Notes on the State of Virginia
by Thomas Jefferson
1781-1782 - Part 1

Notes on the State of Virginia is Thomas Jefferson's only published
book. He wrote it in 1781, with updates in 1782, in response to
questions asked him by Francois Barbe-Marbois, the Secretary of the
French Legation to America at the time. This is part 1 of Notes on the State of Virginia.

Notes on the State of Virginia

Notes on the State of Virginia

ADVERTISEMENT

The following Notes were written in Virginia in
the year 1781, and
somewhat corrected and enlarged in the winter of 1782, in answer to
Queries proposed to the Author, by a Foreigner of Distinction, then
residing among us. The subjects are all treated imperfectly; some
scarcely touched on. To apologize for this by developing the
circumstances of the time and place of their composition, would be to
open wounds which have already bled enough. To these circumstances some
of their imperfections may with truth be ascribed; the great mass to
the want of information and want of talents in the writer. He had a few
copies printed, which he gave among his friends: and a translation of
them has been lately published in France, but with such alterations as
the laws of the press in that country rendered necessary. They are now
offered to the public in their original form and language.

Feb. 27, 1787.

QUERY I

An exact description of the limits and boundaries
of the state of Virginia?

Limits

Virginia is bounded on the East by the Atlantic:
on the North by a
line of latitude, crossing the Eastern Shore through Watkins's Point,
being about 37 degrees.57' North latitude; from thence by a streight
line to Cinquac, near the mouth of Patowmac; thence by the Patowmac,
which is common to Virginia and Maryland, to the first fountain of its
northern branch; thence by a meridian line, passing through that
fountain till it intersects a line running East and West, in latitude
39 degrees.43'.42.4" which divides Maryland from Pennsylvania, and
which was marked by Messrs. Mason and Dixon; thence by that line, and a
continuation of it westwardly to the completion of five degrees of
longitude from the eastern boundary of Pennsylvania, in the same
latitude, and thence by a meridian line to the Ohio: On the West by the
Ohio and Missisipi, to latitude 36 degrees.30'. North: and on the South
by the line of latitude last-mentioned. By admeasurements through
nearly the whole of this last line, and supplying the unmeasured parts
from good data, the Atlantic and Missisipi, are found in this latitude
to be 758 miles distant, equal to 13 degrees.38'. of longitude,
reckoning 55 miles and 3144 feet to the degree. This being our
comprehension of longitude, that of our latitude, taken between this
and Mason and Dixon's line, is 3 degrees.13'.42.4" equal to 223.3
miles, supposing a degree of a great circle to be 69 m. 864 f. as
computed by Cassini. These boundaries include an area somewhat
triangular, of 121525 square miles, whereof 79650 lie westward of the
Allegany mountains, and 57034 westward of the meridian of the mouth of
the Great Kanhaway. This state is therefore one third larger than the
islands of Great Britain and Ireland, which are reckoned at 88357
square miles.

These limits result from, 1. The antient charters
from the crown of
England. 2. The grant of Maryland to the Lord Baltimore, and the
subsequent determinations of the British court as to the extent of that
grant. 3. The grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, and a compact
between the general assemblies of the commonwealths of Virginia and
Pennsylvania as to the extent of that grant. 4. The grant of Carolina,
and actual location of its northern boundary, by consent of both
parties. 5. The treaty of Paris of 1763. 6. The confirmation of the
charters of the neighbouring states by the convention of Virginia at
the time of constituting their commonwealth. 7. The cession made by
Virginia to Congress of all the lands to which they had title on the
North side of the Ohio.

QUERY II

A notice of its rivers, rivulets, and how far
they are navigable?

Rivers and Navigation

An inspection of a map of Virginia, will give a
better idea of the
geography of its rivers, than any description in writing. Their
navigation may be imperfectly noted.

Roanoke, so far as it lies within this state, is
no where
navigable, but for canoes, or light batteaux; and, even for these, in
such detached parcels as to have prevented the inhabitants from
availing themselves of it at all.

James River, and its waters, afford navigation as
follows.

The whole of Elizabeth River, the lowest
of those which run into
James River, is a harbour, and would contain upwards of 300 ships. The
channel is from 150 to 200 fathom wide, and at common flood tide,
affords 18 feet water to Norfolk. The Strafford, a 60 gun ship, went
there, lightening herself to cross the bar at Sowell's point. The Fier
Rodrigue, pierced for 64 guns, and carrying 50, went there without
lightening. Craney island, at the mouth of this river, commands its
channel tolerably well.

Nansemond River is navigable to Sleepy hole, for
vessels of 250
tons; to Suffolk, for those of 100 tons; and to Milner's, for those of
25.

Pagan Creek affords 8 or 10 feet water to
Smithfeild, which admits vessels of 20 ton.

Chickahominy has at its mouth a bar, on which is
only 12 feet
water at common flood tide. Vessels passing that, may go 8 miles up the
river; those of 10 feet draught may go four miles further, and those of
six tons burthen, 20 miles further.

Appamattox may be navigated as far as Broadways,
by any vessel
which has crossed Harrison's bar in James river; it keeps 8 or 9 feet
water a mile or two higher up to Fisher's bar, and 4 feet on that and
upwards to Petersburgh, where all navigation ceases.

James River itself affords harbour for vessels of
any size in
Hampton Road, but not in safety through the whole winter; and there is
navigable water for them as far as Mulberry island. A 40 gun ship goes
to James town, and, lightening herself, may pass to Harrison's bar, on
which there is only 15 feet water. Vessels of 250 tons may go to
Warwick; those of 125 go to Rocket's, a mile below Richmond; from
thence is about 7 feet water to Richmond; and about the center of the
town, four feet and a half, where the navigation is interrupted by
falls, which in a course of six miles, descend about 80 feet
perpendicular: above these it is resumed in canoes and batteaux, and is
prosecuted safely and advantageously to within 10 miles of the Blue
ridge; and even through the Blue ridge a ton weight has been brought;
and the expence would not be great, when compared with its object, to
open a tolerable navigation up Jackson's river and Carpenter's creek,
to within 25 miles of Howard's creek of Green briar, both of which have
then water enough to float vessels into the Great Kanhaway. In some
future state of population, I think it possible, that its navigation
may also be made to interlock with that of the Patowmac, and through
that to communicate by a short portage with the Ohio. It is to be
noted, that this river is called in the maps James River, only
to its
confluence with the Rivanna; thence to the Blue ridge it is called the
Fluvanna; and thence to its source, Jackson's river. But in common
speech, it is called James river to its source.

The Rivanna, a branch of James river, is
navigable for canoes and
batteaux to its intersection with the South West mountains, which is
about 22 miles; and may easily be opened to navigation through those
mountains to its fork above Charlottesville.

York River, at York town, affords the best
harbour in the state
for vessels of the largest size. The river there narrows to the width
of a mile, and is contained within very high banks, close under which
the vessels may ride. It holds 4 fathom water at high tide for 25 miles
above York to the mouth of Poropotank, where the river is a mile and a
half wide, and the channel only 75 fathom, and passing under a high
bank. At the confluence of Pamunkey and Mattapony, it
is reduced to
3 fathom depth, which continues up Pamunkey to Cumberland, where the
width is 100 yards, and up Mattapony to within two miles of Frazer's
ferry, where it becomes 2 1/2 fathom deep, and holds that about five
miles. Pamunkey is then capable of navigation for loaded flats to
Brockman's bridge, 50 miles above Hanover town, and Mattapony to
Downer's bridge, 70 miles above its mouth.

Piankatank, the little rivers making out
of Mobjack bay and
those of the Eastern shore, receive only very small vessels,
and
these can but enter them.

Rappahanock affords 4 fathom water to Hobb's
hole, and 2 fathom from thence to Fredericksburg.

Patowmac is 7 1/2 miles wide at the mouth; 4 1/2
at Nomony bay; 3
at Aquia; 1 1/2 at Hallooing point; 1 1/4 at Alexandria. Its soundings
are, 7 fathom at the mouth; 5 at St. George's island; 4 1/2 at Lower
Matchodic; 3 at Swan's point, and thence up to Alexandria; thence 10
feet water to the falls, which are 13 miles above Alexandria. These
falls are 15 miles in length, and of very great descent, and the
navigation above them for batteaux and canoes, is so much interrupted
as to be little used. It is, however, used in a small degree up the
Cohongoronta branch as far as Fort Cumberland, which was at the mouth
of Wills's creek: and is capable, at no great expence, of being
rendered very practicable. The Shenandoah branch interlocks with James
river about the Blue ridge, and may perhaps in future be opened.

The Missisipi will be one of the
principal channels of future
commerce for the country westward of the Alleghaney. From the mouth of
this river to where it receives the Ohio, is 1000 miles by water, but
only 500 by land, passing through the Chickasaw country. From the mouth
of the Ohio to that of the Missouri, is 230 miles by water, and 140 by
land. From thence to the mouth of the Illinois river, is about 25
miles. The Missisipi, below the mouth of the Missouri, is always muddy,
and abounding with sand bars, which frequently change their places.
However, it carries 15 feet water to the mouth of the Ohio, to which
place it is from one and a half to two miles wide, and thence to
Kaskaskia from one mile to a mile and a quarter wide. Its current is so
rapid, that it never can be stemmed by the force of the wind alone,
acting on sails. Any vessel, however, navigated with oars, may come up
at any time, and receive much aid from the wind. A batteau passes from
the mouth of Ohio to the mouth of Missisipi in three weeks, and is from
two to three months getting up again. During its floods, which are
periodical as those of the Nile, the largest vessels may pass down it,
if their steerage can be ensured. These floods begin in April, and the
river returns into its banks early in August. The inundation extends
further on the western than eastern side, covering the lands in some
places for 50 miles from its banks. Above the mouth of the Missouri, it
becomes much such a river as the Ohio, like it clear, and gentle in its
current, not quite so wide, the period of its floods nearly the same,
but not rising to so great a height. The streets of the village at
Cohoes are not more than 10 feet above the ordinary level of the water,
and yet were never overflowed. Its bed deepens every year. Cohoes, in
the memory of many people now living, was insulated by every flood of
the river. What was the Eastern channel has now become a lake, 9 miles
in length and one in width, into which the river at this day never
flows. This river yields turtle of a peculiar kind, perch, trout, gar,
pike, mullets, herrings, carp, spatula fish of 50 lb. weight, cat fish
of an hundred pounds weight, buffalo fish, and sturgeon. Alligators or
crocodiles have been seen as high up as the Acansas. It also abounds in
herons, cranes, ducks, brant, geese, and swans. Its passage is
commanded by a fort established by this state, five miles below the
mouth of Ohio, and ten miles above the Carolina boundary.

The Missouri, since the treaty of Paris,
the Illinois and Northern branches of the Ohio since the cession to
Congress, are no longer within our limits. Yet having been so
heretofore, and still opening to us channels of extensive communication
with the western and north-western country, they shall be noted in
their order.

The Missouri is, in fact, the principal
river, contributing more
to the common stream than does the Missisipi, even after its junction
with the Illinois. It is remarkably cold, muddy and rapid. Its
overflowings are considerable. They happen during the months of June
and July. Their commencement being so much later than those of the
Missisipi, would induce a belief that the sources of the Missouri are
northward of those of the Missisipi, unless we suppose that the cold
increases again with the ascent of the land from the Missisipi
westwardly. That this ascent is great, is proved by the rapidity of the
river. Six miles above the mouth it is brought within the compass of a
quarter of a mile's width: yet the Spanish Merchants at Pancore, or St.
Louis, say they go two thousand miles up it. It heads far westward of
the Rio Norte, or North River. There is, in the villages of Kaskaskia,
Cohoes and St. Vincennes, no inconsiderable quantity of plate, said to
have been plundered during the last war by the Indians from the
churches and private houses of Santa Fe, on the North River, and
brought to these villages for sale. From the mouth of Ohio to Santa Fe
are forty days journey, or about 1000 miles. What is the shortest
distance between the navigable waters of the Missouri, and those of the
North River, or how far this is navigable above Santa Fe, I could never
learn. From Santa Fe to its mouth in the Gulph of Mexico is about 1200
miles. The road from New Orleans to Mexico crosses this river at the
post of Rio Norte, 800 miles below Santa Fe: and from this post to New
Orleans is about 1200 miles; thus making 2000 miles between Santa Fe
and New Orleans, passing down the North river, Red river and Missisipi;
whereas it is 2230 through the Missouri and Missisipi. From the same
post of Rio Norte, passing near the mines of La Sierra and Laiguana,
which are between the North river and the river Salina to Sartilla, is
375 miles; and from thence, passing the mines of Charcas, Zaccatecas
and Potosi, to the city of Mexico is 375 miles; in all, 1550 miles from
Santa Fe to the city of Mexico. From New Orleans to the city of Mexico
is about 1950 miles: the roads, after setting out from the Red river,
near Natchitoches, keeping generally parallel with the coast, and about
two hundred miles from it, till it enters the city of Mexico.

The Illinois is a fine river, clear,
gentle, and without rapids;
insomuch that it is navigable for batteaux to its source. From thence
is a portage of two miles only to the Chickago, which affords a batteau
navigation of 16 miles to its entrance into lake Michigan. The
Illinois, about 10 miles above its mouth, is 300 yards wide.

The Kaskaskia is 100 yards wide at its
entrance into the
Missisipi, and preserves that breadth to the Buffalo plains, 70 miles
above. So far also it is navigable for loaded batteaux, and perhaps
much further. It is not rapid.

The Ohio is the most beautiful river on
earth. Its current
gentle, waters clear, and bosom smooth and unbroken by rocks and
rapids, a single instance only excepted.

It is 1/4 of a mile wide at Fort Pitt:
500 yards at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway:
1 mile and 25 poles at Louisville:
1/4 of a mile on the rapids, three or four miles below Louisville:
1/2 a mile where the low country begins, which is 20 miles above Green
river:
1 1/4 at the receipt of the Tanissee:
And a mile wide at the mouth.

Its length, as measured according to its meanders
by Capt. Hutchings, is as follows:

From Fort Pitt

Miles.

Miles.

To Log's town 18 1/2

Little Miami 126 1/4

Big Beaver creek 10 3/4

Licking creek 8

Little Beaver cr. 13 1/2

Great Miami 26 3/4

Yellow creek 11 3/4

Big Bones 32 1/2

Two creeks 21 3/4

Kentuckey 44 1/4

Long reach 53 3/4

Rapids 77 1/4

End Long reach 16 1/2

Low country 155 3/4

Muskingum 25 1/2

Buffalo river 64 1/2

Little Kanhaway 12 1/4

Wabash 97 1/4

Hockhocking 16

Big cave 42 3/4

Great Kanhaway 82 1/2

Shawanee river 52 1/2

Guiandot 43 3/4

Cherokee river 13

Sandy creek 14 1/2

Massac 11

Sioto 48 3/4

Missisipi 46

____

1188

In common winter and spring tides it affords 15
feet water to
Louisville, 10 feet to La Tarte's rapids, 40 miles above the mouth of
the great Kanhaway, and a sufficiency at all times for light batteaux
and canoes to Fort Pitt. The rapids are in latitude 38 degrees.8'. The
inundations of this river begin about the last of March, and subside in
July. During these a first rate man of war may be carried from
Louisville to New Orleans, if the sudden turns of the river and the
strength of its current will admit a safe steerage. The rapids at
Louisville descend about 30 feet in a length of a mile and a half. The
bed of the river there is a solid rock, and is divided by an island
into two branches, the southern of which is about 200 yards wide, and
is dry four months in the year. The bed of the northern branch is worn
into channels by the constant course of the water, and attrition of the
pebble stones carried on with that, so as to be passable for batteaux
through the greater part of the year. Yet it is thought that the
southern arm may be the most easily opened for constant navigation. The
rise of the waters in these rapids does not exceed 10 or 12 feet. A
part of this island is so high as to have been never overflowed, and to
command the settlement at Louisville, which is opposite to it. The
fort, however, is situated at the head of the falls. The ground on the
South side rises very gradually.

The Tanissee, Cherokee or Hogohege river
is 600 yards wide at its
mouth, 1/4 of a mile at the mouth of Holston, and 200 yards at Chotee,
which is 20 miles above Holston, and 300 miles above the mouth of the
Tanissee. This river crosses the southern boundary of Virginia, 58
miles from the Missisipi. Its current is moderate. It is navigable for
loaded boats of any burthen to the Muscleshoals, where the river passes
through the Cumberland mountain. These shoals are 6 or 8 miles long,
passable downwards for loaded canoes, but not upwards, unless there be
a swell in the river. Above these the navigation for loaded canoes and
batteaux continues to the Long island. This river has its inundations
also. Above the Chickamogga towns is a whirlpool called the
Sucking-pot, which takes in trunks of trees or boats, and throws them
out again half a mile below. It is avoided by keeping very close to the
bank, on the South side. There are but a few miles portage between a
branch of this river and the navigable waters of the river Mobile,
which runs into the gulph of Mexico.

Cumberland, or Shawanee river, intersects the
boundary between
Virginia and North Carolina 67 miles from the Missisipi, and again 198
miles from the same river, a little above the entrance of Obey's river
into the Cumberland. Its clear fork crosses the same boundary about 300
miles from the Missisipi. Cumberland is a very gentle stream, navigable
for loaded batteaux 800 miles, without interruption; then intervene
some rapids of 15 miles in length, after which it is again navigable 70
miles upwards, which brings you within 10 miles of the Cumberland
mountains. It is about 120 yards wide through its whole course, from
the head of its navigation to its mouth.

The Wabash is a very beautiful river,
400 yards wide at the
mouth, and 300 at St. Vincennes, which is a post 100 miles above the
mouth, in a direct line. Within this space there are two small rapids,
which give very little obstruction to the navigation. It is 400 yards
wide at the mouth, and navigable 30 leagues upwards for canoes and
small boats. From the mouth of Maple river to that of Eel river is
about 80 miles in a direct line, the river continuing navigable, and
from one to two hundred yards in width. The Eel river is 150 yards
wide, and affords at all times navigation for periaguas, to within 18
miles of the Miami of the lake. The Wabash, from the mouth of Eel river
to Little river, a distance of 50 miles direct, is interrupted with
frequent rapids and shoals, which obstruct the navigation, except in a
swell. Little river affords navigation during a swell to within 3 miles
of the Miami, which thence affords a similar navigation into lake Erie,
100 miles distant in a direct line. The Wabash overflows periodically
in correspondence with the Ohio, and in some places two leagues from
its banks.

Green River is navigable for loaded batteaux at
all times 50
miles upwards; but it is then interrupted by impassable rapids, above
which the navigation again commences, and continues good 30 or 40 miles
to the mouth of Barren river.

Kentucky river is 90 yards wide at the mouth, and
also at
Boonsborough, 80 miles above. It affords a navigation for loaded
batteaux 180 miles in a direct line, in the winter tides.

The Great Miami of the Ohio, is 200
yards wide at the mouth. At
the Piccawee towns, 75 miles above, it is reduced to 30 yards; it is,
nevertheless, navigable for loaded canoes 50 miles above these towns.
The portage from its western branch into the Miami of Lake Erie, is 5
miles; that from its eastern branch into Sandusky river, is of 9 miles.

Salt river is at all times navigable for loaded
batteaux 70 or 80
miles. It is 80 yards wide at its mouth, and keeps that width to its
fork, 25 miles above.

The Little Miami of the Ohio, is 60 or
70 yards wide at its mouth, 60 miles to its source, and affords no
navigation.

The Sioto is 250 yards wide at its
mouth, which is in latitude 38
degrees, 22'. and at the Saltlick towns, 200 miles above the mouth, it
is yet 100 yards wide. To these towns it is navigable for loaded
batteaux, and its eastern branch affords navigation almost to its
source.

Great Sandy river is about sixty yards wide, and
navigable sixty miles for loaded batteaux.

Guiandot is about the width of the river last
mentioned, but is more rapid. It may be navigated by canoes sixty
miles.

The Great Kanhaway is a river of
considerable note for the
fertility of its lands, and still more, as leading towards the
headwaters of James river. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether its
great and numerous rapids will admit a navigation, but at an expence to
which it will require ages to render its inhabitants equal. The great
obstacles begin at what are called the great falls, 90 miles above the
mouth, below which are only five or six rapids, and these passable,
with some difficulty, even at low water. From the falls to the mouth of
Greenbriar is 100 miles, and thence to the lead mines 120. It is 280
yards wide at its mouth.

Hock-hocking is 80 yards wide at its mouth, and
yields navigation
for loaded batteaux to the Press-place, 60 miles above its mouth.

The Little Kanhaway is 150 yards wide at
the mouth. It yields a
navigation of 10 miles only. Perhaps its northern branch, called
Junius's creek, which interlocks with the western of Monongahela, may
one day admit a shorter passage from the latter into the Ohio.

The Muskingum is 280 yards wide at its
mouth, and 200 yards at
the lower Indian towns, 150 miles upwards. It is navigable for small
batteaux to within one mile of a navigable part of Cayahoga river,
which runs into lake Erie.

At Fort Pitt the river Ohio loses its name,
branching into the Monongahela and Alleghaney.

The Monongahela is 400 yards wide at its
mouth. From thence is 12
or 15 miles to the mouth of Yohoganey, where it is 300 yards wide.
Thence to Redstone by water is 50 miles, by land 30. Then to the mouth
of Cheat river by water 40 miles, by land 28, the width continuing at
300 yards, and the navigation good for boats. Thence the width is about
200 yards to the western fork, 50 miles higher, and the navigation
frequently interrupted by rapids; which however with a swell of two or
three feet become very passable for boats. It then admits light boats,
except in dry seasons, 65 miles further to the head of Tygarts valley,
presenting only some small rapids and falls of one or two feet
perpendicular, and lessening in its width to 20 yards.
The Western
fork is navigable in the winter 10 or 15 miles towards the northern of
the Little Kanhaway, and will admit a good waggon road to it.
The Yohoganey is the principal branch of this river. It passes
through
the Laurel mountain, about 30 miles from its mouth; is so far from 300
to 150 yards wide, and the navigation much obstructed in dry weather by
rapids and shoals. In its passage through the mountain it makes very
great falls, admitting no navigation for ten miles to the Turkey foot.
Thence to the great crossing, about 20 miles, it is again navigable,
except in dry seasons, and at this place is 200 yards wide. The sources
of this river are divided from those of the Patowmac by the Alleghaney
mountain. From the falls, where it intersects the Laurel mountain, to
Fort Cumberland, the head of the navigation on the Patowmac, is 40
miles of very mountainous road. Wills's creek, at the mouth of which
was Fort Cumberland, is 30 or 40 yards wide, but affords no navigation
as yet. Cheat river, another considerable branch of the
Monongahela,
is 200 yards wide at its mouth, and 100 yards at the Dunkard's
settlement, 50 miles higher. It is navigable for boats, except in dry
seasons. The boundary between Virginia and Pennsylvania crosses it
about three or four miles above its mouth.

The Alleghaney river, with a slight
swell, affords navigation for
light batteaux to Venango, at the mouth of French creek, where it is
200 yards wide; and it is practised even to Le B;oeuf, from whence
there is a portage of 15 miles to Presque Isle on Lake Erie.

The country watered by the Missisipi and its
eastern branches,
constitutes five-eighths of the United States, two of which
five-eighths are occupied by the Ohio and its waters: the residuary
streams which run into the Gulph of Mexico, the Atlantic, and the St.
Laurence water, the remaining three-eighths.

Before we quit the subject of the western waters,
we will take a
view of their principal connections with the Atlantic. These are three;
the Hudson's river, the Patowmac, and the Missisipi itself. Down the
last will pass all heavy commodities. But the navigation through the
Gulph of Mexico is so dangerous, and that up the Missisipi so difficult
and tedious, that it is thought probable that European merchandize will
not return through that channel. It is most likely that flour, timber,
and other heavy articles will be floated on rafts, which will
themselves be an article for sale as well as their loading, the
navigators returning by land or in light batteaux. There will therefore
be a competition between the Hudson and Patowmac rivers for the residue
of the commerce of all the country westward of Lake Erie, on the waters
of the lakes, of the Ohio, and upper parts of the Missisipi. To go to
New-York, that part of the trade which comes from the lakes or their
waters must first be brought into Lake Erie. Between Lake Superior and
its waters and Huron are the rapids of St. Mary, which will permit
boats to pass, but not larger vessels. Lakes Huron and Michigan afford
communication with Lake Erie by vessels of 8 feet draught. That part of
the trade which comes from the waters of the Missisipi must pass from
them through some portage into the waters of the lakes. The portage
from the Illinois river into a water of Michigan is of one mile only.
From the Wabash, Miami, Muskingum, or Alleghaney, are portages into the
waters of Lake Erie, of from one to fifteen miles. When the commodities
are brought into, and have passed through Lake Erie, there is between
that and Ontario an interruption by the falls of Niagara, where the
portage is of 8 miles; and between Ontario and the Hudson's river are
portages at the falls of Onondago, a little above Oswego, of a quarter
of a mile; from Wood creek to the Mohawks river two miles; at the
little falls of the Mohawks river half a mile, and from Schenectady to
Albany 16 miles. Besides the increase of expence occasioned by frequent
change of carriage, there is an increased risk of pillage produced by
committing merchandize to a greater number of hands successively. The
Patowmac offers itself under the following circumstances. For the trade
of the lakes and their waters westward of Lake Erie, when it shall have
entered that lake, it must coast along its southern shore, on account
of the number and excellence of its harbours, the northern, though
shortest, having few harbours, and these unsafe. Having reached
Cayahoga, to proceed on to New-York it will have 825 miles and five
portages: whereas it is but 425 miles to Alexandria, its emporium on
the Patowmac, if it turns into the Cayahoga, and passes through that,
Bigbeaver, Ohio, Yohoganey, (or Monongalia and Cheat) and Patowmac, and
there are but two portages; the first of which between Cayahoga and
Beaver may be removed by uniting the sources of these waters, which are
lakes in the neighbourhood of each other, and in a champaign country;
the other from the waters of Ohio to Patowmac will be from 15 to 40
miles, according to the trouble which shall be taken to approach the
two navigations. For the trade of the Ohio, or that which shall come
into it from its own waters or the Missisipi, it is nearer through the
Patowmac to Alexandria than to New-York by 580 miles, and it is
interrupted by one portage only. There is another circumstance of
difference too. The lakes themselves never freeze, but the
communications between them freeze, and the Hudson's river is itself
shut up by the ice three months in the year; whereas the channel to the
Chesapeak leads directly into a warmer climate. The southern parts of
it very rarely freeze at all, and whenever the northern do, it is so
near the sources of the rivers, that the frequent floods to which they
are there liable break up the ice immediately, so that vessels may pass
through the whole winter, subject only to accidental and short delays.
Add to all this, that in case of a war with our neighbours the
Anglo-Americans or the Indians, the route to New-York becomes a
frontier through almost its whole length, and all commerce through it
ceases from that moment. -- But the channel to New-York is already
known to practice; whereas the upper waters of the Ohio and the
Patowmac, and the great falls of the latter, are yet to be cleared of
their fixed obstructions.

QUERY III

A notice of the best sea-ports of the state, and
how big are the vessels they can receive?

Having no ports but our rivers and creeks, this
Query has been answered under the preceding one.

QUERY IV

A notice of its Mountains?

Mountains

For the particular geography of our mountains I
must refer to Fry
and Jefferson's map of Virginia; and to Evans's analysis of his map of
America for a more philosophical view of them than is to be found in
any other work. It is worthy notice, that our mountains are not
solitary and scattered confusedly over the face of the country; but
that they commence at about 150 miles from the sea-coast, are disposed
in ridges one behind another, running nearly parallel with the
sea-coast, though rather approaching it as they advance
north-eastwardly. To the south-west, as the tract of country between
the sea-coast and the Mississipi becomes narrower, the mountains
converge into a single ridge, which, as it approaches the Gulph of
Mexico, subsides into plain country, and gives rise to some of the
waters of that Gulph, and particularly to a river called the
Apalachicola, probably from the Apalachies, an Indian nation formerly
residing on it. Hence the mountains giving rise to that river, and seen
from its various parts, were called the Apalachian mountains, being in
fact the end or termination only of the great ridges passing through
the continent. European geographers however extended the name
northwardly as far as the mountains extended; some giving it, after
their separation into different ridges, to the Blue ridge, others to
the North mountain, others to the Alleghaney, others to the Laurel
ridge, as may be seen in their different maps. But the fact I believe
is, that none of these ridges were ever known by that name to the
inhabitants, either native or emigrant, but as they saw them so called
in European maps. In the same direction generally are the veins of
lime-stone, coal and other minerals hitherto discovered: and so range
the falls of our great rivers. But the courses of the great rivers are
at right angles with these. James and Patowmac penetrate through all
the ridges of mountains eastward of the Alleghaney; that is broken by
no watercourse. It is in fact the spine of the country between the
Atlantic on one side, and the Missisipi and St. Laurence on the other.
The passage of the Patowmac through the Blue ridge is perhaps one of
the most stupendous scenes in nature. You stand on a very high point of
land. On your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along the
foot of the mountain an hundred miles to seek a vent. On your left
approaches the Patowmac, in quest of a passage also. In the moment of
their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it
asunder, and pass off to the sea. The first glance of this scene
hurries our senses into the opinion, that this earth has been created
in time, that the mountains were formed first, that the rivers began to
flow afterwards, that in this place particularly they have been dammed
up by the Blue ridge of mountains, and have formed an ocean which
filled the whole valley; that continuing to rise they have at length
broken over at this spot, and have torn the mountain down from its
summit to its base. The piles of rock on each hand, but particularly on
the Shenandoah, the evident marks of their disrupture and avulsion from
their beds by the most powerful agents of nature, corroborate the
impression. But the distant finishing which nature has given to the
picture is of a very different character. It is a true contrast to the
fore-ground. It is as placid and delightful, as that is wild and
tremendous. For the mountain being cloven asunder, she presents to your
eye, through the cleft, a small catch of smooth blue horizon, at an
infinite distance in the plain country, inviting you, as it were, from
the riot and tumult roaring around, to pass through the breach and
participate of the calm below. Here the eye ultimately composes itself;
and that way too the road happens actually to lead. You cross the
Patowmac above the junction, pass along its side through the base of
the mountain for three miles, its terrible precipices hanging in
fragments over you, and within about 20 miles reach Frederic town and
the fine country round that. This scene is worth a voyage across the
Atlantic. Yet here, as in the neighbourhood of the natural bridge, are
people who have passed their lives within half a dozen miles, and have
never been to survey these monuments of a war between rivers and
mountains, which must have shaken the earth itself to its center. --
The height of our mountains has not yet been estimated with any degree
of exactness. The Alleghaney being the great ridge which divides the
waters of the Atlantic from those of the Missisipi, its summit is
doubtless more elevated above the ocean than that of any other
mountain. But its relative height, compared with the base on which it
stands, is not so great as that of some others, the country rising
behind the successive ridges like the steps of stairs. The mountains of
the Blue ridge, and of these the Peaks of Otter, are thought to be of a
greater height, measured from their base, than any others in our
country, and perhaps in North America. From data, which may found a
tolerable conjecture, we suppose the highest peak to be about 4000 feet
perpendicular, which is not a fifth part of the height of the mountains
of South America, nor one third of the height which would be necessary
in our latitude to preserve ice in the open air unmelted through the
year. The ridge of mountains next beyond the Blue ridge, called by us
the North mountain, is of the greatest extent; for which reason they
were named by the Indians the Endless mountains.

A substance supposed to be Pumice, found floating
on the Missisipi,
has induced a conjecture, that there is a volcano on some of its
waters: and as these are mostly known to their sources, except the
Missouri, our expectations of verifying the conjecture would of course
be led to the mountains which divide the waters of the Mexican Gulph
from those of the South Sea; but no volcano having ever yet been known
at such a distance from the sea, we must rather suppose that this
floating substance has been erroneously deemed Pumice.

QUERY V

Its Cascades and Caverns?

Falling Spring

The only remarkable Cascade in this country, is
that of the Falling
Spring in Augusta. It is a water of James river, where it is called
Jackson's river, rising in the warm spring mountains about twenty miles
South West of the warm spring, and flowing into that valley. About
three quarters of a mile from its source, it falls over a rock 200 feet
into the valley below. The sheet of water is broken in its breadth by
the rock in two or three places, but not at all in its height. Between
the sheet and rock, at the bottom, you may walk across dry. This
Cataract will bear no comparison with that of Niagara, as to the
quantity of water composing it; the sheet being only 12 or 15 feet wide
above, and somewhat more spread below; but it is half as high again,
the latter being only 156 feet, according to the mensuration made by
order of M. Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, and 130 according to a more
recent account.

Madison's cave

In the lime-stone country, there are many caverns
of very
considerable extent. The most noted is called Madison's Cave, and is on
the North side of the Blue ridge, near the intersection of the
Rockingham and Augusta line with the South fork of the southern river
of Shenandoah. It is in a hill of about 200 feet perpendicular height,
the ascent of which, on one side, is so steep, that you may pitch a
biscuit from its summit into the river which washes its base. The
entrance of the cave is, in this side, about two thirds of the way up.
It extends into the earth about 300 feet, branching into subordinate
caverns, sometimes ascending a little, but more generally descending,
and at length terminates, in two different places, at basons of water
of unknown extent, and which I should judge to be nearly on a level
with the water of the river; however, I do not think they are formed by
refluent water from that, because they are never turbid; because they
do not rise and fall in correspondence with that in times of flood, or
of drought; and because the water is always cool. It is probably one of
the many reservoirs with which the interior parts of the earth are
supposed to abound, An Eye-draught of Madison's cave, on a scale of 50
feet to the inch. The arrows shew where it descends or ascends. And
which yield supplies to the fountains of water, distinguished from
others only by its being accessible. The vault of this cave is of solid
lime-stone, from 20 to 40 or 50 feet high, through which water is
continually percol-nogoogleating. This, trickling down the sides of the cave,
has incrusted them over in the form of elegant drapery; and dripping
from the top of the vault generates on that, and on the base below,
stalactites of a conical form, some of which have met and formed
massive columns.

Another of these caves is near the North
mountain, in the county of
Frederick, on the lands of Mr. Zane. The entrance into this is on the
top of an extensive ridge. You descend 30 or 40 feet, as into a well,
from whence the cave then extends, nearly horizontally, 400 feet into
the earth, preserving a breadth of from 20 to 50 feet, and a height of
from 5 to 12 feet. After entering this cave a few feet, the mercury,
which in the open air was at 50 degrees. rose to 57 degrees. of
Farenheit's thermometer, answering to11 degrees. of Reaumur's, and it
continued at that to the remotest parts of the cave. The uniform
temperature of the cellars of the observatory of Paris, which are 90
feet deep, and of all subterranean cavities of any depth, where no
chymical agents may be supposed to produce a factitious heat, has been
found to be 10 degrees. of Reamur, equal to 54 1/2 degrees. of
Farenheit. The temperature of the cave above-mentioned so nearly
corresponds with this, that the difference may be ascribed to a
difference of instruments.

Blowing cave

At the Panther gap, in the ridge which divides
the waters of the
Cow and the Calf pasture, is what is called the Blowing cave.
It is
in the side of a hill, is of about 100 feet diameter, and emits
constantly a current of air of such force, as to keep the weeds
prostrate to the distance of twenty yards before it. This current is
strongest in dry frosty weather, and in long spells of rain weakest.
Regular inspirations and expirations of air, by caverns and fissures,
have been probably enough accounted for, by supposing them combined
with intermitting fountains; as they must of course inhale air while
their reservoirs are emptying themselves, and again emit it while they
are filling. But a constant issue of air, only varying in its force as
the weather is drier or damper, will require a new hypothesis. There is
another blowing cave in the Cumberland mountain, about a mile from
where it crosses the Carolina line. All we know of this is, that it is
not constant, and that a fountain of water issues from it.

Natural bridge

The Natural bridge, the most sublime of
Nature's works, though
not comprehended under the present head, must not be pretermitted. It
is on the ascent of a hill, which seems to have been cloven through its
length by some great convulsion. The fissure, just at the bridge, is,
by some admeasurements, 270 feet deep, by others only 205. It is about
45 feet wide at the bottom, and 90 feet at the top; this of course
determines the length of the bridge, and its height from the water. Its
breadth in the middle, is about 60 feet, but more at the ends, and the
thickness of the mass at the summit of the arch, about 40 feet. A part
of this thickness is constituted by a coat of earth, which gives growth
to many large trees. The residue, with the hill on both sides, is one
solid rock of lime-stone. The arch approaches the Semi-elliptical form;
but the larger axis of the ellipsis, which would be the cord of the
arch, is many times longer than the transverse. Though the sides of
this bridge are provided in some parts with a parapet of fixed rocks,
yet few men have resolution to walk to them and look over into the
abyss. You involuntarily fall on your hands and feet, creep to the
parapet and peep over it. Looking down from this height about a minute,
gave me a violent head ach. If the view from the top be painful and
intolerable, that from below is delightful in an equal extreme. It is
impossible for the emotions arising from the sublime, to be felt beyond
what they are here: so beautiful an arch, so elevated, so light, and
springing as it were up to heaven, the rapture of the spectator is
really indescribable! The fissure continuing narrow, deep, and streight
for a considerable distance above and below the bridge, opens a short
but very pleasing view of the North mountain on one side, and Blue
ridge on the other, at the distance each of them of about five miles.
This bridge is in the county of Rock bridge, to which it has given
name, and affords a public and commodious passage over a valley, which
cannot be crossed elsewhere for a considerable distance. The stream
passing under it is called Cedar creek. It is a water of James river,
and sufficient in the driest seasons to turn a grist-mill, though its
fountain is not more than two miles above (1).

QUERY VI

A notice of the mines and other subterraneous
riches; its trees, plants, fruits, &c.

1. Minerals

Gold

I knew a single instance of gold found in this
state. It was
interspersed in small specks through a lump of ore, of about four
pounds weight, which yielded seventeen pennyweight of gold, of
extraordinary ductility. This ore was found on the North side of
Rappahanoc, about four miles below the falls. I never heard of any
other indication of gold in its neighbourhood.

Lead

On the Great Kanhaway, opposite to the mouth of
Cripple creek, and
about twenty-five miles from our southern boundary, in the county of
Montgomery, are mines of lead. The metal is mixed, sometimes with
earth, and sometimes with rock, which requires the force of gunpowder
to open it; and is accompanied with a portion of silver, too small to
be worth separation under any process hitherto attempted there. The
proportion yielded is from 50 to 80 lb. of pure metal from 100 lb. of
washed ore. The most common is that of 60 to the 100 lb. The veins are
at sometimes most flattering; at others they disappear suddenly and
totally. They enter the side of the hill, and proceed horizontally. Two
of them are wrought at present by the public, the best of which is 100
yards under the hill. These would employ about 50 labourers to
advantage. We have not, however, more than 30 generally, and these
cultivate their own corn. They have produced 60 tons of lead in the
year; but the general quantity is from 20 to 25 tons. The present
furnace is a mile from the ore-bank, and on the opposite side of the
river. The ore is first waggoned to the river, a quarter of a mile,
then laden on board of canoes and carried across the river, which is
there about 200 yards wide, and then again taken into waggons and
carried to the furnace. This mode was originally adopted, that they
might avail themselves of a good situation on a creek, for a pounding
mill: but it would be easy to have the furnace and pounding mill on the
same side of the river, which would yield water, without any dam, by a
canal of about half a mile in length. From the furnace the lead is
transported 130 miles along a good road, leading through the peaks of
Otter to Lynch's ferry, or Winston's, on James river, from whence it is
carried by water about the same distance to Westham. This land carriage
may be greatly shortened, by delivering the lead on James river, above
the blue ridge, from whence a ton weight has been brought on two
canoes. The Great Kanhaway has considerable falls in the neighbourhood
of the mines. About seven miles below are three falls, of three or four
feet perpendicular each; and three miles above is a rapid of three
miles continuance, which has been compared in its descent to the great
fall of James river. Yet it is the opinion, that they may be laid open
for useful navigation, so as to reduce very much the portage between
the Kanhaway and James river.

A valuable lead mine is said to have been lately
discovered in
Cumberland, below the mouth of Red river. The greatest, however, known
in the western country, are on the Missisipi, extending from the mouth
of Rock river 150 miles upwards. These are not wrought, the lead used
in that country being from the banks on the Spanish side of the
Missisipi, opposite to Kaskaskia.

Copper

A mine of copper was once opened in the county of
Amherst, on the
North side of James river, and another in the opposite country, on the
South side. However, either from bad management or the poverty of the
veins, they were discontinued. We are told of a rich mine of native
copper on the Ouabache, below the upper Wiaw.

Iron

The mines of iron worked at present are
Callaway's, Ross's, and
Ballendine's, on the South side of James river; Old's on the North
side, in Albemarle; Miller's in Augusta, and Zane's in Frederic. These
two last are in the valley between the Blue ridge and North mountain.
Callaway's, Ross's, Millar's, and Zane's, make about 150 tons of bar
iron each, in the year. Ross's makes also about 1600 tons of pig iron
annually; Ballendine's 1000; Callaway's, Millar's, and Zane's, about
600 each. Besides these, a forge of Mr. Hunter's, at Fredericksburgh,
makes about 300 tons a year of bar iron, from pigs imported from
Maryland; and Taylor's forge on Neapsco of Patowmac, works in the same
way, but to what extent I am not informed. The indications of iron in
other places are numerous, and dispersed through all the middle
country. The toughness of the cast iron of Ross's and Zane's furnaces
is very remarkable. Pots and other utensils, cast thinner than usual,
of this iron, may be safely thrown into, or out of the waggons in which
they are transported. Salt-pans made of the same, and no longer wanted
for that purpose, cannot be broken up, in order to be melted again,
unless previously drilled in many parts.

In the western country, we are told of iron mines
between the
Muskingum and Ohio; of others on Kentucky, between the Cumberland and
Barren rivers, between Cumberland and Tannissee, on Reedy creek, near
the Long island, and on Chesnut creek, a branch of the Great Kanhaway,
near where it crosses the Carolina line. What are called the iron
banks, on the Missisipi, are believed, by a good judge, to have no iron
in them. In general, from what is hitherto known of that country, it
seems to want iron.

Black lead

Considerable quantities of black lead are taken
occasionally for
use from Winterham, in the county of Amelia. I am not able, however, to
give a particular state of the mine. There is no work established at
it, those who want, going and procuring it for themselves.

Pit coal

The country on James river, from 15 to 20 miles
above Richmond, and
for several miles northward and southward, is replete with mineral coal
of a very excellent quality. Being in the hands of many proprietors,
pits have been opened, and before the interruption of our commerce were
worked to an extent equal to the demand.

In the western country coal is known to be in so
many places, as to
have induced an opinion, that the whole tract between the Laurel
mountain, Missisipi, and Ohio, yields coal. It is also known in many
places on the North side of the Ohio. The coal at Pittsburg is of very
superior quality. A bed of it at that place has been a-fire since the
year 1765. Another coal-hill on the Pike-run of Monongahela has been
a-fire ten years; yet it has burnt away about twenty yards only.

Precious stones

I have known one instance of an Emerald found in
this country.
Amethysts have been frequent, and chrystals common; yet not in such
numbers any of them as to be worth seeking.

There is very good marble, and in very great
abundance, on James river, at the mouth of Rockfish. The samples

Marble

I have seen, were some of them of a white as pure
as one might
expect to find on the surface of the earth: but most of them were
variegated with red, blue, and purple. None of it has been ever worked.
It forms a very large precipice, which hangs over a navigable part of
the river. It is said there is marble at Kentucky.

Limestone

But one vein of lime-stone is known below the
Blue ridge. Its first
appearance, in our country, is in Prince William, two miles below the
Pignut ridge of mountains; thence it passes on nearly parallel with
that, and crosses the Rivanna about five miles below it, where it is
called the South-west ridge. It then crosses Hardware, above the mouth
of Hudson's creek, James river at the mouth of Rockfish, at the marble
quarry before spoken of, probably runs up that river to where it
appears again at Ross's iron-works, and so passes off south-westwardly
by Flat creek of Otter river. It is never more than one hundred yards
wide. From the Blue ridge westwardly the whole country seems to be
founded on a rock of lime-stone, besides infinite quantities on the
surface, both loose and fixed. This is cut into beds, which range, as
the mountains and sea-coast do, from south-west to north-east, the
lamina of each bed declining from the horizon towards a parallelism
with the axis of the earth. Being struck with this observation, I made,
with a quadrant, a great number of trials on the angles of their
declination, and found them to vary from 22 degrees to 60 degrees but
averaging all my trials, the result was within one-third of a degree of
the elevation of the pole or latitude of the place, and much the
greatest part of them taken separately were little different from that:
by which it appears, that these lamina are, in the main, parallel with
the axis of the earth. In some instances, indeed, I found them
perpendicular, and even reclining the other way: but these were
extremely rare, and always attended with signs of convulsion, or other
circumstances of singularity, which admitted a possibility of removal
from their original position. These trials were made between Madison's
cave and the Patowmac. We hear of lime-stone on the Missisipi and Ohio,
and in all the mountainous country between the eastern and western
waters, not on the mountains themselves, but occupying the vallies
between them.

Near the eastern foot of the North mountain are
immense bodies of
_Schist_, containing impressions of shells in a variety of forms. I
have received petrified shells of very different kinds from the first
sources of the Kentucky, which bear no resemblance to any I have ever
seen on the tide-waters. It is said that shells are found in the Andes,
in South-America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean.
This is considered by many, both of the learned and unlearned, as a
proof of an universal deluge. To the many considerations opposing this
opinion, the following may be added. The atmosphere, and all its
contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the
earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us, that the
weight of all these together never exceeds that of a column of mercury
of 31 inches height, which is equal to one of rain-water of 35 feet
high. If the whole contents of the atmosphere then were water, instead
of what they are, it would cover the globe but 35 feet deep; but as
these waters, as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial
measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe as two to
one, the seas would be raised only 52 1/2 feet above their present
level, and of course would overflow the lands to that height only. In
Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champaign
country, the banks of our tide-waters being frequently, if not
generally, of a greater height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as for
instance, to the North mountain or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of
nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater or less
degree, in proportion to the combination of natural causes which may be
supposed to have produced them. History renders probable some instances
of a partial deluge in the country lying round the Mediterranean sea.
It has been often (2)
was once a lake. While such, let us admit an extraordinary collection
of the waters of the atmosphere from the other parts of the globe to
have been discharged over that and the countries whose waters run into
it. Or without supposing it a lake, admit such an extraordinary
collection of the waters of the atmosphere, and an influx of waters
from the Atlantic ocean, forced by long continued Western winds. That
lake, or that sea, may thus have been so raised as to overflow the low
lands adjacent to it, as those of Egypt and Armenia, which, according
to a tradition of the Egyptians and Hebrews, were overflowed about 2300
years before the Christian aera; those of Attica, said to have been
overflowed in the time of Ogyges, about 500 years later; and those of
Thessaly, in the time of Deucalion, still 300 years posterior. But such
deluges as these will not account for the shells found in the higher
lands. A second opinion has been entertained, which is, that, in times
anterior to the records either of history or tradition, the bed of the
ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great
convulsion of nature, been heaved to the heights at which we now find
shells and other remains of marine animals. The favourers of this
opinion do well to suppose the great events on which it rests to have
taken place beyond all the aeras of history; for within these,
certainly none such are to be found: and we may venture to say further,
that no fact has taken place, either in our own days, or in the
thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the existence of
any natural agents, within or without the bowels of the earth, of force
sufficient to heave, to the height of 15,000 feet, such masses as the
Andes. The difference between the power necessary to produce such an
effect, and that which shuffled together the different parts of
Calabria in our days, is so immense, that, from the existence of the
latter we are not authorised to infer that of the former.

M. de Voltaire has
suggested a third solution of
this difficulty (Quest. encycl. Coquilles). He cites an instance in
Touraine, where, in the space of 80 years, a particular spot of earth
had been twice metamorphosed into soft stone, which had become hard
when employed in building. In this stone shells of various kinds were
produced, discoverable at first only with the microscope, but
afterwards growing with the stone. From this fact, I suppose, he would
have us infer, that, besides the usual process for generating shells by
the elaboration of earth and water in animal vessels, nature may have
provided an equivalent operation, by passing the same materials through
the pores of calcareous earths and stones: as we see calcareous
dropstones generating every day by the percol-nogoogleation of water through
lime-stone, and new marble forming in the quarries from which the old
has been taken out; and it might be asked, whether it is more difficult
for nature to shoot the calcareous juice into the form of a shell, than
other juices into the forms of chrystals, plants, animals, according to
the construction of the vessels through which they pass? There is a
wonder somewhere. Is it greatest on this branch of the dilemma; on that
which supposes the existence of a power, of which we have no evidence
in any other case; or on the first, which requires us to believe the
creation of a body of water, and its subsequent annihilation? The
establishment of the instance, cited by M. de Voltaire,
of the growth of shells unattached to animal bodies, would have been
that of his theory. But he has not established it. He has not even left
it on ground so respectable as to have rendered it an object of enquiry
to the literati of his own country. Abandoning this fact, therefore,
the three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory; and we must be
contented to acknowledge, that this great phaenomenon is as yet
unsolved. Ignorance is preferable to error; and he is less remote from
the truth who believes nothing, then he who believes what is wrong.

Stone

There is great abundance (more especially when
you approach the
mountains) of stone, white, blue, brown, &c. fit for the
chissel,
good mill-stone, such also as stands the fire, and slate-stone. We are
told of flint, fit for gun-flints, on the Meherrin in Brunswic, on the
Missisipi between the mouth of Ohio and Kaskaskia, and on others of the
western waters. Isinglass or mica is in several places; load-stone
also, and an Asbestos of a ligneous texture, is sometimes to be met
with.

Earths

Marle abounds generally. A clay, of which, like
the Sturbridge in
England, bricks are made, which will resist long the violent action of
fire, has been found on Tuckahoe creek of James river, and no doubt
will be found in other places. Chalk is said to be in Botetourt and
Bedford. In the latter county is some earth, believed to be Gypseous.
Ochres are found in various parts.

Nitre

In the lime-stone country are many caves, the
earthy floors of
which are impregnated with nitre. On Rich creek, a branch of the Great
Kanhaway, about 60 miles below the lead mines, is a very large one,
about 20 yards wide, and entering a hill a quarter or half a mile. The
vault is of rock, from 9 to 15 or 20 feet above the floor. A Mr.
Lynch,
who gives me this account, undertook to extract the nitre. Besides a
coat of the salt which had formed on the vault and floor, he found the
earth highly impregnated to the depth of seven feet in some places, and
generally of three, every bushel yielding on an average three pounds of
nitre. Mr. Lynch having made about 1000
lb. of the
salt from it, consigned it to some others, who have since made 10,000
lb. They have done this by pursuing the cave into the hill, never
trying a second time the earth they have once exhausted, to see how far
or soon it receives another impregnation. At least fifty of these caves
are worked on the Greenbriar. There are many of them known on
Cumberland river.

Salt

The country westward of the Alleghaney abounds
with springs of
common salt. The most remarkable we have heard of are at Bullet's lick,
the Big bones, the Blue licks, and on the North fork of Holston. The
area of Bullet's lick is of many acres. Digging the earth to the depth
of three feet, the water begins to boil up, and the deeper you go, and
the drier the weather, the stronger is the brine. A thousand gallons of
water yield from a bushel to a bushel and a half of salt, which is
about 80 lb. of water to one lb. of salt; but of sea-water 25 lb. yield
one lb. of salt. So that sea-water is more than three times as strong
as that of these springs. A salt spring has been lately discovered at
the Turkey foot on Yohogany, by which river it is overflowed, except at
very low water. Its merit is not yet known. Duning's lick is also as
yet untried, but it is supposed to be the best on this side the Ohio.
The salt springs on the margin of the Onondago lake are said to give a
saline taste to the waters of the lake.

Medicinal springs

There are several Medicinal springs, some of
which are indubitably
efficacious, while others seem to owe their reputation as much to
fancy, and change of air and regimen, as to their real virtues. None of
them having undergone a chemical analysis in skilful hands, nor been so
far the subject of observations as to have produced a reduction into
classes of the disorders which they relieve, it is in my power to give
little more than an enumeration of them.

The most efficacious of these are two springs in
Augusta, near the
first sources of James river, where it is called Jackson's river. They
rise near the foot of the ridge of mountains, generally called the Warm
spring mountain, but in the maps Jackson's mountains. The one is
distinguished by the name of the Warm spring, and the other of the Hot
spring. The Warm spring issues with a very bold stream, sufficient to
work a grist-mill, and to keep the waters of its bason, which is 30
feet in diameter, at the vital warmth, viz. 96 degrees of Farenheit's
thermometer. The matter with which these waters is allied is very
volatile; its smell indicates it to be sulphureous, as also does the
circumstance of its turning silver black. They relieve rheumatisms.
Other complaints also of very different natures have been removed or
lessened by them. It rains here four or five days in every week.

The Hot spring is about six miles from
the Warm, is much smaller,
and has been so hot as to have boiled an egg. Some believe its degree
of heat to be lessened. It raises the mercury in Farenheit's
thermometer to 112 degrees, which is fever heat. It sometimes relieves
where the Warm spring fails. A fountain of common water, issuing within
a few inches of its margin, gives it a singular appearance. Comparing
the temperature of these with that of the Hot springs of Kamschatka, of
which Krachininnikow gives an account, the difference is very great,
the latter raising the mercury to 200 degrees which is within 12
degrees of boiling water. These springs are very much resorted to in
spite of a total want of accommodation for the sick. Their waters are
strongest in the hottest months, which occasions their being visited in
July and August principally.

The Sweet springs are in the county of Botetourt,
at the eastern
foot of the Alleghaney, about 42 miles from the Warm springs. They are
still less known. Having been found to relieve cases in which the
others had been ineffectually tried, it is probable their composition
is different. They are different also in their temperature, being as
cold as common water: which is not mentioned, however, as a proof of a
distinct impregnation. This is among the first sources of James river.

On Patowmac river, in Berkeley county, above the
North mountain,
are Medicinal springs, much more frequented than those of Augusta.
Their powers, however, are less, the waters weakly mineralized, and
scarcely warm. They are more visited, because situated in a fertile,
plentiful, and populous country, better provided with accommodations,
always safe from the Indians, and nearest to the more populous states.

In Louisa county, on the head waters of the South
Anna branch of
York river, are springs of some medicinal virtue. They are not much
used however. There is a weak chalybeate at Richmond; and many others
in various parts of the country, which are of too little worth, or too
little note, to be enumerated after those before-mentioned.

We are told of a Sulphur spring on Howard's creek
of Greenbriar, and another at Boonsborough on Kentuckey.

Burning spring

In the low grounds of the Great Kanhaway, 7 miles
above the mouth
of Elk river, and 67 above that of the Kanhaway itself, is a hole in
the earth of the capacity of 30 or 40 gallons, from which issues
constantly a bituminous vapour in so strong a current, as to give to
the sand about its orifice the motion which it has in a boiling spring.
On presenting a lighted candle or torch within 18 inches of the hole,
it flames up in a column of 18 inches diameter, and four or five feet
height, which sometimes burns out within 20 minutes, and at other times
has been known to continue three days, and then has been left still
burning. The flame is unsteady, of the density of that of burning
spirits, and smells like burning pit coal. Water sometimes collects in
the bason, which is remarkably cold, and is kept in ebullition by the
vapour issuing through it. If the vapour be fired in that state, the
water soon becomes so warm that the hand cannot bear it, and evaporates
wholly in a short time. This, with the circumjacent lands, is the
property of his Excellency General Washington
and of General Lewis.

There is a similar one on Sandy river, the flame
of which is a column of about 12 inches diameter, and 3 feet high. General
Clarke, who informs me of it, kindled the vapour, staid
about an hour, and left it burning.

Syphon fountains

The mention of uncommon springs leads me to that
of Syphon fountains. There is one of these near the intersection of the
Lord Fairfax's
boundary with the North mountain, not far from Brock's gap, on the
stream of which is a grist-mill, which grinds two bushel of grain at
every flood of the spring. Another, near the Cow-pasture river, a mile
and a half below its confluence with the Bull-pasture river, and 16 or
17 miles from the Hot springs, which intermits once in every twelve
hours. One also near the mouth of the North Holston.

After these may be mentioned the Natural
Well, on the lands of a
Mr. Lewis in Frederick county. It is somewhat larger than a common
well: the water rises in it as near the surface of the earth as in the
neighbouring artificial wells, and is of a depth as yet unknown. It is
said there is a current in it tending sensibly downwards. If this be
true, it probably feeds some fountain, of which it is the natural
reservoir, distinguished from others, like that of Madison's cave, by
being accessible. It is used with a bucket and windlass as an ordinary
well.

Vegetables

A complete catalogue of the trees, plants,
fruits, &c. is
probably not desired. I will sketch out those which would principally
attract notice, as being 1. Medicinal, 2. Esculent, 3. Ornamental, or
4. Useful for fabrication; adding the Linnaean to the popular names, as
the latter might not convey precise information to a foreigner. I shall
confine myself too to native plants.

The following were found in Virginia when first
visited by the
English; but it is not said whether of spontaneous growth, or by
cultivation only. Most probably they were natives of more southern
climates, and handed along the continent from one nation to another of
the savages.

There is an infinitude of other plants and
flowers, for an
enumeration and scientific description of which I must refer to the
Flora Virginica of our great botanist Dr. Clayton, published by
Gronovius at Leyden, in 1762. This accurate observer was a native and
resident of this state, passed a long life in exploring and describing
its plants, and is supposed to have enlarged the botanical catalogue as
much as almost any man who has lived.

Besides these plants, which are native, our
_Farms_ produce wheat,
rye, barley, oats, buck wheat, broom corn, and Indian corn. The climate
suits rice well enough wherever the lands do. Tobacco, hemp, flax, and
cotton, are staple commodities. Indico yields two cuttings. The
silk-worm is a native, and the mulberry, proper for its food, grows
kindly.

We cultivate also potatoes, both the long and the
round, turnips,
carrots, parsneps, pumpkins, and ground nuts (Arachis.) Our grasses are
Lucerne, St. Foin, Burnet, Timothy, ray and orchard grass; red, white,
and yellow clover; greenswerd, blue grass, and crab grass.

Our quadrupeds have been mostly described by
Linnaeus and Mons. de
Buffon. Of these the Mammoth, or big buffalo, as called by the Indians,
must certainly have been the largest. Their tradition is, that he was
carnivorous, and still exists in the northern parts of America. A
delegation of warriors from the Delaware tribe having visited the
governor of Virginia, during the present revolution, on matters of
business, after these had been discussed and settled in council, the
governor asked them some questions relative to their country, and,
among others, what they knew or had heard of the animal whose bones
were found at the Saltlicks, on the Ohio. Their chief speaker
immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and with a pomp
suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject, informed him
that it was a tradition handed down from their fathers, `That in
antient times a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big-bone
licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks,
buffaloes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the
Indians: that the Great Man above, looking down and seeing this, was so
enraged that he seized his lightning, descended on the earth, seated
himself on a neighbouring mountain, on a rock, of which his seat and
the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among
them till the whole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who
presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell; but
missing one at length, it wounded him in the side; whereon, springing
round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and
finally over the great lakes, where he is living at this day.' It is
well known that on the Ohio, and in many parts of America further
north, tusks, grinders, and skeletons of unparalleled magnitude, are
found in great numbers, some lying on the surface of the earth, and
some a little below it. A Mr. Stanley, taken prisoner by the Indians
near the mouth of the Tanissee, relates, that, after being transferred
through several tribes, from one to another, he was at length carried
over the mountains west of the Missouri to a river which runs
westwardly; that these bones abounded there; and that the natives
described to him the animal to which they belonged as still existing in
the northern parts of their country; from which description he judged
it to be an elephant. Bones of the same kind have been lately found,
some feet below the surface of the earth, in salines opened on the
North Holston, a branch of the Tanissee, about the latitude of 36 1/2
degrees North. From the accounts published in Europe, I suppose it to
be decided, that these are of the same kind with those found in
Siberia. Instances are mentioned of like animal remains found in the
more southern climates of both hemispheres; but they are either so
loosely mentioned as to leave a doubt of the fact, so inaccurately
described as not to authorize the classing them with the great northern
bones, or so rare as to found a suspicion that they have been carried
thither as curiosities from more northern regions. So that on the whole
there seem to be no certain vestiges of the existence of this animal
further south than the salines last mentioned. It is remarkable that
the tusks and skeletons have been ascribed by the naturalists of Europe
to the elephant, while the grinders have been given to the
hippopotamus, or river-horse. Yet it is acknowledged, that the tusks
and skeletons are much larger than those of the elephant, and the
grinders many times greater than those of the hippopotamus, and
essentially different in form. Wherever these grinders are found, there
also we find the tusks and skeleton; but no skeleton of the
hippopotamus nor grinders of the elephant. It will not be said that the
hippopotamus and elephant came always to the same spot, the former to
deposit his grinders, and the latter his tusks and skeleton. For what
became of the parts not deposited there? We must agree then that these
remains belong to each other, that they are of one and the same animal,
that this was not a hippopotamus, because the hippopotamus had no tusks
nor such a frame, and because the grinders differ in their size as well
as in the number and form of their points. That it was not an elephant,
I think ascertained by proofs equally decisive. I will not avail myself
of the authority of the celebrated (3)
anatomist, who, from an
examination of the form and structure of the tusks, has declared they
were essentially different from those of the elephant; because another
(4) anatomist, equally
celebrated, has declared, on a like
examination, that they are precisely the same. Between two such
authorities I will suppose this circumstance equivocal. But, 1. The
skeleton of the mammoth (for so the incognitum has been called)
bespeaks an animal of five or six times the cubic volume of the
elephant, as Mons. de Buffon has admitted. 2. The grinders are five
times as large, are square, and the grinding surface studded with four
or five rows of blunt points: whereas those of the elephant are broad
and thin, and their grinding surface flat. 3. I have never heard an
instance, and suppose there has been none, of the grinder of an
elephant being found in America. 4. From the known temperature and
constitution of the elephant he could never have existed in those
regions where the remains of the mammoth have been found. The elephant
is a native only of the torrid zone and its vicinities: if, with the
assistance of warm apartments and warm clothing, he has been preserved
in life in the temperate climates of Europe, it has only been for a
small portion of what would have been his natural period, and no
instance of his multiplication in them has ever been known. But no
bones of the mammoth, as I have before observed, have been ever found
further south than the salines of the Holston, and they have been found
as far north as the Arctic circle. Those, therefore, who are of opinion
that the elephant and mammoth are the same, must believe, 1. That the
elephant known to us can exist and multiply in the frozen zone; or, 2.
That an internal fire may once have warmed those regions, and since
abandoned them, of which, however, the globe exhibits no unequivocal
indications; or, 3. That the obliquity of the ecliptic, when these
elephants lived, was so great as to include within the tropics all
those regions in which the bones are found; the tropics being, as is
before observed, the natural limits of habitation for the elephant. But
if it be admitted that this obliquity has really decreased, and we
adopt the highest rate of decrease yet pretended, that is, of one
minute in a century, to transfer the northern tropic to the Arctic
circle, would carry the existence of these supposed elephants 250,000
years back; a period far beyond our conception of the duration of
animal bones left exposed to the open air, as these are in many
instances. Besides, though these regions would then be supposed within
the tropics, yet their winters would have been too severe for the
sensibility of the elephant. They would have had too but one day and
one night in the year, a circumstance to which we have no reason to
suppose the nature of the elephant fitted. However, it has been
demonstrated, that, if a variation of obliquity in the ecliptic takes
place at all, it is vibratory, and never exceeds the limits of 9
degrees, which is not sufficient to bring these bones within the
tropics. One of these hypotheses, or some other equally voluntary and
inadmissible to cautious philosophy, must be adopted to support the
opinion that these are the bones of the elephant. For my own part, I
find it easier to believe that an animal may have existed, resembling
the elephant in his tusks, and general anatomy, while his nature was in
other respects extremely different. From the 30th degree of South
latitude to the 30th of North, are nearly the limits which nature has
fixed for the existence and multiplication of the elephant known to us.
Proceeding thence northwardly to 36 1/2 degrees, we enter those
assigned to the mammoth. The further we advance North, the more their
vestiges multiply as far as the earth has been explored in that
direction; and it is as probable as otherwise, that this progression
continues to the pole itself, if land extends so far. The center of the
Frozen zone then may be the Achme of their vigour, as that of the
Torrid is of the elephant. Thus nature seems to have drawn a belt of
separation between these two tremendous animals, whose breadth indeed
is not precisely known, though at present we may suppose it about 6 1/2
degrees of latitude; to have assigned to the elephant the regions South
of these confines, and those North to the mammoth, founding the
constitution of the one in her extreme of heat, and that of the other
in the extreme of cold. When the Creator has therefore separated their
nature as far as the extent of the scale of animal life allowed to this
planet would permit, it seems perverse to declare it the same, from a
partial resemblance of their tusks and bones. But to whatever animal we
ascribe these remains, it is certain such a one has existed in America,
and that it has been the largest of all terrestrial beings. It should
have sufficed to have rescued the earth it inhabited, and the
atmosphere it breathed, from the imputation of impotence in the
conception and nourishment of animal life on a large scale: to have
stifled, in its birth, the opinion of a writer, the most learned too of
all others in the science of animal history, that in the new world,

`La nature vivante est beaucoup moins agissante,
beaucoup moins
forte:' that nature is less active, less energetic on one side of the
globe than she is on the other. As if both sides were not warmed by the
same genial sun; as if a soil of the same chemical composition, was
less capable of elaboration into animal nutriment; as if the fruits and
grains from that soil and sun, yielded a less rich chyle, gave less
extension to the solids and fluids of the body, or produced sooner in
the cartilages, membranes, and fibres, that rigidity which restrains
all further extension, and terminates animal growth. The truth is, that
a Pigmy and a Patagonian, a Mouse and a Mammoth, derive their
dimensions from the same nutritive juices. The difference of increment
depends on circumstances unsearchable to beings with our capacities.
Every race of animals seems to have received from their Maker certain
laws of extension at the time of their formation. Their elaborative
organs were formed to produce this, while proper obstacles were opposed
to its further progress. Below these limits they cannot fall, nor rise
above them. What intermediate station they shall take may depend on
soil, on climate, on food, on a careful choice of breeders. But all the
manna of heaven would never raise the Mouse to the bulk of the Mammoth.

The opinion advanced by the Count de Buffon, is
1. That the animals
common both to the old and new world, are smaller in the latter. 2.
That those peculiar to the new, are on a smaller scale. 3. That those
which have been domesticated in both, have degenerated in America: and
4. That on the whole it exhibits fewer species. And the reason he
thinks is, that the heats of America are less; that more waters are
spread over its surface by nature, and fewer of these drained off by
the hand of man. In other words, that heat is friendly,
and moisture adverse to the production and developement of
large
quadrupeds. I will not meet this hypothesis on its first doubtful
ground, whether the climate of America be comparatively more humid?
Because we are not furnished with observations sufficient to decide
this question. And though, till it be decided, we are as free to deny,
as others are to affirm the fact, yet for a moment let it be supposed.
The hypothesis, after this supposition, proceeds to another;
that moisture is unfriendly to animal growth. The truth of
this is
inscrutable to us by reasonings a priori. Nature has hidden from us her
modus agendi. Our only appeal on such questions is to experience; and I
think that experience is against the supposition. It is by the
assistance of heat and moisture that vegetables are
elaborated from
the elements of earth, air, water, and fire. We accordingly see the
more humid climates produce the greater quantity of vegetables.
Vegetables are mediately or immediately the food of every animal: and
in proportion to the quantity of food, we see animals not only
multiplied in their numbers, but improved in their bulk, as far as the
laws of their nature will admit. Of this opinion is the Count de Buffon
himself in another part of his work:

viii. 134.

`en general il paroit que les pays un
peu froids conviennent
mieux a nos boeufs que les pays chauds, et qu'ils sont d'autant plus
gros et plus grands que le climat est plus humide et plus
abondans en
paturages. Les boeufs de Danemarck, de la Podolie, de l'Ukraine et de
la Tartarie qu'habitent les Calmouques sont les plus grands de tous.'
Here then a race of animals, and one of the largest too, has been
increased in its dimensions by cold and moisture, in
direct
opposition to the hypothesis, which supposes that these two
circumstances diminish animal bulk, and that it is their
contraries heat and dryness which enlarge it. But
when we appeal to
experience, we are not to rest satisfied with a single fact. Let us
therefore try our question on more general ground. Let us take two
portions of the earth, Europe and America for instance, sufficiently
extensive to give operation to general causes; let us consider the
circumstances peculiar to each, and observe their effect on animal
nature. America, running through the torrid as well as temperate zone,
has more heat, collectively taken, than Europe. But Europe,
according
to our hypothesis, is the dryest. They are equally adapted
then to
animal productions; each being endowed with one of those causes which
befriend animal growth, and with one which opposes it. If it be thought
unequal to compare Europe with America, which is so much larger, I
answer, not more so than to compare America with the whole world.
Besides, the purpose of the comparison is to try an hypothesis, which
makes the size of animals depend on the heat
and moisture of
climate. If therefore we take a region, so extensive as to comprehend a
sensible distinction of climate, and so extensive too as that local
accidents, or the intercourse of animals on its borders, may not
materially affect the size of those in its interior parts, we shall
comply with those conditions which the hypothesis may reasonably
demand. The objection would be the weaker in the present case, because
any intercourse of animals which may take place on the confines of
Europe and Asia, is to the advantage of the former, Asia producing
certainly larger animals than Europe. Let us then take a comparative
view of the Quadrupeds of Europe and America, presenting them to the
eye in three different tables, in one of which shall be enumerated
those found in both countries; in a second those found in one only; in
a third those which have been domesticated in both. To facilitate the
comparison, let those of each table be arranged in gradation according
to their sizes, from the greatest to the smallest, so far as their
sizes can be conjectured. The weights of the large animals shall be
expressed in the English avoirdupoise pound and its decimals: those of
the smaller in the ounce and its decimals. Those which are marked thus
*, are actual weights of particular subjects, deemed among the largest
of their species. Those marked thus +, are furnished by judicious
persons, well acquainted with the species, and saying, from conjecture
only, what the largest individual they had seen would probably have
weighed. The other weights are taken from Messrs. Buffon and
D'Aubenton, and are of such subjects as came casually to their hands
for dissection. This circumstance must be remembered where their
weights and mine stand opposed: the latter being stated, not to produce
a conclusion in favour of the American species, but to justify a
suspension of opinion until we are better informed, and a suspicion in
the mean time that there is no uniform difference in favour of either;
which is all I pretend.

A comparative View of the Quadrupeds of Europe
and of America.

I. Aboriginals of both.

Europe.

America.

lb.

lb.

Mammoth

Buffalo. Bison

*1800

White
bear. Ours blanc

Caribou. Renne

Bear. Ours

153.7

*410

Elk.
Elan. Orignal, palmated

Red deer. Cerf

288.8

*273

Fallow deer. Daim

167.8

Wolf. Loup

69.8

Roe. Chevreuil

56.7

Glutton. Glouton. Carcajou

Wild cat. Chat sauvage

+30

Lynx. Loup cervier

25.

Beaver. Castor

18.5

*45

Badger. Blaireau

13.6

Red Fox. Renard

13.5

Grey Fox. Isatis

Otter. Loutre

8.9

+12

Monax. Marmotte

6.5

Vison. Fouine

2.8

Hedgehog. Herisson

2.2

Martin. Marte

1.9

+6

oz.

Water
rat. Rat d'eau

7.5

Wesel. Belette

2.2

oz.

Flying squirrel. Polatouche

2.2

+4

Shrew mouse. Musaraigne

1.

II. Aboriginals of one only.

Europe.

America.

lb.

lb.

Sanglier. Wild boar

280.

Tapir

534.

Mouflon. Wild sheep

56.

Elk, round horned

+450.

Bouquetin. Wild goat

Puma

Lievre. Hare

7.6

Jaguar

218.

Lapin. Rabbet

3.4

Cabiai

109.

Putois. Polecat

3.3

Tamanoir

109.

Genette

3.1

Tamandua

65.4

Desman. Muskrat

oz.

Cougar
of N. Amer.

75.

Ecureuil. Squirrel

12.

Cougar of S. Amer.

59.4

Hermine. Ermin

8.2

Ocelot

Rat. Rat

7.5

Pecari

46.3

Loirs

3.1

Jaguaret

43.6

Lerot. Dormouse

1.8

Alco

Taupe. Mole

1.2

Lama

Hamster

.9

Paco

Zisel

Paca

32.7

Leming

Serval

Souris. Mouse

Sloth. Unau

27 1/4

Saricovienne

Kincajou

Tatou Kabassou

21.8

Urson. Urchin

Raccoon. Raton

16.5

Coati

Coendou

16.3

Sloth. Aï

13.

Sapajou Ouarini

Sapajou Coaita

9.8

Tatou Encubert

Tatou Apar

Tatou Cachica

7.

Little Coendou

6.5

Opossum. Sarigue

Tapeti

Margay

Crabier

4.2

Sapajou Saï

3.5

Tatou
Cirquinçon

Tatou Tatouate

3.3

II. TABLE continued.

Europe.

America.

Mouffette Squash

Mouffette
Chinche

Mouffette Conepate.

Scunk

Mouffette. Zorilla

Whabus. Hare. Rabbet

Aperea

Akouchi

Ondatra. Muskrat

Pilori

Great grey
squirrel

+2.7

Fox squirrel of Virginia

+2.625

Surikate

2.

Mink

+2.

Sapajou. Sajou

1.8

Indian pig. Cochon

d'Inde

1.6

Sapajou. Saïmiri

1.5

Phalanger

Coquallin

Lesser grey
squirrel

+1.5

Black squirrel

+1.5

Red squirrel

10. oz.

Sagoin Saki

Sagoin Pinche

Sagoin Tamarin

oz.

Sagoin Ouistiti

4.4

Sagoin Marikine

Sagoin Mico

Cayopollin

Fourmillier

Marmose

Sarigue of
Cayenne

Tucan

Red mole

oz.

Ground squirrel

4.

III. Domesticated in both.

Europe.

lb.

lb.

Cow

763.

*2500

Horse

*1366

Ass

Hog

*1200

Sheep

*125

Goat

*80

Dog

67.6

Cat

7.

I have not inserted in the first table the (5)
Phoca nor
leather-winged bat, because the one living half the year in the water,
and the other being a winged animal, the individuals of each species
may visit both continents.

Of the animals in the 1st table Mons. de Buffon
himself informs us,
[XXVII. 130. XXX. 213.] that the beaver, the otter, and shrew mouse,
though of the same species, are larger in America than Europe. This
should therefore have corrected the generality of his expressions
XVIII. 145. and elsewhere, that the animals common to the two
countries, are considerably less in America than in Europe, `&
cela
sans aucune exception.' He tells us too, [Quadrup. VIII. 334. edit.
Paris, 1777] that on examining a bear from America, he remarked no
difference, `dans la forme de cet ours d'Amerique compare a
celui
d'Europe.' But adds from Bartram's journal, that an American bear
weighed 400 lb. English, equal to 367 lb. French: whereas we find the
European bear examined by Mons. D'Aubenton, [XVII. 82.] weighed but 141
lb. French. That the palmated Elk is larger in America than Europe we
are informed by Kalm, a Naturalist who visited the

I. 233. Lond. 1772.

former by public appointment for the express
purpose of examining the subjects of Natural history. In this

Ib. 233.

fact Pennant concurs with him. [Barrington's
Miscellanies.] The same Kalm tells us that the Black Moose, or

I. xxvii.

Renne of America, is as high as a tall horse; and
Catesby, that it is about the bigness of a middle sized ox. The

XXIV. 162.

same account of their size has been given me by
many who have seen
them. But Mons. D'Aubenton says that the Renne of Europe is but about
the size of a Red-deer.

XV. 42.

The wesel is larger in America than in Europe, as
may be seen by
comparing its dimensions as reported by Mons. D'Aubenton and Kalm. The
latter tells us, that the

I. 359. I. 48. 221. 251. II. 52.

lynx, badger, red fox, and flying squirrel, are
the same in
America as in Europe: by which expression I understand, they are the
same in all material circumstances, in size as well as others: for if
they were smaller,

II. 78.

they would differ from the European. Our grey fox
is, by Catesby's
account, little different in size and shape from the European fox. I
presume he means the red fox

I. 220.

of Europe, as does Kalm, where he says, that in
size `they do not
quite come up to our foxes.' For proceeding next to the red fox of
America, he says `they are entirely the same with the European sort.'
Which shews he had in view one European sort only, which was the red.
So that the result of their testimony is, that the American grey fox is
somewhat less than the European red; which is equally true of the

XXVII. 63. XIV. 119. Harris, II.387. Buffon.
Quad. IX. 1.

grey fox of Europe, as may be seen by comparing
the measures of the
Count de Buffon and Mons. D'Aubenton. The white bear of America is as
large as that of Europe. The bones of the Mammoth which have been found
in America, are as large as those found in the old world. It may be
asked, why I insert the Mammoth, as if it still existed? I ask in
return, why I should omit it, as if it did not exist? Such is the
oeconomy of nature, that no instance can be produced of her having
permitted any one race of her animals to become extinct; of her having
formed any link in her great work so weak as to be broken. To add to
this, the traditionary testimony of the Indians, that this animal still
exists in the northern and western parts of America, would be adding
the light of a taper to that of the meridian sun. Those parts still
remain in their aboriginal state, unexplored and undisturbed by us, or
by others for us. He may as well exist there now, as he did formerly
where we find his bones. If he be a carnivorous animal, as some
Anatomists have conjectured, and the Indians affirm, his early
retirement may be accounted for from the general destruction of the
wild game by the Indians, which commences in the first instant of their
connection with us, for the purpose of purchasing matchcoats, hatchets,
and fire locks, with their skins. There remain then the buffalo, red
deer, fallow deer, wolf, roe, glutton, wild cat, monax, vison,
hedge-hog, martin, and water rat, of the comparative sizes of which we
have not sufficient testimony. It does not appear that Messrs. de
Buffon and D'Aubenton have measured, weighed, or seen those of America.
It is said of some of them, by some travellers, that they are smaller
than the European. But who were these travellers? Have they not been
men of a very different description from those who have laid open to us
the other three quarters of the world? Was natural history the object
of their travels? Did they measure or weigh the animals they speak of?
or did they not judge of them by sight, or perhaps even from report
only? Were they acquainted with the animals of their own country, with
which they undertake to compare them? Have they not been so ignorant as
often to mistake the species? A true answer to these questions would
probably lighten their authority, so as to render it insufficient for
the foundation of an hypothesis. How unripe we yet are, for an accurate
comparison of the animals of the two countries, will appear from the
work of Mons. de Buffon. The ideas we should have formed of the sizes
of some animals, from the information he had received at his first
publications concerning them, are very different from what his
subsequent communications give us. And indeed his candour in this can
never be too much praised. One sentence of his book must do him
immortal honour. `J'aime

thought the Cabiai he first examined wanted
little of its full
growth. `Il n'etoit pas encore tout-a-fait adulte.' Yet he weighed but
46 1/2 lb. and he found

Quad. IX. 132.

afterwards, that these animals, when full grown,
weigh 100 lb. He had supposed, from the examination of a

XIX. 2.

jaguar, said to be two years old, which weighed
but 16 lb. 12 oz.
that, when he should have acquired his full growth, he would not be
larger than a middle sized dog.

Quad. IX. 41.

But a subsequent account raises his weight to 200
lb. Further
information will, doubtless, produce further corrections. The wonder
is, not that there is yet something in this great work to correct, but
that there is so little. The result of this view then is, that of 26
quadrupeds common to both countries, 7 are said to be larger in
America, 7 of equal size, and 12 not sufficiently examined. So that the
first table impeaches the first member of the assertion, that of the
animals common to both countries, the American are smallest, `et cela
sans aucune exception.' It shews it not just, in all the latitude in
which its author has advanced it, and probably not to such a degree as
to found a distinction between the two countries.

Proceeding to the second table, which arranges
the animals found in
one of the two countries only, Mons. de Buffon observes, that the
tapir, the elephant of America, is but of the size of a small cow. To
preserve our comparison, I will add that the wild boar, the elephant of
Europe, is little more than half that size. I have made an elk with
round or cylindrical horns, an animal of America, and peculiar to it;
because I have seen many of them myself, and more of their horns; and
because I can say, from the best information, that, in Virginia, this
kind of elk has abounded much, and still exists in smaller numbers; and
I could never learn that the palmated kind had been seen here at all. I
suppose this confined to the more Northern latitudes (6).
I have made
our hare or rabbet peculiar, believing it to be different from both the
European animals of those denominations, and calling it therefore by
its Algonquin

Kalm II. 340.I. 82.

name Whabus, to keep it distinct from these. Kalm
is of the same
opinion. I have enumerated the squirrels according to our own
knowledge, derived from daily sight of them, because I am not able to
reconcile with that the European appellations and descriptions. I have
heard of other species, but they have never come within my own notice.
These, I think, are the only instances in which I have departed from
the authority of Mons. de Buffon in the construction of this table. I
take him for my ground work, because I think him the best informed of
any Naturalist who has ever written. The result is, that there are 18
quadrupeds peculiar to Europe; more than four times as many, to wit 74,
peculiar to America; that the (7) first of these 74 weighs more
than
the whole column of Europeans; and consequently this second table
disproves the second member of the assertion, that the animals peculiar
to the new world are on a smaller scale, so far as that assertion
relied on European animals for support: and it is in full opposition to
the theory which makes the animal volume to depend on the circumstances
of heat and moisture.

The IIId. table comprehends those quadrupeds only
which are
domestic in both countries. That some of these, in some parts of
America, have become less than their original stock, is doubtless true;
and the reason is very obvious. In a thinly peopled country, the
spontaneous productions of the forests and waste fields are sufficient
to support indifferently the domestic animals of the farmer, with a
very little aid from him in the severest and scarcest season. He
therefore finds it more convenient to receive them from the hand of
nature in that indifferent state, than to keep up their size by a care
and nourishment which would cost him much labour. If, on this low fare,
these animals dwindle, it is no more than they do in those parts of
Europe where the poverty of the soil, or poverty of the owner, reduces
them to the same scanty subsistance. It is the uniform effect of one
and the same cause, whether acting on this or that side of the globe.
It would be erring therefore against that rule of philosophy, which
teaches us to ascribe like effects to like causes, should we impute
this diminution of size in America to any imbecility or want of
uniformity in the operations of nature. It may be affirmed with truth
that, in those countries, and with those individuals of America, where
necessity or curiosity has produced equal attention as in Europe to the
nourishment of animals, the horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs of the one
continent are as large as those of the other. There are particular
instances, well attested, where individuals of this country have
imported good breeders from England, and have improved their size by
care in the course of some years. To make a fair comparison between the
two countries, it will not answer to bring together animals of what
might be deemed the middle or ordinary size of their species; because
an error in judging of that middle or ordinary size would vary the
result of the comparison. Thus Monsieur D'Aubenton considers a

VII. 432.

horse of 4 feet 5 inches high and 400 lb. weight
French, equal to 4
feet 8.6 inches and 436 lb. English, as a middle sized horse. Such a
one is deemed a small horse in America. The extremes must therefore be
resorted to. The same anatomist dissected a horse of 5 feet 9 inches
height, French measure,

VII. 474.

equal to 6 feet 1.7 English. This is near 6
inches higher than any
horse I have seen: and could it be supposed that I had seen the largest
horses in America, the conclusion would be, that ours have diminished,
or that we have bred from a smaller stock. In Connecticut and
Rhode-Island, where the climate is favorable to the production of
grass, bullocks have been slaughtered which weighed 2500, 2200, and
2100 lb. nett; and those of 1800 lb. have been frequent. I have seen a
(8) hog weigh 1050 lb. after the
blood, bowels, and hair had been
taken from him. Before he was killed an attempt was made to weigh him
with a pair of steel-yards, graduated to 1200 lb. but he weighed more.
Yet this hog was probably not within fifty generations of the European
stock. I am well informed of another which weighed 1100 lb. gross.
Asses have been still more neglected than any other domestic animal in
America. They are neither fed nor housed in the most rigorous season of
the year. Yet they are larger than those measured

VIII. 48. 35. 66.

by Mons. D'Aubenton, of 3 feet 7 1/4 inches, 3
feet 4 inches, and 3
feet 2 1/2 inches, the latter weighing only 215.8 lb. These sizes, I
suppose, have been produced by the same negligence in Europe, which has
produced a like diminution here. Where care has been taken of them on
that side of the water, they have been raised to a size bordering on
that of the horse; not by the heat and dryness of the
climate, but
by good food and shelter. Goats have been also much neglected in
America. Yet they are very prolific here, bearing twice or three times
a year, and from one to five kids

XVIII. 96.

at a birth. Mons. de Buffon has been sensible of
a difference in
this circumstance in favour of America. But what are their greatest
weights I cannot say. A large

IX. 41.

sheep here weighs 100 lb. I observe Mons.
D'Aubenton calls a ram of
62 lb. one of the middle size. But to say what are the extremes of
growth in these and the other domestic animals of America, would
require information of which no one individual is possessed. The
weights actually known and stated in the third table preceding will
suffice to shew, that we may conclude, on probable grounds, that, with
equal food and care, the climate of America will preserve the races of
domestic animals as large as the European stock from which they are
derived; and consequently that the third member of Mons. de Buffon's
assertion, that the domestic animals are subject to degeneration from
the climate of America, is as probably wrong as the first and second
were certainly so.

That the last part of it is erroneous, which
affirms that the
species of American quadrupeds are comparatively few, is evident from
the tables taken all together. By these it appears

XXX. 219.

that there are an hundred species aboriginal of
America. Mons. de
Buffon supposes about double that number existing on the whole earth.
Of these Europe, Asia, and Africa, furnish suppose 126; that is, the 26
common to Europe and America, and about 100 which are not in America at
all. The American species then are to those of the rest of the earth,
as 100 to 126, or 4 to 5. But the residue of the earth being double the
extent of America, the exact proportion would have been but as 4 to 8.

Hitherto I have considered this hypothesis as
applied to brute
animals only, and not in its extension to the man of America, whether
aboriginal or transplanted. It is the opinion of Mons. de Buffon that
the former furnishes no exception to

XVIII. 146.

it. `Quoique le sauvage du nouveau monde soit
a-peu-pres de meme
stature que l'homme de notre monde, cela ne suffit pas pour qu'il
puisse faire une exception au fait general du rapetissement de la
nature vivante dans tout ce continent: le sauvage est foible &
petit par les organes de la generation; il n'a ni poil, ni barbe,
&
nulle ardeur pour sa femelle; quoique plus leger que l'Europeen parce
qu'il a plus d'habitude a courir, il est cependant beaucoup moins fort
de corps; il est aussi bien moins sensible, & cependant plus
craintif & plus lache; il n'a nulle vivacite, nulle activite
dans
l'ame; celle du corps est moins un exercice, un mouvement volontaire
qu'une necessite d'action causee par le besoin; otez lui la faim
&
la soif, vous detruirez en meme temps le principe actif de tous ses
mouvemens; il demeurera stupidement en repos sur ses jambes ou couche
pendant des jours entiers. Il ne faut pas aller chercher plus loin la
cause de la vie dispersee des sauvages & de leur eloignement
pour
la societe: la plus precieuse etincelle du feu de la nature leur a ete
refusee; ils manquent d'ardeur pour leur femelle, & par
consequent
d'amour pour leur semblables: ne connoissant pas l'attachement le plus
vif, le plus tendre de tous, leurs autres sentimens de ce genre sont
froids & languissans; ils aiment foiblement leurs peres
& leurs
enfans; la societe la plus intime de toutes, celle de la meme famille,
n'a donc chez eux que de foibles liens; la societe d'une famille a
l'autre n'en a point du tout: des lors nulle reunion, nulle republique,
nulle etat social. La physique de l'amour fait chez eux le moral des
moeurs; leur coeur est glace, leur societe froide, & leur
empire
dur. Ils ne regardent leurs femmes que comme des servantes de peine ou
des betes de somme qu'ils chargent, sans menagement, du fardeau de leur
chasse, & qu'ils forcent sans pitie, sans reconnoissance, a des
ouvrages qui souvent sont audessus de leurs forces: ils n'ont que peu
d'enfans; ils en ont peu de soin; tout se ressent de leur premier
defaut; ils sont indifferents parce qu'ils sont peu puissans, &
cette indifference pour le sexe est la tache originelle qui fletrit la
nature, qui l'empeche de s'epanouir, & qui detruisant les
germes de
la vie, coupe en meme temps la racine de la societe. L'homme ne fait
donc point d'exception ici. La nature en lui refusant les puissances de
l'amour l'a plus maltraite & plus rapetisse qu'aucun des
animaux.'
An afflicting picture indeed, which, for the honor of human nature, I
am glad to believe has no original. Of the Indian of South America I
know nothing; for I would not honor with the appellation of knowledge,
what I derive from the fables published of them. These I believe to be
just as true as the fables of Aesop. This belief is founded on what I
have seen of man, white, red, and black, and what has been written of
him by authors, enlightened themselves, and writing amidst an
enlightened people. The Indian of North America being more within our
reach, I can speak of him somewhat from my own knowledge, but more from
the information of others better acquainted with him, and on whose
truth and judgment I can rely. From these sources I am able to say, in
contradiction to this representation, that he is neither more defective
in ardor, nor more impotent with his female, than the white reduced to
the same diet and exercise: that he is brave, when an enterprize
depends on bravery; education with him making the point of honor
consist in the destruction of an enemy by stratagem, and in the
preservation of his own person free from injury; or perhaps this is
nature; while it is education which teaches us to (9) honor force
more than finesse: that he will defend himself against an host of
enemies, always chusing to be killed, rather than to (10)
surrender,
though it be to the whites, who he knows will treat him well: that in
other situations also he meets death with more deliberation, and
endures tortures with a firmness unknown almost to religious enthusiasm
with us: that he is affectionate to his children, careful of them, and
indulgent in the extreme: that his affections comprehend his other
connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to circle, as they
recede from the center: that his friendships are strong and faithful to
the uttermost (11) extremity: that his
sensibility is keen, even the
warriors weeping most bitterly on the loss of their children, though in
general they endeavour to appear superior to human events: that his
vivacity and activity of mind is equal to ours in the same situation;
hence his eagerness for hunting, and for games of chance. The women are
submitted to unjust drudgery. This I believe is the case with every
barbarous people. With such, force is law. The stronger sex therefore
imposes on the weaker. It is civilization alone which replaces women in
the enjoyment of their natural equality. That first teaches us to
subdue the selfish passions, and to respect those rights in others
which we value in ourselves. Were we in equal barbarism, our females
would be equal drudges. The man with them is less strong than with us,
but their woman stronger than ours; and both for the same obvious
reason; because our man and their woman is habituated to labour, and
formed by it. With both races the sex which is indulged with ease is
least athletic. An Indian man is small in the hand and wrist for the
same reason for which a sailor is large and strong in the arms and
shoulders, and a porter in the legs and thighs. -- They raise fewer
children than we do. The causes of this are to be found, not in a
difference of nature, but of circumstance. The women very frequently
attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, child-bearing
becomes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said, therefore, that
they have learnt the practice of procuring abortion by the use of some
vegetable; and that it even extends to prevent conception for a
considerable time after. During these parties they are exposed to
numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greatest extremities
of hunger. Even at their homes the nation depends for food, through a
certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the forest: that is,
they experience a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the
female be badly fed, or not fed at all, her young perish: and if both
male and female be reduced to like want, generation becomes less
active, less productive. To the obstacles then of want and hazard,
which nature has opposed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the
purpose of restraining their numbers within certain bounds, those of
labour and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder
then if they multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly
supplied, a single farm will shew more of cattle, than a whole country
of forests can of buffaloes. The same Indian women, when married to
white traders, who feed them and their children plentifully and
regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who keep them
stationary and unexposed to accident, produce and raise as many
children as the white women. Instances are known, under these
circumstances, of their rearing a dozen children. An inhuman practice
once prevailed in this country of making slaves of the Indians. It is a
fact well known with us, that the Indian women so enslaved produced and
raised as numerous families as either the whites or blacks among whom
they lived. -- It has been said, that Indians have less hair than the
whites, except on the head. But this is a fact of which fair proof can
scarcely be had. With them it is disgraceful to be hairy on the body.
They say it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck the hair as fast
as it appears. But the traders who marry their women, and prevail on
them to discontinue this practice, say, that nature is the same with
them as with the whites. Nor, if the fact be true, is the consequence
necessary which has been drawn from it. Negroes have notoriously less
hair than the whites; yet they are more ardent. But if cold and
moisture be the agents of nature for diminishing the races of animals,
how comes she all at once to suspend their operation as to the physical
man of the new world, whom the Count acknowledges to be `a peu pres de
meme stature que l'homme de notre monde,' and to let loose their
influence on his moral

XVIII. 145.

faculties? How has this `combination of the
elements and other
physical causes, so contrary to the enlargement of animal nature in
this new world, these obstacles to the developement and formation of
great germs,' been arrested and suspended, so as to permit the human
body to acquire its just dimensions, and by what inconceivable process
has their action been directed on his mind alone? To judge of the truth
of this, to form a just estimate of their genius and mental powers,
more facts are wanting, and great allowance to be made for those
circumstances of their situation which call for a display of particular
talents only. This done, we shall probably find that they are formed in
mind as well as in body, on the same module with the (12)
`Homo
sapiens Europaeus.' The principles of their society forbidding all
compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprize by personal
influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and
address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To
these acquirements all their faculties are directed. Of their bravery
and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the
subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory we
have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own
councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. I may
challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more
eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a
single passage, superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord
Dunmore, when governor of this state. And, as a testimony of their
talents in this line, I beg leave to introduce it, first stating the
incidents necessary for understanding it. In the spring of the year
1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant of the
frontiers of Virginia, by two Indians of the Shawanee tribe. The
neighbouring whites, according to their custom, undertook to punish
this outrage in a summary way. Col. Cresap, a man infamous for the many
murders he had committed on those much-injured people, collected a
party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway in quest of vengeance.
Unfortunately a canoe of women and children, with one man only, was
seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting an
hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed
themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment the canoe reached
the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one fire, killed every
person in it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long
been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return
provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war
which ensued. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was
fought at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, between the collected forces
of the Shawanees, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the
Virginia militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Logan
however disdained to be seen among the suppliants. But, lest the
sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted, from which so distinguished
a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the following speech
to be delivered to Lord Dunmore.

`I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he
entered Logan's cabin
hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and
he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war,
Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my
love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and
said, `Logan is the friend of white men.' I had even thought to have
lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last
spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of
Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of
my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for
revenge. I have sought it: I have killed many: I have fully glutted my
vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not
harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear.
He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn
for Logan? -- Not one.'

Before we condemn the Indians of this continent
as wanting genius,
we must consider that letters have not yet been introduced among them.
Were we to compare them in their present state with the Europeans North
of the Alps, when the Roman arms and arts first crossed those
mountains, the comparison would be unequal, because, at that time,
those parts of Europe were swarming with numbers; because numbers
produce emulation, and multiply the chances of improvement, and one
improvement begets another. Yet I may safely ask, How many good poets,
how many able mathematicians, how many great inventors in arts or
sciences, had Europe North of the Alps then produced? And it was
sixteen centuries after this before a Newton could be formed. I do not
mean to deny, that there are varieties in the race of man,
distinguished by their powers both of body and mind. I believe there
are, as I see to be the case in the races of other animals. I only mean
to suggest a doubt, whether the bulk and faculties of animals depend on
the side of the Atlantic on which their food happens to grow, or which
furnishes the elements of which they are compounded? Whether nature has
enlisted herself as a Cis or Trans-Atlantic partisan? I am induced to
suspect, there has been more eloquence than sound reasoning displayed
in support of this theory; that it is one of those cases where the
judgment has been seduced by a glowing pen: and whilst I render every
tribute of honor and esteem to the celebrated Zoologist, who has added,
and is still adding, so many precious things to the treasures of
science, I must doubt whether in this instance he has not cherished
error also, by lending her for a moment his vivid imagination and
bewitching language.

So far the Count de Buffon has carried this new
theory of the
tendency of nature to belittle her productions on this side the
Atlantic. Its application to the race of whites, transplanted from
Europe, remained for the Abbe Raynal. `On doit etre etonne (he says)
que l'Amerique n'ait pas encore produit un bon poete, un habile
mathematicien, un homme de genie dans un seul art, ou une seule
science.' 7. Hist. Philos. p. 92. ed. Maestricht. 1774. `America has
not yet produced one good poet.' When we shall have existed as a people
as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a
Virgil, the French a Racine and Voltaire, the English a Shakespeare and
Milton, should this reproach be still true, we will enquire from what
unfriendly causes it has proceeded, that the other countries of Europe
and quarters of the earth shall not have inscribed any name in the roll
of poets (13). But neither has America
produced `one able
mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or a single science.'
In war we have produced a Washington, whose memory will be adored while
liberty shall have votaries, whose name will triumph over time, and
will in future ages assume its just station among the most celebrated
worthies of the world, when that wretched philosophy shall be forgotten
which would have arranged him among the degeneracies of nature. In
physics we have produced a Franklin, than whom no one of the present
age has made more important discoveries, nor has enriched philosophy
with more, or more ingenious solutions of the phaenomena of nature. We
have supposed Mr. Rittenhouse second to no astronomer living: that in
genius he must be the first, because he is self-taught. As an artist he
has exhibited as great a proof of mechanical genius as the world has
ever produced. He has not indeed made a world; but he has by imitation
approached nearer its Maker than any man who has lived from the
creation to this day (14). As in philosophy and war,
so in
government, in oratory, in painting, in the plastic art, we might shew
that America, though but a child of yesterday, has already given
hopeful proofs of genius, as well of the nobler kinds, which arouse the
best feelings of man, which call him into action, which substantiate
his freedom, and conduct him to happiness, as of the subordinate, which
serve to amuse him only. We therefore suppose, that this reproach is as
unjust as it is unkind; and that, of the geniuses which adorn the
present age, America contributes its full share. For comparing it with
those countries, where genius is most cultivated, where are the most
excellent models for art, and scaffoldings for the attainment of
science, as France and England for instance, we calculate thus. The
United States contain three millions of inhabitants; France twenty
millions; and the British islands ten. We produce a Washington, a
Franklin, a Rittenhouse. France then should have half a dozen in each
of these lines, and Great-Britain half that number, equally eminent. It
may be true, that France has: we are but just becoming acquainted with
her, and our acquaintance so far gives us high ideas of the genius of
her inhabitants. It would be injuring too many of them to name
particularly a Voltaire, a Buffon, the constellation of Encyclopedists,
the Abbe Raynal himself, &c. &c. We therefore have
reason to
believe she can produce her full quota of genius. The present war
having so long cut off all communication with Great-Britain, we are not
able to make a fair estimate of the state of science in that country.
The spirit in which she wages war is the only sample before our eyes,
and that does not seem the legitimate offspring either of science or of
civilization. The sun of her glory is fast descending to the horizon.
Her philosophy has crossed the Channel, her freedom the Atlantic, and
herself seems passing to that awful dissolution, whose issue is not
given human foresight to scan (15).

Having given a sketch of our minerals,
vegetables, and quadrupeds,
and being led by a proud theory to make a comparison of the latter with
those of Europe, and to extend it to the Man of America, both
aboriginal and emigrant, I will proceed to the remaining articles
comprehended under the present query.

Between ninety and an hundred of our birds have
been described by
Catesby. His drawings are better as to form and attitude, than
colouring, which is generally too high. They are the following.

BIRDS OF VIRGINIA.

Linnæan Designation.

Catesby's Designation.

Popular Names.

Buffon oiseaux.

Lanius tyrannus

Muscicapa coronâ rubrâ

1.55

Tyrant. Field martin

8.398

Vultur aura

Buteo specie GaHo-pavonis

1.6

Turkev buzzard

1.246

Falco leucocephalus

Aquila capite albo

1.1

Bald Eagle

1.138

Falco
sparverius

Accipiter minor

1.5

Little
hawk. Sparrow hawk

Falco columbarius

Accipiter palumbarius

1.3

Pigeon hawk

1.338

Falco furcatus

Accipiter caudâ
furcatâ

1.4

Forked tail hawk

1286.312

Accipiter piscatorius

1.2

Fishing hawk

1.199

Strix asio

Noctua aurita minor

1.7

Little owl

1.141

Psittacus Caroliniensis

Psitticus Caroliniensis

1.11

Parrot of Carolina. Perroquet

17.383

Corvus cristatus

Pica glandaria, cærulea,
cristata

1.15

Blue jay

5.164

Oriolus Baltimore

Icterus ex aureo nigroque varius

1.48

Baltimore bird

5.318

Oriolus spurius

Icterus minor

1.49

Bastard Baltimore

5.321

Gracula quiscula

Monedula purpurea

1.12

Purple jackdaw. Crow blackbird

5.134

Cuculus Americanus

Cuculus Caroliniensis

1.9

Carolina cuckow

12.62

Picus principalis

Picus maximus rostro albo

1.16

White bill woodpecker

13.69

Picus pileatus

Picus niger maximus, capite rubro

1.17

Larger red-crested woodpecker

13.72

Picus erythrocephalus

Picus capite toto rubro

1.20

Red-headed woodpecker

13.83

Picus
auratus

Picus major alis aureis

1.18

Gold winged
woodpecker. Yucker

13.59

Picus Carolinus

Picus ventre rubro

1.19

Red bellied woodpecker

13.105

Picus pubescens

Picus varius minimus

1.21

Smallest spotted woodpecker

13.113

Picus villosus

Picus medius quasi-villosus

1.19

Hairy woodpecker. Speck. woodpec.

13.111

Picus varius

Picus varius minor ventre luteo

1.21

Yellow bellied woodpecker

13.115

Linnæan Designation.

Catesby's Designation.

Popular Names.

Buffon oiseaux.

Sirra Europæa

Sitta capite nigro

1.22

Nuthatch

10.213

Sitta capite fusco

1.22

Small Nuthatch

10.214

Alecedo alcyon

Ispida

1.69

Kingfisher

13.310

Certhia pinus

Parus Americanus lutescens

1.61

Pinecreeper

9.433

Trochilus colubris

Mellivora avis
Caroliniensis

1.65

Humming bird

11.16

Anas Canadensis

Anser Canadensis

1.92

Wild goose

17.122

Anas bucephala

Anas minor purpureo capite

1.95

Buffel's head
duck

17.356

Anas rustica

Anas minor
ex albo & fusco vario

1.98

Little brown duck

17.413

Anas discors

Querquedula Americana
variegata

1.100

White face teal

77.403

Anas discors.

Querquedula Americana fusca

1.99

Blue wing
teal

17.405

Anas sponsa

Anas
Americanus cristatus elegans

1.97

Summer duck

17.351

Anas Americanus lato rostro

1.96

Blue wing shoveler

17.275

Mergus
cucullatus

Anas cristatus

1.94

Round crested duck

15.437

Colymbus podiceps

Prodicipes minor rostro
vario

1.91

Pied bill dopchick

15.383

Ardea Herodias

Ardea cristata maxima Americana

3.10

Largest crested heron

14.113

Ardea violacea

Ardea stellaris cristata Americana

1.79

Crested bittern

14.134

Ardca cærulea

Ardea cærulea

1.76

Blue heron. Crane

14.131

Ardea
virescens

Ardea stellaris minima

1.80

Small bittern

14.142

Axdea æquinoctialis

Ardea
alba minor Caroliniensis

1.77

Little white heron

14.136

Ardea stellaris Americana

1.78

Brown bittern. Indian hen

14.175

Tantalus loculator

Pelicanus Americanus

1.81

Wood pelican

13.403

Tantalus alber

Numenius albus

1.82

White curlew

15.62

Tantalus fuscus

Numenius fuscus

1.83

Brown curlew

15.64

Charadrius vociferus

Pluvialis vociferus

1.71

Chattering plover. Kildee

15.151

Hæmatopus
ostralegus

Haelig;matopus

1.85

Oyster Catcher

15.185

Linnæan Designation.

Catesby's Designation.

Popular Names.

Buffon oiseaux.

Rallus Virginianus

Gallinula Americana

1.70

Soree. Ral-bird

15.256

Meleagris
Gallopavo

Gallopavo Sylvestris

xliv.

Wild turkey

3.187.229

Tetrao Virginianus

Perdix Sylvestris
Virginiana

3.12

American partridge. American quail

4.237

Urogallus minor, or a kind of Lagopus

3.1

Pheasant. Mountain partridge

3.409

Columba passerina

Turtur minimus guttatus

1.26

Ground dove

4.404

Columba migratoria

Palumbus migratorius

1.23

Pigeon
of passage. Wild pigeon

4.351

Columba Caroliniensis

Turtur Carohniensis

1.24

Turtle. Turtle dove

4.401

Alauda alpestris

Alauda gutture flavo

1.32

Lark. Sky lark

9.79

Alauda magna

Alauda
magna

1.33

Field lark. Large lark

6.59

Stumus niger alis superne rubentibus

1.13

Red
winged starling. Marsh blackbird

5.293

Turdus migratorius

Turdus pilaris migratorius

1.29

Fieldfare of Carolina. Robin redbreast

5.426

9.250

Turdus rufus

Turdus ruffus

1.28

Fox coloured thrush. Thrush

5.449

Turdus polyglottos

Turdus minor cinereo albus non maculatus

1.27

Mocking bird

5.451

Turdus minimus

1.31

Little thrush

5.400

Ampelis garrulus.

Garrulus Caroliniensis

1.46

Chatterer

6.162

Loxia Cardinalis

Coccothraustes rubra

1.38

Red bird. Virginia nightingale

6.185

Loxia Cærulea

Coccothraustes eærulea

1.39

Blue gross beak

8.125

Emberiza hyemalis

Passer nivalis

1.36

Snow bird

8.47

Emberiza Oryzivora

Hormlanus Caroliniensis

1.14

Rice bird

8.49

Emberiza Ciris

Fringilla tricolor

1.44

Painted finch

7.247

Tanagra cyanea

Linaria cærulea

1.39

Blue gross beak

8.125

Passerculus

1.35

Little sparrow

7.120

Passer fuscus

1.34

Cowpen bird

7.196

Fringilla erythrophthalma

Passer niger oculis rubris

1.34

Towhe bird

7.201

Linnæan Designation.

Catesby's Designation.

Popular Names.

Buffon oiseaux.

Fringilla tristis

Carduehs Americanus

1.43

American
goldfinch. Lettuce bird

7.297

Fringilla
purpurea

1.41

Purple finch

8.129

Muscicapa crinita

Muscicapa cristata ventre luteo

1.52

Crested flycather

8.379

Muscicapa rubra

Muscicapa rubra

1.56

Summer red bird

8.410

Muscicapa ruticilla

Ruticilla Americana

1.67

Red start

8.349

9.259

Muscicapa Caroliniensis

Muscicapa vertice nigro

1.66

Cat bird

8.372

Muscicapa nigrescens

1.53

Black-cap flycatcher

8.341

Muscicapa fusca

1.54

Little brown flycatcher

8.344

Muscicapa oculis rubris

1.54

Red-eyed flycatcher

8.337

Motacilla Sialis

Rubicula Americana
cærulea

1.47

Blue bird

9.308

Motacilla regulus

Regulus cristatus

3.13

Wren

10.58

Motacilla trochilus.

Oenanthe Americana pectore luteo

1.50

Yellow-breasted
chat

6.96

Parus bicolor

Parus
cristatus

1.57

Crested titmouse

10.181

Parus Americanus

Parus fringillaris

1.64

Finch creeper

9.442

Parus Virginianus

Parus uropygeo luteo

1.58

Yellow rump

10.184

Parus cucullo nigro

1.6o

Hooded titmouse

10.183

Parus Americanus gutture luteo

1.62

Yellow-throated
creeper

Parus Caroliniensis

1.63

Yellow titmouse

9.431

Hiauldo Pelasgia

Hirundo cauda aculeata Americana

3.8

American swallow

12.478

Hirundo purpurea

Hirundo purpurea

1.51

Purple martin. House martin

12.445

Caprimulgus Europæus

Caprimulgus

1.8

Goatsucker. Great bat

12.243

Caprimulgus Europæus

Caprimulgus minor Americanus

3.16

Whip-poor Will

12.246

Besides these, we have

The Royston crow. Corvus cornix.

Crane. Ardea Canadensis.

House swallow. Hirundo rustica.

Ground swallow. Hirundo riparia.

Greatest grey eagle.

Smaller turkey buzzard, with a feathered head.

Greatest owl, or nighthawk.

Wethawk, which feeds flying.

Raven.

Water pelican of the Missisipi, whose pouch holds
a peck.

Swan.

Loon.

The Cormorant.

Duck and Mallard.

Widgeon.

Sheldrach, or Canvas back.

Black head.

Ballcoot.

Sprigtail.

Didapper, or Dopchick.

Spoon billed duck.

Water-witch.

Water-pheasant.

Mow-bird.

Blue peter.

Water wagtail.

Yellow-legged snipe.

Squatting snipe.

Small plover.

Whistling plover.

Woodcock.

Red bird, with black head, wings and tail.

And doubtless many others which have not yet been
described and classed.

To this catalogue of our indigenous animals, I
will add a short
account of an anomaly of nature, taking place sometimes in the race of
negroes brought from Africa, who, though black themselves, have in rare
instances, white children, called Albinos. I have known four of these
myself, and have faithful accounts of three others. The circumstances
in which all the individuals agree are these. They are of a pallid
cadaverous white, untinged with red, without any coloured spots or
seams; their hair of the same kind of white, short, coarse, and curled
as is that of the negro; all of them well formed, strong, healthy,
perfect in their senses, except that of sight, and born of parents who
had no mixture of white blood. Three of these Albinos were sisters,
having two other full sisters, who were black. The youngest of the
three was killed by lightning, at twelve years of age. The eldest died
at about 27 years of age, in child-bed, with her second child. The
middle one is now alive in health, and has issue, as the eldest had, by
a black man, which issue was black. They are uncommonly shrewd, quick
in their apprehensions and in reply. Their eyes are in a perpetual
tremulous vibration, very weak, and much affected by the sun: but they
see better in the night than we do. They are of the property of Col.
Skipwith, of Cumberland. The fourth is a negro woman, whose parents
came from Guinea, and had three other children, who were of their own
colour. She is freckled, her eye-sight so weak that she is obliged to
wear a bonnet in the summer; but it is better in the night than day.
She had an Albino child by a black man. It died at the age of a few
weeks. These were the property of Col. Carter, of Albemarle. A sixth
instance is a woman of the property of a Mr. Butler, near Petersburgh.
She is stout and robust, has issue a daughter, jet black, by a black
man. I am not informed as to her eye sight. The seventh instance is of
a male belonging to a Mr. Lee, of Cumberland. His eyes are tremulous
and weak. He is tall of stature, and now advanced in years. He is the
only male of the Albinos which have come within my information.
Whatever be the cause of the disease in the skin, or in its colouring
matter, which produces this change, it seems more incident to the
female than male sex. To these I may add the mention of a negro man
within my own knowledge, born black, and of black parents; on whose
chin, when a boy, a white spot appeared. This continued to increase
till he became a man, by which time it had extended over his chin,
lips, one cheek, the under jaw and neck on that side. It is of the
Albino white, without any mixture of red, and has for several years
been stationary. He is robust and healthy, and the change of colour was
not accompanied with any sensible disease, either general or topical.

Of our fish and insects there has been nothing
like a full
description or collection. More of them are described in Catesby than
in any other work. Many also are to be found in Sir Hans Sloane's
Jamaica, as being common to that and this country. The honey-bee is not
a native of our continent. Marcgrave indeed mentions a species of
honey-bee in Brasil. But this has no sting, and is therefore different
from the one we have, which resembles perfectly that of Europe. The
Indians concur with us in the tradition that it was brought from
Europe; but when, and by whom, we know not. The bees have generally
extended themselves into the country, a little in advance of the white
settlers. The Indians therefore call them the white man's fly, and
consider their approach as indicating the approach of the settlements
of the whites. A question here occurs, How far northwardly have these
insects been found? That they are unknown in Lapland, I infer from
Scheffer's information, that the Laplanders eat the pine bark, prepared
in a certain way, instead of those things sweetened with sugar. `Hoc
comedunt pro rebus saccharo conditis.' Scheff. Lapp. c. 18. Certainly,
if they had honey, it would be a better substitute for sugar than any
preparation of the pine bark. Kalm tells us the honey bee

I. 126.

cannot live through the winter in Canada. They
furnish then an
additional proof of the remarkable fact first observed by the Count de
Buffon, and which has thrown such a blaze of light on the field of
natural history, that no animals are found in both continents, but
those which are able to bear the cold of those regions where they
probably join.

(5) It
is said, that this animal is seldom seen above 30 miles
from shore, or beyond the 56th degree of latitude. The interjacent
islands between Asia and America admit his passing from one continent
to the other without exceeding these bounds. And, in fact, travellers
tell us that these islands are places of principal resort for them, and
especially in the season of bringing forth their young. Back

(6) The
descriptions of Theodat, Denys and La Hontan, cited by
Mons. de Buffon under the article Elan, authorize the supposition, that
the flat-horned elk is found in the northern parts of America. It has
not however extended to our latitudes. On the other hand, I could never
learn that the round-horned elk has been seen further North than the
Hudson's river. This agrees with the former elk in its general
character, being, like that, when compared with a deer, very much
larger, its ears longer, broader, and thicker in proportion, its hair
much longer, neck and tail shorter, having a dewlap before the breast
(caruncula gutturalis Linnaei) a white spot often, if not always; of a
foot diameter, on the hinder part of the buttocks round the tail; its
gait a trot, and attended with a rattling of the hoofs: but
distinguished from that decisively by its horns, which are not
palmated, but round and pointed. This is the animal described by
Catesby as the Cervus major Americanus, the Stag of America, le Cerf de
l'Amerique. But it differs from the Cervus as totally, as does the
palmated elk from the dama. And in fact it seems to stand in the same
relation to the palmated elk, as the red deer does to the fallow. It
has abounded in Virginia, has been seen, within my knowledge, on the
Eastern side of the Blue ridge since the year 1765, is now common
beyond those mountains, has been often brought to us and tamed, and
their horns are in the hands of many. I should designate it as the
`Alces Americanus cornibus teretibus.' It were to be wished, that
Naturalists, who are acquainted with the renne and elk of Europe, and
who may hereafter visit the northern parts of America, would examine
well the animals called there by the names of grey and black moose,
caribou, orignal, and elk. Mons. de Buffon has done what could be done
from the materials in his hands, towards clearing up the confusion
introduced by the loose application of these names among the animals
they are meant to designate. He reduces the whole to the renne and
flat-horned elk. From all the information I have been able to collect,
I strongly suspect they will be found to cover three, if not four
distinct species of animals. I have seen skins of a moose, and of the
caribou: they differ more from each other, and from that of the
round-horned elk, than I ever saw two skins differ which belonged to
different individuals of any wild species. These differences are in the
colour, length, and coarseness of the hair, and in the size, texture,
and marks of the skin. Perhaps it will be found that there is, 1. the
moose, black and grey, the former being said to be the male, and the
latter the female. 2. The caribou or renne. 3. The flat-horned elk, or
orignal. 4. The round-horned elk. Should this last, though possessing
so nearly the characters of the elk, be found to be the same with the
Cerf d'Ardennes or Brandhirtz of Germany, still there will remain the
three species first enumerated. Back

(7)
The Tapir is the largest of the animals peculiar to America.
I collect his weight thus. Mons. de Buffon says, XXIII. 274. that he is
of the size of a Zebu, or a small cow. He gives us the measures of a
Zebu, ib. 94. as taken by himself, viz. 5 feet 7 inches from the muzzle
to the root of the tail, and 5 feet 1 inch circumference behind the
fore legs. A bull, measuring in the same way 6 feet 9 inches and 5 feet
2 inches, weighed 600 lb. VIII. 153. The Zebu then, and of course the
Tapir, would weigh about 500 lb. But one individual of every species of
European peculiars would probably weigh less than 400 lb. These are
French measures and weights. Back

(10) In
so judicious an author as Don Ulloa, and one to whom we
are indebted for the most precise information we have of South America,
I did not expect to find such assertions as the following. `Los Indios
vencidos son los mas cobardes y pusilanimes que se peuden ver: -- se
hacen inocentes, se humillan hasta el desprecio, disculpan su
inconsiderado arrojo, y con las suplicas y los ruegos dan seguras
pruebas de su pusilanimidad. -- o lo que resieren las historias de la
Conquista, sobre sus grandes acciones, es en un sentido figurado, o el
caracter de estas gentes no es ahora segun era entonces; pero lo que no
tiene duda es, que las Naciones de la parte Septentrional subsisten en
la misma libertad que siempre han tenido, sin haber sido sojuzgados por
algun Principe extrano, y que viven segun su regimen y costumbres de
toda la vida, sin que haya habido motivo para que muden de caracter; y
en estos se ve lo mismo, que sucede en los del Peru, y de toda la
America Meridional, reducidos, y que nunca lo han estado.' Noticias
Americanas. Entretenimiento XVIII. 1. Don Ulloa here admits, that the
authors who have described the Indians of South America, before they
were enslaved, had represented them as a brave people, and therefore
seems to have suspected that the cowardice which he had observed in
those of the present race might be the effect of subjugation. But,
supposing the Indians of North America to be cowards also, he concludes
the ancestors of those of South America to have been so too, and
therefore that those authors have given fictions for truths. He was
probably not acquainted himself with the Indians of North America, and
had formed his opinion of them from hear-say. Great numbers of French,
of English, and of Americans, are perfectly acquainted with these
people. Had he had an opportunity of enquiring of any of these, they
would have told him, that there never was an instance known of an
Indian begging his life when in the power of his enemies: on the
contrary, that he courts death by every possible insult and
provocation. His reasoning then would have been reversed thus. `Since
the present Indian of North America is brave, and authors tell us, that
the ancestors of those of South America were brave also; it must
follow, that the cowardice of their descendants is the effect of
subjugation and ill treatment.' For he observes, ib. (symbol omitted).
27. that `los obrages los aniquilan por la inhumanidad con que se les
trata.' Back

(11) A
remarkable instance of this appeared in the case of the
late Col. Byrd, who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact some
business with them. It happened that some of our disorderly people had
just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore proposed in the
council of the Cherokees that Col. Byrd should be put to death, in
revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a chief called
Silouee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an acquaintance
and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent,
and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many
days deliberation, however, the determination was, contrary to
Silouee's expectation, that Byrd should be put to death, and some
warriors were dispatched as executioners. Silouee attended them, and
when they entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and
said to the warriors, `this man is my friend: before you get at him,
you must kill me.' On which they returned, and the council respected
the principle so much as to recede from their determination. Back

(13)
Has the world as yet produced more than two poets,
acknowledged to be such by all nations? An Englishman, only, reads
Milton with delight, an Italian Tasso, a Frenchman the Henriade, a
Portuguese Camouens: but Homer and Virgil have been the rapture of
every age and nation: they are read with enthusiasm in their originals
by those who can read the originals, and in translations by those who
cannot. Back

(14)
There are various ways of keeping truth out of sight. Mr.
Rittenhouse's model of the planetary system has the plagiary
appellation of an Orrery; and the quadrant invented by Godfrey, an
American also, and with the aid of which the European nations traverse
the globe, is called Hadley's quadrant. Back

(15) In
a later edition of the Abbe Raynal's work, he has
withdrawn his censure from that part of the new world inhabited by the
Federo-Americans; but has left it still on the other parts. North
America has always been more accessible to strangers than South. If he
was mistaken then as to the former, he may be so as to the latter. The
glimmerings which reach us from South America enable us only to see
that its inhabitants are held under the accumulated pressure of
slavery, superstition, and ignorance. Whenever they shall be able to
rise under this weight, and to shew themselves to the rest of the
world, they will probably shew they are like the rest of the world. We
have not yet sufficient evidence that there are more lakes
and fogs
in South America than in other parts of the earth. As little do we know
what would be their operation on the mind of man. That country has been
visited by Spaniards and Portugueze chiefly, and almost exclusively.
These, going from a country of the old world remarkably dry in its soil
and climate, fancied there were more lakes and fogs in South America
than in Europe. An inhabitant of Ireland, Sweden, or Finland, would
have formed the contrary opinion. Had South America then been
discovered and seated by a people from a fenny country, it would
probably have been represented as much drier than the old world. A
patient pursuit of facts, and cautious combination and comparison of
them, is the drudgery to which man is subjected by his Maker, if he
wishes to attain sure knowledge. Back

QUERY VII

A notice of all what can increase the progress of
human knowledge?

Climate

Under the latitude of this query, I will presume
it not improper
nor unacceptable to furnish some data for estimating the climate of
Virginia. Journals of observations on the quantity of rain, and degree
of heat, being lengthy, confused, and too minute to produce general and
distinct ideas, I have taken five years observations, to wit, from 1772
to 1777, made in Williamsburgh and its neighbourhood, have reduced them
to an average for every month in the year, and stated those averages in
the following table, adding an analytical view of the winds during the
same period.

The rains of every month, (as of January for
instance) through the
whole period of years, were added separately, and an average drawn from
them. The coolest and warmest point of the same day in each year of the
period were added separately, and an average of the greatest cold and
greatest heat of that day, was formed. From the averages of every day
in the month, a general average for the whole month was formed. The
point from which the wind blew was observed two or three times in every
day. These observations, in the month of January for instance, through
the whole period amounted to 337. At 73 of these, the wind was from the
North; at 47, from the North-east, &c. So that it will be easy
to
see in what proportion each wind usually prevails in each month: or,
taking the whole year, the total of observations through the whole
period having been 3698, it will be observed that 611 of them were from
the North, 558 from the North-east, &c.

Though by this table it appears we have on an
average 47 inches of
rain annually, which is considerably more than usually falls in Europe,
yet from the information I have collected, I suppose we have a much
greater proportion of sunshine here than there. Perhaps it will be
found there are twice as many cloudy days in the middle parts of
Europe, as in the United States of America. I mention the middle parts
of Europe, because my information does not extend to its northern or
southern parts.

Fall of rain,
&c. in inches.

Least & greatest daily heat by Farenheit's
thermometer.

W I
N D S.

N.

N. E.

E.

S. E.

S.

S. W.

W.

N. W.

Total.

Jan.

3.192

38 1/2

to

44

73

47

32

10

11

78

40

46

337

Feb.

2.049

41

47 1/2

61

52

24

11

4

63

30

31

276

Mar.

3.95

48

54 1/2

49

44

38

28

14

83

29

33

318

April

3.68

56

62 1/2

35

44

54

19

9

58

18

20

257

May

2.871

63

70 1/2

27

36

62

23

7

74

32

20

281

June

3.751

71 1/2

78 1/4

22

34

43

24

13

81

25

25

267

July

4.497

77

82 1/2

41

44

75

15

7

95

32

19

328

Aug.

9.153

76 1/4

81

43

52

40

30

9

103

27

30

334

Sept.

4.761

69 1/2

74 1/4

70

60

51

18

10

81

18

37

345

Oct.

3.633

61 1/4

66 1/2

52

77

64

15

6

56

23

34

327

Nov.

2.617

47 3/4

53 1/2

74

21

20

14

9

63

35

58

294

Dec.

2.877

43

48 3/4

64

37

18

16

10

91

42

56

334

Total

47.038

8.A.M.

4.P.M.

611

548

521

223

109

926

351

409

3698

In an extensive country, it will of course be
expected that the
climate is not the same in all its parts. It is remarkable that,
proceeding on the same parallel of latitude westwardly, the climate
becomes colder in like manner as when you proceed northwardly. This
continues to be the case till you attain the summit of the Alleghaney,
which is the highest land between the ocean and the Missisipi. From
thence, descending in the same latitude to the Missisipi, the change
reverses; and, if we may believe travellers, it becomes warmer there
than it is in the same latitude on the sea side. Their testimony is
strengthened by the vegetables and animals which subsist and multiply
there naturally, and do not on our sea coast. Thus Catalpas grow
spontaneously on the Missisipi, as far as the latitude of 37 degrees.
and reeds as far as 38 degrees. Perroquets even winter on the Sioto, in
the 39th degree of latitude. In the summer of 1779, when the
thermometer was at 90 degrees. at Monticello, and 96 at Williamsburgh,
it was 110 degrees. at Kaskaskia. Perhaps the mountain, which overhangs
this village on the North side, may, by its reflexion, have contributed
somewhat to produce this heat. The difference of temperature of the air
at the sea coast, or on Chesapeak bay, and at the Alleghaney, has not
been ascertained; but cotemporary observations, made at Williamsburgh,
or in its neighbourhood, and at Monticello, which is on the most
eastern ridge of mountains, called the South West, where they are
intersected by the Rivanna, have furnished a ratio by which that
difference may in some degree be conjectured. These observations make
the difference between Williamsburgh and the nearest mountains, at the
position before mentioned, to be on an average 6 1/8 degrees of
Farenheit's thermometer. Some allowance however is to be made for the
difference of latitude between these two places, the latter being 38
degrees.8'.17". which is 52'.22". North of the former. By cotemporary
observations of between five and six weeks, the averaged and almost
unvaried difference of the height of mercury in the barometer, at those
two places, was .784 of an inch, the atmosphere at Monticello being so
much the lightest, that is to say, about 1/37 of its whole weight. It
should be observed, however, that the hill of Monticello is of 500 feet
perpendicular height above the river which washes its base. This
position being nearly central between our northern and southern
boundaries, and between the bay and Alleghaney, may be considered as
furnishing the best average of the temperature of our climate.
Williamsburgh is much too near the South-eastern corner to give a fair
idea of our general temperature.

But a more remarkable difference is in the winds
which prevail in
the different parts of the country. The following table exhibits a
comparative view of the winds prevailing at Williamsburgh, and at
Monticello. It is formed by reducing nine months observations at
Monticello to four principal points, to wit, the North-east,
South-east, South-west, and North-west; these points being
perpendicular to, or parallel with our coast, mountains and rivers: and
by reducing, in like manner, an equal number of observations, to wit,
421. from the preceding table of winds at Williamsburgh, taking them
proportionably from every point.

N.E.

S.E.

S.W.

N.W.

Total.

Williamsburgh

127

61

132

101

421

Monticello

32

91

126

172

421

By
this it may be seen that the South-west wind
prevails equally at
both places; that the North-east is, next to this, the principal wind
towards the sea coast, and the North-west is the predominant wind at
the mountains. The difference between these two winds to sensation, and
in fact, is very great. The North-east is loaded with vapour, insomuch,
that the salt makers have found that their crystals would not shoot
while that blows; it brings a distressing chill, is heavy and
oppressive to the spirits: the North-west is dry, cooling, elastic and
animating. The Eastern and South-eastern breezes come on generally in
the afternoon. They have advanced into the country very sensibly within
the memory of people now living. They formerly did not penetrate far
above Williamsburgh. They are now frequent at Richmond, and every now
and then reach the mountains. They deposit most of their moisture
however before they get that far. As the lands become more cleared, it
is probable they will extend still further westward.

Going out into the open air, in the temperate,
and in the warm
months of the year, we often meet with bodies of warm air, which,
passing by us in two or three seconds, do not afford time to the most
sensible thermometer to seize their temperature. Judging from my
feelings only, I think they approach the ordinary heat of the human
body. Some of them perhaps go a little beyond it. They are of about 20
or 30 feet diameter horizontally. Of their height we have no
experience; but probably they are globular volumes wafted or rolled
along with the wind. But whence taken, where found, or how generated?
They are not to be ascribed to Volcanos, because we have none. They do
not happen in the winter when the farmers kindle large fires in
clearing up their grounds. They are not confined to the spring season,
when we have fires which traverse whole counties, consuming the leaves
which have fallen from the trees. And they are too frequent and general
to be ascribed to accidental fires. I am persuaded their cause must be
sought for in the atmosphere itself, to aid us in which I know but of
these constant circumstances; a dry air; a temperature as warm at least
as that of the spring or autumn; and a moderate current of wind. They
are most frequent about sun-set; rare in the middle parts of the day;
and I do not recollect having ever met with them in the morning.

The variation in the weight of our atmosphere, as
indicated by the
barometer, is not equal to two inches of mercury. During twelve months
observation at Williamsburgh, the extremes were 29, and 30.86 inches,
the difference being 1.86 of an inch: and in nine months, during which
the height of the mercury was noted at Monticello, the extremes were
28.48 and 29.69 inches, the variation being 1.21 of an inch. A
gentleman, who has observed his barometer many years, assures me it has
never varied two inches. Cotemporary observations, made at Monticello
and Williamsburgh, proved the variations in the weight of air to be
simultaneous and corresponding in these two places.

Our changes from heat to cold, and cold to heat,
are very sudden
and great. The mercury in Farenheit's thermometer has been known to
descend from 92 degrees. to 47degrees. in thirteen hours.

It is taken for granted, that the preceding table
of averaged heat
will not give a false idea on this subject, as it proposes to state
only the ordinary heat and cold of each month, and not those which are
extraordinary. At Williamsburgh in August 1766, the mercury in
Farenheit's thermometer was at 98degrees. corresponding with 29 1/3 of
Reaumur. At the same place in January 1780, it was at 6degrees.
corresponding with 11 1/2 below 0. of Reaumur. I believe (16) these may
be considered to be nearly the extremes of heat and cold in that part
of the country. The latter may most certainly, as, at that time, York
river, at York town, was frozen over, so that people walked across it;
a circumstance which proves it to have been colder than the winter of
1740, 1741, usually called the cold winter, when York river did not
freeze over at that place. In the same season of 1780, Chesapeak bay
was solid, from its head to the mouth of Patowmac. At Annapolis, where
it is 5 1/4 miles over between the nearest points of land, the ice was
from 5 to 7 inches thick quite across, so that loaded carriages went
over on it. Those, our extremes of heat and cold, of 6degrees. and
98degrees. were indeed very distressing to us, and were thought to put
the extent of the human constitution to considerable trial. Yet a
Siberian would have considered them as scarcely a sensible variation.
At Jenniseitz in that country, in latitude 58degrees. we are told, that
the cold in 1735 sunk the mercury by Farenheit's scale to 126 degrees.
below nothing; and the inhabitants of the same country use stove rooms
two or three times a week, in which they stay two hours at a time, the
atmosphere of which raises the mercury to 135 degrees. above nothing.
Late experiments shew that the human body will exist in rooms heated to
140 degrees. of Reaumur, equal to 347 degrees. of Farenheit, and 135
degrees. above boiling water. The hottest point of the 24 hours is
about four o'clock, P. M. and the dawn of day the coldest.

The access of frost in autumn, and its recess in
the spring, do not
seem to depend merely on the degree of cold; much less on the air's
being at the freezing point. White frosts are frequent when the
thermometer is at 47 degrees. have killed young plants of Indian corn
at 48 degrees. and have been known at 54 degrees. Black frost, and even
ice, have been produced at 38 1/2 degrees. which is 6 1/2 degrees above
the freezing point. That other circumstances must be combined with the
cold to produce frost, is evident from this also, that on the higher
parts of mountains, where it is absolutely colder than in the plains on
which they stand, frosts do not appear so early by a considerable space
of time in autumn, and go off sooner in the spring, than in the plains.
I have known frosts so severe as to kill the hiccory trees round about
Monticello, and yet not injure the tender fruit blossoms then in bloom
on the top and higher parts of the mountain; and in the course of 40
years, during which it has been settled, there have been but two
instances of a general loss of fruit on it: while, in the circumjacent
country, the fruit has escaped but twice in the last seven years. The
plants of tobacco, which grow from the roots of those which have been
cut off in the summer, are frequently green here at Christmas. This
privilege against the frost is undoubtedly combined with the want of
dew on the mountains. That the dew is very rare on their higher parts,
I may say with certainty, from 12 years observations, having scarcely
ever, during that time, seen an unequivocal proof of its existence on
them at all during summer. Severe frosts in the depth of winter prove
that the region of dews extends higher in that season than the tops of
the mountains: but certainly, in the summer season, the vapours, by the
time they attain that height, are become so attenuated as not to
subside and form a dew when the sun retires.

The weavil has not yet ascended the high
mountains.

A more satisfactory estimate of our climate to
some, may perhaps be
formed, by noting the plants which grow here, subject however to be
killed by our severest colds. These are the fig, pomegranate,
artichoke, and European walnut. In mild winters, lettuce and endive
require no shelter; but generally they need a slight covering. I do not
know that the want of long moss, reed, myrtle, swamp laurel, holly and
cypress, in the upper country, proceeds from a greater degree of cold,
nor that they were ever killed with any degree of cold in the lower
country. The aloe lived in Williamsburgh in the open air through the
severe winter of 1779, 1780.

A change in our climate however is taking place
very sensibly. Both
heats and colds are become much more moderate within the memory even of
the middle-aged. Snows are less frequent and less deep. They do not
often lie, below the mountains, more than one, two, or three days, and
very rarely a week. They are remembered to have been formerly frequent,
deep, and of long continuance. The elderly inform me the earth used to
be covered with snow about three months in every year. The rivers,
which then seldom failed to freeze over in the course of the winter,
scarcely ever do so now. This change has produced an unfortunate
fluctuation between heat and cold, in the spring of the year, which is
very fatal to fruits. From the year 1741 to 1769, an interval of
twenty-eight years, there was no instance of fruit killed by the frost
in the neighbourhood of Monticello. An intense cold, produced by
constant snows, kept the buds locked up till the sun could obtain, in
the spring of the year, so fixed an ascendency as to dissolve those
snows, and protect the buds, during their developement, from every
danger of returning cold. The accumulated snows of the winter remaining
to be dissolved all together in the spring, produced those overflowings
of our rivers, so frequent then, and so rare now.

Having had occasion to mention the particular
situation of
Monticello for other purposes, I will just take notice that its
elevation affords an opportunity of seeing a phaenomenon which is rare
at land, though frequent at sea. The seamen call it looming.
Philosophy is as yet in the rear of the seamen, for so far from having
accounted for it, she has not given it a name. Its principal effect is
to make distant objects appear larger, in opposition to the general law
of vision, by which they are diminished. I knew an instance, at York
town, from whence the water prospect eastwardly is without termination,
wherein a canoe with three men, at a great distance, was taken for a
ship with its three masts. I am little acquainted with the phaenomenon
as it shews itself at sea; but at Monticello it is familiar. There is a
solitary mountain about 40 miles off, in the South, whose natural
shape, as presented to view there, is a regular cone; but, by the
effect of looming, it sometimes subsides almost totally into the
horizon; sometimes it rises more acute and more elevated; sometimes it
is hemispherical; and sometimes its sides are perpendicular, its top
flat, and as broad as its base. In short it assumes at times the most
whimsical shapes, and all these perhaps successively in the same
morning. The Blue ridge of mountains comes into view, in the North
East, at about 100 miles distance, and, approaching in a direct line,
passes by within 20 miles, and goes off to the South-west. This
phaenomenon begins to shew itself on these mountains, at about 50 miles
distance, and continues beyond that as far as they are seen. I remark
no particular state, either in the weight, moisture, or heat of the
atmosphere, necessary to produce this. The only constant circumstances
are, its appearance in the morning only, and on objects at least 40 or
50 miles distant. In this latter circumstance, if not in both, it
differs from the looming on the water. Refraction will not account for
this metamorphosis. That only changes the proportions of length and
breadth, base and altitude, preserving the general outlines. Thus it
may make a circle appear elliptical, raise or depress a cone, but by
none of its laws, as yet developed, will it make a circle appear a
square, or a cone a sphere.

(16) At Paris, in 1753, the mercury in Reaumur's
thermometer was at
30 1/2 above 0, and in 1776, it was at 16 below 0. The extremities of
heat and cold therefore at Paris, are greater than at Williamsburgh,
which is in the hottest part of Virginia. Back

QUERY VIII

The number of its inhabitants?

Population

The following table shews the number of persons
imported for the
establishment of our colony in its infant state, and the census of
inhabitants at different periods, extracted from our historians and
public records, as particularly as I have had opportunities and leisure
to examine them. Successive lines in the same year shew successive
periods of time in that year. I have stated the census in two different
columns, the whole inhabitants having been sometimes numbered, and
sometimes the tythes only. This term, with us, includes the
free
males above 16 years of age, and slaves above that age of both sexes. A
further examination of our records would render this history of our
population much more satisfactory and perfect, by furnishing a greater
number of intermediate terms. Those however which are here stated will
enable us to calculate, with a considerable degree of precision, the
rate at which we have increased. During the infancy of the colony,
while numbers were small, wars, importations, and other accidental
circumstances render the progression fluctuating and irregular. By the
year 1654, however, it becomes tolerably uniform, importations having
in a great measure ceased from the dissolution of the company, and the
inhabitants become too numerous to be sensibly affected by Indian wars.
Beginning at that period, therefore, we find that from thence to the
year 1772, our tythes had increased from 7209 to 153,000. The whole
term being of 118 years, yields a duplication once in every 27 1/4
years. The intermediate enumerations taken in 1700, 1748, and 1759,
furnish proofs of the uniformity of this progression. Should this rate
of increase continue, we shall have between six and seven millions of
inhabitants within 95 years. If we suppose our country to be bounded,
at some future day, by the meridian of the mouth of the Great Kanhaway,
(within which it has been before conjectured, are 64,491 square miles)
there will then be 100 inhabitants for every square mile, which is
nearly the state of population in the British islands.

Years

Settlers
imported.

Census of Inabitants.

Census of
Tythes.

1607

100

40

120

1608

130

70

1609

490

16

60

1610

150

200

1611

3 ship loads

300

1612

80

1617

400

1618

200

40

600

1619

1216

1621

1300

1622

3800

2500

1628

3000

1632

2000

1644

4822

1645

5000

1652

7000

1654

7209

1700

22,000

1748

82,100

1759

105,000

1772

153,000

1782

567,614

Here I will beg
leave to propose a doubt. The present desire of America is to produce
rapid population by as great importations of foreigners as possible.
But is this founded in good policy? The advantage proposed is the
multiplication of numbers. Now let us suppose (for example only) that,
in this state, we could double our numbers in one year by the
importation of foreigners; and this is a greater accession than the
most sanguine advocate for emigration has a right to expect. Then I
say, beginning with a double stock, we shall attain any given degree of
population only 27 years and 3 months sooner than if we proceed on our
single stock. If we propose four millions and a half as a competent
population for this state, we should be 54 1/2 years attaining it,
could we at once double our numbers; and 81 3/4 years, if we rely on
natural propagation, as may be seen by the following table.

In the first column are stated periods of 27 1/4
years; in the
second are our numbers, at each period, as they will be if we proceed
on our actual stock; and in the third are what they would be, at the
same periods, were we to set out from the double of our present stock.

Proceeding on
our present stock.

Proceeding on a double stock.

1781

567,614

1,135,228

1808 1/4

1,135,228

2,270,456

1835 1/2

2,270,456

4,540,912

1862 3/4

4,540,912

I have taken the term of four millions and a half
of inhabitants
for example's sake only. Yet I am persuaded it is a greater number than
the country spoken of, considering how much inarrable land it contains,
can clothe and feed, without a material change in the quality of their
diet. But are there no inconveniences to be thrown into the scale
against the advantage expected from a multiplication of numbers by the
importation of foreigners? It is for the happiness of those united in
society to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they must of
necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole object of
forming societies, its administration must be conducted by common
consent. Every species of government has its specific principles. Ours
perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the universe. It
is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution,
with others derived from natural right and natural reason. To these
nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies.
Yet, from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They
will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave,
imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be
in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from
one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop
precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, with
their language, they will transmit to their children. In proportion to
their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They will
infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its direction, and render it
a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass. I may appeal to
experience, during the present contest, for a verification of these
conjectures. But, if they be not certain in event, are they not
possible, are they not probable? Is it not safer to wait with patience
27 years and three months longer, for the attainment of any degree of
population desired, or expected? May not our government be more
homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable? Suppose 20 millions of
republican Americans thrown all of a sudden into France, what would be
the condition of that kingdom? If it would be more turbulent, less
happy, less strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million
of foreigners to our present numbers would produce a similar effect
here. If they come of themselves, they are entitled to all the rights
of citizenship: but I doubt the expediency of inviting them by
extraordinary encouragements. I mean not that these doubts should be
extended to the importation of useful artificers. The policy of that
measure depends on very different considerations. Spare no expence in
obtaining them. They will after a while go to the plough and the hoe;
but, in the mean time, they will teach us something we do not know. It
is not so in agriculture. The indifferent state of that among us does
not proceed from a want of knowledge merely; it is from our having such
quantities of land to waste as we please. In Europe the object is to
make the most of their land, labour being abundant: here it is to make
the most of our labour, land being abundant.

It will be proper to explain how the numbers for
the year 1782 have
been obtained; as it was not from a perfect census of the inhabitants.
It will at the same time develope the proportion between the free
inhabitants and slaves. The following return of taxable articles for
that year was given in.

53,289 free males above 21 years of age.

211,698 slaves of all ages and sexes.

23,766 not distinguished in the returns, but said
to be

titheable slaves.

195,439 horses.

609,734 cattle.

5,126 wheels of riding-carriages.

191 taverns.

There were no returns from the 8 counties of
Lincoln, Jefferson,
Fayette, Monongalia, Yohogania, Ohio, Northampton, and York. To find
the number of slaves which should have been returned instead of the
23,766 titheables, we must mention that some observations on a former
census had given reason to believe that the numbers above and below 16
years of age were equal. The double of this number, therefore, to wit,
47,532 must be added to 211,698, which will give us 259,230 slaves of
all ages and sexes. To find the number of free inhabitants, we must
repeat the observation, that those above and below 16 are nearly equal.
But as the number 53,289 omits the males between 16 and 21, we must
supply them from conjecture. On a former experiment it had appeared
that about one-third of our militia, that is, of the males between 16
and 50, were unmarried. Knowing how early marriage takes place here, we
shall not be far wrong in supposing that the unmarried part of our
militia are those between 16 and 21. If there be young men who do not
marry till after 21, there are as many who marry before that age. But
as the men above 50 were not included in the militia, we will suppose
the unmarried, or those between 16 and 21, to be one-fourth of the
whole number above 16, then we have the following calculation:

53,289

free males
above 21 years of age.

17,763

free
males between 16 and 21.

71,052

free
males under 16.

142,104

free females
of all ages.

-- -- -- -

284,208

free inhabitants of all ages.

259,230

slaves of all ages.

-- -- -- -

543,438

inhabitants,

exclusive of the 8 counties from which were no
returns. In these 8 counties in the years 1779 and 1780 were 3,161
militia. Say then,

3,161

free males
above the age of 16.

3,161

ditto
under 16.

6,322

free females.

-- -- --

12,644

free inhabitants in these 8 counties.

To find the number of
slaves, say, as 284,208 to 259,230, so is 12,644 to 11,532. Adding the
third of these numbers to the first, and the fourth to the second, we
have,

296,852

free inhabitants.

270,762

slaves.

-- -- -- -

567,614

inhabitants of every age, sex, and condition.

But 296,852,
the number of free inhabitants, are to 270,762, the number of slaves,
nearly as 11 to 10. Under the mild treatment our slaves experience, and
their wholesome, though coarse, food, this blot in our country
increases as fast, or faster, than the whites. During the regal
government, we had at one time obtained a law, which imposed such a
duty on the importation of slaves, as amounted nearly to a prohibition,
when one inconsiderate assembly, placed under a peculiarity of
circumstance, repealed the law. This repeal met a joyful sanction from
the then sovereign, and no devices, no expedients, which could ever
after be attempted by subsequent assemblies, and they seldom met
without attempting them, could succeed in getting the royal assent to a
renewal of the duty. In the very first session held under the
republican government, the assembly passed a law for the perpetual
prohibition of the importation of slaves. This will in some measure
stop the increase of this great political and moral evil, while the
minds of our citizens may be ripening for a complete emancipation of
human nature.

QUERY IX

The number and condition of the militia and
regular troops, and their pay?

Military

The following is a state of the militia, taken
from returns of 1780
and 1781, except in those counties marked with an asterisk, the returns
from which are somewhat older.

Situation.

Counties.

Militia.

Westward of the Alleghany. 4458.

Lincoln

600

Jefferson

300

Favette

156

Ohio

Monongalia

*1000

Washington

*829

Montgomery

1071

Green-briar

502

Between the Alleghany and Blue ridge.
7673

Hampshire

930

Berkeley

*1100

Frederick

1143

Shenando

*925

Rockingham

875

Augusta

1375

Rockbridge

*625

Botetoutt

*700

Between the Blue ridge and Tide waters. 18,828.

Loudoun

1746

Fauquier

1078

Culpeper

1513

Spotsylvania

480

Orange

*600

Louisa

603

Goochland

*550

Fluvanna

*296

Albemarle

873

Amherst

896

Buckingham

*625

Bedford

1300

Henry

1004

Pittsylvania

*725

Halifax

*1139

Charlotte

612

Prince Edward

589

Cumberland

408

Powhatan

330

Amelia

*1125

Lunenburg

677

Mecklenburg

1100

Brunswic

559

On the Tide Waters
and in that Parallel. 19,012.

Between James river and Carolina. 6959.

Greenesville

500

Dinwiddie

*750

Chesterfield

655

Prince George

382

Sorry

380

Sussex

*700

Southampton

874

Isle of Wight

*600

Nansemond

*644

Norfolk

*880

Princess Anne

*594

Between
James and York rivers. 3009.

Henrico

619

Hanover

796

New Kent

*418

Charles City

286

James City

235

Williamsburg

129

York

*244

Warwick

*100

Elizabeth City

182

Between York and Rappahanock. 3269.

Caroline

805

King William

436

King & Queen

500

Essex

468

Middlesex

*210

Gloucester

850

Between Rappahanock & Patowmac. 4137.

Fairfax

652

Prince William

614

Stafford

*500

King George

483

Richmond

412

Westmoreland

544

Northumberl.

630

Lancaster

302

East. Shore.
1638.

Accomac

*1208

>Northampton

*430

Whole Militia of
the State

49,971

Every able-bodied freeman, between the ages of 16
and 50, is
enrolled in the militia. Those of every county are formed into
companies, and these again into one or more battalions, according to
the numbers in the county. They are commanded by colonels, and other
subordinate officers, as in the regular service. In every county is a
county-lieutenant, who commands the whole militia of his county, but
ranks only as a colonel in the field. We have no general officers
always existing. These are appointed occasionally, when an invasion or
insurrection happens, and their commission determines with the
occasion. The governor is head of the military, as well as civil power.
The law requires every militia-man to provide himself with the arms
usual in the regular service. But this injunction was always
indifferently complied with, and the arms they had have been so
frequently called for to arm the regulars, that in the lower parts of
the country they are entirely disarmed. In the middle country a fourth
or fifth part of them may have such firelocks as they had provided to
destroy the noxious animals which infest their farms; and on the
western side of the Blue ridge they are generally armed with rifles.
The pay of our militia, as well as of our regulars, is that of the
Continental regulars. The condition of our regulars, of whom we have
none but Continentals, and part of a battalion of state troops, is so
constantly on the change, that a state of it at this day would not be
its state a month hence. It is much the same with the condition of the
other Continental troops, which is well enough known.

QUERY X

The marine?

Marine

Before the present invasion of this state by the
British under the
command of General Phillips, we had three vessels of 16 guns, one of
14, five small gallies, and two or three armed boats. They were
generally so badly manned as seldom to be in condition for service.
Since the perfect possession of our rivers assumed by the enemy, I
believe we are left with a single armed boat only.