History

PNAC was founded in 1997 during the Clinton administration by William Kristol and Robert Kagan.[3] PNAC's original 25 signatories were an eclectic mix of academics and conservative politicians, several of whom subsequently found positions in the presidential administration of George W. Bush.

PNAC was set up because the founders felt that there was a lack of coherence in America's foreign policy and that America was not being as dominant as it should be in world politics.

Kristol was the editor and founder of The Weekly Standard,[4] a prominent Neoconservative publication of the day. William Kristol has been affiliated with many publications and neoconservative groups. He has also played a part in the US government in the Office of the Vice President: he was Chief of Staff to Dan Quayle, 1989-1992 and Office of the Secretary of Education: Chief of Staff/Counselor for Education Secretary William Bennett, 1985-1988.

Among other notable founder members of PNAC were Jeb Bush,[5] the Governor of Florida and brother of President George W. Bush, Dick Cheney,[6] the Vice President to George W. Bush, Francis Fukuyama,[7] an author of neoconservative literature, Dan Quayle,[8] vice president to George Bush Senior, Donald Rumsfeld,[9] former Secretary of Defence to George W. Bush, and Paul Wolfowitz,[10] who has held many government positions and is the former President of the World Bank.

Purpose

The main purpose of PNAC was to approach the then administration with views on what should be done within the field of global affairs.

According to PNAC, America needed to:

Reposition permanently based forces to Southern Europe, Southeast Asia and the Middle East;

Develop and deploy a global missile defense system, and develop a strategic dominance of space;

Control the "International Commons" of cyberspace;

Increase defense spending to a minimum of 3.8 percent of gross domestic product, up from 3 percent.[11]

These points show that PNAC can be seen as an imperial force that wishes to be in the lead of all global politics. The term that would be used for this is full spectrum dominance and this can be found in a US government document called Joint Vision 2020[12]. This document lays out the way forward for America to become the leading force in the world. Full spectrum dominance incorporates land, sea and air, but also space and cyberspace. The policy of full spectrum dominance has not only been endorsed by PNAC but has also been actively encouraged through the use of the Joint Vision 2020 doctrine.

"Exploit the 'revolution in military affairs' [transformation to high-tech, unmanned weaponry] to insure the long-term superiority of U.S. conventional forces."

"Need to develop a new family of nuclear weapons designed to address new sets of military requirements" complaining that the U.S. has "virtually ceased development of safer and more effective nuclear weapons."

"Facing up to the realities of multiple constabulary missions that will require a permanent allocation of U.S. forces."

"America must defend its homeland" by "reconfiguring its nuclear force" and by missile defense systems that "counteract the effects of the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction."

"Need for a larger U.S. security perimeter" and the U.S. "should seek to establish a network of 'deployment bases' or 'forward operating bases' to increase the reach of current and future forces," citing the need to move beyond Western Europe and Northeast Asia to increased permanent military presence in Southeast Asia and "other regions of East Asia." Necessary "to cope with the rise of China to great-power status."

Redirecting the U.S. Air Force to move "toward a global first-strike force."

End the Clinton administration's "devotion" to the Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty.

"North Korea, Iran, Iraq, or similar states [should not be allowed] to undermine American leadership, intimidate American allies, or threaten the American homeland itself."

"Main military missions" necessary to "preserve Pax Americana" and a "unipolar 21st century" are the following: "secure and expand zones of democratic peace, deter rise of new great-power competitor, defend key regions (Europe, East Asia, Middle East), and exploit transformation of war."

According to the PNAC report, "The American peace has proven itself peaceful, stable, and durable. Yet no moment in international politics can be frozen in time: even a global Pax Americana will not preserve itself." To preserve this "American peace" through the 21st century, the PNAC report concludes that the global order "must have a secure foundation on unquestioned U.S. military preeminence." The report struck a prescient note when it observed that "the process of transformation is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event -- like a new Pearl Harbor."

Many of PNAC's conclusions and recommendations are reflected in the White House's National Security Strategy document of September 2002, which reflects the "peace through strength" credo that shapes PNAC strategic thinking.

Personnel

Original 25 signatories

William J. Bennett, who served during the Reagan and first Bush administrations as U.S. Secretary of Education and Drug Czar. Upon leaving government office, Bennett became a "distinguished fellow" at the conservative Heritage Foundation, co-founded Empower America, and established himself as a self-proclaimed expert on morality with his authorship of The Book of Virtues: A Treasury of Great Moral Stories (Simon & Schuster, 1993)

Jeb Bush, the son of former President George H. W. Bush and brother of President George W. Bush. At the time of PNAC's founding, Jeb Bush was a candidate for the Florida governor's seat, a position which he currently holds.

Dick Cheney, the former White House Chief of Staff to Gerald R. Ford, six-term Congressman, and Secretary of Defense to the first President Bush, was serving as president of the oil-services giant Halliburton Company at the time of PNAC's founding. He subsequently became U.S. vice president under George W. Bush.

Steve Forbes, publisher, billionaire, and Republican presidential candidate in 1996 and 2000. Forbes has also campaigned actively on behalf of the "flat tax," which would reduce the federal tax burden for wealthy individuals like himself.

Donald Kagan, professor of history and classics at Yale University and the author of books including While America Sleeps: Self-Delusion, Military Weakness, and the Threat to Peace Today; A Twilight Struggle: American Power and Nicaragua, 1977-1990; and The Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace. Kagan is also a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a contributing editor at the Weekly Standard and a Washington Post columnist, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Alexander Hamilton fellow in American diplomatic history at American University. Past experience includes: Deputy for Policy in the State Department's Bureau of Inter-American Affairs (1985-1988); State Department's Policy Planning Staff member (1984-1985); speechwriter to Secretary of State George P. Shultz (1984-1985); foreign policy advisor to Congressman Jack Kemp (1983); Special Assistant to the Deputy Director of the United States Information Agency (1983); Assistant Editor at the Public Interest (1981).

Zalmay Khalilzad, an Afghan-American who was the only Muslim among the group's original signatories and the only signatory who was not a native-born U.S. citizen. Khalilzad has became the Bush administration's special envoy to Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban as well as is special envoy to the Iraqi opposition to Saddam Hussein. Khalilzad has written about information warfare, and in 1996 (in pre-Taliban days), he served as a consultant to the oil company Unocal Corporation (UNOCAL) regarding a "risk analysis" for its proposed pipeline project through Afghanistan and Pakistan.

J. Danforth Quayle, former vice president under President George Herbert Walker Bush and a presidential candidate himself in 1996.

Peter W. Rodman, who served in the State Department and the National Security Council under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Herbert Walker Bush, became the current Bush administration's Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security affairs in 2001.

Stephen P. Rosen, Beton Michael Kaneb Professor of National Security and Military Affairs at Harvard University.

Original 25 signatories given positions in Bush Administration

Of the 25 original signatories of PNAC, 14 members were given positions in the Bush Administration.

Elliott Abrams - Appointed to National Security Council. He was first appointed as Chief Human Rights Officer then as Senior Director of North East and North African Affairs. In 2005, he became Bush's Deputy Assisstant and the deputy national security adviser for global democracy strategy. [15]

Dick Cheney – Vice President of the United States. He is also a former fellow of the AEI.[16]

Eliot Cohen – Member of Defense Policy Board. Counselor to Condoleezza Rice. In an article from 2005, Cohen continues to defend the decision to go to war in Iraq, however he criticises America’s ability to carry out the invasion successfully.[17].

Paula Dobriansky – Undersecretary of State for Democracy and Global affairs. Dobriansky was also a signatory of the letter to President Clinton urging him to take action in Iraq in 1998 [18].

Francis Fukuyama- Former Member of Bush’s Council on Bioethics. Although a PNAC signatory who had campaigned for the invasion of Iraq, Fukuyama changed his opinion after it became clear that the invasion was turning into ‘an increasingly bloody counterinsurgency conflict’, noting the need for changes in American foreign policy. [20].

Fred Iklé - Member of Defense Policy Board. Iklé also served on the AEI's advisory council on foreign policy. He is also a member of the board of governers for the Smith Richardson Foundation- a foundation which funds the AEI. [21].

Peter Rodman - Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (2001-2007). Rodman was deputy assistant for national security affairs for both Reagan and George Bush senior. He was also a signatory of early PNAC letters urging President Clinton to take action in Iraq.[25].

Affiliations with the American Enterprise Institute

The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy was founded in 1943 Lewis H Brown. [30] According to their website, the AEI is ‘a private, nonpartisan, not-for-profit institution dedicated to research and education on issues of government, politics, economics, and social welfare.’ Their purpose claims to be ‘to defend the principles and improve the institutions of American freedom and democratic capitalism--limited government, private enterprise, individual liberty and responsibility, vigilant and effective defense and foreign policies, political accountability, and open debate.[31].

The American Enterprise Institute has close ties with both the Project for the New American Century and the Bush Administration.

John Bolton, as well as being Senior Vice President for Public Policy Research for the AEI between 1997-2001, has also been involved with the Project for the New American Century and the Bush administration, taking on the roles of Undersecretary for the State for Arms Control and International Security Affairs (2001-2005) and as a United States representative to the UN (2005-2006). [33]. Bolton was a key support of the invasion of Iraq, reportedly saying to council members that "You are not going to decide whether there is war in Iraq or not. That decision is ours, and we have already made it. It is already final. The only question now is whether the council will go along with it or not."[34]

Paul Wolfowitz, one of the founding signatories of the Project for the New American Century, is a Visiting Scholar of the American Enterprise Institute. He is chair of the International Security Advisory Board and was previously Deputy Secretary of the Defense Department. (2001-2005). Wolfowitz also worked as the President of the World Bank (2005-June 2007). Like Bolton, Wolfowitz was an avid campaigner for the war in Iraq, being described as "a drum that would not stop. He and his group of neoconservatives were rubbing their hands over the ideas [for invading Iraq]."[35]

Irving Kristol considers himself a conservative, although he is widely believed to be one of the founding fathers of the neoconservative movement.[36]. It has been said that 'Kristol also played an important role in shaping the neoconservative connection to the think tank and pressure group world.' [37]. Kristol became a fellow of the AEI in the 1980s. [38].

Richard Perle was one of the main campaigners for the invasion of Iraq and the 'War on Terror' in the aftermath of 9/11.[39]. He has been described as a 'man of many hats:Pentagon policy adviser (resigned February 2004), former Likud policy adviser, media manager, international investor, op-ed writer, talk show guest, think tank expert, and ardent supporter of the war in Iraq.' [40]. Once named the 'Prince of Darkness' due to his anti-Soviet policies, Perle helped to shape foreign policies in the Bush Administration in the run up to the Iraq War. [41]

Jim Lobe, "Key Officials Used 9/11 As Pretext for Iraq War," Inter Press Service, July 15, 2003: "A close examination of the public record indicates that all of these individuals -- both in and outside the administration -- were actively preparing the ground within days, even hours, after the 9/11 attacks, for an eventual attack on Iraq, whether or not it had any role in the attacks or any connection to al Qaeda. The challenge, in their view, was to persuade the public that such links either did indeed exist or were sufficiently likely to exist that a preventive strike against Iraq was warranted. Their success in that respect was stunning, although, in order to pull it off, they also had to distort and exaggerate the evidence being collected by U.S. intelligence agencies." See cooked intelligence.