Introduction.

Parliamentary Law.

Parliamentary Law refers originally to the customs and rules for
conducting business in the English Parliament; and thence to the usages of
deliberative assemblies in general. In England these usages of Parliament form a
part of the unwritten law of the land, and in our own legislative bodies they
are of authority in all cases where they do not conflict with existing rules or
precedents.

But as a people we have not the respect which the English have for customs
and precedents, and are always ready for such innovations as we think are
improvements; hence changes have been and are constantly being made in the
written rules which our legislative bodies have found best to adopt. As each
house adopts its own rules, the result is that the two houses of the same
legislature do not always agree in their practice; even in Congress the order of
precedence of motions is not the same in both houses, and the previous question
is admitted in the House of Representatives but not in the Senate. As a
consequence of this, the exact method of conducting business in any particular
legislative body is to be obtained only from the Legislative Manual of that
body.

The vast number of societies -- political, literary, scientific, benevolent,
and religious -- formed all over the land, though not legislative, are
deliberative in character, and must have some system of conducting business and
some rules to govern their proceedings, and are necessarily subject to the
common parliamentary law where it does not conflict with their own special
rules. But as their knowledge of parliamentary law has been obtained from the
usages in this country, rather than from the customs of Parliament, it has
resulted that these societies have followed in part the customs of our own
legislative bodies, and our people have thus been educated under a system of
parliamentary law which is peculiar to this country, and yet so well established
as to supersede the English parliamentary law as the common law of ordinary
deliberative assemblies.

The practice of the National House of Representatives should have the same
force in this country as the usages of the House of Commons have in England, in
determining the general principles of the common parliamentary law of the land,
were it not for the fact that while the English Parliament has continued to be a
strictly deliberative assembly, the business of our House of Representatives has
grown so enormously that it has been obliged to make such changes in its rules
and practice as will allow the majority to suppress the debate, if there has
been previous debate, and if there has been none, to limit the debate to forty
minutes; and also to suppress a question for the session even without any
debate. These deviations from the old parliamentary law, while necessary in the
House of Representatives, are in violation of the fundamental right of a
deliberative assembly to have questions thoroughly discussed before it is called
upon to take action upon them, unless a large majority, at least two-thirds, is
prepared to act at once. In ordinary deliberative assemblies the right to debate
questions before taking final action upon them should never be suppressed by
less than a two-thirds vote, and the motion to lay on the table should be used
only for its legitimate parliamentary purpose of laying aside a question
temporarily.

Where the practice of Congress differs from that of Parliament, the common
law of this country usually follows the practice of Congress. Thus, in every
American deliberative assembly having no rules for conducting business, the
motion to adjourn, when it does not dissolve the assembly, would be decided to
be undebatable, as in Congress, the English parliamentary law to the contrary
notwithstanding; so if the previous question were negatived, the debate upon the
subject would continue, as in Congress, whereas in Parliament the subject would
be immediately dismissed; so, too, the previous question could be moved when
there was before the assembly a motion either to commit, or to postpone
definitely or indefinitely, just as in Congress, notwithstanding that, according
to English parliamentary law, the previous question could not be moved under
such circumstances.

The old common parliamentary law gives the same rank to the motions for the
previous question, to postpone definitely, to commit, and to postpone
indefinitely, so that no one of them can be moved while another one of them is
pending; the House makes them rank in the order just named; while the Senate
does not admit the motion for the previous question, and makes to postpone
indefinitely outrank all the others. The practice of the House in this matter
establishes the parliamentary law of this country, as it does in all cases where
its practice is not due to the great quantity of its business or the necessities
of party government. This may be illustrated by the motions to lay on the table
and the previous question. The House of Representatives has completely changed
the use of the motion to lay on the table from that of merely laying aside a
question until the assembly chooses to resume its consideration [see foot note,
28], to a motion to kill the pending
proposition. To make it more effective for this purpose, they have allowed it to
be made before the member reporting a bill from the committee is allowed to
speak, and when a question is laid upon the table it cannot be taken up except
by suspending the rules, which requires a two-thirds vote. For reasons
previously given, such rules are necessary in Congress, but in ordinary
assemblies they would do more harm than good. The same vote should be required
(two-thirds vote) to stop debate and bring the assembly to a vote on the final
disposition of the question, whether the intention is to adopt or to reject the
proposition. The previous question and the motion to lay on the table require
the same vote in Congress, and should in all assemblies where to lay on the
table is used for killing propositions.

The modifications made by the House in regard to the previous question have
made that motion extremely simple and useful, and its practice establishes the
parliamentary law of the country as to the previous question, except in respect
to its being ordered by majority vote and forty minutes' debate being allowed
after it has been ordered, if the proposition has no been previously debated. It
is necessary in Congress for the majority to have the power to close debate,
but, such a power being in conflict with the fundamental rights of a
deliberative assembly, Congress has modified it so as not to cut off debate
entirely. In an ordinary assembly, with sessions not exceeding two or three
hours, it should, and it does, have the power by a two-thirds vote to close
debate instantly, just as by the same vote it may suspend the rules.

In matters of detail, the rules of the House of Representatives are adapted
to the peculiar wants of that body, and are of no authority in any other
assembly. No one, for instance, would accept the following House of
Representatives rules as common parliamentary law in this country: That the
chairman, in case of disorderly conduct, would have the power to order the
galleries to be cleared; that any fifteen members would be authorized to compel
the attendance of absent members; that each member would be limited in debate
upon any question to one hour; and that the motion to suspend the rules can only
be entertained on the first and third Mondays of each month. These examples are
sufficient to show the absurdity of the Idea that the rules of Congress in all
things determine the common parliamentary law.

While some of the rules of Congress are adapted only to legislative
assemblies, and others only to the House that adopts them, yet its rules and
practice, except where manifestly unsuited to ordinary deliberative assemblies,
should, and do determine the parliamentary law of the country. The people of the
United States will never accept the rules and practice of the legislature, or of
deliberative assemblies, of any state, or even of any section of the country, as
of equal authority with the practice of the National Congress in determining the
parliamentary law for the whole country.

Since, however, the sessions of Congress last from three to six months, and
at times to nearly a year, whereas the great majority of ordinary deliberative
assemblies have sessions lasting not more than two or three hours; and since the
quorum in Congress is a majority of the members, while in most societies it is
less than one-fifth, and often less than one-tenth, of the members; and since
the members of Congress are paid to devote all their time during a session to
the business of Congress, and can be compelled to attend, whereas in ordinary
assemblies the members have other duties and their attendance is simply
voluntary; and as the work of Congress is enormous and is mostly done by
standing committees, of which there are fifty-six, or in committee of the whole,
while in ordinary assemblies the assembly itself attends to most of its
business, the rest is done usually by special committees rather than by standing
committees or in committee of the whole -- as these differences exist, it is
evident that the rules and practice of Congress require to be modified in some
respects to adapt them to ordinary deliberative assemblies. Sometimes the old
common parliamentary law is better adapted to ordinary societies, as with the
motion to lay on the table. Where the two houses differ, sometimes the Senate
practice is better adapted to ordinary assemblies, as in allowing each member to
speak twice to the same question each day; while in allowing the previous
question and in making the motion to postpone indefinitely the lowest of
subsidiary motions, the practice of the House seems better adapted to ordinary
assemblies. The House allows a majority to order the previous question, but if
there has been no debate on the question, forty minutes' debate is permitted
after the previous question has been ordered. This rule is not adapted to
assemblies whose entire session may not last two hours. They should have power
to close debate instantly by a two-thirds vote. This is in accordance with the
general principle that the assembly by a two-thirds vote may suspend the rules,
even the rule permitting debate.

As there would naturally be differences of opinion as to the application of
the above principles, and it is important that the law should be definite, every
deliberative assembly should imitate our legislative bodies and adopt some Rules
of Order for the conduct of its business.1

PLAN OF THE WORK.

These Rules are prepared to meet partially this want in deliberative
assemblies that are not legislative in their character. They have been made
sufficiently complete to answer for the rules of an assembly until it sees fit
to adopt special rules conflicting with and superseding any of the rules of
detail, such as the Order of Business, etc. They are based upon the rules and
practice of Congress so far as these are adapted to ordinary deliberative
assemblies with short sessions and comparatively small quorums, as has just been
explained. In cases where these Rules differ from the practice of Congress,
usually the congressional rule will be found in a foot note. The foot notes need
not be referred to for any other purpose than to ascertain the practice of
Congress.

This Manual contains a Table of Contents, Table of Rules, Part I, Part II,
Lesson Outlines, and the Index.

Table of Contents. This gives a clear, systematic idea of the
arrangement of subjects treated in the Manual.

Order of Precedence of Motions and Table of Rules. A careful study
of these tables so as to be able to use them quickly will enable any one in an
emergency to ascertain whether a motion is in order, and whether it may be
debated, or amended, or reconsidered, or requires a second, or a two-thirds
vote, or is in order when another member has the floor.

Part I, comprising the main part of the Manual, contains a set of
Rules of Order systematically arranged, as shown in the Table of Contents. It
begins with showing how business is introduced in a deliberative assembly, and
then follows it step by step until the vote is taken and announced. The next
section, 10, shows what is the proper motion to use to accomplish certain
objects, referring at the same time to the section where the motion will be
found fully treated. Next, the motions are classified as usual into Privileged,
Incidental, Subsidiary, and Main, and the general characteristics of each class
given.

Then each class is taken up in order, beginning with the highest privileged
motion, and a section is devoted to each motion, including some motions that are
not classified. Each of these twenty-six sections is complete in itself, so that
one unfamiliar with the work need not be misled in examining any particular
subject. Cross-references, in heavy-face type, are used wherever it was thought
they would be helpful, the references being to sections, the number of the
section being placed at the top of each page. The following is stated in
reference to each motion, except some of the incidental ones, the first six
points being mentioned at the beginning of each section:

(1) Of what motions it takes precedence
(that is, what motions may be pending and yet it be in order to make and
consider this motion).

(2) To what motions it yields (that is,
what motions may be made and considered while this motion is pending).

(3) Whether it is debatable or not (all
motions being debatable unless the contrary is stated).

(4) Whether it can be amended or not.

(5) In case the motion can have no subsidiary
motion applied to it, the fact is stated [see Adjourn, 17, for an example: the meaning is, that the
particular motion, to adjourn, cannot be laid on the table, postponed,
committed, or amended, &c.].

(6) The vote required for its adoption, when
it is not a majority.

(7) The form of making the motion when
peculiar.

(8) The form of stating and putting the
question when peculiar.

(9) The object of the motion when not
apparent.

(10) The effect of the motion if adopted,
whenever it could possibly be misunderstood.

Part II contains an explanation of the methods of organizing and
conducting different kinds of meetings, giving the words used by the chairman
and speakers in making and putting various motions; and also a few pages devoted
to the legal rights of deliberative assemblies and ecclesiastical tribunals, and
to the trial of members of such societies. The beginner especially, will find it
useful to read sections 69-71 in
connection with sections 1-10, thus
obtaining correct ideas as to the methods of conducting business in deliberative
assemblies.

The Plan for the Study of Parliamentary Law gives some helpful
suggestions to clubs and individuals wishing to study parliamentary law together
with a series of eighteen Lesson Outlines.

The Index refers to pages, not sections, and at the beginning are
given some suggestions as to the best method of finding anything in these Rules.

DEFINITIONS.

In addition to the terms defined above (taking precedence of, yielding
to, and applying to [see above]), there are other terms that are
liable to be misunderstood, to which attention is called.

Accepting a report is the same as
adopting it, and must be decided before the pending question, should not be
confused with receiving a report, which is allowing it to be presented
to the assembly.

Assembly. This term is used for the
deliberative assembly, and should be replaced in motions, etc., by the proper
name of the body, as society, club, church, board, convention, etc.

The Chair means the presiding officer,
whether temporary or permanent.

The terms Congress and H.R.,
when used in this Manual, refer to the U.S. House of Representatives.

Meeting and
Session. Meeting is used in this Manual for an assembling of the members
of a deliberative body for any length of time during which they do not separate
for longer than a few minutes, as the morning meeting, or the evening meeting,
of a convention. In a society with rules providing for regular meetings every
week, or month, etc., each of these regular meetings is a separate session. A
called or special meeting is a distinct session. Should a regular or special
meeting adjourn to meet at another time, the adjourned meeting is a continuation
of the session, not a separate one; the two meetings constitute one session. In
the case of a convention holding a meeting every year or two, or rather a series
of meetings lasting several days, the entire series of meetings constitute one
session. [See 63.]

Pending and Immediately Pending.
A question is said to be pending when it has been stated by the chair and has
not yet disposed of either permanently or temporarily. When several questions
are pending, the one last stated by the chair, and therefore the one to be first
disposed of, is said to be the immediately pending question.

A Main motion is one that is made to bring
before the assembly any particular subject. No main motion can be made when
another motion is pending.

A Subsidiary motion is one that may be
applied to a main motion, and to certain other motions, for the purpose of
modifying them, delaying action upon them or otherwise disposing of them.

Privileged motions are such that,
while having no relation to the pending question, are of such urgency or
importance as to require them to take precedence of all other motions.

An Incidental motion is one that
arises out of another question which is pending or has just been pending, and
must be decided before the pending question, or before other business is taken
up. Incidental motions have no fixed rank but take precedence of the questions
out of which they arise, whether those questions are main or subsidiary or
privileged.

The Previous Question does not refer, as
its name would imply, to the previous question, but is the name given to the
motion to close debate and at once to take the vote on the immediately pending
question and such other questions as are specified in the motion.

A Substitute is an amendment where an
entire resolution, or section, or one or more paragraphs, is struck out and
another resolution, or section, or one or more paragraphs, is inserted in its
place.

Plurality, Majority, and Two-thirds
Vote. In an election a candidate has a plurality when he has a larger vote than
any other candidate; he has a majority when he has more than half the votes
cast, ignoring blanks. In an assembly a plurality never elects except by virtue
of a rule to that effect. A majority vote when used in these rules means a
majority of the votes cast, ignoring blanks, at a legal meeting, a quorum being
present. A two-thirds vote is two-thirds of the votes just described. For an
illustration of the difference between a two-thirds vote, a vote of two-thirds
of the members present, and a vote of two-thirds of the members, see 48:4.

1. Any society adopting these Rules of
Order should be governed by them in all cases to which they are applicable, and
in which they are not inconsistent with the by-laws and rules of order of that
society. [See 67:7 for the form of a
rule covering this case.] Its own rules should include all of the cases where it
is desirable to vary from the rules in the Manual, and especially should provide
for a Quorum [64] and an Order of Business
[65], as suggested in this Manual.