JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE OF THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER TONY BLAIR OF GREAT BRITAIN
The East Room

11:08 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: First, let me say that it's been a real pleasure
to welcome my friend Prime Minister Blair here to Washington with the
entire British entourage. It continues a great tradition of partnership
between our nations, anchored by common values, driven by common vision,
eager to meet the challenges of this new age.

Today we'll pay tribute to that heritage to the FDR Memorial.
Earlier in this century President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
led the community of free nations that prevailed in world war. Now, on
the eve of the 21st century, the Prime Minister and I seek to shape the
peace in a world that is rich with possibility and promise but still not
free from risk.

We have a very similar outlook on preparing our own countries for
the future. And if I might just take a moment to talk about the latest
economic news, the strategy we are both working is to prepare all our
people for the information age and the global economy. Today, we have
new evidence that that strategy is working here. In the last month,
America had 358,000 new jobs -- over 1 million in the last three months.
We are approaching 15 million new jobs in the last five years with the
lowest unemployment in 24 years. Wages are rising, inflation is low.
The role of government has changed. We have the smallest percentage of
these new jobs in the public sector, and the highest percentage in the
private sector in the United States since the 1920s.

By maintaining fiscal discipline, opening more markets, investing
more in our people, we will continue to expand opportunity and promote
prosperity. We also share a common view of the changes that are
occurring in the world and a belief in the importance of working
together to harness them to the benefit of our people. We've reviewed
our progress in building an undivided Europe; welcoming Hungary, the
Czech Republic, and Poland in the NATO; forging strong relations with
the new democracies there, including Russia and Ukraine; helping the
parties in Bosnia to fulfill the requirements of the Dayton Peace
accord.

Both our nations agree we should take part in a follow-on security
presence when the SFOR mission ends in Bosnia in June. We reaffirmed
our determination to combat modern cross-border threats like terrorism
and the spread of weapons of mass destruction.

On Iraq, we stand together. Saddam Hussein must know that we are
determined to prevent him from threatening his neighbors and the world
with weapons of mass destruction. The Prime Minister and I would both
prefer a genuine diplomatic solution.

The best way to stop Saddam from developing an arsenal of nuclear,
chemical, and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them is to
get the inspectors back to work with full and free access to all
relevant sites. But let me be clear: if Saddam does not comply with
the unanimous will of the international community, we must be prepared
to act -- and we are.

On Libya, ten years later, we haven't forgotten the victims of the
bombing of Pan Am 103 in the skies over Lockerbie, Scotland, or their
loved ones. We will not rest until Libya complies with the requirements
of the world community and surrenders for trial in the United States or
Scotland the two Libyans accused of that brutal crime.

We addressed our commitment to advance the cause of peace, and I
welcome Britain's efforts as president of the European Union to spur
greater cooperation in the Middle East peace process.

I also commend the Prime Minister for his courageous steps in
cooperation with the Irish Government to promote a climate of confidence
and hope in Northern Ireland. The multiparty talks provide the best
chance for a real solution to that conflict. I urge all the parties to
show the vision and the forbearance and the determination to succeed. I
unequivocally condemn the recent sectarian killings and beatings and
threats. Nothing worth having in Northern Ireland can be accomplished
through violence. I told the Prime Minister that we will continue to do
all we can to advance the cause of peace and, of course, I asked for and
received his advice in that regard.

The recent financial crisis in Asia demands action form the
international community. On our increasingly interconnected planet,
trouble in the far end of town can easily become a plague in our own
neighborhood. We agree that every affected nation must take
responsibility for implementing tough reforms and that other nations,
when they do that, when those nations that are affected do their part,
other nations should support helping them through the International
Monetary Fund.

We also looked at ways that we could work together to benefit our
people at home. As President of both the European Union and the G-7,
the United Kingdom will host two important summits in Birmingham this
May. The Prime Minister has told me he wants these summits to take
action that really will make a difference in our people's daily lives,
that lift their horizons and their dreams, stepping up our efforts to
combat drug traffickers, and helping every child to grow up in a safe
community.

Shielding our planet from the threat of global warming and
bringing our people the benefits of a growing economy and a clean
environment are important to us as well. It's also important that we
give our people the tools to make the most of their lives through
world-class education and training; help people to move from welfare to
work -- and I applaud the efforts that the Prime Minister is making on
that; give them access to the wonders of the Information Age -- that's
something we talked about yesterday at the Montgomery Blair High School
in Maryland; and dealing with the question of how to provide greater
security in the retirement years when the baby room generation retires.

We finally know that our two nations must continue to work and to
lead the world for security, prosperity, and peace. In 1942, in the
midst of the Second World War, President Roosevelt sent a message to Mr.
Churchill that said as follows: "When victory comes, we shall stand
shoulder to shoulder in seeking to nourish the great ideals for which we
fight." Today, on the verge of a new century and a new millennium, that
prediction has proved right. America is proud to stand with the United
Kingdom and with Europe and to work with its leader, Prime Minister Tony
Blair, to build an even brighter future.

Thank you Mr Prime Minister. The floor is yours.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you, Mr. President. And can I begin
by saying how grateful we have been for such a wonderful and warm
welcome here in the United States of America.

As the President has just indicated, we discussed obviously a
range of different topics. At top of the list, of course, was the
situation in respect to Iraq. And what we agreed was that we had to do
three things in particular. We have first of all to make sure that our
own public opinion was properly educated as to why it's so essential
that the UN inspectors are able to do their work. The amount of weapons
that they have already uncovered in the six or seven years that they
have been doing this task, and why it is therefore absolutely essential
that Saddam Hussein is brought back into line with UN Security Council
resolutions and the inspectors can go about their tasks unhindered.

We ourselves, a couple of days ago, in Britain, published a
document where we listed precisely all the various weapon finds the
inspectors have made. And when you go through that list and see all the
various attempts there have been to try and prevent the inspectors
carrying out their functions, then I think people can understand why it
is so necessary, so important for us, to be prepared to take whatever
action is necessary to ensure those inspectors can go back in and
fulfill their tasks.

Secondly, though, in relation to Iraq, it is important that we
stress all the time, of course we want a diplomatic solution, but it
must be a diplomatic solution based on and fully consistent with the
principles that we have set out. The question of whether there is such
a diplomatic solution rests ultimately with Saddam Hussein. He has the
choice. He can bring himself back into compliance with the agreements
he entered into, and then that diplomatic solution can be fulfilled.

Thirdly, however, we have of course to prepare in case diplomacy
cannot work. In view of the situation, we in Britain have been looking
at our own military readiness in case a diplomatic solution does not in
the end prove possible. We have decided to base eight Tornado GR-1
aircraft in Kuwait, with the full agreement of the government of Kuwait.
These are ground attack and reconnaissance aircraft. Their deployment
is a precautionary measure, and it will take place over the next few
days.

So all the way through, in respect to Iraq, we've agreed that we
must educate, we must engage in diplomacy, but we also must prepare.

In respect of Ireland, I want to place on record yet again my
thanks to the President for all the support he has given us in searching
for a lasting and peaceful political settlement in Ireland. As I've
found when I've addressed many members of Congress, the Senate here in
Washington, there is tremendous interest in the United States of America
in this process, and there is a great much-appreciated willingness on
your part to have that process succeed.

It isn't going to be easy; these things never are. But we do
believe that we have the best chance that we've had for many generations
to secure peace. And I wanted to emphasize yet again to you our total
and complete determination and commitment to find a peaceful way
through. With goodwill and with proper cooperation and with some trust
on all sides, I think it is possible.

And I thank the President for his condemnation of those sectarian
killings that have so disfigured the process over the past few weeks.
And I say yet again, what we must ensure is that those random, brutal,
unjustified acts of violence perpetrated by a small minority must not in
the end frustrate the wishes of the overwhelming majority of people in
Northern Ireland to secure a peaceful and stable future for themselves.

We discussed, of course, the Middle East peace process and Bosnia
and our commitment there. We discussed, as the President has mentioned
a moment ago, the global economy, the Asian crisis, and what measures we
should take in order to ensure that such crises are mitigated and do not
happen again.

We also laid out for the President and his colleagues our strategy
as President of the European Union, our commitment to ensure that
monetary union is successfully launched, our commitment to the
enlargement process bringing into the European Union those countries in
Eastern Europe and elsewhere.

And we discussed as well, and agreed, that it was important that
Europe strengthen its relationship with Turkey and that we build a
strong relationship with Turkey -- between Turkey and the European Union
for the future.

As good and interesting as anything else has been also the
possibility of exchanging ideas -- ideas about how government meets the
economic and social and political challenges of the future. As I said
in my speech this morning at the breakfast hosted by the Vice President,
there is a new Britain being shaped today. It is a Britain of
confidence, dynamism; it is a Britain that is proud of its past, but is
not living in it, and is shaping a future of which we can be proud also.
And I think in exchanging ideas and in seeing how much there are common
themes and common ideas for government between us, we can gain strength
in Britain and the United States from that partnership and relationship.

Finally, I would like to say personally how tremendously grateful
I've been, as I say, not merely for the warmth of the welcome extended
to us here, but for the great comradeship and partnership between the
United States of America and Great Britain that I know will strengthen
and strengthen evermore in the future.

Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Now, here's what we're going to do.
We're going to alternate; so I'll call on an American journalist, the
Prime Minister will call on a British journalist. Of course you're free
to ask whomever whatever you please. Helen.

Q Mr. President, despite the ongoing investigation, you've felt no
constraint in saying what your relationship with Monica Lewinsky is not,
was not. So it seems by logic that you ought to be able to say here and
now what was your relationship? Her lawyer says -- called it
"colleagues"; is that an apt description?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me first of all say, once again, I never
asked anybody to do anything but tell the truth. I know about the
stories today. I was pleased that Ms. Currie's lawyers stated
unambiguously this morning -- unambiguously -- that she's not aware of
any unethical conduct.

But this investigation is going on, and you know what the rules
for it are. And I just think as long as it is going on, I should not
comment on a specific question, because there's one, then there's
another, then there's another. It's better to let the investigation go
on and have me do my job and focus on my public responsibilities, and
let this thing play out its course. That's what I think I should do,
and that's what I intend to do.

Q Why leave people in the dark?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I am honoring the rules of the
investigation. And if someone else is leaking unlawfully out of the
grand jury proceeding, that is a different story. I am going to do -- I
have told the American people what I think is essential for them to know
about this and what I believe they want to know. What I'm doing is
going on with my work and cooperating with the investigation. And I do
not believe I should answer specific questions. I don't think that's
the right thing to do now.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Michael?

Q Is it not time, though, to drop the pretense that this is simply
business as usual? Have we not seen with the allegations that
surrounded the British Foreign Secretary but to a much greater degree
yourself, Mr. President, that this does affect the conduct of public
business. And far from dodging the point, as you did, Prime Minister,
yesterday, when you were asked about the private lives of public
figures, should you not both be saying that the public have the right to
expect the very highest standard in the private lives of public
politicians?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, Michael, I hope we do that but what
I would say to you is that what is essential is that we focus on the
issues that we were elected to focus upon. And in the discussions that
we have had over this past two days, we've been focusing on issues like
Iraq, where we are considering if diplomatic solutions fail taking
military action. We've been focusing on the peace process in Northern
Ireland that gives the chance for the first time in generations, after
centuries of conflict, for people to find a way through. We've been
focusing on the problems of the world economy, that if they're not
tackled could have a serious impact on the living standards of people
here and people in Britain, as well as people out in Asia.

These are the important questions -- for me, schools, hospitals,
crime, living standards, jobs that people want us to focus upon. And I
believe that it is absolutely essential that we stay focused upon those
things, and that we deliver for our people what we were elected to
deliver. Now, that is what I intend to do and I think that that is, in
the end, what the British people would expect me to do.

THE PRESIDENT: Terry.

Q Mr. President, switching to Iraq, the Prime Minister said that
you had to educate the public about Iraq. But I think the American
public is largely in the dark about what to expect about a military
attack on Iraq. Are you talking about something that lasts a day or
two, or something that lasts for weeks or months? And on a diplomatic
note, you've got France and China and Russia opposing this. Boris
Yeltsin says that it could lead to World War III. What gives Britain
and the United States the right to go it alone on this?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, you asked about five questions there in one.
Let me try to unpack it. First of all, the most important thing, the
best thing that could be done, what we hope will happen, is that there
will be a diplomatic solution to this which will result in the
inspection teams from the United Nations being able to return and have
unfettered access to the appropriate sites, because -- the Prime
Minister I think put out a paper just a couple of days ago pointing out
the incredible work that's been done by the inspection teams. That's
the best thing.

Now, whether there is a diplomatic solution or not is entirely up
to Saddam Hussein. If he decides that he wants to continue to have the
freedom to rebuild his weapons program, then I believe that the clear
mandate for the world community, based on not only the resolutions of
the United Nations, but the danger this would present to the interest
and values of the United States, the people of Great Britain, the people
of the region, is to do what we can to weaken his ability to develop
those weapons of mass destruction and visit them on his neighbors.

You know I never discuss operational plans; I wouldn't do that. I
think the important thing is that you know that I don't want this;
nobody wants this. We want a diplomatic solution. It's up to him.

The second thing I would say is, the Secretary of State has been
working very hard in the last several days, has traveled, as you know,
widely. I have been on the phone a lot. I believe there is more
agreement than at first it appears about the necessity to push this
thing through to the end.

And I will continue to talk with President Yeltsin and President
Chirac and others, but consider the alternative. After all, this man is
the only repeat offender around with chemical weapons. He used them on
his own people. He used them on the Iranians. And I believe it's a
very serious thing. And I think that the American people will
understand that.

Q World war, as President Yeltsin said?

THE PRESIDENT: I don't understand what scene of circumstances
would lead to that development. I don't believe that will happen.

Q On Iraq, you said we need to educate, Prime Minister. It isn't
entirely clear what the objective military action would be. Is it
intended as a punishment for Saddam Hussein? Is it intended as a
substitute for the work of the weapons inspectors to strike? Or would
it continue until Saddam said, all right, I'll let them in. And also
you've announced the deployment of some aircraft. Is there any
intention to deploy ground troops at all, British ground troops?

THE PRIME MINISTER: No, the deployment that we have made is the
deployment that I have described of the aircraft. And in respect to the
objectives, well, the objectives are very clear. That is to ensure
either that the weapons inspectors can come in and finish their task, or
that the capability that Saddam Hussein undoubtedly has and wants to
develop for weapons of mass destruction is taken out. And it is
absolutely essential that what we do is focus upon the best way possible
that we can do that.

Now, obviously, as the President was saying a moment or two ago,
it is not sensible or serious to start discussing the details of the
military options available to us. But the purpose of this the whole way
through, the reason we are in this situation, is because he has been
developing weapons of mass destruction. The only barrier to that has
been the inspectors. If the inspectors are prevented from doing their
work, then we have to make sure by the military means of which we are
capable that, insofar as possible, that capacity ceases. And that is
the objective. And it's an objective that I think is fully in line, as
I say, with the original agreements under which Saddam Hussein
undertook.

Remember, he agreed -- he undertook to destroy any weapons of mass
destruction capability, whether nuclear, chemical, or biological. Now,
he's in breach of that. We've got to make sure he complies one way or
another with it.

Q Mr. President, just to go back to the controversy that's been
surrounding you lately. There have been various reports that in some
ways have come to be accepted as fact. And I just want to give you an
opportunity. One of them is that in sworn testimony to the lawyers for
Paula Jones, that you changed your version of your relationship with
Gennifer Flowers. And I just wondered if you can tell us. I mean --

THE PRESIDENT: Let me just say this, again, even though the
judge's order has been routinely violated by the other side in the case,
the judge has issued strict orders in the case that covers everybody,
including me, not to discuss it. I can tell you this, and I'm confident
as this thing plays out it will become more apparent in the future, if
you go back -- I told the truth in my deposition, with regard to that
issue, and I also did in 1992 when I did the interview, which I think
was rerun the other night -- the interview that Hillary and I did on 60
Minutes.

You just have to know that, and I think it will become apparent as
this case plays itself out that I did in fact do that, but I am not
going to discuss that. The judge has given us strict orders not to
discuss anything related to that case. The other side has violated it
on a regular basis. I don't intend to do that; I'm just not going to do
it.

Q Prime Minister, Mr. President, is it possible for you to launch
an attack if you don't have on board the French, the Russians, the
Chinese?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think, John, you have to distinguish very
carefully between what of course are, I accept, varying degrees of
enthusiasm or commitment for the military option, with the complete
unanimity there is in the world community that Saddam Hussein has to
comply with the resolutions, and that his capacity to develop weapons of
mass destruction must be halted.

Now, it is difficult for us to see -- and for me to see, quite
frankly -- that if you take that as the position, how diplomacy, unless
it is backed up at least by the threat of force, is ever going to work
and succeed. But it would be wrong, I think, to think that either, for
example, our French or our Russian colleagues were not absolutely
insistent that Saddam Hussein comply with these resolutions, and they
are making diplomatic efforts in order to ensure that that happens. I
wish those efforts well, provided they are fully consistent with the
principles that have been set out.

It is just that we take the view -- and I think experience teaches
us that this is the only realistic view of Saddam Hussein -- that unless
you back up whatever diplomatic initiatives you're taking with saying
quite clearly, well, if diplomacy doesn't work, the option of force is
there, then those diplomatic initiatives are unlikely to succeed. But
it's important that we realize that it is in that area that any
difference lies, not in the insistence of the world community that he
must come into line with those UN resolutions.

Q Mr. President, your spokesman this morning described to us, in
his words, a very dangerous environment following these alleged leaks.
What's your own assessment of the legal atmosphere? And we understand
that your attorneys are planning to take some action about this. What
action do they intend to take?

THE PRESIDENT: I think you should talk to them. I don't want to
comment on what they're going to do. They're fully capable of speaking
for themselves and for me in this case.

Q And your comment, sir, on the effect of the leaks?

THE PRESIDENT: I don't have anything to add to what has already
been said about that.

Q Can I ask the Prime Minister, you could have come here and
simply talked about serious politics, but some people are being struck
by the warmth of the personal statements of support that you've given to
the President. Could I ask, have you ever considered that that might be
a politically risky strategy? And could I ask the President, have you
appreciated those comments from Mr. Blair?

THE PRIME MINISTER: To be quite honest with you, I've said it
because I believed it and because I think it is the right thing to do.
And I've worked with President Clinton now for some nine months as
British Prime Minister. I have found him throughout someone I could
trust, someone I could rely upon, someone I am proud to call not just a
colleague, but a friend. And in the end, you either decide in politics
when you're asked about people, you're going to say how you actually
feel or you're going to make a whole series of calculations. And my
belief is that the right thing to say is what you feel.

And I happen to think, whether this is my place to say it or not,
that if you look at the American economy, if you look at the respect
with which America is held right around the world today, if you look at
the standing and authority of the President, it's a pretty impressive
record for anyone.

THE PRESIDENT: You ask do I appreciate it? No, I -- (laughter).
He should have come here and jumped all over me. (Laughter).

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Do you want me to come back in now?
(Laughter).

THE PRESIDENT: Of course I do. But, you know, I think its also a
testament about -- there's been a lot of people bandy about the word
"character" in sometimes loose and uncertain contexts. I think, the
people who stand up and say things that they believe when it would be
just as easy to walk away show a certain kind of character that I think
is essential in a public leader. And I'm very gratified that Tony Blair
has done that -- not only for personal reasons, but because I think it
will strengthen his authority as a world leader.

Yes, go ahead. Mike?

Q Mr. President, all these questions about your personal life have
to be painful for you and your family. At what point do you consider
that it's just not worth it and do you consider resigning from office?
(Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: Never. You know, I was elected to do a job. I
think the American people know two or three things about me now that
they didn't know the first time this kind of effort was made against me.
I think they know that I care very much about them, that I care about
ordinary people whose voices aren't often heard here. And I think they
know I have worked very, very hard for them. And I think they know now,
more often than not, the ideas I had and the things I fought for turned
out to be right in terms of the consequences for the American people. I
think they know all that.

And I'm just going to keep showing up for work. I'm going to do
what I was hired to do. And I'm going to try to keep getting good
results for them. The pain threshold, at least for our side, being in
public life today has been raised. But to give into that would be to
give into everything that I've fought against and what got me into this
race in 1991, to try to run for President in the first place.

I have tried to bring an end to this sort of thing in our public
life. I've tried to bring the American people together. I've tried to
depersonalize politics and take the venom out of it. And the harder
I've tried to do it, the harder others have pulled in the other
direction. That doesn't mean I'm wrong. And I would never walk away
from the people of this country and the trust they've placed in me.

Q This morning you said that the UK faced two painful years.
Could you expand on what you meant by that?

THE PRIME MINISTER: Yes. As I was saying to people this morning,
I mean, there are some very tough decisions that we have had to take in
order to deal both with the structural budget deficit with the inflation
that was back in the system that we inherited when we came to power, and
with an educational and welfare system that, frankly, is just nowhere
near where it needs to be for the 21st century. And making those
changes is going to be tough.

Welfare reform isn't going to be easy. It will be unpopular in
certain quarters. Taking the measures to cure the budget deficit has
been hard when people want more money spent or more public services.
And we're saying, look, we can't go on. We'd have a higher level --
debt levels and borrowing; we've got to act. So we've taken the action
on interest rates and given the Bank of England independence. We've cut
the structural deficit. A balanced budget is something we'll be able to
talk about on the other side of the water as well, in a few years' time.

We're putting through a massive program of reform on education and
welfare. But it will be tough, and it will take us some time to get it
through. But as I said this morning, I am an unashamed long-termist. I
believe in making sure that the decisions that we take aren't based on
the next day's headlines, but are based on where we really want the
country to be some years down the line.

And particularly when we're facing such enormous global economic
challenges, we can't afford either to lose a grip on monetary or fiscal
prudence or to leave our education and welfare system in the state
they're in. So, yes, it will be tough, but it will be worth it in the
end.

THE PRESIDENT: Let me just make one comment to support something
the Prime Minister just said, when he said he was an unashamed
long-termist. In a funny way, when societies change as fast and as much
as our societies are changing today, when the pace of events and their
variety make it more difficult to predict what will happen next week or
next month, it is even more important to be oriented toward the long
term, because you have to figure that if you lay in a structure of
opportunity for a free people, they'll get it right and they'll overcome
all these unpredictable developments in the meanwhile. That's why I
think the approach that he has taken is so wise and so right -- not only
for Great Britain, but for any other country as well.

Q I'm wondering if you could elaborate on something that the First
Lady said recently about a right wing conspiracy who's working against
you. Could you explain how that conspiracy works? And, specifically,
are Linda Tripp, Ken Starr, and Monica Lewinsky part of that conspiracy?

THE PRESIDENT: Now, you know I've known her a long time, the
First Lady, and she's very smart. And she's hardly ever wrong about
anything. (Laughter.) But I don't believe I should amplify on her
observation in this case.

Q Do you agree with her?

Q One of your common shared themes you keep on telling your voters
is this matter of their rights go with responsibilities. Now, you, as
elected leaders, have extraordinary rights and privileges, yet you seem
to be saying that there's no extension of responsibilities as far as
personal integrity is concerned. Is that what you're really saying --
if you're delivering on the job, the big picture, it doesn't matter what
you get up to in your private life?

THE PRIME MINISTER: No, nobody is saying that you don't have
obligations of personal integrity. Of course that's right. But what we
are trying to say to you is the responsibilities with which we were
asked by our people to discharge, those responsibilities are in the
issues where we can affect them as leaders of the country.

If you go to Britain today and you talk to the British people --
and I do ask -- it just could be that sometimes you guys in the media
are not in exactly the same place as a lot of public opinion in terms of
the priorities people have. But if you go out there and you talk to
British people and you say, what do you want this new Labour government
to do, they will talk to you about ensuring we don't have boom and bust,
but that we have steadily rising living standards. They'll talk about
job security. They'll talk about the state of their schools. They'll
talk about the national health service. They'll talk about the welfare
system and the crime in their streets. They'll talk about security in
old age.

They will talk about these things and they will care about these
things. And they will expect us to deliver those responsibilities. And
of course it's a great privilege for us to occupy the positions that we
do. But in the end, the judgment that the people make of us is a
judgment based on what we said that we would do and whether we fulfilled
the promises that we made. And that's certainly what we intend to do.

And I do think also that people understand and want political
leadership that addresses these fundamental questions in a way that
means something to them. When I was at the Montgomery Blair High School
yesterday with the President, and the President got up and addressed the
young men and women and the teachers and staff and the parents that were
there, and started going through the education program that he was
unveiling and had formed part of the State of the Union address and
everything -- some of those things in terms of class sizes and new
technology in the schools were very familiar to the British contingent
here as things that we're tying to do in Britain.

I mean, the enthusiasm and the delight with which those things
were greeted, because those people knew that in the end that's what they
elected their President to do, that's what they elected me to do. And
those are the things that they want from us, and we've got to make sure,
all the time, that we're focusing on that big picture. And, you know,
whatever other issues come along and distract us, in the end, the
judgment of history upon us will be pretty poor if those weren't the
things that when we go to bed at night we're thinking about, those
weren't the things that we're worried about and concerned about
throughout the entirety of our society, because those are the things
which really make a difference to their lives.

Q Mr. President, Monica Lewinsky's life has been changed forever.
Her family's life has been changed forever. I wonder how you feel about
that and what, if anything, you'd like to say to Monica Lewinsky at this
minute.

THE PRESIDENT: That's good. (Laughter). That's good. But at
this minute, I am going to stick with my position of not commenting.

Q While relations with -- between Britain and the United States
appear to be splendid right now, there is a darkening cloud over the
relations with Italy. The Prime Minister, the President, the Defense
Minister has issued some very harsh statements about the accident the
other day when a low-flying Marine plane severed a cable and the car
fell. There's a lot of anger. Some people in Italy are even asking for
the closing of the Aviano base. What do you have to say to them?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, what happened was horrible.
And when I heard about it, I was very shaken. As you know, there was a
period of a few hours there where it wasn't clear how many people had
died, and where there was another whole gondola suspended, where many
more people could have died, and thank God they were rescued. The whole
thing has been an agony for the people of Italy -- there were a
substantial number of Germans killed -- and I'm sure for the pilot of
the plane and for the people in our military based in Aviano, where I
have been on more than one occasion.

I can tell you what I think should be done. I called Prime
Minister Prodi, and I told him that I was heartsick about it, that I
would make absolutely sure there was a no-holds-barred full
investigation of what happened, that the Italians would be kept fully
informed and be a part of it, and that we would work with them in every
way possible to make sure that they knew that we tried to get to the
bottom of it and to handle it in the appropriate way.

You know, in our military every year -- I say this to the American
people all the time, but let me just say this. It is an inherently
dangerous business. Now, we don't know what the facts are here; maybe
somebody made a careless mistake. We don't know. I do not know what
the facts are and I will not render judgment until I do. But we lose
about 200 people every year in military service in America on training
exercise or otherwise on duty. And those planes fly very fast. And I
don't know what the description of the mission was. I want to wait
until I see exactly what the facts are. But we -- it is inherently more
dangerous than I think we think from time to time.

Now, I told the Prime Minister of Italy and I'll tell you: I will
do everything I can to find out exactly what happened and take
appropriate action and to satisfy the people of Italy that we have done
the right thing. I understand why they are hurt and heartbroken and
angry. And they are entitled to answers and we'll try to give them to
them.

Go ahead, the gentleman in the back. I promised one more. Last
question, go ahead.

Q Mr. President, do you believe that air strikes alone are going
to remove the threat of biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons from
Saddam Hussein? Is that a fair thing to expect from military action,
should push come to shove in the Gulf?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, there have been many thoughtful public
pieces -- a lot of very thoughtful articles which have been written
about the limits, as well as the possibilities, of any kind of military
action. I think the precise question should be -- that I should have to
ask and answer -- is could any military action, if all else fails,
substantially reduce or delay Saddam Hussein's capacity to develop
weapons of mass destruction and to deliver them on his neighbors. The
answer to that, I am convinced, is yes. I am convinced there is a yes
answer there.

But you have to understand that those are the criteria for me.
I've told you before, I don't believe we need to refight the Gulf War.
It's history, it happened, that's the way it is. I don't believe we
need to get into a direct war with Iraq over the leadership of the
country. Do I think the country would be better served if it had a
different leader? Of course I do. That's not the issue.

The issue is that very sharp question, if the inspection regime is
dead and therefore we cannot continue to make progress on getting the
stuff out of there in the first place -- and then keep in mind there are
two things about this regime. There's the progress on getting the stuff
out of there in the first place, and then there is the monitoring
system, which enables people on a regular basis to go back to
high-probability sites to make sure nothing is happening to rebuild it.

So if that is dead, is there an option which would permit us to
reduce and/or delay his capacity to bring those weapons up and to
deliver them? I think the answer to that is yes, there is an option
that would permit that.

Q Prime Minister, as a man who understands the pressures of public
life and also a friend and a religious man, I wonder what words of
advice and support and comfort and sympathy you might have been able to
offer personally to the President during these difficult times when he's
under investigation?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: That's what, in the British media, is
called a helpful question. If I can -- I don't presume to give advice
at all. All I think is important, which is what we have managed to do,
is to discuss the issues that we set out and listed for you. And, as I
say, I think we would be pretty much failing in our duty if we weren't
to do that. And I've actually noticed since I've been here and I've
talked to many people here that there is, of course, a huge concern at
the moment at what is happening in Iraq. There's huge interest in
Britain, in the new government, and what we're trying to do in Northern
Ireland. And, you know, I think the best thing is for us to concentrate
upon those issues for the very reasons I've given -- that that's what we
were elected to do, and that's what I intend to do. And that's what
President Clinton is doing, and I think he's quite right.