-
clude.
Rev. 6.
^ Rev. 7.9
35 Be ready to the reward of the
kingdom, for the everlasting light
shall shine upon you for evermore.
36 Flee 'the shadow of this world,
receive the joyfulness of your glory :
I testify my Saviour openly.
37 O receive the gift that is given
you, and be glad, giving thanks unto
him that hath called you to the
heavenly kingdom.
38 Arise up and stand, behold
-^the number of those that be sealed
in ^the feast of the Lord ;
39 Which are departed from the
shadow of the world, and '"have re-
ceived glorious garments of the Lord.
40 Take thy number, O Sion,
and "shut up those of thine that are
clothed in white, which have fulfilled
the law of the Lord.
41 "The number of thy children
whom thou longedst for, is fulfilled :
beseech the power of the Lord, that
thy people, which have been called
from the beginning, maybe hallowed.
42 "I Esdras saw upon the mount
Sion a great people, whom I could
not number, and they all praised the
Lord with songs.
43 And in the midst of them there
was a young man of a high stature,
taller than all the rest, and upon
every one of their heads he set
sai
crowns, and was more exalted ; which
I marvelled at greatly.
44 So ^\ asked the angel, and'^Re^"-7.
d, "Sir, what are these? ,'t , .
' ' I Or, iUwc.
45 He answered and said unto
me. These be they that have put off
the mortal clothing, and put on the
immortal, and have confessed the
name of God : now are they crowned,
and receive palms.
46 Then said I unto the angel,
What young person is it that crown-
eth them, and giveth them palms in
their hands ?
47 So he answered and said unto
me, 'It is the Son of God, whom ^^^^.2.
they have confessed in the world.
Then began I greatly to commend
them that stood so stiffly for the
name of the Lord.
48 Then the angel said unto me,
Go thy way, and tell my people
what manner of things, and how
great wonders of the Lord thy God,
thou hast seen.
CHAPTER III.
I Esdras is troubled, 13 and acknowledgeth
the sins of the people: 2Syet complaineth that
the heathett were lords over them, being more
wicked than they.
IN the thirtieth year after the
ruin of the city I was in Baby-
lon, and lay troubled upon my bed.
36. the shadoav.'] Comp. Wisdom ii. 5,
and the language of Colet in his ' Exposition
of Romans' (ed. 1873, P- 153)) "dum hie
sumus et manemus in hac vana et umbratili
vita, hoc fumoso corpusculo obfuscati." For
the use of w. 34-37 in ancient Liturgies,
see Introd. p. 72.
testify.'\
testor.
Rather, " call to witness ;" Lat.
40. shut up."] I.e. " conclude," or " finish."
Conversely in Rom. xi. 32, Gal. iii. 22, "con-
cluded " is used in the sense of " shut up."
42. a great people.'] Besides the obvious
allusions in this and the following verses to
Rev. vii. 9 sqq., there is a striking resem-
blance to some passages in the ' Pastor ' of
Hermas (' Sim.' ix. 6, and viii. 2, 3, quoted
by Hilgenfeld) : " And lo ! after a little while
I see an array of many men coming, and in
the midst a man lofty in his, stature, so as to
overtop the tower.
Lord commanded crowns to be brought
And the angel of the
And
there were brought crowns made as it were
of palms, and he crowned the men
' Who then. Lord,' say I, ' are they that are
crowned, and that enter into the tower?'
' These be they that suffered for the law.' "
45. clothing.'] Rather, " robe ;" Lat. tuni-
cani.
46. young person.] An uncalled-for change
from the " young man " of v. 43 ; the Latin
word in both places being Jwvenis.
4i7. so stiffly.] Lat. fortiter.
CHAPTER in.
1. In the thirtieth year.] This verse pre-
sents many difficulties. The best Latin texts
have ego Salathiel qui et Esdras. W hy the
name of Salathiel, or Shealtiel, the father of
Zerubbabel (Ezra iii. 2; Matt. i. 12), should
88
II. ESDRAS. III.
[v. 2 12.
and my thoughts came up over my
heart :
2 For I saw the desolation of Sion,
and the wealth of them that dwelt at
Babylon.
3 And my spirit was sore moved,
so that I began to speak words full
of fear to the most High, and said,
4 O Lord, who bearest rule, thou
spakest at the beginning, when thou
didst plant the earth, and that thyself
alone, and commandedst the people,
"0611.2. ^ "And gavest a body unto Adam
without soul, which was the work-
manship of thine hands, and didst
breathe into him the breath of life,
and he was made living before thee.
6 And thou leddest him into
paradise, which thy right hand had
planted, before ever the earth came
forward.
7 And unto him thou gavest com-
mandment to love thy way : which
he transgressed, and immediately thou
appointedst death in him and in his
generations, of whom came nations,
tribes, people, and kindreds, out of
number.
8 '^And every people walked after 'Gen. 6.
their own will, and did wonderful
things before thee, and despised thy
commandments.
9 ^And again in process of time [2^^- ''
thou broughtest the flood upon those
that dwelt in the world, and destroy-
edst them.
10 And it came to pass in every
of them, that as death was to Adam,
so was the flood to these.
11 Nevertheless one of them thou
leftest, namely, "^ Noah with his house- '^^_ ^^'' ^'
hold, of whom came all righteous
men.
12 And it happened, that when
they that dwelt upon the earth began
to multiply, and had gotten them
be given to Esdras, is not easy to say. Volk-
mar thinks that as Ezra was regarded as the
true restorer of the people from the Captivity,
he might be regarded in a spiritual sense as
the father of the first actual leader, Zerub-
babel. Again, the date (the " thirtieth year"
from B.C. 6o6) would suit Salathiel, but not
Ezra, who was alive in the second half of the
reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus (B.C. 464-
425). Hilgenfeld tries to make the earlier
date admissible, by assuming Ezra's father to
have been the High Priest Seraiah, whose
death at the taking of Jerusalem is recorded
in 2 Kings xxv. 18-21. This is out of the
question. The form of beginning was per-
haps suggested by the opening words of
Ezekiel (i. i), though it is by no means
agreed what meaning should there be attached
to the expression " in the thirtieth year."
3. sore 77io-ved.'] Lat. ventiiatus est, a word
not found in the Vulgate, and pointing per-
haps to some form of alapela-dai, rather than
to Hilgenfeld's fKivrjOrj, or Volkmar's eaeiadr].
The word timorata, rendered " full of fear," is
the equivalent in the Vulg. for evXa^e'is, ren-
dered "devout" in Luke ii. 25, Acts viii. 2.
4. iiUst plant.'] Vulg. plant as ti. Bensly
(p. 23) shews good reason for reading plas-
masti ; also pi/h'eri for populo, and et dedit tibi
for et dedisti. The sense would then be :
" Thou commandedst the dust, and it gave
unto thee Adam, a lifeless body." Comp.
vi. 53.
6. came forward.] Lat. adventaret, as if to
answer to ivapayevia-daL, though yeviaOai is
more likely. The 'Liber jubilaeorum ' (quoted
by Hilgenfeld) represents Paradise as created
on the third day.
7. to love thy ^way.] Vulg. diligere "vtam
tua>n. But Bensly has shewn the true reading
to be diligentiam unam tuam (_p. 56 k.) ~ " one
observance of thine ;" that is, the one com-
mand to be observed respecting the forbidden
fruit. The same word occurs in -y. 19
below, and is there mistranslated " diligence."
in /jim.] Rather, " for him."
8. did nxionderful things.] The MSS. are
pretty equally divided between in ira and
mira (Bensly, p. 32). Cod. A. has impitf,
which would make better sense: "and did
wickedly."
10. in every of them.] Vulg. in unoqtioque.
But the best MSS. have in uno casu, "in one
lot." V^an der Vlis thinks the passage ori-
ginally ran : "and their lot was one; as for
Adam to die, so for these the deluge."
11. of luhom came all, <i^r.] The best
reading is et ex eo justos (pot Justi) omnes =:
" and all the righteous ones sprung from him."
But the Arabic, in Ewald's rendering, " und
von ihm sind alle Gerechte," supports the
Vulgate. ,
12. it happened.] Rather, " it came to
pass," as in -v. 10.
V. 13 28.]
II. ESDRAS. III.
89
'Gen.
^Gen. 17.
S-
-^ Gen. 21.
2, 3-
/' Gen. 25.
25, 26.
' Mai. I. 2,
3-
Rom. 9. 13.
*Ex. ig. I.
Deut. 4.
10.
II Or, aitd
to all tlie
generation
of Israel,
that they
should
keep it
ivith dili-
gence.
many children, and were a great
people, they began again to be more
ungodly than the first.
13 Now when they lived so
wickedly before thee, "^thou didst
choose thee a man from among them,
whose name was -^Abraham.
14 Him thou lovedst, and unto
him only thou shewedst thy will :
15 And madest an everlasting
covenant with him, promising him
that thou wouldest never forsake his
seed.
16 ^And unto him thou gavest
Isaac, and -^unto Isaac also thou
gavest Jacob and Esau. As for
Jacob, thou ^didst choose him to
thee, and put by Esau : and so Jacob
became a great multitude.
17 And it came to pass, that when
thou leddest his seed out of Egypt,
'^thou broughtest them up to the
mount Sinai.
18 And bowing the heavens, thou
didst set fast the earth, movedst the
whole world, and madest the depths
to tremble, and troubledst the men
of that age.
19 And thy glory went through
four gates, of fire, and of earthquake,
and of wind, and of cold ; that thou
mightest give the law unto the seed
of Jacob, "and diligence unto the
generation of Israel.
20 And yet tookest thou not away
from them a wicked heart, that thy
law might bring forth fruit in them.
21 For the first Adam bearino-
wicked heart transgressed, and
a
was
and so be all they that
"' I Sam.
16. 13.
overcome
are born of him.
22 Thus ^ infirmity was made g^^^' '
permanent ; and the law (also) in
the heart of the people with the
malignity of the root ; so that the
good departed away, and the evil
abode still.
23 So the times passed away, and
the years were brought to an end
'"then didst thou raise thee up a
servant, called David :
24 "Whom thou commandedst to "^Sams.
build a city unto thy name, and to 13-
offer incense and oblations unto thee
therein.
25 When this was done many
years, then they that inhabited the
city forsook thee,
26 And in all things did even as
Adam and all his generations had
done : for they also had a wicked
heart :
27 And so thou gavest thy city
over into the hands of thine enemies.
28 Are their deeds then any better
that inhabit Babylon, that they should
therefore have the dominion over
Sion ?
13. Now 'wben.'] Rather, " And it came
to pass, when," &c., repeating the beginning
of-u. 12.
14. t/y ivill.'] Vulg. 'voluntatem tuam. The
best MSS. add secrete noctu., while, in place of
'voluntatem tuam., Fritzsche and V'an der Vlis
prefer finem temporum, as more agreeable to
the Arabic ( = tias Ende der Zeit) and Aeth.
18. didst set fast.'] This is out of keeping
with the rest of the passage, the tone of which
is like that of Ps. xviii. 7-15, or Ixviii. 8.
Hence " thou shookest the earth" should pro-
bably be read, as if ea-fia-as had got altered to
i'crTT]a-ai. Gildemeister renders the Arabic
word in his translation by concussisti.
19. four gates.'] For three of these Hilgenf.
aptly compares the manifestation to Elijah,
I Kings xix. 11, 12. For the fourth, we may
refer to the " hail" of Lxod. ix. 23, and Ps.
xviii. 13. The author of the Arabic Version
in the Vatican appears to have read drfpas for
6vpas in the Greek text.
diligence.] See note above on v. 7.
21. and so be all.] Lat. sed et omnes, which
seems to favour the opinion that the words
et non solus ille once preceded ; an equivalent
phrase, " and not he alone," still existing in
the Arabic and the Aethiopic.
22. a7id the lamj.] The sense becomes
much clearer if we render : " and thy law was
in the heart of the people along with the evil
root ;" i.e. both implanted and growing toge-
ther. The Arabic accords with this ( = mit
der bosen JVurzel zusammeri).
28. Are their deeds.] This is preceded in
the best MSS. of the Latin, and in the ver-
sions, by a clause =" And I said in my
heart."
90
II. ESDRAS. III. IV.
[v. 295.
29 For when I came thither, and
had seen impieties without number,
then my soul saw many evildoers in
this thirtieth year, so that my heart
failed me.
30 For I have seen how thou
sufterest them sinning, and hast spared
wicked doers : and hast destroyed
thy people, and hast preserved thine
enemies, and hast not signified it.
w_r,/c>^u- 21 I do not remember how this
way may be left : Are they then of
Babylon better than they of Sion ?
32 Or is there any other people
that knoweth thee beside Israel ? or
what generation hath so believed thy
covenants as Jacob ?
33 And yet their reward appeareth
not, and their labour hath no fruit :
for I have gone here and there
through the heathen, and I see that
"Or, they "flow in wealth, and think not
atniund. ^ , ,
upon thy commandments.
34 Weigh thou therefore our
wickedness now in the balance, and
their's also that dwell in the world ;
and so shall thy name no where be
found but in Israel.
35 Or when was it that they
which dwell upon the earth have not
sinned in thy sight ? or what people
have so kept thy commandments ?
36 Thou shalt find that Israel by
name hath kept thy precepts ; but
not the heathen.
CHAPTER IV.
I T/te angel declareth the ignorance of Esdras
in God's judgments, 13 and advisdh him not
to meddle with things above his reach. 23
Nevertheless Esdras a>:kelh divers questions,
and receiveth answers to them.
AND the angel that was sent
unto me, whose name was
Uriel, gave me an answer,
2 And said. Thy heart hath gone
too far in this world, and thinkest
thou to comprehend the way of the
most High ?
3 Then said I, Yea, my lord.
And he answered me, and said, I am
sent to shew thee three ways, and to
set forth three similitudes before
thee :
4 Whereof if thou canst declare
me one, I will shew thee also the
way that thou desirest to see, and I
shall shew thee from whence the
wicked heart cometh.
5 And I said. Tell on, my lord.
29. thither.'] Rather, " hither."
in this thirtieth year.] Rather, " in these
thirty years," as in the Arabic, " diese 30 Jahre
lang."
30. and hast not signijied it.] The obscurity
of this and the following clause is removed by
adopting an emendation of Van der Vlis (con-
firmed, as Bensly points out, p. 23, by the
reading of one iMS.) ; namely, nihil nemini for
nihil memini. The sense would then be :
" and hast not signified at all to any one, how
this way is to be forsaken i^i.e. how this pur-
pose or counsel of depressing Sion is to come
to an end)." The Arabic has " und doch
niemanden kundthatest wie dieser Weg ein
Ende habe."
34. and so shall thy name, i&'r.] It is not
easy to account for the reading of the Vul-
gate, followed in our English Version : et non
invenietur nomen nisi in Israel. For nomen
tuum it is natural to conjecture momentum
(the " turn of the scale "), and to keep up
the metaphor. The Arabic gives the most
intelligible sense "to find out whether the
one in the least outweigh the other." So in
Gildemeister's rendering of the Vatican MS.,
" et vide utra lanx deprimatur."
36. Israel by name.] There is no authority
for " Israel " here. The Vulgate has has qui-
dem per nomina. In S. and T. there is hos for
homines (possibly a contraction of the same
word). With this text the meaning would
be: "men by name thou shalt find to have
kept," &c. ; that is, " here and there a few
noteworthy ones may be found to have kept
the law of God, but not mankind in general."
CHAPTER IV.
First Vision (ch. iv. i ch. v. 14).
1. Uriel.] This angel, the " fire of God,"
the angel of thunder and earthquakes (Bk. of
Enoch, XX. 2), is not mentioned in the O. T.
or Apocrypha excepting here and in :;. 36 ;
V. 20 ; X. 38. In Milton he is made the
" regent of the sun, and held
The sharpest sighted Spirit of all in heaven."
Far. Lost, iii. 690.
V. 6 IQ.]
II. ESDRAS. IV.
91
Then said he unto me, Go thy way,
weigh me the weight of the fire, or
measure me the blast of the wind,
or call me again the day that is
past.
6 Then answered I and said,
What man is able to do that, that
thou shouldest ask such things of
me?
7 And he said unto me. If I
should ask thee how sreat dwellinsis
are in the midst of the sea, or how
many springs are in the beginning of
the deep, or how many springs are
above the firmament, or which are
the outgoings of paradise :
8 Peradventure thou wouldest say
unto me, I never went down into
the deep, nor as yet into hell, neither
did I ever climb up into heaven.
9 Nevertheless now have I asked
thee but only of the fire and wind,
and of the day wherethrough thou
hast passed, and of things from which
thou canst not be separated, and yet
canst thou give me no answer of
them.
10 He said moreover unto me.
Thine own things, and such as are
grown up with thee, canst thou not
know ;
1 1 How should thy vessel then be
able to comprehend the way of the
Highest, and, the world being now
outwardly corrupted, to understand
the "corruption that is evident in my \'^^^aI
sight? tioti.
12 Then said I unto him. It were
better that we were not at all, than
that we should live still in wicked-
ness, and to suffer, and not to know
wherefore.
13 He answered me, and said, I
went into a forest into a plain, and
the " trees took counsel, " Judg. 9.
8
14 And said. Come, let us go and 2 chr. 25.
make war against the sea, that it may ^^'
depart away before us, and that we
may make us more woods.
15 The floods of the sea also in
like manner took counsel, and said,
Come, let us go up and subdue the
woods of the plain, that there also we
may make us another country.
16 The thought of the wood was
in vain, for the fire came and con-
sumed it.
17 The thought of the floods of
the sea came likewise to nought,
for the sand stood up and stopped
them.
18 If thou wert judge now be-
twixt these two, whom wouldest
thou begin to justify ? or whom
wouldest thou condemn ?
19 I answered and said, Verily it
is a foolish thou2:ht that they both
have devised, for "the ground is given /,jy} ^
7. springs7\ Lat. quanta vetiie, for which
Volk. would read quot f antes. Comp. Job
xxxviii. 16, "Hast thou entered into the
springs of the sea ? " For -vena, just after,
V. der Vlis conjectures via: = " how many-
ways there are above the firmament." This
is confirmed by Gildemeister's rendering of
the Vatican Arabic : " et (quot sint) vias
super cselum." Before the last clause in the
verse, on the strength of the Oriental versions,
Volk. and others would insert " or which are
the entrances of hell." The wording of v. 8
seems to favour this.
8. Comp. Ps. cxxxix. 8 ; Rom. x. 6, 7.
9. separated.l That is, if man cannot
explain the mysteries of the elements fire,
wind, &c. by which he is always surrounded,
and with which his life is inseparably bound
up, how can he understand the mysteries of
the unseen world ? Comp. Wisdom, ix. 16.
11. outwardly corrupted.'] Vulg. et jam
exterius corrupto saculo. The reading of A.,
exterritus (which Bensly, p. 32, shews to be
for exteritus = extritus, " worn out "), clears
up the sense of this obscure passage. It
should be: "and, being worn out with a
corrupt world, to understand," &c. For
evidentem Volk. would read evadentem =
"Him that escapes corruption," i.e. God,
or "the world that escapes," &c. ; the idea
being : " How shall the corruptible and tran-
sitory apprehend the incorruptible and un-
changing ? "
12. Then said /.] Before these words
there comes in the Oriental versions a clause
= " And I fell on my face."
17. stood up.'] I.e. rose as a barrier.
19. ground.] The marginal reading, " land,"
is better.
92
11. ESDRAS. IV.
[v. 2034.
unto the wood, and the sea also hath
^'^''' his place to bear his "floods.
20 Then answered he me, and
said, Thou hast given a right judg-
ment, but why judgest thou not thy-
self also ?
)2n'd^^ 21 For like as "the ground is given
unto the wood, and the sea to his
* Is. 55-8, floods: even so "^they that dwell
John 3 31. upon the earth may understand
14. ' ' nothing but that which is upon the
earth : and he that dwelleth above
the heavens may only understand the
things that are above the height of
the heavens.
22 Then answered I and said, I
beseech thee, O Lord, let me have
understanding :
23 For it was not my mind to be
curious of the high things, but of
such as pass by us daily, namely,
wherefore Israel is given up as a re-
proach to the heathen, and for what
cause the people whom thou hast
loved is given over unto ungodly
nations, and why the law of our fore-
fathers is brought to nought, and the
isor.no written covenants come "to none
where.
effect,
24 And we pass away out of the
world as grasshoppers, and our life is
astonishment and fear, and we are not
worthy to obtain mercy.
25 What will he then do unto his
name whereby we are called ? of these
things have I asked.
26 Then answered he me, and
said. The more thou searchest, the
more thou shalt marvel ; for the
world hasteth fast to pass away,
27 And cannot comprehend the
things that are promised to the righ-
teous in time to come: for "^this ^^^ Jo^s-
world is full of unrighteousness and
infirmities.
28 But as concerning the things
whereof thou askest me, I will tell
thee ; for the evil is sown, but the
destruction thereof is not yet come.
29 If therefore that which is sown
be not turned upside down, and if the
place where the evil is sown pass not
away, then cannot it come that is
sown with good.
30 For the grain of evil seed hath
been sown in the heart of Adam
from the beginning, and how much
ungodliness hath it brought up unto
this time ? and how much shall it yet
bring forth until the "time of thresh- "Or.yf^^r.
ing come ?
31 Ponder now by thyself, how
great fruit of wickedness the grain of
evil seed hath brought forth.
32 And when the ears shall be cut
down, which are without number,
how great a floor shall they fill ?
33 Then I answered and said.
How, and when shall these things
come to pass ? wherefore are our
years few and evil ?
34 And he answered me, saying,
20. thyself. 1 Rather, " for thyself."
23. the high things^ Vulg. de superioribus
tub, " the higher things of thine."
covenants.^ Lat. disposit'iones, " testaments."
1 he destruction of the copies of the Law in
the taking of Jerusalem is alluded to in
xiv. 21.
24. as grasshoppers.'] With the mingled
idea of insignificance (Isa. xl. 22) and timidity
(Job xxxix. 20), and perhaps of wandering
also. For the desponding tone, comp. the
Introd. V.
26. The more.] The true sense appears to
be: "If thou art in existence, thou wilt see;
and if thou livest, thou wilt often marvel."
28. destruction.] Lat. destructio ; but
Bensly (p. 25) points out that A. originally
read districtio, and S. has destrictio. Hence
the true sense may be "the plucking up"
(comp. Ezek. xvii. 9), which is more appro-
priate than "destruction."
29. turned upside do<wn.] Vulg. inversum,
but a better reading is evulsum, " torn up."
Bensly, however, thinks the reading of A. to
be conclusive: siergonon mensum(_= messurrt)
fuerit = " be not reaped."
32. cut down.] Vulg. secata, but the best
MSS. have seminatie. Also the Oriental ver-
sions suggest the insertion of seminis boni
after spicce {das Samenkorn des Guten in the
Arab.) = " when the ears of good seed have
been sown," &c. That is, if the harvest of
evil is abundant, how much more so will be
that of the more prolific good ?
V. 3548.]
II. ESDRAS. IV.
93
miel.
Do not thou hasten above the most
Highest : for thy haste is in vain to
be above him, for thou hast much
exceeded.
35 Did not the souls also of the
righteous ask question of these things
in their chambers, saying. How long
shall I hope on this fashion ? w^hen
Cometh the fruit of the floor of our
rev/ard ?
Or.jere- 36 And unto these things "Uriel
the archangel gave them answer, and
said, Even when the number of seeds
is filled in you : for he hath weighed
the world in the balance.
37 By measure hath he measured
the times, and by number hath he
numbered the times ; and he doth
not move nor stir them, until the
said measure be fulfilled.
38 Then answered I and said, O
Lord that bearest rule, even we all
are full of impiety.
39 And for our sakes peradventure
it is that the floors of the righteous
are not filled, because of the sins of
them that dwell upon the earth.
40 So he answered me, and said.
Go thy way to a woman with child,
and ask of her when she hath ful-
filled her nine months, if her womb
may keep the birth any longer within
her.
41 Then said I, No, Lord, that
can she not. And he said unto me.
In the grave the chambers of souls
are like the womb of a woman :
42 For like as a woman that tra-
vaileth maketh haste to escape the
necessity of the travail : even so do
these places haste to deliver those
things that are committed unto them.
43 From the beginning, look, what
thou desirest to see, it shall be shewed
thee.
44 Then answered I and said. If
I have found favour in thy sight, and
if it be possible, and if I be meet
therefore,
45 Shew me then whether there
be more to come than is past, or more
past than is to come.
46 What is past I know, but what
is for to come I know not.
47 And he said unto me. Stand
up upon the right side, and I shall
expound the similitude unto thee.
48 So I stood, and saw, and, be-
hold, an hot burning oven passed by
before me : and it happened, that
34. hast much exceededP\ The reading here
is doubtful. For excessus the best MSS. have
exce/jus. Hilgenfeld would make the sense
to be : " for thou art concerned on thine own
account, but the Highest on account of
many." Comp. v. 33.
35. souls of the righteous.'] Comp. Rev.
vi. 9, 10. The word rendered "chambers"
is pro7nptuariis, found also in t;. 41 below,
lit. " store rooms," or garners, as in Ps.
cxliv. 13, the only place where it appears to
occur in the Vulgate.
the Jloor-I I.e. the threshing-floor, as in
y. 39.
36. Uriel.'] As Uriel is speaking, it would
be strange for him to describe his own
answer in the third person, as would be
inferred from the English Version. Hence it
should be noticed that in one MS. the name
of the angel is given as Hieremihel ; in another,
leremiel, and so on. In the Latin texts he is
called an archangel, and must not be identi-
fied with the angel who is speaking to Ezra.
See Bensly, p. 31 w.
of seeds.] For seminum in I'obis Van der
Vlis conjectures similium -vobis = " of those
like you." This is supported by the reading
of the Arabic : " wenn die Zahl der each
gleichenden voU seyn wird."
37. Comp. Wisdom xi. 20.
39. thejloors.] I.e. that the ingathering of
the righteous, as of corn from the threshing-
floor, is not completed. See -z;. 3 2 above.
42. to escape the necessity.] That is, to get
quickly over the inevitable pain ; as in the
Arabic : " der Schmerzen der Geburt sich zu
entledigen."
43. From the beginning.] These words
should rather end the previous verse: "the
things that have been committed unto them
from the beginning. Then shall it," &c.
There is no authority for " look," the Latin
being Tunc tibi, etc.
48. ot'^.] Comp. Ps. xxi. 9, " Thou shalt
make them as a fiery oven in the time of thine
anger," and Mai. iii. i. We should now
perhaps use the word " furnace."
94
II. ESDRAS. IV, V.
[v. 496.
when the flame was gone by I
looked, and, behold, the smoke re-
mained still.
49 After this there passed by be-
fore me a watery cloud, and sent
down much rain with a storm ; and
when the stormy rain was past, the
drops remained still.
50 Then said he unto me, Con-
sider with thyself; as the rain is
more than the drops, and as the fire
is greater than the smoke ; but the
drops and the smoke remain behind :
Wr,!en- 50 the "quantity which is past did
sure. 1 , ' '
more exceed.
51 Then I prayed, and said. May
I live, thinkest thou, until that time ?
iOr,7ohfl or "what shall happen in those days?
shallbe; TT J J -J A
Manu- 52 He answered me, and said. As
script. yj. ^j^g tokens whereof thou askest
me, I may tell thee of them in part :
but as touching thy life, I am not
sent to shew thee ; for I do not
know it.
CHAPTER V.
I The signs of the times to come. 23 Heasketh
why God, choosing but one people, did cast
them off. 30 He is taught, that God's judg-
ments are utiscarchable, 46 and that God
doeth not all at once.
NEVERTHELESS as concern-
ing the tokens, behold, the
days shall come, that they which
dwell upon earth " shall be taken in a \2%',n'J^
great number, and the way of truth with great
shall be hidden, and the land shall be ''"'^"' ' ''
barren of faith.
2 But '^iniquity shall be increased " ^i^"- ^4-
above that which now thou seest, or
that thou hast heard long ago.
3 And the land, " that thou seest w Or, that
now to have root, shalt thou ^^^^e^i\l^n '
wasted suddenly.
4 But if the most High grant thee
to live, thou shalt see after the third
trumpet that the sun shall suddenly
shine again in the night, and the
moon thrice in the day :
5 And blood shall drop out of
wood, and the stone shall give his
voice, and the people shall be
troubled :
6 And even he shall rule, whom
they look not for that dwell upon the
earth, and the fowls shall take their
flight away together :
and seest.
50. did more exceed.'] Rather, " hath ex-
ceeded." This clause should precede the
one before it, as in the Geneva Version.
51. or what.l The marginal reading, " or
who," is the best supported. The sense is :
" or, if I am not then alive, who will be so ? "
CHAPTER V.
1. shall be taken in a great number.'] This
is not very intelligible. I'he Vulg. has appre-
hendentur in censu multo. Volkmar, followed
by Fritzsche, would read insensu = dvoia,
" shall be found in great foolishness." But it
is difficult to believe that any translator
would use such a word as insensus. V. der
Vlis ingeniously conjectures that the Greek
word was (poidto, mistaken for (popco, and that
it is, "shall be found in great fear." The
Arabic supports this.
3. to have root.] It is not easy to see what
suggested this phrase to the English trans-
lator, the Vulg. having et erit imposito vestigio
quam nunc "vides regnare, See. As the best
MSS. vary between incomposito and incompositio,
we may render : " and the land that thou
now seest to bear rule, shall be disordered
[lit. " with disordered step "J, and they shall
see it wasted." With this the Arabic agrees.
4. after the third trumpet.] For ttibam of
the Vulg. Hilgenf. conjectures turbatam; and
assuming that there was an article in the
Greek, which would have no equivalent in
the Latin, he restores the text thus : Koi
o\j/eL Ti-jV fxera ttjv TpiTrjv dopv^ovfxivrjv. " The
land after the third" would be the fourth
kingdom of Daniel, referred to below in
xii. II. But this seems far-fetched. The
Arabic has a simpler reading : " thou shalt
afterwards see these three signs ; " i.e, that
of the sun and moon, the blood, and the
stone.
the sun.] Hilgenfeld has collected a
series of parallel signs from apocryphal and
other writings. In the ' Ascension of Isaiah '
(iv. 5) we have: "and at his voice the sun
shall rise by night, and he will cause the
moon to appear at noonday." Blood trick-
ling down from the cross was a sign added
to the account of the Crucifixion in Mark xv.
33-37. The stone crying out is familiar to
us from Hab. ii. 12; Luke xix. 40. For a
supposed reference in Barnabse p., see the
Introd. p. 72.
6. he shall rule.] Conjectured by some to
refer to Octavian ; by others to Herod the
Great.
V. 7 1 9-]
II. ESDRAS. V.
95
II Or,
slaked.
7 And the Sodomitish sea shall
cast out fish, and make a noise in the
night, which many have not known :
but they shall all hear the voice
thereof.
8 There shall be a confusion also
in many places, and the fire shall be
oft "sent out again, and the wild
beasts shall change their places, and
menstruous women shall bring forth
monsters :
9 And salt waters shall be found
in the sweet, and all friends shall
destroy one another ; then shall wit
hide itself, and understanding with-
draw itself into his secret chamber,
10 And shall be sought of many,
and yet not be found : then shall
unrighteousness and incontinency be
multiplied upon earth.
11 One land also shall ask another,
and say, Is righteousness that maketh
a man righteous gone through thee ?
And it shall
say,
No.
12 At the same time shall men
hope, but nothing obtain : they shall
labour, but their ways shall not
H Or, he di- J ' -'
raced. prosper.
13 To shew thee such tokens I
have leave ; and if thou wilt pray
again, and weep as now, and fast
seven days, thou shalt hear yet
greater things.
14 Then I awaked, and an ex-
treme fearfulness went through all
my body, and my mind was troubled,
so that it fainted.
15 So the angel that was come to
talk with me held me, comforted me,
and set me up upon my feet.
16 And in the second night it
came to pass, that Salathiel the cap-
tain of the people came unto me,
saying. Where hast thou been ? and
why is thy countenance so heavy ?
17 Knowest thou not that Israel
is committed unto thee in the land
of their captivity ?
18 Up then, and eat bread, and
forsake us not, as the shepherd that
leaveth his flock in the hands of cruel
wolves.
19 Then said I unto him. Go thy
ways from me, and come not nigh
me. And he heard what I said, and
went from me.
7. Sodomitish sea.'] The name of Dead
Sea, which we commonly employ, is not found
in the Bible. The common belief that fish
could not live in its waters finds expression in
Ezek. xlvii. 9, and in a passage of Jerome
quoted by Wordsworth {in loc.'). The im-
pression is not quite justified by facts.
and make a noise in the night.] By a simple
change of noctu to noctua Volkmar would read
" and the owl shall utter its cry." But there
would be nothing portentous in that. h. de
Gutschmid (quoted by Hilgenfeld) enume-
rates various portents, such as those here
mentioned, recorded to have been observed
before the Battle of Actium in B.C. 31.
8. the fire, (i^Y.] Rather, " and fire shall
oft break out." The word in the Latin
should probably be emittetur, not remittetur.
The Arabic supports this : " und dichtes
Feuer wird losgelassen." Such an outbreak
of fire in Rome is related in Dion Cassius to
have occurred just before the Battle of Actium.
9. wiV.] I.e. knowledge.
11, that maketh.'] The sense should per-
haps rather be: "has righteousness passed
through thee, or one that doeth righteous-
ness ? " For the thought, comp. Amos vi. 10.
13. seven days.] In the 'Apocalypsis
Baruchi ' (ed. Fritzsche, p. 662), we find a
similar passage: " vade igitur et sanctificare
scptem diebus, neque edas panem, neque
bibas aquam, neque loquaris alicui." The
resemblance in many points between that
book and 2 Esdras is traced by Langen in his
' De Apocalvpsi Baruch . . . Commentatio,'
1867.
Second Vision (ch. v. 15 ch. vi. 34).
16. Salathiel.] This is the spelling of the
name in the Vulgate. Fritzsche reads
Phaltiel. One of that name is found in
2 Sam. iii. 15 (the husband of Michal), called
in I Sam. xxv. 44 Phalti. But as Salathiel,
or Shealtiel, the father or uncle of Ezra
(Ez. iii. 2 ; 1 Chr. iii. 19), was the head of
the tribe of Judah at the return from the
Captivity, there seems no reason for dis-
turbing the name as it commonly stands.
19. nigh me.] After this is added in the
best MSS., usque a diebus (al. ad dies^ "vii. et
tunc venies ad me " for seven days, and
96
II. ESDRAS. V.
[v. 2034.
20 And so I fasted seven days,
mourning and weeping, like as Uriel
the angel commanded me.
21 And after seven days so it was,
that the thoughts of my heart were
very grievous unto me again,
22 And my soul recovered the
spirit of understanding, and I began
to talk with the most High again,
23 And said, O Lord that bearest
rule, of every wood of the earth, and
of all the trees thereof, thou hast
chosen thee one only vine :
24 And of all lands of the whole
world thou hast chosen thee one pit :
and of all the flowers thereof one
lily:
25 And of all the depths of the
sea thou hast filled thee one river :
and of all builded cities thou hast
hallowed Sion unto thyself:
26 And of all the fowls that are
created thou hast named thee one
dove : and of all the cattle that are
made thou hast provided thee one
sheep :
27 And among all the multitudes
of people thou hast gotten thee one
people : and unto this people, whom
thou lovedst, thou gavest a law that
is approved of all.
28 And now, O Lord, why hast
thou given this one people over unto
many ? and " upon the one root hast Or, orjer.
thou prepared others, and why hast
thou scattered thy only one people
among many
?
29 And they which did gainsay
thy promises, and believed not thy
covenants, have trodden them down.
30 If thou didst so much hate thy
people, yet shouldest thou punish
them with thine own hands.
31 Now when I had spoken these
words, the angel that came to me the
night afore was sent unto me,
32 And said unto me. Hear me,
and I will instruct thee ; hearken to
the thing that I say, and I shall tell
thee more.
33 And I said. Speak on, my
Lord. Then said he unto me, Thou
art sore troubled in mind for Israel's
sake: ^lovest thou that people better *ch.s. 47-
than he that made them ?
34 And I said. No, Lord : but of
then shalt thou come unto me." The Arabic
further adds, " and I will speak with thee."
24. pit^ Lat. foveam. As the reference
is to the land of Palestine, some more general
term is wanted. Van der Vlis thinks that
aypov may have been mistaken by the Latin
translator for ru^pov. This is supported by
the Vatican Arabic, according to Gildemeis-
ter's version : " ex omnibus regionibus re-
gionem unam." If Ewald's version of the
Arabic be correct {eine Tenne = a threshing-
floor), we might suppose that a\av rather
than dypov was the original reading.
0T2e lily.'] It is noticeable that, although
the rose is so highly prized in the East, it is
rarely mentioned in the Old Testament, and
never in the New. In Canticles ii. i, " I am
the rose of Sharon, and the lily of the valleys,"
and in Is. xxxv. i, "the desert shall . . .
blossom as the rose," the name occurs, and in
no other passage; and even there it is very
doubtful what flower is meant. The " rose
plant in Jericho " is mentioned in Ecclus.
xxiv. 14. On the other hand, the lily (what-
ever flower it may have been) is often spoken
of with honour, as in Matt. vi. 28. Perhaps
Cant. ii. 2 and Hos. xiv. 5 would best illus-
trate the text.
25. one river.'] As Sion is made the centre
of interest, it would seem that we must
interpret this, with Hilgenf, of the brook
Kedron.
26. dove.] Comp. Cant. ii. 14 ; Ps.
Ixxiv. 19.
shdej).] Ps. Ixxix. 1 3 ; Ixxx. i.
28. i/pon the one root.] The Vulg. has et
pr^parasti super unam radicem alias ; the best
MSS. transpose the order to unam rad. super
alias. If we assume, with Volkmar, that the
Greek T]Tifj.a(Tas was mistaken for fjToifxaa-as,
the sense will be clear : " and why hast thou
dishonoured one root above others ? " i.e. the
Jewish race beyond the Gentiles. This
would agree with the Arabic : " und ver-
warfst diese eine Wurzel mehr als die andern."
29. ^nd they, (i>'c.] Bensly (p. 26 w.)
would restore the text thus : " and they
which did gainsay thy promises have trodden
down them that believed thy covenants."
33. that people.] Rather, "him" (Lat.
euni) ; i.e. Israel.
V. 35 43-]
II. ESDRAS. V.
97
very grief have I spoken : for my
reins pain me every hour, w^hile I
labour to comprehend the way of the
most High, and to seek out part of
his judgment.
35 And he said unto me. Thou
canst not. And I said, "Wherefore,
Lord ? whereunto was I born then ?
or why was not my mother's womb
then my grave, that I might not have
seen the travail of Jacob, and the
wearisome toil of the stock of Israel ?
36 And he said unto me. Number
me the things that are not yet come,
gather me together the drops that are
scattered abroad, make me the flowers
green again that are withered,
37 Open me the places that are
closed, and bring me forth the winds
that in them are shut up, shew me
the image of a voice : and then I
will declare to thee the thing that
thou labourest to know.
38 And I said, O Lord that
bearest rule, who may know these
things, but he '^that hath not his^'^^"-'-
dwelling with men ?
39 As for me, I am unwise : how
may I then speak of these things
whereof thou askest me ?
40 Then said he unto me. Like
as thou canst do none of these things
that I have spoken of, even so canst
thou not find out my judgment, or
in the end the love that I have pro-
mised unto my people.
41 And I said. Behold, O Lord,
yet art thou nigh unto them that be
reserved till the end : and what shall
they do that have been before me, or
we that be now, or they that shall
come after us ?
42 And he said unto me, I will
liken my judgment unto a ring ; like
as there is no slackness of the last,
even so there is no swiftness of the
first.
43 So I answered and said, Couldest
thou not make those that have been
made, and be now, and that are for
34. part.'] Rather, " a part ; " i.e. even a
small portion. But it is possible that the
Latin may not give the sense of the original
correctly. The Arabic has " the track "
(^die Spur), which would be more expressive.
35. <zvAy ivas not, (b'c.'] An interest at-
taches to the short passage from these words
to the end of the verse, owing to its having
been preserved in the original Greek. It is
found in Clemens Alexandrinus ('Strom.' iii.
16, 100), introduced by the words "Eo-fipas 6
Trpo(j)T]TT]s Xeyei.
36. the t/jtngs.'] The Arabic has "the
days," and Van der Vlis thinks that this was
the reading in the Greek.
37. the places.'] Rather, " the chambers,"
or " storehouses," the same word as was
rendered " secret chamber " above, v. 9.
If in place of " winds " we also read " spirits,"
or "souls" (jTvevjxaTa = spirituJ, not flatus,
as in the Vulg.), the sense is clear : " Open
the closed chambers (of the dead), and bring
me forth the souls that are shut up in them."
But it is doubtful whether ixviiniara would
be used in such a sense, and Gildemeister's
rendering of the Vatican Arabic, " tribus in eis
inclusas," seems to point to i'YXAC, " souls,"
as the original reading, which the translator
mistook for ct)YAAC (as if ^CXa) = "tribes."
Apoc. Vol. I.
the image of a -voice.] A clause is here
inserted in the Oriental versions, with some
difference of position and wording = " and
shew me the image of faces which thou hast
not yet seen." Hence there is some proba-
bility in the conjecture of Van der Vlis, that
the sentence originally ran : " and shew me
the image of faces which thou hast not yet
seen, and let me hear their voice."
the thing that, (&v.] Rather, "the labour
(or suffering) that thou askest to see."
38. but he, <b'c7] The close resemblance
of this to Dan. ii. 11 should be noticed.
40. or in the end.] Vulg. in fine, but better
MSS. have infinem = " the love to the end."
Conversely "till the end" in the next verse
should probably be " in the end," there being
nothing to answer to " are reserved." It =
" those who live in the end," or latter days.
42. a ring.] Or, " a crown " {corona:'), but
still with the idea of a circle, in which there
is neither beginning nor end, but where " the
first shall be last and the last first." This
passage is noticeable as being quoted by St.
Ambrose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. x. : "Mira-
biliter ait scriptura, coronas esse similem ilium
judicii diem, in quo sicut non novissimorum
tarditas, sic non priorum velocitas."
H
98
II. ESDRAS. V. VI.
[v. 441.
to come, at once ; that thou mightest
shew thy judgment the sooner?
44 Then answered he me, and
said. The creature may not haste
above the maker ; neither may the
world hold them at once that shall
be created therein.
45 And I said, As thou hast said
unto thy servant, that thou, which
givest life to all, hast given life at
once to the creature that thou hast
created, and the creature bare it :
even so it might now also bear them
that now be present at once.
4-6 And he said unto me. Ask the
womb of a woman, and say unto her.
If thou bringest forth children, why
dost thou it not together, but one
after another ? pray her therefore to
bring forth ten children at once.
47 And I said. She cannot : but
must do it by distance of time.
48 Then said he unto me, Even
so have I given the womb of the
earth to those that be sown in it in
their times.
49 For like as a young child may
not bring forth the things that belong
to the aged, even so have I disposed
the world which I created.
50 And I asked, and said. Seeing
thou hast now given me the way, I
will proceed to speak before thee : for
our mother, of whom thou hast told
me that she is young, draweth now
ni2;h unto a^e.
51 He answered me, and said. Ask
a woman that beareth children, and
she shall tell thee.
52 Say unto her, Wherefore are
not they whom thou hast now brought
forth like those that were before, but
less of stature ?
53 And she shall answer thee.
They that be born in the strength of
youth are of one fashion, and they
that are born in the time of age,
when the womb faileth, are otherwise.
54 Consider thou therefore also,
how that ye are less of stature than
those that were before you.
55 And so are they that come after
you less than ye, as the creatures which
now begin to be old, and have passed
over the strength of youth.
56 Then said I, Lord, I beseech
thee, if I have found favour in thy
sight, shew thy servant by whom
thou visitest thy creature.
CHAPTER VI.
I God's pitrpose is eternal. 8 The next world
shall follozu this imj?iediately. 13 What
shall fall out at the last. 3 1 He is proTiiised
more knowledge, 38 ajid recko7ieth up the
works of the creation, 57 and complainetk
that they have no part in the world for whom
it was made.
ND he said unto me. In the 1
A
Or, circle
)egmnmg.
when the
'earth f^i^l
44. that shall be, is'c.'] Viilg. creandi.
But a better reading is creati = " that have
been created." For the sense comp. iv. 34.
45. The meaning is somewhat obscure.
The general sense appears to be : " Couldest
not Thou, who didst create all things at
once in the beginning, cause that the world
should even now receive all the generations of
men that are to come upon it ? " The words
"as thou hast said," &c., refer most naturally
to what is declared in the first chapter of
Genesis. Hilgenfeld, not so probably, makes
them refer to the statement in -y. 42.'
46. If thou, (&v.] The best texts have,
" If thou bringest forth ten children." The
Vulg. et si parts was probably due to a mis-
taking of X. {decern) for & {et).
49. the things, <b'c.'\ The Vulg. has ea
qua senum sunt ; better texts, nee ea qua
senuit adhuc = " nor she any longer, who has
grown old." The world's time of parturition
is preceded by a period of immaturity, and
followed by one of exhaustion.
53. in the strength of youth^ HUgenfeld
quotes a number of passages in illustration
of this thought of the world's growing old.
One from Ambrose (' De bono Mortis,' c. x.,
quoted above) is directly suggested by the
text : " Defecit enim multitudine generationis
hoc saeculum tanquam vulva generationis, et
tanquam senescens creatura robur juventutis
suae velut marcente jam virium suarum robore
deposuit." Lucretius (ii. 11 49 sqq?) had ex-
pressed the same thought before.
CHAPTER VI.
1. In the deginning.'] As the question at
the end of the preceding chapter is not
directly answered, a clause is inserted in
V. 2 lO.j
II. ESDRAS. VI.
99
was made, before the borders of the
world stood, or ever the winds blew,
2 Before it thundered and light-
ened, or ever the foundations of para-
dise were laid,
3 Before the fair flowers were seen,
or ever the moveable powers were
established, before the innumerable
multitude of angels were gathered
together,
4 Or ever the heights of the air
were lifted up, before the measures of
the firmament were named, or ever
the chimneys in Sion were hot,
5 And ere the present years were
sought out, and or ever the inven-
tions of them that now sin were
turned, before they were sealed that
have gathered faith for a treasure :
6 Then did I consider these things,
and they all were made through me
alone, and through none other : by
me also they shall be ended, and by
none other.
7 Then answered I and said,
What shall be the parting asunder
of the times ? or when shall be the
end of the first, and the beginning of
it that followeth ?
8 And he said unto me. From
Abraham unto Isaac, when Jacob
and Esau were born of him, '^Ja- "g^^-'5
cob's hand held "first the heel of
Esau.
9 For Esau is the end of the world,
and Jacob is the beginning of it that
followeth.
10 The hand of man is betwixt
II Or, front
the be^ in-
ning.
some of the versions for that purpose. Thus
the Aethiopic (tr. by Hilgenf.) has: "Initio
per fiHiim hominis, et dcinde ego ipse. Nam
antequam," etc.
borders of the 'world.'] Lat. exitus saculi,
" the outgoings " or " beginnings " " of the
world." The Greek word was probably
f^oSoi, found in the Septuagint version of
Micah vi. 2 : " whose goings forth have been
from of old, from everlasting."
the ivifzds hle'wP\ The expression in the
Latin is striking : antequam spirarent conven-
tiones t'entorum, " before the meetings of the
winds blew," like Virgil's
"Una Eurusque Notusque ruunt," etc.
In the next verse also the diction is more
florid in the Lat. than in the English.
3. the mo-veable powers.'] Vulg. mota
virtutes. As one good MS. has niotuum, the
sense is probably " before the powers of the
earthquakes were established." The Vatican
Arabic supports this: "antequam terrae
motuum vires corroborarentur."
multitude.'] Rather, " hosts ; " Lat. militia =
(TTpoTiai.
4. the chimneys in Sion ^vere hot.] Vulg.
et antequam astuarent camini in Sion. But
the two best MSS. have astimaretur camillum
Sion. Hence Bensly (p. 26 w.) concludes the
true reading to be scamillum tedificaretur, or
something similar in place of the latter word,
=" or ever the foot-stool of Sion was set."
The Arabic (according to Ewald) supports
the Vulg., " ehe die Heerde in Sion gliiheten ;"
but Gildemeister's rendering of the Vatican
MS. accords with Bensly's emendation:
" antequam commemoraretur quod sub pedi-
bus Sionis est."
5. ivere turned.] Lit. " were estranged ;"
Lat. abalienarentur. The expression is ob-
scure, but seems to mean " were diverted,"
and so " baffled," and made of no effect.
sealed.] Implying the final safety of the
faithful, as the previous sentence implied the
final confusion of the wicked. The point of
time is anterior to the double scheme of
retribution for the good and bad in the world
that was to be.
7. the parting asunder, is'c.] I.e., the
division between the old era and the new.
8. unto Isaac] As MS. S. has "Abraham"
in place of " Isaac," it is probable that the
Greek was as Hilgenf. gives it: ews rav tov
'AjSpadfjL, or tov tov, as Volkmar. This is sup-
ported by the Arabic." The words " When
Jacob," Sec, should begin a fresh sentence.
Abraham's seed would be the Messiah, with
whom the new era was to begin, with no
more interval between than separated the
births of Esau and Jacob. In the allusion
to the heel of Esau, Hilgenfeld thinks that
he sees an indication of the writer's living in
the reign of one of the Herods.
frst.] The marginal reading is better.
10. The hand of man.] This yields no
sense, though the Latin texts appear to ofl^er
no variations. For hominis manus Van der
Vlis conjectures homo est medius ; Hilgenf.
hominis membra. The meaning would then
be, that between the hand and the heel comes
the whole body of man : one is the highest
point, the other the lowest. Hence these are
H 2
lOO
11. ESDRAS. VI.
[v. II 24.
Or,
earth-
quake.
the heel and the hand : other ques-
tion, Esdras, ask thou not.
11 I answered then and said, O
Lord that bearest rule, if I have found
favour in thy sight,
12 I beseech thee, shew thy ser-
vant the end of thy tokens, where-
of thou shewedst me part the last
night.
13 So he answered and said unto
me. Stand up upon thy feet, and hear
a mighty sounding voice.
14 And it shall be as it were a
great "motion : but the place where
thou standest shall not be moved.
15 And therefore when it speaketh
be not afraid : for the word is of the
end, and the foundation of the earth
is understood.
16 And why ? because the speech
of these things trembleth and is
moved : for it knoweth that the end
of these things must be changed.
17 And it happened, that when I
had heard it I stood up upon my feet,
and hearkened, and, behold, there
was a voice that spake, and the
sound of it was like the sound of
many waters.
18 And it said. Behold, the days
corne, that I will begin to draw nigh,
and to visit them that dwell upon the
earth,
19 And will begin to make inqui-
sition of them, what they be that
have hurt unjustly with their un-
righteousness, and when the affliction
of Sion shall be fulfilled ;
20 And when the world, that
shall begin to vanish away, shall be
'' finished, then will I shew these ^^^i^^
tokens : the books shall be opened
before the firmament, and they shall
see all to2;ether :
21 And the children of a year old
shall speak with their voices, the
women with child shall brino; forth
untimely children of three or four
months old, and they shall live, and
be raised up.
22 And suddenlv shall the sown
places appear unsown, the full store-
houses shall suddenly be found empty :
23 And '^the trumpet shall give 2l''\^''-'^^-
sound, which when every man heareth,
they shall be suddenly afraid.
24 At that time shall friends fight
one against another like enemies, and
the earth shall stand in fear with
those that dwell therein, the springs
of the fountains shall stand still, and
in three hours they shall not run.
the extremities, and with the heel of Esau
ends the old age; with the hand of Jacob
begins the new. The Vatican Arabic, in
Gildemeister's rendering, gives an intelHgible
sense, but in the way of a paraphrase:
" atqae sicut caput hominis initium corporis
et primordium ejus est, et calx extrema ejus
pars, nee est ubi disjungatur; eodem modo
hoc aevum," etc.
14. a great motion.'] The Vulg. has com-
motio nee commovebitur, etc. Van der Vlis
ingeniously restored the true reading com-
motione from the first two words (see Bensly,
p. 37 .) Hence the passage will run : " And
it shall be that the place whereon thou
standest shall be shaken as with a shaking (or,
earthquake)."
15. is understood, <h'c.'] Rather, " and the
foundations of the earth will understand (the
voice), for the words are concerning them:
they will tremble and be shaken, for they
know that their end must be changed."
Fritzsche and Hilgenf agree substantially in
giving the sense thus. Volkmar makes the
last clause more intelligible by a conjectural
insertion : " for they know that their end is
at hand, and they must be changed." The
English in -u. 16 is unintelligible.
17. many waters^ Comp. Rev. i. i5,xiv. 2.
18. the days come, that.'] The sense is
obscured by a needless change of rendering
for the same word quando. It should be :
" the days come, when I will begin," 6cc.
The word " when " introduces each clause
till it is answered by "then" in -y. 20. In
'V. 19 the words "what they be" should be
cancelled.
20. finished^] Rather, " sealed up," as
something now complete.
the books.] Dan. vii. 10; Rev. xx. 12.
they shall see.] Rather, " all shall see."
23. Comp. Amos iii. 6.
24. and in three hours.] Rather, "for
three seasons," the Greek word rendered
V. 2538.]
II. ESDRAS. VI.
roi
25 Whosoever remaineth from all
these that I have told thee shall
escape, and see my salvation, and the
end of your world.
26 And the men that are received
shall see it, who have not tasted
death from their birth : and the
heart of the inhabitants shall be
changed, and turned into another
meaning.
27 For evil shall be put out, and
deceit shall be quenched.
28 As for faith, it shall flourish,
corruption shall be overcome, and the
truth, which hath been so long with-
out fruit, shall be declared.
29 And when he talked with me,
behold, I looked by little and little
upon him before whom I stood.
30 And these words said he unto
me ; I am come to shew thee the
time of the night to come.
31 If thou wilt pray yet more, and
fast seven days again, I shall tell thee
iSee^ch. greater things "by day than I have
heard.
32 For thy voice is heard before
the most High ; for the Mighty hath
seen thy righteous dealing, he hath
seen also thy chastity, which thou
hast had ever since thy youth.
33 And therefore hath he sent me
to shew thee all these things, and to
say unto thee. Be of good comfort,
and fear not.
34 And hasten not with the times
that are past, to think vain things,
that thou mayest not hasten from the
latter times.
35 And it came to pass after this,
that I wept again, and fasted seven
days in like manner, that I might
fulfil the three weeks which he told
me.
36 And in the eighth night was
my heart vexed within me again, and
I began to speak before the most
High.
37 For my spirit was greatly set
on fire, and my soul was in distress.
38 And I said, O Lord, thou
spakest from the beginning of the
creation, even the first day, and saidst
thus; "^Let heaven and earth be^Gen.i. i.
made ; and thy word was a perfect
work.
horas being probably wpa?. See Van der
Vlis, p. 12. Gildemeister renders the Vatican
Arabic by " tribus annis."
25. your?!^ Rather, " my," with D., S., T,
26. And the men, ib'c.'] Rather, " And they
shall see the men that were taken up " (into
heaven), as Enoch and Elijah. The Latin, Et
v'ldebunt qui recepti sunt homines, would also
admit of the construction : " and the men
that were taken up shall see it."
29. / looked, (h'c^ The Vulg. has hituebar
super eum ante quern stabam ; but one of the
best MSS. has intuebatur super quern stabam
super eum. Hence, following the lead of the
other versions, Van der Vlis supposes et
movebatur locus to have been the reading for
intuebatur, = "and the place was shaken on
which I stood." Hilgenfeld and Volkmar
take the same view.
30. the time of the night to come.'] Vulg.
tempus venturie noctis. But the text is very
uncertain. The Arabic reads: "as in the
past night " {nuie in der "vernvichenen Nacht).
31. by day.] The marginal reference to
xiii. 52 proves nothing, as will be seen by the
explanation of that verse below. The sen-
tence should end here, and the words "than
I have heard" be omitted. The Vulg. has
quam audivi. Audita est, etc. But the true
reading (see Bensly, p. 37 .) is quoniam
auditu audita est.
34. wuith the times, 6v.] The best text
has in, not cum. The sense appears to be:
" And be not eager to have foolish thoughts
in regard to the times that are past, that
thou," &c. Ezra would fain have hurried
on the coming of the new era, but is bidden
to bide his time. Comp. above, v. 44.
TmRD Vision (ch. vi. 35 ix. 25).
35. the three nueeks^ One fast of seven
days was mentioned before in v. 20, and from
ix. 23 it is plain that the present one is to be
the completion of the period. But, unless
some omission is to be assumed, the three
weeks are not accounted for. Volkmar
thinks that the writer's mind was so full of
the Book of Daniel, that he unconsciously
adopted the expression in Dan. x. 2.
38. ^was a perfect ivork.] Vulg. opus per-
fectum. But a better reading is opus perfecit
= " and thy word accomplished the work."
102
II. ESDRAS. VI.
[v. 3950.
39 And then was the spirit, and
darkness and silence were on every
side ; the sound of man's voice was
not yet formed.
''Gen. 1.3. ^o '^Then commandedst thou a
fair light to come forth of thy trea-
sures, that thy work might appear.
'Gen. 1.6. 41 ^Upon the second day thou
madest the spirit of the firmament,
and commandedst it to part asunder,
and to make a division betwixt the
waters, that the one part might go
up, and the other remain beneath.
/Gen. 1.9. 42 /Upon the third day thou
didst command that the waters should
be gathered in the seventh part of the
earth : six parts hast thou dried up,
and kept them, to the intent that of
these some being planted of God and
tilled might serve thee.
43 For as soon as thy word went
forth the work was made.
44 For immediately there was
great and innumerable fruit, and
many and divers pleasures for the
taste, and flowers of unchangeable
colour, and odours of wonderful
smell : and this was done the third
day.
45 e'Upon the fourth day thou^^en. i.
commandedst that the sun should
shine, and the moon give her light,
and the stars should be in order :
46 And gavest them a charge to
do ''' service unto man, that was to be ^'G'^"' '"
made. i^^ut. 4.
47 Upon the fifth day thou saidst ^^"
unto the seventh part, * where the j^*' ^*
waters were gathered, that it should
bring forth living creatures, fowls and
fishes : and so it came to pass.
48 For the dumb water and with-
out life brought forth living: things at
the commandment of God, that all
people might praise thy wondrous
works.
49 Then didst thou ordain two
living creatures, the one thou calledst
"Enoch, and the other Leviathan ; w^/ir
50 And didst separate the one
from the other : for the seventh
part, namely, where the water was
39. And then ivas the spirit^ The best
reading is et erat tunc spiritus -volans = " and
then was the Spirit brooding." The Arabic
comes still nearer to the language of Gen. i. 2 :
" und dein Geist das Wasser umschattele."
40. a fair light.'] Rather, " the bright
Hght."
41. the spirit of the frmament^ Lat. spi-
ritum firmamenti. Ambrose (' De Spiritu
Sancto,' ii. 7, quoted by Hilgenfeld) cites
this as spiritum calorum. It may seem natural
to render this " breath of heaven," but more
is meant by the phrase. The firmament was
regarded as in some respects an animated
being. See Colet's ' Letters to Radulphus,'
p. II.
42. six partsT^ This notion of the com-
parative smallness of the part of the earth
covered by water, is said to have encouraged
Columbus in his enterprise. Volkmar refers
to Humboldt, ' Kritische Untersuch. iiber
die histor. Entwickelung . . . der neuen
Welt,' i. 74, and to his ' Kosmos,' i. 305.
of God?\ These words should probably be
omitted, as the a dec of the Vulg. may be
only adeo.
44. there <was.'\ Rather, " there came
forth."
inmimerable.'] The Latin is noticeable, as
betraying by its extreme literalness a Greek
original : multitudinis immensus = aTrfipos rov
Tr\r]6ovs.
unchangeable.] Vulg. immutabili. Another
reading is inimitabili.
^wonderful.] The Latin is investigabilis,
corrected by Volkmar to ininvestigabilis,
"past finding out" (*uo einem unaufspUrbaren
Duft).
45. that the sun should., i&'r.] More lite-
rally, " that there should be made the bright-
ness of the sun, the light of the moon, and
the array of the stars."
48. For the dumb luater.'] I.e. the water,
though dumb and lifeless, brought forth living
things. The epithet " dumb " applied to the
water is striking, though a familiar one for
the fishes which inhabit it.
49. Enoch . . . Leviathan.] The word
Enoch, here and in v. 51, would appear to
be a corruption of Behemoth. The hippo-
potamus and the crocodile are most commonly
supposed to be the two creatures referred to.
See Job xl. 15, and xli. i. Their creation on
the fifth day was a Rabbinical inference from
Gen. i. 21 ; Psalm civ. 26 being perverted in
the same way. The Arabic omits this passage.
V. Sx-8.]
II. ESDRAS. VI. VII.
103
gathered together, might not hold
them both.
51 Unto Enoch thou gavest one
part, which was dried up the third
day, that he should dwell in the same
part, wherein are a thousand hills :
52 But unto Leviathan thou gavest
the seventh part, namely, the moist ;
and hast kept him to be devoured of
whom thou wilt, and when.
*Gen. I. ^2 k Upon the sixth day thou
gavest commandment unto the earth,
that before thee it should bring forth
beasts, cattle, and creeping things :
^Gen. I. ^^ ^And after these, Adam also,
whom thou madest lord of all thy
creatures : of him come we all, and
the people also whom thou hast
chosen.
55 All this have I spoken before
thee, O Lord, because thou madest
the world for our sakes.
56 As for the other people, which
also come of Adam, thou hast said
that they are nothing, but be like
unto spittle : and hast likened the
abundance of them unto a drop that
falleth from a vessel.
57 And now, O Lord, behold,
these heathen, which have ever been
reputed as nothing, have begun to be
lords over us, and to devour us.
58 But we thy people, whom thou
hast called thy firstborn, thy only
begotten, and thy fervent lover, are
given into their hands.
59 If the world now be made for
our sakes, why do we not possess an
inheritance with the world ? how
lono- shall this endure ?
CHAPTER VII.
4 The way is narrow. 12 When it was made
narrotv. 28 All shall die, and rise agaijt.
33 Christ shall sit in judgment. 46 God
hath not made paradise in vain, 62 and is
merciful.
AND when I had made an end of
speaking these words, there
was sent unto me the angel which
had been sent unto me the nights
afore :
2 And he said unto me, Up,
Esdras, and hear the words that I am
come to tell thee.
3 And I said. Speak on, my God.
Then said he unto me, The sea is set
in a wide place, that it might be deep
and great.
4 But put the case the entrance
were narrow, and like a river ;
5 Who then could go into the sea
to look upon it, and to rule it ? if he
went not through the narrow, how
could he come into the broad ?
6 There is also another thing ; A
city is builded, and set upon a broad
field, and is full of all good things :
7 The entrance thereof is narrow,
and is set in a "dangerous place to n Or, ^''^^Z
fall, like as if there were a fire on the
right hand, and on the left a deep
water :
8 And one only path between
52. hast kept Mm.'] The Latin texts have
earn, " her." This may possibly be due to the
influence of Jewish notions, such as Hilgen-
feld describes, about the Leviathan ; namely,
that the female monster had been killed, and
its flesh preserved to make part of the ban-
quet which would be prepared to welcome
the Messiah. Isa. xxvii. i, xxv. 6, w^ere
passages quoted in support of this- opinion.
54. creatures.] Rather, " works," /ac^/V.
55. because thou madest?^ The best texts
have " because thou hast said that thou
madest."
56. Comp. Isa. xl. 15, "Behold, the
nations are as a drop of a bucket, and are
counted as the small dust of the balance ; " to
which is added in the LXX. "they shall be
counted as spittle."
59. an inheritance with.'] So in the Latin ;
but the sense should probably be : " the world
as our inheritance."
CHAPTER VIL
4. But put the case.] This expression seems
due to a wrong rendering of positus in the
Latin : erit autem ei introitus in angusto loco
positus = " yet it will have an entrance set in
a narrow space." For erit Van der Vlis would
read est. This is supported by the Arabic.
7. in a dangerous place to fall.] Lat. in
pru;c!piti, simply meaning that the entrance
is steep and narrow.
104
II. ESDRAS. VII.
[v. 925.
I Or,
greater.
them both, even between the fire
and the water, so small that there
could but one man go there at once.
9 If this city now were given unto
a man for an inheritance, if he never
shall pass the danger set before it,
how shall he receive this inheritance ?
10 And I said. It is so, Lord.
Then said he unto me. Even so also
is Israel's portion.
11 Because for their sakes I made
the world : and when Adam trans-
gressed my statutes, then was decreed
that now is done.
12 Then were the entrances of
this world made narrow, full of sorrow
and travail : they are but few and
evil, full of perils, and very painful.
13 For the entrances of the "elder
world were wide and sure, and
brought immortal fruit.
14 If then they that live labour
not to enter these strait and vain
things, thev can never receive those
that are laid up for them.
15 Now therefore why disquietest
thou thyself, seeing thou art but a
corruptible man ? and why art thou
moved, whereas thou art but mortal ?
16 Why hast thou not considered
in thy mind this thing that is to
come, rather than that which is
present ?
17 Then answered I and said, O
Lord that bearest rule, thou hast or-
dained in thy "^law, that the righteous "^eut.
should inherit these things, but that
the ungodly should perish.
18 Nevertheless the ri2;hteous shall
suffer strait things, and hope for wide :
for they that have done wickedly have
suffered the strait things, and yet shall
not see the wide.
19 And he said unto me. There is
no judge above God, and none that
hath understanding above the Highest.
20 For there be many that perish
in this life, because they despise the
law of God that is set before them.
21 For God hath given strait
commandment to such as came,
what they should do to live, even as
they came, and what they should
observe to avoid punishment.
22 Nevertheless they were not
obedient unto him ; but spake against
him, and imagined vain things ;
23 And deceived themselves by
their wicked deeds ; and said of the
most High, that he is not ; and knew
not his ways :
24 But his law have they despised,
and denied his covenants ; in his
statutes have they not been faithful,
and have not performed his works.
25 And therefore, Esdras, for the
empty are empty things, and for the
full are the full things.
9. if he ne-ver.] Bensly (p. 33) would read
si non h^res antepositum, 6cc. " if the heir
shall not pass," &c.
12. eviil Hilgenfeld thinks that the Greek
word was Tvovr^pai, " laborious," mistaken by
the translator for Ttovqpal, "evil" But this
would make the repetition still more marked.
13. the elder ivorld.~\ Lat. majoris saculi,
" the greater world ; " that is, the world to
come. As the tense is not marked in the
Latin, we should also render : " are wide and
sure, and bririg immortal fruit."
14. Comp. Matt. vii. 13, 14; Acts xiv. 22.
18. Nevertheless, (fcv.] The connection
seems to require : " For the righteous sufi'er
. . . but they that have," &c. As regards the
tense, vTrop^ivova-i (as Volkmar points out)
might easily be confused with vTrojxevoho-i.
20. For there be many, (^j-v.] The reading
of the best MS. expresses this in the form of
a wish : " For let many (or, the many) perish
in this life, seeing that the law, &c. is
despised." Volkmar would render the latter
clause, " rather than that the law . . . should
be despised."
21. even as they came."] This clause is out
of place. The Latin is: mandans enini man-
davit Deus venientibus quando venerunt, =
" For God gave commandment to those who
came (into the world) when they came, what
they should," &c.
23. deceived themselves^ hat. et proposue-
runt sibi circumventiones delictorum. Hilgen-
feld represents the Greek by 77apal:id(recs
irX-qpip-fXr^jxaTicv. If it were certain that those
were the words, we might suppose 7ra/3a/3aa-eir
to have been misread TTpLtid<reis, and so
translated circumvetitiones.
25. Comp. Matt. xiii. 12,
V. 2635-]
II. ESDRAS. VII.
105
26 Behold, the time shall come,
that these tokens which I have told
thee shall come to pass, and the bride
/ shall appear, and she coming forth
/ shall be seen, that now is withdrawn
from the earth.
27 And whosoever is delivered
from the foresaid evils shall see my
wonders.
28 For my son Jesus shall be re-
vealed with those that be with him,
and they that remain shall rejoice
within four hundred years.
29 After these years shall my son
Christ die, and all men that have
life.
30 And the world shall be turned
into the old silence seven days, like
\Q)r, first as in the "former judsments : so that
hp<rii7it Iticr. Ill . *"
no man shall remam.
31 And after seven days the world,
beginmti^
that yet awaketh not, shall be raised
up, and that shall die that is cor-
rupt.
32 And the earth shall restore
those that are asleep in her, and so
shall the dust those that dwell in
silence, and the secret places shall
deliver those souls that were com-
mitted unto them.
33 And the most High shall ap-
pear upon the seat of judgment, and
misery shall pass away, and the long
sufFerino; shall have an end.
34 But judgment only shall re-
main, truth shall stand, and faith
shall wax strong :
35 And the work shall follow, and
the reward shall be shewed, and the
good deeds shall be of force, and
wicked deeds shall bear no rule.
26. and she coming forth shall be seen7\
Vulg. et apparescens ostendetiir. As the best
MS. has apparescens ciintas, and the Aethiopic
gives "et abscondetur civitas quae nunc
apparet, et apparebit terra quae nunc abscon-
ditur," it seems probable that the Latin Ver-
sion has become perverted by a mistake of
the first part of 17 vvv (^aivofxivq for wvcfya
(vvficjir]). Perhaps also, as H ili^^enfeld suggests,
the translator had in his mind the language of
Rev. xxi. I, 2.
28. For my son JesusJ] The reading as it
stands is an ancient one, the text being quoted,
vi^ith the name Jesus included in it, by
Ambrose in his Commentary on Luke i. 60 :
" Dominus noster lesus nominatus est ante-
quam natus. Revelabitur enim, inquit [Scrip-
tura] flius mens lesus" 8cc. But the absence
of the name "lesus" in the Oriental versions
makes it likely that it was inserted in the
Latin by a Christian transcriber. The Arabic
has " Denn ofienbaren wird sich mein
Messias."
nvithin four hundred, iss'c^ The word
"within" should be omitted. Duration of
time is constantly expressed by the ablative
in the Latin of this book; as, for example,
diebus septeni in v. 30 below. So the Arabic:
" 400 Jahre lang." This period of 400 years
would be a compensation for the 400 years
in which the chosen people had been afflicted
in the land of Egypt. Psalm xc. 1 5 is aptly
quoted in reference to this: "Make us glad
according to the days wherein thou hast
afflicted us, and the years wherein we have
seen evil."
29. Christ?^ Or, " anointed." The word
in the Arabic and Aethiopic is again Messias.
The Armenian (according to Hilgenfeld)
omits this passage about the death of Messias.
The intense gloom of the picture here drawn
should be noticed, with its recall of the old
silence of Chaos (comp. vi. 39), before the
week of the new Creation should begin.
30. former judgments?^ The marginal
reading is correct, the best MSS. having
iniciis, not iudiciis.
32. secret places.'] Lat. promptuaria, the
"store-chambers" mentioned before. See
note on iv. 35. This passage is quoted by
Ambrose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. x.
33. misery.'] The best MS. reads miseri-
cordie [sic], not miserioc., which suits the context
better : " Mercy shall pass away," in the day
of judgment, just as " long-suffering shall have
an end." The word rendered " shall have an
end," congregabitur, seems to point to some
Greek word expressing " shall be furled," or
' taken in," as a sail. Ewald renders the
Arabic by " An jenem Tage wird . . . die
Langmuth sich zurQckziehen " (" shall with-
draw").
35. shall be of force.] The verbs here are
vigilabunt and dominabuntur., for which latter
the best MS. has dormibunt. The sense would
thus be: "The righteous acts of men shall
awake, and their unrighteous acts shall not
sleep ;" i.e. shall not be hid. All will then be
brought to light. Comp. i Tim. v. 25.
io6
II. ESDRAS. VII.
[v. 36* 48*.
{Here fol/o'cus the Missing Fragment, described
in the Introduction, vv. 36*-lo5*.)
36* And the lake of torment shall
appear, and over against it shall be
the place of rest ; and the furnace of
hell shall be shewn, and over against
it the paradise of delight.
37* And then will the most High
say to the nations that are raised up,
Behold and understand whom ye
denied, or whom ye served not, or
whose observances ye despised.
38* Behold, on the other hand,
what is opposite. Here is joy and
rest, and there fire and torments.
Thus will he speak and say unto
them in the day of judgment.
39* This day is one that hath
neither sun, nor moon, nor stars,
40* Nor cloud, nor thunder, nor
lightning, nor wind, nor water, nor
air, nor darkness, nor evening, nor
morning,
41* Nor summer, nor spring, nor
heat, nor storm, nor frost, nor cold,
nor hail, nor rain, nor dew,
42* Nor noon, nor night, nor
dawn, nor brightness, nor light, save
only the splendour of the brightness
of the most High, whereby all may
begin to see the things that are set
before them.
43* For it shall have a duration
as it were of a week of years.
44* This is my judgment, and the
ordinance thereof 5 and to thee only
have I shewed these things.
45* And I answered, I both said
it then, O Lord, and say it now :
Blessed are they that now live and
keep the things which thou hast
ordained ;
46* But what also of them for
whom I prayed ? P'or who is there
of men now living that hath not
sinned ? or who is born that hath not
transgressed thy covenant ?
47* And now I see that the world
to come will cause delight to few, but
torments to many.
48* For there hath grown within
us an evil heart, which hath estranged
us from these things, and hath led us
into corruption and the ways of death j
hath shewn us the paths of destruc-
tion, and removed us far from life :
and that, not a few, but well-nigh all
that have been created.
36*. paradise of delight^ 'L^t.jocunditatis
paradisus. The expression rendered " garden
of Eden" in Gen. ii. 15, and elsewhere, is in
the Vulgate paradisus voluptatis, and in the
LXX. (Cod. Vat.) 6 tt)? rpvcfiris TrapdBeia-os. In
only three passages ( Gen. ii. 8, 10; iv. 16)
is the name 'Edep. found as a proper name in
the LXX. Philo interprets it as = " delight."
See Bensly ad loc. and the art. Eden in
'Diet, of the Bible.'
37*. observances.'] Lat. diligentias. See
note above on iii. 7. Bensly points out that
diligent ia, which first meant scrupulous at-
tention to duties, came to mean a duty or
observance to be itself attended to. So in-
diligentia was used to express neglect of duty,
or positive transgression, TrXrjfifiiXeia.
38*. Behold, is'c.'] Lat. videte contra et in
contra. The sense of this is not very clear. I
take it to represent (SAeVere av Kai ek tu
evdvTia, rendered as in the text. But the
Arabic has simply" nun sehet vor euch hier,"
and to the same effect Hilgenfeld.
Thus cwill he.] The sense seems to require
the third person, as here. But the Latin has
hofc autem loqueris.
39* 42*. This passage is imitated in Am-
brose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. xii. (quoted by
Hilgenfeld) : " Ibimus eo, ubi paradisus est
jucunditatis, ubi .... nuUas nubes, nulla
tonitrua," Sec. Comp. also ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii.
89-92, and Tennyson's description of the
" island-valley of Avilion,
"Where falls not hail, or rain, or any snow,
Nor ever wind blows loudly."
Bensly's insertion of a verb, habeat, after
solein, is confirmed by the reading of the
Complutensian MS., qut solem nan habet.
42*. sa've only, ij'c] Comp. Rev. xxi. 23 ;
Isa. Ix. 20.
46*. for whom I prayed.] See supra, v. 28.
47*. The Latin is : ad paucos pertinebitfutji-
ram Sieculi jocunditate7n facere, multis autem
tormenta. Bensly shews reason to think that
the sentence ran fieWijaei 6 aliyv . . . ivoulv,
giving the sense as above; but that, from p.eK-
Xrjcrei getting read as fxeXTjcrec, the form of the
rest of the sentence was changed to suit it.
V. 49* 66*.]
II. ESDRAS. VII.
107
49* And he answered me and said,
Hear me, and I will instruct thee, and
will admonish thee afresh.
50* For this cause the most High
hath made not one world but two.
51* And do thou, forasmuch as
thou saidst that there are not many
righteous, but few, whereas the un-
godly do multiply, listen to this :
52* If thou hast but very few
precious stones, wilt thou gather to-
gether lead and clay, to add to their
number ?
53* And I said. Lord, how shall
that be ?
54* And he said unto me. Not
only so ; but ask of the earth, and it
will tell thee ; entreat it, and it will
declare unto thee ;
55* Thou shalt say to it. Thou
bringest forth gold, and silver, and
brass, and iron also, and lead and
clay ;
56* But silver is multiplied beyond
gold, and brass beyond silver, and iron
beyond brass, lead beyond iron, and
clay beyond lead.
57* Reckon thou also which are
the precious things and to be desired ;
that which is multiplied, or that which
is by nature rare.
58* And I said, O Lord that
bearest rule, that which is abundant
is the more worthless, but that which
is rarer is the more precious.
59* And he made answer to me
and said, Ponder in thy mind what
thou hast thought, seeing that he that
hath what is hard to get rejoiceth over
him that hath abundance.
60* So also is the creation promised
again by me : for I will rejoice over
the few^ even them that shall be
saved ; forasmuch as it is they that
have now made my glory more pre-
vailing, and through whom my name
is now named ;
61* And I will not be sorry for
the multitude of them that have
perished ; for they have been made
like unto vapour and to flame ; they
have been made even as smoke and
have consumed away ; they have been
on fire and are extinct.
62* And I answered and said, O
thou earth, why hast thou brought
forth, if understanding is made of the
dust, like the rest of created things ?
63* For it had been better for the
dust itself not to be born, so that
understanding might not be formed
from it.
64* But, as it is, understanding
groweth with us, and therefore do we
suflFer torment, because we perish and
know it.
65* Let the race of men mourn,
and the beasts of the field rejoice ;
let all that are born mourn, but let
four-footed beasts and cattle be glad.
66* For it is much better for them
than for us j for they expect not a
50*. but ^xfo.] That is, the present world
and the one to come. Comp. viii. i.
52*. The rendering here given is from
Bensly's emendation of the Latin, the latter
part of which, as it stands, is out of keeping
with the rest: ad numerum eorum compones
eos tibi, plumbum autem et fictile abundat.
" The comparison imphes that the number of
the elect cannot be increased by the addition
of baser elements;" The Arabic, as ren-
dered by Ewald, is " willst du zu ihnen Blei
und Thon thun ?"
54*. Comp. viii. 2.
55*. Thou shalt sayl\ Bensly's emendation
of d'lcens to dices is confirmed by the reading
in MS. Gomplut., dices enim ei.
59*. Ponder, <i)V.] The Latin In te stant
pondera is corrupt. An ingenious conjecture
of Professor Hort (quoted by Bensly) is that
stant was originally statera, and that statera
pondera was meant to answer to fijyoo-rdrj^a-oj/,
a word found in Lucian. For in te stant,
MS. Gomplut. hasy'ttj/a ante.
60*. So also-l The Latin is sic et amare
promissa, corrected by Bensly to sic et a me
reprornissa. But the sense seems to require
the re- to be joined with creatura rather than
with promissa: " Even so also is the new
creation promised by me." Comp. creaturam
rencvare, "y. 75-
61*. are extinct.'] Comp. Ps. cxviii. 12 ;
Isa. xliii. 17.
65*. all that are born.'] I.e. of men.
io8
II. ESDRAS. VII.
[v. 67* 80^
judgment, and know not of torments,
nor of salvation promised to them
after death.
67* But what profit is it to us,
that being saved we shall be saved,
if we are to be tormented with
torment ?
68* For all that are born arc
mixed up with iniquities, and are full
of sins, and laden with transgres-
sions ;
69* And if, after death, we had
not been coming into judgment, it
would perchance have gone better
with us.
70* And he answered me and
said, When the most High was
creating the world, even Adam and
all that came with him, he first pre-
pared the judgment and the things
that belong unto judgment.
71* And now learn concerning
thy words, in that thou saidst that
understandino; groweth with us :
72* They therefore that are so-
journing on earth will be tormented
on this account, in that, while having
understanding, they have wrought
iniquity, and while receiving com-
mandments, have not kept them, and
having obtained a law, evaded the
law which they received.
73* And what will they have to
say in the judgment, or how will they
answer in the last times ?
74* For how long a time is it
that the most High hath had patience
with them that dwell in the world ;
and that, not on account of them, but
on account of the seasons which he
foresaw ?
75* And I answered and said, O
Lord that bearest rule, if I have
found favour in thy sight, shew unto
thy servant whether after death, even
at the very moment when we give
up each one his soul, we shall be
kept safe in rest, till those times come
wherein thou wilt begin to renew
creation, or whether we are to be
tormented at once.
76* And he answered me and
said, I will shew unto thee this thing
also. But do not thou mingle
with them that have despised, nor
number thyself with them that are
tormented.
77* For there is a treasure of
works laid up in store for thee
with the most High, but it will
not be shewn thee until the last
times.
78* Howbeit our discourse is of
death. When therefore there hath
gone forth a fixed decree from the
most High that a man should die, as
the soul departeth from the body that
it may be restored again to him that
gave it, it first doth worship the glory
of the most High.
79* And if the man were of them
that despised and kept not the way of
the most High, and of them that set
at nought his law, and of them that
hated such as fear him,
80* These souls will not enter
67*. being saved, is'c.'] hdX. salvati salva-
bimnr. This may mean " that the saved among
us shall be saved," or it may be only an in-
stance of the common Hebrew idiom, like
fertransiens pertransi-vi, iii. 1 1, ox faciens facie-
bat, below, 'v. 70.
68*. are mixed up7[ Lat. commixtt sunt,
answering, as Bensly thinks, to a a-vfXTve-
<pvpfxfvoL in the Greek. The same word in
Ecclus. xii. 14 is rendered " defiled," which
would be a suitable rendering here. But
comp. the use oi commisceri in -v. 76.
71*. concerning, tfe'r.] Or, perhaps, " from
thine own words," de sermonibus tuis. So in
the Arabic : " Verstehe nun aus deinen eignerr
Worten."
77*. a treasure.'] In this idea of a trea-
sure, or store to draw upon, of good works,
we may see the germ of the doctrine of works
of supererogation. Erogare is to propose a
vote of public money, and hence superero-
gare to vote the payment of more than
enough. See Browne, ' On the Articles,'
Art. xiv. I. Comp. also i Tim. vi. 19.
80*. These souls.'] I.e. the souls of such
men as the one before mentioned. The word
for " souls " is noticeable, inspirationes. In
v. 78, where the singular number of the same
V. Si* 96*.] II. ESDRAS. VII. . 109
into dwelling-places, but will straight- 89* While they sojourned in that
way roam to and fro in torments, in time, they served the most High
pain and sorrow evermore. with travail, and endured peril every
81* The first way (of suffering) hour, that they might keep the law
lieth in that they have despised the of the lawgiver perfectly.
law of the most High. 90* Wherefore this is the word
82* The second, in that they concerning them :
cannot make a good return, so as to 91* First of all, they see with
live. great exultation the glory of him who
83* The third, in that they see taketh them to himself j and they
the reward laid up for them that will rest in seven orders,
have believed the covenants of the 92* The first order (of rejoicing)
most High. is in that they strove with much toil
84* The fourth, in that they will to overcome the evil imagination
consider the torment laid up in store formed with them, that it might not
for them at the last. lead them astray from life unto death.
85* The fifth way lieth in their 93* The second, in that they see
seeing the dwelling place of others to the entanglement wherein the souls
be guarded by angels in deep repose. of the ungodly wander, and the
86* The sixth, in their seeing how punishment that awaiteth them,
some will pass over from among them 94* The third order is in their
into torment. seeing the testimony which he that
87* The seventh way is more formed them hath borne unto them,
dreadful than all the ways aforesaid, that in their lifetime they have kept
in that they will pine away in con- the law which was given them in
fusion, and be consumed in terrors, trust.
and waste away in fears, as they see 95* The fourth is in knowing the
the glory of the most High, in whose rest they will now enjoy, gathered
presence they have sinned when alive, together in their store-chambers, and
and in whose presence they will begin guarded by the angels in deep repose ;
to be judged in the last times. and knowing also the glory that
88* But of those who have kept awaiteth them at the last.
the ways of the most High, when 96* The fifth is in their exulting
they shall begin to be saved from the at the way in which they have now
vessel of corruption, this is the order : escaped the corruptible, and the way
word is used, it might have been understood 91*. se-ven orders.'] Answering to the seven
as " breath." Comp. the use of spiramentum "ways" of punishment above. Comp. -y. 99*.
m XVI. 62. Q^^ entanglement.'] Lat. compUcationem,
81*. Thejirst 'way.] This beginning is less suggestive of the maze or labyrinth in which
abrupt in the versions, as the previous verse the evil wander. The Latin for " awaiteth
ends in them with the words "in seven them" is peculiar, qute in eis manet. But
ways." In MS. Complut. also 'v. 80 ends Bensly shews how the use of the dative after
with per septem 'vias. manere might get mistaken for an ablative
o^ , 1 J. -\ T^u- IV 1 with preposition. The Arabic agrees: "das
82*. make a good return.] This is a literal ., %. j /-< -^u* >
^ , r 4.U T 4.- L ihrer wartende Gericht.
rendering or the Latin, re-versionem bonain
facere. The meaning seems to be, "cannot 94*. is in their seeing, (b'c] The anacolu-
return happily to life." So in the Arabic : thon in the Latin, tertius ordo, videntes, etc.,
" dass sie nicht zuriickkehren konnen um neu makes it difficult to render the sentence
zu leben." clearly, without a paraphrase. MS. Complut.
QQ* ^, ] r -^ t ^ c has a simpler construction, lidebunt for
OQ^. to be saved from.] Lat. servari, ror 7 ^
which MS. Complut. has separari, "to be '^'"^'^^^^
separated from;" a reading which derives 95*. store-chambers.] See note above on
some support from <z;. 100*. iv. 35-
I lO
II. ESDRAS. VII.
[v. 97* 104*.
in which they will gain the future
inheritance ; furthermore, in seeing
the strait and toilsome (way) from
which they have been freed, and the
broad way which they will begin to
receive in enjoyment and immor-
tality.
97* The sixth order is, when it
shall be shewed unto them how their
countenance will beo-in to shine as
the sun, and how they will begin
to be made like unto the light of
the stars, from henceforth incorrup-
tible.
98* The seventh order, which
surpasseth all the aforesaid, is in that
they will exult with confidence, and put
their trust without being confounded,
and rejoice without being afraid ; for
they hasten to see the face of him
whom they serve in life, and from
whom they begin to receive their
reward in glory.
99* This is the order of the souls
of the righteous, as it is now de-
clared ; and the aforesaid are the
ways of torment, which they that
have transgressed will henceforth
suffer.
100* And I answered and said,
Shall time therefore be given to
souls, after they are separated from
their bodies, to see that whereof thou
hast spoken unto me ?
lOi* And he said, For seven
days will their freedom be, that they
may see the things before spoken unto
thee, and afterwards they will be
gathered together in their dwelling
places.
102* And I answered and said,
If I have found favour before thine
eyes, shew yet further unto me thy
servant, whether in the day of judg-
ment the righteous will be able to
make intercession for the wicked, or
to propitiate the most High on their
behalf;
103* Be it fathers for children, or
children for parents, or brothers for
brothers, or relations for those nearest
akin to them, or friends for their
dearest ones.
104* And he answered me and
said, Seeing thou hast found favour
before mine eyes, I will shew thee
this also. The day of judgment is
the day of decision, and will shew to
all men the seal of truth. For as
now a father sendeth not his son, nor
a son his father, nor a master his
slave, nor a friend his dearest one,
that he may be sick, or may sleep, or
eat, or be healed, in his stead ;
96*. in enjoyment.'] Lat. fruniscentes, a rare
participial form. The verb occurs also in
Tob. iii. 9 (Bensly).
98*. nvithout being afraid?^ The MS. has
non revertentes, corrected by Bensly to non
reverentes. The parallelism seems to require
the change, which is supported also by the
paraphrase in Ambrose, and by a comparison
with Ps. xxxiv. 4 and other passages. Other-
wise the reading revertentes might receive
some support from -y. 82 above. As one
cause of the misery of the lost was that they
could not return to this life, so here the joy
of the saved is not qualified by any wish to
return. They look forward, and not back-
ward. But the reasons for the change to
reverentes greatly preponderate; and it is now
found to be confirmed by the reading of MS.
Complut.
102*. It was this passage, respecting the
unavailing nature of intercessory prayer for
the wicked after death, which drew forth from
St. Jerome his denunciation of the book. " Tu
vigilans dormis," he writes to Vigilantius, " et
dormiens scribis ; et proponis mihi librum
apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdrae a te et
similibus tuis legitur : ubi scriptum est, quod
post mortem nuUus pro aliis audeat depre-
cari : quern ego librum nunquam legi." See
the extract quoted at full by Bensly, p. 76.
104*. And he ... . his slave.] These
clauses are wanting in the MS., and have been
supplied in Latin Ijy Bensly with the help of
the versions. How closely he has approached
the original may now be seen by a comparison
with MS. Complut., where the passage stands :
et respondit ad me et dixit: quum invenisti
gratiam coram ocidis meis, et hoc tibi demon-
strabo. Dies judicii audax [sic] est,et omnibus
signaculum rueritatis demonstrans. Quemad-
modu7n nunc non mittit pater Jjlium., aut Jilius
patrem, aut dominus sert'um, etc.
the seal of truth.] Comp. John iii. 33.
Every one will own the decision to be true
and right, recognising the impress, as it were,
of the Author's seal.
V. 105* 49-]
11. ESDRAS. VII.
Ill
105* So shall no one ever make
supplication for another ; for all shall
bear in that day, each for himself,
their own unrighteousnesses or righ-
teousnesses.
*Gen. 18.
23-
*'Exod. 32.
II.
''Josh. 7.
6,7.
BOr,
Achor.
' I Sam. 7.
9-
/ z Sam.
24. 17.
^ 2 Chron.
6. 14, &c.
^ I Kings
17. 21, &
18. 42, 45.
'2 Kings
19. 15.
36 Then said I, ^Abraham prayed
first for the Sodomites, and "^ Moses
for the fathers that sinned in the
wilderness :
37 '^ And Jesus after him for Israel
in the time of "Achan :
38 And ""Samuel and /David for
the destruction : and -^Solomon for
them that should come to the sanc-
tuary :
39 And ^'Helias for those that re-
ceived rain ; and for the dead, that
he might live :
40 And ' Ezechias for the people
in the time of Sennacherib : and
many for many.
41 Even so now, seeing corruption
is grown up, and wickedness increased,
and the righteous have prayed for the
ungodly : wherefore shall it not be so
now also ?
42 He answered me, and said,
This present life is not the end where
much glory doth abide j therefore
have they prayed for the weak.
43 But the day of doom shall be
the end of this time, and the be-
ginning of the immortality for to
come, wherein corruption is past,
44 Intemperance is at an end, in-
fidelity is cut off, righteousness is
grown, and truth is sprung up.
45 Then shall no man be able to
save him that is destroyed, nor to
oppress him that hath gotten the
victory.
46 I answered then and said. This
is my first and last saying, that it had
been better not to have given the
earth unto Adam : or else, when it
was given him, to have restrained him
from sinning.
47 For what profit is it for men
now in this present time to live in
heaviness, and after death to look for
punishment ?
48 O thou Adam, what hast thou
done? for though it was '^ thou that* Rom. 5.
o
sinned, thou art not fallen alone, but
we all that come of thee.
49 For what profit is it unto us, if
105*. all shall bear7\ Comp. Gal. vi. 5.
After this, in the missing fragment, follow
the connecting words : " And I answered
and said, And how then do we now find,
that Abraham first prayed," &c.
37. JifjKJ.] I.e. Joshua, as in Acts vii.
45-
38. for the destruction^ I.e. of the Philis-
tines at Mizpeh (i Sam. vii. 9). But the
peculiar word used in the Latin, pro con-
fractione, seems to poiat beyond question to
Bpavcns, the word used in the LXX. of 2
Sam. xxiv. 15 of the plague. Hence Volkmar
would supply in diebus Saul after " Samuel,"
to limit the pro confractione to " David."
With this would agree the Arabic : " Samuel
fiir Saul, David fur die Seuche die das Volk
getrofFen."
should come, <b'c.'] Rather, "that came to
the dedication " of the Temple. See the mar-
ginal references. The Latin is qui venerunt
in sanctionem, or, in the Vulg., sanctificationem.
41. Even so, is'c.'] Rather, "If therefore
now .... the righteous have prayed . . .
wherefore shall it not be so then also ?" That
is, if intercessory prayer has been heard and
answered in this life, why may it not be so at
the last judgment also ?
42. The text of this verse is plainly de-
fective. As Fritzsche restores it, the sense
would be : " The present life is not the end ;
glory abideth not in it continually : on this
account have the strong prayed for the weak."
The Vatican Arabic, in Gildemeister's version,
gives a similar sense : " And he said unto me,
The world, for such is the nature of it,
abideth not; therefore did the strong pray
concerning the weak, seeing that after a few
days they were departing from this world."
45. to save, (h'c.'\ The clause sal-vare eum
qui periit is, according to Bensly (pp. 22,
30 K.) absent from both A. and S., and is an
insertion of later transcribers. Something of
the kind is required for the completion of the
sentence. The metaphor is probably from
the language of the law courts : " to save the
one who has lost his case, or to crush the
one who has gained it." The judge's decision
must be left undisturbed.
48. but ^.ve all.'] More literally, " the fall
112
II. ESDRAS. VII.
[v. 5067.
there be promised us an immortal
time, whereas we have done the
works that bring death ?
50 And that there is promised us
an everlasting hope, whereas our-
selves being most wicked are made
vain ?
51 And that there are laid up for
us dwellings of health and safety,
whereas we have lived wickedly ?
52 And that the glory of the most
High is kept to defend them which
iiOr, <T_ have led "a wary life, whereas we
^'^^'^'have walked in the most wicked
ways of all ?
53 And that there should be
shewed a paradise, whose fruit en-
D Ot,/uI- dureth for ever, wherein is " security
ness. ^j^j medicine, since we shall not enter
into it ?
54 (For we have walked in un-
pleasant places.)
55 And that the faces of them
which have used abstinence shall
shine above the stars, whereas our
faces shall be blacker than darkness ?
56 For while we lived and com-
mitted iniquity, we considered not
that we should begin to suffer for it
after death.
57 Then answered he me, and
ror, said. This is the "condition of the
battle, which man that is born upon
the earth shall fight ;
58 That, if he be overcome, he
shall suffer as thou hast said : but if
he get the victory, he shall receive
the thing that I say.
59 For this is the life whereof
Moses spake unto the people while
he lived, saying, ^Choose thee life, '' Deut. 30.
that thou mayest live. '^"
60 Nevertheless they believed not
him, nor yet the prophets after him,
no nor me which have spoken unto
them,
61 That there should not be such
heaviness in their destruction, as shall
be joy over them that are persuaded
to salvation.
62 I answered then, and said, I
know. Lord, that the most High is
called merciful, in that he hath mercy
upon them which are not yet come
into the world,
63 And upon those also that turn
to his law ;
64 And that '"he is patient, and '"Rom. 2,
long sufFereth those that have sinned, '^'
as his creatures ;
65 And that he is bountiful, for
he is ready to give where it needeth ;
66 And that he is of great mercy,
for he multiplieth more and more
mercies to them that are present,
and that are past, and also to them
which are to come.
67 For if he shall not multiply his
mercies, the world would not con-
tinue with them that inherit therein.
was not thine alone, but of us all who are
come from thee."
52. is kept to defendJ] Yulg.reposita est . . .
protegere. But a better reading is incipiet, the
reposita being a repetition of the word in the
previous verse. Incipiet = /idWei, little more
than " <u!ill protect us."
ivary.'] Vulg. tarde. A better-supported
reading is caste, " chastely," as in the margin.
53. security and medicine.l The marginal
reading " fulness " is due to a variant saturitas,
for securitas. The expression " medicine," or
" healing " (as it would have been better ren-
dered), may point to Rev. xxii. 2 : " The
leaves of the tree were for the healing of the
nations."
54. unpleasant.'] Lat. ingratis, the Greek
being probably dxaplvTOLs, which Van der Vlis
would interpret " without the grace of God."
Churton quotes "Wisdom v. 7 in illustration.
57. condition.} The marginal reading is
nearer the Latin cogitamentum = " the
thought," or " conception ;" Arabic, der Sinn.
59. this is the life.'] Rather, " this is the
way ;" via, not vita, being the reading of the
best MSS.
62. in that he hath mercy.] Churton ex-
plains this, " in not permitting them to be
born," comparing Eccles. iv. 3 : " Yea, better
is he than both they, which hath not yet
been." Volkmar thinks the Latin niisereatur
an error for miserebatur, implying the merci-
fulness of the Lord from eternity, before man
came into the world.
67. continue.] The word is the same in
the Latin as that rendered " remain living" in
689.]
II. ESDRAS. VII. VIII.
II
tempts.
Ps. 130. 68 And he pardoneth ; "for if he
^' did not do so of his goodness, that
they which have committed iniquities
might be eased of them, the ten
thousandth part of men should not
remain living.
69 And being judge, if he should
I Or, ere- not forgivc them that are " cured with
his word, and put out the multitude
Or con- Qf II contentions,
70 There should be very few left
peradventure in an innumerable mul-
titude.
CHAPTER VIII.
I Many created, hit few saved. 6 He askcth
why God destroyetk his own work, 26 ajid
prayeth God to look upon the people which
only serve him. 41 God answereth, that all
seed Cometh not to good, 52 and that glory is
prepared for him and such like.
AND he answered me, saying.
The most High hath made
this world for many, but the world
to come for few.
2 I will tell thee a similitude,
Esdras ; As when thou askest the
earth, it shall say unto thee, that it
giveth much mould whereof earthen
vessels are made, but little dust that
gold Cometh of : even so is the course
of this present world.
3 '^ There be many created, but 'Matt. 20.
^Q.vf shall be saved. '''
4 So answered I and said. Swallow
then down, O my soul, understand-
ing, and devour wisdom.
5 For thou hast agreed to give ear,
and art willing to prophesy : for thou
hast no longer space than only to
live.
6 O Lord, if thou suffer not thy
servant, that we may pray before
thee, and "thou give us seed unto our !'0r, a?
heart, and culture to our understand- '^'^^"^"
ing, that there may come fruit of it ;
how shall each man live that is cor-
rupt, who beareth the place of a
man ?
7 For thou art alone, and we all
one workmanship of thine hands, like
as thou hast said.
8 For "when the body is fashioned ".'-'V?"'
now in the mother's womb, and xhowfashiomU.
givest it members, thy creature is
preserved in fire and water, and nine
months doth thy workmanship endure
thy creature which is created in her.
9 But that which keepeth and is
V. 68, 'vi'vificabltiir. Perhaps " be kept alive "
would suffice in both places.
69. cured.'] Rather, " created by his word ; "
Lat. creati, instead of curati ; and for " put
out the multitude of contentions," read
" blot out the multitude of transgressions,"
or " disobediences." The reading contemp-
tionum, found in the best MSS., would be
easily altered to contentionum. Comp. i Kings
viii. 50.
CHAPTER VIII.
2. mould.'] A word seemingly chosen to
avoid the repetition of " earth." In the Latin,
after terram, an equally unsuitable word
{humurri) is used, for the same reason. Per-
haps " clay " would have been most appro-
priate.
4. Shallow down.] Rather, " drink in."
5. For thou hast agreed.] The reading of
this verse is much disputed. Fritzsche gives,
from the Syriac, vents enim sine voluntate tua,
et abis cum 7ion I'is : " for thou comest without
any will of thine own, and departest when
thou dost not wish." The Arabic partly
agrees with this : " denn das Ohr kam um zu
Apoc Vol. I.
hiiren, und wird dahingehen wann es nicht
will." Hilgenfeld conjectures that aKovcra
of the Greek was taken by the Latin trans-
lator as aKovovaa.
for thou hast, (b'c] Rather, "for neither
hath any space been granted thee, save only
a short one, to live." The best reading is
nisi solum modicum. See Bensly, p. 33.
6. O Lord, ds-'c] The text is very uncertain.
For the si non of the Vulg. the reading should
probably be super nos, si, expressing a wish or
prayer, thus : " O Lord above ! would that
thou wouldest give thy servant leave that we
may pray before thee, and give us, &c. . . .
that there may come fruit of it, whence every
corruptible one may live, that beareth the
form of man." This prelude is to introduce
the question based on 'w. 8-13, and coming
(though disguised in the English Version) at
the end of t-. 14. Why is man brought into
being with such long-continued pains and
care, if his end is only to be destroyed after
all?
8. in fire and ivcjter.] That is, through
every danger. Comp. Ps. Ixvi. 12.
thy workmanship.] Lat. tua plasmatic, i.e.
I
114
II. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. 10 21.
kept shall both be preserved : and
when the time cometh, the womb
preserved delivereth up the things that
grew in it.
10 For thou hast commanded out
of the parts of the body, that is to
say, out of the breasts, milk to be
given, which is the fruit of the
breasts,
11 That the thing which is fash-
ioned may be nourished for a time,
till thou disposest it to thy mercy.
12 Thou broughtest it up with
thy righteousness, and nurturedst it
in thy law, and reformedst it with thy
judgment.
13 And thou shalt mortify it as
thy creature, and quicken it as thy
work.
14 If therefore thou shalt destroy
* Job 10. him which with so great ^'labour was
I's. 139. 14, fashioned, it is an easy thing to be
ordained by thy commandment, that
the thing which was made might be
preserved.
&.C
15 Now therefore. Lord, I will
speak ; touching man in general,
thou knowest best ; but touching thy
people, for whose sake I am sorry j
16 And for thine inheritance, for
whose cause I mourn ; and for Israel,
for whom I am heavy ; and for
Jacob, for whose sake I am troubled;
17 Therefore will I begin to pray
before thee for myself and for them :
for I see the falls of us that dwell in
the land.
18 But I have heard the swiftness
of the judge which is to come.
19 Therefore hear my voice, and
understand my words, and I shall
speak before thee. This is the be-
ginning of the words of Esdras, before
he was taken up : and I said,
20 O Lord, thou that dwellest in
everlastingness, which beholdest from
above things in the heaven and in
the air;
21 Whose throne is inestimable;
whose glory may not be compre-
the womb. An evident trace of a Greek
original is found in the case of tu^e creature
after patitur = av^x^Tai. See Bensly, p. 2 6.
10. ibat is to say, <&V.] This clause is
probably a gloss on the one before it, " out of
the members." In the English Version the
Latin prabere is rendered as \i prteberi, and
Volkmar makes the same correction. But as
the MSS. agree in pra:bere, I would suggest
that the original word may have been TvapeKpfiv
(found in Dioscorides), " to flow out at the
sides," which would easilv be confused with
irapiyeiv, prabere. The Arabic agrees with
this view : " so lassest du . . . Milch der
Brilste fliessen." So in Gildemeister's ren-
dering of the Vatican Arabic : " ex eius
mammis lac stillat."
11. /;// thou disposest.'] The best MSS.
read dispones. Volkmar conjectures dis-
ponens = " and, adapting it to thy mercy, didst
rear it up," &c. "Disposest" should be
" dispose."
13. The sense is obscure, but it is diffi-
cult to say what change in the text should be
made. The argument requires something
like : " Wilt thou put to death thy creature,
whom thou broughtest to life as thine own
work ? " For " mortify " comp. Col. iii. 5.
14. ?V is an easy thing.] As was said above
(y. 6), in the Oriental versions this ends in
the form of a question : " wherefore then
createdst thou him ? " So the Arabic :
" warum liessest du ihn werden ? "
18. But I have heard, (b'c.'] This should
be more closely connected with the preceding
words : " for 1 see . . . and have heard."
19. This is the beginning, 6~c.] This intro-
duction to the Prayer of Esdras is thought to
have been a marginal note, added in some
early copy. It occurs, varied in terms, in
most of the Oriental versions, and is itself a
testimony to the celebrity of the Prayer.
The Prayer of Esdras (w. 20-36).
20. everlastingness.] Rather, " for ever ; "
Lat. hahitas in saculum (see Bensly, p. 34).
This Prayer of Esdras is found in MSS. of
the Bible older than any of the Book of
Esdras itself now known to exist. In some
copies it is introduced by the words : Initium
verborum Esdra priusquam assumeretur.
beholdest from above.] It is not easy to say
what text the English Version here foUows,
as the Latin has cujus oculi elati {al. elevati)
in superna, etc. ; and so the Arabic. Ter-
tullian, ' de prasscr. Hseret' c. iii., has a simi-
lar expression : " sed oculi, inquit, sunt alti."
21. inestimable.] Lat. inastimabilis, per-
haps representing aveUaaTos, " unimaginable."
The phrase " may not be comprehended " is
V. 22 3S.]
II. -ESDRAS. VIII.
115
hended ; before whom the hosts of
angels stand with trembling,
'Ps. 104. 22 '^ Whose service is conversant
Heb. 1. 7. in wind and fire ; whose word is
true, and sayings constant ; whose
commandment is strong, and ordi-
nance fearful ;
23 Whose look drieth up the
depths, and indignation maketh the
mountains to melt away ; which the
truth witnesseth :
24 O hear the prayer of thy ser-
vant, and give ear to the petition of
thy creature.
25 For while I live I will speak,
and so long as I have understanding
I will answer.
26 O look not upon the sins of
thy people ; but on them which
serve thee in truth.
27 Regard not the wicked inven-
tions of the heathen, but the desire
of those that keep thy testimonies in
afflictions.
28 Think not upon those that
have walked feignedly before thee :
but remember them, which according
to thy will have known thy fear.
29 Let it not be thy will to destroy
them which have lived like beasts ;
but to look upon them that have
clearly taught thy law.
30 Take thou no indignation at
them which are deemed worse than
beasts ; but love them that alway
put their trust in thy righteousness
and glory.
31 For we and our fathers 'do'Or, ar*
languish of such diseases : but because
of us sinners thou shalt be called
merciful.
72 For if thou "hast a desire to'icc-^*
h 1111 wiUing.
ave mercy upon us, thou shalt be
called merciful, to us namely, that
have no works of righteousness.
33 For the just, which have many
good works laid up with thee, shall
out of their own deeds receive re-
ward.
34 For what is man, that thou
shouldest take displeasure at him ? or
what is a corruptible generation, that
thou shouldest be so bitter toward it ?
35 '^For in truth there is no man 'i Kin. 8.
among them that be born, but he j^chr. 6.
hath dealt wickedly ; and among the 36.
faithful there is none which hath not
done amiss.
36 For in this, O Lord, thy
righteousness and thy goodness shall
be declared, if thou be merciful unto
them which have not the "confidence 'Or, j^-
_ , , stojice.
or good works.
37 Then answered he me, and
said. Some things hast thou spoken
aright, and according unto thy words
it shall be.
38 For indeed I will not think on
the " incomprehensible " of the Athanasian
Creed.
22. Whose service.'] The division into
verses somewhat obscures the sense. The
word " whose " here refers to the angels ;
the same word in "w. 21 and 23, to God.
For the expression compare Ps. civ. 4.
23. This verse is preserved in the ' Apo-
stolical Constitutions' (viii. 7) in the original
Greek. The last clause as there given, kuI tj
aXrjOfia fievet els top alcbva, does not quite
agree with the Latin, et 'Veritas testificatur.
9,1. the <ivicked^ <ls'c.'] For impia gentium
studia the true reading is probably impie agen-
tium, etc., as in iii. 30. For " keep " read
" have kept."
28. according to thy ivi/l.'] Rather, " that
have willingly acknowledged."
29. that have clearly taught.'] The word
rendered "clearly," namely spkndide, points
to XajjLTrpcds as its original, used as in Aesch.
'Prom.' 833, or as splendida is in Hor.
'Carm.' iv. 7. 21.
31. do languish of such diseases.] Vulg.
talibus morbis languemus. The readings here
vary greatly. Fritzsche and Volkmar agree
in preferring talibus moribus egimus, "have
acted in such wise."
33. Hilgenfeld quotes an apposite passage
from the ' Apocal. Baruchi,' xiv. 12 : "Justi
enim bene sperant finem, et sme timore ab
hoc domicilio proficiscuntur, quia habent
apud te vim operum custoditam in thesauris."
34. generation.] Rather, " race," i.e. of men.
36. the confidence^ Lat. substantiam, pro-
bably representing vnoa-Taa-w, and denoting
the basis on which the hope of mercy was to
be grounded. Com p. -z;. 33.
38. For indeed, (b'c] The sense of this
verse is lost in the English Version. Instead
I 2
ii6
II. ESDRAS. VIII.
[v. 3952.
the disposition of them which have
sinned before death, before judgment,
before destruction :
'Gen.4.4. 39 But ^I will rejoice over the
disposition of the righteous, and I
will remember also their pilgrimage,
and the salvation, and the reward,
that they shall have.
40 Like as I have spoken now, so
shall it come to pass.
41 For as the husbandman soweth
much seed upon the ground, and
planteth many trees, and yet the
thing that is sown good in his season
Cometh not up, neither doth all that
is planted take root : even so is it of
them that are sown in the world ;
they shall not all be saved.
42 I answered then and said, If I
have found grace, let me speak.
43 Like as the husbandman's seed
perisheth, if it come not up, and
receive not thy rain in due season ;
or if there come too much rain, and
corrupt it :
44 Even so perisheth man also,
which is formed with thy hands, and is
called thine own image, because thou
art like unto him, for whose sake
thou hast made all things, and hkened
him unto the husbandman's seed.
45 Be not wroth with us, but
spare thy people, and have mercy
upon thine own inheritance : for
thou art merciful unto thy creature.
46 Then answered he me, and
said. Things present are for the
present, and things to come for such
as be to come.
47 For -f thou comest far short rch. 5. 33.
that thou shouldest be able to love
my creature more than I : but I
have ofttimes drawn nigh unto thee,
and unto it, but never to the un-
righteous.
48 In this also thou art marvellous
before the most High :
49 In that thou hast humbled
thyself, as it becometh thee, and hast
not judged thyself worthy to be
much glorified among the righteous.
50 For many great miseries shall
be done to them that in the latter
time shall dwell in the world, because
they have walked in great pride.
51 But understand thou for thy-
self, and seek out the glory for such
as be like thee.
52 For unto you is paradise opened,
the tree of life is planted, the time to
come is prepared, plenteousness is
made ready, a city is builded, and
rest is allowed, yea, perfect goodness
and wisdom.
of non mere the bestMSS. have "vere 7jon ; and
instead of ante, aid in all three places. Render :
" For in truth I will not heedeither the creation,
or the death, or the judgment, or the destruc-
tion, of them that have sinned ; but," &c.
The word rendered " disposition " in this and
the next verse is plasma in the one case, and
figmeyitum in the other; both expressing the
forming or creation of man at the first.
41. Canon Eddrup compares Butler's
* Analogy,' i. 5.
43. and receive o/.] The best reading in
the Latin is non enim accepit ; this being in-
serted parenthetically as a reason for the
grain not having come up.
44. This verse should perhaps be read
interrogatively : " Doth man also perish in
like manner ? " &c. For " is called thine own
image " the Latin is et tu el imago nominatus,
" and thou wast called the image (or pattern)
for him." It would seem as if the English
translator had read tut for tu ei.
47. but I have.l The best MSS. read tu
autem, 8cc., " Thou hast ofttimes made thy-
self one with the unrighteous, though never
unrighteous thyself" Ezra had identified
himself with his sinful fellow-countrymen.
Such appears to be the sense ; but the text is
very uncertain.
48. marvellous.'] Rather, "admirable."
49. nvort/y.'] The Latin is, " and hast not
judged (reckoned) thyself among the right-
eous, so as to be much glorified ; " or, " so as
to boast the more." With this latter the
Arabic agrees : " und dich nicht den Ge-
rechten gleichschiizest, um dich destomehr
zu rilhmen."
51. seek out the glory.'] That is, " enquire
into the glorious destiny of," &c. Comp.
ix. 13.
52. rest is allowed.] Lat. probata. But
the Oriental versions point to prostrata as
probably the true reading, a forcible conden-
V. 536.]
II. ESDRAS. VIII. IX.
117
53 The root of evil is sealed up
from you, weakness and the moth is
hid from you, and corruption is fled
^' into "hell to be forgotten :
54 borrows are passed, and m the
end is shewed the treasure of immor-
tality.
55 And therefore ask thou no
more questions concerning the multi-
tude of them that perish.
56 For when they had taken
liberty, they despised the most High,
thought scorn of his law, and for-
sook his ways.
57 Moreover they have trodden
down his righteous,
-e-Ps. 14.1. 58 And e'said in their heart, that
there is no God ; yea, and that
knowing they must die.
59 For as the things aforesaid shall
receive you, so thirst and pain are
prepared for them : for it was not
his will that men should come to
nought :
60 But they which be created
have defiled the name of him that
made them, and were unthankful
unto him which prepared life for
them.
61 And therefore is my judgment
now at hand.
62 These things have I not shewed
unto all men, but unto thee, and a
few like thee. Then answered I
and said.
&53
63 Behold, O Lord, now hast
thou shewed me the multitude of the
wonders, which thou wilt begin to
do in the last times : but at what
time, thou hast not shewed me.
CHAPTER IX.
7 Who shall be saved, and who not. 19 All
the -world is now corrtcpted: 22 yet God doth
save a fe-io. 33 He C07nplaineth that those
perish which keep God's latu : 38 and seeth a
woman lamenting in afield,
HE answered me then, and said.
Measure thou the time dili-
gently in itself: and when thou seest
part of the signs past, which I have
told thee before,
2 Then shalt thou understand, that
it is the very same time, wherein the
Highest will begin to visit the world
which he made.
3 Therefore when there shall be
seen "earthquakes and uproars of the "Matt. 24.
people in the world : '"
4 Then shalt thou well understand,
that the most High spake of those
things from the days that were before
thee, even from the beginning.
5 For like as all that is made in
the world hath a beginning and an
end, and the end is manifest :
6 Even so the times also of the
Highest have plain beginnings in
wonders and powerful works, and
endings in effects and signs.
sation of language for " a couch is spread
whereon to rest." In the Arab., "die Ruhe
(ist) gedeckt."
53. is sealed upi] I.e. securely closed up,
to trouble you no more. But it is difficult
to believe that this was the original reading.
The Arab, has ausgerottet, " rooted out,"
which agrees with the Aethiopic, and is much
simpler. The rest of the verse is in uncer-
tainty, on account of the fluctuations in the
Latin text. For et tinea, " and the moth,"
which comes in very abruptly, MS. A. has
extincta (see Bensly, p. 29) = "weakness is
done away with." The words in obli'vionem,
with which the verse ends, should be con-
nected with what follows: "sorrows are
passed into oblivion."
57. his righteous.'] Rather, " his righteous
ones."
CHAPTER IX.
1. in itself.] For semetipso the best MSS.
read temetipso, "in thyself;" that is, in thine
own mind.
3. earthquakes.] The natural reference to
Matt. xxiv. 7 may have suggested this render-
ing oi niotio locorum. But aeiafios or o-etfr^ot
TT]s yris would not have been rendered by
motio locorum, and it should rather be ren-
dered " unsettlement (or disturbance) of
regions." In the best MSS. the verse is
extended by : " desires of nations " (Lat.
cogitationes, i.e. " ambitious schemes "), " de-
fections of leaders," " disturbance of princes."
Hilgenfeld compares ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii. 635
sqq.
6. ha-ve.] This word should probably be
omitted, and the sentence arranged : "Even
ii8
II. ESDRAS. IX.
[v. 719.
I Or. ihey
shall
marvel.
7 And every one that shall be
saved, and shall be able to escape by
his works, and by faith, whereby ye
have believed,
8 Shall be preserved from the said
perils, and shall see my salvation in
my land, and within my borders :
for I have sanctified them for me
from the beginning.
9 Then "shall they be in pitiful
case, which now have abused my
ways : and they that have cast them
away despitefully shall dwell in tor-
ments.
10 For such as in their life have
received benefits, and have not known
me ;
1 1 And they that have lothed my
law, while they had yet liberty, and,
when as yet place of repentance was
open unto them, understood not, but
despised it ;
12 The same must know it after
death by pain.
13 And therefore be thou not cu-
rious how the ungodly shall be pun-
ished, and when : but enquire how
the righteous shall be saved, whose
the world is, and for whom the world
is created.
14 Then answered I and said,
15 I have said before, and now do
speak, and will speak it also hereafter,
that there be many more of them
which perish, than of them which
shall be saved :
16 Like as a wave is greater than
a drop.
17 And he answered me, saying,
Like as the field is, so is also the
seed ; as the flowers be, such are the
colours also; such as the workman
is, such also is the work ; and as the
husbandman is himself, so is his hus-
bandry also : for it was the time of
the world.
18 "And now when I prepared the
world, which was not yet made, even
for them to dwell in that now live,
no man spake against me.
19 For then every one obeyed :
"but now the manners of them which
are created in this world that is made
are corrupted by a perpetual seed,
and by a law which is unsearchable
rid themselves.
\ And now
because the
time of the
world "was
come,
wlien I
was pre-
paring the
world,
^c.
II but luhe'i
the world
was made,
both now
and then.
the man-
ners of
every one
created
were cor-
rupted liy
a tiever-
f ailing
harvest,
and a laiv
unsearch-
able.
SO the times of the Highest : their beginnings
are plain," &c. But Van der Vhs thinks
that "signs" should be attached to the be-
ginning, and " wonders " to the end.
7. by his ivorksI\ Comp. viii. 33.
9. The marginal reading is the best ; Lat.
mirabuntur^ not miserebtintur.
abused.'] As the Latin has the accusative,
I'ias nieas, after abusl, it is possible that the
Greek was really TrapefBrjaav, " transgressed,"
not jrapexprja-av. The Arabic is rendered
abirrten, " strayed from."
11. place^ Used like " room," without
the article. Comp. Heb. xii. 17.
13. is created.'] The Latin is, et quorum
speculum, et propter quos saculum, et quando.
Volkmar would remove the first et, and con-
nect the words thus : " but enquire how the
righteous (whose the world is, and for whom
the world is) will be saved, and when ; " so
as to make the antithesis between the " how "
and the " when."
15. said . . . speak.] These words would
be better transposed : " I have spoken before,
and do say it now, and will say it also," &c.
16. is greater.] Lat. multiplicatur super,
the verb being intransitive, like liKeovd^ei. See
Bensly, p. 27.
17. husbandry.] The English reads so
well, that it seems a pity to alter it. But, for
cultura, one good MS. has atria, whence
Volkmar conjectured area : " as is the hus-
bandman, so also is his threshing-floor."
for it avas, (b'c] These words should be-
gin the next sentence. The text of the
ensuing passage is in a very unsettled condi-
tion. It would be impossible here to discuss
the many various readings ; but the following
is a rendering of Fritzsche's text, corrected
and supplemented by Bensly (pp. 29, 30):
" For there was a time of the world, even
then when I was preparing it for them that
now are, before the world was made for them
to dwell in ; and none gainsaid me, for at
that time there was no man ; but now that
they have been created in this universe made
ready for them, with both an unfailing table
and an unsearchable law, their manners have
become corrupt. And I considered my
world, and behold ! it was ruined ; and my
earth, and behold ! there was peril," &c.
V. 20-
-35-]
II. ESDRAS. IX.
119
20 So I considered the world, and,
behold, there was peril because of
the devices that were come into it.
21 And I saw, and spared it
greatly, and have kept me a "grape of
the cluster, and a plant of a great
people.
22 Let the multitude perish then,
which was born in vain ; and let my
"grape be kept, and my plant; for
with great labour have I made it
perfect.
23 Nevertheless, if thou wilt cease
yet seven days more, (but thou shalt
not fast in them,
24 But go into a field of flowers,
where no house is builded, and eat
only the flowers of the field ; taste
no flesh, drink no wine, but eat
flowers only ;)
25 And pray unto the Highest
continually, then will I come and
talk with thee.
26 So I went my way into the
field which is called Ardath, like as
he commanded me ; and there I sat
among the flowers, and did eat of
the herbs of the field, and the meat
of the same satisfied me.
27 After seven days I sat upon
the grass, and my heart was vexed
within me, like as before :
28 And I opened my mouth, and
began to talk before the most High,
and said,
29 O Lord, thou that shewest
thyself unto us, thou wast ^shewed * Ex. 10.9.
unto our fathers in the wilderness, in Deut.^".'
a place where no man "treadeth, in a "'
barren place, when they came out of coJ/eih.
Egypt.
30 And thou spakest, saying. Hear
me, O Israel ; and mark my words,
thou seed of Jacob.
31 For, behold, I sow my law in
you, and it shall bring fruit in you,
and ye shall be honoured in it for
ever.
32 But our fathers, which received
the law, kept it not, and observed not
thy ordinances : and though the fruit
of thy law did not perish, neither
could it, for it was thine ;
33 Yet they that received it
perished, because they kept not the
thing that was sown in them.
34 And, lo, it is a custom, when
the ground hath received seed, or the
sea a ship, or any vessel meat or
drink, that, that being perished where-
in it was sown or cast into,
35 That thing also which was
sown, or cast therein, or received,
doth perish, and remaineth not with
21. greatly.'] Lat. I'a/Je ; but Bensly
restores I'ix imlde from MS. A., which suits
the sense better, and agrees with the versions.
The original may have been ivdw [loyis,
" with great difficulty."
grnpe.'] This is the right reading; not
" grain," as in the margin. The word
rendered " grape " {acinum) occurs in the
Vulg. of Numb. vi. 4.
people.'] Rather, "forest;" the Lat. tribu,
rendered " people," being plainly due to a
mistake of iX^? for (pvXrjs.
23. not fast.] Comp. vi. 35.
Fourth Vision (ch. ix. 26 x. 60).
26. Ardath?^ The spelling of this word
varies greatly in the MSS. In the Syriac and
Aethiopic versions it is Arphad, which comes
rear the Phcenician Arvad ("Place of Fugi-
tives "), Ezek. xxvii. 8, but has probably no
connection with it. The form Arphad is
found in the A. V. of Isa. xxxvi. 19, xxxvii.
13, where the place meant is a district of
Syria. In Jen xlix. 23 it is given as Arpad.
29. thou that she~d)est.] The Lat. ostendens
ostensus es is plainly an equivalent for the
common Hebrew idiom, found in the LXX.
and N. T. Render : " Thou wast mani-
fested in our midst to our forefathers," &c.
'where no man treadeth.] The marginal
reading, " where no man cometh," sounds
hke the original of Tennyson's
" a waste land, where no one comes
Or hath come, since the making of the world ; "
but the Latin is simply in deserto quod non cal-
catur et hifructuoso, "in a barren and un-
trodden desert."
34. that, that being perished, (b'c] The
sense is lost in the English Version. If a
ship founders, it is not the sea which perishes,
but the ship. Render: "when it has come
to pass that what was sown, or sent, or
I20
11. ESDRAS. IX. X.
[v. 36 5-
us : but with us it hath not hap-
pened so.
36 For we that have received the
law perish by sin, and our heart also
which received it.
37 Notwithstanding the law perish-
eth not, but remaineth in his force.
38 And when I spake these things
in my heart, I looked back with mine
eyes, and upon the right side I saw
"ch. 10. c^ woman, and, behold, she mourned
and wept with a loud voice, and was
much grieved in heart, and her clothes
were rent, and she had ashes upon
her head.
39 Then let I my thoughts go
that I was in, and turned me unto her,
40 And said unto her. Wherefore
weepest thou ? why art thou so
grieved in thy mind ?
41 And she said unto me. Sir, let
me alone, that I may bewail myself,
and add unto my sorrow, for I am
sore vexed in my mind, and brought
very low.
42 And I said unto her, What
aileth thee ? tell me.
43 She said unto me, I thy servant
have been barren, and had no child,
though I had an husband thirty
years.
44 And those thirty years I did
nothing else day and night, and every
hour, but make my prayer to the
Highest.
45 After thirty years God heard
me thine handmaid, looked upon my
misery, considered my trouble, and
gave me a son : and I was very glad
of him, so was my husband also, and
all my neighbours : and we gave
great honour unto the Almighty.
46 And I nourished him with
great travail.
47 So when he grew up, and came
to the time that he should have a
wife, I made a feast.
CHAPTER X.
I JTe comforteth the 'ivoinan in the field. 27
She vanisheth atvay, ami a city appeareth in
her place. 40 The angel declareth these
visions in the field.
AND it so came to pass, that
when my son was entered into
his wedding chamber, he fell down,
and died.
2 Then we all overthrew the
lights, and all my ''neighbours rose up wox.coim-
to comfort me : so I took my rest ^^^"Tdi-
unto the second day at night. """'
3 And it came to pass, when
they had all left off to comfort me, to
the end I might be quiet ; then rose
I up by night, and fled, and came
hither into this field, as thou seest.
4 And I do now purpose not to
return into the city, but here to stay,
and neither to eat nor drink, but
continually to mourn and to fast until
I die.
5 Then left I the "meditations spee'ckes.
received, is destroyed, yet the receptacles of
them remain." That is to say, if the seed
perishes which has been sown in the ground,
or a ship founders which has been committed
to the sea, or food is wasted which has been
put into a vessel, though the thing received
is in each case lost, the receiver of it is not so.
r>nt in case of the law received into the minds
of Ezra's countrymen, the receiving mind had
become corrupted, while the law committed
to it remained intact.
38. a ivomat:.'] Interpreted in x. 44 to be
Sion.
43. tMrty years."] For the application of
this, see x. 45.
44. The translation of this verse is vigo-
rous, but less close than usual. The Vulgate
reads : Ego enim per singulas horas et per
singnlos dies et (1. /;/) annos, etc. = " And
every single hour, and every single day, for
those thirty years, did I make my prayer," &c.
CHAPTER X.
1. he fell do-ivn.'] For the interpretation,
see infra v. \Z.
2. o'verthreivP] Or " put out ; " ivir losch-
ten, Arab. For the custom of lights at
weddings, comp. Jer. xxv. 10; Matt. xxv. 7;
and the article IVIakkiage in ' Diet, of the
Bible,' vol. ii. p. 251.
5. meditations.'] This is the word given
by the Oriental versions. The Latin has
sermones. Comp. above, ix. 39.
V. 6 22.]
IT. ESDRAS. X.
121
I Or,
abolished.
I But ike
earth,
after the
manner of
the earth,
whereinto
the present
multitude
is gone
again, as
it catne
out.
wherein I was, and spake to her in
anger, saying,
6 Thou foolish woman above all
other, seest thou not our mourning,
and what happeneth unto us ?
7 How that Sion our mother is
full of all heaviness, and much
humbled, mourning very sore ?
8 And now, seeing we all mourn
and are sad, for we are all in heavi-
ness, art thou grieved for one son ?
9 For ask the earth, and she shall
tell thee, that it is she which ought to
mourn for the fall of so many that
grow upon her.
10 For out of her came all at the
first, and out of her shall all others
come, and, behold, they walk almost
all into destruction, and a multitude
of them is utterly "rooted out.
11 Who then should make more
mourning than she, that hath lost so
great a multitude ; and not thou,
which art sorry but for one ?
12 But if thou sayest unto me.
My lamentation is not like the earth's,
because I have lost the fruit of my
womb, which I brought forth with
pains, and bare with sorrows ;
13 "But the earth not so: for the
multitude present in it according
to the course of the earth is gone,
as it came :
14 Then say I unto thee. Like as
thou hast brought forth with labour ;
even so the earth also hath given her
fruit, namely, man, ever since the
beginning unto him that made her.
15 Now therefore keep thy sorrow
to thyself, and bear with a good
courage that which hath befallen thee.
16 For if thou shalt acknowledg-e
the determination of God to be just,
thou shalt both receive thy son in
time, and shalt be commended among
women.
17 Go thy way then into the city
to thine husband.
18 And she said unto me, That
will I not do : I will not go into the
city, but here will I die.
19 So I proceeded to speak further
unto her, and said,
20 Do not so, but be counselled
by me : for how many are the adver-
sities of Sion ? be comforted in regard
of the sorrow of Jerusalem.
21 For thou seest that our sanc-
tuary is laid waste, our altar broken
down, our temple destroyed ;
22 Our psaltery is laid on the
ground, our song is put to silence,
7. all bea'z'iness.'] In the best texts, the
word " all " is made to belong to what goes
before : mater nostra omnium = " the mother
of us all." Churton aptly compares Gal. v. 26,
"Jerusalem which is above . . . which is the
mother of us all."
8. sad . . . in heaviness.'] The word is the
same in both places in the Latin : contristari.
10. is utterly rooted out.] For the exter-
minium fit of the Vulgate the best MSS. have
in ext.fit = " and the multitude of them come
to be rooted out ; " and so it stands in a
quotation of this passage found in Ambrose,
'De excessu Satyri,' i. 2. Exterminium is a
word occurring some eight or ten times in
the Vulgate of the Apocrypha, but not in
that of the canonical books.
13. It is not easy to see what text the
English translator had before him in this
verse. If we follow Fritzsche's reading, the
sense will be : " But the earth (is) after
the way of the earth ; and the multitude
present in it hath departed in the way that it
came." For to iv avrrj irapov the Greek may
have been to del, Sec. = the multitude for
the time being, each successive growth of
inhabitants.
14. Then say I.] Rather, " And I say."
16. In this verse the A. V. follows the best
reading, as it is in Ambrose, ubi sup., and not
the Vulgate, which is quite different. The
words "acknowledge to be just" will serve
to explain the "justify " of Luke vii. 35.
19. proceeded.] Lat. apposui, a very literal
rendering of the Greek Trpoa-iOrjKa (Hilgenf.),
or, more probably, irpoa-edefiTjv, as in Luke
XX. 12.
21. sanctuary.] The same Latin word,
sanctificatio, would seem to have been used to
render dyiao-^o? and dyiaa-pa. See above,
vii. 38. Here we might have expected
sacrarium. It will be noticed how inappro-
priate this language is to the historical Ezra.
Comp. iii. i.
22. our children.] The Latin Hberi nostri is
122
II. ESDRAS. X.
[v. 2334.
our rejoicing is at an end, the light of
our candlestick is put out, the ark of
our covenant is spoiled, our holy
things are defiled, and the name that
is called upon us is almost profaned :
our children are put to shame, our
priests are burnt, our Levites are
gone into captivity, our virgins are
defiled, and our w^ives ravished ; our
righteous men carried avi^ay, our little
ones destroyed, our young men are
brought in bondage, and our strong
men are become weak ;
23 And, which is the greatest of
all, the seal of Sion hath now lost her
honour ; for she is delivered into the
hands of them that hate us.
24 And therefore shake off thy
great heaviness, and put away the
multitude of sorrows, that the Mighty
may be merciful unto thee again,
and the Highest shall give thee rest
and ease from thy labour.
25 And it came to pass, while I
was talking with her, behold, her
face upon a sudden shined exceed-
ingly, and her countenance glistered,
so that I was afraid of her, and mused
what it might be.
26 And, behold, suddenly she made
a great cry very fearful : so that the
earth shook at the noise of the woman.
27 And I looked, and, behold, the
woman appeared unto me no more,
but there was a city builded, and a
large place shewed itself from the
foundations : then was I afraid, and
cried with a loud voice, and said,
28 Where is ''Uriel the angel, "011.4. i.
who came unto me at the first ? for
he hath caused me to fall " into many 11 Or. into
trances, and mine end is turned into ^^d7ina
corruption, and my prayer to rebuke. ^'''^*-
29 And as I was speaking these
words, behold, he came unto me, and
looked upon me.
30 And, lo, I lay as one that had
been dead, and mine understanding
was taken from me : and he took me
by the right hand, and comforted me,
and set me upon my feet, and said
unto me,
3 1 What aileth thee ? and why
art thou so disquieted ? and why is
thine understanding troubled, and
the thoughts of thine heart ?
32 And I said. Because thou hast
forsaken me, and yet I did according
to thy '^ words, and I went into the *ch. 5. 20.
field, and, lo, I have seen, and yet
see, that I am not able to express.
33 And he said unto me. Stand
up manfully, and I will advise thee.
34 Then said I, Speak on, my
lord, in me 3 only forsake me not,
lest I die frustrate of my hope.
ambiguous, as it may mean either " our
children" or "our free men." The Arabic
supports the latter, luure freien Edeln; but in
the passage of Ambrose before-quoted it is
juvenes. It is difficult to see what Greek
word can have been taken so variously. Ol
(\fvdfpoi Tjixuv (Hilgenfeld) could not. Per-
haps a confusion of ol evyeve'is with oi eKyovoi.
may account for it.
23. hath noqx) lost^h'c.'] Rather, "and,
what is more than all, the seal of Sion, now
that^ she hath resigned her glory, is delivered
up," &c. The Latin of this verse bears plain
marks of Greek idiom. For the seal, or
signet-ring, as the emblem of authoritv, comp.
Esth. iii. 10, " And the king took his ring
from his hand, and gave it unto Haman,"<Scc.,
and the passages there quoted in the margin.
27. from the foundations.'] Rather, " and
a place was shewed me of large foundations."
28. into many trances.'] The marginal
reading is the more literal. Lat. I'enire in
multitudinem (Vulg. -ine^ in excessu mentis
hujus. For in excessu the reading should
probably be in excessus = els to ttXtjOos rfjs
(KCTTdcreas k. t. X., " into so many ecstasies of
this my mind." The Arabic reads : " was
liess er mich in diesen grossen Geistes-
schrecken kommen ? "
29. Ae came.] The best MSS. have, more
fully, " behold there came to me the angel
who had come to me at the first."
30. luas taken from me.] Lat. aJiet^atus
est. Comp. Dan. iv. 16: "Let his heart be
changed from man's."
33. manfully.] Rather, "like a man."
Lat. sta ut vir. Comp. vi. 13.
34. in me.] The English Version seems to
combine two readings of the Latin : loquere,
domine meus, tu in me; noli, etc. (Vulg.), and
V. 3552.]
II. ESDRAS. X.
123
I Or,
trance.
35 For I have seen that I knew
not, and hear that I do not know.
36 Or is my sense deceived, or
my soul in a dream ?
37 Now therefore I beseech thee
that thou wilt shew thy servant of
this "vision.
38 He answered me then, and
said, Hear me, and I shall inform
thee, and tell thee wherefore thou
art afraid : for the Highest will reveal
many secret things unto thee.
I0r,/r- 29 He hath seen that thy "way is
right : for that thou sorrowest con-
tinually for thy people, and makest
great lamentation for Sion.
40 This therefore is the meaning
of the vision which thou lately
sawest :
41 Thou sawest a woman mourn-
ing, and thou begannest to comfort
her :
42 But now seest thou the like-
ness of the woman no more, but
there appeared unto thee a city
builded.
43 And whereas she told thee of
the death of her son, this is the
^OT,{nter- "solution :
pretatton.
44 1 his woman, whom thou saw-
est, is Sion : and whereas she said
unto thee, even she whom thou seest
as a city builded.
45 Whereas, / say^ she said unto
thee, that she hath been thirty years
barren : those are the thirty years
wherein there was no offering made
in her.
46 But after thirty years Solomon
builded the city, and offered offerings :
and then bare the barren a son.
47 And whereas she told thee that
she nourished him with labour ; that
was the dwelling in Jerusalem.
48 But whereas she said unto thee.
That my son coming into his marri-
age chamber happened to have a fall,
and died : this was the destruction
that came to Jerusalem.
49 And, behold, thou sawest her
likeness, and because she mourned
for her son, thou begannest to comfort
her : and of these thino-s which have
chanced, these are to be opened unto
thee.
50 For now the most High seeth
that thou art grieved unfeignedly,
and sufferest from thy whole heart
for her, so hath he shewed thee the
brightness of her glory, and the come-
liness of her beauty ;
51 And therefore I bade thee re-
main in the field where no house
was builded:
52 For I knew that the Highest
would shew this unto thee.
loquere, domine mens; tantum me noli, etc.,
which has the better authority.
37. 'vision.'] Rather, *' ecstasy," or
" trance ; " Lat excessus, the same word as
in "v. 28.
39. luay.'] Lat. 'viam. The marginal varia-
tion seems uncalled for.
44. and 'whereas she said unto thee.] This
clause should probably be left out, as in the
Oriental versions. The sentence would then
run : " This woman whom thou sawest is
Sion, whom thou now beholdest as a builded
city. And whereas she said unto thee that
she hath been," <Scc. {y. 45).
45. those are the thirty years.] Rather, "it
is because there are," & c. I nstead of " thirty,"
the reading of the Vulgate, two of the best
MSS. have " three," while the Oriental ver-
sions have " three thousand." The variation
might easily arise, either by supposing ,y mis-
taken for y , or scula triginta for anni triginta.
There would also be a natural tendency to
make the number harmonize with the thirty
years of the woman's life. Hilgenfeld enters
into several computations to account for the
exact 3000. From the Creation to the Flood
were reckoned 1656 years; from the Flood to
the Call of Abraham, 365 ; for the Captivity
in Egypt, 430 or 400 ; thence to the Building
of the Temple, 592 ; making in all 3043 or
3013 years; to which 3000 is sufficient
approximation.
46. the city.] We might have expected
" the temple ; " but to the writer's mind the
two would be almost identical. Or rather,
the importance of the building of the Temple
would make it overshadow and include the
rest.
48. That my son.] Omit " That ; " and for
" happened to have a fall, and died," read
" had died, and calamity had befallen him."
124
II. ESDRAS. X. XL
[v. 536'
53 Therefore I commanded thee
to go into the field, where no found-
ation of any building was.
54 For in the place wherein the
Highest beginneth to shew his city,
there can no man's building be able
to stand.
55 And therefore fear not, let not
thine heart be affrighted, but go thy
way in, and see the beauty and great-
ness of the building, as much as thine
eyes be able to see :
56 And then shalt thou hear as
much as thine ears may compre-
hend.
57 For thou art blessed above
Wr, art many other, and "art called with the
wii^'^-cf Highest ; and so are but few.
58 But to morrow at night thou
shalt remain here ;
59 And so shall the Highest shew
IaiJi'I'"' thee visions of the "high things, which
the most High will do unto them
that dwell upon earth in the last days.
So I slept that night and another, like
as he commanded me.
CHAPTER XI.
I I/e sceth in his dream an eagle coming on' 0/
the sea, 37 and a lion out ojf a wood talking
to the eagle,
THEN saw I a dream, and, be-
hold, there came up from the
sea an eagle, which had twelve
feathered wings, and three heads.
2 And I saw, and, behold, she
spread her wings over all the earth,
and all the winds of the air blew on
her, and were gathered together.
3 And I beheld, and out of her
feathers there grew other contrary
feathers ; and they became little
feathers and small.
4 But her heads were at rest : the
head in the midst was greater than
the other, yet rested " it with the " Lat. ike.
residue.
5 Moreover I beheld, and, lo, the
eagle flew with her feathers, and
reigned upon earth, and over them
that dwelt therein.
6 And I saw that all things under
heaven were subject unto her, and
54. For in, 'b'c7\ Rather, "For neither
could any work of man's building endure, in
the place where the city of the Most High
was beginning to be shewed."
56. Comp.Tobitxiii. 16-18 and iCor. ii. 9.
57. called qvlth.'] Lat. "vocatus es apitd.
This may be interpreted as in the margin, or
perhaps in the sense of " thy name is known
in the presence of." The Arabic is simpler :
" und beim Hochsten genannt wie eins der
Kinder."
59. high things.'] Lat. snpremorum. One
MS. has summonan, and another somniorum,
whence Volkmar would read per visiones
somniorum. But the Arabic, in Ewald's ver-
sion, agrees with the English.
So I slept.'] In the Latin this is counted
as V. 60. In MS. A. it is given more fullv
than in the rest : " So I slept that night and
another, as he commanded me. And it came
to pass on the second night and another, as
he had said unto me, that I saw a dream,"
&c. (xi. i).
CHAPTER XL
Fifth Vision (ch. xi. i ch. xii. 39).
1. from the sea.] As in Dan. vii. 3 ; Rev.
xiii. I. For the general interpretation of this
vision, see the Appendix at the end.
feathered ivitigs.] L,at.alxpennarum. The
addition of pennarum, as Volkmar thinks, is
either to distinguish the wings from the wings
of an army (surely unneeded, in case of an
eagle), or is a mere poetical ornament.
2. and ^vere gathered together.] The
Oriental versions have " and the clouds were
gathered together to her." So the Arabic :
" und die Wolken sich um ihn sammelten."
3. there grew.] Rather, " were growing."
In the expression "contrary feathers," contrari^e
pennce, it seems doubtful whether any stress is
to be laid on the epithet contraricc. Volkmar
thinks that the original was di/r/Trrepa, formed
like avTiTrerpa, to express " wing-like "
growi;hs, which came to be Trrepvyia, " little
wings," or pinions. This view is supported
by the fact that the numbers were ditferent,
being not one for each, but eight as against
twelve ("v. 11).
4. yet rested it.] The marginal reading,
" she," is due to the feminine form, ipsa, being
used in the Latin. The gender is to be ac-
counted for by the influence of the Greek
word (KfcfyaXrj).
V. 723-]
II. ESDRAS. XI.
125
no man spake against her, no, not
one creature upon earth.
7 And I beheld, and, lo, the
eagle rose upon her talons, and spake
to her feathers, saying,
8 Watch not all at once : sleep
every one in his own place, and
watch by course :
9 But let the heads be preserved
for the last.
10 And I beheld, and, lo, the voice
went not out of her heads, but from
the midst of her body.
1 1 And I numbered her contrary
feathers, and, behold, there were
eight of them.
12 And I looked, and, behold, on
the right side there arose one feather,
and reigned over all the earth ;
13 And so it was, that when it
reigned, the end of it came, and the
place thereof appeared no more : so
the next following stood up, and
reigned, and had a great time ;
14 And it happened, that when it
reigned, the end of it came also, like
as the first, so that it appeared no
more.
15 Then came there a voice unto
it, and said,
16 Hear thou that hast borne rule
over the earth so long : this I say
unto thee, before thou beginnest to
appear no more,
17 There shall none after thee
attain unto thy time, neither unto the
half thereof.
18 Then arose the third, and
reigned as the other before, and ap-
peared no more also.
19 So went it with all the residue
one after another, as that every
one reigned, and then appeared no
more.
20 Then I beheld, and, lo, in
process of time the feathers that fol-
lowed stood up upon the right side,
that they might rule also ; and some
of them ruled, but within a while
they appeared no more :
21 For some of them were set up,
but ruled not.
22 After this I looked, and, be-
hold, the twelve feathers appeared no
more, nor the two little feathers :
23 And there was no more upon
7. spakeP^ Rather, " cried," or " uttered
a cry ; " Lat. m'tsit 'vocem = a^r\Ke (fjavrji/.
9. preserved Jhr the last?^ Rather, "kept
to the last," i.e. have their turn last. So the
Aiabic : " die Haupter aber sollen zulezt
wachen."
10. Jiot out of her heads.'] Explained be-
low, xii. 17.
13. had a great time?] Rather, "held
sway for a long time."
14. And it happened.'] The fondness of
the English translator for changing his mode
of expression has been noticed before. The
"and so it was" of v. 13, and the present
phrase, are both renderings of the common
et factum est = kuI eyevero, " and it came to
pass."
17. attain u?2to thy time.] Lat. tenebit
tempus tuum = " hold sway for thy time ; "
i.e. for so long a time as thou. Comp.
"o. 13, and xii. 15.
19. residue?^ Vulg. aliis^ which may have
been easily altered from alls, " wings " (the
reading of T.).
20. upon the right side.] So in the Latin.
But in the Arabic, according to Ewald, " upon
the left side " (zwr linken Seite), which would
seem to suit the sense better ; as the " fea-
thers that followed" naturally means the
" contrary feathers" off. 11.
<within a nvhile.] Rather, "forthwith," as
also in v. 26, where the same word statim is
rendered " shortly."
21. but ruled not.] I.e. did not retain
their sovereignty ; Lat. sed non tenebant prin-
cipatum.
22. the tivo.] The use of the article in
this and the next verse is somewhat confusing.
The twelve wings had disappeared, and two
of the eight smaller. Nothing remained but
the three heads, and six of the eight smaller
wings.
That the twelve wings should here be
called " feathers " is not the fault of the A. V. ;
the word being pennx in the Latin, as also in
V. 5, where we should have expected " wings."
This use of the two synonymously contributes
to prove that no difference, beyond that of
size, is meant to be understood between the
" wings " and " contrary feathers."
126
11. ESDRAS. XI.
[v. 2439.
the eagle's body, but three heads that
rested, and six little wings.
24 Then saw I also that two little
feathers divided themselves from the
six, and remained under the head
that was upon the right side : for the
four continued in their place.
25 And I beheld, and, lo, the
feathers that were under the wing
thought to set up themselves, and to
have the rule.
26 And I beheld, and, lo, there
was one set up, but shortly it appeared
no more.
27 And the second was sooner
away than the first.
28 And I beheld, and, lo, the
two that remained thought also in
themselves to reign :
29 And when they so thought,
behold, there awaked one of the
heads that were at rest, namely, it
that was in the midst ; for that was
greater than the two other heads.
30 And then I saw that the two
other heads were joined with it.
31 And, behold, the head was
turned with them that were with it,
and did eat up the two feathers under
the wing that would have reigned.
32 But this head put the whole
earth in fear, and bare rule in it over
all those that dwelt upon the earth
with much oppression ; and it had
the governance of the world more
than all the wings that had been.
33 And after this I beheld, and,
lo, the head that was in the midst
suddenly appeared no more, like as
the wings.
34 But there remained the two
heads, which also in like sort ruled
upon the earth, and over those that
dwelt therein.
35 And I beheld, and, lo, the head
upon the right side devoured it that
was upon the left side.
36 Then I heard a voice, which
said unto me. Look before thee, and
consider the thing that thou seest.
37 And I beheld, and lo as it
were a roaring lion chased out of the
wood : and I saw that he sent out a
man's voice unto the eagle, and said,
38 Hear thou, I will talk with
thee, and the Highest shall say unto
thee,
39 Art not thou it that remainest
of the four beasts, whom I made to
reign in my world, that the end
23. three heads?^ Rather, " the three
heads." The Vulgate has duo, which may
be explained by supposing, with Volkmar,
that there should be a stop after it: " There
was no more . . . but two (things); the
heads that were resting, and six little
wings."
25. the feathers that luere under the
iw^.] In Lat. siibalares only, understand-
ing penna: or pennacul^ : a feminine form
pennaculiE being used in v. 24, though the
usual neuter ioxm. pennacula appears in v. 23.
These are the four that remain, after taking
away the two in -y. 22 and the two in v. 24.
The expression " under the wings " is illus-
trated by xii. 19.
27. nvas sooner aivaj/.l Rather, "disap-
peared more swiftly ; " Lat. velocius . . . non
comparuit.
29. when they so thought.'] Lat. in eo cum
cogitarent, " at the very time of their thinking."
30. the tnvo other heads, (ij'c] The Vulg.
has quoniam compkta sunt duo capita secum;
but the translator appears to have read com-
plexa, which is found in the best MSS., taking
it passively. Reading est (from S.) for sunt,
we may render : " And then I saw how
{(luomodo^ it joined the (other) two heads
with it ; " i.e. took them as associates. The
gender of complexa, with subject caput, is
accounted for by remembering that the word
in Greek would be feminine.
31. the two feathers under the nving.] Lat.
duas subalares ; i.e. the two under-wings
mentioned mv. 28.
32. in it.l These words are out of place,
owing to the insertion of " the earth " (on
which see Bensly, p. 21). Read: "bare rule
over all those that dwell in it."
it had.] Rather, " it held," or " gained."
37. chased.] Lat. concitatus, " rushing."
So the Arabic: " sich hervorstiirzte."
a7id I saiv.] Yu\g. et -vidi. The reading
of A. is et audivi, "and I heard." See
Bensly, p. 27.
39. the four beasts.] Comp. xii, 11.
V. 40 4-]
II. ESDRAS. XL XII.'
127
of their times might come through
them ?
40 And the fourth came, and
overcame all the beasts that were
past, and had power over the world
with great fearfulness, and over the
whole compass of the earth with
much wicked oppression ; and so
long time dwelt he upon the earth
with deceit.
41 For the earth hast thou not
judged with truth.
42 For thou hast afflicted the
meek, thou hast hurt the peaceable,
thou hast loved liars, and destroyed
the dwellings of them that brought
forth fruit, and hast cast down the
walls of such as did thee no harm.
43 Therefore is thy wrongful
dealing come up unto the Highest,
and thy pride unto the Mighty.
44 The Highest also hath looked
upon the proud times, and, behold,
they are ended, and his abominations
are fulfilled.
45 And therefore appear no more,
thou eagle, nor thy horrible wings,
nor thy wicked feathers, nor thy
malicious heads, nor thy hurtful
claws, nor all thy vain body :
46 That all the earth may be
refreshed, and may return, being de-
livered from thy violence, and that
she may hope for the judgment and
mercy of him that made her.
CHAPTER XII.
3 The eagle, which he smv, is destroyed. 10
The vision is interpreted. 37 He is bid to
write his visions, 39 and to fast, that he
may see more. 46 He doth comfort those
that were grieved for his absence.
AND it came to pass, whiles the
lion spake these words unto
the eagle, I saw,
2 And, behold, the head that re-
mained and the four wings appeared
no more, and the two went unto it,
and set themselves up to reign, and
their kingdom was small, and full of
uproar.
3 And I saw, and, behold, they
appeared no more, and the whole
body of the eagle was burnt, so that
the earth was in great fear : then
awaked I out of the trouble and
trance of my mind, and from great
fear, and said unto my spirit,
4 Lo, this hast thou done unto
me, in that thou searchest out the
ways of the Highest.
their times.'] Rather, "the times," omitting
eorum, on the authority of the versions.
40. had poiver over.'] Rather, " held the
world in sway." Comp. Dan. vii. 7.
41. More literally, " and hast judged the
earth not with truth." So in Gildemeister's
version : et terram sine justitia rexisti. The
second person is here resumed in the address
to the eagle, after the retrospective parenthesis
in "J. 40.
42. that brought forth fruit.] Lat. qui
fructificabant. The readings are so various
throughout this verse, that it is difficult to
arrive at any certainty as to the text. Fritzsche
concludes, both from the principle of parallel-
ism and from the evidence of the versions,
that there is one clause wanting; and so,
after "the peaceable," he inserts "and hast
hated the righteous." With regard to the
precise meaning of qui fructificabant, Volk-
mar's assumption that it = tuiv reXeacpupcoty,
" them that paid tribute," is plausible. But
the versions rather point to "the just."
The Arabic is rendered by der Unschuldigen,
" the inoffensive."
44. the proud times.] It seems very prob-
able that the super ba of the Vulgate is a
misreading oi sua. Van der Vlis conjectured
superiora ; but sua agrees with the versions.
The Arabic has " und der Hochste blickte
auf seine Zeiten."
CHAPTER XII.
2. The Vulgate reading is here plainly
corrupt. Fritzsche adopts the emendation of
Van der Vlis, which is supported by MS. A.
The sense will then be : " And behold, the
head that had remained appeared no more;
and the two wings that went unto it set
themselves up to reign," Sec. The head is
that mentioned in xi. 35, and the two wings
those mentioned in xi. 24.
4. done unto me.] Perhaps rather, "be-
stowed upon me."
128
II. ESDRAS. XII.
[v. 521.
7-
5 Lo, yet am I weary in my mind,
and very weak in my spirit ; and
little strength is there in me, for the
great fear wherewith I was affrighted
this night.
6 Therefore will I now beseech
the Highest, that he will comfort me
unto the end.
7 And I said, Lord that bearest
rule, if I have found grace before thy
sight, and if I am justified with thee
before many others, and if my prayer
indeed be come up before thy face ;
8 Comfort me then, and shew me
thy servant the interpretation and
plain difference of this fearful vision,
that thou mayest perfectly comfort
my soul.
9 For thou hast judged me worthy
to shew me the last times.
10 And he said unto me. This is
the interpretation of the vision :
1 1 The eagle, whom thou sawest
come up from the sea, is the kingdom
Dan. 7. which was seen in the "^vision of thy
brother Daniel.
12 But it was not expounded unto
him, therefore now I declare it unto
thee.
13 Behold, the days will come.
that there shall rise up a kingdom
upon earth, and it shall be feared
above all the kingdoms that were
before it.
14 In the same shall twelve kings
reign, one after another :
15 Whereof the second shall begin
to reign, and shall have more time
than any of the twelve.
16 And this do the twelve wings
signify, which thou sawest.
17 As for the voice which thou
heardest speak, and that thou sawest
not to go out from the heads, but
from the midst of the body thereof,
this is the interpretation :
18 That after the time of that
kingdom there shall arise great stri-
vings, and it shall stand in peril of
falling : nevertheless it shall not then
fall, but shall be restored again to his
beginning.
19 And whereas thou sawest the
eight small under feathers sticking to
her wings, this is the interpretation :
20 That in him there shall arise
eight kings, whose times shall be but
small, and their years swift.
21 And two of them shall perish,
the middle time approaching : four
5. little:] Rather, " not even a little ;" Lat.
nee modica, plainly representing ouSe jj-iKpcl.
7. am justified?^ Or rather, perhaps,
" deemed worthy," if we assume t]^iu>6t]v, and
not ediKaLcodrjv, to have been the original word.
The Latin is justificatus sum, while the Arab,
and Aeth. both have " blessed."
8. plain difference?^ Lat. distinctione>n, the
distinguishing or discernment of the vision.
The word " comfort," twice used in this
verse, represents two different Latin words,
(i ) = "strengthen," (2) = "console."
11. the kingdom.l The Oriental versions
read " the fourth kingdom," and this is sup-
ported by MS. A. (Bensly, p. 30). The re-
ference is to Dan. vii. 7.
12. therefore?^ Rather, " as I now," &c. ;
the version in the text rendering neither the
quoniam of the Vulgate, nor the better reading
quomodo.
13. it shall be feared?^ The Vulgate has
t erit timor acrior. Volkmar's conjecture of
timoratior =" more feared," in place of the
last two words, is confirmed by the reading
timoratio found in A. (Bensly, p. 61). The
succeeding genitive would be explained by the
influence of the Greek idiom. The rendering
in the text seems almost to anticipate this
emendation.
14. In the same, is-'c-l Rather, " And there
shall reign in it."
15. Whereof r\ The Lat. is nam, a rendering
of hi (according to Hilgenfeld), as in iv. 34,
Read : " and the second," &c.
18. after the time.] The Arabic has, ap-
parently more agreeably to the sense, " in the
midst of the time," aus der Mitte der Zeitjenes
Reiches. So at the end, instead of "to his
beginning," the Arabic has, more suitably, " to
his former dominion," zu seiner fr'uhern
Herrschaft. The difference probably -arose,
as Van der Vlis points out, from the double
meaning of which els rfjv apxr]v would be
capable.
19. sticking.] Rather, "attached;" Lat.
cohierentes. Comp. xi. 3, 11.
20. in him.] Rather, " in it," referring to
the "kingdom" oiv. 18.
V. 22-
-35-]
11. ESDRAS. XII.
129
shall be kept until their end begin
to approach : but two shall be kept
unto the end.
22 And whereas thou sawest three
heads resting, this is the interpreta-
tion :
23 In his last days shall the most
High raise up three kingdoms, and
renew many things therein, and they
shall have the dominion of the earth,
24 And of those that dwell there-
in, with much oppression, above all
those that were before them : there-
fore are they called the heads of the
eagle.
25 For these are they that shall
accomplish his wickedness, and that
shall finish his last end.
26 And whereas thou sawest that
the great head appeared no more, it
signifieth that one of them shall die
upon his bed, and yet with pain.
27 For the two that remain shall
be slain with the sword.
28 For the sword of the one shall
devour the other : but at the last
shall he fall through the sword him-
self.
29 And whereas thou sawest two
feathers under the wings passing
over the head that is on the right
side ;
30 It signifieth that these are they,
whom the Highest hath kept unto
their end : this is the small kingdom
and full of trouble, as thou sawest.
31 And the lion, whom thou saw-
est rising up out of the wood, and
roaring, and speaking to the eagle,
and rebuking her for her unrighteous-
ness with all the words which thou
hast heard ;
32 This is the "anointed, which the "Lat.
Highest hath kept for them and for 7J!r2i'^'
their wickedness unto the end : he
shall reprove them, and shall upbraid
them with their cruelty.
33 For he shall set them before
him alive in judgment, and shall re-
buke them, and correct them.
34 For the rest of my people shall
he deliver with mercy, those that
have been preserved upon my borders,
and he shall make them joyful until
the coming of the day of judgment,
whereof I have spoken unto thee
from the beo-inninQ-.
35 This is the dream that thou
sawest, and these are the interpreta-
tions.
21. until their end, iD'c.l The Latin has :
cum incipiet appropinquare tempus ejus ut
fi7iiatur, " when the time for it {i.e. the king-
dom) to be ended shall begin to approach."
The English translator has anticipated Van
der Vlis"s alteration of ejus to eorum.
23. In his last days.'] The use of the pro-
nouns here, as in -w. 21 and 25, is confusing.
In the Latin it is: in novissimis ejus suscitabit
Altissimus tria regna, et re'vocabit {al. reno-
'vabit') in ea niulta. The ea refers to " king-
dom " (the word being feminine in the Greek),
and the preceding ejus therefore to the same.
Following the versions in reading ires reges
for tria regna, the passage would run : '' in the
last days of it (the kingdom) shall the Most
High raise up three kings, and they shall
renew," (5cc.
25. accomplish.'] Lat. recapitulabunt, plainly
meant to render dvaKecpakacuxrovcn, " shall put
the coping-stone upon," " shall consummate."
his wickedness.'] In modern English " his"
would be " its," referring to the eagle. But
as in xi. 2 j^^. the eagle was spoken of as
feminine, the change is misleading.
Apoc Vol. I.
26. great.] Rather, " greater ;" Lat. majus.
29. feathers under the nuings^ See notes
on xi. 25, 31.
3L the Hon.] Comp. xi. 37.
32. the anointed.] The reading of the
Vulgate, "ventus for unctus, on which the mar-
ginal rendering is based, has less authority
than the other. In the versions a clause is
added, " who shall arise from the seed of
David." Compare the notes on vii. 28, 29.
upbraid them, (t^c] The text is here un-
certain. The best MS. has infulcit for in-
cutiet, and spretiones for discerptiones, with the
idea of " heaping up before their eyes their
contempt (of his commandments)." With
this the Arabic partly agrees : " der ihre
Raubgeliiste vor die Augen hiiufen wird."
34. upon my borders^ I.e. the borders of
the promised land. But the Arabic has
" upon my holy mountain," as if eVi ruiv
opi<x)v had been read for Spiav.
35. these are.] In MS. A. the reading is
et hiec 'interpret atio ejus, " and this is the in-
terpretation of it " (Bensly, p. 33).
K
130
II. ESDRAS. XII. XIII.
[v. 362.
HOr,
peojite.
36 Thou only hast been meet to
know this secret of the Highest.
37 Therefore write all these things
that thou hast seen in a book, and
hide them :
38 And teach them to the wise of
the people, whose hearts thou know-
est may comprehend and keep these
secrets.
39 But wait thou here thyself yet
seven days more, that it may be
shewed thee, whatsoever it pleaseth
the Highest to declare unto thee.
And with that he went his way.
40 And it came to pass, when all
the people saw that the seven days
were past, and I not come again into
the city, they gathered them all to-
gether, from the least unto the great-
est, and came unto me, and said,
41 What have we offended thee ?
and what evil have we done against
thee, that thou forsakest us, and sit-
test here in this place ?
42 For of all the "prophets thou
only art left us, as a cluster of the
vintage, and as a candle in a dark
place, and as a haven or ship pre-
served from the tempest.
43 Are not the evils which are
come to us sufficient ?
44 If thou shalt forsake us, how
much better had it been for us, if we
also had been burned in the midst of
Sion ?
45 For we are not better than
they that died there. And they wept
with a loud voice. Then answered
I them, and said,
46 Be of good comfort, O Israel ;
and be not heavy, thou house of
Jacob :
47 For the Highest hath you in
remembrance, and the Mighty hath
not forgotten you in temptation.
48 As for me, I have not forsaken
you, neither am I departed from you :
but am come into this place, to pray
for the desolation of Sion, and that I
might seek mercy for the low estate
of your sanctuary.
49 And now go your way home
every man, and after these days will
I come unto you.
50 So the people went their way
into the city, like as I commanded
them :
51 But I remained still in the
field seven days, as the angel com-
manded me ; and did eat only in
those days of the flowers of the field,
and had my meat of the herbs.
CHAPTER XIII.
I He seeth in his dream a man coming out of
the sea. 25 The declaration of his dream.
54 He is praised, and promised to see more.
ND it came to pass after seven
days, I dreamed a dream by
A
night :
2 And, lo, there arose
from the sea, that it moved all the 'tZ"z^nd,
waves thereof.
a wind " '^ certain
man as
Junius.
37. Comp. xiv. 26. The rendering "hide
them" is inadequate to the Latin, et pone ea
in loco abscondito, expressing the idea of apo-
cryphal writings.
40. Comp. V. 16. For " saw " should be
read " had heard," the Lat. being audisset.
The translator would seem to have had tv-
disset before him. The "seven days" are
those enjoined in ix. 23.
42. prophets?^ This is the reading of the
best MS. The Vulgate ha.s populis, as in the
margin.
a candle.'] Lat. hicerna, " lamp." The
literal rendering would make the resemblance
to 2 Pet. i. 19 ("a lamp that shineth in a dark
place ") more apparent.
a haven or ship?\ Lat. "portus et navis
salvata," whence Van der Vlis conjectures est
navi salvata; : " as a haven is to a ship pre-
served," &c.
48. sanctuary.'] See note above on x. 21.
CHAPTER Xin.
Sixth Vision (ch. xiii. i ch. xiii. 58).
2. ^nd, lo.] The want of connection be-
tween this verse and the next, as they stand
in the A.V., is apparent. There is nothing in
the Latin to supply the link, but the Arabic
has " and I saw that wind drive upwards from
the depth of the sea one who seemed as a
man." The other Oriental versions present
11
V. 3 1 6.]
II. ESDRAS. XIII.
131
3 And I beheld, and, lo, that man
'i clouds, waxed strono- with the "thousands of
heaven : and when he turned his
countenance to look, all the things
trembled that were seen under him.
4 And whensoever the voice went
out of his mouth, all they burned
that heard his voice, like as the earth
faileth when it feeleth the fire.
5 And after this I beheld, and, lo,
there was o-athered together a multi-
tude of men, out of number, from
the four winds of the heaven, to
subdue the man that came out of
the sea.
6 But I beheld, and, lo, he had
graved himself a great mountain, and
flew up upon it.
7 But I would have seen the region
or place whereout the hill was graven,
and 1 could not.
8 And after this I beheld, and, lo,
all they which were gathered together
to subdue him were sore afraid, and
yet durst fight.
9 And, lo, as he saw the violence
of the multitude that came, he neither
lifted up his hand, nor held sword, nor
any instrument of war :
10 But only I saw that he sent
out of his mouth as it had been a
blast of fire, and out of his lips a
flaming breath, and out of his tongue
he cast out sparks and tempests.
1 1 And they were all mixed to-
gether ; the blast of fire, the flaming
breath, and the great tempest ; and
fell with violence upon the multitude
which was prepared to fight, and
burned them up every one, so that
upon a sudden of an innumerable
multitude nothing was to be perceived,
but only dust and smell of smoke :
when I saw this I was afraid.
12 Afterward saw I the same man
come down from the mountain, and
call unto him another peaceable mul-
titude.
13 And there came much people
unto him, whereof some were glad,
some were sorry, some of them were
bound, and other some broug-ht "of"J"ns,
' ^ of the
them that were offered : then was I thmgs
sick through great fear, and I awake d,^^^^^f''*
and said,
14 Thou hast shewed thy servant
these wonders from the beginning,
and hast counted me worthy that thou
shouldest receive my prayer :
15 Shew me now yet the inter-
pretation of this dream.
1 6 For as I conceive in mine under-
something similar. The reading in the margin,
given from Junius, inverts the proper order
of the words : " a wind in the likeness of a
man," 'ventus . . . in similitudinem hominis, as
it is in the Syriac. For the vision, comp.
Dan. vii. 2.
3. ivaxed strong.'] hat. convakscedat ; hiit
as the best MSS. read, just after, mibibus,
"clouds," instead of millibus, "thousands," it
is probable that con-volabat, " was flying," is
the right reading. Comp. Dan. vii. 13.
4. as the earth faileth.'] Lat. sicut quiescit
terra. But though the best MSS. agree in
this, the reading of the Oriental versions
points to liquescit cera as the right text. So
the Arabic, in Ewald's rendering : " und es
schmolzen die seine Stimme horten, wie
Wachs wenn es Feuer fuhlt." Hence, too,
Hilgenfeld's conjecture is a probable one, that
for eraKija-av the Latin translator took e'/cd-
Tjo-av as the original, and so rendered it
ardescebant, " burned," instead of " melted."
6. graved.] Or " hewn :" Dan. ii. 45.
9. instrument of zvar.] Lat. vas bellicosum.
So vasa mortis in Ps. vii. 14.
11. / 'was afraid.] Vulg. extimui. But the
best MSS. have exstiti = i^ta-r-qv, . " I was
astonied." Aittr pulvis S. adds cineris.
13. much people.] This is not an adequate
rendering oi-vultus hominum midtorum, " faces
of many people," recalling the upturned coun-
tenances of the throng.
of them that ivere offered.] The marginal
reading looks plausible ; but Churton rightly
compares Isa. Ixvi. 20, " they shall bring all
your brethren for an offering unto the Lord."
then <ivas I sick.] In place of a-grotanji^
the best MSS. have ego, so that the rendering
should probably be: " and through great fear
I awaked." Comp. xii. 3.
16-20. The sense of this passage is much
obscured in the A.V. Reading erunt (with A.)
for erant, in 1;. 1 7, and leaving out the word
"behind" in v. 16, which spoils the antithesis,
we may render what follows : " For they that
are not left will be in heaviness, understand-
K 2
132
II. ESDRAS. XIII.
[v. 1733-
day.
Standing, woe unto them that shall
be left in those days ! and much
more woe unto them that are not
left behind !
17 For they that were not left
were in heaviness.
18 Now understand I the things
that are laid up in the latter days,
which shall happen unto them, and to
those that are left behind.
19 Therefore are they come into
great perils and many necessities, like
as these dreams declare.
20 Yet is it easier for him that is
iOr, this in danger to come into "these things,
than to pass away as a cloud out of
the world, and not to see the things
that happen in the last days. And
he answered unto me, and said,
21 The interpretation of the vision
shall I shew thee, and I will open
unto thee the thing that thou hast
required.
22 Whereas thou hast spoken of
them that are left behind, this is the
interpretation :
23 He that shall endure the peril
in that time hath kept himself: they
that be fallen into danger are such
as have works, and faith toward the
Almighty.
24 Know this therefore, that they
which be left behind are more blessed
than they that be dead.
25 This is the meaning of the
vision : Whereas thou sawest a man
coming up from the midst of the
sea :
26 The same is he whom God
the Highest hath kept a great season,
which by his own self shall deliver
his creature : and he shall order them
that are left behind.
27 And whereas thou sawest, that
out of his mouth there came as a
blast of wind, and fire, and storm ;
28 And that he held neither sword,
nor any instrument of war, but that
the rushing in of him destroyed the
whole multitude that came to subdue
him ; this is the interpretation :
29 Behold, the days come, when
the most High will beg-in to deliver
them that are upon the earth.
30 And he shall come to the
astonishment of them that dwell on
the earth.
31 And one shall undertake to
fight against another, one city against
another, one place against another,
*one people against another, and one " Matt. 24.
realm against another. ^"
32 And the time shall be when
these things shall come to pass, and
the signs shall happen which I shewed
thee before, and then shall my Son
be declared, whom thou sawest as a
man ascending.
33 And when all the people hear
hi
IS voice, every
man shall in their
ing what things are laid up in the last days,
and (that) they will not meet with them ; but
woe also to them that are left, on this account,
that (lit. for) they will see great perils and
many straits, as these dreams do shew. Yet
is it a happier thing to run the risk of coming
to these things than to pass away as a cloud,"
6<.c. For facilhis, "an easier thing," in nt. 20,
Hilgenfeld conjectured felicius, " a happier
thing," as above, which suits the sense better,
and is supported by the versions.
23. The sense of this verse also is lost in
the A. v., partly from a wrong punctuation
of the Latin. Render: "He that bringeth
the peril upon them in that time, will himself
guard such as have fallen into peril : these are
they that have works and faith towards the
most Mighty." For the aufert of the Vulgate,
S. has adferet.
25. the midst of the sea^ The Lat. de
corde maris, " from the heart of the sea,"
points to ex. Trjs Kap8i.as in the Greek ; an ex-
pression found in Matt. xii. 40, " the heart of
the earth." So in iv. 7 above.
28. rushing i.] Or " onset."
30. And he shall come?\ Rather, " And
astonishment shall come ;" the versions point-
ing to excessus incntis, not in excessu, as the
true reading. The phrase in excessu mentis
has occurred before, in v. 33, where it is ren-
dered " sore troubled in mind."
32. And the time, (h'c^ Rather, " And it
shall be, when these things shall come to
pass . . . then shall my Son," &c. The
apodosis begins with " then shall," the et of
the Latin merely representing a Ka\ temporal,
as often in this book.
V. 3445-]
II. ESDRAS. XIII.
^33
own land leave the battle they have
one against another.
34 And an innumerable multitude
shall be gathered together, as thou
sawest them, willing to come, and to
overcome him by fighting.
35 But he shall stand upon the
top of the mount Sion.
36 And Sion shall come, and shall
be shewed to all men, being prepared
and builded, like as thou sawest the
hill graven without hands.
37 And this my Son shall rebuke
the wicked inventions of those nations,
which for their wicked life are fallen
into the tempest ;
38 And shall lay before them
their evil thoughts, and the torments
wherewith they shall begin to be tor-
mented, which are like unto a flame :
and he shall destroy them without la-
bour by the law which is like unto fire.
39 And whereas thou sawest that
he gathered another peaceable multi-
tude unto him ;
40 Those are the ten tribes, which
were carried away prisoners out of
their own land in the time of Osea
the kino;, whom '^Salmanasar the kine *2 Kings
of Assyria led away captive, and he
carried them over the waters, and so
came they into another land.
41 But they took this counsel
among themselves, that they would
leave the multitude of the heathen,
and go forth into a further country,
where never mankind dwelt,
42 That they might there keep
their statutes, which they never kept
in their own land.
43 And they entered into Euphra-
tes by the narrow passages of the
river.
44 For the most High then shewed
'^signs for them, and held still the "Exod. 14-
flood, till they were passed over. jos. 3. 15,
45 For through that country there '^'
was a great way to go, namely, of a
year and a half: and the same region
is called "Arsareth. ti//;/^"*
34. luilling.'] I.e. " wishing," or " pur-
posing." Compare -v. 5 above.
35. Sion.l Comp. Rev. xiv. i. Hilgenfeld
quotes the ' Oracula Sibyll.' iii. 663 sgq., de-
scribing the confederation of the kings of the
earth against the Temple of God: 'AAXa ivakiv
^acrtXrjis k.t.\,
36. being -prepared^ Omit " being."
37. inventions.'] This word is due to the
Vulgate reading adinveneriint, for which the
best MSS. have ad'venerunt. Understanding,
with Van der Vlis, eorum to refer to gentes
(the gender being due to the influence of the
Greek, as above, xi. 4), we may render : " But
my Son shall himself convict the nations that
have drawn nigh of their wickednesses, even
those that have approached the tempest, and
shall upbraid them face to face with their evil
devices and the torments wherewith," (Sec.
38. by the law.'] In 1;. 10 the destroying
agent was the " blast of fire," and there was
no mention of any " law." Hence it is pos-
sible that instead of 6ta t6v vofiov =per legem,
the original may have been Sia ro dvofxov =
"through, or owing to, their lawlessness."
The Arabic somewhat favours this : " durch
ihre SUnden."
40. the ten tribes.] See 2 Kings xvii. 3.
There is a curious variation among the autho-
rities as to the number here given. In the
Aeth. it is " nine ;" in the Arabic, " nine and a
half." In MS. A. it is " viiii," with decern
written over it(Bensly, p. 33). The omission
of one from the ten may be due to the
absence of Dan in the list given in Rev. vii.
5-8 (on which see Grotius's note). Possibly
also the peculiar total of nine and a half may
be connected with the omission of the half-
tribe of Ephraim from the same list; the
number twelve being there made up by the
inclusion of Joseph and Levi.
onjer the ^waters.] Lat. trans flumen ; i.e.
the Euphrates.
43. narro'M passages.] I.e. where the river
was narrow, or more easily fordable.
44. held still thejlood.] Lat. statuit venas
Jiuminis, " stayed the springs of the river," as
in v. 47. Comp. Isa. xi. 15, 16. The writer's
aim is to shew that God still interposed on
behalf of His people, as in the days of Moses
and Joshua.
45. Arsareth.] Volkmar gives various sup-
posed identifications of this region ; but there
can be little doubt that Dr. Schiller-Szinessy
is right in taking it to be simply the Hebrew
for " other land," answering to the terram
aliam of 1;. 40, and so occurring in Deut.
xxix. 27. See Bensly, p. 23 n. Josephus
134
II. ESDRAS. XIII. XIV.
[v. 46-
46 Then dwelt they there until
the latter time ; and now when they
shall begin to come,
47 The Highest shall stay the
springs of the stream again, that they
may go through : therefore sawest
thou the multitude with peace.
48 But those that be left behind
of thy people are they that are found
within my borders.
49 Now when he destroyeth the
multitude of the nations that are
gathered together, he shall defend his
people that remain.
50 And then shall he shew them
great wonders.
51 Then said I, O Lord that
bearest rule, shew me this : Where-
fore have I seen the man coming up
from the midst of the sea ?
52 And he said unto me. Like as
thou canst neither seek out nor know
the things that are in the deep of the
sea : even so can no man upon earth
see my Son, or those that be with
him, but in the day time.
53 This is the interpretation of
the dream which thou sawest, and
whereby thou only art here lightened.
54 For thou hast forsaken thine
own way, and applied thy diligence
unto my law, and sought it.
55 Thy life hast thou ordered in
wisdom, and hast called understanding
thy mother.
56 And therefore have I shewed
thee the treasures of the Highest :
after other three days I will speak
other things unto thee, and declare
unto thee mighty and wondrous
things.
57 Then went I forth into the
field, giving praise and thanks greatly
unto the most High because of his
wonders, which he did in time ;
58 And because he governeth the
same, and such things as fall in their
seasons : and there I sat three days.
CHAPTER XIV.
I A voice out of a bush calleth Esdras, 10 and
telleth him that the world luaxeth old. 22
He desireth, because the laiu tvas burnt, to
write all again, 24 and is bid to get swift
writers. 39 He and they are filled with
understanding : 45 bnt he is charged not to
publish all that is written.
AND it came to pass upon the
third day, I sat under an oak,
and, behold, there came a voice out
of a bush over against me, and said,
Esdras, Esdras.
2 And I said, Here am I, Lord.
And I stood up upon my feet.
(' Ant.' xi. 5, 2) believed in the existence of
a land called Arsareth, where numbers of his
countrymen still dwelt beyond the Euphrates.
See the art. Captivities of the Jews in the
' Diet, of the Bible,' p. 277 ^.
47. the multitude?^ After this, in the Latin,
the best MSS. have collect am, " gathered to-
gether." Comp. 1}. 39.
48. The construction here is somewhat
doubtful. Hilgenfeld, on the authority of the
Syriac, inserts " shall be saved," so that the
verse would run : " yea, they also that be
left, Sec., shall be saved, even they that are
found within my holy border." In place of
the Vulgate factum, it will be observed, Hil-
genfeld conjectures sanctum to be the reading.
52. as thou canst?^ The best MSS. have
potest., not potes : " as one cannot seek out or
know," &c. Churton aptly compares Ps. Ixxvii.
19, " Thy way is in the sea, and thy path in
the great waters, and thy footsteps are not
known."
i)ut in the day time.'] Rather, " in the time
of his day," with the versions. " One of the
days of the Son of man" is an expression
found in Luke xvii. 22.
53. whereby.'] Rather, "wherefore," or
" on account of which." Volkmar would read
the clause interrogatively, thus: "And where-
fore hast thou alone been enlightened in this?"
The best MSS. have hac for hie The answer
would then be given in the following verse.
55. Churton compares Prov. vii. 4, "Say
unto wisdom, Thou art my sister ; and call
understanding thy kinswoman."
56. the treasures.'] The Vulgate has ostendi
tibi merces, but probably the true reading is
qute merces, " have I shewed thee what reward
there is wath the Highest."
mighty.] Rather, " weighty ;" Lat. gravia.
57. in time.] Lat. per tempus ; perhaps
meant to represent /carer Kaipov, " in season."
Instead of ipsum, rendered "the same," the
best MSS. have tempera, " the seasons."
V. 3 1 6.]
II. ESDRAS. XIV.
T-3S
"Exod. 3. 2 Then said he unto me, '^In the
bush I did manifestly reveal myself
unto Moses, and talked with him,
when my people served in Egypt :
4 And I sent him, and led my
people out of Egypt, and brought
him up to the mount of Sinai, where
I held him by me a long season,
5 And told him many wondrous
things, and shewed him the secrets
of the times, and the end ; and com-
manded him, saying,
6 These words shalt thou declare,
and these shalt thou hide.
7 And now I say unto thee,
8 That thou lay up in thy heart
the signs that I have shewed, and
the dreams that thou hast seen, and
the interpretations which thou hast
heard :
9 For thou shalt be taken away
from all, and from henceforth thou
shalt remain with my "Son, and with 0r,
such as be like thee, until the times ^'"""''^"
be ended.
10 For the world hath lost his
youth, and the times begin to wax old.
11 For the world is divided into
twelve parts, and the ten parts of it
are gone already, and half of a tenth
part :
12 And there remaineth that which
is after the half of the tenth part.
13 Now therefore set thine house
in order, and reprove thy people,
comfort such of them as be in trouble,
and now renounce corruption,
14 Let go from thee mortal
thoughts, cast away the burdens of
man, put off now the weak nature,
15 And set aside the thoughts that
are most heavy unto thee, and haste
thee to flee from these times.
16 For ^yet greater evils than s.' ^ '^^
CHAPTER XIV.
Epilogue, or Seventh Vision
(ch. xiv. 1-47). ,
3. manifestly reveal.'] This strengthened
form of expression is used to represent the
rcvelans revelatus sum of the Latin, a
Hebrew idiom often found in this book.
9. thou shalt be taken aivay from all.]
Vulg. recipieris ab omnibus. In the quota-
tion of the passage made by Ambrose, ' De
bono Mortis,' c. xi., the reading is ab
hominibus, and so in the versions. For " re-
ceived up" in this sense, comp. Mark xvi. 19.
The Arabic has " aus den Menschen aufge-
nommen werden."
ivith my Son^ The Vulgate has cum con~
silio, whence the rendering in the margin ; but
the best MSS. cum flio, " with my Son." It
is evident that cum flio might easily be mis-
taken for consilio. Hilgenfeld draws from
this and other passages a proof of the Jewish
belief in the pre-existence of Messiah, who,
before his manifestation to the world, had as
companions those who had not tasted death,
Enoch, Elias, and (as now foretold) Ezra.
11. tivelve parts.] According to Hilgen-
feld, these parts, or periods, of the world's
great aeon are weeks of jubilees, or 7 x 49
= 343 years. Taking the year of the world
3000 as that in which the author of this book
would place the building of the Temple (x. 46),
and adding 470 years for the time it stood
(according to Josephus's computation), and
30 years from the beginning of the Captivity,
we get 3500 as the year of these Visions of
Ezra. Ten and a part of the cycles of 343
years would then have been completed, but
not ten and a half exactly, which would
bring us to the year of the world 3601.
This want of agreement is not very satisfac-
tory. On the other hand, if we start with
the year B.C. 588 given by Usher as the date
of the destruction of the Temple, the 30th
year of the Captivity would be 558. One
and a half parts from this, or 514J years,
would place the expected end of the world
about B.C. 23, or near the date at which
Hilgenfeld is inclined to place the pseudo-
Ezra.
The reading decimam, for the Vulgate
decima, is explained by the decima jam found
in A. (see Bensly, p. 29).
13. such of them as be in trouble^ The
Latin is simply humiles eorum, " their lowly
ones." Comp. Matt. v. 3.
14. the burdens of man^ I.e. all belonging
to his bodily or corruptible nature. Comp.
2 Cor. V. 4 : " For we that are in this taber-
nacle do groan, being burdened." From this
point to t;. 20 the numbering of the verses in
the A. V. does not agree with that in the
Vulgate.
15. to flee from.] Rather, "to remove
from," as an emigrant ; Lat. transmigrare.
16. greater.] Rather, " worse ; " Lat. de-
teriora.
1^6
II. ESDRAS. XIV
[v. 1731.
those which thou hast seen happen
shall be done hereafter.
17 For look how much the world
shall be weaker throuirh aire, so much
the more shall evils increase upon
them that dwell therein.
18 For the truth is fled far away,
and leasino; is hard at hand : for now
hasteth the vision to come, which
thou hast seen.
19 Then answered I before thee,
and said,
20 Behold, Lord, I will go, as
thou hast commanded me, and re-
prove the people which are present :
but they that shall be born afterward,
who shall admonish them ? thus the
world is set in darkness, and they that
dwell therein are without light.
21 For thy law is burnt, therefore
no man knoweth the things that are
done of thee, or the works that shall
begin.
22 But if I have found grace be-
fore thee, send the Holy Ghost into
me, and I shall write all that hath
been done in the world since the
beginning, which were written in
thy law, that men may find thy
path, and that they which will live
in the latter days may live.
23 And he answered me, saying,
Go thy way, gather the people to-
gether, and say unto them, that they
seek thee not for forty days.
24 But look thou prepare thee
many "box trees, and take with thee Wr.iox
Sarea, Dabria, Selemia, "Ecanus, and^y^/^^^w:
Asiel, these five which are ready to S" ^^''
write swiftly j n Or,
25 And come hither, and I shall -c^'"".
light a candle of understanding in
thine heart, which shall not be put
out, till the things be performed
which thou shalt begin to write.
26 And when thou hast done, some
things shalt thou publish, and some
things shalt thou shew secretly to the
wise : to morrow this hour shalt thou
begin to write.
27 Then went I forth, as he com-
manded, and gathered all the people
together, and said,
28 Hear these words, O Israel.
29 '^Our fathers at the beginning <^ Gen. 47.
were strangers in Egypt, from whence ^'
they were delivered :
30 '^And received the law of life, -^ Acts 7.
which they kept not, which ye also ^^'
have transgressed after them.
31 Then was the land, even the
land of Sion, parted among yoi^ by
18. is fled far awayl\ Vulg. proJongavit
se, " is deferred," or " put off." Comp.
Seneca, 'De Benef.' v. 17, "Ut prolongetur
tibi dies mortis, nihil proficit ad felicitatem."
19. The awkwardness of " before thee "
in this verse is removed by inserting loquar
(on the authority of the versions) before
coram te in the Vulgate. The sense would
then be : " And I answered and said, I will
speak before thee, Lord. For behold," &c.
21. is burnt ^ Perhaps with an allusion to
Jehudi's cutting to pieces and burning the
roll of the Law (Jer. xxxvi. 26). But comp.
iv. 23, above.
the things . . . the ivorks^ Rather, " the
works that have been done, or that are about
to be done, by thee." The incipient of the
Latin points to some form of fiiWeip in the
Greek.
23. forty daysJ] Here, as in the mention
of "the bush" in -v. i, there is an evident
assimilation to the events recorded of Moses.
Comp. Exod. xxiv. 18
24. box treesJ] Lat. buxos multos. The
versions have "tablets," as in the margin.
The existence of the word -nv^lov for a
writing-tablet (Aristoph. ' Fr.' 671) is a proof
of box-wood having been used for that pur-
pose. The error in gender in the Latin
should be noticed.
Sarea, (ii'r.] Each of these names is variously
spelt in the Latin and in the versions. Sarea
is probably the same name as Seraiah, men-
tioned in Ezra ii. 2. A Dibri (LXX. Aa^pet)
occurs in Levit. xxiv. 11. For Selemia, Hil-
genfeld compares the Shalmai (LXX. 2eXn/iO
of Ezra ii. 46 ; but the name is rather identical
with the Selemias of i Esdras ix. 34, the
Shelemiah of Ezra x. 39. 'Ao-a/X is t*he Greek
form of Asael in Tobit i. i ; while several
Levites of the name of Elkanah are recorded
in the Old Testament, as in i Chron. ix. 16.
25. candle.'] Rather, " lamp ; " Lat. lucer-
nam. The words as they stand may have
prompted Hugh Latimer's famous saying.
31. land of Sion.] Hilgenfeld, rather
V. 32 44- J
II. ESDRAS. XIV.
137
lOt : but your fathers, and ye your-
selves, have done unrighteousness, and
have not kept the ways which the
Highest commanded you.
32 And forasmuch as he is a
righteous judge, he took from you in
time the thing that he had given you.
33 And now are ye here, and
your brethren among you.
34 Therefore if so be that ye will
subdue your own understanding, and
reform your hearts, ye shall be kept
alive, and after death ye shall obtain
mercy.
35 For after death shall the judg-
ment come, when we shall live again :
and then shall the names of the right-
eous be manifest, and the works of
the ungodly shall be declared.
36 Let no man therefore come
unto me now, nor seek after me
these forty days.
37 So I took the five men, as he
commanded me, and we went into
the field, and remained there.
38 And the next day, behold, a
voice called me, saying, Esdras, *open 'Ezek. 3.
thy mouth, and drink that I give thee ^'
to drink.
39 Then opened I my mouth,
and, behold, he reached me a full
cup, which was full as it were with
water, but the colour of it was like
fire.
40 And I took it, and drank : and
when I had drunk of it, my heart
uttered understanding, and wisdom
grew in my breast, for my spirit
strengthened my memory :
41 And my mouth was opened,
and shut no more.
42 The Highest gave understand-
ing unto the five men, and they wrote
the wonderful visions of the night
that were told, which they knew not :
and they sat forty days, and they
wrote in the day, and at night they
ate bread.
43 As for me, I spake in the day,
and I held not my tongue by night.
44 In forty days they wrote "two ^fj^'J^^^"
hundred and four books. and /our.
strangely, supposes this to be the land of
Sihon (STycoj/), king of the Amorites, comparing
Deut. iv. 46. No doubt the Jewish mind
was deeply impressed by their conquest of
this chieftain, but the inheritance of Mount
Sion seems the natural one to think of here.
The Arabic has : " He gave us the land for an
inheritance, and Sion for an ornament."
33. among you?\ The peculiar expression
in the Latin, introrsum -vestrum, may point to
ivTos vfimv. Volkmar thinlcs this a deviation
from an original kt6s vncbu, " separated from
you." Hilgenfeld, with some probability,
renders it back by ivbo-repov vjiav, "are more
inland than you," referring to the migration
of the ten tribes in xiii. 41.
39. ivater . . . Jire.'] Comp. the "sea of
glass mingled with fire " in Rev. xv. 2.
40. mv spirit, (b'c.'] Vulg. spiritus mens
conservabatur memoria. But the best MSS.
have conservabat. If we read memoriam,
with D., the sense would be much simpler :
"for my spirit retained a memory." So
the Arabic : " und mein Geist beliielt das
Gedachtniss frisch."
42. 'which they knew not"] The Vulg. has
et scripserunt qua dicebantur excessiones rioctis,
quas non sciebant. In the versions there is
an interesting variation of reading, " in charac-
ters which they knew not " (Aethiopic, in
characteribus litterarum quas non sciebant').
Gomp. the Arabic : " auch die Zeichen die
sie nicht kannten." Hence it might be con-
jectured that noctis in the text was a mis-
reading of notis. Jerome has preserved the
tradition of Ezra being the inventor of a
fresh character for writing. See the passage
(' Op.' ix. 454) quoted by Hilgenfeld.
44. t'wo hundred and four booksI\ The
correction of this to " ninety-four " in the
versions is easy to understand, the seventy
" mystic " books and the twenty-four of the
Hebrew Canon making up that number. As
Van der Vlis also points out, the change of
9A' to CA' {Koppa Delta = 94, to Sigma
Delta = 204) would be easy. The marginal
reading of 904 (found in the best MSS. of the
Latin) is not so readily accounted for, as 7^
(Sattjpi = 900) is not easily mistaken.
On the subject of the re-writing of the
lost books of the Law, see the articles
Apocrypha (p. 79 b), Canon (p. 251 b),
and Ezra in the ' Diet, of the Bible.' In
2 Mace. ii. 13, a similar collection is ascribed
to Nehemiah. The books of the O. T. were
generally reckoned as twenty-two, to agree
in number with the letters of the Hebrew
138
II. ESDRAS. XIV. XV.
[v. 457.
45 And it came to pass, when the
forty days were fulfilled, that the
Highest spake, saying, The first that
thou hast written publish openly,
that the worthy and unworthy may
read it :
46 But keep the seventy last, that
thou mayest deliver them only to
such as be wise among the people :
47 For in them is the spring of
understanding, the fountain of wis-
\^)'J''f dom, and "the stream of knowledge.
know. 48 And I did so.
ledge.
CHAPTER XV.
I This prophecy is certain. 5 God will take
vengeance upon the wicked, 12 7ipott Egypt.
28 An horrible vision. 43 Babylon and
Asia are threatened.
BEHOLD, speak thou in the
ears of my people the words
of prophecy, which I will put in thy
mouth, saith the Lord :
2 And cause them to be written
in paper : for they are faithful and
true.
3 Fear not the imaginations against
thee, let not the incredulity of them
trouble thee, that speak against thee.
4 For ''all the unfaithful shall dieyohns,
in their unfaithfulness.
5 Behold, saith the Lord, I will
bring plagues upon the world ; the
sword, famine, death, and destruction.
6 For wickedness hath exceedingly
polluted the whole earth, and their
hurtful works are fulfilled.
7 Therefore saith the Lord,
36.
alphabet ; but Ruth and Lamentations were
sometimes counted separately, thus making a
total of twenty-four.
46. only to such.^ i3'cl\ These words dis-
close to us the real estimation in which
writings called Apocryphal were at first held.
They were supposed to contain the esoteric
teaching, the inner and mystical knowledge,
of the body in which they originated.
47. spring of understanding.'] \^''ith this
compare the title Hrjyr] yi/coo-eco? given by
John of Damascus to his great work, or col-
lection of works. The marginal rendering
assumes lumen iox flumen.
48. And I did so.] The Latin text ends
here. But in the versions a passage follows,
as below, which is supposed to have been
displaced from the end of the Latin by the
Christian compiler who added chapters xv.
and xvi. ; his object being to make the con-
nection of those two chapters seem more
natural. According to Ewald's rendering of
the Arabic, the chapter thus ends in that ver-
sion : " And I did so in the fourth year after
the Sabbatical year, 5025 since the Creation,
on the twelfth day of the third month of the
ninety-second year. Then was Ezra taken
up, and borne to the land of the immortal
ones like him. He wrote all these things,
and was called the writer of the law and
understanding and knowledge of God; to
whom be honour and dominion for all eter-
nity." The reckoning of two months and
twelve ^days (" the twelfth day of the third
month ") may be accounted for by supposing
the visions to have begun with the beginning
of the thirtieth year of the Captivity, Adding
together the times recorded in v. 20, vi. 31,
ix. 23, X. 58, xii. 39, xiii. 56, xiv. 23, we have
a total of 72 or 73 days = 2 months 12
days. The "ninety-second year" is under-
stood by Ewald to be that of the prophet's
life. The year a.m. 5025 is difficult to ac-
count for, and Hilgenfeld reads conjecturally
" in the fourth year of the second week (of
years) of the seventy- fourth jubilee from the
creation of the world." This gives 73 x 49
+ II = 3588 as the year anno mundi, or
B.C. 558.
CHAPTER XV.
1. The beginning of tliis chapter should be
compared with the end of ch. ii. ; these four
chapters (i., ii., xv., xvi.) making together a
later supplement to the book, as was said in
the Introduction. Hence they are sometimes
called collectively the Fifth Book of Esdras.
But the connection of xv. i, either with ii. 48
or xiv. 48, is not very skilful ; xv. i speaking
of prophecies to be revealed, but ii. 48 of
wonders which the seer had beheld.
2. in paper.] Lat. in chart a. This passage
should be added to the two (2 John 12,
3 Mace. iv. 20) mentioned in the article on
Writing in the ' Diet, of the Bible ' as the
only two passages in the Bible where the use
of papyrus is alluded to.
3. that speak against thee.] As the Lat,
dicentium would hardly bear this sense, and is
incomplete as it stands, Hilgenfeld proposes
discentium, " them that learn," or " thy dis-
ciples."
6. hath . . .polluted.] Rather, "hath pre-
vailed over ; " Lat. superpoUuit . . . super.
V. 8 20.]
11. ESDRAS. XV
139
8 I will hold my tongue no more
as touching their wickedness, which
they profanely commit, neither will I
suffer them in those things, in which
they wickedly exercise themselves :
-^Rev. 6. behold, the ^innocent and righteous
10. & 19. 2. j^j^^^ crieth unto me, and the souls
of the just complain continually.
9 And therefore, saith the Lord,
I will surely avenge them, and receive
unto me all the innocent blood from
among them.
10 Behold, my people is led as a
flock to the slaughter : I will not
suffer them now to dwell in the land
of Egypt :
1 1 But I will bring them with a
mighty hand and a stretched out arm,
and smite Egypt with plagues, as
before, and will destroy all the land
thereof.
12 Egypt shall mourn, and the
foundation of it shall be smitten with
the plague and punishment that God
shall bring upon it.
13 They that till the ground shall
mourn : for their seeds shall fail
through the blasting and hail, and
with a fearful constellation.
14 Woe to the world and them
that dwell therein !
15 For the sword and their de-
struction draweth nigh, and one
people shall stand up to fight against
another, and swords in their hands.
16 For there shall be sedition
among men, and invading one an-
other ; they shall not regard their
kings nor princes, and the course of
their actions shall stand in their
power.
17 A man shall desire to go into
a city, and shall not be able.
18 For because of their pride the
cities shall be troubled, the houses
shall be destroyed, and men shall be
afraid.
19 A man shall have no pity upon
his neighbour, but shall destroy their
houses with the sword, and spoil their
goods, because of the lack of bread,
and for great tribulation.
20 Behold, saith God, I will call
too-ether all the kings of the earth to
reverence me, which are from the
rising of the sun, from the south,
from the east, and Libanus ; to turn
themselves one against another, and
10. Comp. Isa. liii. 7; Ps. xliv. 22.
11. S7Jjite Egypt ijuith plagues.'] Egypt
might, of course, be used as a mystical name
for any land in which God's people were op-
pressed. But the addition of "as before"
combines with other circumstances to make
us think the literal Egypt to be here intended.
Those who would place the composition of
these chapters at about the same date as that
of the later Sibylline Oracles (the time of the
death of Odenathus), see a fulfilment of these
predictions in the troubles of Alexandria
under Gallienus(A.D. 260-268). The ravages
of barbarian tribes and the scourge of pesti-
lence seemed ready to bring the empire to
utter dismemberment. The plague alone is
said to have carried off nearly two-thirds of
the entire population of Alexandria at this
time. See the 'Diet, of Biography,' art.
Gallienus.
15. s^jjords.'] The word used in the second
part of the verse is rhotnphu:a, the word
rendered " sword " in Rev. ii. 12; being
properly a Thracian spear with long, sharp
blade.
16. the course of their acticns.l Vulg. tz>
gestorum. The differences of reading, me
gestorum (T.) and me gestanorum (S.), lead
with certainty to RBnsch's emendation of
meghtanorum. Render : " For there shall be
sedition among men. Waxing strong against
one another, they will not heed their king
and the chief of their great ones in their
power." Such claims to independent power
are what we read of before the genius of an
Aurelian and a Probus consolidated the
empire again. See the 'Diet, of Biography'
under AUREOLUS.
19. shall destroy.'] The Lat. is peculiar :
ad irritum faciendum domos eorum in gladium ;
perhaps suggestive of ciKaTaardTovs TroLTJaai,
" to unsettle " or " break up " their homes.
20. to reverence me.] Vulg. ad me "veren-
dum. But a more appropriate reading is ad
movendum, " to the commotion," found in the
best MSS.
Libanus.] As other quarters are denoted
by winds, it is probable that a Libano here is
due to a misunderstanding of omo Ai/Scis. It
would then be : " from the sunrising and
from the south, from the south-east and from
the south-west."
I40
II. ESDRAS. XV.
[v. 2133
repay the things that they have done
to them.
21 Like as they do yet this day
unto my chosen, so will I do also,
and recompense in their bosom. Thus
saith the Lord God ;
22 My right hand shall not spare
the sinners, and my sword shall not
cease over them that shed innocent
blood upon the earth.
23 The fire is gone forth from his
wrath, and hath consumed the foun-
dations of the earth, and the sinners,
like the straw that is kindled.
24 Woe to them that sin, and
keep not my commandments ! saith
the Lord.
25 I will not spare them : go your
way, ye children, from the power,
defile not my sanctuary.
26 For the Lord knoweth all
them that sin against him, and there-
fore delivereth he them unto death
and destruction.
27 For now are the plagues come
upon the whole earth, and ye shall
remain in them : for God shall not
deliver you, because ye have sinned
against him.
28 Behold an horrible vision, and
the appearance thereof from the east :
29 Where the nations of the
dragons of Arabia shall come out
with many chariots, and the multi-
tude of them shall be carried as the
wind upon earth, that all they which
hear them may fear and tremble.
30 Also the Carmanians raging in
wrath shall go forth as the wild
boars of the wood, and with great
power shall they come, and join
battle with them, and shall waste a
portion of the land of the Assyrians.
31 And then shall the dragons
have the upper hand, remembering
their nature ; and if they shall turn
themselves, conspiring together in
great power to persecute them,
32 Then these shall be troubled,
and keep silence through their power,
and shall flee.
33 And from the land of the As-
syrians shall the enemy besiege them,
and consume some of them, and in
23. batb consumed.'] Better, perhaps,
" shall consume;" Lat. devorabit (in MS. D.)
for de-vora-vit. But A. has devora-vit.
25. from the po<wer.'\ Vulg. a fotestate.
The reading apostate in T. suggests at once
the true reading apostate, " ye apostate
children." This is confirmed by MS. A., and
by the text of a passage of Gildas, where
these verses are quoted. See Bensly, p. 37.
26. dell-veret/j.] Vulg. tradidit, " hath de-
livered." MS. A. reads tradet, " will deliver."
29. atid the multitude.'] Vulg. et sicut flatus
eorum numerus feretur, etc. Instead of sicut
the best MSS. have sic, while for sic flatus
A. has sibilatus. In like manner for numerus
the best authorities have in die itineris. Hence
the sense would be: "and their hissing is
borne over the earth from the day of their
setting forth."
30. Carmanians.'] Some MSS. have Jr-
menii, on the principle (as Bensly says, p. 23)
of putting the known for the unknown.
Carmania was a region above the Persian
Gulf, to the west of Gedrosia. Its name
survives in Kirman. The Vulg. has Carmonii.
The events here obscurely shadowed forth
may have been the conquests of the Sas-
samd2, especially Sapores I. (a.d. 240-273),
and their conflicts with the Roman generals.
Sapores had pushed his arms to the north-
west, so far as to destroy Antioch and over-
run Syria, "a portion of the land of the
Assyrians," -v. 30. Odenathus and his brave
queen Zenobia attacked him, and, having
driven him back beyond the Euphrates,
founded a new empire, with Palmyra for its
capital. They might thus represent the
" dragons " or " fiery flying serpents " (comp.
Isa. XXX. 6) of Arabia. The forces of
Zenobia, after the; death of Odenathus, were
in turn attacked by Aurelian, driven from their
position on the Orontes, and Zenobia herself
finally cooped up within Palmyra, which was
invested and taken. This would answer in
some measure to the language of -y. 33.
31. nature.] Rather, " birth," or " origin ; "
Lat. nati-vitatis. The words " if they " are not
in the Latin.
32. their poiver.] I.e. through t-he power
of their adversaries.
33. the enemy.] Rather, "the lyer-in-
wait;" Lat. subsessor, thought by Hilgen-
feld to denote Maonius,the cousin or nephew
of Odenathus, who slew him by treachery at
Emesa, in a.d. 266 or 267.
some of them.] Rather, " one of them ; "
Lat. unutn ex illis. In the clause which
V. 3443-]
II. ESDRAS. XV.
141
their host shall be fear and dread, and
8 Or, strife ''among their kings.
asaznst. ^^ BchoM clouds from the east
and from the north unto the south,
and they are very horrible to look
upon, full of wrath and storm.
35 They shall smite one upon
<^Matt. 24. another, and "^they shall smite down a
^^' great multitude of stars upon the earth,
"Rev. 14. even their own star; and'^blood shall
be from the sword unto the belly,
36 And dung of men unto the
nor./rt^- camel's "hough.
utter!^^' 37 And there shall be great fearful-
ness and trembling upon earth : and
they that see the wrath shall be afraid,
and trembling shall come upon them.
38 And then shall there come
great storms from the south, and
from the north, and another part
from the west.
39 And strong winds shall arise
from the east, and shall open it ; and
the cloud which he raised up in
wrath, and the star stirred to cause
fear toward the east and west wind,
shall be destroyed.
40 The great and mighty clouds
shall be lifted up full of wrath, and
the star, that they may make all the
earth afraid, and them that dwell
therein ; and they shall pour out over
every high and eminent place an hor-
rible star,
41 Fire, and hail, and flying
swords, and many waters, that all
fields may be full, and all rivers, with
the abundance of great waters.
42 And they shall break down the
cities and walls, mountains and hills,
trees of the wood, and grass of the
meadows, and their corn.
43 And they shall go stedfastly
unto Babylon, and "make her afraid, destroy.
follows, for contentto in reges ipsorum^ MS. A.
has inconstabilitio regno illorum, "unsettle-
ment in their kingdom." The word incori-
stabilitio, not elsewhere found (?), looks like a
close rendering of aKaTaaTaala.
34. This is thought to refer to the inva-
sion of the provinces of Asia Minor by Goths
and Scythians from the north of the Euxine.
Gallienus marched against them, but was
recalled by the rebellion of Aureolus in Italy,
and Marcian was left to carry on the cam-
paign. See the passage from Syncellus,
quoted by Hilgenfeld, p. 210.
35. This verse is obscure. By " stars" in
biblical language are sometimes meant lumi-
naries of the Church, as in Dan. viii. 10;
Rev. viii. 10. But here temporal powers
would rather seem to be denoted ; a use of
language for which the Julium sidus of Horace
affords some precedent. In the concluding
words the text is very uncertain. The
marginal reading "litter" is due to the
Vulgate substramen, in place of which S. has
suffraginem, " hough " or " pastern." If in
place of JJmus, " dung," we read femor'ibus
(see Bensly, p. 21), the sense would be: "and
there shall be blood from the sword even to
the horse's belly, and from men's thighs even
to the camel's hough." Comp. Rev. xiv. 20,
and the Book of Enoch, c. 100, " A horse will
walk up to his breast in the blood of sinners."
38. from the <west.'\ Perhaps referring to
the insurrection of Aureolus in Italy ; as, in
like manner, the counterblast from the East,
that was to drive back this storm-cloud,
would prefigure the return march of Gal-
lienus, when he shut up and besieged the
insurgents in Milan. See above, on 1;. 34.
39. shall open?^ Lat. recludent. This word
may bear the sense given in the English, that
of " opening " or dispelling the cloud. But
though this is its classical meaning, the later
sense of " shutting up," as in Ammianus and
Tertullian, seems preferable here. By "it"
is meant the "other part" of 1;. 38; while
" he," as I understand it, denotes the mover of
the rebellion, the raiser of the cloud, himself.
40. an horrible star.} I do not see how to
give " star " here the same interpretation as in
<!;. 35, It seems to denote here the baleful
influence of these wars and insurrections.
Compare the "pestifero sidereicti" of Livy
(viii. 9), and the aa-Tpo^okelcrBai of the
Greeks. In v. 13 the same words are
rendered " fearful constellation."
41. Jlying swords.'] It is suggested by
Churton that this may be used to denote
lightnings, called the " arrows " of God in
Ps. xviii. 14 and elsewhere. But the sword
would not, like the arrow, be a fitting symbol
of something shot forth. It is more natural
to refer it to such omens foreboding war as
were the flaming swords seen in the sky by
the terrified Romans after the battle of the
Trasimene Lake.
43. Babylon.'] I.e. Rome, as in ' Orac
SibylL'v. 158:
Kal ^A.e|et irSfTov jSaflw, ain-fjp re "RafivXwva,
'lra\ij}s yaidv re.
142-
II. ESDRAS. XV.
[v. 4458.
44 They shall come to her, and
besiege her, the star and all wrath
shall they pour out upon her: then
shall the dust and smoke go up unto
the heaven, and all they that be about
her shall bewail her.
45 And they that remain under
her shall do service unto them that
have put her in fear.
^Or,i;?,e ^.6 And thou, Asia, that art "par-
Babyion. talcct of the hope of Babylon, and art
the glory of her person :
47 Woe be unto thee, thou wretch,
because thou hast made thyself like
unto her ; and hast decked thy
daughters in whoredom, that they
might please and glory in thy lovers,
which have alway desired to commit
whoredom with thee !
48 Thou hast followed her that is
hated in all her works and inventions :
therefore saith God,
' Rev. is. 49 ^ I will send plagues upon thee ;
widowhood, poverty, famine, sword,
and pestilence, to waste thy houses
with destruction and death.
50 And the glory of thy power
shall be dried up as a flower, when the
heat shall arise that is sent over thee.
51 Thou shalt be weakened as a
poor woman with stripes, and as one
chastised with wounds, so that the
mighty and lovers shall not be able to
receive thee.
52 Would I with jealousy have
so proceeded against thee, saith the
Lord,
53 If thou hadst not always slain
my chosen, exalting the stroke of
thine hands, and saying over their
"dead, when thou wast drunken, ''La'-
54 Set forth the beauty of thy
countenance ?
55 The reward of thy whoredom
shall be in thy bosom, therefore shalt
thou receive recompence.
56 Like as thou hast done unto
my chosen, saith the Lord, even so
shall God do unto thee, and shall
deliver thee into mischief
57 Thy children shall die of hun-
ger, and thou shalt fall through the
sword : thy cities shall be broken
down, and all thine shall perish with
the sword in the field.
58 They that be in the mountains
shall die of hunger, and eat their
own flesh, and drink their own blood,
make her afraid^ Rather, " destroy ; "
Lat. exterent. So in 'v. 45 Ronsch would
read exteruerunt (late perfect from extero)
instead oiexterruerunt, and in v. 2,9 extritionem,
" destruction," for exterritationem, " terror."
The reading exteritionem in S. makes the
alteration plausible.
46. The marginal reading "like unto" is
due to a reading concors in specie instead of
concors in spem. Hilgenfeld takes this and
the next verses as pointing to the association
of Odenathus in the empire, a.d. 264, when
Asia was made the " consort " of Rome.
50. Compare James i. 11.
51. ixjith tvounds.'] Fritzsche adopts the
reading a mulieribus, though two of the best
MSS. have vulneribus. The reading of the
latter part is shewn by Bensly (p. 34) to be
almost certainly ut non possis tuos. Sec. Hence
we may render: "Thou shalt be weakened
as a poor woman beaten and chastised by
women, so that thou canst not receive thy
powerful ones and thy lovers." Baruch
vi. 43 portrays such a picture of jealous
cruelty.
53. exalting the stroke.'] I.e. uplifting the
hands higher, to make the stroke fall heavier.
But the reading of this verse is not certain.
For dicens, " saying," which requires -v. 54 to
be taken as a taunt addressed by the perse-
cutor to the victim, Fritzsche reads on con-
jecture ridens, making the sentence to end
with -v. 53. The next verse would then be
an indignant apostrophe addressed to the
offending one, Asia.
The sufferings in the persecution just
after the death of Decius, when there was
a massacre of Christians at Alexandria, may
be alluded to here.
54. Set forth.'] Rather, "set off," or
" adorn ; " Lat. exorna.
55. thy <ivhoredom.] Rather, " erf a har-
lot;" fornicarice being the reading of the
best MSS.
56. as thou hast done.] Lat. fades, "as
thou wilt do."
58. their o^vn blood.] More exactly, " shall
drink blood;" Lat. sanguinem bibent., which
would of itself be an abomination. Comp.
Acts XV. 20, 29.
59-
]
II. ESDRAS. XV. XVL
143
for very hunger of bread, and thirst
of water.
59 Thou as unhappy shalt come
through the sea, and receive plagues
ao;ain.
60 And in the passage they shall
rush on the idle city, and shall de-
stroy some portion of thy land, and
consume part of thy glory, and shall
return to Babylon that was destroyed.
61 And thou shalt be cast down
by them as stubble, and they shall be
unto thee as fire ;
62 And shall consume thee, and
thy cities, thy land, and thy moun-
tains ; all thy woods and thy fruitful
trees shall they burn up with fire.
63 Thy children shall they carry
away captive, and, look, what thou
"Or, hast, they shall spoil it, and "mar the
beauty or thy race.
CHAPTER XVI.
I Babylon and other places are threatejted with
plagues that cannot be avoided, 23 and luitk
desolation. 40 The servants of the Lord
must look for troubles: 51 and not hide
their sijts, 74 but leave them, and they shall
be delivered.
WOE be unto thee, Babylon,
and Asia ! woe be unto thee,
Egypt, and Syria !
2 Gird up yourselves with cloths
of sack and hair, bewail your children,
and be sorry j for your destruction is
at hand.
3 A sword is sent upon you, and
who may turn it back ?
4 A fire is sent among you, and
who may quench it ?
5 Plagues are sent unto you, and
what is he that may drive them
away ?
6 May any man drive away an
hungry lion in the wood ? or may
any one quench the fire in stubble,
when it hath begun to burn ?
7 May one turn again the arrow
that is shot of a strong archer ?
8 The mighty Lord sendeth the
plagues, and who is he that can drive
them away ?
9 A fire shall go forth from his
wrath, and who is he that may
quench it ?
10 He shall cast lightnings, and
who shall not fear ? he shall thunder,
and who shall not be afraid ?
11 The Lord shall threaten, and
who shall not be utterly beaten to
powder at his presence ?
12 The earth quaketh, and the
foundations thereof; the sea ariseth
up with waves from the deep, and
the waves of it are troubled, and the
fishes thereof also, before the Lord,
and before the glory of his power :
13 For strong is his right hand
that bendeth the bow, his arrows
that he shooteth are sharp, and shall
not miss, when they begin to be shot
into the ends of the world.
59. Thou as unhappy?^ This is a somewhat
stiff rendering of infelix per maria venies.
But the best MSS. have pr'tmaria for per
maria = " unhappy before all others."
60. rus/j o.] Rather, " crush ; " Lat.
allUent. In place of ociosam, rendered " idle,"
which is the best reading, the Vulgate has
occisam, the " slain city." To what this
partial devastation of Asia, and utter subver-
sion of Rome, may point, I am unable to say.
63. and, look, lubat thou hast.'] The Lat.
is et censum tuum in pradam habebunt, " shall
take thy possessions for a prey."
CHAPTER XVI.
6. or may any one.'] The quotation in
Gildas, and MS. A., agree in a better text
here : aut nunquid extinguet (^-ii) tgnem cum
sir amen incensumfuerit? = " Or will anything
quench the fire when straw hath been set on
fire ? " See Bensly, p. 39.
10. be afraid.] hat pavebit. But Gildas
and A., as above, agree in reading horrebit, a
stronger word.
11. beaten to po^uder.] Or " crushed ; "
Lat. confer etiir. The words " at his pre-
sence," or "from before his face" (Lat. a
facie ipsius), are best connected, as in A.
and Gildas, with what follows. Comp. Ps.
Ixxviii. 16; cxiv. 7.
12. Comp. Ps. xviii. 15.
13. shall not miss.] Churton compares
the " right aiming thunderbolts " of Wisdom
V. 21.
144
II. ESDRAS. XVI.
[v. 1432.
14 Behold, the plagues are sent,
and shall not return again, until they
come upon the earth.
15 The fire is kindled, and shall
not be put out, till it consume the
foundation of the earth.
16 Like as an arrow which is shot
of a mighty archer returneth not
backward : even so the plagues that
shall be sent upon earth shall not
return agam.
17 Woe is me ! woe is me ! who
will deliver me in those days ?
18 The beo-inning of sorrows and
great mournings ; the beginning of
famine and great death ; the begin-
ning of wars, and the powers shall
stand in fear ; the beginning of evils !
what shall I do when these evils shall
come ?
19 Behold, famine and plague, tri-
bulation and anguish, are sent as
scourges for amendment.
20 But for all these things they
shall not turn from their wickedness,
nor be alway mindful of the scourges.
21 Behold, victuals shall be so
good cheap upon earth, that they
shall think themselves to be in good
liOr, case, and even then shall "evils grow
/ ^"- upon earth, sword, famine, and great
confusion.
22 For many of them that dwell
upon earth shall perish of famine ;
and the other, that escape the hunger,
shall the sword destroy.
23 And the dead shall be cast out
as dung, and there shall be no man
to comfort them : for the earth shall
be wasted, and the cities shall be cast
down.
24 There shall be no man left to
till the earth, and to sow it.
25 The trees shall give fruit, and
who shall gather them ?
26 The grapes shall ripen, and
who shall tread them ? for all places
shall be desolate of men :
27 So that one man shall desire to
see another, and to hear his voice.
28 For of a city there shall be ten
left, and two of the field, which shall
hide themselves in the thick groves,
and in the clefts of the rocks.
29 '^As in an orchard of olives '
upon every tree there are left three
or four olives ;
30 Or as when a vineyard is
gathered, there are left some clusters
of them that diligently seek through
the vineyard :
31 Even so in those days there
shall be three or four left by them that
search their houses with the sword.
32 And the earth shall be laid
waste, and the fields thereof shall
wax old, and her ways and all her
paths shall grow full of thorns, be-
18. and great death.'] Vulg. et multi
interittis, which, like multi gemitus before,
should probably be taken as a kind of
apodosis in the nom., not genit. But the
best reading is et multi interient ( = interibunt).
The sense, slightly paraphrased, appears to
be: "Though it is but the beginning of
sorrows, many shall wail; though but the
beginning of famine, many shall perish ;
though but the beginning of wars, powers
shall be in terror ; though but the beginning
of evils, all men shall tremble." The Geneva
Version supplies the clause missing in the
A. v., " and all shall tremble " (Lat. et trepi-
dabunt omnei), which is needed to complete
the parallelism of the sentence.
20. shall not.] Rather, " will not."
21. so good cheap.] An expression often
found in old writers, answering to the French
a ban marche.
to be in good case7\ A rather loose render-
ing of sibi esse directam pacem, " that peace is
assured for them." This meaning of directam
appears to follow from the notion of being
" straightforward," and so " unimpeded."
22. famine . . . hunger.] Another instance
of the translator's fondness for varying words.
It \s fames in both cases in the Latin.
23. shall be avast ed.] Rather, " shall be
left desolate ; " Lat. derelinquetur . . . deserta ;
and for " the cities " read " its cities."
26. all places.] Rather, " for there shall
be great desolation in places ;" Lat. erit enim
locis magna desertio.
28. Gomp. Rev. vi. 15, 16.
32. shall grow full of thorns?^ Rather,
" shall grow thorns ;" Lat. germinabunt spinas.
In what follows transeat ouis is said by
Bensly to be the true reading of both A. and
V. 33 52.J
II. ESDRAS. XVI.
H5
cause no man shall travel there-
through.
33 The virgins shall mourn, having
no bridegrooms j the women shall
mourn, having no husbands ; their
daughters shall mourn, having no
helpers.
34 In the wars shall their bride-
grooms be destroyed, and their hus-
bands shall perish of famine.
35 Hear now these things, and
understand them, ye servants of the
Lord.
36 Behold the word of the Lord,
receive it : believe not the gods of
whom the Lord spake.
37 Behold, the plagues draw nigh,
and are not slack.
38 As when a woman with child
in the ninth month bringeth forth
her son, within two or three hours of
her birth great pains compass her
womb, which pains, when the child
Cometh forth, they slack not a mo-
ment :
39 Even so shall not the plagues
be slack to come upon the earth,
and the world shall mourn, and
sorrows shall come upon it on every
side.
40 O my people, hear my word :
make you ready to the battle, and in
those evils be even as pilgrims upon
the earth.
7^29.'3^or 4^ ^^^ ^^^^ selleth, let him be as
31- he that fleeth away : and he that
buyeth, as one that will lose :
42 He that occupieth merchandise,
as he that hath no profit by it : and
he that buildeth, as he that shall not
dwell therein :
43 He that soweth, as if he should
not reap : so also he that planteth the
vineyard, as he that shall not gather
the grapes :
44 They that marry, as they that
shall get no children ; and they that
marry not, as the widowers.
45 And therefore they that labour
labour in vain :
46 For strangers shall reap their
fruits, and spoil their goods, over-
throw their houses, and take their
children captives, for "in captivity and 11 Ox.jor.
famine shall they get children.
47 And they that occupy their
merchandise with robbery, the more
they deck their cities, their houses,
their possessions, and their own per-
sons :
48 The more will I be angry with
them for their sin, saith the Lord.
49 Like as a whore envieth a right
honest and virtuous woman :
50 So shall righteousness hate in-
iquity, when she decketh herself, and
shall accuse her to her face, when he
Cometh that shall defend him that
diligently searcheth out every sin
upon earth.
51 And therefore be ye not like
thereunto, nor to the works thereof.
52 For yet a little, and iniquity
shall be taken away out of the earth,
and righteousness shall reign among
you.
S., instead of transient homines. Hence it
should be : " because no sheep passeth
through it." For " wax old " comp. Ps. cii.
26.
36. the gods.l Lat. diis. Comp. Deut.
xxxii. 37. But Fritzsche reads iis on con-
jecture.
40. as pilgrims.'] Comp. Heb. xi. 13.
The reminiscences of the N. T. in this and
the following verses (see marg. ref.) cannot
but strike the reader.
4:3. planteth.] Rather, "prunethj" Lat.
putat.
46. their goods.] Lat. iubstantiam illorum.
Apoc.~VoL L
47. the more.] Rather, "as long as;"
Lat. quantum diu, or quamdiu.
49. The comparison, as will be seen, is
inverted. " Righteousness " is what should
answer to the " virtuous woman." The two-
fold rendering " envy " and " hate " is also
uncalled for, the word being the same in both
cases in the Latin zelari. Fritzsche amends
the text so as to read : " Like as a becoming
and good woman is very jealous of, &c., so
will righteousness be jealous of iniquity."
This is taking valde to qualify zelatur. If
not so, it will be bona valde, " a right good
woman," as in the text.
51. thereunto.] I.e. to Iniquity, personified.
146
II. ESDRAS. XVI.
[v. 5370-
53 Let not the sinner say that he
hath not sinned : for God shall burn
coals of fire upon his head, which
saith before the Lord God and his
glory, I have not sinned.
54 Behold, the Lord knoweth all
'Luke 16. the works of men, '^their imaginations,
*^" their thoughts, and their hearts :
55 Which spake but the word,
rfGen. i.i. Let the earth be made; '^and it was
made : Let the heaven be made j and
it was created.
56 In his word were the stars
'Ps. 147- made, and he knoweth the ^number
** of them.
57 He searcheth the deep, and the
treasures thereof; he hath measured
the sea, and what it containeth.
58 He hath shut the sea in the
midst of the waters, and with his
word hath he hanged the earth upon
the waters.
59 He spreadeth out the heavens
/rs.24.a. like a vault; /upon the waters hath
he founded it.
60 In the desert hath he made
springs of water, and pools upon the
tops of the mountains, that the floods
might pour down from the high rocks
to water the earth.
c<n. 2. 61 s'He made man, and put his
heart in the midst of the body, and
gave him breath, life, and under-
standing.
62 Yea, and the Spirit of Al-
mighty God, which made all things,
and searcheth out all hidden things in
the secrets of the earth,
63 Surely he knoweth your inven-
tions, and what ye think in your
hearts, even them that sin, and would
hide their sin.
64 Therefore hath the Lord ex-
actly searched out all your works,
and he will put you all to shame.
65 And when your sins are brought
forth, ye shall be ashamed before men,
and your own sins shall be your ac-
cusers in that day.
66 What will ye do ? or how will
ye hide your sins before God and his
angels ?
67 Behold, God himself is the
judge, fear him : leave off from your
sins, and forget your iniquities, to
meddle no more with them for ever :
so shall God lead you forth, and
deliver you from all trouble.
68 For, behold, the burning wrath
of a great multitude is kindled over
you, and they shall take away certain
of you, and feed you, " being; idle, " ^^ ,^"'"^
. < ,'. rr- y ^ 1 1 unable to
With things oitered unto idols. resut.
69 And they that consent unto
them shall be had in derision and in
reproach, and trodden under foot.
70 For there shall be in every
place, and in the next cities, a great
53. coals of Jirei] Fritzsche compares
Prov. XXV. 22 ; Rom. xii. 20. But the heap-
ing coals of fire on an enemy's head, there
spoken of, is to soften and melt, that better
teelings may be drawn out, as the metal from
the ore in the furnace. The act here spoken
of is one of vengeance. Hence Ps. cxx. 3 (in
the Prayer Book version) is a truer parallel.
54. k/ioii^eth.'] Rather, "will know," or
"will take knowledge of;" Lat. cognoscet.
56. madeJ] Rather, " founded," or " estab-
lished;" l^zi. fundata. So in -z;. 59 the same
word is used, and there correctly rendered.
The idea is that of the (TTepecona, or firma-
mentum.
57. the deep, (^'c] Lat. abyssum et thesauros
illarum. The plural illarum shews that
abyssos should be read, as it is by Hilgenfeld.
58. Comp. Job xxxviii. 8.
59. This is quoted by Ambrose (' Epist.*
xxix.). See Bensly, p. 36 n. The original
is Isa. xl. 22, which Ambrose cites differently.
62. Spirit.l The best MSS. waver between
spiramentum and spiramen, meant, I suppose,
to be a close rendering of nvfvfia. The
word " Spirit" is in the same construction as
" breath," &c. in v. 61, The full stop should
be placed at the end of this verse.
68. and feed you, b^l^g idle, flyc^ The
Lat. is et cibahiint idolis occisos, which would
naturally mean, " and shall feed the slain with
idols;" or possibly, "and shall give the slain
as food (= as an offering) for idols." The
translator appears to have found ociosos in his
copy for occisos, whence the rendering in the
text. A like variation appears in xv. 60.
70. in every placeJ] The Latin here is
almost certainly corrupt : erit enim locis locus.
Fritzsche conjectures: erit enim locis multis
V. 71-78.]
II. ESDRAS. XVI.
147
insurrection upon those that fear the
Lord.
71 They shall be like mad men,
sparing none, but still spoiling and
destroying those that fear the Lord.
72 For they shall waste and take
away their goods, and cast them out
of their houses.
73 Then shall they be known,
who are my chosen ; and they shall
be tried as the gold in the fire.
74 Hear, O ye my beloved, saith
the Lord : behold, the days of trouble
are at hand, but I will deliver you
from the same.
75 Be ye not afraid, neither doubt ;
for God is your guide,
76 And the guide of them who
keep my commandments and precepts,
saith the Lord God : let not your sins
weigh you down, and let not your
iniquities lift up themselves.
77 Woe be unto them that are
bound with their sins, and covered
with their iniquities, like as a field is
covered over with bushes, and the
path thereof covered with thorns, that
no man may travel through !
78 It is "left undressed, and is cast J.f/'*'"''
into the fire to be consumed therewith.
motus, et, Sec, " for there shall be disturbance
in many places." Instead of "next" read
"neighbouring;" Lat. -vicirias.
73. More literally, "Then shall the trial
of my elect appear, as gold that is tried in the
fire." Gomp. i Pet. i. 7.
77. co'vered.'] Two Latin words are here
rendered by the same word in English.
" Covered with bushes " should rather be
" choked " or " overrun with underwood ; "
Lat. constringitur a silva.
78. is cast.'] As the subject is still " a
field " {ager), this would be more fitly ren-
dered " is left to," or " is given up to ; " Lat.
mittitur.
A subscription is found in some MSS.,
" Explicit liber Ezrae quintus," or " Expli-
ciunt libri Esdre."
APPENDIX.
Vision of the Eagle (ch. xi. i ch.xii. 39).
As the question of the date of this Book
turns in part on the interpretation given to
the Vision of the Eagle, it may be worth
while to endeavour to state clearly what the
Vision was. From the fluctuating use of
words in the English Version, it is difficult,
without some study, to form any distinct
conception of it.
An Eagle is seen by the prophet to rise from
the sea, having twelve " feathered wings "
{alie pennarum'). These wings are spread so
as to overshadow the earth. Out of her
wings {pennie, but plainly the same as the
alis pennarurn) were growing eight " contrary
feathers " {contrar'ia penna')^ or wing-like
growths (see note on f. 3), which came to be
" little wings " (^pennacula modica), or, as we
may call them for distinction, pinions. It is
not said that the twelve large wings were on
one side, and the eight small ones on the
other, nor that they were arranged in any
special manner. The Eagle has three heads,
which remain at rest during its flight, the
middle one being greater than the other two.
As the Eagle rises upon its talons, a cry is
heard proceeding from the midst of its body,
bidding the wings to " watch not all at once,"
but by course, and the heads to be reserved
till the last. On the " right side" there now
arises one wing, which reigns till it comes to
an end. The second follows, and has a
" great time ;" so that the declaration is made
that no succeeding one will reign as much as
half its length of time. In this way all the
twelve wings reign and pass away in succes-
sion, save only that some of them " were set
up but ruled not." Two also of the eight
pinions rise and fall in like manner. There
are thus left {y. 2 3) only the three heads which
are at rest, and the remaining six out of the
eight pinions. Of the six pinions left, two
separate themselves, and " remain under " the
head on the right side ; the other four con-
tinuing as before. These four (now called,
u. 25, "the feathers that were under the
wing;" and in xii. 19, " under-feathers ") at-
tempt to raise themselves to power. One is
" set up," but shortly disappears. The
second of the four does the same, but has a
still briefer course. Two pinions alone are
left of these four. They aspire to reign, but
are devoured by the central head, with the
co-operation of the two on either side. This
central head now reigns with more power
than any of the wings had done, and puts the
earth in fear. But on a sudden it is gone,
L 2
148
11. ESDRAS.
[Appendix.
even as the wings. There survive now only
the two outside heads, and the two pinions
that had taken shelter under the right-liand
one (f. 24). These two heads bear sway
over the earth, as the middle one had done,
till in process of time the one on the right
hand devours that on the Ictt.
A roaring Lion is now seen to rush from
a forest, and, with human voice, to upbraid
the Eagle for its oppression, commanding it
to appear no more. On this the head still
left disappears, and the two pinions (see note
on xii. 2) which had sheltered under it have
a semblance of dominion, but their kingdom
is "small and full of uproar;" till at length
" the whole body of the eagle is burnt," and
nothing remains of it upon the earth.
In ch. xii. a partial explanation of this
mysterious vision is given. It is declared
(v. II, cf. xi. 39) to be the kingdom symbol-
ized by the fourth living creature in Daniel's
vision (Dan. vii. 7). The twelve wings are
so many kings, who reign in succession ; the
term of the second exceeding that of any of
the rest. The voice from the midst of the
body is the cry of internal discord and com-
motion. The eight pinions are eight kings,
" whose times shall be but small, and their
years swift." Two of these are the last
survivors. The three heads are three king-
doms, more powerful and oppressive than
those of the wings before them. The middle-
most and greatest of the three is to " die
upon his bed, and yet with pain" (i. 26).
The otiier two are to be slain with the sword.
The Lion is the Anointed of the Lord, who
will rebuke the Eagle for its oppression, and
make it come to an end.
Now, admitting that an eagle may be a
natural emblem of any kingdom, the express
reference in xii. 11 to " the kingdom " (" the
fourth kingdom," in all the versions) of
Daniel's vision seems to limit the application
in this case to Rome. As the wings and
heads are constituent parts of one body, it
would be unnatural to assume that the wings
can represent a series of monarchs in one of
the great empires of antiquity, and the heads
a series in another. If this be allowed, it shuts
out such theories as those of Hilgenfeld, that
by the wings may be meant the Ptolemies or
the Seleucidse, and by the heads the members
of a Roman triumvirate. Hence it would
seem that the fulfilment of the Vision must
be sought in the history of Rome herself.
Moreover, one point of resemblance seems to
arrest attention at once. The second of the
twelve wings, interpreted (xii. 14) to mean
kings, has a reign more than twice as long as
any succeeding one. If we begin the series
with Julius Cassar, as is done in the ' Sibylline
Oracles' (v. 10-15), this might be held to
be fulfilled in the case of Augustus, whose
" reign " may be taken as lasting from B.C. 43,
when he was made Consul, to his death in
A.D. 14. But then, if this be taken as a
starting-point, with whom is the line of twelve
to end ? Why should it cease at Domitian ?
And who are the three heads ? An ingeni-
ous solution is proposed by Gfrorer (quoted
by Dr. Westcott, art. Second Book of
EsDRAS in the ' Diet, of the Bible ') ; namely,
that, as some of the twelve were only " set
up, but ruled not," the series may consist of
tiie nine Cyssars proper (Julius Cassar to
Vitellius) and three pretenders, Piso, Vindex,
and Nymphidius. The three heads would
then be the three Flavian emperors, Vespasian,
Titus, and Domitian. This seems more pro-
bable than the theory of Volkmar, that, as
the eagle would require pairs of wings
balancing on each side, in order to fly, we
should assume a pair of wings to represent
one sovereign, and in like manner a pair of the
lesser wings or pinions. But the language
of xii. 14, 20 seems irreconcilable with this.
On the whole, then, the hypothesis of
Gfrorer, given above, seems the most satis-
factory. It leaves many things unexplained,
especially the sequence of the eight pinions,
or rather the first six of the eight, as the last
two are obscurely described as lingering on
after the destruction of the third head. But it
presents some striking coincidences with his-
tory. The first of the three heads expired
by a natural death, yet with pain. This was
true of Vespasian in a.d. 79. The second was
destroyed by the sword of the third, who
in turn fell a victim to the sword. While it
may not be considered proved that Titus was
murdered by Domitian, there was a strong
conviction in the popular mind that such was
the case, as is evident from the statements of
Suetonius and Dion Cassius; and this is
enough to justify the writer of this book. A
Jew who had seen the destruction of his City
and Temple under the first two of these
Flavian emperors, and who was smarting
under the exactions of .the third, might well
look and pray for the speedy coming of the
" Lion of the tribe of Judah," and break
out into a prophecy of that which his soul
longed for.
TO BIT.
INTRODUCTION.
I. Contents 149
II. Texts and original Language 152
III. Date of Composition . . 155
IV. Aim of the Book . . . 162
V. Place of Composition . . 162
I. Contents.
The book, after a few words of preface
(i. I, 2), declaring the work to be the
record of the deeds (or words) of Tobit,
" an honest and good man " (vii. 7),
of the tribe of Naphtali, begins with an
autobiography (i. 3 iii. 6). Tobit de-
scribes himself as having " walked all
the days of his life in the way of truth
and justice," and illustrates the state-
ment by some notes of his life before
and after his removal to Nineveh. In
the day of national apostasy others
might have sacrificed to Baal, he had
never done so ; others might have neg-
lected the festival visits to Jerusalem and
the payment of tithes, he had scrupu-
lously observed both the letter and the
spirit of the Law (i. 4-8) ; in the days
of national captivity others might have
eaten " the bread of the Gentiles," he,
like another Daniel (i. 8), had kept
himself from the defiling meats. He
was married to Anna, one of his own
tribe, and an only son Tobias had been
bom to them. The brief description of
his life in Nineveh gives the picture of
what must often have happened the
life of the exile happy or sad according
to the nature of the reigning king.
Under " Enemessar " (see note) he ac-
quired position and secured employ-
ment ; and he used his hour of prosperity
in benefiting his more needy brethren,
and in placing in safe hands money for
PAGE
VI. History 163
Excursus I. Original Language . 164
Excursus II. Angelology and De-
monology 171
his own future use : under another king,
Sennacherib, he had to endure the loss
of all his goods, and his acts of mercy
to the unburied dead imperilled his life.
Rest and security came to him again
when " Sarchedonus " reigned in Nineveh
(i. 13-22).
Chap. ii. gives the history of Tobit's
blindness his efforts to procure relief
the poverty which fell upon his house-
hold and his domestic unhappiness.
Some years passed (see ii. 10, note), and
matters had not improved. Tobit took
refuge in prayer, and that a prayer for
deliverance " out of his distress " and for
rest in " the everlasting place " (iii. 1-6).
The same day the prayer of a sorrowing
woman Sara, the daughter of Raguel
rose from the " upper chamber " of a
house in Ecbatane, a city of Media. She
had been married seven times, and her
seven husbands had died before the con-
summation of marriage. The taunts of
others maddened her to contemplate
suicide; a better mind impelled her to
prayer : " If it please not Thee that I
should die, command some regard to be
had of me and pity taken of me, that I
hear no more reproach" (iii. 7-15).
" The prayers of them both," says the
chronicler, " were heard before the
majesty of the great God. And Raphael
was sent to heal them both " (iii. 16, 17).
Ch. iv. leads up to the events which
brought about the introduction of
Raphael to Tobit's household. Tobit,
ISO
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
anxious to set his money matters in
order before his death, summons to him
his son Tobias, informs him of the money
left with Gabael, and bids him seek out
a guide for the journey to Media (v. 3).
The old man gives his son admirable
advice, illustrated by his own practice.
Duty to the mother who may survive
the speaker, and duty to the God Who
alone can make life worth living, will
preserve to his son an upright, honest
course. Free but discriminating alms-
giving (urged more than once ; cp. iv.
7-11, 16, 17), a happy and lawful mar-
riage (iv. 12, 13), a perception of the
responsibilities of his position (iv. 14, 15),
and a readiness to accept sound counsel
are to be features of a character which
will count the " fear of God " the " de-
parture from all sin," and "the doing
that which is pleasing in God's sight"
" much wealth," in spite of and in the
midst of earthly poverty (iv. 21). The
guide is found in Raphael, who assumes
the name of Azarias, and claims kindred
with Tobit's own family (v. 12). The
old man satisfies himself of the trust-
worthiness of his son's companion, and
they pass away followed by a father's
blessing and a mother's tears (v. 16-22).
Ch. vi. recounts the capture of the
fish in the river Tigris {v. 2). Tobias,
at Raphael's bidding, reserves the heart,
the liver, and the gall ; the use of the
two first being explained to him thus :
"if a devil or an evil spirit trouble any,
we must make a smoke thereof before
the man or the woman, and the party
shall be no more vexed " {v. 7) ; and of
the last-named, " it is good to anoint a
man that hath whiteness in his eyes, and
he shall be healed" {v. 8). Tobias
would hail with joy the prospect of
seeing his father restored to sight by
so simple a remedy; but what interest
could he take in the utility of the other
medicines? This interest Raphael pre-
sently arouses in him. As they pass on,
Tobias learns the intention of his guide
to stay at the house of Raguel, his
cousin ; and that he, Sara's husband-to-
be by right of inheritance, should also
become her preserver through the help
of a " merciful God," and by the use of
the smoking heart and liver. The Angel's
words arouse the young man's deepest
sympathies ; *' when he had heard
these things, he loved Sara, and his heart
was effectually joined unto her." The
travellers reach Ecbatane in due course,
and are received by Raguel, Edna his
wife, and Sara with a true Oriental
courtesy, changed into affectionate de-
monstrativeness and hospitality when
the half-suspected relationship is made
known (vii. 1-8). Tobias, however,
like another of old (Gen. xxiv. 33), will
eat nothing till a marriage contract has
been agreed and sworn to between him
and Sara. With the ardour of love at
first sight he sets aside Raguel's frank
confession of their great trouble {vv.
9-15); and the chapter closes with a
mother's prayer for her weeping child as
she leads her to the marriage-chamber
{vv. 16-18).
Chapter viii. gives the consequences
of using the means suggested by the
Angel for the expulsion of " the evil
spirit," who had so long plagued Sara :
' he fled into the utmost parts of Egypt,
and the Angel bound him" (viii. 1-3).
This is followed by the simple but
touching prayer of the delivered couple
{vv. 4-8) ; Raguel's outburst of genuine
thanksgiving to Him Who had "had
mercy of two that were the only be-
gotten children of their fathers;" and
the prolongation of the marriage festi-
vities for fourteen days {vv. 19-21).
During this time Raphael, at the request
of Tobias, goes to Rages and fetches
away the money left with Gabael (ch. ix.).
On his return Tobias, resisting the pres-
sure to detain him, departs with his wife
and Raphael, his goods, money, and ser-
vants, homewards to Nineveh, followed
by the blessings of Raguel and Edna;
the mother giving her son-in-law one
parting word of affectionate caution,
" Behold, I commit my daughter unto
thee of special trust, wherefore do not
entreat her evil " (x. 8-1 2).
In the meantime Tobit and Anna had
been counting the days for the journey
out and home which they had calcu-
lated would be required by Tobias and
Raphael. When these days had expired,
and neither son nor guide appeared,
there fell a distressing anxiety upon the
hearts of the blind father and the
mother. "Are they detained?" was
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT;
ISI
Tobit's question. " Is Gabael dead, and
no man to give the money?" The
mother's thoughts were more sad and
more positive : " My son is dead," she
cried ; " now I care for nothing, since I
have let thee go, the light of mine eyes."
" Every day," says the narrative, " she
went out into the way which they went,
and did eat no meat in the day-time,
and ceased not whole nights to bewail
her son" (x. 1-7). It was as she sat
thus one day, " looking about toward the
way for her son," that " she espied him
coming, and the man that went with
him" (xi. 5, 6). At Raphael's sugges-
tion Tobias and he had pushed on ahead
of the caravan, the love of a bridegroom
yielding for awhile to the affection of a
son. In a few moments the mother's
arms were round his neck. Tobias
carried in his hand the gall of the fish ;
he saw his blind father " stumbling "
towards him : with one hand he saved
him from falling, with the other he
" strake of the gall on his father's eyes,
saying. Be of good hope, my father.
And when his eyes began to smart, he
rubbed them ; and the whiteness pilled
away from the corners of his eyes ; and
when he saw his son, he fell upon his
neck," weeping for joy and blessing God
(xi. 2-15). The chapter concludes with
the arrival of Sara, and an account of
the festivities which followed.
There remained one thing more to be
done, to reward the faithful Azarias.
Father and son agreed that his services
merited more than the covenanted wages ;
and gratitude prompted Tobias to sug-
gest, " Give him half of those things
which I have brought." With this
princely gift Tobit would have dismissed
Azarias. But the time of self-revelation
had come, and Azarias took them both
apart. " Give God thanks," he said,
"not me. Bless Him, praise Him for
the things which He hath done unto
you. It is good to keep close the secret
of a king, but it is honourable to reveal
the works of God" (xii. 5, 6). He de-
clared to them his true nature (xii. 19) :
" I am Raphael, one of the seven holy
Angels, which present the prayers of the
saints, and which go in and out before
the glory of the Holy One" (xii. 15).
Did they marvel why he had come to
them? Let them recall certain facts,
certain prayers, certain deeds. Tobit's
prayers and Sara's prayers had been
brought by him in remembrance before
the Holy One : Tobit's deeds of mercy
to the dead had been witnessed by him.
Therefore had God sent him to heal
those who prayed, and those who prac-
tised what they prayed " with fasting and
alms and righteousness" (xii. 8-14).
And then he cheered those "troubled"
and worshipping men : " Fear not. It
shall go well with you. Give God
thanks, for I go up to Him that sent
me" (xii. 16-22).
One especial injunction was left with
Tobit and his son by the Angel : " Write
all things which are done in a book"
(xii. 20). Tobit remembered the charge,
and chapter xiii. gives as an instalment
the " prayer of rejoicing " which he
" wrote." It is a prayer dictated by the
experience of his own life, and a con-
tinuous commentary on the truth with
which it opens, " God doth scourge, and
hath mercy ; He leadeth down to hell
and bringeth up again" (xiii. 2). The
history of his own life was from darkness
to light, from sorrow to joy : might it
not, must it not, be the same with his
fellow-countrymen and with Jerusalem,
the holy city ? A few extracts will shew
this : " In the land of my captivity do
I praise God," he exclaims, " and declare
His might and majesty to a sinful nation.
O ye sinners, turn and do justice before
Him ! Who can tell if He will accept
you and have mercy on you ? " (xiii. 6 5).
" Confess Him before the Gentiles, ye
children of Israel; for He is the God
our Father for ever. He will scourge
us for our iniquities, and will have mercy
again. If ye turn to Him with your
whole heart, and deal uprightly before
Him, then will He turn unto you and will
not hide His face from you " (xiii. ^-6 a).
From God's people to God's city the
transition was easy ; in spirited and pa-
thetic language the " seer " foretells the
future : " O Jerusalem, the holy city,
He will scourge thee for thy children's
works, and will have mercy again on the
sons of the righteous. Praise " (note the
thought) " the everlasting King that His
tabernacle may be builded in thee again
with joy, and make joyful there in thee
152
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
those that are captives, and love in thee
for ever those that are miserable " (xiii.
9, lo). In his vision of the future Tobit
sees " the children of the just gathered
together" in Jerusalem, and blessing "the
Lord of the just, and many nations
coming from far with gifts in their hands,
even gifts to the King of Heaven, and
all generations praising the holy city
with great joy " (xiii. 11-13). The vision
creates in him an ecstasy of happiness :
" O blessed are they which love thee
(Jerusalem), for they shall rejoice in thy
peace : blessed are all they which have
been sorrowful for all thy scourges ; for
they shall rejoice for thee, when they
have seen all thy glory, and shall be
glad for ever" (xiii. 14). In terms which
reflect the inspiration of Isaiah and
Jeremiah and foreshadow the vision 01
the Apocalypse, he beholds " Jerusalem
built up with precious stones, and her
towers with pure gold ; " he hears the
very " streets singing Alleluia," and
men's voices proclaiming, " Blessed be
God, Which hath extolled it for ever"
(xiii. 16-18).
Tobit was 66 years old when his sight
was restored to him, and he lived to be
158 (xiv. I, 11). The occupation of
that span of 92 years was the same as
that of his previous life : it may be
summed up in those words of the dying
man which are also the motto of the
Book : " Consider, my son, what alms
doeth, and how righteousness doth de-
liver" (xiv. 11). The words form part
of the last counsel the " very aged "
father gave to Tobias and his six sons.
In that counsel he advised Tobias to
take his family from Nineveh, the de-
strjction of which he believed inevitable,
and find peace " for a time " in Media,
far away from the " good land " of
Palestine, from " desolate Jerusalem "
and the " burned house of God " (xiv.
4, 8). " For a time " only ; because
though he and Tobias might never live
to see it, yet would their children find it
true, "that again God will have mercy
on them, and bring them again into the
land, where they shall build a Temple,
but not like to the first, until the time of
that age be fulfilled ; and aftenvard they
shall return from all places of their cap-
tivity and build up Jerusalem gloriously,
and the house of God shall be built in it
with a glorious building, as the prophets
have spoken " (xiv. 5). Tobias remained
in Nineveh till his mother was also dead ;
to both he gave " honourable " burial,
and then with Sara went to Media to
Ecbatane, to the home of Raguel (xiv.
12). There in due course he buried
Raguel and Edna, and there too he
himself died at the age of 127 ; but not
before he had " heard of the destruction
of Nineveh" by Nebuchadnezzar, and
had " rejoiced over " its fall (xiv. 13-15).
II. Texts and original Language.
The popularity and charm of the Book
of Tobit are attested both by its early
circulation in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac,
Greek, and Latin texts ; and by the
frequent comments, numerous illustra-
tions, and additional details which, in
these Versions, give variety to the form
of the story while preserving intact the
main facts. But of these texts which is
the original ? Or, are they in their pre-
sent form reproductions of a lost original?
A few words upon the texts themselves
must precede any attempt at answering
this still disputed problem.
(a.) The Hebrew text exists in two
forms : (aj) Hebrceus Mii/isfefi, first
printed at Constantinople (15 16) and
reproduced by Sebastian Miinster to
whom it was a " hbellus vere aureus "
at Basle (1542). It has been published
often since : e.g. by Walton (who printed
the edition of 15 16 in vol. iv. of his
Polyglott), and in modem times by
Neubauer.^ (ao) Hebrceus Fagii, a text
published by Fagius from a Constanti-
nopolitan copy of 1517 (or 1519), and
assigned to the nth and 12th century,
also printed in Walton's Polyglott. Of
1 Neubauer (A.), 'The Book of Tobit,' p. xiu
&c., Oxford, 1878. The Constantinopolitan text
has been collated by him (i) with a Heb. MS-
(No. 1251) in the National Library at Paris;.
(2) with the Persian translation of the Hebrew
MS. (No. 130) in the National Library at Paris j
(3) through the librarian of the Parma Royal
Library with MS. 194 of De Rossi's Catalogue.
Neubauer dates the Hebrew text published by
him from the 5th to the 7th century.
Cp. Bissell, 'The Book of Tobit' (Lange's
Commentary on the Apocrypha), Introduction,
p. Ill &c.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
155
these texts z^ is for the most part a free
translation or paraphrase of the Roman
edition of the LXX. ; a^ is considered
by Neubauer a translation of an earlier
recension of the Bodleian Chaldee text.
(k) The Chaldee text, St. Jerome, in
his preface to the Book of Tobit, says
that he translated it into Latin from the
lips of an expert who rendered into
Hebrew the words of a Chaldee text
before him. The translation occupied
Jerome but a single day, and was written
down by an amanuensis from his dicta-
tion.^ No critic ever doubted Jerome's
veracity, but nothing till modern times
was known of a Chaldee text. The
discovery of such a text is a chapter in
the history of the romance of ancient
Bibliography.^ A MS. was bought at
Constantinople for the Bodleian Library
(Oxford). When examined, it was found
to be a collection of Midrashim (expo-
sitions or commentaries) copied in the
15 th century in Greek-Rabbinical cha-
racters. Of this collection ' The Book 01
Tobit ' fomis the fifth piece, being given
as a commentary on Gen. xxviii. 2 ; and
it purports to be an extract from the
Midrash Rabba de Rabbah, a work
identified with the Midrash major on
Genesis of Martini. This Chaldee Tobit
was therefore known amongst the Jews
at the beginning of the nth century;
but, if anterior to the Hebrew text of the
5th to 7th century, it is of course older.
Neubauer in fact concludes that " Jerome
had our present Chaldee text in a fuller
form before him when he made his
translation of the book." The Bodleian
text agrees substantially with the Greek
Sinaitic text (see <r), and is by some
derived from it (see p. 169).
{c.) Of the Greek Version there are
three texts : (c^) that of the Codex Alex-
' The Preface is to be found in most modern
copies of the Vulgate. Jerome's actual words
.;re : " Exigitis ut librum Chaldseo sermone con-
scrlntum, ad Latinum stylum traham ; librum
utiqua Tobise, quem Hebrsei de catalogo divi-
narum Scripturarum secantes, his que hagio-
grapha memorant, manciparunt. . . . Et quia
vicina est Chaldseorum lingua sermoni Hebraico,
utriusque linguce peritissimum loquacem repe-
riens, unius diei laborem arripui, et quicquid ille
mihi Hebraicis verbis expressit, hoc ego accito
notario, sermonibus Latinis exposui." Cp. Gut-
berlet, 'Das Buch Tobias,' p. 19.
* See Neubauer, op. cit, Pref. p. vii. &c.
andrinus and of the Codex Vaticanus,.
and known as A; {c.^ the more expanded
text of the Codex Sinaiticus, known as
B ^ ; (C3) the incomplete text (containing
only vi. 9 xiii. 8) of the codices 44, 106,
107 (according to Holmes and Parsons*
notation), known as C and akin to B^.
Of the texts A and B between which
the question lies A is considered to
be the original by Fritzsche, Bickell^
Noldeke, Hilgenfeld, Grimm, and Preiss ;
B by Ewald, Reusch, and Schiirer.^ This,
divergence of opinion is due to the old
difficulty, Does a shorter recension of a
subject mark originality or abbreviation ?
In this case. Is the diffuseness of B due ta
enlargement on the score of paraphrase,
or has its greater circumstantiality been
pared down to the dimensions of A?
The point is of importance, but it seems
at present impossible to obtain unanimity
of opinion. If Fritzsche does not con-
vince Schiirer, Schurer fails to convince
Grimm.
{d.) The Latin texts are represented
by the Itala and Vulgate, (dj) The
Itala, as printed by Sabatier^ and not
very accurately has for its ground-text
a Paris MS. (Codex Regius) of the
8th century, compared with two other
MSS. of about the same date marked by
many variations. A second^ recension
of the Itala is perhaps to be found in a
Vatican codex, formerly belonging to
* Published separately by Reusch, 'Libellus
Tobit e Codice Sinaitico editus et recensitus,"
1870.
^ Fritzsche gives this in the * Kurzgefasstes
Handbuch zu den Apokryphen des Alten Testa-
mentes ; das Buch Tobi,' p. 89 &c.
^ Cp. the following papers &c. on Tobit :
Bickell, 'Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie *
(1878), Heft i. p. 216 &c. ; Noldeke, 'Monats-
bericht der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie'"
(Jan. 1879); Hilgenfeld, 'Zeitschrift fiir wis-
senschafthche Theologie' (1862), p. 161 Ac
(18S6), p. 147 &c. ; Grimm, Ibid. (18S1), p. 48 ;
Preiss, Ibid. (1885), p. 39; Ewald, 'Jahrbuch
der biblischeWissenschaft,' ix. p. 191 ; Schurer,
' Theologische Literaturzeitung' (1878), No. 14;
cp. also his 'Geschichte des JUdischen Volkes
im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,'* ii. 607.
* ' Bibliorum sacrorum Latinse Versiones an-
tique,' i. Neubauer's text (p. Ixviii. &c.) is a
reproduction of that MS. of Sabatier's which
contained the whole Book.
* Bianchini gives this text in the 'Vindicise
canonicarum Scripturarum,' p. cccl. &c. Reusch
('Libellus ' &c., p. iv.) considers it more accu-
rate than that of Sabatier : see Bickell, p. 218.
154
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
Queen Christina of Sweden, of unknown
date, and containing only i. vi. 12.
There are fragments of a third ^ re-
cension contained in a Roman MS. of
the 6th or 7th century which differ con-
siderably from the other recensions,
especially in the matter of expansion.
The Greek text B (Codex Sinaiticus)
is the basis of the text of the Itala ; but
the Latin translator used also the Greek
text A, or as Reusch thinks more pro-
bable the Itala has been altered here
and there to make it more in accordance
with the Greek A. Certain peculiarities
of the accepted Itala text, such as unique
readings, interpolations, or omissions,
may be assigned to the translator ; and
the text itself is to be dated at the latest
about A.D. 200, since it is quoted by
Cyprian (Bishop of Carthage c. 248 A.D.).
(dj.) The Vulgate, undertaken by
Jerome at the desire of Chromatius
bishop of Aquileia and of Heliodorus
bishop of Altinum and made direct from
the Chaldee (see {b) above), is among
the earliest of his translations, and is
older than that of the Book of Daniel.^
The rapidity with which it was made^
did not militate against its general faith-
fulness ; and more than that is hardly
to be expected, if he proceeded upon
the plan he described in the Preface to
the Book of Judith, " magis sensum e
sensu, quam ex verbo verbum transferens."
Further, he must have had the Itala
before him; for he employs it more
frequently than in other Books, if he
also permitted himself considerable in-
dependence of treatment. There are
many places where Jerome is an epito-
miser first and a translator next* One
notable feature in this "Version is its very
large additions to the ordinary text ;^ but
that explanation is considered adequate
which refers them to Jerome's method,
or to the work of a later hand, or to the
* See Mai, ' Spicilegium,' ix. ; Reusch, Das
Buch Tobias,' p. xxvi.
^ Reusch, p. xxxii.
* He states that he also translated the three
books of Solomon in three days (see Prsef. in
libr. Salom.).
Cp, on these points Reusch, pp. xxxiv.-
xxxviii.
* Many of these will be found in their proper
places in the Commentary. Cp. Reusch. pp.
xl.-xlii. ; Bickell, p. 221.
Chaldee MS. from which his teacher
was reading.
{e.) A Syriac Version is given in
Walton's Polyglott.^ It is based upon
two MSS., and follows exactly the LXX.
or Greek A as far as vii. 10, and the
Greek B from vii. 11. Noldeke beHeves
the former of these MSS. to belong to
the Hexapla of Paulus of Tela {c. be-
ginning of the 7th cent.) ; its literalness
gives it a certain value for the criticism
of the LXX. The text of this Syriac
Version is confirmed by the Syriac
translation preserved in the Medicean
library at Rome. The second Syriac
MS. agrees principally with the Greek
text C.
It will be seen, by the dependence of
these Versions upon either a Greek or
Semitic text, that the question of ori-
ginality resolves itself into the choice of
a text composed in one or other of these
two languages. The chief supporters of
a Greek original are Fritzsche, Hitzig, and
Noldeke ; on the other hand, Ewald,
Hilgenfeld, Griitz, Bickell, and Rosen-
thal strongly advocate a Semitic original.
Patient examination of the arguments
advanced on either side dependent as
these arguments frequently are upon
negative considerations, philological nice-
ties, textual variations, and opinions in-
genious rather than ingenuous as to
tendency, date, place, and time of com-
position has not yet led to a decision
which commands unanimous acceptance.
Many critics leave the matter where
they find it. They are unable to satisfy
themselves, and are unwilling, with only
the existing evidence before them, to
recommend any judgment as final. In
the whole question one positive fact
alone is forthcoming, viz. St. Jerome's
unquestioned statement that his transla-
tion was a translation from the Chaldee.
That would imply a Semitic original,
whether or not this "" Chaldee " was, as
Gratz and Bickell unite in considering
it, the neo-Hebraic dialect ; and whether
or not his copy was but an incomplete
copy or recension of an earlier text. Is
there then anything which, on philo-
' Cp. Reusch, pp. xxx.-xxxi., who also fur-
nishes notices of the Armenian {c. 5th cent, based
upon the Greek A) and Arabic (based upon the
Vulgate) Versions (pp. xliv., xlviii.).
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
155
logical grounds, supports or detracts from
this single positive factor ? To my own
mind the Semitic character of the proper
names (male and female), the textual
difficulties best explained as faults of
translation, as well as the whole cast and
style of the narrative are strongly in
support of it ; but it is only just to add
that others, competent and experienced
in such matters, challenge and reject such
a conclusion. St. Jerome's " Chaldee "
is to them but a translation or adaptation
of a Greek original.^
Other considerations therefore require
examination. For example, what light
does the narrative itself, its tendency, its
doctrinal teaching, its historical state-
ments &c. throw upon the period and
place in which the writer of the Book
lived ? After these have been fairly
estimated, the light they furnish may
perhaps reflect light upon the original
language in which the Book was written.
III. Date of Composition.
The difference of opinion with respect
to this is at first sight startling and be-
wildering. One school,^ maintaining the
historical integrity and authenticity of
the Book, places its composition in
the 7th century B.C. Another class ot
critics, following the lead of Hitzig, Ko-
hut, and Gratz, would make it eight or
nine centuries later. Others, lastly, seek
a judicious mean between such extremes.
{a) The first opinion demands of the
reader a literal acceptance of statements
respecting two Jewish families living in
Nineveh and in Ecbatane in the time of
the Assyrian captivity. A certain As-
syrian and Median colouring does with-
out doubt present itself naturally and
unobtrusively in the sections where it
might be expected ;^ and the injunction
(xii. 20) to hand down in permanent
form events fraught with something more
than a passing significance may rightly
be referred to a holy purpose inspired
in a devout mind ; but historical in the
^ See Excursus i.at the end of the Introduction.
* Cp., as representatives, the Roman CathoHc
writers Gutberlet, 3 ; Kaulen, ' Einl.' 256 &c.
' Cp. notes on i. 15, 22; ii. 11 ; v. 3, 14;
vi. I. Windischmann, ' Zoroastr. Studien,'
p. 145, thought this colouring so marked, that
he also dated the Book in the 7th cent. 'B.C.
usual sense of the term the Book can
hardly be, without considerable elasticity
be admitted as regards names, places,
distances, and numbers.^ There may
well have been a family history in which
figured such Jewish persons as Tobit
and Raguel, Tobias and Sarah, Anna
and Edna, residents in the cities and
countries named. Healing may well
have been vouchsafed to Tobit and
Sarah in answer to prayer. Prosperity
after poverty, a happy end after a sad
beginning, is true to real life. Never-
theless most critics outside this school
unite in considering the Book a work
of imagination, founded possibly upon
genuine occurrences in the lives of those
described, but without further pretension
to historical accuracy.
(b) The second school, declining to
consider the authenticity of any details
matters of moment or interest, goes to
the opposite extreme of accepting no-
thing. The Book is to them a pure
romance from beginning to end ; and,
in their opinion, the only serious question
is to discover the place and time indi-
cated by the local allusions and the
" tendency " they find in it. The doc-
trine and ethics as well as the ceremonial
and other practices have therefore been
analysed with a view to extracting their
historical position independently of the
romance or poetry with which they are
invested, and a late date has been pro-
pounded on internal even more than
upon external evidence.
To Hitzig ^ the crucial passage indica-
tive of date is xiv. 4, 5. He considers
that the writer is living at a time when
the destruction of the second Temple
had taken place (cp. v. 5 ', xiii. 9, 10),
and therefore that the earliest date pos-
sible to the Book would be a.d. 70.
Proceeding to a more definite conclusion,
he finds in the destruction of "Nineveh"
(xiv. 4) a masked allusion to that de-
struction of Antioch, the Rome of Asia
Minor, which was due to an earthquake
> Cp. notes on i. 2, 4, 15, 21 ; xiv. 11, 14.
The so-called "improbabilities" discovered in
the mode in which Tobit became blind (ii. 9,
10), in the experience of Tobias with the fish
(vi. 3), and in the introduction of the dog (v. 16,
xi. 4), need not be considered serious.
* 'Zeitschrift f. wissensch. Theologie' (i86o),
p. 250 &c.
156 INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
(a.d. 113) in the reign of Trajan. The Nebuchadnezzar. The language of
country was soon after agitated by revolt xiii. 1 1 is that of well-known prophetic
while Media or Parthia was at peace ; expectation ; xiii. 13 expresses the
and this is the explanation of the writer's familiar hope of the return of the Dia-
advice to his countrymen to depart to a spora to Jerusalem; xiii. 16, 17, but
quieter land till their then distress was reflects the previous portraiture of an
overpast (xiv. 4, 12). The requirements Isaiah (see reff. in notes). Long before
of this theory point to a date c. a.d. 116. the second destruction of Jerusalem, the
Rosenthal^ concurs with Hitzig in re- " troublous times " (Dan. ix. 25) inspired
cognizing a reference to Nineveh, and men with the yearning for happier days
in dating the composition of the Book and for the promised glory of the Jeru-
after the revolt under Trajan ; but in salem of the future. Even while the
addition he finds this emperor's portrait second Temple was standing, and men
and deeds, or those of his cruel heu- could not but admit its beauty, the cir-
tenant Lucius Quietus,- in Sennacherib's cumstances under which they, as subject
character and actions (i. 15 &c.); and to heathen powers, were permitted to
those of the Emperor Hadrian in Esarhad- embellish and frequent it, but deepened
don (i. 21, 22). It is true that in the first the craving for the Temple of the future
years of Hadrian's reign an expectation when they should tread the sacred courts
of better days and of a restoration of as freemen, and where their sacrifices
the Temple was rife among the Jews ; ^ should be offered with a liberty and a
and accordingly in those first years does lavishness recalling the palmy days of a
Rosenthal find the happy time in which Solomon.
the Book of Tobit, marked by " a tender, The opinion of Kohut is in favour of
peaceful, and hopeful tone," might have a still later date. He finds traces of Per-
been written. Rosenthal, however, is in sian thought, belief, and practice, every-
these identifications with emperors in di- where in the Book; and notably (i) in
rect antagonism with Gratz (see below) ; the recorded conceptions of the powers
and Hilgenfeld's* objections to one and good and evil of the spiritual world, and
all such parallelisms viz. the incongru- (2) in the acts of Tobit towards the dead,
ousness of the type and antitype, the (i) The angelology and demonology
absence from the Book of any circum- of the Book is no doubt marked by a
stances approaching those required by particularity which would at any time
the theory, as well as the improbabilities attract attention. The teaching on this
inherent in it are stronger than the subject, descriptive and ethical, is, broadly
arguments adduced to support it. It is stated, in advance of the teaching of the
urged, moreover, with much probability, canonical Books of Scripture ; but it is
that the inference from the passages upon only by strained applications and fre-
which these and similar hypotheses lay quently mistaken interpretations that the
stress viz., allusion to the destruction conceptions of Parseeism or the puerihties
of the second Temple is unwarranted.^ of Rabbinism can be evolved from or
The expressions used and the Messianic paralleled with the representations of the
anticipations generally are far more Book of Tobit. An investigation con-
appropriately and naturally referred to a ducted elsewhere ^ has led me to the
writer who looks back upon the past to conclusion that this Book, while certainly
the destruction of the first Temple by affected by foreign and external belief
on these points, presents its ideas in a
1 ' Vier apokryph. Bucher,' p. 135. form far more advanced than the Book
Tuden '^^ w T.T'' "'m^i"''' 'P^''I^^'^l^u^ of Daniel, but also far short of that of
juaen, IV. 123 sq.; Milman, 'Hist, of the ^, -r, , r t- u
Jews,' ii. 419 &c. the Book of Enoch.
' Gratz, iv.- 137 &c. Kindly, or not un- (2) Tobit's care for and burial of
friendly, feeling on the part of Hadrian could the dead acts seemingly quite natural
?h1jeTs,Mr4t3''^'''^^^'^'"'"''"''''^^ ^^0"g devout Jews at any period of
* 'Zeitschr. f. w. Th.' (1881), p. 42.
See Hilgenfeld, 'Zeitschr. f.w.Th.' (1862), See Excursus ii. at the end of the Intro-
p. 193; Grimm, ibid. (iSSi), p. 4. duction.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
157
their history has yet been interpreted
both by Kohut and Gratz as indicative
of a special and late date. The former ^
finds in Tobit's actions a protest against
the conduct of Ardeshir (a.d. 226), the
first Persian monarch of the Sassanian
dynasty. In his time, burial of the dead
was forbidden to the Jews. To his co-
religionists, burial of the dead was objec-
tionable on religious grounds ; and they
carried their objections to such a point
that they ordered the disinterment of the
bodies. But this law they applied to all,
whether Jews or not ; and the alleged
parallelism with the history of Tobit is
imperfect. That history does not pre-
sent burial as universally interdicted, but
only to the Jews when they sought it for
their slaughtered compatriots (i. 18, 19).
Gratz,^ objecting to Kohut's view, ad-
vances another which, if not inapposite
as regards parallelism, has yet not met
with acceptance. In Sennacherib the
furious (i. 15-20) he finds the portrait
of the Emperor Hadrian (a.d. 117-38) ;
in Esarhaddon the gentle, the portrait
of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (a.d.
138-61). The reign of Hadrian is
indeed marked, in the annals of the
Jews, by the sanguinary rebellion under
the false Messiah Bar-cochba and Akiba,
greatest of the Rabbins.^ Of its many
terrible episodes, the siege of Bether, the
metropolis and citadel of the insurgents,
is amongst the most terrible. The story
runs that Hadrian commanded the dead
to be set as a surrounding enclosure to a
vine-clad hill, and forbad their burial till
a new king should arise and permit it.
This story, or one containing events
akin to it, Gratz finds reflected in the
Book of Tobit. The Talmudical pas-
sages which are quoted by him as autho-
rity for his view are, however, too full of
exaggerations and marvels to merit
much confidence ; and his interpreta-
tion and use of them are seriously im-
pugned by Rosenthal and Grimm.*
* 'Etwas iiber d. Moral u. d. Abfassungzeit
d. B. Tobias,' pp. 19-21.
* 'Monatschrift,' p. 513 &c. Cp. also his
'Gesch. d. Juden," iv. note 17 (p. 462 &c.).
He is followed by Preiss, pp. 50-I.
^ For the events see Gratz, ' Gesch.' iv. chs,
vii.-ix. ; Milman, ' Hist, of thejews,'ii, bk. xviii.
* Grimm, 'Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theologie' (1881),
p. 41; Rosenthal, pp. 109, 110.
Further, though it seems certain that
Antoninus Pius was far less stern towards
the Jews than his predecessor;^ yet if
his treatment of the Christians be at all
a guide to his treatment of any who
opposed that Roman reUgion which was
essentially political, and that deification
of the living emperor which would be as
blasphemous to Christian as to Jew,^
then the Jews would not expect or
receive such toleration and favour as is
supposed to be implied in the actions of
the Roman Esarhaddon. Gratz's hypo-
thesis is, in fact, far-fetched, and reflects
too evidently the desire to find in this
particular conduct on the part of Tobit
the leading thought of the book. The
cruelty of a Bacchides (i Mace. vii. 17),
the criminal record of a Jason (2 Mace.
V. 10), the madness of an Antiochus
Epiphanes (2 Mace. ix. 15), exhibited
in their sacrilegious treatment of the dead
quite sufficient parallels, were parallels
required ; while acts such as those of
Tobit must frequently have been re-
peated wherever the heathen slaughtered
and massacred Israelites who asked for
no quarter and gave none.
Passing from historical to other con-
siderations adduced by the advocates
of a late date, much stress has been laid
upon the prominence and efficacy
alleged to be attached to fasting and
almsgiving ; ^ but, certainly as regards
the former, far more has been read into
the Book than it actually contains.
There is only one passage (xii. 8) in
which fasting is advocated ; and even
there not for any merit it might possess
in itself, but only as linked in triple
union with prayer and almsgiving. Too
great a wish to discover distinctions
between the teaching of apocryphal and
canonical Books of Scripture has been
here father to the thought that fasting is
advocated as "a regularly recurring,
and in itself meritorious, observance."
There is nothing which on this point
* See Gratz, 'Gesch.' iv. pp. 184-6 ; Milman,
ii. p. 440.
* See Lightfoot's ' S. Ignatius,' i. p. 444.
* On fasting, see xii. 8 (note). Observe that
the Vulgate alone mentions Sarah's fasting (iii.
10, note) and the continence of the newly-married
couple (viii. 4, note). On almsgiving, see i. 3,
16; iv. 7-1 1, 16; xii. 8, 12; xiv. 2, 10, and
notes.
158
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
exceeds the teaching of the Old Testa-
ment, or approximates it to the Pha-
risaism of the time of Christ.
Almsgiving is commended, and
strongly ; but it is a decided mistake to
find in the inculcations of this duty the
leading object of the Book, or to press
the language which describes it as
" making void the Law of God through
tradition." The description given of
Tobit's almsdeeds (i. 3, 16; xiv. 2, 10)
is quite simple and without exaggeration,
and his own admonitions respecting it
(iv. 7-1 1, 16) are found amongst other
counsels ; holding, it is true, a very pro-
minent place among them, but by no
means the first in point of order (cp. iv.
3-6), or to the undue exclusion of other
matters of moment, such as (f. g.) that
which a Jewish father in exile would
have so much at heart, the marriage of
his son (iv. 12, 13 ; cp. vi. 15). It is with
the writer but an illustration, though a
grand one, of the principle enunciated in
iv. 5, 6. Note also that not one word
is spoken about almsgiving in the thanks-
giving (xiii. 6), where it might reasonably
have been expected, had so much merit
been attached to it ; and it is somewhat
significant that Anna is represented as
not only contemning Tobit's almsdeeds
as profitless (ii. 14), but also as blaming
her husband for that greediness after gold
Avhich she, in the bitterness of a mother's
sense of wrong, unjustly considered to
have cost their son his hfe (v. 18; cp.
xii. 8). Raphael's eulogy of almsgiving
(xii. 8) partakes of the same character
and repeats the same words as Tobit's,
but without investing it with undue
honours or claiming for it other merit
than that of a practical illustration of a
similar principle, " Do that which is
good, and no evil shall touch you "
(xii. 7).
An examination of the language em-
ployed both by Tobit and Raphael will,
perhaps, remove some misapprehensions.
Much stress, for example, has been laid
upon the phrases, " alms do deliver from
death" (iv. 10; xii. 9), "(alms) shall
purge away all sin " (xii. 9) ; and they
are in themselves and apart from their
context strong phrases ; but to be esti-
mated aright they must be taken in con-
nexion with the immediate narrative.
Thus an investigation of the first of
these passages would seem to shew that
the " death " from which almsdeeds
rescued such men as Tobit and Manasses
was death at the hands of a Sennacherib
and some unknown persecutor respec-
tively. It had nothing to do with death
as a punishment for sin. This latter
sense has been perhaps legitimately de-
duced from it by commentators, but
it was not the primary sense. Similarly
with regard to the second phrase, a
meaning has been attributed to it, fair
enough when put forward as a legitimate
deduction, but which is not the original
meaning. It is not perhaps possible to
assign to this phrase so definite an appli-
cation as to the former; but taken in
connexion with the whole history, and
with the contrast between Tobit's whole
mode of life and that of his neighbours
(cp. i. 6, 1 2 ; ii. 8 ; and the whole tenor
of the teaching in ch. iv.), there is a
present deliverance or purgation implied
in the words which falls far short of the
eschatological interpretation some have
attached to it (see below, p. 161).
Historically, the view presented on
both these points is that of the period
to which so much else converges, viz. the
pre-Maccabean era. Gratz and Rosen-
thal do indeed affirm that the teaching
is Haggadic rather than Biblical, and find
in the merit of atonement attributed in
the second phrase to almsgiving indica-
tions of a date requiring the final destruc-
tion of the Temple of Jerusalem ; but
their arguments would apply as forcibly
to the events which followed the first
destruction of the Temple as to the last.
Atonement for sin by sacrifice in the
Temple was as impossible to the exile in
Assyria and Babylonia, in the time of
Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar, as it
was to the Jew who wept over the dese-
cration consummated by Titus, In both
cases a substitute for animal sacrifice
w-as required, and the propitiatory cha-
racter of righteous deeds was recognised
in the time of Daniel (iv. 27 ; see note.
Cp. Prov. x. 2, xi. 4^). The recogni-
^ In the original of these passages ?''i*n UpTV
mtOD, Gratz (pp. 451 &c.) finds the source of
Tob. iv. 10. The word HplV (righteousness)
is there rendered by the LXX. SiKaioavvrj : here
the word employed is iXeriixocrvyr], as in Deut.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
159
tion of a spiritual religion as equivalent
and even superior to the purely cere-
monial worship dates, not from the first
century after Christ, but from the time of
the Captivity.^
The conditions and circumstances con-
nected with the marriage of Tobias and
Sarah (vii. 13) are also advanced as in-
dicative of a specific date. The " instru-
ment of covenants" there mentioned is
taken ^ to represent the document signed
by a husband which assured to the wife
a claim upon his property. This prac-
tice, an emendation upon previous ar-
rangements which had been proved faulty
in working, is said to date from the time
of Simon ben Shetach, brother of the
Queen Salome- Alexandra (b.c. 79-70),
and to have become general about B.C.
vi. 25, xxiv. 13 ; Dan. iv. 24. The change is
ethically (see Cremer, ' Worterbuch d. N. T.
Gracitat,' * s. nn. SiKaiocrvvri and iKeijuoavvi)) and
historically interesting, but hardly to be deferred,
in point of time, to the Talmudic period. The
non-selection of the Septuagintal word is only a
proof that the LXX, text was not always adhered
to. In the Talmud (Baba Batra, 10 a) the question
is asked, Why the Book of Proverbs repeats this
maxim twice ? and the answer is given, Because
almsgiving delivers from two kinds of death
(i) an unnatural death, and (2) from the punish-
ment of hell. This purports to be the Haggadic
interpretation of Rabbi Jochanan ; itself, pro-
bably, the interpretation of an earlier teacher.
Rabbi Simon ben Jochai. Similarly the lan-
guage of Tobit, xii. 9, is to be explained,
according to Gratz, by the following story :
Rabbi Jochanan ben Sakkai was walking after
the destruction of the Temple (i.e. by Titus)
with his disciple Joshua. "Woe to us," cried
the latter; "the Temple in which atonement
was made for the sins of Israel is destroyed."
" Sorrow not," answered the master ; " we have
an atonement equally effectual, and that is
mercy. Is it not written, ' I desire mercy (marg.
kindness) and not sacrifice'" (Hos. vi. 6; see
R. v.). Interesting as these extracts are, it is
hypothetical to a degree to conclude with Weiss
('Zur Gesch. d. Tradition,' ii. 40), Gratz (p.
454), and Rosenthal (p. 134), that Jochanan ben
Sakkai was the first to make this deduction from
the passage in Hosea, or that the writer of the
Book of Tobit was influenced by it.
' Cp. int. al. Weber, ' System d. Altsynago-
galen Palast. Theologie,' i, 10; Schiirer,
Geschichte d. Jud. Volk. im Zeitalter Jesu
Christi,' ^ 24 (see p. 204) ; Rosenzweig, 'Das
Jahrhundert nach dem Babylonischen Exile,'
PP- 5. 6.
* Gratz, p. 447 ; cp. his ' Geschichte d.
Juden,'^ iii. pp. 120, 475-6. Preiss and Rosen-
thal agree with him. On the other hand, see
Rabbinowicz, ' Legislation civile du Thalmud ; '
' Les Femmes ' &c. pp. xxv.-xxvii.
50. But Simon's action was rather the
improvement of an existing practice than
the introduction of a new one ; and the
language of vii. 1 3 may well refer to the
old practice of depositing a sum or docu-
ment with the father of the bride. Ad-
mitting, however, Gratz's interpretation,
the date b.c. 50 is a century earlier than
that to which his other deductions would
point.
To the above views as to late date,
two more only need be added. The sug-
gestion of Linschmann ^ that the book
reflects the fables or myths of Armenia,
is, as a whole, surrendered by Preiss -^
but this latter critic feels himself enabled
to argue from what he can accept of
Linschmann's view, and from deductions
similar to those of Kohut and Gratz
that the Book exhibits Persian influence
working upon a Jew of Babylonia about
the middle of the 2nd century a.d. This
conclusion is in striking contrast with that
of Ewald,^ who, also arguing from the evi-
dence of Persian influence upon a Jew
resident in the far East, dates the Book
in the 4th century B.C.
{c) Between these extremes and those
already noted is there no medium ?
(i.) External evidence. A large num-
ber of critics decide in favour of the 2nd
or ist century B.C* The terminus ad
gue?n is found in the references to the
Temple (xiv. 4, &c.), to which allusion
has already been made. That Temple
was the Temple of Zerubbabel ; " not like
to the first " {v. 5 ; see reff. in note) which
Israel owed to Solomon, but also not
yet the "glorious building" (ibid.) with
its glittering masses of white marble and
pinnacles of gold which the lavish hand
' 'Zeitschrift f. w. Th.' (18S2), pp. 359-62.
2 Ibid. (1885), pp. 24 &c.
3 Ewald, 'Gesch. d. Volkes Israel,"'' iv.
pp. 233-8. Westcott, ' Diet, of the Bible,' s. n.
' Book of Tobit,' agrees with Ewald.
* .^. Vaihinger (Herzog, ' R. E.' * s. n.
Tobias), circ. 1st cent. B.C.; Herzfeld ('Gesch.
d. V. Israel,' i. p. 316), a few years after the
Maccabean wars ; Fritzsche [op. cit. 10), a little
before or a little after these wars, but not while
they lasted; Jahn (' Einl.' j. .), B.C. 200-150;
Keil (' Einl.' J. .), 1st or 2nd cent. B.C. ; Grimm
('Z. d. w. Th.' 1881, p. 38), before the Macca-
bean struggle ; Hilgenfeld (Ibid. 1862, p. 181 ;
1886, p. 152), during the Maccabean era ; Schiirer
(' Gesch. d. V. Israel,' ^ ii. p. 605), in the course
of the last two centuries B.C.
i6o
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
of a Herod was to rear on Mount Mo-
riah (b.c. 17). And if a date before the
time of Herod may be thus asserted, an
argunicntum c silcutio helps to carry that
date many years further back. In the
prediction of ch. xiv. there is no allusion
to the frightful persecutions of an An-
tiochus Epiphanes, or to his desecration
of the Temple (b.c. 167). The act was
one which had stung to the quick every
patriot's heart; and had it been per-
petrated at or before the time that this
Book was written, it is difficult to under-
stand the absence of all reference to it.
It seems then permissible to go farther
back than the time of Antiochus Epi-
phanes. How far ? Definite deductions
from references to canonical Scripture,
such as that to the Book of Jonah ^
(xiv. 4), would be more justifiable were
the Greek Version supported by the
other texts ; but all that can be fairly
deduced from that passage is acquaint-
ance on the part of the writer with what
God had spoken, either by Jonah or by
other prophets (see note in loco), with
regard to Nineveh. The alleged reflexion
of the history of Job and his wife (see
ii. ID, 15, and the additions of the
Vulgate in the notes), or of practices
enjoined by the example of Daniel
(i. 12, 13, notes), or of episodes in the
history of Esther (xiv. 10 ; see note), are
either such as would be familiar to every
Jew of the pre-Maccabean age, or are of
too superficial and even uncertain a
character to support any argument as to
date. 2
The terminus a quo is rather to be
^ Written, according to many critics, between
the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities. See
Bleek-Wellhausen, ' Einl. in d. A. T.'* 240.
For other dates, see ' Speaker's Commentary on
the O. T.' vi. p. 580.
* References occur in Tobit to the following
O. T. Books :
Genesis ii. r8, 20.
,, xxiv. 7.
,, xxiv. 33.
1 Sam. ii. 6.
2 Kings xix. 19.
Psalm xvii. 15.
Ixxxvi. 15.
xcvi. 6.
,, cxxix. 5.
Prov. iii. i, 3, 4.
XI. 4.
Isai. xxxi. 17.
Amos viii. 10.
5>
Tobit viii. 6.
V. 16, 21.
vii. II.
vii. 16, viii. 2.
viii. 17.
iv. II.
xiii. 6.
xiii. 7.
xiii. II.
iv. 19.
iv. 10, xii, 9.
xiii. g.
ii. 6.
gathered from the general tone of the
narrative, and slight and unobtrusive in-
dications. A picture is presented of
Jewish life and feeling during some thirty
to forty years (xiv. i). The nation had
passed through great distress and oppres-
sion, and the individual and devout Jew
had been first punished (i. 19) and then
mocked (ii. 8) for devotion to religious
and national habits. Marriages between
God's people and aliens still required
discouragement (iv. 12, vi. 15), while
intercourse between families in exile had
become comparatively easy and safe
(chs. iv.-x. contrasted with i. 15). Ardent
hopes of a full restoration of the people
scattered among the nations (xiii. 5,
xiv. 4), of a greater freedom for the
dwellers in Jerusalem (xiii. 10), of a re-
building of the Holy City and of the
upraising of the Sanctuary, animated the
language of the writer when he closed
his reminiscences in the midst of a time
of calm after much political and domestic
sorrow. The names Tobit and Tobias
selected for two of the principal person-
ages in the tale are, under varying forms,
equivalent to or the actual reproduction
of a name once hateful to every patriotic
Jew. They would hardly have been
selected had not the evil recollections
been obscured or superseded by later
memories of good. The odium attach-
ing to Tobias the Ammonite, " the
slave," the adversary of Nehemiah
(b.c. 445, ii. 10, 19; iv. 3-5; vi. 17,
19), required to be, and perhaps was,
obliterated by the reputation of another
Tobias, whose career, and that of his
more famous son Joseph, was contempo-
raneous with that of "the great" An-
tiochus III. (B.C. 223-187). The thirty-
six years' reign of this prince presents,
in its vicissitudes of distress and peace
among the Jews, many points of general
parallelism with the alternations of sorrow
and happiness, national and individual,
depicted in the Book of Tobit. And the
family history of this Tobias supplies a
fact illustrative of the determination of
such as Tobit to maintain Jewish purity
in matrimonial alliances. Joseph the
son of Tobias was married to his own
niece. The maiden was deliberately
substituted by her father in the place
of a dancer, in order that his brother
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
i6i
should not contaminate himself by con-
nexion with a heathen.^
(2.) Intef'nal evidence. The indica-
tions of date specified in the above para-
graphs are but scanty, and in character
negative rather than positive ; but they
are in accordance with conclusions de-
rived from internal evidence, if the Book
be compared with another work whose
moral precepts are akin to its own.
The Book Ecclesiasticus, a work com-
posed in Palestine and originally written
in Hebrew, suppUes that kind of paral-
lelism which, by its community of thought
and language, suggests for the Book of
Tobit a community of origin and date.
{a.) Tobit's inculcation of almsgiving
(p. 158) has been adduced as an indica-
tion of late date ; but sentiments parallel
to it are frequent in Ecclesiasticus. For
example, Ecclesiasticus (iii. 30) declares,
" Alms maketh an atonement for sins;"
xvii. 22, " The alms of a man is a signet
with God;" xxix. 11-13, "Lay up thy
treasure according to the commandments
of the Most High, and it shall bring thee
more profit than gold. Shut up alms in
thy storehouses [in the heart of the poor,
Viilg\ and it shall deliver thee from all
affliction. It shall fight for thee against
thine enemies better than a mighty shield
and a strong spear;" xxxv. 2, "He that
giveth alms sacrificeth praise;" xl. 24,
" Brethren and help are against time of
trouble ; but alms shall deliver more
than them both." The first and last of
these are as strong as Tobit iv. 10, xii. 9 :
and the language of the Son of Sirach
decidedly helps us to understand aright
the language of our Book, Evidently
"atonement" cannot be taken in our
modern sense. Another passage (Eccl.
iii. 3), " Whoso honoureth his father
maketh an atonement for his sins," in-
vests filial honour with the same efficacy
as almsgiving. If it would be an ana-
chronism to discover in this passage
of Ecclesiasticus sacrificial or sacerdotal
significance or "anti-Biblical efficacy,"
is it aot a mistake to intrude such mean-
ings into Tobit iv. 10? Again, the
* Cp. Josephus, 'Antiq.' xii. ch. iv.; Milman,
'Hist, of the Jews,' i. p. 451 &c. ; Gratz, ii.
2 Halfte, p. 243 ; Herzfeld, i, p. 186 &c. For
Antiochus the Great, see the useful summary in
' Dictionary of the Bible,' s. n.
Apoc.^Vol.I.
"deliverance" of which Ecclesiasticus
(xl. 24) speaks throws light upon the
"deliverance" affirmed in Tobit (iv. 10,
xii. 9). The primary sense is a deli-
verance from " time of trouble " more
potent than that which brotherly assist-
ance and Extraneous help can afford.
There is no thought of a time of death
and judgment.
{p.) The obscure passage (Tobit iv. 17,
see note) " Pour out thy bread on the
burial of the just," and Tobit's general
conduct towards the dead (i. 17, ii. 2-8),
have also been adduced as pointing to a
late date. In truth, they find both illus-
tration and parallelism in the Book of
Ecclesiasticus. " From the dead with-
hold not favour" (Ecclus. vii. ^i;'^ cp.
also xxxviii. 16), is a maxim inculcating
that general duty which Tobit so fear-
lessly discharged ; and the passage,
" Delicacies poured upon a mouth shut
up are as messes of meat set upon a
grave" (Ecclus. xxx. 18), is a testimony
to the practice (however understood) to
which Tobit refers.
(<r.) Other "precepts" (Tob. vi. 15)
upon which Tobit lays so much stress in
his advice to his son, and his maxims
generally, find frequent place in the
chapters of Ecclesiasticus. Devotion to
God,^ purity of marriage,^ honest deahng
towards servants,* the right estimate of
wealth,^ the general duty of helping the
poor and needy ^ &c., are forcibly urged
by both writers. The comparison be-
tween a limited number of verses in the
Book of Tobit and the whole contents of
Ecclesiasticus must not, of course, be
pushed too far ; but, fairly estimated, it
seems to suggest that the sentiments of
the writers of these Books which they
have in common were the sentiments of
' I have adopted here the translation of
Bissell.
* Tob. iv. S> 6, 19 : cp. Ecclus. vi. 37, viii.
8-14, xxxv. 10, xxxvii. 12.
* Tob. iv. 12, 13 ; viii. 6 : cp. Ecclus. vii. 26,
xvii. I, xxxvi. 24.
* Tob. iv. 14: cp. Ecclus, vii. 20, 21.
* Tob. V. 18, 19 : cp. Ecclus. v. i.
Tob. iv. 7, 14, 17 : cp. Ecclus. iv. i, 5 ;
xii. 4; xiv. 13; xxxiv. 21; xxxv. 10. In ex-
amining these parallels, which might be greatly
increased, the general impression will probably
be that Tobit is more precise and definite than
Ecclesiasticus ; and this would indicate that of
the two Ecclesiasticus is the older Book.
M
1 62
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
a common era, and express convictions
inculcated by the teachers of their
period and accepted by the taught.
The date of Ecclesiasticus should there-
fore throw light upon the date of Tobit.
Unfortunately, the date of Ecclesiasticus
is greatly disputed :^ and a difference of
a whole century exists between modern
computations on the subject. But on
either supposition whether Ecclesias-
ticus be dated about B.C. 280 or about
B.C. 190 the tone of thought and the
manner of handling these moral subjects
had not materially altered in the interval
of that century. Neither in the end of
the 3rd century B.C. nor in the end of
the 2nd century would the treatment of
them have stiffened into the mould of
the latter part of the ist century B.C. or
of the ist Christian century. For this
reason therefore the internal evidence of
the Book seems to point to a date not
more recent than the 2nd century B.C. ;
or to the same date as that suggested
by the external evidence.
IV. Aim of the Book.
Most critics are agreed that the Book
is didactic in character, but the difference
of opinion is great as to whether that cha-
racter be general or special. Specialists
like Kohut, Gratz, and Neubauer - urge
that the aim of thewriteris to inculcate the
duty of burying the dead. The Midrash
which prefaces the Chaldee Version ^
finds in the Book the reward of one who
gives alms and tithes. To Rosenthal *
the Book is an illustration of a saying at-
tributed to Rabbi Akiba (c. a.d. 110-35),
"All that God does, He does for good."
Others again read in it, with Ewald,^ the
inculcation of the duty of worshipping
the true God in the midst of tlie heathen ;
or deduce from it with De Wette and
Hilgenfeld ^ the special laudation of
* See this Commentary : Introduction to
Ecclesiasticus ; Bissell, p. 278 ; Schiirer," ii.
P- 595.
^ See above, p. 157, and Neubauer, p. xvi.
* Cp. Neubauer, pp. xxvii. xliii.
* Pp. 114, 123. Cp. Milman, ' Plist. of the
Jews,' ii. 427.
' Gesch. d. V. I.' iv. 233.
De \Vette-Sch*ader, ' Einl. in d. A. T.'
375; HilgenfeW, 'Z. f. d. w. Th.' (1S62),
p. 19S.
prayer, fasting, almsgiving, and righteous-
ness. On the other hand, a more general
scope is asserted by Bertholdt, who re-
cognises in the Book a picture of human
life in its passage from unhappiness to
happiness ; or by Eichhorn, to whom it
is the record of the answer to prayer.^
Others expand their range yet more
widely still. The Book contains a pic-
ture of family life in which parents give
counsel to their children, children love
and obey their parents, and God's Angel
advises, guides, and heals those in whose
lives the religious element is strongly ex-
pressed, and faithfulness to God is main-
tained even in times of national disaster
and personal poverty. On the whole,
if there is something to be said for the
specialist, there is more to be said for
the generalist. To assert that some one
leading idea was specially prominent in
the writer's mind, only brings to light
the divergence among critics with respect
to it. Preference is not so clearly ex-
hibited by the writer himself as to make
it possible to choose between the various
doctrines and truths he has set forth for
appreciation and imitation. It is best,
therefore, to rest content with a con-
clusion as general as that of Cramer : ^
" The leading ideas of the Book are that
righteousness, although it may seem to
be at the mercy of wickedness, does in
the end conquer; that God hears the
true prayer of the afflicted in the time
of suffering ; and that one may win the
love of Jehovah by the practice of alms-
giving, the burial of the dead, and other
pious acts." This would have been as
true in the days of Sennacherib as of
Ardeshir I., as practicable in Assyria as
in Parthia.
V, Place of Composition.
Was this in or out of Palestine ? This
is usually answered in accordance with
the date and aim attributed on other
grounds to the writer. The text itself
selects Assyria (xii. 20, xiii. i) ; Kohut
prefers Persia, Ewald the far East more
closely defined by Westcott as in some
J See Grimm, ' Z. f. d. w. Th.' (1881), p. 52.
* Quoted in Bissell, p. 117.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
163
city subject to Persia, perhaps Babylon.
The geographical inaccuracies exclude
these countries in the opinion of Gratz
and Grimm/ and the acceptance of a
Semitic original is opposed to the con-
clusion advanced by Noldeke^ alone,
that Egypt was its home. A larger
support is given to the alternative view
that it was written in Judaea, but whether
in the southern or northern part of the
province must be left undecided.^
VI. History.
Philo, Josephus, and the New Testa-
ment * make no mention of the Book.
There is no reason why they should or
should not, and their silence cannot be
quoted for or against its existence. With
the acceptance of the LXX. Version as a
whole was also included the recognition
of the Book of Tobit contained in it. In
the Greek Church it met with more favour
than in the Latin. Westcott, Lightfoot,
and Schiirer^ agree in considering St.
Polycarp's advice " When ye can do
good, defer it not, on iXerjfXoavpr] Ik
Oavdrov pverai " (' Ad Philipp.' ch. X.) a
quotation from Tobit (iv. 1 1 ; xii. 9) ; and
a still earlier reference to the precepts of
the Book is furnished by the ' Teaching of
the Twelve Apostles' (see iv. 14, note).
The Gnostics called the Ophites counted
Tobias among the prophets ; ^ and Cle-
ment of Alexandria ^ considered the book
' Giatz, p. 445 ; Grimm, p. 46.
- Noldeke, p. 63.
^ Griitz, pp. 405 &c., 445, decides against
Galilee on the ground of inaccurate description
of Tobit's birthplace ; but his arguments are
proofs of an inaccurate text rather than of in-
accuracy as to the fact. A slight but valuable
hint in favour of Judaea is furnished by ii. 1 1
(see note).
* Alleged parallels between Tob. iv. 15 and
St. Matt. vii. 12 ; Tob. xiii. 16-18 and Rev. xxi.
18 ; Tob. iv. 9 and 2 Cor. viii. 12, resolve them-
selves into resemblances of the most general
character.
* Cp. Westcott in 'Diet, of the Bible,' s. n.
Tobit (Book of), 6; Lightfoot, 'Apostolic
Fathers,' part ii, vol. ii. ii. p. 923 ; Schiirer,
'Apokryphen d. A. T.' in Herzog's ' R. E.'^
He finds also a reference to Tobit xii. 8, 9 in
' 2 Clem, ad Cor.' xvi. 4.
' Irenseus, 'Adv. Haeres.' i. 30, 11.
' ' Stromata,' ii. 23, vi. 12, quoting Tob. iv.
16, xii. 8. He dignifies it by the name rj jfjaipr].
canonical. Origen's testimony ^ to it is
of a like kind. He points out that the
Jews did not admit this Book or Judith
into their lists because they had them
not in Hebrew,^ and rests the authority
of the former on the usage of the Church.
St. Athanasius appears to have at times
used it as possessing canonical authority ;
but when giving a formal and critical list
of the sacred Books, he classes it among
the Apocrypha as a writing " to be read
by those but just entering on Christian
teaching, and desirous of being instructed
in the rules of piety." In the Latin
Church the Book is quoted by Cyprian,
Hilary, and Lucifer as authoritative, and
the majority of the Latin Fathers en-
dorsed the opinion of St. Augustine,
accepting it with the other Apocrypha of
the LXX., " among the Books which the
Christian Church received."
St. Augustine was probably influenced
both by his liking for the LXX. and by
the teaching of his spiritual father, St.
Ambrose, to whom the Book was pro-
phetic ; and who made it the subject of
an essay, in which he discussed the evils
of usury. St. Jerome, on the other hand,
refused to it canonical recognition.
" The Church," he said, " reads it, but
does not receive it among her canonical
Scriptures." The Council of Trent
finally took upon itself to assert its ca-
nonicity. Since then commentators have
been content to dwell by preference on
the moral beauty and idylHc tenderness
of the work. " Is it history?" says
Luther ; " then is it a holy history. Is it
fiction ? then is it a truly beautiful, whole-
some, and profitable fiction, the per-
formance of a gifted poet," " Read it,"
says Pellican, " as a httle book of the
greatest usefulness. It is full of maxims,
most profitable both for faith and mo-
rality." The Church of England has
never been behindhand in recognising
these excellences. The Second Book of
Homilies illustrates its teaching on Alms-
deeds " that merciful almsdealing is
profitable to purge the soul from the
' For the authorities which follow, see West-
cott in ' Diet, of the Bible,' Book of Tobit ;
Fritzsche, p. 18; Bissell, p. 121.
- In Fritzsche, p. 19, Tobit iv. 17, v. 12,
vi. 7 are given as passages which might mnke
the Jews unwilling to reckon the Book canonical.
M 2
164
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
infection and filthy spots of sin" by-
referring to Tob. iv. 10 witli the words,
" The same lesson doth the Holy Ghost
also teach in sundry places of the Scrip-
ture." Until the re-arrangement of the
Lectionary, the Book was read in the
daily Lessons of the Church, and quo-
tations from it are to be found in the
Offertory Sentences of the Communion
Service (cp. Tob. iv. 7-9), in the Marriage
Service (cp. Tob. vi. 17, note), and in the
Litany (cp. Tob. iii. 3, note).
EXCURSUS I.
THE ORIGINAL LANGUAGE OF THE BOOK OF TOBIT.
I. A Semitic original.
II. A Greek original.
IIL Priority of Chaldee or Hebrew.
The question as to the original language
of the widely-diffused story of the Book of
Tobit practically resolves itself into a choice
between a Semitic and a Greek text. And
that choice still baffles many. There are
no decisive grounds, says SchUrer,^ in favour
of a Hebrew original. The Greek of the
liook, says Grimm,- is of that character that
it may be either original or a translation.
Weighty names range themselves on both
sides in this literary contest, but what has
been most fully said will be found in Noldeke's
monograph^ in favour of a Greek, and in
Gratz's papers * in favour of a Semitic,
original. Both critics have had the advantage
of writing with the Bodleian Chaldee text
before them, but from it they have deduced
the most opposite results. The advocate of
a Semitic original has found in it that which
has enabled him to supersede conjectural by
real arguments ; the supporters of a Greek
original are convinced by it that their reason-
ing is correct.
One element in the question is the dif-
ference which distinguishes this Chaldee text
and St. Jerome's Vulgate from the other texts
with regard to the form of the narrative.
The Chaldee and the Vulgate uniformly
employ the third person in speaking of Tobit;
the Greek and all the other texts use the
first person in section i. i iii. 6, and after
that section the third person. This latter
usage, exhibiting transition or variation in
* Schiirer, ' Apokryphen d. A. T.' in Herzog,
R. E.' ^ vi. 7. His preference for a Greek
original is more strongly expressed in ' Ge-
schichte d. Judischen Volke,'^ ii. p. 606.
* ' Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie,'
1881, p. 49.
^ ' Monatsbericht der koniglich Preussischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,' 1879,
p. 45 &c.
* ' Monatschrift fur Geschichte u. Wissenschaft
dor Judenthums,' 1879, p. 157 &c.
form, is evidently more original than the fixed
uniformity existing in the former; and it
seems therefore clear that the Bodleian Chal-
dee text could not have been the founda-
tion of the existing Greek Version. To
establish such a foundation an older Chaldee,
or at least Semitic, text must be conceived,
which preceded the present Chaldee, and
preserved the first person in the section
referred to. The Hebrew texts, though much
later, possess this requisite change, and there-
fore present the model of such a Semitic
original as is desired.
I. The original Language was Semitic,
Hebrew or Hebraic.
(i) The language of St. Jerome is suf-
ficiently distinct as to one fact. When he
met the wish of his brother bishops, Chro-
matins and Heliodorus, and translated into
Latin the Book of Tobit, he had before him
" librum Chaldaeo sermone conscriptum." It
may be admitted that he made this transla-
tion without being moved by any great
respect for a work which the Jews excluded
from the Canon of Holy Scripture and placed
in the Apocrypha ; but why did he translate
it at all ? He marvels, he tells his friends, at
the persistency with which they pressed their
wish, but he complied with it. Why ?
Possibly for two reasons. First, the Book was
current in the Roman and Greek churches ;
secondly, its doctrines were acceptable, its
enforcement of religious practices desirable.
This both explained and fostered its popula-
rity ; it was a reason for the circulation of the
Book. Then why were the Versions, Greek
and Latin (for example), in which it circulated
unsatisfactory ? Evidently because they were
not accounted true and accurate reproduc-
tions of an original text. Now, if that original
text had been Greek or Latin, the Bishops
would not have troubled St. Jerome to do
what they could have done for themselves.
Their appeal to him was to do for them
what he alone in his day was capable of
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.'
165
doing in a satisfactory manner. And his
response was to translate afresh and from a
Semitic original.
There is no need to deny the fact that St.
Jerome's mode of supplying the want was
peculiar; but this result, which in our day
would be eminently unsatisfactory, was, in
his case, in part due to the hostility which
pursued his studies. His translations of the
canonical Books of the Old Testament direct
from the Hebrew had brought upon him
odium and charges as offensive as they were
unjust. "Arguunt," he says in his Preface
to Tobit, "nos Hebrasorum studia, et im-
putant nobis contra suum canonem Latinis
auribus ista transferre." His adversaries
were not likely to be more charitable when
he dealt with a Book, Apocryphal it is true,
but enshrined in the sacred ark of the Alex-
andrian Version. Therefore, as regards the
Book of Tobit, he emphasises the fact : "Feci
satis desiderio vestro, non tamen meo studio."
He thought it better to displease the" Phari-
sees " about him than disobey the commands
of the Bishops : and the result was the Vul-
gate Version. It is a mistake to assert that
this Version is an abbreviation ; but it is in
many places nearer to the Chaldee than to the
recognised Greek Version.
(2) The evidence from names in the
Apocrypha is proverbially unsatisfactory ; but
in the case of this Book Raphael and Reuel,
Tobi and Anna, Tobias and Sarah, Gabrias
and Azarias are actually Hebrew, or easily
reducible to Hebrew forms. Other names,
even when disputed (see below), and such
names as Asmodeus, Enemessar, and Achia-
charus, do not dispel the general impression
that the proper names are mostly Hebraic.
(3) Variations, if not mistakes, exhibited
by the Greek Version are adduced as due to
faults of translation from a Semitic Version,
or indicative of this class of error.
(a) i. 13. The words of the E. V., "grace
and favour," find their parallel in the Nin
XTDm of the Chaldee (or IDni jn of the
Hebrew). But the Greek text reads xapi-" ^al
fiop(f)fjv. The sentiment is not in question
(see note in loco), but how came ^lopcprj in
the text ? It is the word frequently used in
Daniel {e.g. iv. 33, v. 6, vii. 28) for VT (A. V.
"brightness"); but here Gratz thinks that
instead of HlOn the reading {<lTn, "form"
(see Levy, ' Ch. W. B.' s. n.) was followed.
(/3) i. 22, 6K dfVTepas. Fritzsche (i. /.),
supplying the word x'^P"^ o^" ru^eas, would
make this expression = nX'O, or " second in
rank." This would presuppose a Hebrew
original text. But a variant reading (Vatic. S),
" praestitit me rex iterum" suggests that a text
existed fl^JCi' 'JD^ti'M (cp. the general tenor
of the Heb., Chald., and Itala renderings),
which applied the king's acts to Tobit and
not to Achiacharus. Another text, however,
had 1JO'':^''l, and that was followed by the
Greek.
(y) V. 18, dpyvpiov rm apyvp'ico p.rj <pdd(rai.
The last words are Hebrew in cast = Dnp"" ^X;
while the absence of any corresponding
words in the existing Hebrew and Chaldee
texts imply the currency of a text which
contained them. Ilgen's reproduction of the
words in Hebrew, Dtp^ hn ClDSH^ fjOa, if
faulty in grammar and sense, can be easily
corrected (^e.g. by the Syriac N2D37 N2D3
N203 N7; cp. Rosenthal, p. 147, n. 4):
alterations such as Dip'' 'Pi^ fJID^ flDDH
(Griitz) or Tl'''' i6 J^SIDd'p N3DD (Rosen-
thal), are too drastic and conjectural.
(8) vi. 15 (E. V. I4), Kard^oy rffv ^corjv
Tov irarpos pov . . . els rov rdf^ov : so Itala,
" vitam." But the usual phrase is TTnini
'Ul UX ni''^ riN' ; cp. Gen. xlii. 38, " he shall
bring down my grey hairs " (Sic, i.e. meta-
phorically, my old age : cp. the Vulgate here,
" deponam senectutem illorum." The con-
clusion is that the Greek followed a reading
T\^n instead of nn'Cr.
(e) vi. 10, TTpocrr]yyiaav tjj 'Pdyrj. The
other Versions (see note in loco) read more
correctly Ecbatana ; but how did the reading
'Pfiyrj arise ? On the supposition that a
Hebrew text was before the writer, the
original may have been NJn3!lJ< 1''^'? '\'2'-\p.
The word T'U? was changed into ''V'O, and
rendered eV 'Pay?;. Griitz would further see
in this misreading a proof that the translator
had a Hebrew and not a Chaldee text before
him. In Chaldee a city = xmp, and the
Chaldee text of the Bodleian uses that word
here in its shortened form, C'^JI ''"I'lp2.
(C) "^' ^5- In the sentence riva aoi eaop-ai
piadov hihovai, ecropat StfioVat IS not SO much
a barbarism or a change from earai pm
(Fritzsche), as a literal reproduction of
nn"? (or) n^b ^Ji< TTir. So Rosenthal (p.
150).
(rj) xiii. 6, TiS yivoiCTKfi, el deXt'jcrei rjpas.
The first two words recall yil'* ''D, with its
sense of " perhaps " (cp. Jon. iii. 9).
{6) iv. 17. In the Additional Note to this
passage are specified some of the alterations
proposed to make this difficult verse more
clear. In Griitz's opinion the verse presents
"the most pregnant proof of a Hebrev/
original ; " but this proof depends upon the
acceptance of his alterations. Inasmuch as
these alterations have not commanded, and
do not command, universal acceptance, the
broader position to which he also draws
attention can alone be considered here.
The previous verse (iv. 16) is rightly alleged
to be Hebraistic in cast ; and this might be
with equal justice affirmed of the entire
1 66
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
section. The next verse as restored by Gratz
would be "I^^ (or HDOI) "[Qi:') 'pn'? DltS
. |nn ^x D-rcnn ^ni cpivn nnpn
If Rosenthal's objection (p. 145) that the
I'.se of 3~lp2 in the sense intended is not
Hebraic may be dismissed as hypercritical
and one which he himself does not press,
there is more force in his contention that
to introduce the pouring out of wine is
to introduce as a requisite a new and un-
necessary element in the description of well-
doing. Rosenthal's preference is for a read-
ing which combines several emendations: "JDt*
|nn !?x DTL'nh n-'pn^'n mpn T-Dn-i
Both writers are, however, agreed that a
text was before the writer of the Greek
Version which he failed to understand, and
Rosenthal finds in the variations of the other
texts so many attempts to escape from the
difficulty of the Greek text upon which they
depended.
To these illustrations of textual misunder-
standings and mistranslations of a Semitic
original Rosenthal adds the following.
(i) vii. 13, (ypaxj/e (Tvyypa<prjv Kol ia'^pa-
ylaaro. On the ground that such sealing
was not a Jewish practice (see, however,
Introduction, p. 159), Rosenthal (p. 132, n. i)
argues that the translator misunderstood the
original text before him. The Hebrew and
Chaldee texts printed by Neubauer have
one and the same word ; but he translates
them differently. The Hebrew, nniX DnHM
Dnr3, he renders " and he sealed it before
witnesses;" the Chaldee, VTHD nn* IDDm,
"and witnesses signed it." The document
would certainly be signed and the technical
word descriptive of the act would be in neo-
Hebraic or Talmudical diction, Dfin (cp.
Levy, ' N. H. Lex.' s. n.) without the super-
fluous W'lVZ of the Hebrew. The Greek
translator did not, however, understand the
expression neo-Hebraically; and technically,
but Biblically ; hence his rendering.
(k) iii. 5, TfoXXai a'l Kpicreis crov eicri Kal
aXxjOivai, (^ e'/xou Troirjaai K.r.A. The words
e^ f/jLov seem to have but little connexion
with their context (Rosenthal, p. 143), and
are hardly explained grammatically by the
Itala : " multa sunt judicia tua et vera, quae
de me exigas"&c. The Bodleian Chaldee
and the Hebrew text do not help here ; but
a Hebrew rendering of the Greek passage
would be nv^i;'? ^JOO D^^rDNJI T-DStTD D''21.
Giving to ''JJ2D a comparative sense, and
taking it in conjunction with D'^JONJ, the
sentence would mean : " Many are Thy
judgments and more faithful than I" &c.
This grammatical form, if not common, is
not opposed to neo-Hebraic diction ; but
this infrequency the Greek translator did not
know, and his translation, e^ efiov, is alleged
to be an evidence of his ignorance and help-
lessness.
(A.) U. 14, TTOV {1(t\v ai fXerjp.orrvvai crov
Koi al diKcnocrvvai. crov ; W hat, asks Rosen-
thal (p. 144), had almsgiving to do with
Tobit's suspicion ? The answer might be
found in the simple fact that, when two
persons are quarrelling, a retort is frequently
quite outside the special point of blame which
provokes it ; but Rosenthal discovers in the
Greek translator, not now an ignorance of
neo-Hebraic, but acquaintance with it. The
rendering of the Chaldee "inilDTI l^lt: ]N
savs nothing about almsgiving ; the Hebrew,
ThipTil inon n\S, presents in IDH the
sense of love or affection, and expresses the
protest, " where is thy love and justice, that
thou makest against me so unloving and un-
just a charge ? " This sense the Greek trans-
lator declined, while he adopted the neo-
Hebraic meaning of TDPI, love of one's neigh-
bour, and expressed that sense in (Xerjfxoavvai.
(/:i..) ix. 6, Koi (vXoyrjcre Tco^ias rt)^ yvvaiKa
avTov. See Additional Note to this passage.
Here the Greek reading is simply recorded
as being one which to Rosenthal (p. 147) is
a fault in translation.
(r.) X. 5, ou peXeL fioi, TiKvov, OTL dc^riKd (re
K.T.X. In the note to this passage are given
some conjectural emendations. Rosenthal
(p. 149) conjectures a Hebrew reading,
T'nn^E:' i6 l"? "-J^, " O my son ! Would
that I had not sent thee " &c., which an
error of a copyist altered into X? v, and
the Greek translator rendered ov /xeXei fxoi.
A less unsupported conjecture may be found
in the hint furnished by the Greek C, ol'^ot,
TeKVOV, . . . TVpoS Tl K.T.X. , whcrC the Ol'^Ot
reproduced the Chaldee of the Bodleian v "<)).
(4) The proper names, in several cases, are
presented in the three Greek texts under forms
which shew defects due to misunderstanding
or misreading a Semitic original.
(a) Enemessar (i. 2, 13 ; see note). This
faulty rendering of Shalmaneser must have
penetrated into the Greek Version after the
time of St. Jerome ; the Vulg. as well as the
Itala having Salmanassar. In i. 17 the Greek
text is further corrupt by the misreading of
'Ei'e/xecrcrap for ^evva)(r]pip.
{!?) Gabael (i. 14) is not considered by
Griitz a Hebrew-sounding name, but a cor-
ruption of Gabriel, the reading of the Syriac.
He does not, however, approve of the allitera-
tion " Gabriel son of Gabrias " (cp. iv. 20),
and would by the help of faults and gaps
restore a reading Ka\ 7Tapf6r]pr]v ra/3pi7jAw rw
dSeA^cp pov, Tov . . . Tov TajBpirjXov. The
alteration of the Hebrew Fagius p 7S''Dy
?i\''133 is less forced than this, and Neubauer's
acceptance of the name as Hebrew, with a
meaning " treasure of God " (p. xvi.), is
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
167
certainly admissible. The name may have
come down from exilic times.
(c) Acbiacharus (i. 21). The name can
of course be put into Hebrew letters ("ip^''^^),
but it is not Hebrew; and the rendering
ilinx TIX (Heb. Fag.) is at once a confes-
sion that it is not and an attempt to make
it so.
id) Edna (vii. 2) is disclaimed by Gratz.
He does not consider the meaning of the
name (" dehght ") applicable to so harmless
and passive a person, and prefers the name
Anna given by Itala (and Vulgate) as being
nearer to the original. Neubauer differs
from him.
(5) Confusion with respect to topographical
and geographical sites.
id) The birthplace of Tobit (i. 2 ; see note)
has always been a crux to critics. Three
neighbouring localities are given, and vast
ingenuity is exercised in preventing confusion
becoming worse confounded. The Greek
texts A and B and the Chald. call the place
Thisbe (var. Tibe, Tibos) ; some Latin (not
Vulg.) texts call it Gebuel, Bihel (formed
from Ge-bihel). This place, thus variously
called Thisbe and Gebuel, was defined to be
(a) eiy hi^iaiv Kv8ias rfj ^fCpdaW ev rrj FaXi-
Xaia (A); or better (B and C) Kv8lcov ttjs
Ne05aA(/x ev rfj uva> VaKika'iq. Approxima-
tions sufficiently intelligible to this are found
in the Latin, " in dextra parte Cidissi civitate
ex Nephtalim quse est super Galilaea," or
(Itala) " in dextera parte Edisse civitatis Nep-
thalim in superioribus Galileae." The name
Xadesh-Napthali can be easily discovered
under these curious spellings, (b) takes the
identification a step further: virfpavio 'Aarip
(A), or 'AacTTjp (B and C), ottio-co Sva-pcov rov
rfKiov. The name 'Aarjp, a corruption of
'A(Tcbp, is Hazor ("livn), a name, as Raumer
has ingeniously shewn, reproduced in the read-
ing of the Latin texts Naason [= Naasor =
Anaasor = dvu> (part of vTrfpavco) 'Ao-wp] : and
the remaining words direct the reader generally
to the west of Tobit's birthplace (cp. the
Itala : " post viam quae ducit in occidentem").
(c) A step further is given. The texts B and
C (absent from A) have ($ apia-repoiv ^oymp ;
the Itala, "ex sinistra parte Raphain;" the
Vulgate, "in sinistra habensSephet." Josephus
(' Bell. Jud.' ii. xx. 6) mentions a 2e^ in
Upper Galilee ; and it is thought that he
meant ^e<pd = Safed, of Crusader fame.
Saphet or Safed might be rendered in Hebrew
riD^, which again might be an abbreviation of
HDVD. The Itala scribe read Fecp instead of
2f<^, and reached the name Rephain a name
familiar m the nomenclature of the Holy Land
though no such place was to be found in
Galilee. But how came the name *oycop ?
Gratz's explanation is ingenious. Safed was
situated on a hill. It may have been known
by the name HQ^: NIVO or "IID ns^ = Se^e-
6u)p = 2e0e-ya)p (by a change of 6 into -y). The
syllable 2e fell away, and the remainder,
<peyiop, was, after the analogy of "liya, changed
into ^oyoip.
These various steps lead up to the con-
clusion that Tobit's birthplace lay between
Kadesh on the right and Saphet on the left :
westward of it was Hazor. Gischala satisfies
the requisite conditions according to Griitz ;
but can Thisbe-Gebuel be the same as
Gischala ? Yes, says Gratz : change y into 6,
and Qia^rj Via-^r] ; transpose the letters of
Gebuel and you have Chalab. Put together
Gisbe and Chalab and make a name Gischalab.
That is not so very different from Gischala.
At the same time Kadesh was not on the
right but on the left of Gischala, and Sephet
not on the left but on the right of the same
place. Where so much can be altered in a
manner satisfactory to ingenuity, this differ-
ence is trifling ; or if it be preferred, the
mistake in position may be admitted. In
either case it only proves that the writers
were either not at home in the necessary
topography or indifferent to accuracy. But
what it is asked was the state of the
Greek texts which could exhibit or lend
themselves to such variations ? and what was
the writer of A about that he could omit (if
he knew it) the topographical hint supplied
by B and C ?
Gratz finds in text A other mistakes re
localities due to mistranslation and omission.
(ii) i. 5 (see note). The reading rfj BaaX,
TTj 8apaXei, is m B and G rm p6(rx((> . . . ev
Adv. The Chaldee (and the Hebrew at
greater length) reads : " to the calves ... at
Bethel and Dan." On the supposition that
the more original text is presented by the
Chaldee, the alteration made by B and C
which consists in dropping Bethel is venial
compared with that of A, which has omitted
Dan and corrupted Bethel into Baal. Bickell
prefers to consider the Greek text a corruption
of n'piyn or ni'piya.
(<r) xi. I (see note). The Greek text C
adds Kal rfKQov els Kaiadpetav, rj eari dnevavrL
Trjs Nivev'L This curious mistake is probably
due to a misreading of a name more correctly
reproduced in the Latin Versions, Charran or
Charam, and emended by Reusch into Chalah
= XaXdx (n^3). The Chaldee and Heb.
texts also give a name, Akris. Texts A and
B alone have no name, and apparently made
no guess at any.
(6) Not only as regards localities, but also
as regards other matters is the text A ac-
counted very deficient. Griitz illustrates this
by comparing this text not only with the
other Greek texts, but with other Versions in
the following passages: i. 6-8, ii. 9, 10 (where
text A omits, for the sake of brevity, the
details furnished by B and the Chaldee
1 68
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
(int. ol.), and the period of Tobit's blindness,
four years, as well as the time, two years,
during which Achiacharus supported him),
ii. 14 (in tlie account of Tobit's quarrel
with his wife, A is much abbreviated), vi.
(pasiitTi).
The conclusion which will, I think, be
drawn from these alleged proofs in favour of
a Semitic original will be that, though they
are by no means of equal value, and some
from their conjectural character of no value
at all, yet they present where of real value
a fairly strong case.
The following pedigree expresses Griitz's
conclusions:
Semitic original.
I I
Ancient Greek. Vulgate.
Greek texts A & B. Hebrevir.
What is to be said on the other side ?
II. The original Language was
Greek.
The Greek Version, which furnishes to
Gratz and Rosenthal proofs of translation
from a Semitic original, furnishes to Noldeke
proofs of an exactly opposite character. It
contains grammatical constructions which to
him are not Hebraic, and sentences which
exhibit a freedom of handling very distinct
from the mould prescribed by the LXX.
For example, the diction of the following
sentences he cannot consider Hebraic (p. 6i) :
1. 6, enopivop-riv . . . ras oTrapxas Kal ras
OfKaras rcou yevvrjjxaTuiv Kai ra? npcoTOKovpLas
e'xap K.r.X. (cp. the LXX. of Deut. xviii. 4) ;
HI. 8, KoL ivos avTcbv oiiK cupopdcrdTjs ; iv. 6,
evobiai eaovrai iv roii e'pyois crov ; vii. 7, 6
TOv KuXov KOL dyaOov avdpa-rrov vlos ; xii. 7,
pvanjpiov l^aa-iXeoiS koXov Kpv\j/ai, to. 8e i'pya
TOV Geov avaKaKvTTTeiv evdo^cos ; and the play
upon the words dTrearaXr; 'Pacf)arj\ Idaaadai
exhibits to him no proof of a Hebrew text,
but simply such a knowledge of Hebrew as
the writer might presuppose in his readers.
Of the Greek texts, that known as A is, in
Noldeke's opinion, the nearest approach to
the original text ; and from it, as a base, he
constructs a table. (See next column. Those
Versions marked with a star he considers
translations.)
What are the arguments by wliich prefer-
ence for A is supported ?
(fl) The fluctuations in the text of A
(supported in its first half by a very literal
Syriac Version of about the 7th century) are
much fewer than in the text of B. This
stability does not, it is admitted, prove any-
thmg to the detraction of the less stable group
(B and its cognates). It may have been due
to the fact that the text A was adopted by
Eusebius,' and that his patronage secured for
it permanent acceptance, without its being of
necessity the best.
<-
X
*
o
^
C/2 w
I da-
*
3 a
*
- s
-a
o
* 'o
'3 .
" <L)
O T3
-^ '
*
(i) On internal grounds, however, Fritzsche
and Noldeke unite in concluding that B is a
revision or emendation of A. The brevity
and abruptness of A are admitted ; but this in
the course of time led to expansiveness at the
hands of others. The process was followed
by the inevitable result; much was improved,
but much also was lost. This feature will be
seen by examining these texts in such passages
as ii. 6 (the quotation from Amos viii. 10 is
by B taken literally from the LXX. ; in A it
is freely rendered. The latter process is
more original than the former) ; v. i, 2 (B
expands A) ; v. 3-5 (B improves upon A) j
viii. 9 &c.
(c) The text of A is frequently at fault in
matters geographical. Rages and Ecbatana
are placed too closely to each other (vi. 9,
ix. 6), an error which B avoided in the first
passage by reading Ecbatane in vi. 5 ; while
See Westcott, ' The Bible in the Church,'
p. 155 &c.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
169
its information (v. 6) that the two towns were
only two days' journey from each other, and
that Rages was in the mountains and Ecbatane
in the plain (^the very opposite being the fact),
indicated a later and correcting hand._ Other
geographical statements of B (i. 2, xi. i) are
traceable to the same wish to make clear or
correct (not always successfully) what was
indistinct or mistaken in A.
Per contra, critics who dispute the originality
or priority of A do not deny its brevity, but
they find in it the correction of the prolixity of
an older Greek translation. As illustrations of
this tendency such passages as i. 14, y. 3 (the
circumstances connected with the history of
the bond or bag), iii. 7 (the blaming of Sarah
by her maidens), viii. 9-1 1 (the details of
the preparations for the burial of Tobias),
present A in a condensed form when com-
pared with B and (sometimes) G. The exact
relations of A to B they count it difficult to
define.
The argument that the construction of the
sentences of the Greek Version is frequently
non-Hebraic is also admitted, and a general
tendency to Grecize the style is recognised,
but the deduction drawn is not that of Nol-
deke. These characteristics do not, it is
affirmed, affect the question of translation
or non-translation.
If some kind of conclusion has now to be
drawn where critics and counsels are so
divided, must it not rather be one based upon
the balance of probabilities? Noldeke's pre-
ference for a Greek original is connected with
his view that the work is Alexandrian ; in this
view he stands alone. Gratz's assertion of a
Semitic original is united with the opinion that
the work is Palestinian ; and with this the
majority of critics agree.
Apocryphal literature of the character
before us might have one out of three possible
birthplaces, and would reflect the language
and thought of its home. If it was composed
in Palestine, it would be composed in a
Hebraic style and diction, however remote
that might be from the purer language of the
canonical Books. This was the case with
Judith, Susanna, Ecclesiasticus, and the ist of
Maccabees. If it was composed in one of
those centres, such as Alexandria, Antioch, or
Acco, where Jews congregated who had lost
the knowledge of Hebrew and used Greek
for their commercial and other transactions,
then the work would be written either in
Greek or that Hellenistic diction permeated
by Biblical colouring which was currently
used. This accounts for the Book of Wisdom,
2nd, 3rd, and 4th of Maccabees 8cc. Lastly, if
it was composed in Mesopotamia, in Nahardea
or Nisibis, where numerous Jews were to be
found, it would be written in Ghaldee or
Aramaic, the language there in use. To
which now of these places does the accumulated
evidence point ' The last may be excluded,
and the probabilities point to the first.
There remains, however, one question.
The Book has come down to us both in
Hebrew and Ghaldee: which was thelanguage
of the original ?
III. Priority of Ghaldee or Hebrew.
The Bodleian Ghaldee (Neubauer) and the
Constantinopolitan Hebrew (MUnster) are
closely connected in diction and in sequence
of events. The singular detail connected with
the expulsion of Asmodeus (see vi. 17, note),
the name " king of the demons " given to that
spirit-power, the selection of a " bag " instead
of a " bond " as the sign of the contract be-
tween Tobit and Raguel (v. 3), the omission
of the dog, the interesting expansion in iv.
13-15, and much else common to these
Versions, distinguish them from the others
and unite them to each other without prejudice
to the points of difference.
i. What are these texts ? Some details have
been given already (see Introduction, II.) ;
the special questions still requiring answers
are questions connected with the Ghaldee.
(a) From what is this Ghaldee derived ?
{b) Was it the text used by St. Jerome ?
(a) Griitz (p, 387) does not consider the
Bodleian Ghaldee an original text at all, but an
abbreviated rendering of a translation from a
Greek or Latin text; and Noldeke singles
out the Greek text B as the text employed.
Griitz adduces in proof the following points.
The proper name Rages appears in forms
m-\ or :^"'J>^^ or Cjn, This is a reproduc-
tion of the Greek accusative (not dative,
Bickell). Had a Semitic Version been before
the writer, he would have found the forms
J1 or 5<J"1 or perhaps ''"l (cp. the Ragha of the
Avesta and the Pehlevi form Raga). The
Greek name Tigris is expressed in the form
piiTl (vi. i), whereas vhn or nbpl (in the
O. T. bpin ; cp. Dan. x. 4) was the nomen-
clature current in the Northern Semitic lands.
'EKjiardvois is reproduced in D''jn3JX ; and
Greek words will be readily discerned in
Nir-nJii^ (cp. ayyapeuo)), JIIDDnX (npiarov),
N3D''D (crrjudov), NJmJN {iv8poiu as^ distin-
guished from yvvaiKUV^, fjl^'IO (^jJiapavTVlov)}
These proofs are not universally accepted.
By anticipation Neubauer rejects some of
them (p. xi) when he affirms that the forms
of Ragais or Ragas, Ecbatanes or Egbatanas,
and Tigrin would scarcely occur in the text
if translated from the Greek or Latin.
' Much assistance in examining the forms and
reproductions of non-Semitic words in these and
similar texts will be found in Strack u. Siegfried's
' Lehrbuch d. neu-hebraischen Sprache : ' see
especially 67.
I/O
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
Further, according to Neubauer, the Bodleian
Chaldee has sentences which are to be found
sometimes in one or other of the Greek or
Latin texts; and others are peculiar to it
or the Hebrew translation. Bickell (p. 218)
admits the approximation of the Bodleian
text to B (cp. e.g. ix. 6), but explains it by
the opinion that the reviser who wrote B
aimed at a more accurate agreement with
a Hebrew original than did the writers of A
and C. In opposition to their antagonists,
these critics allege the idiom of the Chaldee
text to be of such a character as to render
impossible the admission that it is a transla-
tion from a non-Semitic text ; and Bickell
adduces faults of translation as proofs that
the original before the writer of that text
was a Semitic and not a Greek Version.
What can be said as regards the possibility
or impossibility of the Chaldee being a trans-
lation has been adduced in the Introduction,
II. The faults of translation remain to be ex-
amined. Bickell adduces vi. 15, riTO ~lL3pX
ntJ'IS? nnn, as due to a misreading of the
last word. He would substitute for it nJ137.
It can, however, be shewn not only that the
alteration is unnecessary the act enjoined
being not without parallel (see Excursus II.,
p. 182) but the supposition of error is
rendered impossible by the Hebrew of the
corresponding passage (viii. 2).
Again, the interesting reading in vi. 2,
K>^D1 NOn^ b^iit (cp. the Heb., where
nnb is omitted by Miinster), is thought by
Bickell to rest upon a text "pj") nvhh aX'1
"lyjn, from which ^JT has fallen out, and the
opening words altered or misread. But the
alteration is far too conjectural, and nnjs, in
the sense desired, is usually associated with a
negative particle.
It has already been noticed that in the
narrative of the transactions between Tobit
and Gabael the Versions differ as to the
character of the pledge between them. When
Tobit sends Tobias to Gabael, he gives him
according to the Greek and Latin Versions
a handwriting (v. 3, ix. 5) ; according to the
Chaldee and Hebrew texts, a bag. Whence
arose this difference ? It has been con-
jectured that the original text had a reading
onn, which meant "writing" (Isa. viii. i)
as well as " bag " (2 Kings v. 3), or a reading
N'pon, "writing," which was mistaken for
N^pDn or *pDl, " a sack." Neither conjecture
can pass. The infrequent word mn is in
Isaiah applied to something very different
irom what is intended by xetpoypa(^oi/, and
wspon would not occur in an ancient Hebrew
work.
The ingenuity in conjecture w^hich is at
work here is fatal. By its extravagance it
tends to throw discredit upon proof which
is more solid. The mistakes in translation
had better be omitted from the table of
evidence. The derivation of the Bodleian
Chaldee from a Semitic text rests upon firmer
grounds already specified (p. 164 Sec), and
to those one more may be added. If it had
been derived from a Greek text, it and its cog-
nates would have been useless to St. Jerome.
(b) Was then the Bodleian Chaldee the
text before St. Jerome ? Neubauer himself
thinks that the great Translator had before
him " the present text in a fuller form "
(p. X.). Noldeke (p. 60) is more disposed
to think that it may have been the actual
text. Arguing from the diction of the text,
he urges that it may certainly have been
in circulation in Palestine in the days of
St. Jerome ; and reasoning from the presump-
tion that many Chaldee Versions would not
in all likelihood be in existence at one and the
same time, he reaches the conclusion that it
is at least probable that he used this particular
one. The great objection to this view is the
Vulgate itself. When St. Jerome undertook
to produce a Version of Tobit, he had before
him the Versions of the day in Greek and
Latin which his friends the bishops could
procure or which he himself possessed; he
used, with the help of his Israelite teacher,
a "Chaldee" Version; and the result was
the Vulgate. Now, whatever the Vulgate
has in common with the ante-Jeromian texts
may be considered parts of the original text.
But that is exceedingly little so far as the
Bodleian Chaldee is concerned. There is
far more approximation between the Chaldee
and the Itala. Either therefore St. Jerome
treated his materials in the most cavalier
fashion, or he had before him, as Neubauer
says, a Chaldee with a more expanded text.
li. An original Semitic text being pre-
supposed, the question recurs, Which Semitic
Version can claim priority ? W^as the original
in Chaldee or in Hebrew? Neubauer
accounts the Constantinopolitan Hebrew a
translation from an earlier recension of the
Bodleian Chaldee (p. xi.), in which was
preserved the form of Tobit speaking in the
first person. Noldeke also adduces several
philological considerations w^hich point to
the priority of the Chaldee over the Hebrew.
An examination of the diction of the Bodleian
text has led him to the conclusion that it was
written m Palestine about A.D. 300 or a little
earlier,^ and that it exhibits a current dialect
somewhat modified by the literary style of
the Targums." The diction of the Constan-
tinopolitan Hebrew is, in the next place,
* P. 67. On p. 54 he assigns it to the fourth
century ; but the date given in the text appears
to be his more matured conclusion.
^ Neubauer (p. xi. n. 5) points out that the
biblical verses agree mostly with the translation
of Onkelos.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT. '
171
reckoned more modern than the Talmudical
period. It is not the Hebrew of the Mishnah
(Oan ])^h), but purer, marked by an imita-
tion of Biblical Hebrew (t^'^1p^ ]V^h), modi-
fied by Mishnaic forms. In this respect this
Hebrew text is purer than the Hebrew text
of Fagius, which is more thoroughly Mishnaic,
and i"s a free translation of the Greek A.
The diction of the Constantinopolitan Hebrew
bears, he thinks, the same relation to Biblical
Hebrew on the one hand and to Mishnaic
Hebrew on the other, that the Latin of the
Humanists bears to classical and mediaeval
Latinity respectively.
The same conclusion of priority on the
part of the Chaldee is affirmed on other
grounds, (a) The approximation of the
Chald. to the Greek B is closer than that of
the Hebrew (cp. these texts on i. 16, &c. ;
ii. 2 ; iii. 9, 10 ; viii. 5, 7 ; X- i-7, and end).
(b) The gaps in the Chaldee are considered
partly the omissions or abbreviations of a
copyist {e.g. i. 16, 18 ; iii. 3, 5, 9, &c.), partly
an abridgment for adaptation to the Midrash,
and partly (e.g. the concluding scene with
Raphael) abbreviation on dogmatic grounds.
The text of the Hebrew, on the contrary, is
sound and full. The alterations and expan-
sions noticeable, for example, in the prayers
and hortatory sections do not diminish from
the unity characteristic of the composition.
They emanated from one and the same
translator. The Midrashic character of some
of the additions (e.g. that which describes
the cause of the conspiracy of Sennacherib's
sons; see i. 20, note) does not, it is urged,
seriously contradict such a conclusion. Their
character marks them as later additions, or
indirectly indicates a more expanded Chaldee
text from which they were taken.
These arguments are to a certain extent
supported by the sense attached to " Chaldee "
by Gratz, Rosenthal, and Bickell. They prefer
the term " neo-Hebraic," as expressing more
correctly the nature of the dialect in which
the copies of Tobit and Judith lying before
St. Jerome were composed. This dialect was
no popular dialect (Dinn ])^b), but a
dialect for the learned and for literary com-
position (pnan ;iB''? or pa-n X^C"''?), and
the first period of its activity is placed in the
first three centuries a.d.^
It is, however, to be remarked that this
judgment upon the character of the diction
affects only the existing copies. If other
considerations (Introduction, III. &c.)
require that the original of the Book of
Tobit should have been in circulation about
two centuries B.C., and if (as I venture to
believe) that original was Semitic, an earlier
Chaldee copy or an early Hebrew text must
have existed then. This, it may be inferred,
was the judgment of St. Jerome and of his
coadjutor. A reference to his words, " quic-
quid ille (the translator) mihi Hebraicis
verbis expressit," shews that he was probably
reproducing in Biblical Hebrew the language
of the " Chaldee." St. Jerome understood
Biblical Hebrew, and reproduced it in its
turn in Latin.
The existence of such an original being
thus presupposed, is it not a question of
probabilities whether the original was Chaldee
(in the sense of Aramaic rather than neo-
Hebraic) or Hebrew ? Unfortunately little
analogy is offered by what has come down to
us in the sparse literature of the last two
centuries B.C. ; but if weight may be attached
to the otherwise converging proofs that the
Book was the work of a Palestinian Jew,
country and patriotism may balance opinion
on the side of Hebrew rather than Aramaic,
it being understood that such a Hebrew
original would not be written in pure Hebrew,
but in a diction more or less Aramaized and
even affected by the intrusion of foreign
words.^
Strack und Siegfried, ' Lehrb. d. N. H.
Sprache,' % I, c, e.
^ A few such v^ords exist in the Constantino-
politan Hebrew ; e.g. P''D ((nj/ie^o"), i'''SCi'1i<
(/iosJ>cs), |10D (ixafMfj.aiv), Dnpi< (t aKpos in
such compounds as Acropolis), 32nD (cp.
Dan. i. 5 &c.), |''p''TO (evil spirits) ; but they
are not so numerous as in the Bodleian Chaldee.
In this Hebrew text Latin words occur ; such
words were not common till the period of
Roman domination (Schiirer, ' Geschichte,'^ ii.
p. 48).
EXCURSUS II.
ANGELOLOGY AND DEMONOLOGY.
A right apprehension of the views of the
Jews on these points will be of considerable
assistance in estimating aright the date of
the Book of Tobit.
I. ANGELOLOGY.
It is generally admitted that the Canonical
Books of the Old Testament, the Apocry-
phal Books, the Pseudepigraphic ^ writings,
and the later Jewish literature exhibit a gradual
development of doctrine on this subject. In
1 The title given to writings circulated under
the covert of illustrious names : e.g. the Book
of Enoch, the Sibylline Oracles, the Psalter of
Solomon, the Assumption of Moses, the Vision
of Isaiah, the Apocalypse of Baruch.
172
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
this development the Book of Tobit occupies
an important place.
(i.) In the Old Testament, statements
and details become more precise and definite
during and after the Exile. In the Pentateuch
Angelology is but little developed. The Angel
of the Lord and, comparatively seldom, other
Angels of God (Gen. xviii.) do the work as-
signed to them. God, when dealing with the
individual, sends His Angel before His ser-
vant (Gen. xxiv. 7, 40), delivers him from all
evil (Gen. xlviii. 15), and rewards his obedi-
ence (Gen. xxii. 18). Similarly, the history of
His people, as contained in the narrative of
the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 19, xxiii. 19 &:c. ; Num.
XX. 6) and of the establishment in the Promised
Land (Josh. v. 14; Judg. ii. 1-5, vi. 11),
presents a like method of procedure. The
subject is not, however, free from difficulty ;
the acts assigned to the Angel being some-
times assigned to Jehovah Himself. Never-
theless it is usually concluded that the Angel
presents to man the " descent of God into
visibility " (Oehler), leaving it undecided
whether that presentment be momentary or
permanent, hypostatic or unsubstantial ; and
that what he does or speaks is the act and
speech of Him Whom he represents.
The Prophets developed the Mosaic doc-
trine of God and His relation to the world.
The title "Lord of Hosts" (r Sam. i. 3) is
of significant importance in the history of
Angelology (cp. Neh. ix. 6). The host of
heavenly spirits appear as the messengers of
God, as the appointed instruments of exe-
cuting His judgments present and final, and
as participating in His counsels. Now also
appear in more definite delineation Angels of
higher order and special office. The imagery
of Isai. vi. 2 is developed in Ezekiel. This
Prophet's six men, slaughter-weapon in hand,
"and one among them clothed with linen,
with a writer's inkhorn by his side," are
types respectively of destroying and delivering
Angels (ix. 2-4) ; Zechariah's horseman and
chief among those who "walk to and fro
through the earth " (i. 8 &c.), whether he be
identical with " the Angel of the Lord" or not ;
and the presence of an Angelus Interpres to
explain to Daniel and Zechariah the meaning
of their visions : these are features of Angel-
ology which, if not absolutely novel, are
expansions legitimate expansions of pre-
viously existing conceptions. Names of
Angels also begin to appear, such as Gabriel
and Michael in the Book of Daniel; the former
corresponding to the Angelus interpres of
Zechariah, the latter to the Angel of the
Lord in the same Prophet. These names, if
also in some cases the names of men, are in-
structive. Their etymology embraces some
attribute of Him Whom they serve, as well as
the nature of the service they render. But
the practice of nomenclature is still in-
frequent. The ineffability attaching to what
is most holy is still preserved. In Daniel,
the great unnamed Being Himself calls out
by name Gabriel and Michael (viii. 15, 16;
X. 5, 6, 13); they obey Him, they help Him
(x. 13, 21); and He proclaims the final end
(xii. 7-13)-^
(2,) The teaching of the Apocrypha is a
development of the teaching of the canonical
Books of the Old Testament, but the develop-
ment is conducted upon lines at once natural
and sober. Jewish Angelology was the pro-
duct of a development from within rather
than from without ; and Palestine more than
Babylonia and Persia was the home of this
development. The Book of Tobit bears a
part in the history of this development. An
Angel, bearing a name, Raphael expressive
of his mission^ (xii. 14, 18), and yet connected
(i Ghron. xxvi. 7), like Michael (i Chron.
xxvii. 18), with the names of men presents
himself to Tobit and his son, to Raguel and
his daughter. His appearance is to them, as
tradition asserts that it was to Abraham (see
iii. 16, note), that of a human being like unto
themselves. He is hired as a guide (ch. v.),
he is employed as a confidential agent (ch.
ix.) ; he eats and drinks, rests and travels.
But his own description of himself is dis-
tinctly more definite than those of the Bib-
heal Books: "I am Raphael, one of the
seven (the number is absent from some of
the texts) holy Angels which present the
prayers of the saints, and which go in and
out before the glory of the Holy One. . . .
All these days I did appear unto you ; but
I did neither eat nor drink, but ye did see
a vision . . . Give God thanks, for I go up
to Him that sent me" (xii. 15, 19, 20). Most
of these details {e.g.^ cp. for that of eating
and drinking Gen. xviii. 8, xix. 3 ; Judg. vi.
19) have their prototypes in Biblical paral-
lels ; others indicate the effect of influences
external to them. For example, the specific
number seven connects itself with the Old
Testament conception of completion and per-
fection ; and if the local colouring of the Book
indicate the external influences perceptible
in it, it is a perfectly legitimate deduction
* Cp. on the whole subject, from an Old Test,
point of view, Oehler, ' Theology of the O. T.'^
59-61, 195-199; Schultz, ' Alttestament-
hche Theologie,'^ p. 555 ^q-', Angel in
Smith's 'Diet, of the Bible;' Engel in
Hamburger, ' R. E. fiir Bibel u. Talmud,' Abth.
i. ; Herzog, ' R. E.'^ ; and Riehm, ' H. W. B.'
2 "I cannot give thee my name. We are
always named after our mission and work," is
the Midrash on Gen. xxxii. 30 (quoted by Ham-
burger). The Talmud gives Bas Basia, Mas
Masia, Kas Kasia, Sharlai and Amarlai as other
names of Angels of healing (Brecher, ' Der
Transcendentale, Magie, u. magische Heilarten
im Talmud,' pp. 38, 199).
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
173
to associate the number with the " seven
spirits " of Babylonian mythology.^
(3.) The secrets of Assyrian angelology
are not, at present, so largely unravelled (or
discovered) as those of Assyrian demonology ;
but what is known sufficiently indicates that
the post- Biblical writings borrowed their con-
ceptions more largely from Babylonia than
from Persia. Inferior to the triads of the
greater Assyrian Gods was a celestial hier-
archy,^ ranging from the mediator Mardouk
to the two guardian spirits, male and female,
assigned to each human being.^ There were
spiritual beings who had their homes in heaven,
others whose domain was earth. As there
were seven spheres, so were there seven good
gods and seven evil, seven beneficent spirits
and seven evil.* It was one of the works of
the good spirit to deliver man from the evil
spirit or demon who possessed him. There
was the good sed and the good oudouq ready
to do battle against the evil sed and the evil
oudouq; the lesser gods themselves neither
disdained nor refused to give their help. A
tablet ^ records how
" The goddess Istarit, whose palace, abode
of delight,
Is inaccessible
Approached the bed of the dying man."
And a chorus of gods breaks out :
" Who shall restore this man?
Who shall . . . drive away the demon ?
Istarit, daughter of Bel,
Nergal, son of Bel,
Maroudouk, lord of Eridou,
These are they who shall drive out the
demon from the body of the dying man."
Other potent celestial powers are Nous-
souk and Memith (personified),'^ Nin-ki-gal
* Cp. DeHtzsch s. Ji. Engel in Riehm's
' H. W. B.,' and the Excursus on Angelology in
the Speaker's Commentary on Daniel, p. 349.
Kohut, ' Ueber die jiidische Angelologie u.
Damonologie,' p. 7, accepts with many critics the
tradition that the Jews, when returning from
exile, brought the names of the months and of
the Angels (and therefore many angelological
conceptions) with them from Babylon ; but the
Talmudical passage which records the tradition
(Talm. Jerus. Rosh Hashana, i. 2 ; Bereschit
Rabba, p. 48) makes no mention of Angels, and
his treatise is too strained in its attempt to con-
nect with Parseism the Jewish belief and teaching
on these subjects. Cp. Griinbaum in ' Zeitschr.
d. D. M. G.' xxxi. 257 &c.
* Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 138.
* Halevy, ' Documents religieux de I'Assyrie
et de la Babylonie,' p. 19. Cp. also the Pastor
of Hermas {c. a.d. 150), ' Commandment,' VI.
ch. ii. : " In regard to faith. There are two
angels with a man one of sternness, the other
of evil."
* Lenormant, pp. 17, 18; Halevy, pp. 19, 20,
28, 47-8.
* Halevy, p. 83. Ibid., pp. 36, 41.
(Assyr. Allat), Tourtak, Announa-ge, Dav-
kina, the Sun with his archangels of earth and
heaven.^ Izbar,^ the fire-god, plays no insigni-
ficant role among the ministers of good. He
approaches Mardouk in a spirit of supplication,
as Mardouk approaches Ea his father. By
his flame, burning on the domestic hearth, the
fire-god expels demons ; on the sacrificial
altar he is both present and adored.
Curiously enough, a cognate title "prince
of fire " is found assigned to Gabriel. An
inscription in the interior of a Judxo-
Babylonian vase at Cannes,^ attributed by
its decipherer to the ist (or at latest
2nd) Christian century,* records how the
house, inmates, and goods of one Zadan-
ferruch, son of Kaki, were sealed against
the assaults of demons. " Sealed were they
with 70 knots and 70 bands, with 70 seals
and 70 stones, and with the seal of Arub-
dziuah son of Rabe; with the seal of Michael
the powerful, the king, the prince of the Law ;
with the seal of Casdiel the powerful, the
king, the prince of the Chaldeans ; with the
seal of Gabriel, the powerful, the king, the
prince of fire; with the seal of Asaph Nadas-
diuah, the gardener of Solomon, king, son of
David ; with the seal of Solomon, king, son of
David ; and with the great seal of the Lord
of the world, whose knot cannot be loosed,
and whose seal cannot be broken;^ blessed
art Thou, O Jehovah, our God, King of the
world. Amen." The attributes of a "prince
of fire" are, in Rabbinical writings, not un-
frequently assigned to Gabriel.*^
(4.) Among Pseudepigraphic writings
which are of value in the history of the deve-
lopment of Angelology, a chief place both in
date and importance is to be assigned to the
Book of Enoch. Accepting the conclusions
of Dillmann, Lipsius, and Schurer,"'' that the
main work (chaps. i.-xix.,xxi.-xxxvi.,lxxii.-cv.)
' Lenormant, pp. 10, 16, 22, 161, 164 ;
' Records of the Past,' xi. 123, 125.
* Lenormant, p. 169 iS:c. ; ' Records of the
Past,' ix. 144-6 ; Halevy, p. 136 &c.
* Hyvernat, "Bur un Vase judeo-babylonien
du Musee Lycklama de Cannes," in ' Zeitschrift
fiir Keilschriftforschung,' ii. p. 113 sq.
* Ibid., p. 145. It should be added that
Noldeke, ' Zeitschr. f. K. S. F.' ii. 293, dates it
A.D. 700.
* In the Talmud demons are frequently
declared to be powerless against what was
sealed. Cp. Brecher, pp. 52-3, 59.
* Hyvernat, p. 129 ; Griinbaum in ' Z. f.
K. S. F.' ii. 223-4 and reff.
' Dillmann, " Pseudepigraphen des A. T." in
Herzog, ' R. E.' - s. u. "Die Henoch- u. Noah-
Schriften ;" Lipsius, "Enoch, Apocryphal Book
of," in Smith and Wace's ' Dictionary of Chris-
tian Biography;' Schiirer, ii.- p. 616 &c. ;
Schodde, 'The Book of Enoch,' p. 43; and
Langen, 'Das Judenthum in Palastina,' pp. 35-
64, all date the main work at about 160 B.C.
174
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
represents Jewish theological opinion at the
close of the second century and beginning of
the first B.C., and that the Book of Parables
(chaps, xxxvii.-lxxi.) dates from the time of
the later Hasmoneans and the Herods, it is
interesting to note how the Angelology of
the former is expanded in the latter.
In the main work^ Enoch relates with
" tongue of flesh " his vision of " the Holy and
Great One." ^ He was lifted into heaven, and
passing through the tongue of fire surrounding
the wall of a house reached a second building
of indescribable magnificence and size. Its
floor was fire, and its ceiling was fire. In it
was a high throne the appearance of which
was like a hoar-frost ; around it was, as it were,
a brilliant sun. He heard Cherubim-voices.
From under the great throne came streams of
flaming fire, so that it was impossible to look
upon it. And He Who is great in majesty sat
upon it. His garment was more glittering
than the sun and whiter than pure snow. No
Angel could enter there; no mortal could look
upon the form of the face of the Lord and the
Majesty. Flaming fire was around Him, and
a great fire before Him. No one of those
around Him could approach Him. Ten
thousand times ten thousand stood before
Him, but He needed not the Holy Council.
And the Holy ones who were near Him left
Him not day or night. From amongst the
host of heaven there came to Enoch four " who
were like white men " (i.e. Angels).^ They
bore the names of Michael, Gabriel, Surjan,
and Urjan.'* The two last are the same as
Suriel and Uriel, and Raphael is identified with
Suriel.^ Of these, Uriel, Raphael, Michael,
and a fourth, Raguel, acted as guides to Enoch
in his travels through heaven and earth f and
of some the mission is defined.'' Raphael (or
Rufael) is " bidden to bind Azazel ; " Gabriel
is to " destroy the children of fornication and
the children of the watchers from among
men;" Michael is to announce to Semjaza
and to the others with him the punishment in
store for them.^ In another vision, when the
throne of judgment is set on earth in " the
pleasant land," Enoch sees "the first six white
* Ch. xiv. Cp. vfith Dan. vii. 9, 10, and
Part II. 3 of this Excursus.
^ A characteristic title of this division of the
Book. Cp. i. 3 and the notes of Dillmann and
Schodde.
* Ch. Ixxxvii. 2.
* Ch. ix.
Syncellus, quoting in his Chronography the
fragments of the Greek 'Enoch,' gives twice
the four names as Michael, Uriel, Raphael, and
Gabriel. See the fragments in Fabricius,
'Codex Pseudepigraphus in V. T.' i. p. 179 &c. ;
Dillmann, pp. 82-5. The name Suriel is pos-
sibly a misreading (see Dillmann, note to ix. iK
Chaps, xvii.-xxiv. ' Ch. x.
* See below, Part II. 3.
ones." They are unnamed, and the number
is disputed ; but it finds support from Ezek.
ix. 2.^
In the Parables (chaps, xxxvii.-lxxi.) further
details are to be gleaned. The appellation cf
God most characteristic and frequent is " the
Lord of the spirits,"^ a title which corresponds
with the contents of a section dealing essen-
tially with the spirit- world. A more elaborate
and definite classification of Angels is given.
As before, Enoch is moved by " the spirit "
into the heaven of heavens, and he sees the
house surrounded by fire; "a house built of
crystal stones, and between each stone flames
of living fire." Round about were Seraphim,
Cherubim, and Ophanim. These are they
who do not sleep, but watch the throne of
(God's) glory. And he saw Angels who could
not be numbered. A thousand times thou-
sand and ten thousand times ten thousand,
they surrounded that house. "And Michael and
Raphael, Gabriel and Phanuel, and the Holy
Angels who are in the heavens go in and out
in that house. And they . . . came out, and
with them the ' Head of Days ' {i.e., One "Who
is old). His head was white and pure as
wool, and His garments such as no man could
describe."^ In another vision * Enoch hears
the song of those " who do not sleep." They
stand before God's glory and sing their
Trisagion, "Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of
the spirits. He filleth the earth with spirits."
On the four sides of the Lord of the spirits he
saw four beings (npocroTTa),^ different from
those standing (before the glory of the Lord of
spirits), and he learned their names from the
Angel (the " Angel of peace ") who came with
him. And he heard the voices of those four
beings as they sang praises before the Lord of
glory. The first voice praised the Lord of
the spirits from everlasting to everlasting.
The second voice praised the Chosen One
(Isai. xhi. i, the Messiah) and the chosen
ones who depended on the Lord of the spirits.
The third voice prayed for those who dwell
upon the earth and made their petition in the
' Ch. xc. 21. The six would include the four
previously noted (cp. xc. 31). The difficulty
about the number, whether it be six or seven,
arises from the state of the yEthiopic MS. The
number seven finds support from some Versions
of Tob. xii. 15, six from the passage in Ezekiel.
Were Enoch xx. other than an interpolation of
later date, the number of Angels there, viz. six,
would resolve the difficulty here ; but the func-
tions there assigned to the Angels are novel, and
in some points contradict those assigned to them
elsewhere. Six is the number of " the Holy
Angels of God" in tlie Pastor of Hernias,
Vis. iv.
* See ch. xxxvii. i and Dillmann's note.
' Ch. Ixxi.
* Chaps, xxxix., xl.
5 D*JEn ^^n'pJD. Cp. Isai. lxi:i. 9.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.'
175
Name of the Lord of the spirits. The fourth
voice kept off the Satans, and allowed them not
to come before the Lord of the spirits to accuse
those who dwelt upon earth. And Enoch
asked the Angel of peace who these four
beings were, and the answer came : " The first
is the holy Michael, merciful, slow to anger ;
and the second, who is set over all the sick-
nesses and the wounds of the children of men,
is Rufael (Raphael) ; and the third, who is over
all powers, is the holy Gabriel; and the fourth,
who is set over the repentance and hope of
those who inherit eternal life, is Phanuel."^
One other Pseudepigraphic Book the
Fourth Book of Ezra- (the Second Book of
Esdras in the Apocrypha) brings forward
the name of Uriel (iv. i). The Angelophany
is, as in the Book of Daniel, in visions.
(5.) Marked as is the development in
Angelology between the Biblical and Pseude-
pigraphic writings, it is still more marked in
the later Jewish theology.^ The pure silence
and sacred reserve of the canonical Books,
abandoned by the author or authors of the
Book of Enoch, is now exchanged for what
is perhaps symbolically beautiful, but also
strangely welded together by a fantastic
imagination, national conceit, ignorant super-
stition, and foreign elements.
God is conceived as more and more isolated,
"the Only One in His world" ('pC^ IT'n''
oViy).* His sphere is a seven-fold heaven
graduating to the summit. In the centre of
the highest range is His dwelling-place
(SV'nO)- The throne of the Glory (KD3
'^^:l::r^, in the Targ. N'ipn 'Dlia) is there;
from it issues the Light which, blinding to
men (cp. Exod. xxxiv. 29 ^cc), is the atmo-
sphere and food of Angels. In the sphere
of this highest heaven, yet hidden by the
cloudy veil (llilQ) from celestial beings, He
surrounds Himself with His family (XvOD
n'?yo ';:^), the Angel-host. There too are
the souls of the unborn and of the righteous-
* Other visions bring forward names of the
leaders of the divisions of the year (ch. Ixxxii.),
or specify Angels of power and of supremacies
(ch. Ixi.), or assign spirits to the thunder,
lightning, sea, frost, dew &c. (ch. Ix.). Consult
the notes of Dillmann and Schodde in locis.
' Circa A.D. 81-96. Cp. Schiirer, ii.^ p. 657.
In iv. 36 the name Uriel is replaced in some
MSS. by Jeremiel.
^ Cp. Brecher, pp. 8 &c. Weber, ' System
d. altsynagogalen Palastinischen Theologie,' pp.
157 &c. Edersheim, 'Life of Jesus,' ii. 745 &c.;
App. xiii., "Jewish Angelology and Demon-
ology."
* On this and the following Hebrew or
Aramaic titles and words consult Levy's works,
' Chaldaisches Worterbuch iiber die Targumim,'
' Neuhebraisches u. Chaldaisches "VVorterbuch
iib. die Talmudim u. Midraschim,' s. n7t.
dead, whose approach to the veil is nearer
than that of the host, and whose home is the
"Paradise" into which the saint of Christ
was " caught up" (2 Cor, xii. 4). No man can
tell the number^ of the innumerable host
(Job XXV. 3 ; Dan. vii. 10), nor state the hour
of their creation. Was it on the second day
when the heavens were made (Gen. i.), or
on the fifth day (Gen. i. 20; Isai. vi. 2), when
winged creatures appeared ? Nay, was it
not, is it not, " day by day " that Angels were
and are created, " new every morning " (Lam.
iii. 23), issuing from the Light streaming from
under the Throne, singing their Hallelujah,
and again absorbed in the "river of fire"
(-n^n -in:)?
From amongst this " family of God " stand
forward prominently certain classes and chiefs.
In their ranks (according to Maimonides)
were ten gradations. The highest was the
Chaijoth (niTl), or "living creatures," and
in succession to them the Ophanim, Asellim,
Chashmallim, Seraphim, Malaachim, Elohim,
Bene Elohim, Kerubim, Ishim.^ As chiefs
Michael occupies the highest rank ; yet
higher than he is the mysterious Metatron,
whom tradition identified with the translated
Enoch (Gen. v. 24), and associated with
Jophiel, Uriel, and Jephiphja in the pious task
of burying Moses (Targ. Pseudo- Jonathan
on Deut. xxxiv. 6). He was the "Prince of
the Presence" (D'':d "iti'); his very name
Metatron (illDtSD^) was equivalent in nume-
rical value (314) to that of the Almighty
* Brecher, pp. 12, 13. The later Jewish
theology environs God with at least 90,000
myriads of angels, because "1?D = 90 (Weber,
p. 165). Brecher (p. 7) considers the whole
conception a reflexion of the Persian estimate
of the divinity which doth hedge about a king.
The curious in such matters will find in Brecher
(p. 9) the names and descriptions of the seven
heavens.
2 Cp. Brecher, p. 33. The derivation of
Chashmallim is, according to one Rabbinical
passage, singularly beautiful. They are niTI
m'p'pOO DTiyi n"lt^^ nTiy, creatures who
sometimes keep silence, sometimes speak. They
are silent when God speaks, and speak when and
what He has spoken. See Levy, s. n. POKTI.
The Cherubim are in the Talmud depicted as
young and blooming ; an imaginary etymology
making miD = sSniD, N''3"l being the name
given in Babylonia to a young lad. The Ishim
are the Angels who appear to the prophets and
speak with them ; their name indicates the
approximation of their knowledge to that of
men.
^ Derived from /xeTadpovos or ixerarvpawos,
the next to the Throne or Lord (Weber, p. 173 ;
Levy, ' Chald. W. B.' s. .), Others connect it
with iJ.eTa5p6ij.os (Brecher, p. 28), or with metator,
or with Mithra (cp. Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.'
xxxi. 236).
176
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
(Shaddai = ''T^), Whose representative he
is in the world. There he is the teacher of
His children, and one who pleads before Him
for His chosen people. When Moses died
and God bewailed him, the Metatron com-
forted God: "Thine he was when living,
Thine he is when dead." With Michael are
associated other chiefs, Gabriel, Raphael,
Uriel, whose number is increased later on to
seven, by the addition of Sammael, Izidkiel,
Hanael, and Kepharel,^ and under whose
charge respectively were placed the several
days of the week. Similarly the 70 nations of
the world were imder the protection of 70
Angel-princes; Michael, chief of Angels, being
also prince of Israel, the people of peoples, the
prince of Jerusalem, the prince of Zion. In-
dividuals also, like nations, have their guardian
Angels (cp. Gen. xxiv. 7 ; Targ. Jerus. i.), who
serve as their protectors against wicked
spirits, and incite them to good works. Thus
it was Michael who led the daughter of
Dinah to Egypt to the house of Potipherah,
where she was brought up and presently
married to Joseph under the name of Asenath
(Gen. xli. 50). " The whole world," says one
Talmudical passage,^ "is full of spirits and
demons. When a man keeps one command-
ment, one good Angel comes to him ; or when
he keeps two commandments, two Angels ;
when he keeps all the commandments, many
Angels. And who are these Angels ? They
are the Angels who will shield him from
the evil spirits (pp''TJ3)." These guardian
Angels present themselves to men in most
varied forms : sometimes sitting, sometimes
standing; sometimes as men, sometimes as
women ; sometimes as winds, sometimes as
flames. They can be visible or invisible as
circumstances require. The name they
receive or assume expresses their ministerial
act or message. Each Angel has a tablet on
his heart in which the Name of God and his
own are combined.
The Angels understand Hebrew only. "Do
not pray in Aramaic," says a Rabbinic rule,^
"but always in Hebrew. The Ministering
Angel cannot bring before God the prayer of
one who prays in Aramaic, for he does not
^ Cp. the seven from the Book of Enoch
above, 4. Brecher (pp. 21-32) gives the
names as Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael,
Metatron, Sandalphon,. and Sagsagel. The
Roman Cathohc Church, accepting only the
names assigned to Angels in the (to it) canonical
Books, has rejected by synodical decrees (Rome,
A.D. 745 ; Ai.x:-la-ChapelIe, A.D. 789) all names
except Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael (cp.
Hefele, 'Concil. Geschichte,' iii. 539, 660).
13. F. Strauss (' Dogmatik,' i. 49) contemplated
them as heads of three "Departments:"
" Kriegswesen Gabriel ; Medicinalwesen
Raphael ; Cultus Michael."
2 Brecher, p. 13 ; Weber, p. 166.
' Brecher, p. 17.
understand it. Hebrew, the language of the
Law, is the only holy language ; it is the lan-
guage spoken in heaven." Alas for the
Gentiles ! The ministry of Angels is not for
them : it is limited to the people of Israel.
Israel is the realm of Angels ; in the world of
nations stalk the demons !
II. Demonology.
The reserve of the Biblical writings on this
subject is still more marked than in the case
of Angelology, but the teaching is not less
progressive. From the simplest form in
which the Old Testament recognised evil as
working, onward to its fullest development
in Rabbinical literature, are many stages, but
they can be traced fairly and broadly.
(i.) Around the throne of God are His
ministering spirits, some to help and guide,
some to punish and destroy (cp. i Sam. xvi.
14-23; Ps. Ixxviii. 49; Isai. xix. 14); but
all alike execute His will. From dependent
to independent action, from conduct due to
absolute obedience to God to conduct due to
a hostile disposition to man and the covenant-
people, is a development partly instinctive,
partly due to external influences. The pro-
logue to Job and Zechariah iii. present it in
a form where Satan would work ill, yet can
only do so by God's permission ; the later
writer of i Chron. xxiv. i represents the
adversary as acting in a more independent
fashion; yet is he very far from being the
I'ipXav Tov Koa-fiov of the New Testament.^
(2.) The views of Israel, affected after the
conquest of Canaan by the neighbouring
influences of Syrian and Phoenician idolatry,
were gradually developed by contact with
Babylonian and Persian conceptions. This is
noticeable in the Apocryphal Book of Tobit.
The "evil spirit" who "loves" Sarah, and
" kills " the husbands who approach her (iii. 8,
vi. 14), is specified by name Asmodeus. He
is the "king of the demons" (Heb. and
Chald. DnC^ [Shedim]; cp. Deut. xxxii. 17),
a " devil." He cannot be expelled by ordinary
powers ; special means the heart and liver
of a fish (vi. 7) are to be used for exorcising
him ; and when he is expelled, an Angel binds
him (viii. 3).
Even if the name of this evil spirit be Per-
sian or Median (see iii. 7, note), the details
above given are curiously in conformity with
Assyrian rather than with Persian Ijelief.'-
In the creed of the Babylonian it was recog-
* For the O. T. conceptions on this subject,
consult Oehler, 200,201 ; Schultz, ch. xxxvii.
' Das Bose ausserhalb der Menschheit ; ' and
the works mentioned in Part I. i, n. 2.
2 Cp. lor what follows, Halevy, pp. 55 &c.,
83 &c. ; Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 3 &c. ;
Jensen, " De incantamentorum sumerico-assyrio-
rum serie," &c. in the ' Zeitschrift fiir Keil-
schriftforschung,' i. 279 &c.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
177
nised that heavenly spirits could be called
upon to relieve those vexed by demons. As
has been stated (Part I. 3), Istarit, the
"queen of heaven," would in some cases
come down and intervene in behalf of the
sufferer. The power of the demons was con-
fessedly great. As there were seven beneficent
spirits, so were there seven malevolent demons.
A celebrated tablet gives to these last the
very name Shedim before us. In nature
and office they are
" Invincible, bom in the firmament of heaven,
Committing violence.
The chief of these seven is (blank) ;
The second is a lion who spares no one ;
The third is a tiger ;
The fourth is a serpent ;
The fifth is a viper ;
The sixth is a swift wind which obeys
neither God nor man ;
The seventh is a whirlwind, an evil wind.
All these seven are the agents of An, the
king."
They attack kings and men, though they
are defeated by the good deities.^
Another tablet speaks of the Shed as the
demon who is distinguished from others by
his colossal force.^ A third recites what may
almost be called a popular incantation against
them : ^
" Seven are they, seven are they !
In the channel of the deep seven are they !
In the radiance of heaven seven are they !
In the channel of the deep in a palace grew
they up.
Male they are not, female they are not.
In the midst of the deep are their paths.
Wife they have not, son they have not.
Order and kindness know they not.
Prayer and supplication hear they not.
The cavern in the mountain they enter.
Unto Hea are they hostile.
The throne-bearers of the gods are they.
Disturbing the lily in the torrents are they
set.
Baleful are they, baleful are they.
Seven are they, seven are they, seven twice
again are they.
May the spirits of heaven remember, may
the spirits of earth remember."
The indication here, frequently repeated,*
that these evil spirits are debarred from the
joys of family life, explains in part their hosti-
lity to those who seek them :
" They take no wife, and beget not children.
They know not tenderaess." *
* Halevy, p. 100 &c.
' Ibid. p. 37.
See Sayce, ' Records of the Past,' ix. p. 146 ;
cp. also ibid. iii. 143, xi. 135 ; Halev}', p. 47.
! Cp Hai^vy, p. 43.
* Ibid. p. 42.
Apoc Vol I.
' ' They snatch the wife from her husband's em-
brace ;
They drive the man from his nuptial cham-
ber." 1
" They prevent the impregnation of the wife by
her husband ; or
Subject her to their embraces by nocturnal
pollution." ^
Of the means employed to expel them, that
of fire and of smoke caused by ingredients cast
into a vessel containing fire is not uncommon.
Jensen gives the following incantations:^
" Tollo vas angustum sacrum et incendo ignem,
Foculum accendo, projicio panicum.
SP SK li* s!* 9(8
Sicut allium istud desquamatur et in ignem
injicitur,
Flamma comburens comburit (id), . . .
Morbus qui in corpore meo, came meo, mus-
culis (?) meis est,
Sicut allium istud utinam desquamatur, et
Hoc tempore flamma comburens utinam com-
buret (eum).
Incantatio, Utinam exeat et ego lucem utinam
videam !
ie- ^ ^ if if.
Sicut lana ovilla ista carpitur et in ignem
injicitur,
Flamma comburens comburit (earn), . . .
Sicut lana caprina ista carpitur et in ignem
injicitur,
Flamma comburens comburit (earn) . . .
Morbus, qui in corpore meo, came mea,
musculis (?) meis est
utinam interimiatur et
Hoc tempore flamma comburens comburit
eum " &c., &c.
The remedy was at once propitiatory and
purificatory.
There are numerous instances of the appli-
cation of these or similar special remedies to
special parts of the body.* H ale vy's render-
ing of another incantation intimates that a
wild herb was to be placed in a handkerchief
and tightly wrapped round the head of the
sufferer. Or the advice is given :
" Take the pure wool of a young sheep :
Bind it round the head of the sick man ;
Bind it round the neck of the sick man.
The demon in the body of that man will go
away immediately." ^
As a substitute for lamb's wool, a kid's
skin might be used.^ Sometimes drinks were
' Cp. Halevy, p. 2.
* Lenormant, 'La Magie,' pp. 28, 36.
3 'Zeitschr. f. K. F. S.' i, 286, 292 &c.
Cp. Halevy, p. 135 &c.
* Cp. Halevy, pp. 4, 175 ; Lenormant, p. 38.
* Cp. Halevy, pp. 55, 56. For the use of
herbs, cp. also ' Records of the Past,' iii. 146-7 ;
Halevy, p. 139.
* Ibid. p. 102.
N
178
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
given, such as butter and milk furnished by
cows sacred to the gods;' sometimes oint-
ments made of butter or of the liver of a fish.^
In an ancient Babylonian work on Medicine,^
are given some most excessively unpalatable
recipes composed of 5, 7, or 12 ingredients.
There arc mixtures of wood, snake, mead,
and raw llcsh : of tree-root and dog-tongue ;
of sheep's lieart, skin, herbs, and reed ;
to be taken sometimes in water or wine,
sometimes without, in comparison with
which the nauseousness of the smell of the
heart - and - liver smoke (Tob. viii. 2) can
have been nothing. These remedies were,
however, reckoned very efficacious in the
expulsion of the demons of sickness of every
kind.
It was believed that many of these demons
came from the desert (cp. Isai. xxxiv. 13, 14),
and it was one object of the incantations and
exorcisms to drive them back to the place
from which they came, and imprison them or
bind them.* The desert was the " land not
inhabited " (.Tin p5<), the place of Azazel
(Lev. xvi. 22. See below, 3). In the Book
of Tobit Asmodeus flees to Egypt and is
there bound by the Angel. The reason for
the selection of that land in particular is not
given, but it may have been due to the belief
that the gods of Egypt had special power over
demons.^
A rough kind of hierarchy is to be traced
in Accadian and Assyrian demonology, and
classes rather than individuals are distin-
guished by special titles. ^ The malevolent Sed
and the malevolent lamas, counterparts of
their benevolent namesakes,'' appear to stand
at the top of the ladder of tormentors. Under
them is a tribe of inferior spirits labas,
ahar, al, alap, maskim, ekim sometimes
working singly, sometimes agitating in groups
of seven, and perhaps led by Asak, Oudouk,
and 'Namtar?
(3.) The main portion of the Book of
Enoch opens with reflections upon the fall of
1 Halevy, pp. 83, 84.
^ Ibid. p. 16.
Translated by Sayce in ' Z. f. K, F. S.' ii.
pp. 1 &c., 205 &c. The Talmudical beverages
are less nauseous. See some of them in Brecher,
p. 204 &c.
* Lenormant, ' La Magie,' pp. 29, 42 ; 'La
Divination,' pp. 6, 7, 29 ; ' Records of the Past,'
iii. 152.
' Cp. the interesting history given in Lenor-
mant, pp. 30-32. That a scribe misread the text
of Tobit, and substituted D''"1VD instead of ITlTJ,
is possible, but not probable.
" Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 23 sq.
' See above, Part I., 3.
Halevy, pp. 2-4, 17, 28, 32, 93, 102, 129.
Lenormant gives different names to some of
these. These names are not always explained
or apparently expUcable.
the Angels } " The sons of the heavens saw
and lusted after the daughters of men. They
said one to another. We will choose for our-
selves wives froin among the children of men,
and will beget for ourselves children." Two
hundred of them bound themselves by a curse
to carry out this plan. Semjaza^ was their
leader, and the names of seventeen others are
added.^ They wrought their purpose, and
taught their wives charms and conjurations,
and made them acquainted with the cutting of
roots* and of woods. Monstrous births
"giants whose stature was 3000 ells" and
still more monstrous deeds wrought by the
giants followed upon the fall. It became the
malignant work of the fallen angels to coiTupt
mankind. Prominent in deadly teaching was
Azazel.*^ Michael, Gabriel, Surjan and Urjan
cry " to their Lord, to their King. See how
Azazel has taught all wickedness on earth, and
has revealed the secrets of the world which
were prepared in the heavens."'' The state-
ment is a distinct advance upon the Biblical
record (Lev. xvi. 8 &c., Heb.) which indicates
by the name Azazel a spiritual power opposed
to the God of Israel without defining his
work.*" The execution of the judgment
passed upon Azazel is entrusted to Rufael
(Raphael) : " Bind him hand and foot and put
him in the darkness. Make an opening in
the desert which is in Dudael,* and put him
in it. Lay upon him rough and pointed rocks.
* Ch. vi. This interpretation of Gen. vi. i
&c. is found in Philo, ' De Gig.' i. 2 ; Josephus,
' Antiqq.' i. 3. I ; Tertullian, ' De cultu Femi-
narum,' i. 2, ii, 10.
=^ NtyJOJi' or 'XTnOt^ (see Buxtorf, 'Lex.
Chald. et Talm.' j. .), the Samgasai of the Targ.
of Jonathan on Gen. vi. 4.
^ The number in the Greek text of Enoch
here is 20, which commends itself on the
principle of a leader to every 20. In ch. Ixix.
(a Noachic fragment) the number is in all 21.
The difference in the names drawn from
imagination in these lists is very great. See
Dillmann and Schodde, notes in locis.
* See the stories in Josephus, ' Bel. Jud.' vii.
6. 3 ; ' Antiqq.' viii. 2, 5. Cp. Edersheim,
'Life of Jesus the Messiali,' App. on Demon-
ology, ii. 767,
* Cp. Part I. 4, above.
* Ch. ix. In ch. viii. he is first or chief of
seven ; in the lists of chaps, vi. and Ixix. he is
tenth.
' Cp. Oehler, 'Theology of the O. T.'
140, 201. Schultz,* pp. 437, 608. Griin-
baum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. pp. 225-6, 235 &c.
Hamberger, ' R. E. fur Bibel u. Talmud,'* s. n,
Ch. X. Dudael = ^^ KIH, God's kettle.
In ch. Ix. 8 the monster Behemoth occupies a
vast desert called Dendain, probably a name
coined to express judgment (}*"!! I^"!). For the
punishment of binding, cp. Jude 6 ; 2 Pet, iL 4 ;
Rev. XX, 2,
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
179
Cover him with darkness that he may remain
there for ever. Cover his face that he may
not see the light. And on the great day of
judgment he will be cast into the great fire.
Heal ^ the earth which the angels (fallen) have
defiled, and proclaim thou the healing of the
earth that I will heal it, and that not all the
children of men shall perish through the
mystery of that which the watchers have
spoken and taught their sons.'- The whole
earth was corrupted through the teaching of
the works of Azazel. To him ascribe all
The same punishment by the same
sms.
hand is implied if less detailed in a later
vision : " I saw one of those four who had come
out before ; and he took that star which had
first fallen from heaven, and bound it hand
and foot and put it in an abyss; and this
abvss was narrow and deep and terrible and
dark." 3
A host of evil powers are the offspring of
the union between the disobedient angels and
women. The Lord bids Enoch say to " the
watchers of heaven " : " Ye were formerly
spiritual, enjoying an eternal, immortal life.
Therefore I made not wives for you, for
spiritual beings have their dwelling in heaven
(cp. St. Matt. xxii. 30). But now the giants
(the sons born of the connexion blamed), be-
gotten of body and flesh, shall be called evil
spirits upon earth, and their dwellings will be
upon earth. Evil beings go forth from their
bodies .... And the spirits of the giants,
who hurl themselves against the clouds,* shall
be repelled and cast down (from heaven) and
do battle and cause destruction upon earth,
and do evil. They will take no kind of food
nor be thirsty, and they shall be invisible.
Punishment will overtake them in their turn,
first in the corruption to which their human
flesh is heir, and finally destruction in the
day of the great judgment."^
In the ' Parables ' the presentment of
demonology, if not dissimilar, is less detailed,
and the ample nomenclature of the rest of the
' Raphael not only binds, but, in accordance
with the usually accepted etymology of his name,
heals also. The etymology which, connecting
him with the Rephaim (cp. Isai. xiv. 9 ; Herz-
feld, ' Gesch. d. Volkes Israel,' ^ ii. 279, note 2),
invests him with greatness and power, finds
illustration rather than proof in the strength and
power to bind assigned to him here.
* Cp. ch. xvi.
' Ch. Ixxxviii. Cp. ch. Ixxxvi. Commen-
tators are agreed that in these chapters the
binder is Raphael and the bound is Azazel.
Cp. ch. xiii. ; and see Dillmann and Schodde
in locis. For the " abyss," see chs. xviii., xix.
* Cp. the "war of the seven evil spirits
against heaven," in ' Records of the Past,' v.
p. 161 &c. ; Halevy, p. 100 &c.
* The subject is very obscure. See ch. xvi.
and the notes of Dillmann and Schodde.
* See Dillmann's note on xl. 6, 7.
book is absent. In his vision' Enoch sees
Phanuel " keeping ofTthe Satans," the accusers
of those who dwell upon the earth. These
Satans are "angels of punishment," spiritual
powers of evil, under the leadership of one
who is the Satan.- Enoch looking down upon
the earth sees a deep valley with a burning
fire. Into the valley are brought the kings
and the powerful. In that valley also are
being made iron chains of immense weight.
Turning to " the Angel of Peace," Enoch asks,
" For whom have these chains been prepared r"
And the Angel answers, "These have been
prepared for the hosts of Azazel to take them
and lay them in the lowest hell. With rough
stones shall their jaws be covered, as the
Lord of the spirits has commanded. Michael
and Gabriel, Rufael and Phanuel will lay hold
of them on that great day, and will cast them
on that day into the furnace of flaming fire.
Therewith shall the Lord of the spirits take
vengeance upon them for their unrighteous-
ness, because they were subject to Satan,
and have led astray those who dwelt upon
earth." 3
(4.) The Jews conceived themselves en-
compassed on all sides by evil, death, and the
power of demons : " through fear of death
(they) were all their lifetime subject to bond-
age" (Heb. ii. 15). Jewish theology massed
together these " noxious " spirits under the
name Majsikin.* Their work was distinctly
opposed to that of the " ministering spirits " of
good, and man " fallen from his first estate "
was the special object of their malignity. They
are the spirits of night and darkness, of
destruction and death. The chief of the
Massikin is Satan. As the " spirit of delusion "^
he first tempts man; next as "accuser""^ he
brings charges (often false) against him ; and
then, as the "angel of death,"' seeks to slay
him. Not unfrequently he is identified with
Sammael,* " the chief of all Satans," once an
' Ch. xl. See above. Part I. 4.
2 Ch. liii. 3.
^ Ch. liv.
* jVTO. Cp. Part I. 5 ; Buxtorfs and
Le\^'s Lexx. s. n. It is the word given in
their quotations and renderings for " devils ; "
e.g. in Ps. cvi. 37. Cp. the viaskhn of Baby-
lonian demonology, 2, above. On the points
discussed in this section consult Brecher, p. 40
&c. ; Kohut, p. 50 &c. ; Hamburger, ' R. E.'
Abth. ii. s. n. " Geister " ; Weber, 'System
d. altsynagogalen Palastinischen Theologie,'
p. 242 &c. ; Edersheim, 'Life of Jesus,' ii.,
App. xiii. p. 752 &c.
* JIOpD {KaTTiyopos).
' NmD y^b'O. Cp. Kohut, pp. 68, 69.
The Rabbinic history of Abraham and Satan
illustrates the application of these three titles.
See Brecher, p. 37 ; Levy, ' Chald. W. B.'
s. n. Rabbinic tradition affirmed Sammael to
N 2
I So
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
Archangel near the throne;^ afterwards in
the form of the serpent the deceiver of Eve,
or the guide who would have led Abraham and
Isaac astray when on their way to the sacri-
fice of the latter. The Rabbinic conception
of Satan is often puerile and inadequate ;
hardly above the level of a Babylonian supei-
stition, infinitely below the Biblical present-
ment of his nature and work.
Under the term Massikin is comprehended
rurther a class ot spirits inferior to those who
were originally Angels of God. These are
half-spiritual beings, demons, known as
Shedim^ Lilin, and Ruchin ; commonly attri-
buted to the intercourse of Eve with male
spirits, and of Adam with Lilith and female
spirits during the 130 years of his ban (cp.
Gen. V. 3). Their number is incalculable ;
their presence is everywhere.' They have the
power of increasing their kind ; they fly with
wings, and pass freely from one end of the
world to another. Their usual dwelling-
places are the north, the desert, where their
cries rend the air, and all unclean places ; but
they sometimes select cities like Tiberias, and
trees like the caper-bush.* Ashmedai (As-
modeus) is the king of the (male) Shedim,
Lilith the queen of the Lilin. The malignity
of the former works harm by day and through
evil dreams by night. The Rabbinic descrip-
tion of Ashmedai, if tinctured with Parsism
even more than the Asmodeus of Tobit,
differs as much from that of the Avesta in
many important points as it does from that
of the Apocrypha. Ashmedai is by Jewish
theology identified with Satan-Sammael ; and
have been Esau's guardian-angel. Kohut derives
the name from 7X DD = the great poison.
* See above, Part I. 5.
* Jewish theology affirms it a greater glory
of God that there should exist harmless Shedim
than that such a class should not exist at all.
Cp. the story given in Kohut, p. 53, to prove
the necessity for the existence of Satan as a
condition for the stability of the world. The
existence of the Shedim was asserted to be
necessary as supplying the link between Angels
and men. Brecher devotes many pages (45-59)
to collecting all that fear and fancy have
imagined concerning them.
^ Sometimes they were arranged into four
classes ; mormng - spirits, mid - day - spirits,
evening-spirits, and night-spirits. A thousand
at the right hand and ten thousand at the left,
they crowd round the scholar and the bride.
Lilith is attended by 180,000 spirits. They lurk
in the crumbs on the floor, in the oil in the
vessels, in the water for drinking, inside the
room and outside it (Kohut, pp. 56, 61 ; Eders-
heim, ii. 757). Brecher (p. 52) gives the recipe
for seemg them. See also Wunsche, 'Der
Babylonische Talmud,' i. p. 12.
* Kohut, p. 57. The Shedim of the caper-bush
had no eyes, and were easily avoided (Brecher,
PP- 51, 57, 197)-
the attributes affirmed of the latter lend sup-
port to the assumption that Ashmedai as the
"angel of death" represents Angro-mainyus,
as the " old serpent " Aji-dahaka, and as
evil concupiscence Akomano.^ Ashmedai is
frequently cruel, passionate, and lustful ; and
in that he is like Ashma the chief helper of
Angro-mainyus, the bearer of the wounding
spear, the foremost among those evil spirits
who pollute the world and the Asmodeus of
Tobit. But the Ashmedai of Rabbinic theo-
logy is also represented in a character which,
from its mixture of kindness and mischief, of
good humour and cunning, is decidedly inde-
pendent of other teaching with respect to
either Ashma or Asmodeus. Ashmedai met
a blind man and a drunken man : he put them
both in the right way. Presently he met a
bridal procession, in which all were rejoicing
hilariously; and he began to weep. He heard
a man give the order to his shoemaker, " Make
me a pair of shoes which shall last me for seven
years ;" and he began to laugh. He laughed
again when he saw a juggler engaged in his
tricks. Ashmedai was asked to explain such
difference of demeanour. " I put the blind
man," he answered, " in the right way ; because
I heard it said of him in heaven that he was a
good man, and that whosoever did him a good
turn should attain to the life to come. I did
the same with the drunkard, because I saw
that he was a thorough villain. I wept at the
bridal procession, because in thirty days the
bridegroom will die, and his wife in order
that the Levirate rule may be fulfilled will
have to wait thirteen years. I laughed at the
man who ordered the shoes, because he had
only seven days to live, and at the juggler be-
cause he knew not, with all his craft, that a
king's treasure lay hidden under his feet."^
Such jocular absurdity as this is unknown
in the delineation of Ashma or Asmodeus.
Rather is it the character of the hobgoblin or
elf of fairy tales. Rabbinic credulity has
reached an altogether opposite pole of
development concerning him when it affirms :
" Ashmedai is indeed king of the demons, but
he himself hurts no one." ^
Ashmedai's contest with king Solomon is
one of the oldest Jewish fables;^ but the
exaggerations and superstition which en-
cumber it in its present form remove it from
comparison with what is told of the Asmodeus
of the Apocrypha. Solomon, so long as he
wrought good works, had power over Shedim^
1 Kohut, p. 80.
2 Cp. Kohut, p. 77.
3 See Griinbaum in ' Z. f. K. F. S.' ii. 218,
* Cp. Kohut, p. Si and reff. ; Edersheim,
ii. 758. Griinbaum (' Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. 204
&c.) has drawn out the development of the
various elements of the legend from simpler to
more complex forms, and the reproductions of
it in other legendary cycles.
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
i8i
Rtichln, Lilin, and all evil spirits. He used to
exhibit that power by making them dance
before him. When he was engaged in building
the Temple, he was anxious to carry out the
principal rule which forbad the use of iron
tools in the construction of the altar (Exod.
XX. 25 ; Deut. xxvii. 5,6; Josh. viii. 31;! Kings
vi. 7). His wise men recommended his secur-
ing the Shamir,^ which possessed the power of
boring through the hardest stone. Where-
upon Solomon conjured up Sbedim to tell
him where the Shamir was to be found.
They told him that they knew not ; but that
Ashmedai the king of the Shedim, who dwelt
in a hill they indicated, could tell him. It was
the habit of Ashmedai to go daily to heaven
and ascertain the decrees of the heavenly
council (cp. Job i. 6 ; ii. i) : thence he returned
to earth to carry out counter-schemes for the
destruction of men. While he was absent
from his hill Solomon sent Benaiah the son of
Jehoiada with a chain and his signet-ring
(which bore the Name of God) wherewith to
seize and bind him. He was secured, after
having been first made drunk. Standing be-
fore Solomon, Ashmedai enjoined the capture
of the bird ^ in whose custody was the Shamir ;
and, this having been done, the Temple
building was completed. Ashmedai stood
once more before Solomon. The king asked
him, " What superiority have you greater than
what we have ?" " Loose me," answered the
fettered spirit-king. " Give me your signet-
ring, and I will shew you." The king,
stimulated by pride or curiosity, did as he
was asked. Ashmedai, as soon as free, became
a huge giant. He seized Solomon, flung him
an immense distance, assumed his form, and
reigned in his place. Ashmedai threw away
the ring, which a fish swallowed. The fish
was caught, and Solomon recovered his signet.
His wise men recognised the signet, and
Ashmedai fled away.^
The demons are not indeed the only
spiritual beings employed by God to punish
men. As there are Angels who execute
His good pleasure, so there are Angels
of His wrath and punishment. The Angels
u4/>b and Chuma*" met Moses in the inn, and
sought to kill him for his neglect in circum-
cising his son (cp. Ex. iv. 24). Four others
are called ^ Kezeph, Masbchith, Meshabber,
* Shamir is variously represented to have been
a worm, a plant, and a mineral (Griinbaum,
- Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. p. 205 &c.).
* The moor-cock, or, according to others, the
lapwing or the eagle (Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D.
M. G.' xxxi. pp. 20S-13).
^ Solomon is said to have been ever after-
wards afraid of demons (Griinbaum, ' Z. d.
D. M. G.' xxxi. pp. 205, 215, 221).
* non and CJX ; Weber, p. 166.
' ^,T3, n''nt>'a, in:i', n'ppa
Mekalle. Two others, perhaps the most ter-
rible, Abaddon and Ma-vetb^ bring death upon
men. These Angels of destruction convey the
godless to their place, just as the ministering
spirits convey the godly to the places of the
blessed. But these Angels of punishment are
not actuated by blind persistent hatred of
men. This is the fearful privilege of the
Sbedim and their kindred : and fully do they
exercise it upon the sick - and sorrowful, the
bride and bridegroom, the woman in child-
birth, and the pupil of the wise. Their time
of mischief and revel is from dark till cock-
crow. Around a house they gather full of
evil intent. Alas for the child which shall
leave its protection ! Under the form of ser-
pents and animals, and in Egypt of flies
with poisonous sting, they hunt for their
prey. So terrible is this family of Massikin
that God alone has power to quiet them. He
extends His protection generally when His
priest pronounces the Aaronic blessing (Num.
vi. 24-6): and the individual is shielded when
his guardian-Angel repeats his exorcisms, or he
himself recites the Shema (Deut. vi. 4) audits
accompanying prayers. The phylacteries were
not without efficacy in popular belief. Nu-
merous were the means employed to exorcise,
dispossess, and frustrate the spirits of evil.
The more religious employed texts of Scrip-
ture; the more superstitious magicaP and
unintelligible words written on paper or parch-
ment. The traveller was enjoined to repel
the angel of death who should meet him in
his journey with the words of Zech. iii. 2 ;
the sleeper was charged to repeat Psalm
xci. ere he closed his eyes. That sleeper,
when awaking, must beware of rubbing his
eyes with unwashed hands. The " Bat-chorin "
(a demon or a sickness) lurking in those hands
would afflict him with blindness. Food
touched by unwashed hands became the
resting-place of the "Shibta."* The food of
demons also consisted in certain particles
which they found in water and fire. It was
therefore dangerous to drink water at night,
lest the Shaberiri^ ^ the demon of blindness,
inns and ni.
* Many sicknesses are identified with the
Shcdini who produce them : cp. Brecher, pp.
S3, 177; Kohut, p. 59.
^ Cp. the magical books of Ephesus (Acts
xix, 19). There was a wonderful " Book of
healing " which tradition attributed to Solomon,
but Hezekiah felt constrained to put it away.
Unfortunately its unholy teaching had already
drifted into the minds of the enlightened (see
Brecher, p. 194).
* Cp. Brecher, pp. 171, n. 89 (and Tobit ii.
10, note), 177; Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.'
xxxi. 254.
nnari^. See Brecher, p. 203; Levy, 'Chald.
W. B.' s. n. Some would limit the exercise of
this power to the Wednesday and Saturday
l82
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
should smite the drinker. What then was a
thirsty man to do? The formuhi ran: " N.
son of N. thy mother hath warned thee and
said, Take care of the Shabcriri, Beriri, Riri,
Iri, Ri, wlio is there in the cup." Then might
a man drink without fear; for when the demon
heard his name pronounced and each time
curtailed of a syllable,^ he would be sensible
of a corresponding curtailment of power, and
would flee away ! Necromancy, witchcraft,
magical arts, especially Egyptian, amulets,-
and charms all had their advocates and
alleged uses. Incantations recited while in-
cense composed of certain ingredients was
burning, the use of formulae and even of
nonsense-words,^ potations,* unguents, were
frequently employed.
Two remedies only or rather tentative
modes of cure need be specially distinguished
here. Both have a relation to the remedies
specified in the Book of Tobit :
(i) Expulsion by fumigation (cp. Tobit vi.
i6; viii. 3, note). Rabbinowicz* gives an
extract from Hippocrates which suggests a
mode of testing the powers of fertility in a
woman : " Wrap her in a cloke, and smoke
her under the clothes." If such and such
results happen, then it may be assumed that
she has the power of bearing children ; if not,
not. This or something similar may have
been the origin of the curious Rabbinical
remedy reported in the Talmud : ^ " If a
serpent have crept into a woman's womb,
place her with feet apart over two vessels.
Take some fat meat and burn it upon coals.
In a basket put herbs and sweet-smelling
wine, and mix them well together. Give the
woman a pair of tongs, that when the serpent
attracted by the smell shall issue forth, she
may seize it and cast it into the fire." It is
curious to compare these specifications with
the more restrictive pathological treatment
recommended in the older and simpler
Versions of the Tobit text.
(2) The second remedy is one based upon
the imagined possibility of transferring disease
or affliction from one person to another, or
from human beings to animals. In the case
of blindness produced by the Shaberiri, the
incantation, after enjoining the performance of
certain irrational acts, proceeded : " May the
blindness of M. the son of N. leave M. the
the dies (ei nodes) nefasii of the week (see
Kohut, pp. 52, 93) ; but this is hardly correct
(see Brccher,p. 57 ; Grunbaum, ' Z. f. K. F. S.'
ii. p. 219).
* Cp. the similar curtailment of the Abraca-
dabra : Kohut, p. 89.
^ Cp. Brecher, pp. 58, 195.
' Brecher, pp. 200 &c. ; Kohut, p. 89.
Brecher (p. 201) gives some recipes.
' ' Legislation civile du Thalmud : Les
Femmes &c.,' p. xlviii.
* Sabb. 1 10 a; Brecher, p. 207.
son of N. and pierce the eyeballs of the dog."
It was not thus that a Raphael and a Tobias
are recorded to have rewarded the faithful
fourfooted companion of their journey.
In conclusion, the residts which, I believe,
may be fairly drawn from this comparative
study are, as regards the Book of Tobit, two.
{a) The Angelology and demonology of this
Book do not support the view of those who
place its composition in Palestine in the 2nd
century a.d. The Jewish teachers in Palestine
of the first three Christian centuries were con-
fronted by a Syrian and Hellenistic gnosis,
Neoplatonism, and an ever-advancing Chris-
tendom. As a means towards confuting these
opinions, or of annulling their power, the
Rabbis strove to purify Judaism from all
antagonistic belief, whether it had intruded
itself from without or developed itself from
within. Collision between the Greek spirit
and Judaistic thoiight had already separated
the Jewish people into two parties, the
Hellenistic and the national. Of the former
some did not believe in Angels (cp. Acts
xxiii. 8), and to Philo they were but emana-
tions from God (\6yoL 6eov), beings inter-
mediate between God and the world. On
the other hand. Angels were to the Gnostic
independent creators, rulers of the world,
and promulgators of laws. If the Jerusalem
Talmud may be taken as the treasury of
Palestinian opinion during the centuries pre-
ceding its actual writing {c. 4th century), then
it is significant of the results of the struggle
that its Angelological conceptions have nothing
in common with the i^'^ons of Gnosticism,
the Logos of Philo, or the Amshashpands of
Parseism. Its demonology is not less signi-
ficantly free from Ashmedai legends. It was
otherwise with the Jews resident in Babylonia.
They were not exposed to the dangers im-
perilling the belief of their brethren in Pales-
tine; and the spirit-legends which find their
earliest expression in Apocryphal literature are
reproduced and developed in the Babylonian
Talmud. Rab (died 243 A.D.), the great
teacher at Sura, and his contemporaiy Samuel
(died 250 A.D.) at Nehardea, speak readily
about Ashmedai and the Solomon-legends,
but they are the first to do so. There were
two periods in which activity and fertiUty in
producing Midrashim (or explanations and
amplifications of Biblical topics) were most
marked ; the first anterior to the times of the
Maccabean struggle for freedom, the second
the time of rest after the disastrous rebellion
against Rome of Barcochba and Rabbi .-^kiba.
This latter was a busy time for Halachist and
Haggadist; dicta polemical and apologetic,
disputations and controversies, mark the age
when the Jewish Rabbi did not hesitate to
measure his powers with the philosopher of
Greece and Rome. But the methods, con-
INTRODUCTION TO TOBIT.
183
ditions, and conduct of that controversial age
were not those of the former period. The
greater simplicity and refinement of the pre-
Maccabean and post-Maccabean literature is
strikingly emphasized by the evident effort of
these later Rabbinic teachers to divest current
conceptions of the garbage of paganism and
present them afresh in the ancient monotheistic
mould. Hence, for example, the dissemblance
of the Ashmedai of the Talmud alike from
the Ashmedai of the Avesta and the Asmo-
deus of the Apocrypha: but that dissemblance
only magnifies the earlier, because less elabo-
rated, conception of the Apocryphal ideal.
{b) This last feature is in fact an indication
of date. An impartial consideration of the
development angelological and demonological
sketched in the previous paragraphs can, I
respectfully submit, but prove how impossible
it would have been for a writer of the last two
centuries B.C. to have produced the Angels and
demons of the Talmud. The latter portraits
require that lapse of time, that use of acces-
sories, that hardening of details and handling
of materials which they everywhere present.
But this would have been a token of spurious-
ness in anything earlier ; as it is, it is a token
of genuineness where it occurs. The Raphael
and Asmodeus of Tobit could not have been
depicted in Biblical times; and they would
have been rejected as insufficient in I'almudi-
cal. They fall into their natural era when
they are assigned to the 2nd or ist century
before Christ.
TOBIT.
CHAPTER I.
I Tohit his stock, and devotion in his youth.
9 His marriage, lO and captivity. 13 His
preferment, 16 alms, and charity in burying
the dead ; 19 for which he is accused, and
Jiceth, 22 and after returneth to Nineve.
Or, acts. '' I ^HE book of the " words of Tobit,
\_ son of Tobiel, the son of Ana-
niel, the son of Aduel, the son of
Gabael, of the seed of Asael, of the
tribe of NephthaH ;
2 Who in the time of "Enemessar ,a^U^;^ '
king; of the Assyrians ""was led cap- "^ Kings
tive out of Thisbe, which is at the q^
right hand of that city, which is ^'^'^^Y-^
called "properly Nephthali in Galilee in caiuee,
above Aser. j^dg-.TI'
CHAPTER I.
1. TJje book of the words of Tobit'] A title
more simply expressed in the Heb. Version,
" This (is) the book of Tobi ;" and in the Ghal-
dee (Bodleian), " The history (or, act) of
Tobiyah." "The words" (\6yoC) are rather
" the acts" (as in marg.). Cp. the LXX. of
2 Chron. xii. 15, and the frequent phrase ov^i
Tavra yeypafifiiva eVt (Bi^Xico Xoycov tu>v rjfiepojv
Tols ^acriKeixnv 'IcrparjK {e.g. 2 Kings xiv. 28).
The Hebrews (cp. Grotius, ' Critici Sacri,'
in loco') preserved records of family events,
and handed them down to their posterity.
These records or <jv\\oya\ are here called
^i^Xot, Xoycov, "books of the acts " (cp. i Kings
xi. 41).
The name Tobit (Tw/Slr, var. Tco/3eiT,
Tco^ei^) is probably the Grecised form of
the Hebrew Tobi (above), through the com-
mon process of adding a consonant when
the Hebrew word ended in a vowel (cp.
Havilah=EiiiXar, Gen. ii. II : Na^ap'r. See
'Grit. Sacri,' in loco). The name Tobi (lit.
" my goodness ") is probably an abbreviation
of Tobiyah ("the goodness of Jehovah," Zech.
vi. 10), after the analogy of such names as
Melchi (Luke iii. 24) for Melchiah, Uzzi for
Uzziah. The name Tobiah (of itself not
uncommon: cp. Neh. ii. 10; 2 Mace. iii. 11.
See Introduction, p. 160) is also the Heb.
rendering for Tobias (1;. 9). The Vulgate
makes no distinction between the names of
father and son (cp. Vulg. of v. 9, nomen suum
imponens ei).
Tobiel . . . Ayianiel . . . Aduel . . . Gabael
. . . Asael.] The names all terminate in
El (God), the essentially monotheistic name
among the Semitic races. Tobiel is the same
name as Tabeal (" God is good," Isa. vii. 6) ;
Ananiel as Hananeel (" God hath graciously
given," Neh. iii. i); Aduel as Adiel ("orna-
ment of God," I Chron. iv. 36. A variant
reading here is " Ariel ") ; Gabael (perhaps) as
Gabriel ("hero of God," Dan. viii. 16 the
reading of the Syriac here) ; Asael as Jahzeel
(" allotted of God," Gen. xlvi. 24), the eldest
son of Naphtali. A few only of the links
which connect Tobit with Naphtali are given,
not all. Cp. Esther xi. 2 ; Matt. i. i. The
opinion that these names indicate (by their
termination) a northern origin, cannot be
positively maintained (see Nestle, * Die Israeli-
tischen Eigennamen,' p. 105 Sec).
2. Enemessar'\ Either Shalmaneser (see
marg., the reading of the Heb., Chald., Syr.,
Itala, Vulg. &c.), or Sargon if 1;. 15 be taken
literally : if the fonner, Enemessar may be a
corruption of Shal-maneser by the omission of
the first syllable (shal), and the inversion of
the letters m and n in the second (cp. Bu-
palnasor, the rendering of Nabopolassar by
Abydenus) ; if the latter, Enemessar (Anum-
asir, " the god Anu is gracious ") may be the
otherwise unrecorded private name for Sargon
(Oppert and Bickell). See Additional Note.
Thisbe] See i Kings xvii. i, note. Thisbe
(or Tishbi) in Galilee is to be distinguished
from Thisbe (or Tishbi) in Gilead, the city of
the prophet Elijah. The Heb. text, by a
different reading, obliterates the name : " he
was of the inhabitants of a city of Naphtali."
that city nvhich is called properly Nephthali]
The Greek reads, 17 icmv e/c df^iatv Kvdicos Trjs
HfCpSaXi; and the Itala, ex Bihel civitate
qua est in dextera parte Edisse civitatis Nep-
thalim. KvSi'o)? represents in a corrupted
form, or as a Galilean dialect-variation, the
proper name Kadesh (see marg. and reff.^ ;
and the city Kadesh-Naphtali is meant. The
rendering "properly" is due to a reading
Kvpicos ; the name Edisse (or Cydissus) to a
corruption of Kv8ias.
Aser] Or, Hazor, mentioned (Josh. xix.
36, 37; 2 Kings XV. 29) as near Kadesh. If
the rendering of the Hebrew Version, "On
the western boundary," indicates the position,
V. 34-]
TOBIT. I.
185
3 I Tobit have walked all the days
of my life in the way of truth ,and
justice, and I did many almsdeeds to
my brethren, and my nation, who
came with me to Nineve, into the
land of the Assyrians.
4 And when I was in mine own
country, in the land of Israel, being
but young, ^all the tribe of Neph- * i Kings
thali my father fell from the house of 28! '^' ^'
Jerusalem, which was chosen out of
all the tribes of Israel, that all the
tribes should sacrifice there^ where
the temple of the habitation of the
most High was consecrated and built
for all ages.
Hazor may be identified with Jebel Hadireh
(' Map of Western Palestine,' Pal. Explor.
Fund). See, however, Josh. xi. i, note. The
words oTTtcro) dvajj.covTjXlov e^ apiarepuiv ^oyoyp,
added by a Greek MS. after 'Aa-arjp, and
the reading of the Itala, in superioribiis Galdaa
contra (Vulg., supra) Naasson post viam qua:
ducit in occidentem in sinistra parte Raphain,
or of the Vulgate, in sinistra habens ci'vitatem
Sephet, are closer identifications of the locality
where Tobit lived. Sephet has been con-
jectured to be the same as Safed, so cele-
brated in the times of the Crusades.
The deportation alluded to in this verse is
disputed. According to 2 Kings xv. 29, "the
land of Naphtali" and the inhabitants of
" Kedesh and Hazor " were taken captive to
Assyria by Tiglath-Pileser (B.C. 745-727).
Shalmaneser invaded Palestine twice (B.C. 725,
724 ; 2 Kings xvii. 3, 5, notes), but, so far as
is known, made no deportation of captives.
The final deportation of Israel was the work
of Sargon (2 Kings xvii. 6, note) in B.C. 722
and later. The writer of this verse is there-
fore thought to have mixed up the statements
of 2 Kings XV. 29 and of xvii. 6, though there
js nothing impossible in the conjecture that
Tobit was not carried away by Tiglath-
Pileser, but by Sargon, whom the writer
identifies with Enemessar. This would be
the more likely if the lowlanders of the dis-
trict were first deported, and afterwards the
highlanders {in superioribus Galilea, Vulg.), to
whom Tobit belonged.
To the Venerable Bede, this captivity was a
type of the captivity of the human race by
Satan, king of all bad men ; and the death of
the king (1;. 21) v/as the type of the victory
over the devil, and of the restitution of pros-
perity to God's people.
3. the avay of truth (i^v.] The picture of
the homo integer vitie. "Truth " (a\r]deia) is in
the Heb. (and Chald.) text rendered by a word
which implies perfection of every sort (cp.
Pss. ci. 2, 6, cxix. 30) ; " truth," " truthful-
ness," "uprightness," " honesty," "sincerity,"
being elements of such integrity. "Alms-
deeds," here the translation of a noun which
both in the Heb. and LXX. expresses the
benefits which flow from beneficence and
mercy, was_ a special form of "goodness" for
which Tobit was known (cp. -v. 16, ii. 14, xii.
9, xiv. 2); but he confined his exercise of
it to members of his own tribe and nation
(cp. St. Augustine, 'De Doctrina Christiana,'
i. 28). Daniel, in his advice to Nebuchad-
nezzar, took a more liberal view of helpful-
ness to the distressed (see Dan. iv. 27, note;
and cp. the Gk. rendering). Cp. the teaching
of Christ (Matt. v. 44) and the practice of
the Roman centurions (Luke vii. 5 ; Actsx. 2).
The term for nation (edvos) fitly describes
the foreign element which rendered the
inhabitants of Galilee so mixed.
The Vulg. adds an interesting detail of
character not recorded by the other Versions :
Cumque esset junior omnibus in tribu Nephtali,
nihil tainen puerile gessit in opere.
4. The rebellion of the tribe of Naphtali
is included in that of " Israel " (marg. ref.).
It is viewed first in its political significance ;
cp. the Heb. "all the tribe of N. rebelled
against the house (Chald., kingdom) of David,
and refused to go to Jerusalem;" and next
as the religious apostasy consequent upon the
national revolt {v. 5).
Jerusalem is described in the Heb. text as
"the city which the Lord chose out of all
the tribes of Israel, wherein was the altar of
the Lord that was sanctified for all the tribes
of Israel, and the Temple of the Lord was
built in the midst thereof for offering up the
burnt-offerings and the thank-offerings to the
Lord three times a year" (cp. Exod. xxiii. 17).
The language of the E.V., supported by that
of the other texts, seems to intimate that Tobit
was alive at the time of Israel's original
defection. As this took place in B.C. 931 (ac-
cording to the revised chronology : the tradi-
tional date is B.C. 976), and Tobit was taken
captive to Nineveh in B.C. 722 (v. 2, note),
the above supposition would make him more
than 200 years old at the latter date an age
contradicted by the number 158 specified as
that of the years of his life (see xiv. 1 1). This
is no diflficulty if the narrative be mainly ficti-
tious ; but some prefer to understand this
verse as descriptive of a state of national and
religious apostasy in Naphtali, which dated-
indeed from the days of Jeroboam, but only
reached that climax which was punished by
captivity when Tobit was " young." Cp. the
Vulg. of w. 4-7.
the temple of the habitation (Isfc.l Cp. for
these words Wisd. ix. 8 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 28 ;
i86
TOBIT. I.
[v. 59-
5 Now all the tribes which to-
gether revolted, and the house of
\^vt-ro/' "^y father Nephthali, sacrificed "unto
Baal, or, thc ''heifer Baal.
BaaL 6 But I alonc went often to Jeru-
"^ I Kings salem at the feasts, '^as it was or-
12. 30. Gained unto all the people of Israel
16. 16. by an everlasting decree, -^having the
' Exod. firstfruits and tenths of increase, with
Deut. 12. that which was first shorn; and them
gave I at the altar to the priests the
children of Aaron.
7 The first tenth part of all in-
crease I gave to the sons of "Aaron, \\Ox,LevK
who ministered at Jerusalem : -^an- ai"'"
other tenth part I sold away, and f Deut.
went, and spent it every year at ''*" ^^' ^ '
Jerusalem ;
8 And the third I gave unto them
to whom it was meet, as Debora my
father's mother had commanded me,
because I was left an orphan by my
father.
9 Furthermore, when I was come
and for the words "built for all ages,"
I Kings ix. 3 ; 2 Chron. vii. 16.
5. the heifer Baal'] Specially that erected
in Dan by king Jeroboam (Itala). The
Heb., Chald., and Vulg. specify two calves ;
i.e., that at Bethel as well as that at Dan.
The marginal rendering is due to a variant
reading, dymifjus (=tll, God: cp. Matt. xxvi.
64) instead of ddfxaXis. The representation
of a male deity (Baal) by a female animal
(heifer) is, in Old Test, symbolism, indicative
of shame and contempt (Hos. ii. 8, LXX.;
X. 5, note) ; r] BdaX being equivalent to 77 al-
(Txvpr) (cp. Dillmann in ' Monatsberichte der
Berhner Akademie,' 1881). Baudissin (Her-
zog, ' R. E.'^ s. nn. Astarte and Baal) finds in
the feminine 17 BdaX possible indications of an
androgynous deity. See also Additional Note.
Griitz's and Neubauer's conjecture (p. xiv.
n. 4) that rf) BaaX is a corruption for Bethel
is ingenious but quite unnecessary.
6. I alone] i. e. " alone " of his family.
Others of his tribe sometimes went with him
(v. 13). The Vulgate renders it, Hie solus
fugiebat consortia omnium; sed pergebat in
Jerusalem Sec. For the precepts of w. 6-8,
consult marg. refF. The nature of the " in-
crease "is specified in the Heb. and Itala to
have been " corn and new wine and oil and
figs and pomegranates and of every Iruit of
the land." The " first tenth " of this Tobit
gave " to the sons of Levi " (not of Aaron :
see marg. correction, Heb., and Itala).
that ^vhich r^uas first shorn] Cp. Deut.
xviii. 4, " the first of the fleece of thy sheep ; "
i.e. a fleece reserved for an offering.
at the altar] Rather " for " for the use
of the altar.
7. another tenth (ij'c] The second tithe
(cp. Deut. xii. 17, xiv. 22-27) was set apart
in the first, second, fourth, and fifth year of
every seven years ; but as a matter of fact a
second tithe was also taken upon certain
fruits in the third and sixth years (see Rosen-
thal, p. 118 n.). As permitted by the Law
(Deut. xiv. 25), Tobit "sold" it {commutans
in pecunia sex annorum, Itala) on account of
the expense of transportation, and devoted the
money to festival purposes at Jerusalem. The
Greek word for " sold " {dneTrpaTL^d^ii^v) is an
ana^ Xey., and probably of Alexandrian for-
mation. There is no mention of the sale in
the Hebrew and Chald. texts, but the result of
it is implied in the words, " I went to Jerusalem
every year with all these things" (Heb.), i.e.
the first tithe, " the second tithe, and the third
tithe for the stranger, the widow, and the
orphan ; " and in the pithy rendering of the
Chaldee, "he ate (cp. Deut. xiv. 26, 27, 29)
the second tithe and the poor tithe, and
gave according as everything is written in the
book of Moses."
8. the third] i.e. the third tithe, called by
the Chald. text "the poor tithe" {TTTcaxoSfKaTT],
so the Talmud and Jerome). On the nature
of this tithe cp. Deut. xiv. 28, 29; xxvi. In
the third and sixth of every seven years it
took the place of the second tithe (cp. Deut.
xxvi. 12, LXX.). The language of the Heb.
text (see v. 7, note) intimates that Tobit
paid this " third tithe " yearly ; but this is
not to be imderstood in the sense that the
third tithe was collected yearly. The facts
of the case are stated by the Greek text A
(cp. E. V. of v. 7), and summarised in the
Vulg. : omnia primitiva sua et decimas suas
jideliter offerens ; ita ut in tertio anno proselytis
et ad-venis ministraret omnem decimationem.
In the third year three-tenths were paid,
though not collected, from all kinds of fruits
(cp. Rosenthal, op. cit. ; Josephus, ' Antiq.
Jud.' iv. ch. viii. 22). On this somewhat com-
plicated subject cp. Smith's ' Diet, of the
Bible,' art. " Tithe ; " Schiirer, ' Gesch. d. JUd.
V.,'* p. 200, n. 4; and especially Herzog's
*R. E.'^ art. "Zehnten bei den Hebriiern."
because I nvas left an orphan] Tobit gives
this as a special reason for his observance of
the duty of the third tithe. His was the
orphan's gift to the orphan. Of Deborah,
the wife of Tobiel (f. i), Tobit's grand-
mother, the Chald. says, " she brought him
(Tobit) up, and led him in the true path."
lo 14.]
TOBIT. I.
187
Numb.
6.7.
to the age of a man, I married Anna
of mine -^own kindred, and of her I
begat Tobias.
10 And when we were carried
away captives to Nineve, all my
brethren and those that were of my
Gen. 43- kindred did eat of the ^' bread of the
an. 1. 8. Gentiles.
11 But I kept "myself from eating ; 1 Gr. w/y
12 Because I remembered God '^''" "
with all my heart.
13 And the most High gave me
grace and favour before Enemessar,
so that I was his "purveyor. |Gr.
14 And I went into Media, and
left in trust with Gabael, the brother
9. The practice, common still in the East,
of marrying among one's own kindred, had
for the Jews a religious significance (cp. Deut.
vii. 3, 4; Ezra x. 2, &c. ; Neh. xiii. 23, &c.),
and was the means of preventing legal dis-
abilities ;^marg. ref.). Of the son Tobias the
Vulg. adds in language expressing the positive
and negative duties of religion (Reusch), that
Tobit ai> ififantia timers Deum docuit, et ab-
sttnere ab otnni peccato.
10. lue ^ojere carried anvay capti'ves\ "We,"
i.e. himself, his wife, and child. The Heb.
and Itala have the reading " I was carried
captive," found also in some Greek MSS., a
reading which emphasises the distinction
drawn by Tobit between himself and the rest
of his fellow-captives in the next part of the
verse icp. also the Chald.and Vulg.). The dis-
tinction between " brethren " and " kindred "
is not to be pressed too closely : " kindred "
may be the more general and wider term,
" brethren " the more special. The Greek
equivalent of " kindred " (oX c'k tov yevovs /xod)
is in favour of a wide application, and is sup-
ported by the word (kinsmen) used here by
the Chald. and Heb. texts (cp. also the Heb.
of Ruth ii. 20 ; Neh. xiii. 4, " allied unto
Tobiah ; " Job xix. 14; Ps. xxxviii. 12). In
-v. 9, " kindred " (Gk. TraTpia) is taken in the
narrower sense of " tribe" by the Heb., and
in the wider sense of " race " or " seed " by
the Chaldee Version.
tbe bread of the Gentiles] Or " nations,"
i.e. heathen. To " eat unclean things in
Assyria" (Hos. ix. 3, see note; cp. Ezek. iv.
13) had been one of the punishments de-
nounced upon Israel. The Law forbad cer-
tain kinds of food (Lev. xx. 25 ; Deut. xiv.
3, 7) which the heathen did not forbid; there-
fore for a Jew to partake of such food was to
break the Law. Hence the Chald. inserts after
"kindred" the words "polluted themselves
and " &c. Cp. the strong feeling expressed
by St. Peter on this point (Acts x. 14. See
also Add. to Esther xiv. 17 ; Judith xii. 2).
11. The Heb. text presents an interesting
reading : " But I defiled not myself with their
dainties, because I feared the Lord, and re-
membered the Lord with all my heart and
with all my soul." The word "dainties" is
path-bag^ the word used in Daniel i, 5-8
(where see supplemental note), to which pas-
sage and act the conduct and language of
Tobit bear strong resemblance.
13. grace and favour] As a reward for
his " remembrance " (" fear and love," Chald.)
of God iy. 12). The Greek text (x^pti' Ka\
fiop(l>r]v) rather gives prominence to the
physical beauty and comeliness which fol-
lowed upon Tobit's abstinence, as in the case
of Daniel and his companions (Dan. i. 15).
The Heb. and Chald. support the E. V.
purveyor] The Greek uyopaa-rrjs is used
by Xenophon (' Mem.' i. 5. 2) of the slave
who bought provisions for the house (in later
authors, oxj/comrwp) and acted as purveyor;
but the Heb. and Chald. texts employ words
which give a truer sense of the nature of the
office to which Tobit was raised: Chald.,
"He set him master" (cp. Dan. ii. 49) &c. ;
Heb., " He appointed me over all that he had
(cp. the same word in the case of Joseph,
Gen. xxxix. 5, and Gedaliah, Jer. xl. 11)
unto the day of his death." The resemblance
in these Versions to what is said of Daniel
(e.g. ii. 48, vi. 3) is again to be noted. The
Latin Versions further assist us in under-
standing Tobit's position ; thus Salmanasar
dedit illi potestatem quocumque vellet ire., ha-
bens Hbertatem quitcumque facere voluisset
(Vulg.). According to the same Version,
he used this " liberty" well : pergebat ergo ad
omnes qui erant in captivitate, et monita sa~
lutis dabat eis.
Enemessar] See v. 2, note.
14. / ivent] On the king's business
(Vulg.). This was Tobit's habit {inopev-
6p.r}v ; cp. "v. 15). On one of these occasions
he deposited " on trust " (cp. the use of the
Heb. and Gk. word) with one of his tribe,
Gabael, the large sum of 4000/. (if the " silver
talent" be taken as = 400/.), money ex his
quibus honoratus fuerat a rege (Vulg.). Ac-
cording to the Vulg., this money was a loan
when Gabael was in want, who gave to Tobit
a note of acknowledgment (see v. 3, note).
Bede, commenting on the "trust," remarks,
" So the people of God committed to tlie
heathen by the LXX. that knowledge of the
Divine Law contained in the Decalogue,
which freed them from the poverty of un-
belief" (see also his note on ix. 2).
" Rages " is the Raga of the Behistun in-
scription, and gave its name to a province. It
i88
TOBIT. I.
[v. 1518.
* Or, in
the land,
or, country
cf Media.
a Gr. tlie
ways of
luliom
luere itn-
tettled.
' See Job
31. 17, 19.
so.
of Gabrias, "at Rages a city of Media
ten talents of silver.
15 Now when Enemessar was
dead, Sennacherib his son reigned in
his stead ; "whose estate was troubled,
that I could not go into Media.
16 And in the time of Enemessar
I gave many alms to my brethren,
' and gave my bread to the hungry,
17 And my clothes to the naked :
and if 1 saw any of my nation dead,
or cast "about the walls of Nineve,
'^I buried him.
18 And if the king Sennacherib
had slain any, when he was come,
and ^fled from Judea, I buried them
privily j for in his wrath he killed
many ; but the bodies were not
found, when they were sought for
of the king.
II Or, be-
hind tJie
walls. I
* 2 Esd. 2.
23-
^ 2 Kings
19- 35. 36.
Isai. 37.
36. 37-
Eccliis. 48.
18, 21.
1 Mac. 7.
41.
2 Mac. 8.
19.
was the key to the pass called " the Caspian
Gates," and as such bore an important part
in the wars of Media. Its ruins (called Rhey)
are about five miles from the Persian capital,
Teheran. The marg. rendering of E. V. is that
of an otherwise unsupported Greek reading,
iv dypols, instead of eV 'Payots.
15. Sennacherib is here said to have been
the '' son " of Enemessar. This, if taken
literally, would identify Enemessar with
Sargon (see ru. 2, note). Shalmaneser died
B.C. 722, and was not succeeded by a son,
but by the usurper Sargon (died B.C. 705).
nvbose estate ivas troubled] The word
*' estate" does not allude to the king's state
of mind, but to that of his kingdom. The
Greek at 65oi avrov rjKaTcKrTddrjcrau is sup-
ported by the Heb,, " the highways of Media
were closed because of the wars which were
in the land, and I could not go to the land of
Media to receive my money." " The tribute
became great," explains the Chaldee ; " the
travellers ceased by reason of the trouble"
(cp. Judg. V. 6, 7). Assyrian history fully
bears out the disturbed state of Elam, Media
Sec, in Sennacherib's reign, both before and
after his invasion of Judaea (2 K. xviii. 1 3 &c.).
See Lenormant, ' Ancient History of the East,'
i. 398 ; G. Smith, ' History of Assyria' (from
the monuments), p. no 8cc. Duncker
(' Gesch. d. Alterthums,' i. 275 &c., 455 Sec.)
dates the independence of Media (b.g. 714)
from after Sennacherib's unfortunate expedi-
tion to Svria.
16. in the time of Enemessar] So Itala ;
the Heb., Chald., and Vulg. place this in the
time of Sennacherib, " to whom the children
of Israel were very hateful " (Vulg.).
brethren] Specially " orphans and widows "
(Heb.). In the conduct ascribed to him in
this verse Tobit was obedient to the in-
junctions of the Law and the Prophets (Deut.
vi. II, 12; Isa. Iviii. 7; Ezek. xviii. 5-9).
*'Prope accedebat ad Evangehcam perfec-
tionem" (Grotius). Cp. Matt. xxv. 35, 36.
17. cast about the <ivalls of Nineve] See
marg. rend, (so the Gk.) ; Heb. "outside."
The Chald. has the variation "cast out in
the street of the Jews," as if Nineveh had
its Ghetto. To the cruelty of slaughter was
added the ignominy of no-burial, the rdcjios
(iracjios. It would seem (cp. -w. 16, 18)
that previous to Sennacherib's defeat Tobit
was allowed to bury the dead undisturbed and
openly ; but that after that event he had to
bury them " privily." Cp. the Heb. " I many
times stole their corpses and buried them."
That a dead body should remain unburied
was considered by the Hebrews a great
disgrace (cp. i Kings xiii. 28, 29, xxi. 24;
2 Kings ix. 35, 36; Ps. Ixxix. 3; Ecclus.
xxxviii. 16). Burial-places were with the
heathen, as with the Jews, outside the walls ;
contact with graves, as with dead bodies, con-
stituting ceremonial defilement.
The example of Tobit, blessed by the pre-
sence of God's Angel (xii. 12), has been com-
memorated by the Roman Catholic Church as
one of the " Corporal acts of Charity." " Nihil
hoc officio praestantius, ei conferre qui jam tibi
non potest reddere; vindicare a volatilibus,
vindicare a bestiis consortem naturas " (Am-
brose in loco ; cp. Lactantius, ' Inst.' vi. 30).
Though the burial of the body brings with it
no special good, and non-burial no special
evil (cp. Augustine, ' De Civ. Dei,' i. 12, "Si
aliquid prodest impio sepultura pretiosa,
oberit pio vihs aut nulla ") ; yet Christianity,
which looks upon the body as " a member
of the Body of Christ," Himself so reverently
received from the Cross and laid in the tomb,
and also " the temple of the Holy Ghost," must
of necessity take reverent care of the bodies
of the dead, whether by burial or otherwise.
See some interesting passages from Minucius
Felix (xi.), Lactantius (vi.), and Origen (' c.
Cels.' viii. 30), quoted by Reusch here.
18. For the defeat alluded to, cp. marg.
reff. No record of it is found in the Assyrian
inscriptions, it not being the custom in these
ancient nations to chronicle their repulses
(see Dan. iv. 31, note c). The Chald. text is,
" When Sennacherib returned from Judah
with confusion of face (' because that the
Lord God of Israel had smitten him in the
land of Judah for the reproach wherewith he
reproached and blasphemed the God of
Israel,' Heb.; cp. the Vulg. and Itala), he
V. 1 9 21.]
TOBIT. I.
19 And when one of the Ninevites
went and complained of me to the
king, that I buried them, and hid
myself; understanding that I was
sought for to be put to death, I
withdrew myself for fear.
20 Then all my goods were forci-
bly taken away, neither was there
any thing left me, beside my wife
Anna and my son Tobias.
21 And there passed not five and
fifty days, before two of his sons
went to Nineveh in fierce wrath against the
ten tribes which were in the land of Assyria,
and killed many of them. And their corpses
were cast out in the street, and none buried
them." The Heb. text notes that Tobit re-
cognized in this calamity upon " all the con-
gregations of Israel throughout his (Senna-
cherib's) kingdom " a judgment upon them for
" not laying to heart the destruction of their
brethren . . . Instead of mourning and afflict-
ing themselves before the Lord concerning
the persecution of their brethren, and because
that He was wroth with them, they were
eating and drinking and making merry, de-
lighting themselves with instruments of song
and harps and psalteries, and were not grieved
for the destruction of Judah for our wicked-
nesses and the wickednesses of our fathers "
(cp. Amos vi. 5, 6).
As Tobit buried the bodies he prayed this
prayer, " O Lord God of Israel, Thou art
righteous in all that hath come upon us, for
Thou hast dealt truly, and we have done
wickedly " (Heb.). This is a truer reflexion
of the language likely to be used by a devout
Jew than a direct prayer for the dead, such as
the R. C. commentators (e.g. Reusch) suppose
Tobit to have used. On this subject see
Bp. Harold Browne's and Bp. Forbes' works
on the Thirty-nine Articles, under Article xxii.
19. complained] The Heb. text gives the
complaint, "Thy servant Tobi, whom thou
hast appointed over all that thou hast, sendeth
his men over all the streets of Nineveh to
seek the slain of his nation, and he burieth
them privily, and feareth thee not." Cp. the
similar language in Dan. vi. 14.
20. The king's command was to seize
Tobit, his wife and son, and slay Tobit
(Heb.). Tobit "flying with them" (Vulg.)
escaped, but they were taken. Tobit's
hiding-place remained undiscovered, quia
multi diligebant eum (Vulg.), and his deliver-
ance was due to the " cry for him of the
widows and orphans in Israel " (Heb.). The
nudus latuit of the Vulg. is best taken in the
sense of E. V. : " neither was there anything
left me." Wife and son were restored to
him on his return to Nineveh (ii. 1).
21. fve and fifty ! days'] Chald., Itala,
and Vulg., 45 ; al. 40 ; the Heb. has no number.
The figure, if genuine, must be taken with
the R. C. commentators as indicating, not the
space of time which elapsed after Senna-
cherib's return from Judaea, but the period
after the confiscation of Tobit's goods. Ac-
cording to the Chald. and Itala, Sennacherib's
death took place while Tobit was hiding, and
after the forty-five days ; according to the
Inscriptions, Sennacherib did not die till
B.C. 681, twenty years after his expedition
against Judah (b.c. 701). See 2 Kings xix.
36, 37, notes.
/if of his sons] Adrammelech and Shar-
ezer. "His judgment," says the Heb. text,
" reached unto heaven, and was hfted up even
to the skies, and the God of Israel delivered
him into the hand of his two sons : " to which
the same text adds the following curious state-
ment as a reason for the patricide (cp. also
Kimchi's note on 2 Kings xix. 36 in Bux-
torf's ' Biblia Rabbinica"') : " He (Senna-
cherib) asked his counsellors and his elders
why the Holy One (blessed is He !) had
been jealous for Israel and Jerusalem . . .
And his wise men and his counsellors said to
him, Abraham, the father of Israel, led forth
his son to slay him, that peradventure he might
thereby obtain the favour of the Lord his
God ; therefore hath He been jealous for His
children, and hath executed vengeance upon
thy servants. Then said the king, I will slay
my two sons for the Lord's sake : peradven-
ture I shall obtain by them (the Lord's)
favour and He will help me. And the saying
came to Adrammelech and Sharezer his sons,
and they laid in wait for him and killed him
with the sword at the hour when he went in
to pray before his idol, Dagon."
This reading of Dagon (the Dakan of As-
syrian and Dagan of Babylonian inscriptions ;
cp. also the Assyrian and Babylonian fish-god,
Oannes) instead of Nisroch (2 Kings xix. 37)
tends to confirm the view that Nisroch was
also the name of a god (query, the eagle-god)
rather than that of a temple (see note in loc6)y
even if the identification of Nisroch be uncer-
tain. The name is now taken to be a corrup-
tion of, or another form for, Asur (^afxapa^,
'Aaapax, LXX. of Isa. xxxvii. 38 : cp. Baudis-
sin, J. n. in Herzog, ' R. E.'*), or a corruption
of Nusku, a synonym of Nebo (cp. Sayce,
'Theol. Review,' p. 27, 1873; and Halevy,
'Rev. des Etudes Juives,' Oct.-Dec. i88r).
Rashi (in Buxtorf, ' Bibl. Rabb.' /. c;
see also Munster's note here in ' Crit. Sacri')
accounts for Sennacherib's death as follows.
His princes, furious at the death of their
sons and friends before Jerusalem, conspired
190
TOBIT. I.
[v. 2 2.
2 Kings "' killed him, and they fled into the me, I returned to Nineve. Now
'9- 37
2 Chron.
32. 21.
II Or,
sar-
haddon.
mountains of Ararath ; and "Sarche-
donus his son reigned in his stead ;
who appointed over his father's ac-
counts, and over all his affairs,
Achiacharus my brother Anael's son.
22 And Achiacharus intreating for
Achiacharus was cupbearer, and
keeper of the signet, and steward,
and overseer of the accounts : and
"Sarchedonus appointed him next
unto him : and he was my brother's 'luid'don.
son.
Or,
Esar-
against the king. When he heard it, he
entered the temple and vowed to offer his
sons in honour of the god, should he escape
the peril. They took his life to save their
own.
the fjioutitains of Ararath~\ Gk. text,
" coasts {ofii]) of A." What is meant is the
mountain-girt country of the central portion
of the Araxes between the modern Erivan
and Nachshivan in the N.E. of Armenia, a
country at that time hostile to Assyria. The
Ghald. reads " the land of Kardu ; " a re-
miniscence of the Syrian tradition which
identilied Mount Ararat not with the modern
Agri-dagh near the Araxes, but with the range
of the Dschebel Dschudi S.W. of Lake Van.
From the inscriptions it would seem that
Adrammelech and Sharezer did not flee into
Armenia in consequence of the murder of
their father, but in consequence of their
defeat by Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon was
absent from Nineveh at the time of Senna-
cherib's death, but he though a younger
son at once contested the succession. The
result was determined in his favour by a
battle in the land of Hani-rabbat, near the
Upper Euphrates (Smith, ' Hist, of Assyria,'
p. 127).
Sarchedonus] Esar-haddon (marg.), the
Asshur-akh-iddin of the Inscriptions : he
reigned from B.C. 681 to B.C. 668. In his
time Assyria reached a greatness never pre-
viously attained.
over hh father's accounts] The Itala,
Chald., and Heb. support the Gk. rendering,
*' over all the accounts of his (own) kingdom,"
<Scc. The " affairs " {dioUrjaiv) were more
especially financial. The position occupied
by Achiacharus (or, Akikar : see Additional
Note) was that of "Rab over all that was
(the king's) and Shalit over all the land of
Assyria" (Chald.; cp. the original of Dan.
ii. 48). The God. Sinaiticus adds the un-
supported statement that Achiacharus had
held the position assigned to him in v. 22,
in the reign of Sennacherib. Instances of
similar promotion of a foreigner are however
familiar through the precedents of Joseph
in Egypt, Daniel in Babylonia, Nehemiahand
Mordecai in Persia.
22. next unto him] Gk. e/c Sevrepas, i.e.
"second in rank." This was the position
occupied at the Persian court by the " keeper
of the signet " (Esth. iii. 10; viii. 2, 8 ; Addit.
to Esther xvi. 11). The Heb., Chald., and
Itala condense into a single sentence, " he ruled
over all the land of Assyria," the accumulation
of offices heaped upon Achiacharus by the Gk.
text and E. V. As "steward" (^toi/cj^rr/s)
he was controller of finance generally ; as
"overseer of the accounts " (eKXoy(o-r?)s) he
exercised special supervision over tribute and
tax flowing in from Babylonia and Asia Minor,
Judaea and Phoenicia, Egypt and Ethiopia.
he ivas my brother's son] The son of
Anael {y. 21 ; or Ananiel,'Z'. i). To this one
Version adds, " my kinsman and of the kin-
dred of the king," the latter words being
evidently intended to add illustriousness to
the family. It is defended by Gutberlet upon
the conjectural ground that a beautiful Jewess,
a kinswoman of Achiacharus, may, like another
Esther, have been admitted into the harem of
the Assyrian king.
ADDITIONAL NOTES to verses 2, 5, 13, 15, 16, and 21.
2, 13, 15, 16. Enemessar] Bickell (' Zeitsch.
f. Kath. Theol.' 1878, p. 220 n.) finds in the
name a corrupt reproduction of Sarru-Kinu
(Sargon) reversed ; gon = kinu = Ginum =
D:y = Enem. To Gratz (' Monatschrift,'
1879, p. 398) the name is simply a great
blunder on the part of the three Greek texts.
The well-known Jewish habit of discovering
in foreign names an etymology indicative of
character has here found full play. Rosen-
thal (p. 142) does not therefore accept here
any corruption of Shalmaneser or textual vari-
ation ; but arguing from the etymological
facility which finds in the last syllable 3''"l of
the name 2nn3D (Sennacherib) the " con-
tention " or " strife " characteristic of that
king, and in the ph^ of IDXJJd'pe;' (Shalman-
eser) " the rewards " (in a bad sense) or
" bribes " supposed to be indicative of Shal-
maneser's nature discovers also in the first
syllable of Enemessar, "IDX D3n, the cause-
lessness, the want of purpose which the writer
of the Book of Tobit may have had in his
V. 14.]
TOBIT. II.
191
mind, and which he sought to express by the
fabrication of a name.
5. the heifer Baal] Griitz (p. 434) objects
that the cultus of Baal and of the calves was
not identical. Possibly not ; but though it
cannot be asserted as a certainty that Baal
was represented under the form of a calf,
there is much probability in its favour. In
Palmyrene inscriptions occurs the name
Aglibal (711 ?jy). De Vogue's conjecture
that bi]} = a young calf has much to com-
mend it. See also Baudissin in Herzo?,
' R. E. ' 2 J. n. Baal ; Hamburger, ' R. E.' '- ibid.
21. Achiacharus] The fanciful reproduc-
tion of this as innx 'nx ("brother of
Aaron ") by a Heb. (Fag.) text is, if
etymologically worthless, of value as shew-
ing that a Hebrew name was thought more
consistent with the circumstances of the
history than a Greek or Persian name. In
pursuance of this thought Rosenthal (p. 143)
suggests that the latter part of the name has
been corrupted, and somewhat positively
declares the name in the original text to have
been rT-nX (Achjah) or IH^'HS^. It is true
that, as he points out, the names borne by
the other members of Tobit's circle end in
either el ov jah, e.g. Gabrijah, Ananel, Tobiah,
Gabael, Reuel, Asarjah ; but that fact does
not advance his argument. For no explana-
tion is given, why this name alone has been
altered. Further, his transformation of IHTIX
into "IHTIN would be more possible were
the letters of this name in the best Heb.
and Chaldee texts the same as those he gives
for the name Achichar : but it is not easy to
see how or why the scribe altered IH^nX into
' Exod.
4. 22.
!>eut. 16.
CHAPTER II.
I Tobit leaveth his meat to bury the dead, 10
and becometh blinds 1 1 His wife taketh in
ivork to get her living. 14 Her husband and
she fall out about a kid.
NOW when I was come home
again, and my wife Anna was
restored unto me, with my son To-
bias, in the feast of Pentecost, which
is ''the holy feast of the seven weeks,
there was a good dinner prepared me,
in the which I sat down to eat.
2 And when I saw abundance of
meat, I said to my son. Go and bring
what poor man soever thou shalt find
out of our brethren, who is mindful
of the Lord ; and, lo, I tarry for
thee.
3 But he came again, and said,
Father, one of our nation is stran-
gled, and is cast out in the market-
place.
4 Then before I had tasted of any
meat, I started up, and took him up
into a room until the going down of
the sun.
I
CHAPTER II.
1. the feast of Pentecost'] See marg. reff.
The rites were restricted, according to the
Law, to a single day ; a period which the
Jews, since the Captivity, have extended to
two days in order to avoid the possibility of
an error in calculating the true day. Its
festive character was to be marked by free
and hospitable liberality : " the Levite, the
stranger, the fatherless, and the widow that
is among you " were especially to be remem-
bered. Hence Tobit's remark {y. 2) : " I and
all who sit with me will not eat" (Heb.) ; he
would " tarry " till such guests (plural : see
the Chald. and Vulg. ; the other Versions
limit the invitation to "one poor man") as
were prescribed by the Law were with him
and his family.
I sat doivn] The Itala discubin and the
Gk. aviTvea-a (altered by one Cod. to ave-
Trava-dfj.rjv), a late word, indicate that a re-
clining rather than a sitting posture was
adopted. Cp. St. Luke xiv. 8 ; St. John xiii.
12, xxi. 20.
2. poor fnan . . . of our brethren] The
Itala adds, "who are captives in Nineveh."
This limitation, and that which follows, "who
is mindful of the Lord" (cp. the stronger
phrases of the Chald., " such as fear God,"
and of the Itala, Deum habet in mente in
toto corde suo ; cp. Ecclesiasticus xii. 1-7),
is defended by the words above, " among
you" (f. I, note), and by the self-evident
certainty that only such persons would be
legally "clean" and fitted to partake of the
Feast.
3. strangled] Vulg. jugtilatum ; Itala, oc-
cisus laqueo circumdato. The Chald. and
Heb. texts simply state that he was "slain."
The " market-place " is rather the broad,
open space (yu\^. platea ; Heb. and Chald.
" the street ") near one of the gates.
4. into a room] Chald. "into a house;"
Gk. ei'ff Ti o'Urjiia ; Itala, in domum apud me ;
Heb. " in my keeping : " all of which express
what is likely to have been the case. The
house would not have been that which Tobit
occupied, since it would have become un-
192.
TOBIT. II.
[v. 510
5 Then I returned, and washed
myself, and ate my meat in heavi-
ness,
6 Remembering that prophecy of
* Amos 8. ^Amos, as he said, "^Your feasts shall
c\ i^iac. be turned into mourning, and all
' 39- your mirth into lamentation.
7 Therefore I wept : and after the
going down of the sun I went and
made a grave, and buried him.
8 But my neighbours mocked me,
and said. This man is not yet afraid
to be put to death for this matter :
'^who fled away; and yet, lo, he-^ch. 1. 1>
burieth the dead again.
9 The same night also I returned
from the burial, and slept by the wall
of my courtyard, ^being polluted, and ''^^^
my face was uncovered :
10 And I knew not that there
were "sparrows in the wall, and mine "Or,
, ^ . ' . swallows.
eyes bemg open, the sparrows muted
warm dung into mine eyes, and "a"Or,wv-
whiteness came in mine eyes ; and
' Numb.
19. 11.
clean by the introduction of the dead body
(Num. xix. 14, 16); but it would probably
be "his own house" (Vulg.). Tobit kept
the body there till the " going down of the
sun," partly because the feast-day would
then be over, and partly, ut caute sepeliret
eum (Vulg.).
5. ivashed] The law of purification was
very strict. The unclean person was to
purify himself with the water of separation
made from the ashes of an heifer, and his un-
cleanness lasted seven days (Num. xix. 2 &c.,
II &c.). Evidently the literal observance of
this law was impossible in Assyria. It may
therefore be simply concluded that Tobit did
what was accepted as possible under the
circumstances (see v. 9, note).
that prophecy of Amos'] See marg, refF.
The appropriateness of the reference is singu-
larly touching if it be read in connexion with
Amos viii. 3 (see note iri loco) : " Many the
corpses ! In every place they are flung !
Hush ! " Tobit in his " heaviness " and
" weeping " Qv. 7) applied to himself the
Divine judgment upon Israel as a nation.
The Heb. and Sinait. texts add that the pro-
phecy was spoken " in Bethel," the Itala " in
Bethlehem ," an instance of the wish to assign
to a godly man a (comparatively) more sacred
place of residence or sphere of work.
8. mj neighbours mocked me\ Cp. the
thought of Pss. xxxi. 11, xxxviii. 11, These
were not his " heathen" neighbours, but, as
the Heb. and Chald. are careful to report, his
"kinsmen" (the Heb. adds " and my femily "),
to whomTobit's readmess to risk his life was
first uninteUigible, and then ridiculed. Cp.
St. Paul's different, because Christian, esti-
mate of such an act (Rom. v, 7, 8). Tobit
was "not afraid," explains the Vulg., "be-
cause he feared God more than the king."
9. The Heb. reads, " And on that night,
after I had buried him who was dead, I washed,
but was not able to purify myself in an unclean
land as would have been meet in the land of
Israel." The law " in the land of Israel " is
given in marg. ref. Tobit, conscious of pol-
lution, would not enter his own house ; and
further, remained in the open air, that others
might not incur pollution through contact
with him. The Itala adds that Tobit left
his face uncovered " on account of the heat."
10. sparrows] So the Itala. The Heb.
and Chald. have "birds" simply; the Vulg.
" swallows " (see end of next note) ; and Bede
accepts swallows as typifying, by their light
swift flight, levity and pride of heart, the
" uncleanness " of which blinds those whom
it dominates.
inine eyes being open] Pliny's statement
(quoted in Gutberlet, p. 94), " patentibus
oculis dormiunt lepores, multique hominum ;
quod KopyfiavTiav (see Lidd. and Scott, Lex.,
J. 1;.) Grseci dicunt," is inaccurate as regards
the hares, and, if not equally so as regards men
(see an instance in Gutberlet), is so excep-
tional as to make very questionable such an
interpretation of the text. The words are
absent from the Heb., Chald., Vulg., and Itala;
but the Vulg. helps to a natural explanation,
et ex nido h'trundinum dor>7iienti tilt callida
stercora inciderent super oculos ejus Sec. The
dung fell upon his eyes, slightly penetrated
them at the time, and when he opened them
penetrated them still more.
^whiteness] Gk. XeuKco/^ara, a word used by
Aristotle for a white spot in the eye caused
by the thickening of the cornea ; " a cataract."
The Heb. and Chald. texts use words, also
employed in the Heb. and Targum of Lev.
xxi. 20 (A. v., "a blemish"), which rather
indicate suppuration or dropping. These
texts seem to indicate the immediate conse-
quence of the dung muting into the eye,
as well as (Chald.) a continuous symptom
of the malady. Fritzsche (' Comm.,' p. 34)
identifies the disease with the albugo (Itala),
or a non-transparent spot of a bluish colour,
which was cured by the use of the gall of
sheep, cattle, and barb (fish). The Chald.
adds, " Every morning he went to the
V. II 14-]
TOBIT. II.
193
I went to the physicians, but they
helped me not : moreover Achia-
charus did nourish me, until I went
into Elymais.
I Or -luas II And my wife Anna "did take
fured to > 1 1
spin in the women s works to do.
12 And when she had sent '^them
home to the owners, they paid her
wages, and gave her also besides a kid.
13 And when it was in my house.
women s
rooms.
II Or, her
work.
and began to cry, I said unto her,
From whence is this kid ? is it not
stolen? render it to the owners ; --^for ^De^t.
it is not lawful to eat any thing that
is stolen.
14 But she replied upon me. It
was given for a gift more than the
wages. Howbeit I did not believe
her, but bade her render it to the
owners : and I was abashed at her.
II
physicians to cure his eyes ; and he was not
cured, but the whiteness increased in his eyes
until he became blind. And he was blind four
years" (so, as regards time, Heb. and Itala).
Blindness was superstitiously considered a
punishment for sin (cp. St. John ix. 2) ; and
as a " blemish " it was sufficient to debar
a member of the house of Aaron from ap-
proaching to offer " the bread of his God "
(Lev. xxi. 18, 20, 21). The blinded Tobit
is to Bede an illustration of the Apostle's
saying, " Blindness in part hath happened unto
Israel" (Rom. xii. 25, Vulg. Consult Rev.
Vers.). If Tobit had not become wearied,
he would never have become blind ! " Qui
infetigabilis in bonis operibus persistit, nun-
quam hdei luce privatur. Jacet spiritualiter
et dormiet fatigatus, qui vigilare et stare in
fide, viriliter agere, confortari negligit."
The Vulg. adds here a singularly beautiful
expansion : Hanc tentationem permisit Domimis
cvenire illi, ut posteris daretur exeniplum pa-
tientia ejus., sicut et sancti Job. Nam cum ab
infant'ta sua stnnper Deum timuerit, et mandata
ejus custodierit, non est contristatus contra
Deum quod plaga ctecitatis e'venuerit ei. Sed
immobilis in Dei timore permansit . agens gratias
Deo omnibus diebus "vita sua. Nam sicut beato
Job insultabant reges, ita isti parentes et cognati
ejus irridebant vitam ejus, dicentes : Ubi est
jpes tua, pro qua eleemosynas et sepulturas
faciebas ? Tobias vero increpabat eos, dicens :
Nolite ita loqui. Quoniam Jilii sanctorum sumus,
et "vitam illam exspectamus quam Deus daturus
est his qui Jidem suam nunquam mutant ab eo.
This last sentence, reputed an anachronism
by Fritzsche, certainly reflects the belief of
such passages as Isa. xxv. 8 and xxvi.
until I qjjent into Elymais~\ The clause
does not appear at all in the Heb., Chald.,
or Vulg., and in the Itala is applied to a dif-
ferent person, priusquam iret (^Achicarus^
in Limaidam. This reading inopevdr) instead
of enopvdr]i> is undoubtedly correct. Tobit
does not appear to have left Nineveh (see
chs. xi., xiii.). Achiacharus, on the contrary,
after supporting Tobit for two years (Itala),
was compelled to leave it, probably through
some court intrigue (xiv. 10, note), and his
return is recorded in xi. 18.
Apoc Vol. I.
Elymais, called a city in the country of
Persia in i Mace. vi. i, was rather a province
on the Persian Gulf, perhaps Elam, to the
south of Media. One Hebrew text (Fagius)
reads (" gravi errore," Grotius) Alemania in-
stead of Elymais. Alemannia was the name
for Germany among the Spaniards and
Franks; hence that Hebrew paraphrase has
been thought to have been the work of a
Jew resident in Moorish Spain during the
Middle Ages.
11. ivomen's ^works'] So Heb., Chald.,
Sinait. text, Itala, and Vulg. ; the nature of
the work being spinning and weaving {opus
textrinum, Vulg.). This appears to have been
a specialite with the women of Judsa ; tiie
women of Galilee worked at linen (Schiirer,^
p. 37, n. 174). Others take the Greek
fjpiOevfTo iv Tols yvvaiKeiois in the sense
" wove wool in the women's rooms " (see E. V.
marg.) : ipidevofxai is primarily to work as a
day-labourer or hired servant of any sort
(epidos):, but the later meaning of epidoi,
"spinsters" and "weavers," "workers in
wool," is taken to have passed here into the
verb. The use of ywaiKe'iov in the attached
sense of " rooms" is confined to this passage,
the fem. adj. (sub. avXrj) being more usual.
The rendering of the E. V. is preferable.
Achiacharus having left Nineveh, the sup-
port of the blind Tobit for the four years
(v. 10, note) fell entirely upon his wife Anna.
See Vulg. : de labore manuum suarum victum,
quem consequi poterat, deferebat (sc. domi).
12. The Itala and Sinait. texts add that this
took place on the seventh day of the month
Dystros, an interesting addition to the other-
wise infrequent use of the names of the Mace-
donian calendar in the Apocrypha (see Addi-
tions to Esther xiii. 6, note ; 2 Mace. xi. 30).
Dystros is usually taken to correspond with
March. If this date can be trusted, the event
connected with the text occurred in that
month of the fourth year of blindness ; and
between this and the previous verse this space
of time must be understood to have elapsed.
14. I was abashed^ Lit. " I became red,"
"I blushed:" the Heb. (cp. Chald.) reads,
"We quarrelled together concerning the
O
194
TOBIT. III.
[v. 14.
^ But she replied upon me, Where
are thine alms and thy righteous
all things deeds? "behold, thou and all thy
^ Job 2
9-
II Or, lo
are known 1 1
to thee, works are known
CHAPTER III.
I Tobit, grieved with his wife's taunts., praycth.
II Sara, reproached by her father's maids,
prayeth also. 17 Att angel is sent to help
them both.
HEN I being grieved did weep,
and in my sorrow prayed, say-
T
ing,
2 O Lord, thou art just, and all
thy works and all thy ways are
mercy and truth, and thou judgest
truly and justly for ever.
3 Remember me, and look on me,
punish me not for my sins and igno-
rances, and the sins of my fathers,
who have sinned before thee :
4 For they obeyed not thy com-
mandments : wherefore thou hast
delivered us ^ for a spoil, and unto " Deut.
captivity, and unto death, and for a ^ ' '^' ^^'
matter of the kid ; " and the Itala adds, " and
slie was angry because I believed her not."
fVhere are <b'c.'] Cp. i. 3. The Heb. sup-
plies the meaning of her questions: " Where
are thy kindnesses and thine alms which profit
tliee not in the day of thy trouble ? " No good
had resulted from them, therefore she con-
cluded that they had not been wrought in
a right spirit. " Thy reproach (cp. ii. 6) is
known to all the world ; " she considered that
the blindness and poverty were sent as a
punishment for his hypocrisy.
Tobit's unjust refusal to believe his wife's
protestation of innocence is naturally ex-
plained as due to a nature embittered by
four years' blindness and poverty ; evidently,
however, their married life was not at this
time happy (cp. x. 6, 7).
CHAPTER III.
1, According to the Itala, this prayer was
spoken in the court of Tobit's house (cp.
L. 17). Under the open canopy of heaven,
and apart from the sounds of altercation, he,
" grieved, fainting and sick with his afflic-
tion" (Heb.), poured out his soul before
God. The prayer is marked by faith and
trust (y. 2) ; by humiliation, personal and
national ; and by the recognition of the justice
of God's punishment upon himself and his
forefathers, though deprecating its execution
{yv. 3-5). It is framed upon Scriptural
inodels (cp. Ezra ix. 6-15; Neh. i. 5-1 1,
ix. 6-38 ; Dan. ix. 4-19; Baruch i. 15 &c.), and
clothed in Scriptural language (see especially
V. 4, note) ; but it cannot be said (with some
commentators) to have reached the spirit of a
Christian prayer. The submissiveness appa-
rent in one thought is qualified by the some-
what dictatorial character of that which fol-
lows it {y. 6) ; and there are evidences of
querulousness and of irritation with those
who have cast upon him " false reproaches "
(jv. 6) which are far removed from the
teaching of Christ (St. Matt. v. 23, 24; vi.
12, 14) or of His Apostle (i Pet. ii. 19 &c.).
Questions of some importance and difficulty
are raised by the eschatologv of the Received
Text of f. 6 (see note).
2. all thy 'works and all thy <ways are
mercy and trutb'\ Cp. Ps. xxv. 10; Exod.
xxxiv. 6, 7, a passage held by the Jews to
enumerate thirteen attributes of God. The
Heb. and Chald. read, "all Thy works are
might (Itala, magnet), and all Thy ways are
goodness (Itala, misericordia') and truth."
The Gk. texts render "mercy "or "goodness"
by eXfrijjioavi'ai,, a use of the word in the LXX.
not infrequent in the singular, but rare in the
plural (cp. Prov. iii. 3. See Cremer, ' Biblisch-
theolog. Worterbuch,'* s. .).
3. look on me'] With favour and kindness.
Cp. -y. 15 ; Luke i. 48.
ignorancesi Gk. dyvornxara ; Itala, negli-
gentia. The word is absent from the Heb.
and Chald.; it is evidently used here and
elsewhere (i Mace. xiii. 39) as synonymous
with that form of error or transgression from
which the original element of want of thought
or knowledge has passed beyond the stage of
defence or excuse (Lev. iv. 2, note), and
reached that in which weakness is deliberate,
and therefore sinful (cp. Judith v. 20, where
dyvorjfxa passes into crKuvbcikov and dvofiia).
Cp. the language of St. Paul, who, speaking
as a Jew, reproved that " ignorance " which
" alienated (men) from the life of God " (Eph.
iv. 18 ; cp. Acts xvii. 30), and ranked it, in
his own case, as parallel with " unbelief"
(i Tim. i., 13). For such "ignorances"
(" errors of the people," Heb. ix. 7) the
High Priest once a year on the great Day
of Atonement made sacrifice "not without
blood;" and au'ain for such, Christ, "an
High Priest of good things to come, ... by
liis own blood entered in once into the Holy
Place, having obtained eternal redemption for
us" (Heb. ix. 11, 12). The turn given to the
words by the Vulg., Ne "vindictam sumas de
peccatis meis, neque reminiscaris delicta mea
'vel parentum i7ieorum, is reflected in the
language of the Litany, "Remember not.
V.
5-7.]
TOBIT. III.
195
proverb of reproach to all the nations
among whom we are dispersed.
5 And now thy judgments are
many and true : deal with me ac-
cording to my sins and my fathers' :
because we have not kept thy com-
mandments, neither have walked in
truth before thee.
6 Now therefore deal with me as
seemeth best unto thee, and com-
mand my spirit to be taken from me.
that I may be "dissolved, and become "Cr, </.>-
I h r r T 1 r misird, . r,
earth : " ror it is prontable for me to deiiverea.
die rather than to live, because I* Jonahs-
have heard false reproaches, and have
much sorrow : command therefore
that I may now be delivered out of
this distress, and go into the ever-
lasting place : turn not thy face
away from me.
7 It came to pass the same day,
that in Ecbatane a city of Media Sara
Lord, our offences nor the offences of our
forefathers ; neither take Thou vengeance of
our sins." See Reusch in loco.
who have sinned\ Gk. a fjiiaprov ; but the
Heb., Chald., Itala, and other codices support
the E. V.
4. a proverb of reproacH\ Cp. Wisdom
V. 3. The Heb., Chald., and Itala separate
the words, e.g. " a proverb, a reproach " (Itala
and Vulg., improperium ; in Jer. xlii. 18, o/>-
probrhwi), and are nearer to the original tex