Right Angle began as a column in the now-defunct Sunday magazine in November 1991. The column allowed me the luxury of presenting an alternative to the prevailing left-liberal consensus in India. It has become the implicit signature tune for all my subsequent writings.

Thursday, October 25, 2012

BLACK SHEEP IN ALL PARTIES - For the people, Vadra and Gadkari symbolize the political class

By Swapan Dasgupta

In this exhilarating season of allegations and
counter-allegations against public figures and their relatives, there have also
been a plethora of silly statements that have helped lighten the overall mood
of disgust, despondency and cynicism. Union Minister Beni Prasad Varma has led
the pack with his assertion that the charges against his colleague Salman
Khurshid are ridiculous because the alleged misuse of some Rs 74 lakh of public
is a piffling amount. A disoriented Virbhadra Singh added to the mirth by threatening
to break the cameras of journalists who dared ask him about the remarkable
coincidence of alleged payments to one ‘VBS’ by a corporate and his sudden
fascination for high-value insurance policies. And even the otherwise suave,
Oxford-educated Khurshid provided entertainment with his filmi-style dialogue
about replacing ink with blood.

The farcical element apart, there are two statements
that stand out, not least because they have been made by people who are at the
very top of the political pyramid. The first was by Congress President Sonia
Gandhi on October 5, a few hours after Arvind Kejriwal charged her son-in-law
Robert Vadra of leveraging his privileged position to make windfall gains in
the real estate business. Vadra, she claimed “is a businessman”, adding that he
had not misused the name of the Gandhi family.

The second statement was by Bharatiya Janata Party
leader and National Democratic Alliance chairman L.K. Advani on October 25.
This came a day after the media carried detailed reports of the shell companies
run from apparently fictitious addresses that had invested in the Purti group
of companies run by BJP president Nitin Gadkari. To those familiar with
business practices, the implication was that a significant portion of Gadkari’s
businesses were funded through the black economy. This in turn raised questions
about Gadkari’s role in mobilising this funding. Was this, it was asked,
another example of ‘political equity’?

In his defence of his party president, Advani first claimed,
quite predictably, that the BJP was victim of a Congress-sponsored conspiracy
“to paint the entire political class with the same brush to minimise…and
neutralise the unprecedented charges against the ruling UPA.” However, this was
coupled with a curious assertion: that the allegations were about standards of
business and not misuse of power or corruption.

There is a similarity between Advani’s expression of
solidarity with Gadkari and Sonia’s defence of her daughter’s husband: both
implied that sharp practices were part and parcel of business, and that somehow
was a far lesser offence from unethical politics. In other words, if it could
be demonstrated conclusively that Vadra’s cosy relationship with DLF and his
ability to fast-track land sales in Haryana were unrelated to his political
clout, the Congress would have nothing to answer. Likewise, by Advani’s logic,
there was a Great Wall dividing Gadkari the BJP President and Gadkari the
entrepreneur. If Advani is to be believed, for the allegations to stick, the
‘conspirators’ would have to demonstrate that Gadkari’s businesses grew and
prospered owing to benefits he accrued as a politician.

It is understandable that Sonia would want to detach
Vadra’s reputation as a flashy businessman with an astonishing sense of
entitlement from the political image built up by her family over decades. At
the same time, she was also fully aware that the assault on the tactless Vadra
was a proxy attack on the entire structure of dynastic politics that has become
the mainstay of the Congress. It is unlikely that she was unaware that the mere
mention of Vadra opened many doors and fast-tracked transactions (including
land transfers at prices below the circle rate) that would have, in the normal
course, taken an inordinately long time to complete.

Sonia’s fire-fighting strategy was based on two
calculations. First, it was absolutely imperative to prevent an official probe
by the Department of Company Affairs and other agencies into Vadra’s businesses.
Fortunately for her, both Veerappa Moilly and Finance Minister P.Chidambaram
obliged with suo moto certificates of innocence to Vadra. The peremptory
midnight transfer of IAS officer Ashok Khemka from a crucial land registration
department in Haryana served as a warning to other conscience-stricken
bureaucrats to come to the aid of the dynasty or face the consequences.

Secondly, the Congress calculated, perhaps quite
cynically, that public memory is short and that unless Vadra himself did
something silly like display his intellectual prowess on Facebook yet again,
the issue would subside before the General Election. The Congress is also
anxious to combine its faith in public forgetfulness with moral equivalence—the
21st century version of Indira Gandhi’s infamous assertion that
corruption is an “international phenomenon”. In this endeavour, the BJP’s
embarrassment over Gadkari has come as a bonanza.

In defending its President, the BJP appears to have
got itself into an almighty jam. The initial revelations of Gadkari’s alleged
corruption by Arvind Kejriwal in his much-publicised press conference last week
left most people underwhelmed and there was a basis for Arun Jaitley to claim
that India Against Corruption was making a mountain out of a molehill. Yet, by
the time the time the media, taking its cue from Kejriwal, conducted its own
investigations into the Purti group, the charges could no longer be dismissed
as insignificant. Prima facie, Gadkari certainly had a case to answer.

If the logic of Advani’s contrived distinction
between business and politics had indeed been pursued, the BJP should have left
the defence of Gadkari to the man himself. Since the business dealings of
Gadkari were undertaken independent of his party, there was no earthly reason
why Sushma Swaraj and Jaitley should have appeared before the cameras to defend
him. Most surprising of all was Advani’s intervention on behalf of Gadkari the
politician. Popular memory may well be short but BJP workers at least may not
have forgotten that last year Advani expended a huge amount of the party’s
resources organising a nationwide yatra against corruption and black money. At
that time Advani did not care to make a distinction between unethical business
practices and corrupt politics. To him, at that time, both fed on each other. Why
should the ground rules be changed for Gadkari?

This is a question that must also be addressed to
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh whose chief Mohan Bhagwat devoted a large part
of his annual Vijaydashami address to attacking corruption. The RSS has long
felt that its swayamsevaks had imbibed the necessary samskaras to become good
citizens and emerge as leaders of a resurgent India. This is the reason why it
has preferred the leadership of the BJP to vest with those who have a strong
background of involvement with the Sangh. Gadkari was picked up from provincial
politics and thrust into the national stage because it was felt that he had the
right values and priorities. Now this belief has been called into question.
Should the RSS go into denial and fall back on an individual’s long-standing loyalty
to an organisation? Or should it be worried that the presence of Gadkari at the
helm of the BJP will give a handle to the Congress and allow it to shift the
agenda away from corruption and thereby sap the nation’s inner vitality?

Kejriwal and his
associates may not get far in electoral politics but their contention that the
entire political class has become venal has struck a chord. For the BJP, the
political cost of Gadkari and Vadra being put on par will be more damaging than
for the Congress.The Telegraph, October 26, 2012

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About Me

The Right is an endangered community in India's English-language media. I happen to be one of the few to have retained a precarious toehold in the mainstream media. I intend this blog as a sounding board of ideas and concerns.
You can read the details of my education, professional experience and political inclinations on Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swapan_Dasgupta).
RIGHT ANGLE is an archive of my published articles. USUAL SUSPECTS is my blog.