King Mswati, who rules Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s
last absolute monarch, has also appointed 16 members of the Dlamini clan, which
he heads.

There are nine princess and princesses and a further
seven from the family Dlamini in the 24-strong Liqoqo (the Swaziland National
Council), the most powerful of the committees that nominally advises the King.

There are four princes and princesses and four Dlaminis
in the Ludzidzimi Council, which advises the King’s mother.

The Border Restoration Committee, which exists to try to
get South Africa to give some of its territory to King Mswati, has three
princes and princesses and five Dlaminis among its 14 members.

The appointments follow the national elections that took
place in September 2013. All political parties were banned from taking part and
the Swazi people were only allowed to elect 55 of the 65 members of the House
of Assembly. The King appointed the remaining ten. The King appointed 20 of the
30 members of the Senate House, with the other 10 elected by members of the
House of Assembly. None were elected by the people.

Shortly before the election, King Mswati announced he had received
a vision during a thunderstorm which told him that henceforth the political
system in his kingdom should
be known as a ‘monarchical democracy’. He said this would be ‘a system
formed by merging the will of the people with the monarch’.

He went on to say in this system, people cast votes on a
ballot box to decide leaders from community level. These leaders then work with
the monarch in governing the country.

However, the new appointments are overwhelmingly of
people who did not stand for election.

The power wielded by King Mswati was criticised by two
independent international groups which observed the Swazi election. Both the African
Union and the Commonwealth Observer Mission suggested the kingdom’s
constitution should be reviewed and political parties be allowed to contest
elections.

The Commonwealth
Observer Mission added that, ‘The presence of the monarch in the structure
of everyday political life inevitably associates the institution of the
monarchy with politics, a situation that runs counter to the development that
the re-establishment of the Parliament and the devolution of executive
authority into the hands of elected officials.’