Monday, December 30, 2013

Mitakihara Magi football quarterback Ricky Cojuangco and halfback Dan Roxas aren't just football players. In the offseason, they are part-time session musicians, and they form part of the new band of Filipino-Canadian session musicians called Kaname Hall. The band is composed of five freshman from Mitakihara University: Cojuangco, who plays bass; Roxas, who plays lead guitar; Abel Estrada, who plays rhythm guitar; Marc Legaspi, who plays keyboard; and drummer Joel Lacson.

Estrada, Legaspi and Lacson are music majors and turned down conservatory internships to play in this band. What makes this band special is that they are the best of friends that go back to their days in Batangas City. Their debut album is called "Astig" and is a collections of covers and original numbers.

"We came up with the name Kaname Hall as a dedication to the main administration building of the same name," Cojuangco said of the band. "We love the place because it's the very first thing we see when we head on campus. When we're together and we pass by Kaname Hall, we bow towards the building and then we head to class. It's a really sacred part of the school, you know? Really important place.

"So we decided, we're gonna go ahead and name ourselves in honor of the building. Our debut album name, 'Astig,' is another way of saying 'tigas,' or hard. We like playing hard, classic rock covers, but we can also play surf music, instrumentals, pop, disco...but mostly we're all about rock. But we're session musicians, so we're very versatile.

"One of our marquee numbers is the cover of Hagibis's 'Katawan.' We filmed a music video for the number, and it featured a lot of local campus girls posing playfully in underwear, and it included us as different places on campus. It also included us marching and dancing with the girls in their undies, walking down campus, drawing a lot of good press, so to speak. And it also included us playing the number in front of a crowd of dancing girls in underwear. It went viral overnight, and we've been asked to play the piece at numbers of places, but since Dan and I are football players, we've told people that we'll play a few shows in February or March...only if we don't have classes.

"But we like to put on a show at times, and when we do, we go all out. We're young, we had a lot of fun putting this together. This was done over the course of August and September and we finished the mixing for it this month. I think people are going to like this album."

The Mystique of the Burning of the Parliament Buildings in Montreal, Part 2

By Natsumi KoshigayaThe Daily MagiOctober 25, 2060

On the night of April 26, a group of men vandalized the residences of reformist MPPs Hinks, Wilson and Benjamin Holmes at Beaver Hall. The men then proceeded to the house of Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine, on rue de l'Aqueduc in the faubourg Saint-Antoine, vandalizing it and setting his stable on fire. The fire propagated to his house, however no one was inside at the time. The fire was extinguished by a detachment of soldiers, but not before it had caused significant damage to Lafontaine's private library. Returning toward downtown Montreal, the men broke windows on the boarding house where Baldwin and Price resided as well as those of McNamee's Inn, two buildings forming the corner of the Catholic Cemetery street. They also attacked the residences of Solicitor General Mr. Drummond on Craig street and that of Dr. Wolfred Nelson, at the corner of Saint-Laurent and Petite Saint-Jacques.

A group of Tory leaders including George Moffatt and Gugy convened a new public meeting of the "Friends of Peace" on Champ-de-Mars on Friday April 27 at 12:00 pm. There they tried to calm their followers down and proposed the resumption of peaceable means to resolve the crisis. It was resolved to submit a petition praying the Queen to relieve Elgin from office and disavow the Rebellion Losses Act. Confronted with riots threatening the lives of citizens and damaging their properties, the government took the decision to raise a special police force. On the morning of April 27, the authorities informed the population that men who would show up at 6:00 pm in front of the dépôt de l'ordonnance on rue du Bord-de-l'Eau would receive arms. Some 800 men, principally Canadians from Montreal and its suburbs and some Irish immigrants of Griffintown, presented themselves and between 500 to 600 constables were armed and barracked near the Bonsecours Market. During the arms distribution, a group of men showed up and attacked the new constables by firing on them and throwing rocks at them. The newly armed men fought back and wounded three of their assailants.

During a public meeting on Place du Castor on that night, general Charles Stephen Gore stepped on the hustings and dispersed the crowd by swearing on his honour that the new constables would be disarmed by morning. This is indeed what occurred, as the new force supposed to act under the orders of Montreal's justices of the peace was demobilized less than 24 hours after being armed. A part of the 71st regiment equipped with two cannons was mobilized to repel a group of armed men marching toward the Bonsecours Market. The soldiers blocked rue Notre-Dame near the Jacques Cartier Market. Colonel Gugy intervened and dissuaded the rioters from attacking the Bonsecours Market.

On Saturday April 28, the representatives present at the Bonsecours Market appointed a special committee to prepare an address to the governor by which the Legislative Assembly deplored the acts of violence of the past three days, especially the burning of the Parliament Buildings, and gave its full support to the governor to enforce the law and restore public peace. The representatives voted for the address 36 to 16. While not necessarily supportive of the acts of violence shaking the town of Montreal, the conservative circles of British Canada publicly expressed their contempt for the representative of the Crown. The members of the Thistle Society met and voted to strike Governor Elgin's name from the list of benefactors. On April 28, the Saint Andrew's Society also struck him from its list of members.

On Sunday April 29, the day of the Christian Sabbath, the town of Montreal was at rest and no incidents were reported. On Monday April 30, the governor and his dragoon escort left his suburban residence of Monklands for the Government House, then lodging in the Château Ramezay on rue Notre-Dame in downtown Montreal, to publicly receive, at 3:00 pm, the address of the House of Assembly voted on the 28th. When the governor entered rue Notre-Dame toward 14:30 pm, a crowd of protesters threw rocks and eggs and other projectiles against his carriage and the armed escort protecting him. He was hooted at by some, applauded by others along the way. The representatives, also protected by an armed escort, arrived at the meeting with the governor in the Bonsecours Market by way of the ruelle Saint-Claude.

After the ceremony for the presentation of the address, the governor and his escort returned to Monklands by taking rue St-Denis in order to avoid conflict with the crowd still demonstrating against his presence. The stratagem did not work and the governor and his guards were intercepted at the corner of Saint-Laurent and Sherbrooke by rioters who again pelted them with rocks. The brother of the governor, colonel Bruce, was seriously injured by a rock that hit his head. Ermatinger and captain Jones were also injured.

On that day, Elgin wrote to Colonial Secretary Earl Grey to suggest that if he [Elgin] failed "to recover that position of dignified neutrality between contending parties" that he had strived to maintain, that it might be in the interest of the metropolitan government to replace him with someone who would not be personally obnoxious to an important part of Canada's population. Earl Grey, to the contrary, believed that his replacement would be harmful and would have the effect of encouraging those who violently and illegally opposed the authority of his government, which continued to receive the full support of the Westminster cabinet. On May 10, a delegation of citizens from Toronto, who had come to Montreal to deliver an address in support of the Earl of Elgin, were attacked while in the Hôtel Têtu.

The Tories sent Allan MacNab and Cayley to London in early May to bring their petitions to the Imperial Parliament and lobby their case with the Colonial Office. The government party delegated Francis Hinks, who left Montreal on May 14, to represent the point of view of the governor, his Executive Council, and the majority of the members in both Houses of Parliament. The former colonial secretary, William Ewart Gladstone, of the Tory Party, sided with the Canadian opposition and exercised all his influence in its favour. On June 14, John Charles Herries, a Tory member of the House of Commons for Stamford, presented a motion to disavow the Rebellion Losses Act assented by the Earl of Elgin on April 25. But the governor of British North America received the support of both John Russell, the Whig Prime Minister as well as the Tory leader of the opposition Robert Peel. On June 16, the House of Commons rejected Herries' motion by a majority of 141 votes. On June 19, Lord Brougham introduced a motion in the House of Lords to suspend the Rebellion Losses Act until it is amended to insure that no person who participated to the rebellion against the established government be compensated. The motion was defeated 99 to 96.

On the morning of August 15, John Orr, Robert Cooke, John Nier, Jr., John Ewing and Alexander Courtney were charged with arson and arrested by justices McCord, Wetherall and Ermatinger. All were released on bail except for Courtney. The transfer of the accused from the Court House to the prison was a repeat of Perry's transfer on April 26. A crowd, determined to deliver up Courtney, attacked the military escort protecting his car, but were pushed back at the points of bayonets. A gathering formed at dusk (after 8:00 pm), in front of the Orr Hotel, on rue Notre-Dame. Men endeavoured to raise barricades of three to four feet in height using the paving stones of the Saint-Gabriel and Notre-Dame streets. The authorities were informed of what was going on and a detachment of the 23rd regiment was sent to undo the work before the barricades could be armed. Some of the men who ran off when the army showed up regrouped and decided to attack the houses of Lafontaine and the boarding house where Baldwin was residing.

At around 10:00 pm, some 200 men attacked the residence of Lafontaine, who was at home and without a guard. It was around 5:00 pm when he learned of a rumour circulating in town saying that his house was going to be attacked. At around 6 or 7:00 pm, he sent a note to captain Wetherall to tell him about the rumour. Around the same time, some friends who had heard the rumour arrived on their own to help him defend his life and his property. Among them were Étienne-Paschal Taché, C.-J. Coursol, Joseph Beaudry, Moïse Brossard, and Harkin. Guns were fired on both sides. The attackers retreated with seven wounded, including William Mason, the son of a blacksmith living on Craig street, who died of his wounds the following morning. The cavalry commanded by captain Sweeney which Wetherall had sent to protect Lafontaine arrived later and missed the entire action. The Tory press gave great coverage of the death of Mason, and, on the August 18, a grand funeral procession marched on Craig, Bonsecours and Saint-Paul street, as well as on Place Jacques-Cartier, before going toward the English cemetery. An enquiry of the circumstances of Mason's death was opened by coroners Jones and Coursol. Lafontaine was called in to testify before the jury in the Cyrus Hotel, on Place Jacques Cartier, on August 20 at 10:00 am. While the co-premier was inside the hotel, some men spread oil in the front staircase and set it on fire. The building was evacuated and Lafontaine exited under the protection of the military guards.

On May 9, Sherwood, MPPs for Toronto, proposed to move the capital alternatively to Toronto or Quebec City. After a debate in which other cities were thrown in, Sherwood's proposal to relocate to Toronto was approved 34 to 29. On May 30, the provincial parliament was prorogued until August 9 by general William Rowan in place of governor Elgin who no longer wanted to leave Monklands. A proclamation by the governor announced the move on November 14. The Parliament stayed prorogued until it reconvened in Toronto on May 14, 1850. Unlike Montreal, Toronto was a homogeneous town at the linguistic level; English was the common language of all main ethnic and religious groups inhabiting it. By comparison, the Montreal of the time of governor Metcalfe (1843–45) counted 27,908 Canadians, the majority French-speaking, and 15,668 immigrants from the British Isles. The statistics were similar when looking at the whole county of Montreal. In 1857 Queen Victoria chose Ottawa as the new capital.

The Mystique of the Burning of the Parliament Buildings in Montreal, Part 1

By Natsumi KoshigayaThe Daily MagiOctober 20, 2060

The burning of the Parliament Buildings in Montreal was an important event in pre-Confederation Canadian history and occurred on the night of April 25, 1849, in Montreal Quebec. It is considered a crucial moment in the development of the Canadian democratic tradition, largely as a consequence of how the matter was dealt with by then co-prime ministers of the united Province of Canada, Sir Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine and Robert Baldwin. The St. Anne's Market building lodging the Legislative Council and Assembly of Canada was burned down by Loyalist rioters in retaliation for the Rebellion Losses Bill while the members of the Legislative Assembly were sitting in session. The episode is characterized by divisions in pre-Confederation Canadian society concerning whether Canada was the North American appendage of the British Empire or a nascent, sovereign nation. In 1837 and 1838 Canadians rebelled against the oligarchic rule of the British colonial administration, first in Lower Canada, then in Upper Canada (or the Canadian provinces of Quebec and Ontario respectively. Political reforms followed the rebellions as Canada was of vital strategic interest to the British Empire; simply put the British could not afford to lose the rest of North America, especially given the inconsequential results of the War of 1812, and they acquiesced to what gradually evolved into full legal national sovereignty. Many key leaders of the Rebellions would play focal roles in the development of the political and philosophical foundations for an independent Canada, something achieved on July 1st 1867. Opposition to this movement was principally represented by the somewhat aristocratic British colonial administration and their extended community, in addition to organized fraternal associations, such as the Scotch-Irish Orange Order and the Anglo-Montreal Bourgeoisie of the era. The Rebellion Losses Bill was intended to both offer amnesty to former rebels (permitting them to return to Canada) and an indemnity to individuals who had suffered financial losses as a consequence of the rebellions. Though the bill was passed by the majority of those sitting in the Legislative Assembly, it remained unpopular with the Loyalist population of Montreal, who decided to use violence to demonstrate their opposition. As such, the Parliament was destroyed amidst considerable mob violence, and an invaluable collection of historical records kept in the parliamentary library lost forever.

Despite the tense situation and deplorable socio-cultural crime committed by the mob, Lafontaine proceeded cautiously, fought off armed thugs who had shot through his window, and maintained restraint and resolve in his actions. Jailed members of the mob were released on bail soon after their arrest and a force of special constables established to keep the peace. Though there was public concern this might be a crushing blow to the reform movement, Lafontaine persevered despite the opposition, and would continue in his role developing the tenets of Canadian federalism - peace, order and good government. Within a decade public opinion had shifted overwhelmingly in the development of a sovereign Canada.

On April 25, the cabinet sent Francis Hinks to The Monklands, the governor's residence, to request that Governor Elgin quickly come to town in order to assent a new tariff bill. The first European ship of the year had already arrived in the Port of Quebec and the new law needed to be in force in order to tax its merchandise. The governor left his residence and went to the Parliament the same day.

At about 5:00 pm, the governor gave the royal assent to the bill in the Legislative Council room, in the presence of members of both houses of Parliament. Since he was already in town, the governor decided to also give assent to some forty one other bills passed by the houses and awaiting to be assented. Among those bills was the Rebellion Losses Bill. The assent of this law seemed to take some people by surprise, and the galleries where some visitors were standing became agitated.

When the governor exited the building at around 6:00 pm, he found a crowd of protesters blocking his path. Some of the protesters began throwing eggs and rocks at him and his aides and he was forced to climb back into his carriage in haste and return to Monklands at gallop speed, while some of his assailants pursued him in the streets.

Not long after the attacks on the governor, alarm bells sounded throughout town to alert the population. A horse-drawn carriage traveled through the streets to announce a public meeting to denounce the governor's assent to the Rebellion Losses Bill. The editor in chief of The Gazette, James Moir Ferres, published an Extra which contained a report of the incident involving Lord Elgin, and invited the "Anglo-Saxons" of Montreal to attend a mass meeting to be held at 8:00 pm on Place d'Armes. The Extra read:

When Lord Elgin – he no longer deserves the name of Excellency – made his appearance on the street to retire from the Council Chamber, he was received by the crowd with hisses, hootings, and groans. He was pelted with rotten eggs; he and his aide-de-camps were splashed with the savory liquor; and the whole carriage covered with the nasty contents of the eggs and with mud. When the eggs were exhausted stones were made use of to salute the departing carriage, and he was driven off at a rapid gallop amidst the hootings and curses of his countrymen.The End has begun.

Anglo-Saxons! you must live for the future. Your blood and race will now be supreme, if true to yourselves. You will be English "at the expense of not being British." To whom and what, is your allegiance now? Answer each man for himself.

The puppet in the pageant must be recalled, or driven away by the universal contempt of the people. In the language of William the Fourth, "Canada is lost, and given away."

A Mass Meeting will be held on the Place d'Armes this evening at 8 o'clock. Anglo-Saxons to the struggle, now is your time. — Montreal Gazette, "Extra" of April 25, 1849.

Between 1,200 and 1,500 were reported to have attended the meeting (which in the end took place on Champ-de-Mars) to hear, by the gleam of torch light, the speeches of orators protesting vigorously against Lord Elgin's assent to the bill. Among the speakers were George Moffat, Colonel Gugy and other members of the official opposition. During the meeting it was proposed to address a petition to Her Majesty asking her to recall governor Elgin and disavow the indemnification act. In the 1887 account he gave of his participation to the events, some 38 years later, Alfred Perry, the captain of a volunteer corps of firemen, asserted that on that night he stepped on the hustings to speak to the crowd, put his hat on the torch lighting the petition, and exclaimed: "The time for petitions is over, but if the men who are present here are serious, let them follow me to the Parliament Buildings."

The crowd then followed him to the Parliament Buildings, breaking the windows of the offices of the Montreal Pilot, then the only English-language daily then supporting the administration, which were on the route to the Parliament.

When they arrived on site, the rioters broke the windows of the House of Assembly, which was still in session despite the late hour. A committee of the whole House was at that time debating a Bill to Establish a Court having jurisdiction in Appeals and Criminal matters for Lower Canada. The last entry in the journal of the House on April 25 reads:

Mr. Johnson took the Chair of the Committee; and after some time spent therein, the proceedings of the Committee were interrupted by continued volleys of stones and other missiles thrown from the streets, through the windows, into the Legislative Assembly Hall, which caused the Committee to rise, and the Members to withdraw into the adjoining passages for safety, — from whence Mr. Speaker and the other Members were almost immediately compelled to retire and leave the Building, which had been set fire to on the outside. — Journals of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada, April 25, 1849.

After breaking the windows and the gas lamps on the outside, a group entered the building and committed various acts of vandalism. According to Perry's account, he, together with Augustus Howard and Alexander Courtney, broke into the building after a first unsuccessful attempt to open the locked doors.[18]:109 Someone ordered a fire truck brought over, and then Perry and a notary, John H. Isaacson, used the truck's 35-foot ladder as a battering ram to break down the doors. He entered with a few followers and reached the House of Assembly. A certain O'Connor attempted to block their entry, but Perry knocked him down with the handle of the axe he was carrying. The mob took control of the room despite the resistance of a few MPPs (John Sandfield Macdonald, William Hume Blake, Thomas Aylwin, John Price) and sergeant at arms Chrisholm.

One of the rioters sat in the Speaker's chair where Morin had been sitting only a few minutes before, and declared the dissolution of the House. The room was turned upside down while other men entered the room of the Legislative Council. The acts of vandalism that were reported included the destruction of the seats and desks, stamping on the portrait of Louis-Joseph Papineau, that had been hanging on the wall next to that of Queen Victoria. Perry claimed to have set fire to the room himself when he hit the gas chandelier suspended on the ceiling with a brick, aiming for the clock that was directly above the Speaker's chair. The clock, whose ticking apparently got on his nerves, was, according to his account, showing 9:40 pm when it happened. Other sources, including newspapers of the time, believed the fire to have been started when rioters outside the building started throwing the torches that some of them had carried from the Champ-de-Mars meeting.Since gas pipes were broken both inside and outside the building, the fire spread rapidly. Perry and Courtney ran out of the building with the ceremonial mace of the House of Assembly which was lying on the clerk's desk in front of the Speaker's chair.The mace was afterwards brought to Allan MacNab who was then at Donegana Hotel.

The St. Anne's Market building burned very rapidly, with the fire propagating to adjacent buildings, including a house, some warehouses, and the general hospital of the Grey Nuns. The mob did not allow firefighters to fight the flames devastating the parliament buildings, but did not intervene against those who were trying to save the other structures.

The St. Anne's Market building was completely devastated. The fire consumed the parliament's two libraries, parts of the archives of Upper Canada and Lower Canada, as well as more recent public documents. Over 23,000 volumes, forming the collections of the two parliamentary libraries, were lost. Only about 200 books, along with the portrait of Queen Victoria, were saved, thanks to James Curran. Four people, Colonel Wiley, a Scotsman named McGillivray, an employee of the parliament, and the uncle of Todd, who was responsible for the libraries, and Sandford Fleming, who later became a renowned engineer, saved the portrait of Queen Victoria hanging in the hall leading to the lower house. The canvas of the painting without the frame was transported to the Donegana Hotel. The market buildings and all it contained were insured for £12,000; the insurers refused to pay because of the criminal origin of the fire.

The two libraries and the public archives had been kept in the Parliament buildings since 1845. At the beginning of the session of 1849, the library of the Legislative Assembly counted more than 14,000 volumes and that of the Legislative Council more than 8,000. The collections were those of the libraries of the old provincial parliaments of Lower Canada and Upper Canada, which were merged into a single parliament through the Act of Union in 1840. The parliament house of the province of Upper Canada, founded in 1791 and seated in York, had been burned down by the American army during the War of 1812. The parliament remained itinerant between 1814 and 1829, and a permanent building did not re-open before 1832. Consequently, its libraries were not considerable and only provided a few hundreds of books to the new united legislature. Most of the books came from the Parliament of Lower Canada's libraries, particularly that of the Legislative Assembly, which comprised many thousands of books and was opened to the public in 1825. The losses were estimated at over $400,000 CAD.

Looking to rebuild the parliamentary library, the government sent bibliographer Georges-Barthélemi Faribault to Europe, where he spent £4,400 purchasing volumes in Paris and London. About two years after its partial reconstruction, the library of the Parliament of United Canada was lost again to a fire, on February 1, 1854. This time, the flames destroyed half the 17,000 volumes of the library, which had been in the new Parliament Buildings of Quebec City since 1853.

The parliamentary agenda was obviously affected by the events of April 25. The day after the fire, a special meeting of the members of the Legislative Assembly was convened to meet at 10:00 am in the hall of the Bonsecours Market, under the protection of British soldiers. On that day, the MPPs accomplished nothing other than appointing a committee responsible to report on the bills that were destroyed. Their report was presented to the House a week later on May 2. Lafontaine was not present that morning, because he assisted to the wedding of lawyer Amable Berthelot, his associate in law, who was marrying the adoptive daughter of judge Elzéar Bédard. The Legislative Assembly kept meeting at Bonsecours Market until May 7, after which date the parliament was convened in a building owned by Moses Judas Hayes on Place Dalhousie.

The Legislative Council's first meeting after the fire was held in the sacristy of the Trinity Church on April 30.

Four of the speakers of the Champs-de-Mars meeting, James Moir Ferres, editor in chief and principal owner of The Montreal Gazette, William Gordon Mack, lawyer and secretary of the British American League, Hugh E. Montgomerie, trader, Augustus Heward, trader and courtier, as well as Alfred Perry, five persons in total, were arrested and charged with arson early in the morning of April 26 by the police superintendent William Ermatinger. A crowd gathered around the police station at the Bonsecours Market in protest. Perry, who was arrested last, was transferred to the prison of the faubourg de Québec at 12:00 pm, escorted by a company of soldiers, and pursued by the crowd. Once in prison, he was put in the same cell with the other four.

Lafontaine, exercising his role as Attorney General, advised Ermatinger to release the prisoners. On Saturday April 28, they were released on bail. A procession of omnibuses and cabs transported them in triumph from the prison to the front door of the Bank of Montreal, on Place d'Armes, where they addressed their partisans and thanked them for their support.

Despite throwing a couple of interceptions, Mitakihara Magi freshman quarterback Ricky Cojuangco was resilient in his actions, passing for 528 yards and 10 touchdowns while rushing for 225 yards and six more scores as Tatsuya Kaname's Magi routed the Nevada Wolf Pack, 244-21, at Mackay Stadium in Reno, Nev. Backup quarterback Robert Mensadente passed for 153 yards and two majors while rushing for 255 yards and four touchdowns.

Halfback Rajiv Singh ran for 276 yards and two touchdowns while catching four passes for 109 yards and two majors, halfback Danny Russ Hanover ran for 195 yards and three scores, halfback Dan Roxas ran for 54 yards and a touchdown, wide receiver Xavier Cooper caught nine passes for 280 yards and two touchdowns, wideout Jason Bower caught three passes for 98 yards and three scores and tight end Jonathan Newell caught two passes for 67 yards, both for majors.

Cooper also led the blockers with 30 pancakes while wide receiver David Culver Page added 18 pancakes. Back from a layoff due to injury, cornerback Richie Love returned to the playing field with a vengeance, leading the tacklers on defense with 12 tackles, five sacks and an interception. Free safety Jason Gyan had five interceptions while cornerback Darren Kujou had three picks, two of which were returned for touchdowns.

The returners on special teams for Mitakihara were waiting for an opportunity to also showcase their ability to excite, or in this case, dampen, the spirits of the home team. Fullback Mark Perry, a converted halfback who is a senior, returned a kickoff 64 yards for a touchdown while freshman halfback Billy Shaw returned nine punts for 216 yards and a touchdown return of 80 yards.

Madoka improve to 7-0 on the year and take the week off before concluding a long road trip on Oct. 30 against the Fresno State Bulldogs.

The Report on the Affairs of British North America, commonly known as the Durham Report, is an important document in the history of Quebec, Ontario, Canada and the British Empire. The notable British Whig politician John George Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham, was sent to the Canadas in 1838 to investigate and report on the causes of the rebellions of 1837–38. Durham arrived in Quebec City on 29 May. He had just been appointed Governor General and given special powers as high commissioner of British North America.

On the first page of his report he stated that "While the present state of things is allowed to last, the actual inhabitants of these Provinces have no security for person or property--no enjoyment of what they possess--no stimulus to industry." He would return to that theme repeatedly throughout his report. Durham had spoken to merchants in Britain who wanted greater British control over the Canadas, as they felt the French Canadians' presence in Lower Canada undermined their economic interests.

In Upper and Lower Canada, he formed numerous committees consisting of essentially all the opponents of the Patriotes and made many personal observations of life in the colonies. He also visited the United States. Durham wrote that he had assumed he would find that the rebellions were based on liberalism and economics, but he eventually concluded that the real problem was the ethnic conflict between French and English. According to Durham, the French culture in Canada had changed little in 200 years, and showed no sign of progress like British culture had. His 1838 report contains the famous assessment that Lower Canada consisted of "two nations warring within the bosom of a single state".

Durham recommended that Upper and Lower Canada be united into one province. He also encouraged immigration to Canada from Britain, to overwhelm the existing numbers of French Canadians with the hope of assimilating them into British culture.[3] The freedoms granted to the French Canadians under the Royal Proclamation of 1763 and the Quebec Act of 1774 should also be rescinded; according to Lord Durham this would eliminate the possibility of future rebellions. The French Canadians did not necessarily have to give up their religion and language entirely, but their culture could not be protected at the expense of what Durham considered a more progressive British culture.

The proposed merger would also benefit Upper Canada as the construction of canals led to a considerable debt load; while access to the former Lower Canada fiscal surplus would allow that debt to be erased. He also recommended responsible government, in which the governor general would be a figurehead and the legislative assembly would hold a great deal of power. In the responsible government, the legislative assembly would be elected by the people. The party with majority would hold power and as long as they held support, they would keep power. However, this recommendation was not accepted and the Province of Canada would not get responsible government for another decade.

In exile in France, Louis-Joseph Papineau published the Histoire de la résistance du Canada au gouvernement anglais (History of the resistance of Canada to the English government) in the French La Revue du Progrès in May 1839. In June, it appeared in Canada in Ludger Duvernay's La Revue canadienne as Histoire de l'insurrection du Canada en réfutation du Rapport de Lord Durham (History of the insurrection of Canada in refutation of the Report of Lord Durham). Lord Durham believed to eliminate the possibility of rebellions, they must overwhelm the French Canadians in British culture.

The assertion that the so-called "French" Canadians had no history and no culture and that the conflict was primarily that of two ethnic groups evidently outraged Papineau. It was pointed out that many of the Patriote leaders were of British or British Canadian origin, including among others Wolfred Nelson, hero of the Battle of Saint-Denis; Robert Nelson, author of the Declaration of Independence of Lower Canada, who would have become President of Lower Canada had the second insurrection succeeded; journalist Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan; and Thomas Storrow Brown, general during the Battle of St-Charles. It was also pointed out that an uprising had occurred in Upper Canada where there was only one "race". According to Papineau and other Patriotes, the analysis of the economic situation of French Canadians was biased. Indeed, from 1791 to the rebellions, the elected representatives of Lower Canada had been demanding the control over the budget of the colony.

The general conclusions of the report (Report on the Affairs of British North America) that pertained to self-governance were enacted in Australia and New Zealand and other mostly ethnically British colonies. The report became a sort of Magna Carta for representative self-government even for remote places like Saint Helena. The parallel nature of Government organisation in Australia and Canada to this day is an ongoing proof of the long-enduring effects of the report's recommendations. The report did not see any of its recommendations come into force in the African and Asian colonies, but some limited democratic reforms in India became possible that otherwise would not have been.

Durham resigned on 9 October 1838 amid controversy excited in London by his decision of the penal questions and was soon replaced by Charles Poulett Thomson, 1st Baron Sydenham, who was responsible for implementing the Union of the Canadas. The report of Durham was laid before Parliament in London on 11 February 1839.

Quarterback Ricky Cojuangco passed for 542 yards and 10 touchdowns while rushing for 104 yards and another score as Tatsuya Kaname's Mitakihara Magi rolled past the Air Force Falcons, 231-41, in the pouring rain at Falcon Stadium in Colorado Springs, Colo. His backup, Robert Mensadente, passed for 292 yards and four touchdowns including a major off a fake field goal while rushing for another score.

Halfback Rajiv Singh ran for 310 yards and six touchdowns, halfback Danny Russ Hanover ran for 115 yards and two touchdowns, halfback Dan Roxas ran for 108 yards and three majors, fullback Shabba Tshabalala ran for 80 yards and two scores, wide receiver Jeff Bower caught five passes for 271 yards and four touchdowns, wideout Xavier Cooper caught five passes for 122 yards and two scores and wideout David Culver Page caught 147 yards and two touchdowns.

Cooper led the blockers with 27 pancakes while Culver Page added 21. Defensive tackle John Yaradua led the tacklers on defense with seven tackles and five sacks. Cornerback Darren Kujou had five interceptions, including one returned 68 yards for a touchdown. Kujou also returned a kickoff 89 yards for a major score.

Mitakihara improve to 6-0 and continue their road trip on Oct. 16 against the Nevada Wolf Pack.

Sunday, December 29, 2013

The Rebellions of 1837 were two armed uprisings that took place in Lower and Upper Canada in 1837 and 1838. Both rebellions were motivated by frustrations with political reform. A key shared goal was responsible government, which was eventually achieved in the incidents' aftermath. The rebellions led directly to Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America and to The British North America Act, 1840 which partially reformed the British provinces into a unitary system.

The rebellion in Lower Canada began first, in November 1837, and was led by many leaders such as Wolfred Nelson, Louis-Joseph Papineau, and Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan. The Lower-Canada rebellion probably inspired the much shorter rebellion in Upper Canada led by William Lyon Mackenzie and Charles Duncombe in December.

While the initial rebellion in Upper Canada ended quickly with the Battle of Montgomery's Tavern, many of the rebels (including Mackenzie) fled to the United States. Mackenzie established a short-lived "Republic of Canada" on Navy Island in the Niagara River, but withdrew from armed conflict soon thereafter. Charles Duncombe and Robert Nelson, in contrast, helped foment a largely American militia, the Hunters' Lodge/Frères chasseurs, which organized a convention in Cleveland in Sept. 1838 to declare another Republic of Lower Canada. The Hunters' Lodges drew on the American members of the radical republican "Equal Rights Party" (or Locofocos). This organization launched the "Patriot War," which was suppressed only with the help of the American government. The raids did not end until the rebels and Hunters were defeated at the decisive Battle of the Windmill, nearly a year after the first defeat near Montgomery's Tavern.

The constitutions of Upper and Lower Canada differed greatly, but shared a basis on the principle of "mixed monarchy" - a balance of monarchy, aristocracy and democracy. The colonies, however, lacked the aristocratic element, and found their non-elective Legislative Councils dominated by local oligarchies who controlled local trade and the institutions of state and religion. In Lower Canada they were known as the Chateau Clique; in Upper Canada they were known as the Family Compact. Both office-holding oligarchies were affiliated with more broadly based "Tory parties" and opposed by a Reform opposition that demanded a radically more democratic government than existed in each colony.

The governments in both provinces were viewed by the Reformers as illegitimate. In Lower Canada, acute conflict between the elected and appointed elements of the legislature brought all legislation to a halt, leaving the Tories to impose Lord John Russell's Ten Resolutions, allowing them to rule without elected accountability. In Upper Canada, the 1836 elections had been marred by political violence and fraud organized by the new Lt. Governor, Sir Francis Bond Head. William Lyon Mackenzie and Samuel Lount lost their seats in the result. The Tories passed a bill allowing them to continue to sit in disregard of the established practice of dissolving the House on the death of a monarch (William IV died in June 1837).

In the midst of this crisis of legitimacy, the Atlantic economy was thrown into recession, with the greatest impact being on farmers. These farmers barely survived widespread crop failures in 1836-7, and now faced lawsuits from merchants trying to collect old debts. The collapse of the international financial system imperilled trade and local banks, leaving large numbers in abject poverty.

In response, Reformers in each province organized radical democratic "political unions." The Political Union movement in Britain was largely credited with the passing of the Great Reform Bill of 1832. In Lower Canada, the Patriotes organized the "Sons of Liberty." William Lyon Mackenzie helped organize the Toronto Political Union in July 1837. Both organizations became the vehicles for politically organizing protests, and eventually, rebellion. As the situation in Lower Canada approached crisis the British concentrated their troops there, making it apparent that the British planned on using armed force against the Patriotes. With no troops left in Upper Canada, an opportunity for a sympathetic revolt was opened.

Since the time of Lord Durham's Report on the Rebellions, the Lower Canada Rebellion has been attributed to tensions between the English and the French, that the conflict was "'racial' and, as a consequence, it was sharper than - indeed fundamentally different from - the milder strife that disturbed 'English' Upper Canada." This underestimates the republicanism of the Patriotes on the one hand, and overestimates the ethnic homogeneity of Upper Canada, itself torn by strife, especially between those immigrants from the United States and from Britain.

Also, an additional interest group present in Lower Canada was the wealthy and ultra-conservative Catholic clergy, which supported the continuation of a feudalistic, agrarian society. As such, they also discouraged economic and political liberalization and thwarted the ambitions of the rising French-Canadian middle-class who were largely spearheading demands for reform.

Moreover, the Lower Canada rebellion was widely supported by the populace, resulting in mass actions over an extended period of time, such as boycotts, strikes and sabotage. These drew harsh punitive responses such as the burning of entire villages by government troops and militias, which had been concentrated in Lower Canada to deal with the crisis. In contrast, the Upper Canada Rebellion was not as broadly supported by local populations, was quickly quelled by relatively small numbers of pro-government militias and volunteers, and so was consequently less widespread and brutal in comparison.

Those rebels who were arrested in Upper Canada following the 1837 uprisings were put on trial, with most being found guilty of insurrection against the Crown, and several of the ring-leaders were publicly hanged; most notably Samuel Lount and Peter Matthews. Almost as severe was the sentencing of 100 Canadian rebels and American sympathizers to transportation for life in Australia's prison colonies. The root cause of resentment in Upper Canada was not so much against distant rulers in Britain, but rather against the corruption and injustice by local politicians – the so-called "Family Compact." However, the rebels were not really convicted because their views aligned with the liberalism of the United States, and thus caused some kind of offense to the Tory values of the Canadian colonies. Rather, as revealed in the ruling of Chief Justice Sir John Robinson, a Lockean justification was given for the prisoners' condemnation, and not a Burkean one: the Crown, as protector of the lives, liberty, and prosperity of its subjects could "legitimately demand allegiance to its authority." Robinson went on to say that those who preferred republicanism over monarchism were free to emigrate, and thus the participants in the uprisings were guilty of treason.

After the rebellions died down, more moderate reformers, such as the political partners Robert Baldwin and Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine, gained credibility as an alternative voice to the radicals. They proved to be influential when the British government sent Lord Durham, a prominent British reformer, to investigate the cause of the troubles. Among the recommendations in his report was the establishment of responsible government for the colonies, one of the rebels' original demands (although it was not achieved until 1849). Durham also recommended the merging of Upper and Lower Canada into a single political unit (the Act of Union), which became the nucleus for modern-day Canada. More controversially, he recommended the government-sponsored Cultural Assimilation of French Canadians to the English language and culture.

In 1937, exactly one century after the Rebellion, the names of William Mackenzie and Louis-Joseph Papineau were applied to the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion or the Mac-Paps, a battalion of officially unrecognised Canadian volunteers who fought on the Republican side in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. In memory of their heritage, the group fought to the rallying cry "The Spirit of 1837 Lives on!"

Tatsuya Kaname's Mitakihara Magi football team celebrated the 50th anniversary of the founding of their university with a 224-45 rout of the winless Utah State Aggies at Romney Stadium in Logan, Utah. Quarterback Ricky Cojuangco passed for 459 yards and eight touchdowns and ran for 50 yards and two more scores to lead the Madoka attack.

Halfback Rajiv Singh ran for 336 yards and five touchdowns, fullback Mark Perry ran for 115 yards and two scorees, halfback Danny Russ Hanover ran for 114 yards and four majors, halfback Dan Roxas rushed for 156 yards and two touchdowns, wide receiver Xavier Cooper caught three passes for 163 yards and two touchdowns and wide receiver Jeff Bower caught two passes for 126 yards, both for scores. Five other players also caught a touchdown pass.

Cooper led the blockers with 25 pancakes, while wideout David Culver Page added 17 pancakes. Cornerback Darren Kujou led the defense with three tackles and nine interceptions, two of which were returned for touchdowns. Middle linebacker Keenan Osunbor led the tackles with nine tackles and a sack. Backup quarterback Carl Vaughn had three interceptions, backup quarterback Adam Kearney and cornerback free safety Jason Gyan had a couple of picks each, cornerback Kellen Hudson had two sacks, cornerback James Reese had four interceptions and right outside linebacker Elliott Prince added three sacks.

"That was one of our better defensive performances from the team but Utah State also made some solid plays themselves on offense and defense," Coach Kaname said after the game. "I wasn't took pleased with the fumble we gave up for a touchdown, as well as the interception that Ricky threw. We need to be responsible with the football, even against teams like Utah State. Letting down our guard is unacceptable against anyone we face."

Madoka improve to 5-0 and return to action next week on the road against the Air Force Falcons.

Mitakihara Magi recruit Angel Locsin (left) is the great-grandniece of the actress by the same name.

More history to be made next season at Madoka

By Natsumi KoshigayaThe Daily MagiOctober 1, 2060

The 51st season of Mitakihara Magi football will be special in its own right. That's because for the first time in program history...there will be a woman on the team. This week, punter Angel Locsin, a 6'0", 193 lb beauty from here in Mitakihara Town and a native of Baguio City, Philippines, committed to Tatsuya Kaname's Mitakihara Magi with her husband and fellow Magi recruit, kicker Antonio Magsaysay, also from Baguio but residing in M-Town.

The name Angel Locsin should sound familiar to those who follow Pinoy cinema. That's because this Angel is the great-grandniece of the legendary Filipina actress of the same name, and has essentially the same looks and appeal. Only this time, she's a little bit taller and more full of physique.

"I was too tall to be on the girls' volleyball team, for some reason, so I had to choose a different sport," Locsin said via phone interview at the newly-renamed Mitakihara Town Secondary School (formerly known as Mitakihara High School), or MiTSS for short. "The football team needed a punter, so I tried out and I ended up becoming a starter following tryouts in my first year.

"I've got a very deep leg, a strong leg, and I can hit the coffin corner at least nine times out of ten. I can deliver good hangtime and let the rest of the gunners clean up in coverage. Outside of football, I have ambitions of maybe following my great-grandaunt and become an actress, but I want to be a pioneer.

"I want to be the first female punter to be successful playing pro football. This sport, as we all known, is generally a man's sports, and the women are reduced to being cheerleaders. I want to break those stereotypes and prove to a lot of people that women can also play football too. There have been a lot of women before me that have played tackle football, but for me, I prefer to play the punter because there's not a lot of impact.

"But I've good stamina, I can get the ball off quickly, and there hasn't been a case where I pulled a muscle or my punt got blocked. I don't think it's happened at Mitakihara, where a punt has ever gotten blocked. I'm not going to let that happen when I'm on the field.

"I'm confident, but at the same time, I'm someone that wants to be humble and appreciative of the opportunities given to me. Antonio told me about this university, and they need a kicker and a punter. We should be able to get a lot of reps in our first year out there and Antonio plays to be a software designer after he finishes his playing career.

"I'm not in any rush to be a mom just yet, but when I do, I want to give birth to girls. But if it's a boy, I don't want him to be just a kicker or a punter. If my future son decides to be a football player, I want him to try being a quarterback. That's only if he wants to be a football player. I'm not going to worry about that right now.

"And at the same time, I don't want all the the attention to just be on my shoulders just because I'm somebody supposedly making history or I'm just here to stirring up controversy. My gender should not take center stage when we play the game. At the end of the day, I'm just one of 70 players lucky enough to play for the Mitakihara Magi. I don't need to consider myself part of anything else."

The Québécois nation motion was a parliamentary motion tabled by Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper on Wednesday, November 22, 2006 and approved by the House of Commons of Canada on Monday, November 27, 2006. The English motion read:

"That this House recognize that the Québécois form a nation within a united Canada."

Debate over federal government recognition of a Quebec nation was triggered during the leadership race for the Liberal Party of Canada during a September 10, 2006 leadership debate in Quebec City. Leading candidate and political scientist Michael Ignatieff mused that Quebec should be recognized as a nation in the Canadian constitution. When the Quebec wing of the federal Liberals adopted a similar resolution on October 21, 2006, many Liberals began questioning Ignatieff's judgement. In his 1992 book "Blood and Belonging", Ignatieff had championed the cause of civic nationalism based on "a community of equal, rights-bearing citizens, united in patriotic attachment to a shared set of political practices and values." Now he was endorsing "a nation, with a language, history, culture and territory that marks them out as a separate people", which sounded to many like ethnic nationalism. Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, criticized Ignatieff for lacking political judgement.

Sensing political division in his political opposition, Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe scheduled a motion in the House of Commons for November 23, 2006—similar to the 2003 Parti Québécois resolution passed unanimously by the National Assembly in Quebec—that it also recognize "Quebeckers as a nation". He knew that the motion would probably be rejected, but argued he could use this to show that Canadians once again did not recognize the identity of Quebecers. If the motion did pass, he could use it to make claims on Quebec sovereignty.

Liberal leadership candidate (and eventual winner) Stéphane Dion moved to reconcile positions within the Liberal party, circulating a draft of a resolution that would change the wording of the resolution.

On November 22, 2006, the Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper tabled the Québécois nation motion the day before the Bloc Québécois resolution came to a vote. The English version changed the word Quebecer to Québécois and added "within a united Canada" at the end of the Bloc motion. Harper further elaborated, stating that the motion's definition of Québécois relies on personal decisions to self-identify as Québécois, and therefore is a personal choice. Dion said that this resolution was similar to the one he had circulated several days earlier. The Bloc Québécois members originally rejected this motion as overly partisan and federalist, but supported the motion the following day.

The House of Commons voted overwhelmingly to pass the motion. The motion passed by a margin of 265 (yeas) to 16 (nays). There are 308 seats in the House of Commons, but two were not filled at the time. Of the rest, 283 MPs voted on the motion, 20 were absent for various reasons, three chose to abstain and two had pre-arranged to be paired with absent voters (not counting their votes). MPs then voted down the Bloc Québécois motion.

Conservative members were ordered by the Prime Minister not to oppose the motion or be expelled from the caucus. Many of his MPs had deep reservations about the motion, but only six members of his caucus were absent, all from Western Canada. Harper's Intergovernmental Affairs minister Michael Chong resigned from his position and abstained from voting, arguing that this motion was too ambiguous and had the potential of recognizing ethnic nationalism in Canada.

Members of the New Democratic Party and Bloc Québécois all voted for the motion. Liberals were the most divided on the issue and comprised 15 of the 16 votes against the motion. Liberal MP Ken Dryden summarized the view of many of these dissenters, maintaining that it was a game of semantics that cheapened issues of national identity.

A survey of 1,500 Canadians by Leger Marketing for the Association of Canadian studies in November 2006 showed that Canadians were deeply divided on this issue, though polls used wording that did not directly reflect the motion. When asked if "Quebecers" are a nation, only 48 per cent of Canadians agreed, 47 per cent disagreed, with 33 per cent strongly disagreeing; 78 per cent of French-speaking Quebecers agreed that "Quebecers" are a nation, next to 38 per cent of English-speakers. As well, 78 per cent of 1,000 Quebecers polled thought that "Quebecers" should be recognized as a nation.

The Québécois nation motion was a parliamentary motion tabled by Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper on Wednesday, November 22, 2006 and approved by the House of Commons of Canada on Monday, November 27, 2006. The English motion read:

"That this House recognize that the Québécois form a nation within a united Canada."

The debate about Québécois nationhood centres on the question of the status of the province of Quebec and its primarily French-speaking population. During the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, the term Québécois largely replaced French Canadian as an expression of cultural and nationalist identity as French Canadians asserted themselves culturally. The modern Québécois identity is secular and based on a social democratic ideal of the Quebec State promoting Quebec French culture and language in the arts, education, and business within the province. Politically, this resulted in a movement towards more provincial autonomy. Quebec federalists in the Liberal Party of Quebec argued for more autonomy within Canada, while Quebec sovereigntists, mostly within the Parti Québécois, argued for outright independence from Canada. Quebec nationalists increasingly referred to provincial institutions as being "national", changing the name of the provincial "Legislative Assembly" to the "National Assembly of Quebec" in 1968, for example.

In response, the Liberal Party of Canada under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau advocated an increased role for French-speaking Canadians in the federal government through a policy of Official Bilingualism, a federal presence in social programs that sought to create a unified Canadian identity that resisted demands for more provincial autonomy, and a new constitution based on individual rights that would sever the remaining colonial ties to Britain. This alienated many Quebec nationalists who demanded legal, constitutional recognition of the collective cultural identity in Quebec.

The conflict culminated in the Parti Québécois government of René Lévesque holding a province-wide referendum on Sovereignty-Association in 1980 that proposed that Quebec would assume all federal powers while maintaining economic links to Canada; it was rejected by 60% of Quebecers. Prime Minister Trudeau subsequently pushed through the amendment of the constitution with the Canada Act 1982. This was done with the approval of the other provincial governments, but not the government of Quebec.

In 1987, the Progressive Conservative government of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney negotiated the Meech Lake Accord with the federalist of government of Robert Bourassa. It recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" within Canada. All provinces originally agreed, but Manitoba and Newfoundland failed to ratify the accord, amid vocal criticism of the accord from Pierre Trudeau. In April 1988, Manitoba voters elected a Conservative minority government, but the leader holding the 'balance of power' in the minority government, Liberal leader Sharon Carstairs, stood opposed to the Accord. In April 1989, Newfoundland voters elected a Liberal majority government, led by Premier Clyde Wells, who held a second vote in the legislature that rescinded Newfoundland's support for the agreement in April 1990. In June 1990, the Manitoba government was unable to even vote on the accord, due to a procedural vote (requiring unanimity) that was brought down by one Aboriginal New Democratic Party MLA, Elijah Harper. First Nation groups and the populist Reform Party in Western Canada also opposed the accord, arguing that their cultural and regional grievances were being ignored.

The failure of the Meech Lake Accord generated a backlash in Quebec. Support for sovereignty soared to above 60%, and the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois formed under disaffected Progressive Conservative Cabinet Minister Lucien Bouchard. The Bloc represented the majority of Quebec in the federal Parliament between the 1993 federal election and the Canadian federal election of 2011. However, the federal Liberal Party of Jean Chrétien won power that year by sweeping Ontario and picking up votes in all provinces. They advocated the status-quo on constitutional issues. The conservative Reform Party under Preston Manning displaced the Progressive Conservatives in the Western provinces, and advocated a constitutional reform that would recognize all provinces as equal, opposing special legal status for Quebec. The Progressive Conservative were reduced to two seats. A Parti Québécois government held another referendum on sovereignty and a "partnership" with Canada in 1995 and lost by only a few thousand votes. A major theme of popular sovereigntist leader Lucien Bouchard the referendum was that English Canada did not recognize the Quebec people in the constitution, depicting it as an English Canadian humiliation of French Quebec.

Following the referendum, support for Quebec sovereignty decreased. The Parti Québécois government renewed the push for recognition as a nation through symbolic motions that gained the support of all parties in the National Assembly. They affirmed the right to determine the independent status of Quebec.

They also renamed the area around Quebec City the Capitale nationale (national capital) region and renamed provincial parks Parcs nationaux (national parks). In opposition in October 2003, a Parti Québécois motion was unanimously adopted in the National Assembly of Quebec in 2003 that recognized the Quebec people as "forming a nation".

This Is Magi Football.

This is an EA Sports College Football/Puella Magi Madoka Magica Dynasty Fanfic Crossover. Originally posted on Utopia College Sports, this dynasty is also here on Blogger. For more info on this dynasty, click here.