He is still travelling in a private executive jet, but has a population at home of 90% walking barefoot.

Yet this Excellency may be trying to compete with Reagan and Golbachev to show that he, too, is an Excellency"

This is a verbatim extract of the speech Mr Museveni made on the steps of Uganda Parliament, after being sworn in as president on 26th Jan 1986.

Mr Museveni has just arrived in New York for this year's (2016) United Nations General Assembly meeting in the latest model of Gulf Stream 5 Executive Presidential Jet. This is more than 30 years when he made that speech!

Not only has he left home a barefoot population, but some are dying of hunger! 84% youth are unemployed; 19 women are dying, needlessly, in childbirth daily; young doctors (interns) are on strike because they aren't paid; an epidemic of jiggers looms in parts of the country; 75% children drop out of primary schools due to pathetic state of education standards etc, etc.

In 1986, I, too, stood at the stairs of parliament as Mr M7 swore-in as president and made that speech. Back then, we were found of saying, rightly, that shame is a revolutionary sentiment.

I'll not just be ashamed at having been a part of the "pathetic spectacle" that we continue to witness, I'll not rest until it's overcome. That's the least that I can do.

The exensive

Internet Revolution should get cheaper for the African poor citizens on the African continent:

SUNDAY, 13 DECEMBER 2015

BY INDEPENDENT REPORTER

December 4. 2016 INDEPENDENT/JIMMY SIYA

Cost of unlimited Internet access in Kampala could drop to as low as Shs 1,000 a day

Only a small fraction of Ugandans is connected to the Internet, with the vast majority losing out on the immense opportunities that the Internet is providing to billions of people worldwide.

Currently, the total number of internet users in Uganda is estimated at just over 6.8 million in a population of about 40 million. Compared with the voice penetration of 53%, data penetration is still very low at just 25%, according to data from the Uganda Communications Commission.

The poor accessibility rates are mainly attributed to high cost and poor network coverage. However, this is now bound to change for the better after technology giant Google launched Project Link in Uganda to bring faster and world-class Internet services.

Following the successful completion of a metro fiber network in Kampala city, the company has launched a Wi-Fi ‘hotzone’ network to improve the quality and affordability of wireless access, geared towards meeting the bandwidth demands of Kampala’s growing number of smart phone owners. In partnership with Roke Telecom, more than 100 hotzones, dubbed ‘Rokespots,’ have been launched around Kampala where users can access affordable and high speed mobile internet connections.

In recent years, telecom giants MTN Uganda, Airtel, Smile telecom, Africell and Vodafone have also invested heavily in setting up 4G infrastructure. MTN Uganda in particular has already unveiled its extensive 4G network countrywide, extending the latest broadband technology to major towns – totaling more than 75 4G network sites, in addition to thousands of 2G and 3G.

Google is also venturing into providing wholesale last-mile Wi-Fi access with Internet Service Providers (ISPs) and Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) like MTN to leverage on its fibre infrastructure to bring high-quality Wi-Fi to homeowners, small businesses and mobile users on-the-go.

Speaking at the launch on Dec.03, 2015, Roke Telkom officials said the initiative is helping to connect more people to fast and affordable broadband Internet.

The Wi-Fi hotzone network is helping to equip MNOs and ISPs with shared infrastructure that they desperate need to deliver improved services to end users. Ela Beres, who heads the Wi-Fi effort, said with the help of Project Link’s new Wi-Fi hotzone network, ISPs around Kampala would have access to shared infrastructure that can help them enhance their Wi-Fi services and meet the bandwidth needs of the city dwellers. He added that local providers can use the new network to bring Wi-Fi to people on-the-go in the city’s busiest locations such as the taxi parks, hostels, shopping malls, pubs, restaurants and arcades.

Roger Sekaziga, the Roke Telkcom CEO, said Uganda has lately experienced phenomenal growth in demand for Internet, fuelled by the advent of low-cost smart phones.

“Project Link’s Wi-Fi network allows us to deliver cheaper and more reliable Wi-Fi service to a quickly-growing, often underserved market segment,” he added. To owners of the facilities, cheap high speed internet offers more opportunities for customers. The service has different price categories, ranging from Shs 1,000 per day to Shs 18,000 per month.

Officials said going forward, the company plans to install wifi on all public transport vehicles. For Roke Telkom, which has been in operation for over ten years, the partnership with Google to implement Project Link could give it a big headway in the data market place. Google, which started as a search engine over two decades ago, has over the years emerged as a global technology giant. Its push in developing countries has seen it test out innovative ways of ameliorating connectivity challenges. With the introduction of 3G and LTE networks, the company is targeting to provide the ‘last-mile’ link to connect remote locations to the fiber networks that connect countries and whole continents.

Since Uganda was connected to the sea cables seven years ago, prices of international bandwidth have fallen compared to the last decade, but the retail tariffs of broadband have remained relatively out of reach for millions of potential internet users.

But as mobile phone devices evolve thus giving consumers various services beyond voice and text messages, data has over time become a key frontier for telecom companies as consumers take advantage of cheaper means of communication over more convenient social media platforms such as WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger and to deliver audio, video, and other media content over the Internet.

On a wider scale, the implementers of Project Link see it as causing a revolution in how whole industries and sectors operate and how services are provided to the citizens.- See more at: http://www.

independent.co.ug

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Poor African governments seem to find it as a way of collecting easy money as tax from this technology.

Milking the cow without giving it pasture.

Ongwen, the Freedom fighter or The modern African Liberation bush fighter. His trial now is under the I.C.Court. This European Court of universal human rights has named three judges to preside over this African case.

Mr Ongwen of the Acholi tribe of Northern Uganda.

By Yasiin Mugerwa

Posted Thursday, January 22 2015

Kampala, Uganda-

A day after Dominic Ongwen, a top Christian-Catholic LRA commander, was transferred to The Hague to face charges for a variety of war crimes, the International Criminal Court named three high profile judges to handle his trial.

The ICC presidency yesterday named a Bulgarian judge with a decade-long experience in international criminal law, a Belgian judge with a background in international and comparative criminal law, and an experienced Italian prosecutor to form a three-person coram.

Daily Monitor understands that one of the Judges (Trendafilova) was the Presiding Judge in the previous proceedings in the situations of the Democratic Republic of Congo and the neighbouring Kenya; the Prosecutor v. Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo and the Prosecutor v. William Ruto et al, respectively.

The government this week announced that international lawyers had approached it showing interest to represent Ongwen, who recently surrendered to the American troops in Central African Republic.

ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda yesterday said in a statement, Ongwen’s transfer to The Hague brings the court one step closer to ending the LRA’s reign of terror in the African Great Lakes region.

She said the LRA has reportedly killed tens of thousands and displaced millions of people, terrorised civilians, abducted children and forced them to kill and serve as sex slaves. They have hacked off limbs and horribly disfigured men, women and children.

“My investigation demonstrates that Dominic Ongwen served as a high ranking commander within the LRA and that he is amongst those who bear the greatest responsibility for crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC,” Ms Fatou Bensouda stated.

She added: “I urge all others [rebels] that still remain within LRA ranks to abandon violence; stop committing crimes, and follow the bold steps of others before you,”

Governments hailed

On behalf of the Court, the Registrar of the ICC, Mr Herman von Hebel ,yesterday applauded Ongwen’s transfer to The Hague and sought to assure the victims of the 21-year-insurgency in northern Uganda that in order to dispense justice all efforts will made to ensure that they get a lawyer who will tell their story.

He saluted “the persistent efforts” of the government of Uganda, the government of the Central African Republic, the Uganda People’s Defense Force, the African Union Regional Task Force who all put pressure on the rebels until Ongwen’s surrender.

We shall not cater for Ongwen’s children - ICC:

Ongwen’s relatives at their home in Coo-rom village in Lamgoi Sub-county.

PHOTO BY JULIUS OCUNGI

By JULIUS OCUNGI

Posted Saturday, February 7 2015

AT GULU, UGANDA.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) Field Outreach Coordinator for Kenya and Uganda, Ms Maria Mabinty Kamara, has rejected calls by relatives of indicted LRA commander Dominic Ongwen to cater for his children.

Ms Kamara was responding to a question during a press briefing in Gulu Town on Wednesday on whether the ICC would help Ongwen’s family. She said ICC can only, at an appropriate time under the rules of the court, facilitate the family to visit Ongwen at The Hague.

Ongwen is among the top five LRA commanders who were indicted by the ICC in 2005 for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Others are LRA leader Joseph Kony and his deputies: Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo, and Raska Lukwiya.

Ongwen, who surrendered early last month in Central African Republic (CAR), appeared in the dock at the ICC on January 26, where seven counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes were read against him.

His relatives had earlier asked the Uganda government and ICC to cater for his children.

One of his brothers, Mr Christopher Kilama, said the family was overwhelmed with the burden of taking care of Ongwen’s four children because they have their own.

However, Ms Kamara said the ICC has a trust fund which has been providing interim assistance to victims of the LRA war but not their relatives. She said the ICC has established at least 18 projects in the region under the Victims Trust Fund.

“Over 40 million people in the region benefited from the trust fund. Some of them were provided with microfinance, prosthetic, and plastic surgery, especially for mutilated victims,” said Ms Kamara.

She said Mr Ongwen’s relatives can only be assisted to visit him at The Hague at an appropriate time.

who is ongwen?

• Said to have been abducted by LRA, aged 10, as he walked to school in northern Uganda

• Rose to become a top commander

• Accused of crimes against humanity, including enslavement

• ICC issued arrest warrant in 2005

• Rumoured to have been killed in the same year

• US offered $5m (£3.3m) reward for information leading to his arrest in 2013.

In Uganda, Bribery allegations mar Vice President Ssekandi's Presidential age limit consultations in his political constintuency:

1st November, 2017

Written by URN

Vice president and Bukoto Central MP, Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi today kickstarted his consultations on the age limit bill in Masaka amidst allegations of bribery and coaching of selected rally attendees.

Some residents had raised concern over the failure by Ssekandi to hold consultative meetings on the proposed constitutional amendment.

A group of voters in Kabonera, Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties asked Mary Babirye Kabanda, the Masaka Woman MP to tell Ssekandi not to bother consulting them. They argued that their position on the bill is clear, they are opposed to scrapping of the presidential age limit, currently capped at 75 years.

They instead asked Ssekandi and President Yoweri Museveni to retire from active politics since they both fall in the same age bracket.

Ssekandi arrives for the consultative meeting in Kyanamukaka

Nevertheless, Ssekandi went ahead to hold several consultative meetings. According to information obtained by URN, prior to his visit to Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties, Ssekandi sent a team led by Mulindwa Birimumaaso, a senior presidential advisor to select and register those who would participate in the consultations.

The advance team met the selected individuals and briefed them on what to say during the consultative meetings.

The attendance list was allegedly used to screen those accessing the venue for the consultative meetings. Those whose names didn't appear on the list were turned away.

Paul Migadde, the former Kyanamukaka sub-county LCIII chairman alleges that those selected to participate in the consultations were told to support the proposed amendment.

Migadde says that when he questioned the criteria used to select participants he was told that only ruling party, NRM leaders in the constituency were invited for the consultations.

He says when he probed further, he was told they didn't want attendees who would embarrass President Museveni and his vice during the consultative meetings.

URN has also learnt that those who attended the consultations received between Shs 5000 and 50,000 depending on their leadership position.

Joseph Kazibwe, one of the NRM leaders who attended the consultations, says they were transported to the meeting venue at Mutima Gardens in Kyanamukaka sub-county. At least 450 people turned up for the consultations.

Kazibwe says each attendee received an allowance after the consultations. Speaking during the consultation meetings, Ssekandi defended the proposed scrapping of article 102 (b) of the constitution, saying there is nothing wrong with deleting the presidential age limit to allow President Museveni to extend his reign.

Ssekandi lashed out at Democratic Party members for fighting the proposed amendment, saying they are misguided.

Nb

After successfully removing the Presidential term limits when he was Speaker of Parliamet, Mr Sekandi is at it this time round as Vice President to remove the age limit.

Why the President of the Republic of Uganda has no power to anoint a successor:

By Admin

Added 16th March 2017

By Ahmed Kateregga Musaazi

While debating EBYAFFE constitutional amendment in NRC in 1993, the late Jack Maumbe Mukwana said that what happened during 1966 Uganda Crisis was not a revolution but a palace coup. He was right because Obote after abolishing kingdoms and federal states and replacing them with a very centralised imperial presidency as its CEO, he never held elections.

Otherwise, to borrow from the late Prof. Ali Mazrui, Obote, like the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, had turned into a Lenist Tsar. He deposed Sir Edward Muteesa only to make himself king under an imperial presidency that was stopped with the promulgation of 1995 Constitution.

So it is wrong for Uganda, a republic, to call upon a President to anoint his successor. That is tantamount into turning the country into a monarchy. Then why did we shed blood in 1966? Why did we shed blood for 1981-1986 liberation war?

In a people’s democratic republic, where there is universal adulthood suffrage and popular participation, it is an insult, to the people, to tell an incumbent President to anoint his successor.

While according to the Bible, Jesus anointed St. Peter as his successor, this is mostly acceptable to Roman Catholics who still regard the Pope as the rightful successor of Peter. The Greek Orthodox and other Eastern churches have their own popes, one sitting in former Constantinople now Istanbul, the then capital of Byzantium or Eastern Roman Empire, another in Alexander in Egypt, etc… The Protestant churches including Lutherans, Anglicans, Methodists, Pentecostals don’t believe in the Papacy at all.

In Sunni or main stream Orthodox Islam, Prophet Muhammad died without anointing a successor. The Muhajiroon or Immigrants, from Mecca wanted to take over. The Answars or helpers, of Medina said it was their turn. Then there were aristocrats of Mecca, who had embraced Islam upon conquest of Mecca, who regarded themselves as natural leaders.

There were also legitimists who insisted that the Prophet’s successor must be his blood relative and they pointed on Ali, his cousin and later son in law.

By consensus, they all agreed on Abubakr, who was Prophet Muhammad’s comrade right from young days and the first person to embrace Islam after Khadejah, the wife, and Ali, the cousin.

Yet for Shiahs, Abubaker was an usurper after a successful coup, and to them, Ali was the legitimate successor. So in a rightly guided khalifate, Abubaker was elected by consensus, and his successors; Umaru and Uthman were selected in an indirect election or a form of Electoral College and Ali was declared Khalifa after the assassination of his predecessor Uthman.

But even Africa and especially in the Great Lakes Region, in the Kingdom of Buganda, Kabakas don’t anoint successors although they may recommend and it is upon the Lukiiko to elect a Kabaka. Thus Kintu did not anoint one of his sons, Chwa l, as his successor neither Chwa did he anoint his grandson, Kimera, who was imported from Kibulala in Singo then in Bunyoro. Under Buganda Agreement of 1900, the Kabaka was elected by Lukiiko from descendents of Kabaka Mukaabya Walugembe Muteesa l. So in kiganda tradition, there is no Crown Prince, as it is the case in the West.

After declaring a Move to the Left strategy, UPC Annual Delegates Conference held at Lugogo Indoor Stadium in 1969 resolved to ban all opposition parties and UPC became the sole party. In 1970, in a National Executive Council that was held in Mbale, a constitutional amendment was adopted where the President of the ruling party, would automatically become the president of Uganda without passing through a universal adulthood suffrage.

Another change was for transitional purposes, in case a President dies, resigns or is removed, there would be a secret box where a name of a High Court judge recommended by the President, would be in charge, until new elections are held. According to the late Gen. Idi Amin Dada, who doubled as Chief of Defence Forces and Army Chief of Staff, Obote was considering to recommend his cousin, Akena Adoko, Director of General Service Unit, whom he was soon to appoint a High Court judge.

In order to avoid all that, the President of Uganda should remain directly elected by the people of Uganda as it has been the case since 1996, and provision in Odoki Draft, for a running mate as a Vice President, which was rejected by Constituent Assembly, should be restored, so that if the President dies, resigns or is impeached, the Vice President completes the term without going into a bye election.

The Sempebwa Report, which also recommended for restoration of regional governments, and this was entrenched in the constitution in 2005, be operationalized as a quasi-federal, as it is the case in Kenya, South Africa and United Kingdom.

Writer is the administrative secretary of the NRM Buganda Regional Task Force

But then this is a country that has failed to respect the process of Universal Adult Suffrage. Okubba obululu kufuuse nga kwabaana abato abazanya jangu onkwekule. It gets worse when some of the leaders go for a deadly national protracted civil war when they loose elections. The rigging and commercialising of elections in Africa seems to go on as a normal successful election. What of changing the constitution after every change of a leader in the country?

Who exactly had lost his freedom on the continent of Africa so that this African leader could liberate him:

By Andrew Mwenda

February 6, 2017

There is something about Besigye (right) that rubs Museveni (left) the wrong way.

On the occasion marking 31 years in power, President Yoweri Museveni told the nation that he is not a servant of the people but a freedom fighter who works for himself and his beliefs. This let loose the dogs of social media war. But the debate focused on the message and the messenger but not the purpose. It seems to me Museveni intended his message as presented. We can speculate about whom (or even what) he had in mind when he made that statement. But it shows the dangers of speaking off script especially when the target of your message is not your audience.

Opposition leader Kizza Besigye has always touted the president saying he is a servant of the people. There is something about Besigye that rubs Museveni the wrong way. I would like to think, therefore, that the president’s message could have been intended for Besigye. Many analysts are likely to argue that in the fight against Besigye, Museveni has lost his sense of public relations and thereby handed his critics a rope with which to hang him.

For me, the question is: why does Museveni feel confident to speak like that especially given its political costs? Some may think he feels comfortable because he controls the armed forces. But the miss a point; Museveni has survived in power because he never feels confident in it. He is always willing to make the most extreme political compromises and avoid antagonising even weak social groups in order to protect his position. He strikes me as politically unsure of his support base, a factor that makes him a difficult enemy to beat.

It is, therefore, possible that Museveni had a different intention in mind. He may have wanted to reinforce Besigye’s narrative that he (Museveni) is in power by force of arms, not the will of the people. This means voting in an election is a waste of time. If this was Museveni’s strategy, many voters will be discouraged from going to the polls. Museveni’s best chance at winning is a low voter turnout. Therefore, it works for Museveni to reinforce Besigye’s narrative.

Wrong servant: President Yoweri Museveni’s message to the nation that he is not a servant of the people but a freedom fighter who works for himself and his beliefs should be scrutinised for purpose – and not focus on the message itself or the messenger as has happened on social media.

Many admirers of Museveni and Besigye may never realise that the political fortunes of these two leaders depend largely on each other’s actions. Holding all factors constant, it would be hard for Besigye to gather momentum without Museveni in the race. It would equally be hard for Museveni to rally his base without Besigye as his opponent. This is the main reason why Uganda political landscape is polarised around two axes that are impregnable.

On one side are Museveni and NRM. Over the years, they have graduated into a mature and fairly tolerant political force but equally an extremely corrupt and incoherent one. They are no longer held together by a shared ideology or policy preferences but by power and the social privileges and material rewards that come with it, undergirded by the armed forces. This has made them tolerable but not loved.

On the other hand is the Besigye faction of the FDC. It began in 2000 when Besigye broke away from the NRM as a centrist democratic force initially seeking to bring Ugandans of divergent views around a common purpose of democratic reform. It has transformed into an extremely intolerant radical faction built around the cult-leadership of Besigye. Compared to the NRM, it behaves like a millenarian cult, loved by its base but intolerable to everyone else. It is now a bigger threat to democracy than NRM.

The expired National Resistance Movement system of Governance in Uganda is about to make a come back through the National Local Council Elections:

By Flavia Nassaka

Posted 23 January 2017

Residents of Nsambya Gogonya lining up to vote

If held, Local Council One (LCI) elections would be the biggest political event in the country after the Presidential, Parliamentary, and district elections, but it now appears they will not be held any time soon. The question is why?

Part of the reason appears obvious. There was no Electoral Commission to conduct the elections. Although Museveni in November 2016 appointed a new Electoral Commission after the term of the old one expired, they only got sworn in on Jan. 17.

In the past, the official explanation from the government has also been that it does not have money to conduct the elections. But in December last year, the government changed tune and said instead that the Local Government Act under which the elections would be held needed to be amended.

Following the change of tune, Local Government Minister Tom Butime on Dec. 21, 2016 presented to parliament the Local Governments (Amendment) Bill 2016. Surprisingly, it raised very minor issues on areas such as duration of the campaign and display of voter registers that are almost irrelevant at local village election level.

Instead, its major recommendation was an endorsement in the Local Government (Amendment) Bill, 2014 that provides for lining up behind candidates during elections of chairpersons for village (LC1) and parish (LC2) levels that was passed by parliament on July 24, 2015.

“We are headed for a repeat of 2014,” she said in reference to controversy caused back then by an amendment that provided for voting by lining up behind candidates instead of using the secret ballot.

“It’s the third time in five years that parliament is amending this law,” Nambooze said.

Nambooze says the exercise has failed. She points at various `excuses’, that the village voter registers, which are supposed to be used in the exercise, have never been compiled, and that what she calls viable administrative units are lacking.

“It creates suspicion as to the motive of government on occasioning such delay if it is not deliberate lack of intent,” she said. She accuses the EC of lacking interest to organise the election.

In a Jan. 15 open letter to President Yoweri Museveni, the Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy (CCEDU), protested the government‘s proposal to have the vote by lining up behind their candidate instead of using the secret ballot.

The coalition of some 800 members across Uganda argued that voting by lining behind candidates fails to meet constitutional and international standards for public elections and could foment conflict and discord in communities.

Despite their protests, the amendments and recommendations were on Jan. 10 passed by parliament and voting in LC I will be by lining behind candidates.

Failure ahead?

Submitting a report on the elections to parliament on that day, Raphael Magyezi, the chairman of the Sectoral Committee on Public Service and Local Government said the government needed to give the EC Shs15.9 billion and conduct the elections by March 15.

But in an interview, the EC Spokesperson, Jotham Taremwa, sounded uncertain about when the elections would be held because until Jan.17 they were working without an Electoral Commission.

“There is even no guiding law in place,” he added, “The president has not yet assented to those amendments.”

This effectively means the LC I elections that had been scheduled for Jan, 17 are once again in limbo. The postponement has led many observers to say Museveni and his NRM party `fear’ the LC I elections because they offer an unpredictable test of grassroots popularity between the NRM government and the opposition.

The last LCI elections were held in 2001. Back then, the country was being governed under a de facto one party system called the “Movement System”. The country has since 2005 been under a multi-party system. In 2006 the LC I elections were frustrated by a Constitutional Court ruling on the petition by then opposition member of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Rtd Maj Rubaramira Ruranga, who challenged the legality of the incumbent Local Councils because they were set up under a different governance system. He argued that ushering in the multiparty system, required amending the law.

AS THE POPULAR BLACK USA PRESIDENT BIDS FAREWELL TO HIS SUPPORTERS IN WASHINGTON, THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENT OF UGANDA IN AFRICA IS GETTING READY TO REMOVE AGE LIMITS FOR OLD AGE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES:

January 13, 2017

Written by The observer editorial

As outgoing United States President Barack Obama started his farewell speech in Chicago on Tuesday, the crowd interrupted him with chants of “four more years, four more years...”

His response was, “I can’t do it.”

After eight years in the White House, Obama is still loved by many Americans and could arguably have won a third term had he been eligible to stand for elections. However, according to the American constitution, he can’t do it.

Perhaps if he had been at the helm of an African country, he would have been led by supporters to seriously consider amending the constitution to make it possible for him to stay on, as witnessed at home in 2005, in Rwanda in 2016, in Burundi 2015, and in the Democratic Republic of Congo today.

In Gambia, incumbent president Yahya Jammeh was defeated in elections held last month, but he is still trying to cling on against the wishes of the Gambian people.

To be fair, not every African country is a member of this infamous club. Ghana last weekend unveiled a new leader in Nana Akufo-Addo who defeated incumbent John Dramani Mahama.

Nearer home, Tanzania bestowed on the East African region its newest leader in John Pombe Magufuli a little over a year ago, replacing Jakaya Kikwete who retired after 10 years.

Exactly four years from now, Uganda will be holding elections that the incumbent Yoweri Museveni, who will have ruled for 35 years, will not be eligible to stand for.

It is an opportunity for this country, which has never seen a peaceful change of power, to do what it failed to do in 2005 – to stand by its constitution just as the Americans, Ghanaians and Tanzanians have done, even if that means letting go of a leader that still enjoys significant support.

Good Ugandans expect that when the time comes, President Museveni will have the courage to look in the face of his supporters who will inevitably be chanting “five more years, five more years”, and say to them, “I can’t do it”.

In Uganda, the discarded National Resistance Movement Governance is making a come back. The popular NRM Local village councils became unconstitutional upon the country’s reversion to the multiparty system some years back. These elections have now been re-set for January 2017

FRIDAY NOVEMBER 11 2016

The minister of State for Housing, Dr Chris Baryomunsi

Posted by David Mafabi

UGANDA, KAMPALA:

The government has announced elections for Local Council I and II will finally be held in January 2017 although the Electoral Commission has expressed reservations on its preparedness for the exercise.

The minister of State for Housing, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, revealed this yesterday when he was speaking at the Lands, Housing and Urban Development Joint Sector Review workshop at the President’s Office. The workshop was held to discuss Uganda’s journey to the middle income status and the role of ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development towards realization of this target.

Dr Baryomunsi was responding to remarks by the Uganda Land Commission chairperson, Mr Baguma Isoke, who said Local Council courts as the first courts of land dispute resolution have not legally constituted since 2001.

“I want to respond to Mr Baguma Isoke, that the cabinet and EC are all aware of the President’s directive to hold LCI and LCII elections in January next year and the budget is ready-- about Shs 37 billion far below the one that was suggested to cater for secret ballot-- about Shs550 billion,” said Mr Baryomunsi.

Uganda has not conducted elections for LCI (village) and LCII (parish) for the last 15 years, the last one having been held in 2001 before the country shifted from the one-party Movement system to the multiparty system of governance.

Attempts to hold the elections in 2006 were thwarted following the Constitutional Court ruling on the petition by then opposition member of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Maj Rubaramira Ruranga (retired) who challenged the legality of the incumbent Local Councils following the country’s return to the multiparty political system,He argued that the Local Councils which were elected under the discarded Movement governance became unconstitutional upon the country’s reversion to the multiparty system.

The court upheld his petition and nullified the Local Councils and ordered fresh elections under the multiparty system.

However, due to financial constraints, the government has never held the elections although the Local Councils continued operating illegally to-date. Uganda has 7431 parishes and 57, 842 villages in 1403 sub-counties.

Mr Baryomusi said at yesterday’s workshop that the election of LC officials will be voted by lining up behind the candidates as opposed to the secret ballot system. He said the government preferred the procedure of lining up behind candidates to reduce on the high costs of the secret ballot system.

He explained that government realised that it would be too expensive using secret ballot voting, compared to lining up.

Voting by lining up behind the candidates for Local Council I and II was adopted in 2014 after Parliament overwhelmingly endorsed it during the debating and passing of the Local Government Amendment Bill 2014.

Baryomunsi stated that cabinet and the Electoral Commission (EC) have already pronounced elections will be held in January although they have not yet communicated the date.

However, the EC spokesperson Mr Jotham Taremwa said although a figure of Shs 37 billion has been suggested, they have held several meetings with Parliament and the relevant ministries over the same matter but failed to agree a common position.

“Government wants this money revised down wards which requires several amendments in the law governing these elections and in the event that the amendments have not been, funds have not been sought and there is no programme for the elections at EC, then we need to be advised well,” said Mr Taremwa.

MENGO SHOULD STOP HIDING BEHIND THE NRM UGANDA CONSTITUTION THAT HAS AN INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT OF GOVERNANCE WITH THE COUNTRY OF BUGANDA:

Sunday, May 8, 2016

The dilapidated Palace of the King of Buganda abondoned by the residents since May 1966

BY SPAN

Most Baganda are fed up with Mengo's reluctance to speak out against the #Museven's regime brutality against its people. A larger number of people killed and critically injured are within Buganda but Mengo is busy looking for a Tofali instead of standing up to M7 and rebuke the way the government treats its citizens.

Since the Masiro were burnt down, Mengo has not put pressure on the central government to explain why the investigation has yielded nothing so far as well as Buddo inferno, but the Katikiro is busy telling us that we should forget and accept M7 as the elected president.

Baganda and others living within the Buganda boundaries have paid a heavy price for the last thirty years. What Mengo Has Done For You Lately? We will put pressure on Mengo to get out of bed with dictator Museven.

This regime has made Baganda to be baggers and refugees within Buganda but Mengo is dancing with the wolves. The King from Rwenzori area, got fed up and stood up to Museveni for his people but Mengo is busy asking us "Can we all get along?". Time has come for Mengo to stand up for our people.

The way Mengo came to us asking us to help donate a Tofali, it is our turn to say to Mengo that we need your help. We are dying. Mengo stand up and be counted.

Posted by Nathan Spanwww.faddu.org

President Museveni with a long time incumbency is adivised to stop campaigning:

Written by SULAIMANI MUGULA

Created: 11 January 2016

Mr S. Mugula

Despite having been in the job for many years, General Yoweri Museveni is campaigning with the same gusto as other presidential aspirants.

It is his right to campaign, but when one considers its effect on the economy, Ugandans and the office of the president, Museveni’s campaign is not worth continuing, and should urgently stop.

So far, from the NRM manifesto, to what Museveni has promised on rallies and through the media, it is clear that most of his promises are the same as those he has made since 1986. In eastern Uganda, again he promised the Tirinyi-Pallisa-Kumi road, Tirinyi-Kamonkoli road and Ngora-Serere road.

These roads were promised to the people here 15 years ago. He has made similar promises in Busoga, Luweero, and everywhere. Apart from the stale promises, Museveni has demonstrated that he has little understanding of the needs of Ugandans. For example, to any serious leader, the Kabale-Kisoro road should have been a priority in the 1980s.

This road is not only a gateway to Rwanda and DRC, it is also used by tourists to the Bwindi Impenetrable Forest national park. Tarmacking of this 70-kilometre stretch was only completed a few years ago, and was a shoddy job that involved cases of financial loss. Secondly, in order to ease connection from Kisoro to Kasese/FortPortal, there is a need for a bridge at Butogota.

Instead of prioritising the improvement of roads and bridges here, Museveni upgraded the Kisoro airstrip for reasons only known to him. One wonders how many people here use and can afford air transport. Museveni has been boasting about his achievements in infrastructure, yet little has been done.

For example, statistics show 2,000km of tarmac have been built from 1986 to 2015, yet leaders such as Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia built around 75,000km of tarmac from 1991 to 2012. Moreover, good highways, not the narrow, poorly-surfaced ones built in Uganda!

Surely, facilitation aside, it is an abuse to the people to make them travel long distances just to be given the same old stories/ idioms and promises. The other concern is the effect of Museveni’s campaign on the economy.

From past experience, Museveni is known to conduct lavish and expensive campaigns whose source of funding has never been revealed. This sudden pumping of huge amounts of cash into the economy has always led to biting inflation. Museveni has already poured a lot – from the ‘sole candidate project’ to date.

We should be worried if Museveni continues pouring more cash into the economy, helped by the NRM parliamentary candidates who allegedly receive funding from the party. By December 2015, the economy was already under immense pressure, due to the strong dollar, increased interest rates and electricity tariffs. More pressure from Museveni/NRM cash will send the economy into a dangerous position.

There is also damage to the office of the president. In an attempt to rebrand, Museveni is making many distortions to the history of this country. For example, he has persistently claimed that NRM has been fighting for Ugandans since the 1960s and that NRM liberated Uganda from Idi Amin. Surely, NRM was born in 2005, UPM/NRA in the 1980s. Who was Museveni with in the 1960s?

Politicians such as Ruhakana Rugunda, Kahinda Otafiire, Sam Kutesa and Museveni himself belonged to either DP or UPC during that time. Amin was defeated by the Tanzanian army and resources. And Uganda paid them back. Others like Kikoosi Maalum, the Tito Okellos and Fronasa helped; but Fronasa was not the only one and was not the strongest.

Museveni’s exaggerated peace and security also lacks truth. The insurgency in northern Uganda lasted 20 of his 30 years in power. That makes it 67 per cent wartime.

This scale of physical and psychological devastation cannot turn into happiness so soon. Moreover, northern Uganda never created war; it is the predatory tactics of Museveni/NRA that led to and sustained the insurgency. Actually, it is out of ignorance and desperation, as personified by Jimmy Akena, that some people from this area pretend to support Museveni.

The success as regards electricity is distorted too. Statistics show that electricity access in Uganda is below 20 per cent. For someone who has ruled for 30 years, that is an indictment, not a source of pride.

Lastly, given that all the money in Uganda belongs to Museveni; the army belongs to him; the oil belongs to him; he hunted his animal; he cannot leave power because of a mere piece of paper; it is very clear Museveni will force or buy his way to the presidency.

Why campaign then?

The author is a Ugandan living in South Africa.

The Army, the police and a just-recent-created militia of crime preventers, are planning for a violent Uganda National Election of 18th February 2016:

Written by Deo Walusimbi

Created: 21 December 2015

To the army and police, the prospect of post-election violence looms large next year and the two agencies are mobilizing billions of shillings and thousands of men and women in readiness for any flare-ups, The Observer has learnt.

According to government officials, incidents of violence in the NRM primaries and Col Kizza Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign point to a likelihood of violence after the declaration of results.

The case for planning for a worst-case scenario was made last week by ministers Rose Akol (Internal Affairs), James Baba (state for internal affairs) and General Jeje Odongo (state for defence).

The ministers appeared before parliament’s committee on defence and Internal Affairs on Friday to defend their budgets for the 2016/17 fiscal year. Defending the police’s Shs 527.7bn budget, Akol and Baba told MPs that the force would need an extra Shs 51.1bn to police the aftermath of the 2016 general elections.

NRM supporters taunt Amama Mbabazi’s in Ntungamo recently

The ministers also requested another Shs 37.4bn for training crime preventers. These requests, however, astonished the MPs who demanded justification from the ministers. The ministers’ answers revealed that while government and activists are preaching peace and restraint for the elections, they are preparing for eventualities of violence.

“The experience is that after elections, there is always a spate of violence which normally takes a big chunk of the police budget to contain,” Akol said.

“During that time, every police officer gets out of the barracks and goes to the field to ensure law and order.”

Asked to break down the cash request, Akol said the additional budget of Shs 51.1bn covered “feeding, consumables, fuel, maintenance of vehicles and equipment, training and intelligence gathering.

Minister Baba said the under-fire crime preventers are part of a “new policing strategy.” Their special budget would partly facilitate their training and refreshments during and after elections.

DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN

Speaking to The Observer later, Baba and Odongo painted a clearer picture of the security agencies’ fears for 2016.

“There have been more than 400 rallies by presidential candidates and they have been generally peaceful and smooth apart from Ntungamo where the chaos erupted,” Minister Baba said. “Two, we saw a bit of chaos during the NRM primaries and we just hope that this chaos won’t manifest itself in the main elections.”

“So, as a responsible government, we have to prepare for these contingencies because we don’t want to be caught napping [when the situation worsens],” he added.

Citing Besigye’s ongoing ‘defiance’ campaign, Baba said they were not sure what would happen if Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate, lost to Museveni for a fourth time.

“There is a candidate [Besigye] who is campaigning on defiance saying that he will not abandon defiance even after several warnings.”“So, we have to prepare for that [defiance] but we continue with our peaceful and well-organized campaigns...having it in our minds that we have a responsibility to protect our country as a government,” he said.

Asked why police was going ahead to recruit crime preventers yet MPs insist there is no “legal framework to guide their operations,” Baba said police alone, with about 46,000 officers by election time, cannot adequately man the 23,000 polling stations across the country. On average every polling station should be manned by two police officers.

“So, when you think of what will happen to police stations and communities [during elections], it explains why we need crime preventers for preventing crime and protecting the population,” the minister said.

MPs led by Muwanga Kivumbi (shadow minister for internal affairs) insisted that “crime preventers” had no legal backing to get involved in elections.

The committee will today meet with the sector ministers, Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura and the head of police intelligence. The meeting will discuss the possibility of involving the army instead of crime preventers.

DEFENCE

Odongo, the minister of state for defence, told The Observer in a separate interview that the army could not wait for the situation to spiral out of control like it did in Kenya after the 2007 elections.

“We [the army] are very alert. We have an obligation to protect lives and properties,” he said. “We [army] just can’t accept to be blamed after a bad situation happens here like what happened in Kenya.”

When MPs asked him to shed more light on government’s fears in relation to post-election violence, Odongo said: “...shall we wait until the situation deteriorates?…I will respond to this by indicating to the committee that right now modernity enables us to study the situation and determine actions that we require at whatever time.

“There are two administrative institutions that are operational. One is the joint intelligence committee, which gets all security agencies together to monitor the situation and feeds into the next institution [which is] the joint operation centre which plans…and they have weekly meetings to review and be able to say that we shall respond at point A.”

CRIME PREVENTERS

Interviewed separately for this story on Saturday, Mike Ssebalu, the spokesman for the Museveni election taskforce, said security agencies needed to be alert to threats of violence.

He said there are indicators that some candidates particularly Besigye are “geared” towards inciting “violence.”

“I believe that it [alertness] is perfectly in order because security and stability of Uganda is paramount,” Ssebalu said. “No individual interest should override the stability of the country.”

Ssebalu claimed that Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign signaled a possibility of violence after the elections. However, FDC spokesman Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda said there was no justification for heightened security if the ruling NRM did not plan to steal the election.

“They [security agencies] shouldn’t panic if they don’t have plans to rig elections,” Ssemujju said. “If elections are not rigged, there will be no defiance and if they rig elections, they should prepare for defiance and no amount of money would deter violence.”

Ironically, Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi, a human rights lawyer and political analyst, said government agents were the more likely source of violence.

“That is why you see many crime preventers who will cause violence,” Rwakafuuzi said. “This election is a do-or-die matter for the government. So, if they win, violence might not be there, but if they lose it, crime preventers will cause chaos such that the army intervenes.”

“I want to promise you that our government will open discussions with Buganda on the return of Federo and all other Buganda property when it comes to power,”

Amama Mbabazi said on November 9, 2015. He was addressing a rally at the Masaka Golf Course, at the official kickoff of his 2016 presidential election campaign.

As Museveni’s key legal advisor, Mbabazi was one of the architects of the plan that denied Baganda Federo in the 1995 constitution.

Therefore, I believe it is fair to charge that Mbabazi has discovered Baganda and their causes only because he needs Baganda to get into the highest office in Uganda. He is not the first one to treat Baganda like a candle—only used when it is dark.

One of the readers of TheBugandaWatch, Ssemwanga spoke about some at Mmengo who told Baganda to follow Obote in the early 1960’s. Some got positions as ministers in his government but that did not stop Obote from destroying Mengo and exilingSsekabaka Muteesa II. It had all started with the UPC/KY alliance (similar to the current GoForward/DP alliance) Obote urged with the help of those at Mengo who knew that he hated Baganda but looked the other way, telling Baganda to follow him because he had visited Muteesa II, at Mmengo, clad in a kanzu.

Mbabazi donned a kanzu at the Buganda Masaza Football finals game, at Mandela Stadium. He tried, but failed, to place himself near Kabaka Mutebi for a photo opportunity (standing toe-to-toe with His Majesty and shaking his hand like friends). But, alas, this was not to be. Mbabazi arrived too late to be seated where he could get to Kabaka Mutebi as planned.

At the Thanksgiving prayer service for Apollo Nelson Makubuya’s appointment as 3rd Deputy Katikkiro of Buganda, Mr. Mbabazi was in attendance and, yes, in some sort of a kanzu.

But what if I am wrong to think that Mbabazi is simply using Baganda to assure his political fortunes? Many people are shaken awake by a sacking—they realize that a former master is unethical as they search their souls over what they did for that master. Maybe Mbabazi discovered after Museveni sacked him in September 2014 that Museveni was mistreating Baganda. It got me asking myself about the evidence.

So, I conducted a quick, unscientific survey of internet news outlets. I searched for reports that quoted Mr. Mbabazi commenting on various topics. I was trying to see whether he had mentioned the words “Buganda,” “Baganda,” or “Kabaka,” to see whether he began paying attention to Baganda causes immediately after leaving the NRM government.

I stopped at 30 reports, because the story kept repeating itself: None of Mbabazi’s quotes in the 30 internet reports I reviewed said anything about Buganda, Baganda, or the Kabaka. His present name for Buganda is “Central Region.” But now he has gone to the Baganda stronghold of Buddu to say he will return Federo and Ebyaffe to Buganda. Mr. Mbabazi’s approach to Buganda seems flat-footed—not clever or imaginative, and uninspired.

To add salt to the wound, I discovered that after living in Buganda for over 40 years, Mbabazi refused to learn speaking Luganda until now (he now has Luganda tutors). He is the only presidential candidate who uses an interpreter during his campaign rallies.

One would have expected Mbabazi to go, first, where it begins for him as a politician: His constituency of Kinkiizi West, in Kanungu District. Imagine how the people of Kinkiizi West, the ones who have sent him to parliament, feel about his choice of places to begin his presidential election campaign. Obviously, Mbabazi does not care about what his people think or feel. He takes the Kinkiizi West vote for granted.

He is also taking the Baganda’s vote for granted, believing that the magic words “Federo” and “Ebyaffe” will deliver Baganda’s votes. He did nothing for Baganda while in the NRM government and said nothing about them and their causes after leaving the NRMgovernment. Then he got in the kanzu habit. And then he went to his rally in Masaka.

In my opinion, before Mengo considers guiding the ordinary Muganda to treat Amama Mbabazi as someone who could be a worthy presidential candidate in the 2016 elections, Mengo should do an even more detailed analysis than the one I did and take a stand on this issue based on reasoning and not personal interest,emotion or desperation.

Mengo owes Baganda a clear explanation why today’s Mbabazi is better for Baganda than the Mbabazi who spent 30 years in the NRM government, ignoring Buganda and its causes while, in numerous instances, playing a central role in the planning and implementation of laws and policies that damaged Buganda.

Mr Besigye of the Uganda Opposition political parties says that Change won't come to the silent:

Written by URN

Last Updated: 10 November 2015

Forum for Democratic Change presidential candidate, Kizza Besigye says Ugandans must work on their attitude if they are to see change in the country.

Besigye who is currently soliciting for votes in the Kigezi sub-region was addressing thousands of FDC supporters at Rukungiri stadium on Monday evening. Besigye says many Ugandans have failed to resist the ill treatment from the police and corrupt leaders, but expect things to improve.

"In getting power, we must first be confident that the country belongs to us. We should do away with fear. When you go to voting without power, it will be a matter of wasting time.

Take an example of Erias Lukwago who is here, he was voted into office by the people of Kampala but he is not in office. He should have been thrown out of the office by the same people who voted him in and not the government. But this has taken place because the people who put him in office have no authority and power. We shall only achieve this when we work together".

Kizza Besigye addressing supporters in Rukungiri

Besigye told supporters that FDC will start with the sale of the presidential jet once they are elected into office.

FDC president Gen Mugisha Muntu who was also present at the rally revealed that he is worried about Ugandans who are yet to realize the wrong actions of the ruling National Resistance Movement party and continue to support it.

Aruu MP, Odonga Otto told the crowd that this was the time for change.

"For us this is not a picnic, this is not a laughing matter. This is time for change. And by the grace of God we shall make it. And those who don’t want change may death strike by lightening", Otto said.

Besigye had arrived at the venue about four hours late after being delayed by heavy traffic jam. Besigye was welcomed by his supporters from Rukungiri road junction in Ntungamo town, and escorted him up to his home district of Rukungiri. On Tuesday, Besigye is expected to hold a rally in Ntungamo district at Kyamate playground.

Nb.

One cannot blame the mandate of Uganda to be naive when the leadership are collecting democratic votes from them and selling them over to the best bidder. That is the politician with the largest amount of money in the country!

How Mr Museveni nearly quit his political party (NRM) and Mr Mbabazi(Secretary General) did not support it:

Friday, 28 June 2013 08:27

By Haggai Matsiko

An Election Case haunts an African President’s political party in Uganda:

On Friday October 22, 2010, President Yoweri Museveni held a heated meeting at State House, Entebbe, with a little-known former aide of his, Capt. Daudi Ruhinda Maguru. Present at the meeting was Adolf Mwesige, who was then-minister in the Prime Minister’s office and NRM legal representative.

Museveni and Mwesige were upset that just days to the November 25, 2010 date set for nominations for presidential candidates in the February 2011 elections, Capt. Maguru (retired) was insisting on a case he had filed in the High Court challenging Museveni’s election as NRM chairman and party flag-bearer.

The stakes were high because Museveni risked missing the nominations if Maguru’s case was not resolved. Although this was the fourth meeting, Maguru appeared adamant.

Maguru,” Museveni said furiously at that meeting, “If you insist, I am going to run independently and see what you will do with the party.” Museveni told Maguru that he had already instructed his assistant to pick nomination forms to run as an independent.

Maguru composed himself and counseled his former boss.

“Mzee, you don’t have to quit the party,” Maguru argued, “once you resolve these issues you will contest on a ticket of a much stronger party.”

These meeting had been going on for some time. One of them lasted until 1:00 am. In all the trips to State House, Mwesige was the one chauffeuring Maguru and then-minister for Security, Amama Mbabazi, who was also the NRM Secretary General, had been in earlier meeting but was not in this one because of a confrontation with Capt. Maguru.

“You have to withdraw that suit,” Mbabazi had reportedly ordered Maguru in the first meeting. Annoyed by the SG’s arrogance, Maguru reportedly left the meeting threatening to go ahead with the suit for it to be judged on its merit. Our sources who are familiar with the case say Maguru felt Mbabazi was still treating him as an aide that he once was.

Maguru had been aide to Museveni, Mbabazi, when he was Minister of Security and the President’s brother, Gen. Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh, when he was both a Defence Advisor and a Minister of Microfinance. Museveni sensed that Mbabazi’s presence could jeopardise the delicate negotiations and did not have him in the last meeting.

Finally, Museveni cooled down and agreed to his former bodyguard’s terms, which included holding elections for disputed party position within ten months after the 2011 elections.

Indeed three days after that meeting, on October 25, President Museveni, the NRM party entered a consent judgment at the High Court with Capt. Maguru. President Museveni agreed to the five conditions set by Maguru, including a pledge to pay him Shs70 million in costs for the suit.

Maguru and his lawyers Rwakafuzi & Co. Advocates signed on one hand and Adolph Mwesige, as the NRM Legal Committee and Ntambirweki Kandeebe as the NRM lawyer on the other. On November 25, 2010, Capt. Maguru withdrew the case from the High Court and Museveni was nominated as NRM flag-bearer the same day.

But now it has emerged that Museveni and the NRM party refused to honour the terms of the consent judgment with Capt. Maguru and countersued him instead.

The Independent has learnt from inside sources, however, something that might lead to the winding up of the NRM, at least going by a ruling that court clerks are still typing.

Apparently, our sources say, Justice Eldad Mwangutsya has thrown out a petition by NRM lawyers, which sought to quash the consent judgment that Maguru had reached with President Museveni.

The elated Maguru told The Independent: “Now that the suit by the NRM lawyers has been thrown out, we want the High Court to wind up the party. Once that is done, the NRM will cease to be a body corporate and by extension a legal government. It is a constitutional crisis but it is inevitable if we want a better organised government.”

A former Kadogo (Child soldier), Maguru was one of the many child soldiers in the National Resistance Army (NRA), having joined the rebel group in 1983 at age 17. He benefited from the army policy to send back to school the child soldiers and graduated with a law diploma in 1987 and enrolled for a degree before becoming a High Court advocate in 1998.

He would retire from the army in 2005 after attaining a Masters in Economic Policy still at Makerere University.

On April 22, 2010, Capt, Maguru had written to President Museveni alerting him that he had already drafted his campaign manifesto and would be contesting against him as party chairman and party flag-bearer.

When he announced his candidature at the party’s national conference, senior party members laughed him off as some obscure former presidential aide looking to bask in the limelight. When he went ahead and was frustrated, he sued.

Anyone who has been following this case for the last two years will know that Justice Mwangutsya’s ruling could be just another milestone and not the end of it. But at the centre of the contention is the challenge of fulfilling the conditions that Capt. Maguru has placed on Museveni and the NRM.

In the consent judgment of November 25, 2010, Museveni agreed to setting up 10-person team to settle a dispute that had erupted over the election of Museveni as the NRM flag-bearer in the 2011 election.

When the NRM National Conference was held at Namboole on September 11-12, 2010 to elect office bearers and the party presidential flag-bearer in the 2011 election, Capt. Maguru contends he was duly nominated to contest against Museveni.

He contends, however, that instead of holding party elections, the 22-member party’s top governing body, Central Executive Committee (CEC) met behind closed doors and emerged to announce to members that it had unanimously nominated Museveni as flag bearer.

Capt. Maguru says this was illegal because the NRM flag bearer, according to the party manifesto, is supposed to be chosen by the party’s National Delegates Conference.

By adopting the CEC’s decision, Maguru argued, the NRM’s electoral commission had committed an illegality. That is why he sued Museveni and they decided to settle the matter in a consent judgment.

At stake for President Museveni and the NRM was failure to be nominated by the national Electoral Commission if Maguru’s suit went through.

The only other option was for the NRM to reconvene the party national conference and hold fresh elections. This was deemed costly and was time-barred as nominations loomed. But there was also the issue of President Museveni being challenged by a little-known former aide who had retired from the army at a rank of captain.

The outcome of such a contest appears obvious but could not be predicted with mathematical certainty. The senior party members in the CEC could not countenance it.

Capt. Maguru had picked his opportunity to shine quite well; he would be the first to stand against revolutionary leader Museveni within the NRM. Others like former Minister, Felix Okot Ogong had attempted at the 2005 party delegates conference and failed squarely.

To prevent such a situation, Museveni had directed Mwesigee to reach out to Maguru and then-Principal Judge Justice Ogoola had also asked the two parties to first consider an out of court settlement.

As part of this settlement, Museveni acknowledged that in choosing him as the party flag bearer, the constitution had not been followed and that a ten member team would be formed to right this by consensus.

The party, Museveni pledged, would devise options to put in place an electoral commission that is competent, independent and free from manipulation. Museveni would also pay Maguru and his lawyers, Rwakafuzi & Co. Advocates the Shs70 million in legal costs.

Among the five conditions of the consent judgment, Museveni also agreed to convene an extra-ordinary party National Conference at which among others a new party leadership would be elected within ten months.

The ten months ended on December 18 2011 but to date none of the conditions of the judgment has ever been fulfilled. Not even the Shs 70 million has ever been paid.

Yet, on October 27, 2010, Mwesigye on a National Resistance Movement Legal Committee headed paper wrote to the President advising him to meet the fees.

“…The purpose of this letter is to advise you that you authorise the release of the money to Capt. Maguru,” Mwesige wrote.

He would follow this letter with another one on September 01, 2011 to the president’s Principal Private Secretary about the same matter. Still, nothing came through.

Mbabazi goes to work

Instead, when on November 21, 2011, Maguru’s lawyer contacted Mbabazi notifying him about their intention to have the High Court wind up the party for failing to abide by the legal obligations of the consent judgment, Mbabazi’s legal machinery went to work.

On March 12, 2012, Denis Namara, the Chairman of the NRM’s Youth League, also a member of its Central Executive Committee took Capt. Maguru to court. But it wasn't just Maguru he was suing. In a surprise move, Mwesige too was sued.

Namara contended that: “…the respondents (Maguru and Mwesige) filed a Consent Judgment whereby they entered into an arrangement which tantamount to a total blackmail of our party into unrealistic pre-conditions and/ or parameters that would push our party into Limbo, if they are implemented”.

Namara who wanted the High Court to nullify the Consent Judgment, was represented by Mugisha & Co. Advocate and Bakiza & Co. Advocates, and Severino Twinobusingye.

Particularly, Namara, accused Maguru of intentionally wooing Mwesige into signing the impugned consent judgment. They also accused Maguru of colluding with Mwesige knowing that the latter was not a principal signatory of the party and did not have the authority to bind the party to the judgment.

Namara’s lawyers also accused Mwesige of fraud, irregularity and misrepresentation. They argued that Mwesige signed the Consent Judgment as the chairman of the NRM Legal Committee yet there is no such organ in the party structures.

They added that Mwesige signed the Consent Judgment willfully acting in bad faith without express or tacit approval or authority of the party knowing that such approval was a pre-requisite.

They added that by committing the NRM to conditions in the judgement, Mwesige was acting willfully and knowingly with ill-intentions of bringing the party down.

The lawyers wanted Maguru and Mwesige to pay general damages and costs of the suit plus interest on losing the case.

Sources told The Independent that Mwesige was extremely upset by the party’s move. In essence President Museveni, had used him and now he was being labeled a fraudster.

How could they [lawyers] accuse him of fraud when it is President Museveni who had initiated the talks with Maguru and even participated in writing the terms of the consent judgment?

The lawyers were, no doubt, working on instructions of the NRM top leadership since Namara, as chairman of the NRM Youth League, was in the CEC that kicked out Capt. Maguru’s nomination.

His lawyers, Mugisha, Bakiza and Severino are the ones behind the NRM’s constitutional court challenging the legality of the ruling by Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga that the four MPs who were expelled from the party retain their seats.

Mugisha was the lead lawyer in the case in which Severino Twinobusingye slapped against the Attorney General for challenging Amama Mbabazi in the oil saga case and was awarded Shs13 billion.

Case thrown out

The Independent has learnt that about two weeks ago, Justice Mwangutsya quashed Namara’s application.

A source familiar with the litigation and spoke to The Independent on condition of anonymity says that for Museveni to go to such lengths to block a challenger and, when cornered, agree to terms but turn around and attempt to wiggle out of them, speaks volumes.

“It sets a dangerous precedent for a party that is struggling with internal dissent over Museveni’s nearly three decade rule and transition from it,” the source said.

The case also exposes Museveni’s determination to impose his will at a time when he is seeking to expel from the party members that have been accused of going against the party rules.

This case is a test for President Museveni and how he will deal with those that seek to challenge him come fresh party polls.

Already, his former Vice President, Gilbert Bukenya has announced he would stand against Museveni. Mbabazi has also long fought potential contenders like Bukenya, Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga and is said to eye the party leadership.

Bukenya also declared that should he be frustrated at the party polls, he will run independently.

Maguru told The Independent that he feels more energized and plans to have the NRM and in effect Museveni’s government, wound up. Perhaps he is being too ambitious but he argues that once this happens, he will contest in the next NRM party primaries as party president and kick Museveni out of presidency.

“No amount of threats, no amount of bribes can diminish my resolve to pursue this matter to its logical conclusion,” Maguru says, “No matter how long it will take because I want to see sanity return in this country.”

Real democratic Problems along the road to the National Election of 2016 in Uganda:

The former Colonial House of the Uganda Governor of the British Empire that is at stake

By Solomon Arinaitwe

Posted Sunday, March 29 2015

With less than 12 months to go before Ugandans head to the polls, a report by the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) was the latest in grim assessments warning that the elections may not be free and fair with a high possibility of the contest taking a violent turn.

In an honest self-assessment, the government rights watchdog agency chronicled a litany of troubles that it warned will push the election to the precipice-ranging from the delay in passing of electoral reforms, restrictive laws, and monetisation of politics and, perhaps most critically, to the uncertainty over how the voters register will be compiled.

The European Union quickly gave a nod of approval to the report.Key among the critical issues raised regards a controversial plan by the Electoral Commission (EC) to use data compiled under the national ID project to compile a voters’ register. The report warns that non-Ugandans were registered as citizens during the exercise last year.

When the EC came up with that plan, Opposition parties argued that it contravenes constitutional provisions that stipulate that the EC should independently collect data for compiling a voters’ register. Compiling a voter’s register would require the input of the civil society and political parties-which did not participate in the national ID project.

Rather, the army – with its documented infamous involvement in determining who wins the presidential race – took the lead role in the project.EC spokesman Jotham Taremwa says though they will use national ID data, political parties and civil society should not feel “distanced” because it will carry out a voter’s register where they will be brought on board.

UHRC’s warning that Rwandan and Tanzanians were registered as citizens re-echoed an admission by junior Internal Affairs minister James Baba, who told Parliament in April last year that complexity in citizenship verification was pegging back the project.

Internal Affairs minister Aronda Nyakairima would later shed more light on the difficulties that marred the project ranging from extortion, incompetent enrolment officers, malfunctioning kits to poor storage of equipment upcountry – inadvertently admitting that the compiled data cannot be trusted with computing a voter’s register.

In a telephone interview, Mr Baba insisted the data was “cleaned” and those with grievances can go to court. “I do not have that evidence and I do not believe the UHRC report. We had verification teams that visited the parishes and villages. There will also be further verification and cleaning up of the data. I do not know the basis of the UHRC report,” Mr Baba said.

Asked on the specific cases of registration of non-Ugandans, the minister responded that they could have been cases of citizens by naturalisation.Mr Baba says it will be “discretionary and upon the EC to use the data”.Mr Crispy Kaheru, the coordinator of the Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda, a group that monitored the mass enrolment exercise, says the national ID project should be given a “chance to work”.

The EC, however, should undertake to “rid the register of any wrong, erroneous, and illegitimate entries – the underage, non-citizens, and the dead. But it is also through those processes that voters have a chance to point out any errors, make corrections, and update their voting status,” Mr Kaheru says.

Cleaning up of the voters register is at the centre of the call for electoral reforms – with the delay in tabling the legislations another ominous sign that the report raised a red flag over warning that they could be “affected when it is too late for them to have any meaningful meaning”.

The charge by UHRC re-echoed concerns by the Opposition and civil society groups that the government is buying time in order to table watered-down versions of reform laws at the last minute which would not ensure a level ground.

With the government dragging its feet to table the reforms, the Opposition says it has got wind of a decision that the ruling party will use its vast majority in Parliament to deny a member a chance to take leave of the House to table a private members Bill or even get the required Certificate of Financial Implication.

Attorney General Fred Ruhindi says Cabinet has largely agreed on the “principles” of the Bill but could not commit to a specific timeline on when they will be tabled for First Reading.“The proposed amendments of the Constitution will not affect the Electoral Commission in the discharge of its functions. Last week, Cabinet passed the principles of the proposed amendments. There is a draft Constitutional Amendment Bill (CAB) right now. Within the shortest time possible, the CAB will be tabled,” Mr Ruhindi said.

With Parliament set to break off for Easter and resuming to handle the Budget process, before heading for recess, the government is clearly running out of time.Another worrying trend the report chronicled was the money that is exchanging hands in the run-up to the elections. “Reports indicate that some political actors are already using money in positioning themselves for the 2016 elections- a situation likely to get worse during the campaign if not checked,” the report reads.

Though the report fell short of pointing fingers, money has been a constant feature in the quarrels within the National Resistance Movement that were largely triggered by a February 2013 parliamentary caucus resolution that endorsed President Museveni as the party’s sole candidate for the presidential contest.

Dr Fred Muhumuza, a former adviser at the Finance ministry and now senior manager at KPMG Uganda, warns that such money flows cause “distortion, inflation and anxiety”.“One of the reasons money causes anxiety is when it is distributed in a non-conventional way. Even people who have received will be asking why they have received Shs60 or 70 and those who have not received will be asking why! It brings a dirty game and there can be a backlash,” Dr Muhumuza says.

Opposition parties have also not been amused by supplementary budgets tabled by the government in the run-up to elections. In the run-up to the 2011 elections, the government tabled a Shs600b request, with a big chunk of the cash going to agencies directly linked to the presidency like Defence, State House and police. Government has already tabled a supplementary request of Shs800m.

Bank of Uganda governor Tumusiime Mutebile last year conceded that he was misled into funding the 2011 polls – effectively disrupting the economy with inflation rising to a record 30 per cent triggering the walk-to-work protests.

Mr Mutebile revealed that Bank of Uganda has suspended printing of money during elections, fearing such money would end up facilitating political campaigns.Another permanent bone of contention during elections is the police with accusations, vindicated by several court rulings that the Force is a biased enforcer inclined towards the government.

The government rights watchdog puts the police on notice over its recruitment of so-called crime preventers, warning that they are “poorly trained yet given powers to do police work”. Official figures on the numbers of crime preventers are unavailable as they are informally and covertly recruited at village level with a target of 30 per village.

But their role, code of conduct and structure remain shrouded in mystery, lending credence to the suggestion of Mr David Pulkol, the former director of the External Security Organisation, that they are an extension of the Chaka Mchaka programme, a para-military course introduced by the NRA in the early 90s. Though the programme ought to have been disbanded with the 2005 switch to the multi-party system, it remains a critical mobilisation and propaganda programme of the ruling party.

Mr Pulkol, now a UPC politician planning a possible presidential bid, says: “The State has become repressive and the police has become that ugly face of the regime. The main strength of the regime is the police which are the first call whenever the regime faces a political question. It is a more naked brute force. This has radicalised the population.”

Uncertainty over the creation of new constituencies is another grey area that the report pointed to. Mr Museveni has indicated that the government has not put a freeze on the creation of new constituencies even as the EC should have mapped and re-organised polling stations by March.

Polling stations with a voter population of more than 900 voters shall be split into two or more polling stations, according to guidelines of the Electoral Commission. A parliamentary committee will this week table a report on the creation of new districts and constituencies.

The UHRC report also referred to restrictive laws. Public Order Management Act was controversially passed by Parliament last year. The legislations put tough measures on public gatherings in the country.

Failure to register inmates, effectively denying them the right to vote, was also pointed out. With more than 43,000 prisoners, all of voting population, according to prisons spokesperson Frank Baine, a critical mass is denied a chance to vote.Quoting a Canada Supreme court ruling, the commission accused the government of punching holes in its function as the real representative of all Ugandans.

“A government that restricts the franchise to select a portion of citizens is a government that weakens its ability to function as the legitimate representative of the excluded citizen, jeopardises its claim to representative democracy, and erodes the basis of its right to convict and punish law breakers” the report notes.

The unemployed youth problem

“Uganda’s vast unemployed youth if not well handled could be exploited by different political parties to engage in violence,” the report says. Uganda’s youth unemployment is at more than 80 per cent.

And that warning has evidence to bare it out as several youth groups have already sprung up, claiming allegiances to different political actors. From the National Association of the Unemployed Youth, the Jobless Brotherhood, and the NRM Poor Youth to the Pro-Mbabazi Poor Youth, the youth have been quick to conglomerate into loose groupings. These groups have clashed with each other and also with the security agencies.

These youth groups, majority making their debuts on the ballot and sugared with cash are “willing to go an extra mile to ensure that their candidates win,” according to Mr Ahmed Hadji, the chairperson of the Youth Coalition on Electoral Democracy.

“The terrain has been tailored to show that it is the youth who will deliver the vote. There is going to be a lot of scuffle. I cannot rule out the fact that there are those who are willing to go an extra mile for dying for their candidates.”

The Two famous surviving NRM historicals are now against M7:

Museveni is now pushing Amama and Besigye together so that he can win them in a National Democratic Election of 2016:

By Timothy Kalyegira

Posted Sunday, August 2 2015

KAMPALA.

As has been expected, President Museveni on Friday afternoon arrived at the NRM party headquarters at Kyadondo Road in Kampala to pick up forms for his nomination to head the NRM for another five-year term and also seek the party nomination as its presidential candidate for the 2016 general election.

Straightforward dayOn the face of it, this should have been a straightforward day: Museveni, the undisputed leader of the NRM since 1981, gets another walkover shot at the party chairmanship and the next general election.

Mbabazi, perhaps one of the most serious challengers to Museveni since 1981, at the last minute drops out of contention for the party’s primaries, leaving Museveni the only candidate and the rest is the usual story since 1986. However, as it was with the declaration of the “sole candidate” at the Kyankwanzi leadership institute in February 2014 and the time since, this story of the rivalry between Museveni and Mbabazi is still not over.

Both NRM camps know itThe first event, President’s nomination was the most familiar and routine and so was not really news except that the media must report events at that presidential level.

The second event, Mbabazi’s withdraw from the NRM contest and with that, mark the start of his departure from the NRM of which he was such an integral and important part for three and a half decades, was the more significant event.It is the one the media and the political class will be watching with the keenest interest.

The 5pm news on UBC radio, the state-owned radio formerly known as Radio Uganda, reported the news of Museveni picking up nomination forms but did not mention Mbabazi at all. The sections of the media that know what is going on, though, mentioned Mbabazi.

Wrote Arinaitwe Rugyendo of the Red Pepper on the social media network Twitter on Friday: “As [Amama] Mbabazi goes solo, the Mbabazi-Besigye plot is to force a rerun in 2016, then mount a united front under The Democratic Alliance umbrella.”The political and media analyst Charles Rwomushana commented on the social media network Facebook, also on Friday:

“Amama Mbabazi appears to be on the highway to run as an independent candidate. He will have officially left [the] NRM. That will be the first decisive step to split NRM. We will now have the NRM Banyama (meat eaters) and the NRM Babooga (grass eaters). But this time we Babooga are tired of being eaten by Banyama.”

Rwomushana, who is one of the best-informed analysts in the country regarding the current split within the NRM, was hinting here that the decision by Mbabazi to drop his bid for the party leadership, far from diffusing the tensions within the NRM, will actually lead to the final, public split of the party.When the NRM retreat to Kyankwanzi came to an end in mid February 2014, it seemed to have settled all questions about the party’s leadership.

Even the man at the centre of the controversy and rumours, Amama Mbabazi, penned his signature to the resolution along with 201 other NRM cadres to endorse Museveni as the party’s sole candidate for 2016.

Next few weeksThat is the same way it will be over the next few weeks. After what appeared like an easy ride to the picking up of nomination forms for Museveni, the news and political discussion will soon return to Mbabazi and what he plans next.

In his statement, Mbabazi said: “The fact of the matter is NRM has sought to obstruct my intentions completely. The party’s pressuring of the national Electoral Commission (EC) was evident in the EC’s attempt to renege on their initial position regarding my consultations by requesting me to ‘harmonise’ my schedule with the party.”

“Similarly, the use of some elements of the police in internal party affairs is indicative of the extent to which the top party leadership is willing to go in order to stop me from contesting. Even the rules and regulations, full of all sorts of snares and illegalities, were obviously created with my candidacy in mind.”

It was the first time that Mbabazi, who has until now been polite and complimentary to President Museveni, directly criticised Museveni and accused him of acting in bad faith.The statement continued, with a significant mention of FDC presidential aspirant Kizza Besigye:

“But this obstruction is not the only unlawful thing that has taken place. The arrests, torture and in some cases near week-long disappearances of my supporters, as well as the arrest of Dr Kizza Besigye, are an obscene violation of the basic human rights guaranteed by our Constitution.”

“The arrest of my daughter, as well as my own, was simply illegitimate and only served to illuminate the lawless forces at work in this nation; the lawless forces whose intentions we, united and strong, will defeat.”

There has been much speculation that eventually there will have to be a form of alliance with Besigye if Mbabazi hopes to achieve national strength and present a truly serious challenge to Museveni.

As the Sunday Monitor recently argued, Mbabazi is still viewed by many as the ultimate NRM insider and will need to connect more personally with ordinary Ugandans to give his presidential bid a chance.

This is the position Besigye was in back in 2000 when he started his first presidential bid. A former National Political Commissar and personal doctor to President Museveni, some felt he was a decoy created by Museveni.

The decisive breakthrough for Besigye came when the former Kampala Mayor Nasser Sebaggala joined forces with Besigye and urged his supporters to throw their weight behind Besigye, with that statement “Seeya alagidde!” (Seeya, or Sebaggala has directed).

Even after “Seeya” backslid politically and lost his legitimacy with the masses, they stuck with Besigye.In the same way, a statement to the effect “Besigye alagidde!” would be what it takes to swing the common man’s allegiance to Mbabazi, depending on what deal the two men manage to strike.

Last week brought a reminder of Besigye’s enduring popularity with the ordinary people. In tours of western Uganda, large crowds turned out to greet and listen to him. More remarkably, the crowds wherever Besigye would go initiated their own spontaneous fundraising for his campaign, dropping money into cardboard boxes, one thousand here,five hundred there, two thousand here.

It speaks of a high degree of motivation and determination for the Ugandan population in the impoverished countryside to actually raise money, of their own volition, for a candidate rather than the normal recent practice of waiting for soap, sugar and T-shirts from the candidates.Besigye has to be a key factor in any future Mbabazi calculation.There is so much going on between the Museveni and Mbabazi camps.

The last sentence of Mbabazi’s statement quoted above, was also significant. Mbabazi has until now spoken politely about the NRM, praising its contribution to restoring freedom to Uganda and years of the “dark days” of the past and proud of his role in the anti-Amin and anti-Obote struggles of the 1970s and 1980s.

Suddenly, we see Mbabazi in this most recent statement come up with a new view. The NRM, he seems to be saying, has degenerated to a government that blatantly violates human rights and is being run by “lawless forces” whose intentions, he declares, he “will defeat.”

It is the kind of statement that Fronasa and the NRA used to justify their decision to take up an armed struggle. He is now talking, no longer as just another politician seeking the presidency. He is now back to using freedom fighter Fronasa language, about taking on and defeating “lawless forces”, or what Museveni terms “bad leaders”.

For Mbabazi not to simply stop at mentioning his own arrest on July 9 as he attempted to travel to Mbale but also to condemn the arrest of Besigye in the same sentence was a skilful move.It will have the effect of underscoring the message that this is not just about Mbabazi’s own personal ambition, but that he sees Uganda in danger of being destroyed by “lawless forces” against which all reasonable Ugandans, including Besigye and other leaders from the Opposition, should join hands.

Independent candidateWe can expect that Mbabazi, now running or hoping to run as an independent candidate, to start speaking beyond the NRM and beyond his personal ambition and appealing, in the same way UPC’s Olara Otunnu did in 2010 and early 2011, to the formation of a mass movement and national effort to address the “lawless forces” that threaten to wreck the country.

In this new role as a neo-Fronasa leader, Mbabazi will seek to project himself as the new liberator of Uganda from the “fascist” tendencies that his wife Jacqueline described as dominating the NRM party in that Sunday Monitor interview shortly after the Kyankwanzi meeting.

All said and done, the twists and turns of this Museveni-Mbabazi saga are about to get even more bewildering and at a later stage, will start becoming scary, as the two camps and their leaders revert to their old Fronasa and NRA mindset and tactics of intelligence operations and covert political action.

President Museveni and Mbabazi know each other well and know what methods each can use and has used in the past to achieve their political objectives. In their hour of crisis and desperation, they will use the tried and tested methods that brought Fronasa and the NRA/NRM victory.

In other words, Ugandans can expect very tense weeks and months ahead as the two NRM camps get into intelligence war.

VOTE RIGGING: OPPOSITION CALL FOR VIGILANTES during the Ugandan National Election of 2011:

MASAKA CITY IN THE STATE OF BUGANDA:

Uganda’s leading opposition figure Dr Kizza Besigye has asked Ugandans to form vigilante committees as a strategy to tackle vote rigging, and help rid the country of bad governance.

‘’We can use vigilante committees at grassroots as the only way to fight acts of vote-rigging and violence ahead of the 2016 general elections,’’ Dr Besigye said.

The former FDC leader was addressing a rally at Nyendo Public School in Masaka during the on-going countrywide consultative meetings by opposition figures with citizens on the electoral processes ahead of 2016 presidential elections.

As they chanted opposition and their political parties’ slogans, they vowed to use all legal means possible to take over power from President Museveni’s government.

Security was tight in Nyendo, the gateway to Masaka Municipality, as opposition leaders and civil society members arrived to seek views of citizens ahead of 2016 general elections. Thorough checks were carried out at the entrance.

RIGGING OF ELECTIONS..... is a major issue or threat to democracy in many countries, preventing genuine progress for the country and its people.

It does not matter how much policing of the electoral procedure, those intent or hungry to grab onto power will always find ways, sometimes sadly involving mass scale brutality and corruptions.

In many struggling third world countries, this is a major issue, preventing election of the right governments, and causing the countries to fall backwards in progress and prosperity.

On Thu, Mar 6, 2014 at 6:25 PM, Robukui .

robukui.1@gmail.com has written thus:

BASIIMA HOUSE AND MUSEVENI'S ELECTORAL COMMISSION.

From the city center along Rubaga Road, at the Rubaga Road/Kabaka Anjagala Road round-about you turn left and follow the Kabaka Anjagala Road heading to the Lubiri. After about 200 metres towards the Lubiri, on the left, stands Basiima House - the one time headquarters of Musevenis Military Intelligence (1986 - 1998) that has since evolved to become the dreaded CMI.

Enclosed in a chain-link fence, the main gate along the Kabaka Anjagala Road was manned by uniformed soldiers 24 hours. The stretch between the gate and the round about on Kabaka Anjagala Road was the spot where some operatives would extort money and other concessions from victims who would have been picked from town with threats that they were being taken to Basiima House for torture. Outside the main gate, on the left was a small parking yard for visitors cars. Inside the main gate on the left was a makeshift structure that was used as a visitors check point and registration center. It was manned by staff from the Counter Intelligence unit. After identifying, scrutinising and registering the visitor, he/she would be led to the main reception. during the time of stay, visitors identification documents would be retained at the gate.

Cash Money dealings in the Majority-elected NRM

Parliament of Uganda

About seven meters from the main gate on the right was the parking yard under the Transport Unit. About 25 meters from the main gate, on the right was a huge storied Buganda kingdom old style building. This structure housed peripheral sections of the intelligence outfit. On the ground floor was the clinic, the reception room, the signal center (radio communication), canteen/army shop, ration/food stores, documents that were salvaged from former Army Headquarters when they were burnt down and the headquarter Administration Office. On the top floor, was the armory/exhibits room, the the SH business Project (DMI ran taxi business, Nile Studio on Bombo Road and shop stalls in the new taxi park), detention rooms, and some other rooms were used by junior staff members for residence.

Straight from the main gate and about 7 meters past that old structure, stood the a modern storied building that housed the main office block that stood overlooking Rubaga Road. With a wide glass door as the main entrance, on the right were stare cases that led to the top floor. In the corridor of the top floor, on the left was Room 14 under counter intelligence used by Sgt Jack Nziza (now a General in Rwanda), next on the left was room 15 used by Patrick Karegeya the then head of Counter Intelligence (went to Rwanda but was recently murdered in S.A). Opposite room 14 was the office of the Secretary to the Deputy DMI and opposite room 15 was the office of the Deputy DMI (formerly used by Paul Kagame when he was the Director of Personnel Administration and Finance). Further into the corridor, on the left was a small VIP reception for DMI and D/DMI visitors. Next on the left was the Registry that was manned by Private James Kabarebe, Ceaser Kaizari and Dan Munyuza among others (later became a generals in Rwanda). Opposite the Registry, on the right was the small office housing a team of research assistants to the DMI. Next on the right side was the office of the secretary to the DMI followed by the office of the DMI. The last office on the left was the one for the Finance Controller (Michael Nkurunziza - now a senior officer in the Rwanda army). At the far end of the corridor was a wide open hall that was used at an operation/war room. It contained maps, sand models etc.

On the ground floor just opposite the glass entrance door, was the switch board. Next to the switch board, on the left of the corridor was room 12 used by the head of criminal investigtions, now Col. Charles Tusiime formerly of VCCU and now with UWA). Opposite this room 12, on the right was room 1 that was also used by staff of criminal investigation. Next to room 12, on the right was room 11 used by a group of Advocates that included now Brig James Mugira. Later, the other lawyers were relocated to the Military Police in Makindye to serve under Special Investigations Bureau (SIB). Next to room 11, on the left was room 2 that housed staff under counter intelligence. Next, on the left was the Library that was manned by a university graduate and charged with analysing all the newspaper political articles of interest and timely feeding them to the heads of departments. It also had a lot of literature from the soviet union, Libya and Cuba. Next to the library, on the left was the office of the ADC to the Director of Combat Intelligence.

Next, on the left was the office of the Director Combat Intelligence (John Kasaija was the longest serving). Last on the left, was the information centre charged with monitoring Police communication within Kampala using a specialised radio that would intercept all police and and other VHF radio communications. Last on the left was the office of the Technical Department manned by Engineer Michael Bossa. This unit was responsible for technical means of intelligence gathering. This office was partitioned with ply wood to create room for Paul Kagame when he was axed from the top floor and left redundant shortly before he went for a military course in the USA around 1989/90. Outside the main office block, about 25 meters apart and separated by a chain link fence were three dilapidated flats housing some staff members and their families. Next to the three flats were another two dilapidated unfinished structures used for the same purpose. From these structures, was a small staff gate that led to the Road from Nakivubo through Kisenyi and joining Rubaga Road.

Around 1998, DMI handed over the premisses to the Buganda kingdom and it shifted to Kitante courts under Brig Henry Tumukunde after it was baptised CMI. Around Mulago round about on Kiira Road from Kamyokya, you turn left and and follow yusuf Lule Road. After about one hundred meters on the left opposite the ministry of health was an entrance to the dreaded CMI. From the main entrance, on the left was the main storied building that housed different sections of the outfit. It is in this building that the late Manenero met his death under the hands of then Capt Herbert Makanga. About 15 meters apart, was another storied building that housed the canteen, reception, switch board and some offices on the top floor. About 10 metres apart, was a small storied building that housed the office of the CMI on the top floor and his deputy on the ground floor. From the main gate on the Right was another building that was used at the torture chamber and below it was the communication center. Opposite the Mulago Nurses hostel along Kiira Road, was a small gate used by staff members only. From this small gate on the left were staff quarters composed of blocks and uniports. Among the blocks was a detention facility.

ELECTORAL COMMISSION

Both DMI at Basiima House and CMI at Kitante courts, used letter heads that read Directorate of Military Intelligence and Security, Basiima House.Therefore, one would be right to assert that even when housed at Kitante courts, Musevenis military intelligence continued to be identified Basiima House. Military intelligence plays leading role in the electoral process in Uganda. Through its countrywide network of intelligence officers, the outfit liases with different players in the Museveni electoral process. During the election period, military intelligence coordinates efforts to harrass, intimidate, double voting by soldiers, doctoring of results, etc. In Kampala, military intelligence operatives are stationed at the electoral commission, different polling centers, police stations (take over Police communication and suppressing elections complaints by the opposition) while dressed in Police uniform and carry out security patrols. Military intelligence vets and gives security clearance to those vying for different levels on NRM ticket. It also compiles profiles opposition candidate with view of assessing their ideological commitment. It also identifies serving army officers whose political clarity (loyalty to Museveni is not clear) and devised means of monitoring and isolating them.

Therefore when exiled Gen Tinyefuza asserts that Museveni ran a parallel Electoral Commission at Basiima House, he is very correct.

Back off from this "false prophet Mbabazi," Gen Kale Kayihura warns youths.

In a recorded conversation between Gen Kale Kayihura and some NRM youths hailing from Buganda, the National Chief Police Officer is heard cautioning them against working for Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi.

In the leaked clip, Kayihura warns the youths that the under-fire Prime Minister would drop them like hot potatoes after achieving his political objectives.

In the conversation which The Observer has listened to, Kayihura draws a comparison between Mbabazi and the biblical false prophets that Jesus warned his followers about.

He said: “Before Jesus comes back, we are told, there will be false prophets. I have never deviated from [President] Museveni’s line. I use the police budget to do my work. I have never used my position for my personal benefit like some people.

We [Mbabazi and I] all draw our power from the president but I use my power to build the Police Force. I want you to ask him as secretary general what he has done to build a strong foundation. So, did the president refuse him to build a foundation for the party?”

Kayihura tells the youths that if chaos broke out as a result of divisions within NRM, Mbabazi and his family “would flee the country”, leaving them alone to suffer.

Sources familiar with the recording have told us that the meeting took place in Gomba district last month.

Around the same time, the police started arresting pro-Mbabazi youths who were collecting signatures intended to force a delegates’ conference that would quash the Kyankwanzi resolution. The resolution adopted overwhelmingly by NRM MPs at their last retreat in Kyankwanzi endorsed President Museveni as the party’s sole candidate.

The latest audio recording could be part of the 87 tapes, which Kayihura claims were stolen from the police recently. A police spokesman, Patrick Onyango, said the tapes contain interviews between Kayihura and several witnesses familiar with an alleged plot to assassinate the police chief.

At the weekend, a senior police detective in the CIID’s department of political crimes was detained on suspicion of leaking the tapes to Jacqueline, the wife of Mbabazi. Jacqueline had promised in an earlier interview with Daily Monitor that she would release to the public a recording of Kayihura coaching youths to frame her family.

Pro-Museveni

In this particular recording that spans one hour, 47 minutes and 17 seconds, Gen Kayihura, speaking in a blend of Luganda and English, sounds more of an NRM and pro-Museveni activist than the impartial Inspector General of Police he is supposed to be.

He sounds deeply concerned that Mbabazi’s political activities might destroy NRM, and possibly endanger the country.

“Don’t you see what is happening there in South Sudan? There is war. Don’t be deceived by Mbabazi. No one in Uganda is going to help you like President Museveni, and I am not saying this because he appointed me to this position. It is important for you to have focus because if you don’t, people will use you as mercenaries,” Kayihura told the youths.

Drawing from his personal bush war experience, he pleaded with the youths to stick with Museveni much as they are not benefitting financially from mobilising for NRM.

“For me to join the bush war it took me sometime. I was abroad doing a master’s degree but I decided that I will have to join the struggle. I joined in 1983 and it was not easy. Others fell by the wayside. I did not join because I wanted to benefit. I do not own even a kiosk, you can investigate.

I come from Kisoro but there are some youths of your age who own two houses there. For me I do not even own a house there. If I wanted to get rich, I would not have joined the struggle. After my master’s I got a teaching job in Ibadan University in Nigeria but I turned it down. I have not lost focus. Some people may think I am stupid for not building a house. How many people have fled Uganda and left their property around? [Gen David] Sejusa had a lot of property, where is he?”

Going by what some of the youths said in the recording, it appears they were previously active in the opposition-led walk-to-work protests of 2011 only to be swayed to the NRM side with promises of money and a good life.

One of them, from Gomba, told Kayihura that he was forced to do some mobilisation work for Mbabazi in his village because he did not have food at home.

Vulnerable

“This thing of [Mbabazi mobilizing] is true. People have been trying to lure us but we are vulnerable because we have no money. The other day someone approached me with Shs 200,000 and wanted me to do some mobilisation. How would you expect me to turn it down when I have no food at home?” the youth said.

Another youth from Buikwe told Kayihura that he had discovered that the only way to benefit from this government was by being an avid critic.

“There are people from DP in our area who were taken to meet the president and they came back to mock us after they had been given money,” he said. “They told us, ‘now you people fight for NRM and get nothing and us who fight it benefit’.”

Unlike in the previously-published recording in which Kayihura did most of the listening, in the latest tape he does most of the talking. He is heard saying that by using party structures to push his personal agenda, Mbabazi was breaking all the rules in the book. He told the youths that the police had evidence that Mbabazi’s mobilisers were using money to bribe delegates to sign the petition against the Kyankwanzi resolution.

He said: “They are abusing Museveni in their campaign. What they are doing is wrong because if the president uses the law, they will be finished. Why is he using fraud, money to deceive supporters? Why doesn’t he use that money to do for you projects?”

In the short run, Kayihura promised to get the youths some money to start a poultry project but in the long run, he promised to talk to the President or the permanent secretary in the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, to consider empowering them through the Youth Livelihood Programme.

Through projects such as poultry, Kayihura bragged that he had managed to lure to NRM some youths in Masaka who had been previously enthusiastic supporters of opposition politician Matthias Mpuuga, the Masaka Municipality MP.

Some of the youths told Kayihura that they wanted him to organise a meeting between them and the president but the police chief told them this would not be easy.

“Let me tell you, to get the president is not easy. I call the switchboard, they tell me to call again in the evening. Sometimes it takes a week to get him. You have to know that the president is not only for Uganda but he is needed in the region,” he said.

Money from China

The police chief added that Mbabazi’s promises are hot air just like Dr Kizza Besigye’s who allegedly promised to give youths houses in Kololo. Kayihura alleged that Mbabazi had got money from China after telling the Chinese that he is the anointed heir of President Museveni.

Fred Enanga, the new police spokesman, told The Observer yesterday that while he had not listened to the latest recording and therefore cannot comment about it, the arrest of the pro-Mbabazi youths had not been a partisan act.

“The constitution implores the Police Force to be nationalistic and patriotic while discharging our duties. So, if we arrest people on the basis that they have committed a crime, we are not being partisan,” Enanga explained.

He also refuted reports that the police were planning to arrest Jacqueline Mbabazi, saying this was untrue, although he added a disclaimer that unless information of a criminal nature implicating her in the loss of the tapes emerges.

editor@observer.ug (copy)

Why fundamental reforms are key to credible elections

Guest Writers

SUNDAY, 29 JUNE 2014 WRITTEN BY KIZZA BESIGYE

No amount of tinkering with the law by the NRM regime can engender free, fair and credible elections in Uganda.

It will take fundamental political reforms that re-structure the state; thereby, making it possible to have independent state institutions and systems that can manage political processes credibly.

Below are some of the cardinal obstacles to having credible elections in Uganda today that cannot be solved by a mere legislative process:

1) The NRM is not a political party; it’s part and parcel of the state

The institutions of state that are supposed to protect, regulate, administer and mediate political and electoral processes (and, of necessity, be independent) are either fused with NRM or their independence is highly compromised.

These were the institutions that were either a part of NRM in 1986, when it assumed state power, or were created, built or re-structured under the 20-year NRM single party rule. It should be remembered that the Constitution court conclusively ruled in 2004 that what was presented, as a “Movement Political System” was indistinguishable from a political party. The following will serve to illustrate the point:

Military and security organisations are fused with NRM

NRM was, and essentially still is, an armed political organization. The military was the source of power for the NRM regime. The military (NRA), which captured power in 1986 on behalf of NRM (Legal Notice No.1 of 1986), was led and managed by Mr Museveni, also the leader of NRM. That situation persists up to today.

Mr Museveni has been the Chairman of the High Command (CHC) of NRA/UPDF from the time NRA was formally a wing of NRM (1981) up to today. Managers of NRA/UPDF have been exclusively appointed promoted and deployed by Mr Museveni, the leader of NRM from 1981 up to now.

As Chairman of High Command since inception of NRA/UPDF, he has been and continues to direct all its operations; both at the strategic (policy) and tactical (operational) levels. The military has been used in all general elections to intimidate, harass, kill members of the political opposition, and rig elections- evidence of all these has been adduced and confirmed in courts of law.

In 2001, Hajj Aziz Kasujja, then serving as chairman of the Electoral Commission wrote to Mr Museveni, as President and Commander in Chief, informing him that the military had disintegrated the electoral process and pleading for his intervention.

Senior Military Commanders are on record making public pronouncements that they will not allow opponents of Mr Museveni to take power and there were no disciplinary proceedings against them.

Mr Museveni’s son, who was illegally recruited into the Military, has been irregularly promoted and now heads one of the three “Commands” of Uganda’s Military, (UPDF). Training, appointments, promotions and deployments within the Military are generally undertaken capriciously and often in a discriminatory manner.

Gen Sejusa has, recently, further exposed and confirmed the commanding role the military and Security organisations in elections. He confirmed the widely known fact that there are always two Commissions managing elections. The prime one, which is managed by Military and Intelligence operatives, feeds into the formal (nominal) Electoral Commission.

Whenever there have been controversial issues in Parliament, the Military is menacingly deployed around the Parliament buildings. The Military has also been used to attack the Courts of Law (eg. two attacks by “Black Mambas”), when Mr Museveni didn’t like what the Courts were doing.

Mr Museveni, the Defence Minister (Dr Crispus Kiyonga) and the Chief Of Defence Forces (CDF) were all on record threatening a Military takeover if “confusion” in Parliament continued. Gen David Sejusa has made corroborating revelations of “palace coup” plans. The ten Military “representatives” in Parliament rarely attend sessions except when they’re trooped in to support a controversial NRM position. Any dissent, even by abstention as Col Fred Bogere did, is treated as subversion.

The Military is now liberally deployed to control other State institutions, like the Police force, which is headed by serving Military officers that have never had any training or experience in policing. Military officers have just been deployed in many districts, under command of Gen Salim Saleh, to head “development initiatives” by Mr Museveni.

Gen Aronda, a UPDF serving officer, has been “transferred” from being the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) to an NRM minister in charge of Internal Affairs. Mr Museveni pointed out that he was appointed to take charge of the National Security Information System project, which is responsible for the National IDs. Gen Aronda has already appointed Col. Stephen Kwiringira, deputised by Major Kweri Twino, to manage the project. This is the identification system that will be used in subsequent elections.

The above offers the background to the Museveni succession being primarily played out in the UPDF rather than the “NRM”. It’s the very reason why Mr Muhoozi Kainerugaba was illegally recruited into the UPDF, hurried through military courses in elite academies and irregularly zoomed through the ranks to the top echelon of UPDF. Those thinking that there’s a succession queue in NRM and that “party” organs will decide the leadership questions are certainly mistaken.

Internal and External Security Organisations (ISO and ESO) were developed as appendages of the Military and the NRM. Its officers were seconded from the Military or NRM political establishment. Sub-county/ Gombolola Internal Security Officers (GISO) act as part of the NRM structure in the sub-county.

Apart from the formal State Security institutions, there are informal NRM militia/ paramilitary outfits, including the Local Defence Units (LDUs) set up during the NRM/ Movement Political System regime; Kalangala Action Plan of Kakooza Mutale; thousands of guns distributed to pastoralists that took over and occupied ranches in the “cattle corridor”; and several militant NRM youth groups.

State Administrative structures fused with NRM

The Office of Resident District Commissioner (RDC) was established by NRM (1985) before coming into government; then, called Special District Administrator (SDA). The office of NRM Chairman and that of NRM National Political Commissar were responsible for the SDAs. They were charged with, among others, setting up Resistance Councils (RCs), which were the NRM structures in the districts.

The 1995 Constitution attempted to transform this office into a State (non-partisan) entity by providing (Art 203) that: “There shall be for each District a RDC who shall be a senior civil servant appointed by the president”. This was a provision arrived at after intense contention. This was completely ignored and subsequently the article amended.

RDCs are supposed to be public officers, but they openly function as NRM officials. They openly conduct NRM recruitment activities and lead NRM converts to State House or Rwakitura to be given NRM t-shirts and other inducements.

The RDC is supposed to “coordinate administration of government services in the district” and he heads the Security Committee.

Under the coordination of government services, the RDC ensures that services are offered to procure political patronage. Loyalty to “NRM” must be declared convincingly in order to qualify for government services likes Naads. While Mr Museveni was promising “new converts to NRM” money recently, he asked the “old NRM members” not to feel left out, because they had been enjoying Naads and other programmes!

The head of civil service in a government department is no longer a “Permanent” Secretary (PS) but a “temporally” one hired on short-term contracts. The PS will only hold onto his job by servicing the (illegitimate and mostly illegal) demands of the decadent NRM leaders. Unfortunately, they take the biggest responsibility for the stealing and abuse of office occasioned by their bosses.

The NRM grassroots structures under the “Movement System” were Local Council Ones (LC1). These were vested with state functions like administration of justice, identifying residents (ID system), recommending Ugandans for passports and other government services etc. Since the advent of a “Multiparty System”, no election for LC1s has ever taken place.

The State grassroots structure nationally is the NRM structure! They expired in law but have been sustained administratively by the NRM regime. During the last general elections, they were paid an “honorarium” and have been given bicycles recently to facilitate their work.

NRM ideological orientation programs under state institutions

The NRM political “school” was set up for NRM cadre development and Ideological orientation under the NRM Secretariat. After adoption of a “multiparty system”, the Political School was nominally transformed into the “National Leadership Institute (NALI)”. It’s an institute that’s not registered under the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) and whose curriculum is (may be) only known to and approved by NRM leaders.

All this notwithstanding, hordes of Ugandans have been forced to attend Kyankwanzi “Political School”. All sub-country chiefs in the country are first taken to the school for orientation, from where they “pass-out” and are deployed to their respective sub-counties with full combat fatigues.

Sub-country Community Development Officers are similarly inducted before deployment – as are magistrates and other public servants – fully attired in military fatigues! Attendance of the school was linked to opportunities for getting jobs or promotions. Lately, it has also served as an NRM “Reformatory” School for leaders that are “deviating” from the “correct line”!

Patriotism Clubs

Mr Museveni launched the so-called Patriotism Clubs and Patriotism studies in 2009, as a part of his election campaign strategies. There is no formal government policy and/or law guiding and regulating this programme. A National Secretariat for Patriotism Clubs was set up in the Office of the President, headed by the former head of NRM Political School, Kyankwanzi.

Teachers and students/ pupils have been recruited into these amorphous clubs. A large budget was set aside to buy Army-Green fatigues as the “Patriotism Uniform”.

Mr Museveni directed teachers to train students on 6 points: to concentrate on their studies, to read the Bible or Qur’an, to do sports, to help parents in home chores, to be reliable partners in marriage, and to develop patriotism through patriotism studies. If all these things are necessary, there’s no reason why they don’t form a part of our school curriculum. This is nothing but an “NRM” mobilisation and patronage programme in the President’s Office.

Ministry for mobilisation:

A full cabinet portfolio and budget has been created to have the responsibility for “political mobilisation”. It’s not exactly clear what this portfolio for political mobilisation is supposed to do. However, at the time of appointing the minister, it was made known that he would do what the NRM Secretary General would be doing, since he was now burdened with a lot of other government responsibilities.

Apart from Mobilisation ministry, there are several “Regional” ministers – Karamoja (two ministers), Northern Uganda, Luweero, Bunyoro, Teso and Kampala. Yet every district already has a coordinator of Central Government activities- the RDC. There’s a Third Deputy Prime Minister whose only assignment is to deputise the Leader of Government Business in Parliament.

Without clear government responsibilities that can be evaluated, it’s arguable that these appointments are for undertaking “NRM” party functions. The NRM Parliamentary Caucus, the NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC) and many other NRM meetings take place in State House; facilitated and funded by the state.

2) Vital institutions of State have lost independence and effectiveness

The Parliament of Uganda:

From 1986 until 1996, the actual Speaker of ‘parliament’ (then called the National Resistance Council, NRC) was Mr Museveni, who was also President, Minister of Defence, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and Chairman of the NRA High Command. Parliament would sit either as a “Legislature” or as a “Political Organ” of NRM; it was never clear what the difference was!

Therefore, since 1986, the Parliament of Uganda served as an organ of NRM. From 1996 until 2006, all MPs were by law members of NRM! The NRM Secretariat was a government department, fully funded by the State from 1986 until 2006.It was responsible for, among other things, initiating policies for government. From 2006 to date (8th and 9th) Parliament has continued to be treated as an organ of NRM.

Many MPs are beneficiaries of the NRM rigging machinery and their loyalty is to the NRM patriarch, rather than to their constituencies. The NRM Parliamentary caucus seats in State House under the Chairmanship of Mr Museveni, NRM Chairman and President and “decides” what all NRM MPs must follow in Parliament.

When this does not bring the MPs into the “correct line”, then they are bundled off to Kyankwanzi Political School for drills and re-orientation! Those who dared to stand their ground (the “rebel MPs”) have been dismissed from the party and every effort is on to throw them out of Parliament. It’s the above processes that have rendered the Uganda Parliament to be a convenient and ready rubber stamp.

The Electoral Commission (EC)

The body that has the sole responsibility of demarcating constituencies, maintaining a voter’s register, formulating and implementing civic and voter education, organising, conducting, supervising elections, hearing and determining complaints before and during polling, and ascertaining, declaring and publishing election results serves entirely at the pleasure of Mr Museveni (President).

The President has power to sack any or all the members of the EC anytime he chooses. Though the Constitution provides that the EC shall be independent, nothing secures the tenure of the Commissioners (and by extension, all EC staff) to enable them exercise that independence.

Besides, the president, without any due process, directly appoints the EC; save for, the subsequent confirmation by his parliament. The Secretary to the EC is a former NRM MP and activist. The staff of the Commission at the Headquarters and in the Districts is recruited by or with vetting from “Security Organisations”. It’s this background that explains the despicable performance of the EC.

Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP)

The DPP is responsible for investigation and prosecution of criminal cases. This is supposed to be an independent constitutional office. Regrettably, it serves as a tool of the Executive to persecute political opponents. Mr Museveni appointed Mr Richard Buteera DPP on the eve on promulgating the 1995 Constitution. This was because he would not have been qualified for the appointment under the new Constitution!

The political persecution against opposition leaders executed by DPP Richard Buteera is phenomenal. He’s notoriously remembered for sanctioning murder charges against the “PRA” suspects that had been granted bail and twice prevented from gaining their freedom by military “Black Mamba” attack on the High Court. There was no complainant or anybody killed in the sanctioned murder charges!

Thanks to the DPP, in 2006, I was nominated as presidential candidate from Uganda’s maximum-security prison. I remained in prison for a half of the campaign period. I had been charged with a rape case manufactured in State House by police and DPP. I was also charged with a trumped-up charge of treason.

Since 2011, the DPP has sanctioned hundreds of trumped-up charges against political opposition supporters. These include treason, assault, theft, inciting violence, illegal assembly etc. Mr Mike Chibita is the first DPP appointed under the 1995 Constitution.

Mr Chibita was Mr Museveni’s Private Secretary for seven years; during which time he also served as Acting Principal Private Secretary (PPS) to the President. He was appointed a Judge of the High Court before the recent appointment as DPP. With the history of the DPP’s office as a tool of Mr Museveni to persecute his opponents, Mike Chibita’s appointment cannot be viewed as strengthening the independence of the institution. The staff of the DPP has, similarly, been appointed on “partisan” basis.

Bank of Uganda (BOU)

Although the Constitution enshrines institutional independence on the BOU, the authority of BOU is vested in a Board of Directors that serves entirely at the pleasure of the President. The President has power to sack any or all members of the Board (including the Governor) any time he wants to. In practice, lack of security of tenure, coupled with the immense benefits that are attached to the offices, makes the BOU an extension of the president’s office.

The Governor of BOU has repeatedly and knowingly violated the Constitution and Laws of Uganda in order to implement directives of Mr Museveni requiring him to pay money out of the Consolidated fund. Mr Museveni has even successfully directed for the depletion of the National Reserves, in contravention of the Constitution and law.

The illegal and unlimited access to the National coffers helped to create the monstrous political patronage system that subverts political accountability. For example, in 2003, BOU bailed out the notorious Businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba with US$ 11.575; under the directives of Mr Museveni and without the authority of Parliament as required by law.

Between 2002- 2006, Mr M7 directed the bail out of a foreign-owned company (Apparel Tri-star (U) Ltd) with a total of Shs 22 billion; this was paid by BOU without parliamentary authority. A public interest case filed in 2007 for the recovery of this money has not been heard up to now!

Political control of BOU has been used to destroy financial institutions associated with political opponents or even those owned by Ugandans outside the patronage network. While huge amounts are illegally paid out by BOU to bail Mr Museveni’s “friends”, the same BOU uncompromisingly closed Banks like the Cooperative Bank and Greenland Bank that required far less support.

Greenland Group of companies employed over 2000 people; however, its bad luck was that people outside the M7/NRM patronage network were controlling it. The trillions of Shillings illegally paid out of the Consolidated fund (National Reserves) were largely responsible for the 30 per cent inflation in the immediate post-2011 period.

Uganda Revenue Authority

The Board of URA, just like that of BOU, has no security of tenure. It serves at the pleasure of the minister (of Finance), who also serves at the pleasure of the President. Most of the staff of URA are recommended by State House or other political (or security) power centres. URA is notoriously remembered for facilitating massive evasion of taxes by the NRM “Company” named DANZE.

Danze was set up by NRM leaders to make money for their political work ahead of the 1996 elections. Interestingly, this was during the period of the “Movement Political System”, when political parties/ organisations were barred from raising money. Like BOU, URA has been used to harass and cripple flourishing businesses owned by Ugandans outside the patronage network.

Courts of Judicature

The Courts have been progressively staffed with openly “NRM” activist cadres. These include NRM leaders who “lost” elections, former cabinet ministers and former NRM Secretariat staff.

The “rebel” NRM MPs recently protested the Constitutional Court ruling handed out by Justices Stephen Kavuma, Augustine Nshiimye, Richard Buteera and Faith Mwondha barring them from accessing Parliament on account of having been expelled from the NRM. They presented evidence of two of the Justices (Kavuma and Nshiimye) being among the founding members of NRM and who’re still active members.

The background of Justice Richard Buteera has already been pointed out. Justice Faith Mwondha is freshly promoted to the Appeal Court after her embarrassing debacle as the IGG. Justice Mwondha’s intransigent defiance of all State institutions, save for that of the President, was the hallmark of her controversial tenure as IGG.

During the Faith Mwondha/ IGG crisis, a newspaper opinion piece aptly asked whether she was hopelessly devoted to Mr Museveni! More recently, we have the scandalous re-appointment of Mr Benjamin Odoki as Chief Justice. Apart from the top echelons of the Judiciary, it’s evident that appointments of judicial officers have been highly tainted with “partisan/ patronage” considerations.

The two vicious attacks of the Uganda High Court by the Military (Black Mambas); where Officers of Court were badly assaulted and suspects that had been granted bail violently re-arrested, left permanent scars on the institution. The Principle Judge then, Justice Ogoola, appropriately called it the “rape of the Temple of Justice”. Rape causes a permanent injury! It will take a re-constructed Judiciary under a new dispensation to recover its independence.

3) An entrenched Patronage system

A presidential monarchy has been created, where the president is sovereign. All power belongs to the president and he exercises it as he pleases. Mr Museveni has power to donate any amount of public money and/or asserts to any person or group of persons.

Presidential donations have an open-ended budget. Loads of needy people are ferried from different parts of the country to State House or Mr Museveni’s home to receive handouts! The National Budget is always abandoned and the “priorities” of Mr Museveni implemented instead.

Besides the “State House scholarships”, whose beneficiaries are selected by Mr Museveni, State House also sponsors students to universities abroad. Recently, it has been announced that the State House Scholarship fund will be transferred to the Students’ Loan Scheme. If this is eventually done, there can be no doubt that the criteria for benefiting will be the same – political patronage.

The president has unlimited power to employ people in the public service. In order to persuade “independent” candidates out of an election contest in favour of an “NRM” candidate, they are routinely given presidential appointments. There’s no limit to how many Presidential Assistants, Special Presidential Assistants, Senior Presidential Assistants, Presidential Advisors, Senior Presidential Advisors etc. that the president can appoint or any due process for doing so.

4) Systematic and rampant violation of Human Rights and Freedoms; especially, Right of assembly (and demonstration), association, speech and expression

Basic Rights and Freedoms that enable political organisation and influencing of political will are systematically and comprehensively suppressed. Public meetings are routinely and illegally forbidden and violently dispersed. Fundraising drives are proscribed.

An FDC function to launch party cards and to fundraise was stopped by the full force of Police. FDC officials deployed to sell party cards in Kampala were arrested etc.Peaceful demonstrations are routinely forbidden, even those that don’t involve processions or assemblies. Political leaders are and illegally detained in their homes or in police cells under what’s termed preventive arrest.

The police and Security personnel assault political leaders with impunity. The DPP and/or Courts stifle private prosecution of the offending Police and Security personnel. Distribution of publications critical of the government is prohibited and those who attempt are detained without trial.

Examples of this include distribution of the Black Monday publications; FDC Youth arrested on Martyr’s day at Namugongo, while distributing my Martyr’s Day message; and prohibiting the launch of books critical of government. The enactment of the Public Order Management Act created a “legal” framework for the suppression of political rights and freedoms.

5) Control of the Media and Information.

Media houses have been under permanent administrative, “legal” and military/ Police sanctions to deny critical voices from being heard. Expenditure on commercial advertising by government, parastatals and big private corporations has been used to undermine “independent” media and advantage compliant ones. Outright attack and closure of media houses has now become common, resulting in self-censorship for survival.

Most upcountry FM radio stations are owned and controlled by NRM bigwigs or businessmen allied or intimidated by NRM mafia. These radio stations routinely deny access to opposition members. Some have closed down their stations under orders of RDC, when they host an opposition leader.

During the 2011 presidential campaigns, the IPC campaign office paid for airtime to most upcountry FM stations.

However, they denied access to the presidential candidate and even refused to refund the money (cases filed against them in court in 2011 are still pending). The public broadcasters, the UBC, New Vision and all their outlets, openly promote the NRM and undermine the opposition voices. The opposition is hardly allowed to access these outlets; yet, being publicly funded, they are dominant, especially in the up-country areas.

The only time I was hosted on UBC, the host of the program, Mr Gawaya Tegulle, was summarily dismissed! Recently, a manager of Hoima-based Spice Fm, Mr Geoffrey Magezi, who hosted me and Hon Norbert Mao, was sacked by the owner Mr Edgar Agaba. Not surprisingly, the same Mr Agaba is a top contender for the lucrative job of NSSF managing director!

6) Crippling of strong Civil Society Organisations

The NGO registration Act has been used to intimidate NGOs out of strong activism in criticising government policies and actions or demanding respect for human rights. There exists a potent threat of not renewing their registration. Civil Society activists have been, just like the political leaders, subjected to illegal arrests and torture.

7) Absence of the Rule of Law and Constitutionalism

The rule of law is a system in which the following five universal principles are upheld:

1.The government, its officials and agents, as well as individuals and private entities are accountable under the law.

2. The laws are clear, just and publicized. They are applied evenly, and protect fundamental rights, including the security of persons and property.

3. The process by which the laws are enacted, administered and enforced is accessible, fair and efficient.

4. Competent, ethical, and independent judicial officers, who are sufficient in number, with adequate resources and reflecting the communities they serve, deliver Justice in a timely manner.

5. The absence of corruption - forms of corruption vary, but include bribery, extortion, improper influence by public or private interests, and misappropriation of public funds or other resources.

Once the government, its officials and agents are not accountable under the law, it means that laws have no effect. Even if laws and judicial processes are just, they are ignored or violated with impunity.

The attack on the Courts by the Military/ Police forces; the disregard of Court decisions and orders; the threats on Judiciary and Parliament by a military Head of State; unfair and illegal processes of enacting laws; the enactment and enforcement of laws that are clearly in violation of the Constitution; and the systemic and organised crime and corruption all show the absence of the Rule of Law.

Conclusion

Uganda is presently a military dictatorship under a “presidential monarchy”. State institutions have been either fused with the amorphous “NRM” or grossly compromised through lack of institutional independence and political patronage.

Systematic violations of human rights and Freedoms have perpetrated a state of fear and undermined effectiveness of political organisations and civil society. Control of media and information to the public undermines the formation of popular political will.

To crown it all, the absence of the Rule of Law and Constitutionalism means that the Constitution, Laws, and Regulations are worthless, since they don’t have to be observed. Even if changes are made in the Constitution and Laws to make them more just, there won’t be much difference since the regime does not respect the Rule of Law.

The way forward

It’s necessary to have a political and Constitutional dialogue that addresses the above obstacles to democratic transition. It’s proposed to start that process through demanding for a credibly mediated National Convention. We need a national Convention or Consultation to reach a political consensus on managing political processes generally, and elections, in particular.

The Campaign for Free and Fair elections that has been going on is not a campaign for just “legislative processes” through Parliament. The required political reforms cannot be handled by the NRM Parliament. If that was possible, Mr Museveni and those of us who fought a bitter bush war, would have sought legal reforms through “parliament” in 1980.

This is what could have been achieved by the Constituent Assembly, if Mr Museveni had not subverted it, a matter that I wrote an analysis of in 1999. The kind of dialogue we demand will not happen until sufficient pressure has been exerted on the NRM regime. In order to generate such pressure, citizens in all their formations (Political Parties, Civil Society Organisations and Political Activists) need to undertake Mobilisation and Defiance campaigns.

Mobilisation and campaigns are necessary, both at home (domestically) and internationally. Internationally, the mobilisation and campaign will aim at engaging foreign diplomats accredited to Uganda; key centres in “Donor” countries; and multilateral organisations such as EAC, AU, CHOGM, EU and UN.

Domestically, the mobilisation campaign will include legal challenges to unjust laws and abuses of Human Rights and Freedoms; media campaigns; leaflets, pamphlets, and recorded messages; public meetings; and a National Conference organised by the citizens.

Organised groups (Political Parties and Civil Society Organisations) need to strengthen and rally their structures for defiance campaigns. Develop and strengthen coordination and communication among the organisations for concerted action.

Defiance campaigns will include non-violent protest actions, including to stop the discredited EC from continuing to organize another fraudulent election in 2016; prayers and worship; peasant strike; local and national demonstrations etc.

Looming danger:

NRM leaders need to appreciate that persistent use of brutal force to clump down on peaceful expression of dissent is likely to encourage the disastrous cycle of violence that has characterized Uganda’s post-independence period.

Just like, during the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Time comes when citizens will chose to defend themselves using all means they can muster.

This is an undesirable path but I know that the threshold for responding to violence with violence in our society is low. This was the very basis of the 1981-86 bush-war. I pray that the Almighty God helps all leaders in our country to make the right choices during this critical period.

Opposition MPs get Shs110m each to clear debts-

Mr Wafula Oguttu, the leader of the government opposing democratic parties in the

democratic parliament of Uganda

By Nelson Wesonga & Solomon Arinaitwe

Posted Sunday, August 10 2014

MPs say there are rumours that their colleagues are getting between Shs110 million and Shs150 million each to help them to pay off their debts:

PARLIAMENT- The Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Mr Wafula Oguttu, has urged the Auditor General’s Office to investigate the source of the money Mr Oguttu says some government functionaries are giving to some Members of Parliament (MPs) across the political spectrum.

This follows claims that 18 opposition MPs and even many more of their National Resistance Movement (NRM) colleagues are getting between Shs110 million and Shs150 million each to supposedly help them to pay off their debts.

“It is known among the Members of Parliament that this money is being given. It has been codenamed Article 110. My information is based on individuals who have told me they have been told to go and pick that money but they have not,” Mr Oguttu told the media at a press conference he called on Friday at Parliament.

“Why are they paying it in cash, not going through the banking system? We call upon the Auditor General to look for the source of this money,” he said.

Ms Justine Lumumba, the Government Chief Whip, however dismissed Mr Wafula’s claims, saying she is not aware of any MPs being given money and that the unsubstantiated claims by Mr Oguttu could put Parliament into disrepute.

She said those spreading such talk could be doing it to spite their colleagues.

Mr Oguttu claimed a senior leader of the NRM – who he did not name – “…came here and told me that if I went to the House and talked about the money…they would humiliate me by asking me to withdraw…”

She said: “This is a rumour that is getting true each day that passes. We cannot cross the bridge before we get there. They should be exposed. If they are named, then we will sit and decide what action should be taken on them. This problem started when the NRM was giving out money to market the Kyankwanzi resolution and the EC did not come out to condemn it.”

However, the few Opposition MPs this newspaper sounded out about the LOP’s allegation were cagey and seemed to dismiss the allegation. Only Aruu County MP Odonga Otto came out boldly to say he has no problem with getting the money.

Asked whether it was morally fine for Opposition MPs to pick the money, he said: “Why the Leader of Opposition should be guarded by police when the Commander in Chief is President Museveni.

We are in government but on the Opposition side; that is why we are paid in Parliament. I am not there for politics of them verses us; that is the politics of Omara Atubo, Aggrey Awori and that generation has since collapsed. If you don’t style up, you perish. Picking that money is part of styling up.”

This is not the first time the Opposition is claiming the government has compromised some of legislators.

In 2011, there were claims the government had given some legislators Shs20 million each for their support in Okaying a Shs600 million supplementary budget. The government denied the claim then.

This time the Opposition claims the money is meant to get the MPs support calls for a declaration of a state of emergency so that the 2016 general elections could be postponed.

The rules of procedure of Parliament of Uganda dissuade members from placing themselves under any financial or any obligations outside individuals or organisations that might influence them in the performance of their duties

Reactions

“It is a moral issue because it is a matter of an individual’s conscience. Disciplinary action can only be taken if there is evidence because the person [LoP] who was speaking himself; I doubt whether he tabled evidence. We are speaking from a speculative point [of view],”Paul Mwiru, Jinja Municipality MP

“The challenge is that it is difficult to know where it was withdrawn from and who could have benefitted. They must be named so that they are ashamed. Government wants to create an impression that even Opposition MPs are benefitting from this money. This is a speculative thing,” Aswa County MP Regan Okumu

History of MPs and Money

2005: MPs receive Shs5m as facilitation to consult on the removal of term limits.

January 2011: MPs receive Shs20m ostensibly to monitor the Naads programme but the money stokes controversy as it is distributed in the campaign period for the 2011 elections. Some Opposition MPs return the money, rejecting it as a bribe while others pocket it.

March 2013: MPs pocket Shs5m to facilitate them in consulting on the controversial Marriage and Divorce Bill.

December 2013: Allegations emerge that MPs pocketed cash to manipulate a Committee report on Umeme and the power sector.

False hope has become an obstinate emotion! It is entrenched in our psyche, disabling our rational minds.

A lot has been written about the sacking of the former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi and the subsequent withdrawal of military guards from his home. Many have characterised this decision as ‘arbitrary, undemocratic and a peep into the dark side of the president.

There is nothing unusual that the president did. Was Mbabazi supposed to hold the job for eternity? And were you surprised that Mbabazi had to go the way he did? If you were, I don’t think Mbabazi is surprised and that may explain why he decided to keep quiet about that particular matter.

In 2007, while news editor of the then The Weekly Observer, I was summoned, at about 8pm, to Postel building, which then housed the Office of the Prime Minister. I met a senior minister and historical member of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

This gentleman had been misled by the state intelligence hands, that we were preparing a salacious story about President Museveni’s family and, therefore, he wanted to advise me against publishing it. There was no story of that kind.

When I arrived in his office, the minister asked whether I knew the closest person to the president. I shot off a few names but he rejected them. He sarcastically told me that he knew I knew the truth but I was playing monkey with him. Anyway, after letting off a loud laughter, he told me the person.

As we were about to end our conversation, he reminded me that Museveni is a good leader but he is unforgiving and ruthless when one tries to make him uncomfortable about three things: “his power, his army, and his family.” Do you notice the possessive word (his) used here!

“ My grandson, if you want trouble with the president, touch those three things I have just mentioned,” he counselled.

An equally cynical friend recently said that the president wouldn’t care to have a corrupt minister who turns public funds into his pocket change or steal that oil in Bunyoro, provided he does not threaten his seat of power. Another added that even if it was discovered that a member of his family was threatening his power, she/he would face the same wrath! So, those around him know their leader’s dos and don’ts.

And those who have attempted to stretch the boundary have had a fair share of the visionary’s wrath. I am troubled by those who continually preach to us about the need for democracy, especially those from within. Even for the Greeks who are associated with democracy; it didn’t start with all the citizens. The election or democracy was for the free men and not the slaves.

In 2016, we will waste billions of shillings confirming a foregone conclusion, that President Museveni will remain president of this republic. I sincerely think we don’t need presidential and parliamentary elections for this country. And if we need them, then we need to change the way they organised and conducted.

For instance, those who don’t pay tax, those who don’t have property, those who live below the poverty line, should not be allowed to vote. They have no stake for the moment. Unfortunately, they are the majority and you know how the politicians love the ignorant. These categories participate in an election to take a decision on national leaders who they cannot hold to account.

The valve of their vote is reduced to as little as half a kilo of sugar, a piece of soap. I recently saw a television clip of people in Karamoja rejecting pit latrines and still urging their pregnant women not to share latrines with the in-laws.

They just [ease themselves] anywhere. This is Uganda. And you expect such people to have an idea why leaders should be voted for? What is their interest in democracy? Why should someone who pays millions or billions in taxes have the same vote like that person?

President Museveni was recently given a rousing welcome from USA by some mobilised party faithfuls and other hired guns. What was noticeable at the Entebbe mayor’s gardens, where this function was held, was that while there was a sizeable number of the young, the elderly were also present.

Remarkably, these elderly people, who were visibly older than Museveni, addressed him as Taata. “Taata kulikayo, era ffe tukyakwagala (welcome back father, we still love you),” they said. The ordinary meaning of the word taata is that of a man in relation to his natural children. Since some of those who called Museveni taata were much older than him, it means the word transcended its ordinary meaning.

It appears these elders looked at the president as the source of livelihood and therefore, it means a lot for them for Museveni to remain in power for purely selfish reasons. The unemployed youths were too falling over themselves to capture the man’s attention. If one asked any of those youths, or even the ministers, to state Uganda’s foreign policy or health policy, no one would competently make an attempt.

That is our Uganda today. And we still want elections! Do we need elections to so that we enter world records that we have regular elections to choose our leaders, or do we participate because we think it is a legitimate way of promoting democracy?

There is no value added by these elections. Democracy is not coming soon. And the earlier we came to grips with this blunt reality, the better for us all. Let President Museveni , the visionary, be.

There is a reason why in Uganda, presidential aspirants, are only coming from Ankole and Kigezi in the Western Provinces:

By Charles Onyango-Obbo

Posted Wednesday, October 7 2015 at 01:00

There is something unusual about the forthcoming election.

For the first time in a long while, in terms of what at this stage one might call the “main contenders” come from what, really, is a small corner of western Uganda.Basically the Ankole-Kigezi belt, and all of Bunyoro, Tooro, and Rwenzori swathes are, like the south, east, north, and West Nile almost onlookers.

Those who like to look at things in ethnic terms would say the election is shaping up to be a sectarian western Uganda race. It is not, the contest is even smaller. If this race were happening in the 1800s, it would be a race between clans.

Also, by the look of things, for the first time since 2001, there is no strong female voice on the frontlines of the campaign, nor indeed a woman, in the race that is unfolding.What the hell is going on?

The possible absence of women jostling with the men for power might be an indictment of Uganda’s politics, a result of the belief that the kind of change they seek can no longer be delivered in the current environment.

They have a point. When you have a female Member of Parliament kneeling before the President to read a petition declaring him sole NRM candidate, you know the game is over.

And for good measure, I saw photographs where some political supplicants were kneeling for Amama Mbabazi and his dear wife Jacqueline.

But that this could be an Ankole-Kigezi scrap tells an even more intriguing story. It suggests that Uganda’s regional and tribal politics, might have had the opposite effect – it could have partly detribalised our politics.

Also the NRM’s authoritarian politics and early one-party politics, has turned it into the kind of parties – the Democratic Party, the Uganda People’s Congress, the Conservative Party (CP) – that it tried so hard to kill. To this latter point we shall return in future, for today let’s explain the detribalisation idea.

During the NRM’s one-party/no-party era, parties were allowed to operate newspapers, have offices, but not conduct any other activity, including running against NRM.

Unable to organise freely nationally, they were confined to the petty politics of the headquarters, and the disgruntled elite around Kampala.Ugandan politics became an affair between people who knew each, and were even family friends.

The scuffles in UPC involving Cecilia Ogwal and people like James Rwanyarare was a battle between the rump of the UPC politburo that Milton Obote left behind when he fled in 1985 after the coup. These fellows were friends.

Even today, the feud we see in UPC involving Olara Otunnu and Jimmy Akena is nothing but a quarrel in the family compound.These are all Obote’s biological and political children.

In DP, Ssebaana Kizito, Nasser Sebaggala, Erias Lukwago and other party stalwarts is a tussle not just of men from the same Buganda region, but also chaps who have eaten together for a long time. In that sense, DP boss Norbert Mao is a partial outsider.

Now because NRM had used the police, army and law to make it impossible for other parties to organise nationally, it never developed organic (emphasis on organic) party structures to compete against them either. It was happy, as it is today, to use muscle.

But that also meant that the regional fights that you read in history, that happened in “UPC Buganda” and were then introduced inside the UPC as part of the many factional fights, didn’t happen inside NRM.

If people couldn’t organise freely in Acholi, they couldn’t bring the contradiction of Acholi politics inside NRM.The only “native contradictions” were from the area where NRM had an old social base, because that is where it was most organised during the bush war. And that was in Buganda and the west.There was an emotional transference in Buganda, following the restoration of the kingdoms, and loyalties were shifted to Kabaka Ronnie Mutebi and allegiances formed around Mengo. That left only western Uganda, as the region that was free to cultivate its local politics, and export that to the NRM.In the tug of wars inside UPC, DP, and NRM, Ugandan politics has been defined in ways that you rarely see in other parts of Africa.

The bitterest wars are not between regions and ethnic groups, but within them, for power.Having three people from a small part of the west leading the fight for the presidency is not yet a full-blown sign that Ugandans are nationalistic. Rather, that that is something that is familiar.

Good old-fashioned “tribalism” is still a big issue in Uganda, but increasingly we approach it in a wonderfully schizophrenic way – we seem to see it is a distribution problem, not a political one.And now, I will turn my computer off, and go to sleep.

Mr Onyango-Obbo is editor of Mail & Guardian AFRICA

Twitter:@cobbo3

Injured journalist: police charge Lukwago with assault

Written by URN

Last Updated: 17 November 2015

Kugonza whimpers in pain after getting injured

Police have preferred charges of assault and malicious damage against Erias Lukwago, the embattled City Lord Mayor and Makindye Division Councilor Allan Ssewanyana.

Police spokesperson Fred Enanga says the duo is being held accountable for the attack Delta TV cameraman Isaac Kugonza.

Kugonza was injured on Monday during a confrontation between Police and Lukwago outside his home in Wakaliga on his way to the Electoral Commission headquarters for Kampala mayor nominations.

It is not clear how Kugonza was injured. Some of the eye witnesses claimed Kugonza was shot on the head, but Police insists he was hit by a stone. Both Lukwago and Ssewanyana were picked up and held at Nagalama Police station before they were released.

"Lukwago and Ssewanyana were arrested as the prime suspects in the assault of Kugonza and Molly Nyamwiza who sustained a fracture on her knee," said Enanga.

“The confrontation could have been avoided if only Lukwago had adhered to the communication from the Electoral commission postponing the nominations of the Kampala lord mayor,” he added.

Prossy Kisitu, the Delta TV Editor News Editor says Kugonza sustained a crack on his skull which has affected his eyes and jaw.

"A scan was done last night and it showed that his skull had cracked. He is in severe pain," Kisitu said.

Livingston Ssewanyana, the Executive Director the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative has asked police to stop using excessive force to curtail people's freedom of assembly and demonstration.

"We are concerned on the continued wanton use of force, tear gas, rubber bullets and live bullets against Kampala's Lord Mayor Lukwago and his supporters. These practices are demeaning, degrading and run counter to the principles of good policing," Dr. Ssewanyana said.