To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled:

It would have given me, fellow citizens, great satisfaction to announce
in the moment of your meeting that the difficulties in our foreign relations
existing at the time of your last separation had been amicably and justly
terminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely
to bring them to such a termination - by special missions charged with
such powers and instructions as in the event of failure could leave no
imputation on either our moderation or forbearance. The delays which have
since taken place in our negotiations with the British Government appear
to have proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that
during the course of the session I may be enabled to lay before you their
final issue. What will be that of the negotiations for settling our differences
with Spain nothing which had taken place at the date of the last dispatches
enables us to pronounce. On the western side of the Mississippi she advanced
in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayou Pierre,
on the Red River. This village was originally settled by France, was held
by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only as
a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed
at the moment of redelivery to France and the United States that she continued
a guard of half a dozen men which had been stationed there. A proposition,
however, having been lately made by our commander in chief to assume the
Sabine River as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the
two nations until the issue of our negotiations shall be known, this has
been referred by the Spanish commandant to his superior, and in the mean
time he has withdrawn his force to the western side of the Sabine River.
The correspondence on this subject now communicated will exhibit more particularly
the present state of things in that quarter.

The nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual proportion
of the force employed there should be cavalry or mounted infantry. In order,
therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled to act with effect,
I had authorized him to call on the governors of Orleans and Mississippi
for a corps of 500 volunteer cavalry. The temporary arrangement he has
proposed may perhaps render this unnecessary; but I inform you with great
pleasure of the promptitude with which the inhabitants of those Territories
have tendered their services in defense of their country. It has done honor
to themselves, entitled them to the confidence of their fellow citizens
in every part of the Union, and must strengthen the general determination
to protect them efficaciously under all circumstances which may occur.

Having received information that in another part of the United States
a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and
organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition
against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation
as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing
this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided
for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and abettors.
It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action
in public as well as in private transactions, it was due to good order
and regular government, that while the public force was acting strictly
on defensive and merely to protect our citizens from aggression the criminal
attempts of private individuals to decide for their country the question
of peace or war by commencing active and unauthorized hostilities should
be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.

Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular forces will depend
on the result of our negotiations with Spain; but as it is uncertain when
that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that,
and to meet any pressure intervening in that quarter, will be a subject
for your early consideration.

The possession of both banks of the Mississippi reducing to a single
point the defense of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent,
it becomes highly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate security.
Some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should
be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels which may be
stationed there for defense, and in conjunction with them to present an
insuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. The approaches to
the city of New Orleans from the eastern quarter also will require to be
examined and more effectually guarded. For the internal support of the
country the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of
the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be worthy the consideration
of the Legislature.

The gun boats authorized by an act of the last session are so advanced
that they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances
permitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction.
As a much larger number will still be wanting to place our sea port towns
and waters in that state of defense to which we are competent and they
entitled, a similar appropriation for a further provision for them is recommended
for the ensuing year.

A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications
already established and the erection of such other works as may have real
effect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our sea port towns, or
their remaining before them.

In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people,
directly expressed by their free suffrages; where the principal executive
functionaries and those of the legislature are renewed by them at short
periods; where under the character of jurors they exercise in person the
greatest portion of the judiciary powers; where the laws are consequently
so formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and favor on all,
restraining no man in the pursuits of honest industry and securing to everyone
the property which that acquires, it would not be supposed that any safe-guards
could be needed against insurrection or enterprise on the public peace
or authority. The laws, however, aware that these should not be trusted
to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishment for these crimes
when committed. But would it not be salutary to give also the means of
preventing their commission? Where an enterprise is meditated by private
individuals against a foreign nation in amity with the United States, powers
of prevention to a certain extent are given by the laws. Would they not
be as reasonable and useful where the enterprise preparing is against the
United States? While adverting to this branch of law it is proper to observe
that in enterprises meditated against foreign nations the ordinary process
of binding to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it be
extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction of the United States,
would be effectual in some cases where the offender is able to keep out
of sight every indication of his purpose which could draw on him the exercise
of the powers now given by law.

The States on the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present
to respect our peace and friendship; with Tunis alone some uncertainty
remains. Persuaded that it is our interest to maintain our peace with them
on equal terms or not at all, I propose to send in due time a reenforcement
into the Mediterranean unless previous information shall show it to be
necessary.

We continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our Indian
neighbors and of their dispositions to place all their interests under
the patronage of the United States. These dispositions are inspired by
their confidence in our justice and in the sincere concern we feel for
their welfare; and as long as we discharge these high and honorable functions
with the integrity and good faith which alone can entitle us to their continuance
we may expect to reap the just reward in their peace and friendship.

The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke for exploring the river Missouri
and the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean has had all the
success which could have been expected. They have traced the Missouri nearly
to its source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific Ocean, ascertained
with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication across our
continent, learnt the character of the country, of its commerce and inhabitants;
and it is but justice to say that Messrs. Lewis and Clarke and their brave
companions have by this arduous service deserved well of their country.

The attempt to explore the Red River, under the direction of Mr. Freeman,
though conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire approbation,
has not been equally successful. After proceeding up it about 600 miles,
nearly as far as the French settlements had extended while the country
was in their possession, our geographers were obliged to return without
completing their work.

Very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the Mississippi
by Lieutenant Pike, who has ascended it to its source, and whose journal
and map, giving the details of his journey, will shortly be ready for communication
to both Houses of Congress. Those of Messrs. Lewis, Clarke, and Freeman
will require further time to be digested and prepared. These important
surveys, in addition to those before possessed, furnish materials for commencing
an accurate map of the Mississippi and its western waters. Some principal
rivers, however, remain still to be explored, toward which the authorization
of Congress by moderate appropriations will be requisite.

I congratulate you, fellow citizens, on the approach of the period at
which you may interpose your authority constitutionally to withdraw the
citizens of the United States from all further participation in those violations
of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants
of Africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best of our
country have long been eager to proscribe. Although no law you may pass
can take prohibitory effect 'til the 1st day of the year 1808, yet the
intervening period is not too long to prevent by timely notice expeditions
which can not be completed before that day.

The receipts at the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day
of September last have amounted to near $15M, which have enabled us, after
meeting the current demands, to pay $2.7M of the American claims in part
of the price of Louisiana; to pay of the funded debt upward of $3M of principal
and nearly $4M of interest, and, in addition, to reimburse in the course
of the present month near $2M of 5.5% stock. These payments and reimbursements
of the funded debt, with those which had been made in the 4 years and a
half preceding, will at the close of the present year have extinguished
upward of $23M of principal.

The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease by law at the
end of the present session. Considering, however, that they are levied
chiefly on luxuries and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of
life, the free use of which otherwise is so important, I recommend to your
consideration the suppression of the duties on salt and the continuation
of the Mediterranean fund instead thereof for a short time, after which
that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation.

When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished
there will still ere long be an accumulation of moneys in the Treasury
beyond the installments of public debt which we are permitted by contract
to pay. They can not then, without a modification assented to by the public
creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt and the complete
liberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all objects. Nor, if
our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing purpose.
The question therefore now comes forward, To what other objects shall these
surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the entire
discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes
of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost and give that
advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles of more
general and necessary use the suppression in due season will doubtless
be right, but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid are
foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford
themselves the use of them.

Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance and application
to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and
such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to
add to the constitutional enumeration of Federal powers. By these operations
new channels of communications will be opened between the States, the lines
of separation will disappear, their interests will be identified, and their
union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among
the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its
ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages
so much better all the concerns to which it is equal, but a public institution
can alone supply those sciences which though rarely called for are yet
necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to
the improvement of the country and some of them to its preservation.

The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because
if approved by the time the State legislatures shall have deliberated on
this extension of the Federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed and
other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be
on hand and without employment.

I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the States,
necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated
in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys to be applied.

The present consideration of a national establishment for education
particularly is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if Congress,
approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it
on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with
those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income.
This foundation would have the advantage of being independent of war, which
may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes the resources
destined for them.

This, fellow citizens, is the state of the public interests at the present
moment and according to the information now possessed. But such is the
situation of the nations of Europe and such, too, the predicament is which
we stand with some of them that we can not rely with certainty on the present
aspect of our affairs, that may change from moment to moment during the
course of your session or after you shall have separated.

Our duty is, therefore, to act upon things as they are and to make a
reasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were armies to be raised
whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have
been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which
have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take
place. A steady, perhaps a quickened, pace in preparation for the defense
of our sea port towns and waters; an early settlement of the most exposed
and vulnerable parts of our country; a militia so organized that its effective
portions can e called to any point in the Union, or volunteers instead
of them to serve a sufficient time, are means which may always be ready,
yet never preying on our resources until actually called into use. They
will maintain the public interests while a more permanent force shall be
in course of preparation. But much will depend on the promptitude with
which these means can be brought into activity. If war be forced upon us,
in spite of our long and vain appeals to the justice of nations, rapid
and vigorous movements in its outset will go far toward securing us in
its course and issue, and toward throwing its burthens on those who render
necessary the resort from reason to force.

The result of our negotiations, or such incidents in their course as
may enable us to infer their probably issue; such further movements also
on our western frontiers as may shew whether war is to be pressed there
while negotiation is protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to you
from time to time as they become known to me, with whatever other information
I possess or may receive, which may aid your deliberations on the great
national interests committed to your charge.