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MARIUS R.ROniXSOX, EDITOR.
"NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
ANN PEARSON, rVBLlSIIINQ AOENt.
VOL. 12. NO. 15.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1S5C.
WHOLE NO. 581.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle. From the London Anti-Slavery Advocate.
HOW COULD A DISSOLUTION OF THE
UNION BE EFFECTED!
In tht National Anti-slavery Standard of Sep.
27 tli, ia a letter from the Dublin correspondent of
that paper, in which, while declaring his adhesion
o the dew and of the American Anti-Sluvery So
ciety for the dissolution of tho Union, an the1 only
means of clearing the free States from the burden
-and the guilt of slavery, the writer asks for an
'opinion as to the feasibility of the project. What
ever ought to be done can be done, but there are
erious difficulties in the way of many a noble
ylan, and so long as the Union is tho object of
idolatrous veneration by an overwhelming majori
ty of the'Anlfvrican people; so long" as the Free
states regard it as essential to the national strength
wealth and greatness; and the south view it to be.
as indeed it is, the bulwark of their darling insti
tution; so long, too, as the social, religious, and
commercial bonds which units the States on both
ides of Mason and Dixon's Line are so powerful,
it will be no easy matter to bring about a dissolu
tion of the "Dublin Correspondent," his object was
imply to invite attention to this subject; not to
imply that the thing could not be done, but to ask
how it was likely to be effected. We still think
the question worthy of more notice than it has yot
received.
The abolitionists are often called fanatical and
impracticable; sometimes because, i:i their over
whelming sense of tho importance of their great
object, thoy appear to take little heed of impedi
ments in its way, which, to the great mass of tho
American people, seem insurmountable; nnd in
the necessity of convincing their countrymen that
in order to get rid of slavery the Union must be
dissolved, they do not sufficiently endeavor to show
them how it is to be effected. To most Americans it
would appear aB absurd to talk of establishing a
, republic in Constantinople as of dissolving their
Union. People mny theorise as much as they
please, but until they show that a project is not
alone doBirable and profitable, but that it may bo
brought to bear, they will not gain adherents
amongst men of the world or those by whom the
actual work of tho world is done. The Non-resistants,
for example, are a vory small body, and are
likely to remain so, until they can show how the
community aro to get along without the cooreion
of authority backed by force to carry out its de
crees. And until the Peace Society, too can make
it clear that national aggression may be resisted,
and internal enemies kept down without a resort
to armed force, they are not likely to include a
very large or influential part of the empire. When
some years ago an immense, though not the most
intelligent, portion of the Irish people were clam
oring for a repeal of the legislative union with
Great Britain, no attempt at an outline of the prob
able means by which this repeal was proposed to
be carried out, was ever vouchsafed to the public.
No wonder, then, that the repealers bad no uocess
The project was regarded as impracticable; the
'-' whole agitation melted away like snow before the
. sun, and a repeal of the union is now as little
thought of in Ireland, as a restoration of the origi
nal Pentarchy into which the Island was divided
before the English invasion.
Viewing the enterprise of the abolitionists as
the very noblest in which a human being could be
engaged at the preseut tinio, wo are far from re
garding them or their measures as fanatical, im
practicable, or unreasonable. But we are anx
ious that thoy should not be so regarded by others,
nnd that whatever explanation can be given by
them of the feasibility of their remedies, should
be laid before the world without delay. In an ox
tract from the London Spectator, which will bo
found in our present number (page 40'J) it is con
ceded, in the course of a review of American par
ties, that the abolitionists alone are "armed with
the force of a principle," but it is objected that
they are "impracticable." Now thore can be no
ground for this imputation unless it be an idea in
the mind of the writer that the remedy they pro
pose is impossible. It is admitted en all hands
that the Union is the bulwark of shivery, nnd that
so long as the Union exists, with the consent of
the Freo States, it Is utterly iinprobablo that any
steps for the abolition of slavery will be taken by
the slaveholders. On the other hand, if the Free
States can be convinced of the fact that they arc
sufferers from their union with the slave elates, to
a far greater degree than they can or do benefit by
tho connection, they will cither dissolve tho Union
peaceably, or aboli b shivery by an overwhelming
application of force. The former would be the
easier, as it would be the more peaceable, and per
haps the more effectual remedy. It would be bet
ter that the South should be obliged to relinquish
their execrable system through sheer inability to
retain it, than from what thev would regard us an
unjust and tyrannical pressure from without. If
the Union be dissolvod, there will bo no talk of
compensation; shivery will fall to the ground from
mere weakness; and the slaveholders will become
the laughing stock, as they are alreudy the execra
tion of tho world. Their whole pewcrund influence
would be at an end since it is only the counte
nance and aid of the Northercn States that give
them importance.
Wa think it, therefore, of great consequence
that no pains should be spated by our American
friends to show their countrymen that their at
tachment to the Union is a mischievous supersti
tion; that the true greatness of the Free States,
their wealth, reputation and power, their moral,
social, commercial and political inteiests would be
rest consulted by u separation, Ihey should show
how easily this can be efi'e ted, ami how little the
arrangements of the country, the poet-offioe, tho
traffio by the railways, the canals, and the great
rivers would be disturbed; and how the change
might be so managed that, on the wholo, although
some inconvenience must ensue, the balance of ad
vantages would be greatly on the side of a peace
ful dissolution of the costly bonds which now tie
them neck and neck to the oorrupt and festering
body politic of the Slave States.
At no former time since the American Revolu
tion has the condition of the great republio attrac
ted so much attention in England. The assault on
Mr. Sumner and the affairs of Kansas have effec
tually roused us from our state of chronio apathy
to tho Internal affairs of other countries. This is
amply shown in the great number; ability, and
comprehensiveness of the articlos on American
affairs which fill the columns of our principal jour
nals. A friend of ours who is intimately connec
ted with the press tells us that he has within a
very short time seen upwards of one hundred able
articles on this subject iu the English provincial
papers alone. In our present number will be found
specimens of articles from the London press which
how how fully alive the leaders of publio opinion
are to the importanoo of the present crisis to the
welfare of the American people. That in p. 408,
from the Economist, one of the most influential
weekly journals, is the first we have seen in the
English papers in which the dissolution of the
Union is recommended as the remedy. We give
another front the Morning Star, an able and wide
ly circulated cheap papur, in which a similar view
is advocated. We also reprint articles from the
Spoctator, and Saturday Review, very able weekly
papers, which indicate a remarkable acquaintance
with American affairs, and are the more valuable
as the editors have never sympathised with the
abolitionists, and in any admission they make as
to the intolerable character of slavery, there is
generally aa understood protest against any con
cession to "fanatical" abolitionists or foolish phi
lanthropists. In tho account of "Mr. Banks at Now York"
(p. 410). taken from the Anti-Slavery Standard,
will be seen how hopeless it is that the election of
Colonel Fremont will result ip anything effectual
for Mie limitation, much less ho abolition of sla
very. Mr. Banks u tho most prominent man of
tho I rec-soil party, who hag yet come before the
public with any quasi-official declaration of senti
ments, nnd thoy aro ol a kind eminently cujrulu
ted to pootlio the slaveholders. Provided tho I ree
soil people get fair play in Kansas, Mr. Banks has
no constitutional objection to the extension of shi -
very, nnd he wishes to ruiso no issue on tho sub -
i.ieet. IIo Bays not a syllable against the Fugitive
iluvo L,aw, nor docs he hint even at a restoration
ot the .Missouri Compromise. In Ins speech at
Waltham, Mass., which wo also print, he avows nn
adhesion to tho Union in every possible contingen
cy to the liberties of the American people, as abso
lute as tho most fanatical Union-saver could ro
quire. I ho publio declaration of sentiments so
laitincss to ireeuom, so destitute ot any noblo
.1.1 - 1 i t.i: . .,
principle, would, we hope and believe, d.nn the
political character ot any Englishman in Knglimd,
It is clear that such opinions must be deliberately
calculated to attract popular favor, or they would
not have been uttered by the Frco-soil Speaker on
tin eve of a Presidential election in which hi? own
political fortunes are involved. This being the
care, we may form sonio notion of tho power with
which the idolatry of the Union, regarding of nil
other considerations, has taken hold of the Ameri
can peoplo, and it shows us how long is the labour
that lies before the abolitionists. For assuredly,
until they succeed in convincing their benighted
country moo that the slaveholders will be their ru
lers until they renounce their guilty guarantee to
maintain and defend them, go long must slavery
grow, and flourish, and shnpo the destinies of the
United State. At no former time have wo been o
thoroughly convinced of the wisdom of the aboli
tionists. Now that the journals of thn Slave
States are openly declaring their contempt for free
labor, their opinion that the maintenance and en
couragement of chattel slavery are essential to the
niguesi iorms 01 social ami lepun can aovc.on-
mant, and that any apparition to slavery is trea-
an to liberty and the Union, it is clear" that the
time for mincing matters has gone by. Since the
Union is the great bulwark of slavery, tho Union
must be dissolved or tho Free Statos must make
up their minds to be governed, and nil other civil
ized nations must continue to be tormented, and
Christendom disgraced, by a sanguinary, unscru
pulous, aud nggressivo oligarchy of slaveholders.
Our attention has been particularly d'noetod to
this subject by a letter we have just had from our
friend, the Ruv. Samuel May, general agent of tho
American Anti-Slavery Society, in which, whilst
noticing tho doubts (f his Irish coadjutor, he stales
in powerful language tho facts upvn which they
are agreed, without attempting to solve the diffi
culties which have occurred to this woaker brother.
REV. S. MAY ON DISSOLUTION OF THE
AMERICAN UNION.
BOSTON, October 3d, 1856.
Tho argument that we are not to press disunion,
because the vast majority of tho people deem it
impracticable and impossible would have
been equally good against establishing the
Liberator iu 1830;against forming theAmorioanAii
tislavery Society in 1833; against Clarkson's deter
mined effort to get a decree from the British na
tion against the slave trade; and finally, ngain..t al
most every good nnd rightoous work ever conceiv
ed and set on foot by uien. This is one part, and
great pan, of our work to convince the heart
hardened, stiff-necked, self-glorying American pen
ple that a dissolution of their union with slave
holders, slave breeders, slave traders, is perfectly
practicable, us overy great act of right must be
and that it is their imperative duty to bring it
about. Their prejudices are very strong and very
deep, we know; but prejudices will g'vo way in
honest minds, and there is a largo elemont of good
sense and of honesty still existing iu tho Ameri
can character, which will cause them to repent o(
and annul their complicity "'ith tho slave-holder
as soun as they see it in its true light. The at
tachment to the Union now is nothing less, that
idolatry. It involves and necessitates the inn.stcx
tenjfvo and systematic overthrow of tho laws r.nd
commands of Ood ever attempted by any nation
professing to bo civilized, and the setting up in
their place of an idol more hideous, bloody, and
cruel than the world has ever seen in the most
darkened and heathenish lands. This is no fiction.
It is uo figure of speech. It is the literal, simple
truth. Look at the slave laws, the slavo usages,
the slavery dospotism, aggression, usurpation.
Witness its destructive work to body, mind, and
mdruls. Witness the political and ecclesiastical
union which the north now bus with these high
handed robbers, these unconscionable tyrants,
theso cold-bloodod murdorors, these wicked men
who doom thoir victims to a life of enforced impu
rity, adultery, and of all imaginable moral depra
vation. Aro we to be silent about such a union
because the northern peoplo are now so besotted
and blind as to think this union necessary? because
they think to break its criminal bonds is impracti
cable f r o man or body ot men can ever tie them
selves up to any such- necessity, u he vnton is
now the svle strength, the only preservative power
of slavery. By its means slavery flourishes, is
strong, and spreads itself south and north, and
will eventually swallow up the wholo country, if
the Union continue; or else fill the land with tho
bitterest war of extermination. By means of the
national treasury, lull to overflowing, mid filled
five part in six by the north; by means of tho ar
my und navy, manned, equipped, and subsisted,
and paid almost wholly by the north; tho shivo-
power is supplied with abundant means of proso-
cuting its designs; and the obligations of the Union
tie up the hands of the northern people and par
alyse thoir strength. Take away these obligations
take away these vast largesses and helps to sla
very take away from slavory the immense power
which tho United States Constitution given, it in
the' halls of Congress take away the great moral
force it derives from the fact that now every north
ern bayonet is pledgod to subduo the rebellious
slave to his slavery again, let the northern people
cease to bo parliceps criminis, partakers of the sin
of the enslavement of four millions of men. and
it is just as physically, morally, and philosophical
ly certain that slavery will die, as it is that a heavy
weight will come to the ground when the cord
which holds it suspended in air is sundered.
Tuero would be nn lasting question of the naviga
tion of the Mississippi, as some intimate, for the
Southern States would be very much the greater
sufferers from any obstruction to its navigation
and commerce. Have not England and our slave
holding Statos now a most intimate commercial
connexion, without any governmental union ?
Would not the north have equally all the desired
of this, after separation as bofore ? Most certain
ly. The south will not destroy itself out of vpite
to the north. But what have we to antiuipato from
a continuance of the union? In my judgment,
one of those two conditions, viz. a constant state
of war and bloodshed, growing out of feelings con
tinually more and more exasperated, on both bides,
making the nation a great burlesque and mock
ery of tho name of union; or a sottish, craven sub
mission oo the part of the north to the alreudy in
sufferable demands f the south, which must grow
more numerous, and mere oppressive and insult
ing with every new success. Between slavery and
freedom there can be no union, mark that 1 It is
an attempt to harmonize and join together what
Ood and nature have ui ide forever antagonistic and
mutually repcllaiit. Such an attempt is like
that of laying a livo coal in a magazine of gun
powder, with the expectation that both will- con
t i n u e together in peaco nnd harmony. Wo have
tried, already far too long, tho perilous, the crimi
mil experiment. ' There is no other remaly I There
never was and there never will bo any other tray
to remove a wrong and its bitter consequences, but
to repent of it, to ccaso to do the evil, to forsake
it and whatever goes to strengthen aud porpetu
i ate it.
! It is now for tho north to any whether, she will
! continue to be the fostering mother of slavery, arid
! to labor for a nominal nnd impossible union, or
whether she will ceuso from this prentost of all
! possible sins, and sullcr tho down-trodden slave to
, rise and stand upon his feet nnd become a man
1 1 nm very sure of one thing that no considerations
of the difficulty of theworkwill deter tho American
Anti-slavery Saoiety from continually demanding
ot tins peoplo that they break every ypko and let
the oppressed go free, nnd, as a necessary Ftep to
that enrl, that they be no longer themselves paita
! i. ..r.i. t 1 . I i' . .:.L
kers of the sin, and no longer have fellowship with
the unfruitful works of darkness.
From the Cincinnati Gazette, of Nov. 15.
REV. MR. CONWAY'S SERMON.
We give a brief outline of tho Sermon of the
Rev. Mr. Conway of tho I'liitM-iun Church, hist
Monday evening, uir'Tho Moral Lesion of Defeat."
ft is necessarily meagre, but may recall to those
who were present, some of its glowing thoughts.
It should have been heard, to do justice to the
eloquence and power of the speaker.
REV. MR. CONWAY'S SERMON. 2 Peter 1, 5, "Add to your faith Virtue."
The speaker commenced with an analysis of the
'ord"Viituo,"u3 best indicating its meaning here.
wonl" ntuo, as best indicating
iiisiromiuo laua vir a man. irtuo is man
liness. The history of tho word is paralell with
tho history of the moral development of man.
The military tendencies of the Romans made virtus
signify strength. But when the sword of the
, , .. . . ,
(r"m tlje hnb fiquermg
' u, ' Cttr8 vor w-clJ. ' " pi
heights
physical
manhood became virtue or moral manhood : not
now Hercules, but Christ, is tho Ideal Man.
The positions of Luther and Erasmus towards
tho Reformation wore contrasted as representa
tives of two classes those with faith only and
those with faith and virtue udded. Erasmus saw
the gigantic evil, saw how it was to be reformed,
saw that ho ought to help reform it. But intimi
dated by opposition, he surrendered his faith : at
f.rat sympathising with Luther, ho afterwards
censured hlui ; aud at lust purged himself to the
Catholics of tho charge of Protestantism, which
ho hail at first endorsed. His tono is unmistakc
able: "Lot others," ho said, "afi'oot martyrdom:
for myself I am unworthy tho honor," Tho result
was, he offended both sides, To-day he is dear to
no heart: critics only sry, "IIo wrote tine Latin."
Luther was then sketched as the real hero of the
Kcfivrmation. IIo added to his faith virtue and bu
did his oven work and that of Erasmus also: he
said to all opposition, "Hera I staudi I cannot
(.otherwise. God help met Amen." -
Ever does this Reformation eo on. Ever do
devils, thick as thoso which the rough image of
burner supposed might be ns tho tiles on the
houses at Wonns, press about the roofa of the
world. And bad as it may seem these aro signs
of strength ; that being the best ago which sees
most evils. If the age (and thereby he meant the
minority who constituted the brain and
heart of every nge) were less oxalttd.it would find
less wrong, becausy it would care less about it ivnd
he more contented with low aims.
So long then as this ideal, which is the crown of
man over inferior creation, exists claiming a beauty
in things which it nowhere finds, the race of Re
formers who cry with Christ, "Behold I make nil
things new" must endure. Wherever there is a
fossil creed questioned by eome child-like soul
which cannot dissemble wherever is a Howard
insane about defective prisons ; a Wilbei force out
raging all solid merchants by annoying investiga
tions into tho condition of slaves in (ho West
Indies; a Granvillo Sharp worrying English courts
and lawyers by prosi.ing the questions of English
Law and Slavery until Lord Mansfield had re
luctantly to decide that the air of England was" too
puro for any slavo to breach" there this fire, ever
seething at the core of the world, shoots forth its
volcanic tongue, under which sidid things become
fluid. And it is that which rises up iu our land to
day, with a demanj for the destruction of wrong
r.eyer to be quenched until our n ation comes from
the furnace relit:! d and pure.
The demand of tho Time then was not mere
faith. There was always more light then uien
would walk by. In this unceasing Reformation
a.ich of us is either un Erasmus or a Luther
Men am angry to bo thought helpers of injustice,
Our self-styled conservatives who would suppress
free discussion of Slavery in tho country, and
especially in tho pulpit, aro indignant if wo say
that they co-operato with the assassin of Sumner ;
yet the only difference is that they usa tho cant
phrases "agitation" and "polities in tho puhiit"to
strike down freedom of speech whilst the South
Carolinian takes honestly to his method, yutta
pcrcia.
But Faith is not tho quetist thoso would have
ls beliove. Do men hear of fatal pestilence nest
door, and remain passive ? Faith, if real, is the
aggressive principle of the world, leaving nothing
evil where it found it. The tondeucy of Faith is
to draw around it a body of virtue. We seo this
in every day affairs. Men do not discover the
power of tho lightning-rod to protect them and
ieave it iu tho school books to be taught as abstract
science they lift it by their chimneys. They do
not discover the forces of Steam and the Telegraph
and go on in the old methods of locomotion and
sending news. And why in tho higher li fa do we
allow the Decalogue of the Uolden Rule. the superb
discoveries 'it the opirit to remain unapplied to
the worldot politics or trade or other departments
oi uie l it is because we do not add to our
laith virtue.
1 is related that when Brutus foil on his sword
after the battla of l'hillipi, he osclaimod, "I have
followed theo, O Virtue, through life, and find
thee at last a shadow." In these ovil times such
doubts pass ou us. When we !iink of Kansas,
quiet a while beneath the heel of her tyrant,
hoping, expecting tho great heart of tho nation to
come like the Samarium and bind her wounds
pouring iu oil and wine, then finding it the Levite
iooking on and passing by on tho other side; when
we think of the live millions of slaves whose op
pressors are now glutted with poti or to bind them
luster, when we think of freedom subdued in
America then we say "Yes, Virtue is a Bhadow.
Satan is enthroned !
But the reason of our faintness of heart is that
Faith has not flowered in virtue. Why should wc
think our political method better thau Cod's prov
identiul ono: if tho full sway of wrong for a while
is its path of Death why should we murmur
r our years ot triumph have almost kil ud it low.
He who has stood for freedom, apart from interest
or success, but because of its virtue, knows that he
and his cause cannot he defeated.. Ye who sit sad
ly by the sepulchre ot Liberty seeing the stone at
the mouth the seal of puwer tho iruard ahout it.
lespair not 1 Listen close to the anirel of Virtue
within, and even now it whispers, "Liborty is not
hero, she has arisen."
Thore are about five millions of voter in thn
States. Two of these on Tuesday lust decidod
that the violation iu the face of tho gun of overy
I
e nantlnient of tho Ten by the President and
his minions is worthy to ho sustained thh prac
tically. Yet should we supposo these men essen
tially bad hearted ? (jo to their homes: whose
portraits aro ou tho wall those of Nero? Jeffries?
Benedict Arnold ? No! hero aro Fox, Wesley.
Washington, La Fuyetto, whose wholo lifu-
long force was leveled against Slavery. After
whom are their children named ? after Capt.Kid, I
and Muiiroe Edwards 1 or other Border Ruffians ?
Xo 1 but alter Evangelists and Murtjrs for Truth,
I no poo)no are right at heart nnd a lew years
inoro vt cuininon schooling will mako them riht
at head too. when thev will stara at many thini's
they do now.
The sneaker then described vividly tho sceno in
..... . . .. .' ...
Boston in lo'5-l, on tho day of the rendition of
Burns. The anxious, haggard faces of tho im
menso mass reminded him of Byron's' D.irkness."
It was not that a Binglo human being was enslaved
before them they powcrles ; but all the ter. ihle
fact of slavery, unrealized befure.flashed on them.
It is estimated that fifty thousand t.nti-slavery
men oro born amid the pangs of that day ! There
he had learned this lesson of tho popular heart,
tho North wns the right hand of slavery, from
ignorance and incredulity.
ihereioiic we must not believe that Slavery has
triumphed iu the hearts of those who upheld it.
The very grandeur of the cause of Freedom must
retard its success. Inferior uniuials reach full
growth in a few months or a year perhaps: but
man, tho noblest animal, the culmination of Nature,
needs over a score of years. Other parties and
causes reach their full growth sooner, not bo the
Human Puity which stands inning the rest as man
am ill the inferior orders.
When wo think of those who deceived tho peo
plo, sugaring over tho crimes of which this nation
stands convicted by the moral senso of tho world
with the iiaino Jhhtucracy, we are reminded of
Montosquie's keen satire that it would not do to
admit that negroes were uien.lett it should appear
that whites were not.
Evil stands in the world that men may grow
strong by wrestling with it. Wo would seek
virtue in things which aro easy would generate
muscular power by pitching feathers. Not thus is
it possible. Pearls cannot bo gathered on the
wave toil, nor diamonds lilto leaves. We need
just these strong evils to generate virtue : ui.d the
world stands not to be rid ol evils, but to produce
great human souls, as a fruit tree stands to pro
duce fruit. Thus Slavery in this Country becomes
the tost of virtue.
Iu conclusion the speaker said : "I stand among
you a stranger ; an exile from my church rubbed
by slavery of that first and dearest association ol
my life ; robbed also by Shivery of my homo,
my parents compelled to meet mo, if at all, in a
distant city. You will allow that I have some
reason to know Slavery aud to Inito i But let
us seo that it d ics not rob you and uie of some
thing tooro than homo and friends, of Virtue!
Lot us see thi.t wo are not defeated, nor coaso to
strive for the Right ail the more iu its weakness !
Aud here aa tho shadow passes on iu let us join
to pledge ourselves agaiu und forever, for God and
humant y, resolved never to swerve from our true
uianhiwd.. . ; "
So stall undreamed energies which thus alone
reveal" no flHch whC ho can do; be born- in -us, aud
Faith nnd Virtue strike forth as pinions to bear us
to the God whom the truo spirit of man ever seeks,
as fire tho Sun,
From the Cincinnati Dally Commercial, Nov. 8.
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY—THE WAY IT
BECAME INOCULATED WITH
FUSION.
Beforo the Into election, and tho incidents by
which it whs attended, are suffered to become
mingled with the treasures of the partially-remein-
bercd past, there aru a few things that deserve
especial mention for tho lessons which they em
body having an important healing upon the luture.
A knuwledge of past events and their relations,
constitutes experience, the only safe guide in huuiun
affairs; nnd he who does not pick up from every
transaction of life, prosperous or adverse, some
thing of wisdom to bo applied ill ti:no to come,
has little reason to count on his own pnci dence.
ai'd will have as littlo ground to encourage the
reiiatico of others upon his own sagacity. Moral
science, us well as mathematics, hus its exactitudes
none the less certain that they vary in charac
ter ; and to seek out and discover these, from the
midst of the events where they aro imbedded, is
a labor which, within his sphere, no one bus the
right to avoid.
In two of those States of the North, where
taking tho appareist elements republican senti
ment and a free people into the account, the Re
publican party should have been successful, it has
been defeated ; and tho conscqonce is tho election
of the candidate whose principles are opposed to
its own. Iu tho nature of the issue or of the
popular mind, there was nothing of difference in
circumstances between New York nnd Ohio, on
the ono side, and Pennsylvania and Indiana on
the other, tu constitute so striking nn unlikuncss
in tho result. Wc are therefore forced to look for
something outside tho character of tho peoplo nnd
the nature of tho question ; and in this case, it is
not diiScult to discover tho causo which, early im
planted in the Republican organization, tainted it
with thnt disease which was so fatal to its strength
iu Pennsylvania and Indiana.
It was evident from tho beginning that there
wero two uutugotnst ideas embodied in th lvepul
ican purtyto ono of which it owe I its existence.
to mo other the character ot its organization, ui
was the spontunous ouspring of tho acceptance
ol tho Kepublicun sentiment by the people; the
ether tho contrivance of a body of politicians hem
to establish a party, of which they should bo the
leaders. Ono was the Republican principle in itn
nuked strength, the othor tho project of a com
posite party, to bo made up of a combination
of weakness. ihe tendenoy ol the hrst was
to build up a moral and intellectual force
which, whether in or out of power, should speak
the sentiments of tho peoplo, aud givo direction
to the national destiny ; the utmost ambition ol
the apostles of the other was to collect a disjoint
ed army, tu turn the present Administration out
ol power and to occupy its place. J ho one, having
its home with tho niuses, was potent with them,
and had not its march been rcctrainod by the
oilier, they would have been scarcely a vestige of
an opposing party in a single Northern S'atc. At
this day, in every State North of the Ohio, and in
most of those at tho South, there are more men
who are of Republican, than there ore of the op
posing sentiment. Of this we do not entertain a
doubt. The thing must feared a', this moment by
tho leaders in power, is a Southern anti-slavery
party; a.id that, in tho Northern States, there is
nca'lyas much of tho republican sentiment out
side us inside the organization, is utmost demon
strable. AH that was neeossary in the formation of a
Republican party, was to declaro tho republican
sentiuibnt the basis of its orttanizaticn, and its
sole ground or claim to tho sutfrages of the peoplo.
Left to its own natural operation, the active senti
ment would huve done its own work. It would
have entered into tho political life of the com
munity, and liko a new element in a chemical
intermixture, would havo given an entirely new
character to its party affinities, lit no one State
iu the Union was this process permitted to go un
retarded, though tho impedimenta wore much
greater in some than in others. Like original sin,
however, tho effects of the fusion idea aro pereopt.
ible iu all, Among these were tho nomination of
!
I
unsound inon for seats in Congress and the alter
native of a loes by their defeat or a greater loss by
their ( lection, the tendency to siibslituto excite
ment lor sentiment in the provagandisui of tho
campaign ; and thoso consequent reactionary
movements whoso existence it was impossible to
conceal on tho approach of the election.
0:i tho twenty-second day of February last a
body of men assembled at Pittsburgh to lay the
foundations uf a Republican party. To lint Con
eentioii came Horace Greeley of tho Now York
Tribune, bearing, as ho said a message, not ot
his own, but from older and wiser head than hiiu-
self, whoso word of wisdom ho wns deputed t
i deliver. 1 Iu desired that there should be great
I caution, and that, abovo all things, measures savor-
. i l .. 1 I,-
f precipitation sho.ihl be avoided, lie rei
re-ented the times us exceedingly critical, and gave
his hearers to understand that nothing but the
most consummate adroitness could be relied upon
to accomplish the end in view. He expressed ihe
belief that a coalition of all parties and persons
opposeil to the present administration would bo
necessary in order to accomplish its defeat, and
advised that a communication be opened with n
Know Nothing body then sitting in New York, and
that tho doings at Pittsburgh might be in corres
pondence with those ot the body at the commercial
metropolis. This was the vieimge of Horace
Greeley, by whom dictated we will Pot pretend to
say, l bo evil that baa cotno ol it is bctore the
world.
Hero it was, and prob.ibly by the only person in
the world who could have done it to an equal
extent, th it Fusion was inaugurated and made a
putt of tho tactics of the Republican parly. Its
first effect was tho revival of Now Nothiiigisin,
w hie h was then expiring under the influence ol
j free rcpuhlibun sentiments, nnd making it, what
otherwise it eould not nave been, material
element in the campaign. When the leaders ol
the Know Nothings found themselves worth pur
chasing they raised their pri c Courted by both
parties, they traded with both, and with both
hands took bribes from those whom they betrayed.
In the place of principle, coalition was put for
ward us the ground of hope or success. Men more
Know Nothing than ltepublicun assumed to lead
ana nominations were made ot bucii us wero yet
over their Americaiiidin iu the privacy of !
l now Aoiinng conclaves
Just in proportion ns tho advice of M. Greeley
was uclopied has the Republican party failed. In
Ohio fusion had been once tried, and that to Re
publicans wns enough. In the general election it
was, in form, avoided, hut it is more than probable
that many thousand votes wero lost by its inter
mixture in tho local canvass. In Pennsylvania
and Indiana it was permitted to have its full effect;
and that which might havo been expected has
occurred. Mr. Greeley and tho body of New York
politicians by whom he was aecnmpanica.and those
whom he represented, hud no luith iu the Kepuo-
Mean S3utiinerit none in the people. 1 hey ap
peared to be capable of but ono idea that of a
composite party and of but ono wish to succeed.
By their too great anxiety tor success they pre
pared tho way for defeat. They have it.aud the full
credit ot the result should be theirs.
From the Free Presbyterian.
"DISSATISFIED WITH FREEDOM."
The Louisville Democrat, of Friday, has tho fol
lowing :
A few months since, Mrs. Catherine Smoot, of
this county, widow of tho late Alex. Smoot, liber
ated her slaves, some ten or eleven in number, took
them to Cincinnati, rented lodgings for them for
twelve months, gave them a sum of money for
present use, and promised lurthcr aid li they should
need it. The Frcesoil papers published the cir
cumstance, with high eulogies upon the generous
hearted lady. But the sequel. v e learn that un
the evening of the 27th ult., all of, the negroes re
turned to this city, and Mrs. Smoot being absent,
rep u'ted themselves to the gentleman who accom
panied .Mis. S. to Cincinnati. They expressed
theuuolves us heartily tired of freedom and its
privileges, us enjoyed by the negroes in tho buck
ejo Siate, and said they would rather be slaves
here than be free iu Ohio. Ono old woman said
she worked hard for wages and received no pay,
and CLuldn't stand freedom at that rate, that she
would rather be put up at auction nnd sold to the
highest bidder, even to the 1'evil bimselt, sooner
than go back to freedom as she found it. Another
received a friendly call from some of her sable neigh
bors, just before starting buck to Kentucky, who
stole tier stock ot money, six dollars, together with
her free papers, tho hitter of w hich sho considered
no loss. These negroes aro now here, and protest
iigainst being remanded to tree soil and Ircedoin.
We find tho above in a Republican newspaper
without note or comment. It will doubtless bo ex-
ttiifivcly copied into pro-slavery papers, North
and South, us an unanswerable urgumont in favor
of the lieutihtdes of tho institution of slavery
Though we have 1 nowp many such notices to be
put forili which were pure fiction, yet wo nro wil
ling, so (ur us the argument is concerned to consiil
cr t ho in all us veritable realities, ami let slavery
have the benefit of them. And what does it ainuunt
to? Ten or eleven negroes reared in slavery till
they have become imbued with tho habits ol indo
lence und uuihriltncss, dependence and deceit,
w hich the eystem never fails to beget, aro sudden
ly einiiricipu'ed, transferred from their homos, their
lricr.ds. thoir acquaintances, and all tho early asso
ciation of life, to a laud of perfect strangers, in n
laiire and populous citv, lull of inve.erato prcju-
Rm, ,lt,ltl.ei, tmvlll.J p,.,,,,.,, ,. llJ11(1
there left 1 1 shift for themselves, under tho most
adverso and trying circumstances that can occur
in life. Is it any wonder that in tho few first days
or weeks of their experience in a Slate of freedom,
under such circumstances, they should turn buck
with longing look to the home of their childhood
und tho scenes of curly life. Where the stale ul
slavery has Leon comparatively mild, as doubtless
it oficii is, such a result is perfectly naurul.
And vet lot no one start when we say that here
is the development of one of the darkest features
ol the slave system. It is but reasonable to sup
pose that instances like the ubovo occur only where
(no previous state of slavery has been mild and
comparatively easy, an exception us every one
v ho know s uny thing of slavery, to the general
rule. What a horrible system, then, must that be,
which, even under its most favorable workings, is
capable of so iinhruitiug the manhood tho i in
mortal nature, of its viutiuiB, that they are no lon
ger cajiulile of enjoying or apprechilinj tho higher
-tato of other intelligences, And if tho palsying
touch of slavery can thus wither up tho souls ap
preciation for a state of earthly freedom what hope
is thero that, wearing such clogs, it will ever rise
to tho infinitely more sublime cuuceptiou of the
freedom of the redeemed in glory.
Turn wdmt side of the dreary landscape of slave
life vou will, to the contemplation and oh I how
dark and dreadful it ia 1
"From an article in The Central lesoylerian
we learn that theie are now thirty-five Presbyteri
an Churches in Virginia without pastors, and a
considerable number id' thuiu with large and influ
ential congregations, able and anxious to procure
the tti vices ol ministers. '
Wo aro not in the least surprised at this. Wha
lonn of education, spirit or Hell-respect, considering
the censorship established in Virginia over both
pulpit and pross, would consent to assume there
the functions either of uu editor or a preacher?
From the New Haven Paladium Nov. 19.
A FREMONT VOTER DRIVEN FROM
VIRGINIA.
, uou x nan no rcusuii iu uouui mat oin
howling cr" would vote the same way; in the afternoon
Messrs. Euitoih: Ai various and somewhat in
correct toports are in circulation respecting what
occurred at Norfolk, Virginia, in consequence of
iny yvote iu that city at tho late Presidential olec
tion, I desire to make a correct stutoiuent of th
lads.
I formeily resided at Fuirhaven, where my fani
ily are now, and never have been t but having
myself been engaged for several years past in the
commission business in Norfolk, and having paid
tuxes there, and to the best of my abilities die--charged
my duties as a citizen of that place, I
have considered it my residence, aud in the Spring
of IMS I offered to vote at their election, when,
upon a full statement of iny case tu the proper au
thority, and with their knowledge that my family
were here, it was decided that 1 was entitled to
vote there, and 1 did so.
I have nevtr in any way meddled with the sub
ject of isluvery huving no inclination, nor a
I beiioved, ony right to do so consequently
there has has been no ill feeling toward me un that
account.
Beforo the election, many political meeting
wero held in Norfolk, but I did not attend any of
them, nor did I converse with any one on the sub
ject, except on one occasion, in answer to in inqui
ry made by a friend, and then for a moment only,
liut although neither an abolitionist nor a politi
cian, I examined tho subject ai a question of duty
lor mo as well as for every citizen of the United
States, and I made up my mind that the election
of Fremont would bo best for till sections of the
country, and determined to vote for him not
dreaming that, under our Republican Government
und in tho Democratic State of Virginia, any one
would question uiy right to do so.
On the day of election I heard one gentleman
ask unothor at the Post Office who he should vote
for, and ho replied, 'For John C. Fremont,' and thai
otner saw be shouiu uo so too. They may not
have been in earnest, but I then supposed that
I wrote a vote for Fremont and Duvton. and
and went to the place of voting. My right to vota
was again examined, and on a statement of my case
it was admitted, and I then, as their roles re
quire, wrote my nunie on the back of my vote,
and bunded it to tho Inspector, who, as is cus
tomary, read aloud first my name, nnd then
the names of my candidates. As soon as he de
clared that I voted for Fremont, a luree num
ber of voices from tho crowd shouted, "Hang
him," "Hang him," and the Inspector handed
mo my vote and said, "There is no such ticket
voted here we cannot receive this. I replied,
"Very well " nnd took my oie again. Soma
threats, which in the confusion that took place I
did not distinctly understand, were made by
those standing near me, and the presiding officer
exclaimed, "Don't touch this man," aud then
said to two persons who were, . I presume pq
UcsmetL, VTaa him (.way from tUa puUs,",,.4
The officers seized hold of me and dinrrled me
through the crowd, act! taea left we, and I . pro
ceeded through a violent storm of wind and rain"
to my boarding-house, and thence to my store.
I afterward returned to the house, and when at
the supper-table I heard persons speak of the
vote which had been offered at the polls for Fre
mont those who spoke of it not knowing by
whom the vote was offered, and therefore speak
ing freely of it in my presence. From what I
saw and heard at the polls, and what was said at
the table, I was apprehensive that 1 had mis-
understood my rights as an American citizen,
and that I had, though unconsciously, so offend
ed publio sentiment by my voto as to be in
lunger of popular violence, and therefore went
from the table to my room and locked the door.
Soon after I heard some one inquire for me, and
the landlady sent a servant to my door to say that
a gentleman wished to see me. On learning that
he was alone I invited him into my room, and he
said that he came by request of another person
(whom te named) to ask me if I had offered to vot
for Fremont. I replied, "Yes.-' He then inquir
ed, "What was your motive?" And I told him
that I conscientiously believed it my duty to do
so. lie then said, "I am requested to advise you
net to appear in the street to-night," and I replied
that I should not go out of the hcue. He retired,
but Boon after roturned and said, "Mr. F. wishes
to see you at the door." 1 told him that I should
not leave my room that night, but if Mr. F. wished
to see me ho might come to my room. He then
left mo and another person came to the door, and
informed mo that Mr. F was not nt the front dotir,
but that several n.en whom he named ware there,
and 1 knew those men to be some of the most des
perate characters in Norfolk.
This was in tho evening, and by the city lames
I could seo from my window a collection of per
sons in the street, whose numbers increased till
Into in the night, audi heard their threats of vio
lence to my pcrsou aud destruction to my proper
ty. Toward morning a fire occurred, and an engine
passed noar by, which drew ufter it a portion of
those around the house, und attracted for a time
the attention of others, and I took tho opportunity
to leave- ihe house unobserved and went to a place
of concealment. While in my hiding placo. some
friends took pains to ascertain w hether it as pru
dent for mo to appear again in public, and thev
found such a statu of excitement and exaspcrutiou
existing in consequence of iny vote that my life
would be in danger if I was discovered. They
also found that tho customary mute of travel tu
the North were closely watched, although many
L.-1! , .1.-. I I I 1 1.. iL- "
ueueveu inui i nan uneuuy icii, me city.
Early in the nioitiiog of the second day after
uiy unfortunate vote 1 escaped from the city by
uu unusual route, aud in disguise, and luiu'euiy
way to my family; and I hope now that when
the excitement bus passed. I may sufely re
turn to Norfolk, at least to reniaiu until I call
scttlo up my affairs in that place.
TIMOTHY STANNARD,
FAIRHAVEN, Nov, 17. 1856.
Fair. The colored poople of the city and vL
iniiy are making iiiruugcuieuis to hold u Fair
ui Thanksgiving night, the proceeds of which.
aro to be devoted to .Mr. i ussavuiil UospUttl,
In the benefits of this excellent institution all tiro
permitted tu participate. No regard is paid to
creed, nation or color, und the suns and daughters
of Africa aro determined to show by (neir acts
that they apreeiute the benefits conferred. We
hope tho Fair uiuy be well patronized. i'itlfJuru
Dispatch,
Gold im Vermont, We were on Saturday
shown a flue specimen of gold in the possession
of one of our townsmen, uf perhaps the value
of a dollar, which was found by a friend in the
norm part ot ttie state the preeise loealitv
being only known to the fortunate finder. This
specimen was picked up in the beet uf a small
stream in the gorge ut the mountauis, and we
uudorstand thore is plenty more where that cam a
from. If half that was told is true, there U
reason to believe that this disoovery is uf im,
pouanco and will attract attention from th
treasure seekeri of ou,r itate.-ifuftoml rafcj.