Friendships and Early Relationships: Links to Sexual Initiation AmongAmerican Adolescents Born to Young Mothers

By Elizabeth C. Cooksey, Frank L. Mott and Stefanie A. Neubauer

CONTEXT: Preadolescent
friendships and early teenage dating relationships have implications for
adolescent sexual initiation that may differ by race and gender.

METHODS: Data on participants
in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and their children are used to
profile friendship and dating patterns among a sample of youth born to
relatively young mothers. Logistic regression analyses examine whether these
patterns predict early sexual initiation, and whether there are differences
associated with gender and race.

RESULTS: As youth moved from
late childhood to midadolescence, they shifted from having almost exclusively
same-sex, same-grade friends to having more relationships with persons who are
of the opposite sex and older. By ages 15-16, 34% had had sexual
intercourse; the proportion was significantly higher among blacks (45%) than
among others (31%). Most adolescents reported neither frequent dating nor a
steady partner by ages 15-16, although the prevaleance of such reports was
related to friendship patterns in late childhood. Twelve percent of youth who
initiated sex in early adolescence did so outside of a dating relationship. For
most subgroups examined, the odds of initiating intercourse during early
adolescence were associated with going steady, but not with frequency of
dating.

CONCLUSIONS: Prior social
networking is an important element in predicting early sexual activity. Overall,
youth whose mothers gave birth at young ages remain sexually inexperienced into
middle adolescence, but certain subgroups are more likely than others to
initiate early sexual activity.

Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 2002, 34(3):118-126

Despite recent decreases in adolescent pregnancy rates and
birthrates in the United States,1 the overwhelming majority of American youth engage in sexual intercourse as teenagers, and fewer than half remain sexually inexperienced by age 18.2 Approximately one-quarter of 15-year-olds (24% of females and 27% of males) have had sex,3 and the proportion of young teenagers becoming sexually active has been increasing.4

As youth move from elementary school to junior high to high school,
their physiological development takes place in tandem with changes in their
relationships and social networks. During this period, friendship patterns
become more heterogeneous, and relationships shift in nature and
intensity.5 Dating relationships, while socially acceptable, afford
adolescents opportunities to engage in sexual activity, and may even motivate
youth to become sexually active. Not surprisingly, prior research suggests that
there is a significant association between dating and sexual activity.6Like sex, dating is being initiated at an earlier age today than it was in
the past.7

The nature of friendship patterns, relationship experiences and
sexual behaviors differs for males and females, particularly at young ages.
Males tend to report more casual relationships with their first partners, while
females have more intimate first relationships.8 Males are likely to
emphasize sexual aspects of relationships, while females are likely to
romanticize relationships.9 In addition, males who initiate sex at
early ages often do so for different reasons than their female
counterparts.10

Racial differences in teenage sexual activity are also well
documented. A larger proportion of black than of nonblack adolescents
(especially males) report sexual intercourse by ages 15-17,11
although the onset of dating is later for black than for white
females.12 Consistent with these findings, dating appears to be a
stronger predictor of sex for white than for black youth.13

In this article, we focus on the role that friendship groups and
relationship patterns in late childhood and early adolescence play in predicting
sexual debut among young adolescents. Using data from the National Longitudinal
Survey of Youth (NLSY), we profile the gender and age balances of friendship
groups, the nature of heterosexual relationships and the initiation of sexual
activity among a segment of American youth as they move through late childhood
into early and middle adolescence. Most important, we examine the temporal,
gender and racial associations between these events.

Much of the previous research linking adolescent dating to sexual
initiation assumes that youth progress from dating to sexual
activity.14 In part, this assumption is made because relatively few
adolescents report ever having had sex before they ever dated. While the
assumption may be true, the conclusion is drawn from information on dating and
sexual activity reported retrospectively by youth at a single survey
point.15 A unique aspect of the NLSY data is that the relationship
information is collected on an ongoing basis and may therefore be less subject
to recall error or intentional misreporting. Our data are collected every other
year from the same youth at ages 11-12, 13-14 and 15-16 and,
hence, afford the opportunity to address the question of whether there is a
logical progression to the behaviors studied.

DATA AND METHODS

Sample

We used data from the 1979-1998 waves of the NLSY and linked
1990-1998 child and young adult files. The original NLSY sample included
12,686 males and females who were aged 14-21 on December 31,
1978.16 By the late 1990s, approximately 85% of eligible respondents
were participating in the survey, including oversamples of black men and
women.

Our sample included 1,678 children of female NLSY respondents who
were 11-12 years old in 1990, 1992 or 1994. The children were interviewed
in one of these baseline years and at the next two consecutive biennial survey
points (for example, 1992 and 1994 for the 1990 cohort). Youth who were
11-12 in 1990 were all born to mothers aged 13-22 at the time they
gave birth.* The 11-12-year-olds in 1992 were born to women who were
approximately two years older at the time they gave birth, and the youth
11-12 in 1994 were born to women two years older still. Although the sample
is skewed toward those with younger mothers, by combining the three cohorts of
11-12-year-olds, we expanded the range of mothers' ages at birth to
13-26 years; the majority of mothers were 17-24 when their children
were born.

We compared maternal and family characteristics of youth in the
sample with those of a cross section of children born to all NLSY mothers aged
33-40 in 1998 and found that although the youth born to the youngest
mothers were more likely than others to be from disadvantaged backgrounds, they
were by no means socioeconomic outliers. As expected, mothers of youth in our
sample were significantly more likely to have dropped out of high school, had
somewhat lower family incomes and were more likely to be black or Hispanic than
other mothers. There was no significant difference, however, in the proportion
of families in each sample living in poverty, although a larger proportion of
youth in our sample were not living with their fathers. Thus, our sample and
their families may be appropriately characterized as falling primarily within
the American socioeconomic mainstream. Because of the mothers' young age at the
time of birth, however, these children are at higher risk of early sexual
activity than a cross section of their peers, including those born to older
women.

Measures

Data on friends' characteristics are available for all youth at
ages 11-12; information on dating relationships and sexual activity is
available for all youth at ages 11-12 (preteenage), 13-14 (early
adolescence) and 15-16 (middle adolescence).

• Friendship variables. All 11-12-year-olds
were asked how many close friends of each gender they had. We classified the
gender of a preteenager's friends as "all or mostly the same" if more than 60%
were of the same sex as the respondent, as "all or mostly opposite" if fewer
than 40% were of the same sex or as "approximately equal" if the proportion who
were of the respondent's gender fell between 40% and 60%. Respondents were also
asked about the grade level of most of their close friends. We included the
small proportion of youth who reported that most of their friends were not in
school (1%) with those who reported that most were in higher grades, since the
sample in this category was not large enough to analyze separately, and youth
not enrolled in school are generally at least 16.

• Relationship variables. In the NLSY, the
wording of questions relating to dating behavior differs slightly depending on
the respondent's age. For 10-14-year-olds, the question "At what age did
you have your first date or begin going out alone with someone of the opposite
sex?" helps to clarify that dating is defined as one-on-one time spent within a
heterosexual relationship; one possible answer to this question is "Haven't
started to date yet." In the middle adolescent years, respondents are asked,
"About how many different persons have you dated in the past twelve months"; one
possible response is "Do not date/Haven't started dating yet." Although this
question does not define dating, respondents have read the earlier definition on
at least two prior occasions.

All adolescents who reported ever having dated were asked how often
they usually date. Respondents aged 10-14 were also asked if they usually
go out with the same person, and 15-16-year-olds were asked if they have a
steady boyfriend or girlfriend. We used this information to classify current
dating behavior as steady or not.

• Sexual activity. Beginning at age 13, NLSY
respondents were asked, "Have you ever had sexual intercourse ('had sex', 'made
it')?" Those who had had sex were asked their age at first sex. From this
information we classified respondents as sexually experienced or sexually
inexperienced at each interview, and defined transitions from inexperience to
experience. We cannot be certain which behaviors teenagers actually considered
to be "sex." For example, those aged 15-16 may define sex according to
context and situation, such as who is doing what to whom or whether the behavior
leads to orgasm; however, some evidence suggests that adolescents tend to define
sex as heterosexual intercourse.17 Youth have come to consider "sex"
and "intercourse" as being somewhat synonymous because they associate both with
the risk of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases.18

Analytic Methods

Our descriptive results are based on weighted data that adjust for
the overrepresentation of minority youth and ensure that the sample is
representative of children born to the original NLSY cohort by age 26. We tested
for differences in proportions between the various age, race and gender
subgroups. Logistic regression analysis was used for our multivariate modeling
of the likelihood of initiating sexual activity during early adolescence; all
statistical analyses were performed in STATA.19

RESULTS

Friendships, Relationships and Sexual Initiation

Two-thirds (65%) of 11-12-year-olds reported that most or all
of their close friends were of the same gender as themselves; 84% reported that
most of their friends were in the same grade (Table 1). Significantly smaller
proportions of black youth than of nonblack youth reported having mostly
same-sex friends (55% vs. 68%) and same-grade friends (74% vs. 86%); larger
proportions of blacks than of nonblacks had an equal number of friends of both
genders (38% vs. 27%) and mostly friends in higher grades (21% vs. 11%). No
significant differences were found between males and females.

The vast majority (92%) of 11-12-year-olds indicated that they
had never or rarely dated (Table 2). Those who had dated mostly did so
sporadically: Overall, 6% dated less than once per week, and 2% dated more
frequently. Females were significantly more likely than males to report never or
rarely dating (94% vs. 89%), and were less likely to report dating less than
once a week (4% vs. 9%). Preteenage males with dating experience were more
likely than their female peers to report going steady (67% vs. 49%).

As expected, only a very small proportion of 11-12-year-olds
indicated that they had had sex (3%); males were more likely than females (5%
vs. fewer than 1%), and blacks were more likely than nonblacks (5% vs. 2%), to
report being sexually experienced. These reports are consistent with national
figures on sexual intercourse at young ages.20

A significantly smaller proportion of 13-14-year-olds than of
11-12-year-olds indicated having never or rarely dated (71% vs. 92%). Young
adolescent females were significantly more likely than males to report having
never or almost never dated (75% vs. 68%). A greater proportion of blacks aged
13-14 than of their nonblack peers had never or almost never dated (79% vs.
69%); a smaller proportion of blacks than of other youth this age dated less
than once a week (12% vs. 21%), and among those who had ever dated, a smaller
proportion of blacks had a steady boyfriend or girlfriend (50% vs. 59%). The
data do not permit an understanding of how youth define "dating" and "going
steady." For example, a greater proportion of 13-14-year-olds who were
going steady than of those who were dating multiple people reported weekly
dating (32% vs. 14%); however, 22% of those going steady reported that they
almost never dated (not shown).

Between ages 11-12 and 13-14, the proportion of youth who
ever had had sex increased from 3% to 10% (Table 2). Although the proportion
initiating sex between those ages was essentially identical for males and
females, young adolescent males were significantly more likely than their
female counterparts to ever have had sex (12% vs. 8%),
because they had already reported higher levels of sexual activity at ages
11-12. The racial difference is larger still: Eighteen percent of black
youth were sexually experienced at ages 13-14, compared with 8% of
nonblacks.

More than half of 15-16-year-olds reported some dating
experience: Twenty-seven percent dated less than once a week, and another 27%
dated more frequently. At this age, weekly dating was more likely among females
than among males (30% vs. 24%), and more common among nonblacks than among
blacks (30% vs. 15%). However, although youth were more likely to be dating
during middle adolescence than in early adolescence, they were less likely to be
going steady (42% vs. 58% of those who had ever dated). This decline is
especially prominent for males and nonblacks.

Thirty-four percent of youth had had sex by ages 15-16.
Although gender differences are no longer significant (because of the
substantially greater increase in sexual initiation for females than for males
since ages 13-14), large racial differences remain: Forty-five percent of
blacks reported being sexually experienced, in comparison with 31% of
nonblacks.

Individual Linkages and Progressions

While the descriptive results suggest a degree of order in the
development of relationships that is generally consistent with expectations
(i.e., an increase in dating frequency and a greater likelihood of sexual
activity with increasing age), they do not address how friendship patterns at
ages 11-12 are linked with subsequent dating patterns. To address this
issue, we assessed patterns of weekly and steady dating during early and middle
adolescence in relation to the characteristics of preteenage friendship groups.
We excluded the 3% of youth who reported having had sex by ages 11-12 from
this and all subsequent analyses, as only 20% indicated that they had ever "gone
steady," and we suspected that their very early sexual activity may well have
been involuntary.21

Overall, youth who reported having mostly same-sex friends at ages
11-12 were significantly more likely than those who had friends of both
genders to report not dating weekly at ages 13-14 or 15-16 (73% vs.
63%); this association was significant regardless of the youth's gender or race
(Table 3). A smaller proportion of youth with mostly same-sex friends than of
those with friends of both genders reported weekly dating at both ages (4% vs.
7%); the same pattern held for males and nonblacks.

Mirroring the above findings, a larger proportion of youth who had
had mostly same-sex friends as preteenagers than of those with friends of both
genders reported no steady dating during either early or middle adolescence (57%
vs. 50%); males and nonblacks reflected the overall pattern. Youth with mostly
same-sex friends were less likely than others to report steady dating during
early adolescence (13% vs. 19%) or during both early and middle adolescence (8%
vs. 11%).

Similar patterns emerge in analyses of dating in regard to the
grade level of preteenagers' friends (Table 4, page 122). Overall, youth who had
mostly same- or lower-grade friends at ages 11-12 were more likely than
others to report no weekly dating at either ages 13-14 or 15-16 (70%
vs. 61%) and less likely to report weekly dating at ages 13-14 (4% vs. 9%);
these associations were also significant for males and blacks. Although the
differences are not always statistically significant, the general pattern
suggested in Tables 3 and 4 is that females and nonblacks are more likely than
males and blacks to report weekly and steady dating during both early and middle
adolescence, regardless of their friendship patterns at ages 11-12.

If early friendship patterns are significantly associated with
young people's weekly and steady dating, might preadolescent friendships and
early adolescent weekly and steady dating patterns be associated with sexual
initiation? In analyses exploring this question, youth who were sexually
inexperienced at ages 15-16 were significantly more likely than those whose
sexual debut occurred between early and middle adolescence to have had mostly
same-sex, same-grade friends at ages 11-12 and to report no weekly or
steady dating at ages 13-14 (54% vs. 34%—not shown). Similar results were
found for each gender and racial group. Furthermore, youth who had been in a
steady relationship at ages 13-14 were more likely than those who had not
to have had sex by ages 15-16.

Additional insight into adolescent behavior can be gleaned from
analyses examining the relationship between the timing of sexual initiation and
dating. Of youth who were sexually inexperienced at ages 15-16, 30% had
never dated, 35% first reported having dated during middle adolescence and 35%
first reported having dated during early adolescence or earlier (Table 5). Among
youth who had not had sex by ages 15-16, males were more likely than
females to report dating by ages 13-14 (41% vs. 30%), and blacks were more
likely than nonblacks to report never having dated (45% vs. 27%); nonblacks were
more likely than blacks to have dated by early adolescence (38% vs. 25%).

Among the one-third of teenagers who first had sex between ages
11-12 and 15-16, 50% reported having dated before they reported having
had first sex. This proportion differs significantly by gender and race: Males
were more likely than females (59% vs. 42%), and nonblacks were more likely than
blacks (58% vs. 28%), to report dating before reporting sexual debut.

Furthermore, 38% of those who had sex between ages 11-12 and
15-16 reported having dated for the first time and having had sex for the
first time at the same survey point. For these youth, as well as for those who
reported first dating prior to sexual initiation, we still do not know if first
intercourse took place within or outside of a dating relationship. However, 12%
of youth who had had sex between ages 11-12 and 15-16 reported having
had sex before ever having dated. Females were significantly more likely than
males (16% vs. 8%), and blacks more likely than nonblacks (23% vs. 8%), to
report having had sex prior to dating; black females were significantly more
likely than black males to report sexual debut prior to ever dating (31% vs.
14%—not shown). Despite a move to earlier ages of dating that appears to
parallel the move to earlier ages of sexual initiation, these are likely to be
conservative estimates of the degree to which first sex takes place outside of
any dating relationship for the significant minority of youth who have sex
during early adolescence.

Linking Friendships and Dating to the Timing of First Sex

While 90% of all youth were sexually inexperienced at ages
13-14, there was a significant shift toward initiation of sexual activity
by ages 15-16. One-third of all adolescents and 45% of blacks reported
having had sex. To what extent might an early propensity to "hang out" with
youth of the opposite sex or youth in higher grades, to date frequently or to go
steady be predictive of the transition to sexual activity in these early teenage
years?

Results from preliminary analyses of these associations suggested
that although both frequent and steady dating at ages 13-14 substantially
increased the probability of initiating sex by ages 15-16, youth who
reported both going steady and dating weekly were the most likely to become
sexually active. We therefore combined these two aspects of dating in early
adolescence into a single set of dummy variables. Although our descriptive
results suggest linkages between friendship patterns and relationship situations
on the one hand, and the likelihood of initiating sexual activity between ages
13-14 and 15-16 on the other, these associations may reflect
uncontrolled background characteristics. Thus, in our multivariate analyses, we
additionally controlled for age of the youth, presence of the youth's father in
the household at age 11-12, age of the youth's mother at first birth and
her current level of education. Each of these variables predicts adolescent
relationship behaviors and early sexual activity.22

As expected, the odds of initiating sex between these ages
increased significantly with the adolescent's age and were inversely related to
the mother's age when she first gave birth (odds ratios, 1.0 and 0.9,
respectively—Table 6). The presence of the father in the child's household at
ages 11-12 decreased the odds of initiating sex in early adolescence for
the total sample, females and nonblacks (odds ratios, 0.5-0.7). The odds of
sexual initiation were significantly lower for nonblack males than for nonblack
females (0.6), but were not significantly lower for black males than for black
females; these findings are consistent with data from the Add Health
Survey.23

The gender of a youth's friends at ages 11-12 was not
associated with the likelihood of initiating intercourse between ages 13-14
and 15-16 for the overall sample; however, the data suggest that having
mostly opposite-sex friends increased the odds of sexual initiation for males
and decreased them for females (odds ratios 1.4 and 0.5, respectively). Analyses
including an interaction term between gender and sex of close friends revealed
that the overall nonsignificant finding masked a significant gender difference:
Males with mostly female friends were significantly more likely than females
with mostly male friends to initiate sex between ages 13-14 and 15-16
(2.3—not shown). Furthermore, the effect of having mostly opposite-sex friends
was statistically significant for males in models that did not include dating
variables at ages 13-14 (not shown).

Youth who reported that as preteenagers most of their close friends
were in higher grades had nearly twice the odds of becoming sexually experienced
between ages 13-14 and 15-16 of youth who reported that most of their
close friends were in the same or lower grades (1.9). Results were similar
regardless of young people's gender or race (1.8-2.2).

Overall, the odds of sexual initiation were significantly higher
for youth who reported going steady by ages 13-14 than for those who were
not dating, regardless of dating frequency (odds ratios, 2.7-4.2). The
results were similar for males, females and nonblacks (2.4-5.6); among
blacks, however, only those who reported going steady but almost never dating
had elevated odds of initiating intercourse as young adolescents (3.5).

One dating category—not going steady and almost never
dating—unexpectedly showed a consistently strong predictive link with sexual
initiation. We examined whether adolescents in this modestly sized group (N=65)
might have had some prior behavioral indicators that set them apart from their
peers. There seemed to be no difference between these youth and others, except
that their mothers were significantly more likely to have reported that they had
been "hanging around with kids who get into trouble" at ages 11-12 (not
shown). Further exploration is needed, but this evidence suggests that these
youth may represent an outlying social group.

DISCUSSION

Commenting on dating, courtship and sexual intimacy among white
adolescents in the 1970s, Thornton wrote that "individuals enter the teenage
years as children and exit them as young adults."24 Our findings
suggest a similar developmental path for adolescents in the 1990s. However,
there seems to be a downward shift in the age at which certain transitions
occur, as well as some important differences between subgroups in the timing and
patterning of friendships and relationships.

Because our sample consisted of adolescents born to younger
mothers, it may not be representative of all American youth. Although children
of young mothers are likely to be at the forefront of transitions to
heterosexual relationships and sexual activity, the vast majority of
11-12-year-olds were indeed still behaving as children: They had
predominantly same-sex friends, had little interaction with older youth, dated
infrequently and were, for the most part, sexually inexperienced. Nationally
representative data for a fuller cross section are likely to show even fewer
opposite-sex friendships and less dating and sexual activity.

However, the modest number of youth who follow nonnormative paths
should be the object of special concern. The results suggest that preteenagers
who have a disproportionately high ratio of friends in higher grades have an
elevated likelihood of initiating sexual activity as young teenagers. One
possible explanation for this finding is that this early friendship pattern may
be in part a proxy for other, even earlier nonnormative behaviors: For example,
a significantly higher proportion of youth who reported having friends in higher
grades than of those who reported having most of their friends in the same or
lower grades had been held back at least two grades (29% vs. 9%). This proxy for
early heterosexual interaction should not be underestimated, as social
networking at ages 11-12 is powerfully predictive of sexual initiation
between ages 13-14 and 15-16. As such, it may be viewed as a red flag
for those who are concerned about early sexual activity and what it implies for
teenage pregnancy or other health hazards.

In contrast, only a small proportion of 11-12-year-olds
reported mostly opposite-sex friends, and this behavior pattern shows no
connection with early sex. However, this "nonfinding" masks significant gender
differences. Overall, the data suggest that males who have mostly female friends
at ages 11-12 have an elevated likelihood of dating at ages 13-14 and
becoming sexually active by ages 15-16.

On the other hand, the data suggest that females who reported
having mostly male friends at ages 11-12 were less likely than those with
mostly female friends to initiate sex between ages 13-14 and 15-16.
This finding is less counterintuitive if we consider that 11-12-year-old
girls who hang out mostly with boys may be the more active, sports-oriented
youngsters who traditionally would have been called tomboys. In the light of
research showing a higher age at sexual initiation for adolescent females who
participate in athletics, we would also expect these young women to be less
likely to initiate sex at early ages.25

As children become adolescents, they gain more freedom to socialize
and spend time with neighborhood and school peers; they also gain opportunities
to begin dating. Among junior high and high school students, both males and
females are interested in dating older partners, and at the younger ages in
particular, adolescents of both genders tend to date older
partners.26 Our data are consistent with these findings.

Although only three in 10 youth reported having dated during early
adolescence, of those who did, six in 10 reported going steady. While this
statistic may seem innocuous on its own, our multivariate results suggest that
dating relationships that youth define as steady are significantly associated
with early sexual behavior, regardless of dating frequency. Therefore, frequent
dating may be more innocuous than going steady in regard to sexual debut.

The results of our study also raise some important questions about
what adolescents understand by the terms "relationship," "dating" and "going
steady," and how these definitions may differ among subgroups. Although few
studies have explored group differences in the meaning of dating, research has
shown that adolescent males and females date for different reasons, as do older
compared with younger youth.27 Today's youth use different
terminology than young people in the past used to describe their
relationships,28and certain terms may be used primarily by certain
racial or socioeconomic groups.29

Even though the NLSY questionnaire provides a partial definition of
what constitutes dating and steady dating, these questions may still be
ambiguous. For example, while steady dating may be a commonly known term for
many youth, to fully interpret the meaning of this term, or to understand how
others may interpret it, one needs to also incorporate dating frequency. We
would expect youth who report steady dating to be more likely than others to
date frequently. When we compared the dating frequency of 13-14-year-olds
who said they were "going steady" with the frequency among those who were dating
multiple people, we found that those who were going steady were more likely to
date weekly; however, nearly a quarter of those going steady reported that they
almost never dated.

Thus, although the data suggest that youth who are going steady are
more likely than others to date frequently, they also suggest that at least a
subset in steady relationships no longer consider themselves to be dating. It
may be that some who report going steady have psychologically removed themselves
from the dating pool, and thus consider a response of frequent dating as
inappropriate. Youth who report little or infrequent dating may well comprise
both those who do not go out with the opposite sex and those who are in
relationships but no longer view the time they spend together as dating.
Clearly, much more in-depth research is needed to disentangle the threads of
what is occurring.

The racial differences we found also support the notion that
subgroups define relationships differently. For example, blacks are
significantly less likely to report dating than are nonblacks, but are
significantly more likely to have sex at early ages. In addition, the
association between dating at ages 13-14 and the odds of sexual initiation
between then and ages 15-16 is much weaker for blacks than for nonblacks.
Furthermore, a significantly larger proportion of black than of nonblack youth
reported sexual initiation prior to first dating. The degree to which sexual
activity is taking place outside of a relationship—or the extent to which the
understanding of the term "dating" differs among racial groups—is unclear.
Likely both are occurring, but again, there is a need for further exploration of
how youth understand these terms.

Not only black youth appear to be having sex for the first time
outside of a dating relationship: Overall, 12% of those who initiated sex
between ages 11-12 and 15-16 first had sex outside of a relationship.
For a significant proportion of young people, the normative relationship path
may not be from casual dating to steady dating and then to sexual activity. A
multiplicity of relationship paths not only are theoretically possible but are
followed by these youth, and some have a higher probability of detrimental
outcomes than others.

In an analysis using data from the National Survey of Families and
Households (NSFH), only 4% of adolescents who had dated and were sexually
experienced had had sex prior to dating.30 Part of the difference
between these findings and ours may be due to different data collection methods.
The NSFH data on timing of first date and timing of first intercourse were
collected retrospectively at a single survey point, whereas the NLSY data were
collected at multiple time points. We would therefore expect less reporting of
sexual debut prior to dating in the NSFH than in the NLSY.

It is also likely, however, that the degree to which sexual
initiation takes place outside of a dating relationship decreases as adolescents
get older, and our sample of sexually experienced adolescents is a youthful one.
Had we included youth who had had sex prior to ages 11-12, the proportion
who reported first sex prior to first date would have been higher still. This is
a worrisome phenomenon, given the increased risks associated with casual or
forced sex, and the prevalence of early sex among certain subgroups. Those early
sexual initiates are, in all likelihood, at high risk of pregnancy and sexually
transmitted diseases.

The bottom line is that although some of today's youth may be at
risk of early sexual initiation, dating infrequently and casually is clearly the
norm. Additionally, since two-thirds of our sample were still sexually
inexperienced at ages 15-16, American youth wait until they leave childhood
behind and embark on the journey into young adulthood, at least as suggested by
this one dimension of development. However, it is also clear that some late
childhood and early adolescent behaviors—having most friends in higher grades
and steady dating—may represent a red flag in terms of predicting midadolescent
sexual initiation.

*The sample was limited to the offspring of young mothers because
all mothers were aged 14-21 in 1978.

Although all the youth were either 11 or 12 years old at
the baseline survey, not all of them were exactly 13-14 or 15-16 years
of age at the two consecutive survey points, because interviews were not always
exactly two years apart. For example, a 12-year-old at baseline could have
turned 15 by the next interview. Although we describe those interviewed two
years after baseline as 13-14 years old, 6% either were still 12 or had
recently turned 15.

8. Koch PB, The relationship of first
sexual intercourse to later sexual functioning concerns of adolescents,
Journal of Adolescent Research, 1988, 3(4):345-362; and Zelnik M and Shah FK, First intercourse
among young Americans, Family Planning
Perspectives, 1983, 15(2):64-70.

9. Cimbalo RS and Novell DO, Sex
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Acknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Darcy
Hango. The research on which this article is based was supported with funding
from the Office of Population Affairs, U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, grant 2R01 PG00718-01.

AUTHOR AFFILIATIONS

Elizabeth C. Cooksey is associate professor of sociology, The
Ohio State University, Columbus, OH. Frank L. Mott is senior
research scientist, and Stefanie A. Neubauer was formerly research assistant,
both with the Center for Human Resource Research, The Ohio State
University.