To Samuel Adams

[dateline] Paris Feby. 23d. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

You will see by the public Papers, that your Committee of Correspondence is making
greater progress in the World, and doing greater things in the political World than
the Electrical Rod ever did in the Physical.1 Ireland2 and England have adopted it, but mean Plagiaries as they are, they do not acknowledge
who was the Inventor of it.

Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard will go with this Letter in the Alliance, and probably go to
Boston. They will be able to inform You of every thing of a public Nature, much better
than I can do, as I have scarcely had Opportunity to look about me as Yet. They will
give You few Hopes of Peace, at least very speedily.

The Associations of Counties and Committees of Correspondence in England, are very
ominous to our old Acquaintances, the Refugees, as they attack unmerited Pensions
in the first place—but they must do greater things than distressing these Gentry.
They must necessarily produce great Commotions in the Nation. The Speakers of these
Meetings go great Lengths, some of them openly justifying and applauding the Americans,
and others even applauding France and Spain for stepping in to our Assistance.3

The Court here seems determined more than ever, to pursue the War with Vigour, especially
by Sea, and above all in the American Seas. They have already sent seventeen Ships
of the Line under M. de Guichen to reinforce M. de la Motte Piquette, and seven others
are preparing at Brest. They are sending out Cloathing and Arms for fifteen thousand
Men for our Army, and seem confident that the next { 354 } Campaign will be better than the last. I hope the Spirit of Privateering among Us
will increase, because I think this is the Way, in which we can do the most Service
to the Common Cause.

I hope You will be so good as to inform me of what passes, particularly what progress
the Convention makes in the Constitution. I assure You it is more comfortable making
Constitutions in the dead of Winter at Cambridge or Boston, than sailing in a leaky
Ship, or climbing on foot or upon Mules over the Mountains of Gallicia and the Pyranees.
My Respects to Mrs. A. and Miss H.,4 and believe me your Friend and Servant.

2. For events in Ireland, see the letter to Gerry of this date, and note 4 (below).

3. Led by Rev. Christopher Wyvill, the county association movement began formally with
a meeting in Yorkshire on 30 Dec. 1779. By the Yorkshire association's next meeting,
on 28 March 1780, Parliament had received 39 petitions from similar groups in various
counties, cities, and towns. Although the associations were linked by committees of
correspondence and many of their petitions expressed opposition to the continuation
of the war, they were only indirectly emulating the earlier American example and indicating
sympathy for the American cause. The primary motivation for most of the petitioners
was the war's great cost, which was inflicting hardships on merchants and landholders,
and a desire for parliamentary reform. In pursuit of these objectives the petitioners
proposed solutions ranging from the relatively conservative, in the outlying counties,
to the quite radical, espoused by the Westminster association.

The association movement was able to generate considerable popular support; at its
height it was estimated that up to one-fifth of the very limited electorate had signed
petitions. Numerous bills were brought before Parliament, the most significant being
that, “For the better Regulation of His Majesty's Civil Establishments, and of certain
public Offices; for the Limitation of Pensions, and the Suppression of sundry useless,
expensive, and inconvenient Places; and for applying the Monies saved thereby to the
Public Service,” which was introduced by Edmund Burke on 11 Feb. 1780. Initially Burke's
bill enjoyed some success, the high point being the passage of the section abolishing
the Board of Trade by a margin of eight votes on 13 March. Eventually, though, the
ministry was able to force the withdrawal of the entire bill, thus dooming any chances
for success that the association movement may have had in 1780. The character of its
supporters, however, gave legitimacy to the movement for parliamentary reform, and
by 1782 their dissatisfaction was a significant force in the fall of the North ministry
(Ian R. Christie, Wilkes, Wyvill and Reform, London, 1962, p. 68–99; Dora Mae Clark, British Opinion and the American Revolution, New Haven, 1930, p. 143–151; Allen Valentine, Lord North, 2 vols., Norman, Okla., 1967, 2:191–201; Colin Bonwick, English Radicals and the American Revolution, Chapel Hill, 1977, p. 131–143; see also Almon's Remembrancer for 1780, which contains the proceedings of many local meetings). JA offered a more detailed but less optimistic analysis of the association movement
in his letter to the president of the congress of 27 Feb. (below).

To Samuel Cooper

[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu Feb. 23. 1780

[salute] Dear sir

I knew not when I undertook so readily to take the Care of your Grandson what I was
about, little foreseeing a Journey of near four hundred Leagues by Land, in the Extremity
of Winter, over the worst Roads and the vilest Accommodations and at the same time
the most expensive of all Europe.1

I think myself very happy however to have at length reached Paris, without any essential
Injury to the Health of any one of the Company, although all were at several times
in the Utmost danger of fatal Colds and Fevers.

I have had the Honour to pay and Receive Visits, and to dine with the Comte D'Estaing,
Since my Arrival. He is much your Friend, and takes a great Pleasure in shewing certain
Pictures. His Wounds are much better, and We are wishing to see him again in Command.2 He is very popular in France, as many Symptoms have shewn, in many Places, particularly
in the Feast which was made at Bourdeaux, in honour of him, and lately at the opera,
when an Actor attracted an Applause of a Quarter of an Hour, resounding like Thunder
by going up to the Comtes Lodge and offering him a Crown of Lawrel in a Place where
the Piece had offered such a Crown to an Hero.

We cannot to this day ascertain, with Precision, whether Rodney is in Gibrater or
gone to the West Indies—nor whether done Gasten has joined Don Cordova—from whence
I conclude that Rodney is gone to the West Indies, and upon the whole I believe Cordova
and Gasten are joined.3

The Blow to D'Estaing at Savanna, that to Langaras Squadron, the succours thrown into
Gibraltar, the Capture of the Caracca fleet, added to the Affair of Omoa,4 will banish all Thoughts of Peace from many Minds, which would otherwise have entertained
hopes of it in England. The Ministers would not have thought of it, if all these Events
had gone against them, at least that is my Opinion. In great Haste your Friend and
sert

1. On this date JA also wrote to Cooper's son-in-law, Gabriel Johonnot (LbC, Adams Papers), regarding the expenses incurred by his son, Samuel Cooper Johonnot, during the
journey from El Ferrol to Paris. He noted that Johonnot had given him a bill of exchange
for 1,398 livres to cover his son's expenses in Europe, but that 985 livres, 7 sous
had been spent in the course of the trek through Spain and France, leaving a balance
of 412 livres, 13 sous. Believing that this sum would { 356 } soon be expended, JA requested that Johonnot send additional funds for his son's use.

2. Francis Dana's journal for 1779–1780 (MHi: Dana Family Papers) indicates that JA visited Estaing on 11 Feb. and dined with him on the 13th. Since the journal ends
with an entry for 14 Feb., it is not known when Estaing called on JA or whether there were later visits by JA. Estaing had been wounded during the unsuccessful effort to storm the British defenses
at Savannah in Oct. 1779 (Mackesy, War for America, p. 278).

4. Rodney's victories over the Spanish and subsequent relief of Gibraltar were important,
but of even more significance in stiffening the resolve of the ministry were the earlier
reports concerning the capture of Omoa, a port on the northwest coast of Honduras,
and the successful defense of Savannah. News of those events, both occurring in October,
reached London on the 17th and 20th of December respectively and represented the first
reports of British military success in some time (Mackesy, War for America, p. 316–317; see also the London Chronicle of 16–18 and 18–21 Dec. 1779).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0232

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Dalton, Tristram

Date: 1780-02-23

To Tristram Dalton

[dateline] Paris Feb. 23. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

Since my Arrival in this City, which was on the 9th. of this Month I had the Pleasure
of your Letter concerning your Vessel which was sunk in the West Indies.1 I immediately waited on Dr. Franklin who informed me that he had received a similar
Letter from you and in the Time of it applied to Court and obtained an order for your
Compensation, which he transmitted to you, and which I hope you have received—if not
upon Intimation of it, a Duplicate or a Repetition of the order may be obtained at
any Time.

If at any Time I can be usefull to you, you have but to Command me. I hope the good
Work of Privateering goes on with Spirit. I hope that those who have done so much
service to their Country and to themselves in that Way will not be diverted, or relaxed
in their Cause by any Syren songs of Peace, which the more charming they are the more
delusive they are likely to be, as the English beyond all controversy will be encouraged
by their late Successes, to prosecute the War for some time longer. These successes,
which are rather of the defensive and negative Kind and a poor Compensation for the
immense Cost of them, are however sufficient to chear the Populace, and embolden the
Minister to proceed, not with standing the formidable associations, and Correspondences,2 which have made So great Progress, a la manière Americaine, both in Ireland and England.
I am, sir with great Esteem, your old Friend and humble servant

To Elbridge Gerry

The Boston Committee of Correspondence, and the Military Associations which grew out
of it, are likely to prove the greatest Engines for pulling down Tyranny, that were
ever invented. The Electrical Rod, which deprives the Clouds of their Thunder, does
it not so effectually, as these Committees wrest the Iron Rod out of the Hands of
a Tyrant.3

Ireland has already obtained, purely by the Use of this Machine, great Advantages,
and as She has not yet laid it down, She will obtain more, or give England further
Trouble.4 The Counties in England are generally laying hold of it, as you will see by the public
Papers.

I recieved your Letter relative to Mr. Dalton's Vessel that was sunk, since my Arrival
in this City.5 Dr. F. applied in the Time of it, as he tells me, to the Minister, and obtained an
Order for Compensation, which I hope Mr. Dalton has recieved. But if the Order miscarried,
a Repetition of it may be obtained at any Time. Let me beg of You, to write Me by
every Opportunity.

1. Immediately after the greeting in the Letterbook copy is the canceled passage: “I
will take the Liberty to inclose to you, for your private Use, and in Confidence,
Copies of a few Letters I have written and received Since my Arrival. They may be
of some Use.”

2. This may not be JA's first effort at a letter to Gerry in 1780. Several pages earlier in the Letterbook
is an incomplete letter, dated 19 Feb., for which no recipient is given. The fragment,
which like this letter begins “My dear Friend,” consists of one paragraph in which
JA promised to send intelligence and the first sentence of a second paragraph in which
he noted that the disposition of the European powers was the same as described in
his letter of 4 Aug. 1779 to the president of the congress (above). An examination of the Letterbook and extant
recipients' copies indicates that JA used this greeting only for letters to James Lovell and Elbridge Gerry. Since the
Letterbook copy immediately preceding the fragment is that to James Lovell of 19 Feb. (above), it seems likely that the unfinished letter was intended for Gerry. If this
was so, JA's reason for not completing the letter may have been that in content, following the
opening lines, it would have been similar to the letters of the 19th to James Lovell
and to the president of the congress (both above), which JA would assume Gerry would see.

3. One may view this sentence as an effort by JA to puncture what he saw as Benjamin Franklin's inflated reputation, for it is clearly
a paraphrase of the epigram attributed to Turgot and attached to several portraits
of Franklin in this period: “eripuit calo fulmen, sceptrumque { 358 } tyrannis,” “he snatched the lightning from heaven and the scepter from tyrants” (vol.
6:174).

4. JA refers to the volunteer and nonimportation movements in Ireland, which were founded
on deeply felt grievances and resurgent Irish nationalism. There was considerable
sympathy for America in Ireland, thus making JA's comments on the Irish use of American models more justified than his comments in
this and previous letters regarding the English county association movement (see JA to Samuel Adams, 23 Feb., above). The expectations of JA and others that the movements in Ireland, and to a lesser degree in England, could
undermine the North ministry, however, were doomed to disappointment. The perspective
of Paris and Versailles led to a misapprehension as to the origins and aims of the
movements and, in the case of Ireland, the ability and willingness of Britain to deal
effectively with Irish grievances.

The volunteer movement was reminiscent of the American minuteman companies and resulted
from the lack of any sizable body of British troops to defend Ireland. The need for
extraordinary measures became clear in 1778, when John Paul Jones captured the HMS
Drake at Cerrickfergus, and was made even more urgent in 1779 when a Franco-Spanish invasion
seemed likely. In mid-1778, therefore, the recruitment of volunteer companies began
and ultimately over 40,000 troops were raised. Catholics and Protestants alike supported
the effort, but the government at London and Dublin regarded the volunteers as an
extralegal force that could as well be used to seek redress of grievances as for defense.

The nonimportation movement too had American roots. Always heavily circumscribed by
British restrictions, Irish trade was almost destroyed when the outbreak of war in
America cost Ireland the only profitable market for its linens. The chronically depressed
Irish economy thus grew worse, with thousands facing starvation. To dampen growing
Irish unrest, Lord North introduced a series of trade bills on 2 April 1778 that would
have ended many of the barriers to Irish trade. Opposition from British manufacturers,
however, forced North to retreat, and in the end only minor changes were made. In
the absence of the relief that the trade bills would have provided, the Irish economy
continued to deteriorate until, at a meeting at Dublin in late April 1779, a nonimportation
agreement was adopted. The movement soon became widespread and was effective in limiting
Anglo-Irish trade.

The volunteer and nonimportation movements altered Ireland's relationship with Great
Britain. Although the volunteer companies showed no disloyalty to the crown, they
became, as the British authorities had feared, a political force in support of nonimportation
and free trade. Together the two movements forced the North ministry in late 1779
and early 1780 to introduce measures that finally permitted Ireland to enjoy a relatively
free trade within and without the empire. With these measures and a relaxation of
restrictions on Catholics and dissenters, the North ministry successfully defused
the situation and, although many in Ireland remained sympathetic to the American cause,
any hope that Irish unrest would materially effect Britain's ability to carry on the
war ended (W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, 8 vols., N.Y., 1878–1890, 4:520–542; Cambridge Modern Hist., 6:495–498; for the Irish trade bills, see Parliamentary Hist., vols. 19 and 20).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To the President of the Congress, No. 8

Paris, 23 February 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand PCC, No. 84, I, f. 279; docketed: “No. 8 Feby. 23. 1780 Letter from J. Adams recd. Oct.
16. sends News Papers &c.” LbC Adams Papers; { 359 } notations: “Recd in Congress Oct. 15.”; by Thaxter: “No. 8.” and “In No. 8 were inclosed
Triplicates of all the former Letters to Congress, and also a Copy of a Letter to
the Marquiss de la Fayette, & his Answer, & a Copy of one to Mr. Genet and his Answer.”

Adams sent copies of and comments on the Mercure de France (the successor to Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique), Courier de l'Europe, Gazette de France, and Gazette de la Haie. He noted that the Courier was thought to be influenced by the British ministry; that the Gazette de France was published by the French government, but was noted for its integrity; and that
the Gazette de la Haie was a vehicle for British falsehoods. Regarding the Dutch paper, see vol. 6:215.

To James Warren

[dateline] Paris Feby. 23d. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

The French Court seem to be now every day more and more convinced of the good Policy,
and indeed the Necessity of prosecuting the War with Vigour in the American Seas.
They have been and are making great Preparations accordingly, and are determined to
maintain a clear Superiority.

M. de la Motte Piquet has with him, the Hannibal, the Magnifique, the Diadem, the
Dauphin Royal, the Artesien, the Reflechi, and the Vengeur, and if M. de Grace [Grasse] has joined him from Chesapeak Bay, the Robuste, the Fendant and the Sphinx, in all
ten Ships of the Line.

M. de Guichen is gone to join him, with the Couronne, eighty Guns, the Triomphant,
eighty, the Palmier, seventy four, the Victoire, the Destin, the Conquerant: the Citoyen,
the Intrepide, the Hercule, the Souverain, all of seventy four—the Jason, the Actionaire,
the Caton, the Julien, the Solitaire, the St. Michel, the Triton, all of sixty four.
The Frigates the Medee, Courageuse, Gentille and the Charmante all of thirty two.
He had above an hundred Sail of Vessels under his Convoy, and the Regiments of Touraine
and Enghien, of more than thirteen hundred Men each, and the second Battalion of Royal
Comtois and of Walsh of seven hundred men each—making in the whole more than four
thousand Troops. Besides these, there are seven more preparing at Brest to sail.1

Messrs. Gerard, Jay and Charmichael are arrived at Cadiz in a French Frigate—the Confederacy
having been dismasted and driven to Martinique. The Alliance carries this with Mr.
Lee and Mr. Izard, who will no doubt be treated with all Respect at Boston.

Notwithstanding the Commotions in England and Ireland, the Success of Prevost at Savannah,
and of Rodney off Gibralter, and even the silly Story of Omoa in South America, is
enough to embolden the Ministry to go on with a Debt of two hundred Millions already
contracted, to borrow twelve or fourteen Millions a Year in the Beginning of a War
with France and Spain—each having a greater Navy than they ever had, each discovering
a greater fighting Spirit than they ever did before,2 and obliging the English to purchase every Advantage at a dear Rate.

The Premiums and Bounties, that they are obliged to give to raise Men, both for the
Service by Sea and Land, and the Interest of Money they borrow, are greater than were
ever given in any former Wars, even in the last Year of the last War. This cannot
always last, nor indeed long. Yet I dont expect to see Peace very soon.

I have sent a Trunk to the Care of the Navy Board, for my dear Mrs. A., in which is
something for Mrs. W. Pray write me as often as possible, and send the News papers
to me.

1. JA's information regarding the naval force available to the French in the West Indies,
as well as the ships and troops convoyed by Guichen to Martinique, is substantially
correct. With the exception of the ships of the line Hannibal, Diadem, Dauphin Royal, Reflechi, Conquerant, Jason, and Julien and the frigate Charmante, all of the vessels named participated in the battle against Rodney's fleet off Martinique
on 17 April. The four ships of the line under La Motte-Piquet that were not available
for the battle had left Martinique before Guichen's arrival to escort to St. Domingo
merchant ships returning to France. The absence of La Motte-Piquet and his ships on
the 17th may have denied Guichen a decisive victory, for their presence would have
given Guichen a margin of 26 ships of the line to 20 for Rodney (W. M. James, British Navy in Adversity, London, 1926, p. 441–442; Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 187–188).

2. In the Letterbook copy, a draft, JA wrote: “each discovering a fighting Spirit, which they never did before,” and then
altered it to the text given here.

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0236

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Chavagnes, Bidé de

Date: 1780-02-24

To Bidé de Chavagnes

[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois, Rue de Richelieu Feb. 24. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

I had last Evening the Honour, of your Letter from Brest, of the 16th. of this Month,
and I thank you, sir for your kind Enquiries after our Health. Mr. Dana, Mr. Thaxter,
the three Children and myself, are very well at present. Mr. Allen We left, in good
Health at Bordeaux. We were all much incommoded with violent Colds and { 361 } threatned with dangerous Fevers in Spain, arrising from bad Weather, much fatigue
and vile Accommodations, but the Salubrious Air, the innumerable delights of France,
have restored Us all to very good Health and Spirits. We are all much rejoiced to
hear of your Welfare and that of your Officers, to whom We request you to present
our Respects.

I feel So much Affection for the good Old Sensible, that I take a Pleasure in learning
that she was able to perform the Voyage to Brest and that she is still uncondemned,
but not so much as to wish that Lives of Officers and People that I so much respect
should be risqued in her too long.1

I hope the Minister, to whom I have had the Pleasure of expressing my Gratitude to
you and your Officers for your Goodness to me and my Suite in both Passages, both
by Word of Mouth and by Letter,2 will agree to your Wishes for a short Relaxation: and you may assure Madam Chevagne
of our Respect and that We have not yet ceased to drink her Health, and yours at the
same time.

I thank you for your Care of our Trunks, and I hope that Mrs. Gerard de Malherbes
et Allain, will transmit them to me at the Hotel De Valois Rue de Richelieu.

When I shall have Occasion to return to America I dont know, but whenever that time
shall come, nothing would give me so much Pleasure, as to return with you. And it
is very far from being impossible or unlikely that <We> I may have once more the good Luck to navigate the Atlantic with you. I have the
Honour to be with much Respect and Affection, sir your very humble and obedient servant

To Edmé Jacques Genet

[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu Feb. 24. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

I have received the Letter, that you did me the Honour to write me the 20th. of this
Month.

I was cautious of troubling the Minister, with an Application directly to him upon
a Subject like that of my Letter to you: but I thank you, for the Trouble you have
taken in laying it, before him. The kind { 362 } Expressions of his Excellencies Confidence, and his Readiness to receive any Applications
directly from me, do me great Honour, and I shall not fail of paying my Respects to
him upon proper Occasions.

I am happy to have his Excellencies Authority, to counteract, the delusive Artifices
of our Enemies: and he may be equally assured that the Reports of Advances made by
the Americans, towards an Arrangement with the English are equally groundless.

I hope to have soon the Honour of paying my Respects to you at Versailles. In the
mean Time, I have a favour to request of you, which is your Assistance in procuring,
some News Papers from England. I am told Dr. Franklin, and other Americans here have
been under Obligations to you for procuring them by the Way of Ostend, and that they
pay for them to the Post Master at Ostend. You are better acquainted with the Character
and Merit of the English Papers than We are. We should be much obliged to you therefore,
if you would give orders for two setts of Papers, one for Mr. Dana and one for me:
one on the Court side of the Question and the other on the Country Side. Papers which
commonly contain the best Intelligence.

We will pay the Expence whenever and to whomsoever you direct. And We shall be very
glad to pay for your sending them to Us, in the same manner you did to Mr. Izard.
I have the Honour to be with great Esteem and Respect, sir your most obedient and
most humble servant.

LbC (Adams Papers); directed to: “Monsieur Genet Premier Comis de Affaires etrangeres, Rue Royal a
Versailles.” The text is taken from the Letterbook copy because the RC (J. G. Turner, Los Angeles, 1958) exists only as a fragment, with extensive fire
damage and the signature cut out.

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0238

Author: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1780-02-24

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

From the Comte de Vergennes

Replying to John Adams' letter of 19 Feb. (calendared above), Vergennes noted that Adams' account of his commissions agreed
with that of Conrad Alexander Gérard and that the most important aspect of his mission,
the negotiation of a peace treaty, would be announced in the Gazette de France. Adams might also publicize the peace commission in the Dutch papers, but should first
send Vergennes a copy of any such article. Regarding Adams' commission to negotiate
an Anglo-American commercial treaty, Vergennes advised him not to disclose it to anyone
and in particular to do everything possible to prevent the British ministry from learning
of it. Finally, Vergennes declared that since he was certain that Adams' instructions
were in conformity with the Franco-American treaties, there was no need for him to
see them.

Years later Adams analyzed Vergennes' motives for offering him the { 363 } advice in this letter. He noted that although he had seen no reason “for concealing
one of my Commissions more than the other,” he had thought it prudent to follow Vergennes'
counsel. He believed, however, that the letter was early evidence of Vergennes' determination
to have the commission to negotiate a commercial treaty annulled. According to Adams,
Vergennes' success in that undertaking indicated that it was France's policy “to keep
Us embroiled with England as much and as long as possible, even after a Peace” (same,
4:252–253).

To Joseph Gardoqui & Sons

[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Feb. 25. 1780

[salute] Gentlemen

I have not had opportunity, Since my Arrival at Paris, to pay my Respects to you,
and to inform you, that We all happily arrived, on the 9th. of this Month. We have
now a little Leisure to look back upon the Scenes we have passed thro Since our Arrival
in Europe, and I assure you, that I reflect upon none with more Pleasure than those
at Bilbao.

I find that Vessels arrive oftener, there and at Cadiz than in France, from our Part
of America, and I believe I must now and then trouble you with a Letter to send Congress,1 from your Port, and request my Friends in America to write me, by the Same Channel,2 as Intelligence between the two Countries is So much wanted, and is So often interrupted.

Mr. Dana informs me that you sent a few Things to my Family by Captain Babson.3 But these will go but a little Way in the support of a large Family, even if they
arrive Safe, which is very uncertain. I have therefore to request your House to Send
Duplicates of the Same Things, by the next Vessell that goes to Mr. Isaac Smith of
Boston, or Mr. Jackson or Tracy, or indeed any other good Man in the Massachusetts
Bay, directed in the Same manner, provided you think that the Season of the Year,
the Sailing of the Vessell and the Character of the Master is such as to give a fair
Chance of Arriving safe. I would not Send any Thing in a wrong Season, by a dull Sailor
or an absurd Captain. If you will send such Duplicates, and then Triplicates, by the
next opportunity which you may think equally good, and draw upon me, for the Money,
in Paris your Bills shall be punctually paid.4

Pray inform me the News of Mr. Jay, and his Reception at Madrid. I am &c.

3. JA had not yet received the letter { 364 } from Gardoqui & Sons of 19 Feb. (above), informing him of the goods sent in Capt. Babson's vessel. When that letter
was received on 1 March, JA immediately wrote to the firm with additional instructions (LbC, Adams Papers).

4. JA originally intended to end his letter at this point, for immediately following this
sentence is his usual stylized closing, which has been canceled.

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0240

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Jenings, Edmund

Date: 1780-02-25

To Edmund Jenings

[dateline] Paris Feby. 25th. 1780. Hotel de Valois Rue de Richlieu

[salute] Dear Sir

I have this Moment your Letter from Brussells of the 19th of this Month, and I thank
You for your kind Congratulations on my safe Arrival. Whether I come in the amiable
and blessed Character, as You say You have heard, with the Olive Branch in my Hand,
and surrounded with Doves, Lambs and Angels or not, You will learn, in due Time. At
present, the common Enemy shews a Picture, of a very different Kind.

I was much disappointed on my Arrival in Paris to find that You had left it, because
I had promised myself much pleasure in your Conversation, after two tedious Voyages
by Sea, and a Journey by Land, in the dead of Winter, through Spain and France, infinitely
more disagreeable than either, and a painful Application at Home for three Months
to a difficult Subject, the Formation of a Civil Constitution in the Convention of
the Massachusetts.

I left the general and particular Governments in America in great Vigour, and the
Spirits of the People very high, and their Temper extreamly firm. The Paper Money
gives Trouble and does Injustice to Individuals, but it has little Effect1 upon the public Mind respecting the general Cause. Indeed I percieved no more Symptoms
of Doubt of the final Independence of America, than if it had been acknowledged and
guaranteed by all the World. The Seizure of the Dutch Ships is a desperate Step indeed,
and must touch all the Powers, as well as the Dutch, very sensibly. I should be much
obliged to You for a Copy of what You wrote to the Pensioner of Amsterdam upon the
Subject.2

One sees the Powers at War in different Lights, when one views them from different
Cities, as I have often had Opportunity to experience, and you will have Opportunities
of gaining Intelligence from Brussells, that I cannot at Paris, from England especially.
You will oblige me therefore very much, and render an useful Service perhaps to our
Country, by informing me of all You may learn, concerning the Designs of the English
Court, their intended Expeditions, and their { 365 } Force by Sea and Land. As to Thoughts of Peace, they will never have any, while they
have any little Successes, as they conduct themselves on a Maxim, diametrically opposite
to that of the Romans.3

I am well persuaded, Sir, of your Fidelity and Affection to your Country, as well
as of your Abilities to serve it, and have taken the Liberty to mention as much and
more too to some Gentlemen in Congress, to whom I transmitted the twelve Letters on
the Spirit and Resources of Great Britain.4 I also transmitted your Letter to General Gates, and had a Letter from him, acknowledging
the Receipt of it, before he had the pleasure of marching into Newport, and cutting
off the British Army from great Quantities of Wood, Forrage, Canon and Merchandizes,
which they intended to have carried away with them, not expecting that he would have
the Hardiness to take possession of the Town before, they were gone from the Harbour.5

To the President of the Congress, No. 9

[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Feby. 25th. 1780

[salute] Sir

Since my Letter of the twentieth, I have recieved another Letter from his Excellency
the Comte de Vergennes dated the 24th. of February, to which I answered this Day;
Copies of both Letters are inclosed.

I have also the Honour to inclose a Gazette, and an Application from M. Comyn of Marseilles
to be a Consul for the Ports of Provence and Languedoc.1 I know nothing of this Gentleman, but what he says of himself.

By the inclosed Gazette, as well as by many others, Congress will see, of what wonderful
Efficacy in pulling down Tyranny, a Committee of Correspondence is likely to be. Ireland
have done great things by means of it. England is attempting great things with it,
after the Example, of the Americans, who invented it, and first taught its Use: Yet
all { 366 } does not seem to produce the proper Gratitude in the Minds of the English towards
their Benefactors. However the Glory of the Invention is as certainly ours, as that
of Electrical Rods, Hadley's Quadrant, or Inoculation for the Small Pox.2

[salute] I have the Honour to be; with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble Servant,

RC is an unsigned Dupl in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 39); docketed: “John Adams Feb. 25. 1780” and “dupl No. 9 J. Adams
Esqr 25th Feby. 1780 Read May 15. 1780—Publicity of his Embassy.” Intended RC in Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 281); docketed: “No. 9 Feb 25th. 1780 Letter from J Adams recd. Oct
16. Publicity of his Embassy Mr. Comin's Memorial vid Feb. 20 vid March 30.” Tripl, unsigned, in Thaxter's hand (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 29–31); docketed: “No. 9 Tripl: Feb. 25. 1780 Letter from J Adams rec'd. Oct: 16th. 80 Publicity of his Embassy
Mr. Comin's memorial.” LbC (Adams Papers); notations: “No. 9” and “recd in congress Oct. 15. Triplicate”; by Thaxter: “March
31st. 1780. The Letters were delivered to M. de la Fayette on board the Hermion Frigate
by Dr. Bancroft ie. those <that were delivered> him by Mr. W. Franklin.”; “Feby. 26th. 1780. This day delivered to Mr. A. Lee Triplicates of all the Letters to Congress—also a Triplicate of the Comte De Vergennes
Letter of the 24th. of Feby. and the answer to it of the 25th. inclosed in the Triplicate
of Number 9., and also a Number of private Letters”; and “Delivered to Mr. W. Franklin, Duplicates of all the Letters to Congress to be by him sent to Dr. Bancroft to carry
to Nantes.” The Letterbook notation for 31 March was interlined between the last line
of text and the notation for 26 Feb. JA wrote to Edward Bancroft on 26 Feb. (LbC, Adams Papers), requesting that, since Bancroft was reportedly leaving for Nantes on the following
day, he take charge of the packet and, from there or some other port, send it by a
safe conveyance to America. Lafayette reached Philadelphia on 15 May with the duplicates,
and Lee on or about 16 Oct. with the triplicates. Nothing is known of the route taken
by the packet containing the intended recipient's copy and its enclosures, but JA may have sent it with his letter of 25 Feb. to Joseph Gardoqui & Sons (above), who delayed forwarding it, with the result that
it did not arrive until 16 Oct.

1. Neither Comyn's letter of [ante 25 Feb.] nor JA's answer of 25 Feb. (RC and LbC, Adams Papers) have been printed. In his reply JA promised only to send Comyn's application to the congress.

2. In the Letterbook this paragraph clearly was an afterthought. Written immediately
below the formal closing, it was marked for insertion following the paragraph mentioning
Comyn's application. JA refers, in addition to Franklin's lightning rods, to: the navigational quadrant named
after its English inventor, John Hadley, but also invented, apparently independently
and with some improvements, by Thomas Godfrey, a Philadelphian, in 1730; and to the
pioneering work of Boston's Zabdiel Boylston, the first American physician to inoculate
against smallpox, in 1721. As with Godfrey, Boylston's work followed that of English
doctors by a few months, but was developed independently from African and Turkish
practices. Boylston was JA's great-uncle (Raymond Phineas Stearns, Science in the British Colonies of America, Urbana, Ill., 1970, p. 514; DAB).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0242

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Date: 1780-02-25

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To the Comte de Vergennes

Replying to Vergennes' letter of the 24th (calendared above), John Adams expressed his appreciation for his upcoming presentation
at the French court. He also agreed to avoid publicizing his peace commission before
its announcement in the “Gazette,” to submit any announcement that he might seek to
have published in the Dutch papers, and to keep secret his commission to negotiate
an Anglo-American commercial treaty. This is the last complete letter included in
JA's Autobiography.

Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles, 25 February 1780

[salute] Sir

I will not fail to inform the Count Vergennes of the letter with which you have honored
me.1

I will also write to Ostend to ask them to send, under my name, two gazettes, the
most influential in each party. To my mind they are, for the Opposition, the General Advertiser, published by W. Parker—and { 368 } for the Ministry, the Morning Post. These are the two that I will request and forward to you regularly. In the meantime,
I will lend you some of my own copies when I can. I am enclosing the General Advertiser of the 17th, which you can return at your convenience. I will inform you when your
own copies are sent so that you may keep them.

Dare I ask you for news of your son and whether he returned with you? My own leaves
for Germany in eight days.2 Please give my regards to Mr. Francis Dana.

Did you remember my request for copies of the new constitutions I was unable to obtain?
If you did not have time to gather them, being only briefly in America, you might
still do so through your friends, and I would be grateful to you.

I have the honor to be, with an unshakable attachment, sir, your very humble and very
obedient servant

2. Edmond Charles Genet, later first minister from the French Republic to the United
States and known then as “Citizen Genet.” In 1780 he was 17 years old and, after studying
at Geissen and Berlin and serving on the staff of the French ambassador at Vienna,
became head of the foreign ministry's translation bureau upon his father's death in
1781 (DAB).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0244

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques

Date: 1780-02-26

To Edmé Jacques Genet

[dateline] [Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu Feb. 26. 1780]

[salute] [Sir]

I have just now recieved the [Letter,] which You did me the Honor to write me yesterday[, and I] thank You, Sir, for the Loan of the English Paper[s, which I] shall carefully return, and beg the Loan of the oth[ers, as y]ou can spare them, until those shall arrive, which [you] have ordered for me: for the Trouble you have taken [in] ordering those Papers; for your kind Enquiries after my Son, who has accompanied
me in all my Peregrination[s, a]nd is now at M. Pechinis Pension at Passy,1 with another [of] my Sons, and a Granchild of Dr. Cooper's, whose Name and Character You know, all
three of whom I brought with me, through a dangerous Voyage and a wearisome Journey,
for the Sake of giving them an early Acquaintance with this Country, its Language
&c. I wish your worthy Son a good Voyage and all possible Success.2

I have made your Compliments to Mr. Dana, who desires me to return You his Respects.

I shall inclose with this, [a Projected Constitution for] the Massachusetts Bay,3 which is [now under the Consider]ation of the Conven• { 369 } tion of that State, in [which you will] see a full and true Account of all my publi[c, and most] of my private Occupations during my short [Residence] at Home. My fellow Citizens were pleased, on my [Arrival] to elect me into the Convention, whose Deliber[ations wi]th those of their Committees and Sub-Committe[s,4 took up] all my Time, until I recieved Orders to return to [Europe.]

I was not able to make a compleat Collection of American Constitutions, while I was
at Hom[e:] but if You will inform me, which of the Constitutions you have not, I will write
immediately to Philadelphia, and even to Congress, upon the Subject, and I dare an[swer] for it, You will be furnished with them as soon as possi[ble.]

I am, Sir, with an affectionate Attachmen[t,] your most obedient Servant.

[signed] John Adams

RC in John Thaxter's hand with additions by JA (Justin G. Turner, Los Angeles, 1958) LbC (Adams Papers). Fire damage to the RC has resulted in the loss of a substantial number of words, which have been supplied
from the Letter book copy.

To Edmund Jenings

I received to day, yours of the 22d. That by Mr. Brush I answered as soon as received.2

You cannot oblige me more sir, than by communicating Intelligence from E.

I have been a Witness, these 6 Years, of the annual Reports Spread by England to make
it believed in America that the Russians were to interpose, and I have heard a vast
deal of it, since my Arrival in Paris, in so much that I have set myself directly
to Search out the Truth, and I have as high Authority as any in this Kingdom to assure
you, and every other on whom that political Lye has made any Impression whether in
Europe or America, that it is false, both with respect to Russia and Denmark.

I did not want this Authority for myself. I was So well persuaded of { 370 } the Interest of Russia, and Denmark and their disposition, before that I was easy.

But, indeed, it would move me, very little, if Russia, and Denmark too were to declare
for G.B.—it would instantly determine Powers more momentous than both, to join Bourbon
and America.3

I will thank Russia and Denmark with all my soul, however, if they will bring about
a Peace, an honest Peace I mean.

There is an Expedition preparing at Brest, to ballance that of Boyle Walsingham, perhaps,
so that I am not in pain about that.

Mr. Carmichael, is Secretary to the American Embassy at Madrid. His Residence I know
not, but your Letter cant miscarry.

Can you inform me, how many Troops, Walsingham has, how many ships.4 Can you inform me how many regular Troops there are in Ireland? Who are the real
Planners, of the late Correspondences and Associations in Ireland, and the real Leaders—and
the ostensible. For in Europe, I take it the ostensible Leader is not the real one.

We have an high Story to day, of the Repeal of Poynings Law, of a Declaration of the
Independancy of the Irish Legislature, on any others, and forbidding all Appeals from
their House of Lords to the English House of Lords—it comes from England.5

What think you? Is there Spunk enough in the Counties to do any Thing? Or will the
Cry of Sedition and Rebellion, and the Disgrace of a few Lord Lieutenants,6 frighten them, into Tranquility. Some of them Seem a little in Earnest and they go
on, regularly enough, to be sure more Americans.7 The Committee of Correspondence, which my Friend Sam. Adams invented, refined it
first and showed its Use, as much as Swift did the Irony, Seems to have the Same wonderful
Efficacy. Heaven grant it success. Its Invention will make an Epocha in the History
of the Progress of Society, and of the human Understanding.

4. In his reply of 5 March (Adams Papers), and in considerable detail, Jenings answered this and other questions posed by
JA in this letter.

5. This report was false and, according to JA's letter to AA of 28 Feb., had been supplied by Benjamin Franklin (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:291–292). In the wake of Parliament's grant of a measure of economic independence
(see JA to Elbridge Gerry, 23 Feb., note 4, above), there was renewed agitation for legislative independence through the repeal
or modi• { 371 } fication of Poyning's Law of 1495 and the Irish Declaratory Act of 1719. The first
provided that all previous general statutes that had not specifically been applied
to Ireland were to be in force and enabled the Privy Council in England to “initiate,
supervise, reject, or amend all bills” enacted or considered by the Irish Parliament.
The second formally provided for the British Parliament to legislate for Ireland (Henry
Campbell Black, A Law Dictionary Containing Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English
jurisprudence Ancient and Modern, 2d edn., St. Paul, Minn., 1910; R. Coupland, The American Revolution and the British Empire, London, 1930, p. 58–59). These efforts came to nothing, and at the time that this
letter was written the Irish Parliament had not yet considered the issue. Not until
19 April did Henry Grattan, noted Irish statesman and orator, introduce a resolution
calling for legislative independence; after a fifteen-hour debate, the measure was
postponed and never revived (DNB; Coupland, American Revolution and the British Empire, p. 125–128; W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, 8 vols., N.Y., 1878–1890, 4:550–551).

6. A reference to the removal of Henry Herbert, 10th earl of Pembroke, and Francis Osborne,
marquis of Carmarthen (later 5th Duke of Leeds), as lords lieutenant of Wiltshire
and the East Riding of York, respectively, because of their refusal to oppose the
demands of the county associations. Both were restored to office by the Rockingham
ministry in 1782 (DNB). Pembroke, and presumably also Carmarthen, received notice of his dismissal in a
letter from Lord Hillsborough of 14 Feb., to which Pembroke replied on the same day.
For the two letters, which were widely reprinted, see the London Chronicle of 29 Feb. – 2 March.

7. Thus in both the recipient's copy, where JA interlined “to be sure,” and the Letterbook copy.

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0246

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: President of Congress

Recipient: Huntington, Samuel

Date: 1780-02-27

To the President of the Congress, No. 10

[dateline] Paris February 27th. 1780

[salute] Sir

No. 10.

There are so many Gentleman of Rank going out to America, that there can be no doubt
Congress will be fully informed of the State of public Affairs.

Mr. Lee, Mr. Izard, the Marquiss de la Fayette, Mr. Wharton, and many others, are
going by different Vessels.

Besides these Monsieur de L'Etombe, who is appointed Consul General of France for
the Northern District of America, as Mr. Holker is for the middle, and I have not
yet learned who for the Southern, will go soon.1

There is an Armament preparing with the greatest Expedition at Brest, which is to
be commanded by Monsieur de Ternay, and to consist of eight or ten Ships of the Line
and Frigates. Six of the Line and several Frigates, as it is said, perhaps it is not
yet certain nor determined, exactly how many of either, with several thousand Men,
all Numbers are mentioned from six to ten thousands, under the General Officers, de
la Rochambeau and Jaucourt.2 Whether this Force is destined to the Continent or the West Indies, Time will discover,
at present it ought not to be known.

On the other Hand, I see a Paragraph in a London Paper of the sixteenth of this Month,
that the Thunderer, Torbay, Ramilies, Royal Oak, Triumph, and Egmont, are ordered
for the West Indies under Captain Walsingham, the Southampton, St. Albans and Winchelsea,
which were talked of to go with him, are found unfit for Service, and in so bad a
Condition as to be ordered to be paid off.

Thus the French are likely to be drawn into the American Seas in sufficient force,
where they have great Advantages in carrying on the War. It is much to be wished that
the Spaniards could be drawn into the same Field of Battle,3 for Gibralter must be taken in America, if ever.

There are some Persons, however, who think, that the English will avenge the French,
the Spaniards, and above all the Americans, upon one another, and it is certain that
Parties in England are working up to a Crisis. The Petitions of the Counties, their
numerous Committees of Correspondence, their Hints of Associations have most certainly
alarmed the King and his Ministers to a great degree—to such a degree, that for some
Time their Conduct was equivocal, giving Hopes at Times to the People, that the Crown
would favour the desired Reformation, in the Expenditure of Money. But upon the News
of Rodney's Success, they grew bolder, and determined, to exert all the Authority
of the Crown, to suppress the Meetings of the People. Accordingly the Cry, of Faction,
Sedition and Rebellion was set up in Parliament by the Majority, and the King was
advised to dismiss those Lieutenants of Counties, who had favoured the Meetings of
the People, Advice which he has certainly taken.

This is a decisive Measure. It will either discourage, and suppress these Meetings,
Petitions, Correspondences and Associations altogether; or it will give them greater
Force.

By a Debate in the House of Commons on the fourteenth of this Month, one would think
that the Nation was really at the Brink of a Civil War.4 Yet I confess, I cannot think that there are any Characters at present, in whom the
Nation have sufficient Confidence, to venture themselves any Lengths under their Guidance.
And I believe that this spirited Conduct of the King, will defeat the Measures of
the Counties, unless indeed in the Course of the next Campaign, his Arms, especially
by Sea, should meet with any signal Defeat, which would re-animate perhaps, the People.

But, even supposing the People go on, and succeed so far as to effect a Change in
the Ministry: the Question is, whether this would be an Advantage to Us or our Allies?
I am myself, very far from being convinced that it would. There are none, of the principal
Leaders of the { 373 } People, that avow any fixed Principle, that We can depend upon. None that avow a design
of acknowledging our Independence or even of making Peace.

By5 Letters I have recieved from Brussels and Holland since my Arrival,6 I am told that the late desperate Step of the English in seizing the Dutch Ships,
has made a great Change in the Minds of the People there, and the Government too,
in our Favour. Even the Prince, declares that he has been decieved by the English,
and that he will promote unlimited Convoys: that an American Minister is much wished
for, who, altho' he might not be yet publickly recieved, would be able to do as much
Good as if he was: that Money might be borrowed there, by such a Minister directly
from Congress applying directly to solid Dutch Houses. I hope every Hour to hear of
Mr. Laurens's arrival.

I have subscribed for the English Papers, but have not yet recieved any, which I am
sorry for, because I can get none to inclose. As fast as they come to me I will send
them. I have the Honour to inclose another Mercure de France, and to be, with the
most perfect Attachment, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant.

1. The three consuls were Philippe André Joseph de Létombe at Boston, John (or Jean)
Holker the younger at Philadelphia, and Charles François, Chevalier d'Anmours, at
Baltimore (JA to AA, 27 Feb. 1780, and note 3, Adams Family Correspondence, 3:286–287). On 29 Feb., Ralph Izard wrote to JA (Adams Papers) concerning a meeting between Izard, JA, and Létombe on the following day. It is not known if the meeting took place.

2. When it sailed on 2 May the fleet under the command of Chevalier de Ternay consisted
of seven ships of the line, two frigates, and two smaller warships; it escorted thirty-two
transports and cargo ships carrying 5,500 troops under the command of Comte de Rochambeau.
The force reached Newport in July (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 190–191). Jaucourt remains unidentified.

3. In the Letterbook the remainder of this sentence reads: “for <in my Opinion> Gibraltar must be taken in America, if ever.”

4. The debate on 14 Feb. was ostensibly over a proposal put forth by Isaac Barré to establish
a committee of accounts to oversee public expenditures. This was one of the demands
of the county association movement, and the debate largely centered on the propriety
of that movement. During the debate George Onslow attacked the Duke of Richmond for
his support of the county associations and strongly implied that Richmond was making
military preparations to support their demands for reform. As reported in the London Chronicle of 12–15 Feb., Onslow stated at one point that “associations were the commencement
of rebellions.” See also Parliamentary Hist., 21:74–83.

5. In the Letterbook this paragraph was written below the formal closing and marked for
insertion at this point.

6. These were the letters from Edmund Jenings of 19 Feb. and Alexander Gillon of 14 Feb. (both above).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0247

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Adams, Samuel

Date: 1780-02-28

To Samuel Adams

[dateline] Paris Feby. 28th. 1780

[salute] Dear Sir

The Marquiss, who loves Us, will deliver You this. He will tell You every thing.

Arbuthnot, Rodney and Walsingham are to be pitted against de la Motte Piquet, Guichen
and Ternay in the West Indies. So that I hope, You will be pretty quiet. Prepare however
to co-operate and rout them out of the Continent if possible. Above all let me beg
of You to encourage Privateering.

The French will be superior in the American Seas this Campaign, or I am misinformed,
and I have it from good Authority. Oh that Spain could be persuaded that Gilbralter
is to be conquered in America. It is certainly true, and I believe only there. I have
written You by Mr. Lee1 who goes in the Alliance, and took my Pen now, only to give the Marquiss a Letter
to put into your Hands.

To Samuel Cooper

[dateline] Paris Feb. 28. 1780

[salute] dear sir

This will be delived you by the Marquis your Friend. Your Grandson is well and very
contented. He has seen the World, to be sure,—such a Part of it, that none of the
rest can ever be superlatively disagreable to him hereafter.

Spain is a fine Country—or as my Parson Bryant said of Hezekias, he would be the best
Man in the World if he had no Religion,1 so I can say that Spain would be one of the finest Countries if it had no Religion
nor Government.

But enough of this: I was treated with great Distinction there in Honour of my Country
but this could not make good Roads, nor comfortable Taverns. Windows and Chimneys,
are necessary to this.

I have written by the Alliance, concerning your Grandsons Expences,2 which were very high: but he has seen the World.

Instead of Wishing and hoping for Peace, my dear Countrymen must qualify themselves
for War, and learn the Value of Liberty by the Dearness of its Purchase. The Foundations
of lasting Prosperity are laid in great military Talents and Virtues. Every sigh for
Peace, untill it { 375 } can be obtained with Honour, is unmanly. If our Enemies Can be Obstinate and desperate
in a wicked and disgracful Cause, surely We can be determined and persevering in the
most just, the most honourable, and the most glorious Cause that ever was undertaken
by Men. I am with-great Affection &c

2. For JA's letter to Gabriel Johonnot of 23 Feb., not printed, see his letter of the same date to Samuel Cooper, note 1 (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0249

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Knox, Henry

Date: 1780-02-28

To Henry Knox

[dateline] Paris Feb. 28. 1780

[salute] Dear sir

Your Friend the Marquis, with whom I have sometimes had the Honour to drink your Health
after that of General Washington, will deliver you this. His Love of Glory is not
diminished, nor his affection for America, as you see by his Return. He has been indefatigable
in endeavours to promote the Welfare and Comfort of our Army, as well as to support
their Honour and Character, and has had success in both.

He has had a share in convincing this Court of the Policy and Necessity of transferring
their Exertions into the American seas and I hope, he will in time assist in bringing
Spain into the same system. But Time is necessary to bring Nations to comprehend new
systems of Policy, and every Body has some time or other an Opportunity of throwing
in Light. France and Spain are not yet habituated to reasoning Upon the new Connection,
nor are they yet Sensible of all the Advantages they might derive from it in the Prosecution
of the War. France however is more convinced of it this Year than last. But I have
not time to say more except that I am as usual your Frd

The Marquiss de la Fayette is going to Boston in a Frigate, and surely he wants no
Recommendation of mine—his own Merit and his Fame are enough. He has been the same
Friend to Us here that he was in America. He has been very assiduous to procure Cloaths
and Arms for our Army, and to promote our Interest in every other Way, within his
Circle.

I can tell You nothing from Madrid as yet. But I hope Mr. Jay will succeed.

England may possibly try to get Russia and Denmark to negotiate for Peace, but She
will not succeed, because She will not consent to such Terms as every American holds
indispensible. Holland is very angry, but does not resent. She has been very ill treated,
but cannot avenge herself. I beg that every Word I say to You about Peace, may be
kept secret, because, I shall write to Congress upon that Subject all that is proper
for me to say to any Body in America.

I have written You by the Alliance,1 which will sail soon. Landais is at Paris. Jones goes in the Alliance. Your Son is
on Board, by2 this Time enured, I suppose, to the Sea, and to War. We have not yet learned who
are our Delegates this Year, nor how the Constitution goes on.

2. At the top of the first page of the letter James Warren wrote: “See last paragraph.”
A line was drawn in the left margin beside this paragraph and the preceding six words
referring to Warren's son James Jr. were underlined.

Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles, 28 February 1780

[salute] Sir

I have written to Ostend for the two gazettes in question. In the meantime, I will
continue, always as soon as possible, to lend you mine. I am very happy to hear that
your son has returned in good health to Passy. Some day this spring you should send
me him, together with Mr. Cooper's grand child and your other son. I will show them
Versailles and ensure they return satisfied. My son will be unable to receive them,
as he is leaving for Germany in four days and will remain there a year. But on his
return, he will have the honor of making their acquaintance. I thank you for the good
wishes you sent him. I thank you also for your excellent project for a constitution
for your state. I scanned it quickly and it appeared to me well suited to prevent
all difficulties. I will have it translated in order to publish it as it is, and then
add the changes that will be made, for better or worse, and of which you will undertake
to inform me. Please find enclosed the list of the constitutions that I lack. I will
be obliged if you would try to obtain them for me.1 I have the honor to be, with an unshakable attachment, sir, your very humble and
very obedient servant

1. JA did so in his letter of 29 Feb. to the president of the congress (calendared, below). There he stated that Genet
had “already translated and published the Constitutions of New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania,
Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina.”

From James Moylan

[dateline] L'Orient 28 Feby. 1780

[salute] Dear sir

I received your much esteem'd letter of the 22d. with the memorandums it inclosed
of the articles you wish to send to Boston by the Alliance. Captain Jones, on my application
to him to permit those goods to be loaded on his vessel, immediately consented and
told me he wou'd write you by this post,1 in consequence of which I shall prepair them and distinguish the property as you
direct.

In Mrs. Adams's memorandum is mention'd half a Dozen: Damask Table Cloaths. Those, are not to be purchased in this Kingdom without the Napkins, say twelve to
every Table cloath, and this, which the French call a sett, cost from 120 to 250 livres
according to their quality. I shou'd be glad of your advice what is to be don in this
case as well as to Know what colour'd velvet is meant in Mr. P. B. Adams's list and
the Delph and stone ware in that of Mrs. Adams's and what quantity. You will have
full time for this explination as I shall lay in the other goods in the mean time.2

To Edmé Jacques Genet

[dateline] [Paris Feb. 29. 1780]

[salute] [Dear sir]

I have this Moment your[s of the 28. I] thank You, Sir, for your kind Invitation to my [three Sons,] to come some time in the Spring, and spend a day [at Ver]sailles, which will be very agreeable to them, and [to me.]

I am happy to find that the [Report of] the Committee has your Approbation; and shall [be very g]lad to see it translated and printed as it is. [Every] Attempt of this kind may be worth preserving, and [will be a] Gratification at least to Posterity to see the gradual [Pro]gress of Society, and the slow March of the human Un[der]standing in the Science of Government.

On the Moment of the Receipt of your Letter I have written to Congress, requesting
their Aid in procuring the Constitutions of Georgia and of North Carolina.1 That of the Massachusetts is at present accord[ing] to their late2 Charter: that of New Hampshire is the same.3 As soon as the Massachusetts shall have established a [new one, New Hampshire will follow their Example, and I shall undoubtedly have Copies
of them as soon as they can cross the sea, and] I will send them without [Loss of time to you.]

Rhode Island and Connecticut ha[ve made no Alte]rations in their Governments, but proceed [according to] their Charters, which You already have.

The Convention of the Massachusetts[, had receive]d the Report of the Committee which I sen[t you and] had considered and agreed to the Declaration of [Rights wi]th very little Alteration, before I took my Lea[ve of them.] They then adjourned to the first of January. [I was ver]y happy to observe the Temperance, Wisdom and [Firm]ness of this Assembly, and hope they will accomplis[h their] great Work with Success. I assure You, it was [mo]re comfortable building Constitutions of Governmen[t at] Cambridge, than sailing in a leaky Ship, or4 climb[ing] over the Mountains, or lodging in the Chimneyless [and] Windowless Taverns of Galicia, Leon, Castile or [ev]en Biscay and Guipuscoa. Yet I shall look back with equal pleasure upon both, if they
contribute [to lay the Foundations of a free and prosperous People.]

RC in John Thaxter's hand (Justin G. Turner, Los Angeles, 1958). LbC (Adams Papers). Fire damage to the recipient's copy has resulted in the loss of a substantial number
of words, which have been supplied from the Letterbook copy.

1. In his letter to the president of the congress of this date (calendared, below), JA wrote: “there is so great a Curiosity throughout all Europe to see our new Constitutions;
and those already published in the Languages of Europe have done Us so much Honor,
that I thought I should be excuseable, in making a direct Request to Congress for
their Assistance in procuring those, which Mr. Genet still desires.”

2. In the Letterbook copy, a draft, JA deleted “old” in favor of “late.”

To James Lovell

I cannot let the Marquis go off, without a Line to you. He took leave of the King
a few days ago, in the Uniform of an American Major General, and attracted the Eyes
of the whole Court more than ever. He had on no doubt his American Sword2 which is indeed a Beauty, and which he shews with great Pleasure, upon proper Occasions.
The workmanship is exquisite, and there are Emblems on it, representing him, in all
the most remarkable Situations he has been in in America. He goes out in a Frigate
of the King the Hermione from Rochfort, he carries with him Cloaths enough for the
Army to make him welcome to them, if they had not known him before.

I must break off. Yours

[signed] J. Adams

Excuse one hint more about orders to draw upon you know whom,3 without which We shall be ridiculous.

2. On 21 Oct. 1778 the congress resolved that Benjamin Franklin “be directed to cause
an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented, in the name of the
United States, to the Marquis de la Fayette” (JCC, 12:1035). Franklin presented the sword in Aug. 1779 (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:134).

3. That is, to draw upon Benjamin Franklin; see JA to the president of the congress, 17 Feb., and note 1 (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-08-02-0255

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: President of Congress

Recipient: Huntington, Samuel

Date: 1780-02-29

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