"In each
generation," write Aarons and Loftus, "Soviet
intelligence created 'anti-Communist' emigre front
groups, ostensibly to foment revolution and topple
Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support from the
West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and
close ties forged with various Western intelligence
services. This enabled the Communist double agents
running the front groups to co-opt the legitimate emigre
opposition, splinter their leadership and provoke them
into premature and poorly organized rebellions which were
easily defeated. More importantly, the false front groups
were a vehicle for long-term Soviet penetration of
Western society. . . ."

The authors identify one
of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi Soyuz (NTS), or
the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented itself
as a group of anti-communist "moles" inside the
Kremlin and, in the 1920s, recruited a Communist agent
named Prince Anton Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who
actually worked for Soviet Military intelligence (GRU),
went on to penetrate French, Japanese, Italian, British,
German, and even the Vatican intelligence services before
the end of World War II.

"After World War II, Turkel worked for West
German intelligence (the Gehlen Org), collaborated with
many of the spy services of NATO, including the American
Military Intelligence Service (MIS - for offensive
intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps
(CIC - for defensive purposes), the ultra-secret State
Department Office of Policy Co-ordination and the Central
Intelligence Agency. . ." (21)

"Just before World War II began," according
to the authors, "an Austrian Jew named Richard
Kauder created a secret intelligence network, code named
MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt -
Turkel's intelligence chief ["Unholy Trinity,"
Aarons and Loftus, p. 166] - "worked exclusively for
Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German spy chief who
collaborated with the Vatican and the British to topple
Hitler during the war [the group known as the Black
Orchestra]."

The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of
"so-called Fascist Jews" who "were willing
to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the glory of the
Third Reich but to save themselves and their families
from the concentration camps." The Max network was
supposed to have had "the only communication link to
a secret network of 'White' Russian Fascists inside the
Kremlin [Turkel's NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated
Stalin's military headquarters prior to World War
II." But, the authors continue, "the Max
network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were, in
fact, Communist Jews who risked their lives inside the
heart of the Third Reich's intelligence service."

The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding
them false intelligence on the capabilities and
intentions of the Soviet Union, leading "the Nazi
divisions into a series of death traps on the Eastern
front." The Max double-agents were responsible for
the Nazis defeats at Stalingrad, "the giant battle
of Kursk where Hitler's tank divisions were slaughtered.
The final sting," continue the authors, "was to
mislead Germany into believing that the Red army was on
the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact the Soviets
were preparing for the most massive onslaught of the war.

"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the
'Fascist Jews' of the Max network did more to defeat the
German army than all the Western intelligence services
combined. Seventy percent of all Hitler's divisions were
destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a result of
the misleading intelligence supplied by Max." (22)

When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen
Dulles ordered the ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the
Max network." Gehlen already had plans to do just
that, intending "to make Turkel's Max network the
centerpiece of his new West German intelligence agency.
As soon as a Republican president was elected in the
United States, Dulles intended to take over the CIA and
make Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his anti-Soviet
network. The Soviets, of course, were delighted as they
watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a Communist
spy ring in the heart of Western intelligence. . . .

". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided
that the whole thing had been a giant Soviet-controlled
operation. Dozens of operations, hundreds of agents,
thousands of innocent civilians had been betrayed. . . .

". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of
CIA in 1953, his pet 'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA
codes to start the Hungarian uprising prematurely.
Thousands of innocent Hungarians rushed on to the streets
of Budapest to start the revolution. Instead of American
paratroopers dropping supplies, they found Soviet tanks
waiting in the suburbs."

By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was
almost total: "U.S. Military Intelligence admitted
to the National Security Council that it did not have a
single network of couriers or safe houses left in
Communist territory, apart from East Germany. Dulles's
Nazi 'freedom fighters' had sold him out." (23)

COLD WARRIORS

It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude
of the United States military-intelligence establishment
after the end of World War II: "Any bastard as long
as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the "former
head of secret operations inside the USSR" for the
CIA, was correct. (24)

We have seen that many Nazis - including those who
committed atrocities - returned to positions of power and
influence inside Germany after the war. Unknown until
fairly recently was the extent of Nazi recruitment by
U.S. intelligence agencies and political organizations,
in the 1940s and 1950s.

Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi
recruitment is that of Project Paperclip, which involved
the collection of Nazi rocket scientists and facilities,
all of which were later incorporated into the U.S. Space
Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State
Department in the 1940s is another well-known incident.
Barbie, head of the Gestapo in Lyons, France, was known
as the "Butcher of Lyons" and was sought by the
French Government for atrocities committed against French
Resistance fighters captured by the Nazis. Barbie was
recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset" in
1947 by one branch of the State Department's
Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC), while another branch,
the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British
project, was trying to put him in prison for war crimes.

Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus,
"Barbie's employment (and protection) by the
Americans began to reach French newspapers and
politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn
brought increasing pressure on the U.S. government
through publicity and eventually through official notes
requesting Barbie's extradition from Germany. That, in
the final analysis, is why the CIC chose to provide
Barbie with a new identity and safe passage to Argentina
in 1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who had been
'of interest' to the CIC at one time or another have
simply lived out their lives in Germany. If the CIC had
dumped Barbie when the French government began requesting
his extradition, he would have had plenty of compromising
things to say about the CIC. . ." (25)

But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian
authorities in the early 1980s, and returned to France to
face charges of war crimes, the U.S. government was
forced to conduct an investigation into the Barbie
affair. The official position? ". . . [T]his
investigation concluded that the United States had indeed
protected Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but
that Barbie was the only such Nazi who had been assisted
in this fashion." (26)

As documented previously, this statement was false.
Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Nazis were employed by
the several U.S. agencies, from the CIC to the CIA, and
used in covert operations overseas, as our first line of
defense against Communism. Others, equally as guilty of
wartime atrocities, were brought into the United States
for domestic political purposes. This aspect of the
U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves
closer attention by the mainstream press.

One of the first researchers to reveal the connections
between the U.S. government and the Nazis, was a lady
named Mae Brussell of Carmel, California. Her career as a
conspiracy researcher and host of the weekly radio
program "World Watchers International" began
with the Kennedy assassination. "In ferreting out
every morsel from the Warren Report," writes
Jonathan Vankin, author of the book "Conspiracies,
Cover-ups and Crimes," "supplementing her
research with untold amounts of reading from the 'New
York Times' to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell discovered
not merely a conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents,
Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind Kennedy's death, but a
vast, invisible institutional structure layered into the
very fabric of the U.S. political system.

"Comprising the government within a government
were not just spies, gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis.
Mae found that many of the commission witnesses -- whose
testimony established Oswald as a lone nut' -- had never
even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly. The
bulk of them were White Russian emigres living in Dallas.
Extreme in their anti-Communism, they were often
affiliated with groups set up by the SS in World War II
-- Eastern European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to
carry out their dirtiest work.

"Brussell also discovered an episode from history
rarely reported in the media, and not often taught in
universities. Those same collaborationist groups were
absorbed by United States intelligence agencies. They
hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard
Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."

"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . .
anticipated military disaster and laid plans to
transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the
West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't author too
many articles, but this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the
John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in 'The Rebel,' a
short-lived political magazine published by 'Hustler'
impresario Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit
convoluted.

"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on
November 22, 1963, when John Kennedy was struck down,'
Brussell's article continued. 'And it is a story with an
aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of
Fascism.'"

Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in
Spring of 1988, after receiving a death threat from a
"man who is said to have identified himself as 'a
fascist and proud of it.'"

The last project she worked on, before her death from
cancer on October 3, 1988, writes the author, "was a
study of Satanic cults -- within the U.S. military. The
hidden fascist oligarchy had progressed far beyond the
need for patsies like Oswald. They were now able,
Brussell asserted, to hypnotically program assassins.

"Satanic cults are the state of the art in
brainwashing. With drugs, sex, and violence, they strip
any semblance of moral thought. They are perfect for use
in creating killers. The United States military, Brussell
found, was using them." (27)

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections
of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the years
just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man
named Dulles.

The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a
cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge that
this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and
Aarons state that:

"According to several of our sources among the
'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in
1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned
to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl
Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head
of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was
in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G.
Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding
their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the
war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records,
but he helped peddle a false biography in the
ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"

The authors' sources reveal
that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's
record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an
anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German
oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was
the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and
Aramco [the Arabian-American Oil Company]. If Blessing
went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him,
including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that
U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured
Konti records."

According to the "old
spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy
officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard
Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In
return, Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's]
first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis."
(1)

Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as
the freshman congressman from California, he "saved
John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by
privately pointing out that confidential government files
showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger
Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took
Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of
Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany,
apparently in anticipation that the young congressman
would be useful after Dewey became president." [He
would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent
President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating
Dewey.] (2)

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon
became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and
Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified
information to support the charge that the Truman
administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy
went too far in his Communist investigations, it was
Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA
director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away
from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but
did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been
recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State
Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief,
Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern
European emigre networks that had worked first for the
SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing
them to the United States less for intelligence purposes
than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly
became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One
Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used
the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the
Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the
eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who
infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon
campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division,
which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced
Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World
War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several
Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a
significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis,
who had been recruited by the SS as political and police
leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres
supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the
quickest means of getting back into power in their former
homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its
first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the
Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own,
such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the
Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey.
But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's
political organization went to the Republicans. In fact,
from the very beginning, the word had been put around
among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were
the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . .
." (3)

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis
developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed
Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948
presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon]
became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was
determined to build his own ethnic base.

"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of
Nazis against Jews in American politics was never
investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking
Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made
network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern
European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation
between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom
fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the
Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for
under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to
offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.

"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division
within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced
Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an
Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on'
with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in
office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis,
even members of the SS. They flooded into the country.
Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As
vice president, he even received Eastern European
Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey,
the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United
States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the
presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic
council within the Republican party. Previously the
Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during
presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out
after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as
chairman of the Republican National Committee. The
Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign
structure of Republican politics, along with several
other Fascist organizations." (4)

The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no
uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited
ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover,
Vice President Nixon became the point man for the
Eisenhower administration on covert operations and
personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike
was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)

One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was
Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as
"the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage
Groups council" who, "during World War II . . .
was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross
government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the
extermination of the Jewish population.

"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential
Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief
organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly,
Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the
council was being formed included various Nazi
collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were
coming out of the closet in droves.

"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open
door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such
guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National
Front and chairman of the American Friends of the
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an
organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive
Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even
had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to
celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)

"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in
1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in
marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player
on the fringes, now he held a key position as the
Republican National Committee's nationalities director. .
. .

"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance
as a defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's
famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The
Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971
convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor,
'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was
never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by
the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.'
It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor
had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war
with the United States.

". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure
Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican
party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a
major influence. After 1953, the Republican
administration changed the rules, and even members of the
Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as
they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the
Eastern Front." (7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also
observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward
Livingstone, authors of the book, "High
Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination.
Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded
himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long
succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at
the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also
known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger
(the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident.
Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to
him from the University of Southern California, and the
University of California at Los Angeles, where there were
fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich.
America has for a long time harbored this dark side of
its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner
and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind
'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these
men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the
basement of the White House until all hours of the night,
and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with
blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)

"According to several of our sources in the
intelligence community who were in a position to
know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret
rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council
read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The
Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the
Republican leadership. The rosters will never be
disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16
dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too
widespread for damage control.

"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of
Political Research Associates, virtually all of the
Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a
Republican party front group during the Nixon
administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic
leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel
Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today
called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part
of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic
communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section;
there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .

"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar
babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had
brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the
late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the
1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to
Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ."
(9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the
Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the
Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi
activities over the past four decades become a matter of
mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as
the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the
slush-funds, money- laundering, illegal corporate
campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the
1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of
ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination
of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president
of Chile, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the
floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing
averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the
American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent
pardoning by his hand- picked successor, Gerald Ford.

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