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Title: The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume 7: Gregory XII-Infallability
Creator(s): Herbermann, Charles George (1840-1916)
Print Basis: 1907-1913
Rights: From online edition Copyright 2003 by K. Knight, used by
permission
CCEL Subjects: All; Reference
LC Call no: BX841.C286
LC Subjects:
Christian Denominations
Roman Catholic Church
Dictionaries. Encyclopedias
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THE CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA
AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE
ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE,
DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE
CATHOLIC CHURCH
EDITED BY
CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, Ph.D., LL.D.
EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D. CONDE B PALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D.
THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J.
ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS
IN FIFTEEN VOLUMES
VOLUME 7
Gregory XII to Infallability
New York: ROBERT APPLETON COMPANY
Imprimatur
JOHN M. FARLEY
ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK
__________________________________________________________________
Pope Gregory XII
Pope Gregory XII
(ANGELO CORRARIO, now CORRER).
Legal pope during the Western Schism; born at Venice, of a noble
family, about 1327; died at Recanati, 18 October, 1417.
He became Bishop of Castello in 1380 and titular Patriarch of
Constantinople in 1390. Under Pope Innocent VII he was made
Apostolic secretary, the Legate of Ancona, and finally, in 1405,
Cardinal-Priest of San Mareo. It was due to his great piety and
his earnest desire for the end of the schism that after the
death of Innocent VII the cardinals at Rome unanimously elected
him pope on 30 Nov., 1406. He took the name of Gregory XII.
Before the papal election each cardinal swore that in order to
end the schism he would abdicate the papacy if he should be
elected, provided his rival at Avignon (Benedict XIII) would do
the same. Gregory XII repeated his oath after his election and
to all appearances had the intention to keep it. On 12 Dec.,
1406, he notified Benedict XIII of his election and the
stipulation under which it took place, at the same time
reiterating his willingness to lay down the tiara if Benedict
would do the same. Benedict apparently agreed to the proposals
of Gregory XII and expressed his desire to have a conference
with him. After long negotiations the two pontiffs agreed to
meet at Savona. The meeting, however, never took place.
Benedict, though openly protesting his desire to meet Gregory
XII, gave various indications that he had not the least
intention to renounce his claims to the papacy; and Gregory XII,
though sincere in the beginning, also soon began to waver. The
relatives of Gregory XII, to whom he was always inordinately
attached, and King Ladislaus of Naples, for political reasons
used all their efforts to prevent the meeting of the pontiffs.
The reason, pretended or real, put forth by Gregory XII for
refusing to meet his rival, was his fear that Benedict had
hostile designs upon him and would use their conference only as
a ruse to capture him. The cardinals of Gregory XII openly
showed their dissatisfaction at his procedure and gave signs of
their intention to forsake him. On 4 May, 1408, Gregory XII
convened his cardinals at Lucca, ordered them not to leave the
city under any pretext, and created four of his nephews
cardinals, despite his promise in the conclave that he would
create no new cardinals. Seven of the cardinals secretly left
Lucca and negotiated with the cardinals of Benedict concerning
the convocation of a general council by them at which both
pontiffs should be deposed and a new one elected. They summoned
the council to Pisa and invited both pontiffs to be present.
Neither Gregory XII nor Benedict XIII appeared. At the fifteenth
session (5 June, 1409), the council deposed the two pontiffs,
and elected Alexander V on 26 June, 1409. Meanwhile Gregory
stayed with his loyal and powerful protector, Prince Charles of
Malatesta, who had come to Pisa in person during the process of
the council, in order to effect an understanding between Gregory
XII and the cardinals of both obediences. All his efforts were
useless. Gregory XII, who had meanwhile created ten other
cardinals, convoked a council at Cividale del Friuli, near
Aquileia, for 6 June, 1409. At this council, though only a few
bishops had appeared, Benedict XIII and Alexander V were
pronounced schismatics, perjurers, and devastators of the
Church.
Though forsaken by most of his cardinals, Gregory XII was still
the true pope and was recognized as such by Rupert, King of the
Romans, King Ladislaus of Naples, and some Italian princes. The
Council of Constance finally put an end to the intolerable
situation of the Church. At the fourteenth session (4 July,
1415) a Bull of Gregory XII was read which appointed Malatesta
and Cardinal Dominici of Ragusa as his proxies at the council.
The cardinal then read a mandatory of Gregory XII which convoked
the council and authorized its succeeding acts. Hereupon
Malatesta, acting in the name of Gregory XII, pronounced the
resignation of the papacy by Gregory XII and handed a written
copy of the resignation to the assembly. The cardinals accepted
the resignation, retained all the cardinals that had been
created by him, and appointed him Bishop of Porto and perpetual
legate at Ancona. Two years later, before the election of the
new pope, Martin V, Gregory XII died in the odour of sanctity.
SALEMBIER, Le Grand Schisme d'Occident (Paris, 1900), 225-267,
357, 363; tr. M. D., The Great Schism of the West (New York,
1907), 218-258, 344-357; SAUERLAND, Gregor XII. von seiner Wahl
bis zum Vertrag von Marseille in SYBEL'S Historische Zeitschrift
(Munich, 1875), XXXIV, 74-120; FINKE, Papst Gregor XII. und
Konig Sigismund im Jahre 1414 in Romische Quartalschrift (Rome,
1887), I, 354-69; LISINI, Papa Gregorio XII e i Senesi in
Rassegna Nazionale (Florence, 1896), XCI.
MICHAEL OTT
Pope Gregory XIII
Pope Gregory XIII
(UGO BUONCOMPAGNI).
Born at Bologna, 7 Jan., 1502; died at Rome, 10 April, 1585. He
studied jurisprudence at the University of Bologna, from which
he was graduated at an early age as doctor of canon and of civil
law. Later, he taught jurisprudence at the same university, and
had among his pupils the famous future cardinals, Alessandro
Farnese, Cristoforo Madruzzi, Otto Truchsess von Waldburg,
Reginald Pole, Carlo Borromeo, and Stanislaus Hosius. In 1539 he
came to Rome at the request of Cardinal Parizzio, and Paul III
appointed him judge of the Capitol, papal abbreviator, and
referendary of both signatures. In 1545 the same pope sent him
to the Council of Trent as one of his jurists. On his return to
Rome he held various offices in the Roman Curia under Julius III
(1550-1555), who also appointed him prolegate of the Campagna in
1555. Under Paul IV (1555-1559) he accompanied Cardinal Alfonso
Caraffa on a papal mission to Philip II in Flanders, and upon
his return was appointed Bishop of Viesti in 1558. Up to this
time he had not been ordained a priest. In 1559 the
newly-elected pope, Pius IV, sent him as his confidential deputy
to the Council of Trent, where he remained till its conclusion
in 1563. Shortly after his return to Rome, the same pope created
him Cardinal Priest of San Sisto in 1564, and sent him as legate
to Spain to investigate the case of Archbishop Bartolome
Carranza of Toledo, who had been suspected of heresy and
imprisoned by the Inquisition. While in Spain he was appointed
secretary of papal Briefs, and after the election of Pius V, 7
Jan., 1566, he returned to Rome to enter upon his new office.
After the death of Pius V on 1 May, 1572, Ugo Buoncompagni was
elected pope on 13 May, 1572, chiefly through the influence of
Cardinal Antoine Granvella, and took the name of Gregory XIII.
At his election to the papal throne he had already completed his
seventieth year, but was still strong and full of energy.
His youth was not stainless. While still at Bologna, a son,
named Giacomo, was born to him of an unmarried woman. Even after
entering the clerical state he was worldly-minded and fond of
display. But from the time he became pope he followed in the
footsteps of his holy predecessor, and was thoroughly imbued
with the consciousness of the great responsibility connected
with his exalted position. His election was greeted with joy by
the Roman people, as well as by the foreign rulers. Emperor
Maximilian II, the kings of France, Spain, Portugal, Hungary,
Poland, the Italian and other princes sent their representatives
to Rome to tender their obedience to the newly-elected pontiff.
At the first consistory he ordered the Constitution of Pius V,
which forbade the alienation of church property, to be read
publicly, and pledged himself to carry into execution the
decrees of the Council of Trent. He at once appointed a
committee of cardinals, consisting of Borromeo, Palcotti,
Aldobrandini, and Arezzo, with instructions to find out and
abolish all ecclesiastical abuses; decided that the cardinals
who were at the head of dioceses were not exempt from the
Tridentine decree of episcopal residence; designated a committee
of cardinals to complete the Index of Forbidden Books, and
appointed one day in each week for a public audience during
which everyone had access to him. In order that only the most
worthy persons might be vested with ecclesiastical dignities, he
kept a list of commendable men in and out of Rome, on which he
noted their virtues and faults that came to his notice. The same
care he exercised in the appointment of cardinals. Thirty-four
cardinals were appointed during his pontificate, and in their
appointment he always had the had the welfare of the Church in
view. He cannot be charged with nepotism. Two of his nephews,
Filippo Buoncompagni and Filippo Vastavillano, he created
cardinals because he considered them worthy of the dignity; but
when a third one aspired after the purple, he did not even grant
him an audience. His son Giacomo he appointed castellan of St.
Angelo and gonfalonier of the Church, but refused him every
higher dignity, although Venice enrolled him among its nobili
and the King of Spain appointed him general of his army.
Like his holy predecessor, Gregory XIII spared no efforts to
further an expedition against the Turks. With this purpose in
view he sent special legates to Spain, France, Germany, Poland,
and other countries, but the discord of the Christian princes
among themselves, the peace concluded by the Venetians with the
Turks, and the treaty effected by Spain with the Sultan,
frustrated all his exertions in this direction.
For stemming the tide of Protestantism, which already had
wrested entire nations from the bosom of the Church, Gregory
XIII knew of no better means than a thorough training of the
candidates for holy priesthood in Catholic philosophy and
theology. He founded numerous colleges and seminaries at Rome
and other suitable places and put most of them under the
direction of the Jesuits. At least twenty-three such
institutions of learning owe their existence or survival to the
munificence of Gregory XIII. The first of these institutions
that enjoyed the pope's liberality was the German College at
Rome, which for lack of funds was in danger of being abandoned.
In a Bull dated 6 August, 1573, he ordered that no less than one
hundred students at a time from Germany and its northern
borderland should be educated in the German College, and that it
should have an annual income of 10,000 ducats, to be paid, as
far as necessary, out of the papal treasury. In 1574 he gave the
church and the palace of Sant' Apollinare to the institution,
and in 1580 united the Hungarian college with it. The following
Roman colleges were founded by Gregory XIII: the Greek college
on 13 Jan., 1577; the college for neophytes, i.e. converted Jews
and infidels, in 1577; the English college on 1 May, 1579; the
Maronite college on 27 June, 1584. For the international Jesuit
college (Collegium Romanum) he built in 1582 the large edifice
known as the Collegio Romano which was occupied by the faculty
and students of the Collegium Romanum (Gregorian University)
until the Piedmontese Government declared it national property
and expelled the Jesuits in 1870. Outside of Rome the following
colleges were either founded or liberally endowed by Gregory
XIII: the English college at Donai, the Scotch college at
Pont-`a-Mousson, the papal seminaries at Graz, Vienna, Olmutz,
Prague, Colosvar, Fulda, Augsburg, Dillingen, Braunsberg, Milan,
Loreto, Fribourg in Switzerland, and three schools in Japan. In
these schools numerous missionaries were trained for the various
countries where Protestantism had been made the state religion
and for the missions among the pagans in China, India, and
Japan. Thus Gregory XIII at least partly restored the old faith
in England and the northern countries of Europe, supplied the
Catholics in those countries with their necessary priests, and
introduced Christianity into the pagan countries of Eastern
Asia. Perhaps one of the happiest events during his pontificate
was his arrival at Rome of four Japanese ambassadors on 22
March, 1585. They had been sent by the converted kings of Bungo,
Arima, and Omura, in Japan, to thank the pope for the fatherly
care he had shown their country by sending them Jesuit
missionaries who had taught them the religion of Christ.
In order to safeguard the Catholic religion in Germany, he
instituted a special Congregation of Cardinals for German
affairs, the so-called Congregatio Germanica, which lasted from
1573-1578. To remain informed of the Catholic situation in that
country and keep in closer contact with its rulers, he erected
resident nunciatures at Vienna in 1581 and at Cologne in 1582.
By his Bull "Provisionis nostrae" of 29 Jan., 1579, he confirmed
the acts of his predecessor Pius V, condemning the errors of
Baius, and at the same time he commissioned the Jesuit, Francis
of Toledo, to demand the abjuration of Baius. In the religious
orders Gregory XIII recognized a great power for the conversion
of pagans, the repression of heresy and the maintenance of the
Catholic religion. He was especially friendly towards the
Jesuits, whose rapid spread during the pontificate was greatly
due to his encouragement and financial assistance. Neither did
he neglect the other orders. He approved the Congregation of the
Oratory in 1574, the Barnabites in 1579, and the Discaleed
Carmalites in 1580. The Premonstratensians he honoured by
canonizing their founder, St. Norbert, in 1582.
Gregory XIII spared no efforts to restore the Catholic Faith in
the countries that had become Protestant. In 1574 he sent the
Polish Jesuit Warsiewicz to John III of Sweden in order to
convert him to Catholicity. Being then unsuccessful, he sent
another Jesuit, the Norwegian Lawrence Nielssen in 1576, who
succeeded in converting the king on 6 May, 1578. The king,
however, soon turned Protestant again from political motives. In
1581, Gregory XIII dispatched the Jesuit Antonio Possevino as
nuncio to Russia, to mediate between Tsar Ivan IV and King
Bathory of Poland. He not only brought about an amicable
settlement between the two rulers, but also obtained for the
Catholics of Russia the right to practice their religion openly.
Gregory's efforts to procure religious liberty for the Catholics
of England were without avail. The world knows of the atrocities
committed by Queen Elizabeth on many Catholic missionaries and
laymen. No blame, therefore, attaches to Gregory XIII for trying
to depose the queen by force of arms. As early as 1578 he sent
Thomas Stukeley with a ship and an army of 800 men to Ireland,
but the treacherous Stukeley joined his forces with those of
King Sebastian of Portugal against Emperor Abdulmelek of
Morocco. Another papal expedition which sailed to Ireland in
1579 under the command of James Fitzmaurice, accompanied by
Nicholas Sanders as papal nuncio, was equally unsuccessful.
Gregory XIII had nothing whatever to do with the plot of Henry,
Duke of Guise, and his brother, Charles, Duke of Mayenne, to
assassinate the queen, and most probably knew nothing whatever
about it (see Bellesheim, "Wilhelm Cardinal Allen", Mainz, 1885,
p. 144).
Some historians have severely criticized Gregory XIII for
ordering that the horrible massacre of the Huguenots on St.
Bartholomew's Day in 1572 be celebrated in Rome by a "Te Deum"
and other marks of rejoicing. In defence of Gregory XIII it must
be stated that he had nothing whatever to do with the massacre
itself, and that he as well as Salviati, his nuncio in Paris,
were kept in ignorance concerning the intended slaughter. The
pope indeed participated in the Roman festivities, but he was
probably not acquainted with the circumstances of the Parisian
horrors and, like other European rulers, had been informed that
the Huguenots had been detected in a conspiracy to kill the king
and the whole royal family, and had been thus punished for their
treacherous designs. But even if Gregory XIII was aware of all
the circumstances of the massacre (which has never been proven),
it must be borne in mind that he did not rejoice at the
bloodshed, but at the suppression of a political and religious
rebellion. That Gregory XIII did not approve of the massacre,
but detested the cruel act and shed tears when he was apprised
of it, is expressly stated even by the apostate Gregario Leti in
his "Vita di Sisto V" (Cologne, 1706), I, 431-4, anad by
Beautome, a contemporary of Gregory XIII, in his "Vie de M.
l'Amiral de Chastillon" (Complete works, The Hague, 1740, VIII,
196). The medal which Gregory XIII had struck in memory of the
event bears his effigy on the obverse, which ion the reverse
under the legend Vgonotiorum Strages (overthrow of the
Huguenots) stands an angel with cross and drawn sword, killing
the Huguenots.
No other act of Gregory XIII has gained for him a more lasting
fame than his reform of the Julian calendar which was completed
and introduced into most Catholic countries in 1578. Closely
connected with the reform of the calendar is the emendation of
the Roman martyrology which was ordered by Gregory XIII in the
autumn of 1580. The emendation was to consist chiefly in the
restoration of the original text of Usuard's martyrology, which
was in common use at the time of Gregory XIII. He entrusted the
learned Cardinal Sirleto with the difficult undertaking. The
cardinal formed a committee, consisting of ten members, who
assisted him in the work. The first edition of the new
martyrology, which came out in 1582, was full of typographical
errors; likewise the second edition of 1583. Both editions were
suppressed by Gregory XIII, and in January, 1584, appeared a
third and better edition under the title of "Martyrologium
Romanum Gregorii XIII jussu editum" (Rome, 1583). In a brief,
dated 14 January, 1584, Gregory XIII ordered that the new
martyrology should supersede all others. Another great literary
achievement of Gregory XIII is an official Roman edition of the
Corpus juris canonici. Shortly after the conclusion of the
Council of Trent, Pius IV had appointed a committee which was to
bring out a critical edition of the Decree of Gratian. The
committee was increased to thirty-five members (correctores
Romani) by Pius V in 1566. Gregory XIII had been a member of it
from the beginning. The work was finally completed in 1582. In
the Briefs "Cum pro munere", dated 1 July, 1580, and
"Emendationem", dated 2 June, 1582, Gregory XIII ordered that
henceforth only the emended official text was to be used and
that in the future no other text should be printed.
It has already been mentioned that Gregory XIII spent large sums
for the erection of colleges and seminaries. No expense appeared
too high to him, if only it was made for the benefit of the
Catholic religion. For the education of poor candidates for the
priesthood he spent two million sendi during his pontificate,
and for the good of Catholicity he sent large sums of money to
Malta, Austria, England, France, Spain, and the Netherlands. In
Rome he built the magnificent Gregorian chapel in the church of
St. Peter, and the Quirinal palace in 1580; a capacious granary
in the Thermae of Diocletian in 1575, and fountains at the
Piazza Navona, the Piazza del Pantheon, and the Piazza del
Popolo. In recognition of his many improvements in Rome the
senate and the people erected a statue in his honour on the
Capitoline Hill, when he was still living.
The large sums of money spent in this manner necessarily reduced
the papal treasury. Acting on the advice of Bonfigliuoto, the
secretary of the Camera, he confiscated various baronial estates
and castles, because some forgotten feudal liabilities to the
papal treasury had not been paid, or because their present
owners were not the rightful heirs. The barons were in continual
fear lest some of their property would be wrested from them in
this way. The result was that the aristocracy hated the papal
government, and incited the peasantry to do the same. The papal
influence over the aristocracy being thus weakened, the barons
of the Romagna made war against each other, and a period of
bloodshed ensued which Gregory XIII was helpless to prevent.
Moreover, the imposition of port charges at Aneona and the levy
of import taxes on Venetian goods by the papal government,
crippled commerce to a considerable extent. The banditti who
infested the Campagna were protected by the barons and the
peasantry and became daily more bold. They were headed by young
men of noble families, such as Alfonso Piccolomim, Roberto
Malatesta, and others. Rome itself was filled with these
outlaws, and the papal officers were always and everywhere in
danger of life. Gregory was helpless against these lawless
bands. Their suppression was finally effected by his rigorous
successor, Sixtus V.
CLAPPI, Compenitio delle attioni e santa vita di Gregorio XIII
(Rome, 1591); BOMPLANI, Historia Pont. Greg. XIII (Dillingen,
1685); PALATIUS, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum (Venice, 1688), IV,
329-366; MAFFEL, Annales Gregorii XIII, 2 vols. (Rome, 1712);
PAGI, Breviarium Gestorum Pontificum Romanorum (Antwerp, 1753),
VI, 718-863; RANKE, Die romischen Papste, tr. FOSTER, History of
the Popes (London, 1906), I, 319-333; BROSCH, Gesch. des
Kirchenstaates (Gotha, 1880), I, 300 sqq.; MILEY, History of the
Papal States.
MICHAEL OTT
Pope Gregory XIV
Pope Gregory XIV
(NiccolO Spondrati).
Born at Somma, near Milan, 11 Feb., 1535; died at Rome, 15 Oct.,
1591.
His father Francesco, a Milanese senator, had, after the death
of his wife, been created cardinal by Pope Paul III, in 1544.
Niccolo studied at the Universities of perugia and Padua, was
ordained priest, and then appointed Bishop of Cremona, in 1560.
He participated in the sessions of the Council of Trent,
1561-1563, and was created Cardinal-Priest of Santa Cecilia by
Gregory XIII on 12 December 1583. Urban VII having died on 27
September, 1590, Sfondrati was elected to succeed him on 5
December, 1590, after a protracted conclave of more than two
months, and took the name of Gregory XIV. The new pope had not
aspired to the tiara. Cardinal Montalto, who came to his cell to
inform him that the Sacred College had agreed on his election,
found him kneeling in prayer before a crucifix. When on the next
day he was elected he burst into tears and said to the
cardinals: "God forgive you! What have you done?" From his youth
he had been a man of piety and mortification. Before entering
the ecclesiastical state he was a constant companion of Charles
Borromeo, and when cardinal, he was an intimate friend of Philip
Neri whose holy life he strove to imitate.
As soon as he became pope, he gave his energetic support to the
French League, and took active measures against Henry of
Navarre, whom Sixtus V, in 1585, had declared a heretic and
excluded from succession to the French throne. In accordance
with the Salic law, after the death of Henry III in 1589, Henry
of Navarre was to succeed to the French throne, but the
prevalent idea of those times was that no Protestant could
become King of France, which was for the most part Catholic. The
nobles, moreover, threatened to rise up against the rule of
Henry of Navarre unless he promised to become a Catholic. In
order to reconcile the nobility and the people to his reign,
Henry declared on 4 August, 1589, that he would become a
Catholic and uphold the Catholic religion in France. When
Gregory XIV became pope, Henry had not yet fulfilled his promise
and gave little hope of doing it in the near future. The pope,
therefore, decided to assist the French League in its efforts to
depose Henry by force of arms and in this he was encouraged by
Philip II of Spain. In his monitorial letter to the Council of
Paris, 1 March, 1591, he renewed the sentence of excommunication
against Henry, and ordered the clergy, nobles, judicial
functionaries, and the Third Estate of France to renounce him,
under pain of severe penalties. He also sent a monthly subsidy
of 15,000 sendi to Paris, and dispatched his nephew Ercole
Sfondrati to France at the head of the papal troops. In the
midst of these operations against Henry, Gregory XIV died. after
a short pontificate of 10 months and 10 days.
Gregory XIV created five cardinals, among whom was his nephew
Paolo Camillo Sfondrati. He vainly tried to induce Philip Neri
to accept the purple. On 21 September, 1591, he raised to the
dignity of a religious order the Congregation of the Fathers of
a Good Death (Clerici regulares ministrantes infirmis) founded
by St. Camillus de Lellis. In his Bull "Cogit nos", dated 21
March, 1591, he forbade under pain of excommunication all bets
concerning the election of a pope, the duration of a
pontificate, or the creation of new cardinals. In a decree,
dated 18 April, 1591, he ordered reparation to be made to the
Indians of the Philippines by their conquerors wherever it was
possible, and commanded under pain of excommunication that all
Indian slaves in the islands should be set free. Gregory XIV
also appointed a commission to revise the Sixtine Bible and
another commission to continue the revision of the Pian
Breviary. The former commission had its first session on 7 Feb.,
1591, the latter on 21 April, 1591. Concerning these two
commissions see Baeumer, "Geschichte des Breviers" (Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1895), pp. 479-90.
RANKE, History of the Popes (London, 1906), II, 33-8; BROSCH,
Geschichte des Kirchenstaates (Gotha, 1880), I, 300 sq.;
PALATIUS, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum (Venice, 1688), IV, 425-36;
CIACONIUS-OLDONIUS, Historioe Romanorum Pontificum (Rome, 1677),
IV, 213 sq.
MICHAEL OTT
Pope Gregory XV
Pope Gregory XV
(ALESSANDRO LUDOVISI).
Born at Bologna, 9 or 15 January, 1554; died at Rome, 8 July,
1623. After completing the humanities and philosophy under
Jesuit teachers, partly at the Roman and partly at the German
College in Rome, he returned to Bologna to devote himself to the
study of jurisprudence. After graduating at the University of
Bologna in canon and civil law, he went back to Rome and was
appointed judge of the Capitol by Gregory XIII. Clement VIII
made him referendary of both signatures and member of the rota,
and appointed him vicegerent in temporal affairs of Cardinal
Vicar Rusticuccio. In 1612 Paul V appointed him Archbishop of
Bologna, and sent him as nuncio to Savoy, to mediate between
Duke Charles Emmanuel of Savoy and King Philip of Spain in their
dispute concerning the Duchy of Monferrat. In 1616 the same pope
created him Cardinal-Priest of Santa Maria Transpontina.
Henceforth Ludovisi remained at his see in Bologna until he came
to Rome after the death of Pope Paul V to take part in the
election of a new pope. On 9 February Ludovisi himself was
elected successor of Paul V, chiefly through the influence of
Cardinal Borghese, and took the name of Gregory XV. Although at
his elevation to the papal throne he had already reached the age
of 67 years and was, moreover, in a bad state of health, his
pontificate of two years and five months was one of remarkable
activity. He saw that he needed a strong and energetic man, in
whom he could place implicit confidence, to assist him in the
government of the Church. His nephew Ludovico Ludovisi, a young
man of 25 years, seemed to him to be the right person and, at
the risk of being charged with nepotism, he created him cardinal
on the third day of his pontificate. On the same day, Orazio, a
brother of the pope, was put at the head of the pontifical army.
The future revealed that Gregory XV was not disappointed in his
nephew. Ludovico, it is true, advanced the interests of his
family in every possible way, but he also used his brilliant
talents and his great influence for the welfare of the Church,
and was sincerely devoted to the pope. Eleven cardinals in all
were created by Gregory XV.
One of the most important pontifical acts of Gregory XV,
affecting the inner affairs of the Church, was his new
regulation concerning papal elections. In his Bull "Aeterni
Patris" (15 Nov., 1621) he prescribes that in the future only
three modes of papal election are to be allowed: scrutiny,
compromise, and quasi-inspiration. His Bull "Decet Romanum
Pontificem" (12 March, 1622) contains a ceremonial which
regulates these three modes of election in every detail. The
ordinary mode of election was to be election by scrutiny, which
required that the vote be secret, that each cardinal give his
vote to only one candidate and that no one vote for himself.
Most of the papal elections during the sixteenth century were
influenced by political conditions and by party considerations
in the College of Cardinals. By introducing secrecy of vote Pope
Gregory XV intended to abolish these abuses. The rules and
ceremonies prescribed by Gregory XV are substantially the same
as those that guide the papal elections of our day. Gregory XV
took great interest in the Catholic missions in foreign
countries. These missions had become so extensive and the
missionary countries differed so greatly in language, manners,
and civilization from the countries of Europe, that it was
extremely difficult to keep a proper control over them. At the
request of the Capuchin Girolamo da Narni and the Discalced
Carmelite Dominicus a Jesu-Maria, the pope established on 6
January, 1622, a special congregation of cardinals who were to
have supreme control over all foreign missions (Congregatio de
Propaganda Fide). Gregory XIII and Clement VIII had already
previously formed temporary congregations of cardinals to look
after the interest of particular foreign missions, but Gregory
XV was the first to erect a permanent congregation, whose sphere
of activity should extend over all foreign missions (see
PROPAGANDA). For particulars concerning the rights and duties of
the new congregation see the Bull "Inscrutabili" of 22 June,
1622, in "Bullarium Romanum", XII, 690-3.
Both Gregory XV and his nephew Ludovico held the religious
orders in high esteem, especially the Jesuits. On 12 March,
1622, he canonized Ignatius of Loyola, their founder, and
Francis Xavier, their most successful missionary. He had already
permitted them on 2 October, 1621, to recite the office and
celebrate the mass in honour of the angelic youth Aloysius of
Gonzaga. Other religious orders he honoured in the same way. On
12 March, 1622, he canonized Philip Neri, the founder of the
Oratorians, and Theresa, the reformer of the Carmelites in
Spain. In the same year he beatified Albertus Magnus, the great
Dominican theologian, and permitted the feast and the office of
Ambrogio Sansedoni, another Dominican, to be celebrated as that
of a saint. On 18 April, 1622, he beatified the Spanish
Minorite, Peter of Alcantara, and on 17 Feb., 1623, he ordered
the feast of St. Bruno, the founder of the Carthusians, to be
entered in the Roman Breviary. One layman, the Spanish
husbandman Isidore, he canonized on 22 March, 1622. During his
short pontificate he approved the famous Maurist Congregation of
Benedictines, the Congregation of the French Benedictine nuns of
Calvary (Benedictines de Notre-Dame du Calvaire), the Theatine
nuns and the Theatine recluses, the Congregation of Pious
Workmen (Pii Operarii), the Priests of St. Briget in Belgium
(Fratres novissimi Brigittini), and raised the Piarists and the
Priests of the Mother of God (Clerici regulares Matria Dei) to
the dignity of a religious order. On 18 March, 1621, he founded
at Rome an international college for the Benedictines, the
Collegium Gregorianum which was the cradle of the now famous
international Benedictine college of St. Anselm. Before passing
to the political achievements of Gregory XV, mention must be
made of his Constitution "Omnipotentis Dei", issued against
magicians and witches on 20 March, 1623. It is the last papal
ordinance against witchcraft. Former punishments were lessened,
and the death penalty was decreed only upon those who were
proved to have entered into a compact with the devil, and to
have committed homicide with his assistance.
The great activity which Gregory XV displayed in the inner
management of the Church was equalled by his efficacious
interposition in the politics of the world, whenever the
interests of Catholicity were involved. He gave great financial
assistance to Emperor Ferdinand II in regaining the Kingdom of
Bohemia and the hereditary dominions of Austria. Gregory XV then
sent Carlos Caraffa as nuncio to Vienna, to assist the emperor
by his advice in his efforts to suppress Protestantism,
especially in Bohemia and Moravia, where the Protestants
considerably outnumbered the Catholics. To a great extent it was
also due to the influence of Gregory XV that, at a meeting of
princes at Ratisbon, the Palatinate and the electoral dignity
attached to it were granted to Duke Maximilian of Bavaria in the
early part of January, 1623. In order to effect this grant, the
pope had previously sent the Capuchin Father Hyacinth, a skilled
diplomat, to the imperial court at Vienna. The transfer of the
Palatinate Electorate from a Protestant (Frederick V) to a
Catholic was of great consequence, since it secured a Catholic
majority in the supreme council of the empire. Out of gratitude
to Pope Gregory XV, Maximilian presented him with the Palatinate
library of Heidelberg, containing about 3500 manuscripts. Early
in 1623 Gregory XV sent the Greek theologian Leo Allatius to
transport the valuable collection to Rome, where it was put up
as the "Gregoriana" in the Vatican Library. Thirty-nine of these
manuscripts, which had come to Paris in 1797, were returned to
Heidelberg at the Peace of Paris in 1815, and Pius VII returned
852 others as a gift in 1816.
The relations between England and the Roman See assumed a more
friendly character during the pontificate of Gregory XV. For a
time it seemed probable that, through the intended marriage of
the Prince of Wales (afterwards King Charles I) with the Spanish
Infanta Maria, Catholicity could be restored in England. Though
the pope favored the marriage, it never took place. The
treatment, however, of the Catholic subjects of James I became
more tolerable and, to some extent at least, they enjoyed
religious liberty. In France, the power of the Huguenots was on
the decrease, owing to the influence of Gregory XV with King
Louis XIII. Here the Capuchins, the Jesuits, and the Franciscans
converted large numbers of heretics to Catholicity. Even in the
Netherlands, that stronghold of Protestantism, a Catholic
reaction set in, despite the fact that the Catholic priests were
persecuted and expelled from the country.
The Catholic rulers respected the authority of Gregory XV, not
only in religious affairs, but also in matters of a purely
political nature. This was noticeable when an international
dispute arose concerning the possession of the Valtelline (1620)
the Spaniards occupied that district, while the Austrians took
possession of the Grisons passes and were in close proximity to
the Spaniards. The proximity of the two allied armies endangered
the interests of France, Venice, and Savoy. These three powers,
therefore, combined to compel the Austrians and Spaniards to
evacuate the Valtelline, by force of arms if necessary. Upon
request, Pope Gregory XV intervened by sending his brother
Orazio at the head of the pontifical troops to take temporary
possession of the Valtelline. After a little reluctance on the
part of Archduke Leopold of Austria, the disputed territory with
its fortresses was yielded to Orazio, and the impending war was
thus averted.
RANKE, History of the Popes (London, 1906), II, 202-38;
PALATIUS, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum (Venice, 1688), IV, 522-36;
CIACONIUS-OLDOINUS, Historioe Rom. Pontif. (Rome, 1677), IV, 465
sq.; BROSCH, Geschichte des Kirchenstaates (Gotha, 1880), I, 371
sq.; L'AREZIO, La politica della Santa Sede risp. alla
Valtellina dal concord. d'Avignone alla morte di Gregorio XV
(Cagliari, 1899).
MICHAEL OTT
Pope Gregory XVI
Pope Gregory XVI
(MAURO, or BARTOLOMEO ALBERTO CAPPELLARI).
Born at Belluno, then in the Venetian territory, 8 September,
1765; died at Rome, 9 June, 1846. His father, Giovanni Battista,
and his mother, Giulia Cesa-Pagani, were both of the minor
nobility of the district and the families of both had in former
times been prominent in the service of the state. When eighteen,
Bartolomeo gave evidence of a religious vocation, and after some
opposition on the part of his relations, was clothed in 1783 as
a novice in the Camaldolese monastery of San Michele di Murano,
taking the name Mauro. Here, three years later, he was solemnly
professed, and was ordained priest in 1787. The young monk soon
showed signs of unusual intellectual gifts. He devoted himself
to the study of philosophy and theology, and was set to teach
these to the juniors at San Michele. In 1790 he was appointed
censor librorum for his order, as well as for the Holy Office at
Venice. Five years later he was sent to Rome, where he lived at
first in a small house (since destroyed) in the Piazza Veneta,
afterwards in the great monastery of San Gregorio on the Coelian
Hill. The times were not favourable to the papacy. In 1798 took
place the scandalous abduction of Pius VI by General Berthier,
at Napoleon's orders, and in the following year the death of the
pope in exile at Valence. It was this very year, 1799, that Dom
Mauro chose for the publication of his book, "Il trionfo della
Santa Sede", upholding papal infallibility and the temporal
sovereignty. The work, according to Gregory himself, did not
attract great attention till after he had become pope, yet it
attained three editions and was translated into several
languages. In 1800 Cardinal Chiaramonti was elected pope at
Venice, and took the name of Pius VII, and returned to Rome the
same year. Early in that year Dom Mauro had been nominated Abbot
Vicar of San Gregorio, and in 1805 the pope appointed him abbot
of that ancient house. He retired to Venice to rest, but
returned in 1807 as procurator general, only to be driven out in
the following year, when General Miollis repeated on the person
of Pius VII the outrage of Berthier on Pius VI. Dom Mauro
returned to Venice, but San Michele was closed as a monastery
the next year by the emperor's orders. In spite of this the
religious remained, in secular habit, at the monastery, and Dom
Mauro taught philosophy to the students of the Camaldolese
college at Murano. But, in 1813, the college was transferred to
the Camaldolese convent of Ognissanti at Padua, Venice being too
disturbed and inimical. The following year Napoleon fell from
power, Pius VII returned to Rome, and Dom Mauro was at once
summoned thither. In rapid succession the learned Camaldolese
was appointed consultor of various Congregations, examiner of
bishops, and again Abbot of San Gregorio. Twice he was offered a
bishopric and twice he refused. It was considered certain that
he would become a cardinal, and it caused general surprise when,
in 1823, Pius VII chose in his stead the geographer, Dom
Placisdo Zurla (also a Camaldolese). In that year the pope died,
and Cardinal della Genga, who took the name of Leo XII, was
elected. On 21 March, 1825, the new pope created Dom Mauro
cardinal in petto, and the creation was published the following
year. Cappillaria became Cardinal of San Callisto and Prefect of
the Congregation of Propaganda. It was in this office that he
successfully arranged a concordat between the Belgian Catholics
and King William of Holland in 1827, between the Armenian
Catholics and the Ottoman Empire in 1829. On St. George's Day of
the latter year Cardinal Capillaria had the joy of learning that
Catholic Emancipation had become a fact in the British Isles.
On 10 February, 1829, Leo XII died, and Pius VIII, broken by the
revolutions in France and in the Netherlands, followed him to
the grave on 1 December, 1830. A fortnight later the conclave
began. It lasted for seven weeks. At one time Cardinal
Giustiniani appeared likely to secure the requisite number of
votes, but Spain interposed with a veto. At last the various
parties came to an agreement, and on the Feast of the
Purification, Cardinal Capillaria was elected by thirty-one
votes out of forty-five. He took the name of Gregory XVI, in
honour of Gregory XV, the founder of Propaganda. Hardly was the
new pope elected when the Revolution, which for some time had
been smouldering throughout Italy, broke into flame in the Papal
States. Already on 2 February the Duke of Modena had warned
Cardinal Albani that the conclave must come to a speedy
decision, as a revolution was imminent. The next day the duke
caused the house of his erstwhile friend, Ciro Menotti, at
Modena, to be surrounded, and arrested him and several of his
fellow conspirators. At once a revolt broke out at Reggio, and
the duke fled to Mantua, taking the prisoners with him. The
disturbance spread with prearranged rapidity. On 4 February
Bologna revolted, drove the pro-legate out of the town, and by
the eighth had hoisted the tricolour instead of the papal flag.
Within a fortnight nearly the whole of the Papal States had
repudiated the sovereignty of the pope, and on the nineteenth
Cardinal Benvenuti, who was sent to quell the rebellion, became
a prisoner of the "Provisional Government". Even in Rome itself
a rising projected for 12 February was only averted by the ready
action of Cardinal Bernetti, the new secretary of state. In
these conditions, the papal forces being obviously unable to
cope with the situation, Gregory decided to appeal to Austria
for help. It was immediately forthcoming. On 25 February a
strong Austrian force started for Bologna, and the "Provisional
Government" soon fled to Ancona. Within a month the whole
movement had collapsed, and on 27 March Cardinal Benvenuti was
released by the rebel leaders, on the understanding that an
amnesty should be granted by the pope. The cardinal's action,
however, was without authority and was not endorsed, either by
the papal government or by the Austrian general. But the
rebellion, for the moment, was crushed, and after an abortive
attempt to seize Spoleto, from which they were dissuaded by
Archbishop Mastai-Ferretti, all the leaders who were able to do
so fled the country. On 3 April the pope was able to assert that
order was re-established.
In the same month, the representatives of the five powers,
Austria, Russia, France, Prussia and England, met in Rome to
consider the question of the "Reform of the Papal States". On 21
May they issued a joint Memorandum urging on the papal
government reforms in the judiciary, the introduction of laymen
into the administration, popular election of the communal and
municipal councils, the administration of the finances by a
skilled body selected largely from the laity. Gregory undertook
to carry out such of these proposed reforms as he deemed
practicable, but on two points he was determined not to yield:
he would never admit the principle of popular election to the
councils, and he would never permit the establishment of a
council of State, composed of laymen, parallel to the Sacred
College. By a succession of edicts, dated 5 July, 5 October, and
5 and 21 November, a comprehensive scheme of reform of the
administration and of the judiciary was set afoot. The
delegations were to be divided into a complex hierarchy of
central, provincial and communal governments. At the head of
each of these bodies respectively was to be a pro-legate, a
governor or a mayor, representing the pope, and assisted by, and
(in financial matters) controlled by, a council who was
selected, out of a triple-elected list, by the government. All
these bodies were to keep the pope informed as to the wished and
requirements of his subjects. The reform of the judiciary, as
regards civil litigation, was even more thorough. An end was put
to the confusing multiplicity of tribunals (in Rome no less than
twelve out of the fifteen conflicting jurisdictions, including
that of the arbitrary uditore santissimo, were abolished), and
three hierarchies, composed each of three civil courts, one for
Bologna and the legations, one for Romagna and the Marches, and
one for Rome, were established. In each of these the agreement
of any two courts inhibited further appeal, and most of the
courts were to be composed largely of laymen skilled in the law.
The criminal courts were not so radically reformed, but even in
these an end was made of the vexatious and often tyrannous
secrecy and irregularity that had hitherto prevailed.
All these reforms, however, despite their extent, were far from
satisfying the aims of the revolutionary party. The Austrian
troops were withdrawn on 15 July, 1831, but by December much of
the Papal States was again in revolt. Papal troops were
dispatched to the aid of the legations, but the only result was
the concentration of 2000 revolutionists at Cesena. Cardinal
Albani, who had been appointed commissioner-extraordinary of the
legations, appealed on his own authority for aid to the Austrian
General Radetsky, who at once sent troops. These forces joined
the papal troops at Cesena, attacked and defeated the rebels,
and by the end of January had taken triumphant possession of
Bologna. This time France intervened, and as a protest against
the Austrian occupation, seized and held Ancona, in sheer
violation of international law. The pope and Bernetti protested
energetically and even Prussia and Russia disapproved of this
act, but though, after long negotiations, the French commander
was ordered to restrain the outrages of the revolutionists in
Ancona, the French troops were not withdrawn from that city
until the final departure of the Austrians from the Papal States
in 1838. The rebellion, however, was quelled and no further
serious outbreak occurred for thirteen years. But, amidst all
these disturbances in his own kingdom, Gregory had not been free
from anxieties for the Faith and the Universal Church. The
revolutions in France and the Netherlands had created a
difficult situation: the pope had been expected by the one party
to condemn the change, by the other to accept it. In August,
1831, he issued the Brief, "Sollicitudo Ecclesiarum", in which
he reiterated the statements of former Pontiffs as to the
independence of the Church and its refusal to be entangled in
dynastic politics. In November of the same year, the Abbe de
Lamennais and his companions came to Rome to submit to the pope
the questions in dispute between the French episcopate and the
directors of "L'Avenir". Gregory received them kindly, but
caused them to be given more than one hint that the result of
their appeal would not be favourable, and that they would be
wise not to press for a decision. In spite, however, of the
representations of Lacordaire, Lamennais persisted, with the
result that, on the feast of the Assumption, 1832, the pope
issued the Encyclical "Mirari vos", in which were condemned, not
only the policy of "L'Avenir", but also many of the moral and
social doctrines that were then put forward by most of the
revolutionary schools. The Encyclical, which certainly cannot be
considered favourable to ideas that have since become the
commonplaces of secular politics, aroused a storm of criticism
throughout Europe. It is well to remember, however, that some of
its adversaries have not read it with great attention, and it
has been sometimes criticized for statements that are not to be
found in the text. Two years after its publication, the pope
found it necessary to issue a further Encyclical, "Singulari
nos", in which he condemned the "Paroles d'un croyant", the
reply of Lamennais to "Mirari vos".
But it was not only in France that errors had to be met. In
Germany the followers of Hermes were condemned by the Apostolic
Letter, "Dum acerbissima", of 26 September, 1835. And in 1844,
near the end of his reign, he issued the Encyclical, "Inter
praecipuas machinationes", against the unscrupulous
anti-Catholic propaganda in Italy of the London Bible Society
and the New York Christian Alliance, which then, as now, were
chiefly successful in transforming ignorant Italian Catholics
into crudely anti-clerical free-thinkers. While he was engaged
in combating the libertarian movements of current European
thought, Gregory was obliged also to struggle with the rulers of
States for justice and toleration for the Catholic Church in
their realms. In Portugal the accession of Queen Maria da Gloria
was the occasion of an outburst of anti-clerical legislation.
The nuncio at Lisbon was commanded to leave the capital and the
nunciature was suppressed. All ecclesiastical privileges were
abolished, bishoprics filled by the ex-king, Dom Miguel, were
declared vacant, religious houses were suppressed. The pope
protested in consistory, but his protest only led to severer
measures, and no efforts on his part were successful until 1841,
when the growing popular uneasiness forced the queen to come to
terms.
In Spain, too, the regent, Queen Maria Cristina, was able,
during the minority of her daughter, Queen Isabella, to carry
out an anti-clerical programme. In 1835 the religious orders
were suppressed. Then the secular clergy were attacked:
twenty-two dioceses were left without bishops, Jansenist priests
were admitted to the committee appointed to "reform the Church",
the salaries of the priests were confiscated. In 1840 bishops
were driven from their sees, and when the nuncio protested
against arbitrary acts of the government in power, he was
conducted to the frontier. Peace was not restored to the Church
in Spain till after Gregory's death.
In Prussia, at the very commencement of his reign, the question
of mixed marriages was causing trouble. Pius VIII had dealt with
these in a Brief of 28 March, 1830. This, however, did not
satisfy the Prussian Government, and von Bunsen, the Prussian
ambassador, exhausted every means, honest and dishonest, of
bringing about a modification of the Catholic policy. The
Archbishop of Cologne and the Bishops of Paderborn, Munster, and
Trier were induced, in 1834, to enter into a convention not to
put into execution the papal legislation. But the archbishop
died the following year, and his successor, von Droste zu
Vischering, was a man of very different calibre. In 1836 the
Bishop of Trier, feeling his end approach, revealed the whole
plot to the pope. Events moved quickly. The new Archbishop of
Cologne announced his intention of obeying the Holy See, and was
in consequence imprisoned by the Prussian Government. His arrest
caused general indignation throughout Europe, and Prussia
endeavoured to justify its action by inventing charges against
the prelate. Nobody, however, believed the official story, and
the Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, who had imitated the
courageous example of his brother of Cologne, was also
imprisoned. But his arbitrary action aroused the indignation of
German Catholics, and when King Frederick William III died in
1840 his successor was more ready to come to terms. In the end
Archbishop Droste zu Vischering was given a coadjutor, and
retired to Rome; the Archbishop of Gnesen was released
unconditionally and the question at issue was quickly allowed to
be decided in favour of the Catholic doctrine.
But no such success was possible in Poland and France. In the
former unhappy country the Catholic religion was, then as now,
inextricably united with the nationalist aspirations. As a
consequence the whole force of the Russian autocracy was
employed to crush it. With monstrous cruelty the Ruthenian
Uniats were driven or cajoled into the Orthodox communion, the
heroic nuns of Minsk were tortured and enslaved, more than 160
priests were deported to Siberia. The Catholics of the Latin
rite were no better treated, bishops being imprisoned and
prelates deported. Gregory protested in vain, and in 1845, when
the Emperor Nicholas visited him in Rome, rebuked the autocrat
for his tyranny. We are told that the Czar made promises of
reform in his treatment of the Church, but, as might have been
expected, nothing was done.
In France, the success of the Catholic revival had been so great
that the anti-clericals were infuriated. Pressure was brought to
bear upon the Government to obtain the suppression of the
Jesuits, always the first to be attacked. M. Guizot sent to Rome
Pellegrino Rossi, a former leader of the revolutionary party in
Switzerland, to negotiate directly with Cardinal Lambruschini,
who had replaced Bernetti in 1836 as secretary of state. But
Gregory and Lambruschini were both firmly opposed to any attack
on the society. Rossi, therefore, turned his attention to Father
Roothan, the General of the Jesuits, and through the
Congregation of Ecclesiastical Affairs, was successful in
obtaining a letter to the French provincials advising that the
novitiates and other houses should be gradually diminished or
abandoned.
The reign of Gregory was drawing to its close. In August, 1841,
with the intention of entering into closer relations with his
people, he undertook a tour throughout some of the provinces. He
travelled through Umbria to Loreto, thence to Aneona, and on to
Fabriano, where he visited the relics of St. Romuald, the
founder of the Camaldolese. He returned by Assisi, Viterbo and
Orvieto, reaching Rome by the beginning of October. The progress
had cost 2,000,000 francs, but it is very doubtful whether it
had the intended result. Cardinal Lambruschini, to whom the pope
as he grew older confided more and more of the actual direction
of state affairs, was even more arbitrary and less accessible to
modern political doctrines than Bernetti; the discontent grew
and threatened. In 1843 there were attempts at revolt in Romagna
and Umbria, which were suppressed with relentless severity by
the special legates, Cardinals Vannicelli and Massimo. In
September, 1845, the city of Rimini was again captured by a
revolutionary force, which, however, was obliged to retire and
seek safety in Tuscany. But the impassioned appeals of
Niccolini, of Gioberti, of Farini, of d'Azeglio, were spread
throughout Italy and all Europe, and the fear was only too well
founded that the Papal States could not long outlast Gregory
XVI. On 20 May, 1846, he felt himself failing, and ordered
Cretineau-Joly to write the history of the secret societies,
against which he had struggled vainly. A few days later the pope
was taken ill with erysipelas in the face. At first the attack
was not thought to be serious, but on 31 May his strength
suddenly failed, and it was seen that the end was near. He died
early on 9 June, with but two attendants near him. His tomb, by
Amici, is in St. Peter's.
Gregory XVI has been treated with but scant respect by later
historians, but he has by no means deserved their contempt. It
is true that in political questions he showed himself almost as
opposed as his immediate predecessors to even a minimum of
democratic progress. But in this he was but similar to most
rulers of his time, England itself, as Bernetti sarcastically
remarked, being ready enough to suggest to other reforms it
would not try at home. Gregory believed in autocracy, and
neither his inclinations nor his experience was such as to make
him favourable to increased political freedom. Probably the
policy of his predecessors had made it very difficult for any
but a very strong pope to oppose the growing revolution by
efficient reforms. In any case both his temperament and his
policy were such that he left to his successor an almost
impossible task. But Gregory was by no means an obscurantist.
His interest in art and all forms of learning is attested by the
founding of the Etruscan and Egyptian museums at the Vatican,
and of the Christian museum at the Lateran; by the encouragement
given to men like Cardinals Mai and Mezzofanti, and to Visconti,
Salvi, Marchi, Wiseman, Hurter, Rohrbacher, and Gueranger; by
the lavish aid given to the rebuilding of St. Paul's
Outside-the-Walls and of Santa Maria degli Angioli, at Assisi;
by researches encouraged in the Roman Forum and in the
catacombs. His care for the social welfare of his people is seen
in the tunnelling of Monte Catillo to prevent the devastation of
Tivoli by the floods of the river Anio, in the establishment of
steamboats at Ostia, of a decimal coinage in the Roman States,
of a bureau of statistics at Rome, in the lightening of various
imposts and the re-purchase of the appanage of Eugene
Beauharnais, in the foundation of public baths and hospitals and
orphanages. During his reign the losses of the Church in Europe
were more than balanced by her gains in the rest of the world.
Gregory sent missionaries to Abyssinia, to India, to China, to
Polynesia, to the North American Indians. He doubled the number
of Vicars-Apostolic in England, he increased greatly the number
of bishops in the United States. During his reign five saints
were canonized, thirty-three servants of God declared Blessed,
many new orders were founded or supported, the devotion of the
faithful to the Immaculate Mother of God increased. In private
as in public life, Gregory was noted for his piety, his
kindliness, his simplicity, his firm friendship. He was not,
perhaps, a great pope, or fully able to cope with the
complicated problems of his time, but to his devotion, his
munificence, and his labours Rome and the Universal Church are
indebted for many benefits.
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(Berlin, 1862); WARD, Life and Times of Cardinal Wiseman, I
(London, 1897); WISEMAN, Recollections of the last four Popes
and of Rome in their times (London, 1858).
LESLIE A. ST. L. TOKE
Gregory Baeticus
Gregory Baeticus
Bishop of Elvira, in the province of Baetica, Spain, from which
he derived his surname; d. about 392. Gregory is first met with
as Bishop of Elvira (Illiberis) in 375; he is mentioned in the
luciferian "Libellus precum ad Imperatores" (Migne, P.L., XIII,
89 sq.) as the defender of Nicean creed, after Bishop Hosius of
Cordova had given his assent in Sirmium to the second Sirmian
formulation of doctrine, in the year 357. He proved himself at
any rate an ardent opponent of Arianism, stood for the Nicean
creed at the Council of Rimini, and refused to enter into
ecclesiatical intercourse with the Arian Bishops Ursacius and
Valens. He took, in fact, the extreme view, in common with
Bishop Lucifer of Calaris (Cagliari), that it was unlawful to
make advances to bishops or priests who at any time had been
tainted with the Arian heresy, or to hold any religious
communion with them. This Luciferian party found adherents in
Spain, and on the death of Lucifer (370 or 371) Gregory of
Elvira became the head and front of the movement. Such at least
is the mention found of him in the "Libellus precum" above
referred to, as well as in St. Jerome's chronicle (Migne, P.L.
XXVII, 659). However, the progress made in Spain was by no means
considerable.
Gregory found time also for literary labours. St. Jerome says of
him that he wrote, until a very ripe old age, a diversity of
treatises composed in simple and ordinary language (mediocri
sermone), and produced an excellent book (elegantem librum), "De
Fide", which is said to be still extant (Hieron., De viris ill.,
c. 105). The book "De Trinitate seu de Fide" (Rome, 1575), which
was ascribed to Gregory Baeticus by Achilles Statius, its first
editor, did not come from his pen, but was written in Spain at
the end of the fourth century. On the other hand early
historians of literature, e.g. Quesnel, and quite recently
Morin, have attributed to him the treatise "De Fide orthodoxa",
which is directed against Arianism, and figures among the works
of St. Ambrose (Migne, P.L., XVII, 549-568) and of Vigilius of
Thapsus (Migne, P.L., LXII, 466-468; 449-463). The same may be
said of the first seven of the twelve books "De Trinitate", the
authorship of which has been ascribed to Vigilius of Thapsus
(Migne, P.L., LXII, 237-334). A few inquiring commentators have
also sought to prove that Gregory Baeticus was the writer of the
tractatus "De Libris Sacarum Scripturarum", published by
Batiffol (Paris, 1900) as the work of Origen. But so far it has
been impossible to ascertain positively the authorship in
question. There is preserved a letter to him from Eusebius of
Vercelli (Migne, P.L., X, 713). As from Eusebius of Vercelli
(Migne, P.L., X, 713). As St. Jerome, in his "De Viris
Illustribus", written in 392, does not mention Gregory as being
dead, the supposition is that the latter was still living at the
time. He must, however, have been then a very old man and cannot
in any event have long survived the year 392. He is venerated in
Spain as a saint, his feast being celebrated on 24 April.
FLORIO, De Sancto Gregorio Illiberitano, libelli de Fide auctore
(Bologna, 1789); MORIN, Les Nouveaus Tractatus Origenis et
l'heritage litteraire de l'eveque espagnol, Gregoire d'Illiberis
in Revue d'historie et de litterature relig. (1900, V, 145 sq.);
BARDENHEWER, Patrologie, tr. SHADAN (St. Louis, 1908), 415;
GAMS, Kirchengeschichte vom Spanien (Ratisborn, 1864), II, 256
sq.; KRUGER, Lucifer, Bischof von Calaris, und das Schisma der
Luciferianer (Leipzig, 1886), 76 sq.; LECLERQU, L'Espagne
chretienne (Parish, 1906), 130 sq.
J.P. KIRSCH
Gregory of Heimburg
Gregory of Heimburg
Humanist and Statesman, b. at Wuerzburg in the beginning of the
fifteenth century; d. at Tharandt near Dresden, August, 1472.
About 1430 he received the degree of Doctor of Both Laws at the
University of Padua. Filled with the prevalent ideas of reform,
this ardent and eloquent jurist was naturally attracted to the
Council of Basle, convened, according to the assembled prelates,
for "the extirpation of heresy, and of the Greek schism. . .
.and for the reformation of the Church in her Head and members".
While at the council he became the secretary of AEneas Sylvius.
He left Basle in 1433, when he was elected syndic of Nuremburg,
in which capacity he served until 1461. After the election of
Albert II of Austria, he was sent, with John of Lysura to the
Council of Basle to demand that the proceedings against the pope
be suspended, and then to Eugene IV at Ferrara to propose that
the negotiations with the Greeks be carried on in a German city.
In 1446 he was again placed at the head of an embassy to Eugene
IV. The pope had deposed the Archbishops of Cologne and Trier,
both electoral princes, who favoured the antipope Felix V. The
other electors now demanded of Eugene (1) his approval of
certain decrees of Basle; (2) the convocation of a general
council in a German city within three months; (3) the acceptance
of the article on the superiority of the council over the pope;
and (4) the reinstating of the two deposed archbishops. But
Gregory's mission was unsuccessful. On the advice of Frederick
III the pope sent Cardinals Tommaso de Sarzana and Carvajal,
with Nicholas of Cusa, as legates to the Diet of Frankfort, 14
Sept., 1446. With them was AEneas Sylvius, now the private
secretary of Frederick III. Some of the electors were won over
to the cause of the pope; a new embassy was organized; and in
February, 1447, shortly before the death of Eugene, the four
Bulls constituting the Concordat of the Princes was promulgated.
In February, 1448, a complete agreement was reached in the
Concordat of Vienna, concluded between Frederick III and
Nicholas V. Gregory, who had considered even the declaration of
neutrality and ignoble concession, was disappointed at this turn
of events and decided to abandon ecclesiastical politics. During
the negotiations between the pope and the electors there
appeared the anonymous "Admonitio de injustis usurpationibus
paparum" or, as Flacius entitles it, "Confutatio primatus
papae", which is generally ascribed to Gregory.
In 1458 Gregory entered the service of Albert of Austria and his
opposition to papal authority was again aroused. AEneas Sylvius
had ascended the papal throne as Pius II the same year, and soon
afterwards (1459) summoned the princes of Christendom to Mantua
to plan a crusade against the Turks. Gregory was present as the
representative of Bavaria-Landshut, Kurmainz, and the Archduke
Albert of Austria. The failure of the project was partly due to
his influence. Sigismund of Austria, on his return from the
Congress of Mantua, imprisoned Nicholas of Cusa, Bishop of
Brixen, with whom he was quarrelling over certain fiefs. He was
excommunicated 1 June, 1460, and through Gregory of Heimburg
appealed to a general council. Gregory went to Rome, but to no
avail, and on his return journey posted the duke's appeal on the
doors of the cathedral of Florence. The pope then excommunicated
him and ordered the Council of Nuremberg to confiscate his
property (18 October, 1460). Gregory answered in January, 1461,
with an appeal to a general council. Pius II renewed the
excommunication and commissioned Bishop Lelio of Feltre to reply
to Gregory's appeal. The "Replica Theodori Laelii episcopi
Feltrensis pro Pio Papa II et sede Romana" brought forth from
Gregory his "Apologia contra detractationes et blasphemias
Theodori Laelii" together with his "Depotestate ecclesiae
Romanae", in which he defended the theories of Basle. His next
important writing, "Invectiva in Nicolaum de Cusa", appeared in
1461. Shortly before the death of Pius II in 1464, Sigismund
made his peace with the Church, but Gregory was not absolved. In
1466 he was taken into the service of George Podiebrad, King of
Bohemia, and exercised a great influence on the Bohemian king's
anti-Roman policy. In two apologies for Podiebrad Gregory
violently attacked Pope Paul II, whom he charged with
immorality. He was again excommunicated and his property at
Dettlebach confiscated. After the death of Podiebrad (22 March,
1471) Gregory took refuge in Saxony. Writing to the Council of
Wuerzburg as early as 22 January, 1471, he said he was never
accused of having erred in one article of Christian faith. He
applied by letter to Sixtus IV, who gave the Bishop of Meissen
full power to absolve him. He was buried in the Kreuzkirche at
Dresden. His writings were published at Frankfort in 1608 under
the title "Scripta nervosa justiaque plena ex manuscriptis nunc
primum eruta". They may be found in Goldast, "Monarchia", in
Freher, "Scriptores rerum Germanicarum", and in Joachimsohn (see
below).
Brockhaus, Gregor von Heimburg (Leipzig, 1861); Joachimsohn,
Gregor Heimburg (Bamberg, 1891); Pastor, The History of the
Popes, tr. Antrobus (2nd ed., St. Louis, 1902), IV; Staminger in
Kirchenlex., s.v. Heimburg; Tschackert in Realencyck. fuer.
Prot. Theol., s. v. Gregor von Heimburg; Knoepfler in
Kirchliches Handlex., s. v. Heimburg.
LEO A. KELLY
St. Gregory of Nazianzus
St. Gregory of Nazianzus
Doctor of the Church, born at Arianzus, in Asia Minor, c. 325;
died at the same place, 389. He was son -- one of three children
-- of Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus (329-374), in the south-west
of Cappadocia, and of Nonna, a daughter of Christian parents.
The saint's father was originally a member of the heretical sect
of the Hypsistarii, or Hypsistiani, and was converted to
Catholicity by the influence of his pious wife. His two sons,
who seem to have been born between the dates of their father's
priestly ordination and episcopal consecration, were sent to a
famous school at Caesarea, capital of Cappadocia, and educated
by Carterius, probably the same time who was afterwards tutor of
St. John Chrysostom. Here commenced the friendship between Basil
and Gregory which intimately affected both their lives, as well
as the development of the theology of their age. From Caesarea
in Cappadocia Gregory proceeded to Caesarea in Palestine, where
he studied rhetoric under Thespesius; and thence to Alexandria,
of which Athanasius was then bishop, through at the time in
exile. Setting out by sea from Alexandria to Athens, Gregory was
all but lost in a great storm, and some of his biographers infer
-- though the fact is not certain -- that when in danger of
death he and his companions received the rite of baptism. He had
certainly not been baptized in infancy, though dedicated to God
by his pious mother; but there is some authority for believing
that he received the sacrament, not on his voyage to Athens, but
on his return to Nazianzus some years later. At Athens Gregory
and Basil, who had parted at Caesarea, met again, renewed their
youthful friendship, and studied rhetoric together under the
famous teachers Himerius and Proaeresius. Among their fellow
students was Julian, afterwards known as the Apostate, whose
real character Gregory asserts that he had even then discerned
and thoroughly distrusted him. The saint's studies at Athens
(which Basil left before his friend) extended over some ten
years; and when he departed in 356 for his native province,
visiting Constantinople on his way home, he was about thirty
years of age.
Arrived at Nazianzus, where his parents were now advanced in
age, Gregory, who had by this time firmly resolved to devote his
life and talents to God, anxiously considered the plan of his
future career. To a young man of his high attainments a
distinguished secular career was open, either that of a lawyer
or of a professor of rhetoric; but his yearnings were for the
monastic or ascetic life, though this did not seem compatible
either with the Scripture studies in which he was deeply
interested, or with his filial duties at home. As was natural,
he consulted his beloved friend Basil in his perplexity as to
his future; and he has left us in his own writings an extremely
interesting narrative of their intercourse at this time, and of
their common resolve (based on somewhat different motives,
according to the decided differences in their characters) to
quit the world for the service of God alone. Basil retired to
Pontus to lead the life of a hermit; but finding that Gregory
could not join him there, came and settled first at Tiberina
(near Gregory's own home), then at Neocaesarea, in Pontus, where
he lived in holy seclusion for some years, and gathered round
him a brotherhood of cenobites, among whom his friend Gregory
was for a time included. After a sojourn here for two or three
years, during which Gregory edited, with Basil some of the
exegetical works of Origen, and also helped his friend in the
compilation of his famous rules, Gregory returned to Nazianzus,
leaving with regret the peaceful hermitage where he and Basil
(as he recalled in their subsequent correspondence) had spent
such a pleasant time in the labour both of hands and of heads.
On his return home Gregory was instrumental in bringing back to
orthodoxy his father who, perhaps partly in ignorance, had
subscribed the heretical creed of Rimini; and the aged bishop,
desiring his son's presence and support, overruled his
scrupulous shrinking from the priesthood, and forced him to
accept ordination (probably at Christmas, 361). Wounded and
grieved at the pressure put upon him, Gregory fled back to his
solitude, and to the company of St. Basil; but after some weeks'
reflection returned to Nazianzus, where he preached his first
sermon on Easter Sunday, and afterward wrote the remarkable
apologetic oration, which is really a treatise on the priestly
office, the foundation of Chrysostom's "De Sacerdotio", of
Gregory the Great's "Cura Pastoris", and of countless subsequent
writings on the same subject.
During the next few years Gregory's life at Nazianzus was
saddened by the deaths of his brother Caesarius and his sister
Gorgonia, at whose funerals he preached two of his most eloquent
orations, which are still extant. About this time Basil was made
bishop of Caesarea and Metropolitan of Cappadocia, and soon
afterwards the Emperor Valens, who was jealous of Basil's
influence, divided Cappadocia into two provinces. Basil
continued to claim ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as before, over
the whole province, but this was disputed by Anthimus, Bishop of
Tyana, the chief city of New Cappadocia. To strengthen his
position Basil founded a new see at Sasima, resolved to have
Gregory as its first bishop, and accordingly had him
consecrated, though greatly against his will. Gregory, however,
was set against Sasima from the first; he thought himself
utterly unsuited to the place, and the place to him; and it was
not long before he abandoned his diocese and returned to
Nazianzus as coadjutor to his father. This episode in Gregory's
life was unhappily the cause of an estrangement between Basil
and himself which was never altogether removed; and there is no
extant record of any correspondence between them subsequent to
Gregory's leaving Sasima. Meanwhile he occupied himself
sedulously with his duties as coadjutor to his aged father, who
died early in 374, his wife Nonna soon following him to the
grave. Gregory, who was now left without family ties, devoted to
the poor the large fortune which he had inherited, keeping for
himself only a small piece of land at Arianzus. He continued to
administer the diocese for about two years, refusing, however,
to become the bishop, and continually urging the appointment of
a successor to his father. At the end of 375 he withdrew to a
monastery at Seleuci, living there in solitude for some three
years, and preparing (though he knew it not) for what was to be
the crowning work of his life. About the end of this period
Basil died. Gregory's own state of health prevented his being
present either at the death-bed or funeral; but he wrote a
letter of condolence to Basil's brother, Gregory of Nyssa, and
composed twelve beautiful memorial poems or epitaphs to his
departed friend.
Three weeks after Basil's death, Theodosius was advanced by the
Emperor Gratian to the dignity of Emperor of the East.
Constantinople, the seat of his empire, had been for the space
of about thirty years (since the death of the saintly and
martyred Bishop Paul) practically given over too Arianism, with
an Arian prelate, Demophilus, enthroned at St. Sophia's. The
remnant of persecuted Catholics, without either church or
pastor, applied to Gregory to come and place himself at their
head and organize their scattered forces; and many bishops
supported the demand. After much hesitation he gave his consent,
proceeded to Constantinople early in the year 379, and began his
mission in a private house which he describes as "the new Shiloh
where the Ark was fixed", and as "an Anastasia, the scene of the
resurrection of the faith". Not only the faithful Catholics, but
many heretics gathered in the humble chapel of the Anastasia,
attracted by Gregory's sanctity, learning and eloquence; and it
was in this chapel that he delivered the five wonderful
discourses on the faith of Nicaea -- unfolding the doctrine of
the Trinity while safeguarding the Unity of the Godhead -- which
gained for him, alone of all Christian teachers except the
Apostle St. John, the special title of Theologus or the Divine.
He also delivered at this time the eloquent panegyrics on St.
Cyprian, St. Athanasius, and the Machabees, which are among his
finest oratorical works. Meanwhile he found himself exposed to
persecution of every kind from without, and was actually
attacked in his own chapel, whilst baptizing his Easter
neophytes, by a hostile mob of Arians from St. Sophia's, among
them being Arian monks and infuriated women. He was saddened,
too, by dissensions among his own little flock, some of whom
openly charged him with holding Tritheistic errors. St. Jerome
became about this time his pupil and disciple, and tells us in
glowing language how much he owed to his erudite and eloquent
teacher. Gregory was consoled by the approval of Peter,
Patriarch of Constantinople (Duchesne's opinion, that the
patriarch was from the first jealous or suspicious of the
Cappadocian bishop's influence in Constantinople, does not seem
sufficiently supported by evidence), and Peter appears to have
been desirous to see him appointed to the bishopric of the
capital of the East. Gregory, however, unfortunately allowed
himself to be imposed upon by a plausible adventurer called
Hero, or Maximus, who came to Constantinople from Alexandria in
the guise (long hair, white robe, and staff) of a Cynic, and
professed to be a convert to Christianity, and an ardent admirer
of Gregory's sermons. Gregory entertained him hospitably, gave
him his complete confidence, and pronounced a public panegyric
on him in his presence. Maximus's intrigues to obtain the
bishopric for himself found support in various quarters,
including Alexandria, which the patriarch Peter, for what reason
precisely it is not known, had turned against Gregory; and
certain Egyptian bishops deputed by Peter, suddenly, and at
night, consecrated and enthroned Maximus as Catholic Bishop of
Constantinople, while Gregory was confined to bed by illness.
Gregory's friends, however, rallied round him, and Maximus had
to fly from Constantinople. The Emperor Theodosius, to whom he
had recourse, refused to recognize any bishop other than
Gregory, and Maximus retired in disgrace to Alexandria.
Theodosius received Christian baptism early in 380, at
Thessalonica, and immediately addressed an edict to his subjects
at Constantinople, commanding them to adhere to the faith taught
by St. Peter, and professed by the Roman pontiff, which alone
deserved to be called Catholic. In November, the emperor entered
the city and called on Demophilus, the Arian bishop, to
subscribe to the Nicene creed: but he refused to do so, and was
banished from Constantinople. Theodosius determined that Gregory
should be bishop of the new Catholic see, and himself
accompanied him to St. Sophia's, where he was enthroned in
presence of an immense crowd, who manifested their feelings by
hand-clappings and other signs of joy. Constantinople was now
restored to Catholic unity; the emperor, by a new edict, gave
back all the churches to Catholic use; Arians and other heretics
were forbidden to hold public assemblies; and the name of
Catholic was restricted to adherents of the orthodox and
Catholic faith.
Gregory had hardly settled down to the work of administration of
the Diocese of Constantinople, when Theodosius carried out his
long-cherished purpose of summoning thither a general council of
the Eastern Church. One hundred and fifty bishops met in
council, in May, 381, the object of the assembly being, as
Socrates plainly states, to confirm the faith of Nicaea, and to
appoint a bishop for Constantinople (see CONSTANTINOPLE, THE
FIRST COUNCIL OF). Among the bishops present were thirty-six
holding semi-Arian or Macedonian opinions; and neither the
arguments of the orthodox prelates nor the eloquence of Gregory,
who preached at Pentecost, in St. Sophia's, on the subject of
the Holy Spirit, availed to persuade them to sign the orthodox
creed. As to the appointment of the bishopric, the confirmation
of Gregory to the see could only be a matter of form. The
orthodox bishops were all in favor, and the objection (urged by
the Egyptian and Macedonian prelates who joined the council
later) that his translation from one see to another was in
opposition to a canon of the Nicene council was obviously
unfounded. The fact was well known that Gregory had never, after
his forced consecration at the instance of Basil, entered on
possession of the See of Sasima, and that he had later exercised
his episcopal functions at Nazianzus, not as bishop of that
diocese, but merely as coadjutor of his father. Gregory
succeeded Meletius as president of the council, which found
itself at once called on to deal with the difficult question of
appointing a successor to the deceased bishop. There had been an
understanding between the two orthodox parties at Antioch, of
which Meletius and Paulinus had been respectively bishops that
the survivor of either should succeed as sole bishop. Paulinus,
however, was a prelate of Western origin and creation, and the
Eastern bishops assembled at Constantinople declined to
recognize him. In vain did Gregory urge, for the sake of peace,
the retention of Paulinus in the see for the remainder of his
life, already fare advanced; the Fathers of the council refused
to listen to his advice, and resolved that Meletius should be
succeeded by an Oriental priest. "It was in the East that Christ
was born", was one of the arguments they put forward; and
Gregory's retort, "Yes, and it was in the East that he was put
to death", did not shake their decision. Flavian, a priest of
Antioch, was elected to the vacant see; and Gregory, who relates
that the only result of his appeal was "a cry like that of a
flock of jackdaws" while the younger members of the council
"attacked him like a swarm of wasps", quitted the council, and
left also his official residence, close to the church of the
Holy Apostles.
Gregory had now come to the conclusion that not only the
opposition and disappointment which he had met with in the
council, but also his continued state of ill-health, justified,
and indeed necessitated, his resignation of the See of
Constantinople, which he had held for only a few months. He
appeared again before the council, intimated that he was ready
to be another Jonas to pacify the troubled waves, and that all
he desired was rest from his labours, and leisure to prepare for
death. The Fathers made no protest against this announcement,
which some among them doubtless heard with secret satisfaction;
and Gregory at once sought and obtained from the emperor
permission to resign his see. In June, 381, he preached a
farewell sermon before the council and in presence of an
overflowing congregation. The peroration of this discourse is of
singular and touching beauty, and unsurpassed even among his
many eloquent orations. Very soon after its delivery he left
Constantinople (Nectarius, a native of Cilicia, being chosen to
succeed him in the bishopric), and retired to his old home at
Nazianzus. His two extant letters addressed to Nectarius at his
time are note worthy as affording evidence, by their spirit and
tone, that he was actuated by no other feelings than those of
interested goodwill towards the diocese of which he was
resigning the care, and towards his successor in the episcopal
charge. On his return to Nazianzus, Gregory found the Church
there in a miserable condition, being overrun with the erroneous
teaching of Apollinaris the Younger, who had seceded from the
Catholic communion a few years previously, and died shortly
after Gregory himself. Gregory's anxiety was now to find a
learned and zealous bishop who would be able to stem the flood
of heresy which was threatening to overwhelm the Christian
Church in that place. All his efforts were at first
unsuccessful, and he consented at length with much reluctance to
take over the administration of the diocese himself. He combated
for a time, with his usual eloquence and as much energy as
remained to him, the false teaching of the adversaries of the
Church; but he felt himself too broken in health to continue the
active work of the episcopate, and wrote to the Archbishop of
Tyana urgently appealing to him to provide for the appointment
of another bishop. His request was granted, and his cousin
Eulalius, a priest of holy life to whom he was much attached,
was duly appointed to the See of Nazianzus. this was toward the
end of the year 383, and Gregory, happy in seeing the care of
the diocese entrusted to a man after his own heart, immediately
withdrew to Arianzus, the scene of his birth and his childhood,
where he spent the remaining years of his life in retirement,
and in the literary labours, which were so much more congenial
to his character than the harassing work of ecclesiastical
administration in those stormy and troubled times.
Looking back on Gregory's career, it is difficult not to feel
that from the day when he was compelled to accept priestly
orders, until that which saw him return from Constantinople to
Nazianzus to end his life in retirement and obscurity, he seemed
constantly to be placed, through no initiative of his own, in
positions apparently unsuited to his disposition and
temperament, and not really calculated to call for the exercise
of the most remarkable and attractive qualities of his mind and
heart. Affectionate and tender by nature, of highly sensitive
temperament, simple and humble, lively and cheerful by
disposition, yet liable to despondency and irritability,
constitutionally timid, and somewhat deficient, as it seemed,
both in decision of character and in self-control, he was very
human, very lovable, very gifted -- yet not, one might be
inclined to think, naturally adapted to play the remarkable part
which he did during the period preceding and following the
opening of the Council of Constantinople. He entered on his
difficult and arduous work in that city within a few months of
the death of Basil, the beloved friend of his youth; and Newman,
in his appreciation of Gregory's character and career, suggests
the striking thought that it was his friend's lofty and heroic
spirit which had entered into him, and inspired him to take the
active and important part which fell to his lot in the work of
re-establishing the orthodox and Catholic faith in the eastern
capital of the empire. It did, in truth, seem to be rather with
the firmness and intrepidity, the high resolve and unflinching
perseverance, characteristic of Basil, than in his own proper
character, that of a gentle, fastidious, retiring, timorous,
peace-loving saint and scholar, that he sounded the war-trumpet
during those anxious and turbulent months, in the very
stronghold and headquarters of militant heresy, utterly
regardless to the actual and pressing danger to his safety, and
even his life which never ceased to menace him. "May we together
receive", he said at the conclusion of the wonderful discourse
which he pronounced on his departed friend, on his return to
Asia from Constantinople, "the reward of the warfare which we
have waged, which we have endured." It is impossible to doubt,
reading the intimate details which he has himself given us of
his long friendship with, and deep admiration of, Basil, that
the spirit of his early and well-loved friend had to a great
extent moulded and informed his own sensitive and impressionable
personality and that it was this, under God, which nerved and
inspired him, after a life of what seemed, externally, one
almost of failure, to co-operate in the mighty task of
overthrowing the monstrous heresy which had so long devastated
the greater part of Christendom, and bringing about at length
the pacification of the Eastern Church.
During the six years of life which remained to him after his
final retirement to his birth-place, Gregory composed, in all
probability, the greater part of the copious poetical works
which have come down to us. These include a valuable
autobiographical poem of nearly 2000 lines, which forms, of
course, one of the most important sources of information for the
facts of his life; about a hundred other shorter poems relating
to his past career; and a large number of epitaphs, epigrams,
and epistles to well-known people of the day. Many of his later
personal poems refer to the continuous illness and severe
sufferings, both physical and spiritual, which assailed him
during his last years, and doubtless assisted to perfect him in
those saintly qualities which had never been wanting to him,
rudely shaken though he had been by the trails and buffetings of
his life. In the tiny plot of ground at Arianzus, all (as has
already been said) that remained to him of his rich inheritance,
he wrote and meditated, as he tells, by a fountain near which
there was a shady walk, his favourite resort. Here, too, he
received occasional visits from intimate friends, as well as
sometimes from strangers attracted to his retreat by his
reputation for sanctity and learning; and here he peacefully
breathed his last. The exact date of his death is unknown, but
from a passage in Jerome (De Script. Eccl.) it may be assigned,
with tolerable certainty, to the year 389 or 390.
Some account must now be given of Gregory's voluminous writings,
and of his reputation as an orator and a theologian, on which,
more than on anything else, rests his fame as one of the
greatest lights of the Eastern Church. His works naturally fall
under three heads, namely his poems, his epistles, and his
orations. Much, though by no means all, of what he wrote has
been preserved, and has been frequently published, the editio
princeps of the poems being the Aldine (1504), while the first
edition of his collected works appeared in Paris in 1609-11. The
Bodleian catalogue contains more than thirty folio pages
enumerating various editions of Gregory's works, of which the
best and most complete are the Benedictine edition (two folio
volumes, begun in 1778, finished in 1840), and the edition of
Migne (four volumes XXXV - XXXVIII, in P.G., Paris, 1857 -
1862).
Poetical Compositions
These, as already stated, comprise autobiographical verses,
epigrams, epitaphs and epistles. The epigrams have been
translated by Thomas Drant (London, 1568), the epitaphs by Boyd
(London, 1826), while other poems have been gracefully and
charmingly paraphrased by Newman in his "Church of the Fathers".
Jerome and Suidas say that Gregory wrote more than 30,000
verses; if this is not an exaggeration, fully two-thirds of them
have been lost. Very different estimates have been formed of the
value of his poetry, the greater part of which was written in
advanced years, and perhaps rather as a relaxation from the
cares and troubles of life than as a serious pursuit. Delicate,
graphic, and flowing as are many of his verses, and giving ample
evidence of the cultured and gifted intellect which produced
them, they cannot be held to parallel (the comparison would be
an unfair one, had not many of them been written expressly to
supersede and take the place of the work of heathen writers) the
great creations of the classic Greek poets. Yet Villemain, no
mean critic, places the poems in the front rank of Gregory's
compositions, and thinks so highly of them that he maintains
that the writer ought to be called, pre-eminently, not so much
the theologian of the East as "the poet of Eastern Christendom".
Prose Epistles
These, by common consent, belong to the finest literary
productions of Gregory's age. All that are extant are finished
compositions; and that the writer excelled in this kind of
composition is shown from one of them (Ep. ccix, to Nicobulus)
in which he enlarges with admirable good sense on the rules by
which all letter-writers should be guided. It was at the request
of Nicobulus, who believed, and rightly, that these letters
contained much of permanent interest and value, that Gregory
prepared and edited the collection containing the greater number
of them which has come down to us. Many of them are perfect
models of epistolary style -- short, clear, couched in admirably
chosen language, and in turn witty and profound, playful,
affectionate and acute.
Orations
Both in his own time, and by the general verdict of posterity,
Gregory was recognized as one of the very foremost orators who
have ever adorned the Christian Church. Trained in the finest
rhetorical schools of his age, he did more than justice to his
distinguished teachers; and while boasting or vainglory was
foreign to his nature, he frankly acknowledged his consciousness
of his remarkable oratorical gifts, and his satisfaction at
having been enabled to cultivate them fully in his youth. Basil
and Gregory, it has been said, were the pioneers of Christian
eloquence, modeled on, and inspired by, the noble and sustained
oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, and calculated to move and
impress the most cultured and critical audiences of the age.
Only comparatively few of the numerous orations delivered by
Gregory have been preserved to us, consisting of discourses
spoken by him on widely different occasions, but all marked by
the same lofty qualities. Faults they have, of course: lengthy
digressions, excessive ornament, strained antithesis, laboured
metaphors, and occasional over-violence of invective. But their
merits are far greater than their defects, and no one can read
them without being struck by the noble phraseology, perfect
command of the purest Greek, high imaginative powers, lucidity
and incisiveness of thought, fiery zeal and transparent
sincerity of intention, by which they are distinguished. Hardly
any of Gregory's extant sermons are direct expositions of
Scripture, and they have for this reason been adversely
criticized. Bossuet, however, points out with perfect truth that
many of these discourses are really nothing but skillful
interweaving of Scriptural texts, a profound knowledge of which
is evident from every line of them.
Gregory's claims to rank as one of the greatest theologians of
the early Church are based, apart from his reputation among his
contemporaries, and the verdict of history in his regard,
chiefly on the five great "Theological Discourses" which he
delivered at Constantinople in the course of the year 380. In
estimating the scope and value of these famous utterances, it is
necessary to remember what was the religious condition of
Constantinople when Gregory, at the urgent instance of Basil, of
many other bishops, and of the sorely-tried Catholics of the
Eastern capital, went thither to undertake the spiritual charge
of the faithful. It was less as an administrator, or an
organizer, than as a man of saintly life and of oratorical gifts
famous throughout the Eastern Church, that Gregory was asked,
and consented, to undertake his difficult mission; and he had to
exercise those gifts in combating not one but numerous heresies
which had been dividing and desolating Constantinople for many
years. Arianism in every form and degree, incipient, moderate,
and extreme, was of course the great enemy, but Gregory had also
to wage war against the Apollinarian teaching, which denied the
humanity of Christ, as well as against the contrary tendency --
later developed into Nestorianism -- which distinguished between
the Son of Mary and the Son of God as two distinct and separate
personalities.
A saint first, and a theologian afterwards, Gregory in one of
his early sermons at the Anastasia insisted on the principle of
reverence in treating of the mysteries of faith (a principle
entirely ignored by his Arian opponents), and also on the purity
of life and example which all who dealt with these high matters
must show forth if their teaching was to be effectual. In the
first and second of the five discourses he develops these two
principles at some length, urging in language of wonderful
beauty and force the necessity for all who would know God aright
to lead a supernatural life, and to approach so sublime a study
with a mind pure and free from sin. The third discourse (on the
Son) is devoted to a defence of the Catholic doctrine of the
Trinity, and a demonstration of its consonance with the
primitive doctrine of the Unity of God. The eternal existence of
the Son and Spirit are insisted on, together with their
dependence on the Father as origin or principle; and the
Divinity of the Son is argued from Scripture against the Arians,
whose misunderstanding of various Scripture texts is exposed and
confuted. In the fourth discourse, on the same subject, the
union of the Godhead and Manhood in Christ Incarnate is set
forth and luminously proved from Scripture and reason. The fifth
and final discourse (on the Holy Spirit) is directed partly
against the Macedonian heresy, which denied altogether the
Divinity of the Holy Ghost, and also against those who reduced
the Third Person of the Trinity to a mere impersonal energy of
the Father. Gregory, in reply to the contention that the
Divinity of the Spirit is not expressed in Scripture, quotes and
comments on several passages which teach the doctrine by
implication, adding that the full manifestation of this great
truth was intended to be gradual, following on the revelation of
the Divinity of the Son. It is to be noted that Gregory nowhere
formulates the doctrine of the Double Procession, although in
his luminous exposition of the Trinitarian doctrine there are
many passages which seem to anticipate the fuller teaching of
the Quicumque vult. No summary, not even a faithful verbal
translation, can give any adequate idea of the combined subtlety
and lucidity of thought, and rare beauty of expression, of these
wonderful discourses, in which, as one of his French critics
truly observes, Gregory "has summed up and closed the
controversy of a whole century". The best evidence of their
value and power lies in the fact that for fourteen centuries
they have been a mine whence the greatest theologians of
Christendom have drawn treasures of wisdom to illustrate and
support their own teaching on the deepest mysteries of the
Catholic Faith.
Acta SS.; Lives prefixed to MIGNE, P.G. (1857) XXXV, 147-303;
Lives of the Saints collected from Authentick Records (1729),
II; BARONIUS, De Vita Greg. Nazianz. (Rome, 1760); DUCHESNE,
Hist. Eccl., ed. BRIGHT (Oxford, 1893), 195, 201, etc.; ULLMAN,
Gregorius v. Nazianz der Theologe (Gotha, 1867), tr. COX
(Londone, 1851); BENOIT, Saint Greg. de Nazianze (Paris, 1876);
BAUDUER, Vie de S. Greg. de Nazianze (Lyons, 1827); WATKINS in
Dict. Christ. Biog., s. v. Gregorius Nazianzenus; FLEURY, Hist.
Ecclesiastique (Paris, 1840), II, Bk. XVIII; DE BROGLIE,
L'eglise et l'Empire Romain au IV siecle (Paris, 1866), V;
NEWMAN, The arians of the Fourth Century (London, 1854),
214-227; IDEM, Church of the Fathers in Historical Sketches;
BRIGHT, The Age of the Fathers (London, 1903), I, 408-461;
PUSEY, The Councils of the Church A.D. 31 - A.D. 381 (Oxford,
1857), 276-323; HORE, Eighteen Centuries of the Orthodox Greek
Church (London, 1899), 162, 164, 168, etc; TILLEMONT, Mem. Hist.
Eccles., IX; MASON, Five Theolog. Discourses of Greg. of
Nazianz. (Cambridge, 1899).
D.O. HUNTER-BLAIR
St. Gregory of Neocaesarea
St. Gregory of Neocaesarea
Known at THAUMATURGUS, (ho Thaumatourgos, the miracle-worker).
Born at Neocaesarea in Pontus (Asia Minor) about 213; died there
270-275. Among those who built up the Christian Church, extended
its influence, and strengthened its institutions, the bishops of
Asia Minor occupy a high position; among them Gregory of
Neocaesarea holds a very prominent place. His pastoral work is
but little known, and his theological writings have reached us
in a very incomplete state. In this semi-obscurity the
personality of this great man seems eclipsed and dwarfed; even
his immemorial title Thaumaturgus (the wonder-worker) casts an
air of legend about him. Nevertheless, the lives of few bishops
of the third century are so well authenticated; the historical
references to him permit us to reconstruct his work with
considerable detail.
Originally he was known as Theodore (the gift of God), not an
exclusively Christian name. Moreover, his family was pagan, and
he was unacquainted with the Christian religion till after the
death of his father, at which time he was fourteen years old. He
had a brother Athenodorus, and, on the advice of one of their
tutors, the young men were anxious to study law at the
law-school of Beirut, then one of the four of five famous
schools in the Hellenic world. At this time, also, their
brother-in-law was appointed assessor to the Roman Governor of
Palestine; the youths had therefore an occasion to act as an
escort to their sister as far as Caesarea in Palestine. On
arrival in that town they learned that the celebrated scholar
Origen, head of the catechetical school of Alexandria, resided
there. Curiosity led them to hear and converse with the master,
and his irresistible charm did the rest. Soon both youths forgot
all about Beirut and Roman law, and gave themselves up to the
great Christian teacher, who gradually won them over to
Christianity. In his panegyric on Origen, Gregory describes the
method employed by that master to win the confidence and esteem
of those he wished to convert; how he mingled a persuasive
candour with outbursts of temper and theological argument put
cleverly at once and unexpectedly. Persuasive skill rather than
bare reasoning, and evident sincerity and an ardent conviction
were the means Origen used to make converts. Gregory took up at
first the study of philosophy; theology was afterwards added,
but his mind remained always inclined to philosophical study, so
much so indeed that in his youth he cherished strongly the hope
of demonstrating that the Christian religion was the only true
and good philosophy. For seven years he underwent the mental and
moral discipline of Origen (231 to 238 or 239). There is no
reason to believe that is studies were interrupted by the
persecutions of maximinus of Thrace; his alleged journey to
Alexandria, at this time, may therefore be considered at least
doubtful, and probably never occurred.
In 238 or 239 the two brothers returned to their native Pontus.
Before leaving Palestine Gregory delivered in presence of Origen
a public farewell oration in which he returned thanks to the
illustrious master he was leaving. This oration is valuable from
many points of view. As a rhetorical exercise it exhibits the
excellent training given by Origen, and his skill in developing
literary taste; it exhibits also the amount of adulation then
permissible towards a living person in an assembly composed
mostly of Christians, and Christian in temper. It contains,
moreover, much useful information concerning the youth of
Gregory and his master's method of teaching. A letter of Origen
refers to the departure of the two brothers, but it is not easy
to determine whether it was written before or after the delivery
of this oration. In it Origen exhorts (quite unnecessarily, it
is true) his pupils to bring the intellectual treasures of the
Greeks to the service of Christian philosophy, and thus imitate
the Jews who employed the golden vessels of the Egyptians to
adorn the Holy of Holies. It may be supposed that despite the
original abandonment of Beirut and the study of Roman law,
Gregory had not entirely given up the original purpose of his
journey to the Orient; as a matter of fact, he returned to
Pontus with the intention of practising law. His plan, however,
was again laid aside, for he was soon consecrated bishop of his
native Caesarea by Phoedimus, Bishop of Amasea and Metropolitan
of Pontus. This fact illustrates in an interesting way the
growth of the hierarchy in the primitive Church, for we know
that the Christian community at Caesarea was very small, being
only seventeen souls, and it was given a bishop. We know,
moreover, from ancient canonical documents, that it was possible
for a community of even ten Christians to have their own bishop.
When Gregory was consecrated he was forty years old, and he
ruled his diocese for thirty years. Although we know nothing
definite as to his methods, we cannot doubt that he must have
shown much zeal in increasing the little flock with which he
began his episcopal administration. From an ancient source we
learn a fact that is at once a curious coincidence, and throws
light on his missionary zeal; whereas he began with only
seventeen Christians, at his death there remained but seventeen
pagans in the whole town of Caesarea. The many miracles which
won for his the title of Thaumaturgus were doubtless eprformed
during these years. The Oriental mind revels so naturally in the
marvellous that a serious historian cannot accept
unconditionally all its product; yet if ever the title of
"wonder-worker" was deserved, Gregory had a right to it.
It is to be noted here that our sources of information as to the
life, teaching, and actions of Gregory Thaumaturgus are all more
or less open to criticism. Besides the details given us by
Gregory himself, and of which we have already spoken, there are
four other sources of information, all, according to Koetschau,
derived from oral tradition; indeed, the differences between
them force the conclusion that they cannot all be derived from
one common written source. They are:
+ Life and Panegyric of Gregory by St. Gregory of Nyssa (P.G.,
XLVI, col. 893 sqq.);
+ Historia Miraculorum, by Russinus;
+ an account in Syriac of the great actions of Blessed Gregory
(sixth century manuscript);
+ St. Basil, De Spirtu Sancto.
Gregory of Nyssa with the help of family traditions and a
knowledge of the neighbourhood, has left us an account of the
Thaumaturgus that is certainly more historical than any other
known to us. From Rufinus we see that in his day (c. 400) the
original story was becoming confused; the Syriac account is at
times obscure and contradictory. Even the life by Gregory of
Nyssa exhibits a legendary element, though its facts were all
supplied to the writer by his grandmother, St. Macrina the
Elder. He relates that before his episcopal consecration Gregory
retired from Neocaesarea into a solitude, and was favoured by an
apparition of the Blessed Virgin and the Apostle St. John, and
that the latter dictated to him a creed or formula of Christian
faith, of which the autograph existed at Neocaesarea when the
biography was being written. The creed itself is quite important
for the history of Christian doctrine (Caspari, Alte und neue
Quellen zur Gesch, d. Taufsymols und der Glaubernsregel,
Christiania, 1879, 1-64). Gregory of Nyssa describes at length
the miracles that gained for the Bishop of Caesarea the title of
Thaumaturgus; herein the imaginative element is very active. It
is clear, however, that Gregory's influence must have been
considerable, and his miraculous power undoubted. It might have
been expected that Gregory's name would appear among those who
took part in the First Council of Antioch against Paul of
Samosata (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. VII, xxviii); probably he took
part also in the second council held there against the same
heresiarch, for the letter of that council is signed by a bishop
named Theodore, which had been originally Gregory's name
(Eusebius, op. cit., VII, xxx). To attract the people to the
festivals in honour of the martyrs, we learn that Gregory
organized profane amusements as an attraction for the pagans who
could not understand a solemnity without some pleasures of a
less serious nature than the religious ceremony.
Writings of Gregory
The Oratio Panegyrica in honour of Origen describes in detail
that master's pedagogical methods. Its literary value consists
less in its style than in its novelty, it being the first
attempt at autobiography in Christian literature. This youthful
work is full of enthusiasm and genuine talent; moreover, it
proves how fully Origen had won the admiration of his pupils,
and how the training Gregory received influenced the remainder
of a long and well spent life. Gregory tells us in this work
(xiii) that under Origen he read the works of many philosophers,
without restriction as to school, except that of the atheists.
From this reading of the old philosophers he learned to insist
frequently on the unity of God; and his long experience of pagan
or crudely Christian populations taught him how necessary this
was. Traces of this insistence are to be met with in the
Tractatus ad Theopompum, concerning the pasibility and
impassibility of God; this work seems to belong to Gregory,
though in its general arrangement it reminds us of Methodius. A
similar trait was probably characteristic of the lost Dialogus
cum Aeliano (Pros Ailianon dialexis), which we learn of through
St. Basil, who frequently attests the orthodoxy of the
Thaumaturgus (Ep. xxviii, 1, 2; cciv, 2; ccvii, 4) and even
defends him against the Sabellians, who claimed him for their
teaching and quoted as his formula: patera kai ouion epinoia men
einai duo, hypostasei de en (that the Father and the Son were
two in intelligence, but one in substance) from the aforesaid
Dialogus cum Aeliano. St. Basil replied that Gregory was arguing
against a pagan, and used the words agonistikos not dogmatikos,
i.e. in the heat of combat, not in calm exposition; in this case
he was insisting, and rightly, on the Divine unity. he added,
moreover, that a like explanation must be given to the words
ktisma, poiema (created, made) when applied to the Son,
reference being to Christ Incarnate. Basil added that the text
of the work was corrupt.
The "Epostola Canonica", epistole kanonike (Routh, Reliquiae
Sacrae, III, 251-83) is valuable to both historian and canonist
as evidence of the organization of the Church of Caesarea and
the other Churches of Pontus under Gregory's influence, at a
time when the invading Goths had begun to aggravate a situation
made difficult enough by the imperial persecutions. We learn
from this work how absorbing the episcopal charge was for a man
of conscience and a strict sense of duty. Moreover it helps us
to understand how a man so well equipped mentally, and with the
literary gifts of Gregory, has not left a greater number of
works.
The Ekthesis tes pisteos (Exposition of the Faith) is in its
kind a theological document not less precious than the
foregoing. It makes clear Gregory's orthodoxy apropos of the
Trinity. Its authenticity and date seem now definitely settled,
the date lying between 260-270. Caspari has shown that this
confession of faith is a development of the premises laid down
by Origen. Its conclusion leaves no room for doubt:
There is therefore nothing created, nothing greater or less
(literally, nothing subject) in the Trinity (oute oun ktiston ti, he
doulon en te triadi), nothing superadded, as though it had not
existed before, but never been without the Son, nor the Son without
the Spirit; and this same Trinity is immutable and unalterable
forever.
Such a formula, stating clearly the distinction between the
Persons in the Trinity, and emphasizing the eternity, equality,
immortality, and perfection, not only of the Father, but of the
Son and of the Holy Spirit, proclaims a marked advance on the
theories of Origen.
A Metaphrasis eis ton Ekklesiasten tou Solomontos, or paraphrase
of Ecclesiastes, is attributed to him by some manuscripts;
others ascribe it to Gregory of Nazianzus; St. Jerome (De vir.
illust., c. lxv, and Com. in eccles., iv) ascribes it to our
Gregory. The Epistola ad Philagrium has reached us in a Syriac
version. It treats of the Consubstantiality of the Son and has
also been attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus (Ep. ccxliii;
formerly Orat. xiv); Tillemont and the Benedictines, however,
deny this because it offers no expression suggestive of the
Arian controversy. Draeseke, nevertheless, calls attention to
numerous views and expressions in this treatise that recall the
writings of Gregory of Nazianzus. The brief Treatise on the Soul
addressed to one Tatian, in favour of which may be cited the
testimony of Nicholas of Methone (probably from Procupius of
Gaza), is now claimed for Gregory.
The Kephalaia peri pisteos dodeka or Twelve Chapters on Faith do
not seem to be the work of Gregory. According to Caspari, the
Kata meros pistis or brief exposition of doctrine concerning the
Trinity and the Incarnation, attributed to Gregory, was composed
by Apollinaris of Laodicea about 380, and circulated by his
followers as a work of Gregory (Bardenhewer). Finally, the
Greek, Syriac, and Armenian Catenae contain fragments attributed
more or less correctly to Gregory. The fragments of the De
Resurrectione belong rather to Pamphilus Apologia for Origen.
Gregory's writings wree first edited by Voss (Mainz, 1604) and
are in P.G., X. For the Tractatus ad Theopompum see DE LAGARDE,
Aanlecta Syriaca (Londond, 1858), 46-64; and PITRA, Analecta
Sacra (Paris, 1883), IV. See also RYSSEL, Gregorius
Thaumaturgus, sein Leben, und seine Schriften (Leipzig, 1880);
KOTSCHAU, Des Gregorios Thaumaturgos Dankrede an Origenes
(Frieburg, 1894); BARDENHEWER, Patrology, tr. SHAHAN (St. Louis,
1908), 170-175. For an English version of the literary remains
of Gregory see Ante-Nicene Fathers (New York, 1896), VI, 9-74.;
cf. also REYNOLDS in Dict. Chr. Biog., s.v. Greorius (3).
H. LECLERCQ
Saint Gregory of Nyssa
St. Gregory of Nyssa
Date of birth unknown; died after 385 or 386. He belongs to the
group known as the "Cappadocian Fathers", a title which reveals
at once his birthplace in Asia Minor and his intellectual
characteristics. Gregory was born of a deeply religious family,
not very rich in worldly goods, to which circumstances he
probably owed the pious training of his youth. His mother
Emmelia was a martyr's daughter; two of his brothers, Basil of
Caesarea and Peter of Sebaste, became bishops like himself; his
eldest sister, Macrina, became a model of piety and is honoured
as a saint. Another brother, Naucratius, a lawyer, inclined to a
life of asceticism, but died too young to realize his desires. A
letter of Gregory to his younger brother, Peter, exhibits the
feelings of lively gratitude which both cherished for their
elder brother Basil, whom Gregory calls "our father and our
master". Probably, therefore, the difference in years between
them was such as to have enabled Basil to supervise the
education of his younger brothers. Basil's training was an
antidote to the lessons of the pagan schools, wherein, as we
know from a letter of St. Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa
spent some time, very probably in his early youth, for it is
certain that while still a youth Gregory exercised the
ecclesiastical office of rector. His family, it would seem, had
endeavoured to turn his thoughts towards the Church, for when
the young man chose a secular career and began the study of
rhetoric, Basil remonstrated with him long and earnestly; when
he had failed he called on Gregory's friends to influence him
against that objectionable secular calling. It was all in vain;
moreover, it would seem that the young man married. There exists
a letter addressed to him by Gregory of Nazianzus condoling with
him on the loss of one Theosebeia, who must have been his wife,
and with whom he continued to live, as with a sister, even after
he became bishop. This is also evident from his treatise "De
virginitate".
Some think that Gregory spent a certain time in retreat before
his consecration as bishop, but we have no proof of the fact.
His extant letters make no mention of such retirement from the
world. Nor are we better informed of the circumstances of his
election to the See of Nyssa, a little town on the banks of the
Halys, along the road between Caesarea and Ancyra. According to
Gregory of Nazianzus it was Basil who performed the episcopal
consecration of his brother, before he himself had taken
possession of the See of Sozima; which would place the beginning
of Gregory of Nyssa's episcopate about 371. Was this brusque
change in Gregory's career the result of a sudden vocation? St.
Basil tells us that it was necessary to overcome his brother's
repugnance, before he accepted the office of bishop. But this
does not help us to an answer, as the episcopal charge in that
day was beset with many dangers. Moreover in the fourth century,
and even later, it was not uncommon to express dislike of the
episcopal honour, and to fly from the prospect of election. The
fugitives, however, were usually discovered and brought back,
and the consecration took place when a show of resistance had
saved the candidate's humility. Whether it was so in Gregory's
case, or whether he really did feel his own unfitness, we do not
know. In any case, St. Basil seems to have regretted at times
the constraint thus put on his brother, now removed from his
influence; in his letters he complains of Gregory's naive and
clumsy interference with his (Basil's) business. To Basil the
synod called in 372 by Gregory at Ancyra seemed the ruin of his
own labours. In 375 Gregory seemed to him decidedly incapable of
ruling a Church. At the same time he had but faint praise for
Gregory's zeal for souls.
On arriving in his see Gregory had to face great difficulties.
His sudden elevation may have turned against him some who had
hoped for the office themselves. It would appear that one of the
courtiers of Emperor Valens had solicited the see either for
himself or one of his friends. When Demosthenes, Governor of
Pontus, convened an assembly of Eastern bishops, a certain
Philocares, at one of its sessions, accused Gregory of wasting
church property, and of irregularity in his election to the
episcopate, whereupon Demosthenes ordered the Bishop of Nyssa to
be seized and brought before him. Gregory at first allowed
himself to be led away by his captors, then losing heart and
discouraged by the cold and brutal treatment he met with, he
took an opportunity of escape and reached a place of safety. A
Synod of Nyssa (376) deposed him, and he was reduced to wander
from town to town, until the death of Valens in 378. The new
emperor, Gratian, published an edict of tolerance, and Gregory
returned to his see, where he was received with joy. A few
months after this (January, 379) his brother Basil died;
whereupon an era of activity began for Gregory. In 379 he
assisted at the Council of Antioch which had been summoned
because of the Meletian schism. Soon after this, it is supposed,
he visited Palestine. There is reason for believing that he was
sent officially to remedy the disorders of the Church of Arabia.
But possibly his journey did not take place till after the
Council of Constantinople in 381, convened by Emperor Theodosius
for the welfare of religion in that city. It asserted the faith
of Nicaea, and tried to put an end to Arianism and Pneumatism in
the East. This council was not looked on as an important one at
the time; even those present at it seldom refer to it in their
writings. Gregory himself, though he assisted at the council,
mentions it only casually in his funeral oration over Meletius
of Antioch, who died during the course of this assembly.
An edict of Theodosius (30 July, 381; Cod. Theod., LXVI, tit.
I., L. 3) having appointed certain episcopal sees as centres of
Catholic communion in the East, Helladius of Caesarea, Gregory
of Nyssa and Otreius of Melitene were chosen to fill them. At
Constantinople Gregory gave evidence on two occasions of his
talent as an orator; he delivered the discourse at the
enthronization of St. Gregory of Nazianzus, also the aforesaid
oration over Meletius of Antioch. It is very probable that
Gregory was present at another Council of Constantinople in 383;
his "Oratio de deitate Filii et Spiritus Sancti" seems to
confirm this. In 385 or 386 he preached the funeral sermon over
the imperial Princess Pulcheria, and shortly afterwards over
Empress Flaccilla. A little later we meet him again at
Constantinople, on which occasion his counsel was sought for the
repression of ecclesiastical disorders in Arabia; he then
disappears from history, and probably did not long survive this
journey. From the above it will be seen that his life is little
known to us. It is difficult to outline clearly his personality,
while his writings contain too many flights of eloquence to
permit final judgment on his real character.
Works
Exegetical
Most of his writings treat of the Sacred Scriptures. He was an
ardent admirer of Origen, and applied constantly the latter's
principles of hermeneutics. Gregory is ever in quest of
allegorical interpretations and mystical meanings hidden away
beneath the literal sense of texts. As a rule, however, the
"great Cappadocians" tried to eliminate this tendency. His
"Treatise on the Work of the Six Days" follows St. Basil's
Hexaemeron. Another work, "On the Creation of Man", deals with
the work of the Sixth Day, and contains some curious anatomical
details; it was translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus. His
account of Moses as legislator offers much fine-spun
allegorizing, and the same is true of his "Explanation of the
Titles of the Psalms". In a brief tractate on the witch of Endor
he says that the woman did not see Samuel, but only a demon, who
put on the figure of the prophet. Besides a homily on the sixth
Psalm, he wrote eight homilies on Ecclesiastes, in which he
taught that the soul should rise above the senses, and that true
peace is only to be found in contempt of worldly greatness. He
is also the author of fifteen homilies on the Canticle of
Canticles (the union of the soul with its Creator), five very
eloquent homilies on the Lord's Prayer, and eight highly
rhetorical homilies on the Beatitudes.
Theological
In theology Gregory shows himself more original and more at
ease. Yet his originality is purely in manner, since he added
little that is new. His diction, however, offers many felicitous
and pleasing allusions, suggested probably by his mystical turn
of mind. These grave studies were taken up by him late in life,
hence he follows step by step the teaching of St. Basil and of
St. Gregory of Nazianzus. Like them he defends the unity of the
Divine nature and the trinity of Persons; where he loses their
guidance, our confidence in him tends to decrease. In his
teaching on the Eucharist he appears really original; his
Christological doctrine, however, is based entirely on Origen
and St. Athanasius. The most important of his theological
writings is his large "Catechesis", or "Oratio Catechetica", an
argumentative defence in forty chapters of Catholic teaching as
against Jews, heathens, and heretics. The most extensive of his
extant works is his refutation of Eunomius in twelve books, a
defence of St. Basil against that heretic, and also of the
Nicene Creed against Arianism; this work is of capital
importance in the history of the Arian controversy. He also
wrote two works against Apollinaris of Laodicea, in refutation
of the false doctrines of that writer, viz. that the body of
Christ descended from heaven, and that in Christ, the Divine
Word acted as the rational soul. Among the works of Gregory are
certain "Opuscula" on the Trinity addressed to Ablabius, the
tribune Simplicius, and Eustathius of Sebaste. He wrote also
against Arius and Sabellius, and against the Macedonians, who
denied the divinity of the Holy Spirit; the latter work he never
finished. In the "De anima et resurrectione" we have a dialogue
between Gregory and his deceased sister, Macrina; it treats of
death, resurrection, and our last end. He defends human liberty
against the fatalism of the astrologers in a work "On Fate", and
in his treatise "On Children", dedicated to Hieros, Prefect of
Cappadocia, he undertook to explain why Providence permits the
premature death of children.
Ascetical
He wrote also on Christian life and conduct, e.g. "On the
meaning of the Christian name or profession", addressed to
Harmonius, and "On Perfection and what manner of man the
Christian should be", dedicated to the monk Olympius. For the
monks, he wrote a work on the Divine purpose in creation. His
admirable book "On Virginity", written about 370, was composed
to strengthen in all who read it the desire for a life of
perfect virtue.
Sermons and Homilies
Gregory wrote also many sermons and homilies, some of which we
have already mentioned; others of importance are his panegyric
on St. Basil, and his sermons on the Divinity of the Son and of
the Holy Ghost.
Correspondence
A few of his letters (twenty-six) have survived; two of them
offer a peculiar interest owing to the severity of his
strictures on contemporary pilgrimages to Jerusalem.
For a discussion of his peculiar doctrine concerning the general
restoration (Apocatastasis) to divine favour of all sinful
creatures at the end of time, i.e. the temporary nature of the
pains of hell, see the articles APOCATASTASIS and MIVART. The
theory of interpolation of the writings of Gregory and of
Origen, sustained among others by Vincenzi (below), seems, in
this respect at least, both useless and gratuitous
(Bardenhewer).
Notes
The writings of Gregory are best collected in P.G., XLIV-XLVI.
There is no critical edition as yet, though one was begun by
FORBES and OEHLER (Burntisland, 1855, 61); of another edition
planned by Oehler, only one volume appeared (Halle, 1865). The
best of the earlier editions is that of FRONTO DUCAEUS (Paris,
1615). Cf. VINCENZI, In Gregorii Nysseni et Origenis scripta et
doctrinam nova recensio, etc. (Rome, 1864-69); BAUER, Die
Trostreden des Gregorios von Nyssa in ihrem Verhaeltniss zur
antiken Rhetorik (Marburg, 1892); BOUEDRON, Doctrines
philosophiques de Saint Gregoire de Nysse (Nantes, 1861); KOCH,
Das mystische Schauen beim hl. Gr. v. Nyssa in Theol.
Quartalschrift (1898), LXXX, 397-420; DIEKAMP, Die Gotteslehre
des hl. Gregor von Nyssa: ein Beitrag zur Dogmengesch. der
patristischen Zeit (Muenster, 1897); WEISS, Die Erziehungslehre
der Kappadozier (Freiburg, 1903); HILT, St. Gregorii episcopi
Nysseni doctrina de angelis exposita (Freiburg, 1860); KRAMPF,
Der Urzustand des Menschen nach der Lehre des hl. Gregor von
Nyssa, eine dogmatisch-patristische Studie (Wuerzburg, 1889);
REICHE, Die kunstlerischen Elemente in der Welt und
Lebens-Anschauung des Gregor von Nyssa (Jena, 1897); and on the
large Catechesis (logos katechetikos ho megas), generally known
as Oratio Catechetica, see SRAWLEY in Journal of Theol. Studies
(1902), III, 421-8, also his new edition of the Oratio
(Cambridge, 1903). For an English version of several works of
Gregory see Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, second
series (New York, 1893), II, v; and for a German version of some
works, HAYD in the Kemptener Bibliothek der Kirchenvaeter
(1874).
H. LECLERCQ
Gregory of Rimini
Gregory of Rimini
An Augustinian theologian; born at Rimini, Italy, in the second
half of the thirteenth century; died at Vienna, 1358. After
completing his studies, he became professor and subsequently
rector of the Augustinian seminary in his native city. But it
was not long before he was called to Paris to take a
professorship at the Sorbonne, where he achieved great
distinction as a teacher. He was one of the chief leaders of the
Nominalists in the controversy over the nature of "universals",
and his disciples conferred most respectful titles on him, such
as Doctor acutus, Lucerna splendens, and especially Doctor
authenticus. Many people even called him "beatus" not only out
of esteem for his remarkable erudition, but for his heroic and
virtuous qualities. As a theologian he belonged naturally to the
older Augustinian school founded by the Augustinian AEgidius of
Colonna, commonly known as the Schola Aegidiana. In some
respects, however, his views diverged from those of the founder
of the school. For, while the latter's views on the disposition
of sinners towards grace by no means coincide with the opinions
of St. Augustine, and are far more nearly akin to
Semipelagianism, Gregory on the other hand was a most
pertinacious champion of the teachings of this saint, and had no
hesitation in opposing the general teaching of the Scholastics
with respect to the need for grace in fallen man and the
punishment of original sin, even though the AEgidian school
followed in general St. Thomas. These views of Gregory found
many zealous supporters again in the seventeenth century,
Cardinal Noris in particular defending them vigorously.
Gregory's opponents delighted to call him the "Infantium Tortor"
(Tormentor of children), because he held, in opposition to the
other Scholastics, the severe and extreme views concerning the
fate of children who died unbaptized. In 1357 he succeeded the
equally famous Thomas of Strasburg as General of the Augustinian
Hermits, but died the next year at Vienna. Of his writings, the
"Commentaries" on the "Books of the Sentences" have appeared in
print (Lectura in primum et secundum librum Sententiarum, Paris,
1482, 1487; Milan, 1494; Valentia, 1500; Venice, 1518); also a
treatise on the prohibition of usury (De usuris, Rimini, 1522,
1622). Commentaries on the Epistles of St. James and St. Paul
are also attributed to him.
PATRICIUS SCHLAGER
St. Gregory of Tours
St. Gregory of Tours
Born in 538 or 539 at Arverni, the modern Clermont-Ferrand; died
at Tours, 17 Nov., in 593 or 594. He was descended from a
distinguished Gallo-Roman family, and was closely related to the
most illustrious houses of Gaul. He was originally called
Georgius Florentius, but in memory of his maternal
great-grandfather, Gregory, Bishop of Langres, took later on the
name of Gregory. At an early age he lost his father, and went to
live with an uncle, Gallus, Bishop of Clermont, under whom he
was educated after the manner of all ecclesiastics in his day.
An unexpected recovery from a serious illness turned his mind
towards the service of the Church. Gallus died in 554, and
Gregory's mother went to live with her friends in Burgundy,
leaving her son at Clermont in the care of Avitus, a priest,
later Bishop of Clermont (517-594). Avitus directed his pupil
towards the study of the Scriptures. According to Gregory,
rhetoric and profane literature were sadly neglected in his
case, an omission that he ever after earnestly regretted. In his
writings he complains of his ignorance of the laws of grammar,
of confounding the genders, employing the wrong cases, not
understanding the correct use of prepositions, and the syntax of
phrases, self-reproaches that need not be taken too seriously.
Gregory knew grammar and literature as well as any man of his
time; it is a mere affectation on his part when he poses as
ill-instructed; perhaps he hoped thereby to win praise for his
learning. Euphronius, Bishop of Tours, died in 573, and was
succeeded by Gregory, Sigebert I being then King of Austrasia
and Auvergne (561-576). Charibert's death (567) had made him
master of Tours. The new king was acquainted with Gregory and
insisted that in deference to the wishes of the people of Tours
he should become their bishop; thus it came to pass that Gregory
went to Rome for consecration. The poet, Fortunatus, celebrated
the elevation of the new bishop in a poem full of sincere
enthusiasm whatever its defects ("Ad cives Turonicos de Gregorio
episcopo"). Gregory justified this confidence, and his episcopal
reign was highly creditable to him and useful to his flock; the
circumstances of the time offered peculiar difficulties, and the
office of bishop was onerous both from a civil and a religious
point of view.
I. GREGORY AS BISHOP
He undertook with great zeal the heavy task imposed on him. In
the near past King Clovis had both used and abused his power,
but his services to the social order and the fame of his
exploits caused the abuses of his reign to be in great part
forgiven. His successors, however, had fewer merits, and when
they sought to increase their authority by deeds of violence,
almost endless civil war was the result. Might overcame right so
often that the very notion of the latter tended to disappear.
Barbarian fierceness and cruelty were everywhere rampant. During
the war between Sigebert and Chilperic, Gregory could not
restrain his just indignation at the sight of the woes of his
people. "This", he wrote, "has been more hurtful to the Church
than the persecution of Diocletian". In Gaul, at least, such may
have been the case. The Teutonic tribes newly established in
Gaul, or loosely wandering throughout the whole Roman Empire,
were well aware of their physical prowess, and disinclined to
recognize any rights save that of conquest. Their chiefs claimed
whatever they desired, and the army took the rest. Whoever
ventured to oppose them was put out of the way with pitiless
rapidity. The civilization on which they so suddenly entered was
for them a source of annoyance and confusion; coarse material
pleasures appealed to them far more than the higher ideals of
Roman life. Drunkenness was prevalent in all classes, and even
the proverbial chastity of the Franks was soon a forgotten
glory. Vengeance threw off all restraint of religion; the
powerful and the lowly, clergy and laity, were a law unto
themselves. Queen Clotilda, the model of women, was popularly
thought to have nourished feelings of revenge against the
Burgundians for more that thirty years (see, however, for a
rehabilitation, G. Kurth, "Sainte Clotilde", 8th. ed., Paris,
1905, and article CLOTILDA). Guntram, one of the best of the
Frankish kings, put to death two physicians because they were
unable to restore Queen Austrechilde to health. This being the
moral temper of the upper classes, it is needless to speak of
the Gallo-Frankish multitude. It is greatly to St. Gregory's
honour that amid these conditions he fulfilled the office of
bishop with admirable courage and firmness. His writings and his
actions exhibit a tender solicitude for the spiritual and
temporal interests of his people, whom he protected as best he
could against the lawlessness of the civil power.
Amid his labours for the general welfare he upheld always what
was right and just with prudence and courage. By his office he
was the protector of the weak, and as such always opposed their
oppressors. In him the Merovingian episcopate appears at its
best. The social morality of the sixth century has no braver or
more intelligent exponent that this cultivated gentleman.
Gregory explains the government of the world by the constant
intervention of the supernatural: direct assistance of God,
intercession of saints, and recourse to the miracles wrought at
their tombs. He also played a prominent part in increasing the
number of churches, which were then the centres of religious
life in Gaul. The cathedral church at Tours, burnt down under
his predecessor, was rebuilt, and the church of St. Perpetuus
restored and decorated. Since the days of Clovis the Church had
held, through her bishops, a preponderating position in the
Frankish world. In the eyes of the people the bishops were the
direct representatives of God, and dispensed His heavenly graces
quite as the king bestowed earthly favours. This was not owing,
however, to their moral or religious position, but rather to
their social influence. With the spread of the rude barbarian
civilization in Gaul the old Roman civilization, especially in
municipal administration, was unable to cope. The civil
authority was unequal to the former responsibilities it assumed,
and was soon oblivious of its obligations. The public offices,
however, which it neglected corresponded to pressing social
needs that must somehow be satisfied. At this juncture the
bishops stepped into the breach and became at once politically
more important under Frankish than they had been under Roman
rule. The Frankish kings gladly recognized in them indispensable
auxiliaries. They alone possessed science and learning, while
they rendered signal services on different missions freely
intrusted to them, and which they alone were capable of
fulfilling. On the other hand they were slow to reprove their
barbarian masters or to resist them. Gregory himself says in his
reply to Childeric: "If one of us were to leave the path of
justice, it would be for you to set him right; should you,
however, chance to stray, who could correct or resist?". The
only duty the bishops seem to have preached to the Frankish
kings was a conscientious fulfilment of the royal duties for the
good of souls. This duty the kings did not deny, though they
often failed to execute it or took refuge in a too liberal
conscience.
Tours, which had long possessed the tomb of Saint Martin, was
one of the most difficult sees to rule. The city was continually
changing masters. On the death of Clotaire (561) it fell to
Charibert, and when he died it reverted to the kingdom of
Sigebert, King of Austrasia, but not till after a lively
conflict. In 573, Chilperic, King of Neustria, seized it, but
was soon constrained to abandon the city. He seized it again
only to lose it once more; at last, on the assassination of
Sigebert in 576, Chilperic became its final master, and held it
till he died in 584. Though Gregory took no direct part in these
struggles of princes, he has described for us the sufferings
they caused his people, also his own sorrows. It is easy to see
that he did not love Chilperic; in return the king hated the
Bishop of Tours, who suffered much from the attacks of royal
partisans. A certain Leudot, who had been deprived of his office
through Gregory's complaints, accused the bishop of defamatory
statements concerning Queen Fredegunde. Gregory was cited before
the judges, and asserted his innocence under oath. At the trial
his bearing was so full of dignity and uprightness that he
astonished his enemies, and Chilperic himself was so impressed
that ever afterwards he was more conciliatory in his dealings
with such an opponent. After the death of Chilperic, Tours fell
into the hands of Guntram, King of Burgundy, whereupon began for
the bishop an era of peace and almost of happiness. He had long
known Guntram and was known and trusted by him. In 587, the
Treaty of Andelot brought about the cession of Tours by Guntram
to Childebert II, son of Sigebert. This king, as well as his
mother Brunehaut, honoured Gregory with particular confidence,
called him often to court, and entrusted to him many important
missions. This favour lasted until his death.
II. GREGORY AS A HISTORIAN
From the time of his election to the episcopate Gregory began to
write. His subjects seem to have been chosen, at the beginning
of his literary activity, less for their importance than for the
purpose of edification. The miracles of St. Martin were then his
main theme, and he always cherished most the themes of the
hagiographer. Even in his strictly historical writings,
biographical details retain a place often quite disproportionate
to their importance. His complete works deal with many subjects,
and are by himself summarized as follows: "Decem libros
historiarum, septem miraculorum, unum de vita patrum scripsi; in
psalterii tractatu librum unum commentatus sum; de cursibus
etiam ecclesiasticis unum librum condidi", i.e. I have written
ten books of "historia", seven of "miracles", one on the lives
of the Fathers, a commentary in one book on the psalter, and one
book on ecclesiastical liturgy. The "Liber de miracles b.
Andreae apostoli" and the "Passio ss. martyrum septem
dormientium apud Ephesum" are not mentioned by him, but are
undoubtedly from his hand. His hagiographical writings must
naturally be read in keeping with the spirit and tastes of his
own times. An edict of King Guntram, taken from the "Historia
Francorum", illustrates both quite aptly: "We believe that the
Lord, who rules all things by His might, will be appeased by our
endeavours to uphold justice and right among all people. Being
our Father and our King, ever ready to succour human weakness by
His grace, God will grant our needs all the more generously when
He sees us faithful in the observance of His precepts and
commandments". The mental attitude of the king differed little,
of course, from that of his people. Nearly all were deeply
persuaded that all events were divinely foreseen; but sometimes
even to a superstitious extreme. Thus, despite the contemporary
social degradation and crimes, the people were ever on the alert
for supernatural manifestations, or for what they believed to be
such. In this way arose a religious devotion, real and active,
indeed, but also impulsive and not properly controlled by
reason. Providence seemed to intervene so directly in every
minute detail that men blindly thanked God for an enemy's death
just as they would for some wonderful grace that had been
granted them. The supernatural world was always quite near to
the men of that age; God and His saints seemed ever to deal
intimately and immediately with the affairs of men. The tombs
and relics of the saints became the centres of their miraculous
activity. In the contemporary hagiographical narratives those
who refuse to believe in the miracles are the exception, and are
generally represented as coming to an evil end unless they
repent of their incredulity. Occasionally one notes a reaction
against this excessive credulity; here and there an individual
ventures to assert that certain miracles are fictive, and
sometimes impostures. Sensible men endeavour to calm the too
ardent credulity of many. Gregory tells us of an abbot who
severely punished a young monk who believe he had wrought a
miracle: "My son", said the abbot, "endeavour in all humility to
grow in the fear of the Lord, instead of meddling with
miracles."
Gregory himself, though he relates a great many miracles, seems
occasionally to have doubted some of them. He knew that
unscrupulous men were wont to abuse the credulity of the
faithful, and many agreed with him. Not everyone was willing to
consider a dream as a supernatural manifestation. This distrust,
however, affected only particular cases; as a rule belief in the
multiplicity of miracles was general. The first work of Gregory
was an account in four books of the miracles of St. Martin, the
famous thaumaturgus of Gaul. The first book was written in 575,
the second after 581, the third was completed about 587; the
fourth was never completed. After finishing the first two books
he began an account of the miracles of an Auvergne saint then
famous, "De passione et virtutibus sancti Juliani martyris".
Julian had died in the neighbourhood of Clermont-Ferrand and his
tomb at Brioude was a well known place of pilgrimage. In 587,
Gregory began his "Liber in gloria martyrum", or "Book of the
Glories of the Martyrs". It deals almost exclusively with the
miracles wrought in Gaul by the martyrs of the Roman
persecutions. Quite similar is the "Liber in gloria confessorum"
a vivid picture of contemporary or quasi-contemporary customs
and manners. The "Liber vitae Patrum", the most important and
interesting of Gregory's hagiographical works, gives us much
curious information concerning the upper classes of the period.
Gregory's fame as a historian rests on his "Historia Francorum"
in ten books, intended, as the author assures us in the preface,
to hand down to posterity a knowledge of his own times. Book I
contains a summary of the history of the world from Adam to the
conquest of Gaul by the Franks, and thence to the death of St.
Martin (397). Book II treats of Clovis, founder of the Frankish
empire. Book III comes down to the reign of Theodebert (548).
Book IV ends with Sigebert (575), and contains the story of many
events within the personal knowledge of the historian. According
to Arndt these four books were written in 575. Books V and VI
treat of events that took place between 575 and 584, and were
written in 585. The remaining four books cover the years between
584 and 591, and were written at intervals that cannot be
exactly determined. Gregory relates, indeed, as stated above,
the story of his age, but in the narrative he himself always
plays a prominent part. The art of exposition, of tracing
effects to their causes, of discovering the motives which
influenced the characters he described, was unknown to Gregory.
He tells a plain unvarnished tale of what he saw and heard.
Apart from what concerns himself, he always tries to state the
truth impartially, and in places even attempts some sort of
criticism. This work is unique in its kind. Without it the
historical origin of the Frankish monarchy would be to no small
extent unknown to us. Did Gregory, however, correctly appreciate
the spirit and tendencies of his age? It is open to question.
His mind was always busied with extraordinary events: crimes,
miracles, wars, excesses of every kind; for him ordinary events
were too commonplace for notice. Nevertheless, to grasp clearly
the religious or secular history of a people, it is more
important to know the daily popular life than to learn of the
mighty deeds of the reigning house. The morality of the people
is often superior to that of its governing classes. In Gregory's
day, great moral and religious forces, beloved by the people,
must have been leavening the country, counterbalancing the brute
force and immorality of the Frankish kings, and saving the
strong new race from wasting away in civil strife. From
Gregory's account, however, one could scarcely conclude that the
people were altogether satisfied with their religion. What
Gregory failed to note in a discriminating way, perhaps because
it did not enter into the scope of the work, a contemporary, the
Greek Agathias, has observed and put on record.
GREGORY AS A THEOLOGIAN
The theological ideas of Gregory appear not only in the
introductions of his various works, and especially to his
"Historia Francorum", but also incidentally throughout his
writings. His theological education was not very profound; and
he wrote but one work immediately theological in character, his
commentary on the psalms. The book entitled "De cursu stellarum
ratio" (on the courses of the stars) was written for a practical
purpose to settle the time, according to the position of the
stars, when the night office should be sung. The "Historia
Francorum" makes known, in its opening pages, Gregory's
theological views. The teaching of Nicaea was his guide; the
doctrine of the Church was beyond all discussion. God the Father
could never have been without wisdom, light, life, truth,
justice; the Son is all these; the Father therefore was never
without the Son. In Jesus Christ Gregory saw the Lord of Eternal
Glory and the Judge of mankind. He sometimes speaks of the death
and the blood of Christ as the means of redemption, though it is
not clear that he grasped the inner meaning of this doctrine. He
saw in Christ's Death a crime committed by the Jews; in the
Resurrection, on the other hand, it seemed to him he beheld the
Redemption of mankind. From the psalms he had learned that Jesus
had saved the world by His blood, but Gregory's idea of Christ
was not that of the Lamb slain for the sins of "the world"; it
was rather that of a great king who had left an inheritance to
his people. Generally speaking his theological writings
exhibited the influence of the Frankish idea of royalty. He does
not seem to have been deeply versed in the teaching and the
writings of the Fathers on the Incarnation and Death of Christ.
This is evident from the story he tells of a discussion he had
one day in the presence of King Chilperic with a Jewish
merchant. The Jew had questioned the possibility of the fact of
the Incarnation and Death of Jesus, and Gregory, without making
a direct reply, went on to assert that the Incarnation and Death
of the Son of God were necessary, seeing that guilty man was in
the power of the Devil and could only be saved by an incarnate
God. The Jew, pretending to be convinced, made answer: "But
where was the necessity for God to suffer in order to redeem
man?" Gregory reminded him that sin was an offence, and that the
death of Jesus was the only means of placating God. The Jew in
turn asked why God could not have sent a prophet or an apostle
to win mankind back to the path of salvation, rather than humble
Himself by taking human flesh. Gregory could only reply by
lamenting the incredulity of those who would not believe the
prophets, and who put those who preached penance to death. And
so the Jew remained unanswered. This controversy displays
Gregory's lack of dialectical and theological skill.
H. LECLERCQ
St. Gregory of Utrecht
St. Gregory of Utrecht
Abbot; b. about 707 or 708; d. 775 or 780. Gregory was born of a
noble family at Trier. His father Alberic was the son of Addula,
who, as widow, was Abbess of Pfalzel (Palatiolum) near Trier. On
account of the similarity of names, and in consequence of a
forged last will, Addula has been frequently confounded with
Adala (Adela), daughter of Dagobert II of Austrasia--thus
falsely making Gregory a scion of the royal house of the
Merovingians. He received his early education at Pfalzel. When,
in 722, St. Boniface passed through Trier on his way from Frisia
to Hessia and Thuringia, he rested at this convent. Gregory was
called upon to read the Sacred Scriptures at the meals. St.
Boniface gave an explanation and dwelt upon the merits of an
apostolic life, in such warm and convincing terms that the heart
of Gregory was filled with enthusiasm. He announced his
intention of going with St. Boniface and nothing could move him
from his resolution. He now became the disciple and in time the
helper of the great Apostle of Germany, sharing his hardships
and labours, accompanying him in all his missionary tours, and
learning from the saint the secret of sanctity. In 738 St.
Boniface made his third journey to Rome; Gregory went with him
and brought back many valuable additions for his library. About
750 Gregory was made Abbot of St. Martin's, in Utrecht. In 744
St. Willibrord, the first Bishop of Utrecht, had died but had
received no successor. St. Boniface had taken charge and had
appointed an administrator. In 754 he started on his last
missionary trip and took with him the administrator, St. Eoban,
who was to share his crown of martyrdom. After this Pope Stephen
II (III) and Pepin ordered Gregory to look after the diocese.
For this reason some (even the Mart. Rom.) call him bishop,
though he never received episcopal consecration. The school of
his abbey, a kind of missionary seminary, was now a centre of
piety and learning. Students flocked to it from all sides:
Franks, Frisians, Saxons, even Bavarians and Swabians. England,
though it had splendid schools of its own, sent scholars. Among
his disciples St. Liudger is best known. He became the first
Bishop of Munster later, and wrote the life of Gregory. In it
(Acta SS., Aug., V, 240) he extols the virtues of Gregory, his
contempt of riches, his sobriety, his forgiving spirit and his
almsdeeds. Some three years before Gregory's death, a lameness
attacked his left side and gradually spread over his entire
body. At the approach of death he had himself carried into
church and there breathed his last. His relics were religiously
kept at Utrecht, and in 1421 and 1597 were examined at episcopal
visitations. A large portion of his head is in the church of St.
Amelberga at Sustern, where an official recognition took place
25 Sept., 1885, by the Bishop of Roermond (Anal. Boll., V, 162).
A letter written by St. Lullus, Bishop of Mainz, to St. Gregory
is still extant (P.L., XCVI, 821).
FRANCIS MERSHMAN
Gregory of Valencia
Gregory of Valencia
Professor of the University of Ingolstadt, b. at Medina, Spain,
March, 1550 (1540, 1551?); d. at Naples, 25 April, 1603. The
"Annales Ingolstadiensis Academiae" formally announce in 1598:
"During the current year the faculty of theology lost a
celebrated man and a veteran teacher, Gregory of Valencia, who
left Ingolstadt 14 Feb.; the General of the Society of Jesus had
summoned him to Rome to take part in the discussions concerning
grace which were to be held in presence of the pope. When Duke
Maximilian heard of this he requested Gregory to travel to Italy
by way of Munich, where supplied him with horses, servants, and
money for the journey, thus showing his high regard for the man
who, during twenty-four years, had rendered such important
services to the university, to Bavaria, and to the Catholic
cause in general." In its tribute to him the theological faculty
has this statement: "Gregory of Valencia, S.J. a native of
Medina, Spain, and doctor of theology, was sent by his superiors
to Rome in 1598. He was a peer among the learned theologians of
his time; Paris was eager to secure him as was also Stephen,
King of Poland; he was an ornament to our university in which he
spent twenty-four years; for sixteen years as professor of
theology he gave general satisfaction and contributed to the
progress of science. In the controvesies of the day, he took a
prominent part, combating error, and always with success, by
means of his polemical writings. His work in four volumes,
covering the whole field of scholastic theology at Rome for a
number of years and held the position of prefect of studies in
the Roman College until, broken in health through incessant
work, he died at Naples, at the age of fifty-four years. Pope
Clement VIII honoured him with the significant title of Doctor
doctorum.
If this estimate of his age (54) be correct -- and it coincides
with the necrology of the Neapolitan province of the Society of
Jesus -- it would follow, since March is givn as the month of
his birth, that he was born in March, 1550. Southwell in his
"Biblioth. scriptorum S.J." says he was born in 1551, but he
also states in two different places, "mortuus, anno aetatis 63"
from which it would appear that Gregory was born in 1541. The
date of his reception into the Society of Jesus, however is
known. In 1565 Gregory was at Salamanca studying philosophy and
jurisprudence. Attracted by the preaching of Father Ramirez,
S.J. he sought admission into the recently founded Society of
Jesus, and entered the novitiate 25 November of the same year
under the guidance of Father Balthasar Alvarez, one of the
spiritual directors of St. Teresa. After finishing his studies,
but not yet ordained he was called in 1571 by St. Francis
Borgia, superior general of the order, to teach philosophy in
Rome. There he was ordained a priest. In a short time his
intellectual attianments and his abilit as a teacher attracted
such widespread attention that after the death of St. Francis
Borgia and the election of his successor, Mercurian, the
provincials of France and North Germany tried to secure Gregory
for university work while the King of Poland desired his
services for that country. He was ultimately affiliated with the
German province and appointed by the provincial, Father Hoffaus,
to the chair of theology at Dillingen, whence, two years later,
he was transferred to a similar position at Ingolstadt. Here he
remained seventeen years (1575-1592) teaching scholastic
theology, during fifteen of which he was rector of studies.
This period was marked by intense religious ferment. Not only
did the anti-Catholic movement started in that century continue,
but the conflict among the various sectarian leaders, especially
after Luther's death, became sharper. Lectures on theology had
to be adapted to the altered circumstances of the times both in
defence of Catholic dogma and in refutation of numerous errors.
That Gregory realized the need of this course is evident from
the dissertations produced under his direction and the
disputations that were held by candidates for the doctor's
degree at Ingolstadt. But what he chiefly aimed at was the
positive construction of Catholic doctrine, as he shows in his
commentary on the "Summa Theologica" of St. Thomas which
contains the substance of the lectures he delivered during many
years. After resigning his professorship at Ingolstadt, he
devoted most of his time (1592-97) to the revision and
publication of these lectures. They appeared under the title
"Commentariorum theologicorum tomi quatutor"; the first volume
was published at Ingolstadt (1591); a second edition of this
appeared in 1592 together with the second volume; the third was
published in 1595, the fourth in 1597. After another revisiion
by the author they were republished in 1603, and again in 1611
after the author's death. Other editions appeared at Venice,
1600-08; Lyons, 1600-03-09-12. It was one of the first
comprehensive theological works produced among the Jesuits.
These editions brought out in such rapid succession attest the
high rank occupied by this work in contemporaneous theological
leterature. Its distincitve features are clearness,
comprehensivesness, and depth in the treatment both of
speculative and moral subjects.
His duties as professor, however, had not hindered him from
publishing many polemical essays. These were directed
principally against Jakob Heerbrand, who was a professor at
Tuebingen and a zealous adherent of Luther. The catalogue of the
"Ingolstadter Annalen" (Mederer, II, 156) enumerates eight
publications of this sort. Their principal purpose was to defend
the veneration of the saints and the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass,
e.g. "Apologeticus de Idololatria, adversus impium libellum
Jacobi Herbrandi etc." (Ingolstadt, 1579); an enlarged edition
was published in 1580. In the same year he published "De
sacrosancto Missae sacrificio contra impiam disputationem
Tubingae nuper a Jac. Herbrando propositam etc.", which was
followed by the "Apologia de SS. Missae sacrificio" (Ingolstadt,
1581). Later he edited his polemical writings on the Blessed
Sacrament, attacking the ubiquity theory of the Lutheran
champion Jacob Schmidelin and the teachings of the Calvinists
Crell and Sadeel (surnamed Chandieu) concerning the Sommervogel
(in the Bibliotheque de la Comp. de J.) enumerates forty
polemical pamphlets written by Gregory, many of which, however,
are only compilations of various theses which formed the basis
of disputations for the doctorate. In 1591 he published at Lyons
a collective volume of his controversial writings with a preface
(dated 4 Sept., 1590) saying that in response to the demand for
his polemical writings he had collected, revised, added some
later treatises, arranged the whole in a certain logical order
and put them at the disposal of his publisher at Lyons, that
place being the most likely centre for the purpose of
distribution. After Gregory's death, this volume was republished
(Paris, 1610) with over one hundred additional pages
(unnumbered) of indexes. It was entitled: "De rebus fidei hoc
tempore controversis". its weightiest and most comprehensive
treatise is without a doubt, the "Analysis Fidei Catholica"
which had been published first in 1585. This is a methodical
demonstration that the true Christian faith is founded solely in
the Roman Church, and that union with the pope is the only
guarantee of right belief. As a demonstratio catholica, it
retains its value to the present day.
It is worthy of note that the last two volumes culminated in the
proof of papal infallibility. In fact some of Gregory's theses
not only foreshadow but express wellnigh literally the dogmatic
definition of the Vatican Council in 1870, e.g. "In the Roman
Pontiff himself is vested the authority which the Church
possesses to pass judgment in all controversies regarding
matters of faith. Whensoever the Roman pontiff makes use of his
authority in defining matters of faith, all the faithful are
bound by Divine precept to accept as doctrine of faith that
which he so defines. And they must further believe that he is
using this authority whensoever, either in his own right or in
union with a council of bishops, he decides upon controverted
matters of faith in such wise as to make the decision binding
upon the whole Church". Gregory also became a leading factor in
other discussions, for instance, the theologico-economical
questions of the so-called "five per cent contract" which caused
consciences astray. Even then the modern capitalistic system was
nascent, though economic conditions had not yet reached the
stage where money to any amount could be profitably invested and
interest rightfully demanded on loans simply as such. The Church
remained firm in its stand against usury, and insisted that if
interest were to be charged it should be put on some other basis
than the mere fact of borrowing and lending. But as in passing
upon the validity of different additional titles varying degrees
of strictness were exercized, there resulted serious and even
extreme differences in the direction of souls and in the
practice of the confessional; the bishops themselves
contradicted one another in their decrees on this subject; and
meantime the five percent contract became the general custom.
During the last decades of the sixteenth century, confusion in
matters of conscience was widespread, especially in Bavaria.
Duke William of Bavaria, who was personally in favour of
strictly enforcing the law, called on the University of
Ingolstadt for a ruling and eventually besought the Holy See to
settle the question. In both the decisions Gregory played a
conspicuous part. He sought to have the practice of taking
interest declared lawful on the basis of the so called
contractus trinus and of a rental-purchase agreement which
either party was free to terminate. (The latter arrangement had
been devised and quite generally resorted to during the Middle
Ages as a method of lending money without contravening the laws
in regard to interest. It grew out of the earlier practice
whereby the creditor acquired both possession and use of the
property which secured the loan. By a later modification, the
borrower retained possession and use, but ceded to the lender a
real right in the property. Finally, the system here referred to
was introduced, the creditor was entitled to an income from the
property which, however, still belonged to the borrower; the
lender purchased the rental. Originally such agreements were
binding in perpetuity; but in course of time they were so framed
that the parties might withdraw under mutually accepted
conditions). He argued that contracts surrounded by such
provisions were not contrary to natural law and were therefore
permissible in all cases where no positive law forbade them. He
also advocated these views as collaborator in the opinion which
a theological commission, by order of Gregory XIII, elaborated
in 1581. It was in connection with this matter that Gregory's
superiors sent him to Rome, where his personal acquaintance with
conditions in Germany would enable him to state all the more
accurately the question at issue and its significance. On other
matters of importance also he was consulted by the Duke of
Bavaria and by his own superiors in the society. In the
witchcraft question Gregory unfortunately did not have the grasp
of the situation subsequently shown by Friedrich von Spee of the
same society. Sorcery he thought was a frequently occuring fact;
hence in the opinion which he expressed in 1590, he aimed, not
to set aside the juridical procedure then in vogue, but simply
to temper the undue severity of its application. Still it was
unjust to reproach him for the statement (Commentarii, div. III,
col. 200S, sqq.), that where the guilt (of sorcery) is legally
established the judge must inflict penalty even though he were
personally convinced of the nullity of the charge.
In this matter Gregory only followed the then prevalent teaching
taken from St. Thomas Aquinas, viz. that a judge's personality
and private knowledge should not be allowed to affect his
official decisions; in the special case of witchcraft Gregory
could not consistently make an exception. This opinion indeed is
controverted; it seems to grate on natural feeling; but this
apparent harshness vanishes when we further consider what is
laid down by the adherents of this view, especially Gregory, in
their treatment of the more general question, namely that a
judge is under grave obligations to make all possible use of his
private knowledge towards securing the acquittal of the accused
person, and if needs be to refer the case to a higher court or
to endorse and support a well-grounded plea for clemency. That
Gregory meant this principle to apply in the case of
condemnation for sorcery is quite obvious; moreover, in the very
passage for which he is criticzed (III, 2009), he refers to an
earlier part of his work (III, 1380) in which he discusses the
duties of a judge. In 1592 Gregory resigned as professor at
Inglostadt to devote himself more fully to the editing of his
"Commentarii theologici". In 1598 he was sent to Rome to teach
scholastic theology. A more important work, however, awaited him
there; the vindication of the Society's teaching on grace. A
book by Molina (d. 1600) entitled "De Concorida liberi arbitrii
cum gratiae donis etc." had created a stir. On many points in
which it set forth essentially the Society's doctrine regarding
grace, it was suspected of heresy and was formally denounced by
the Dominicans. Pope Clement VIII ordered both parties to debate
the matter publicly before him and the College of Cardinals.
Acquaviva, the General of the Jesuits, selected Gregory as
champion of the Molinistic doctrine.
At the first public disputation, 20 March, 1602, Gregory had to
prove that Molina had not deviated from St. Augustine's teaching
by any undue extension of man's freedom. He maintained his
position so ably against the objections of Father Didacus
Alvarez, O.P., that friend and opponent alike awarded him the
palm. Then the method of debate was changed. Isolated statements
taken from Molina's book had to be compared with similar
passages all through the works of St. Augustine. It turned out
to be a laborious and seemingly endless undertaking. The second
debate was not held until 8 July. Tomas de Lemos was selected to
represent the Dominicans in this and in most of the subsequent
debated (9 July, 22 July, etc.). The ninth occurred 30 Sept.
Gregory's bodily strength, already reduced by illness and mental
strain, gave way at the close of this debate, although the pope,
contrary to custom, had permitted him to remain seated during
his discourses. He was sent to Naples in the hope that his
health would be restored and the debates were discontinued for a
month and a half, the pope having expressed the wish that
Gregory would be able to continue the defence. Only when this
seemed hopeless were the public discussions resumed. Pedro
Arrubal was then selected to take Valencia's place. The
assertion that Gregory had tampered with certain texts of St.
Augustine and had fainted when the pope charged him with it, is
as mythical as the rumour that the Jesuits poisoned Clement VIII
for fear lest he should pronounce their doctrine heretical.
MEDERER, Annales Ingolstadiensis Academiae (Ingolstadt, 1782);
SOUTHWELL, Bibliotheca scriptorum S.J. (Rome, 1676); ELEUTHERIUS
(MEYER), Historiae controversiarum de Auriliis (Antwerp, 1705);
SOMMERVOGEL, bibliotheque de la Comp. de Jesus (Brussels and
Paris, 1898); WERNER, Geschichte der kath. Theologie seit dem
Trienter concil (Munich, 1866); HURTER, Nomenclator; DUHR,
Geischichte der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher Zunge im 16.
Jahrh (Freiburg im Br., 1907).
AUG. LEHMKUHL.
Gregory the Illuminator
Gregory the Illuminator
Born 257?; died 337?, surnamed the Illuminator (Lusavorich).
Gregory the Illuminator is the apostle, national saint, and
patron of Armenia. He was not the first who introduced
Christianity into that country. The Armenians maintain that the
faith was preached there by the Apostles Bartholomew and
Thaddaeus. Thaddaeus especially (the hero of the story of King
Abgar of Edessa and the portrait of Christ) has been taken over
by the Armenians, with the whole story. Abgar in their version
becomes a King of Armenia; thus their land is the first of all
to turn Christian. It is certain that there were Christians,
even bishops, in Armenia before St. Gregory. The south Edessa
and Nisibis especially, which accounts for the Armenian adoption
of the Edessene story. A certain Dionysius of Alexandria
(248-265) wrote them a letter "about penitence" (Euseb., "Hist.
Eccl.", VI, xlvi). This earliest Church was then destroyed by
the Persians. Ardashir I, the founder of the Sassanid dynasty
(226), restored, even extended, the old power of Persia.
Armenia, always the exposed frontier state between Rome and
Persia, was overrun by Ardashir's army (Khosrov I of Armenia had
taken the side of the old Arsacid dynasty); and the principle of
uniformity in the Mazdean religion, that the Sassanids made a
chief feature of their policy, was also applied to the subject
kingdom. A Parthian named Anak murdered Khosrov by Ardashir's
orders, who then tried to exterminate the whole Armenian royal
family. But a son of Khosrov, Trdat (Tiridates), escaped was
trained in the Roman army, and eventually came back to drive out
the persians and restore the Armenian kingdom.
In this restoration St. Gregory played an important part. He had
been brought up as a Christian at Caesarea in Cappadocia. He
seems to have belonged to an illustrious Armenian family. He was
married and had two sons (called Aristakes and Bardanes in the
Greek text of Moses of Kkhorni; see below). Gregory, after being
himself persecuted by King Trdat, who at first defended the old
Armenian religion, eventually converted him, and with him spread
the Christian faith throughout the country. Trdat became so much
a Christian that he made Christianity the national faith; the
nobility seem to have followed his example easily, then the
people followed -- or were induced to follow -- too. This
happened while Diocletian was emperor (284-305), so that Armenia
has a right to her claim of being the first Christian State. The
temples were made into churches and the people baptized in
thousands. So completely were the remains of the old heathendom
effaced that we know practically nothing about the original
Armenian religion (as distinct from Mazdeism), except the names
of some gods whose temples were destroyed or converted (the
chief temple at Ashtishat was dedicated to Vahagn, Anahit and
Astlik; Vanatur was worshipped in the North round Mount Ararat,
etc.). Meanwhile Gregory had gone back to Caessarea to be
ordained. Leontius of Caesarea made him bishop of the Armenians;
from this time till the Monophysite schism the Church of Armenia
depended on Casearea, and the Armenian primates (called
Catholicoi, only much later patriarchs) went there to be
ordained. Gregory set up other bishops throughout the land and
fixed his residence at Ashtishat (in the province of Taron),
where the temple had been made into the church of Christ,
"mother of all Armenian churches". He preached in the national
language and used it for the liturgy. This, too, helped to give
the Armenian Church the markedly national character that it
still has, more, perhaps, than any other in Christendom. Towards
the end of his life he retired and was succeeded as Catholicos
by his son Aristakes. Aristakes was present at the First General
Council, in 325. Gregory died and was buried at Thortan. A
monastery was built near his grave. His relics were afterwards
taken to Constantinople, but apparently brough back again to
Armenia. Part of these relics are said to have been taken to
Naples during the Iconoclast troubles.
This is what can be said with some certainty about the Apostle
of Armenia; but a famous life of him by Aganthangelos (see
below) embellishes the narrative with wonderful stories that
need not be taken very seriously. According to this life, he was
the son of the Parthian Anak who had murdered King Khosrov I.
Anak in trying to escape was drowned in the Araxes with all his
family except two sons, of whom one went to Persia, the other
(the subject of this article) was taken by his Christian nurse
to Caesarea and there baptized Gregory, in accordance with what
she had been told in vision. Soon after his marriage, Gregory
parted from his wife (who became a nun) and came back to
Armenia. Here he refused to take part in a great sacrifice to
the national gods ordered by King Trdat, and declared himself a
Christian. He was then tortured in various horrible ways, all
the more when the king discovered that he was the son of his
father's murderer. After being subjected to a variety of
tortures (they scourged him, and put his head in a bag of ashes,
poured molten lead over him, etc.) he was thrown into a pit full
of dead bodies, poisonous filth, and serpents. He spent fifteen
years in this pit, being fed by bread that a pious widow brought
him daily. Meanwhile Trdat goes from bad to worse. A holy virgin
named Rhipsime, who resists the king's advances and is martyred,
here plays a great part in the story. Evenetually, as a
punishment for his wickedness, the king is turned into a boar
and possessed by a devil. A vision now reveals to the monarch's
sisters that nothing can save him but the prayers of Gregory. At
first no one will attend to this revelation, since they all
think Gregory dead long ago. Eventually they seek and find him
in the pit. He comes out, exorcizes the evil spirit and restores
the king, and then begins preaching. Here a long discourse is
put into the saint's mouth -- so long that it takes up more than
half his life. It is simply a compendium of what the Armenian
Church believed at the time that it was written (fifth century).
It begins with an account of Bible history and goes on to
dogmatic theology. Arianism, Nestorianism and all the other
heresies up to Monophysite times are refuted. The discourse
bears the stamp of the latter half of the fifth century so
plainly that, even without the fact that earlier writers who
quote Agathangelos (Moses of Khorni, etc.) do not know it, no
one could doubt that it is the composition of an Armenian
theologian of that time, inserted into the life that was already
full enough of wonders. Nevertheles this "Confession of Gregory
the Illuminator" was accepted as authentic and used as a kind of
official creed by the Armenian Church during all the centuries
that followed. Even now it is only the more liberal theologians
among them who dispute its genuiness.
The life goes on to tell us of Gregory's fast of seventy days
that followed his rescue from the pit, of the conversion, and of
their journeys throughout the land with the army to put down
paganism. The false gods fight against the army like men or
devils, but are always defeated by Trdat's arms and Gregory's
prayers and are eventually driven into the Caucasus. The story
of the saint's ordination and of the establishment of the
hierarchy is told with the same adornment. He baptized four
million persons in seven days. He ordained and sent out twelve
apostolic bishops, and sons of heathen priests. Eventually he
ruled a church of four hundred bishops and priests too numerous
to count. He and Trdat hear of Constantine's conversion; they
set out with an army of 70,000 men to congratulate him.
Constantine, who had just been baptized at Rome by Pope
Silvester, forms an alliance with Trdat; the pope warmly
welcomes Gregory (there are a number of forged letters between
Silvester and Gregory, see below) -- and so on. It would not be
difficult to find the models for all these stories. Gregory in
the pit acts like Daniel in the lion's den. Trdat as a boar is
Nabuchodonosor; the battles of the king's army against the
heather and their gods have obvious precedents in the Old
Testament. Gregory is now Elias, now Isaias, now John the
Baptist, till his sending out his twelve apostles suggests a
still greater model. The writer of the life calls himself
Agathangelos, chamberlain or secretary of King Trdat. It was
composed from vaious sources after the year 456 (see Gutschmid,
below) in Armenian, though sources may have been partly Greek or
Syriac (cf. Lagarde). The life was soon translated into Greek
used by Symeon Metaphrastes, and further rendered into Latin in
the tenth century. During the Middle Ages this life was the
invariable source for the saint's history. The Armenians
(Monophysites and Uniates) keep the feast of their apostle on 30
September, when his relics were deposed at Thortan. They have
many other feasts to commemorate his birth (August 5),
sufferings (February 4), going into the pit (February 28),
coming out of the pit (October 19), etc. (Niles "Kalendarium
Manuale", 2nd ed., Innsbruck 1897, II, 577). The Byzantine
Church keeps his feast (Gregorios ho phoster) on 30 September,
as do also the Syrians (Nilles, I, 290-292). Pope Gregory XVI,
in September, 1837, admitted his namesake to the Reman Calendar;
and appointed 1 October as his feast (among the festa pro
aliquibus locis).
AGATHANGELOS'S Life of St. Gregory was published in Armenian by
the MECHITARISTS at Venice, in 1835 (reprinted at Tiflis, in
1882); translated into french and Italian (Venice, 1843). the
Greek text was edited by STILTING in the Acta SS., Sept. VIII,
320 sqq; and again by LAGARDE, Agathangelos in Alhandl. der
Gottinger Gesellschaft (1889). See also GUTSCHMID, Agathangelos
in Zeitschrift der Deutschen, Morgenland. Geselischaft (1877),
I. MOSES OF KHORNI (MOYSES CHORENVENNIS) in his History of
Aremnia (III books, VII or VIII cent., ed by the MERCHITARISTS,
Venice, 1843; in French by LE VAILLANT DE FLORIVAL, Parish,
1847; italian by TOMMASEO, Venice 1850) uses Agathangelos. See
GUTSCHMID, Moses von Chorene in his Kleine Schriften, III, 332
sqq.; and CARRIERE, Nouvelles sources de Moise de Kkhoren
(Vienna, 1893). FAUSTUS OF BYZANTIUM (fifth century) tells the
story of the conversion of Armenia (Aremnian tr., Venice, 1832);
French by LANGLOIS, Collection des historiens anciens et
modernes de l'Armenic (2 vols., Paris, 1867, 1869). I; German by
LAUER (Cologne, 1879). GELZER, Die Anfange der armenischen
Kirche in Sitzungsberichte der Gottinger Gesellschaft 91895),
109 sqq. THUMAIAN, Agathangelos et la doctrine de l'Eglise
armenienne au V siecle (Lausanne, 1879). The so-called letters
between Pope Silvester I and St. Gregory are printed in AZARIAN,
Ecclesiae armeniae traditio de romani pontificis primatau (Rome,
1870).
ADRIAN FORTESCUE
University of Greifswald
University of Greifswald
The oldest university of Prussia, founded in 1456. Even before
this, Greifswald had, for a short time, been the seat of a
university. In 1436, when on account of dissensions among the
townspeople, the University of Rostock was placed under
interdict by the Council of Basle, it was removed to Greifswald
with the consent of the same council, where it remained for
seven years. After the return of the university to Rostock, six
professors remained at Greifswald, whereupon the burgomaster,
Heinrich Rubenow, hismself a doctor of laws and a member of one
of the most influential and aristocratic families of the city,
conceived the idea of establishing a university in his native
city. Pope Callistus III issued the Bull of foundation on 29
May, 1456, and on 17 October the dedication the new university
took place, Rubenow, as vice-chancellor and first rector,
admitting 173 students to matriculation. The bishop of Kammin
was chancellor of the university, for the support of which Duke
Wratislaw, IX, of Pomerania and his successors set apart, in
addition to certain sums of money, the revenues from certain
villages and monasteries. He and Rubenow also established, in
connection with the church of St. Nicholas, a college of canons,
the members of which were at the same time teachers in the
university. During the first years the Greifswald professors
were frequently drawn from Rostock and Leipzig, and among them,
as among the students, were many Danes and Swedes. At the
instance of the Greifswald council, the preacher Johann Knipstro
proclaimed the reformed dectrines in the city. Duke Philipp I,
who being the son of Palatine Princes Amalie, had been educated
at the court of Heidelberg, in 1534 introduced the Reformation
into his territories, thus becoming the founder of the Lutheran
Church in Pomerania. The confusion and dissensions of these
years affected the university seriously; for twelve years the
lectures were entirely suspended. They were resumed in 1539,
under the auspices of the Reformers, with one professor for each
of the three upper faculties, the university being established
in the suppressed Dominican monastery.
Philipp I and his sons, in compensation for its property which
had been turned over to the Reformed Church, endowed the
university with the land of suppressed monasteries. During the
Thirty Years War the city and University of Greifswald suffered
severely. In 1562 the last Duke of Pomerania, who was without
issue, settled on the university as patrimony the former
Cistercian Abbey of Eldena, with all its estates, including
about twenty villages, in order that the arrears of salary might
be paid to the professors, and their future provided for.
Although this monastic property was in a sadly neglected
condition and heavily burdened with debt, the ten professors
accepted the royal gift, which, however, did not yield
sufficient revenue to maintain the professors until after the
war with Norway and Sweden. When, in 1637, Pomerania was annexed
to Sweden of which it remained a possession after the Peace of
Westphalia, 1648, Queen Christine repeatedly assisted the
Greifswald professors from the royal treasury. During the war
between Brandenburg and Sweden, and likewise during the Northern
War, the university suffered frequent and serious injury, its
property was confiscated and the university was almost deserted.
Not until after the Peace of Stockholm (1720) was order
restored. In 1730 the foundation of the Society for the
Collection and Investigation of National History and Law
(Gesellschaft zur Sammlung und Erforschung fuer die
Landesgeschichte und das Landesrecht) and the German Language
and German Poetry (Deutsche Gesellschaft fur die Veredulung der
deutschen Sprache und Dichtung) occasioned lively literary
activity.
In 1775 Gustavus III imposed on the university a new
constitution affecting the organization of the teaching body,
the several institutions of learning, the administration of its
property, and laws governing the student body. By the second
Peace of Vienna, in 1815, Swedish Pomerania was ceded to the
Kingdom of Prussia, and the University of Greifswald, which had
suffered greatly during the Napoleonic wars, gradually became a
highly respected school for science, especially for medicine and
positive theology. The institutions connected with the
university were at the same time improved and enlarged, and many
new ones were founded and organized along the most approved
lines, e.g. the zoological, anatomical, and physiological
institutes, the botanical garden, the institutes of chemistry
and physics, the library, and the clinics. In the exhibition of
modern lecture-halls, operating rooms, and equipment, at the
World's Fair of St. Louis the surgical and woman's clinic of
Greifswald received one of the five grand prizes that went to
Germany. The increase in the revenues of the estates belonging
to the university helped greatly to defray the expenses of the
new institutions. The forest land alone yields an annual income
of approximately twenty-five thousand dollars, and the rentals
over a hundred thousand dollars. During the scholastic year
1908-09, 786 students attended the university. Of late years the
competition of Kiel and Muenster and of the universities
established in the larger cities has so affected Greifswald that
now the number of students enrolled is less than at any other
Prussian university.
KOSEGARTEN, Geschichte der Universitat Greifswald (Greifswald,
1857); Die Matrikel der Universitat Greifswald (until 1700)
(Leipzig, 1893).
KARL HOEBER
Karl Johann Greith
Karl Johann Greith
Bishop and church historian, b. at Rapperswyl, Switzerland, 25
May, 1897; d. at St. Gall, 17 May, 1882. He received his early
education at St. Gall, then went to the lyceum at Lucerne and
the University of Munich; at the university he studied theology,
philosophy, and history, and was fortunate enough to meet with
the fatherly protection of the famous Joseph von Gorres. In 1829
he went to Paris to perfect himself in library work; while there
he decided to enter the priesthood and completed his theological
studies in the Sulpician seminary of that city. He was ordained
priest in 1831, and was made sub-librarian of St. Gall, also
sub-regent and professor of the ecclesiastical seminary. During
the ecclesiastico-political troubles which soon after distracted
his fatherland, Greith was prominent with pen and voice in
defence of the Catholic Church. He was, consequently, deprived
of his offices, wherefore he went to Rome, at the instance of
the English Government, for the purpose of collecting documents
in the Roman libraries and archives relating to English history.
After the restoration of peace he devoted himself to parochial
work in St. Gall, was made dean of the cathedral in 1847,
professor of philosophy in 1853, and was consecrated Bishop of
St. Gall in 1862. From early youth he had been an intimate
friend of Doellinger, and at the Vatican Council he held, in
regard to the question of Papal Infallibility, that a dogmatic
decision was unadvisable under existing circumstances. However,
he accepted loyally the decision of the Council and used all his
influence to induce Doellinger to do the same. Greith was a
strong champion of ecclesiastical interests and continually
defended the Church against the encroachments of the civil
power. He could not prevent the suppression of his seminary for
boys nor hinder the civil prohibition of missions and retreats;
nevertheless he renewed the religious life of his diocese and
called into being an educated clergy. He devoted himself with
zeal to the study of history and corresponded with numerous
scholars, among others Lasaberg, Pertz, Boehmer, Franz Pfeiffer,
Schosser, Mone, Gall Morel, and others. His numerous
ecclesiastico-political writings were only of transient
importance, though they bear witness to his thoroughly Catholic
sentiments. As an orator he was not infrequently called the
Bossuet of Switzerland. In his sermons and pastoral letters he
laid great stress on the greatness and majesty of God as
exhibited in the Redemption and in the founding and continuous
activity of the Catholic Church. He published: "Katholische
Apologetik in Kanzelreden" in three volumes (Schaffhausen,
1847-52); he also wrote, in collaboration with the Benedictine
Georg Ulber, "Handbuch der Philosophie fur die Schule und das
Leben" (Frieburg, 1853-57). Greith had no sympathy with
Scholastic philosophy and esteemed too highly Descarted and
Leibnitz. His best and most lasting work was done in history.
Among his historical publications were: "Spicilegium Vaticanum,
Beitraege zur naeheren Kenntniss der vatikanischen Bibliothek
fuer deutsche Poesie des Mittelalters" (Frauenfeld, 1838); "Die
deutsche Mystik im Predigerorden" (Freiburg, 1861); "Der heilge
Gallus (St. Gall, 1864); "Die heiligen Glauensboten Columban und
Gall (St. Gall, 1865); "Geschichte der altirischen Kirche und
ihrer Verbindung mit Rom, Gallien und Alemannien, 430-630
(Freiburg, 1867). This last work is his chief literary monument
and still retains its value as an exhaustive study of the
foreign relations of the early Irish Church, especially its
relations with Rome and its missionary work.
BAUMGARTNER, Erinnerungen an Karl Johann Greith in Stimmen aus
Maria-Laach, XXIV, XXVI; ROTHENFLUE in Historisch-politische
Blatter, XC, gives a bibliography of Greith's occsional
addresses, sermons, Lenten and pastoral letters.
PATRICIUS SCHLAGER
Gremiale
Gremiale
A square or oblong cloth which the bishop, according to the
"Caeremoniale" and " Pontificale", should wear over his lap,
when seated on the throne during the singing of the Kyrie,
Gloria, and Credo by the choir, during the distribution of
blessed candles, palms or ashes, and also during the anointments
in connection with Holy orders. The gremiale is never used
during pontifical Vespers. The primary object of the gremiale is
to prevent the soiling of the other vestments, especially the
chasuble. The gremiale used during the pontifical Mass is made
of silk. It should be decorated by a cross in the centre, and
trimmed with silk embroidery. Its colour must correspond with
the colour of the chasuable. The gremiales used at other
functions are made of linen, to facilitate their cleansing in
case they be soiled. Little is known of its history; apparently
its origin dates back to the later Middle Ages. The Roman Ordo
of Gaetano Stefaneschi (c. 1311) mention it first (n. 48); soon
after it is mentioned in the statutes of Grandison of Exeter
(England) as early as 1339, In earlier times it was used not
only any bishop but also by priests. It is not blessed and has
no symbolical meaning.
BARBIER DE MONTAULT, Traite pratique de la construction . . .
des eglises, II (Paris, 1878), app.; DE HERDT. Praxis
pontificalis, I (Louvain, 1873); BOCK, Geschichtes der
liturgischen Gew nder, III (Bonn, 1871).
JOSEPH BRAUN
Grenoble
Grenoble
DIOCESE OF GRENOBLE (GRATIANOPOLITANA)
Now comprises the Department of Isere and the Canton of
Villeurbanne (Rhone). The ancient diocese was a suffragan of
Vienne and included the Deanery of see at Savoy, which in 1779,
was made a bishopric with the see at Chambery. By the Concordat,
the Bishop of Grenoble was made a suffragan of the Archbishop of
Lyons, thirteen archipresbyterates of the former Diocese of
Vienne were affiliated to the Diocese of Grenoble, and there
were annexes to it some parishes in the Dioceses of Belley, Gap,
Lyons, and Die.
Domninus, the first Bishop of Grenoble known to history,
attended the Council of Aquileia in 381. Among his successors
are mentioned: St. Ceratus (441-52), celebrated in legend for
his controversies against Arianism; St. Ferjus (Ferreolus) (at
the end of the seventh century), who, according to tradition,
was killed by a pagan while preaching; St. Hugh (1080-1132),
noted for his zeal in carrying out Gregory VII's orders
concerning reform and for his opposition to Guy of Burgundy,
Bishop of Vienne, and subsequently pope under the title of
Callistus II; Pierre Scarron (1621-1667), who, with the
co-operation of many religious orders, restored Catholicism in
Dauphine; Cardinal Le Camus (1671-1707), organizer of charitable
loan associations; Jean de Caulet (1726-1771), who brought about
general acceptance of the Bull "Unigenitus", whose collection of
books was the nucleus of the public library of the city, and
during whose episcopate Bridaine, the preacher, after delivering
a sermon on almsgiving went through the streets of the city with
wagons and was unable to gather all the donations of linen,
furniture and clothing that were offered. The Benedictines and
Augustinians founded at an early date numerous priories in the
diocese, that of Vizille dating from 994, but during St. Hugh's
episcopal administration, monastic life attained a fuller
development. The chapter-abbey of Saint-Martin de Misere, whence
originated many Augustinian priories, and the school of the
priory of Villard Benoit at Pontcharra were important during
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But the peculiar monastic
foundation of Dauphine, contemporaneous with St. Hugh's regime,
was that of the Carthusians under St. Bruno in 1084. The Freres
du Saint-Esprit, who during the Middle Ages were scattered
broadcast through the Diocese of Grenoble, did much to inculcate
among the people habits of mutual assistance. The two sojourns
at Grenoble in 1598 and 1600 respectively by Cotton, the Jesuit,
later confessor to Henry IV, were prolific of some notable
conversions from Protestantism; in memory of this the Constable
de Lesdiguieres, himself a convert in 1622, favoured the
founding at Grenoble of a celebrated Jesuit house. In 1651 a
college was established in connexion with the residence, and
here Vaucanson, the well-known mechanician, studied. In 1700 the
institution included theological courses in its curriculum. From
the first half of the thirteenth century the French branch of
the Waldenses had its chief seat in Dauphine, from which country
emanated Guillaume Farel, the most captivating preacher of the
French Reformation. Pierre de Sebiville, an apostate Franciscan
friar, introduced Protestantism into Grenoble in 1522. The
diocese was sorely tried by the wars of religion, especially in
1562, when the cruel Baron des Andrets acted as the Prince de
Condes lieutenant-general in Dauphine. Pius VI, when taken a
prisoner to France, spent two days at Grenoble in 1799. Pius
VII, in turn was kept in close confinement in the prefecture of
Grenoble from 21 July until 2 August, 1808, Bishop Simon not
being permitted even to visit him.
The following saints may be mentioned as natives of what
constitutes the present Diocese of Grenoble: St. Amatus, the
anchorite (sixth century), founder of the Abbey of Remiremont,
and St. Peter, Archbishop of Tarantaise (1102-1174), a
Cistercian, born in the Ancient Archdiocese of Vienne. Moreover,
it was in the chapel of the superior ecclesiastical seminary of
Grenoble that J.-B. Vianney, the future Cure of Ars, was
ordained a priest, 13 August, 1815. The Bishopric of Grenoble is
in possession of an almost complete account of the pastoral
visits made between 1339 and 1970, a palaeographical record
perhaps unique of its kind in France.
Archbishopric of Vienne
The legend according to which Crescens, the first Bishop of
Vienne, is identical with the Crescens of II Tim., iv, 20
certainly postdates the letter of Pope Zosimus to the Church of
Arles (417) and the letter of the bishops of Gaul in 451;
because, although both these documents allude to the claims to
glory which Arles owes to St. Trophimus, neither of them
mentions Crescens. Archbishop Ado, of Vienne, (860-75) set afoot
this legend of the Apostolic origin of the See of Vienne and put
down St. Zachary, St. Martin, and St. Verus, later successors of
Crescens, as belonging to the Apostolic period. This legend was
confirmed by the "Recueil des privileges de l'Eglise de Viene",
which, however, was not compiled under the supervision of the
future Pope Callistus II, as M. Gundlach has maintained, but a
little earlier date, about 1060, as Mgr. Duchesne has proved.
This collection contains the pretended letters of a series of
popes, from Pius I to Paschal II, and sustains the claims of the
Church of Vienne. "Le Livre episcopal de l'archeveque Leger"
(1030-1070) included both the inventions of Ado and the forged
letters of the "Recueil".
It is historically certain that Verus, present at the Council of
Arles in 314, was the fourth Bishop of Vienne. In the beginning
the twelve cities of the two Viennese provinces were under the
jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Vienne, but when Arles was
made an archbishopric, at the end of the fourth century, the See
of Vienne grew less important. The disputes that later arose
between it and the See of Arles concerning their respective
antiquity are well-known in ecclesiastical history. In 450 Leo I
gave the Archbishop, or Vienne the right to ordain the Bishop of
Tarantaise, Valance, Geneva, and Grenoble. Many vicissitudes
followed, and the territorial limit of the powers of
Metropolitan of Vienne followed the wavering frontier of the
Kingdom of Burgundy and in 779, was considerably restricted by
the organization of a new ecclesiastical province comprising
Tarantaise, Aosta, and Sion. In 1120 Callistus II, who was
Bishop of Vienne under the name of Guy of Burgundy, decided that
the Archbishop of Vienne should have for suffragans the Bishops
of Grenoble, Valence, Die, Viviers, Geneva, and Maurienne; that
the Archbishop of Tarantaise should obey him, notwithstanding
the fact that this archbishop himself had suffragans, that he
should exercise the primacy over the provinces of Bourges,
Narbonne, Bordeaux, Aix, Auch, and Embrun, and that, as the
metropolitans of both provinces already bore the title of
primate, the Archbishop of Vienne should be known as the
"Primate of Primates". In 1023 the Archbishops of Vienne became
lords paramount. They had the title of Count, and when in 1033
the Kingdom or Arles was reunited to the empire, they retained
their independence and obtained from the empire the title of
Archchancellors of the Kingdom or Arles (1157). Besides the four
Bishops of Vienne heretofore mentioned, others are honoured as
saints. In enumerating them we shall follow M. Duchesne's
chronology: St. Justus, St. Dionysius, St. Paracodes, St.
Florentius (about 374), St. Lupicinus, St. Simplicius (about
400), St. Paschasius, St. Nectarius, St. Nicetas (about 449),
St. Mamertus (d. 475 or 476), who instituted the rogation days,
whose brother Claudianus Mamertus was known as a theologian and
poet, and during whose episcopate St. Leonianus held for forty
years the post of grand penitentiary at Vienne; St. Avitus
(494-5 Feb., 518), St. Julianus (about 520-533), St. Pantagathus
(about 538), St. Namatius (d. 559), St. Evantius (d. 584-6), St.
Verus (586), St. Desiderius (Didier) 596-611, St. Domnolus
(about 614), St. AEtherius, St. Hecdicus, St. Chaoaldus (about
654-64), St. Bobolinus, St. Georgius, St. Deodatus, St.
Blidrannus (about 680), St. Eoldus, St. Eobolinus, St. Barnardus
(810-41), noted for his conspiracies in favour of the sons of
Louis the Pious, St. Ado (860-875), author of a universal
history and two martyrologies, St. Thibaud (end of the tenth
century). Among its later bishops were Guy of Burgundy
(1084-1119), who became pope under the title of Callistus II,
Christophe de Beaumont, who occupied the See of Vienne for seven
months of the year 1745 and afterwards became Archbishop of
Paris, Jean Georges Le Franc de Pompignan (1774-90), brother of
the poet and a great enemy of the "philosophers", and also
d'Aviau (1790-1801), illustrious because of his strong
opposition to the civil constitution of the clergy and the first
of the emigre bishops to re-enter France (May, 1797), returning
under an assumed name and at the peril of his life.
Michael Servetus was living in Vienne, whither he had been
attracted by Archbishop Palmier, when Calvin denounced him to
the Inquisition for his books. During the proceedings ordered by
ecclesiastical authority of Vienne, Servetus fled to Switzerland
(1553) In 1605 the Jesuits founded a college at Vienne, and here
Massilon taught at the close of the seventeenth century. The
churches of Saint-Pierre and Saint-Andre le Haut are ancient
Benedictine foundations. (For the celebrated council held at
Vienne in 1311 see TEMPLARS and VIENNE, COUNCIL OF.)
After the Concordat of 1801 the title of Vienne passed to the
See of Lyons, whose titular was henceforth called "Archbishop of
Lyons and Vienne," although Vienne belongs to the Diocese of
Grenoble.
The principal places of pilgrimage in the present Diocese of
Grenoble are: Notre-Dame de Parmenie, near Rivers,
re-established in the seventeenth century at the instance of a
shepherdess; Notre-Dame de l'Osier, at Vinay, which dates from
1649 and Notre-Dame de la Salette, which owes its origin to the
apparition of the Virgin, 19 September, 1846, to Maximin Giraud
and Melanie Mathieu, the devotion to Notre-Dame de la Salette
being authorized by Bishop Bruillard, 1 May, 1852.
Before the enforcement of the law of 1901 there were in the
Diocese of Grenoble Assumptionists, Olivetans, Capuchins,
Regular Canons of the Immaculate Conception, Oblates of Mary
Immaculate, Fathers of Holy Ghost and the Holy Heart of Mary,
Brothers of the Cross of Jesus, Brothers of the Holy Family,
Brothers of the Christian Schools and Brothers of the Sacred
Heart. The diocesan congregations of women were: the Sisters of
Our Lady of the Holy Rosary, devoted to hospital work and
teaching, and founded by Cathiard, who, after having been an
officer under Napoleon, died Archpriest of Pont de Beauvoisin;
the Sisters of Providence, founded in 1841, devoted to hospital
duty and teaching (mother-house at St. Marcellin), and the
Sisters of Our Lady of the Cross, likewise devoted to hospital
and educational work, founded in 1832 (mother-house at
Murinais). Prior to the congregations law of 1901, the following
institutions in the Diocese of Grenoble were in charge of
religious orders: 65 infant schools, 1 asylum for incurable
children, 2 asylums for deaf-mutes, 4 boys' orphanages, 8 girls'
orphanages, 7 free industrial schools (ouvroirs), 2 houses of
shelter, 33 hospitals, hospices, or private hospitals, 1
dispensary, and 18 houses for religious nurses caring for the
sick in their homes. In 1905, when the Concordat ceased, the
Diocese of Grenoble had a population of 601,940 souls, with 51
parishes, 530 succursales, and 87 curacies subventioned by the
State.
II. UNIVERSITY OF GRENOBLE
Created by three Bulls of Benedict XII, 12 May, 27 May, and 30
September, 1339. On 25 July, 1339, the Dauphin Humbert II (the
counts of Dauphine bore the title of Dauphin) drew up a charter
of the privileges granted to the students at Grenoble,
promulgated measures to attract them, and stipulated that the
university should give instruction in civil and canon law,
medicine, and the arts. A curious ordinance issued 10 May, 1340
by Humbert II commanded the destruction of all the forges in the
vicinity of Grenoble lest they should produce an irreparable
famine of wood and charcoal. Humbert may have wished that life
should be frugal where university was established. Finally on 1
August, 1340, he declared that the superior court of justice of
Dauphine (conseil delphinal), which he removed from
Saint-Marcellin to Grenoble, should be composed of seven
counsellors, four whom might be chosen from among the professors
at Grenoble. Humbert's projects do not appear to have been
completely realized. The university lacked resources, indeed
arts and medicine were not taught, and even the chairs of law
seem scarcely to have survived the reign of Humbert II. At all
events, when Louis XI created the University of Valence in 1452,
he declared that no institution of the kind existed at that time
in Dauphine. But in 1542 Francois de Bourbon, Count of
Saint-Pol, great-uncle of Henry IV of France, and governor of
Dauphine, re-established the university. The Italian jurist
Gribaldi, the Portuguese jurist Govea, and the French jurist
Pierre Lorioz, called Loriol, attracted many students thither,
but the orthodoxy of these professors was suspected. This was
one of the reasons which, in April, 1565, led Charles IX to
unite the University of Grenoble to that of Valence, for which
in 1567 Bishop Montluc, well known as a diplomat and powerful at
court, was able to obtain the noted jurist Cujas. The citizens
of Grenoble protested and sent delegates to Paris, but the edict
of union between the universities was strengthened by the
circumstance that at the very time when Charles IX published his
edict Govea and Loriol were compelled to institute a suite
against the town of Grenoble in order to secure the payment of
their arrears of salary. Equally ineffectual were the efforts
for the renewal of the university frequently made by the town in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Napoleon I, on 1
November, 1805, re-established the faculty of law of Grenoble.
Since 1896 the different faculties of Grenoble form the
University of Grenoble.
I. DIOCESE: Gallia Christiana (Nova) (1866), XVI, 1-146;
217-264, instrumenta, 1-172; PRUDHOMME, Histoire de Grenoble
(Grenoble, 1888); VERNET, Histore de Grenoble (3 vols.,
Grenoble, 1900-2); BELLET, Notes pour servir `a la geographie et
`a l'histoire de l'ancien diociese de Grenoble Montbeliard,
1833); IDEM, De I'apostolicite de leglise de Vienne in Semaine
Religieuse de Grenoble (1869-70); GUNDLACH, Der Streit der
Bisth?mer Arles und Vienne (HANOVER, 1890); DUCHESNE, Fastes
episcopaux, I, 84-206; Jules Chevalier, Memoire sur les Heresies
en Dauphine (Valence, 1890); PRA, Les Jesuites `a Grenoble
(Lyons, 1901); COLLOMBET, Histoire de la sainte eglise de Vienne
(4 vols., Vienne, 1847-48); MERMET, Chronique religieuse de la
ville de Vienne (Vienne, 1856).
II. UNIVERSITY: MARCEL FOURNIER, Les statuts et privileges des
universites francaises, II (Paris, 1891), 723-28; PAUL FOURNIER,
L'ancienne universite de Grenoble; BUSQET, Documents relatifs `a
l'ancienne universite in Livre du centenaire de la faculte de
droit (Grenoble, 1906), 12-69, 115-261. GEORGES GOYAU.
Dietrich Gresemund
Dietrich Gresemund
German humanist; b. in 1477, at Speyer; d. 1512, at Mainz. His
father, also named Dietrich, was a native of Meschede in
Westphalia, and was educated first at Erfurt, where he became
magister, and subsequently in Italy. Having graduated in
medicine at Speyer, he bacame court-physician and councillor to
the Elector of Mainz, in which city young Dietrich grew up and
attracted great attention at an early age by his learning and
ability. As early as 1493 he became associated with Wimpfeling,
Werner von Themar, and Abbot Trithemius, and in 1494 he
published his first work. Even at that date Trithemius admitted
him to his "Catalogus illustrium viroum" with warm eulogies, on
the ground that the youth had far surpassed many men of mature
age, including even doctors. Having received a thorough
classical education from his father and attended lectures in
dialectics at the University of Mainz, Dietrich studied law at
Padua in 1495, and at Bologna in 1497. In 1498 he received the
degree of doctor legum at Ferrara, and in 1499 he matriculated
at Heidelberg. About 1501 he was in Rome to study antiquities,
but soon had enough of the city, and wrote two very caustic
epigrams upon Alexander VI. On his return to Mainz a succession
of honours awaited him during the brief remnant of life that was
allotted to him. In 1505 he became canon at St. Stephen's, in
1506 vicar-general, in 1508 prothonotary and judex generalis, in
1509 diffinitor cleri minoris at St. Stephen's, and in 1510
scholasticus in the same chapter. He was a sound and an upright
judge, and led a pious, irreproachable life. He continued to
apply himself to humanistic studies, cultivated as extensively
friendly and literary intercourse, and was associated with the
most renowned scholars of his day.
His first work was called "Lucubratiunculae" (1494) and
dedicated to Trithemius. The book is divided into three parts.
The first of these, a dialogue in which is discussed the value
of the seven liberal arts, met with special applause and was
reprinted several times. It is worth remarking that this book
contains the first plea from the Rhenish country for a reform in
the teaching of grammar. His dialogue on the carnival deals with
a humorous subject (1495) at Mainz, he delivered a discourse at
a synod presided in the light of a stern censor of the moral
life of the clergy. His longest poem -- a work of little merit
-- tells in moralizing, didactic fashion the story of the
mutilation of a crucifix by an actor ("Historia violate crucis",
written about 1505, but not printed until 1512). Gresemund's
hobby was the collection of ancient coins and inscriptions. In
1510 he issued an edition of short texts in Roman archaelogy.
Death prevented the publication of his works on antiquities, and
the manuscripts had been lost. Individual poems were written for
the publications of his friends. He died of hernia in the prime
of life. Erasmus paid him a splendid tribute in his edition of
St. Jerome in 1516, and Gebwiler describes him in the following
words: "Dietrich was slender of body and of medium height, with
well-moulded features, dark hair, grey eyes, even-tempered,
without rancour, without presumption, without pride, without
affectation, gentle in his manner, and truthful".
GEIGER in Allgem, deutshce Biog., IX (Leipzig, 1879), 640; BAUCH
in Archiv fur Literaturgesch, XII (Leipzig, 1884), 346-59; BAUCH
in Archiv fur hessische Geach, und Alterumsakunde, V (Darmstadt,
1907), 18-35; LOFFELER in H. Hamelmanns Geschichtliche Werke,
vol. I, part iii (Munster, 1907), 13, 279-82.
KLEMENS LOFFLER
Adrien Greslon
Adrien Greslon
French missionary; b. at Perigueux, in 1618; entered the Society
of Jesus at Bordeaux, 5 November, 1635; d. in 1697. He taught
literature and theology in various houses of his order until
1655, when he was sent as a missionary to China. He arrived
there in 1657, and after mastering the Chinese and Manchu
languages went to the Province of Kiang-si, which he describes
as a veritable Garden of Eden. Here he remained, engaged in his
missionary labours, until 1670, when he returned to France.
Greslon wrote two books: "Les vies des saints patriarches de
l'Ancien Testament", with reflections in Chinese; and "Histoire
de la Chine sous la domination des Tartares. . .depuis l'annee
1651. . .jusqu'en 1669" (Paris, 1671).
MORERI, Grand Dictionaire historique.
LEO A. KELLY
Jean Baptiste Gresset
Jean Baptiste Gresset
Born 29 August, 1709; died 16 June, 1777, at Amiens. Having
finished his studies at the college of the Jesuits of his native
town, he joined their order, and after his novitiate, taught
literature in the schools of the Society at Moulins, Tours, and
Rouen. He was a teacher in the celebrated college Louis-le-Grand
in Paris, when he published his comico-heroic poem "Vert-Vert"
(1734), which created quite a sensation in literary circles. It
is the story of a parrot, the delight of a convent, who on being
sent to another convent, learns profane expressions on the way,
and shocks the nuns by swearing and bad manners. He is sent back
to his abode, repents, and being too well fed, soon dies. This
insignificant subject is treated in a masterly manner, giving a
life-like picture of innocent convent pastimes. The ten-syllable
line is used with the greatest ability. Other poems in the same
vein followed. "Le Careme Impromptu", "Le Lutrin Vivant" (1736),
and then a few "Epitres". The publication of "La Chartreuse",
which was imbued with Epicurean ideas, caused his dismissal from
the Society of Jesus. Thereupon he wrote "Les Adieux aux
Jesuites", a splendid testimonial of respect and gratitude. On
his return to a secular life Gresset was induced to write for
the stage, and he successively composed "Edouard III", a tragedy
(1740), "Sidney", a drama (1745), and finally "Le Mechant", a
comedy (1747). The first and second failed, while the last
obtained a great success. It is still regarded as the best
comedy in verse that was produced in the eighteenth century.
Besides its merits of structure and style, it proved to be a
strong satire of the manners of that period. At a period when
wickedness, as Duclos says, "was raised to the dignity of an art
and even took the place of merit with those who had no other way
of distinguishing themselves, and often gave them reputation",
the picture of the scoundrel's character was considered as
representative of the time. In fact, "Le Mechant" marks the
transition between the "Petits-Maitres" of Marivaux and Valmont
of the "Liaisons Dangereuses". In 1748 he was elected to the
French Academy. It was then that he was invited by Frederick II,
King of Prussia, to go to Potsdam and join the crowd of French
writers who paid their court to the "Solon of the North", but he
declined the invitation, being afraid of the materialitic
doctrines which were professed there. In 1759 he left Paris and
retired to Amiens, where he led for eighteen years a very
austere life, atoning for the frivolity of his youth. His
austerity was regarded as excessive by Voltaire, who wrote the
well-known epigram:
"Gresset se trompe, il n'est pas si coupable"
The poet was not dismayed by Voltaire's disapproval and
continued to live in seclusion, and for the rest of his life
left Amiens only on two occasions, to go to the French Academy
and to make a speech at the reception of D'AIembert and Suard.
Before his death he destroyed all his manuscripts. In 1750 he
founded at Amiens an Academy of Sciences, Letters, and Arts,
which still exists.
DAIRE, Vie de Gresset (Paris, 1779); ROBESPIERRE, Eloge de
Gresset (Paris, 1785), CAMPENON, Essai sur la vie et les
ouvrages de Gresset (Paris, 1823); WOGUE, Gresset (Paris. 1894).
LOUIS N. DELAMARRE
Jacob Gretser
Jacob Gretser
A celebrated Jesuit writer; b. at Markdorf in the Diocese of
Constance in 1562; d. at Ingolstadt in 1625. He entered the
Society of Jesus in 1578, and nine years later he defended
publicly theses covering the whole field of theology. Ingolstadt
was the principal scene of his work; here he taught philosophy
for three years, dogmatic theology for fourteen and moral
theology for seven years. He gave at least ten hours a day to
his studies, which he protracted, at times, till late into the
night, in order to devote part of the day to works of charity
and zeal. He was recognized as one of the best controversialists
of his time, and was highly esteemed by Pope Clement VIII,
Emperor Ferdinand II, and Maximilian I of Bavaria. Some of the
greatest lights of his age, such as Cardinal Bellarmine and
Marcus Welser, corresponded with him and consulted him in their
difficulties. He edited or expained many works of the patristic
and medieval writers, and composed erudite treatises on most
diverse subjects. Sommervogel enumerates two hundred and
twenty-nine titles of printed works and thirty-nine manuscripts
attributed to Father Gretser, but for our purpose it will be
more convenient to follow the grouping of his writings as they
are distributed in the seventeen folios of the complete edition
which appeared in Ratisbon (1734-1741). Vols., I-III contain
archaeological and theological disquisitions concerning the
Cross of Christ; IV-V, a defence of several ecclesiastical
feasts and rites; VI-VII, apologies for several Roman pontiffs,
VIII-IX, a defence of Bellarmine's writings, to which vol. X
adds a defence of some lives of the Saints; XI, a defence of the
Society of Jesus, XII. polemics against the Lutherans and
Waldenses; XIII, polemic miscellanies; XIV-XV, editions and
translations of Greek ecclesiastical writers; XVI-XVII,
philological works, philosophical and theological disquisitions,
and other miscellaneous addenda. But these general headings
hardly give an idea of the erudition displayed in Father
Gretser's separate works. The first volume, for instance,
contains five books treating successively of the Cross on which
Jesus Christ died, of images of the cross, of apparitions of the
Holy Cross, of the sign of the cross, and of the spiritual
cross. The second volume given fifty-seven Graeco-Latin eulogies
of the Holy Cross by Greek writers, the third treats of
cross-bearing coins, of the Crusades, adding also a defence of
both the Crusades and the veneration of the Cross.
SCHRODL, in Kirchenlex., s. v.; HURTER, Nomenclator;
SOMMERVOGEL, Bibl. de la C. de J., s. v.
A.J. MAAS
Jean-Baptiste Greuze
Jean-Baptiste Greuze
French painter, b. at Tournus in Ardeche, 21 August, 1725; d. at
Paris, 21 March, 1805. His father, a master-tiler, wished to
make him an architect, but ended by leaving him free to follow
his own vocation, and sent him to Lyons to study under Gromdon,
father-in-law of the musician Gretry. As Gromdon was only a
contractor and a picture-dealer and agent, it is hard to see
what he could have taught his pupil. Greuze, however, had
already attained some skill when he came to Paris in 1755, with
his picture "Pere de famille expliquant la Bible `a ses enfants"
(A father explaining the Bible to his children). His name was at
once proposed to the Academy by Sylvestre, and he was received
as an associate. The picture, which was purchased by the
celebrated amateur La Live de Jully, was exhibited along with a
second painting, "L'aveugle trompe" (The blind man cheated),
that same Year. It was a triumph for Greuze. In one day he had
become famous in Paris, though he was only thirty years of age.
Like all artists of his time, he thought it necessary to travel
through Italy. He set out towards the end of 1755, with the Abbe
Grognot, the celebrated savant and archaeologist. Rome and
Florence, however, do not seem to have exerted any influence on
his art. It is true, he brought back from Naples some scenes de
moeurs for the exhibition of 1757, but they were Neapolitan only
in costume and name. He soon returned to his true style,
paintings of humble and bourgeois life, and from that moment
there began for him a wonderful career of success and good
fortune. A strange change was then taking place in the French
mind -- a curious variation, so to say, of the moral
temperature. Reason, the critical faculty, and the intellect had
run riot, and now men felt the need of living the life of the
heart. Society, satiated with frivolity and licentiousness,
sought repose in a simple, honest life. This it was that made
Rousseau's "Julie" and "Emile" so wonderfully popular; it was,
in a word, the great moral and religious crisis of the century,
it could not but exert an influence on art, and it fell to
Greuze to express it in paintings. In this, it is true, he was
preceded by an artist much greater than he J-B-Simeon Chardin
whose paintings the "Ecureuse" (1738), the "Pourvoyeuse" the
"Benedicite" (1740) are still masterpieces of the homely family
life. Chardin, too, was an excellent draughtsman, and Greuze was
much his inferior in this respect, just as he falls far short of
his precursor's tender kindliness and lovable, unpretentious
poetry. For Chardin's charming simplicity Greuze substitutes a
host of moral aims and edifying thoughts. The interest of pure
sympathy which a painter ought to feel in the model's life was
not enough for Greuze, he must mingle with it a strain of
anecdote and a concealed lesson. His work is more or less a
painted sermon; he is ever a preacher. In this respect he
resembles Hogarth, whom he is undoubtedly imitated as Rousseau
imitated Richardson. The success of Greuse was therefore one of
the innumerable forms of the eighteenth-century anglomania.
All this conspired to make him, for some years, the most widely
known and most celebrated painter in Europe. His art was hailed
as the triumph of natural bourgeois virtue over the mythological
and immoral painting of Boucher. His work was a pleasing return
to reality and life as it is. The "Tricoteuse", "Devideuse", and
"Jeune fille pleurant son oiseau mort", at the Exhtbition of
1759, carried away the public with a new feeling of life, an
emotion that unexpectedly arose from the most commonplace
scenes. The "Accordee de village", exhibited in 1761, raised
popular enthusiasm to the highest pitch. The picture marked an
epoch. It had the distinction hitherto unheard of for a picture,
that the scene it presented furnished the subject of a play at
the "Comedie Italienne" the climax of this play was the
betrothal scene, which was reproduced by the actors exactly as
it was painted by Greuze. This compliment, in the present
writer's opinion, contains a most delicate piece of criticism.
For the artist's main fault is that he betrays his effort to
lecture the public. Nature never presents these ready-made
scenes, where the lesson is plainly written; some artifice is
requisite to draw it out. Greuze is no less conventional than
Boucher, while he lacks his power of description and his
brilliant imagination. Instead of the grand opera, which is
saved by its lyricism we are disappointed at finding only the
comic opera. The naturel of Greuze is that "Rose et Colas", the
"Deserteur" or the "Devin de village". His paintings all
resemble one of Sedaine's little dramas suddenly stopped in the
midst of a performance.
In addition, his notion of morality is always uncertain or
equivocal or, rather, he confuses morality and pleasure, which
always ruins his best work. The idea, that virtue is pleasure,
that the virtuous man is the one who really enjoys himself, that
beneficence is to be measured by the intensity of the emotion it
causes in him who practises it, all these conceptions of a
well-defined epicurism and a philanthropy identified with
egotism, are the most commonplace and silly moral platitudes,
for which the age of "philosophy" is responsible. This coarse
sensualism and affected sentimentalism, with which the
literature of the day was replete, infected Greuze. Despite the
innocent appearance of his art, it is quite as reprehensible as
that of Boucher and his son-in-law Baudoin, whose charming
elegance he does not possess. The eroticism of the eighteenth
century had changed only on outward appearance. With all its
bourgeois prudish airs, Greuze's painting is full of lascivious
hints and equivocal suggestions. To be convinced of this, one
has only to read Diderot's commentaries on the "Cruche cassee"
or the "Jeune fine qui pleure son oiseau mort". But this did not
impede the success of Greuze or diminish his renown. His
paintings, engraved by Flipart, Massart, Gaillard, and
Levasseur, continued to be most popular, and brought him a
fortune. Meanwhile, although it was customary for artists
admitted by the Academy as associates to present a picture to
the Society within six months, ten years had passed, and Greuze
had not fulfilled this obligation. Finally, in 1769, he offered
his "Septime Severe reprochant `a Caracalla d'avoir voulou
l'assassiner" (Septimus Severus reproaching Caracalla). This
painting, which may be seen in the Louvre, met with a very cold
reception. Greuze, who expected it would gain him membership in
the Academy as an historical painter, was received only as a
painter of genre. Proud, like all self-taught men, and spoiled,
moreover, by his triumphal career, the artist could not pardon
the Academy for this humiliation which he attributed to the envy
of his fellow-painters, From that time he ceased to work for the
exhibitions and contented himself with displaying his works in
his studio, whither the public continued to go to see them, as
they went to see Rousseau in his fifth-floor room in the rue
Platriere. Among others, Mme Roland, then Mlle Phlipon, visited
him twice in 1777.
As successful as ever, Greuze went on to produce some of his
most renowned works, the "Benediction" and the "Malediction
paternelle", the "Mort du bon pere de famille" and the "Mort de
pere denature". He intended to paint a suite of twenty pictures,
a moral romance, "Bazile et Thibaut" or "Deux educations",
showing the lives of good and bad. But this plan was not carried
into execution. At length evil days were approaching for Greuze.
His fame never recovered completely from the check it received
at the Academy. Differences with his wife, which led to a
painful separation, created for him a doubtful situation. The
preacher of the joys of family life became, in the midst of his
domestic troubles, all object of derision or of pity to the
populace. Younger painters, like Fragonard, surpassed him in his
own style; their sentiment and form were freer than his, and
their excecution much superior. Lastly, for some years, public
taste had been changing. The wind blew in another direction. The
ideas of Winckelmann were becoming diffused. The enthusiasm for
antiquity, stirred up by excavations at Herculaneum and Pompeii,
disgusted the the public with the divinities of Boucher and the
bourgeoisie of Greuze. Diderot, who had lauded the latter so
highly, began to abandon him. "I no longer care for Greuze", he
wrote in 1769. Everything foreshadowed the movement that was to
culminate in the artistic Jacobinism of David. From the "Mort de
Socrate" (1784) of this painter, which is the manifesto of the
new school, Greuze was intellectually dead. The Revolution was
the finishing blow to his renown. His last works show him trying
to fall in with the new ideas; they are a curious compromise
between his style and that of Prudhon and the Directory. One of
his last paintings was the portrait of the First Consul
Bonaparte, now preserved at Versailles. Ruined by the
mismanagement of his affairs and the treachery of his wife,
abandoned by his clientele, deserted by the public, the old man
would have fallen into the most abject poverty but for the help
he received from one of his daughters. He used to say to
Fragonard: "I am seventy-five years old, I have been working for
fifty, I earned three hundred thousand francs, and now I have
nothing." He died at the age of eighty, in complete oblivion,
having survived a world whose idol he was, and whose ideal he
expressed most perfectly.
Overpraised in his lifetime, and always popular (on account of
his theatrical display and is moralizing literary painting),
this artist fully merited his reputation. Though his style was a
false one, he was a brilliant master of it. He represents,
perhaps, the bourgeois ideal of art and morality. Of the
intellectual movement that produced the plays of Diderot,
Sedaine, and Mercier, the comic opera of Gretry and Montigny,
his work is all that survives to-day. And as a painter of
expressive heads, especially of children and young girls, he has
left a number of specimens that display the highest artistic
gifts. His "Sophie Arnould" (London, Wallace Gallery) and his
"Portrait d'inconnue" (Van Horne collection, Montreal, Canada)
are among the most beautiful portraits of women produced by the
French School.
DIDEROT, Salons, in the complete works, ed. ASSEZAT (Paris,
18--); DE VALORI, Notice en tete de I' Accordee de Village
(Paris, 1901); GRETRY, Memoires, II (Paris, Year VII): MARIETTE,
Abecedario, II (Paris. 1853): E. and J. DE GONCOURT, L'Art au
XVIIIe siecle, I (2nd ed., Paris, 1873), DILKE, French Painters
of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1899): GOSSE, French Painting
from Watteau to Prudhon (London, 1903): MAUCLAIR. J-B. Greuze,
Sa vie, son oeuvre, son epoque (Paris, 1906).
LOUIS GILLET
Grey Nuns
Grey Nuns
The Order of Sisters of Charity of the Hopital General of
Montreal, commonly called Grey Nuns because of the colour of
their attire, was founded in 1738 by the Venerable
Marie-Marguerite Dufrost de Lajemmerais (Madame d'Youville) and
the Rev. Louis M. Normand du Faradon, at that time superior of
the seminary of St. Sulpice of Ville Marie (now Montreal).
Madame d'Youville's first associates were Mlle. Louise-Thaumur
Lassource, Mlle. Demers, and Mlle. Cusson. The four ladies
rented a small house, and began by receiving four or five poor
people, which number shortly rose to ten. This beginning was
made 30 Oct. 1738. On 3 June, 1753, the little association of
ladies received the royal sanction which transferred to them,
under the title of "Soeurs de la Charite de l'Hopital General",
the rights and privileges which had been granted by letters
patent to the "Freres Hospitaliers" in 1694. The peculiar dress
of the sisterhood was adopted by mutual consent and worn for the
first time on 25 August, 1755. The rule which had been given
Madame d'Youville and her companions by Father Normant in 1745
received episcopal sanction in 1754, when Mgr. de Pontbriant
formed the little society into a religious community. This rule
forms the basis of the present constitutions, which were
approved by Leo XIII, 30 July, 1880. Besides the three vows of
poverty, chastity, and obedience, the Sisters pledge themselves
to devote their lives to the service of suffering humanity. The
Grey Nunnery offers a refuge to old people of both sexes
incurables, orphans, and abandoned children or foundlings.
Hundreds of these waifs are received yearly into the
institution.
Montreal alone possesses fifteen charitable institutions under
the care of the Grey Nuns, viz., orphanges, infant schools,
homes for the infirm and aged, and academy for the blind;
hospitals, a night refuge and two servants' homes. Ten others
are in parishes outside of the city and eleven in the United
States, namely, in Boston, Salem, Lawrence, Worcester, and
Cambridge (Massachusetts), Nashua (New Hampshire), Toledo
(Ohio), Morristown (New Jersey), and Fort Totten (North Dakota).
These cities possess homes for working girls, hospitals, and
orphanges. In the latter upwards of twelve hundred poor children
are cared for and instructed. Three large convents were also
erected by the mother house with the rights of founding others
in turn, viz., those of St. Hyacinth, Quebec, and ottawa, but
they are distinct branches, independent of the "Hopital General"
(or Grey Nunnery). Nicolet has branched from St. Hyacinth. In
1844 a colony of Grey Nuns left their convent in Canada to
devote their lives to the relief of the Indian tribes and the
ducation of youth in the far Northwest. Their principal
establishment is at St. Boniface, and is now a vicarial house,
with thirteen other missions in the archdiocese. these include
hospitals, and parochials, boarding, and industrial schools. St.
Boniface Hospital, conducted by the Grey Nuns, is the largest in
Manitoba, affording ample accomodation for three hundred and
dorty patients. In the province of Alberta, Diocese of St.
Albert, the Sisters have hospitals at Edmonton and Calgary, and
parochial, boarding, and industrial schools at St. Albert,
Dunbow Saddle Lake. further north, in the Vicariates of
Athabasea and Mackenzie, there are schools and orphanages at
Fort Resolution (Great Slave Lake) and also at providence on the
banks of the Mackenzie River. This last mission was founded in
1866. These houses have ach a local superior who is subject to
the superiors vicar of St. Boniface or of St. Albert, who in
trun owe allegiance to the superior general of the Grey Nunnery,
Montreal. In the year 1906 the number of professed Grey Nuns was
1893; charitable and educational establishments committed to
their care numbered 135. In the former 6960 poor inmates are
provided for, and in the latter 25,964 children are instructed.
SISTER M.E. WARD
Grey Nuns of the Cross
Grey Nuns of the Cross
A community founded in 1745 at Monteal by Madame d'Youville,
known as the Grey Sisters, or Grey Nuns, from the colour of the
costume. Just one century later, February, 1845, at the request
of Bishop Phelan, Kingston, Mother General McMullin snet four
sisters to ottawa, Ontario, then Bytown, in the Diocese of
Kingston. Schools being the greatest need at Bytown, two classes
were opened without delay, Sisters Elizabeth Bruyere and Helen
Howard being the first teachers. Over one hundred and fifty
ppupils attended. This was the beginning of the well-known
Sacred heart or Rideau Street Boarding School. At the same time,
a sister in charge of the sick poor organized the laity into
helping centres. providentially a hospital was in working order
when the ship-fever victims arrived from Ireland in the famine
year of 1847. Teaching and the works of mercy are on a footing
in this community. The Grey Nuns undertake any needed good work.
Their novitiate receives choir nuns and lay sisters. The
institute has so steadily increased that it has in Ottawa, in
addition to Rideau Street convent, two high schools and sixteen
parochial schools. The teachers hold summer schools, attend the
normal summer school and qualify for the highest diplomas.
Attached to the hospital is the first training-school for nurses
formed in Canada. There are also five homes for children and the
aged poor, supported by voluntary offerings and a government
allowance. In Hull, opposite Ottawa, are large parish schools,
academic and elementary. A Catholic normal school will be opened
in September, 1909. At Hudson Bay is an Indian school for the
Crees; along the ottawa River from its upper waters are three
boarding schools, ten parochial schools and five hospitals; at
Lake St. peter, in Quebec province, are two boarding schools and
an Indian school for the Abnaki. In 1857, a school was opened in
Holy Angels parish, Buffalo, N.Y. it is situated on Porter and
prospect Avenues and has had a very successful history.
In 1860 a boarding school and academy was founded at Plattsburg,
N.Y. A parish school, governed by the public school principal
and supported by the public school funds, existed until the
"Garb-question" caused the sisters to withdraw. Plattsburg
School Board sent protest in vain to Albany. There was but one
anwer; the exciting garb must be discarded. But the school still
exists, supported by Catholics. In 1863 a school was opened at
Ogdensburg, N.Y., in the old Ford mansion, on a beautiful site,
facing the St. Lawrence. It is now a home for the homeless. St.
Mary's or the Cathedral school of Ogdensburg is second to none
under the Regents. At the World's Fair it was accorded a medal
in the exhibit of the University of New York. The sisters have
also two hospitals at Odgensburg. Since 1881 Lowell and
Haverhill, Mass., have had parochial schools. Leo XIII
proclaimed Mother d'Youville venerable. Her canonization is
being considered at Rome. As she, the first Grey Nun, chose the
Cross as her emblem, and the object of her special devotion, Leo
XIII named her faithful daughters "Grey Nuns of the Cross", a
title limited to the Ottawa foundation only, the headquarters of
the houses mentioned above.
SISTER VERONICA O'LEARY
Gerald Griffin
Gerald Griffin
A novelist, dramatist, lyricist; b. 12 December, 1803, at
Limerick, Ireland; d. at Cork, 12 June, 1840.
His parents came from good families in the south of Ireland.
Thirteen children were born to them, nine boys (of whom Gerald
was the youngest) and four girls. When Gerald was seven years
old his parents moved to Fairy Lawn by the river Shannon about
twenty-seven miles from Limerick. Gerald received a good
education; he had many teachers, but he owed most to his mother,
a woman of deep religious feeling and great talent. "She was",
as Dr. Griffin Gerald's brother and biographer, remarks "of
exceedingly fine tastes on most subjects, intimately acquainted
with the best models of English classical literature, and always
endeavoured to cultivate a taste for them in her children".
Gerald's early life was happy and profitable. When free from his
books he was wont to roam through the neighbouring countries, so
rich in ruins, which told him of the past glories of his native
land. At that time, too he got an insight into the customs of
the people and became familiar with the popular legends and
folk-tales which he later worked into his stories. In 1820 the
family at Fairy Lawn was broken up. The parents with several of
the children emigrated to America and settled in the State of
Pennsylvania. Gerald, with one brother and two sisters, was left
behind under the care of an elder brother, a practising
physician in Adare, County Limerick. Gerald had thought of
following the professlon of his brother, but love of literature
had too strong a hold on him. His chief interest was in the
drama. The modern stage he considered in a decadent condition.
Boy though he was, he conceived the bold project "of
revolutionizing the dramatic tastes of the time by writing for
the stage". With this idea in view he wrote several plays,
expecting to have them staged in London. When only nineteen
years old he started on his quixotic journey--"a laughable
delusion", he called it some years later, "a young gentleman
totally unknown coming into town with a few pounds in one pocket
and a brace of tragedies in the other". His life during the
first two years was life in a city wilderness; it is sad
reading. He could not get an opening for his dramas, he did not
live to see his "Gisippus" acted at Drury Lane in 1842, when
Macready presented it in his effort to restore the classical
drama to the stage.
Disappointed in his dramatic aspirations he tried his hand at
all sorts of literary drudgery; he translated works from the
French and the Spanish; he wrote for some of the great magazines
and weekly publications, most of which, he says, cheated him
abominably. And yet he kept on writing, ever hopeful of success,
though he was often in straitened circumstances, going for days
without food. His resolve to rely on his own efforts for
success, and his abhorrence of anything that savoured of
patronage, kept him from making known his needs. To
disappointment was added ill-health, an affection of the lungs
and palpitation of the heart. At the end of two years he
obtained steady employment in the publishing house as reader and
reviser of manuscripts, and in a short time became frequent
contributor to some of the leading periodicals and magazines. He
wrote on a great variety of topics and displayed such talent
that his services were well rewarded. What spare time he had he
devoted to the writing of novels wishing by this means to make
known the people and places with which he was most
familiar--those of the south of Ireland. And so he started a
series of short stories, "Anecdotes of Munster", which he later
called "Holland-Tide". This series established his reputation
and enabled him to give up his literary drudgery. No longer
haunted by the failure he returned to Ireland. Though broke down
by poor health, he kept on working and produced his "Tales of
the Munster Festivals". His next work "The Collegians",
published in his twenty-fifth year, assured him of fame and
fortune. It is perhaps the best of his novels. It gives a
comprehensive picture of every phase and gradation of Irish
life. The story is well worked out, giving the strongest proof
of the dramatic talent of the author. It was dramatized in the
popular play, "The Colleen Bawn", but, unfortunately not by
Griffin. He took up the study of law at the London University,
but in a short time removed to Dublin for the study of ancient
Irish history, preparatory to his work "The Invasion", which was
published in 1832. This work had a good sale and was highly
praised by scholars, but never became popular. For several years
more he kept at his literary work.
It became evident, however, that a great change had come over
him in his views of fame and fortune. In a letter to his father
in 1833 he told of the desire he had "for a long time
entertained of taking orders in the Church", and adds, "I do not
know any station in life in which a man can do so much good,
both to others and to himself, as in that of a Catholic priest."
This idea of doing good had been the motive power at work with
him; but soon the conviction had forced itself upon him that he
had overrated the value of fiction, and he was afraid that "he
was wasting his time". The rest of his life may be briefly told.
With the exception of a tour through Scotland and a short trip
on the Continent, he lived with his brother, keeping up to some
extent his literary labours, but devoting more and more time to
prayer and to teaching the poor children of the neighbourhood.
This last occupation was so congenial that he resolved to enter
the Institute of the Christian Brothers, a society which has as
its special aim the education of children of the poor. It was
apparently a sense of the deep responsibility of the duties
attached to the priesthood that caused him to turn to the
humbler position of Christian Brother. But before entering upon
his religious life he gathered together and burned almost all
his unpublished manuscripts. On 8 Sept. 1838, he entered the
Institute and there as Brother Joseph spent the rest of his life
content and happy. Writing to an old friend he said "he felt a
great deal happier in the practice of this daily routine than he
ever did while roving about the great city, absorbed in the
modest project of rivalling Shakespeare and throwing Scott in
the shade". In June, 1839, he was transferred from Dublin to the
south monastery of Cork, where he died of typhus fever at the
early age of thirty-six.
Notwithstanding the severe trials he was put to during his
residence in London he remained singularly pure-minded, and the
purity of his mind is refected in all he wrote. Though he
thought he had failed, he really succeeded in his aim of
furnishing healthy food to the imagination. He knew the Irish
character, and portrayed faithfully its many peculiarities. The
same may be said, but perhaps in a lesser degree, of the Banim
brothers, but not of the other novelists of this period. Lover,
Lever, and Carleton do not give the true sketches of Irish life,
for they were out of sympathy with it. An edition of the novels
of Griffin in ten volumes was published in New York in 1896.
DANIEL GRIFFIN, The life of Gerald Griffin (London, 1843); READ,
Cabinet of Irish Literature (London, 1891); Dublin Review, vols.
XV, XVI.
M.J. FLAHERTY
Thomas Griffiths
Thomas Griffiths
Born in London, 2 June, 1791; died 19 August, 1847; the first
and only Vicar Apostolic of the London District educated wholly
in England. At the age of thirteen he was sent to St. Edmund's
College, Old Hall, where he went through the whole course, and
was ordained priest in 1814. Four years later he was chosen as
president, at the early age of twenty-seven. He ruled the
college with remarkable success for fifteen years, at the end of
which time he was appointed coadjutor to Bishop Bramston, Vicar
Apostolic of the London District. He was consecrated as Bishop
of Olena at St. Edmund's College, 28 October, 1833. Within three
years Bishop Bramston died, and Bishop Griffiths succeeded him.
It was a time when great activities, which reached their full
development later under Cardinal Wiseman, were already beginning
to show themselves. The agitation for a regular hierarchy became
more and more pronounced and as a preliminary measure, in 1840,
the four ecclesiastical "districts" into which England had been
divided since the reign of James II were subdivided to form
eight, Dr. Griffiths retaining the new London District. Soon
after this, the Oxford conversions began: before Dr. Griffiths
died, Newman had been a Catholic nearly two years, and many
others had followed him into the Church. There was also a
revival of Christian art, due to the enthusiasm of Pugin, while
the immigration of the Irish, in consequence of the potato
famine, necessitated the opening of many new missions. At the
same time the growth of the British colonies, many of which had
been tin lately ruled as part of the London District, brought
him into contact with the government. In all these different
spheres Dr. Griffiths discharged his duties with great practical
ability; but it was thought that he would not have the breadth
of view or experience necessary for initiating the new
hierarchy, and according to bishop Ullathorne, this was the
reason why its establishment was postponed. He bears witness,
however, to the esteem in which Dr. Griffiths was held, and when
the latter died, somewhat unexpectedly, in 1847 Ullathorne
himself preached the funeral sermon. The body of the deceased
prelate was laid temporarily in the vaults of Moorfields Church;
but two years later it was removed to St. Edmund's College,
where a new chapel by Pugin was in course of erection, and a
special chantry was built to receive the body of Dr. Griffiths,
to whose initiative the chapel was due. An oil painting of Dr.
Griffiths is at Archbishop's House, Westminster; another, more
modern, at St. Edmund's College.
COOPER in Dict. Nat. Biog., s.v; GILLOW, Bib. Dict., Eng. Cath.
s. v., WARD, History of St. Edmund's College (London, 1893);
BRADY, Annals of the Cath. Hierarchy; E. Price in Dolman's
Magazine, VI, Cox in Cath. Directory for 1848.
BERNARD WARD
Franz Grillparzer
Franz Grillparzer
An Austrian poet, b. at Vienna, 15 January, 1791, d. 21 January,
1872. After desultory schooling at home and at the gymnasium he
entered the university to study law and philosophy. His tastes,
however, were more for literature and music, and at the age of
sixteen, under Schiller's influence, he tried his hand at
dramatic composition. In 1813, he entered the civil service in
the customs department, but his official life was anything but
happy. Throughout his career, he had to submit to the ill-will
and distrust of his superiors, and the interference of a rigid
censorship. His rise was very slow; repeatedly preferment was
denied him and he never got beyond the position of director of
the Hofkammerarchiv, to which he was promoted in 1832. His
application in 1834 for the directorship of the university
library was rejected; he was thus compelled to retain his
uncongenial position until 1856, when he retired with a pension
and the title Hofrat. Repeatedly he sought distraction in
travel. In 1819, prostrated by the shock caused by his mother's
suicide, he obtained a furlough and visited Italy, travelling
unofficially in the retinue of the Empress. While in Rome he
wrote the well-known poem on the ruins of the Campo Vacino,
which gave offence to the Catholic party and drew upon the poet
the censure of the emperor. This unfortunate affair was largely
responsible for the setbacks which Grillparzer subsequently
experienced in his official career. In 1826 he visited Germany,
and ten years later Paris and London. Another journey was made
to Greece and the Orient in 1843, followed by a second visit to
Germany in 1847. Subsequently he could not be induced again to
leave Vienna.
If the poet's public career was full of disappointment, his
private life was equally unhappy. He had several love affairs,
but the attachment of his life was to the handsome and
accomplished Katharina Frohlich, to whom he was betrothed in
1821. Each of the lovers possessed unyielding personality, and
though the engagement was not formally broken, they were never
married. In 1849, Grillparzer took up his abode with the
Frohlich sisters, and in their house he spent his remaining
years. When his comedy, "Weh dem, der lugt" had been rudely
hissed by the Viennese public, the poet in despair and anger
withdrew from the stage and henceforth in strictest seclusion.
The recognition and honours that finally came to him left him
unmoved. In 1871, the enthusiasm with which his eightieth
birthday was celebrated throughout Germany and Austria proved
that at last his greatness was recognized. When he died the next
year, he was accorded a public funeral.
Grillparzer's earliest drama, "Blanka von Kastilien" (1807), was
written while he was still a student. The play that first made
him famous was "Die Ahnfrau" (The Ancestress), performed in
1817. It is one of the so-called fate-tragedies, in such vogue
at the time, and, though crude and full of horrors, it shows
unmistakable signs of dramatic power. In his next drama,
"Sappho" (1818), the poet turned to ancient Greece for
inspiration and took for his theme the legendary love of the
famous Greek poetess for Phaon. This tragedy was received with
enthusiasm, and translated into several foreign languages. To
this day it has remained Grlllparzer's most popular play. It was
followed in 1821 by the trilogy "Das goldene Vliess" a
dramatization of the story of Jason and Medea. It has three
parts: "Der Gastfreund" (the Guestfriend), a kind of prologue,
"Die Argonauten", and "Medea". By many critics this trilogy is
regarded as the poet's greatest work; on the stage, however, it
was not as successful as his former plays. After this he turned
to history for his subjects. "Konig Ottokars Cluck und Ende"
(King Ottokars Fortune and End) presents in dramatic form the
downfall of the Bohemian kingdom and the rise of the House of
Hapsburg. An episode from Hungarian history is treated in "Ein
treuer Diener seines Herrn" (a faithful Servant of his Lord)
(1828) -- a drama which glorifies the spirit of self-sacrificing
loyalty. For his next effort the poet again turned to Greece and
produced one of his most finished dramas in "Des Meeres und der
Liebe Wellen" (1831) (The Waves of the Sea and of Love), its
theme is the story of the love of Hero and Leander. With the
exquisite dream-play "Der Traum ein Leben" (1831) (Dream is
Life) Grillparzer again won a popular success. Its title
suggests the influence of Calderon's "La Vida es Sueno", but the
plot was suggested by Voltaire's story "Le Blanc et le Noir". In
1838 appeared the poet's only attempt at comedy, "Weh dean, der
lugt" (Woe to him who Lies). Its failure caused his retirement
from the stage, and with the exception of the beautiful
fragments, "Esther", which appeared in 1863, the poet's later
dramas were not published until after his death. They are: "Ein
Bruderzwist im Hause Habsburg", treating a theme from Austrian
history, "Die Judin von Toledo", based on a pity of Lope de
Vega, and "Libussa", the subject of which is the legendary story
of the foundation of Prague.
Grillparzer also wrote critical essays and studies especially on
the Spanish theatre, of which he was a great admirer. He is also
the author of two prose-stories, "Das Kloster bei Sendomir" and
"Der arme Spielmann". His Iyric poems are as a rule too
intellectual, they lack the emotional quality which a true lyric
should possess. He excels in epigram. His autobiography which he
brought down to the year 1886, is invaluable for a study of his
life. But his title to fame rests on his dramas. As a dramatic
poet he stands in the front rank of German writers, by the side
of Schiller and Kleist. His complete works have been edited by
August Sauer (Stuttgart, 1892-93, 5th ed., 20 vols.), M. Necker
(Leipzig, 1903, 16 vols.), Alfred Klaar (Berlin, 1903, 16
vols.), Albert Zipper (Leipzig, 1903, 6 vols.), Minor (Stuttgart
and Leipzig, 1903), W. Eichner (Berlin, 1904, 20 vols.). A
critical selection was edited by Rudolf Franz (Leipzig and
Vienna 1903-05, 5 vols.). His letters and diaries were edited by
Carl Glossy and A. Sauer (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1903, 2 vols).
ARTHUR F.J. REMY
Francesco Maria Grimaldi
Francesco Maria Grimaldi
Italian physicist, b. at Bologna, 2 April, 1618; d. in the same
city, 28 Dec., 1663. He entered the Society of Jesus, 18 March,
1632; and, after the usual course of studies, spent twenty-five
years as professor of belles-lettres in the colleges of the
order. His tastes were, however, scientific, and he found time
for study and research in physics and astronomy, to which he
devoted himself almost entirely in his later years. He assisted
P. Riccioli in his experiments (1640-1650) on falling bodies,
and in his surveys, in 1645, to determine the length of an arc
of the meridian. He was also a close observer of the moon's
surface and constructed a map which was incorporated in
Riccioli's "Almagestum Novum". He gave the names of illustrious
philosophers and astronomers to the elevations and depressions
on the moon to which Hevelius, before him, had applied the names
borne by terrestrial seas and mountains.
Grimaldi's most important scientific work was done in optics, in
which field he became a worthy predecessor of Newton and
Huyghens. He made several discoveries of fundamental importance,
but they were much in advance of the theory of the time, and
their significance was not recognized until over a century
later. The first of these is the phenomenon of diffraction. He
allowed a beam of sunlight to pass through a small aperture in a
screen, and noticed that it was diffused in the form of a cone.
The shadow of a body placed in the path of the beam was larger
than that required by the rectilinear propagation of light.
Careful observation also showed that the shadow was surrounded
by coloured fringes, similar ones being seen within the edges,
especially in the case of narrow objects. He showed that the
effect could not be due to reflection or refraction, and
concluded that the light was bent out of its course in passing
the edges of bodies. This phenomenon, to which he gave the name
of diffraction, was also studied by Hooke and Newton; but the
true explanation was only given by Fresnel on the basis of the
wave theory. Grimaldi also discovered that when sunlight,
entering a room through two small apertures, was allowed to fall
on a screen, the region illuminated by the two beams was darker
than when illuminated by either of them separately. He was thus
led to enunciate the principle that an illuminated body may
become darker by adding light to that which it already receives.
This is, in reality, the well-known principle of interference
afterwards so brilliantly employed by Young and Fresnel. It has
been questioned whether the phenomenon observed by Grimaldi was
really due to interference. He himself regarded it simply as a
conclusive proof of the immaterial nature of light which he was
then investigating. He was likewise the first to observe the
dispersion of the sun's rays in passing through a prism.
Grimaldi was conspicuous for his amiability, gentleness, and
modesty. He was the author of "Physicomathesis de lumine,
coloribus, et iride, aliisque annexis" (Bologna, 1665),
published after his death.
SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliotheque de la Comp. de Jesus (Paris, 1892),
III, 1834; HELLER, Geschichte der Physik (Stuttgart, 1884), II,
26; ROSENBERGER, Geschichte der Physik (Brunswick, 1887-90), II,
131.
H. M. BROCK
Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi
Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi
An eclectic painter of the Bolognese school; b. at Bologna,
1606; d. at Rome, 1680. He was a pupil of the Carracci, but he
made his mark when he left Bolonga for Rome, and was employed by
Innocent X to execute some fresco decoration in the Vatican. His
work was so much admired that Prince Pamfili, the pope's nephew,
employed him to decorate the rooms of his villa with landscapes,
and then wrote to Louis XIV, describing the work. His
appreciation of it was so high that he induced Cardinal Mazarin
to invite Grimaldi to Paris, where he decorated two of the rooms
in the Louvre and painted some landscapes, and he is said to
have received the honour of knighthood from the French king.
Returning to Rome, he again entered the papal service, and
worked for Alexander VII and Clement IX, was appointed president
of the Academy of St. Luke, and became all exceedingly popular
person in the Holy City. He was a skilful etcher, especially in
landscape-work, and his chief pictures are in the Colonna palace
at Rome, in the Quirinal, and in the gallaries of Vienna and
Paris.
MALVASIA, Felsina Pittrice (Bologna, 1678); ORLANDI, Abbecedario
Pittorico (BOLOGNA, 1719).
GEORGE CHARLES WlLLIAMSON
Johann Jacob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen
Johann Jacob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen
The greatest German novelist of the seventeenth century. What we
know of his life is largely gathered from his own writing. He
was born near Glenhausen in Jesse about the year 1625, when the
Thirty Years War was at its height. While still a boy he was
carried off by marauding troopers, and until the close of the
war in 1648 he led a soldier's life. In 1667 he was in the
service of the Bishop of Strasburg as Schultheiss (bailiff) in
the town of Renehen in Baden. In this position he remained up to
the time of his death, 17 August, 1676. Nothing definite is
known of his life during the period from 1648 to 1667; but it
seems that he travelled extensively, for his writings show
acquaintance with many lands and peoples. In the earlier part of
his life Grimmelshausen was a Protestant but later on he became
a Catholic as is attested by a notice of his death in the
parish-record of Renehen.
He is the author of many romances but the most is famous is "Der
abenteurliche Simplicissimus", which appeared at Mompelgard
1669. It is modelled on the picaresque novels of Spain and
relates in the form of an autobiography, for which, no doubt,
the author's own life furnished many traits, the fortunes of the
hero during the troublous times of the great war. Many of the
episodes narrated are coarse and repulsive, but are related with
never-failing humour, and the whole work is pervaded by a deeply
religious spirit. A number of writings in similar vein followed,
such as "Trutzsimplex" (1670?), "Der selzame Springinsfeld"
(1670), "Das wunderbarliche Vogel-Nest" (in 2 parts, 1672), and
other minor works. Grimmelshausen also wrote a number of
romances in the heroic-gallant manner in vogue in his day; such
are "Der keusche Joseph", his earliest work (probably 1667),
"Dietwald und Amelinde" (1670), and "Proximus und Lympida"
(1672). The last two works mentioned were published with the
author's real name on the title-page, for most of his other
works he used pseudonyms, that were anagrams of his name, so
that for a long time it remained unknown.
The "Simplicissimus", together with other writings of
Grimmelshausen, was edited by Keller (Stuttgart, 1854-62,
"Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins zu Stuttgart", xxxiii,
xxxiv); by Kurz (Leipzig, 1863, 4 vols., "Deutsche Bibliothek",
III-VI); by Tittman (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1877, in "Deutsche
Dichter des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts", ed. Goedeke and
Tittmann), and by Bobertag (in "Kuerschners Deutsche National
Litteratur", xxxiii-xxxv). A reprint of the oldest original
edition of the "Simplicissimus" was published by Kogel (Halle,
1880, "Neudrucke deutscher Literaturwerke des 16 und 17
Jahrhunderts", xix-xxv).
Consult introductions to above-mentioned editions; also KELLER
in Allgemeine deutsche Biorgraphie (Leipzig, 1875-1900), s. v.;
ANTOINE, Etude sur le Simplicissimus de Grimmelshausan (Paris,
1882); BOBERTAG, Geschichte des Romans in Deutschland (Breslau
and Berlin, 1876-84), II, pt. II, 1-110.
ANTHER F.J. REMY
Valentin Grone
Valentin Groene
A Catholic theologian, b. at Paderborn, 7 December, 1817; d. at
Irmgarteichen, in the district Siegen, Westphalia, 18 March,
1882. On the completion of his studies he was ordained priest at
Paderborn (4 July, 1844), after which he took an advanced course
in Church history at the University of Munich, where he obtained
the degree of Doctor in Theology (1848). He was then sent as
chaplain to Bielefeld, Warstein (10 Nov., 1848), Brilon,
Scherfede (10 Dec., 1853), and on 14 Oct., 1857, was appointed
rector of the city high-school at Fredeburg, going later (17
Dec., 1860) to Schmallenherg in a similar capacity. On 24 Sept.,
1868, he was made pastor at Irmgarteichen, and later dean.
Groene's best-known works are "Tetzel und Luther oder
Lebensgeschichte und Rechtfertigung des Ablasspredigers und
Inquisitors Dr. Johann Tetzel aus dem Predigerorden (Soest and
Olpe, 1853, 2nd ed. 1860, abridged popular ed., "Tetzel und
Luthur", Soest. 1862); "Die Papst-Geschichte" (2 vols.,
Ratisbon, 1864- 66, 2nd ed., 1875). Other important works are:
"Sacramentum oder Begriff und Bedeutung von Sacrament in der
alten Kirche bis zur Scholastik" [Brilon (Soest), 1853]; "Glaube
und Wissenschaft" (Schaffhausen, 1860); "Der Ablass, seine
Geschichte und Bedeutung in der Heilsokonomie" (Ratisbon, 1863);
"Compendium der Kirchengeschichte" (Ratisbon, 1870). Among his
minor writings are: "Zustand der Kirche Deutschlands vor del
Reformation" in the "Theologische Quartalschrift" (Tubingen,
1862), 84-138; "Papst und Kirchenstaat" (Arnsberg, 1862). His
translations for the Kempten "Bibliothek der Kirchenvater" are
entitled "Tatians, des Kirchenschriftstellers, Rede an die
Griechen" (1872); "Melitos des Bischofs von Sardes, Rede an den
Kaiser Antonius" (1873), "Hippolytus, des Presbyters and
Martyrers, Buch uber Christus und den Antichrist" (1873);
"Hippolytus Canones" (1874), "Ausgewahlte Schriften des hl.
Basilius des Grossen, Bischofs von Caesarea und Kirchenlehrers"
(3 vols., 1875-81).
FRIEDRICH LAUCHERT
Gerard Groote
Gerard Groote
(Or Geert De Groote; Gerhardus Magnus.)
Founder of the "Brethren of the Common Life", b. 1340 at
Deventer, Gelderland; d. 20 Aug., 1384. From the chapter school
in his native town Geert went for higher studies first to
Aachen, then to Paris, where at the Sorbonne he studied
medicine, theology, and canon law. He returned home, barely
eighteen years old. In 1362 he was appointed teacher at the
Deventer chapter school. A few years later his admiring
countrymen sent him to Avignon on a secret mission to Pope Urban
V. Soon after we find him in Cologne teaching philosophy and
theology, enjoying two prebends and ample means. Warnings of the
vanity and danger of this life he heeded not until he met his
fellow-student of the Sorbonne, Henry AEger of Calcar, prior of
the Chartreuse of Munnikhuizen near Arnheim. Geert stripped
himself at once of honours, prebends, and possessions and
entered seriously upon the practice of devout life. At this time
he also frequently visited the famous ascetic Ruysbroek, and no
doubt by the advice of this man of God he withdrew into the
monastery of Munnikhuizen, where he spent three years in
recollection and prayer. From his retreat he issued burning with
apostolic zeal. He had received the diaconate and licence to
preach in the Diocese of Utrecht wherever he wished. Young men
especially flocked to him in great numbers. Some of these he
sent to his schools, others he occupied at transcribing good
books, to all he taught thorough Christian piety. Florence
Radewyns, his favourite disciple, asked him one day: "Master,
why not put our efforts and earnings together, why not work and
pray together under the guidance of our Common Father?" In
perfect accord both set to work and founded at Zwolle the
"Brethren of the Common Life".
His fearless attacks on vice, which spared neither priest nor
monk, developed considerable opposition, which culminated in the
withdrawal of his licence to preach. He submitted to episcopal
authority, but applied to the Soveregin Pontiff for redress.
Henceforth his communities, which were spreading rapidly through
the Netherlands, Lower Germany, and Westphalia, claimed and
received all his attention. He contemplated organizing his
clerics into a community of canons regular, but it was left to
Radewyns, his successor, to realize this plan at Windesheim two
years later. Before the answer to his petition to the pope
arrived, Geert De Groote died from pestilence, contracted in
ministering to the sick. Groote was the first successful
practical mystic, who worked and prayed, and taught others to do
the same. He did much for literature in general, for the spread
of knowledge, and for the development of the vernacular in the
Netherlands and Germany. Of his biographies the "Vita Gerardi"
of Thomas `a Kempis still remains the best.
Kerkgesch, van Nederl.; DELPART, Broederschap van Geert Groot
(Arnheim, 1856); ACQUOY, Het Kloester te Windesheim; WEISS,
Weltgeschichte, vol. VI (Graz and Leipzig, 1894).
CHARLES B. SCHRANTZ
John Gropper
John Gropper
An eminent jurist and theologian, b. 24 Feb., 1503, at Soest,
Westphalia; d. at Rome, 13 March, 1559. On the completion of his
classical studies in his native place, he entered at the age of
fourteen the University of Cologne to take up the study of
jurisprudence, and there on 7 Nov., 1525, received the degree of
Doctor of Civil Law. The following year he received the office
of official sealer in the electoral municipality of Cologne. The
religious questions of the day, consequent upon the doctrines of
the reformers, now led him to apply himself to the study of
theology, and in a short time he had acquired, "privately and
without a master", such an extensive knowledge of that science
that he became known as the "os cleri Coloniensis". In 1522, he
was made canon at Kanten, and then successively dean, canon, and
finally pastor and dean of Soest. His learning, eloquence, and
charity towards the poor elicited admiration from friends and
enemies. He supported Archbishop Hermann V of Wied in the
reorganization and and adjustment of the ecclesiastical and
civil law in the electoral province, and was the first to
determine the jurisdiction of the archiepiscopate
(Jurisdictionis ecclesiasticae archiepiscopalis Curiae
Coloniensis reformatio, Cologne, 1529). In 1530 he accompanied
the archbishop as assistant counsellor to the Diet of Augsbug,
where, with Arnold of Wesel and Bernard of Hagen, he came into
closer relationship with Melanchthon. To combat more effectually
the errors of the Reformers, the archbishop decided upon a
Provincial synod to be held in Cologne in 1536, and, to insure
the best possible results, entrusted the preparation of the
decrees to Gropper. The latter performed the task with great
credit to himself, and formulated the old canonical regulations
regarding the duties of the secular and regular clergy with such
clearness and precision that the synod approved his proposals
with but slight changes and requested him to compose an
enchiridion which would contain at once the canons ard a
commentary on them (Institutio compendiaria doctrinae
christianae, Cologne, 1538). Other editions appeared simply
under the title "Enchiridion" (Paris, 1541, 1550). In it the
author gives an exposition of the Apostles' Creed, the Seven
Sacraments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Decalogue.
Notwithstanding the fact however that the work was placed on the
index of prohibited books by Clement VIII, because of the
author's adoption of a twofold formal cause of justification,
namely the "justitia inhaerens" and the "justitia imputata", it
was nevertheless received by many with enthusiastic approbation.
It was sanctioned by the theologians of Cologne, and Cardinals
Contarini, Pole, and Morone looked upon it as particularly
adapted to bring about a reconciliation of the sects with Rome.
At the Congress of Hagenau, in 1540, Gropper, at the instance of
Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, entered into conciliatory
negotiations with Bucer, which were continued at Worms and at
the religious discussions in Ratisbon; but, while an apparent
union was effected on the questions of grace and justification,
in regard to the authority of the Church and the doctrine of the
Eucharist no reconciliation was attempted. While Gropper no
doubt accomplished much good by his opposition to the
innovations of the reformers, it is but too evident that his
zeal for union sometimes led him to sacrifice Catholic
principles.
When, however, the Council of Trent defined the Catholic
doctrine of justification, he at once submitted to its decision.
In the meantime the archbishop himself gradually abandoned the
Catholic faith and allowed the new doctrines to be preached in
his diocese. He engaged Bucer and, later, Melanchthon to draw up
plans for a complete reformation of the diocese on Protestant
principles. In this critical moment Gropper published his
"Antididagma seu christianae et catholicae religionis
propuguatio" (Cologne, 1544), in which he vigorously defends the
Catholic Faith and refutes the errors of the reformers, at the
same time requesting the deposition of the archbishop from his
see. With this Paul III complied on 16 April, 1546, and his
successor in the electrorate of Cologne appointed the cadjurator
archbishop Adolph III of Schauenburg, who, with the assistance
of Gropper, succeeded in expelling from the diocese the
Protestant preachers and restoring the Catholic religion. In
recompense for his services to the Church, the pope appointed
Gropper Provost of Bonn. In 1561 he accompanied his archbishop
to the Council of Brent, where he assisted at numerous sessions
and delivered the discourse, "De appellationum abusu" (Cologne,
1552). On 20 Jan., 1556, Paul IV created him Cardinal-Deacon of
Santa Lucia in Silice. This honour he accepted with great
reluctance; neither did he proceed to Rome till the
Protestant-minded John Gebhard of Mansfeld was appointed
archbishop in 1558. His death occurred at Rome, and the pope
himself preached the funeral oration. Among Gropper's other
publications may be mentioned: "Formula examinandi designatos
seu praesentatos ad ecclesias parochiales" (Cologne, 1552);
"Manuale pro administratione sacramentorum" etc. (Cologne,
1550); "Vonn Warer, Wesenlicher vnd Pleibender Gegenwertigkeit
des Leybs vnd Bluts Christi nach beschener Consecration"
(Cologne, 1548).
JOSEPH SCHROEDER
Robert Grosseteste
Robert Grosseteste
Bishop of Lincoln and one of the most learned men of the Middle
Ages; b. about 1175; d. 9 October, 1253. He came from Stradbroke
in the county of Suffolk. Little is known of his family, but it
was certainly a poor one. His name is probably a family name.
The first definite date which we can connect with his life, is
that of a letter written in 1199 by Giraldus Cambrensis to
recommend him to the Bishop of Hereford. Giraldus spoke of his
knowledge of the liberal arts and of literature, and of his
excellent character and industry. We may also gather from this
letter, that he was acquainted with law and medicine. If he was
in 1199 a "master" of such distinction he must have gone to the
young, but already very flourishing, University of Oxford not
later than 1192 or 1193. That he afterwards studied and taught
theology in Paris is intrinsically probable, and is indirectly
confirmed by a local tradition, by his intimacy with a number of
French ecclesiastics and with the details of the Paris
curriculum, and perhaps, for a man of his origin, by his
knowledge of French. One of the most popular of the many
writings attributed to him was a French religious romance, the
"Chasteau d'Amour". He was back, however, at Oxford fairly early
in the thirteenth century, and, with the possible exception of a
second visit to Paris, he seems to have remained there till his
election as bishop in 1235. Dignities and preferments soon began
to flow in upon the most distinguished of the Oxford masters. He
was for a time (the exact dates are uncertain) head of the
university, either as chancellor or with the more modest title
of "master of the schools". His practical abilities led to his
being appointed successively to no less than four
archdeaconries. He held several livings and a prebend at
Lincoln. Pluralism of this kind was not uncommon in the
thirteenth century, but an illness which came upon him in 1232
led to his resigning all his preferments except the Lincoln
prebend. He was moved to this act mainly by a deepened religious
fervour which had aroused his scruples and by a real love of
poverty. In 1235 he was freely elected to the Bishopric of
Lincoln, the most populous diocese in England, and he was
consecrated in the abbey church of Reading., in June of the
following year, by St. Edmund Rich, Archbishop of Canterbury.
Grosseteste was a man of such varied interests and his career
was so many-sided that it will be better to touch separately on
his numerous activities than to attempt a chronological account
of his life. His work as a teacher, a philosopher, and a man of
learning, is naturally more especially connected with his Oxford
career, but his episcopal duties, so zealously performed, did
not diminish his scholarly interests, while the fact that Oxford
was in his diocese, and in a sense under his government, kept
him in the closest touch with the university. He repeatedly
intervened in university affairs, settled questions of
discipline and administration, and contributed to those early
regulations and statutes which determined the constitution and
character of Oxford. It is not easy to define exactly
Grosseteste's position in the history of thirteenth century
thought. Though he was from many points of view a schoolman, his
interests lay rather in moral questions than in logical or
metaphysical. In his lectures he laid more stress on the study
of Scripture than on intellectual speculation. His real
originality lay in his effort to get at the original
authorities, and in his insistence on experiment in science. It
was this which drew from Roger Bacon the many expressions of
enthusiastic admiration which are to be found in his works. In
the "Opus Tertium" he says: "No one really knew the sciences,
except the Lord Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, by reason of his
length of life and experience, as well as of his studiousness
and zeal. He knew mathematics and perspective, and there was
nothing which he was unable to know, and at the same time he was
sufficiently acquainted with languages to be able to understand
the saints and the philosophers and the wise men of antiquity."
In theology proper we have the titles of between two and three
hundred sermons and discourses of Grosseteste and of more than
sixty treatises. There are commentaries on the Gospels, and on
some of the books of the Old Testament, as well as an
interesting collection of "Dicta", or notes for lectures and
sermons. His Aristotelean studies were considerable. His
commentaries on the logical works were repeatedly printed in the
sixteenth century. His most valuable contributions, however, to
the knowledge of Aristotle and to medieval philosophy were the
translations which he procured from the original Greek. The
"Eudemian Ethics" he commented on while at Oxford, and in the
lasts years of his life he was occupied with a translation of
the "Nicomachean".
More original still were his studies in Christian antiquities.
He had translations made of the "Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs" and of some of the writings of Dionysius the
Areopagite, though no doubt he thought that in both cases the
attributions were genuine. His translation of the Epistles of
St. Ignatius is a work of permanent value, so important indeed
as to lead a recent writer, James (Cambridge Modern History, I,
587), to date from Grosseteste's studies the first beginnings of
the "Christian Renaissance". In addition to this knowledge of
Greek, he was also partly acquainted with Hebrew, a rare
accomplishment in the thirteenth century. Besides being learned
in the liberal arts, Grosseteste had an unusual interest in
mathematical and scientific questions. He wrote a commentary on
the "Physics" of Aristotle; and his own scientific works
included studies in meteorology, light, colour, and optics.
Amongst his mathematical works was a criticism of the Julian
calendar, in which he pointed out the necessity for the changes
introduced in the Gregorian. He attempted a classification of
the various forms of knowledge; and few indeed, among his
contemporaries, can have had a more encyclopedic range. Nor did
he neglect the practical side of life. He had Walter of Henley's
"Treatise on Husbandry" translated from the Latin, and drew up
himself some rules on estate management, known as "Les Reules
Seynt Robert", which throw much light on the agricultural
conditions of the time. Finally, lest we should think that the
claims of art had been neglected, his contemporaries celebrate
his love of music. It is not surprising that Grosseteste's
reputation as a philosopher and a universal genius long survived
him. Few thirteenth-century writers are as frequently quoted as
"Robertus Lincolniensis", and even after the invention of
printing many of his writings were issued and re-issued,
especially by the presses of Italy. His scientific interests
naturally won for him in a later age the compliment of being
popularly spoken of as a magician.
It was while at Oxford that Grosseteste formed an intimate and
lifelong friendship with the newly arrived Franciscans. It is
quite possible that he was chancellor when the friars first came
to Oxford, the Dominicans in 1221 and the Franciscans three
years later; he at any rate befriended the latter in a very
practical manner by being the first lecturer in the school which
was one of the earliest of their very simple buildings. Short of
becoming a friar himself, as indeed he at one time thought of
doing, he could not have identified himself more closely with
the sons of St. Francis, and his influence with them was
proportionately great. He must have helped to give the English
Franciscans that devotion to learning which was one of their
most distinguishing characteristics, and which affected the
whole history of the order. Though it was contrary to their
founder's own ideal of "poverty", the friars without it would
have lost a most powerful means of influencing a century in
which intellectual interests played so large a part. Grosseteste
and the Friars Minor were inseparable for the rest of his life.
The most intimate of his friends was Adam Marsh, the first
Franciscan to lecture at Oxford, a man of great learning and an
ardent reformer. Adam's letters to his friends give us much
valuable information about Grosseteste, but unfortunately the
answers have not been preserved. The Bishop of Lincoln could do
even more for the friars than the Chancellor of Oxford. He
extended the sphere of their evangelizing work, and facilitated
the relations, at times a difficult enough task to perform,
between the secular and monastic clergy and the Franciscans. In
a letter to Gregory IX he spoke enthusiastically of the
inestimable benefits which the friars had conferred on England,
and of the devotion and humility with which the people flocked
to hear the word of life from them. The diocese which for
eighteen years Grosseteste administered was the largest in
England; it extended from the Humber to the Thames, and included
no less than nine counties; and the work of government and
reform was rendered particularly difficult by the litigious
character of the age. In every direction the bishop would find
powerful corporations exceedingly tenacious in their rights.
From the very first he revived the practice of visitations, and
made them exceedingly searching. His circular letters to his
archdeacons, and his constitutions enlighten us on the many
reforms which he considered necessary both for the clergy and
their flocks.
These visitations, however, brought the bishop into conflict
with the dean and chapter, who claimed exemption for themselves
and their churches. The dispute broke out in 1239 and lasted six
years. Grosseteste discussed the whole question of episcopal
authority in a long letter (Letter cxxvii, "Rob. Grosseteste
Epistolae", Rolls Series, 1861) to the dean and chapter, and was
forced to suspend and ultimately to deprive the dean, while the
canons refused to attend in the chapter house. There were
appeals to the pope and counter appeals and several attempts at
arbitration. Eventually, Innocent IV settled the question, in
the bishop's favour, at Lyons in 1245. The visitations affected
the majority of the numerous religious houses in the diocese as
well as the secular clergy, and in his very first tour
Grosseteste deposed seven abbots and five priors. Only in one of
these cases was there any moral turpitude involved, and indeed
he seldom complains of the moral conduct of the monks; his chief
grievance against them was connected with their control over the
parishes. Even in the twelfth century more than two-thirds of
the parish churches are said to have been under the control of
the monasteries, and in many cases the latter made merely
temporary and uncertain arrangements for the care of souls.
Grosseteste made it his object to insist on a worthy and
resident parish clergy by compelling the monasteries to appoint
and pay permanent vicars. Throughout his whole episcopacy this
question occupied much of his energy. His greatest difficulty
was with the Cistercian houses, which were exempt from his
rights of visitation, and a desire to remedy this state of
affairs was one of the reasons which induced him to visit the
pope at Lyons in 1250.
His efforts were partially successful, but the rigour with which
he visited the monasteries and nunneries under his rule led the
St. Alban's chronicler, Matthew Paris, to call him a "persecutor
of monks"; and it is probable that at times he was unnecessarily
severe. In 1243, during a vacancy of the archiepiscopal see, the
monks of Christ Church, Canterbury, actually excommunicated him.
Though he treated the sentence with contempt, he had again to
get the pope's assistance to bring the dispute to an end.
The reputation which Grosseteste has acquired since the
Reformation has been due in large part to his relations with the
papacy. That he opposed to the utmost of his power the abuses of
the papal administration is certain, but a study of his letters
and writings should long ago have destroyed the myth that he
disputed the plena potestas of the popes. This error, which has
been common among non-Catholic writers from Wyclif till recent
years, can partly, however, be explained by the exaggerations
and inventions of Matthew Paris, and by a confusion of two men
having the same name. The letter in which Grosseteste expressed
most strongly his resistance to what he considered the
unrighteous demands of the pope was addressed to "Master
Innocent". It was assumed even by Dr. Luard, the editor of
Grosseteste's letters, in the Rolls Series, that this
correspondent was Innocent IV, whereas as a matter of fact he
was one of the pope's secretaries then resident in England. It
is, however, admitted by all recent historians that Grosseteste
never denied the pope's authority as Vicar of Christ and Head of
the Church. What he did maintain was that the power of the Holy
See was "for edification and not for destruction", that the
commands of the pope could never transgress the limits laid down
by the law of God, and that it was his duty, as bishop, to
resist an order that was "for manifest destruction". In such a
case "out of filial reverence and obedience I disobey, resist,
and rebel". It is impossible to discuss here, or even to
enumerate, the abuses which drew so strong an expression of his
position from a man who had constantly shown his devotion to the
papacy. The English people at large complained chiefly of the
enormous revenue which the pope and the Italians drew from the
country; Grosseteste, however, fully realized how necessary it
was to support the papacy against the Emperor Frederick II, and
his objection was chiefly to the manner in which much of this
revenue was raised, the appointment of papal partisans in Italy
to English benefices and preferments. Such a practice
necessarily involved much spiritual damage, and was consistently
resisted by the bishop. He felt, also, very deeply the abuses of
the Curia, and the ease with which exemptions and privileges
which counteracted his own reforms could be obtained from Rome
by means of pecuniary supply. On the other hand, he himself
constantly appealed to Rome, and frequently received papal
support.
He visited the court of Innocent IV on two occasions: in 1245,
when he attended the General Council at Lyons, and for the
second time in 1250, when he came to beg the pope's help in his
many difficulties. This time the aged bishop (he must have been
about seventy-five), more zealous than ever for ecclesiastical
reform, but troubled to the depths of his soul by the royal
misgovernment, the resistance of the regulars to his measures,
the difficulty of reforming the seculars, the financial demands
of the Curia, which had not diminished with the defeat of
Frederick, and finally by a quarrel in which he had been
involved with his own archbishop, read out in the presence of
the pope and cardinals an impressive recital of the evils of the
time and a protest against the abuses of the Curia, "the cause
and origin of all this". Innocent listened without interruption,
and probably had some previous knowledge of the attack which the
bishop intended to make upon his court. The last case in which
Grosseteste refused to obey a papal order called forth the
letter to "Master Innocent" which has been already mentioned. In
the last year of his life Grosseteste received a letter which
notified him that the Holy See had conferred a vacant canonry at
Lincoln on the pope's nephew, Frederick di Lavagna, and had
furthermore threatened excommunication against anyone who should
oppose his installation. The bishop's refusal to acknowledge the
papal choice, and the terms in which it was expressed, led to
the report, quite unfounded, that he had actually been
excommunicated before his death; and to much fanciful history on
the part of Matthew Paris. As a matter of fact the protest was
partly successful; in November, 1253, Innocent IV issued a Bull,
restoring to the English ecclesiastical authorities their full
rights of election and presentation.
The Bishop of Lincoln held a high position in the State, but his
relations with the civil authorities were unusually difficult,
as he had to carry out the duties of his office during such a
period of misgovernment as the reign of Henry III. Personally,
he was usually on friendly terms with the king and his family;
but he was often in opposition to the royal policy, both in
ecclesiastical and civil matters, and threatened on one occasion
to lay the king's chapel under an interdict. Grosseteste's
attitude on the question of ecclesiastical privilege was much
the same as that adopted by St. Thomas. He took a prominent and
sometimes a leading part in the constitutional opposition to
Henry, and in 1244 was one of the committee of twelve nominated
by Parliament to draw up a list of reforms. When, in 1252, the
charters were solemnly confirmed, and a sentence of
excommunication pronounced against anyone who should violate
them, Grosseteste had the sentence read out to the people in
every parish of his diocese. His friendship with Simon de
Montfort was one of intimacy and long standing, and was
celebrated in contemporary popular songs. It was of moment in
confirming Simon in that devotion to national interests which
distinguished him later from the other leaders of the baronial
opposition. Grosseteste before his death was full of anxiety for
the state of the country and dread for the civil war which was
so soon to break out. He was buried in his cathedral. Very soon
he was regarded almost universally in England as a saint. The
chroniclers tell of miracles at his tomb, and pilgrims visited
it. Early in the following century a Bishop of Lincoln granted
them an indulgence. Efforts were made by different prelates, by
Edward I, and by the University of Oxford to procure his
canonization by the pope, but they were all unsuccessful.
Besides MATTHEW PARISH, whose monastic and anti-papal bias must
never be forgotten, and the other chroniclers, the chief
materials for Grosseteste's life are to be found in his Letters
(Roberti Grosseteste Epistolae, Rolls Series, ed. LUARD, 1861),
in Monumenta Fraciscana, I (Rolls Series, ed. BREWER, in 1858),
which contain Adam Marsh's letters, and in the Calendar of Papal
Registers, ed. BLISS. The most important modern authorities are
LUARD's Preface to the Letters; FELTEN, Robert Grosseteste,
Bischof von Lincoln (Freiburg, 1887); STEVENSON, Robert
Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (London, 1899), a most impartial
work, which supersedes PERRY's rather biased Life and Times of
Robert Grosseteste (1871). See also POHLE in Kirchenlex., s. v.
Information of Grosseteste's Oxford career can be obtained from
RASHDALL, Universities of Europe during the Middle Ages; LITTLE,
Grey Friars at Oxford; and FELDER, Geschichte d. wissenschaftl.
Studien im Franziskaner-Orden (Freiburg, 1904), 260 sqq. For a
list of the printed editions of his works see LUARD in Dict.
Nat. Biog., s. v.
F.F. URQUHART
Grosseto
Grosseto
(Grossetana)
Grosseto, suffragan diocese of Siena, has for its episcopal city
the capital of the provence of Grosseto in Tuscany. Grosseto is
situated at the mouth of the Ombrone, in the unhealthy Maremma
country. It is first mentioned in 803 as a fief of the Counts
Aldobrandeschi. It grew in importance with years, owing to the
decay of Rusellae and Vetulonia. The ruins of the former are
still to be seen, about five miles from Grosseto -- cyclopean
walls four miles in circumference, and sulphur baths, which in
the last century were restored for medicinal uses. There was
formerly an amphitheatre. Grosseto was one of the principal
Etruscan cities. In 1137 it was besieged by Henry of Bavaria,
envoy to Lothair III. In 1224 the Sienese captured it and were
legally invested with it by the imperial vicar; thus Grosseto
shared the fortuned of Siena. It became an important stronghold,
and the fortress (rocca), the walls, and bastions are still to
be seen. In 1266, and again in 1355, it sought freedom from the
overlordship of Siena, but in vain. The Romanesque cathedral was
completed in 1295 and restored in 1846. It was the work of Sozo
Rustichini of Siena. The fac,ade consists of alternate layers of
white and black marble. The campanile dates from 1402, and the
wondrously carved baptismal font from 1470.
Rusellae was an episcopal city from the fifth century. St.
Gregory the Great commended to the spiritual care of Balbinus,
Bishop of Rusellae, the inhabitants of Vetulonia. In 1138
Innocent II transferred the see to Grosseto, and Rolando, Bishop
of Rusellae, became the Bishop of Grosseto. Among his successors
were: Fra Bartolommeo da Amelia (1278), employed by the popes on
many legations; Angelo Pattaroli (1330), a saintly Dominican;
Cardinal Raffaele Petrucci (1497), a native of Siena and lord of
that city, hated alike for his cupidity and his worldly mode of
life; Ferdinand Cardinal Ponzetti (1522), a learned man but fond
of wealth; Marcantonio Campeggio (1528), who was distinguished
at the Council of Trent. From 1858 to 1867, for political and
economical reasons, the see remained vacant. The diocese
contains 26 parishes and numbers 30,250 faithful. It has two
religious houses and one convent for girls.
Cappelletti, Le chiese d'Italia, XVII (1862), 633 -- 77;
Cognacci, Scritti, Scrittori, e uomini celebri della provencia
di Grosseto (Grosseto, 1874).
U. BENIGNI
Grosswardein
Grosswardein
(Hung, Nagy-Varad; Magno-Varadinensis)
A diocese of the Latin Rite in Hungary, suffragan of
Kalocsa-Bacs. It includes the whole of the Counties of Bihar and
Szilagy, parts of Bekes and Szatmar, and the city of Debreczin.
The see is divided into four archidiaconates, that of the
cathedral and those of Bekes, Kraszna, and Mittle-Szolnok, and
twelve vice-archidiaconates. The diocese includes 1 abbey, 16
titular abbeys, 3 provostships, and 15 titular provostships, 66
parishes, and 193 clergy. Patronage, in the hands of 26 patrons,
is exercised over 65 benefices. The training of the clergy takes
place in the seminary at Grosswardein and in the central
ecclesiastical seminary at Budapest. In 1908 the total number of
seminarians was 26 theologians, there being three clerics
attending the gymnasium. The total population of the diocese is
(1908) 1,157,160, of whom 161,293 are Roman Catholics, 165168
Greek Catholics, 215,710 Orthodox Greeks, 105,439 disciples of
Augustine of Bohemia, 453,853 of the Helvetic Confession, 1261
Unitarians, 52,688 Jews, and 1748 professing other creeds. There
are 269 Greek Catholic churches and twenty-four convents of men
and women, having in all 307 members.
The foundation of the see is ascribed by the historian Georg
Pray to St. Stephen; the seat of the diocese, however, was then
Byhor (Bihar), whence it was transferred by the saintly King
Ladislaus to Grosswardein. However that may be, the statutes of
the chapter of 1370 explicitly attribute the founding of the see
to St. Ladislaus. The year 1083 is the accepted date of the
foundation. The patron of the diocese is the sainted King
Ladislaus. Sixtus (1103-1113) is said to have been the first
bishop. In 1241, the bishopric and the city were devastated by
the Tartars. However, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
the diocese developed very considerably, and as early as the
fourteenth century embraced six archidiaconates, with over 300
parishes. Bishop Andreas Bathori (1329-1345) rebuilt the
cathedral in Gothic style. Jotram (1383-1395) erected the famous
equestrian statue of King Ladislaus. >From that epoch dates
also the Hermes, now preserved at Gyoer, which contains the
skull of King Ladislaus, and which is a masterpiece of the
Hungarian goldsmith's art. Bishop Johann Vitiz von Zredna
(1445-1465) was one of the most distinguished and active
promoters of Humanism in Hungary. The political dissolution
following the battle of Mohacs in 1526 and the aggressiveness of
Protestantism caused the rapid decline of the diocese. After the
death of Georg Utiessenovicz-Martinuzzi (1535-1551), the
greatest of the bishops of Grosswardein and the partisan of
Queen Isabella and King John, the see still deteriorated.
Protestantism continually gained in extent, and even the
establishment of the Jesuits at Grosswardein in 1579 could not
save the Catholic religion in the diocese from ruin. In 1606 the
last Catholic priest left the city of Grosswardein. The old
cathedral fell into disrepair, and in 1618 the walls which still
stood were torn down by Gabriel Bethlen. In 1660 Grosswardein
was conquered by the Turks and ruled by them until 1692. Upon
their departure, the reorganization of the diocese was begun
under Bishop Gosf Emerich Csaky (1702-1732). The foundation
stone of the present cathedral was laid in 1752 by Bishop Gosf
Paul Forgach (1747-1757). From that time onwards the condition
of the Catholic religion improved.
The Greek Catholic diocese of Grosswardein was founded in 1777,
the faithful of that Rite having been up to that time under the
jurisdiction of the Latin bishop. Originally the see was a
suffragan of Gran; when, however, in 1853 the Greek Catholic
Diocese of Fogaras became the Archdiocese of Fogaras and Alba
Julia, the Diocese of Grosswardein was transferred to its
jurisdiction. The see is divided into six archidiaconates and
nineteen vice-archidiaconates. There are (1906) one hundred and
seventy parishes. The right of patronage is exercised in
ninety-four parishes by twelve patrons.
Schematismus venerabilis cleri di c. Magno-Varadinensis
latinorum pro 1908; Bunziky, Geschichte des Bistums von Varad,
I-III (Grosswardein, 1883-84); Das katholische Ungarn (Budapest,
1902); the two last works are in Hungarian.
A. ALDASY
Abbey of Grottaferrata
Abbey of Grottaferrata
(Lat. Crypta ferrata.)
A Basilian monastery near Rome, sometimes said to occupy the
site of Cicero's Tusculanum and situated on the lower slopes of
the Alban hills, in the Diocese of Frascati, two and a half
miles from the town itself. The monastery was founded in 1004 by
St. Nilus, sometimes called "the Younger" or "of Rossano". This
abbot, a Calabrian Greek, and hence a subject of the Byzantine
Empire, had left Rossano in 980 to avoid the inroads of the
Saracens and with his community had spent the intervening years
in various monasteries without finding a permanent home. The
legend narrates that, at the spot where the abbey now stands,
Our Lady appeared and bade him found a church in her honour.
From Gregory, the powerful Count of Tusculum, father of Popes
Benedict VIII and John XIX, Nilus obtained the site, but died
soon afterwards (26 Dec., 1005). The building was carried out by
his successors, especially the fourth abbot, St. Bartholomew,
who, is usually accounted the second founder. The abbey has had
a troubled history. The high repute of the monks attracted many
gifts; its possessions were numerous and widespread, and in 1131
King Roger of Sicily made the abbot Baron of Rossano with an
extensive fief. Between the twelfth century and the fifteenth
the monastery suffered much from the continual strife of warring
factions: Romans and Tusculans, Guelphs and Ghibellines, pope
and antipope, Colonna and Orsini. From 1163 till the destruction
of Tusculum, in 1191, the greater part of the community sought
refuge in a dependency of the Benedictine protocaenobium of
Subiaco. In the middle of the thirteeth century the Emperor
Frederick II made the abbey his headquarters during the siege of
Rome, in 1378 Breton and Gascon mercenaries held it for the
antipope Clement VII; and the fifteenth century saw the bloody
feuds of the Colonnas and the Orsini raging round tile walls.
Hence in 1432 the humanist Ambrogio Traversari tells us that it
bore the appearance of a barrack rather than of a monastery. In
1462 began a line of commendatory abbots, fifteen in number, of
whom all but one were cardinals.
The most distinguished were the Greek Bessarion, Giulio della
Rovere (afterwards Julius II, and the last of the line, Cardinal
Consalvi, secretary of state to Pius VII. Bessarion, himself a
Basilian monk, increased the scanty and impoverished community
and restored the church; Cardinal Giulio della Rovere, from more
selfish motives, erected the Castello and surrounded the whole
monastery with the imposing fortifications that still exist.
Till 1608 the community was ruled by priors dependent on the
commendatories, but in that year Grottaferrata became a member
of the Basilian congregation founded by Gregory XIII, the
revenues of the community were separated from those of the
commendatories, and the first of a series of triennial regular
abbots was appointed. The triennial system survived the
suppression of the Commendam and lasted till the end of last
century, with one break from 1834 to 1870, when priors were
appointed by the Holy See. In 1901 new constitutions came into
force and Arsenio Pellegrini was installed as the first
perpetual regular abbot since 1462.
The Greek Rite which was brought to Grottaferrata by St. Nilus
had lost its native character by the end of the twelfth century,
and gradually became more and more latinized, but was restored
by order of Leo XIII in 1881 (see Rocchi, "Badia", cap. iv). The
Basilian abbey has always been a home of Greek learning, and
Greek hymnography flourished there long after the art had died
out within the Byzantine Empire. Monastic studies were revived
under Cardinal Bessarion and again in 1608. The best known of
modern Basilian writers is the late Abbot Cozza Luzi (d. 1905),
the continuator of Cardinal Mai's "Nova Bibliotheca Patrum". Of
the church consecrated by John XIX, in 1024, little can be seen
except the mosaics in the narthex and over the triumphal arch,
the medieval structures having been covered or destroyed during
the "restorations" of various commendatory abbots. Domenichino's
famous frescoes, due to Cardinal Odoardo Farnese, are still to
be seen in the chapel of St. Nilus. In 1904 the ninth centenary
of the foundation of the abbey was marked by a judicious but
partial restoration, the discovery of some fragmentary
thirteenth century frescoes and an exhibition of Byzantine art.
The monastery has been exempt from episcopal jurisdiction since
the days of Calixtus II, but its claims to the dignity of an
abbey nullius were disallowed by Benedict. In 1874 the building
was declared a national monument and in 1903 the church received
the rank of a Roman basilica.
RAYMUND WEBSTER
Johann Grueber
Johann Grueber
A German Jesuit missionary in China and noted explorer of the
seventeenth century; b. at Linz, 28 October, 1623; d. in 1665.
He joined the Society of Jesus in 1641, and went to China in
1656, where he was active at the court of Peking as professor of
mathematics and assistant to Father Adam Schall von Bell. In
1661 his superiors sent him, together with the Belgian Father
Albert de Dorville (D'Orville), to Rome on business concerning
the order. As it was impossible to journey by sea on account of
the blockade of Macao by the Dutch, they conceived the daring
idea of going overland to India by way of China and Thibet. This
led to Grueber's memorable journey (Dorville died on the way),
which won him fame as one of the most successful explorers of
the seventeenth century (Tonnier). They first travelled to
Sinning-fu, on the borders of Kan-su; thence, through the
Kukunor territory and Kalmuck Tartary (Desertum Kalnac), to the
"Holy City" of Lhasa in Thibet; crossed, amid countless
difficulties and hardships, the mountain passes of the
Himalayas; arrived at Nepal, and thence passed over the Ganges
plateau to Patna and Agra. This journey lasted two hundred and
fourteen days. Dorville died at Agra, a victim of the hardships
he had undergone. Grueber, accompained by a Sanskrit Scholar,
Father Henry Roth, followed the overland route through Asia and
succeeded in reaching Europe. His journey produced a sensation
similar to that aroused its our times by the explorations of
Sven Hedin. It showed the possibility of a direct overland
connection between China and India, and the value and
significance of the Himalayan passes. Tonnier says: "It is due
to Grueber's energy that Europe received the first correct
information concerning Thibet and its inhabitants". Although
Oderico of Pordenone had traversed Thibet, in 1327, and visited
Lhasa, he had not written any account of this journey. Antonio
de Andrada and Manuel Marquez had pushed their explorations as
far as Tsparang on the northern Setledj. In 1664 Grueber set out
to return to China, attempted to push his way through Russia,
was obliged to return, and then undertook the land route to
Asia. He was taken sick in Constantinople and died in Florence,
or, according to others, in Patak, Hungary.
An account of this first journey through Thibet in modern times
was published by Father Athanasius Kircher to whom Grueber had
left his journals and charts, which he had supplemented by
numerous verbal and written additions ("China illustrata",
Amsterdam, 1667, 64-67). In the French edition of "China"
(Amsterdam, 1670) is also incorporated a letter of Grueber
written to the Duke of Tuscany. For letters of Grueber see "Neue
Welt-Bott" (Augsburg and Gratz, 1726), no. 34; Thevenot (whose
acquaintance Grueber had made in Constantinople), "Divers
voyages curieux" (Paris, 1666, 1672, 1692), II; extracts in
Ritter, "Asien" (Berlin, 1833), II, 173; III, 453; IV, 88, 183;
Anzi, "II genio vagante" (Parma, 1692), III, 331-399.
CARLIERI, Notizie varie dell' Imperio della China (Florence,
1697); ASHLEY, Collection of voyages (London, 1745-47), IV,
651sq; MARKHAM, Narrative of the Mission of Boyle and Manning,
(London, 1876), 295 sq.; VON RICHTHOFEN, China (Berlin, 1877),
761, etc., with routes and plate, the best monograph; TONNIER,
die Durchquerung Tibets seitens der Jesuiten Joh. Grueber und
Albert de Dorville im Jahre 1661 in Zeitschr, d. Ges.fur
Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1904, pp. 328-361 (route shown on plate 8).
A. HUONDER
Anastasius Grun
Anastasius Gruen
A pseudonym for Anton Alexander (Maria), Count von Auersperg, an
Austrian poet; b. at Laibach in 1806. d. at Graz in 1876. He
received his earliest training at the Theresian academy, at
Vienna, and later studied philosophy and jurisprudence at Vienna
and Graz. From 1831 on he was occupied with the care of his
paternal estates at Thurn. Repeatedly he undertook journeys
through Italy, France, and England, until he married a Countess
in 1839. Henceforth he divided his time between his estates and
Vienna. In the meantime his poems had made him famous as a
charnpion of liberalism, and he had entered the political field.
In 1848 he was elected a member of the National Assembly at
Frankfort. Disappointed in his expectations, he withdrew and
retired to private life, from whence he did not emerge until
1830, when Austria had become a constitutional State. He was
appointed a life member of the Austrian Reichsrat serving at the
same time first as a member of the Carniolan and then of the
Styrian diet.
His first collection of lyric poems, "Blatter der Liebe",
appeared in 1830. This was followed by a romantic cycle, "Der
letzte Ritter" (Stuttgart, 1830), in praise of Emperor
Maximilian I. But fame came to from through his political poems,
the first collection of which appeared anonymously in 1831 under
the title of "Spaziergange eines Wiener Poeten". It was a severe
arraignment of the oppressive conditions prevailing under the
regime of Metternich, and created a sensation among all classes.
The next collection, "Schutt" ("Ruins"--1835), was also
political in tendency. Neither this nor the preceding collection
has won enduring fame. This Gruen owes rather to some of his
lyrics like "Das Blatt im Buche" and "Der letzte Dichter", which
appeared in "Gedichte" (Leipzig, 1837). His two humorous poems,
"Nibelungen im Frack" (1843) and "Der Pfaff vom Kahlenberg"
(1850) were never really popular. Other works of Gruen are the
"Volkslieder aus Krain" (Leipzig, 1850), a collection of
Slovenic folk-songs, and "Robin Hood" (Stuttgart, 1864), a free
rendering of old English ballads. His complete works were edited
by L. A. Frankl (Berlin, 1877, 5 vols.), new edition by Anton
Schlossar (Leipzig).
VON RADICS, A. Gruen und seine Heimath (Stuttgart, 1876); IDEM,
A. Gruen, Verschollenes und Vergilbtes aus dessen Leben und
Wirken (Leipzig, 1878); SCHATZMAYER, Anton Graf von Auereperg,
sein Leben und Dichten (2nd ed, Frankfort, 1872); SCHONBACH,
Anastasius Gruen in Gesammete Aufsatze zur neueren Litteratur in
Deutechland, Oesterreich, Amerika (Graz, 1900), pp. 174-185.
ARTHUR F.J. REMY
Guadalajara
Guadalajara
(Guadalaxara)
Archdiocese in Mexico, separated from the Diocese of Michoacan
by Paul III, 31 July, 1548. The residence of the bishop was
first fixed at Compostela, in the Province of Tepic, but in 1560
was transferred by Pius IV to Guadalajara. Since its foundation
the see has had a cathedral chapter, of twenty-seven members
between 1830 and 1850, but at present (1908) they number only
seventeen. The present cathedral was begun in 1571, completed
and dedicated in 1618, and consecrated in 1716. It contains a
celebrated painting by Murillo.
Among its notable bishops was the Dominican missionary, Felipe
Galindo y Chavez, who was consecrated in 1695, and died in 1702.
He founded in 1699 the diocesan seminary and gave it its
constitution and a library. The same prelate exerted his
influence towards securing the foundation of a university,
entrusted the missions of Lower California to the Jesuits, and
made two visitations of the diocese as far as the neighbourhood
of Coahuila. Nicolas Carlos Gomez de Cervantes, a canon of
Mexico, consecrated Bishop of Guatamala in 1723, was transferred
to Guadalajara in 1725 and died in 1734. He made a visitation of
the whole diocese, strengthened the Jesuits in the California
missions, founded in Texas the parish of San Antonio de Bexar,
and assisted in building convents for the Dominican and
Augustinian nuns. The Franciscan Francisco de S. Buenaventura
Martinez de Texada Diez de Velasco was the first Auxiliary
Bishop of Cuba and built the parish church of St. Augustine,
Florida; later he became Bishop of Yucatan (1745), and was
transferred to Guadalajara in 1752. He twice visited the whole
of his diocese, made generous donations of church ornaments and
sacred vessels to indigent parishes, and aided in the erection
of many churches. He died in 1760. The Dominican Antonio
Alcalde, born in 1701, a lector in arts, master of students,
lector in theology for twenty-six years, and prior of several
convents of his order, became Bishop of Yucatan in 1763, and was
transferred to Guadalajara in 1771. There he founded the
university and a hospital (S. Miguel de Belen) for five hundred
sick poor; he also improved the standard of teaching in the
seminary and in the college of S. Juan Bautista, founded and
endowed the girls college called El Beaterio, and placed it
under the care of religious women. It was this bishop who built
the sanctuary of Guadalupe, and left funds to defray there the
expenses of worship. Another very large bequest left by him was
for the building of the cathedral parish church. He introduced
various industries to improve the condition of the poor, and
during the great famine (1786) supported a multitude of
destitute persons. After spending $1,097,000 on good works in
his diocese, he died, 7 August, 1793, a poor man -- "the father
of the poor and benefactor of learning".
Juan Cruz Ruiz de Cabanas, rector of the seminary of Burgos
(Spain), became Bishop of Nicaragua in 1794, and of Guadalajara
in 1796. He gave new constitutions to the seminary and founded
there new classes, also the clerical college and the hospice for
the poor, established moral conferences for the clergy, fostered
agriculture and the fine arts, and was instrumental in
popularizing the practice of vaccination. It was he who crowned
Iturbide emperor in 1824.
Pedro Espinosa, born in 1793, was rector of the seminary and of
the university, and a dignitary of the cathedral, became Bishop
of Guadalajara in 1854, and archbishop in 1863. He was
persecuted on account of his vigorous defence of the rights of
the Church, being banished for that reason by the Liberal
Government. He placed the charitable institutions under the care
of the Sisters of Charity. Pedro Loza, Bishop of Sonora in 1852,
became Archbishop of Guadalajara in 1868, assisted at the
Council of the Vatican, and died in 1898. He was the initiator
of the system of free parochial primary schools; he improved the
seminary to a remarkable degree, gave it its present building,
ordained 536 priests, and built the churches of Nuestra Senora
de los Dolores and San Jose.
The population of the diocese is about 1,200,000; it contains 83
parishes, 5 of which are in the episcopal city. The once
numerous convents of Franciscans, Dominicans, Mercedarians,
Augustinians, Carmelites, and Oratorians were suppressed by the
Liberals; the Government, assuming the rights of ownership of
the conventional buildings, converted most of them into barracks
and afterwards alienated the remainder. Some of the Franciscans,
Augustinian, and Mercedarian religious remained as chaplains of
the churches that had been their own. In the ancient convent
building of the Friars Minor at Zapopan there is a college for
young men under the direction of Franciscans. The Jesuits,
expelled by Charles III of Spain (1767), did not return until
1906, when they founded a college in the city of Guadalajara.
The Religious of the Sacred Heart have for some years carried on
a girls'school. The seminary, having, in consequence of Liberal
legislation, lost its own building, acquired the old convent of
Santa Monica, which Archbishop Loza began to rebuild in 1891.
Besides many other illustrious ecclesiastics, no fewer than
thirty-one bishops have been trained in this establishment,
which has now (1908) 1000 students. In the cities of Zapotlan
and San Juan de los Lagos there are auxiliary seminaries. Free
primary instruction is established in all the parishes of the
archdiocese. At Guadalajara there is a female normal school
under ecclesiastical supervision, also several hospitals and
orphan asylums supported by charity. The hospital and endowments
of S. Miguel de Belen and the hospice for the poor, foundations
of former bishops, were siezed by the Liberals.
Vera, Catecismo Geografico-Historico-Estadistisco de la Iglesia
Mexicana (Amecameca, 1881); Lorenzana, Concilios Provinciales
Primero y Secundo celebrados en la Ciudad de Mexico (Mexico,
1769); Santoscoy, Memoria presentada en el Concurso Literario y
Artistico, con que se celebro el primer Centenario de la muerte
del Ilmo. Sr. D. Fray Antonio Alcalde(Guadalajara, 1893); Idem,
Catalogo biografico de los Prelados que han regido la Iglesia de
Guadalajara, de los han sido sus hijos o sus domiciliados, y de
las Diocesis que ha producido (Guadalajara), Verdia, Vida del
Ilmo. Sr. Alcalde (Guadalajara, 1892); Traslacion de los restos
del Ilmo. Sr. Espinosa, y oraciones funebres (Guadalajara,
1876); Santoscoy, Exequias y Biografia del Ilmo. Sr. Arzbpo. D.
Pedro Loza (Guadalajara, 1898); Padilla, Historia de Provincia
de la Nueva Galicia(Mexico, 1870); Tello, Cronica Miscelanea de
la Santa Provincia de Xalisco (Guadalajara, 1891); Smith,
Guadalajara: The Pearl of the West in The Messenger (New York,
1900), 499-505.
DANIEL R. LOWEREE
Shrine of Guadalupe
Shrine of Guadalupe
Guadalupe is strictly the name of a picture, but was extended to
the church containing the picture and to the town that grew up
around. The word is Spanish Arabic, but in Mexico it may
represent certain Aztec sounds.
The place, styled Guadalupe Hidalgo since 1822 -- as in our 1848
treaty -- is three miles northeast of Mexico City. Pilgrimages
have been made to this shrine almost uninterruptedly since
1531-32. In the latter year there was a shrine at the foot of
Tepeyac Hill which served for ninety years, and still, in part,
forms the parochial sacristy. In 1622 a rich shrine was erected;
a newer one, much richer, in 1709. Other structures of the
eighteenth century connected with it are a parish church, a
convent and church for Capuchin nuns, a well chapel, and a hill
chapel. About 1750 the shrine got the title of collegiate, a
canonry and choir service being established. It was aggregated
to St. John Lateran in 1754; and finally, in 1904 it was created
a basilica. The presiding ecclesiastic is called abbot. The
greatest recent change in the shrine itself has been its
complete interior renovation in gorgeous Byzantine, presenting a
striking illustration of Guadalupan history.
The picture really constitutes Guadalupe. It makes the shrine:
it occasions the devotion. It is taken as representing the
Immaculate Conception, being the lone figure of the woman with
the sun, moon, and star accompaniments of the great apocalyptic
sign, and in addition a supporting angel under the crescent. Its
tradition is, as the new Breviary lessons declare,
"long-standing and constant". Oral and written, Indian and
Spanish, the account is unwavering. To a neophyte, fifty five
years old, named Juan Diego, who was hurrying down Tepeyac hill
to hear Mass in Mexico City, on Saturday, 9 December, 1531, the
Blessed Virgin appeared and sent him to Bishop Zumarraga to have
a temple built where she stood. She was at the same place that
evening and Sunday evening to get the bishop's answer. He had
not immediately believed the messenger; having cross-questioned
him and had him watched, he finally bade him ask a sign of the
lady who said she was the mother of the true God. The neophyte
agreed so readily to ask any sign desired, that the bishop was
impressed and left the sign to the apparition. Juan was occupied
all Monday with Bernardino, an uncle, who seemed dying of fever.
Indian specifics failed; so at daybreak on Tuesday, 12 December,
the grieved nephew was running to the St. James's convent for a
priest. To avoid the apparition and untimely message to the
bishop, he slipped round where the well chapel now stands. But
the Blessed Virgin crossed down to meet him and said: "What road
is this thou takest son?" A tender dialogue ensued. Reassuring
Juan about his uncle whom at that instant she cured, appearing
to him also and calling herself Holy Mary of Guadalupe she bade
him go again to the bishop. Without hesitating he joyously asked
the sign. She told him to go up to the rocks and gather roses.
He knew it was neither the time nor the place for roses, but he
went and found them. Gathering many into the lap of his tilma a
long cloak or wrapper used by Mexican Indians he came back. The
Holy Mother, rearranging the roses, bade him keep them untouched
and unseen till he reached the bishop. Having got to the
presence of Zumarraga, Juan offered the sign. As he unfolded his
cloak the roses fell out, and he was startled to see the bishop
and his attendants kneeling before him: the life size figure of
the Virgin Mother, just as he had described her, was glowing on
the poor tilma. A great mural decoration in the renovated
basilica commemorates the scene. The picture was venerated,
guarded in the bishop's chapel, and soon after carried
processionally to the preliminary shrine.
The coarsely woven stuff which bears the picture is as thin and
open as poor sacking. It is made of vegetable fibre, probably
maguey. It consists of two strips, about seventy inches long by
eighteen wide, held together by weak stitching. The seam is
visible up the middle of the figure, turning aside from the
face. Painters have not understood the laying on of the colours.
They have deposed that the "canvas" was not only unfit but
unprepared; and they have marvelled at apparent oil, water,
distemper, etc. colouring in the same figure. They are left in
equal admiration by the flower-like tints and the abundant gold.
They and other artists find the proportions perfect for a maiden
of fifteen. The figure and the attitude are of one advancing.
There is flight and rest in the eager supporting angel. The
chief colours are deep gold in the rays and stars, blue green in
the mantle, and rose in the flowered tunic. Sworn evidence was
given at various commissions of inquiry corroborating the
traditional account of the miraculous origin and influence of
the picture. Some wills connected with Juan Diego and his
contemporaries were accepted as documentary evidence. Vouchers
were given for the existence of Bishop Zumarraga's letter to his
Franciscan brethren in Spain concerning the apparitions. His
successor, Montufar, instituted a canonical inquiry, in 1556, on
a sermon in which the pastors and people were abused for crowing
to the new shrine. In 1568 the renowned historian Bernal Diaz, a
companion of Cortez, refers incidentally to Guadalupe and its
daily miracles. The lay viceroy, Enriquez, while not opposing
the devotion, wrote in 1575 to Philip II asking him to prevent
the third archbishop from erecting a parish and monastery at the
shrine; inaugural pilgrimages were usually made to it by
viceroys and other chief magistrates. Processes, national and
ecclesiastical, were laboriously formulated and attested for
presentation at Rome, in 1663, 1666, 1723, 1750.
The clergy, secular and regular, has been remarkably faithful to
the devotion towards Our Lady of Guadalupe, the bishops
especially fostering it, even to the extent of making a
protestation of faith in the miracle a matter of occasional
obligation. The present pontiff [1910] is the nineteenth pope to
favour the shrine and its tradition. Benedict XIV and Leo XIII
were its two strongest supporters. The former pope decreed that
Our Lady of Guadalupe should be the national patron, and made 12
December a holiday of obligation with an octave, and ordered a
special Mass and Office; the latter approved a complete
historical second Nocturne, ordered the picture to be crowned in
his name, and composed a poetical inscription for it. Pius X has
recently permitted Mexican priests to say the Mass of Holy Mary
of Guadalupe on the twelfth day of every month and granted
indulgences which may be gained in any part of the world for
prayer before a copy of the picture. A miraculous Roman copy for
which Pius IX ordered a chapel is annually celebrated among the
"Prodigia" of 9 July.
G. LEE
Guadeloupe
Guadeloupe
(Or Basse Terre; Guadalupensis; Imae Telluris)
Diocese in the West Indies, comprises the islands of Guadeloupe,
Les Saintes, Marie-Galante, La Desirade, and the French portions
of St. Martin and St Bartholomew. When, on 4 November, 1493,
Christopher Columbus discovered the island of Karukera, he
called it Guadalupe, in honor of the miraculous Madonna of
Guadalupe in Spain. Guadeloupe has been French since 1653, with
the exception of some brief periods of English occupation. It
was formerly administered by a prefect Apostolic. In 1837
Jean-Marie de Lamennais, by agreement with the French
Government, sent to Guadeloupe, as instructors, several brothers
of the Institute Ploermel. On the publication of the royal
ordinance of 5 January, 1840, recalling to the priests of the
colonies their obligation to instruct the young slaves, and to
the masters their duty of allowing the latter to be instructed,
Lamennais realized that the clergy of Guadeloupe must be
reorganized. He addressed a note to the Government, in which he
asked for the creation of three dioceses, at Martinique,
Guadeloupe, and Guiana. Montalembert, in a speech delivered
before the Chamber of Peers (7 April, 1845), demanded the
appointment, if not of titular bishops, at least of vicars
Apostolic, in the colonies. In 1848 Father Libermann,
superior-general of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost, drew M.
de Falloux's attention to the question, and, by an agreement
between France and the Holy See, the Bull of 27 September, 1850,
created for Guadeloupe the Bishopric of Basse-Terre as suffragan
of the Archdiocese of Bordeaux. The clergy of Guadeloupe are
educated in the seminary of the Holy Ghost, at Paris. Its first
bishop (1851-53) was the celebrated preacher Lacarriere, of whom
Chateaubriand said, " If I were a priest, I should wish to
preach like him." In 1905 (the last year of the concordatory
regime) the diocese numbered 182,112 inhabitants, 2
archidiaconates, 3 archipresbyterates, 19 deaneries, 37
parishes, 54 priests (besides the bishop and vicars-general). At
that time the regulars were represented by the Fathers of the
Holy Ghost, the Brothers of Ploermel, the Sisters Hospitallers
of St. Paul of Chartres, and the Teaching Sisters of St. Joseph
of Cluny.
Lacombe, Lettre pastorale du Prefet Apostolique au clerge de la
Guadeloupe sur l'instruction religieuse dans les colonies
(Basse-Terre, 1839); Laveille, Jean-Marie de Lamennais, II
(Paris, 1903), 265-66; 639-41; L'episcopat franc,ais depuis le
Concordat (Paris, 1907), 271-78.
GEORGES GOYAU
Guaicuri Indians
Guaicuri Indians
(Pronounced Waikuri.)
A group of small tribes, speaking dialectic forms of a common
language, probably of distinct stock, formerly occupying part of
Lower California. They ranged from about 24DEG to 26DEG N. lat.,
having for neighbours, on the south the Pericue, of very similar
characteristics, and on the north the somewhat superior Cochimi.
They may have numbered originally some 7000 souls. According to
our best authority, the Jesuit Baegert, who laboured among the
Guaicuri for seventeen years until the expulsion of the order in
1767, they lived in the open air without shelter of any kind by
day or night, excepting a mere brushwood windbreak in the
coldest winter weather. The men were absolutely naked, while the
women wore only an apron of skin or strings woven from vegetable
fibre. They sometimes used sandals--mere strips of skin--to
protect the soles of their feet from rocks and thorns. They wore
their hair loose, and the men cut and stretched their ears with
pieces of bone until they hung down nearly to the shoulder. They
painted their bodies with mineral colours. Their implements and
furniture consisted of a long bow and arrows, a flint knife, a
sharpened stick for digging roots, a turtle shell for basket and
cradle, a bladder for water, and a bag for provisions.
The preparation of these simple things constituted their only
arts and the time left from hunting food was given up to
lounging, sleeping, or an occasional intertribal orgy of brutish
licentiousness. Their food comprised practically everything of
animal or vegetable nature to be found in their country, no
matter how disgusting in habit or condition. Owing to the desert
character of their country they lived in a condition of chronic
starvation throughout most of the year. Constantly on the move
in search of food, they lay down in the open air wherever night
found them, and rarely twice consecutively in the same spot.
They had practically no form of government, and marriage could
hardly be said to exist in view of the universal licentiousness,
jealousy apparently being unknown. The rest of their moral
make-up was of a parity. Honour, shame, and gratitude were
unknown virtues, and after years of effort, the missionary was
obliged to confess "that they was but very little result because
their was no foundation to build upon. They had no religious
ceremonies or emblems, and their mathematical ability did not
permit them to count beyond six, so that", as Baegert quaintly
puts it, "none of them can say how many fingers he has." To save
the souls and ameliorate the temporal conditions of such naked,
houseless, and utterly degraded savages, some of the most
devoted and scholarly men of the Jesuit Order gave the best
years of their lives.
Through the efforts of that celebrated Jesuit, Father Kino,
priest of the Sonora mission, who had already begun the
religious instruction of the Pericui and a study of their
language in 1683-5, attention was directed to the peninsula, and
the work was entrusted to Father Juan Maria Salvatierra, S. J.,
who landed on the east coast near the Island of Carmen, on 15
October, 1697, with six companions, a few cattle, sheep, and
pigs, and founded the mission of Our Lady of Loretto, destined
to become the center of the peninsula missions. The particular
tribe in the vicinity was the Laimon, the Pericui range
beginning a few miles to the south. The natives appeared
friendly, and after a short time the boat returned to the
mainland, leaving the missionary alone to act as "priest,
officer, sentry, and even cook". Other missionaries followed and
the work grew, largely assisted by the benefactors of the Pious
Fund, until, at the close of the Jesuit period, there existed
along the peninsula a chain of fourteen missions. Most of the
earlier missions were within the territory of the Guaicuri,
including San Luis Gonzaga, where Baegert was stationed, or the
Pericuri, the northern Cochimi being visited later. After
Salvatierra, who died in 1717, the most prominent name
associated with these missions is probably that of Father
Ugarte, who first explored the Gulf of California in a ship of
his own building. The mission day began with Mass and a short
recitation of a catechism in the Indiana language, followed by
breakfast, after which the workers scattered to their daily
tasks. The sunset bell summoned them to church for the litany.
Regular cooked meals of meat and grain, besides fruit from the
mission orchards and vineyards were furnished three times daily
to the sick, the old, and the workers, the others, who roved at
will, being expected to look out for themselves.
In spite of the fickle character of the natives, the
missionaries encountered very little active opposition excepting
from the Pericui, but their efforts for good were largely
frustrated by the vicious example of the pearl fishers and other
adventurers, who, following the opening up of the country,
introduced dissipation and disease until the blood of the whole
Indian population was hopelessly poisoned. On the departure of
the Jesuits in 1768, the missions were turned over to the
Franciscans, but subject to so many restrictions that, in 1773,
they transferred them to the Dominicans. Nine other missions,
all among the more northern tribes, were founded by the latter
order up until 1797, making a total of twenty-three then in
existence on the peninsula. The missions, however, soon
declined, chiefly owing to the rapid extinction of the Indians
themselves. Serious scandals also crept in. Governmental
interference was succeeded by governmental hostility and
spoilation under the revolutionary regime, culminating in 1833,
in the act of secularization by which the ruin of the missions
was completed. The few surviving Indians scattered to the
mountains or starved about their former homes. Those within the
mission area, estimated originally at 25,000 numbered less than
3800 in 1840. In 1908 these had dwindled to a handful of
supposed Guaicuri about San Xavier and a few individuals of the
Cochimi about Santa Gertrudis and San Borja, orderly in conduct
and devoutly Catholic.
Baegert, Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel
Californiens (Mannheim, 1773); edited in extracts by Rau as
Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the California
Peninsula in Smithsonian Reports for 1863 and 1864 (Washington,
1864 and 1865); Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States: I:
Wild Tribes (San Francisco, 1882); Idem, History of the North
American States and Texas (San Francisco, 1886); Browne,
Settlement and Exploration of Lower California (San Francisco,
1859); Clavigero, Storia della California (Venice, 1789);
Gleeson, History of the Catholic Church in California (San
Francisco, 1872); Duflot de Mofran, Exploration du Territoire de
l'Oregon, 1840-2 (Paris, 1844); North, The Mother of California
(San Francisco and New York, 1908); Venegan, Noticia de la
California (Madrid, 1757).
JAMES MOONEY
Guarani Indians
Guarani Indians
(Pronounced Warani.)
One of the most important tribal groups of South America, having
the former home territory chiefly between the Uruguay and lower
Paraguay Rivers, in what is now Paraguay and the Provinces of
Corrientes and Entre Rios of Argentina. The name by which they
are commonly known is of disputed origin and meaning. They
called themselves simply Aba, that is, men. They belong to the
great Tupi-Guarani stock, which extends almost continuously from
the Parana to the Amazon, including most of eastern Brazil, with
outlying branches as far west as the slopes of the Andes. Upon
the Tupi-Guarani dialect is based the lingoa geral or Indian
trade language of the Amazon region.
The Guarani are best known for their connection to the early
Jesuit missions of Paraguay, the most notable mission foundation
ever established in America, and for their later heroic
resistance -- as the State of Paraguay, against the combined
powers of Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay -- until practically
all their able-bodied men had been exterminated. In physique
they are short and stoutly built, averaging but little over five
feet, and are rather light in colour. In their primitive
condition they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting
largely upon manioc, the root from which tapioca is prepared,
together with corn, game, and wild honey, and occupying
palisaded villages of communal houses, large enough to
accommodate from ten to fifteen families each. They were expert
and artistic potters and woodcarvers. Their arms were the bow
and the blow-gun. According to the Jesuit missionary
Dobrizhoffer, besides being cannibals, as were many other South
American tribes, they, in ancient times, even ate their own
dead, but later disposed of them in large jars placed inverted
upon the ground. The men wear only the G-string, with labrets on
the lower lip, and feather crowns. The women wore woven garments
covering the whole body. Polygamy was allowed but was not
common. Their religion was the animistic Pantheism usual among
northern Indians. There was no central government, the numerous
village communities being united only by the bond of common
interest and language, with a tendency to form tribal groups
according to dialect. At a minimum estimate they numbered when
first known at least 400,000 souls.
The first entry into the Rio de la Plata, the estuary of the
Parana or Paraguay, was made by the Spanish navigator, Juan de
Solis, in 1511. Sebastian Cabot followed in 1526, and in 1537
Gonzalo de Mendoza ascended the Paraguay to about the present
Brazilian frontier, and returning founded Asuncion, destined to
be the capital of Paraguay, and made first acquaintance with the
Guarani. Under the very first governor was initiated the policy
of intermarriage with Indian women, from which the present mixed
Paraguayan race derives its origin, and also of the enslavement
of the native tribes who found no protector until the arrival of
the Jesuits, the first two of whom, Father Barcena and Angulo,
coming overland from Bolivia reached the Guarani territory of
Guayra, in what is now the Province of Parana, Southern Brazil,
in 1585. Others soon followed, a Jesuit college was established
at Asuncion, a provincial named for Paraguay and Chile, and in
1608, in consequence of their strong protests against the
enslavement of the Indians, King Philip III of Spain issued
royal authority to the Jesuits for the conversion and
colonization of the Indians of Guayra It should be noted that in
the early period the name Paraguay was loosely used to designate
all the basin of the river, including besides the present
Paraguay, parts of Uruguay, Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil.
As usual in the Spanish colonies the first exploring expeditions
were accompanied by Franciscan friars. At an early period in the
history of Asuncion Father Luis de Bolanos translated the
catechism into the language of the Guarani in order to preach to
those of that tribe in the neighbourhood of the settlement. In
1588-9 the celebrated St. Francis Solanus crossed the Chaco
wilderness from Peru, preaching to the wild tribes, and stopped
for some time as Asuncion, but without giving attention to the
Guarani. His recall left the field clear to the Jesuits, who
assumed the double duty of civilizing and Christianizing the
Indians and defending them against the merciless cruelties and
butcheries of the slave dealers and the employers, including
practically the whole white population, lay, clerical, and
official. "The larger portion of the population regarded it as a
right, a privilege in virtue of conquest, that they should
enslave the Indians" (Page, 470). The Jesuit provincial, Torres,
however, on his arrival in 1607, "immediately placed himself at
the head of those who had opposed the cruelties at all times
exercised over the natives" (Ibid).
The great centre and depot of the Indian slave trade was the
town of Sao Paulo, below Rio de Janiero in the south of Brazil.
Originally, a rendezvous of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Spanish
pirates, it had become a refuge for the desperate criminals of
all nations, who, finding a lack of wives of their own class and
colour, had intermixed with Indian and negro women, producing a
mongrel and bloodthirsty breed, without law, religion, mercy, or
good faith. "Slave dealers of profession, they speedily overrode
the influence and power of the Church, and drove out its
ministers. Their town became the great slave market whence
issued thousands and thousands of Indians to be bartered away on
the public squares of the Atlantic cities. Here they assembled
day after day as party after party returned from its inhuman
expedition, the crowds of trembling, bleeding wretches who had
been hunted and captured in some distant wilds . . . . These
well-trained, well-armed, roaming, pillaging Paulistas, or
Mamelucas as they were popularly called, became the dread and
scourge of this beautiful land" (Page, 476). To oppose these
armed and organized robbers, the naked tribes had only their
bows, the Spanish government strictly prohibiting fire-arms,
even to the civilized Indians. It is estimated that in the space
of 130 years 2,000,000 Indians were slain or carried into
captivity by these Brazilian slave-hunters. With the royal
authority as guarantee of protection the first of the Guatra
missions, Loreto, was established on the Paranapane by Fathers
Cataldino and Marcerata (or Maceta?) in 1610. The Guarani
flocked to them in such numbers, and listened so gladly and so
obediently to these the first white men who have ever come to
them as friends and helpers, that twelve missions rose in rapid
succession, containing in all some 40,000 Indians. Stimulated by
this success, Father Gonzalez with two companions in 1627
journeyed to the Uruguay and established two or three small
missions, with good promise for the future, until the wild
tribes murdered the priests, massacred the neophytes, and burned
the missions.
But while the Guarani missions grew and multiplied the slave
raiders were on the watch and saw in them "merely an opportunity
of capturing more Indians than usual at a haul" and as "nest of
hawks, looked at their neophytes as pigeons, ready fattening for
their use" (Graham). In 1629 the storm broke. An army of
Paulistas with horses, guns, and bloodhounds together with a
horde of wild Indians shooting poisoned arrows suddenly emerged
from the forest, surrounded the mission of San Antonio, set fire
to the church and other buildings, butchered the neophytes who
resisted, and all who were to young or too old to travel, and
carried the rest into slavery. San Miguel and Jesu Maria quickly
met the same fate. In Concepcion Father Salazar defended his
flock through a regular siege even when reduced to eating snakes
and rats, until reinforcements, gathered by father Cataldino,
though armed only with bows, drove off the enemy. No other
mission was so fortunate. Within the space of two years all but
two of the flourishing establishments were destroyed, the houses
plundered, the churches pillaged of their rich belongings upon
which almost the whole surplus of the mission revenues had been
lavished, the altars polluted with blood in sacrilegious frenzy
and 60,000 Christian and civilized converts carried off for sale
in the slave markets of Sao Paulo and Rio Janiero. To insure the
larger result, the time chosen for attack was usually on Sunday,
when the whole mission population was gathered at the Church for
Mass. As a rule the priests were spared -- probably from fear of
government reprisals -- although several lost their lives while
ministering to the wounded or pleading with the murderers.
Father Maceta and Mansilla even followed one captive train on
foot through the swamps and forests, confessing the dying who
fell by the road and carrying the chains of the weakest, despite
threats and pricks of lances, to plead with the Paulista chiefs
in their very city, and then to Baja, five hundred miles beyond,
to ask the mediation of the governor-general himself, but all in
vain, and they returned as they had come.
It was now evident that the Guayra missions were doomed. The few
thousand Indians left of nearly 100,000 just before the Paulista
invasion had scattered to the forests, and could hardly be made
to believe that the missionaries were not in league with the
enemy. Father Antonio Ruiz de Montoya was able to buy 10,000
cattle, and thus transform his Indians from farmers to stock
raisers. Soon again the work was on a prosperous basis, and
under Fathers Ranc,oncier and Romero the Uruguay missions were
re-established, only to be again destroyed (1632) by the old
enemy, the Mamelucos, who had discovered a new line of attack
from the south. This time the neophytes made some successful
resistance, but in 1638 all of the twelve missions beyond the
Uruguay were abandoned and their people consolidated with the
community of the Missions Territory. In the last raid Father
Afaro was killed, which at last brought about tardy interference
by the governor.
In the same year Father Montoya, after having successfully
opposed both governor and Bishop of Asuncion in attempts upon
the liberties of the Indians and the mission administration,
sailed for Europe, accompanied by Father Diaz Tano, and
succeeded in getting from Urban VIII a letter forbidding the
enslavement of the mission Indians under the severest church
penalties, and from King Philip IV, the long-desired and
long-refused permission for the Indians to be furnished with
fire-arms for their own defense, and to be trained to their use
by veteran soldiers who had become members of the Jesuit order.
When the next Paulista army, 800 strong, entered the mission
territory in 1641, a body of Christian Guarani armed with guns
and led by their own chief met them on the Acaray river and in
two pitched battles inflicted such severe defeat as put an end
to the invasions for ten years. Differences with the Franciscans
and with the Bishop of Paraguay on the old questions of
jurisdiction and privilege, gave only a temporary check to the
missions, now numbering twenty-nine, but in 1651 the was between
Spain and Portugal, the latter represented in America by Brazil,
gave encouragement to another Paulista attempt on a scale
intended to wipe out every mission at one blow and hold the
territory for Portugal. And now the Spanish authorities roused
themselves and sent promise of help against the invading army,
advancing in four divisions, but before any of the government
troops could reach the frontier the fathers themselves, arming
their neophytes, led them against the enemy, whom they repulsed
at every point, and then turning, scattered a horde of savages
who had gathered in the rear in the hope of plunder. In 1732,
the year of their greatest prosperity, the Guarani missions were
guarded by a well-drilled and well-equipped army of 7000
Indians. On more than one occasion this mission army,
accompanied by their priests, defended the Spanish colony.
The missions, of which the ruins of several still remain, were
laid out upon a uniform plan. The buildings were grouped about a
great central square, the church and store-houses at one end,
and the dwellings of the Indians, in long barracks, forming the
other three sides. Each family had its own separate apartments,
but one veranda and one roof served for perhaps a hundred
families. The churches were of stone or fine wood, with lofty
towers, elaborate sculptures, richly adorned altars, and the
statuary imported from Italy and Spain. The priests' quarters,
the commissary, the stables, the amoury, the workshop, and the
hospital also usually of stone, formed an inner square adjoining
the church. The plaza itself was a level grass plot kept cropped
by sheep. The Indian houses were sometimes of stone, but more
often of adobe or cane, with home-made furniture or religious
pictures, often made by the Indian themselves. The smaller
missions had two priests, the larger more, the population
varying from 2000 to 7000 in the different missions. Everything
moved with military precision, lightened by pleasing ceremonial
and sweet music, for both of which the Guarani had an intense
passion. The rising sun was greeted by a chorus of children's
hymns, followed by the Mass and breakfast, after which the
workers went to their tasks. "The Jesuits marshalled their
neophytes to the sound of music, and in procession to the
fields, with a saint borne high aloft, the community each day at
sunrise took its way. Along the way at stated intervals were
shrines of saints, and before each of them they prayed, and
between each shrine sang hymns. As the procession advanced it
became gradually smaller as groups of Indians dropped off to
work the various fields and finally the priest and acolyte with
the musicians returned alone" (Graham, 178-9). At midday each
group assembled for the Angelus, after which came dinner and a
siesta; work was then resumed until evening, when the labourers
returned singing to their homes. After supper came the rosary
and sleep. On rainy days they worked indoors. Frequent festivals
with sham battles, fireworks, concerts, and dances, prevented
monotony.
Besides the common farm each man had his own garden. In addition
to agriculture, stock raising, and the cultivation of the mate
or native tea, which they made famous, "the Jesuits had
introduced amongst the Indians most of the arts and trades of
Europe. Official inventory after the order of expulsion, shows
that thousands of yards of cotton were sometimes woven in one
mission in a single month." In addition to weaving, they had
tanneries, carpenter shops, tailors, hat makers, coopers,
cordage makers, boat builders, joiners, and almost every
industry useful and necessary to life. They also made arms.
powder, and musical instruments, and had silversmiths,
musicians, painters, turners, and printers to work their
printing presses; for many books were printed at the missions,
and they produced manuscripts as finely executed as those made
by the monks in European monasteries (Graham). The produce of
their labour, including that from the increase of the herds, was
sold at Buenos Aires and other markets, under supervision of the
fathers, who portioned the proceeds between the common fund and
the workers and helpless dependents, for their was no provision
for able-bodied idleness. Finally "much attention was paid to
the schools; early training was very properly regarded as the
key to all future success" (Page, 503). Much of the instruction
was in Guarani, which was still the prevailing language of the
country, but Spanish was also taught in every school. In this
way as the Protestant Graham notes (183), "without employing
force of any kind, which in their case would have been quite
impossible, lost as they were amongst the crowd of Indians", the
Jesuits transformed hordes of cannibal savages into communities
of peaceful, industrious, highly-skilled Christian workmen among
whom idleness, crime, and poverty were alike unknown.
In 1732, the Guarani missions numbered thirty, with 141,252
Christian Indians. Two years later a visitation of smallpox,
that great destroyer of the Indian race, swept off 30,000 souls.
In 1765 a second visitation carried off more than 12,000 more,
and then spread westward through all the wide tribes of the
Chaco. In 1750 a boundary treaty between Spain and Portugal
transferred to the latter the territory of the seven missions on
the Uruguay, and this was followed soon after by an official
order for the removal of the Indians. The Indians of the seven
towns, who knew the Portuguese only as slave-hunters and
persecutors, refused to leave their homes, rose in revolt under
their own chiefs and defied the united armies of both
governments. After a guerrilla warfare of seven years, resulting
in the slaughter of thousands of Indians and the almost complete
ruin of the seven missions, the Jesuits secured a royal decree
annulling the boundary decision and restoring the disputed
mission territory to Spanish jurisdiction. In 1747 two missions,
and in 1760 a third were established in the sub-tribe of the
Itatines, or Tobatines, in Central Paraguay, far north of the
older mission group. In one of these, San Joaquin (1747), the
celebrated Dobrizhoffer ministered for eight years. These were
the last of the Guarani foundations.
The story of the royal edict of 1767 for the expulsion of the
Jesuits from Spanish dominions is too much a matter of world
history to be recounted here. Fearing the event, the viceroy
Bucareli intrusted the execution of the mandate in 1768, to two
officers with a force of some 500 troops, but although the
mission army then counted 14,000 drilled warriors of proved
courage, the fathers, as loyal subjects, submitted without
resistance, and with streaming tears turned their backs on the
work which they had built up by a century and a half of devoted
sacrifice, With only their robes and their breviaries, they went
down to the ship that was waiting to carry them forever out of
the country. The Paraguay missions so called, of which, however,
only eight were in Paraguay proper, were then thirty-three in
number, with seventy-eight Jesuits, some 144,000 Christian
Indians, and a million cattle. The rest of the story is briefly
told. The missions were turned over to priests of other orders,
chiefly Franciscans, but under a code of regulations drawn up by
the viceroy and modelled largely upon the very Jesuit system
which he had condemned. Under divided authority, uncertain
government support, and without the love or confidence of the
Indians, the new teachers soon lost courage and the missions
rapidly declined, the Indians going back by thousands to their
original forests or becoming vagabond outcasts in the towns. By
the official census of 1801, less than 45,000 Indians remained,
cattle, sheep, and horses had disappeared, the fields and
orchards were overgrown and cut down and the splendid churches
were in ruins. The long period of revolutionary struggle that
followed completed the destruction. In 1814 the mission Indians
numbered but 8000 and in 1848 the few who remained were declared
citizens. The race however persists. Nearly all the forest
tribes on the borders of Paraguay are of Guarani stock; many of
them are descendants of mission exiles, while in Paraguay the
old blood so predominates in the population that Guarani is
still largely the language of the population.
The Guarani language has been much cultivated, its literature
covering a wide range of subjects. Many works written by the
fathers, and wholly or partly in the native language, were
issued from the mission press in Loreto. Among the most
important treatises upon the language are the "Tesoro de la
Lengua Guarani (Madrid, 1639), by Father Montoya, the heroic
leader of the exodus, published in Paris and Leipzig in 1876;
and the "Catecismo de la Lengua Guarani" of Father Diego Diaz de
la Guerra (Madrid, 1630).
Charlevoix, Histoire du Paraguay (Paris, 1756; tr. London,
1769); Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus equestri
bellicosaque Paraguie natione (Vienna, 1784); Germ. tr. (Vienna,
1784); tr., An Account of the Abipones, an equestrian people of
Paraguay (London, 1822); Nunes, Ensayo de la Historia civil de
Paraguay (Buenos Aires, 1816); Cunninghame Graham, A Vanished
Arcadia (London, 1901); Guerrara, Historia del Paraguay in
Coleccion de Angelis (Buenos Aires, 1836); Lozano, Descripcion
corographica, etc. (Cordoba, 1733); Muratori, Cristianesimo
Felice nelle Missione . . . nel Paraguai (Venice, 1743); Page,
La Plata, the Argentine Confederation and Paraguay (New York,
1859); Reclus, The Earth and Its Inhabitants; South America, II;
Amazonia and La Plata (New York, 1895).
JAMES MOONEY
Law of Guarantees
Law of Guarantees
(LA LEGGE DELLE GUARENTIGIE)
A name given to the law passed by the senate and chamber of the
Italian parliament, 13 May, 1871, concerning the prerogatives of
the Holy See, and the relations between State and Church in the
Kingdom of Italy. The principal stipulations of the law may be
summed up as follows:
1. the pope's person to be sacred and inviolable;
2. insult or injury to the pope to be treated on a par with
insult or injury to the king's person; discussion of religious
matters to be absolutely free;
3. royal honours to be paid to the pope; that he have the right
to the customary guards;
4. the pope to be given an annual endowment of 3,225,000 lire
($622,425 or -L-127,933) to cover all the needs of the Holy
See (college of cardinals, Roman congregations, embassies,
etc.) and the maintenance of church buildings;
5. the Vatican and Lateran palaces, as well as the Villa of
Castel Gandolfo, to remain the property of the pope; these
articles assure the pope and all engaged in the spiritual
government of the Church, as well as the college of cardinals
assembled in conclave, complete liberty of communication with
the Catholic world, exempt them from all interference with
their letters, papers, etc.;
6. the clergy to have freedom of assembly;
7. the government to renounce the "Apostolic Legation" in Sicily,
and the right of nomination to major benefices, with
reservation, however, of the royal patronage; the bishops are
not obliged to take the oath (of allegiance) on appointment;
8. the Exequatur to be maintained only for the major benefices
(except in Rome, and in the suburbicarian sees) and for acts
affecting the disposition of ecclesiastical property;
9. in spiritual matters no appeal to be allowed against
ecclesiastical authority; the civil courts, however, to be
competent to pass judgment on the juridical effects of
ecclesiastical sentences. Provision to be made, by a future
law, for the reorganization, conservation, and administration
of all the church property in the kingdom.
The Italian government, which had declared that it entered Rome
to safeguard the person of the Holy Father (Visconti-Venosta,
circular of 7 September, 1870; the autograph letter of Victor
Emanuel to Pius IX, dated 29 Aug., received 10 Sept.; again the
king's answer to the Roman deputation which brought him the
result of the plebiscite), and which, in the very act of
invading pontifical territory, had assured the people that the
independence of the Holy See would remain inviolate (General
Cadorna's proclamation at Terni, 11 Sept.), felt obliged to
secure in a legal and solemn way the executions of its aforesaid
intention. It owed no less to its own Catholic subjects, and to
Catholics the world over. Two ways were open to it for keeping
its promise. It might call an international congress of all
nations having a very large Catholic population, or it might
pass a domestic Italian law. In the aforesaid circular of the
minister Visconti-Venosta, addressed to all the powers, the
former way was hinted at. But the unconcern of Catholic
governments over the events that ended in the occupation of Rome
put an end to all thought of consulting them; and so a domestic
law was passed. Before its adoption, however, Pius IX, by a
letter of his cardinal vicar, dated 2 March, 1871, protested
against the law "in which", he said, "it was no easy task to
decide whether absurdity, cunning, or contempt played the
largest part".
The pope refused to recognize in the Italian government any
right to grant him prerogatives, or to make laws for him.
Indeed, each of the "concessions carried with it a special
servitude, while later events proved that they were not intended
to be seriously observed. In the Encyclical of 15 May following,
the pope declared that no guarantees could secure him the
liberty and independence necessary in the exercise of his power
and authority. He renewed this protest at the consistory of 27
October. And it stands to reason that a law voted by two houses
of Parliament could with equal ease be abrogated by them at
will. Indeed, it has ever been part of the programme of the
"Left" party in the Italian Parliament to suppress the Law of
Guarantees. Pius IX, moreover, was unwilling to accept formally
the arrangements made concerning the relations of Church and
State, especially the Exequatur and the administration of
ecclesiastical property. Moreover, if, as he hoped, the
occupation of Rome was to be only temporary, the acceptance of
this law seemed useless. Doubtless, too, such acceptance on his
part would have been interpreted as at least a tacit recognition
of accomplished facts, as a renunciation of the temporal power,
and the property which had been taken from the Holy See (e. g.
the Quirinal Palace). The abandonment of the "Apostolic
Legation" in Sicily, for eight centuries an apple of discord
between the Holy See and the Kingdom of Sicily (Sentis, "La
Monarchia Sicula", Freiburg im Br., 1864), and the endowment
granted the pope, were truly but slight compensation for all
that had been taken from him. Consequently neither Pius IX nor
his two successors have ever touched the aforesaid annual
endowment, preferring to depend on the offerings of the faithful
throughout the Catholic world. It may be added that the
endowment was not sufficient to meet the needs of the Church,
nor with their multiplication could it be increased.
A few years ago the question arose as to whether this untouched
endowment would be confiscated by the Italian treasury at the
end of every five years, as is usual with other public debts of
the Kingdom of Italy. The "Civilt`a Cattolica" maintained that
it could not be confiscated, but the Italian courts long ago
decided differently, when they rejected the claims of the heirs
of Pius IX on the ground that as he had not accepted the
endowment he had never come into possession of it. What need
then of confiscating it? Pius IX expressly rejected this income,
13 November, 1872.
There is occasional controversy between writers on international
law and on Italian ecclesiastical legislation over various
matters connected with this law: whether in the eyes of the
Italian government the pope is a sovereign, whether he enjoys
the privilege of extraterritoriality (not expressly recognized
to him, though granted to foreign embassies to the Holy See),
etc. As far as the Holy See is concerned these controversies
have no meaning; it has never ceased to maintain its sovereign
rights.
GIOBBIO, Lezioni di diplomazia ecclesiastica (Rome, 1899), I,
passim; CASTELLARI, La Santa Sede (Milan, 1903), I, 108 sqq.;
II, 488-608; GEFFCKEN, Die voelkerrechtliche Stellung des
Papsttums (Rome, 1887), 172; Gazetta Ufficiale, series II, no.
214; Acta Pii IX (Rome, s. d.), pt. I, vol. V, 286 sqq., 306
sqq., 352 sqq.; Acta Sanctoe Sedis (Rome, 1870-1871), VI.
U. BENIGNI.
Diocese of Guarda
Diocese of Guarda
(EGITANIENSIS.)
Province of Beira, Portugal. Near the episcopal city are the
ruins of Idanha, the ancient Civitas Aegiditanorum, whose
ecclesiastical rank it inherited in 1199, under Sancho I, since
when the see is known officially as Egiditana or Egitaniensis.
Many Roman ruins in the vicinity attest the existence of a city
called Igaedi in the Roman period. This see, probably founded by
Theudomir, King of the Suevi, is first mentioned in 572, date of
the Second Council of Braga, at which Adoricus, the contemporary
occupant, assisted. His successors were Commundus, Licerius,
Montensis, Armenius, and Sclua, suffragans of Braga. After 666
the see was suffragan to Merida, and continued so until 715,
when Aegidi was destroyed by the Moors. On the re-establishment
of the see at Guarda a controversy arose between the Archbishops
of Braga and of Compostela (the latter being administrator of
Merida); the decision of Innocent III (1198-1216) was in favour
of Compostela. In 1490 Guarda passed to the jurisdiction of
Lisbon, and in 1549 surrendered part of its territory to form
the Diocese of Portalegre. Among its noteworthy bishops were
Sclua, who assisted at the Council of Merida in 666; Vasco
Martins de Alvelha, who, at the Council of Salamanca (1310)
urged the absolution of the Templars of Castile, and the
celebration "with solemnity" (solemniter) of the feast of the
Immaculate Conception on the eighth day of December every year;
Pedro Vaz Gaviao, who successfully completed the sumptuous
cathedral of Guarda (Santa Maria); Nunho de Noronha (1596-1608),
who founded the seminary; and several princes or infantes of the
reigning house of Portugal.
FLOREZ, Espana Sagrada (Madrid, 1786), XIV, 142-58; GAMS, Series
episcoporum (1873), 100-02, and Supplem. (1879), 31; HUBNER,
Inscriptiones Hispaniae latinae (Berlin, 1871), nn. 435-60,
5130; FITA, Actas ineditas de siete concilios espanoles (Madrid,
1881), 72-74; EUBEL, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi (Munich,
1901), I, 244; II, 165.
F. FITA
Francesco Guardi
Francesco Guardi
Venetian painter; born at Venice, 1712; died in the same city,
1793. He was a pupil of Canaletto, and in style a close follower
of his master. Of his life practically nothing is known, save
that he is believed to have always lived in Venice, and to have
painted scenes confined to that city and its neighbourhood. He
painted with extraordinary facility, three or four days being
enough for producing an entire work, with the result that,
although his pictures are rich and forcible in colouring, and
accurate in general effect, they are far behind those of
Canaletto in the accuracy of their details, and are less solid
and firm, and less well grounded, than the paintings of his
master. They are noted, however, for their spirited touch and
sparkling colour. Examples are to be found in almost every
European gallery, notably in Paris, Berlin, Modena, Brussels,
Venice, and Verona, and his smaller works are in great demand in
the houses of the wealthier collectors of choice pictures. A
sketchbook by Guardi was sold in London two or three years ago
for a very high price, and it contained, amongst other drawings,
the original sketches for the views of Venice in the Bridgewater
House collection. The artist is said to have been responsible
for nearly a thousand pictures. Berenson speaks of him as
"anticipating both the Romantic and the Impressionist painters
of our own country", and again refers to his "eye for the
picturesque, and his remarkable instantaneous effects".
ZANETTI, Della Pittura Veneziana (Venice, 1771); BERENSON, The
Venetian Painters of the Renaissance (London, 1894).
GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON
Guardian Angels
Guardian Angel
(See also FEAST OF THE GUARDIAN ANGELS.)
That every individual soul has a guardian angel has never been
defined by the Church, and is, consequently, not an article of
faith; but it is the "mind of the Church", as St. Jerome
expressed it: "how great the dignity of the soul, since each one
has from his birth an angel commissioned to guard it." (Comm. in
Matt., xviii, lib. II).
This belief in guardian angels can be traced throughout all
antiquity; pagans, like Menander and Plutarch (cf. Euseb.,
"Praep. Evang.", xii), and Neo-Platonists, like Plotinus, held
it. It was also the belief of the Babylonians and Assyrians, as
their monuments testify, for a figure of a guardian angel now in
the British Museum once decorated an Assyrian palace, and might
well serve for a modern representation; while Nabopolassar,
father of Nebuchadnezzar the Great, says: "He (Marduk) sent a
tutelary deity (cherub) of grace to go at my side; in everything
that I did, he made my work to succeed."
In the Bible this doctrine is clearly discernible and its
development is well marked. In Genesis 28-29, angels not only
act as the executors of God's wrath against the cities of the
plain, but they deliver Lot from danger; in Exodus 12-13, an
angel is the appointed leader of the host of Israel, and in
32:34, God says to Moses: "my angel shall go before thee." At a
much later period we have the story of Tobias, which might serve
for a commentary on the words of Psalm 90:11: "For he hath given
his angels charge over thee; to keep thee in all thy ways." (Cf.
Psalm 33:8 and 34:5.) Lastly, in Daniel 10 angels are entrusted
with the care of particular districts; one is called "prince of
the kingdom of the Persians", and Michael is termed "one of the
chief princes"; cf. Deuteronomy 32:8 (Septuagint); and
Ecclesiasticus 17:17 (Septuagint).
This sums up the Old Testament doctrine on the point; it is
clear that the Old Testament conceived of God's angels as His
ministers who carried out his behests, and who were at times
given special commissions, regarding men and mundane affairs.
There is no special teaching; the doctrine is rather taken for
granted than expressly laid down; cf. II Machabees 3:25; 10:29;
11:6; 15:23.
But in the New Testament the doctrine is stated with greater
precision. Angels are everywhere the intermediaries between God
and man; and Christ set a seal upon the Old Testament teaching:
"See that you despise not one of these little ones: for I say to
you, that their angels in heaven always see the face of my
Father who is in heaven." (Matthew 18:10). A twofold aspect of
the doctrine is here put before us: even little children have
guardian angels, and these same angels lose not the vision of
God by the fact that they have a mission to fulfil on earth.
Without dwelling on the various passages in the New Testament
where the doctrine of guardian angels is suggested, it may
suffice to mention the angel who succoured Christ in the garden,
and the angel who delivered St. Peter from prison. Hebrews 1:14
puts the doctrine in its clearest light: "Are they not all
ministering spirits, sent to minister for them, who shall
receive the inheritance of salvation?" This is the function of
the guardian angels; they are to lead us, if we wish it, to the
Kingdom of Heaven.
St. Thomas teaches us (Summa Theologica I:113:4) that only the
lowest orders of angels are sent to men, and consequently that
they alone are our guardians, though Scotus and Durandus would
rather say that any of the members of the angelic host may be
sent to execute the Divine commands. Not only the baptized, but
every soul that cometh into the world receives a guardian
spirit; St. Basil, however (Homily on Psalm 43), and possibly
St. Chrysostom (Homily 3 on Colossians) would hold that only
Christians were so privileged. Our guardian angels can act upon
our senses (I:111:4) and upon our imaginations (I:111:3) -- not,
however, upon our wills, except "per modum suadentis", viz. by
working on our intellect, and thus upon our will, through the
senses and the imagination. (I:106:2; and I:111:2). Finally,
they are not separated from us after death, but remain with us
in heaven, not, however, to help us attain salvation, but "ad
aliquam illustrationem" (I:108:7, ad 3am).
HUGH POPE
Feast of Guardian Angels
Feast of Guardian Angels
This feast, like many others, was local before it was placed in
the Roman calendar. It was not one of the feasts retained in the
Pian breviary, published in 1568; but among the earliest
petitions from particular churches to be allowed, as a
supplement to this breviary, the canonical celebration of local
feasts, was a request from Cordova in 1579 for permission to
have a feast in honour of the guardian angels. (Baeumer,
"Histoire du Breviaire", II, 233.) Baeumer, who makes this
statement on the authority of original documents published by
Dr. Schmid (in the "Tuebinger Quartalschrift", 1884), adds on
the same authority that "Toledo sent to Rome a rich proprium and
received the desired authorization for all the Offices contained
in it, Valencia also obtained the approbation in February, 1582,
for special Offices of the Blood of Christ and the Guardian
Angels."
So far the feast of Guardian Angels remained local. Paul V
placed it (27 September, 1608) among the feasts of the general
calendar as a double "ad libitum" (Baeumer, op. cit., II, 277).
Nilles gives us more details about this step. "Paul V", he
writes, "gave an impetus to the veneration of Guardian Angels
(long known in the East and West) by the authorization of a
feast and proper office in their honour. At the request of
Ferdinand of Austria, afterwards emperor, he made them
obligatory in all regions subject to the Imperial power; to all
other places he conceded them ad libitum, to be celebrated on
the first available day after the Feast of the Dedication of St.
Michael the Archangel. It is believed that the new feast was
intended to be a kind of supplement to the Feast of St. Michael,
since the Church honoured on that day (29 September) the memory
of all the angels as well as the memory of St. Michael (Nilles,
"Kalendarium", II, 502). Among the numerous changes made in the
calendar by Clement X was the elevation of the Feast of Guardian
Angels to the rank of an obligatory double for the whole Church
to be kept on 2 October, this being the first unoccupied day
after the feast of St. Michael (Nilles, op. cit., II, 503).
Finally Leo XIII (5 April, 1883) favoured this feast to the
extent of raising it to the rank of a double major.
Such in brief is the history of a feast which, though of
comparatively recent introduction, gives the sanction of the
Church's authority to an ancient and cherished belief. The
multiplicity of feasts is in fact quite a modern development,
and that the guardian angels were not honoured with a special
feast in the early Church is no evidence that they were not
prayed to and reverenced. There is positive testimony to the
contrary (see Bareille in Dict. de Theol. Cath., s.v. Ange, col.
1220). It is to be noted that the Feast of the Dedication of St.
Michael is amongst the oldest feasts in the Calendar. There are
five proper collects and prefaces assigned to this feast in the
Leonine Sacramentary (seventh century) under the title "Natalis
Basilicae Angeli in Salaria" and a glance at them will show that
this feast included a commemoration of the angels in general,
and also recognition of their protective office and intercessory
power. In one collect God is asked to sustain those who are
labouring in this world by the protecting power of his heavenly
ministers (supernorum . . . . praesidiis . . . . ministrorum).
In one of the prefaces, God is praised and thanked for the
favour of angelic patronage (patrociniis . . . . angelorum). In
the collect of the third Mass the intercessory power of saints
and angels is alike appealed to (quae [oblatio] angelis tuis
sanctisque precantibus et indulgentiam nobis referat et remedia
procuret aeterna" (Sacramentarium Leonianum, ed. Feltoe, 107-8).
These extracts make it plain that the substantial idea which
underlies the modern feast of Guardian Angels was officially
expressed in the early liturgies. In the "Horologium magnum" of
the Greeks there is a proper Office of Guardian Angels (Roman
edition, 329-334) entitled "A supplicatory canon to man's
Guardian Angel composed by John the Monk" (Nilles, II, 503),
which contains a clear expression of belief in the doctrine that
a guardian angel is assigned to each individual. This angel is
thus addressed "Since thou the power (ischyn) receivest my soul
to guard, cease never to cover it with thy wings" (Nilles, II,
506).
For 2 October there is a proper Office in the Roman Breviary and
a proper Mass in the Roman Missal, which contains all the choice
extracts from Sacred Scripture bearing on the three-fold office
of the angels, to praise God, to act as His messengers, and to
watch over mortal men. "Let us praise the Lord whom the Angels
praise, whom the Cherubim and Seraphim proclaim Holy, Holy,
Holy" (second antiphon of Lauds). "Behold I will send my angel,
who shall go before thee, and keep thee in thy journey, and
bring thee into the place that I have prepared. Take notice of
him, and hear his voice" (Exodus 23; capitulum ad Laudes). The
Gospel of the Mass includes that pointed text from St. Matthew
28:10: "See that you despise not one of these little ones: for I
say to you that their angels in heaven always see the face of my
Father who is in heaven." Although 2 October has been fixed for
this feast in the Roman calendar, it is kept, by papal
privilege, in Germany and many other places on the first Sunday
(computed ecclesiastically) of September, and is celebrated with
special solemnity and generally with an octave (Nilles, II,
503). (See ANGEL; INTERCESSION.)
NILLES, Kalendarium Manuale utriusque Ecclesiae Orientalis et
Occidentalis (Innsbruck, 1896); BAUMER, Geschichte des Breviers,
Fr. tr. BIRON (Paris, 1905); Sacramentarium Leonianum, ed.
FELTOE (Cambridge, 1896); Roman Missal and Breviary.
T.P. GILMARTIN
Guardianship, in Civil Jurisprudence
Guardianship, in Civil Jurisprudence
Guardianship is "the condition or fact of being a guardian; the
office or position of guardian" (Murray, New English Dictionary,
s. v.); "a person intrusted by law with the interests of another
whose youth, inexperience, mental weakness or feebleness of
will, disqualifies him from acting for himself in the ordinary
affairs of life, and who is hence known as the ward" (Schouler,
"Law of the Domestic Relations", Boston, 1905, 277).
Etymologically, the words guardian and ward are of like
derivation. Warden is an older term for guardian. The verb, to
ward, is derived from the Old French, warder, garder, guarder,
and one of the definitions of the noun, ward, is "guardianship,
control or care of a minor" (The Century Dictionary, s. v.).
This "control or care" conferred by law is a substitute for, or
"an artificial extension of the parental power" (Taylor, "The
Science of Jurisprudence", New York, 1908, 558).
The Roman law terms such "control or care" of a minor under the
age of fourteen years, tutela, "an authority and power over a
free person given and permitted by the civil law in order to
protect one whose tender years prevent him defending himself"
("The Institutes of Justinian" tr. Sanders, L. I, t. xiii, 1,
Chicago, 1876), the civil law thus providing what the Institutes
pronounce agreeable to natural law, naturali juri conveniens,
ibid., L. I, t. xx, 6. Tutors were so termed "as being
protectors", tuitores (ibid., L. I, t. xiii, 2), protectors of a
person in the exercise of his rights. A tutor did not confer
rights on his ward; the tutor's authority supplied the ward's
deficiency for exercise of rights which he already had. "When
one person increased (augebat) what another had, so as to fill
up a deficiency, this was called auctoritas" (ibid.,
Introduction, S:43, note, and see p. 76, t. xiv, p. 120, p.
134). Only one who was free could have that right, a deficiency
in which, according to this explanation of its meaning,
authority could supply. A slave could not be regarded as
deficient for exercising rights, because a slave (who in law was
not even regarded as a person) having no capacity to acquire the
rights themselves, there could arise no question of his capacity
to exercise them. Thus, a free person only could have occasion
for a tutor, or could be a ward (pupillus, pupilla). On the
other hand, no person not vested with the rights of citizenship
was qualified to become a tutor. Being deemed a public office,
tutela was compulsory upon those who were qualified and who
could present no legal excuse (ibid., L. I, t. xxv).
The tutela of a male ended with his fourteenth year, of a female
with her twelfth. But a minor was not deemed perfectoe oetatis
(of full age) and fit to protect his or her own interests, while
under the age of twenty-five years, and so, on the discharge of
the tutor, there was appointed a curator (ibid., L. I, tt. xix,
xxii, xxiii). Tutela might be testamentaria, legitima, or
dativa.
Tutela testamentaria arose from appointment in the last will of
the parent (Instit., L. I, t. xiii, 3). Tutela legitima occurred
in the instance of minors to whom by will no tutor had been
appointed. For them the law prescribed the tutela of certain
relations who were hence called tutores legitimi (ibid., t.
xv.). "If any one had no tutor at all" one was assigned by
certain magistrates and termed tutor dativus (ibid., t. xx).
The English common law recognized the father and, on his death,
the mother as guardian by nature or "for nurture" of a child's
person. But during feudal times the tenure by which land was
held determined the right to the guardianship of its owner while
under age. A male orphan under twenty-one years of age
inheriting land held by tenure of knight-service was, with his
land, committed to the guardianship of the lord of the fee, "to
instruct him", explains Sir John Fortescue (De Laudibus legum
Angliae, 2nd ed., 1741, xliv), "in deeds of arms which in virtue
of his tenure he's obliged to perform for the lord of the fee."
Of a female orphan the lord's guardianship continued until she
reached the age of sixteen years, or until her marriage, if
fourteen years of age, when her husband was entitled to perform
the service. Fortescue wrote in the reign of King Henry VI
(1422-61); this wardship, intended for instruction "in deeds of
arms", was by Queen Elizabeth "used to secure the education of
all Catholic minors in the Protestant faith" (Green, "History of
the English People", New York, 1903, III, 1324), not being
abolished until 1660. A minor might, however, inherit land held
by what was known as socage tenure, which according to Sir
William Blackstone "seems to denote a tenure by any certain and
determinate service" (Commentaries, Bk. II, vi, 79).
Guardianship of such an heir, both as to his person and his
land, was intrusted, if the inheritance had come from his
father's side, to a relation on the mother's side, and if the
inheritance had come from the mother's side, to some relation on
the father's side. This practice Fortescue extols for a reason
which has been very appropriately deemed to imply "melancholy
consciousness of the corruption of public morals" (Kent,
"Commentaries", II, 223). For Fortescue observes (loc. cit.)
that "to commit the care of a minor to him who is the next
heir-at-law is the same as delivering up a lamb to the care of a
wolf".
Each of the guardianships so far mentioned resembled the tutela
legitima of the Roman law. A father's right to appoint a
testamentary guardian for his son, which in Rome seems to have
been more ancient than the law of the Twelve Tables (Pandectae
Justinianeae, ed. Pothier, L. XXVI, t. ii, note), was conferred
by an English statute of the year 1660, a statute which, by a
prohibition now no longer in force, forbade the appointment of
Roman Catholics. In England the lord chancellor presiding in the
Court of Chancery, was "paramount guardian to all the infants in
the nation" (Reeve, "The Law of Husband and Wife", etc., 4th
ed., Albany, New York, 1888, 392). The sovereign as parens
patrioe was deemed to be protector of the interests of alI of
his subjects who were minors, and the exercise of this universal
guardianship devolved upon the Court of Chancery by what was
assumed to be delegation of the royal authority. In such
exercise of authority, the court followed "in many respects",
remarks Mr. Justice Story, "the very dictates of the Roman Code"
(Commentaries on Equity Jurisprudence, 13th ed., Boston, 1886,
II, 682).
Throughout the United States the law of the various states which
regulates guardianship and the conduct of guardians is, in many
particulars, local and statutory. For guardianship is "a local
and temporary status" (Taylor, op. cit., 559). But in all the
states (except in Louisiana) the law is based to a great extent
on the law as administered by the English Court of Chancery. The
same general remarks apply to British possessions other than
those acquired from France, Holland, and Spain. Founded upon the
civil law, the statutory law of Louisiana bears a resemblance to
the modern law of France, as well as to that of the Canadian
Province of Quebec. The Anglo-Indian Code provides for
guardianship by will, and this guardianship as well as the
sovereign's supervisory powers are recognized by the existing
native Hindu law. In Australia, by the "Commonwealth of
Australia Constitution Act" of 1900, power has been conferred
upon the Parliament of the commonwealth to make laws with
respect to "guardianship of infants" in relation to "divorce and
matrimonial causes" ("Constitution", I, P. V, 51, XXII; "The
General Public Acts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland", London, 1900, c. xii).
As in England the Lord Chancellor is "paramount guardian", so,
within those jurisdictions where, as just mentioned, the law
administered in the Court of the Chancellor is the basis of the
law of guardianship, any Court possessing Chancery powers, which
no local statute may have limited, "possesses", to quote from a
New York case, "a controlling and superintending power over all
guardians" (People v. Wilcox, Barbour's N. Y. Supreme Court
Reports, XXII, 189). Parental power must yield to that of this
"paramount guardian". "A man", remarks a very learned
chancellor, "has a right to the custody of the person of his
wife; in general, also to that of his child" (Vesey, Reports, X,
62). But this right "in general", being dependent upon
observance of a father's duties, any father will forfeit
whenever shown to be "an improper person to have the sole
control and education of his children" (Wellesley vs. Wellesley,
Bligh's New Reports, II, 137, 144). The father may control his
child's religious education, and, in respect to it, the
expressed desires of a deceased father have been declared to be
generally controlling. For it is said Religio sequitur patrem
[English Law Reports, Chancery Division, I (1902), 689]. "As
regards religious education", it is further said, "the wishes of
the father must be regarded by the court, and must be enforced,
unless there is some strong reason for disregarding them" [In re
McGrath, English Law Reports, Chancery Division, I (1893), 148.
See also Irish Reports, Equity, V, 118]. The court has held that
a promise before marriage, such as the Church when permitting a
mixed marriage requires concerning the religious education of
children of the marriage, is not legally binding on the husband
(In re Clarke, English Law Reports, Chancery Division, XXI,
817). The amount to be expended out of their property on
maintenance and education of minor wards was according to Roman
law to be determined by the praetor when not fixed by a will
(Instit., tr. Sanders, 152). Allowances for these purposes
became an important branch of the supervisory guardianship of
chancery, and in various states of the United States other
courts have been by statute vested with a like power.
Chancery guardianship included supervision of the marriage of
its wards. The English common law concerning a wife's property
rendered this supervision especially salutary to female wards.
For by the common law the property of a wife vested by her
marriage in her husband. But Chancery did not permit its
guardianship of property to be thus terminated. The chancellor
would only sanction the proposed marriage of a female ward on
her property being secured by such a settlement as met his
approval. An unsanctioned marriage rendered the husband guilty
of contempt of court, and liable to imprisonment until he agreed
to a proper settlement on his wife. For, "though by the
ecclesiastical law a woman is of age to marry, yet by the
temporal law she cannot dispose of her fortune" (Fonblanque, "A
Treatise on Equity", Philadelphia, 1820, II, 227, note b).
Modern statutes have in many jurisdictions rendered this curious
branch of Chancery guardianship less necessary than it was in
former times.
Contrary to the Roman law and to the modern law of France and
other civil law countries, guardianship is not by English law a
public office, and therefore no person is compelled by that law
to assume its duties. Guardianship does not cease, as did
tutela, when the ward reaches fourteen years of age.
Guardianship in socage (which without the old rules as to its
devolution is yet recognized in a New York statute), is said to
cease when the ward reaches that age "so far as to entitle the
infant to enter and take the land to himself". But yet if no
other guardian be appointed, the guardianship will continue
(Byrne vs. Van Hoesen, Johnson's New York Supreme Court Reports,
V, 66). And twenty-one years being the equivalent of the
perfecta oetas of the Roman law, guardianship continues
generally until the minor reaches that age. But by the law of
some states females become of full age when eighteen years old,
or on marrying, and according to a New York statute guardianship
of a female ceases on her marriage as to her person, continuing,
however, as to her property. In some states the father has been
deprived of his paramount right to appoint a guardian. Various
statutes authorize the appointment of guardians, called usually
"committees", for persons of unsound mind. And (as in the Roman
law) guardianship of spendthrifts -- persons "who", to quote a
Scotch legal expression, "are in danger of suffering by their
profusion or facility of temper" (Bell, Principles of the Law of
Scotland, 10th ed., Edinburgh, 1899, 806) -- has, also, been
provided by the statutes of several states.
The guardian is called by Blackstone "a temporary parent", "the
power and reciprocal duty of a guardian and ward" being declared
by this authority to be "the same pro tempore as that of a
father and child" (Commentaries, Book I, xvii). But although
guardianship of a minor has been said to be "an artificial
extension of the parental power" (Taylor, op. cit.), the power
and duties in the artificial are similar to, but are not
identical with, those in the natural relation. The duties of a
guardian are, indeed, "those of protection, education and
maintenance" (Schouler, op. cit., 315), with right generally to
the custody of the ward's person (ibid., 311). But while a
parent is under the duty of supporting his child from his own
means, and may claim the labour and services of the child in
return, a guardian, as such, cannot sustain this claim, and he
is required to support his ward so far only as the latter's
property supplemented by the liberality of other persons will
allow (ibid., 305, and note 2).
"The guardian's trust" is "one of obligation and duty" (Kent,
"Commentaries", II, 229). Of the property intrusted to his care,
he is to take possession, suffering "no waste or destruction of
the ward's land" and investing legally any funds belonging to
him. And whenever the guardianship may be terminated, whether by
the ward attaining full age, or, at an earlier period, by
marriage of the ward, by death of either ward or guardian, or by
the latter's removal or resignation, a final accounting of the
guardianship is to be made "for the personal estate and the
issues and profits of the real estate" (Kent., loc. cit.). To a
minor who is a party defendant to a suit in court there is
assigned a protector known as a guardian ad litem.
EVERSLEY, The Law of the Domestic Relations (3rd ad., London,
1906), 618, 621, 624, 634, 635; STEPHEN, New Commentaries on the
Laws of England (14th ed., London, 1903), Bk. II, 308, 309, 340,
353; BURGE, Commentaries on Colonial and Foreign Laws (London,
1838), III, 931, 933, 937, 943, 944, 978 (also see edition of
1907, I, 8); WOERNER, A Treatise on the American Law of
Guardianship (Boston, 1897), 7, 15, 16, 40, 58, 180, 214, 327;
MACKELDEY, Compendium of Modem Civil Law, tr. KAUFMANN (New
York, 1845), 129; Laws of the State of New York, 1896 (Albany,
1896), I, 223-225 (see also Code of Civil Procedure, S:2821);
MERRICK, The Revised Civil Code of the State of Louisiana (New
Orleans, 1900), Art. 246-388; BEAUCHAMP, The Civil Code of the
Province of Quebec (Montreal, 1904), S:S:249, 290; La Grande
Encyclopedie, s. v. Tutelle; STOKES, The Anglo-Indian Codes
(Oxford, 1887), 229, 356; GRADY, A Manual of Hindu Law (London,
1871), 60, 61; WESSELS, History of the Roman-Dutch Law
(Grahamstown, 1908), 422.
CHARLES W. SLOANE.
Battista Guarini
Battista Guarini
An Italian poet, b. at Ferrara, 1538, d. at Venice, 7 Oct.,
1612. His father, Francesco Guarini, was a great-grandson of the
famous humanist, Guarino da Verona, who had founded the fortunes
of the family at Ferrara in the fifteenth century. Battista's
early life, divided between Padua and his native city, was
mainly academic, until, in 1567, he entered the court of Alfonso
II, the last Duke of Ferrara. He was employed as a diplomatist,
notably in the unsuccessful negotiations (1574 and 1575) for
obtaining for Alfonso the crown of Poland. Excepting for
occasional intervals, during which he was employed by the Dukes
of Savoy and Mantua, he spent most of his time in the service of
the Duke of Ferrara, until the death of Alfonso (1597) and the
devolution of the duchy to the Holy See. Later, Guarini
frequented the courts of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke
of Urbino. His last years were mostly passed at Rome and Venice,
where he was surrounded by admirers and enjoyed great fame as a
poet. Guarini's domestic life was stormy and unhappy. His
daughter, Anna Guarini was murdered by her husband, Ercole
Trotti, with the assistance of one of the poet's own sons. His
own conduct towards the latter was the reverse of exemplary, and
his whole career was embittered by his quarrels and perpetual
lawsuits with them and others.
Guarini's literary reputation is almost entirely based upon his
"Pastor Fido" (The Faithful Shepherd), a Iyrical pastoral drama
written to rival the "Aminta" of his friend and contemporary,
Tasso. This "pastoral tragi-comedy" is a masterpiece of the kind
that Flectcher's "Faithful Shepherdess" has made familiar to
English readers, and marks the culmination of the pastoral
poetry of the Italian Renaissance. In an age of conflict and
intrigue, men turned with pleasure to these artificial pictures
of the loves of shepherds and nymphs, and found a refuge from
reality in the sentimental world of an imaginary Arcadia.
Written with considerable dramatic power, its main charms lies
in the lyrical portions. It was published at the end of 1589,
dedicated to Carlo Emanuele I of Savoy, and was frequently
represented with success on the stage. Guarini also wrote a
collection of Iyrical poems, "Rime"; a comedy, "Idropica"; "Il
Secretario", a dialogue; and a political treatises, "Il Trattato
della Politica Liberta", in support of the Medicean rule in
Florence. His letters were printed in his lifetime. During
Tasso's confinement, Guardini saw an edition of his rival's
"Rime" through the press, per sola piet`a, as he puts it.
EDMUND G. GARDNER
Guarino Da Verona
Guarino da Verona
A humanist, b. 1370, at Verona, Italy; d. 1460, at Ferrara. He
studied Latin in the school of Giovanni da Ravenna, and
afterwards went to Constantinople, where he studied Greek under
Manuel Chrysoloras, in whose household he spent five years. In
1408 he returned with more than fifty Greek manuscripts to
Venice, where he was received with great enthusiasm. The rest of
his life was spent in teaching and lecturing with extraordinary
success in Florence, Venice, Verona, Ferrara, and other Italian
cities. His method of instruction was so celebrated that
students flocked from all parts of Italy, and even from England,
to his lecture-room. Many of them, notably Vittorino da Feltre,
afterwards became well-known scholars. In 1429 he was engaged by
Niccolo d'Este, Marquess of Ferrara, as tutor to his eldest son
Lionello. After devoting several years to Lionello's education,
he was appointed professor of rhetoric in the University of
Ferrara (1436), a post which he held for many years. The last
thirty years of his life were spent in teaching at Ferrara,
where he acted as interpreter between the representatives of the
Greek and Latin Churches at the council of 1438. A master of
Greek and Latin, Guarino was endowed with a wonderful memory and
an indefatigable industry. Moreover, he led an exemplary life
and deserves to be remembered with respect as a humanist whose
moral character was equal to his learning. Unlike some other
humanists, he showed no antagonism to the authority of the
Church. His works included grammatical treatises, translations
from the Greek, and commentaries on the works of various
classical authors. In addition to an elementary Latin grammar,
he brought out a widely popular Latin version of the catechism
of Greek grammar by Chrysoloras. His translations included the
whole of Strabo and some fifteen of Plutarch's "Lives", besides
some of the works of Lucian and Isocrates. He commented on
Persius, Juvenal, Martial and some others. He was an industrious
discover and collector of Latin manuscripts, among them being
manuscripts of the younger Pliny, Cicero, and Celsus. At Venice
he discovered a manuscript of Pliny's "Epistles" containing
about 124 letters, and several copies of this were made before
it was lost. He left behind him many speeches and some 600
letters.
SANDYS, History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), II,
49-51; SYMONDS, Renaissance in Italy (London, 1882), II: The
Revival of Learning, 298-.301: ROSMINI, Vita di Guarino (3
vols., Brescia, 1805-6); SABBADINI, La Scuola e gli Studi di
Guarino (1896).
EDMUND BURKE
Diocese of Guastalla
Diocese of Guastalla
(GUASTELLENSIS).
In the province of Reggio Emilia (Central Italy) on the left
bank of the Po at its junction with the Crostolo. Until the
tenth century it was an obscure hamlet, near the direction of
the Marchesi di Canossa. In 998 Gregory V consecrated there the
church of St. Peter (la Pieve). In 1106 Paschal II held at the
same place a council of investitures. During the struggle
between the popes and the Hohenstaufen the town fell under the
control of Reggio; in the fourteenth century it belonged to
Cremona, and later to Milan. In 1406 Filippo Maria Visconti made
it a county (contea) and gave it to Guido Torelli of Mantua.
Ferrante I, Gonzaga, ruled there in 1538; in 1621 it became a
duchy and remained in the hands of the Gonzaga family until
1746. Later it was joined (1748) to the Duchy of Parma given to
Philip Bourbon. It formed part of the Cisalpine Republic in
1798, and in 1805 was given as a principality to Pauline
Borghese. In 1815 the Treaty of Venice assigned it as a duchy to
Marie Louise, wife of Napoleon I, and after her death, in 1847,
it went to the Duke of Lucca, who in 1848 made it over to
Modena. In 1860 it was joined to the Kingdom of Italy.
Ecclesiastically it formed a Part of the Archdiocese of Reggio
until 1471, when it became an archipresbyterate nullius. Sixtus
V (1583) gave it abbatial rank; it was only in 1828 that Leo
XII, at the wish of Marie Louise, made it a bishoprics with
Modena an metropolitan. Its first bishop was John Neuschel, a
Hungarian abbot, and chaplain to the duchess. Among his
successors of note was Monsignor Pietro Rota (1855-71),
afterwards translated to Mantua. The diocese has 26 parishes,
65,000 souls; 11 convents, and 2 girls' boarding schools; it has
a weekly and a monthly Catholic paper, and is the headquarters
of a flourishing Catholic "Unione Agricola".
CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d' Italia (1858), XIV, 425-40; AFFO,
Storia della citta e ducato di Guastalla (4 vols., Guasllalla,
1773).
U. BENIGNI
Guastallines
Guastallines
Luigia Torelli, Countess of Guastalla (b. about 1500; d. 29
Oct., 1559 or 1569), widowed for the second time when she was
twenty-five, resolved to devote her life to the service of God.
The Principality of Guastalla, which she had inherited from her
father, was laid claim to by another branch of the family, and
the affair carried before Pope Clement VIII and Emperor Charles
V, whereupon she settled the matter by disposing of her estates
to Fernando Gonzaga, thereby also increasing her resources for
the religious foundations she had in mind. In 1536 she entered
the Angelicals (q.v.), a congregation which she had founded and
richly endowed, taking the name in religion of Paola Maria; and
later she established or assisted in the establishment of
several other religious houses in various parts of Italy. With
other Angelicals she accompanied the Barnabites on their
missions, working among women, and converting numbers from lives
of sin. When Paul III imposed the cloister on the Angelicals,
whom their foundress had destined for works of active charity,
particularly the care of the sick and orphans, she instituted
another community, also at Milan, for whom she built a house
between the Roman and the Tosa gate, known as the college of
Guastalla. Like the Angelicals, they were under the direction of
the Barnabites. The members, known as Daughters of Mary,
dedicated themselves to the care of orphans of noble family,
eighteen being provided for in the endowment. The orphans,
appointed by prominent Milanese, who eventually became
administrators of the institute, may remain for twelve years,
after which they are free either to return to the world, or
remain as religious, receiving in the former event a dowry of
2000 lire ($400). After the death of the foundress, Pope Urban
VIII, at the instance of St. Charles Borromeo, enclosed the
community. The sisters live as religious, attend choir, have
their meals in common, observe definite hours for prayer,
silence, and work, but take no solemn vows. Their garb is black,
fashioned according to a more secular style than was that of the
Angelicals and their veil is folded in a peculiar coronet form;
each also wears a gold ring engraved with a hand holding a
cross. Their charges dress in blue and are also popularly known
as Guastallines.
HELYOT, Dict. des ordres rel., I (Paris, 1847), 219; HEIMBUCHER,
Orden and Kongregationen (Paderborn, 1908); ROSSIGNOLI, Vita e
virtu della contessa di Guastalla (Milan, 1686); WEITZ,
Abbildungen sammt. geistl. Orden (Prague, 1821).
F.M. RUDGE
Santiago de Guatemala
Santiago de Guatemala
(Sancti Jacobi majoris de Guatemala)
Archdiocese conterminous with the Republic of Guatemala, in
Central America. It is bounded on the north by the State of
Yucatan in Mexico, the British colony of Belize, and the Gulf of
Honduras; on the east by the Republics of Honduras and Salvador;
on the south by the Pacific Ocean; on the west by the States of
Chiapas and Tabasco in Mexico. Its area is 28,950 square miles.
Santiago de Guatemala was made a diocese by Paul III 18
December, 1534, its first bishop being Don Francisco Marroquin,
who came from Spain with the adelantado or governor, Don Pedro
de Alvarado. The episcopal line of succession is as follows: (2)
Bernardino de Villalpando, (3) Gomez Fernandez de Cordova, (4)
Juan Ramirez de Arellano, (5) Juan Cabezas Altamirano, (6) Juan
Zapata y Sandoval, (7) Agustin de Ugartey Saravia, (8) Bartolome
Gonzalez Soltero, (9) Payo Enriquez de Rivera, (10) Juan de
Santo Matia Saenz Manozca y Murillo, (11) Juan de Ortega y
Montanez, (12) Andres de las Navas y Quevedo, (13) Mauro de
Larreategui y Colon, (14) Juan Bautista Alvarez de Toledo, (15)
Nicolas Carlos Gomez de Cervantes, (16) Juan Gomez de Parada. On
16 December, 1743, the Diocese of Guatemala was raised to
metropolitan rank by Benedict XIV, the Dioceses of Nicaragua and
Comayagua (Honduras) being assigned to it as suffragans. The
Diocese of San Salvador, erected by Gregory XVI, 28 September,
1842, and that of San Jose de Costa Rica, erected in 1850, were
also added to these suffragans, so that the metropolitan church
of Santiago de Guatemala has four suffragan dioceses, which are,
in the order of their erection: Nicaragua, Honduras, San
Salvador, and Costa Rica. With the archdiocese, they constitute
the ecclesiastical Province of Central America. The series of
archbishops since the erection of the archdiocese, in 1743, is
(1) Pedro Pardo de Figueroa, (2) Francisco Jose de Figueredo y
Victoria, (3) Pedro Cortez y Larraz, (4) Cayetano Francos y
Monroy, (5) Juan Felix de Villegas, (6) Luis Penalver y
Cardenas, (7) Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, (8) Ramon Casaus y
Torres, (9) Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez, (10) Bernardo
Pinol y Aycinena, (11) Ricardo Casanova y Estrada. Church and
State being now separated, there is no official relation between
the two. By the twenty-fourth article of the Constitution of the
Republic, the free exercise of all forms of religion, with no
pre-eminence for any one form, is guaranteed, but only within
their respective places of worship.
Formerly, there existed in this archdiocese communities of
Friars Preachers (Dominicans), Minor Observantines of St.
Francis, Recollect and Capuchin Missionaries, Jesuits, the
Oratory of St. Philip Neri, and the Priests of the Mission of
St. Vincent de Paul. There were also religious communities of
the following female orders: Poor Clares, Capuchins,
Conceptionists, Catarinas, Belemites, Rosas, and Dominicans,
besides the Religious of the Institute of St. Vincent de Paul
engaged in the service of hospitals and the teaching of poor
children; these Sisters are employed in the hospitals of the
city of Guatemala, of Quezaltenango, and of Antigua Guatemala.
There is but one ecclesiastical college, the Colegio de
Infantes, for the choir- and altar-boys of the cathedral of
Santa Iglesia. It has fifteen professors and tow inspectors, and
numbers (1908) 47 intern and 102 extern pupils. The Sisters of
Charity conduct in the Casa Central of the city of Guatemala a
teaching establishment which, during the year 1908, had 98 girls
as interns and gave instruction to 750 girls and 160 boys as
externs; in the same year the orphan asylum at the capital,
conducted by religious of the same institute, sheltered 190 male
and 112 female orphans of more advanced age, besides 35 infants
of both sexes. In the Asilo Santa Maria these Sisters had under
their care 90 girl interns. There is also in the city of
Guatemala the Colegio San Agustin, an establishment for the
education of older boys, conducted by a secular priest, with 329
pupils; in the city are nine girls' schools in which religious
instruction and training are given. By the eighteenth article of
the Fundamental Law, the teaching in the national institutes,
colleges, and schools is entirely secular and gratuitous. The
101 parishes of the archdiocese are grouped, for purposes of
ecclesiastical administration, into sixteen vicariates forain.
The capital contains four parishes, each served by a parish
priest (cura) and an assistant (vicario); there are also 19
churches in the city under a presbiterio rector. The cathedral
clergy consists of the archbishop, the chapter (six dignitaries:
dean, archdean, cantor, schoolmaster, treasurer, and magistral),
a priest sacristan in chief, a priest master of ceremonies, six
choir chaplains, and a sub-cantor. The administrative
organization of the diocese consists of the archbishop,
vicar-general, and private and administrative secretary; in
addition to these the treasurer-general and two ecclesiastical
registrars are members of the ecclesiastical curia. In 1908 the
archdiocese had 120 secular and 12 regular priests. According to
the census of 1902, the denominational statistics of the
republic were: Catholics 1,422,933; Protestants, 2254;
professing other religions, 1146; of no religion, 5113. By the
decree of 15 November, 1879, the cemeteries were absolutely
secularized, and their construction, administration, and
inspection subjected exclusively to municipal authority. There
is an archdiocesan seminary for the formation of the clergy,
governed by a rector, a vice-rector, a chaplain, several
prefects and professors; in 1908 it had 16 students.
JOSE MA RAMIREZ COLOM
Guayaquil
Guayaquil
Archdiocese of Guayaquil (Guayaquilensis).
Guayaquil, the capital of the Ecuadorian province of Guayas, is
situated on the right shore of the Lower Guayas, the estuary of
which expands into the Gulf of Guayaquil, and affords the best
harbour on the Western South American coast. Next to the capital
city of Quito, it is the most important community in Ecuador.
The city was founded by Benalcazar in 1535; it numbered 51,000
inhabitants in 1851, and must today [1910] have an increased
population of about 70,000 or 75,000. The fear of earthquake has
caused it to be constructed almost entirely of wood, including
even its double-belfried cathedral. As a consequence it has been
destroyed several times by fire (the latest recurrences of this
were in 1896 and 1902).
Steamers from three European and from one New York line visit
this port. In 1907 there entered 209 vessels of 416,139 tons
(205,412 tons British), while there cleared 208 vessels of
415,179 tons (204,452 tons British) (Statesman's Yearbook, 1909,
737).
Guayaquil has a State national college (a branch institution of
the University of Quito). a diocesan seminary for priests, a
Dominican convent to which is attached a large church, a
Franciscan monastery (founded in 1864 by Fathers exiled from
Colombia), which holds at present eight Fathers, an institute
maintained by the Salesian Fathers of Don Bosco and known as
"The Philanthropic House", with about fifty boarding pupils and
over 600 scholars, etc.
The Bishopric of Guayaquil was established on 16 February, 1837,
by the separation of this portion from the Diocese of Cuenca. It
was first a suffragan of Lima, until 13 January, 1849, when it
became a suffragan of Quito. The diocese comprises the province
of Guayas (districts of Guayaquil, Yaguachi, Daule, and Santa
Elena) and Los Rios (districts of Babahoyo, Baba, Vinces,
Pueblo, Viejo) and covers altogether 11,500 square miles; it
numbers 130,900 souls, 40 parishes, 52 churches and chapels, 60
secular priests, and 20 members of the regular clergy, 1
seminary for the priesthood and 4 colleges for boys besides 60
schools.
Its first bishop was F.X. de Garaycoa (1838-51), who
subsequently went to Quito as archbishop. The diocese then
remained vacant through a period of ten years, at the end of
which, in 1861, it was given another bishop, in the person of
Tomas Aguirre (d. 1868). The latter was succeeded in 1869 by
Jose Maria Lizarzabaru, S.J. (D. 1877), who took part in the
Vatican Council and was followed, after another interregnum of
seven years, by Roberto Maria del Pozo y Martin, S.J. (b. 28
August, 1836, at Ibarra, and made bishop, 13 November, 1884).
Wolf, Geografia y Geologia del Ecuador (Leipzig, 1892), 557
seq.; Gonzalez Suarez, Historia eclesistica del Ecuador (Quito,
1881); Idem, Historia general del Ecuador (Quito, 1890-1903);
Kolberg, Nach Ecuador (4th ed., Freiburg im Br., 1897), 176 sq.;
Boletin eclesiastico (Quito); Guayaquil artistico (Guayaquil);
Pedagogia y Letras (Guayaquil).
GREGOR REINHOLD
Gubbio
Gubbio
Diocese of Eugubinensis, in the province of Perugia in Umbria
(Central Italy).
The city is situated on the slopes of Monte Ingino, watered by
the rushing Camignano, and overlooks a fertile valley. In the
neighbourhood are several ferruginous mineral springs. On
pre-Roman coins this very ancient place is called Ikvvini or
Ikvvins. The Gubbio Tables (Tabulae Eugubinae) are famous. They
are bronze slabs with seven inscriptions, two of which are in
Latin, and five in the ancient Umbrian tongue. They were found
in 1444 among the ruins of the temple of Jupiter Appeninus near
Scheggia; in 1456 were acquired by the city of Gubbio, and inset
in the walls of the Palazzo del Podest`a. This find gave the
first impetus to the study of the ancient Italian dialects. For
the inscriptions see Fabretti, "Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum
antiquioris aevi" (Turin, 1857). The Romans called Gubbio
"Iguvium", but as early as the fifth century B.C. the form
"Eugubium" is met with. From the aforesaid tables we learn that
at that time the inhabitants of Eugubium were on bad terms with
the neighbouring Tadinum. During the civil war (49 B.C.) Curio,
one of Caesar's generals, conquered Gubbio. In the eighth
century it became part of the Patrimony of St. Peter together
with the duchy of Spoleto. From the twelfth to the fifteenth
century it had a population of about 50,000, was organized as a
municipality with a podesta and two consuls, and had within its
jurisdiction Pergola, Costacciaro, Terra San Abbondio, Cantiano,
and other Umbrian villages. It was often at war with Perugia,
and its victory in 1151 over Perugia and ten other towns is
famous. St. Ubaldo, bishop of the city, directed the campaign.
Gubbio favoured the Ghibelline party; however, in 1260 the
Guelphs surprised the town, and drove out the Ghibellines, who
returned again in 1300 under the leadership of Uguccione della
Faggiuola, and Federigo di Montefeltro, whereupon Boniface VIII
sent thither his nephew Napoleone Orsini who drove them out once
more. Its distance from Rome favoured the growth of the
Signoria, or hereditary lordship. The first lord of Gubbio was
Bosone Raffaeli (1316-1318) who entertained Dante; later the
Gabrielli family were the Signori, or lords. Giovanni Gabrielli
was expelled by Cardinal Albornoz (1354) and the town handed
over to a pontifical vicar. In 1381, however, the bishop,
Gabriele Gabrielli, succeeded in being appointed pontifical
vicar. At his death, his brother Francesco wished to seize the
reins of power, but the town rebelled. Francesco called to his
aid Florence and the Malatesta, whereupon the city surrendered
to the Duke of Urbino (1384), Antonio di Montefeltro, and
remained subject to the duchy as long as it existed, save for a
few short intervals (Caesar Borgia, 1500; Lorenzo de' Medici,
1516). During all this time, however, Gubbio retained its
constitution, and the right to coin its own money. Among the
famous citizens are: Bosone Raffaeli, poet and commentator on
Dante; the poet Armannino; Caterina Gabrielli Contarini, a
fifteenth-century poetess; the historians Guarniero Berni and
Griffolino; the lawyers Giacomo Benedetto and Antonio Concioli;
the physician Accoramboni; the botanist Quadramio; the
archaeologist Ranghiasci; the painter Oderigi (whom Dante calls
"l'onor d'Agobbio") with his disciples Guido Palmerucci,
Angioletto d'Agobbio, Martino and Ottaviano Nelli; Federigo
Brunori and the miniaturist Angelica Allegrini; also Mastro
Giorgio (Giorgio Andreoli) who in the fifteenth century raised
to high perfection the art of working in majolica.
Besides the ruins of the temple of Jupiter Appenninus, there has
been found at Gubbio an ancient semicircular theatre. In the
churches and in the municipal gallery are frescoes and carvings
by many eminent masters, natives of the city and elsewhere. The
cathedral has some artistically embroidered cinquecento copes.
The Palazzo dei Consoli joined to that of the Podest`a
(1332-1346) is a splendid specimen of Angiolo da Orvieto's work;
in the chapel are frescoes by Palmerucci. The ducal palace built
by Federigo II, di Montefeltro (1474-1482) is a worthy monument
to that accomplished prince's exquisite artistic sense.
The earliest known Bishop of Gubbio is Decentius, to whom
Innocent I addressed (416) the well-known reply concerning
liturgy and church discipline. St. Gregory the Great (590-604)
entrusted to Bishop Gaudiosus of Gubbio the spiritual care of
Tadinum, about a mile from the modern Gualdo, which had been
long without a bishop of its own. Arsenius of Gubbio (855)
together with Nicholas of Anagni opposed the election Benedict
III. Other bishops of Gubbio were St. Rodolfo, honoured for his
sanctity by St. Peter Damian; St. Giovanni II of Lodi (1105), a
monk of Fonte Avellana; St. Ubaldo (1160), in whose honour a
church was built in 1197, which afterwards belonged to the
Franciscans; Teobaldo, a monk of Fonte Avellana, against whom
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa set up as anti- bishop one Bonatto;
St Villano (1206); Fra Benvenuto (1278), papal legate to restore
peace between Alfonso of Castile and Philip III of France.
Cardinals Bembo and Marcello Cervino, afterwards Pope Marcellus
II, were also bishops of Gubbio, likewise Alessandro Sperelli
(1644), author of many learned works, who restored the
cathedral. Gubbio was originally directly subject to the Holy
See, but in 1563 became a suffragan of Urbino; as a result of
the resistance begun by Bishop Mariano Savelli it was not until
the eighteenth century that Urbino could exercise metropolitan
jurisdiction. The see has 65 parishes, 40,200 souls, 7
monasteries for men, 12 convents for women, 3 boarding-schools
for boys, and 4 for girls.
CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (1846), V, 355-458; SARTI, De
Episcopis Eugubinis (Pesaro, 1755); LUCARELLI, Memorie e guida
storica di Gubbio (Citta di Castello, 1886); COLASANTI, Gubbio
in Italia Artistica (Bergamo, 1906), XIII.
U. BENIGNI
Moritz Gudenus
Moritz Gudenus
A German convert to the Catholic faith from the Protestant
ministry; b. 11 April, 1596, at Cassel; d. February, 1680, at
Treffurt near Erfurt. He was a descendant of a Calvinist family
which had removed from Utrecht to Hesse. After attending school
at Cassel he continued his studies at the University of Marburg,
in which city he subsequently acted as deacon of the reformed
church. He had held this position for less than two years, when
a change of civil rulers resulted in the official substitution
of Lutheranism for Calvinism at Marburg. Gudenus lost his office
because of his refusal to adopt the Augsburg Confession. He
returned to Cassel, was appointed assistant at Abterode, and in
1625 became pastor there. The reading of Bellarmine's works
revealed to him the Catholic doctrine in its true light, and
after careful study he and his family were received into the
Church in 1630. The conversion was made at the cost of
considerable personal sacrifices. After a time of need and
trials Gudenus was named high bailiff at Treffurt, a position
which he held until his death. His funeral panegyric was
delivered by Herwig Boning, representative of the Archbishop of
Mainz in the district of Eichsfeld and parish priest of
Duderstadt. Boning included the panegyric in his edition of the
works of Gudenus, which comprised a treatise on the Eucharist
and two letters on the history of his conversion, one addressed
to the Jesuits of Heiligenstadt, the other to his
brother-in-law, Dr. Paul Stein: "Mensa Neophyti septem panibus
instructa a cl. viro Dno. Mauritio Gudeno, electorali Moguntino
praefecto in Trefurt p.m. sive ejusdem de sua ad fidem
romano-catholicam conversione et divina erga se providentia
narratio" (Duderstadt, 1686). Gudenus was survived by five sons,
some of whom achieved distinction in ecclesiastical and academic
circles. John Daniel became Auxiliary Bishop of Mainz; John
Maurice, electoral and imperial counsellor and praetor at
Erfurt, wrote a history of that city, "Historia Erfurtensis"
(Duderstadt, 1675); Dr. John Christopher, who was diplomatic
representative of the Archdiocese of Mainz at Vienna, and Dr.
Urban Ferdinand, who occupied a university chair, became the
founders of the two noble branches of the Gudenus family, which
still flourish in Austria.
RASS, Convertiten, V (Freiburg, 1867), 366-81; BINDER in
Kirchenlex., s. v.; Universal Lexikom, XI (Halle and Leipzig,
1735), 1212-13; KNESCHKE, Neues Allg. Deutsch. Adels-Lexikon, IV
(Leipzig, 1863), 86-87.
N.A. WEBER
Saint Gudula
St. Gudula
(Latin, Guodila).
Born in Brabant, Belgium, of Witger and Amalberga, in the
seventh century; died at the beginning of the eighth century.
After the birth of Gudula her mother Amalberga, who is herself
venerated as a saint, embraced the religious life, and according
to tradition received the veil at the hands of St. Aubert,
Bishop of Cambrai (d. about 668). Gudula's sister was St.
Reinelda, and her brother, St. Emebertus, who succeeded St.
Vindician as Bishop of Cambrai about 695. From an early age
Gudula proved herself a worthy child of her mother, and with
Reinelda and Emebertus lived in an atmosphere of piety and good
works. She frequently visited the church of Moorzeele, situated
at a distance of two miles from her parents' house. She was
buried at Ham (Eastern Flanders). About a century after her
death, her relics were removed from Ham to the church of
Saint-Sauveur at Moorzeele, where the body was interred behind
the altar. Under Duke Charles of Lorraine (977-992), or more
exactly, between 977 and 988, the body of the saint was taken
from the church of Moorzeele and transferred to the chapel of
Saint Gery at Brussels. Count Balderic of Louvain caused another
translation to be made in 1047, when the relics of the saint
were placed in the church of Saint-Michel. Great indulgences
were granted on the feast of the saint in 1330, to all who
assisted in the decoration and completion of the church of St.
Gudula at Brussels. On 6 June, 1579, the collegiate church was
pillaged and wrecked by the Gueux and heretics, and the relics
of the saint disinterred and scattered. The feast of the saint
is celebrated at Brussels on 8 January, and at Ghent--in which
diocese Ham and Moorzeele are located--on 19 January.
If St. Michael is the patron of Brussels, St. Gudula is its most
venerated patroness. In iconography, St. Gudula is represented
on a seal of the Church of St. Gudula of 1446 reproduced by Pere
Ch. Cahier (Caracteristiques des saints, I, 198) holding in her
right hand a candle, and in her left a lamp, which a demon
endeavours to extinguish. This representation is doubtless in
accord with the legend which relates that the saint frequently
repaired to the church before cock-crow. The demon wishing to
interrupt this pious exercise, extinguished the light which she
carried, but the saint obtained from God that her lantern should
be rekindled. The flower called "tremella deliquescens", which
bears fruit in the beginning of January, is known as "Sinte
Goulds lampken" (St. Gudula's lantern). The old woodcarvers who
professed to represent the saints born in the states of the
House of Austria, depict St. Gudula with a taper in her hand.
Acta Sanctorum Belgii, V, 689-715, 716-735; Mon. Germ. Hist.:
Scriptores, XV, 2, 1200-1203; Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum
bibliothecae regiae Bruxellensis (Brussels, 1886), I, 391;
BOLLANDUS, De S. Gudila virgine commentarius praevius, with add.
by GHESQUIERE, in Acta Sanctorum Belgii, loc. cit., 667-689; De
S. Gudila et ejus translatione and De translatione corporis B.
Gudulae virginis ad ecclesiam S. Michaelis et de institutione
canonicorum Bruxellae et Lovanii, in LEUCKENBERG, Selecta juris
et histor., III, 211-218; CAHIER, Caracteristiques des Saints
dans l'art populaire (Paris, 1867), I, 197, II, 507; VAN DER
ESSEN, Etude critique et litteraire sur les Vitae des saints
Merovingiens de l'ancienne Belgique (Louvain, 1907), 296-298.
L. VAN DER ESSEN
Guelphs and Ghibellines
Guelphs and Ghibellines
Names adopted by the two factions that kept Italy divided and
devastated by civil war during the greater part of the later
Middle Ages.
It has been well observed by Grisar, in his recent biography of
Pope Gregory the Great, that the doctrine of two powers to
govern the world, one spiritual and the other temporal, each
independent within its own limits, is as old as Christianity
itself, and based upon the Divine command to "render to Caesar
the things that are Caesar's and to God the things that are
God's". The earlier popes, such as Gelasius I (494) and
Symmachus (506), write emphatically on this theme, which
received illustration in the Christian art of the eighth century
in a mosaic of the Lateran palace that represented Christ
delivering the keys to St. Silvester and the banner to the
Emperor Constantine, and St. Peter giving the papal stole to Leo
III and the banner to Charlemagne. The latter scene insists on
the papal action in the restoration of the Western Empire, which
Dante regards as an act of usurpation on the part of Leo. For
Dante, pope and emperor are as two suns to shed light upon man's
spiritual and temporal paths respectively, Divinely ordained by
the infinite goodness of Him from Whom the power of Peter and of
Caesar bifurcates as from a point. Thus, throughout the troubled
period of the Middle Ages, men inevitably looked to the
harmonious alliance of these two powers to renovate the face of
the earth, or, when it seemed no longer possible for the two to
work in unison, they appealed to one or the other to come
forward as the saviour of society. We get the noblest form of
these aspirations in the ideal imperialism of Dante's "De
Monarchia", on the one hand; and, on the other, in the
conception of the ideal pope, the papa angelico of St. Bernard's
"De Consideratione" and the "Letters" of St. Catherine of Siena.
This great conception can vaguely be discerned at the back of
the nobler phases of the Guelph and Ghibelline contests; but it
was soon obscured by considerations and conditions absolutely
unideal and material. Two main factors may be said to have
produced and kept alive these struggles: the antagonism between
the papacy and the empire, each endeavouring to extend its
authority into the field of the other; the mutual hostility
between a territorial feudal nobility, of military instincts,
and of foreign descent, and a commercial and municipal
democracy, clinging to the traditions of Roman law, and ever
increasing in wealth and power. Since the coronation of
Charlemagne (800), the relations of Church and State had been
ill defined, full of the seeds of future contentions, which
afterwards bore fruit in the prolonged "War of Investitures",
begun by Pope Gregory VII and the Emperor Henry IV (1075), and
brought to a close by Callistus II and Henry V (1122). Neither
the Church nor the Empire was able to make itself politically
supreme in Italy. Throughout the eleventh century, the free
Italian communes had arisen, owing a nominal allegiance to the
Empire as having succeeded to the power of ancient Rome and as
being the sole source of law and right, but looking for support,
politically as well as spiritually, to the papacy.
The names "Guelph" and "Ghibelline" appear to have originated in
Germany, in the rivalry between the house of Welf (Dukes of
Bavaria) and the house of Hohenstaufen (Dukes of Swabia), whose
ancestral castle was Waiblingen in Franconia. Agnes, daughter of
Henry IV and sister of Henry V, married Duke Frederick of
Swabia. "Welf" and "Waiblingen" were first used as rallying
cries at the battle of Weinsberg (1140), where Frederick's son,
Emperor Conrad III (1138-1152), defeated Welf, the brother of
the rebellious Duke of Bavaria, Henry the Proud. Conrad's nephew
and successor, Frederick I "Barbarossa" (1152-1190), attempted
to reassert the imperial authority over the Italian cities, and
to exercise supremacy over the papacy itself. He recognized an
antipope, Victor, in opposition to the legitimate sovereign
pontiff, Alexander III (1159), and destroyed Milan (1162), but
was signally defeated by the forces of the Lombard League at the
battle of Legnano (1176) and compelled to agree to the peace of
Constance (1183), by which the liberties of the Italian communes
were secured. The mutual jealousies of the Italian cities
themselves, however, prevented the treaty from having permanent
results for the independence and unity of the nation. After the
death of Frederick's son and successor, Henry VI (1197), a
struggle ensued in Germany and in Italy between the rival
claimants for the Empire: Henry's brother, Philip of Swabia (d.
1208), and Otho of Bavaria. According to the more probable
theory, it was then that the names of the factions were
introduced into Italy. "Guelfo" and "Ghibellino" being the
Italian forms of "Welf" and "Waiblingen". The princes of the
house of Hohenstaufen being the constant opponents of the
papacy, "Guelph" and "Ghibelline" were taken to denote adherents
of Church and Empire, respectively. The popes having favoured
and fostered the growth of the communes, the Guelphs were in the
main the republican, commercial, burgher party; the Ghibellines
represented the old feudal aristocracy of Italy. For the most
part the latter were descended from Teutonic families planted in
the peninsula by the Germanic invasions (of the past), and they
naturally looked to the emperors as their protectors against the
growing power and pretensions of the cities. It is, however,
clear that these names were merely adopted to designate parties
that, in one form or another, had existed from the end of the
eleventh century. In the endeavour to realize the precise
signification of these terms, one must consider the local
politics and the special conditions of each individual state and
town. Thus, in Florence, a family quarrel between the
Buondelmonti and the Amidei, in 1215, led traditionally to the
introduction of "Guelph" and "Ghibelline" to mark off the two
parties that henceforth kept the city divided; but the factions
themselves had virtually existed since the death of the great
Countess Mathilda of Tuscany (1115), a hundred years before, had
left the republic at liberty to work out its own destinies. The
rivalry of city against city was also, in many cases, a more
potent inducement for one to declare itself Guelph and another
Ghibelline, than any specially papal or imperial proclivities on
the part of its citizens. Pavia was Ghibelline, because Milan
was Guelph. Florence being the head of the Guelph league in
Tuscany, Lucca was Guelph because it needed Florentine
protection; Siena was Ghibelline, because it sought the support
of the emperor against the Florentines and against the
rebellious nobles of its own territory; Pisa was Ghibelline,
partly from hostility to Florence, partly from the hope of
rivalling with imperial aid the maritime glories of Genoa. In
many cities a Guelph faction and a Ghibelline faction
alternately got the upper hand, drove out its adversaries,
destroyed their houses and confiscated their possessions.
Venice, which had aided Alexander III against Frederick I, owed
no allegiance to the Western empire, and naturally stood apart.
One of the last acts of Frederick I had been to secure the
marriage of his son Henry with Constance, aunt and heiress of
William the Good, the last of the Norman kings of Naples and
Sicily. The son of this marriage, Frederick II (b. 1194), thus
inherited this South Italian kingdom, hitherto a bulwark against
the imperial Germanic power in Italy, and was defended in his
possession of it against the Emperor Otho by Pope Innocent III,
to whose charge he had been left as a ward by his mother. On the
death of Otho (1218), Frederick became emperor, and was crowned
in Rome by Honorius III (1220). The danger, to the papacy and to
Italy alike, of the union of Naples and Sicily (a vassal kingdom
of the Holy See) with the empire, was obvious; and Frederick,
when elected King of the Romans, had sworn not to unite the
southern kingdom with the German crown. His neglect of this
pledge, together with the misunderstandings concerning his
crusade, speedily brought about a fresh conflict between the
Empire and the Church. The prolonged struggle carried on by the
successors of Honorius, from Gregory IX to Clement IV, against
the last Swabian princes, mingled with the worst excesses of the
Italian factions on either side, is the central and most typical
phase of the Guelph and Ghibelline story. From 1227, when first
excommunicated by Gregory IX, to the end of his life, Frederick
had to battle incessantly with the popes, the second Lombard
League, and the Guelph pary in general throughout Italy. The
Genoese fleet, conveying the French cardinals and prelates to a
council summoned at Rome, was destroyed by the Pisans at the
battle of Meloria (1241); and Gregory's successor, Innocent IV,
was compelled to take refuge in France (1245). The atrocious
tyrant, Ezzelino da Romano, raised up a bloody despotism in
Verona and Padua; the Guelph nobles were temporarily expelled
from Florence; but Frederick's favourite son, King Enzio of
Sardinia, was defeated and captured by the Bolognese (1249), and
the strenuous opposition of the Italians proved too much for the
imperial power. After the death of Frederick (1250), it seemed
as if his illegitimate son, Manfred, King of Naples and Sicily
(1254-1266), himself practically an Italian, was about to unite
all Italy into a Ghibelline, anti-papal monarchy. Although in
the north the Ghibelline supremacy was checked by the victory of
the Marquis Azzo d'Este over Ezzelino at Cassano on the Adda
(1259), in Tuscany even Florence was lost to the Guelph cause by
the sanguinary battle of Montaperti (4 Sept., 1260), celebrated
in Dante's poem. Urban IV then offered Manfred's crown to
Charles of Anjou, the brother of St. Louis of France. Charles
came to Italy, and by the great victory of Benevento (26 Feb.,
1266), at which Manfred was killed, established a French dynasty
upon the throne of Naples and Sicily. The defeat of Frederick's
grandson, Conradin, at the battle of Tagliacozzo (1268) followed
by his judicial murder at Naples by the command of Charles,
marks the end of the struggle and the overthrow of the German
imperial power in Italy for two and a half centuries.
Thus the struggle ended in the complete triumph of the Guelphs.
Florence, once more free and democratic, had established a
special organization within the republic, known as the Parte
Guelfa, to maintain Guelph principles and chastise supposed
Ghibellines. Siena, hitherto the stronghold of Ghibellinism in
Tuscany, became Guelph after the battle of Colle di Valdelsa
(1269). The pontificate of the saintly and pacific Gregory X
(1271-1276) tended to dissociate the Church from the Guelph
party, which now began to look more to the royal house of
France. Although they lost Sicily by the "Vespers of Palermo"
(1282), the Angevin kings of Naples remained the chief power in
Italy, and the natural leaders of the Guelphs, with whose aid
they had won their crown. Adherence to Ghibelline principles was
still maintained by the republics of Pisa and Arezzo, the Della
Scala family at Verona, and a few petty despots here and there
in Romagna and elsewhere. No great ideals of any kind were by
this time at stake. As Dante declares in the "Paradiso" (canto
vi), one party opposed to the imperial eagle the golden lilies,
and the other appropriated the eagle to a faction, "so that it
is hard to see which sinneth most". The intervention of Boniface
VIII in the politics of Tuscany, when the predominant Guelphs of
Florence split into two new factions, was the cause of Dante's
exile (1301), and drove him for a while into the ranks of the
Ghibellines. The next pope, Benedict XI (1303-1304), made
earnest attempts to reconcile all parties; but the "Babylonian
Captivity" of his successors at Avignon augmented the divisions
of Italy. From the death of Frederick II (1250) to the election
of Henry VII (1308), the imperial throne was regarded by the
Italians as vacant. Henry himself was a chivalrous and high
minded idealist, who hated the very names of Guelph and
Ghibelline; his expedition to Italy (1310-1313) roused much
temporary enthusiasm (reflected in the poetry of Dante and Cino
da Pistoia), but he was successfully resisted by King Robert of
Naples and the Florentines. After his death, imperial vicars
made themselves masters of various cities. Uguccione della
Faggiuola (d. 1320), for a brief while lord of Pisa "in
marvellous glory", defeated the allied forces of Naples and
Florence at the battle of Montecatini (29 Aug., 1315), a famous
Guelph overthrow that has left its traces in the popular poetry
of the fourteenth century. Can Grande della Scala (d. 1339),
Dante's friend and patron, upheld the Ghibelline cause with
magnanimity in eastern Lombardy; while Matteo Visconti (d. 1322)
established a permanent dynasty in Milan, which became a sort of
Ghibelline counterbalance to the power of the Angevin
Neapolitans in the south. Castruccio Interminelli (d. 1328), a
soldier of fortune who became Duke of Lucca, attempted the like
in central Italy; but his signory perished with him. Something
of the old Guelph and Ghibelline spirit revived during the
struggle between Ludwig of Bavaria and Pope John XXII; Ludwig
set up an antipope, and was crowned in Rome by a representative
of the Roman people, but his conduct disgusted his own
partisans. In the poetry of Fazio degli Uberti (d. after 1368),
a new Ghibellinism makes itself heard: Rome declares that Italy
can only enjoy peace when united beneath the scepter of one
Italian king.
Before the return of the popes from Avignon, "Guelph" and
"Ghibelline" had lost all real significance. Men called
themselves Guelph or Ghibelline, and even fought furiously under
those names, simply because their forbears had adhered to one or
other of the factions. In a city which had been officially
Guelph in the past, any minority opposed to the government of
the day, or obnoxious to the party in power, would be branded as
"Ghibelline". Thus, in 1364, we find it enacted by the Republic
of Florence that any one who appeals to the pope or his legate
or the cardinals shall be declared a Ghibelline. "There are no
more wicked nor more mad folk under the vault of heaven than the
Guelphs and Ghibellines", says St. Bernardino of Siena in 1427.
He gives an appalling picture of the atrocities still
perpetuated, even by women, under these names, albeit by that
time the primitive signification of the terms had been lost, and
declares that the mere professing to belong to either party is
in itself a mortal sin. As party catch-words they survived,
still attended with bloody consequences, until the coming to
Italy of Charles V (1529) finally re-established the imperial
power, and opened a new epoch in the relations of pope and
emperor.
SISMONDI, Histoire des Republiques italiennes du moyen age;
BALBO, Sommario della Storia d'Italia (Florence, 1856); BRYCE,
The Holy Roman Empire; TOUT, The Empire and the Papacy (London,
1903); LANZANI, Storia dei communi italiani dalle origini al
1313 (Milan, 1881); SALZER, Ueber die Anfange der Signorie in
Oberitalien (Berlin, 1900); BUTLER, The Lombard Communes
(London, 1906); CAPPONI, Storia della Repubblica di Firenze
(Florence, 1888); VILLARI, I primi due secoli della Storia di
Firenze (new ed., Florence, 1905); earlier ed. translated into
English by Linda Villari); DOUGLAS, A History of Siena (London,
1902); WIKSTEED AND GARDNER, Dante and Giovanni del Virgilio
(London, 1901); RENIER, Liriche edite ed inedite di Fazio degli
Uberti (Florence, 1883); SCHOTT, Welfen und Gibelinge in
Zeitschrifte f. Geschichtswissenschaft (1846), V, 317;
HOLDER-EGGER, Cronica Fratris Salimbene (Hanover, 1905-08).
EDMUND G. GARDNER
Prosper Louis Pascal Gueranger
Prosper Louis Pascal Gueranger
Benedictine and polygraph; b. 4 April, 1805, at
Sable-sur-Sarthe; d. at Solesmes, 30 January, 1875.
Ordained a priest 7 October, 1827, he was administrator of the
parish of the Missions Etrangeres until near the close of 1830.
He then left Paris and returned to Mans, where he began to
publish various historical works, such as "De la priere pour le
Roi" (Oct., 1830) and "De l'election et de la nomination des
eveques" (1831), their subject being inspired by the political
and religious situation of the day. In 1831 the priory of
Solesmes, which was about an hour's journey from Sable, was put
up for sale and Pere Gueranger now saw a means of realizing his
desire to re-establish, in this monastery, religious life under
the Rule of St. Benedict. His decision was made in June, 1831,
and, in December, 1832, thanks to private donations, the
monastery had become his property. The Bishop of Mans now
sanctioned the Constitutions by which the new society was to be
organized and fitted subsequently to enter the Benedictine
Order. On 11 July, 1833, five priests came together in the
restored priory at Solesmes, and on 15 August, 1836, publicly
declared their intention of consecrating their lives to the
re-establishment of the Order of St. Benedict. In a brief issued
1 September, 1837, Pope Gregory erected the former priory of
Solesmes into an abbey and constituted it head of the
"Congregation Franc,aise de l'Ordre de Saint Benoit". Dom
Gueranger was appointed Abbot of Solesmes (Oct. 31) and Superior
General of the Benedictines of the "Congregation de France", and
those of the little society who had received the habit 15
August, 1836, made their solemn profession under the direction
of the new abbot, who had pronounced his vows at Rome, 26 July,
1837.
Thenceforth Dom Gueranger's life was given up to developing the
young monastic community, to procuring for it the necessary
material and indispensable resources, and to inspiring it with
an absolute devotion to the Church and the Pope. Amongst those
who came to Solesmes, either to follow the monastic life or to
seek self-improvement by means of retreats, Dom Gueranger found
many collaborators and valuable steadfast friends. Dom Pitra,
afterwards Cardinal, renewed the great literary traditions of
the Benedictines of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries;
Bishops Pie of Poitiers and Berthaud of Tulle, Pere Lacordaire,
the Count de Montalembert and Louis Veuillot, were all
interested in the abbot's projects and even shared his labours.
Unfortunately the controversy occasioned by several of Dom
Gueranger's writings had the effect of drawing his attention to
secondary questions and turning it away from the great
enterprises of ecclesiastical science, in which he always
manifested a lively concern. The result was a work in which
polemics figured prominently, and which at present evokes but
mediocre interest, and, although the time spent upon it was by
no means lost to the cause of the Church, Dom Gueranger's
historical and liturgical pursuits suffered in consequence. He
devoted himself too largely to personal impressions and
neglected detailed and persevering investigation. His quickness
of perception and his classical training permitted him to enjoy
and to set forth, treat in an interesting way, historical and
liturgical subjects which, by nature, were somewhat
unattractive. Genuine enthusiasm, a lively imagination, and a
style tinged with romanticism have sometimes led him, as he
himself realized, to express himself and to judge too
vigorously.
Being a devout and ardent servant of the Church, Dom Gueranger
wished to re-establish more respectful and more filial relations
between France and the See of Rome, and his entire life was
spent in endeavouring to effect a closer union between the two.
With this end in view he set himself to combat, wherever he
thought he found its traces, the separatist spirit that had, of
old, allied itself with Gallicanism and Jansenism. With a
strategic skill which deserves special recognition, Dom
Gueranger worked on the principle that to suppress what is
wrong, the thing must be replaced, and he laboured hard to
supplant everywhere whatever reflected the opinion he was
fighting. He fought to have the Roman liturgy substituted for
the diocesan liturgies, and he lived to see his efforts in this
line crowned with complete success. On philosophical ground, he
struggled with unwavering hope against Naturalism and
Liberalism, which he considered a fatal impediment to the
constitution of an unreservedly Christian society. He helped, in
a measure, to prepare men's minds for the definition of the
papal infallibility, that brilliant triumph which succeeded the
struggle against papal authority so bitterly carried on a
century previously by many Gallican and Josephite bishops. Along
historical lines Dom Gueranger's enterprises were less
successful and their influence, although once very strong, is
daily growing weaker.
In 1841 he began to publish a mystical work by which he hoped to
arouse the faithful from their spiritual torpor and to supplant
what he deemed the lifeless or erroneous literature that had
been produced by the French spiritual writers of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. "L'Annee liturgique", of which the
author was not to finish the long series of fifteen volumes, is
probably the one of all Dom Gueranger's works that best
fulfilled the purpose he had in view. Accommodating himself to
the development of the liturgical periods of the year, the
author laboured to familiarize the faithful with the official
prayer of the Church by lavishly introducing fragments of the
Eastern and Western liturgies, with interpretations and
commentaries.
Amid his many labours Dom Gueranger had the satisfaction of
witnessing the spreading of the restored Benedictine Order. Two
unsuccessful attempts at foundations in Paris and Acey
respectively did not deter him from new efforts in he same line,
and, thanks to his zealous perseverance, monasteries were
established at Liguge and Marseilles. Moreover, in his last
years, the Abbot of Solesmes founded, at a short distance from
his monastery, a community of women under the Rule of St.
Benedict. This life, fraught with so many trials and filled with
such great achievements, drew to a peaceful close at Solesmes.
The complete bibliography is to be found in 126 numbers in
CABROL, Bibliographie des Benedictins (Solesmes, 1889), 3-33. We
shall only mention here the most important works: Origines de
l'Eglise romaine (Paris, 1836); Institutions liturgiques (Paris,
I, 1840, II, 1841, III, 1851), 2nd edition, 4 vols. 8vo (Paris,
1878-1885); Lettre a Mgr. l'archeveque de Reims sur le droit de
la liturgie (Le Mans, 1843); Defense des Institutions
liturgiques, lettre a Mgr. l'archeveque de Toulouse (Le Mans,
1844); Nouvelle defense des Institutions liturgiques (Paris,
1846-47); L'Annee liturgique (Paris, 1841-1901, tr. SHEPHARD,
Worcester, 1895-1903); Memoire sur la question de l'Immaculee
Conception de la tres sainte Vierge (Paris, 1850); Essais sur le
naturalisme contemporain, 8vo (Paris, 1858); Essai sur
l'origine, la signification et les privileges de la medaille ou
croix de Saint Benoit, 12mo (Poitiers, 1862); L'Eglise romaine
contre les accusations du P. Gratry (Le Mans, 1870); Deuxieme
defense (Paris, 1870); Troisieme defense, Eng. tr., Defence of
the Roman Church against Father Gratry, by WOODS (London, 1870);
De la Monarchie pontificale, a propos du livre de Mgr. l'eveque
de Sura, 8vo (Paris, 1870); Sainte Cecile et la Societe romaine
aux deux premiers siecles, 4to (Paris, 1874), and Reglements du
noviciat pour les Benedictins de la Congregation de France, 16mo
(Solesmes, 1885).
H. LECLERCQ
Robert Guerard
Robert Guerard
Born at Rouen, 1641; died at the monastery of Saint-Ouen, 2
January, 1715. For some time he collaborated at Saint-Denys in
the Maurist edition of St. Augustine's works. In 1675, however,
he had to leave Saint-Denys by order of the king, who wrongly
suspected him of having had a hand in the publication of "L'Abbe
commendataire", a work which severely criticized the practice of
holding and bestowing abbeys, etc., in commendam. His superior
sent him to the monastery of Notre Dame, at Ambronay, in the
Diocese of Belley. While in exile, he discovered at the
Carthusian monastery of Portes a manuscript of St. Augustine's
"Opus imperfectum" against Julian of Eclanum, which was
afterwards used in the Maurist edition of St. Augustine's works.
After a year of exile he was recalled, and spent the rest of his
life successively at the monasteries of Fecamp and Saint-Ouen.
He is the author of a biblical work entitled "L'Abrege de la
sainte Bible en forme de questions et de reponses familieres",
which he published at Rouen in 1707 (latest edition, Paris,
1745).
TASSIN, Histoire literaire de la Congr. de St-Maur (Brussels,
1770), 372-4; BERLIERE, Nouveau Supplement a l'hist. lit. de la
Congr. de St-Maur (Paris, 1908), I, 270; MICHAUD, Biographie
universelle, s.v.
MICHAEL OTT
Anne-Therese Guerin
Anne-Therese Guerin
(In religion, Mother Theodore)
Born at Etables (Cote du Nord), Brittany, France, 2 October,
1798; died 14 May, 1856. She entered the Community of Sisters of
Providence, Ruille-sur-Loire, in 1823, received the religious
habit and, by dispensation, made profession of vows, 8
September, 1824, being appointed the same day to the
superiorship of the convent at Rennes. She was transferred to
Soulaines in 1833, chosen foundress of St. Mary-of-the-Woods,
Diocese of Vincennes, Indiana, in 1840, and at the same time
declared superior general of the Sisters of Providence in
America. The "Life and Life-Work" (1904) of [Bl.] Mother
Theodore Guerin reveals her to have been, in the words of
[James] Cardinal Gibbons, who furnishes the introduction:
A woman of uncommon valour, one of those religious athletes whose
life and teachings effect a spiritual fecundity that secures vast
conquests to Christ and His holy Church. . . . Not the least glory
encircling the diocese was its possessing such a magnanimous pioneer
Religious. . . . She was distinctively a diplomat in religious
organizations and eminently a teacher.
Father Charles Coppens, S.J., adds:
She was a very superior woman both in natural gifts and in
supernatural virtues. She lived a life of extraordinary union with
God and conformity to His holy will, and she practised these virtues
under the most difficult circumstances, where they required heroic
faith, hope and charity. A perfect model of consummate virtue for
all classes of the faithful, but especially for religious men and
women.
[Bl.] Mother Theodore's mental attainments were of a superior
order. The French Academy recognized her scholarship by
according her medallion decorations. She was skilled in medicine
and was a thorough theologian. As foundress of an institution
whose expansion is evidence of her energetic and penetrating
spirit, her whole history is a record of the power of holy souls
who live but for the glory of God and the salvation of mankind.
[ Note: Anne-Therese (Mother Theodore) Guerin was beatified in
Rome by Pope John Paul II on 25 October, 1998.]
ALMA M. LE BRUN
Guerin
Guerin
(1) Eugenie de Guerin
A French writer; b. at the chateau of La Cayla, in Languedoc, 15
January, 1805; d. there 5 June, 1848. The Guerins were descended
from an old noble family, originally from Venice, which has
lived for centuries in Southern France. Among their ancestors,
they counted crusaders, a bishop, several cardinals, and Grand
Masters of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. In spite of their
noble origin, they were in veery moderate circumstances at the
beginning of the nineteenth century. M. de Guerin, the father,
had lost his wife when Eugenie was thirteen years old, and was
left with four children, Eugenie, Marie, Eremberg, and Maurice.
Upon her death-bed, the mother, more deeply attached to Maurice
than to any of the others, because of his beauty and his
delicate health, commended him to the care and solicitude of
Eugenie, who loved him dearly. In fact, her whole life was
devoted to her brother. Had she been free to follow her own
desires, she would have entered the convent; but she remained in
the world for the sake of Maurice. Her life was spent entirely
in the loneliness of the old homestead, which she left only
once, for a few months, in 1838, when she went to Paris to
attend the wedding of her brother. Her way of living was simple
and eminently Christian. After she had discharged her household
duties, she would indulge in reading. The lives of the saints,
Bossuet's sermons, and other religious works were her favorite
reading. She interested herself also in literature, and her
"Journal" shows that she had read Homer, Virgil, Shakespeare,
Dante, Scott, Goldsmith, not to mention all the great masters of
French literature. Speaking of her reading, she said: "I read,
not to become learned, but to raise my soul." Her main concern,
however, was for her brother. From the day when he left home to
go to school, and afterwards, especially when he was at La
Chenaie and in Paris, she frequently wrote long letters to him,
most of which unfortunately are lost. In 1834 she began a
"Journal" or diary of events, which was sent to her brother from
time to time. Both in her letters and"journal", she related the
insignificant facts of her lonely life, her impressions of
nature, her innermost thoughts, and, above all, spoke to him of
his soul. During the unfortunate period when he renounced his
Faith, she became more tender and loving, in order that her
advice might be more surely listened to. Her devotion was
rewarded; for, a few months before his death, he returned to the
fold. She survived him only eight years, seeking for no other
relief to her bereavement than prayer. Her "Journal" had been
written for Maurice only, and was not intended for publication.
It was, however, printed under the title of "Reliquiae" (Caen,
1855), first for private circulation. Seven years later a public
edition entitled "Journal et lettres d'Eugenie de Guerin"
(Paris, 1862), met with considerable success and has been
reprinted many times. Together with her devotion to her brother,
and her piety, we admire the simple and vivid style of the
writer. She loves to depict the scenic beauties that surrounded
her, and her descriptions are charming and free from that tinge
of pantheism which is so often noticeable in admirers of nature.
(2) Georges-Maurice de Guerin
A French poet, brother of Eugenie; b. at the chateau of La
Cayla, in Languedoc, 5 August, 1810; d. there, 19 July, 1839. At
the age of thirteen he went to the preparatory seminary of
Toulouse, and two years later to the College Stanislas, at
Paris. He then thought of becoming a priest. In 1832 he went to
La Chenaie, where Lamennais had established a school of higher
religious studies. He met there pious and learned men, among
whom must be mentioned the Abbe Gerbet, afterwards a bishop, and
the Abbe de Cazales, whose philosophical and theological
discussions he related in his journal. He remained at La Chenaie
a little more than a year, and it seems that Lamennais did not
pay much attention to him. In the month of February, 1834, he
was in Paris, trying to find a position. He was soon imbued with
the ideas of the world, and lost his faith. He hoped for a time
to enter the College of Juilly as instructor, but was
disappointed and obliged to accept a position as substitute in
the College Stanislas. He occasionally contributed articles to a
magazine, "La France Catholique". His life was saddened by his
naturally dreamy disposition and a vague regret for his lost
faith. Though surrounded by a choice circle of friends, in which
he had ample opportunity to display his brilliant qualities, he
suffered from constant weariness and poor health. Towards the
end of 1838 he married a young Indian girl, whom Eugenie
describes as a "charming and refined creature". A few months
later, yielding to his sister's entreaties, he returned to Le
Cayla, and at the same time came back to the Faith of his
childhood, and died piously in 1839. His fame as a writer began
only one year after his death, when his poem "Le Centaure"
appeared in the "Revue des Deux Mondes", together with an
enthusiastic article from the pen of George Sand. He then ranked
among the great poets of France, though it may be said that this
pantheistic composition was praised a little beyond its real
value. The remainder of his works were published for the first
time, twenty years later, by Trebutien (2 vols., Caen, 1860). By
far the more interesting part is the "Journal", which was
written day by day to be sent to his sister. His complete works
have been published under the title of "Journal, Lettres et
Poemes". A joint edition of Maurice and Eugenie's works has been
given in three vols. (Paris, 1869).
Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi, XII (Paris, 1856), 231-47; XV
(Paris, 1860), 1-34; G. Sand in Revue des deux Mondes, 15 May,
1840; Arnold, Essays on Criticism (London, 1865); Parr, Maurice
and Eugenie de Guerin (London, 1870); The Fordham Monthly, XXV,
No. 8, The Journal of Eugenie de Guerin.
LOUIS N. DELAMARRE
Joseph Guegler
Joseph Heinrich Aloysius Guegler
Born at Udligerschwyl, near Lucerne, Switzerland, 25 August,
1782; died at Lucerne, 28 February, 1827. The only son of simple
country people, he was a delicate child and received no regular
schooling, but read the books belonging to his father again and
again, so that, when only twelve years old, he had read the
entire Holy Scriptures several times. Religiously inclined from
childhood, he early desired to enter the clerical state, and
after many entreaties his parents permitted him to begin his
studies at the abbey school of Einsiedeln. When the storms of
the French Revolution crossed the Rhine, Abbot Beatus, the
religious, and students, in May, 1798, went to the Abbey of St.
Gerold, and at the end of the year Guegler was sent to
Petershausen, near Constance. In 1800 he continued his classical
course at Solothurn. In 1801 he began philosophy, which he
finished with great credit at Lucerne according to Kant and
Jacobi. Even as a student he showed those opposite traits of
character, for which he was noted all through life: a courage
ready to overcome any obstacles and fearing no consequences in
the defence of right, with at the same time an unobtrusive,
almost shrinking nature; a very comprehensive knowledge of men
and affairs together with a dread of showing it. During this
period he became acquainted with Widmer, a fellow-student, the
acquaintance ripening into a life-long friendship. Through the
influence of Widmer, Guegler, who had become undecided as to his
future career, took up the study of theology, which both pursued
at Landshut under Sailer and Zimmer. Shortly before his
ordination to the priesthood he was appointed professor of
exegesis at the lyceum in Lucerne. After he had received Holy
orders, 9 March, 1805, at the hands of Testa Ferrata, the papal
legate, he was made a canon of the collegiate church of St.
Leodegar (Saint-Leger), retaining his position as professor of
exegesis. Later he also taught pastoral theology, and 1822-24
acted as prefect of the lyceum.
Guegler and Widmer, who had also been made a professor at
Lucerne, put new life into the study of the Scriptures,
theology, and cognate branches. Students were encouraged to drop
antiquated notions, to think and investigate for themselves, to
gain solid knowledge, and to avoid superficiality. The methods
of the new teachers brought them into conflict, as well with the
supporters of the old school, as with the followers of
Wessenberg and the "Illuminati" of Switzerland who accused the
professors of unchristian mysticism. A controversy followed
between Guegler and Thaddaeus Mueller, city pastor of Lucerne,
during which appeared, among other writings, Guegler's "Geist
des Christentums und der Literatur im Verhaeltniss zu den
Thaddaeus Muellerschen Schriften". Mueller made a formal demand
to the municipal authorities for the removal of Guegler from the
professorship, which was decreed 12 Dec., 1810. Immediately
Widmer handed in his resignation, a large number of students
threatened to leave, and even the majority of citizens sided
with Guegler. Mueller saw his mistake, and, at his special
request Guegler was reinstated 23 Jan., 1811. Guegler had also a
dispute with Marcus Lutz, pastor at Leufelfingen, and issued the
sarcastic pamphlet "Chemische Analyse und Synthese des Marcus
Lutz zu Leufelfingen" (1816). Another controversy was with
Troxler, who later became known as a philosopher. Guegler
devoted his time chiefly to teaching and to literary work, but
he frequently preached, and he wrote a poem for the twenty-fifth
anniversary of Sailer's ordination. To his scholars he was a
true friend, adviser, and consoler. Perhaps the last literary
work of Guegler was a protest against the admission of
non-Catholics to the Canton of Lucerne, as he wished to preserve
for the people the inestimable boon of unity in faith. His
career, though short, was a source of great blessing to his
country. Sketches of his life were written by Widmer and Geiger,
and his biography was prepared by Joseph L. Schiffmann,
"Lebensgeschichte des Chorherrn und Professors Aloys Guegler"
(Augsburg, 1833); a lengthy article on Guegler and his
exegetical works appeared in the "Katholik" (1829), XXXIV, 53,
196.
His principal work is: "Die hl. Kunst oder die Kunst der
Hebraeer" (1814, 1817, 1818), 3 vols. It is a philosophical
exposition of Old Testament Revelation undertaken by a mind
which gives full credence to the truth of Revelation, and under
the veil of the letter sees hidden treasures of wonderful wisdom
which it considers the highest achievement of human
investigation to find and give to the world. In 1819 Widmer
published the continuation of this work in relation to the New
Testament: "Ziffern der Sphinx oder Typen der Zeit und ihr
Deuten auf die Zukunft" (Solothurn, 1819). This wishes to show
the divine order of current events which are presented in grand
pictures and prophetic visions. A periodical founded by Guegler
in 1823, "Zeichen der Zeit im Guten und Boesen", was continued
by Dr. Segesser. Among Guegler's published works is a volume
entitled "Privatvortraege", lectures on the Gospel of St. John,
the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the Christian doctrine of St.
Augustine, together with a brief sketch of the sacred books of
the Old Testament (Sarmenstorf, 1842). His posthumous works were
edited by Widmer between 1828 and 1842. A complete list of all
his printed works is given in the "Thesaurus librorum rei
catholicae" (Wuerzburg, 1856), I, 337.
HURTER, Nomencl., s. v.; Tuebinger Quartalschrift (1836), 453;
Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, XXIV, 489; Allg. Deutsche Biogr., X,
95; WERNER, Geschichte der apologet. u. polem. Literatur
(Schaffhausen, 1867), V, 356.
FRANCIS MERSHMAN.
Giovanni Battista Guglielmini
Giovanni Battista Guglielmini
Scientist, b. at Bologna, 16 August, 1763; d. in the same city,
l5 December, 1817. He is known as the first scientific
experimenter on the mechanical demonstration of the earth's
rotation. He received the tonsure in early youth, with the title
of Abate, but does not seem to have received any higher orders,
and died single. With the help and protection of Cardinal
Ignazio Boncompagni, he pursued higher studies, and graduated in
philosophy, in 1787, at the age of 24. Two years later he
published his. first treatise in Rome, "Riflessioni sopra un
nuovo esperimento in prova del diurno moto della terra" (Rome,
1789). The experiments which followed were made in the city
tower of Bologna, called "Asinelli", and famous from former
experiments of Riccioli on the laws of falling bodies. A small
octavo volume, published in Bologna in 1792, "De diuturno terrae
motu experimentis physico-mathematicis confirmato opusculum"
gives (in the preface) the history and description of
Guglielmini's experiments, then resumes in the first article the
contents of the "Riflessioni", defends the same in the second
article against opponents, and in the third presents the
results. The book bears the imprimatur of the Holy Office at
Bologna. Sixteen balls were dropped from a height of 241 feet,
between June and September, 1791, and the plumb-line fixed in
February, 1792, all during the night and mostly after midnight.
The mean deviations towards east and south proved to be 8.4"'
and 5.3"' respectively, while the computation gave 7.6"' and
6.2"' (1"'= 1-12 inch). In spite of their agreement both
observation and calculation were defective, the plumb-line
having been determined half a year later, and the theory of
motion relative to the moving earth being as yet undeveloped.
The experimental skill and laborious precautions of Guglielmini,
however, served his followers, Benzenberg (1802 and 1804) and
Reich (1831), as models, and the inner agreement of his results
was never surpassed. Guglielmini's theory was right, in
considering the absolute path of the falling body (apart from
the resistance of the air) as elliptical, or approximately
parabolical, and the orbital plane as passing a little north of
the vertical, through the centre of attraction, while the errors
in his formulae, afterwards repeated by Olbers, served to incite
Gauss and Laplace to develop the correct theory of relative
motion. Two years later, Guglielmini was nominated professor of
mathematics at the University of Bologna, which office he held
for twenty-three years (1794-1817). In 1801, he also filled the
chair of astronomy, and during the scholastic year 1814-15,
officiated as rector of the University. From about 1802 until
1810, Guglielmini was put in charge of the extensive waterworks
of Bologna. If he was a relative of the famous engineer and
physician, Domenico Guglielmini, who had been general
superintendent of the Bologna waterworks a hundred years
previously, he was certainly not his direct descendant. Don
Guglielmini bore the title of "Cavaliere", was a member of the
"Accademia Benedettina" (founded by Benedict XIV), of the "Regio
Istituto Italiano" and "Elettore del Collegio dei Dotti". He was
continually in frail health, and died of slow consumption, at
the age of 54. In 1837, the city of Bologna ordered a marble
bust of him to be erected in the pantheon of the cemetery.
MAZZETTI, Memorie storiche sopra l'Universit`a e l'Istituto
delle Scienze di Bologna (Bologna, 1840); Repertorio di tutti i
professori... della famosa Universit`a e del celebre Istituto
delle scienze di Bologna, etc. (Bologna, 1847); BENZENBERG,
Versuche ueber die Umdrehung der Erde (Dortmund, 1804), 294,
384; POGGENDORFF, Handwoerterbuch (Leipzig, 1863); Il Panteon di
Bologna (Bologna, 1881).
J.G. HAGEN
Guiana
Guiana
(Or Guayana.)
Guiana was the name given to all that region of South America
which extends along the Atlantic coast from the Orinoco to the
Amazon. This name is still locally applied to a district of
Venezuela and another in Brazil, but its ordinary geographical
application is limited to the three colonies of British, Dutch,
and French Guiana. British Guiana is separated from Venezuela,
partially by the Orinoco, and partly by a line drawn to the east
of that river. The Corentyn separates British Guiana from Dutch
Guiana, on the east, while the latter is separated from the
French colony by the Maroni. A decided similarity exists in the
climate, physical formation, flora, and fauna of all Guiana; the
low, flat coast lying between 8DEG and 2DEG N. lat. is hot,
humid, and so scourged with yellow fever and other tropical
diseases that the French government has been obliged to stop the
use of Cayenne as a penal colony for white convicts. This coast
country is hemmed on on the south by high table lands, rising in
Mount Roraima to a height of about 8000 feet. The lowlands are
fertile, and their forests are comparable to those of the Amazon
basin, while the elevated country, with a fairly healthy
climate, is mostly barren. Guiana is the habitat of several
dangerous species of wild beasts, including the jaguar, as well
as of the anaconda and of the most deadly reptiles in the New
World.
Among the first explorers to visit this coast were Vespucci,
Pinzon, Ojeda, and Balboa (1499-1504), but the first real
discovery of Guiana is claimed by Diego de Ordaz, a follower of
Cortes (1531). During this earliest period Catholic missionaries
are said to have gone inland to attempt to the conversion of the
Arawaks, Warraus, and other races. But exploration was diverted
during the sixteenth century from the Guiana coast to the
neighbouring Orinoco, which Raleigh ascended in 1595, in quest,
like other adventurers of his day, of the fabled "Dorado" or
"Gilded Man". In 1580, Dutch adventurers attempted a settlement
near the Pomerun River; the earliest French attempts, chiefly on
the Sinnamary River, were made in 1604. in 1635 a corporation of
merchants of Normandy, having been granted by the French king
all the privileges within the whole territory of Guiana, made a
settlement where now is the city of Cayenne, but eight years
later, Poncet de Bretigny, coming with reinforcements, found
only a few of predecessors alive, living as savages among the
aborigines. Of all these, and a still later reinforcement, only
two remained alive in 1645, to take refuge in the Dutch
settlement in Surinam. By the middle of the seventeenth century,
the long, though intermittent struggle between French, Dutch,
and English for the possession of this country had fairly begun.
The French being then absent from Guiana, Charles II of England,
in defiance of the treaty of Westphalia, which had given all
Guiana to the Dutch West India Company, granted to Francis, Lord
Willoughby of Parham, the territorial rights of Paramaribo. By
the Treaty of Breda, in 1667, the British gave up all claims to
any part of Guiana in exchange for the surrender by the Dutch of
all their claims in the territory of New Netherlands (now New
York), which had in fact been occupied by an English force,
under the orders of the Duke of York, three years previously. In
1664 the Dutch West India Company had begun in earnest the
settlement of Guiana. Simultaneously the French West India
Company made a new attempt to settle Cayenne, and from that time
forward the Cayenne territory has remained French.
During most of the eighteenth century, Guiana, with the
exception of this French portion, remained Dutch. The
difficulties of the Dutch during this period came chiefly from
rebellious slaves or savages who roamed the interior. But when
the American revolution deprived the British of New York,
aggression recommenced in Guiana, and in 1799 a British
administration replaced the Dutch. What is now British Guiana
became so between the years 1803 and 1815, while in the latter
years Surinam was restored to the Dutch. The actual existing
status in Guiana may be considered as having begun in 1815.
Leaving aside the vague reports of early Spanish missionaries,
the history of Catholicism in Guiana during the first century
after the discovery belongs to the story of Portuguese
missionary effort. The Treaty of Tordesillas gave this territory
to Portugal. No important success appears to have been achieved
in the conversion of the aborigines until the seventeenth
century. With French West India Company's colonists some
Dominican arrived at Cayenne, and these friars were followed by
Capuchins. In 1666 the proprietary company brought the Jesuits
in Cayenne, and that order laboured with considerable success
among the negro slaves and the savages. Among the most
remarkable Jesuits in this missionary field were Fathers de
Creuilly, Lombard, d'Ayma, Fauque, Dausillac, and d'Huberland.
De Creuilly spent thirty-three years on the mission (1685-1718),
during a great part of which he cruised from point to point
along the coast, landing there to preach; the others are
memorable for having established settlements of Indian converts
on the plan of the Paraguay "reductions". While in Protestant
Dutch Guiana, little could be done for the spread of the Faith,
in Cayenne at least the work was in a promising condition when
the anti-Jesuit movement in continental Europe brought about the
expulsion of the Society from this field (1768). The revolution
checked the efforts of the French secular clergy to continue
what the Jesuits had begun.
British Guiana, the largest of the three colonies, has an area
of 90,277 square miles. Its western boundary was the subject of
a dispute with Venezuela in 1894; the United States intervening
and insisting that the matter should be settled by arbitration;
Great Britain accepted the award of the arbitrators in October,
1899. The population is about 307,000. Of these, the whites are
less than 6 per cent.; negroes, 41 per cent.; coolies, 38 per
cent.; aborigines, 3 per cent. The government is carried on by
an English governor, assisted by a council.
The Vicariate Apostolic of British Guiana, established by
Gregory XVI in 1837, covers a mission which has now for some
time been entrusted to the Society of Jesus. The vicar Apostolic
resides at Georgetown, and his jurisdiction includes Barbados.
There are twenty-six churches and five mission stations, served
by seventeen priests. the Catholic population is about 22,000.
Dutch Guiana, or Surinam, with an area of 46,060 miles, had in
1905 a population of 75,465. The government, is administered by
a council under the presidency of a Dutch governor. The
Vicariate Apostolic of Dutch Guiana, with its seat at
Paramaribo, was erected by Gregory XVI in 1842, and has
spiritual jurisdiction over 13,300 Catholics, a number exceeded
by no other Christian denomination in the colony except the
Moravians (28,025). The coolie population numbers nearly 12,000
pagans, besides a large number of Mohammedans. The mission here
has been entrusted by the Holy See to the Redemptorists.
French Guiana, also called Cayenne, has an area of 30,500 square
miles, and since 1855, has been used as a penal settlement. Its
population in 1901 was 32,908, including 4097 convicts at hard
labour, and 2193 on ticket of leave. The capital city, Cayenne,
has a population of over 12,000. The government appointed from
Paris, is assisted by a council of five members, in addition to
which there is an elective assembly, and the colony is
represented in the Paris chamber by one deputy. The chief
industry is placer gold-mining. The Prefecture Apostolic of
Cayenne, separated from Martinique in 1731, includes
jurisdiction over the Brazilian district of Guiana. There are
about 20,000 Catholics, 27 churches or chapels, 18 mission
stations, 22 priests, and five schools with 900 pupils. The
Sisters of Saint-Paul de Chartres have had charge of the
hospital at Cayenne since 1818. The mission was the scene of the
heroic labours of Mother Anne-Marie de Javouhey (d. 1851), who
was locally known as la Mere des Noirs.
Piolet, Les missions catholiques franc,aises (Paris, 1903), VI;
Andre, A Naturalist in the Guianas (London, 1904); Mulhall, The
English in South America (Buenos Aires, 1877); Scruggs and
Storrow, the Brief for Venezuela (London, 1896).
E. MACPHERSON
Guibert of Ravenna
Guibert of Ravenna
An antipope, known as Clement III, 1080 (1084) to 1100; born at
Parma about 1025; died at Civit`a Castellana, 8 Sept., 1100.
This adversary of Pope Gregory VII and of his reform policies
came from a noble family of Parma, which was related to the
Margraves of Canossa. We first find him in history as a cleric
and imperial chancellor for Italy. This office he received in
the year 1057 from the Empress Agnes. He retained it until 1063.
Guibert took part in the synod which was held by the newly
elected pope, Nicholas II (1058-1061), at Sutri in January,
1059. But on the latter's death he contrived through his
influence with the anti-reform party of the Upper Italian clergy
and at the imperial court to bring about the election of the
antipope, Cadalous of Parma (Honorius II), and became an
opponent of Pope Alexander II. Owing to the active support of
Duke Godfrey of Lorraine, of Archbishop Anno of Cologne, and
especially of St. Peter Damian, the lawful pope was soon
recognized even in Germany and by the Empress Agnes. Perhaps
this was the reason of Guibert's dismissal in 1063 from the
chancellorship. The following nine years give us no trace of
him. He must have continued, however, in friendly relations with
the German Court, and retained the favour of the Empress Agnes,
for when, in the year 1072, the Archbishopric of Ravenna became
vacant, Emperor Henry IV, on the recommendation of the empress,
named him to this important archiepiscopal see. Pope Alexander
II hesitated to confirm this choice, but was prevailed upon by
Cardinal Hildebrand to sanction it. Guibert thereupon took the
oath of allegiance to the Holy Father and to his successors, and
was consecrated Archbishop of Ravenna (1073).
Alexander II died shortly afterwards, and was succeeded by
Hildebrand, who assumed his holy office on 29 April, 1073, under
the name of Gregory VII. Guibert participated in the first
Lenten synod of the new pope, which was held in Rome (March,
1074), and at which important laws were passed against simony
and the incontinence of the clergy. But it was not long before
he joined the party in opposition to the great pontiff, with
whom he had quarrelled about the city of Imola. The accusation
was made against him that he had entered into an alliance with
Cencius and Cardinal Hugo Candidus, the antagonists of Gregory
VII in Rome. He absented himself from the Lenten Synod of 1075,
although he was bound by oath to obey the summons to attend it.
By his absence he made manifest his opposition to Gregory VII,
who now suspended him for his refusal to attend the synod. It
was in this same year that Emperor Henry IV began his open war
on Gregory. At the synod of the German bishops at Worms
(January, 1076), a resolution was adopted deposing Gregory, and
in this decision the simoniacal bishops of Lombardy joined.
Among these must have been Guibert, for he shared in the
sentence of excommunication and interdiction which Gregory VII
pronounced against the guilty bishops of Upper Italy at the
Lenten Synod of 1076.
In April of the same year a synod was held at Pavia by a number
of Lombard bishops and abbots, presided over by Guibert. As
these did not hesitate to proclaim the excommunication of the
pope, Gregory found himself compelled to resort to still
stronger measures with regard to Guibert. At the Lenten Synod of
February, 1078, he excommunicated Guibert by name, and with him
Archbishop Tebaldo of Milan. In March, 1080, he renewed his
decree of anathema against Henry IV, and gave his recognition to
Rudolph of Swabia as ruler of Germany, whereupon Henry summoned
such partisans as he had among the German and Lombard bishops to
a meeting at Brixen (June, 1080). This meeting drew up a new
decree purporting to depose the sovereign pontiff, which Henry
himself also signed, and then proceeded to elect the Archbishop
of Ravenna antipope. Henry at once recognized him as pope,
swearing that he would lead him to Rome, and there receive from
his hands the imperial crown. Guibert put on papal garments and
proceeded with great pomp to Ravenna. At the Lenten Synod of
1081 Gregory VII reiterated against Henry and his followers his
decree of excommunication. The antipope failed to secure
recognition outside of Henry's dominions; he was in fact but a
tool in the hands of the latter, and quite devoid of personal
initiative. On 21 March, 1084, Henry IV succeeded after many
fruitless attempts in gaining possession of the greater part of
Rome. Gregory VII found himself besieged in the Castle of Sant'
Angelo, while, on 24 March, Guibert was enthroned as pope in the
church of St. John Lateran as Clement III. On 31 March Guibert
crowned Henry IV emperor at St. Peter's. However, when the news
was brought that Robert Guiscard was hastening to the aid of
Gregory, Henry with his antipope left Rome to take up the fight
in Tuscany against the troops of the Margravine Matilda.
Gregory, escorted by Robert Guiscard, repaired to Salerno, where
he renewed his excommunication of Henry and Guibert. This was at
the close of the year 1084.
The German episcopate stood divided. While bishops loyal to
Gregory held a synod in Quedlinburg, at which they denounced and
condemned the antipope, those who supported Henry approved at
Mainz the deposition of Gregory and the elevation of Guibert
(1085). This conflict continued even after the death of the
great Gregory (25 May, 1085), during the entire reigns of whose
successors, Victor III, Urban II, and Paschal II, Guibert
figured as the antipope of Henry and his party. Victor III, who
was elected after a prolonged vacancy caused by the critical
position of the Church in Rome, was compelled, eight days after
his coronation in St. Peter's (3 May, 1087), to fly from Rome
before the partisans of Guibert. The latter were in turn
assailed by the troops of Countess Matilda, and entrenched
themselves in the Pantheon. The succeeding pope, Urban II
(1088-1099), was at one time master of Rome, but he was
afterwards driven from the city by the adherents of Guibert, and
sought refuge in Lower Italy and in France. In June, 1089, at a
pseudo-synod held in Rome, the antipope declared invalid the
decree of excommunication launched against Henry, and various
charges were made against the supporters of the legitimate pope.
Still, the years which followed brought to Urban ever-increasing
prestige, while Henry IV's power and influence were more and
more on the wane. The greater part of the city of Rome was
captured by an army of crusaders under Count Hugh of Vermandois,
brother of the King of France. The party of Guibert retained
only the castle of Sant' Angelo, and even this in 1098 fell into
the hands of the papal champion. Guibert's influence, after
Henry IV's withdrawal from Italy, was virtually confined to
Ravenna and a few other districts of Northern Italy. He repaired
to Albano after the accession of Paschal II (1099-1118), hoping
again to become master of Rome, but he was compelled to
withdraw. He reached Civit`a Castellana, where he died on 8
September, 1100. His followers, it is true, elected another
antipope, Bishop Theodorus of S. Rufina, who, however, never
held any real power. (Compare also the articles GREGORY VII;
VICTOR III; URBAN II; and PASCHAL II.)
Libelli de lite Imperatorum et Pontificum saec. XI et XII
conscripti in Mon. Germ, hist. (3 vols., Hanover, 1890-1897);
JAFFE, Regesta Romanorum Pontif., 2nd ed., I, 649-55; KOeHNCKE,
Wibert von Ravenna (Leipzig, 1888); HEFELE, Konziliengesch., 2nd
ed., V, 20 sqq.; HERGENROeTHER AND KIRSCH, Kirchengesch., 4th
ed., II, 346 sqq.: cf. also the bibliography given under the
articles mentioned above.
J.P. KIRSCH
Guicciardini, francesco
Francesco Guicciardini
An historian and statesman; born at Florence, 1483; died there,
23 May, 1540. His parents, Piero di Jacopo Guicciardini and
Simona Gianfigliazzi, belonged to ancient Florentine families,
attached to the party of the Medici. Francesco's early career
was that of a successful lawyer. He increased his aristocratic
and Medicean connexions by his marriage with Maria Salviati
(1508), whose family was bitterly opposed to the then dominant
republican regime. In 1511, though legally too young for the
post, he was sent as Florentine ambassador to the King of Spain.
During his absence, the Medici were restored in Florence. On his
return (1514), he entered their service, from which he passed
into that of the Church. Under Leo X he governed Modena and
Reggio with conspicuous success; and, in the confusion that
followed the pope's death, he distinguished himself by his
defence of Parma against the French (1521). He was influential
with Clement VII in forming the anti-imperial League of Cognac
(1526), and was lieutenant-general of the army that, through no
fault of his, failed to prevent the sack of Rome in 1527. For a
while, Guicciardini kept on terms with the restored republican
government of Florence; but, at the beginning of the siege, he
joined the pope, and was declared a rebel by the democratic
party. On the surrender of Florence to the papal and imperial
armies, he returned to the city (Sept., 1530), was made a member
of the Eight (Otto di pratica), and became one of the chief
agents in the subjugation of the state to the Medicean rule.
From June, 1531, to September, 1534, he ruled Bologna as papal
vice-legate. Returning to Florence on the death of Clement VII,
he supported the tyranny of Alessandro de' Medici. After the
murder of Alessandro, he played the chief part in securing the
succession of Cosimo de'Medici (1537); but fell into disfavour
when he attempted to check the new duke's absolutism by giving
the government an oligarchical complexion. Henceforth, although
until his death Guicciardini held various public offices in
Florence, his influence was at an end. The few remaining years
of his life were mainly passed in retirement, in his villa at
Arcetri, devoting his enforced leisure to the composition of his
great "Storia d'Italia".
The "Storia d'Italia" embraces the whole period from the death
of Lorenzo de'Medici in 1492 to that of Clement VII in 1534,
that most disastrous epoch in Italian history which witnessed
the loss of the nation's independence. Its vast accumulation of
details does not obscure the main lines of the terrible story.
The author writes as an eyewitness who has himself taken part in
the scenes he describes; a keen observer, with no delusions, no
enthusiasms, and little hope for the future; one above all
intent upon tracing the motives of men's actions -- almost
invariably, in his opinion, bad or unworthy. His minor works,
such as the earlier "Storia Fiorentina" (1509) and the dialogue
"Del Reggimento di Firenze" (circa 1527), are less artificial in
style. The "Ricordi politici e civili" (1530) reveal much of the
author's character and beliefs. While mistrusting all
patriotism, and regarding the profession of noble motives as a
mere cloak for personal ends, he declares that the three things
he most longs to see are the establishment of a well-ordered
republic in Florence, the liberation of Italy from the
barbarians, and the overthrow of the rule of bad ecclesiastics
throughout the world. He admits that, had not his own personal
interests been bound up with the temporal success of two popes,
he would have loved Martin Luther as himself. Much of his
political correspondence has been preserved.
CANESTRINI, Opere inedite di Francesco Guicciardini (10 vols.,
Florence, 1857-1867); VILLARI, Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi
tempi (3 vols., Milan, 1895, 1897); ROSSI, Francesco
Guicciardini e il Governo Fiorentino (Bologna, 1896-99); ZANONI,
Vita pubblica di Francesco Guicciardini (Bologna, 1896); MORLEY,
Miscellanies, Fourth Series (London and New York, 1908). A
critical edition of the Storia d'italia by the late ALESSANDRO
GHERARDI is now promised; hitherto the most accessible edition
has been that of ROSINI (5 vols., Turin, 1874). The best English
translation is that of FENTON (1579). An admirable translation
of the " Ricordi" has been made by THOMPSON, Counsels and
Reflections of Francesco Guicciardini (London, 1890).
EDMUND G. GARDNER.
Guido of Arezzo
Guido of Arezzo
(Guido Aretinus).
A monk of the Order of St. Benedict, b. (according to Dom Morin
in the "Revue de l'art Chretien", 1888, iii) near Paris c. 995;
d. at Avellano, near Arezzo, 1050. He invented the system of
staff-notation still in use, and rendered various other services
to the progress of musical art and science. He was educated by
and became a member of the Benedictine Order in the monastery of
St. Maur des Fosses, near Paris. Early in his career Guido
observed the confusion which prevailed in the teaching and
performance of liturgical melodies generally, and especially in
his immediate surroundings. His endeavours to improve these
conditions by innovations in the current methods of teaching are
fully described in his writings; these made him unpopular with
his brethren in the order and led to his removals to the
monastery of Pomposa near Ferrara, Italy. Here the same lot
seems to have befallen him. Intrigues and calumnies caused him
to ask for admission to the monastery of Arezzo. The exact date
of his entrance into this community is uncertain, but it
occurred during the incumbency of Theudald as Bishop of Arezzo
(i.e., between 1033 and 1036), and while Grunwald was abbot of
the monastery. It was during this period that Guido perfected
the new system of notation which brought such order and
clearness into the teaching of music. Guido seems by this time
to have overcome all opposition to his new method, and to have
removed all doubt as to its value among those who took
cognizance of it and saw its application. His fame soon reached
the reigning pope, John XIX (1024-1033), who sent three
different messengers urging Guido to come to Rome and exhibit
his antiphonary containing the liturgical melodies transcribed
from the sign-notation heretofore in use into his own
staff-notation. Pope John was overjoyed at the ease with which
he was enabled to decipher and learn the melodies without the
aid of a master, and invited Guido to take up his abode in Rome,
to instruct the Roman clergy in the new system, and to introduce
it into general practice in the Eternal City. Unfortunately the
Roman climate made it impossible for Guido to accept the
invitation of the supreme pontiff. He soon fell ill of Roman
fever and had to leave the city. He now returned to the
monastery of Pomposa. The abbot (also called Guido) and monks,
who had caused him so much chagrin by their opposition to his
innovations, now received him with open arms, admitted their
former mistake, and urged him to become a member of the
community. His stay at Pomposa seems to have been only of short
duration, for he soon returned to Arezzo. Regarding the
remaining days of the reformer, traditional reports vary. M.
Faulty (Studi su Guido Monaco, 1882) holds that Guido ended his
days at Arezzo, while others are of the opinion, based upon the
chronicle and other evidences of a Camaldolese monastery near
Avellano, that Guido died there as prior in the year 1050. Guido
himself has left to posterity in his "Epistola Michaeli monaco
Pomposiano" (reprinted in Gerbert's Scriptures, ii) a naive but
lively description of his, for the most part, eventful life, its
trials and bitterness, and his final triumph over the opponents
of his innovations.
In order to realize the importance of Guido's services to
musical progress and development it is necessary to take a
glance at the systems of the notation in use before his time.
Since in the early Church the liturgical melodies were not very
numerous and were in daily use, they were easily perpetuated by
oral transmission among the clergy, the chanters, and the
people; but, as Christian hymnody developed with the expansion
of the liturgy, and as the number of feasts increased the
melodies became too numerous to be learned and retained by the
memory without the aid of some unchangeable means. The absence
of this determining means, the frequent carelessness of
copyists, the temperament and even caprice of singers, and the
great variety of conditions under which they were propagated and
performed caused the melodies to undergo numerous changes. The
necessity for a system of notation which would clearly record
the various intervals of the melodies became more and more
urgent. While in theoretical treatises the practice of the
Greeks of employing the first fifteen letters of the alphabet to
designate the various intervals was still in use, there was no
means at hand by which the intervals and rhythm of a
melody;might be graphically displayed, so that anyone might
learn it from a manuscript without the aid of a master. The
so-called neumatic notation (from meuma, a nod), which probably
in the eighth century found its way from the Orient into the
Latin Church, where it suffered many modifications, had mainly a
rhythmical purpose, and was intended to serve only in a general
way a diastematic end, i.e. an indication of the intervals of
the melody. An attempt to indicate the intervals with greater
precision was made by placing the neumatic signs at a lesser or
greater distance from the words comprising the text, and, in
order to obtain more exact results from this proceeding, the
copyist would draw a line upon which he would place one of the
letters of the alphabet and from which he would measure the
distance of the melodic steps above or below. It is held that
Guido found two such lines in use, namely, a red one upon which
F was placed, and a yellow one for C, indicating the place of
the tones represented by these letters of the alphabet and
employed by theorists of his time. His great improvement
consisted in adding two more lines to the existing ones, in
utilizing the spaces between the lines themselves and in
indicating, by combining the letters of the alphabet with the
neumatic signs, not only the various intervals of the melody,
but also its rhythm. This system, called staff-notation, has
been used ever since. The reason why only four lines were used,
instead of the five we employ, is that these four and the five
spaces were regarded as sufficient for the ambitus, or range, of
the average Gregorian melody. In the course of time as the
melodies were transcribed into the new notation, the neumatic
signs formerly in use evolved into our present notes, and the
letters F and C became the clefs of later times. Guido's
influence was so great in his time that many things have been
attributed to him which belong to a later period; but which are
elaborations and developments of his teachings. The impetus he
gave to musical progress lasted throughout the Middle Ages.
Especially did incipient polyphony advance by his advocacy of
contrary motion of the voices as against the still prevailing
parallelism. Of the works attributed to him, the following are
undoubtedly authentic: "Micrologus de disciplina artis musicae',
which treatise, especially the fifteenth chapter, is invaluable
to present-day students endeavoring to ascertain the original
rhythmical and melodic form of the Gregorian chant; "Regulae de
ignoto cantu", prologue to his antiphonarium in staff-notation;
"Epistola Michaeli monaco de ignoto cantu directa:. All these
were reproduced in Gerbert's "Scriptores", ii, 2-50.
Falchi, Studi su Guido monaco (1882); Les melodies gregoriennes
d'apres la tradition (Tournai, 1880); Ambros, Geschichie der
Musik, II (Leipzig, 1880), 144-216; Riemann, Handbuch der
Musikgeschichte, I (Leipzig, 1905), ii.
JOSEPH OTTEN
Guigues du Chastel (Guigo de Castro)
Guigues du Chastel
(Guigo de Castro).
Fifth prior of the Grande Chartreuse, legislator of the
Carthusian Order and ascetical writer, born at Saint-Romain in
Dauphine in 1083 or 1084; died 27 July, 1137 (1136 and 1138 are
also given). He became a monk of the Grande Chartreuse in 1107,
and three years later his brethren elected him prior. To Guigues
the Carthusian Order in great measure owes its fame, if not its
very existence. When he became prior, only two charterhouses
existed, the Grande Chartreuse and the Calabrian house where St.
Bruno had died; nine more were founded during his twenty-seven
years' priorship. These new foundations made it necessary to
reduce to writing the traditional customs of the mother-house.
Guigues's "Consuetudines" (see CARTHUSIAN ORDER), composed in
1127 or 1128, have always remained the basis of all Carthusian
legislation. After the disastrous avalanche of 1132, Guigues
rebuilt the Grande Chartreuse on the present site.
A man of considerable learning, endowed with a tenacious memory
and the gift of eloquence, Guigues was a great organizer and
disciplinarian. He was a close friend of St. Bernard and of
Peter the Venerable, both of whom have left accounts of the
impression of sanctity which he made upon them. His name is
inscribed in certain martyrologies on 27 July, and he is
sometimes called "Venerable" or "Blessed", but the Bollandists
can find "no trace whatever of any ecclesiastical cultus".
Guigues edited the letters of St. Jerome, but his edition is
lost. Of his genuine writings there are still in existence,
besides the "Consuetudines," a "Life of St. Hugh of Grenoble",
whom he had known intimately, written by command of Pope
Innocent II after the canonization of the saint in 1134;
"Meditations", and six letters (P.L., CLIII). These letters are
all that remain of a great number, many of them addressed to the
most distinguished men of the day. Guigues's letters to St.
Bernard are lost, but some of the saint's replies are extant.
Other works which have been attributed to him are: the letter
"Ad Fratres de Monte Dei" (P.L., CLXXXIV), which is perhaps
genuinely his, but is also attributed to William of
Saint-Thierry, and the "Scala Paradisi" (P.L., XL), probably the
work of his namesake, the ninth prior.
RAYMUND WEBSTER
Andre Guijon
Andre Guijon
Bishop and orator; born in November, 1548, at Autun; died in
September, 1631. He was the son of Jean Guijon, a physician and
Oriental scholar, who travelled in the East and brought back to
France a Greek manuscript copy of the New Testament, dating from
the eleventh century. He had three brothers with more than one
title to fame: Jacques, Jean, and Hugues, all three lawyers,
writers, and savants. Philibert de la Mare, counsellor at the
Parliament of Dijon, collected the principal works of the four
brothers in one volume, in quarto of 612 pages, under the title
"Jacobi, Joannis, Andreae et Hugonis fratrum Guiionorum opera
varia" (1658). This contained both their prose works and Latin
poems. Andre became vicar-general to Cardinal de Joyeuse, and
afterwards Bishop of Autun. He went to Rome to be consecrated
and came back to France in 1586. His "Remontrance `a la cour du
Parlement de Normandie sur l'octroy des sentences fulminatoires"
is extant. Unfortunately his "Eloge funebre de Pierre Jeannin"
has not been preserved.
J. EDMUND ROY
Guilds
Guilds
Guilds were voluntary associations for religious, social, and
commercial purposes. These associations, which attained their
highest development among the Teutonic nations, especially the
English, during the Middle Ages, were of four kinds:
1. religious guilds,
2. frith guilds,
3. merchant guilds, and
4. craft guilds.
The word itself, less commonly, but more correctly, written
gild, was derived from the Anglo-Saxon gildan meaning "to pay",
whence came the noun gegilda, "the subscribing member of a
guild". In its origin the word guild is found in the sense of
"idol" and also of "sacrifice", which has led some writers to
connect the origin of the guilds with the sacrificial assemblies
and banquets of the heathen Germanic tribes. Brentano, the first
to investigate the question thoroughly, associating these facts
with the importance of family relationship among Teutonic
nations, considers that the guild in its earliest form was
developed from the family, and that the spirit of association,
being congenial to Christianity, was so fostered by the Church
that the institution and development of the guilds progressed
rapidly. This theory finds more favour with recent scholars than
the attempts to trace the guilds back to the Roman collegia. The
connexion or identity of the guilds with the Carlovingian
geldonioe or confratrioe cannot be ascertained, for lack of
definite information about these latter institutions, which were
discouraged by the legislation of Charlemagne.
IN ENGLAND
The earliest traces of guilds in England are found in the laws
of Ina in the seventh century. These guilds were formed for
religious and social purposes and were voluntary in character.
Subsequent enactments down to the time of Athelstan (925-940)
show that they soon developed into frith guilds or peace guilds,
associations with a corporate responsibility for the good
conduct of their members and their mutual liability. Very
frequently, as in the case of London in early times, the guild
law came to be the law of the town. The main objects of these
guilds was the preservation of peace, right, and liberty.
Religious observances also formed an important part of
guild-life, and the members assisted one another both in
spiritual and temporal necessities. The oldest extant charter of
a guild dates from the reign of Canute, and from this we learn
that a certain Orcy presented a guild-hall (gegyld-halle) to the
gyldschipe of Abbotsbury in Dorset, and that the members were
associated in almsgiving, care of the sick, burial of the dead,
and in providing Masses for the souls of deceased members. The
social side of the guild is shown in the annual feast for which
provision is made. In the "Dooms of London" we find the same
religious and social practices described, with the addition of
certain advantageous commercial arrangements, such as the
establishment of a kind of insurance-fund against losses, and
the furnishing of assistance in the capture of thieves. These
provisions, however, are characteristic rather of the merchant
guilds which grew up during the latter half of the eleventh
century.
Merchant Guilds
These differed from their predecessors, the religious or frith
guilds, by being established primarily for the purpose of
obtaining and maintaining the privilege of carrying on trade.
Having secured this privilege the guilds guarded their monopoly
jealously. Everywhere the right to buy and sell articles of food
seems to have been left free, but every other branch of trade
was regulated by the merchant guild or hanse, as it was often
called. The first positive mention of a merchant guild, the
"enighten on Cantwareberig of ceapmannegilde", occurs during the
primacy of St. Anselm (1093-1109). From the time of Henry I the
charters of successive sovereigns bear witness to the existence
of merchant guilds in the principal towns. These charters, such
as those granted to Bristol, Carlisle, Durham, Lincoln, Oxford,
Salisbury, and Southampton, were of the utmost importance to the
guilds as they secured to them the right and power of enforcing
the guild regulations with the sanction of law. For this reason
Glanvill, the lawyer, writing in the twelfth century, regards
the guild merchant as identical with the commune, that is, the
body of citizens with rights of municipal self-government
(Ashley, op. cit., inf., 72). From the fact that out of one
hundred and sixty towns which were represented in the
parliaments of Edward I, ninety-two are certainly known to have
possessed a merchant guild, the conclusion is drawn that a guild
was to be found in every town of any size, including some that
were not much more than villages.
The organization of the merchant guilds is known from the
constitutions or guild rolls which have survived. These
documents are only four in number, but fortunately refer to
towns in four different parts of England. They are the guild
statutes of Berwick and of Southampton, and the guild rolls for
Leicester and Totnes (Ashley, p. 67). From these we learn that
each guild was presided over by one or two aldermen assisted by
two or four wardens or echevins. These officials presided over
the meetings of the society and administered its funds and
estates. They were assisted by a council of twelve or
twenty-four members. The guildsmen were originally the actual
burgesses, those inhabitants who held land within the town
boundaries, whether they were merchants or holders of
agricultural land; but in course of time rights of membership
passed by inheritance and even by purchase. Thus the eldest sons
of guildsmen were admitted free as of right, while the younger
sons paid a smaller fee than others. The guildsmen could sell
their rights, and heiresses might exercise their membership
either in person or through their husbands or sons.
The merchant guilds possessed extensive powers, including the
control and monopoly of all the trades in the town, which
involved the power of fining all traders who were not members of
the guild for illicit trading, and of inflicting punishment for
all breaches of honesty or offences against the regulations of
the guild. They also had liberty of trading in other towns and
of protecting their guildsmen wherever they were trading. They
exercised supervision over the quality of goods sold, and
prevented strangers from directly or indirectly buying or
selling to the injury of the guild. Besides these commercial
advantages the guild entered largely into the life of all its
members. The guildsmen took their part as a corporate body in
all religious celebrations in the town, organized festivities,
provided for sick or impoverished brethren, undertook the care
of their orphan children, and provided for Masses and dirges for
deceased members. As time went on the merchant guilds became
more exclusive, and when the rise of manufactures in the twelfth
century caused an increase in the number of craftsmen, it was
natural that these should organize on their own account and form
their own guilds.
Craft Guilds
Seeing that the merchant guilds had become identical with the
municipality, the craftsmen, ever increasing in numbers,
struggled to break down the trading monopoly of the merchant
guilds and to win for themselves the right of supervision over
their own body. The weavers and fullers were the first crafts to
obtain royal recognition of their guilds, and by 1130 they had
guilds established in London, Lincoln, and Oxford. Little by
little through the next two centuries they broke down the power
of the merchant guilds, which received their death-blow by the
statute of Edward III which in 1335 allowed foreign merchants to
trade freely in England. In the system of craft guilds the
administration lay in the hands of wardens, bailiffs, or
masters, while for admission a long apprenticeship was
necessary. Like the merchant guilds, the craft guilds cared for
the interests both spiritual and temporal of their members,
providing old age and sick pensions, pensions for widows, and
burial funds. The master craftsman was an independent producer,
needing little or no capital, and employing journeymen and
apprentices who hoped in time to become master craftsmen
themselves. Thus there was no "working class" as such, and no
conflict between capital and labour. At the end of the reign of
Edward III there were in London forty-eight companies, a number
which later on rose to sixty. Besides the merchant and craft
guilds, the religious and social guilds continued to exist
through the Middle Ages, being largely in the nature of
confraternities. At the Reformation these were all suppressed as
superstitious foundations. The trade guilds survived as
corporations or companies, such as the twelve great companies of
London which still maintain a corporate existence for charitable
and social purposes, though they have ceased to have close
connexions with the crafts, the names of which they bear. The
merchant guild of Preston also survives in a similar state, but
such bodies have no real significance. The Reformation shook
their constitution, while the altered industrial and social
conditions finally deprived them of the power and influence they
had possessed in the Middle Ages.
IN FLANDERS AND FRANCE
The word gilde, or ghilde, is but one of many terms used
formerly in France and in the Low Countries to denote what the
more modern word corporation stands for, viz., an association
among men of the same community or profession. Gilde, metier,
metier jure, confrerie, nation, maitrises et jurandes, and other
like appellations, all essentially express this idea of
association, at the same time laying stress on some particular
feature of it. The word gilde, however, is the first to appear
and we meet it very early in the history of western continental
Europe. A capitulary of 779 says: "Let no one dare to take the
oath by which people are wont to form guilds. Whatever may be
the conditions which have been agreed upon, let no one bind
himself by oaths concerning the payment of contributions in case
of fire or shipwreck." This prohibition appears several times in
the laws enacted under the Carlovingian emperors; nevertheless
the guilds continued to exist, at least in the northern part of
the empire. The records of the provincial councils held in those
districts also show that the guilds were a matter of no small
concern for the ecclesiastical authorities; for a long time the
Church was bent on extirpating from their organization a number
of objectionable features which made them a menace to morals.
In France and the Low Countries a guild was originally a sort of
fraternity for common support, protection, and amusement. The
members paid each a certain contribution to the common fund;
they pledged their word to give one another assistance; they
took care of the children of the deceased members and had Masses
offered up for the repose of their souls; they celebrated the
patron saint's day with great festivities in which the poor had
their share. These and other features of the guilds did not, of
course, appear all at the same time. Like most human
institutions they had a modest beginning, and they developed
according to circumstances. Again, it should be noted that they
do not everywhere present one and the same type. Some are mainly
social, others emphasize the religious side of the organization,
while, later on, in the merchant and craft guilds, it is the
economic aspect which becomes predominant. Before speaking of
the latter a word should be said of the origin of the guilds in
the two countries with which we are concerned here. This has
been a much debated question. Some scholars consider the guilds
as the product in Christian soil, of the German instinct of
association, and they would assign for their remotest origin the
banquets (convivia) so common among the Teutons and
Scandinavians. Others claim that they were nothing else than the
Roman corporations (collegia) established in Western Europe
under Roman sway and reconstructed on Christian principles after
the great invasions. That the Roman colleges of artisans
flourished in southern and central Gaul has been established
beyond doubt by the discovery of numerous inscriptions at Nice,
Nimes, Narbonne, Lyons, and other cities. It is not likely that
the Barbarian invasion broke entirely the Roman traditions in
countries where the influence of Rome had been felt so deeply,
and one is warranted in saying that in southern and central
France the origin of the guilds was to a certain extent Roman.
Such an assertion, however, could hardly be made for northern
France and still less for the Low Countries. There is no
evidence to show that the Roman collegia ever attained great
importance in these regions. At any rate, the dominion of Rome
was established there much later than in the South and was never
so deep-rooted. Roman institutions and customs had scarcely had
time to take root before the German invasion, and they must have
given way very easily under the pressure of the conquerors,
whose numbers, rapidly increasing, soon insured to them a
preponderating influence.
But whether a legacy of Roman civilization or a native
institution of the young Teutonic race, the guild would never
have attained its wonderful development had not the Church taken
it under its tutelage and infused into it the vivifying spirit
of Christian charity. Furthermore, it is certain that a large
number of guilds owed their existence solely to the aspirations
which gave rise to chivalry and induced thousands of men to join
the monastic communities. Towards the end of the tenth century,
with the greater security following the Norman invasions, there
was an increase of trade on the Continent. In each of the large
towns, such as Rouen, Paris, Bruges, Arras, Saint-Omer, there
soon arose a corporation which was known as the Merchant Guild
and which was, in some instances at least, a development of an
older association. None but the brethren of the corporation were
allowed to trade in any article except food. Whether the
communes (chartered towns) of France and the Low Countries had
their origin in the Merchant Guild is a moot question, although
it seems certain that the merchants were at least instrumental
in the granting of charters by princes, for the right of
managing its own affairs, conferred on the town, practically
meant that its government fell into the hands of the trading
class. At the origin of the Merchant Guild, any townsman might
become a member of the corporation on payment of a stated fee,
but with the increase of their wealth, the traders showed more
and more a tendency to shut out the poorer classes from their
association. The latter classes, however, were not without
organization; they had their own corporations (the craft
guilds), most of which seem to have been constituted in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Each one of these craft
guilds, like the merchant guilds, had its charter and statutes,
its patron saint, its banner and altar, its hall, its feast day,
and its place in the religious processions and public
festivities. There were in the craft guilds three classes of
persons: the apprentices, or learners (apprendre, "to learn"),
the journeymen (journee, "day"), or men hired to work by the
day, and the masters or employers.
The apprentice had to remain from three to ten years in a
condition of entire dependence under a master, in order to be
qualified to exercise his trade as a journeyman. Before a master
could engage an apprentice, he had to satisfy the officers of
the guild of the soundness of his moral character. He was to
treat the boy as he would his own child, and was held
responsible not only for his professional, but also for his
moral, education. On completing his apprenticeship, the young
artisan became a journeyman (compagnon); at least, such was the
rule from the fourteenth century onward. To become a master, he
must have some means and pass an examination before the elders.
At the head of the corporation was a board of trustees composed
of two or more deans (doyens, syndics) assisted by a secretary,
a treasurer, and six or more jurymen (jures, assesseurs,
trouveurs, prud'hommes). These officers were elected from among
the masters and entrusted with the management of the guild's
interests, the care of its orphans, the defence of its
privileges, and the protection of its members. It was more
especially the duty of the jurymen to enforce the statutes of
the guild bearing on the relations between employer and
employee, engagement of apprentices and journeymen, salaries,
hours of work, holidays, etc. They could punish or even expel
from the corporation any member whose conduct incurred their
disapprobation.
From this strong organization, all pervaded with the spirit of
Christianity, there resulted great benefits for the artisan. His
work, which was well regulated and broken by many holidays, did
not tax his strength too severely; the good life he was induced
to live saved him from need, while his rights and interests were
protected against the vexations of the local or central
government. Still more noteworthy was the brotherly character of
the relations between employee and employer, to which the great
cities of the Middle Ages were indebted for the social peace
which they enjoyed for many centuries. This alone would outweigh
what disadvantages may have been attached to this organization
of labour. The guilds of the Low Countries, otherwise similar to
the French guilds, differed from them in one respect: political
importance. The latter never gained enough influence to free
themselves from the condition of utter dependence in which they
had been placed by the kings, but in the Low Countries several
circumstances combined which gave the labouring classes a power
they could not have in France. Of these circumstances, the most
important were the wealth of the cities, the large number of
artisans, and their organization into military brotherhoods
(confreries militaires) which formed a regular militia, capable
of holding its own against the feudal armies, as was illustrated
many times in the history of Flanders and Liege.
As this article has to deal mainly with the guilds in the Middle
Ages, but little can be said of the corporations of artists,
which, in France and the Low Countries, were few and had not
much importance before the sixteenth century. The explanation of
this tardy growth is found, at least partly, in the fact that,
during the greater part of the Middle Ages, the fine arts
remained within the Church or under its supervision; even in the
thirteenth century the number of laymen engaged in these
professions was still very small, as is shown in "Le Livre des
metiers de Paris", or book of the statutes of the Paris craft
guilds, drawn up by Etienne Boileau under the direction of St.
Louis. Two other classes of guilds which deserve a special
mention are the basoches (see Vol. VI, p. 193) and the temporary
or permanent corporations for the exhibition of religious and
other plays. The best known of the latter class of guilds is "La
Confrerie de la Passion", established in 1402. Its Mysteres form
the link which unites the French tragedy of the seventeenth
century with the dramatic literature of the Middle Ages.
After the end of the fifteenth century, under the despotic rule
of the French kings, the guilds ceased to be a means of
protection for a majority of their members -- the journeymen --
who formed associations of their own, regardless of all
professional and even religious distinctions. Their privileges
became a means of filling the royal coffers at the expense of
the employers; the latter retaliated on the public, all the more
readily that they had no competition to fear. By the middle of
the eighteenth century the outcry against the guilds was general
in France. In 1776 Turgot, then prime minister, planned their
suppression, but his fall gave them some respite. In 1791 they
were abolished by the Constituent Assembly. But remnants of
these corporations are still found in many French and Belgian
customs, as, for instance, the fees to be paid by notaries,
solicitors, sheriff's officers, when they enter office. In the
first half of the nineteenth century, several attempts were made
in France to partially restore the craft guilds, but without
success. During the last thirty years, however, there has been a
Catholic movement in France and Belgium to counteract the evil
effects of socialism by forming associations of employers and
employed.
IN GERMANY
The first well-known German guild is that of the watermen of
Worms, its charter (Zunftbrief) dating from 1106; the shoemakers
of Wuerzburg received theirs in 1112; the weavers of Cologne, in
1149, the shoemakers of Magdeburg, in 1158. But it was not until
the thirteenth century that the German guilds became numerous
and important. Zunft, Innung, Genossenschaft, Bruederschaft,
Gesellschaft, are the terms used in Germany to designate these
associations. Here, as in Italy and the Low Countries, the most
conspicuous guilds were those connected with the manufacture of
linen and wool. In Ulm, for instance, towards the end of the
fifteenth century, there were so many linen-weavers that the
number of pieces of linen prepared in one year amounted at one
time to 200,000. In the year 1466 there were 743 master weavers
in Augsburg (Herberger, "Augsburg, und seine fruehere
Industrie", p. 46). In the large cities, the linen- and the
wool-weavers formed two distinct corporations, and the
wool-weavers again were divided into two classes: the makers of
fine Flemish or Italian goods, and the makers of the coarser
homespun materials.
Other important guilds were those of the tanners and the
furriers; the latter included the shoemakers, the tailors, the
glove-makers, and the stocking-knitters. In the shoemaker's
trade there was a sharp distinction between the Neumeister, who
made new shoes, the cobbler, and the slipper maker. The most
striking example of an elaborate classification according to
craft is found in the metal-workers: the farriers, knife-makers,
locksmiths, chain-forgers, nail-makers, often formed separate
and distinct corporations; the armourers were divided into
helmet-makers, escutcheon-makers, harness-makers,
harness-polishers, etc. Sometimes they went so far as to have
special guilds for each separate article of a suit of armour.
This accounts for the remarkable skill and finish seen in the
simplest details.
A class of brotherhoods which deserves special mention is that
of the guilds of the mining trades, which from an early date
were very important in Saxony and Bohemia. "No politician or
socialist of modern times", says H. Achenbach (Gemeines
Deutsches Bergrecht, I, 69, 109), "can suggest a labour
organization which will better accomplish the object of helping
the labourer, elevating his position, and maintaining fair
relations between the employer and the employed than that of the
mining works centuries ago." The statutes of these mining guilds
show, indeed, a remarkable care for the well-being of the
labourer and the protection of his interests. Hygienic
conditions in the mines, ventilation of the pits, precautions
against accident, bathing houses, time of labour (eight hours
daily -- sometimes less), supply of the necessaries of life at
fair prices, scale of wages, care of the sick and disabled, etc.
-- no detail seems to have been lost sight of.
As to their organization, government, and relations with the
public or the civil authorities, the German guilds did not
substantially differ from those in other European countries. The
members were divided into apprentices, journeymen, and masters.
At the head of the corporation was a director assisted by
several officers. He was the sworn and responsible power of the
guild, called the meetings, presided at them, had the right of
final decision, managed the property of the guild, led it in
case of war. Each guild had its fully equipped court of justice
and enjoyed complete independence in all private concerns, but
all the guilds were subject to the town council and town
authorities, and were obliged to submit their statutes and
ordinances to them. In the event of quarrels, either within or
between the guilds, the civil authorities exercised the rights
of a commercial judge; in conjunction with the guild, they also
made regulations for the markets and police arrangements, fixed
the prices of wares, organized the supervision of traffic and
the protection from fraud or dishonest dealing.
The purchase of raw material was managed by the guild as a body
so as to prevent monopoly. Strict regulations protected the
rights of every one. There was equality between all the members
with regard to the sale of their productions. The protection of
purchasers and customers was assured by the city authorities;
the guild was held responsible for the quality and quantity of
the goods which it brought for sale to the market. In Germany,
as elsewhere, however, the most striking feature of the guilds
was the close connexion they established between religion and
daily life. Labour was conceived by them as the complement of
prayer, as the foundation of a well-regulated life. We read in
the book "A Christian Admonition": "Let the societies and
brotherhoods so regulate their lives according to Christian love
in all things that their work may be blessed. Let us work
according to God's law, and not for reward, else shall our
labour be without blessing and bring evil on our souls." Each
guild had its patron saint, who, according to tradition, had
practised its particular branch of industry, and whose feast day
was celebrated by attending church and by processions; each had
its banner, its altar, or chapel in the church, and had Masses
offered up for the living and the dead members. The religious
observance of Sunday and holy days was commanded by most of the
guilds. Whoever worked or made others work on those days, or on
Saturday after the vesper bell, or neglected to fast on the days
appointed by the Church, incurred a penalty. This union of
religion and labour was a strong tie between the members of the
guilds, and it was of great assistance in settling peacefully
the differences arising between masters and companions.
The guilds were also mutual and benevolent societies; they
helped the impoverished and sick members; they took care of the
widows and orphans; they remembered the poor outside the
society. Many benevolent institutions owed their foundation to
some guild, as, for instance, St. Job's Hospital for smallpox
patients at Hamburg, which was founded in 1505 by a guild of
fishmongers, shopkeepers, and hucksters. There were a large
number of these benevolent associations of tradesmen in the
Middle Ages; at the close of the fifteenth century there were
seventy at Lubeck, eighty at Cologne, and over one hundred at
Hamburg.
In connexion with the guilds should be mentioned the workmen's
clubs, which were very common at the end of the fifteenth
century. So long as the German journeyman remained at work in a
city, he belonged to one of these clubs, which supplied for him
the place of his family and country. If he fell sick he was not
left to public charity, but taken into the family of some master
or cared for by his brother members wherever he went he could
make himself known by the society's badge or password, and
receive help and protection from the local branch of the
association to which he belonged. Thus the journeyman was, in
the first place, associated with the family of his employer, in
whose house he generally lodged and boarded; in the second
place, he stood in close relation with his associates of the
same age and trade, co-members with him of the society which
protected and helped him; finally, he enjoyed special connexion
with the Church, because he generally belonged to one of the
sodalities which were ordinarily, but not necessarily, a part of
the society's organization.
Side by side with the artisans' guilds, there were also
merchants' guilds, organized on the same plan as the former, and
having similar objects in view with respect to the communal life
of their members and their moral and religious well-being. But
they differed in their attitude towards trade; for, while the
chief object of the artisans' guilds was the protection and
improvement of the different trades, the merchants' guilds aimed
at securing commercial advantages for their members and
obtaining the monopoly of the trade of some country or some
particular class of goods. Not alone in the German cities, but
also in all foreign countries where German commerce prevailed,
corporations of this sort, guilds, or Hansa (the word Hansa has
the same signification as guild), had existed from an early date
and had obtained recognition, privileges, and rights from the
foreign rulers and communities. By degrees these Hansa in
foreign countries became banded together in one large
association forming an important and rival commercial body in
the midst of the native merchants and traders. Such was the case
in London, where the merchants who had come from Cologne,
Luebeck, Hamburg, and other cities formed an association of
German merchants.
To further strengthen their position, the guilds belonging to
different foreign cities decided to join in one common
association. In England, those of Bristol, York, Ipswich,
Norwich, Hull, and other cities were affiliated with the London
Hansa, and were each represented there. On the same plan were
organized the associations of Novgorod in Russia, of Wisby in
the island of Gothland, and the so-called Komtoor of Bruges. The
last-named was divided into three branches: one comprising with
Luebeck the cities of the Slavonic country and of Saxony; the
second, those of Prussia and Westphalia; and the third, those of
Gothland, Livonia, and Sweden. This vast corporation, calling
itself the Society of German Merchants of the Holy Roman Empire,
was the foundation of the general German Hansa, or Hanseatic
League, which by degrees embraced all the cities (at one time
more than ninety) of Lower Germany, from Riga to the Flemish
boundaries, and those in the South as far as the Thuringian
forests. This league attained the summit of its power in the
fifteenth century, and Dantzic was then universally acknowledged
as its most important city; in the year 1481, more than 1100
ships had gone from its harbour to Holland. The ships were
divided into flotillas of from thirty to forty craft, each
flotilla having armed ships, called Orlogschiffe or
Friedenskoggen, attached to it for its protection.
After a time, the Hanseatic League was broken up into separate
sections whose centres were Luebeck for the Slavonic country,
Cologne for the Rhenish, Brunswick for Saxony, and Dantzic for
Prussia and Livonia. The Hansa lasted from the thirteenth to the
seventeenth century; its last meeting took place in 1669, and
the cities of Luebeck, Bremen, Brunswick, Cologne, Hamburg, and
Dantzic were the only ones that had sent representatives. The
causes of the ruin of this once so powerful association were the
growth of the commerce of Holland and England, the Wars of the
League, against Denmark and Sweden in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, and the Thirty Years' War, which was so
detrimental to German commerce and manufactures. Luebeck,
Bremen, and Hamburg are still called the Hanseatic cities.
The history of the German guilds of artists is closely connected
with that of the guilds of artisans. For a long time the artists
were incorporated in the trade associations, and their
organization into independent corporations took place only at
the close of the Middle Ages. The architects were probably the
first to have their own organization.
In Germany, as in the other countries of Europe, the guilds were
compulsory bodies, having the right to regulate trade, under the
supervision of the civil authorities; but the system was not
injurious in the Middle Ages. It was so only at the close of the
sixteenth century, when the guilds became narrowly exclusive
with regard to the admission of new members, and were nothing
but a mere benefit society for a small number of masters and
their associates. The abuses of the German corporations were
brought to the attention of the Imperial Government in the diets
of 1548, 1577, and 1654, but it was only in the course of the
nineteenth century that the guilds were successively abolished
in the different States of Germany. In the last twenty-five
years, there were enacted in that country a number of laws whose
aim was not the re-establishment of the old corporations, which
had each its special domain and privileges, but the protection
of the labourers, who had been left without organization and
defence by the abolition of the guilds.
IN ITALY
"Of all the establishments of Numa", says Plutarch, "no one is
more highly prized than his distribution of the people into
colleges according to trade and craft. "From these words we
should infer that the first well-known Italian corporations date
from the seventh century b.c., but some authors, whose
contention is founded on a text of Florus, have claimed that
Servius Tullius, and not Numa, was the founder of the Roman
colleges of artisans (e. g., Heineccius, "De collegiis et
corporibus opificum", 138). Whatever may be the truth on this
point, it is certain that the collegia opificum existed in the
sixth century b.c., because they were incorporated in the
constitution of Servius Tullius which remained in force until
241 b.c. There were but few of these corporations in the
Republic, but their numbers increased under the emperors; in
Rome alone there were in the third century more than thirty
colleges, private and public (Theodosian Code, XIII and XIV).
The latter were four in number: the navicularii, who supplied
Rome with provisions, the bakers, the pork butchers, and the
calcis coctores et vectores, who supplied Rome with lime for
building. The members of these corporations received a fixed
salary from the State.
Among the private colleges were numbered the argentarii, or
bankers, the negotiatores vini, or wine merchants, the medici,
or physicians, and the professores, or teachers. On the whole it
might be said that the collegia were prosperous until the end of
the third century b.c., but in the course of the next century
they began to show signs of decline. The few privileges they
enjoyed had ceased to be a compensation for their
responsibilities to the State, and it was only by the most
drastic measures that the last emperors succeeded in keeping the
artisans in their collegia.
And now arise the questions: What remained of these corporations
after the invasions? Is there any connexion between them and the
Italian guilds of the thirteenth century? We can only answer
this query by conjecture. The period extending from the fifth to
the eleventh century is extremely poor in documents; the few
annalists of those days have limited their work to a bare
enumeration of events and a dry list of dates. Mention is made
here and there of the existence of a guild, but we are not told
whether these guilds are new associations or the development of
an older organization. Since we know, however, that the Roman
law was to a large extent incorporated in the codes of the Goths
and Lombards, we have good ground to believe that many of the
municipal institutions survived the fall of Rome. In support of
this view, we have the well-known fact that the Barbarians
usually dwelt in the country and left the government of the
cities in the hands of the clergy, most of whom, being Italians,
were naturally inclined to retain the Roman institutions, all
the more readily as a better education enabled them to
appreciate their value. All this leads to the conclusion that,
in most cities, enough of the old Roman corporation must have
been preserved to form the nucleus of a new organization which
slowly but steadily developed into the guild of the Middle Ages.
The mercanzia, the earliest well-known type of these guilds,
existed in Venice, Genoa, Milan, Verona, Pisa, and elsewhere in
the tenth century; it somewhat resembled the merchant guild of
Northern Europe, being an association of all the mercantile
interests of the community without any professional distinction,
but, as the increase of trade which followed the First Crusade
brought about an increase of industrial activity, the arts found
it more convenient to have an association of their own, and the
mercanzia was split into craft guilds. As an example of this
evolution, we may take the Roman mercanzia. Although it had been
in existence at least since the beginning of the eleventh
century, it received its final constitution only in 1285. At
that time it was composed of thirteen arts, all united into one
common association, but in the course of the following century
we see these arts withdrawing successively from the mother guild
and forming independent corporations until finally the mercanzia
was merely a merchant guild.
The Italian arts were not all placed on the same footing. Some,
being more important, had a right of precedence over the others
and a larger share of the political rights. This hierarchy
varied, of course, from one city to another; in Rome the farmers
and drapers came first; in Venice and Genoa, the merchants. In
Florence we find the most striking illustration of this type of
organization. The arts were divided into major and minor. The
former were, in the order of importance, the judges and
notaries, the drapers, the bankers, the wool-manufacturers, the
physicians and apothecaries, the silk-manufacturers, and the
skin-dressers. They formed the popolo grosso, or burgesses, and
governed the city with the old feudal families; but in 1282 the
latter were deprived of their political rights, and the
burgesses were compelled to share the government of Florence
with the popolo minuto, or minor arts -- the blacksmiths, the
bakers, the shoemakers, the carpenters, and the retailers of
wine.
In its main lines, the organization of the Italian guilds
resembled that of the French guilds. Their members were divided
into apprentices, journeymen, and employers. Their life was
regulated by an elaborate system of statutes bearing on the
professional and religious duties of the brethren, the relations
of the corporations as a body with the local government,
competition, monopoly, care of the sick, of the orphans, etc.
The officers were all elected usually for a term not exceeding
six months. At first they were few, but their number increased
rapidly with the importance of the guild. One of the most
remarkable illustrations of guild government is given us by the
Roman corporations. At the head of each one was a cardinal
protector, but the real managers were the consuls (sometimes
called priori, capitudini). Until the beginning of the fifteenth
century they were invested with great judicial power, but after
the return of the popes to Rome their functions became merely
administrative and their authority was limited by a number of
other officers-assessors, procurators, delegates, defensors,
secretaries, archivists. The second great officer of the
corporation was the camerlingo, or treasurer; at one time his
office was even more important than that of the consul, but
little by little a large part of his powers went to computors,
exactors, taxators, depositors. The proveditor had the custody
of the guild's furniture and was to preserve good order in the
assemblies; the syndics examined the administration of the
officers at the end of their term; the physician and nurses
attended the sick members free of charge, and the visitor had to
call on those who were in prison. Besides, there were many
officers attached to the chapel: vestrymen, churchwardens,
chaplains.
Guilds of artists appeared very early in Italy. Sienna, Pisa,
Venice seem to have been in the lead. The first of these cities
had a corporation of architects and sculptors in 1212; the
statutes of the sculptors and stone-cutters of Venice date from
1307; those of the carpenters and cabinet-makers in the same
city from 1385. In Rome the guilds of artists were formed
relatively late; the sculptors in 1406, the painters in 1478,
the goldsmiths in 1509, the masons in 1527. On the whole it is
seen that the arts connected with construction were the first to
have their own association, then came the goldsmiths, and
finally the painters. It often happened that artists were
incorporated into trade guilds, as, for instance, the painters
of Florence, who still belonged to the grocers' guild in the
sixteenth century. The famous "Accademia del Desegno" of that
city, one of the first academies of fine arts in Europe, grew
out of the "Compagnia di San Luca", a semi-religious,
semi-artistic guild. The decline of the Italian guilds began in
the sixteenth century and was brought about by the decay of the
commerce of the country. They were abolished in Rome by Pius VII
in 1807, and by the end of the first half of the nineteenth
century they had become a thing of the past in all Italian
cities.
IN SPAIN
What has been said of the origin of the guilds in Italy applies
to Spain. In no other province (except, perhaps, Southern Gaul)
had the inhabitants been influenced more deeply by Roman
civilization, and the Visigoths, who settled there in the fifth
century, were, of all the Barbarians, those who showed the
strongest tendency to retain Roman institutions and customs.
Unfortunately, the growth of this neo-Roman civilization was
stopped by the Arabian invasion in the eighth century, and in
the following 700 years the Christians of Spain, who were bent
on the task of wresting their country from the infidels, turned
their energies to warfare. Domestic trade fell into the hands of
the Jews, foreign trade into those of the Italians, and
manufactures existed mostly in cities under Moorish dominion.
Religious and military associations were many and powerful, but
merchant and craft guilds could not grow on this battlefield.
ENGLAND: TOULMIN SMITH, English Gilds; ordinances of over 100
English Gilds, with the usages of Winchester, Worcester, Bristol
etc. Introduction on the history of guilds by BRENTANO. Early
English Text Society, Vol. XL (London, 1870); GROSS, Gilda
mercatoria (Goettingen, 1883); BLANC, Bibliographie des
corporations ouvrieres avant 1789 (Paris, 1885); SELIGMAN,
Medioeval Gilds of England in Publications of American Economic
Association, II, No. 5 (New York, 1887); ASHLEY, Introduction to
English Economic History and Theory, I (London, 1888); LAMBERT,
Two Thousand Years of Gild Life, containing bibliography by PAGE
(Hull, 1891); MILNES, From Gild to Factory (London, 1904);
GASQUET, Eve of the Reformation (London, 1900).
FLANDERS AND FRANCE: SAINT-LEON, Histoire des corporations de
metiers depuis leurs origines jusqu'`a leur suppression en 1791
(Paris, 1887); VALLEROUX, Les corporations d'arts et metiers et
les syndicats professionnels en France et `a l'etranger (Paris,
1885); LEVASSEUR, Histoire des classes ouvrieres en France
depuis la conquete de Jules Cesar jusqu'`a la Revolulion (Paris,
1859); PYCKE, Memoire sur les corporations connues sous le nom
de metiers (Bruxelles, 1827); BROUWER ANCHER, De Gilden (The
Hague, 1895); DEPPING, Introduction aux reglements sur les arts
et metiers de Paris, rediges au XII ^eme siecle et connus sous
le nom de Livre des metiers d'Etienne Boileau (Paris, 1837);
GUIBERT, Les anciennes corporations de metiers en Limousin
(Limoges, 1883); CHAUVIGNE, Histoire des corporations d'arts et
metiers de Touraine (Tours, 1885); DU BOURG, Les corporations
ouvrieres de la ville de Toulouse du XIII ^eme au XV ^eme siecle
(Toulouse, 1884); LACROIX, Histoire des anciennes corporations
d'arts et metiers et des confreries religieuses de la capitale
de la Normandie (Rouen, 1850); DE MAROLLES, Considerations
historiques sur les bienfaits du regime corporatif in Annales
internationales d'histoire (Paris, 1902); BLANC, Bibliographie
des corporations ouvrieres avant 1789 (Paris, 1885); CHERUEL,
Dictionnaire historique des institutions, moeurs et coutumes de
la France (Paris, 1884); Memoires de la Societe des antiquaires
(Paris, 1850); THIERRY, Recueil de monuments inedits de
l'histoire du Tiers-Etat (Paris, 1850-70); VANDERKINDERE,
Liberte et propriete en Flandre du IX ^eme au XII ^eme siecle in
Bulletin de l'Academie royale de Belgique (Brussels, 1906); DE
LETTENHOVE, Histoire de Flandre (Brussels, 1847-50); GUIZOT,
Histoire de la civilisation en Europe depuis la chute de
l'empire romain jusqu'`a la Revolution franc,aise (Paris, 1873).
GERMANY: For the establishment of the guilds in Germany, STIEDA
in HILDEBRAND, Jahrbuch fuer Nationaloekonomie, II (Jena, 1876),
pp. 1-133; EBERSTADT, Der Ursprung des Zunftwesens (Leipzig,
1900). The following will also give valuable information:
JANSSEN, History of the German People at the Close of the Middle
Ages (tr., London, 1896); WILDA, Das Gildwesen im Mittel Alter
(Halle, 1831); NITZSCH, Ueber die Niederdeutschen
Genossenschaften des XII und XIII Jahrhunderts in Monatsberichte
der Akad. der Wissenschaften (Berlin, 1879); HEGEL, Staedte und
Gilden der germanischen Voelker (Leipzig, 1891); LAPPENBERG,
Urkundliche Geschichte des Ursprungs der deutschen Hansa
(Leipzig, 1854); HOeFPEBAUM, Hansisches Urkundenbuch (Halle,
1876-84); Hansische Geschichtsblaetter (Leipzig, 1871-82).
SPAIN: WALFORD, Guilds, their Origin, etc. (London, 1880);
GROSS, The Guild Merchant (Oxford, 1890); OLIVIERI, Le forme
medievali d'associazione (Ancona, 1890); RYLLO, L'associazione
nella storia (Catanzaro, 1892); Florentine Wool Trade in
Transac. Royal Hist. Soc., XII; PERRENS, Histoire de Florence
(Paris, 1877-83); RODOCANACHI, Corporations ouvrieres de Rome au
moyen-age (Paris, 1894); CANTU, Storia d'Italia (French tr.,
Paris, 1859-62); LABARTE, Histoire des arts industriels au
moyen-age (Paris, 1864-66); GIBBINS, History of Commerce in
Europe (London, 1892); SETON, Commerce of Italy in the Middle
Ages in Catholic World, XIII (1876), 79; LAFUENTE Y ZANALLOU,
Historia general de Espana (Madrid, 1850-69).
EDWIN BURTON P.J. MARIQUE
Patrick Robert Guiney
Patrick Robert Guiney
Second and eldest surviving son of James Roger Guiney and Judith
Macrae; born at Parkstown, Co. Tipperary, Ireland, on 15 Jan.,
1835; died at Boston, 21 March, 1877. From his father's people
he inherited Jacobite blood, gentle and adventurous, with one
French cross in it. James Guiney, impoverished and dispirited
after an ill-assorted runaway marriage, brought with him on his
second voyage to New Brunswick his favourite child, then not six
years old. After some years, Mrs. Guiney rejoined her husband,
lately crippled by a fall from his horse; a settlement followed
in Portland, Maine, where the boy attended the public schools.
Clever, studious, and a capital athlete, he matriculated at Holy
Cross College, Worcester, but left before graduating, actuated
by a scruple of honour entirely characteristic. His book-loving,
sympathetic father having meanwhile died, he went to study for
the Bar under Judge Walton, and was admitted in Lewiston, Maine,
in 1856, evincing from the first a genius for criminal law. In
politics he was a Republican. He won its first suit for the
Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.
In 1859 he married in the old cathedral, Boston, Miss Janet
Margaret Doyle, related to the distinguished "J. K. L.", the Rt.
Rev. James Warren Doyle, Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin. They
had one son, who died in infancy, and one daughter. Home life in
Roxbury and professional success were cut short by the outbreak
of the Civil War. Familiar with the manual of arms, Guiney
enlisted for example's sake as a private, refusing a commission
from Governor Andrew until he had worked hard to help recruit
the Ninth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers. Within two years
(July, 1862), the first colonel having died from a wound
received in action, Lieutenant-Colonel Guiney succeeded young to
the command. He fought in over thirty engagements, and won high
official praise, notably for courage and presence of mind at the
Battle of the Chickahominy, or Gaines's Mill, Virginia. Here,
after three successive colour-bearers had been shot down, the
colonel himself seized the flag, threw aside coat and
sword-belt, rose white-shirted and conspicuous in the stirrups,
inspired a final rally, and turned the fortune of the day. After
many escapes, he was struck in the face by a sharpshooter at the
Wilderness (5 May, 1864); the Minie ball destroyed the left eye,
and inflicted, as was believed, a fatal wound. During an
interval of consciousness, however, Guiney insisted on an
operation which saved his life. Honourably discharged just
before the mustering out of his old regiment, he did not receive
his commission as brigadier-general by brevet until 13 March,
1865, although throughout 1864 he had been frequently in command
of his brigade, the Second, First Division, Fifth Corps, A. P.
Brevet was then bestowed "for gallant and meritorious services
during the War". Kept alive for years by nursing and by force of
will, he ran unsuccessfully for Congress on a sort of "Christian
Socialist" platform, was elected assistant district attorney
(1866-70), and acted as consulting lawyer (not being longer able
to plead) on many locally celebrated cases. His last exertions
were devoted to the defeat of the corruption and misuse of the
Probate Court of Suffolk County, Massachusetts, of which he had
become registrar (1869-77). He died suddenly and was found
kneeling against an elm in the little park near his home, having
answered his summons in this soldierly and deeply religious
fashion, as he had always meant to do. General Guiney was
Commandant of the Loyal Legion, Major-General Commandant of the
Veteran Military League, member of the Irish Charitable Society,
and one of the founders and first members of the Catholic Union
of Boston. He was notable throughout a brief, thwarted career
for the charm of his manner and his chivalrous ideals in public
life. A good literary critic, he printed a few graphic prose
sketches and some graceful verse.
Adjutant General's Reports; Newspapers, passim; Family in
formation.
LOUISE IMOGEN GUINEY.
Robert Guiscard
Robert Guiscard
Duke of Apulia and Calabria, founder of the Norman state of the
Two Sicilies; born about 1016; died 17 July, 1085. He was the
eldest son of the second marriage of Tancred, seigneur of
Haute-ville-la-Guichard near Coutances, Normandy, a fief of ten
chevaliers. Already three of his brothers, William Bras-de-Fer
and Drogo, about 1034, and Humphrey, about 1045, had entered the
pay of the Lombard princes of Southern Italy who were in revolt
against the Byzantine Empire. In turn Robert left Normandy
accompanied by five horsemen and thirty foot-soldiers, and set
out to rejoin his brothers in 1046. Of gigantic stature,
broad-shouldered, with blond hair, ruddy complexion, and deep
voice, he owed to his crafty shrewdness the soubriquet of
"Guiscard" (Wiseacre). He encountered difficulties on his first
entrance into Italy. His brother Drogo, who had been elected
Count of the Normans, repulsed him. Having wandered about for a
time he returned to enter the service of Drogo and assisted him
to conquer Calabria. He established himself at the head of a
small troop on the heights of San Marco, which dominated the
valley of the Crati, whence he practised actual brigandage,
surprising the Byzantine posts, pillaging monasteries, and
robbing travellers. But subsequent to his marriage with Aubree,
a kinswoman of a Norman chief of the territory of Benevento, he
renounced this manner of life and had two hundred horsemen under
his command. Drogo having been assassinated in 1051, his brother
Humphrey succeeded to his possessions and the title of Count of
the Normans, and Guiscard remained in his service. In 1053, he
took part in the battle of Civitella, in which Pope Leo IX was
vanquished and taken prisoner by the Normans. In 1055, he took
possession of Otranto. On the death of Humphrey in 1057, Robert
Guiscard caused himself to be elected leader of the Normans to
the detriment of the two sons of his brother, whose inheritance
he appropriated. At this juncture the Normans aimed openly at
taking possession of southern Italy. Richard of Aversa, who had
just taken Capua, was after Guiscard the most powerful leader.
Through energy of character and skilful policy, Robert Guiscard
succeeded in inducing the Norman chiefs to submit to his
authority and in accomplishing with them the conquest of Italy.
He established his young brother Roger in Calabria in 1058. In
1059, Hildebrand, the chief councillor of Pope Nicholas II,
desiring to shield the papacy from the attacks of the
adversaries of ecclesiastical reform, entered into an alliance
with the Normans. At the Council of Melfi (August, 1059),
Guiscard declared himself the vassal of the Holy See, pledged
himself to bring about the observance of the decrees of the
Council of Lateran with regard to the election of popes, and
received in exchange the title of Duke with the investiture of
his conquests in Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. He at once began
to make war on the remaining Byzantine possessions, took
possession of Reggio (1060), despatched his brother Roger to
begin the conquest of Sicily, took Brindisi (1002), and finally,
in 1068, laid siege to Bari, the capital of Byzantine Italy,
which he entered after a siege of three years on 16 April, 1071.
In the following year, the capture of Palermo, besieged at once
by Robert and Roger, left the Normans masters of all Sicily.
Roger retained the greater part of the country, but remained his
brother's vassal.
These conquests would have been but of ephemeral duration had
Guiscard not devoted all his energy to consolidating them. The
Norman chiefs who had become his vassals were not too readily
disposed to submit to his authority, and revolted while he was
in Sicily. In 1073 Guiscard besieged and reduced to submission
all the rebels in succession. The great commercial republic of
Amalfi yielded voluntarily to him. At this juncture, however,
Gregory VII, alarmed by Guiscard's aggressions on the papal
territories excommunicated him. At the same time, Guiscard
having wished on the occasion of his daughter's marriage to
raise the usual feudal aid, his vassals once more revolted
(1078). Having put down this revolt, Guiscard was once again
all-powerful, and Gregory VII, threatened by the intrigues of
Emperor Henry IV, became reconciled to him (1080). In the
interval Salerno had fallen under his sway, and, save for the
Norman principality of Capua, which remained independent, and
the city of Naples, all southern Italy obeyed him.
Having now reached the height of his power, Guiscard conceived
the ambition, at the age of sixty-four, to undertake the
conquest of the Byzantine empire, whose civilization exercised
over him a powerful attraction. As the master of Byzantine
Italy, he considered himself the heir of the emperors, caused
himself to be depicted on his seal in their costume, and thus
inaugurated a tradition which nearly all sovereigns of the Two
Sicilies down to Charles of Anjou sought to follow. In May,
1081, Robert and his son Bohemond set out for Otranto, captured
the island of Corfu, and disembarked before Durazzo, the
possession of which would assure them access to the Via Egnatia,
which led through Macedonia to Constantinople. But the emperor
Alexius Comnenus had formed an alliance with Venice, whose fleet
won a great victory over that of the Normans (July). Alexius
came himself to the assistance of Durazzo, but Guiscard, who had
burnt his ships in order to inspire courage in his troops, put
the imperial army to flight (18 October). Despite this victory,
the Normans, being still incapable of laying siege in the
regular manner, could not have entered into the place, if
Guiscard had not contrived that it should be delivered to him by
treason (21 February, 1082). Guiscard was now master of the
route to Constantinople, and had advanced as far as Castoria
when he received a letter from Gregory VII recalling him to
Italy. Henry IV, with whom Alexius Comnenus had formed an
alliance, had come down into Italy and was threatening Rome. At
his approach the Lombard vassals of Apulia and the Prince of
Capua had revolted. Guiscard resigned the command of his
expedition to his son Bohemond, who abandoned the march on
Constantinople to ravage Thessaly. Guiscard returned to Italy
and profited by Henry IV's short delay in Lombardy to subdue his
rebellious vassals, capturing their cities one by one (1083).
During this time Henry IV returned and laid siege to Rome. On 2
June, 1083, he took possession of the Leonine City, and
compelled Gregory VII to seek refuge in the castle of Sant'
Angelo. The emperor made his entry into Rome on 21 March, 1084,
and, on the following 31 March, he was crowned at St. Peter's by
the antipope Clement III. Gregory VII, who all the time was
confined to the castle of Sant' Angelo, sent a message to Robert
Guiscard. On 24 May, 30,000 Normans camped beneath the walls of
Rome. On the 27 May, Guiscard captured the Porta Flaminia, gave
battle on the Campo Mania, delivered Gregory VII and installed
him in the Lateran while the imperial troops beat a retreat. But
the Romans, exasperated by the pillaging of the Normans,
revolted. The city was sacked, and the inhabitants massacred or
sold as slaves. On the 28 June, Guiscard left Rome and conducted
Gregory VII as far as Salerno. Thanks to his intervention the
projects of Henry IV had been baffled and the cause of
ecclesiastical reform had triumphed.
But Robert Guiscard thought only of resuming his expedition
against Constantinople. Beaten by the troops of Alexius
Comnenus, Bohemond had been compelled to retire with his army to
Italy (1083). Guiscard made fresh preparations, and, at the end
of 1084, embarked at Otranto. After having defeated the Venetian
fleet, he recovered Corfu and was preparing to capture
Cephalonia, where he had just disembarked, when he died after a
short illness, 17 July, 1085. Having come into Italy forty years
previously as a mere soldier of fortune, he had since founded a
sovereign state and become one of the most important personages
of Christendom. Two emperors had had to reckon with him. From
one of them he had taken Rome, from the other he had been on the
point of taking Constantinople. In 1058, he had repudiated
Aubree, the mother of Bohemond, to wed the Lombard Sykelgaite,
sister of Gisulf, Prince of Salerno. She gave him three Sons and
seven daughters, and appears to have been actively associated in
all his undertakings, accompanying him in his expeditions and
exercising so much influence over him as to cause him to
designate as his successor his son Roger, to the detriment of
Bohemond.
Gesta Roberti Wiscardi (Epic in 5 cantos by WILLIAM OF APULIA,
composed at the request of Urban II and dedicated to Duke
Roger), ed. WILMANS, Mon. Germ. Hist.: Scriptores, IX, 241 sqq.;
AMATUS OF MONTE CASINO, Ystoire de li Normant (ed. SOCIETE DE
L'HIST. DE FRANCE, Paris, 1835. Fr. tr. of fourteenth century
from orig.); LEO OSTIENSIS (MARSICANUS), Chronica Monasterii
Casinensis, ed. WATTENBACH, in Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script., VII,
574 sq.; LUPUS PROTOSPATHARIUS, Annales, 805-1102, ed. in Mon.
Germ. Hist.: Script, V, 52 sq.; GEOFFREY MALATERRA, Historia
Sicula (to 1099), ed. MURATORI, Rerum italic. Scriptor., V. 574
sqq.; ANNA COMNENA, Alexiade, ed. REIFFERSCHEID (Leipzig, 1884),
I-VI; Cecaumeni Strategicon, ed. WASILIEWSKY (St. Petersburg,
1886), 35; GREGORY VII, Registrum epistolarum, ed. JAFFE,
Bibliotheca rer. germanic., II; CHALANDON, La Diplomatique des
Normands de Sicile et de l'Italie meridionaie (Melanges
d'Archeologie et d'Histoire de l'ecole franc,aise de Rome,
1900); HEINEMANN, Normanische Herzogs- und Koenigsurkunden
(Tuebingen, 1899); ENGEL, Recherches sur la numismatique et la
sigillographie des Normands d'Italie (Paris, 1882); GAY,
L'Italie meridionale et l'empire byzantin (Paris, 1904);
CHALANDON, Histoire de La domination normande en Italie (Paris,
1907), I, containing excellent bibliography; IDEM, Essai sur le
regne d'Alexis I Comnene (Paris, 1900); HEINEMANN, Geschichte
der Normannem im Unteritalien und Sicilien (Leipsic, 1894), I;
DENTZER, Topographie der Feldzuege Robert Guiscards gegen das
byzantinische Reich (Breslau, 1901).
LOUIS BREHIER
House of Guise
House of Guise
The House of Guise, a branch of the ducal family of Lorraine,
played an important part in the religious troubles of France
during the seventeenth century. By reason of descent from
Charlemagne, it laid claim for a brief period to the throne of
France. The Guises upheld firmly Catholic interests not only in
France, but also in Scotland, where Marie de Lorraine and her
daughter, Mary Stuart, were allied to them. Their religious
zeal, however, was often tarnished by their own violence, and by
that of their partisans; it also covered certain plans for
political reform that were dangerous to monarchical
centralization. Finally, the relations which existed for
thirty-five years between Spain and the House of Guise roused
the suspicion of French patriotism. In their favour it must be
said that the Huegonots were also guilty of many acts of
violence, and appealed to England, as the Guises did to Spain,
and that the Calvinistic nobility was even more dangerous to
French unity than the Catholic. We shall here consider only
those members of this famous family who are especially
interesting from the viewpoint of religious history.
I. CLAUDE DE LORRAINE
First Duke of Guise, born at the Chateau de Conde, 20 Oct.,
1496; d. at Joinville, 12 April, 1550, the son of Rene II, Duke
of Lorraine, and his second wife, Philippa of Guelders. Claude
de Guise wished to possess the Duchy of Lorraine, to the
detriment of his elder brother Antoine, whom he declared
illegitimate, inasmuch as he was born during the lifetime of
Marguerite d'Harcourt, the (divorced) first wife of Rene II, but
he was obliged to be content with the Countships of Guise and
Aumale, the Barony of Joinville, and the Seigniories of Mayenne
and Elbeuf, which his father possessed in France. He soon made
his appearance at the French court, where he at once gave
evidence of his ability to please. He followed Francis I to
Italy, and at the battle of Marignano (1515) received twenty-two
wounds. He took a courageous part in the campaigns against
Charles V, for which Francis I rewarded him by making him master
of the hounds and first chamberlain, and by the erection of the
countship of Guise to a ducal peerage, an honour hitherto
reserved for princes of the blood. Claude de Guise also merited
the gratitude of the Catholic party for the struggle which he
maintained in 1525 against the bands of Anabaptists attempted to
invade Lorraine, whom he exterminated at Lupstein near Saverne
(Zabern), 16 May, 1525. His campaign in Luxembourg (1542), the
services which he rendered in 1543 by his defence of Landrecies,
and his success in quieting the Parisians, alarmed by the
approach of the imperial forces, justified the favour of the
king, who finally confided to him the government of Burgundy;
the Duke's ambition, however, his large fortune, and powerful
relatives gave offense to Francis I. It was said that the latter
counseled Henry II never to admit the Guises to a share in
government, and a popular quatrain current in Paris ran:--
Franc,ois premier predit ce point
Que ceux de la maison de Guise
Mettraient ses enfants en purpoint
Et son pauvre peuple en chemise.
In 1513 Claude de Guise married Antoinette de Bourbon
(1493-1583), noted for the simplicity of her life, her
renunciation of all rich materials in dress, and her great
charity toward hospitals, the poor, and orphans. By her he had
eight sons and four daughters. If the memoirs of Franc,ois de
Guise, Claude's son, are to be credited, his father died of
poison.
II. JEAN DE LORRAINE
Brother of the above, b. 1498; d. 18 May, 1550. He became a
cardinal at twenty, the first cardinal of Lorraine. His activity
was exercised chiefly in France, where he assisted Claude de
Guise to strengthen the ascendancy of his family. Having been
sent in 1536 as the ambassador of Francis I to Charles V to
reconcile their differences, he warned the king on his return of
the unmistakably warlike intentions of the emperor. Even before
Claude de Guise had offended the king, the cardinal was regarded
with suspicion. He fell into disgrace with Francis I in 1542,
but still retained great influence owing to the bounties which
he was able to make with his immense revenues, for he had
acquired the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, Verdun, Therouanne,
Luc,on, and Valence, the Archbishoprics of Lyon, Reims, and
Narbonne, and a number of abbeys. "Thou art either Christ or the
Cardinal of Lorraine", exclaimed a Roman beggar on whom he had
bestowed large alms.
III. FRANC,OIS DE LORRAINE
Second Duke of Guise, b. at the Chateau de Bar, 17 Feb., 1519,
of Claude de Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon; d, 24 Feb, 1563.
He was the warrior of the family, el gran capitan de Guysa, as
the Spanish called him. A wound which he received at the siege
of Boulogne (1545), won for him the surname Balafre (the
Scarred). His defense of Metz against Charles V (1552) crowned
his reputation. After a siege of two months the emperor was
obliged to retire with a loss of 30,000 men. Franc,ois de
Lorraine fought valiantly at the battle of Renty (1554). The
Truce of Vaucelles, signed in 1556 for a period of six years,
followed by the abdication of Charles V, seemed about to end his
military career.
The dukes of Guise, however, as descendants of the House of
Anjou, had certain pretensions to the Kingdom of Naples, and it
was doubtless with the secret intention of defending these
claims that Franc,ois de Lorraine furthered an alliance between
Henry II and Pope Paul IV which was menaced by Philip II. In
consequence of this alliance Franc,ois de Guise entered Milanese
territory (Jan., 1557), marched thence through Italy, and
although neither the petty princes nor the pope gave him the
assistance he expected, he took the little Neapolitan town of
Campli (17 April, 1557), and on 24 April laid siege to
Civitella. At the end of twenty-two days, being threatened at
the same time by epidemic and the Duke of Alva, he fell back
upon Rome, where he reorganized his army, and was preparing to
return southward, when Henry II, after the victory of the
Spaniards over the Constable de Montmorency at Saint-Quentin (23
Aug., 1557), summoned him to "restore France".
Guise returned to court (20 Oct., 1557) and was invested with
the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. He captured the
city of Calais (1-8 January, 1558) by taking into account the
plans of attack drawn up by Coligny. In June he took Thionville,
in July, Arlon. He was about to attack Luxemburg when he was
halted by the peace of Cateau-Cambresis (3 April, 1559),
concluded by Henry II, despite the protests of the duke.
Moreover, Henry was on the point of disgracing Franc,ois de
Guise, at the insistence of Diana of Poitiers and the Constable
de Montmorency.
The accession of Francis II (10 July, 1559), however, and his
consort, Mary Stuart, niece of Franc,ois d Guise, was a triumph
for the Guise family, and the Constable de Montmorency was
disgraced. "Franc,ois de Guise was supreme in the royal council.
"My advice", he would say, "is so-and-so; we must act thus."
Occasionally he signed public acts in the royal manner, with his
baptismal name only. At the investigation of Antoine de Bourbon
and the Prince de Conde, La Renaudie, a Protestant gentlemen of
Perigord, organized a plot to seize the person of Franc,ois de
Guise and his brother, the second cardinal of Lorraine. The plot
was discovered (conspiracy of Amboise, 1560) and violently
suppressed. Conde was obliged to flee the court, and the power
of the Guises was increased. The discourse which Coligny, leader
of the Huguenots, pronounced against them in the Assembly of the
notables at Fountainbleau (August, 1560), did not influence
Francis II in the least, but resulted rather in the imprisonment
of Conde. The king, however, died, 5 December, 1560--a year full
of calamity for the Guises both in Scotland and France (see
below, VI. Mary of Guise). Within a few months their influence
waxed great and waned. After the accession of Charles, IX,
Franc,ois de Guise lived in retirement on his estates. The
regent, Catharine de' Medici, at first inclined to favour the
Protestants, and to save the Catholic party, Franc,ois de Guise
formed with his old enemy, the Constable de Montmorency and the
Marechal de Saint-Andre the so-called triumvirate (April, 1561),
hostile to the policy of concession which Catharine de' Medici
attempted to inaugurate in favour of the Protestants. The plan
of the Triumvirate was to treat with Spain and the Holy See, and
also to come to an understanding with the Lutheran princes of
Germany to induce them to abandon the idea of relieving the
French Protestants. About July, 1561, Guise wrote to this effect
to the Duke of Wuertemberg. The Colloquy of Poissy (September
and October, 1561) between theologians of the two confessions
was fruitless, and the conciliation policy of Catharine de'
Medici was defeated. From 15 to 18 February, 1562, Guise visited
the Duke of Wuertemberg at Saverne, and convinced him that if
the conference at Poissy had failed, the fault was that of the
Calvinists. As Guise passed through Vassay on his was to Paris
(1 March, 1562), a massacre of Protestants took place. It is not
known to what extent he was responsible for this, but it kindled
the religious war. Rouen was retaken from the Protestants by
Guise after a month's siege (October); the battle of Dreux, at
which Montmorency was taken prison and Saint-Andre slain, was in
the end turned by Guise to the advantage of the Catholic cause
(19 December), and Conde, leader of the Huguenots, taken
prisoner. Guise was about to take Orleans from the Huguenots
when (18 February, 1563) he was wounded by the Protestant
Poltrot de Mere, and died six days later. "We cannot deny",
wrote the Protestant Coligny, in reference to his death, "the
manifest miracles of God."
At the suggestion of Henry II Guise has married in 1549 Anne
d'Este (1531-1607), daughter of Hercule II d'Este, Duke of
Ferrara, and of Rene of France, through her mother,
granddaughter of Louis XII; she had been on the point of
becoming the wife of Sigismund I, King of Poland. By her Guise
had six sons and one daughter. Anne held the Admiral de Coligny
responsible for the death of her husband, and her interview with
the admiral at Moulins was only an apparent reconciliation. She
soon married James of Savoy (d. 1583), by whom she had two
children. She lived to see the extinction of the House of Este
by the death of Alphonso II, fifth Duke of Ferrara, and to see
two of her sons, Henry Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Guise
(see below) slain at the chateau de Blois. "Oh great king", she
cried before the statue of her grandfather, Louis XII, "did you
build this chateau that the children of your granddaughter might
perish in it?" The poet Ronsard sang the praises of the wife of
Franc,ois de Guise, according to the fashion of the time:
Venus la sainte en ses graces habite,
Tous les amours logent en ses regards;
Pour ce, a bon droit, telle dam merite
D'avoir ete femme de notre Mars.
IV. CHARLES DE LORRAINE
Cardinal of Guise, b. at Joinville, 17 Feb., 1524; d. at
Avignon, 26 December 1574; appointed archbishop of Reims in
1538, cardinal in 1547, the day after the coronation of Henry
II, at which he had officiated. He was known at first of the
Cardinal of Guise, and as the second Cardinal of Lorraine, after
the death of his uncle, Jean (1550), first Cardinal of Lorraine.
His protection of Rabelais and Ronsard and his generous
foundation of the University of Reims (1547-49) assure him a
place in the history of contemporary letters; his chief
importance, however, is in political and religious history.
The efforts of this cardinal to enforce his family's pretensions
to the Countship of Provance, and his temporary assumption, with
this object, of the title of Cardinal of Anjou were without
success. He failed also when he attempted, in 1551, to dissuade
Henry II form uniting the Dutchy of Lorraine to France. He
succeeded, however, in creating for his family interests certain
political alliances that occasionally seemed in conflict with
each other. He coquetted, for instance, on the one hand with the
Lutheran princes of Germany, and on the other, with his
interview (1558) with the Cardinal de Granvelle (at Peronne), he
initiated friendly relations between the Guises and the royal
house of Spain. Thus the man who, as the Archbishop of Reims,
crowned successively Henry II, Francis II, and Charles IX had a
personal policy which was often at variance with that of the
court. This policy rendered him at times an enigma to his
contemporaries. The chronicler L'Estoile accused him of great
duplicity; Brantome spoke of his "deeply stained soul, churchman
though he was", accused him of skepticism, and claimed to have
heard him occasionally speak half approvingly of the Confession
of Augsburg. He is also often held to be responsible for the
outbreak of the Huguenot wars, and seems now and then to have
attempted to establish the Inquisition in France. Many libelous
pamphlets aroused against him strong religious and political
passions. From 1560 at least twenty-two were in circulation and
fell into his hands; they damaged his reputation with posterity
as well as among his contemporaries. One of them, "La Guerre
Cardinale" (1565), accuses him of seeking to restore to the
Empire the three bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which had
been conquered by Henry II. A discourse attributed to Theodore
de Beze (1566) denounced the pluralism of the cardinal in the
matter of benefices.
Under Charles IX, the Cardinal of Guise constantly alternated
between disgrace and favour. In 1562, he attended the Council of
Trent, possessing the full confidence of his royal master. Louis
de Saint-Gelais, Sieur de Lansac, Arnaud du Ferrier, president
of the Parlement of Paris, and Guy de Faur de Pibrac, royal
counsellor, who represented Charles IX at the Council from 26
May, 1562, towards the end of the year were joined by the
Cardinal Lorraine. He was instructed to arrive at an
understanding with the Germans, who proposed to reform the
church in head and members and to authorize at once Communion
under Both Kinds, prayers in the vernacular, and the marriage of
the clergy. In the reform articles which he presented (2 Jan.,
1563), he was silent on the last point, but petitioned for the
other two. Pius IV was indignant, and the cardinal denounced
Rome as the source of all abuses. In the questions of precedence
which arose between him and the Spanish ambassador, Count de
Luna, Pius IV decided for the latter. However, in September
1563, while on a visit to Rome, the cardinal, intent perhaps on
securing the pope's assistances for the realization of the
political ambitions of the Guises, professed opinions less
decided Gallican. Moreover, when he learned that the French
ambassadors, who had left the council, were dissatisfied because
the legates had obtained from the council approval of a project
for the "reformation of the princes", which the latter deemed
contrary to the liberties of the Gallican church, he
endeavoured, though without success, to bring about the return
of the ambassadors, prevailed on the legates to withdraw the
objectionable articles, and strove to secure the immediate
publication in France of the decrees of the council; this,
however, was refused by Catharine di' Medici.
When, in 1566, Franc,ois de Montmorency, governor of Paris and
his personal enemy, attempted to prevent the cardinal from
entering the capital with an armed escort, the ensuing conflict
and the precipitate flight of the cardinal gave rise to an
outcry of derision which obliged him to retire to his diocese
for two years. In 1570 he aroused the anger of Charles IX by
inducing Duke Henri, the eldest of his nephews, to solicit the
hand of Margaret of Valois, the king's sister, and in 1574 he
vexed the king still more when, through spite, he prevented the
marriage of this princess with the king of Portugal. His share
in the negotiations for the marriage between Charles IX and
Elizabeth of Austria, and for that of Margaret Valois with the
prince of Navarre, seems to have won him some favor which,
however, was but brief, for Catharine di' Medici knew only too
well what a constant menace the personal policy of the Guises
constituted for that of the king. Shortly after the death of
Charles IX, the cardinal appeared before his successor, Henry
III, but died soon afterwards.
V. LOUIS I DE LORRAINE
Cardinal of Guise, b. 21 Oct., 1527, d. at Paris, 24 March,
1578, the brother of Franc,ois de Guise and of the second
cardinal of Lorraine. He became Bishop of Troyes in 1545, of
Albi in 1550, cardinal in 1553, under the name of Cardinal of
Guise, Archbishop of Sens in 1561, but resigned the episcopal
see in 1562, in favour of Cardinal de Pellevee. He crowned Henry
III, 13 Feb., 1575. Contemporary witnesses do not seem to agree
with regard to him. L'Estoile calls him a merry gourmet, le
cardinal des bouteilles, while Brantome praises his knowledge
and political good sense, especially in his old age.
VI. MARY OF GUISE
Queen of Scotland, b. 22 Nov. 1515; d. at Edinburgh, 10 June
1560; sister of Franc,ois de Guise, and of the second cardinal
of Lorraine, and eldest of the twelve children of Claude de
Lorraine, Duke of Guise, and Antoinette de Bourbon. Left a widow
in 1535, after a year of married life with Louis II d'Orleans,
Duke of Longueville, she refused to marry Henry VIII, King of
England, but at the express command of Francis I consented to go
to Scotland to wed (9 May, 1538) James V, king of Scotland,
whose first wife, Margaret of France, had died a year before. By
James V she had (7 or 8 Dec, 1542) one daughter, Mary Stuart,
and a week later (14 Dec.) she became a widow and regent. Henry
VIII sought to take advantage of this regency to establish in
Scotland an anti-Catholic influence, and to this end wrung from
Mary of Guise the treaty of 12 March, 1543, which promised Mary
Stuart in marriage to Edward, his son. Mary of Guise, however,
particularly after the death of her advisor, Cardinal Beaton,
looked to France for the support of a Catholic policy, and it
was decided by the Estates of Scotland (5 Feb., 1548), that Mary
Stuart should be sent to that country, Scotland's oldest and
most faithful ally, to be married to the young Dauphin Francis,
son of Henry II. While the Reformation continued to progress in
Scotland, Mary de Guise, through the advice and assistance of
her brothers, Franc,ois de Guise and the second Cardinal of
Lorraine, succeeded in maintaining her authority. From Paris her
brothers kept her informed of the great success achieved by her
daughter, Mary Stuart. "She rules the king and queen", wrote the
Cardinal de Lorraine. On the marriage of Henry II with the
Dauphin Francis, Henry II desired them to assume the titles of
king and Queen of England and Ireland, alleging that Elizabeth,
daughter of Henry VIII, and Anne Boleyn, was ineligible, having
been the child of an illegitimate marriage, also a heretic. The
Guises hoped for a brief period that as a result of their policy
Catholic rule would be established throughout Britain. Nicholas
de Belleve, Bishop of Amiens, and several doctors of the
Sorbonne, went to Scotland in 1559 to prevail upon Mary of Guise
to put on trial all non-Catholic ecclesiastics. Though of a
moderate temper, and though she wrote to the Guises that the
only means of preserving the old religion in Scotland was to
allow the people complete liberty of conscience, the queen dared
not oppose the order from France. A revolt followed; the
Protestants pillaged churches and monasteries and entered
Edinburgh. John Knox proclaimed the right of insurrection
against tyranny; and the assembly of the peers and the barons of
the kingdom declared Mary of Guise deposed from the regency (21
Oct., 1559). She was then at Leith, guarded by a troop of French
soldiers. They soon overcame the Protestant troops and she was
then able to enter Edinburgh, but an English army sent by
Elizabeth to the assistance of the Protestant laid siege to
Edinburgh, and at this juncture, Mary of Guise died.
VII. HENRI I DE LORRAINE
Prince de Joinville, and in 1563 third Duke of Guise, b. 31 Dec.
1550, the son of Franc,ois de Guise and Anne d'Este; d. at
Blois, 23 Dec., 1588. The rumours which attributed to Coligny a
share in the murder of Franc,ois de Guise hailed in the young
Henri de Guise, then thirteen years old, the avenger of his
father and the leader of the Catholic party. While the Cardinal
of Lorraine retained the ascendancy and the numerous following
of his family, the young Henri, leaving France, had no part in
the patched-up reconciliation at Moulins between his mother and
Coligny. In July, 1556, he went to Hungary to fight in the
emperor's service against the Turks. When he returned to France
he took part in the second and third Huguenot wars,
distinguishing himself at the battles of Saint-Denis (1567),
Jarnac, Moncontour, and at the defence of Portiers (1569)
against Coligny. His pretension (1570) to the hand of Margaret
of Valois, sister of Charles IX, seriously offended the king,
but he was restored to favour on his hastily marrying Catherine
de Cleves (1548-1633), widow of the Prince of Porcien and
goddaughter of Catharine de' Medici, noted for the frivolity of
her youth and for the strange freedom with which she had caused
her lovers to be painted in her Book of Hours as crucified.
Between 1570 and 1572 Henri de Guise was much disturbed by the
ascendancy of Coligny and the Protestants in the counsels of
Charles IX. To similar suspicious fears, shared by Catharine de'
Medici, must be traced the St. Bartholomew massacre. Guise was
accused of having given the impulse by stationing Maurevers (22
Aug., 1572) on the route taken by Coligny, and when the next day
Catharine de' Medici insisted that, in order to forestall an
outbreak of Protestant vengeance, Charles IX should order the
death of several of their chiefs, Guise was summoned to the
palace to arrange for the execution of the plan. For the
massacre and the deplorable proportions its assumed, see Saint
Bartholomew's Day. during the night of 24 August, Henri de
Guise, with a body of armed men, went to Coligny's dwelling, and
while his attendants slew Coligny, he waited on horseback in the
courtyard and cried, "Is he quite dead?" In repelling the
repeated attacks of the Huguenots at the battle of Dormans (10
Oct. 1575) during the Huguenot war, Henri received a wound on
the cheek which led to his being thenceforth known, like his
father, as Le Balafre. His power increased, and he was regarded
as a second Judas Machabeus. His popularity was now so great
that a contemporary wrote, "It is too little to say that France
was in love with that man; she was bewitched by him."
King Henry III began to feel that his own safety was threatened,
the powerful family was beginning to aspire to the throne. In
1576 the Holy League was organized, centered at once about the
popular hero, Henri de Guise, and in a few months had at its
disposal 26,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry. The object of the
League was to defend the Catholic religion in France. Still
earlier at Toulouse (1563), Angers (1565), Dijon (1567), Bourges
and Troyes (1568), Catholic leagues had been formed, composed of
loyal and pious middle class citizens. In 1576, however, the
Holy League was established among the nobility and, according to
a declaration spread throughout France by Guise, this
association of princes, lords, and gentlemen had a twofold
purpose: (1) to establish in its fullness the law of God; to
restore and maintain God's holy service according to the form
and manner of the Holy, Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman church;
to preserve king Henry III in the state of splendour, authority,
duty, and obedience owed to him by his subjects, but with the
proviso that nothing shall be done to the prejudice of what may
be enjoined by the States-General. (2) To restore to the
provinces and states of the realm, under the protection of the
League, their ancient rights, pre-eminence, franchises and
liberties such as they have been from the time of Clovis, the
first Christian king, and as much better and more profitable, if
improvement were possible, as they could be made under the
protection of the League. From the beginning, therefore, a
decentralizing as well as a Catholic tendency characterized the
League.
The Huguenots soon pretended to have discovered among the papers
of one Jean David that the Guises had forwarded to Rome a memoir
claiming that, by reason of their descent from Charlemagne,
Henry III should yield them the throne of France.
The League was first organized in Picardy, under the direction
of the Marechal de Humieres, governor of Peronne, Roye, and
Montdider, then in other provinces, and finally in Paris, under
the direction of the avocat, Pierre Henequin, and the
Labruyeres, father and son. Henry III, fearing to become a
prisoner of the Catholic forces, immediately signed with the
Protestants the Peace of Beaulieu, by which he granted them
important concessions, but at the States-General
(November-December, 1576, the influence of the League was
preponderant. By the edict of 1 Jan, 1577, the Court annulled
the Peace of Beaulieu, and Henry III even joined the League.
This was the signal for two new religious wars, during which the
military talents and Catholic zeal of Henri de Guise naturally
contrasted with the cowardice and wavering policy of the king.
The former stood out more and more distinctly as the leader of
the Catholic party, while Henry of Navarre, the future Henry IV,
now posed as the champion of the Protestants.
In the meantime occurred the death of Francis of Valois (10
June, 1584), brother of Henry III and heir presumptive to the
throne. It was at once obvious that the Valois dynasty would
become extinct with Henry III, and that Henry of Navarre, leader
of the Protestants, would be the natural heir to the throne.
Henri de Guise and the League determined at once to provide
against the possibility of such an event. On the one hand,
pamphleteers and genealogists, with an eye to the future, wrote
countless brochures to prove that the Guises were the real
descendants of Charlemagne, and that, like Pepin the Short, they
might, with the assistance of the Holy See ascend the throne of
France. On the other hand Henri de Guise concluded the Treaty of
Joinville (31 Dec., 1584) with Philip II of Spain, and had it
ratified by Sixtus V. This stipulated that, at the death of
Henry III, the Cardinal de Bourbon, Archbishop of Rouen
(1520-90), the third son of Charles de Bourbon, Duke of Vendome,
should be recognized as heir to the crown, "to the exclusion of
all French princes of the blood at present heretics and
relapsed". The Cardinal de Bourbon published a manifesto to this
effect (1 April, 1585). Philip II of Spain granted the League a
subsidy of 50,000 crowns a month; moreover the clergy and lower
middle classes of Paris organized for the Catholic defence,
although the municipality was hostile to the League.
Civil war now broke out, and by the treaty of Namours Henry III
took sides with the League and revoke all edicts which granted
liberty to Protestants (18 July, 1585). When Sixtus V was
assured that Henry III and Henri de Guise had come to an
agreement, he launched a Bull of excommunication against the
future Henry IV. So long as he was solicited to uphold the
Guises against Henry III, the pope had temporized, but now that
the League was operating under royal authority, he interfered in
favour of the movement. The Guises in the meantime roused all
Champagne and Picardy, and took Toul and Verdun. Their
lieutenant, Anne de Joyeuse, was defeated at Coutras by Henry of
Navarre, but the victories of Henri de Guise at Vimory (26 Oct.,
1587) compelled the withdrawal of the German Protestant troops.
A secret committee organized the League at Paris. In the
provinces it was supported by the nobility, but in Paris it drew
its strength from the common people and the religious orders.
The secret committee, at first five members, then sixteen,
divided Paris into quarters, and in each quarter made
preparation for war. Soon 30,000 Parisians declared themselves
ready to serve Guise, while in the pulpits the preachers of the
League upheld in impassioned language the rights of the people
and of the pope. Furthermore, by agreement with Philip II, Guise
sent the Duc d'Aumale to overthrow the strongholds of Picardy,
in order to assure by this means a way of retreat to the
Invincible Armada, which was being sent to England to avenge
Mary Stuart, niece of Franc,ois de Guise, executed at the
command of Elizabeth (8 Feb., 1587).
Henry III now took fright and ordered Henri de Guise to remain
in his government of Champagne; he entered Paris, nevertheless,
in defiance of the king (9 May, 1588), and was welcomed with
enthusiasm by the masses. Repairing to the Louvre, accompanied
by 400 gentlemen, he called on Henry III to establish the
Inquisition and promulgate in France the decrees of the Council
of Trent. The king protested and sought to bring troops to Paris
on whom he might rely. A riot then broke out, and the people
were about to march on the Louvre (Day of the Barricades, 12
May, 1588), but Guise, on horseback and unarmed, rode about
Paris calming them. He felt assured that the king, who had made
him fine promises, was thenceforth in his hands. The former,
however, to escape Guise's tutelage, withdrew on the morrow to
Chartres.
Guise was now absolute master of Paris, and for some days was
all-powerful. The brilliancy of his victory, however, encouraged
the extremist of the League. The Sixteen, now in possession of
the municipalities, committed many excesses, while such
preachers as Boucher, Guincestre, and Pighenat, cried loudly for
civil war. Feeling that he was overruled, Guise now offered to
treat with the king, and the latter signed the Edict of Union at
Rouen (10 July, 1588), by which he ratified the League, gave
Guise various offices of trust, and made him lieutenant-general
of the kingdom in opposition to the Protestants, barred Henry of
Navarre from succession to the throne, and promised the
immediate convocation of the States-general. In this way Henry
III gained time.
The States-General assembled at Blois (Sept.-Dec. 1588), the
members of the League being in control. Speeches were made, some
aristocratic in sentiment, others democratic, but all against
royal absolutism; and Guise was thenceforth the leader, not only
of a religious, but also of a political movement. The members of
the assembly treated Henry II as a sluggard king; the role of
Guise resembled that of Charlemagne's forebears under the last
Merovingians.
At this junction, Henry III determined to rid himself of Guise,
and his death was decided upon. Upon taking his seat at table
(22 Dec., 1588) Guise found beneath his napkin a note which
warned him that a plot was on foot against him. Below the
warning he wrote, "None would dare", and threw it away. The next
morning he was summoned to Henry III, and was slain by the
guards. A carpet was thrown over his body, and the courtiers
made sarcastic speeches as they passed, calling him the
"handsome king of Paris". Henry III left his apartments to kick
the dead man in the face. That same night, Louis, Cardinal of
Guise (1555-88), brother of Henri, was assassinated by four
archers of the king, who feared less the cardinal should become
a peril to the State. The bodies of the two leaders of the
League were burned and thrown into the Loire. This double
assassination was at once the subject of a multitude of
pamphlets.
By Catherine de Cleves, Henri de Guise had seven daughters and
seven sons, on one of whom, Franc,ois-Alexandre (1589-1614), a
posthumous son, the enthusiastic Parisians bestowed a third
name, Paris.
VIII. CHARLES DE LORRAINE
Duke of Mayenne, b. 26 March, 1554; d. at Soissons, 3 Oct. 1611;
son of Franc,ois de Guise and brother of Henri de Guise. He
first bore arms in 1569 besides Henri de Guise at the defence of
Portiers against Coligny, then at the battle of Moncontour and
at the siege of Brouage. After the close of this war he went to
Venice to engage in the campaign against the Turks, became a
Venetian lord, and embarked with a fleet to assist the
expedition of Don Juan of Austria. He did not return to France
until after the massacre of St. Bartholomew. He took part in the
fourth Huguenot war, and accompanied the Duke of Anjou to the
siege of La Rochelle (1573). Later he followed the duke to his
domain in Poland, and when the death of Charles IX made the duke
King of France, under the name Henry III, Mayenne escorted him
thither. He took part in the sixth and seventh Huguenot wars,
capturing Poitou (1577) and Dauphiny (1580). His policy was that
of his brother, Henri: alliances with Spain against Henry of
Navarre, ultimately against Henry III, to bring about the
succession to the throne of the Cardinal de Bourbon and
ultimately the Guises. Henry III, it is true, had allied himself
with the League by the Treat of Nemours, but Mayenne soon
realized the uncertainty of the royal attitude. The Marechal de
Matignon, who governed Guyenne for the king, hindered more than
he favoured Mayenne's campaign against the Protestants of the
south. When the assassination of Henri de Guise revealed the
extent of royal duplicity, Mayenne was at Lyons. Warned by
Bernardo de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, he had time to gain
a place of safety before the arrival of Colonel d'Ornano, whom
Henry VIII had sent to arrest him. He retired to his government
of Burgundy, roused that province and also Champagne, of which
his dead brother had been governor, marched on Paris, and began
his active share in the history of the League.
Henry III, who had caused the assassination of Henri de Guise,
was denounced by the preachers as a traitor, a heretic, and
excommunicate. The Sorbonne and the Parlement proclaimed his
disposition. Together with the aldermen and the city
councillors, representatives of the Parisian middle classes,
Mayenne organized the General Council of Union (Conseil general
d'union). This council undertook measures in behalf of the whole
kingdom, decreased taxes by one-fourth, prepared to defend Paris
against Henry of Navarre, called for material assistance from
Philip II and for moral aid from the pope, and entered into
communion with most of the large cities of the kingdom.
Civil war now raged in France, and many cities took the side of
the League and Catholicism against the Protestant Henry of
Navarre and the indecision of Henry III. After vainly
endeavouring to enter into negotiations with Mayenne, who
naturally distrusted the assassin of his brother, Henry III
joined forces with the Protestant troops of Henry of Navarre (1
May, 1589). For some time Mayenne waged war against the allied
forces, but after the defeat of the Duc D'Aumale at Senlis (17
May), he felt that Paris was threatened and was obliged to fall
back for its defence. The united Royalist and Protestant forces
received assistance from Switzerland and Germany, while the
troops of Mayenne and the League, shut up in Paris (1 June),
were cut off from all reinforcements, weakened by desertions,
and reduced to 8000 men, when Henry III and Henry of Navarre,
with a force of 42,000 began an active siege of the capital (28
July). A sort of terror now seized upon the Parisian populace.
Suspicion fell on all; domiciliary visits and proscriptions were
the order of the day. Finally the Dominican monk, Jacques
Clement, assassinated Henry III, whereupon Henry of Navarre,
abandoned by some of his troops, raised the siege.
The throne was now vacant, the Catholics who formed the majority
of France being unwilling to recognize the protestant Henry of
Navarre. Had Mayenne dared to seize the throne and proclaim
himself king, his boldness might have succeeded. With Henri de
Guise, however, he had five years previously designated the aged
Cardinal de Bourbon as heir presumptive, and while the latter
lived it was difficult for Mayenne to pretend to the throne. But
the sick and aged prelate was a prisoner of Henry of Navarre;
the members of the League were therefore unable to place their
candidate securely upon the throne, since he was in the hands of
the Protestant pretender. Mayenne assumed the title of
Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, took the offensive, and set
out for Normandy. At Arques, near Dieppe, he vainly offered
battle to Henry of Navarre, and after eleven days of skirmishing
(September, 1589), withdrew to Amiens. Learning suddenly that
Henry of Navarre had stolen on Paris, and had taken by surprise
the suburbs of of the left bank of the Siene, he hastened to the
capital to compel the retreat of Navarre.
A certain number of moderate Catholics, known as les Politiques,
were in favour of the latter, and he agreed with them that
within six months he would submit the religious question to a
council, and until that event would offer no hindrance to the
practice of the Catholic religion. Among the Politiques were
some who already cherished the hope that Henry of Navarre would
become a Catholic. One of them, Faudoas de Belin, urged Mayenne
to join the Politiques and to entreat Henry IV to become a
Catholic. While the violence of the Leaguers in Paris caused
Mayenne to reflect, he nonetheless did not accept Belin's
proposal, and in the spring of 1590, being reinforced from
Flanders and Lorraine, he attacked Henry IV on the plain of Ivry
(14 March 1590). Being defeated, he was compelled to return to
Paris, where he announced to the inhabitants that he was going
to seek reinforcements in Flanders, and called upon them to
defend themselves energetically. The death of Cardinal de
Bourbon (8 May, 1590) left the members of the League uncertain
on an important point, namely, who was the Catholic heir to the
throne.
Then began, in Mayenne's absence, the famous siege of Paris by
Henry IV. Each day the Spanish ambassador, Bernardo de Mendoza,
distributed 120 crowns' worth of bread, the papal legate gave
his plate to pay the troops, and even the ornaments of the
churches were sold. The people satisfied their hunger at the
street corners, where they ate from great cauldrons, in which a
mixture of oats and bran was boiling, and spent the days in the
churches, where twice a day the preachers encouraged them. They
assured the people that Mayenne and Alessandro Farnesse, Duke of
Parma, would come to their relief. Mayenne, however, tarried,
and the famine continued. Henry of Navarre permitted the
beggars, women, and students to leave the city, but the
provisions still grew less. Men ate the skin of animals, ground
and boiled their bones, disinterred the bodies in the cemetery
of the Innocents and made food of them.
Mayenne, meanwhile, was negotiating with Alessandro Farnese,
governor of the Spanish Low Countries, for reinforcements. He
succeeded in sending some troops to the relief of Paris (17
June), and the arrival of Farnese (23 Aug.), who joined Mayenne
at Meaux, made it possible to revictual the city. Henry of
Navarre was compelled to retire, and Mayenne re-entered Paris
(18 Sept.). The war dragged on, but the capture by Mayenne of
Chateau-Thierry in 1591 could not offset the damage done by the
occupation by Henry of Navarre of the city of Chartres, regarded
as the granary of Paris.
The League now suffered from divided counsels. The young son of
Duke Henri de Guise had just left his prison at Tours, and the
more enthusiastic members of the League planned his marriage to
a Spanish princess, after which they would make him king.
Mayenne was considered too lukewarm, and when Gregory XIV,
elected 5 Dec., 1590, and more resolutely devoted to the League
than Sixtus V, had renewed the excommunication of Henry of
Navarre, and hurled anathema against his adherents (March-June,
1591), the faction of the Sixteen, a body drawn from the
councils (nine members each) which directed the various quarters
of Paris, and about which were gathered more than 30,000
adherents, desired the establishment of radical laws, according
to which every heretic, whether prince, lord, or citizen, should
be burned alive, also that the new king should make war on all
foreign heretical princes. If the young Duke of Guise could not
or would not become king, the Sixteen were quite willing, under
certain conditions, to accept Philip II as King of France. To
assert their power and intentions, they forthwith hung several
Catholics of the moderate party; Brisson, first President of the
Parlement, and the two councillors Larcher and Tardif (15 Nov.,
1591).
This news reached Mayenne at Laon, and he returned precipitously
to Paris (28 Nov.); he caused four of the Sixteen to be
strangled (4 Dec.) and ranged himself decisively on the side of
the moderate party. Negotiation with the victor was henceforth a
matter of time. President Jeannin transmitted Mayenne's
conditions to Henry of Navarre (8 May, 1592). These were that
the latter should abjure Protestantism, that all the places in
possession of the Catholics should remain for six years under
the protection of the League, that Mayenne should become
hereditary Duke of Burgundy and Lyonnais, and grand constable or
lieutenant-general of the realm, and that all the members of the
League should retain their posts. Henry IV rejected these
conditions, and many members of the League were also
dissatisfied with them. Mayenne then convoked the States-General
(26 Jan., 1593) and announced that they were confronted by the
task of electing a king. He adjourned the body until 2 April.
Mayenne desired neither a Protestant king nor a Spanish queen,
hence his delays. But he was in the midst of the Parisians who
were for the most part inclined to have as Queen of France the
Spanish Infanta, daughter of Philip II, on the condition she
should wed the young Duke of Guise. Mayenne could not openly
oppose the project, but he shrewdly caused the Parlement to
issue a decree forbidding the transfer of the crown to foreign
princesses or princes (28 June, 1593), the result of which was
the abandonment of the Spanish match.
Henry IV made his abjuration 25 July, 1593, and on 31 July
signed a truce with Mayenne. While the satire "Menippee",
professing to speak for France, held up to public ridicule the
favour exhibited towards Spain by certain members of the League,
another pamphlet, the "Dialogue du Maheustre et du manat",
issued by the Leaguers of the extreme left, cast aspersions on
the ability of Mayenne and all but accused him of treason. On 3
January 1594, the Parlement rallied to Henry IV and expressed
the desire that Mayenne should treat definitely with him. Paris,
moreover, had ceased to be in sympathy with the League, and was
preparing to welcome Henry IV (22 March, 1594). Mayenne kept up
the struggle for two years longer, assisted by the Spaniards,
who, nevertheless, distrusted him since he had prevented their
Infanta from becoming Queen of France. Finally, Mayenne retired,
discouraged, to his government of Burgundy, and by a definite
treaty with Henry IV (January, 1596), declared the League
dissolved, retained three places of safety, Soissons,
Chalon-sur-Saone, and Seurre, obtained that the princes of the
League should be declared innocent of the assassination of Henry
III, and that the debts which he had contracted for his party
should be paid by Henry IV to the sum of 350,000 crowns. He
resigned his government of Burgundy; but his son, Henri de
Lorraine, became governor of the Ile de France (exclusive of
Paris) and grand chamberlain. Until his death Mayenne remained a
faithful subject of Henry IV and the regent, Marie de' Medici.
By his wife, Henriette de Savoie, he had two sons and two
daughters.
IX. CHARLES DE LORRAINE
Fourth Duke of Guise, b. 20 Aug., 1571; d. at Cune (Siena), 30
September, 1640; the eldest son of Henri de Guise. He was
arrested at Blois on the day of his father's assassination, and
was held prisoner at Tours until 1591. His liberation weakened
more than its strengthened the League, for while the Parlement
of Paris and the forty members of the League who formed the
Council of Union at Paris wished to place Mayenne, the brother
of Henri de Guise, on the throne, the faction of the Sixteen and
the populace, on the contrary, claimed as king this young Duke
of Guise, thus giving rise to dissensions in the League. The
chances of the young duke were increased by the possibility of
his marriage to the daughter of the King of Spain, Mayenne being
already married. But at the States-General of 1593, convoked by
Mayenne after the death of the Cardinal de Bourbon, Mayenne
diverted the discussion, postponed a decision, and had himself
simply confirmed in his position as lieutenant-general of the
realm. The Duke of Guise soon ceased to belong to the League. In
1594 he declared himself a subject of Henry IV, and slew with
his own hand an old member of the League, the Marechal de
Saint-Pol, who reproached him with betraying the memory of his
father. Henry IV completed the conquest of the young duke by the
confidence which he placed in him. Despite the longstanding
pretensions of the Guises to Provence, the king sent him thither
to capture Marseilles from the Duc d'Epernon, who occupied the
city in the name of the League. Thus, after 1595, the Duke of
Guise, who two years before was on the point of being made king
by the League, was in arms against it. Thus ended the political
and religious policy of the Guises. Charles de Lorraine married
(1611) Henriette-Catherine de Joyeuse, by whom he had ten
children. He served under Louis XIII against the Protestants,
and, having taken the side of the queen-mother, Marie de'
Medici, against Richelieu, retired to Italy in 1631, where he
died in obscurity.
X. HENRI DE LORRAINE
Fifth Duke of Guise, son of Charles de Lorraine, b. 1614, d.
1664. He distinguished himself in 1647 and 1654 during the
revolt of the Neapolitan Masaniello against Spain by the two
ineffectual attempts which he made, with the consent of France,
to wrest from the Spaniards for his own benefit the throne of
Naples, to which he revived his family's former pretension. He
died without issue.
Contemporary documents: Memoires-journaux du duc Franc,ois de
Guise in Collection Michaud et Poujoulat; Correspondance de
Franc,ois de Lorraine avec Christophe, duc de Wuertemberg, in
Bulletin de la Societe de l'histoire du protestantisme
franc,ais, XXIV (1875); Memoires de la Ligue (Amsterdam, 1758);
Aubigne, Histoire universelle, ed. Ruble, I-IX (Paris, 1886-97);
de Thou, Histoire universelle (London, 1773); Memoires journaux
de l'Estoile; Mathieu, Histoire des derniers troubles de France
depuis les premiers mouvements de la Ligue jusqu'`a la cloture
des Etats `a Blois (Lyons, 1597); Journal de siege de Paris, ed.
Franklin (Paris, 1876); Palma Cayet, Chronologie novenaire
(1589-98); journal d'un cure liguer, ed. Barthelemy (Paris,
1886).Historical works: de Bouiulle, Histoire des ducs de Guise
(4 vols., Paris, 1849); de Croze, Les Guise, les Valois et
Philippe II (2 vols., Paris, 1866); Forneron, Les ducs du Guise
et leur epoque (2 vols., Paris, 1878); de Lacombe, Catherine de
Medicis entre Guise et Conde (Paris, 1899); Romier, Le marechal
de Saint-Andre (Paris, 1909); Chalambert, Histoire de la Ligue
(2 vols, Paris, 1854); de l'Epinois, La Ligue et les Papes
(Paris, 1886); Labitte, De la democratie chez les predicateurs
de la Ligue (Paris, 1841); Zeller, Le mouvement Guisard en 1588
in Revue historique, XLI (1889). For special treatment of
Cardinal de Lorraine's connection with the Council of Trent,
consult Dupuy, Instructions et lettres des rois tres chretiens
et des leurs ambassadeurs concernant le concile de Trente
(Paris, 1654); Hanotaux, Instructions donnees aux ambassadeurs
et ministres de France `a Rome (Paris, 1888), preface.
lxvi-lxxiii.
GEORGES GOYAU
Guitmund
Guitmund
A Bishop of Aversa, a Benedictine monk, theologian, and opponent
of Berengarius; born at an unknown place in Normandy during the
first quarter of the eleventh century; died between 1090-95, at
Aversa, near Naples. In his youth he entered the Benedictine
monastery of La-Croix-St-Leufroy in the Diocese of Evreux, and
about 1060 he was studying theology at the monastery of Bec,
where he had Lanfranc as teacher and St. Anselm of Canterbury as
fellow-student. In 1070 King William the Conqueror called him to
England and, as an inducement to remain there, offered him a
diocese. The humble monk, however, not only refused the offer,
but fearlessly denounced the conquest of England by the Normans
as an act of robbery ("Oratio ad Guillelmum I" in P. L., CXLIX,
1509). He then returned to Normandy and became a stanch defender
of the Catholic doctrine of Transubstantiation against the
heretical Berengarius of Tours. Some time between 1073-77 he
wrote, at the instance of one of his fellow-monks by the name of
Roger, his famous treatise on the Holy Eucharist, entitled "De
corporis et sanguinis Jesu Christi veritate in Eucharistia". It
is written in the form of a dialogue between himself and Roger
and contains an exposition as well as a refutation of the
doctrines of Berengarius concerning the Holy Eucharist. Guitmund
ably defends Transubstantiation against Berengarius, but his
notion of the manner of the Real Presence is obscure. Moreover,
he does not well distinguish between substance and accident, and
hence concludes that the corruptibility of the species is merely
a deception of our senses. The work has often appeared in print.
The first printed edition was brought out by Erasmus (Freiburg,
1530). Shortly after Guitmund had published his treatise against
Berengarius, he obtained permission from his abbot, Odilo, to
make a pilgrimage to Rome. Because the name Guitmund had become
too well known to suit the humble monk, he exchanged it for that
of Christianus and lived for some time in the obscurity of a
Roman monastery. When Urban II, who had previously been a monk
at Cluny, became pope, he appointed Guitmund Bishop of Aversa,
near Naples, in 1088. A few historians hold that he afterwards
became a cardinal, but there seems not to be sufficient evidence
for this assumption. Besides the work mentioned above, Guitmund
is the author of a short treatise on the Trinity and of an
epistle to a certain Erfastus, which deals with the same
subject. His works are published in "Bibl. Patr. Lugd.", XVIII,
440 sqq.; in Gallandi, "Bibl. veterum Patr.", XIV, 240 sqq., and
Migne, "P. L.", CXLIX, 1427-1513.
Histoire litteraire de la France, VIII, 553-573; WERNER, Gerbert
von Aurillac (Vienna, 1881), 178-182; SCHEEBEN in Kirchenlex, s.
v.; HURTER, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1903), I, 1053-4; SCHNITZER,
Berengar von Tours (Stuttgart, 1892), 350 sqq.; 406 sqq.
MICHAEL OTT.
Gulf of St. Lawrence
Gulf of St. Lawrence
Vicariate erected 12 September, 1905, and formed from the
prefecture Apostolic of the same name organized 29 May, 1882. It
comprises the north-eastern part of the Province of Quebec, east
of the Diocese of Chicoutimi, and is a suffragan of Quebec. All
the missions of this vicariate have been entrusted to the care
of the Eudist Fathers, except the Montagnais Indian stations and
other missions for the Naskapi and Eskimo, which are attended by
the Oblates of Mary Immaculate. The first vicar Apostolic was
the Reverend Gustave Blanch, C.J.M., who was born 30 April,
1849, at Josselin, Diocese of Vannes, France, and ordained
priest 16 March, 1878. He was appointed Titular Bishop of Sicca
and Vicar Apostolic of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 12 September,
1905, and consecrated in the cathedral of Chicoutimi, 28
October, 1905. He fixed his residence at Seven Islands, Saguenay
County, Quebec. There is a Catholic population of 9,650
(including 2,000 Indians) in the vicariate, attended by 20
priests, who care for 12 missions with residences, 28 other
stations, 19 chapels, and 19 oratories. The Sisters of the
Congregation of the Daughters of Jesus teach in 28 schools
having 950 pupils (380 boys; 570 girls).
Le Canada Ecclsiastique (Montreal 1909); Catholic Directory
(Milwaukee, l909).
THOMAS F. MEECHAN
The Gunpowder Plot
The Gunpowder Plot
(Oath taken May, 1604, plot discovered November, 1605). Robert
Catesby, the originator of the Powder Plot, owned estates at
Lapworth and Ashby St. Legers. His ancient and honourable family
had stood, with occasional lapses, perhaps, but on the whole
with fidelity and courage, for the ancient faith. Robert,
however, had begun differently. He had been at Oxford in 1586,
after Protestantism had won the upper hand, had married into a
Protestant family, and his son was baptized in the Protestant
church. Father Gerard says that he "was very wild, and as he
kept company with the best noblemen in the land, so he spent
much above his rate." But at, or soon after, his father's death
in 1598 "he was reclaimed from his wild courses and became a
Catholic", and was conspicuously earnest in all practices of
religion. We, unfortunately, also find in him an habitual
inclination towards political and violent measures. This was
conspicuously shown during the brief revolt of the Earl of
Essex, in February, 1601. Upon receiving a promise of toleration
for his co-religionists, Catesby immediately joined him, and
also induced some other Catholics to join -- among others,
Thomas Percy, Thomas Winter, John Wright, and Lord Monteagle,
all of whom we shall afterwards find in, or at the edge of, the
Powder Plot. Catesby, who is said to have behaved with great
courage and determination, escaped the fate of Essex with a
ruinous fine, from which his estates never recovered.
But the mental warp caused by those few days at Southampton
House was more deleterious still. He was probably henceforth
connected with all the schemes for political or forcible
remedies which were mooted at this time. Early in 1602 his ally,
Thomas Winter, is found negotiating in Spain for assistance, in
case Elizabeth's death should leave the Catholics a chance of
asserting themselves, for it was one of Elizabeth's manias to
leave the succession an open question. Again, he knew of,
perhaps had something to do with, the obtaining of a Brief from
Clement VII which exhorted Catholics to work for a Catholic
successor to the throne (The Month, June, 1903). Still it is not
to be imagined that Catesby's faction, for all their
ultra-Catholic professions, thought themselves debarred from
treating with Protestants when that was to their advantage.
While Winter negotiated at Madrid, Percy was busy at Edinburgh,
and received from James promises of favour for the English
Catholics. So notorious was it that the Catesby clique were
"hunger-starved for innovations", that when Elizabeth was
sickening, he, with Tresham, Bainham and the two Wrights, was
put under restraint by order of the council, but apparently for
a few days only (Camden to Cotton, 15 march, 1603); and Privy
Council Registers, XXXII, 490). Then the queen died and James
succeeded (24 March 1603). After that everything seemed full of
promise, and, so far as we can see, the universal hope of better
things to come brought a period of peace to Catesby's restless
mind.
But as time went on, James found it difficult, nay impossible,
with Elizabeth's ministers still in office, to carry out those
promises of toleration, which he had made to the Catholics when
he was in Scotland, and believed that their aid would be
extremely important. When he felt secure on his throne and saw
the weakness of the Catholics, his tone changed. It was reported
that, when he had crossed the English border on his way to
London, and found himself welcomed by all classes, he had turned
to one of his old councillors, and said "Na, na, gud fayth,
wee's not need the Papists now" (Tierney-Dodd, Vol. IV). His
accession was indeed marked by a very welcome relaxation of the
previous persecution. The fines exacted for recusancy sank in
King James's first year to about one-sixth of what they used to
be. But the policy of toleration was intensely abhorrent to the
Puritan spirit in England, and James could not continue it with
the government machinery at his command, and he began to give
way. In the fifth half-year of his reign the fines were actually
higher than they had ever been before, and the number of martyrs
was not far short of the Elizabethan average. At the first
indication of this change of policy (March, 1604), Catesby made
up his mind that there was no remedy except in extremes,
resolved on the Powder Plot, and insisted in his masterful way
on his former allies joining him in the venture. Thomas Winter
says that when Catesby sent for him in the beginning of Lent,
and explained his project, "he wondered at the strangeness of
the conceit", expressed some doubt as to its success, and no
doubt as to the scandal and ruin that would result from its
failure. But there was no resisting his imperious friend, and he
soon expressed himself ready "for this, or whatever else, if he
resolved upon it.". The first orders were that Winter should go
to the Spanish Netherlands and see whether political pressure
applied by Spain might not relieve the sufferings of the
Catholics in England, but he was also to bring back "some
confident [i.e. trusty] gentleman", such as Mr. Guy Fawkes.
Winter soon discovered what Catesby had probably foreseen in
England, that there was no hope at all of any immediate relief
from friends abroad, and he returned with Fawkes in his company.
Early in May, 1605, Catesby, Thomas Percy (who by some is
believed to have been the originator of the plot), Thomas
Winter, John Wright, and Fawkes met in London, were initiated
into the plot, and ten adjourned till they could take an oath of
secrecy. They did this one May morning in "a house behind St.
Clement's", and then, passing to another room, heard Mass and
received Communion together, the priest (whom they believed to
be Father John Gerard) having no inkling of their real
intentions. It is of course impossible to give a rational
explanation of their insensate crime. They did not belong to the
criminal class, they were not actuated by personal ambitions.
They were of gentle birth, men of means and honour, some were
married and had children, several of them were zealous converts
who had made sacrifices to embrace Catholicism, or rather to
return to it, for they mostly came from Catholic parents. On the
other hand, though religiously minded, they were by no means
saints. They were dare-devils and duelists, and Percy was a
bigamist. They were kept in a state of constant irritation
against the government by a code of infamous laws against their
religion, and a series of galling fines. They had, as we have
seen, dabbled in treason and plans of violence for some years
past, and now they had formed themselves into a secret society,
ready to poniard any of their number who should oppose their
objects. They understood their oath to contain a promise not to
tell even their confessors of their plans, so sure did they feel
of the rectitude of their design. Nor did they do so until
fifteen months later, when, Father Garnet having written to Rome
to procure a clear condemnation of any and every attempt at
violence, Catesby, with the cognizance of Winter, had recourse
to Father Greenway with results to which we must return later.
The first active step (24 May, 1604) was to hire as a lodging
Mr. Whynniard's tenement, which lay close to the House of
Parliament, and had a garden that stretched down towards the
Thames. But no sooner was this taken than a government committee
claimed the right of sitting there, so the preparations for
mining had to be postponed for six months. Before Christmas,
however, they had opened a mine from the ground floor of their
house, and advanced as far as the wall of the House of Lords;
then they made slow progress in working their way through its
medieval masonry. In March, however, they discovered that the
cellar of the House of Lords might be hired, and on Lady Day,
1605, a bargain was struck for that purpose. They had now only
to carry in their powder, and cover it with faggots of firewood,
and the first part of their task had been accomplished with
surprising facility. They then separated, to make preparations
for what should follow when the blow was struck. For this it was
necessary to procure more money, and by consequence to admit
more members. Five were mentioned before, and five more,
Christopher Wright, Robert Keyes, Thomas Bates, Robert Winter,
and John Grant had been added since. Three richer men were now
sworn in, Ambrose Rookwood, Sir Everard Digby, and lastly,
Francis Tresham. It was this thirteenth man who has been
generally believed to have caused the detection of the plot, by
a letter sent to his cousin Lord Monteagle on 26 October. This
mysterious document, which is still extant, is written in a
feigned hand, with an affectation if illiterateness and in the
obscurest of styles. The recipient was warned against attending
Parliament on the day appointed, and hints were added as to the
specific character of a "terrible blow" that would befall it.
"There [will] be no appearance of any stir"; "they shall not see
who hurt them"; "the danger will be past as soon [i.e. quickly]
as you have burnt this letter." Monteagle, having received this
letter, first caused it to be read aloud at his table before
some mutual friends of the conspirators, then he took it to the
government.
Contrary to what might have been expected, no measures were
taken for the security of the House, and the conspirators, who
had heard of Monteagle's letter breathed again. Catesby had from
the first laid down this principle, "Let us give an attempt, and
where it faileth, pass no further." The attempt had not yet
failed, they did not think the time had come to "pass no
further". So the continued all their preparations, and their
friends were invited to meet for a big hunt in Warwickshire on
the fatal day. The official account of the government delay is
briefly this: No one at first understood the inner meaning of
the letter until it was shown to James, who "did upon the
instant interpret and apprehend some dark phrases therein, and
thereupon ordered a search to be made". That this story is not
strictly true is acknowledged by every critic (See end of this
article). Whatever the germ of truth in it may be, the delay in
itself was far from sagacious. If the conspirators had not been
foolhardy, they would have fled as soon as they knew that one of
their number had turned informer. However, on the last day
before that fixed for the explosion, an inspection of the
precincts of the House was resolved upon and conducted by a high
official, but led to no result. Yet another search was then
ordered, on the pretext that some hangings of Parliament house
had been purloined, and this was immediately successful. The
powder was found and Fawkes, who was on the watch close by, was
arrested. Next day (5 November) the conspirators fled to their
rendezvous, and thus betrayed themselves. It was with difficulty
that they got their own retainers to keep with them, the
Catholics everywhere refusing them aid.
Their only chance, they thought, was to fly into Wales, where,
in the hilly country, and among a people which had not yet fully
accepted religious changes they might still possibly find
safety. But on reaching Holbeche, in Worcestershire, they
perceived that further retreat was impossible, and were
preparing to sell their lives dearly when a chance spark
exploded their store of powder, wounding some and discouraging
all. It seemed a judgment of God, that those who had plotted
with powder should perish through powder. Their eyes seemed to
have been at length opened to the reality of their offence. They
made their last confessions to a passing priest, Father Hammond,
and they prepared without illusions for the fate that was before
them. Next morning (8 November) they were attacked, and defended
themselves bravely against heavy odds -- Catesby, Percy, and the
two Wrights were killed, and the rest wounded and captured.
After an almost endless series of examinations the survivors
were put on their trials on 27 January, and executed on 31
January, 1606. Their deaths did them credit; in particular the
last letters and verses of Sir Everard Digby, which were not
intended for the public eye, and were not discovered or
published till long after, produce the impression of a man who
deserved a happier fate.
THE ATTEMPT TO INCRIMINATE THE CHURCH
We have already seen that the plot had been occasioned by the
persecution. "If any one green leaf for Catholics could have
been visibly discerned by the eye of Catesby, Winter, Garnet,
Faux and the rest, they would neither have entered into practice
[i.e. treason] nor missions nor combinations" ("True Relation",
sig. M. 4). This was a boast of one of the king's ministers, to
show how far toleration had ever been from their policy. Now
their object was to make the plot an excuse for increasing the
persecution. The following words of Lord Salisbury (4 Dec.,
1605), to a private secretary of James, will show the spirit and
method with which they addressed themselves to their task: "I
have received from your directions to learn the names of those
priests, which have been confessors and ministers of the
sacraments to those conspirators, because it followeth indeed in
consequence that they could not be ignorant of their purposes.
For all men that doubt, resort to them for satisfaction, and all
men use confession to obtain absolution." He then goes on to say
that most of the conspirators "have wilfully forsworn that the
priests knew anything in particular, and obstinately refuse to
be accusers of them, yea what tortures soever they be put to."
But, of course, the unfortunate victims were not able to resist
indefinitely, and ere long the inquisitors discovered that the
conspirators had frequented the Jesuit fathers for confession.
So a proclamation was issued, 15 Jan., 1606, declaring that
Fathers Henry Garnet, John Gerard, and Oswald Greenway
(Greenwell) were proved to be co-operators in the plot "by
divers confessions of many conspirators". This accusation was
reaffirmed in no less than four Acts of Parliament (James I, cc.
1,2,4,5), in the indictment of the conspirators, and in other
public documents, though as yet the government knew nothing of
the real state of the case, of which we shall now hear. Indeed
Salisbury afterwards confessed in an unguarded moment that it
was by the hole-in-the-wall trick that "the Lords had some light
and proof of matter against you [Garnet], which must otherwise
have been discovered by violence and coertion". The true extent
of the intercourse of the conspirators with the priests will be
best shown, going back to the commencement and following the
historical order.
Catesby, then, had been acquainted with Garnet since the close
of Elizabeth's reign, and probably since his conversation, for
he was a visitor at the house of the Vauxes and Brookesbys, with
whom Garnet lived as chaplain. And as far back as May, 1604, he
had noticed Catesby's aversion of mind from the king and
government. On 29 Aug., 1604, he wrote to his superiors in Rome
(apropos of the treaty of peace with Spain, which he hoped might
contain a clause in favour of the English Catholics): "If the
affair of toleration go not well, Catholics will no more be
quiet. Jesuits cannot hinder it. Let the pope forbid all
Catholics to stir." Next spring (8 May, 1605) he wrote in still
more urgent tones: "All are desperate. Divers Catholics are
offended with Jesuits, and say that Jesuits do impugn and hinder
all forcible enterprises. I dare not inform myself of their
plans, because of the prohibition of Father General for meddling
in such affairs, and so I cannot give you an exact account. This
I know by mere chance." The "desperation" referred to here was
caused by the serious increase of persecution at this time. In
particular Garnet had in mind the "little tumult" in Whales,
where the Catholics had assembled in force (21 march, 1605) and
had defiantly buried with religious ceremonies the body of Mrs.
Alice Wellington, after the parson had refused to do so, because
she was, he said, excommunicated (Cath. Record Society, ii,
291). Garnet's letter, which may have been backed by others,
drew from Rome a letter ordering the archpriest Blackwell and
himself, in mandato Papae, "to hinder by all possible means all
conspiracies of Catholics. This prohibition was published by
Blackwell, 22 July, 1605, and his letter is still extant (Record
Office, Dom. Jac., xv, 13).
Till June, 1605, Garned had no serious suspicions of Catesby. On
9 June, however, at Garnet's lodging on Thames Street, London,
Catesby asked him whether it were lawful to explode mines in
war, even though some non-combatants might be killed together
with the enemy's soldiers. Garnet, as any divine might do,
answered in the affirmative, and thought no more about it, until
Catesby came up to him when they were alone, and promised him
never to betray the answer he had given. At this Garnet's
suspicions were decidedly aroused, and at their next meeting, in
July, he insisted on the need of patience, and on the
prohibitions that had come from Rome of all violent courses.
Catesby's answer calmed the Father's fears for the time, but
still at their next meeting Garnet thought well to read to him
the pope's prohibition of violent courses, which Blackwell was
about to publish. Catesby's answer was not submissive; he was
not bound, he said, to accept Garnet's word as to the pope's
commands. Garnet rather weakly suggested that he should ask the
pope himself, and to this the crafty conspirator at once
consented, for with careful management he could thus stave off
the papal prohibition, until it would be too late to stop.
Though here and elsewhere Garnet does not show himself possessed
of the wisdom of the serpent, his mild and straightforward
conduct was not without its effect, even on the masterful
Catesby. For only now, after having committed himself so
thoroughly to his desperate enterprise, did he feel the need of
consulting his confessor on its liceity, and told the story
under the seal of confession to Father Greenway, and "so that he
could reveal it to none but Garnet" (Foley, iv, 104). Not
knowing what to do in the presence of such a danger, Greenway
(26 July) came and consulted Garnet, of course again under the
seal. Garnet conjured Greenway to do everything he possibly
could to stop Catesby's mad enterprise, and Greenway afterwards
solemnly declared that he had in truth done his best, "as much
as if the life of the pope had been at stake" (Apologia", 258).
Catesby did not refuse to obey, and Garnet too easily assumed,
until too late, that the attempt was, if not given up, postponed
till the pope should be consulted, though in truth the plotting
continued unchecked until all was discovered. Garnet afterwards
asked pardon for this, admitting that between hope and fear,
embarrassment and uncertainty, he had not taken absolutely all
the means to stop the conspirators, which he might perhaps have
taken on the strength of his general suspicions, even though he
could do nothing in virtue of his sacramental knowledge. We have
already seen that a proclamation for his arrest was issued on 15
January, 1606, and on 31 January he was found stiff and unable
to move, after lying a week cramped in a hiding-hole with Father
Oldcorne, the martyr, in the house of Mr. Abington at Hindlip,
Worcestershire. At first Garnet successfully withstood every
attempt to incriminate him, but he was finally thrown off his
balance by stratagem. He was shown a chink in his door through
which he might whisper to the cell of Father Oldcorne. Acting on
the hint, the two Jesuits conferred on the matters that lay
nearest to their hearts, making their confessions one to
another, an recounting what questions they had been asked, and
how they had answered; but spies, who had been stationed hard
by, overheard all this confidential intercourse. After some
days, Garnet was charged with one of his own confessions, and
when he endeavoured to evade it, he found to his consternation
that all his secrets were betrayed.
Though the extant reports of the spies show that the subjects
overheard were by no means fully understood, Garnet was made to
believe that the evidence was fatal and overwhelming against
others, as well as against himself. Not knowing how to act, he
thought hat his only course was to tell everything frankly and
clearly, and so made use of the permission which Greenway had
given him, to speak about the secret in case a case of grave
necessity, after the matter had become public. The government
thus eventually came to know the whole story. Though, in moments
of supreme difficulty like these, Garnet seems somewhat lacking
in worldly wisdom it is hard to see where we can definitely
blame him, considering the simplicity of his character and the
continuous deceptions practiced upon him, which were far more
numerous than can be set forth here. "If I had been in Garnet's
place", wrote Dr. Lingard to a friend, "I think I should have
acted exactly as he did". In his public trial, on the other
hand, he showed to advantage. Though attacked unscrupulously by
the ablest lawyers of the day, and of course condemned, his
defence was simple, honest, and convincing. His story could not
be shaken.
After sentence he was long kept in prison, where further frauds
were practised upon him. One of these was very subtle. Sir
William Waade, Lieutenant of the Tower, wrote (4 April 1606): "I
hope to use the means to make him acknowledge. . .that the
discourse he had with Greenway of those horrible treasons was
not in confession. I draw him to say he conceived it to be in
confession" -- as if that were the first step to an
acknowledgement that in truth it was not so -- "howsoever
Greenway did understand it" (The Month, July, 1901). These last
words about Greenway's dissenting from Garnet (which he never
did), taken together with the presence in Waade's letter of an
intercepted note from Garnet addressed to Greenway in prison
(Greenway was really free and out of England), leads obviously
to the inference that Waade had conveyed to Garnet the false
information that Greenway was taken, and was alleging that he
did not understand that their discourse was in confession.
Garnet had in fact again been overreached, and had sent through
his keeper (who feigned friendliness and volunteered to carry
letters secretly) the note to Greenway, which had come into
Waade's hands. If Garnet had not been clear about the fact of
the confession both in mind and conscience, this note would most
certainly have betrayed him; as it is, his letter, by its
sincerity and consistency, offers to us convincing evidence of
the truth of his story. Garnet's execution took place in St.
Paul's churchyard, before a crowd, the like of which had never
been seen before, on 3 May, 1606. As he had done at his trial,
Garnet made a favourable impression on his audience. Being still
under the illusions described above, he carefully avoided every
appearance of claiming beforehand the victory of martyrdom, but
this, in effect, rather increased than diminished the lustre of
his faith, piety and patience.
The results of the plot on the fortunes of the English Catholics
were indeed serious. The government made use of the
anti-Catholic excitement to pass new and drastic measures of
persecution. Besides a sweeping act of attainder, which
condemned many innocent with the guilty, there was the severe
Act 3 James I, c. 4, against recusants, which, amongst other new
aggravations, introduced the ensnaring Oath of Allegiance. These
laws were not repealed till 1846 (9 and 10 Vict. C. 59), though
at earlier dates the Emancipation Acts and other relief bills
had rendered their pains and penalties inoperative. Still more
protracted has been the controversy to which the plot gave rise,
of which in fact we have not yet seen the end. The fifth of
November was celebrated by law (repealed in 1859) as a sort of
legal feast-day of Protestant tradition. Fawkes's Christian name
has became a byword for figures fit to be burned with derision,
and "the traditional story" of the plot has been recounted again
and again, garnished with all manner of unhistorical accretions.
These accretions were confuted in 1897 by Father John Gerard in
his "What the Gunpowder Plot was", which while professedly
traversing Father Gerard's criticism, does not in truth attempt
to re-establish "the traditional story", but only his
(Gardiner's) own much more moderate account of the plot which he
had previously published in his well known History.
This is the main difference between the two critics. In truth
"the traditional story" may be exaggerated, and in need of
correction in every detail, which is Father Gerard's contention;
and yet Gardiner's view, that truth will be found a short way
beneath the surface, may also be valid and sound. The most
substantial divergence between the two is found in relation to
the time at which they conceived the government heard of the
Plot. If, as Father Gerard thinks (and he is not at all alone in
his opinion), the government knew of it for some time before
Monteagle's letter and yet allowed it to proceed, from that time
it was no longer a conspiracy against the crown, but a
conspiracy of the crown against political adversaries, whom they
were luring on, by some agent provocateur, to their doom. In the
case of the Babington Plot, indeed, we have direct proof that
this was done in the letters of the provocateurs themselves. In
this case, however, direct proof is wanting, and the conclusion
is inferential only.
"Discourse of the Discovery of the Gunpowder Plot", 1605, etc.,
etc.; "True and Perfect relation of the proceedings against the
late Traitors" (reprinted in State Trials and translated into
French and Latin -- "Actio in Henricum Garnettum et caeteros");
"The Calendars of State Papers and Hatfield Calendar" (Hist.
MSS. Commission); JARDINE, "Criminal Trials, II (1832), and "A
Narrative of the gunpowder Plot", 1857; GARDINER, "History of
England" (1883), I; IDEM, "What the Gunpowder Plot was" (1889);
"The Life of a Conspirator, being a biography of Sir Everard
Digby, by one of his descendants (1895); GERARD, "What was
Gunpowder Plot" (1897); "The Problem of the Gunpowder Plot"
(1897); (cf. "The Month", 1894-1895, Dec. to May; 1896, May,
June; 1897, Sept. Nov.); SPINK, "The Gunpowder Plot and Lord
Monteagle's Letter (1902); SIDNEY, "A History of the Gunpowder
Plot" (1904). For Fther Garnet see POLLEN, "Father Garnet and
the Gunpowder Plot" (1888); "The Month", 1888, cf. 1901, June,
July). EUDAEMON-JOANNES, "Apologia pro R. P. H. Garnetto (1610);
ABBOTT, "Antilogia adversus A. Eudaemon-Joannem" (1611;
CAUSABON, "Epistola ad Frontonem Ducaeum" (Ep. 730, ed. 1709).
Also Dict. Nat. Biog., s. vv. "Catesby, Robert"; "Winter,
Thomas", "Garnet, Henry"; "Coke, Edward"; Cecil, Robert"; etc.
J.H. POLLEN
Blessed Gunther
Blessed Gunther
A hermit in Bohemia in the eleventh century; b. about 955; d. at
Hartmanitz, Bohemia, 9 Oct., 1045. The son of a noble family, he
was a cousin of St. Stephen, the King of Hungary, and is
numbered among the ancestors of the princely house of
Schwarzburg. He passed the earlier of his life at court in the
midst of worldly pleasures and ambitious intrigues. He was
converted in 1005 at the age of fifty by St. Gotthard, Abbot of
Hersfeld, later Bishop of Hildesheim, and resolved to embrace
the monastic life in order to do penance for his past faults.
With the consent of his heirs, he bequeathed all his goods to
the Abbey of Hersfeld, reserving the right to richly endow and
maintain the monastery of Goellingen, the ownership of which he
persisted in retaining despite all the efforts of St. Gotthard
to prevent him. In 1006, the novice made a pilgrimage to Rome,
and in the following year rnade his vows as lay brother in the
monastery of Niederaltaich before the holy Abbot Gotthard. Soon
afterwards, Gunther urgently entreated to be allowed to govern
his monastery of Goellingen, and St. Gotthard's remonstrances
could not turn him aside from his purpose. Shortly after his
elevation to the abbacy, the former lay brother fell ill, and as
he could not agree with his monks, the affairs of the monastery
were soon in a perilous condition. By his charitable counsels
mingled with severe reprimands, St. Gotthard succeeded in
dispelling the ambitious delusions of Gunther, who returned once
more to his humble condition at Niederaltaich, and led a
edifying life.
In 1008, he withdrew to a wild, steep place near Lalling, to
live as a hermit. In 1001 he penetrated farther north in the
forest with several companions and settled at Rinchnach, where
he built cells and a church of St. John Baptist. Here he lived
for thirty-four years a life of the greatest poverty and
mortification. The very water was measured out to the brothers,
guests alone being free to use at as they wound. Although he had
never learned more than the psalter, Gunther received from God,
in reward for his excessive auserities, profound knowledge of
the Holy Scripture and edified by his teaching all who came to
visit him. Wolferus, his biographer, relates that he knew him
intimately, and often heard his admirable sermons on his patron,
St John the Baptist--sermons which drew tears from all who heard
them. The holy hermit paid many visits to his relative the King
of Hungary, obtained from him large alms for the poor, and urged
him to build a number of churches and monasteries. Mabillon has
reproduced the deed of donation made by King Stephen, 6 June,
1009. In 1029 Conrad II richly endowed the monastery of
Rinchnach, and in 1040 Henry III affiliated it with the Abbey of
Niederaltaich. Gunther died in the arms of Duke Brzetislaw of
Poland, and of the Archbishop of Prague. He was buried in the
church of Brzevnow but his remains were destroyed by the
Hussites in 1420.
CANISIUS, Lectiones antiquae (2nd ed., Antwerp, 1725), III, 1,
l83-189; MABILLON, Acta SS. O.S.B. (Venice) saec. VI, pt. I,
356-58 (Life of St. Gotthard); also 419- 428; Acta SS. (ed.
Palme 1866), Oct., IV, 1054-1084; ROENICKIUS, Dissertatio de
Gunthero eremita, reformationis sacr. XI suasore (Gottingen,
1759); BONAVENTUEA PITER, Thesaurus absconditus in agro seu
monasterio Brzewnoviensi prope Pragam O.S.B. seu Guntherus
confessor et eremita, clarus vita et miraculis (Brunn, 1762);
WATTENBACH in PERTZ, Mon. Germ. Scr., 1894, XI, 276-279;
Deutschlands Geschichisquellen, 1874, 20; 1866, 24-29; 1894, 26;
AIGNER in Kirchenlez., s.v.
J.M. BESSE
Anton Guenther
Anton Guenther
Philosopher; b. 17 Nov., 1783, at Lindenau, near Leitmeritz,
Bohemia; d. at Vienna, 24 February, 1863. From 1796 to 1800 he
attended the monastic school of the Piarists at Haide, and from
1800 to 1803 the gymnasium of Leitmeritz. Subsequently he
studied at Prague philosophy and jurisprudence. After completing
these studies he became a tutor in the household of Prince
Bretzenheim. The religious views of the young man, the son of
devout Catholic parents, had been sadly shaken during the years
of his student life by his study of the modern systems of
philosophy (Kant, Fichte, Jacob, Schelling); but his removal in
1811 to Brunn near Vienna with the princely family mentioned
above brought him under the influence of the parish priest of
this place, named Korn, and particularly of Saint Clement Mary
Hofbauer, and restored him to firm Christian convictions. He
then took up the study of theology, first at Vienna and
afterwards at Raab, Hungary, where in 1820 he was ordained to
the priesthood. In 1822 he entered the Jesuit novitiate at
Starawicz, Galicia, but left it in 1824. For the rest of his
life he resided at Vienna as a private ecclesiastic, and until
1848 occupied a position in that city as member of the State
Board of book Censorship.
From 1818 Guenther was active in the world of letters as
contributor to the "Viennese Literary Chronicle" (Wiener
Jahrbuecher der Literatur). In 1828 began to appear the series
of works in which he expounded his peculiar system of philosophy
and speculative theology: "Vorschule zur speculativen Theologie
des positiven Christenthums" (Introduction to the Speculative
Theology of Positive Christianity), in letter form; part I: "Die
Creationstheorie" (The Theory of Creation); part II "Die
Incarnationstheorie" (The Theory of the Incarnation) (1st ed.,
Vienna, 1828-9; 2nd ed., 1846-8); "Peregrins Gastmahl. Eine
Idylle in elf Octaven aus dem deutschen wissenschaftlichen
Volksleben, mit Beitraegen zur Charakteristik europaeischer
Philosophie in aelterer und neuerer Zeit" (Vienna, 1830; new
ed., 1850); "Sued- und Nordlichter am Horizont speculativer
Theologie, Fragment eines evangelischen Briefwechsels" (Vienna,
1832; new ed., 1850); "Januskoepfe fuer Philosophie und
Theologie" (in collaboration with J. H. Pabst; Vienna, 1833);
"Der letzte Symboliker. Eine durch die symbolischen Werke Dr. J.
A. Moehlers und Dr. F. C. Baurs veranlasste Schrift in Briefen"
(Vienna, 1834); "Thomas a Scrupulis. Zur Transfiguration der
Persoenlichkeits-Pantheismen neuester Zeit" (Vienna, 1835); "Die
Juste-Milieus in der deutschen Philosophie gegenwaertiger Zeit"
(Vienna, 1838); "Eurystheus und Herakles. Metalogische Kritiken
und Meditationen" (Vienna, 1843). A new edition of these eight
works, collected into nine volumes, appeared at Vienna in 1882
under the title of Guenther's "Gesammelte Schriften". In
addition to these, Guenther produced in conjunction with J. E.
Veith: "Lydia, Philosophisches Jahrbuch" (5 volumes, Vienna,
1849-54). A work, "Lentigos und Peregrins Briefwechsel", was
printed in 1857, but was issued only for private circulation.
Finally, long after Guenther's death, Knoodt published from his
posthumous papers "Anti-Savarese" (Vienna, 1883).
In all his scientific work, Guenther aimed at the intellectual
confutation of the Pantheism of modern philosophy, especially in
its most seductive form, the Hegelian, by originating such a
system of Christian philosophy as would better serve this
purpose than the Scholastic system which he rejected, and would
demonstrate clearly, even from the standpoint of natural reason,
the truth of positive Christianity. As against this Pantheism,
he seeks a speculative basis for Christian "Creationism" in the
twofold dualism of God and the world, and, within the world, of
spirit and nature; he furthermore strives to demonstrate
scientifically that the fundamental teachings of the Christian
Faith, and even the mysteries of the Trinity and the
Incarnation, at least in their raison d'etre if not in their
form, are necessary truths in the mere light of reason. He would
thus change faith into knowledge. A systematic and complete
development of his ideas is not given in any of his works, not
even in his "Introduction to Speculative Theology", in which one
would most naturally look for it. Abounding in polemic against
widely divergent schools of philosophy, of a style aphoristic,
often quaintly humorous, and sparkling with flashes of genius,
but frequently such in form and tenor as to prove little
palatable to the reader, Guenther's writings contain only
sporadic fragments of his thought.
The starting-point of Guenther's speculation is his theory of
knowledge. Man is endowed with a twofold faculty of thought, the
one a logical or conceptual function, which deals with
appearances, and the other ontological, ideal, self-conscious,
which penetrates through appearances to being; hence it is
inferred that there are in man two essentially different
thinking subjects. This "dualism of thought" establishes the
dualism of spirit (Geist) and nature in man, who thus exhibits
their synthesis. The subject of the conceptual function is the
"mind" (Seele), which belongs to the nature-principle
(Naturprincip). From the "mind" must be distinguished the "soul"
(Geist), which differs from the former essentially as the
subject of ideal thought. The first result of this ideal
thought-process is self-consciousness, the knowledge which man
acquires of himself as a real being. The immediate object of
inner perception is the conditions or states of the Ego, which
make their appearance as the expressions of the two primary
functions, "receptivity" and "spontaneity", when these are
called into activity by influences from without. Inasmuch as the
soul refers the manifestations of these two forces to the one
principle and contradistinguishes itself as a real being from
whatever appears before it, it arrives at the idea of the Ego.
By this speculative process, which Guenther calls a
"metalogical" or ideal (ideell) inference, as distinct from a
logical or conceptual conclusion, the idea of its own being
becomes for the soul the most certain of all truths (the
Cartesian cogito ergo sum). Then from the certainty of its own
existence the thinking soul arrives at the knowledge of an
existence outside itself, since it is confronted by phenomena
which it cannot refer to itself as cause, and for which, in line
with the ontological inference, it must assign a cause in some
real being external to itself.
Thus regarding man as a compound of two qualitatively different
principles, spirit and nature, he arrives at the knowledge of
the real existence of nature. The fact of self-consciousness
leads him also to the knowledge of God; and Guenther believes
that the following proof of the existence of God is the only one
that is possible and conclusive: when the soul, once
self-conscious, has become certain of the reality of its own
existence, it immediately recognizes that existence as afflicted
with the negative characteristics of dependency and limitedness;
it is therefore compelled to postulate another being as its own
condition precedent or its own creator, which being it must
recognize, in contradistinction to itself and its own inherent
negative characteristics, as absolute and infinite. Wherefore
this being cannot be the Absolute Being of Pantheism, which only
arrives at a realization of itself with the development of the
universe; it must be One Who dominates that universe and,
differing substantially from it, is the personal Creator
thereof. This is the point at which Guenther's speculative
theology takes up the thread. Proceeding along purely
philosophical lines, and prescinding entirely from historical
Divine Revelation, the absolute necessity of which Guenther
contests, it seeks to make evident the fundamental tenets of
positive Christianity by the mere light of reason. Thus, to
begin with, the threefold personality of God is, according to
him, the consequence of that process which must be supposed to
take place in God as well as in the created soul, whereby the
differentiation or transition is made from indeterminateness to
determinateness, with the difference that this process in God
must be thought of as consummated from all eternity. God,
according to this theory, first sets up for His own
contemplation a complete substantial emanation (Wesensemanation)
of His own Being (Thesis and Antithesis: Father and Son); a
further total substantial emanation, which issues from both
simultaneously, constitutes the third personal Subject (the Holy
Ghost), or the Synthesis, in which the opposition of thesis and
antithesis disappears and their perfect parity is made manifest.
On his views concerning the Trinity, Guenther builds up his
theory of the Creation. Inseparably united with the
self-consciousness of God in the three Divine Persons is His
idea of the Non-Ego, that is, the idea of the Universe. This
idea, in formal analogy to the threefold Divine Being and Life,
has likewise a threefold scheme of Thesis, Antithesis, and
Synthesis. God's love for this world-idea is His motive for
realizing it as His own counterpart (Contraposition), and as
necessarily entailing all three of its factors, two of which
(spirit and nature) are in antithesis to each other, while the
third (man) exists as the synthesis of both. This world-reality,
which God, by the mere act of His will, has through creation
called from nothingness into being, does indeed exist as really
as God Himself; its reality, however, is not drawn from the
essence of God, but endures as a thing essentially different
from Him, since it is indeed the realized idea of non-Divine
Being and Life (Dualism of God and Universe). Thus the two
antithetical factors of spirit and nature in the created world
differ substantially from each other and stand in mutual
opposition. The antithetical relation of spirit and nature shows
itself in this, that the realm of the purely spiritual is formed
of a plurality of substances, of unitary and integral real
principles, each of which must ever retain its unity and its
integrity; while nature, which was created a single substance, a
single real principle, has in its process of differentiation
lost its unity for ever, and has brought forth, and still brings
forth, a multiplicity of forms or individuals. For this very
reason nature, in her organic individual manifestations, each of
which is only a fragment of the universal nature-substance, can
only attain to thought without self-consciousness.
Self-conscious thought, on the other hand, is peculiar to the
spirit, since self-consciousness, the thought of the Ego,
presupposes the substantial unity and integrity of a free
personality. The synthesis of spirit and nature is man. From
man's character as a generic being, the result of his
participation in the life of nature, Guenther deduces the
rational basis of the dogmas of the Incarnation and Redemption.
And, as this explains why the guilt of the first parent extends
to the entire race, so also does it show how God could with
perfect consistency bring about the redemption of the race which
had fallen in Adam through the God-Man's union with that race as
its second Head, Whose free compliance with the Divine will laid
the basis of the fund of hereditary merit which serves to cancel
the inherited guilt.
Guenther was a faithful Catholic and a devout priest. His
philosophical labours were at any rate a sincere and honest
endeavour to promote the triumph of positive Christianity over
those systems of philosophy which were inimical to it. But it is
questionable whether he pursued the right course in disregarding
the fruitful labours of Scholastic theology and philosophy-of
which, like all who scorn them, he had but scanty knowledge-and
permitting his thought, particularly in his natural philosophy,
and his speculative method to be unduly influenced by those very
systems (of Hegel and Schelling) which he combated. The fact is
that the desired result was in no wise attained. The schools of
philosophy which he thought he could compel, by turning their
own weapons against them, to recognize the truth of
Christianity, took practically no notice of his ardent
contentions, while the Church not only was unable to accept his
system as the true Christian philosophy and to supplant with it
the Scholastic system, but was finally obliged to reject it as
unsound.
Among Catholic scholars Guenther's speculative system occasioned
a far-reaching movement. Though he never held a position as
professor, he gathered about him through his writings a school
of enthusiastic, and in some instances distinguished, followers,
who, on the other hand, were opposed by eminent philosophers and
theologians. At its zenith the school was powerful enough to
secure the appointment of some of its members to academic
professorships in Catholic philosophy. Guenther himself was
offered professorships at Munich, Bonn, Breslau, and Tuebingen;
he refused these because he hoped for a like offer from Vienna,
but his expectation was never realized. In 1833 he received from
Munich an honorary degree of Doctor of Theology, and a similar
degree in philosophy and theology was conferred on him by the
University of Prague in 1848. His earliest friends and
collaborators were: the physician, Johann Heinrich Pabst (d.
1838, author of "Der Mensch und seine Geschichte", Vienna, 1830;
2nd ed., 1847; "Gibt es eine Philosophie des positiven
Christenthums?" Cologne, 1832; "Adam und Christus. Zur Theorie
der Ehe", Vienna, 1835; in collaboration with Guenther, the
"Januskoepfe"); the celebrated homilist Johann Emmanual Veith, a
convert (d. 1876, co-editor of the publication "Lydia"); and
Karl Franz von Hock (d. 1869; wrote "Cartesius und seine Gegner,
ein Beitrag zur Charakteristik der philosophischen Bestrebungen
unserer Zeit", Vienna, 1835, and other works; later took an
active part in the discussion of political and economical
questions). Other prominent adherents of Guenther were: Johann
Heinrich Loewe (professor of philosophy at Salzburg, 1839-51; at
Prague, 1851); Johann Nepomuk Ehrlich (d. 1864; from 1836 taught
philosophy in Krems; in 1850 became professor of moral theology
at Graz, in 1852 at Prague, where in 1856 he became professor of
fundamental theology); Jakob Zukrigl (d. 1876; professor of
apologetics and philosophy at Tuebingen, 1848); Xaver Schmid (d.
1883; in 1856 he became a Protestant); Jakob Merten (d. 1872);
professor of philosophy in the seminary of Trier, 1845-68); Karl
Werner (d. 1888; professor at St. Poelten, 1847; at Vienna,
1870); Theodor Gangauf, O.S.B. (d. 1875; professor of philosophy
at the college of Augsburg, 1841-75, and simultaneously,
1851-59, Abbot of the Benedictine convent of St. Stephen's at
the same place); Johann Spoerlein (d. 1873; from 1849 professor
at the college of Bamberg); Georg Karl Mayer (d. 1868; from 1842
professor at the college of Bamberg); Peter Knoodt (d. 1889;
from 1845 professor of philosophy at Bonn); Peter Joseph
Elvenich (d. 1886; from 1829 professor of philosophy at Breslau,
at first a Hermesian and later a disciple of Guenther); Johann
Baptist Baltzer (d. 1871; from 1830 professor of dogmatic
theology at Breslau, originally a Hermesian); Joseph Hubert
Reinkens (d. 1896; from 1853 professor of church history at
Breslau; from 1873 Old Catholic bishop at Bonn). Finally, in a
younger generation, the most distinguished advocates of the
system were pupils of Knoodt, Theodor Weber (d. 1906; professor
of philosophy at Breslau, 1872-90; from 1890 vicar-general under
Reinkens at Bonn, and from 1896 Old Catholic bishop in that
city), whose "Metaphysik" (2 vols., Gotha, 1888-91), containing
an independent reconstruction of Guenther's speculation, is on
the whole the most important work of the Guentherian School, and
Ernst Melzer (d. in 1899 at Bonn).
Among the literary opponents of Guenther's philosophy the
following deserve mention: Johann Hast, Wenzeslaus Mattes, P.
Volkmuth, P. Ildephons Sorg, O.S.B., Johann Nepomuk Oischinger,
Franz Xaver Dieringer, Franz Jakob Clemens, Friedrich Michelis,
Johann Adam Hitzfelder, Joseph Kleutgen, Johannes Katshthaler.
The Congregation of the Index in Rome began in 1852 an
investigation of Guenther's doctrines and writings, Guenther
being invited to appear personally or to send some of his
disciples to represent him. This mission was entrusted to
Baltzer and Gangauf who arrived at Rome in November, 1853.
Gangauf was replaced by Knoodt in the summer of 1854. The latter
and Baltzer laboured together until the end of November in that
year, when they submitted their written defence to the
Congregation of the Index and returned to Germany. These
efforts, however, and the favourable intervention of friends in
high station failed to avert the final blow, though they served
to defer it for a time. Cardinals Schwarzenberg and Diepenbrock,
and Bishop Arnoldi of Trier, were friendly to Guenther and
assisted him at Rome. Even the head of the Congregation of the
Index, Cardinal d'Andrea, was well-disposed towards him. On the
other hand, Cardinals von Geissel, Rauscher, and Reisach urged
his condemnation. The Congregation, by decree of 8 January,
1857, placed the works of Guenther on the Index. The special
grounds of this condemnation were set forth by Pius IX in the
Brief addressed by him to Cardinal von Geissel, Archbishop of
Cologne, on 15 June, 1857, which declares that Guenther's
teachings on the Trinity, the Person of Christ, the nature of
man, the Creation, and particularly his views on the relation of
faith to knowledge, as well as the fundamental rationalism,
which is the controlling factor of his philosophy even in the
handling of Christian dogmas, are not consistent with the
doctrine of the Church.
Before the publication of the Index decree, Guenther had been
summoned to submit thereto, and in fact had declared his
acquiescence, but for him internal submission and rejection of
his errors was out of the question. He felt keenly the blow,
which he looked upon as an injustice and which embittered him;
but subsequently he published nothing. Some of his followers,
like Merten, now turned away from Guentherianism, but the
greater number held to it obstinately, and for many years it
found academic support at Bonn (through Knoodt) and at Breslau
(through Elvenich and Weber). After the Vatican Council most of
the Guentherians named above who were still living at the time
(with the exception of Veith) joined the Old Catholic movement,
in which some of them assumed leading parts. Their hopes of thus
imparting new vigour to Guentherianism were not realized,
whereas, by their separation from the Church, they brought about
the final elimination of Guentherian influence from Catholic
thought.
Knoodt, Anton Guenther, Eine Biographie (2 vols., Vienna, 1881);
Idem in Allgem. Deutsche Biog., X (1879), 146-67; Weber in Ersch
and Gruber, Allgem. Encykl. der Wissenschaften und Kuenste,
Sect. i, pt. xcvii (Leipzig, 1878), 313-33; KUepper in
Kirchenlex., V (1888), s. v.; Hurter, Nomenclator, III
(Innsbruck, 1895), col. 936-9; Schindele in Kirchliches
Handlex., I (1907), 1816-8. Other works bearing on Guenther's
philosophy are: Merten, Haputfragen der Metaphysik in Verbindung
mit der Speculation, Versuch ueber die Guentherische Philosophie
(Trier, 1840); da SchUetz, Hegel und Guenther (Leipzig, 1842);
Zukrigl, Wissenschaftliche Rechtfertigung der christlichen
Trinitaetslehre (Vienna, 1846); Idem, Kritische Untersuchungen
ueber das Wesen der vernuenftigen Geistseels und der psychischen
Leiblichkeit des Menschen (Ratisbon, 1854); Trebisch, Die
christliche Weltanschauung in ihrer Bedeutung fuer Wissenschaft
und Leben (Vienna, 1852); GAertner, Die Welt, angeschaut in
ihren Gegensaetzen: Geist und Natur (Vienna, 1852); Mayer, Der
Mensch nach der Glaubenslehre der allgem. Kirche und im
speculativen System Guenthers (Bamberg, 1854-6); Kastner, Die
philosophischen Systeme Anton Guenthers und Martin Deutingers in
Programm des Lyceums zu Regensburg (1873); Flegel, Guenthers
Dualismus von Geist und Natur, aus den Quellen dargestellt
(Breslau, 1880); Schmid, Wissenschaftliche Richtungen auf dem
Gebiete des Katholicismus (Munich, 1862), 7-12; Werner, Gesch.
der katholischen Theologie (Munich, 1866), 452-64, 624-8;
Ueberweg, Grundriss der Gesch. der Philosophie, IV (9th ed.,
Berlin, 1902), 182-4. The following works in refutation may be
noted: Hast, Ueber das historische Auffassen und
wissenschaftliche Erfassen des Christenthums; zur Wuerdigung der
Speculation der Guenther'schen Schule (Muenster, 1834); Mattes,
Guenther und sein Verhaeltniss zur neuen theologischen Schule in
Theologische Quartalschrift (1844), 347-416; Volkmuth, Kritik
der Guenther'schen Glaubenstheorie in Katholische
Vierteljahresschrift fuer Wissenschaft und Kunst (1847-8);
Oischinger, Die Guenther'sche Philosophie mit Ruecksicht auf die
Gesch. und das System der Philosophie, sowie auf die christliche
Religion dargestellt und gewueudigt (Sdchaffhausen, 1852);
Dieringer, Dogmatische Eroerterungen mit einem Guentherianer
(Mainz, 1852); Sorg, Die Unhaltbarkeit des speculativen Systems
der Guentherianer nachgewiesen von kirchlich-dogmatischen
Standpunkte (Graz, 1851); Kleutgen, Die Theologie der Vorzeit (4
vols., Muenster, 1853; 2nd ed., 1867); Clemens, Die speculative
Theologie A. Guenthers und die katholische Kirchenlehre
(Cologne, 1853); Idem, Die Abweichung der Guenther'schen
Speculation von der katholischen Kirchenlehre (Cologne, 1853;
against Baltzer); Idem, Offene Darlegung des Walterspruchens der
Guenther'schen Speculation mit der katholischen Kirchenlehre
durch Herrn Prof. Dr. Knoodt in seiner Schrift: Guenther und
Clemens (Cologne, 1853); Michelis, Kritik der Guenther'schen
Philosophie (Paderborn, 1854); Hitzfeldner, Die neuesten
Verhandlungen ueber die speculative Theologie Guenthers und
seiner Schule in Theolog. Quartalschrift (1854), 3 sqq.; Idem,
Die Theologie und Polemik der Guentherianer in Theol.
Quartalschrift (1854), 589 sqq.; Vraetz, Speculative Begruendung
der Lehre der katholischen Kirche ueber die Wesen der
menschlichen Seele und ihr Verhaeltniss zum Koerper (Cologne,
1865); Katschthaler, Zwei Thesen fuer das allgemeine Concil von
Dr. G. K. Mayer (2 parts, Ratisbon, 1868-70; Mayer's
publication, Bamberg, 1867). In defence of Guentherianism:
Baltzer and Knoodt (replies to Volkmuth) in Katholische
Vierteljahresschrift fuer Wissenschaft und Kunst (1848);
Baltzer, Neue theologische Briefe am Dr. A. Guenther; ein
Gericht fuer seine Anklaeger (2nd series; Breslau, 1853);
Knoodt, Guenther und Clemens, I-III (Vienna, 1853-4).
Friedrich Lauchert.
Gunther of Cologne
Guenther of Cologne
(also GUNTHAR)
An archbishop of that city, died 8 July, 873. He belonged to a
noble Frankish family and, if we may believe the poet Sedulius
Scottus (Carm. 68 sqq. in "Mon. Germ. Hist.", Poetae Lat., III,
221 sqq.), was a man of great ability. He was consecrated
Archbishop of Cologne on 22 April, 850 (Annal. Col., ad an.
850). For a long time he refused to cede his suffragan Diocese
of Bremen to St. Ansgar who, in order to facilitate his
missionary labours, desired to unite it with his Archdiocese of
Hamburg. The affair was finally settled (c. 860) by Nicholas I
in favour of St. Ansgar, and Guenther reluctantly consented.
Guenther, who had become arch-chaplain of King Lothair II,
received an unenviable notoriety through his unjustifiable
conduct in the divorce of this licentious king from his lawful
wife Thietberga. At a synod held at Aachen in January, and
another in February, 860, a few bishops and abbots, under the
leadership of Guenther, compelled Thietberga to declare that
before her marriage with the king she had been violated by her
brother. Upon her compulsory confession the king was allowed to
discard her and she was condemned to a convent. At a third synod
held at Aachen in April, 862, Guenther and a few other
Lorrainese bishops allowed the king to marry his concubine
Waldrada. Nicholas I sent two legates to investigate the case,
but the king bribed them, and at a synod which they held in
Metz, in June, 863, the divorce was approved. Guenther and his
tool Thietgaud, Archbishop of Trier, were bold enough to bring
the acts of the synod to the pope and ask for his approval. The
pope convened a synod in the Lateran in October, 863, at which
the decision of the Synod of Mets was rejected, and Guenther and
Thietgaud, who refused to submit, were excommunicated and
deposed. The two archbishops drew up a calumnious document of
seven chapters (reprinted in P. L., CXXI, 377-380) in which they
accused the pope of having unjustly excommunicated them. They
sent copies of the document to the pope, the rebellious Photius,
patriarch of Constantinople, and to the bishops of Lorraine. The
pope, however, did not waver even when Emperor Louis II appeared
before Rome with an army for the purpose of forcing him to
withdraw the ban of excommunication from the archbishops. Though
excommunicated and deposed, Guenther returned to Cologne and
performed ecclesiastical functions on Maundy Thursday, 864.
When, however, the other bishops of Lorraine and King Lothair
submitted to the pope, Guenther and Thietgaud appeared before
the synod which the pope convened at Rome in November, 864,
asking to be released from excommunication and restored to their
sees, but they were unsuccessful. After the accession of Adrian
II, Guenther and Thietgaud returned to Rome in 867. Thietgaud
was now freed from the ban, but Guenther remained excommunicated
until the summer of 869, when, after a public retraction (P. L.,
CXXI, 381), he was admitted by the pope to lay communion at
Monte Cassino. The See of Cologne had in 864 been given by
Lothair to the subdeacon Hugo, a nephew of Charles the Bald. He
was deposed in 866 and Guenther regained his see. Being under
the ban, Guenther engaged his brother Hilduin of Cambrai to
perform ecclesiastical functions in his place. After the death
of Guenther's protector, Lothair II, Willibert was elected
Archbishop of Cologne (7 January, 870). Seeing that all efforts
to regain his see would be useless, Guenther acknowledged the
new archbishop and left Cologne for good.
MANN, The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages (London
and St. Louis, 1906), III, passim; DUeMMLER, Gesch. des
ostfraenkischen Reiches (Leipzig, 1887), I, II; FLOSS in
Kirchenlex.; CARDAUNS in Allgemeine Deutsche Biog.; HEFELE,
Conciliengesch., IV; ENNEN, Gesch. der Stadt Coeln (Cologne,
1862), I, 202 sqq.
MICHAEL OTT.
Gurk, Diocese of
Diocese of Gurk
(GURCENSIS)
A prince-bishopric of Carinthia, suffragan to Salzburg, erected
by Archbishop Gebhard of Salzburg, with the authorization of
Pope Alexander II (21 March, 1070) and Emperor Henry IV (4 Feb.,
1072). The first bishop installed was Guenther von Krapffeld
(1072-90). The right of appointment, consecration, and
investiture of the Bishop of Gurk was reserved to the Archbishop
of Salzburg. The episcopal residence was not at Gurk, but in the
neighbouring castle at Strasburg. The boundaries of the diocese
were only defined in 1131, by Archbishop Konrad I of Salzburg.
Originally the territory embraced was small, but the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Gurk extended beyond the limits of
his diocese, inasmuch as he was also vicar-general of that part
of Carinthia under the Archbishop of Salzburg. Under Bishop
Roman I (1132-67) the cathedral chapter obtained the right of
electing the bishop, and it was only after a contest of a
hundred years that the metropolitan regained the right of
appointment. Dissensions did not cease, however, for at a later
date the sovereign claimed the right of investiture. Finally, on
25 October, 1535, the Archbishop of Salzburg, Matthaeus Lang,
concluded with the House of Austria an agreement which is still
in force, according to which the nomination of the Bishop of
Gurk is to rest twice in succession with the sovereign and every
third time with the Archbishop of Salzburg; under all
circumstances the archbishop was to retain the right of
confirmation, consecration, and investiture. The diocese
received an accession of territory under Emperor Joseph II in
1775, and again in 1786. The present extent of the diocese,
embracing the whole of Carinthia, dates only from the
reconstitution of the diocese in 1859. The episcopal residence
was, in 1787, transferred to the capital of Carinthia,
Klagenfurt. Prominent among the prince-bishops of modern times
was Valentin Wiery (1858-80). Dr. Joseph Kahn has been
prince-bishop since 1887.
According to the census of 1906, the Catholic population of the
diocese is 369,000, of whom three-fourths are German and the
rest Slovenes. The 24 deaneries embrace 345 parishes. The
cathedral chapter at Klagenfurt consists of three mitred
dignitaries; five honorary and five stipendiary canons. Among
the institutions of religious orders the Benedictine Abbey of
St. Paul (founded in 1091; suppressed in 1782; restored in 1807)
holds first place. There are also Jesuits at Klagenfurt and St.
Andrae; Dominicans at Friesach; Capuchins at Klagenfurt and
Wolfsberg; Franciscans at Villach; Olivetans at Tanzenberg;
Servites at Koetsehach; Brothers of Mercy at St. Veit on the
Glan (in charge of an immense hospital founded in 1877); and a
number of religious communities of women for the care of the
sick and the instruction of youth. The clergy are trained in the
episcopal seminary at Klagenfurt, which has been, since 1887,
under the direction of the Jesuits. The professors are
Benedictines from the Abbey of St. Paul and Jesuits. The
education of aspirants to the priesthood is provided for at
Klagenfurt, in a preparatory seminary established by Bishop
Wiery in 1860 and enlarged by Bishop Kahn. At St. Paul's the
Benedictines conduct a private gymnasium with the privileges of
a government school. At Klagenfurt there is also a Catholic
teachers' seminary under ecclesiastical supervision. Chief among
the examples of ecclesiastical architecture, both in point of
age and artistic interest, is the cathedral at Gurk, which dates
back to the beginnings of the diocese, having been completed
about 1220. Also worthy of note are the Gothic cloister of the
church at Milstadt and, as monuments of Gothic architecture, the
parish churches at St. Leonard in the Lavant-Thal, Heiligenblut,
Villach, Voelkermarkt, Grades (St. Wolfgang), and Waitschach.
One of the largest and most beautiful churches of Carinthia is
the recently renovated (1884-90) Dominican church at Friesach.
The present cathedral at Klagenfurt was built in 1591 by the
Protestants; in 1604 it was acquired by the Jesuits, and
consecrated in honour of the Apostles Sts. Peter and Paul.
Prominent among the places of pilgrimage in the diocese is Maria
Saal, visited annually by from 15,000 to 20,000 pilgrims. Among
Catholic associations special mention should be made of those
for the advancement of the Catholic Press and for the diffusion
of good books: for the German population, the St. Joseph's
Verein founded at Klagenfurt in 1893, and the St. Joseph's Book
Confraternity; for the Slovenes, the St. Hermagoras Verein,
established in 1852 (1860), with its headquarters at Klagenfurt,
and widely established among Slovenes in other dioceses.
VON JAKSCH, Monumenta historica ducatus Carinthioe, I-III
(Klagenfurt, 1896-1904), I and II: Die Gurker Geschichtsquellen;
Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., XXIII, 8-10: Chronicon Gurcense;
ibid., Necrologia, II, 448-54: Necrologium Gurcense; GREINZ in
Die Katholische Kirche unserer Zeit und ihre Diener im Wort und
Bild, II (Munich, 1900), 447-53; II (2nd ed., Munich, 1907),
293-98; NEHER in Kirchenlex., s. v.; GREINZ in Kirchliches
Handlex., s. v.; SCHROLL, Series episc. Gurcensium in Archiv
fuer vaterlaendische Gesch. und Topographie, ed. Historical
Society for Carinthia (Klagenfurt 1885), XV, 1-43; HIRN,
Kirchen- und reichsgeschichtliche Verhaeltnisse des
Salzburgischen Suffraganbisthums Gurk (Innsbruck, 1872); CIGOI,
Das sociale Wirken der katholischen Kirche in der Dioecese Gurk
(Herzogthum Kaernten) (Vienna, 1896) in Das sociale Wirken der
katholischen Kirche in Oesterreich, I; MUeLLER, Das
Dioecesanseminar und die theologische Lehranstalt in Klaqenfurt
in ZSCHOKKE, Die theologischen Studien und Anstalten der
katholischen Kirche in Oesterreich (Vienna, 1894), 725-43. Many
special contributions to diocesan history are contained in the
periodicals Archiv fuer vaterlaendische Geschichte und
Topographie and Carinthia.
FRIEDRICH LAUCHERT.
Jean-Pierre Gury
Jean-Pierre Gury
Moral theologian; b. at Mailleroncourt, Haute-Saone, 23 January,
1801; d. at Merc ur, Haute Loire, 18 April, 1866; entered the
Society of Jesus at Montrouge, 22 August, 1824; he taught moral
theology for thirty-five years at the seminary of Vals, France,
1834-47 and 1848-66, and for one year at Rome, 1847-48. It was
in 1850, after his return from Rome necessitated by the events
of 1848, that the first edition of his "Compendium theologiae
moralis" appeared, which at the time of the author's death had
reached the seventeenth edition, to mention neither the German
translation of Wesselack (Ratisbon, 1858), not the imitations
and adaptations published in Belgium, Italy, Spain, Austria, and
Germany. In the last-named country the annotated edition of
Professor Seitz itself already reached the fifth edition in 1874
(Ratisbon). Deserving of note is the specially annotated edition
of A. Ballerini and D. Palmieri (Prato, 15th ed., 1907); the
edition of Dumas (5thed., Lyons, 1890); the abridged edition of
Sabetti-Barret (New York and Cincinnati, 1902, 16th ed.); the
edition adapted to Spain and Latin America by Ferreres
(Barcelona, 4th ed., 1909); finally the "Compendium ad mentis P.
Gury" by Bulot (Tournay and Paris, 1908). In 1862, Gury
published his "Casus conscientiae in praecipuas quaestiones
theologiae moralis". Of this work the following editions have
appeared: Dumas, 8th ed., Lyons, 1891; Ferreres, for the second
time in 1908 (Barcelona); and a German edition at Ratisbon (7th
ed., 1886).
The brevity of the compendium led inevitably to a lack of
scientific solidarity. For the uses of his classes at Vals, Gury
lithographed a more scientific manual which was unhappily never
published. His mind was essentially practical, orderly and
clear. His method was to proceed by question and answer, taking
in the exposition of principles and their conclusions, and
finally adding the discussion of more special points. He also
knew how to blend happily in his lessons solidity and variety, a
quality that gained for him the appointment to the chair of
moral theology at the Roman College from Father General
Roothaan. Opportunity for actual contact with souls was afforded
him by numerous confessions, which he heard during retreats and
missions conducted by him in vacations. An ardent follower of
Busenbaum and of St. Alphonsus Ligouri, he contributed largely
towards the extirpation of Jansenism, and is accounted besides
one of the restorers of the old casuistic method, a fact that
made him worthy of personifying the "Jesuit Moral" in the eyes
of some, who, especially in Germany, attacked his doctrine.
De Backer-Sommervogel, Bibl. Des ecrivains de la Comp. De Jesus;
Duhr, Jesuiten-Fabeln, 3rd ed., 446 sqq.; Hurter, Nomenclator;
Noldin in Kirchenlex.; Etudes religieuses (Paris, 1867);
Kirchliches Handlexikon; Literarischer Handweiser (1867), c.
244; (1875), c. 74-8, 107-11, 207-13; Desjardins, Vie du R.P.
J.P. Gury (Paris, 1867).
J. SALSMANS
Bartholomeu Lourenco de Gusmao
Bartholomeu Lourenc,o de Gusmao
Naturalist, and the first aeronaut; b. in 1685 at Santos in the
province of Sao Paulo, Brazil; d. 18 November, 1724, in Toledo,
Spain. He began his novitiate in the Society of Jesus at Bahia
when he was about fifteen years old, but left the same in 1701.
He went to Portugal and found a patron at Lisbon in the person
of the Marquess d'Abrantes. He completed his course of study at
Coimbra, devoting his attention principally to philology and
mathematics, but received the title of Doctor of Canon Law. Heis
said to have had a remarkable memory and a great command of
languages. In 1709 he presented a petition to King John V of
Portugal, begging a privilege for his invention of an airship,
in which he expressed the greatest confidence. The contents of
this petition have been preserved, as well as a picture and
description of his airship. Following after Francesco Lana,
S.J., Gusmao wanted to spread a huge sail over a bark like the
cover of a transport wagon; the bark itself was to contain tubes
through which, when there was no wind, air would be blown into
the sail by means of bellows. The vessel was to be propelled by
the agency of magnets which, apparently, were to be encased in
two hollow metal balls. The public test of the machine, which
was set for 24 June, 1709, did not take place. According to
contemporary reports, however, Gusmao appears to have made
several less ambitious experiments with this machine, descending
from eminences. His contrivance in the main represented the
principle of the kite (aeroplane). In all probability he did not
have magnets in the aforementioned metal shells, but gases and
hot air generated by the combustion of various materials. It is
certain that Gusmao was working on this principle at the public
exhibition he gave before the Court on 8 August, 1709, in the
hall of the Casa da India in Lisbon, when he propelled a ball to
the roof by combustion. The king rewarded the inventor by
appointing him to a professorship at Coimbra and made him a
canon. He was also one of the fifty chosen members of the
Academia Real da Historia, founded in 1720; and in 1722 he was
made chaplain to the Court. He busied himself with other
inventions also, but in the meantime continued his work on his
airship schemes, the first idea for which he is said to have
conceived while a novice at Bahia. His experiments with the
aeroplane and the hot-air balloon led him to conceive a project
for an actual airship, or rather a ship to sail in the air,
consisting of a cleverly designed triangular pyramid filled with
gas, but he died before he was able to carry out this idea. The
fable about the Inquisition having forbidden him to continue his
aeronautic investigations and having persecuted him because of
them, is probably a later invention. The only fact really
established by contemporary documents is that information was
laid against him before the Inquisition, but on quite another
charge. He fled to Spain and fell ill of a fever, of which he
died in Toledo. He wrote: "Manifesto summario para os que
ignoram poderse navegar pelo elemento do ar" (1709): "Varios
modos de esgotar sem gente as naus que fazem agua" (1710); some
of his sermons also have been printed.
Biographie Universelle, XIX (Paris, 1817), 218-220; CARVALHO,
Memoria que tem por objecto revindicar para a nac,ao portugueza
a gloria da invenc,ao das machinas aerostaticas (Lisbon, 1843);
SIMOES, A invenc,ao dos aerostatos reivindicada (Evora, 1868);
MOEDEBECK, Zeitschrift fuer Luftschiffahrt (1893), 1-10; JOAO
JALLES, Os baloes (Lisbon, 1887); WILHELM, An der Wiege der
Luftschiffahrt, Pt. II (Hamm, Westphalia, 1909).
B. WILHELM
Johann Gutenberg
Johann Gutenberg
(Henne Gaensfleisch zur Laden, commonly called Gutenberg).
Inventor of printing; born about 1400; died 1467 or 1468 at
Mainz. Gutenberg was the son of Friele (Friedrich) Gaensfleisch
and Else Wyrich. His cognomen was derived from the house
inhabited by his father and his paternal ancestors "zu Laden, zu
Gutenberg". The house of Gaensfleisch was one of the patrician
families of the town, tracing its lineage back to the thirteenth
century. From the middle of the fourteenth century there were
two branches, the line to which the inventor belongs and the
line of Sorgenloch. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries it
scions claimed an hereditary position as so-called Hausgenossen,
or retainers of the household, of the master of the
archiepiscopal mint. In this capacity they doubtless acquired
considerable knowledge and technical skill in metal working.
They supplied the mint with the metal to be coined, changed the
various species of coins, and had a seat at the assizes in
forgery cases. Of Johann Gutenberg's father, Friele
Gaensfleisch, we know only that he was married in 1386 to Else
Wyrich, daughter of a burgher of Mainz, Werner Wyrich zum
steinern Krame (at the sign of the pottery shop), and that he
died in 1419, his wife dying in 1433. Of their three children --
Friele (d. 1447), Else, and Johann -- the last-named (the
inventory of typography) was born some time in the last decade
of the fourteenth century, presumably between 1394 and 1399, at
Mainz in the Hof zum Gutenberg, known today as Christophstrasse,
2.
All that is known of his youth is that he was not in Mainz in
1430. It is presumed that he migrated for political reasons to
Strasburg, where the family probably had connections. The first
record of Gutenberg's sojourn in Strasburg dates from 14 March,
1434. He took a place befitting his rank in the patrician class
of the city, but he also at the same time joined the goldsmiths'
guild -- quite an exceptional proceeding, yet characteristic of
his untiring technical activity. The trades which Gutenberg
taught his pupils and associates, Andreas Dritzehn, Hans Riffe,
and Andreas Heilmann, included gem-polishing, the manufacture of
looking-glasses and the art of printing, as we learn from the
records of a lawsuit between Gutenberg and the brothers Georg
and Klaus Dritzehn. In these records, Gutenberg appears
distinctly as technical originator and manager of the business.
Concerning the "new art", one witness states that, in his
capacity of goldsmith, he had supplied in 1436 "printing
requisites" to the value of 100 gulden; mention is also made of
a press constructed by Konrad Saspach, a turner, with peculiar
appliances (screws). The suit was therefore obviously concerned
with experiments in typography, but no printed matter that can
be traced to these experiments has so far come to light.
The appearance at Avignon of the silversmith Waldvogel, who
taught "artificial writing" there in 1444, and possessed steel
alphabets, a press with iron screws and other contrivances,
seems to have had some connection with the experiments of
Gutenberg. As of Gutenberg's, so of Waldvogel's early
experiments, no sample has been preserved. In the year 1437
Gutenberg was sued for "breach of promise of marriage" by a
young patrician girl of Strasburg, Ennel zur eisernen Tuer.
There is nothing to show whether this action led to a marriage
or not, but Gutenberg left Strasburg, presumably about 1444. He
seems to have perfected at enormous expense his invention
shortly afterwards, as is shown by the oldest specimens of
printing that have come down to us ("Weltgerichtsgedicht", i.e.
the poem on the last judgment, and the "Calendar for 1448"). The
fact that Arnolt Gelthuss, a relative of Gutenberg, lent him 150
gulden in the year 1448 at Mainz points to the same conclusion.
In 1450 Gutenberg formed a partnership with the wealthy burgher,
Johann Fust of Mainz, for the purpose of completing his
contrivance and of printing the so-called "42-line Bible", a
task which was finished in the years 1453-1455 at the Hof zum
Humbrecht (today Schustergasse, 18, 20). Fust brought suit in
1455 to recover the 2000 gulden he had advanced and obtained
judgment for a portion of the amount with interest. As a result
of Gutenberg's insolvency, the machinery and type which he had
made and pledged to Fust became the property of the latter. In
addition to the types for the 42-line Bible, the mortgage
covered the copious stock of type which had evidently been
already prepared for the edition of the Psalter, which was
printed by Fust and Schaeffer in August, 1457. This included new
type in two sizes, as well as the world-famous initial letters
with their ingenious contrivance for two-color printing. About
1457 Gutenberg also parted with his earliest-constructed founts
of type, which he had made for the 36-line Bible, and which were
in existence as early as the fourth decade of the century. Long
before this Bible was printed the type had been used in an
edition of the "Weltgerichtsgedicht", in the "Calendar for
1448", in editions of Donatus, and various other printed works.
Most of this type fell into the possession of Albrecht Pfister
in Bamberg. Gutenberg next manufactured a new printer's outfit
with the assistance he received from Conrad Humery, a
distinguished and wealthy doctor of law, leader of the popular
party, and chancellor of the council. This outfit comprised a
set of small types fashioned after the round cursive handwriting
used in books at that time and ornamented with an extraordinary
number of ligatures. The type was used in the so-called
"Catholicon" (grammar and alphabetic lexicon) in the year 1460,
and also in several small books printed in Eltville down to the
year 1472 by the brothers Echtermuenze, relatives of Gutenberg.
Little more is known of Gutenberg. We are aware that his
declining years were spent in the court of Archbishop Adolf of
Nassau, to whose suite he was appointed on 18 January, 1465. The
distinction thus conferred on him carried with it allowances of
clothing and other necessities which saved him from actual want.
In all likelihood he died at Mainz towards the end of 1467 or
the beginning of 1468, and was buried probably as a tertiary in
the Franciscan church, no longer in existence.
A cloud of deep obscurity thus conceals for the most part the
life of the inventor, his personality, the time and place of his
invention, and particularly the part he personally took in the
production of the printed works that have come down to us from
this period. On the other hand, expert research has thrown much
light on the printed works connected with the name of Gutenberg,
and has established more definitely the nature of his invention.
Mainly from the technical examination of the impressions of the
earliest Gutenberg productions, the "Poem of the Last Judgment"
and the "Calendar for 1448", it has been shown that he effected
substantial improvements in methods of printing and in its
technical auxiliaries, especially in the printer's ink and in
the building of printing presses. Of course he had to invent
neither letter-cutting, nor the die, nor the mode of obtaining
impressions from the die. All these had been long known, and
were in common use in Gutenberg's time, as is shown by the steel
dies of the goldsmiths and bookbinders, as well as the punches
used for stamping letters and ornamental designs in the striking
of coins and seals. The mechanical manifolding of handwriting
also had been known for a long time. The prints of the so-called
Formschneider (that is, engravers on wood), especially the
playing-cards, pictures of the saints, ad block books, prove
beyond question that writing had been reproduced in manifold by
means of woodcuts as early as the beginning of the fifteenth
century. But with woodcutting and its technic Gutenberg's
invention had nothing to do; Gutenberg was a goldsmith, a worker
in metals, and a lapidary, and his invention both in conception
and execution shows the worker in metals. Gutenberg multiplied
the separate types in metal moulds. The types thus produced he
built in such a way that they might be aligned like the
manuscript he was copying.
His aim, technically and aesthetically so extremely difficult,
was the mechanical reproduction of the characters used in the
manuscripts, i.e. the books of the time. The works printed by
Gutenberg plainly prove that the types used in them were made by
a casting process fundamentally the same as the method of
casting by hand in vogue today. The letter-patterns were cut on
small steel rods termed patrices, and the dies thus made were
impressed on some soft metal, such as copper, producing the
matrices, which were cast in the mould in such a manner as to
form the "face" and "body" of the type at one operation. The
printing type represents therefore a multiplicity of cast
reproductions of the original die, or patrix. In addition to
this technical process of type-founding, Gutenberg found himself
confronted with a problem hardly less difficult, namely, the
copying of the beautiful calligraphy found in the books of the
fifteenth century, constantly bearing in mind that it must be
possible to engrave and to cast the individual forms, since the
types, when set, must be substantially replicas of the model.
The genius of Gutenberg found a brilliant solution to this
problem in all its complicated details. Even in the earliest
types he made (e.g. in the Calendar for 1448), we can recognize
not only the splendid reproduction of the actual forms of the
original handwriting, but also the extremely artistic remodeling
of individual letters necessitated by technical requirements. In
other words, we see the work of a calligraphic artist of the
highest order. He applied the well-tested rules of the
calligraphist's art to the casting of types, observing in
particular the rudimentary principle of always leaving the same
space between the vertical columns of the text. Consequently
Gutenberg prepared two markedly different forms of each letter,
the normal separate form, and the compound or linked form which,
being joined closely to the type next to it, avoids gaps. It is
significant that this unique kind of letter is to be found in
only four types, and these four are associated with Gutenberg.
No typographer in the fifteenth century was able to follow the
ideal of the inventor, and consequently research attributes to
Gutenberg types of this character, namely, the two Bible and the
two Psalter types. Especially in the magnificent design and in
the technical preparation of the Psalter of 1457 do we recognize
the pure, ever-soaring inventive genius of Gutenberg which
achieved so marked a technical improvement in the two-coloured
Psalter initials. The precision and richness that had now become
possible in colour-printing effected a substantial advance over
the standard displayed in other editions.
Gutenberg's invention spread rapidly after the political
catastrophe of 1462 (the conquest of the city of Mainz by Adolf
of Nassau). It met in general with a ready, any an enthusiastic
reception in the centres of culture. The names of more than 1000
printers, mostly of German origin, have come down to us from the
fifteenth century. In Italy we find well over 100 German
printers, in France 30, in Spain 26. Many of the earliest
printers outside of Germany had learned their art in Mainz,
where they were known as "goldsmiths". Among those who were
undeniably pupils of Gutenberg, and who probably were also
assistants in the Gutenberg-Fust printing house were (besides
Schaeffer), Numeister, Keffer, and Ruppel; Mentel in Strasburg
(before 1460), Pfister in Bamberg (1461), Sweynheim in Subiaco
and Rome (1464), and Johann von Speyer in Venice (1469).
The invention of Gutenberg should be classed with the greatest
events in the history of the world. It caused a revolution in
the development of culture, equalled by hardly any other
incident in the Christian Era. Facility in disseminating the
treasure of the intellect was a necessary condition for the
rapid development of the sciences in modern times. Happening as
it did just at the time when science was becoming more
secularized and its cultivation no longer resigned almost
entirely to the monks, it may be said that the age was pregnant
with this invention. Thus not only is Gutenberg's art
inseparable from the progress of modern science, but it has also
been an indispensable factor in the education of the people at
large. Culture and knowledge, until then considered aristocratic
privileges peculiar to certain classes, were popularized by
typography, although in the process it unfortunately brought
about an internal revolution in the intellectual world in the
direction of what is profane and free from restraint.
FALKENSTEIN, Gesch. der Buchdruckerkunst (2nd ed., Leipzig,
1856); DE VINNE, Invention of Printing (London, 1877); VAN DER
LINDE, Gesch. der Erfind. der Buchdruckkunst (Berlin, 1886);
HARTWIG (etc., etc.), Festschrift zum 500 jaehr. Geburstage v.
J. Gutenberg (Mainz, 1900); also publications of the GUTENBERG
SOCIETY (Mainz, 1902-).
HEINRICH WILHELM WALLAU
St. Guthlac
St. Guthlac
Hermit; born about 673; died at Croyland, England, 11 April,
714. Our authority for the life of St. Guthlac is the monk Felix
(of what monastery is not known), who in his dedication of the
"Life" to King AEthelbald, Guthlac's friend, assures him that
whatever he has written, he had derived immediately from old and
intimate companions of the saint. Guthlac was born of noble
stock, in the land of the Middle Angles. In his boyhood he
showed extraordinary signs of piety; after eight or nine years
spent in warfare, during which he never quite forgot his early
training, he became filled with remorse and determined to enter
a monastery. This he did at Repton (in what is now Derbyshire).
Here after two years of great penance and earnest application to
all the duties of the monastic life, he became fired with
enthusiasm to emulate the wonderful penance of the Fathers of
the Desert. For this purpose he retired with two companions to
Croyland, a lonely island in the dismal fen- lands of modern
Lincolnshire. In this solitude he spent fifteen years of the
most rigid penance, fasting daily until sundown and then taking
only coarse bread and water. Like St. Anthony he was frequently
attacked and severely maltreated by the Evil One, and on the
other hand was the recipient of extraordinary graces and powers.
The birds and the fishes became his familiar friends, while the
fame of his sanctity brought throngs of pilgrims to his cell.
One of them, Bishop Hedda (or Dorchester or of Lichfield),
raised him to the priesthood and consecrated his humble chapel.
AEthelbald, nephew of the terrible Penda, spent part of his
exile with the saint.
Guthlac, after his death, in a vision to AEthelbald, revealed to
him that he should one day become king. The prophecy was
verified in 716. During Holy Week of 714, Guthlac sickened and
announced that he should die on the seventh day, which he did
joyfully. The anniversary (11 April) has always been kept as his
feast. Many miracles were wrought at his tomb, which soon became
a centre of pilgrimage. His old friend, AEthelbald, on becoming
king, proved himself a generous benefactor. Soon a large
monastery arose, and through the industry of the monks, the fens
of Croyland became one of the richest spots in england. The
later history of his shrine may be found in Ordericus Vitalis
(Historia Ecclesiastica) and in the "History of Croyland" by the
Pseudo-Ingulph. Felix's Latin "Life" was turned into Anglo-Saxon
prose by some unknown hand. This version was first published by
Goodwin in 1848. There is also a metrical version attributed to
Cynewulf contained in the celebrated Exeter Book (Codex
Exoniensis).
Acta SS., XI, 37, contains FELIX'S chronicle and extracts from
ORDERICUS and the PSEUDO-INGULPH; FULMAN, ed. Historia
Croylandensis in R. S.; GOODWIN, Anglo-Saxon Version of the Life
of Guthlac (London, 1848); THORPE, Codex Exoniensis (London,
1842); GOLLANCZ, The Exeter Book (London, 1895); GALE, edition
of INGULPH, though old (1684), is still valuable.
JOHN F.X. MURPHY
Madame Guyon
Jeanne-Marie Bouvier de la Motte-Guyon
A celebrated French mystic of the seventeenth century; born at
Montargis, in the Orleanais, 13 April, 1648; died at Blois, 9
June, 1717. Her father was Claude Bouvier, a procurator of the
tribunal of Montargis. Of a sensitive and delicate constitution,
she was sickly in her childhood and her education was much
neglected. Incessantly going and coming between her home and the
convent, and passing from one school to another, she changed her
place of abode nine times in ten years. Her parents, who were
very religious people, gave her an especially pious training;
while she received and retained profound impressions from her
reading of the works of St. Francis de Sales, and her
intercourse with certain nuns, her teachers. At one period she
desired to become a nun, as one of her elder sisters had, but
this desire did not last long. When scarcely sixteen years of
age, she accepted the hand of a wealthy gentleman of Montargis,
Jacques Guyon, twenty-two years older than herself. After twelve
years of a union in which she gave more devotion than it yielded
her happiness, Madame Guyon lost in succession two of her
children and her husband. Thus, at twenty-eight she was left a
widow with three young children.
Her Experiences and Theories
In the meantime Madame Guyon had been initiated into the secrets
of the mystical life by Pere Lacombe, a Barnabite who very soon
acquired a great influence over her. Under his direction she
passed through a series of interior experiences which are
described in the "Vie de Madame Guyon" written by herself. First
she attained a lively sentiment of the presence of God,
perceived as a tangible reality. Prayer becomes easy to her; in
it she is vouchsafed a savour of God which detaches her from
creatures. This is what she calls "the union of the powers". She
remains in this state for eight years; it is succeeded by
another state in which she loses the sense of God's graces and
favours, she has no taste for anything spiritual, is powerless
to act, and afraid of her own baseness. This was the state of
"mystical death" in which she remained for seven years; from
this crisis she passes, as it were re-awakened and transformed,
into the state of resurrection and new life. Whereas in the
first of the three states she possessed God, in this last state
she is possessed by Him; then God was united to the powers of
her soul, but now He is united to its substance; it is He who
acts in her; she becomes like an automaton in His hands; she
writes remarkable things without preparation and without
reflection. Her own activity disappears, to be replaced by the
action of God which moves her, and she now enters into the
"apostolic state". This apostolate she is to exercise not in
preaching the Gospel, but in spreading the mystical life, the
theory of which she presents in the "Moyen court et facile de
faire oraison" (Short and Easy Method of Prayer), a work
inspired mostly by her own experiences. In this work she
distinguishes three kinds of prayer. The first is meditation
properly so-called, the second is "the prayer of simplicity",
which consists in keeping oneself in a state of recollection and
silence in the presence of God; in the third, which is active
contemplation, the soul, conscious that God is taking possession
of it, leaves Him to act and remains in repose, abandoning
itself to the Divine effluence which fills it -- powerless to
ask anything for itself, since it has renounced all its own
interests. This last state is pure love. In the "Torrents
spirituels", and the commentaries on Holy Scripture, the same
theory is presented under very slightly different images and
forms.
Proselytism and Trials
Having attained what she called the "apostolic state", Madame
Guyon felt herself drawn to Geneva. She left her children and
repaired to Annecy, to Thonon, where she was to find Pere
Lacombe (July, 1681) and again place herself under his
direction. She began to disseminate her mystical ideas, but, in
consequence of the effects they produced, the Bishop of Geneva,
M. D'Aranthon d'Alex, who had at first viewed her coming with
satisfaction, asked her to leave his diocese, and at the same
time expelled Pere Lacombe, who betook himself to the Bishop of
Vercelli. Madame Guyon followed her director to Turin, then
returned to France and stayed at Grenoble, where she published
the "Moyen court" (January, 1685) and spread her doctrine. But
here, too, the Bishop of Grenoble, Cardinal Le Camus, was
perturbed by the opposition which she aroused. At his request
she left the city; she rejoined Pere Lacombe at Vercelli and a
year later they went back to Paris (July, 1686). Forthwith
Madame Guyon set about to gain adherents for her mystical
theories. But the moment was ill-chosen. Louis XIV, who had
recently been exerting himself to have the Quietism of Molinos
condemned at Rome, was by no means pleased to see gaining
ground, even in his own capital, a form of mysticism, which, to
him, resembled that of Molinos in many of its aspects. By his
order Pere Lacombe was shut up in the Bastille, and afterwards
in the castles of Oloron and of Lourdes. The arrest of Madame
Guyon, delayed by illness, followed shortly (9 January, 1688);
brought about, she alleged, by her own brother, Pere de La
Motte, a Barnabite.
She was not set at liberty until seven months later, after she
had placed in the hands of the theologians, who had examined her
book, a retraction of the propositions which it contained. Some
days later (October, 1688) she met, at Beyne, in the Duchess de
Bethune-Charrost's country house, the Abbe de Fenelon, who was
to be the most famous of her disciples. She won him by her piety
and her understanding of the paths of spirituality. Between them
there was established a union of piety and of friendship into
which no element ever insinuated itself that could possibly be
taken to resemble carnal love, even unconscious. Through Fenelon
the influence of Madame Guyon penetrated, or was increased in,
religious circles powerful at court--among the Beauvilliers, the
Chevreuses, the Montemarts--who were under his spiritual
direction. Madame de Maintenon, and through her, the young
ladies of Saint-Cyr, were soon gained over to the new mysticism.
This was the apogee of Madame Guyon's fortune, most of all when
Fenelon was appointed (18 August, 1688) tutor to the Duke of
Burgundy, the king's grandson. Before long, however, the Bishop
of Chartres, in whose diocese Saint-Cyr happened to be, took
alarm at the spiritual ideas which were spreading there. Warned
by him, Madame de Maintenon sought the advice of persons whose
piety and prudence recommended them to her, and these advisers
were unanimous in their reprobation of Madame Guyon's ideas.
Madame Guyon then asked for an examination of her conduct and
her writings by civil and ecclesiastical judges. The king
consented that her writings should be submitted to the judgment
of Bossuet, of the Bishop of Chblons (afterwards Archbishop of
Paris and Cardinal de Noailles), and of M. Tronson, superior of
the Society of Saint-Sulpice.
After a certain number of secret conferences held at Issy, where
Tronson was detained by a sickness, the commissioners presented
in thirty-four articles the principles of Catholic teaching as
to spirituality and the interior life (four of these articles
were suggested by Fenelon, who in February had been nominated to
the Archbishopric of Cambrai). But the Archbishop of Paris, who
had been excluded from the conferences at Issy, anticipated
their results by condemning the published works of Madame Guyon
(10 October, 1694). She, fearing another arrest, took refuge for
some months at Meaux, with the permission of Bossuet, then
bishop of that see. After placing in his hands her signed
submission to the thrity-four articles of Issy, she returned
secretly to Paris, where the police, however, arrested her (24
December, 1695) and imprisoned her, first at Vincennes, then in
a convent at Vaugirard, and then in the Bastille, where she
again signed (23 August, 1696) a retraction of her theories and
an undertaking to refrain from further spreading them. From that
time she took no part, personally, in public discussions, but
the controversy about her ideas only grew all the more heated
between Bossuet and Fenelon. The course of that controversy we
have traced elsewhere (see FENELON). Madame Guyon remained
imprisoned in the Bastille until 21 March, 1703, when she went,
after more than seven years of captivity, to live with her son
in a village in the Diocese of Blois. There she passed some
fifteen years in silence and isolation, spending her time in the
composition of religious verses, which she wrote with much
facility. She was still venerated by the Beauvilliers, the
Chevreuses, and Fenelon, who never failed to communicate with
her whenever safe and dscreet intermediaries were to be found.
Posthumous Success
Her writings began to be published in Holland in 1704, and
brought her new admirers. Englishmen and Germans--among them
Wettstein and Lord Forbes--visited her at Blois. Through them
Madame Guyon's doctrines became known among Protestants and in
that soil took vigorous root. But she did not live to see this
unlooked-for diffusion of her writings. She passed away at
Blois, at the age of sixty-eight, protesting in her will that
she died submissive to the Catholic Church, from which she had
never had any intention of separating herself. Her doctrines,
like her life, have nevertheless given rise to the widest
divergences of opinion. Her published works (the "Moyen court"
and the "Regles des assocees `a l'Enfance de Jesus") having been
placed on the Index in 1688, and Fenelon's "Maximes des saints"
branded with the condemnation of both the pope and the bishops
of France, the Church has thus plainly reprobated Madame Guyon's
doctrines, a reprobation which the extravagance of her language
would in itself sufficiently justify. Her strange conduct
brought upon her severe censures, in which she could see only
manifestations of spite. Evidently, she too often fell short of
due reserve and prudence; but after all that can be said in this
sense, it must be acknowledged that her morality appears to have
given no grounds for serious reproach. Bossuet, who was never
indulgent in her regard, could say before the full assembly of
the French clergy: "As to the abominations which have been held
to be the result of her principles, there was never any question
of the horror she testified for them." It is remarkable, too,
that her disciples at the Court of Louis XIV were always persons
of great piety and of exemplary life.
On the other hand, Madame Guyon's warmest partisans after her
death were to be found among the Protestants. It was a Dutch
Protestant, the pastor Poiret, who began the publication of her
works; a Vaudois pietist pastor, Duthoit-Mambrini, continued it.
Her "Life" was translated into English and German, and her
ideas, long since forgotten in France, have for generations been
in favour in Germany, Switzerland, England, and among Methodists
in America.
OEuvres completes de Madame Guyon (Paris, 1790), this work was
really published at Lausanne; COOPER, Poems translated from
French of Madame de la Motte Guyon (Newport, 1801); FENELON,
OEuvres (Versailles, 1820), IV, iv; IDEM, Correspondance (Paris,
1828), VII-XI; BOSSUET, OEuvres (Paris, 1885); PHILIPPEAUX,
Relation de l'origine, du progrhs, et de la condamnation du
Quiitisme (s. l., 1732); IRONSON, Correspondance (Paris, 1904),
III; Vie de Madame Guyon, written by herself (Cologne, 1720);
Ger. tr., Frankfort, 1727; tr. BROOKE, London, 1806; UPHAM, Life
and religious opinions and experience of Madame de la
Motte-Guyone (New York, 1848); GUILLON, Histoire ginirale de
l'Eglise pendant le XVIIIe sihcle (Besancon, 1823); GUERRIER,
Madame Guyon, sa vie, sa doctrine, et son influence (Orleans,
1881); CROUSLE, Fenelon et Madame Guyon (Paris, 1895); MASSON,
Fenelon et Madame Guyon (Paris, 1907); DELACROIX, Etudes
d'histoire et de psychologic du mysticisme (Paris, 1908).
ANTOINE DEGERT
Fernando Perez de Guzman
Fernando Perez de Guzman
Senor de Batres; Spanish historian and poet (1376-1458). He
belonged to a family distinguished both for its patrician
standing and its literary connections, for his uncle was Lopez
de Ayala, Grand Chancellor of Castile, historian and poet, and
his nephew was the Marquis of Santillana, one of the most
important authors of the time of Juan II. Part of his verse,
such as the "Proverbios" and the "Diversas virtudes", is purely
moral and didactic. The more important part is represented by
the panegyrical "Loores de los claros varones de Espana", which
in 409 octaves gives a rather full account of the leading
figures in Spanish history from Roman times down to that of
Benedict XIII. The most notable of his prose historical
compositions is the "Generaciones e Semblanzas", a collection of
biographies which constitutes the third part of a large
compilation, "La mar de historias". The first two parts of this
work, suggested doubtless by the Mare historicum" (or Mare
historiarum) of Johannes de Columna, are devoted to a
perfunctory and uninteresting account of the reigns of the
sovereigns of pre-Arabic times. The third part, the
"Generaciones", contains thirty-six portraits of contemporary
personages, especially of members of the courts of Enrique III
and Juan II, and furnishes one of ther best examples of
character painting in Spanish literature.
No detail, even the most trivial physical trait, escapes the
observation of Perez de Guzman. On grounds still regarded as
uncertain there has been attributed to him the "Cronica de Juan
II". His prose works may be found in the "Biblioteca de autores
espanoles" LXVIII; a separate edition of the of the
"Generaciones " appeared at Madrid in 1775. His verse is given
in the "Cancionero de Baena", and in the "Cancionero general".
RENNERT, Some Unpublished Poems of Ferran Perez de Guzman
(Baltimore, 1897).
J.D.M. FORD
Gyor
Gyoer
(German RAAB; Latin JAURINENSIS).
A Hungarian see, suffragan to the Archdiocese of Gran. After the
county of Vas and parts of the county of Veszprem had been taken
in 1777 to form the Diocese of Szombathely, the Diocese of Gyoer
assumed its present proportions; it comprises the Counties of
Moson and Sopron, the greater portion of the County of Gyoer,
and a part of the County of Komarom. There are two cathedral
chapters, the chapter of Gyoer with 14 canonicates, and that of
Sopron with 5; there are also 8 titular abbacies, 6
provostships, and 4 titular provostships. The diocese is divided
into 7 archdeaconries and 22 vice-archdeaconries, and contains
239 parishes. The clergy number 379, of whom 315 are engaged in
parish work; 52 patrons exercise the right of presentation to
224 benefices. The diocese has two seminaries attended (1908) by
102 students, and 48 monasteries with 630 religious. The total
population is 563,093, the Catholics slumbering 451,150. The
diocese was founded by King St. Stephen, the date being, as
believed, 1001. Modestus (1019-37) is said to have been the
first bishop. Arduin or Hartvik (1097-1103) wrote the life of
St. Stephen. Thomas Bakocz of Erdod, later primate of Hungary
and cardinal, occupied the See of Gyoer from 1489 to 1494. Georg
Draskovich (d. 1587), together with the chapter, fled before the
Turks, who seized part of the diocese but held it only for a
short time. After the reconquest of Gyoer Martinus Pethe
(1598-1605), who restored the cathedral, was appointed bishop.
In 1608 Demetrius Napragyi (1607-19) acquired the reliquary,
which up to that time had been preserved at Grosswardein
containing the skull of King St. Ladislaus. Georg Draskovich
(1635-50) was one of the most zealous champions of the
Counter-Reformation. Among the more recent bishops of Gyoer
Johann Simor (1857-67) later Archbishop of Gran, was the most
illustrious. The present bishop is Count Nikolaus Szechenyi.
KABOLYI, Speculum ecclesias Jaurinensis (1797); PRAY, Specimen
Hierarchiae Hungaricae (1776-79); Das katholische Urgarn
(Budapest, 1902); Die Komitate und Stadte Ungarns: Komitat Gyoer
(Budapest, 1908); the last two works are is Hungarian.
A. ALDASY
__________________________________________________________________
Haarlem
Haarlem
DIOCESE OF HAARLEM (HARLEMENSIS).
One of the suffragan sees of the Archdiocese of Utrecht in the
Netherlands. The city of Haarlem is the capital of the Province
of North Holland and is about nine miles distant from Amsterdam.
The medieval Diocese of Utrecht being ill-adapted on account of
its great extent to oppose successfully the nascent heresies,
Paul IV divided it by the Bull "Super universas orbis" (12 May,
1559) into an archdiocese and five suffragan sees. The principal
of these five was the Diocese of Haarlem. At that time it only
comprehended the present Province of North Holland with a small
portion of South Holland. The right of nomination was bestowed
on King Philip of Spain and his successors. On 10 March, 1561,
Pius IV, Paul's successor, incorporated the Abbey of Egmond in
the diocese in perpetuity as the episcopal mensa (or chief means
of revenue) by his Bull "Sacrosancta Romana" (10 March, 1561).
One day later (11 March, 1561), Pius issued the Bull "Ex
injuncto nobis", in which the new diocese was defined, 11 towns
and 151 villages being mentioned in the papal document. The
parish-church of Haarlem, dedicated to St. Bavo, was made into a
cathedral.
The first bishop was Nicolas van Nieuwland, formerly assistant
Bishop of Utrecht. He was appointed by a Brief dated 26 May,
1561. In April, 1564, he held a synod, the proceedings of which
are still in print. When after the iconoclastic outbreak of
1566, then fortunately prevented in Haarlem, the Duke of Alva
was sent to punish the Netherlands, the bishop wrote him a
letter trying to move him to deal leniently with the guilty
persons of his diocese. In 1569, on account of his sluggishness,
caused in part by the gout from which he was suffering, he was
obliged by Alva to send in his resignation to Brussels and to
Rome.
The second bishop was Godfried van Mierlo, formerly Provincial
of the Dominicans for the Province of Lower Germany, a man
conspicuous for virtue, zeal, and eloquence. At first appointed
to act as vicar-general (sede vacante), Pope Pius V created him
Bishop of Haarlem and Prelate of Egmond on 11 December, 1570. He
established the episcopal chapter in 1571, and convened a synod
in the same year. His efforts to make the clergy and laity
conform to the regulations of the Council of Trent were soon
interrupted by the revolt of the Netherlands against Spain. On
30 April, 1572, Haarlem joined the side of the Prince of Orange,
the leader of the revolt, but, when in the following July a mob
of foreign and ribald soldiery came to garrison the town, the
bishop fled and sought refuge in the Cistercian convent Ter
Kamere near Brussels. A year later, when the Spaniards had
recaptured the town, he returned to his episcopal see, and on 15
August, 1573, consecrated anew the desecrated and pillaged
cathedral. For the next three years Haarlem remained in the
power of the Spaniards; the bishop did everything he could for
the spiritual and temporal welfare of his flock, which, already
thinned and impoverished by the siege, was now sorely afflicted
by the Spanish garrison. Negotiations were opened with the
Prince of Orange at Veere, and in January, 1577, the bishop
personally took part in the transaction resulting in a sworn
compromise, which conceded equal rights of religious worship to
Catholics and Protestants and delivered one of the churches
within the town-walls, the Onzelieve Vrouwekerk on the
Bakenessergracht, to the latter sect. This condition of affairs
lasted only for a year and a half, as on Corpus Christi (29
May), 1578, the so-called Nona Harlemiana took place. With the
connivance of the authorities the sworn compact was scandalously
broken. At ten o'clock in the morning, when the procession of
the Blessed Sacrament was just starting inside the cathedral,
soldiers with drawn swords entered the sacred edifice, assaulted
the defenceless people, plundered the faithful, wounded the
priests, and committed sacrileges of all sorts. The bishop
escaped, fled from the town disguised as a cattle-driver, came
to Muenster, where he acted as auxiliary bishop, and lived in
the greatest poverty till his death at Deventer in 1587.
In 1592 all Catholics of the Netherlands under Calvinistic civil
government were placed under the jurisdiction of a vicar
Apostolic, the entire diocese of Haarlem thus becoming a portion
of the Missio Batava. The Catholics remained for a long time in
the majority in the former diocese, but they were excluded from
all public offices, and the exercise of their religion was
forbidden by law under penalty of fines and exile. Nevertheless
the old worship was continued in secret, either with the
connivance of the magistrates in consideration of large bribes,
or even at the risk of imprisonment and exile. At first there
were scarcely any but secular priests, but in 1592, at the
express wish of Clement VIII, the first two Jesuits came to
assist the seculars, being followed in the seventeenth century
by members of various other orders.
From the second half of the seventeenth century the persecution
began to abate; it became more and more apparent that the
Catholic Faith could not be exterminated, and the exigencies of
trade were decidedly opposed to extreme measures. The Catholic
barn and house-chapels were connived at, and the priests were
tolerated on payment of a pecuniary fine. In this manner the
number of Catholics remained very considerable in most towns,
and even predominated in many villages. In the beginning of the
eighteenth century occurred the Jansenist schism, long since
prepared for by the jealousy and quarrels between the secular
and regular clergy. In the old Haarlem Diocese the principal
secular priests, the so-called Chapter of Haarlem, shrank from
excommunication and schism, and the great majority of clergy and
laity remained faithful to Rome. In consequence of the
disturbances, the mission was, in 1721, placed directly under
the papal nuncio at Brussels, who exercised his functions under
the title of vice-superior, until the nunciature was abolished
in 1794. On the whole the Catholics were for the greater part of
the eighteenth century allowed to exercise their religion
without much hindrance, provided they obtained the consent of
the government and worshipped in churches not outwardly
recognizable as such; however, their exclusion from all public
offices was rigorously maintained. The Netherlands revolution of
1795 was to bring some change in this inequality between
Catholic and non-Catholic citizens. In 1796 the supreme
authority of the Batavian Republic, the National Assembly,
declared the Calvinistic State Church abolished, decreed equal
rights in the exercise of religious worship to all creeds, and
granted equality before the law to all citizens of the State.
These articles were subsequently embodied in the fundamental law
of 1798.
Nevertheless, a great many years were still to elapse before
Catholics could obtain in fact the full enjoyment of the rights
guaranteed to them. At that time the mission was governed, with
authorization of the Propaganda, by Luigi Ciamberlani
(1794-1828), who was at first obliged to reside in Muenster. In
1799, this vice-superior, making use of the legal rights
conferred, founded a seminary in Warmond near Leyden, which
still flourishes as the grand seminary of the present Diocese of
Haarlem. King Louis Bonaparte (1806-1810) did much for the
Catholics of Holland. In his residential city -- first The
Hague, afterwards Amsterdam -- he had his own chapel, to which
he admitted the public, and faithfully assisted at the religious
services of his two chaplains, both excellent men and pretres
non assermentes (priests who had refused to take the oath
required by the French government). He contributed large funds
to enable the Catholics to build and restore their churches; he
requested the vice-superior to take up his permanent abode in
the royal residence of Amsterdam, and admitted some Catholics to
the higher government offices. He even intended to have
Amsterdam selected as an archiepiscopal see, but the constant
opposition of his brother, Emperor Napoleon, obliged him to
abdicate in 1810. Under the direct reign of Napoleon from
1810-1813 the Catholics of the old diocese shared to a great
extent in the financial losses caused by his commercial policy
(Continental blockade) and his financial operations (tierc,age),
but with regard to religion they were left in peace. The
Archpriest of Holland and Zeeland, who under the vice-superior
in Amsterdam directed the affairs of the mission in these
provinces, repeatedly obtained from the minister of worship
exemption from military service for the theological students of
Warmond.
The reign of King William I (1815-1840) was not favourable to
the Catholics. Although the constitution of 1815 granted them
equal rights with the Protestants, the king listened too much to
counsellors who grudged the Catholics the enjoyment of this
liberty. In 1817 a preparatory seminary, called Hageveld and
destined for the education of the future aspirants to the
priesthood in Holland and Zeeland, was opened near Velsen. In
1847 it was transferred to Voorhout near Leyden, and though, of
course, much enlarged, still serves for the same purpose. Though
much admired as a seat of virtue and learning, William ordered
it to be closed, in 1825, because he wished to force on the
future priests the unclerical education of his Philosophical
College at Louvain. He also continued to exclude the Catholics
completely from official positions. In 1827 he concluded a
concordat with Leo XII, by which Amsterdam was again selected as
one of the two episcopal sees of Northern Netherlands, but this
was never put into execution, mainly in consequence of the
subsequent revolt of Belgium. His successor, the generous
William II (1840-1849), was much more favourably inclined
towards the Catholics; yet intolerance was too powerful to allow
even this liberal-minded monarch to put the concordat into
execution. However, in 1848 a revision of the constitution in a
liberal sense was taken in hand, and this was destined to
advance rapidly the influence of the Catholics, as was proved in
the same year by the arrival of the newly-appointed
vice-superior, Monsignor Belgrado, at The Hague as the first
permanent papal legate to William II. In the following years
several addresses were sent to Rome, requesting the pope to
restore to the Catholics of the Netherlands episcopal
government, as necessary for their spiritual and social
development and not opposed by any laws of the State.
The New Diocese
On 4 March, 1853, Pius IX acceded to the fervent wishes of the
numerous Dutch Catholics, and by his Brief "Ex qua die arcano"
restored the ecclesiastical hierarchy to the Netherlands. For
the sake of tradition Utrecht was again made an archdiocese, but
the Diocese of Haarlem was now made much larger than in 1559,
the whole of South Holland and the islands of the Province of
Zeeland being added to it. It numbered then 199 churches and
chapels, served by 317 priests, secular and regular, whilst the
laity were reckoned at 259,577 souls. The following bishops have
since occupied the See of Haarlem: (1) F. J. van Vree
(1853-1861), a man of exceptional organizing talents. In the
seven years of his episcopate he erected a chapter,
circumscribed the boundaries of the parishes, some of which were
assigned to regulars, drew up regulations for vestry-men and
guardians of the Catholic poor, took special care of neglected
children and fallen women, and prepared a catechism for use in
his diocese. (2) G. P. Wilmer (1861-1877). In 1867 he called
together a diocesan synod, the first after three centuries, in
which the provisional settlement of the diocese as arranged by
his predecessor was finally concluded and declared permanent.
Zealous for the veneration of the saints of his diocese, he
purchased the locality near Brielle, where, according to the
decisive arguments of Professor Smit of Warmond, four secular
and fifteen regular priests had been cruelly put to death for
the faith in 1572, and where their bodies had been interred. He
also began at Rome a canonical process to obtain approval of the
"immemorial" veneration of the Blessed Lidwina of Schiedam. He
regulated the contributions to the Peter's-pence for the whole
of his diocese. Pursuant to the "Mandamus" of the collective
bishops of the Netherlands (1868), he was unwearied in his
efforts for the preservation, the success, and the increase of
Catholic denominational schools in his diocese. To further this
end he nominated a committee of clergymen and prominent laymen
(Union for the promotion of Catholic education in the Diocese of
Haarlem), and united all the Catholic school-teachers into a
separate body. The preparatory seminary of Hageveld was
considerably enlarged during his episcopate. Finally he strongly
encouraged the diocesan secretary, J. J. Graaf, in establishing
the episcopal museum at Haarlem, and in starting with his
colleague, I. F. Vregt, the publication of a periodical,
"Contributions to the History of the Diocese of Haarlem". (3) P.
M. Snickers (1877-1883). On account of the great concourse of
pilgrims on the field of the martyrs near Brielle, this bishop
caused a large chapel and covered galleries to be built there.
For the housing of the rich collections of books and precious
manuscripts he erected a separate building near the seminary of
Warmond. He approved for his diocese the statues of the
Gregorius Vereeniging (Society of Saint Gregory) for the
promotion of the liturgical plain chant and sacred music,
founded by M. J. A. Lans, professor at Hageveld. In 1883 the
bishop was transferred to the Archiepiscopal See of Utrecht. (4)
C. J. M. Bottemanne (1883-1903). Although sixty years of age
when he was made bishop, this energetic man did much for the
development of the diocese. The schools increased during his
episcopate to over 200, so that even in the villages a parish
without a Catholic school became the exception, while in the
towns many schools were opened. From his clergy he selected able
men to act as inspectors of Catholic education; at Hoorn he
opened a Catholic training college. He showed no less diligence
in dealing with the social question. In 1888, three years before
the promulgation of the Papal Encyclical "Rerum Novarum", a
Roman Catholic Workman's League (De R.K. Volksbond) was founded
under his auspices. This league or union is meant to embrace all
the Catholic workmen of the diocese, and in 1903 numbered 16,000
members. Soon afterwards the master-workmen were also brought
together in a special league, De R.K. Gildenbond (The League of
Roman Catholic Guilds). Bishop Bottemanne favoured greatly
public meetings, which he addressed on many occasions. In 1897
he laid the foundation stone of an important addition to the
seminary at Warmond, which was solemnly dedicated two years
later on the occasion of the centenary of the institution.
During this episcopate twenty-five new parishes were established
and seventy churches consecrated. At the celebration of the
golden jubilee of his priesthood (1896), Bishop Bottemanne
instituted the Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament in
such a way that day and night throughout the year the Blessed
Sacrament is solemnly exposed for adoration in some church or
chapel of the diocese. The new cathedral of St. Bavo is another
evidence of the flourishing condition of the diocese. This noble
edifice -- new, though not startling in conception -- was
designed by the Dutch architect, Joseph Cuypers. It is situated
in a new quarter of Haarlem, mainly inhabited by workmen, who
use it as their parish church. At first only the choir and
transept were built, taking three years to complete, and on 2
May, 1898, the aged bishop had the happiness of consecrating
this part of the great work. (5) A. J. Callier (1903--). For
eleven years he had been vicar-general of the diocese, when he
was appointed successor to Monsignor Bottemanne. The plans laid
down and partly executed by his predecessor were now further
developed. The educational question was the object of his
special care. In 1904 a boys' school was opened near the new
cathedral; in 1906 the training college was transferred from
Hoorn to a new and commodious building at Beverwyk. With regard
to higher education the Catholics are still suffering under the
old system of partiality and exclusion; but, as the new
educational laws permit them to have professors of their own
attached to the state-universities, provided they pay for them,
the Saint Radbout's Fund (St. Radbouts stichting) was set on
foot by the Catholics to secure co-religionists as professors,
with the additional intention of preparing the way for a
Catholic university. To promote still further the solution of
the social question, the bishop laid the foundation of a society
for the assistance and development of citizens of the
middle-class engaged in trade, a very large number of whom
belong to his diocese. Wherever possible Catholic clubs for
youths are instituted to safeguard young men against the special
dangers of their age and to promote their intellectual and
religious development. When vicar-general to his predecessor,
the present bishop was the moving spirit in the building of the
new cathedral, and he personally devised the highly significant
scheme of symbolism for this sacred edifice. In 1903 the work
was resumed, and three years later the exterior of the great
cathedral was finished, except the two towers and the decoration
of the west fac,ade. As to the interior decoration, this remains
the object of the bishops' special care, and is being effected
(1909) with the greatest deliberation. Both decoration and
furniture must be in keeping with the artistic value of the
building itself, and great artists of original mind, as Brom,
Toorop, and Mengelberg, have ample opportunity given to them to
display their exceptional talent. The diocese counts (1909) 234
parishes, served by 650 priests, seculars and regulars; the
laity are reckoned at about 510,000 souls.
MIRAEUS-FOPPENS, Diplomatum Belgicorum nova collectio (Antwerp,
1734), III; VAN HEUSSEN, Batavia sacra (Brussels, 1714); IDEM,
Historia episcopatuum Foederati Belgii (Antwerp, 1755), II;
WENSING, Kerkelyk Nederland ('S Hertogenbosch, 1854);
Verzameling van herderlyke brieven van Mgr. van Vree (Haarlem,
1862); Acta et statuta synodi diocesanae Harlemensis (Haarlem,
1867); SMIT, De ware ligging der voormalige kloosterschuur van
St. Elisabeth te Rugge ('S Hertogenbosch, 1869); NUYENS,
Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk (Amsterdam, 1883); IDEM,
Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche beroerten in de XVI eeuw
(Amsterdam, 1904); Neerlandia catholica (Utrecht, 1888);
THOMPSON, St. Bavo, de nieuwe kathedrale kerk van Haarlem
(Haarlem, 1898); HENSEN, Het eeuwfeest van het seminarie te
Warmond ('S Hertogenbosch, 1899); GRAAF, Gids van het
bisschoppelyk museum te Haarlem (Leyden, 1900); FRUIN,
Verspreide geschriften (The Hague, 1900), I, III; COPPENS,
Kerkgeschiedenis van Noord Nederland (Utrecht, 1903); ALBERS,
Geschiedenis van het herstel der hierarchie in de Nederlanden
(Nimwegen, 1903); IDEM, Handboek der algemeene kerkgeschiedenis
(Nimwegen, 1908), II; KALF, De Katholieke kerken in Nederland
(Amsterdam, 1908); BROM, Archivalia in Italie (The Hague, 1908),
I; De Katholiek (Leyden), CXV, CXII, CXIII; Bydragen voor de
geschiedenis van het bisdom van Haarlem (Leyden), XXIII, XXVI;
Archief van het aartsbisdom van Utrecht (Utrecht), IX, XI; Sint
Bavo, Godsdienstig weekblad van het bisdom van Haarlem
(Amsterdam); Sint Gregorius blad (Haarlem).
A.H.L. HENSEN
Habacuc (Habakkuk)
Habacuc (Habakkuk)
The eighth of the Minor Prophets, who probably flourished
towards the end of the seventh century b.c.
I. NAME AND PERSONAL LIFE
In the Hebrew text (i,1; iii, 1), the prophet's name presents a
doubly intensive form H`abh`aqquq, which has not been preserved
either in the Septuagint: Ambakoum, or in the Vulgate: Habacuc.
Its resemblance with the Assyrian hambakuku, which is the name
of a plant, is obvious. Its exact meaning cannot be ascertained:
it is usually taken to signify "embrace" and is at times
explained as "ardent embrace", on account of its intensive form.
Of this prophet's birth-place, parentage, and life we have no
reliable information. The fact that in his book he is twice
called "the prophet" (i, 1; iii, 1) leads indeed one to surmise
that Habacuc held a recognized position as prophet, but it
manifestly affords no distinct knowledge of his person. Again,
some musical particulars connected with the Hebrew text of his
Prayer (ch. iii) may possibly suggest that he was a member of
the Temple choir, and consequently a Levite: but most scholars
regard this twofold inference as questionable. Hardly less
questionable is the view sometimes put forth, which identifies
Habacuc with the Judean prophet of that name, who is described
in the deuterocanonical fragment of Bel and the Dragon (Dan.,
xiv, 32 sqq.), as miraculously carrying a meal to Daniel in the
lion's den.
In this absence of authentic tradition, legend, not only Jewish
but also Christian, has been singularly busy about the prophet
Habacuc. It has represented him as belonging to the tribe of
Levi and as the son of a certain Jesus; as the child of the
Sunamite woman, whom Eliseus restored to life (cf. IV Kings, iv,
16 sqq.); as the sentinel set by Isaias (cf. Is. xxi, 6; and
Hab., ii, 1) to watch for the fall of Babylon. According to the
"Lives" of the prophets, one of which is ascribed to St.
Epiphanius, and the other to Dorotheus, Habacuc was of the tribe
of Simeon, and a native of Bethsocher, a town apparently in the
tribe of Juda. In the same works it is stated that when
Nabuchodonosor came to besiege Jerusalem, the prophet fled to
Ostrakine (now Straki, on the Egyptian coast), whence he
returned only after the Chaldeans had withdrawn; that he then
lived as a husbandman in his native place, and died there two
years before Cyrus's edict of Restoration (538 b.c.). Different
sites are also mentioned as his burial-place. The exact amount
of positive information embodied in these conflicting legends
cannot be determined at the present day. The Greek and Latin
Churches celebrate the feast of the prophet Habacuc on 15
January.
II. CONTENTS OF PROPHECY
Apart from its short title (i, 1) the Book of Habacuc is
commonly divided into two parts: the one (i,2-ii, 20) reads like
a dramatic dialogue between God and His prophet; the other
(chap. iii) is a lyric ode, with the usual characteristics of a
psalm. The first part opens with Habacuc's lament to God over
the protracted iniquity of the land, and the persistent
oppression of the just by the wicked, so that there is neither
law nor justice in Juda: How long is the wicked thus destined to
prosper? (i, 2-4). Yahweh replies (i, 5-11) that a new and
startling display of His justice is about to take place: already
the Chaldeans -- that swift, rapacious, terrible, race -- are
being raised up, and they shall put an end to the wrongs of
which the prophet has complained. Then Habacuc remonstrates with
Yahweh, the eternal and righteous Ruler of the world, over the
cruelties in which He allows the Chaldeans to indulge (i,
12-17), and he confidently waits for a response to his pleading
(ii, 1). God's answer (ii, 2-4) is in the form of a short oracle
(verse 4), which the prophet is bidden to write down on a tablet
that all may read it, and which foretells the ultimate doom of
the Chaldean invader. Content with this message, Habacuc utters
a taunting song, triumphantly made up of five "woes" which he
places with dramatic vividness on the lips of the nations whom
the Chaldean has conquered and desolated (ii, 5-20). The second
part of the book (chap. iii) bears the title: "A prayer of
Habacuc, the prophet, to the music of Shigionot." Strictly
speaking, only the second verse of this chapter has the form of
a prayer. The verses following (3-16) describe a theophany in
which Yahweh appears for no other purpose than the salvation of
His people and the ruin of His enemies. The ode concludes with
the declaration that even though the blessings of nature should
fail in the day of dearth, the singer will rejoice in Yahweh
(17-19). Appended to chap. iii is the statement: "For the chief
musician, on my stringed instruments."
III. DATE AND AUTHORSHIP
Owing chiefly to the lack of reliable external evidence, there
has been in the past, and there is even now, a great diversity
of opinions concerning the date to which the prophecy of Habacuc
should be ascribed. Ancient rabbis, whose view is embodied in
the Jewish chronicle entitled Seder olam Rabbah, and is still
accepted by many Catholic scholars (Kaulen, Zschokke,
Knabenbauer, Schenz, Cornely, etc.), refer the composition of
the book to the last years of Manasses's reign. Clement of
Alexandria says that "Habacuc still prophesied in the time of
Sedecias" (599-588 b.c.), and St. Jerome ascribes the prophecy
to the time of the Babylonian Exile. Some recent scholars
(Delitzsch and Keil among Protestants, Danko, Rheinke,
Holzammer, and practically also Vigouroux, among Catholics,
place it under Josias (641-610 b.c.). Others refer it to the
time of Joakim (610-599 b.c.), either before Nabuchodonosor's
victory at Carchemish in 605 b.c. (Catholic: Schegg, Haneberg;
Protestant: Schrader, S. Davidson, Koenig, Strack, Driver,
etc.); while others, mostly out-and-out rationalists, ascribe it
to the time after the ruin of the Holy City by the Chaldeans. As
might be expected, these various views do not enjoy the same
amount of probability, when they are tested by the actual
contents of the Book of Habacuc. Of them all, the one adopted by
St. Jerome, and which is now that propounded by many
rationalists, is decidedly the least probable: to ascribe, as
that view does, the book to the Exile, is, on the one hand, to
admit for the text of Habacuc an historical background to which
there is no real reference in the prophecy, and, on the other.,
to ignore the prophet's distinct references to events connected
with the period before the Bablyonian Captivity (cf. i, 2-4, 6,
etc.). All the other opinions have their respective degrees of
probability, so that it is no easy matter to choose among them.
It seems, however, that the view which ascribes the book to
605-600 b.c. "is best in harmony with the historical
circumstances under which the Chaldeans are presented in the
prophecy of Habacuc, viz. as a scourge which is imminent for
Juda, and as oppressors whom all know have already entered upon
the inheritance of their predecessors" (Van Hoonacker).
During the nineteenth century, objections have oftentimes been
made against the genuineness of certain portions of the Book of
Habacuc. In the first part of the work, the objections have been
especially directed against i, 5-11. But, however formidable
they may appear at first sight, the difficulties turn out to be
really weak, on a closer inspection; and in point of fact, the
great majority of critics look upon them as not decisive. The
arguments urged against the genuineness of chapter ii, 9-20, are
of less weight still. Only in reference to chapter iii, which
forms the second part of the book, can there be a serious
controversy as to its authorship by Habacuc. Many critics treat
the whole chapter as a late and independent poem, with no
allusions to the circumstances of Habacuc's time, and still
bearing in its liturgical heading and musical directions (vv. 3,
9, 13, 19) distinct marks of the collection of sacred songs from
which it was taken. According to them, it was appended to the
Book of Habacuc because it had already been ascribed to him in
the title, just as certain psalms are still referred in the
Septuagint and in the Vulgate to some prophets. Others, indeed
in smaller number, but also with greater probability, regard
only the last part of the chapter iii, 17-19 as a later addition
to Habacuc's work: in reference to this last part only does it
appear true to say that it has no definite allusions to the
circumstances of Habacuc's time. All things considered, it seems
that the question whether chapter iii be an original portion of
the prophecy of Habacuc, or an independent poem appended to it
at a later date, cannot be answered with certainty: too little
is known in a positive manner concerning the actual
circumstances in the midst of which Habacuc composed his work,
to enable one to feel confident that this portion of it must or
must not be ascribed to the same author as the rest of the book.
IV. LITERARY AND TEXTUAL FEATURES
In the composition of his book, Habacuc displays a literary
power which has often been admired. His diction is rich and
classical, and his imagery is striking and appropriate. The
dialogue between God and him is highly oratorical, and exhibits
to a larger extent than is commonly supposed, the parallelism of
thought and expression which is the distinctive feature of
Hebrew poetry. The Mashal or taunting song of five "woes" which
follows the dialogue, is placed with powerful dramatic effect on
the lips of the nations whom the Chaldeans have cruelly
oppressed. The lyric ode with which the book concludes, compares
favourably in respect to imagery and rhythm with the best
productions of Hebrew poetry. These literary beauties enable us
to realize that Habacuc was a writer of high order. They also
cause us to regret that the original text of his prophecy should
not have come down to us in all its primitive perfection. As a
matter of fact, recent interpreters of the book have noticed and
pointed out numerous alterations, especially in the line of
additions, which have crept in the Hebrew text of the prophecy
of Habacuc, and render it at times very obscure. Only a fair
number of those alterations can be corrected by a close study of
the context; by a careful comparison of the text with the
ancient versions, especially the Septuagint; by an application
of the rules of Hebrew parallelism, etc. In the other places,
the primitive reading has disappeared and cannot be recovered,
except conjecturally, by the means which Biblical criticism
affords in the present day.
V. PROPHETICAL TEACHING
Most of the religious and moral truths that can be noticed in
this short prophecy are not peculiar to it. They form part of
the common message which the prophets of old were charged to
convey to God's chosen people. Like the other prophets, Habacuc
is the champion of ethical monotheism. For him, as for them,
Yahweh alone is the living God (ii, 18-20); He is the Eternal
and Holy One (i, 12), the Supreme Ruler of the Universe (i, 6,
17; ii, 5 sqq.; iii, 2-16), Whose word cannot fail to obtain its
effect (ii, 3), and Whose glory will be acknowledged by all
nations (ii, 14). In his eyes, as in those of the other
prophets, Israel is God's chosen people whose unrighteousness He
is bound to visit with a signal punishment (i, 2-4). The special
people, whom it was Habacuc's own mission to announce to his
contemporaries as the instruments of Yahweh's judgment, were the
Chaldeans, who will overthrow everything, even Juda and
Jerusalem, in their victorious march (i, 6 sqq.). This was
indeed at the time an incredible prediction (i, 5), for was not
Juda God's kingdom and the Chaldean a world-power characterized
by overweening pride and tyranny? Was not therefore Juda the
"just" to be saved, and the Chaldean really the "wicked" to be
destroyed? The answer to this difficulty is found in the distich
(ii, 4) which contains the central and distinctive teaching of
the book. Its oracular form bespeaks a principle of wider import
than the actual circumstances in the midst of which it was
revealed to the prophet, a general law, as we would say, of
God's providence in the government of the world: the wicked
carries in himself the germs of his own destruction; the
believer, on the contrary, those of eternal life. It is because
of this, that Habacuc applies the oracle not only to the
Chaldeans of his time who are threatening the existence of God's
kingdom on earth, but also to all the nations opposed to that
kingdom who will likewise be reduced to naught (ii, 5-13), and
solemnly declares that "the earth shall be filled with the
knowledge of the glory of Yahweh, as the waters cover the sea"
(ii, 15). It is because of this truly Messianic import that the
second part of Habacuc's oracle (ii, 4b) is repeatedly treated
in the New Testament writings (Rom., i, 17; Gal., iii, 11;
Hebr., x, 38) as being verified in the inner condition of the
believers of the New Law.
COMMENTARIES: CATHOLIC:--SHEGG (2nd ed., Ratisbon, 1862);
RHEINKE (Brixen, 1870); TROCHON (Paris, 1883); KNABENBAUER
(Paris, 1886); NON-CATHOLIC:--DELITZSCH (Leipzig, 1843); VON
ORELLI (Eng. tr. Edinburgh, 1893); KLEINERT (Leipzig, 1893);
WELLHAUSEN (3rd ed., Berlin, 1898); DAVIDSON (Cambridge, 1899);
MARTI (Freiburg im Br., 1904); NOWACK (2nd ed., Goettingen,
1904); DUHM (Tuebingen, 1906); VAN HOONACKER (Paris, 1908).
FRANCIS E. GIGOT
William Habington
William Habington
Poet and historian; born at Hindlip, Worcestershire, 1605; died
1654; son of Thomas Habington the antiquarian. He was educated
at Saint-Omer and Paris. The information given by Anthony `a
Wood in his "Athenae" that Habington returned to England "to
escape the importunity of the Jesuits to join their order" rests
only on a vague statement made by the ex-Jesuit Wadsworth in his
"English Spanish Pilgrim". Habington married Lucy, daughter of
William Herbert, Baron Powis, and a year or two after his
marriage, in 1634, issued his well-known "Castara" (see Arber's
English Reprints, 1870), a series of poems addressed mainly to
his wife. In 1635 and 1640 second and third enlarged editions of
the book respectively appeared. The poems are mostly short, many
of them sonnets, and interspersed are several prose "characters
such as it was the fashion then to write. A few verses are
addressed to friends, one of whom is Ben Jonson. All the poetry
of "Castara" shows a peculiarly refined and pure imagination. It
is always skilful and melodious and contains some passages of
real beauty. It is marked, though not excessively, by the
"metaphysical" qualities which pervaded mostof the Caroline
verse. In 1640 Habington also published a romantic tragedy, the
"Queen of Arragon", of less interest for its dramatic quality,
which is small, than for special passages in it which illustrate
the poet'sindependence of mind upon certain social and political
questions. It was acted at Court, and after the Restoration was
revived. Habington produced in the same year, 1640, a prose
"History of Edward IV", reprinted in Kennet's "Complete History
of England" (London, 1706), stated by Wood to have been written
and published at the desire of King Charles I. In 1641 followed
"Observations upon History", a series of reflective sketches in
prose of great events in Europe, "such as" (he says) "impressed
me in the reading and make the imagination stand amazed at the
vicissitude of time and fortune". Professor Saintsbury remarks
of Habington that "he is creditably distinguished from his
contemporaries by a very strict and remarkable decency of
thought and language".
K.M. WARREN
Habit
Habit
Habit is an effect of repeated acts and an aptitude to reproduce
them, and may be defined as "a quality difficult to change,
whereby an agent whose nature it is to work one way or another
indeterminately, is disposed easily and readily at will to
follow this or that particular line of action" (Rickaby, Moral
Philosophy). Daily experience shows that the repetition of
actions or reactions produces, if not always an inclination, at
least an aptitude to act or react in the same manner. To say
that a man is accustomed to a certain diet, climate, or
exercise, that he is an habitual smoker or early-riser, that he
can dance, fence, or play the piano, that he is used to certain
points of view, modes of thinking, feeling, and willing, etc.,
signifies that owing to past experience he can do now that which
formerly was impossible, do easily that which was difficult, or
dispense with the effort and attention which were at first
necessary. Like any faculty or power, habit cannot be known
directly in itself, but only indirectly--retrospectively from
the actual processes which have given rise to it, and
prospectively from those which proceed from it. Habit will be
considered:
I. Habit in general
II. Physiological aspects
III. Psychological aspects
IV. Ethical aspects
V. Pedagogical aspects
VI. Philosophical aspects
VII. Theological aspects
I. HABIT IN GENERAL
If an attitude, action, or series of actions resulting from a
well-formed and deep-rooted habit is compared with the
corresponding attitude, action, or series before the habit was
contracted, the following differences are generally observed:
1. Uniformity and regularity have succeeded diversity and
variety; under the same circumstances and conditions the same
action recurs invariably and in the same manner, unless a
special effort is made to inhibit it;
2. Selection has taken the place of diffusion; after a number of
attempts in which the energy was scattered in several
directions, the proper movements and adaptations have been
singled out; the energy now follows a straight line and goes
forth directly toward the expected result;
3. Less stimulus is required to start the process, and, where
perhaps resistance had to be overcome, the slightest cue now
suffices to give rise to a complex action;
4. Difficulty and effort have disappeared; the elements of the
action, every one of which used to require distinct attention,
succeed one another automatically;
5. Where there was merely desire, often difficult to satisfy, or
indifference, perhaps even repugnance, there is now tendency,
inclination, or need, and the unwonted interruption of an
habitual action or mode of thinking generally results in a
painful feeling of uneasiness;
6. Instead of the clear and distinct perception of the action in
its details, there is only a vague consciousness of the
process in its totality, together with a feeling of
familiarity and naturalness. In a word, habit is selective,
produces quickness of response, causes the processes to be
more regular, more perfect, more rapid and tends to
automatism.
From these effects of habit, together with the wideness of the
field which it covers, its importance is easily inferred.
Progress requires flexibility, power to change and to conquer,
fixity of useful modifications and the power to retain
conquests. Adaptability to new surroundings, and facility of
processes presuppose the power of acquiring habits. Without
them, not only mental functions like reflecting, reasoning,
counting, but even the most ordinary actions like dressing,
eating, walking, would necessitate a distinct effort for every
detail, consume a great deal of time, and withal remain very
imperfect. Hence habit has been called a second nature, and man
termed a bundle of habits; and, although such expressions, like
all aphorisms, may be open to criticism if taken too literally,
yet they contain much truth. Nature is the common groundwork of
all activities and essentially the same in all men, but its
special direction and manifestations, the special emphasis of
certain forms of activity together with their manifold
individual features, are, for the most part, the results of
habits. Speech, writing, skill in its varied applications, in
fact every complex action of organism and mind, which are
matters of course for the adult or the adept, appear simple only
because they are habitual; the child or the beginner knows how
complex they are in reality. Even in merely physiological
functions the influence of habit is felt: the stomach becomes
accustomed to certain foods; the blood to certain stimulants and
poisons; the whole organism to certain hours for resting and
awaking, to the climate and surroundings. All mental functions
in the adult are the results of habits, or are modified by them.
Habits of thought, speculative and practical, habits of feelings
and will, religious and moral attitudes, etc., are constantly
shaping man's views of things, persons, and events, and
determine his behaviour toward those who agree with or differ
from him. Observation and reflection show that the empire of
habit is wellnigh unlimited, and that there is no form of human
activity to which it does not extend. It is hardly possible to
exaggerate its importance; the danger is rather that one may
under-estimate, or at least fail to fully appreciate it.
Habit is acquired by exercise; in this it differs from the
instincts and other natural predispositions and aptitudes which
are innate. In a series of actions, it begins with the first
act, for, if this left no trace whatsoever, there would be no
more reason why it should begin with the second or any
subsequent act. Yet at this early stage the trace or disposition
is too weak to be called a habit; it must grow and be
strengthened by repetition. The growth of habit is twofold,
intensive and extensive, and may be compared to that of a tree
which extends its branches and roots farther and farther, and at
the same time acquires a stronger vitality, can resist more
effectively obstacles to life, and becomes more difficult to
uproot. A habit also ramifies; its influence, restricted at
first to one line of action, gradually extends, making itself
felt in a number of other processes. Meanwhile it takes deeper
root, and its intensity increases so that to remove or change it
becomes a more and more arduous task.
The main factors in the growth of habit are:
+ The number of repetitions, as every repetition strengthens the
disposition left by previous exercise;
+ their frequency: too long an interval of time allows the
disposition to weaken, whereas too short an interval fails to
give sufficient rest, and results in organic and mental
fatigue;
+ their uniformity: at least change must be slow and gradual,
new elements being added little by little;
+ the interest taken in the actions, the desire to succeed, and
the attention given;
+ the resulting pleasure or feeling of success which becomes
associated with the idea of the action.
No general rules, however, can be given for a strict
determination of these factors. For instance, how frequently the
actions should be repeated, or how rapidly the complexity may be
increased, will depend not only on actual psychological factors
of interest, attention, and application, but also on the nature
of the actions to be performed and on natural aptitudes and
tendencies. Habits decrease or disappear negatively by
abstaining from exercising them, and positively by acting in an
opposite direction, antagonistic to the existing habits.
II. PHYSIOLOGICAL ASPECTS
All organic functions are due to, facilitated or modified by,
habit. Some habits, like those referring to climate,
temperature, certain foods, etc., are purely physiological, the
mind contributing little or nothing. For instance, the same dose
of alcohol or stimulants might be fatal for some organisms,
while it is necessary for those which have been used to it. Or
again, a bird, confined in an enclosed place in which the air
gradually becomes foul, grows so far accustomed to the fetid
condition of the atmosphere that it may continue to live for
several hours after the air has been so poisoned with carbonic
acid as to kill almost immediately another bird suddenly placed
therein. In the acquisition of other physiological habits,
especially those of skill and dexterity, psychological factors
have a great importance, above all the antecedent idea of the
end, which directs the selection of the appropriate movements,
and the subsequent idea of success associated with them.
Moreover a number of such habits are made use of under the
guidance of the mind. Thus the acquired facility for writing is
adapted to the ideas to be expressed; fencing consists in the
adaptation of certain movements facilitated by habit to the
perceived or foreseen movements of the adversary. They are
therefore mixed habits of organism and mind.
Physiological habit supposes that an action, after being
performed, leaves some trace in the organism, especially in the
nervous system. In the present stage of physiological science,
the nature of these traces cannot be determined with certainty.
By some they are described as persisting movements and
vibrations; by others, as fixed impressions and structural
modifications; by others finally, as tendencies and dispositions
to certain functions. These views are not exclusive, but may be
combined, for the disposition, which has a more direct reference
to future processes, may result from permanent impressions and
movements, which have special reference to past processes.
Somewhat metaphorically, physiological habit has also been
explained as a canalization, or the creation of paths of least
resistance which the nervous energy tends to follow.
III. PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS
Psychologically habit signifies the acquired facility of
conscious processes. The education of the senses, association of
ideas, memory, mental attitudes derived from experience and from
studies general or special, the powers of attention, reflection,
reasoning, insight, etc., and all these complex factors which
form man's frame of mind and character, such as strength of
will, weakness or obstinacy, irascibility or calmness, likes and
dislikes, prejudices, and so on, are due largely to habits
intentionally or unintentionally contracted. Owing to the great
variety of conscious processes and the complexity of their
determinants, it is difficult to reduce the psychological
effects of habit to universal laws. The statement frequently
made that habit lessens consciousness cannot be accepted without
qualification; for sometimes the being accustomed to a stimulus
means ceasing to have a clear consciousness of it, as in the
case of the ticking of a clock which little by little ceases to
be perceived distinctly, while sometimes on the contrary it
means an increase of consciousness, as in the case of the
developed keenness of the musician's ear in discriminating
sounds of slightly different pitch. Here a few distinctions must
be kept in mind. First, between prolonged sensation, producing
fatigue and consequently dullness of the sense-organ, and
repeated sensation allowing sufficient rest. A second, between
mental processes in which the mind is chiefly passive, and those
in which it is chiefly active, as habit lessens passive and
augments active sensitiveness. Finally one must see whether
conscious processes are ends or simply means. Compared to the
quality of the sounds to be produced, the special activity of
the pianist's fingers or the singer's vocal organs is but a
means to an end. Hence the musician becomes less conscious of
this activity but more conscious of its result. In any case,
since the energy flows naturally in the wonted direction, effort
and attention are in inverse ratio to habit.
To pleasures as a rule applies the proverb "Assueta vilescunt"
(Familiarity breeds contempt). By being repeated the same
experience loses its novelty, which is one of the elements of
pleasure and interest. But the rapidity of the decrease depends,
not only on the frequency of the repetitions, but also on the
wealth and variety contained in the experiences; hence it is
that some musical compositions become tiresome much sooner than
others in which the mind continues to discover some new
pleasurable element. Pleasures resulting from the satisfaction
of periodical wants, like resting or eating, undergo no change
from the mere fact of repetition. Inclinations (i. e. desire and
aversion) decrease; desires frequently change into needs of, or
unconscious cravings after, experiences which formerly were
pleasurable, but have now become tasteless or are even known to
be injurious. Persons or things habitually met with, even if
they are the source of no pleasure, are missed if they happen to
disappear. Painful impressions become less keen unless they are
increased in reality or exaggerated by the imagination. By
exercise mental activity is strengthened in proportion to
natural dispositions and to the quantity and quality of the
energy employed. Hence habit is a force which impels to act,
diminishes the strength of the will, and may become so strong as
to be almost irresistible.
IV. ETHICAL ASPECTS
From the point of view of ethics, the main division of habits is
into good and bad, i. e. into virtues and vices, according as
they lead to actions in conformity with or against the rules of
morality. It is needless to insist on the importance of habit in
moral conduct; the majority of actions are performed under its
influence, frequently without reflection, and in accordance with
principles or prejudices to which the mind has become
accustomed. The actual dictates of an upright conscience are
dependent on intellectual habits, especially those of rectitude
and honesty without which it happens too often that reason is
used, not to find out what is right or wrong, but to justify a
course of action one has taken or wishes to take. Custom also is
an important factor, as that which is of frequent occurrence,
even if known at first to be wrong, little by little becomes
familiar, and its commission no longer produces in us feelings
of shame or remorse. The voice of conscience is stifled; it
ceases to give its warning, or at least no attention is paid to
it.
By lessening freedom, habit also lessens the actual
responsibility of the agent, for actions are less perfectly
attended to, and in varying degrees escape the control of the
will. But it is important to note the distinction between habits
acquired and retained knowingly, voluntarily, and with some
foresight of the consequences likely to result, and habits
acquired unconsciously, without our noticing them, and therefore
without our thinking of the possible consequences. In the former
case, actions good or bad, though actually not quite free, are
nevertheless imputable to the agent, since they are voluntary in
their cause, that is, in the implied consent given them at the
beginning of the habit. If on the contrary the will had no part
at all in acquiring or retaining the habit, actions proceeding
from it are not voluntary, but, as soon as the existence and
dangers of a bad habit are noticed, efforts to uproot it become
obligatory.
V. PEDAGOGICAL ASPECTS
Between the child and the adult there is not merely a difference
in the quantity of energy, bodily and mental, which they
command, but especially a difference of adaptability,
co-ordination or habit, thanks to which such energy is made more
available for a definite purpose. Growth or increase and
development or organization must proceed together. The main end
of education is to direct the harmonious development of all the
child's faculties according to their relative importance, and
thus to do for the child that which it is not yet able to do for
itself, namely to fit its various energies for future use, and
to select from among the tendencies deposited in its nature
those which are to be cultivated and those which are to be
destroyed. While the work must proceed gradually according to
the increasing capacities of the child, the fact must always be
kept in view that in early years both organism and mind are
plastic and more easily influenced. Later their power of
adaptability is much less, and frequently the learning of a new
habit implies the difficult task of breaking off an old one.
As the complexity of functions increases, it becomes imperative,
as far as possible, that the new elements find at once their
proper place and associations, and take root there, since
otherwise it would be necessary later on to eradicate them and
perhaps transplant them somewhere else. Hence all habits
necessary to human perfection must be cultivated so as to be
grooved into one another. Hence also the principle of negative
education advocated by Rousseau is inadmissible. In early years,
according to him, "the only habit which the child should be
allowed to form is that of contracting no habit whatsoever", not
even that of using one hand rather than the other, or that of
eating, sleeping, acting at the same regular hours. Up to
twelve, the child should not be able to distinguish its right
from its left hand. With regard to intelligence and will, "the
first education must be purely negative. It consists not in
teaching virtue or truth, but in guarding the heart against vice
and the mind against error". To judge this principle, it must be
remembered that there are three periods in the development of
activity: one of diffusion during which actions take place
largely at random, and the energy is dispersed in many channels;
the second of effort at co-ordination during which the proper
modes of functioning are selected and practised; the third of
habit which removes everything superfluous, and greatly
facilitates correct modes of functioning. To prolong the first
of these periods, since the last is the most perfect, would be
an injustice against the child, who has a right not only to the
necessaries of life, but also to the help required for its
development. Moreover, it may be asked, how can the heart be
guarded against vice, and the mind against error, without
showing what vice and error are, and without teaching virtue and
truth? How in general can a bad habit be avoided or combated
more effectively than by the acquisition of the contrary habit?
Experience shows that many good habits, if not cultivated in
childhood, are never acquired at all, or not so perfectly, and
defects in the adult may often be traced back to early
education.
To obtain the best results, it is important for the teacher to
know the natural aptitudes of every pupil, for the effort which
is possible for one might be, if required of another, a source
of discouragement, or exercise even a still more deleterious
influence on the mind of the child. The use of rewards and
punishments must always be made in a manner suited to the
child's dispositions and directed by the general effects of
habit upon pleasurable and painful impressions and emotions. At
the same time that habits grow, attention has to be paid to
their dangers, and the child must not be allowed to become a
mere automaton. Habits of reflection and attention, together
with determination and strength of will, will enable the child
to control, direct, and govern other habits.
VI. PHILOSOPHICAL ASPECTS
In Aristotelean and Scholastic metaphysics habit comes under the
category called quality. To be the subject of habits a being
must be in potentia (see ACTUS ET POTENTIA), i. e. capable of
determination and perfection; and this potentia must not be
restricted to only one mode of activity or receptivity, for,
where there is absolute fixity, where one and the same line is
invariably followed, there is no room for habit, which implies
adaptation and specification. On the strength of this condition,
Saint Thomas holds that habit properly so-called cannot be found
in the material world, but only in the spiritual faculties of
intellect and will. In man, however, we may speak of organic
habits for such functions as are under the dependence of these
spiritual faculties. Matter, even in plants and animals, is the
subject merely of dispositions, and the difference between habit
and disposition is that the former is more stable, the latter
more easily changed. Against this position several objections
have been urged. In the first place, the proposed distinction of
habit and disposition is not based on anything essential, but on
a difference of degree, which seems insufficient to draw a
strict line between beings that are the subjects of habits and
those that are the subjects of dispositions only. If it is clear
that moral habits of will differ from merely organic habits, it
is impossible to say why, e. g. the habit of a horse of stopping
at certain places, or the habits of trained animals differ
radically from human habits of skill and dexterity and why to
the latter alone the name of habits can be given. Furthermore it
is true, as Aristotle remarks, that, by being thrown in the air,
a stone will never acquire any facility for taking the same
direction, but will always tend to fall toward the centre of
attraction according to a vertical line; and that after any
number of revolutions in the same direction a mill-stone
acquires no facility for that special movement, unless it be an
extrinsic one due to the adaptation of the mechanism.
Nevertheless, in proportion as the elements of a material system
are more varied, there is room for different arrangements, and
consequently for new permanent aptitudes. In the sheet of paper
which, after being folded, is more easily folded again; in the
clothes or shoes which fit better after being worn for some
time; in the mechanism which gives the best results after some
functioning; in the violin which good use improves and bad use
deteriorates, in domestic or trained animals, etc., there is
something at least analogical to habit, and which cannot be
distinguished from it on the mere ground of greater
changeableness.
Hence if habit is considered exclusively from the point of view
of retentiveness, there is no reason to deny its existence in
the material world. It has been even said that, being simply an
application of the law of inertia, it finds its maximum of
application in inorganic matter, which, unless acted on by some
contrary force, keeps indefinitely its modifications and
conditions of rest or movement. Hence James writes that "the
philosophy of habit is thus, in the first instance, a chapter in
physics rather than in physiology or psychology" (Principles of
Psychology I, 105). However, since habit means essentially
specificizing of that which was indetermined, and the fixating
of that which was indifferent, from this point of view of
plasticity, adaptability, indetermination, selectiveness, it
applies more strictly to organic than to inorganic matter, and
more strictly still to the will which is capable even of such
contrary determinations as temperance and intemperance, speaking
the truth and lying, and, in general, of acting in one or
another way and of abstaining entirely from action.
VII. THEOLOGICAL ASPECTS
In theology, the question of habits has several important
applications. In fundamental morals, its discussion is necessary
for the determination of the degree of responsibility in human
actions, and the treatise de paenitentia deals with the attitude
to be taken by the confessor toward penitents who habitually
fall into the same sins, with the rules for granting or denying
absolution, and with the advice to be given such persons in
order to help them out of their habits. The scholastics, using a
terminology. which is little in accordance with the modern
meaning of habit and somewhat confusing to the lay reader, make
a distinction between natural and supernatural, and between
acquired and infused habits. Of the natural habits some are
acquired by practice, others are innate like the habitus
primorum principiorum, that is, the innate aptitude of the human
mind to grasp at once the truth of self-evident principles as
soon as their meaning is understood. Supernatural habits cannot
be acquired, since they direct man to his supernatural end, and,
therefore, are above the exigencies and the forces of nature.
They suppose a higher principle, given by God, which is
sanctifying or "habitual" grace. With habitual grace the three
theological virtues, which are also habitus supernaturales, and,
according to the more common opinion, the four cardinal virtues
and the gifts of the Holy Ghost, are infused in the soul. Of
themselves, such "habitus" give no facility to act, but only the
power, the mere potentia. The facility--habit proper, or virtue
in the strict sense--is acquired by the co-operation of man with
Divine grace and the repetition of acts. By sin, on the
contrary, these habitus are lessened or lost.
C.A. DUBRAY
Habor
Habor
[Heb. habhor; Sept. 'A Bwr: IV Kings (II), xvii, 6, 'A Biwr: IV
Kings, xviii, 11; X aBwr: I Chronicles 5:26].
A river of Mesopotamia in Asiatic Turkey, an important eastern
affluent of the Euphrates. It still bears the name of Habur. It
rises in Mt. Masius (the present Karaja Dagh), some fifty miles
north of Resaina (Ras el-'Ain, "the head of the spring"), flows
south/southwest, imparting great fertility to its banks in its
winding way through the midst of the desert, and falls into the
Euphrates at Karkisiya (the ancient Carchemish) after a course,
to a great extent navigable, of about two hundred miles. The
most important tributary of the Habor is the Jeruyer, or ancient
Mygdonius, which flows into it after passing Nisibis and
Thubida. In IV Kings, xvii, 6; xviii, 11, the Habor is called
"the river of Gozan" (the modern Kaushan), on account of the
district of that name which it waters and which is now covered
with mounds, the actual remains of Assyrian towns. The river
Habor is distinctly named in the cuneiform inscriptions of
Tiglath-pileser I (about 1120-1110 B.C.), and, of
Asshurnasir-pal (885-860 B.C.), and it seems from the
expressions used by the last-named monarch that the river then
emptied itself into the Euphrates through several mouths. In I
Chronicles v, 26, it is stated that Phul, also called
Thelgathphalnasar (Tiglathpileser III), carried away the exiles
of the Transjordanic tribes of Israel into the district of the
Habor. It is in the same land that according to IV Kings, xvii,
3-6; xviii, 9-11, Salmanasar IV--and perhaps Sargon, his
immediate successor--settled the captives--of Northern Israel.
The Habor of IV Kings and I Chronicles must not be identified
with the Chobar (Heb. Kebhar) which is repeatedly mentioned by
the prophet Ezechiel (i, 1, 3; iii, 15, 23, etc.), and which was
a large navigable canal, east of the Tigris, near Nippur. The
Greek historian Procopius (6th cent. after Christ) says that the
Chaboras (the classical name of the Habor) formed the limit of
the Roman Empire. When the Spanish rabbi Benjamin of Tudela
visited (A.D. 1163) the mouth of the Habor, he found near by
some two hundred Jews who may have in part been the descendants
of the ancient captives of the Assyrian kings. At the present
day, the plain of the Habor is a favourite camping ground for
wandering Bedouins.
FRANCIS E. GIGOT
Haceldama
Haceldama
Haceldama is the name given by the people to the potter's field,
purchased with the price of the treason of Judas.
In Aramaic hagel dema, signifies "field of blood". The name is
written in Greek 'Akeldama, and very often 'Akeldamach, to
render by the letter ch the guttural sound of the final aleph.
St. Peter said in his discourse (Acts, i, 18-19): "He [Judas]
indeed hath possessed a field of the reward of iniquity, and
being hanged, burst asunder in the midst: and all his bowels
gushed out. And it became known to all the inhabitants of
Jerusalem: so that the same field was called in their tongue,
Haceldama, that is to say, The field of blood."
Judas seeing that Jesus was condemned, relates St. Matthew
(xxvii, 3-8), threw down the thirty pieces of silver in the
temple and went and hanged himself. "But the chief priests
having taken the pieces of silver, said: "It is not lawful to
put them into the corbona, because it is the price of blood. And
after they had consulted together they bought with them the
potter's field, to be a burying place for stangers. For this
cause, that field was called [Haceldama, that is,] The field of
blood, even to this day" (the bracketed words are added by the
Vulgate). According to the Acts this blood was that of Judas,
according to St. Matthew it was that of Christ. It is not
impossible that the people should have so designated the
potter's field, for both reasons. In saying that Judas acquired
a field with the reward of his crime, St. Peter undoubtedly did
not intend to say that the traitor purchased a field in order to
commit suicide therein. Since there was question of replacing
the fallen Apostle, St. Peter by an oratorical motion recalled
his tragic death and the acquisition of the field where he
perished, which was the sole reward of his treason. St. Matthew,
on the contrary, writes as an historian, and relates the manner
in which the prophecies were fulfilled (Zach., xi, 12-13; Jer.,
xxxii, 2, 15, 43; vii, 32).
It is permissible to conjecture from these two accounts, that
after the potter's field was polluted by the suicide of the
traitor, the proprietor hastened to rid himself of it, at any
cost. In this manner the chief priests were enabled to buy it
for thirty pieces of silver or thirty shekels, equivalent to
about twenty dollars. It seems to correspond to "the potter's
house" of Jeremias (xviii, 2-3), which further on (xix, 1-2) is
spoken of as being in the valley of the Son of Ennom, south of
Jerusalem. The same prophet declares (vii, 32) that in this
valley, "they shall bury in Topheth, because there is no other
place" owing to the Moloch worship being practised there. In his
"Onomasticon" (ed. Klostermann, p. 102, 16) Eusebius makes the
"field of Haceldama" lie nearer to "Thafeth of the valley of
Ennom". But under the word "Haceldama" (p. 38, 20) he says that
this field was pointed out as being "north of Mount Sion", but
this was evidently through inadvertence. St. Jerome corrects the
mistake and writes "south of Mount Sion" (p. 39, 27).
Tradition with regard to this place has remained the same
throughout the centuries. In fact, the Pilgrim of Piacenza who
was known by the name of Antoninus (c. 570) went from the pool
of Silo "to the field of Akeldemac", which then served as a
burial-place for pilgrims. Arculf (c. 670) visited it to the
south of Mount Sion and makes mention also of the pilgrims'
sepulchre. In the twelfth century, the crusaders erected beyond
the field, on the south side of the valley of Ennom, a large
building now in a ruined condition, measuring seventy-eight feet
in length from east to west, fifty-eight feet in width, and
thirty in height on the north. It is roofed and, towards the
southern end, covers several natural grottoes, which were once
used as sepulchres of the Jewish type, and a ditch is hollowed
out at the northern end which is sixty-eight feet long,
twenty-one feet wide, and thirty feet deep. It is estimated that
the bones and rubbish which have accumulated here form a bed
from ten to fifteen feet thick. They continued to bury pilgrims
here up to the beginning of the nineteenth century. Haceldama
(Hagg ed Dumm), has been the property of the non-United
Armenians since the sixteenth century.
Schick, Palestine Expl. Fund, Quarterly Statement (1892), 283-9;
Conder and Warren, The Survey of Western Palestine, Jerusalem
(London, 1884), 380.
Barnabas Meistermann
Bl. Hadewych
Bl. Hadewych
(HADEWIG, HEDWIG).
Prioress of the Premonstratensian convent of Mehre (Meer), near
Buederich, in Rhenish Prussia; b. about 1150; d. 14 April, about
the year 1200. She was a daughter of Hildegundis, with whom she
founded the convent of Meer about 1165, and whom she succeeded
as prioress at the convent in 1183. Her brother Herman was
provost of the Premonstratensian monastery of Kappenberg, in the
Diocese of Muenster, from 1171-1210. She, as well as her mother
and her brother, are counted among the Blessed.
MICHAEL OTT
Publius Aelius Hadrian
Publius AElius Hadrian
Emperor of the Romans; born 24 January, a.d. 76 at Rome; died 10
July, 138. He married his cousin and ward, Julia Sabina,
grand-niece of Trajan. He reigned from 118 to 138, devoted
himself to art and science, and possessed notable qualifications
as a statesman and soldier. He abandoned Armenia, Mesopotamia,
and Assyria, countries that his predecessor had hoped to acquire
permanently by the conquest of the Parthians, and confined his
efforts to developing the Province of Arabia. He strengthened
his amicable relations with the Senate by various favours; he
remitted arrears of taxes that had been owing to the treasury
for fifteen years. The absolute power of the emperor reached
limits never attained before. A conspiracy formed against
Hadrian's life by distinguished officers during one of his
campaigns in Moesia was suppressed by the senators, and the four
ringleaders were executed without the emperor's knowledge. In
pursuance of his political, scientific, and military interests
he travelled over the Roman provinces during his reign, first
through those in the North and the North-West, then Spain and
Mauretania, and finally the Orient and Greece, thereby assuring
the loyalty of thirty legions and raising the discipline and
warlike efficiency of the Roman army to a high standard, though
his policy was far-sighted and peaceful. He was commemorated on
the coinage as the restorer of the provinces. By protecting the
boundaries in the valley of the Lower Danube, and by building
many fortified places he encouraged the settlement of the
province of Dacia by Roman colonists. In Germany he completed
the palisaded ditch between the Rhine and the Danube (limes
Hadriani). In Britain the legions constructed a fortified wall
extending from the mouth of the River Tyne to the Solway Firth
(vallum Hadriani) to protect the Roman boundaries from the
inroads of the Picts. This has been partially preserved. He
desisted from any attempt to subjugate the northern part of the
island. Numerous fortresses and military roads were built in
Africa and on the Black Sea. He built up the old Thracian colony
Uscudama into the flourishing city of Adrianople. A description
of the Pontic coasts was written at Hadrian's request by his
legate, the historian Flavius Arrianus of Nicomedia, in his
"Periplus". Although on his return he had lost some of his
popularity at Rome, he made a second tour abroad for several
years in 129, and conferred such an abundance of benefits and
gifts, particularly on Greece and Athens, that, according to his
biographer Spartianus, this city, where a new section called
Hadrian's quarter was built at the south-east of the old town,
again became the centre of Hellenic culture. He completed the
Olympieum that Pisistratus had begun, the largest temple in the
Graeco-Roman world.
The Greeks set up Hadrian's statue in the temple at Olympia and
built the Panhellenium in the new town in honour of Zeus
Panhellenius. In the provinces of Asia Hadrian encouraged and
aided the construction of aqueducts, bridges, roads, and
temples, and the restoration of ruined cities. By this means he
sought to relieve economic distress and at the same time to
promote his domestic policy. During an inundation of the Nile,
while he was travelling through Egypt, his favourite, the
beautiful young Antinous, a native of Bithynia, was drowned, in
the year 130. The emperor caused him to be deified. In order to
prevent the recurrence of insurrections by the Jews, who in
their religious schools were cherishing hopes of reviving a
Jewish kingdom under the Messias, the emperor ordered the Roman
troops in Jerusalem to raze the ruins left standing in that
ancient city and to set up a military colony, AElia Capitolina.
It was his wish to eradicate Judaism as such. The Jews revolted
in 132 under Simon, whom they called Bar-Cocheba. (Son of the
Stars). Inside of three years Sextus Julius Severus put down the
rising amid terrible destruction and bloodshed. The Jews were
forbidden to set foot within the old city. In the year 134
Hadrian returned to Italy. He built a temple to Trajan in Rome,
a colossal double temple to Venus and Roma, and the gigantic
mausoleum on the right bank of the Tiber, which constitutes the
kernel of the castle of Sant' Angelo. At his villa near Tivoli
he copied the monuments and landscapes that had made the
strongest impressions on him during his travels. In order to
unify jurisprudence throughout the entire empire, he ordered the
praetor Salvius Julianus to revise and codify systematically the
praetorian edicts and the annual supplementary edicts. In the
year 131 this "perpetual edict" (edictum perpetuum) obtained
force of law by virtue of a decree of the senate; the same force
was given to the opinions of the jurisconsults in all points
wherein they were agreed among themselves, in order, that the
system of the law might continue to develop. He bestowed the
highest administrative offices on men of knightly rank, instead
of on freedmen as heretofore, and regulated the succession of
these officers. During his absence from Rome he had created an
efficient, salaried council, clothed with statutory authority,
which was confirmed by the senate, and which had the decision of
all current important affairs in the administration of the
empire. According to Hadrian's wishes, the Christians were to be
punished only for such offences as came under the common law.
Although there was no outspoken statutory toleration of them,
they were not persecuted on account of their religion. With the
sanction of the senate, he adopted L. Ceionius Commodus Verus
and designated him as his successor by having the title of
Caesar conferred on him in 136. Because his brother-in-law, L.
Julius Ursus Servianus, cherished hopes of the succession for
his own youthful grandson, Fuscus Salinator, Hadrian had them
both put to death. After the death of Verus (1 January, 138) he
adopted the admirable Aurelius Antoninus, who was fifty-two
years old, appointed him co-ruler with himself, and prevailed
upon him to adopt L. Verus, the son of his own first adopted
son. Hadrian died of dropsy on 16 July, 138.
GREGOROVIUS, Der Kaiser Hadrian, Gemaelde der roem.-hellen. Welt
(3 vols. Stuttgart, 1884); DUeRR, Die Reisen Kaiser Hadrians
(Vienna, 1881); HILZIG, Die Stellung Kaiser Hadrians in der
roem. Rechtsgeschichte (Zurich, 1892); SCHILLER, Roemische
Kaiserzeit, (2 vols. Gotha, 1883).
KARL HOEBER
Hadrian
Hadrian
Martyr, died about the year 306. The Christians of
Constantinople venerated the grave of this victim of
Diocletian's persecution. We are told by legendary and
unverified records, which have been preserved in Greek and
Latin, that Hadrian was an officer in the bodyguard of Emperor
Galerius. In this capacity he was present one day, with the
emperor, at the trial and torture of twenty-two Christians in
Nicomedia. He was so impressed that he forthwith declared
himself a Christian, and with the others was thrown into prison.
His wife, Natalia, who had secretly become one herself, cheered
and ministered to her husband and his fellow-prisoners. The
account given in the Acts of the martyrs is embellished with a
number of legendary and, in part, very poetical details. Hadrian
and his companions in martyrdom were finally put to death. Their
members were first broken, after which they were delivered up to
the flames. Natalia is supposed to have brought to
Constantinople the mortal remains of her martyred husband.
Another legend speaks of a martyr, Hadrian of Nicomedia, who
figures in the Roman Martyrology and in the Greek Menaion under
26 August. Though different in detail, the story deals with the
same person. The remains of St. Hadrian were later laid in the
church erected under his name and patronage on the Roman forum,
which church (S. Adriano al Foro) is standing at the present
day. The feast of the translation, which, in the Roman Church is
the principal feast of this martyr and of his companions, is
celebrated on 8 September. The Roman Martyrology, however,
mentions them also on 4 March, while the Greek calendar places
their feast on 26 August. On this last date the Roman
Martyrology likewise makes mention of a Hadrian.
J.P. KIRSCH
Hadrumetum
Hadrumetum
(ADRUMETUM, also ADRUMETUS).
A titular see of Byzacena. Hadrumetum was a Phoenician colony
earlier than Carthage, and was already an important town when
the latter rose to greatness. Hannibal made use of it as a
military base in his campaign against Scipio at the close of the
Second Punic War. Under the Roman Empire it became very
prosperous; Trajan gave it the rank of a colonia. At the end of
the third century it became the capital of the newly-made
province of Byzacena. After suffering greatly from the Vandal
invasion, it was restored by Justinian, who called it
Justinianopolis. It was again afflicted by the Arabs (to whom it
is known as Susa) and restored by the Aglabites in the eleventh
century. In the twelfth century Norman of Sicily held it fora
time; the French captured it in 1881.
Susa has today 25,000 inhabitants, of whom 1100 are French, and
5000 are other Europeans, mainly Italians and Maltese. It is a
government centre in the Province of Tunis. It has a few
antiquities and some curious Christian catacombs. The native
portion of the town has hardly altered. It has a museum, a
garrison, an important harbour, and there are many oil wells in
the neighbourhood.
Between 255 and 551 we know of nine bishops of Hadrumteum, the
last of whom was Primasius, whose works are to be found in P.L.,
LXVIII, 467.
S. PETRIDES
Benedict van Haeften
Benedict van Haeften
(Haeftenus).
Benedictine writer, provost of the Monastery of Afflighem,
Belgium; born at Utrecht, 1588; died 31 July 1648, at Spa,
Belgium, whither he had gone to recover his health. After
studying philosophy and theology at Louvain, he entered the
Benedictine Abbey of Afflighem in 1609, took solemn vows on 14
May, 1611, and was ordained priest in 1613. Hereupon he returned
to Louvain to continue his theological studies, but has recalled
to his monastery when he was about to receive the licentiate in
theology. In 1616 he became prior, and in 1618 Matthias Hovius,
Archbishop of Mechlin, who wasat the same time Abbot of
Afflighem, appointed him provost of his monastery. Afflighem at
the time belonged to the Bursfeld Union, and under the prudent
direction of the pious van Haeften was in a flourishing
spiritualand temporal condition. Jacob Boonen, who had succeeded
Hovious as archbishop and abbot in 1620, desired to join the
monastery to the new Congregation of St. Vannes, in Lorraine,
which had a stricter constitution than Bursfeld. After some
prudent hesitation, van Haeften agreed to the change, and on 18
October, 1627, began his novitiate under the direction under the
direction of a monk of the Congregation of Lorraine. Together
with eight of his monks, he made confession according to the new
reform on 25 October, 1628, and founded the Belgian Congregation
of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin. The new reform
enjoined perpetual abstinence, daily rising at two o'clock in
the morning, and manual labour joined with study.Unhappily the
new congregation was of short duration. The intrusion uponthe
rights of the monks by the Archbishop of Mechlin brought about
its dissolution in 1654.
Van Haeften is the author of a learned and painstaking work of
monastic researches n the life and rule of St. Benedict,
entitled: "S. Benedictus illustratus, sive Disquisitionsum
monasticarum libri XII, quibus S.P. Benedicti Regula et
religiosorum rituum antiquitates varie dilucidantur" (Antwerp,
1644). The other six works of van Haeften that found their way
intoprint are of an ascetical character.
MICHAEL OTT
Gottfried Hagen
Gottfried Hagen
Gottfried Hagen, town clerk of Cologne, and author of the
Cologne "Reimchronik" (rhymed chronicle); died 1299. He filled
many influential positions, and took an active part in the
public life of his native city. Subsequently to the year 1268,
he is mentioned repeatedly in documents as "Magister Godefridus
clericus Coloniensis", "Notarius civitatis Coloniensis" pastor
(plebanus) of St. Martin the Lesser at Cologne, and dean of the
chapter of St. George. He gives his name with the title
town-clerk (der stede schriver) at the end of his "Book of the
City of Cologne" (Dit is dat boich van der stede Colne). This
"Reimchronik" is a very remarkable work of some 3000 couplets;
as a chronicle it is almost complete, if based at times on
unreliable traditions. At earliest, it was written in 1270 with
a supplement in 1271; it cannot have appeared later than the
period between 1277 and 1287. After a legendary introduction,
permeated with the idea of municipal liberty, it recounts the
conflicts between the city of Cologne and the Archbishops Conrad
and Engelbert II, and the feuds between the patrician party and
the guilds in the years 1252-71. Its arrangement is simple, its
style negligent, and its artistic merit slight, although it does
not lack some lively descriptions. The importance of the
chronicle lies in its contents. No other German city has records
so complete and so full of life for this early period. For
historical purposes, however, it should be used with great
caution. It is true that the strictures formerly passed upon its
reliability have proved to be very exaggerated. In rehearsing
facts the work is fairly accurate, but Hagen is a thorough
partisan, and an enthusiastic patriot. He was an adherent of the
group of patricians led by his relatives, the "Overstolzen", and
he opposed bitterly both the party of the "Weisen", the despised
guilds, and also the archbishops of Cologne, who, as lords of
the city, were the natural enemies of the development of Cologne
into a free imperial city. Nevertheless, the bishops and still
more the Holy See are always treated with respect. It cannot be
said that Hagen forged facts, but he modified them, and his
judgment is coloured to a high degree by party spirit. His
curious book is not so much a chronicle as a pamphlet written
for a purpose. It was highly esteemed in Cologne as a plea for
municipal liberty. Several medieval chroniclers have drawn
largely upon its contents. For a critical edition of the
"Reimchronik", see Cardauns and Schroeder in "Chroniken der
niederrheinischen Staedte: Koeln", I, 1-236, in "Chroniken der
deutschen Staedte", XII (Leipzig, 1875); cf. III, 963.
See MERLO in Jahrbucher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im
Rheinlande, LIX, 114, and especially KELLETER, Gottfried Hagen
(Trier, 1894).
HERMANN CARDAUNS.
Haggith
Haggith
This is the ordinary form of the name in the English Bible; it
corresponds better to the Hebrew Haggith, "Festive", than
Aggith, as the name is spelled in I Par., iii, 2. Haggith was
one of David's wives (II Kings, iii,4). Whose daughter she was,
we are not told. The Bible records only thatshe born to him
Adonias, the fourth of his sons, in Hebron, before he was king
over all Israel. That she was an uncommonly remarkable woman,
seems to be suggested from the custom of Biblical writers to
speak usually of Adonias as "the son of Haggith". Although harem
intrigues have ever played a great part in the East, nothing
indicates, however, that Haggith had anything to do either with
the attempt of her son to secure for himself the crown of Israel
(III Kings, I, 5-53), or with his fatal request, likely also
prompted by political motives, to obtain his father's Sunamite
concubine, Abisag, from Solomon (III Kings, ii, 13-25).
CHARLES L. SOUVAY
Hagiography
Hagiography
The name given to that branch of learning which has the saints
and their worship for its object. Writings relating to the
worship of the saints may be divided into two categories:
+ (a) those which are the spontaneous product of circumstances
or have been called into being by religious needs of one kind
or another (and these belong to what may be called practical
hagiography);
+ (b) writings devoted to the scientific study of the former
category (and these constitute critical hagiography).
(a) The worship of the saints has everywhere given rise, both in
the East and in the West, to a very considerable number of
documents, varying, in form and in tenor, with the object which
the author in each case had in view. Such, in primitive times,
are the lists of martyrs drawn up in particular Churches with a
view to the celebration of anniversaries, which lists become the
nucleus of the martyrologies. Documents of this kind merit a
special study (see MARTYROLOGY), and we need only mention them
here in passing (see "Analecta Bollandiana", XXVI, pp. 78-99).
Side by side with the martyrologies and calendars there are also
the narratives of martyrdoms and the biographies written by
contemporaries in memory of the heroes whom the Church
celebrates. Such are the "Passion of the Scilitan Martyrs", the
"Life of St. Augustine by Possidius, and the "Life of St.
Martin", by Sulpicius Severus. Sometimes, again, they are
accounts composed by writers who lived at some distance of time
from the events recorded, and whose object was to edify the
faithful or satisfy a pious curiosity. These hagiographers write
either in prose, like the author of the Acts of St. Cecilia, or
in verse, like Prudentius and so many others. Then again there
are texts composed or arranged, for liturgical use, from
historical documents or from artificial compositions. These
various classes of hagiographic works -- historical memoirs,
literary compositions, liturgical texts -- existed at first as
monographs; but soon the need was felt of gathering into a
collection separate pieces of the same nature. The most ancient
hagiographic collection of which mention is made is Eusebius's
compilation ton archaion martyrion synagoge, containing the
Passions of martyrs previous to the persecution of Diocletian.
Eusebius himself wrote, all in one piece, the book of the
martyrs of Palestine of the last persecution, as Theodoret
afterwards compiled his philotheos Historia from a series of
thirty biographies of which he himself was the author. Thus we
have two types of collections to one or other of which we may
attribute all those to be mentioned hereafter -- the type which
consists of a grouping of unlike pieces under one title and the
type which is a series of narratives all from the same pen.
Among the most famous collections of the Middle Ages we may cite
those of Gregory of Tours, under the titles "In Gloria Martyrum"
(P. L., LXXI, 705-80) and "In Gloria Confessorum" (loc. cit.,
827-910), the dialogues of St. Gregory the Great, "De Vita et
Miraculis Patrum Italicorum" (P. L., LXXVII, 147-429), the three
books of Eulogius of Toledo (died 859) entitled "Memorialis
Sanctorum" (P. L., CXV, 731-818).
In these collections the order is the historical order of the
particular subjects -- saints' Lives or Passions -- which they
include; later on there appear collections of a more artificial
character in which the Passions and the biographies of the
saints follow each other according to the dates of the calendar.
In the West these collections are known as "Passionaries" or
"Legendaries". In course of time every region came to have its
own; the Roman Legendary constitutes the common foundation of
all, and the special parts are determined by the local cultus.
The legendaries are usually made up of biographies and Passions
of relatively great length. Beginning with the thirteenth
century, collections of a more convenient size begin to appear,
containing the matter of the legendaries in a condensed form. Of
these unquestionably the most famous is the "Legenda Aurea" of
the Dominican Jacobus de Voragine, manuscripts of which were
plentifully distributed until the time when copies began to be
multiplied by printing. This work, moreover, was translated
during the Middle Ages into several modern languages, and indeed
it is to be remarked that a large number of saints' lives and
hagiographic collections in the vulgar tongues, which are now of
interest chiefly to students of philology, may be traced to
Latin originals. The importance of this body of literature may
be estimated by a perusal of, e. g., for French, M. Paul Meyer's
memoirs, "Notice sur un legendier franc,ais classe selon l'ordre
de l'annee liturgique" (Paris, 1898), "Notice sur trois
legendiers franc,ais attribues `a Jean Belet" (Paris, 1889). and
"Legendes hagiographiques en franc,ais" [in "Histoire litteraire
de la France", XXXIII (1906), pp. 328-459]. For German we may
mention F. Wilhelm, "Deutsche Legenden und Legendare" (Leipzig,
1907).
Other hagiographical compilations dating from the Middle Ages
are worthy of mention, although they have not all enjoyed the
same popularity. Such are the Sanctoral of Bernard Guy, Bishop
of Lodeve (died 1331), still unedited (see L. Delisle, "Notice
sur les manuscrits de Bernard Guy" in" Notices et Extraits",
XXVII, 2, 1879); the legendary of the Dominican Pierre Calo
(died. 1348}, also unedited; the "Sanctilogium Angliae" of John
of Tynemouth (died 1366), which became the "Nova legenda
Angliae" of John Capgrave (1464), of which we now have a
critical edition by C. Horstmann (Oxford, 1901, 2 vols., 8vo);
the "Sanctuarium" of B. Mombritius, printed at Milan about the
year 1480, in two folio volumes, and especially precious because
it reproduces the lives and the Passions of the old Manuscripts
without any reshaping or rehandling; the great compilations of
Jean Gielemans, a Brabantine canon regular (died 1487) under the
titles "Sanctilogium", "Hagiologium Brabantinorum", "Novale
Sanctorum" (see "Analecta Bollandiana", XIV, pp. 5-88); Hilarion
of Milan's supplement to Jacobus de Voragine (Legendarium . . .
supplementum illius de Voragine, Milan, 1494). After the middle
of the sixteenth century, the lives of the saints begun by
Aloysius Lipomano, Bishop of Verona ("Sanctorum priscorum patrum
vitae", Venice, 1551-60), continued and completed by Surius ("De
probatis sanctorum historiis", Cologne, 1570-75) which were
offered as both edifying reading and at the same time a
polemical arsenal against the Protestants, enjoyed a
considerable reputation and were several times reprinted. Father
Ribadeneyra's "Flos Sanctorum" (first edition Madrid, 1599) had
a greater popular success and was translated into several
languages; it was followed by a great number of lives of the
saints for every day in the year. Among the most famous of these
must be mentioned Alban Butler's, "The Lives of the Fathers,
Martyrs and Other Principal Saints", which first appeared in
1756 and was often reprinted and translated, and Mgr Guerin's
"Les petits Bollandistes" a collection which has nothing in
common with the "Acta Sanctorum" or with the publications of the
Bollandists. Most collections of lives of the saints,
particularly those in modern languages, are inspired by the idea
of edifying and interesting the reader, and without any great
solicitude for historical truth. We shall not speak here of
isolated biographies the number of which grew incessantly during
the Middle Ages and in later times, and which as constantly
served to swell the collections.
Among the Greeks the development of hagiography was -- at least
outwardly -- the same as among the Latins. The Passions of the
martyrs, biographies and panegyrics of the saints were gathered
in just the same way into collections, arranged in the order of
the Calendar, in the menologies mentioned as early as the ninth
century (see "Analecta Bollandiana", XVI, pp. 396-494; XVI, pp.
311-29; XVII, pp. 448-52). The Greeks, too, have their shorter
menologies, composed of abridged lives (bioi en syntomo, see
"Analecta Bollandiana", XVI, p. 325), and their Synaxaries, the
use of which is chiefly liturgical, are mainly compositions in
which the more extended lives and Passions are reduced to the
form of brief notices (see H. Delehaye, "Synaxarium ecclesiae
Constantinopolitanae, Propylaeum et Acta Sanctorum Novembris",
p. lix). Neither is there any lack of collections in popular
(modern) Greek, while the saints' lives of Margunios, Agapios
Landos, and others, down to the Megas Synaxaristes of C. Dukakis
(14 vols., 8vo, Athens, 1889-97), are widely read in
Greek-speaking countries.
Closely connected with Greek hagiography is Slavonic
hagiography. The reader is referred, for purposes of
orientation, to Martinov, "Annus graecoslavicus" in "Acta SS."
October, vol. XI, and the critical edition of the Menaea" of
Macarius now in course of publication at St. Petersburg (Moscow)
under the auspices of the Archaeographic Commission. The Orient
has been the scene of an analogous development. Passions of the
martyrs, lives of the saints, collections, synaxaries are all
found in the various Oriental languages; but, in spite of the
very praise-worthy efforts of the specialists, we are still
insufficiently informed as to details. Those desiring a summary
account of the hagiography of the different peoples of those
regions are referred, for the Armenian, to the "Vitae et
Passiones Sanctorum", published by the Mechitarists of Venice in
1874, the great Armenian Synaxary of Ter-Israel (Constantinople,
1834), and the "Acta Sanctorum pleniora" of Aucher (12 vols.,
Venice, 1810-35); for the Coptic, to H. Hyvernat, "Actes des
martyrs de l'Egypte" (Pads, 1886), I. Balestri and H. Hyvernat
"Acta martyrum" in "Corpus scriptorum Orientalium; Scriptores
Coptici" (Paris, 1907), the Coptic Jacobite Synaxary, two
editions of which are in course of publication, one by I. Forget
in "Corpus script. christ. Or.: Scriptores Arabici", and the
other by R. Basset in the "Patrologia Orientalis", I; for the
Ethiopian, to the "Acta martyrum" by Esteves Pereira, and the
"Vitae Sanctorum indigenarum", by C. Conti Rossini and B.
Turajev, in "Corpus script. christ. Or.: Scriptores AEthiopici",
the "Monumenta AEthiopiae hagiologica" of Turajev, and the
Ethiopian Synaxary, by I. Guidi, in the "Patrologia Orientalis",
vol. I; for the Syriac, to the "Acta martyrum Orientalium" of
St. Ev. Assemani (2 vols, folio, Rome, 1748) and the "Acta
martyrum et sanctorum" of Bedjan (7 vols., 8vo, Leipzig,
1890-97); for the Georgian, to the "Sakart'hvelos Samot'hkhe" of
G. Sabmin (St. Petersburg, 1832). We must content ourselves here
with a rapid glance; a complete bibliography of hagiographical
materials would require several volumes. For fuller details we
refer the reader to the three works published by the
Bollandists: "Bibliotheca hagiographica latina" (2 vols,
1898-1901); "Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca" (2nd ed., 1909);
"Bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis" (1910).
(b) Scientific hagiography has for its object the criticism of
documents belonging to all the categories which we have
enumerated above. It involves two operations which are hardly
separable: the study of written tradition for the purpose of
establishing texts; and research into sources with the object of
determining the historical value of those texts. The earliest
attempts at a methodical hagiographic criticism date from the
beginning of the seventeenth century. It is known that Rosweyde
(died 1629) first conceived that project of forming a collection
of the "Acta Sanctorum" which since 1643 has been put into
execution by Bollandus and his collaborators (see BOLLANDISTS),
and which has for its essential aim the critical sifting and the
publication of all the hagiographic texts which have come down
to us relating to the saints quotquot toto orbe coluntur. From
the first volumes Bollandus and his colleagues have submitted
their documents to a criticism as severe as the means of
information and the state of historical science permitted. With
the developments attained by all branches of science in the
course of the last century, the importance of archaeological
discoveries in that period, the progress of philology and
palaeography, the possibility of using means of rapid
communication to obviate the difficulty of scattered material,
hagiography could not but take a new orientation. The
Bollandists have been induced to undertake, side by side with
the compilation of the "Acta Sanctorum", a course of labours
which, without modifying the spirit of their work, assures for
it a broader and firmer basis and a more rigorous application of
the principles of historical criticism. But they have not been
alone in their devotion to the science of hagiography as
constituted since the inauguration of their work; Mabillon,
"Acta SS. O.S.B.; Ruinart, "Acta martyrum sincera", and the
Assemani, "Acta martyrum Orientalium", have furnished important
supplements to the work.
Especially since the middle of the nineteenth century a host of
solid works have made their appearance to push forward
hagiographic science to a notable extent. We may recall here the
fine editions of the lives of German saints in the collection of
the "Monumenta Germaniae historica", the numerous Greek texts
brought to light by M. Papadopoulos-Kerameus and other learned
Hellenists in various countries, the recent publications of
Oriental writers mentioned above, and a mass of labours in
minute details which have often opened new paths for the science
of criticism. In passing, we may mention the researches of R. A.
Lipsius on the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles and the beautiful
studies of M. P. Franchi de' Cavalieri on a selection of Acts of
the martyrs. The" Bulletin des publications hagiographiques" of
the "Analecta Bollandiana" may fill in for the reader the gaps
left by this rapid review. Something should also be said as to
the progress of hagiographical criticism as applied to
martyrologies; but the subject is worthy of a special article.
It would not be proper however, to pass over in silence the
researches of J. B. De Rossi and of L. Duchesne on the
Hieronymic Martyrologium and the critical edition to which these
researches have led (Acta Sanctorum, November, II, at the
beginning of the volume). The critical researches on historical
martyrologies brilliantly inaugurated by Sollerius
("Martyrologium Usuardi" in "Acta Sanctorum", June, VI, VII)
have been enlarged and brought into line with modern criticism
by D. Quentin ("Les martyrologes historiques", Paris, 1908).
As will be readily understood, the distinction which we have
established between practical and scientific hagiography is not
always sharply defined. More than one attempt has been made to
conciliate science with piety and to supply the latter with
nourishment that has been passed through the sieve. The first
collection of saints lives conceived in this spirit is that of
A. Baillet, "Les Vies des saints composees sur ce qui nous est
reste de plus authentique et de plus assure dans leurs
histoires" (Paris, 1701), the first volumes of which
(January-August) were put upon the Index (cf. Reusch, "Der Index
der verbotenen Bucher", II, 552). Again, the programme of a
series of separate saints' lives, edited in France under the
title "Les Saints", was inspired by a like idea of edifying the
reader with biographies which should be irreproachable from the
historical point of view. it is hardly necessary to add that
more than one hagiographical publication of erudite and critical
pretensions possesses no importance from a scientific point of
view. Examples are as numerous as they appear superfluous.
HIPPOLYTE DELEHAYE.
The Hague
The Hague
(Fr. LA HAYE; Dutch 's GRAVENHAGE, "the Count's Park"; Lat. HAGA
COMITIS)
Capital and seat of Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
as well as of the (civil) Province of South Holland. It is
situated two miles from the shores of the German Ocean, on a
piece of low ground, which was at one time thickly wooded,
between the mouths of the Mass and the Old Rhine. In 1908 it had
254,500 inhabitants, of whom 71,000 were Catholics. Among the
most noteworthy edifices are the Gothic Groote Kerk (Great
Church), originally a Catholic church, dating from the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, the Nieuwe Kerk (New Church) built in
1649, with the monuments of the brothers de Witt and of Spinoza.
Of the nine Catholic churches in the city the most famous are
St. James's (built, in 1878, by Cuypers), St. Joseph's (1868),
St. Anthony's (1835), and the Willibrordus (built, 1821;
enlarged, 1865). The Binnenhof is historically the most
important public edifice. It is an irregular pile of
architecture of various dates, enclosing a square court and
formerly surrounded by a moat. The nucleus of the whole is the
Rittersaal (Hall of the Knights), which dates from the time of
the city's foundation. In the Binnenhof are the council chambers
of the old States-General, as well as the assembly halls of both
houses of the actual Parliament of the Netherlands. Other
structures worthy of mention are the royal palace, built in the
first half of the seventeenth century and extended in 1816; the
Mauritzhuis picture gallery, rich in masterpieces of Rembrandt,
Potter, and Rubens, the City Hall (erected in 1565; enlarged and
restored 1882-83), and the royal country residence, 't Huis ten
Bosch (the House in the Wood), the meeting place of the famous
first International Peace Conference.
Ecclesiastically, The Hague is a deanery of the Diocese of
Haarlem, and has nine parishes, two of which are administered by
Jesuits (eighteen fathers) and one by Franciscans (nine
fathers). There are also houses of the Brothers of Mercy, the
Brothers of the Congregation of Our Lady of Lourdes, the Sisters
of Tilburg, the Sisters of Rosendaal, the Sisters of Delft, the
Borromean Sisters (two convents), and the Ladies of the Sacred
Heart (one school). There are numerous pious associations, of
which the most important are the Dutch Society of St. Gregory,
the League of St. Peter Claver, the Catholic Teachers' Union,
the St. James's Association for the Instruction of the Catholic
Youth of The Hague, the Societies of St. Boniface and St.
Canisius, the Society of St. Vincent, and the Catholic People's
Union.
HISTORY
In the eleventh century the Counts of Holland built themselves a
hunting-lodge in the great forest which then covered the site of
The Hague. William II, Count of Holland and King of Germany,
replaced this earlier building with the castle which formed the
nucleus of the Binnenhof mentioned above. This castle was
enlarged by his son Floris V, who made it his residence after
1291. Although many of the Counts of Holland maintained a
brilliant Court, affording hospitality to poets and painters
(Jan van Eyck among the latter), the place nevertheless remained
unimportant. During the war between Guelders and Germany, The
Hague was captured and pillaged by bands of Guelders,
freebooters under Martin of Rossum. The ideas of the German
Reformers soon found entrance into the city, but were suppressed
with sanguinary rigour. It was here that the first Dutch martyr
for the new creed, the pastor Jan de Bakker of Worden, suffered
death by fire in the Binnenhof in 1526. Again, in 1570, under
the Duke of Alva's reign of terror, four preachers were burnt
for heresy at The Hague. The Reformation, however, gained the
upper band during the revolt of the Netherlands from Spain. The
town suffered grievous pillage at the hands of the Spanish
troops in the course of the Dutch War of Independence. But with
the conclusion of peace commerce and industry rapidly recovered.
In 1593 The Hague was the seat of the Dutch States-General, but,
owing to the jealousy of the cities which had votes, it was
deprived of representation in the States, and became "the
largest village" in Europe, having, in 1622, as many as 17,430
inhabitants. With the rise of Holland to the position of the
first maritime and colonial power of Europe, in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, The Hague became the most important
centre of European diplomacy. Many international treaties were
concluded there: in 1666, the alliance between Denmark and
Holland against England; in 1668, the Triple Alliance of
England, Sweden, and Holland, which compelled Louis XIV to
conclude the Peace of Aachen; in 1707, the great alliance of the
maritime powers and the Emperor Leopold against France; in 1710,
the "Concert of The Hague", consisting of the German emperor,
England, and Holland, to maintain the neutrality of Northern
Germany in the war of the Northern powers with Sweden; in 1718,
the Quadruple Alliance between England, France, the emperor, and
Holland, to enforce the conditions of the Treaty of Utrecht, and
thereby check the aggressive policy of Spain.
During the bitter partisan strife within the Republic, The Hague
was the scene of many memorable historical episodes. In the
course of the religious feuds between the Arminians and the
Gomarists, Prince Maurice of Orange caused the arrest of Jan van
Olden-Barneveld, the septuagenarian grand pensionary, an
Arminian, together with his learned companions Hugo Grotius and
Hogerbeets, in the Binnenhof (1619). The grand pensionary, in
spite of a brilliant defence, was condemned and executed (13
May, 1619). The death of the two brothers de Witt, in 1672, was
even more tragic. Jan de Witt, as grand pensionary, had directed
the policy of Holland for nearly two decades and, while at the
height of his power, had, by the Perpetual Edict, debarred
William III of Orange from enjoying the hereditary office of
stadtholder. When, in spite of this, William was elected
Stadtholder of Holland and Captain-General of the Netherlands,
in 1672, Jan's brother, Cornelius de Witt, was falsely accused
of an attempt to murder the prince, and was thrown into prison.
A frenzied rabble of partisans of the Prince of Orange broke
into the prison, into which Jan de Witt, also, had been
inveigled by a pretended summons from his brother, seized both
the de Witts, and tore them to pieces.
During the French Revolution, The Hague was the capital of the
Batavian Republic. When Napoleon turned this republic into a
kingdom for his brother Louis, The Hague obtained a city
charter, but the seat of government was transferred to
Amsterdam, until the Restoration (1815), when The Hague regained
its political importance. It was the meeting-place of the
International Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907, and is the
permanent seat of the International Court of Arbitration.
VAN STOCKUM, 's Gravenhage in den loop der tijden (2 vols., The
Hague, 1889); Onze Pius Almanak (Amsterdam, 1909).
JOSEPH LINS
Ida Hahn-Hahn
Ida Hahn-Hahn
Countess, convert and authoress, born 22 June, 1805; died 12
January, 1880. She was descended from a family that formerly was
one of the wealthiest and most illustrious of the wealthiest and
most illustrious of the Mecklenburg nobility. Her father, the
tragic and famous "Theatergraf" (theatrical count), sqandered
such huge sums on his one hobby, the drama, that he reduced the
family to great straits and finally had to be placed under the
supervision of a guardian. Fortunately he did not have much
influence on Ida's education. On the other hand, the pious
disposition of her mother also seems to have been antipathetic
to her. Consequently the bringing up of the sixteen-year old
girl, who ought to have been preparing for confirmation, seems
to have been particularly superficial in all matters of
religion, according to her own admission. Her mind was just as
deficiently cultivated in other lines of study, so that the
countess later in life had to fill out many a gap in her
education by reading. When she was twenty-one years old she
married her cousin, Count Friedrich von Hahn, Erbmarschall
(hereditary marsha]) of Basedow: hence her double name
Hahn-Hahn. It was a marriage of convenience, contracted without
any affection on either side and culminating in a divorce at the
end of three years. Her only child being mentally and bodily
deformed, was for years the source of acute grief to the mother.
She withdrew from society and lived for a long while in
retirement with her mother in the Greifswald. But after a time
she visited Switzerland, Austria, Italy, Spain and France. Later
on she made a tour of the North and after that of the East.
The countess enjoyed absolute independence during this period
(1829-1849), and led the life of an emancipated woman of the
world. Much talk was caused by her association with Baron von
Bistram, who used to accompany her on her travels, as also by
her brief acquaintance with the famous lawyer, Henry Simond. One
day, in 1849, opening the Bible at random she chanced on Isaias
60:1: "Arise, be enlightened, O Jerusalem: for thy light is
come, and the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee." She
accepted the sign and, after wrestling with her soul for several
months, wrote to Prince Bishop Diepenbrock, asking to be
admitted to the Catholic Church. The Prelate subjected her to a
severe test to make sure that her resolution was earnest, but
she withstood this ordeal, and on 26 March, 1850, made
profession of the Catholic Faith before Bishop von Ketteler in
the Hedwigs-Mainz with the Sisters of the Good Shepherd, for
whom she had founded a convent there, mostly out of her own
means. The last thirty years of life were devoted entirely to
works of piety and to serious writing with a definite and lofty
purpose: she condemned her own earlier compositions before the
whole literary world. She was afflicted with much bodily
suffering during her last few years on earth, but she bore it
with consummate heroism.
Poems
The small volumes, "Gedichte" (1835), "Neuere Gedichte" (1836),
"Venezianische Nachte" (1836), "Lieder und Gedichte" (1837), and
"Astralion" (1839), show depth of sentiment and a high standard
of form and contents; but at the same time they betray the
youthfulness of the author and the almost overwhelming influence
of her favourite poet, Lord Byron. Two small volumes written
after her conversion are: "Unsere Liebe Frau" (1851) and "Das
Jahr der Kirche" (1854), their titles being significant of their
contents.
Novels written before the conversion
The Countess's real literary talent was evinced in her novels.
Her first two attempts were "Ilda Schonholm" or "Aus der
Gesellschaft" (1838) and "Der Rechte" (1839). Even these books
show promise of the sureness and self-confidence that were so
characteristic of her later works, but they are marred by
slovenly and inartistic construction. From the point of view of
morality, the two first-fruits are the least worthy of all that
countess ever wrote. Her next novels and tales are of a far
higher order in both respects. "Graefin Faustine" (1840) still
shows the influence of her learning towards emancipation, but
this, of course, was somewhat mitigated by the fact that at the
end of the book the Graefin enters a convent. Both artistically
and morally, "Sigismund Forster" (1847) is the best of the many
books which came from Ida's pen at that time, including "Ulrich"
(1841), "Die Kinder auf dem Abendberg" (1843), "Cecil" (1844),
"Zwei Frauen" (1845), "Clelia Conti" (1846), "Sibylle"
(1846)--an autobiography--and "Levin" (1848).
Books of travel
These are among the most mature works that the countess produced
in this period. They are not books of travels in the ordinary
sense, but rather the personal impressions of their author.
"Jenseits der Berge" (1840), dealing with Italy, was followed by
"Erinnerungen aus und an Frankreich" (1842), " Ein Reiseversuch
im Norden" (1843), and lastly "Orientalische Briefe" (1844).
Tales and novels written after her conversion
The story of her conversion is set forth in her famous book:
"Von Babylon nach Jerusalem" (1851). This work could also
reasonably be called a defence of the Catholic Church. The
little book: "Aus Jerusalem" (1851) runs along the same trend of
thought, and was followed by "Die Liebhaber des Kreuzes" (1852).
Eight years later (1860) she reverted to the novel pure and
simple in "Maria Regina", which achieved an immense circulation.
In "Doralice" (1861) she displayed even more improvement and
artistic refinement. This book was followed by "Die zwei
Schwestern" (1863), "Peregrin" (1864), "Die Erbin von
Cronenstein" (1869), "Geschichte einer armen Familie" (1869),
"Die Erzaehlung des Hofrats" (1871), "Die Glocknerstochter"
(1871), "Vergieb uns unsere Schuld" (1874), "Nirwana" (1875),
"Der breite Weg und die enge Strasse" (1877), and "Wahl und
Fuhrung" (1878).
Devotional works
"Die Martyrer" (1856), "Die Vaeter der Wueste" (1857), "Die
Vaeter der orientalischen Kirche" (1859), "Vier Lebensbilder.
Ein Papst, ein Bischof, ein Priester, ein Jesuit" (1861); "St.
Augustinus" (1866), "Eudoxia" (1867), "Leben der hl. Theresia
von Jesus" (1867), and many others written in a straightforward,
simple style.
Her works, before her conversion, appeared at Leipzig and
Berlin; after her conversion, at Mainz. The "Jubilee edition"
appeared at Ratisbon in 1905, with a preface by Schaching.
HELENE (Lemaitre), Grafin Ida Hahn-Hahn (Leipsig, 1869);
HAFFNER, Grafin Ida Hahn-Hahn (Frankfort, 1880), KEITER, Ida
Grafin Hahn-Hahn, ein Lebens und Literaturbid (Wurzburg, s.d.
STOCKMANN, Ida Grafin Hahn-Hahn, ein Lebensbild in Stimmen aus
Maria-Laach (1905), 300-14, 424-39, 542-56.
N. SCHEID
Herenaus Haid
Herenaus Haid
Catechist, born in the Diocese of Ratisbon, 16 February, 1784;
died 7 January, 1873. His parents were quite destitute, and
Raid, in his earliest youth, was deprived of all schooling. He
was a shepherd's boy and had learned from his pious mother only
how to say the rosary and to recite the little catechism of
Canisius. Despite privation and obstacles, he finished his
preparatory studies at Neuburg and his theological studies at
Landshut. At Munich, which diocese he entered (1807) after his
ordination, he obtained the degree of Doctor of Divinity, in
1808. But parochial work was not to be his field. His relations
with Sailer (q. v.) inclined him to a literary life and among
the first shorter productions of his pen was a treatise "Der
Rosenkranz nach Meinung der kath. Kirche" (Landshut, 1810). It
was through Sailer's intervention too that he was called to St.
Gall as professor of exegesis. Here he taught from 1813 to 1818,
and also acted as spiritual director in the seminary. His
ability was soon recognized even at Munich, and he was called
back and placed in charge of an important parish. The
exasperation shown in anti-religious circles of Munich at his
return is the best possible evidence of his apostolic zeal and
energy. After much chicanery and government pressure he was
relegated to a country parish (1824). But he ventured to return
to the capital under Ludwig and was highly honoured by his
bishop.
One of his most intimate friends, Dr. Ringseis, has paid in his
"Erinnerungen" (I, p. 113) a glowing tribute to Haid's labours
as a confessor. His life work was the establishment of the
catechism course in his church of Unsere liebe Frau, whereby he
has merited a place in the history of catechetics. The origin
and growth of this foundation is described in his large
catechetical work "Die gesamte christliche Lehre in ihrem
Zusammenhang" (7 vols., Munich, 1837-45). In the preface to the
seventh volume he explains the manner in which he was wont to
conduct his catechizing. In his simple statements is to be found
a complete theory or system of catechetics. He lays special
stress on the Roman catechism and the catechism of Canisius. The
deep veneration in which Raid, from his earliest youth, had held
the latter found expression in his later writings, when he not
only edited under different forms and translated the "Summa
doctrinae christianae" of Blessed Peter Canisius, but also
published some of the smaller works and a comprehensive
biography of their author. During the closing years of his life
he was afflicted with almost total blindness, but he bore his
affliction with the greatest resignation. When death claimed him
he had almost reached his ninetieth year. An account of a number
of Haid's smaller works, not mentioned above, is to be found in
the third volume of Kayser's "Bucherlexikon" (Leipzig, 1835),
16.
Muenchener Pastoralblatt, 1873; RINGSEIS, Erinnerungen,
especially I and IV (1886).
N. SCHEID.
Hail Mary
Hail Mary
The Hail Mary (sometimes called the "Angelical salutation",
sometimes, from the first words in its Latin form, the "Ave
Maria") is the most familiar of all the prayers used by the
Universal Church in honour of our Blessed Lady.
It is commonly described as consisting of three parts. The
first, "Hail (Mary) full of grace, the Lord is with thee,
blessed art thou amongst women", embodies the words used by the
Angel Gabriel in saluting the Blessed Virgin (Luke, I, 28). The
second, "and blessed is the fruit of thy womb (Jesus)", is
borrowed from the Divinely inspired greeting of St. Elizabeth
(Luke, i, 42), which attaches itself the more naturally to the
first part, because the words "benedicta tu in mulieribus" (I,
28) or "inter mulieres" (I, 42) are common to both salutations.
Finally, the petition "Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us
sinners now and at the hour of our death. Amen." is stated by
the official "Catechism of the Council of Trent" to have been
framed by the Church itself. "Most rightly", says the Catechism,
"has the Holy Church of God added to this thanksgiving, petition
also and the invocation of the most holy Mother of God, thereby
implying that we should piously and suppliantly have recourse to
her in order that by her intercession she may reconcile God with
us sinners and obtainfor us the blessing we need both for this
present life and for the life which has no end."
ORIGIN
It was antecedently probable that the striking words of the
Angel's salutation would be adopted by the faithful as soon as
personal devotion to the Mother of God manifested itself in the
Church. The Vulgate rendering, Ave gratia plena, "Hail full of
grace", has often been criticized as too explicit a translation
of the Greek chaire kecharitomene, but the words arein any case
most striking, and the Anglican words are in any case most
striking, and the Anglican Revised Version now supplements the
"Hail, thouthat art highly favoured" of the original Authorized
Version by the marginal alternative, "Hail thou, endued with
grace". We are not surprised, then, to find these or analogous
words employed in a Syriac ritual attributed to Severus,
Patriarch of Antioch (c. 513), or by Andrew of Crete and St.
John Damascene, or again the "Liber Antiphonarious" of St.
Gregory the Great as the offertory of the Mass for the fourth
Sunday of Advent. But such examples hardly warrant the
conclusion that the Hail Mary was at that early period used in
the Church as a separate formula of Catholic devotion. Similarly
a story attributing the introduction of the Hail Mary to St.
Ildephonsus of Toledo must probably be regarded as apocryphal.
The legend narrates how St. Ildephonsus going to the church by
night found our Blessed Lady seated in the apse in his own
episcopal hair with a choir of virgins around her who were
singing her praises. Then St. Ildephonsus approached "making a
series of genuflections and repeating at each of them those
words of the angel's greeting: `Hail Mary full of grace the Lord
is with thee, blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the
fruit of thy womb'". Our Lady then showed her pleasure at this
homage and rewarded the saint with the gift of a beautiful
chasuble (Mabillon, Acta SS. O.S.B., saec V, pref., no. 119).
The story, however, in this explicit form cannot be traced
further back than Hermann of Laon at the beginning of the
twelfth century.
In point of fact there is little or no trace of the Hail Mary as
an accepted devotional formula before about from certain
versicles and responsories occurring in the Little Office or
Cursus of the Blessed Virgin which just at that time was coming
into favour among the monastic orders. Two Anglo-Saxon
manuscripts at the British Museum, one of which may be as old as
the year 1030, show that the words "Ave Maria" etc. and
"benedicta tu in mulieribus et benedictus fructus ventris tui"
occurred in almost every part of the Cursus, and though we
cannot be sure that these clauses were at first joined together
so as to make one prayer, there is conclusive evidence that this
had come to pass only a very little later. (See "The Month",
Nov., 1901, pp. 486-8.) The great collections of Mary-legends
which began to be formed in the early years of the twelfth
century (see Mussafia, "Marien-legenden") show us that this
salutation of our Lady was fast becoming widely prevalent as a
form of private devotion, though it is not quite certain how far
it was customary to include the clause "and blessedis the fruit
of thy womb". But Abbot Baldwin, a Cistercian who was made
Archbishop of Canterbury in 1184, wrote before this date a sort
of paraphrase of the Ave Maria in which he says:
To this salutation of the Angel, by which we daily greet the most
Blessed Virgin, with such devotion as we may, we are accustomed to
add the words, "and blessed is the fruit of thy womb," by which
clause Elizabeth at a later time, on hearing the Virgin's salutation
to her, caught up and completed, as it were, the Angel's words,
saying: "Blessed are thou amongst women and blessed is the fruit of
thy womb."
Not long after this (c. 1196) we meet a synodal decree of Eudes
de Sully, Bishop of Paris, enjoining upon the clergy the see
that the "Salutation of the Blessed Virgin" was familiarly known
to their flocks as well as the Creed and the Lord's Prayer; and
after this date similar enactments become frequent in every part
of the world, beginning in England with the Synod of Durham in
1217.
THE HAIL MARY A SALUTATION
To understand the early developments of this devotion it is
important to grasp the fact that those who first used this
formula fully recognized that the Ave Maria was merely a form of
greeting. It was therefore long customary to accompany the words
with some external gesture of homage, a genuflection, or least
an inclination of the head. Of St. Aybert, in the twelfth
century, it is recorded that he recited 150 Hail Marys daily,
100 with genfluctions and 50 with prostrations. So Thierry tells
us of St. Louis of France that "without counting his other
prayers the holy King knelt down every evening fifty times and
each time he stood upright then knelt again and repeated slowly
an Ave Maria." Kneeling at the Ave Maria was enjoined in several
of the religious orders. So in the Ancren Riwle (q.v.), a
treatise which an examination of the Corpus Christi manuscript
402 shows to be of older date than the year 1200, the sisters
are instructed that, at the recitation both of the Gloria Patri
and the Ave Maria in the Office, they are either to genuflect or
to incline profoundly according to the ecclesiastical season. In
this way, owing to the fatigue of these repeated prostrations
and genufletions, the recitation of a number of Hail Marys
wasoften regarded as a penitential exercise, and it is recorded
of certain canonized saints, e.g. the Dominican nun St. Margaret
(d. 1292), daughterof the King of Hungary, that on certain days
she recited the Ave a thousand times with a thousand
prostrations. This concept of the Hail Mary as a form of
salutation explains in some measure the practice, which is
certainly older than the epoch of St. Dominic, of repeating the
greeting as many as 150 times in succession. The idea is akin to
that of the "Holy, Holy, Holy", which we are taught to think
goes up continually before the throne of the Most High.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE HAIL MARY
In the time of St. Louis the Ave Maria ended with the words of
St. Elizabeth: "benedictus fructus ventris tui"; it has since
been extended by the introduction both of the Holy Name and of a
clause of petition. As regards the addition of the word "Jesus,"
or, as it usually ran in the fifteenth century, "Jesus Chrustus,
Amen", it is commonly said that this was due to the initiative
of Pope Urban IV (1261) and to the confirmation and indulgence
of John XXII. The evidence does not seem sufficiently clear to
warrant positive statement on the point. Still, there, can be no
doubt that this was the widespread belief of the later Middle
Ages. A popular German religious manual of the fifteenth century
("Der Selen Troist", 1474) even divides the Hail Mary into four
portions, and declares that the first part was composed by the
Angel Gabriel, the second by St. Elizabeth, the third,
consisting only of the Sacred Name. Jesus Christus, by the
popes, and the last, i.e. the word Amen, by the Church.
THE HAIL MARY AS A PRAYER
It was often made a subject of reproach against the Catholics by
the Reformers that the Hail Mary which they so constantly
repeated was not properly a prayer. It was a greeting which
contained no petition (see. e.g. Latimer, Works, II, 229-230).
This objection would seem to have long been felt, and as a
consequence it was uncommon during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries for those who recited their Aves privately to add some
clause at the end, after the words "ventris tui Jesus". Traces
of this practice meet us particularly in the verse paraphrases
of the Ave which date from this period. The most famous of these
is that attributed, though incorrectly, to Dante, and belonging
in any case to the first half of the fourteenth century. In this
paraphrase the Hail Mary ends with the following words:
O Vergin benedetta, sempre tu
Ora per noi a Dio, che ci perdoni,
E diaci grazia a viver si quaggiu
Che'l paradiso al nostro fin ci doni;
(Oh blessed Virgin,
pray to God for us always, that He may pardon us
and give us grace, so to live here below that
He may reward us with paradise at our death.)
Comparing the versions of the Ave existing in various languages,
e.g. Italian, Spanish, German, Provenc,al, we find that there is
a general tendency to conclude with an appeal for sinners and
especially for help at the hour of death. Still a good deal of
variety prevailed in these forms of petition. At the close of
the fifteenth century there was not any officially approved
conclusion, though a form closely resembling our present one was
sometimes designated as "the prayer of Pope Alexander VI" (see
"Der Katholik", April, 1903, p. 334), and was engraved
separately on bells (Beisesel, "Verehrung Maria", p. 460). But
for liturgical purposes the Ave down to the year 1568 ended with
"Jesus, Amen", and an observation in the "Myroure of our Ldy"
written for the Bridgettine nuns of Syon, clearly indicates the
generally feeling. "Some saye at the begynnyng of this
salutacyon Ave benigne Jesu and some saye after `Maria mater
Dei', with other addycyons at the ende also. And such thinges
may be saide when folke saye their Aves of theyr own devocyon.
But in the servyce of the chyrche, I trowe it to be moste sewer
and moste medeful (i.e. meritorious) to obey the comon use of
saying, as the chyrche hath set, without all such addicions."
We meet the Ave as we know it now, printed in the breviary of
the Camaldolese monks, and in that of the Order de Mercede c.
1514. Probably this, the current form of Ave, came from Italy,
and Esser asserts that it is to be found written exactly as we
say it now in the handwriting of St. Antoninus of Florence who
died in 1459. This, however, is doubtful. What is certain is
that an Ave Maria identical with our own, except for the
omission of the single word nostrae, stands printed at the head
of the little work of Savonarola's issued in 1495, of which
there is a copy in the British Museum. Even earlier than this,
in a French edition of the "Calendar of Shepherds" which
appeared in is repeated in Pynson's English translation a few
years later in the form: "Holy Mary moder of God praye for us
synners. Amen.". In an illustration which appears in the same
book, the pope and the whole Church are depicted kneeling before
our Lady and greeting her with this third part of the Ave. The
official recognition of the Ave Maria in its complete form,
though foreshadowed in the words of the Catechism of the Council
of Trent, as quoted at the beginning of this article, was
finally given in the Roman Breviary of 1568.
One or two other points connected with the Hail Mary can only be
briefly touched upon. It would seem that in the Middle Ages the
Ave often become so closely connected with the Pater noster,
that it was treated as a sort of farsura, or insertion, before
the words et ne nos inducas in tentationem when the Pater noster
was said secreto (see several examples quoted in "The Month",
Nov., 1901, p. 490). The practice of preachers interrupting
their sermons near the beginning to say the Ave Maria seems to
have been introduced in the Middle Ages and to be of Franciscan
origin (Beissel, p. 254). A curious illustration of its
retention among English Catholics in the reign of James II may
be found in the "Diary" of Mr. John Thoresby (I, 182). It may
also be noticed that although modern Catholic usage is agreed in
favouring the form "the Lord is with thee", this is a
comparatively recent development. The more general custom a
century ago was to say "our Lord is with thee", and Cardinal
Wiseman in one of his essays strongly reprobates change (Essays
on Various Subjects, I, 76), characterizing it as "stiff,
cantish and destructive of the unction which the prayer
breathes". Finally it may be noticed that in some places, and
notably in Ireland, the feeling still survives that the Hail
Mary is complete with the word Jesus. Indeed the writer is
informed that within living memory it was not uncommon for Irish
peasant, when bidden to say Hail Marys for a penance, to ask
whether they were required to say the Holy Marys too. Upon the
Ave Maria in the sense of Angelus, see ANGELUS. On account of
its connection with the Angelus, the Ave Maria was often
inscribed on bells. One such bell at Eskild in Denmark, dating
from about the year 1200, bears the Ave Maria engraved upon it
in runic characters. (See Uldall, "Danmarks Middelalderlige
Kirkeklokker", Copenhagen, 1906, p. 22.)
HERBERT THURSTON
Karl von Haimhausen
Karl von Haimhausen
(Corrupt form of Aymausen.)
German missionary; b. at Munich, of a noble Bavarian family, 28
May, 1692; d. in Chile, 7 April, 1767. On 20 October, 1702, he
entered the Society of Jesus, and, in 1724, went as a missionary
to Chile. He was a professor of theology and for many years
rector of the Collegium Maximum at Santiago. Chile having been
constituted an independence province of the order in 1624,
Father Haimhausen was made provincial procurator, master of
novices, and instructor. In these capacities he won such high
esteem that even the Spanish bishops and the viceroy chose him
for their confessor in spite of the fact of his being a
foreigner.
Haimhausen completed the magnificent college church in Santiago,
built a novitiate establishment and two houses for spiritual
retreats, with churches attached to them, and rendered most
valuable service in promoting the economic and industrial
development of the colony. The abundance of gold and silver that
poured out of the mines of the newly acquired countries has
ruined the industries of the mother country, since it was easier
and more convenient for Spain to import manufactured articles
from abroad and pay for them in specie (R. Capps, "Estudios
criticos acerca de la dominacion espanola en America", XIII,
169, and passim). As a result, art and industries in the
colonies decayed. Their regeneration was due especially to the
German and Dutch missionaries who went thither at the end of the
seventeenth century. Haimhausen founded an arts-and-crafts
school at Calera, near Santiago, himself procuring the proper
assistance from Germany. Here the ateliers of the bell-founder,
the watchmaker and the goldsmith, the organ-builder and the
furniture maker, and the studios of the painter and sculptor
turned out monuments of arts and crafts such as Chile had
hitherto never seen.
Huonder, Jesuitenmissionaere des 17ten und 18ten Jahrhunderts
(Freiberg im Br., 1899), 65-75 sqq. 92, 132; Cappa, Estudios
criticos acerca de la dominacion espanola en America, VIII,
Industrias mecanicas, 193 sqq.; XIII, 170; Enrich, Historia de
la Campania de Jesus en Chile, I (Barcelona, 1891), 103 sqq.,
129 sqq., 243, 294; Carayon, Documents inedits, XVI (Poitiers,
1867-68), 331 sqq. Two letters of Haimhausen are published in
the Welt-Bott, nos. 203 and 776. The manuscript of an apologia
for the Society of Jesus, written in 1755, is contained in the
archives of the Foreign Office at Santiago.
A. HUONDER
Hair (In Christian Antiquity)
Hair (in Christian Antiquity)
The subject of this article is so extensive that there can be no
attempt to describe the types of head-dress successively or
simultaneously in use in the Catholic Church. An idea can be
formed only from the texts and monuments quoted, and here we
shall simply indicate the principal characteristics of
head-dress at different times and among different classes.
The paintings in the catacombs permit the belief that the early
Christians simply followed the fashion of their time. The short
hair of the men and the waved tresses of the women were, towards
the end of the second century, curled, frizzed with irons, and
arranged in tiers, while for women the hair twined about the
head forming a high diadem over the brow. Particular locks were
reserved to fall over the forehead and upon the temples.
Religious iconography proceeds even now in accordance with types
created in the beginning of Christianity. Images of Christ
retain the long hair parted in the middle and flowing to the
shoulders. Those of the Blessed Virgin still wear the veil which
conceals a portion of the brow and confines the neck. The
Orantes, which represent the generality of the faithful, have
the hair covered by a full veil which falls to the shoulders.
Byzantine iconography differs little as to head-dress from that
of the catacombs. Mosaics and ivories portray emperors, bishops,
priests and the faithful wearing the hair of a medium length,
cut squarely across the forehead. Women then wore a round
head-dress which encircled the face. Emperors and empresses wore
a large, low crown, wide at the top, ornamented with precious
stones cut en cabochon, and jeweled pendants falling down to the
shoulders, such as may be seen in the mosaics of S. Vitalis at
Ravenna and a large number of diptychs. The hair of patriarchs
and bishops was of medium length and was surmounted by a closed
crown or a double tiara.
The barbarians allowed their hair to grow freely, and to fall
unrestrained on the shoulders. After the fall of the
Merovingians, and while the barbarian invaders were conforming
more and more to the prevailing Byzantine taste or fashion, they
did not immediately take up the fashion of cutting the hair.
Carloman, the brother of Charlemagne, is represented at the age
of fourteen with his hair falling in long tresses behind. The
councils regulated the head-dress of clerics and monks. The
"Statuta antiqua Ecclesiae" (can. xliv) forbade them to allow
hair or beard to grow. A synod held by St. Patrick (can. vi) in
456 prescribed that the clerics should dress their hair in the
manner of the Roman clerics, and those who allowed their hair to
grow were expelled from the Church (can. x). The Council of Agde
(506) authorized the archdeacon to employ force in cutting the
hair of recalcitrants; that of Braga (572) ordained that the
hair should be short, and the ears exposed, while the Council of
Toledo (633) denounced the lectors in Galicia who wore a small
tonsure and allowed the hair to grow immoderately, and two
Councils of Rome (721 and 743) anathematized those who should
neglect the regulations in this matter. This legislation only
shows how inveterate was the contrary custom. The insistence of
the councils is readily explained if we recall the ridiculous
fantasies to which the heretical sects permitted themselves to
go. Whether through the love of mortification or a taste for the
bizarre, we see, according to St. Jerome's testimony, monks
bearded like goats, and the "Vita Hilarionis" also states that
certain persons considered it meritorious to cut hair each year
at Easter.
In the ninth century there is more distinction between freemen
and slaves, as regards the hair. Henceforth the slaves were no
longer shorn save in punishment for certain offences. Under
Louis the Debonnaire and Charles the Bald the hair was cut on
the temples and the back of the head. In the tenth century the
hair cut at the height of the ears fell regularly about the
head. At the end of twelfth century the hair was shaven close on
the top of the head and fell in long curls behind.
Thus people passed from one fashion to another, from hair smooth
on the top of the head and rising in a sudden roll in front, a
tuft of hair in the form of a flame, or the more ordinary
topknot. Not every one followed these fashions, but the
exceptions were considered ridiculous. If anyone wishes to form
an idea of the head-dress of the more modern epoch, pictures,
stamps, and books furnish so many examples that it is useless to
attempt description. The clergy followed with a sort of timidity
the fashion of the wig, but, except prelates and court
chaplains, they refrained from the over-luxurious models.
Priests contented themselves with wearing the wig in folio, or
square, or the wig a la Sartine. They bared the part
corresponding to the tonsure. The decadence of the religious
orders has always been noticeable in the head-dress. The tonsure
very early interposed an obstacle to fantastic styles, but the
tonsure itself was the occasion of many combinations.
Information relative to the head-dress of regulars will be found
in HELYOT, Histoire des ordres religieux. See also DAREMBERG AND
SAGLIO, Dict. des Antiques grecques et lat., s. v. Coma;
BAUMEISTER, Denkmaeler des klass. Alterthums, I, 615 sq.;
KRAUSE, Plotina, oder die Kostueme des Haupthaares bei den
Voelkern der Alten Welt (Leipzig, 1858); RACINET, Le costume
historique (1882).
H. LECLERCQ
Hairshirt
Hairshirt
(Latin cilicium; French cilice).
A garment of rough cloth made from goats' hair and worn in the
form of a shirt or as a girdle around the loins, by way of
mortification and penance. The Latin name is said to be derived
from Cilicia, where this cloth was made, but the thing itself
was probably known and used long before this name was given to
it. The sackcloth, for instance, so often mentioned in Holy
Scripture as a symbol of mourning and penance, was probably the
same thing; and the garment of camels' hair worn by St. John the
Baptist was no doubt somewhat similar. The earliest Scriptural
use of the word in its Latin form occurs in the Vulgate version
of Psalm 34:13, "Ego autem, cum mihi molesti essent, induebar
cilicio." This is translated hair-cloth in the Douay Bible, and
sackcloth in the Anglican Authorized Version and the Book of
Common Prayer.
During the early ages of Christianity the use of hair-cloth, as
a means of bodily mortification and as an aid to the wearer in
resisting temptations of the flesh, became very common, not only
amongst the ascetics and those who aspired to the life of
perfection, but even amongst ordinary lay people in the world,
who made it serve as an unostentatious antidote for the outward
luxury and comfort of their lives. St. Jerome, for instance,
mentions the hairshirt as being frequently worn under the rich
and splendid robes of men in high worldly positions. St.
Athanasius, St. John Damascene, Theodoret, and many others also
bear testimony to its use in their times. Cassian, however,
disapproved of it being used by monks, as if worn outside it was
too conspicuous and savoured of vanity and if underneath it
hindered the freedom of the body in performing manual labour.
St. Benedict does not mention it specifically in his rule, but
van Haeften maintains that it was worn by many of the early
Benedictines, though not prescribed universally throughout the
order.
Later on, it was adopted by most of the religious orders of the
Middle Ages, in imitation of the early ascetics, and in order to
increase the discomfort caused by its use it was sometimes even
made of fine wire. It was not confined to the monks, but
continued to be fairly common amongst lay people also.
Charlemagne, for instance, was buried in the hairshirt he had
worn during life (Martene, "De Ant. Eccl. Rit."). The same is
recorded of St. Thomas of Canterbury. There was also a symbolic
use made of hair-cloth. St. Augustine says that in his time
candidates for baptism stood with bare feet on hair-cloth during
a portion the ceremony (De Symb. ad Catech., ii, 1). Penitents
wore it on Ash Wednesday, and in the Sarum Rite a hair-cloth
banner was carried in procession at their reconciliation on
Maundy Thursday. The altar, too, was sometimes covered with the
same material at penitential seasons.
In modern times the use of the hairshirt has been generally
confined to the members of certain religious orders. At the
present day only the Carthusians and Carmelites wear it by rule;
with others it is merely a matter of custom or voluntary
mortification. Objections have been raised against its use on
sanitary grounds, but it must be remembered that ideas as to
personal cleanliness have changed with the advance of
civilization, and that what was considered a sign of, or aid to,
piety in past ages need not necessarily be regarded in the same
light now, and vice versa, but the ideas and practices of the
ancients must not for that reason be condemned by us, because we
happen to think differently.
G. CYPRIAN ALSTON
Haiti
Haiti
(Sp. Santo Domingo, Hispaniola.)
An island of the Greater Antilles.
I. STATISTICS
The area is 28,980 square miles; population about 1,900,000. the
chief products are coffee, sugar, cotton and tobacco.
Political
The island is divided into the Republic of Santo Domingo in the
east, and the negro Republic of Haiti in the west. The latter
covers 11,070 square miles with 1,579,630 inhabitants in 1909
(Church statistics). The language is a debased French (Creole);
the religion, Catholic, although the natives are still widely
affected with African fetichism (Voodoo or snake-worship).
Education is deficient; it requires a yearly appropriation of
1,000,000 dollars. In addition to nearly 400 State free
elementary schools, there are five public lycees.
The president is the head of the Republic (salary -L-4800). The
Chamber of Deputies consists of ninety-five members. The senate
numbers thirty-nine members. The revenue amounted for the
financial year ending 30 Sept., 1907, to $2,547,664 (U. S.
gold), and 6,885,660 paper gourdes. In 1907 the foreign debt was
$11,801,861; the home debt, $13,085,362. The army consists of
6828 men; there is a special "guard of the government,"
numbering 650 men, commanded by 10 generals. The Republic
possesses a fleet of six small vessels. The exports were valued
in 1907 at $14,330,887, of which nearly $3,000,000 went to the
United States--in 1906-07, $2,916,104, while the imports from
the United States to Haiti for the same period were only
$1,274,678. The capital is Port-au-Prince (population 75,000).
II. POLITICAL HISTORY
Haiti (i.e., the "hilly country") was discovered by Columbus, 6
December, 1492. In December, 1493, Columbus founded Port
Isabella, which was soon re-named Santo Domingo.--As the
aborigines soon became extinct the importation of negroes began
about 1517. But the colony fell into decay, when, about 1638,
the filibusters obtained a footing at Santo Domingo, and
harassed commerce. After 1659 French settlements were
established on the west side of the island with the help of the
filibusters, which led to the definite occupation by the French
at the Peace of Ryswijck (1697). While the parts left to the
Spaniards became more and more impoverished and depopulated, the
French colony flourished greatly until the French Revolution
also affected Haiti, and there led to an insurrection of the
blacks in which the negro Toussaint L'Ouverture finally in 1800
made himself dictator, declared Haiti's independence, and gave
the country a constitution. He was soon overthrown by the French
general Leclere and sent to France. The negro Dessalines, the
author of a massacre of whites in 1804, was proclaimed James I,
Emperor of Haiti, 8 Oct., 1804, but he was murdered two years
later in a conspiracy under Christophe and Petion.
Christophe thereupon established another negro state in the
north which he ruled from 1811 to 1820 as King Henry I; while
Petion in the south founded a mulatto republic, and Spain
re-conquered the eastern part which she had surrendered to
France at the Peace of Basle (1795). Christophe's successor,
Boyer, united all three parts of the island in 1822, but he was
driven out in 1843, and the eastern part declared itself the
independent Dominican Republic on 27 Feb., 1844. The western
part became again an "empire" under Soulouque (Emperor Faustin
I) in 1849, but a republic was again proclaimed by the mulatto
Geffrard after the expulsion of Soulouque in 1859. Geffrard was
replaced by the negro party under Salnave, 13 March, 1867. then
followed a succession of presidents, who were nearly all
disturbed by revolution, and under whom the republic was brought
to the verge of ruin by civil war, financial maladministration,
corruption, and thoughtlessly occasioned conflicts with European
Powers. Even to-day (1909) the country has not yet settled down
after the last revolution in the autumn of 1908.
III. MISSION HISTORY
On the erection of the Dioceses of Santo Domingo and Concepcion
de la Vega, in 1511, the whole island was divided between these
bishoprics. In 1527 Concepcion was suppressed, and its territory
united to Santo Domingo, which was the only diocese until 1862.
Many regular clergy came with the French into the French
territory, especially the Dominicans and the Capuchins. The
Dominicans devoted themselves especially to the mission in the
western part of the colony, and were for a time supported
therein by other orders and secular priests.
The Dominicans were also designated as missionaries to the
southern part of the island. The Capuchins, who looked after the
northern part of the island, and were likewise assisted by other
orders and secular priests, soon were unable to supply enough
missionaries. On that account they gave up this mission in 1704,
and in their place came the Jesuits, who worked there until
their expulsion at the end of 1763. Secular priests followed,
but after five years they were superseded by Capuchins.
The Revolution brought confusion into the ranks of the clergy;
several priests took the constitutional oath, and in the
northern part of the country Divine worship ceased. while the
mission in the west, uninterfered with under the British
occupation (1794-8), was able to improve more and more. But in
the south the prefect Apostolic, Pere Viriot, was murdered. When
Toussaint L'Ouverture came to power in 1800, he restored its
rights to the Catholic religion. But meanwhile the council of
Constitutional bishops at Paris had nominated a bishop of Santo
Domingo, who, however, obtained no recognition either from
Toussaint or the Capuchins. In 1802 General Leclere restored the
former jurisdictions of Cap-Haitien and Port-au-Prince, and
named as prefects Apostolic Peres Corneille Brelle, O. Cap., and
Lecun, O. P., these arrangements being confirmed at Rome. On
account of the massacre of 1804 nearly all the clergy left the
colony, so that for that two years the only religious services
given at Port-au-Prince were held by a former sacristan. After
the overthrow of James I (1806) some missionaries returned.
After many years of fruitless negotiations, a concordat was
signed at Rome, 28 March, 1860. In Dec., 1860, Mgr. Monetti
arrived as Apostolic delegate.
The Concordat provides that the Catholic religion shall enjoy
the special protection of the Government. The president
nominates the archbishop and the bishops, but the pope can
refuse them canonical institution. The clergy receives an annual
salary of 1200 francs from the State.
Five bishoprics were erected in 1861; the Archbishopric of
Port-au-Prince, and the suffergan Sees of Cap-Haitien, Les
Cayes, Gonaives, and Port-de-Paix. the Archbishop of
Port-au-Prince at first admninistered all the dioceses. A
separate bishop was not appointed to Cap-haitien until 1873, and
at the same time was entrusted with the administration of
Port-au-Paix. In 1893 a separate bishop was appointed for Les
Cayes; while Gonaives is still administered by the archbishop.
On the conclusion of the Concordat, three fathers of the
Congregation of the Holy Ghost and of the Holy Heart of Mary
were sent to Port-au-Prince. These restored the regular parish
organization in the capital. The first archbishop, du Cosquer,
and his successor, Quilloux, visited France to enlist new
priests. Owing to the unhealthy tropical climate, death caused
serious gaps in the ranks of the clergy; thus, at the beginning
of 1906, out of 516 priests who had come from France since 1864,
200 had died, 150 were still at their posts, and the rest were
invalided to Europe. To ensure recruits, Mgr. du Cosquer
established at Paris in 1864 the Saint-Martial Seminary, which
was united with the Colonial Seminary conducted by the Fathers
of the Holy Ghost; it received a State subvention of 20,000
francs per annum, the payment of which, however, was suspended
owing to the political troubles of 1867, and in 1869 it was
entirely abrogated. When in 1870 owing to the war, the Fathers
of the Holy Ghost gave up direction of the seminary, Mgr.
Quilloux founded a new seminary in Pontchateau (Loire
inferieure) in 1873 under the direction of the Fathers of the
Society of Mary. Finally in 1893 the seminary was removed to
St-Jacques (Finisterre) and its direction entrusted to the
secular priests; Pontchateau Seminary had sent 196 priests to
Haiti, and St. Jacques, in 15 years (down to 1909) 171. In 1864,
in the whole of Haiti, there were only 34 priests devoted to the
care of souls in the 65 parishes and 7 annexes. The progress
which the Church has made in Haiti since then is shown by the
fact that there are now (1909) 182 priests and 92 parishes.
Of ecclesiastical seminaries and schools, Haiti has: (1) at
Port-au-Prince the "Petit Seminaire-College," under the Fathers
of the Holy Ghost and of the Holy Heart of Mary. There is
affiliated to it a children's school; also a meteorological
observatory. A second observatory was founded by the Christian
Brothers; (2) in Cap-Haitien, the College of
Notre-Dame-du-Perpetuel-Secours, directed by four secular
priests. The religious societies include: (1) the Brothers of
Christian Instruction, who direct a secondary school at
Port-au-Prince, besides nine primary schools elsewhere; (2) the
Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny direct a pensionnat at
Port-au-Prince, and eighteen primary schools elsewhere (also 2
hospitals); (3) the Sisters de la Sagesse, who direct a
pensionnat in Port-au-Prince, 5 primary schools and 3 hospices.
Of ecclesiastical benevolent institutions there are: an orphan
asylum for girls and two hospitals, of which one is supported at
the cost of the clergy, while the other is supported by the
Dames Patronesses. The Society of St. Vincent de Paul also
labours in Port-au-Prince. Among the religious associations
mention may also be made of: the Third Order of St. Francis, and
the Confraternities of the Sacred Heart, the Holy Rosary, the
Children of Mary, the Christian Mothers, La Perseverence, etc.
Du Tertre, Histoire generale des Ant-Isles habitees par les
Franc,ais (3 vols, Paris, 1671); Charlevoix, Histoire de l'Isle
Espagnole ou de St-Dominique (Paris, 1730); Moreau de
Saint-Mery, Lois de Constitutions des Colonies Franc,aises de
l'Amerique sous le Vent de 1550-1785 (6 vols. Paris, 1784-5);
Idem, Topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique
de la partie franc,aise de St-Dominique (2 vols., Philadelphia,
1798); Jordan, Gesch. der Insel Hayti, I-II (Leipzig, 1846-9);
Madiou, Histoire du Haiti (3 vols, Port-au-Prince, 1847-8);
Arduin, Etudes sur l'histoire d'Haiti (11 vols., Paris, 1853-6);
Handelman, Gesch. von Hayti (Kiel, 1856); Linstant-Pradine,
Recueil general des lois et actes du Gouvernement d'Haiti (6
vols, Paris, 1866); Eduoard, Recueil general des lois et des
actes du Gouvernement d'Haiti (2 vols., 1888), continuation of
the preceding work to the year 1845; Le Selve, Histoire de la
litterature haitienne (Versailles, 1876); Idem, Le Pays de
Negres; Voyage `a Haiti (Paris, 1881); Janvier, Le Republique
d'Haiti, 1840-82 (Paris, 1883); St. John, Haiti, or the Black
Republic (London 1884; 2nd ed., ibid, 1889); Mathon, Documents
pour l'histoire l'Haiti (Paris, 1890, dealing with the
revolution of 1888-9); Vibert, La Republique d'Haiti son
present, son avenir economique (Paris, 1895), a reckless
diatribe against the clergy of Haiti, cfr. Anon, Simple replique
`a M. Paul Vibert (Paris, 1897); Tippenhauer, Die Insel Haiti
(Leipzig, 1893); Justin, Etudes sur les institutions haitiennes,
I-II (Paris, 1894-5); Sundstral, Aus der schwarzen Republik
(Leipzig, 1903); Leger, Haiti, her History and Detractors (New
York, 1907); de Vaissiere, Saint-Dominique, le societe et la vie
creoles sous l'ancien regime, 1629-1789 (Paris, 1909).
Concerning the Concordat, see; Dubois, Deux ans et demi de
ministere (2nd ed., Paris, 1867); Guilloux, Le Concordat
d'Haiti, ses resultats (Rennes, 1885). For mission-history,
Piolet, La France au dehors: les missions catholiques
franc,aises au XIXe siecle, VI (Paris, 1903), 302-30, where a
bibliography is given; Caplan, La France en Haiti: Catholicisme,
Vaudoux, Mac,onnerie (Paris, s. d.); Pouplard, Notice sur
l'hist. de l'Eglise de Port-au-Prince (Port-au-Prince, 1905).
Periodicals: Bulletin Religieux (Port-au-Prince, 1872--); La
Croix--Catholic Weekly (1895-8); Ordo divinii officii in usum
prov. eccl. haitiane (Paris, issued annually with statistics).
GREGOR REINHOLD
Haito
Haito
(HATTO).
Bishop of Basle; b. in 763, of a noble family of Swabia; d. 17
March, 836, in the Abbey of Reichenau, on an island in the Lake
of Constance. At the age of five he entered that monastery.
Abbot Waldo (786-806) made him head of the monastic school, and
in this capacity he did much for the instruction and classical
training of the monks, as well as for the growth of the library.
When Waldo was transferred to the Abbey of St. Denis, near
Paris, in 806, Haito was made Abbot of Reichenau, and about the
same time Bishop of Basle. He enjoyed the confidence of
Charlemagne and in 811 was sent with others to Constantinople on
a diplomatic mission, which he fulfilled to the satisfaction of
his master. The interests of his diocese and abbey were not
neglected. He rebuilt the cathedral of Basle and the abbey
church of Reichenau, and issued appropriate instructions for the
guidance of clergy and people in the ways of religion. In 823 he
resigned both positions, owing to serious infirmities, and spent
the remainder of his life as a simple monk in the monastery of
Reichenau.
Haito was the author of several works. He wrote an account of
his journey to Constantinople, the "Hodoeporicon", of which,
however, no trace has been found so far. In 824 he wrote the
"Visio Wettini" (P.L., CV, 771 sqq.; Mon. Germ. Hist.: Poetae
Lat. Aev. Car., II, 267 sqq.), in which he relates the spiritual
experiences of Wettin, president of the monastic school of
Reicheneau. The day before his death (4 November, 824) Wettin
saw in a vision bad and good spirits; an angel took him through
hell, purgatory, and heaven, and showed him the torments of the
sinners and the joys of the saints. The book, which bears some
resemblance to Dante's "Divina Commedia", was soon afterwards
put into verse by Walafrid Strabo (Mon. Germ. Hist., loc. cit.).
White Bishop of Basle, he issued a number of regulations in
twenty-five chapters, known as the "Capitulare Haitonis" (P.L.,
CV, 763 sqq., Melon. Germ. Leg., Sect. II, Capitular. Reg.
Franc., I, 363 sqq., Mansi, XIV, 393 sqq.), in which he
legislated on matters of diocesan discipline. The statutes were
probably published in a synod.
VAUTREY, Histoire des eveques de Bale. I (Einsiedeln. 1884);
WATTENBACH, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen (Berlin, 1904), I;
HAUCK, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (Leipzig, 1890), II; BUCHI
in Kirchliches Handlexikon, I; SCHRODL in Kirchenlex., V;
WIEGAND in Realencyklopadie, VII.
FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER
Diocese of Hakodate
Hakodate
Situated between 138-o and 157-o E. long., and between 37-o and
52-o N. lat., comprises the six northern provinces of the island
of Nippon, the island of Yezo, and the Kurile Islands, as well
as the administration of the southern part of the island of
Saghalin, which still belongs to the Diocese of Mohilev. It
contains about 9,000,000 Japanese inhabitants, 17,000 of whom
are Aino aborigines, the last representatives of the primitive
population of the Japanese archipelago; they are confined to the
Island of Yezo and the Kuriles. At the last census (15 August,
1908) the number of Catholics was 4427. The Vicariate Apostolic
of Hakodate, created 17 April, 1891, was made a diocese on 15
June of the same year. It was confided to the missionaries of
the Societe des Missions Etrangeres of Paris, who in 1891
numbered twelve and resided at six stations in the territory
designated above. The undersigned was the first bishop. The
staff is at present composed of twenty-four missionaries of the
same society, one Japanese priest and seventeen regulars. The
residences number twenty. As auxiliaries the mission has three
communities of men and four of women: Trappists (1896), Friars
Minor (1907), and Fathers of the Society of the Divine Word
(1907); Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres (1891), the Reformed
Cistercians (1898), the Sisters of Steyl (1908), and the
Franciscan Missionaries of Mary.
Christianity was widespread during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, but the only vestiges now left of these earlier
missions are a few religious objects, crosses, statuettes,
medals, pictures, and images, secretly preserved in families or
preserved in the treasuries of pagodas. The actual Catholics are
exclusively neophytes, recruited for the most part before 1895,
at which time it was still believed that Christianity was the
sole basis of true civilization. At present the instruction of
all classes is dominated by materialism, and pride of success
blinds the Japanese intelligence; consequently conversions to
Catholicism have become rare and difficult. Each year, however,
yields its small harvest of baptisms. During 1908 there were
baptized in this diocese 345 adults. The writer is persuaded
that the Japanese will yet come in large numbers to the Catholic
Church. There is yet manifest among them a strong love of truth,
despite the deceptions of material civilization; to this we may
add a growing respect and esteem for Catholicism, whose orderly
hierarchy, unity of faith, purity of morals, and
self-sacrificing missionaries it admires. The apostolic spirit
newly aroused in English-speaking countries is also a precious
pledge of hope, for it foreshadows the irresistible union of all
Catholic forces, hitherto widely scattered.
Katholische Missionen, 1896, p. 142; 1903, 87; Compte rendu de
la societe des missions etrangeres, 1905 (Paris, 1906), 23-31;
DELAPORTE, La decouverte des anciens chretiens au Japon in
Etudes (1897), 577-603; LIGNEUL AND VERRET, L'Evangile au Japon
au XX ^e siecle (Paris, 1904); JOLY, Le Christianisme et
l'Extreme-Orient, II: Missions catholiques du Japon (Paris,
1907); BATCHELOR, The Ainu of Japan (New York, 1892).
A. BERLIOZ.
Hakon the Good
Hakon the Good
King of Norway, 935 (936) to 960 (961), youngest child of King
Harold Fair Hair and Thora Mosterstang. Harold several years
previous to the birth of Hakon, had divided his realm among his
sons by former wives and, except for a species of suzerainty
over the whole, retained only the central portion of the country
(Gulathingslagen) for himself. Hakon remained under his mother's
care, and developed into a beautiful youth, in every respect
like his father. But as his elder half-brothers showed but
little love for him and even tried to compass his death, Harold
determined to remove him out of harm's way and accordingly sent
him to the court of his friend, King Athelstan of England, who
brought him up (hence his nickname Adelstenfostre) and gave him
a splendid education. Hakon was destined never to see his father
again, as the latter expired at the advanced age of eighty-three
in 932 (or 933) at his residence at Hange, after a glorious
reign of seventy years. His successor as ruler of the kingdom
was Eric Blodoexe, who disarmed his brothers by craft and war,
and earned the hatred of the people by his despotic temper. The
disaffected nobles (Jarls) consequently turned to Hakon in the
hope that he might take the reins of government into his hands
and at the same time restore their old-time rights. The
ambitious youth gladly agreed to their views. Above all Hakon
won the support of Sigurd, the leader of the nobility, who had
given proofs of a sincere attachment to him from the very
beginning, by promising him increased power; moreover, he
managed to gain the goodwill of the freedmen by his clemency and
liberality. Eric soon found himself deserted on all sides, and
saved his own and his family's lives by fleeing from the
country. Hakon was now undisputed master of the nation, the
unity of which seemed to be assured; of course the royal power
was signally curtailed to the advantage of the people. Before he
could feel secure on his throne, Hakon had to fight a dangerous
war with the Danes. Having emerged victorious from this, he
directed his efforts towards the improvement of domestic
conditions as well as to the extension of his power abroad.
Judiciously planned reforms in the administration of justice,
government, and military affairs were carried out, and suitable
measures were taken to promote commerce and to advance the deep
sea fishing industry. At this juncture Jaemtland and Vermland
were annexed to Norway, provinces which that country afterwards
lost to Sweden. Having been brought up a Christian, and being
firmly convinced of the benign influence of Christianity on the
intellectual as well as the moral life of mankind, Hakon
attempted by precept and by duress to spread the new faith, and
to root out paganism with its bloody ceremony. But meanwhile the
sons of King Eric had grown up, and Hakon stood in need of the
help of the entire nation in order to repel their invasion.
Consequently, to his grief, he was compelled first to let
matters rest half-way and subsequently to tolerate paganism
which was still powerful. Finally, to escape the fury of the
fanatical pagans, he was forced to take part in their
sacrifices. When the heathens, however, subsequently grew so
arrogant as to demolish Christian temples and murder Christian
priests, the gallant prince determined to punish the criminals
at all hazards and to enforce the laws he had enacted for the
conversion of the nation. Taking advantage of the civil war that
ensued, three of Eric's sons (Gamle, Harold, and Sigurd) landed
unnoticed on Hoerdaland in 950 (961) and surprised the king at
Fitje. The latter, although he was at the head of only a few
faithful followers and vastly outnumbered, drove the enemy back
to his ships. During the over-hasty pursuit of the vanquished,
Hakon was struck in the forearm by an arrow, which caused the
hero's death by haeemorrhage. He expressed his contrition for
his sins before dying, begged the forgiveness of those who were
present, and recommended his former enemy Harold as his
successor, excluding his daughter Thora from the succession. As
he had deemed himself unworthy of a Christian burial, he was
interred according to ancient custom as a warrior in a raised
mound at his palace at Sacim near Lygren in Nordhoexdadalen. He
left behind him an honoured name. The people surnamed him "the
Good", and historians extol him as the second founder of
Norway's power. His memory lived long in songs and is not
forgotten even to-day.
MUNCH, Det norske Folks Historie, I (Christiania, 1852), 1;
SARS, Udsigt over den norske Historie, pt. I (Christiania,
1873); BANG, Udsigt over den norske Kirkes Historie under
Katholicismen (Christiania, 1887); Historisk Tidskrift (udgivet
af den norske Historiske Forening) (Christiania, 1870); WITTMANN
in Kirchenlex., s. v. Schweden und Norwegen.
PIUS WITTMANN.
Halicarnassus
Halicarnassus
A titular see of Caria, suffragan of Stauropolis. It was a
colony from Troezen in Argolis, and one of the six towns that
formed the Dorian Hexapolis in Asia Minor. It was situated on
Ceramic Gulf and the isthmus known as Zephyrion, whence its
original name, Zephyria, was protected by many forts, and was
the largest and strongest town in Caria. Its harbour was also
famous. The Persians imposed tyrants on the town who subdued all
Caria, and remained faithful to Persia, though they adopted the
Greek language, customs, and arts. Its queen, Artemisia, and her
fleet were present with Xerxes at Salamis. Another Artemisia is
famous for the magnificent tomb (Mausoleum) she built for her
husband, Mausolus, at Halicarnassus, a part of which is now in
the British Museum. The town was captured and burnt by
Alexander. Though rebuilt, it never recovered its former
prosperity, and gradually disappeared almost from history. The
historians Herodotus and Dionysius were born there. It is the
modern Bodrum, the chief town of a caza in the vilayet of
Smyrna, and has 6000 inhabitants, of whom 3600 are Mussulmans
and 2200 Greeks. Halicarnassus is mentioned (I Mach., xv, 23)
among the towns to which the consul Lucius sent the letter
announcing the alliance between Rome and the high-priest Simon.
To its Jewish colony the Romans, at a later date, gave
permission to build houses of prayer near the sea coast
(Josephus, Ant. jud., XIV, x, 23). In the "Notitiae
Episcopatuum" mention of it occurs until the twelfth or
thirteenth century.. Lequien (Oriens Christ., I, 913) mentions
three bishops: Calandion, who sent a representative to the
Council of Chalcedon, 451; Julian, condemned in 536 as an
Aphthartodocetist; Theoctistus, present at the Council of
Constantinople, 553. At the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, the
see was represented by the deacon Nicetas.
NEWTON, A History of Discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and
Branchidoe (London, 1862-3); SMITH, Dict. of Greek and Roman
Geogr., s. v.; CUINET, La Turquie d'Asie (Paris, 1894), 662-664;
BEURLIER in Vig., Dict. de la Bible, s. v.
S. PETRIDES.
Archdiocese of Halifax
Archdiocese of Halifax
(HALIFAXIENSIS)
This see takes its name from the city of Halifax which has been
the seat of government in Nova Scotia since its foundation by
Lord Cornwallis in 1749. The archdiocese includes the middle and
western counties of the province (Halifax, Lunenburg, Queens,
Shelburne, Yarmouth, Digby, Annapolis, Kings, Hants, Cumberland,
and Colchester), and the British colony, Bermuda. The island
last mentioned has been attached to the archdiocese since 1851.
It has a population of about 16,000, of whom about 700 are
Catholics. The majority of these are Portuguese or of Portuguese
extraction. Bermuda has one resident priest. There is a convent
school at Hamilton, the capital of Bermuda, which is in charge
of the Sisters of Charity. The portion of the archdiocese which
lies within the Province of Nova Scotia had at the last federal
census (1901) a Catholic population of 54,301. Of this number
about forty per cent are descendants of the early French
settlers; they reside principally in the Counties of Yarmouth
and Digby, at Chezzetcook in the County of Halifax, and in
portions of Cumberland County. At Church Point, Digby County, is
St. Anne's College, which is devoted to the education of the
French Acadian youth. It is conducted by the Eudist Fathers.
Within the archdiocese is Port Royal, now known as Annapolis. It
was founded by De Monts in 1604, and, with the exception of the
early Spanish settlement in Florida, it is the oldest European
settlement in North America. With De Monts came Rev. Nicholas
Aubry and another priest, and at Port Royal in that year the
Holy Sacrifice was offered up by them, for the first time on
what is now Canadian soil. From the founding of Port Royal down
to the time of the cruel expulsion of the Acadians in 1755, the
Catholic missionaries who laboured in Nova Scotia, or Acadia as
it was then called, came from France. Some of the early priests
were Jesuits. After the colony had been temporarily broken up by
Argall in 1613, the Recollect Fathers arrived, and, besides
attending to the spiritual wants of the French settlers, they
laboured with great success in converting the Micmacs, the
native Indians of Nova Scotia. In 1632 Capuchin Friars of the
province of Paris were sent to Acadia, and were still at work
among the Indians in 1655. One of the most famous of the French
missionaries was Abbe Antoine-Simon Maillard, who left France in
1741. He acquired great influence over the Indians, to whom he
ministered with devoted zeal. He was taken prisoner by the
English, but on account of the favour with which he was regarded
by the Micmacs he was not expelled. His aid was invoked in
making treaty arrangements with the natives. In 1760 he was made
administrator of Acadia. He carried on his missionary labours
down to the time of his death in 1762. He was highly esteemed by
the civil authorities, and his name is held in great veneration
by the Micmacs to this day.
A legislature was established in Nova Scotia in 1758, and severe
laws directed against the Catholics were passed without delay. A
Catholic was not allowed to hold land except by grant direct
from the Crown, and Catholic priests were ordered to depart from
the province by a given date. These disabilities continued for
upwards of twenty years. In the meantime there was considerable
Irish immigration, and in 1783 the Irish Catholics of Halifax
petitioned for the removal of the disabilities, and the
obnoxious laws were then repealed. Two years later, Rev. James
Jones, of the Order of Capuchins, came to assume spiritual
charge of the Catholics of Halifax, and he remained for fifteen
years. Other Irish priests followed. A noted missionary was the
Abbe Sigogne, who arrived in Nova Scotia in 1797, and continued
his work among the Catholics of western Nova Scotia until his
death in 1844. He became the leader and adviser of the Acadians
in civil as well as in religious matters, and he was unceasing
in his efforts to promote the welfare of the French population.
He also cared for the Micmacs, whose language he spoke with
ease. He held a commission of the peace from the Government.
In 1801 Father Edmund Burke left Quebec to enter upon his useful
work in Halifax, which at that time formed part of the Diocese
of Quebec and so remained until it was made a vicariate in 1817.
Father Burke was consecrated Vicar Apostolic of Nova Scotia in
1818, and filled the office until his death in 1820. It was not
until 1827 that his successor, Rt. Rev. William Fraser, was
appointed. The vicariate was erected into a diocese 15 Feb.,
1842, and was called the Diocese of Halifax. It included the
whole of Nova Scotia. In 1844 the diocese was divided; Bishop
Fraser became Bishop of the new Diocese of Arichat; and Bishop
WILLIAM WALSH, who had been Bishop Fraser's coadjutor, "with the
right of succession", became Bishop of Halifax. In 1852 Halifax
was made an archdiocese. Archbishop Walsh administered the
affairs of his see until his death in 1858. He was scholarly and
devout, and although at that time the feeling between
Protestants and Catholics was occasionally somewhat bitter, the
"British Colonist", a newspaper owned and edited by Protestants,
said of him at his death: "The Archbishop was distinguished for
his attainments as a scholar and divine. In society the courtesy
and affability of his manners and his conversational powers made
his intercourse agreeable and instructive."
The second Archbishop of Halifax was the Most Rev. THOMAS LOUIS
CONNOLLY, who was consecrated in 1859, and died in 1876. Like
his predecessor, he was a native of Ireland. He was ordained at
Lyons, France, in 1838. In 1842 he came to Nova Scotia as
secretary to Bishop Walsh. In 1852 he was appointed Bishop of
St. John, N. B., and in 1859 was transferred to Halifax. Of
Archbishop Connolly, Mr. Nicholas Flood Davin, a non-Catholic,
wrote: "He belonged to the great class of prelates who have been
not merely Churchmen, but also sagacious, far-seeing politicians
and large-hearted men, with admiration for all that is good, and
a divine superiority to the littleness which thinks everybody
else wrong." By his tact he soon removed the ill-feeling that
had existed between Catholics and Protestants in Nova Scotia. He
took a great interest in public affairs. He was strongly opposed
to Fenianism, and was a warm advocate of the confederation of
the British North American provinces. At the Vatican Council he
was a prominent figure, and, while opposed to the declaration of
the dogma of infallibility, he loyally accepted it as soon as it
had been declared. During his administration, St. Mary's
Cathedral, a beautiful edifice, was modernized and completed.
When he died the Rev. Principal Grant, one of the most noted
Presbyterian divines in Canada, wrote: "I feel as if I had not
only lost a friend, but as if Canada had lost a patriot; for in
all his big-hearted Irish fashion he was ever at heart a true
Canadian"
The Most Rev. MiCHAEL HANNAN succeeded Archbishop Connolly. He
was a native of Limerick, and was ordained priest in 1845. In
May, 1877, he was consecrated archbishop, and he died in 1882.
He was a prelate of calm and sound judgment, and was greatly
beloved by all classes.
The Most Rev. CORNELIUS O'BRIEN, the fourth Archbishop of
Halifax, was consecrated 21 January, 1883; died 9 March, 1906.
Archbishop O'Brien was a native of Prince Edward Island. He was
a distinguished scholar, and as a preacher, historian, novelist,
and poet, he displayed a versatility rarely found in
combination. In his Lenten pastorals he not only gave excellent
explanations of Catholic doctrines but he made unanswerable
attacks upon the theological and scientific errors of his time.
His funeral sermon on the Rt. Hon. Sir John Thompson, the first
Catholic Prime Minister of Canada, is a model of dignified
pulpit eloquence. He was, besides, a prelate of rare executive
ability, as the numerous charitable institutions that owe their
foundation to his zeal bear ample witness. In political matters
he was a strong imperialist.
Archbishop O'Brien's successor is the Most Rev. EDWARD J.
MCCARTHY, a native of Halifax, who was consecrated 9 Sept.,
1906. He is noted for his zeal, industry, and courtesy, and is
held in high esteem by all classes.
There are 73 priests in the archdiocese and 96 churches. Among
the educational institutions are: St. Anne's College, already
mentioned; St. Mary's College, Halifax; Holy Heart Seminary,
Halifax, in charge of the Eudist Fathers; the Sacred Heart
Academy, Halifax, an institution conducted by the Religious of
the Sacred Heart; and the Academy of Mount St. Vincent at
Rockingham, a successful institution in charge of the Sisters of
Charity.
DAVIS, The Irishmen in Canada (Toronto, 1877); O'BRIEN, Memoirs
of the Rt. Rev. Edmund Burke, Bishop of Zion, First
Vicar-Apostolic of Nova Scotia (Ottawa, 1894); DENT, The
Canadian Portrait Gallery (Toronto, 1880); WILSON, A Geography
and History of the County of Digby, Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1900);
CAMPBELL, Nova Scotia in its Historical, Mercantile and
Industrial Relations (Montreal, 1873); BOUINOT, Builders of Nova
Scotia (Toronto, 1900); MORE, The History of Queen's County, N.
S. (Halifax, 1873); HALIBURTON, An Historical and Statistical
Account of Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1829); MURDOCH, A History of
Nova Scotia or Acadia (Halifax, 1865); MAGUIRE, The Irish in
America (New York, 1868); The Official Catholic Directory and
Clergy List (Milwaukee, 1909); AKINS, The History of Halifax
City (1847); Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, I (Ottawa, 1902).
JOSEPH A. CHISHOLM.
Margaret Hallahan
Margaret Hallahan
Foundress of the Dominican Congregation of St. Catherine of
Siena (third order); b. in London, 23 January, 1803; d. 10 May,
1868. The parents of this remarkable, holy woman were poor and
lowly Irish Catholics, who died when Margaret, their only child
was nine years old. She was sent to an orphanage at Somers Town
for two years, and then at the age of eleven went out to
service, in which state of life she remained for nearly thirty
years. In 1826 she accompanied the family in which she was
living to Bruges; there she tried her vocation as a lay sister
in the convent of the English Augustinian nuns, but only
ramained there a week, feeling sure God had other work for her.
She became a Dominican tertiary in 1842, and then came to
England, proceeding to Coventry where she worked under Dr.
Ullathorne, afterwards Bishop of Birmingham, among the factory
girls. Presently she was joined by others, and with the consent
of the Dominican fathers formed a community of Dominican
tertiaries, who were to devote themselves to active works of
charity. The rule of the Third Order of St. Dominic, being
intended for persons living in the world, was not suited to
community life; she therefore drew up, from the rule of the
first and second orders, constitutions which she adapted to her
own needs. The first professions were made on the feast of the
Immaculate Conception, 1845. From Coventry the community moved
to Bristol, where several schools were placed under their
charge, from there they went to Longton, the last of the pottery
towns in Stafford-shire, where a large field of labour was
opened to them.
In 1851 her congregation received papal approbation, and in 1852
the foundation stone of St. Dominic's convent was laid at Stone,
also in Stafford-shire, but not in the Black Country: this
became the mother house and novitiate, and to it the Longton
community afterwards rnoved. This stone convent at one time
enjoyed the reputation of numbering some of the cleverest women
in England its subjects, of whom the late mother provincial,
Theodosia Drane, was one. At Stone a church and a hospital for
incurables were built; this latter was one of Mother Margaret's
dearest schemes, and was begun on a small scale at Bristol. In
1857 she opened another convent at Stoke-on-Trent, a few miles
from Stone, and the same year founded an orphanage at the latter
place. In 1858 she went to Rome, to obtain the final
confirmation of her constitutions, which was granted, and the
congregation was placed under the jurisdiction of the master
general of the Dominicans, who appoints a delegate, generally
the bishop of the diocese, to set for him. New foundations were
made at Bow, and at Marychurch, Torquay, before her death. She
was a woman of great gifts both natural and supernatural, she
had marvellous faith and wonderful determination. She refused to
accept government aid for any of her schools, or to place them
under government inspection, but since her death her
congregation has followed the custom of the country in these
respects.
Life of Mother Margaret Hallahan by her religious children
(Lordon, 1869); Die Orden und Congregationem der katholischen
Kirche II (Paderborn, 1901); STEELE, Convents of Great Britain
(London, 1902).
FRANCESCA M. STEELE
Karl Ludwig von Haller
Karl Ludwig von Haller
A professor of constitutional law, b. 1 August, 1768, at Berne,
d. 21 May, 1854, at Solothurn, Switzerland. He was a grandson of
the famous poet Albrecht von Haller, and son of the statesman
and historian Gottlieb Emmrnuel von Haller. He did not, however,
receive an education worthy of his station, but after some
private lessons, and having passed through a few classes of the
gymnasium, he was forced at the age of fifteen to enter the
chancery of the Republic of Berne. Being extremely talented,
however, he studied by himself and so filled out the gaps in his
education. He even considered himself fortunate in this respect
as circumstances compelled him to investigate, think and prove
things for himself. At the age of nineteen he was appointed to
the important office of Kommissionsschreiber, or clerk of a
public commission. In this capacity he obtained an insight into
methods of government, practical politics, and criminal
procedure. As secretary of the Swiss diet held at Baden and
Frauenfeld, he became familiar with the conditions of things in
the Swiss Confederation. A journey to Paris in 1790 made him
acquainted with the great ideas that were agitating the world at
that time. As secretary of legation he served several important
embassies, for instance, one to Geneva in 1792, about the Swiss
troops stationed there; to Ulm in 1795, regarding the import of
grain from southern Germany; to Lugano, Milan, and Paris in
1797, regarding the neutral attitude of Switzerland towards the
warring powers. These journeys were very instructive and made
him acquainted with the leading personalities of the day,
including Bonaparte, Talleyrand, and others. When the old Swiss
Confederation was menaced he was dispatched to Rastatt to allay
the storm. It was too late, however, and when he returned in
February, 1798, the French army was already on Bernese
territory. Even his pamphlet, "Projekt einer Constitution fuer
die schweizerische Republik Bern", was unable to stay the
dissolution of the old Swiss Republic. But he soon renounced the
principles expressed in this pamphlet. Close acquaintance with
the new freedom made him an uncompromising opponent of the
Revolution. Thereupon he resigned the government office he had
held under the revolutionary authorities and established a
paper, the "Helvetische Annalen", in which he attacked their
excesses and legislative schemes with such bitter sarcasm that
the sheet was suppressed, and he himself had to flee to escape
imprisonment. Henceforth, von Haller was a reactionary, and was
more and more exalted by one party as the saviour of an almost
forlorn hope, and hated and reviled by the other as a traitor to
the rights and dignity of man. Nevertheless, both parties alike
acknowledged the independence and forcefulness of his opinions,
the fearless logic of his conclusions, and the wealth of his
erudition.
After many wanderings, he came to Vienna, where he was court
secretary of the council of war, from 1801 till 1806. A
revulsion of public opinion at home resulted in his being
recalled by the Bernese Government in 1806, and appointed
professor of political law at the newly founded higher school of
the academy. When the old aristocratic regime was reinstated, he
became a member of the sovereign Great Council, and soon after
also of the privy council of the Bernese Republic. But in 1821,
when his return to the Catholic Church became known, he was
unjustly dismissed. This change of religion caused the greatest
sensation, and the lettter he wrote to his family from Paris,
explaining his reasons for the step he had taken, went through
about fifty editions in a short time and was translated into
nearly every modern language. Of course it called forth numerous
rejointers and apologies. In this document he made known his
long-felt inclination to join the Catholic Church, exhibiting a
keen analysis of his feelings and has growing conviction that he
must bring his political opinions in harmony with his religious
views. His family soon followed him; with them he left Berne for
ever and took up his residence in Paris. There the Foreign
Office invited him to assume the instruction of candidates for
the diplomatic service in constitutional and international law.
After the revolution of July he went to Solothurn and, from that
time until the day of his death, was an industrious contributor
to political journals, including the "Neue preussische zeitung"
and the "Historisch-Politische Blaetter". In 1833 he was again
elected to the Grand Council of Switzerland and exercised an
important influence in ecclesiastical affairs which constituted
the burning question of the hour. In connection with his other
work, Haller had propounded and defended his political opinions
as early as 1808 in his "Handbuch der allgemeinen Staatenkunde,
des darauf begruendeten allgemeinen Rechts und der allgemeinen
Straatsklugheit nach den Gesetzen der Natur". This was his most
important work. It was this, moreover, that impelled Johann von
Mueller to offer Haller the chair of constitutional law at the
University of Goettingen. In spite of the great honour involved
in this offer, he declined it.
Haller's magnum opus, however, was the "Restauration der
Staatswissenschaft oder Theorie des naturich-geselligen
Zustandes, der Chimare des kunstlich-burgerlichen
entgegengesetzt". It was published at Winterthur in six volumes
from 1816 to 1834. In this he uncompromisingly rejects the
revolutionary conception of the State, and constructs a natural
and juridical system of government, showing at the same time how
a commonwealth can endure and prosper without being founded on
the omnipotence of the state and official bureaucracy. The first
volume, which appeared in 1816, contains the history and the
refutation of the older political theories, and also sets forth
the general principles of his system of government. In the
succeeding volumes he shows how these principles apply to
different forms of government: in the second to monarchies; in
the third (1888) to military powers; in the fourth (1820) and
fifth (1834) to ecclesiastical states; and in the sixth (1825)
to republics. This work, written primarily to counteract
Rousseau's "Contrat Social", has been thus commented on: "It was
not merely a book, but a great political achievement. As such it
found not only innumerable fanatical friends but even more
numerous enemies." There is no doubt that his weakness consists
in the fact that he does not make sufficient distinction between
the State and other natural social relations. The book in its
entirety was translated into Italian, part of it into French,
and an abridged version into English, Latin and Spanish. All his
later writings are influenced by the ideas here set forth, and
oppose vigorously the revolutionary tendencies of the times and
the champions of liberalism in Church and State.
SCHERER, Erinnerungen am Grabe Hallers (Solothurn, 1854); Notice
sur la vie et les ecrits de Haller (Fribourg, 1854); MOHL,
Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissenschaften, Il. 529-60.
PATRICIUS SCHLAGER
Jean-Baptiste-Julien d'Omalius Halloy
Jean-Baptiste-Julien D'Omalius Halloy
Belgian geologist, b. at Liege, Belgium, 16 February, 1783; d.
at Brussels, 15 January, 1875. He was the only son of an ancient
and noble family, and his education was carefully directed.
After completing his classical studies he was sent to Paris in
1801 by his parents to avail himself of the social and literary
advantages of the metropolis. A lively interest, however, in
natural history awakened by the works of Buffon, directed his
steps to the museums and the Jardin des Plantes. He visited
Paris again in 1803 and 1805, and during these periods attended
the lectures of Fourcroy, Lacepede, and Cuvier. His homeward
journeys were usually made the occasion of a geological
expedition through northern France. He thus conceived the
project of making a series of surveys throughout the whole
country. This was furthered by a commission to execute a
geological map of the empire which brought with it exemption
from military duty. He devoted himself energetically to the work
and by 1813 had traversed over 15,500 miles in France and
portions of Italy. His family had, however, but little sympathy
with his geological activity, and persuaded him about this time
to gave up his expeditions. The map which he had made of France
and the neighbouring territories was not published until 1822
and served as a basis for the more detailed surveys of Dufrenoy
and Elie de Beaumont. After having served as sous-intendant of
the arrondissement of Dinant and general secretary of the
province of Liege, he became in 1815 governor of Namur. He held
this office until after the Revolution of 1830. He was elected a
member of the Belgian Senate in 1848, became its vice-president
in 1851, was made a member of the Academy of Brussels in 1816,
and was elected its president in 1850.
As a statesman Halloy had at heart the well-being of the people
and, though his duties allowed him little opportunity for
extended geological research, he retained a lively interest in
his favourite science and engaged occasionally in field work. In
his later years he gave much attention to questions of
ethonology and philosophy. His death was hastened by the
exertions of a scientific expedition undertaken alone in his
nine-first year.
Halloy was one of the pioneers of modern geology, and in
particular laid the foundation of geological knowledge over wide
areas. He made important studies in the carboniferous districts
of Belgium and the Rhine provinces and in the Tertiary deposits
of the Paris basin. He was a practical Catholic during his long
and active life, and was characterized by his loyalty and
devotion to the Church. He insisted on the harmony between faith
and science, making this th