Senior Catholic and Anglican bishops have agreed onproposals - which will be published later this year - toreunite under the leadership of the Pope, it was claimedtoday.

In a 42-page statement prepared by an internationalcommission of both churches, Catholics and Anglicans areasked to explore how they might end their split and reunitewith the Pope as leader.

The statement is being considered by the Vatican, whereCatholic bishops are understood to be preparing a formalresponse.

The news comes as the archbishops of 38 provinces of theAnglican community meet in Tanzania to discuss gayordination and other liberal doctrines that have taken holdin parts of the western Church.

It is thought that should these discussions lead to a splitbetween liberals and conservatives, many of the formerobjections in Rome to a reunion with Anglican conservativeswould disappear. Many of those Anglicans who object to gayordination also oppose the ordination of women priests.

The Vatican showed it could be flexible on the issue ofcelibacy when it received dozens of married priests fromthe Church of England after they left over the ordinationof women priests.

This latest report was drawn up by the InternationalAnglican/Roman Catholic Commission for Unity and Mission,which is chaired by the Right Rev David Beetge, an AnglicanBishop from South Africa and the Most Rev John Bathersby,the Catholic Archbishop of Brisbane.

The commission was set up in 2000 by the former Archbishopof Canterbury, Lord Carey, and Cardinal Edward Cassidy, thepresident of the Vatican's Council for Christian Unity. Itsaim was to find a way of moving towards unity through"common life and mission".

The document, leaked to The Times, is the commission'sfirst statement, Growing Together in Unity and Mission.While acknowledging the " imperfect communion" between thetwo churches, it says there is enough common ground to makeits call for action about the Pope.

Crunch negotiations after the Assembly elections couldinvolve the annual trek by the political parties toWashington for St Patrick's week, it emerged today.

The extended sequence of events around March 17 - aSaturday this year - might play a more pivotal role in theprovince's politics than in recent years.

For it is by around that weekend that the British and Irishgovernments will ideally want to attempt to calculatewhether a devolution deal is on the cards for March 26.

Senior party sources said, however, that as in the pastnegotiations are likely to stretch to the last possible day- and it is not yet clear whether all the parties intendsending full delegations to the US.

The speculation rose as DUP leader Ian Paisley said therewere still " too many ifs and buts" over Sinn Fein supportfor policing and his party needed to be persuaded"absolutely".

Interviewed on RTE's This Week, Mr Paisley said there was a"craving for peace", but it was essential to ensure itwould last.

"There will be obstacles and difficulties, but we are goingto see this one through," he said.

His upbeat assessment came after Sinn Fein's ard chomhairle(executive) met in Dublin to debate the election and itsannual ard fheis in two weeks.

While David Trimble has departed, Upper Bann remains one ofthe key barometers of the state of unionism - between theDUP and Ulster Unionists in particular.

And Banbridge is the area all the main parties are focusedon in attempting to alter the 'safe bet' outcome of twoDUP, two UUP, one SDLP and one Sinn Fein.

Memories of former MP, now Lord, Trimble and his wife,Daphne, enduring a concerted assault as they left anelection count may by now be fading, but temperaturesbetween the parties in the area still run high. They willslug it out to the last.

Although they have still a considerable gap to close, theDUP can be considered within sight of a third seat.

That possibility makes the constituency an important testof support for the party still facing crunch decisions onpower-sharing with Sinn Fein.

Has support dropped or stabilised?

Two factors - fears of a huge stay-at-home element and theeffect of two independent unionists - could thwart theirhopes however, with Ulster Unionists confident they canhold onto two quotas.

DUP vote management is focused between Craigavon andBanbridge, where the party has spent 18 months building upthe profile of newcomer Junior McCrum, replacing seniorOrange Order leader Denis Watson who fought and failed in2003.

McCrum is fairly unknown in the Craigavon area whereinstead sitting members David Simpson, who defeated Trimblefor the Westminster seat, and Stephen Moutray should sharewell over two quotas.

The unknown entity is apathy. "There is a degree ofunhappiness in Upper Bann, there's no doubt about it," onestrategist conceded.

The loss of the former party leader and First Ministerweakens the UUP brand, but a contingent of the constituencyassociation argues Trimble had become a liability.

The UUP is playing a 'safe pairs of hands' strategy,fielding sitting MLA Samuel Gardiner, former Stormontmember George Savage and new candidate, veteran councillorArnold Hatch, a senior player in the all-party localgovernment association who intend to capitalise ondisgruntlement in and with the DUP.

"We are finding people on the doorsteps telling us 'youwere right - we were wrong to support the DUP'," oneveteran party worker said.

Sinn Fein is also pushing, however, for a second seat,fairly confident of current MLA John O'Dowd being returned,but believing Banbridge councillor Dessie Ward could alsoadvance the party's one-and-a-half quotas, at the expenseof a collapsed UUP vote or the SDLP.

Republican Sinn Fein have put up a standard-bearer,however, in Anthony Toman.

The SDLP's sitting tenant, Dolores Kelly, is convinced shewill retain her seat. Another element which can potentiallyeffect the outcome is where the Alliance vote - representedby another Banbridge figure, Sheila McQuaid - transfers to.

It's a fairly packed field. No less than ten candidates arenot going to make it. The wife of former loyalist prisonerClifford Peeples, Suzanne Peeples, is also standing, at theapparent behest of 'bitterly disillusioned' sections of theDUP electorate.

Characterised as a Protestant Unionist, the former securityforces and Orange Order member argues once faithful DUPvoters feel 'betrayed'. And independent local veteran DavidCalvert, who has won the support of DUP councillor MarkRussell, could dent the DUP vote even more.

Conservative leader David Cameron has called on voters inthe North to leave behind "sectarian politics".

Mr Cameron was in Bangor yesterday to drum up support forJames Leslie, the Conservative Party candidate for NorthDown who is attempting to gain the first Conservative seatin the Northern Assembly.

Mr Leslie defected to the Conservatives from the UlsterUnionist Party in September 2006. He won an Assembly seatin 1998, although he did not stand in the election of 2003.

"I believe the Conservative Party has a lot to offer peoplein Northern Ireland because we ought to be getting awayfrom sectarianism and voting on the basis of the communityyou belong to," said Mr Cameron.

"Instead, people should be voting on the issues they careabout and candidates who reflect your values. That is whatthe Conservative Party hopes to do in Northern Ireland."

The Conservatives will field nine candidates and hope tomake a bigger impact than the 0.2 percentage points theygained in the election of 2003.

"I want to see the Conservative Party do well in every partof the United Kingdom. I think there is a real opportunitybecause we want politics here to return to normal and getaway from the endless issue of how Northern Ireland shouldbe governed."

On the issue of whether there would be a powersharingexecutive come March 26th, Mr Cameron was optimistic.

"I hope we will see power-sharing and will see it work, butall parties have to do what they can to make sure it doeswork."

One of the main issues in the election run-up has been SinnFein's support of the police and unionist reaction to it.

"I respect what Sinn Fein have done. It was difficult forthem to support the police, and I applaud that. I thinkthose are very important steps forward, but we need to seeit reflected now in deeds as well as words.

"We need to see it happen on the ground. I think Sinn Feinhave steps to take to show their support for policing isreal and tangible, but I hope all parties will worktogether."

Earlier in the day Reg Empey, the Ulster Unionist leader,challenged Mr Cameron over whether any potentialConservative Assembly members would designate themselves asunionists once in the Assembly.

Mr Cameron said the Conservative Party was the "strongestsupporter of all parts of the United Kingdom remaining partof the United Kingdom".

"Of course it is up to the candidates to decide what to do,and, having spoken to our candidates, I am sure if theyhave to designate they will designate themselves asunionist. But we ought to be getting away from this wholeidea that you have to designate. One of the reasons we arestanding is to say to people that politics does not have tobe like this."

Constituency Proile/North Down:Ten years ago the voters ofNorth Down would not have seen a DUP candidate knocking ondoors. These days Peter Weir, an Ulster Unionist defector,does precisely that.

Accompanied by Alex Easton, a surprise winner in the 2003Assembly campaign, the DUP is fighting for a third seat.It's a tall order, but the party is targeting the vote ofrebel unionist Bob McCartney and anticipating a possiblefurther decline in UUP support.

McCartney anticipates that Ian Paisley's bid to do businesswith Sinn Fein will backfire and that unionists will damnhim for doing what he once set his face against.

Lady Sylvia Hermon is the popular local MP and the UlsterUnionists' only member of the House of Commons. She canattract half the vote in a general election, winning sometactical votes from others, notably the Alliance Party, inthe process.

However, she's not on the UUP ticket and the anti-agreementMcCartney vote is not what it once was. That leaves an openchance for the DUP and the party is going for it.

Easton is a cautious campaigner and does not count hischickens, but he knows that the reception on the doorstepis indifferent at worst and increasingly positiveelsewhere. One woman convinces him that solid constituencywork means she'll give him a No 1 and she is encouragingothers to do the same.

"In a sense the DUP is like Sinn Fein," he says. "We bothdo the ground work well, we're close to the electorate andit pays off at times like this." There is a sense amongEaston's voters that they want the DUP to "get on with it"and do a deal to restore Stormont - even if it meanssharing power with Martin McGuinness. You can't choose yourenemies.

Alan McFarland, the UUP's main man, believes that DUPpolicy changes won't go un- noticed among the solidlyunionist electorate. "Paisley changed at St Andrews," hesays. "He promised a new deal without Sinn Fein and thed'Hondt mechanism. Not now." The push for a third DUP seatis a sign of a party over-reaching itself, he believes, andit is simply running too many candidates.

People want "normal politics" and he insists his party will"catch the wave" of popular opinion in favour ofpowersharing and stability. "Paisley and McGuinness cannotprovide that," he says, a fact the electorate appreciates.They will vote accordingly, he hopes.

To the outsider North Down is affluent, Protestant andunchanging. The facts are otherwise.

Poverty sits alongside some of the wealthiest areas ofNorthern Ireland. Its voters are independently minded and,rather than solidly Protestant, a huge swathe of people donot have a religious affiliation or prefer not to declareit. Voter volatility means that in addition to the UUP-DUPdogfight, a host of others see the chance of grabbing aseat here.

The Greens are running a former Alliance frontrunner,hopeful of making the breakthrough on to the Stormontscene.

Brian Wilson is careful not to wish a plague upon thetraditional houses of the larger established parties.Conscious of pressing local environmental concerns, hewants to ensure he corners the market for preference voteswithout annoying any one group of voters.

His party's biggest challenge is convincing anyone who willlisten that the Greens are not a single-issue pressuregroup supported by those opting out of "normal" politics.The party, explicitly coveting the Alliance vote, seesitself as the deserved inheritor of voters fed up with theperceived tribalism of the larger parties.

But the Alliance Party is not surrendering that territoryeasily. Stephen Farry, party general secretary, believes hecan and will hold on to the considerable personal supportwhich the party's flag-bearer Eileen Bell had earned heresince 1998.

Like the Green Party, Alliance has the area well marked outwith posters and door-to-door campaigns established. Itstactic is to garner sufficient first preferences to avoidelimination, then to attract transfers - but that is also atactic employed by a range of independents.

Brian Rowan, a former BBC journalist, caused many a raisedeyebrow when he announced his candidacy. The Holywood maninsists he's a genuinely independent independent - and notlinked to any traditional camp.

A peace process insider, he says he is well placed "to actas a voice for the process" and to "make a contribution tothe debate on all sides".

He could win. He could come nowhere - North Down is not aneasy place to read.

The SDLP and Sinn Fein survive on micro- percentages withmany people sympathetic to such parties opting to votetactically against the unionist they least like or, morelikely, staying at home. The SDLP's Liam Logan has aprofile in Ulster-Scots circles, so he may benefitsomewhat, but there is little chance for him to challengefor a seat.

Voters who do not see themselves as unionist have Allianceand a variety of Independent options. Remember that theoutgoing Alliance member, Eileen Bell, is a Falls RoadCatholic, proving that religion may be less of a factorhere than in other unionist areas.

UNIONIST BATTLEGROUND:This is relatively new territory forthe DUP following years of independent unionistrepresentation by figures such as Robert McCartney and thelate James Kilfedder.

This time, the DUP is well established and pushing for athird seat. Ulster Unionists too are hopeful of a thirdmember with hopes fostered by the large personal vote fortheir only MP Lady Sylvia Hermon. However, she is not onthe ticket and it could be that her vote exceeds her"party" vote and she benefits from Alliance tacticalvoting.

The DUP does rather better here in local government ratherthan Westminster elections, pointing to a complicated andunpredictable voting picture.

This is a volatile constituency - the Women's Coalition hada breakthrough here in 1998 before losing out next timearound. No one genuinely knows if journalist Brian Rowanwill win dozens or a few thousand votes.

PREDICTED OUTCOME:There could be seven or eight counts herebefore anyone reaches the quota for the first seat. Itseems a fair bet that the DUP is on course for at least twoseats as are the Ulster Unionists. Alliance, too, is wellplaced for a seat. But as one candidate suggested to TheIrish Times: "Anybody can win the fifth seat and absolutelyanybody can be in with a shout for the sixth."

Tomorrow a Sinn Fein delegation including Policingspokesperson Gerry Kelly and Raymond McCartney will attendthe conference on Policing in the Waterfront Hall organisedby the Policing Board. The delegation will also attend theHilton Hotel conference on collusion which has been timedto coincide with this.

Speaking today in advance of the meetings Gerry Kelly said:

"Tomorrow we will attend the conference entitled 'Policingthe future' in the Waterfront Hall. Sinn Fein's focus inthis as in all of our engagements in any policingstructures or events is to ensure that we have a policingservice which carries out its duties and responsibilitiesin a fair and impartial way and which is democraticallyaccountable to the public.

"Policing with the community needs to be the core functionof any civic policing service and especially in relation toprotecting the most vulnerable sections of society. It mustbe free from partisan political control.

"The importance of this is best illustrated by the eventtaking place in the Hilton beforehand. The conference isbeing organised by groups working with those familiesbereaved through collusion and will bring togetherfamilies, campaigners and the media. Our job is to ensurethat the type of policing of which collusion was anintegral part never happens again or of it does that it ispromptly exposed and expediently dealt with. Tomorrowsengagements are part of delivering that agenda." ENDS

This time in Croke Park, according to the joke doing therounds in Dublin, the English won't have the advantage ofhaving rifles and armoured cars when they take on the Irishat rugby next Saturday.

It used to be that such quips would have a raw, jagged edgeto them, giving vent to ancient Irish antagonisms againstthe English. But in today's Ireland such quips tend to bereceived with a smile: for while Croke Park's turbulenthistory remains well known, it no longer generates theanger it once did.

Saturday's match will nonetheless be a moment of hugesignificance that will spark deep emotions. Its importancewill be not just sporting but also of profound cultural andsocial relevance, saying to the world that the IrishRepublic - in existence for less than a century - isexhibiting a new maturity.

The last century of Irish history is irrevocably bound upwith the story of Croke Park. For many, it will be a momentfor reflection when the anthem "God Save the Queen" issung, and when the Union flag flutters over thistraditional citadel of Irishness. Croker, as it is known,this month hosted its first rugby game, when the Frenchbeat the Irish in the last moments. But the appearance ofEngland will have more profound historical resonances.

Croke Park came into being early last century as part of aGaelic movement that promoted Irish sport, culture andlanguage, emphasising separation from Britain, disapprovingof most things British.

In 1916, the push for independence moved from the culturalarena to armed rebellion, a rising in which small groupsseized key buildings in the centre of Dublin. It did notlast long, not least because British artillery quicklypounded rebel strongholds to rubble, especially in Dublin'smain thoroughfare, today's O'Connell Street.

The rising commanded little widespread support, but in itsaftermath the authorities made what was seen as adisastrous over-reaction, executing 15 rebel leaders byfiring squad. The wave of anger and sympathy led to amarked shift of Irish public opinion towards the rebels.Some of the rubble was used to help build Croke Park, onesection of which is to this day known as Hill 16, areference to the year 1916. The stadium was recentlyrebuilt as one of the finest in Europe, but it stillretains as part of its physical fabric some of the materialfrom that time.

It was thus part of the Irish campaign for independence.But four years later other events gave it a permanent, ifunwanted, place in Irish history.

In 1920, Michael Collins, one of the leaders of the Irishguerrilla campaign, sent assassins to strike Britishintelligence agents in Dublin. More than a dozen died inruthless early-morning raids on their homes.

The British forces involved in the campaign, most notablythe so-called Black and Tans, were notorious for swiftretaliation.

Crown forces went to Croke Park, where Dublin were playingTipperary, opened fire on the crowd and killed 14. One wasTipperary captain Michael Hogan, whose name lives on inCroke Park's Hogan stand. The incident was a political andpublic relations disaster for the British.

It was a violent and ruthless period, with insurrectionistsfirst fighting the British, then each other. But in thepast two decades the tendency to dwell on past injusticeshas strikingly lessened. So when Dublin's Lansdowne Roadground grew too rickety to stage rugby and soccerinternationals, the Gaelic Athletic Association agreed toopen Croke Park to rival sports.

What has really changed is the dramatic drop in antagonismtowards England. On the field, Ireland will of course wantto inflict defeat on the English, but of a purely sportingcharacter. None of the past has been forgotten in Dublin,for Irish memories are as long as ever. But there is a newsense that even a deeply troubled history need not bedivisive.

Oh, yes: the other quip in Dublin is that the mostappropriate Irish margin of victory would be 19-16.

Dissident republicans will be standing in a number ofconstituencies in the forthcoming Assembly elections, WestBelfast included. And while they will be hoping to profitfrom perfectly understandable community concern about theSinn Fein decision to sign up to policing, they will onlydo so if they set forward a viable and realistic politicalprogramme.

What is their alternative? It's a question that has beenasked many, many times, and it is one that will be askedmany times more until dissidents decide to provide ananswer, which thus far they have signally failed to do.Wrapping yourself in the green flag and loudly claiming tobe more patriotic than your neighbour may attract someattention in the short term, but it is no substitute for astrategy. Sinn Fein have laid out their stall very clearly.They intend to work within the existing political and legalarrangements with a view to constantly expanding the all-Ireland aspects of the Good Friday Agreement. At the sametime they intend to build on their electoral support tomake them the pre-eminent political party in the North andan electoral force to be reckoned with in the South. With alarge and hard-working team of political representativeslabouring at the coal face of politics in both Dublin andBelfast, the party believes that the existing peacefulmomentum towards the ending of partition will become anirresistible force.

That is their plan. Some may not like it, but there it is.

An important question needs to be asked of anyonepresenting themselves on the doorsteps in the coming daysand weeks in search of the votes of nationalists andrepublicans. Do they believe that a return to war ispreferable to peaceful political activism? There is muchgeneral talk being bandied about at present about Irishmenand women having the right to bear arms against a foreignoppressor, but this is an issue on which candidates need tobe crystal clear for the sake of our peace of mind, and forthe sake of our children. Being chary about the RUC/PSNI isone thing, and there are many people out there who havegenuine worries about saying yes to the current policingarrangements. There are precious few people who hold suchreservations, though, who are in favour of returning to thedark days of conflict. Those concerned enough about theSinn Fein Ard Fheis vote to consider placing a protest voteshould make it their business to know the entire contentsof the dissidents' political package.

Traders in Belfast are gearing up for a hectic weekend nextmonth brought about by the clash of dates between StPatrick's Day and Mothering Sunday. The annual St Patrick'sDay holiday falls on a Saturday with Mothers' Day followingon Sunday.

Retail outlets in the city are expecting revellers toconverge for the annual street parade and associatedfestivities, alongside traditional last-minute shoppersseeking presents for their mums.

Thousands are once again expected to throng the city'sstreets. The carnival parade, funded by the city council,will start at the City Hall at 12.30pm.

It will then make its way to Custom House Square for a two-hour concert.

A Belfast City Council spokesperson has played down anyfears of associated problems due to the conflicting datesand confirmed celebrations will take place on the Saturday.

He said: "Belfast City Council has vast experience oforganising events of this type and of keeping disruption toa minimum.

"The parade itself is expected to only last 20 to 30minutes at most, so any interruption to trading will bekept to a bare minimum.

"The council has an excellent working relationship withBelfast City Centre Management and Belfast Chamber of Tradeand Commerce. Translink have also been made aware ofdisruption around Donegall Square.

"This year's event promises to be a great day out foreverybody and if anything will have an obvious added-oneffect for our traders."

She said: "Obviously from the traders' point of view it isimportant that operations are well managed. It willcertainly help traders and the management of the citycentre that the main event is held in Custom House Square,therefore easing pressure somewhat.

"Any concerns raised by traders will certainly be filteredby us through to the City Council."

DUP councillor Robin Newton believes to counter theproblem, the parade and concert should be held on thedesignated holiday.

He said: "Traditionally the parade is on the holiday. Asthe holiday this year falls on a Monday, the parade shouldtake place on the Monday.

"The parade is not inclusive and does nothing to enhancethe city centre. It has a negative effect for our tradersand I have every sympathy for them in this case."

Safety concerns have been expressed over coach operatorsdefying Clare County Council's planned price rises for theCliffs of Moher site by opting not to use the new car parkand instead dropping off tourists at the roadside.

The charge for coach operators using the new ?31.5 millionvisitor centre is being increased this week. A car will becharged ?8, a bus or coach with 15 people on board ?25,with 16-39 on board ?50 and with 40 passengers or more ?60.The original charge was a flat fee of ?5.

Ger Dollard, project leader at the Cliffs of Moher centre,said that coach operators were already opting not to usethe car park.

"This has been occurring even in cases where tour operatorshave fully agreed the proposed new charges and have madebookings on that basis. There are serious traffic issuesand health and safety issues associated with the practiceof parking and dropping visitors on the road," he said.

"The council is also concerned that such a practice isbeing employed . . . where the tour operator has madebookings with the Cliffs of Moher centre for group visits,and the full benefit of the new facilities is not beingafforded to these visitors, despite prior arrangementsbeing made."

Mr Dollard added: "It is disappointing at this late stagethat the coach operators do not accept the arrangements nowin place, which are very fair and reasonable when accountis taken of the facilities provided at the cliffs"

At a meeting last Friday, coach operators failed in anattempt to persuade the council to reduce its charges.

Cora Collins, chief executive of the Coach Tourism andTransport Council, has accused Clare County Council ofbeing antagonistic in its approach to the charges issue.She added: "To say we didn't get anywhere is putting itmildly."

Jackie Cronin, of Ennis-based Glynn's Coaches, says thatthe council is asking the operators to do its "dirty work"for it by imposing the facilities charge rather than bycharging people individually at the gate.

Jim Deegan, managing director of Railtours Ireland, said:"The council has grossly underestimated the depth ofopposition to the new charges. They are too much, too soon.Implementation of the new charges by the council has beenclumsy and confrontational. The council has been engagingin bully-boy tactics.

"There is no move whatsoever from the council on thecharges. It is being completely inflexible and there is areluctance to negotiate. We are dismayed and disappointedby the council's attitude."

Mr Deegan continued: "It is not an option not to go to theCliffs of Moher for us as a company, but we won't beparking the coaches in the car park. It is all veryunfortunate, as the new visitor centre is very positive."

Mr Dollard commented: "The meeting on Friday last was heldin the public area of the first-floor restaurant in thecentre. I don't know how, in such an environment, themeeting could be described as hostile, and I would suggestthat it is the coach operators, by their actions and theirreferences such as 'dirty work', who are engaging in suchan approach.

"On the issue of charges, the council has made its positionclear on a number of occasions. We have undergone a longprocess in the last two years in engaging with individualoperators and we have met with representative groups whererequested to do so.

"We have significantly moved from our original approach ontwo occasions directly on foot of representations made bythe industry. We have introduced a number of discountschemes which will assist other tourist attractions in thearea and offer opportunities to coach operators tosubstantially reduce the charges proposed."

Mr Dollard said that the charges would be reviewed at theend of the year.