n May 7, 1877, Miles attacked and destroyed a hostile camp of about three hundred people under the Minneconjou chief Lame Deer. This camp had been spared much of the chasing and ﬁghting of the previous six months, and its wealth was intact. It contained robes, about thirty tons of dried meat, along with ﬁrearms, powder, and ammunition. The troops captured the camp herd of about 450 horses, some of which were branded for the

7th Cavalry. They also recovered souvenirs of the Custer ﬁght, and of various raids. This was the last major action. Although scouting expeditions would clash with small parties of Indians throughout the summer and fall of 1877, for all practical purposes the Great

Sioux War was over.1

Bourke, meanwhile, was at departmental headquarters in Omaha, where he handled the regular duties of a staff ofﬁcer. Because General Crook did not exercise ﬁeld command during the remainder of his tenure in the Department of the Platte, this would be Bourke’s home until 1882. Nevertheless, various errands for Crook and the army, such as courts-martial, inspection tours, and other assign1. The Lame Deer Fight is discussed in Greene, Yellowstone Command, Chapter 9, and

arly in February of 1865, Union soldiers left Augusta, Georgia and headed to Columbia, South Carolina. Their route took them close to Edgefield and talk ran high of plundering the ex-governor’s plantation. It was rumored that Francis had vanished into the dim unknown of the interior.2 He may have gone to his sister’s plantation in Alabama. It is not known if Lucy went with him.

She may have been in Marshall or, with characteristic self-assurance, she may have stayed at Edgewood.

Confederate Major General Daniel Harvey Hill learned of the

Union’s advance toward Edgefield and sent word from Augusta to

Major N. W. Smith, chief inspector of field transportation. “Place 1,000 or 1,500 men on the Edgefield plank road, about 10 miles from the city, to guard approach in that direction.”3 General Wade Hampton and his cavalry unit were posted to guard the roads leading to the neighboring plantations. Hampton, considering the Union’s force,

The tri-state area, which included Wyoming, Colorado, and Utah, was experiencing increasing activity from rustlers who found sanctuary in hideouts such as Robbers Roost, Brown’s Hole, Powder Springs, and Hole-in-the-Wall. Owing to the rising price of cattle, the problem became so great, it was reported that “The gangs have almost depopulated the ranges within 200 miles of their retreats,” with raids netting one hundred to five hundred head at a time.1 A meeting of cattlemen was held on February 15, 1898, in Rawlins, to discuss a plan of action. It was suggested that stock detectives should be hired and a reward or bounty placed on the rustlers.2

It is difficult to trace the whereabouts and activities (criminal or otherwise) of the various outlaws that rode with the Wild Bunch in 1898. The Pinkertons reported that Sundance spent the winter of 1897/1898 employed at the Frank Kelsey ranch, a neighbor of A. R. Reader, in the Little Snake River Valley.3 Within the January to March 1898 time frame, it has been stated that Kid Curry robbed a bank in Clifton, Arizona, in the company of Texas outlaw Ben Kilpatrick, and then to have taken a solo trip to Paris, France, with the proceeds.4 Both incidents would have to be considered as hearsay, since they cannot be backed up by contemporary news reports or any other tangible evidence. It is not known if Curry was acquainted with Kilpatrick at this time, and it also seems quite out of character for him to travel to Europe, especially at this time of his life.

The task of tracing Nako’s ’Bri gung (Drigung) religious history has been a challenging one in large part because there is no documented religious history for Nako and no known inscriptions that provide substantive political and religious information. Given the paucity of such textual and inscriptional information at Nako, the artistic remains become that much more crucial in piecing together Nako’s devotional history. Although research on Nako’s early painting programs of circa twelfth century have been studied and published, the material of the late medieval period has been neglected. This body of work, and in particular the Gyapagpa sixteenth-century painting program, is of crucial significance in piecing together what has otherwise remained an opaque religious history for Nako and the surrounding region of Kinnaur.

As the last chapter established, the murals at Nako’s Gyapagpa Temple unequivocally align the temple with the Drigung community of the larger Bka’ brgyud (Kagyu) tradition. One of the most revealing pieces of information from this temple’s iconographic program was the six-person lineage painted on three of its four walls. While this has been useful in establishing the temple’s sixteenth-century religious affiliation, many other questions linger. For instance, who are these lineage members and what lineage, exactly, is being referenced? A survey of various texts listing Drigung abbot lineages has not yielded correspondences with the particular combination of names, or partial names, depicted in Gyapagpa Temple.1 Furthermore, I have consulted several scholars of West Tibetan and Drigung history from India and Tibet, but none has been able to identify the lineage depicted.2 The inability to identify this six-member group as part of an established and recognized Drigung lineage raises the possibility that Nako’s grouping represents a lesser known and little documented—Drigung lineage, specific to this area of Kinnaur. That there are no other temples in the region with Drigung iconography makes it impossible to verify that what we see at Nako is, in fact, a local lineage.

Judge Parker remarked, “If there were more like them in this land of blood, it would be a better country.”

On May 26, 1886, Obediah Y. Love wrote the following letter to Montgomery A. Sandels, the district attorney for the federal court located in Ft. Smith, Arkansas: “Dear Sir, I as a personal friend of

Albert St. John, who was murdered at Alex, Chickasaw Nation, Ind.

Ty., under direction of Dept. U.S. Marshal Menohan ask that writs be issued for the murderers and they be arrested and carried to Ft. Smith for trial. Albert St. John was murdered at Alex on the 19th of this month by T. R. Knight, J. A. Brooks and two [sic] unknown men. The murder was cold blooded as the eye witnesses below will attest.” Stanford, Burke, Long, and Fulton’s names were scribbled across the bottom of the letter.1

Five days later the federal court brought charges of murder against Knight, Putz, and Brooks, who “feloniously, willfully, premeditatedly and of their malice aforethought killed and murdered Albert St.

Telling the story takes longer than it took to do it. I'm not talking about minutes; I'm talking about seconds.

—Houston McCoy

I

After Ramiro Martinez knocked down the dolly Whitman had wedged outside the door, the men on the twenty-eighth floor stared at the windows and listened carefully. They could hear shots coming from the northwest corner, but each of them knew that at any moment someone could appear at the window. Each of Martinez's raps on the door produced noises that the others thought would surely get the attention of the sniper. Every “bang” caused McCoy, Crum and Day to grasp their rifles a little tighter and to look a little closer. “God damn! He's making a lot of noise,” McCoy thought.
1 Each of them had seen what the sniper was capable of doing. Outside the Tower they had seen bodies shot from incredibly long distances; inside they had seen what Whitman had done at close range: Edna, Mark, Marguerite, Mary, and Mike.

Robert C. Sutton Jr.’s book The Sutton-Taylor Feud, and as far as known is the only source for its existence. The original was preserved in the family of Joseph Tumlinson, then handed down to E. A. “Dogie” Wright whose copy was used by Sutton for his book. The preamble is as follows:

Be it known by those persons whose names are here­to signed, that we severally recognize the fact that dis­putes and controversies of a nature likely to result in blood shed have existed between the undersigned. Those whose names are in the left column hereto [are] of one party, and those whose names are in the right column of the opposite party, and for the purpose of promoting peace and quiet and order in this commu­nity, we each for himself, here promise on honor, to abstain from all hostile acts, or demonstration calcu­lated to create a breach of peace or to induce anyone to suppose that any violence is intended.

There are two ways to lead an organization: by power or by force. The first way creates the shortest distance between leaders and their goals—but it is much harder. For this reason, many leaders default to the use of force.

Power is the ability to intrinsically motivate people to act in the way you want them to. You tap into their hearts and minds, and they follow you because they want to. Having true power means that the team becomes an extension of the will of the leader. This is the ultimate goal for any leader, and this is what Julius Caesar was able to achieve.

Conversely, force is the use of external threats or pressure to compel action. Leadership by force is of questionable effectiveness and certainly cannot be sustained over a period of time. If someone falls in line with a course of action because they fear for their job, then they aren’t really being led; they are being pushed. This is actually despotism, and it is just as prevalent in the modern organization as it was in the ancient world. It isn’t true leadership, but it’s a lot easier.

he songs the cowboys sang on the trail, around the campfire, with the herd, and later into a microphone or on records told a lot about their life-what they wore, what they did, what tickled them and made them laugh, what made them sad, what constituted bravery or cowardice. The songs which spoke of women proved that there were all kinds of heifers on the range and that cowboys knew them all.

Whether the girls approved or not cowboys were often likely to describe the fair sex in terms of cows. In Larry

Chittenden's "Cowboy's Christmas Ball" the singer calls "Lock horns ter all them heifers and rustle them like men;/ Saloot yer lovely critters; now swing and let 'em gO."l In another dance song:

She ranges in the Live Oak branch;

The purtiest heifer at the ranch;

With hazel eyes an' golden hair

An try to steal 'er if you dare. 2

Some girls were pretty like Miss Mollie: "She was a lovely western girl, as lovely as could be;/ She was so tall, so handsome, so charming, and so fair."3

States were becoming a new subculture in the Borderlands of the Southwest.

The migrating patterns created by the new socio-economic order created a migrating faith among Mexican American

Protestants. On the one hand, migration from Mexico brought

Mexican Protestants into the existing communities of the

Southwest. But on the other hand, Mexican American migrants also took their faith with them. New congregations throughout the Southwest were started when Mexican American Protestants established themselves in new areas.

Pastors and leaders also migrated with the people. Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, people who had been formed in these nineteenth-century congregations pastored Mexican American Protestant churches in the Southwest. Another type of migration happened after the beginning of the Pentecostal movement. Many of the early Mexican American pastors in Pentecostal churches were former Methodist or Presbyterian pastors that converted to Pentecostalism. And they continued migrating with their people who often also became Pentecostals.

In our efforts to develop the education for orang asli [sic], we must do away with the old style. The approach now is to make adjustments according to their culture and needs because their requirements are different from other communities.

—Deputy PM Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak (quoted in Mohamad 2007)

DR Bah Piyan Tan is the envy and pride of his Semai tribesmen in Tapah, Perak. He drives a big car and lives in a double-storey terrace house in a nice neighbourhood in Puchong, Selangor.

—New Straits Times 2007

This chapter concerns how Malaysian state-run schooling “disciplines the work force,” a euphemism popular among advocates of “globalization.” We draw parallels between how kidnappers treat kidnappees and how state agents treat children of Orang Asli, a Malaysian population occupying a status like that of U.S. Natives. They are the indigenous peoples of the Malaysian peninsula. Like U.S. Natives, they make up less than 1 percent of the current population. And, like U.S. Natives, they have lost or are losing most of their traditional territories; unlike U.S. Natives, they lack treaty rights or sovereignty.

Alexander Bogdanov’s novels Red Star and Engineer Menni were popular illustrations of his theories of politics and philosophy.1Red Star portrayed developed socialism on the planet Mars and it opposed socialist humanity and cooperation to capitalist cruelty and individualism. The hero, Leonid, held out the hope that socialism could soon be created in Russia. Published almost ten years before the Russian Revolution of 1917, the book was popular among Russian radicals both before and after that date. Engineer Menni, published five years later, in 1913, was based on the success of the earlier work and portrayed the history of Mars during the period of capitalism that preceded the events narrated in Red Star. Let us look more closely at these novels, first Red Star and then Engineer Menni, in an attempt to understand more fully Bogdanov’s intentions.

The primary ideological goal of Red Star, the encouragement of revolution, is clear. However, the novel contains a secondary message which has not been noticed, yet which is striking and prescient. Indeed, the novel is an example of how the readers of a utopia may consider it a success yet not understand what the author meant when he wrote it.

“Jane I am in good hands now they treat me Better than you have any Idea and assure me that I will not be mobed [sic] . . .

Jane Be in cheer and don’t take trouble to Heart . . . But what I have done in Texas was to Save my own Life [.]”

J. H. Swain, August 25, 1877.

n the afternoon of August 23, 1877, Mr. John H. Swain was ready to leave Pensacola and return home to Jane and their three children. He was seldom alone on these gambling ventures, and this afternoon was no different: he was with several friends who together boarded the train, going into the smoker car. They may have been doing more than gambling, as they placed their shotguns above their heads in the baggage racks. Had they been hunting? What the other passengers did not know was that even with their shotguns out of reach, Jim

Mann and John Swain had at least one pistol on their person; possibly

Hardy and Campbell carried one as well, but not openly. The “peaceable

In the sixteenth century, following the disintegration of mongol power, Moscow’s hereditary grand princes became autocratic rulers, stripping the other princely families of their autonomy and limited sovereign rights. With Muscovy’s power in Russia by then unchallenged, the new rulers, after 1547, bore the title tsar’, or emperor. Conservative Russian historians of the Imperial period of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries regarded this development with approval. However, their liberal and radical contemporaries did not see the evolution of an autocratic regime as progress, and the modern Soviet attitude is somewhat ambivalent (since the autocracy, though “progressive” and historically necessary, oppressed the masses). The autocracy has found few defenders among Western scholars, particularly in the twentieth century, or among Russian emigré scholars. In any case, critics of all times and political persuasions have attributed the direction of Russian politics after the Mongol period to the Golden Horde. Certainly the Mongol influence on Muscovy’s political development was immense. The Mongols played a role in Moscow’s emergence as the unifying force in medieval Russia, provided some of the institutions that made Moscow strong, and influenced Moscow’s imperial vision. Still, these elements alone did not determine Moscow’s political future. The Mongols facilitated rather than caused the appearance of that Muscovite autocracy which endured, in one form or another, until modern times. To see how this was true, we must begin by analyzing the importance of the Golden Horde in Moscow’s rise to preeminence in Russia.

“The pursuing party [was] fixing to surround us again, [so] we got on our horses and ran off from them. It seemed to me as if their horses stood still. . . . Good horseflesh is a good thing in a tight.”

John Wesley Hardin

The herd in Hamilton County was no longer in control of any of Hardin’s hands, but confiscated by the Rangers. Waller’s men had arrested the cowboys, or most of them, including James M. “Doc” Bockius, Rufus P. “Scrap” Taylor, Alf “Kute” Tuggle, Thomas Bass, James White, G. W. Parkes, and John Elder. Alf Day and Charley the cook were also taken in, but Day and Charley had somehow managed to get away. Whether the seven cowboys were placed in the inadequate Comanche jail or remained prisoners in the Ranger camp is unknown. Attorney at Law John D. Stephens wanted them out of the country as quickly as possible and started arrangements to have them delivered to DeWitt County.