L O N D
O N,printed by T.
N.
and are to be sold by Livewell Chapmanat the Crown
in Popes-Head
Alley. 1660.

A

Lthough since the writing
of this
treatise, the face of things hath had some change, writs for new
elections
have bin recall'd, and the members at first chosen, readmitted from
exclusion,
to sit again in Parlament, yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar'd,
the resolutions of all those who are now in power, jointly tending to
the
establishment of a free Commonwealth, and to remove if it be possible,
this unsound humour of returning to old bondage, instilld of late by
some
cunning deceivers; and nourished from bad principles and fals
apprehensions
among too many of the people, I thought best not to suppress what I had
written, hoping it may perhaps (the Parlament now sitting more full and
frequent) be now much more useful than before:yet submitting what hath
reference to the state of things as they then stood, to present
constitutions;
and so the same end be persu'd, not insisting on this or that means to
obtain it. The treatise was thus written as follows. The
Parlament
of England assisted by a great number of the people who appeard
and stuck to them faithfullest in the defence of religion and thir
civil
liberties, judging kingship by long experience a government burdensome,
expensive, useless and dangerous, justly and magnanimously abolishd it;
turning regal-bondage into a free Commonwealth, to the admiration and
terror
of our neighbours, and the stirring up of France it self,
especially
in Paris and Bourdeaux, to our imitation. Nor were
our
actions less both at home and abroad then might become the hopes of a
glorious
rising Commonwealth; nor were the expressions both of the Army and of
the
People, whether in thir publick declarations or several writings, other
then such as testifi'd a spirit in this nation no less noble and well
fitted
to the liberty of a Commonwealth, then in the ancient Greeks or Romans.
After our liberty thus successfully fought for, gaind and many years
possessd,
except in those unhappie interruptions; which God hath remov'd, and
wonderfully
now the third time brought together our old Patriots, the first
Assertours
of our religious and civil rights, now that nothing remains but in all
reason the certain hopes of a speedy and immediate settlement to this
nation
for ever in a firm and free Commonwealth, to fall back, or rather to
creep
back so poorly as it seems the multitude vvould, to thir once abjur'd
and
detested thraldom of kingship; not only argues a strange degenerate
corruption
suddenly spread among us, fitted and prepar'd for nevv slaverie, but
vvill
render us a scorn and derision to all our neighbours. And vvhat
vvill
they say of us, but scoffingly as of that foolish builder mentioned by
our Saviour, who began to build a Tower, and was not able to finish it:
where is this goodly tower of a Common-wealth which the English boasted
they would build, to overshaddow kings and be another Rome in
the
west? The foundation indeed they laid gallantly, but fell into a worse
confusion, not of tongues, but of factions, then those at the tower of Babel;and
have left no memorial of thir work behinde them remaining, but in the
common
laughter of Europ. VVhich must needs redound the more to our
shame,
if we but look on our neighbours the United Provinces, to us inferior
in
all outward advantages: who notwithstanding, in the midst of greater
difficulties,
courageously, wisely, constantly went through with the same work, and
are
settl'd in all the happie injoiments of a potent and flourishing
Republick
to this day. Besides
this,
if we return to kingship, and soon repent, as undoubtedly we shall,
when
we begin to finde the old incroachments coming on by little and little
upon our consciences, which must necessarily proceed from king and
bishop
united inseparably in one interest, we may be forc'd perhaps to fight
over
again all that we have fought, and spend over again all that we have
spent,
but are never like to attain thus far as we are now advanc'd, to the
recoverie
of our freedom, never likely to have it in possession, as we now have
it,
never to be voutsaf'd heerafter the like mercies and signal assistances
from heaven in our cause, if by our ingratefull backsliding we make
these
fruitless to ourselves, all his gratious condescensions and answers to
our once importuning praiers against the tyrannie which we then groand
under to become now of no effect, by returning of our own foolish
accord,
nay running headlong again with full stream wilfully and obstinately
into
the same bondage:making vain and viler then dirt the blood of so many
thousand
faithfull and valiant Englishmen, who left us in this libertie, bought
with thir lives; losing by a strange aftergame of folly, all the
battels
we have wonne, all the treasure we have spent, not that corruptible
treasure
only, but that far more precious of all our late miraculous
deliverances;
and most pittifully depriving our selves the instant fruition of that
free
government which we have so dearly purchasd, a free Commonwealth, not
only
held by wisest men in all ages the noblest, the manliest, the
equallest,
the justest government, the most agreeable to all due libertie and
proportiond
equalitie, both humane, civil and Christian, most cherishing to vertue
and true religion but also (I may say it with greatest probabilitie)
planely
commended or rather enjoind by our Saviour himself, to all Christians,
not without remarkable disallowance and the brand of Gentilism
upon
kingship. God in much displeasure gave a king to the Israelites,
and imputed it a sin to them that they sought one: but Christ
apparently
forbids his disciples to admitt of any such heathenish government: the
kings of the gentiles, saith he exercise lordship over them;
and
they that exercise autoritie upon them, are call'd benefactors.
But
ye shall not be so: but he that is greatest among you, let him be as
the
younger; and he that is chief as he that serveth. The occasion of
these
his words, was the ambitious desire of Zebede's two sons to be
exalted
above their brethren in his kingdom, which they thought was to be ere
long
upon earth. That he speaks of civil government, is manifest by the
former
part of the comparison, which inferrs the other part to be alwaies in
the
same kinde. And what government comes neerer to this precept of Christ,
then a free Commonwealth; wherin they who are greatest, are perpetual
servants
and drudges to the publick at thir own cost and charges, neglect thir
own
affairs; yet are not elevated above thir brethren, live soberly in thir
families, walk the streets as other men, may be spoken to freely,
familiarly,
friendly, without adoration. Whereas a king must be ador'd
like a Demigod, with a dissolute and haughtie court about him, of vast
expence and luxurie, masks and revels, to the debaushing of our prime
gentry
both male and female; nor at his ovvn cost, but on the publick revenue;
and all this to do nothing but bestovv the eating and drinking of
excessive
dainties, to set a pompous face upon the superficial actings of State,
to pageant himself up and dovvn in progress among the perpetual
bovvings
and cringings of an abject people, on either side deifying and adoring
him vvho for the most part deserves none of this by any good done to
the
people (for vvhat can he more then another man?) but even in the
expression
of a late court-Poet, sits only like a great cypher set to no purpose
before
a long rovv of other significant figures. Nay it is vvell and happy for
the people if thir king be but a cypher, being oft times a mischief, a
pest, a scourge of the nation, and vvhich is vvorse, not to be remov'd,
not to be contrould, much less accus'd or brought to punishment,
without
the danger of a common ruin,without the shaking and almost subversion
of
the whole land. Wheras in a free Commonwealth, any governour or chief
counselour
offending, may be remov'd and punishd, without the least commotion.
Certainly
then that people must needs be madd or strangely infatuated, that build
the chief hope of thir common happiness or safetie on a single person;
who if he happen to be good, can do no more then another man, if to be
bad, hath in his hands to do more evil without check, then millions of
other men. The happiness of a nation must needs be firmest and
certainest
in a full and free Councel of their own electing, where no single
person,
but reason only swayes. And what madness is it, for them vvho might
manage
nobly their ovvn affairs themselves, sluggishly and vveakly to devolve
all on a single person; and more like boyes under age then men; to
committ
all to his patronage and disposal,vvho neither can perform vvhat he
undertakes,
and yet for undertaking it,though royally paid, vvill not be thir
servant,
but thir lord? hovv unmanly must it needs be, to count such a one
the breath of our nostrils, to hang all our felicitie on him, all our
safety,
our vvell-being, for vvhich if vve vvere aught els but sluggards or
babies,
vve need depend on none but God and our ovvn counsels, our ovvn active
vertue and industrie. Go to the Ant, thou sluggard, saith Solomon,
consider her waies, and be wise; which having no prince, ruler, or
lord,
provides her meat in the summer, and gathers her food in the harvest.
Which evidently shews us, that they who think the nation undon without
a king, though they swell and look haughtie, have not so much true
spirit
and understanding in them as a Pismire. It may be well wonderd that any
nation, styling themselves free, can suffer any man to pretend right
over
them as thir lord; whenas by acknowledging that right, they conclude
themselves
his servants and his vassals and so renounce thir own freedom.
Which
how a people can do, that hath fought so gloriously for libertie, how
they
can change thir noble words and actions heretofore so becoming the
majestie
of a free people, unto the base necessitie of court-flatteries and
prostrations,
is not only strange and admirable, but lamentable to think on: that a
nation
should be so valorous and courageous to vvinne thir libertie in the
field,
and vvhen they have vvonn it, should be so unvvise in thir counsels, as
not to knovv hovv to value it, vvhat to do vvith it, or vvith
themselves;
but after ten or tvvelve years prosperous vvar and contestation vvith
tyrannie,
basely and besottedly to run thir necks again into the yoke vvhich they
have broken, and prostrate all the fruits of thir victorie for nothing
at the feet of the vanquishd, besides our loss of glorie vvill be an
ignominie,
if it befall us, that never yet befell any nation possessd of thir
libertie;
vvorthie indeed themselves, vvhosoever they be, to be forever slaves;
but
that part of the nation which consents not with them, as I perswade me
of a great number, far worthier then by their means to be brought into
the same bondage, and reservd, I trust, by Divine providence to a
better
end; since God hath yet his remnant, and hath not yet quenchd the
spirit
of libertie among us. Considering these things, so plane, so rational,
I cannot but yet further admire on the other side, how any man who hath
the true principles of justice and religion in him, can presume or take
upon him to be a king and lord over his brethren, whom he cannot but
know,
whether as men or Christians, to be for the most part every way equal
or
superiour to himself: how he can display with such vanitie and
ostentation
his regal splendour so supereminently above other mortal men; or, being
a Christian, can assume such extraordinarie honour and worship to
himself,
while the kingdom of Christ, our common King and Lord, is hid to this
world,
and such Gentilish imitation forbid in express words by himself
to all his disciples? All Protestants hold, that Christ in his Church
hath
left no viceregent of his kingly povver, but himself vvithout deputy,
is
the only head thereof, governing it from heaven: hovv then can any
Christian
man derive his kingship from Christ, but vvith vvorse usurpation then
the
Pope his headship over the Church, since Christ not only hath not left
the least shadovv of a command for any such viceregence from him in the
State, as the Pope pretends for his in the Church, but hath expressly
declar'd
that such regal dominion is from the gentiles, not from him, and hath
strictly
charg'd us, not to imitate them therein? I doubt not
but
all ingenuous and knowing men will easily agree with me, that free
Commonwealth
without single person or house of lords, is by far the best government,
if it can be had; but we have all this while, say they, bin expecting
it,
and cannot yet attain it. I answer, that the cause thereof may be
ascrib'd
with most reason to the frequent disturbances, interruptions and
dissolutions
which the Parlament hath had partly from the impatient or disaffected
people,
partly from some ambitious leaders in the armie; much contrarie, I
believe,
to the minde and approbation of the Armie it self and thir other
Commanders,
when they were once undeceivd, or in thir own power. Neither ought the
small number of those remaining in Parlament, be made a by-word of
reproach
to them, as it is of late by the rable, whenas rather they should be
therefor
honourd, as the remainder of those faithfull worthies, who at first
freed
us from tyrannie, and have continu'd ever since through all changes
constant
to thir trust; which they have declar'd, as they may most justly and
truly,
that no other way they can discharge, no other way secure and confirme
the peoples libertie, but by setling them in a free Commonwealth. And
doubtless,
no Parlament will be ever able under royaltie to free the people from
slavery:
and when they go about it, vvill find it a laborious task; and when
they
have don all, they can, be forc'd to leave the contest endless between
prerogative and petition of right, till only dooms-day end it: And now
is the opportunitie, now the very season wherein we may obtain a free
Commonwealth,
and establish it forever in the land, without difficulty or much delay.
The Parlament have voted to fill up their number: and if the people,
laying
aside prejudice and impatience, will seriously and calmly now consider
thir own good, thir own libertie and the only means therof, as shall be
heer laid before them, and will elect thir Knights and Burgesses able
men,
and according to the just and necessarie qualifications decreed in
Parlament,
men not addicted to a single person or house of lords, the work is don;
at least the foundation is firmly laid of a free Commonwealth, and good
part also erected of the main structure. For the ground and basis
of every just and free government (since men have smarted so oft for
committing
all to one person) is a general Councel of ablest men, chosen by the
people
to consult of publick affairs from time to time for the common
good.
This Grand Councel must have the forces by sea and land in thir power,
must raise and mannage the Publick revenue, make lawes, as need
requires,
treat of commerce, peace, or war with forein nations; and for the
carrying
on som particular affairs of State with more secrecie and expedition,
must elect, as they have already
out of thir own number and others, a Councel of State. And although
it may seem strange at first hearing, by reason that mens mindes are
prepossessed
with the conceit of successive Parlaments, I affirm that the Grand or
General
Councel being well chosen, should sit perpetual: for so their business
is, and they will become thereby skilfullest, best acquainted with the
people, and the people with them. The ship of the Commonwealth is
alwaies
undersail; they sit at the stern; and if they stear well, what need is
ther to change them; it being rather dangerous? Adde to this, that the
Grand Councel is both foundation and main pillar of the whole State;
and
to move pillars and foundations, unless they be faultie, cannot be safe
for the building. I see not therefore how we can be advantag'd by
successive
Parlaments; but that they are much liklier continually to unsettle
rather
then to settle a free government, to breed commotions, changes,
novelties
and uncertainties; and serve only to satisfie the ambition of such men,
as think themselves injur'd, and cannot stay till they be orderly
chosen
to have thir part in the government. If the ambition of such be at all
to be regarded, the best expedient will be, and with least danger, that
everie two or three years a hundred or some such number may go out by
lot
or suffrage of the rest, and the like number be chosen in thir places;
(which hath bin already thought on heer, and done in other
Commonwealths:) but in my opinion
better nothing mov'd, unless by death or just accusation: and I shall
make
mention of another way to satisfie such as are reasonable, ere I end
this
discourse. And least this be thought my single opinion, I shall adde
sufficient
testimonie. Kingship it self is therefore counted the more safe and
durable,
because the king and for the most part, his Councel, is not changd
during
life: but a Commonwealth is held immortal; and therein firmest, safest
and most above fortune; for that the death of a king, causeth oft-times
many dangerous alterations; but the death now and then of a Senatour is
not felt; the main body of them still continuing unchang'd in greatest
and noblest Commonwealths, and as it were eternal. Therefore among the
Jews, the supream Councel of seaventie, call'd the Sanhedrim,
founded
by Moses, in Athens that the Areopagus, in Lacedaemon
that of the Ancients, in Rome the Senat, consisted of members
chosen
for term of life; and by that means remaind still the same to
generations.
In Venice they change indeed ofter then everie year som
particular
councels of State, as that of six, or such others; but the full Senate,
which upholds and sustains the government, sits immovable. So in the
United
Provinces, the States General, which are indeed but a Councel of State
delegated by the whole union, are not usually the same persons for
above
three or six years; but the Provincial States, in whom the true
sovrantie
is plac'd, are a standing Senate, without succession, and accounted
chiefly
in that regard the main prop of thir libertie. And why they should be
so
in everie well ordered Commonwealth, they who write of policie, give
these
reasons; "That to make the whole Senate successive, not only impairs
the
dignitie and lustre of the Senate, but weakens the whole Commonwealth,
and brings it into manifest danger; while by this means the secrets of
State are frequently divulgd, and matters of greatest consequence
committed
to inexpert and novice counselors, utterly to seek in the full and
intimate
knowledge of affairs past. I know not therefor what should be peculiar
in England to make successive Parlaments thought safest, or
convenient
heer more then in all other nations, unlesse it be the fick'lness which
is attributed to us as we are Ilanders. But good education and
acquisite
wisdom ought to correct the fluxible fault, if any such be, of our
watrie
situation; I suppose therefor that the people well weighing these
things,
would have no cause to fear or murmur, though the Parlament, abolishing
that name, as originally signifying but the parlie of our
Commons
with thir Norman king when he pleasd to call them, should
perpetuate
themselves, if thir ends be faithfull and for a free Commonwealth,
under
the name of a Grand or General Councel: nay till this be done, I am in
doubt whether our State will be ever certainlie and throughly setl'd:
and
say again therefor, that if the Parlament do this, these nations will
have
so little cause to fear or suspect them, that they will have cause
rather
to gratulate and thank them ; nay more, if they understand thir own
good
rightly, will sollicit and entreat them not to throw off the great
burden
from thir shoulders which none are abler to bear, and to sit perpetual;
never likely till then to see an end of thir troubles and continual
changes,
or at least never the true settlement and assurance of their libertie.
And the government being novv in so many faithful and experienc'd
hands,
next under God, so able, especially filling up their number, as they
intend,
and abundantly sufficient so happily to govern us, vvhy should the
nation
so little knovv thir ovvn interest as to seek change, and deliver
themselves
up to meer titles and vanities, to persons untri'd, unknovvn,
necessitous,
implacable, and every vvay to be suspected: to vvhose povver vvhen vve
are once made subject, not all these our Patriots nor all the vvisdom
or
force of the vvell affected joind vvith them can deliver us again from
most certain miserie and thraldom. To return then to this most easie,
most
present and only cure of our distempers, the Grand Councel being thus
firmly
constituted to perpetuitie, and still, upon the death or default of any
member, suppli'd and kept in full number, ther can be no cause alleag'd
why peace, justice, plentiful trade and all prosperitie should not
therupon
ensue throughout the whole land; with as much assurance as can be of
human
things, that they shall so continue (if God favour us, and our wilfull
sins provoke him not) even to the coming of our true and right full and
only to be expected King, only worthy as he is our only Saviour, the
Messiah,
the Christ, the only heir of his eternal father, the only by him
anointed
and ordaind, since the work of our redemtion finishd, universal Lord of
all mankind. The way propounded is plain, easie and open before us;
without
intricases, without the mixture of inconveniencies, or any considerable
objection to be made, as by some friviously, that it is not
practicable:
and this facilitie we shall have above our next neighbouring
Commonwealth,
(if we can keep us from the fond conceit of somthing like a duke of Venice,
put lately into many mens heads, by som one or other suttly driving on
under that prettie notion his own ambitious ends to a crown) that our
liberty
shall not be hamperd or hoverd over by any ingag'ment to such a potent
family as the house of Nassaw, of whom to stand in perpetual
doubt
and suspicion, but we shall live the cleerest and absolutest free
nation
in the world. On the contrarie, if ther be a king, which the
inconsiderate
multitude are now so madd upon, marke how far short we are like to com
of all those happinesses, which in a free State we shall immediately be
possessd of. First, the Grand Councel, which, as I said before,
is
both the basis and main pillar in everie government, and should sit
perpetually,
(unless thir leisure give them now and then some intermissions or
vacations
easilie manageable by the Councel of State left sitting) shall be
call'd,
by the kings good will and utmost endeavour, as seldome as maybe; and
then
for his own ends: for it will soon return to that, let no man hope
otherwise,
whatever law or provision be made to the contrarie. For it is only the
kings right, he will say, to call a Parlament; and this he will do most
commonly about his own affairs rather then the kingdom's, as will
appear
planely so soon as they are call'd. For what will thir business then be
and the chief expence of thir time, but an endless tugging between
right
of subject and royal prerogative, especially about the negative voice,
militia, or subsidies, demanded and oft-times extorted without
reasonable
cause appearing to the Commons, who are the only true representatives
of
the people; but vvill be then mingl'd vvith a court-faction; besides
vvhich,
vvithin thir ovvn vvalls, the sincere part of them vvho stand faithful
to the people, vvill again have do deal with two troublesome
counter-vvorking
adversaries from vvithout, meer creatures of the king, temporal and
spiritual
lords, [made] up into one house, and nothing concernd vvith the peoples
libertie. If these prevail not in what they please, though never
so much against the peoples interest, the Parlament shall be soon
dissolvd,
or sit and do nothing; not sufferd to remedie the least greevance, or
enact
aught advantageous to the people. Next, the Councel of State shall not
be chosen by the Parlament, but by the king, still his own creatures,
courtiers
and favorites; who will be sure in all thir counsels to set thir
maister's
grandure and absolute power, in what they are able, far above the
peoples
libertie. I denie not but that ther may be such a king, who may regard
the common good before his own, may have no vitious favorite, may
hearken
only to the wisest and incorruptest of his Parlament; but this rarely
happ'ns
in a monarchie not elective; and it behoves not a wise nation to commit
the summ of thir wellbeing, the whole state of thir safetie to fortune.
And admitt, that monarchy of it self may be convenient to som nations,
yet to us who have thrown it out, received back again, it cannot but
prove
pernicious. For the kings to com, never forgetting thir former
ejection,
will be sure to fortifie and arme themselves sufficiently for the
future
against all such attempts heerafter from the people: who shall be then
so narrowly watch'd and kept so low, as that besides the loss of all
thir
blood, and treasure spent to no purpose, though they would never so
sain
and at the same rate , they never shall be able to regain what they now
have purchasd and may enjoy, or to free themselves from any yoke
impos'd
upon them. Besides this, a new royal-revenue must be found; which being
wholly dissipated or bought by private persons, or assing'd for service
don, and especially to the Armie, cannot be recovered without a general
confusion to men's estates, or a heavy imposition on all men's
purses.
Not to speak of revenges and offences that will be rememberd and
returnd,
not only by the chief person, but by all his adherents; accounts and
reparations
that will be requir'd, suites and inditements, who knows against whom,
or how many, though perhaps neuters, if not to utmost infliction, yet
to
imprisonment, fines, banishment; or if not these, yet disfavour,
discountnance,
disregard and contempt on all but the known royalist, or whom he
favours,
will be plentious; whatever conditions be contriv'd or trusted on. Having thus
far
shevvn vvith vvhat ease vve may novv obtain a free Commonwealth, and by
it with as much ease all the freedom, peace,justice,plentie that we can
desire, on the otherside, the difficulties, troubles, uncertainties nay
rather impossibilities to enjoy these things constantly under a
monarch,
I vvill novv proceed to shevv more particularly vvherein our freedom
and
flourishing condition vvill be more ample and secure to us under a free
Commonvvealth then under kingship. The whole
freedom
of man consists either in spiritual or civil libertie. As for
spiritual,
who can be at rest, who can enjoy any thing in this world vvith
contentment,
vvho hath not libertie to serve God and to save his own soul, according
to the best light which God hath planted in him to that purpose, by the
reading of his reveal'd will and the guidance of his holy spirit? That
this is best pleasing to God, and that the vvhole Protestant Church
allows
no supream judge or rule in matters of religion, but the scriptures,
and
these to be interpreted by the scriptures themselves, vvhich
necessarily
inferrs liberty of conscience, hath bin heertofore prov'd at large in
other
treatises, and might yet further by the publick declarations,
confessions,
and admonitions of whole Churches and States, obvious in all historie,
since the Reformation. He who cannot be content with this libertie to
himself,
but seeks violently to impose what he will have to be the only
religion,
upon other men's consciences, let him know, bears a minde not only
unchristian
and irreligious, but inhuman also and barbarous. And in my judgement
civil
States would do much better, and remove the cause of much hindrance and
disturbance in publick affairs, much ambition, much hypocrisie and
contention
among the people, if they would not meddle at all with Ecclesiastical
matters,
which are both of a quite different nature from their cognisance, and
have
thir proper laws fully and compleatly with such coercive power as
belongs
to them, ordaind by Christ himself and his apostles. If ther were no
medling
with Church matters in State councels, ther would not be such faction
in
chusing members of Parlament, while every one strives to chuse him whom
he takes to be of his religion; and everie faction hath the plea of
Gods
cause. Ambitious leaders of armies would then have no hypocritical
pretences
so ready at hand to contest with Parlaments, yea to dissolve them and
make
way to thir own tyrannical designs: in summ, I verily suppose ther
would
be then no more pretending to a fifth monarchie of the saints: but much
peace and tranquillitie would follow; as the United Netherlands have
found
by experience: who while they persecuted the Arminians, were in
much disquiet among themselves, and in danger to have broke asunder
into
a civil war; since they have left off persecuting, they have livd in
much
more concord and prosperitie. And I have heard from Zolanders
themselves,
that they never enjoid more peace, then when religion was most at
libertie
among them; that then first began thir trouble, vvhen that king by
instigation
of the Jesuites began to force the Cossaks in matters of
religion.
This libertie of conscience, which above all other things ought to be
to
all men dearest and most precious, no government more inclinable not
only
to favour but to protect, then a free Commonwealth; as being most
magnanimous,
most fearless and confident of its own fair proceedings. Wheras
kingship,
though looking big, yet indeed most pusillanimous, full of fears, full
of jealousies, startl'd at everie umbrage, as it hath bin observd of
old
to have ever suspected most and mistrusted them who vvere in most
esteem
for vertue and generositie of minde, so it is now knovvn to have most
in
doubt and suspicion them vvho are most reputed to be religious.
Q. Elizabeth
though herself accounted so good a Protestant, so moderate, so
confident
of her subjects love, vvould never give vvay so much as to Presbyterian
reformation in this land, though once and again besought, as Cambden
relates, but imprisond and persecuted the verie proposers therof,
alleaging
it as her minde and maxim unalterable, that such reformation would
diminish
regal authoritie. What libertie of conscience can we then expect from
others
far worse principld from the cradle, traind up and governd by Popish
and Spanish counsels, and on such depending hitherto for
subsistence.
For they hear the Gospel speaking much of libertie, a word which
monarchie
and her bishops both fear and hate; but a free Commonwealth both
favours
and promotes; and not the word only, but the thing it self. The other part of
our
freedom consists in the civil rights and advanc'ments of every person
according
to his merit: the enjoiment of those never more certain, and the access
to these never more open, then in a free Commonwealth. And both in my
opinion
may be best and soonest obtaind, if every county in the land were made
a little commonwealth, and thir chief town a city, if it be not so
call'd
alreadie; where the nobilitie and chief gentry may build, houses or
palaces,
befitting their qualitie, may bear part in the government, make their
own
judicial lawes, and execute them by their own elected judicatures,
without
appeal, in all things of civil government between man and man. So they
shall have justice in thir own hands, and none to blame but themselves,
if it be not well administer'd. In these imployments they may exercise
and fit themselves till their lot fall to be chosen into the Grand
Councel,
according as their worth and merit shall be taken notice of by the
people.
As for controversies that shall happen between men of several counties,
they may repair, as they do now, to the capital citie. They should have
heer also schools and academies at thir own choice, wherin their
children
may be bred up in thir own sight to all learning and noble education,
not
in grammar only, but in all liberal arts and exercises. This would soon
spread much more knowledge and civilitie, yea religion, through all
parts
of the land: this would soon make the whole nation more industrious,
more
ingenuous at home, more potent, more honourable abroad. To this a free
Commonwealth
will easily assent; (nay the Parlament hath had alreadie som such thing
in designe) for of all governments a Commonwealth aims most to make the
people flourishing, vertuous, noble and high spirited. Monarchs will
never
permitt: whose aim is to make the people, wealthy indeed perhaps and
wel-fleec't
for thir own shearing, and for the supply of regal prodigalitie; but
otherwise
softest, basest,vitiousest, servilest, easiest to be kept under; and
not
only in fleece, but in mind also sheepishest; and will have all the
benches
of judicature annexd to the throne, as a gift of royal grace that we
have
justice don us; whenas nothing can be more essential to the freedom of
a people, then to have the administration of justice and all publick
ornaments
in thir own election and within thir own bounds, without long traveling
or depending on remote places to obtain thir right or any civil
accomplishment;
so it be not supream, but subordinate to the general power and union of
the whole Republick. In which happie firmness as in the
particular
above mentioned, we shall also far exceed the United Provinces, by
having,
not many sovranties in one Commonwealth, but many Commonwealths under
one
sovrantie. I have no
more
to say at present: few words will save us, well considerd; few and
easie
things, now seasonably don. But if the people be so affected, as to
prostitute
religion and libertie to the vain and groundless apprehension, that
nothing
but kingship can restore trade, not remembering the frequent plagues
and
pestilences that then wasted this cite, such as through God's mercie,
we
never have left since, and that trade flourishes no where more, then in
the free Commonwealths of Italie, Germanie and the Low
Countreys,
before thir eyes at this day, yet if trade be grown so craving and
importunate
through the profuse living of tradsmen that nothing can support it, but
the luxurious expences of a nation upon trifles or superfluities, so as
if the people generally should betake themselves to frugalitie, it
might
prove a dangerous matter, least tradesmen should mutinie for want of
trading,
and that therefor we must forgo, and set to sale religion, libertie,
honour,
safetie, all concernments divine or human to keep up trading, if
lastly,
after all this light among us, the same reason shall pass for current
to
put our necks again under kingship, as vvas made use of by the Jews
to return back to Egypt and to the vvorship of thir idol queen,
because they falsly imagind that they then livd in more plenty and
prosperitie,
our condition is not sound but rotten, both in religion and all civil
prudence;
and vvill bring us soon, the vvay vve are marching, to those calamities
vvhich attend alvvaies and unavoidably on luxurie, that is to say all
national
judgments under forein or domestic slaverie: so far we shall be from
mending
our condition by monarchizing our government; what ever new conceit now
possesses us. However with all hazard I have ventur'd what I thought my
dutie, to speak in season, & to forewarn my country in time: wherin
I doubt not but there be many wise men in all places and degrees but am
sorrie the effects of wisdom are so little seen among us. Many
circumstances
and particulars I could have added in those things whereof I have
spoken;
but a few main matters now put speedily into execution, will suffice to
recover us, and set all right: and ther will want at no time who are
good
at circumstances, but men who set thir mindes on main matters and
sufficiently
urge them, in these most difficult times I finde not many. What I have
spoken, is the language of the good old cause: if it seem strange to
any,
it vvill not seem more strange, I hope, then convincing to backsliders.
Thus much I should perhaps have said, though I were sure I should have
spoken only to trees and stones, and had none to cry to, but vvith the
Prophet, O earth, earth, earth to tell the verie soil it self
what
God hath determined of Coniah and his seed for ever. But I
trust,
I shall have spoken perswasion to abundance of sensible and ingenuous
men;
to som perhaps, whom God may raise of these stones, to become children
of libertie; and may enable and unite in thir noble resolutions to give
a stay to these our ruinous proceedings and to this general defection
of
the misguided and abus'd multitude.