Hello, NAACP! Ah,
it’s good to be back. How you all doing today? You doing fine?

Audience: Yes!

President Obama: You look
fine. All right, everybody have a seat. I got some stuff to say. I've
got some stuff to say.

Audience
Member: We love
you!

President Obama: I love you
back. You know that.

So, see, now, whenever
people have, like, little signs, you all got to write it bigger, because
I'm getting old now. And I like that picture of me. That's very nice.
Thank you.

Let’s get something out of
the way up front. I am not singing today.

Audience: Awww --

President Obama: Not
singing. Although I will say your board sang to me as I came in for the
photograph. So I know there’s some good voices in the auditorium.

Let me also say what
everybody knows but doesn’t always want to say out loud -- you all would
rather have Michelle here. I understand. I don't blame you. But I
will do my best to fill her shoes. And she sends everybody her love.
And Malia and Sasha say hi, as well.

I want to thank your
chair, Roslyn Brock. I want to thank your president, Cornell Brooks. I
want to thank your Governor, Tom Wolf, who’s doing outstanding work and
was here. The Mayor of Philadelphia,
Michael Nutter, who’s been a great
friend and ally. Governor
Dan Malloy of Connecticut, who’s here
today. And some outstanding members of Congress who are here. I
want to just say thank you to all of you for your love, for your
support, but most importantly, for the work that you are doing in your
communities all across the country every single day.

It's not always received
with a lot of fanfare. Sometimes it's lonely work; sometimes it's hard
work; sometimes it's frustrating work. But it's necessary work. And it
builds on a tradition of this organization that reshaped the nation.

For 106 years, the
NAACP
has worked to close the gaps between the words of our founding that we
are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable
rights -- those words try to match those with the realities that we live
each and every day.

In your first century,
this organization stood up to lynching and Jim Crow and segregation;
helped to shepherd a
Civil Rights Act and a
Voting Rights Act. I would not be here, and so
many others would not be here, without the NAACP.

In your second century,
we’ve worked together to give more of our children a shot at a quality
education; to help more families rise up out of poverty; to protect
future generations from environmental damage; to create fair housing; to
help more workers find the purpose of a good job. And together, we’ve
made real progress -- including a
My Brother’s Keeper initiative to give
more young people a fair shot in life; including the passage of a law
that declares health care is not a privilege for the few, but a right
for all of us.

We made progress, but our work is not done. By just about every
measure, the life chances for black and Hispanic youth still lag far
behind those of their white peers. Our kids, America’s children, so
often are isolated, without hope, less likely to graduate from high
school, less likely to earn a college degree, less likely to be
employed, less likely to have health insurance, less likely to own a
home.

Part of this is a legacy
of hundreds of years of slavery and segregation, and structural
inequalities that compounded over generations. It did not happen
by accident. Partly it’s a result of continuing, if sometimes more
subtle, bigotry -- whether in who gets called back for a job interview,
or who gets suspended from school, or what neighborhood you are able to
rent an apartment in -- which, by the way, is why our recent initiative
to strengthen the awareness and effectiveness of fair housing laws is so
important. So we can’t be satisfied or not satisfied until the
opportunity gap is closed for everybody in America. Everybody.

But today, I want to focus on one
aspect of American life that remains particularly skewed by race and by wealth,
a source of inequity that has ripple effects on families and on communities and
ultimately on our nation -- and that is our criminal justice system.

Now, this is not a new topic. I
know sometimes folks discover these things like they just happened. There’s a
long history of inequity in the criminal justice system in America. When I was
in the state legislature in Illinois, we worked to make sure that we had
videotaping of interrogations because there were some problems there. We set up
racial profiling laws to prevent the kind of bias in traffic stops that too many
people experience. Since my first campaign, I’ve talked about how, in too many
cases, our criminal justice system ends up being a pipeline from underfunded,
inadequate schools to overcrowded jails.

What has changed, though,
is that, in recent years the eyes of more Americans have been opened to
this truth. Partly because of cameras, partly because of tragedy,
partly because the statistics cannot be ignored, we can’t close our eyes
anymore. And the good news -- and this is truly good news -- is that
good people of all political persuasions are starting to think we need
to do something about this.

So let’s look at the
statistics. The United States is home to 5 percent of the world’s
population, but 25 percent of the world’s prisoners. Think about that.
Our incarceration rate is four times higher than China’s. We keep more
people behind bars than the top 35 European countries combined. And it
hasn’t always been the case -- this huge explosion in incarceration
rates. In 1980, there were 500,000 people behind bars in America --
half a million people in 1980. I was in college in 1980. Many of you
were not born in 1980 -- that’s okay. I remember 1980 -- 500,000.
Today there are 2.2 million. It has quadrupled since 1980. Our prison
population has doubled in the last two decades alone.

Now, we need to be honest.
There are a lot of folks who belong in prison. If we’re going to
deal with this problem and the inequities involved then we also have to
speak honestly. There are some folks who need to be in jail. They may
have had terrible things happen to them in their lives. We hold out the
hope for redemption, but they’ve done some bad things. Murderers,
predators, rapists, gang leaders, drug kingpins -- we need some of those
folks behind bars. Our communities are safer, thanks to brave police
officers and hardworking prosecutors who put those violent criminals in
jail.

And the studies show that
up to a certain point, tougher prosecutors and stiffer sentences for
these violent offenders contributed to the decline in violent crime over
the last few decades. Although the science also indicates that you get
a point of diminishing returns. But it is important for us to recognize
that violence in our communities is serious and that historically, in
fact, the African American community oftentimes was under-policed rather
than over-policed. Folks were very interested in containing the African
American community so it couldn’t leave segregated areas, but within
those areas there wasn’t enough police presence.

But here’s the thing:
Over the last few decades, we’ve also locked up more and more
nonviolent drug offenders than ever before, for longer than ever before.
And that is the real reason our prison population is so high. In far
too many cases, the punishment simply does not fit the crime. If
you’re a low-level drug dealer, or you violate your parole, you owe some
debt to society. You have to be held accountable and make amends. But
you don’t owe 20 years. You don’t owe a life sentence. That's
disproportionate to the price that should be paid.

And by the way, the
taxpayers are picking up the tab for that price. Every year, we
spend $80 billion to keep folks incarcerated -- $80 billion. Now, just
to put that in perspective, for $80 billion, we could have universal
preschool for every 3-year-old and 4-year-old in America. That's
what $80 billion buys. For $80 billion, we could double the salary
of every high school teacher in America. For $80 billion, we
could finance new roads and new bridges and new airports, job training
programs, research and development. We're about to get in a big
budget debate in Washington -- what I couldn’t do with $80 billion.
It’s a lot of money. For what we spend to keep everyone locked up for
one year, we could eliminate tuition at every single one of our public
colleges and universities.

As Republican Senator and
presidential candidate Rand Paul has said -- no, and to his credit, he’s
been consistent on this issue -- imprisoning large numbers of nonviolent
drug offenders for long periods of time, “costs the taxpayers money,
without making them any safer.”

Roughly one-third of the
Justice Department’s budget now goes toward incarceration -- one-third.
And there are outstanding public servants at our Justice Department,
starting with our outstanding Attorney General,
Loretta Lynch -- and
we’ve got some great prosecutors here today -- and they do outstanding
work -- so many of them. But every dollar they have to spend keeping
nonviolent drug offenders in prison is a dollar they can’t spend going
after drug kingpins, or tracking down terrorists, or hiring more police
and giving them the resources that would allow them to do a more
effective job community policing.

And then, of course, there
are costs that can’t be measured in dollars and cents. Because the
statistics on who gets incarcerated show that by a wide margin, it
disproportionately impacts communities of color. African Americans and
Latinos make up 30 percent of our population; they make up 60 percent of
our inmates. About one in every 35 African American men, one in every
88 Latino men is serving time right now. Among white men, that number
is one in 214. The bottom line is that in
too many places, black boys and black men, Latino boys and Latino men
experience being treated differently under the law.

And I want to be clear --
this is not just anecdote. This is not just barbershop talk. A growing
body of research shows that people of color are more likely to be
stopped, frisked, questioned, charged, detained. African Americans are
more likely to be arrested. They are more likely to be sentenced to
more time for the same crime. And one of the consequences of this is,
around one million fathers are behind bars. Around one in nine African
American kids has a parent in prison.

What is that doing to our
communities? What’s that doing to those children? Our nation is being
robbed of men and women who could be workers and taxpayers, could be
more actively involved in their children’s lives, could be role models,
could be community leaders, and right now they’re locked up for a
non-violent offense.

So our criminal justice system
isn’t as smart as it should be. It’s not keeping us as safe as it should be.
It is not as fair as it should be. Mass incarceration makes our country worse
off, and we need to do something about it.

But here’s the good news.

Audience
Member All
right, good news.

President
Obama: Good news.
Don’t get me preaching now. I am feeling more hopeful today
because even now, when, let’s face it, it seems like Republicans and
Democrats cannot agree on anything -- a lot of them agree on this. In
fact, today, back in Washington, Republican senators from Utah and Texas
are joining Democratic senators from New Jersey and Rhode Island to talk
about how Congress can pass meaningful criminal justice reform this
year. That’s good news. That is good news. Good news.

That doesn’t happen very
often. And it’s not just senators. This is a cause that’s bringing
people in both houses of Congress together. It’s created some unlikely
bedfellows. You’ve got Van Jones and Newt Gingrich. You’ve got
Americans for Tax Reform and the ACLU. You’ve got the NAACP and the
Koch brothers. No, you’ve got to give them credit. You’ve got to
call it like you see it. There are states from Texas and South
Carolina to California and Connecticut who have acted to reduce their
prison populations over the last five years and seen their crime rates
fall. That’s good news.

My Administration has
taken steps on our own to reduce our federal prison population. So I
signed a bill reducing the 100-1 sentencing disparity between crack and
powder cocaine. I’ve commuted the sentences of dozens of people
sentenced under old drug laws that we now recognize were unfair, and
yesterday I announced that I’m commuting dozens more.

Under the leadership of
Attorney General Eric Holder -- now continued by Loretta Lynch --
federal prosecutors got what he called “Smart on Crime,” which is
refocusing efforts on the worst offenders, pursuing mandatory minimum
sentences 20 percent less often than they did the year before. The idea
is you don’t always have to charge the max. To be a good prosecutor,
you need to be proportionate. And it turns out that we're solving just
as many cases and there are just as many plea bargains, and it’s
working. It’s just that we’ve eliminated some of the excess.

And recently, something
extraordinary happened. For the first time in 40 years, America’s crime
rate and incarceration rate both went down at the same time. That
happened last year.

So there’s some momentum
building for reform. There’s evidence mounting for why we need reform.
Now I want to spend the rest of my time just laying out some basic
principles, some simple ideas for what reform should look like, because
we're just at the beginning of this process and we need to make sure
that we stay with it. And I’m going to focus on what happens in three
places -- in the community, in the courtroom, and in the cell block.

So I want to begin with the
community because I believe crime is like any other epidemic –- the best time to
stop it is before it even starts. And I’m going to go ahead and say
what I’ve said a hundred times before or a thousand times before, and what
you've heard me say before, if we make investments early in our children, we
will reduce the need to incarcerate those kids.

So one study found that
for every dollar we invest in pre-K, we save at least twice that down
the road in reduced crime. Getting a teenager a job for the summer
costs a fraction of what it costs to lock him up for 15 years.
Investing in our communities makes sense. It saves taxpayer money if we
are consistent about it, and if we recognize that every child deserve
opportunity -- not just some, not just our own.

What doesn’t make sense is
treating entire neighborhoods as little more than danger zones where we just
surround them. We ask police to go in there and do the tough job of trying to
contain the hopelessness when we are not willing to make the investments to help
lift those communities out of hopelessness. That's not just a police
problem; that's a societal problem.

Places like West Philly,
or West Baltimore, or Ferguson, Missouri -- they’re part of America,
too. They're not separate. They’re part of America like anywhere
else. The kids there are American kids, just like your kids and my
kids. So we’ve got to make sure boys and girls in those communities are
loved and cherished and supported and nurtured and invested in.
And we have to have the same standards for those children as we have for
our own children.

If you are a parent, you
know that there are times where boys and girls are going to act out in
school. And the question is, are we letting principals and parents deal
with one set of kids and we call the police on another set of kids.
That's not the right thing to do.

We’ve got to make sure our
juvenile justice system remembers that kids are different. Don't just
tag them as future criminals. Reach out to them as future citizens.

And even as we recognize
that police officers do one of the toughest, bravest jobs around -- and
as we do everything in our power to keep those police officers safe on
the job -- I’ve talked about this -- we have to restore trust between
our police and some of the communities where they serve. And a
good place to start is making sure communities around the country adopt
the recommendations from the task force I set up -- that included law
enforcement, but also included young people from New York and from
Ferguson, and they were able to arrive at a consensus around things like
better training, better data collection -- to make sure that policing is
more effective and more accountable, but is also more unbiased.

So these are steps in the
community that will lead to fewer folks being arrested in the first
place. Now, they won’t eliminate crime entirely. There’s going to be
crime. That’s why the second place we need to change is in the
courtroom.

For nonviolent drug
crimes, we need to lower long mandatory minimum sentences -- or get rid
of them entirely. Give judges some discretion around nonviolent
crimes so that, potentially, we can steer a young person who has made a
mistake in a better direction.

We should pass a
sentencing reform bill through Congress this year. We need to ask
prosecutors to use their discretion to seek the best punishment, the one
that's going to be most effective, instead of just the longest
punishment. We should invest in alternatives to prison, like drug
courts and treatment and probation programs -- which ultimately can save
taxpayers thousands of dollars per defendant each year.

Now, even if we’re locking
up fewer people, even if we are reforming sentencing guidelines, as I’ve
said before, some criminals still deserve to go to jail. And as
Republican Senator John Cornyn has reminded us, “virtually all of the
people incarcerated in our prisons will eventually someday be released.”
And that’s why the third place we need to reform is in the cell block.

So on Thursday, I will be the
first sitting President to visit a federal prison. And I’m going to shine
a spotlight on this issue, because while the people in our prisons have made
some mistakes -- and sometimes big mistakes -- they are also Americans, and we
have to make sure that as they do their time and pay back their debt to society
that we are increasing the possibility that they can turn their lives around.

That doesn’t mean that we
will turn everybody’s life around. That doesn’t mean there aren’t some
hard cases. But it does mean that we want to be in a position in which
if somebody in the midst of imprisonment recognizes the error of their
ways, is in the process of reflecting about where they’ve been and where
they should be going, we’ve got to make sure that they’re in a position
to make the turn.

And that’s why we should not
tolerate conditions in prison that have no place in any civilized country.
We should not be tolerating overcrowding in prison. We should not be tolerating
gang activity in prison. We should not be tolerating rape in prison. And we
shouldn’t be making jokes about it in our popular culture. That’s no joke.
These things are unacceptable.

What’s more, I’ve asked my
Attorney General to start a review of the overuse of solitary
confinement across American prisons. The social science shows that
an environment like that is often more likely to make inmates more
alienated, more hostile, potentially more violent. Do we really think
it makes sense to lock so many people alone in tiny cells for 23 hours a
day, sometimes for months or even years at a time? That is not going to
make us safer. That’s not going to make us stronger. And if those
individuals are ultimately released, how are they ever going to adapt?
It’s not smart.

Our prisons should be a place
where we can train people for skills that can help them find a job, not train
them to become more hardened criminals.

Look, I don’t want to
pretend like this is all easy. But some places are doing better than
others. Montgomery County, Maryland put a job training center inside
the prison walls -- to give folks a head start in thinking about what
might you do otherwise than committing crime. That’s a good idea.

Here’s another good idea
-- one with bipartisan support in Congress: Let’s reward prisoners with
reduced sentences if they complete programs that make them less likely
to commit a repeat offense. Let's invest in innovative new
approaches to link former prisoners with employers and help them stay on
track. Let’s follow the growing number of our states and cities and
private companies who have decided to “Ban the Box” on job applications
-- so that former prisoners who have done their time and are now trying
to get straight with society have a decent shot in a job interview.
And if folks have served their time, and they’ve reentered society, they
should be able to vote.

Communities that give our
young people every shot at success; courts that are tough but fair;
prisons that recognize eventually the majority will be released and so
seek to prepare these returning citizens to grab that second chance --
that’s where we need to build.

But I want to add this. We can’t
ask our police, or our prosecutors, or our prison guards, or our judges to bear
the entire burden of containing and controlling problems that the rest of us are
not facing up to and willing to do something about.

So, yes, we have to stand
up to those who are determined to slash investments in our communities
at any cost -- cutting preschool programs, cutting job-training
programs, cutting affordable housing programs, cutting community
policing programs. That’s shortsighted. Those investments make this
country strong. We’ve got to invest in opportunity more than
ever.

An African American man born
roughly 25 years ago has just a one-in-two chance of being employed today. More
than one in three African American children are growing up in poverty. When
America’s unemployment rate was 9.5 percent, when I first came into office, as
it was going up, we properly recognized this is a crisis. Right now, the
unemployment rate among African Americans is 9.5 percent. What should we call
that? It is a crisis. And we have to be just as concerned about continuing to
lift up job opportunities for these young people.

So today, I’ve been
talking about the criminal justice system, but we have to recognize that
it’s not something we can view in isolation. Any system that allows us
to turn a blind eye to hopelessness and despair, that’s not a justice
system, it is an injustice system. But that is an extension and a
reflection of some broader decisions that we’re making as a society.
And that has to change. That has to change.

What the marchers on Washington
knew, what the marchers in Selma knew, what folks like
Julian
Bond knew, what the marchers in this room still know, is that justice
is not only the absence of oppression, it is the presence of opportunity.

Justice is giving every child a shot at a great education no matter what
zip code they’re born into. Justice is giving everyone willing to work
hard the chance at a good job with good wages, no matter what their name
is, what their skin color is, where they live.

Fifty years after the
Voting Rights Act, justice is protecting that right for every American.
Justice is living up to the common creed that says, I am my brother’s
keeper and my sister’s keeper. Justice is making sure every young
person knows they are special and they are important and that their
lives matter -- not because they heard it in a hashtag, but because of
the love they feel every single day -- not just love from their parents,
not just love from their neighborhood, but love from police, love from
politicians. Love from somebody who lives on the other side of the
country, but says, that young person is still important to me.
That’s what justice is.

And in the American tradition and
in the immigrant tradition of remaking ourselves, in the Christian tradition
that says none of us is without sin and all of us need redemption, justice and
redemption go hand in hand.

Right before I came out
here, I met with four former prisoners, four ex-offenders. Two of them
were African American, one of them was Latino, one of them was white.
All of them had amazing stories. One of them dropped out of school
when he was a young kid. Now he’s making film about his experience in
the prison system.

One of them served 10
years in prison, then got a job at Five Guys -- which is a tasty burger
-- and they gave him an opportunity, and he rose up and became a general
manager there, and now is doing anti-violence work here in the
community.

One of them, the young
Latino man, he came out of prison and was given an opportunity to get
trained on green jobs that are helping the environment but also gave him
a marketable skill. And he talked about how the way he’s staying out of
trouble is he just keeps on thinking about his two daughters. And I
could relate to that, because you don’t want to disappoint your
daughters. You don’t want to disappoint those baby girls. And so
he says, I go to work and I come home, and I grab that little baby and
get a kiss, and that’s keeping me focused.

And then one of them, Jeff
Copeland, was arrested six times before his 38th birthday. He was
drinking, using drugs, racked up DUI after DUI, sentence after sentence.
And he admits that the sentences he was getting for DUI weren’t
reflective of all the trouble he was causing, could have been worse.
And Jeff spent so much time jogging in place in his cell that inmates
nicknamed him “The Running Man.” And he was literally going nowhere,
running in place.

And then, somehow, Jeff
started examining his life. And he said, “This isn’t me.” So he
decided to hold himself accountable. He quit drinking. He went to AA.
Met a recruiter from the re-entry program at the
Community College of
Philadelphia, enrolled in classes once he was released --
made sure to show up every day. Graduated summa cum laude -- with a
3.95 GPA. And this fall he’ll graduate from Temple University with a
major in criminal justice and a minor in social work. And he
volunteers helping former inmates get their lives back on track.

And “it’s sort of a
cliché,” he says, “but we can do anything.” And just two years
ago, “The Running Man” ran his first marathon -- because he’s going
somewhere now. “You never look at crossing the finishing line,”
he says of his journey, “you attack it by putting one mile after the
other. It takes steps.” It takes steps. That’s true for individuals.
It’s true for our nation.

Sometimes I get in debates
about how to think about progress or the lack of progress when it comes
to issues of race and inequality in America. And there are times where
people say, “Oh, the President, he’s too optimistic.” Or “he’s not
talking enough about how bad things are.” Oh, let me tell you
something, I see what happens. My heart breaks when I see families who
are impacted. I spend time with those families and feel their grief. I
see those young men on street corners and eventually in prisons, and I
think to myself, they could be me; that the main difference between me
and them is I had a more forgiving environment so that when I slipped
up, when I made a mistake, I had a second chance. And they’ve got no
margin for error.

I know -- I know -- how
hard things are for a lot of folks. But I also know that it takes steps.
And if we have the courage to take that first step, then we take a
second step. And if we have the courage to take the second step then
suddenly we’ve taken 10 steps. The next thing you know, you’ve taken
100 steps. And that’s true not just for us as individuals, but that is
true for us as a nation.

We are not perfect, but we
have the capacity to be more perfect. Mile after mile; step after step.
And they pile up one after the other and pretty soon that finish line
starts getting into sight, and we are not where we were. We’re in a
better place because we had the courage to move forward. So we
cannot ignore the problems that we have, but we can’t stop running the
race. That’s how you win the race. That’s how you fix a broken
system. That’s how you change a country.

The NAACP understands
that. Think about the race that you have run. Think about the
race ahead. If we keep taking steps toward a more perfect union, and
close the gaps between who we are and who we want to be, America will
move forward. There’s nothing we can’t do.