Democracy is Power is a valuable book for at least four reasons,
three of which should make it of interest far beyond its target audience.

First, it serves its intended purpose of providing guidance to union
activists and rank-and-file union leaders who win positions as union stewards
or local officials on how to run a union effectively and democratically.

Second, in its discussion of how to create a working democracy within
membership organizations, Democracy is Power contains important
insights of relevance to students, environmentalists and anyone else trying
to create a participatory organization that both empowers members but
avoids getting bogged down in endless meetings or procedural formalities.

Third, in its own modest way, Democracy is Power makes practical
contributions to theoretical debates about democracy, for example in a
hard-headed and balanced discussion about the relationship between leaders
and members in a democratic organization.

Finally, Democracy is Power offers a powerful critique of the
organizing model associated with the new leadership of the AFL-CIO.

Federation head John Sweeney rode to power under the banner of organizing.
Sweeney and his allies properly recognized that the stagnant labor movement
could not survive without a massively stepped up commitment to organizing.
And Sweeney came to the AFL-CIO leadership post with good organizing credentials.

Although his union, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU)
expanded considerably through mergers, it was also one of the most aggressive
in organizing new units, most prominently through its Justice for Janitors
campaign. Justice for Janitors rightfully won plaudits and attention for
its successes. Justice for Janitors organized a seemingly difficult-to-organize
group of workers -- janitors, many of whom are Central American immigrants
with fear based on experience of the risks of organizing in unions and
other popular movements. It overcame the subcontracting problem (many
buildings subcontract with janitorial services that simply go out of business
and reconstitute themselves if they are unionized) by forcing buildings
to agree to subcontract with unionized janitors. It achieved many of its
greatest victories with "street heat" -- aggressive, public protests,
including the use of civil disobedience.

When Sweeney took over the AFL-CIO, there was widespread hope that SEIU's
organizing model could be replicated, and that the militant spirit of
the Justice for Janitors campaign would be infused throughout the labor
movement. But that has not happened; and union representation continues
to fall as a percentage of the U.S. workforce.

There are surely many reasons for this failure. The AFL-CIO does not
organize workers directly; national unions do. By and large, the national
unions still do not invest sufficient resources in organizing. While many
have proclaimed their commitment to organizing, their rhetoric has surpassed
their actual efforts. Many national unions are unwilling to pursue the
aggressive tactics of Justice for Janitors. And management intransigence,
the threat of foreign competition and anti-worker labor laws impede organizing
efforts at every turn.

But although Democracy is Power does not engage in an extended
analysis of AFL-CIO leadership and its strategy, Parker and Gruelle do
in fact suggest additional, persuasive reasons for the labor movement's
failure to organize more workers.

This critique flows from their outline of three models of unionism.

First is business unionism, sometimes called the servicing model. "Most
American unions, local and international, operate as though they were
a business providing services to customers," Parker and Gruelle write.
"The customers are the members and the employers. In this view, the union
is the officers and staff. They provide services for members, including
grievance handling, contract bargaining and various social services."
When it works well, the business model delivers important services to
passive union members in an efficient manner. But the model frequently
works poorly, because member passivity becomes an invitation for laziness,
cozy relations with management and even corruption on the part of leadership.
Even when it functions efficiently, member passivity weakens the hand
of leadership in negotiations with management. And the emphasis on service
typically comes at the expense of organizing.

The second approach, associated with the new AFL-CIO, is the organizing
model, best exemplified by Justice for Janitors. But while applauding
the organizing model as a major improvement on business unionism, Parker
and Gruelle note its serious limitations. "In practice," they write, "some
union leaders encourage membership involvement without membership control.
They expect to turn member involvement on and off like a faucet." While
this form of mobilization typically excites members initially, they may
become frustrated as they find their ideas for action are not solicited
or seriously considered.

Parker and Gruelle connect this faucet approach to the AFL-CIO's continued
support for labor-management cooperation. "One of the big reasons for
top-down mobilizing," they argue, "is a need to control where and when
mobilization is to be used. Often, top-down mobilizers advocate for militant
tactics, up to and including civil disobedience, for organizing the unorganized.
But such tactics are seldom encouraged when established unions confront
management. That is because the leaders of most international unions --
along with the AFL-CIO leadership -- are committed to labor-management
cooperation."

Democracy is Power advocates a third model of unionism, a democratic
or rank-and-file model. This approach not only emphasizes member mobilization,
but member control. It places as much decision-making power as is practicable
in member hands. It looks to the membership to help craft strategy and
decide priorities. But it also recognizes the importance of strong leadership
and staff in planning, administration, day-to-day decision-making, agenda-setting
and leading (inspiring, proposing, showing the way to new horizons), and
so it seeks to install mechanisms and procedures to ensure leadership
accountability.

Parker and Gruelle advocate for democratic unionism both out of principle
-- members have the right to control their own organization -- and especially
out of a belief that democratic unions with strong member participation
are the strongest unions. Unions with a permanently engaged membership
will have the most power against employers. They will be able to win the
most beneficial collective bargaining contracts and will best handle grievances
to defend worker interests (whether through formal adjudication processes
or direct action). They will be a more powerful political force than more
passive unions, in part because workers will more directly determine the
union's political involvement and in part because workers are already
activated. And they will be the most effective organizers -- because the
example of union power and success will attract others to unions, and
because mobilized members will work as formal and informal organizers.
Based on their own experience, members will be able to explain to neighbors
and area workers how belonging to a union translates into concrete improvements
in working conditions.

Parker and Gruelle are not romantics. They recognize that calling for
democratic unionism will not make it happen, and that member-controlled
unions are likely to make many mistakes (though they argue that fewer
mistakes are likely than in top-down controlled unions). The bulk of Democracy
is Power is devoted to a discussion of how to create a democratic
culture in a union, including everything from how to promote inclusion
(especially of women and people of color), to how to run a union meeting.

Democracy is Power is certainly important reading for union activists,
but it deserves a much larger audience, as well.