In a curious way, in terms of classical political economy, Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

In a curious way, in terms of classical political economy, Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

In a curious way, in terms of classical political economy, Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

In a curious way, in terms of classical political economy, Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites), that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state.

I think that as the major way of sustenance, as the major resource over which people struggle—questions of land and irrigation water and food supply and famine

I don’t want to get rid of the modernization project, I just want to tame the rule of experts.

the nation-state was one of the few obstacles against markets

Hobbes thought we needed a state to restrain our appetites, and it may be that the neoliberal state has so colonized our way of decision-making (stimulating our appetites

that the neoliberal state has in fact created the human actor that now does have to be restrained by the state

The PKK targeted Mehmet Celal Bucak in its first symbolic attack on a Kurdish ‘collaborator’ in 1979, which led to an extended feud between this branch of the Bucaks and the PKK. Sedat Edip Bucak has led a large ‘village guard’ militia force, established in the context of the war against the PKK (but which he used primarily to establish his domination over neighbouring tribes.) In the past two decades, members of the Bucak tribe were killed fighting on both sides.

The PKK targeted Mehmet Celal Bucak in its first symbolic attack on a Kurdish ‘collaborator’ in 1979, which led to an extended feud between this branch of the Bucaks and the PKK. Sedat Edip Bucak has led a large ‘village guard’ militia force, established in the context of the war against the PKK (but which he used primarily to establish his domination over neighbouring tribes.) In the past two decades, members of the Bucak tribe were killed fighting on both sides.

A very striking example is that of the Bucak tribe, the leading family of which has long been split in pro-government and Kurdish nationalist factions. Fayik Bucak was in 1965 one of the founders of the KDP of Turkey. He was assassinated in obscure circumstances, probably in a tribal feud; his children have since become prominent in the Kurdish movement, one of them, Serhat, closely associating himself with the PKK. Another branch of the family, led by Mehmet Celal Bucak and his successor Sedat Edip Bucak, has closely co-operated with the state. The PKK targeted Mehmet Celal Bucak in its first symbolic attack on a Kurdish ‘collaborator’ in 1979, which led to an extended feud between this branch of the Bucaks and the PKK. Sedat Edip Bucak has led a large ‘village guard’ militia force, established in the context of the war against the PKK (but which he used primarily to establish his domination over neighbouring tribes.) In the past two decades, members of the Bucak tribe were killed fighting on both sides.

A very striking example is that of the Bucak tribe, the leading family of which has long been split in pro-government and Kurdish nationalist factions. Fayik Bucak was in 1965 one of the founders of the KDP of Turkey. He was assassinated in obscure circumstances, probably in a tribal feud; his children have since become prominent in the Kurdish movement, one of them, Serhat, closely associating himself with the PKK. Another branch of the family, led by Mehmet Celal Bucak and his successor Sedat Edip Bucak, has closely co-operated with the state. The PKK targeted Mehmet Celal Bucak in its first symbolic attack on a Kurdish ‘collaborator’ in 1979, which led to an extended feud between this branch of the Bucaks and the PKK. Sedat Edip Bucak has led a large ‘village guard’ militia force, established in the context of the war against the PKK (but which he used primarily to establish his domination over neighbouring tribes.) In the past two decades, members of the Bucak tribe were killed fighting on both sides.

What also doesn't come out in the above article is the role of violence and internecine clan warfare that goes along with such patriarchal pastoralist modes of living/production, from the Kurds and Pashtuns, through to Western European transhumant sheepherders like the Basques, Corsicans, Sardinians, Albanians, and cattle transhumanists like the Swiss, Scottish Highlanders, Gaelic Irish, etc. No coincidence that all the above were historically sources of mercenaries.

So I don't see the PKK/KCK''s feminist turn as merely an affectation, or a simple cynical opportunism to recruit motivated female militants and cannon-fodder, but a response to the social atomising effect of patriarchal inter- and intra-clan feuding.

a few indigenous capitalists do exist and have not been expropriated though; some are even part of the formal (largely Potemkin) "self-administration" government; the language used to justify this was that the revolution aimed to "change the ground under which they operated" by shifting the way the economy as a whole functioned, and to change the structure of political power so as to make it impossible for them to translate economic advantage into political influence, and thus ultimately, to continue to operate as capitalists in the long run.

the solution they are trying to put into practice is to undermine both the possibility of a reimposition of state authority and of patriarchy simultaneously by devolving the means of coercive power into the local directly-democratically organised communes

A very striking example is that of the Bucak tribe, the leading family of which has long been split in pro-government and Kurdish nationalist factions. Fayik Bucak was in 1965 one of the founders of the KDP of Turkey. He was assassinated in obscure circumstances, probably in a tribal feud; his children have since become prominent in the Kurdish movement, one of them, Serhat, closely associating himself with the PKK. Another branch of the family, led by Mehmet Celal Bucak and his successor Sedat Edip Bucak, has closely co-operated with the state.

PKK targeted Mehmet Celal Bucak in its first symbolic attack on a Kurdish ‘collaborator’ in 1979, which led to an extended feud between this branch of the Bucaks and the PKK. Sedat Edip Bucak has led a large ‘village guard’ militia force, established in the context of the war against the PKK (but which he used primarily to establish his domination over neighbouring tribes.) In the past two decades, members of the Bucak tribe were killed fighting on both sides

To the extent that the conflict between the PKK and the KDP fall into traditional inter-tribal struggles, no real challenge to the existing social structure, particularly its class structure, can arise

nd it is this central question, I submit, that needs to inform any assessment of the progressive potential of the democratic confederalist project. Regardless of the official ideology (especially given that the aim of such a project would require winning the allegiance of both non-tribal and commoner tribal groups, making raising the "smash tribalism" slogan upfront a perhaps impolitic starting point).

no one uses this word here, but it's obvious to me after reading this it's kind of social-democracy:

We Syriacs have been living in the Cizîrê region for more than 7,000 years. As a family we have been in this region for about 250 years. Til Tamir is an historical place. In the Assyrian-Aramaic period there was a civilization called the Til Xelef in this region

There were not many Arabs in the city center but they lived in surrounding villages. For example the Arab Begera tribe lived here

It has become an abandoned area.”

The Seyfo also took place here – in particular in the Qadurbeg region. Local villages here were put to the sword. Many of us left here for the Turabdin and spent one or two years hiding in caves. Then we came back

The British were there and the French were here

“Syria needs a federal system without a center” says Gewriya, “our call is the call of oppressed peoples to world public opinion. We have been shouting from the First World War until today, but unfortunately no one has heard our cries

s people has lived in these lands for thousands of years and has given it its humanity, its civilization, its language, its everythin

Unfortunately we are living through the shock of a world which in the 21st century is still in a situation of savagery

Berlin confirmed the planning “of training in the field of combating certificate crime and training accompanying equipment aid” by the German Federal Police

In June 2013, the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) has already been on an information gathering trip to Egypt for discussions with representatives of the military intelligence and the Central Security Forces, the very institutions accused of being responsible for human rights violations in recent times. A major goal for the German government is to train Egyptian security in combatting “illegal migration” in order to reduce the influx of migrants to Europe

In the past ten years German authorities gave green light for the export of surveillance technology to 25 states, including Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi-Arabia, Mexico and Russia

Gamma competed in a call for bids by Egypt’s MOI last summer, but lost the race against See Egypt, an affiliated company of the US-based Blue coat.