In an event that is widely acknowledged to have sparked the outbreak of World War I, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, nephew of Emperor Franz Josef and heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, is shot to death along with his wife by a Serbian nationalist in Sarajevo, Bosnia, on this day in 1914.

The great Prussian statesman Otto von Bismarck, the man most responsible for the unification of Germany in 1871, was quoted as saying at the end of his life that “One day the great European War will come out of some damned foolish thing in the Balkans.” It went as he predicted.

The archduke traveled to Sarajevo in June 1914 to inspect the imperial armed forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, former Ottoman territories in the turbulent Balkan region that were annexed by Austria-Hungary in 1908 to the indignation of Serbian nationalists, who believed they should become part of the newly independent and ambitious Serbian nation. The date scheduled for his visit, June 28, coincided with the anniversary of the First Battle of Kosovo in 1389, in which medieval Serbia was defeated by the Turks. Despite the fact that Serbia did not truly lose its independence until the Second Battle of Kosovo in 1448, June 28 was a day of great significance to Serbian nationalists, and one on which they could be expected to take exception to a demonstration of Austrian imperial strength in Bosnia.

June 28 was also Franz Ferdinand’s wedding anniversary. His beloved wife, Sophie, a former lady-in-waiting, was denied royal status in Austria due to her birth as a poor Czech aristocrat, as were the couple’s children. In Bosnia, however, due to its limbo status as an annexed territory, Sophie could appear beside him at official proceedings. On June 28, 1914, then, Franz Ferdinand and Sophie were touring Sarajevo in an open car, with surprisingly little security, when Serbian nationalist Nedjelko Cabrinovic threw a bomb at their car; it rolled off the back of the vehicle and wounded an officer and some bystanders. Later that day, on the way to visit the injured officer, the archduke’s procession took a wrong turn at the junction of Appel quay and Franzjosefstrasse, where one of Cabrinovic’s cohorts, 19-year-old Gavrilo Princip, happened to be loitering.

Seeing his opportunity, Princip fired into the car, shooting Franz Ferdinand and Sophie at point-blank range. Princip then turned the gun on himself, but was prevented from shooting it by a bystander who threw himself upon the young assassin. A mob of angry onlookers attacked Princip, who fought back and was subsequently wrestled away by the police. Meanwhile, Franz Ferdinand and Sophie lay fatally wounded in their limousine as it rushed to seek help; they both died within the hour.

The assassination of Franz-Ferdinand and Sophie set off a rapid chain of events: Austria-Hungary, like many in countries around the world, blamed the Serbian government for the attack and hoped to use the incident as justification for settling the question of Slav nationalism once and for all. As Russia supported Serbia, an Austro-Hungarian declaration of war was delayed until its leaders received assurances from German leader Kaiser Wilhelm that Germany would support their cause in the event of a Russian intervention—which would likely involve Russia’s ally, France, and possibly Britain as well. On July 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, and the tenuous peace between Europe's great powers collapsed. Within a week, Russia, Belgium, France, Great Britain and Serbia had lined up against Austria-Hungary and Germany, and World War I had begun.

A Tactical Success at Gully Ravine
While awaiting the reinforcements for the August offensive, Sir Ian Hamilton was under instruction from London to keep up the pressure on the Turks.
Following the French success on 21st June, the 29th Division (under their new commander, Major-General De Lisle) submitted a plan for a limited objective attack along the Gully Ravine Spur. The attack would be reinforced by 29th Indian Brigade and the newly-arrived 156th Brigade of 52nd (Lowland) Division, and would be backed by the whole artillery of the MEF plus nine French 155mm howitzers. That this meant only 77 guns and howitzers shows how drastically short of artillery they were. (A force the size of the MEF should have fielded at least 208 pieces). The ammunition supply was also desperately short and only 12,000 rounds could be allocated to the attack, almost wholly on 29th Division's front, with very little for 156th Brigade. The corps commander, Hunter-Weston, tried for an increase in French artillery support to no avail.

By MEF standards 28th June saw an intense bombardment and 87th Brigade rushed the first two Turkish trench lines with relative ease (after one of their battalions had stormed the Boomerang Redoubt). 86th Brigade then pressed the attack on through two more trench lines and the Indian Brigade (with naval gunfire support) cleared the coastal trenches as far as Fusilier Bluff. After an advance of 1,000 yards, all reports state that were no Turks before the division and that a fresh formation attacking at this stage could have made very significant progress beyond Krithia and in behind Achi Baba.

However, a major tragedy overwhelmed 156th Brigade in their first battle as they bravely attacked with almost no artillery preparation. Their first rush carried them into the Turkish lines but subsequent efforts failed bloodily. Their brigade commander, Scott-Moncrieffe, was killed leading the reserve battalion forward.

Turkish counter-attacks regained part of the trenches on Gully Ravine Spur but their losses were very heavy. Over the next few days British losses rose to about 3,800 but the Turks admit to at least 14,000 casualties as their counter-attacks were shot down. The action was a tactical success that showed what might have been achieved with better artillery provision, and if fresh formations had been made available from London with more speed.

The British attacked at Cape Helles and the forces at Anzac had to make a diversion to keep the Turks on their sector occupied. Ross' gun of Hughes' Battery is shown in action. The gun was firing direct at about 1700 yards in full view of the Turks, who directed three shells on to its emplacements, one of which damaged the gun.

Monday 28/6/15
W.W.C. Coy & Tar. Coy in trenches.
Fairly quiet morning but at 1 pm
as prearranged an attack took place on
our right by some Australian units
and a general engagement ensued
along our whole front in order to
prevent the Turks strengthening Achi
Babi position (where a big attack was
being made by us) by taking troops
from here. This was quite successful
but Australians who advanced to the
attack suffered heavily. Day was
otherwise normal. Weather conditions
remain the same; very warm & dry.

Note on Slavic spelling: Due to the current limitations of HTML, certain Slavic characters can not be reproduced. I have chosen to use the same letters, but without the diacritical marks, rather than translitterating. Cabrinovic, for instance, will be spelled as is, and not rendered as Chabrinovitj, or Chabrinovitch.

Background - Events Leading Up to Murder
Bosnia and Herzegovina were provinces just south of Austria which had, until 1878, been governed by the Turks. The Treaty of Berlin (1878) settled the disposition of lands lost by the Turks following their disastrous war with Russia. Austria was granted the power to administer the two provinces indefinitely.
Bosnia was populated primarily by three groups -- Croats (Roman Catholic), ethnic Serbs (Serb-Orthodox) and Muslims (left from the days of Turkish rule). There is no ethnic group: Bosnians. Many Bosnian-Serbs felt a strong nationalistic desire to have their province joined with that of their Serb brothers across the river in Serbia. Many in Serbia openly shared that desire.

The Annexation - On October 6, 1908, Austria annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina directly into the Austro-Hungarian empire. The reasons were complex. Annexation would remove any hopes Turkey might have for reclaiming the provinces. Full inclusion into the empire would give Bosnians full rights and privileges. It may have been an act of will by the Austrians, just to show that they were still an active, sovereign power. For whatever reason, the annexation caused quite a stir in Europe. The move was not exactly legal. Russia, particularly, was upset, even though the Russians had earlier given their consent to the annexation. (Austria was supposed to help Russia in the Dardanelles first) After Austria payed Turkey a cash settlement, most of Europe calmed down. The Serbs, however, did not. They coveted the provinces for their own Serb empire.

The Black Hand - A secret society called Ujedinjenje ili Smrt, ('Union or Death') was founded in Belgrade, an outgrowth of an older Serb nationalist group: Narodna Odbrana . The Black Hand took over the older group's work of anti-Austrian propaganda within Serbia, sabotage, espionage and political murders abroad -- especially in provinces Serbia wished to annex. The group included many government officials, professionals and army officers.
When it was learned that the Heir-Apparent to the Austrian throne, Franz Ferdinand, was scheduled to visit Sarajevo in June of 1914, the Black Hand decided to assassinate him. Three young Bosnians were recruited, trained and equipped: Gavrilo Princip, Nedjelko Cabrinovic and Trifko Grabez.

The Serbian Government - Because of its many government and army members, the Black Hand's activities were fairly well known to the Serbian government. When Prime Minister Pasic learned of the assassination plot, he had a difficult problem on his hands. If he did nothing, and the plot succeeded the Black Hand's involvement would surely come to light. The tangled connections between the Black Hand and the Serbian government would put Serbia in a very bad position. It could even bring on war with Austria. Should he warn the Austrians of the plot, he would be seen as a traitor by his countrymen. He would also be admitting to deeper knowledge of anti-Austrian actions in Serbia.
A weak attempt was made to intercept the assassins at the border. When that failed, Pasic decided that he would try to warn the Austrians in carefully vague diplomatic ways that would not expose the Black Hand.

The Warning - The Serbian Minister to Vienna, Jovan Jovanovic, was given the task of warning the Austrians. Because of his extremist, pan-Serb views, Jovanovich was not well received in Austrian Foreign Ministry offices. He did, however, get along better with the Minister of Finance, Dr. Leon von Bilinski.
On June 5, Jovanovic told Bilinski, that it might be good and reasonable if Franz Ferdinand were to not go to Sarajevo. "Some young Serb might put a live rather than a blank cartridge in his gun and fire it." Bilinski, unaccustomed to subtle diplomatic innuendo, completely missed the warning. "Let us hope nothing does happen" he responded good humoredly. Jovanovic strongly suspected that Bilinski did not understand, but made no further effort to convey the warning.

Preparations - The three Black Hand trainees secretly made their way back to Sarajevo roughly a month before Franz Ferdinand. A fourth man, Danilo Ilic, had joined the group and on his own initiative, recruited three others. Vaso Cubrilovic and Cvijetko Popovic were 17 year old high school students. Muhamed Mehmedbasic, a Bosnian muslim, was added to give the group a less pan-Serb appearance. Four Serbian army pistols and six bombs were were supplied from Serbian army arsenals.

The Visit - Franz Ferdinand accepted the invitation of Bosnia's governor, General Oskar Potoirek, to inspect the army manoeuvres being held outside Sarajevo. The Archduke's role as Inspector General of the Army made the visit logical. It had also been four years since a prominent Hapsburg had made a goodwill visit to Bosnia.
The visit would also roughly coincide with his 14th wedding anniversary. While his wife Sophie, not being of royal blood, was not permitted to ride in the same car as her royal husband back in Vienna, such taboos did not apply to provincial cities like Sarajevo. During the visit, Sophie would be able to ride beside her husband -- a thoughtful anniversary gift.
Security during the visit was not tight. Franz Ferdinand was a brave man and disliked the presence of secret service men. Nor did he like the idea of a cordon soldiers between the crowd and himself. For the most part, Franz Ferdinand was welcomed warmly by the Bosnians. Sarajevo was not seen as hostile territory. Arrangements were not based on the assumption that the streets were lined with assassins. As it was, only Sarajevo's hundred and twenty policemen were at work.

June 28, 1914 - At around 10:00 a.m., the archducal party left Philipovic army camp, where Franz Ferdinand had performed a brief review of the troops. The motorcade, consisting of six automobiles was headed for City Hall for a reception hosted by Sarajevo's mayor. The chosen route was the wide avenue called Appel Quay, which followed the north bank of the River Miljacka.
In the first automobile rode the Mayor, Fehim Effendi Curcic, and the city's Commissioner of Police, Dr. Gerde. In the second automobile, its top folded down and flying the Hapsburg pennant, rode Franz Ferdinand, Sophie and General Potoirek. The driver and the car's owner, Count Harrach, rode in front. The third automobile in the procession carried the head Franz Ferdinand's military chancellery; Sophie's lady in waiting; Potoirek's chief adjutant, Lieutenant Colonel Merizzi; the car's owner and his driver. The fourth and fifth automobiles carried other members of Franz Ferdinand's staff and assorted Bosnian officials. The sixth automobile was empty -- a spare should one of the others fail.
The morning was sunny and warm. Many of the houses and buildings lining the route were decorated with flags and flowers. Crowds lined the Appel Quay to cheer the imperial couple. Amid the festive crowd mingled seven young assassins. They took up their assigned positions, all but one along the river side of the Appel Quay. First in line was Mehmedbasic, to the west of the Cumurja Bridge. Near him was Cabrinovic. The others were strung out as far back as the Kaiser Bridge.

The Bomb - The motorcade approached and the crowds began to cheer. As Franz Ferdinand's car passed Mehmedbasic, he did nothing. The next man in line, Cabrinovic, had more resolve. He took the bomb from his coat pocket, struck the bomb's percussion cap against a lamp post, took aim and threw the bomb directly at Franz Ferdinand.
In the short time it took the bomb to sail through the air, many small events took place. The car's owner, Count Harrach, hearing the bomb being struck against the lamp post, thought they had suffered a flat tire. "Bravo. Now we'll have to stop." The driver, who must have seen the black object flying, did just the opposite -- he stepped on the accelerator. As a result, the bomb would not land where intended. Franz Ferdinand, also catching a glimpse of the hurtling package, raised his arm to deflect it away from Sophie. She sat to his right, and so was between Franz Ferdinand and Cabrinovic.
The bomb glanced off Franz Ferdinand's arm, bounced off the folded car top and into the street behind them. The explosion injured about a dozen spectators. The third car was hit with fragments and stalled. Merizzi received a bad cut to the back of the head. Others in the party received minor cuts. The first and second cars continued on for a few moments then stopped while everyone assessed who was injured and who was not.

After the Bomb - Cabrinovic swallowed his cyanide and jumped into the river. The trouble was, the poison was old -- it only made him vomit -- and the river was only a few inches deep. He was quickly seized by the crowd and arrested. The motorcade continued on to City Hall, passing the other assassins. Either because they thought Cabrinovic had succeeded or from lack of resolve, they failed to act.
At City Hall, a furious Franz Ferdinand confronted the Mayor. "Mr. Mayor, one comes here for a visit and is received by bombs! It is outrageous!" After a pause to calm himself, he regained his composure and let the Mayor speak. The Mayor, either completely unaware of what had happened, or personally ill equiped for crises, launched into his prepared speech. "Your Royal and Imperial Highness!...Our hearts are full of happiness..."
By the end of the Mayor's speech, Franz Ferdinand had regained his composure and thanked his host for his cordial welcome. Activities at City Hall were observed as planned.

Changed Plans - Discussions were held as to whether to change the rest of Franz Ferdinand's schedule. The Archduke did not wish to cancel his visit to the museum and lunch at the Governor's residence, but wished to alter his plans to include a visit to Merizzi in the hospital.
The same motorcade set out along the Appel Quay, but neither the Mayor's driver, nor Franz Ferdinand's driver had been informed of the change in schedule. This would have been Merizzi's job.
The young assassins had counted on succeeding on the first attempt. With no assurance that Franz Ferdinand would follow his original itinerary, the remaining assassins took up various other positions along the Appel Quay. Gavrilo Princip crossed the Appel Quay and strolled down Franz Joseph Street. He stepped into Moritz Schiller's food store to get a sandwich. As he emerged, he met a friend who inquired about a mutual friend.

The Wrong Turn - The Mayor's car, followed by Franz Ferdinand's car turned off the Appel Quay and onto Franz Joseph Street, as originally planned, to travel to the museum. General Potoirek leaned forward. "What is this? This is the wrong way! We're supposed to take the Appel Quay!" The driver put on the brakes and began to back up. Franz Ferdinand's car stopped directly in front of Schiller's store -- five feet away from Princip.

The Shots - Princip was quick to recognize what had happened. He pulled the pistol from his pocket, took a step towards the car and fired twice. General Potoirek happened to look directly at Princip as he fired. He thought the gun's report unusually soft. Both Franz Ferdinand and Sophie were still sitting upright. Potoirek thought the shots had missed, but given the assult, ordered the driver to drive directly to the Governor's residence.

Arrest - Princip then turned the gun on himself, but was mobbed by the crowd. Police had to rescue Princip from the crowd before they could arrest him. Princip had swallowed his poison, but it was from the same batch as Cabrinovic's. He was violently ill, but did not die.

Mortal Wounds - As the car sped across the Lateiner Bridge, a stream of blood shot from Franz Ferdinand's mouth. He had been shot in the neck. Sophie, seeing this, exclaimed: "For Heaven's sake! What happened to you?" She sank from her seat. Potoirek and Harrach thought whe had fainted and were trying to help her up. Franz Ferdinand, knowing his wife better, suspected the truth. Sophie had been shot in the abdomen and was bleeding internally.
"Sopherl! Sopherl! " he pleaded. "Sterbe nicht! Bleibe am Leben für unsere Kinder! " (Sophie dear! Sophie dear! Don't die! Stay alive for our children!)
The cars rushed to the Governor's residence. Sophie may have died before they arrived. Franz Ferdinand died shortly afterward.

The July Crisis - The murders of Franz Ferdinand and Sophie brought Austro-Serbian tensions to a head. Serbia had been fomenting trouble for Austria for many years. For many in Vienna, the double murders provided the 'last straw' for a get-tough showdown. The trail back to the Black Hand would not be unraveled for years to come. Vienna felt she could not wait for conclusive proof and acted based on the mass of circumstantial evidence.
As Vienna took a hard line against Serbia, the other powers in Europe took sides. The wheels of war gained speed. The stakes far outgrew the squabble between Austria and Serbia. The Crisis of July turned into world war, just over thirty days after Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie were shot.

Mr. J. M. HENDERSON asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he will arrange to have a complete new outfit sent to each of the British soldiers recently removed from Germany into Switzerland?

Mr. TENNANT Arrangements have been made for the despatch of all articles needed by British prisoners of war in Switzerland on the requisition of the officer who has been specially attached to the British Legation at Berne to look after their interests. I should like to take this opportunity of expressing publicly on behalf of His Majesty's Government their thanks to the Swiss Government and people for the cordial welcome which was given to the prisoners on their arrival. The accounts of the reception have been received in all quarters with the warmest satisfaction.

Heavy rain, and conditions in camp bad. Battalion occupied in packing, storing kits, etc. Parade ordered for 8.15pm to march to assembly trenches preparatory to taking the offensive against the German line on morning of 29th. At 4pm however orders were received that the operations of the British Fourth Army were postponed for 48 hours. A new and drier site for the Battalion camp was chosen and men were occupied in moving camp. Casualties nil. Sick nil.

Seeger kept a diary of his experiences in the French Foreign Legion. This, along with his letters, was published in 1917. His final letter was written to a friend as he waited along with his company to be called up to join the opening attack of the Battle of the Somme:

"June 28, 1916.

We go up to the attack tomorrow. This will probably be the biggest thing yet. We are to have the honor of marching in the first wave.

I will write you soon if I get through all right. If not, my only earthly care is for my poems. I am glad to be going in first wave. If you are in this thing at all it is best to be in to the limit. And this is the supreme experience."

This section of the website details the full contents of the Peace Treaty of Versailles, signed on 28 June 1919 by Germany and the Allied powers at the Palace of Versailles. A sizeable document, the treaty featured some 440 Articles, with the addition of numerous Annexes.

Begun in early 1919 and completed in April after several months of hard bargaining, it was presented to Germany for consideration on 7 May 1919.

The German government was given three weeks to accept the terms of the treaty (which it had not seen prior to delivery). Its initial response was a lengthy list of complaints, most of which were simply ignored. The treaty was perceived by many as too great a departure from U.S. President Wilson's Fourteen Points; and by the British as too harsh in its treatment of Germany.

Controversial even today, it is often argued that the punitive terms of the treaty supported the rise of the Nazis and the Third Reich in 1930s Germany, which in turn led to the outbreak of World War II.

The Versailles treaty deprived Germany of around 13.5% of its 1914 territory (some seven million people) and all of its overseas possessions. Alsace-Lorraine was returned to France, and Belgium was enlarged in the east with the addition of the formerly German border areas of Eupen and Malmedy.

Among other territorial re-arrangements, an area of East Prussia was handed over to Lithuania, and the Sudetenland to Czechoslovakia.

The German army was limited to a maximum of 100,000 men, and a ban placed upon the use of heavy artillery, gas, tanks and aircraft. The German navy was similarly restricted to shipping under 10,000 tons, with a ban on submarines.

Dutch Newspaper Editorial Against the Terms of the Paris Peace Conference

Reproduced below is the text of a Dutch newspaper editorial condemning the severity of the proposed Allied peace terms.

Dutch Algemeen Handelsblad Editorial on the Treaty of Versailles, June 1919

The peace conditions imposed upon Germany are so hard, so humiliating, that even those who have the smallest expectation of a "peace of justice" are bound to be deeply disappointed.

Has Germany actually deserved such a "peace"? Everybody knows how we condemned the crimes committed against humanity by Germany. Everybody knows what we thought of the invasion of Belgium, the submarine war, the Zeppelin raids.

Our opinion on the lust of power and conquest of Germany is well known. But a condemnation of wartime actions must not amount to a lasting condemnation of a people. In spite of all they have done, the German people is a great and noble nation.

The question is not whether the Germans have been led by an intellectual group to their destruction, or whether they are accomplices in the misdeeds of their leaders - the question is, whether it is to the interest of mankind, whether there is any sense in punishing a people in such a way as the Entente governments wish to chastise Germany.

The Entente evidently desires the complete annihilation of Germany. Not only will the whole commercial fleet be confiscated, but the shipbuilding yards will be obliged to work for the foreigner for some time to come.

Whole tracts of Germany will be entirely deprived of their liberty; they will be under a committee of foreign domination, without adequate representation.

The financial burden is so heavy that it is no exaggeration to say that Germany is reduced to economic bondage. The Germans will have to work hard and incessantly for foreign masters, without any chance of personal gain, or any prospect of regaining liberty or economic independence.

This "peace" offered to Germany may differ in form from the one imposed upon conquered nations by the old Romans, but certainly not in essence. This peace is a mockery of President Wilson's principles. Trusting to these, Germany accepted peace. That confidence has been betrayed in such a manner that we regard the present happenings as a deep humiliation, not only to all governments and nations concerned in this peace offer, but to all humanity.

These conditions will never give peace. All Germans must feel that they wish to shake off the heavy yoke imposed by the cajoling Entente, and we fear very much that that opportunity will soon present itself. For has not the Entente recognized in the proposed so-called "League of Nations" the evident right to conquer and possess countries for economic and imperialistic purposes? Fettered and enslaved, Germany will always remain a menace to Europe.

The voice and opinion of neutrals have carried very little weight in this war. But, however small their influence and however dangerous the rancorous caprice of the Entente powers may be to neutrals, it is our conviction and our duty to protest as forcibly as possible against these peace conditions.

We understand the bitter feelings of the Entente countries. But that does not make these peace conditions less wrong, less dangerous to world civilization, or any less an outrage against Germany and against mankind.

U.S. Press Journalist on the Versailles Signing Ceremony, 28 June 1919

Reproduced below is the text of U.S. newspaper journalist Harry Hansen's account of the Versailles signing ceremony on 28 June 1919.

U.S. Press Journalist Harry Hansen on the Versailles Signing Ceremony, 28 June 1919

The greatest attention had been given to the staging of the culminating event in the Hall of Mirrors.

It is a long and narrow room, more like a corridor than a salon. The delegates ascended the marble staircase and passed through what at one time were the apartments of Marie Antoinette to the Salon de la Pail, the Hall of Peace, whence they entered the Hall of Mirrors.

At this end of the hall were the chairs for the invited guests. Then came tables for secretaries of certain delegations. Beyond that stood the long horseshoe table that ran along the mirrored side of the hall.

At the middle of the table, facing the high embrasured windows, was the place for M. Clemenceau, president of the conference. To his left, in the direction of the Hall of Peace, were reserved places for the delegates of Great Britain, the British dominions, and Japan.

Here the angle in the table was reached, and then carne the places reserved for Germany. There followed the seats of Uruguay, Peru, Panama, Nicaragua, Liberia, Honduras, Brazil, Haiti, Guatemala, Bolivia, and Equador.

At the right hand of the President sat the commissioners from the United States. Then came France, Italy and Belgium. Beyond the turn of the table came the places of Greece, Poland, China, Cuba, Rumania, Hedjaz, Siam, Serbia, and Czecho-Slovakia.

Behind this table were tables for secretaries, and behind them, extending toward the Hall of War, came seats for the representatives of the press of the world. Inside the horseshoe table were smaller tables for secretaries, and a small one before the chairman's place was reserved for the interpreter.

In the middle stood the table on which lay the treaty of peace and three other documents to be signed simultaneously with it; the protocol, to be signed also by all the delegates; the Rhine province agreement, to be signed by the five great powers and Germany; and the Polish treaty, to he signed by the five great powers, Poland, and Germany.

On the day before the ceremony Herr von Haniel sent word to the Peace Conference that the German delegates had received no formal assurance that the document they were to sign in the Hall of Mirrors was identical with the treaty handed them on June 19th. M. Clemenceau immediately drafted a letter assuring them formally that the document was identical in all its parts, and this was carried to the Germans by M. Dutasta, general secretary of the conference.

Singularly, the places reserved for the delegation from China were not to be occupied. This was the one rift in the lute, for the Chinese commissioners, in protest against the clauses of the treaty agreeing to the transfer of the German leaseholds to Japan, decided not to sign the treaty.

A month before the Chinese plenipotentiaries had made a formal request of the Peace Conference that the questions involved in the Shantung matter be not included in the treaty, but be postponed for future consideration. This request was denied.

On the morning of June 28th M. Lou Tseng Tsiang, president of the Chinese delegation, asked that China be permitted to sign with the explanatory note, "Under the reservation made at the plenary session of May 6, 1919, and relative to the question of Shantung (Articles 156, 157, and 158)." He pointed out that the Swedish plenipotentiary signed the act of the Congress of Vienna with a reservation.

The request was not acceded to by the conference, and when the time for signature came, the Chinese did not respond. The attitude of the Chinese delegation in this matter was consistent with its point of view that Japan should have been asked by the Peace Conference to vacate Shantung and turn all German property over to China.

There was to be only one official treaty of peace, printed on Japanese vellum, with a large margin and held together by red tape. This copy was to be placed in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, and a copy given to all the governments concerned in its signing.

In order to expedite the signing, which at the best speed possible would take nearly an hour, the seals of the commissioners, which were considered necessary, had been placed on the document before the signing. These were the personal seals of the signatories, for these men signed in person and not as officials of their governments.

For this reason it was not considered proper for President Wilson to use the seal that had been selected for him, one bearing the American eagle and the words, "The President of the United States of America." President Wilson thereupon substituted a seal from a ring given him at the time of his marriage by the State of California, which bore his name in stenographic characters. Some of the commissioners did not possess personal seals, but obtained them before they were needed.

When the time came for opening the historic session, the long hall was crowded with delegates, visitors, and newspaper representatives. The commissioners had put in almost an hour passing from table to table to seek autographs of men as notable as themselves. The guests bobbed up and down in their chairs, trying to observe the great men of the conference.

A score of Gardes Municipaux circulated among the crowd for a very good reason: they were instructed to keep a watch on the pens and ink-wells in the hall, and to prevent these articles being pilfered by souvenir-hunters.

At about 2.30 o'clock M. Clemenceau entered the room and looked about him to see that all arrangements were in perfect order. He observed a group of wounded, with their medals of valour on their breasts, in the embrasure of a window, and, walking up to them, engaged them in conversation.

At 2.45 o'clock he moved up to the middle table and took the seat of the presiding officer. It was a singular fact that he sat almost immediately under the ceiling decoration that bears the legend "Le roi gouverne par lui-meme," in other words, almost on the exact spot where William I of Prussia stood when he was proclaimed German Emperor in 1871.

President Wilson entered almost immediately after M. Clemenceau and was saluted with discreet applause. The German delegation entered by way of the Hall of Peace and slipped almost unnoticed into its seats at this end of the hall. It was led by Herr Mueller, a tall man with a scrubby little moustache, wearing black, with a short black tie over his white shirt front. The Germans bowed and seated themselves.

At 3.15 o'clock M. Clemenceau rose and announced briefly that the session was opened - "La seance est ouverte." He then spoke briefly in French as follows:

An agreement has been reached upon the conditions of the treaty of peace between the allied and associated powers and the German empire.

The text has been verified; the president of the conference has certified in writing that the text about to be signed conforms to the text of the 200 copies which have been sent to Messieurs the German delegates.

The signatures about to be given constitute an irrevocable engagement to carry out loyally and faithfully in their entirety all the conditions that have been decided upon.

I therefore have the honour of asking Messieurs the German plenipotentiaries to approach to affix their signatures to the treaty before me.

M. Clemenceau ceased and sat down, and Herr Mueller rose as if to proceed to the table. He was interrupted, however, by Lieutenant Mantoux, official interpreter of the conference, who began to translate M. Clemenceau's words into German.

In his first sentence, when Lieutenant Mantoux reached the words "the German empire," or, as M. Clemenceau had said in French: "l'empire allemand," he translated it "the German republic." M. Clemenceau promptly whispered, "Say German Reich," this being the term consistently used by the Germans.

M. Dutasta then led the way for five Germans - two plenipotentiaries and three secretaries - and they passed to the table, where two of them signed their names. Mueller came first, and then Bell, virtually unknown men, performing the final act of abasement and submission for the German people - an act to which they had been condemned by the arrogance and pride of Prussian Junkers, German militarists, imperialists, and industrial barons, not one of whom was present when this great scene was enacted.

The delegation from the United States was the first to be called up after the Germans. President Wilson rose, and as he began his walk to the historic table, followed in order by Secretary Lansing, Colonel House, General Bliss, and Mr. White, other delegates stretched out their hands to congratulate him.

He came forward with a broad smile, and signed his name at the spot indicated by M. William Martin, director of the protocol. Mr. Lloyd George followed the American delegation, together with Mr. Balfour, Lord Milner, Mr. Bonar Law, and Mr. Barnes; and when these five men had signed, the delegates from the British dominions followed, a notable array of men representing the greatest power the world has ever seen.

Then came the delegation of the French Republic, in order, Messieurs Clemenceau, Pichon, Klotz, Tardieu, and Cambon, the president of the council signing his name without seating himself.

Then came the delegations of Italy, Japan, and Belgium. At 3.50 o'clock all signatures had been completed, and the president of the conference announced:

Messieurs, all the signatures have been given. The signature of the conditions of peace between the Allied and Associated powers and the German Republic is an accomplished fact. The session is adjourned.

The official protocol verifies the fact that M. Clemenceau used the word "republic" in his final statement.

Immediately afterward the great guns began to boom from the battery near the orangerie. The delegates rose and congratulated one another. The notables streamed out of the palace to join the crowd, which had begun shouting in wild enthusiasm with the first sound of the guns.

The great fountains of the park were turned on, and the water marvels of Lenotre began to play in the mellow sunshine throughout one of the most impressive playgrounds of the world.

The Germans were the first to leave the Hall of Mirrors, passing out alone, and immediately taking their automobiles for the hotel. A short time later M. Clemenceau invited President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George to view the fountains with him.

The moment that the three men appeared before the crowd a great wave of wildly cheering humanity rushed toward them. They locked arms, and preceded by a protecting guard of soldiers and attendants attempted to gain the terrace above the fountain of Latona, in order to look over the broad expanse of the tapis vert to the vista of canals and woods beyond.

Even here the crowd pushed forward; men slapped them on the back in their exuberance, strangers shouted hoarse greetings into their ears, and it was a most fortunate and remarkable fact that they returned to the palace in safety. They then went to the salon of the old senate, where they met Baron Sonnino and later Baron Makino, and indulged in the beverage of the conference - tea.

After signing the treaty of peace the German plenipotentiaries gave the following statement to the United Press:

We have signed the treaty without any mental reservation. What we have signed we will carry out. The German people will compel those in power to hold to and conform to the clauses. But we believe that the Entente in its own interest will consider it necessary to modify some articles when it becomes aware that the execution of these articles is impossible.

We believe that the Entente will not insist upon the delivery of the Kaiser and upon that of the high officers.

The central government has not aided any attack against Poland. Germany will make every effort to prove that she is worthy of entering the League of Nations.

For the rest of that day and night Versailles and Paris, throwing aside "le calme et la dignite," gave themselves up to a delirium of joy, a revel that came as the logical reaction to five years of pent-up grief and suffering.

MY LORD—
I have the honour to submit a report on the operations of the Force serving in Egypt and Palestine since June 28, 1917, the date on which I assumed command.

1. When I took over the command of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force at the end of June, 1917, I had received instructions to report on the conditions in which offensive operations against the Turkish Army on the Palestine front might be undertaken in the autumn or winter of 1917.

After visiting the front and consulting with the Commander of the Eastern Force, I submitted my appreciation and proposals in a telegram dispatched in the second week of July.

Philip Davey VC MM (10 October 1896- 21 December 1953) was an Australian recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces.

He was 21 years old, and a Corporal in the 10th Battalion (S.A.), Australian Imperial Force during the First World War when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC.

On 28 June 1918, at Merris, France, when an enemy machine-gun was causing heavy casualties, Corporal Davey moved forward in the face of fierce point-blank fire, and attacked the gun with hand grenades, putting half the crew out of action. Having used all available grenades, he fetched a further supply and again attacked the gun, the crew of which had meantime been reinforced. He killed all eight of the crew and captured the gun, which he then used to repel a determined counter-attack, during which he was severely wounded.

Davey died on 21 December 1953, he was buried at the West Terrace AIF Cemetery, Adelaide, South Australia. His Victoria Cross is displayed at the Australian War Memorial (Canberra, Australia).

Sir Harold Nicolson was a member of the British delegation to the Treaty of Versailles. He offers his observations of its signing on June 28, 1919:

"We enter the Galerie des Glaces (Hall of Mirrors). It is divided into three sections. At the far end are the Press already thickly installed. In the middle there is a horse-shoe table for the plenipotentiaries. In front of that; like a guillotine, is the table for the signatures. It is supposed to be raised on a dais but, if so, the dais can be but a few inches high...There must be seats for over a thousand persons. This robs the ceremony of all privilege and therefore of all dignity.

...the delegates arrive in little bunches and push up the central aisle slowly. Wilson and Lloyd George are among the last. They take their seats at the central table. The table is at last full. Clemenceau glances to right and left. People sit down upon their escabeaux but continue chattering. Clemenceau makes a sign to the ushers. They say 'Ssh! Ssh! Ssh!' People cease chattering and there is only the sound of occasional coughing and the dry rustle of programs. The officials of the Protocol of the Foreign Office move up the aisle and say, 'Ssh! Ssh!' again. There is then an absolute hush, followed by a sharp military order. The Gardes Republicains at the doorway flash their swords into their scabbards with a loud click. 'Faites entrer les Allemands,' says Clemenceau in the ensuing silence.

Through the door at the end appear two huissiers with silver chains. They march in single file. After them come four officers of France, Great Britain, America and Italy. And then, isolated and pitiable, come the two German delegates. Dr. Muller, Dr. Bell. The silence is terrifying. Their feet upon a strip of parquet between the savonnerie carpets echo hollow and duplicate. They keep their eyes fixed away from those two thousand staring eyes, fixed upon the ceiling. They are deathly pale. They do not appear as representatives of a brutal militarism. The one is thin and pink-eyelidded. The other is moon-faced and suffering. It is all most painful.

They are conducted to their chairs. Clemenceau at once breaks the silence. 'Messieurs,' he rasps, 'la seance est ouverte.' He adds a few ill-chosen words. 'We are here to sign a Treaty of Peace.' The Germans leap up anxiously when he has finished, since they know that they are the first to sign. William Martin, as if a theatre manager, motions them petulantly to sit down again. Mantoux translates Clemenceau's words into English. Then St. Quentin advances towards the Germans and with the utmost dignity leads them to the little table on which the Treaty is expanded. There is general tension. They sign. There is a general relaxation. Conversation hums again in an undertone.

The delegates stand up one by one and pass onwards to the queue which waits by the signature table. Meanwhile people buzz round the main table getting autographs. The single file of plenipotentiaries waiting to approach the table gets thicker. It goes quickly. The Officials of the Quai d'Orsay stand round, indicating places to sign, indicating procedure, blotting with neat little pads.

Suddenly from outside comes the crash of guns thundering a salute; It announces to Paris that the second Treaty of Versailles has been signed by Dr. Muller and Dr. Bell. Through the few open windows comes the sound of distant crowds cheering hoarsely. And still the signature goes on.

We had been warned it might last three hours. Yet almost at once it seemed that the queue was getting thin. Only three, then two, and then one delegate remained to sign. His name had hardly been blotted before the huissiers began again their 'Ssh! Ssh!' cutting suddenly short the wide murmur which had again begun. There was a final hush. 'La seance est levee' rasped Clemenceau. Not a word more or less.

We kept our seats while the Germans were conducted like prisoners from the dock, their eyes still fixed upon some distant point of the horizon."

Saturday, June 28, 1919 - The treaty was signed today at Versailles. At 10:30 A.M. Washington time Phillips and I sat in the telegraph room on the 4th floor of the Dept. and had a direct wire from there to Versailles - with only two relays, one at London and one at Newfoundland, where it went into and came out of the submarine cable. It was 5 1/4 hours different time at Versailles. As each signed it was signalled out over the wire and ticked off on the receiver at our side and the operator read it by ear and wrote it out as received on a typewriter. We leaned over his shoulder and read the bulletins. It was a unique and most interesting experience - and a great occasion. The Germans signed first, then the President and the American plenipotentiaries in order, then each of the delegates in the order their country was named in the treaty (i.e. the French alphabet) - all save China. They refused signature because of the Shantung decision and the unanimous voice with which the Chinese citizens have spoken in opposition to the decision. What effect it will have on the Far Eastern situation I can not yet predict. It is too soon to say. But the Great War is ended. Our Senate will ratify it - as written. The President leaves Paris tonight and sails from Brest in the morning - and I know he is delighted.

Christine and I motored over to Baltimore to the wedding of Johnny Carroll this afternoon.

The Failure of Versailles By Holly Hansen - North Georgia College and State University

INTRODUCTION
The Treaty of Versailles, signed June 28, 1919, has often been a scapegoat for global crises faced in the 90 years since its completion. Some saw arguably the worst of these, Hitler‟s rise and the eruption of World War II, as a direct result of the failure of the treaty. George Kennan, an American diplomat, felt World War II was the product of “the very silly and humiliating punitive peace imposed on Germany after World War I”.1 Indeed the treaty was a failure; twice. Initially, the Treaty of Versailles failed before its execution because humans created it, not gods; men with motives, desires, and faults. It failed again during the interwar years when its authors‟ successors chose passivity instead of resolve in executing many key points of the treaty.2 It certainly served Hitler well as a propaganda tool to further his aim of global domination, but the treaty itself was not the cause of Hitler‟s terror and the war. Twenty years of decision making after the treaty‟s signing aided Hitler in his conquests.3

Viscount CURZON asked the Prime Minister whether the Allies have decided to proceed with the trial of the ex-Kaiser; if so, what steps they propose to take to do so; whether any proceedings have yet taken place or are to take place at Leipzig for the trial of ex-enemy subjects upon the black list; and whether the German naval offenders will be tried under British or German interpretation of international law?

The PRIME MINISTER As regards the first and second parts of the question, I have nothing to add to previous replies on the subject. As regards the last part, an Allied Committee is now considering what steps can be taken to ensure that the proceedings at Leipzig are not unduly delayed.

Mr. BOTTOMLEY Does the right hon. Gentleman still think that any failure to bring the ex-Kaiser to justice will constitute a gross dereliction of duty on the part of this country?

The PRIME MINISTER Certainly it would, if the ex-Kaiser were available, but I do not think that he is worth any more bloodshed. He is now in the custody of another Power, which declines to surrender him, and I do not think it is desirable to use force.

Mr. BOTTOMLEY Does the right hon. Gentleman really think it will involve bloodshed to insist on his surrender by Holland?

The PRIME MINISTER Holland has refused to surrender him, and there is only one way you can compel a country.

Colonel LOWTHER Does the right hon. Gentleman remember that the surrender of the ex-Kaiser was implicitly promised at every election?

The PRIME MINISTER I do not know what pledge was given by my hon. and gallant Friend, but there was no pledge given by anyone that I know of that we should compel the surrender of the ex-Kaiser if he were in the hands of a neutral Power which declined to give him up.

June 28 1920 - 250 members of the First Battalion of the Connaught Rangers, stationed in India, lay down their arms in protest at the news from Ireland. Many are court-martialed and one, James Daly from Tyrrellspass, Co. Westmeath is executed on 2nd July. Another who took part was Joseph Hawes from Kilrush, Co. Clare.

James Daly (d. 1920) was a leader of a mutiny of the Connaught Rangers in India in 1920. He was shot for his role, the last member of the British armed forces to be shot for mutiny.

He is remembered in a ballad. This appears to be a traditional Irish song which had a few lines added to it connecting it with Daly.

LAY HIM AWAY ON THE HILLSIDE

The grey dawn has crept o'er the stillness of morning, The dew drops they glisten like icicles breath, The notes of the bugle have sounded their warning, A young Connaught Ranger lay sentenced to death, No cold-blooded murder had stained his pure conscience, He called as a witness his maker on high, He'd simply been fighting for Ireland's loved freedom, Arrested and tried he was sentenced to die

Chorus: Lay him away on the hillside, Along with the brave and the bold, Inscribe his name on the scroll of fame, In letters of purest gold, My conscience will never convict me, He said with his dying breath, May God bless the cause of freedom, For which I am sentenced to death.

He thought of the love of his feeble old mother, He though of the colleen so dear to his heart, The sobs of affection, he scarcely could smother, Well knowing how soon from them both he must part, He feared not to die though his heart was near broken, Twas simply remembrance of those he loved well, His rosary he presssed to his heart as a token, The prayer cheered his soul in the felon's lone cell

To the dim barrack square, the doomed hero was hurried, In the grey of the dawn ere the sun rose on high, With head held erect, undaunted, unworried, The gallant young soldier went proudly to die, I blame not my comrades for doing their duty, Aim straight for my heart, were the last words he said, Exposing his breast to the point of the rifles, The smoke cleared away, the young soldier lay dead

The 8th Bavarian Reserve Division (8. Bayerische Reserve-Division) was a unit of the Imperial German Army in World War I. The division was formed at the end of December 1914 and organized over the next month, arriving in the line in late January 1915.[1] It was part of the second large wave of new divisions formed at the outset of World War I. The division was disbanded in 1919 during the demobilization of the German Army after World War I. The division was recruited in the Kingdom of Bavaria and was considered to be skilled in mountain warfare.

Order of battle on June 28, 1918
The division was triangularized in October 1916, losing the 15th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Brigade headquarters and the 18th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment. Over the course of the war, other changes took place, including the formation of artillery and signals commands. The order of battle on June 28, 1918 was as follows:

Last night’s wire cutting and raiding parties were not a great success anywhere. The Germans seem to have expected it as all the parties were fired upon, and so came back. At 3am this morning they put about 20 shells round our headquarters, one fell in the middle of the road and knocked out some gunners, we had no casualties in the brigade. Pouring with rain this morning, the trenches will be in a filthy state; it cleared up during the afternoon. Shelling went on as usual all day, it doesn’t sound very much from here as we only hear the big guns going over, but it is pretty noisy in the firing line.

(The workers gave Lenin a rousing welcome.) Lenin spoke of the necessity of civil war and called upon the Moscow proletariat to organise solidly in the struggle both against the forces of counter-revolution and against famine and disruption.

He touched in passing on the Saratov and Tambov events, and pointed out that wherever revolts inspired by the Mensheviks and Right Socialist-Revolutionaries broke out, the working class rapidly became disillusioned with the views of these parties and no less rapidly overthrew the usurpers of the power of the workers and peasants.

We would receive telegrams; he said, appealing for aid, but before our troops could get half-way, the workers who had sent the appeal would inform us that the need for immediate assistance had passed as the usurpers had been defeated by local forces. Such was the case in Saratov, Tambov and other cities.

Lenin stated that, in general, war ran counter to the aims of the Communist Party. But the war that was being preached today was a sacred war; it was a civil war, a war of the working class against its exploiters.

Without effort, without tremendous expenditure of energy, he said, we should never set foot on the road to socialism. A successful fight for the ideals of the working class entailed organisation. Organisation was also needed to consolidate the gains we had won at the cost of such severe sacrifice and effort.

It was harder to retain power than to seize it, and we knew of many cases in history when the working class had taken power into its hands but had been unable to retain it merely because it did not possess strong enough organisations.

The people were worn out, Lenin continued, and they might, of course, be driven to any folly, even to the acceptance of a Skoropadsky; for, in their mass, the people were ignorant.

Famine was imminent, but we knew that there was grain enough even without Siberia, the Caucasus and the Ukraine. There was enough grain in the provinces surrounding Moscow and Petrograd to last us until the new harvest, but it was all hidden away by the kulaks. We must organise the poor peasants, so as to get this grain with their help. A ruthless struggle with words, as well as action, must be waged on profiteering and profiteers.

Only the working class, knit together by organisation, could explain to the common people the need for war on the kulaks. The Russian people must know that the poor peasantry had a powerful ally in the shape of the organised urban proletariat.

The working class and the peasantry must not place too much hope in the intelligentsia, as many of the intellectuals beginning to side with us were expecting our downfall any moment.

Lenin concluded with an appeal to organise for the struggle of the workers and peasants against the kulaks, the landowners and the bourgeoisie. (Lenin’s speech ended amid a general ovation.)

Endnotes
[1] On June 28, 1918, on the instructions of the Moscow Party Committee meetings on the subject of the Civil War were held in all districts of Moscow. These enthusiastic mass meetings showed the working people’s growing trust in the Communist Party, their support for its policy and condemnation of the parties of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were supporting the bourgeoisie whose actions had led to civil war. The meetings were addressed by prominent Party workers and also delegates from the Urals, the Volga country and other areas, who had come to Moscow for the Fifth All-Russia Congress of Soviets. The delegates described the counter-revolutionary activities of the Mensheviks and S.R.s and the fierce struggle the kulaks were waging against Soviet power.
Lenin spoke at the AMO Works (Simonovsky Sub-District), the former Mikhelson Works (Zamoskvorechye District) and in the Soviet Gardens in Rogozhsky District.
Four thousand workers and other employees at the former Mikhelson Works listened to Lenin’s speech and stated in their resolution that they approved the Moscow Soviet’s decision of June 25, 1918 on the, expulsion “for ever from the Soviets” of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries (Right and Centre), who, as members of the Soviets, had sabotaged their work and tried to overthrow Soviet power with the aid of foreign imperialists. The meeting appealed to all working people to “recall from all Soviets and their institutions the Right S.R.s and Mensheviks, who criminally and shamefully reside in the camp of the dark forces of the counter-revolution in order to betray our workers’ cause”._________________
"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005

FRIDAY 28TH JUNE 1918
It was a fine day with the exception of a few slight showers. After breakfast I went down to get the mail. In the afternoon I was pulling tea tree in the barley paddock.
There was a patriotic social in the Hall in the evening, but none of us went.

Late in June 1917, as the 46th British Division attacked, German forces holding the Souchez River defences began falling back. The month-long battering by Canadian trench raids had taken their toll on the enemy, now facing a renewed attack. Sensing a weakening line, the 3rd and 4th Canadian Divisions immediately advanced to maintain contact with the enemy. Then on 28 June 1917, at 2:30 a.m., the British attacked to the north of the Souchez while the Canadian Corps attacked along the south, with the 3rd and 4th Cdn. Div. securing Avion Trench by daybreak. From the 85th (Nova Scotia Highlanders) Battalion, a patrol had reached Eleu dit Leauvette, a hamlet occupying the crossroads to Arras and Givenchy. A pause during daylight allowed the Canadians to muster for the second phase of the attack that evening.

“TAUGHT TO PICK POCKETS” - A boy, aged eight, was before the magistrates in the Birmingham Children’s Court, today, charged with pocket-picking. When arrested by Detective Sterry he said, “Me and Sammy had six purses,” adding that the other boy “learnt him how to take purses.” In placing the lad on probation for two years, the Bench suggested that “Sammy” should be warned.

The British and Imperial forces on the Western Front required a vast amount of ammunition, food and equipment. By November 1918 they needed a monthly issue of 67 million pounds (lbs) of meat, 90 million pounds of bread, 32 million pounds of forage and 13 million pounds of petrol. The Army Service Corps, assisted by thousands of Chinese, African and Arab labourers, was responsible for moving this material from the Channel ports where it was collected in base depots. From there it was moved by train to regulating stations from where it was entrained to either a railhead or advanced supply depot. At this point supplies would be moved by horse or motor transport to the quartermaster staff of front line units. From an album of 253 photographs compiled by Charles William Stulpnagel (known as Swinton after December 1914), 1889-1920. Photograph, World War One, Western Front (1914-1918), 1917

28 June 1917; Thursday
German aeroplanes dropped 5 bombs on aerodrome about 3 o’clock. Up at 7 o’clock. Felt pretty tired all day. Not much to do. My afternoon on. Wrote long letter home and enclosed photo group. Heard of another air raid on London (1). Had walk round the town with Driver and learned bit French. Played chess with Driver until 10.30.

(1) “Another air raid on London”: Possibly the raid of 13 June 1917, during which 13 Gothas bombed London and killed 162 civilians, the highest death toll of any air raid during the war

Got up at 9 o’clock. Rained heavily. Met two [illegible word deleted by ALL] Sheffield men. Had to walk about a mile to the canteen and got wet through. Shaved and washed under difficulties. Rained all morning. Had orders to parade ready for the lines at 5 o’clock but orders subsequently cancelled. Had to walk up to the top of the bank for each meal. Bully (1) and biscuits. Walked to the bottom of the village at night and watched the shells bursting over Albert. An Engineer told us that the attack had been put off for 48 hours on account of the wet. The men played House (2) nearly all day. Received letter from Franchie Inwood.

Saw shells bursting first thing.

(1) “Bully”: Short for bully beef, more commonly known as corned beef, a staple of troops in WW1 and all later conflicts until quite recently. ↩
(2)“House”: housey-housey, the WW1 name for WW2 (and later) tombola; now known as bingo.

I have several letters to thank you all for and 2 cakes. Since my last letter I have had a variegated time and am at the moment well behind the line & out of the sound of guns and warfare generally. We hope for at least a fortnight here – here being a small & pretty little French village which just accommodates us all comfortably with beds for all the officers. It has been quite a rapid move as I only left the front line trenches at 4 a m yesterday morning & got here at 11 p m last night.

We had a moderate time for our 3 days in the line, as the artillery was very active, as also the Bosch patrols. They evidently did not know their position, as they are in one of their old line of trenches. Their aeroplanes are very active too & ours are not very much in evidence at the moment, though they turn up occasionally & chase him off. A whole lot of Bosches came over the other day & did stunts about 500 feet above our line, and as all their machines are
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painted in brilliant & various hues, we rather enjoyed the display. I fancy our people are being given a bit of a rest as they had a hard time at the beginning of the month & things seem to have settled down for the moment anyhow. However they will no doubt turn up again when the time comes.

We were in rather an interesting part of the line on the high ground while the Bosch is in the plain below & we could see his guns firing, so the artillery should have no difficulty in laying them out when they want to. I went over one of the old Bosch positions where he used to look over us from & it was extraordinary how much he could see whereas now he can only see things from his balloons which will cease to exist when necessary – so the tables are nicely turned. I have also recently seen one or two of our balloons brought down. They burn very well & disappear before they reach the
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ground. It is quite a fine sight, as at the same moment the sky is full of the occupants of all the neighbouring balloons – each in his own parachute descending slowly to the Earth. They have to nip out pretty quickly or the balloon drops on top of them & they don’t waste any time about it. When in the line we lived in an old Bosch dug-out made of solid concrete and about 9 ft by 16 ft by 6 ft high inside & most uncomfortable. 3 of us & a signaler crowd into this & most unfortunately the Bosch knows exactly where it is & the thinnest side & doorway is towards him, but it would stand a good deal & the only damage he did was to smash up most of our mess plate (otherwise some enameled plates & mugs). However it was distinctly uncomfortable at the times when he was shooting at it. Luckily there was a rather better one a little way off which we didn’t use but which he wasted most of his shells
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on. There are a lot of concrete dug outs about the place. I don’t know how he manages to make them as we never could, but he seems to have had concrete galore. A number have been knocked in by our heavy guns, but a lot have survived & they come in very usefully. I have got a very good billet in a farm & a most comfortable bed, & if the weather is fine we ought to have a very good time, but we have had a lot of storms lately, & when it does rain you get soaking wet in no time. We are also in a land flowing with strawberries & cream, so we have come out at the right time. Unfortunately we are some miles from an anglicised town, so it may be difficult to get things we want.

(...) On 28 June 1915, Australia lost its most talented cricketer.
Victor Trumper was born on 2 November 1877. He learnt to play cricket on the streets of Surry Hills, and began playing club cricket from the age of 15.
In 1899, on his first international tour, Trumper became the first Australian to score a triple century in England.
Victor Trumper scored over 3000 runs for Australia in 48 tests. In 255 first-class cricket matches, he clocked up an incredible 16,939 runs, including 42 centuries. Trumper was also an accomplished medium-pace bowler, taking 64 wickets in his first-class career.
By 1910, Trumper’s health had deteriorated. He died from Bright’s disease at the age of 37. His funeral was one of the largest witnessed in Sydney at that time. Victor Trumper is remembered as one of the finest attacking batsmen the cricket world has known.

Monday 28 June 1915 – showers
Left Sileby at 10:57 am and Leicester at 11:32 for London.
Called at Aunts in Leicester and said good bye.
Saw Joe Inglesant at Hyde Park Corner and had ice cream with him.
Left Waterloo Rd. Stn. at 4:14 pm and changed at Cannon St.
Arr. at Shorncliffe at 6:30 pm. Saw Sergt. Bradley re absence of leave.

Inleiding: On August 4, 1914 Walter Draycott’s life changed forever. A pioneer to Lynn Valley, North Vancouver, Walter answered the call for men at the start of World War I and was thrust into combat on the Western Front. Follow his personal experience of the “Great War” from 1914 to 1918 through his daily diary entries. Each will be posted on this website, 100 years from the day it was written. Voice-over recordings enhance selected diary entries.

(...) After 25 years circumnavigating the globe, the ship's service life came to an end on 28 June 1915. It was then under the command of Captain R. W. Furneaux. The DUMFRIESSHIRE had left San Francisco on the 22 January for Falmouth to await orders for the cargo of wheat/barley it was carrying. These orders sent the ship north to Dublin. It was to offload and then go to New York for its next cargo to Australia.

When the torpedo exploded, survivors' described how the deck was blown into the air. The lifeboats had already been swung out and so the crew, including three Swedes and an American, were able to make their escape before the vessel sank. The periscope of a German submarine was seen by the patrol boats which rushed to the scene, some 25 miles southwest of the Smalls. (...)