Riding the Raisina Tiger

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All supreme leaders
of China have either been generals or political entities in the People’s
Liberation Army (PLA). But unlike his predecessors, Xi Jinping has taken much
greater interest in matters military. Within days of taking over, Xi made
high-profile visits to many army, air force, space programme and missile
command facilities. Speaking to sailors on board the Haikou, a guided-missile
destroyer, he said that his dream was of China to become a strong nation, and
added, “To achieve the great revival of the Chinese nation, we must ensure there
is unison between a prosperous country and a strong military.”

Xi unveiled his
plans to transform the PLA in the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of
the Chinese Communist Party on November 12, 2013. The first phase has been
completed. The remaining changes are expected to be completed by 2021. The
military reforms on the one hand are to transform the land-focused PLA into a
well-trained, technologically capable, specialised force to meet the demands of
the future battlefield. That would “lead to effective integration of the
civil-military leadership, restructuring the military and its force level, and
the teeth-to-tail ratio”. On the other hand, it involves some reshuffle of
authority, aimed at enforcing discipline and getting a firmer grip on the
military.

In recent years,
several instances of corruption in the PLA have been reported in the Chinese
media: the worst hit being the system of promotion. Two former vice chairmen of
the Central Military Commission (CMC), Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, were arrested
and imprisoned. According to reports, 47 PLA generals were investigated in
2015. As one military expert noted, “If
you have a military where you can buy positions, it doesn't matter if you have
the best weapons in the world.”

The anti-corruption
campaign needed to focus on the issues of military discipline, inspections,
audit and an independent judicial supervision. A new Commission for Discipline
Inspection is being set up under the CMC to ensure strict discipline within the
PLA.

Xi has ordered the
PLA to change its culture and adopt a style of frugality and austerity because
ostentatious habits kill professionalism! “Ten Regulations on Improving the
Work Style of the PLA” have formally banned liquor at PLA functions, forbade
holding of big banquets and called on the PLA brass to adopt a simple style in
their inspection tours. Senior officers have been told to spend two weeks on
the frontline as enlisted soldiers. Regiment and brigade commanders will do
this once in three years, the division and corps commanders once in four years,
and higher leaders from higher headquarters once in five years.

More important
changes are those related to the PLA command and control organisation, its
employment and doctrine. In China, the CMC is the highest military body which
exercises command and control over the PLA forces through four general
departments-General Staff, Politics, Logistics, and Armament. These departments are now to be replaced by
15 new departments, signalling a more direct control.

Earlier, the General
Staff Department (GSD) was the number one organ of the armed forces, in charge
of operations as well as intelligence.
It commanded the army, through which it controlled seven military
regions across the country. The GSD has now become the Joint General Staff
Department, to function purely as a staff organisation, similar to the joint
chiefs of staff system of the USA.

The PLA ground
forces will now become a separate service. This marks the reduction of the
power of the ground forces but some improvement of command and control within
the army. The erstwhile Second Artillery Corps in its new avatar will become
the Rocket Force and will control all short, medium and long range ballistic
missiles. The General Political Department has transferred control of the
military legal system to the new Law Commission.

The General
Armaments Department was responsible for developing military equipment and
managing aviation units. The responsibility for development of new military
equipment has now been distributed to the four armed forces.

A new Strategic
Support Force (SSF) has been created to work on integrated air and aerospace
developments and strategy. The SSF will be responsible for satellite
positioning, communication, and remote sensing. The precise delineation of
responsibilities between the SSF and the PLA Air Force is yet to be seen.

The existing Chinese
command system involves seven Military Regions, headquartered in Shenyang,
Beijing, Jinan, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Chengdu and Lanzhou. The Military Region
structure is being redrawn. Instead, Integrated Battle Zone commands with
increased focus on combat will be established through joint operations command
and ability. For a combat mission to be effectively executed, the commander of
a battle zone has to be entrusted with the authority and discretion to mobilise
troops within his area of responsibility. This will enhance overall joint
operations capability of the forces involved and also improve development of
joint as well as cross-region air and naval operations when required.

In the new set-up,
the CMC will take direct charge of the administration of the PLA. The 'CMC-battle zone-troops' system will
ensure closer, more effective political leadership of the armed forces. The
service headquarters of the army, air force, navy and the rocket force will be
detached. Their task will be to provision and train their respective
forces.

The reforms envisage
a cut of 300,000 personnel in the 2.3 million PLA forces. The idea is to
'remake the PLA from a man-power intensive force to a smaller, technologically
able and mobile force capable of combat beyond its geographical borders'. The
proportion and force structure of different forces will be streamlined ‘to suit
new security needs and operations.’

The PLA
transformation is in line with the current security concepts and trends. It
reflects mission-oriented operational thinking, enhanced deterrence capability,
and preparedness to play a role beyond geographic frontiers, when required.

In India, we had
discussed such issues in the Group of Ministers (2002) and the Naresh Chandra
Committee (2011-12), though not as comprehensively. But our political
leadership, civil bureaucracy in the Ministry of Defence and the Service
headquarters have managed to stall recommended reforms due to lack of military
education and/or parochial interests.

The over-riding
lesson that the Chinese process offers is the important role of political
leadership in the military reform process. No transformative change can take
place in the military of any society — democratic or authoritarian-without the
direct involvement of the political class. As this important task can no longer
be postponed in India, I hope that Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, who began
his three-day visit to China on April 18, 2016, will find time to learn from
the Chinese example.

The “Doval doctrine”
raises many worrying questions, especially when he pleads for an “integrated,
synchronised” response to national security. It is a dangerous doctrine that
has no place in a democracy with a long tradition of judicial fairplay.

Last week, Prime
Minister Narendra Modi's hyperactive National Security Adviser Ajit Doval gave what was innocuously described as a “briefing” to the Chief Justice of India
TS Thakur and other Supreme Court judges on the “internal and external security
situation”. A “briefing”?
It sounded more like an indoctrination class for slightly dim pupils who
had been upto mischief, and, worse, didn't seem to care about the consequences
of their actions. Had they ever contemplated that they were undoing all the
hard work the government was valiantly trying to do to protect the nation from
its enemies within and across the border?

Officialese is good
at sanitising language. Which is why the
bureaucracy loves it. Thus, “briefing”
has a nice neutral ring to it. But in
plain English, at least the “briefing” under discussion translates into
something slightly more sinister. It
took place at a judges’ retreat at the National Judicial Academy in Bhopal last
Friday. While such retreats have been held before this was said to be the first time that the learned
judges had the privilege of being lectured to by the PM’s intelligence top dog
himself. Details have not been
officially disclosed, but even sketchy
media accounts are enough to cause concern about New Delhi’s approach to
judiciary under an overrated intelligence chief whose sole achievement has been
to ratchet up security threat perceptions and float half-baked counter-terror
theories.

Let's see what Doval
told the gathering. According to The Indian Express whose Saturday’s Delhi
edition led with the story, he sought the
judges' “cooperation” (or rather
“more cooperation”) in securing the nation from its foes while cockily telling
them to treat it as a “non-partisan issue”. Was he suggesting that the
judiciary had been partisan? He then
urged judges to realise the importance of an “integrated and synchronised”
approach to national security. Which seemed another way of saying that they
were not pulling their full weight in assisting the government's (laudable)
counter-terror efforts. Shorn of the
gloss, it was a shamelessly blatant stab at influencing judiciary.

Now, calling for
“more cooperation” from judges in “speeding up” the judicial system is an
unexceptional sentiment if it is an argument for clearing up judicial backlog. But if by “speeding up”
Doval meant, as sceptics believe he did, that judges are guilty of holding up
justice by allowing too many appeals by alleged terror suspects and
interventions by human rights organisations then it is self-evidently
problematic. For, in effect, he is questioning the very principle of natural
justice and due processes of law in a democracy. It is a plea for courts to
deny an accused their legitimate right to appeal against a verdict on valid
legal grounds. Not to put too fine a point on it, it is a call for summary
justice, the start of a slippery slope to kangaroo courts.

This impatience
with due processes — plus judicial
activism and pressures from an increasingly assertive rights sector — is not
unique to India. So-called “strong” governments around the world wish they had
a magic wand to banish them so as to obtain instant judgements in their favour.
The British government is forever railing against a generous judicial review
regime that, it complains, is abused by too many people to avoid justice. But
judges have held their ground arguing that an odd case of abuse cannot become the basis for throwing away the
baby with the bathtub.

No doubt, Indian judges too would stand up against
any bullying. Still, the
“Doval doctrine” raises many worrying questions especially when he
pleads for an “integrated, synchronised” response to national security.
Because, sans the jargon, what it really envisages is a judiciary stripped of
any pretence of independence; and wants it to be on the same page as the
government when dealing with terror cases or those involving offences by
security agencies. This is a dangerous doctrine that has no place in a
democracy with a long tradition of judicial fairplay. Meanwhile, the very idea
that a bureaucrat, no matter how close to the boss, is able to give such a
patronising pep talk to the country’s
top judges should send alarm
bells ringing for anyone who cares for judicial
independence, especially at a time when most institutions are
compromised. Doval's lecture — sorry “briefing” — was as much an assault on the
integrity of the courts as it was an insult to the judges who had to sit
through it; and I'm sure their Lordships wouldn't have been pleased.

Doval's move follows a pattern. His own
ultra-hawkish reputation apart, it is a logical culmination of the Modi
government's cynical approach to institutional autonomy and dissent. After
targeting universities, cultural institutions,
human rights organisations and the
bureaucracy it has now judiciary in its sights. However, this time it may not
find it easy to get away with it. It
risks provoking a public backlash if it tries to mess with judiciary. Because
it is the only institution left that
inspires public confidence and which people still trust. And they are not
likely to tolerate any attempt to subvert it. Already, rights activists are hopping mad and have
called for judges to give them a hearing
also to get a more holistic sense of the
issues raised by Doval. The Campaign for
Judicial Accountability and Judicial Reforms (CJAR), a body of judges, lawyers
and activists, has written to the Chief
Justice urging him to invite prominent independent lawyers and representatives
of credible rights groups to hear their side of the story arguing that it is
important for them not to be swayed by one-sided briefing.

The letter points
out that “traditionally there has been a conflict between the perspectives
offered by the security agencies and those that are offered by human rights
organisations around the legitimacy of many actions of security agencies, some
of which constitute a violation of human rights”. According to senior SC lawyer and CJAR
convener, Prashant Bhushan, many such
cases reach the courts for adjudication,
and they are obliged to hear both sides. It is, therefore,“inappropriate” for
judges to be briefed only by the NSA without giving rights groups a chance to offer an “alternative perspective” on how
the actions of security agencies impact human rights. It is not without
significance that Doval's intervention coincides with a spurt in cases in which
security agencies in several states, notably
Jammu and Kashmir and Maoists' “Red Belt”, are facing prosecution for alleged human
rights violations. In the end, his sham “briefing” and rousing invocation of
national security was simply a cover for bullying judiciary into going easy on
his boys.

The National
Investigation Agency (NIA) is learnt to have readied its team that would visit
Pakistan for its probe into the Pathankot airbase terror attack.

New Delhi would also
be sending a fresh Letters Rogatory (LRs) to the neighbouring nation for
confirmation on the evidences shared with the Pakistan JIT during their recent
visit to India.

Indicating that a
team was ready to travel to Pakistan with all possible proof against the
handlers of the attack, including JeM chief Masood Azhar, NIA Director General
Sharad Kumar said, “We are awaiting a clearance from Islamabad. We have handed
over all documents sought by the JIT and I believe the evidence provided to
Pakistan can stand scrutiny in any court of law internationally.”

The LRs are being
despatched notwithstanding indications from the Pakistani side that it was not
yet ready to receive Indian investigators.

The NIA has also put
the pictures of the four dead terrorists on its official website and sought
help from the general public to identify them. Sources in the NIA confirmed
that the agency was flooded with emails, some of which originated from Pakistan,
giving information about the attackers.

The agency, during
its interaction with Pakistan’s Joint Investigation Team, had sought details
about the residences of the terrorists whose names had been shared with the
visiting team. However, there was no response from Pakistan.

China today
maintained that its decision to block the bid to get JeM chief Masood Azhar
banned by the UN was in accordance with “facts and relevant resolutions”, a
statement that came a day after two senior Indian ministers raked up the issue
with their Chinese counterparts.

China was in “sound
communication” with all relevant parties, including the Indian side over the
Azhar issue, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying said ahead of
the crucial boundary talks tomorrow between National Security Adviser Ajit
Doval and his Chinese counterpart Yang Jiechi. Doval arrived in Beijing this
evening.

As both External
Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar raised the
Azhar issue strongly yesterday in their talks with their counterparts asking
China to review its stand, Hua once again reiterated that Beijing’s decision
was in accordance with “facts” and “relevant” UN resolutions.

“As for the listing matter,
China has already expressed its position. We support the UN central
coordinating role in the world campaign against terrorism and China has taken
active part in the world cooperation against terrorism,” Hua said.

“We oppose double standards in
counter-terrorism campaign. We have been dealing with the listing matter in
accordance with the facts and relevant resolutions. We are also in sound
communication with all relevant parties including the Indian side,” she said.
China’s assertion came in the backdrop of Swaraj’s remarks at the
Russia-India-China (RIC) foreign ministers meet in Moscow where she warned the
international community of “serious consequences” if it continues to adopt
“double standards” in dealing with terrorism.

China’s “hidden veto” in
blocking India’s bid to get Azhar banned by the UN has cast a shadow on the
Sino- India boundary talks beginning here tomorrow. While Swaraj raised the
Azhar issue with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Moscow, Parrikar said he
took up the matter with top defence officials yesterday. — PTI

‘Dhanush-155’, developed by GCF
Jabalpur, to be inducted in Indian Army next month

Longest surface-to-surface
firing weapon ‘Dhanush – 155’ also called as Desi Bofors is likely to be
inducted in the Indian Army by next month. Dhanush will be the first indigenous
developed gun to be the part of Indian armed force after 32 years of Swedish
Bofors gun that was inducted in 1984.

The 155mm/45-calibre
Dhanush gun was indigenously developed by Gun Carriage Factory, Jabalpur in
coordination with Weapons Development and Execution Team (W-DET), New Delhi
that is the main user of Bofors. Union Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, in a
recently held programme, has stated that the Desi Bofors ‘Dhanush’ gun will be
inducted from Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) and handed over to the Indian Army
by next month to strengthen its artillery. Lieutenant General Ravi Thodge, Master
General of Ordnance already inspected the preparations for production of
Dhanush in GCF last month, while Chairman of OFB, Kolkata, A Prabhakaran will
be arriving to visit GCF, on April 20 to take stock of the preparations for
starting production of Dhanush.

“Dhanush-155 gun already
accomplished comprehensive firing tests and satisfied the competent
authorities. We are optimistic about out the induction of the indigenous gun by
Ministry of Defence in the Indian Army, but any official notification is yet to
be received in this regard,” said Sanjeev Shrivastava, Spokesman and Joint
General Manager, GCF, Jabalpur.

While talking to ‘The Hitavada’,
Shrivastava informed that the GCF is all set to start production of Dhanush
with the green signal from higher authorities.

The gun was developed at the end
of 2012, thereafter, it passed several clearances and firing tests in different
torrential and extreme climatic conditions in Pokhran and Balasore firing
ranges. The maiden indigenously developed towed artillery gun has longest
strike range of around 38-40 kilometres.