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Many years ago I worked as part of a team providing advice to the Scottish Office as they developed Best Value policy north of the Border. This was at the beginning of the Blair era, before the creation of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Secretary was Donald Dewar, Henry McLeish was the minister responsible for local government and the driving force was Wendy Alexander, special advisor to Dewar and general modernising whirlwind of the time.

Donald Dewar and Wendy Alexander

Best Value, as it had emerged in England, seemed to those of us working in public service reform in Scotland, to be an overly mechanistic and superficial regime that would produce huge amounts of bureaucracy and have little chance of changing the ways that large organisations operated. The critique of English Best Value policy was that its focus on reviewing a set number of services, over a set period of time, put too much emphasis on operations without questioning strategy. In other words, it prioritised efficiency over innovation. We, therefore, argued for a Best Value policy in Scotland which followed Drucker by asking whether we were doing the right things before asking whether we were doing things right. We wanted Best Value to start with questions about service users/citizens/customers and their needs, rather to accept traditional definitions of what a service was. Through this focus on service redesign we thought councils would be liberated from doing things as they had always done them, they would design services around people, places and communities and their needs, not around along traditional service and professional tramlines.

As we wrote to Ministers at the time (in 1998), “Emphasise that Best Value should challenge the definition of services not simply endorse them. Services should be considered in terms of the needs and experience of service users, not historically defined council activities. For example, some older people may receive a service to support them in their own home. This may involve activities from several council departments, the health board and other agencies. Imaginative Best Value service reviews might take all of these activities together, redefine them as a single holistic service, and review how they work together and how they can be improved.”

We went on to say that we had a concern that “councils are further entrenching historically defined activities by performance benchmarking rather than benchmarking processes and recording and adopting best practice. This will often mean that benchmarking is restricted to other councils doing much the same thing, based on much the same service definition.”

At the time did a lot of thinking about how services were defined and contrasted the kinds of services that councils put up for challenge and the services that users or citizens perceived. We had various services in mind that we would use to challenge councils, including “reception” services for older people of vulnerable adults seeking information and advice. However, we also had in mind the corporate leadership of services. None of us believed that there was anything ideal or necessary about leadership taking a hierarchical form (it worked well, but it had inherent dangers). So what would it mean to benchmark the service provided by directors or chief executives and to look at other ways of procuring that service? Was it conceptually or practically impossible for councils to source leadership/corporate management from outside? We thought conceptually yes, but practically no.

it is with huge interest, therefore, that I follow the experiments in new forms of leadership/corporate management that are springing up across the country. I want to acknowledge and state very clearly that there is no example I’m aware of that is born solely from a desire to innovate, or produce better services. They all come from a mix of political expediency, the desire to be seen to be doing something and more noble goals. I expect that we will continue to see reversals in some places, where new political leaders decide they want to appoint their own person. It was always thus, that’s how political organisations get run.

But the examples of west London where Kensington and Chelsea, Hammersmith and Fulham and Westminster are coming together in an asymmetrical hybrid is the apotheosis of pragmatic and principled change. In the east of England we see a three-way marriage proposal between Breckland (Norfolk) and South Holland (Lincs) (who are already espoused under Terry Huggins as joint chief executive) and Great Yarmouth (Norfolk).

What both these examples show is that in the same way that councils source services from across the country, from across the globe, it is becoming possible to procure leadership and corporate management in this way also. So far councils are not straying too far from the traditional role of chief executive as embodied in a single person, but I expect we will see where the chief executive role becomes more and more high level, they will bring in other forms of professional advice and expertise from a wide range of sources to replace that given by senior permanent staff who have more and more been stripped away. There is nothing wrong or broken with the traditional chief executive model. It has never been fixed, it has always evolved. My point is that over time, therefore, we will see the evolution of leadership forms in local government that are more open to external sourcing for some of its roles and functions.

What is the right thing? Leadership. What is the right way? There ain’t one.

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Four years ago the Spectator’s Fraser Nelson ran an essay on plans for a “velvet divorce” in the Conservative party, “which would give the Scottish Tories a new name, a distinct identity, and make the Conservatives officially as well as in practice a party exclusively devoted to seeking power in England and Wales.”

The article was full of exquisite detail about the depths to which Conservatives saw themselves as having sunk. David Cameron was said to have gone north in search of the parties pulse, and found the patient was not responding. Nelson reported Sir Malcolm Rifkind’s view that “being Conservative in his motherland is now seen as ‘something done by consenting adults in private’. … Voting Tory is seen as a harmless perversion, like Morris dancing or cricket. A despised party could at least repent. But there is no hope for a forgotten party.”

It is this analysis that has led Murdo Fraser, the leading contender to win control of the Conservatives in Scotland, to propose disbanding the party and the creation of new right of centre, unionist banner. Mr Fraser believes that the Conservative brand has become so damaged, so loathed, that no new leader will be able to get voters to change their minds about what the party stands for. This genuinely radical conclusion, which would leave the Prime Minister with no party apparatus, and no capacity to campaign in Scotland, has injected rare controversy, and indeed strategy, into the leadership race which was otherwise unlikely to raise an eyebrow.

According to the Sunday Telegraph, which got the scoop on Mr Murdo’s plans:

“In an electoral pact with the Conservatives, successful Scottish MPs of the new party would then take the Conservative whip in the Commons and be eligible for ministerial posts in any Conservative government. The arrangement would be similar to that which has operated in Germany for many years between the Christian Democrats and the Christian Social Union of Bavaria.”

The influential Fraser Nelson and the Spectator are supportive of this move on the grounds that “Scottish Conservative has, alas, become an oxymoron. Murdo Fraser is right: it’s time to start again.” Francis Maude is also reported to be in favour. Michael Forsyth (Lord Forsyth of Drumlean), who was the Scottish Secretary from 1995 to 1997, meanwhile is scathing:

“I think it is naive and simplistic in the extreme to think that changing the name of the party and cutting it adrift from the rest of the Conservative Party could somehow bring electoral success. In fact, electoral success is delivered by having credible policies. I think the strategy is one of appeasement of the nationalists and I think it is one that will fail. Any policy which appeases nationalists is damaging to the union by definition.”

It is going to be interesting to see who is right. My own view is that there are many more people in Scotland with “conservative” values than there are voters of the Conservative party. The Labour party in Scotland has always targeted socially conservative “working families”, and the SNP has successfully attracted votes from countryside conservatives in the north-east. Of course, being conservative does not equal being Conservative but neither do the differences in social attitudes in Scotland explain the inability of the political centre-right to reinvent itself. There are many areas of voters’ emotional and value laden cores that a competent party of conservative values could compete for in Scotland, where the political discourse is focused on conserving a national way of life, including political and social privileges, in the face of relative economic decline.

However, there is such a distrust of political Conservatives that Conservatism has come to be seen as anti-Scottish, or incompatible with Scottishness, in both profound and superficial ways. Such is this backdrop that anyone associated with the party is taken to believe and not to believe in certain things whatever they say or do to the contrary. In other words, this prejudgement of Conservatives fatally undermines their credibility before they have even opened their mouth.

With Labour’s Scottish hegemony well and truly over and the SNP’s political raison d’être looking more and more unclear there is room for change in Scottish politics. If Murdo Fraser wins, proves a competent leader and finds a way of separating his policy voice from the England’s Tories, I predict that their performance can only improve in future polls.