25 February, 2014

Nearly 23 years after the assassination of former prime minister Rajiv
Gandhi, the fate of seven persons convicted in connection with the crime
still remains uncertain, although, mercifully, they have been spared
the gallows.

The prolonged delay in the conclusion of the legal
process in this case contrasts sharply with the speedy end of those
relating to the assassinations of Mahatma Gandhi and prime minister
Indira Gandhi.

The Mahatma was shot dead in New Delhi on January
30, 1948, less than six months after the country gained freedom.
Investigators concluded that, apart from Nathuram Vinayak Godse, who had
pulled the trigger, 11 others, including Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,
freedom fighter and Hindutva ideologue, were involved in the conspiracy
that led to the murder. One accused turned approver and was pardoned.

In
the judgment pronounced on February 10, 1949, the trial court gave
Godse and another accused, Narayan Apte, the death sentence and jail
terms to some others. Savarkar was given the benefit of doubt and
acquitted.

The East Punjab High Court, which heard the appeals,
too acted with due dispatch. It acquitted one accused and confirmed the
sentences on the others. Godse and Apte were executed on November 15,
1949.

Prime minister Indira Gandhi was shot dead by Beant Singh
and Satwant Singh, members of her security staff, on October 31, 1984.
Other members of the security staff fired at them, killing Beant Singh
on the spot and injuring Satwant Singh. The prosecution alleged that a
third person, Kehar Singh, was also involved in the conspiracy to kill
Mrs Gandhi.

The trial court held both Kehar Singh and Satwant
Singh guilty and sentenced them to death. The Delhi High Court and the
Supreme Court upheld the sentences, and both were hanged on January 6,
1989.

Rajiv Gandhi was killed in an explosion at Sriperumpudur,
near Chennai, on May 21, 1991 while on an election tour. The explosion
was set off by Dhanu, a woman suicide bomber sent by the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam, which was involved in a civil war to carve out an
independent Tamil state from the island nation of Sri Lanka. Dhanu too
was killed in the explosion. LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabakaran and his
top aides, who figured among the 41 accused mentioned in the
charge-sheet prepared by the special investigation team (SIT), were
never caught. They took their own lives or were killed in the civil war.

A
total of 26 persons faced trial. All of them, except perhaps Nalini,
who was said to be a member of the squad the LTTE had sent to India, and
her husband, Murugan alias Sriharan, played only a peripheral role in
the crime. Since the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act was
invoked, investigators could keep the accused in custody continuously
for a long period, as against 15 days permitted under the normal law,
and their confessions to the police could be admitted as evidence.

The
trial court found all the 26 accused guilty and awarded the death
penalty. Being a TADA case, only the Supreme Court was competent to
entertain appeals. On May 11, 1999, a bench, presided over by Justice KT
Thomas, confirmed the death sentence on four of the accused and reduced
the sentence on the others to various terms of imprisonment.

Nalini
had given birth to a girl while in custody. The government, accepting
the Gandhi family’s plea, commuted her sentence to life term.

The
fate of the other condemned prisoners remained uncertain for more than a
decade as three successive presidents, KR Narayanan, APJ Abdul Kalam
and Pratibha Patil, took no action on their mercy petitions. President
Pranab Mukherji rejected their petitions but the Supreme Court quickly
stepped in and commuted the death sentence.

The apex court,
which had ruled a few days earlier that inordinate, unexplained and
agonising delays in deciding on mercy petitions would be ground for
commutation, pointed out that in this case the petitions had remained
unattended for more than 11 years.

Following the Supreme Court
judgment, the Tamil Nadu government decided to release Nalini and the
three others, who have been in prison for more than two decades, in
keeping with the long standing practice of releasing lifers after 14
years. The decision led to a storm of protests from Congress leaders,
including Rahul Gandhi, son of the slain leader.

At the instance
of the Centre, the Supreme Court intervened again, and directed Tamil
Nadu not to release the convicts until it examined the matter.

The
history of this case underscores the need for both the judicial and
executive branches to streamline their procedures so as to ensure speedy
conclusion of the process of law. -- Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 25, 2014

20 February, 2014

Feminist
organisations and groups met in New York on 7-10 February 2014 to
envision a just and sustainable future. This declaration calls for
structural and transformational changes to the way development is being
planned and implemented. There are currently 120 organisations who have
endorsed this declaration. If you would like your organisation to
endorse the statement, kindly email feministspost2015@gmail.com.

Gender, Economic, Social and Ecological Justice for Sustainable Development A Feminist Declaration for Post 2015

As
the United Nations decide on the future course of international
development post 2015, women of all ages, identities, ethnicities,
cultures and across sectors and regions, are mobilizing for gender,
social, cultural, economic and ecological justice, sustainable
development and inclusive peace. We seek fundamental structural and transformational changes to
the current neoliberal, extractivist and exclusive development model
that perpetuates inequalities of wealth, power and resources between
countries, within countries, and between men and women. We challenge the
current security paradigm that increases investments in the
military-industrial complex, which contributes to violent conflict
between and within countries.

We demand a paradigm transformation from the current development neoliberal economic model, which
prioritizes profit over people, and exacerbates inequalities, war and
conflict, militarism, patriarchy, environmental degradation and climate
change. Instead, we call for economic models and development approaches
that are firmly rooted in principles of human rights and environmental
sustainability, that address inequalities between people and states, and
that rebalance power relations for justice so that the result is
sustained peace, equality, the autonomy of peoples, and the preservation
of the planet.

This
transformational shift requires the redistribution of unequal and
unfair burdens on women and girls in sustaining societal wellbeing and
economies, intensified in times of violence and conflict, as well as
during economic and ecological crises. It also must bring attention to
the kind of growth generated and for this growth to be directed toward
ensuring wellbeing and sustainability for all. Itmust tackle intersecting and structural drivers of inequalities, and multiple forms of discrimination based
on gender, age, class, caste, race, ethnicity, place of origin,
cultural or religious background, sexual orientation, gender identity,
health status and abilities.

A development model that
will work for women and girls of all ages and identities must be firmly
rooted in international human rights obligations, non-retrogression,
progressive realization, and the Rio principles, including common but
differentiated responsibilities, as well as the fulfillment of the
Extraterritorial Obligations of States as outlined in the Maastricht
Principles. It also requires states to have ratified and implemented
international human rights treaties, including on economic and social
rights and women’s human rights, and multilateral environmental
agreements. Any
sustainable development framework Post 2015 must aim for social
inclusion and equity, human security and sustainable peace, the
fulfillment of human rights for all and gender equality. It
requires reviewing the current security paradigm of investing heavily in
militarized peace and security; respecting the secularity of the State
where this is enshrined in national norms; reverse the current model of
over – consumption and production to one of sustainable consumption,
production, and distribution; and ensure a new ecological sustainability
plan that applies a biosphere approach and respect for planetary
boundaries and ecological sustainability.

We
aim to build political commitment and to overcome financial and legal
obstacles to sustainable development, peace, and the respect, protection
and fulfillment of all women’s human rights. We urge the international
community to address the unjust social, economic and environmental
conditions that perpetuate armed conflict, violence and discrimination,
the feminization of poverty, commodification of natural resources, and
threats to food sovereignty that impede women and girls from becoming
empowered, realizing their human rights, and achieving gender equality.Specifically, we call for:

1. Gender equality to be cross -cutting across all sustainable development goals, strategies, and objectives, as well as a stand alone goal to achieve gender equality and the full realization of women’s human rights that
contributes to the redistribution of the current concentration of
power, wealth and resources, including information and technology. We
call for an enabling environment that will empower all women and girls;
an end to all forms of gender- based violence including early and forced
marriages, honor killings and sexual violence, especially during and
after conflict and natural disasters; an end to all forms of
discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race,
ethnicity, cultural background and health status; guarantee women’s
equal, full and effective participation at all levels of political and
public life, leadership and decision- making, including in all peace
processes; guarantee women’s equal rights to land and property;
guarantee all women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive autonomy free from
stigma, discrimination and violence; and collect data and statistics,
disaggregated by, among others, gender, age, race, ethnicity, location,
disability and socio-economic status to inform the formulation,
monitoring and evaluation of laws, policies and programs.

2. Any goal on education must
include specific means to address the social, cultural and community
practices that prevent girls, adolescents and women across the
lifecourse from accessing and completing education and lifelong
learning; create enabling environments for girls’ learning, including
safety, hygiene, and mobility; achieve universal access to quality early
childhood, primary, secondary and tertiary education for all children
and eliminate gender gaps, with a focus on transitions between primary-
secondary and secondary-tertiary in order to ensure retention and
completion by girls, adolescents and young people; provide formal and
non- formal education for all women to be aware of and able to exercise
their human rights; comprehensive sexuality education programs that
promote values of respect for human rights, freedom, non-discrimination,
gender equality, non- violence and peace- building; education curricula
that are gender-sensitive and eliminate gender stereotypes, sexism,
racism and homophobia, and that provide teacher training to enable the
delivery of un-biased, non-judgmental education

3. Any goal on health must
include: the achievement of the right to the highest attainable
standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health and rights.
Health services must be integrated and comprehensive, free from
violence, coercion, stigma and discrimination, and emphasize equitable
access, especially for adolescents, to contraception, including
emergency contraception, information on assisted reproduction, maternity
care, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of STIs and prevention,
treatment, care and support of HIV, as well as services for those
suffering from violence and in situations of emergencies and armed
conflict. All services must be accessible, affordable, acceptable and of
quality. New investments and strategies for health and the development
of goals, targets and indicators must be firmly based on human rights,
including sexual and reproductive rights.

4. To ensure economic justice we
call for: an enabling international environment for development that
upholds the extra-territorial obligation of states to ensure
macroeconomic and financial policies meet economic and social rights as
enshrined in the Maastricht principles. This includes development –
oriented trade, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, progressive
tax measures, a sovereign debt workout mechanism, and ending trade and
investment treaties that impoverish nations and people; challenging
global intellectual property rights frameworks; eliminating harmful
subsidies; boosting productive capacity through an inclusive and
sustainable industrialization strategy of diversified economic sectors
moving from carbon intensive to safe and environmentally sound
societies; transforming the gendered division of labour and assuring the
redistribution of paid and unpaid work, while ensuring decent work and a
living wage for all; implementing a universal social protection floor
for persons of all ages to access basic services such as health care,
child and elder care, education, food, water, sanitation, energy,
housing and employment; recognition and account for the value of care
work and protect the rights of care workers throughout the global care
chain and guarantee women’s equal access to resources; promotion of
technology transfer, financing, monitoring, assessment, and research in
line with the precautionary principle; increased financing for gender
equality and women’s human rights and re-directing investments in the
warfare industry from militarized security to human security.

5. To promote ecological justice,
we call for: ensuring the health of ecosystems and ecosystem services
are protected and restored and that the intrinsic value of nature is
recognized and respected; an end to the commodification of nature;
securing safe, sustainable and just production and consumption patterns
and eliminating hazardous substances and technologies; ensuring food and
water sovereignty for all, paying particular attention to small holder
farmers and fisherfolk who are often women, as key economic actors whose
right to use and own land and access forests, grass and waste-lands,
rivers, lakes, seas and oceans should be protected through legally
binding safeguards, including against land and resource grabbing;
respect for the unique knowledge of indigenous peoples and local
communities, including peasant and coastal communities, and ensure the
right to free, prior and informed consent in any development projects
that may affect the lands, territories and resources which they own,
occupy or otherwise use; address the inequality, pressure and
exploitation of women living in poverty within urban and rural
communities, including through reversing rapid and unsustainable
urbanization to prevent degradation of ecosystems and exploitation of
resources that exacerbates injustice in urban, peri-urban and rural
areas. Ecological justice requires a strengthened United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea, fulfillment of the Maastricht
Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States, and a clear
recognition of the cultural and ecosystem losses that climate change has
already failed to save-and the crises faced by small island developing
states- particularly by strengthening the newly established Loss and
Damage mechanism under the UNFCCC.

With regard to governance and accountability and means of implementation of
the sustainable development framework, we call for a prioritization of
public financing over public – private partnerships as well as
transparency and accountability in both public and private actions
related to sustainable development. Private sector is profit-oriented by
nature and not obligated to invest in social needs and global public
goods. Today, thirty-seven of the world’s 100 largest economies are
corporations. The public sector—whose crucial roles include the
financing of social needs towards poverty eradication and finance global
public goods—thus remains essential for a sustainable development
financing strategy. All public budgets need to be transparent, open to
public debate, gender responsive, and allocate adequate resources to
achieving these priorities. We must ensure the meaningful participation
of women in the design, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the
development goals, policies and programs as well as during
peace-building efforts, protect all women human rights defenders, and
guarantee their safety and non persecution. There must be access to
effective remedies and redress at the national level for women’s human
rights violations. Monitoring and evaluation should include reporting of
states on their obligations before the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW
and its Optional Protocol, and other human rights mechanisms and under
multilateral environmental agreements. Regulation, accountability and
transparency of non -state actors, particularly trans-national
corporations and public-private partnerships, are critical for achieving
sustainable development. Justice will not be possible without effective
governance mechanisms, for which it is necessary to guarantee the
respect for, enforceability and justiciability of all human rights, as
well as ensuring the rule of law and the full participation of civil
society, in conditions of equality between men and women.

To endorse this statement, please send an email with the organization’s full name and country to: feministspost2015@gmail. com

18 February, 2014

The National Confederation of Dalit Organization (NACDOR), New Delhi, says in a statement:

The National Confederation of Dalit Organization (NACDOR) is
grieved to learn that Union Government failed to population
proportionate allocation for the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in the interim budget.

The political parties are preparing for the General
Election 2014 and the UPA lead government has presented the
interim budget and there are different perspectives of it.
Criticism on the budget of the beneficiaries from different
social and political groups are obvious. These budgets
requires to be also seen from the perspective of the
schedules "Scheduled Castes (SC)" and "Scheduled Tribes
(ST)". The following table gives the figures at a
glance.
SC Population – 16.6\% ST
Population - 8.6\% (Census 2011)
Rs in Cr

Particulars of Total Plan and
Non-Plan budget

Particular

2012-13 (AE)

2013-14 (BE)

2013-14 (RE)

2014-15 (BE)

Total Budget

1410367

1665297

1590434

1763214

Plan Budget

413625

555322

475532

555322

Non Plan Budget

996742

1109975

1114902

1207892

Particulars of allocation made under
SCSP for Scheduled Castes

Allocation under SCP

28218.81

41561.13

35800.6

48638.31

SCP in Percentage

6.82

7.48

7.53

8.76

Due SCP in percentage

16.60

16.60

16.60

16.60

Due SCP

68661.75

92183.45

78938.31

92183.45

Denial under SCP

40442.94

50622.32

43137.71

43545.14

Particulars of allocation made under
TSP for Scheduled Tribes

Allocation under TSP

16723.73

24598.39

22030.47

30726.07

TSP in Percentage

4.04

4.43

4.63

5.53

Dues TSP in Percentage

8.6

8.6

8.6

8.6

Due TSP

35571.75

47757.69

40895.75

47757.69

Denial under TSP

18848.02

23159.30

18865.28

17031.62

Particulars of allocation made under
SCSP and TSP together

Allocation under SCSP and TSP

44942.54

66159.52

57831.07

79364.38

Due under SCSP and TSP

104233.50

139941.14

119834.06

139941.14

Denied under SCP and TSP

59290.96

73781.62

62002.99

60576.76

Once again the UPA led by Congress has disappointed the
Dalits and Adivasis in the budgetary allocations and
expenditures; as follows:

Rs. 60,576 Cr has been denied to SC/ST in the current
budget. It is the normal trend of Union Government as seen
in the table.

It has tried to satisfy the SC/ST only by a partial
allocation i.e. 8.76\% (Rs. 48638 Cr) for SC and 5.53\% (Rs.
30726 Cr) for ST. Whereas decision of National Development
Council (NDC) mandates population proportionate allocation
for SC/ST

Government has changed the nomenclature of "Special
Component Plan (SCP)" to "Scheduled Castes Sub Plan (SCSP)"
in the budget document. It seems that the Union Government
intends to confuse targeted population in different
nomenclatures.

Union Government is alluring SC/ST with proposed bill on
SCSP/TSP – to legitimize the present way of allocations
and expenditure

Fiscal Deficit and Subsidy Provisions
for Corporate Sectors

On the other hand the UPA led by the Congress has shown its
commitment to the corporate sectors by giving more
without any hesitation. Following table gives an idea about
it.

Particular

2011-12

2012-13

Borrowings and Liabilities (=Fiscal Deficit)

515990

513590

Interest Payment

273150

319759

Revenue Foregone

533582

573626

Revenue foregone to number of companies

459270

494545

The figures shown in the table are taken from the budget
documents. These are the estimated figures but give clear
picture how much the UPA government is paying to corporate
sector. The Fiscal deficit is basically due to the revenue
foregone i.e. subsidies to the profit making corporate
sectors. Due to fiscal deficit the government has to borrow
the money and pay the interest thereon. The annual interest
payment is more than half of the annual plan budget. The
entire country is paying interest because the government
want to benefit corporates doing the business of Gold,
Jewellery, Real Estate, Oil, Gas, etc. We can see that the
government has annual Plan Size of Rs. 555322 Cr for the
Year 2014-15. On the other hand in the year 2012-13 the
Revenue Forgone to 494545 companies is Rs. 573626 Cr; which
is higher than the budgeted plan size. The figures of
Revenue forgone for rest of the years are not available but
they are estimated be higher. It clearly means that for the
Government, people are of least importance and the
government is committed for the corporate Sectors only.

Scheme wise Denial for SC/ST

Deepening further into the kind of allocations made for
the SC/ST, we see many glaring examples. Few examples are
taken from the SCSP

These are the few examples to show the kind of allocation
made by the government lead by UPA. Atrocities are
increasing day by day, numbers of students are also
increasing but the government is committed to despise them
by and by in slow degree. Same is the case for Scheduled
Tribes.

Schemes violating the mandates of
SCSP/TSP

There are certain area where the allocations for SC/ST
are relatively better. But these schemes are popularly known
for the larger chunk of corruption. For example

Scheme Name

2012-13 (AE)

2013-14 (BE)

2013-14 (RE)

2014-15 (BE)

Schemes Wise allocation /Expenditures
under SCSP for SCs

Integrated Child Development Service (ICDS)

3469.87

3849

3849

4000

National Programme of Nutrition Support to Primary
Education (Mid Day Meal Scheme)

2143.94

2643

2442.84

2651

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

4776.78

5451.6

5408.66

5549.99

National Rural Drinking Water Programme

2310

2420

2134

2420

Central Rural Sanitation Programme

550

938

506

938

Schemes Wise allocation /Expenditures
under TSP for STs

Integrated Child Development Service (ICDS)

1304.67

1668.7

1668.7

1722

National Programme of Nutrition Support to Primary
Education (Mid Day Meal Scheme)

1170.13

1417.23

1332.78

1419

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

2675.74

2916.61

2747.69

2972.15

National Rural Drinking Water Programme

1050

1100

970

1100

Central Rural Sanitation Programme

250

426

230

426

Total

19701.13

22830.14

21289.67

23198.14

As per the provision of the National Development council
(dated 27th June 2005) contained in the guideline
dated 31st Oct 2005, the allocations made under
these programs required to be spent under the schemes that
directly benefit the individuals, families and hamlets
belonging to the SC/ST. But the government is spending the
funds for the non-intended purposes covered under Standard
Object Head 31 which meant for "Grant-in-Aids-General". From
the Financial "Sanction 3/-8/2013/Desk MDM dated
15th July 2013 of the Department of School
Education and Literacy (MDM Division) it is clearly evident
that the funds are spent for the general purpose and not for
the specific purpose of benefiting the SC/ST students. Such
trends are normal in the financial sanctions and
expenditures.

Conclusion: Concluding all together, it can be said
that UPA lead government has finally not adhere to its own
commitments made in the National Development Councils and
has made several attempts knowingly to despise the SC/ST
population. On the other hand it is promoting the
institutions who are practicing discrimination with SC/ST
– such institutions are corporate sectors who have not
made any program for the inclusion of SC/ST in Corporate
social Responsibility and Affirmative Actions.

Are coming events casting their shadow before? US ambassador Nancy
Powell travelled to Gujarat last week to mollify State Chief Minister
and Bharatiya Janata Party’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi,
whom Washington had cold-shouldered for nine years. When pro-Hindutva
Indian Americans invited him to the US, the State Department had denied
him a visa, heeding the call of Coalition Against Genocide, a group
formed after the Gujarat riots of 2002.

A US spokesman indicated later that Modi could get a visa if he applied again. Modi and the BJP reacted coolly to the offer.

Also,
Penguin India, a unit of the US-based Penguin Random House, surrendered
before Shiksha Bachao Andolan Samiti, a fringe group which had dragged
it to court four years ago for allegedly hurting Hindu religious
sentiments.

The cause of action was the publication of US
Indologist Wendy Doniger’s book, The Hindus: An Alternative History. The
Samiti had cited Ms Doniger and the Penguin group’s US firm also as
respondents in the civil suit and criminal cases it filed.

In an out-of-court settlement with the Samiti, Penguin India agreed to withdraw and pulp all copies of Doniger’s book.

Doniger
approved of the settlement but Indian writers and academics were
scandalised that Penguin capitulated instead of awaiting the court
verdict. Even if it lost the first round, it could have hoped for a
favourable verdict from either of the two higher courts. Journalists
Jyotirmaya Sharma and Siddharth Varadarajan asked Penguin to pulp their
books and “revert copyright so that we can deal with any would-be
bullies on our own terms”.

Penguin defended its action saying it
was obliged to respect the laws of the land, howsoever intolerant and
restrictive they might be. It also said the penal law would make it
increasingly difficult for any Indian publisher to uphold international
standards of free expression.

Under Section 295A of the Indian
Penal Code, outraging the religious feelings of any class of citizens by
words, signs or visible representations, or attempting to insult any
religion or religious beliefs, is an offence punishable with up to three
years’ imprisonment and fine or both.

Enacted by the British
colonial regime in the 19th century, the IPC still remains in force with
some amendments made after the country gained freedom. Its other
archaic provisions include Section 377 which criminalises homosexuality.
The Delhi High Court had struck it down as unconstitutional but the
Supreme Court reinstated it.

It may be the notorious delays of
the court system and the illiberal approach discernible in some recent
judgments, like the one on gay sex, persuaded Penguin and Wendy Doniger
to throw in the towel. But there could also be other factors. While the
Shiksha Bachao Andolan Samiti confines itself to litigation the Hindutva
menagerie has entities with violent records as well.

Hindutva
elements had attacked the late celebrated painter MF Husain’s house in
Mumbai, vandalised his works at exhibitions and filed over 2,000
criminal cases against him in different states, alleging indecent
depiction of Hindu goddesses. The Supreme Court transferred all the
cases to the Delhi High Court, which rejected the charges against him.
Yet he was forced to spend his last years in exile.

Last year,
members of a Hindutva outfit attacked students of Pune’s famed film
institute and artistes of the Kabir Kala Manch who had gathered for a
screening of Jai Bhim Comrade, a film by Anand Patwardhan. Commenting on
the emerging scenario, Patwardhan said, “When just the whiff of Modi
sends goons to attack a ‘U’ certificate film in a festival and sends
Penguin (which should be renamed Chicken) to pulp its publication, just
imagine what will happen if and when fascists actually come to power!”

Others
too have shown signs of intolerance. Sanal Edamaruku, President of the
Indian Rationalist Association, is now in self-exile in Finland as he
faces threat of arrest and prosecution as a Catholic priest has filed a
complaint against him under Sec 295A for exposing a fraudulent miracle
claim.

The IPC may be dated but the responsibility for its
failure in the face of incipient fascism rests on the politico-legal
system which, instead of using its provisions against evil-doers, allows
them to invoke these provisions against sane elements. -- Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 18, 2014

11 February, 2014

For a party with a tradition of more than 125 years and parliamentary
experience that goes farther back than the republic’s 64-year history,
the Congress party is displaying amazing political ineptitude.

With
opposition parties holding up the proceedings to register protest on
one issue or another, Parliament has transacted little business at
recent sessions. Legislative business has been the biggest casualty of
disruptions. Bills are either held up or passed without much debate.

A
research group has reported that out of 118 bills adopted by the Lok
Sabha in the past five years, 20 were passed in less than five minutes,
10 in less than 30 minutes, 11 in half to one hour, 24 in one to two
hours and 26 in two to three hours.

The last session of the
current Lok Sabha is now on. The Congress-led United Progressive
Alliance government, which has to face elections shortly, wants to take
up at this session some important legislative measures, including some
which Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi has described as important
tools needed to fight corruption. Many of them are doomed to fail.

All bills pending in the Lok Sabha, which is directly elected, lapse automatically when the term of the house expires.

On
the opening day of the session, the government tried to take up in the
Rajya Sabha a bill to deal with communal violence, which had been
pending for nine years. Its original draft was prepared by the National
Advisory Council, a group comprising civil society representatives,
headed by UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi, in 2005.

The NAC felt
that a measure of this kind was needed to prevent immobilisation of the
state police during communal riots, as is believed to have happened
during the Gujarat riots of 2002 under the watch of Narendra Modi, whom
the Bharatiya Janata Party recently named as its prime ministerial
candidate.

The BJP opposed the measure vociferously, arguing it
was an attempt to appease the Muslim minority. The government revised
the draft in response to this criticism. But the BJP was not satisfied.

The
Samajwadi Party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Trinamool
Congress, the Dravida Munnetra Kazgam and the All India Anna DMK joined
the BJP in opposing introduction of the revised draft.

Law
Minister Kapil Sibal’s argument that the measure will not bestow any new
power on the Centre did not impress the critics. Sensing the hostile
mood of the house, the Deputy Chairman deferred consideration of the
bill.

The responsibility for the debacle rests on the Congress
party which heads the ruling coalition. Its parliamentary managers did
not show due diligence. Since the government lacks a majority of its
own, they should have worked out a consensus, at least among those who
sustain it in power, before bringing the measure before Parliament.

An
uncertain future awaits the bill to carve a separate state of Telengana
out of Andhra Pradesh, which is expected to be placed before Parliament
this week.

Here, again, the blame rests with the Congress party
which wasted much time. It had committed itself in principle to the
formation of a new state when it tied up with the Telengana Rashtra
Samithi in the 2004 elections. The TRS which joined the coalition
government walked out later as the Congress did not keep its word.

As
the party wielding power in Andhra Pradesh, the Congress should have
sorted out the differences over matters related to division of the
state, including the status of the capital city of Hyderabad. The
leaders whom the party’s high command entrusted the task of dealing with
these matters proved unequal to the task. Consequently it is now in a
mess.

The Andhra Pradesh Assembly recently voted against
separation of Telengana. Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy, who does not
want the state to be split, is in a rebellious mood.

Ordinarily,
passage of the Bill through Parliament should have posed no problem as
the BJP, the main opposition party in both the houses, favours formation
of small states. But now it may yield to the temptation to add to the
Congress party’s woes.

The Congress is paying the price for the
ineptitude of its managers. Whatever the fate of the Telengana bill, the
party is sure to suffer losses in the forthcoming elections in a region
which was considered its stronghold.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 11, 2014

04 February, 2014

A few months before India attained freedom, Jawaharlal Nehru, who was
vice-president in the then interim government, called an Asian
relations conference in New Delhi. “Asia is finding herself,” he told
the conference.

It was a premature attempt at forging meaningful
Asian relations. China was still in the throes of the civil war which
was to result in a Communist victory. Japan, battered by two atom bombs
and shattered by defeat, was slowly picking up the threads. Korea stood
divided. Barring the Philippines, which the United States had granted
Independence, all the countries which had been under colonial bondage,
were still fighting for freedom.

Asian relations took a back seat
as Cold War engulfed the continent. Nehru later devoted his energies
primarily to promoting the concept of Non-alignment along with
like-minded leaders from other continents.

More than six decades
later, Asian relations are showing signs of maturing. The countries of
the continent, which include several newly emerging economies, are
engaged in bilateral and multilateral efforts to rebuild relations on
fresh terms. Indian and Japanese efforts to find new political, economic
and strategic equations illustrate this point.

Japanese Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe was the chief guest at the Republic Day parade in
New Delhi last month, and the two countries signed eight agreements
during his three-day visit. Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko were in
India on a ceremonial visit a month earlier.

Japan, which is
looking for new investment and marketing opportunities, offered $2
billion to expand Delhi’s metro system, which it had funded. Last year
it had given $2.32 billion for various infrastructure projects and $753
million for a metro system in Mumbai.

Japan will also provide
loans to increase power generation and improve energy efficiency of
telecom towers. The New Delhi-Mumbai industrial corridor project and the
proposed high-speed rail system too will receive assistance.

India
invited Japanese companies to help develop a new port in Chennai and to
improve facilities in the tribal border state of Arunachal Pradesh, to
which China has staked a claim.

Politically, the most significant
outcome of the Abe visit is the decision to have regular official
consultations on national security. Japan, which has enjoyed US defence
cover since the end of World War II, feels the need to work out new
strategic arrangements, but it will be unwise to read too much into
this.

The inability to clinch agreements on civilian nuclear
cooperation and sale of Japanese amphibious aircraft to India, which
have been under discussion for quite some time, underscores the
difficulties involved in the building of political and military ties.

Both
Japan and India are claimants for permanent seats in an expanded UN
Security Council. However, they have not been able to make any concerted
move in pursuit of the common goal.

Indian experts are divided
on the impact of the Abe visit. Their assessments vary widely from that
of “a game changer” or “a new balance of power” to “probing of each
other’s strategic intent”. One analyst claimed the ties with Japan is
taking the flavor of relations with Russia and the US, with the two
sides cooperating on virtually everything under the sun.

The varying assessments are reflective of the differing perspectives of the commentators.

The
clearest indication that Asian relations are maturing came from
Beijing. Asked about bolstering of Indo-Japanese ties, a Chinese
government spokesman merely expressed the hope that it would be
conducive to peace, stability and security in the region.

China
raised no objection to Japanese participation in Arunachal projects.
When India sought a loan from the Asian Development Bank in 2007 for
Arunachal projects, China had objected, pointing to its claim to the
territory.

China also made no reference to the Indian decision to
allow Japanese firms to participate in port development, an area from
which its own companies are kept out on security considerations.

Writing
in the Global Times, a tabloid run by the ruling Communist Party, Fu
Xiaoquiang, an international relation specialist, said Abe’s aim was to
pin down China but it didn’t look like he was succeeding.

This is
not the first attempt by India and Japan to come closer. In the 1950s,
Prime Ministers Nehru and Nobusuke Kishi had explored the possibilities
of wider cooperation between the two countries. Indira Gandhi too made
an effort in that direction when she visited that country in 1969.

The
Cold War, which prevented close relations between the two countries for
decades, may be over but they still have to find their way through the
debris it has left behind. -- Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 4, 2014.