The “New T’ang History” (Hsin T’ang-shu) on the History of the Uighurs

The Uighur Empire, whose capital was at Karabalghasun on the
upper Orkhon River in Mongolia, occupied a significant place in
Inner Asian history between 744 and 840 CE. In a pattern
similar to that of earlier and later nomadic confederations on the
northern frontiers of China, the Turkic Uighurs intervened actively
in Chinese affairs and received substantial payments of silk and
other valuables from the Chinese. Another similarity
between the Uighurs and other northern nomads was their apparent
openness to “religions of the book.” In the case
of the Uighurs this resulted in conversion to Manicheism, an
event that was undoubtedly connected with the favor that Sogdian
merchants enjoyed at the Uighur court. The Sogdians must have
contributed substantially to the prosperity of the Uighur capital,
which an Arab visitor around the year 820 described as a city of
some consequence. Yet within two decades, their empire collapsed
and they were driven west. Their descendants settled along the
northern edge of the Tarim Basin and across the T'ien Shan
Mountains, where they would flourish down into the period of the
Mongol Empire. The Uighur cities there have left us important
artistic and archaeological evidence of the cultural and economic
interaction that was the Silk Road, some of which may be viewed in
the Turfan Collection of Berlin’s Museum of Indian Art.

The Chinese histories are the single most important source of
information for writing a dated narrative of Uighur history.
They follow a tradition of documenting in detail the relations
between China and its northern neighbors, starting centuries
earlier in the time of the Han Dynasty. Since those relations
frequently were hostile and the parties were culturally dissimilar,
the Chinese written record filters events through the distorting
lens of a sense of Chinese superiority whether or not in reality
the Chinese always had the upper hand. The Chinese
relied on the nomads for cavalry horses, and, in the case of the
T’ang in the middle of the 8th century, for
military support critical to the dynasty’s survival.
The text translated here therefore provides abundant details of
military interventions, the payment of tribute, diplomatic
missions, and dynastic marriages. It is as well a rich source about
Uighur customs and ceremonial.

Of particular importance during this period was the rebellion of An
Lu-Shan, an ethnic Sogdian and successful general in Chinese
service, who turned against the dynasty in 755, captured its
eastern capital Lo-yang, and briefly held Ch’ang-an,
the western capital and major city of the empire. Uighur military
assistance was critical to the suppression of the rebellion but
came at a heavy price both in the short-term looting of Chinese
cities by the assisting army and then the longer term supplying of
the Uighurs with expensive goods. The Uighur intervention in
Chinese affairs in this period coincided with the peak of Uighur
power, consolidated under the khaghans Mo-yen-ch’o and his
son and successor (in 759), Mou-yü. The latter adopted
Manichaeism and proclaimed it his state religion; it was in his
time that Sogdian influence seems to have become dominant at the
Uighur court. The T’ang quickly discovered that the
Uighurs were as ready to ally with rebellious forces as they were
to suppress them. Furthermore, these erstwhile allies were
happy to take advantage of their strong hand to squeeze the
Chinese for what the latter considered to be outrageous prices for
military horses.

The politics of the period were further complicated by an expanding
Tibetan Empire. Its hostility toward the Uighurs tended to
drive the latter into closer relations with the T’ang, who
themselves lost substantial territories to Tibet. The
military struggles against Tibet and internal discord substantially
weakened the Uighur state toward the end of the 8th
century, and its revival early in the 9th century under
Pao-i Khaghan was short-lived.

*
*
*

Of the two major Chinese narrative sources dealing with the history
of the Uighurs and their relations with the T’ang, the
“New T’ang History” or Hsin
T’ang-shu (in contrast to the “Old Tan’g
History or Chiu T’ang-shu) treats the subject more
broadly and draws on the largest number of sources even if it does
not always include the same level of detail. The text here is
reproduced with permission by Prof. Mackerras from his The
Uighur Empire According to the T’ang Dynastic
Histories: A Study in Sino-Uighur Relations 744-840
(Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press,
1972). In that volume, he published parallel translations of
both T’ang texts, introduced them with an extended essay on
the Uighurs and their relations with the T’ang, and provided
very extensive footnotes regarding the accuracy of the texts, the
dramatis personae, and much more. Professor
Mackerras has based his translation off the standard Po-na edition of
the Hsin T’ang-shu while his notes draw from both the latter and other Chinese histories. My brief
introduction relies on Prof. Mackerras’ book and on his
beautifully written compact survey of Uighur history, Chapter 12 in
The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia, ed. Denis Sinor
(Cambridge etc.: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

The relatively few dates within the “New T’ang
History” are given here in their Common Era (CE) equivalents
in parentheses. The dates in brackets have been established
by Prof. Mackerras on the basis of other sources, but I have
omitted his source references. I have included only a small
number of his notes, in some instances interpolating his
explanatory phrases into the text itself in brackets. This
selection from much lengthier footnotes highlights
information about historical and cultural context which should be
of particular value to those who have a general interest in the
Silk Road. Unless otherwise indicated, the notes are Prof.
Mackerras’ words, but with editorial omissions marked by
elipses. An explanation of the unwieldy appellations for the
Uighur rulers may be found in the appended “List of the Tang
and Uighur Rulers.” Specialists will need to consult Prof.
Mackerras’ book for further details and references.
Transliteration from the Chinese follows the Wade-Giles system.

A PROCLAMATION came [746 CE] from the court appointing [the
Uighur ruler] as Ku-tu-lu p’i-chia ch’üeh
‘Huai-jen’ [‘cherishing benevolence to the
emperor’] Khaghan.

At the Grand Audience Hall the guards of honour were standing
guard. The President of the Department of the Grand Imperial
Secretariat summoned the ambassador to his office and gave him the
document of appointment. The ambassador went out of the gate [of
the Grand Imperial Secretariat] and mounted an imperial chariot
which took him to a gate of the Imperial City. There he descended
from the chariot and horses, and walked with his pennants and
emblems of office preceding him. Whenever a khaghan was appointed,
this ritual was invariably followed.

The following years (745), [Ku-1i] p’ei-lo [the
Uighur khaghan] also attacked and killed the
T’u-chüeh(1)
khaghan, Po-mei, and sent Tun Ch’olo ta-kan
to court to offer tribute [26/IV/745]. The emperor appointed
P’ei-lo as the Auxiliary Grand General of the Left
Brave Guards, and enlarged his territory in width and breadth. The
eastern extremity was [the territory of] the Shih-wei, the western,
the Altai Mountains, and the southern controlled the Gobi Desert,
so it covered the entire territory of the ancient Hsiung-nu.(2)

P’ei-lo died, and his son, Mo-yen-ch’o,
ascended the throne under the name of Ko-le Khaghan. He was roguish
and prompt in action, and skilled in the command of soldiers. Every
year he sent ambassadors to court.

Su-tsung ascended the throne [12/VIII/756]. Ambassadors
came to court asking leave to help in the fight against Lu-shan.(3)
The emperor issued an edict that the Prefectural Prince
of Tun-huang, Ch’eng-shen,(4)
should make a pact with
[the Uighurs], and further ordered P’u-ku Huai-en(5)
to accompany the prince to receive their soldiers. The khaghan was
pleased at this, so he adopted his khatun's younger sister as his
daughter and gave her to Ch’eng-shen as a bride. [At the same
time] he sent his great chiefs to court to seek a diplomatic
marriage. The emperor, wishing to confirm his loyal feelings,
immediately enfeoffed the barbarian's daughter as
P’i-chia Princess.

Immediately after this, the khaghan himself acted as general,
and, // [p. 57] uniting with the Military Governor of Shuo-fang,
Kuo Tzu-i,(6)
fought [7/XII/756] the T’ung-lo(7)
and various other tribes, defeating them on the banks of
the Yellow River.

The khaghan had had a meeting with Tzu-i [4/XII/75] in
the Hu-yen Valley. Relying on his strength, he had drawn up his
soldiers, and had made Tzu-i pay respect to his wolf pennons,
before he would see him.

The emperor was in temporary residence at P’eng-yüan.
Now a [Uighur] ambassador, Ko-lo-chih, was ashamed of his low rank
at the court, so the emperor, not wishing him to feel offended,
invited him up to his hall, and consoled him before sending him
away [25/I-22/II/757].

Grand General To-lan and others were sent soon after to court,
and the heir apparent [of the Uighur khaghan], Yeh-hu,(8)
acted himself as general for 4,000 cavalry,
who were coming to be at the emperor's disposal. The emperor
accordingly appointed P’i-chia Princess as Chief
Consort of the Prince [Ch’eng-shen], and promoted
Ch’eng-shen to the position of President of the Court of the
Imperial Clan. The khaghan also enfeoffed Ch’eng-shen as
ayeh-hu, and gave him four banners, ordering him to share
the generalship with his own Yeh-hu. The emperor ordered the
Prince of Kuang-p’ing to see Yeh-hu and to swear
brotherhood with him. Yeh-hu was very pleased, and sent his
leaders, ta-kan and others on in advance to Fu-feng and to
see Tzu-i. Tzu-i gave them all a banquet and drink for three days.
Yeh-hu wanted to decline saying, “The state is facing
many difficulties. If we are to help fight the rebels, how can we
dare to feast?” However, [Tzu-i] insisted upon it, so they
stayed.

Once they were on the march they were given daily rations of
twenty cattle, two hundred sheep, and forty hu(9)
of rice.

The armies for the battle of Hsiang-chi(10)
were drawn
up on the banks of the Feng River [13/XI/75]. Some of the
rebels were lying cunningly in wait, having ridden to the left of
the imperial army, and were about to make a surprise attack on us.
P’u-ku Huai-en signalled the Uighurs to ride up quickly, and
they completely exterminated those that had lain in // [p. 59]
ambush. Then, coming behind the rebels, together with the Military
Governor of Chen-hsi and Pei-t’ing, Li Ssu-yeh, they
sandwiched them [between Ssu-yeh’s army and themselves]. The
rebels suffered a great defeat and the imperial forces advanced and
retook Ch’ang-an [14/XI/75].

Huai-en led the hordes of Uighurs, southern barbarians, and
Arabs to surround the capital, then they went south and camped east
of the Ch’an River. They advanced and camped west of
Shan-chou. There was a battle at Hsin-tien [30/XI/757].

Before the battle, the Uighurs had arrived in
Ch’ü-wo, from where Yeh-hu had sent General
Pi-shih t’u-po p’ei-lo along the side of a
southern mountain, emerging in the east in search of some rebels
who were lying in wait in the valley. He had destroyed them and
then camped to the north of the mountain. Tzu-i and others had a
battle with the rebels, and our whole army pursued them. Then there
was confusion and [our forces] retreated. The Uighurs saw from a
distance what was happening, and, crossing immediately over the
western slopes, with their banners behind them, they hastened
towards the rebels and emerged at their rear. The rebels turned and
looked round. Thereupon there was a great deal of scattering,
pursuing, and fleeing for several tens of li.(11)Men and horses were falling over and trampling on one
another. The dead were innumerable, and the weapons of war, had
they been collected together, would have been like a hill.

Yen Chuang, forcing An Ch’ing-hsü(12) to go
with him, abandoned [1/XI/757] the Eastern Capital [Lo-yang]
and went north, fording the Yellow River.

The Uighurs pillaged the Eastern Capital savagely for three
days. Evil men led them around and the treasure-houses were
stripped bare. The Prince of Kuang-p’ing wanted to stop them
but could not. However, the elders [of the city] bribed the Uighurs
with enormous quantities of silken fabric and embroidery and got
them to discontinue the pillage.

[After it was all over] Yeh-hu returned to the capital.
The emperor sent his officials to greet him in Ch’ang-lo. The
emperor was sitting in the // [p. 61] Grand Audience Hall. He
invited Yeh-hu to mount the steps and had the chiefs sit
below. He gave them a banquet and rewarded them. To each man he
gave embroidered, many-coloured silken fabrics and utensils.
Yeh-hu kowtowed and said, “I shall leave some soldiers
at Sha-yüan and I, your subject, shall return for provender
and horses in order to retake Fan-yang and to stamp out the
remaining robbers completely.” The emperor said, “On my
behalf you have exerted your righteous bravery to its utmost, and
it is owing to your strength that we have achieved a great
work.”

An edict was issued [30/XII/757] that he should be
promoted to be a Director of Public Works,(13) that he
should be given the title of ‘Chung-i’
[‘loyal and righteous’] Prince and an annual
present of 20,000 rolls of silk, and should send an ambassador to
the Shuo-fang Army to receive this gift. // [p. 63]

In the first year of Ch’ien-yüan (758), the Uighur
ambassador To-yen a-po, together with some Abbasid(14)
Arab chiefs, including a certain Ko-chih, all came to
court [11/VI/758]. They struggled over who should go in
first, so the official in charge sent them in at the same time
through different gates.

Another ambassador came begging for a marriage [between the
Uighur khaghan and a Chinese princess] and the emperor granted it.
He married one of his young daughters, the Princess of Ning-kuo,
[to the Uighur khaghan] and, at the same time, invested
[31/VIII/758] Mo-yen-ch’o as ‘Ying-wu
wei-yüan’ [‘brave and warlike, aweing the
distant lands’] p’i-chia Khaghan.

He issued an edict [25/VIII/758] that the Prefectural
Prince of Hanchung, Yü, should temporarily have the rank of
President of the Censorate, and be the Commissioner Who Appoints
and Names [the Khaghan]; that one of the imperial clan, the Right
Secretary, Sun, should combine with his own office that of Vice
President of the Censorate and act as Commissioner for the Rites
and Entertainments, and, in addition, act as deputy to Yü; and
that the Right Vice President of the Department of Affairs of
State, P’ei Mien, should escort them to the frontier.

The emperor gave a farewell for the princess [1/IX/758]and
accordingly went to Hsien-yang, repeatedly consoling and
encouraging her. She wept saying, “Our state is just now
beset with many troubles. Even if I should die, I shall not regret
going.”

When Yü arrived among the barbarians, the khaghan was
sitting in his // [p. 65] tent dressed in a barbarian hat and an
ochre robe. His insignia and bodyguards were splendid and majestic.
They led Yü before him and stood him outside the tent. [The
khaghan] asked him, saying, “Prince, what relation are you to
the Heavenly Khaghan?”(15)
Yü said, “We
are cousins.” Now, at this time a eunuch, Lei Ling-chün,
was standing above Yü. [The khaghan] once again asked,
“Who is it who is standing above you, the prince?”
Yü said, “It is a eunuch.” The khaghan said,
“A eunuch is only a slave, and is he, despite this, standing
above you, who are of royal birth?” Ling-chün hastened
to make himself lower.

After that they led Yü into the tent, but he would not bow.
The khaghan said, “When one sees the ruler of a state,
according to the rites, one should certainly bow.” Yü
said, “The Son of Heaven has condescended to notice that the
khaghan has merit, and he is cementing the friendship by sending
his beloved daughter. Recently, when China has made marriages with
the barbarians, in every case it has been merely a member of the
imperial clan. Now the [Princess of] Ning-kuo is actually the jade
daughter of the emperor. She is virtuous and of becoming
appearance, and has come 10,000 li to marry you. The khaghan
is to be the son-in-law of the Son of Heaven. He ought to know
something of the rites. How does he squat while receiving such an
edict from the emperor?” The khaghan was ashamed, stood up to
receive the edict and bowed to receive his appointment.

The following day the princess was honoured as the khatun. All
the things which Yü had brought as presents the khaghan gave
to the ministers and chiefs of his court. When Yü was
returning home, he presented him with 500 horses, sable furs, white
cotton,(16)
and other things.

Thereupon [the khaghan] sent the prince, Prince Ku-ch’o,
Chief Minister Ti-te, and others leading 3,000 cavalry to help
China fight against the rebels. The emperor accordingly ordered
P’u-ku Huai-en to take command of them. // [p. 67]

[The Uighurs] also sent their great chief, General Kai, and
three ladies to thank the emperor for the marriage. At the same
time they reported the achievement of having destroyed some
Kirghiz.(17)

The following year (759), Ku-ch’o and the nine military
governors fought a battle near Hsiang-chou [7/IV/759] and
the government forces were scattered. Ti-te and the rest fled to
the capital [arrived 19/IV/759], where the emperor gave them
generous presents and consoled them. Then they returned home.

Soon after, the khaghan died.

The people of the state wanted the princess to be buried with
him, but she said, “Among the Chinese, when a woman's husband
dies, she mourns for him morning and evening. The period is three
years, and that completes the ritual. The Uighur [khaghan]
contracted the marriage over 10,000 li, so // [p. 69] he must
basically have admired China, and I cannot therefore be buried with
him.” At that they stopped [trying to persuade her]. However,
she slashed her face and wept, and thus also followed their
customs.(18)
Afterwards, since she had no sons, she
obtained permission to return home.

Yeh-hu, the heir apparent, had died before this,
following a crime he had committed, so the next son, I-ti-chien,
ascended the throne under the name of Mou-yü Khaghan. His wife
was the daughter of P’u-ku Huai-en. She had been granted to
him as a wife by the emperor when the khaghan [Mo-yen-ch’o]
had asked for a marriage alliance for his younger son. At this
point she became khatun.

The following year (760), [the khaghan] sent the high official
Chü-lu mo-ho(19)ta-kan and others to
court. They inquired together after the Princess [of Ning-kuo].
They sent men in to have audience in the Yen-ying Hall.

When Tai-tsung came to the throne [18/V/762], Shih
Ch’ao-i had still not been destroyed, so he sent the eunuch
Liu Ch’ing-t’an to [the Uighurs] to renew their
alliance, and also to get them to send out soldiers. By the time
the ambassador arrived [23/IX-21/X/762], the Uighurs had
already been allured by Ch’ao-i, who had said that the
T’ang had been repeatedly in mourning, and that the state had
no ruler and was in chaos. He had asked the Uighurs to enter China
and seize the treasuries, the wealth of which was unlimited. The
khaghan had immediately led his armies and gone south. This was in
the eighth month of the first year of Pao-ying (24/VIII-22/IX/762).
When Ch’ing-t’an, bringing the edict with him, arrived
at his camp, the khaghan said, “People have been saying //
[p. 71] that the T’ang has been destroyed. How can it still
have embassies?” Ch’ing-t’an replied on its
behalf, “Although the former emperor passed away, the Prince
of Kuang-p’ing has already ascended the throne as Son of
Heaven. His benevolence and wisdom, his bravery and his warlike
prowess are in the same class as those of the late emperor. He was
the one who fought side by side with Yeh-hu, recaptured the
two capitals and defeated An Ch’ing-hsü. He has
cherished a close friendship with the khaghan ever since. Moreover
the T’ang has made annual gifts of silken fabrics and raw
silk to the Uighurs. How can you have forgotten this?”

At this time the Uighurs had already passed the Three
Fortresses. They had seen that the prefectures and subprefectures
were overgrown with thorny bushes and weeds, and that the
beacon-towers, fortresses, and defences were unmanned, and they
came to hold the T’ang in contempt. Thereupon they sent
ambassadors north to seize soldiers, granaries, and armouries in
Shan-yü Protectorate, and they frequently spoke insultingly to
Ch’ing-t’an. Ch’ing-t’an secretly informed
the emperor that 100,000 Uighur troops were moving towards the
border.

The court was shaken and afraid, and so the emperor sent the
Director of the Department of the Imperial Household Service, Yao
Tzu-ang, to go and meet them, to receive them and also to observe
their armies carefully. He met them in T’ai-yüan and
secretly ascertained that their soldiers were scarcely 4,000, their
young and weak more than 10,000, their horses 40,000, and that they
were accompanied by the khatun. The emperor ordered Huai-en to have
a meeting with the Uighur [khaghan] who accordingly sent an embassy
[12/X/762] with a memorial for the emperor begging
permission to help the Son of Heaven in the war against the
rebels.

The [khaghan of the] Uighurs wanted to enter P’u Pass,
march straight to Sha-yüan and then go east. Tzu-ang tried to
dissuade him, saying, “Since the trouble and disorder began,
the prefectures and subprefectures have been ravaged and empty. We
will not be able to find enough to feed // [p. 73] our armies.
Furthermore, the rebels are in the Eastern Capital.(20)
If
we enter Ching-hsing, and take Hsing-chou, Ming-chou, Wei-chou, and
Huai-chou, we can seize the produce and treasuries of the rebels
and then beat our drums down to the south. That is the best
plan.” [The khaghan] did not listen. Tzu-ang said, “If
that is the case, then let us hasten to take the road through
Huai-chou and the T’ai-hang, go south and occupy Ho-yang and
seize the rebels by the throat.” Again [the khaghan] would
not listen. [Tzu-ang] said, “Let us eat the millet in the
T’ai-yüan Granary(21)
and camp on the right in
Shan-chou. Let us unite with the soldiers of Tse-chou, Lu-chou,
Ho-nan, Huai-chou, and Cheng-chou.” The Uighur [khaghan
agreed to] follow this suggestion.

The emperor issued a decree that the Prince of Yung(22)
should become Generalissimo over the infantry and cavalry of the
empire, and promoted [6/XI/762] Tzu-ang to combine with his
own office that of Vice President of the Censorate. He ordered that
he and the General of the Right Yü-lin Guards, Wei Chü,
should become the Battle Commanders of the Right and Left Wings,
that the Secretary of the Department of the Grand Imperial
Secretariat, Wei Shao-hua, should become Assistant to the
Generalissimo, and that the Vice President of the Censorate, Li
Chin, should become a Superior Administrator of the Expeditionary
Army.

They went east to meet the Uighurs. On imperial orders [issued
7/XI/762] the Generalissimo went on ahead as the forward
guard of all the armies and met the various military governors in
Shan-chou. At that time the khaghan was encamped to the north of
Shan-chou and the prince went to see him [c.12/XI/762]. The
khaghan upbraided the prince for not performing a ceremonial dance.
Tzu-ang made an excuse saying, “When the state is in mourning
for two emperors, the heir of an emperor and the grandson of an
emperor cannot in propriety possibly perform a ceremonial
dance.” The Uighur courtiers questioned him saying,
“The khaghan has the status of a younger brother of the
T’ang Son of Heaven and of the uncle of the prince. How could
he possibly not perform // [p. 75] a ceremonial
dance?” Tzu-ang firmly resisted him and said, “The
Generalissimo is the heir-apparent of the T’ang. He is to be
lord over the Middle Kingdom, and yet you expect him to perform a
ceremonial dance when he sees a khaghan?” The Uighur ruler
and ministers, judging that they would be unable to make him yield,
immediately had Tzu-ang, Chin, Shao-hua, and Chü led away and
given 100 strokes of the rod. Shao-hua and Chü died within the
evening. The prince returned to his camp. The officials and the
army, considering that the prince had been insulted, were going to
unite to punish the Uighurs, but since the rebels had not yet been
destroyed, the prince stopped them.

Thereupon, Huai-en went on ahead [13/XI/762] with the Left
sha of the Uighurs. Ch’ao-i sent out a spy, but the
Left sha caught him and gave him as a gift to the emperor.
Together with the various generals, they attacked the rebels
[20/XI/762]. They had a battle on the banks of the Heng River and
routed them, then they advanced and reoccupied the Eastern
Capital.

The khaghan sent [2/XII/762] Pa-ho-na to congratulate the Son of
Heaven and to present him with Ch’ao-i’s banners among
other things. The Prince of Yung returned to Ling-pao. The khaghan
camped in Ho-yang and remained there for three months. The people
near the camps suffered plunder and abuse. P’u-ku
Ch’ang, leading some Uighur soldiers, had a running battle
with Ch’ao-i and trampled in the blood of his men for 2,000
li. He [beheaded him and] exposed his head as a warning. All
of Ho-pei [Province] was pacified. Huai-en went through Hsiang-chou
and Kuo-k’ou in the mountains to its west and returned to his
camp. The khaghan went out through Tse-chou and Lu-chou, and,
meeting with Huai-en, returned home [8/IV/763] by way of
T’ai-yüan.

Before this, when the Uighurs had arrived at the Eastern
Capital, [their leaders] turned the armies loose to rob and plunder
[c. 20/XI/762].// [p. 77] The people had all fled for
protection to the towers in the two temples, Sheng-shan and Po-ma,(23)
in order to escape from them. The Uighurs were annoyed
and set fire to the temple-towers, killing more than 10,000 people.(24)

By this time the Uighurs had been growing more and more
barbarous and had been abusing and striking the officials. When
they arrived at the capital, their soldiers hacked down the
Han-kuang Gate at night and entered the Court of Diplomatic
Reception [22/II/763].

Just at that time, the Military Governor of Shan-chou, Kuo
Ying-i, was Viceroy in the Eastern Capital. Together with the
armies of Yü Ch’ao-en and Shuo-fang, he perpetrated
violent deeds and, in the wake of the cruel disorders caused by the
Uighurs, also plundered the territory between Ju-chou and
Cheng-chou. In the country there were no houses left whole.
Everyone covered themselves with paper for clothes. It was all
because of the oppression inflicted by the robbers.

The emperor remembered the death of Shao-hua and the other and
therefore he posthumously appointed Shao-hua Left Grand Councillor
to the Emperor and Chü Grand Governor-general of Yang-chou. He
bestowed on one of each of their sons an office of the sixth
rank.

Thereupon he invested [24/VIII/763] the khaghan calling
him Hsieh to teng-li ku-ch’o-mi-shih ho chü-lu
‘Ying-i chien-kung’ [‘brave and righteous,
building up service to the T’ang’] p'i-chia
Khaghan. The khatun was called P’o-mo
‘Kuang-ch’in li-hua’[‘bright and
loving, beautiful and blorious’] p’i-chia
Khatun.

The Left Grand Councillor to the Emperor, Wang I, came as
ambassador, approached their royal camp and gave them the imperial
diploma. From the khaghan to the chief ministers, they were all
appointed to receive the net revenue from fiefs of 20,000 families.
Moreover, the Left sha became
‘Hsiung-shuo’[‘frightening the
north’] Prince, the Right sha
‘Ning-shuo’ [‘pacifying the north’]
Prince, the Grand Governor-general Prince of
‘Chin-ho’ [‘the golden
river’], General Pa-lan
‘Ching-mo’[‘tranquillising the
desert’] Prince and the ten governors-general all
became dukes of states. // [p. 79]

At the beginning of Yung-t’ai (765), Huai-en led a revolt
and induced some Uighurs and Tibetans(25)
to join him in
invasion [20/IX-18/X/765].

After a short while, however, Huai-en died, and the two groups
of barbarians began to struggle with each other for dominance. A
Uighur leader went in secret to Ching-yang, where he saw Kuo Tzu-i
and begged permission to change policy and to serve him. Tzu-i came
at the head of some officers to pay respect at the Uighur camp. The
Uighurs said, “We wish to see the President [of the
Department of the Grand Imperial Secretariat].” Tzu-i came
out of the camp-gate under banners. The Uighurs said, “We beg
you to take off your arms.” As Tzu-i changed his dress, the
leaders looked round at one another, saying, “He is indeed
the man.”

At the time, Li Kuang-chin and Lu Ssu-kung were on horseback by
his side. Tzu-i introduced them to the leaders and said,
“This is the Military Governor Such-and-such of Wei-pei and
the Commissioner Such-and-such for the Provisions of the Shuo-fang
Army.” The leaders dismounted and made obeisance. Tzu-i
also dismounted to see them. Several hundred of the barbarians came
round watching him. Tzu-i's officers also came up. Tzu-i signalled
the commissioners standing around him to withdraw. Furthermore, he
ordered wine to drink with [the Uighurs] and gave them 3,000 pieces
of silk to bind their heads [for the festive occasion]. He summoned
the khaghan's younger brother, the Grand [Governor- // [p. 81]
general] Ho, and others and, grasping them by the hand,
reprimanded them, saying, “The emperor remembered the
meritorious service of the Uighurs and he certainly rewarded you
with unswerving generosity. Why then have you turned your backs on
him? And why now, when we are fighting you, have you so hurriedly
submitted? I am about to enter your tents alone, but if you should
kill me, my generals and soldiers could attack you.” The
leaders anxiously deferred to him, saying, “Huai-en induced
us by saying that the T’ang Son of Heaven had fled to the
south and that you, Sir, had been dismissed. That is the reason we
came. Now we know that the Heavenly Khaghan is in the capital and
that nothing has befallen you, we and the others wish to go back
and rout the Tibetans, thereby repaying your generosity and mercy.
However, Huai-en's sons are the younger brothers of our khatun and
we wish to spare them from death.”

Thereupon Tzu-i took hold of his wine and the Grand
[Governor-general Ho] begged to make a pact and to
drink to it. Tzu-i said, “Long live the T’ang Son of
Heaven! Long live also the Uighur khaghan! And to the generals and
ministers of the two states a similar toast! Should there be anyone
who turns his back upon this agreement, let him die in the ranks of
the army and let his whole clan be massacred!” The moment the
barbarian Chief Ministers, Mo-tu mo-ho ta-kan, Tun and the
others heard these words, their courage left them, and when the
wine came round to them, they said at once, “We swear
unaltered Your Excellency's oath.” Before this the Uighurs
had had two magicians who had said, “On this expedition it is
certain that you will not fight but will meet a great man, and then
return home.” Thereupon they looked at one another, laughed
and said, “The magicians were not deceiving us.” // [p.
83]

The Battle Commander of the Advance-guard of Shuo-fang, Po
Yüan-kuang, met with some Uighur soldiers in Ling-t’ai.
There was snow and fog and it was extremely dark. The Tibetans had
closed up their camps and relaxed their guard, so they routed them
unrestrainedly [2/XI/765?], decapitating 50,000 people, taking
alive prisoners numbering 10,000, seizing their horses, camels,
oxen, and sheep and taking back 5,000 T’ang families who had
been seized.

P’u-ku Ming-ch’en submitted [11/XI/765], and
200 men, including the Grand Governor-general Ho, came to
court [14/XI/765]. There were innumerable presents bestowed.
Tzu-i took Ming-ch’en for an audience with the emperor.
Ming-ch’en was the son of Huai-en's elder brother and was a
valiant general. // [p. 85]

In the third year of Ta-1i (768),
‘Kuang-ch'in’ Khatun died. The emperor sent
[25/VIII/768]one of his Right Grand Councillors, Hsiao Hsin, with
proper credentials, to make condolence sacrifices. The following
year (769), a younger daughter of Huai-en's became
‘Ch’ung-hui’ [‘venerated and
virtuous’] Princess [2/VII/769],and the second wife of
the khaghan. The Vice President of the Ministry of War, Li Han,(26)
holding his proper credentials, invested and appointed
the khatun. The emperor gave her 20,000 pieces of silken
fabric.

At that time, having barely anything he could use, the emperor
unjustly took as taxation some mules and camels of the dukes and
court-presidents and gave them to her for her transport. Some chief
ministers gave her a farewell at the Chung-Wei Bridge
[8/VII/769].

The Uighurs staying in the capital came in crowds and plundered
the daughters and sons [of the people] in the market-places, and
led some cavalry up to attack the Han-kuang Gate. [The officials]
locked all the gates of the Imperial City. There was an imperial
decree that Liu Ch’ingt’an should pacify them and [the
turmoil] was brought to an end [1/III/772?].

[Not long after, the Uighurs] came out again and pursued their
trade in a violent manner. They seized the horse of the Prefect of
Ch’ang-an, Shao Yüeh, and the officials did not dare to
do anything about it [17/VIII/772].// [p. 87]

Following on the Ch’ien-yüan period (758-60), the
Uighurs took even more advantage of their services to China by
taking as a price forty pieces of silk for every horse they brought
in as tribute.(27)
Every year they sought to sell several
tens of thousands of horses, and the messengers followed one upon
the other staying in the [Court of] Diplomatic Reception. The
horses were inferior, weak, and unusable. The emperor gave them
generous presents, wanting by this means to shame them, but they
did not recognise this. They came again to the capital with
10,000 horses, but the emperor could not bear to place this burden
on his people once again, so he paid for only 6,000 of them
[5/XII/773].

In the tenth year (775?), a Uighur killed someone in one of the
east-west streets of the capital [15/X/774]. The Governor of
the Capital, Li Kan, arrested him, but there was an imperial edict
for clemency and he was not examined. On another occasion, [a
Uighur] stabbed someone in the Eastern Market-place
[16/X/775]. He was bound and taken to the Wan-nien prison,
but a [Uighur] chief seized the prisoner, injured the prison
officials, and took him away. The people of the capital found it
detestable and galling.

In the thirteenth year (778), the Uighurs made a surprise attack
on Chen-wu, they made an onslaught on Tung-hsing and invaded
[22/II/778] T’ai-yüan. The Military Governor of
Ho-tung, Pao Fang, had a battle with them in Yang-ch’ü.
Fang was defeated [27/II/778]. The injured and dead numbered
10,000. The Governor-general of Tai-chou, Chang Kuang-sheng,141
again had a battle with them in the Yang-hu Valley and defeated
them [4/III-1/IV/778], whereupon the barbarians went
away.

When Emperor Te-tsung came to the throne [12/VI/779], he
sent // [p. 89] a eunuch to announce the court mourning for
his father's death and also to restore their friendship. At that
time, the Sogdians(28)
were encouraging the khaghan to
invade China. The khaghan wanted his entire army to go towards the
border and, when he saw the ambassador, he would not perform a
ritual for him. His Chief Minister, Tun mo-ho ta-kan, said,
“The T’ang is a great state and has never acted
treacherously towards us. When we, in former days, entered
T’ai-yüan, we seized several tens of thousands of sheep
and horses, but, by the time we reached our own state, we were
destroyed, wasted, and almost exhausted. So now when we mobilise
our state and fight far away, if we do not win a victory, how shall
we return at all?” The khaghan did not listen to him. Tun
mo-ho became annoyed and attacked and killed him and, at the
same time, massacred nearly 2,000 people from among the khaghan's
family, his clique, and the Sogdians. He immediately set himself up
as Ho ku-tu-lu p’i-chia Khaghan, and sent the leader
Chien ta-kan to accompany the ambassador [Liang Wen-hsiu]
back to court.

In the first year of Chien-chung (780), the emperor issued a
decree [28/VII/780] that the Deputy Governor of the Capital,
Yüan Hsiu, carrying his own credentials, should take to Tun
mo-ho the imperial diploma appointing him as ‘Wu-i
ch'eng-kung’ [‘warlike, righteous and achieving
merit’] Khaghan.

Before all this, whenever the Uighurs had arrived in the Central
State, they had constantly had with them some Sogdians, who
frequently stayed behind in the capital. In the course of time the
number approached 1,000. They [continued to] live there, their
property flourished and they accumulated a very large amount of
capital. On one occasion, the [Uighur] leaders, T’u-tung,
I-mi-shih, a senior and junior mei-lu and others, who were
on the point of returning to their own country, loaded up a train
of camels and took to the road [780], staying for three
months in Chen-wu. The supply bill was very dear and the expenses
were unlimited. The Commissioner for the Army, Chang Kuang-sheng,
secretly spied on them. They were all hiding women in bags.(29)
Kuang-sheng had sent a postal-station official to poke
them with long awls and had thus found out about it. Already they
had heard that Tun mo-ho had just ascended the throne and
had killed many Sogdians. They were afraid and did not dare return
[to the Uighur territory]. Very frequently they would try to
disappear and escape, but T’u-tung kept a strict eye on them.
So the Sogdians suggested a plan to Kuang-sheng, begging that he
should behead all the // [p. 91] Uighurs.

Kuang-sheng agreed and immediately informed the emperor about
it. He said, “The Uighurs are not basically strong, but they
are helped by the Sogdians. Now their state is in confusion and
their soldiers are just now attacking and taking one another
prisoner. If there is profit, then they are attracted to it, and if
there is property, then they will join [with the owner]. But if
there is no property nor profit, they will not be able to rescue
their state from the chaos [into which it has fallen]. If we do not
take advantage of this opportunity, but let them go home with their
money, that would be tantamount to lending arms to robbers or
supplying robbers with grain.”

He then caused a subordinate army officer to fail publicly to
give T’u-tung a due rite, so that he, in anger, whipped him.
Accordingly, Kuang-sheng forced his soldiers to kill all the
Uighurs and Sogdians and took several thousand camels and horses
and 100,000 pieces of silken fabric [T’u-tung's death
5/IX/780]. Moreover, he announced it as follows, “The
Uighurs flogged a great general and were planning to seize Chen-wu.
I prevented them forcefully by massacring them before they
could.” He sent the women in groups back to Ch’ang-an.
The emperor summoned Kuang-sheng back to the capital and sent
P’eng Ling-fang in his place. He sent a eunuch with the
Uighur messenger, Yu ta-kan, [to the khaghan] to explain
what had happened and say that in view of the situation he wished
to break off relations with the barbarians. He ordered Yüan
Hsiu to await orders in T’ai-yüan.

The following year (781?), he [Hsiu] went [to the Uighur
capital] and accordingly took back four coffins containing the
bodies of T’u-tung and the others. T’u-tung was the
uncle of the khaghan. When Yüan Hsiu was approaching, the
khaghan ordered his ministers to prepare chariots and horses and to
go out and welcome him. [When they got there], his Grand Minister,
Hsieh kan-chia, squatted on the ground and reprimanded Hsiu
and the others for the affair of the murder of T’u-tung. Hsiu
said, “He himself died fighting with Chang Kuang-sheng. It
was not the order of the Son of Heaven.” Again [the Grand
Minister] said, “You ambassadors are all responsible for
crimes worthy of death. The T’ang has not massacred you
itself. Does it [wish to provoke us into doing so and then] lay the
blame on us?” He reviled them for some time and then
left.

Hsiu and the others nearly lost their lives [as a result of all
this]. Even after fifty days they had not had audience with the
khaghan. The khaghan sent a report to Hsiu saying, “The
people of the state all desire your death. I alone am not of this
mind. T’u-tung and the others are already // [p. 93] dead, so
if I now killed you, it would mean blood for blood and would only
increase the stain. I shall use water instead to wash away blood.
Would not that be good? On my behalf, tell those in charge that the
value of the horses for which you are in debt to us is 1,800,000
ligatures.(30)
You must pay us back quickly for
them.” He sent his Auxiliary General, K’ang
Ch’ih-hsin, and others to accompany Hsiu to court [arrived
11/VIII/782]. The emperor restrained his feelings and
bestowed on them some gold and silk.

Three years afterwards (783?), [the khaghan] sent [2/X/787]
ambassadors to present products from his region and to beg for a
marriage alliance. The emperor was brooding over his former
resentment and had not yet forgotten about it. He addressed his
chief minister, Li Pi, and said [16/X-14/XI/787], “The
marriage will have to wait until my son or grandson arranges it. I
cannot do it.” Pi said, “Is it the Shan-chou affair
that Your Majesty is still bitter about?” The emperor said,
“Yes, that's right. And had it not been that at that moment
the empire was facing many difficulties, and that I could not yet
make retribution, I should not have discussed peace with
them.”

Pi said, “The one who so wronged Shao-hua and the others
was Mou-yü Khaghan. Knowing that Your Majesty, immediately
upon ascending the throne, would certainly make retribution for
this grievance, he therefore planned to forestall you by creating
trouble on the border, but his soldiers have not appeared, and he
has been killed by the present khaghan. When the present khaghan
first ascended the throne, he sent an ambassador to our court to
inform you of it. His hair was hanging and still uncut and he was
awaiting the orders of the Son of Heaven. Furthermore, when Chang
Kuang-sheng killed T’u-tung and the others, although [the
khaghan] secretly detained the ambassadors, he sent them home
safely in the end, so he has not committed any crime.”

The emperor said, “What you say is true, but on the other
hand, I cannot possibly disregard Shao-hua and the others, so what
shall I do?”

Pi said,

I, your subject, consider that it is not you who are
disregarding Shao-hua, but Shao-hua who disregarded Your Majesty.
Furthermore, I would say that it was the leader of the Northern
Barbarians who came to Your Majesty's assistance. For, when you
were heir-apparent and still young, you made light of crossing the
Yellow River and entered their camps, which might be called a lair
of wolves and tigers. If Shao-hua and the others were organising
the affair they should first of all have decided on the rites to be
followed at the meeting. I, your subject, should even so have
thought it dangerous. Why did you go in alone? // [p. 95]

I was formerly a superior administrator of an expeditionary army
under the late emperor [Su-tsung]. Just then Yeh-hu had come
and the late emperor respectfully gave him a banquet, in his own
mansion. Even when we were discussing the strategy for battle, he
did not give him audience. Yeh-hu summoned me, your subject,
to his tent, but the emperor would not allow me to go, and said
very politely, “A host should entertain his guest, but will
the guest entertain the host in return?” We went east and
retook the capital and made an agreement saying, “The land
and adults will return to the T’ang, but jade, silk, and
children will be conferred on the Uighurs.” Having fought and
conquered, Yeh-hu wanted to carry out a savage pillage.
Tai-tsung got off his horse and made him a courteous salute. The
Uighurs thereupon went east towards the Lo River. I, your subject,
disapproved of the Generalissimo's having saluted Yeh-hu in
front of his horse, and thought that it was the fault of the
emperor’s assistants. But the late emperor [Su-tsung] said,
“The prince's benevolence and filial piety are enough to
manage my affairs.” He sent down a proclamation to console
and to encourage Yeh-hu. Yeh-hu was the uncle of
Mou-yü.(31)

When Mou-yü came to China, Your Majesty, as heir-apparent,
did not pay him respect in front of his tent, but the khaghan did
not dare even slightly to infringe the rites towards Your Majesty,
and you have never suffered humiliation. The late emperor paid
respect to Yeh-hu and saved the capital city. If Your
Majesty did not pay respect to the khaghan but, even so, firmly
upheld your prestige before the barbarian, why is there a cause for
resentment? But in weighing up the Hsiang-chi and Shan-chou
affairs, which was right, for the late emperor to have suffered
humiliation or for you to have upheld your prestige? Supposing that
Shao-hua and the others had taken Your Majesty for audience with
the khaghan and [Mou-yü] had then closed up the walls for five
days, indulging in lavish drinking with Your Majesty, the
empire’s blood would, in that case, surely have run cold with
worry. But Heaven helped you, the imposing and spiritual one, and
caused the wolves tamely to submit. Mou-yü, like a mother,
wrapped Your Majesty in a sable robe, cursed those around him and
urged some horsemen to escort you back from his camp. This is why I
say that it is Shao-hua and the others who have disregarded Your
Majesty.
Supposing Mou-yü could be considered to have committed a
crime, then the present khaghan has already killed him. The one on
the throne is Mou-yü's first cousin. This man has done you
meritorious service. Can we forget that? Moreover the Uighur
khaghan has engraved a stone and set it up on the gate of his
state. It runs, “Should a T’ang ambassador come, let
him know that we have in all ways and at all times rendered
meritorious service to the T’ang.” Now he is making a
petition for a marital alliance and will certainly lead his whole
tribe south and look at us in expectation. Should you not respond
to it, his resentment will certainly be deep. Be willing to agree
to the marriage.(32) // [p. 97]

Make an agreement with them on the basis of the former affair of
the K’ai-yüan period (713-42), that if, like the
T’u-chüeh khaghan, he style himself a subject, that if
those who come as envoys to China do not exceed 200, that if their
horses for trading do not exceed 1,000, and that if they do not
take T’ang subjects beyond the borders, there will be nothing
impossible in the request.

The emperor said, “Very well.” He granted the
sending out of a princess to the khaghan and the Uighurs also
begged permission to agree to the conditions.

There was a proclamation that the Princess of Hsien-an should go
out and marry [the Uighur khaghan] and another that the ambassador
Ho ch'üeh ta-kan should see the princess in the Lin-te
Hall. The emperor sent a eunuch in charge of introducing visitors
to present to him a portrait of the princess which was to be given
to the khaghan [embassy sent home 28/X/787].

The following year (788), the khaghan sent out a crowd of more
than 1,000, including his chief minister, the Governor-general of
the Hsieh-tieh tribe.(33)
Together with them he sent his
younger sister, Ku-tu-lu p’i-chia Princess, and fifty
of the wives of the great chiefs to welcome the princess and also
to bring in tributary gifts to court as presents for the completion
of the marriage rites. On arrival at Chen-wu the Hsieh-tieh was
violently robbed by some Shih-wei and died in the fight which
ensued. There was an edict that 700 of his inferiors should be
granted entry into the court and should be housed in the [Court or
Guest-house of] Diplomatic Reception. The emperor was present at
the Yen-hsi Gate to see the ambassadors [16/XI/788]. At that
time the khaghan sent up a memorial to the emperor which showed him
extreme reverence and said, “In former times we were elder
and younger brother, but now I am your son-in-law, your half-son.
If Your Majesty is worried about the Tibetans, your son begs
permission to dispose of them with his armies.” He also
begged permission to change the name Hui-ho into Hui-hu, saying
that they were swift birds of prey like falcons (hu).

The emperor wanted to have a formal feast in honour of the
Uighur princess. He asked Li Pi whether this would be in accordance
with the rites. Li Pi replied, saying, “Su-tsung was the
second cousin of the Prince of Tun-huang. [The khaghan of] the
Uighurs gave him his daughter as a wife. When there was an audience
with the emperor in P’eng-yüan, she, unaccompanied by
her husband, made obeisance to the emperor at // [p. 99] court. The
emperor addressed her as "Madame" and did not give her the [more
intimate] name of an elder sister-in-law. In those times of
disturbance, when we had to rely on their usefulness to us, he
still treated her as a Chinese subject. How much more should one do
so today?”

After that they led the Uighur princess through the
Yin-t’ai Gate. Three senior princesses awaited her within.
She was conducted by an interpreter. When others bowed she
responded to show reverence. They entered together with her. The
emperor attended in one of the innermost halls of the palace. The
senior princesses entered first and waited on him. The Uighur
princess entered, made a bow and paid respect to him. After that, a
court director of harem visits showed her to the place where the
senior princesses were. Again an interpreter passed on her
questions, and then they all went in together to the banquet hall.
The Wise Concubine came down the stairs and waited for them. The
Uighur princess made her a bow and the Wise Concubine replied to
her bow. Again she bowed and received her. They ascended by the
western stairs and sat down. When it was the emperor who made her
presents, [the Uighur princess] came down from her place and bowed
to receive them. When it was not the emperor, she merely left her
mat to bow. The concubines and princesses all bowed in reply to her
[23/XI/788]. Before she returned home, she had been invited
twice to a formal feast of this kind.

The emperor also set up a complete hierarchy of officials and
subordinates for the Princess of Hsien-an [28/XI/788],
corresponding to those of an establishment of a royal
prince. The heir-designate of the Prince of T’eng, Chan-jan,
became [30/XI/788] the Commissioner for the Rites of the Marriage,
and the Right Vice President [of the Department of the Affairs of
State], Kuan Po, was to escort her, bringing with him, moreover,
the imperial letter-diploma which appointed the khaghan as
Ku-tu-lu ‘Ch’ang-shou
t’ien-ch’in’ [‘long-lived, beloved by
Heaven’] p’i-chia Khaghan and the princess as
‘Chih-hui tuan-cheng ch’ang-shou
hsiao-shun’ [‘wise, graceful, upright, long-lived,
filial and obedient’] Khatun.

In the fifth year of Chen-yüan (789), the khaghan died. //
[p. 101]

His son, To-lo-ssu, ascended the throne. The people of his own
state called him Prince P’an-kuan, and the President of the
Court of Diplomatic Reception, Kuo Feng, carrying with him his
emblems of office, gave him official appointment as Aiteng-li-lo ku mo-mi-shih chü-lu p’i-chia
‘Chung-chen’ [‘loyal and upright’]
Khaghan. // [p. 103]

Before all this, since the loss of Kuan-nei and Lung-yu at the
end of T’ien-pao (742-56), the tribute road from An-hsi and
Pei-t’ing had been cut off.(34)
The Military Governor
of I-chou, Hsi-chou and Pei-t’ing, Li Yüan-chung, and
the Provisional Military Governor of the Four Garrisons, Kuo Hsin,
had several times sent ambassadors to report this to the emperor,
but none of them had arrived. In the second year of Chen-yüan
(786?), the ambassadors sent by Yüan-chung and the other made
use of a route through Uighur territory and succeeded in getting
through to Ch’ang-an. The emperor promoted Yüan-chung to
the post of Grand Protector of Pei-t’ing [26/VII/781] and
Hsin to that of Grand Protector of An-hsi. From this point on,
although they were able to pass through by this route, the
barbarians demanded and took an exorbitant price for the use of it.
Six thousand families of different Sha-t’o tribes, who were
in dependence on Pei-t’ing, also grew to resent their
excessive demands. The three tribes of the Kharlukh,(35)
and the White-eyed T’u-chüeh, those who were normally
subjects of the Uighurs, were particularly resentful and bitter.
They all secretly submitted to the Tibetans, so they and the
Tibetans, with the support of the Sha-t’o, together made
trouble in Pei-t’ing. Hsieh kan-chia-ssu had a battle
with them [17/VI-16/VII/790], but was not victorious.
Pei-t’ing fell. Thereupon, the Protector, Yang Hsi-ku, fled
to Hsi-chou at the head of his army.

With several tens of thousands of strong infantry, the Uighurs
summoned Hsi-ku to lead his forces back to recapture
Pei-t’ing [autumn 790]. They were attacked by the Tibetans
and suffered a great defeat. The majority of the soldiers were
killed. [Hsieh kan-]chia-ssu fled back, and Hsi-ku
gathered together the remnants of his army, leading them into
Hsi-chou. [Hsieh kan-] chia-ssu deceived him saying,
“Just come back with me, younger brother! I shall send you
back to the T'ang court.” After Hsi-ku got to his tent, he
killed him [3-31/X/791]. // [p. 105]

The Kharlukh also seized [the territory round] the
Shen-t’u Valley. The Uighurs were greatly afraid and moved
their tribes a little to the south in order to escape them.

That year (790), the khaghan was poisoned by the younger
khatun, Princess Yeh. The khatun was the granddaughter of
P’u-ku Huai-en. Huai-en's son was a Uighur yeh-hu, so
the latter’s daughter was called Princess Yeh. The khaghan's
younger brother then set himself on the throne. At the time
[Hsieh kan-] chia-ssu was away attacking the
Tibetans. The khaghan's ministers led the people of the state
against him, and together they killed the usurper [19/IV-18/V/790].
The khaghan’s [To-lo-ssu’s] youngest son,
A-ch’o, succeeded. When [Hsieh kan-] chia-ssu
returned [17/VII-14/VIII/790], the khaghan and the others
came out [of the city] to greet him. They all prostrated themselves
before him, told him the circumstances under which they had removed
the last khaghan and placed the present one on the throne and said
that only the Grand Minister could say whether [the new khaghan]
should live or die. They brought out all the utensils and silk
which Kuo Feng had bestowed on them and gave them to [Hsieh
kan-] chia-ssu. The khaghan bowed and also wept, saying,
“That good fortune has now made it possible for me to carry
on my father's line, which was broken, is because of my reliance on
you as my father.” [Hsieh kan-]chia-ssu,
touched by his humility, embraced him, wept and thereafter served
him as a subject. He gave all the utensils and silk to his generals
and officers, keeping nothing for himself. Their state was then at
peace.

[The Uighurs] sent the mei-lu, General Prince Ta-pei, to
court to announce [these events] and also to receive
instructions.

There was a proclamation [21/III/791] that the Vice
President of the Court of Diplomatic Reception, Yü Shan,
should [take out a diploma] appointing A-ch’o as
‘Feng-ch’eng’ [‘showing sincerity to
the emperor’] Khaghan.

Soon after, Lü-chih ta-kan came to announce the
death of the Younger // [p. 107] Princess of Ning-kuo. She was the
daughter of the Prince of Yung. Before this, when the Princess of
Ning-kuo had gone out to marry [the Uighur khaghan], she had gone
as her escort [and to become the khaghan's concubine]. When
Ning-kuo had later returned to China, she had remained among the
Uighurs and become khatun. They had called her the Younger Ning-kuo
and she had been successively the consort of the two khaghans,
‘Ying-wu’ [Mo-yen-ch’o] and
‘Ying-i’ [Mou-yü]. When it
came to the time of ‘T’ien-ch’in’
[Tun mo-ho] Khaghan she had begun to live outside. When she
had been the consort of ‘Ying-i’, she had given
birth to two sons, but both had been killed by
‘T’ien-ch’in’.

That year (791), the Uighurs attacked some Tibetans and Kharlukh
in Pei-t’ing, conquered them and also presented the prisoners
as gifts to the emperor.

The following year (792), the ambassador Yao-lo-ko Chiung came
to court. Chiung was originally Chinese, of the Lü clan, but
he had become the adopted son of the khaghan and had then taken the
khaghan's surname. The emperor, because of the authority he held,
gave him extremely lavish presents. He appointed him Honorary Right
Vice President of the Department of Affairs of State
[3/VIII/792].

In the eleventh year (795), the khaghan died without a son. The
people of the state placed his minister Ku-tu-lu on the
throne as khaghan, and an ambassador came [to inform the Chinese
court] about it. There was a proclamation that the Director of the
Department of the Imperial Library, Chang Chien,(36)
holding his emblems of office, should take out a diploma appointing
him as Ai t'eng-li-lo yu-lu mo-mi-shih ho hu-lu p’i-chia
‘Huai-hsin’ [‘cherishing sincerity to the
emperor’] Khaghan. Ku-tu-lu was originally of the
Hsieh-tieh clan. He became orphaned when young and was adopted by a
great chieftain. He was clever in argument and able in war. In
‘T'ien-ch’in’s’ time, he had on //
[p. 109] several occasions been master of an army, and all the
chiefs admired and stood in awe of him. Because the Yao-lo-ko clan
up to this time had been meritorious generation after generation,
he did not dare call himself by the name of his own clan, but he
seized all the khaghan’s sons and grandsons and presented
them to the [Chinese] court.(37)

In the first year of Yung-chen (805), the khaghan died and there
was a proclamation that the Vice President of the Court of
Diplomatic Reception, Sun Kao, should go and offer condolences and
take the diploma to appoint his successor as T'eng-li yeh ho
chü-lu p’i-chia Khaghan.

At the beginning of Yüan-ho (806-21), the Uighurs came for
a second time to court [8/II/807] to present tribute. For the first
time they were accompanied by some Manicheans.(38)
The laws of these latter prescribe that they should eat only in the evening,
drink water, eat strong vegetables, and abstain from fermented
mare's milk. The khaghan constantly had them participate in state
affairs. Manicheans came to and from the capital every year. The
merchants of the Western Market-place often did unlawful business
with them.

In the third year (808), they came [26/III/808] to
announce the death of the Princess of Hsien-an, who had lived among
the Uighurs under four successive khaghans, for twenty-one years in
all. Shortly after, the khaghan also died. Hsien-tsung sent the
Vice President of the Court of the Imperial Clan, Li
Hsiao-ch’eng, to take out to the new khaghan his appointment
as Ai teng-li-lo ku mi-shih ho p’i-chia
‘Pao-i’ [‘protecting righteousness’]
Khaghan [appointed 22/VI/808].

The third year following this an embassy came for the second
time to court [24/VI/810].

[The khaghan] sent I-nan-chu for a second time to ask for
a marriage. Before the report of the outcome, the khaghan arrived
with 3,000 cavalry at the P’i-t’i Springs. Then some of
the soldiers of Chen-wu were sent to set up their camp at Mount
Hei, and they repaired the Fortresses of T’ien-te in
preparation for the barbarians.

The President of the Ministry of Rites, Li Chiang, sent up a
memorial to the throne [23/V-20/VI/814], which ran:

The Uighurs are very strong and the northern borders are
deserted. Once they stir up trouble, our weak soldiers will not be
able to withstand them, and // [p. 111] there will be no one to
guard the isolated cities. If Your Majesty is concerned about this
matter, he will increase the military equipment and repair the
fortifications and set them in order. This would be the best plan
for China and the great good fortune of the people. I, your
subject, consider that the present dispositions of the borders do
not fulfil their needs and that there are five causes for grave
concern there. I beg permission to enumerate them.

The northern barbarians are covetous and grasping. All they care
about is profit. This is the second year that their normal yearly
consignment of horses has not arrived. Can it be that they have
become satiated with the profit of silken fabrics?(39)
I suspect that what is happening is that they want [to wait till the
autumn when] the wind will be strong and their horses fat, so that
they can make a sudden invasion into China. Therefore I am sure
that there will be trouble in store for the court, in regard both
to preparation within and defence without. This is the first thing
which should worry us.

Our armies have not yet reached full strength, our patrol system
is not yet effective, our lances and armour are not yet ready, our
walls and moats are not yet firmly established. The restoration of
the T’ien-te Army has certainly made the barbarians
suspicious and the evacuation of the Western [Shou-hsiang] Fortress
has left the desert roads with nothing to depend on. This is the
second thing which should worry us.

Now, if our fortresses are to protect our strategic places, and
if we are to attack what is dangerous and to guard what is safe, we
ought to make plans with our border generals. If then we content
ourselves merely with keeping an eye on the distant River borders
while thinking that we can control the situation from our exalted
court, the barbarians will unexpectedly violate the borders and, in
accordance with recent trends, we shall lose our advantages. This
is the third thing which should worry us.

Ever since they have been our allies, the Uighurs have been
fully aware of the natural layout of the mountains and rivers, and
which frontier defence is manned and which not. If rebels were to
plunder our various prefectures, for us to mobilise our forces
would take at least ten days or a few weeks, while for them to take
our men and animals prisoner would take at most a morning or an
evening. By the time an imperial army could get there, the
barbarians would already have returned home. If the robbers were to
stay a longer time, our recruitments would increase more and more.
This is the fourth thing which should worry us.

The Uighurs and Tibetans are constantly at war with each other.(40)
Therefore the borders have nothing to provide against.
At present the Uighurs are not even trading their horses with us.
If the Uighurs should make a treaty with the Tibetans and relax
their hostility, then our generals and their men will close up
their walls and shirk making war, while the people of the frontiers
will have to fold their arms and undergo calamity. This is the
fifth thing that should worry us. // [p. 113]

Moreover, Wu Shao-yang in Huai-hsi is on the verge of death, but
he would be able to take advantage of their changed situation. The
various provinces would have to increase their frontier guards
tenfold.

I, your subject, claim that it is fitting to comply with the
marriage and so cause the rites to be preserved in the barbarian
country. In that case, there would be what one might call the three
profits. If the marriage eventuates, then the fire beacons will
have no need to give the alarm, and it will be possible to put the
fortresses and their battlements in order; there will be ample
numbers of soldiers who will be able to build up strength and to
lay in grain and in this way stabilise our armies. This is the
first.

Having done away with the grievances which are wanting our
attention in the north, we shall be able to turn our attention to
the south, to take care of the regions west of the Huai and to
extend our orders to the troubles which are almost played out
there. This is the second.

If the northern barbarians rely on the fact that our [royal
houses] are related [by marriage], then the Tibetan resentment will
be deeper than ever before and their state will not be at peace. We
shall sit and be free from attack by them, enjoying a long respite
from their robbery and plunder [of our borders]. This is the
third.

It would be extremely ill-advised on our part to reject [a
course of action which would be] profitable to us in these three
ways, and follow one involving these five sources of worry. Now,
some say that the cost of sending out a princess will be great. I,
your subject, say that this is not true. One third of the tax
revenue of our empire is devoted to the borders. Now, the annual
tax revenue of a large subprefecture of the south-east amounts to
200,000 ligatures. So if we use the revenue from one subprefecture
to meet the cost of the marriage, is not that injuring little to
obtain much? Now, if we are mean about the cost of the marriage and
do not grant it to them, and if their prince’s armies attack
the north, we shall need at least 30,000 footsoldiers and 5,000
cavalry, otherwise we shall not be able to ward them off and drive
them away. Moreover, to ensure a complete victory will require at
least a year. Will the provisions and supplies [we send]
conceivably be as little as the tax revenue from one
subprefecture?

The emperor did not listen to him. // [p. 115]

When the Uighurs had begged for the marriage, some officials
calculated the cost at 5,000,000 ligatures. Since he was at that
time fighting against the strong military governors within the
empire, the emperor sent the Vice President of the Court of the
Imperial Clan, Li Ch’eng, and the Doctor of the Court of
Imperial Sacrifices, Yin Yu, to go [to the Uighurs] and proclaim
that it was not possible.

When Mu-tsung ascended the throne [20/II/820], the Uighurs had
again sent Ho to-kan and others to court to make a firm
petition for a marriage, and the emperor [Hsien-tsung] had
granted it. Shortly after, however, the khaghan died.

An ambassador took out to the Uighur capital the document
appointing his successor as Teng-lo yü-lu mo-mi-shih
chü-chu p’i-chia ‘Ch’ung-te’
[‘honouring virtue’] Khaghan.

When the khaghan had ascended the throne, he sent
I-nan-chu, the Governor-general Chü-lu, a
Ssu-chieh(41)
and others, and also the Princess
Yeh-hu, to court to welcome the princess. And 2,000 chiefs
of tribes brought in, as tribute, 20,000 horses and 1,000 camels.
Never before had a delegation from any of the barbarian states to
China been as large as this one. There was a proclamation allowing
500 of them to come to Ch'ang-an and detaining the rest in
T’ai-yüan, and one ordering [1/VII/821] the
Princess of T’ai-ho(42)
to go out [and be the
khaghan’s wife]. The // [p. 117] princess was the daughter of
Hsien-tsung. The emperor set up for her a [princess’s]
establishment. The Grand General of the Left Chin-wu Guards, Hu
Cheng, and the President of the Court of Imperial Banquets, Li
Hsien, bearing their emblems of office, were to watch over her and
to escort her, and the President of the Court of the Imperial
Treasury, Li Yüeh, was to become the Commissioner for the
Marriage Rites. They gave her appointment [22/VIII/821] as
‘Jen-hsiao tuan-li mi’ng-chih shang-shou’
[‘benevolent and filial, upright and beautiful, intelligent
and wise, superior and long-lived’] Khatun. There was
an announcement to this effect in the ancestral temples. // [p.
119]

The Son of Heaven attended at the T’ung-hua Gate
[28/VIII/821] to farewell the princess. Crowds of officials stood
in order of rank and farewelled her along the road.

The princess crossed the border. // [p. 121]

When she had reached within 100 li of the Uighur royal
camp, the khaghan wanted the princess to go ahead of the train
along a by-road so that he could see her privately. Hu Cheng
forbade it. The barbarians said, “Formerly the Princess of
Hsien-an acted thus.”(43)
Cheng said, “The Son
of Heaven has proclaimed that we should escort the princess and
hand her over to the khaghan. At present we have not yet seen him,
and she cannot go on ahead.” They then desisted.

After that the khaghan ascended his tower and sat facing the
east. Below he had set up a felt tent to house the princess, and he
requested that she should wear barbarian clothing. A matron waited
on her for this purpose. [The princess] came out, made an obeisance
to the west and then withdrew. She dressed herself in the clothes
of a khatun, a single-coloured, crimson robe and a large mantle.
She wore a golden cap, pointed in the front and back. Again she
came out and made an obeisance [to the khaghan] after which she
mounted a sedan-chair with a curved screen. Nine ministers carried
the chair to the right around the court nine times. When she got
down from the chair, she ascended the tower and sat with the
khaghan facing east. The ministers all presented themselves to the
khatun in order [according to their rank]. She also set up her own
royal camp and two of the ministers called on her regularly. When
Cheng and the others were going home, the khatun gave them a great
banquet and, sobbing with grief, treated them with special
affection. The khaghan made generous presents to the ambassadors.
// [p. 123]

At the time, P’ei Tu was involved in reducing Yu-chou and
Chen-chou to order. The Uighurs sent Grand General Li I-chieh with
3,000 soldiers to help the Son of Heaven pacify Ho-pei. Those
discussing the situation with the emperor wished to prevent a
repetition of the previous disasters, so [the Uighurs’] help
was refused. The soldiers had already reached Feng-chou, but an
ambassador was sent to give them very generous presents and got
them to leave.

The year that Ching-tsung ascended the throne (824)
[29/II/824]the khaghan died and his younger brother, Prince Ho-sa,
ascended the throne. The emperor sent an embassy [9/IV/825]
to give him appointment as Ai teng-li-lo ku mo-mi-shih ho
p’i-chia ‘Chao-li’ Khaghan and bestowed
[4/VII/825] on him twelve chariots of silken fabric.

At the beginning of his reign, Wen-tsung presented the Uighurs
with 500,000 pieces of silk as a price for their horses.

In the sixth year of T'ai-ho (832), the khaghan was killed by
his ministers, and his nephew, Prince Hu, ascended the throne. His
ambassadors came to court to announce the fact. The following year
(833), the emperor sent the General of the Left Brave Guards,
T’ang Hung-shih, and the heir-designate of the Prince of Tse,
Yung, holding their emblems of office, to give him appointment as
Ai teng-li-lo ku mo-mi-shih ho chü-lu p’i-chia
‘Chang-hsin’ [‘manifesting
sincerity’]Khaghan. // [p. 125]

In the fourth year of K’ai-ch’eng (839), his
minister, Chüeh-to-wu, made trouble by leading some
Sha-t’o in an attack on the khaghan, who committed suicide.
The people of his state set Prince Ho-sa on the throne as the
khaghan. Just that year, there was a famine and pestilence, and
also heavy snowfalls. Many of the sheep and horses died. The
Chinese court had not yet issued an appointment. Wu-tsung ascended
the throne [20/II/840]and the heir-designate of the Prince of Tse,
Yung, went to announce the fact to the Uighurs. He thus found out
about the disorder of their state.

Before long, the great chief Chü-lu mo-ho, together
with the Kirghiz, brought together 100,000 cavalry and attacked the
Uighur fortresses, killed the khaghan, executed Chüeh-lo-wu
and set fire to their royal camp [840]. All the tribes were
scattered.(44)