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1913, The Gadar Party & the Roots of India’s Armed
anti British Colonial Struggle–in San Francisco
(Cont. From Last Eddition)
The war between Germany
and England broke out in
August, 1914 and created a
golden opportunity for
gadarites to expel the English
from India while British troops
would be busy fighting war at
the front. The gadarites started
forceful campaign to mobilize
overseas Indians in Singapore,
Burma, Egypt, Turkey and
Afghanistan and particularly
Punjabis in Canada and the USA
to go to India and launch
revolution. They drew plans to
infiltrate the Indian army and
excite the soldiers to fight not
for but against the British
Empire and free India from the
shackles of British imperialism.
The Indian Revolutionary
Society in Berlin had arranged
for substantial financial aid from

Germany. The German Embassy
in Washington had engaged a
German National in the United
States to liaison with the Gadar
leadership in San Francisco .
Several
ships
were
commissioned or chartered to
carry arms and ammunitions and
batches
of
Indian
revolutionaries, about 6000, to
India.
Besides Germany, the
gadarites also sought help from
anti-British governments. In
December
1915,
they
established a Free Hindustan
government-in-exile in Kabul,
Afghanistan, with Raja
Mohinder Pratap as President,
Maulavi Barkatullah as Prime
Minister and Champakaran Pillai
as Foreign Minister. The
government-in-exile tried to
establish
diplomatic

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relationships with countries
opposed to the British in World
war l such as Turkey, Germany,
Japan, etc. The gadarites also
established contact with the
Indian troops at Hong Kong,
Singapore, and in some other
countries and hoped for their
participation in the uprising
against the British.
The British Government
tried to suppress the Gadar
Movement and had hired
agents to penetrate the Gadar
party almost from the beginning.
Har Dyal used the columns
of Gadar to caution his
compatriots against British
spies. The traitors of the Gadar
movement leaked out the secret
plan to the British spies. As a
result, the ships carrying arms
and ammunitions never reached
India. Germany was originally

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planning to send more ships
carrying arms and ammunition
to India, lost interest in the
venture after seeing the fate of
original vessels. Many
gadarites and volunteer
fighters were taken captives
upon reaching India. Some of
the active gadarites who
escaped arrests, including
Kartar Singh Sarabha and
Vishnu Govind Pingle, made
alliance with Ras Behari Bose
and
other
known
revolutionaries in India. They
had come to India to overthrow
the British rule and wanted to
unite and work with all those
forces that were working to
liberate India. They tried hard
to mobilize the people and
infiltrate into various units of
the armed forces. But the
British spies out maneuvered
them. They also could not get
the support of Mahatma
Gandhi and other leaders of
India’s Freedom movement,
who had already committed
full co-operation with the

British Indian Government.
Before leaving for India,
the Gadarites were given the
impression that India was
ready for a revolution. So,
when the World War l provided
a golden opportunity for them
to attain their goal, they
hurried homeward for
revolution. What an irony;
while the gadarites had gone
to India to fight willingly for
the freedom of their
motherland, the Indian
leadership openly and
willingly co-operated with the
British prolonging India’s
serfdom; while the overseas
Indians prayed in Gurudwaras
and temples for the success
of Gadarites’ mission, the
people in India flocked to
Gurudwaras and temples to
pray for the victory of the
British.
The Gadarites had a flame
of liberty lit in their hearts, and
did not hesitate to make any
sacrifice for the cause of
freedom,
dignity
and

prosperity
of
their
motherland. They fought
valiantly for their cause;
several Gadarites in India were
imprisoned, many for life, and
some were hanged. In the
United States too, many
Gadarites and Germans who
supported Gadaractivities,
were prosecuted and some were
incarcerated for varying terms
of imprisonment. Although the
movement did not achieve its
stated objective, but it
awakened the sleeping India
and left a major impact on
India’s struggle for freedom.
The heroism, courage and
sacrifices of the Gadarites
inspired many freedom fighters
to continue their mission.
A prominent Indian writer,
Khushwant Singh, wrote in
Illustrated Weekly, on
February 26, 1961, “In the
early months of World war I,
an ambitious attempt to free
their country was made by
Indians living overseas,
particularly in the United

States and Canada. Although
the overwhelming majority of
the Gadrites were Sikhs and
the centers of revolutionary
activity were the Sikh temples
in Canada, the United States,
Shanghai, Hong Kong and
Singapore, many of the leaders
were of other parties and from
different parts of India,
Hardyal, Ras Bihari Bose,
Barkutullah, Seth Husain
Rahim, Tarak Nath Das and
Vishnu Ganesh Pingley. ……
The Gadar was the first
organized violent bid for
freedom after the rising of 1857.
Many hundreds paid the price
with their lives.”
Inder Singh is President of
Global Organization of People of
Indian Origin (GOPIO) and
chairman of Indian American
Heritage Foundation. He was
NFIA president from 1988-92
and chairman from 1992-96. He
was founding president of
FIA, Southern California. He
can
be
reached
at
indersinghusa@hotmail.com

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Real Estate Talks…...
These days, most new
homes are built in developments
with a unified style, with tot lots
or other communal areas, and
anywhere from a handful to
hundreds of homes. Built to the
latest codes and standards,
they tend to be contemporary
styled, energy efficient, and
more expensive than resale
homes of a similar size.
The question is, are the nicer
amenities worth the added cost?
Specific details vary, of course,
but consider the pros and cons.
Locale: The oft-recited real
estate mantra of “location,
location, location” is still
relevant. Most
older,
established neighborhoods are
in the town’s center, which can
be good or bad depending on
the vitality of your urban area.
New subdivisions - and newer
schools - are generally on the
outskirts. But the expense of a

BY

NEW OR OLD HOME
daily commute is one factor that
many buyers forget to consider,
Edelman said.
Price: Existing homes are
usually less expensive per
square foot, in part because of
escalating land costs in new
subdivisions. But ownership

costs are considered more
predictable - almost inevitable in a new home, especially
considering the cost of a code
upgrade or remodeling of a
vintage home. Some builders will
include closing costs as part of
their price of a new home,

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although that builder has a set
amount he must get from that
home to make a profit. Price is
more readily negotiable for an
existing home. Also, a hidden
cost in many new subdivisions
is a homeowner’s association,
with mandatory fees & other

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assessments as well as
architectural controls that may
surface at remodeling or
expansion time. Do your
homework.
Move-in complications,
advantages: The resale is sitting
there waiting for occupancy,
warts and all. But the wait for a
new home can seem interminable,
though the buyer can check on
quality control as its being built.
If your finished house is among
the first in a new subdivision,
prepare to navigate through
construction teams and
precariously misplaced nails for
months on end. And don’t forget
that daytime hammer serenade.
Neighborhood: “People
moving
into
new
neighborhoods are more
homogeneous - the same things
that appeal to you also appeal
to others like you,” “When a
evelopment goes up, it offers an
opportunity for you to help
create your own neighborhood
lifestyle. If you want to move into
community where your children
have lots of playmates, which
may be for you.” In an older
community, he said, people have
moved in and out over the years
and you tend to get more
diversity
of
neighbor
backgrounds that include older
people, singles, families and
renters.Living space and design:
Lower building costs of the past
mean more home for the money
for the buyer of a resale. Resale
basements may have been
finished out nicely for additional

Sikh Virsa, Calgary

living space. On the other hand,
new-construction homes often
employ more efficient, innovative
uses of square footage and
property. Also, newer “zero-lotline” developments offer more
living space per square foot
than a same-size lot that
surrounds a resale.
Customization: In a new
house, you can pick your own
color schemes, flooring, kitchen
cabinets, appliances, custom
wiring for TV’s, computers,
phones and speakers, etc., as
well as have more upgrade
options. Modern features like
media rooms, extra-large closets
and extralarge bathrooms and
tubs are also more attainable in
ground-up construction. In a
used home, you rely largely on
the previous resident’s tastes
and technological whims,
unless you plan to farm
thousands into a remodeling
and rewiring. Be warned: It’s
unwise to wallpaper for at least
one year in a new house until it
settles. The wallpaper will tear.
(But it is OK to paint.)
Character: While many new
homes are built in “contextual”
style, which blends elements of
the old and the new. Hardwood
floors, vaulted windows, high
ceilings, built-in cabinetry and
other design nuances express
a certain individuality in older
homes that’s nearly impossible
to copy. many new-home
buyers believe they put the
character in their own homes.
Safety: Builders have to

follow very strict guidelines in
new-homes and dditions,
especially in area where
earthquake safety standards
must be observed. In general,
new homes are usually more
fire-safe & better accommodating of new security and
garage-door systems.
Landscaping: Mature trees,
robust shrubs, gardens, rose
bushes and perennially wellwatered lawns are some of the
rewards of an older home, while
most new homes are apt to yield
wee trees, fewer walkways and
sparse vegetation. Landscaping
is an expensive proposition
today for the cost-conscious
home builder.
Energy
efficiency:
Advantage: new construction.
Game, set and match as well.
New-home designers can use new
building materials such as glazed
Energy Star windows, thicker
insulation and other technology
that will lower future energy costs
for the owner. Most states now
have minimum energy-efficiency
requirements
for
new
construction. Kitchens and
laundry areas in new homes are
designed to house more efficient
energy-saving appliances. Older
homes, unless they have
undergone an energy retrofit,
usually cost much more per square
foot to air-condition and heat.
Amenities: Many new
subdivisions
offer
neighborhood clubhouses,
swimming pools, playgrounds,
bike and jogging trails and

184.

picnic venues for residents.
Older homes don’t, although
many have better access to
urban shopping venues and
restaurants because they’re part
of old, self-containing cityplanning philosophies.
Maintenance: The charm of
an older home often goes hand in
hand with increased maintenance,
especially if the previous owner(s)
were not vigilant in upkeep.
Building materials may be harder
to replace or match in an expansion
or remodeling. New homes
generally come with at least a oneyear warranty for the repair of some
problems that develop as it settles
into its foundation. But know what
your warranty covers. Many are
elusively written.
Taxes: Newer homes tend to
spring up in less-developed,
outlying municipalities, which
may impose higher taxes on you
because they’re subsidizing
fewer inhabitants than the central
metropolitan area. Your
community will still need fire and
police coverage, sidewalks,
sewers & probably a new school.
A more established home in a
built-out area has a little more
predictable tax structure.
Call Gurpreet Judge at 403560-9798
or
email:
thejudgeteam@gmail.com for
any of your real estate questions
or consultation. 19thStreet NE,
Calgary, AB. T2E 6X8.
Like us on FACEBOOK:
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thejudgeteam
https://
www.gurpreetjudge.com

September, 2013

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Biggest Problem In Egypt
All attention on Egypt is focused on the
power struggle between the executive and
the military. Meanwhile, the country desperately needs a judiciary that can harmonize the values of an incredibly heterogeneous population. A coherent system of justice is absolutely essential for Egyptian development, stabilization, and prosperity –
but you wouldn't know that from following
the news.
The past few weeks have been filled with
stories about the recent demonstrations in
Egypt, former President Mohamed Morsi’s
struggle to maintain power, and the military’s
ultimatum. After one of the largest protests
in the history of Egypt took over Tahrir
Square and the surrounding streets &
bridges, the armed forces put Morsi under
house arrest, and leaders of the Muslim
Brotherhood were detained. Meanwhile, figures from the opposition, civil society, and
the military took over interim positions.
American and European media outlets
are depicting the political transition as a
simple game between the military and the

executive. Reading the headlines, the articles, and opinion pieces, all you hear about
are the people in the street, the military, and
what Morsi’s worried face looked like during his final speech. It seems like a fairly
simple scenario, a tug-of-war between the
army and the incumbent government.
Intense debate about whether this was

a coup or a revolution is fair. But focusing
only on the Muslim Brotherhood and the
armed forces keeps attention on the executive branch of government at a time when
judicial reform is essential to a stable and
democratic Egypt.
In December, a constitution that empowered Morsi's government - and hindered the

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185.

September, 2013

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American & European media
outlets are depicting the political
transition as a simple game between the military & the executive. Reading the headlines, the
articles, & opinion pieces, all you
hear about are the people in the
street, the military, and what
Morsi’s worried face looked like
during his final speech.

powers of judges and minorities-was
passed via a referendum in which only 33%
of people participated. In April, Morsi decided to use his powers to take on the judiciary. The executive passed a law that forced
the retirement of 25% of Egypt’s judges and
prosecutors, whose numbers were cut down
to less than 10,000 by simply lowering the
retirement age.
Following opposition by the Judges’
Club, a leading advocacy group representing over 90% of Egypt’s judges, Ahmed
Mekki, the minister of justice and supporter
of former president Hosni Mubarak, decided
to resign. While he was politically opportu-

nistic, Mekki was one of the few remaining
moderate reformists in Morsi’s cabinet, and
was responsible for monitoring the judicial
budget and ensuring judicial compliance.
This measure represented one last strike
against what should have become the most
stable branch of government for years to
come.
As in most contemporary systems of
checks and balances, Egypt’s judiciary is
supposed to be independent from the government. The 1972 constitution already infringed on judicial authority, but not as much
as the one established under Morsi. For the
past year, Egypt has carried on without a

strong judiciary. Without one, the people
will never be truly protected under a satisfactory system of law.
A coherent system of justice that can
harmonize the values of an incredibly heterogeneous population is absolutely essential for Egyptian development, stabilization,
and prosperity. The media needs to shift the
debate to a more intelligent and relevant
conversation about what Egyptians really
want and need. Egypt has some of the most
accomplished and well-educated judges and
lawyers in the region; the human capital is
there. Unless Egypt's legal system is developed and established according to domestic notions of justice, the population will always be harmed by the tumultuous political
cycles of its government. (The End)

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Hijacking America’s mind on 9/11
Before I came across the book
“Hijacking America's Mind on 9/
11” by Elias Davidsson, I believed
in the official narrative on 9/11. I
read the book twice. It shattered
completely my former belief.
I'm no expert on 9/11 and do
not believe in esoteric theories.
My attitude towards 9/11 has
been marked by a certain curiosity, but also by healthy skepticism. When I initially stumbled
across articles questioning the
official 9/11 narrative, I just read
them and put them away. With
Davidsson's book, it was different: it immediately captivated me.
Having hitch-hiked extensively all over the United States
and studied international relations at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, I am
somehow familiar with how
American society ticks. I have
noted that after every severe calamity in the US , an immediate
inquiry is initiated to determine

the facts. When it comes to airplane crashes, it befalls on the
National Transportation Security
Board (NTSB) to determine the
circumstances in which the airplane crashed: the plane is pieced
together from the debris, the
cause of the crash is determined
and a public report is issued regarding the circumstances of the
crash. The U.S. government did
not, however, permit the NTSB

Book Review
By Dr. Ludwig Watza
to investigate the 9/11 crashes.
It had to be carried out, exceptionally, by the more secretive
FBI, which has no obligation to
publish its findings. Why did the
U.S. government insist on such
unprecedented secrecy?
Elias Davidsson's book may
provide an answer to this question. His book is a very thorough
study of specific aspects of the

9/11 events that have hitherto
been neglected. The strength of
his book lies in its reliance on
primary evidence, the sources for
which are provided so that readers can check for themselves the
accuracy and relevance of the
evidence. Davidsson does not
merely provide footnoted references to the sources but has actually posted a great number of
source documents on his
website, sparing readers tedious
searches. This unusually user-

friendly approach indicates the
author's willingness to subject
him to the most exacting scrutiny
by readers. What makes his study
so compelling is his judicious use
of official U.S. government documents to undermine the assertions
of the U.S. government itself? A
great part of his sources are FBI
documents culled from the U.S.
National Archives (NARA).
The author provides persuasive evidence that the official
narrative is riddled with contradictions, anomalies, puzzling coincidences, lies, forged and
planted evidence; that witnesses
were intimidated; and that news
were fabricated. A substantial
chunk of his book is devoted to
an analysis of the telephone calls
made between passengers and
crew-members with their colleagues or loved-ones on the
ground. It is actually the most
comprehensive and thorough
analysis of these phone calls

SAHAR SERVICES

Sikh Virsa, Calgary

187.

September, 2013

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undertaken to this date. One gets
the rather sinister impression –
reading the quoted phone calls –
that the callers were not experiencing true hijackings. Readers
will have to judge for themselves
whether this impression is justified.
The author was born in Palestine in 1941 to Jewish parents
and grew up in Jerusalem but
lived for most of his life in Iceland . Apart from his double professional career, first as a computer expert and then as a music
teacher and composer, he became
interested in international law in
the 1990s and published a number of extensive papers in the
fields of international law, human
rights law and international criminal law. In 2002, prompted by
anomalies he discovered in the
official narrative on 9/11, he
started researching these events.
The present book represents the
culmination of ten years' work.
The book is divided into four
parts and 14 chapters. The style
of the presentation is narrative
and easy to follow. Davidsson's
book is the first one that demon-

strates, beyond reasonable
doubt, that there exists no evidence for the claim that Muslim
terrorists hijacked planes on 9/
11. His book is not limited to debunking this claim. He also
shows that the U.S. authorities
have failed to identify the debris
of the aircraft that crashed or allegedly crashed at the various
sites on 9/11. Based on his comprehensive analysis of the phone
calls, Davidsson invites readers
to consider what he designates
as his best theory regarding the
nature of the phone calls.
Before involving readers with
the intricate forensics of the case,
the author highlights the incredible swiftness with which the official narrative on 9/11 emerged:
CBS news named Osama bin
Laden as the main suspect within
15 minutes. Approximately 20
minutes after the second plane
crash, President Bush declared
that „ America is under attack“,
although he had no evidence that
the events were related to a foreign source. The facts of the case
were not determined by investigators, but by the U.S. Congress,

meeting 24 hours after the events.
Relying on a statement made by
Senator Lott, Davidsson reveals
that the congressional resolution
was already in the works on the
very day of the incident.
For the author, 9/11 was a brilliantly orchestrated “propaganda
coup”. The dramaturgists of 9/
11 must have envisaged that the
events, played out real time on
television, would serve to unite
the American people and rally
the population behind the flag.
This turned out to be the case.
The role of U.S. and European
media in promoting the official 9/
11 version is well known. Established media deliberately and
routinely suppress facts that
might undermine public belief in
the official version, for example
the admission by the FBI in June
2006 to possess no hard evidence
of a link between Osama bin
Laden and 9/11.
Is it possible to challenge
Davidsson's work? One might
argue that a colossal crime such
as 9/11 would involve so many
people, that the plot could not
be kept secret. According to this

argument someone, among the
many participants, would have
long ago “spilled the beans.”
How compelling is this view?
What does it mean to “spill the
beans”? How likely will eyewitnesses “spill the beans”?
First, it should be clarified
that government conspiracies do
not always remain secret. They
are often exposed by scholars
and historians. But as long as
such exposure is limited to scholarly books and suppressed by the
corporate media, these plots remain – for the general public –
“conspiracy theories”. A few examples should suffice:
In 1967, the US and Israel
conspired in attempting to sink
the USS Liberty off the coast of
Israel . The US Navy personnel
who survived the perfidious attack attempted to raise public
knowledge about this conspiracy
but did not succeed. The facts
have been thoroughly documented by British journalist Peter Hounam, who interviewed
survivors and participants. They
are known to those who wish to
know, but are kept suppressed

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from the large public.
The Tuskegee Syphilis experiment is cited as "arguably the
most infamous biomedical research study in U.S. history."
This experiment was conducted
between 1932 and 1972 by the
U.S. Public Health Service. The
conspiracy of deception on
which this experiment was based,
was only brought to public in
1972 by a whistleblower, i.e. 40
years after the experiment began.
Operation Gladio refers to
terrorist acts secretly engineered
by the secret services in Italy ,
Belgium , Greece , Turkey and
possibly Germany during the
Cold War. These murderous acts
were staged to appear as terrorism by leftist groups. The operation was kept secret for 40 years
in Western Europe with no one
blowing the whistle. It was revealed in 1990 by the Italian Prime
Minister Julio Andreotti, addressing the Italian parliament,
but even that did not ensure wide
public knowledge because major
media did not cover the story.
Most European people, includ-

ing academics, journalists and
politicians, are not aware of this
murderous conspiracy which
was carried out by their own government. Those unaware of this
operation will be tempted to call
it a "conspiracy theory".
In addition to media reluctance to report government conspiracies, the modus operandi of
covert operations needs also to
be considered. Covert operations
carried out by the military are always organized according to the
"need to know" principle.
Michael Ruppert, one of the first
independent investigators of 9/
11, reminded readers: “From the
Manhattan Project to the Stealth
fighter, the US government has
successfully kept secrets involving thousands of people. Secondly, in order to execute a conspiracy of the size and type I am
suggesting [9/11], it is not necessary that thousands of people
see the whole picture. The success of the US in maintaining the
secrecy around the atom bomb
and the Stealth fighter, or in any
classified operation, lies in com-

partmentalization. A technician in
Tennessee refining uranium ore
in 1943 would have had no knowledge of its intended use or any
moral culpability in any deaths
that occurred as a result of it.
Another technician in Ohio , mixing a polymer resin in 1985, would
have had no knowledge of what
an F117A looked like or what it
was intended to do."
Many people believe that a
government employee aware of
illegal practices by his agency or
his superiors will immediately report to the police or speak to a
journalist. This belief is not justified. Exposing high state crime
requires great personal courage
and entails risks to one's career,
security or even life. Even the
courageous whistleblower cannot be certain that those, to
whom he confides will publicize
the information, suppress it or
inform on him to his superiors.
Just consider what happened to
Bradley Manning, Edward
Snowdon or Julian Assange!
Sadly, most people do not even
dare to ask elementary questions

about 9/11, afraid to be ostracized
or even lose their jobs. Civil courage is a rare commodity.
Summing up his findings,
Elias Davidsson refers to human
rights norms according to which
the families of 9/11 victims are
entitled to know what happened
to their next-of-kin and society is
entitled to have the perpetrators,
planners and facilitators of the
mass-murder identified, prosecuted and convicted. He furthermore sees in efforts to expose
9/11 a “revolutionary potential”
because it would reveal what he
sees as the monumental failure
of our institutions to seek the
truth on these murderous events.
Davidsson's book is not an
introduction to 9/11 critical studies. It caters to those who are already aware of the major anomalies in the official narrative. The
book is a must read to those concerned with the stealthy transformation of Western democracies
into police states and to those
who oppose the wars conducted
by the United States and its allies. (The End)

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Falling rupee adds fuel to India's crisis
-Bibek Debroy
The rupee is under attack.
Indian Rupee, last Friday, nearly
breached the Rs 50 per dollar
mark and closed at 49.90 - its weakest since May 14, 2009. Since
July 27, when the Rupee was at
Rs 43.85 a dollar, it has lost 10.21
per cent or Rs 6.05 against dollar
due to sustained dollar demand
from banks and importers in view
of the firm dollar sentiment in the
New York market.
Most forex dealers In
Mumbai during the week predicted that in the absence of
any positive news, the rupee
could soon touch the 50 mark
against the dollar and could
also breach the all-time low of
52.17 within the next three
months.
From an investors’ perspective, the movement of rupee
may not matter much as only a
few can figure out that unlike
Sensex, the rupee going up is
not positive news, but on the
contrary, it actually means rupee is becoming weaker. Many
wrongly think that if rupee goes
up it is something good for
them not realising when the Indian currency depreciates
against any foreign currency it
has many negative impacts from
the economic point of view.
Why is rupee falling?
Historically, the Indian Rupee has been depreciating

roughly in line with the fall in
its Purchasing Power Parity
(PPP) since the early 1980s.
While the PPP was 15 around
1982, the actual exchange rate
was Rs 9.30 per US Dollar. It is
the inflation that negatively impacts PPP and pushes a currency down. But the present
spike was rather sharp on the
back of debt default concern in
the euro zone and after the
downgrading of two largest
French banks, besides Lloyds
Insurance withdrawing its deposits from European banks
have led to euro losing its value
against dollar. As large banks,
investors and financial institutions started selling euro and
bought dollar, the latter appreciated against all major currencies
including rupee.
From the start of this financial year, the Indian Rupee has
depreciated by 6.86 per cent and
it was the worst performer
among major Asian currencies
losing nearly 12 per cent of its
value since touching its 2011
high of 43.85 against the dollar
on July 27. The rupee would
have fallen further but for the
market intervention by the Reserve Bank of India.
One school of thought is that

unlike its Asian peers, the RBI
could not have intervened in a
big way in the currency markets
with its fragile holding of foreign
exchange reserves. Avers Jamal
Mecklai of Mecklai Financial
Services: “The RBI is going to
intervene only if it is meaningful. The biggest issue is of
course the uncertainty with the
Euro. Nobody believes that the
Euro problem is solved.”
With FII flows too coming
down, the pressure got accentuated and rupee nearly
breached the 50-mark. Moreover, the global volatilities are
bound to have an impact in the
entire Asian markets, including,
India, pointed out Birla Sun
Life Mutual Fund
CEO
A
Balasubramanian.
“The rupee weakness is basically
due to the European crisis and has
nothing to do with
the
domestic
economy,”
added
HDFC Bank’s head of forex operations.
Gainers of Rupee depreciation
When a currency depre-

ciates, the exporters rejoice because they get more of the local
currency for every unit of foreign currency though the quantum of trade remains unchanged.
But this time, many exporters
were caught off guard. For one,
there is little dollar supply in the
market as most exporters seem
to have covered themselves in
the Rs 45-46 range. “Sudden
changes in the position of the
rupee do not really matter much.
Exporters these days resort
to hedging against such risks
(of volatility),” said the Federation of India Export
Organisations (FIEO) chief

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Ramu Deora. Besides, the buyers overseas also renegotiate
and push rates down.
The depreciating rupee will
be positive for the Indian IT
sector who generate more than
80-90 per cent of their $70 billion revenue from the overseas
markets and this kind of appreciation in foreign currency will
enhance their actual realisation
of revenue in dollar terms. Every one per cent change in rupee-dollar has a 40 basis points
impact on the margins on the
net profit numbers of IT services companies like TCS,
Infosys, HCL to mention a few.
However, IDBI Bank chairman
R M Malla was of the viewed
that “exporters gain only in the
short term and after that overseas buyers seek price adjustment.”
Individually, expatriates living outside India too gain by
rupee depreciation. In fact, the
expat Indians understand the
currency movement lot better
than the resident Indians.

Says Bank of Baroda GCC
Operations CEO Ashok K
Gupta: “Expat Indians in the
UAE usually accumulate
dirham with an eye on the exchange rates and remit funds as
soon as the rupee falls.” With
the dirham now fetching over
Rs 13.50 as against Rs 1130 in
July 2011, remittances from the
UAE between July and September 2011 jumped 30 per cent
compared to the preceding
quarter. India was the world’s
largest remittance recipient in
2010 with $55 billion transferred
to the country by expatriates.
Negative impact
When a currency loses its
value it creates many problems
for the economy. It leads to
high inflation, as India imports
around 70 per cent of its crude
oil requirement and the government will have to pay more for
it in rupee terms. Due to the
control on oil prices, the government may not easily pass the
increased prices to the consumers. Further, this higher im-

port bill will lead to rise in fiscal
deficit for the government and
will push the inflation, which is
already hovering around the
double-digit mark.
On the other hand, India Inc
will also have to pay more in
rupee terms for procuring their
raw materials, despite drop in
global commodity prices, only
because of a depreciating rupee
against dollar. Already, oil companies cited the fall in the rupee value to the dollar to increase petrol prices recently. For
oil marketing companies with
every fall in the rupee, the under-recovery on account of petroleum products goes up by Rs
9,500 crore per year on the
price-controlled items, said an
HPCL official.
Just like oil, all products and
commodities are more expensive to import now. Corporates,
who have foreign currency
loans on their books, also take
a view that despite a depreciating rupee, keeping the benign
interest rates in developed mar-

kets would be lot better to hold
on to foreign currency debt as
one gets 0-2 per cent interest
on dollar debt compared with
12-14 per cent on rupee debt.
Individually, traveling
abroad becomes more expensive
as travel cost can go up by at
least 10 per cent. Students
studying abroad too will be hit
as more rupee will go out to pay
for the courses and stay.
Depreciation of rupee also
affects the money flow in the Indian stock markets. FIIs, the main
investors in the Indian equity
markets, also start withdrawing
their investments from the markets fearing loss of value. In terms
of portfolios, if you hold stocks
in oil and gas, infrastructure,
fertiliser or tyre business, your
returns will take a hit as the shares
of these companies will fall when
the rupee falls as they procure
their raw materials from abroad.
On the other hand stocks of Information Technology (IT) companies & export-oriented units
should do better. (The End)

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The costs & consequences of drone warfare

On 21 June 2010, Pakistani
American Faisal Shahzad told a judge
in a Manhattan federal court that he
placed a bomb at a busy intersection
in Times Square as payback for the
US occupations of Afghanistan and
Iraq and for its worldwide use of drone
strikes. When the judge asked how
Shahzad could be comfortable killing
innocent people, including women
and children, he responded: ‘Well,
the drone hits in Afghanistan and
Iraq, they don’t see children, they
don’t see anybody. They kill women,
children, they kill everybody. It’s a
war and in war, they kill people.

They’re killing all Muslims.’1 In a
videotape released after his arrest,
Shahzad revealed that among his
motives for the attack on New York
City was revenge for the death of
Baitullah Mehsud, a Pakistani
Taliban leader killed in a drone strike
in August 2009.2 While his
comments were reported in the
American press, the Obama
administration never acknowledged
that it was revulsion over drone
strikes—which Shahzad was
rumoured to have seen at first hand
when training with militant groups

in Pakistan—that prompted his
attack.3 In his official statement on
the attack, President Obama fell
back on language reminiscent of his
predecessor to describe Shahzad as
just another of those ‘who would
attack our citizens and who would
slaughter innocent men, women and
children in pursuit of their murderous
agenda’ and ‘will stop at nothing to
kill and disrupt our way of life’.4
That the Times Square attack was
blowback from the growing use of
drone strikes in Afghanistan,
Pakistan and elsewhere was never
admitted.
The failed Times Square
bombing marked the first arrival of
blowback from President Obama’s
embrace of a drones-first
counterterrorism policy on
American soil. There is no reason to
believe it will be the last. When
President Obama came into office,
he pledged to end the ‘war on terror’
and to restore respect for the rule of
law to America’s counterterrorism
policies. Instead, he has been just as
ruthless and indifferent to the rule

of law as his predecessor. The basic
dimensions
of
American
counterterrorism policy have barely
changed between the two
administrations, though there has
been a shift in tone and emphasis.5
While President Bush issued a call to
arms to defend ‘civilization’ against
the threat of terrorism, President
Obama has waged his war on terror
in the shadows, using drone strikes,
special operations and sophisticated
surveillance to fight a brutal covert
war against Al-Qaeda and other
Islamist networks. The Obama
approach, which emphasizes
relatively few ‘boots on the ground’
and avoids nation-building missions,
has been described by members of
his administration as efficient, and
even morally necessary, given the
state of the US economy and the
war-weariness of the American
people.6 Among the most distinctive
elements of the Obama approach has
been an embrace of Unmanned Aerial
Vehicles (UAVs) or drones. During
his first term, President Obama
launched more than six times as
many drone strikes as President Bush

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did throughout his eight years in
office, all the while keeping the CIArun drone programme away from the
scrutiny of Congress and the courts.7
The US is now using drone strikes to
kill terrorist suspects in at least four
states (Afghanistan, Pakistan,
Yemen and Somalia), although drone
strikes are rumoured to have been
used in other places.8 The campaigns
in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia are
run by the CIA, with little
congressional oversight, and their
existence has even been denied by
the Obama administration in the
courts.9 Most Americans remain
unaware of the scale of the drone
programme operating in these
countries and of the destruction it
has caused in their name. Much of
the existing debate on drones has
focused on their legality under
international and domestic law and
their ethical use as a weapon of
war.10 Setting these issues largely
aside, this article will make a
different case: that the Obama
administration’s growing reliance on
drone strikes has adverse strategic
effects that have not been properly
weighed against the tactical gains
associated with killing terrorists. The
article will focus primarily on the
strategic costs of the CIA-run drone
campaigns outside active theatres of

war (specifically, Pakistan, Yemen
and Somalia) and will not examine
the benefits and costs of drones in
active theatres of war such as
Afghanistan.11 It will challenge the
conventional wisdom that drone
strikes in the ungoverned spaces of
these countries are highly effective
by contrasting claims about their
relative efficiency at killing ‘bad
guys’ with their political effects in
the states where they are used. It will
argue that drone strikes corrode the
stability and legitimacy of local
governments, deepen anti-American
sentiment and create new recruits for
Islamist networks aiming to
overthrow these governments.
Despite the fact that drone strikes
are often employed against local
enemies of the governments in
Pakistan and Yemen, they serve as
powerful signals of these
governments’ helplessness and
subservience to the United States and
undermine the claim that these
governments can be credible
competitors for the loyalties of the
population. This dynamic makes the
establishment of a stable set of
partnerships for counterterrorism
cooperation difficult, if not
impossible,
because
these
partnerships depend upon the
presence of capable and legitimate

governments that can police their
territory and efficiently cooperate
with the United States. In this
respect, American counterterrorism
policy operates at cross-purposes: it
provides a steady flow of arms &
financial resources to governments
whose legitimacy it systematically
undermines by conducting unilateral
drone strikes on their territory. This
article will further argue that a
drones-first counterterrorism policy
is a losing strategic proposition over
the long term. The Obama
administration’s embrace of drones
is encouraging a new arms race for
drones that will empower current and
future rivals and lay the foundations
for an international system that is
increasingly violent, destabilized and
polarized between those who have
drones & those who are victims of
them.
The
myth
of
drone
effectiveness
The chief argument in favour of
the use of drones is that they are
highly effective at killing terrorist
operatives in inaccessible regions
without causing significant civilian
casualties. This argument has
recently become the near-consensus
position among leaders of the major
government agencies involved in
counterterrorism
policy
in

Washington.12 Defense Secretary
Leon Panetta has argued that drones
are remarkably precise and limited
in terms of collateral damage, and
were ‘the only game in town in terms
of trying to disrupt the al Qaeda
leadership’.13 Similarly, former CIA
Director Michael Hayden has said
that drone strikes have made regions
like
Pakistan’s
Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)
‘neither safe nor a haven’ for AlQaeda and its affiliated networks. 14
The chief counterterrorism advisers
for both the Bush & Obama
administrations have endorsed
drones. Former Bush counterterrorism adviser Juan Zarate said
that drone strikes had knocked AlQaeda ‘on its heels’ because of the
death of so many leading operatives.
the chief counterterrorism
adviser to President Obama, has
insisted that targeted strikes are wise,
ethical and necessary given the
realities of attacking terrorist
operatives in remote or inaccessible
regions.16
Outside
the
administration, there appears to be
little substantial opposition to this
policy of killing by drone, even
among the President’s fiercest
opponents in the Republican Party.
Arguments for the effectiveness of
drones can be subdivided into four

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Fax: 403-293-6578
September, 2013

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separate claims: (1) that drones are
effective at killing terrorists with
minimal civilian casualties; (2) that
drones have been successful at killing
so-called ‘high value targets’ (HVTs);
(3) that the use of drones puts such
pressure on terrorist organizations
that it degrades their organizational
capacity and ability to strike; and
(4) that a cost–benefit analysis of
their use relative to other options—
such as the deployment of ground
troops-provides a compelling
argument in their favour. None of
these claims should be taken at face
value. The evidence behind each is
often less compelling than is
assumed, in part because reliable data
on the drone strikes and their effects
are difficult to obtain. Some of these
arguments are based on dubious
counterfactuals that try to measure
the costs of drone strikes against the
effects of prevented, and entirely
hypothetical, enemy attacks.17
Others conflate efficiency-that is, an
advantageous ratio of inputs to
outputs in executing an activity-with
the effectiveness of a particular
action in achieving a wider goal. Still
others operate with an attenuated
notion of effectiveness which
focuses exclusively at the tactical
level without considering the wider
strategic costs of drone warfare. The

position of the American foreign
policy establishment on drones- that
they are an effective tool which
minimizes civilian casualties—is
based on a highly selective and partial
reading of the evidence.
First, the claim that drones are
effective at killing terrorist
operatives without causing civilian
casualties is based on data of
questionable reliability and
validity.
* The author is grateful to
Michael Dillon, Miguel Glatzer,
Emma Leonard and an
anonymous reviewer for helpful
comments on this article.
1. Scott Shifrel, Alison
Gendar and Jose Martinez,
‘Remorseless Times Square car
bomber Faisal Shahzad warns
“We will be attacking the US”’,
New York Daily News, 22 June 2010,
http://articles. nydailynews.com/
2010-0622/news/27067807_1_dronestrikes-muslim-soldier-bomb,
accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
2. Chris Dolmetsch, ‘Times
Square bomber vows revenge in AlArabiya video’, Washington Post, 14
July 2010,
h
t
t
p
:
/
/
www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/
content/article/2010/07/14/

AR2010071404860.html, accessed
16 Dec. 2012.
3. It is important to stress that
this has been rumoured, but not
confirmed. See Bruce Golding, John
Doyle and Dan Mangan, ‘Taliban
lackey’s twisted mission’, New York
Post, 5 May 2010, http://
www.nypost.com/p/news/local/

Power and constraint: the
accountable presidency after 9/11
(New York: Norton, 2012).
6 This approach has been
defended by the administration as
‘leading from behind’, a phrase that
has attracted ridicule from
Republicans. The original defence
was in Ryan Lizza, ‘The
consequentialist: how the Arab
Spring remade Obama’s foreign
policy’, New Yorker, 2 May
2011,
http://
w w w. n e w y o r k e r. c o m /
reporting/2011/05/02/
110502fa_fact_lizza, accessed
16 Dec. 2012.
7. According to data
collected by the New America
Foundation, the Obama
administration launched 284
drone strikes between 2009 and
September 2012. By comparison, the
Bush administration launched 46
strikes between 2004 and 2008. For
data,
see
http://
counterterrorism.newamerica.net/
drones, accessed 16 Sept. 2012.
8. There is significant evidence
that drones have been used in these
cases, and unconfirmed rumours that
they have been used in other
countries, including Libya and Mali.
9. Ari Melber, ‘Exposing
Obama’s not-so-secret war ’,

Carnegie Council for Ethics and
International Affairs, 6 Nov. 2012,
http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/
publications/ethics_online/
0075.html, accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
11. This article makes a distinction between the CIA-run
programme that is ‘kept off the
books’ and strikes targets in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia, and the
Pentagon-run programme which operates in tandem with normal military operations in Afghanistan and
is subject to the existing rules for

A-1 PARTY TENTS RENTALS

targeting and oversight that other
military operations employ. There
is an argument that the Pentagon
drone programmes operating in Afghanistan may also be strategically
unwise, but for the sake of clarity
the focus here is on the CIA-run
programmes in countries where the
US is not engaged in active armed
conflict.
12. This was not always
the consensus position. In
2002, CIA director George
Tenet was quoted as saying
that it would be a ‘terrible
mistake’ to allow anyone in
his position to fire a weapon
like this (cited in Jane Mayer,
‘The predator war’, New
Yorker, 29 Oct. 2009). According to the 9/11 Commission report, Tenet believed that the
CIA had no authority to pull the trigger (cited in Tom Junod, ‘The lethal
presidency of Barack Obama’, Esquire, Aug. 2012).
13. Quoted in ‘US airstrikes
called “very effective”’, CNN.com,
18
May
2009,
http://
articles.cnn.com/2009-05-18/
politics/cia.pakistan.airstrikes_
1_qaeda-pakistaniairstrikes?_s=PM:POLITICS,
accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
14. Quoted in CNN.com, ‘US

airstrikes called “very effective”’.
15. Quoted in Mayer, ‘The
predator war’.
16. Brennan, ‘The efficacy and
ethics of US counterterrorism
strategy’.
17. It is possible to track the
correlation between the onset or
escalation of drone strikes and a
reduction of the tempo of enemy
attacks, but this does not prove
causation. Many factors, not just
drone strikes, will determine the
tempo of enemy operations.
Moreover, it is impossible to know
how many attacks were prevented
by drone strikes because this is
measuring a non-event.
18. It has provided some details
for the drone strikes in Afghanistan,
though the number of casualties
produced by these strikes has never
been publicly reported. Between
2009 and October 2012, the US
engaged in 1,160 ‘weapons releases’
from remotely targeted aircraft. See
Noah Shachtman, ‘Military stats
reveal epicenter of US drone war’,
Wired, 9 Nov. 2012, http://
www.wired.com/dangerroom/2012/
11/drones-afghan-air-war/,accessed
16 Dec. 2012.
19. See New America Foundation,
‘The year of the drone’, http://
counterterrorism. newamerica.net/

Email: A1.moving@hotmail.com
195.

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Listen Radio Sanjh 24/7 online at www.radiosanjh.com or Download FREE App from IPhone or Android Phone
drones, accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
20. TBIJ, ‘September 2012
update: US covert actions in Pakistan,
Yemen and Somalia’, http://
www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2012/
10/01/september-2012-update-uscovert-actions-in-pakistan-yemenand-somalia/, accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
21. One of the complicating
aspects in relation to Yemen is that
TBIJ reports that there have been
between 117 and 133 additional US
operations (such as special forces
operations) which may increase the
casualty total. TBIJ, ‘September 2012
update’.
22. This analysis is current as of

1 Oct. 2012. See New America
Foundation, ‘The year of the drone’.
23. The New America
Foundation estimated that between
2004 and 2007 civilians accounted
for 54–61% of all casualties from
drone strikes. See New America
Foundation, ‘The year of the drone’.
24. Quoted in Brian Bennett and
David S. Cloud, ‘Obama’s
counterterrorism advisor defends
drone strikes’, Los Angeles Times, 30
April
2012,
http://
articles.latimes.com/2012/apr/30/
world/la-fg-brennan-drones20120501, accessed 16 Dec. 2012.
(Cont. Next Eddition)

MULTICULTRAL SENIOR’S
GATHRING BY SACA
(PALI SINGH). On July 27th,
2013-The South Asian Canadian
Association
hosted
a
multicultural get to gathering to
reduce their isolation of seniors.
The numbers of sixty in total
were present in the gathering at
Sawagat restaurant in north east
Calgary. Mr.Harmohinder S.
Palha, president of S.A.C.A
welcomed each and everyone.
Mr. Ray Jones alderman of
ward number five presided the
function. He exposed his views
about the flood conditions in
the City and told in the gathering
to help the flood victims. Mrs.
Lalita Singh from United way,
Calgary gave her views on the
current flood situation and
thanked the south Asians
Canadian association for their
approach through donation by
its volunteers.
The most of prominent
people were also speeched to

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