Friday, December 27, 2013

The magazine, Hello!, has just published a special edition for Pakistan highlighting a list of ‘Hot Hundred’ — profiles of 100 Pakistani icons ranging from brilliant writers, playwrights, novelists, polo players, fashion designers, actors, singers, models and many others. The message is simple: Pakistan is not only about terrorists and extremists but also about very promising people, who can compare with their counterparts in any part of the world. One is, however, intrigued by the Disneyland or Hollywood characteristic of this Pakistan — very clean and tidy, English-speaking, educated, urban and upper and upper-middle class.

This Pakistan is not complicated either because it doesn’t want to bother with the uncleanliness of poverty or the chaos of nationalisms and beliefs. So, why be surprised to see that all the bad Pakistanis in the recently released and much-applauded film, Waar, are lower middle class, while all the good ones are physically modern, speak English and can even be seen in one scene with goblets? This progressive Pakistan has an even simpler and easy to manage politics. We need to build a dam to progress and anyone that opposes it has to be a foreigner (preferably RAW) agent. And we shouldn’t even bother with the fact that a lot of opposition to a large dam is because those displaced as a result of the Mangla and Tarbela Dams were never fully accommodated or compensated, or that there are serious issues of inter-regional distribution of water. But why get into such complexities when you can simply boil it down to poverty or the ill will of the under-privileged and the poor. A good-looking country can’t deal with poverty. However, given the ambition and hunger for strength and power of the upcoming upper-middle class, why waste time with reducing poverty and why not just not look at the poor and poverty.

Recently, at a conference on terrorism, I heard a Pakistani police officer, now working with an international donor agency, talk about how the poor had greater propensity towards violence. A similar conclusion was also made by an Islamabad-based NGO a couple of years ago, linking food insecurity with militancy. The conclusion was that there was violence in Fata and Balochistan because of scarcity of food. The analysis did not even bother to explore the fact that the level of violence in these places is not proportionate to the amount of hunger. Also, what about focusing on the negative role played by the state? But then, why should we forget that simple conclusions are appreciated by even multilateral aid donors. The conclusion that sectarian violence is basically class warfare makes for donor-friendly analysis. Why bother explore that the source of sectarian evil in south Punjab, for instance, was selective manipulation of the poor by some elite groups and families to sort out differences with their rivals. The state machinery and some prominent families had combined their strength during the 1980s to create militancy and encourage sectarian hatred. It certainly doesn’t pay to argue that the issue of terrorism is far more complex than poverty or the poor people.

Since it is all so simply poverty driven, we can also have simpler solutions that aid donors and NGOs can easily fund. The other day, an English-speaking icon of a pir family lectured me on why festivals were good for alleviating poverty of the poor since such events create opportunities. So, instead of opening industries, creating job opportunities, increasing meaningful education that would increase employment opportunity of an individual, we would probably like him to set up temporary kiosks on festivals to earn small change. Perhaps, it is not necessary to bring structural changes in alleviating poverty because why invest in the enemies of the state. Catching up on this formula, donors also find it easy to invest their taxpayers’ money in rebuilding shrines or holding random youth workshops. The former activity is to invest in a reliable class and the latter to help this class sort out their sense of guilt in keeping the poor deprived.

Returning to the issue of terrorism/extremism, it is easy to believe that the poor and his frustration generate all of this because it is difficult for the upper-middle class to admit that their attitudes and perception of religion are equally problematic and contribute to radicalism that, in turn, feeds extremism. A week ago, the imam of the mosque in Westridge, one of Rawalpindi’s posh neighbourhoods, was lecturing people about how Muslims must not respond to greetings by a non-Muslim with a ‘Wailaikumus Assalam’. The mindset created thus can be found in the views of those that claim to be moderate Muslims. They speak English and wear religion on their sleeves. However, their person is seemingly both moderate and modern. This is like Dubai where the Western-liberal and traditional-Eastern culture seems to come together. What is missing in this narrative is the story of how the powerful in Dubai then finance violence elsewhere in the name of protection of their belief system or usurps rights of the dispossessed and not allowing them to rebel.

The new elite in Pakistan are radical in their thinking. They often experiment with these views by manipulating the poor who then tend to get blamed for the violence. The upper-middle class is equally connected with the radical elements which are then used to help the powerful exploit resources. The common denominator between the religious clergy, which is also now part of the elite, and other powerful segments of the state and society is that none want to empower the dispossessed. Tragically, in watching the picture of extremism and violence, we never get to see and recognise the real faces. In this Disneyland of ours, it is so convenient to pin it all on the poor.

Does President Musharraf deserve to be called a Traitor?

My Indian friend asked me a direct question sipping his coffee
“What do I think is keeping Pakistan away from oblivion?”. I smiled ,
looked at him. Sipped on my delicious French Vanilla and replied to him
in two words . “Pakistan Army!”. “ Well in that case it’s ironic but no
doubt its true though the last General i.e. Pervez Musharraf almost made
us bite the dust!” replied my Indian friend. “Ironic is my friend that
his enemies cherish him but we test his patriotism”, responded with my
head down with a feeling of remorse. Looking at me my friend just said
“Maybe they are afraid of the change that he started. It always is the
case. After all these political parties or dynasties have to survive” . “
True! Maybe he really shook the hornet’s nest” , I replied and looked
on at my watch as I did not want to miss his i.e. The General’s first TV
appearance after being bailed. Being in sales and trained well. I
wanted to see if his spirit is still alive and kicking or has the unseen
establishment of Pakistan managed to break it down as well.
Whilst I drove home. I recalled the days post Laal Masjid and I
remembered the onslaught President Musharraf received. No day passed by
when the day ended with an anti Musharraf political circus unabated.
What I feared at that time unfortunately turned out to be true! He had
to go. Lucky for me that I got transferred abroad. But I remembered the
day that I landed and went for my Umrah. I touched the Holy Kabah. Cried
aloud and prayed to the Almighty. “Save my Pakistan as a Wolf Pack is
about to attack and our hands are tied as many amongst us have their
eyes shut and hearts closed and see that that the tune of Dajjal is
their salvation. Save my Pakistan Allah”. This prayer of mine echoes in
my ear till today. People ask me that whilst Mashallah life is a
blessing . I still have that feeling of missing something in my eyes. “I
miss my Pakistan” . I don’t want to go back to a country ruled by those
hypocrites. I don’t want to see my nation eaten away by bits sometimes
in the name of Democracy, sometimes in the name of Patriotism and
sometime in the name of Religious Righteousness. To be honest the day I
saw President Musharraf humiliated after all he did for Pakistan. I just
decided to pack my bags and leave.
I reached home. Switch on the TV and saw the General sitting firm in
front of the camera. Whilst his spirit was high. His soul looked damaged
as he must be asking himself that does he deserve this treatment after
all he did for this country. Where he boosted the economy. Where he gave
rights to the people at grass roots. Where he empowered the women.
Where he gave freedom of speech. Where he gave respect to us. Where he
put Pakistan on the world map. Where he stood eye to eye with the enemy
and defined our boundaries. Where he helped heal the wounds of an
injured Karachi. Where he started a journey for this country in line
with the vision of Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. His soul looked
dented. And why not? How many of us turned up after all what he did for
us. How many of us now turn up for him whilst he fight the system for
giving us back or trying to for what was rightfully ours.
Yes, he stood up against dynasties of Sharif’s and Bhutto’s . Yes ,
he stood up against tyranny, Yes, he stood up against those who were
looting this country. Yes, he stood for a Pakistan which deserved more
and where its rulers were cutting it down by bits and pieces. On Oct
12th 1999. He was the one attacked and he retaliated. What else would
you expect from an Army Chief and a Commando. Would you as Pakistan and
Pakistanis like to see your commander in chief put his tails between his
legs and surrender. Like the way General Niazi did in 1971. Would you
have wanted a political dictator like Nawaz Sharif who almost took over
all the key roles of the country became an absolute leader. Were all of
you enchanted to see Pakistan being pushed in political isolation with
your dollar reserves fluctuating around a Billion dollars. Yes, his men
of honor. His Army took a stand for their commander in chief and over
threw a political system which was pushing away the nation towards
another disaster. I remember seeing my brethren being butchered every
day in Karachi and branded as terrorists and dacoits. I remember those
days that being a Mohajir I was seen as a Traitor to Pakistan just
because not being a son of the soil. I remember dancing to the news when
I heard Nawaz Sharif was gone . I remember bowing my head to Allah
knowing that our Pakistan Army did the right thing on that day of
October 1999.
So what if on November 3rd 2007 ; President Musharraf held the
constitution under abeyance on advice of his Prime Minister under the
constitution of Pakistan to wade off an arrogant selfish judge who
promised heavens to the poor ignorant masses of this country which sways
with any circus it comes across. What this judge gave us nothing but
yes he became a father of a multi millionaire. He never took a suo motto
against the same corrupt lot which pushed Pakistan to the edge. The
Circus went on in 2007 joined by thugs, hooligans, hypocrites,
terrorists etc etc because they could see that they would not be able to
loot Pakistan until and unless President Musharraf is there .
Unfortunately, for us as Pakistanis . The Circus was successful and we
were all enticed by it so much that we took our eyes for what was right
for this nation. I remember his last words as the President with tears
in his eyes. “Ab Pakistan ka Allah hi Hafiz” and so truthful was he on
that day.
The war against terror which many of the legacy of that circus
brandish as not our war forgetting Pakistan was already a victim of this
terrorism without check before we sided with the world to stand against
it. This war has killed thousands of Pakistanis on both sides in the
most brutal manner. Let them be killed by bombs, let them be killed by
beheadings, let them be killed by bullets or let them be killed by
drones. By preaching that it’s not our war and not letting us address
the core issue. We have gifted the nation thousands of dead Pakistanis, a
destroyed economy, a divided nation and in fact a religiously polarized
and a confused nation. President Musharraf was addressing it in a way
by keeping the casualties to the minimum.
Today, when I heard the most corrupt President in the history of
Pakistan call upon President Musharraf in an unsavory manner . Today ,
when I heard him and his son challenge the army between the lines and
trying to drive a wedge in the nation and its unity by abusing its
Generals of the past but trying to appease the soldiers. Trying it to
give at another shot to create disharmony amongst our Army the only
thing which keeps this nation united. I sometimes wonder who the real
traitors are? Those who had to chant the slogan Pakistan Khappay or
those who fought for this nation with their blood and the sweat.
Who are traitors? Those who for their personal lust for power broke
Pakistan into two. Who are traitors? Those who sold Pakistan and its
soul to control on the power.
After all what President Pervez Musharraf did for Pakistan and an
ailing Karachi. The last thing he deserves is to be called a traitor.
It’s been the history of us the Muslims . When Caliph Haroon Rasheed was
in power due to his progressive ways. People use to despise him and
conspired against him. His day and age is now remembered as an Golden
Age. Today , the poor Pakistani who has gotten nothing out of the
Dynastical Democracy remembers President Musharraf with tears in their
eyes. Today, the professionals who saw Pakistan growing repent his going
and await his return. Today any patriotic Pakistani await their
patriotic son to return to power to avenge the ill their tyrant leaders
has bestowed upon them in the last few years. Where their lives, their
honor and their money has been taken away. They all await their
patriotic son to return. The drama which would go on in an
unconstitutional bench would only give an un-constitutional decisions
and that’s it. Today, I await the day when The General would return and
take command of this nation and put it back on track. Today, I live
everyday when the true sons of Pakistan come in power not those who just
come in power to loot and plunder. I am sure that the prayer I made
holding the cloth of Holy Kabah years ago would Inshallah! come true and
I would return to my motherland breathing to build it for my posterity
under the right and patriotic leadership. Pakistan Zindabad!

Thursday, December 26, 2013

An army that was reluctant to retaliate to the killing of its serving general officer commanding in the recent past has hit back against those who targeted and killed five of its soldiers in an attack on a military check post in North Waziristan on December 18.

The writer is a retired Lieutenant Colonel of the Pakistan Army and is currently pursuing PhD in civil-military relations from Karachi University

Let this be read and understood as a clear policy guideline and a military commander’s declaration of his military intent. The first policy statement on the all-important issue of the war on terror by the new army chief reflects on how the army in Fata will now fight under his leadership. Visiting the Corps Headquarters Peshawar on December 21, the army chief declared that the “military will not tolerate terror attacks and effective response will be given to the terrorists”.

A clear decision seems to have now been made about the circumstances under which the army will retaliate. With no breakthrough in the peace process and in the absence of a clear political commitment for initiation of a military operation, the deployed army in Fata cannot afford to act like a sitting duck.

With a change in the leadership of the army, will its strategy and method to fight this irregular war also change? This was an important question that irritated many minds. The clear deterrent message by the COAS suggests that the army, which so far was fighting a war of containment, will now respond with devastating retaliation every time terrorists attack it, something it has already proven by initialling the recent military action in North Waziristan.

Over the years, military deterrence faded away as our policymakers juggled with the prospect of holding peace talks with militants. The short-sighted policymaking that has been more tilted and focused on creating an environment for holding dialogue seldom took into account the prolonged deployment and the resultant vulnerability of our army. Resultantly, more troops of the army lost lives in defending against targeted attacks and ambushes than attacking and conducting combat operations against militants.

An army that was reluctant to retaliate to the killing of its serving general officer commanding in the recent past has hit back against those who targeted and killed five of its soldiers in an attack on a military check post in North Waziristan on December 18. If this is not a sign of the changed military doctrine, courtesy its change of leadership, then what else is?

What the army failed to achieve under the combined leadership of General Musharraf and General Kayani was to consistently degrade the enemy and weaken its capabilities. The current warning and retaliatory response by the army speaks of a renewed resolve in this regard. Retaliation against militants is not an initiation of a military operation. It amounts to implementing a different military strategy in an ongoing operation.

Launching an announced military operation will, in any case, create multiple spillover effects. There will be a large-scale political backlash by the right-wing parties led by PTI Chairman Imran Khan. He is already referring to the current retaliation by the army as the initiation of an army operation and asking the government to “take control and bear responsibility for any planned military operation in North Waziristan”. Accusing the government of “abandoning the All Parties Conferences- mandated option of dialogue”, Imran Khan’s statements are a reflection of our long-held political bankruptcy on reaching a consensus and giving a thumbs-up to the army to launch a military operation. Retaliation by the army is a militarily legitimate action, unlike an announced military operation that warrants political legitimacy.

It is up to the new COAS now to live up to his words. Having spoken them at an appropriate time, he has put himself on the spot. In the coming few days, we will all be able to judge the new ‘sipah salar’. Does his action speak louder than his words? Time will tell.

Like any human
being, President Musharraf too made some mistakes, the major one
relating to the National Reconciliation Ordinance. The period from 2000
to 2008 was also full of certain outstanding achievements.

Let
us take the economy first. Pakistan was financially in a very difficult
position in October 1999. By 2008 it was included in the N-11 (Next 11)
group of countries that were predicted to join the most powerful
economies of the world. During 2000-2008, the GDP grew from $63 billion
to $170 billion, and there was an annual GDP growth of about seven
percent, better than most economies of the world.

Per capita
income increased from $430 to about $1000, and the foreign exchange
reserves that had slid to $0.5 billion in 1999 grew to $16.5 billion by
2008. The revenue generation grew from Rs. 308 billion in 1999 to about
Rs.1 trillion in 2008. The debt-to-GDP ratio improved from 102 percent
to 53 percent. The exports grew from $7.8 billion to $17.5 billion.
Foreign direct investments increased from $400 million to $8.4 billion.

The
Karachi Stock Exchange Index shot up from about 950 points to 16,500
points. The annual development budget increased from Rs90 billion in
1999 to Rs520 billion in 2008, while poverty was reduced from 34 percent
to 17 percent. The dollar value was maintained at about Rs60, thereby
controlling the rate of inflation.

The strategically
significant Gwadar Port was developed with Chinese assistance. A number
of airports were developed and expanded. The Lahore airport was
completed, the new Islamabad airport was started, the new Sambrial
(Sialkot) airport was built, the Multan airport was expanded, the Gwadar
airport was developed and the Quetta airport was expanded.

In
the agricultural sector a number of important irrigation projects were
initiated. The Diamer Bhasha Dam was launched. The Mangla Dam was raised
by 30 feet increasing 2.9 maf water storage capacity and 100MW
electricity. A number of new dams and canals were built (Mirani Dam for
Balochistan, Subukzai Dam for Balochistan and Gomal Zam Dam for KP;
Kachi Canal from Taunsa to Dera Bugti and Jhal Magsi to irrigate 713,000
acres of barren cotton producing land, the Thal Canal for Punjab,
Rainee Canal for Sindh).

Overall three million acres of barren
land were brought under cultivation. The Right Bank Outfall Drain (RBOD)
was constructed through Sindh, thereby saving Indus River and Manchar
Lake (Sind) from pollution. The steps taken led to an increase in wheat
production from 14 million tons to 22 million tons, and increase in
cotton production from nine million bales to 13 million bales.

Price
control was exercised on essential items. The prices of edible
household items (flour, naan, milk, tea, sugar, meat, vegetable oil etc)
have tripled or quadrupled in the last five years. A rotational loan
system was introduced through banks for poor farmers and loan facility
for farmers increased from Rs35 billion through ZTBL only, to Rs160
billion from all other private banks.

Overall 2900MW of
electricity was added to national generation capacity. The new energy
projects initiated included the Ghazi Barotha hydro electricity project
(1600MW), the Chashma-II nuclear electricity plant (300MW). The
Neelum-Jhelum hydroelectricity project was initiated (1800 MW), the
Satpara Power project in Skardu, and the Naltar power project in Gilgit.

A true revolution was brought about in the telecommunications
sector. The number of mobile phones increased from 600,000 in the year
2000 to over 7 crore in 2006. Tele-density was increased from 2.9
percent to over 70 percent, and millions of jobs were created in the
telecom sector. The IT sector also saw a phenomenal growth with internet
connectivity spreading rapidly, particularly during 2000-2003 from 40
cities to over 2000 towns of Pakistan.

Fibre optic connectivity
increased from 30 cities to over 1500 towns of Pakistan in the same
period. The bandwidth cost of two megabytes was reduced sharply from
$86,000 to $3,000 per month. Pakistan’s first satellite PakSat 1 was
placed in space. Industry prospered as never before and industrial
growth was in double figures throughout the nine-year period.

A
revolution was brought about in the higher education sector with the
establishment of the Higher Education Commission. The annual allocation
for higher education was increased from only Rs500 million in 2000 to
Rs28 billion in 2008, thereby laying the foundations of the development
of a strong knowledge economy. Student enrolment in universities
increased from 270,000 to 900,000 and the number of universities and
degree awarding institutes increased from 57 in 2000 to 137 by 2008.

This
rapid transformation deeply worried India and a detailed presentation
was given to the Indian prime minister on July 22 about the dramatic
progress in Pakistan.

A number of steps were taken to strengthen
democracy at the grassroots. A large number of new TV channels were
allowed and the media given full freedom. The local government system
was launched to empower the people through a third tier of government.
Women were empowered politically through reserved seats at all tiers of
government. Minorities were provided with the system of joint
electorate.

In the field of defence, the production of Al Khalid
tanks for the army and JF 17 Thunder Fighter jets for PAF was carried
out. All missiles were tested and proven for nuclear capability and our
nuclear arsenal was strengthened and protected through an impenetrable
command and control system. The Army Strategic Force Command was created
to protect these strategic assets.

The position of president is
purely ceremonial. The power lies entirely with the prime minister. The
president can only act on the written ‘advice’ of the prime minister. He
acted on the advice of the PM and only after wide consultations with
his cabinet colleagues and the corp commanders. The guilt, if any, lies
with all of them.

The writer is the president of the Pakistan Academy of Sciences and former chairman of the HEC.

Tuesday, December 24, 2013

Walking with warriors: Dispatches from Waziristan

THE LAST CHECKPOINT: Ostensibly, Angoor Adda is the last outpost in South Waziristan (which is better patrolled compared to North Waziristan because of the presence of two infantry divisions, the 40th and the 9th. A part of the evolving COIN/CT tactics is ensuring that military patrol vehicles have no obvious army markings, sometimes even non-army colours: Just the Pakistan flag and what the army calls the 'national slogan': "God is great", as is seen on this converted pickup truck used by a Frontier Corps Wing.

Day 3: 1440

Sararogha,South Waziristan,at 327 Brigade HQ,40th Infantry Division

“Unacceptable”

The mood here is pensive. I was here in the spring, when most of the IDPs had returned, and the brigade commander and his staff were boisterous about their recent achievements. From sanitisation operations, which are small-scale “mop up” engagements, to tracking sub-tribal politics, they seemed sure of themselves. Now, most of the junior officers (the adjutant, the brigade major) are the same, but the new brigadier is still settling in. Almost everybody is off-colour. They’ve just been recently hit, hard.

The new brigadier got a bit of a welcome party in just his first week, officers recall. They had picked up signal chatter a month ago, but they hadn’t been able to process it because the intel was too disconnected. All they knew was that the insurgents had gotten hold of some uniforms. That’s it.

Meanwhile, the army’s new “digital camo” uniforms had still not arrived for all the units stationed in this sector held by the 327 for a couple of years now. Some of the officers who had been to Pindi for down time or briefings were sporting the new gear. Most of the rest of the troops were not. That proved to be a critical logistical lapse. When they came in, around a week into the new brigadier’s stint, the six insurgents were all wearing the old uniforms. So they blended in, because so many units move up and down the new road. That allowed them to take the initiative: all you need in an engagement here.

The firefight lasted a couple of hours. Three of the insurgents were gunmen, the other three “suiciders”. Before he blew himself up, one of them even managed to get just inside the ring of fire, the Brigade Headquarters’ officers’ complex itself, ironically built around the residence of Khan Gul, a militant commander who was killed in a drone strike in 2012. The 327 took losses: one soldier was killed, two injured. They hadn’t seen them coming. That’s why the officers were pensive, even angry at themselves.

Later, visiting the public square cum market the 40th Division has built (which features a tailor, a butcher, a tea stall, a hardware depot, a blacksmith, even a barber-shop, which is a tough sell around these parts), the edginess didn’t disappear as interactions with the locals began.

“We haven’t had an attack here in months. More than a year, even,” said a captain. “An attack of such scale doesn’t mean they’re coming back. But it means they’re around. And it also means there was some sort of local support. After all we’ve been through together, the locals and us, that’s unacceptable.”

THREAT ALERT, YELLOW: A watchtower at the headquarters of the 9th Division in Wana, South Waziristan, with a newly installed alert-o-meter. Most of the attacks in South Waziristan are now limited to IEDs and not direct assaults on army installations, though a recent 'complex attack' on a brigade headquarters in Sararogha lasted for hours.

A Punjabi officer shouted out greetings in recently learnt Pashto, which were reciprocated. But the locals, though friendly enough, sensed the anxiety and some gave it right back. A local Malik praised the road the 40th had built. A young retailer, who had lost two of his elder brothers as they fought for the FC, showed off his wares from a shop that he had been granted for free; but there was tension. Even the local kids were apprehensive, compared to spring.

Before Rah-i-Nijat, Sararogha was the “tactical headquarters” of Baitullah Mehsud. When he conquered a Frontier Corps fort here, Mehsud razed it to the ground and distributed the bricks for people to reinforce their homes with. He was so angry with the stiff resistance the FC had put up that he forbade any of the bricks be used for a mosque. This place was the TTP’s seat of power till three divisions secured South Waziristan. Today, Sararogha has a girls’ school, though it’s not very well attended.

The Army is proud of its rehab and development work here, especially the road that runs from north to south through the town, connecting it to Jandola, and further on, to the settled area of D.I. Khan via Tank. But the army versus local divide persists, heavily dependent on how individual officers breach it. The former 327 brigade commander had actually learnt the local variant of Pashto, and was married to the place as he volunteered for a second tour here. Other officers choose to be more distant. It’s a personal choice.

SEATING ARRANGEMENTS: Medicine distribution camps, like this one just outside Sararogha, South Waziristan, run by an engineer, are an attempt by the army to regain the trust of the locals. Seats are a new induction by the organizers; camps without seats are usually subjected to chaos, as 'queuing up' is considered derogatory in the local 'riwaj', or culture.

Operationally, the weakness of gathering and then processing tactical intelligence remains, and the recent attack proved it. Though chatter gets picked up by signals officers embedded with infantry units, with local Pashto specialists aiding them, there is no one, uniform method by which intel is processed. A few officers showed me the 327’s procedure: an Excel spreadsheet, complete with smart functions, that the brigade has developed to match and tally chatter with insurgent operations; but its retrospective, they admit, not allowing them to always pre-empt a militant strike before it happens.

There’s also a capacity problem; at the brigade level and lower; crucial chatter transcriptions will not travel all the way up on busy days. They tell me about the Russians, who had a KGB officer embedded with every unit, back in the day. The Americans too have intel specialists built into smaller, forward formations, across the border. No such thing in Pakistan’s units: the old spy/soldier divide remains, and the spies only talk to the brass, at Division HQ. The directives for singular platforms, where sharing and processing of vital pre-operational data is built around ‘netcentricity’ will have to come from the Military Operations directorate, they surmise.

“They’re working on it,” says a major, accepting a warm Mountain Dew from a local bakery owner. “The MO is always working on something.”

“It’s VUCA,” said the commanding officer (CO), whose unit patrols the eastern shoulder of what the Army calls the ‘Mehsud Triangle’ - the gaping area once dominated by Mehsud tribesmen that is now flanked on the east by the 40th Division and held on the west by the 9th Division. “It’s totally VUCA, this place.”

“Volatile, Uncertain, Complex and Ambiguous,” he wisps into the smoke filled room, with Hamid Mir pontificating on the flat screen. “Volatile because the nature, speed, volume, magnitude and dynamics of events change all the time. Uncertain because of the lack of predictability of events and issues. Complex because of the interconnectivity of various and different parts that confound those issues. And ambiguous, because reality is hazy, mixed confusingly with the meaning of conditions.”

STILL NEEDS BODY ARMOUR: Years after the peace deal that was inked here, this trooper in Shakai's 124 Brigade still need armour to move around his "AOR", or area of responsibility, as volatility and violence persist. The heavy footprint chafes locals, but the army fights tensions with free medical camps and roving clinics.

We’re having, believe it or not, perfectly crusted chicken pot pie. Complete with cheese, mushrooms, potatoes and Dunhills. “I picked up the recipe at (names the Western military academy he’s recently trained at). The chef here took some time to adapt to it. We don’t have much to do here except fight and eat. So we do both…we have a lot of time to improve both those skills.”

Under a picture of the Chief of Army Staff and the colonel commandant of his regiment, there is a framed still from the field. I count 18 in all, officers and soldiers, wearing their tac-gear, bandoliers and a Waziristani sunburn, looking like they all need sleep and showers. The name and date of the operation, which happened this summer, and a commendation from the 327 Brigade, is etched under the picture.

“That was fun…A hunting party,” says the CO. “We had been picking up chatter for days and we knew, roughly, of a location that these guys were hiding out in. We had estimated around 20 to 30 of them to be there. So I put together a contingent, got permissions, and took off. We were tired of sitting around.”

“We pre-streamed two fully charged iPads with the estimated Google Maps location our intel had indicated these guys were at. We drove for half a day, till the track finished. We kept going, on foot, on light rations, and dropped our heavy weapons. We walked for two days and nights. We slept on the rocks, and hid in caves. We moved at night. We had borrowed these new lights [gear specifics cannot be named] from the SSG [Special Service Group, the army’s special operations formation], which helped us along.”

COBRA COMMANDER: An AH-1 Cobra gunship gets ready for take-off at the 9th Division's aviation base, in Wana, South Waziristan. The army first deployed the AH-1 in the 1980s in an anti-armour role against India, especially around the South Punjab axis. But most of the army's Cobra squadrons now rotate in and out of FATA for what are, strictly, anti-terror operations. Fitted with night-vision devices, Cobras provide air cover for ground troops, perform aerial 'show of force' patrols and reconnaissance, and conduct independent ambushes, pursuits and raids as well. They've helped the army reduce IED casualties, which mounted or on foot troops are subjected to on the ground, but they're expensive to maintain.

“When we made contact, on the third afternoon, we had just 12 percent of batteries left on our second iPad. I remember that. Most of our cigarettes were also gone, which is always a bad sign. We were getting tired. We had Steyrs [Austrian-made sniper rifles], a couple of Dragunovs [Russian-made sniper rifles], RPGs [rocket propelled grenades], and our regular kit with SMGs {Type 56s, Chinese variants of the AK-47].”

“Our intel had been good on location, but bad about the numbers. There were more than 20 of them. Much, much more than 20. We engaged through our snipers from the high ground, then took out a couple of their compounds with the RPGs. They swarmed out, and kept coming, from a hidden enclave in the rear that we hadn’t seen. We kept engaging.

THE COMM MAP: In the COIN/CT theatre of South Waziristan, communications 'on the fly' mean being able to talk with dozens of check-posts and positions that are spread out over several kilometres. Here's a 'radio map' mounted on an officer's car in one of the three brigades that form the 40th Division. The map is changed often, and randomly, to stop the militants from 'counter-intercepting' military chatter.

“They had solar panels. They had sat phones. They had mortars. The hot part of the engagement lasted around 45 minutes.

“We eventually called in aviation. We had to, as I didn’t want to carry a single shaheed back. But Google Maps, Zindabad.

“I don’t have drones and satellites, but I have what the Americans don’t: ownership. That’s why we’re innovative. We could have just sat there and done nothing, or we could have engaged. So we engaged and had a hunting party. More pie?”

This place looks like the end of the world. Ridgelines that look like blunted razors, dust that stings and sun that cuts. For many, the world does end here, as Afghanistan begins. But the locals keep on living and moving. Mostly Wazirs, they come and go across the border: on foot, on motorcycles, in pick-up trucks, sedans and lorries. The border crossing is manned by one of the older FC wings. The commandant is a Punjabi, but all the men are Pakhtun. It’s a normal day, as the FC is doing its regular border patrolling. Truck drivers are allowed to brandish weapons to protect themselves. This is Wazir land, after all.

THE LAST GAS STATION ON EARTH: Less than a mile from the Durand Line, this sole petrol pump in Angoor Adda, South Waziristan, has been both a crucial lifeline for the local transport as well as the sight of several gunfights. Disagreement over priority access between armed groups, especially when supplies are low, has often resulted in violence. The station pumps all sorts of fuel: legal petrol from Pakistan, and the not-so-legal supply that comes from across the border, even Iran.

They’re more laid back than the Mehsuds, these Ahmadzai Wazirs, who dominate here with five sub-tribes, rivalled by the Sulaiman Khel, who have two sub-tribes. Four Taliban groups – Shamsullah, Halimullah, Malang and the feared Commander Nazir Group – operate here, abetted and/or rivaled by at least five “independent” Taliban field commanders: Khalid (Zali Khel), Sultan (Toji Khel), Tariq (Punjabi), Gade Khan (Toji Khel), Waliullah (Gangi Khel) and Saifullah (Toji Khel). The tribal-militant matrix is confusing, and I have to go through an organogram that the commandant makes in the dirt with his cane to understand the rules. What’s obvious enough, however, is the strongest political and physical structures in town are, ironically enough, the consortium of mosques that are led by four Maulanas of varying hues. The state doesn’t matter here, nor exist; except for the FC, whose commander gets by on good will, using his 395 Corpsmen and 26 regular army troops to build schools, repair shops, attend the jirgas and, of course, play bad cop.

A construction crew is working a new petrol pump, as the old one has seen too many firefights break out for possession and first dibs when the supply is low. As this is a transit point of a border town, I see more women - covered up of course – than I have seen so far. There are no slits in the burqas, like the ones you see in the mainland; just pierced pocks. Nor are they black, also a mainland trend, neither red, as seen in Kabul. This is white and blue burqa land. Only pre-pubescent girls are un-burqa’d, but even a four-year-old has a dupatta.

NOT THE DEVIL'S WORKSHOP: Car mechanics at work in Angoor Adda's central bazaar. With the absence of gas stations, workshops like this also provide petrol and diesel fills, and according to an intelligence official, excellent insight about whose using the local roads, what they're driving, and where they're headed.

Kids in uniforms from a local school are crossing over to go back to their homes on the Afghan side. So is a chicken vendor with a low-flung Hilux filled with birds and assistants. The Durand Line is less than well imagined for these divided tribes: For them, it’s sub-fictional. Here, they’re married to their land, not their countries. My roaming indicator shows that only an Afghan cellular service provider is available. This is the Pakistani part of Tribalistan, really. The market itself is subsistence-level; everybody is driving some beat up version of a Toyota. “Woodtrade, coal, livestock, agriculture” are the professions that my intel briefing claims the locals are involved in, but I spot a few mechanics and some madressah students; most men are just ambling around.

SCHOOL OF WAR: Students, like this young one from Chagmalai Model School for Boys near Jandola, South Waziristan, have been deprived as well as enabled by the Waziristan war machine. Without the military's presence in the region, they wouldn't have a school to go to, as the army funds and sends volunteers and cadets to teach at such institutions. But army presence is also accompanied by military operations as well as the restrictions and dangers for the local population.

Troops from the Afghan National Army (ANA) are stationed around 30 metres away from the official border crossing, which is better paved on the Pakistani side thanks to a new road the Corps of Engineers have laid with American and UAE funding. A couple of the ANA are wearing baseball caps, one red and one yellow, and the guy with the red cap has it on backwards, like a street gang member from an American inner city. But their watchtowers are brand-new, as are their barracks and searchlights. “A gift from Nato,” mutters the commandant of the FC Wing. “Let’s see if they behave like they deserve it.”

There have been cross-border tensions here. “We took fire on March 23, heavy fire,” says the commandant, an infantryman with a big voice that is flattened by his Gold Leafs. “Then on August 14, too. Then, on the 15th, they had fireworks. Actual, colourful, fireworks.”

FC UNDER ATTACK: A sentry of the 2nd Wing of the Frontier Corps, on watch on one of the outer perimeter walls, partially damaged in a recent attack, in Angoor Adda, South Waziristan. Angoor Adda has been the site of a US 'boots on the ground' incursion, and is a major Af-Pak border crossing as well. After high casualties and mass surrenders in the 2000s, the FC has been forced to evolve, in tactics and even in uniform, moving from a border-security force role to that of an anti-terror force.

I can read the sub-text of the complaint: The ANA has ‘Indian backing’, allege most of the operational and intelligence officers I’ve often met on this side. But the fireworks anecdote, on India’s Independence Day, is a new one.

“Communication is the best medicine,” claims the commandant. The ill-constructed proverb has substance, though.

“Every Wednesday, at 2100 hours, I speak to my counterpart across the border. I’ve got my interpreter, who speaks Pashto. That CO there has got his Pakhtun aide, as he is a Dari speaker himself.

“We started this hotline around a couple of months ago, soon after the Americans left. When we heard that the Indians left along with the Yanks, we reached out. And it worked. Directly talking to the Afghans has helped.

“Firing is down. As are mortar engagements. They’ve shot at us to pressurise us to stop cross-border movement, which is not always controllable because of this so-called border and the demands of the tribes; but hitting us only makes matters worse because we’re forced to hit back.

“We’ve started sharing intel now. There’s still distrust, but both of us have created a window.”

My ride, an MI-17, has a crew that doesn’t appreciate sunsets, nor bunking overnight in a dusty border town’s FC Wing that’s seen two American incursions, boots on the ground and all that. Aviators are pushy, and prefer asphalt under their tires when it’s lights out. I’m summoned, and move to the helipad. Next stop, the 7th Division’s HQ.

WAITING UNDERGROUND: The below-surface "TacHQ", or tactical headquarters of the 7th Division, the oldest formation in the army, in Miranshah, North Waziristan. Underground because it has been subjected to rocket and mortar attacks, the 7th Division will be the frontline outfit that will do the heavy-lifting if/when the time for the "mop up" operation in North Waziristan arrives.

Between the static induced by Talib jammers below us, I have an in-flight comm-set debate with the pilots about the bandwidth of the free wi-fi that awaits us, code for the longevity of the Viber chat we are looking forward to with our wives when we bunk up at the Golden Arrow Hotel (as Miranshah’s officers’ quarters are referred to, a cheeky reference to the formation sign of the 7th Division as well as the mosquitoes that plague it).

The wi-fi is not a luxury. We will need to talk to our wives: Midnight artillery fire makes for gentlemanly insomniacs. And North Waziristan is a lonely place, anyway. Even with 20,000 hardened militants willing to offer their company.

The writer is a producer/correspondent for NBC News. He tweets at @WajSKhan

ISLAMABAD: For the first time since November 2007, former
president and military strongman retired Gen Pervez Musharraf has
accepted direct responsibility for the imposition of emergency in the
country, but has claimed that it was only done upon receiving advice
that the security of the country had been imperilled by some actions of
then chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and some other members of
the superior judiciary.
In a belated petition seeking review of the apex court’s landmark
July 31, 2009, verdict, Gen Musharraf argued that then elected prime
minister Shaukat Aziz had recommended taking extra-constitutional
measures of proclaiming the emergency. A 14-judge bench headed by then
chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry had denounced successive military
takeovers of the past four decades and their endorsement by the superior
judiciary after declaring Gen Musharraf’s emergency order and most of
the actions taken under it, including the appointment of over 100
superior court judges, as illegal and unconstitutional.
Legal observers are of the opinion that at least a 16-judge larger
bench needs to be constituted to hear and overturn the July 31 verdict.
Gen Musharraf’s review petition was filed after a delay of over four
years by Sharifuddin Pirzada, Mohammad Ibrahim Satti and Dr Khalid
Ranjha.
It argued that the July 31 verdict should be set aside because both
Mr Musharraf and Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry were at daggers drawn and
rival because of a reference the former had instituted as then president
against the latter on misuse of authority.
Gen Musharraf, however, expressed full confidence in the present
Supreme Court headed by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani and all
its judges and said he had faith of an impartial adjudication.
Through a separate application, the former military ruler requested
the court to suspend the July 31 verdict as well as the proceedings
before a special court constituted to try him under treason charges.
The review petition cited a letter of the then prime minister to the
then president (Musharraf) about security of Pakistan in which direct
allegations were levelled against Justice Chaudhry and some members of
the judiciary which subsequently resulted in the proclamation of
emergency.
It argued that since the emergency had been clamped on the alleged
misdeeds of Justice Chaudhry, he should not have headed the 14-member
bench. It violated principles of administration of justice in which the
accused was condemned unheard. The petition also targeted the Nov 3,
2007, restraining order issued by a seven-judge bench headed by Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry and explained that Justice Rana Bhagwandas had signed
the order on Nov 5, instead of Nov 3. Besides, the presence of Justice
Ghulam Rabbani was also doubtful.
The petition disputed the restraining order by stating that it had
been issued by the judges who already had ceased to hold their offices
and by then a new chief justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar, had taken oath.
Moreover, till their restoration through an executive order of March
16, 2009, Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and other judges had accepted and
obeyed the 2008 Tikka Iqbal Khan case of validating the Nov 3 emergency
on the same ground of accepting the Oct 12, 1999, military takeover as
well as the Nov 3 emergency itself.
Justice Chaudhry waited till the superannuation of Justice Dogar that
was due on March 22, 2009, and then assumed the office on March 24,
2009, which showed the judges fully accepted the tenure of Justice
Dogar.
Moreover, the petition said, at the time of issuing the July 31
judgment, the holding in abeyance of the constitution was not considered
to be a high treason and, therefore, the apex court in its binding
short order of July 31 had not ordered the trial of Gen Musharraf under
high treason.

It is so regrettable and unfortunate that all these top leaders of MQM, except Farooq Sattar are dead, and all have been assassinated. It is also on record that all these leaders either left MQM (Bader Iqbal, S.M Tariq, Imran Farooq, Razik Khan) or developed differences with Altaf Hussain (Azeem Tariq, Khalid bin Waleed, Nishat Malick) before their death.

Interesting fact is that MQM has never ever tried to catch or even seriously demanded the capture of culprits who wiped entire leadership of MQM in last 20 years despite being in government for last 23 years.

It is also a well known fact that Azeem Tariq (the person in the picture along with Altaf Hussain) was known as an honest politician. He was admired for his strategic and peaceful approach to problem-solving, and his loathing for violence. Regarded as an icon of peace, honesty, and kindness in Pakistani politics, he was also well known for his soft-spoken tone and striking personality.

I do not disagree with the fact that Yes, MQM was started for a right cause but all of its honest leaders were assassinated for dirty politics.