Russians in contemporary Estonia -
different strategies of the integration in to the nation-state

Aksel Kirch

Different initial status for Estonians and
Russians

For Estonia, as
for Latvia and Lithuania which have also re-established their
independence, the total political and economic change has been
accompanied by the problems of synchronous shift of collective
identities of nations and ethnic groups. This is unique process, with
no obvious analogue in Europe. Nevertheless, this will enrich
European transformation and cross-cultural context and also the
concept of European identity.

For last ten
years Russian people living in Estonia have had a live constructive
discussion about historical place of Estonian Russians and about
possibilities to find a stabile position in quickly developing
society. The deep idea of the named discussion was to confirm that
although the powerful Russian culture ties together all Russians
living in Estonia, the historical fate and direction of political
interest of people should be Estonian-centered.

The purpose of
this chapter is to represent more general approach to the problems of
the integration. According to our conception the process of
integration means the re-shaping of the social, cultural and
political aspects of contemporary Estonian society which will promote
the new integral unity and will bring along a positive synergetic
effect in social relations. For ethnic minorities integration is a
continuous process in which they step by step, more and more stand
closer to Estonian society without forgetting at the same time their
original ethnic roots and cultural heritage. This is not simply
working and living in the different culture but obtaining at the same
time equal possibilities for social position and professional career
for all members of the society with different ethnic origin and
mother tongue. Thus, this is acknowledgment of the multicultural
society and restructuring of social relations between Estonian and
different ethnic minorities cultures.

Integration is
considered as a process of the formation of a cooperating, democratic
and well-functioning society. Estonia is re-establishing the
principle of a nation state. The higher status of the Estonian
language is one of the main guarantees for the Estonians for the
maintenance of their own ethnic identity in Estonias nation
state.

The second
guaranty is the politic loyalty and acceptance of Estonias
territorial integrity of the Russian population. We have data on a
tendency toward strengthening the state-loyalty of Russians towards
the Republic of Estonia, on the increasing respect of Russians
towards Estonian culture and language, on the irrelevance and
unpopularity of separatist ideas among the common people.

The conception of
development and integration will be successful if it is elaborated
and directed by the state. Of course, promotion of the concrete plan
is possible if all society could understand the necessity of special
efforts to accelerate the integration. In autumn /winter 1997/1998
the Estonian government started developing a strategy for tackling
the issue of integration. On 10 February 1998 the Estonian government
adopted the policy paper " The integration of Non-Estonians into
Estonian Society. The bases of Estonia's national policy.

The main question
is - what should be the recourses of this joint effort? In
contemporary Estonian society, which is often characterized by some
analysts through the process of maximum atomization of society - i.e.
highest level of individualization and weak civic structures, it is
now difficult to find inner recourses for cooperation and integration
on a new level. One attempt to carry out some promoting activities on
this field have made by research projects initiated by the Ministry
of Education and Population Minister Katrin Saks. These projects
purpose the integration of the Russian- speaking youth into Estonian
society, the problems of multicultural education of non-Estonians and
the promoting of the cultural adaptation programs. This work includes
also descriptions of future scenarios of Estonians-Russians cultural
relations: continuation of the present situation, or evolution and
progress in this sphere by different paths of development.

The key problem
has been citizenship question of Soviet-era immigrants. When Estonian
Republic in 1991 was restored, the principle of restitution of
citizenry was applied. Citizenship is a question about the
juridical-political relationship between person and a state, and
different treatment of the problem is possible here. The most popular
point of discussions has been around the problems of legal continuity
of Estonian state and citizenry, and following from this the problems
of non-citizens living in Estonia.

The
legal and citizenship practice results from the restitution
principle. Thus, despite of the presumed resemblance concerning the
minority problems (integration of new minorities is a problem in many
countries) the real circumstances are quite different. The main
difference consists in subjection of jus solis principle to
jus sanguinis principle. 1

Cultural
differences

One
of the possible approaches to the problems of cultural differences
can be found in Samuel Huntingtons theory about developments of
different civilizations. According to Huntington, a civilization is
the biggest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of
identity people possess, short of that which distinguishes the humane
from other species. It is defined both by common objective elements,
such as language, history, religion, customs, institutions, and by
the subjective self-identification of people.2
Huntington proceeds from the boundaries between civilizations in
Europe inherited from the 16th century. According to these boundaries
Estonia belongs to European civilization together with Latvia,
Lithuania and Western Ukraine. He makes some presumptions about the
borders of these countries.

Most
social studies of Ea Jansen, Toomas Karjahärm, Toivo U. Raun,
Raimo Pullat and Rein Ruutsoo concerning the problems of Estonians
and Russians living in Estonia, do not examine the probability of
pure cultural conflict. It is important to emphasize in formation of
Estonias own cultural model connections Estonia has had with
Russia's cultural dimensions and also Slavonic Orthodox civilization
in a whole. These have been historically important factors of
cultural influence (since Peter I conquered Estonia in 18thcentury,
in fact). In the 19thcentury when the configuration of
Europe's nations took shape, Estonia and Livland (the north of
Latvia, where Estonians also lived) were in the domain of Russian
empire. Miroslaw Hroch´s comparative study3
of Checks, Lithuanians, Estonians, Finns, Flams, Slovaks and
Norwegians showed that development of Estonian society, one of the
most western provinces of Russia, kept pace also with other European
societies, in part due to its close connections with Germany.

Ea
Jansen, a respected Estonian historian and a researcher of this
period, has written about nation building process: ... in this
period Estonians as well as other European nations consolidated and
formed up into a nation with their own concept of the fatherland,
language-use, the communication systems and political ambitions.
Despite the fact that Estonians represented a lower, suppressed
social group in society, nevertheless the political culture formed. A
wide-spread net of grass-roots organizations and newspapers mobilized
nation according to European model to certain extent,
thus when the revolution bursted out the national autonomy and later
formation of nation-state came into existence.4

Estonian state
structures and legal system had developed after the World War I,
according to the level of development of democracy in Europe and had
reached to the level of other European states before the World War
II. Relatively tight cultural ties and formed structures with Western
and Nordic European countries determined the essence of the Estonian
collective identity and belongingness to European cultural context.
The cultural type of the Estonians is understood here in a general
cultural context, characterized by broader, civilization factors, and
specific local, ethnic composition of Estonia with ethnic minorities
cultures (the Russians, Swedes, Jews, Finns and so on) creating a
unique cultural context.

Language
differences

It is important
to underline that historically the main factors, in the development
of ethnic composition of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, have been
quite different. Russias intention to broaden its influence and
control in the Baltic States spawned a new influx of immigrant
citizens, first of all into Latvia, specifically into Riga
immediately after the World War II. Immigration flows from Russia
(also from Byelorussia and Ukraine, and other parts) into Estonia and
Lithuania during the postwar period were relatively recent. In Latvia
has had a large community of Russian immigrants since Czarist times.

Richard
Rose in the sociological project carried out in three Baltic States
in 1993 showed that the local language competence of Lithuanian
Russians is much higher compared to Estonia and Latvia: of the
local Russians in Estonia thirty-eight percent can communicate in
local language compared to 63 percent in Latvia and seventy percent
in Lithuania.5

As a
part of ethnosociological research in March 1996 an Estonian language
competence of the respondents was studied.6
Data from the Table 1 show that the level of Estonian language
competence depends from the age and gender of Russian respondents. It
is remarkable that Russian mens knowledge of Estonian is much
poorer than womens.

Table 1

Knowledge of Estonian Language of Russians by Gender and Age Groups in March 1996
(%)

Estonian
language competence is closely related to professional career
potentiality. Profession in sphere of medicine (doctors etc.), local
authorities, most people of the cultural and educational sphere,
police, court, etc. are spheres working in which demands high level
of Estonian language knowledge. Some professions are now not
attainable for local monolingual Russians, thus language competence
serves as a competence factor and determines the career of young
Russian generation. The following table 2 shows the change of
Estonian language competence during last few years as a function of
citizenship.

Table 2

Knowledge of Estonian and Citizenship Status of Russians in January 1999 (%)

Source: The sociological study of Open Estonia Institute in
January 1999

The study of Open Estonia Institute by Iris Pettai and Ingrid
Proos about knowledge of Estonia of Russians showed difference in
Estonian language competence between group of Estonian citizens and
the people without citizenship or Russian Federation citizens. Data
in the Table 1 and Table 2 allow us to present a thesis about the
process of transition from segmented communities to the open society
being significant for Russian population. Becoming Estonian citizen
through the naturalisation is one of the promoting factors of this
transition process. During the years 1992-2000 Estonian citizenship
is given through naturalisation to about 125 thousand people and
about one half (65 thousand) of them are Russians.

According to the renewed Language Law (February
1999) students graduated from Russian schools in Estonia can (due to
results of this language test) apply for Estonian citizenship and
choose the automatic naturalisation process. It is clear that this
can work as an additional channel of social mobility for
Russian-speaking youth.

For
Russian-speaking students in centre and south regions of Estonia the
language environment is more open while in Narva and in other cities
of North-East-Estonia (Ida-Viru county) the language environment is
more restricted. In Narva and Sillamäe Estonians are ethnic
minority making 5-10% from the whole population, but today Russian
and Estonian both are the dominant language for all major activity in
Narva and Sillamäe as in other industrial cities in Ida-Viru
county - Jõhvi and Kohtla-Järve .

However, even the
fast growth in the use of Estonian by Russian youth will not
compensate for the negligible cultural adaptation of this group. Of
course, improving language competence is one of the main
preconditions for cultural adaptation, but different customs,
cultural preferences, behavior habits will remain. Teaching the
Russians the way of the indigenous culture will still find in the
absence of a positive common history and superficial cultural
contacts. Estonians and Russians celebrate different events,
anniversaries, memorable days, attend different cultural events. Once
the calendar of Christian celebrations is different (Russians
celebrate these dates by old non-reformed calendar i.e. two weeks
later) there is only one common for Estonians and Russians important
day in a year - a New Years Eve.

Civil
Society as a Factor and a Resource of the Integration

Analyzing the
social recourses of the general integration process in Estonia, some
years ago, one could think that the integration of non-Estonians into
the civic structures is less problematic compared with cultural and
lingual cooperation and integration. In the new context of civic
structures the question of non-Estonian people and their possible
collective identities spring up as problematic in new aspect. What is
the converging point, the focus of the concentration of new identity
of the non-Estonian groups building up the civic structures? If this
will be further segregation on the basis of the speaking language,
then there will spring up two parallel civic networks in the society
- one for Estonian-speaking people and second for Russian-speakers -
and we can't speak about any integration effects.

To
achieve a better understanding of this problem we have to analyze a
historical heritage of the problem as well as a contemporary state of
affairs.7
Experience of the civil society and knowledge about the civic
structures for Estonian people is episodical - in 1940-1941 all
communities, unions etc. voluntary associations were demolished by
the Soviet authorities. Although, there is two aspects why civic
structures can be restored quite quickly. These are: First - family
ties with the pre-war Republic of Estonia. For older generation it is
personal experience, for younger generation it means mediated by
their parents and grandparents knowledge about life in Estonian
Republic in 30-ies. Second - some elements inherited from the civil
society existed through the Soviet period, some grass-roots
organizations hold alive the horizontal connections between people,
mainly between Estonians. Although, the Soviet power set bounds to
these associations (only definitely non-political were allowed),
during the occupation period hundreds of choirs, folk-dance groups,
groups of people whose interest was nature protection and
house-design and handicraft, hunters and fishermen societies etc. All
these communities worked successfully.

On
the basis of the analyze R.Ruutsoo concluded that this time the
"organizational capital" was unequally disposed in Estonian
society. Civic structures in Estonian community are still quite
mosaic (if compared, for example, to Finland), but despite that this
is more balanced than civic structures in non-Estonian community and
coalition with Estonians structures is thus under the suspect.
The civic structures of the non-Estonians have been more related to
the traditional Soviet structures. Even in those new sectors like
emergence of new political parties and protection of the peoples
own economic interests - both fields have become very important for
last ten years - the organization-building activity for Russians in
1993 was relatively lower. Along with historical-political factors
the political-juridical ones are now determining the situation of
springing civic structures and those depend in certain extent from
the citizenship status of people.8

Changes in Identity of Russians in Estonia

Estonians
and Russians experienced the disintegration of Soviet Union
differently: Estonians as a subject-nation aspiring towards political
self-determination and a nation-state, Russians as the dominant
nation longing for the return of their previously balanced state with
unified and highly centralised society. This is this reason why the
question of loyalty among the Russian minority has been an essential
problem for Estonia since regaining independence.

Several
studies about the attitudes and values of Russian population in
Estonia have pointed to the slow creation of a post-Soviet Russian
identity. Our research supports these findings. According to our four
studies from 1990-1993, for Russian, the new situation (in 1988-1993)
in Estonia became an identity vacuum which entailed the need to
redefine their personal and collective identities. Thus, there was a
situation, where Russians' previous sense allegiance had disappeared,
but a new one had yet to arise. According to the survey, there have
been in 1993-1995 deep changes in the attitudes of Estonians Russians
and Estonian citizenship has become a new inevitability and necessity
for Russians in Republic of Estonia. One important issue that still
faces the Russian-speaking population in Estonia is the formation of
a viable and effective elite. 9

Today
the process of integration is multidimensional. It depends on the
Russians readiness to integrate into the new circumstances, as
well as on the Estonians willingness to co-operate with the
non-Estonian population.

The unchanged
ethnic and cultural identity of an ethnic minority living among
another nation suggests that the population has undergone no
integration. The change in identity is the yardstick that tells us
that there has been integration (a partial change in identity) and
that e.g. there is no ongoing assimilation (a total shift of
identity). A partial change in identity is a process in the course of
which the Russians living in Estonia become more or less bicultural
and bilingual e.g. Estonian-Russian. The result of this process the
significant barriers disappear that today prevent Russians from
participating in the life of Estonia.

Over
the last decades, carriers of two new identities can be seen among
the Russians living in Estonia  the groups known as Estonian
Russians and diaspora-Russians have been formed.
Significant developments of the 90ies in the economic and political
status of the Republic of Estonia have brought about pronounced
trends in the identity of up to 120 thousand Russians. They are
becoming an Estonia-focused national group. Estonian Russians
clearly set their attitudes and opinions against those of Russian
Russians and at the same time try to be close to the opinion of
Estonians. By distinguishing themselves as an ethnic group, Estonian
Russians draw a certain line between the two groups  Russian
Russians and Estonian Russians. Therefore, in general, the
latter do not identify themselves with the Russians, whence they
come, but have formed a distinct group in todays Estonia with a
pronounced self.

Already in 1993
and 1995 psychological surveys confirmed that Estonian Russians
differ from the Russians of Russia. Significant changes in the
identity of Russians have occurred in these years  Russians
have grown way more focused on Estonia. Estonian Russians clearly set
their attitudes and opinions against those of Russian Russians, and
at the same time try to be close to the opinion of Estonians. By
distinguishing themselves as an ethnic group Estonian Russians draw a
line between the two groups  Russian Russians and Estonian
Russians.

The
survey in Ida-Virumaa by the Institute for Russia and CIS on the
prospects of the eastern market indicates that Estonian Russian
entrepreneurs are rather sceptical about the potential of so-called
eastern business. And nothing but cultural and civilisation-based
differences between Russian businessmen in Estonia and in Russia are
given as reasons: We are spoilt because we have got used to
work in a civilised atmosphere, being trusted, being given credits 
commodities, money; we have got used to believe the word of a
partner There, in Russia, it is totally different no
chance that the money you put in returns to you. This
unpredictability of the Russian market starting with the
unpredictability of politics, laws, taxes  all this
dramatically affects how things go. Deep corruptness is a
characteristic feature of Russian business. Here in a civilised
atmosphere we have also got rid of that. We have rather strict laws
in Estonia, but they can be understood, and it is enough if you
simply abide by them. But in Russia . This is an extract
from an interview of a Narva construction entrepreneur with
interviewers.10

The
barriers that have been set up either on the basis of historic
memory, Great Russian culture or civilisation in a broader sense, and
which date back to the former empire, are still a significant
obstacle to integration. As a rule, these people do not consider
Estonia their one and only homeland. To distinguish these people form
the Estonian Russians, they could be called diaspora-Russians
(less often compatriots living abroad). Outwardly, diaspora-Russians
seek to become like Estonians in terms of attitudes and assessments,
yet thanks to the language barrier and lack of adequate
information what attitudes and opinions Estonians really have.
Similar to neo-imperialist sentiments in Russia, we also may say that
a part of the diaspora-Russians in Estonia carry chauvinist
and vengeful sentiments. However, it should be noted that the
nostalgia for the Soviet time has considerably decreased among the
Russians. The interviews conducted with Russians in Ida-Virumaa show
that the carriers of this ideology are not many  a couple per
hundred Russians living in Estonia.

In addition to
the named groups, there is a relatively large group (many of the
holders of the Aliens passport - a total of 250 thousand
people) with a rather clouded identity ethnically, culturally and
with regard to the state. They recognise themselves often as Baltic
Russians.

In case a person
does not clearly associate himself or herself with Estonia, the
decision to apply for Estonian citizenship comes hard to many
Russians. On the one hand, close family relations with Russia remain
and feed their ethnic and cultural identity. On the other hand,
although there is a growing drive to adapt to and integrate into the
domicile, it is not an easy task to perform within a couple of
decades due to the complexity of acculturation. This slow-moving
process rather indicates the reconciliation of many Russians to cope
with the obscure situation. In general this group do not identify
themselves with the Russians, but have formed a distinct group in
todays Estonia (or in Latvia, Lithuania) with its defined local
identity. Russian-speaking population is as subidentity
for Russians, not a new category of identity in the post-Soviet
Estonia as say David Laitin.11

Adaptation to the
Estonian way of life with no command of Estonian is possible, yet the
400 thousand-strong Russian population still maintains its isolation
in Estonia.12

At the level of the
Government great efforts are being made to integrate Russians into
the Estonian society. Here mention should be made of the adopted
Governmental Programme, accelerated research, as well as extended
teaching of Estonian to Russians. Resources for the growth of the
civic structures are good, but the process of civic development can
effect to the integration only when language separation is
diminishing and collective identities of people spring up despite of
their mother tongue.

To Estonians, the
Republic of Estonia is primary the nation-state (political and
lingual community), while for Russians residing in Estonia it is a
but a country of their current domicile without clear political
identity. All the three resources mentioned above could be
effectively used for the strategy of implementation of the Russians
integration into Estonian society. However, adaptation by Russians
and their subsequent integration into Estonian life will be a
long-term process of adapting to the culture and language of Estonia,
while the integration into civic society is going to happen much
quicker. Openness of the Estonian society, good communication and
broader co-operation may contribute to mutual trust. It is obvious
that the more one is integrated into the society socially and
culturally, the more likely a person is to generate real loyalty to
Estonia as its own society.

As already
mentioned, the process of political and economic transition of
Eastern European countries causes complex patterns of change of
cultural and national identity. Ethnic aspects of traditional
national identity are also in a profound change in European Union
enlargement process. But also stronger support to European identity
by former carriers and admirers of Soviet identity. According to
Eurobarometers of Central and Eastern Europe (1995-1997), in Estonia
there exists statistically verifiable larger support to EU
enlargement by Estonian Russians. According to the last Saar-Poll
Euro-gallup in Estonia (April 2000) difference in support was 10%
(Estonians 40%, Russians 50%).

The Baltic states
bordering a politically and economically unstable Russia are
particularly interested in close foreign and security policy ties
with the rest of Europe, since quite a number of Moscow politicians
have not yet accepted that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have left
their sphere of influence. Accession to the EU will, however,
primarily increase Estonias soft security. 13
The stability ensuing from cooperation within the EU reduces the
chance of a political or economic crisis in Russia being transferred
to Estonia.

References

1
M. Geistlinger, General Description of the Relations between
Estonians and Russians in Estonia. In: M.Geistlinger, A.Kirch.
(Eds.) Estonia - A new framework for the Estonian majority and the
Russian minority. Vienna. Braumüller 1995, 105.