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Sunday, 4 September 2011

R Sedhuraman Legal Correspondent New Delhi, September 2 The Supreme Court today directed the Army to reinstate the 11 short-service commissioned (SSC) women officers who had approached the Delhi High Court demanding permanent commission (PC) for them on the completion of 14 years of service. A Bench comprising Justices JM Panchal and HL Gokhale passed an order asking the Army to take the officers back with effect from September 12. On March 12, 2010, the HC had delivered a verdict, directing the Army to grant permanent commission to the women officers within two months. Instead of complying with the HC order, the Army challenged the verdict in the SC. The apex court Bench today pointed out that since it had not stayed the operation of the HC verdict so far, the Army was bound to comply with the HC order. The Bench, however, clarified that their continuance in service would be subject to the outcome of the case arising from Army's appeal. "The women officers have worked for 14 years and there is no allegation against them. Also, the Air Force has complied with the high court order," the Bench noted during the arguments. It also pointed out that the officers were working on the administrative side of the Army. The 11 officers are Lieut-Cols Ashu Yadav, Sangeeta Sardana, Reenu Khanna and Monica Mishra and Majors Sandhya Yadav, Renu Nautiyal, NVN Rao, Anupama Munshi, Prema Pandit, Seema Singh and Rita Taneja. Two of them had been released after the HC verdict, while others had completed 14 years before the judgment. Counsel Meenakshi Lekhi, who argued for the women officers, said it was unfortunate that the Army had allowed all women officers to continue even after 14 years, except the 11 who had filed the petition in the HC. Non-implementation of the HC order was having a frustrating and demoralising effect on the women officers, besides denying them their fundamental right to livelihood. Some of the officers were single women who had to take care of their children and parents. The HC had noted that the horizon of women's participation was expanding in different walks of life and as such encouraging them to have a larger participation in more areas of operation, both under the SSC and the PC, would be in tune with the trend.

The US State Department's assessment about Pakistan's justice system has not revealed anything unusual when it says that it is almost incapable of bringing to justice those accused of involvement in terrorism-related cases. The judiciary in Pakistan has always had an image of being pliable towards those in power. The US should, therefore, not feel disgusted when the State Department's annual report points out that the anti-terrorism courts in Pakistan have an acquittal rate as high as 75 per cent. And this means that the culprits behind the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attack in which nearly 200 people, including six Americans, were killed can never be punished. Anyone who thought otherwise showed little understanding of the way the legal system functioned in that country. Hafiz Mohammed Sayeed, the founder-chief of the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), the terrorist outfit believed to have masterminded the 26/11 killings, walks free like anyone else as if his organisation has done nothing wrong. He appears the least bothered about how the world looks at his activities. India provided sufficient dossiers to nail the 26/11 culprits, but in vain. Pakistan's response has, however, never given the impression that it is doing all it can to ensure the punishment of the LeT terrorists. But this is what should be expected of the courts in Pakistan. They have the dubious distinction of setting free almost everybody arrested in terror-related cases in Pakistan, where hundreds of people have died in such incidents during the past few years. Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik recently admitted that 606 persons had been arrested for their alleged involvement in terrorist violence after the 26/11 Mumbai attack, but over 50 per cent of them had been set free and the rest might also be out of jail anytime now. Even a known terrorist belonging to the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Malik Ishaque, was recently acquitted by a court in 34 of the 44 cases filed against him. He was no different from his mentor Riaz Basra, a dreaded Lashkar-e-Jhangvi terrorist, but was happily granted bail in 10 cases. This is how the judiciary functions in Pakistan despite the presence of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, who fought valiantly against the Gen Pervez Musharraf regime.

Last week, the Pentagon released its annual report on China's military power. Although required by Congress, many administration officials no doubt view the report as an annoyance and needlessly provocative. Yet few can claim that the Pentagon, assisted by the interagency process, didn't take the project seriously. This year's edition was as detailed and comprehensive as any yet published. Even more notable, Barack Obama's administration did not hesitate to increase the U.S. government's level of alarm over Chinese military modernization. As he briefed the Pentagon press corps on the report, Michael Schiffer, deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia, asserted that China's military investments are "potentially destabilizing to regional military balances, increase the risk of misunderstanding and miscalculation, and may contribute to regional tensions and anxieties."

Equally alarming, the report discussed growing debates among China's policymakers about whether China should assume a more assertive "great power" status, backed by its expanding military power. The report noted that until recently, China's security strategy followed former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's advice to maintain a low profile and focus on internal development. Today, China's growing nationalism, renewed attention to regional disputes, and concerns about access to global markets and raw materials over sea lines of communications have opened internal debates about whether China now needs to discard Deng's long-standing advice. The U.S. government has hoped to influence these debates inside China. The Pentagon's Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) in 2006 explicitly stated an intention to "shape the choices of countries at strategic crossroads." The 2010 QDR restated a commitment to enhancing deterrence, notably for "large-scale conflicts in environments where anti-access weaponry and tactics are used." These missions were clearly aimed at China, with a goal of dissuading Beijing from challenging the U.S. strategic position in the Western Pacific. The report noted that between 2000 and 2010, the Chinese government increased military spending at a 12.1 percent annual rate, accounting for inflation. Recently, military programs have included progress on China's first aircraft carrier, first stealth fighter, new submarines, more amphibious shipping, new surface-to-air missiles systems, and further additions to its substantial inventories of land-attack ballistic and cruise missiles. The report concludes that China is preparing to extend the reach of its naval and air power beyond its regional waters and into the Indian Ocean and the central Pacific area. The 2006 and 2010 QDRs aimed to influence China's debate about its national security strategy. That debate remains unsettled. But the continued rapid expansion of China's military power reveals that Chinese leaders believe such an investment will eventually provide useful leverage. U.S. military power in the Western Pacific is not "shaping the choices" as it hoped to in 2006. China's leaders have not concluded that it is futile to challenge the U.S. military position in the region as the QDR reports hoped would be the case. This increases the odds of a clash over an area that both China and the United States and its allies in the region regard as economically and politically vital. To persuade China that challenging the status quo is a waste of its resources, the United States needs to permanently increase its naval and air power in the region, while also reassuring China that the status quo is no threat to its interests. But with Pentagon spending facing a 5 to 10 percent cut over the next decade, something else is going to have to pay for such an expensive expansion in naval and air power. That something is the U.S. Army, which may be making plans to cut 10 or even 15 of its 45 active-duty brigade combat teams. The Army, Navy, and Air Force have maintained a decades-long truce over money by agreeing to a roughly constant distribution of the Pentagon's pie. The rise of China's military and the demands that will place on naval and air power during a time of shrinking budgets is about to void that interservice treaty. This year's report on China's military power may spark a long-simmering budget war inside the Pentagon.

Pakistani troops have resorted to four ceasefire violations along the Line of Control (LoC) in Keran and Macchil sectors in Kashmir, army said today. "Four ceasefire violations have been reported from Keran and adjoining Macchil sectors along the LoC since Thursday afternoon," defence spokesperson Lt Colonel JS Brar told PTI. There were no casualties in the firing incidents, he said, adding that Indian troops exercised restraint and did not retaliate. The spokesperson said Pakistani troops opened "unprovoked" firing on Indian army position along the LoC in these two sectors, which have emerged as favoured routes for infiltration of militants into Kashmir. "The latest violation took place this morning while three incidents of firing from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir were resorted to since yesterday afternoon," Lt Col Brar said. "However, our troops exercised restraint and did not retaliate," he added. With the latest incidents of firing, the number of ceasefire violations by Pakistani troops in Keran and Macchil sectors has gone up to six in the past three days. In the first major violation of ceasefire this year, an Indian junior commissioned officer (JCO) and three Pakistani soldiers were killed when troops from the two sides traded heavy gunfire between August 30 and September one in Keran sector. The violation took place barely a few days after the army foiled a big infiltration bid in Gurez sector of nearby Bandipora district. Thirteen militants and an army officer were killed in the operation in Gurez sector that lasted five days, starting August 20.

BRUSSELS: The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato), even as it charts out roadmaps for a sizeable US-led military training mission in Afghanistan till 2024 and a post-conflict role in Libya, wants a deeper engagement with India in fields ranging from counter-terrorism and anti-piracy to cyber-security and ballistic missile defence (BMD). "It's important for India and Nato to have a dialogue...it will ultimately depend on India where it wants the relationship to go," said US permanent representative to Nato, Ivo H Daalder, adding that senior alliance officials were in touch with their Indian counterparts on it. The dialogue will establish how India and Nato can work together to promote security and tackle new emerging threats. "We already do so in places like Afghanistan...We can think about other places we may be doing that," added Daalder. The 28-member Nato, which has expanded over the last decade to include erstwhile Warsaw Pact countries like Hungary and Poland, feels it's time India jettisoned its Cold War-non-aligned mindset for greater international security. "Nato, for instance, is getting into BMD technology in a major way...We can share knowledge, train together...We, after all, face similar threats," said another senior official, adding that the alliance was now shaping "a special partnership" with even Russia. India, however, remains wary of being closely associated with any multi-nation military arrangement unless it's under the UN flag, positioning itself as a neutral player, even though it has forged expansive bilateral military ties with leading Nato countries like the US, France and UK. Indian warships, for instance, "actively coordinate" with Nato and European-led naval task forces in ongoing anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden but have refrained from formally hopping onto their bandwagons. Similarly, India has largely restricted the `Malabar' naval war games to a bilateral exercise with the US after its 2007 edition in the Bay of Bengal, which were expanded to include Australian, Japanese and Singaporean navies, led to a formal protest from China which felt it was an emerging security cooperation axis in the Asia-Pacific region to "contain" it. Defence minister A K Antony has himself held such exercises should be bilateral rather than multilateral ones, over-cautious as India is about antagonizing a prickly China. Daalder, on his part, said, "It is through dialogue, through understanding each other's perceptions and perhaps by working on the misperceptions that may exist that we can strengthen the relations between India and Nato." Another senior official, pointing to the "shared democratic values, threats and concerns" between India and Nato countries, said New Delhi had "a very significant role" to play in Afghanistan and overall stability in the region. This comes at a time when the US-led international forces in Afghanistan are working towards ending their "active combat role" in the war-torn country by 2014, with NATO commanders banking upon the Afghan security forces to handle all internal security duties after the 1,32,000 foreign soldiers either leave or take on purely training missions. (The correspondent was in Brussels on an invitation from the US mission to Nato)

India suffered another blow: Bell out of the Indian Army helicopter program

According to the U.S.," Aviation Week and Space Technology "web site November 17, 2008 reported that Bell Helicopter has moved from the Indian Defense Ministry's 197 light helicopter procurement project bid out. Bell said a spokesman for the Articles, 50% of India's defense out of the compensation requirement is one of the reasons. Bell companies into the project last year to reduce the list of competitors, but in the end Eurocopter AS-500 win. But then competition results of the project was canceled, tender to be re-released. other bidders and models include: EADS Eurocopter AS-550 "in Africa Fox", 俄罗斯卡莫夫 card -226 helicopter, the Agusta A109 Power or A119 "tree wombat ', and MD Helicopters, Inc. of MD 520N. Deadline is December 19. the purchase of 197 helicopters, including 133 Army and Indian Air Force 64. Overall demand is the Army 197, Air Force 188. India's defense industry's goal is to provide weapons and equipment in 2010 to 70%, but the confusion caused by government bureaucracy and frustration of this goal is to make India has been hit hard. (China Aviation Industry Development Research Center of Yang Yuling)

Indian Army will buy 390,000 new generation carbines and assault rifles

Indian Army has thousands of special forces procurement support Israeli-TAR-21 assault rifle Indian-made assault rifles, improved British SAS improved version of the British Indian-made assault rifle Texas Mumbai, July 20 Xinhua Xinhua (Reporters Nie Yun) According to "The Times of India" 20 reported that the Indian Defense Ministry will sign a three arms purchase agreement for the Army soldiers equipped with nearly 390 000 new generation carbines and assault rifles, in order to enhance the combat capabilities of modern ground forces. Indian Defense Ministry said the total cost of these new weapons, about 70 billion rupees (1 U.S. dollar is equivalent to 48 rupees) will sign an agreement as soon as possible. about to be signed three agreements, support from abroad to purchase more than 40,000 carbines maximum agreement cost about 44 billion rupees, signed in October is expected. India also plans based on transfer of foreign technology licensing, the domestic production of more than 11 ten thousand carbines. New carbine will be equipped with advanced technology, night vision devices, laser pointers and grenade launchers, equipped with modern night fighting capability. second agreement will cost about 21.8 billion rupees, in the new 5.56 mm carbine made on the basis of production of nearly 220,000 more advanced carbine; The third agreement is purchasing 10 000 light assault rifles, equipped with a parachute special forces, infiltrated behind enemy lines, you can perform other special operations missions. Indian Army has 100 million soldiers. In recent years, the Indian Army are being equipped with modern weapons and equipment.

Indian border troops in wartime artillery division can damage the People's Liberation Army supply lines

Home » International military » Indian border troops in wartime artillery division can damage the People's Liberation Army supply lines Indian border troops in wartime artillery division can damage the People's Liberation Army supply lines Date:2011-09-01Author:adminCategory:International militaryComment:0 资料图:印度陆军的车载155毫米榴弹炮 data for: Indian Army vehicle 155-mm howitzer India's independence under the artillery division is equipped with an independent India's independence under the artillery division is equipped with an independent "ground" tactical short-range missile group data for: land-based tactical missile launches India "World News" special correspondent/Zhang Zhuo recent past, India's actions in the border areas frequently, continue to strengthen the deployment of troops, followed by sent two mountain divisions and a Su-30 fighter squadron, the Indian government has decided to increase the deployment in the border region an independent artillery divisions to the border with China to create a strong deterrent. new artillery division for China 7 2, "Indian Times" reported that, although India is not an open provocation to China, but in response to asymmetric military disadvantage in border areas, the Indian Army is gradually taking measures. According to the Indian Defense Ministry, the Indian Army plans to deploy an eastern border artillery division. long ago, the Indian Army has just set up two new mountain divisions (each division of about 1.5 million) and an artillery brigade, and these troops are deployed in the northeastern part of "Arunachal Pradesh "area (I call southern Tibet). Indian Army is now actively promoting the formation of a new division artillery, the artillery division will be stationed in the eastern part of Calcutta's Army headquarters responsible for command. Expected that the artillery division consists of three artillery brigades, composed of two 155 mm howitzer brigade, a brigade of multiple rocket launchers, from Russia with the "Tornado" multi-barrel rocket launchers and homemade "Pa Naka" multiple rocket launchers. "The Times of India," said the Indian Army artillery division of the indicators to create a new meaning is obvious. India currently has only two independent artillery divisions, respectively, by Chang Diman first stationed in Seoul and the western command of the Indian Army stationed in India in general is a command of the Army Southern Command, and two artillery divisions are deployed in India's northeast border areas, to deter Pakistan. The new artillery divisions deployed in the eastern region, for China's intentions more clearly. Indian Army order of battle from the point of view, despite the deployment of the army divisions in the eastern region, the cluster groups, and other campaign tactics have directly or artillery battalion of the artillery brigade, but the new addition to the artillery division equipped with various types of artillery, but also equipped with short-to to-ground missiles and unmanned reconnaissance system, which will greatly enhance the combat from the Indian artillery and combat accuracy. India attaches great importance to artillery Indian Army Artillery Army combat support arms has always been the "boss", the existing artillery troops (including air defense artillery) 170 000 people, more than air, and naval forces of the (16.5 million), accounting for 15.45% of Army active duty troops. Artillery gun fire and step on the coordinated operations of the dependence is still the foundation of today's Indian operations. Off the face of high-tech world of the new military revolution, India has also thrown a series of military modernization, new initiatives, which is the most important reform of the Indian artillery. especially the Indian Army in early 2005 launched the "cold start" war theory, the cutting-edge artillery of the more prominent role. "Cold start" operation means that the theory of cold start the computer the same as the army, in the shortest possible time, quickly completed the mobilization of troops, build and deploy, and the first time to launch pre-emptive strike against the enemy within, through a series of rapid violent offensive operations, its effective strength in each other's territory J, for the shortest period of time to achieve operational objectives. "Cold start" theory must be to combat firepower as the basic means, the relative strength of thin air in the Indian case, the Army will become implemented artillery fire against the main, therefore, the Indian Army will be the construction of artillery, field artillery, especially the construction of as the core of the Army's modernization, it is very natural. according to the Indian Army had developed the "Indian Army's artillery development program", the Army plans to import and production of 3600 traction, wheeled and tracked guns, 220 artillery regiment equipped with the 180 group. Most of which are 155 mm 52 caliber, caliber to replace the current six kinds of artillery. 155 mm 52-caliber howitzer because it can provide long-range and intensive fire, the assessment by the Department of Indian weapons, highly favored. India also plans to 10-15 years, 1400 will be converted into other caliber 155 mm guns. However, the Indian Army's artillery modernization of 150 billion rupees project is still burdened by the kickbacks scandal. India to buy Sweden's Bofors gun had burst the rebate amount of up to 6.4 billion rupees in military procurement and bribery scandal, speculation was in full swing parties, seriously affect the Indian Army artillery and equipment upgrading. wartime artillery can play three major roles in modern warfare from the artillery on the battlefield performance, combined with the mountainous border areas and India terrain features, enhanced artillery in the border areas of India to deploy forces, mainly for China to increase military deterrent force. If the recurrence of conflicts, artillery in the border areas of India will play three major roles: First, the PLA border posts against the border area, fire removal of the key points, and the attack on the Indian Mountain Division to provide tactical cover. In addition to focus on shooting, the artillery can provide firepower, including firing the barrage. The so-called "barrage" is actually a "firewall" (many shells exploded in a line), usually used to cover their own troops to prevent enemy observation, or prevent enemy movement. If properly organized barrage fire, the attacking forces would have been offensive to the enemy's defensive positions in front. second is interdiction strikes, destruction of the PLA logistics lines, delayed reinforcements. Currently, the Indian Army that the PLA is the biggest threat to the Chinese side of the border area transportation facilities, to improve the rapid mobility capability. "The Times of India," claimed that the PLA in the border area within 2 months build two divisions and equipment, this deployment much faster than the Indian Army. Once the conflict, the Indian artillery fire could be focused on the implementation of road traffic paralysis-type damage, delay PLA reinforcements speed. Third, the use of short-range missiles against key military nodes. Under India's independent artillery divisions are equipped with separate "ground" tactical short-range missile base, these missiles can border PLA airport, communication facilities and other key military threat to the node. News extension/DEPTH China and India to enhance the deterrent addition to the Indian Army in additional forces in border areas, the Indian sea, and air forces are continuing to take action. Recently, the first Indian Air Force Su-30MKI fighters have been deployed to the border areas of Tezpur Air Force Base, in the future such as Northeast Papua check other Air Force Base will deploy this type of aircraft. Su-30MKI is conducive to the Indian Air Force air superiority over the border, but also the implementation of effective ground attack. In addition, border areas are starting to repair the waste airport, ready to enable. from abroad the Indian Navy submarines, aircraft carriers and other large equipment, while on the verge of the eastern naval port in the Bay of Bengal near Visakhapatnam construction of large naval base, want to contain China in the Indian Ocean. the same time, India is to develop strategic forces against China, India will test-fire this month, a range of 3,500 km, "Agni" missile, and plans to mid-2010 when the test shooting range of 5,000 km "Agni-4″ missiles. Although the Indian military's frequent moves, but the Indian government was not satisfied. India, a senior official of the "India Times" said: "Although China's military capabilities far ahead of us, but we need to contain China is a positive deterrent posture, but we used to deal with the process of China's measures are still very slow. " Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang on June 11 had a regular press conference that the Sino-Indian boundary has never been officially designated, is an early solution to border issue in Indian leaders determine the development of Sino-Indian relations is one of 10 strategies, China is ready to India to seek a negotiated fair and reasonable solution, both sides should strive to implement the consensus reached by leaders of both countries to do more things conducive to the development of bilateral relations. (Zhang Zhuo)

ULFA signs peace pact with Central, state govts Assures that there will be no more violence

New Delhi, September 3 In its effort to bring lasting peace in Assam, the government today signed an agreement with the banned ULFA to end violence in the troubled northeastern state and set the ball rolling for peace talks. The Suspension of Operation (SoO) pact, signed by the representatives of Central and Assam governments and ULFA, will ensure that the outfit will not carry out any subversive activities till finding a political solution to the vexed insurgency problem while the security forces will also not take any action against the ULFA cadres. "We had a very good round of talks. The SoO agreement was signed. The first round spells out the road to political dialogue. It is the harbinger of future talks," Joint Secretary (Northeast) in the Ministry of Home Affairs Shambhu Singh told reporters here. The SoO pact will continue during the political talks and till a final agreement is signed. The meeting deliberated in detail on various aspects of the ground rules of the SoO and how to maintain peace in Assam. Members of the rebel group ― numbering around 600 ― will be put in special camps which will be called as 'nabanirman kendras'. Asked whether ULFA cadres will surrender all arms and ammunition, the outfit's 'foreign secretary' Sashadhar Choudhury shot back saying, "why should we? This is not a final agreement." "This is a gentleman's agreement. We will see how the parleys go forward," Choudhury said. Last month, ULFA had submitted to the Centre its 'charter of demands' which sought amendment in the Constitution for finding "meaningful" ways to protect the rights and identity of the indigenous people of Assam. The group also demanded change of rules and law and said a solution to their demands was not possible under the provisions of the existing Constitution. The other demands of the ULFA include discussion on grounds for "ULFA's struggle and their genuineness", status report on missing ULFA leaders and cadres -- numbering around 50 -- including those missing since 2005 when the Bhutan government conducted an offensive against the outfit and other socio-economic issues. Those who signed today's SoO agreement include Joint Secretary Singh, Assam Home Commissioner Jishnu Baruah, ULFA's Choudhury, 'finance secretary' Chitrabon Hazarika, and 'deputy commander-in-chief' Raju Baruah. This was ULFA's first formal peace talks with the government in its 32-year-old history. So far, only preliminary talks between the ULFA and Centre's interlocutor P C Haldar have been held in Guwahati.ULFA's elusive 'commander-in-chief' Paresh Baruah is still opposed to any dialogue with the government till 'sovereignty' issue is not on the table. ― PTI

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2011/20110904/main3.htm

US envoy to Pak justified funds as 'defence' against 'threat from India'

For years, India has been protesting the steady build-up of the Pakistan military with the help of US funds, only to be told by Washington that the support is meant for shoring up counter-insurgency capabilities. Now, a leaked secret cable has revealed that not only was the US aware that funds earmarked for the Pakistan military were being used to increase its capabilities against India but Washington also encouraged Islamabad's conventional build-up to "reduce regional tensions". A cable dated August 2009 released by whistleblower website WikiLeaks quotes the US Ambassador to Pakistan justifying an additional $1.5 billion to Pakistan to provide for its 'national defense' against the 'threat from India' and the insurgency on the western border. While US statements in India have always emphasised that funds allocated to Pakistan are useful for the fight against terror, Ambassador Anne W Patterson elaborated in the cable that FMF money sent to Islamabad 'is and should continue' to be directed towards increasing Pakistan's conventional and counter-insurgency capabilities.

The envoy, who proposes a five year commitment of $300 million annually to the Pakistan military in the cable, justifies the increase by arguing that a stronger military would reduce 'regional tensions' and maintain Pakistan as an ally. "More substantially, enhancing Pakistan's overall defense posture would help reduce regional tensions by lessening Pakistan's perceived need to use asymmetric methods to counter regional threats and reduce Pakistan's sense of inferiority vis-a-vis India. For these reasons our FMF money is and should continue to be directed towards all services and toward conventional as well as counterinsurgency capabilities," Patterson has written in the cable dispatched to Washington.

THE practice of inducting armed forces personnel into the civil administration needs to be seen in the context of the 19th-century British experience in the non-regulation provinces of India. The expanding British rule in central and northwest India resulting from the annexation of Oudh, Punjab, Sindh, the Central Provinces and the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) was the result of campaigns conducted by men like Napier, Edwardes, Nicholson, Jacob, Munro and Sandeman. Once the non-regulation provinces were functional, these erstwhile military commanders were designated as deputy commissioners. The arrangement was institutionalised with the creation of the Indian Political Service (IPS). Drawing its officers from the armed forces (66 per cent) and the ICS (33 per cent), it was an elite service set up for a specific purpose. It must be emphasised here that no military officers were absorbed in the ICS, the only exception being the War Service appointees of 1944-46 when no ICS examination was conducted. After independence, a strong military-bureaucratic axis emerged in Pakistan. Its armed forces component naturally demanded a quota in the civil services. The IPS and War Service appointments were cited as precedents. What was conveniently forgotten was that these British schemes were area and time specific. In 1950, after the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP) was established as a premier service, the cabinet secretariat decided that 10 per cent of the inductions into this cadre would be from amongst armed forces officers. This decision was never put into effect. After Gen Ayub Khan seized power in 1958, he expressed a desire to promote a horizontal movement from the armed forces to the civil administration. There was no overt resistance from senior civil servants. In Eqbal Ahmad's words "….at the top level both (civil and military bureaucracy) were manned by the same class … sharing identical interests and outlook". Ayub revived the 1950 decision of military inductions into the civil service. It was agreed that the defence ministry would send panels of eligible officers to the Federal Public Service Commission (FPSC) which would finalise selections. Between 1960 and 1963, 14 officers were appointed. After 1963, the scheme was discontinued. Even in this limited recruitment, patronage became self-evident; two of the selectees were sons of generals and one a Sandhurst graduate. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's administrative reforms of 1973 introduced the concept of lateral entry into the civil service. Bypassing the FPSC, selections were largely made on the basis of nepotism and cronyism. In his tenure (1972-1977) Bhutto appointed 83 armed forces officers to the secretariat, foreign affairs, tribal areas and district management groups. After Gen Ziaul Haq's coup of 1977, a review of all such appointments was undertaken. Predictably, the military appointments made by Bhutto were not questioned. In fact, Zia went one step further. Under his tutelage, a new arrangement was worked out to assist the entry of junior armed forces officers into the civil service. A pliant establishment division issued an office memorandum in 1980 setting up a Defence Services Officers Selection Board (DSOSB) headed by the defence secretary to process the selections. While Bhutto's tactics reeked of favouritsm and outright partiality, Zia's were crafty and devious. The FPSC was cut out of the loop. Gen Faiz Ali Chishti, Zia's right-hand man had this to say: "Mr Bhutto was blamed for destroying the institution of the civil service … by recruiting his own party men … and Gen Zia was going to do it. If the PPP was Mr Bhutto's party, then the armed forces were Gen Zia's party." The floodgates were now open and nepotism reigned supreme. Gen Zia's own ADCs, staff officers of corps commanders, sons and sons-in-law of senior armed forces officers, even army doctors specialising in nuclear medicine were blessed. Between 1985 and 1999, the political governments did nothing to reverse the trend. In Punjab, then chief minister Nawaz Sharif 'relaxed' the relevant rules and appointed two principal staff officers (a colonel and a major), his chief pilot and two majors to the provincial services. The arrival of Musharraf saw the civil bureaucracy relegated to the role of a junior partner of its military counterpart. The large-scale influx of armed forces officers into the civil service was masterminded by Lt Gen Tanwir Naqvi, the head of the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB). In May 2000, he spelt out his position unambiguously. "The question is whether the army controls Pakistan or the bureaucracy. The conundrum is that it is not possible to transform the country without the bureaucracy. The army must control both political and administrative power…." The keyword was no longer 'patronage'; it was 'domination'. Musharraf and his henchmen genuinely believed in the superiority of the army. In an interview with Ayesha Siddiqa in 2002, Maj Gen Rashid Qureshi cockily observed that "the average military officer is better qualified and more intelligent than the average civil bureaucrat". The Zia and Musharraf eras saw the emergence of a new category of officers who came from the urban and rural middle class. In the words of Eqbal Ahmad, "…they are prone to viewing the world in straight lines … the regiment would be their model of running the country…." It is this element that both Zia and Musharraf wanted to induct into the civil administration. Presently, out of roughly 650 DMG officers, around 100 are from the army, air force and navy. Notwithstanding the desire of junior armed forces officers to serve in snug and rewarding civilian assignments, policymakers in the defence establishment need to reassess this programme. Why are men trained in the highly professional environment of the armed forces academies wasted by being sent to a run-of-the-mill civilian set-up? Given the critical security situation in Pakistan, do we not need to utilise each and every armed forces officer to do the job he is specifically trained for? Has anyone bothered to calculate or assess the depletion caused to the quality of officer corps by this efflux? The writer is a retired civil servant and the author of Political Administrators: The Story of the Civil Service of Pakistan.