Chiapas Article

Planned Pueblo Panama Spells Disaster for Mexico and Central America

"Chiapas Today" -- Bulletin #312
Posted 11/12/2002

by CIEPAC (Chiapas-based Center for Economic and Political Investigations
of Community Action)

A "PPP" PRIMER, IN 17 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

Since President Vicente Fox of Mexico announced the birth of the Plan
Puebla Panama (PPP) in 2000, hundreds of articles have come out on the
subject. There now are even books available. But for many people the PPP
is a new and unknown topic, and we thus offer herein to our readers a
primer on the topic, as a first introduction, which in due course can
be complimented by other studies.

For further information, our readers are directed to CIEPAC's web page
(www.ciepac.org) which
contains a special section on the PPP with some articles in English and
links to other sources.

1. Is there a one or two sentence summary of what the PPP is?
On one level the Plan Puebla Panama is very easy to understand. It is
a vast infrastructure construction project, designed to please big business,
that covers 9 states in south-southeast Mexico and the 7 Central American
republics.

2. Who is pushing the PPP the hardest? Ostensibly the answer is
Mexico, since the PPP was supposedly conceived by the present Fox administration,
but its antecedents lie in plans and projects previously designed by the
World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank for Mexico and Central
America. After Fox was inaugurated in December 2000, he put a number of
the construction projects in Mexico and Central America into a single
PPP package. Fox presented the package to the Central American presidents
in a summit meeting in El Salvador on June 15, 2001, which was subsequently
approved.

3. Does the PPP have anything to do with NAFTA (North American "Free"
Trade Agreement)? NAFTA is a 1994 trade agreement that "sets the rules"
for trade among nations, in this case between Mexico, Canada and the US.
Now, the US seeks to expand the same rules to all 34 countries in North,
Central and South America, plus the Caribbean nations (except Cuba), in
a trade agreement known as the FTAA ("Free" Trade Area of the Americas).
The FTAA, we might add, has a geopolitical dimension of great importance
to the United States. It would create a single trading block, "from the
Yukon to the Patagonia", under US hegemony, that will rival the European
and Asian blocks. FTAA carves out the Western Hemisphere for the United
States, at least in terms of trade. So the trade agreements (NAFTA and
FTAA) are a necessary prerequisite for the "proper investment climate"
that corporations are looking for. The PPP goes a step further by channeling
billions of state funds to develop needed infrastructure to further interest
corporations.

4. How does the PPP tie into other plans? The PPP ties in with
a similar infrastructure project in South America called IIRSA (South
America Regional Infrastructure Integration Initiative). The PPP and IIRSA
seek to create basic infrastructure, or improve that which exists, in
an effort to entice large corporations into investing in the area. The
improvements in infrastructure would essentially boost corporate profits
by easing, for example, the movement of goods in and out of the region,
by improving roads. Yet the cost of infrastructure projects would be borne
to a large degree by the people of the countries involved, either through
direct taxpayer payments, or through loans taken out by participating
countries that will eventually be repaid through taxpayer contributions.

5. Why is the PPP of importance to people who live outside the Mexico-Central
American region? Why should it be of particular interest to Americans?
Because mostly American MNC interests will be benefited. The PPP will
make it easier for large multinational corporations (MNCs) to invest in
a region that is rich in oil, mineral deposits, timber, tourism sites.
It is one of the most biologically diverse areas in the world, making
it of interest to pharmaceutical, seed, and genetic-research firms. It
is also strategic for the area's geography since it is the narrowest part
of the Americas, making it a natural corridor for east-west trade.

6. But wait. You say MNCs will be interested, but MNCs come in all
shape and sizes. The PPP wouldn't benefit just American MNCs, would it?
Quite right. Investment capital from throughout the world might find it
profitable to invest in the PPP area, but for a number of reasons American
companies are sure to be the major beneficiaries. Here's why: For one,
it is in the US historical "backyard", where the US has had a major say
in how things are run since the 19th century, to favor its own political
and corporate interests. As US Secretary of State Colin Powell has said
with startling frankness, "Our objective with the FTAA is to assure for
American corporations control of a territory that runs from the North
Pole to the Antarctica, free access, without any hindrance or difficulty
for our products, services, technology and capital through the hemisphere".
(2) .Security strategists have taken renewed interest in Mexico and Central
America since the September 11 attacks. .George W. Bush proposed a new
free-trade agreement with the Central American republics in January 2002.
.President Bush recently won "fast-track" negotiating authority from Congress
which will allow him to push through other trade agreements, such as the
FTAA. .Most of Mexico and Central America's trade, both imports and exports,
is closely tied to the US. In the case of Mexico, upwards of 85% of its
exports go to the US and a similar amount of its imports come from the
US. Central America is similarly dependent on the United States for its
foreign trade, but to a lesser degree. (3) All of this means that American
MNCs are the most closely linked to this region.

7. Why has this particular area been so designated? Why link the south-southeast
of Mexico to Central America? The official line has to do with promoting
foreign investment in an area which, although rich in natural resources,
has some of the highest poverty in the Americas. The Fox administration,
at the urging of the IDB and the World Bank, touted the Plan Puebla Panama
as a way of addressing the region's poverty in a supposed "integral" manner.
For neoliberal politicians and strategists, poverty must be addressed,
but not necessarily "resolved" (which would entail looking at why people
are poor in the first place). Their way of addressing poverty is through
job creation that hopefully will come with MNC investment, once large
companies are enticed into the PPP area.

8. Well, if the PPP area is so rich in resources and opportunities,
why haven't MNCs been chomping at the bit to get in and invest? MNCs
are anxious to exploit opportunities worldwide that will increase profits,
but precisely because there is competition throughout the world for investment
capital, MNCs can be choosy. They want things their way, and that means
having basic infrastructure constraints resolved, but obviously at government
(i.e., taxpayers') expense. For example, why put factories in an area
where there is a shortage of reliable sources of energy? If roads are
poor, how are inputs and outputs to make their way into and out of factories?
If large tracts of land are necessary for monoculture export crops, have
the poor farmers been moved out, or neutralized by some sort of deal cut
by the government? Same goes for harvesting interesting plants and microorganisms
in areas rich in biodiversity. Have the indigenous people been removed
or neutralized, thus facilitating MNC access without lengthy delays and
(potentially embarrassing) hassles? The MNCs want these aspects addressed
before investing a dime. This is on top of the usual government giveaways:
free land on which to build factories, free utilities and tax holidays
for decades, government-financed training of the workforce, and other
perks.

9. What specifically, then, is the PPP going to do to entice MNC capital
to sit up and take notice? One of the major components of the PPP
is highway construction. Two major corridors are to be built, running
roughly from the Texas-Mexico border, around the Gulf of Mexico, to the
Yucatán peninsula, with spurs leading into Belize, Guatemala and into
Honduras. The other is a Pacific coast route that will run from Mexico
City, parallel the Pacific into Guatemala, through Central America into
Panama. Another major component in the works is dam construction. A total
of 25 dams is planned for the region that will generate the energy needed
for greater industrialization of the PPP area and supply the US market.
This aspect harbors the greatest threat for indigenous people in the area,
due to the flooding of thousands of acres of presently-inhabited land,
and destruction of archeological sites, old-growth forests, indigenous
communities and even cities. Between two to five dams are on the drawing
board for the Usumacinta River that divides Mexico and Guatemala. Also,
if we look at a map of the PPP region, we see it is the narrowest point
of the Americas. Much infrastructure is to be built linking the Atlantic
Ocean to the Pacific. A "land bridge" in the Tehuantepec Isthmus, at Mexico's
narrowest point, is under construction, which would assure speedy passage
of containerized goods for burgeoning east-west trade.

10. What are the major components of the PPP? There are eight
components. When formally presented by PPP officials, the components are
usually given in the following order: 1. Sustainable development 2. Human
development 3. Prevention and mitigation of natural disasters 4. Tourism
promotion 5. Facilitation of trade 6. Highway integration 7. Energy interconnection
8. Integration of telecommunication services The last four, however, are
where the emphasis is being placed; in other words the infrastructure
needed to "entice" the multinational corporations into investing in the
PPP area. The greatest funding is for construction or upgrading highways,
followed by energy interconnection and facilitation of trade. These eight
components each have separate "mega-projects", some 28 in total.

11. Just how much money is behind the PPP and where is it coming from?
The PPP is currently budgeted at US$10 billion, but some sources place
the figure at US$25 billion. Principal lenders of this amount are the
IDB [Inter-American Development Bank], the World Bank, European Union,
the Andean Development Corporation (CAF), the Central American Integration
Bank (BCIE), and development agencies of the US, Japan, Spain and other
countries. Some PPP countries will use taxpayer funds to create or improve
PPP infrastructure. For example, Mexico has budgeted US$550 million for
16 PPP projects and studies in 2002 (down from the original US$742 million,
due to budget cuts). Again, most of the money has to do with highway construction,
on the order of 84%. Some private companies have begun to underwrite certain
infrastructure costs, but with the intent of getting in on the action
early in order to corner the market. One example is found within the energy
interconnection component. This plan will link the energy grids of Mexico
and Central America, and is slated to cost US$405 million. The Spanish
energy company ENDESA is putting in US$45.8 million and in so doing becomes
a co-owner of the network.

12. How will the PPP affect development? Depends how you define
development. The PPP is a public-works scheme whose intent is to draw
foreign investment into the region. Consequently the PPP is designed to
please big business interests. While some of the components (see list
in question 10) purportedly address the poverty in the region, these are
the least-developed and least-funded components. Neoliberal economists
might argue that the PPP covers "social development" insofar as they posit
that private investment will create jobs and thus eradicate poverty. But
this is an absurd simplification. Neither public nor private investment
automatically leads to higher living standards for the poor, unless steps
have been taken beforehand to eliminate the structural injustices that
exist in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres. In fact,
investment often deepens poverty, as has been the case during the last
20 years of neoliberal policies, precisely because existing injustices
have not been eliminated. Thus the rich and powerful benefit more from
investments. In fact no pro-poor policies are contemplated for the PPP
that would address the roots of structural poverty. The plans and projects
are designed in collaboration with and for big business, not for the 65
million people who live in the PPP area, the vast majority of whom are
in poverty (75% living with less than US$2 a day). Many activists are
against the PPP for a number of reasons, but among the most important
is the exploitation of natural resources for corporate profit, with only
token consideration, or not at all, for the people who will be directly
affected by the projects carried out. The PPP area has on the order of
a hundred distinct ethnic groups, the majority of whom have not heard
of the PPP. At times those consulted by the government and/or the banks
have been brought into the fold with vague promises of particular works
and benefits for their groups.

13. What about the environmental aspects of the PPP? Another reason
activists have opposed the PPP is that it is environmentally unsound.
One of the principal components is the "Meso-American Biological Corridor",
one of the World Bank's pet projects for years, whose intent is to link
various biologically rich and diverse patches of territory throughout
the PPP region. Although defended on ecological arguments regarding the
need to ensure gene pools and protect territory for diverse animals and
plants, the corridors will be opened up for exploitation by pharmaceutical
and seed companies, seeking to patent new biological matter. One of the
major bioengineering and seed companies in the world, Pulsar, already
has signed agreements with Conservation International to work jointly
in the Lacandón jungle in Chiapas. CI is a supposed environmental NGO,
whose 27-member board of directors harbors CEOs from giant corporations
such as Navigation Technologies Corporation, Eagle River Inc. (a telecom
holding), Hyatt Development Corporation, First Philippine Holding Corporation
(gas and electricity conglomerate), USA Networks, and others. When one
begins to see the multiple business connections and interests, it is difficult
to avoid concluding that the PPP is more about energy and resource extraction
than it is about development.

14. But surely there will be some positive "spill-over" effects of
this investment and economic activity for the poor of the region?
It's hard to see what they might be. If we keep in mind that this is a
plan for big business, then it is easy to understand that all its aspects
are geared to please corporate interests, not to benefit the poor majority.
A US$10 billion plan to benefit the poor majority would look very different,
with emphasis placed on building schools, rural clinics, feeder roads
to get agricultural goods to market, rather than toll highways, hydroelectric
dams, etc. But if we search for "spill-over" effects, one of the highly-touted
benefits that the PPP will bring is, supposedly, jobs for the poor. Not
just any jobs, but maquiladora jobs. Maquiladoras are the sweat-shops
that have operated on Mexico's northern border since 1966. Most of them
are assembly plants that bring in parts from other countries and use cheap
labor to make finished products. Health and safety requirements, and labor
rights, such as the freedom of workers to organize, are laxly enforced
on the maquiladoras, and sometimes not at all. Nor do maquiladoras comply
with other requirements, such as using locally-made goods as inputs, or
transferring technology to the host country. Maquiladoras de-link production
from the host country's needs, and respond exclusively to the needs of
the MNCs that set them up. It would be unfair to deny that maquiladoras
have provided employment to over a million people, just on Mexico's northern
border. But apart from the (low) wages they pay, their benefits have been
practically nil for the rest of the economy. In spite of certain dynamism
(which, in fact, has fallen in the past two years), the maquiladoras'
separation from the rest of the economy makes it virtually impossible
for other sectors of the economy to benefit. Yet this is the economic
model that the PPP seeks to encourage in Mexico and Central America. The
improved infrastructure that the PPP would bring, plus the low wages paid
in south Mexico and Central America, would entice MNCs to set up maquiladoras
that, in turn, would absorb, in theory, some of the peasants that are
sure to be expelled from their land due to certain PPP projects such as
dams.

15. Are there alternatives to these corporate-led plans? Yes.
For example the Hemispheric Social Alliance, a group of civil organizations
from throughout the Americas, has drawn up a detailed alternative proposal
to the free trade agreements and the rules of the game that the rich and
powerful would impose on us through the FTAA. The proposal has received
support from hundreds of civil and social organizations throughout the
Americas. The HSA's documents are available on their web page or through
organizations such as Common
Frontiers in Canada, and Alliance for Responsible Trade in the United
States, . As Global Exchange has written, "Policy makers
and pundits often try to make it seem that corporate globalization is
a naturally occurring phenomenon. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
In fact, the current economic processes known as "globalization" have
been defined and driven by a very small number of corporations. Citizens
around the world are creating an alternative: grassroots globalization
-- people's globalization -- that puts economic, social and political
justice at the center of trade and investment. Citizens groups from across
the Western Hemisphere have written an "alternative agreement for the
Americas" that offers guidelines for building this socially responsible
and environmentally sustainable commerce." (www.globalexchange.org)

16. What are people doing locally to protest the PPP? In a year
and a half there have been three regional encounters on the PPP that have
brought activists together from Mexico, Central America and other parts
of the world. These events have been held in Chiapas, Mexico (March 2001),
Guatemala (November 2001), and Nicaragua (July 2002). A fourth such encounter
is scheduled for Honduras in March 2003. Attendance at the events has
grown from over 300 participants in Chiapas to over 1,200 in Nicaragua,
representing over 400 organizations. Participants at the PPP encounters
have sounded a resolute NO! to the PPP. Activists are coordinating education
and protest activities on a national level, and, in Nicaragua, agreed
to a region-wide day of protest on October 12, 2002. The protests will
vary from country to country, but may include sit-ins at border crossings,
protest marches at PPP infrastructure works, demonstrations at the Inter-American
Development Bank and World Bank offices in each country, etc.

17. What can I do to help? Find out more about the PPP and then
talk about it to your organization, community or neighborhood group. Get
training so as to give talks. There are organizations who can help you
to do this. Talk to groups about the PPP's links to the wider FTAA negotiations
now underway. Tell people that there are alternatives to corporate globalization,
and that different options have been proposed by the Hemispheric Social
Alliance. Get the word out that people organizing together have achieved
victories against corporate globalization throughout the world, and that
activists, organizers, and common citizens from the PPP have met on three
occasions in the past year and a half to say NO! to the PPP. And that
they need your solidarity and participation. Find out how you and your
group can protest the PPP on October 12,2002, or join the activities of
other groups. Continue to encourage grassroots globalization. Notes within
the text: (1) One of the most complete books is a series of essays published
as "Mesoamérica, los ríos profundos: Alternativas plebeyas al Plan Puebla-Panamá"
(published by Instituto Maya, Armando Bartra, Coordinator, Mexico City,
2001). We know of no book yet in English on the subject. (2) Osvaldo León,
"Movilización continental contra el ALCA", January 24, 2002, in ALAI (Agencia
Latinoamericana de Información), http://alainet.org/docs/1698.html (3)
The figure for Mexico during 1994-1998 is 85.1%, according to a Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UN) study by Enrique Dussel
Peters, "El Tratado de Libre Comercio de Norteamérica y el desempeño de
la economía en México" (Mexico City, 2000), ref. LC/MEX/L.431, p. 20.
Miguel Pickard. === CIEPAC (Center for Economic and Political Investigations
of Community Action):

If you would like to contribute, in any amount, we would infinitely
appreciate your remittance to the bank account in the name of: CIEPAC,
A.C Bank: Banamex Account number: 7049672 Sucursal 386 San Cristóbal de
las Casas, Chiapas, México. You will also need to use an ABA number: BNMXMXMM
Thank you! CIEPAC.