United Russia platform has something for everyone

The program of the All-Russian Popular Front says that “the course of building a vertical power structure has largely been vindicated” and “the national state and political system should aim to develop in keeping with genuine rule by the people.” So

The United Russia party has unveiled its priorities for the next State Duma, written primarily by the members of the All-Russian Popular Front.

The People’s Initiatives Program, posted on the website of the
United Russia party, “is not the result of work by Moscow’s experts and
bureaucrats behind closed doors,” according to its authors. It has been drawn
up by “authoritative experts, professionals from Russian regions and all
citizens who care about the destiny of our Motherland” – in other words, members
of the All-Russian Popular Front. The organization was created by United Russia
ahead of the parliamentary elections as “a tool for developing direct democracy
in the country.”

The substantive part of the document begins with a summary of the
past decade, roughly a history of Russia since Boris Yeltsin left his post as
president. The results are all positive: GDP, wages and pensions have grown,
and the national debt and mortality rate have declined.

The Popular Front comes out in favor of strong federal power. Its
ideologists argue that even in the most liberal countries, the state has had to
step in to fight the recent economic crisis. They believe “the course of
building a vertical power structure has largely been vindicated,” but think
that “the national state and political system should aim to develop in keeping
with genuine rule by the people.”

“There are many things Russian citizens are unhappy with,” the program
drafters admit, including poverty, a poor business climate, corruption and the
failure of officials to address people’s problems. Obviously, any Russian could
expand this list. To make the citizens happy, “the fundamental objective of the
state” must be met, which is to create conditions “for civilized competition of
people, ideas, social initiatives, projects and programs in politics, economics
and among the regions.” The approach appears to be liberal, but the proposed
measures are hardly sufficient to meet the objectives set out in the next 100
pages of the document, especially the economic ones. But the state’s pledge to
give everything to everyone is accompanied by a caveat: “A social welfare state
and justice does not mean equality, but equal rights for all people.”

The document’s macro-economic section opens with familiar rhetoric
about the need for modernization and diversification. The new element is that
revenues from the sale of natural resources should be “used not only to enhance
the ‘safety net’ but increasingly to finance the country’s movement forward.”
This plank reflects the recent departure of former Finance Minister Alexei
Kudrin, who firmly resisted “squandering” state reserves in this way.

Another “government priority” is stimulating private initiatives,
partly by “removing all administrative barriers, and eradicating corruption and
the negative aspects of Russian bureaucracy.” The program says nothing about
how bureaucracy is supposed to fight itself.

Reflecting on the modernization of the political system, the
authors of the document recall that “in our country, the interests of the state
have often been put ahead of the interests of the individual” and warn that
“this should not be repeated,” because “power is controlled by society.”

The document then details specific goals that would ensure a free
and comfortable life for all Russian citizens. The citizens are used to hearing
such promises, but what makes this list different is how detailed the proposals
are. One such promise is “a revision of road markings.”

“The state must support and stimulate the export of manufactured
goods and goods with high added value,” says the section dealing with foreign
economic policy. The need for state support is justified by “tough competition”
in world markets. Foreign partners also get their share of promises: “We will
actively open up our economy to foreign companies that have innovations to
offer and are ready to develop production in Russia.”

Business is urged to get more involved, “not only at the project
development stage, but also in getting approval from regional and federal
authorities.” The Popular Front proposes phasing out state economic control
measures in favor of self-regulation. Its ideologists understand that
“investors cannot be forced to come to Russia, they can only be drawn [here].”

The Program’s foreign policy section reaffirms Russia’s status as
a leading world power and formulates a goal that is assumed to be in the
national interest: “The full-blown utilization of opportunities offered by
globalization, as well as the latest achievements of civilization and progress
in consistently gearing them to the requirements of domestic development that
meet the needs of the country and all its citizens.”

“For Russia, the priority of the European vector of development
has to do with values and not geography,” the program says. “It…does not contradict,
but complements and enriches versions of Eurasian development without limiting
our freedom of action in any area of foreign policy.” But “the so-called West”
is urged to “overcome the experience of its leadership, realizing that neither
a forcible export of its own experience of political development, nor the
creation of missile defense systems can force the world to ‘be happy’ or even
build ‘an island’ of absolute security.”

Russia’s activities in Asia, Africa and Latin America in recent
years are hailed as “the genuine breakthrough that the world needs.” The role
of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS and APEC projects are
singled out.

The Program reaffirms the commitment to spending 20 trillion
rubles ($663 billion) to reform the armed forces, in particular “to maintain
the nuclear missile component at the most advanced level.”

“The country still faces many tasks and problems that need to be
addressed,” the Program concludes. “We know how to tackle them. We have the
will, the knowledge and the team to do so,” the ideologists promise. One would
like to hope so.