SPECIAL NOTE: (APPROXIMATELY 60 DAYS LATER AFTER HIS ANNOUNCEMENT JFK WAS REMOVED. 01.23.2017. BB.)

SEPTEMBER, 1963:

PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY PROPOSES JOINT MISSION TO SPACE WITH THE SOVIET UNION:

An optimistic and upbeat President John F. Kennedy suggests that the Soviet Union and the United States cooperate on a mission to mount an expedition to the moon. The proposal caught both the Soviets and many Americans off guard. (THIS ANNOUNCEMENT DID MUCH MORE THAN CATCH BOTH SIDES OFF GUARD. IT CREATED A RIPPLE EFFECT AND UNDERTOW IN THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE AND INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES THAT HAD FAR REACHING AND SERIOUS REPERCUSSIONS ON BOTH SIDES. 01.23.2017. BB.)

In 1961, shortly after his election as president, John F. Kennedy announced that he was determined to win the “space race” with the Soviets. Since 1957, when the Soviet Union sent a small satellite–Sputnik–into orbit around the earth, Russian and American scientists had been competing to see who could make the next breakthrough in space travel. Outer space became another frontier in the Cold War. Kennedy upped the ante in 1961 when he announced that the United States would put a man on the moon before the end of the decade. Much had changed by 1963, however. Relations with the Soviet Union had improved measurably. The Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 had been settled peacefully. A “hot line” had been established between Washington and Moscow to help avert conflict and misunderstandings. A treaty banning the open air testing of nuclear weapons had been signed in 1963. On the other hand, U.S. fascination with the space program was waning. Opponents of the program cited the high cost of the proposed trip to the moon, estimated at more than $20 billion. In the midst of all of this, Kennedy, in a speech at the United Nations, proposed that the Soviet Union and United States cooperate in mounting a mission to the moon. “Why,” he asked the audience, “therefore, should man’s first flight to the moon be a matter of national competition ?” Kennedy noted, “the clouds have lifted a little” in terms of U.S.-Soviet relations, and declared “The Soviet Union and the United States, together with their allies, can achieve further agreements–agreements which spring from our mutual interest in avoiding mutual destruction.”

Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko applauded Kennedy’s speech and called it a “good sign,” but refused to comment on the proposal for a joint trip to the moon. In Washington, there was a good bit of surprise–and some skepticism–about Kennedy’s proposal. The “space race” had been one of the focal points of the Kennedy administration when it came to office, and the idea that America would cooperate with the Soviets in sending a man to the moon seemed unbelievable. Other commentators saw economics, not politics, behind the proposal. With the soaring price tag for the lunar mission, perhaps a joint effort with the Soviets was the only way to save the costly program. What might have come of Kennedy’s idea is unknown–just two months later, he was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. His successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, abandoned the idea of cooperating with the Soviets but pushed ahead with the lunar program. In 1969, the United States landed a man on the moon, thus winning a significant victory the “space race.”

SPECIAL NOTE: (PEOPLE, WHEN DOING AN IN-DEPTH FINAL ANALYSIS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE WHICH HAS APPARENTLY NEVER ANSWERED TO ANYBODY OR ANY ORGANIZATION, YOU MUST ASSUME AND UNDERSTAND THAT THE FEDERAL RESERVE ANSWERS TO, FOLLOWS ORDERS FROM, AND RESPONDS TOTALLY TO ONLY ONE GROUP EVER - MAJESTIC TWELVE. IF YOU BEGIN SOME OF YOUR ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING FROM THIS LEVEL, YOUR COMPREHENSION, INSIGHT, AND UNDERSTANDING WILL BEGIN TO EXPAND BY GEOMETRIC PROPORTIONS. 01.24.2017, BB.)

JFK REVELATIONS:

Month: August 2015:Earthfiles investigative reporter Linda Moulton Howe shared reports on the main reason why President John F. Kennedy was killed…Posted on August 8, 2015:===================================================================================================

Earthfiles investigative reporter Linda Moulton Howe shared reports on the main reason why President John F. Kennedy was killed and what was happening behind the public surface of a political break-in at DNC Headquarters that related to an alien presence…

Linda shared an interview, conducted by podcaster Daniel Liszt, with attorney Douglas Caddy, who was a friend of CIA Agent and Watergate Conspirator E. Howard Hunt. Caddy recounted meeting with Hunt in 1975 and pressing him for details on two infamous events in American history. Despite being evasive in his answers, Hunt ultimately revealed that Kennedy was killed because he was poised to reveal “our most vital secret to the Soviets” which was “the alien presence.” Caddy also claimed that the impetus behind the Watergate burglary was a search for documents which would have implicated Richard Nixon in a 1960 plot to assassinate Fidel Castro. However, he theorized that the Watergate Scandal was actually orchestrated in order to remove Nixon from power because he wanted access to the UFO Secrets closely guarded by the MJ-12 group.

November 12,1963 Censored Top Secret Memorandum to CIA Director UFO National Security Classification Review [Caddy JFK Letter]President John F. Kennedy’s November 12, 1963, memorandum for The Director (name blacked out, DCI in Nov. 1963 was John McCone), Central Intelligence Agency on the “SUBJECT: Classification review of all UFO intelligence files affecting National Security.”

JFK was assassinated ten days later in Dallas, Texas. It is assumed that Allen W. Dulles, Director of the CIA until November 1961, replaced by John McCone, continued on in his other more powerful position as MJ-1. (PEOPLE THIS IS SO CRITICAL TO THE ANALYSIS OF THE JFK REMOVAL, YET 98 % OF ALL JFK RESEARCHER'S HAVE MISSED IT FOR 54 YEARS. 01.24.2017. BB.)

July 31, 2015, Houston, Texas – Forty-three years ago on June 17, 1972, five men were arrested for breaking into the Democratic National Committee offices at the Watergate Hotel and office complex in Washington, D. C. They were James McCord, a former CIA Agent working for Nixon’s Re-Election CREEP Committee, Frank Sturgis, Bernard Barker, Virgilio Gonzalez and Eugenio Martinez.

Watergate is an office-hotel-apartment complex near the Potomac River in Washington, D. C. [CaddyWatergateAerial] Watergate is an office-hotel-apartment complex near the Potomac River in Washington, D. C.

The DNC burglars were led off in handcuffs on June 17, 1972 [Caddy Watergate 5 Arrested June 17, 1972]:

Two more men would be added to the break-in charges: E. Howard Hunt, Jr., who specialized in political warfare dirty tricks that included the CIA’s disastrous April 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba during the John F. Kennedy Administration. Hunt had organized the break-in on assignment for the President Richard Nixon White House. Rounding out the Watergate 7 was G. Gordon Liddy, who was then working as Nixon’s CREEP attorney.

How Everette Howard Hunt and Douglas Caddy Became Friends:

After his World War II spy days for the U. S. Navy and Office of Strategic Services, known as the OSS, Everette Howard Hunt went to work in 1949 for the newly created Central Intelligence Agency. Hunt’s specialty was political warfare — dirty tricks, sabotage and propaganda, including the overthrow of Guatemala’s government in the early 1950s and the disastrous Bay of Pigs Invasion to bring down Cuba’s Castro that began on April 17, 1961.

Nine years later in 1970, “CIA Super Spy” Hunt was frustrated and resigned his Langley CIA position and went to work for Robert R. Mullen Co., a public relations subsidiary of General Foods that was a front for the CIA. There Hunt met attorney Douglas Caddy and the two men became friends. Caddy insists that at the time he did not know the PR firm and Howard Hunt were both working for the CIA. One of Hunt’s assignments in his CIA Mullen work was to head up a political dirty tricks unit for the Nixon White House. That is how Howard Hunt came to organize the burglary of the Democratic National Committee that took place at the Watergate complex in Washington, D. C., on June 17, 1972, at about 3 o’clock in the early morning. Hunt’s five henchmen were discovered and arrested by police.

Howard Hunt Called His Friend, Douglas Caddy, for Help With the Arrested Burglars in the DNC that Worked for Hunt. Hunt reached out to attorney Caddy for help. Caddy was not a criminal law attorney, but found a lawyer to represent the five burglars. Hunt’s bungled DNC break-in eventually brought down Richard M. Nixon, who resigned his presidency two years later on August 9, 1974.

E. Howard Hunt testified on September 24, 1973, before the U. S. Senate Watergate Committee in Washington, D. C., about the June 17, 1972, break-in of the Democratic National Committee office in the Watergate complex. As the break-in organizer, Hunt was sentenced to 33 months in Federal Prison Camp at Eglin AFB, Florida. Photograph by AP.

===============================

Howard Hunt Reached Out Again to Douglas Caddy Before Hunt’s Prison Sentence Began On April 25, 1975.

Not long before E. Howard Hunt entered the Federal Prison Camp at Eglin AFB, Florida, on April 25, 1975, Hunt asked to meet for the last time with his attorney friend Douglas Caddy, at the Yenching Palace restaurant in Washington, famous for historic deal making. Caddy wanted to know the true reasons behind the Watergate burglary and JFK’s assassination.

What happened in that last dinner is the subject of this 2-part Earthfiles. Douglas Caddy — only recently in June 2015 — watched a documentary called “AGENT OSWALD: THE CIA PATSY,” produced and edited by Daniel Liszt, host and producer of the internet’s Dark Journalist. See websites below. Afterward, it was Douglas Caddy who contacted Daniel to say that the Oswald documentary was “correct.”

Bob Woodward, author and Associate Editor, The Washington Post, with retired attorney Douglas Caddy and author Carl Bernstein at “The Brilliant Lecture Series” on September 25, 2014, in Houston, Texas. The event featured lectures about the media and the June 17, 1972, Watergate break-in. Image provided by Douglas Caddy.

Daniel Liszt asked Caddy if he would be willing to talk about his own experiences with the Watergate break-in and friendship with E. Howard Hunt. Caddy agreed and gave his permission for a Skype videotaped interview one month ago on June 29, 2015, from his Houston, Texas, apartment. Daniel sent the 3-hour videotaped interview to Earthfiles.com for review. Caddy’s last discussion with E. Howard Hunt provides a surprising explanation for the DNC break-in and adds more weight to whistleblower claims of the past 52 years that the CIA killed President John F. Kennedy because JFK wanted to open up the truth about extraterrestrials on Earth and share those facts with the Soviet Union in an effort to end the Cold War.

I asked Daniel Liszt if we could collaborate for Earthfiles reports and my July 30, 2015, Coast to Coast AM broadcast on iHeart Premiere Radio Networks. Here from Cambridge, Massachusetts, is Daniel Liszt, followed by my edited excerpts of 77-year-old retired attorney Douglas Caddy, with Daniel’s permission, from his June 29, 2015, Dark Journalist 3-hour Skype interview with Caddy. See websites below.

Interviews:

00:00 Howe073015 JFK Assassination Secret Part 1:

Howe073015 JFK Assassination Secret Part 1:

Daniel Liszt, 40, Host and Producer, Dark Journalist, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and Douglas Caddy, 77, retired attorney, Houston, Texas: “I was contacted by Douglas Caddy, who was a former attorney for the Watergate (five) burglars and a close friend of CIA “Super Spy” E. Howard Hunt. And Hunt had long been suspected of being involved in the JFK assassination. And then Caddy contacted me and said he was ready to go public about what his good friend E. Howard Hunt had told him about the reasons why JFK had been assassinated.

THIS WAS AT THE INFAMOUS CHINESE RESTAURANT (Yenching Palace) IN WASHINGTON, D. C., WHERE HISTORIC FIGURES WENT TO TALK AND TO PLOT AND TO PLAN.

That’s exactly right. The year was 1975. This restaurant was famous for major events happening. For example, the Cuban missile crisis was resolved through secret channels there. And the government often bugged where these major figures from the State Department and various Administrations would sit down and talk business. Henry Kissinger was a frequent guest there. Hunt had actually contacted Caddy and said he wanted to meet him before he (Hunt) went to prison as a way to say thanks for he (Caddy) had done for him (Hunt). Because after all, Hunt had put him in a very uncomfortable position having Caddy represent the Watergate burglars without giving him the whole story behind what they were doing there.

SO HUNT IS INITIATING THE DINNER, ASKING TO COME SO HE CAN SAY THANK YOU TO DOUGLAS CADDY, THE ATTORNEY, FOR THE HELP THAT HE HAD GIVEN HOWARD HUNT AT THE TIME OF THE WATERGATE BREAK-IN AND THAT HUNT IS HEADED OFF TO PRISON.

Exactly right. And what’s happening is that Caddy has a deep desire to find out:

Douglas Caddy, 77, retired attorney, Houston, Texas: “Somewhere into the meal, I said, “Well, Howard, I’ve got to ask you some questions, you know ? The first one is why did you go into the Democratic National Committee (DNC) ? What was so important there ?”

He (Hunt) hesitated and then said, “Well, we went in there just to photograph any documents that had numbers on it.”

I said, “Howard, Howard, come on now. Please ! You can’t get away with that. It’s just too easy an answer. Look what I’ve gone through on your behalf.”

He just shrugged his shoulders and I said, “Well, you did plead guilty to burglary and to conspiracy and to eavesdropping. I was a witness at that first trial. I remember looking out at that table in front of me and seeing all that wiretap equipment and photographic equipment and so forth and so, “Howard, isn’t it true then that you went in there to replace a defective bug ?” I was asking from him confirmation. But all he did was nod his head like that. He did not verbally articulate.

So that was his method of assenting to what I had asked him. I said, “Well, there was a lot of publicity about a prostitution ring being operated out of the Democratic National Committee and so did you not also go in there to get copies of the books that contained the names of the clients of the prostitution ring there ?”

Obviously, this is how you compromise people. If you can get the names of the clients, you can compromise them and coerce them through blackmail to do things.

And he once again nodded assenting, I thought. I said, “Well, Howard, this is not enough of a reason to burglarize the Democratic National Committee. There’s got to be another reason why you went in there.”

He hesitated for a moment and said, “Yes. Well, there was another reason. We believe there were Cuban government reports in the Democratic National Committee that were connected to the Kennedy assassination.”

And I said, “Wow! Cuban government reports that would give us information about the Kennedy assassination.”

He said, “Yes.”

I said, “Well, what do you think was in those reports ?”

At that point, he just held up his hands and went like that and said, “No more questions.”

I thought , Well, this is the last time I see Howard. I’m going to make one more stab to see if I can get something here, you know ?

And I said, “Howard, why was John Kennedy assassinated ?”

He (Hunt) said, “John Kennedy was assassinated because he was about to give our most vital secret to the Soviets.”

I was stunned by that. And I said, “Well what was that ?”

At that point he leaned forward and looked right in my eyes and he said, “The alien presence.” And reached out and shook my hand and then turned and walked away. That was the last time I saw Howard Hunt.

“The alien presence.” I remembered it. I knew it was important.

Harvard Astronomer Donald Menzel, Ph.D., was In MJ-12.

I came across in my own investigation — Stanton Friedman. As a researcher, he said he went to the Harvard University Library because he wanted to look up a Dr. Donald Menzel. Dr. Menzel was head of the Observatory at Harvard and he was an astronomer. The reason Stanton Friedman was interested in him was because for years he was the number one public critic of UFOs and aliens and all that subject, you know ?

Liszt: Menzel was like the big UFO debunker of the 1950s and 1960s.

Caddy: Because of his position at Harvard, he had the credibility and people believed him. And so, Stanton Friedman was going through the file on Menzel and he came across this file within the file on JFK. And he said, “Wow!” And he opened it and there was a letter from Dr. Menzel to JFK, John Kennedy, who was in 1957 on the Board of Overseers of Harvard University. JFK was already a U. S. Senator at that time. But Senators do not have the highest classification of security. In other words, you can be a Senator, but there are still levels of security above you.

And so what Dr. Menzel said, “When you get that pending (level of) security granted, there are things I want to talk with you about my work with the NSA and these other activities.” I gather with aliens, UFOs and so forth.

This may have been the first time that John Kennedy came in contact with someone who had detailed knowledge of the alien presence.

And so when Kennedy became President, what I read into his actions, is that he had his own agenda. One of his agendas was to get more knowledge about the alien presence.

The interesting thing about Dr. Menzel was that he was a member of Majestic 12. His authority was so high that he had complete knowledge of the alien presence.

JFK Was Assassinated Because He Wanted Authority to Access MJ-12’s Oversight of the “Alien Presence”:

John Kennedy had been briefed by Dr. Menzel and when he was President, he wanted more information. He decided, I think, to approach this obliquely, and the first thing he did was in June of 1961, he issued National Security Action Memorandum 55, in which he directed that the Defense Department take Oversight of the Covert Activities of the CIA.

He thought this would give him an insight into the Research Project of Majestic 12. Then he at that same time in 1961, he met with Khruschev in Vienna and he broached with Krhuschev at that time that there be joint exploration in outer space from the Soviet Union and the United States and maybe a Joint Landing on the Moon.

John Kennedy tried to open up ties with the Soviet Union. I think Khruschev was taken aback by this. (PEOPLE, KHRUSCHEV WAS TAKE BACK, BUTTHE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE AND INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES OF BOTH THE U.S., AND U.S.S.R. WERE SHAKEN, SHOCKED, STUNNED TO THE CORE, AND PUT ON THEIR OWN HIGHEST ALERT FORMATS. 01.24.2017. BB.)

Then Kennedy wrote a letter to Khruschev in March of 1962, building more bridges. And then Kennedy appointed Dr. Hugh Dryden, who was (Deputy) Administrator of NASA [ August 19, 1958 – December 2, 1965] to coordinate the (space) activity with his counterpart in the Soviet Union on the Subject of Exploration of Outer Space and Landing on the Moon.

Kennedy went ahead with his speech at American University in June 1963. Remember, he was assassinated that November (22, 1963) in which he advocated World Peace. It’s a great speech, one of the greatest speeches by any President. (PEOPLE, THE FAR REACHING APPLICATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THIS SPEECH OF JFK HAD GEOMETRIC EFFECTS BEYOND JFKS's OWN PERCEPTIONS. 01.24.2017. BB.)

Then in September of 1963, he spoke before the United Nations at which time, he said the Exploration of Outer Space is not a matter just for one nation. It’s a matter for international cooperation and I propose that the two great powers, the Soviet Union and United States engage jointly in outer space and a landing on the moon.

US President John F. Kennedy (right) says farewell to Secretary-General U Thant after addressing the UN General Assembly on Sept 20, 1963 [CaddyUNspeech1963Sept20] JFK’s United Nations Speech in September 20, 1963

US President John F. Kennedy (right) says farewell to Secretary-General U Thant after addressing the UN General Assembly on September 20, 1963. UN Photo/Yutaka Nagata.

This was once again his attempt to build bridges to the Soviet Union. And his final step before he was assassinated was he issued a National Security Action Memorandum No. 271 for the Administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), Subject: Cooperation with the USSR on outer space matters.

JFK to NASA Administrator: “I would like you to assume personally initiative and control responsibility for the development of a program of substantive cooperation with the Soviet Union in the field of outer space, including the development of specific technological proposals. These proposals should be developed with a view as to their possible discussion with the Soviet Union as a direct outcome of my September 20, 1963, proposal for broad cooperation between the United States and the USSR in outer space, including cooperation in lunar landing programs.” (PEOPLE WHAT JFK WAS PROPOSING WOULD HAVE MADE HIM THE MOST POWERFUL U.S. PRESIDENT OF ALL TIMES. THIS SCARED AND SHOCKED THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE AND INTELLIGENCE AGENTS AND COMMUNITIES WORLD WIDE. 01.24.2017. BB.)

It goes on, but the important point here that Kennedy is proposing a Formal Government Policy. He sends this memorandum to the following persons.

1) Chairman of the National Aeronautics and Space Council;

2) Secretary of State;

3) Secretary of Defense;

4) Director of the Central Intelligence Agency;

5) Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission;

6) Special Assistant to the President for Science and Technology;

7) Director, Bureau of the Budget;

Director, U. S. Information Agency;

9) Copy to Mr. Bundy;

10) Mr. Johnson (V. President L. B. J.)

11) And the National Security Council files.

So he (JFK) formally proposes as a policy. Let’s see what reaction was in his own government. You’re General Curtis LeMay. How would you react if you were General Curtis LeMay ?

Daniel Liszt: A guy like LeMay was so used to fighting the Soviet Union, I can only imagine that they were just completely furious on the inside of the National Security Structure. (PEOPLE ANALYZE AND STUDY THIS CLOSELY AS FURIOUS DOESN'T EVEN BEGIN TO DESCRIBE HOW GENERAL CURTIS LEMAY AND HIS CLOSE ASSOCIATES FELT. 01.24.2017. BB.)

Caddy: Absolutely furious ! He would want to nuke the Soviets. And there were all these people that had that attitude and so Kennedy was essentially on his own to a great extent. He had his brother, but he was on his own. He had also made other enemies, we have to realize through other proposals like the Federal Reserve and on the Bay of Pigs, which was very, very important because the Cuban American community blamed him (JFK) for the Bay of Pigs debacle. So, he did have many other enemies.

But in my opinion, what he was starting with his first Action Memorandum 55, where he asked the Defense Department to have oversight over the Covert Activities of the CIA. This was in June of 1961. He was challenging the authority of the successor to Majestic 12. This is a Government Above the Government. Even President Clinton at one point publicly stated that he had come to believe that there was a Government Above his over which he had no control.

So what Kennedy was doing was challenging this (MJ-12) Group. This is the Group that has the authority to deal with the alien presence, whatever it is. We do not know at this time who administers this organization now.

Kennedy, in my opinion, because we pose a threat to them by saying, “I as President want this information. I’m the elected representative of the American people. I feel that I should have this information about the Alien Presence. This should not be just in the providence of this secret group (MJ-12).

And so in my opinion behind his assassination ultimately was his attempt to have authority to get into Majestic 12’s Oversight of the Alien Presence.”

================================

The Memo That Might Have Finally Triggered MJ-1 to Order JFK’s Assassination:

JFK was assassinated only ten days after his November 12, 1963, TOP SECRET Memo to the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency below. On that date, the DCI was John McCone, but it is also assumed that Allen W. Dulles (AWD), who had been DCI until November 1961 and his replacement by John McCone, continued on in his other more powerful position as MJ-1. The handwritten note at the bottom of this memo says, “Response from Colby: Angleton has MJ Directive 11/20/63.” William Colby was then Deputy Chief of the CIA’s Far East Division referencing James Jesus Angleton, Head of CIA Counterintelligence from 1954 - 1974.

November 12, 1963][TOP SECRET Memorandum for Director, Central Intelligence Agency from President John F. KennedyNovember 12, 1963, TOP SECRET Memorandum for Director, Central Intelligence Agency (name blacked out, but presumably John McCone) from President John F. Kennedy. SUBJECT: Classification review of all UFO intelligence files affecting National Security.

As I had discussed with you previously, I have initiated BLACKED OUT and have instructed James Webb to develop a Program with the Soviet Union in Joint Space and Lunar Exploration. It would be very helpful if you would have the high threat cases reviewed with the purpose of identification of bona fide as opposed to classified CIA and USAF sources. It is important that we make a clear distinction between the knowns and unknowns in the event the Soviets try to mistake our extended cooperation as a cover for intelligence gathering of their defense and space programs.

When this data has been sorted out, I would like you to arrange a program of data sharing with NASA where Unknowns are a factor. This will help NASA Mission Directors in their defensive responsibilities.

I would like an interim report on the data review no later than February 1, 1964.

“As you must know LANCER [JFK] has made some inquiries regarding our activities which we cannot allow.”

– Director of Central Intelligence (MJ-1):

“I would presume that the scenario involved is that MJ-1 is dictating this burned memo to a secretary. He, MJ-1, does not want the secretary to know that he is saying, ‘We ought to kill JFK.’” (PEOPLE THIS IS THE ONLY KNOWN MEMO THAT AUTHORIZED THE REMOVAL OF JFK. 01.24.2017, BB.)

– Robert Wood, Ph.D., Physicist and Retired Aerospace Manager:

“Caddy felt it was important for humanity and for our future to know the Alien Presence is real and it was the reason for JFK’s assassination.”

War Department Operations Manual SOM1-01 by Majestic-12 Group, April 1954.

July 31, 2015 Houston, Texas – Seven years ago in August 2008, I did not know that by 2015, an historic Watergate break-in figure such as attorney Douglas Caddy would share his last conversation with the CIA’s E. Howard Hunt when Hunt said that JFK was assassinated because he was trying to penetrate the MJ-12 and CIA control over information about “the alien presence.”

But in August of 2008, I was discussing that same subject — the assassination of President John F. Kennedy by the CIA — with Robert Wood, Ph.D., retired aerospace engineer, who had purchased all of the TOP SECRET/MJ-12 documents that a whistleblower named Timothy Cooper sold to Bob in 2001. Cooper said his father had worked in a print shop that did work for White Sands Proving Ground in New Mexico and had secretly copied documents about UFO's and extraterrestrials that contained titles and stamps of MAJESTIC-12, MJ-12 and MAJIC.

A week after Bob Wood purchased Cooper’s documents in 2001, Tim Cooper called Dr. Wood and said, “You won’t believe what arrived in the mail yesterday !” It was a new memo Tim had never seen before and appeared to be scorched by fire. During our 2008 Earthfiles interview, Bob Wood told me, “As far as I know, this ‘burned memo’ is the only document that I’ve ever heard anyone claim could be the authorization to kill John F. Kennedy.”

The whistleblower of the 9-page “burned memo” said he worked 1960 to 1974 in CIA Counterintelligence for James Jesus Angleton, Director, CIA Counter-intelligence. After James Angleton died on May 12, 1987, the whistleblower said he pulled the 9-page memorandum from a fire that had scorched Angleton’s most sensitive MJ-12 secret files.

9-Page “Burned Memo” Kept in CIA Angleton’s Safe:

All 9 Archived 080308Earthfiles

The 9-page memo is not dated, but is stamped in red: TOP SECRET/MJ-12. Since the subject is LANCER (President John F. Kennedy), it is assumed the date the memo was written was between Black stamp CI on upper left is Counterintelligence.

In the first of nine pages below typed cleanly in black above actual burned memo, the reference to LANCER historically is consistent with the codename that the U. S. Secret Service used to refer to President John F. Kennedy. His wife, Jacqueline Kennedy, was LACE.

In 1954, Allen W. Dulles, who had recently become Director of Central Intelligence for the Central Intelligence Agency, named James Jesus Angleton (JJA) to be head of the Counterintelligence staff, a position Angleton retained for the rest of his CIA career until his death on May 12, 1987. Dulles also assigned him responsibility for coordination with Allied Intelligence Services. The first page of the 9-page memo below has a handwritten note: “DO NOT REMOVE FROM SAFE (illegible) JJA”

Allen Dulles was the Director of the CIA, and presumably MJ-1 in the Majestic-12 Group, up to 1961. He was a tough inside player. But, in November 1961, President John F. Kennedy replaced Alan Dulles with John McCone. McCone was also in charge of the CIA at the time of the November 22, 1963, assassination; Allen W. Dulles (AWD) served on the Warren Commission, which investigated the assassination, and Allen W. Dulles signed the Warren Commission report cover letter.

See Dr. Robert Wood’s detailed comments about all nine burned memo pages in080608Earthfiles.

Original scorched carbon page 1:

In the context of the above it has become necessary to review and evaluate duplication of field activition (sic) in light of the current situation. To eliminate this problem, I have drafted new directives for your review and consideration. Please evaluate each draft on its own merit with the goal of finding acceptable solutions in which all can agree on. As you must know LANCER has made some inquiries regarding our activities which we cannot allow. Please submit your views no later than October. Your action to this matter is critical to the continuance of the group.

First page, TOP SECRET/MJ-12 Central Intelligence Agency memo from Director of Central Intelligence (MJ-1) to MJ-2 through MJ-7 allegedly written in 1961 to 1963 time period. Whistleblower says he worked1960 to 1974 in CIA counterintelligence for James Jesus Angleton, Director, CIA Counterintelligence from 1954 to 1974. After James Angleton died on May 12, 1987, whistleblower said he pulled this 9-page memorandum from a fire that was burning up Angleton’s most sensitive MJ-12 secret files. Two handwritten notations are: “Original carbon” and “DO NOT REMOVE FROM SAFE (illegible) JJA.”Image provided by Robert Wood.

TAB H SAYS: ‘Draft, Directive Regarding Project ENVIRONMENT. When conditions become non-conducive for growth in our environment and Washington cannot be influenced any further, the weather is lacking any precipitation (misspelled as percipitation in memo) … it should be wet.’

“When conditions become non-conducive for growth.” — If MJ-12 is not going to get any money, or no more money, or their money is going to be cut off completely “in our environment. … And Washington cannot be influenced any further.” That means the people who control lots of covert money for MJ-12 UFO/E.T. operations don’t keep the black money flowing into MJ-12.

That leads to “weather is lacking any precipitation.” Black budget money for MJ-12 dwindles or is cut off.

Then, “it should be wet” is a reference to “wet works,” or “wet affairs,” which originated in Russia, actually in the 19th Century from a Russian phrase where apparently if you killed somebody during a burglary, it was called “wet” in Russian because of the blood. “Wet” got used in the intelligence community in the KGB to describe assassinations and was used in intelligence communities around the world.

So MJ-1, the CIA Director (likely Allen W. Dulles, or his successor John McCone) is using arcane language to conceal the true intent of his message to assassinate LANCER, JFK.

Also see:

5-part Earthfiles series for Original Carbon of 9-page Scorched Memo and information about Project JEHOVA with physicists Albert Einstein and Robert Oppenheimer.

Caddy Interview Continued:

00:00 Howe073015 JFK Assassination Secret Part 2

Howe073015 JFK Assassination Secret Part 2

Douglas Caddy, 77, retired attorney, Houston, Texas; Daniel Liszt, 40, Host and Producer, Dark Journalist, Cambridge, Massachusetts: “The planning of the assassination was done very, very carefully. The planning of the cover-up was done very, very carefully. If I had to say who I thought was the ultimate planner, I would say James Angleton of the CIA.

James Jesus Angleton, Chief of the Central Intelligence Agency's Counterintelligence program, at the January 1969 funeral of Allen W. Dulles:

James Jesus Angleton, Chief of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Counterintelligence program, at the January 1969 funeral of Allen W. Dulles,CIA Director from February 26, 1953, to November 29, 1961, and suspected overseer with Angleton of the detailed planning of JFK’s assassination on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. James Angleton died of lung canceron May 11, 1987, and was buried in his hometown of Boise, Idaho.

Liszt: James Jesus Angleton, who was Chief of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Counterintelligence program at that time (1963).

Caddy: JFK’s cabinet was enroute to Japan when the assassination took place.

[ Editor’s Note: On November 22, 1963, White House Press Secretary Pierre Salinger was en route to Tokyo aboard a jet plane with six members of the Cabinet when he received the message that President John F. Kennedy had been shot. Shortly after, Navy Cmdr. Oliver Hallett called Salinger from the Situation Room with the news that the President has died.]

Liszt: They just all happened to be sent out of the country during the assassination.

Caddy: Just the Secretary of State (Dean Rusk) and the Attorney General (Robert F. Kennedy) were in Washington. Whoever had planned it had planned it so the cabinet were en route to Japan to conduct negotiations.

Liszt: Angleton is a very likely candidate for that type of planning. Is there another high-level figure that comes to mind ?

Caddy: I think that Lyndon Johnson, from the time he became Vice President, he planned to become President. There is this quotation from Bobby Baker, who was his right-hand man, to one of LBJ’s assistants at that (1960) inauguration to the effect that JFK would not live out his term as President.

But what happened was I think that Lyndon Johnson had knowledge of the assassination, but he was not the central figure controlling the operation of it. He had prior knowledge.

Liszt: So, Hunt tells you, his good friend, the real reason why JFK was assassinated, which is he was going to share Our Knowledge of the Alien Presence with the Soviet Union.

Caddy: Our most vital secret.

Liszt: Later, he (Hunt) did make a deathbed confession (to Hunt’s son, St John Hunt) about LBJ working with elements of the CIA to assassinate President Kennedy. How did you feel about your old friend’s deathbed confession ?

Caddy: I agreed with him on LBJ. But looking back, Howard said in interviews for the press and wrote an article for The New York Times when he was in prison. He said, “I’m still serving my country. I’m in prison, but I’m still serving my country.”

And I think what Howard Hunt was saying at his deathbed confession is that he was still serving his country by withholding there is an alien presence.

Howard Hunt was in such a position to know about the alien presence. So when he said that to me, he was speaking with authority. And when he said that on his deathbed about LBJ and the people that were involved, I read into it that Howard Hunt was saying, “I’m serving my country.”

Liszt: To bring this around to your close friendship with Hunt. You knew him well.

Caddy: Yes.

Liszt: And you knew his wife Dorothy and family. How do you feel knowing what you know about Hunt having a roll in something as treacherous as the JFK assassination ?

Caddy: I think Hunt in his own mind justified it. He was so wedded to that Bay of Pigs [see Websites below] sellout and maybe the steps that JFK was taking. Howard Hunt was very conservative, very right wing. Latin American activities that he was involved in where so many people were killed. I could see him agreeing to that.

Liszt: You could ?

Caddy: Only if he sensed there was justification in doing so.

Liszt: I would like to know how these Presidents before and after JFK dealt with this (Majestic-12) Group that were/are in control of the off-world technology ? And how did/do they deal with the alien presence ?

Caddy: Eisenhower, I think, had the most knowledge about the alien presence at that time. Eisenhower was deep into this subject and might have even met with representatives of the alien intelligence. But Nixon was his Vice President. Nixon was Chairman of the 54/12 Committee, which oversaw Covert Activities. And I think Nixon probably possessed 80% of the knowledge that Eisenhower had on the alien presence and Majestic-12. And Nixon, when he became President in 1968, the first thing he did was try to get hold of the research project, the Majestic-12.(PEOPLE THIS IS WHY DISCUSSIONS TO REMOVE JFK BEGAN 01.20.1961, SHORTLY AFTER JFK WAS SWORN IN. THE EVENTUALITY OF THE NECESSITY TO REMOVE JFK WAS ALRADY KNOWN. JFK WOULD HAVE TO BE REMOVED IN HIS FIRT TERM. 01.24.2017. BB.)

In 1960, Nixon As Eisenhower’s Vice President asked Billionaire Howard Hughes to Secretly Assassinate Cuba’s Castro. (PEOPLE REMEMBER THAT HOWARD HUGHES WAS THE CIA OPERATIVE WITH THE BANK OF BOSTON WHO ARRANGED AND HANDLED THE 6,000 BELL HELICOPTER's FOR VIET NAM, LAOS, AND CAMBODIA. THIS ALSO HELPED WITH THE CIA DRUG AND PHOENIX PROGRAM's. 01.24.2017. BB.)

Back in 1960, Nixon (as Vice President to Dwight D. Eisenhower) contacted Howard Hughes, in the summer of 1960 and asked Howard Hughes to arrange the assassination of Castro without the U. S. government’s fingerprints on it. Howard Hughes agreed to do that. Hughes had done a number of things for the government and was one of Nixon’s secret donors. And Hughes delegated to Robert Maheu, his right-hand man. He sought out assistance of the Mafia and organized crime and the CIA was already onboard, you might say.

So, what happened was that Nixon was not elected in November 1960. Kennedy was elected. And so this (Bay of Pigs) operation had been set up under Nixon’s directive to Howard Hughes (billionaire owner of Hughes Aircraft and Medical Center) and continued on without JFK and his brother (Robert, Attorney General) knowing about it. It was about a year into their administration that they found out about these training camps that were still going on that had been set up under Nixon’s original authority.

The point here is that if going into the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and finding that Cuban government report on the Kennedy assassination — if they (Democrats) had traced Nixon as being the originator of the Bay of Pigs debacle, the Cuban-American animosity towards JFK — that report, if it did exist, Nixon could be blamed publicly for starting a chain of events that ultimately led to the assassination because of the Bay of Pigs that involved all these Cuban Americans.

Caddy: Because Larry O’Brien (then-Chairman of the DNC whose offices the burglars broke into) was a former lobbyist for Howard Hughes in Washington, D. C. He might have just gotten knowledge as a lobbyist as to what had gone on with Maheu and Hughes and could have used this in the (presidential) campaign.

But when Nixon became President in 1968, remember how JFK approached trying to get his knowledge of the Majestic-12’s research project in the alien presence ? He did this sort of gradually with the memorandums.

Nixon did it differently. The day he was inaugurated, he signed a National Security Decision Number 2, in which Nixon put out (excluded) the Defense Department, the State Department, the CIA of having major input into Vietnam and into the Cold War. Instead, he consolidated this with his National Security Council with Henry Kissinger and his two closest aides, (H.R.) Haldeman and (John D.) Erlichman.

Richard M. Nixon, U. S. President from 1968 until his forced resignation over the Watergate break-in scandal on August 9, 1974[CaddyNixonHaldemanKissingerErlichman]:

Richard M. Nixon, U. S. President from 1968 until his forced resignation over the Watergate break-in scandal on August 9, 1974. Nixon and his three closest aides left to right: Harry Robbins “H. R.” Haldeman; Henry Kissinger, National Security Advisor and concurrently Secretary of State from September 22, 1973 to January 20, 1977; and John D. Erlichman. Haldeman and Erlichman were also forced to resign on April 30, 1973, over the Watergate scandal. Oval Office undated White House photograph.

I read into this, to be honest, that based on what he (Nixon) knew as Vice President (under Eisenhower) and what he had learned about the alien presence, Nixon was intent again to get more knowledge about the alien presence — what their intentions were ? And it was important for the President to know what was going on !

I think that Nixon was set up through Watergate to fall because he was doing the same thing Kennedy was doing.

Liszt: So he was trying to get control of this group that was handling the alien information ?

Caddy: He (Nixon) was pressing forward to find out about Majestic-12 and what it’s doing with the alien presence.

Liszt: He also wanted to assert power over this breakaway Majestic-12 Group that was researching the alien presence and technology. He wanted, like JFK wanted, to regain power over that (MJ-12) program again.

Caddy: He (Nixon) wanted the knowledge. I mean, he may have just continued the MJ-12 program with the same Group, but as a co-equal, in other words. There is no reason that the President of the United States should not be aware of these activities.

===================================

Super Black Budget Financing of MJ-12 and Secret Space Program:

Now this leads into another activity and that is that vast sums of money have gone to be used by Majestic-12 in dealing with the alien presence — vast sums of money starting with World War II when the gold that was recovered by the Japanese was seized and sort of disappeared.

[ Editor’s Note: From American Free Press — “After WWII, many secret deals were made by the United States government to let Japanese war criminals, especially the top criminal, the emperor, and the royal family, off the hook. In exchange, much of the stolen gold (perhaps over $120 billion in 1945 dollars), silver, gems, antiquities etc was secretly taken by U.S. government insiders, particularly the Office of Strategic Services (OSS)/Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and various generals in the military. This is where the secret agency got its first big financing—under the table of course. This secret dealing was itself one of the greatest crimes of the 20th century.]

Also, you have to wonder about all this money missing from the Federal Reserve. The Federal Reserve refuses to answer questions from members of Congress such as U. S. Senator (Bernie) Sanders. He asked the Head of the Federal Reserve where trillions of dollars went and the Head of the Federal Reserve said, ‘I won’t answer you.’

DCClothesline.com, April 6, 2015: “The fact that the Fed is above the law was demonstrated by current Fed chairman, Ben Bernanke, during his appearance before Congress on March 4, 2009 (as shown in this video). Senator Bernie Sanders asked Bernanke about $2.2 trillion in American tax dollars that was lent out by Federal Reserve. Bernanke refused to provide an answer:

Senator Sanders: “Will you tell the American people to whom you lent $2.2 trillion of their dollars? … Can you tell us who they are ?”

Bernanke: “No”

DCClothesline.com, April 6, 2015: In an interview with Jim Lehrer that was aired on PBS’ News Hour on September 18, 2007 that you can watch on YouTube, formal Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan said, essentially, that the Federal Reserve was above the law and that no agency of government can overrule their actions:

Jim Lehrer: “What is the proper relationship, what should be the proper relationship between a chairman of the Fed and a president of the United States ?”

Alan Greenspan, Federal Reserve Chairman 1955-1987: “Well, first of all, the Federal Reserve is an independent agency, and that means, basically, that there is no other agency of government which can overrule actions that we take. So long as that is in place and there is no evidence that the administration or the Congress or anybody else is requesting that we do things other than what we think is the appropriate thing, then what the relationships are don’t frankly matter.”

Caddy: They (Federal Reserve) are not obligated to do it (answer Congress) because they are not part of the government. They are independent. They are really a private bank, is what they are. Don’t forget that just the day before 9/11, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld (served twice under President Gerald Ford in November 20, 1975 to January 20, 1977; and for President George W. Bush January 20, 2001 to December 18, 2006) held a (Sept. 10, 2001) press conference and said, “I can’t account for $2.1 trillion (actually $2.3 trillion) that is missing from the Pentagon.” See websites below.

The next day was 9/11 and that (Rumsfeld) headline just sort of disappeared. (September 11, 2001, attacks on World Trade Centers, New York City; Pentagon, Washington, D. C.; airliner that crashed in Shanksville, Pennsylvania.)

There are two budgets: the Black Budget and the Super Black Budget. The Black Budget is only about $90 billion. That is authorized by Congress. They (Congress) say (to Black Budget users), “Take this money and go off and do what you’re supposed to do. We know you’re using it for Black purposes.”

But the other, the Super Black Budget, which is trillions of dollars, we have no idea how it’s being handled. And I just think after over 60 years now since 1947 when this all started — Majestic-12 and so forth — it’s now time for an accounting for the (secret) space program.”

Liszt: Yes, a secret space program with no public transparency. We (Dark Journalist) cover the black budgets pretty closely. And you think that this whole question around the alien presence and the missing money is the most important issue facing society today?

Caddy: Exactly. That’s the bottom line. That’s the most important issue.”

Howe: At the end of my interview with Daniel Liszt, he stressed that Caddy had not asked for any money or editing control to do the nearly 3 hours Skype interview.

Liszt: Douglas Caddy wasn’t looking for big book deals or publicity. He just wanted to set the story right. Caddy felt it was important for humanity and for our future to know the alien presence is real and it was the reason for JFK’s assassination. JFK’s assassination lay in the secret of the alien presence that he was going to expose first by giving it to the Soviet Union.

Howe: Have you or Douglas Caddy received any threats or intimidations since you started broadcasting the long interview on Dark Journalist the end of June 2015 ?

Liszt: Well, it’s very interesting. There were kind of unique technical difficulties around it (Skype interview, June 29, 2015). The reaction to it is that Caddy is such a serious figure and the alien presence is such an important question. But we have not been able to put those two things together before. And when you add into it the impact of E. Howard Hunt, who is implicated very often in the assassination of JFK and who at the end of his life gave a deathbed confession to his son (Saint John Hunt) implicating members of the CIA in the assassination of JFK and Caddy has gone on the record and he’s told us what his friend E. Howard Hunt, who was a “super spy” who worked for Presidents Eisenhower, JFK and LBJ — he was the high level CIA figure.

For Hunt to say this to Caddy, who knew nothing about the JFK assassination or the alien presence, I think it’s historical. And I think for Caddy to come out and say it at the end of his life — I think it was a very brave thing to do — and what the implications are that Hunt said to him about the alien presence being the main reason for JFK’s assassination.”

Everette Howard Hunt - Born October 9, 1918, Hamburg, New York. Died January 23, 2007 [CaddyHowardHuntAutographedPhoto]:

Everette Howard Hunt born October 9, 1918, Hamburg, New York. Died January 23, 2007, Miami, Florida. specialized in CIA political warfare and was in charge of operations such as the 1954 Guatemalan coup d’etat and June 17, 1972, Watergate DNC break-in scandal that brought down the Richard Nixon administration. Undated autographed photo.

SPECIAL NOTE: (IN ANALYZING, READING, RESEARCHING, STUDYING, AND WRITING ABOUT THE REMOVAL OF JFK YOU MUST BEGIN WITH JFK's RELATIONSHIP WITH JAMES FORRESTAL, FORRESTAL BEING "SUICIDED" IN 1949, JFK's RELATIONSHIP WITH DR. DONALD MENZEL, AND WHAT JFK KNEW, AND WAS INVESTIGATING ABOUT MAJESTIC TWELVE, WHILE HEEDING FORMER DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER's DIRE PREDICTIONS AND WARNINGS TO JFK. 01.26.2017. BB.)

In a September 19 phone interview, William Tompkins said that in addition to two generals, two admirals were in the Douglas Working Group created shortly after the February 1942 Los Angeles UFO incident, which ultimately led to the formation of Project RAND in 1945. The RAND Corporation website, however, only mentions two generals, Curtis LeMay and Lauris Norstad, in the creation of Project RAND. There was no mention of Navy admirals involved in Project RAND, even though according to Tompkins, the Navy was a major player in the study of antigravity craft both during and after World War II.

During World War II, Tompkins says that he made multiple visits to Naval facilities in China Lake and Pennsylvannia, which were closely examining the briefing packets he was delivering based on the debriefings of 29 spies in multiple Nazi aerospace projects. Clearly, the Navy was interested in developing antigravity craft, but its role would be unacknowledged, as far the official history of the RAND Corporation was involved.

Only Army Air Force officials would be acknowledged by official RAND historians, and this was reflected in the growing influence of the soon to be created U.S. Air Force, which had its own ideas in how to deal with extraterrestrial visitors and the Nazi presence in Antarctica.

By late 1947, a decision was made to separate RAND from Douglas, as the RAND website explains:

By late 1947, it seemed as though Project RAND—which was already operating fairly autonomously—should consider separating from Douglas. In February 1948, the Chief of Staff of the newly created United States Air Force wrote a letter to the president of the Douglas Aircraft Company that approved the evolution of Project RAND into a nonprofit corporation, independent of Douglas.

According to Tompkins the separation was not as smooth a transition as the RAND website depicts. He said in his September 19 interview that roughly two thirds of the personnel working in Project RAND moved over to the Santa Monica facility for the newly created RAND Corporation, while one third remained with Douglas at its own facilities in Santa Monica.

It is this remnant of Project RAND that formed the secret Douglas think tank, Advanced Design, which Tompkins began working for in early 1951 after joining Douglas only months earlier in late 1950. Tompkins likened the separation of Project RAND from Douglas as a traumatic divorce, as he describes in his book, Selected by Extraterrestrials (p.58):

I had been flying up to Douglas, from Naval Air Station North Island San Diego, since spring 1943… Now seven years later, it had been over a year since the divorce. The atmosphere in the Tank was thick with overwhelming tension and resentment. The personnel who had been forced to stay with the family [Douglas Aircraft Company] were hit the hardest. Those who wanted to stay, but who had to leave, also had strong feelings.

Tompkins went on to describe his surprise in 1951 when he learned of the antigravity projects being secretly studied by the Douglas scientists and engineers in its classified think tank, and how a separate think tank [RAND Project] had been created to study antigravity technology:

We were totally unaware that this strange, out-of-this-world thing had ever existed inside a Classified Engineering Area, inside an aircraft company, one which in turn, must have existed inside another Classified Area. Another Think Tank, comprised of other people, was also tasked to evaluate the unbelievable events. [Selected by Extraterrestrials, p. 58]

Tompkins has supplied a document confirming that Antigravity Technology was indeed being studied by the Douglas Aircraft Company during this period. The document (on right) reveals that Tompkins superiors in the Douglas think tank, Elmer Wheaton and W.B. Klemperer, were researching UFO reports and Antigravity Studies in open source material.

What Tompkins says next in his book is very revealing in terms of the antagonistic relationship that quickly developed between the RAND Corporation and the Douglas Think Tank formed out of the personnel remaining from Project RAND:

For years, this was a thorn in our sides. We were subjected to continuous interruptions in our conference rooms, by other people who appeared there to evaluate our studies and concepts. [Selected by Extraterrestrials, p. 58]

Elsewhere in his book, Tompkins describes acts of Industrial Sabotage that set back the Navy’s efforts to work with Douglas Advanced Design Think Tank in designing future Navy Space Battle groups.

On the one hand, human-looking extraterrestrials that appeared Scandinavian, and were hence described by Tompkins as “Nordics”, were helping Douglas engineers in designing kilometers-long space carriers and cruisers. Tompkins says that the Nordic extraterrestrials were cultivating the U.S. Navy as future allies in the military conflicts that were occurring with Draconian Reptilians, elsewhere in the galaxy.

On the other hand, according to Tompkins, the Draconians, along with their Nazi allies, were sabotaging projects that Douglas Advanced Design were working on for the future Navy space battle groups. The RAND Corporation, according to Tompkins testimony, was linked to this industrial sabotage, suggesting that RAND and the USAF, was being influenced by the Draconian extraterrestrials and Nazis.

There are two major issues to consider here when evaluating Tompkins incredible testimony about Nordic and Draconian extraterrestrials using the U.S. Navy and Air Force as proxies in a galactic conflict. Both directly relate to the history of the RAND Corporation and its current activities.

First, it is well known that former Navy Secretary, James Forrestal, who became the inaugural Secretary of Defense in September 1947, was locked in a number of bitter policy struggles with Stuart Symington, the first Secretary of the U.S. Air Force (from September 1947 to April 1950).

What is not well known, according to Tompkins, is that Forrestal was in charge of the Navy Espionage Program on the Nazi Antigravity Programs and their alliance with Draconian Reptilians during World War II. Tompkins says that the findings of the Navy Espionage Program led directly to Forrestal’s order to establish the Office of Research and Inventions in May 1945 (image below).

forrestal-memoForrestal’s role in the Navy’s espionage program was very likely a significant factor in his promotion to Secretary of Defense since he was more aware of the nuances and extent of the problem. Forrestal was in favor of the four military services (Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines), which emerged from the 1947 National Security Act, working together to solve the Nazi and extraterrestrial problem, and to reveal more of the truth to the general public.

truman_forrestal

Tompkins believes that Forrestal was being directly influenced by Nordic extraterrestrials who even met with him. However, Forrestal was in a small minority among the policy makers dealing with the Nazi and extraterrestrial problem through an appointed committee set up by President Truman in 1947 that was called Operation Majestic 12 (see Truman Memo on right).

Symington was firmly opposed to Forrestal’s policies, and was a direct factor in the events that led to his sacking as Secretary of Defense on March 28, 1949, and “assassination” two months later. Significantly, this was the same period when the Navy and Army Air Force collaboration in Project RAND came to an end, and the RAND Corporation was launched under Air Force dominance in early 1948.

In my September 19 phone interview, Tompkins estimated that 75% of the projects explored by the Advanced Design Division at Douglas was sponsored by the Navy, while 25% were sponsored by the USAF. The situation at the RAND Corporation was almost the exact reverse, with the USAF being the major sponsor of military projects.

The second issue to consider about a proxy extraterrestrial war involving rival USAF and Navy Antigravity Programs, is a number of whistleblower testimonies that the USAF led the way in a secret treaty with a group of extraterrestrials directly connected with the Nazi Reptilian Alliance. In February 1955, a meeting occurred at Holloman Air Force Base where President Eisenhower secretly negotiated a treaty with a group of Nazi linked extraterrestrials called the Tall Grays.

As described in the book, Insiders Reveal Secret Space Programs and Extraterrestrial Alliances, this treaty was really a negotiated surrender. It emerged as a direct result of UFO flyovers in the summer of 1952 where squadrons of Nazi flying saucers flew over Washington DC., on successive weekends, and the USAF could do nothing to intercept and shoot down the craft.

The 1955 treaty led to the infiltration of the U.S. Military Industrial Complex by Nazi Operatives. The goal was to utilize the manpower and resources of the U.S. for the Dark Fleet and its Expanding Interplanetary Colonies and Interstellar Missions in support of the Draconian extraterrestrials as described at length by Corey Goode and Tompkins.

As stated by a number of whistleblowers, the USAF worked directly with extraterrestrials and Nazis behind the 1955 agreement to develop squadrons of antigravity spacecraft in the 1960’s and 1970’s for a USAF run secret space program. This cooperation largely continues to the present day, and comprises Antigravity Craft such as the TR-3B Flying Triangle operating out of Area 51 in Nevada.

The RAND Corporation continues to help the USAF develop a coherent policy in terms of global research and development related to its secret space program, which is entirely separate to the very public NASA space program. RAND would, in collaboration with the US Air Force, secretly study antigravity designs that could in future help develop squadrons of USAF antigravity spacecraft.

In contrast, up to the early 1960’s, the US Navy worked with Douglas Aircraft’s Advanced Design in designing space battle groups with kilometers-long space carriers and cruisers as Tompkins has recently revealed. The U.S. Navy ultimately succeeded in developing kilometers-long ships for its space battle groups out of its classified research facilities in China Lake, California, and Wasatch Mountains, Utah in collaboration with major corporate aerospace contractors such as Northrup Grumman and Boeing (which inherited the old Douglas think tank with its merger with McDonnell-Douglas in 1997).

This success, according to Tompkins, would not have been possible without the covert assistance of Nordic extraterrestrials. According to Tompkins, and Goode, the first space battle groups were deployed in the mid-1980’s, and there are currently eight in operation in the Navy’s Solar Warden program.

Tompkins has further revealed that Navy’s annual “West” meetings in San Diego, where leading aerospace companies come together to share their research and development findings, has among its purposes, the goal of finding the latest technologies that may be of use for the Navy’s secret space program. Tompkins says that he has attended all of these Navy West meetings since the year 2000, and plans to attend again in 2017 where he has clearance to attend classified meetings.

tourflyeroct2016-300pxThanks to Tompkins ’ remarkable testimony we know more of the real history of the RAND Corporation and some of the internal dynamics of the conflict happening behind the scenes involving the US Navy and Air Force. Both services effectively became proxies for different extraterrestrial groups that had infiltrated the U.S. Military Industrial Complex, who respectively wanted to either assist or sabotage/delay the development of U.S. secret space programs.

Announcement: Documents and whistleblowers revealing the creation of Antigravity Spacecraft belonging U.S. secret space programs, and the role of RAND and other corporations, will be presented in an upcoming lecture and workshops in Los Angeles (Oct 8-9) and San Francisco (Oct 14 & 16) by best-selling Amazon.com author Dr Michael Salla. More info here.

Rear Admiral Rico Botta was an extremely busy man during World War II. In addition to his official daytime naval duty as “Assembly and Repair Officer” at Naval Air Station, San Diego, in the evenings he led a covert Navy program operating with 29 spies embedded in Nazi Germany’s most advanced aerospace programs which were developing antigravity flying saucers.

According to retired aerospace engineer, William Tompkins; from 1942 to 1946, Admiral Botta seamlessly performed his Official and Covert Navy Duties. The Covert Program learned from the Navy operatives (Lieutenants in rank) that the Nazis had developed up to 30 Prototypes of Antigravity Craft, some of which were capable of space flight.

Admiral BottaIt was Admiral Botta’s duty to understand both the war and post-war potential of the Nazi aerospace programs, and disseminate the relevant technical information acquired by the spies to his Navy superiors, and also select U.S. aerospace companies, think tanks and government laboratories.

Tompkins job was to assist Admiral Botta by physically taking the briefing packages created during the covert program to organizations with the technical expertise to understand the Nazi designs and prototypes, assess their feasibility, and incorporate them into the war effort, if possible.

Tompkins did this approximately 1200 times. Each late night debriefing session was run by the Admiral, with one or more out of a pool of three Navy captains in attendance, along with Tompkins and a stenographer to record the sessions.

After the official end of WWII, Botta went on to play a key role in starting a U.S. Navy led secret space program filling a number of positions until his final “official” assignment at Naval Air Material Center, Philadelphia, from 1950 until his retirement in 1952.

Bill Tompkins - Mission Orders:

Admiral Botta’s covert program was first publicly revealed in December 2015 by Tompkins in his book, Selected by Extraterrestrials.

Here Tompkins released a document revealing his mission orders as a Disseminator of Naval Aircraft Research and Information, and explained how he would deliver briefing packages to various aerospace organizations.

Forrestal Memo:

Tompkins also released a document issued by Navy Secretary James Forrestal, which formalized the Technology Acquisition Program headed by Admiral Botta within the newly created Office of Research and Inventions on May 19, 1945.

Passes to enter naval intelligence:

Yet more documents he released are two exit passes signed by Admiral Botta, which gave Tompkins permission to exit the Naval facility with his “briefing packages.”

These two exit passes confirm Admiral Botta’s direct role in the covert Navy program. It is hard evidence that Botta was leading a Covert Program at Naval Air Station, San Diego, which was authorized by Secretary Forrestal, as Tompkins has claimed.

Confirming Botta’s role in the Covert Program described by Tompkins has been elusive up until recently. Botta’s background and expertise would remain a mystery until researchers at Rense.com combined their efforts to find an official biography on him.

Botta’s biography was published on the website of the “Golden Eagles,” an organization formed by naval aviators back in 1956. Curiously, Botta’s biography was only made available in March 2016, four months after Tompkins’ Selected by Extraterrestrials was published and publicly identified Admiral (Rico) Botta (mistakenly spelled in the book as “Rick Obatta”).

This occurrence, five years after the Golden Eagles website first appeared in 2011, is oddly coincidental, and suggestive of “official approval” for the release of Botta’s biography into the public arena.

Despite the curious timing of its release, there is no reason to question the accuracy of Botta’s biographical details as found on the Golden Eagles website.

Evaluating Admiral Botta’s various commands and expertise will help considerably in determining whether or not he was capable of running the Covert Navy Spy program alleged by Tompkins, and whether Tompkins testimony itself is credible.

One of the first issues to address about Admiral Botta’s background is his rank while stationed at Naval Air Station, San Diego. His official position as “Assembly and Repair Officer” in normal circumstances would be filled by a Captain.

This is confirmed in the citation for his award of the “Legion of Merit” after WWII for his time at San Diego:

The President of the United States of America takes pleasure in presenting the Legion of Merit to Captain Rico Botta, United States Navy, for exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding services to the Government of the United States as the Assembly and Repair Officer, U.S. Naval Air Station, San Diego, California from 31 December 1942 to the termination of hostilities in August 1945.

Admiral Botta Retroactive Promotion:

Yet, on January 11, 1946, after the award of his Legion of Merit, Botta was retroactively promoted to Rear Admiral, spanning back to June 30, 1943. The Congressional record refers to the retroactive promotion due to a temporary assignment which meant that his position as ‘Assembly and Repair Officer” had acquired Flag Officer Responsibilities.

It’s feasible that his temporary appointment as Admiral was due to the Wartime Responsibility of “Assembly and Repair Officer” expanding significantly beyond the normal command level involved during peacetime operations. This is certainly the view of WWII historians such as Ken McCanliss, who points out that Botta is among “a list of 58 Navy flag officers who were given retroactive promotions reflecting war time rank.”

It’s also possible that his temporary rank of Rear Admiral was due to him performing additional duties of extreme importance to the Navy, commensurate with the rank of Rear Admiral. This is what Tompkins’ two May 1945 documents suggest in terms of a covert technology acquisition program that reported directly to Secretary Forrestal.

According to Tompkins, Forrestal directly intervened in ensuring Botta’s temporary promotion to Rear Admiral since that was required for the Covert Program that Botta would head. It would certainly make a difference for Tompkins’ briefing packages to be taken seriously if he was working for a Rear Admiral, rather than a Navy Captain, when he delivered them to leading aerospace companies.

Furthermore, Botta’s background as an Australian citizen (he emigrated to the U.S. in 1908 at age 18), and not being a graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, would likely have created additional hurdles to advancement to flag officer rank.

Botta’s promotion supports Tompkins claim that in addition to Botta’s official “daytime” duties, he also performed covert duties at night, in running the Navy spy program out of Nazi Germany, which required a flag officer to be in command. It’s worth emphasizing that Tompkins recalls that when he began working under Botta in 1942, the latter wore the uniform of an admiral.

We can now examine some of Botta’s other Naval assignments to assess whether he was capable of running a covert espionage program out of Germany to learn about its aerospace secrets.

According to his biography, Botta worked for the Bureau of Aeronautics for two periods. First from 1921 to 1924, and the second time from 1937 to 1942. During his second stint, he worked in the Engineering Division Material Branch and later was the head of the Power Plant Design Section.

Here is what we know of the Bureau of Aeronautics from Wikipedia:

The Bureau of Aeronautics (BuAer) was the U.S. Navy’s material-support organization for naval aviation from 1921 to 1959. The bureau had “cognizance” (i.e., responsibility) for the design, procurement, and support of Naval aircraft and related systems.

These two assignments confirm that in 1942, Admiral Botta had nearly nine year’s experience in a variety of areas associated with aircraft engineering, design and power supply. This had contributed to him developing a “superior and outstanding technical knowledge” as described in his “Legion of Merit” citation:

Captain Botta, by his superior and outstanding technical knowledge and skill, his great administrative ability and his constant devotion to duty enabled this Department to meet the ever increasing demands of the Fleet Air commands for combat aircraft of the latest type and with the latest combat-proved changes installed.

The citation is consistent with what Tompkins claims Botta was doing at the Naval Air Station with the covert operatives in Nazi Germany. It refers to Botta learning about the “latest type” of Combat Aircraft and changes to improve Combat Readiness for US Navy Aircraft.

Consequently, if the Navy had spies embedded in Nazi Germany, then Admiral Botta would have been an ideal choice as someone who could debrief them, adequately assess the technical information involved, and pass on relevant information to select aerospace companies and think tanks for further study and development, as Tompkins contends.

Admiral Botta’s career after WWII took him into positions that were directly involved in the study of antigravity technology that could help start a US Navy secret space program.

One of the Navy research centers that Tompkins says he took his briefing packages to during the war was the Naval Air Material Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The Naval Air Material Center was located at the Philadelphia Naval Shipyard, and during WWII was responsible for developing new aircraft technologies.

On July 1, 1950, Botta became the Commander of the Naval Air Material Center, suggesting that he would be assisting it with developing Experimental Aerospace Technologies, especially with regard to Antigravity Technologies.

Here is what was publicly known about experimental aviation projects at the Naval Air Material Center in 1944:

Naval Air Material Center:

When Admiral Botta took over command of the Naval Air Material Center on July 1, 1950, he was in charge of a facility that was capable of running up to a 1000 experimental aviation projects. Not only is this powerful confirmation that Botta had the expertise to run a Covert Program with 29 operatives embedded in Nazi Germany’s Secret Aerospace Programs, but also that he continued to work on such projects well into the 1950’s.

I therefore agree with Major George Filer’s [USAF ret.] assessment of the significance of Botta’s postwar assignments:

His [Botta’s] leadership likely helped the Navy to lead in the development of disk craft and spaceships.

Tompkins claims that while employed at the Advanced Design think tank at Douglas Aircraft Company from 1951 to 1961, he worked on unsolicited proposals sent to the U.S. Navy for kilometers-long antigravity spacecraft. This suggests that Tompkins’ proposals were assessed and developed, at least up to 1952, at the Naval Air Material Center run by his former boss, Admiral Botta.

A review of Admiral Botta’s expertise, experience and military commands shows that it is very feasible that he ran a covert Navy operation out of Naval Air Station, San Diego, from 1942 to 1946, as Tompkins claims. Furthermore, Botta’s post WWII assignments suggest that he continued to work on Navy aerospace projects associated with the antigravity space craft first developed by Nazi Germany.

It can be reasonably concluded that not only did Admiral Botta run a covert espionage program during World War II learning about Nazi Germany’s successful development of antigravity space craft, but he also played a leading role in developing similar craft for the U.S. Navy.

Consequently, a review of Admiral Botta’s background supports Tompkins claims that he (Tompkins) was directly involved in a covert Navy espionage program that learned about Nazi Germany’s antigravity secrets, and passed these on to senior officials and leading aerospace companies, for the development of a secret space program run by the U.S. Navy.

During World War II, a top secret espionage program was led by the United States Navy to infiltrate the black programs of Nazi Germany that were successfully building antigravity space craft capable of interplanetary flight. Covert naval operatives were embedded inside a number of Nazi Germany’s advanced aerospace programs and tasked to report back what they had seen. This information was then relayed onto various U.S. corporations specifically contracted by the Navy that would begin designing and eventually building a variety of antigravity vehicles, including kilometer long space carriers.

These startling claims have been made by ex-Navy “information disseminator” William Tompkins, who in December 2015, released the first volume of his autobiography titled Selected by Extraterrestrials: My life in the top secret world of UFOs., think-tanks and Nordic secretaries. Tompkins says that he approached a Navy Admiral in 2001 to see if he had approval to write about his experiences:

Early in 2001 I called on Admiral Hugh Webster, Navy League Corporate Director, Washington DC and San Diego CA. We had a five hour meeting on my ongoing book–writing concerning the extraterrestrial threats to our planet. After Admiral Webster read portions of my document and backup technical documentation, I asked Hugh, “How much of this can I include in a published book?” He said. “Bill; TELL IT ALL. This is most important to our country. Don’t leave anything out.” [back cover]

Tompkins first public appearance was on the Jeff Rense show on December 14, 2015 (also Dec 23 & Jan 6 – pt 2), where he describes some of his book’s disclosure filled content. Tompkins went into detail about how he was recruited into the Navy’s covert espionage program during WWII to study and reverse engineer Nazi-designed antigravity space craft.

Tompkins story begins in 1932, when he was only nine. He says he was taken by his father to the Navy’s deep water breakwater in Long Beach California where he began the first of many public tours of aircraft carriers, battleships, cruisers and destroyers, which were anchored. The public was not allowed to take photos of the ships whose gun placements and radar designs were still classified.

Possessing a photographic memory, Tompkins says that he walked all around the ships and took notes of what he observed, and soon after began reproducing scaled models. Eight years later, Tompkins had built many flawlessly accurate detailed models of the navy ships he had seen, and his father was displaying them in a Hollywood Department store.

After the Navy learned about the model ships in 1941, displaying top secret details, they interrogated both Tompkins and his father, and the models were withdrawn from public circulation. The Navy top brass were nevertheless greatly impressed by Tompkins remarkable talent.

Tomp007sA March 26 article in the Evening Outlook newspaper of Santa Monica featured a photograph of Tompkins (now 17) showing some of his ship models to Navy Captain G.C. Gearing, Commandant of the 11th Naval District in San Diego.

Rear Admiral C. A. Blakeley was quoted in the Evening Outlook story:

It is with considerable interest and pleasure that I, together with officers of my staff, examined several of the ship models. Craftsmanship such as you have evidenced shows that you are a keen student of detail and naval construction. Best of all, however, you are doing something worthwhile as a young American—you are helping to build into the American mind the importance of the nation’s first line of defense to each American, young and old.

His photographic memory and ability to reproduce complex ship designs were extraordinary, and a U.S. Naval Intelligence Officer, Lt. Perry Wood, understood the contribution Tompkins could make to the Navy’s pursuit of advanced technology:

Early in 1942, Naval Intelligence Officer Lt. Perry Wood, understanding the technical capabilities and historic research necessary to create the ship models, put together a mission package that resulted in Bill’s induction into the navy. After completing boot camp in San Diego he was assigned a position in naval intelligence on advanced technology projects. [source]

Tompkins abilities had come to the attention of the Navy’s senior leadership. This included the then Secretary of the Navy, James Forrestal, and Admiral Rick Obatta whose responsibilities, according to Tompkins, included covert intelligence projects run out of North Island Naval Air Station at San Diego.

Tompkins claimed Admiral Obatta placed him on his personal staff for four years (1942-46), and quickly elevated him to a leadership position in a covert intelligence program:

Though only a third class seaman, he replaced a Commander at North Island Naval Air Station in San Diego.

Tompkins said that his mission statement was directly ordered by Secretary Forrestal:

The Mission Statement read in part, “To compile and maintain a continuous survey of the activities of experimental research laboratories, other governmental agencies, educational scientific institutions, manufacturers and research engineers. To undertake upon his own initiative, or at the request of any bureau or office of the Naval Air Forces, studies of specific instrumentalities and techniques for the purpose of outlining research projects.”

In his December 14 interview on Rense, Tompkins claims that he participated and documented all meetings attended by Admiral Obatta, one or two Captains, and the naval operatives reporting on what they had observed in Nazi Germany.

Tompkins subsequently told this writer on January 16 that there were 28 Naval operatives with the rank of Lieutenant used in the Covert Program. They all had German ancestry, which allowed them to easily infiltrate Nazi Germany.

Tompkins’ mission was to reproduce the complex extraterrestrial data that was given to the Nazi SS, which were either described by the naval operatives or contained within the documents they possessed, and then take these reproductions to different corporate Navy contractors. The contractors would proceed to design, reproduce and test various elements of the anti-gravity spacecraft, which were at various stages of production in Nazi Germany facilities in Europe, South America and Antarctica.

What the naval operatives were further reporting is astounding. Tompkins claims operatives revealed in the top secret debriefings that up to and during the World War II, there were two flying saucer programs under development. The first was a largely civilian effort that predated the Nazi rise to power in 1933, while the second was led by the Nazi SS.

Tompkins said that the civilian German space program had been inspired by a Nordic group of extraterrestrials who were communicating through young female German mediums.

The second program was assisted by a group of extraterrestrials called the Reptilians, who had reached secret agreements with Hitler.

In 1939, Tompkins asserts that the Nazi SS was given the location of three large caverns in Antarctica by the Reptilians, and proceeded over time to move the bulk of the German Secret Space Programs there.

By 1942, when it became clear that the war was lost, the Nazi’s accelerated their efforts to relocate the best scientists, engineers and vital resources to Antarctica, and Argentinian caverns, through specially built submarines capable of carrying very large cargoes.

Tompkins through the Naval Operatives learned that the Germans achieved great success and failures in their space program efforts. Of particular note was the first space flight to Mars in late April 1945, which had a crew of 30, including three Japanese astronauts. This stunning achievement ended in disaster when the spacecraft crash landed, resulting in the death of the entire crew.

After he reproduced the ship design information he had gained from the covert Navy Operatives spying on the German Space Programs, Tompkins says he then took these designs to various top secret Naval Development Centers and Corporate Facilities. These included Douglas Aircraft Company at El Segundo and Santa Monica, Lockheed, North American aviation, and an underground Naval facility supported by Caltech at China Lake.

From 1950 to 1963, Tompkins started as a draftsman, and later became section chief with the Douglas Aircraft Company. Here he says that he worked with two attractive female Nordic extraterrestrials who were employed as secretaries, and they telepathically guided him in the designs for the more advanced space craft that would eventually be secretly built by the U.S. Navy.

Tompkins experience at Douglas with the two “Nordic secretaries” suggests that the U.S. Navy had reached a secret agreement with a friendly group of extraterrestrials in the early 1950s to develop their own space program. It would become the counter to the Nazi/German space program in Antarctica, which was being helped by Reptilian extraterrestrials.

Tompkins story sounds incredible, but key elements have been verified by the book’s editor, Dr. Bob Wood who first began investigating Tompkins’ information in 2009. Serendipitously, Dr Wood was employed with Douglas Aircraft (later McDonnell Douglas) over a 43 year period, and worked at Douglas at the same time as Tompkins, even though the two had never met prior to 2009.

Among Dr. Wood’s assignments, while at Douglas, was to research UFO reports to determine the feasibility of flying saucer designs for the aerospace industry. He was assigned this task by the Douglas aerospace company after he met with chief executives:

One day after I reported to a couple of VP’s on how we were doing, one of them asked me personally if I was doing anything interesting outside of my job. ‘You’re not going to believe this, but I’ve read about 50 books on UFOs’, I said, and ‘the amazing conclusion I have come to is that they are very real extraterrestrial craft’. The only thing that’s uncertain is whether we find out how they work before or after our competitor Lockheed. After a moment of silence one of them (VP) said, ‘how much would it cost to take a look at that question’? Therefore we started a project, quite low key to take a look at the question of how they work.

Dr. Wood was able to corroborate the names of engineers, scientists and projects at Douglas, which Tompkins referred to. Tompkins was also able to supply documents that confirmed that he was a principal of a U.S. Navy project from 1942 to 1945, as he claimed, and that Douglas was interested in designs of kilometer long spacecraft carriers.

The significance of Tompkins claims cannot be understated. They corroborate the key claims of a number of notable whistleblowers with alleged knowledge of secret space programs. In particular, Tompkins material adds substantive weight to the testimony of Corey Goode, whose groundbreaking claims were investigated in the book, Insiders Reveal Secret Space Programs and Extraterrestrial Alliances.

According to Goode, he learned about the history of the secret space program he served on from “smart glass pads” that he was given access to during his covert service from 1987 to 2007. These smart glass pads contained intelligence briefings, which Goode later revealed in his testimony. The information closely corresponds to what Tompkins says he heard at the debriefings he participated in involving covert naval operatives working in Nazi Germany from 1942 to 1946.

One of Goode’s key claims is that Nazi Germany had developed not one, but two flying saucer programs. The first was a civilian program led by Maria Orsic, a young woman with exceptional psychic gifts who established communications with aliens claiming to be from Aldebaran. This resulted in the design and building of the first flying saucer craft under the auspices of the Vril Society.

Maria Orsic led a civilian space craft program under the Vril Society:

Similarly, Tompkins claims that one of the German programs was a Civilian Program run by female psychics in communication with extraterrestrials. Tompkins confirmed to the writer on January 16, that the leader of this group was Maria Orsic as depicted on page 67 of Insiders Reveal Secret Space Programs and Extraterrestrial Alliances. Both Goode and Tompkins claim that the second space program was run by the Nazi SS.

Furthermore, both Goode and Tompkins claim that the Germans relocated their most advanced space program assets to Antarctica and South America, prior to and during World War II.

Tompkins book also corroborates Goode’s claim that the first successful missions to the Moon and Mars were undertaken by the German secret space programs in the early to mid-1940s.

In addition, Tompkins, like Goode, claims that Operation Highjump was an unsuccessful naval military expedition to locate and destroy Nazi bases in Antarctica.

Tompkins claims are truly extraordinary revelations by a former employee of Douglas Aircraft Company, TRW Systems, and other aerospace companies working on classified programs for the U.S. Navy. The fact that his claims have attracted the support of Dr. Robert Wood, another former Douglas Aircraft employee, is highly significant.

The drawings Tompkins has supplied in his book is documentary evidence in support of his claims that a secret space program was indeed developed by the U.S. Navy, as a result of espionage by its covert operatives, of what the Nazis had pioneered in their own highly classified antigravity technology programs prior to and up to the conclusion of World War II.

[Update – 3/29/2016 – Thanks to William Tompkins who provided many suggestions for improving the accuracy of the above article]

FURTHER READING:

German Secret Societies Colonized Mars in 1940sGerman Secret Societies Hid Ancient Super Weapons from NazisUncensored History Revealed with Secret Space Program DisclosuresNazi UFOs flew over Washington & led to SS infiltration of US space programNazi SS slave empire created through US secret space programsCorporate bases on Mars and Nazi infiltration of US Secret Space ProgramNew Book Reveals What You Need to Know about the Secret Space Programs

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FILM TO REVEAL HOW JFK’S QUEST TO END UFO SECRECY WAS ECLIPSED BY SHADOW GOVERNMENT:WRITTEN BY ADMIN ON MARCH 20, 2015. POSTED IN ANNOUNCEMENTS, EXOPOLITICS RESEARCH

[March 20, 2015 – Kaimu-Kalapana, Hawaii] Today the moon’s shadow blocks the sun in a total or partial eclipse, depending on location, as well as the spring equinox. Today is also the official launch of a Kickstarter campaign for the making of a unique documentary film about how John F. Kennedy’s presidency was eclipsed by the dark shadow of a sinister force operating behind the scenes in the US government.

The planned documentary begins with Kennedy’s World War II experiences that laid the foundations for a powerful behind the scenes battle during his presidency to access the nation’s deepest national security secrets. Kennedy’s Last Stand is a documentary film project that will introduce evidence never before revealed about how President Kennedy learned about classified UFO files during World War II; and why his multiple attempts to gain access during his presidency to UFO related projects and files became a key factor in his assassination.

Kennedy’s Last Stand will be the first JFK Assassination Documentary to examine the close personal friendship between John Kennedy and James Forrestal, who became the first Secretary of Defense in 1947. The film will cover how Forrestal introduced Kennedy to the UFO issue during a trip to Germany in July 1945 when JFK witnessed advanced NAZI technologies that were repatriated to the U.S. under Operation Paperclip – an Operation Forrestal helped orchestrate as the then Secretary of the Navy.

Kennedy’s Last Stand will examine new evidence confirming the relationship between Marilyn Monroe and the Kennedy brothers, and how Monroe learned from Kennedy that he had seen retrieved a UFO craft and extraterrestrial biological entities. Monroe’s threat to give a Tell All Press Conference in Aug 1962 led to her murder in a way that implicated Robert Kennedy, who visited her twice during her final hours to retrieve a red diary with the President’s UFO secrets.

This film will reveal for the first time in any documentary how Kennedy’s dramatic Sept 1963 initiative to cooperate with the Soviet Union’s Nikita Khrushchev on Joint Space and Lunar Missions included a secret attempt to share access to Classified UFO files previously denied to his administration.

Finally, smoking gun documentary evidence that Kennedy was assassinated before his efforts to gain access to Classified UFO Files succeeded will be examined along with the shadowy force and key figures behind his assassination.

Kennedy’s Last Stand will be approximately 45 mins in length, and is planned to be released shortly before the Nov 22 anniversary of JFK’s assassination.

To learn more or to support this Kickstarter project, please visit the Kickstarter Film Project webpage, or the official film website – http://www.KennedysLastStand.com.

KENNEDY’S LAST STAND: ROOTS OF JFK ASSASSINATION LIE IN WHAT HE SAW IN 1945:WRITTEN BY ADMIN ON OCTOBER 9, 2013. POSTED IN EXOPOLITICS RESEARCHKennedy's_Last_Stand_Cover_for_KindleNow Available at Amazon.com

Just before the start of his first term on January 20, 1993, President-Elect Clinton made a strange request to close family friend and lawyer Webster Hubbell: “If I put you over there in justice I want you to find the answer to two questions for me: One, who killed JFK. And two, are there UFOs.” According to Hubbell, “Clinton was dead serious.” The key to unlocking the mystery of President Kennedy’s assassination and a possible UFO connection lie in events that occurred 18 years earlier in post-war Germany.

In the summer of 1945, John F. Kennedy was a guest of Navy Secretary James Forrestal in a post-war tour of Germany. Kennedy personally witnessed technological secrets that have still not been disclosed to the general public. These secrets stemmed from technologies that Nazi Germany had acquired from around the world, and were attempting to develop for their weapons programs. The advanced technologies stunned the military government running the U.S. zone of occupied Germany. How did the Nazis develop them? The answer according to the father of German rocket design, Herman Oberth, shocked U.S. military officials. The Nazis had help from “the people of others worlds” – some of the technologies were extraterrestrial in origin.

In searching for answers to who killed President Kennedy we need to start with the death of his mentor, James Forrestal in 1949. Forrestal became the first Secretary of Defense in 1947, a position he held until March, 1949. Forrestal was a visionary who thought Americans had a right to know about the existence of extraterrestrial life and technologies. Forrestal was sacked by President Truman because he was revealing the truth to various officials, including Kennedy who was a Congressman at the time. Forrestal’s ideals and vision inspired Kennedy, and laid the seed for what would happen 12 years later.

After winning the 1960 Presidential election, Kennedy learned a shocking truth from President Eisenhower. The Control Group set up to run highly classified extraterrestrial technologies, Majestic-12, had become a Rogue Government Agency. Eisenhower warned Kennedy that Majestic-12 had to be reined in. It posed a direct threat to American liberties and democratic processes. Kennedy followed Eisenhower’s advice, and set out to realize James Forrestal’s vision. The same forces that orchestrated Forrestal’s death, opposed Kennedy’s efforts at every turn. When Kennedy was on the verge of succeeding, by forcing the CIA to share classified UFO information with other government agencies on November 12, 1963, he was assassinated ten days later.

Kennedy’s Last Stand is a book about how two American Presidents, Eisenhower and Kennedy, confronted “black world” operations outside of the control of “white world” constitutional government representatives. Kennedy’s Last Stand reveals how JFK tried to realize his friend’s and mentor’s vision of a world where humanity openly knows about extraterrestrial life. The book reveals for the first time, the principal government officials responsible for denying that vision, and orchestrating the assassination of President Kennedy.

Kennedy’s Last Stand: Eisenhower, UFOs, MJ-12 and JFK’s Assassination by Michael E. Salla, Ph.D., becomes available at Amazon on October 22, 2013 – one month before the 50th anniversary of the JFK Assassination.

John Zeroski wrote:For those interested in this subject matter, there is an extraction from Milton Wiliam Coopers Behold A Pale Horse.It's title is The Secret Government, with the subtitle The Origin, Identity, and Purpose of MJ-12.

Included in this paper are his views on the assassination of President Kennedy and James Forrestal.I have read the Simpson book and, although brief, has a convincing presentation that Forrestal wasindeed murdered.

Near the end of this long paper he brings in some interesting observations, including his reasons whyMJ-12 was pivotal for the implementation of the conspirator's NWO agenda.As I believe that this agenda was behind the president's death, as well as many others who were hinderingthis agenda, I find this material very interesting.

SPECIAL NOTE: (THE WATERGATE PLANE CRASH AT CHICAGO's AIRPORT ON 12.08.1972 WAS SABOTAGED. ABOARD WERE 12 PEOPLE CONECTED TO THE WATERGATE SCANDAL. AMONG THE VICTIMS WERE CIA AGENT DOROTHY HUNT, WIFE OF E. HOWARD HUNT, WHO WAS TRAVELING TO MAKE HUSH MONEY PAYOFFS TO THOSE INVOLVED IN THE DEVELOPING WATERGATE BREAK-IN AND SCANDAL.

ADDITIONALLY THIS WAS A WARNING TO E. HOWARD HUNT TO KEEP QUIET ABOUT MAJESTIC TWELVE, JFK, AND THE TRUTH ABOUT THE WATERGATE BREAK-IN, INCLUDING THE FACT THAT THERE WERE 2 WATERGATE TEAMS, ONE WHICH COMPLETELY GOT AWAY, AND ONE WHICH WAS CAUGHT BY DESIGN. E. HOWARD HUNT PERSONALLY WANTED $ 2 MILLION DOLLARS TO KEEP QUIET. YOU NEED TO THOROUGHLY READ AND STUDY THE INTERVIEW - MEETING BETWEEN E. HOWARD HUNT, AND HIS ATTORNEY, DOUGLAS CADDY, WHICH OCCURRED BEFORE E. HOWARD HUNT WENT TO PRISON. I HAVE POSTED THIS UNDER THIS HEADLINE PREVIOUSLY.

IN RECORD TIME, 150 FBI AGENTS WERE ON THE GROUND WITHIN MINUTES OF THE CRASH. ALLEGEDLY SOME WERE ALREADY IN ROUTE TO TAKE DOROTHY HUNT INTO CUSTODY, IN ADDITION TO THE CASH, NEGOTIABLE INSTRUMENTS, AND VALUABLES THAT SHE WAS CARRYING THAT WERE BELIEVED TO BE AS HIGH AS $ 5 MILLION DOLLARS. DOROTHY HUNT EVEN PURCHASED AN ADDITIONAL SEAT TO KEEP HER "ASSETS" ON THE SEAT NEXT TO HER. SURPRISINGLY, NOT EVERYTHING WAS EVER FOUND.

PEOPLE, THE PLANE WAS CRASHED DUE TO SABOTAGED ELECTRICAL WIRING. MANY PEOPLE WERE SACRIFICED. YOU MUST ANALYZE, READ, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITE VERY DEEPLY ON THIS ISSUE. BE INTELLIGENT ENOUGH TO REALIZE THAT THIS WENT FAR BEYOND THE JUST BEGINNING WATERGATE SCANDAL. 01.26.2017. BB.)

What really happened during the infamous "Watergate plane crash"at Chicago's airport on December 8, 1972 ?

United Airlines flight 553 out of Washington, D.C. exploded whilelanding in Chicago. Aboard were 12 people who were connected insome way to the burgeoning Watergate scandal. Among the victimswas Dorothy Hunt, wife of former CIA man (and Watergate burglar)E. Howard Hunt.

Evidence indicated the plane was sabotaged, but independentinvestigator Sherman Skolnick made headlines when he chargedthat the sabotage had been covered up by the government.

Skolnick discussed his findings when he was the guest on theDecember 23 broadcast of *The Spotlight*'s nightly radio call-intalk forum, Radio Free America, with host Tom Valentine.

At the time of the crash, Valentine was a journalist working inChicago and became acquainted with Skolnick during the furor overthe loss of flight 553.

According to Valentine, "It was the flight 553 affair that reallyconvinced me this government was corrupt. I was a meat head andbelieved in our government. I knew the medical establishmentwas corrupt, but this really convinced me the government wascorrupt."

Skolnick, who has been a regular guest on Radio Free America, andwho is an adviser to Liberty Lobby's Populist Action Committee,has a recorded five-minute commentary (changed several times aweek) that people may call 24 hours a day at regular long-distance rates. The number is (312) 731-1100. Skolnick's recordedmessage brings periodic updates on matters the investigator andhis research team are working on.

An edited transcript of Valentine's interview with Skolnickfollows.

VALENTINE: The Watergate plane crash is the first investigationyou and I worked on together.

SKOLNICK: This subject is one of the great forbidden subjects ofthis country. You are not supposed to talk publicly aboutairplanes that have been sabotaged. If sabotage is ever broughtup, it's always in some foreign country where a bomb blows up theairplane.

VALENTINE: Then the loss of the United Airlines flight 553 wasnot just fog or pilot error or something like that.

SKOLNICK: In the history of aviation there have been a number ofsituations where there was actual sabotage -- not necessarily abomb -- and that sabotage put the plane down and killed peoplefor political reasons.

I started writing a book about airplane sabotage right after theplane crash. I called it "The Watergate Plane Crash." The reasonwhy was because on this one plane were 12 people connected withthe Watergate affair.

The disaster happened exactly one month after Richard Nixon hadbeen re-elected. The Watergate affair had started, but it was notwidely known at the time.

Former CIA man (and Watergate burglar) E. Howard Hunt, part ofthe so-called White House Plumbers, was under arrest. It latercame out that Hunt was threatening to blow the lid off the WhiteHouse if Nixon didn't take care of him. Hunt wanted $2 million.

What Hunt reportedly had was information tending to show thatNixon, who was in Dallas at the time John F. Kennedy wasmurdered, was complicit in the assassination. Hunt's wife Dorothywas carrying around "hush" money to various witnesses in aneffort to silence them about the Watergate affair.

She was on flight 553, and this time she was traveling under herown name. She was so concerned about the baggage (which contained$2 million worth of cashier's checks and money orders, which someastute people could have traced back to the Nixon White House)that she bought an extra first class seat for her baggage (andthe valuables therein).

The press later said there was only $10,000 in her possession,but that was false. We know about this because of records of theNational Transportation Safety Board which had the manifest ofthe airplane.

A year after the crash, an air baggage robbery gang wasprosecuted in the case of *U.S. vs. Joseph Cirelli*.

I was the only journalist who covered the hearing. There an FBIdocument came out showing that this criminal mob, a Mafia family,had somehow penetrated the crash zone, stolen Mrs. Hunt'sluggage, and were fencing $2 million worth of valuables for $5million.

Why ? How ? Because these money orders could be traced back tothe Nixon White House and as a consequence were worth more asblackmail information.

The plane was steered into the ground. It's not technicallyaccurate to call it a "crash." The plane was pancaked and thencaught on fire.

Now bear in mind that every airport has what they call the "outermarker" which enables the plane to know his altitude. The outermarker was working for the plane ahead of flight 553 and for theplane behind flight 553, but as 553 approached the marker, itmysteriously went out.

Now here's the mystery. There were 150 FBI agents waiting on theground. The government's own documents show that the firedepartment responded within a minute and a half. The FBIheadquarters in Chicago is in downtown Chicago, 12 miles away. Ifthey got on a helicopter off their headquarters roof theycouldn't have made the 12 miles faster than the fire department.

However, when the fire department came near the crash zone, theFBI had cordoned off the zone and kept the firefighters fromapproaching the plane. A number of police officers were also heldback and kept in a nearby park and not allowed to approach theplane.

The only ones who were able to approach the plane were the FBI. Ifound out about this later, and for several months thereaftersome of the press called me a liar, but finally a letter camefrom the acting director of the FBI, confirming that I wascorrect, and that there were a large number of FBI people there.

He cryptically put in his letter that it was justified becausethey were investigating "airline piracy." Which means, in otherwords, was somebody trying to steal luggage on that plane, *enroute*, and therefore the FBI was waiting ?

We believe the FBI was waiting there to arrest Mrs. Hunt becauseof the blackmail scheme. I went to the National TransportationSafety Board [NTSB, which investigates crashes], and they set upshop in Chicago and held a hearing in the spring of 1973. Theyconcluded there was ice on the plane's tail.

I interviewed a number of their witnesses and found the NTSB didnot bring out the correct facts. I brought a lawsuit against theNTSB, and, unknown to United Airlines, my friends liberated theentire government file of 1,300 documents and pictures, and weknew it was sabotage from the government's own records.

I got on a lot of radio talk shows at the time, but I didn't tellthem that we had the entire file. United Airlines got upset aboutme being on radio saying these things, and they demanded that theNTSB reopen the hearings to prove that I was a liar.

At the two days of hearings in June, 1973, at which time theyexpected to prove me a liar, some 250 reporters showed up fromall over the world. CBS had closed-circuit video coverage fortheir higher-ups since one of their reporters, Michelle Clark,had been sitting next to Mrs. Hunt.

SKOLNICK: At the two days of hearings in June, 1973,at which time they expected to prove me a liar,some 250 reporters showed up from all over the world. CBShad closed-circuit video coveragefor their higher-ups since one of their reporters, MichelleClark, had been sitting next to Mrs. Hunt.

Now remember, United Airlines didn't know that my friends hadswiped the NTSB files on the crash. So when they turned on allthe lights for the videotaping process (for the CBS executives),at that moment I opened up my suitcase at the hearing and spreadall of the documents on a great table before me.

There was a panel of five NTSB members there. I said,"Now here's your entire file. I admit that I swiped it. If you wantto arrest me, do it right now in front of all of these reporters."

For two entire days I showed from their own records that theyknew it was sabotage.

The *Chicago Tribune* took a picture of me at the table, but theychopped off the portion of me pointing at the documents, and theyran a headline saying "No proof whatsoever of sabotage."

Only one newspaper in this country, however, ran that AP story.It was a newspaper in Seattle. All of the other newspapersdisregarded that major story carrietional wire(known as the "A" wire, which carries all the major stories).

The reason for this is simple: United Airlines was the largestairline in North America, and were this to have been publicizedthey could have lost their certificate to fly. Edward Carlson,United Airlines board chairman, was very close to Nixon.

Now as I mentioned, CBS News reporter Michelle Clark was on theplane beside Mrs. Hunt. She was also a friend of Rep. GeorgeCollins (D-Ill.) who also died on that crash. At the laterhearings, we had the chief assistant of Congressman Collins.Apparently Collins had somehow found out about the Watergateaffair before the break-in and had told Michelle Clark about it,and she knew about it.

What happened was that certain people decided to sit on mattersfor their own financial gain. Here's briefly what happened. I hada mutual friend who knew Ms. Clarke's family. They said thatsince Michelle had died in the crash, they were going to blow thelid off United Airlines, which is owned largely by theRockefeller family's Chase Manhattan Bank. They were also goingto use this information against CBS (Michelle's employer) whichwas part of the cover-up.

Using my material they got what was said to be as much as a $5million settlement from CBS by remaining silent about what thefamily found out. Cardiss Collins, the widow of CongressmanCollins, took his place, and from my information she was in favorof squelching the whole affair.

Another one that I think shook down the Federal AviationAdministration [FAA] and the Nixon administration for a largeamount of money was William F. Buckley Jr.

Buckley had not only served in Mexico City under E. Howard Huntin the CIA (years before), but since Hunt was a convicted felon(as a consequence of the Watergate affair), Hunt could not be theexecutor of his wife's estate.

Buckley, as the godfather of Hunt's children, brought a lawsuitin the federal courts in Chicago against the FAA and in crypticlanguage said that the FAA allowed this crash to happen. Thelawsuit didn't quite allege sabotage but in a way referred towhat we had uncovered, and [they] were using it for their ownfinancial gain.

In other words, they strong-armed the FAA and the Nixon WhiteHouse to get money out of them. The press didn't cover the factthat Buckley had brought such a lawsuit.

Now in the NTSB reports that we had uncovered, we reviewed thetoxicological reports. These reports showed that Dorothy Hunt andthe other Watergate people on board the flight had a very highcyanide level in their body -- higher than they could havebreathed into their body in a fire. In other words, it had tohave been injected.

We went to the leading toxicologist in the country, and he saidthat the cyanide had to have been injected.

In any case, after two days of hearings, I told a joke that wasused against me. I said, "I am here to admit that I haveabsolutely no proof whatever that Richard Nixon himself orEdwardCarlson, the chairman of United Airlines, was on the plane with a 38 andshot Dorothy Hunt."

Do you know that the Chicago paper had a banner headline sayingthat "Skolnick admits no proof whatsoever."

They left out the part of the sentence that was a joke.

Now there was a very interesting man on that plane who survivedthe crash. He was sitting right near the tail near the door. Hisname was Harold Metcalfe, one of the top narcotics agents in theUnited States working directly for the Nixon White House. Whenthe plane crashed, he opened the door and got off at the tail. Hewas in a jumpsuit like he was going to parachute or something.

What happened was that he was supposed to testify before a grandjury in Indiana. An associate of mine found him and confrontedhim and said, "You survived the crash and came out of a plane ina strange jumpsuit. You knew that plane was supposed to crash."

Metcalfe turned purple and started blurting out, "It wasn'tsupposed to happen that way."

We brought that up at the special hearing.

Finally, after two days of hearings a reporter for the Hearstnewspapers came up to me, and I'll never forget what he said. Hesaid, "All of your documents are worthless. You didn't prove thatthe plane was blown up with a bomb."

I said, "We're living in a modern world. Of those planes thathave been sabotaged, not all have been blown up that way."

He said, "Without a bomb, you have no case."

That was the opinion of the top reporter of the Hearstnewspapers.

I confronted the members of the NTSB panel with conflict ofinterest charges in that most of them were stockholders in theairline industry, but they refused to disqualify themselves. Thepanel came out with a revised verdict that the propheticallynamed Capt. Whitehouse (on the ill-fated plane) had committedpilot error, and that's why the plane crashed.

In so doing they came out with a new set of documents. But I hadtheir file, and I was able to show that their new documents werefalsified and not the original records of what had happened.

Whitehouse had been one of the best pilots in North America andhad been a stunt pilot. If there was anybody under heaven whocould have landed that plane, he could have.

The plane's electrical system had been sabotaged, too. But toprotect United Airlines, they covered up what really happened. Mybook on the affair [which Tom Valentine was scheduled to co-author] was supposed to be published by Pinnacle Press, but thelawyer for Chase Manhattan Bank (which, as we said, owns part ofUnited Airlines) said that the book was "not documented," eventhough we had all of the documents from the NTSB.

VALENTINE: After my magazine *Newsreal* was going to publish yourstory, but our distributor, Fawcett, was purchased by CBS, andthat was the end of that.

SKOLNICK: There have been a lot of mysterious plane crashes overthe years. One of them was the disappearance of the plane (inAlaska) carrying Rep. Hale Boggs (D-La.), just a month beforeNixon was re-elected.

I talked to a lot of people who investigated it, and there isreason to believe the plane was found. Boggs had begun makingstatements that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was wiretappingmembers of Congress. Boggs had also been a member of the WarrenCommission that said Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone gunman in theJFK assassination.

Now his daughter, Cokie Roberts, who is a top reporter for ABC,recently said that she agreed with her father that "Oswald actedalone." The fact is that her father had begun to have misgivingsin 1972 about the Warren Commission, and it was at that point hisairplane disappeared.

SPECIAL NOTE: (JAMES V. FORRESTAL HAD AN EXTREMELY WELL DOCUMENTED, LONG TIME HISTORY OF INVOLVEMENT WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, MILITARY, AND NAVY. HE HAD ATTAINED SOME OF THE HIGHEST POSITIONS OF POWER AND TRUST AT A DEVELOPING AND EVOLVING POINT IN U.S HISTORY. FURTHER HE HAD A STRONG AND EARLY INVOLVEMENT WITH JOE KENNEDY, Sr., AND LATER JFK THAT IS VIRTUALLY IGNORED. WHY ? 01.28.2017. BB.)

This microfilm project makes available for the first time the complete and unexpurgated version of Forrestal's manuscript and typescript diaries covering the period March 1944 to March 1949. While the printed edition, The Forrestal Diaries, edited by Walter Millis with the collaboration of E. S. Duffield in 1951, runs to some 555 pages plus index, there are nearly 3000 pages of diary entries, mostly in typescript format which we are now able to reproduce in full.

Who was Forrestal and Why was he important ? As Secretary of the Navy, 1944-1947, and first Secretary of Defense, 1947-1949, he had significant access to the President and was part of a State Department team with crucial responsibilities for running the war effort, ensuring a successful outcome for the Allies and, moreover, with a key role in considering and shaping the peace, reconstruction policies and the structure of the post-war world. Forrestal's background was of a businessman of considerable wealth, power, and position. In 1938 he had succeeded Clarence Dillon as President of Dillon Read. An efficient operator with a quietly driving ambition, he had risen relatively early to the top aged forty-six. Two years later he abandoned this career for good to enter the Roosevelt administration as one of FDR's Special Administrative Assistants.

On 5 August 1940 the President nominated Forrestal to fill the position of Under Secretary of the Navy and he worked closely with Frank Knox (Secretary of the Navy) and Henry L. Stimson (Secretary of War). He was well suited to the colossal tasks of Wartime Procurement and Logistics as well as the expansion of the Navy Department.

The diary notes reproduced here start when Forrestal took over as Secretary of the Navy on Knox's death in 1944 and continue through to Forrestal's resignation as Secretary of Defense in March 1949.

The diaries provide insights into many important questions:

- Pearl Harbor- strategy for the War in the Pacific- Yalta and post-war planning- Discussions with the Soviet Union- the strategic bombing of Japan and the use of the atomic bomb- plans for the surrender, occupation and future of Japan- reconversion of the American economy to a civilian footing- the post war international situation in China and in the Middle East- Allied Control of Germany and reconstruction policies in Europe- the Marshall Plan- The IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development

Frequent meetings and discussions with Henry L. Stimson (Secretary of War), Joseph C. Grew (Acting Secretary of State), John L. McCloy (Assistant Secretary of War), the President and the Secretary of State are recorded in Forrestal's diary notes. Some folders include extra background memoranda relevant to the diary entries - especially with regard to important meetings or providing Forrestal's own thoughts on particular topics.

The diary starts in earnest with Forrestal's trip to the Mediterranean, 4-23 August 1944, describing the visit to General Clark's Headquarters near Cecina, the allied invasion of southern France (15 August 1944), Forrestal's meeting with General Charles de Gaulle (18 August 1944) and an attached 5 page memorandum with Forrestal's comments and recollections of the conversation, followed by his return to the United States for meetings to discuss the post-war control of Germany (25 August) and a State Department Conference (29 August 1944) with Secretaries Hull, Patterson and McCloy.

Part of the entry for 25 August 1944 reads as follows:

Control of Germany:

"The Secretary of War pointed out that among other things Germany was a highly industrialized nation, that it would be a practical impossibility to shift large segments of the population who depended for their existence on industrial economy back to the land; furthermore, he pointed out that the products of German industry and business were needed for the rebuilding of Europe, particularly the iron and steel from the Ruhr."

Pages 9-13 contain Forrestal's early notes on the IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (31 July 1944); on page 11 he observes:

"The Fund, in effect, is merely a shock absorber. It can neither make rough roads smooth nor compensate for reckless driving. None of the delegates at Bretton Woods believed that it would solve the problems of getting payment for US goods if the US was to export goods while it blocks imports by high tariffs. But believing that the roads are certain to be rough, the delegates felt there was all the more need for shock absorbers - to save the whole world from being jarred by every thank-you-ma'am that each nation hits."

Discussions with General MacArthur about the attack on Luzon are recorded on 26 September 1944. There are also many notes relating to the special enquiry on the attack on Pearl Harbor. On 14 November 1944 Forrestal summarises some of main points:

"1. Failure to use telephone.

So-called unity of command at Oahu - failure to hold daily meetings even during days of rising tension.Failure to evaluate lessons already learned - the Taranto attack, British experience with aircraft torpedo attacks.Submersion of CNO in details of material to the extent that he became insensitive to the significance of events.General skepticism throughout the Navy that an air attack by the Japanese on Pearl was within their capabilities.On the other side, I am impressed by the following:Usual advantage of hindsight and the difficulty in reconstructing a state of mind which affected the entire country, Washington as well as Honolulu.The fact that this war has proved that any carrier strike when pressed home with resolution is almost impossible to deflect. Witness our carrier operations in the Pacific, particularly Admiral Mitscher's strikes in the Marianas last winter when he was picked up 24 hours before reaching his target."

"Hopkins said that England must inevitably go Socialist and that Churchill did not want the things for England that the Labor people wanted - federal housing, slum elimination, ownership of industries etc. I asked Hopkins how any country such as England could go communistic - I said England had been able to exist and subsist because she was a trading nation and that a capitalist system was essential to the existence of England ."

4 September 1945. Cabinet Luncheon.

"Lunched at the White House today. The President announced he was planning to hold Cabinet luncheons once or twice a week; that he was very anxious to see to it that the whole government was knit together as a working team and that it functioned through the Cabinet. He hoped to accommodate this by a gradual absorption of the various extracurriculum agencies as established during the war into the Cabinet posts."

Forrestal's diary entries confirm that such luncheons did become a regular feature over the next few years. They also hint that the cohesion and teamwork for which President Truman hoped were not, perhaps, always so easily to be achieved.

The next full Cabinet meeting highlighted some of the tensions and differing viewpoints on issues such as public health, national defence, the atomic bomb and the best way forward to secure a lasting peace.

7 September 1945. Cabinet.

"Mr Leo Crowley said that he had just returned from the Middle West and was sure that the country would be violently opposed to the continuation of any universal military training. He said the assumption was that we had fought a war now to get rid of war, that we had the atomic bomb and we had the San Francisco Conference and all the various affirmations of faith in the possibilities of an organization to create the foundations of world peace, and that universal training would create the inference that we didn't have faith in our own platform. To this Secretary Stimson made an eloquent rejoinder, the substance of which was that the only way we could convince the world we were serious about preventing another war was to show that we took our responsibility in that direction with great seriousness. I supported the Secretary of War's point of view and remarked that history showed that all new weapons always developed a countermeasure, beginning with what the Romans developed to conteract Hannibal's use of elephants.Mr Crowley's view continued to be, however, that no matter how much we felt as we did, the country would not support that point of view.Stimson rejoined that he did not accept that statement of cynicism about the good sense and the willingness of the nation to accept its serious responsibilities.

Public health: The President talked about public health, the lack of doctors, and the inadequacy of doctors and medical service in certain areas of the country. He said he proposed to send a message to Congress at some time on this subject which he knew would arouse the active opposition of the American Medical Association.Fred Vinson observed that doctors would not go into areas where there weren't adequate hospital facilities.that therefore a hospital building program would have to go along with any health program. The President said that the statistics of the Selective Service showed a need for taking radical steps to re-establish the health of the nation."

The Cabinet meeting of 21 September 1945 was "occupied entirely with a discussion of the atomic bomb". Succeeding entries continue to give a vigorous foretaste of the Cold War.

There are disagreements over the extent to which, if at all, any information on defense issues, weapon technologies and scientific knowledge, should be shared with other nations.

Two days earlier, Forrestal had appeared before the House Naval Affairs Committee to testify on Representative Carl Vinson's bill fixing the post-war size of the Navy. Forrestal makes a forceful case:

"The United States should remain strong. Second, the Navy is a major component of that strength.In the future as in the past the key to victory and to the freedom of this country will be in the control of the seas and the skies above them...All this sounds as if I did not have confidence in the world organization for peace. I have. But that confidence can only be justified if, while these organizations are in the process of transfer from paper to living reality, all the world knows that the United States will not tolerate the disorder and the destruction of war being let loose again upon the world."

His diary continues to fill with notes of ominous 'disorder and destruction'; "situation in Poland becoming increasingly serious"; "Soviets, like Hitler, have become victory drunk and are embarking on world domination"; "Berry's dispatches from Bucharest and Harriman's from Moscow indicate that the Russians have no idea of going through with the Allied Nations statement of policy about Rumania, namely to permit the establishment of free and democratic institutions in Rumania.Steinhardt makes strong recommendations from Czechoslovakia against the complete withdrawal of American forces. He says this will be an open invitation to the Communists in the country and to Russian influence from without to take over."

Slightly later, Forrestal is even discussing complaints about the US State Department:

28 September 1945. Far East Relations.

"I had lunch today with Ambassador Hurley, just back from China.He recalled his conversation with Stalin about the Russian attitude toward China. Stalin told him (1) that the Chinese Communists were not Communists in the Russian sense of that word; (2) that Russia desired to see a strong government in China and recognized Chiang Kai-shek as most nearly able to provide such a government and would therefore support it; (3) that Russia did not desire either revolution or anarchy in China, that their own problems in Asia were far too complex and difficult to desire such a conclusion.

He said a good many of the professional staff of the State Department.had not merely been of no help but a definite hindrance to him. He said that many of the American correspondents.were communistically inclined, as well as many of the people in the State Department.who, he said, felt no obligation for the United States except to draw their pay."

A couple of extracts, two years later, give evidence of some progress and much better co-operation:

10 October 1947. Note re: Cabinet (page 1864).

"Krug stated that the survey made by Interior on American capabilities of getting deficiencies in Europe under the Marshall plan showed that the total amount required would be only a fractional amount of the national output, but would, however, say that those fractions necessarily would have a severe impact on already tight situations at home and they would particularly create problems in shipping and transportation.

Secretary Anderson complimented Krug on the ability and co-operativeness of the Department of the Interior's working team. He said it was one of the best examples he had seen on intra-government cooperation."

The Secretary of State read a paper on the present international situation. Outstanding conclusions: The advance of communism has been stemmed and the Russians have been compelled to make a re-evaluation of their position. The consequences will depend to some extent on their internal economy and internal political strength. If they conclude the situation is becoming desperate, particularly internally, they may be driven by the dynamism of their own situation to precipitate civil war in Italy and France this winter. Another possibility, and a very likely one, is the stepping up of the tempo of the guerrilla activity in Greece with the possibility here of more definite aggression. Tito is an unpredictable and explosive factor in this situation because the degree of his adherence to the Politburo discipline is not known.

Marshall referred to the present status of China as one of critical instability; it is a situation with which we shall have to deal as best we can, maintaining the American interest to the best of our ability. The Middle East he referred to as another tinder box. I repeated my suggestion made several times previously, that a serious attempt be made to lift the Palestine question out of American partisan politics. I said that there had been general acceptance of the fact that domestic politics ceased at the Atlantic Ocean and that no question was more charged with danger to our security than this particular one."

A quick examination of the diary notes makes it evident that they were not dictated with textual publication in mind. They give a frank, revealing and clear assessment of events with some interesting comments on certain individuals and topics of concern. Some of the early portions of the diary include pasted-in newspaper clippings and similar memorabilia.

A number of important secret documents, originating in Forrestal's own or in other Departments, have also been included by him. He developed a habit on returning from meetings of the Cabinet, the State-War-Navy Committee and the National Security Council, of dictating a brief summary of what had been said; sometimes he had assistants take these notes and entered them rather than his own text; frequently there are his own notes of more casual conversations touching on matters of particular interest to him.

As a private record, these diaries make for a most interesting read, covering a crucial period in American and World History.

SPECIAL NOTE: (OBFUSCATION - FADE TO BLACK - BLACK OUT OF THE TRUTH: SUCH IS THE WAY THE RECORDED HISTORY OF THE U.S. COUNTER INTELLIGENCE, GOVERNMENT, INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY, POLITICS, AND POLITICAL LEADER's IS PASSED ON TO "We the People..." ALWAYS REMEMBER AND UNDERSTAND THAT HISTORY IS WRITTEN BY THE LIVING AND THE VICTORIOUS.

REMEMBER THAT JAMES FORRESTAL WAS A CLOSE FRIEND OF JOSEPH P. KENNEDY, Sr., AND FORRESTAL THEN BECAME AN EXTREMELY CLOSE CONFIDENT, FRIEND, AND MENTOR OF A 28 YEAR OLD AMERICAN CONGRESSMAN, JOHN F. KENNEDY. BOTH SHARED A NEVER ENDING ZEALOUS BELIEF THAT THE AMERICAN PUBLIC, YOU KNOW "We the People...", WERE NOT INTELLECTUALLY STUPID CHILDREN WHO NEEDED TO BE KEPT IN THE DARK, BUT RATHER DESERVED TO KNOW THEIR TRUTH SO THAT IN A FREE AND OPEN DEMOCRACY AMERICAN's COULD ANALYZE, STUDY, AND VOTE FOR THEIR OWN FUTURE COLLECTIVELY.

FORRESTAL HAD BEEN A MAJOR PLAYER THROUGH MUCH OF THE TROUBLING, DEVELOPING AMERICA IN THE 1900's, INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO: ROOSEVELT's DESIRE AND PLANS TO PURPOSELY GO TO WAR, THE JAPANESE CODE BREAKING, PEARL HARBOR, WORLD WAR II, THE ATOMIC BOMB, BRITAIN AND AMERICA CREATING ISRAEL, THE OSS, CIG, CIA, MAJESTIC TWELVE, AND THE MAJOR GROWTH AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE AMERICAN SECRET STATE WHICH LATER DIRECTLY LED TO AND THROUGH JFK, MALCOLM X, MLK, RFK, VIET NAM, LAOS, CAMBODIA, GLOBAL DRUG CONTROL AND TRADE, NATION BUILDING AND CONTROL, THE OKLAHOMA BOMBING, 09.11.2001, AND BEYOND.

WHERE LIES THE "THE REAL TRUTH IN AND FOR AMERICA TODAY ? WHO REPRESENTS THE TRUTH ANYMORE FOR AMERICA AND AMERICAN's TODAY ? DO WE EVEN KNOW WHAT THE TRUTH IS ANYMORE IN AMERICA AND FOR AMERICAN's GOING FORWARD ?

IN THE DARKENESS, DEPTHS, AND RECESSES OF YOUR HEART AND MIND, DO YOU REALLY DARE TO ANALYZE, READ, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITE ABOUT WHAT HAS REALLY HAPPENED TO AMERICA ? AND WHERE IS AMERICA HEADED ? WE HAVE LONG SINCE DISCONTINUED BEING A FREE AND OPEN DEMOCRACY. WHAT ARE "We the People..." TODAY, AND WHERE ARE WE HEADED ? 01.29.2017. BB.)

If there were a major, influential news organ in the United States today that espoused the old fashioned America-first, anti-interventionist, anti-globalist, antiwar, limited-government conservatism of Rep. Ron Paul, it would look a lot like Colonel Robert McCormick’s Chicago Tribune of the early to mid-20th century. The closest thing we have to that now is on the Internet with web sites like LewRockwell.com and Antiwar.com. And if that news organ had a prominent, enterprising White House correspondent with contacts all over official Washington who was not afraid to challenge the President or anyone else, he or she would be a lot like Walter Trohan. Sarah McClendon was similar, but she had a very limited audience, and now she has died. Helen Thomas is, too, but she was unlikely to challenge liberal presidents, and now she has been run off. With both women now gone from the center of media power and with no sign of a Walter Trohan even on the horizon, the Washington press corps is left only with megaphones for the imperial presidency, whichever party is in power.

Trohan’s revealing 1975 valedictory is entitled Political Animals: Memoirs of a Sentimental Cynic. Two of the most important events to occur on his watch were the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and the mysterious premature death of the just-fired Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal. In terms of his willingness to go against conventional wisdom and the ruling establishment, Trohan’s treatment in his book of these two events stand in stark contrast to one another.

Pearl Harbor:

The following passage begins on page 167 and continues into page 168. The year is 1941 and the person sharing secrets with Trohan is President Roosevelt’s press secretary:

Steve [Early] confided to me that we knew every move the Japanese were making. This mental bell was to grow louder in tone in the months ahead. Steve repeated we knew every move as fast as it was made. Because of this knowledge, we had to return at once to Washington; war was imminent.

Even then I reasoned that we had to have a spy in the Japanese Government at the highest level, but I didn’t see how he could transmit his reports easily and quickly. So I concluded that we had broken the Japanese diplomatic code. This conclusion was one not requiring any great deductive powers. Everyone knew, but few remembered, that we had broken the Japanese naval code during the naval disarmament conference in Washington in 1921. All this was detailed in a book by the man who directed the breaking, Herbert O. Yardley, The Black Chamber, which I had read and remembered. I read it again with greater interest because it seemed to support my hunch. American intelligence was furious with Yardley for revealing the code-breaking coup, so much so that he was not invited to take any role in cryptology before or during the war.

It wasn’t long before my suspicions were confirmed. Friends in the army and navy intelligence acknowledged that the code had been broken. There was nothing I could do about it under censorship, but I did keep after it. For four years I collected bits and pieces of the story, which resulted ultimately in a congressional investigation. The Administration maneuvered the inquiry into a whitewash of Washington responsibility for Pearl Harbor. However, they merely scotched the snake and didn’t kill it, so that Pearl Harbor is becoming to be recognized more and more as FDR’s road to war.

I was not to get public credit for the code-breaking story, because J. Loy Maloney, then managing editor of the Tribune, had let himself become involved in a censorship storm, which threatened indictment and even closing of the Tribune. So when John T. Flynn, a great newspaperman and a true liberal in that he detested war, got a corner of the story and asked me about it, I turned over the full story to him and put him in touch with all the witnesses. Flynn put the story into a pamphlet, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, which the Tribune printed after the war ended. The pamphlet launched the congressional investigation.

I was awarded the Edward Scott Beck prize, established by our former managing editor, for a story I didn’t write. I did play a role behind the scenes in plotting the strategy of anti-Administration forces in the investigation, so that I knew it all, including the tremendous pressure which was brought to bear to hide Washington responsibility.

The entire Pearl Harbor pamphlet is available online at Antiwar.com [http://www.antiwar.com/rep/flynn1.html]. Anyone interested in knowing the facts about the Japanese attack, as opposed to the popular myth that the United States was struck by complete surprise while in the midst of peace negotiations, should read the entire thing. For those lacking the time, here is the concluding summary:

1. By January l, 1941, Roosevelt had decided to go to war with Japan.

2. But he had solemnly pledged the people he would not take their sons to foreign wars unless attacked. Hence he dared not attack and so decided to provoke the Japanese to do so.

3. He kept all this a secret from the Army and Navy.

4. He felt the moment to provoke the attack had come by November. He ended negotiations abruptly November 26 by handing the Japanese an ultimatum which he knew they dared not comply with.

5. Immediately he knew his ruse would succeed, that the Japanese looked upon relations as ended and were preparing for the assault. He knew this from the intercepted messages.

6. He was certain the attack would be against British territory, at Singapore perhaps and perhaps on the Philippines or Guam. If on the Philippines or Guam he would have his desired attack. But if only British territory were attacked could he safely start shooting ? He decided he could and committed himself to the British government. But he never revealed this to his naval chief.

7. He did not order [General Walter] Short to change his alert and he did not order [Admiral Husband] Kimmel to take his fleet out of Pearl Harbor, out where it could defend itself, because he wanted to create the appearance of being completely at peace and surprised when the Japanese started shooting. Hence he ordered Kimmel and Short not to do anything to cause alarm or suspicion. He was completely sure the Japanese would not strike at Pearl Harbor.

8. Thus he completely miscalculated. He disregarded the advice of men who always held that Pearl Harbor would be first attacked. He disregarded the warning implicit in the hour chosen for attack and called to [Navy Secretary Frank] Knox's attention. He disregarded the advice of his chiefs that we were unprepared.

9. When the attack came he was appalled and frightened. He dared not give the facts to the country. To save himself he maneuvered to lay the blame upon Kimmel and Short. To prevent them from proving their innocence he refused them a trial. When the case was investigated by two naval and army boards, he suppressed the reports. He threatened prosecution to any man who would tell the truth. (Shades of LBJ and the USS Liberty attack. – ed.)

Probably the main reason taps continued on my home and office phones was that it was known that I was continuing an investigation of my own into Washington responsibility for Pearl Harbor. I made it my business to know and question virtually everyone involved in the affair and thus learned of all the attempts to destroy records and change testimony. This became something of an obsession with me, because I was certain that Washington had maneuvered the nation into a war that the people did not want.

I knew that Colonel R. S. Bratton attempted to hand over a vital intercept to a code message from Japan which indicated the United States was a target, probably at Pearl Harbor, to general George Catlett Marshall, army chief of staff. Bratton had the message in a locked pouch. He was stopped at Marshall’s office door by Colonel Walter Bedell Smith, who forced Bratton to open the pouch against all precedent for an “eyes only message.” Smith said he would deliver it himself, after he read it. I also knew Colonel Otis K. Sadtler, who also attempted to have something done to warn the army and navy commanders at Pearl Harbor, General Walter Short and Admiral Husband E. Kimmel.

Bratton and Sadtler were never promoted although they served throughout the war. Bedell Smith became a lieutenant general and a millionaire industrialist after the war. I won’t say he owed it all to the protection of Marshall, but the protection certainly didn’t injure his career.

I learned that Marshall had gone horseback riding, when he should have been warning Short and Kimmel. I knew both commanders. I also knew navy Captain Laurence F. Safford, who played a major role in breaking the Japanese code and who resisted great pressure to have him deny that the key Japanese message “East wind rain,” which spelled attack on the United States, had ever been received.

In the course of my investigation I found a call girl who was favored by Marshall. I thought for a time that he might have been in her apartment the night before Pearl Harbor. He claimed to have forgotten where he was that night. He had been found sitting on a log with his head in his hands on a bridle path, when searchers brought him word of the attack.

The answer was before my eyes all the time in the files of the Washington Times Herald, but I didn’t know it. Marshall was among guests at a gathering of alumnae [sic] of his alma mater, Virginia Military Institute. For those interested, Marshall’s relations with the call girl were not very exciting; the playing of classical records in his apartment.

I talked to Marshall’s secretary and his sergeant. Admiral Harold R. Stark, the chief of naval operations, had been shifted to London, but other naval people were available. I knew that officers were being sent around the world in an attempt to induce many to change their stories. There were times when I despaired of hope that the truth would become known.

At this point we need to reconsider our comparison of the Chicago Tribune and Walter Trohan to Ron Paul conservatives. Here the country had a major newspaper and its chief Washington correspondent challenging the official story of the event that propelled the country into World War II. They told us not long after it happened that FDR wanted the U.S. in World War II and Pearl Harbor was his way of accomplishing it. (Pro-Israel lobbyist, Patrick Clawson, then, is essentially correct about FDR’s motives in the former’s infamous recent speech.) It is as though, today, there were at least one major news organ that, from the beginning, gave a voice to the 9/11 truth movement. The closest we have come to that is the recent airing by PBS of a video by Architects and Engineers for 9-ll Truth, but it’s more than a decade late.

On page 186 Trohan tells us of the complicity of the Republican opposition in making certain that the truth would not be known “prematurely.” It is the election year of 1944:

The Republicans named Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York and Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio. Dewey had joined the interventionist eastern establishment. [Ohio Senator Robert] Taft was not a contestant, having agreed to step aside in order to let Bricker make his pitch for the party nomination. Bricker lost to Dewey.

The major issues were the conduct of the war and the plans for peace. Dewey had most of the facts on the Washington responsibility for Pearl Harbor and was prevailed upon by Roosevelt not to use them. I was one of a small knot of speech-writer consultants—not the only one by any means—so I knew. I couldn’t blame Dewey because the war was on and the first thing to do was win it, not question its beginnings.

But what are an opposition candidate’s and a journalist’s responsibilities in a free society when the “war” is an interminable one on an abstract noun like our “war on terror” ? And by cozying up to the leadership of one of the major parties did not Trohan and his newspaper begin the slide down the slippery slope that pretty soon led them to be, like all the others, just another mouthpiece for the ruling powers that be ?

The Democrats were unexpectedly still in power in 1949 when James Forrestal went out that window at Bethesda Naval Hospital, but it looks like Trohan and the Chicago Tribune were already too far gone down the slope by that time to do anything but parrot the approved line.

James Forrestal:

At the bottom of page 250, Trohan has just finished a weak defense of Senator Joe McCarthy and the senator’s attempt to cleanse the Truman administration of Communist infiltrators. McCarthy was the first of the “tarnished warriors” to which he refers:

Another tarnished warrior of the period was James V. Forrestal, the first Secretary of Defense, who was my good friend and one of the finest and most dedicated servants I have ever known. Jim came from lower New York State, where his brother won an appointment as postmaster under Farley when he met with difficulty in the Depression.

Forrestal entered and graduated from Princeton, where he was a boxer, had a broken nose attested, and a good one. It is my sincere belief that this sport proved to be his undoing, because a boxer must rely on himself rather than on his teammates. He undertook a Wall Street career, becoming head of Dillon, Reed [sic] & Co. From this company he entered government service, first in the Treasury, later as Secretary of Navy and finally was named as the first head of the newly organized and not really united Defense Department.

In the Defense Department Jim was convinced that the United States, especially the U.S. Navy, could not operate without Mideast oil. He did not anger the Arabs, which some persons, including a scoundrel in the press, insisted made him anti-Israeli, which he was not. Few men were more misrepresented or vilified in some quarters than this hard-working official. Also his life was domestically and religiously complicated.

He had me to functions in the Pentagon when lesser men feared to do so. Also he invited me to breakfast at his Georgetown home, which I refused to join, because I am willing to discuss business or listen to speeches at lunch or dinner, but will not permit anything to intrude on my quiet tea and toast, the only meal that almost always belonged to Carol and myself.

Forrestal left the Cabinet in 1949 partly because he did not wish to embarrass Truman, who had recognized Israel and brought his influence on other nations to recognize the new state. He talked of returning to his church, but leaped out of his suite from the tower of Bethesda Naval Hospital, not long after he left the Cabinet, leaving behind him a book in which he had underlined a number of passages of gloomy poetry.

It is hard to say that Forrestal’s call for caution in the Middle East was unwise. While the Jews are entitled to a homeland, the creation of the state by Britain and the United States has raised many problems in seeking to solve but one. It is not unlikely that the seeds of World War II may spring from the tensions that have followed the best of intentions.

The first thing one notices is that Trohan, even though he doesn’t use the word “suicide”, repeats—although rather poorly—the accepted story completely uncritically in spite of the fact that he counted Forrestal as a “good friend” and supported his political positions. The contrast with his reaction to the official story of the Pearl Harbor attack could hardly be sharper.

The second thing that strikes us is how extraordinarily cavalier and sloppy Trohan is with the facts of Forrestal’s professional life and of his death. On page 292 he writes of his own resistance to being made an editor because he thought his gregariousness and inquisitive nature made him best suited to be a reporter. In this instance, his supposed “inquisitive nature” seems to have deserted him completely. One gets the impression that he was afraid that should he have inquired into the actual facts of Forrestal’s death he would have learned more than it was safe to know.

Let’s start with the next to last paragraph and work forward. He says that Forrestal underlined passages of gloomy poetry. No one else has ever said that, to my knowledge. The earliest report was that a book was found open at the page where a gloomy poem was found. That was followed closely by a report that he had copied lines from the poem on a sheet of paper. The second report remains the story told us by the press and the historians, although we have since discovered that the transcription was obviously not written by Forrestal and no one was identified in the official investigation as its discoverer.

Before that, Trohan says Forrestal “leaped out of his suite from the tower of Bethesda Naval Hospital…” He actually went out of the window of a kitchen across the hall from his room. Furthermore, the accepted story is not that he leaped but that he had attempted to hang himself out the window because a bathrobe belt was found tied around his neck.

The first sentence of the paragraph states, “Forrestal left the Cabinet in 1949 partly because he did not wish to embarrass Truman…” No, he might have been talking about leaving, but he was forced to resign by President Truman.

The statement at the beginning that “Forrestal entered and graduated from Princeton” is wrong on two points. He first entered Dartmouth and transferred to Princeton. He did not graduate from Princeton, having left one course short of a degree.

Trohan’s summary of Forrestal’s career in the government is also wrong. He never worked at the U.S. Treasury. He worked briefly as a White House assistant and then was made Undersecretary of the Navy. From that post he rose to Secretary of the Navy when the incumbent, Frank Knox, died.

Trohan is also wrong to say that Forrestal was not anti-Israel. He was strongly opposed to the creation of an ethnic-supremacist state in Palestine controlled by immigrants who were mainly from Europe, which certainly made him anti-Israel. What he was not was anti-Semitic, which is what his detractors then and now like to call him. There were a great number of Jews who agreed with Forrestal’s position on Israel at the time, and many do to this day.

Nowhere in Trohan’s discussion of Forrestal’s death do we learn that there was an official investigation and that the results of the investigation were withheld for some six months. Neither do we learn that in the brief conclusions released at that time suicide is not even mentioned. The official Navy review board concluded only that he died from his fall; they do not say what caused the fall. Not having even told us of its existence, Trohan, of course, also fails to tell us that the report was still secret at the time he wrote his book, some 26 years after the fact. We may assume that Forrestal’s “good friend” Trohan, like all the other members of our great “free” press, kept silent about it when the slender conclusions were released but the report proper was kept secret.

What are we to make of this truly sorry performance ? We have suggested that the contrast with his reporting on Pearl Harbor was a matter of timing in Trohan’s life, that he had begun his slide into the moral cesspool of Washington in 1944 when he collaborated with the Republicans, and by 1949, when his friend Forrestal was clearly assassinated he had reached bottom.

But other evidence suggests that there are deeper reasons for the difference in treatment. When it comes to these two important events, Trohan is but a reflection of the opinion molding community in general. After all, journalist Robert B. Stinnett’s 1999 book, Day of Deceit: The Truth about FDR and Pearl Harbor, received a considerable amount of publicity (although the case can be made that it is a fake opposition book), even getting a mildly favorable review in The New York Times. If we Google “Pearl Harbor conspiracy” we see that a great deal has been written that challenges the official story, including a number of books. Googling the unusual name of “Colonel Otis K. Sadtler,” mentioned by Trohan, produces a particularly strong work by Harry Elmer Barnes. When it comes to James Forrestal’s assassination, on the other hand, the only book that challenges the obviously phony suicide story is one published by the John Birch Society in 1966, The Death of James Forrestal. The anonymous author used the pseudonym, “Cornell Simpson,” and the book has been completely ignored by the mainstream press and by historians. Otherwise, there is only my work, which began in 2002, and some Internet writing inspired by my work by Hugh Turley and the anonymous “Mark Hunter.”

The murder of the leading American opponent of the creation of the state of Israel clearly remains very nearly the most sensitive topic in American 20th Century history, right up there with the vicious Israeli assault on the USS Liberty. Walter Trohan was smart enough and well-enough informed and connected in Washington to know at the time what had happened to Forrestal. He certainly knew by the time he wrote his book, but he wanted to get his book published, preferably by a major publisher. He was successful. His publisher was Doubleday and Company. One might even interpret the numerous gratuitous errors he threw into the Forrestal section as a signal to friends and insiders that he knew he was writing poppycock. The editors wouldn’t notice because he had done nothing to rock the boat.

SPECIAL NOTE: (11.22.2017 WILL BE 54 YEARS SINCE THE REMOVAL OF JFK. I HAVE COME TO VERY RELUCTANTLY ACCEPT AND UNDERSTAND, TO A DEGREE, WHO, WHAT, WHEN, WHERE, WHY, AND HOW THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, THE HIGH SCHOOL, COLLEGE, AND GRADUATE SCHOOL COMMUNITIES, THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE MAIN STREAM MEDIA, MAJESTIC TWELVE, THE STATE OF TEXAS LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, THE WARREN COMMISSION INVESTIGATION AND REPORT, etc., HAVE NEVER INDIVIDUALLY OR COLLECTIVELY ATTEMPTED AND COMPLETED A COMPLETE, FINAL, FULL, NO HOLDS BARRED IN DEPTH ANALYSIS OF THE JFK REMOVAL.

WHAT I DON'T UNDERSTAND IS HOW AND WHY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS ACCOMPLISHED SO LITTLE OF ANY REAL VALUE OVER THE LAST ALMOST 54 YEARS. IN DEPTH ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT WHAT REALLY DEVELOPED AND LED UP TO AND THROUGH THE REMOVAL OF JFK IS UNDER DEVELOPED, AND UNTOUCHED IN REAL FAR REACHING ANALYSES.

CONTINUALLY AMASING, ARGUING, COLLECTING, REVIEWING, AND WRITING ABOUT CONFLICTING FACTS ON THE JFK ADJUSTMENT AND REMOVAL ONLY COLLECTS THESE ALLEGED FACTS, OPINIONS, AND POINTS OF INFORMATION LIKE SO MANY GRAINS OF SAND ON THE GROWING BEACH DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF JFK.

BUT WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED ?

WHAT HAS CHANGED ?

WHAT HAS BEEN IMPROVED ?

In some ways this is meant to be a Total Attack on 90%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who just don't get it. Never have. Never will.

In some ways this is meant to be a Total Support of the 10%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who does get it, and seeks to Develop and Improve The Quest For Knowledge and Truth.

Less than 5% of the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, RFK, and Watergate-Nixon Adjustments and Removals is agreed upon, confirmed, discussed, known, or proven intelligently in America today.

90% of the JFK Research Community continues to spin their wheels chasing their Tails and Tales.

54 years since the JFK Adjustment and Removal and so very little has been accomplished, agreed to, or proven, that it is PATHETIC. Most Americans couldn't find The TRUTH today with a CAMERA PHONE, a DRONE, and a TIME MACHINE.

54 years later after The JFK Adjustment and Removal and the JFK Research Community is still arguing, debating, and investigating the following, but not limited to:

90%+ of all Living JFK and Related Subject Matter Researchers and Witnesses don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far Reaching Ramifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.

90%+ of all Living Americans today don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far ReachingRamifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963. 01.30.2017. BB)

JOHN F. KENNEDY’S LAST STAND: EISENHOWER, UFO’s, MJ-12, AND THE JFK ASSASSINATION:

By Come Carpentier de Gourdon Michael Salla’s books have in common clarity, methodical progression and persuasive argumentation, all intended to convince an uninformed readership of a thesis that is far from easy to accept. His latest work is no exception. In it Salla focuses on one main topic: the alleged connection between the assassination of President John F Kennedy and his documented attempts to gain knowledge about and disclose the extraterrestrial factor responsible for the UFO issue, all against the will of a powerful secret para-governmental Cabal that controlled and still appears to control that elusive area of scientific research and technological development. In ten chapters, Salla surveys a vast amount of documentation drawn from across the spectrum of “ufological” literature and lists many documents, some officially declassified and others anonymously leaked, to support his theory, providing precise references for every statement and quotation he makes. His conclusions are hence abundantly supported and cogently argued in the form of propositions. He also takes pains to analyse contradicting claims and assess alternative hypotheses on their factual merit. Any reader who takes the trouble to familiarize himself with some of the sources will have to conclude that while not all the book’s deductions are proven beyond doubt, they all display a high degree of plausibility. After using as a starting point President Clinton’s well known request to his friend and confidant Webster Hubbell to try finding out the answer to two questions that greatly troubled him, namely who killed JFK and what was behind UFOs, Salla dedicates his first chapter to Kennedy’s early years as a Naval Intelligence Officer who became close to then Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, a fellow American Irishman and former journalist. He follows the two men as they toured defeated Germany in 1945 at about the time when President Truman authorized Operation Paperclip that was to clandestinely bring to the US thousands of high-level German scientists and engineers, many working on secret weapons programmes. Some of those according to various Intelligence sources, including CIA agent Virgil Armstrong and Capt. Edward Ruppelt later in charge of the Air Force’s Bluebook Project, involved the development of very advanced spacecraft made possible, according to the father of the Third Reich’s rocket technology Dr Hermann Oberth, by the help of “people from other worlds”. Numerous documents and photographs from the Nazi archives attest the existence of those disc shaped aircraft. That fact might explain the resolve of the allies to gain complete control over the Third Reich’s scientific establishment and to utterly destroy a regime that posed so great a technological and military threat to all other powers. The first chapter ends with the analysis of the circumstances of Forrestal’s mysterious death on May 22, 1949. which appears to have been the result of a political assassination while he was in Government custody on direct orders of the White House. Although Forrestal himself claimed to be under continuous threat in the last months of his life from Jewish agents who were allegedly stalking him on behalf of the state of Israel to whose creation he was opposed, there is strong evidence that the first US Secretary of Defence’s participation in a recently created secret government committee called MJ-12 (Majestic 12), dedicated to the management of Extra-terrestrial and UFO related affairs, played a role in his “termination” as he had reportedly become hostile to the official cover up policy and sought to make at least some of the knowledge he had gathered available to the public. Salla quotes William Cooper, one of the researchers on MJ-12 in his conclusion that Forrestal was not only fully briefed on the UFO situation and had seen both the recovered crafts and the bodies of the crew but that he had also been abducted or taken aboard an alien vehicle. His tragic death disguised as a suicide is one of the early and well publicized cases that show the US Government by then was operating as a totalitarian oligarchy in which no one was safe from state-commissioned murder. With regard to the American government’s awareness of an extraterrestrial presence on earth, Salla quotes a leaked top secret memo from General George Marshall to President Roosevelt, dated March 8th 1942 stating that the US armed forces were in possession of at least parts of an alien spacecraft that had fallen in California shortly before that date. Chapter 2 provides a summary account of the Roswell alien crash in early July 1947, since confirmed and corroborated by multiple witnesses and documents, including secret instruction letters from President Truman and General Dwight Eisenhower to certain military commanders. Salla establishes that the momentous decision to retract the initial Army news release about the UFO recovery and put out a cover story about a fallen weather balloon was almost certainly made by Eisenhower, then Chief of Staff of the War Department, for reasons of national security. He also shows that Kennedy, a first term Congressman was informally briefed on the real event, probably by his friend Stuart Symington who was then Assistant Secretary of War for Air, under Forrestal. In the weeks following the Roswell incident which the government rightly saw as a world changing event, the Department of Defence was reorganized into three separate services, while the CIA was created together with a number of new agencies, including the super-secret MJ-12 intended to place the country on a war footing. Salla also gives official documentary evidence for the existence since 1942 of a secret Military Counter-Intelligence Department called the Interplanetary Phenomenon Unit, apparently set up by President F D Roosevelt soon after the UFO retrieval near Los Angeles. By now the book has made it abundantly clear that the US Government at the highest level was working under the assumption that it was under a very high potential threat from an “Alien” entity which also however represented a phenomenal opportunity for a technological quantum leap into the future, light years ahead of the civilisational achievements hitherto mastered. In a Cold War climate, the rulers of the country decided this factor had to be hidden from most people at home and abroad and the most stringent precautions were taken to deny the truth. I wrote several years ago in an article that the very ratcheting up of the tension with the USSR may have been engineered in order to provide a convenient motive for the introduction of emergency policies motivated by the unacknowledged UFO “elephant in the room”. Chapter 3 deals with the leaked 8 page Eisenhower Briefing Document on the Alien situation which was allegedly presented to the newly elected president on November 18, 1952. Extensive technical analysis of the document by the Dr. Robert and Ryan Wood team and by Stanton Friedman has led them to confirm its authenticity. One independently established fact mentioned in that document is that on September 24th, 1947 Truman had by Special Classified Executive Order set up Operation Majestic, on the day of his meeting with James Forrestal and his chief scientific adviser Dr Vannevar Bush who had headed military research and development during World War II, including the Manhattan Project. There is hence no reasonable doubt about the existence of MJ-12 as a central organ of the permanent, unelected secret government that was being set up in the early fifties on Eisenhower’s order (Executive Order 10432) by no other than Nelson Rockefeller who was simultaneously appointed Special Assistant to the President for Cold War Planning. The secret government had under its control the most important issues related to national security, including advanced military R&D, Intelligence and more particularly all matters related to UFOs and Alien visitors. Additional evidence for the existence of MJ-12 is provided by the declassified Cutler-Twining Memorandum dated July 14, 1954 that specifically refers to it and lists a series of plans (for psychological warfare, unconventional war, cover and deception, command, communications etc…) that had been developed under its purview. Rockefeller remained in charge of the committee in charge of reorganizing the government until September 1959, a few months before the end of Eisenhower’s second term. By then the CIA,whose director since 1953 Allen Dulles became MJ-1 in succession to Admiral Hillenkoetter, first head of Central Intelligence, when the latter retired, had been made the sole gatekeeper to Majestic to which not even the President could have access. The notorious Directorate of Plans, headed by Frank Wisner Sr. who retired in 1959 was tasked with the protection of MJ-12, through its Counter-Intelligence (C I) Division which was under the authority of James Jesus Angleton. Originally, MJ-12 ran its research at the Wright Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio where it concentrated much of the “alien” technological and biological material recovered in diverse circumstances and it reportedly held its meetings in the nearby Battelle Institute. However in 1955, the need was felt for a completely autonomous facility outside the control of the Air Force. Accordingly, Wisner’s second-in-command Richard Bissell together with top engineers from the Lockheed Corporation, selected a site owned by the Department of Energy, located on the edge of the Atomic Energy Commission’s Nevada Test Site, around Groom Lake. The new facility was codenamed Area 51 and extensive underground silos and labs were dug under the dry lake bed. Furthermore a few miles away another, even more secret facility was set up under the named S-4 for the sole purpose of studying and reverse engineering UFO alien technology. Funding comes from the CIA’s black budget which is virtually unlimited (“without regard to any provision of the law”) and is not under any legislative or executive outside supervision. While the “official” black budget for the year 2013 amounts to about 57 billion dollars, according to the cost breakdown leaked by Edward Snowden, the annual “unofficial” one according to some estimates may well exceed one trillion or even a trillion and a half dollars in the last decade or two. GroomPapooseSalla points out that Area 51 and its advanced aircraft development work leading to such cutting edge planes as the “Oxcart” and U-2, have always provided a reliable cover for the even more exotic programs being carried out at S-4. People, whether officials or members of the public, who show curiosity about the mysteries of the area are given some information about the experimental aeronautical vehicles being designed and tested there and sometimes are told that “UFOs” are just a cover used by the Pentagon to keep enemies and busybodies in the dark about the real military technologies under study. He cites the testimonies of a number of Area 51 and S-4 whistleblowers while pointing out that their allegations are in most cases unproven though they are generally congruent even though those former employees did not know one another. A major result of the system devised by Nelson Rockefeller was that the activities of Majestic and its related CIA-sponsored operations became unknown to all, including President Eisenhower himself. He tried to regain control in 1958 and reportedly had to threaten MJ-12 to send the 1st Army from Colorado to occupy Area 51 if he was not fully briefed on the situation there but got only a limited update through two envoys that he sent to the base which by then had became a state within the state. A coalition of Intelligence organizations and major military industrial corporations had taken exclusive control of the research programs connected to UFOs and no other president would be able to change that. Eisenhower warned the nation in his famous but cryptic farewell speech about the “military-industrial complex” three days before leaving office on January 17th 1961 but few people could understand what he was referring to and even fewer had the power to act. His successor John Kennedy was one of those and he was to try repeatedly to take control of a rogue secret state that had emptied the presidency of much of its substance, according to documentation that has surfaced since. Chapters 4 and 5 document reveal when and how Eisenhower briefed Kennedy on the UFO files and on the situation he was to confront within the government in that regard. Indeed, shortly after assuming office, the new president issued Executive Order 10320, dated February 19th 1961 whereby he abolished the Operations Coordinating Board of the CIA, the successor to the Psychological Strategy Board set up in 1951 and placed all its activities under the control of his National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy and the Department of State. Then, on 28 June 1961 he wrote a top secret memorandum to Allen Dulles asking him to provide a full review of its psychological operations, the bracket under which all UFO related research was reportedly being carried out. The book highlights that Dulles, whose hold over the CIA was weakened by the fiasco of the Bay of Pigs operations in Cuba, his brainchild, saw the President’s investigation as a critical threat to MJ-12’s power and prerogatives. Accordingly in September, before replying, he sent a memo to six other members of MJ-12 (the infamous “burned memo” rescued from destruction by a member of his personal staff after Angleton’s death) in which he asked them to respond before November 1961 giving their opinion on what was to be done to deal with “Lancer’s inquiries” which he pointed out significantly “we cannot allow”. It is well known that “Lancer” was President Kennedy’s cryptonym in the Intelligence community. In his answer to him dated of November 5th, 1961, Dulles eluded the issue, alleging that security requirements did not allow him to disclose the activities of MJ-12 and that the rumors on UFOs were “soviet propaganda” though he conceded that some UFOs might be non-terrestrial in origin but added that they did not pose a military threat, a claim that has become a standard – though unproven – line in official statements from the American and other governments. On November 19th Dulles resigned under pressure from the President but not without leaving another classified document in the care of the counter-Intelligence chief, his confidant Angleton. That document refers cryptically to “Project Environment” and states that if the Government continues to hamper the growth of the “environment”, “it should be wet”. In CIA parlance, that is interpreted as a provision to kill and Salla concludes, like other researchers before him, that in effect Dulles laid the ground for assassinating a President whom he and his colleagues regarded as a traitor and a dangerous meddler into matters that were above his “need to know”. Critics will allege that it is impossible to prove that Dulles indeed ordered JFK’s assassination through such an ambiguous document and that there is no evidence that such a decision, even if it was made, was motivated by the UFO issue since there were several other matters (the expanding Vietnam war, the powers of the Executive vs the Federal Reserve Board, relations with the USSR, Israel’s secret nuclear programme) over which Kennedy was in conflict with the Deep State that existed since the days of Truman at least. The Israelis, according to some researchers such as Michael Piper Collins had good reasons to order the killing of a President opposed to their acquisition of atomic weapons and US military leaders faulted Kennedy for the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion which had been planned under Eisenhower’s watch and of which he did not approve. Some on the Far Right accused him of being a Communist appeaser, unwilling to fight the Red takeover in Vietnam, as documented by Col. Fletcher Prouty, not without some justification as we will see further on. However the connection between JFK’s proven demands to gain full knowledge of the secret activities of MJ-12 and the CIA while cutting the latter down to size and the equally documented reactions from Dulles strongly suggests that a hidden war between the White House and the Secret Government was being waged over the UFO issue. Moreover, those who killed the 35th president may have had more than one reason to do so and it is significant that Angleton, seemingly entrusted by Dulles with the execution of his “termination” order, was in charge of both Counter Intelligence and Liaison with Israel’s Intelligence until his own retirement in 1975. He might hence have fulfilled two complementary agendas in one blow, so to speak. In Chapter 6, Salla names the twelve members of MJ-12 in the year 1961 when the decision to kill JFK was apparently made under the protocols of “Project Environment”. By then several of the original members had retired or died and their successors are even harder to identify in view of the extreme secrecy of the program. Among them, Edward Teller was reportedly MJ-2 and a few generals, Curtis LeMay, John Samford and Marshall Carter were then members along with eminent scientists Detlev Bronk and Donald Menzel and veteran Intelligence Operative Gordon Gray. The book makes an educated guess about the identities of the six (MJ-2 to MJ-7, listed as recipients in the heading) to whom Dulles’s memo about eliminating the President was sent. Chapter 7 provides a fascinating insight into the initiatives taken by Kennedy in the years 1961 and 1962 to gain inside information about the UFO issues by circumventing Majestic and the CIA that had stonewalled him. It is now known that his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy was extensively briefed on behalf of the President, by Colonel Philip Corso, head of the Army’s Foreign Technology Desk from 1960 to 1963, who had extensive knowledge of the Alien situation. Further there are unconfirmed reports, including references in a leaked CIA account for James Angleton of a wiretapped conversation between Marilyn Monroe and two friends, including society reporter Dorothy Killgallen that Kennedy had gone to a medical facility in a US military base in Florida, possibly Homestead AFB, to see alien bodies that were kept there. Additionally on June 6, 1963 he visited, together with Vice-President Johnson the contiguous military bases of White Sands Missile Range (the home of many of the German scientists hosted through Project Paperclip), Fort Bliss and Holloman in New Mexico, in the vicinity of Roswell. According to investigator Tim Cooper, on his specific demand Kennedy was given a classified briefing on UFOs and the ET situation. Finally, the famous ET contactee George Adamski affirmed that he had been secretly received by the President at the White House in October 1961 and had conveyed to him a written message containing an invitation to meet with certain Alien envoys on board their craft at Desert Hot Springs in California. Adamski asserted that such a visit indeed took place shortly afterwards. When one takes into account the proven high degree of access enjoyed by Adamski in high places in those years, one cannot dismiss his testimony lightly. It has now been established that he was received privately by various heads of state and by Pope John XXII himself at the Vatican. They all took seriously his status as a messenger of visitors from other worlds.

The following chapter recapitulates the circumstances that led to Marilyn Monroe’s sudden death on August 5th, 1962, the day before she was supposed to give a “tell all” press conference, promising to reveal quite a few damaging secrets about the Kennedy administration and the private life of the President. By then, the Kennedy brothers had distanced themselves from her on the advice of FBI director Edgar Hoover who had warned that the disturbed actress was a security threat. Multiple witnesses have testified that the Attorney General visited the jilted and angry Star twice at her house on her last day, in the company of two secret service agents or police detectives. The general view is that Robert Kennedy had been given a mission from the President to convince her to keep the secrets he had unwittingly shared in her and in particular, to recover her “red diary” which allegedly contained many incriminating details of their relationship. It would appear that Marilyn was given a “sedative” injection which may accidentally or purposely caused her death and Salla concludes that the agent who performed may have been under CIA orders to compromise the Kennedy’s in order to ensure their silence. As a matter of fact, the red diary has never been officially found and Marilyn’s suspected secrets died with her. Both John and Robert Kennedy were to follow her in the grave within a few years. Chapter 9 takes us to the central argument of the book: Kennedy’s last stand that resulted in his violent death in Dallas from what the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassination formally defined as “probably a conspiracy”, contrary to the whitewashing conclusions reached by the Warren Commission. Recently Robert Kennedy Jr. has said that the assassination of his uncle was likely carried out by a “rogue” faction of the CIA; that amounts to a polite verbal device to exonerate the highest authorities in the land, including Lyndon Johnson who seems from many accounts to have been a party to the murder plot as he was a zealous supporter of the “black” government and of the UFO secrecy it enforced. Indeed, the major reason why Kennedy was killed, according to Salla was his commitment to enter into a comprehensive program of cooperation with the USSR for arms control, scientific research and space exploration, as he stated as early as his inaugural address on January 20th 1961. Subsequently, after pledging to fight and limit government secrecy in a famous speech in April, from June 28, as we have seen, he issued the first of three successive National Security Action memoranda to release information related to space matters. Although his initial overture to Soviet Premier Khrushchev was shunned, Kennedy persisted and on September 20th, 1963 he gave a decisive speech to the UN General Assembly about his intent to cooperate with the USSR for space exploration. According to various inside sources, Khrushchev relented in his opposition on or around November October 11. On the very next day, after holding a “hotline” conversation with him on the UFO problem, transcribed in a leaked NSA intercept, the American President issued National Security Action Memorandum 271 to the NASA administrator, James Webb, instructing him to prepare for cooperation with the Soviets and in parallel sent CIA Director McCone a top secret memo to order a “classification review of all the UFO Intelligence affecting National Security” which was to be submitted no later than February 1st 1964. That could be regarded as a frontal attack on the Majestic “black government” system and significantly, the leaked copy of the Memo bears a note at the bottom signed William Colby, then a Deputy Chief of the CIA (Far Eastern Division) saying “Angleton has MJ directive, 11/20/63”, which can be interpreted as referring to Dulles’s “Environment” contingency. The operation to kill the President, codenamed “The Big Event” according to veteran covert agent Howard Hunt, took place two days later and involved a few shadowy intermediaries and hitmen, including George de Mohrenschildt, Cord Meyer, Clay Shaw Franck Sturgis, David Morales and, probably at a lower “Patsy” level Lee Harvey Oswald but the chain of command went all the way back to Majestic 12 through Vice-President Johnson. President Kennedy’s murder appears in the light of Salla’s investigation even more ominous and consequential for American and global politics than is generally believed. It consecrated the takeover of the US State by an secret para-military and industrial unelected and unaccountable junta, capable not only of killing the head of state but also of controlling subsequent investigations in order to protect itself from exposure. Immune from any democratic or public oversight and mustering unlimited funding, the secret government has been able to develop under a cloak of secrecy a colossal technological and scientific infrastructure, partly on the strength of its access to at least one very advanced alien civilization, mostly for its own strategic and financial benefit. Although many of the breakthroughs achieved by that clandestine privatized system have since percolated down to our civilian economy as attested by the technological revolution of the last few decades, it is highly probable that the most life-changing discoveries are still hidden away in the dark folds of the military industrial complex as Ben Rich, the former head of the Lockheed Corp’s Skunkworks department openly confessed not long before his death. The End

SPECIAL NOTE: (11.22.2017 WILL BE 54 YEARS SINCE THE REMOVAL OF JFK. I HAVE COME TO VERY RELUCTANTLY ACCEPT AND UNDERSTAND, TO A DEGREE, WHO, WHAT, WHEN, WHERE, WHY, AND HOW THE COUNTER INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, THE HIGH SCHOOL, COLLEGE, AND GRADUATE SCHOOL COMMUNITIES, THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITIES, THE MAIN STREAM MEDIA, MAJESTIC TWELVE, THE STATE OF TEXAS LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, THE WARREN COMMISSION INVESTIGATION AND REPORT, etc., HAVE NEVER INDIVIDUALLY OR COLLECTIVELY ATTEMPTED AND COMPLETED A COMPLETE, FINAL, FULL, NO HOLDS BARRED IN DEPTH ANALYSIS OF THE JFK REMOVAL.

WHAT I DON'T UNDERSTAND IS HOW AND WHY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS ACCOMPLISHED SO LITTLE OF ANY REAL VALUE OVER THE LAST ALMOST 54 YEARS. IN DEPTH ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT WHAT REALLY DEVELOPED AND LED UP TO AND THROUGH THE REMOVAL OF JFK IS UNDER DEVELOPED, AND UNTOUCHED IN REAL FAR REACHING ANALYSES.

CONTINUALLY AMASING, ARGUING, COLLECTING, REVIEWING, AND WRITING ABOUT CONFLICTING FACTS ON THE JFK ADJUSTMENT AND REMOVAL ONLY COLLECTS THESE ALLEGED FACTS, OPINIONS, AND POINTS OF INFORMATION LIKE SO MANY GRAINS OF SAND ON THE GROWING BEACH DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF JFK.

BUT WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED ?

WHAT HAS CHANGED ?

WHAT HAS BEEN IMPROVED ?

In some ways this is meant to be a Total Attack on 90%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who just don't get it. Never have. Never will.

In some ways this is meant to be a Total Support of the 10%+ of the JFK and Related Subject Matters Community who does get it, and seeks to Develop and Improve The Quest For Knowledge and Truth.

Less than 5% of the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, RFK, and Watergate-Nixon Adjustments and Removals is agreed upon, confirmed, discussed, known, or proven intelligently in America today.

90% of the JFK Research Community continues to spin their wheels chasing their Tails and Tales.

54 years since the JFK Adjustment and Removal and so very little has been accomplished, agreed to, or proven, that it is PATHETIC. Most Americans couldn't find The TRUTH today with a CAMERA PHONE, a DRONE, and a TIME MACHINE.

54 years later after The JFK Adjustment and Removal and the JFK Research Community is still arguing, debating, and investigating the following, but not limited to:

90%+ of all Living JFK and Related Subject Matter Researchers and Witnesses don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far Reaching Ramifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.

90%+ of all Living Americans today don't care about, know about, or understand the Deep and Far ReachingRamifications of the JFK Adjustment and Removal of 11.22.1963.

GEORGE EFTHYRON JOANNIDES, (1992 - 1990), WAS A SIGNIFICANT CIA AGENT WITH MANY RELATIONSHIPS TO THE JFK REMOVAL BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 11.22.1963. YET THERE IS PRACTICALLY NO SERIOUS ANALYSIS, READINGS, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITINGS ABOUT JOANNNIDES BY THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY FOR THE PAST 54 YEARS.

JOANNIDES RELATIONSHIPS WITH JAMES JESUS ANGLETON AND RICHARD HELMS CAN NOT BE OVER EMPHASIZED. 02.10.2017. BB)

British History - American History - The First World War - The Second World War:

British History > Spies and Spymasters > George Joannides - James Jesus Angleton:

GEORGE EFTHYRON JAONNIDES:

George E. Joannides, the son of a journalist, was born in Athens, Greece, on 5th July, 1922. His family arrived in New York in 1923. After graduating from the City College he received a law degree from St. John's University. He worked for the Greek language National Herald before moving to Washington in 1949 to work for the Greek Embassy Information Service.

He joined the Central Intelligence Agency in 1951 and later became chief of the Psychological Warfare branch of the CIA's JM/WAVE station in Miami. In this role he worked closely with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE), a militant right-wing, anti-Communist, anti-Castro, anti-Kennedy, group. This was a group that Lee Harvey Oswald was in contact with in New Orleans in August 1963. Journalist Jefferson Morley says he knows of no evidence that Joannides was in contact with Oswald during this period.

When John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Richard Helms appointed John M. Whitten to undertake the agency's in-house investigation. After talking to Winston Scott, the CIA station chief in Mexico City, Whitten discovered that Lee Harvey Oswald had been photographed at the Cuban consulate in early October, 1963. Nor had Scott told Whitten, his boss, that Oswald had also visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico. In fact, Whitten had not been informed of the existence of Oswald, even though there was a 201 pre-assassination file on him that had been maintained by the Counterintelligence/Special Investigative Group.

John M. Whitten and his staff of 30 officers, were sent a large amount of information from the FBI. According to Gerald D. McKnight "the FBI deluged his branch with thousands of reports containing bits and fragments of witness testimony that required laborious and time-consuming name checks." Whitten later described most of this FBI material as "weirdo stuff". As a result of this initial investigation, Whitten told Richard Helms that he believed that Oswald had acted alone in the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

On 6th December, Nicholas Katzenbach invited Whitten and Birch O'Neal, Angleton's trusted deputy and senior Special Investigative Group (SIG) officer to read Commission Document 1 (CD1), the report that the FBI had written on Lee Harvey Oswald. Whitten now realized that the FBI had been withholding important information on Oswald from him. He also discovered that Richard Helms had not been providing him all of the agency's available files on Oswald. This included Oswald's political activities in the months preceding the assassination and the relationship Joannides had with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil.

Photograph that Shane O'Sullivan claims shows Gordon Campbell and George Joannides at the Ambassador Hotel on the night Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.

Photograph that Shane O'Sullivan claims shows Gordon Campbell and George Joannides at the Ambassador Hotel on the night Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.

John M. Whitten had a meeting where he argued that Oswald's pro-Castro political activities needed closer examination, especially his attempt to shoot the right-wing General Edwin Walker, his relationship with anti-Castro exiles in New Orleans, and his public support for the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Whitten added that has he had been denied this information, his initial conclusions on the assassination were "completely irrelevant."

Richard Helms responded by taking Whitten off the case. James Jesus Angleton, chief of the CIA's Counterintelligence Branch, was now put in charge of the investigation. According to Gerald D. McKnight (Breach of Trust) Angleton "wrested the CIA's in-house investigation away from John Whitten because he either was convinced or pretended to believe that the purpose of Oswald's trip to Mexico City had been to meet with his KGB handlers to finalize plans to assassinate Kennedy."

George Joannides in Vietnam in 1973.

In 1976 Thomas N. Downing began campaigning for a new investigation into the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Downing said he was certain that Kennedy had been killed as a result of a conspiracy. He believed that the recent deaths of Sam Giancana and Johnny Roselli were highly significant. He also believed that the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation had withheld important information from the Warren Commission. Downing was not alone in taking this view. In 1976, a Detroit News poll indicated that 87% of the American population did not believe that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone gunman who killed Kennedy.

Coretta Scott King, was also calling for her husband's murder to be looked at by a Senate Committee. It was suggested that there was more chance of success if these two investigations could be combined. Henry Gonzalez and Walter E. Fauntroy joined Downing in his campaign and in 1976 Congress voted to create a 12-member House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) to investigate the deaths of Kennedy and King.

Joannides was appointed as the agency's liaison to the HSCA. The CIA did not reveal to the committee that Joannides had played an important role in the events of 1963. Some critics believe that Joannides was involved in a conspiracy to link Lee Harvey Oswald with the government of Fidel Castro.

On 16th May, 1978, John M. Whitten appeared before the HSCA. He criticised Richard Helms for not making a full disclosure about the Rolando Cubela plot to the Warren Commission. He added " I think that was a morally highly reprehensible act, which he cannot possibly justify under his oath of office or any other standard of professional service."

Whitten also said that if he had been allowed to continue with the investigation he would have sought out what was going on at JM/WAVE. This would have involved the questioning of Ted Shackley, David Sanchez Morales, Carl E. Jenkins, Rip Robertson, George Joannides, Gordon Campbell and Thomas G. Clines. As Jefferson Morley has pointed out in The Good Spy: "Had Whitten been permitted to follow these leads to their logical conclusions, and had that information been included in the Warren Commission report, that report would have enjoyed more credibility with the public. Instead, Whitten's secret testimony strengthened the HSCA's scathing critique of the C.I.A.'s half-hearted investigation of Oswald. The HSCA concluded that Kennedy had been killed by Oswald and unidentifiable co-conspirators."

John M. Whitten also told the HSCA that James Jesus Angleton involvement in the investigation of the assassination of John F. Kennedy was "improper". Although he was placed in charge of the investigation by Richard Helms, Angleton "immediately went into action to do all the investigating". When Whitten complained to Helms about this he refused to act.

Whitten believes that Angleton's attempts to sabotage the investigation was linked to his relationship with the Mafia. Whitten claims that Angleton also prevented a CIA plan to trace mob money to numbered accounts in Panama. Angleton told Whitten that this investigation should be left to the FBI. When Whitten mentioned this to a senior CIA official, he replied: "Well, that's Angleton's excuse. The real reason is that Angleton himself has ties to the Mafia and he would not want to double-cross them."

Whitten also pointed out that as soon as Angleton took control of the investigation he concluded that Cuba was unimportant and focused his internal investigation on Oswald's life in the Soviet Union. If Whitten had remained in charge he would have "concentrated his attention on CIA's JM/WAVE station in Miami, Florida, to uncover what George Joannides, the station chief, and operatives from the SIG and SAS knew about Oswald."

Joannides left the CIA in 1979. He began a law practice in Washington and apparently he specialized in immigration matters. George Joannides died in Houston in March 1990.

It was only after his death that it was revealed that Joannides was in contact with Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE) in 1963. G. Robert Blakey, chief counsel of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, was furious when he discovered this information. He issued a statement where he said: "I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee.... I was not told of Joannides' background with the DRE, a focal point of the investigation. Had I known who he was, he would have been a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the staff or by the committee. He would never have been acceptable as a point of contact with us to retrieve documents. In fact, I have now learned, as I note above, that Joannides was the point of contact between the Agency and DRE during the period Oswald was in contact with DRE. That the Agency would put a 'material witness' in as a 'filter' between the committee and its quests for documents was a flat out breach of the understanding the committee had with the Agency that it would co-operate with the investigation."

In recent years investigators into the assassination of John F. Kennedy such as G. Robert Blakey, Jefferson Morley, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, John M. Newman, David Kaiser, Michael Kurtz, Oliver Stone, David Talbot, Cyril H. Wecht, David R. Wrone and Gerald Posner have campaigned for the CIA to release the files concerning the activities of Joannides in 1963.

In October, 2006, Judge Richard Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. As Rex Bradford pointed out: "Judge Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. That's when Joannides' agents in a Cuban exile student group had a series of encounters with accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and used U.S. government funds to call attention to his pro-Castro activities."

While researching a documentary, Shane O'Sullivan discovered a news film of the Ambassador Hotel on the day Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Bradley Ayers and other people who knew them, identified David Sanchez Morales, Gordon Campbell and George Joannides as being three men in the hotel that day. An article about this story appeared in The Guardian and on BBC Newsnight on 20th November, 2006.

Journalist Jefferson Morley who uncovered the Joannides story - and the only known autheticated photos of Joannides - asserts emphatically and unequivocally that neither Gordon Campbell nor George Joannides are the men depicted in this photograph. Morley notes that Campbell died in 1962 and that there is no corroborated evidence that Joannides was in Los Angeles in June 1968.

George E. Joannides, 67, a retired lawyer at the Defense Department who later established a private law practice in Washington, died March 9 at St. Luke's Hospital in Houston, where he had undergone heart surgery.

Mr. Joannides, Potomac resident, was born in Athens. He came to this country when he was 1 year old, and he grew up in New York City. He graduated from the City College of New York and received a law degree from St. John's University.

Before moving to Washington in 1949 he worked for the National Herald, a Greek-language newspaper published in New York.

In Washington, Mr. Joannides worked for the Greek Embassy Information Service for a year. In 1951, he went to work for the Defense Department. His assignments included service in Vietnam and Greece. He retired in 1979.

When he left the government, Mr. Joannides began a law practice in Washington in which he specialized in immigration matters.

(2) G. Robert Blakey statement on the Central Intelligence Agency in 2003.I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee. My reasons follow:

The committee focused, among other things, on (1) Oswald, (2) in New Orleans, (3) in the months before he went to Dallas, and, in particular, (4) his attempt to infiltrate an anti-Castro group, the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil or DRE.

These were crucial issues in the Warren Commission's investigation; they were crucial issues in the committee's investigation. The Agency knew it full well in 1964; the Agency knew it full well in 1976-79. Outrageously, the Agency did not tell the Warren Commission or our committee that it had financial and other connections with the DRE, a group that Oswald had direct dealings with!

What contemporaneous reporting is or was in the Agency's DRE files? We will never know, for the Agency now says that no reporting is in the existing files. Are we to believe that its files were silent in 1964 or during our investigation?

I don't believe it for a minute. Money was involved; it had to be documented. Period. End of story. The files and the Agency agents connected to the DRE should have been made available to the commission and the committee. That the information in the files and the agents who could have supplemented it were not made available to the commission and the committee amounts to willful obstruction of justice.

Obviously, too, it did not identify the agent who was its contact with the DRE at the crucial time that Oswald was in contact with it: George Joannides.

During the relevant period, the committee's chief contact with the Agency on a day-to-day basis was Scott Breckinridge. (I put aside our point of contact with the office of chief counsel, Lyle Miller) We sent researchers to the Agency to request and read documents. The relationship between our young researchers, law students who came with me from Cornell, was anything but "happy." Nevertheless, we were getting and reviewing documents. Breckinridge, however, suggested that he create a new point of contact person who might "facilitate" the process of obtaining and reviewing materials. He introduced me to Joannides, who, he said, he had arranged to bring out of retirement to help us. He told me that he had experience in finding documents; he thought he would be of help to us.

I was not told of Joannides' background with the DRE, a focal point of the investigation. Had I known who he was, he would have been a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the staff or by the committee. He would never have been acceptable as a point of contact with us to retrieve documents. In fact, I have now learned, as I note above, that Joannides was the point of contact between the Agency and DRE during the period Oswald was in contact with DRE.

That the Agency would put a "material witness" in as a "filter" between the committee and its quests for documents was a flat out breach of the understanding the committee had with the Agency that it would co-operate with the investigation.

The committee's researchers immediately complained to me that Joannides was, in fact, not facilitating but obstructing our obtaining of documents. I contacted Breckinridge and Joannides. Their side of the story wrote off the complaints to the young age and attitude of the people.

They were certainly right about one question: the committee's researchers did not trust the Agency. Indeed, that is precisely why they were in their positions. We wanted to test the Agency's integrity. I wrote off the complaints. I was wrong; the researchers were right. I now believe the process lacked integrity precisely because of Joannides.

For these reasons, I no longer believe that we were able to conduct an appropriate investigation of the Agency and its relationship to Oswald. Anything that the Agency told us that incriminated, in some fashion, the Agency may well be reliable as far as it goes, but the truth could well be that it materially understates the matter.

What the Agency did not give us none but those involved in the Agency can know for sure. I do not believe any denial offered by the Agency on any point. The law has long followed the rule that if a person lies to you on one point, you may reject all of his testimony.

I now no longer believe anything the Agency told the committee any further than I can obtain substantial corroboration for it from outside the Agency for its veracity. We now know that the Agency withheld from the Warren Commission the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Had the commission known of the plots, it would have followed a different path in its investigation. The Agency unilaterally deprived the commission of a chance to obtain the full truth, which will now never be known.

Significantly, the Warren Commission's conclusion that the agencies of the government cooperated with it is, in retrospect, not the truth.

We also now know that the Agency set up a process that could only have been designed to frustrate the ability of the committee in 1976-79 to obtain any information that might adversely affect the Agency.

Many have told me that the culture of the Agency is one of prevarication and dissimulation and that you cannot trust it or its people. Period. End of story.

I am now in that camp.

(3) Gerald D. McKnight, Breach of Trust (2005)One of the most closely held of Helms's secrets had to do with George E. Joannides, the JM/Wave contact officer for the DRE in 1963. Helms never revealed that the CIA was funding the directorate when the DRE had contact with Oswald, who was publicly agitating in favor of the Castro revolution in New Orleans during the months of July and August. Joannides probably knew more about Oswald and his relationship with the DRE and other anti Castro exile groups in New Orleans than anyone else in the government. It was Helms who assigned Joannides to the CIA's Miami station because he was skilled in psychological warfare and disinformation operations. It was Helms who assigned veteran clandestine officer John Whitten to head up the CIA's in-house investigation of the Kennedy assassination and then withheld from him important information from Oswald's pre assassination file. When Whitten protested, Helms removed him and turned the investigation over to Angleton. It might have been just another awkward coincidence that David Atlee Phillips, the DRE's first contact officer, was chief of covert action in the Cuban Section of the CIA's Mexico City station when Oswald arrived in Mexico City in September 1963."

Thomas Powers's biography of Richard Helms, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, could not have had a more fitting title. Helms kept Joannides and his DRE connections secret through four investigations into the Kennedy assassination." Joannides's name did not publicly surface until the 1990s, when the so-called JFK Act led to the establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). Over a four-year period the ARRB, empowered to declassify JFK files, dislodged somewhere between four and five million pages of declassified documents. Joannides's record was one of those files, and his personnel records revealed that he had been the DRE's contact officer when the CIA claimed it had no contact with the directorate in 1963. But his file was purged, according to the Washington Post's Jefferson Morley, who is the researcher responsible for introducing Joannides into the historiography of the JFK assassination. Morley described the file as "thin." There were no reports in the Joannides file for the entire seventeen months that he was the DRE's contact officer. All that his personnel file revealed is that Joannides was paying the directorate for "intelligence" and "propaganda." John Tunheim, now a federal judge in Minneapolis, chaired the ARRB. After reviewing all the CIA suppression and stonewalling surrounding the Joannides story, Tunheim remarked to Morley, "[This] shows that the CIA wasn't interested in the truth about the assassination.

All the indicators strongly point toward Oswald having been connected to an American intelligence source. There is persuasive circumstantial evidence that Oswald was building a pro-Castro cover as part of an intelligence plan that ultimately took him to Mexico City. What we know today of his activities in Mexico City far exceeds what the Warren Commission chose to include in its report, out of design but more significantly because the CIA saw to it that the evidence was not available to the Commission and its staff lawyers.

(4) Letter signed by a group of authors including G. Robert Blakey, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, Gerald Posner, in the New York Review of Books (18th December, 2003)As published authors of divergent views on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, we urge the Central Intelligence Agency and the Department of Defense to observe the spirit and letter of the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Act by releasing all relevant records on the activities of a career CIA operations officer named George E. Joannides, who died in 1990.

Joannides's service to the US government is a matter of public record and is relevant to the Kennedy assassination story. In November 1963, Joannides served as the chief of the Psychological Warfare branch in the CIA's Miami station. In 1978, he served as the CIA's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).

The records concerning George Joannides meet the legal definition of "assassination-related" JFK records that must be "immediately" released under the JFK Records Act. They are assassination-related because of contacts between accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and a CIA-sponsored Cuban student group that Joannides guided and monitored in August 1963.

Declassified portions of Joannides's personnel file confirm his responsibility in August 1963 for reporting on the "propaganda" and "intelligence collection" activities of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudantil (DRE), a prominent organization known in the North American press as the Cuban Student Directorate.

George Joannides's activities were assassination-related in at least two ways.

(1) In August 1963, Oswald attempted to infiltrate the New Orleans delegation of the DRE. The delegation - dependent on $25,000 a month in CIA funds provided by Joannides - publicly denounced Oswald as an unscrupulous sympathizer of Fidel Castro.

(2) After Kennedy was killed three months later, on November 22, 1963, DRE members spoke to reporters from The New York Times and other news outlets, detailing Oswald's pro-Castro activities. Within days of the assassination, the DRE published allegations that Oswald had acted on Castro's behalf.

The imperative of disclosure is heightened by the fact that the CIA has, in the past, failed to disclose George Joannides's activities. In 1978, Joannides was called out of retirement to serve as the agency's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. The agency did not reveal to the Congress his role in the events of 1963, compromising the committee's investigation.

(5) Letter signed by a group of authors including G. Robert Blakey, Anthony Summers, John McAdams, Gerald Posner, John M. Newman, David Kaiser, Michael Kurtz, Oliver Stone, David Talbot, Cyril H. Wecht, David R. Wrone in the New York Review of Books (11th August, 2005).

It is disappointing to learn that the Central Intelligence Agency filed motions in federal court in May 2005 to block disclosure of records related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy forty-one years ago.

In response to the journalist Jefferson Morley's lawsuit brought under the Freedom of Information Act, the CIA is seek-ing to prevent release of records about a deceased CIA operations officer named George E. Joannides.

Joannides's story is clearly of substantial historical interest. CIA records show that the New Orleans chapter of a Cuban exile group that Joannides guided and monitored in Miami had a series of encounters with the accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald three months before Kennedy was murdered. Fifteen years later, Joannides also served as the agency's liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963 to Congress. The public record of the assassination and its confused investigatory aftermath will not be complete without his story.

The spirit of the law is clear. The JFK Records Act of 1992, approved unanimously by Congress, mandated that all assassination-related records be reviewed and disclosed "immediately."

When Morley filed his lawsuit in December 2003, thirteen published JFK authors supported his request for the records in an open letter to The New York Review of Books.

Eighteen months later, the CIA is still stonewalling. The agency now acknowledges that it possesses an undisclosed number of documents related to Joannides's actions and responsibilities in 1963 which it will not release in any form. Thus records related to Kennedy's assassination are still being hidden for reasons of "national security."

As published authors of divergent views on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, we say the agency's position is spurious and untenable. Its continuing non-compliance with the JFK Records Act does no service to the public. It defies the will of Congress. It obscures the public record on a subject of enduring national interest. It encourages conspiracy mongering. And it undermines public confidence in the intelligence community at a time when collective security requires the opposite.

We insist the CIA observe the spirit of the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Act by immediately releasing all relevant records on the activities of George Joannides and any records at all that include his name or relate in any way to the assassination story - as prescribed by the JFK Records Act. The law and common sense require it.

G. Robert Blakey , former general counsel, House Select Committee on Assassinations

Jefferson Morley, journalist

Scott Armstrong, founder National Security Archive

Vincent Bugliosi, author and former prosecutor

Elias Demetracopoulos, retired journalist

Stephen Dorril, University of Huddersfield

Don DeLillo, author of Libra

Paul Hoch, JFK researcher

David Kaiser, Naval War College

Michael Kurtz, Southeastern Louisiana University, author of Crime of the Century

George Lardner, Jr., journalist

Jim Lesar, Assassination Archives and Research Center

Norman Mailer, author of Oswald's Tale

John McAdams, moderator, alt.assassination.jfk

John Newman, author of Oswald and the CIA

Gerald Posner, author of Case Closed

Oliver Stone, director JFK

Anthony Summers, author of Not in Your Lifetime

Robbyn Swan, author

David Talbot, founding editor, Salon.com

Cyril Wecht, former coroner, Alleghany County, PA

Richard Whalen, author of Founding Father

Gordon Winslow, former archivist of Dade County, Florida.

David Wrone, University of Wisconsin, Stevens Point, author The Zapruder Film

(6) Jefferson Morley, The George Joannides Coverup (19th May, 2005).

People interested in the JFK story will be interested to know that the CIA is due to file papers in court tomorrorow, May 20, to block release of certain JFK assassination-related documents.

The records in question concern a deceased CIA officer named George Joannides. At the time of Kennedy's death, Joannides was the Chief of Psychological Warfare branch of the Agency's JM/WAVE station in Miami.

Among his primary responsibilities were guiding, monitoring and financing the Revolutionary Cuban Student Directorate or DRE, one of the largest and most effective anti-Castro groups in the United States. CIA records show, and the group's former leaders confirm, that Joannides provided them with up $18-25,000 per month while insisting they submit to CIA discipline. Joannides, in his job evaluation of 31 July 1963, was credited with having established control over the group.

Five day later, Lee Harvey Oswald wandered into the DRE's New Orleans delegation, setting off a string of encounters between the pro-Castro ex-Marine and the anti-Castro exiles. Members of the DRE confronted Oswald on a street corner. They stared him down in a courtroom. They sent a DRE member to Oswald's house posing a Castro supporter. They challenged him to a debate on the radio. They made a tape of the debate which was later sent to Joannides. And they issued a press release calling for a congressional investigation of the thoroughly obscure Oswald. This, at a time, when the DRE had been warned to clear its public statements with the Agency.

What, if anything, Joannides made of the encounters between his assets in the DRE and the future accused assassin is unknown. Former leaders of the DRE are divided on the question.

Within an hour of Oswald's arrest on Nov. 22, 1963, the DRE leaders in Miami went public with their documentation of Oswald's pro-Castro ways, thus shaping early press coverage of the accused assasssin. Joannides told the group to take their information to the FBI.

Joannides connection to Oswald's antagonists was not disclosed to the Warren Commission.

In 1978, Joannides was called out of retirement to serve as CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Joanndides did not disclose his role in the events of 1963 to investigators. HSCA general counsel Bob Blakey says that Joannides's actions constituted obstruction of Congress, a felony. Joannides's support for the DRE was uncovered by the Assassination Records Review Board in 1998. Joannides died in 1991.

I filed suit against the CIA in December 2003 seeking records of Joannides's activities in 1963 and 1978. In December 2004, the CIA gave me about 150 pages of heavily redacted and obviously incomplete records from Joannides's personnel file. The Agency informed me that it retains an unspecified number of records about Joannides actions that it will not release IN ANY FORM.

Thus JFK assassination records are kept secret in 2005 in the name of "national security."

The records that CIA gave me are not reassuring. They show that Joannides travelled to New Orleans in connection with his CIA duties in 1963-64. They also show that he was cleared for two highly sensitive operations in December 1962 and June 1963. The nature of these operations is unknown.

It would be premature and foolish to speculate on what George Joannnides was doing in New Orleans in 1963. What is certain is that he had a professional obligation to report on the activities of the DRE in August and November 1963, especially as they related to Oswald. The CIA is legally obliged to make such records public. Instead, they are stonewalling in court. This is a disappointing, if not disturbing.

I am interested in hearing from JFK researchers willing to publicly support a call to Congress to enforce the JFK Records Act. I know that the Joannides records are not the only assassination-related material that is being illicitly withheld so I am also interested in hearing from researchers about specific groups of records, known to exist, that have not been released.

Whatever one's interpretation of November 22, 1963, I think we can all agree that these records should be made public immediately.

(7) Rex Bradford, Mary Ferrell Foundation, George Joannides Ruling (2nd October, 2006)Oct 2, 2006: Jefferson Morley's lawsuit to obtain CIA records of officer George Joannides was dismissed last Friday by Judge Richard Leon (see judge's opinion). Joannides was the former chief of anti-Castro psychological warfare operations in Miami in 1963, which included oversight of the DRE, the Cuban exile group whose members knew Lee Harvey Oswald in New Orleans. For background on the Joannides story, see our Unredacted interview with journalist Jeff Morley (pictured at left) and AARC President Jim Lesar.

Judge Leon upheld the CIA's right to block disclosure of records about Joannides's operational activities in August 1963. That's when Joannides' agents in a Cuban exile student group had a series of encounters with accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald and used U.S. government funds to call attention to his pro-Castro activities.

At the time, CIA records show that Joannides was guiding and monitoring the Cuban Student Directorate and providing it with up to $25,000 a month. When JFK investigators later questioned Joannides about his knowledge of Oswald and the events of 1963, he stonewalled. In fact, the CIA had placed him in a position as liaison with the House Select Committee on Assassinations, without informing them of Joannides' prior role. When G. Robert Blakey, the House Committee's Chief Counsel, learned of this recently, he wrote a scathing response which begins: "I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the committee."

The dismissal of the Morley lawsuit shows that, with the demise of the Assassination Records Review Board, there is a problematic lack of enforcement of the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act.

(8) Shane O'Sullivan, Did the CIA kill Bobby Kennedy?, The Guardian (20th November, 2006)At first, it seems an open-and-shut case. On June 5 1968, Robert Kennedy wins the California Democratic primary and is set to challenge Richard Nixon for the White House. After midnight, he finishes his victory speech at the Ambassador hotel in Los Angeles and is shaking hands with kitchen staff in a crowded pantry when 24-year-old Palestinian Sirhan Sirhan steps down from a tray-stacker with a "sick, villainous smile" on his face and starts firing at Kennedy with an eight-shot revolver.

As Kennedy lies dying on the pantry floor, Sirhan is arrested as the lone assassin. He carries the motive in his shirt-pocket (a clipping about Kennedy's plans to sell bombers to Israel) and notebooks at his house seem to incriminate him. But the autopsy report suggests Sirhan could not have fired the shots that killed Kennedy. Witnesses place Sirhan's gun several feet in front of Kennedy, but the fatal bullet is fired from one inch behind. And more bullet-holes are found in the pantry than Sirhan's gun can hold, suggesting a second gunman is involved. Sirhan's notebooks show a bizarre series of "automatic writing" - "RFK must die RFK must be killed - Robert F Kennedy must be assassinated before 5 June 68" - and even under hypnosis, he has never been able to remember shooting Kennedy. He recalls "being led into a dark place by a girl who wanted coffee", then being choked by an angry mob. Defence psychiatrists conclude he was in a trance at the time of the shooting and leading psychiatrists suggest he may have be a hypnotically programmed assassin.

Three years ago, I started writing a screenplay about the assassination of Robert Kennedy, caught up in a strange tale of second guns and "Manchurian candidates" (as the movie termed brainwashed assassins). As I researched the case, I uncovered new video and photographic evidence suggesting that three senior CIA operatives were behind the killing. I did not buy the official ending that Sirhan acted alone, and started dipping into the nether-world of "assassination research", crossing paths with David Sanchez Morales, a fearsome Yaqui Indian.

Morales was a legendary figure in CIA covert operations. According to close associate Tom Clines, if you saw Morales walking down the street in a Latin American capital, you knew a coup was about to happen. When the subject of the Kennedys came up in a late-night session with friends in 1973, Morales launched into a tirade that finished: "I was in Dallas when we got the son of a bitch and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard." From this line grew my odyssey into the spook world of the 60s and the secrets behind the death of Bobby Kennedy.

Working from a Cuban photograph of Morales from 1959, I viewed news coverage of the assassination to see if I could spot the man the Cubans called El Gordo - The Fat One. Fifteen minutes in, there he was, standing at the back of the ballroom, in the moments between the end of Kennedy's speech and the shooting. Thirty minutes later, there he was again, casually floating around the darkened ballroom while an associate with a pencil moustache took notes.

The source of early research on Morales was Bradley Ayers, a retired US army captain who had been seconded to JM-Wave, the CIA's Miami base in 1963, to work closely with chief of operations Morales on training Cuban exiles to run sabotage raids on Castro. I tracked Ayers down to a small town in Wisconsin and emailed him stills of Morales and another guy I found suspicious - a man who is pictured entering the ballroom from the direction of the pantry moments after the shooting, clutching a small container to his body, and being waved towards an exit by a Latin associate.

Ayers' response was instant. He was 95% sure that the first figure was Morales and equally sure that the other man was Gordon Campbell, who worked alongside Morales at JM-Wave in 1963 and was Ayers' case officer shortly before the JFK assassination.

I put my script aside and flew to the US to interview key witnesses for a documentary on the unfolding story. In person, Ayers positively identified Morales and Campbell and introduced me to David Rabern, a freelance operative who was part of the Bay of Pigs invasion force in 1961 and was at the Ambassador hotel that night. He did not know Morales and Campbell by name but saw them talking to each other out in the lobby before the shooting and assumed they were Kennedy's security people. He also saw Campbell around police stations three or four times in the year before Robert Kennedy was shot.

This was odd. The CIA had no domestic jurisdiction and Morales was stationed in Laos in 1968. With no secret service protection for presidential candidates in those days, Kennedy was guarded by unarmed Olympic decathlete champion Rafer Johnson and football tackler Rosey Grier - no match for an expert assassination team.

Trawling through microfilm of the police investigation, I found further photographs of Campbell with a third figure, standing centre-stage in the Ambassador hotel hours before the shooting. He looked Greek, and I suspected he might be George Joannides, chief of psychological warfare operations at JM-Wave. Joannides was called out of retirement in 1978 to act as the CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) investigating the death of John F Kennedy.

Ed Lopez, now a respected lawyer at Cornell University, came into close contact with Joann-des when he was a young law student working for the committee. We visit him and show him the photograph and he is 99% sure it is Joannides. When I tell him where it was taken, he is not surprised: "If these guys decided you were bad, they acted on it.

We move to Washington to meet Wayne Smith, a state department official for 25 years who knew Morales well at the US embassy in Havana in 1959-60. When we show him the video in the ballroom, his response is instant: "That's him, that's Morales." He remembers Morales at a cocktail party in Buenos Aires in 1975, saying Kennedy got what was coming to him. Is there a benign explanation for his presence? For Kennedy's security, maybe? Smith laughs. Morales is the last person you would want to protect Bobby Kennedy, he says. He hated the Kennedys, blaming their lack of air support for the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

We meet Clines in a hotel room near CIA headquarters. He does not want to go on camera and brings a friend, which is a little unnerving. Clines remembers "Dave" fondly. The guy in the video looks like Morales but it is not him, he says: "This guy is fatter and Morales walked with more of a slouch and his tie down." To me, the guy in the video does walk with a slouch and his tie is down.

Clines says he knew Joannides and Campbell and it is not them either, but he fondly remembers Ayers bringing snakes into JM-Wave to scare the secretaries and seems disturbed at Smith's identification of Morales. He does not discourage our investigation and suggests others who might be able to help. A seasoned journalist cautions that he would expect Clines "to blow smoke", and yet it seems his honest opinion.

As we leave Los Angeles, I tell the immigration officer that I am doing a story on Bobby Kennedy. She has seen the advertisements for the new Emilio Estevez movie about the assassination, Bobby. "Who do you think did it? I think it was the Mob," she says before I can answer.

"I definitely think it was more than one man," I say, discreetly.

Morales died of a heart attack in 1978, weeks before he was to be called before the HSCA. Joannides died in 1990. Campbell may still be out there somewhere, in his early 80s. Given the positive identifications we have gathered on these three, the CIA and the Los Angeles Police Department need to explain what they were doing there. Lopez believes the CIA should call in and interview everybody who knew them, disclose whether they were on a CIA operation and, if not, why they were there that night.

Today would have been Robert Kennedy's 81st birthday. The world is crying out for a compassionate leader like him. If dark forces were behind his elimination, it needs to be investigated.

(9) David Talbot & Jefferson Morley, The BBC's Flawed RFK Story (July, 2007)On November 20, 2006 - the day that would have been Robert Kennedy's eighty-first birthday -- the BBC program Newsnight aired a startling report alleging that three CIA operatives were caught on camera at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on the night of Kennedy's assassination. The story suggested that they were involved in his killing. The BBC broadcast, produced by filmmaker Shane O'Sullivan, identified the three CIA operatives as George Joannides, David Morales and Gordon Campbell. All three were known to have worked for the Agency in Miami in the early 1960s when the White House ordered up a massive, not-so-secret effort to overthrow Fidel Castro's communist government in Cuba...

We spent six weeks interviewing dozens of people from Washington DC to Florida to California and Arizona who knew Joannides, Morales and Campbell at different times in their lives. We spoke with former CIA colleagues, retired State Department officials, personal friends and family members...

Several people who had worked with Joannides over the years said the man in the Ambassador Hotel photograph was identical to the man they knew. But other former colleagues disagreed, as did relatives and close friends. Helen Charles, widow of Greek Embassy spokesman George Charles who was one of Joannides' closest personal friends in Washington for four decades, said the man in the BBC photo was not Joannides. "That's not George," said Mitzi Natsios, widow of a fellow Greek-American CIA colleague who knew Joannides well. Robert and Louise Keeley, a retired State Department officer and his wife, who worked and socialized with Joannides in Greece in 1965-68, also said they did not recognize the man depicted in the BBC report. "That is not my uncle, I can tell you that," said Timothy Kalaris, a nephew of Joannides who lives in the Washington area. "I don't know how anybody who ever knew him could say that's him." Photographs of Joannides, whose picture has never been published before, show him at a June 1973 CIA party in Saigon where he served as chief of political action operations. Joannides wears glasses as did the man in the BBC report but he has a more pointed jaw, larger ears, a different hairline, and a more olive complexion. The CIA also declined to release Joannides’ travel records. Most likely he was in Athens in June 1968.

(10) Jefferson Morley, The Man Who Did Not Talk (November, 2007)Perhaps the single most intriguing story to emerge from the JFK files concerns a career CIA officer named George Joannides. He died in 1990 at age 67, taking his JFK secrets to the grave in suburban Washington. His role in the events leading up to Kennedy's death and its confused investigatory aftermath goes utterly unmentioned in the vast literature of JFK's assassination. Vincent Bugliosi's otherwise impressive 1,600 page book debunking every JFK conspiracy theory known to man mentions him only in an inaccurate footnote. In 1998, the Agency declassified a handful of annual personnel evaluations that revealed Joannides was involved in the JFK assassination story, both before and after the event.

In November 1963, Joannides was serving as the chief of psychological warfare operations in the CIA's Miami station. The purpose of psychological warfare, as authorized by U.S. policymakers, was to confuse and confound the government of Fidel Castro, so to hasten its replacement by a government more congenial to Washington. The first revelation was that Joannides had agents in a leading Cuban student exile group, an operation code-named AMSPELL in CIA files. These agents had a series of close encounters with Oswald three months before JFK was killed.

The second revelation was that the CIA's Miami assets helped shape the public's understanding of Kennedy's assassination by identifying the suspected assassin as a Castro supporter right from the start.

The third revelation, the one that is most shocking, is that when Congress reopened the JFK probe in 1978, Joannides served as the CIA's liaison to the investigators. His job was to provide files and information to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. But far from being a helpful source and conduit, Joannides stonewalled. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963, even when asked direct questions about the AMSPELL operation he handled.

When the story of the Joannides file emerged, former HSCA chief counsel G. Robert Blakey was stunned by the audacity of Joannides's deception. Blakey, a former federal prosecutor, thought the Agency had cooperated with Congress's effort to look into JFK's murder. Twenty-three years later he learned that the CIA bureaucrat ostensibly assisting his staff was actually a material witness in the investigation. "The Agency set me up," reported the Washington Post.

Blakey, now a law professor at Notre Dame, says Joannides's actions were "little short of outrageous. You could make a prima facie case that it amounted to obstruction of Congress, which is a felony."

Blakey has long argued that organized crime figures orchestrated Kennedy's assassination. The revelation of Joannides's unknown role has given him second thoughts about the CIA's credibility.

"You can't really infer from the Joannides story that they [the CIA] did it," he says. "Maybe he was hiding something that is not complicitous in a plot but merely embarrassing. It certainly undermines everything that they have said about JFK's assassination."

In November 1963, Joannides was serving as the chief of psychological warfare operations in the CIA's Miami station. The purpose of psychological warfare, as authorized by U.S. policymakers, was to confuse and confound the government of Fidel Castro, so to hasten its replacement by a government more congenial to Washington. The first revelation was that Joannides had agents in a leading Cuban student exile group, an operation code-named AMSPELL in CIA files. These agents had a series of close encounters with Oswald three months before JFK was killed.

The second revelation was that the CIA's Miami assets helped shape the public's understanding of Kennedy's assassination by identifying the suspected assassin as a Castro supporter right from the start.

The third revelation, the one that is most shocking, is that when Congress reopened the JFK probe in 1978, Joannides served as the CIA's liaison to the investigators. His job was to provide files and information to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. But far from being a helpful source and conduit, Joannides stonewalled. He did not disclose his role in the events of 1963, even when asked direct questions about the AMSPELL operation he handled.

When the story of the Joannides file emerged, former HSCA chief counsel G. Robert Blakey was stunned by the audacity of Joannides's deception. Blakey, a former federal prosecutor, thought the Agency had cooperated with Congress's effort to look into JFK's murder. Twenty-three years later he learned that the CIA bureaucrat ostensibly assisting his staff was actually a material witness in the investigation. "The Agency set me up," reported the Washington Post.

Blakey, now a law professor at Notre Dame, says Joannides's actions were "little short of outrageous. You could make a prima facie case that it amounted to obstruction of Congress, which is a felony."

Blakey has long argued that organized crime figures orchestrated Kennedy's assassination. The revelation of Joannides's unknown role has given him second thoughts about the CIA's credibility.

"You can't really infer from the Joannides story that they [the CIA] did it," he says. "Maybe he was hiding something that is not complicitous in a plot but merely embarrassing. It certainly undermines everything that they have said about JFK's assassination."

"We are going to kill Castro"

In July 1963, George Efythron Joannides turned 41 years old. He was a 10-year veteran of the clandestine service who presented himself as a lawyer for the Defense Department. He dressed well, spoke several languages and enjoyed the confidence of CIA Deputy Director Richard Helms. In his cables, he was identified as "Walter Newby." To his Cuban friends in Miami he was "Howard" or "Mr. Howard."

Joannides's chief job responsibility in 1963 was handling AMSPELL, a program of CIA support for the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil, also known as the Cuban Student Directorate. By 1962, the DRE was perhaps the single biggest and most active organization opposing Fidel Castro's regime. In Miami, Joannides was giving the leaders of the group up to $25,000 a month in cash for what he described as "intelligence collection" and "propaganda."

In August 1963, the DRE's New Orleans chapter had taken a vocal and very public interest in an itinerant ex-Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald because of his blatantly pro-Castro politicking. Oswald was 23 years old, an erratic but street-smart schemer who knew how to make his way in the world. He lived in the Soviet Union for a couple of years and was married to a Russian woman, the former Marina Prusakova. He wrote letters to left-wing political organizations and drifted from job to job. And then in early August 1963 he attempted to infiltrate the DRE.

Oswald approached Carlos Bringuier, a 29-year-old lawyer who served as the group's spokesman in the Crescent City. Oswald offered to help train DRE commandos to fight the communist government in Cuba. A few days later, when the DRE boys saw him on a street corner passing out pamphlets for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC), a notoriously pro-Castro group, they picked a fight with him.

Bringuier took an interest in Oswald. He directed a DRE member to go to Oswald's house and pose as a Castro supporter to learn more about his background. Bringuier also debated Oswald on a local radio program, and sent a tape of the debate to DRE's Miami headquarters. He also sent one of Oswald's FPCC pamphlets. Bringuier went so far as to issue a press release on Oswald, calling for a congressional investigation of the then-obscure ex-Marine. "Write to your congressman for a full investigation on Mr. Lee H. Oswald, a confessed 'Marxist,'" the DRE spokesman wrote on August 21, 1963.

Did George Joannides of the CIA ignore Bringuier's prescient and potentially life-saving call for investigating Oswald? Bringuier, now retired and living in Texas, refused to be interviewed for this article. He said he never received money from the CIA and said he did not know Joannides or "Howard." But other DRE members were more forthcoming.

"He definitely knew about what we we're doing with Oswald," says Isidro Borja, a Miami businessman who was active in the DRE in 1963. "That was what he was giving us the money for -- for information we had."

To get a flavor of the dangerous psychological warfare that George Joannides was waging at that time take a look at the cover of See, a men's magazine from the fall of 1963. "The CIA Needs Men -- Can You Qualify?" asked one headline. Next to this recruitment pitch was a poster, "Wanted Dead or Alive: Fidel Castro for Crimes Against Humanity." The article inside, bearing a byline of a DRE member, was headlined "We are going to kill Castro." In the article, the group announced it was offering a $10 million reward "for the death of the Cuban tyrant."

(11) Jefferson Morley, The Man Who Did Not Talk (November, 2007)Now let us put the crime scene in a larger context, the context of CIA intelligence gathering and psychological warfare operations in late 1963. Let us return now to the man who didn't talk.

What was George Joannides's reaction to Oswald's appearance at the Dallas scene?

"We called him right away," says Tony Lanuza, a Miami businessman who was active in Cuban politics in 1963. He served as the coordinator for the far-flung delegations of the Cuban Student Directorate. When he and his friends heard that a man named Oswald had been arrested for killing Kennedy, Lanuza immediately recalled the confrontations between Carlos Bringuier and the obnoxious interloper from the Fair Play for Cuba Committee the previous August. They rushed to the Directorate's headquarters in South Miami, where someone called their CIA contact to inform him the group had evidence about the communistic ways of Kennedy's killer.

Joannides's first impulse was to consult with his superiors, two months before the DRE was recruiting assassins to kill Castro. What did they know about Oswald was one question that an intelligence officer might want answered.

"He told us to wait an hour," Lanuza recalls. "He had to consult with Washington."

The DRE started calling reporters anyway with the scoop on Kennedy's killer. He was a communist and a Castro supporter. A headline in the DRE's newspaper the next day described Oswald and Castro as "the presumed assassins." When Joannides called back, he told them to take their evidence to the FBI.

The CIA man apparently did not investigate Oswald's Cuban contacts. No former DRE leader can recall any conversations with Joannides about the accused assassin. Joannides did not account for the contacts between the AMSPELL network and the accused assassin, at least not according to the available CIA records. His role as sponsor of Oswald's Cuban antagonists was not disclosed to the Warren Commission. He preserved the U.S. government's ability to "plausibly deny" any connection to the Cuban students who publicized Oswald's pro-Castro ways.

All the while, the DRE leaders continued to feed JFK information to Joannides. The group's records from early 1964 include several memos to CIA contact "Howard" about Jack Ruby's Cuban connections. From New Orleans, Carlos Bringuier sent a report about the ongoing Warren Commission investigation there. That too was passed to Joannides.

On April 1, 1964, the Warren Commission sent Carlos Bringuier a letter informing him that a commission staff would be contacting him soon about taking his testimony about the DRE and Oswald. According to a CIA travel form made public in 2004, Joannides, the DRE's case officer and an attorney, traveled from Miami to New Orleans that same day for unknown reasons.

For the rest of his career, Joannides would be commended for his actions around events related to the Kennedy assassination.

In May 1964, his bosses praised him as a "hard-working, dedicated and effective officer" with a flair for political action operations. His annual job evaluation made no mention of the fact that his AMSPELL assets had tried and failed to call attention to the man who apparently killed Kennedy or that his young friends in the DRE were using agency funds to allege that Oswald acted at Castro's behest. Joannides received the highest possible marks for his service in 1963.

He went on to serve in Athens, Saigon and CIA headquarters. In 1979, after Joannides stonewalled congressional investigators about his knowledge of Oswald he received praise from CIA director Stansfield Turner and other top agency officials. "He was the perfect man for the job," said one.

Two years ago, the CIA acknowledged in a court filing that Joannides had received an even greater honor upon retirement. In March 1981, he received the Career Intelligence Medal, bestowed for "career contributions" to the Agency.

Why Joannides was honored after his Oswald cover-up remains a secret -- for reasons of "national security." In September 2006 federal judge Richard Leon upheld the CIA's arguments in a Freedom of Information lawsuit that it did not have to release the JFK material in Joannides's file. The National Archives then requested the Joannides files from the Agency earlier this year. As of late October 2007, the CIA was still resisting disclosure.

So what can one safely and reliably conclude about the JFK story today?

On the crime scene evidence, reasonable people will differ. To me, the single bullet theory, the forensic linchpin of all arguments for Oswald's sole guilt, has lost scientific validity in the past decade via both Pat Grant and Erik Randich's ballistics analysis and via the sworn testimony of FBI agents Sibert and O'Neill.

The JFK medical evidence is much less trustworthy than was known a decade ago. Photographs have been culled from the collection. Multiple new witnesses say independently and under oath that Kennedy's body and wounds were cleaned up before being photographed for the record. Any indictment of Oswald based on the medical evidence of Kennedy's wounds has been undermined.

The acoustic evidence remains in dispute. In my view, it has not been disqualified until an alternative explanation for the order in the data is confirmed.

The new JFK forensic science, in short, has narrowed the limits of plausible conjecture by eliminating the single bullet theory as an explanation of Kennedy and Connally's wounds and by not eliminating the possibility that the fatal shot was fired from the grassy knoll.

The best minds in forensic science might be able to clarify things, Pat Grant told me in an e-mail following our interview. Grant admitted that he and probably most other experts in the most advanced forensic techniques are not up to date on the acoustic evidence and other JFK evidentiary specimens.

"The evidence should be viewed and examined by a select group of forensic scientists, by invitation only, that best represents the most advanced forensic methods possible today," Grant wrote, adding, "These cannot be encompassed solely by the practices of today's criminalistics labs." He proposed these scientists prepare "a summary report detailing prioritized recommendations for ensuing analyses, their estimations for success of each recommended analysis and the anticipated information to be gained from each."

As for the new JFK evidence from CIA archives, that too awaits clarification. Some of the most basic questions about George Joannides -- what did he know about Oswald and when did he know it? -- cannot be answered as long as the Agency withholds his files from public view. The CIA's insistence, 44 years later, that it cannot declassify those files for reasons of "national security," not only encourages the notion the Agency is still hiding something significant, it also reminds us of the infuriating truth. When it comes to the JFK story we know a lot more than we did a decade ago: We know we still don't have the full story.

SPECIAL NOTE: (AFTER 54 YEARS THE JFK RESEARCH COMMUNITY HAS FAILED TO CONNECT THE INTER-WORKINGS AND RELATIONSHIP OF JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, GEORGE E. JOANNIDES, RICHARD HELMS, and LEE HARVEY OSWALD. INSTEAD THE MAJORITY OF THEM SPEND THEIR ENERGY, EFFORT, AND TIME LIKE ARM CHAIR RESEARCHERS CHASING THEIR TAILS AND TALES. 02.11.2017. BB.)

22 November 1963: An Introduction to the JFK Assassination: Home Did Oswald Kill President Kennedy ? Was Oswald Framed ?

WHO WAS GEORGE EFTHYRON JOANNIDES ?

George Efthyron Joannides was a CIA propaganda specialist who came out of retirement to prevent the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovering links between the CIA and the anti-Castro Cubans whom Lee Oswald had met in New Orleans, 22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK Assassination.

Find out more in: 22 November 1963: A Brief Guide to the JFK Assassination.

This essential JFK assassination book is available from Amazon as a paperback and ebook, from only:US $5.99UK £3.99CA $6.49.

George Efthyron Joannides (1922–1990) was a CIA officer who had two significant links to the JFK assassination: He oversaw a group of anti–Castro Cubans with whom Lee Harvey Oswald came into contact in New Orleans three months before the assassination. In 1978, he was the CIA’s liaison with the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Joannides’s employers kept his role in the assassination story secret from every official body which had anything to do with the assassination, in particular: the Warren Commission in 1964, the HSCA in 1977–79, and the Assassination Records Review Board in 1994–98.

At the time of writing, the CIA is still withholding documents relating to George E. Joannides.

The Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil:

In the early 1960s, the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (Revolutionary Student Directorate, also known as the Cuban Student Directorate) was perhaps the largest and most active group within the anti–Castro Cuban exile community in the USA. The DRE’s members deplored President Kennedy’s Cuban policies, which they considered to be insufficiently aggressive. The group’s activities ranged from propaganda within the US to terrorist attacks on the Cuban mainland.

The Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil and the CIA:

The DRE, along with the headquarters of the CIA’s campaign against the Castro regime, was based around Miami, Florida. According to a CIA document from several years later, the DRE was “an anti–Castro organization conceived, created, and funded by the CIA” (NARA RIF no. 104–10170–10156). In 1963, the DRE was receiving $51,000 per month from the CIA.

Lee Harvey Oswald and the DRE in New Orleans:

Lee Harvey Oswald came into contact with the DRE in New Orleans in August 1963: he attempted to infiltrate the organization; he got into a fight with Carlos Bringuier, the DRE’s local public relations manager; and he took part in a radio debate with Bringuier.

During August 1963, the DRE was under the supervision of George Joannides, who had recently been appointed Chief of Psychological Warfare Operations at the CIA’s base in Florida.

Lee Oswald had claimed to represent the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, an organization which campaigned for a less aggressive US policy toward the Castro regime. The radio debate, during which Oswald admitted to having defected to the Soviet Union, served to identify the FPCC with the interests of the Cuban and Soviet states.

Within hours of President Kennedy’s assassination, members of the DRE contacted various news organizations, supplying the evidence of the radio debate and pointing to Oswald’s apparent loyalty to the Castro regime (see HSCA Report, appendix vol.10, pp.85f). As the historian Gerald McKnight puts it: It was Bringuier’s contention that Oswald, a covert pro–Castro supporter, was trying to infiltrate the DRE’s New Orleans cell. [Jose Antonio] Lanusa released the story, but only after first clearing it with his CIA control, George Joannides. The story ran in the Miami Herald under the eye–catching title “Oswald Tried to Spy on Anti–Castro Exile Group.” Bringuier’s tale of Oswald as a Castro stooge also made the Washington Post: “Castro Foe Details Infiltration Effort.” Both of these stories appeared the day after the assassination. The unappreciated irony in this whole business was that the first JFK assassination conspiracy theory to find its way into print was paid for by George E. Joannides, a CIA Psychological Warfare Specialist.(Gerald D. McKnight, Breach of Trust: How the Warren Commission Failed the Nation and Why, University Press of Kansas, 2005, p.350).

Was Oswald an Intelligence Agent ?

Several aspects of Oswald’s behavior in New Orleans suggested that he was not a genuine supporter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and that he was in fact working to undermine the organization: The branch of the organization which Oswald had set up in New Orleans consisted only of himself and a fictitious entity, ‘A.J. Hidell’.

Some of the FPCC leaflets which Oswald distributed in New Orleans were stamped with the address, 544 Camp Street, of a building which had no connection to any pro–Castro organization, but which did contain the offices of Guy Banister, a private investigator who was involved in anti–Castro activities.

All of Oswald’s political associates in New Orleans were strongly anti–Castro. Several witnesses, including Guy Banister’s secretary, claimed to have seen Oswald and Banister together in public in New Orleans and elsewhere. When, with the assistance of the DRE, Oswald’s links with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee were publicized immediately after the assassination, the FPCC was obliged to disband.

A contemporary FBI memo, which came to light more than a decade later, reported that “CIA is also giving some thought to planting deceptive information which might embarrass the [Fair Play for Cuba] Committee” (Schweiker–Hart Report, p.65).

It was not just Oswald’s activities in New Orleans which led to suspicions that he was not what he seemed: Immediately after his escapade in New Orleans, Oswald appears to have visited Silvia Odio, a Cuban émigrée and anti–Castro activist, in Dallas. Oswald turned up at Odio’s apartment in the company of two other anti–Castro activists. One of Oswald’s companions telephoned Silvia Odio afterwards and claimed that the man he knew as ‘León Oswald’ was also strongly opposed to the Castro regime.

Oswald’s half–hearted defection to the Soviet Union occurred after he had apparently been taught Russian at a military language school. When Oswald decided to return to the US less than three years later, he was not prosecuted, despite having offered to give military secrets to the Soviet regime. When he applied for a new passport in the summer of 1963, the passport was granted the next day.

One of the first tasks faced by the Warren Commission was to quash the rumor, widely held by journalists in Texas, that Oswald had been employed by the FBI or the CIA, or both.

Lee Harvey Oswald and George Joannides:

In the 1990s it became known that the Counter-Intelligence branch of the CIA had been keeping a close eye on Lee Oswald before the JFK assassination. This, combined with the strong evidence that Oswald had been working undercover during his encounters with the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil in New Orleans, has led to the suggestion that the CIA may have had direct or indirect links with the alleged assassin.

It is unlikely that George Joannides, working within a highly compartmentalized organization like the CIA, was aware of what one member of the Counter–Intelligence branch described as its “keen interest in Oswald on a need–to–know basis”. On the other hand, the man who oversaw the DRE would almost certainly have been informed about Oswald’s confrontations with Carlos Bringuier of the DRE.

George Joannides and Official Investigations:

The Warren Commission and Richard Helms:

The CIA’s representatives before the Warren Commission were John McCone, the Director, and Richard Helms, the Deputy Director of Plans. The Commission’s friendly questioning omitted any reference to Oswald in New Orleans. Neither McCone nor Helms mentioned to the Warren Commission that the DRE, which had been in close contact with Oswald in New Orleans, was funded by the CIA (Warren Commission Hearings, vol.5, pp.120–8).

McCone may not have been aware of any links between Oswald, the CIA and the DRE, and Helms was unlikely to volunteer any incriminating information to an outside body such as the Warren Commission; he had already closed down the agency’s internal investigation when it got too close to the matter of Lee Harvey Oswald’s impersonation in Mexico City. Despite having appointed George Joannides to supervise the DRE, Helms neglected to mention Joannides’s name to the Commission.

The House Select Committee on Assassinations:

The Warren Commission was reliant on official bodies, in particular the FBI, to provide it with evidence, and showed little interest in probing into anything that might cast doubt on its pre–conceived conclusions. The House Select Committee on Assassinations, however, had its own teams of investigators. Those looking into the Cuban aspects of the assassination inevitably required information from the CIA about Oswald’s activities in New Orleans and Mexico City.

The CIA responded to the creation of the HSCA by appointing someone to act as a liaison between the agency and the committee. It chose George Joannides, who had retired from the agency two years earlier.

Joannides acted as an intermediary between the HSCA and the CIA, in effect filtering requests for information from the investigators. Among the information requested was the identity of the CIA officer or officers who had dealt with the DRE. The CIA claimed not to know the identity of the man whom it had appointed to deal with both the DRE and the HSCA.

George Joannides: First Public Appearance:

The Assassination Records Review Board came into existence in 1994 as a result of the President John F. Kennedy Records Collection Act of 1992, which itself was the product of a public lobbying campaign following the commercial success of Oliver Stone’s film, JFK.

The ARRB’s purpose was not to investigate the JFK assassination, but to allow the public access to all the remaining official documents relating to the assassination. The ARRB helped to release four million or more previously classified pages, which included the CIA’s personnel file on George Joannides.

The file contained no documents relating to the seventeen months during which Joannides oversaw the DRE. The CIA’s known bookkeeping methods required that the file should have contained many pertinent documents, such as receipts for the CIA’s $51,000 monthly subsidy to the DRE and progress reports on the DRE’s activities.

CIA Secrecy about George Joannides:

Pattern of Secrecy:

In the CIA’s dealings with official enquiries concerning the JFK assassination, nothing was mentioned about the existence of George Joannides or the agency’s links to the DRE: An internal CIA investigation into Oswald in December 1963 was not told of Oswald’s apparently pro–Castro activities in New Orleans. When John Whitten, the officer in charge of the investigation, protested, he was removed from the investigation.

The Warren Commission in 1964, Jim Garrison’s criminal investigation a few years later, and the Rockefeller Commission in 1975 were not told that the organization which Lee Oswald had encountered in New Orleans was funded by the CIA.

The House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1978 was likewise not told of the agency’s close links with the DRE. Nor was it told that the man acting as the liaison between the committee and the CIA had been closely involved in the activities of the DRE.

The CIA told the Assassination Records Review Board between 1994 and 1998 that there was no link between the agency and the DRE. Even after Joannides’s name became known, his involvement was denied.

The extant CIA personnel file on Joannides is glaringly incomplete. It contains none of the many written reports that would surely have been made about the DRE’s encounters with Oswald in New Orleans.

Opinions of Secrecy:

The involvement and behavior of Joannides was not appreciated by those involved in the HSCA and ARRB, according to a report in the New York Times: Dan Hardway, then a law student working for the [HSCA] committee, recalled Mr. Joannides as “a cold fish,” who firmly limited access to documents. Once, Mr. Hardway remembered, “he handed me a thin file and just stood there. I blew up, and he said, ‘This is all you’re going to get.’ ”But neither Mr. Hardway nor the committee’s staff director, G. Robert Blakey, had any idea that Mr. Joannides had played a role in the very anti–Castro activities from 1963 that the panel was scrutinizing.When Mr. [Jefferson] Morley first informed him about it a decade ago, Mr. Blakey was flabbergasted. “If I’d known his role in 1963, I would have put Joannides under oath — he would have been a witness, not a facilitator,” said Mr. Blakey, a law professor at the University of Notre Dame. “How do we know what he didn’t give us ?” After Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK fed speculation about the Kennedy assassination, Congress created the Assassination Records Review Board to release documents. But because the board, too, was not told of Mr. Joannides’s 1963 work, it did not pursue his records, said Judge Tunheim, the chairman.“If we’d known of his role in Miami in 1963, we would have pressed for all his records,” Judge Tunheim said.(Scott Shane, ‘CIA is Still Cagey About Oswald Mystery’, New York Times, 16 October 2009, p.A11).

Reasons for the CIA’s Secrecy:

The CIA’s policy has always been to support the lone–nut interpretation of the JFK assassination. The agency’s chronic secrecy about the activity of George Joannides can be interpreted in two ways: The secrecy may be due to a standard institutional protection mechanism: the CIA recognizes that its arms–length contacts with President Kennedy’s accused assassin imply that it could have done more to prevent the assassination. Alternatively, there may be more sinister reasons for the CIA’s behavior. Given the many aspects of Lee Oswald’s career that indicate his involvement with one or more intelligence organiations, the CIA knows or suspects that documentary evidence exists of a direct connection between the agency and Oswald.

George Joannides and Robert Kennedy:

In 2006, a short filmed report on the BBC TV program, News Night, alleged that George Joannides may have been one of three men, all CIA officers, who appear in a photograph taken at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on 5 June 1968, the night of Robert Kennedy’s assassination in the hotel kitchen. The other two officers, David Sanchez Morales and Gordon Campbell, both worked with George Joannides at the CIA base in Miami known as JM/WAVE. The accusation was far from conclusive: the identifications of George Joannides and David Sanchez Morales were tentative, and there is no evidence that Joannides had even been in Los Angeles in June 1968. Gordon Campbell certainly had not been there then, having died in 1962. For an account of the controversy, see Jefferson Morley and David Talbot, ‘The BBC’s Flawed RFK Story’ at maryferrell.org, which includes a link to a reply by the film–maker, Shane O’Sullivan. Incidentally, O’Sullivan has made a film about the JFK assassination, Killing Oswald.

The implication behind the story is, of course, that the three men were involved in the planning of Robert Kennedy’s assassination. Morley and Talbot make the obvious point that if the three CIA officers had been involved, they would hardly have made themselves noticed by loitering near the scene of the crime, an argument that can also be used against those who claim that the Watergate conspirator, E. Howard Hunt, was one of the three tramps in Dealey Plaza.

According to some reports, a longer version of O’Sullivan’s film suggests that the three men in the photograph may instead have been executives of the Bulova watch company, which was holding a convention in the hotel at the time.

More About George Joannides:

Much of what is known about George Joannides and his association with the JFK assassination is due to the work of Jefferson Morley: For a detailed account of George Joannides and the actions of the CIA in keeping his identity secret, see Morley’s ‘Revelation 1963’, Miami New Times, 12 April 2001.

For the removal of John Whitten from the internal CIA investigation of Oswald in Mexico City, see Morley’s ‘The Good Spy,’ Washington Monthly, December 2003. Morley wrote about the goings–on at the CIA’s Mexico City office in more detail in his book, Our Man in Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA, University Press of Kansas, 2008. The book is also available in Spanish.

For the CIA’s knowledge of Oswald before the assassination, see Morley’s ‘What Jane Roman Said, part 3’ at history–matters.com. Jefferson Morley publishes regularly on the subject of George Joannides at his website, jfkfacts.org. He points out that the files about George Joannides are not the only JFK assassination files the CIA keeps secret.

Other sources deal with the wider context of George Joannides and his work with the CIA and the DRE: For a good overview of the topic, see The CIA and the JFK Assassination at maryferrell.org.

Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, University of California Press, 1993, covers several aspects of the story, including: the early attempts to blame the assassination on the Castro regime, in which the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil participated; Lee Oswald’s activities in New Orleans; and Carlos Bringuier’s opinion that Oswald may have been working on behalf of US intelligence.

For the account by the House Select Committee on Assassinations of the DRE and its relations with US intelligence organizations, see HSCA Report, appendix vol.10, pp.85–88.

Why Did Oswald Deny Shooting JFK ?

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Lee Harvey Oswald — lone assassin, conspirator or patsy ?Oswald’s longstanding links to US intelligence agencies;Oswald’s visit to Mexico City a few weeks before the assassination — the crucial event which caused the Warren Commission to be set up;the official investigations — and why their answers are not widely believed;the medical evidence — the reason why the case remains controversial;the political context of the JFK assassination;and the pros and cons of the main theories associated with the event.Praise for 22 November 1963

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SPECIAL NOTE: (THE LACK OF SERIOUS ANALYSIS, READING, RESEARCH, STUDY, AND WRITING ABOUT GEORGE E. JOANNIDES, JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, RICHARD HELMS, AND LEE HARVEY OSWALD COULD FILL VOLUMES. GEORGE E. JOANNIDES WAS RICHARD HELMS MAN IN MIAMI, FLORIDA IN THE EARLY 1960's. 02.11.2017. BB.)

What Jane Roman Said:

Part 6: Dick Helms' Man in Miami:

Still more vindication came in November 1998. Without fanfare, the CIA declassified the personnel file of a previously unknown operations officer on the Special Affairs Staff named George Joannides. Jane Roman had said that in late 1963 certain people in the CIA's anti-Castro operation were showing "a keen interest in Oswald held very closely on the need to know basis." Skeptics of my story could rightly ask, "Like who ?"

George E. Joannides is a new and important character in the Kennedy assassination story. The new records suggested George Joannides was one such SAS operative. The reason for his interest? The bulk of the available evidence indicates that Joannides in late 1963 was running a psychological warfare operation designed to link Lee Harvey Oswald to the Castro government without disclosing the CIA's hand.

George E. Joannides (pronounced "Joe-uh-NEE-deez") is a new and important character in the Kennedy assassination story. In 1963, he was 40 years old, a rising protégé of Tom Karamessines. He was an 11-year veteran of the clandestine service. He was highly regarded for his skills in political action, propaganda and psychological warfare operations. A dapper, witty man, Joannides presented himself publicly as a Defense Department lawyer. In fact, in 1963 he was Dick Helms' man in Miami.

His personnel file showed that he served in 1963 as the chief of the Psychological Warfare branch of the CIA's station in Miami. He had a staff of 24 and a budget of $1.5 million. He also was in charge of handling the anti-Castro student group that Oswald had tried to infiltrate in August 1963. They called themselves the Cuban Student Directorate and it was Joannides's job to guide and monitor them. Under CIA program named AMSPELL, he was giving $25,000 a month to Luis Fernandez Rocha, the Directorate's leader in Miami. That funding supported the Directorate's chapters in New Orleans and other cities.

Fernandez Rocha, now a doctor in Miami, recalls a close but stormy relationship with the CIA man whom he knew only as "Howard." The records of the Directorate, now in the University of Miami archives, support Fernandez Rocha's memories. They show that "Howard" worked closely with the Directorate on a wide variety of issues. He bought them an air conditioner and reviewed their military plans. He was aware of their efforts to buy guns. He briefed them on how to answer questions from the press and paid for their travels. Joannides was certainly responsible for knowing if a Castro supporter was trying to infiltrate their ranks.

Then came November 22, 1963. On a political trip to Dallas, Kennedy died in a hail of gunfire. Ninety minutes later, a suspect, Lee Oswald, was arrested. Not long after that Joannides received a call from the Cuban students saying they knew all about the accused assassin. He told them not to go public until he could check with Washington. They went public anyway. As the American nation reeled from the shock of Kennedy's violent death, the Cuban students in his pay embarked on a wide-ranging and effective media blitz to link Fidel Castro to Kennedy's death.

In the span of a couple of hours in the evening of November 22, one leader of the Cuban Student Directorate called Paul Bethel, an influential former State Department official active in efforts to liberate Cuba. Another Cuban student called conservative spokeswoman Clare Booth Luce and told her the Directorate knew for a fact that Oswald was part of a Cuban government hit team operating out of Mexico City. A third told a New York Times reporter that the accused assassin was a Castro supporter.

The First JFK Conspiracy: On November 23, 1963, the leaders of the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE) published a special four page edition of their newspaper suggesting that Lee Harvey Oswald had shot President Kennedy at the behest of Cuban leader Fidel Castro. This is the very first JFK conspiracy to reach public prints-and it was paid for by CIA man George Joannides. (Click on image above to see larger version.)

The next day, November 23, 1963, the Cuban students put their suspicions in writing. They wrote up a seven-page brief on Oswald's pro-Castro ways. They also published a special edition of the Directorate's monthly publication. It was a four-page broadsheet with photos of Oswald and Castro together under the banner headline "The Presumed Assassins." This was probably the very first conspiratorial explanation of Kennedy's death to reach public print--and the mysterious George Joannides of the CIA paid it for.

The goal of this operation, say the former Cuban students who carried it out, was to destabilize the Cuban government and create public pressure for a U.S. attack on the island.

Fidel Castro feared the gambit might work. He put his armed forces on high alert. In a long, brooding speech on Cuban TV on the night of November 23, 1963, the Cuban leader denounced the exiled students' effort to link him to the assassination, charging it was a CIA provocation.

Until now, historians and journalists have had little reason to credit Castro's charge. The revelation of Joannides's mission to Miami lends credence to--but does not prove--the longstanding view of the Cuban intelligence agency, the Diregencia General de Inteligencia. Cuban officials have long contended that the Cuban Student Directorate's effort to link Oswald to Castro was part of a deliberate CIA plan to exploit the assassination to justify a U.S. invasion of Cuba. That allegation, it now seems, has some merit. George Joannides was a CIA officer who helped perpetrate the provocation.

Not surprisingly, George Joannides took his secrets to the grave. According to his Washington Post obituary, Joannides died in a Houston hospital in March 1990.

When I asked the CIA for comment on his career, I was told that the agency has no knowledge of his actions in 1963. The chief of the CIA's Historic Review Program, James R. Oliver, even denied that Joannides worked with the Cuban Student Directorate in 1963. He acknowledged that the cover name "Howard" appears on CIA records about the Directorate but said "there is no other evidence to suggest that 'Howard' was an identity for Joannides." Oliver concluded with a remarkable profession of ignorance. "We have insufficient evidence as to who or what the word 'Howard' represented," he wrote in a letter to me.

This is the CIA's official position on George Joannides. It is untrue.

The CIA's own records are proof that Joannides was 'Howard.' Luis Fernandez Rocha and other veterans of the Cuban Student Directorate, now well-established professional men in Miami, told me of their frequent meetings with a CIA man named "Howard" in 1963. The records of the Directorate at the University of Miami library document the group's almost daily dealings with "Howard" in 1963. The former leaders of the Directorate described the CIA man's New York accent, his well-tailored suits, his Mediterranean features, his legal training, and other characteristics of George Joannides. The 1963 Miami phone book and members of the Joannides family confirm that Joannides lived in Miami at the time. And his CIA personnel file specifies that he had responsibility for the largest anti-Castro student group in Miami, which was the Cuban Student Directorate.

Yet the CIA's position is that George Joannides a.k.a "Howard" wasn't in Miami in 1963, did not handle the agency's contacts with Cuban Student Directorate, and may not have even been an actual person.

Whatever the reason for such odd obfuscation, the revelation of George Joannides's existence and activities in 1963 gives empirical substance to Jane Roman's analysis that certain operatives on the Special Affairs Staff were interested in Lee Harvey Oswald before the assassination. "There had to be a reason" for SAS to withhold information about Oswald, she said. The simplest and most plausible explanation is that George Joannides was one of those operatives and that he and his superiors sought to protect the "sources and methods" of a covert operation involving Lee Harvey Oswald in the fall of 1963.According to a CIA memo to the Kennedy White House, the CIA “guided and monitored” the Cuban Student Directorate in mid-1963.

Such a conclusion is not indisputable. There is no direct documentary evidence stating that Joannides ran such an operation. But the lack of such evidence is not dispositive.

First, it was Joannides's job to make sure that his actions could not be traced to the U.S. government. He was, judging from his job evaluations in 1963, very good at his job.

Second, Joannides was well-known for his attention to paperwork. Very little of that paperwork has ever come to light. Running a group like the Cuban Student Directorate required monthly reports to CIA headquarters. The CIA has declassified these reports for the years 1960 to 1966. Only in the 17 months that Joannides worked with the group, December 1962 to April 1964, are the monthly reports missing from CIA archives.

Third, and most importantly, CIA officials called Joannides out of retirement in 1978 to serve as the agency’s liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He could have shared what he knew about Oswald’s Cuban activities with investigators. He did not. G. Robert Blakey, a law professor who served as the HSCA’s general counsel and worked closely with Joannides says the CIA man never let on that the anti-Castro Cubans who tangled with Oswald fifteen years before were in his pay. Why refrain from stating such a pertinent fact if not to protect a sensitive operation?

While the details of Joannides's motivations in 1963 remain concealed, the results of his actions are well documented. According to a CIA memo to the Kennedy White House, the CIA “guided and monitored” the Cuban Student Directorate in mid-1963. Declassified CIA cables show that “Howard” demanded that the group clear their public statements with him. In his job evaluation from the summer of 1963, Joannides was credited having established control over the group. He dispensed funds from the AMSPELL budget, which the Directorate’s leaders in Miami and New Orleans used to publicly identify Oswald as a supporter of theCastro government in August 1963. AMSPELL funds were also used within hours of the Kennedy's death to link Oswald to Castro.

The results of his expenditures, it must be said, were consistent with U.S. policy. The former Directorate leaders say their purpose in launching a propaganda blitz against Oswald was to discredit the Castro regime and create public pressure for a U.S. attack on Cuba.

At the time, the group was funded and authorized to carry out the agency's desires. Indeed, the group's propaganda chief, Juan Manuel Salvat, now a respected Miami book publisher, had operational approval as a CIA agent, according to his CIA file.

Joannides kept his hand in all of this secret, which was consistent with his duty to protect "sources and methods" (and with Roman's observation that SAS was keeping information about Oswald "under their tight control.") Joannides certainly knew of the Directorate's contacts with Oswald within hours of Kennedy's death, if not earlier, yet did not report his knowledge in written documents. Such records might have been turned over to law enforcement and thus exposed the agency's operations to public view.

Joannides receives a tape of Oswald: On November 22, 1963, Joannides learned that his assets in the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE) had collected intelligence on Lee Harvey Oswald, accused killer of Kennedy. The DRE leaders sent Joannides (a.k.a. "Howard") a tape of remarks Oswald had made on a New Orleans radio station. (Click on image above to see uncropped version.)

To be sure, other interpretations are possible. Perhaps the Cuban students, while funded by the CIA for the purposes of political action, intelligence collection and propaganda, engaged in all of these activities against Lee Harvey Oswald but did so independently, without knowledge of or prompting from anyone at the agency.

The former leaders of the Directorate tend to this point of view. They stress that memories are hazy after 40 years and their allies at the CIA certainly did not keep them fully informed about anything. They were, they admit, impetuous and inexperienced young men while “Howard” was an older man of considerable experience and clout sent by the highest levels of the U.S. government. Of course, they worked with him while reserving the right to take indepedent action. Idealistic, if sometimes immature, they acted as Cuban patriots. They did not have to be told to dislike Lee Harvey Oswald’s pro-Castro politics or to resent his attempted infiltration of their group. After Oswald was arrested for killing Kennedy, they had every reason to use his politics to discredit Castro and create pressure on him.

One of the Directorate’s former leaders, Tony Lanusa, now a Miami businessman, says he called “Howard” within minutes of the news of Oswald’s arrest on November 22, 1963. He recalls telling the CIA man that the group wanted to go public with what they knew about the accused assassin. “Howard” told them to hold off until he could contact Washington for guidance. They went ahead anyway. Citing Lanusa’s very credible account, one could argue that the Cuban Student Directorate’s propaganda linking Oswald and Castro was not the agency’s responsibility.

On a practical level though, the agency's responsibility for the first JFK conspiracy is beyond dispute. By the admission of its own former leaders, the Cuban Student Directorate was totally dependent on CIA funding in 1963. Without the money provided by Joannides there would have been no delegation of Cuban students in New Orleans with the time to confront Oswald. There would have been no money for their press release to the local papers calling for an investigation of his pro-Castro ways. There would have been no tape recording of his remarks on a local radio station. There would have been no money for the Directorate's phone calls to Clare Booth Luce and the New York Times on the night of November 22, 1963. There would have been no money for the broadsheet with photos of Oswald and Castro, and perhaps no post-assassination war scare. The fact that the Directorate's leaders felt obliged to call Joannides on November 22, 1963 is mostly evidence of how seriously they took his guidance.

Joannides was not displeased with the Directorate's conspiracy mongering. The FBI checked out the Directorate's claims about Oswald. The CIA apparently did not. None of the Cuban student leaders say they heard from Joannides after November 22, 1963, except for Luis Fernandez Rocha who says the CIA man offered some friendly advice: go back to school. The anti-Castro cause was doomed. That sounds more like a spook shutting down an operation, than a man surprised to learn that his paid agents had been talking to Lee Harvey Oswald behind his back.

Nor is there any evidence that Helms and Karamessines were unhappy that Joannides's boys in Miami had linked the accused assassin to Castro. The agency continued to fund the Directorate after the Kennedy assassination; Joannides received the highest possible job evaluation for his work in 1963.

Nonetheless, one might still concoct a scenario in which the independent-minded Cuban students had a series of encounters with the obscure Lee Harvey Oswald that somehow escaped the notice of the usually vigilant George Joannides (but not the FBI or CIA headquarters). One could further hypothesize that, when President Kennedy was killed and the overzealous Cuban students attempted to link the accused presidential assassin to Castro, Joannides and his superiors chose to bury the whole affair out of embarrassment. In this view, the Cuban students were out of control, George Joannides was out of his league, Fidel Castro was above suspicion, and the agency was honestly surprised by the results.

The CIA rejects any such interpretation. In the official story, George Joannides had no contact at all with Cuban Student Directorate in 1963. He wasn't there. Agency personnel have no knowledge of or connection to the first JFK conspiracy theory. This denial of reality is, 40 years after the fact, bizarre and perhaps revealing. It makes the Cuban communist interpretation of 1963--that the Kennedy assassination was a provocation by a CIA faction--relatively more credible. Yet the agency stands by it.

In fact, George Joannides did his job in 1963 as his CIA bosses wanted. He was paid to mount covert operations, and he did. In all likelihood, he was working on an authorized psychological warfare operation involving the Cuban Student Directorate and Oswald in the fall of 1963. The purpose of this operation seems to have been to denounce Oswald's pro-Castro ways, the better to advance the U.S. policy of overthrowing the Castro government. Joannides and his bosses did what they conceived of as their professional duty by protecting the agency's sources and methods both before and after Oswald was arrested for killing Kennedy. Joannides’s stonewalling of the HSCA in the late 1970s was part of the same effort.In any case, his actions emerge as the most likely explanation for what Jane Roman saw in the Oswald paper trail. George Joannides was part of the SAS faction that was holding information about Oswald tightly under their control.

There is no evidence that Joannides or the Cuban students had anything to do with the gunfire in Dealey Plaza.

No one can insinuate that George Joannides was a co-conspirator in a plot to kill President Kennedy. His friends and family recall him as an ethical, funny, warm, and patriotic person, and I have no reason to doubt them. Whatever he did in 1963 it certainly had the approval of the late Dick Helms and Tom Karamessines. Because the CIA denies knowing anything about his actions in 1963, the exact nature of some of his professional activities awaits decisive clarification.

In any case, his actions emerge as the most likely explanation for what Jane Roman saw in the Oswald paper trail. George Joannides was part of the SAS faction that was holding information about Oswald tightly under their control. To my mind, the revelation of his existence and activities corroborated her analysis and confirmed the importance that I attached to it. But the CIA's evasions make definitive conclusions premature.