There was once a time when school children would hang out at the Al-Karama library in Cairo’s bustling, impoverished Dar El Salam neighborhood. They sought escape from the polluted drudgery of slum life, or just a safe space to finish their homework. But for almost a year now, the library’s decrepit maroon garage door has been rolled shut: In December 2016, Egyptian security forces raided the library and three of its sister branches after deeming them seditious spaces.
The government’s assessment of the libraries stemmed largely from the work of their founder, Gamal Eid, a human-rights lawyer with a high, lilting voice. After Egypt’s cataclysmic revolution in 2011, Eid used his own money to open the library and five others like it. The name he gave them, Al-Karama, means “dignity” in Arabic.
On the day of the Dar El Salam raid, Eid and a group of volunteers held incensed children back from ...

Gamal Eid
CAIRO — On Wednesday, three judges in Cairo will decide whether to allow prosecutors to pursue their case against me and my co-defendant, the journalist and human rights advocate Hossam Bahgat, in the government’s continuing attack on nongovernmental organizations in Egypt. The case against me has centered on my role in founding the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, which aims to educate the Egyptian public about their civil and human rights.
As for Mr. Bahgat, it is widely known that his investigative reporting has rattled the government. But the case against him has focused on the activities of the organization he founded, the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights.
We have been targeted because our groups provide critical resources to those facing human rights abuses in Egypt. We have represented victims of torture from across the spectrum: Muslim Brotherhood members, liberals, leftists, victims of arbitrary arrest and even government supporters. We ...

Some people insisted that the corruption will not endure, suppression will not hinder those who call for democracy and Anas Al-Feki's(1) media outlets will not hide crimes of National Democratic Party's barons. A low voice in a demonstration included dozens of protesters had much influence than Maspero's channels and satellite stations. The photo of martyr “Khaled Saeed”(2) was clearer than Osama Sarya's (3) photoshopped photos and covers of Abdullah Kamal's Roza Al-Yusseif (4). Responding to the calls for taking to streets in 25 January had a strong impact than the warnings issued by “Egypt is not Tunisia” experts. We didn't imagine the overthrow of the autocrat is imminent, while the revolution is eagerly waiting.
It was no more than a fragile regime; aghast like a mouse and coward like a rabbit. It didn't remain firm more than 18 days, and stepped down! And it had to step down. We thought ...

Bahrain’s Revolution and President Morsy
President Dr. Mohamed Morsy has given nearly twelve speeches. Since he came to power in the beginning of July, we have followed him closely as have many others not just in Egypt but in all parts of the Arab and non-Arab worlds.
As far as I have observed, President Morsy has referenced the Arab revolutions three times in his speeches in which his support for the Syrian people’s revolution against Bashar Al-Assad and his disregard for Bahraini people’s revolution have been made equally clear.
The Bahraini revolution, which began on 14 February, 2011, is distinguished by several characteristics not found in the other six Arab Spring revolutions.
- Unlike the revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen and Syria, this revolution did not raise the slogan “the fall of the regime” but rather raised slogans demanding reforms and an end to discrimination against the majority.
- It is the only revolution ...

Only a few leaders and political groups believed in the ability of the youth to challenge the regime and foil its celebrations of a Police Day to honour the torturers of Egyptians on 25 January, 2011, while the majority of those who took to the streets that day were all convinced that their protests would be a success.
Gamal Eid
The determination of the youth succeeded and the force of the people joined them. The Muslim Brotherhood was late to join, but they compensated with an active contribution through thwarting the latest attack of Mubarak’s regime during the day of the Battle of the Camel.
During a referendum on constitutional amendments in March 2011, there were accusations of disloyalty against those who urged people to say “no” to the amendments, including me. I did not consider this a dangerous disagreement that would hinder building a new Egypt. I said that it was just ...

How many years we spent! How many years will we wait for the ruler to be convinced that his position in power is temporary and that his belief that he is the inspired leader, the sole ruler or God’s successor on earth do not justify his presence in power until death or until he is toppled by a revolution or a coup?
We think this is a disease which is not restricted to Arab leaders only; that it finds fertile ground to grow in autocratic regimes all over the world. Its symptoms are that power-addicted people, as soon as taking office, arrange to remain in power for life, on the grounds that the people insist they stay in power, given that they are a gift from heaven to the people. They will also think of opposition as a deviant and malicious group.
The first arrangement taken by this kind of leader is ...

We do not mention his involvement in the crime. Nor do we mention his defence to the matter.
We do not know of his opposition to an error. Nor do we not know of his political stance.
He is Amr Moussa, the veteran diplomat with a long history of nearly 53 years of service in the diplomatic corps, during which he coexisted with every Egyptian government and harmonised with all the Arab regimes. During this service, he never antagonised or opposed any regime.
Amr Moussa, a law graduate, progressed from one diplomatic position to another, starting in 1958 during the reign of the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser, until he become an adviser to the foreign minister during the rule of former President Anwar El Sadat at the end of the 1970s.
Despite the resignation of two foreign ministers, Muhamed Ibrahim Kamel and Ishmael Fahmi, in protest against the number of concessions surrendered to ...

How many years we spent! How many years will we wait for the ruler to be convinced that his position in power is temporary and that his belief that he is the inspired leader, the sole ruler or God’s successor on earth do not justify his presence in power until death or until he is toppled by a revolution or a coup?
We think this is a disease which is not restricted to Arab leaders only; that it finds fertile ground to grow in autocratic regimes all over the world. Its symptoms are that power-addicted people, as soon as taking office, arrange to remain in power for life, on the grounds that the people insist they stay in power, given that they are a gift from heaven to the people. They will also think of opposition as a deviant and malicious group.
The first arrangement taken by this kind of leader is ...

Portrait of the Egyptian Lawyer Gamal Eid
Egypt still has a long way to go before it can be regarded as a state adhering to the rule of law. Gamal Eid from the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information accuses the Military Council of committing serious human rights abuses. Claudia Mende introduces the combative lawyer
Gamal Eid does not restrain himself in his condemnation of Egypt's Military Council. "The Military Council is even more brutal than Mubarak," is his personal assessment of the transitional government run by the generals. He sees the policies of the Military Council under the leadership of General Hussein Tantawi as an attempt to prolong the system as it was under Mubarak and to ensure privileges for the army by any means available, despite the transformation going on in Egypt.
The lawyer and head of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), an initiative founded in 2004, is ...