Tag: Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust

I’ve been watching old news and campaigning footage recently and one of the clips that I watched was a party political broadcast on behalf the Labour Party for the May 1997 General Election. It is very clear who’s votes Blair was after. The broadcast features an ‘average family’ worrying about the state of the country. The children are at a birthday party wearing rather expensive party hats, not just cheap n cheerful ones from a bargain shop and one of the kids at the party is black, just to reassure us that New Labour is inclusive. The mum has been Folletised and is in full make-up with boring but moderately expensive ‘I work in management’ clothes and the dad is in a suit and tie getting ready to leave the house just after he’s said good-bye to the kids (‘new man’). Yet the conversation between the mum and the dad is loaded with hatred for what Blair called the ‘underclass’ – references to ‘yobs’ making a racket from the house next door, a comment that ‘this used to be a nice area’ and concern expressed about the falling property prices. The dad then says ‘yes and criminals are getting away with it’. A big slogan appears on screen reading ‘CRIMINALS ARE GETTING AWAY WITH IT’.

At the time of the 1997 General Election, the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse himself took a little break during the Inquiry – it was when he popped over to visit his son Thomas in Hong Kong (see post ‘Pets Win Prizes’). At the end of March 1997, Ronnie decided that he needed a short rest from accusing those who had been beaten, starved and repeatedly buggered and/or raped whilst in care in north Wales of lying for financial gain, although I haven’t found out for how long exactly that Ronnie joined Thomas in his bunker in Hong Kong. John Major called a General Election on 17 March 1997.

Patricia Scotland QC was acting as Counsel for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry, aggressively cross-examining the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales and was, like everyone else, accusing them of lying. After Blair was elected, Patricia Scotland was one of the first people whom Blair made a people’s peer. Witnesses who agreed to give evidence who managed and ran the children’s homes and the County Councils and Social Services Depts which ignored the abuse of the children in care were all granted immunity from prosecution (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’). After Blair was elected in May, the mental health services made ever increasing attempts to construct an image of me as a dangerous nutter who could not be believed, which culminated at the end of 1997 in an attempt to frame me and have me transferred to a secure unit on the basis of the perjury of Bridget Lloyd, a CPN who was a colleague of those who had facilitated the abuse of kids in care and had been granted immunity from prosecution. I was subsequently acquitted, but there was no investigation into why so many lies had been told about me to the police.

So criminals were indeed getting away with it, but they’d been getting away with it for a very long time. Ironically, before I was arrested on the grounds of Bridget Lloyd’s perjury, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) yelled at me ‘you’re not going to get away with this’. I wondered what he was talking about because I hadn’t actually committed a crime to get away with. Until I was arrested a few days later, I put Francis’s outburst down to his increasingly volatile behaviour, which was common knowledge among the patients, as was the fact that he had depression and a physical health problem as well.

It was in 1997/98 that the Independent Advocacy Association was established in north Wales, the ‘voice of the service users’. I explained in my post ‘What Time’s Chaos?’ how the IAA was managed and staffed by paedophiles’ friends who refused to support patients or relatives if they had serious complaints against the mental health services, including deaths. The IAA was financed by Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd County Council.

When Blair was elected in May 1997 Ron Davies (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) was appointed Secretary of State for Wales.

Blair et al had started campaigning some time before May 1997, because in Jan 1997 John Major’s administration became a minority Gov’t, increasingly dependent upon the support of the Ulster Unionists after the death of Iain Mills MP in Jan 1997. Blair et al really got their hopes up and started pushing for a General Election, although at the time the BBC pointed out that there were still 18 weeks to go before Major had to call an election. Nonetheless the Labour Party began posting up campaign material and the big guns were filmed shopping in supermarkets meeting the punters. Not the real plebs obviously, but the more affluent shoppers whom New Labour were targeting and telling that criminals were getting away with it. One such Labour big wig filmed pushing her trolley around was Margaret Beckett, Labour MP for Derby South since 1983. Margaret Beckett and the Labour Party went back a long way, along with the Windbag. Tony Francis knew the Windbag from their time at university in Cardiff.

There was a paedophile gang which operated in Derbyshire which had links to the one in north Wales. John Jillings, who Chaired the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council, was the former Director of Social Services for Derbyshire. Jillings’s Report was published in 1996 and he made damning comments about the abuse of kids in care in Clwyd, but there was a widespread feeling that even so, Jillings had played down just how bad things were. Jillings refused to comment on whether there was a paedophile ring at work in north Wales.

The Jillings Report famously was never published in full. It was so heavily redacted that it was meaningless. Furthermore, no-one but the lawyers for Clwyd County Council’s insurers saw the Report until 2013, because Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser for the Council’s insurers Municipal Mutual, advised Municipal Mutual to order the Council to withold the Report from everyone and if they didn’t follow this advice to withdraw the Council’s legal cover. Beloff also demanded that Cllr Malcolm King, who insisted on asking very difficult questions about the abuse allegations, should be sacked if he did obtain a copy of the Report and dared mention what was in it. Beloff was a colleague of Cherie Booth and is a good friend of Cherie and Tony. For further details of the Jillings Investigation and Report, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’.

Days after the Jillings Report was submitted, Clwyd County Council was dissolved in a local authority reorganisation as a result of a decision taken by the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission. The Chair of the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission was Eric Sunderland, the Principal of UCNW (Bangor University), 1984-95. Eric knew that UCNW was full of staff facilitating the paedophile gang or concealing it and it was this that was used to blackmail Thatcher’s henchman Sir Peter Swinnerton-Dyer, the Chair of the UGC, when he tried to close UCNW shortly after Eric was appointed (see post ‘Feet In Chains’).

Iain Mills’s death did Blair a big favour, it forced Major to call an election two months later. Mills had been the Tory MP for Meriden, a constituency in the West Midlands since 1979. He had been a Lichfield District Councillor, 1974-76. Children from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales. Professor Robert Bluglass of Birmingham University concealed the crimes of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Tony Francis’s boss immediately before Francis worked in north Wales was Professor Ian Brockington, who was Bluglass’s colleague at Birmingham University (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). The West Midlands Serious Crime Squad was notoriously corrupt, had links to the North Wales Police and in the 1980s fitted up Ali Khan from Caernarfon. Two of Ronnie Waterhouse’s advisers at the Waterhouse Inquiry were Sir Ron Hadfield, the former Chief Constable of the West Midlands Police and Adrianne Jones, the former Director of Social Services for the City of Birmingham. When Adrianne retired, she moved to Abergavenny, where a number of people who had concealed the abuse of kids in care in north Wales lived.

Iain Mills was found dead at the age of 57 years from alcohol poisoning in his flat at Dolphin Square. Children in care from north Wales were trafficked to Dolphin Square for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). By the time that Iain Mills was found dead, Eric Sunderland had retired – although he was fit and healthy, lived for another 30 years and continued his involvement with Bangor University affairs and public life – and had been replaced as Principal/VC by Roy Evans, a paedophiles’ friend who had been Deputy VC at Cardiff University. Cardiff University was also concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, as well as the child molesting activities of George Thomas.

Dolphin Square has been mentioned constantly in connection with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. It was allegedly built as an apartment block for people from ‘different socio-economic backgrounds’, but I don’t think that one finds benefit claimants renting the flats there. It is particularly attractive to folk who work in Westminster and Whitehall. John Vassall, the civil servant who was at the centre of the 1962 spy scandal and allegations that senior figures in the Admiralty were involved in gay sex and prostitution, lived at Dolphin Square. Vassall died on a bus ‘from a heart attack’ two months before Iain Mills died. When he died, Vassall was living in St John’s Wood, which was where Ronnie Waterhouse lived.

Other residents of Dolphin Square have included Princess Anne and William Hague, who organised the carefully rigged Waterhouse Inquiry when he was Secretary of State for Wales. Hague’s wife Ffion was a civil servant in the Welsh Office when the Welsh Office concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles. Sir John Stradling Thomas, the Tory MP for Monmouth, was found dead in his flat in Dolphin Square in March 1991, hours before he intended to speak about allegations that Westminster figures and others had been involved in the abuse of children.

Someone else who featured on news reports in the run up to the 1997 General Election was Alan Duncan, the Tory MP for Rutland and Melton who has been involved in gay Tory activist groups. At the time Duncan was PPS to Brian Mawhinney, the Tory Party Chairman, 1995-97. Mawhinney is the brother-in-law of Patricia Scotland QC. Alan Duncan was appointed as PPS to the Minister in 1993, under Secretary of State for Health Virginia Bottomley. However Duncan was forced to resign after one month after it was revealed that he had used the legislation re the right to buy council houses to personally benefit from property deals.

To return to the unfortunate Iain Mills who was found dead at the same time as mental health patients in north Wales were dropping like flies. Mr Mills may have met a sticky end after all those years as an MP for a region which had been sending children in care into the arms of the paedophile gang in north Wales since before he won the seat, but his predecessor fared very much better. John Tomlinson was the Labour MP for the constituency held by Mills between 1974-79. In 1998, after Ronnie Waterhouse had discredited the former kids in care who gave evidence at the Inquiry and a year after Iain Mills had been found dead, John Tomlinson was given a peerage by Blair.

Before he was MP for Meriden, Tomlinson was active in local politics in Yorkshire. Savile country. He sat on Sheffield City Council from 1964, was political secretary of Sheffield Co-Operative Party and was an executive member of the Yorkshire Labour Party. He was Head of Research for the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers, 1968-70. Whilst in the Commons, Tomlinson was PPS to PM Harold Wilson, 1975-76; Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1976-79, under Foreign Secretary David Owen; Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Oversea Development, 1977-79. After Tomlinson lost his seat in 1979, he lectured at Solihull College of Technology. In 1984 he became MEP for Birmingham West, a seat he held until 1999.

Lord John Tomlinson is a man who knows where a lot of bodies are buried, including I suspect those buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. He was and might still be Chair of the Association of Independent Higher Education Providers.

Kids from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales before even Tomlinson was the MP for Meriden. Sir Keith Speed was the Tory MP for Meriden, 1968-74. It was in 1968 that John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community which opened its doors to kids in care from right across the UK. Like so many of the paedophiles’ friends, Keith Speed served in the Royal Navy, 1947-56 and then continued in the Navy Reserve as a Lt Commander. Speed began work in the Conservative Research Department in 1965 – which according to Matthew Parris was a hotbed of gay predatory behaviour with one unidentified senior member of staff travelling on London buses with the intention of picking up younger men and an annual summer outing to a place in Italy known as the Villa of Shame or Villa of Vice, where ‘willing boys’ were supplied.

After losing Meriden to Tomlinson in 1974, Speed was elected as Tory MP for Ashord, Kent, succeeding the Torygraph editor Bill Deedes. Between 1979-81, Speed was the Navy Minister. He stood down from the Commons in 1997…

Keith Speed became Deputy Lieutenant of Kent in 2005 and Vice-President of the Maritime Volunteer Service.

One other matter mentioned on the news broadcasts after Major’s Gov’t became a minority administration was the forthcoming by-election for Wirral South. That area was part of the Merseyside branch of Dafydd’s empire, which Dafydd had built up since his days at Liverpool University in the 1950s. Wirral South was won by the Labour candidate Ben Chapman, a former civil servant, in Feb 1997 who held the seat until 2010 when he stood down after being named in the Parliamentary expenses scandal.

Chapman was elected after the death in 1996 from cancer of the previous MP, the Tory Barry Porter. Porter was a solicitor who was educated at Birkenhead School and then Oxford. Porter was a partner and then consultant in a Birkenhead firm of solicitors. He was first elected in 1979. So Porter was yet another person who would have had a great deal of info about the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles who pegged out as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and helped push Major’s Gov’t into crisis.

Tony Blair – the luckiest PM in history!

If I have noticed how many people pegged out at about the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry and how some of those deaths were beneficial to Tony Blair, I’m sure that the BBC’s Political Editor at that time who was filing so many of the reports must have as well – it was Robin Oakley.

Robin Oakley was the BBC’s Political Editor, 1992-2000. Oakley started his career on the ‘Liverpool Daily Post’, where he became Political Editor. The ‘Liverpool Daily Post’ produced the north Wales local paper, the ‘Daily Post’, which for decades was the mouthpiece of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Oakley was then a political columnist and assistant editor on ‘The Sunday Express’ and was assistant editor of ‘Daily Mail’ from 1981-86. Between 1986-92, he was a columnist and political editor for ‘The Times’, then moving to the BBC as Political Editor. His predecessor as BBC Political Editor was John Cole and he was succeeded in 2000 by Andrew Marr, whose father-in-law was Ronnie’s mate Jack Ashley, the MP for Stoke-on-Trent South, whilst kids in care in that area were abused.

‘We didn’t know.’

After leaving the BBC, Oakley was CNN’s European Political Editor, 2000-08. He is also an expert in horse racing, wrote the Turf column in ‘The Spectator’ since 1994, was the racing correspondent of the ‘Financial Times’ for several years and in 2000 published his book ‘Valley of The Racehorse’, a story of the racing community in the Lambourn valley. Ronnie Waterhouse’s father-in-law was a racehorse breeder and Ronnie took the trouble to get to know many folk in the world of horse racing.

‘I Know Nuzzing.’

Robin Oakley took early retirement from the BBC in 2000. In Feb 2000 the Waterhouse Report was published.

Robin Oakley went to Brasenose College, Oxford as did Jeffrey Archer. Oakley is just over one year older than Tuppence, so their paths almost certainly crossed at Oxford. Robin Oakley might have noticed that bit of bother that Tuppence got into in 1987 re paying a lot of money to a prostitute with whom he had not had sex to leave the UK. Then there was yet more bother for Tuppence in 1999 when it was revealed that Tuppence had lied in the 1987 trial. On 30 May 2001 Tuppence’s trial for perjury opened. Not that the prostitute, Monica Coghlan, was able to give evidence as planned – she died in April 2001 after a car crash just before Tuppence’s trial was due to open. Monica didn’t die at the scene, she died afterwards in hospital in Leeds. On the patch of the NHS that was run by Jimmy Savile and his mates.

Tuppence was found guilty and was sentenced to four years in prison. His fragrant wife had lied in the 1987 trial as well, but Mary was never charged with perjury. Probably because Justice Cocklecarrot had been so keen on her in the 1987 trial, commenting on the charms of Mary as compared to Monica in her ‘green leatherette suit’. A sort of judicial version of ‘cor I don’t fancy yours much mate’.

After Tuppence went to prison, a number of high profile political journalists admitted attending parties held by Tuppence.

Read all about Tuppence, the unfortunate Monica, the fragrant Mary and the great interest that the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales took with regard to my knowledge of the comments of one of the witnesses in the 1987 trial involving Tuppence in my post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’.

Of course after Blair won his stonking victory on 1 May 1997, there was the most almighty punch up in the Conservative Party after Major announced his intention to resign as leader and a leadership battle commenced whilst Major stayed on for the next eight weeks as a caretaker leader.

The three main contenders for the Tory leadership were Ken Clarke, William Hague and John Redwood. The debates surrounding the leadership contest were dominated by a very limited number of topics: Europe and the single currency; what model of Conservatism the Party should follow, One Nation Conservatism or a hard right Thatcherite model; and of course the importance of ‘uniting’ a party in the throes of civil war.

All three of the leadership contenders had been involved in concealing the slaughter and criminality in north Wales over the preceding years. Ken Clarke had done many a dirty deal during his time as Health Minister and then as Health Secretary (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’) and Redwood and Hague had both been Welsh Secretary and had concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was Hague who had played the blinder of organising the Waterhouse Report the year before the leadership contest, which was designed to silence the allegations of something terrible in north Wales involving the highest echelons of society once and for all.

Hague was subsequently elected as the Tory leader. It was not the grassroots of the Conservative Party who elected the leader, it was the Parliamentary Party. This really pissed the constituency parties off, but hardly any of them had an inkling of just what Hague had nailed the lid on so didn’t know why so many in Parliament thought that Hague was so great. It wasn’t because Hague was flying the Thatcherite flag, although of course Thatcher came out in support of Hague in the leadership contest. The Thatch whose close friend and Minister/aide Sir Peter Morrison had abused kids in care in north Wales and in other locations for so long. The Thatch who was also mates with Jimmy Savile who visited Bryn Estyn and it is alleged watched as a boy was gang banged by a group of men on the premises. Morrison was found dead in his house in July 1995, so was no longer a living breathing liability in the way that he once had been. All Hague had to do then was to shut everyone up.

I had not heard this before but some two weeks ago I was told that John Redwood was alleged to have been one of those involved with the abuse of kids in care in north Wales. I have seen no evidence of this, but the documents in my possession demonstrate that Redwood was definitely one of those who ignored what Dafydd and the paedophiles were doing and indeed ensured that none of their criminal activities were investigated.

I have described in previous posts how the NHS in north Wales – particularly the mental health services – went completely mad as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and then got underway. Tony Francis had a breakdown and took early retirement, the other consultants and senior managers all started knifing each other like there was no tomorrow. It was during this time that Barry Shingles, a senior manager in Gwynedd Health Authority, killed himself. Shingles had been around for years and had led the way in Gwynedd re silencing complaints about Dafydd et al since the 1980s. Shingles expected to become the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust but Keith Thomson shafted him and bagged the job for himself. It was during this time that the Caligula of the north Wales NHS, Martin Jones, returned from exile in England and rejoined his old buddies in time to welcome in the fledgling NW Wales NHS Trust.

Think that is bad? The wife of Jeff Crowther – a psychiatric nursing manager who had been employed by the mental health services in Gwynedd for many years and who had a mountain of shit on all of them – ‘failed to recover’ in Ysbyty Gwynedd hours after being taken seriously ill. Lilimore Crowther was a former psych nurse herself who had subsequently trained as a psychologist at UCNW and then bagged herself a job in what soon became Prof Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology. Lil had worked in the School when Dafydd still called the shots there. Jeff and Lil knew exactly what Dafydd and the paedophiles had been up to and they knew how Fungus used his knowledge of Dafydd’s crimes to overthrow Dafydd and then establish his own empire. After Lil died, Jeff had to go into hiding when his life was considered to be at risk from a drug addict who had threatened to do Jeff serious damage. By that time, Dafydd and his charity CAIS had been given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for the whole of north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). Shortly after this Jeff left north Wales. A few of his friends knew where he went but it was noted that Jeff ‘wasn’t very good at keeping in touch’.

One man who knew about all this whom I have not yet mentioned on this blog was Jeff’s colleague, psychiatric nurse Dave Reader. Dave Reader was/is a good mate of clinical psychologist Dr Mike Jackson, who arrived in north Wales in the late 1980s and was also party to the serious crimes and cover-ups.

Dave Reader was introduced to me by Jeff in 1997 after my key worker was removed by Tony Francis against my wishes and without warning after I was arrested on the basis of Bridget Lloyd’s perjury (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). My key worker was the Hergest Whistleblower who had repeatedly raised concerns about the conduct of Lloyd’s colleagues in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team towards me, concerns which were ignored. The Hergest Whistleblower was ordered not to communicate with me and I was told that I was being referred to the forensic team because of my ‘potential dangerousness’ and that Jeff and Dave Reader would be my community workers.

Dave Reader was introduced to me as a mental health nurse who had ‘just started work in north Wales’ and who was doing a PhD on delivering mental health services to deaf patients. I had a chat with him and he seemed very pleasant but I did notice that he was older than would be expected for an early career nurse – I presumed that he must have begun nursing as a mature student. I only saw Dave Reader a few times before he just sort of drifted away without any explanation. Then Jeff disappeared because of the threats from the addict and his subsequent move from the area. The Hergest Whistleblower was not reinstated as my key worker – even after I was acquitted of all charges – for more than two years.

I saw Dave Reader around occasionally and would say hello – he talked only of his work with deaf patients. After many years he finally finished his PhD.

Last night I found Dave Reader’s Linked In profile. It would seem that yet again, an enormous amount of deception has taken place. Dave Reader’s Linked In tells us that Dave began working in north Wales as a mental health nurse lecturer/practitioner in 1992. In 2000 he was appointed as a clinical nurse specialist in psychosocial interventions for psychosis, CBT and family work. So not only was Dave employed in the mental health services in Gwynedd throughout the Dafydd and the paedophiles years, but he was also part of the psychosocial interventions in psychosis scam. Dr Mike Jackson, Dave’s mate, admitted to me that the psychosocial interventions didn’t work in psychosis, which ‘was a bummer’. It wasn’t until 2014 that Dave was appointed as a clinical nurse specialist in mental health and deafness. Dave remained in that post until 2018, whereupon he retired. Not that Dave is pottering about in his shed. No, like all Angels who have retired after the years of stress and burn-out having dealt with so many Dangerous Nutters, Dave has picked up a bit of part-time work. Dave is now a Registered Nurse Peer Reviewer with HIW (Health Inspectorate Wales). He is part of the HIW team reviewing mental health services and suicides in Welsh prisons.

When Dave first joined the abusive mental health services in Gwynedd in 1992, Dr Peter Higson, a former clinical psychologist at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, was the manager of the North Wales Hospital. Higson then became the regional manager for mental health services right across north Wales. Peter Higson was subsequently appointed as the first Chief Exec of the then newly established HIW. In 2011 HIW was branded as ‘not fit for purpose’ after it was clear that Higson had failed to investigate complaints and that people had died in dangerous services. Higson stepped down from HIW. A few months later Higson was appointed Chair of the Betsi Board, where he remains.

Peter Higson was a mate of Prof Fergus Lowe’s.

The icing on the cake re Dave Reader? He had already achieved a senior role in mental health nursing before he ever went to Gwynedd. His job prior to arriving in north Wales was as a ward manager for Wandsworth NHS. Wandsworth NHS ran St George’s Hospital Medical School.

So one year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s, after the psychiatrists there had colluded with the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles, had admitted in writing that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and that they believed that Tony Francis might be as well and had refused to treat me and told me to go back to north Wales (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’), one of their ward managers rocked up in Gwynedd. In the middle of the police investigation into the paedophile ring with which St George’s and Wandsworth Social Services had colluded. Five years later he was appointed as my community worker at a time when there was an attempt to frame me and have me sent to a secure hospital, but was introduced to me as a PhD student new to Gwynedd. After three visits or so he never returned, leaving me with no community worker.

Dave! Do you have an explanation?

Dave Reader’s Linked In profile also mentions that he has a BSc from the University of Manchester (1994-97) and a Diploma from the University of Manchester in Psychosocial Interventions in Psychosis, CBT and Family Therapy. The Psychosocial Interventions which Dave’s mate Dr Mike Jackson admits don’t work. So that’ll be why Mike has been publishing about their success and training other people in their use.

Linked In states that Dave is an RMN who trained at the Nightingale School of Nursing, 1984-87.

A few weeks ago Jeff Crowther was listed as a member of the team at the Bosence and Boswyns Drug and Alcohol Team in Cornwall, but now he’s disappeared!

Two others who lived through the insanity that was the Gwynedd mental health services in the 1990s whose names I have not flagged up yet are a couple called Jed and Vonnie or it might be Ronnie. Jed and Vonnie/Ronnie were two mental health workers who were very well thought of – they were kicked around and abused by the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and given the jobs that the Arfon Team refused to do themselves, like looking after the most seriously ill patients. Jed probably kept some of them alive in the face of the appalling abuse and neglect of the Arfon team, as they were left to fend for themselves whilst living in derelict buildings, caves etc. Jed and Vonnie/Ronnie witnessed Mike Jackson yell at me one day that he knew that I’d suffered but he hoped that I’d never win a negligence case against the NW Wales NHS Trust because it would cost them nearly a million.

Considering that they sent violent sex offenders after me and tried to kill me Mike, it could well have cost them a lot more.

Dim problem Mike, you’ve got this blog to deal with instead. If any of you had been fair and decent people you would have admitted aggravated clinical negligence, perjury, etc, settled, the culprits would have stood trial and a clean up of the NHS could have begun. But that is not the NHS way of conducting business.

The dynamics of the Tory leadership race are worth commenting on. ‘Newsnight’ on 19 June 1997 reported that Ann Widdecombe was backing Clarke for the leadership and reminded everyone of ‘the imagination that he showed when he reformed the NHS’. I will return to Ken’s imagination later in this post. Widdecombe also banged on about ‘collective responsibility’. Indeed Honest Ann, you would know all about that as someone who knew what was going on in north Wales and had strong links with the constituency party on Anglesey – including during the years when the bent barrister Keith Best was MP for Anglesey and also covered up the crimes (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Crimes which strangely enough escalated with regard to me and my friends being targeted once I’d been to see Mr Best about my problems with the mental health services. Within months my house mate Anne, who knew what had happened to me, had been killed in a car crash and her former boyfriend Geoff – who also knew what had happened – was left severely brain damaged and paralysed with speech difficulties.

Anne and Geoff were keen birders. As was Ken Clarke.

Not long after being elected for Anglesey in 1979, Keith Best was involved in a serious car crash in which his personal assistant was killed. Best was driving. He was cleared of responsibility.

Redwood was knocked out at an early stage of the contest, but before he was, he received voluble support from Theresa Gorman. Theresa Gorman was named in Edwina Currie’s ‘Diaries’ as being one of those Tories who definitely knew by the early 1990s that Sir Peter Morrison was sexually abusing children and like Edwina was terrified that the info was going to become public (see post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’). John Bercow also supported Redwood.

Redwood and Ken Clarke made what was described as a ‘Faustian pact’, although they had rather different political orientations. They were rejected by the Party and Hague won. When Hague won, Clarke refused to serve in a Shadow Cabinet led by Hague, as did Heseltine. Heseltine was from Swansea.

It was reported by the BBC that after Hague won, Redwood was ‘shut out’.

Some of the leading figures who supported Hague’s candidacy for the leadership were Gillian Shepherd, Nigel Evans and dear old Tuppence. Gillian Shepherd was a teacher and schools inspector for Norfolk County Council, 1963-75. After being elected to the Commons, she became PPS to Peter Lilley in 1988 – I’ll return to Peter Lilley later in this post. Shepherd was a junior Minister in Social Security in 1989, which was when her Dept were concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales.In 1990 Shepherd became Deputy Chairman of the Party, when Sir Peter Morrison was PPS to Thatcher and organising Thatcher’s leadership campaign when she was challenged. Shepherd was Secretary of State for Education, 1994-97. At that time abuse in special schools and schools for ‘difficult’ children – particularly in north Wales – was rife. Shepherd must have noticed because staff of those schools had started to go to prison.

Nigel Evans grew up in Swansea and famously self-identified as the Only Conservative In The Village. Nigel couldn’t do The Only Gay In The Village bit as well because he pretended that he wasn’t gay until many years later when he Bravely Came Out to much applause. The applause was even louder in 2014 when Nigel reappeared in the Commons after an absence because of him standing trial on multiple charges of sexually assaulting other men, all charges of which he was acquitted. During Nigel’s trial, details of the Everyday Story Of Westminster Folk gripped the nation. Nigel admitted to regularly being completely blind drunk in the Commons, usually to such an extent that he could not remember what the hell he had done the night before. However, Nigel did know that he had not sexually assaulted young men beginning their careers in politics, even though some of them maintained that he had. One young man explained that although he had found Nigel’s hand down the front of his trousers when getting completely bladdered with Nigel in a Commons bar, this was just – to use his the young man’s own expression – ‘crazy, crazy Westminster’. It’s one big Benny Hill show down there, but it involves gay sex as well, whereas Cheeky Benny’s repertoire was strictly limited to chasing women around in circles to the sound of speeded up music, a la Dafydd.

Remember this Martin?

A private joke between Martin Jones, the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust and me:

And here is a photo of Stephen Gallagher, an abusive incompetent senior Angel at Ysbyty Gwynedd who is an enthusiastic member of the TA, who put patients’ lives at risk but received full support from Martin, to the extent that Martin destroyed CCTV footage which recorded Major Stephen abusing patients:

As for Nigel Evans, he went to Dynevor School and University College, Swansea, which was largely run by Rhodri Morgan’s friends and relatives (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). The Labour-dominated Swansea Mafia is well-known – it contains folk such as Edwina Hart, who would have liked to have put Martin Jones out of action when she was Health Minister but couldn’t because of her and her husband’s previous in the Labour Party and TUC which had involved concealing the crimes of the paedophiles’ friends. Edwina also made a rod for everybody’s back for decades to come when in 2010 she appointed one of the paedophiles’ bestest friends Rhian Huws Williams to the ‘Independent’ Commission On Social Services (see post ‘Sleeping With The Fishes’).

When Edwina was Minister for Business, Enterprise, Technology and Science she also did ‘business deals’ on the back of those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, deals which were described as ‘bringing business to Wales’, but which in reality involved giving much money to certain businesses who wanted to open an office in Cardiff anyway and couldn’t believe their luck when Edwina paid them to do it (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’). One such company was Deloitte, who opened their Business and Operations Centre in Cardiff. The scheme that proved so attractive to Deloitte was the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone, the Chairman of which was John Antoniazzi. For 25 years John was a partner in Deloitte – he headed Audit for Wales. John is married to Manon – who is the sister of William Hague’s wife Ffion. Then Manon was appointed as Chief Exec to the Welsh Assembly. John Antoniazzi has been involved with the NSPCC, the cancer charity Maggie’s and is a member of Cardiff and Vale University Health Board. See post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’ for the details of the many other pies in which John has his fingers.

Edwina hired McKinsey and Co to advise her on reforming the NHS in Wales when she was Health Minister. You wasted the Welsh Gov’ts money there Edwina, you didn’t need McKinsey to tell you that Martin, Elfed and the rest of them needed to be escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and put on trial and furthermore I gave you the evidence that would have enabled you to do that.

DOH!!!

I don’t know if Edwina is an underachiever and proud of it, but the most sordid anecdote that I heard regarding Edwina and the distribution of grant funding for businesses was the allegation that someone on Anglesey received grant support which was approved by Edwina after they had sex with her. I was given sufficient details to suggest that my informant was a reliable source.

I wonder whether Edwina had sex with John Antoniazzi as well.

I know that Martin and Elfed were a bloody nightmare Edwina, but you should have dealt with them. People died because of them and Martin and Elfed are still in the system because you decided to play political games. You shouldn’t have – I don’t like being threatened, harassed and then pursued by rogue policemen at gunpoint. You knew that I and others were in danger and you backed off and risked our lives. Take a hint and don’t ever fucking well do that again, particularly if you are then going to give out business support grants in return for sexual favours, because word got around.

Isn’t there a famous fictional character who’s world-view was very negative but who did find himself surrounded by ‘phonies’?

Edwina knew about Ron Davies and his foibles which will have compromised her further…

Edwina and Nigel Evans will have had dirt on each other, both coming from the Swansea area. Swansea University was also within the influence of Professor Brian Flowers, a local boy made good from Swansea who ended up as VC of the University of London (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). On Flowers’s watch at London University, research fraud and misconduct thrived and staff at St George’s Hospital Medical School concealed a paedophile ring in south London – one member of which was their Prof of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke – as well as the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales. After Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain of St George’s was disgraced as a result of his part in a major fraud which was exposed in the mid-1990s (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’) and he was put out to grass, in 2000 Chamberlain took up a post at Swansea University as a lecturer in the history of medicine. Chamberlain came from south Wales and had gone to school in Llandaff Cathedral School. His father had been Secretary to the Lord Mayor of Cardiff.

Chamberlain was a friend of Oliver Brooke. And Cilla Black no less. The Cilla who used to go on holiday with Lily Savage aka Paul O’Grady, who worked as a social worker in Lambeth at the time of the paedophile gang and neglect of clients in that Borough. Diane Abbott was Lambeth Borough Council’s press officer/PR person.

I will be blogging more about recent events at Swansea University, in particular the medical school, soon.

Nigel Evans began his political career as a Councillor on West Glamorgan Council, 1985-91. He’ll have known about the abuse of kids in that area, as well as the activities of George Thomas and Ron Davies. Evans was elected as the MP for Ribble Valley in 1992. He was appointed as the PPS to the Secretary of State for Employment David Hunt in 1993 and remained Hunt’s PPS when he was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1994. Prior to that, Hunt had spent many enjoyable years in as a Minister in the Welsh Office and then as Secretary of State for Wales concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). David Hunt’s talents were called on again in 1995 when he was installed as Secretary of State for Wales for just a few days, when a particularly fancy bit of footwork was needed to oversee the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital.

Dafydd’s retirement deal involved the Gov’t giving him responsibility for all substance abuse services across north Wales and of course allowing him to vastly expand his private practice whilst the Gov’t diverted various sources of public funding to support it. The North Wales Hospital wasn’t closed although everybody was told that it was. No-one has ever come clean about which patients remained there and for how long, but it is known that Gwynfryn Unit, the mother and baby unit, remained open.

In 1996 Evans became the PPS to the new Secretary of State William Hague. Evans was in post when Hague organised the Waterhouse Inquiry…

Evans became a member of the Shadow Cabinet under IDS – the Shadow Secretary of State for Wales, 2001-03.

Hague’s campaign manager for the leadership content was none other than Alan Duncan. By all accounts Duncan was a most effective right hand man to Hague. Not only was Alun Duncan the PPS to Patricia Scotland’s brother-in-law, but he was a member of the Social Security Select Committee, 1993-95. The Secretary of State responsible for the Social Security portfolio when Duncan sat on the Select Committee was none other than Peter Lilley, the man who had his notorious ‘little list’ and who was one of many who knew precisely what was happening in north Wales, as he sung songs about scroungers at the Tory Party conference (see post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Attracted To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’).

Immediately after Hague was declared the new Tory leader, he stated in his victory speech that ‘we all start from a clean slate’. No Lord Hague, you were all dripping in the blood of the dispossessed of north Wales, but you’d tasked Ronnie Waterhouse to silence the few survivors for ever. When talking about his brand of conservatism and how all right thinking people were now embracing capitalism, even members of the Labour Party, Hague returned to familiar Tory territory and reminded everyone that the state had ‘spent too much’.

After Hague’s election, James Cran MP stated that a ‘boil had been lanced’. It hadn’t, but James Cran must have been delighted that the architect of the Waterhouse cover-up had become Tory leader. Cran was elected as the MP for Beverley in Yorkshire in 1987. Savile country.

Cran studied at the Aberdeen University and worked in the Conservative Research Department, 1970–71. He was a member of the Leader of the Opposition’s (Ted Heath) Briefing Team during the 1970 General Election. He was a London Borough of Sutton Councillor, 1984-87 and served as the Chairman of the Health and Housing Committee. Warlingham Park Hospital was near Sutton – the abuse of patients was so bad there that after an investigation some staff were imprisoned. Cran was PPS to the Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1995-96, that very good friend of Top Doctors who ran paedophile rings and indeed of at least one Top Doctor, Morris Fraser, who was a paedophile himself, Sir Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew was not only involved in attempts to imprison me on the basis of the statements of people whom he knew had perjured themselves, but Mayhew was involved in the cover-up regarding the abuse of kids at the Kincora Boys’ Home by army officers, Whitehall mandarins, Westminster figures and, it is alleged, Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Cran was present with Mayhew in Washington DC at the first meeting with Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Fein.

From 1971–79, Cran was the Secretary and Chief Executive of the National Association of Pension Funds. He was the CBI’s Northern Director, 1979–84 and the CBI’s West Midlands Director from 1984–87. So Cran will know Birmingham’s Mr Big, Digby Jones, who will have known about the corruption which pervaded civic life in the West Midlands.

Cran stood down from the Commons in 2005. Whilst he was in the Commons, he had interests in European affairs, particularly Malta. Cran was the co-founder and a member of the All Party Anglo-Malta Group, 1992–94.

I don’t know what it is about Malta, but it is a running theme with some of the paedophiles’ friends. Admiral Sir Alec Bingley, Mountbatten’s colleague, was based in Malta for a time and his wife Lady Juliet was a personal friend of the Maltese PM, Dom Mintoff and was involved in the establishment of medical and welfare facilities in Malta. Lady Juliet and the Bingleys’ son, William, spent years concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales when Juliet and William were leading figures in MIND and when William was Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). Peter Righton, the social work academic and adviser who was a paedophile and used his work to gain access to underaged boys and published material justifying sexual relationships between adults and children, worked in Malta. More recently some of those arrested as a result of Operation Pallial were found to be living in Malta.

One of Cran’s current residential addresses is in Malta.

Cran was preceded as MP for Beverley by Sir Patrick Wall. Wall was commissioned into the Royal Marines in 1935 and qualified as a naval gunnery instructor. During WWII he served in the Iron Duke, Valiant, and Malaya, followed by a spell at HMS Turtle, the landing craft base. In 1945, he was patrol officer and second-in-command 48 Commando RM in the British Army on the Rhine, where he was wounded. Wall was said to draw inspiration from his Roman Catholicism. He taught at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich in 1946 and the Joint Services Staff College, 1947-48. He spent a further two years on the staff of the Commandant-General, RM. He was promoted to the rank of major in 1949 and decided to leave the Royal Marines the following year in order to enter politics.

Patrick Wall will have known many of those featured in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’, including Sir Alec Bingley.

Wall continued his naval connection as Commander of 47 Commando Royal Marines Voluntary Reserve from 1951-57 and from 1950-66, was Commissioner of the Sea Scouts for London.

Patrick Wall was a City of Westminster Councillor, 1953-63. He was later elected Tory MP for Haltemprice, 1954–83 and for Beverley, 1983–87. He was PPS to the Derick Heathcote-Amory, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1958-59, under Macmillan. Wall probably knew about the shenanigans before and after Profumo (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’) as well as the John Vassall Spy Scandal.

Wall was UK delegate to the UN General Assembly in 1962, Vice-Chairman of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Defence 1965–77, Chairman of the British-South Africa Parliamentary Group 1970–1987, on the British-Portuguese Parliamentary Group 1979–87, and leader of the British delegation to the North Atlantic Assembly 1979–87, of which he was President, 1983–85.

During the Thatcher years, Wall reflected that Britain had ‘moved rapidly to the Left under Labour governments and more slowly to the Left under successive Conservative governments’.

I knew people like Patrick Wall when I was a teenager in Somerset and I and my friends derived much entertainment from them.

Patrick Wall was a leading light in the Monday Club, so it was only sensible for him to Chair several party committees concerned with Africa. He defended the British colonial record and was convinced of the benefits of white rule in Rhodesia and South Africa. In 1960, Wall claimed that the colonial problem arose not from differences in colour, but from differences in standards: ‘What we have to do is to work as hard as we can by raising the standards of the black Africans to ensure that we level up and do not take the easy way out by levelling down. Progress in Central Africa depends on the maintenance of standards and I believe we owe it, not only to our kith and kin, but to the vast mass of as yet uneducated black Africans for whom we are trustees, to see that the existing standards in Central Africa are not debased.’

Wall was a friend of the Rhodesian Prime Minister, Ian Smith and fully supported him. After Rhodesia’s UDI in 1965, he joined forces with Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 5th Marquess of Salisbury to lead the Tory revolt against their party’s support for the Labour administration’s sanctions policy. Wall believed that white rule in Southern Africa was the last bulwark against the spread of communism in the region, which he described as ‘this evil virus’. He argued that this, in turn, would mean that the West would lose vital mineral supplies and that the oil route round the Cape would come under threat.

In 1974, Patrick Wall attacked the Labour Gov’ts withdrawal from the Simonstown naval base in South Africa and stated in the Commons that the Gov’t ‘must be insane. This is the only link NATO has with the Cape. British interests in Africa as a strategic part of the world should be maintained.’

A committed supporter of NATO, Wall was leader of the British delegation to the North Atlantic Assembly from 1979 –87. Wall was especially suspicious of the Foreign Office, which he believed had contributed to Britain’s decline. Along with Thatcher’s left-wing tendencies of course.

Sir Patrick Wall served on its Executive Council of the Monday Club and was Chairman 1978–80. He collaborated on many papers and publications for the Club and spoke for Club policies and concerns in the Commons.

On May Day 1970, the Monday Club held a ‘Law and Liberty’ rally in Trafalgar Square where Wall and several other of the Club’s MPs were principal speakers. In November 1971, he and John Biggs-Davison ‘joined, as observers, British troops in action in N Ireland against the IRA’. I’m not sure what this entailed, perhaps Wall and Biggs-Davison watched the British Army open fire, anything would have been possible with Sir Patrick.

As University Groups Parliamentary Liaison Officer, Wall was active in supporting the 55 Monday Club groups formed in universities and colleges. He became a target for the Left and was denounced by the NUS. In 1968, he was attacked at Leeds University and Mrs Wall was knocked to the ground and kicked. Speaking at Portsmouth Poly in Dec 1972, his meeting was broken up by a shouting group of students who pelted Patrick Wall with missiles.

I never noticed anything quite that exciting in the Students’ Union at UCNW. I have mentioned previously that there was Irish Republican activity in Bangor’s SU and much Welsh language activism, but my key observations were of course related to the people whom I now know were facilitating a sex trafficking gang in the Student Health Centre and the collusion with this by the SU officers such as Duncan Orme (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). UCNW had one of the strongest Gay Socs of any university in the UK, which is quite worrying for an institution governed and staffed by so many people who were involved in some way with a sex trafficking ring supplying boys to older predators, including VIPs.

Whilst I was at UCNW (1981-84) the most vigorous party political activity among the English students was on the part of the SDP. I have no idea why because I wasn’t involved, but a mature student called Simon Batty was active in the SDP at Bangor and achieved fame for getting beaten up at an NUS conference because he was a supporter of Dr Death et al. Batty was duffed up when David Aaronovitch was President of the NUS.

Well David, as a pompous old fart who now pontificates in the Indie on a regular basis, do you have any explanation for the targeting of a man who I think was essentially harmless, even if he was gullible enough to believe that Dr Death and Shirl were the way forward? Or indeed why the excesses of the Gay Soc at UCNW were ignored by the wider NUS – and there were some very worrying things happening in Gay Soc at UCNW.

I presume that Simon Batty had no idea that Dr Death was a personal friend of some of the Top Docs who were facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales. Shirl knew that all was not well at UCNW, because Dafydd Wigley asked Shirl to hold an inquiry into Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW when Shirl was Secretary of State for Education under Jim Callaghan – Callaghan’s Gov’t concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles. There was never any such investigation.

Charles Evans’s mates were running a sex trafficking ring O Shirl of ‘my mother was the famous feminist Vera Brittain and I’ve spent my whole life dining out on it’ fame.

Shirl, Dr Death et al were not going to listen to the Testament of the Youth of north Wales what with all that support of the Top Docs to cultivate.

This is a photo of Professor Robert Bluglass – who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles – quaffing champagne at an Old Warwickians dinner:

This is a photo of Compton Verney, the art gallery owned by Bluglass – it is one of the finest galleries in Europe!

This is a photo of the Pyrenees, where Bluglass has a second home:

This is Risley Remand Centre, where victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were unlawfully imprisoned and were frequently found dead:

Sir Patrick Wall was presented with a Fellowship Certificate of the Chartered Institute of Journalists at a formal Reception for the occasion, held at the National Liberal Club, London, on Wednesday 12 July 1989.

Patrick Wall was one of a number of Tory MPs associated with Radio 270, an offshore radio station broadcasting off the Yorkshire coast in the 1960s. On 11 May 1967 the station gave Conservative candidates in local elections at Scarborough airtime which the candidates had paid for themselves, and on 14 May it broadcast a programme made by the York University branch of the Monday Club, in which Patrick Wall spoke on Rhodesia.

Shortly before the Marine Broadcasting Offences Act became law later that year, Radio 270 carried a broadcast, also sponsored by the University of York Monday Club, attacking the Gov’t for closing down the pirate stations. Patrick Wall, Ronald Bell and John Biggs-Davison, all prominent members of the Monday Club, took part.

The journalist Joan Smith has argued that the crimes of Jimmy Savile were rooted in the culture that thrived on the pirate radio ships. Savile did not work on a pirate ship, but numerous other BBC tossers did. Their attitude to teenaged girls was very predatory and Smith has uncovered some horrifying examples of John Peel’s activities. Smith rightly states that the BBC made stars and national treasures of some very predatory people, which then gave them access to vulnerable people under the umbrella of things such as charidee work. I note that the class dimension regarding this is usually ignored even by people like Joan Smith. The Radio 1 predators targeted predominantly working class teenagers. Middle class girls often had the same interest in ‘stars’ and DJs, but most of the girls being sexually exploited by Savile and co were working class girls or of course troubled teenagers in care or custody. Savile won’t have sexually molested many girls from Cheltenham Ladies College. He had fun with Broadmoor patients.

From 1976 until its success in 1981, Patrick Wall was also a strong supporter of the campaign for the legalisation of CB Radio in the UK and was one of the most influential members of the Commons ad hoc Committee on CB.

A familiar face popped up on the news clips following Hague’s election as Tory leader – Charles Moore. Moore has been a Thatcherite since his days as a young fogey and has had a long career as a journo and editor of right-wing publications and recently wrote the authorised biography of Thatcher. Charles Moore will have known about Sir Peter Morrison and the export of kids in care from north Wales to London and Brighton to supply sexual services to ‘VIPs’. I haven’t read Moore’s biography of Thatcher, but I doubt that Dafydd’s business gets a mention.

Michael Ancram was also interviewed on the 1997 news clips, stressing that the Tories now had a ‘young’ leadership which could only be a good thing. Ancram aka the Marquess of Lothian has been around for a long time and he must be really worth toadying to if you want to get on in the Tories because Ann Widdecombe could not bow low enough to Ancram and his extended family when she was scurrying around looking for a seat (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). Ancram was MP for two Scottish constituencies from 1974-92, after which he was MP for Devizes until 2010. Ancram succeeded Sir Charles Morrison in Devizes – Sir Peter Morrison’s brother. Charles stood down at the 1992 General Election, just like his brother did – days before five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Ancram was a junior Minister for N Ireland, May 1993-97 – under Secretary of State Patrick Mayhew.

Ancram was Chairman of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 2001, which covered the period of time when Ronnie Waterhouse was writing his cover-up and then it’s publication. Cecil Parkinson was Chair for much of the time that Ronnie took evidence from witnesses – Parkinson succeeded Mawhinney as Chair in June 1997.

Ancram and his wife Jane are prominent Roman Catholics and Jane is a Patron of the Right to Life Trust. Ancram’s daughter Clare Therese is married to Douglas Hurd’s son Nick.

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, Sept 1985-Oct 89, whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles broke the law with impunity, framed people, unlawfully imprisoned them and ran Risley Remand Centre entirely for their own benefit (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). Hurd was Home Secretary whilst Risley finally exploded in a riot in May 1989. Prior to condoning serious organised crime as Home Secretary, Hurd had been Secretary of State for N Ireland, Sept 1984-Sept 85.

Another gem that I found when I was rooting around in archives from 1997 was a party political broadcast by John Cleese for Shirl and her mates in the Lib Dems -Shirl and the gang had parted company with Dr Death by then. Cleese not only knew about Graham Chapman’s child molesting ways but he was also friendly with a number of analysts who concealed child abuse and the related abuse of mental health patients (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Paddy Ashdown was leader of the Lib Dems at the time of Cleese’s broadcast.

After Blair was elected leader of the Labour Party in 1994, Paddy had sought co-operation between the Lib Dems and Labour because he wanted to form a coalition Gov’t if no party had a clear majority at the next election. In the event, because Blair had such a big majority after May 1997, he had no need of Paddy. Paddy was certainly an accommodating man – he had previously entered into discussion with Ken Clarke regarding ‘co-operation’…

The news clips from the 1997 Tory leadership election did of course feature scenes from the candidates’ earlier careers – including that of Ken Clarke. My post ‘Feet In Chains’ details extracts from a memorandum submitted to a Parliamentary committee by Dafydd, dated 2008, in which he explains how he built up his ‘expertise’ and his enormous practice for people allegedly suffering from PTSD. Dafydd mentions that he ‘initiated’ his ‘in-patient facility’, Ty Gwyn after ‘the NHS Act 1990’. This is an interesting slip of Dafydd’s – which he would have noticed himself if he was half the analyst which he claims to be – because he is of course referring to the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. It is hardly surprising that Dafydd forgot the ‘community care’ bit. Anyone who remembers what happened in north Wales in the 1990s will never forget what passed for ‘community care’. Very little except for constant threats to arrest – or indeed the arresting of – people who could not cope or who complained about the ‘services’.

It is clear from Dafydd’s memorandum that the NHS and Community Care Act 1990 provided Dafydd with an enormous business opportunity. He raked in the dosh from his many ‘clinics’ – as described in the memorandum – but Dafydd wasn’t actually holding many of those clinics and he certainly wasn’t caring for all the patients on his various lists. Any sensible person could have seen from the figures and geographical locations of the clinics that Dafydd presented in the memorandum that Dafydd could simply not be physically doing what he claimed to be doing. Furthermore in north Wales there was evidence of Dafydd’s enterprises all over the region – destitute patients, serious complaints, chaos in clinics when Dafydd didn’t turn up or massively overcrowded clinics with patients coming from across the UK to see Dafydd, only to spend no more than three minutes with him.

As well as PTSD clinics, Dafydd was holding drug clinics in which addicts told me and others that he was prescribing ‘whatever you want, anything at all’. Dafydd must have held a Home Office licence which will have been issued by the same Home Office who knew what was happening at Risley Remand Centre and in the criminal justice system in north Wales. Dafydd had enjoyed a long and happy relationship with Bing Spear, the corrupt mandarin who for years until 1986 was the Home Office Drugs Branch’s Chief Inspector (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Dafydd’s memorandum mentions that his contract was ‘reviewed’ in the 1980s – it was in the 1980s that Dafydd picked up the remit as NHS consultant for drugs and alcohol. I wonder if Bing sorted that out for Dafydd as a final farewell before Bing retired?

The nature of Bing’s health problems and his friendships with street addicts and their dealers suggest that he was an addict himself. Well-educated addicts who can access uncontaminated heroin, clean needles and health care can live to a ripe old age. Bing Spear was a senior civil servant who had access to all those things. He died at the age of 67 yrs – which is not suspiciously young but not as long as many people of his class live.

What I am interested in is the date of Bing’s death – 9 July 1995. I can’t find any references to the cause of his death, but even if Bing had been suffering from something serious, the attentions or otherwise of the Top Docs could exert a considerable influence on when he died. Bing died whilst the Jillings Investigation was underway, one a week or so after Dafydd ‘retired’ from the NHS, at the very time that the public were told that the North Wales Hospital was in the process of closing but actually wasn’t and whilst Nicola Davies QC was reviewing the paperwork of the North Wales Police re the abuse of children in care to see if a public inquiry should be held. Nicola’s task was made easy by the fact that all the paperwork from 1989 onward was missing. By the time that Bing died, Ronnie Waterhouse had altered his retirement plans for unexplained reasons and was conducting his Grand Tour of the paedophiles’ friends in Wales before he presiding over the Inquiry which he did not know was going to be held (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’).

Up in Bangor, the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland had stood down as Principal of the University of Wales Bangor, to make way for paedophiles’ friends’ poodle Roy Evans (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Eric had by then assumed the role of Chairman of the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission and will have decided that Clwyd County Council was to be dissolved in the autumn of 1996. Which it was – days after the Jillings Report was given to the Council’s insurers and their legal advisers…

Malcolm Pearce, my former boss at St George’s Hospital Medical School, was struck off for research fraud in July 1995. His colleague Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain had also been involved in the fraud but did not face disciplinary action. Chamberlain had been friends with the Prof Oliver Brooke. Chamberlain was one of the staff at St George’s who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, as well as the ring of which Brooke was a member in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his home four days after Bing Spear died. So there were two major liabilities both out of the way.

The more that I uncover, the more that I wonder why someone just didn’t murder Dafydd. It really would have been much easier than doing all this.

Towards the end of 1994 and throughout 1995, there was a continuous co-ordinated campaign on the part of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends to have me prosecuted for something, anything would suffice, or declared dangerous and banged up in a secure hospital (see post ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995. Brown commented to me the other day that if he used the services of the Top Doctors he would somehow be dead by now.

People in Gov’t – such as former psychiatric social worker Virginia Bottomley who was Secretary of State for Health, 9 April 1992-5 July 1995 – will not have been unaware of Dafydd’s activities. Stephen Dorrell succeeded Virginia as Health Secretary and four days later Bing died. Four days after that Morrison died. David Hunt was appointed acting Welsh Secretary 13 days before Bing died, 17 days before Morrison died. Hunt was up and off again four days before Bing died to twiddle his thumbs for a few days until he took up the position of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster on 20 July 1995, exactly one week after Morrison was found dead. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the day that Hunt scarpered.

What the bloody hell was going on? Can any of these people explain?

The NHS and Community Care Act 1990 wasn’t implemented until 1993 – so Dafydd had a while to prepare the ground before he reached for the skies and opened the offshore bank accounts and established the shell companies – but was the result of years of previous Tory thinking on the NHS.

In 1987 Thatch commissioned a review of the NHS, amid concerns over growing financial pressures. The result was the creation of the ‘internal market’ in 1991 under the then Health Secretary Ken Clarke. The market split health authorities (which commissioned care for their local population) from hospital trusts (which competed to provide care). GP fundholding, which gives some family doctors budgets to buy care on their patients’ behalf, was introduced.

I have previously remarked on what a nonsense this was in north Wales. Exactly the same old crooks and paedophiles’ friends occupied their former levels of seniority in the newly created organisations. Gwynedd Health Authority placed huge adverts in the local papers explaining that they would now be commissioning services from the North Wales Hospital, which would be run by the Clwydian Community Trust. In Gwynedd, the Gwynedd Community Health Trust was formed, the services of which were provided by the thugs and perjurers of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team et al. So before the internal market we had Dafydd and the paedophiles and then after the internal market we had Dafydd and the paedophiles.

An account of the beginning of the internal market in the NHS can be found on Dr Death’s website:

‘The concept of an internal market in the NHS started in the early 1980s with the writings of Professor Alain Enthoven of the Stanford School of Business in California, which I described in “Our NHS” . His ideas were adopted by the Social Democratic Party, (SDP), and were then criticised from within the government during 1986 by the Health Service Management Board. An exchange in December 1987 of minutes between officials had one writing: “I am still doubtful whether an Enthoven-style model would give sufficient voice to the consumer – the patient”.

The SDP saw the Enthoven model as a means to improve quality in the NHS, and ensure that the whole population benefitted from more efficient and cost-effective NHS care. Under later SDP proposals District Health Authorities (DHAs) were to be “free to contract with other DHAs and with the private and voluntary sectors” in order to meet their obligations, but it was implicit in this that the NHS would be the main provider of care, with contestability where NHS provision was failing patients.

On 28 January 1988 after winning a third General Election, during which the NHS had largely escaped from the Conservatives’ radical reform programme elsewhere, the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher set up a small ministerial group under her chairmanship to review the NHS. The members were the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Nigel Lawson, and his number two, John Major, and the Secretary of State for Health and Social Security, John Moore, and his number two Tony Newton. Moore and Newton were both later replaced by Ken Clarke and David Mellor when Health was split off from Social Security. The five met every week and more frequently just before the publication of the January 1989 White Paper “Working for Patients”. This paper marked the official start of the internal market within the NHS.’

Dr Death knows as well as I do that before the internal market the NHS was run for the benefit of those who managed and staffed the NHS and it was after the internal market as well. Dafydd survived and indeed thrived as a result of the internal market.

Every member of Thatcher’s ‘Ministerial group’ mentioned by Dr Death knew about the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales. As did Dr Death. Thatcher and Tony Newton had both been personally told by Alison Taylor of the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. John Major had been Minister of State for Social Security, Sept 1986-June 1987. Which was when I – and others – were illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and when all my complaints were ignored. Everyone in the Ministerial group had been involved in Health at Gov’t level whilst Dafydd et al caused havoc and complaint was suppressed or ignored. They were also involved in Health whilst other gruesome things happened, such as the appointment of Jimmy Savile to the management Board of Broadmoor, the employment of highly inappropriate mandarins with responsibilities for mental health eg. Brian McGinnis (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’) and Cliff Graham (see post ‘The Old Devils’) and the horrors that were happening at institutions like St George’s.

From April 1988, when Thatcher’s Ministerial group was busy, I began working at the University of Surrey for the Cancer Research Campaign funded team led by Professor Vincent Marks – Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales, knew this. My post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ details how after one year, I was told that there was no more funding for my post, but by that time my data had been given without my knowledge to Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University who published it under her name. Curtin’s funding continued. I had never heard of Nicola Curtin until a few weeks ago when I discovered a paper with her name on it as well as mine – furthermore, the team at Newcastle were not collaborators on our project at Surrey.

In Sept 1990, Clair Chilvers and her team published a paper regarding the outcomes of patients at the Bristol Cancer Help Centre which was so deeply flawed that it resulted in a major scandal and the suicide of Prof Tim McElwain, one of the researchers. The work was funded by the CRC and Imperial Cancer Research Fund. The work had started after I began working at Surrey and one of Tony Francis’s colleagues Dr Peter Macguire was involved. Peter Macguire was a psychiatrist who somehow accessed a rich seam of funding from the Cancer Research Campaign just after I joined the CRC team at Surrey (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

Vincent Marks was the brother of Dr John Marks, the BMA President who did battle with Ken Clarke at the time and whom Clarke loathed. Documents in my possession show that whilst I was working in Surrey, Tony Francis was CC’ing copies of letters to BMA Wales detailing his plans to pursue legal action against me although there was no evidence that I had committed the serious crimes that were being attributed to me. The recipient of Francis’s letters was an A.H. Chadwick (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) . Chadwick came up from Cardiff to meet Francis and the other paedophiles’ friends. Francis also CC’d similar letters to Dr Ian Sanderson of the MDU. Francis even demanded his expenses be paid by Gwynedd Health Authority when he went down to Cardiff for meetings with some of these people – and Gwynedd agreed to his demands.

In 1988, Fergus Lowe, who built a whole empire by blackmailing people who had colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles was given a Chair at Bangor and appointed Head of the Psychology Dept (see posts ‘Pets Win Prizes’ and ‘Feet In Chains’). One of Fergus’s achievements at Bangor was the establishment in 1990 of the Tir Na’Og Day Care and Research Centre, the site of his research for the Food Dudes work. I previously described the huge row that blew up when the parents of the children in Tir Na’Og discovered that Fungus had been conducting experiments on their children without the parents’ knowledge or consent.

Tir Na Og grew out of/replaced the previous nursery for staff and students’ children at UCNW, which I remember because in 1982 as a student I volunteered there. It was another Weird Experience linked to the paedophiles’ friends. The nursery had given leaflets out across the university telling students how welcome their help would be if they wanted to volunteer. So I went over to see them and spoke to the lady who managed the nursery – I can’t remember her name. She was very pleasant and told me that she loved having students to help but the trouble was that they would only turn up a few times and then they’d lose interest and not be seen again. So we arranged that I’d begin volunteering.

The staff of the nursery were the manager and two teenaged girls from Bangor who had been employed on one of Thatcher’s job creation schemes. I didn’t see the girls receive any sort of training or supervision at all. The manager spent all her time in the room which housed the very young children – babies in cots – whilst the teenagers looked after the pre-school children. The girls did chat and play with the children but what they really enjoyed doing was watching TV with them. For quite long periods of time, quite frequently. The TV was in a separate room and for reasons unexplained this room also hosted local teenaged boys who would turn up to watch the TV. At first I thought that they must be the girls’ boyfriends or brothers but they weren’t. They were just teenagers from Bangor who would roll up to the nursery, make themselves comfy and watch the TV.

It was the presence of the boys that made it obvious how little support was offered to and out of their depth the girls who were supposed to be training as nursery assistants were. I didn’t ever see the boys hit the children, but there was a great deal of swearing in front of the children and then one day the girls were completely floored when the boys started singing ‘There Ain’t No Black On The Bangor Union Jack’ in front of the children of overseas students/staff. The girls were telling them to stop it, the boys just ignored them and said ‘look they don’t mind, they’re laughing’. To which the girls replied ‘they’re three, of course they are laughing’. The girls did not manage to reign the boys in.

Why didn’t I stop the boys? Because although I had been volunteering for several days, no-one had even spoken to me. No-one had asked my name, they hadn’t given me any duties, they hadn’t invited me to join in with any activities, they just completely ignored me. I didn’t know any of the routines or where anything was kept. The manager never left the room with the babies in and it rest of the nursery was a free for all for the local teenagers. Which I suspect is why the other student volunteers didn’t return after a few days. Neither did I.

If that is what I saw after three days I suspect that things were very seriously amiss in that nursery. And Fungus will have found out about it, held everyone over a barrel and taken over the nursery himself as his ‘day care and research centre’. No-one in authority stepped in to deal with Fungus in the 1990s when he began the uncontrolled and unethical experiments without informed consent. Because they all knew what had gone on in the nursery before that Fungus had found out about.

Whilst St George’s concealed paedophile rings in north Wales and London, drug dealing and research fraud, Professor Sir William Asscher was Dean. I have mentioned before that Asscher previously worked at Cardiff University and knew Gwynedd Health Authority well because Asscher had been responsible for setting up the kidney dialysis service in Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have discovered that Asscher was appointed Dean of St George’s in 1988. The year after Oliver Brooke was released on appeal. Asscher might have left his job at Cardiff to work in London, but Asscher kept a home in Glamorgan and returned there after he retired.

The VC of London University, 1985-90, was Lord Brian Flowers. Who came from Swansea and retained links there (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Flowers was then VC of Manchester University, 1994-01.

The Chancellor of London University whilst staff were members of and concealed paedophile gangs and then recruited senior managers who had concealed paedophile gangs and serious organised crime in their previous roles was Princess Anne.

Professor Frank Hay was Vice-Principal of St George’s whilst William Asscher was Dean/Principal. Frank Hay was an immunologist and there are not many references to him online. However, he was listed as a Director of St George’s Enterprises in 1994 and in 2015 Hay was listed as a Director of Church Stretton Library Support Group. The north Wales paedophile ring had links to Shropshire.

Frank Hay’s proteges are to be found on the internet however. Dr Meinir Jones – a name which suggests that she is Welsh – is Senior Research Fellow at the National Heart and Lung Institute at Imperial. Meinir Jones completed her PhD with Frank Hay in 1982 at the Middlesex Hospital. Geoffrey Chamberlain’s wife Jocelyn was a cancer researcher at the Middlesex and the Middlesex was Gwynne the lobotomist’s alma mater. That was a long while before Meinir, but the Middlesex has a thriving alumni network which protected Gwynne. Meinir worked with Hay at St George’s and then moved to SmithKline Beecham and then in 1995 moved to the National Heart and Lung Institute.

Another Top Doctor from Frank’s stable is Dr Halina FitzClarence, consultant rheumatologist at UCH. Halina was a British Council Scholar who was supervised by Frank. Halina is a specialist in osteoporosis and in 1997 established an osteoporosis clinic at UCH which was funded by charitable donations of the Hedley Trust, the Sackler Foundation and ‘unrestricted educational grants of pharmaceutical companies’. Well those unrestricted educational grants certainly bore fruit. As well as developing a ‘comprehensive service for the diagnosis and long term management of osteoporosis’, Halina was involved with a 2007 patent regarding an assay for the analysis of blood samples of patients on intravenous biphosphates. This was financed by UCL Biomedica. The assay will predict which patients will respond to treatment…of worldwide importance…part of personalised medicine programme…in the near future all patients will have genetic sequencing…you get the picture. The patent was bought by Cambridge Biotech Company in 2011 and awaits validation.

In the late 1990s, Prestwood Homes was established in north Wales, a chain of ‘nursing homes’ for people with mental health problems and learning difficulties. There was serious abuse of residents and it became clear that Prestwood was actually a trafficking organisation, grooming vulnerable people for sex work. No matter how many complaints there was about Prestwood, there were no investigations and no action. Injured residents ran away and as with the kids who ran away from the children’s homes, the police took them back without asking how they had sustained their injuries or why they had run away. See my post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ for details. One of the women running Prestwood, Suzanne Hamlet – who later changed her name to Suzanne Hall – told residents that she was a psychiatric nurse. She wasn’t. Hamlet had spent years as a chronic alcoholic patient in the North Wales Hospital, in Dafydd’s ‘detox unit’. She had begun her career in people trafficking after she did a degree in psychology at Bangor University in Fungus’s Dept. How did someone like Hamlet gain a place? On a scheme which offered university places to ‘vulnerable wimmin’.

No-one in north Wales could find out who owned Prestwood. The only Directors listed anywhere were Hamlet and her partner in crime Lynda Holland and later on Holland’s daughter. No-one could find out what Hamlet and Holland’s job roles were – they appeared on documents described as ‘person in charge’. Holland claimed to have a counselling qualification but I never saw evidence of it. She did begin a counselling course at Coleg Llandrillo. Her tutor was Hamlet, they began a relationship and Hamlet was sacked for sexually exploiting a student. Holland and Hamlet left the Coleg and set up home together, whilst turning the top floor into the first ‘home’ for residents. How did Holland have a house for everyone to live in? She inherited when her husband was found dead. Suicide of course. Like all those kids in care and witnesses to the child abuse ring in north Wales.

So how did a long-term alkie who’d been sacked for sexually exploiting her students and a former receptionist who’s husband was found dead manage to find themselves in receipt of a constant stream of patients sectioned under the Mental Health Act transferred from Ashworth and Broadmoor to houses across north Wales where not one qualified nurse was employed and where patients were abused, incurring serious injuries, which in one case left a young woman in a wheelchair? With local authorities paying over £3000 per week for this ‘care’? I have no idea. Everyone knew that there was someone behind Prestwood who’s name wasn’t on the paperwork. One of the Prestwood homes was next to Dafydd’s office in Llandudno. One day I asked Hamlet if Dafydd was anything to do with Prestwood. Hamlet replied ‘he’s there if we want him’ and marched off.

So Ken Clarke opened the healthcare market up and Blair introduced ‘widening participation’ in HE for elderly alcoholic wimmin. Fungus was brighter than both of them and just look what happened…

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 1994–98, before she worked for Michael. Crowley worked for Michael, 1998-2000. After he resigned she was the Media Relations Officer for the ATL (Association of Teachers and Lecturers), 2000–01; Media Officer for the TUC, 2002; Head of External Relations and Political Liaison Officer, Britain in Europe, 2002-05; Spad to the Tory MP Ruth Kelly, 2005-08; Parliamentary Office Manager for Ruth Kelly, 2009-10; Events Organiser, David Miliband Campaign, 2010; Parliamentary Officer for the TUC, 2012; Communications Manager, Early Intervention Foundation, 2013.

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department.

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’, as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary. The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital. It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’. Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them. Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 – in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.” Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

Some weeks ago I wrote a blog post giving an account of the experiences of a former employee of North East Wales MIND (formerly known as Flintshire MIND), Karen Hughes. Karen alleged workplace bullying, financial irregularities, loss of client’s data, breaches of clients’ confidentiality and the suicide of one client after he was told by a counsellor at North East Wales MIND that she could do no more for him. Karen had contacted Paul Farmer, the CEO of national MIND and Sara Moseley, the Director of MIND Cymru and informed them of her experiences and allegations but they failed to reply.

Karen provided me with extensive documentation to back up her allegations.

Karen was not the first employee/former employee of MIND to contact me – I had previously received correspondence from other people alleging that there are massive problems in MIND and that a regime of terror leaves people far too frightened to speak out publicly. All these people asked me not to publish anything on my blog that could lead to their identities being revealed. However Karen told me that she was happy to be named as a whistleblower.

On Friday afternoon I received a message from my hoster, forwarding a solicitor’s letter that they had received from a David Mann from Aaron and Partners (who are based in Chester). Mr Mann is acting for North East Wales MIND. Mr Mann alleged that virtually every one of Karen’s allegations was ‘untrue’ and that my post about North East Wales MIND was ‘libellous’, ‘defamatory’ and ‘offensive’. David Mann is demanding that I delete the original post about North East Wales MIND.

I have always made it clear on this blog that if anybody believes that I have published anything as fact that is not true, I am happy to edit it. I rang Mr Mann to discuss the documentary evidence in my possession which supports Karen’s allegations, but I was told that he was out of the office. I rang again sometime later and was told that he ‘wasn’t picking up the phone’. So I e mailed David Mann. I have not yet heard back from him. I also e mailed my hoster but I have not heard back from them either.

The problem that I have is that my hoster is located in the Philippines and I can only communicate with them about this problem by e mail. I am happy to do this but I suspect that because it is the weekend I will not be able to communicate with them about Mr Mann’s allegations until tomorrow. Unfortunately, the misuse procedure with my hoster has an automatic element to it – if a solution isn’t found to a complaint within a certain time limit, the website is automatically suspended. Because of the timing of David Mann’s complaint to my hoster, there is a chance that my blog could be suspended later tonight automatically. Furthermore I am going away for Easter and will not have access to wifi, so I really do not want anything going pear-shaped with my blog this week.

So after a conversation with Karen, it was agreed that I should delete the previous post concerning North East Wales MIND which will enable my hoster’s automatic process to pick up that I have responded to their concern – thus safeguarding the blog – and replace it with an updated post about MIND.

Despite David Mann’s accusations that Karen’s allegations are simply ‘untrue’, Karen has provided me with documentary evidence that every part of her complaint about North East Wales MIND was upheld by Parabl, the agency which works in partnership with MIND and runs the counselling courses with them. It was North East Wales MIND’s practices regarding their work with Parabl that Karen raised concerns about.

There was another investigation into Karen’s complaints which resulted in none of them being upheld. This was an ‘independent’ investigation – carried out by Tony Bochenski, the Chair of North East Wales MIND, who was one of the people whom Karen named in her complaints.

So Tony has cleared himself and his colleagues, but they have all been found guilty by Parabl…

Tony Bochenski is a solicitor himself so I’m wondering why his organisation has employed another solicitor to write to my hoster.

Karen and I take the view that David Mann’s letter is simply an attempt to silence us.

Karen has also told me that since I published the post about North East Wales MIND, her immediate line manager – about whom Karen had no complaints at all and maintained was the one person in North East Wales MIND who conducted herself professionally at all times – has been forced by North East Wales MIND to sign an agreement stating that she will have no more contact with Karen. Karen doubts the legality of this agreement but presumes that her former line manager feared losing her job if she did not sign on the dotted line.

Whilst I am blogging about MIND in north Wales, I will take this opportunity to discuss some more of the documents that are in my medical files which the NHS illegally witheld from me for years and which were only released after my lawyers took the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust to the High Court in Cardiff where he was threatened with imprisonment.

In my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ I discussed an attempt in 1997 by the north Wales mental health services to frame me for a criminal offence in order to have me deemed a dangerous patient, banned from NHS premises and transferred to a forensic psychiatry team. Immediately after my arrest I received a letter telling me that I had been banned from seeing any member of staff except for members of the forensic team or Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and if I entered any NHS property managed by Gwynedd Community Health Trust unless it was to see Tony Francis or the forensic team, I would be arrested – again. The other patient who was arrested and jointly charged with me was subject to the same conditions. The case circulated around the courts for a few months until the trial. We were both acquitted. The Trust refused to apologise, stating that as far as they were concerned we were guilty no matter what the verdict of the court had been. We also discovered that Tony Francis had prepared a Report for the court before the trial explaining what was to be done with us WHEN we were found guilty. I was to be ‘assessed’ with a view to banging me up in a secure unit and my co-accused was to have been put on probation.

I now have in my possession a document written by the person whom it was alleged that we had harassed and threatened – a CPN with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team called Bridget Lloyd – in which she states that she had only ever met me once, that it was many years ago and that she didn’t think that I’d recognise her if I saw her. This document had been circulated among managers at the Trust and had been sent to Tony Francis. Yet the court was told that Lloyd had made a statement explaining that she was ‘absolutely terrified’ of me, that she had ‘young children’ who were deemed to be at risk of attack from me as well and that the Trust had issued her with a personal alarm to carry at all times lest she bumped into me and I attacked her. The magistrates were also told that the Trust were looking into the possibility of providing Lloyd and her family with a safe house if I was acquitted, such was the danger that they were all in.

After my acquittal, my complaints about the whole matter were ignored – numerous previous other complaints made by me regarding the abuses of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al were still uninvestigated.

I and the other person who was charged with me were arrested in Nov 1997. We were kept in the cells at Caernarfon Police Station for most of the day but no-one would explain why. The person who was arrested with me was deprived of essential medication for a number of hours despite him making repeated requests for it. We were released at the end of the day with no transport or money to pay for public transport home although we lived a number of miles from Caernarfon. We hitch-hiked back home.

After I received the letter from Gwynedd Community Health Trust banning me from contacting anyone but the forensic team or entering Trust premises, I rang the Hergest Unit to try to find out what on earth was going on. I spoke to a man who refused to identify himself but who obviously knew all about me. I only found out who this man was years later when my lawyers obtained copies of my files and there was an account of my telephone call among the documents.

The man with whom I spoke was Robin Holden, the then Head of Mental Health Nursing/Lead Manager for Acute Mental Illness at Gwynedd Community Health Trust. On 11/11/97 Holden completed a ‘note for file’ after I rang him.

Holden’s note states that I repeated my complaints about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and I stated that there had been ‘numerous complaints of this nature’ made by me and others about Dafydd.

Holdren wrote on his file note that he told me that my complaints had been investigated and that if I had any ‘further comments’ I could ‘make them in writing to me’. Holden then wrote that ‘when I advised her that I did not see this telephone conversation as being very helpful, she hung up after telling me to fuck off’. Holden goes on to say that ‘her demeanour was excitable and unreasonable, demanding answers to closed questions and not allowing me to engage in meaningful dialogue’.

I remember the conversation well. I did tell Holden to fuck off, because in response to every question of mine, including ‘who am I speaking to please?’, ‘who was responsible for having me arrested?’ and ‘on what legal basis have I been banned from speaking to my own key worker and banned from NHS property?’ Holden simply replied ‘I do not want to share that with you’.

Holden was speaking to someone who had recently spent a day in the cells, had been charged for an offence that she had not committed and had now received a letter threatening her with arrest again if she walked into the local hospital or rang her key worker – and he found it unreasonable that she was asking ‘closed questions’. Is there any other way of asking someone who they are or who has had them arrested?

As for Holden’s observation that I was ‘excitable and unreasonable’ – Holden had trained and worked as a nurse at the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh. A quick perusal of the notes of any patient in that institution will reveal that they were all ‘excitable and unreasonable’, all the time, under all circumstances, even when they were catatonically depressed. I suspect that the reason why everyone in Denbigh was ‘excitable and unreasonable’ is that there was only a very limited repertoire of treatments there – lobotomy, ECT or huge quantities of chlorpromazine. Everybody got the chlorpromazine even if they subsequently also got the lobotomy and/or ECT – and the only justification for giving the doses that were dispensed was to describe someone as ‘excitable and unreasonable’. I did not meet one ‘excitable and unreasonable’ patient whilst I was in Denbigh, not even the man who was manic. He was manic, but no, he wasn’t actually unreasonable, I had some good chats with him.

But I wasn’t Trained, which must have been why I didn’t notice all the excitable, unreasonable folk who surrounded me.

As for Holden’s insistence that my previous complaints had been investigated – the documentation compiled at the time by his colleagues demonstrates very clearly that my complaints had not been investigated. There are copies of letters that managers had sent to Dafydd begging him to address my complaints – Dafydd simply ignored all such requests. After a few months of being ignored, a senior manager would then write back to me saying that Dafydd ‘refutes all your allegations’. I doubt if Dafydd even got as far as refuting anything, there was no evidence that they’d even spoken to him and certainly no evidence of any investigation into any of the numerous matters of very serious misconduct that I raised over a period of years. There is a copy of one letter written by senior manager Dr Peter Higson which states that Dafydd is ‘not compliant’ with the complaints investigation process. Higson does not make any suggestions as to what should be done in the face of Dafydd’s non-compliance.

Peter Higson is now the Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board.

Robin Holden has now retired from the NHS. Psychiatric nurses of Holden’s vintage were allowed to retire at 55 years old, because everyone knew that the strain of looking after excitable, unreasonable people who are prone to attacking one and insist on asking closed questions really takes it out of a fit healthy 55 year old. Which was why many of the retired Angels then returned to work for the NHS in their former roles at a much higher pay rate after signing up for agency work. One former Denbigh nurse was still working shifts in the Heddfan Unit at the Wrexham Maelor Hospital in 2013 – he owned a second home in the Florida Keys. Another retired Denbigh nurse continued to work on Ynys Mon until about 10 years ago – where he also kept his yacht.

Duw, it’s hard, as Max Boyce used to sing.

So what did Robin Holden do after he retired? He set up a consultancy and flogged his expertise to the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board! As the patient and staff suicides at the Hergest Unit could no longer be explained away using the usual techniques, Peter Higson commissioned Holden to write a report on Hergest. Holden observed that Hergest ‘was in serious trouble’ and very sensitive mediation would be required because the staff were alienated and demoralised. I expect that Robin’s consultancy provided the mediation for the worthless bastards who used to work for him when he was their senior manager and was refusing to answer closed questions from patients whom they had had arrested.

Robin has a new role now. He’s a MIND executive! In Aberconwy I understand. He is involved with Parabl…

Robin also owns a few properties which he lets out as holiday cottages.

Duw, Duw, Duw, the poverty, the stress, the long hours, how do any of them cope?

On behalf of all the patients in north Wales – Jesus Christ!

After I had been acquitted of threatening Bridget Lloyd, Jackie Ehlen, the forensic psychiatric nurse to whom I had been referred as a result of being so phenomenally dangerous, wrote on my notes in 1998 that I and the other patient who was charged and acquitted along with me knew that we’d harassed Bridget and ‘had only got off on a technicality’. The technicality being that I had not actually spoken to Bridget but had been charged because I was in the same building as the person who did make the ‘harassing’ call. Not that he had spoken to Bridget either – he had been rude about Bridget to a third party over the telephone. Because Bridget had previously tried to have him arrested…

So that was the technicality on which we got off – the fact that we didn’t actually do it.

So who else knew about this idiocy in 1997 involving Robin the MIND executive? Well, it went right to the top of the Trust. John Mullen the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust knew. Because Robin faxed him about 10 mins after my phone call during which I asked closed questions! Robin didn’t fax John Mullen because of me being excitable and unreasonable, he faxed John Mullen because after Robin refused to share anything with me – including his name – another patient rang Robin and asked Robin ‘if you are part of the cover-up regarding the allegations of abuse against Dafydd involving John Mullen, Nerys Owen, Alun Davies and the Freemasons’. Robin faxed John Mullen immediately. Robin noted that patient was asking closed questions as well.

The Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust at the time was Hefin Davies. Who was/is a Freemason. The Provincial Grand Master of North Wales in 1997 was one Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach.

Ian’s mother Geraldine – who died in 2001 – was President of the Denbigh branch of the Royal College of Midwives 1955-75, a Magistrate on the Llanwrst Bench 1942-79 and was President of the Juvenile Bench. The Sandbach family estate is located near Llanwrst. Dr Peter Higson comes from Llanwrst and his sister is Dr Ruth Hussey, the former Chief Medical Officer for Wales! Ian Mackeson-Sandbach has a daughter, Antoinette. She’s the Tory MP for Eddisbury in Cheshire. Antoinette used to be the Tory AM for Delyn. Prior to pursuing a career in politics, Antoniette was working as a criminal barrister in London, but she felt a sudden urge to return to north Wales just when people started demanding a re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal on the grounds that the Waterhouse Report had been a massive cover-up. Within weeks of arriving in north Wales, Antoinette was working for David Jones, the Tory MP for Clwyd West. David Jones worked as a solicitor in Bangor and looked on as the victims of the paedophiles’ friends were stitched up in court (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’). The son of David Jones’s boss in the Bangor law firm, Elwyn Jones, was also a solicitor and – along with Gwynedd Social Services, the North Wales Police, the North Wales Housing Association, Dafydd Orwig a Gwynedd County Councillor, Bethesda GPs surgery and the mental health services – stitched up an innocent man for allegedly being a danger to his own baby, whilst protecting two other people who had abused children, as described in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’. David Jones is a Freemason.

David Jones’s constituency office is in Colwyn Bay. Which is the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police. The Gwynfa Unit was also in Colwyn Bay. Gwynfa Unit was a residential child and adolescent mental health unit. It was revealed at the Waterhouse Inquiry that numerous young patients had been severely abused, sexually and physically. One member of staff was imprisoned for raping a 14 year old girl and another male patient was buggered on two occasions (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’). From 1993 Gwynfa was run by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust. Prior to that it had been run by Clwyd Health Authority – the old name for the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust. Both organisations employed Dafydd and Peter Higson in senior roles and both organisations failed to investigate my complaints. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I rather suspect because of what was going to be revealed about it in the Waterhouse Inquiry.

The nurse in charge of Gwynfa, 1972-90 was Nigel Mannering Berry, one of Robin Holden’s former nurse colleagues from the North Wales Hospital. Between 1993-94, Nigel Berry was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall. Berry lives in Colwyn Bay. As did Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office who co-ordinated the cover-up of the criminal activities of Dafydd et al in 1988 after my complaint (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’). Gordon Anglesea, the former retired North Wales Police officer who was imprisoned in 2016 for historical sex offences against boys in care in north Wales, also lived in Colwyn Bay.

Dr Barry Kiehn lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Kiehn is a retired Top Doctor who for many years was the psychiatrist for Gwynfa, although he was employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. Barry Kiehn also compiled a document which turned up in my medical notes. Back in 1987 when I began to realise just how extensive Dafydd’s wrongdoing was and how many people knew about it, I placed an advert in ‘Private Eye’ for info about Dafydd. It caused a stir and although I wasn’t living in north Wales at the time, I received a few phone calls from people there saying ‘ooh was that advert placed by you?’ I know that Dafydd himself saw it because he was one of the people who phoned me up. He was more friendly than I ever would have thought was possible and was chuckling away saying ‘ooh dear you have found out a lot about my private life haven’t you heh heh heh’ – not that it was private, Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients and criminality wasn’t at all private – and it was shortly after seeing that advert that Dafydd tried to bribe me. How did Dafydd know about the advert? Because Barry Kiehn told him. There is a copy of the letter that Kiehn wrote to Dafydd in my file. Kiehn was obviously good mates with Dafydd, they were on first name terms – ‘Dear Dafydd’. Kiehn sent Dafydd a copy of my advert saying that ‘a colleague’ had seen it and although Barry had no idea what it was all about, he thought that Dafydd should know about it…

Other people who knew about the fuckwittery of Robin Holden et al in 1997 included Nerys Owen, the Director of Nursing for Gwynedd Community Health Trust and Liz Brown, PA to Nerys Owen. Also Bruce Stephens, the manager of the Hergest Unit at that time and Amanda Lloyd, the Trust HQ ‘services manager’. All these people were CC’d into letters with regard to the trumped up charges brought against me in 1997. The usual suspect was involved as well of course – Alun Davies. Davies even turned up at our trial and sat in the front row of the spectators gallery hoping to see us taken away in the Black Maria. I was delighted to note that Davies looked as though someone had emptied a bucket of slops over his head when we were acquitted. Davies seemed so certain that we were going to be found guilty as well. Presumably a magistrate wasn’t following orders somewhere along the line.

Alun Davies owns property in Colwyn Bay which he lets out to other crooks employed by the NHS.

The Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor, Tony Lane, also knew what was happening. Tony Lane’s advice had been sought by the Trust because they didn’t know what to do about my complaints… My documents show that by 1997 the Trust had been seeking Lane’s advice regarding me for a number of years because they thought that Dafydd had done a number of things that they could not defend. They must have been in a real pickle to have been using Tony Lane as well, because the NHS routinely utilised the services of the corrupt lawyer employed by the Welsh Office, Andrew Park, to threaten me with court action.

Tony Lane’s firm was Jones, Evans and Lane and was based at 32 Y Maes, Caernarfon. His partners were R. Meirion Jones and Merfyn Jones-Evans and the associates were Wyn Trefor Jones and Mandy Maria Williams.

One the wider UK stage, whilst this perjury and unlawful withdrawal of NHS care was happening, the Waterhouse Inquiry had just begun taking evidence from witnesses. Ah, so that was why there was such an effort being made to label me as one who was Dangerous and Unreasonable and Who Could Not Be Believed. Blair was PM and the Secretary of State for Wales was dear old Ron Davies. The MP for the constituency in which I and the person arrested with me lived was the paedophiles’ friend Lord Wyn Roberts (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor Magistrates Court where we were tried was also in Wyn Roberts’s constituency. Caernarfon Police Station in which I was detained for hours without good reason and in which my co-accused was deprived of essential medication was located in the constituency of Dafydd Wigley, as was the company of Tony Lane the solicitor who knew that the Trust had broken – and continued to break – the law.

Have any of you got anything to say about it all having said so much about me at the time?

Most of Ronnie Waterhouse’s whitewash was dedicated to excusing people employed in social care or social work who had abused children in care. However for those of us au fait with the mental health services in north Wales, there is a chapter that makes even more dreadful reading than the rest of the Waterhouse Report – the chapter concerning Gwynfa, a residential NHS unit for children with mental health problems, or in Ronnie’s parlance, ’emotionally disturbed and maladjusted children’. I need to remind readers yet again here that Ronnie’s definition of ‘disturbed’ and ‘maladjusted’, or indeed the mental health service’s definition, may well not be what the rest of the world – even in those days – would define as disturbed or maladjusted. In north Wales NHS speak it simply means that you’ve complained about a Top Doctor breaking the law or abusing their position. Ronnie’s chapter on Gwynfa demonstrates that this was as true in the children’s mental health services as it was in the adults’ services.

Gwynfa was a residential unit in Colwyn Bay that was a combined clinic and school. It was established in 1961 as an NHS psychiatric hospital for children with an on-site school. With the establishment of Clwyd County Council in 1974 the residential/clinic part became the responsibility of Clwyd Health Authority and the school became the responsibility of Clwyd County Council. Until 1982/83 the North Wales Child Guidance Clinic Service offered and monitored admissions, but after that it was administered by the Mental Health Unit of Clwyd Health Authority – yes, that bunch of goons who allowed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally bang up anyone who crossed his path, who oversaw a shagfest in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and who failed to investigate any complaints, even those of serious abuse of patients. Gwynfa by this time was an 18 bed unit for children below school leaving age, staffed by eight qualified nurses, six ‘other’ nurses (who won’t have actually been nurses if they weren’t qualified) and four psychologists. A child psychiatrist, Dr Barry Kiehn, was appointed in 1981 his remit being specifically Gwynfa and according to Waterhouse it was at this time that ‘the concept of a therapeutic community was introduced’. In April 1993 the administration of Gwynfa was taken over by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust after an NHS reorganisation. Of course the people managing and staffing the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust were exactly the same corrupt old gits who had managed and staffed the previous organisations. Letters in my possession regarding my own case written after the ‘reorganisation’ are signed by exactly the same people and use exactly the same phrases as before. Believe me, nothing changed. The average stay for the patients at Gwynfa was five months, although some were there a lot longer.

The overall responsibility for managing Gwynfa was taken by the Principal Nursing Officer, who was responsible for recruitment and selection of staff. They reported to the Unit Nursing Officer (later known as the Director of Nursing Services) at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who visited Gwynfa about once a month. So Gwynfa was ultimately run by the person who ran Denbigh. When I read that I knew that the tales from the children at Gwynfa would be bad. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I wonder whether that decision had been made in anticipation of what former patients might say to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Between 1972-1990 the Principal Nursing Officer for Gwynfa was Nigel Mannering Berry. By 1972 he had already been employed there for nine years. Waterhouse tells us that Berry qualified as a registered mental nurse in 1959 and had been previously employed at Denbigh. So the ‘therapeutic community’ for children was run by something out of the ark who had worked at Denbigh when Gwynne the lobotomist was in full swing. Waterhouse notes that Berry had no specific training in dealing with ‘disturbed’ children. Waterhouse states that since 1974 there had been five internal investigations/reviews of the conduct of specific members of nursing staff at Gwynfa.

In 1986 a male member of staff had head butted a boy patient. The nurse received a final warning (which suggests that he’d done similar things previously) and was transferred to ‘another hospital’ for adults. Probably the North Wales Hospital, presumably so he could head butt patients there.

In 1991 an investigation was held into the relationship between a 16 year old girl with a depressive disorder and a 45 year old auxillary nurse, Robert Martin Williams. We are told that the investigation began after a ‘letter’ was found, but staff were unable to encourage the girl to supply details of Williams’s activities. I wonder how hard they tried. Waterhouse notes that Williams had been previously ‘counselled’ (!) regarding his behaviour towards patients after other staff members raised concerns about him. He denied an unspecified ‘offence’ and resigned. Waterhouse goes on to explain that in 1996 the girl told the police that Williams had actually raped her twice. Waterhouse refers to a ‘highly incriminating letter’ which he had seen himself. Williams was charged with two counts of rape and in March 1997 was convicted at Mold Crown Court of both offences and sentenced to six years in prison. I note that like many other children at Gwynfa this girl had not been in care, so could not even be dehumanised and dishonoured like so many of the ‘troublesome’ young people in the children’s homes who were abused. Neither was she ‘disturbed’ or ‘maladjusted’ – even Gwynfa described her as ‘depressed’. So a 16 year old girl with depression was raped twice by a member of staff. And nothing happened until some years later when there was a major police investigation into the care of children in north Wales. Had there not been that investigation, Clwyd Health Authority and the North Wales Hospital would have sat on those rapes forever. Waterhouse notes that the girl who had been raped ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system. No-one asked her why. Of course, readers who have read my earlier posts will know that by the time that this teenager ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system, I had used that system and I had used it to raise concerns about, among other things, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and staff at the North Wales Hospital physically assaulting patients. I got nowhere and interestingly enough at the time that this girl was being raped in Gwynfa, I was being dragged through the High Court by Sir Robert Francis QC – at the behest of psychiatrists in north Wales – who was demanding my imprisonment for ‘harassment’ because I was writing numerous letters alleging that patients were being criminally abused in the north Wales mental health services (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

But it transpired that there had been many other allegations of abuse by children who had been patients at Gwynfa and that by July 1993 it was clear that there was a problem with allegations of a ‘serious nature’. It was about this time that I was receiving letters from Laurie Wood, the former manager of the mental health services in Clwyd who then became Chief Exec of the Clwydian Community NHS Trust, refusing to reopen my own complaint and reassuring me that he was certain that no-one else was having the sort of experiences that I had – although of course at the same time maintaining that nobody had behaved improperly in my case at all. In July 1993 Detective Superintendent Ackerley from the North Wales Police was invited to conduct a fuller investigation into Gwynfa. That’s the North Wales Police whose officers conspired with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to unlawfully arrest people and detain them in the North Wales Hospital – the same North Wales Police who returned children to children’s homes after they’d run away to escape the beatings and the buggery, the same North Wales Police who returned patients to Denbigh if they ran off even though they were being held there illegally. The same North Wales Police who employed Gordon Anglesea, who was abusing boys in care himself.

Waterhouse intriguingly tells us that ‘at some stage’ the NHS Trust ‘became aware’ that seven former patients had made serious allegations to the police against a member of staff who was still employed at Gwynfa, referred to only as Z. The Trust asked the police to ask the former patients who had made statements for their permission for the Trust to access the statements for internal disciplinary purposes. Only four patients gave permission. Waterhouse simply observes that because of this the NHS Trust had to investigate the matter ‘on an incomplete basis’. Ronnie doesn’t ask why the other patients had given statements to the police but wouldn’t co-operate with the Trust. Had they perhaps found themselves repeatedly up in Court after NHS staff made daft allegations about them? Ronnie tells us that the legal advice that the Trust Board received was that the available evidence was insufficient to justify Z’s dismissal. That advice would have come from the same source as the advice to repeatedly arrest me after I made serious complaint – that source being Andrew Park, the bent solicitor from the Welsh Office. Two members of staff were transferred to a day hospital. There’s a familiar pattern here – serious allegations made against a staff member, complaints mysteriously dropped or not followed up, the member of staff at the centre of the allegations transferred to work somewhere else with equally vulnerable people. Exactly what happened when I complained about the SEN Stephen Rose, employed at the North Wales Hospital, assaulting me. No investigation, but Rose relocated to Park Lane Hospital – an institution notorious for staff abusing patients. Regarding Z, it gets worse. Yet further allegations against Z were made at a later date and Z was finally suspended in July 1997. In March 1999 the CPS stated that a prosecution was not justified.

Altogether 27 people told the Waterhouse Tribunal that they had been abused at Gwynfa. 23 people complained about incidents between 1974-1987, 10 of them named Z. At the time that Ronnie submitted his Report, the police investigation into Z was continuing. Ronnie states that it would be ‘inappropriate to make any further comment’ because he had not heard any evidence from Z and Z’s ‘legal position was not clear to the Tribunal’. So even with all those lawyers, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office and his numerous advisors, poor old Ronnie – a former High Court judge – couldn’t clarify Z’s legal position. So no more was said. Not that Ronnie had reached his zenith with this comment – he admitted that although there were allegations of sexual abuse against four members of staff, ‘they do not suggest a pattern of such abuse among staff’. His rationale for this thinking was bizarre – it was because each allegation of sexual abuse was made about a different member of staff, on a different occasion, by a different patient. Which suggests to me that there was one hell of a problem – particularly as one member of staff was already in prison for the double rape of a patient and dear old Z was at the centre of a police investigation. It’s also highly likely that there were many more allegations that no-one ever got to hear about. We learn from Ronnie’s Report that a 13 year old girl was indecently assaulted but did not report it at the time and that a 17 year old male patient was buggered in 1979/80, but that this allegation didn’t come to light until the police interviewed the complainant in 1992 – in 1993 there was a decision not to prosecute.

Ronnie didn’t just hear about sexual abuse at Gwynfa. Again and again bizarre stories – bizarre but all too believable to those of us who know how the mental health services routinely conducted themselves – were related by former patients. A boy who was described as ‘behaving disruptively’ at a private school in Llandudno was sent to Gwynfa – but he thought that he was going into hospital to have his heart investigated! Who told him this cock and bull story? And what was the nature of his ‘disruptive behaviour’ at the private school in Llandudno? Which school was it? We know that people were diverted into the mental health services if they crossed the paths of certain people or questioned abuses – is it possible that something was going on in the school in Llandudno that shouldn’t have been? This boy told Waterhouse that his year at Gwynfa had been a ‘waste of time’, that he hadn’t been helped, that the education at Gwynfa was inadequate, but he also told of two very serious assaults from male members of staff. On one occasion, a harness was made of rubber rings and he was yanked up on a door using this contraption – it was incredibly painful but he was told by the ‘nurses’ who did this to ‘take it in good spirit’. On another occasion he was dropped onto the ground outside from a first floor window. Each of these incidents was constructed as being the patient’s own fault. As every assault on a mental health patient in north Wales always is.

A girl felt so uneasy about Z that she told her (female) social worker that she didn’t like him. The social worker told her not to be silly, he was nice. The girl persisted with her concerns about Z – the social worker stated that she was ‘seeking attention’. Again this is depressingly familiar – over the last thirty years, I and others consistently raised concerns about staff who were doing things that they shouldn’t have been doing. We too were fobbed off constantly with idiocies – I lost count of the number of times that I was told that Dafydd Alun Jones had ‘helped people’, that ‘other patients like him’ or even, yes, that he was ‘nice’. He wasn’t, he was/is a fucking criminal who was abusing patients and everyone knew it. What chance did CHILDREN stuck in a residential unit for months have against staff who were groping them, raping them and throwing them out of windows? Ronnie admits that one witness at the Tribunal remembered being physically assaulted by Z – Ronnie simply states ‘we say no more about it’. Other former patients remembered being gagged with elastoplasts that were then ripped off, hit on the head with a pool cue, hung out of a window, regularly assaulted and beaten up. One witness described how a dog collar was put on him and he was led around on a lead – he was seven years old. One former patient compared Gwynfa to a prison. Which it was, but probably one with fewer safeguards.

Waterhouse details two ‘therapies’ that were used at Gwynfa. ‘Pyjama therapy’ – where the children had their clothes removed and could only wear pyjamas. (I witnessed an adult male patient subjected to this at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s.) But Gwynfa also had ‘bed therapy’ – children’s clothes AND pyjamas were removed from them so they were forced to remain in bed. Presumably naked under the covers with a bunch of rapists ‘caring’ for them. Sexual assault therapy could well have followed.

Despite the graphic accounts of the daily abuse that so many children endured, Ronnie decided that ‘the picture we have received of conditions at Gwynfa has been incomplete’ and ‘we have not attempted to reach detailed conclusions about the regime at Gwynfa’. Ronnie does have a bit of advice concerning Gwynfa though. He notes that it was staffed by male adult psychiatric nurses with no experience of child care, so he recommended that there should be more social services involvement, with trained residential care staff being introduced and that senior staff should have qualifications in residential child care. So instead of being assaulted by a bunch of former Denbigh nurses, the children could be assaulted by the sort of children’s social care staff that the rest of Ronnie’s Report was concerned with.

It seems that the abuses at Gwynfa only came to light when in Sept 1991 a former Gwynfa patient appeared on TV and a police investigation followed. Clwyd Health Authority reacted by ordering an investigation and a report from Irene Train, who was at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry, Divisional General Manager (North) of Clwyd’s Community and Mental Health Unit. Irene featured in a previous blog post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. In 1990 after Stephen Norris the Officer in Charge of a children’s home called Cartrefle had been convicted of sexual assault, the ACPC (Area Children’s Protection Committee) was asked to conduct a review. Irene Train was Vice-Chair – and then Chair – of the ACPC. She was at that time Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority. So Irene was someone else who was in a very senior position, was very well-networked and even Chaired the ACPC – who was just so taken aback by all the allegations of violence and rape that emerged after people started appearing on TV and in the press. Irene presented ‘written evidence’ to the Tribunal informing Ronnie that: there was now ‘confidential free telephone facilities for patients to obtain individual counselling’; the development of child advocacy services; and that patients were informed of their right to have their complaints dealt with by the Chief Exec and a right of appeal to a non-executive director of the NHS Trust. Right – there is no confidentiality in the north Wales mental health services, the entire system works on gossip and rumour; hardly any of the ‘counsellors’ employed know anything about counselling, nearly all of them have been ‘trained’ by the same lame abusive idiots that have spawned the disaster in the first place; the ‘advocacy’ services positively ensure that no competent ‘advocate’ is ever employed and most of the ‘advocates’ are ‘service users’ themselves who are dependent upon the system and far too frightened to challenge it; the Chief Exec was Laurie Wood, who was ultimately responsible for the abusive services and who was very much part of the problem; a non-executive director of the NHS Trust will not step on anyone’s toes. So I really don’t think that Irene Train’s bright ideas were ever going to stop any future patients being abused.

So the children at Gwynfa were raped and assaulted and as with the children in care I expect that many – if not most of them – will be dead by now. What of those responsible for the ‘service’? Such as Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist specifically responsible for the ‘therapeutic community’ that was Gwynfa? Barry Kiehn is now retired and living the life of Riley. His twitter feed informs us that he lives in Colwyn Bay (as so many featured in the wrongdoing detailed on this blog do) and he enjoys opera, classical music, ballet, art, ceramics, travel, languages, science and singing. How did such a cultured man stand by whilst his young patients were sexually assaulted and battered by a bunch of ageing thugs who had been transferred from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh? What about Irene, the most senior nurse responsible for those thugs? Irene is now retired but she keeps busy. In 2003-2004 she was Secretary for St David’s Promotions Ltd – that’s the fundraising bit of St David’s Hospice. The St David’s Hospice in Llandudno that gave the former manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies a job as Chief Exec after his corruption and mismanagement left the Hergest Unit a heap of smouldering rubble; the St David’s Hospice who, once Davies finally went, gave the dreadful Trystan Pritchard a job as Chief Exec – the Trystan who was responsible for lies, deceit and mismanagement when he worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Trystan with Masonic connections who was on excellent terms with the regime of managers previously employed by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Please see post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ for more information. In 2006 however, Irene Train turned up as a company director, along with a Howard Geoffrey Train and a number of other people with the surname ‘Train’, of an outfit called H Domestic Agency Ltd. H Domestic Agency’s address is 99 Blimco Grove, Cambridge, should anyone wish to contact Irene and ask her a few questions about her glorious career in Clwyd. As for Nigel Mannering Berry, the pig who was ‘Principal Nursing Officer’ at Gwynfa, who oversaw the brutality and the abuse after gaining so much ‘experience’ at Denbigh – well he lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Specifically at 40 Yerburgh Avenue, Colwyn Bay, LL29 7NB. But guess what? Between 1993-94 Nigel was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall! Ah, the Masons that never provided any sort of protective network at all for anyone involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – we know that because Ronnie confirmed in his Report that there was no evidence of Masonic links and so did Stephen Crabb, who was Secretary of State for Wales when the cover-up that covered up Ronnie’s cover-up, ie. the Macur Review, was published. I invite Ronnie and Stephen Crabb to do what I’ve just done, google Nigel Mannering Berry and read that very long list of names that are associated with the Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall – and that’s just the Colwyn Bay contingent. And if they’ve got time Ronnie and Stephen can google dear old Mrs Train and her former associates at St David’s Hospice – they’re all there, the elderly negligent fuckwits from yesteryear who brought the north Wales NHS to it’s knees.

There is of course one elderly negligent fuckwit who was in a senior management role with the Clwyd mental health services whilst horrors were being perpetuated at Gwynfa who has not yet been put out to grass. That is Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Let me remind you Higson: a 16 year old girl with depression raped twice; a 17 year old boy buggered; a seven year old boy fitted with a dog collar and led around on a lead; children dropped out of windows; hit with pool cues; regularly assaulted and beaten.

Waterhouse makes an passing observation regarding Gwynfa that I find telling. That most of the patients there were actually from Gwynedd – and that Barry Kiehn was categorised as a child psychiatrist employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. So it was those fine upstanding Top Doctors from Gwynedd who were referring children to a ‘hospital’ where they were beaten and raped.

Do all these people not owe the world an explanation? Or am I just being silly because they’re nice?