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1 1. La Flamme de 10Liberte, Paris (donated by The International Herald Tribune to the French people in 1987 and inaugurated in 1989). Exact replica of the flame held by the Statue of Liberty, New York (Liberty Enlightening the World, ) by Frederic Bartholdi ( ). Due to its proximity to the Alma Tunnel (not accessible to pedestrians) where Lady Diana died in a car accident on August 31,1997, the monument has been since then reinterpreted by Lady Diana's fans as a cenotaph to her memory. Photograph by the author. 50

2 Mario Carpo The Postmodern Cult of Monuments Since the first dominion of men was asserted over the ocean, three thrones, of mark beyond all others, have been set upon its sands: the thrones oftyre, Venice, and England. Of the First of these great powers only the memory remains; of the Second, the ruin; the Third, which inherits their greatness, if it forget their example, may be led through prouder eminence to less pitied destruction. [Venice] is still left for our beholding in the final period of her decline: a ghost upon the sands of the sea, so weak-so quiet,-so bereft of all but her loveliness, that we might well doubt, as we watched her faint reflection in the mirage of the lagoon, which was the City, and which the Shadow. I would endeavour to trace the lines of this image before it be for ever lost, and to record, as far as I may, the warning which seems to me to be uttered by every one of the fast-gaining waves, that beat, like passing bells, against the Stones of Ven ice. John Ruskin Future Anterior Volume IV, Number 2 Winter 2007 The resounding opening of John Ruskin's Stones of Venice ( )' epitomizes the nineteenth-century notion of what monuments are and what they should do. Ruskin turned a whole city into a monument: literally, a warning, an example, and a beacon meant to instruct and inspire, to change the course of history and to guide us toward a better destiny. The same evocative power of objects, and of built and natural landscapes, and their capacity to conjure up meaningful historical narratives form the basis for Ruskin's equally famous "Lamp of Memory" (1849),2 and would be systematized half a century later by Alois Riegl's seminal taxonomy of monuments, Der moderne Denkmalkultus.3 Riegl's categories held sway throughout most of the twentieth century, and it appears that they often still do, albeit at times unknowingly and uncritically. Interest in Riegl's theories has risen with the recent revival of architectural interest in monuments, which in turn is part of the vast process of reassessment and reevaluation of iconicity and symbolism in architectural design that started with architectural Postmodernism thirty years ago. Architectural Postmodernism4 posited that arch itectural signs may refer to meanings outside architecture proper, either through visual 51

3 similarity (iconicity) or cultural associations (symbolism). This is what most Western monuments with a commemorative value were traditionally meant to do, hence it stands to reason that architectural monuments, which suffered under the rule of modernist ethics, sobriety, and iconoclasm, should thrive again under the influence of postmodernist thought.s Architectural Postmodernism is one of the ideological sources of the current renewal of memorial architecture, and this pertains both to new architectural signs designed as monuments, as well as to the memorialization of preexisting objects. Indeed, there is a certain logic in that the ongoing reverse engineering of twentieth-century modernity should bring us back to an auroral state of modernity, namely, to Ruskin's and Riegl's Romantic, and late-romantic, theories of history. Yet, independent from the ideological content of contemporary memorial programs, it is the architectural materialization of such programs and their specific use of objects, buildings, and places for memorial purposes that may be today partially flawed, and ineffective at best, on account of some crucial changes that have transformed our cultural and technical environment. Monuments deal with notions and representations of history and time, and their present programs and functions are challenged by changes that have occurred in contemporary philosophy of history and, perhaps more drastically, by the recent ideological perception of a decline (or "end") of history itself. Postmodernism did not mean the same in philosophy as in architectural theory when the term came into currency in the late 1970S.6 This variance may have led to two very different and possibly opposite views of architectural monuments and of their functions. jean-franc;:ois Lyotard's Postmodern Condition, published only a couple of years after Charles jencks's Post- Modern Architecture,? which architects still tend to know better, was mostly about what we now call "the fragmentation of master narratives," including first and foremost history-in Baudrillard's words, "our lost referential."8 The decay of all centralized systems (ideological, social, and technological) was central to the critique of what was then called the postindustrial society,9 and after the fall of the Berlin Wall the postmodernists' end of history'o was famously reinterpreted by Francis Fukuyama as the end of ideologies, and the end of the most pervasive of all modern ideologies, Hegel's philos ophy of history." Historicism was the framework within which Ruskin's and Riegl's notions of monuments came to light and thrived and indeed a precondition for their very existence. Riegl's definitions of "historical" and "ancient" monuments posit a belief in directional (or teleological) history and presuppose an 52

4 oriented line of progress (and in the case of Ruskin, an organic simile of rise and decline) within which the modern subject can assess its relative position, take stock of the past, and get ready for the next great leap forward. This once-transparent topography of time may have been lost to postmodern consciousness, but if so, we should also admit that, as a side effect, historical monuments may have been stripped of one of their primary functions. New monuments can have no power of historical orientation because the postmodern vision of history no longer provides any preset line of progress along which historical signs may clearly be situated: as in Fukuyama's Hegelian metaphor of the train, of which some wagons arrive sooner and some later but all on the same track and toward the same destination,12 it may well be that, as postmodern rails multiply indefinitely, there may be fewer travelers waiting at any station at any given time-or even no travelers at all. The Eiffel Tower was built-among many other aims-to celebrate technological progress, and as a monument to the seventy-two engineers, scientists, and inventors whose names are inscribed on its metal arches: thinkers whose work, directly or indirectly, made possible the construction of the tower and an iconic indication of more to come following their example and furthering their research. The only twentieth-century monument in Paris that can compare with the Eiffel Tower's popular appeal is, within walking distance of the Tower itself, the so-called memorial to Lady Diana's fatal car accident (a monument that in fact preexisted the event and was recycled as a monument to Lady Diana in the aftermath of the accideno_'3 This comparison may suggest that between the times of Gustave Eiffel and those of Lady Diana the ideological and cultural fields where the monument's semantic functions resided may have shifted and that the new field may be objectively reduced in scope and social import. Architectural monuments, which were a vital component of European intellectual life at the end of the nineteenth century, are only marginal cultural players at the end of the twentieth; in true postmodern fashion, their power of incitement to action, insofar as any of it may still exist, seems now reduced to the ambit of micronarratives, microhistories, and microcultures. To cite another example that likewise highlights the fading social perception of progress, particularly in its most easily quantifiable testimony, technological advancement: the Alpine valleys leading to the Frejus, or Cenis Rail Tunnel, as well as many neighboring towns and villages in Piedmont and Savoy, are sprinkled with monuments to Germain Sommeiller, the heroic engineer who designed the tunnel and inaugurated it in The global consequences of computer connectivity 53

5 at the end of the twentieth century are probably comparable with those that Alpine tunnels had at the end of the nineteenth; yet it is not known that any brick-and-mortar monument may have been dedicated to the inventor of the Internet, whoever he or she may be. Contrary to their raison d'etre in the nineteenth century, monuments today seem to be unwilling to provide historical role models, and this abdication of responsibility is in fact already inherent in most of the current memorial practices: contemporary monuments have long stopped celebrating great deeds, as their specialty is to register grave errors; they do not exalt achievement but deplore abomination; and - at least, in non socialist countries- it seems we can hardly honor any act of valor accomplished after the end of World War II: the heroes we now tend to remember are most often the innocent victims of someone else's crimes. Most oftoday's monuments seem to be reduced to the basic, primeval, and, as Riegl asserted, timeless function of the most ancient of all "intentional" monuments: to mark the graves of the dead, or to remember their burial. Monuments can no longer point to the future because the postmodern construction of history does not provide one, or it provides too many. Historical monuments have no place in posthistorical times. Parallel and related to cultural irrelevance, monuments conceived in the Romantic tradition now equally face the risk of technological obsolescence and inadequacy. The Romantic definition of monuments as totemic catalysts and activators of memory expected and prompted the simultaneous presence of the monument and of the admonished (one, or more often many) in the same public place. The performative ritual of the act of remembering posited first, the need to go somewhere, and then the direct physical experience, optic or tactile, of the original monument. Remembrance was predicated upon, and activated by, the experience of a special place or object, often remote or unique, and the view, or vision, of something special. Not coincidentally, the rise of this quest for "experiential travel" is coeval with the development of mass transportation in the nineteenth century. Pilgrims, and grand-tourists, were in the process of becoming mass tourists. Of course mass transportation is still a paradigm of modern life, and even of postmodern life, for that matter. Yet this paradigm of the mechanical age is increasingly countered by another conflicting paradigm that was started by electricity, then amplified by electronics overthe course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Electron ic tech nologies of transm ission, or transference, are already competing with the older mechanical paradigms of transportation in many aspects of life. No need to go there 54

6 if the original, or a digital reproduction of it, may come here.'4 And as copyright lawyers and computer hackers know, the electronic distribution of works of art and of their digital copies is already blurring the traditional distinction between originals and reproductions: digital technologies are mostly indifferent to Benjamin's auratic requirements. The combined effects of electronic transference (instead of the traditional need for mechanical displacement) and of digital replication (instead of the traditional authority of the original) may toll the knell of many traditional memorial practices and foster the rise of new ones. As in contemporary media art, the transition from the mechanical to the electronic paradigm has already spawned several generations of hybrids: digital technologies have been merged with or included in traditional memorial programs, ostensibly to complement them or to extend their outreach. But the odd outcomes of these new tools for digitally enhanced mourning also emphasize the rift between old and new memorial practices and cultural technologies.'s The new information technologies will inevitably remove some deeply rooted memorial traditions from physical space: they will de-spatialize some material repositories of memories, as well as the acts of remembrance that such repositories were meant to ignite. The memorial practices that will decline are those that used to require physical presence in unique, particular, or special places. Those that are on the rise are supported by electronic media and depend on stimuli that are by definition transmissible and replicable. This pattern suggests that monuments in stone may be destined to playa lesser role in the future than they have in the past. They will most likely be replaced by music, voices, words, and all that can be digitally recorded, transmitted, and reenacted. In fact, to some extent this is already happening.'6 Of course, in spite of significant cultural and technical reasons why monuments may no longer function today as they did a century ago, when their influence and role may have climaxed, the irrational fascination with the magical power of some places - including their power to activate memorieshas a long and dignified tradition in the West, and there is no reason this belief should not persist in some form. The Romans called it "genius loci"; the Christians inherited it; the Reformation fought against it, as it deemed this belief a superstition, a relic of paganism, and a possible source of idolatry; the Counter-Reformation defended it, within some limits. Modern science and technology are fundamentally averse to this notion, as both presuppose a neutral spacecontrary to the Aristotelian tradition of places, or topoi, of which some may differ from others. Some twentieth-century thinkers who took an ideological stance against modern 55

7 science and technology revived this tradition, and architectural phenomenologists have been particularly active in advocating a born-again power of places, which includes their symbolic and memorial functions. Severed from its ideological motivations, this trend contributed to the wider search for memorial functions in Postmodernist architecture and urban design. At the same time, it is also evident that the Postmodernist renaissance of monuments that we have been witnessing for at least the last twenty years is pervaded by some nagging feelings of discomfort and unease. Again, this pertains to both sides of the matter: to the design of new, "intentional" monuments as well as to the monumentalization of preexisting objects and to the ensuing policies for their preservationan entirely different subject, which cannot be discussed here. Evidence of the tensions that characterize a phase of trans i- tion is already apparent in one of the texts that marked the beginning of the current culture of monuments. In the preface to first volume of the first edition of his seminal Lieuxde Memoire, Pierre Nora envisaged a collection of "memory places," in his words, ranging from the most concrete sense of the term to the most abstract intellectual constructions, which included dictionaries, books, songs, and even General de Gaulle, considered as the "master totem of our memories."'7 But in the conclusion to the last volume of the series, eight years later, the same author complains that the popular success of his formula, "memory places," has been built upon a fundamental misunderstanding and belies a notion of which "the heuristic interest resided in the dematerialization of 'places,' intended as symbolic instruments."'8 In fact, Nora's memory places were conceived as places within our minds, as in the classical and Renaissance art of memory; instead, they became universally confused with topographical places that generate memories; or, simply, as monuments in the Romantic tradition. They became victims of the Postmodernist cult of brick-and-mortar monuments. Another symptom of the same uneasiness may be the resistance to the very use of the term monument, which in French, for example, has been replaced in most cases by the almost synonymous "memorial," without any perceivable semantic shift.'9 Some fifteen years ago another ersatz was also tentatively introduced, historial, apparently a conflation of historique and memorial- a neologism that apparently failed to catch on.20 A similar shift from monumentto memorial happened in English-witness the title of the very same conference session where an early version of th is paper was presented. 21 The polemics concerning the German name of Peter Eisenman's Holocaust Memorial in Berlin - now officially 56

8 called, solomonically, both Denkmal and Mahnmal-attest to the onomasiological discomfort generated by the reuse of such ideologically loaded terms as monument (in English) and, in German, Denkmal, the very term Riegl used in Additionally, it is noteworthy that, in spite of the prominent Postmodernist revival of premodern architectural monuments, a strong modernist tradition of antimonumental "living memorials" still carries on relatively unabated. In 1938 Lewis Mumford famously claimed, "if [this] is a monument it is not modern, and if it is modern, it cannot be a monument."23 This statement is often quoted out of context: its original meaning was more specific than it appears, as Mumford was discussing only funerary monuments and the related cult of death; his stance against monumental burials was part of his sermon on the modern "necropolis" and the antiorganic bias of the mechanical civilization at large. Mumford did admit, however, that he saw no evil in the dedication of some public facility ("a hospital or a power station or an air beacon") as a memorial to a person or an event ("what will make the hospital... a good memorial is that it has been well designed for the succor of those that are ill_.., not the fact that it has taken form out of a metaphysical belief in the fixity and immortality and positive celebration of death")_24 Today, airports are the hottest commodity in the memorial facility business, followed by museums and libraries: hospitals seem to have dropped out of favor. Evidently, the often ephemeral coupling of a person's name with a public building can do little additional harm to the building itself, regardless of the controversies surrounding the person or the building, taken individually. On the contrary, the indirect (and often uncredited) revival of Riegl's Romantic historicism, and of the Romantic notion of monuments, may have more harmful consequences. Hopefully, these useless new monuments will be simply destined to invisibility- in Mumford's own words, "heaps of stones... in the busy streets of our cities, completely irrelevant to our beliefs and demands."2s For, should such monuments indeed come to function again, then we should come to the conclusion that the memorial programs for wh ich they stood, which were dominant in Europe at the dawn of the twentieth century, may have also been revived, and their content may be reenacted. Given the current frenzy of nationalistic discourse in Europe, the orgy of national anthems, flags, and military pageants sweeping the capitals of the old continent, and the political programs based on the quest for racial and national identities that are being openly discussed in many European Parliaments, this is not an impossible development. 57

9 Author Biography Mario Carpo is an architectural historian and critic and associate professor at the School of Architecture of Paris La Villette (Paris). He has held teaching and research positions in Europe, the United States, and Canada. His research and publications focus on the relationship between architectural theory, cultural history, and the history of media and information technology. His publications include the award winning Architecture in the Age of Printing (2001), several monographs on Renaissance architectural theory, and essays and articles on con temporary matters published in European and American architectural journals. Endnotes An earlier version of this essay was presented at the session "Memorials No More: Desecration, Destruction, Iconoclasm, Neglect," chaired by Andrew M. Shanken at the sixtieth annual meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians, in Pittsburgh, Penn., April 13, I am thankful to Andrew Shanken and to Jorge Otero- Pailos for their helpful feedback and advice, and to Megan Spriggs for comments, suggestions, and editorial help., John Ruskin, The Stones of Venice, vol. 1, The Foundations (London: Smith, Elder and Co., and New York: J. Wiley, 1851), 1-2. 'Ruskin, The Seven Lamps of Architecture (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1849), chapter 6. 3 Alo"ls Riegl, K.-k. Zentral-Kommission fur Kunst und historische Denkmale, Oer moderne Oenkmalkultus. Sein Wesen und seine Entstehung (Vienna [etc.]: BraumUlier, [1900-]1903). Available in English as "The Modern Cult of Monuments: Its Character and Its Origin," trans. Kurt W. Forster and Diane Ghirardo, Oppositions 25 (Fall 1982): See note 6 below for my reasoning behind the capitalization of Postmodernism in this context. 5 See note 21 below. 6 A more thorough study of the different original meanings of "postmodernism" in philosophy and in architectural theory falls outside the scope of this brief essay. The two discourses may have been less unrelated than they appear prima facie: the architects' first instantiations of postmodernism in the late 1970S were also based on the demise or rejection of a "master narrative" -the then dominant dis course of architectural rationalism, predicated on its mandates of technological and social advancement and, in turn, on a historicist teleology of progress and (ultimately) culmination. Likewise, the philosophers' postmodernism (particularly in the Baudrillard declension) had a nostalgic component, particularly with regard to the disappearance of history as the central "referential" then resented as "lost." Regardless, Postmodernist architects famously went on to build or advocate revival istic, premodern architectural and urban forms, whereas postmodern thinkers often strived to interpret or anticipate a new techno-social and economic environ ment. This new environment was often seen as evolutionary and in no conflict with the postmodern notions of an "end of history," then more strictly and technically defined as an "end" of Hegelian-based historicism. This original rift was never healed by subsequent architectural theory and criticism, which came to terms with the vaster philosophical implications of postmodern thinking but could neither hide nor undo what some Postmodernist archi tects did and still do. Economists and sociologists have long acknowledged that many of the predictions of postmodern philosophers have indeed come true in the 1980s and 1990S, and that some apparently abstract and remote postmodern theories deeply underpin -often unsuspectedly- many aspects of contemporary markets, from financial markets to consumer markets to marketing itself. A similar act of recognition might be beneficial to contemporary media theories, and to architectural theories, as well. In the same way as the economic definitions of "niche markets" and "mass customization" are clear offspring of postmodern theories, it would help to recognize that the current debate on the so called Web 2.0 is in many ways a debate on postmodernism in disguise, where postmodern categories are put to task to designate a mostly postmodern environment. The same applies to the so-called digital revolution in architecture: from the first defi nitions of "nonstandard" CAD-CAM to the current debate on versioning, "collective intelligence," and interactive urban technologies, the digital age is most likely, as I argue elsewhere, the real postmodern age of architecture (or architecture turning postmodern in the sense anticipated by postmodern philosophers): the revivalist architectural Postmodernism that started thirty years ago should perhaps be given another name (as in this article it was tentatively differentiated by the use of a capital Pl. 58

10 It is sadly ironic, and deeply worrying, that as capitalism is turning postmodern (or Deleuzian, as some say, synecdochically), and architectural and urban design and theories are also turning postmodern in the philosophical sense of the term, at the same time political discourse is oddly becoming Postmodern in the pristine architectural sense of the term - revivalistic, nostalgic, and neo-romantic (see the conclusion of this article). It is in this context that some contemporary monument building, often prompted by political or ideological programs, may be an ominous sign of worse to come. 7 Jean-Fran,ois Lyotard, La condition postmoderne (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1979); published in English as The Postmodern Condition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984). Charles A. Jencks, The Language of Post-Modern Architecture (London: Academy Editions, 1977; and New York, Rizzoli, 1977). 8 Lyotard spoke of the "decomposition des grand Recits," or "metarecits" (La condition Post Moderne, 31). The "end of history" may have been first proclaimed by Jean Baudrillard, Simulacres et Simulations (Paris: Galilee, 1981), (see, in particular, 70: "l'histoire est notre referentiel perdu, c'est a dire notre mythe"). 9 On this, see in particular Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Capitalisme et schizophrenie; 2, Mille Plateaux (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1980); published in English as A Thousand Plateaus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987). " Baudrillard eventually refuted the then commonly accepted notion of an "end of history": see in particular his L'illusion de 10 fin (Paris: Galilee, 1992). " Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and The Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992). See also Fukuyama, "The End of History?" The National Interest 16 (Summer 1989): " Fukuyama, The End of History, '3 See Denise GlUck, "Une f1amme dans Ie vent. Un monument pour Lady Diana," in La Confusion des monuments, Cahiers de Mediologie 7, ed. Michel Melot, (Paris: Gallimard, 1999) '4 Paul Valery famously anticipated a "company for the distribution of sensorial reality to every home," ("Societe pour la distribution de la Realite Sensible a domicile"), similar to the distribution of water and electricity, in an essay of See his "Conquete de I'ubiquite," in De 10 musique avant toute chose, 1-5 (Paris: Editions du Tambourinaire, 1929), 2. Valery's brief text was originally written to advertise a new model of electrical phonograph. '5 For example, Memory Medallions are digital devices capable of storing text, images, and voice recordings in a medallion that can be affixed to a gravesite or elsewhere, customized and accessible on site and online: Memory Medallion, Inc, "Memory Medallion. So Future Generations Will Know" (www.memorymedallion.com). Less commercial projects include Cemetery 2.0, "a concept for networked devices that connect burial sites to online memorials for the deceased" (Elliott Malkin, "Cemetery 2.0," victorf) and Michele Gauler, "D igita IRemai ns" (www.michelegauler.net/b log/2 006/ 06/ 01/ digita Uem ains). See also Eric Krangel, "Coming Soon to a Cemetery NearYou: High-tech Tombstones" 0 scm s.j rn.colum bia.ed u/ cn S/ /kra ngel-h ightech -tom bston es/ ), and some institutional programs such as the 9/11 Living Memorial, "an online interactive tribute commemorating the lives and stories of September 11" (www.911iivingmemorial.org). All Web sites accessed July 14, 2007,6 The extension and intensity of the fragments of sensorial experience that can be digitally recorded and transmitted (and in fact recreated, including the possibility of interacting with them) is steadily increasing together with bandwidth and pro cessing power. Already, one may surmise that a wealth of historical video and sound recordings of General de Gaulle's memorable speeches (available via a variety of public and amateur Web sites) may contribute to the memory of General de Gaulle's life and achievements more effectively than the ritual pilgrimages to his tomb at Colombey-Ies-Deux-Eglises, where the first stone of a Memorial Charles-de-Gaulle was laid on the thirty sixth anniversary of the General's death on November 9,2006. The inauguration is planned for 2008: see "Pose de la premiere pierre du Memorial Charles-de-Gaulle," www. elysee/fr/elysee/elyseejr/ fra nca is_a rch ives / actua lites/ dep laceme nts_e n_fran ce /2 006/ novem bre / pose_deja premier_pierre_du_memorial_charles-de gaulle htmi (accessed July 20, 2007). '7 Pierre Nora, "Introduction," in Les lieux de memoire, vol. 1, La Republique, i-xvi (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), xiii.,8 Nora, "L'ere de la commemoration," Les lieux de memoire, vol. 3, Les France, 3, De I'archive ill'embleme, , (Paris: Gallimard, 1992); see in particular '9 See also Michel Melot, ed., La Confusion des monuments, Cahiers de Medio\o gie 7 (Paris: Gallimard, 1999) 59

11 '0 Historial de 10Grande Guerre, designed by the architect Henri-Edouard Ciriani, opened to the public on August 1, 1992, as "an international museum of comparative history" on the site of the Battle of the Somme in Picardy: "L"historial de la Grande Guerre," (accessed July 20,2007). " "Memorials No More." See above. n See Hans-Georg Stavginski, Dos Holocaust-Denkmal: der Streit um das "Denkmal fur die ermordeten iuden Europas" in Berlin ( ) (Paderborn: Schtiningh,2002). '3 Lewis Mumford, "The Death of the Monument," in The Culture of Cities, vii, 6, (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938), 438. The modernist debate on monumentality O. L. Sert, F. Leger, S. Giedion, Nine Points on Monumentality [1943]; J. L. Sert, Nine Points for a New Monumentality [1944]; S. Giedion, The Need for a New Monumentality [1944]; etc.) is unrelated to the topic under discussion here. That debate was mostly about the search for a new "monumental" status for mod ern architecture, based on size, rhetorical effects, and symbolism, which was invoked as a reaction against the antimonumental understatement of the early modernists. '4 Mumford, "The Death of the Monument," 440. '5Ibid. 60

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