Tag Archives: Irish Republican Army

In the early 1970s, a group of Roman Catholic priests formed supply and support lines that would eventually encompass half the globe. Their aim was a simple one: obtain as much ordinance and finances as they could, in order to help the Provisional Irish Republican Army in its murderous campaign, both in the United Kingdom and Europe.

In a number of reports we will look at the structure, make-up and achievement of these “Ratlines” and how they criss-crossed, Ireland, Britain, America and most of Europe. These clergy would supply explosives and bomb components that would be used to murder thousands and injure tens of thousands.

“On balance it appears that the best agents for deception on a high level are long-distance agents, who have been carefully built up, and who have served a long apprenticeship before any major deception is attempted through them”. Sir John Masterman, The Double –Cross System: Theory And Practice.

In the New Ulster we are being told on a daily basis, “Forget about what happened and move on”. But people want to know what is the real story behind Ulster’s new golden boy and the charmed life he has led. How can someone talk openly about the murders he has committed and never face justice? How was he able to openly boast of the devastation, he ordered others to carry out but never be held accountable? These questions scream for answers! There are now serious questions that both republicans and loyalist to need to ask themselves. In the last number of years there has been a flood of information released on MaGuinness. This ranges from MI6 documentation to testimony from ex intel employees. It points to the irrefutable fact that the man who controlled the PIRA murder machine worked as a British agent. I have discussed McGuinness with one such man and the facts, figures, names and places put forward by him are astonishing.

In the 1960’s a group of Marxists, which have since evolved into IRA/Sinn Fein, engaged in a revolutionary strategy (“stages theory”) to overthrow the Government of Northern Ireland.

As this stratagem gained momentum a new face emerged as one of its prime enforcers. The new face was that of James Martin Pacelli McGuinness. He was given the middle name Pacelli after the war time pope and Nazi sympathizer Pius XII.

McGuinness had been born in Londonderry on 23rd May 1950 and like the majority of the Sinn Fein leadership was exclusively educated by the Roman Catholic Church.

By 1971 McGuinness was employed as an apprentice butcher for Doherty’s, whose main role was to run errands to local chip shops with parcels of beef burgers. At this time he joined the IRA and he began to climb through its ranks. He would soon be the second-in-command of the Derry Brigade and its adjutant – the controller. During this time McGuinness reached almost hero status within republican circles of his native city. Women would goad soldiers with cries of, “McGuinness will get ya the night.” A reference to the nightly gun battles in the city.

In the two-year period, in which Martin McGuinness was second-in-command of the IRA in Londonderry, 29 members of the security forces were murdered by the IRA. This included twenty-four regular soldiers, three members of the Ulster Defence Regiment and two policemen, all of which were murdered in the city during 1971 and 1972.

If this is widened to include 1973 then one third of the 320 murders in Londonderry, attributed to the troubles, took place in street clashes and gun battles during this period (54 of them members of HM Security Forces).

David McKittrick made these comments on the period, “This represents one of the IRA’s most sustained and deadly local offensives against the security forces throughout the troubles.” He went on to say, “It is accepted in both republican and security circles that Mr McGuinness was one of the organisation’s most senior members in Derry for some time before Bloody Sunday. But while the IRA may have been inactive on Bloody Sunday, its Derry Brigade throughout the early 1970s was one of the organisation’s most destructive units. It not only killed large numbers of troops but also methodically demolished large swathes of Derry city centre in bomb attacks.”

At the Saville Inquiry, a claim was made that McGuinness was responsible for supplying detonators for nail bombs on Bloody Sunday. Paddy Ward claimed he was the leader of the youth wing of the IRA (Fianna), in January 1972. He told of how McGuinness, the second-in-command of the IRA in the city at the time, and another man, unnamed, gave him bomb parts on the morning of 30 January, the date planned for the civil rights march. He said the IRA intended to attack city-centre premises in Londonderry on the day of the march.

An RUC Special Branch document released to the inquiry described IRA tactics as “alternating destruction by explosives and arson in a creeping infringement towards the city centre.”

In an interview with Neil Collin, McGuinness gave this response to a question about civilian lives being lost, “Anybody that was hurt was hurt through their own fault. Being too nosy, sticking around were the bomb was, after they were told to clear. It’s only been their own fault they got hurt.” Thirty years later he would not retract this statement.

It was while McGuinness was in control that one of the most horrific crimes of the Troubles took place. Because of a large-scale security operation in Londonderry the IRA had to move its bombing campaign out of the city. The IRA was made aware of the militaries’ plan by RUC Chief Superintendent, Frank Lagan. This information was passed to McGuinness and this enabled the IRA to move its ordnance from the area. This was carried out by an MI6 asset.

McGuinness organised the bombing of Claudy, a small village, just a few miles from his power base. He supplied the explosives and with the help of Roman Catholic clergy: James Chesney, a local Roman Catholic priest, the IRA detonated three car-bombs in the sleepy village. They killed nine, including woman and children and left a legacy of tears that is still felt to this day. James Chesney was the director of operations and quartermaster for the south Derry IRA. Chesney worked closely with McGuinness, despite McGuinness claiming he never meet the priest.

It has since been revealed that the RUC and the NIO colluded with the IRA and the Roman Catholic leadership to cover-up this and other crimes. On a number of occasions, local police tried to move against those who carried out the bombings and were stopped from doing so. Before these terrible murders, police tried to arrest the priest Chesney and others, while they were making bombs in the parish manse; they were stopped from doing so. The manse also contained a large quantity of arms, but again, the powers that be refused to act. The RUC and the NIO could have stopped the multiple bombing of Claudy and the murder of men women and children, but they chose not to. They could have brought those who carried out these terrible crimes to justice but, again they chose not to and helped those who carried it out escape justice. WHY?

In 1973, after being caught with a car containing 250 lb (113 kg) of explosives and nearly 5,000 rounds of ammunition McGuinness was convicted by the Republic of Ireland’s Special Criminal Court. He refused to recognize the court, and was sentenced to six months imprisonment. In the court he declared his membership of the Irish Republican Army without equivocation: “I am a member of Óglaigh na hÉireann and very, very proud of it” During this time McGuinness was personally responsible for up to thirty murders. Not directing them but carrying them out.

McGuinness had been in contact with MI6 agents from 1972 and had had regular rendezvous with Frank Steel and then his successor Michael Oatley. Oatley assured the IRA that it was in favour of a unified Ireland. He told them that: “The British government cannot say they’re leaving Ireland because the reaction would prevent that from happing.” He further stated, “The tendency is towards eventual British disengagement.” From the early to mid-seventies, MI6 were assuring the IRA that their campaign would eventually prevail.

After his release, and another conviction in the Republic for IRA membership, he became increasingly prominent in Sinn Fein, the political wing of the IRA. He continued to be in contact with British intelligence. In the 1980s, these meetings would often take place in the home of a retired Roman Catholic priest – who was only too happy to facilitate them. Recently, even local newspapers have stated to report that McGuinness was compromised, in some way, to the intelligence services and has been an agent for some years. They even tell us, that he was, for a long time under the control of MI6

In 1986, the IRA wanted to return to its sectarian murder campaign. This had been abandoned in the late seventies due to the reaction of Loyalist paramilitaries. The new military strategy allowed IRA ASUs to deliberately target Protestants. IRA commander Jim Lynagh, had formulated the strategy, based on Maoist principles, while in prison. The plan was to just murder Protestants and use the excuse that they supported the British occupation. If you cleaned toilets, baked bread or delivered newspapers, you were as guilty as a paratrooper. This policy was finalised at a meeting of the IRA’s army council in Smithboro. At the conclusion of the meeting, the Garda moved in and arrested McGuinness. It was hoped he would be charged with offences against the state and membership of a prescribed organisation. McGuinness was, however, very quickly released. This was because MI6’s Michael Oakley contacted the Southern authorities and Garda HQ at Phoenix Park. Oakley made the Intel’s position on McGuinness’ arrest very clear: McGuinness was off limits. A detective with the Garda, who was assigned to the case, would later state:

“It was all done over our head; we were told in no uncertain terms that the British authorities wanted McGuinness released without charge”.

Once released the IRA’s murder machine went into full action. Wholesale murder was back on the agenda, with McGuinness at its helm. The IRA’s war had grown weary and had lost momentum. It was hope by widening the conflict that this would bring a new vigour to their campaign.

Within a year of MI6 forcing the Irish Government to release MaGuinness, he was to have his murder machine in full swing. In early November 1987, preparations were being made by rural communities to celebrate Armistice Day. This is usually a sombre and dignified day when people reflect on their losses and the hurt that goes with it. Unknown to the people of Northern Ireland McGuinness with the knowledge of MI6 had their own plans for Remembrance Day. For two days prior to what we now call the Enniskillen Bomb, Martin McGuinness was in County Fermanagh overseeing its final arrangements – he stayed with a close relative who live locally. The bomb was built into the wall of the local Roman Catholic monastery, which took two days and the timer power unit was made up with parts supplied by the Irish priest Patrick Ryan. Twelve were to die as a result of the bomb and a large number were to receive horrific injuries. On the same day the PIRA had planted another bomb with four times the amount of explosives contained in it, then one planted at Enniskillen. It was to be detonated at Pettigo’s memorial. This parade was made up of Girl’s Brigade members in a band and a two or three war veterans. Luckily the command wire had a fault and the lives of the young girls aged between five and eight years’ of age were spared.

Martin Ingram, an intelligence operative, claimed that McGuinness was the mastermind behind the IRA’s human- bomb attacks which brought a new low in the depravity to which the IRA would stoop. Ingram also produced a leaked document that is a transcript of a conversation between an Intel asset and his handler. The covert human intelligence source is referred to as J118 and G is his MI6 handler. It also mentions Spike Murray, who was 2IC to the Northern Command at the time and oversaw all operations, by name and a number of others are referred to with codes. The code J119 refers to Willy McGuinness, Marin’s brother.

The most perturbing thing about this transcript is that a member of MI6 is openly discussing the murder of British citizens and British soldiers with an asset. We are not openly told who initiated this plan but we are given the direct inference, that this was a plan put to the IRA by the asset with the full knowledge and support of MI6. This is what the transcript said:

“ J118: As I said, Patsy (SA3) was all for it, Tommy (SA1) was ready to go, he said he would have no problems asking the crew for their support.

G: Do you think there will be any problem with it?

J118: I know our fella (J119) has everyone geared up for it, he (J119) thinks it is his idea.

G: I think you should push this along as quickly as possible.

J118: Murray (B328) is pushing, starting to ask a lot of questions about Belfast Command.

G: Don’t worry, we will look after things in that department, you just concentrate on the checkpoints.

G: We must have another meeting next week. In the meantime you can use the number I gave you in updates on the progress of things.”

Martin Ingram is of no doubt, as to who and what Martin McGuinness is, he had this to say about Ulster’s Deputy First Minister, “…I am 100% convinced that… Martin McGuinness is an agent, that the document is 100% authentic and I am 100% convinced he was working for MI6.”

This transcript makes for some very interesting reading. Apart from the obvious, there are five individuals mentioned in the conversation. Two, Patsy and Tommy are given intel file, id numbers. This enables those who have access to the transcript the ability to cross reference this piece of intel to those individual men: Patsy and Tommy. The others J119, Willie McGuinness; B328, Spike Murray and J118, Martin Mcguinness are given covert human intelligence source references. From this document we learn that the PIRA’s 2IC to the Northern Command, Murray and its overall commander, Martin McGuinness both worked for intel groups. It also tells us that the PIRA’s commander in Derry, worked for them also – Wille McGuinness, Martin’s doting sibling.

MaGuinness and Murray would meet every Tuesday, at a house in Twinbrook. The house was owned by a single mother who would make tea and refreshments and leave. The meetings could take up to eight hours and the house was guarded by PIRA men station at either end of the street. A regular visitor was Steven, who was a MI5 agent stationed at its Riverside House offices, in Belfast city centre. Because of the constant flow of people to the house, eventually some of the local security forces became suspicious and wanted to put an unmanned observation post close to the house. This was denied and a total block was put on the property and those traveling to and from it. A sad foot note to this whole affair is, that the woman died in very strange circumstances not long after the meetings were no longer deemed beneficial – to silence her, perhaps.

Once the human bomb plan had been agreed, Martin McGuinness picked a local target – a Roman Catholic who worked as a cook at a local base. He and Murray oversaw the operation, with the other McGuinness brother being in control of the ASU. The IRA entered the Gillespie home and took the family hostage. MaGuinness’ brother assured the family that Patsy would return safely. They took the family car and drove to a prearranged spot. Patsy was taken and tied two the driver set of a van containing one tone of explosives. The door lighting switch had been wired to detonate the bomb if Patsy tried to escape. He was told that his family would be killed if he tried to warn the security forces. Patsy was force to deliver the proxy bomb to Coshquin, permanent checkpoint, on the border, just a few miles away. Once there, soldiers of the King’s Regiment approached the van. The PIRA men detonated the bomb with a radio signal and open fire with assault rifles. Five soldiers died as a result and Patsy Gillespie. Patsy Gillespie body was obliterated, a piece of a hand and some fingers were the largest pieces of his remains found. Shortly after the attack, six men were arrested in Brut, just three miles away in Donegal. Among those arrested were Willie McGuinness and his close associate, Toney Heaney. In the house the Garda found an assault rifle and ammunition. The charge against the PIRA ASU were all dropped some further intervention on behalf of their old friends: the Secret Intelligents Service.

About 1992, Stella Rimington, the then head of MI5 moved to take over all the intel operations in Northern Ireland. There had been a lot of rivalry between both MI6 and MI5; this had led to the deaths of a number of very prominent people in the seventies and eighties. It was decided that MI5 would take over, including the running of McGuinness, but that the process would be eased by the appointment of an MI6 officer seconded to MI5 in the province – he was to call himself Robert. Robert became Martin’s new friend. The overseer to this new arrangement was MI5’s DCI, John Deverell.

McGuinness’ activities were becoming that widely talked about and the evidence against him that copious large numbers of people were talking. McGuinness had been involved in a number of abductions cumulating in the abductee’s gruesome murder. Paddy Flood was a dedicated PIRA bomb maker yet he found himself at the end of McGuinness justice. Flood was taken and tortured for days, but he would not confess to working for the Crown. Out of fear that he would id McGuinness they murdered him. Martin McGuinness promised his family he would be returned – he was, in black plastic bags dumped on the road side. Then there was Ruairi Finnis. While all these tout murders as they were called took place Martin was still in regular contact with is MI6 handlers. Flood and others were scapegoats. There were a number of known assets working within the PIRA in Derry. Besides the McGuinness family, you had John Gerard Homes, Martin Hogan and Pat More. Batting for the Brits seemed to be a favourite pastime on the Derry PIRA.

In August 1993, Roger Cook made McGuinnes the subject of a two part special by The Cook Report, an investigative documentary series. Cook produced a damming array of evidence. Paul McGarvigan told of how McGuinness took part in PIRA interrogations. Raymond Gilmour also accused McGuinness of PIRA crimes. It accused him of continuing involvement in IRA activity, including attending the interrogation of Frank Hegarty and encouraging Hegarty to return to Londonderry from a safe house in England. Hegarty’s mother Rose was interviewed for the program. She told The Cook Report of telephone calls made to McGuinness and of Hegarty’s subsequent murder. McGuinness denied her account and said “I have never been in the IRA. I don’t have any sway over the IRA”. Peter Lilley MP, poured cold water on this statement when he claimed that as a Young Conservative he had interviewed Martin McGuiness, then IRA commander in Londonderry. “During the interview he [Mr McGuinness] told me he had had a dozen Catholic informers killed,” The Cook Report came on the heels of an interview in the Daily Mirror with Beano Casey who claimed that a number of murders were allowed to take place to keep McGuinness in place.

As a result of the Cook Report, the RUC were embarrassed into action. An investigation was launched and was given the name Operation Taurus. Operation Bull, was the right name. This was a paper exercise which would go nowhere. During the police investigation the police obtained three witness who would openly testify that Ulster’s Deputy First Minister was involved in the PIRA at the highest level: that he had used weapons and had taken part in the torture of informants. The RUC’s Detective Chief Superintendent, J McIvor, was the author of a secret memo that shows the confusion at what was taking place. He implies, that, his team are investigating someone who is will be negotiating the future of Northern Ireland and needs direction. He got it. At no time, given the torrent of evidence of McGuinness’ murdering, were they allowed to arrest him. Anytime the approval was sought for this it was blocked at the highest level. One of those who worked on the investigation said, “

If this had have been an ordinary republican he would have been charged.” But Martin is no ordinary republican, he has Michael, Steven, John and Robert to testify to that and the British squaddies who were ordered never to shoot at Martin. “Shoot whoever you like but not McGuinness.” Time to start asking the questions .

This is a list of those who were murdered while the Butcher was in command of IRA units. This is just a period which he confessed to in the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. He never gave up command. But this will give an idea of the amount of blood on his hands. This is same monster who sits in the highest office in Ulster. After reading it, the Butcher’s words won’t just hold the same gravitas. There are a lot more than on this list. Now the media and so-called forces of justice need to hang their heads in shame!

Alers-Hankey Robin died on January 30, 1972 (four months after being shot by an IRA sniper) during Street disturbances in the Bogside.

Baggley William (P), murdered, while on foot patrol on the Dungiven Road, Londonderry, January 29, 1974

Best William (RC), murdered while on home leave. His body was found in William Street, Londonderry on May 21, 1972

Blackburn Eric, murdered in a bomb attack while on foot patrol in Rosemount area of Londonderry April 10, 1972,

Bristow Gerald, murdered by an IRA sniper while on patrol in Bishop Street, Londonderry, April 16, 1972,

Brooks Joseph, murdered by an IRA sniper on November 25, 1973 while on patrol in the Bogside.

Brown James (RC) civilian murdered by the IRA as an alleged informer, September 22, 1973.

Byrne Cecilia (RC) civilian employed at Ebrington Barracks, Londonderry. Cecilia was murdered when a bomb exploded under her car on January 11, 1974.

Callaghan Thomas (RC) abducted and murdered while driving his bus. His body was discovered at the Foyle Road, Londonderry on February 16, 1972.

Campbell Francis (P)

Campbell Dinah (P), murdered on June 12, 1973 following an IRA car bomb which exploded at Railway Street, Coleraine. The Campbell’s were in their 70’s. The IRA had issued an inadequate bomb warning.

Chopra Asha, murdered when she was hit by IRA gunfire during a sniper attack on a RUC foot patrol in the Shantallow area of Londonderry on October 5, 1974.