UNLIKE its counterpart in many other democracies, the
Indian Police has rarely been held in high esteem by its compatriots.
Though many in the police may feel deeply distressed when confronted with
the late Justice A.N. Mulla’s much quoted description of the police as
‘a uniformed gang of criminals’, they do reluctantly admit that ‘no
self-respecting person would willingly associate with the police –
whether as a witness, a complainant or a defendent.’ This when most of
us do turn to the police for help, not that we have many other options,
when in trouble as victims of crime.

The gulf separating the police from the public is not a
new development. The descriptions of the village chowkidar, the medieval
kotwal, daroga or patil, more often than not, are about their venality and
cruelty. Equally, the modern police force which can trace its constitution
to the colonial Indian Police Act of 1861, modelled interestingly on the
Irish rather than the British framework, was structured more as ‘a
defender of the establishment’ than as an impartial and professional
organisation owing essential accountability to the citizens and the rule
of law.

Expectations that an independent, democratic India
would radically overhaul the inherited colonial legacy – structure, role
and function – have been unfortunately belied, and perception about the
police as an anti-citizen force continues to hold sway. To argue, as some
indeed have done, that alienation from the public is to be expected since
the police is mandated to exercise force on behalf of the state smacks of
essentialism. It takes away from the need to institute changes in
structure, composition and working style so that the police is experienced
more as a friend and protector.

The widespread dissatisfaction with the functioning of
the police – both its behaviour and efficacy – has led to the setting
up of many a commission, the latest being the National Police Commission.
It is a marker of the times that since the NPC submitted its
recommendations nearly two decades back, state response, irrespective of
the regime, has been one of stonewalling if not active disregard. True, we
hear periodic fulmination about police reform; also about the constitution
of further expert subcommittees. But concerted action remains a distant
cry.

Many of the standard criticisms/suggestions focus on
the lack of skills, training, orientation and leadership qualities of the
force; a command structure suited more to the armed forces resulting in a
perception of the citizen as ‘enemy’; a skewed distribution of scarce
resources towards high profile activities like VIP security as against
strengthening the thana and the beat constable; a tendency to create
special forces (Rapid Action Force, National Security Guard) while
neglecting the main force; and above all, a persistent and unhealthy
interference by the bureaucratic and political class. Every scholarly
study, reports of official commissions, or accounts by retired police
officers highlight the same malaise, come up with similar suggestions. As
did the two previous issues of Seminar, October 1977 (The Police) and
August 1980 (Policing).

Citizen ire against the police is, however,
insufficiently cognizant of the conditions under which the force operates
– poor pay, abysmal housing conditions, tortuously long hours of work.
Self-esteem and professional pride can hardly be expected to flower in an
environment of scarce materialities, further compounded by deep suspicion
and hostility. Media coverage, with its focus on the venal and the
spectacular, too has contributed to a distorted perception about police
realities. Equally at fault is the sorry state of our criminal justice
system – outmoded laws, insufficient, crowded and ill-equipped courts, a
paucity of judges and public prosecutors, and an antediluvian legal
process
– all of which contribute both to inordinate delays and a poor
conviction record.

Even more troubling than the problems associated with
everyday crime and lack of security are the situations of breakdown –
riots, insurgency, terrorism, organised crime. Is our police force
equipped to understand, far less respond to, the challenges posed by the
changing profile of crime and criminals? More so, given the requirements
of skill, autonomy and professionalism – qualities that the force sorely
lacks.

None of this is of much concern to the citizen. The
face one encounters is that of apathy, inefficiency, brutality, corruption
and inequity – a tendency to favour the powerful. No wonder, when faced
with escalating threat to property and persona, the effort is to seek out
alternative arrangements – from private security to arrangements with
the local dadas and the mafia.

As we move towards the new millennium, challenges of
law and order, of security and of justice take on a fresh urgency. This
issue of Seminar debates different aspects of the police-citizen
interface. The voices, in the main, are those of police persons, both
serving and retired. They, more than others, should know what needs to be
done.