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[Pages S7862-S7867]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING AND RELATED PROGRAMS
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2000--Continued
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the hour of 1 o'clock having arrived,
all the amendments to this bill have now been filed. I, at this point,
will consult with Senator Leahy about how we proceed, but in all
likelihood we should be able to finish this bill by mid to late
afternoon.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
Amendment No. 1119
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I wanted to address the body on several
of the discussion points that were raised today regarding an amendment
I filed. I inquire first of the President, what is the pending
business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is the McConnell amendment to the
amendment of the Senator from Kansas.
Mr. BROWNBACK. Then I will not have to ask the pending business be
set aside. We are still on that.
I wanted to address several of the issues my colleagues have raised,
that the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan that are taking
place in the so-called Minsk Group are at a very delicate time period
and the repeal of section 907, as addressed in the McConnell-Abraham
amendment, would upset the delicate negotiations at this point in time.
Frankly, it is just not true that these negotiations are at a
delicate point in time now and this amendment would do that. The
present conflict has been going on since the dissolution of the Soviet
Union, and a cease-fire has been in effect since 1994. The U.S.
Government is one of the peace group cochairs, along with Russia and
France, and they all--the U.S. Government, the Clinton administration--
favor repeal or waiver of section 907.
The amendment I put forward prevents our Government from being an
honest broker in the peace process. We have letters from Secretary
Albright and the administration on this.
Russia is involved, and not in a helpful way. Their handiwork in
retaining influences in the Caucasus is only slightly less obvious than
their efforts to help out in Kosovo--in some situations where they were
not helpful at all. Russian military troops are still based in Armenia
and were providing military support and munitions supplies to Armenia
during the war with Azerbaijan.
[[Page S7863]]
The argument in support of the status quo has nothing to do with the
sensitivities of the ongoing peace talks. The last real peace
initiative where there was a real push was in 1997, calling for
Armenia's withdrawal from the occupied territories in exchange for
normalization of trade with Azerbaijan. This was rejected by Armenia.
The continued status quo in Armenia's favor is nothing less than the
Armenian Government's attempt to influence U.S. foreign policy and
preserve an undue advantage. It really is that simple. Azerbaijan is
the only country in the former Soviet Union that has unilateral
sanctions from the United States. Again, we do not lift them; we just
provide waiver authority for section 907.
So those arguments being raised by my colleagues are simply not
accurate. Also, they talk about the issue of the blockade: Somehow
Azerbaijan is blockading Armenia. I want to show a map on this point so
people can get a look, again, at the region and what this so-called
blockade is about.
Here is Azerbaijan. Here is Armenia. Here is the area in dispute.
Armenia is occupying 20 percent of the landmass of Azerbaijan. The
United Nations has condemned this action by Armenia. OSCE, the group
much involved in negotiation, condemns the action by Armenia.
You can see Armenia has outlets they can use through Iran or through
Georgia, which is up here. So there is not a blockade on Armenia. What
the so-called blockade is, and has been for a long period of time, is a
mutual border closing caused by Armenia's continued illegal occupation
of Azerbaijan.
I hope my colleagues will look at the map, look at the situation,
read the U.N. resolutions, the OSCE resolutions about Armenia occupying
20 percent of Azerbaijan, and quickly and clearly conclude that this
blockade is really a mutual border closing caused by Armenia and its
illegal occupation of Azerbaijan. That, plus the difficulties caused by
Armenia's mining of some of the overland routes through the buffer zone
surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, are probably some of the most serious
logistical obstacles in the blockade.
So I point these out to my colleagues, those who are saying this is a
sensitive time. We had a cease-fire for 5 years. It is not that the
government is involved in trying to negotiate a true peace and wants
907 to be repealed so the United States can be an honest broker in this
peace process and not one-sided on it. The Clinton administration, and
Bush administration prior to that, opposed section 907. And the
blockade is really not a blockade at all.
Mr. President, I ask at this time to set aside the pending amendment,
Senator McConnell's amendment, so I can call up an amendment.
I will call up amendment No. 1170. This is an amendment I talked
about previously on Sudan. I would like to have that considered. I ask
unanimous consent that we set aside the pending amendment so I can call
up amendment No. 1170.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Amendment No. 1170
(Purpose: To make available international disaster assistance,
humanitarian assistance, and development assistance in opposition-
controlled areas of Sudan)
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask
for its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Kansas [Mr. Brownback] proposes an
amendment numbered 1170.
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of
the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
At the appropriate place in the bill, insert the following:
SEC. __. INTERNATIONAL DISASTER ASSISTANCE FOR OPPOSITION-
CONTROLLED AREAS OF SUDAN.
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, of the funds
made available under chapter 9 of part I of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (relating to international disaster
assistance) for fiscal year 2000, up to $4,000,000 should be
made available for rehabilitation and economic recovery in
opposition-controlled areas of Sudan. Such funds are to be
used to improve economic governance, primary education,
agriculture, and other locally-determined priorities. Such
funds are to be programmed and implemented jointly by the
United States Agency for International Development and the
Department of Agriculture, and may be utilized for activities
which can be implemented for a period of up to two years.
SEC. __. HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FOR SUDANESE INDIGENOUS
GROUPS.
The President, acting through the appropriate Federal
agencies, is authorized to provide humanitarian assistance,
including food, directly to the National Democratic Alliance
participants and the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement
operating outside of the Operation Lifeline Sudan structure.
SEC. __. DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR OPPOSITION-CONTROLLED
AREAS OF SUDAN.
(a) Increase in Development Assistance.--The President,
acting through the United States Agency for International
Development, is authorized to increase substantially the
amount of development assistance for capacity building,
democracy promotion, civil administration, judiciary, and
infrastructure support in opposition-controlled areas of
Sudan.
(b) Quarterly Report.--The President shall submit a report
on a quarterly basis to the Congress on progress made in
carrying out subsection (a).
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, this is an amendment we have been
negotiating back and forth. I indicated briefly that we wanted to bring
it up if we could not get a negotiated agreement. We are proceeding
later on in the day. I know the people in charge of the bill want to
move this amendment, so I called this amendment up to get it as the
pending business so people can discuss it.
I have discussed this earlier. I do not seek to take up an
extraordinary amount of time to discuss it. It would make available
international disaster assistance, humanitarian assistance, and
development assistance in the opposition-controlled areas of the Sudan.
I recently led a congressional delegation to the region. The
government in Khartoum is a terrorist regime. That is according to the
U.S. State Department. They have in their country the worst
humanitarian situation in the world. That is according to Brian Atwood,
head of USAID--the worst in the world. There were nearly 2 million
people killed in 10 years, over 4 million internally displaced. This is
through forced, manmade famine and starvation. This is by bombing,
indiscriminate civilian bombing by the government in Khartoum.
It is exporting terrorism. It has housed Osama bin Laden until 1997.
They house a number of terrorist groups in Khartoum. They are
supporting terrorism and spreading throughout the region a sort of
militant terrorism--in the Congo, Eritrea, Uganda, and other places.
They seem to seek to be the African edge of the militant terrorism. The
people attempting to kill President Mubarak in Egypt were given housing
and aid and abetting in Sudan by this government. This is a bad regime.
This amendment simply seeks to provide humanitarian assistance to those
opposition-controlled areas and the opposition groups.
Here, again, is the list of items the government in Khartoum, the
Sudan Government, is doing today. I have talked about these. Most
recently, last year, 100,000 people, according to the U.S. Committee on
Refugees, were killed by a man-induced famine, induced by the Khartoum
government. They would not let our disaster relief planes fly into the
region. They said no.
It is time we allowed aid to go to the resistance groups that are
fighting just for dignity and for their own lives. This is a simple
amendment. It is a modification to the one we previously called up. I
do not know of any objection to this, and as soon as the manager of the
amendment can perhaps come to the floor, I would simply like to ask for
the yeas and nays on this amendment and have us vote on it because I
think it is a worthwhile amendment. While that is being taken care of,
I ask unanimous consent that Senator Helms be added as a cosponsor to
this amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I have discussed this with Senator
Frist, who chairs the subcommittee, who also has traveled to Sudan and
knows of the situation taking place in that region. That is why this is
an important issue for us to take up now. This is the appropriate
vehicle. It is
[[Page S7864]]
providing aid to the southern resistance movement. Actually now it is
not just southern, it is all over the country.
We can move the vote to a later point, but I ask for the yeas and
nays on amendment No. 1170.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is not a sufficient second at this time.
Mr. BROWNBACK. At the appropriate time, when we can get a sufficient
second, I will be asking for the yeas and nays on this amendment so we
can have a vote on this amendment.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent I be allowed to
speak for 5 minutes as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The remarks of Mr. Thomas pertaining to the introduction of S. 1305
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills
and Joint Resolutions.'')
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, what is the business before the Senate?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Brownback amendment No. 1170.
Amendment No. 1165
(Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate regarding assistance
provided to Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia)
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the
amendment be set aside and that amendment No. 1165 be called up for
consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, the
clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New Mexico [Mr. Bingaman], for himself,
Mr. Roberts, Mr. Smith of New Hampshire, and Mr. Cleland,
proposes an amendment numbered 1165.
The amendment is as follows:
On page 128, between lines 13 and 14, insert the following
new section:
SEC. . SENSE OF THE SENATE REGARDING ASSISTANCE PROVIDED TO
LITHUANIA, LATVIA, AND ESTONIA.
It is the sense of the Senate that nothing in this Act, or
Senate Report No. 106-81, relating to assistance provided to
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia under the Foreign Military
Financing Program, should be interpreted as expressing the
will of the Senate to accelerate membership of those nations
into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, this sense-of-the-Senate amendment is
being offered on behalf of myself, Senator Roberts, Senator Bob Smith,
and Senator Max Cleland as well.
It is, I believe, an important amendment. It is also an amendment
that will be accepted. That is my expectation. We don't have a final
decision on that, but we hope that is the result.
This year's foreign operations appropriations bill designates $20
million in foreign military financing grant assistance to Lithuania,
Latvia, and Estonia, the Baltic States. I am not concerned about the
fact that we are designating funds for those states. I am concerned
about the provision because of the intent that appears to lie behind
the funding.
Let me quote from the committee report. It says in the committee
report:
The assistance accelerates Baltic states integration into
NATO and supports these democracies as they enhance military
capabilities and adopt NATO standards.
This amendment I have offered, with the help of the three other
Senators I mentioned, would state that nothing in this bill concerning
the foreign military financing intended to support the legitimate
security needs of the Baltic States should be interpreted as also
expressing the intent of the Senate to accelerate the membership of
those countries into NATO.
We recently observed the 50th anniversary of NATO, welcomed three new
members into the alliance: the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary. I
voted for the admission of those three into the alliance on this
historic occasion. No other nations were admitted to the alliance, nor
was there a commitment made to extend an invitation to any particular
nation to join in the future.
The language contained in the Senate report accompanying the bill
suggests that the military financing authorized in the bill would be
for the express purpose of accelerating the integration of those states
into NATO. I believe that language is premature. I believe it is ill-
advised at this time. Let me try to give a few indications as to why.
Many of my colleagues share the concern, which we have heard on the
floor, about the future of the NATO alliance. We, obviously, value NATO
and its contributions to peace. We fervently intend that it continue to
be a force for peace in the future.
Recent events within the alliance have raised some concern. Despite
the recent military victory in Kosovo, there is some evidence that the
alliance may not be totally healthy at this stage.
While the bombing campaign continued in Yugoslavia, for example,
there were divisions among NATO members. Those were worked through.
In addition, there is a major debate now underway concerning the
equity of the burdens that different members of NATO have, both
financial burdens and military burdens.
I am not suggesting we debate the future of NATO today, although I do
believe the Senate should soon review the Strategic Concept that is
being proposed to guide future NATO potential military involvements.
I am suggesting, however, that legislative provisions, such as the
one I have called attention to today in this sense-of-the-Senate
resolution, could prematurely complicate the very difficult problems
the alliance is facing. I don't believe anybody here would deny that a
debate concerning the membership of the Baltic nations in NATO is
likely to be a spirited one. This bill is not the appropriate venue for
that debate to take place.
I have reviewed, by the way, the Baltic charter that was signed in
January 1998 to determine if I missed something with respect to the
membership of the Baltic nations in NATO. There are many affirming
words in the charter about cooperation between NATO and the Baltic
nations, and there are several encouraging references with respect to
possible future membership of those countries in the alliance. But
there are no words that commit NATO to offering membership or to
accelerating their integration of those nations into the alliance.
The provision in the bill that would provide military assistance to
the Baltic nations for that specific purpose is not grounded in a
policy that I believe we should embrace at this time.
The sense-of-the-Senate amendment I offer would permit foreign
military financing to meet the security needs of the Baltic nations,
but it does not commit the Senate, as a result of that assistance, to
commit itself to approval or acceleration of the membership of the
Baltic nations into NATO.
I hope my colleagues will support the amendment. I believe it is in
our national interest and in the security interests of Europe as well.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, the bill before us includes increased
Foreign Military Financing funding to help Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania improve their militaries. The Baltic countries need to
improve their military posture whether or not they join the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But the fact is that they do
aspire to join NATO, and all three countries will be working to meet
goals in NATO's Membership Action Plans for each country.
My colleagues Senators Bingaman, Roberts, Bob Smith, and Cleland have
offered an amendment that says that nothing in the bill ``should be
interpreted as expressing the will of the Senate to accelerate
membership of those nations into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO).'' However, the Senate can do nothing to invite the Baltic
countries or any other
[[Page S7865]]
aspiring country to join NATO. Only NATO can invite countries to join.
When they are ready to join, and if they are invited to join, the
Senate would have to vote to approve amending the NATO treaty to accept
further NATO expansion.
The Foreign Military Financing funding can serve to accelerate the
Baltic countries' efforts to meet NATO criteria, but the decision to
invite them to join NATO remains a political one that will be made by
NATO's nineteen member states. The Baltic states could do nothing to
become NATO ready and be invited--or they could become modern-day
Spartas and still not be asked to join NATO; that decision is up to
NATO.
The Senate has already expressed its opinion in Section 2703 of the
European Security Act of 1998 that was included in last year's Omnibus
Appropriations bill that ``It is the sense of Congress that Romania,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Bulgaria . . . (C) upon complete
satisfaction of all relevant criteria should be invited to become full
NATO members at the earliest possible date.'' In other words, the
Senate and House of Representatives have already said that when the
Baltic countries are ready to join NATO, they should be invited to
join.
Thus I fail to see the usefulness of the amendment offered by my
colleagues today. I particularly regret that the amendment has singled
out Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia when in fact there are many NATO
aspirants, including Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia, Slovakia, Albania,
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
The Baltic countries have made enormous strides in transforming
themselves into free market democracies. They have embraced civilian
control of their militaries, have participated in international
peacekeeping, and have demonstrated their ability to operate with the
military forces of NATO countries under NATO standards, spending
precious resources to do so. I believe we must follow through and do
all we can to convince our NATO allies that the Baltic states should be
invited.
The United States' position on further expansion is that NATO should
have an open door policy and that geography should be no barrier to
membership. Russia need not feel threatened by the NATO membership of
the three tiny Baltic states--they can do nothing to threaten the
enormous and powerful Russian Federation. And right now Russia has no
hostile intent toward them. But should Russia turn away from democracy,
and if an expansionist autocrat were to come to power once again, NATO
membership for Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia would make a powerful
statement that the United States and Europe will never again accept
buffer-state subjugation of the Baltic states.
Mr. GORTON. Mr. President, I am greatly dismayed by and strongly
opposed to the amendment introduced by Senator Bingaman that seeks to
express the Sense of the Senate that the Baltic States of Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania should not receive accelerated consideration for
membership in NATO. This amendment most assuredly does not reflect the
views of this Senator, and I am certain that of many more of my
colleagues.
I fail to comprehend the purpose in singling-out these independent
nations in this manner. It appears to this Senator, after reviewing
both the Foreign Appropriations bill and accompanying report, that
there is nothing contained in either document that should provoke the
offering of this amendment.
It is my firm belief that the NATO alliance can benefit from the
inclusion of new Central and East European nations, including the three
Baltic states. The Baltic peoples have asked for and deserve protection
from foreign invasion, and are willing to join the NATO security
alliance to protect other European nations in need of help.
Future NATO membership for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania is essential
to their safety and prosperity. Security concerns will take precedence
over continued democratic and economic reforms if the Baltics continue
to exist, unprotected, in the shadow of an increasingly nationalistic
Russia.
The United States should and must be vigilant in our efforts to
extend NATO's reach to all democratic nations in Europe who cannot
protect themselves. If we leave these nations exposed to the risk of
foreign invasion and influence, the gains made in expanding democracy
and freedom around the world will be vulnerable to erosion. The United
States must continue to set an example for the world as a promoter and
protector of democratic freedom. As victors in the Cold War, we have
never had a greater opportunity than this to show democracy's enemies
that we have the courage and the will to stand firm against them. NATO
expansion is of vital importance to the future of democracy.
The amendment offered by the Senator from New Mexico can only have a
negative effect on the United States's efforts to expand and protect
democratic development in Central and Eastern Europe. To punitively
single-out these three nations as they strive to protect their right to
independence and freedom, following decades of Soviet domination, is
neither constructive, nor in the interests of the United States. It is
my sincere hope that this language will not be included in the final
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill passed by Congress for Fiscal
Year 2000.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, is there an amendment pending now?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Yes.
Mr. LEAHY. Which amendment?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Amendment No. 1165, submitted by the Senator
from New Mexico.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending
amendment be laid aside temporarily so that I may introduce this
amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Amendment No. 1179
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for
its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Vermont [Mr. Leahy], for himself, Mr.
Feingold, Mr. Reed, Mrs. Feinstein, Mr. Wellstone, Mr.
Kennedy, Mr. Schumer, Mr. Harkin, and Mrs. Boxer, proposes an
amendment numbered 1179.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the
amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
At the appropriate place in the bill, add the following new
section:
SELF-DETERMINATION IN EAST TIMOR
Sec. . (a) The President, Secretary of State, Secretary
of Defense, and the Secretary of the Treasury (acting through
United States executive directors to international financial
institutions) should immediately intensify their efforts to
prevail upon the Indonesian Government and military to--
(1) disarm and disband anti-independence militias in East
timor;
(2) grant full access to East Timor by international human
rights monitors, humanitarian organizations, and the press;
(3) allow Timorese who have been living in exile to return
to East Timor to campaign for and participate in the ballot;
and
(4) release all political prisoners.
(b) The President shall submit a report to Congress not
later than 15 days after passage of this Act, containing a
description of the Administration's efforts and his
assessment of efforts made by the Indonesian Government and
military to fulfill the steps described in paragraph (a).
(c) The Secretary of the Treasury shall direct the United
States executive directors to international financial
institutions to take into account the extent of efforts made
by the Indonesian Government and military to fulfill the
steps described in paragraph (a), in determining their vote
on any loan or financial assistance to Indonesia.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the purpose of this amendment is to express
strong support for a peaceful process of self-determination in East
Timor.
The Indonesian Government has a historic opportunity to resolve a
conflict that has been the cause of suffering and instability for 23
years.
It has made a commitment to vote on August 21st on East Timor's
future, and has recognized its responsibility to ensure that the vote
is free and fair.
On May 5, when I introduced a similar resolution, I remarked on
Indonesia's accomplishments in the past year: President Suharto
relinquished power; the Indonesian Government endorsed a vote on
autonomy; and the United Nations, Portugal and Indonesia signed agreed
on the procedures for that vote.
There has been more progress in the past month. Democratic elections
have
[[Page S7866]]
been held, the first members of an international observer mission and
police force arrived in East Timor, and Nobel laureate Jose Romos Horta
was invited to return to Jakarta for the first time in 24 years.
A year ago few people would have predicted that a settlement of East
Timor's future would be in sight. However, there is deep concern that
August 21st is quickly approaching, and the violence in East Timor will
make a free and fair vote impossible.
In fact, the vote, initially scheduled for August 8th, was postponed
by the United Nations until August 21st because of the violence.
Hundreds of civilians have been killed, injured, or disappeared in
ongoing violence by anti-independence militias armed by members of the
Indonesian military who want to sabotage the vote.
Human rights monitors and humanitarian organizations continue to face
problems gaining access to the island, and members of the press have
been threatened.
This amendment calls on the administration to immediately intensify
its efforts to prevail upon the Indonesian Government to disarm and
disband the anti-independence militias, grant full access to
humanitarian organizations, and allow Timorese who have been living in
exile to return home.
It directs the United State executive directors to international
financial institutions to use their influence to encourage the
Indonesian Government and military to create a stable and secure
environment for the vote.
We should use all the resources at our disposal to convince the
Indonesians to stop the violence. This is not only their
responsibility, it is in their interests. If the Indonesian military
succeeds in sabotaging the vote, Indonesia will face international
condemnation.
On June 11th, I and other Members of Congress wrote to World Bank
President James Wolfensohn about the need for the World Bank to use its
leverage with the Indonesian Government.
Mr. President, the world community has recognized the urgency of this
situation. An international monitoring and police presence throughout
East Timor is critical to creating a secure environment.
The administration is already helping to pay the costs of the U.N.
monitors and police, and they have made some progress in stemming the
violence.
But far more needs to be done. It is time for the Indonesian
Government and military to do their part--to act decisively to ensure
that a free and fair vote can occur.
This amendment reinforces what others have said and what the
Indonesian Government has already committed to do. It should be
unanimously supported.
Mr. President, yesterday more than 100 anti-independence militiamen
surrounded a newly opened United Nation's office in the East Timorese
town of Maliana. Hurling rocks, the mob injured a diplomat from South
Africa and at least a dozen Timorese who sought refuge inside the
office. The U.N. building also sustained considerable damage.
In recent months I have spoken out about the escalating violence in
East Timor on numerous occasions. I am offering an amendment today
about the situation there.
The Indonesian Government and military have pledged to establish a
safe and secure environment prior to the August 21st ballot on East
Timor's political status. This alarming incident is a clear example
that the Indonesian Government and military are not living up to their
obligations. It is a clear example that their failure to act is having
and will continue to have international consequences.
This latest attack suggests that despite the May 5th tripartite
agreement, the presence of an international observer mission and police
force and recent negotiations between the opposing factions about how
to stem the violence, the situation is continuing to deteriorate. It
could jeopardize the entire peace process.
The East Timorese have endured over 20 years of violence and
repression. The international community has committed its resources to
helping ensure that a free and fair ballot can be conducted. The United
Nations has firmly stated that it has a job to do in East Timor and it
will not be chased off by intimidation and harassment.
Mr. President, it is my hope that this violent attack will sound the
alarm to the Indonesian government and military that they have an
historic opportunity to finally establish peace in East Timor and that
they must act immediately or it will be lost.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on my amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I will soon send two amendments to the
desk, one by the occupant of the chair, Senator Voinovich, related to
designation of Serbia as a terrorist state, and the other by Senator
Biden, both of which have been cleared on both sides of the aisle.
Amendments Nos. 1180 and 1181
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I send two amendments to the desk.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. McConnell] proposes
amendments numbered 1180 and 1181.
The amendments are as follows:
amendment no. 1180
To Sec. 525.--Designation of Serbia as a Terrorist State
add:
(C) This section would become null and void should the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (other than Montenegro and
Kosova) complete a democratic reform process that brings
about a newly elected government that respects the rights of
ethnic minorities, is committed to the rule of law and
respects the sovereignty of its neighbor states.
____
amendment no. 1181
(Purpose: To allocate funds for the Iraq Foundation)
On page 128, between lines 13 and 14, insert the following:
SEC. . ALLOCATION OF FUNDS FOR THE IRAQ FOUNDATION.
Of the funds made available by this Act for activities of
Iraqi opposition groups designated under the Iraqi Liberation
Act (Public Law 105-338). $250,000 shall be made available
for the Iraq Foundation.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that these two
amendments be agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendments are agreed
to.
The amendments (Nos. 1180 and 1181) were agreed to.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. LEAHY. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Amendment No. 1179
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, are we now back on the Leahy amendment?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Santorum). That is correct.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to join my distinguished
colleague from Vermont, Senator Leahy, to offer this amendment to
encourage a peaceful process of self-determination in East Timor. This
amendment closely mirrors what he and I and several other Senators
expressed in Senate Resolution 96, and in a similar amendment to the
State Department authorization bill. We are offering this amendment
today to again highlight the significance of the process underway in
East Timor that will once and for all determine its political status.
I want to commend the members of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee
for including language relating to East Timor in the committee report
accompanying this bill. I believe it is important that the Senate go on
record regarding its support for the forthcoming ballot and in
condemnation of the violence surrounding this historic vote.
As we all know, Indonesian President Habibie announced on January 27
that the Government of Indonesia was finally willing to seek to learn
and respect the wishes of the people in that territory. On May 5, the
Governments of Indonesia and Portugal signed an
[[Page S7867]]
agreement to hold a United Nations- supervised ``consultation'' on
August 8 to determine East Timor's future political status. This ballot
has since been postponed to an as yet undetermined date in late August.
Despite the positive step forward that the ballot represents,
excitement and tension over the possibility of gaining independence
have in recent months led to a gross deterioration of the security
situation. Militias, comprised of individuals determined to intimidate
the East Timorese people into support for continued integration with
Indonesia and widely believed to be supported by the Indonesian
military, are responsible for a sharp increase in violence.
Just this week, members of a pro-Jakarta civilian militia attacked a
United Nations regional headquarters in the Maliana township in East
Timor. Several people, including a U.N. election officer, were wounded.
This is latest in a string of violent incidents that have been linked
to pro-Jakarta militias. Mr. President, this kind of violence and
intimidation cannot be tolerated, especially at this crucial time.
In the May 5 agreement, the Government of Indonesia agreed to take
responsibility for ensuring that the ballot is carried out in a fair
and peaceful way. Unfortunately, it is unclear that they are
implementing this aspect of the agreement. Quite the opposite. Whether
Indonesian troops have actually participated in some of these incidents
or not, the authorities certainly most accept the blame for allowing,
and in some cases encouraging, the bloody tactics of the pro-
integration militias. The continuation of this violence is a threat to
the very sanctity and legitimacy of the process that is underway. Thus,
the Leahy-Feingold amendment specifically calls on Jakarta to do all it
can to seek a peaceful process and a fair resolution to the situation
in East Timor.
Mr. President, I believe the United States has a responsibility--an
obligation--to put as much pressure as possible on the Indonesian
government to help encourage an environment conducive to a free, fair,
peaceful ballot process for the people of East Timor. I am pleased that
we have taken a leadership role in offering technical, financial, and
diplomatic support to the recently authorized U.N. Assistance Mission
in East Timor, known as UNAMET.
Mr. President, it is not in our power to guarantee the free, fair
exercise of the rights of the people of East Timor to determine their
future. It is, however, in our interest to do all that we can to work
with the United Nations, other concerned countries, the government of
Indonesia and the people of East Timor to create an opportunity for a
successful ballot process. We cannot forget that the Timorese have been
living with violence and oppression for more than 23 years. These many
years have not dulled the desire of the East Timorese for freedom, or
quieted their demands to have a role in the determination of East
Timor's status.
We have to do all we can to support an environment that can produce a
fair ballot in East Timor. Now. And throughout the rest of this
process.
I hope my colleagues will support this amendment.
I yield the floor.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amendment
of the Senator from Vermont. On this question, the yeas and nays have
been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Mack) and
the Senator from Arizona (Mr. McCain) are necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 98, nays 0, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 188 Leg.]
YEAS--98
Abraham
Akaka
Allard
Ashcroft
Baucus
Bayh
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Bryan
Bunning
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Cleland
Cochran
Collins
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
Crapo
Daschle
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Dorgan
Durbin
Edwards
Enzi
Feingold
Feinstein
Fitzgerald
Frist
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Harkin
Hatch
Helms
Hollings
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnson
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lincoln
Lott
Lugar
McConnell
Mikulski
Moynihan
Murkowski
Murray
Nickles
Reed
Reid
Robb
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sarbanes
Schumer
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Torricelli
Voinovich
Warner
Wellstone
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Mack
McCain
The amendment (No. 1179) was agreed to.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. BROWNBACK. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative assistant proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________