The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 14, 1862

By a single vote the proposal to publish the proceedings of the Constitutional Convention in the German language was rejected.

Mr. Muehlke, a Chicago delegate, proposed that the minutes of the Convention be published also in the German language, and recommended that the Illinois Staats-Zeitung be used as the medium of publication.

Mr. Kopfli, Democratic delegate from Highland, supported the efforts of Mr. Muehlke, and the proposal would have been adopted, if several delegates who favored it had not been absent when the vote was taken. Mr. Fuller, also a Chicago delegate supported the proposal.

It would not have been more than right to give German citizens an opportunity to read the proceedings of the Convention in the German language, for then they would be able to vote more intelligently when the new Constitution is 2submitted to the people for acceptance or rejection. No doubt Mr. Muehlke was very much encouraged when his first endeavors in behalf of a cause which normally would be frustrated by the predjudice of native Americans, were so nearly successful; and it is a great credit to those Democrats who cast aside all party differences and voted in favor of so strong an opposition organ as the Illinois Staats-Zeitung; although they were probably influenced by the fact that this paper has the largest circulation of any German newspaper in the City.

By a single vote the proposal to publish the proceedings of the Constitutional Convention in the German language was rejected. Mr. Muehlke, a Chicago delegate, proposed that the minutes of ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- March 06, 1862

Since the Tuesday afternoon dispatches did not confirm the news that Franz Sigel had been appointed Major General, we sent the following telegram to our Congressman, Isaac N. Arnold:

"We published your dispatch about the appointment of Franz Sigel as Major General in an extra edition. The dispatches of the Journal do not confirm the report. Please advise us."

In answer to the above we received the following telegram from Mr. Arnold:

"Sigel was appointed Major General and the Senate confirmed the appointment."

And yesterday we received the following letter which Mr. Arnold wrote on 2Monday:

"I have just sent you a telegram stating that your favorite, heroic Franz Sigel, is now Major General Sigel. No appointment could give me more pleasure than this one. Sigel certainly deserved it as recognition of his services. Our Germans have also merited this recognition of their patriotic and noble devotion to the cause of the Union. I congratulate you!

"Yourstruly,

"Isaac N. Arnold."

So Sigel is really a Major General; however it required many a hard struggle to obtain this well earned distinction for him. His deeds and those of his fellow Americans of German descent were his best and most effective intercessors. On the other hand, powerful and influential persons rose up against him.

The nativists, especially the military nativists, seem to have actually conspired against him to prevent his appointment. No ways and means were to low nor too infamous for their purposes, and even a few days before his promotion they circulated unfavorable reports about him in Government circles at Washington. We cite this one for example: In order to deprive him of his good reputation as a European General, they spread the rumor that the General Sigel who led the Bavarian Revolutionary Army is not the Sigel who is now in America, but an uncle of the latter. This is but one of many false rumors which were disseminated. And the tactlessness of some of Sigel's friends, who published confidential private conversations and private letters of the Major General, in which he frankly voiced his opinion of his superiors, even the President, played into the hands of his enemies.

These obstacles never would have been removed by resolutions of German mass meetings or through the efforts of German deputations. There was only one way to fight these enemies successfully, only one way to enforce Sigel's claims to promotion: by having liberal minded and fair minded congressmen 4exert their influence upon the President.

The entire course of the Sigel matter shows that the procedure followed by the Illinois Staats-Zeitung was the only correct one. Representatives I.N. Arnold, Washburne, and Lovejoy of Illinois, and Representative Ashley of Ohio very willingly complied with our request that they intercede with the President in Sigel's behalf. Mr. Arnold was in constant correspondence with us in order to obtain the necessary information to refute the charges which were made against Sigel in Washington. These Representatives deserve the eternal gratitude of all German-Americans. The President, too, has earned our thanks for not permitting himself to be misled by nativistic misrepresentations, and for being just to the Germans and to their heroic champion.

And since it was so difficult to win this triumph of Sigel, it must be considered a great and enduring triumph of Germanism over Nativism. It will create a very favorable impression in Germany; and the Homestead Act and the repeal of the Massachussetts Amendment will prove to the Germans in 5the old country that the great principle of equality which was embodied in the Chicago Platform on demand of the Germans of this city, is a living and vitalizing principle, and that it will be strengthened and expanded by the present War, no matter whether hostilities continue for a long time, or whether they are terminated in a short while.

Since the Tuesday afternoon dispatches did not confirm the news that Franz Sigel had been appointed Major General, we sent the following telegram to our Congressman, Isaac N. Arnold: "We ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 08, 1862

Colonel Revere, of the Seventh New Jersey Regiment, has addressed to the Governor of New Jersey a long letter in which he gives his expert opinion on two matters: recruiting and the organization of Negro regiments. Colonel Revere has seen thirty years of military service, having fought in Mexico, India, and Egypt. So he is well able to pass judgment, and we can expect that his judgment will receive due consideration.

With reference to the organization of Negro regiments Revere has this to say: "There has been much argument as to whether blacks can be rendered fit for military service. I have had many years of experience with black troops--with Sepoys, Malays, the black troops of the Mohammedan nobles of Asia, the black troops of the French in Algiers, and the black regiments of India--and I claim, on the basis of my experience, that blacks can be successfully trained for military service.

"Iron discipline, unconditional, blind obedience, and complete renouncement of will are the life and soul of an army; they constitute its power, its invincible strength. However, an army can acquire these requisites only in the school of experience, through active service. The free citizens of the North, owing to their innate desire for freedom and equality, can be persuaded only with the greatest difficulty to subject their will to that of another person. But it will not be diffucult to make soldiers of the Negroes; only they must be put under the leadership of whites, because they will not obey officers of their own race.

"England and France are organizing the black natives of India and Egypt, and are thus acquiring a great military reserve. I have been in battles in which regiments of Negroes have fought, and I am convinced that any combination of 'flesh and bones,' irrespective of race or color, can be successfully trained for effective military service.

"Anybody who has seen, as all naval officers have, how the herculean Negroes from 3our South competed with white sailors on our battleships, how they fearlessly and efficiently manned and worked cannons amid the most dreadful firing by the enemy, or anybody who has seen how ably and deftly they can handle a gun or a sword will certainly agree with me.

"We need reinforcements very badly. So send us all the men you possibly can, blacks and whites, and we shall make good use of all of them."

We should have organized dozens of Negro regiments as early as last year, and today there are still several thousands of young, able men of this race who are only too willing to enlist for service in defense of the Union. It is really strange that some whites still would submit to compulsory military service rather than accept the help of loyal Negroes. They are just as foolish as a person who is drowning and refuses to be saved by a man because the color of the man's face does not suit him.

Colonel Revere, of the Seventh New Jersey Regiment, has addressed to the Governor of New Jersey a long letter in which he gives his expert opinion on two matters: recruiting ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 13, 1863

An emancipation meeting was called to order by Mr. Miller at 8 o'clock, after the Chicago Arbeiterverein Chorus, led by the Great Western Band, had arrived, having displayed in a parade a large banner inscribed "Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863.

On recommendation of Mr. Miller, Mr. Brown was elected chairman, and he explained the purpose of the meeting in a brief but excellent address.

Thereupon Mr. Caspar Butz ascended the speaker's platform and said:

"I believed that the time of mass meetings had passed; but I was mistaken. The news of emancipation has been published and the Emancipation Act went into effect on January 1, 1863, and the fact that so many of my German friends have assembled here is evidence that this measure of the President has found 2great favor with them.

"Our people have commendable characteristics. In this War they have shown an endurance and a courage which are unique in the annals of man.

"It has been said that emancipation will cause Negroes to flock to the North, but that assumption is wrong; on the contrary, it is just emancipation that will keep Negroes in the South. Repeal emancipation, and the Negroes will soon be knocking at your door.

"I would like to say to the gentlemen who are trying to sow the seed of discord among us Northerners: 'Take care, the people have cast their eyes upon you and will know how and where to find you.'

"What do they want? Peace? A nation which has more than eight hundred thousand men under arms can make peace only on the field of battle. [Translator's note: Verbatim. It is not clear from the connection, who "they" refers to.]

"But, I tell you, that these traitors will soon lose courage, when they realize that the people, the workers among the people, will find ways and means of protecting their own interests. It is our duty to be on our guard and to watch, so that the advantages which our brave German soldiers have gained by shedding their blood on the battlefield are not lost."

The assembly loudly and generously applauded the speaker. While the band played a patriotic selection, the banner which the Arbeiterverein brought was hoisted and gave rise to much cheering. The ensign was inscribed with the words: "In union there is strength."

Mr. Butz then read the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted by the assembly:

"Whereas, In a time of great danger for the country, when the bloodiest war the world has ever known is being waged by civilization against barbarians, and when the fate of our beloved fatherland is being decided, it is the duty of every 4true patriot to lift up his voice in behalf of the bleeding country; be it therefore

"Resolved, That we have not yet lost faith in those principles which once called this Republic into being, and that we will always esteem them very highly, since the best blood of the country now copiously flows for the protection of these principles--the eternal principles of liberty, equality, and justice. Be it further

"Resolved, That we are firmly convinced that, as far as we are concerned, this War is a war for the preservation of our constitutional freedom, and of the blessings accruing from such freedom, and that, to use the words of a prominent man, 'when the bloody despotism of the slaveholder challenges us, crying: "The worker shall be a slave," we, the free citizens of the North, answer: defiantly "The worker shall be a free man!"' Be it further

"Resolved, That while we deplore the mistakes which the Administration has made, 5and the evident lack of knowledge of the principles of effective warfare, and the corruption prevalent among so many officials, we consider the Emancipation Proclamation to be a herald of better days, marking January 1,1863 as one of the most memorable days in the history of America, as the beginning of a new era of freedom. Be it further

"Resolved, That we ask the President to abide by the decision which he has made, since retrogression at this time would result in the destruction of the most magnificent temple that was ever built on earth--the temple of freedom; and that we also ask him either to force his present counselors on constitutional matters to aid him in carrying out his policy, or replace them with men who understand the trend of the times. Be it further

"Resolved, That the nation cannot dispense with the services of men like John Fremont or Butler, the able leader who was the first general to teach us how to suppress the Rebellion, and like brave Turchin, and many other patriots who did much for the cause of the Union. Be it further

"Resolved, That we thank Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois, for his excellent statesmanlike, patriotic, and inspiring message, which, as we are firmly convinced, expresses the true attitude of the great majority of the people of the United States. Be it further

"Resolved, That we warn those senators and representatives in Springfield who contemplate treason but have not the courage to execute their infamous schemes, to watch their step, since the people of this state are on the alert and will not tolerate treason to run rampant in Illinois as it did in Missouri. Be it further

"Resolved, That the infamous parts contained in the Constitution of the state of Illinois, the so-called 'black laws,' are a disgrace to a free state, and inconsistent with the recently issued glorious decree of freedom, and that we hope that the day will soon come when the people themselves will delete the obnoxious statutes from our legal code. Be it further

"Resolved, That the chairman of this meeting is authorized and requested to 7send a copy of these resolutions to President Abraham Lincoln, to Governor Richard Yates, and to the patriotic members of the Cook County delegation in Springfield, so that the latter may present them to the state legislature."

The reading of these resolutions fairly electrified the assembly, and there was loud and prolonged cheering when Butler's name was mentioned.

Thereupon the Chorus of the Arbeiterverein rendered a selection under the leadership of Director Rein.

Mr. Wilhelm Rapp then spoke to the vast throng. Lack of space and time make it necessary to publish only the more important statements which he made. He said in part:

"To begin with, I bring you greetings from our esteemed friend Kapp, who was to be the principal speaker this evening, but had to go to St. Louis on very 8important business that could not be postponed. No doubt, he is with us in spirit. And if Willich, the champion of our cause, knew what has happened in this meeting, his heart would leap for joy, despite the fact that he is suffering in captivity. The spirit of Willich also rules in the hearts of other great men of German origin, for instance, in Franz Sigel, who was obliged to remain in Dumfries, like a chained lion, while the battle of Frederickburg was in progress. "Today, my friends, we are celebrating the victory of freedom, the victory which the liberal War party won over our weak Administration. However, I do not believe that the Proclamation will be enforced, as long as such a man as W. H. Steward heads the Cabinet at Washington. Indeed, I am certain, that even we could accomplish much more, if we applied our wonted Teuton energy, though we are inclined to be somewhat rough at times.

"I do not blame the President, because he does not understand external politics; but now he has called a man from the South who knows very much about the subject; I refer to Benjamin F. Butler. (Loud applause.) He had shown that he does, even before he left New Orleans. He is the man whom I would place at the 9head of the Cabinet. In addition, his appointment to that position is desirable on account of the present status of interior affairs. Mumford was hanged in New Orleans because he trampled upon our national flag. In Chicago, too, there are people who commit similar despicable acts, and heretofore the Government has not had the courage to do more than place them under arrest. That is a poor policy. They should either be set free, or should be made to bear the full punishment for their evil deeds.

"Last week the Democrats in the state legislature at Springfield even contemplated removing Governor Yates from office and offered the position of Provisional Governor to Mr. Richardson. However, he declined, because he said he was constantly bothered by dreams about ropes. No doubt, this man was thinking about Butler.

"I do not hold the Democrats responsible for the acts of their leaders. Very likely they (the Democrats) now realize that they have been deceived by the men who head their party.

"Therefore, it is the duty of our German Democratic friends to leave the party that has trifled with their feelings. They should not obligate themselves in any manner, but be independent, as we are; we are not dependent upon our leaders, and have proved that today, when we criticized and made recommendations to President Abraham Lincoln.

"This meeting was arranged by the Arbeiterverein. This Society recognizes that this battle is a battle of workers and have so indicated very clearly in the resolutions they made here today."

The speaker concluded by pointing out that the English proletarians have taken the same viewpoint.

Thereupon the Arbeiterverein Chorus sang "The Battle Cry of Freedom".

Mr. [A. C.] Hesing was now asked to address the assembly, but he declined the honor, recommending that Dr. Schmidt be called upon.

Dr. Schmidt took the speakers stand and made a brief address. He said, "I am greatly moved today by the memory of the fact that December 2, 1859, a small group of men met in Kinzie Hall, to mourn the death of a man who was unquestionably the first champion of the present great movement for liberty, equality, and justice, and who became a martyr to the ideals of freedom. John Brown undoubtedly was the herald of the great change which is now being effected in the nation."

Dr. Schmidt spoke in glowing terms of the blessed results of emancipation and concluded his address amid loud cheers.

He was followed by Mr. C. H. Hawley, who spoke in English.

Adjournment took place after the Arbeiterverein Chorus rendered another selection.

The Hall was so crowded that many persons found only standing room, and fully 12one sixth of the assembly consisted of ladies.

Thus ended the largest meeting ever held by Germans in Chicago, the emancipation meeting of the Chicago Arbeiterverein.

An emancipation meeting was called to order by Mr. Miller at 8 o'clock, after the Chicago Arbeiterverein Chorus, led by the Great Western Band, had arrived, having displayed in a ...

Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 17, 1867

Our friends in Aurora sent us the September 12 issue of their Beacon, in which there is a detailed report of a meeting which was held on September 1 by the advocates of temperance. We cannot say that the report offers anything new or original. It is the old story, although the "mourning brigade" was not represented. It is interesting to learn that the apostles of bigotry and hatred still persecute us Teutons as "diabolical opponents of the most salutary reform the world has ever heard of". Since these so-called reformers are still active, it is up to us Germans to unite with the enlightened English-speaking citizens in making war on a common enemy.

The main speaker in the aforementioned meeting was the Honorable Charles Button.

"Who are they," asks this clergyman, with the righteous indignation of an Old Testament prophet. "Who are they that organize 'beer conventions' in opposition to our efforts to reform our fellow men? Who are they that lend their hand to overthrow the institutions of this great Republic and refuse to support any candidate for public office who does not promise to do everything within his power to abolish all Sunday laws? They are our German fellow citizens. They are trying with might and main to undermine the Christian religion, and therewith the very foundation of free government. They threaten to bring about the defeat of the Republican party unless that political body advocates free whiskey and free beer.

"The Germans rendered valuable services; they fought very bravely in the late War, but they have no right to force upon the New World the unrepublican and immoral principles which they brought with them when they came here from the old country. Beer gardens and desecration of the Sabbath was against morality and cannot be tolerated. The Germans speak of their rights, but 3are they the only citizens of American who have rights? Have the adherents to religion and the advocates of law, order, and temperance no rights?"

We need not tell our readers, and especially our friends in Aurora, that this is all bosh. This good man, like all his "brethren in the Lord," is laboring under the foolish notion that this great continent was created solely for the benefit of a few thousand New England "saints," and that all other nationalities are nothing but helots who are subservient to the whims of fanatical puritans. And as to the desires and ambitions of Germans and their attitude toward liberty, justice, and equality--well he knows as little about them as a blind man knows about colors. Were this not so, he would not prate about "Teutonic endeavors to overthrow the institutions of this country, and to transplant to America unrepubliean and inmoral principles". Indeed, this country would be much better off if none of its inhabitants were more unrepublican and immoral than the Germans are. There is no other nation that is less disposed to encroach upon the rights of 4others, and it was not until the Germans came to the United States that they learned to appreciate and to cling to the rights that are guaranteed all Americans in our precious documents, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. However, the advocates of temperance are acting in the manner of all fanatics. While they still have stolen goods in their possession, they cry, "Stop thief!" And while they are endeavoring to convince others of the excellence of their narrow-minded bigotry, and would have the state force their unjust measures upon others, they complain of attempts to deprive them of their constitutional rights. There is no remedy against such blindness, and, as we all know, we cannot expect to get anything but beef from an ox.

Mr. Young who spoke after Mr. Mutton, I mean Button, is a very crafty person. He said, among other things, that "the best way to enforce prohibition laws is to grant women the right to vote," and that he was "not in favor of permitting flunkies who had all their possessions wrapped in a handkerchief when they 5came over here, to frustrate the will which women voice at the polls".

Is there anything else that bothers you, Mr. Young? Have you any other pains? It seems you would deprive German immigrants of the right to vote, and grant women that right, and, as the press informs us daily, women frequently employ very radical measures to gain their objects.

We hope that our friends in Aurora will give this impudent scoundrel, who is supposed to be of German descent, a good piece of their mind. They have a good opportunity to do so, for this fellow is a job hunter, a candidate for representative to Congress. [Translator's note: It is not clear whether the author refers to Mr. Button or Mr. Young in this paragraph.]

Our friends in Aurora sent us the September 12 issue of their Beacon, in which there is a detailed report of a meeting which was held on September 1 by ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- April 13, 1869

The German "collection plate" is again making the rounds in America. The city of Cannstadt wishes to erect a monument to Wilhelm, King of Swabia, and the "ignorant" Germans in America, who "are rolling in wealth," are being asked to contribute to the fund.

Now, it is true that old King Wilhelm was a good man, and it will not be forgotten that he remained a "good German" at the time when France dominated Germany (Napoleon's time) and all other rulers in Germany were doing their utmost to further French customs among Germans; no doubt he was much more German than the present enemies of Prussia who dwell on the Neckar and who would revive the Rhenish Confederation as soon as possible; but just because 2of this infamous attitude it is doubly shameful that these obstinate beggars of Swabia are stretching their hands to the Germans across the ocean for donations. Of course, if this attitude is made plain to them, they will be ready with the indignant reply:

"Why, it is not just for the sake of the money; we merely seek evidence of your love toward your mother country, and we wanted to do the Swabians in America a favor by giving them an opportunity to participate in this most worthy cause."

However, we are familiar with such lame excuses; they are nothing more than a mask which covers the greed of our "good friends" across the sea. Apparently the committee which is doing the begging here thinks that it is making a valuable contribution to a public enterprise by composing pathetic requests. That is the "mite" which the members of the committee contribute; they keep their money in their own pockets.

As far as we can see the German press in America is unanimous in its contempt for habitual begging on the part of the Germans. Regarding this habit the West Bote says:

"If the officials of Cannstadt wish to erect a monument in honor of the late King Wilhelm, let then reach into their own pockets. The Germans in America will not contribute to the glorification of a kingdom that chased them across the ocean. We advise these beggars to withdraw their petition and spare themselves further disgrace. They will receive no assistance here, neither copper nor paper, much less gold. Now, it is true, in America begging is not prohibited by law as it is abroad; but it does not look well when the admirers of a kingdom solicit funds in our American Republic. Even our good friend Wilhelm Rapp who makes no effort to conceal his admiration for Wilhelm, King of Swabia, says:

"By the way, it is our opinion that Wuerttemberg is wealthy enough to erect 4a monument to the honor of the man who did so much for the development of cattle and horse-breeding, agriculture, and manufacturing in his country, and who bravely led his soldiers against the French; but in view of the fact that the wounds which we suffered in the Civil War have not yet healed, we can and must contribute to causes that are more useful and urgent than a monument could ever be."

We agree, Swabia, once a poor, starved country, became rich chiefly through the ability and foresight of King Wilhelm, and can easily donate enough money to pay for ten monuments. However, the people living on the banks of the Neckar, like those who dwell on the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, have not developed the sense of honor which prohibits respectable people from asking others for money, while they themselves are living in affluence. Perhaps rude refusals of their bold requests will help develop a sense of decency in these people.

Often, when it has been necessary, mother countries have assisted their 5colonies, and that is only natural. Thus some German religious organizations which settled in America have received assistance from their brothers in faith in Germany; but now matters are reversed. Germany, which is rich, which holds American securities worth $400,000,000, is not ashamed to beg from those of her sons whom she has banished to a foreign country. But appeal to her for contributions to some worthy cause in America--say a German hospital in New York--and see how much money you will get! Our former countrymen would not contribute one cent; yea, they would regard any plea for their aid as an affront. When eighty brave German fathers were killed in the terrible massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, five years ago, an appeal for aid for the widows and children of these unfortunate victims of Indian treachery and brutality was published in Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, the most widely read newspaper in Germany. And how much money do you suppose our rich German friends across the ocean donated? Not one penny! This despite the fact that by that time many thousands of German capitalists, big and little, had realized enormous sums from their investments in American securities.

"Not one penny!" --henceforth let that be the answer of all German-Americans to all petitions which are directed from the mother country to her emigrant sons, who, like stepchildren were forced to find a new and better home in America.

The German "collection plate" is again making the rounds in America. The city of Cannstadt wishes to erect a monument to Wilhelm, King of Swabia, and the "ignorant" Germans in ...

Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 25, 1870

When Louis Napoleon put an end to the French Republic, he considered it necessary that the French people approve of this act of violence. The president became emperor "by the grace of God and the will of the French people." Thus he claimed that God approved of the perjury which he committed, and that the French people wished that the will of the traitor to the French Republic should thereafter be the will of the French people. So the Second Empire was founded on an infamous lie, and legitimitized itself from the outset as the genuine successor to the First Empire; for the whole history of the Napoleons is proof of the fact that the entire Napoleonic system is based upon a gross falsehood. The first Napoleon represented himself as the standard-bearer of the French Republic which always claimed that it was wont to fight only in self defense. Napoleon III said, "Imperial rule is equivalent to peace." However, during the reign of Napoleon I, as well as during the reign of 2Napoleon III, the history of France is a nearly continuous succession of wars of offense. The Napoleons established their rule by military force and maintained it by sword and cannon. Imperial rule is equivalent to war, for the glory of war is the only basis on which the reign of the Napoleons can rest. Only when France can prescribe laws for other nations can she forget the disgrace resulting from the fact that she knows only obedience on her own soil. Napoleon I and Napoleon III both declared publicly that France could dictate laws to the other nations of Europe only if Germany were weak and disunited.

History has proved the truth of that statement once, and is about to do so again. The world dominion of Napoleon I collapsed when the German people, defying the wish of most German rulers, rebelled; and now all Germany, united under able leaders, is opposing the tottering power of Napoleon III. There can be no doubt about the result. It was Napoleon himself who said, "A great nation that is fighting for a just cause is invincible." However, in France there is much dissension; it is the emperor who is doing the fighting, and his 3cause is criminal, for it is he who is attacking without a reason for doing so, solely for the purpose of cementing his tottering empire together for his son--with German blood. Only on the German side are the people, a united people, fighting for a just cause, for they are defending their honor and their land. The King of Prussia is merely the unanimously recognized leader of the German people. From the moment France declared war, there has been only one Germany, and in this one Germany there is only one party, the German party. Whatever differences individuals or parties have to settle among themselves, or with their rulers, have been put aside until it has been made impossible for the French emperor to force himself upon the German people as absolute judge of all German affairs.

What a nation needs most is independence, since it can be or become really free only if it is independent; this freedom must be won, it cannot be given, least of all by a foreign despot. Therefore, the sympathy of all Germans, even of the Republicans and of the Martyrs of the Revolution of 1848, are 4with the German National Army which is led by the most powerful German rulers, because the principal right of the German people, their complete independence of the arrogant dictates of the rulers of other nations, can be accomplished only under that leadership. However, although the people need that leadership, yet, as far as Germany is concerned, the war is not dynastic, that is, it is not a war for the promotion of the interests of the present German rulers, but a people's war in the full sense of the word. This fact is realized and acknowledged by both the German rulers and by the German people, and, therefore, both rulers and people are presenting a united front.

Thus Napoleon III completed what Napoleon I began; his desire for conquest has welded torn Germany together--against his wish or intentions. Germany, once voluntarily united, will always remain united, and a united Germany is the most reliable guaranty for the peace of all Europe, since it would erect a wide rampart against those nations whose greed is the principal cause of fear; a wall that would afford sufficient protection for the weak and innocent 5and, owing to the character of the people who erect it, would be sufficient security that the rights of neighboring states will be respected. German princes, like many other princes of Europe, have followed a policy of conquest; but the German people had only one intention, one object--to live in peace on their soil. However, if Germany is united, then the people must dictate her future policies.

Only because nature planted the desire for freedom so deeply into the heart of Germans, did they struggle against being amalgamated, just as Americans, during the early history of the Republic, fought against submission to a strong centralized common government; and rulers of Germany were able to put their will above the will of the people only because the latter were divided. The jealousy prevailing among the various tribes was the fire by which the princes forged the chains by which the people were held in bondage. The history of the year 1866 is irrefutable proof of that fact. The first thing the king of Prussia did, after peace had been concluded, was to ask the people's representatives to grant him immunity against the penalty for those of his 6acts which were contrary to the constitution. In Prussia, as it was prior to 1866, the king could have made his will the sole law of the country; but after 1866 the Prussian king was subject to the law as embodied in the constitution. However, if half of Germany was able to obtain this concession from the Victor of Sodowa, no future ruler will have sufficient power and influence to defy entire Germany.

So no matter from what standpoint we view the Franco Prussian War, our desire must be that Germany win, unless our judgment is impaired by prejudice, selfishness, or jealousy. Even though the French people make the cause of their emperor their own, that will not change matters in the least. France is responsible for the acts of Napoleon, having served as his willing tools for nearly two decades, and having approved his policies and deeds, while qualified to sit in judgment of them. According to justice and right, the French must, therefore, bear the consequences, and the whole civilized world must sympathize, not with France, but with Germany.

The American nation has many more, and much weightier reasons to do so. The United States was the first nation to lay down the two principles that government is not invested in rulers, but in the governed--the people--and that no nation has a right to interfere with the affairs of another nation. These two principles constitute the foundation of modern constitutional law, and Germany is defending them in this war. Napoleon presumed to prescribe, to the Spanish people, to whom they might offer the crown of Spain, and he has assumed the authority of dictating, to the king of Prussia, whom the latter must forbid to accept the Spanish crown. He has just as much right to do so as he had to tell the Mexicans whom they were to choose as their ruler. The United States objected to, and frustrated, Napoleon's "Mexican plan," because our country could not tolerate a violation of the afore-mentioned principles on the American continent. Can we Americans find a justification for Napoleon's late command, without being inconsistent and untrue to American principles?

However, the question of succession to the Spanish crown was merely a pretext 8for war; the real causes of the war are to be found in the results of the Battle of Sodowa. France's claim that she was the foremost among the great powers of Europe was questioned, and Napoleon feared that Prussia would become even more powerful. This fear was well founded, for the conduct of Southern Germans proved that they were by no means opposed to the change in Prussia's position in Germany; but is Germany obliged to remain a weak nation, just because the Napoleons can maintain their status as emperors only as long as France is the most powerful country of Europe? Perhaps Napoleon sympathizes with the Rebels (Confederates), because the Republic's rise to such gigantic power obscures the glory of the Empire. And does the chimera called "balance of European power" alter the matter even one whit? Just as nobody would have a right to interfere if the United States should become more powerful than all of the countries of Europe combined, so nobody has cause for just complaint, or a right to interfere, should Germany become the most powerful nation of Europe, as long as she did not increase her power at the expense of other nations. In dynastic interests, the princes of Europe have invented this system of artificial balance, which 9makes it necessary to regulate the scale every day. The peoples of Europe do not need this balance, for their interests are inseparably connected with, and dependent upon, an uninterrupted peace, a peace that is not wrought or maintained by the power of arms. Only the Napoleonic system of armed peace makes it necessary to use might to keep one nation within a certain limit of power, because another nation cannot keep pace with another nation's rate of economic development. It may profit princes to weaken neighboring countries, but the interests of the people of one nation are better served when the people of all other nations progress in every respect. The more the history of princes becomes the history of the people, and the history of the people becomes the history of the world, the more the term "balance of power" will become a meaningless phrase. Anybody who uses the brutal power of the sword to revive the chimera is an enemy of mankind, and anybody who destroys it will do the world a great service. The Napoleons must preserve this balance--as they understand it--at all events, even though they would have to fight a world war every year, for their throne will fall as soon as the "balance" of France is a notch below that of the 10other nations. The United States, on the other hand, has done more to prepare the way for the realization of true cosmopolitanism. Can Americans, then, sympathize with those whose entire political system (according to its innermost nature) demands that the barbarous medieval ideas that are opposed to freedom and all other interests of free people be preserved by the application of violent measures?

Thus, Germany is fighting for those principles on which the whole history of America hinges. And there is not even one circumstance which could make it difficult for America to live up to her principles, while there are many good reasons why she should act in accordance with her convictions, as far as that is possible, without violating her neutrality laws. Some American news-papers have not been ashamed to conjure up the ghosts of those "Hessians" who fought on the side of England in the Revolutionary War, to prejudice our people against Germany. Do they not know, or do they not want to know, that those unfortunate Hessians were sold like cattle and forced to take up arms, and that not only the prominent men of Germany, like Schubert and Schiller, 11but also the entire German nation, condemned and execrated this crime? Is it right to make the present people of Germany responsible for the abominable acts which some German "noblemen" committed more than a hundred years ago? And then those newspapers contrast Lafayette and Louis XVI of France with those Hessians, to remind Americans of the "gratitude" which they owe France. But they say not a word about the Germans, who had settled in America before the Revolutionary War, and who fought side by side with the Americans during the entire war; they say not a word about von Steuben and DeKalb; not a word about Frederick The Great, the first, the best, and the truest friend of the struggling Republic. They glorify that momentary alliance made by jealous cousins for political reasons, and are silent about the harmony which existed among brothers for more than a hundred years, and which was disturbed for only a short time by unscrupulous, infamous dealers in human flesh. The French aided America only once, because it was to their advantage to do so; but time and again they caused our country great distress, in fact so great was that distress that even Washington and the misguided people felt that the hitherto 12imperturbable mutual confidence was faltering. And why refer to the musty past when the great deeds of yesterday are vivid in our memory? Who was it that wept and laughed with the Republic, while it was fighting for its very existence? And who was it that tried to undermine the very foundation of our country, and did everything possible to bring about the fall of the Union? We Americans of German descent fought with your native Americans from the battle of Bull Run to the battle of Appomattox, we bled with you, we conquered with you. And we do not ask your gratitude, for we know that we did no more than we were obligated to do as citizens of our beloved country. However, we expect you to sympathize with us, just as we felt toward you with every fiber of our being when the preservation of the Union was at stake. And the cause for which war is now being waged abroad concerns us personally. The men who are giving their lives in this cause are blood of our blood, and they are sacrificing themselves so that the graves of our fathers shall not be desecrated, and that our brothers may be independent and free. Do you expect us to be indifferent toward the outcome of this war, because we have become citizens of another country, and 13are safe? Woe unto this country, if that were the case, for anyone who can stifle his feeling for the land of his birth and youth, can have no feeling for his adopted country. And even though we have only done our duty as American citizens, can America forget the nation that gave her moral support when she was in very great danger?

During the Civil War, Napoleon ordered that no American bonds should be quoted on the stock exchange of Paris; in Germany even tradesmen and laborers used their pitifully small life's savings to buy them,for they were convinced that right and justice and liberty would finally win. If there are some who find the afore-stated facts inadequate to guide them in choosing between the present belligerents, let them be persuaded at least by their own interests, and they cannot fail to make the correct decision. England and France sided with the Rebels; the former because she considered that step to be of advantage to her manufacturers, and the latter, because Napoleon again was dreaming of an empire; Germany at once took sides with the cause of justice and liberty, and her judgment proved to be correct, despite Bull Run and all the other battles 14which the North lost. America will do well to follow this example, no matter how the fortunes of this war change from day to day. However, disregarding the final result, which will undoubtedly be in favor of Germany, America's immediate economic interests make it desirable that Germany be victorious. Heretofore, Germany has sent 100,000 immigrants to America every year. This valuable addition to our population, which was essential to the development of the West from a wilderness into rich rural communities, has come to a standstill during this war. The United States was deprived of an immense source of money and man power, which would still be available, if Napoleon had let matters take their natural course. And this rich fountain of wealth will flow again in wonted streams only if Germany triumphs. 'Tis true, immigration would gradually begin again, even if France should win; but few Germans would come to America. Thousands upon thousands, who would like to settle here, would be prevented from doing so because they would not have the money to pay for transportation; and thousands would be beggars when they landed, and soon would become public charges. But the saddest feature of an eventual French victory would be the fact that 15the Germans, who would come to the United States, would be gloomy and dejected in spirit, and thus would be unable to do effective pioneering. After the War of Independence the United States became a prosperous and thriving nation, not because some oppressive laws were abolished, but because every citizen went about his duties cheerfully. Anybody who has been successful in one undertaking will feel the urge to seek new laurels in other fields of endeavor; but once a person is dejected in spirit, he will find it difficult to regain cheerfulness. If Germany wins the war, every future German immigrant will be worth three from a defeated Germany.

Thus America is bound to the cause of Germany by national principles, by more than a hundred years of peaceful relations, and by economic interests. We do not expect the United States to enter the war. Peace is the life-sustaining air of a nation. Germany's cause is a just one, because she was forced to take up arms to restore peace, which Napoleon wantonly broke. We would be the first earnestly to advise against participating in the war, and 16have made it a strict rule to observe our American neutrality laws while aiding our former fatherland in caring for needy German soldiers and their widows and orphans. Americans, too, can make effective demonstration of their sympathy without transgressing any of our neutrality laws. The Napoleons have always been, and will always be put to shame, because in all their calculations they ignore the great power of moral sense. Man's innate perception of right and wrong, and not gun, cannon, and sword will decide this war. The more plainly and forcefully the world pronounces its judgment in favor of the Germans, the more firmly the latter will be convinced that, in defending their own country, they are fighting for the cause of the entire world.

And the moral support of no other country can be of as much value to them as that of America, which was the first nation to take up arms in the cause of justice and liberty. If America's opinion concerning the cause and purpose of this war agrees with German opinion, then history has pronounced its judgment on this conflict in advance. Now, if the cause for which Germany 17is fighting is your cause, as it is ours, then help us in our efforts to assist those who are sacrificing their lives and the happiness of their families in behalf of that cause. Do not close your hands, now, for they have always been open when it was a matter of soothing pain or drying tears. You know from experience how bravely and well a soldier will fight, when he knows that the wounded in hospitals and the widows and orphans of men who have lost their lives in battle are cared for. The knowledge of having helped where help was necessary will be sufficient incentive to join us in our benevolent endeavors. Naturally, the moral and material support which America gives to Germany will be richly rewarded, for this war can end only with the destruction of all Napoleonic ideas, and the creation of a united Germany; and thus peace will be restored in Europe 18for years and even decades.

Edmund Juessen,

Doctor von Holst,

Caspar Butz,

A. Rosenthal,

Doctor Wilhelm Taussig.

Committee on Resolutions.

Chicago, August 19, 1870.

When Louis Napoleon put an end to the French Republic, he considered it necessary that the French people approve of this act of violence. The president became emperor "by the ...

Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 07, 1871

The Agent Anneke presents new statutes for the Society that are then discussed.

Name: "German Society of Chicago, Illinois,"

Aim of the Society: To assist, advise and inform immigrants, giving them, if necessary , legal, and medical assistance. To help them in finding work, or to locate lost baggage, or to support them with money.

By the term "German Immigrants" also Hollanders, Bohemians, Poles and Hungarians shall be understood, because these people have no representation of their nationality in Chicago, and it is hoped that this will influence their countrymen to join the Society.

The Agent Anneke presents new statutes for the Society that are then discussed. Name: "German Society of Chicago, Illinois," Aim of the Society: To assist, advise and inform immigrants, giving ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 12, 1871

Meeting in Denmark Hall (Milwaukee Avenue) of Germans and Norwegians respecting a militia regiment to be created in Chicago. The State will pay only $12.50 for each uniform. Two committees formed to collect money for more handsome uniforms. The Germans want an exact copy of a Russian uniform for their Company, and Consul Claussenius has already written to the Russian ministry of War for a complete sample.

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 21, 1871

"When the war broke out, we hoped that the people who are blessed with democratic Governments would sympathize with Germany. We have deceived ourselves and have learned that this Republic in its relation to foreign nations is nothing but a business firm. Five months ago Wilhelm Rapp went for the first time to Washington to protest against arms being sent to France. Since then arms for $12,000,000 have gone out. Where would France have been after Sedan without these arms? Who has given those deluded Brenchmen the means to continue the war? Not England, but the U. S. Even the arsenal of St. Louis has been emptied. This is a shame. All of the Germans here should have arisen before to put an end to this damnable dealing in blood."

Next speaker, George Schneider, lauds sending of grain to France("with grain one makes people happy, one does not kill"). but bitterly attacks Carl Schurz(without naming him). "The Germans demand in serious times, serious men. No church steeple policy, no policies of empty phrases. He does not represent Missouri alone. And if this man, however high he stands, forgets his mother and forgets the Germans, he must be criticized mercilessly.

"When the war broke out, we hoped that the people who are blessed with democratic Governments would sympathize with Germany. We have deceived ourselves and have learned that this Republic ...