All social communities have a history that is experienced, or perceived, or both. Communities survive and sustain themselves on these histories. When political forces try to mobilise these communities, they usually do so by exploring their history and then giving it a political meaning that suits their agenda. In the beginning, when the political party is new, it gives space and respect to the small histories of each community that it wants to mobilise. Through this process, the party seeks to create unity among all these communities for its political purpose. When the party becomes powerful, it develops a meta or grand history in which it tries to appropriate the histories of all the communities which it had earlier mobilised individually. In this process, the histories of small communities that are not politically powerful or do not have political representation get hidden. This phenomenon can be seen in the politicisation of the different dalit castes in Uttar Pradesh by various political parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Samajwadi Party (SP), the Congress and others. However, it is more forcefully apparent in the case of the BSP, the party formed to politically empower dalits by Kanshiram during the 1980s.

From Maharashtra to U.P.

In the initial days after moving to Uttar Pradesh from Maharashtra, Kanshiram used the political language and metaphors popular in Maharashtra, based on social and economic empowerment for mobilising the dalit community as one. Later, when he realised that the soil of U.P. was different from that of Maharashtra and people are more influenced by cultural, mythical and identity issues, he started using the local histories of different castes to mobilise each dalit caste individually.

For this purpose he formed committees of local historians at block levels to collect local caste histories which they gave to the BSP political leaders. These leaders, who usually came from other parts of the State, used the local histories — invariably stories about glorious kings who were suppressed by the upper castes — to mobilise individual communities. These small histories were then put together to form a grand history of oppression and exploitation by the upper castes. Through these local heroes, the party formed a symbolic pyramid in which the first rung comprised local heroes like Jhalkari Bai, Uda Devi and Mahaviri Bhangi; the second level comprised dalit kings Daldev, Baldeo, Bijli Pasi; the third rung had saints of the Bhakti movement Ravidas, Kabir, etc., and epical heroes of marginalised communities in the Ramayan and the Mahabharat like Eklavaya, Shambook, etc. The topmost or peak was formed of important dalit social reformers Ambedkar and Periyar. These dalit heroes were then used in the image-making of Mayawati, the leader of the BSP. When the BSP became powerful, it started building a grand history around Ambedkar and Periyar by installing their statues and developing parks in their names. In the process, it marginalised the micro-histories of the small dalit castes.

Political tensions

The main problem with forming a grand history of all dalit castes is that it suppresses the uniqueness by which caste articulates its social experiences. For this reason, a grand history and creation of a homogeneous memory causes competition and social contestations within the various Dalit castes, which then get reflected as political tensions. This is the case with the two major dalit castes of U.P., namely the Chamars and the Pasi. While the Chamars believe that the Pasis, who worked as stick wielders of the upper castes, oppressed them under the orders of the upper castes, the Pasis think that Chamars are stealing their share in the political and development pie because of their education and social progress. It has led to competing histories about who exploited whom more.

Additionally, in this process of grand history building, the histories and identities of more than 50 numerically small dalit castes like the Tatwa, the Rangrej, the Bharbhuja and others, have not been noticed by any political force, while the histories of some bigger castes like the Nai, the Dhobi, the Khatik, which have not got political representation even after 15-20 years of dalit assertion, are being ignored. It thus appears that the castes which have got political representation have done so because they succeeded in constructing their identities based on their caste heroes and history. In other words, those castes which have not developed their identities and histories have been deprived political representation.

In these elections

In the U.P. Assembly elections, although development and hi-tech modernity appear to be the chief agenda of most political parties, a closer look at the political mobilisations by the various political parties shows that micro-histories of different dalit castes are once again being used for mobilising these castes individually. Since each caste travelled a different path of exploitation and oppression during their course of development, the history of each caste is different which makes it difficult to form a grand history of the dalits. In addition, each caste has small heroes who have still remained unknown and unsung. In these elections, the Congress, the BJP, the Apna Dali and the Bh.S.P. (Bhartiya Samaj Party, a small party of the Rajbhar caste popular in east U.P.) are promising to honour the heroes of dalits who were not given respect during the BSP reign, and also give respect to caste-based skills and identity of small dalit castes.

For instance, the Congress is trying to mobilise Most Backward Castes (MBCs) by giving space to their identity, history, community knowledge and skills. In its manifesto, it has promised to enhance traditional skills and knowledge of castes such as potters, shepherds, shoemakers, and weavers, linking such skills to their economic empowerment. It has promised to construct cultural complexes where programmes around jatiya sahabhao will be held and traditional skills of these communities will be taught. Alongside, the party has also promised to identify ati-dalit freedom fighters, and honour lesser known dalit saints who were not honoured by the BSP like Swami Shivnarain, a Chamar guru of eastern U.P., Sant Balmiki of the Balmiki caste, Baba Jagjivan Das, Sant Dariyasa and so on, pledging to build memorials to them.

In the last few days, the party also organised an ati-pichhra (Most Backward Caste) rally where hoardings of various heroes of MBCs who played a role in the 1857 rebellion like Lochan Mallah, Samadhan Nishad, Ahilyabai Holkar, Avantibai Lodhi were put up. Lochan Mallah and Samadhan Nishad had played a role in the Sati Chauraha episode in Kanpur where the Nishads massacred British officers. In its manifesto the BJP has also promised to put up statues of pre-medieval dalit heroes like Bijli Pasi who it claims were dispossessed by Muslim invaders, in the process communalising these dalit heroes to suit its political agenda. Thus the hidden histories of the various dalit castes are providing space for different political parties to mobilise them. While the BSP's effort to create a grand history and memory has served to suppress the micro identities of the small Dalit castes, other political parties are gleefully digging them out and celebrating these hidden histories for their political purposes.

(The writer teaches at the Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science Institute in Jhusi, Allahabad, and is an analyst of dalit issues.)

Elections are always awaited in uttar pradesh coz its is known as the political city more than any other. Uttar Pradesh Has had a political Background from its origin or you can say always have politics. but it is also true that politics is somewhere based on Caste and it is playing a prominent role not only U P Politics even has its space in Indian Politics. Although now phenomenon has been little bit change about caste but today also people think first about the caste and them Political party by which they belong. In North india the caste is factor that changed the whole phenomena of politics and results can be seen at the time of elections.
As,BJP has again raised its old moot point of MANDIR-MASJID case,BSP turned to its caste factor in the form of Dalits and SP moved to again the its agendas. It is normal at the time of elections and their strategies but have they ever think by this what will be the future of forthcoming generations. What they will give to them, these moot point

from:
Shashi

Posted on: Feb 17, 2012 at 13:14 IST

This time elections in U.P.has more to do with "social assertion" n less to do with "social engineering " . Absolute majority in the last assembly elections had initiated this process ,present elections had turned it into an phenomenon .Caste Census ,Sachar committee observations or Rangnath Mishra commissions recommendations not only substantiates "Maha Dalit" phenomenon but also helps political parties to revisit there poll strategy How.remarkable the democratic process/politics is ,always ready to SANSKRITIZE social dynamism & economic emancipation .

from:
Pranav Bhardwaj

Posted on: Feb 10, 2012 at 22:40 IST

This time elections in UP are more about "social assertion" & less about "social engineering" .Absolute majority in last assembly elections had initiated the process which has became a phenomenon in these elections. Caste census & Sacher committee,Rangnath Mishra commission reports not only substantiate election strategy of various political parties but also strengthens the democratic process in the state .Voter turnaround in the first phase had justify this .Whatever the outcome of the poll will be few things are certain...OBC will be the chief minister of the state for next few years,New era of governance & power sharing, similar to Bihar ,will usher in U.P.

from:
Pranav Bhardwaj

Posted on: Feb 10, 2012 at 18:32 IST

I see the move of Congress to mobilise Most Backward Castes is a very funny political move. First of all, congress was never concern over the backward people across the history, and neither it is now. If they really willing to provide identity to historically oppressed, they would have rather invested heavily in primary education and would have never made mockery of poverty by putting BPL line at Rs. 32/- a day.
Its a simply a counter action to Mayawati's Ambedkar park and set of statues she is hyper about. The history has its own significance, but the country at the moment needs integration in its efforts and society to keep up the pace with the development rather fighting upon the issue of ownership of the historical heros. Nonetheless, Congress has finally found some national heros named other than Gandhis to make portrait and statues of. If they could build such statues, this act itself will be an historical instance in itself. And Hats off to Mayawati for generating this impact.

from:
Priya Tayde

Posted on: Feb 10, 2012 at 00:54 IST

The article analyzes what goes on in UP's caste-ridden politics, but makes no value judgement on the use of caste-consciousness to mobilize people by political parties. In fact, the article implicitly justifies it. But shouldn't a political thinker also discuss the dangers of social mobilization on the basis of caste-identity? Is it not better in the long-run to draw people out of their narrow caste-identities to a collective goal, a common aspiration?

from:
Rafa

Posted on: Feb 10, 2012 at 00:09 IST

its been a common agenda of political parties to mobilise the lower sections of the society at times of Elections.

from:
rajneesh

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 21:02 IST

This phenomenon is not unique in UP. In other states and their respective politics this identity building through history of castes and clans takes place even in so called upper castes to various degrees. The class based exploitation and family feuds are there within such upper castes as well and the perceived exploitation is normally and ultimately attributed to Brahmanas who are seen to top the pyramid, though in a democracy their power to harm (exploit) or to patronize is very limited due to their small numbers.

from:
sayaji

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 21:00 IST

It appears that the parties consider the members of the dalit community as walking votes and nothing more. No doubt many dalit communities are able to see through the charades, facades, and veneers, but only education can truly empower the people of India.

from:
Samir Mody

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 20:48 IST

nicely written a fresh viewpoint. the problem with articially constructed caste/tribe identetity by external forces for or the elite of the community is this. it is constructed to be hijacked for political purposes. it does not become part of a struggle of the community at large for its own emancipation. also caste identity devoid of other histories detailing their land alienation and economic exploitation creates problems as they fail to see the exploiters in their own community who act as agents of the state elite. would like to more from the author

from:
amit

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 20:28 IST

It's very good work on the history of lower community. Apart from history of Dalit we should also know the developments of these societies by the parties. And every single party help the people who are needy and suffering from lots of problems due to their poority and lower caste. These people alsways neglected by the upper societies it terms of development and growth. Everyone should respect every castes whether it's higher or lower. It should not be any type of political agenda.

from:
Vipin Kumar

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 18:58 IST

Well written article.It is a big blow to the political parties who take communities/castes for granted and don't respect their diversity.
What we are required to do is to help them polish their extraordinary skills with exposure to market.I would like to add the following points:

1-All Indians deserve quality education. maximum attention should be paid to the quality of primary education.'Teach for India' is Nice initiative in this regard.
2-These people if provided with quality education can do maximum justice to their skills thus strengthening entrepreneurship culture in the country. 3-Reservation based on caste and religion is creating a permanent divide between reserved and unreserved .We as a nation are required to nullify the ideology of caste and communalism but what we are doing is complete apposite.'Youth for Equality' is nice Initiative in this regard.
4-We are young nation with 63% of our population below 35 years of age.
Look what seeds are we sowing in their minds.

from:
Rakesh Bhatt

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 18:50 IST

There were so many dalit leaders in the past but they worked for the welfare of the society and not for their castes only. Therefore every body respoects these dalit leaders, But nowadays politicians using their names just for winning elections, instead upliftment of suppressed castes.

from:
Jakief

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 16:35 IST

Not even a single word went for development. This article is an example in itself to show that at what level caste politics has taken the fore in states like UP. Only the people are answerable for this, they are the ones who can take responsibility to change their outlook from a caste based to a development based, inclusive growth based horizon. If this doesnt happen, not BSP, congress, BJP or any other political party for that matter will stop playing the caste and communal trick for vote. A valid lesson which must be learnt by all Indians who have the right to vote.

from:
bharath

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 14:27 IST

Beautifully articulated...how the several small identity conflicts are influencing the large political discourses.

from:
Sarvendra Yadav

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 11:48 IST

A very well crafted article providing insight to the caste politics.

from:
Sumit

Posted on: Feb 9, 2012 at 11:12 IST

The article critically examines the dalit microcosm. The exploration of these identities and using them after 60 years of independence shows how this community has been taken for granted in the society both by politics and be so called forward society/intelligentia. Reservation based on castes hardly ensures the status that one should enjoy in society, the feeling of belonglingness does. We need to look beyond the elections and pledge to create a society where every one looks up the other with respect. Until that time fraternity and equality in our PREAMBLE will remain an instant dream.