The New American Role

How is America to conduct itself in a world so different? How
should we define the form and content of American participation in
the 1970s?

In the era of American predominance we resorted to American
prescriptions as well as resources. In the new era our friends are
revitalized and increasingly self-reliant, while the American domestic
consensus has been strained by twenty-five years of global responsibilities. Failure to draw upon the growth of others would have stifled
them and exhausted ourselves. Partnership that was always theoretically desirable is now physically and psychologically imperative.

In the era of overwhelming U.S. military strength we and our allies
could rely on the doctrine of massive retaliation. In the new era
growing Soviet power has altered the military equation. Failure to
adapt to this change could lead to confrontations which pose an
agonizing choice between paralysis and holocaust. Strength that
served the cause of peace during a period of relative superiority needs
new definitions to keep the peace during a period of relative equality.

In the era of Communist solidarity we pursued an undifferentiated
negotiating approach toward Communist countries. In the new era we
see a multipolar Communism marked by a variety of attitudes toward
the rest of the world. Failure to respond to this diversity would
have ignored new opportunities for improving relations. Negotiation
with different Communist countries on specific issues carries more
promise.

Finally, in the new era unprecedented challenges beckon nations to
set aside doctrine and focus on a common agenda. A new global
partnership could promote habits of working for the world's interests
instead of narrow national interests.

We in this generation have before us an historic opportunity to turn
the transformations of the last twenty-five years into new avenues for
peace, and to realize the creative possibilities of a pluralistic world.
We must begin with We vision of the world we seek, to infuse our
actions with a sense of direction. We need a vision, so that crises
do not consume our energies and tactics do not dominate our policies.

America has always had a belief in a purpose larger than itself. Two
centuries ago our mission was to be a unique exemplar of free government. Two decades ago it was to take up worldwide burdens of
securing the common defense, economic recovery, and political stability.

Today we must work with other nations to build an enduring
structure of peace. We seek a new and stable framework of international relationships which reflects the contributions and reconciles the
aspirations of nations; which is cemented by the shared goal of coexistence and the shared practice of accommodation; which liberates
countries and continents to realize their destinies free from the threat
of war; which promotes social justice and human dignity.

Our participation remains crucial. Because of the abundance of our
resources and the stretch of our technology, America's impact on the
world remains enormous, whether by our action or by our inaction.
Our awareness of the world is too keen, and our concern for peace too
deep, for us to remove the measure of stability which we have provided for the past twenty-five years.

But we need the resources and concepts of others so that they will
build this structure with us. For it will not endure unless other nations
sense that it is also of their making. Their growth in the past decades
enables other nations to do more, and peace in the coming decades
will require all nations to do some.

With others we will strive for something that America and the
world have not experienced in this century, a full generation of peace.

The first step, of course, is to still the sound of war. We are moving toward that goal. Beyond that, we are focusing on something that men alive today can achieve for themselves and their children, on a span
of peace we can realize here and now. This will be our ultimate test.

Thus the core of our new foreign policy is a partnership that reflects the basic theme of the international structure we seek. Its necessary adjuncts are strength to secure our interests and negotiation to reconcile them with the interests of others. Its fullest extension encompasses adversaries as well as friends.

It will take many years to shape the new American role. The
transition from the past is underway but far from completed. During
this period the task of maintaining a balance abroad and at home will
test the capacity of American leadership and the understanding of the
American people.

Adjustments in our policies surely will be required, but our experience in 1970 confirmed the basic soundness of our approach.