Emigration of Finns from North America to Soviet Karelia in the Early 1930's

Reino Kero

When a Finnish emigrant left for North America, he usually intended to stay only for a
short time, perhaps four or five years. After that he hoped to return to Finland a more
affluent person than when he left. Despite their good intentions, however, only between
twenty and thirty per cent of all Finnish emigrants realized their ambitions.1
Some did indeed return having reached their economic objecitives. Dollars jingled in their
pockets, and they felt rich. Many others, however, returned embittered by their American
experience. They had found to their disappointment that life was harsh in America and
wealth difficult to obtain. For them life in the Old World was preferable to life in the
New.

A chief attraction to America lay in the fact that she was a "free country",
a "land of liberty and opportunity" superior to Finland.2 But by the
beginning of the twentieth century, Finnish-American newspapers and immigrant letters
began to tell another story. Many immigrants claimed, and especially those associated with
the Finnish-American radical left, that the notion of "American freedom" was
nonsense.3 Finnish-American socialists and IWW members, for example, strongly
criticized the cointradications in American society. And Finnish-American communists were
so critical of American society and its political system that thousands resolved to leave
it. They called America "the country of rhinoceroses". For the communists,
however, the problem of where to go remained thorny. A return to Finland was out of the
question, for they perceived their former homeland as a repressive society dominated by
"right-wing" elements. A promising alternative was the Soviet Union, the
"country of workers". Re-emigration there, by the early 1930's, became the dream
of many Finnish-American leftists.

To date the exodus of Finnish immigrants from the United States and Canada to Russia
has been little studied. As far as I know only three articles on the subject have been
written, and all three deal with the early 1920's when re-emigration was but a trickle.4
Nothing has been written on the re-emigration of Finns from the United States and Canada
to Russia during the early 1930's when the exodus was truly substantial.

One reason for the lack of scholarship is that source materials are difficult to
obtain. The most important archives, those in Russia itself, are closed to scholars.
Another reason is that scholars in Finland have more interested in the concurrent
migration from Finland to Russia than in what seemed an insignificant migration from North
America. In words, Finnish scholars have largely ignored the question. Finally,
Finnish-Americans seem to have been hesitanit to give scholarly attention to such a
volatile issue. The re-emigration was perhaps one of the most bitter controversies which
ever emerged among American and Canadian Finns. Until now it may have been impossible for
Finnish-Americans to write about the subjeet from a detached point of view.

Despite the inaccessability of Russian sources, there are important substitutes
available from which the story can be reconstructed. Most important are the
Finnsh-American newspapers of the 1930's, especially leftist papers. When the migrants
left for Karelia, for example, they celebrated the occasion with giant farewell parties
which were carefully reported in letters sent to papers such as Työmies, Eteenpäin
and Vapaus. The letters listing those persons emigrating often contained
biographical data about them and told about their roles in the Finnish-American leftist
movement.5 Much information is also available in the greetings departing Finns
published in leftist papers. The greetings urged remaining comrades to continue the
struggle against American capitalism and included the writers' names and addresses -
perhaps in an effort to stimulate their friends' loyalty to communism.6Työmies,
Eteenpäin and Vapaus also contain reports from groups in transit. The
dispatches, for example, tell how many comrades were in the group, how they occupied
themselves during the trip, and what they expected the Soviet Union to be like.7
Other Finnish-American papers such as Raivaaja, Päivälehti and New
Yorkin Uutiset, even though they condemned the move, also covered the migration
extensively sively. They especially focused on stories of persons who had returned.8

It is even possible to glean useful information about the migration from Finnish papers
published in the Soviet Union and from papers published in Finland.

There are also a few memoirs published by the migrants themselves.9 It is
possible to interview returnees. And a source yet to be checked is the archives of the
Finnish police, which may possibly contain information on those who returned to North
America through Finland.

What inspired the migration? It is certain that the move was sanctioned by the Soviet
government, for in the early 1920's it encouraged the migration of technical experts to
help with the industrialization of the country.10 In fact, a small group of
American Finns did leave for Karelia at that time. But perhaps the most important reason
for the migration of the early 1930's was the Soviet Karelian government's campaign to
develop its lumber industry. The concurrent Russian attempt to develop an auto industry
and the need for technical experts may also have been a factor.

At any rate, the government of Soviet Karelia was itself in charge of bringing migrants
into the province. And while it is impossible to determine the precise role of the Russian
government in the affair, it is quite probable that Moscow authorized Karelia to
"import", say, seven thousand immigrants for the lumber industry. Or perhaps
Karelian authorities could or did set the number. But it was crucial for Karelia to induce
as many workers as possible from North America, for they brought with them technical
skills, hard American currency and equipment. North Americans could indeed be of great
help in filling Karelian production quotas.

To implement recruitment the Karelian government hired Finnish-American communist
leaders as recruiters who traveled widely to speak on behalf of the migration. Leftist
newspapers aided the recruiters by devoting generous column space to artitcles and
advertisements about Karelia. But Finnish-American leftist support for the migration was
not altogether wholehearted. Many letters to the papers and some articles questioned the
wisdom of the move on the grounds that such a large migration would drain strength away
from the Finnish leftist movement in North America. Too many persons of vital importance
to the class struggle in America were leaving, the critics maintained.11

Despite these few objections, the migration grew to large proportions. The exact number
of persons who left is isnposisible to determine precisely, but I have made a preliminary
estimate based mainly on the names containied in the departees' newspaper greetings, and
through information gathered in interviews. From these sources I estimate that at least
10,000 persons left the United States and Canada for Soviet Karelia during the early
1930's.12 My estimate may be slightly erroneous, however, for I may have
counted certain persons twice. When an informant in, say, Cloquet, Minnesota, told me the
names of those who left from Cloquet, he may have included persons from surrounding
communities who were subsequently named again by other informants.

Because of this problem of duplicating names, another research method will have to be
used in the future in determining the number of emigrants. A good approach is made
possible by the fact that most emigrants to Soviet Karelia used the Swedish-American Line.
On the basis of advertisements in the newspapers it is possible to come to know when the
departure of each ship took place. And on the basis of greetings and travel reports
published in the newspapers one can estimate how many emigrants traveled aboard each ship.
It is also possible that the archives of the Swedish-American Line would have information
on the number of travelers to Soviet Karelia, or that the Swedish-American Line would have
passenger lists containing the names of travelers to Soviet Karelia. The use of these
materials would make it possible to estimate the number of immigrants quite exactly.

The emigration of Finns from North America to Soviet Karelia began early in the 1920's.
However, only several hundred Finns emigrated at this time. The numbers remained small
throughout the decade, but increased rapidly for a time and reached a peak between 1931
and 1932, when a great number departed from American and Canadian ports. During 1933 and
1934, the totals fell off considerably, and after 1934 no evidence exists of group travel
to Soviet Karelia.13

The Finns in America were not the only group interested in building a new society in
Soviet Russia. Emigraints of several different nationial backgrounds left the United
States. Among them were also persons born in America. Communists from European countries
also emigrated. There were groups, for instance, from Sweden and Norway. The number of
these emigrants is not known. One can assume, however, that the migration of North
American Finns was at least one of the greatest streams of migraton to Soviet Russia.

While the number of emigrants from American states and Canadian provinces can be
counted, only preliminary estimates are available at the moment. It seems probable that
the migration touched all important Finnish-American localities, but as could be expected,
Minnesota and Michigan were the most important states.14 There was, however, a
difference between these states. It seems that in Michigan the most important localities
were Detroit and Ironwood. Emigrants thus seem to have come from industrial centers. In
Minnesota, on the other hand, a very great number left rural areas.

Why were so many Finnish-American eager to emigrate to Soviet Karelia? Several
political, economic and propaganda factors were major reasons for the exodus. Työmies and
Eteenpäin told their readers year after year that the United States was a "country
of rhinoceroses". And they suggested that Finland was even worse; the "old
country" was generally alled "Luumäki", "Bone Hill". These
newspapers also claimed that the Finns were planning to attack Soviet Russia.15
Thus they believed that when they emigrated from the United States to Soviet Karelia they
fled from capitalistic America to the ideal land of the workers, Soviet Russia, for
political reasons. For years these newspapers claimed Soviet Russia as constantly
progressing. They said that everything was not perfect yet, but the nation's defects would
be removed very soon. They also believed that work was available for everybody in Soviet
Karelia, that schools were better than in America, that excellent provisions would be made
for the retired, that care of the sick was free and that decision making was in the hands
of the workers.16 Soviet Russia was the country which was not yet paradise, but
which would be a paradise in the very near future. This new society was a holy thing which
workers were ready to defend with weapon in hand when the capitalistic world threatened,
and the newspapers often suggested that the capitalistic states were planning to destroy
their ideal country.17 Thus the departure to Soviet Russia was felt to be a
holy crusade.

One of the background factors of the emigration to Soviet Karelia was thus strong
political conviction based on the propaganda of the newspapers. Since the greatest wave of
emigration took place in the beginning of 1930's, it seems probable that the great
economic depression of the 1930's was also a very important factor. Source materials
indicate that the emigrants did not belong to the poorest class of Finnish-Americans, that
those who were out of work when they left may have been a very small minority among the
emigrants. But there is reason to suppose that those who read left-wing newspapers were
more afraid than other people that they would be out of work very soon. They may have
believed that the crisis of the depression was even more difficult than it really was, at
least as they were personally concerned.

The leftist newspapers regularly praised Soviet Russia, but only rarely were readers
urged to emigrate to Soviet Karelia. Actual recruiting took place in other ways. Part of
it was done through advertisements and articles in the newspapers, and much of it was done
by well known radical leaders who traveled from locality to locality in ordier to describe
the Soviet Union as a land of promise, and to provide information for those who might wish
to emigrate there. Sponsoring the recruitmient program was the Neuvosto-Karjalan
Teknillinen Apu, the Technical Aid of Soviet Karelia, which had its office in New
York. Applications to Soviet Karelia and recommendations by local workingmen's societies
were sent to this office.19 The actual trip to the Soviet Union was also
otganizeid by the Neuvosto-Karjalan Teknillinen Apu. Groups were generally quite
large, with some groups numbering 250.

The character of Finnish emigration from North America to Soviet Karelia was thus
primarily political, the result of political radicalism. But a very important question
emerges when one takes into account the actual realities of the political and social life
of the socialist Finns. Were the Finns actually radical? And if they were radical, how was
this radicalism born?

In the beginning of the twentieth century, Finnish-American socialism could be called
"hall socialism", chiefly recreational and social in basic nature. Meetings of
workingmen's clubs provided an occasion for fellowship and pleasant conversation with
countrymen. Newspaper editors and agitators long complained that people were not really
interested in speeches on socialism, but they would rather listen to music, participate in
athletics, and drink coffee. Finnish-American socialists believed that their meetings were
quite different from those arranged by the "American" socialist groups, which
presumably discussed only theoretical matters and Party activities, and that "hall
activity" was not essential to them.20

Thus it is probable that a great portion of Finnish-American socialists were only hall
socialists. But it is necessary to stress two matters: first, the number of hall
socialists among Finnish-Americans was very large, relatively more than, for instance,
among Swedish immigrants; and secondly, in addition to these hall socialists there was an
important group of persons ho were very active and class-conscious. They were the real
leaders, and their effect on the political activity of the Finns was very great. In fact,
they guided the activities of the hall socialists.

A large number of the most active Finnish-American socialists joined the American
communist movement in the beginning of the 1920's. The Civil War in Finland had caused a
great number of Finnish-American socialists to become embittered radicals. Thus events in
Finland provided important impetus to political radicalism.

It can be shown indisputably how certain events in Finland, above all the Russification
policy in the beginning of the twentieth century, the Civil War in 1918 and the Lapua
movement in the beginning of the 1930's, were reflected in the Finnish-American labor
movement. It can also be demonstrated that the most important Finnish-American socialists
were very often from the southern parts of Finland, and not from Ostrobothnia from where
most of the emigrants to America came.21 But American conditions also made
Finns radical, and this was likewise an important factor in the emigration to Soviet
Karelia. To be periodically out of work was a strong argument that something was amiss in
American society. During violent strikes, when the National Guard was on the employers'
side, the capitalists were seen as merciless exploiters who did not feel any responbility
for their employees. Frequent mining accidents made the immigrants' lives uncertain. And
when some Finns became socialists, employers even blacklisted those Finns who had nothing
to do with socialism. The Finns felt the blacklist as a bitter humiliation.

The Finnish immigrant group which migrated to Soviet Karrelia was in any aspects a
curious group. A great portion of this group sems to have come to America before World War
I. Thus, they had been in North America for fifteen to twenty-five years.22
Even though they had been in America for a long time, they felt that America was not ther
country. It is probable that those who went to Russia from Canada often had emigrated to
Canada only after World War I.

Almost all the Finnish emigrants were poor when they left Finland. They were farmers'
sons, crofters' sons, cottagers and workers. However, there was a difference between a
farmer's son and a cottager. The farmer considered himself to be slightly higher than the
latter on the social and economic scale. So it is very interesting to learn that there
were among emigrants to Soviet Karelia both those who had "good" backgrounds and
those who had "poor" backgrounds in Finland.

Moreover, the age structure was curious. Those who had come to America before World War
I were already thirty-five to forty-five years old when they left for Soviet Karelia. Very
often whole families migrated. Thus there were many children among emigration from the
United States. Among Canadian emigrants, there may have been many who were twenty to
thirty years old and who were single lumbermen.

What was the economic status of the emigrants when they left America? At first, some of
those who wanted to go to Soviet Karelia had to pay an entrance fee of five hundred
dollars. These people were also required to take all kinds of tools and special clothing
with them. This may mean that when somebody emigrated to Soviet Karelia he did not receive
any help from the Soviet government. Only occasionally was someone allowed to emigrate
without paying his own fare. So it seems that those who migrated from North America to
Soviet Karelia were not rich, but compared with other Finns were relatively well-to-do.23

During their trip to Soviet Karelia the Finns were an interesting group. When they left
New York they waved red handkerchiefs and sang the "International" and
"Free Russia". On board ship, they organized themselves into work groups and
committees. Those who broke common rules were disciplined by their comrades at their own
courts. They insisted that on the Swedish-American Line's ships, the Finnish national hymn
not be played, because, they said, the trip was intended as a "glad happening".
They collected money for Työmies, Eteenpäin, Vapaus, the Swedish
Communist Party, the Finnish Communist Party and of course for Soviet Russia. In Sweden,
especially in Gothenburg, they showed what an active and noisy group they were, and when
the ships stopped in Finnish ports they cursed and abused those returning Finns who left
the ship, and again waved red handkerchiefs and sang songs.24

When the immigrants came to Soviet Karelia, they were full of optimism. Since they haid
learned in America that everything was not yet perfect in Karelia, they were ready to
enter an imperfect society. It seems, however, that they were not reaidy enough for those
difficulties that they met when they came to the new land. There was not enough food, and
the food that was available was worse than they had been accustomed to eating in America.
Houses were smaller, colder and dirtier than in America. It wais difficult to get new
clothes. They found that the work system was disorganized. Natives and other settlers were
occasionially hostile and often asked why these rich Americans came to eat their bread.
They unexpectedly found quarreling among the Finns already there. And they particularly
missed the freedom of expression they had enjoyed in North America. In America workers had
been accustomed to protesting in the streets to demand the social problems be remedied.
But in Soviet Karelia they had to accustom themselves to a situation where authorities
ordered everything and individuals were only allowed to do what they were commanded to do.25
Accordinigly, many Finnish-Americans in Soviet Karelia felt disappointed and began to
think of ways to get back to America.

A part of those who came to Soviet Karelia were citizens of Finland and many were
citizens of the United States or Canada. When they came to Leningraid, many of them
thought that their American citizenship was no longer of any value. As a result many
renounced it and became citizens of the Soviet Union. For the last-menitioned group it was
very difficult leave Russia. For American citizens, on the other hand, the return was
quite simple and they usually came back by way of Finland.

On the basis of materials that I have collected through interviews it seems that about
half of those who emigrated to Soviet Karelia returned to Finland, the United States or
Canada. Many of them stayed in Finland beause they did not have enough money to travel
back to America. Those who returned to the United States or Canada very often seem to have
gone to localities where they were not known, where there was nobody who could ask how
they had succeeded in building the "new society" in Soviet Russia.

For the United States and Canada, the 10,000 Finns who left for Soviet Karelia were
numerically only of little importance, especially because there were millions of people
out of work. For the Soviet economy, these 10,000 immigrants were quite insignificant.
However, for Soviet Karelia this group may have been of value. They brought dollars and
helped to complete the quotos that the Soviet Karelian lumber industry had to reach. In
addition, Finns brought with them certain technical skills which aided in the
industrialization of Karelia, especiailly its timber industry.

The importance of the emigration from North America to Soviet Karelia was thus
generally quite small. For the Finnish-American communist movement, the loss of thousands
of active members was, on the other hand, a heavy blow. The communist workingmen's
societies no doubt lost some of their most able members. They had been of value when
social evenings were arranged, when demonstrators were needed, or when they had to find
people to collect money for the party or for their newspapers. Along with these members
there was also a decided loss of leadership from the movement.

I believe that the migration to Soviet Karelia marked the beginning of the decline of
the Finnish-American communist movement. The two other worker movements among the
Finnish-Americans, the socialist and the IWW movements, had suffered this fate earlier.
But it must also be said that the unsuccessful emigration to Soviet Karelia did not kill
the Finnish-American communist movement. The movement still has an active core group which
has worked so effectively that today Työmies-Eteenpäin is still published as are
two other leftist newspapers, Raivaaja and Industrialisti.

References

1 Reino Kero, "The Return of Emigrants from America to Finland", Publications
of the Institute of General History (University of Turku, Finland No. 4, 1972), p. 20.

For example, Kalle Toivola, a well-known Finnish-American Socialist, wrote in
his short story "Uni" as follows: "America is a 'free country', we do not
need any kind of opinions here". Vappu, 1908, p. 13.

For more on the number of Soviet Karelian emigrants, see Reino Kero,
"Satakuntalainen amerikansiirtolaisuus ennen ensimmäistä maailmansotaa. Lähtö ja
muuttoliikkeet", Phil. Lic. Thesis, University of Turku, 1970, pp. 207-216.

13

The fluctuation of the Soviet Karelian emigrations can be revealed to some
extent on the basis of the greetings in the newspapers.

14

Kero, "Satakuntalainen amerikansiirtolaisuus", p. 212-214.

15

For example, the Työmies, November 25, 1931, issue noted that Finnish
Social Democrats are devoted helpers of Fascists in preparation for war against the Soviet
Union."

16

Työmies, June 21, 1931.

17

For example, the July 23, 1929, issue of the Työmies said:
"Workers! Defend Soviet Russia! The only correct information on the new imperialistic
blockade against the Soviet Union you get when you read the Työmies."