Radio and Television Address to the American People on the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty

Washington, D.C., July 26, 1963

Good evening, my fellow citizens: I speak to you tonight in a spirit of hope.

Eighteen years ago the advent of nuclear weapons changed the course of the world
as well as the war. Since that time, all mankind has been struggling to escape from
the darkening prospect of mass destruction on earth. In an age when both sides have
come to possess enough nuclear power to destroy the human race several times
over, the world of communism and the world of free choice have been caught up in
a vicious circle of conflicting ideology and interest. Each increase of tension has
produced an increase of arms; each increase of arms has produced an increase of
tension.

In these years, the United States and the Soviet Union have frequently
communicated suspicion and warnings to each other, but very rarely hope. Our
representatives have met at the summit and at the brink; they have met in
Washington and in Moscow; in Geneva and at the United Nations. But too often
these meetings have produced only darkness, discord, or disillusion.

Yesterday a shaft of light cut into the darkness. Negotiations were concluded in
Moscow on a treaty to ban all nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in outer space, and
under water. For the first time, an agreement has been reached on bringing the
forces of nuclear destruction under international control-a goal first sought in 1946
when Bernard Baruch presented a comprehensive control plan to the United
Nations.

That plan, and many subsequent disarmament plans, large and small, have all
been blocked by those opposed to international inspection. A ban on nuclear tests,
however, requires on-the-spot inspection only for underground tests. This Nation
now possesses a variety of techniques to detect the nuclear tests of other nations
which are conducted in the air or under water, for such tests produce unmistakable
signs which our modern instruments can pick up.

The treaty initialed yesterday, therefore, is a limited treaty which permits
continued underground testing and prohibits only those tests that we ourselves can
police. It requires no control posts, no on-site inspection, no international body.

We should also understand that it has other limits as well. Any nation which
signs the treaty will have an opportunity to withdraw if it finds that extraordinary
events related to the subject matter of the treaty have jeopardized its supreme
interests; and no nation's right of self-defense will in any way be impaired. Nor does
this treaty mean an end to the threat of nuclear war. It will not reduce nuclear
stockpiles; it will not halt the production of nuclear weapons; it will not restrict
their use in time of war.

Nevertheless, this limited treaty will radically reduce the nuclear testing which
would otherwise be conducted on both sides; it will prohibit the United States, the
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and all others who sign it, from engaging in
atmospheric tests which have so alarmed mankind; and it offers to all the world a
welcome sign of hope.

For this is not a unilateral moratorium, but a specific and solemn legal
obligation. While it will not prevent this Nation from testing underground, or from
being ready to conduct atmospheric tests if the acts of others so require, it gives us a
concrete opportunity to extend its coverage to other nations and later to other forms
of nuclear tests.

This treaty is in part the product of Western patience and vigilance. We have
made clear-most recently in Berlin and Cuba our deep resolve to protect our
security and our freedom against any form of aggression. We have also made clear
our steadfast determination to limit the arms race. In three administrations, our
soldiers and diplomats have worked together to this end, always supported by Great
Britain. Prime Minister Macmillan joined with President Eisenhower in proposing
a limited test ban in 1959, and again with me in 1961 and 1962.

But the achievement of this goal is not a victory for one side-it is a victory for
mankind. It reflects no concessions either to or by the Soviet Union. It reflects
simply our common recognition of the dangers in further testing.

This treaty is not the millennium. It will not resolve all conflicts, or cause the
Communists to forego their ambitions, or eliminate the dangers of war. It will not
reduce our need for arms or allies or programs of assistance to others. But it is an
important first step-a step towards peace-a step towards reason- a step away
from war.

Here is what this step can mean to you and to your children and your neighbors:
First, this treaty can be a step towards reduced world tension and broader areas of
agreement. The Moscow talks have reached no agreement on any other subject, nor
is this treaty conditioned on any other matter. Under-Secretary Harriman made it
clear that any non-aggression arrangements across the division in Europe would
require full consultation with our allies and full attention to their interests. He also
made clear our strong preference for a more comprehensive treaty banning all tests
everywhere, and our ultimate hope for general and complete disarmament. The
Soviet Government however, is still unwilling to accept the inspection such goals
require.

No one can predict with certainty, therefore, what further agreements, if any,
can be built on the foundations of this one. They could include controls on
preparations for surprise attack, or on numbers and type of armaments. There could
be further limitations on the spread of nuclear weapons. The important point is that
efforts to seek new agreements will go forward.

But the difficulty of predicting the next step is no reason to be reluctant about
this step. Nuclear test ban negotiations have long been a symbol of East-West
disagreement. If this treaty can also be a symbol-if it can symbolize the end of one
era and the beginning of another-if both sides can by this treaty gain confidence
and experience in peaceful collaboration- then this short and simple treaty may
well become an historic mark in man's age-old pursuit of peace.

Western policies have long been designed to persuade the Soviet Union to
renounce aggression, direct or indirect, so that their people and all people may live
and let live in peace. The unlimited testing of new weapons of war cannot lead
towards that end-but this treaty, if it can be followed by further progress, can clearly
move in that direction.

I do not say that a world without aggression or threats of war would be an easy
world. It will bring new problems, new challenges from the Communists, new
dangers of relaxing our vigilance or of mistaking their intent.

But those dangers pale in comparison to those of the spiraling arms race and a
collision course toward war. Since the beginning of history, war has been mankind's
constant companion. It has been the rule, not the exception. Even a nation so young
and as peace-loving as our own has fought through eight wars. And three times in
the last two years and a half I have been required to report to you as President that
this nation and the Soviet Union stood on the verge of direct military
confrontation-in Laos, in Berlin and in Cuba.

A war today or tomorrow, if it led to nuclear war, would not be like any war in
history. A full-scale nuclear exchange, lasting less than 60 minutes, with the
weapons now in existence, could wipe out more than 300 million Americans,
Europeans and Russians, as well as untold millions elsewhere. And the survivors,
as Chairman Khrushchev warned the Communist Chinese, "the survivors would
envy the dead," For they would inherit a world so devastated by explosion and
poison and fire that today we cannot even conceive of its horrors. So let us try to
turn the world away from war. Let us make the most of this opportunity, and every
opportunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the perilous nuclear arms race, and to
check the world's slide toward final annihilation.

Second, this treaty can be a step towards freeing the world from the fears and
dangers of radioactive fallout. Our own atmospheric tests last year were conducted
under conditions which restricted such fallout to an absolute minimum. But over
the years the number and the yield of weapons tested have rapidly increased and so
have the radioactive hazards from such testing. Continued unrestricted testing by
the nuclear powers, joined in time by other nations which may be less adept in
limiting pollution, will increasingly contaminate the air that all of us must breathe
Even then, the number of children and grandchildren with cancer in their
bones, with leukemia in their blood, or with poison in their lungs might seem
statistically small to some, in comparison with natural health hazards. But this is
not a natural health hazard-and it is not a statistical issue. The loss of even one
human life, or the malformation of even one baby-who may be born long after all
of us have gone-should be of concern to us all. Our children and grandchildren are
not merely statistics towards which we can be indifferent.

Nor does this affect the nuclear powers alone. These tests befoul the air of all
men and all nations, the committed and the uncommitted alike, without their
knowledge and without their consent. That is why the continuation of atmospheric
testing causes so many countries to regard all nuclear powers as equally evil; and we
can hope that its prevention will enable those countries to see the world more
clearly, while enabling all the world to breathe more easily.

Third, this treaty can be a step towards preventing the spread of nuclear
weapons to nations not now possessing them. During the next several years, in
addition to the four current nuclear powers, a small but significant number of
nations will have the intellectual, physical, and financial resources to produce both
nuclear weapons and the means of delivering them. In time it is estimated, many
other nations will have either this capacity or other ways of obtaining nuclear
warheads, even as missiles can be commercially purchased today.

I ask you to stop and think for a moment what it would mean to have nuclear
weapons in so many hands, in the hands of countries large and small, stable and
unstable, responsible and irresponsible, scattered throughout the world. There
would be no rest for anyone then, no stability, no real security, and no chance of
effective disarmament. There would be only be the increased chance of accidental
war, and an increased necessity for the great powers to involve themselves in what
otherwise would be local conflicts.

If only one thermonuclear bomb were to be dropped on any American, Russian,
or any other city, whether it was launched by accident or design, by a madman or by
an enemy, by a large nation or by a small, from any corner of the world, that one
bomb could release more destructive power on the inhabitants of that one helpless
city than all the bombs dropped in the Second World War.

Neither the United States nor the Soviet Union nor the United Kingdom nor
France can look forward to that day with equanimity. We have a great obligation, all
four nuclear powers have a great obligation, to use whatever time remains to
prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, to persuade other countries not to test,
transfer, acquire, possess, or produce such weapons.

This treaty can be the opening wedge in that campaign. It provides that none of
the parties will assist other nations to test in the forbidden environments. It opens
the door for further agreements on the control of nuclear weapons, and it is open
for all nations to sign, for it is in the interest of all nations, and already we have
heard from a number of countries who wish to join with us promptly.

Fourth and finally, this treaty can limit the nuclear arms race in ways which, on
balance, will strengthen our Nation's security far more than the continuation of
unrestricted testing. For in today's world, a nation's security does not always
increase as its arms increase, when its adversary is doing the same, and unlimited
competition in the testing and development of new types of destructive nuclear
weapons will not make the world safer for either side. Under this limited treaty, on
the other hand, the testing of other nations could never be sufficient to offset the
ability of our strategic forces to deter or survive a nuclear attack and to penetrate and
destroy an aggressor's homeland.

We have, and under this treaty we will continue to have, the nuclear strength
that we need. It is true that the Soviets have tested nuclear weapons of a yield
higher than that which we thought to be necessary, but the hundred megaton bomb
of which they spoke two years ago does not and will not change the balance of
strategic power. The United States has chosen, deliberately, to concentrate on more
mobile and more efficient weapons, with lower but entirely sufficient yield, and our
security is, therefore, not impaired by the treaty I am discussing.

It is also true, as Mr. Khrushchev would agree, that nations cannot afford in
these matters to rely simply on the good faith of their adversaries. We have not,
therefore, overlooked the risk of secret violations. There is at present a possibility
that deep in outer space, that hundreds and thousands and millions of miles away
from the earth illegal tests might go undetected. But we already have the capability
to construct a system of observation that would make such tests almost impossible
to conceal, and we can decide at any time whether such a system is needed in the
light of the limited risk to us and the limited reward to others of violations
attempted at that range. For any tests which might be conducted so far out in space,
which cannot be conducted more easily and efficiently and legally underground,
would necessarily be of such a magnitude that they would be extremely difficult to
conceal. We can also employ new devices to check on the testing of smaller weapons
in the lower atmosphere. Any violation, moreover, involves, along with the risk of
detection, the end of the treaty and the worldwide consequences for the violator.

Secret violations are possible and secret preparations for a sudden withdrawal
are possible, and, thus, our own vigilance and strength must be maintained, as we
remain ready to withdraw and to resume all forms of testing, if we must. But it
would be a mistake to assume that this treaty will be quickly broken. The gains of
illegal testing are obviously slight compared to their costs, and the hazard of
discovery, and the nations which have initialed and will sign this treaty prefer it, in
my judgment, to unrestricted testing as a matter of their own self-interest, for these
nations, too, and all nations, have a stake in limiting the arms race, in holding the
spread of nuclear weapons, and in breathing air that is not radioactive. While it may
be theoretically possible to demonstrate the risks inherent in any treaty, and such
risks in this treaty are small, the far greater risks to our security are the risks of
unrestricted testing, the risk of a nuclear arms race, the risks of new nuclear powers,
nuclear pollution, and nuclear war.

This limited test ban, in our most careful judgment, is safer by far for the United
States than an unlimited nuclear arms race. For all these reasons, I am hopeful that
this Nation will promptly approve the limited test ban treaty. There will, of course,
be debate in the country and in the Senate. The Constitution wisely requires the
advice and consent of the Senate to all treaties, and that consultation has already
begun. All this is as it should be. A document which may mark an historic and
constructive opportunity for the world deserves an historic and constructive debate.
It is my hope that all of you will take part in that debate, for this treaty is for all
of us. It is particularly for our children and our grandchildren, and they have no
lobby here in Washington. This debate will involve military, scientific, and political
experts, but it must be not left to them alone. The right and the responsibility are
yours.

If we are to open new doorways to peace, if we are to seize this rare opportunity
for progress, if we are to be as bold and farsighted in our control of weapons as we
have been in their invention, then let us now show all the world on this side of the
wall and the other that a strong America also stands for peace.

There is no cause for complacency. We have learned in times past that the spirit
of one moment or place can be gone in the next. We have been disappointed more
than once, and we have no illusions now that there are shortcuts on the road to
peace. At many points around the globe the Communists are continuing their
efforts to exploit weakness and poverty. Their concentration of nuclear and
conventional arms must still be deterred.

The familiar contest between choice and coercion, the familiar places of danger
and conflict, are all still there, in Cuba, in Southeast Asia, in Berlin, and all around
the globe, still requiring all the strength and the vigilance that we can muster.
Nothing could more greatly damage our cause than if we and our allies were to
believe that peace has already been achieved, and that our strength and unity were
no longer required.

But now, for the first time in many years, the path of peace may be open. No one
can be certain what the future will bring. No one can say whether the time has come
for an easing of the struggle. But history and our own conscience will judge us
harsher if we do not now make every effort to test our hopes by action, and this is
the place to begin. According to the ancient Chinese proverb, "A journey of a
thousand miles must begin with a single step."

My fellow Americans, let us take that first step. Let us, if we can, step back from
the shadows of war and seek out the way of peace. And if that journey is a thousand
miles, or even more, let history record that we, in this land, at this time, took the
first step.