A review of the book, Genocide and Rescue: The Holocaust in Hungary by David Cesarani is presented. The deportation and murder of 435,000 Hungarian Jews during the last months of the Second World War ...
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A review of the book, Genocide and Rescue: The Holocaust in Hungary by David Cesarani is presented. The deportation and murder of 435,000 Hungarian Jews during the last months of the Second World War is the most painful chapter in the history of Hungarian Jewry. The book investigates the motivations and morality of various actions taken by different actors in this drama. If events of the Hungarian Holocaust constitute a kind of moral drama, the same is true of the historical narrative, which also has its heroes, villains and neutral figures, and whose narrator, as Hayden White puts it, recounts the story with the “author's moral authority”.Less

David Cesarani (ed.), Genocide and Rescue: The Holocaust in Hungary. London and New York: Berg, 1997. 220 pp.

Andrea Petö

Published in print: 2000-02-03

A review of the book, Genocide and Rescue: The Holocaust in Hungary by David Cesarani is presented. The deportation and murder of 435,000 Hungarian Jews during the last months of the Second World War is the most painful chapter in the history of Hungarian Jewry. The book investigates the motivations and morality of various actions taken by different actors in this drama. If events of the Hungarian Holocaust constitute a kind of moral drama, the same is true of the historical narrative, which also has its heroes, villains and neutral figures, and whose narrator, as Hayden White puts it, recounts the story with the “author's moral authority”.

Whereas much recent work on the ethics of the Hebrew Bible addresses the theological task of using the Bible as a moral resource for today, this book aims to set Ezekiel's ethics firmly in the social ...
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Whereas much recent work on the ethics of the Hebrew Bible addresses the theological task of using the Bible as a moral resource for today, this book aims to set Ezekiel's ethics firmly in the social and historical context of the Babylonian Exile. The two ‘moral worlds’ of Jerusalem and Babylonia provide the key. Ezekiel explains the disaster in terms familiar to his audience's past experience as members of Judah's political elite. He also provides ethical strategies for coping with the more limited possibilities of life in Babylonia, which include the ritualization of ethics, an increasing emphasis on the domestic and personal sphere of action, and a shift towards human passivity in the face of restoration. Thus, the prophet's moral concerns and priorities are substantially shaped by the social experience of deportation and resettlement. They also represent a creative response to the crisis, providing significant impetus for social cohesion and the maintenance of a distinctively Jewish community.Less

Ezekiel and the Ethics of Exile

Andrew Mein

Published in print: 2006-01-05

Whereas much recent work on the ethics of the Hebrew Bible addresses the theological task of using the Bible as a moral resource for today, this book aims to set Ezekiel's ethics firmly in the social and historical context of the Babylonian Exile. The two ‘moral worlds’ of Jerusalem and Babylonia provide the key. Ezekiel explains the disaster in terms familiar to his audience's past experience as members of Judah's political elite. He also provides ethical strategies for coping with the more limited possibilities of life in Babylonia, which include the ritualization of ethics, an increasing emphasis on the domestic and personal sphere of action, and a shift towards human passivity in the face of restoration. Thus, the prophet's moral concerns and priorities are substantially shaped by the social experience of deportation and resettlement. They also represent a creative response to the crisis, providing significant impetus for social cohesion and the maintenance of a distinctively Jewish community.

Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted ...
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Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted from an official effort to rid the empire of its Christian subjects. This book goes deep inside the bureaucratic machinery of Ottoman Turkey to show how a dying empire embraced genocide and ethnic cleansing. Although the deportation and killing of Armenians was internationally condemned in 1915 as a “crime against humanity and civilization,” the Ottoman government initiated a policy of denial that is still maintained by the Turkish Republic. The case for Turkey's “official history” rests on documents from the Ottoman imperial archives, to which access has been heavily restricted until recently. It is this very source that the book now uses to overturn the official narrative. The documents presented here attest to a late-Ottoman policy of Turkification, the goal of which was no less than the radical demographic transformation of Anatolia. To that end, about one-third of Anatolia's 15 million people were displaced, deported, expelled, or massacred, destroying the ethno-religious diversity of an ancient cultural crossroads of East and West, and paving the way for the Turkish Republic. By uncovering the central roles played by demographic engineering and assimilation in the Armenian Genocide, this book will fundamentally change how this crime is understood and show that physical destruction is not the only aspect of the genocidal process.Less

The Young Turks' Crime against Humanity : The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire

Taner Akçam

Published in print: 2012-04-15

Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted from an official effort to rid the empire of its Christian subjects. This book goes deep inside the bureaucratic machinery of Ottoman Turkey to show how a dying empire embraced genocide and ethnic cleansing. Although the deportation and killing of Armenians was internationally condemned in 1915 as a “crime against humanity and civilization,” the Ottoman government initiated a policy of denial that is still maintained by the Turkish Republic. The case for Turkey's “official history” rests on documents from the Ottoman imperial archives, to which access has been heavily restricted until recently. It is this very source that the book now uses to overturn the official narrative. The documents presented here attest to a late-Ottoman policy of Turkification, the goal of which was no less than the radical demographic transformation of Anatolia. To that end, about one-third of Anatolia's 15 million people were displaced, deported, expelled, or massacred, destroying the ethno-religious diversity of an ancient cultural crossroads of East and West, and paving the way for the Turkish Republic. By uncovering the central roles played by demographic engineering and assimilation in the Armenian Genocide, this book will fundamentally change how this crime is understood and show that physical destruction is not the only aspect of the genocidal process.

This chapter focuses on deportation. Deportation in the archaic and classical Greek world commonly took the form of the forced removal either of a large group by their political opponents or of the ...
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This chapter focuses on deportation. Deportation in the archaic and classical Greek world commonly took the form of the forced removal either of a large group by their political opponents or of the entirety of the population by a foreign enemy or tyrant—a phenomenon not unlike that of ethnic cleansing today. A frequent cause was factional squabbling between supporters of democracy and those of an oligarchic persuasion. Mass deportation, albeit cruel and inhuman, functioned as a valuable safety valve in that it relieved political pressure. Ultimately, deportation is a severe test of endurance, both physical and psychological, aggravated by the fact that in many cases the deportees are forced to leave all their possessions behind them.Less

The Deportee

Robert Garland

Published in print: 2014-07-21

This chapter focuses on deportation. Deportation in the archaic and classical Greek world commonly took the form of the forced removal either of a large group by their political opponents or of the entirety of the population by a foreign enemy or tyrant—a phenomenon not unlike that of ethnic cleansing today. A frequent cause was factional squabbling between supporters of democracy and those of an oligarchic persuasion. Mass deportation, albeit cruel and inhuman, functioned as a valuable safety valve in that it relieved political pressure. Ultimately, deportation is a severe test of endurance, both physical and psychological, aggravated by the fact that in many cases the deportees are forced to leave all their possessions behind them.

This chapter argues that the fear that the English were going to land somewhere in the Iskenderun region, and following this, the commencement of a great naval movement in order to seize Istanbul, ...
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This chapter argues that the fear that the English were going to land somewhere in the Iskenderun region, and following this, the commencement of a great naval movement in order to seize Istanbul, led the Unionists to believe that the end of the empire was certainly at hand. The first deportation decision was made under these circumstances. The evacuation of Armenians from certain regions due to military and political reasons presaged another important turning point. The fact that the European states were at war played an important role in these deportations, which were carried out first in Dortyol and then in Zeytun, both in the region of Cilicia. The chapter shows how the Unionists believed that the war created favorable conditions for them, but the proper time had not yet arrived.Less

Final Steps in the Decision-Making Process

Taner Akçam

Published in print: 2012-04-15

This chapter argues that the fear that the English were going to land somewhere in the Iskenderun region, and following this, the commencement of a great naval movement in order to seize Istanbul, led the Unionists to believe that the end of the empire was certainly at hand. The first deportation decision was made under these circumstances. The evacuation of Armenians from certain regions due to military and political reasons presaged another important turning point. The fact that the European states were at war played an important role in these deportations, which were carried out first in Dortyol and then in Zeytun, both in the region of Cilicia. The chapter shows how the Unionists believed that the war created favorable conditions for them, but the proper time had not yet arrived.

This chapter presents the historical circumstances that gave birth to the story of the Ten Lost Tribes in the 8th and 7th centuries BCE. The two most important elements in this chapter are the ...
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This chapter presents the historical circumstances that gave birth to the story of the Ten Lost Tribes in the 8th and 7th centuries BCE. The two most important elements in this chapter are the imperial deportations and the prophetic culture that “processed” them into a divine punishment understood to be an overall exile of an entire nation. The chapter tells how the rise of the Assyrian Empire to world dominance during the 8th century BCE resulted in the destruction of the Israelite kingdom in Northern ancient Palestine and the deportation of several tens of thousands of its subjects to the eastern provinces of the Empire. This was an uncommon occurrence in the ancient Near East as other small kingdom and nations were deported as well. However, this particular deportation was recorded in the Bible. The chapter then describes how prophets in Israel and the southern Kingdom of Judea‐most notably Hosea, Amos, and Isaiah turned the deportation into a divine punishment enacted by God through Assyria. Most crucially, Isaiah (and he was followed by other prophets such as Jeremiah and Ezekiel) promised that the tribes would return. When they did not, their search began.Less

Assyrian Tributes

Zvi Ben‐Dor Benite

Published in print: 2009-11-01

This chapter presents the historical circumstances that gave birth to the story of the Ten Lost Tribes in the 8th and 7th centuries BCE. The two most important elements in this chapter are the imperial deportations and the prophetic culture that “processed” them into a divine punishment understood to be an overall exile of an entire nation. The chapter tells how the rise of the Assyrian Empire to world dominance during the 8th century BCE resulted in the destruction of the Israelite kingdom in Northern ancient Palestine and the deportation of several tens of thousands of its subjects to the eastern provinces of the Empire. This was an uncommon occurrence in the ancient Near East as other small kingdom and nations were deported as well. However, this particular deportation was recorded in the Bible. The chapter then describes how prophets in Israel and the southern Kingdom of Judea‐most notably Hosea, Amos, and Isaiah turned the deportation into a divine punishment enacted by God through Assyria. Most crucially, Isaiah (and he was followed by other prophets such as Jeremiah and Ezekiel) promised that the tribes would return. When they did not, their search began.

The chapter examines the function and meaning of violence inflicted upon the borderlands by the opposing armies in World War I. The focus then shifts to the activities of the military regimes that ...
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The chapter examines the function and meaning of violence inflicted upon the borderlands by the opposing armies in World War I. The focus then shifts to the activities of the military regimes that between 1914 and 1917 governed large parts of the borderlands from Latvia to Bukovina.Less

The Reign of the Generals, 1914–1917

Alexander V. Prusin

Published in print: 2010-07-29

The chapter examines the function and meaning of violence inflicted upon the borderlands by the opposing armies in World War I. The focus then shifts to the activities of the military regimes that between 1914 and 1917 governed large parts of the borderlands from Latvia to Bukovina.

The chapter concentrates on the second Sovietization of the borderlands, which simultaneously involved two processes: military conquest and socio‐economic reconstruction via deportation, population ...
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The chapter concentrates on the second Sovietization of the borderlands, which simultaneously involved two processes: military conquest and socio‐economic reconstruction via deportation, population exchange, and collectivization. Facing a determined anti‐Soviet resistance of the nationalist guerrillas, the government concentrated on the complete destruction of the insurgents and the speedy integration of the borderlands into the Soviet economic, ideological, and administrative structure.Less

Redrawing Ethno‐Social Boundaries: Phase II, 1944–1953

Alexander V. Prusin

Published in print: 2010-07-29

The chapter concentrates on the second Sovietization of the borderlands, which simultaneously involved two processes: military conquest and socio‐economic reconstruction via deportation, population exchange, and collectivization. Facing a determined anti‐Soviet resistance of the nationalist guerrillas, the government concentrated on the complete destruction of the insurgents and the speedy integration of the borderlands into the Soviet economic, ideological, and administrative structure.

Substantial numbers of empire migrants, to all destinations, returned ‘home’. For some, including indentured and other non‐white migrants, return was the always‐intended outcome, especially if the ...
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Substantial numbers of empire migrants, to all destinations, returned ‘home’. For some, including indentured and other non‐white migrants, return was the always‐intended outcome, especially if the accumulation of wealth had been their principal objective. The successful invested their gains in material goods and perhaps higher social status. But among homecoming migrants were the disappointed, including defeated ‘remittance men’, unlucky gold prospectors, impoverished indentured workers, and those who, having fallen foul of overseas authorities by criminal behaviour or dependence on public relief, had been deported. Homesickness, even among long‐term settlers (and not only women), plus family problems also prompted return migration. Reception back home was not always warm. Some returners became serial migrants or transilients, a practice which with easier transport became increasingly common; as has also become ‘roots tourism’, temporary return visits by former migrants and their descendants to (sometimes imagined) places of origin.Less

The Homecoming Migrant

Marjory HarperStephen Constantine

Published in print: 2010-09-01

Substantial numbers of empire migrants, to all destinations, returned ‘home’. For some, including indentured and other non‐white migrants, return was the always‐intended outcome, especially if the accumulation of wealth had been their principal objective. The successful invested their gains in material goods and perhaps higher social status. But among homecoming migrants were the disappointed, including defeated ‘remittance men’, unlucky gold prospectors, impoverished indentured workers, and those who, having fallen foul of overseas authorities by criminal behaviour or dependence on public relief, had been deported. Homesickness, even among long‐term settlers (and not only women), plus family problems also prompted return migration. Reception back home was not always warm. Some returners became serial migrants or transilients, a practice which with easier transport became increasingly common; as has also become ‘roots tourism’, temporary return visits by former migrants and their descendants to (sometimes imagined) places of origin.

This chapter looks at the Jamaican guestworkers' transfer to Clewiston, Florida, where their status sank from exotic British war workers to “alien negro laborers,” and neither their British ...
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This chapter looks at the Jamaican guestworkers' transfer to Clewiston, Florida, where their status sank from exotic British war workers to “alien negro laborers,” and neither their British citizenship nor U.S. officials could protect them from the perils of farm labor relations in the southern countryside. In Florida, guestworkers' foreignness provided employers with a new and effective weapon in the arsenal of labor discipline: workers who protested their treatment now faced detention, repatriation, and blacklisting. In this new era of transnational labor, the threat of deportation became the new whip. No longer were Jamaicans told to expect “a friendly English-speaking people,” with habits and customs “somewhat different” from their own. In Florida, they were warned to adapt to the dictates of “the Jim Crow Creed.”Less

John Bull Meets Jim Crow : Jamaican Guestworkers in the Wartime South

Cindy Hahamovitch

Published in print: 2011-08-28

This chapter looks at the Jamaican guestworkers' transfer to Clewiston, Florida, where their status sank from exotic British war workers to “alien negro laborers,” and neither their British citizenship nor U.S. officials could protect them from the perils of farm labor relations in the southern countryside. In Florida, guestworkers' foreignness provided employers with a new and effective weapon in the arsenal of labor discipline: workers who protested their treatment now faced detention, repatriation, and blacklisting. In this new era of transnational labor, the threat of deportation became the new whip. No longer were Jamaicans told to expect “a friendly English-speaking people,” with habits and customs “somewhat different” from their own. In Florida, they were warned to adapt to the dictates of “the Jim Crow Creed.”

This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. ...
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This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. Moreover, they became their defenders before a sometimes hostile public. They refuted assertions that southeastern European immigrants were paupers and worked to forge a competing construction, marshaling “evidence” to prove that the new immigrants were hardworking, thrifty, sober, and self-sufficient. Part of their confidence in these immigrants rested on their firm conviction that southern and eastern Europeans were capable of economic and racial assimilation. Indeed, looking around, they would have found much evidence confirming these beliefs: from high naturalization rates to growing socioeconomic mobility, all facilitated by the racial, labor, and political context in which these immigrants lived. Social workers then lobbied against national origin quotas and tried to protect European immigrants from harsh immigration and deportation laws.Less

No Beggar Spirit

Cybelle Fox

Published in print: 2012-04-29

This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. Moreover, they became their defenders before a sometimes hostile public. They refuted assertions that southeastern European immigrants were paupers and worked to forge a competing construction, marshaling “evidence” to prove that the new immigrants were hardworking, thrifty, sober, and self-sufficient. Part of their confidence in these immigrants rested on their firm conviction that southern and eastern Europeans were capable of economic and racial assimilation. Indeed, looking around, they would have found much evidence confirming these beliefs: from high naturalization rates to growing socioeconomic mobility, all facilitated by the racial, labor, and political context in which these immigrants lived. Social workers then lobbied against national origin quotas and tried to protect European immigrants from harsh immigration and deportation laws.

This chapter traces the emergence of an immigration-control apparatus on the boundary line and how political and economic conditions influenced how and against whom the nation-states used it. As U.S. ...
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This chapter traces the emergence of an immigration-control apparatus on the boundary line and how political and economic conditions influenced how and against whom the nation-states used it. As U.S. immigration laws increasingly defined Mexicans as outsiders who could not freely cross the boundary line, the divisive power of the border became more apparent. This sense of division between the United States and Mexico and the United States' ongoing attempts to assert its authority over when and how Mexican immigrants cross the border, which reached one peak in the deportations of the Great Depression, continue to define the border today.Less

Insiders/Outsiders : Managing Immigration at the Border

Rachel St. John

Published in print: 2011-06-12

This chapter traces the emergence of an immigration-control apparatus on the boundary line and how political and economic conditions influenced how and against whom the nation-states used it. As U.S. immigration laws increasingly defined Mexicans as outsiders who could not freely cross the boundary line, the divisive power of the border became more apparent. This sense of division between the United States and Mexico and the United States' ongoing attempts to assert its authority over when and how Mexican immigrants cross the border, which reached one peak in the deportations of the Great Depression, continue to define the border today.

This chapter discusses how the demise of the Ottoman state led to a succession of ethnic and religious groups playing out their struggles for independence on its shrinking stage against a backdrop of ...
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This chapter discusses how the demise of the Ottoman state led to a succession of ethnic and religious groups playing out their struggles for independence on its shrinking stage against a backdrop of forced population exchanges, deportations, massacres, and ethnic cleansing. As the last of the great early modern empires, the Ottoman state entered its long nineteenth century trailing the heritage of Byzantium but lacking the means of modernization. Without the requisite political and social structures and public consensus of a nation-state, “the Muslim Third Rome” could no longer bind together the diverse groups that peopled its vast territory. The logic of the nation-state utterly contradicts that of empire. Whereas an empire, by definition, encompasses a number of territories and diverse peoples, a nation-state is circumscribed by two clearly defined boundaries: geographical and social.Less

Ottoman Sources and the Question of Their Being Purged

Taner Akçam

Published in print: 2012-04-15

This chapter discusses how the demise of the Ottoman state led to a succession of ethnic and religious groups playing out their struggles for independence on its shrinking stage against a backdrop of forced population exchanges, deportations, massacres, and ethnic cleansing. As the last of the great early modern empires, the Ottoman state entered its long nineteenth century trailing the heritage of Byzantium but lacking the means of modernization. Without the requisite political and social structures and public consensus of a nation-state, “the Muslim Third Rome” could no longer bind together the diverse groups that peopled its vast territory. The logic of the nation-state utterly contradicts that of empire. Whereas an empire, by definition, encompasses a number of territories and diverse peoples, a nation-state is circumscribed by two clearly defined boundaries: geographical and social.

This chapter considers how the annihilation of the Armenians, as an outcome of a sequence of decisions, led to questions arising about the possible relationship between demographic policy and ...
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This chapter considers how the annihilation of the Armenians, as an outcome of a sequence of decisions, led to questions arising about the possible relationship between demographic policy and genocidal practice. It argues that there was such a causal relationship. Demographic anxieties shaped the Armenian deportations: the population ratios where Armenians were deported and where they remained were decisive, and the deportations were carried accordingly. Only three factors appear to have prevented the ethnic cleansing of the Ottoman Greeks from escalating into genocide: the Great War had not yet begun, there was a country to which the Greeks could be expelled, and the Armenian-inhabited regions to the east were potentially subject to Russian occupation and eventual Armenian statehood.Less

Demographic Policy and the Annihilation of the Armenians

Taner Akçam

Published in print: 2012-04-15

This chapter considers how the annihilation of the Armenians, as an outcome of a sequence of decisions, led to questions arising about the possible relationship between demographic policy and genocidal practice. It argues that there was such a causal relationship. Demographic anxieties shaped the Armenian deportations: the population ratios where Armenians were deported and where they remained were decisive, and the deportations were carried accordingly. Only three factors appear to have prevented the ethnic cleansing of the Ottoman Greeks from escalating into genocide: the Great War had not yet begun, there was a country to which the Greeks could be expelled, and the Armenian-inhabited regions to the east were potentially subject to Russian occupation and eventual Armenian statehood.

This chapter explains that there are certain theses in the discussions about the Armenian Genocide which linger in the people's memory. These include the now-classic arguments that Armenian Catholics ...
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This chapter explains that there are certain theses in the discussions about the Armenian Genocide which linger in the people's memory. These include the now-classic arguments that Armenian Catholics and Protestants, and the Armenians of Istanbul and Izmir, were not deported. Families of soldiers were not touched, and despite it being wartime, the government opened investigations against state officials who acted badly toward the Armenians during the deportations. Another important argument added in recent years is that the organization known as the Special Organization, which in fact enjoyed an official status through its association with the War Ministry, had no connection whatsoever with the annihilation of the Armenians.Less

Some Official Denialist Arguments of the Turkish State and Documents from the Ottoman Interior Ministry

Taner Akçam

Published in print: 2012-04-15

This chapter explains that there are certain theses in the discussions about the Armenian Genocide which linger in the people's memory. These include the now-classic arguments that Armenian Catholics and Protestants, and the Armenians of Istanbul and Izmir, were not deported. Families of soldiers were not touched, and despite it being wartime, the government opened investigations against state officials who acted badly toward the Armenians during the deportations. Another important argument added in recent years is that the organization known as the Special Organization, which in fact enjoyed an official status through its association with the War Ministry, had no connection whatsoever with the annihilation of the Armenians.

Immigration has reached sufficient size and duration to bring permanent changes to American society, but American society has not fully come to grips with those changes. When the economy is growing ...
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Immigration has reached sufficient size and duration to bring permanent changes to American society, but American society has not fully come to grips with those changes. When the economy is growing and unemployment is down, immigration does not get consistent attention. But when facing an economic crisis and protracted unemployment, immigration generates near hysteria. Many other realms of public policy—education, health care, foreign trade, telecommunications, law enforcement, national security—have been reshaped by big initiatives while the mechanisms that are supposed to regulate migration have muddled along with patchwork responses like border fences and deportation campaigns. In conclusion, this chapter highlights three challenges that seem immediate and compelling. The first involves the abilities of journalists and scholars to describe what is happening. The second involves policy frameworks, and the last relates to the ways our disciplines interact. Changes under way in both journalism and academia create opportunities to address these challenges.Less

Afterword

Roberto Suro

Published in print: 2011-01-09

Immigration has reached sufficient size and duration to bring permanent changes to American society, but American society has not fully come to grips with those changes. When the economy is growing and unemployment is down, immigration does not get consistent attention. But when facing an economic crisis and protracted unemployment, immigration generates near hysteria. Many other realms of public policy—education, health care, foreign trade, telecommunications, law enforcement, national security—have been reshaped by big initiatives while the mechanisms that are supposed to regulate migration have muddled along with patchwork responses like border fences and deportation campaigns. In conclusion, this chapter highlights three challenges that seem immediate and compelling. The first involves the abilities of journalists and scholars to describe what is happening. The second involves policy frameworks, and the last relates to the ways our disciplines interact. Changes under way in both journalism and academia create opportunities to address these challenges.

Ezekiel's oracles of judgement proclaim the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of all the familiar institutions of Jerusalem society. The oracles explain the destruction of Jerusalem as the result ...
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Ezekiel's oracles of judgement proclaim the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of all the familiar institutions of Jerusalem society. The oracles explain the destruction of Jerusalem as the result of sin: the sins of the ‘house of Israel’ have built up to such a level that Yaweh has no choice other than to leave his temple and city to a certain doom. What are the sins which Ezekiel finds responsible for the fall of Jerusalem? What are the areas of moral competence to which they belong? What are the social contexts which such actions and decisions presuppose? We may build up a picture of the moral world of the book by examining the kinds of action which are important in this condemnation. We have already seen that the majority of the exiles of the first deportation belonged to Judah's upper classes. On the political side, Ezekiel does not ignore social justice, but his dominant concern is foreign policy. This chapter discusses ethics and factional politics in late pre-exilic Judah.Less

The World of Politics

Andrew Mein

Published in print: 2006-01-05

Ezekiel's oracles of judgement proclaim the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of all the familiar institutions of Jerusalem society. The oracles explain the destruction of Jerusalem as the result of sin: the sins of the ‘house of Israel’ have built up to such a level that Yaweh has no choice other than to leave his temple and city to a certain doom. What are the sins which Ezekiel finds responsible for the fall of Jerusalem? What are the areas of moral competence to which they belong? What are the social contexts which such actions and decisions presuppose? We may build up a picture of the moral world of the book by examining the kinds of action which are important in this condemnation. We have already seen that the majority of the exiles of the first deportation belonged to Judah's upper classes. On the political side, Ezekiel does not ignore social justice, but his dominant concern is foreign policy. This chapter discusses ethics and factional politics in late pre-exilic Judah.

After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain ...
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After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain security. Viewing World War II as a struggle between nation‐states, the military commander in France, Otto von Stülpnagel, cultivated French support, placed industrial resources at the disposal of the German war effort, and maintained ‘security’ by capturing enemy soldiers and Allied spies. Initially barred from the Hexagon, Göring's Office of the Four Year Plan, Himmler's SS, and Ribbentrop's Foreign Office adopted an expanded definition of security, argued that the Reich had to combat the so‐called Jewish conspiracy to maintain order, and secured Hitler's favor. In conjunction with Alfred Rosenberg and the French government, they launched an anti‐Semitic campaign of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation. Hitler used assassinations as a pretext for genocide and ordered subordinates to answer resistance activity with deadly reprisals and massive deportations that focused on Jews. Stülpnagel condemned anti‐Semitic measures and disproportionate hostage executions as impolitic distractions and resigned his command. Astute political tactics helped the Himmler seize control of German security forces but alienated the military government and, later, the Vichy regime. With limited support from French and German colleagues, the SS could only deport 75,000 French Jews: Fritz Sauckel's labor organization impressed approximately 850,000 workers into the German war economy by cooperating with French and German colleagues. Accommodation explains divergent results of select German policies, clarifies the inner workings of the Nazi regime, and elucidates decisions made by Prime Ministers Pierre Laval and François Darlan.Less

After the Fall : German Policy in Occupied France, 1940-1944

Thomas J. Laub

Published in print: 2009-11-05

After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain security. Viewing World War II as a struggle between nation‐states, the military commander in France, Otto von Stülpnagel, cultivated French support, placed industrial resources at the disposal of the German war effort, and maintained ‘security’ by capturing enemy soldiers and Allied spies. Initially barred from the Hexagon, Göring's Office of the Four Year Plan, Himmler's SS, and Ribbentrop's Foreign Office adopted an expanded definition of security, argued that the Reich had to combat the so‐called Jewish conspiracy to maintain order, and secured Hitler's favor. In conjunction with Alfred Rosenberg and the French government, they launched an anti‐Semitic campaign of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation. Hitler used assassinations as a pretext for genocide and ordered subordinates to answer resistance activity with deadly reprisals and massive deportations that focused on Jews. Stülpnagel condemned anti‐Semitic measures and disproportionate hostage executions as impolitic distractions and resigned his command. Astute political tactics helped the Himmler seize control of German security forces but alienated the military government and, later, the Vichy regime. With limited support from French and German colleagues, the SS could only deport 75,000 French Jews: Fritz Sauckel's labor organization impressed approximately 850,000 workers into the German war economy by cooperating with French and German colleagues. Accommodation explains divergent results of select German policies, clarifies the inner workings of the Nazi regime, and elucidates decisions made by Prime Ministers Pierre Laval and François Darlan.

This chapter discusses the origins and execution of the mass deportations of Albanians, Greeks and Armenians during the First World War. Rather than emphasize the role of Turkish nationalism in ...
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This chapter discusses the origins and execution of the mass deportations of Albanians, Greeks and Armenians during the First World War. Rather than emphasize the role of Turkish nationalism in influencing the Ottoman government's decision to deport and murder large numbers of its non-Muslim citizens, the chapter underscores the state's concerns over the internal security of the region. It carefully points out the contradictions found within the state's decision for large numbers of these three groups, as well as the many acts of local resistance to this policy. Most accounts of the Armenian Genocide do not pay close attention to the consequences of the return of thousands of Armenians to the South Marmara after 1918, something which is dicussed in the latter part of this chapter.Less

The Politics of the Condemned: The South Marmara during the First World War

Ryan Gingeras

Published in print: 2009-02-26

This chapter discusses the origins and execution of the mass deportations of Albanians, Greeks and Armenians during the First World War. Rather than emphasize the role of Turkish nationalism in influencing the Ottoman government's decision to deport and murder large numbers of its non-Muslim citizens, the chapter underscores the state's concerns over the internal security of the region. It carefully points out the contradictions found within the state's decision for large numbers of these three groups, as well as the many acts of local resistance to this policy. Most accounts of the Armenian Genocide do not pay close attention to the consequences of the return of thousands of Armenians to the South Marmara after 1918, something which is dicussed in the latter part of this chapter.

The book considers illegality, deportability, and deportation in the lives of young people—those who migrate as well as those who are affected by the migration of others. A primary focus of the ...
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The book considers illegality, deportability, and deportation in the lives of young people—those who migrate as well as those who are affected by the migration of others. A primary focus of the volume is to understand how children and youth encounter, move through, or are outside of a range of legal processes, including border enforcement, immigration detention, federal custody, courts, and state processes of categorization. Even if young people do not directly interact with state immigration systems—because they are U.S. citizens or have avoided detention—they are nonetheless deeply impacted by the reach of the government in its many forms. Combining different perspectives from advocates, service providers, attorneys, researchers, and, significantly, young immigrants, the book presents ethnographically rich accounts that can contribute to informed debates and policy reforms. By underscoring the ways in which young people encounter and/or avoid legal systems, the book problematizes the policies, laws, and legal categories that shape so much of daily life of young immigrants. The book makes visible the burdens, hopes, and potential of a population of young people and their families who have been largely hidden from public view and are currently under siege, following young people as they move into, through, and out of the complicated immigration systems and institutions in the United States.Less

Illegal Encounters : The Effect of Detention and Deportation on Young People

Published in print: 2019-02-19

The book considers illegality, deportability, and deportation in the lives of young people—those who migrate as well as those who are affected by the migration of others. A primary focus of the volume is to understand how children and youth encounter, move through, or are outside of a range of legal processes, including border enforcement, immigration detention, federal custody, courts, and state processes of categorization. Even if young people do not directly interact with state immigration systems—because they are U.S. citizens or have avoided detention—they are nonetheless deeply impacted by the reach of the government in its many forms. Combining different perspectives from advocates, service providers, attorneys, researchers, and, significantly, young immigrants, the book presents ethnographically rich accounts that can contribute to informed debates and policy reforms. By underscoring the ways in which young people encounter and/or avoid legal systems, the book problematizes the policies, laws, and legal categories that shape so much of daily life of young immigrants. The book makes visible the burdens, hopes, and potential of a population of young people and their families who have been largely hidden from public view and are currently under siege, following young people as they move into, through, and out of the complicated immigration systems and institutions in the United States.