Introduction

She longed to read Ulysses, and when Virginia [Woolf ] produced
it for her, Katherine [Mansfield] began by ridiculing it, and then
suddenly said: “But theres something in this.” This scene, Virginia
thought, remembering it almost at the end of her life just after
Joyce’s death, “should figure I suppose in the history of literature.” 1

The Life and Times of Abū Tammām (Akhbār Abī Tammām) by Abū Bakr al-Ṣūlī,
more than any other book, illustrates the role of poetry in premodern Islamic
society. Composed over ten centuries ago, it brings together two salient person-
alities of cultural history from one of the most dynamic periods of Arabic poetry.
This is the first English translation of the work.2

Abū Tammām

Abū Tammām (d. 231/845 or 232/846) is one of the most celebrated poets in
the Arabic language. He ranks alongside Abū Nuwās (d. ca. 198/813), famed
wine poet and hedonist, and al-Mutanabbī (d. 354/965), self-declared prophet
and supreme panegyrist. Yet Abū Tammām is virtually unknown in the West.
This is largely because his poetic style is very difficult, resulting in a dearth of
translations of his verse. Furthermore, Abū Tammām excelled in the composi-
tion of the panegyric, a genre that does not sit well with current sensibilities
and expectations about the nature and purpose of poetry. Still, classical Arabic
poetry, including the panegyric as a major genre, was understood to be a pow-
erful and prestigious form of communication, and a specific audience response
was the declared goal of much of this poetry. The present book aims to remedy
the dearth of translations and the obscurity of genre and poet by making many
passages of Abū Tammām’s odes available side by side in Arabic and English and
by presenting these excerpts within their performance context, showing how
these poems “worked”—that is to say, why they were written, which issues they
treated, and how their audience reacted to them.

xiii

and of Greek Christian background (his father
owned a wine shop in Damascus). which programmatically imported foreign sci-
ence and offered non-Arabs far greater opportunities for professional and social
advancement than had previously been the case under the Umayyads (41–132/
661–750). grammarians and poets were important cultural forces.
Born in the Syrian countryside. 218–27/833–42). and
on the execution of General Afshīn for high treason. Abū Tammām was appointed head of the
postal service in Mosul through the good offices of one such patron.
Unlike many poets of the time. where Abū Tammām traveled to present them
his odes. he engaged in menial occupations until
he eventually took up the study of poetry.
The Book on Bravery (Kitāb al-Ḥamāsah).
Abū Tammām’s poetry captured the atmosphere of his time. Abū Tammām’s
career reached its peak under Caliph al-Muʿtaṣim (r. His success was slow in coming. Government scribes and high-ranking civil servants also patronized
the poet. on the quelling of the Bābak revolt.
86. In the last year of his life.
Abū Tammām’s next patrons were generals in the army of Caliph al-Maʾmūn
(r. Abū Tammām did not serve an apprenticeship
with any other poet.
xiv
. The poet
celebrated al-Muʿtaṣim’s reign in famous odes.3). nor did they need to follow the
standards of linguistic purity generally held to be the preserve of the Bedouin. among them. In it he pro-
moted and developed an avant-garde aesthetic that mirrored the intellectual
and artistic flourishing of the day.
Another group of patrons comprised regional rulers.
His first patrons were local Syrian dignitaries whom he lampooned when his
praise poems did not yield the desired result—payment. It also reflected the greater cultural open-
ness of the Abbasid dynasty. but studied his predecessors’ work in book form (§§65. 197–218/813–33).
Poets no longer hailed solely from Arab tribes. such as those on the conquest of
the Byzantine border fortress Amorium. Abū Tammām is said to have put this
book together in a patron’s library when he was snowed in during his travels. though some deemed
(the threat of ) lampoons a more effective tool. In Baghdad. They became long-standing supporters and were the recip-
ients of many of Abū Tammām’s odes throughout their lives. Panegyrics consti-
tuted the main source of income for a professional poet. From such books he also compiled a number of anthologies.2. his loss was mourned by this patron and by many fellow poets. When Abū
Tammām died. Introduction
At first glance Abū Tammām3 seems an unlikely candidate for a poetic career. The Abbasid elite took pains to acquire and demonstrate their eru-
dition. some from as far away
as Khurasan (northeast Iran).

and antitheses.
and enjoying the social status that came with their wealth. They swiftly climbed the social ladder. one had to be prepared to
discuss it (§10. paradoxes.
One social group that figures prominently in al-Ṣūlī’s book is the scribes.
In the far-flung lands of the Abbasid caliphate. Financially secure in their government employment.2).
His verse most obviously displays the features of what came to be known as the
“New Style” (badī ʿ ). non-Arabs (mostly Persians and Aramaic-speakers) flourished in
administrative service.1). who
are ubiquitous as financial supporters and artistic partisans of Abū Tammām. They came from many different back-
grounds. Introduction
They now came from many backgrounds. outweighed factors such as religious persuasion or ethnic prov-
enance.
Abū Tammām relied greatly on his own ingenuity in introducing what some
thought were incongruous elements into his particular brand of the New Style. his poetry sounded very different
from what had come before. however. It echoed the tradition but gave it a new feel.
Baghdadi sophistication came to compete with the cultural ideal of Bedouin
purity of language. was that they were not dependent on poetry as
xv
. In fact. they were in a stronger
position than were the poets and scholars on whom rulers called at their whim. sorely needed to
run the empire.
These scribes acted as sponsors of poets. It quickly became both wildly controversial and wildly
popular. But he merged these with an archaic Bedouin
lexicon and older poetic motifs. as go-betweens who secured stipends
and rewards for them. Abū Tammām forcefully promoted a new avant-garde
aesthetic that introduced more craftsmanship and rhetorical finesse into poetry. especially Persian and Byzantine. and not all of them were Muslims. some scribes even tried their hand at poetry them-
selves. and specialized in the per-
sonification of abstract concepts. Al-Ṣūlī says as much himself. but their skills. As a result. Some found it daring. these highly educated clerks
became the mainstay of government. and petitions” (§11. whether one liked his verse or not. so
much so that it shocked. writings.
He created logical twists. The difference. Their profession necessi-
tated training in sundry subjects of elite culture beyond basic competence in the
Arabic language and script. and as amateur critics of poetry. Even his critics recognized that he had invented an impres-
sive array of poetic motifs. pithy sayings. and
created new genres that reflected contemporary material and intellectual life. and some estab-
lished veritable dynasties. Others deemed it strange. Abū Tammām was the
talk of his time. referring to Abū Tammām and
other modern poets: “Their poetry is also more suited to its time and people
employ it more in their gatherings.

He was writing a century after the events he records. 356/967) quoted al-Ṣūlī extensively. helping them to while away their idle hours with erudite and entertaining
xvi
. with the exception of al-Ṣūlī’s
uncle Ibrāhīm ibn al-ʿAbbās (d. and al-Mubarrad. His Turkish ancestor
Ṣūl had governed the region of Jurjān southwest of the Caspian Sea and adopted
Islam under the general Yazīd ibn al-Muhallab (d. though the debate had shifted
from the Ancients (awāʾil) versus the Moderns (muḥdathūn) to the pitting of
individual modern poets against one another. and gifted with an
aesthetic perception that enabled him to compose nuanced portraits of literary
life both of the earlier third/ninth century and his own day. 371/981–82). 102/720). Some half a century later al-Marzubānī (d. and he quotes many addi-
tional authorities in his works. Subsequent family
members were mostly officials in the chancery. Al-Ṣūlī’s contemporary
al-Āmidī (d. 335/946 or 336/947). In introducing and commenting
on Abū Tammām’s life and poetry.
but matters were not yet completely settled. Thaʿlab.
The tumultuous state of Abū Tammām’s reception is conveyed in the fresh
and refreshingly opinionated voice of Abū Bakr Muḥammad ibn Yaḥyā l-Ṣūlī
(d.
Al-Ṣūlī studied with the leading scholars of his day. including the philologists
Abū Dāwūd al-Sijistānī. Introduction
a source of income. because their
authority hinged on their expertise in the ancient corpus.
champions the latter. 413/1022) in
his Flowering of the Literary Arts (Zahr al-ādāb).5
Al-Ṣūlī
Abū Bakr al-Ṣūlī6 was a man steeped in the culture of his time. who excelled both as a poet
and a secretary. and eminent luminaries like al-Marzubānī
and Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣbahānī (d. His student al-Tanūkhī (d. in
his Embroidered Book (al-Muwashshaḥ). A shorter debate is cited by al-Ḥuṣrī (d. al-Ṣūlī laid the groundwork for a tradition
of serious poetic criticism of Abū Tammām’s work. a liberty that the philologists could not afford. 384/994). positioned
through descent and education at the very top of society. in his book Weighing Up the Merits of Abū Tammām
and His Disciple al-Buḥturī (Muwāzanah bayna Abī Tammām wa-l-Buḥturī). Thus they judged it according to their taste and were open
to new fashions.
The bulk of al-Ṣūlī’s life was devoted to serving several caliphs as compan-
ion. 383/994) became a cel-
ebrated adab author in his own right.4 Al-Āmidī also includes in his book the record of a long debate between
supporters of the two poets. collects Abū Tammām’s poetic short­
comings. 243/857 or later).

1). 329–33/940–44) al-Ṣūlī’s fortunes waned. Muzāḥim ibn Fātik. who died in 286/899 and 291/904 respectively. which means that
it probably happened during al-Ṣūlī’s temporary absence from court under
al-Qāhir (r. he made his way to the Turkish commander and future regent Bajkam
(d. During the previous century. where he died in 335/946–47. remains strangely obscure. Thus a text’s journey from mem-
orization to oral transmission to written transcript. show the history of their inception in
their structure—and they differ from the continuous text we expect of books
today. gave al-Ṣūlī a privileged position at court. sometimes over as long a
period as three centuries. when
he became Caliph al-Rāḍī in 322/934.
Al-Ṣūlī lived at a time when literary scholarship about an earlier oral tradition
had become primarily a written exercise. and as tutor of their sons.
The eulogies al-Ṣūlī appended to the names of the two grammarians al-Mubarrad
and Thaʿlab (§4. though it did not sacrifice person-to-
person teaching and transmission. Introduction
conversation. one of whom. was carefully documented. the standardiza-
tion of the Arabic language (ʿarabiyyah) and the introduction of papermaking
from Central Asia had supported a flourishing book culture. 320–22/932–34). The main ingredient of early Arabic prose was short texts. Al-Ṣūlī owned a large library.4). provide a post
quem for the epistle. In search of new
patrons. The dedicatory epistle may be a petition for sponsorship and patronage. or akhbār
(sg. transmitter after trans­
mitter. Oral transmission
continued to alternate with the use of written sources and is preserved in the
introductory chains of transmission (isnād).
In fact. 289–95/902–8). however. 329/941) in Mosul before retiring to Basra. the large body of orally transmitted literature accelerated the process of
book composition and was one of the conditions for the cultural revolution that
xvii
. The addressee of its introductory epis-
tle. whose favor al-Ṣūlī sought when his star was
fading.7 No contemporary source
mentions him.
The composition of The Life and Times of Abū Tammām probably dates
to the last two decades of al-Ṣūlī’s life. Muzāḥim may thus have been a military man of minor impor-
tance but with literary interests. Thereafter al-Muqtadir
(r. khabar). which had been transmitted from as early as the sixth century ad.8 but claimed to have studied all his books
with relevant authorities. or after his final departure from it under al-Muttaqī. but al-Ṣūlī tells us that the composition of The Life and Times of
Abū Tammām took place during a period of disgrace (§2. It was his chess playing that first earned
him the attention of Caliph al-Muktafī (r. 295–317/908–29) entrusted him the care of his two sons.
The books of this era.
With al-Muttaqī (r.

treat history and poetry. sorted. from the most recent to the
earliest—“headnotes” so to speak. In the fourth/tenth century. and chains of transmitters lost their original
function. the oral texts in circulation needed to
be collected. Authors wrote in
this way because they wanted to authenticate their materials. Al-Ṣūlī is an “interfering” compiler who leaves his readers in no doubt
about his interpretation of the material he collected. Compiling
required its own set of skills—the sources still needed to be cited—but disci-
plines differed in the level of strictness in evaluating the reliability of the trans-
mitters: those of literature and history were not given the same scrutiny as those
of Hadith. He collected the work of
nearly every major Abbasid poet and of numerous minor ones. But al-Ṣūlī
also treated poetry in its social context. the lines of
transmitters are akin to modern footnotes. and integrating them into a new overall
narrative. Abū Tammām. and his list of
edited dīwāns10 reads like a who’s who of early Abbasid literature. and presented on the page. clustering variant retellings of the same event. And because many of his
texts were contemporary with his subject. which served as a basis of religious ritual and law. commenting on their
differences and relative authenticity. Individual compilers
differed in their degree of intervention in their material. was referred
to as taṣnīf.
simply arranging snippets of text into thematic chapters. many of which are extant. or it could be more
extensive. except that they come at the begin-
ning of an account in reverse chronological order. There were two main terms for
the production of a book. and The Scribe’s Vademecum
(Adab al-kuttāb) imparts technical advice and epistolary etiquette to secretar-
ies. One kind. as he deemed audience appreciation
important in a proper evaluation of the art of the word. the redacting of oral matter. The composing of a text from scratch was known as taʾlīf. each piece
captures one situation from a specific angle and together with the others creates
a kaleidoscope. It could be minimal. thus. While a compiler basically arranged preexisting texts. compil-
ing was no less scholarly or creative than composing anew.
Al-Ṣūlī’s own writings. To this end he collected
xviii
.9
His Book of Folios (Kitāb al-Awrāq) chronicles literary aspects of the court
during the reigns of caliphs he knew personally. they strengthened
al-Ṣūlī’s case of showing the poet’s acclaim historically. writing from
scratch would come to dominate. But al-Ṣūlī’s main concern was modern poetry. Introduction
led to the emergence of the Arabic book. becoming instead a literary device authors played with or something
they invented outright.
Compilation does not make for fluid reading—like a snapshot.

the first stage represented by the akhbār.
Al-Ṣūlī also throws light on the social classes that made it possible for the elite
patrons to sponsor poets. during Abū Tammām’s lifetime
no other poet “could earn a single dirham” (§58). The patrons formed one important audience group.
What is more. worked against making Abū Tammām’s innovation uniformly
welcome. Introduction
narratives about poets’ verses recited in public. generals. We meet the patrons who rewarded poetry with generous
sums of money. According to some contemporaries. 69. Rulers. and between poets and their intermediaries.1–4).12 Al-Ṣūlī includes chapters
on select patrons who supported Abū Tammām as a testimony to the poet’s
success. and the second by the
activity of the compiler. This support of the elite was
both material and verbal (§§66. their occasions of delivery. The Life and Times of Abū Tammām offers unique insight into
the formative phase of Arabic poetic criticism. and high officials
made the novel style not only acceptable but turned it into the ruling fashion for
panegyrics in their honor. Baghdad.1–2.
the philologists.
it reveals two stages in the eventful process of the reception of Abū Tammām
and his poetry. The first stage. others found objectionable. who connected them
to the corridors of power. What some relished and paid highly for. and intellectual developments. charts practical
criticism from the poet’s time: different groups of critics (and fans) are featured
and their agendas are evident. As a compilation.14
xix
.
disliked. the layer of the akhbār. It showcases the vibrancy of the life of poetry in the
third/ninth century. robes of honor. and paid positions.11
The Life and Times of Abū Tammām
The Life and Times of Abū Tammām takes readers to the heart of classical Arabic
literary and court culture. A similar work on al-Buḥturī does not survive as an independent book but
has been reassembled from its quotations in the sources by the scholar Ṣāliḥ
al-Ashtar. and poetry was a principal source. or did not understand. The book lies at the crossroads
of various cultural.13 The high Arabic language was still being codified
in grammar books. literary. and
their critical reception. He describes the day-to-day dealings between indi-
vidual poets. His book on Abū Tammām is a fine demonstration of
this. He thus paints a lively picture of literary life in the
capital. and in the palatine city of Samarra. This central role of poetry
as a cultural commodity and the importance of its professional stakeholders.

al-Ṣūlī was an even-handed arbiter between ancient and modern poets. which claimed the status of schol-
arship. When
he was asked. as well as his extensive commentary on sev-
eral of the accounts he cites. “Did al-Muʿtaṣim understand anything of your poetry?” (§167).
“Why can’t you understand the poetry that is composed?” (§42.6). “Why don’t you
compose poetry that can be understood?” Abū Tammām answered impatiently. Al-Ṣūlī lived a century
after his protagonist.1). while considering features other than the purely linguistic. What was true for caliphs also applied to phi-
lologists and transmitters. when personal attack had matured into scholarly debate. who had a professional mastery of classical Arabic. Al-Ṣūlī. shows those ideas in ferment.
the poet’s answer was ambiguous. The material
al-Ṣūlī provides is unusually concise. Their apprecia-
tion of his poetry was something the caliphs did not necessarily share. and
the contested ideas were being reformulated with greater precision. He speaks in his own voice as an expert arbiter. composed when
xx
.
The same is true of his subject Abū Tammām. Introduction
Abū Tammām’s sophisticated intellectual style was of particular appeal to
the scribes. even though he boasted of his own additions: “The ancient poet has left
so much for the modern!” (§109). and concrete.
Despite his clear preference for.
Thanks to the efforts of al-Ṣūlī. he well knew the indebtedness of the Moderns to their predecessors. and defense of. and as
one who defends the separation of poetics and philology. 392/1002) Mediation between al-Mutanabbī and
His Opponents (al-Wasāṭah bayn al-Mutanabbī wa-khuṣūmihi). who excerpted and reused ancient
poetry.
The second stage.
His ire was directed at those critics of the Moderns whom he deemed incom-
petent and dishonest (§§9–10 and 69. the contemporary poetic
style.
Abū Tammām thus heralded a crucial phase of growth in the study of Arabic
as a language and of literary criticism: much of the debate surrounding the poet
can be explained as a turf war between the recently established discipline of lan-
guage and the competing fledgling discipline of poetics. In response to one scholar’s question. This layer of the compilation thus presents the words of
others. the layer of the compiler’s craft. accessible. presents the arguments of
the author-collector al-Ṣūlī himself. Being a poet and an expert on poetic
motifs. the contemporaries of Abū Tammām. by collecting
sources contemporary with Abū Tammām. who occasionally conceded their befuddlement at
Abū Tammām’s verse. Abū Tammām was enshrined as one of the
classics in al-Qāḍī l-Jurjānī’s (d. He highlights the
significance of the new type of poetic criticism. cast
into a vivid tableau.

But the favor
of the patron and his brothers encourages al-Ṣūlī to continue with the com-
mission.1–26. Al-Ṣūlī then (in §§3–5.
The epistle is followed by a long chapter on the status of Abū Tammām as
recorded in instances of practical criticism.15 The open-
ing (§§2. He next explains (in §§5. experts on ancient poetry. and a prince represent elite support and establish the
wide acclaim the poet received.1–18.
Contents
The Life and Times of Abū Tammām opens with an introductory epistle. two governors. two high
officials. addressed
to one Muzāḥim ibn Fātik. The subsequent fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth cen-
turies saw a wealth of commentaries on both Abū Tammām’s Dīwān and his
Hamāsah anthology. had become the major bone of
contention.2) makes an unfavorable com-
parison between over-ambitious and pretentious contemporary literary schol-
arship and the integrity of the previous generation.16 In his rebuttal al-Ṣūlī
shows how the Moderns improved upon the motifs of the Ancients. Al-Ṣulī intimates that his new and superior edition
will supersede any other extant versions of Abū Tammām’s poems. about whom almost nothing is known. 471/1078 or 474/1081)
defined metaphor and imagery through a heavy reliance on both Abū Tammām’s
and al-Mutanabbī’s verses. and then by chapters that describe
Abū Tammām’s dealings with illustrious patrons. Introduction
the next genius of Arabic poetry. The Life and Times of Abū
xxi
. In §§9. which is also intended as a corrective to the circulation of corrupt variants
of verses by Abū Tammām. The great theorist ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī (d.1–8)
how badly he has suffered at the hands of contemporary scholars. He describes how this group criticizes Abū Tammām as a means
of self-promotion. al-Mutanabbī. The treatise concludes with shorter chapters
on negative criticism and the end of the poet’s life. Al-Ṣūlī rebuts the criticism of one particular metaphor and
lambasts the ignorance of critics in general and sets Abū Tammām’s borrow-
ing alongside his inventiveness. two generals.3). in the same
way as al-Ṣūlī’s edition of Abū Nuwās’s collected poems had done (§27). who deliber-
ately avoided his poetry and modern poetry generally.17 Al-Ṣūlī
next identifies the second kind of critic of Abū Tammām: would-be litterateurs
(§§19.1–4) recapitulates the conversation between al-Ṣūlī and Muzāḥim that
prompted the commission to compose The Life and Times and edit the Collected
Poems of Abū Tammām. he describes how Abū Tammām was and continues to
be faulted by one group of scholars. The epistle ends (§§27–28) with the plan of the
book. A judge.

19 and a Nuʿmānī scribe (§95. who claimed poetry as their
scholarly province. 179).
admitting his innovation not in kind but in degree. briefly characterized in what follows. notably in the Qurʾan. 51.1–3). excluding him from his book on poets and referring to him as an
orator instead (§122. they touch on many more aspects than are reflected
in the chapter headings. Abū Tammām’s verse posed a particular challenge. such as Ibn al-Aʿrābī (§123). “The Superiority of Abū Tammām.6. and the etiquette of literary gather-
ings.1–2) and al-Mubarrad
(§§4.
The short texts that make up the collection depict real-life situations.
Fellow poets were divided. or
which hurdles he had to brave to find a sponsor or get a promised reward dis-
bursed. 10. Other philologists remained puzzled
and undecided. To the philologists. were admirers. such as al-Ḥasan ibn Wahb.2.1–4).
the secretary al-Ḥasan ibn Wahb (§61. what sort of tools he had at his disposal. ʿAlī ibn al-Jahm (§§31. the court
poets of ʿAbd Allāh ibn Ṭāhir (§64. They even include circumstantial details. who combined material
support for the poet with vociferous defense of his odes.3).2). Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥāzim al-Bāhilī (§35).6.1–3. Al-Ṣulī
records testimonies by the philologists Thaʿlab (§§4.
Criticism
In this evolving phase of poetics as a discipline. Many other poets. Ibn al-Rūmī. They
contain fascinating information about the professional life of poets.1–2). 91. criticism often took the practi-
cal form of abridging odes to include only the best verses. and
Muḥammad al-Tawwazī (§125).1–3) and Ibn al-Muʿtazz (§52. Introduction
Tammām was in fact originally intended as a preface to the edition of Abū
Tammām’s Collected Poems (§28). or by heart). 95.18
In the first and longest chapter. Abū Ḥātim al-Sijistānī (§124).
such as imitation and innovation. as al-Ṣūlī tells us was
done by the poets ʿUmārah ibn ʿAqīl (§§30. Most importantly. Ibn al-Muʿtazz halfheartedly defended Abū Tammām’s
rhetorical figures by claiming older precedents for them. Those most vocal in the poet’s defense
were government scribes. 50. how they
supported or competed with each other.1–3).
and al-Buḥturī (§39).2) in which they either reserved judgment or begrudg-
ingly acknowledged Abū Tammām’s merit.” and a
later shorter chapter.
xxii
.” al-Ṣūlī assembles compet-
ing opinions about the poet. Notable are the recurrent topics of poetry and poetics. “Criticisms of Abū Tammām. such as
ʿUmārah ibn ʿAqīl (§50. such as how a poet composed
(with ink on papyrus. Di ʿbil al-Khuzāʿī even denied Abū Tammām the
title of poet.

1–6).
Imitation
Poetic experimentation and toying with older. Introduction
In his commentaries.1).5 and 69. “copying. for the general meaning of a passage. Al-Ṣūlī notes how.1. or the fallen moon as an image of the irreplaceable loss of General
Muḥammad ibn Ḥumayd al-Ṭūsī (§§69.1)21 reveal as much about
attitudes to the influence of one poet on another as they do about specific opin-
ions on individual cases of borrowing. maʿnā stands. and self-reliance
(§§11. first.1–9).2. This last verse. such
as fever for generosity (§21.” “imitating. part of
Abū Tammām’s lament for the general.1–2).1–6) and water for blame (§22.
“taking. “emulating” (§69. to wit. since such
a thing was literally unavoidable in a continuous poetic tradition.1–2). were his novelty. 23. It had already been established that it
was not the act of poetic theft itself that mattered for the evaluation.
Meaning
The principal concepts that were to dominate the discipline of poetics were
not yet defined. but rather
xxiii
. 26. existing motifs led to a debate
about originality versus imitation and about authorship. a sword falling from the sky on one’s head as an image of bravery
(§71. such as the figs and grapes mentioned in the Amorium ode
(§20.1. those that were
emphasized time and again.
for a smaller theme within a poem. trans-
posing.” “reliance” (§44. 52.
Novelty
The most salient features of Abū Tammām’s skill as a poet. such as exile from home.8. In The Life and Times of Abū
Tammām.10–28). is elsewhere condemned as a plagiarism
(§94.” “stealing. A good example is maʿnā: this term carries many meanings
and nuances that are at times hard to distinguish.20 and his skill at
improvisation (§110.2. 72.
Abū Tammām transformed a familiar theme of exile as a painful experience into
an individual’s decision to enhance his appreciation through absence (§30). al-Ṣūlī argues against criticism of specific metaphors.13).1–10). his development of motifs (§51. and third. Thus al-Ṣūlī argues that criticism of the same verse as both a bad motif
and a good theft shows that the criticism is gratuitous.” and “being inspired” (§§55. 103). and against
criticism of motifs.1). for example. Different terms. for the
particular way in which a poet formulated this. inventiveness. second.

He assembles several series of motifs that show the
versatility of poets when they return to the same themes over time. It presents a lively picture of how hotly these were debated and
how highly remunerated. and people who do not even merit a lampoon (§§24.8) or “condition”
(§81. love
lyric).1–6).
In other words.5).
xxiv
. into a more natural language than
that of his mentor. One series lists
poems describing robes (§§92.. Introduction
the manner in which it was carried out. apology. placed in the context of their first recitation and subsequent discussion in
literary circles. boast. Al-Buḥturī poured the ideas that he bor-
rowed from Abū Tammām. each of which included a catalog of common themes.
Poetic Themes
Most classical Arabic poems belong to a fixed set of larger genres. responsibility for endeavor but not success (§§25. as al-Ṣūlī shows.1.
Abridgments
Finally.22 namely precedence in the authorship of a motif in
terms of chronology. though inarticulate. precedence in terms of quality
(e.2–18). Al-Ṣūlī
also lists some themes that the Moderns rendered more successfully than the
Ancients did (§§11. al-Buḥturī was clearly second to Abū Tammām.2). 34. §13. the work features selections and abridgments of Abū Tammām’s most
famous poems in all genres (panegyric. considered in terms of eloquence and
invention. move
their listeners (§§100. A poet could thus “earn” the ownership of an existing motif if he
outdid its creator.1.1. Audiences and critics would compare the two.1–30). such as pan-
egyric or lament. 81. but al-Buḥturī’s fame among contemporaries
would soon match Abū Tammām’s.1–
6).1–10). and among contemporaries.5) posited by experts. 52. but al-Ṣūlī makes the point that in terms of cre-
ativity. and each poet
had his particular supporters.g.24 Al-Buḥturī was a younger poet whom Abū
Tammām took under his wing. such as
metaphors involving water (§§22.4). poetic excellence creates entitlement (§§26.23
The Presence of al-Buḥturī
A long section deals in particular with al-Buḥturī’s borrowings from Abū
Tammām (§§44 and 46–48). Al-Ṣūlī refers in this context to a “rule” (§§26. In this way the poet became “more worthy of it” (§§34. sounds that. satire.1–5). lament.

1–3). as confirmed by Ibn Abī Ṭāhir (§53). but then does so. and used his works without giving him credit
(§6. The Life and Times of Abū Tammām inaugu-
rates a long line of poetic treatises that react to innovations in poetry. and he
condemns religious and other biases against.4.3). with “I will mention this” (see §§9.
Impressionistic and discursive.
24. Inversely. But he misses no opportunity to promote his own expertise as a com-
mentator of poetry (§§2. For example.
he proceeds to do so a paragraph later. Al-Ṣūlī dismisses their arguments as gibberish (§§70.
Conclusion
The Life and Times of Abū Tammām also affords a window on the academic
world of Baghdad in the first half of the fourth/tenth century.1.1.
Al-Ṣūlī demonstrates great respect for the intellectual property of others
(§46.
87.6). 69.9). or slander of. after declaring that God would not ask him
to explain scholars’ and poets’ unwarranted criticism of Abū Tammām (§69. 101.1–4).2).1). making a show of not criticizing col-
leagues openly (he toys with not naming them). esp.1–2).1–2. 4. poets (§§86.
He boasts of his own scholarly propriety.6–9. In the course of his
argument. Language-
centered philologists and transmitters made up one faction (§§9. Along with
Arabic grammar.5. premodern Arabic poetics never lost its dynamic character—
ever unfolding in the wake of the seemingly inexhaustible creativity of its poets. He lauds al-Mubarrad and Thaʿlab for not overstepping the limit of their
competence by remaining faithful to their discipline (§§4.
xxv
. Self-promoting amateurs made up
the other (§§19. and 28). he complains that scholars like Abū Mūsā l-Ḥāmiḍ25 did not
treat him with the same respect.1–8.3.1–7).1). claiming a
sense of scholarly duty. mentioning the popularity of his edition
of Abū Nuwās’s Collected Poems (§27) and the failure of competitors to match his
collection The Life and Times of al-Farazdaq with a similar work on Jarīr (§7. 23. al-Ṣūlī pronounces on professional ethics and his own scholarly eti-
quette. 78. Introduction
Factions
Al-Ṣūlī throws light on the two factions that attacked Abū Tammām.