Title: The Discovery of Australia
Author: George Collingridge
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A Critical, Documentary and Historic Investigation Concerning the
Priority of Discovery in Australasia by Europeans before the arrival
of Lieutenant James Cook, in the Endeavour, in the year 1770.

BY

GEORGE COLLINGRIDGE,

MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF
AUSTRALASIA, SYDNEY, NEW SOUTH WALES.
HONORARY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF
AUSTRALASIA, MELBOURNE, VICTORIA.
HONORARY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE NEUCHATELOISE GEOGRAPHICAL
SOCIETY, NEUCHATEL, SWITZERLAND.
HONORARY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE PORTUGUESE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY,
LISBON.
HONORARY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SPANISH GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY,
MADRID, ETC., ETC.
FOUNDER AND FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE ART SOCIETY OF NEW SOUTH
WALES, SYDNEY.

SYDNEY:

HAYES BROTHERS, 55 & 57 ELIZABETH STREET.

1895.

TO
THE HONOURABLE
MR. JUSTICE SIR WILLIAM CHARLES WINDEYER, M.A., LL.D., KNT.,
CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY,
AND
SENIOR PUISNE JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT, DEPUTY JUDGE OF THE
VICE-ADMIRALTY COURT, AND JUDGE OF THE DIVORCE AND MATRIMONIAL CAUSES
COURT,
OF NEW SOUTH WALES,
EMINENT
NO LESS FOR HIS HIGH LEGAL AND SCHOLASTIC ATTAINMENTS,
AND HIS WIDE AND ACTIVE LITERARY, SOCIAL, AND INTELLECTUAL
SYMPATHIES,
THAN FOR HIS DISTINGUISHED PUBLIC SERVICES,
THIS WORK,
DEVOTED TO AN ENQUIRY INTO THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE COUNTRY
WHICH
HAS BEEN THE SCENE OF HIS LIFE AND LABOURS,
IS
(BY PERMISSION),
RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY
THE AUTHOR.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR:
THE EARLY DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA.
In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society
of Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.
A RESUME OF AN ADDRESS ON EARLY AUSTRALIAN DISCOVERY,
read at the December 1891 Meeting of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, and further notes on the origin of Early Australian Charts.
In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of
Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.
POINT CLOATES, WESTERN AUSTRALIA, AND THE BIRD CALLED ROKH OR RUKH,
BY MARCO POLO.
In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Geographical
Society of Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales, 1893.
THE FANTASTIC ISLANDS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN AND OF AUSTRALASIA IN THE
MIDDLE AGES, AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE IN CONNECTION WITH THE EARLY
CARTOGRAPHY OF AUSTRALIA.
In the Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia
(Victorian Branch) Melbourne, 1894.
CIPANGO, NOT JAPAN.
In the Magazine of American History, New York 1893.
PREMIERE DECOUVERTE DE L'AUSTRALIE, DESCRIPTION D'ANCIENNES CARTES
DE L'AUSTRALIE, leur importance relativement a la decouverte de ce
continent. In the Bulletin de la Societe Neuchateloise de Geographie,
Neuchatel 1891.
RESTAURATION DES PREMIERES CARTES DE L'AUSTRALIE.
In the Bulletin de la Societe Neuchateloise de Geographie,
Neuchatel, 1893.
THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF JAPAN.
In the Geographical Journal, including the Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society, London, 1894.

PREFACE.

f the many books which have been
published on subjects relating to Australia and Australian History, I
am not aware of any, since my late friend Mr. R.H. Major's
introduction to his valuable work, Early Voyages to Terra Australis,
which has attempted a systematic investigation into the earliest
discoveries of the great Southern Island-Continent, and the first
faint indications of knowledge that such a land existed. Mr. Major's
work was published in 1859, at a time when the materials for such an
enquiry were much smaller than at present. The means of reproducing
and distributing copies of the many ancient maps which are scattered
among the various libraries of Europe were then very imperfect, and
the science of Comparative Cartography, of which the importance is
now well recognised, was in its infancy. For these reasons, his
discussion, useful though it still is, cannot be regarded as abreast
of modern opportunities. It is indeed, after the lapse of more than a
third of a century, somewhat out of date. Having therefore been led
to give close attention during several years to the whole subject, I
have thought the time ripe for the present work.

The distance from the great centres and stores of knowledge at
which I have been compelled to labour will excuse to the candid
critic the errors which will no doubt be discovered, yet I feel some
confidence that these will prove to be omissions rather than positive
mistakes. No pains have been spared in investigating the full body of
documents now available. Though unable to examine personally some
manuscripts of interest and value, I believe I can truly say that I
have read every book, and examined every map, of real importance to
the question, which has been produced in English, French, Spanish,
Portuguese, Italian and Dutch. I have corresponded also largely,
during the past four years, with many of the most eminent members of
the Geographical Societies of London, Paris, Madrid, Lisbon, Rome,
Amsterdam and Neuchatel. To these gentlemen I am deeply indebted for
searches which they have made for me in the libraries and museums
within their reach, for much information readily and kindly afforded,
and for the interest and sympathy which they have at all times
manifested in my labours. My thanks are due also to the gentlemen in
charge of the Sydney Free Public Library, who kindly enriched their
collection with many rare and very useful volumes of permanent
importance which I was unable to procure myself, and who aided my
researches by every means in their power. I cannot hope that in a
subject so vast and interesting I shall be found to have said the
last word, yet I trust that my book may prove to be of value, both in
itself and as directing the attention of others to a field which
should be mainly explored by residents in Australia. Such as it is, I
now send it forth, with the natural solicitude of a parent, and
commend it to the indulgence of the reader, and the kindly justice of
the critic.

CHAPTER 28. A.D. 1525 TO 1529.
Loaysa's Expedition to the Spice Islands.
Don Jorge de Menezes.
The Franciscus Monachus Mappamundi of 1526.
Alvaro de Saavedra Discovers nearly the whole of the North Coast of
New Guinea.

CHAPTER 31. 1531 TO 1542.
The Mappemonde of Orontius Finaeus of 1531.
Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533.
G. Mercator's Double Cordiform Mappamundi of 1538.
Hernando de Grijalva's Expedition to the Spice Islands.
Two Maps of Australia by John Rotz (Jean Roze), 1542.

CHAPTER 32. A.D. 1540 TO 1545.
Villalobos' Expedition.
New Guinea named by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico.
Juan Gaetan's Account of the Homeward Voyage of the San Juan along
the North Coast of New Guinea.

CHAPTER 37. A.D. 1595 TO 1605.
Mendana's Expedition in Search of the Great Southern Continent.
New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and the Australian Continent on De
Bry's and Wytfliet's Maps.
De Quiros and Torres.
Arrival of the Dutch in the East Indian Archipelago.

CHAPTER 38.
Extract from a Memorial addressed to His Catholic Majesty Phillip III
of Spain, by Dr. Juan Luis Arias, respecting the Exploration,
Colonisation, and Conversion of the Southern Land.

CHAPTER 40. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.
The First Claim of Dutch Discovery in Australia.
The Voyage of the Little Dove to the South Coast of New Guinea and
the Gulf of Carpentaria.

CHAPTER 41. A.D. 1606 TO 1613.
Don Diego de Prado's Original Maps, made in 1606, showing the
Discoveries made by the Spaniards that same year in the New Hebrides
and New Guinea.
Two letters of Don Diego de Prado to the King of Spain, referring to
de Quiros' Discoveries.

CHAPTER 43. A.D. 1617 TO 1623.
Other Dutch Discoveries on the western coast of Australia and south
coast of New Guinea.
Abraham Goos' Globe of 1621.
The Discovery of the Land of the Leeuwin.
The Voyage of the Pera and Arnhem to the Gulf of Carpentaria.

CHAPTER 44. A.D. 1624 TO 1629.
An English Petition to King James the First for the right to Colonize
the Terra Australis.
Discovery of the south coast of Australia, 1627.
The Vianen on the north-west coast in 1628.
The Wreck of the Batavia in 1629.

THE DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA.

CHAPTER 1.

INTRODUCTION.

may some day, perhaps in 1899, hold an
International Exhibition, even as America held one in Chicago to
commemorate the four-hundredth anniversary of her discovery.

(*Footnote. The initial sketch-map [left] is a very much
reduced adaptation of the Dauphin Chart of Australia which
accompanies Chapter 30.)

Looking broadly at the question of American discovery, C. Columbus
may be said to have discovered America in 1492; but the controversy
on the question, for the critic who likes to enquire into details, is
not settled yet.

Concerning the discovery of Australia, we are further off still
from a solution than our cousins of the New World. This is owing
partly to the fact that the matter has not yet received with us the
same amount of attention.

Lately there has been found a wooden globe, now in Paris,* on
which an inscription occurs to the effect that the Terra
Australis was discovered in 1499. The assertion needs
confirmation, of course, like all other assertions, without
exception, relating to discoveries.

(*Footnote. This curious globe is preserved in the
geographical department of the Paris National Library (Number 386).
For further particulars concerning this globe we refer our readers to
the admirable work by Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America,
where it is described, page 613. H. Harrisse ascribes to it the date
of circa 1535.)

The whole question of early Australasian maritime discovery is so
thoroughly enveloped in mystery that it will require not only the
greatest care to fathom it, but also the greatest impartiality and
circumspection to decide to whom the honor of priority of discovery
is due.

As an instance, if we suppose that Captain Cook (Lieutenant at the
time) discovered the eastern sea-board, which, by the way, is the
generally accepted belief, we are met at the outset by the rebuffing
testimony of old charts presenting every portion of that coast line
clearly set down more than two hundred years before his arrival in
these seas.

Then, if, taking a step backward, we consider the claims of the
next candidate for the honor, we are confronted by Tasman. What
discoveries did HE make? The old charts we have referred to preclude
the possibility of a discovery by him of the western and eastern
shores. As to the northern and southern coasts, which are not given
on the said charts, there is much incertitude. Who shall say who
discovered them?

Again, while, as we shall show, the Portuguese and Spaniards were
as a nation the first Europeans to navigate in Australian waters and
must have discovered Australia, we find no narrative of their
discoveries as far as the continent of Australia is concerned.
Furthermore, when we consult the maps, the prototypes of which were
made by them, and on which the Australian continent, although
evidently distorted for a purpose, is set down with a fair amount of
accuracy, we find these very documents borrowing certain features and
a certain nomenclature from older representations on globes and maps.
We are thus thrown back to a period that antedates the arrival of
their fleets in the southern hemisphere.

These older globes and maps connect us with the Ptolemaic period,
which, being one of retrogression in a certain measure, makes it
imperative for us to begin our inquiries with the very dawn of
geographical knowledge.

CHAPTER 2.

THE DAWN OF GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE, ESPECIALLY WITH REFERENCE TO
THE SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE.

e have
said that the Ptolemaic period was one of retrogression in a certain
measure. This is apparent when we take into consideration the fact
that the earlier ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth were
generally discredited by Europeans during the prevalence of the
Ptolemaic system, which lasted thirteen centuries. Ptolemy however is
not altogether, if at all, responsible for this; as many errors got
abroad during the prevalence of manuscript copying, and even after
the introduction of printing, that were afterwards attributed to him
and other classical authors. It is therefore a difficult task to
separate the true teachings of early philosophers from the errors
introduced subsequently and which became crystallized in the first
printed editions of their works, appearing early in the sixteenth
century. But it is a task that is being performed by comparing the
traditions and records of western and eastern civilizations. During
what has been termed the dark ages in Europe, Oriental writers
preserved in many instances more faithful traditions, and were more
versed in the sciences than the most eminent men of their time in
Europe. Such men as Albert-le-Grand, Bacon, Pierre d'Abano, Dante,
etc. began the work of revision; it is owing to their knowledge of
Oriental languages that they became pre-eminent among their
contemporaries, and they often refer to Oriental authors in matters
connected with geography, cosmography, astronomy and kindred
sciences.

(*Footnote. With the initial W are represented Oannes and
Ea, the Greek and Chaldean Fish-Gods.)

However, in order to fully appreciate the changes that took place
with regard to this matter, we must begin at the beginning, for,
owing to the connection and continuity that exist in all geographical
representations, we might overlook or fail to understand many
cartographic particularities if we did not get a clear conception of
their origin. We must bear in mind the theories of early cosmology
and the motives that obtained later on, whereby many features of
archaic cosmography may have been altered; as, for instance, the
placing of islands in the northern hemisphere, which, in reality,
belonged to the southern one.

CHALDEAN CONCEPTION OF THE SHAPE OF THE EARTH.

It has now been ascertained and demonstrated beyond doubt that the
earliest ideas concerning the laws of the universe and the shape of
the earth were, in many respects, more correct and clearer than those
of a subsequent period.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Hyde Clarke has more than once pointed
out: The legend of the Atlantis of Plato, Royal Historical Society
1886, etc., that Australia must have been known in the most remote
antiquity of the early history of civilisation, at a time when the
intercourse with America was still maintained. It is certainly
remarkable, as we learn from classic authors, that the school of
Pergamos taught that the earth was divided into four worlds or
regions. These were the Great World or Northern Continent (Asia,
Europe. and Africa), the Austral or Southern World (Australia), the
Northern World, opposite this continent--speaking from Europe--(North
America), and the Southern World, to balance the Austral World (South
America). All these were stated to be inhabited. Navis, Australia and
the Ancients, Notes and Queries volume 5 page 356 May 5
1888.)

Let us see what they were. The author of Chaldea* says:

"According to Mr. Francois Lenormant,** the Shumiro-Accads had
formed a very elaborate and clever idea of what they supposed the
world to be like; they imagined it to have the shape of an
inverted*** round boat or bowl, the thickness of which would
represent the mixture of land and water (ki-a) which we call the
crust of the earth, while the hollow beneath this inhabitable crust
was fancied as a bottomless pit or abyss (ge), in which dwelt many
powers.

(*Footnote. Chaldea from the Earliest Times to the Rise
of Assyria, etc. by Zenalde A. Ragozin, London 1889 page
133.)

(**Footnote. Lenormant, in the English translation of his
La magie chez les Chaldeens, which is a revised and enlarged edition
of that French work which appeared in the autumn of 1874, says, page
151: "Let us imagine then a boat turned over, not such an one as we
are in the habit of seeing, but a round skiff like those which are
still used, under the name of Kufa, on the shores of the lower Tigris
and Euphrates, and of which there are many representations in the
historical sculptures of the Assyrian palaces, the sides of this
round skiff bend upwards from the point of the greatest width, so
that they are shaped like a hollow sphere deprived of two-thirds
(sic, for one-third, as the context shows. G.C.) of its height, and
showing a circular opening at the point of division. Such was the
form of the earth according to the authors of the Accadian magical
formulae and the Chaldean astrologers of after years. We should
express the same idea in the present day by comparing it to an orange
of which the top had been cut off, leaving the orange upright upon
the flat surface thus produced.")

(***Footnote. See sketch.)

Above the convex surface of the earth (ki-a) spread the sky (ana),
itself divided into two regions--the highest heaven or firmament,
which, with the fixed stars immovably attached to it, revolved, as
round an axis or pivot, around an immensely high mountain, which
joined it to the earth as a pillar, and was situated somewhere in the
far North-East--some say North--and the lower heaven, where the
planets--a sort of resplendent animals, seven in number, of
beneficent nature--wandered forever on their appointed path. To these
were opposed seven evil demons, sometimes called The Seven Fiery
Phantoms. But above all these, higher in rank and greater in
power, is the Spirit (Zi) of heaven (ana), ZI-ANA, or,
as often, simply ANA--Heaven. Between the lower heaven and the
surface of the earth is the atmospheric region, the realm of IM or
MERMER, the Wind, where he drives the clouds, rouses the storms, and
whence he pours down the rain, which is stored in the great reservoir
of Ana, in the heavenly Ocean. As to the earthly Ocean, it is
fancied as a broad river, or watery rim, flowing all round the edge
of the imaginary inverted bowl; in its waters dwells EA,* or THE
EXALTED FISH, or on a magnificent ship, with which he travels round
the earth, guarding and protecting it." See accompanying sketch (Illustration 57) of an inverted Chaldean boat
transformed into a terrestrial globe, which will give an idea of the
possible appearance of early globes.

(*Footnote. Berosus, the priestly historian of Babylon,
in reporting the legend concerning the arrival of EA from the East,
seems to have given the God's name EA-han (EA the Fish) under the
corrupted Greek form of OANNES.)

Now, it is remarkable that the Greeks, adopting the earlier
Chaldean ideas concerning the sphericity of the earth, believed also
in the circumfluent ocean; but they appear to have removed its
position from latitudes encircling the Arctic regions to a
latitude in close proximity to the equator.

Notwithstanding this encroachment of the external
ocean--encroachment which may have obliterated indications of a
certain northern portion of Australia, and which certainly filled
those regions with the great earth--surrounding river
Okeanos--the traditions relating to the existence of an island,
of immense extent, beyond the known world, were kept up, for they
pervade the writings of many of the authors of antiquity.

One of the most striking of the traditions we refer to is quoted
by R.H. Major* in the following terms:

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Early Voyages to Australia, page
ii line 27.)

"In a fragment of the works of Theopompus, preserved by Aelian, is
the account of a conversation between Silenus and Midas, King of
Phrygia, in which the former says that Europe, Asia, and Africa were
lands surrounded by the sea; but that beyond this known world was
another island, of immense extent, of which he gives a description.
The account of this conversation, which is too lengthy here to give
in full, was written three centuries and a half before the Christian
era. Not to trouble the reader with Greek, we give an extract from
the English version by Abraham Fleming, printed in 1576, in the
amusingly quaint but vivid language of the time:

"The Thirde Booke of Aelianus. Page 37.

"¶ Of the familiaritie of Midas, the Phrigian, and Selenus,
and of certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.

"Theopompus declareth that Midas, the Phrygian, and Selenus were
knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. This Selenus was the sonne of
a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree, but superiour
to men concerning mortalytie and death. These twaine mingled
communication of sundrye thynges. At length, in processe of talke,
Selenus tolde Midas of certaine ilandes, named Europia, Asia, and
Libia, which the ocean sea circumscribeth and compasseth round about;
and that without this worlde there is a continent or percell of dry
lande, which in greatnesse (as hee reported) was infinite and
unmeasurable; that it nourished and maintained, by the benefite of
the greene medowes and pasture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty
beastes; that the men which inhabite the same climats exceede the
stature of us twise, and yet the length of their life is not equall
to ours; that there be many and divers great citties, manyfold orders
and trades of living; that their lawes, statutes, and ordinaunces are
different, or rather clean contrary to ours. Such and lyke thinges
dyd he rehearce." Major adds: "The remainder of this curious
conversation, however apparently fabulous, deserves attention from
the thoughtful reader."

The peculiar Chaldean opinion relating to the boat-shaped form of
the earth is commented upon by Mr. Gladstone in his Homeric
Synchronysms. Speaking of F. Lenormant's description, Gladstone says:
"He (Lenormant) observes that the meaning of scaphoeides is
the form of a boat reversed, and that the boats of the rivers Tigris
and Euphrates were circular. They are so represented on the Nineveh
sculptures (Rawlinson, note on Herodotus, i. 194); and they may still
be seen on these rivers in the like form."

"But he (Lenormant) does not notice," says Gladstone, "what we
learn from Colonel Chesney (Expedition to the Euphrates and Tigris;
volume i. page 57; volume ii. page 640; and Rawlinson as before
cited) namely, that the side of the boat curves inwards, so that when
reversed the figure of it would be like an orange with a slice taken
off the top, and then set on its flat side. The Chaldean conception,
thus rudely described, shows a yet nearer approximation (to say the
least) to the true doctrine concerning the form of the globe, when we
bear in mind that this actually is in shape a flattened sphere, with
the vertical diameter (so to speak) the shorter one."

Comparing these early notions, as to the shape and extent of the
habitable world, with the later ideas which limited the habitable
portion of the globe to the equatorial regions, we may surmise how it
came to pass that islands--to say nothing of continents which could
not be represented for want of space*--belonging to the southern
hemisphere were set down as belonging to the northern hemisphere.

(*Footnote. A curious example of the difficulties that
early cartographers of the circumfluent ocean period had to contend
with, and of the sans facon method of dealing with them, occurs in
the celebrated Fra Mauro Mappamundi, which is one of the last in
which the external ocean is still retained. On this map of the world
the islands of the Malay Archipelago follow the shores of Asia from
Malacca to Japan. Borneo, Scelebes and the Philippines are left out,
and the cartographer, conscious of his omissions, excuses himself
naively in these terms: "In questo Mar Oriental sono molte isole
grande e famose che non ho posto per non aver luogo: In this Oriental
sea there are great many large and well-known islands, that I have
not set down, because I had no room." After this admission there was
room for improvement.)

We have no positive proof of this having been done at a very early
period, as the earlier globes and maps have all disappeared; but we
may safely conjecture as much, judging from copies which have been
handed down. Globes especially--as being more explicit, because not
presenting the difficulties of planispheric projection--would have
been useful, for they would have shown us exactly what early
geographical knowledge must have been in this respect; unfortunately,
whereas the earliest recorded mention of an earth globe is of
the one made by Crates (200 B.C.), ten feet in diameter and described
by Strabo, Geographica; Book ii. cap. v. paragraph 10--the earliest
one extant dates no further back than the year 1492. This is the
well-known globe of Martin Behaim, of Nuremberg.

Early maps of the world, as distinguished from globes, take us
back to a somewhat remoter period; they all bear most of the
disproportions of the Ptolemaic geography, for none belonging to the
pre-Ptolemaic period are known to exist. The influence of the
Ptolemaic astronomical and geographical system was very great, and
lasted for over thirteen hundred years. Even the Arabs, who, after
the fall of the Roman Empire, developed the geographical knowledge of
the world during the first period of the middle ages, adopted many of
its errors. With reference to the earliest opinions concerning a
knowledge of an Australian Continent, R.H. Major says*: "Among the
very early writers, the most striking quotation that the editor has
lighted upon in connection with the southern continent, is that which
occurs in the astronomicon of Manilius, lib. i. lin. 234,
et seq., where, after a lengthy dissertation, he says:

The latter clause of this sentence, so strikingly applying to the
lands in question, has been quoted as a motto for the title page of
this volume--Early Voyages to Australia. The date at which Manilius
wrote, though not exactly ascertained, is supposed, upon the best
conclusions to be drawn from the internal evidence supplied by his
poem, to be of the time of Tiberius.

"Aristotle also, in his Meteorologica, lib. ii. cap. 5, has a
passage which, though by no means so distinct as the preceding,
speaks of two segments of the habitable globe, one towards the
north, the other towards the south pole, and which have the form of a
drum. Aratus, Strabo, and Geminus have also handed down a similar
opinion, that the torrid zone was occupied throughout its length by
the ocean, and that the band of sea divided our continent from
another, situated, as they suppose, in the southern hemisphere. (See
Aratus, Phoenom., 537; Strabo, i. 7, page 130, and i. 17; Crates apud
Geminum, Elementa Astronomica, c. lxiii. in the Uranologia, page
31)."

In the 9th century Al-Mamoun had Ptolemy's geography translated,
which became the Almageste, or Great Book of the Arabs. In the course
of time, through practical experience acquired in their extensive
voyages to the east and south-east, the Arabs wrought many
improvements in their maps. An important one was introduced in their
maps of the Indian Ocean, and that is: after having been set down as
a Mediterranean, or enclosed sea, by their predecessors, they
represented it as an open sea again, as in the days of Homer and in
the geography of Erathosthenes.

Ptolemy's fantastic islands of the Indian Ocean--fantastic
inasmuch as they had been shifted from the southern to the northern
hemisphere--reappear during the later Arabian period in the southern
hemisphere; but, strangely enough, with others, which in their turn
become fantastic--so to speak--inasmuch as they are set down in the
southern while belonging to the regions north of the equator; the
latter mistake being traceable, principally, to an erroneous
interpretation of the writings of the two great Venetian travellers
Marco Polo and Nicolo de' Conti.

Thus we have a threefold source of information--a Greek, an
Arabian, and an Italian--and we shall find this threefold character
in the nomenclature of the islands we refer to.

CHAPTER 3.

AN INQUIRY CONCERNING THE POSITION OF NORTH AND SOUTH IN ANCIENT
GEOGRAPHY.
THE EQUATORIAL REGIONS DISTORTED.
TAPROBANA AND CEYLON.

et us now examine some of the
peculiarities of geographical evolution. One of these peculiarities
is of very great importance, to say the least, and has never, to our
knowledge, been commented upon, or noticed by cartographers or others
with reference to the perturbation and errors that it may have
occasioned. It relates to the position of north and south.

(*Footnote. With the initial L of this Chapter is
represented an Aztec Calendar or Water-Stone. drawn in facsimile and
reduced from the illustration in Mr. Thomas Crawford Johnston's
paper, Did the Phoenicians discover America? which appeared in a
special bulletin of the Geographical Society of California; dated San
Francisco, September 15 1892.

Speaking of this stone Mr. Johnston says: "And perhaps more curious
still, we find among the remains of this people in the ancient and
capital city of Mexico what has been called a calendar stone, which
anyone may see at a glance is a national monument of a seafaring
people in the form of a mariner's compass, and to which they probably
attributed the fact that they had discovered the new world." Pages 12
and 13.)

We have seen that according to the earliest geographical notions
the habitable world was represented as having the shape of an
inverted round boat, with a broad river or ocean flowing all
round its rim, beyond which opened out the Abyss or
bottomless pit, which was beneath the habitable crust.

The description is sufficiently clear, and there is no mistaking
its general sense, the only point that needs elucidation being that
which refers to the position of the earth or globe as viewed by the
spectator.

Our modern notions and our way of looking at a terrestrial globe
or map with the north at the top, would lead us' to conclude that the
abyss or bottomless pit of the inverted Chaldean boat,
the Hades and Tartaros of the Greek conception, should be situated to
the south, somewhere in the Antarctic regions.

There are reasons to believe however, apart from the evidence we
gather in the Poems,* that these abyssal regions were supposed or
believed to be situated around the North Pole.

(*Footnote. The internal evidence of the Poems points to
a northern as well as a southern location for the entrance to the
infernal regions. Mr. Gladstone seems to incline to this opinion when
he says (Homer page 60 paragraph 4. The Outward Geography Eastwards):
"The outer geography eastwards, or wonderland, has for its exterior
boundary the great river Okeanos, a noble conception, in everlasting
flux and reflux, roundabout the territory given to living man. On its
farther bank lies the entrance to the Underworld; and the passage,
which connects the sea (Thalassa, or Pontos) with
Okeanos, lies in the east: 'where are the abodes of the morning
goddess, and the risings of the sun' (Od. 12:3). Here however he
makes his hero confess that he is wholly out of his bearings, and
cannot well say where the sun is to set or to rise (Od. 10:139). This
bewildered state of mind may be reasonably explained. The whole
northern region, of sea as he supposed it, from west to east, was
known to him only by Phoenician reports. One of these told him of a
Kimmerian land deprived perpetually of sun or daylight. Another of a
land, also in the north, where a man, who could dispense with sleep,
might earn double wages, as there was hardly any night. He probably
had the first account from some sailor who had visited the northern
latitudes in summer; and the second from one who had done the like in
winter. They were at once true, and for him irreconcilable. So he
assigned the one tale to a northern country (Kimmerie) on the
ocean-mouth eastwards, near the island of Kirke, and the other to the
land of the Laistrugonas westwards but also northern, and lying at
some days' distance from Aiolie; but was compelled, by the ostensible
contradiction, to throw his latitudes into something like purposed
confusion."

The author suggests the following as another probable source of
information: The Phoinikes of Homer are the same Phoenicians who as
pilots of King Solomon's fleets brought gold and silver, ivory,
apes and peacocks from Asia beyond the Ganges and the East Indian
islands. The Phoenician reports referred to by Mr. Gladstone came
most likely therefore, not so much from the north, as from these
regions which, tradition tells us (See Fra Mauro's Mappamundi), were
situated propinqua ale tenebre. Volcanoes were supposed to be
the entrances to the infernal regions, and towards the south-east the
whole region beyond the river Okeanos of Homer, from Java to Sumbawa
and the sea of Banda, was sufficiently studded with mighty peaks to
warrant the idea they may have originated. Then in a north-easterly
direction Homer's great river Okeanos would flow along the shores of
the Sandwich group, where the volcanic peak of Mt. Kilauea towers
three miles above the ocean. Indeed, wherever we look round the
margin of the circumfluent ocean for an appropriate entrance to
Hades and Tartaros, we find it, whether in Japan,
Iceland, the Azores, or Cape Verde Islands.)

European mariners and geographers of the Homeric period considered
the bearing of land and sea only in connection with the rising and
setting of the sun and with the four winds Boreas, Euros, Notos, and
Sephuros. These winds covered the arcs intervening between our four
cardinal points of the compass, which points were not located exactly
as with us; but the north leaning to the east, the east to the south,
the south to the west and the west to the north (see Turin Map).

These mariners and geographers adopted the plan--an arbitrary
one--of considering the earth as having the north above and the south
below, and, after globes or maps had been constructed with the north
at the top, and this method had been handed down to us, we took for
granted that it had obtained universally and in all times.

Such has not been the case, for the earliest navigators, the
Phoenicians, the Arabs, the Chinese, and perhaps all Asiatic nations,
considered the south to be above and the north below.

The reason for this is plausible, for whereas the northern seaman
regulated his navigation by the north star, the Asiatic sailor turned
to southern constellations for his guidance. Many cartographers of
the renascence, whose charts indeed we cannot read unless we reverse
them, must have followed Asiatic cartographical methods, and this
perhaps through copying local charts obtained in the countries
visited by them.

It is strange that Mr. Gladstone, in pointing out so cleverly that
the Chaldean conception was more in accordance with the true doctrine
concerning the form of the globe than had been suspected, fails, at
the same time, to notice that Homer in his brain-map reversed the
Chaldean terrestrial globe and placed the north at the top. This is
all the more strange when we take into consideration that, in the
light of his context, the fact is apparent and of great importance as
coinciding with other European views concerning the location of the
north on terrestrial globes and maps. These are Mr. Gladstone's
words:

"The surface of the vessel represented is the world which we
inhabit. The mouth lies downward. In the hollow of the solid dwell
the Earth-genii of Tartaros and the Spirits of the dead. Over it
extends the compacted mass of Heaven, with its astral bodies. All
this seems to have been adopted by Homer. But, moreover, the Chaldean
Heaven rested upon columns, about which it revolved; these columns
were not at the zenith of the heaven, which was immediately over
Accad, but at the Mountain of the East.* And even so Homer sets his
heaven upon columns, but places them with his Atlas in the
south."

(*Footnote. "North-east, some say north," according to
Ragozin. Note of author.)

GREEK CONCEPTION OF THE SHAPE OF THE EARTH.

To resume briefly: The Chaldeans placed their north below; Homer
placed his north above. See Illustration 37.
The Chaldeans placed their heaven in the east or north-east; Homer
placed his heaven in the south or south-west.

During the middle ages, we shall see a reversion take place, and
the terrestrial paradise and heavenly paradise placed according to
the earlier Chaldean notions; and on maps of this epoch, encircling
the known world from the North Pole to the equator, flows the antic
Ocean, which in days of yore encircled the infernal regions. In this
ocean we find also EA the Exalted Fish, but, deprived of his
ancient grandeur and divinity, he is no doubt considered nothing more
than a merman at the period when acquaintance is renewed with him on
the Frankfort gores of Asiatic origin bearing date 1515. See
Mappamundi bearing that date.

At a later period, during which planispheric maps, showing one
hemisphere of the world, may have been constructed, the circumfluent
ocean must have encircled the world as represented by the
geographical exponents of the time being; albeit in a totally
different way than expressed in the Shumiro-Accadian records. The
divergence was probably owing in a great measure to the inability
of representing graphically the perspective appearance of the globe
on a plane; but may be also traceable to an erroneous
interpretation of the original idea, caused by the reversion of the
cardinal points of the compass.

Afterwards came the geographical period, 500 B.C., when Thales
drew the equator across the globe; but the original design of this
line of demarcation became confused also, and so misapplied that it
was made to follow the southern rim of the ocean that girt the world.
This extraordinary manner of distorting the equatorial regions was
repeated in mediaeval charts, and one of its last representations is
nowhere more remarkable than in Fra Mauro's celebrated Mappamundi of
1457/1459, a very much reduced facsimile of which is given
elsewhere.

The zone or climate division of the world was propounded about the
same time. According to this division other continents south of the
equator were supposed to exist and habited, some said, but not to be
approached by those inhabiting the northern hemisphere on account of
the presumed impossibility of traversing the equatorial regions, the
heat of which was believed to be too intense.

It follows from all this that, as mariners did actually
traverse those regions and penetrate south of the equator, the
islands they visited most, such as Java, its eastern prolongation of
islands, Sumbawa, etc., were believed to be in the northern
hemisphere, and were consequently placed there by geographers, as the
earliest maps of the various editions of Ptolemy's Geography bear
witness.

To these first sources of confusion may be added another that
originated with the misleading accounts in which Ceylon and Sumatra
were indiscriminately described under the Greek name of Taprobana,*
and this confusion of one island with the other led to various forms
of distortion; sometimes Ceylon was placed in the longitude and
latitude of Sumatra; at other times Sumatra was placed where Ceylon
stands; but, as Sumatra was known by some to be cut in two by the
equator, Ceylon had to be enlarged so as to extend sufficiently south
to allow for it being bisected by the equator as mentioned. Then
again islands lying south of the equator came to be taken for
Ceylon--Ceram, for instance.

(*Footnote. Taprobana was the Greek corruption of the
Tamravarna of Arabian, or even perhaps Phoenician, nomenclature; our
modern Sumatra. See Alberuni's India volume 1 page 296.)

These mistakes were the result doubtless of an erroneous
interpretation of information received; and the most likely period
during which cognizance of these islands was obtained was when
Alexandria was the centre of the Eastern and Western commerce of the
world. About this time Erathosthenes was the chief or great Librarian
at Alexandria (230 to 220 B.C.). Geographical science was on the eve
of reaching its apogee with the Greeks, ere it was doomed to
retrograde with the decline of the Roman Empire. The views of the
three great Greek astronomers and cartographers--Dicearchus,
Erathosthenes and Hipparchus (300 to 125 B.C.)--comprising the origin
of degrees of longitude and latitude, the inauguration of the
principle of stereographic projection and the division of the circle
into 360 degrees, give us an idea of the progress made at the time.
Although these views were continued and developed to a certain extent
by their successors, Strabo and Ptolemy, through the Roman period,
and more or less entertained during the Middle Ages, they became
obscured as time rolled on. The earliest known maps of the mediaeval
epoch present the appearance of rough delineations of land and water,
a corrupted nomenclature, and no reference whatsoever to degrees of
longitude or latitude. No geographical progress, in fact, was made by
Europeans until Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenone, and Nicolo de'
Conti, the three great Italian travellers, revealing afresh the vast
extent and wonders of the eastern and southern hemisphere, created
the interest that brought about the rediscovery of new worlds.

But to return to the earlier Pre-Ptolemaic period which we have
left, and to form an idea of the chances of information which the
traffic carried on in the Indian Ocean may have offered to the Greeks
and Romans, let us listen to what Galvano* says, quoting Strabo and
Pliny (Strabo, lib. 17; Plinius, lib. 12, cap. 18). The quaint
phraseology of his translator runs thus: "For the trafficke grew so
exceeding great that they sent every yeere into India a hundred and
twenty ships laden with wares, which began to set saile from
Myos-Hormos about the middle of July, and returned backe againe
within one yeere. The marchandise which they did carrie amounted unto
one million two hundred thousand crownes; and there was made in
returne of every crown an hundred. In so much that, by reason of this
increase of wealth the matrones, or noblewomen, of that time and
place (Rome) spent infinitely in decking themselves with precious
stones, purple, pearles, gum benzoin, frankincense, musk, amber,
sandalwood, aloes, and other perfumes, and trinkets, and the like;
whereof the writers and historians of that age speake very
greatly."

(*Footnote. The discoveries of the world from their first
original unto the year of our Lord 1555, by Antonio Galvano, Governor
of Ternate. Corrected, quoted, and published in England by Richard
Hakluyt 1601 page 47.)

Now as the above articles of commerce, mentioned by Strabo and
Pliny, after leaving their original ports in Asia and Austral-Asia,
were conveyed from one island to another, any information--when
sought for--concerning the location of the islands from which the
spices came, must necessarily have been of a very unreliable
character, for the different islands at which any stay was made were
invariably confounded with those from which the spices originally
came.* We shall see, when dealing with Ptolemy's map of the world,
some of the results of this confusion.

(*Footnote. Such misnomers as Turkey-cock and
Turkey rhubarb remind one of the same peculiar way of
confusing names.)

CHAPTER 4. A.D. 1 TO 150.

uring the first years of the first
century of our epoch there lived two personages of a somewhat
different character, but having both a claim on our attention as
connected more or less with our subject. These two personages are:
St. Thomas the Apostle, and Strabo the Greek geographer.

(*Footnote. With the initial D of this Chapter is
represented St. Thomas catechising the inhabitants of Zanzibar island
as represented on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492.)

According to the Lives of the Saints St. Thomas, after the
dispersion of the Apostles, preached the Gospel to the Parthians and
Persians; then went to India, where he gave up his life for Jesus
Christ. John III, King of Portugal, ordered his remains to be sought
for in a little ruined chapel that was over his tomb, outside
Meliapur or Maliapor. The earth was dug in 1523, and a vault was
discovered shaped like a chapel. The bones of the holy apostle were
found, with some relics which were placed in a rich vase. The
Portuguese built near this place a new town which they called St.
Thomas or San-Thome. We shall have to refer to this town, when the
name first appears in chronological sequence.

In Strabo's Geography* there are these four points of importance
with reference to our subject:

1. That he corroborates Homer's views as to the sphericity of the
earth by describing Crates' terrestrial globe (Geographica; Book ii.
cap. v. section 10).

2. That he accentuates Homer's views concerning the black races
which lived some in the west (the African race) others in the east
(the Australian race).

3. That he shows the four cardinal points of the compass to have
been situated somewhat differently than with us, for he says (Book 1,
c. iv. section 6): "...So that if the extent of the Atlantic Ocean
were not an obstacle, we might easily pass from Iberia to India,
still keeping in the same parallel, etc." This is the idea that
C. Columbus endeavoured to put into practice; but had he followed the
parallel mentioned, instead of reaching the islands now called the
West Indies, he would have reached the latitude where New York now
stands. Again, if we consider the Atlantic and North Pacific Oceans
as devoid of the American Continent, and the Atlantic Ocean as
stretching to the shores of Asia, as Strabo did, the parallel of
Iberia (Spain) would have taken Columbus' ships to the north of
Japan--i.e. much further north than the India of Strabo.

4. That he appears to be perpetuating an ancient tradition when he
supposes the existence of a vast continent or antichthonos in
the southern hemisphere to counterbalance the weight of the northern
continents.

(*Footnote. Bohn's Classical Library.)

From these facts, and many others, such as the positions given to
the Mountain of the East or North-East of the Shumiro-Accads, the
Mountain of the South, or South-West, of Homer, and the Infernal
Regions, we may conclude that the North Pole of the Ancients was
situated somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Sea of Okhotsk. The
relativeness of these positions appears to have been maintained on
some mediaeval maps. See the Turin Mappamundi and Fra Mauro's.

PTOLEMY'S MAP OF THE WORLD.

A.D. 150.

f we consult the scanty evidence
distributed here and there during the middle ages in old manuscripts,
cosmographies, maps, etc. we shall see by the data they furnish how
slowly the geographical evolution proceeded. Hundreds of years
elapsed without any apparent progress. Yet progress of a practical
kind was being made all the time. Whilst, as Galvano's Translator*
quaintly puts it: "All the world was in a hurly burly"; the Arabs
were extending their navigations and trade to Malacca and China.

(*Footnote. Our initial I has a representation of an
elephant of Ceylon taken from an old edition of Ptolemy's
geography.)

(*Footnote. Galvano page 51.)

Then the great period of general renascence brought about a
revival in geography as in other studies, and conjecture gave way to
truth, as navigators gradually penetrated to the furthermost regions
of the earth.

But even then the first flush of revival brought back Ptolemy to
the front, and it was some time before the errors and disproportions
of his system were rejected. Witness the pertinacity with which C.
Columbus maintained and always believed to the last, that he had
reached India--the India of Marco Polo, Nicolo de' Conti, Pierre d'
Ailly, and Toscanelli--aye, the India of the Ancients--when amongst
the islands of the West Indies and on the north coast of South
America.

The early editions of Ptolemy contain a map of the world, which
is,--for aught we know to the contrary--in design and information
contemporaneous with Ptolemy himself. The sketch given here shows the
Indian Ocean of a map of the world in an edition of La Geografia di
Claudio Tolomeo Alexandrino, published in Venice in 1574, the
configuration of which map dates probably as far back as A.D. 150,
which is about the period at which Ptolemy compiled his great
work.

PTOLEMY'S INDIAN OCEAN, AND COMPARATIVE POSITION OF THE
AUSTRALASIAN REGIONS.

In the entire map the degrees of longitude extend from the Canary
Islands on the west coast of Africa to the longitude of Hong Kong, or
thereabouts on the east coast of China. Towards the south the limits
of the known world do not extend beyond the 16th degree of
latitude.

In the portion of the southern hemisphere comprised within these
limits--that is, to the south of the China Sea, we should find the
greater or southern half of Sumatra, the island of Java, and a
south-western portion of Borneo.

What do we really find depicted? The northern rim of a continent
called Terra incognita, which might comprise a portion of the
coast of Australia, but connected east and west by a continuous line
of coast. On this coast the continuous line runs north, passes the
equator, and, still running north, connects with the east coast of
China.

On the west the continuous line of coast follows the 16th parallel
until it reaches the east coast of Africa, a little below the island
Menuthias, the modern Zanzibar.

By the above description we notice that the Indian Ocean becomes a
Mediterranean or enclosed sea. The islands set down to the north of
Australia are: Ceylon, which bears the Greek name Taprobana,
and is traversed in its southern parts by the equatorial line, thus
actually confounded with and in certain respects representing
Sumatra; Java, called Zaba; Sumbawa, named Zibala; and
the various Spice Islands in the Banda Sea, which appear to be
represented under the names of Maniole, Barusae, Sindae,
Sabadibae and Labadii; whereas Satiroru may refer
to the north-western parts of New Guinea. It will be noticed that in
this map, Sumatra, being confounded with Ceylon, is removed, together
with the adjoining Eastern Islands, from its position near the Malay
Peninsula.

We conclude from the position of most of these islands that all
these places, although evidently visited, either by Phoenician, Malay
or Arabian sailors, were set down by guess on Ptolemy's map of the
world, from accounts more or less trustworthy received at second
hand.

Otherwise, why should we find Java and Sumatra placed in the
northern hemisphere and in the longitude of Ceylon; New Guinea, or
its north-western extremity, where the south-west coast of Borneo
should be? The Spice Islands are correctly placed, as far as latitude
is concerned, but they are set down too far to the west.

A few more words on Ptolemy's map of the world before we dismiss
this relic of a bygone age.

It is strange how its configuration, in that portion of it which
occupies us just now, follows the outlines of lands represented in
the latest surveys as having been above the sea level during a period
when man was in existence, and who shall say to what extent those
archaic representations may not have been correct at one time? It is
only fair therefore to point out that excuses--not to say
reasons--were not wanting to account for Ptolemy's discrepancies. As
an instance of the firm belief in the soundness of his views and in
the correctness of his geographical representations, the following
few remarks from a man of rare talent--Galvano, the founder of
historical geography--may be quoted. Writing towards the end of the
first half of the 16th century, Galvano says*:

"In India also, and in the land of Malabar, although now there be
great store of people, yet many writers affirme that it was once a
maine sea into the foot of the mountaines; and that the Cape of
Comarim and the Island of Zeilan were all one thing. As also that the
Island of Samatra did ioine with the land of Malacca by the flats of
Caypassia; and not far fro thence there stands now a little island,
which feu yeeres past was part of the firme land that is ouer against
it.

"Furthermore, it is to be seene how Ptolemy in his tables doth set
the land of Malacca to the south of the line in three or fower
degrees of latitude, whereas now it is at the point thereof, being
called Jentana, in one degree on the north side, as appeereth in the
Straight of Cincapura, where daily they doe passe through unto the
coast of Sian and China, where the Island of Aynan standeth, which
also they say did ioine hard to the land of China: and Ptolemy
placeth it on the north side far from the line, standing now aboue 20
degrees from it towards the north, as Asia and Europe now stand.

"Well it may be that in time past the land of Malacca and China
did end beyond the line on the south side, as Ptolemy doth set them
foorth: because it might ioine with the point of the land called
Jentana, with the Islands of Bintan, Banca, and Salitres being many
that waies, and the land might be all slime and oaze; and so ye point
of China might ioine with the Islands of Lucones, Borneos, Lequeos,
Mindanaos, and others which stand in this parallele; they also as yet
hauing in opinion that the Island of Samatra did ioine with Java by
the channel of Sunda, and the Islands of Bali, Anjane, Sambana,
Solor, Hogaleas, Maulua, Vintara, Rosalaguin, and others that be in
this parallele and altitude, did all ioine with Jaua (and form one
land); and so they seeme outwardly to those that descrie them. For at
this day the islands stand so neere the one to the other, that they
seeme all but one firme land; and whosoever passeth betweene some of
them may touch with the hand the boughs of the trees on the one and
on the other side also. And to come neerer to the matter, it is not
long since that in the east the Islands of Banda were diuers of them
overflowen and drowned by the sea.* And so likewise in China about
nine score miles of firme ground is now become a lake, as it is
reported. Which is not to be thought maruellous; considering that
which Ptolemy and others haue written in such cases, which here I
omit, to return to my purpose."

(*Footnote. The connection of these islands was well
illustrated the other day when the volcanic disturbances in Sanghir
were found to affect the volcanos of Borneo and
Scelebes.)

CHAPTER 5. A.D. 1 TO 150.

EARLY MANUSCRIPT MAPS OF THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE MIDDLE
AGES.

here are
no maps of the world extant of the first centuries of our era, so
says Santarem.* Those of the first period of the middle ages are
exceedingly scarce. We shall give a few of these, because there may
be, in some of them, preserved by tradition, or copied from earlier
prototypes, certain features and nomenclature that, with the help of
fresh data, will form, at the least, the disjecta membra of a chain
of evidence that may throw additional light on ancient geography
generally, and on the geography of Australasian regions in
particular.

(*Footnote. The initial T of this Chapter is adapted from
Ptolemy's geography.)

Number 1 is a Mappamundi given in Jomard's collection from the
library of Copenhagen. It bears no date. The south is placed at the
top as indicated by the lettering. In the northern hemisphere, which
is placed below, we notice Asia, Europa and Affrica.
Africa is set down according to the Homeric and Strabonean geography
which limits its extent to the northern hemisphere. The Australian
regions bear the name Synti bygd, which we are unable to
explain. The circumfluent ocean surrounds the hemisphere represented,
which is cut in two by the torrid zone, the two habitable temperate
zones being bounded north and south by their respective glacial
zones. A band cutting the equinoctial at the correct angle answers to
the plane of the celestial ecliptic. It is a pity that the
information it affords is so limited, but, such as it is, it is worth
noting.

TURIN MAPPAMUNDI.

Number 2 is a Mappamundi given in Santarem's and Jomard's
collections; it is from the Royal Library of Turin, where it is to be
seen in a manuscript of the Apocalypse written in the 8th century. In
it the east is at the top, where Adam and Eve form a conspicuous
feature in the Asiatic landscape there represented by various
mountains and rivers. Asia, Europe and Africa are represented as
separated from each other by expanses of sea drawn at right angles;
except where a connection between Asia and Africa is left at the head
waters of the Blue Nile and the south-eastern extremity of the Red
Sea. To the north-west of this isthmus--our modern isthmus of
Suez--the White and Blue Nile, in a strangely overlapping way which
reminds one of a flying pennant, flow into the Mediterranean opposite
an island without name, intended no doubt for Crete or Cyprus.

The narrow isthmus of Suez, instead of being laved on the north
side by the Mediterranean, is confined on that side by a spur of the
mountains of the moon and the source of the Blue Nile indicated by a
lake, which must be meant for Lake Tzana, otherwise called Dembea. On
the side of the Red Sea the waters represented are those of the Gulf
of Aden at the south entrance to the Red Sea; Mushkah Bay and the
promontory that juts out to the north of the islands of that name
being clearly set down close to the words Mare rubrum on the
map. Away to the west another lake--either the Albert Nyanza or the
Victoria Nyanza--indicate the source of the White Nile. The Persian
Gulf and Indian Ocean are indicated, but bear no names. Of the two
islands in the extreme east, i.e. at the top of the map, one bears
the name of Crisa and is either meant for the Golden Chersonesus or
Sumatra; the other island may be intended for Java.

We come now to a part of the map that has a distinct and decided
interest for Australians. To the south of Africa and Asia, and
separated by the Indian Ocean, a fourth part of the world is
represented beyond the Equator. This fourth part of the world bears
the following Latin legend written right across it: Extra tres aut
partes orbis quarta pars trans oceanum interior est qui solis ardore
incognita nobis est cuius finibus Antipodes fabalatore inhabitare
pduneur. Besides these three parts of the world there is a fourth
part beyond the interior ocean (Indian Ocean, supposed by some to be
a Mediterranean ocean, hence the term interior ocean), which
on account of the heat of the sun is unknown to us, and where may
live the fabulous antipodeans.

This then is the origin of the terra Australis incognita;
at least it is so far the first representation we have of it on a
map. Nor can we argue that because it is roughly set down, it was not
known, because Asia, Europe, and Africa are set down in the same way.
The geometrical arrangement of the Mappamundi points to an archaic
origin, preserved in later, and especially Arabian, maps.

Other features of this venerable specimen of cartography can be
traced to an early period; we have seen, for instance, reference made
to a southern continent* 350 years before our era. The immediate
origin however of the Latin legend quoted above may be attributed to
Isidore of Seville. Speaking of Mela and Isidore de
Seville with reference to the Alter orbis and
Antichthone, Santarem says (T.I., page 22) of Isidore de
Seville, who lived in the 8th century, i.e., just before the
Mappamundi we refer to was drawn: "Il admet aussi l'Antichthone, en
soutenant qu'il y a une quatrieme partie du monde, au-dela de l'ocean
interieur, c'est-a-dire au midi, qui en raison de l'ardeur du soleil,
est inconnue, et dans l'extremite de laquelle on pretend que les
Antipodes fabuleux font leur demeure."

(*Footnote. Above, Silenus.)

As another proof of the antiquity of the origin of this Mappamundi
we cannot do better than call the critic's attention to those quaint
figures dispensing wind and rain from sea shells and inflated skins
in the atmospheric regions which correspond with the realm of IM or
MERMER of the Shumiro-Accadian records. These figures represent
Boreas, Euros, Notos and Zephuros of the early Greek
period, as far as their respective positions are concerned. We shall
see the idea perpetuated in later documents, the rain however being
left out.

EL ISTAHKRI MAPPAMUNDI.

Number 3 is a Mappamundi of the 9th century from El
Istahkri, the Arabian geographer. In it the circumfluent ocean is
represented, and it is in communication with the Indian Sea. The
coastal lines are drawn with rule and compass, a method which may be
termed a decorative one, and often used by the Arabs. The south is at
the top. At this period the geographical knowledge of the Arabs must
have been far superior to what this miserable specimen of cartography
would lead us to believe, for they had, at the time, passed the
Straits of Malacca, and traded regularly between Omaun, on the
Persian Gulf, and China. All the trade of China and India was in
their hands, whilst the nation that possesses most of it nowadays was
defending her coasts and ports against Danish pirates, and King
Alfred, in consequence, was commanding boats and long ships to be
built throughout the kingdom.

ST. SEVER MAPPAMUNDI.

Number 4 is a Mappamundi, the original of which covers two pages
of the Latin manuscript Number 8878 in the French National Library,
Paris. The manuscript was executed towards the middle of the 11th
century in the Monastery of St. Sever in Gascony, under the guidance
of L'abbe Gregoire, who administered the establishment from
1028 to 1072. The accompanying sketch is a facsimile of an abridged
and reduced copy of the original taken from the Bulletin de la
Societe de Geographie Commerciale de Bordeaux, Number 19, October 3
1892.

As in the Mappamundi Number 2, the east is placed at the top,
where Adam and Eve, here also, hold a conspicuous position. To the
south of India we notice a large island, I. Tapaprone,
Indie--the Taprobana of the ancients. Whether it represents
Ceylon or Sumatra is difficult to say. There are three other islands
in the same ocean, Scolera, Crise, and Argire.
According to the internal evidence of later maps, but as far only as
nomenclature is concerned, Scolera (the Scoyra of the
Frankfort gores) is meant for Socotra, and Crise for the Malay
Peninsula. According however to the position of these two islands and
of Argire, two of them, at least, may have been intended
originally, i.e., in the prototype, for Sumatra and Java; whereas
Crise represented probably the Malay Peninsula. In the
original document, near the island Argire, there is a legend
that has been omitted on the Mappamundi of the Bordeaux Bulletin.
This legend however has been given by the author of the description;
we translate it as follows: "This country is near India and the
island Taprobane; it is also near the islands Argire and
Crise, where quantities of gold and silver are collected.
There are in these parts elephants and dragons, spices and aromatics,
precious stones. Monsters prevent men from approaching." It is well
to note this legend and fix its origin thus far, as we shall find it
handed down and often repeated with slight variation on maps and in
descriptions of a later period.

To the south of Africa and Asia, the fourth part of the world is
set down with a little less importance than in Mappamundi Number 2.
The Latin legend, also, is abridged, but this may not be so on the
original, for the author of the French description, which accompanies
the reduced copy of the map from which we have taken ours, wisely
acknowledges the unwise act of leaving out a part of the
nomenclature; in his words "pour eviter la confusion du dessin, nous
ne donnous que quelques-uns des noms inscrits sur la carte, nos
lecteurs pouvant se reporter a l'original pour les details qui les
interesseraient plus particulierement, page 505, lin. 20."

The circumfluent ocean surrounds the elliptical form of the
hemisphere represented.

CHAPTER 6. A.D. 1295.

n 1295,
after an absence of many years, Marco Polo, the great Venetian
traveller, returned to Venice. He had travelled more extensively in
the East and had penetrated further than any other European. Since
the days of Alexander the Great, no traveller had brought back from
Asia such a store of information of every kind. On his way back, and
in the vicinity of the straits of Malacca, the fleet that Marco Polo
was with was compelled to wait for the favourable monsoon. Previous
to this stay he had sojourned for some time on the coast of
Cochin-China. Meanwhile, he gathered information concerning the
islands that lay toward the south.

His chief informers, the Arabs, or Moors, as they were called,
used to give the generic term iaoas to all the islands in those
regions. The terms Java Major and Java Minor occur
frequently in Marco Polo's descriptions, and, judging from the
confusion which reigns supreme in subsequent descriptions and maps
wherever these names appear, it would seem that Marco Polo's ideas on
the subject were of a very mixed nature. Such was not the case.

At a later period Nicolo de' Conti was also in the same
localities, and in describing them he also mentions Java Major
and Java Minor; his Java Minor however does not apply to the same
island as Marco Polo's.

The confusion we have referred to was brought about through the
insufficiency of knowledge of subsequent writers, some having read
Marco Polo's descriptions and not Nicolo de' Conti's, whilst other
writers had done the reverse.

Mistakes of the kind will arise also when persons consider a
subject from their point of view, instead of considering it from the
point of view of the person who introduces the subject.

Marco Polo considered our modern Java and Australia as
one--the south coast of Java being unknown--and called it Java
Major. He also gave this generic name of Java to Sumatra; and to
distinguish it from the larger one, he called it Java Minor.

We must bear this fact in mind, because many errors have occurred
through mistaking Polo's Java Minor (Sumatra) for Java Major
(Australia and Java).

For superficial inquirers the mistake was an easy one to make, as
Java Minor seems to be the more suitable term for the lesser island;
but then, as we have said, Marco Polo connected, in his mind, Java
with Australia, describing it as the largest island in the
world.

Although some time elapsed after the return of Marco Polo before
the various manuscript editions of his travels appeared, the news of
his voyages spread wide and far. He was interviewed by the learned
men of the day, and the field of geographical knowledge was widened
in consequence. We do not know whether Marco Polo brought back from
the East any maps of the countries he visited; but, as an example of
Marco Polo's descriptions, we give the following, which not only
refers to our subject but is of the greatest importance in connection
with it, as illustrating what enormous mistakes were possible when no
degrees of latitude or longitude were given.

Owing to the word Java being used instead of
Chiampa,* as a point of departure, a whole set of maps were
constructed, in which the islands Marco Polo describes were set down
in erroneous positions. Marco Polo's description, which caused these
mistakes, runs thus: "When you leave Java and steer a course between
south and south-west seven hundred miles, you fall in with two
islands, the larger of which is named Sondur and the other Kondur.
Both being uninhabited, it is unnecessary to say more respecting
them. Having run the distance of fifty miles from these islands in a
south-easterly direction, you reach an extensive and rich province
that forms a part of the mainland, and is named Lochac. Its
inhabitants are idolators. They have a language peculiar to
themselves, and are governed by their own king, who pays no tribute
to any other, the situation of the country being such as to protect
it from any hostile attack. Were it assailable, the Grand Khan would
not have delayed to bring it under his dominion.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, in his biography of Prince Henry
the Navigator, page 307, says: "Now, although all the manuscripts and
texts of Marco Polo read 'when you leave Java,' Marsden has shown
that the point of departure should really be Chiampa, a name in old
times applied by Western Asiatics to a kingdom which embraced the
whole coast between Tongking and Cambodia, including all that is now
called Cochin China.")

"In this country sappan or brazil-wood is produced in large
quantities. Gold is abundant to a degree scarcely credible; elephants
are found there; and the objects of the chase, either with dogs or
birds, are in plenty. From hence are exported all those porcelain
shells which, being carried to other countries, are there circulated
for money, as has been already noticed. Here they cultivate a species
of fruit called berchi, in size about that of a lemon, and having a
delicious flavour. Besides these circumstances there is nothing
further that requires mention, unless it be that the country is wild
and mountainous, and is little frequented by strangers, whose visits
the king discourages, in order that his treasure and other secret
matters of his realm may be as little known to the rest of the world
as possible.

"Departing from Lochac and keeping a southerly course for five
hundred miles, you reach an island named Pentam, the coast of which
is wild and uncultivated, but the woods abound with sweet scented
trees. Between the province of Lochac and this island of Pentam, the
sea, for the space of sixty miles, is not more than four fathoms in
depth, which obliges those who navigate it to lift the rudders of
their ships, in order that they may not touch the bottom. After
sailing these sixty miles in a south-easterly direction, and then
proceeding thirty miles further, you arrive at an island, in itself a
kingdom, named Malaiur, which is likewise the name of its city. The
people are governed by a king, and have their own peculiar language.
The town is large and well built. A considerable trade is there
carried on in spices and drugs, with which the place abounds. Nothing
else that requires notice presents itself. Proceeding onwards from
thence, we shall now speak of Java Minor."

With Marsden's rectification--see note immediately above--it is
easy to follow Marco Polo's route on the map; it extends from the
coast of Cochin China to the Pulo Condore islands, thence to the
coast of Cambodia.* From the coast of Cambodia the next place
mentioned is the island of Pentam, which has been identified, by good
authority, as Bintang, near Singapore; then the island, in itself
a kingdom, of the name of Malaiur, can be no other country than
the Malay Peninsula. Following the itinerary, he afterwards describes
Sumatra under the name of Java Minor.

(*Footnote. Marsden shows from the circumstances that it
is highly probable that Lochac is intended for some part of the
country of Cambodia, the capital of which was named Loech, according
to the authority of Gaspar de Cruz, who visited it during the reign
of Sebastian, King of Portugal. See Purchas, volume iii. page 169.
The country of Cambodia, moreover, produces the gold, the spices, and
the elephants which Marco Polo attributes to Lochac.)

The maps that began to appear after Marco Polo's and Nicolo de'
Conti's return, and which bear their nomenclature, are of five
different types.

If we consider them in chronological order, there is:

1st. Shortly after M. Polo's return, but prior to Nicolo de'
Conti's, the primitive type; in it the circumfluent ocean is set
down, and the southern portion of Africa, from the equator to the
Cape of Good Hope, is bent round, so as to almost join the Malay
Peninsula, like in the Arabian maps. There is no mention of the
islands Java Major, Java Minor, Pentan, Condur, etc., which
form such a conspicuous feature in later maps. This class of map is
best represented by the Mappamundi of Marino Sanuto, 1321.

In the 2nd type, of which only one specimen exists--the famous
Fra-Mauro Mappamundi--the circumfluent ocean is still retained, and,
in consequence, the islands of the Indian and Chinese seas lack
space. Nevertheless, Java Major, Java Minor, Pentan, etc., are
represented. The date, 1457/1459, allows for the introduction of
information derived from Nicolo de' Conti's writings.

In the 3rd type a decided progress is apparent. The circumfluent
ocean is rejected. Africa and Asia stretch beyond the equator, the
Southern Sea is studded with islands named after Marco Polo's
descriptions, such as: Java Major, Java Minor, Condur, Sondur,
Pentan, Neucuram, Angania, etc. This type, on which no Australian
continent appears, is represented by what may be termed the Behaimean
and Schonerean maps--1477 to 1535, and even to 1570.

The 4th type is of a mysterious kind; it shows signs of an early
beginning, yet contains some of the latest features, features,
indeed, that are still present on our modern maps and belong to the
Australian regions. It appears to be more independent and less
connected with the other three types than those types are relatively
to each other. On maps of this type the Australian continent is
called Java Major, according to the correct interpretation of Marco
Polo's writings. This type of map is represented by the Dauphin
chart, circa 1530.

The 5th type is a fantastic one, we were going to say altogether
fantastic; it has however some features of actuality about it. It
bears the nomenclature of Marco Polo, but the term Java Major no
longer refers to Australia, which is called Terra Australis.
The real Java is termed Java Major. Java Minor, Pentan, and other
misplaced islands are thrown here and there at random. The Austral
regions called Terra Australis envelope the South Pole and
extend in the correct longitude sufficiently North to warrant the
supposition of a knowledge of the Australian continent. A strait
between New Guinea and the Terra Australis is another feature of this
type. It is represented by the fine specimens of cartography of
Ortelius (1570) and Mercator (1569 to 1587).

It will be seen that the influence of Marco Polo's writings was
very great, and that their effect on the cartography of the
Australasian regions lasted for nearly three hundred years; but
during this period other travellers brought their quota of
information to bear on the improvements and consequent modifications
that were wrought in the maps we have alluded to.

There was Odoric of Pordenone and Mandeville, the mendacious
Mandeville, as he has been called. Concerning him, we notice in B.
Quaritch's catalogue, 1891, Number iii. page 39, the following: "The
latest theory developed from a study of Sir John Mandeville's
travels, and supported by Sir Henry Yule, Mr. E.B. Nicholson, and
others, is destructive of the interesting personality of the Knight
of St. Albans. Just as Raspe compiled the adventures of Munchhausen,
so a certain Canon of Bruges is considered to have concocted these
wonderful travels and invented the traveller. It is however at least
probable that he met a real Englishman whose career suggested the
work."

Whoever the traveller may have been, he is quoted as an authority
under the name of Johan de Mandevilla on Martin Behaim's
Globe, 1492.

Colonel H. Yule's verdict was that Mandeville's account of his
voyages was mostly inspired, not to say plagiarised, from Odoric de
Pordenone's descriptions. In those parts which concern our subject
the plagiary is evident.

ODORIC OF PORDENONE.

After Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenone was certainly one of the
most renowned travellers in his days; he also, like the great
Venetian traveller, visited far Cathay, following somewhat the
itinerary of his predecessor, reaching however nearer to Australia
than Marco Polo ever did, for, whereas the latter described the
Australasian regions only from hearsay, the Franciscan Monk Odoric
actually visited Java and some of the islands of the eastern
Archipelago.

He started on his wanderings some time between 1316 and 1318, and
returned to Italy in the beginning of the year 1330, where he died
the following year from the hardships he had met with during his ten
or twelve years' travels.

Numerous manuscripts of the blessed Odoric's narrative spread
rapidly abroad during the fourteenth century, and his geographical
descriptions had some influence on the cartography of the period.
These manuscripts were derived from a copy dictated by the dying man,
and written by a friar of less literary attainments than Odoric;
hence no doubt the obscurity of many passages. Besides these obscure
passages, there appears to have crept into the text of some of these
manuscripts several interpolations, especially in those parts of the
narrative that relate to the Australasian regions.

Yule says..."The real difficulties of Odoric's story are the
accounts of the Islands of Nicoverra and Dondin"...etc.

We shall see with the help of comparative cartography whether
these difficulties may be overcome, or explained to a certain
extent.

We give here Odoric's account of the regions south of the equator
from Yule's excellent and now scarce work, Cathay and the way
Thither, published by the Hakluyt Society.--Volume. i., page 87.

"21. THE FRIAR SPEAKETH OF THE EXCELLENT ISLAND CALLED
JAVA.

"In the neighbourhood of that realm is a great island, Java
by name, which hath a compass of a good three thousand miles. And the
king of it hath subject to himself seven crowned kings. Now this
island is populous exceedingly, and is the second best of all islands
that exist. For in it grow camphor, cubebs, cardamons, nutmegs, and
many other precious spices. It hath also very great stores of all
victuals save wine.

"The king of this island hath a palace which is truly marvellous.
For it is very great, and hath very great staircases, broad and
lofty, and the steps thereof are of gold and silver alternately.
Likewise the pavement of the palace hath one tile of gold and the
other of silver, and the wall of the same is on the inside plated all
over with plate of gold, on which are sculptured knights all of gold,
which have great golden circles round their heads, such as we give in
these parts to the figures of saints. And these circles are all beset
with precious stones. Moreover, the ceiling is all of pure gold, and
to speak briefly, this palace is richer and finer than any existing
at this day in the world.

"Now the Great Khan of Cathay many a time engaged in war with this
king; but this king always vanquished and got the better of him. And
many other things there be which I write not.

"22. OF THE LAND CALLED THALAMASIN, AND OF THE TREES THAT GIVE
FLOUR, AND OTHER MARVELS.

"Near to this country is another which is called PANTEN, but
others call it THALAMASYN, the king whereof hath many islands under
him. Here be found trees that produce flour, and some that produce
honey, others that produce wine, and others a poison the most deadly
that existeth in the world. For there is no antidote to it known
except one; and that is that if anyone hath imbibed that poison he
shall take of stercus humanum and dilute it with water, and of
this potion shall he drink, and so shall he be absolutely quit of the
poison. [And the men of this country being nearly all rovers, when
they go to battle they carry every man a cane in the hand about a
fathom in length, and put into one end of it an iron bodkin poisoned
with this poison; and when they blow into the cane, the bodkin flieth
and striketh whom they list, and those who are thus stricken
incontinently die.]*

(*Footnote. From Pal. This is a remarkable passage from
the Palatine manuscript, and is, I suppose, the earliest mention of
the Sumpit or blow-pipe of the aborigines of the Archipelago. The
length stated is a braccio, which I have rendered fathom, as
nearest the truth, a meaning which the word seems to have in sea
phraseology.)

"But, as for the trees that produce flour, 'tis after this
fashion. These are thick, but not of any great height; they are cut
into with an axe round about the foot of the stem, so that a certain
liquor flows from them resembling size. Now this is put into bags
made of leaves, and put for fifteen days in the sun; and after that
space of time a flour is found to have formed from the liquor. This
they steep for two days in seawater, and then wash it with fresh
water. And the result is the best paste in the world, from which they
make whatever they choose, cakes of sorts and excellent bread, of
which I, Friar Odoric, have eaten; for all these things have I seen
with mine own eyes. And this kind of bread is white outside, but
inside it is somewhat blackish.

"By the coast of this country towards the south is the sea called
the Dead Sea, the water whereof runneth ever towards the south, and
if anyone falleth into that water he is never found more. And if the
shipmen go but a little way from the shore they are carried rapidly
downwards and never return again. And no one knoweth whither they are
carried, and many have thus passed away, and it hath never been known
what became of them.*

(*Footnote. From Pal. De Barros says that the natives
believed that whoever should proceed beyond the Straits of Bali to
the South would be hurried away by strong currents, so as never to
return.)

"In this country, also, there be canes or reeds like great trees,
and full sixty paces in length. There be also canes of another kind
which are called Cassan, and these always grow along the
ground like what we call dog's grass, and at each of their knots they
send out roots, and in such wise extend themselves for a good mile in
length. And in these canes are found certain stones which be such
that if any man wear one of them upon his person he can never be hurt
or wounded by iron in any shape, and so for the most part the men of
that country do wear such stones upon them. And when their boys are
still young they take them and make a little cut in the arm and
insert one of these stones, to be a safeguard against any wound by
steel. And the little wound thus made in the boy's arm is speedily
healed by applying to it the powder of a certain fish.

"And thus, through the great virtue of those stones, the men who
wear them become potent in battle and great corsairs at sea. But
those who from being shipmen on that sea have suffered at their
hands, have found out a remedy for the mischief. For they carry as
weapons of offence sharp stakes of very hard wood, and arrows
likewise that have no iron on the points; and as those corsairs are
but poorly harnessed, the shipmen are able to wound and pierce them
through with these wooden weapons, and by this device they succeed in
defending themselves most manfully.

"Of these canes called Cassan they make sails for their
ships, dishes, houses, and a vast number of other things of the
greatest utility to them. And many other matters there be in that
country which it would cause great astonishment to read or hear tell
of; wherefore I am not careful to write them at present."

After the above description concerning the bamboo and rattan there
follows a description of three islands which has puzzled many a
critic, principally because it does not appear to refer to any
islands in the vicinity of Java. These three islands bear the names
of Nicoverra or Nicoveran, Sillan, and Dondin.

We are inclined to believe that the reference made to these
islands has been interpolated from Marco Polo's work. Marco Polo
describes Nicoveran (Nicobar Island) and Sillan
(Ceylon). Dondin or Dondyn may refer to Candin or
Candyn. If we turn to Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, or to any of the
globes or maps which bear Marco Polo's nomenclature, we shall find
all the islands in question set down in the vicinity of Java, which
appears to solve the mystery.

CHAPTER 7.

PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR.

ut the influence that these and other
travellers brought to bear, after all, was but of slight importance
as regards the discovery of the Australasian regions. Of quite
another value was the influence of the great figure we must now
introduce in pursuance of the chronological order of our scheme, an
order which we have endeavoured to follow as closely as the subject
would allow. This great figure--Prince Henry the Navigator--we
cannot do better than introduce in the very words of the late R.H.
Major, his able biographer. In the first chapter of Prince Henry the
Navigator Major says:

(*Footnote. With the initial B of this Chapter is given a
statue of Prince Henry the Navigator over the side gate of the
monastery at Belem, from R.H. Major's Life of Prince Henry the
Navigator.)

"The mystery which since creation had hung over the Atlantic, and
hidden from man's knowledge one half of the surface of the globe, had
reserved a field of noble enterprise for Prince Henry the Navigator.
Until his day the pathways of the human race had been the mountain,
the river, and the plain, the strait, the lake, and inland sea; but
he it was who first conceived the thought of opening a road through
the unexplored ocean, a road replete with danger but abundant in
promise."

And again, page ix. preface:

"The glory of Prince Henry consists in the conception and
persistent prosecution of a great idea, and in what followed
therefrom...That glory is not a matter of fancy or bombast, but a
mighty and momentous reality, a reality to which the Anglo-Saxon
race, at least, have no excuse for indifference.

"The coasts of Africa visited; the Cape of Good Hope rounded;
the new world disclosed; the seaway to india, the Moluccas, and China
laid open; the globe circumnavigated, and Australia discovered;
within one century of continuous and connected exploration.
Such...were the stupendous results of a great thought, and of
indomitable perseverance in spite of twelve years of costly failure
and disheartening ridicule...To be duly appreciated, this
comprehensive thought must be viewed in relation to the period in
which it was conceived. 'The last of the dark ages,' the fifteenth
century has been rightly named, but the light which displaced its
obscurity had not yet begun to dawn when Prince Henry, with prophetic
instinct, traced mentally a pathway to India by an anticipated Cape
of Good Hope. No printing-press as yet gave forth to the world the
accumulated wisdom and experience of the past. The compass, though
known and in use, had not yet emboldened men to leave the shore and
put out with confidence into the open sea; no sea-chart existed to
guide the mariner along those perilous African coasts; no lighthouse
reared its friendly head to warn or welcome him on his homeward
track. The scientific and practical appliances which were to render
possible the discovery of half a world had yet to be developed. But,
with such objects in view, the Prince collected the information
supplied by ancient geographers, unwearingly devoted himself to the
study of mathematics, navigation, and cartography, and freely
invited, with princely liberality of reward, the co-operation of the
boldest and most skilful navigators of every country."

Not only did Prince Henry collect the information supplied by
ancient geographers, but also all the most recent information
obtainable in his days, for we cannot inquire into the geography of
his times without finding him always the first and best informed in
matters connected with the latest discoveries made, or else using all
his efforts to obtain such information.

In 1428 Prince Henry's brother, Dom Pedro, after many years of
travel, returned to Portugal. On his journey home the Prince went to
Venice,* and there received from the Republic, in compliment to him
as a traveller and a learned royal Prince, the priceless gift of a
copy of the travels of Marco Polo, which had been preserved by the
Venetians in their treasury as a work of great value, together with a
map which had been supposed to have been either an original or the
copy of one by the hand of the same illustrious explorer...On his
return Dom Pedro devoted himself like his brother Prince Henry to
scientific studies, among which the art of cartography took a leading
place, and there is little doubt that to the genius and attainments
of his elder brother Dom Pedro Prince Henry owed much of
encouragement and enlightenment in his pursuit of geographical
investigation. The Marco Polo Manuscript and the map brought from
Venice would doubtless act as a potent stimulus to these
investigations.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator page
51.)

Galvano* refers to the Venetian map in these terms: "In the yeere
1428 it is written that Don Peter (Dom Pedro), the King of Portugal's
eldest sonne, was a great traveller. He went into England, France,
Almaine, and from thence into the Holy Land, and to other places, and
came home by Italie, taking Rome and Venice in his way: from whence
he brought a map of the world, which had all the parts of the world
and earth described.

(*Footnote. Galvano, Discoveries of the World page
66.)

The Streight of Magelan was called in it The Dragon's taile: The
Cape of Bona Speranca, the forefront of Afrike (and so foorth of
other places), by which map Don Henry, the King's third sonne,* was
much helped and furthered in his discoueries."

(*Footnote. Don Henry was King Joao's 5th son; his two
first sons, Branca and Alfonso, died in infancy. See Prince Henry the
Navigator page 20.)

And Galvano adds, page 67: "It was tolde me by Francis de Sosa
Tauares that in the yeere 1528 Don Fernando, the King's sonne and
heire, did shew him a map, which was found in the studie of Alcobaza,
which had been made 120 yeeres before, which map did set foorth all
the nauigation of the East Indies with the Cape of Bona Speranca,
according as our later maps have described it. Whereby it appeereth
that in ancient time there was as much or more discouered than now
there is. Notwithstanding all the trauaile, paines, and expences in
this action of Don Henry, yet he was neuer wearie of his purposed
discouveries."

It is no doubt the one and same map which is referred to as having
been brought back in 1428 by Dom Pedro, and seen in 1528 by Francisco
de Souza Tavarez, for Tavarez says it was made 120 years before,
which would allow for its being 20 years old when presented to Dom
Pedro by the Venetians. It was therefore apparently a copy from an
Italian prototype. Unfortunately this map has disappeared.

Major remarks that "it is a notable fact, and one that greatly
redounds to the honour of Italy, that the three Powers, which at this
day possess almost all America, owe their first discoveries to the
Italians: Spain to Columbus, a Genoese; England, the Cabots,
Venetians; and France, to Verazzano, a Florentine; a circumstance
which sufficiently proves that in those times no nation was equal to
the Italians in point of maritime knowledge and extensive experience
in navigation."

The same may be said as regards the earliest information in
connection with the east and the Australasian regions--information
that was only to be obtained from such writers as Marco Polo, the
Venetian, Odoric of Pordenone, Nicolo de' Conti, the Venetian,
Ludovico Barthema, the Bolognese, Giovanni da Empoli, the Florentine,
Andrea Corsali, the Florentine, Hieronimo da San Stephano, the
Genoese, etc, etc.

Copies of the narrative of his voyages--narrative that Pope Eugene
IV ordered him, as a penance, to dictate to his secretary, Messer
Poggio--became very scarce about a hundred years later, for
Ramusio could not find a single copy, non solamente nella Citta di
Venetia, ma in molte altre d' Italia.

The patriotic Ramusio, wishing to make known to the world the
exploits of his worthy fellow citizen, was compelled, not finding a
single copy of his voyages in any town of Italy, to have recourse to
a Portuguese translation, printed in Lisbon, which he was fortunate
enough to hear of.

Thus, the Portuguese were in possession of an account of the
voyages of the Venetian traveller, the memory of which voyages was
all that was left in the minds of Italians of a generation or two
later; and Ramusio informs us how this came to pass in these
terms:

In the above we see that Dom Manoel, King of Portugal, in the year
1500, obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages, which he
entrusted to Valentino Fernandes to translate into Portuguese, as the
account of these voyages would be of great service to his captains
and pilots. We see also that Valentino Fernandes, in his dedicatory
proem, refers to the additional testimony that Nicolo de' Conti's
account will give to Marco Polo's book.

In the preceding chapter we stated that Dom Pedro in 1428 brought
back from Venice a manuscript of Marco Polo's travels. R.H. Major*
says that a Portuguese translation of this work (Marco Polo's
work) was made and edited at Lisbon in 1502 by a learned German
printer named Valentim Fernandez, who had established himself in
Lisbon at that time.

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator page
51 note 3.)

This Valentim Fernandez is no doubt the author of the translation
of Nicolo de' Conti's Voyages, mentioned by Ramusio under the Italian
form of Valentino Fernandes. Unfortunately. this learned German
printer does not appear--in the eyes of Ramusio--to have been a very
learned Italian scholar, whatever his qualifications may have
been in other branches of knowledge, for Ramusio says of his
translation: "l' ho ritrouato grandemente guasto &
scorreto," and he adds that he was on the point of abandoning the
idea of publishing it. So that, with Ramusio, we must content
ourselves with what information may be culled from the much
translated translation*:--The first of any importance refers to the
city of Malepur,** situata pur alla costa del mare nell' altro
colfo Verso' l' fiume Gange, doue il corpo di San Thommaso
honoreuolmente e sepolto iu vna chiesa assai grande, & bella, gli
habitatori della quale son christiani detti Nestorini, i quali sono
sparsi per tutta l' India, come fra noi sono li giudei, & tutta
questa prouincia si dimanda Malabar.

(*Footnote. We make use of the Portuguese edition
translated into Italian by Ramusio, because it contains the text that
caused, in our opinion, the distortion of the Behaimean and
Schonerean charts. The original Latin edition that Ramusio could not
find turned up afterwards, vide note below.)

(**Footnote. Ramusio, Navigationi, F. 339,
B.)

The above passage furnishes an item of information which connects
it with and suggests that it may have served to form the prototype
from which many important, highly interesting, and equally puzzling
charts were made.

Nicolo de' Conti, referring to Malepur, where the body of St.
Thomas is buried, calls that part of the Coromandel coast
Malabar; but, as a little further on he refers to the real coast of
Malabar, calling it also Malabar,* we may presume that he did not
confound the one with the other.

(*Footnote. The original Latin description of Nicolo de'
Conti's travels, which Ramusio could not find, appeared afterwards in
the fourth book of Poggio's treatise De Varietate Fortunae libri
quatuor, edited by the Abbe Oliva, Paris 1723 4to., and from that
edition R.H. Major edited in 1857 the first English translation for
the Hakluyt Society's volume India in the 15th Century. In this
edition Malabar is written Melibaria. See page 7.)

The mistake resulted no doubt from the similarity of the
contemporaneous names given to these two provinces (as they
were called), namely: Provincia di Malabar, on the coast of
Malabar. Provincia di Ma'bar or Mobar, on the
Coromandel coast,* where the city of Malepur was situated and where
afterwards the city of San Thome was built.

(*Footnote. See map in Yule's Cathay Volume
i.)

But, to come to the item of information which may account, in a
certain measure, for the distortions of Behaimean and Schonerean
maps. It is this: Conti, after describing several towns visited by
him on the Coromandel coast and referring to the location of Malepur,
says: situata pur alla costa del mare nell' altro colfo verso 'l'
fiume Gange: situated also on the sea coast in the other gulf
towards the river Ganges.

Now, this passage is ambiguous. Conti spoke as though he were on
the shores of the Arabian Sea, meaning by the other gulf the
Bay of Bengal. Those who had to make out his descriptions and locate
on charts the various places he described did not interpret him that
way. By the other gulf they of course understood the Gulf of
Martaban, and placed in consequence the projected San Thome on
the Tenasserim coast opposite.

In this translatory operation--we must ask the question--what
charts did they work on? They had no choice. There were no others but
those of Ptolemy, in which the indian peninsula was
suppressed. On the Ptolemy map the two important gulfs were: the
Sinus Gangeticus, our modern Bay of Bengal, and the Sinus
Magnus, the Chinese Sea represented as a gulf (see Ptolemy's map
Illustration 69). San Thome was therefore
placed in this other gulf, as may be seen in the 1489 British
Museum map.

One fault begot another. Having duplicated in this way the Malay
Peninsula--duplication, let it be said, already suggested in
Ptolemy's map--the speculative cartographers proceeded without more
ado to duplicate on their charts the missing Sumatra, which had been
dragged out of place and stood for Ceylon in the Ptolemy maps, where
its enormous size had no doubt prevented the proper charting of the
Indian Peninsula. The missing Sumatra set down to the south of the
duplicate Malay Peninsula received the name of Cayln, afterwards
converted to Seillan, Seillan insulae pars, etc.; but, as we shall
explain, when we come to the detailed description of these important
documents, the west coast and, probably, north-west coast of this
bogus Sumatra were in reality the west and north-west coasts of
Australia.

It is strange that after a sojourn of nine months in the Javas,
Nicolo de' Conti's description should be so imperfect. For
interiore, we propose to read inferiore. The two
islands in inferior or Austral-India, Giava minore and
Giava maggiore, situated on the confines of the world, must be
Java and Sumbawa, yet from his account we do not know in which he
stayed. Giava minore cannot be Marco Polo's Java Minor, i.e.,
Sumatra, for Nicolo de' Conti describes that island under the name of
Sumatra anticamente detta Taprobana, fol. 340 B. Moreover, he
says of the two islands: Da un' isola all' altra vi sono cento
miglia di distantia: from one island to the other the distance is
one hundred miles. Again, his context, where he speaks of
cock-fighting, the practice of running amuck, and the vicinity
of the Spice Islands, the produce of which he describes, points to
Bali, Lomboc or Sumbawa, but more probably to the latter as the
island called by him Java Minor. He describes Bandan (Banda)
and Sandai. Banda is one of the Spice Islands; Sandai may be
one of them also, but is more difficult to make out, which may
explain how it came to be identified with Sunda in the Fra
Mauro Mappamundi.

The south coasts of the islands of the Indian Archipelago, such as
Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc., were little known, on account of
the strong currents and consequent dangerous nature of the navigation
through the straits that separate these islands. Nevertheless, the
more westerly coasts of Australia were known, and the supposed
connection that some of the above-mentioned islands had with the
southern continent gave rise to the idea of great extent they were
supposed to have, especially the Java Major.

CHAPTER 9. A.D. 1457 TO 1459.

FRA MAURO MAPPAMUNDI.

e have
seen that in the year 1428 Prince Henry the Navigator and his
brother, Dom Pedro, had become possessed of a manuscript of Marco
Polo and of a map of the world. Twenty-nine years after, King Affonso
V of Portugal sent some documents to Italy to help in the compilation
of the famous mappamundi that forms the subject of this chapter. We
shall find in this mappamundi many traces, not only of the
above-mentioned documents, but also of Nicolo de' Conti's
descriptions, showing that although Ramusio could not find towards
1563 one single copy of Conti's narrative of travels, the Portuguese
Princes had either obtained a copy long before the year 1500, the
year in which, according to Ramusio, D. Manoel obtained a copy, or
copies were obtainable in Italy in 1457/1459, the date of the
compilation of the Fra Mauro Monument of Geography.

Prince Henry, although 63 years of age at the time, does not seem
to have lost sight of the task he had set himself in early life.
Indeed Major says:

Prince Henry the Navigator. Page 187.

"During the long period in which Prince Henry was continuing his
maritime explorations, he did not cease to cultivate the science of
cartography. In this he was warmly seconded by his nephew, King
Affonso V. We have unfortunately nothing to show as the result of the
cartographical labours of the geographer Mestre Jayme, whom the
Prince had procured from Majorca, to superintend his school of
navigation and astronomy at Sagres, whither he had also brought
together the most able Arab and Jewish mathematicians that he could
obtain from Morocco or the Peninsula; but at his instance the King
caused to be made in Venice the finest specimen of mediaeval
map-making that the world has ever produced, and which exists at the
present day. The discovery that beyond Cape Verde the coast trended
eastwards inspired the King with new energy, for he assumed therefrom
that it would soon lead to India. He thought it possible that in that
direction the meridian of Tunis, and perhaps even that of Alexandria,
had been already passed. He gave names to rivers, gulfs, capes, and
harbours in the new discovery, and sent to Venice draughts of maps on
which these were laid down, with a commission for the construction of
a mappemonde on which they should be portrayed.

It was to the Venetian Fra Mauro, of the Camaldolese Convent of
San Miguel de Murano, that this commission was entrusted. King
Affonso V spared no expense, and Fra Mauro paid the draughtsmen from
twelve to fifteen sous a day, while from 1457 to 1459 he himself gave
all possible pains to perfecting his task. The practiced draughtsman,
Andrea Bianco, was called to take a part in its execution. At length
this magnificent specimen of mediaeval cartography was completed, and
by desire of the King despatched to Portugal, in charge of the noble
Venetian Stefano Trevigiano on the 24th of April 1459. In the same
year, on the 20th of October, the drawings and writings and a copy of
the mappemonde were enclosed in a chest and sent to the Abbot of the
convent, from which it would seem that Fra Mauro was then dead. It is
to be presumed that while elaborating the mappemonde for King Affonso
he made at the same time a copy which he intended to leave to the
convent. In the convent library still exists the register of receipts
and expenditure of the convent, written by the Abbot, afterwards
Cardinal, Maffei Gerard, in which is a note of the current cost of
the map.*

(*Footnote. Note in Prince Henry the Navigator, page 189.
A photograph copy of this planisphere, of the size of the original,
and the finest existing, having been made by Signor Naya, of Venice,
under the express supervision of my friend, Mr. Rawdon Brown, is now
in the Department of Maps and Charts in the British
Museum.)

On this map, which preceded by forty years the rounding of the
Cape of Good Hope by Vasco da Gama, we see clearly laid down the
southern extremity of Africa, under the name of Cavo di Diab.
North-east of Cavo di Diab are inscribed the names of Soffala and
Xengibar. The southern extremity is separated from the Continent by a
narrow strait. An inscription on Cape Diab states that in 1420 an
Indian junk from the east doubled the Cape in search of the islands
of men and women (separately inhabited by each), and after a sail of
two thousand miles in forty days, during which they saw nothing but
sea and sky, they turned back, and in seventy days' sailing reached
Cavo di Diab, where the sailors found on the shore an egg as big as a
barrel, which they recognised as that of the bird Crocho, doubtless
the roc or rukh of Marco Polo, a native bird of Madagascar."

There are other inscriptions and names on this wonderful chart,
which have not been noticed by Major or any other critic that we are
aware of, and which are of importance as connecting it with the later
maps of the world of the Behaimean and Schonerean type. But, before
we proceed to notice these, it may be well to consider, with the help
of the accompanying sketch map, the general features of this last of
the planispheric maps of the archaic type in which the circumfluent
ocean is retained.

The above skeleton-map is a much reduced outline facsimile of
Fra Mauro's celebrated Mappamundi.

Owing to the inability of representing graphically the hemisphere,
or, strictly speaking, semi-hemisphere, intended, the longitudinal
projection is confounded with the latitudinal. In this state of
things it will be noticed that it is necessary to place the west at
the top in order to recognise the Australasian regions; for what
appears to be the equator with reference to Java and its eastern
prolongation of islands is nothing else but the outward limit of the
circumfluent ocean. We have here, on the extreme confines of the
world, as the cartographer expresses it, Sumatra, Banda, Java, Bali,
Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc. In the large original map, placed amongst the
various islands there are represented rolls of paper on which the
explanatory text shows that the map-maker evidently held views
concerning the shape of the earth somewhat similar to those of the
early Greek period; for the islands referred to are propinqua ale
tenebre: near the exterior darkness.

Yet all kinds of spices are said to be produced in these beautiful
islands, and notice is also taken of the various bright plumaged
birds: Item li se trova papaga tutti rossi salvo i piedi et el
becco che son zali; wherein we recognise Nicolo de' Conti's
description. We must take note of this mention about parrots, because
we shall find it revived later on, and the whole Australian Continent
termed Psittacorum regio: the land of parrots.

We have remarked elsewhere concerning the omission of the islands
of the Chinese Sea, such as Borneo, Scelebes, etc. There was clearly
no room for them, and who knows but that the Australian Continent, or
a part of it, at least, was omitted for the same reason, per non
aver luogo.

The inexorable laws of routine and conservatism had not
yet, in the year of grace 1459, sanctioned the breaking of the pagan
shackles that prevented the expansion of the old world. It was
reserved for Diaz, Columbus and Vasco da Gama to do this.

Taking the nomenclature in the order given in the accompanying
sketch, that is, from the true east, westwards, it may be noticed
that Sumbawa, Lomboc, Bali and Java are remarkably well charted, and
that an open sea, albeit the old river Ocean, is shown to the south
of these islands. It will be well to note this fact at this date,
1459, because we shall find this sea blocked, not without reason, at
a subsequent date. Sumatra is charted nearly as well as Java and its
eastern prolongation of islands, and much better than in many later
maps. It is much split up in its southern extension, but this must
not surprise us, as the southern parts of Sumatra were believed to be
formed of several islands as late as the year 1784--vide map in
Marsden's Sumatra. Amongst those islands we notice Java Minor
and Pentan (Bintang), which tallies, in a certain measure,
with Marco Polo's description--Sondai (written Sandai in
Ramusio's account) and Banda are also there, corresponding to
Nicolo de' Conti's text. The cartographer says: Sondai insola
propinqua a banda, and describes the nutmegs, spices, parrots,
and white cockatoos found there; this also corresponds with Nicolo's
description. But Nicolo de' Conti describes the Spice Islands from
hearsay, and no doubt confounds some of them with some port of call
on the coast of Sumatra where the spices were conveyed to, which may
explain how Banda came to be placed in propinquity to
Sondai (Sunda). The larger portion of Sumatra bears the name
first given to it by Nicolo de' Conti, Isola Siamotra* over
Taprobana--and in large type TAPROBANA. Another name for Sumatra
is referred to in an inscription in the centre of the island: Questa
isola antichissamente era nominata Si modi (sic for Sismondi).
So that there is no mistaking Sumatra.

(*Footnote. In Ramusio's translation from the Portuguese,
this island is named Sumatra; but in the original Latin of Poggio
Bracciolini the name is Sciamuthera.)

The most interesting inscription however, and one that gave rise
to many strange complications, is set down to the north of some lofty
hills on the north coast, where a couple of lakes are portrayed.
Lago and Lago regno is the inscription. We shall refer
to this lake district in due course.

We may conclude by drawing attention to the fact--an important
one--that the straits of Malacca are shown. Malacca is also set down
in its proper place; but Milapur, Conti's Malepur, is set down on a
duplicate Indian peninsula, for we see towards the west
Saylam, i.e. Ceylon, and the true Indian Peninsula clearly
marked.

CHAPTER 10. A.D. 1471 TO 1478.

THE EQUATOR CROSSED.
REVIVAL OF ANCIENT IDEAS CONCERNING THE SPHERICITY OF THE EARTH.
TOSCANELLI.
COLUMBUS.

he
example set by Prince Henry the Navigator was followed by his nephew,
King Affonso V of Portugal, and the voyages towards the south along
the west coast of Africa were continued; nor were these voyages,
strictly speaking, made along the coasts only, as expressed in a
paper which has recently appeared in the Century Magazine,* where the
writer says: "The Portuguese merely felt their way along the coast in
all these voyages;...the coast-line served for a leading-string,
holding to which they felt themselves safe;...they only dared to
leave the land in regions with which they had long been
acquainted."

For Major, on the contrary, says: "It will have been noticed that
in previous voyages, when islands at a distance from the mainland, as
for example Porto Santo and the Cape Verde Islands, had been
discovered, it had been through the vessels being driven on them by
storms; but in the present case we have islands, one, S. Thome, more
than fifty, the other, Annoban, more than eighty leagues distant from
the mainland, discovered without the interference of any storm
whatever of which we are informed. The reasonable inference seems to
be that the navigators used their newly improved nautical instruments
to good purpose, and were able to leave the coast with
impunity, which their predecessors were not in the position to
do, for want of being able to take the altitude. In this same year
1471, for the first time within the memory or even the knowledge
of man the equinoctial line was crossed from North to South. As
Cape Lopo Gonsalvez, now Cape Lopez, was the first locality, south of
the equator, to have a geographical name attached to it, it may
fairly be inferred that this was the name of the navigator who first
crossed the line."*

(*Footnote. R.H. Major, Prince Henry the Navigator pages
199 to 200.)

Figure 1. The World of Ptolemy.

The crossing of the line was the first act in the upsetting of the
old world theories concerning the inaccessibility of the regions
lying beyond the circumfluent ocean, and the equatorial regions also
inaccessible on account of the intense heat. Once the equator
crossed, the gates of the ocean were opened and all parts of the
world brought into communication. No objection could henceforth be
raised against the habitableness of the southern hemisphere, and in
future maps we shall see the Australasian regions invaded by the
hitherto cramped islands and other features that the former
cartographer could not set down per non aver luogo. The world
which had been represented within a circle was in reality only
a quarter of the sphere. See Figure 1.

Figure 2. The world as apprehended by the Portuguese and
Italians..

After the bursting of the Archaic ocean, half the sphere was
apprehended (see Figure 2, the natural result of the widening of the
sphere being the enlargement of various configurations of land and
water which had been, with or without reason, supposed to have been
dwarfed.

The next task for thinking minds of the day, cartographers and
others, was, once the sphericity of the earth practically
demonstrated, to ascertain what remained to be discovered.
Cartographers set to work to construct maps and globes in order to
clearly ascertain the proportions of the undiscovered surface of the
globe. Since the days of Crates, who is mentioned by Strabo as having
constructed a terrestrial globe, that is since 200 years before
Christ, little could have been done in the way of constructing
earth-globes, for none have been handed down to us from that period
to the one we are now dealing with. We shall now find--to use an
expressive modern term--a boom in map and globe making. In the
construction of these the older documents were used until fresh data
could be obtained; but, as the world was now enlarged, geographers
naturally thought fit to enlarge the dimensions of the various
configurations of land and water, and in this process the less well
known regions, that is, those most distant, suffered most.

The amount of progress achieved latitudinally had also been made
longitudinally by the Portuguese. In this respect they had also
anticipated the discoveries made under the Spanish flag. As Mr
Harrisse remarks, speaking of C. Columbus:* "It cannot be denied that
notwithstanding his extensive display of Scriptural and scientific
authorities, the great Genoese was also influenced by the attempts of
the Portuguese; from which, in point of history, his theories and
achievements cannot be separated, although they were not precisely of
the same character. The bold seafaring men of Portugal sought to
reach insular regions supposed to be cast far away into the ocean,
whilst Columbus endeavoured to arrive at China and Japan. Still,
those islands were so much believed to be on the route that
Toscanelli referred to them as landing places, when Affonso V should
send an expedition in search of the east coast of Asia. What is more,
the map which Columbus took with him when he started from Spain on
his first voyage contained oceanic isles depicted by himself. Those
were necessarily borrowed from charts then current: 'donde segun
parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas islas por aquella
mar.' All those notions therefore were not only co-eval but also
closely connected.

"It is unquestionable that Roger Bacon, Pierre d'Ailly,
Toscanelli, Munzmeister, and a host of thinkers, derived their ideas
concerning the existence of transatlantic lands from the hypothesis
of Aristotle, more or less directly; the mariners of the first half
of the fifteenth century however were actuated by different
inferences. They firmly believed that the islands which stud the
western seas in all maps and globes of that period, so far from being
imaginary, existed really, and could be reached. Hence repeated
efforts on the part of adventurers, chiefly Lusitanian, or from the
Azores, whose habits of thought precluded them from entertaining
learned or theoretical opinions on the subject, and who were impelled
only by practical ideas.

"We possess abundant proofs that such was actually the case. Where
did Prince Henry send Gonzalo Velho Cabral? In search of the islands
marked on the map which Dom Pedro had brought from Italy in 1428.
Where did Diogo de Teive direct his ship? To the south-west of Fayal
to find the Antilia. What was the island which Affonso V conceded to
Fernam Tellez, and which Joao II afterwards granted to Fernam d'
Ulmo? The Island of the Seven Cities. What isle did the captain in
the employ of the Infant Henry pretend to have discovered? Again, the
Antilia. What was the object of the voyage of Thomas Lloyd? To find
the island of Brazil. What captainship was given to Joao Vogado? That
of the Ovo and Capraria islands, known then chiefly from being marked
on charts: 'As quaaes segumdo a carta de marear.' Did not the Bristol
people during seven years previous to 1498 equip every year two,
three, or four caravels to go in search of the islands of Brazil and
of the Seven Cities? None of these fantastic islands are mentioned in
the Opus Majus or in the Imago Mundi; but they figure
in almost every mappamundi and atlas of the fifteenth century. Nay,
do we not see Martin Alonso Pinzon claiming to have been shown in the
Pope's library at Rome, in 1491, a map setting forth the
transatlantic lands which, in company with Columbus, he was destined
to discover a year afterwards?"

Toscanelli appears to have been the first in the field to put
these ideas into shape, by giving the relative distances as
considered in connection with the projection of the earth. The
wonderful piece of mediaeval cartography known as Fra Mauro's
Mappamundi served him as a ground plan to work on; it had no degrees
of longitude or latitude; he undertook to indicate by what he called
spaces the missing degrees. On the 25th of June 1474 he sent to
Portugal a copy of a map he had constructed; this was addressed to
Fernam Martins, King Affonso's chaplain, and a letter accompanied it,
in which he says*: "I send to His Majesty a map which I have designed
with my own hands, and on which I have marked the coasts and islands
which may serve to you as a starting point when you undertake that
navigation, in steering always westward."

(*Footnote. H. Harrisse, Discovery of North America page
378.)

On this subject, and with reference to Nicolo de' Conti, Professor
Ruge says*: "After his return (Nicolo de' Conti's return to Italy
from the East) he made a report of his journey to the Pope, and
Toscanelli also gained information from him by word of mouth.
Toscanelli possessed energy and genius. His experience of life was
wide. He lived to be a hundred years old, and he had considerable
geographical knowledge. It was natural enough that such a man should
conceive the idea of representing in visible form on a globe the
distribution of land and water. The coast line of Europe from
Scotland southwards, and the western coast of Africa as far as
Guinea, had been correctly depicted by the skilled cartographers of
Italy and Spain. Now it was necessary, from the information given by
Polo in writing and by Conti in conversation, to construct a picture
of the position and size of the countries of Asia, a picture which
might claim to give a true, or, at all events, a probable,
presentation of the facts. A sketch made it quite clear to the
Italian cosmographer that the western ocean was very small. The
conviction gradually grew stronger, and he came to think that a man
in the neighbourhood of Mexico, for example--if I may borrow the
geographical language of our own time--would be on the east coast of
Japan. He knew how the Portuguese were exerting themselves to find a
way to India round Africa. From the Italian agents at Lisbon he
constantly heard of new attempts. His sketch map showed him that this
route must be decidedly longer, even without taking into account the
fact that no one had the least idea how far Africa extended to the
south. He wished to put the Portuguese on the right track, and with
this object he made an indirect application to the King of
Portugal."

Manuscript copies of Marco Polo's travels were no doubt very
difficult to obtain; but, when the Editio Princeps (Fricz
Creuszner zu Nurmberg Nach eristi gepurdt Tausent vierhundert un im
siben un sibenczigte iar) (1477) of his travels, published in any
language, appeared, geographers and cartographers, especially in
Germany, were enabled to make use of his descriptions of countries in
the East in the construction of their new maps of the world. It is no
doubt from this date that the various types of maps that we have
mentioned as belonging to the 3rd type began to make their
appearance. The first edition of the Ptolemy Atlas, with the first
set of maps ever produced by copper engraving, which appeared the
following year, 1478, shows the interest that was taken at the time
in connection with geography and cartography.

CHAPTER 11. A.D. 1479 TO 1484.

TOSCANELLI AND COLUMBUS.

he
following year, 1479, C. Columbus may have received* from Toscanelli
a letter and map in answer to inquiries made by him concerning the
Land of Spice. This letter and map appear to have been
duplicates of those sent in 1474 to Affonso V, King of Portugal.
Concerning this map and letter Mr. Harrisse says: "This map was
crossed with longitudinal lines indicating the distances from east to
west, and with horizontal ones showing the distances from north to
south. The intervals between those lines was called a space, and each
space measured from east to west 250 Italian miles. The Italian
mile was equal to 1481 meters. The early Spanish navigators
considered the nautical league as equal to four miles: 'Volunt leguam
Hispani millia passuum quatuor continere mari prasertim; terra vero
tria.' Anghiera Decad. ii., cap. x., page 174.

(*Footnote. The date fixed by Mr. Harrisse is between
1479 and 1484. See Discovery of North America pages 379,
380.)

"From Lisbon to the city of Quinsay there were 26 such spaces,
which 26 spaces represented, in the opinion of Toscanelli, about
one-third of the surface of the entire globe. Las Casas says:
'Tenia en circuito 2,400 millas, que son 600 leaguas.' Historia
General, lib. i. cap. i. volume i. page 360.

"On that map were marked, adjoining the coast of Portugal, islands
which we assume to have been the Azores, and, west of the same, that
is, on the opposite shores of the Atlantic Ocean, the province of
Mango, near Cathay, and the Empire of the Great Khan, the extremity
of which bore the name of Zaitam.

"Nearly in the middle of the Atlantic was the imaginary Antilla
Island, 10 spaces distant from the island of Cipango.

"Finally, the map stated 'how much it was necessary to deviate
from the pole and from the equinoctial line.'

"This primitive and original chart was in the possession of Las
Casas when he wrote his History of the Indies, and apparently until
the time of his death, which occurred in 1566. It doubtless belonged
originally to the library of Fernando Columbus, and we are of opinion
that it was given to Las Casas by the Dominican friars, who were yet
in charge of that library as residuary legatees, when he was ordained
bishop in their monastery of San Pablo, at Seville, in 1544.

"There is a minute description of the map in Book I., chapter L.,
of Las Casas' Historia General de las Indias, to which we
refer the reader.

"But if the map itself is irretrievably lost, we still have the
letter which Toscanelli sent to Columbus at the same time. It is to
be found among the manuscript annotations added by the Great Genoese
to the few books which he possessed, and are now preserved in the
Colombina Library, where they have been an object of curiosity for
three centuries, without anyone suspecting until May 8 1871 that they
contain the original Latin text of Toscanelli's important epistle,
theretofore supposed to have been originally written in Italian.*

(*Footnote. It is owing to Mr. H. Harrisse's
indefatigable and intelligent researches that the Latin text of
Toscanelli's letter has become known to the world. We may therefore
be allowed to join the Chief Librarian of the Colombiana Library who
thanks him for having caused the fact to be known that the text
referred to was the original one. George Collingridge.)

"That letter is so inseparable from the geographical data which
led to the discovery of the New World; it has played so great a part
in the evolution of American cartography in its incipient stage, and
it serves in such a high degree to comprehend the lost map of
Toscanelli, that we feel constrained to reproduce it in connection
with the present chapter."

The above paragraph applies with equal if not greater force to
Australia; for was it not to the Land of Spice--that is to the
AUSTRALASIAN REGIONS--that C. Columbus directed his course?*

(*Footnote. See also The Early Cartography of Japan, By
George Collingridge, in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical
Society, London, May 1894. In that paper the author shows that the
famous island of Cipango that Ch. Columbus was in search of was not
Japan but Java.)

We shall also therefore reproduce Toscanelli's letter, contenting
ourselves with the vernacular which accompanies in Mr. H. Harrisse's
work the Latin text of Toscanelli.

We continue the quotation as follows: "As the reader is aware,
Columbus wrote a letter to Toscanelli, which is lost. We know however
that it was a request for information concerning the Land of
Spice, which he thought possible to reach direct from Europe by
sea. Judging from the Florentine's reply, Columbus desired more
particularly to ascertain what route he should take, the distance to
sail over, the stations on the way, landfalls, and landing
places.

"Toscanelli replied by sending him the above-mentioned map,
together with a copy of a letter which he had formerly addressed to
Fernam Martins, the chaplain of the King of Portugal, in answer to
just such a request.

"The letter written to Martins was dated from Florence, June 25
1474, but Columbus only received communication of it years
afterwards. In the note accompanying the package, Toscanelli says
that the original letter had been written: Antes de las guerras de
Castilla--before the wars in Castille. Consequently the copy was sent
after September 24 1479, when the treaty of peace between Spain and
Portugal was signed.

"That letter was translated into Spanish probably by Fernando
Columbus when engaged writing the life of his father. That
translation has been inserted by Las Casas in his Historia General
de las Indias, but it is far from being literal. Certain
geographical descriptions, borrowed apparently from Toscanelli's map,
explanations which are regular commentaries, and personal details, of
which we do not know the source, have been intercalated. Several
passages are also inserted not in their proper place. It follows that
the critic can no longer remain satisfied with the Italian version
first published in the Historia in 1571, and which was the
only one known, until the Spanish translation from which it had been
taken was printed with Las Casas' work in 1875. Nor is the latter
version any more satisfactory, as it contains the same defects.

"The original Latin text of that letter is as follows: Copia misa
christofaro, etc. The English translation being: Copy sent to
Christopher Colombo by Paul the physician, with a nautical chart.

"To Ferdinand Martins, a canon in Lisbon, Paul the physician,
greeting: I have learnt with pleasure that your health is good, and
that you are on terms of intimacy with your very generous and very
magnificent sovereign. On a previous occasion I have spoken to you of
a sea route to the land of spice shorter than the one which you (i.e.
the Portuguese) take by the way of Guinea. That is the reason why the
Most Serene King (Affonso V, surnamed The African, (cross symbol)
1481) asks of me today information on the subject, or rather an
explanation sufficiently clear to enable men, even but little
learned, to understand the existence of such a route. Although I know
that it is a consequence of the spherical form of the earth, I have
decided, nevertheless, so as to be better understood and to
facilitate the enterprise, to demonstrate in constructing a nautical
chart that the said route is proved to exist. I therefore send to His
Majesty a map which has been drawn with my own hands, and on which
are marked your coasts and the islands which may be taken as a
starting point, when you undertake the voyage, by steering constantly
towards the west. (Las Casas here--volume 1 page 93--makes the
following interpolation: En la cual esta pintado todo el fin del
Poniente, tornando desde Irlanda al Austro hasta el fin de
Guinea...con las islas. These details may be added to his description
of the map.) You will also find thereon the indication of the
countries which you must fall in with; how much you will have to
deviate from the pole, and from the equinoctial line; and finally,
the space--that is to say, the number of leagues--you have to sail
over to reach the country, which is so rich in spice and precious
stones of all sorts. Do not be surprised if I call the country of
spices a western country, whilst it is the custom to call it
eastern. The reason is that in making the voyage by sea, in
the hemisphere which is opposite our own, that country will always be
found on the west side. If, on the contrary, the land route is
adopted, in crossing the higher hemisphere it will always be found in
the east. The longitudinal lines traced on the map show the distance
from east to west; the horizontal ones show the distance from south
to north. I have also marked, for the use of navigators, several
countries where you may touch in case contrary winds or some accident
should drive mariners to some other coast than the one intended. I
wanted to enable them to show the aborigines that we were not without
possessing some knowledge of their country, which must please them.
Only merchants, as we are informed, settle in those islands; for
there is such a great concourse of navigators with goods that the
port of Zaiton alone, which is famous, contains a greater number of
them than all the rest of the world together. It is asserted that
every year one hundred large vessels, loaded with pepper, arrive in
that port; without speaking of the other ships which bring different
kinds of spice. That country is very much peopled, and very rich. It
is composed of a multitude of provinces, kingdoms, and innumerable
cities, all of which are under the sway of a single prince, called
The Grand Khan. That title means, in Latin, The King of Kings. His
residence is mostly in the province of Cathay. His ancestors being
desirous to have intercourse with the Christians, sent, two hundred
years ago, an embassy to the Pope to obtain doctors in theology to
teach them the Catholic religion; but the envoys were prevented from
continuing their route, and returned home. In the time of Eugene,*
one of them visited the Pope, and assured him that his countrymen
entertained very good feelings towards Christians. I have conversed
with him a great deal on all topics. He spoke to me of the large size
of the royal palaces; of the prodigious extent of rivers in breadth
and length; of the multitude of cities built on their banks (nearly
two hundred towns were on the banks of a single river); finally, of
marble bridges very wide and very long, adorned with a double row of
columns. That country deserves to be sought after by the Latins, not
only because enormous wealth can be acquired there, in gold, in
silver, in precious stones of all kinds, and in certain sorts of
spice which never reach our country, but on account of the scholars,
philosophers, and learned astrologers (from India), who may teach us
by what means a province so powerful and so magnificent is governed,
and their manner of waging war.

"Let these short details suffice to satisfy, in a measure, the
king who asked for information. My occupations, which absorb my
entire time, do not allow me to speak more at length. But, later on,
I shall be disposed to comply with the desires of His Royal Majesty
as extensively as he may wish.

"Given at Florence on the 25th of June 1474.

"From the city of Lisbon, towards the west, in a direct line,
there are twenty-six spaces (of 250 miles each) marked on the map as
far as the famous and very large city of Quinsay. The circumference
of that city is 100 miles. It possesses ten bridges, and its name
means The city of the Heavens. They relate marvellous things relative
to the multitude of objects (of art ?) found there, and the amount of
its revenue. That space is about one-third of the entire globe.* The
city is in the province of Mango, near that of Cathay, in which is
the royal residence. From the Antilia Island, which you know, to the
famous island of Cipango there are ten spaces. That island yields
quantities of gold, pearls, and precious stones. The temples and
palaces of the king are inlaid with plates of gold. It will not be
necessary therefore to cross very extensive spaces over the sea on an
unknown route. Perhaps I should have given more minute details on
many things, but a careful observer can, of himself, supply much of
what may be wanting. Goodbye, dearest."

Mr. Harrisse adds: "That important letter must not be considered
simply as a familiar communication of which Toscanelli had kept a
copy for ten years or more. It was evidently based upon some
scientific paper, which embodied notions shared by a certain class of
thinkers in quarters where the problems of cosmography were
frequently mooted, and whose writings have not all come down to us.
We are even justified in supposing that the idea of the existence of
transatlantic lands which could be easily reached by steering
westward, had been the subject of conversations in the Italian
cities. This is shown by the fact that the Duke of Ferrara viewed the
discovery accomplished by Columbus as a confirmation of the ideas
advanced by Toscanelli, and in 1494 requested his ambassador at
Florence to institute researches among the papers of the Florentine
astronomer, then in the possession of his nephew Ludovico, and to
secure any note or writing on the subject."*

(*Footnote. See H. Harrisse, Discovery of North America
pages 2 and 3.)

CHAPTER 12. A.D. 1484 TO 1487.

THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE REACHED.

n 1481
King Affonso V of Portugal died, and his son and successor Joao II,
The Perfect, entered with zeal into the views of his predecessors.
R.H. Major tells us*: "Hitherto the Portuguese in making their
explorations had contented themselves by setting up crosses by way of
taking formal possession of any country; but these crosses soon
disappeared, and the object in setting them up was frustrated. They
would also carve on trees the motto of Prince Henry, Talent de bien
faire, together with the name which they gave to the newly discovered
land. In the reign of King Joao however they began to erect stone
pillars surmounted by a cross. These pillars, which were designed by
the king, were fourteen or fifteen hands high, with the royal arms
sculptured in front, and on the sides were inscribed the names of the
king and of the discoverer, as well as the date of the discovery, in
Latin and Portuguese. These pillars were called Padraos.

(*Footnote. "Prince Henry the Navigator" page
203.)

"In 1484, Diogo Cam, a knight of the king's household, carried out
with him one of these stone pillars and, passing Cape St. Catherine,
the last point discovered in the reign of King Affonso, reached the
mouth of a mighty river, on the south side of which he set up the
pillar, and accordingly called the river the Rio do Padrao. The
natives called it Zaire. It was afterwards named the Congo, from the
country through which it flowed. Diogo Cam ascended the river to a
little distance, and fell in with a great number of natives, who were
very peacefully inclined, but although he had interpreters of several
of the African languages, none of them could make themselves
understood. He accordingly determined to take some of the natives
back with him to Portugal, that they might learn the Portuguese
language and act as interpreters for the future. This was easily
managed, and without any violence, by sending Portuguese hostages to
the King of Congo, with a promise that in fifteen months the negroes
should be restored to their country. He took with him four of the
natives, and on the voyage they learned enough Portuguese to enable
them to give a fair account of their own country and of those which
lay to the south of it. King Joao was greatly gratified, and treated
the negroes with much kindness and even munificence, and when Diogo
Cam took them back the following year, the king charged them with
many presents for their own sovereign, accompanied by the earnest
desire that he and his people would embrace the Christian religion.
Up to the year 1485 Joao II used the title of King of Portugal and
the Algarves on this side the sea and beyond the sea in Africa, but
in this year he added thereto that of Lord of Guinea.

View of Table Mountain, Cape of Good Hope.

"In this remarkable voyage Diogo Cam was accompanied by the
celebrated Martin Behaim, the inventor of the application of the
astrolabe to navigation."

A curious parallel might be drawn, in many ways, between Martin
Behaim and Alexander Dalrymple on one side and C. Columbus and
Captain Cook on the other, the principal features being that M.
Behaim and Alex Dalrymple were both sailors and savants, and
came, both of them, very near being sent out on the two expeditions
which resulted in the rediscovery of New Worlds. C. Columbus and Cook
were better sailors than savants, but were both pre-eminently
practical men, and both of them must be considered as the principal
agents in the practical rediscovery of America and Australia
respectively.

To return to the voyage of the Portuguese that led to the opening
of the sea-way to India and Australasia we must here introduce a
personage that greatly exercised the minds of the period. Prester
John was the name given to him. He was supposed, in his twofold
character of priest and king, to rule over vast tracts of country,
and, if we judge from the tales that were told concerning him, and
from the localities marked on maps, over which he was said to rule,
he would have been a mighty prince indeed; for he is represented as
having under his sway all the eastern parts of Africa and the larger
part of Asia.

King Joao II, believing that such a monarch might be of the
greatest service to him, determined to reach his country both by land
and sea. Major tells us*:

(*Footnote. Prince Henry the Navigator page 212 et
seq.)

"The first persons whom he sent out with this object were Father
Antonio de Lisboa and one Pedro de Montarryo; but when they reached
Jerusalem they found that without knowing Arabic it would be useless
to continue their voyage, and therefore they returned.

"On the 7th of May 1487 however the king despatched two men who
were not wanting in that respect, namely Pedro de Covilham and
Affonso de Payva. They went by Naples and Rhodes to Alexandria and
Cairo, and so to Aden, where they separated with an agreement to meet
at a certain time at Cairo. They left Lisbon for Naples, where their
bills of exchange were paid by the son of Cosmo de Medicis; and from
Naples they sailed to the island of Rhodes. Then, crossing over to
Alexandria, they travelled to Cairo as merchants, and proceeding with
the caravan to Tor on the Red Sea, at the foot of Mount Sinai, gained
some information relative to the trade with Calicut. Thence they
sailed to Aden, where they parted; Covilham directed his course
towards India, and Payva towards Suakem in Abyssinia, appointing
Cairo as the future place of their rendezvous.

"At Aden Covilham embarked in a Moorish ship for Cananor, on the
Malabar coast, and after some stay in that city went to Calicut and
Goa, being the first of his countrymen who had sailed on the Indian
Ocean. He then passed over to Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa,
and examined its gold-mines, where he procured some intelligence of
the island of St. Lawrence, called by the Moors the Island of the
Moon, now known as Madagascar.

"Covilham had now heard of cloves and cinnamon, and seen pepper
and ginger; he therefore resolved to venture no further until the
valuable information he possessed was conveyed to Portugal. With this
idea he returned to Egypt; but found on his arrival at Cairo, where
he met with messengers from King Joao, that Payva had died a short
time before. The names of these messengers were Rabbi Abraham of
Beja, and Joseph of Lamego; the latter immediately returned with
letters from Covilham, containing, among other curious facts, the
following remarkable report:

"That the ships which sailed down the coast of Guinea might be
sure of reaching the termination of the continent, by persisting in a
course to the south, and that when they should arrive in the eastern
ocean, their best direction must be to inquire for Sofala, and the
Island of the Moon..."*

(*Footnote. The Arabs called Madagascar AL-CAMAR, the
Island of the Moon; but this name got to be corrupted on charts and
maps to such an extent that the island was believed by some to be a
fictitious one. The following are some of the corrupted forms of
Al-Camar: Camar, Comor, Comr, Comar, Comari, Comair, Camrou, Camroun,
Comara, etc. For further particulars on this subject, we refer our
readers to J. Codine's Memoire Geographique sur le mer des Indes.
Paris, 1868. George Collingridge.)

"From his letter to King Joao it will be seen that to Covilham is
to be assigned the honour of the theoretical discovery of the Cape of
Good Hope, as that of the practical discovery will presently be shown
to belong to Bartholomeu Dias...

"By sea Joao sent, in August 1486, two vessels of fifty tons
respectively, under the command of Bartholomeu Dias and Joao Infante.
A smaller craft which carried the provisions was commanded by Pedro
Dias, Bartholomeu's brother...It was fitting that a Dias should be
the first to accomplish the great task which it had been the ruling
desire of the life of Prince Henry to see effected. It was a family
of daring navigators. Joao Dias had been one of the first who had
doubled Cape Bajador, and Lorenzo Dias was the first to reach the Bay
of Arguin, while Diniz Dias was the first to reach the land of the
Blacks and even Cape Verde, to which he gave its name. The expedition
of Bartholomeu started about the end of August, and made directly for
the south. Passing the Manga das Areas where Diogo Cam had placed his
furthest pillar, they reached a bay to which they gave the name of
Angra dos Ilheos. Here Dias erected a pillar, which was broken some
eighty years ago. The point is now called Dias Point or Pedestal
Point. From seaward is seen what looks like two conical shaped
islands, on the highest of which stood the cross. These hillocks
stand out dark from the surrounding land, and probably gave rise from
their tint to the name of Serra Parda, or the Dark Hills, in which
Barros places this monument. Proceeding southward, Dias reached
another point, where he was delayed five days in struggling against
the weather, and the frequent tacks that he had to make induced him
to call it Angra das Voltas, or Cape of the Turns and Tacks. It is
called Cape Voltas, and forms the south point of Orange River. From
this they were driven before the wind for thirteen days, due south,
with half-reefed sails, and of course out of sight of land, when
suddenly they were surprised to find a striking change in the
temperature, the cold increasing greatly as they advanced. When the
wind abated, Dias, not doubting that the coast still ran north and
south, as it had done hitherto, steered in an easterly direction with
the view of striking it, but, finding that no land made its
appearance, he altered his course for the north, and came upon a bay
where were a number of cowherds tending their kine, who were greatly
alarmed at the sight of the Portuguese and drove their cattle inland.
Dias gave the bay the name of Angra dos Vaqueiros, or the Bay of
Cowherds. It is the present Flesh Bay, near Gauritz River. He had
rounded the Cape without knowing it.

"It is a fact specially worthy of notice that in this voyage an
entirely different system was adopted with respect to the natives
than had prevailed hitherto. Instead of capturing the negroes that
they chanced to find on the coast, they had orders to leave on the
shore at intervals negroes and negresses well dressed and well
affected towards Portugal, to gather information respecting Prester
John, to speak in praise of the Portuguese from experience of
kindnesses received, and to infuse a desire to contract alliances
with them. In accordance with those instructions, two negroes had
been restored at Angra do Salto (the Bay of the Capture), so called
from Diogo Cam having captured them at this place. They had left also
a negress at Angra dos Ilheos (Angra Pequena), and another at Angra
das Voltas. An unfortunate event however occurred which neutralized
the effect of this well intended plan. In proceeding eastward from
Flesh Bay, Dias reached another bay, to which he gave the name of San
Bras, where he put in to take water. In doing this he met with
determined opposition from the natives, who threw stones at his men.
They were thus compelled to resort to their own weapons in
self-defence, and an unfortunate shot from an arblast struck one of
the Caffres dead, and thus the favourable impressions which had been
looked for from a pacific system of procedure were nullified by an
act of violence which they would gladly have avoided. Continuing
east, Dias reached a small island in Algoa Bay, on which he set up
another pillar with its cross, and the name of Santa Cruz which he
gave to the rock still survives; and as they found two springs in it,
many called it the Penedo das Fontes. This was the first land beyond
the Cape which was trodden by European feet, and here they set on
shore another negress.

"The crews now began to complain, for they were worn out with
fatigue, and alarmed at the heavy seas through which they were
passing. With one voice they protested against proceeding farther.
Dias however was most anxious to prosecute the voyage. By way of
compromise he proposed that they should sail on in the same direction
for two or three days, and if they then found no reason for
proceeding farther, he promised they should return. This was acceded
to. At the end of that time they reached a river some twenty-five
leagues beyond the island of Santa Cruz, and as Joao Infante, the
captain of the second ship, the S. Pantaleon, was the first to
land, they called the river the Rio do Infante. It was the river now
known as the Great Fish River.

"Here the remonstrances and complaints of the crews compelled Dias
to turn back. When he reached the little island of Santa Cruz, and
bade farewell to the cross which he had there erected, it was with
grief as intense as if he were leaving his child in the wilderness
with no hope of ever seeing him again. The recollection of all the
dangers that he and his men had gone through in that long voyage, and
the reflection that they were to terminate thus fruitlessly, caused
him the keenest sorrow. He was, in fact, unconscious of what he had
accomplished. But his eyes were soon to be opened. As he sailed
onwards to the west of Santa Cruz he at length came in sight of that
remarkable cape which had been hidden from the eyes of man for so
many centuries. In remembrance of the perils they had encountered in
passing that tempestuous point, he gave to it the name of Cabo
Tormentoso, or Stormy Cape, but when he reached Portugal, and made
his report to Joao, the King, foreseeing the realization of the long
coveted passage to India, gave it the enduring name of Cape of Good
Hope.

"The one grand discovery which had been the object of Prince
Henry's unceasing desire was now effected. The joy of the homeward
voyage was however marred by a most painful incident. Dias had, by
way of precaution, left behind him, off the coast of Guinea, the
small vessel containing the supplies of provisions. He now went in
search of it, it being nine months since they had parted company.
When they reached it, they found three men only surviving out of the
nine that had been left, and one of these, named Fernando Colaco, a
scrivener from Lumiar, near Lisbon, was so weakened by illness that
he died of joy when he saw his companions. The cause of the loss had
been that, while the Portuguese were holding friendly communication
with the negroes, the latter were seized with a covetous desire to
possess some of the articles which were being bartered, and, as a
short means of obtaining them, killed the owners. Not to return empty
handed, Dias put in at St. George da Mina, and received from the
commander, Joao Fogaza, the gold which he had taken in barter. He
then proceeded to Lisbon, which he reached in December 1487, after an
absence of sixteen months and seventeen days.

"In that voyage he had discovered three hundred and fifty leagues
of coast, which was almost as much as Diogo Cam had discovered in his
two voyages. This great and memorable discovery was the last that was
made in the reign of King Joao II."

CHAPTER 13. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.

BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS' LOST MAP OF THE WORLD.

nce the
Cape of Good Hope and the southern extremity of Africa rounded, the
sea-way to India and Australasia lay open to the adventurous sailor
of the day. But now, Portugal and Spain being at war with one
another, no further expeditions were sent out by the Portuguese until
Vasco da Gama--ten years after the successful voyage of Dias--made
his way to Calicut with the first European fleet that ever entered
the waters of the Indian Ocean. Prior to this, Columbus had made a
proposition to the King of Portugal to reach the Land of Spice by the
west. Joao however preferred to carry out the designs inaugurated by
Prince Henry. Columbus then went to Spain, where after many weary
years of solicitation his projects were at last listened to.

The race to the Spice Islands now fairly began, but, like in the
fable of the hare and the tortoise, he who started first won the
race. Columbus' expedition nevertheless resulted in something better
than the discovery of the Land of Spice. The vast continent extending
from the north to the south pole, and now known to us as America, was
revealed to the world. That continent, which was to assume such an
immense importance, was unknown to Columbus, for he believed to the
very last that he had reached India and the Spice Islands.

Let us now examine the maps and charts of the period we have just
briefly considered. Fra Mauro's Mappamundi served pre-eminently as a
model for all cartographers who were then pointing out the regions to
be discovered. Toscanelli used that prototype freely, although he
altered its features considerably. Behaim and others copied him more
or less. Christopher Columbus made a globe which he sent to
Toscanelli together with a letter asking for information.
Bartholomew, Christopher Columbus' younger brother, one of the most
efficient cartographers of the day, demonstrated to Christopher,
according to Antonio Gallo, "that by starting from the south coast of
Ethiopia, and steering westward on the right in the open sea, a
continent would certainly be reached;" which is as strange as it is
true. According to the notions of the time however it was not South
America that would have been reached, but a continental land which
occupied in the maps of the world, as then delineated, the
Australasian regions.

According to Mr. H. Harrisse Bartholomew Columbus made a map of
the world in London for Henry VI. This map, which is now lost,
contained some indifferent verses, which have been preserved in two
different Latin versions: Las Casas' and the Historie.

We give here Mr. Harrisse's translation of the Historie
version*: "Whomsoever you may be, who desires to know the earth and
the seas, this picture will give you the detail thereof in full;
which has already been related by Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Isidor
(of Seville). Yet their information differs. Here is represented the
torrid zone recently navigated by the Spanish (sic)** vessels,
until then unknown, and now well known.

(*Footnote. Mr. Harrisse's note: "This is evidently an
allusion to the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope which Bartholomew
Diaz had recently accomplished (August 1486 to December 1487) after
crossing the torrid zone, then supposed to extend throughout the
ocean (Santarem, Hist. de la Cosmographie au moyen age, volume iii.
page 212). But Diaz sailed under the Portuguese flag, and the
Spaniards had nothing whatever to do with this or any other similar
expedition during the fifteenth century.)

(**Footnote. Discovery of North America, page 387.)

"As to the author or painter, Genoa is his native country, his
name is Bartholomew Columbus, of Terra Rubra; he has executed this
work at London, in the year of our Lord 1480, and, besides, the year
8, and the tenth day, with the 3rd of the month of February."

Mr. Harrisse here remarks: "That is, for those who are compelled
to distort words in order to construct poor verse: "On the 13th day
of the month of February 1488." And again:..."the wording of the
Historie differs somewhat from that of Las Casas, which should
not be the case if both had copied the original document, but Las
Casas assigns the date of February 10th: decimaque die mensis
Februarii, instead of February 13th, decimaque die cum tertia mensis
Februarii. Nor are we certain that their 1488 is not 1489, new
style.

"Neither Las Casas nor the Historie give any description of
the map, and the above is all that we know concerning it. What is
said on the subject, or relative to the presence of Bartholomew
Columbus in London, by Hakluyt, Bacon, Purchas, and Herrara, was
entirely borrowed from the Historie."

Now, there is a map--and we don't know why Mr. Harrisse does not
mention it--that answers sufficiently to the above description to
make it, at least, interesting. But, for Australians, the map we
refer to has an intrinsic value and interest as being the earliest
specimen on which the possible outline of the western coasts of our
continent are delineated.

CHAPTER 14. A.D. 1487 TO 1489.

BRITISH MUSEUM MAPPAMUNDI.
A POSSIBLE COPY FROM BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS' MAP OF THE WORLD.

he map
referred to at the close of the preceding chapter is to be found in
the British Museum. It bears no date that we are aware of. A copy of
this map is given in Santarem's collection, and the date 1489 is
assigned to it. We think that date is about correct, for the map
shows information up to 1487; yet is much more primitive than M.
Behaim's globe of 1492. The name of the cartographer who designed it
does not transpire; but there are in it several features that point
to its being a copy of Bartholomew Columbus' lost map. The date
assigned to it being one of these features, this date is
corroborated, to a certain extent, by an inscription in a scroll near
the Cape of Good Hope, which inscription reads thus: Huc usque ad
ilha de fonti pe vnit ultima navigatio portugalensium anno domini
1489. The date in that inscription is no doubt a bad reading for
1487; for it was, as we have seen, in the year 1487 that Bartholomew
Dias doubled the Cape of Good Hope and reached the Rio do Infante,
whence he turned back and arrived at Lisbon in December 1487.

British Museum Mappamundi.

This mappamundi bears the appearance of being connected with the
earliest class of maps belonging to the new departure in map-making.
The departure was made from Fra Mauro's map of the world, in which,
as we have seen, the ancient ocean surrounded the world at the
equator in its southerly limits; and legends spread here and there on
the confines of that world indicated that in the mind of the
cartographer transilience was out of the question. The Portuguese by
their navigations towards the south had broken that spell. This fact
would seem to be graphically represented in this map, where the
southern extremity of the African continent bursts through the
marginal postes--a compromise for the circumfluent ocean of
mediaeval and older maps. The fear of openly discarding the
traditions of the past is also amusingly apparent in this early
attempt at geographical reform.

This will be at once noticeable if one compares this map with
Ptolemy's. Ptolemy connected the southern extremity of Africa with a
fictitious prolongation of the coast of China. In this map the
fictitious coastline is left out. The cartographer was sufficiently
well informed to know that it did not exist, but he appears to have
made a kind of concession by filling the gap with those two scrolls
of paper, the upper line of the larger scroll actually running over
and parallel with Ptolemy's fictitious coastline.

The whole of the coastline of the Indian Ocean above that large
scroll on which OCEANUS INDICUS MERIDIONAL is inscribed belongs to
Ptolemy's geography. Marco Polo is responsible for the extreme
eastern sea-board dotted with islands which in this map bear no
names; but the short line of coast running almost parallel to the
right hand side of the large paper scroll does not belong to his
description.

Unfortunately we cannot treat this map with the importance that it
might have acquired had it been a more faithful representation of its
prototype. It has no degrees of longitude or latitude, although we
have seen that in 1474 Toscanelli had made use of these
divisions.

Nevertheless, taking into consideration its general features, we
notice that the portion of coastline referred to above is situated to
the south of the Aureus Chersonesus (the Malay Peninsula) and
in the latitude of the southern parts of Africa. This coastline
therefore cannot be any other but the west coast of Australia.

Here we might ask the question: Who informed this Portuguese,
Spanish, or Italian map-maker that this portion of coast did not run
out towards the west as far as the east coast of Africa, as in
Ptolemy's map?

The only navigators in these seas who constructed maps and charts
and who could therefore have charted these coasts with anything like
their approximate correctness, were the Chinese and the Arabs. Of
these two nations the Arabs may be considered the more likely
draughtsmen, for they had long before the period we are dealing with
set down on their maps Madagascar and other islands lying eastward of
Madagascar in the latitudes and neighbourhood of the Australian
continent.

On the fictitious peninsula, the westernmost extremity of which is
bounded from north to south by the western coast of Australia, are
set down the following place-names: S. Thome, regnum lac and
regnum Cayln.

Those names are of importance because they form the clue that will
lead us to understand how the distortion of these parts was set
about. We shall refer to them by and by.

We must first endeavour to follow the evolution that always
obtains in cartographical representations, and with that object in
view we must compare this map with its predesigned prototype, the Fra
Mauro Mappamundi.

When constructing the Fra Mauro Mappamundi, the cartographer, not
being constrained by Ptolemy's equatorial line, brought the Indian
Peninsula down in something more like its actual position with regard
to Ceylon; but nevertheless, instead of correcting or obliterating
Ptolemy's duplicate Indian Peninsula which figures to the east of
Ceylon, he made it more prominent and endorsed the mistake by setting
down on its western and eastern shores respectively the double
nomenclature originating from Nicolo de' Conti's descriptions:
Questa region dita Mahabar, and Milapur, Pudipeten, etc.

The author of the new prototype, the various copies of which we
shall now have to consider, may have been Toscanelli, B. Columbus or
M. Behaim; but whosoever he be, he formed his new prototype with the
aid of the map of Ptolemy, Fra Mauro's, and other data, in this
way:

1. He used Ptolemy's configuration of coasts from Catigara,
away north to the Sinus Magnus, thence in a westerly direction to the
Sinus Persicus, then in a southerly direction to the extreme
limits of Ptolemy's south, i.e. 16 degrees south of the equator,
where the coastline is cut off by the smaller paper scroll relating
to the Portuguese discoveries in 1487.

The above skeleton-map is a much reduced outline facsimile of
Fra Mauro's celebrated Mappamundi.

2. He borrowed from Fra Mauro's map by using his Siamotra
(Sumatra) in the following extraordinary manner: he connected it with
Ptolemy's fictitious coastline at Catigara.

On the northern coast of Fra Mauro's Sumatra there is a region
called lago regno, where a couple of lakes are set down; this
region, in the map we are now dealing with, is called regnum
lac, and a lake separates it from regnum Cayln.

What does regnum Cayln mean? Two hypotheses present
themselves. It may be meant for Ceylon, or it may be meant for
Coilum, the modern Quilon on the coast of Travancore,
Indian Peninsula.

Whatever it was meant for however it became subsequently in most
maps of the Behaimean and Schonerean types, a bogus Sumatra,
as the regnum lac above it became the extremity of a bogus
Malay Peninsula, that, from that time till the present day, puzzled
many cartographers.

Even in the present map we may notice the initiation of the
evolution, for it will be noticed that regnum Cayln is
actually separated from regnum lac by the two rivers that flow
from the lake situated between these two regions--regnum Cayln
is therefore an island, strictly speaking. We shall find this
particularity emphasized in subsequent maps in which these rivers
become arms of the sea, or straits. Regnum Cayln also suffers
some modification in nomenclature; it becomes Caylur and
Seylan insulae in Martin Behaim's globe 1492--Provincia
Seilan in the Lenox Globe 1506 to 1511--Seilan Insulae
pars, in Ruysch's Mappamundi 1508--Coilu regnu and
Seyla, in the Schonerean Frankfort gores of 1515, etc.

The little town of S. Thome* set down on the western shores
of the bogus Malay Peninsula confirmed subsequent geographers and
cartographers in the belief that this was indeed the real Malay
Peninsula; and the representation of its eastern shores bearing Marco
Polo's nomenclature gave strength to their belief.

(*Footnote. In Yule's Cathay, volume ii. page 374 note 4
we find the following reference to San Thome: "Mirapolis is a
Grecized form of Mailapur, Meliapur, or, as the Catalan map has it,
Mirapor, the place since called San Thome, near the modern Madras.
Mailapuram means or may mean Peacock Town. A suburb still
retains the name of Mailapur. It is near the shore, about three miles
and a half south of Fort St. George, at the mouth of the Sydrapetta
River.")

The evolution of Fra Mauro's lago regno with its lakes and
surrounding hills of a more or less lofty and inaccessible character
is equally interesting, and extends subsequently to the continental
regions surrounding the south pole. The representation of this region
on various maps, now lost no doubt, led to a curious description
which has not, to our knowledge, been attributed, as it ought, to
these cartographical representations. This is the description*:
"Thirty leagues from Java the Less is Gatigara, nineteen degrees the
other side of the equinoctial towards the south. Of the lands beyond
this point nothing is known, for navigation has not been extended
further, and it is impossible to proceed by land on account of the
numerous lakes and lofty mountains in those parts. It is even
said that there is the site of the Terrestrial Paradise."

We cannot agree with R.H. Major, who before giving the above
quotation says: "A notion may be found of the knowledge possessed by
the Spaniards in the middle of the sixteenth century, on the part of
the world (Australia) on which we treat, from the following
extract"...and "Although this was not originally written in Spanish,
but was translated from Johannes Bohemus, it would scarce have been
given forth to the Spaniards had better information on such a subject
existed among that people." We cannot agree with R.H. Major, for we
might as well quote any of the hundred and one ignorant remarks made
daily at our antipodes concerning Australia, as a notion to be formed
of the knowledge possessed by Europeans concerning things Australian.
The title of the work marks its level.

Which suggested to the Revd. F.T. Woods the following judicious
and witty remarks*: "I am sure no one even suspected the information
which I now give from Francisco Themara's El Libro de las
Costumbres de todas las Gentes del Mundo y de las Indias--a book
on the Customs of all Nations of the World and of the Indies. It was
published at Antwerp in 1556. The title is quaint, nay, even droll.
All the nations of the world, the Indies besides, reminds one of the
book about everything, and a few other things, with a catalogue of
subjects not otherwise mentioned.

But about Australia. Themara did not profess to speak of
Australian manners and customs, though they might as easily have been
described with the brevity of the Yankee, who said, "manners, none;
customs, nasty." He only spoke of a land of whose inhabitants he knew
nothing, for he says: Thirty leagues from Java the Less is
GATIGARA, nineteen degrees on the other side of the equinoctial,
towards the south. Of the lands beyond this point nothing is known,
for navigation has not been extended further, and it is impossible to
proceed by land, in consequence of the large lakes and lofty
mountains in those parts. It is even said that there is the site of
the Terrestrial Paradise.

"I think we are in a position to give a most complete denial to
the last supposition. I dare say even a good many people smile at the
first, but it is worth a moment's thought. A land, nineteen degrees
from the equator, where people could not travel because of the
mountains and lakes. Was this prophecy? Were not the early colonists
stopped by the Blue Mountains, and when they got over them, were not
the early explorers stopped by the lakes. At any rate, here is
material for a theory."

When Fra Mauro set down those lakes and mountains on the north
coast of Sumatra he little thought that they would give rise to such
complications.

CHAPTER 15. A.D. 1492.

MARTIN BEHAIM'S GLOBE.

e have
now arrived at the important period of reliable geographical data as
embodied in the oldest known globe extant, that of Martin Behaim of
Nuremberg, the celebrated cosmographer of the close of the fifteenth
century.

We cannot do better than reproduce here what Mr. H. Harrisse says
concerning Behaim's globe in his admirable work on The Discovery of
North America, from which we have freely quoted, because it is the
most reliable work of its kind we have yet come across. After which
we shall examine the Australasian regions on this old globe and show
how its nomenclature in those parts was handed down, modified, yet
was still traceable on the maps of New Holland at a time when
Flinders, P.P. King and others surveyed the western shores of our
continent.

Mr. H. Harrisse says*: "Its diameter measures 530mm. The globe is
pasted over with vellum, and the configurations exhibit flags,
figures of kings, and inscriptions in gold and colours. It is mounted
on an iron stand, with brass meridian and horizon, on the edge of
which is inscribed the date Anno Domini 1510 die 5 Novembris,
which refers to these two metallic additions.

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America page
391.)

"There are numerous legends, in old German language, which have
been reproduced by De Murr, at a time when they were yet perfectly
legible; although the vellum had already turned nearly black. Parts
of these are omitted or imperfectly rendered in Ghillany's facsimile
of the western hemisphere.

"The globe was repaired in 1825, and it is after having been thus
put in order that Jomard obtained in 1847 from Baron Frederic Carl
von Behaim senior familiae, that it should be temporarily removed
from that gentleman's mansion to the School of Arts of Nuremberg, to
be facsimiled entirely at the expense of the French Government, for
the Geographical Department of the Paris National Library. That
facsimile is now on exhibition in the latter place, but very
difficult to decipher, on account of the fading away of the
colouring. As to the original globe, it is still preserved in the
archives of the Behaim family, in Nuremberg, Egydienplatz, Number
15.

"The following legend, which is inscribed in German on the globe,
gives the history of that important geographical monument:

'At the request of the wise and venerable magistrates of the noble
imperial city of Nuremberg, who govern it at present, namely, Gabriel
Nutzel, P. Volkhamer, and Nicholas Groland, this globe was devised and
executed according to the discoveries and indications of the Knight Martin
Behaim, who is well versed in the art of cosmography, and has navigated
around one-third of the earth. The whole was borrowed with great care from
the works of Ptolemy, Pliny, Strabo, and Marco Polo, and brought together,
both lands and seas, according to their configuration and position, in
conformity with the order given by the aforesaid magistrates to George
Holzschuer, who participated in the making of this globe, in 1492. It was
left by the said gentleman, Martin Behaim, to the city of Nuremberg, as a
recollection and homage on his part, before returning to meet his wife
(Johanna de Macedo, daughter of Job de Huerter, whom he married in 1486)
who lives in an island (at Fayal) seven hundred leagues from this place,
and where he has his home, and intends to end his days.'

"Our interpretation of the above quotation is that Martin Behaim
furnished the geographical data and legends, but that the globe was
constructed, painted, and inscribed by a gentleman* of the name of
George Holzschuer.

(*Footnote. Author's note: The Holzschuers were
Nuremberg patricians; one of that family, Wolf, lived in Portugal
and, having rendered services to King Manoel, received from that
monarch, February 2 1503, an additional escutcheon. The arms of the
Holzschuer family are also painted on Behaim's globe.)

"For a complete geographical description of the globe, we refer
the reader to the following works:

"There is a good (but not a facsimile) reduced copy of the
configurations and legends in Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht
von den Nurnbergischen Mathematicis und Kunstlern; Nurnberg 1730
fol.

"Johan Muller, the artist who reproduced the globe for the French
Government in 1847, also made a lithographed facsimile for Ghillany
in 1853. In Jomard's Monuments de la Geographie it is
incomplete and otherwise imperfect.

"Our chief reason for inserting Behaim's globe in our list, is
that it exhibits the geographical notions which would have guided him
if Joao II had listened to the Emperor Maximilian's advice to go in
search of Cathay by a maritime route westward, and to Dr. Jerome
Munzmeister's suggestion to secure the services of Martin Behaim for
that bold and great undertaking.

"This fact, which is not generally known, is proved by the
following extremely curious letter, namely:

'A letter which Hieronymus Monetarius (MUNZER or MUNZMEISTER),
a German doctor from the city of Nuremberg in Germany, sent to the
Most Serene King Dom Joao II of Portugal, concerning the discovery in
the Oceanic Sea and province of the Great Khan of Cathay. Translated
from Latin in (the Portuguese) language by Master Alvaro da Torre, a
Master of Theology, of the order of Dominicans, Preacher to our lord
the said King.

'To the Most Serene and Invincible King of Portugal, of the
Algarves and of Mauritania, (who is) the first discoverer of the
Fortunate Islands, Canaries, Madeira, and Azores, Hieronymus
Monetarius, a learned German, most humbly recommends himself.

'As you have laudably imitated the Most Serene Infant Dom Henry,
your uncle,* in sparing neither efforts nor expense to demonstrate
the sphericity of the earth, and succeeded in bringing under your
sway the people of the coast of Ethiopia and of the sea of Guinea as
far as the tropic of Capricorn, with the products thereof, namely,
gold, grains of Paradise,** you have won praises, immortality, and
glory, together with very great profits.

(*Footnote. Great uncle. George
Collingridge.)

(**Footnote. Amomum Melegueta, also called Guinea Grains and
Malaguetta pepper.)

'It cannot be doubted that within a short time the Ethiopians, who
are animals almost, but with the appearance of men, and entirely
ignorant of Divine worship, will, through your efforts, lose their
bestiality, and embrace the Catholic religion.

'Maximilian, the Most Invincible King of the Romans, noticing all
those things, has requested your Majesty to search for the very rich
coast of Cathay, because Aristotle states at the end of Book ii.,
De Caelo et Mundo, and also Seneca, Book v. of Naturalium
Quaestionum, and Cardinal Peter de Alyaco,* a great savant in his
day, and many illustrious persons think that the inhabitable extreme
East is very near the West, as is shown by the numerous elephants
found in both, and by the bamboo stalks which are driven by storms to
the shores of the Azore islands.

(*Footnote. Pierre D'Ailly, the "Eagle of the doctors of
France," who died in 1420.)

'Numberless arguments, so to speak, prove that after sailing but a
few days the east coast of Cathay could be reached. No notice must be
taken of Alfragano and other inexperienced individuals who affirm
that only one-fourth of the earth is above the sea, and that the
other three-fourths are under water; as in such matters we should
believe experience and trustworthy accounts rather than fantastical
suppositions.

'You know, doubtless, that several astronomers of great repute
have denied the possibility of living under the tropics and in the
equinoctial regions, yet you have effectually proved* that those were
erroneous and groundless affirmations. No attention should be paid to
(the statement) that the greatest part of the earth is submerged,
because, on the contrary, it is the sea which is smaller than the
earth. Moreover, there is the fact that the earth is round.

(*Footnote. By the discoveries accomplished in
Africa.)

'You possess ample wealth and very able mariners who are eager to
acquire immortality and fame. How glorious it would be for you to
disclose the East to your West! How trade (with those new regions)
would prove profitable! You should also bear in mind that the eastern
islands will become your tributaries, and that the majority of kings,
carried away by their admiration, will readily place themselves under
your protection.

'Already the Germans, Italians, and Rhutenians, and Apollonians of
Scythia, who dwell under the dry star of the Arctic Pole, all sing
your praises, together with those of the Grand Duke of Moscovia,*
who, only a few years since, has found under that star the great
island of Greenland, three hundred leagues long, which, with a
numerous population, is (now) under the sway of the said Duke.

(*Iwan III, who died in 1505, celebrated for his great territorial
accessions as far as Siberia and Laponia, but who never discovered or
conquered Greenland.)

'If you succeed in that undertaking, you will be praised as a god
or as another Hercules. At your bidding you may secure, to accompany
the expedition, the envoy of our King Maximilian (namely:) His
Lordship Martin of Bohemia, who is so well fitted for carrying out
the undertaking, and also several other expert mariners, who will
cross the broad sea, starting from the Azores, and who by their skill
and by means of the quadrant, cylinder, astrolabe, and other
instruments, and fearing neither the cold nor the heat, will sail to
the East, with a favourable wind and smooth sea.

'All those arguments should convince your Majesty. But why spur on
the running courser? And this so much the less as you are yourself
able to fathom all things! To expatiate on the subject is to impede
the runner in his course. Let the Almighty preserve you in this
design; and when the crossing shall have been effected, may your
knights (sic) confer on you immortality. Farewell. From Nuremberg, a
city of upper-Germany; July 14 A.D. 1493."

"Maximilian I was the son of Leonora of Portugal, and therefore
the cousin of Joao II. He was Emperor of the Romans from February
16th 1486 until August 17 following, when he became Emperor of
Germany. He waged war in person against France from 1492 until May 23
1493. It is consequently prior to the spring of 1492, or between the
end of May and the second week in July 1493, that Maximilian wrote on
the subject to Joao II.

"On the other hand, Martin Behaim was at Nuremberg from 1491 until
1493, and as it was an imperial residence, whilst his birth and
position allowed him to frequent the Court, we may infer that he met
Maximilian in that city; and, after suggesting a transatlantic voyage
of discovery, requested the Emperor to write to his cousin the King
of Portugal on the subject, apparently in 1491 or 1492. This seems to
imply unsuccessful efforts in that respect on the part of Behaim when
he was at Lisbon, previous to 1491.

"Another curious coincidence is the fact that the arguments used
by Munzmeister to convince Joao II are precisely those which were
advanced by Toscanelli, and adduced by Columbus to convince Ferdinand
and Isabella, namely:

"1. 'Aristotle states at the end of Book ii., De Caelo et
Mundo...that the east is very near the west,' alleged
Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'It is possible to sail from the western coast of
Africa and Spain westward to the easternmost part of India, because
there is no wide sea between the two; as Aristotle states at the end
of Book ii. of The Heaven and Earth.'

"2. 'It is not true that the greatest part of the earth is
submerged. On the contrary it is the sea which is smaller than the
earth,' pretended Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'Six parts of the world are dry land; only the
seventh is submerged.'

"3. 'After sailing but a few days the coast of Cathay can be
reached,' affirmed Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'If the intervening space is sea, then it will be
easy to cross it in a few days.'

"4. 'There is also the fact that the earth is round,' remarked
Munzmeister.

"Columbus said: 'As all the seas and lands of the world form a
sphere, and the earth consequently is round, it is possible to go
from east to west.'

"5. 'Bamboo stalks are driven by storms to the shores of the Azore
Islands,' wrote Munzmeister.

"Columbus, referring to a statement of his brother-in-law, said:
'Pedro Correa told him (i.e. Columbus) that in the island of Porto
Santo he had seen another piece of wood driven by the same (west)
wind, and in the same manner thick canes.'

"Finally, both the Nuremberg doctor and Columbus quote in support
of their assertions the same authorities, namely, Aristotle, Seneca,
and the then celebrated Cardinal Pierre D'Ailly.

"As to the writer of that curious letter, his name was Jerome
Munzer or Munzmeister, in Latin Hieronymus Monetarius, a Nuremberg
savant, who is evidently the Doctor Ieronimus mentioned by Martin
Behaim* in the postscript of his letter of March 11 1494, and
consequently one of his personal friends. He is called Philosophus et
medecinae doctor, and is the author of a work on the discoveries of
the Portuguese in Africa. He also wrote an account of his travels
during the years 1494 to 1495 in Germany, France, Spain, and
Portugal. The first of those works has been published by Kunstmann,
who gave only an analysis of the second, and an excellent
introduction."

CHAPTER 16. A.D. 1492.

THE AUSTRALASIAN REGIONS ON MARTIN BEHAIM'S GLOBE.

artin Behaim's globe is the first
document that introduces to us the revived use of the early
earth divisions of the ancients now so well-known by their names of
longitude and latitude. We have seen that Toscanelli, the Florentine
doctor, made use of these divisions on a map which he sent to C.
Columbus, describing them to him, in a letter, in the following
terms: "The longitudinal lines traced on the map show the distance
from east to west; the horizontal ones show the distance from south
to north." (See Toscanelli's letter above).

When--owing to the construction of terrestrial globes--the
relative proportions of land and water began to be seriously
discussed, we can well imagine the various theories and arguments
that arose amongst the learned men of the day. One line of argument
was that one-fourth only of the earth was above the sea,
whereas Toscanelli, Columbus and others argued that it was the other
way about, and that the sea was smaller than the earth. They
contended that from Lisbon to Quinsay in Cathay (China)
one-third only of the entire globe remained to be explored.
These opposite views are easily accounted for, if we take into
consideration their various sources.

The Arabs, who had from the beginning of the eighth century traded
with China, knew more about those parts than those who followed a
theoretical line of argument based on Ptolemy's views and
configurations. The Arabs maintained that the earth presented more
water than land surface. Toscanelli, Munzmeister, Columbus and others
maintained the reverse, and in support of their arguments pointed to
the distorted maps on which the bogus and duplicate Malay Peninsula
invaded the southern hemisphere in the latitude and longitude of
Australia; whereas the eastern shores of this duplicate peninsula and
the shores of China--the Mangi and Cathay of Marco Polo fame--swelled
out to such a phenomenal size as to reach the longitude of the
Sandwich Islands, to the east of which the islands of Cipango and
Antilia (of marvellous wealth) acted as stepping-stones to invite the
timorous navigator to launch out in search of those wonderful
regions.

There is a particularity about Toscanelli's description which has
not been generally noticed, and which is of some value as showing
that Behaim's globe was no doubt copied from Toscanelli's map.
Toscanelli's map is lost, but we have his letter in which he says:
"From the city of Lisbon, towards the west, in a direct line, there
are twenty-six spaces (of 250 miles each) marked on the map as far as
the famous and very large city of Quinsay...That space is about
one-third of the entire globe...From the Antilia island...to the
famous island of Cipango there are ten spaces." (See remarks on
Toscanelli's letter, Chapter 11.)

Now these distances only give us a vague notion of Toscanelli's
measurements. We have the whole distance between Lisbon and China, 26
spaces; and the distance between Antilia and Cipango, 10 spaces; but,
where were those two islands situated with reference to Lisbon, or,
with reference to China? Toscanelli's letter gives no clue. If
however we refer to Behaim's globe we shall find Cipango and Antilia
on one side, and Quinsay and Lisbon on the other, placed respectively
at distances corresponding to Toscanelli's description, showing that
Behaim's globe was either a copy or had been compiled from
Toscanelli's data.

By the above we have established the continuity of the
geographical evolution and brought back the origin of those features
of this globe to the year 1474--the date of Toscanelli's map. We may
presume furthermore that the Florentine doctor compiled his map from
Fra Mauro's, for there was no better model to go by that we are aware
of. In doing so he introduced the features that formed the prototype
of the class of maps we shall have now to deal with.

At that time there must have existed a portolano or sea-chart on
which the western coasts of Australia were set down from the vicinity
of Dampier's Archipelago to Cape Leeuwin, for we find in Behaim's
globe the features of this coastline, roughly charted it is true, but
nevertheless unmistakably intended for the said coasts; and the
longitudes and latitudes correspond approximately. When dealing with
Ruysch's mappamundi of Arabian origin (1507/8) we shall find these
coasts set down at the tropic of Capricorn, in the exact longitude of
the western coast of Australia as shown in Illustration 84; and Cape Leeuwin is not far out from
its proper position, being placed in 39 degrees of south latitude
instead of 35 degrees.

Portion of the west coast of the bogus Sumatra in Ruysch's
Mappamundi compared
with modern west coast of Australia. Australia is lined
perpendicularly--Ruysch's map
is lined horizontally.

Before proceeding any further in the description of this map and
of others belonging to the same class, we must here state, with
reference to measurements of longitude, that we have not fixed our
point of departure at our antipodes. Our reason for not doing so will
be obvious when the fact is considered that in the maps we are
dealing with all measurements were made from west to east only. The
further the cartographers of the period proceeded eastward with their
measurements the more they exaggerated the proportions of the less
known land configurations, lying in that direction, in order to fill
up the vacant space on the globe. It was only after the return in
1522 of the Vittoria with the remnant of the first
circumnavigators that the real size of the vast Pacific Ocean was
realised and that the regions of Asia and Australasia shrank back to
more correct dimensions.

The only correct way therefore of considering the relative
proportions of the Australasian regions was to make them the centre,
as we have done, of the eastern and western configurations.

With this object in view we have placed our zero, so to speak, at
the extreme limit of Ptolemy's world, the point of departure for the
representation of Marco Polo's descriptions. This central point
between Ptolemy's and Marco Polo's geography was situated at 180
degrees from the Insulae Fortunatae (Canary Islands) of the
ancients. It corresponds with our modern 120 degrees east of
Greenwich. The modern degrees of longitude will be found at the
bottom of each map, and the original degrees (when expressed) at the
top. Having thus given our reasons for adopting this point of
departure for comparing the relative proportions of these old maps
and globes, we may add that, in order to facilitate their
comprehension, we have drawn them to a uniform scale and translated
them to the same projection. This, it will be understood, was
necessary for comparative purposes.

We may now ask, How did it come to pass that indications of our
western coasts came to be confounded with the western shores of
Sumatra?

Our explanation is this: When Toscanelli, or the author of the
first map of the type we are considering, compiled his map of the
world from Fra Mauro's, he was no longer compelled to restrict its
limits to the northern hemisphere.

On the contrary, once the regions south of the equator were
revealed by the Portuguese navigations to the Cape of Good Hope, he
must have been impressed with the belief that Fra Mauro's manner of
displaying his various configurations of land and water was an
erroneous one. Furthermore, he had Fra Mauro's authority--so to
speak--to outstep his boundaries. Had not Fra Mauro placed on record
that in that Oriental sea there were many islands large and famous
that he had not set down because he had no room for them? His
very words were: In questo mar Oriental sono molte isole grande e
famose che non ho posto per non aver luogo. Toscanelli must have
been actuated by the inclination to fill those regions of the
southern hemisphere which had been ignored and cramped.

He therefore--we argue--placed Fra Mauro's Sumatra to the south of
the equator, thinking no doubt that the tropic of Capricorn, not the
equator, divided Sumatra in two. In confirmation of this belief he
may have observed on some Arabian portulano the outlines of the
western coasts of Australia thus cut in two by the tropic of
Capricorn. Availing himself of these configurations, he must have
united them to the eastern shores of Fra Mauro's Sumatra, and
connected both with the coasts of China as in Ptolemy's map--the
straits of Malacca being obliterated at the point where we find the
name Mallaqua set down on the Schonerean Frankfort gores of
1515, and where the word Lack may be noticed in the map we are
considering.

If we examine carefully Fra Mauro's Mappamundi we shall find that
there is little doubt but that this was the method employed by
Toscanelli of reconstructing Fra Mauro's data, for we find in most of
the maps of this type Fra Mauro's eastern prolongation of islands,
together with his nomenclature, to which have been added the islands
that he did not set down per non aver luogo.

Toscanelli was a man of superior intellect in his day, and little
influenced by popular prejudice or error. He was evidently an
innovator, and to him we owe doubtless the representation on maps of
those more or less fantastic islands that were set down according to
the interpretation of Marco Polo's writings. There appears however to
have been several of these interpretations.

Let us compare some of them with the interpretation given on
Behaim's globe.

Unfortunately we have not been able to procure as yet any better
copy of this important document than the one given here from Jomard's
Monuments de la Geographie, and we have been to some trouble
in procuring this. It is incomplete, as Mr. H. Harrisse remarks (see
above); other charts however may help to fill the lacunae.

AUSTRALASIAN REGIONS ON M. BEHAIM'S GLOBE AND HUNT-LENOX
COMPARED.

Marco Polo says*: "Upon leaving Champa, and steering a course
between south and south-west** seven hundred miles, you fall in with
two islands, the larger of which is named Sondur, and the other
Kondur."

(*Footnote. Marsden's Marco Polo.)

(**Footnote. Allowing for the projection this course will be found
to be correct.)

Now, west of 165 degrees of east longitude, 20 degrees north
latitude, the reader will notice Ciampo porto, which is
probably a little to the south and a good deal to the west of the
point of departure mentioned by Polo; and to the south, south-west of
this point of departure, two islands may be noticed in 10 degrees of
latitude north, which, we may presume, are meant for Sondur
and Kondur, for in map Number 3 Sodur is placed on the
equator and Candur below it. Map Number 4 places Sandio
and Candur in about 11 degrees south of the equator.

Then Marco Polo's description introduces us to Lochac on
the mainland, the name of which province, we may notice, has been
corrupted, and appears in 135 degrees east, 10 degrees south, as
Coachs, Lo and Loach ac, in map Number 3;
Loach provin, in map Number 4.

Marco Polo's description then continues thus: "Departing from
Lochac and keeping a southerly course for five hundred miles, you
reach an island named Pentam, the coast of which is wild and
uncultivated, but the woods abound with sweet scented trees."

This island of Pentam will be noticed in 150 degrees east
longitude, cut in two by the tropic of Capricorn. In map Number 3 it
is placed just above Java Minor. In map Number 4 it has the
same position as on Behaim's globe.

Marco Polo's description then takes us to Malaiur on the
mainland and to Java Minor, where that portion of his
description ends.

Malaiur, although spoken of as an island--which is often
the case with eastern descriptions in which the whole extent of a
country is not well known--has been identified by Marsden, Major, and
others as the Malay Peninsula, and we believe this interpretation to
be the correct one. But the identification certainly presented some
little difficulty, which may account for the fact that the name does
not appear on Martin Behaim's globe; or, at least, on Jomard's copy
of it, nor in any of the maps we are now dealing with. Later on, and
in a class of maps in which Marco Polo's descriptions have been less
faithfully interpreted, we shall find it set down as an island, and
also as a province pertaining to a fantastic representation of
Australia.

Java Minor is set down to the south-east of Australia and
between the 150th and 165th degree of east longitude, thus, strangely
enough, occupying the position of Tasmania. This is all the more
strange when coupled with the fact that, on our modern maps, to the
south of Tasmania, appear the unaccounted for Spanish or
Portuguese words Piedra Blanca or Pedra branca. In map
Number 3 Java Minor is placed in the same longitude as on the
Behaim globe, but to the north of the tropic of Capricorn, whereas in
map Number 4 it resumes the same position as on the Behaim globe.
Unfortunately we have not been able to procure

Pentam, etc. in Behaim's globe, compared with modern eastern
coasts of Australia and Tasmania.
The modern charting is shaded perpendicularly--the old features are
shaded horizontally.

The other islands of the Australasian regions on Behaim's globe
are: Java Major, Candyn, Anguana, Neucuram, Seylan, Zanzibar,
and Madagascar. There are other islands besides, but they bear
no names. Candyn is altogether outside the Australasian
sphere; it is described under the name Dondin by Odoric of Pordenone.
Java Major is a distorted representation of Fra Mauro's
Siamotra. Anguana occupies the site of New Zealand, and
might be derived from a representation of those islands; it will
become the Ysles de Magna of the Dauphin Chart 1530/36. Its name
however is simply a corruption of the Angaman of Marco Polo, who
described the Andaman Islands under that name. Neucuram and
Pentam also belong to his nomenclature. Under the first name
he describes the Nicobar Islands, and Pentam has been
identified as Bintang, near Singapore; but the eastern coast lines of
both these islands--Neucuram and Pentam--have a
remarkable resemblance to the eastern coasts of Australia, both as to
shape and position; Pentam especially, the eastern coast of
which actually follows the greater part of our eastern coastlines, as
may be seen in Illustration 62. The southern
coast of Seylan falls in also, to a certain extent, with our
southern shores.

Madagascar and Zanzibar deserve notice. Madagascar,
it will be observed, runs east and west, thus fulfilling the function
of a certain portion of Ptolemy's bogus continent in those
parts. Zanzibar is placed away from its proper position on the
coast of Africa owing to a particularity in Marco Polo's account that
might naturally lead the cartographer to place it where he did.

We shall find the position of Zanzibar maintained in many maps of
later date until the Portuguese reached these parts and made more
accurate surveys.

With reference to the Dauphin and similar charts wherein the
Australian coasts are so remarkably well delineated, we have now to
mention in connection with the present globe some of its most curious
and extraordinary features--features which will show that the Dauphin
and similar charts were not entirely due to Portuguese and Spanish
surveys. On the portion of coast in 105 degrees west longitude and
above the tropic of Capricorn appears the word Calmia.
Calmia bears no resemblance to lago regno, which occupies the
same position in Fra Mauro's Mappamundi, nor to regnum lac of
the British Museum map of 1489, nor to any other more or less similar
name on maps of this class. But it corresponds with quabe se
quiesce of the Dauphin chart, which has been read erroneously
quabesegmesce, and which appears as ap quieta on
Descelier's map of 1550. We should not be so sure about it though, if
another word did not occur, which shows that the nomenclature of this
globe, or better, of its prototype, served in the following instance,
at least, in the Dauphin chart nomenclature.

Egtis Silla in Behaim's globe and Hame de Sylla
in Dauphin chart compared.

To the south of the tropic of Capricorn and in the same regions
Egtis-Silla occurs. Egtis-Silla belongs to the
following inscription, which, on our reduced copy, we have not given
in full: das land margenannt Egtis-Silla. Whatever primitive
form it may have been corrupted from, it certainly is the
origin of Hame de Sylla which on the Dauphin chart occurs in
the same locality, as may be seen in Illustration
26.

CHAPTER 17. A.D. 1499.

TERRA AUSTRALIS.--SAID TO BE DISCOVERED IN 1499.

apid
strides were being made now in the work of discovery, westwardly and
eastwardly.

In 1497 Vasco da Gama sailed round the Cape of Good Hope and
arrived at Calicut with Paolo da Gama, Nicolas Coelho, Pedro Nunez,
Pero de Alemquer, Joao de Coimbra, and Pero Escobar.

The same year John and Sebastian Cabot left Bristol on the 2nd of
May, sighted the continent of America June 24th, and returned to
Bristol on August the 9th.

Portion of Paris wooden globe circa 1535, showing inscription
on Austral land
and Patalis Regio, indicating a discovery made in 1499.

There occurs about this time, which was a most active period, a
claim of Australasian discovery to which we have alluded in the introductory chapter of this work. We must now
inquire into this claim, for although as yet the evidence in support
of it appears to be scanty there is no telling what further research
may reveal. The claim is in the form of an inscription on a wooden
globe, as represented in Illustration 61.

Concerning this claim Mr. H. Harrisse, from whose work* we have
borrowed our sketch, says: "The Austral lands bear an inscription
somewhat surprising: The simply cordiform map of Finaeus inscribes
there: Terra Australis nuper inventa, sed nondum plene examinata. The
Austral land, recently discovered, but not yet entirely explored. The
wooden globe modifies the legend as follows: Terra Australis recenter
inventa anno 1499 (sic), sed nondum plene cognita. That is, it
gives the date of 1499 for the discovery of the Austral region. We
are inclined to think that it is a reference to the voyage of
Magellan, coupled with an erroneous rendering of the date in the
account of Maximilianus Transylvanus: Soluit itaque Magellanus die
decimo Augusti, Anno, M.D. XIX."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America page 613 4th
paragraph.)

We cannot say that we are of Mr. Harrisse's opinion, because there
is no possibility of mistaking that date M.D. XIX for 1499, which
would have been rendered thus: MCCCCIC.; and because the data of this
wooden globe does not appear to be based on Maximilianus
Transylvanus' account.

Map of the World by Orontius Finaeus (1531) Half of Southern
Hemisphere.
(Reduced from Nordenskiold's Atlas.)

Mr. Harrisse refers to a cordiform map of Finaeus* later than the
one, a portion of which we reproduce here, and ours bears a somewhat
different legend, as will be observed. Our reason for giving it here
however is to show that, owing to the connection that exists between
it and the wooden globe, the term Terra Australis may have
applied originally to Australia as well as to those regions
now known to us as Terra del Fuego.

(*Footnote. Mr. Harrisse, alluding to Finaeus' map of
1531, which is the one we reproduce here, remarks, same work, page
618: "In regard to the Austral land, if we sketch its configuration
(as given in the mappamundi of 1531) so as to give it the form which
would be imparted by the projection of the present, it will be found
to exhibit precisely the same elements. The names Regio Patalis and
Brasilie regio, together with the main legend, are to be found in
both. The only difference is that in 1531 Finaeus writes: Terra
Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum plene cognita,' while in 1536.
he adopts the phrase: "Terra Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum
plene examinata.")

Patalis regio in the wooden globe answers to New Zealand,
and the prolongation of the coastline westwardly indicated no doubt
the east coast of Australia. We have not the eastern hemisphere of
this wooden globe to judge how this coastline runs in its more
northerly bearings, but, judging from globes and maps similar to
Finaeus', we may safely conclude that the above-mentioned coastline
was intended for the east coast of Australia.

Who were the discoverers? It would be difficult to say. Mr.
Harrisse, referring to westerly expeditions carried out by virtue
of regular licenses, says: "That, between 1493 and 1500, a number
of vessels were, besides, unlawfully equipped in the ports of Spain,
Portugal, and France, for the purpose of exploiting the New World,
and sailed secretly or without being provided with any license
whatever, does not admit of a doubt. The glowing accounts which
Columbus gave of the newly discovered regions; the hope to find gold
in quantity; the Indians kidnapped and sold as slaves in Andalusia;
the cargoes of dyewood, spun cotton, and novel objects brought from
America, were surely of such a character as to induce the bold
mariners of the Peninsula to engage in the venture.

"So far as Portugal is concerned we see, from the start in 1493, a
caravel sail from Madeira to find the countries which Columbus had
just discovered, and King Manoel immediately send three vessels after
the alleged truant ship, apparently to arrest her, but in reality to
join in the expedition: y podria ser que esto se fuiese con otros
respetos, o' que los mismos que fueron en las carabelas, una y otras,
querran descubrir algo en lo que pertenece a' Nos, Navarette, doc.
lxxi. Volume ii. page 109. The fact is that the Azores were the
hot-bed, so to speak, of transatlantic expeditions. And the
Portuguese notarial archives, as well as those of the Torre do Tombo,
may yet yield information of that character, and of a date prior to
the letters patent granted in October 1499 to Joam Fernandez of
Terceira, authorising a voyage to the New World, before any such
privilege had yet been conceded to Gaspar Corte-Real, or before
anything was known of the latter's maritime attempts.

"As to such secret and illegal Portuguese expeditions, we can know
only of those which were the object of protests on the part of the
Spanish Government; as for instance the incursion of four Lusitanian
ships which early in the year 1503 went to the country discovered by
Rodrigo de Bastidas, and returned to Lisbon loaded with dyewood and
Indian slaves. Weare loth to believe that this was a solitary case;
and if Portuguese shipowners sent vessels in the track of Bastidas,
we may rest assured that they acted in the same manner, on a venture,
when informed of the quantities of pearls brought by Cristobal
Guerra, if not before.

"The French, who in the beginning of the sixteenth century
exhibited such a great maritime activity, at least in their western
seaports, showed just as little scruple. We have authentic documents
on that point. In the affidavit subscribed at Rouen by Binot Paulmier
de Gonneville, June 19 1505, mention is made of Dieppe and St.
Malo mariners, as well as other Normands and Britons, who for years
past go to the West Indies in search of dyewood, cotton, monkeys,
parrots, and other articles. As this information must have been
possessed by Gonneville before June 24 1503 (when he sailed from
Honfleur) we have in his deposition evidence that for years prior to
1503: d' empuis aucunes annees en ca les Dieppois et les Malouins
et autres Normands et Bretons vont querir aux Indes occidentalles du
bois a teindre en rouge, cotons, guenons, et perroquets, et autres
denrees. But who can tell how far those seafaring men (who rank
among the boldest that ever existed, and were sometimes
accompanied by Portuguese mariners) went and what countries they
may have explored?

"As regards Spain, the Crown rendered lawful enterprises to the
newly discovered regions extremely difficult. Licenses were granted
only to the subjects of Queen Isabella, that is, inhabitants of
Castile, Leon, Asturias, Galicia, Estramadura, Murcia, and Andalusia;
while not only foreigners, but even her husband's own subjects
(Aragonese, Catalans, and Valencians) were strictly excluded. Nay,
Isabella attached so much importance to such an exclusive right that
if in her testament she speaks only once of the Indies it is to
affirm her absolute and personal prerogative on the subject.

"The royalty to be paid to the Crown, exclusively of Columbus' 10
percent on the tonnage of every vessel, the obligation to have
constantly on board State officials to watch proceedings and record
minutely the receipts, together with a strict requirement to equip
all ships in the only port of Seville, where the law compelled them
also to return and unload, were likewise impediments which could but
result in the fitting out of numerous clandestine expeditions to the
New World, both for the purpose of barter and maritime discovery.

"The damage occasioned to the Crown from that cause compelled
their Catholic Majesties several times to issue stringent orders to
repress such illegal enterprises. The warning issued September 3 1501
recalls similar defences already published, and enacts very severe
penalties against all those who should dare in the future to
undertake unauthorised voyages in the Atlantic Ocean.

"It must not be supposed, nevertheless, that those prohibitions
ever prevented adventurers from running the gauntlet. As far back as
1497 we see two of Columbus' own officers, one of whom, Alonso Medel,
had been the master of the Nina during the second voyage of
discovery, elope with two armed vessels equipped by the Crown, and of
which they were in command. Disregarding the orders of Columbus, and
surreptitiously, this Medel, with Bartolome Colin, set sail for
unknown regions. When they returned to Cadiz Columbus asked their
Majesties to instigate legal proceedings, on the plea that the bold
adventurers had been guilty, to use Navarette's expressions, of
Viages arbitrarios. We do not know where those truant mariners
went, but they certainly avoided the transatlantic ports and coasts
visited by licensed Spanish ships and officials.

"Later, February 4 1500, we see another instance of the kind, when
Ferdinand and Isabella charter three vessels for the purpose of
overtaking in the open sea two ships which had sailed unlawfully from
Seville to the New World. It is worthy of notice that they belonged
to a Genoese, Francesco de Rivarolla, the friend and banker of
Christopher Columbus.

"It is plain that under the circumstances unlicensed adventurers
eschewed, as much as possible, the localities where they ran the risk
of meeting with caravels sailing under the royal flag, or the points
of the coast already exploited by duly authorised traders and
seafaring men. This would lead them to unknown parts, the secret of
which they kept to themselves, or marked on maps intended exclusively
for the information of their employers." Mr. Harrisse then remarks,
with reference to the north-east coast of America, that "we can well
realise how geographical information gathered during such secret and
dangerous voyages may have remained unknown to the pilots and
cosmographers of the Spanish Crown, and, as a matter of course,
failed to figure on the official charts of the Sevillan Hydrography,"
and adds, "Those facts will certainly be viewed by just critics as
indicating several of the various sources whence may have been
derived the cartographical data which appear on the Lusitano-Germanic
maps."

Yes, and Mr. Harrisse's remarks are quite true, but they may and
ought to apply likewise to voyages south of the equator--to voyages
in search of a southern passage to the Spice Islands as well as to
voyages in search of a northern passage. A passage leading to the
Spice Islands was one of the foremost desiderata of mariners of the
day, for few believed, as Columbus appears to have believed, that the
eastern regions beyond the Golden Chersonesus were attained.

There are reasons to believe that this glittering Eldorado was
sought for and reached years before the recorded expeditions to it
that we know of. What we know positively is that Antonio de Abreu in
1511 eastwardly, and Magellan in 1521 westwardly, attained these
regions. We have however representations on maps of the pathways
traversed by Abreu and Magellan, combined with other data, which go
far to show that, since these regions were charted before the arrival
of those hitherto accepted pioneers, they must have been known.

Nicolai gores.

Since writing the above another mappamundi has come to our notice,
in which the statement with reference to the discovery of the
Terra Australis is repeated.

It is a mappamundi in gores of the date 1603, published at Lyons
in France by Guiliemus Nicolai Belga. We give here a reduced
facsimile of the Australasian regions on this interesting map. The
legend--Terra nondum plene cognita, Inventa Anno 1499--is set
down in a more correct position than on the Paris wooden globe of
1535, and to the west of it, on the margin of the Australian
Continent, may be noticed the inscription Brasilia regio and
Psitacorum terra.

CHAPTER 18. A.D. 1500.

t is
strange that, precisely the year following the one in which the
Terra Australis was said to have been discovered, we should
find, as it were, a contrary statement made, by the non-appearance of
that recorded discovery on the first important document on which it
should have appeared--the famous planisphere of Juan de la Cosa,
constructed towards the end of the year 1500, and on which Cabral's
discovery of Brazil, the year preceding, is recorded.

Was the omission intentional? We cannot say; but from that date a
special class of maps was issued, on which the example set by the
celebrated Basque cartographer was followed, although not implicitly,
for whereas de la Cosa's map does not extend eastwardly beyond the
Sinus Gangeticus, or Bay of Bengal, omitting therefore the
Malay Peninsula and the regions to the east of it as far as America,
the special class of maps we refer to give the full extent of the
earth's circumference, but omit, in the Australasian regions
heretofore crowded with islands, even the merest suspicion or
indication of land, if we except the real Sumatra, Java, and its
eastern prolongation of islands as far as Gilolo.

CANTINO'S MAP 1501 TO 1502.

The document next in order is the Cantino map of 1501/2. Cantino
was Hercules d'Este's ambassador at the Court of Portugal, and the
map that bears his name was sent by him to his Lordship Hercules
d'Este, Duke of Ferrara.

This planisphere sets forth, as Juan de la Cosa's did, Cabral's
discovery on the coast of Brazil. It must be remembered here that the
name given originally to that part of the southern continent of
America was not Brazil, but Terra de Santa Cruz; and if we
notice a Rio de brasil on this map it is there merely on
account of the frequent use to which the name was put at the time,
without in any way applying to the mainland, and in this way we see
it applied also to a small island off the coast of Venezuela in de la
Cosa's map.

It would be curious however to find that the term was applied to
some large island or continental land in the Australasian regions
before it came to be adopted as the name of the large South American
region to which it now belongs. We suggest that it may have thus been
given by some learned cosmographer, as it was afterwards by Schoner,
with the belief that the Australasian regions were connected with and
formed the western coasts of the South American Continent, for it was
only after the return of the survivors of Magellan's fleet that the
vastness of the Pacific Ocean was realised.

In the map now before us there is a small island with the
following inscription: Ilha timoua en este ilha ha brasil carata
seda; it lies in about 14 degrees south of the equator, and in
not quite the same number of degrees east of Malacca, which in this
map extends towards the tropic of Capricorn. Judging from the
position of this island with reference to the southern extremity of
the Malay Peninsula on the same map, we might take it for one of the
Anamba islands; otherwise it lies sufficiently south to be some
island off the west coast of Australia. We think it is intended for
Timor, as Timor is so situated in Schoner's globe of 1533. As
far as we have been able to ascertain it is the first cartographical
appearance of the term Brasil in the Australasian regions.

Let us see now what reasons we may find in other documents in
support of our suggestion that the term may have been given to some
large island or continental land, south of Asia, before it came to be
applied in South America.

We have first Marco Polo's account of LOCACH: "In this
country (Locach, corrupted afterwards to Beach) the brazil
which we make use of grows in great plenty."*

(*Footnote. Marco Polo, 3rd book 7th
chapter.)

In Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, Locach, corrupted to
Coachs, is situated in the southern hemisphere, occupying a
position midway between New Guinea and Australia. The prototype from
which Behaim, Toscanelli, and others constructed those early globes
and maps of the Behaimean and Schonerean type was no doubt of Arabian
origin, and may have been similar to the lost map referred to by
Albuquerque. This lost map was used by Francisco Rodriguez, the
Portuguese pilot, in making that extract or copy that was sent to the
King of Portugal, before Rodriguez set out with Abreu in 1511 on his
expedition to the Moluccas. Albuquerque's allusion to the lost map is
made in a letter dated April 1st 1512, and which has been recently
published.*

The Javanese map (or Arabian, as Dr. E.T. Hamy suggests) referred
to by Albuquerque represented then the land of Brazil. Now, what land
could this be? The Arabs, at the time, could hardly have any
knowledge of the continent of America, and it is still less probable
that they knew anything about Cabral's discovery. Their navigations
were confined to the Indian Ocean, and we must look within their
sphere for an explanation. Albuquerque's letter, which has puzzled
learned critics, if viewed in the light of the term Brazil being
applied to Australia, is easily understood. Then again another
perplexing subject of controversy will be solved if we consider
Brazil to apply to Australia. It relates to the Straits of Magellan,
Brazil, and the alleged proximity of Brazil to Malacca.

On Schoner's globe of 1515, that is five years before Magellan
passed through the straits that bear his name, a passage from the
South Atlantic ocean to the South Pacific Ocean is marked. The
charting of this strait is certainly mysterious, and led to the
following remarks in F.H.H. Guillemard's Life of Ferdinand
Magellan*:

"What had Schoner in his mind when he gave this strait a place
upon his globes? What were his sources of information? Was it fact or
conjecture that guided his pencil? These are the questions we have to
answer. Some light is thrown upon them by a work of the cosmographer
which was published at the same time as his early globe, and intended
to be in great measure illustrative of it.*

"In it he speaks of his Brasilae regio--that the country was not
far from the Cape of Good Hope; that the Portuguese had explored it,
and had discovered a strait going from east to west; that this strait
resembled the Strait of Gibraltar; and that Mallaqua was not far
distant therefrom.* All this information was, nevertheless, not
gathered at first hand by Schoner. Shortly before he wrote--but how
long we do not know, for the title-page bears no date--was published
a certain pamphlet in bad German, anonymous and apparently a confused
translation of a Portuguese original--the Copia der Newen, Zeytung
aus Presillg Landt. From this he apparently took his description
almost word for word, and the question thus shifts itself a point
further back into the examination of the provenance and authorities
of the Copia."

Now the Copia speaks of the strait as being in 40 degrees
south, but Schoner's globe shows two straits, one to the south of
America in 45 degrees and one between the Australian regions and an
antarctic continent which bears the name of Brasilie Regio.
This strait runs from east to west and is in 40 degrees south as the
Copia states; moreover, as it is nearer Malacca than the
former strait, it is only fair to presume that the Land of
Brazil alluded to in the Copia was not the land in South America,
especially when we take into consideration the fact that the South
American region which now bears the name of Brazil had not, in
Schoner's map, been christened otherwise than with its first name
Sacte Crucis, which is the name given to the cape forming the
Brazilian elbow.

Andrea Corsali,* speaking of a continental land to the south-east
of the Spice Islands, that is, in the vicinity of New Guinea,
says:

Et nauigado verso le parti d' Oriente, dicono esserui terra de
piccinacoli, & e di molti openione che questa terra vada a
tenere, & congiungersi per la Banda di Leuante & mezogiorno,
con la costa del Brezil o' Verzino perche per la grandezza di detta
terra del Verzino, non si e per anchora da tutta le parti
discoperta. And navigating towards the east, they say there lies
the land of Piccinacoli,** and many believe that this land is
connected towards the east in the south with the coast of
Bresil or Verzino,*** because, on account of the size
of this land of Verzino, it is not as yet on all sides
discovered.

(**Footnote. Piccinacoli is the name given to New Guinea in G.
Mercator's map of 1569.)

(***Footnote. Verzino is the Italian for Brazil-wood.)

As New Guinea was supposed to be connected with Australia, it
follows that we have in the above statement of Andrea Corsali the
reason, at least, for the presence on subsequent maps of the
Shonerean term Brasielie Regio, as applied to the Austral
Continent.

CHAPTER 19. A.D. 1503 TO 1508.

DE GONNEVILLE'S ALLEGED VOYAGE TO AUSTRALIA.
LUDOVICO BARTHEMA.

he claim
set forth on behalf of the French sailor De Gonneville, who is stated
to have landed on the western coast of Australia in 1503, is somewhat
similar to the claim of discovery made in the same locality by the
Portuguese Manoel Godinho de Eredia in 1601. As these claims cannot
be considered as having been substantiated, we have not allowed them
to interfere with the chronological sequence of historical facts and
documents. But, as both these claims of discovery present sufficient
interest to the Australasian student, and are indirectly connected
with our subject, we have not dismissed them entirely. They will be
found discussed in the appendix at the end of this volume.

LUDOVICO BARTHEMA.

We must now give an account of a traveller whose descriptions have
had some influence on Australian geography.

About this time also, 1502/1503, the influence of Marco Polo and
Nicolo de' Conti on the cartography of the Eastern regions was at its
apogy, for their voyages had just been published in the Portuguese
language at Lisbon.*

Ludovico Barthema's account of his travels ranges over a period of
five years, from 1503 to 1508.

He visited those regions that were soon to fall under the sway of
the Portuguese, and on his way back to Europe met the latter at
Calicut, and stayed for some time there imparting to them knowledge
of the countries he had visited.

Barthema visited Java, and from this furthest point south he
retraced his steps back to India and Europe.

We give here verbatim the portions of his voyages that
describe the regions visited by him south of the equator and in
proximity to Australia.

Dr. E.T. Hamy and other critics believe that Barthema never
visited the Spice Islands, but described them in the same manner that
Java was described by Marco Polo, from the accounts of his fellow
travellers.

Ludovico Barthema's account of his travels appears to have been
very little known, even by his own countrymen. George Percy Badger,
in the introduction to The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, etc.,*
says: "One would have thought that Ramusio might have picked up some
information respecting the early life and subsequent career of our
author; but his Discorso Breve to Varthema's book is briefer
than many of the notices prefixed to other far less important voyages
and travels contained in his valuable collection.

(*Footnote. Hakluyt Society Edition.)

"Moreover, it is clear that the first authorised edition of the
Itinerary, printed at Rome in 1510, was either unknown to him or
beyond his reach; since he tells us that his revised exemplar was
prepared from a Spanish version made from the Latin translation--a
third-hand process, which accounts for the many variations existing
between his copy and the original Italian edition. The following is
all that he says: 'This Itinerary of Lodovico Barthema, a
Bolognese, wherein the things concerning India and the Spice Islands
are so fully and so correctly narrated as to transcend all that has
been written either by ancient or modern authors, has hitherto been
read replete with errors and inaccuracies, and might have been so
read in future, had not God caused to be put into our hands the book
of Christofero di Arco, a clerk of Seville, who, being in possession
of the Latin exemplar of that voyage, made from the original itself,
and dedicated to the Most Reverend Monsignor Bernardino, Cardinal
Carvaial of the Santa Croce, translated it with great care into the
Spanish language, by the aid of which we have been enabled to correct
in many places the present book, which was originally written by the
author himself in our own vulgar tongue and dedicated to the Most
Illustrious Madonna Agnesina, one of the pre-eminent and excellent
women of Italy at that period. She was the daughter of the Most
Illustrious Signor Federico, Duke of Urbino, and sister of the Most
Excellent Guidobaldo, wife of the Most Illustrious Signor Fabricio
Colonna, and mother of the Most Excellent Signor Ascanio Colonna and
of the Lady Vittoria Marchioness Dal Guasto, the ornament and light
of the present age. And the aforesaid Lodovico divided this volume
into seven Books, in the First of which he narrates his journey to
Egypt, Syria, and Arabia Deserta. In the Second, he treats of Arabia
Felix. In the Third, of Persia. In the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth, he
comprises all India and the Molucca Islands, where the spices grow.
In the Seventh and last, he recounts his return to Portugal, passing
along the coast of Ethiopia, the Cape of Good Hope and several
islands of the western ocean."

In the course of his travels, having arrived at Shiraz, "accident
threw him in the way of a Persian merchant called Cazazionor, by whom
he was recognised as a fellow pilgrim at Meccah, and whose friendly
overtures on the occasion were destined to exert a powerful influence
in shaping his subsequent course."*

(*Footnote. The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, etc.
page iii. Translated by J. Winter Jones, Esquire, F.S.A., and edited,
with Notes and an Introduction, by the Rev. George Percy Badger
1863.)

He then, in company with the Persian merchant, started for
Samarcand; owing however to some warfaring then going on in the
locality, they were unable to reach their destination and returned to
Shiraz. "The Persian merchant became so much attached to our
traveller during the abortive attempt to reach Samarcand that, on
their return to Shiraz, he intimated to the latter his intention of
giving him the hand of his niece, who was called Samis, that is, the
Sun, and so far transgressed Musulman etiquette in his favour as to
present him personally to the damsel, with whom Varthema 'pretended
to be much pleased, although his mind was intent on other things.' He
tells us however that his destined bride was 'extremely beautiful,
and had a name which suited her;' and lest the designation should be
considered a misnomer, it must be remembered that the sun takes the
feminine gender in most of the Oriental languages."*

(*Footnote. Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Edition page
lvii.)

Starting afresh from Shiraz, the two travellers reached Hormuz,
where they embarked for India. Having reached India, at Cannanore,
Barthema or Varthema avoided coming into contact with the Portuguese,
fearing that his assumed profession of Islam might be detected by his
companion traveller, for he could not have been friendly with the
Portuguese without revealing to them his true character, and, had he
done so, his future travelling prospects with his friend, the Persian
merchant, would have been frustrated. Pursuing therefore their
peregrinations they reached Benghalla, where they met two
Nestorian Christians who had come there from a place called
Sarnau in China. These two Christians from Sarnau, noticing
some branches of coral which Cazazionor or Cogiazanor, the Persian
merchant, had for sale, advised him and his friend to accompany them
to Pegu, where they were going, and where he would find, they said, a
ready market for such kind of wares. They travelled together and
reached Pegu, where, after a short stay, they set off again for
Pider in Sumatra. "A desire on the part of Cogiazanor to see
the place where the nutmegs and cloves were produced induced him and
Varthema to put themselves under the guidance of these two Christian
companions, who were now anxious to return to their own country, but
who eventually consented to accompany them, on hearing that Varthema
had been a Christian and had seen Jerusalem, where he had been
purchased as a slave, and brought up as a Musulman. This fabricated
story so delighted the simple Sarnau couple that they endeavoured to
persuade Varthema to go with them to China, promising that he should
be made very rich there, and be allowed the free exercise of his
adopted faith. Cogiazanor objected to the latter arrangement,
informing them that his companion was the destined husband of his
bright-eyed niece Samis, which finally settled the matter. Smaller
boats being required for the projected trip, wherein there were no
dangers to be apprehended from pirates, though the Christians would
not promise them immunity from the chances of the sea, two Sampans,
ready manned, were bought by the Persian for 400 pardai (about
280 pounds) and, after taking on board a stock of provisions,
including the best fruits which Varthema had ever tasted, the party
sailed from the island of Sumatra."*

(*Footnote. Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Edition page
xc.)

As we arrive now at the part of Ludovico Barthema's travels which
affects more particularly our subject, and as certain learned
critics* are of opinion, after a careful study of the question, that
Barthema never visited the Spice Islands, we shall give verbatim the
account of the part of his travels which refers to Australasia as
found in Ramusio, with the English of the Hakluyt Society's edition,
in order that our readers may judge for themselves. We know of many
Australians whose practical knowledge of the Spice Islands will lead
them to believe, like Tiele, Schefer, and Hamy, that Barthema never
did visit the islands in question.

Be this however as it may, the fact remains, and it is an
interesting one for us, that at the early period of Barthema's
travels, Chinese merchants were accustomed to visit and trade with
the Spice islanders.

In the course of the said journey we found about twenty islands,
part inhabited and part not, and in the space of fifteen days we
arrived at the said island, which is very ugly and gloomy, and is
about one hundred miles in circumference, and is a very low and flat
country. There is no king here, nor even a governor, but there are
some peasants, like beasts, without understanding. The houses of this
island are of timber, very gloomy, and low. Their dress consists of a
shirt; they go barefooted, with nothing on their heads; their hair
long, the face broad and round, their colour is white, and they are
small of stature. Their faith is Pagan, but they are of that most
gloomy class of Calicut called Poliar and Hirava; they
are very weak of understanding, and in strength they have no vigour,
but live like beasts. Nothing grows here but nutmegs and some fruits.
The trunk of the nutmeg is formed like a peach-tree, and produces its
leaves in like manner; but the branches are more close, and before
the nut arrives at perfection the mace stands round it like an open
rose, and when the nut is ripe the mace clasps it, and so they gather
it in the month of September; for in this island the seasons go as
with us, and every man gathers as much as he can, for all are common,
and no labour is bestowed upon the said trees, but nature is left to
do her own work. These knots are sold by a measure, which weighs
twenty-six pounds, for the price of half a carlino. Money
circulates here as in Calicut. It is not necessary to administer
justice here, for the people are so stupid that if they wished to do
evil they would not know how to accomplish it. At the end of two days
my companion said to the Christians: "Where do the cloves grow?" They
answered: "That they grew six days' journey hence, in an island
called Monoch, and that the people of that island are beastly, and
more vile and worthless than those of Bandan." At last we determined
to go to that island be the people what they might, and so we set
sail, and in twelve days arrived at the said island.

We disembarked in this island of Monoch, which is much smaller
than Bandan; but the people are worse than those of Bandan, but live
in the same manner, and are a little more white, and the air is a
little more cold. Here the cloves grow, and in many other
neighbouring islands, but they are small and uninhabited. The tree of
the clove is exactly like the box tree--that is, thick, and the leaf
is like that of the cinnamon, but it is a little more round, and is
of that colour which I have already mentioned to you in Zeilan
(Ceylon), which is almost like the leaf of the laurel. When these
cloves are ripe, the said men beat them down with canes, and place
some mats under the said tree to catch them. The place where these
trees are is like sand--that is, it is of the same colour, not that
it is sand. The country is very low* (meaning perhaps as to
latitude), and the north star is not seen from it. When we had seen
this island and these people, we asked the Christians if there was
anything else to see. They replied: "Let us see a little how they
sell these cloves." We found that they were sold for twice as much as
the nutmegs, but by measure, because these people do not understand
weights.

(*Footnote. Those critics who think that Barthema never
visited the Spice Islands have no doubt given good reasons for
believing so. We do not know their reasons; but, if the passage which
has been translated--The country is very low--has in any way
given strength to their arguments, it ought not to have done so, for
it is not to be found with that meaning in the Italian text. It is in
fact, we believe, a wrong translation, Volto verso having been
read Molto basso.)

Our travellers then agree to visit Java, "the largest island in
the world." They proceed by way of Borneo, in order to "take a large
ship, for the sea is more rough."

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE MARINERS MANAGE THE NAVIGATION TOWARDS
THE ISLAND OF GIAVA.

When the chartered vessel was supplied with provisions we took our
way towards the beautiful island called Giava, at which we arrived in
five days, sailing towards the south. The captain of the said ship
carried the compass with the magnet after our manner, and had a chart
which was all marked with lines, perpendicular and across. My
companion asked the Christians: "Now that we have lost the north
star, how does he steer us? Is there any other north star than this
by which we steer?" The Christians asked the captain of the ship the
same thing, and he showed us four or five stars, among which there
was one which he said was contrario della (opposite to) our
north star, and that he sailed by the north because the magnet was
adjusted and subjected to our north. He also told us that on the
other side of the said island, towards the south, there are some
other races, who navigate by the said four or five stars opposite to
ours; and moreover they gave us to understand that beyond the said
island the day does not last more than four hours, and that there it
was colder than in any other part of the world. Hearing this we were
much pleased and satisfied.

The information furnished above is valuable and interesting; it
requires however careful examination and a more accurate translation
if we are to judge of its true meaning.

The last short chapter suggests four leading questions, as
follows:

1. Was the padron of the ship they had chartered a Moorish or a
Malay captain?

2. What sort of compass did he use?

3. What kind of chart did he use?

4. What country to the south of Java did he refer to?

In answer to the first question, we may notice that the Persian
merchant seeking information from the captain asks the Christians to
address him. Now the Christians had been acting as guides to the
Persian and his friend Barthema, they had been in these regions
before, and could no doubt speak the Malay language. We may conclude
therefore that the padron was a Malay, for had he been an Arab or
Moor the Persian merchant could have asked the captain himself.

In answer to the second question, we should say that the compass
with the magnet after our manner was one of European
workmanship, a compass in which the magnet or needle pointed to the
north. We have seen* that in Asiatic compasses generally, the needle
pointed to the south; the mention therefore of the fact that the
captain's compass was ad usanza nostra--i.e. with the needle
pointing to the north, as in European compasses--shows plainly that
the case was an extraordinary one. Moreover this is corroborated by
the captain's answer, in which he refers to the star which is
(all' incontro della nostra tramontana) opposite to our
north star. This south star was the one he navigated by, because the
magnet of his compass pointed to our north: perche la
calamita era acconcia & tirava alla tramontana nostra.

This sentence has been translated wrong in the Hakluyt Society's
edition. The Italian text does not say that he sailed by the north;
on the contrary it clearly says, & ch' egli navigando seguiva
quella: and that he navigating followed it, i.e. that particular star
of the Southern Cross.

The third question suggested refers to the charts used. It was no
doubt an Arabian chart, unless the Javanese and Malays had charts of
their own, which is a difficult point to settle, and which involves
also the possibility of Chinese charts having been used.

One thing however is almost certain, and that is that the chart
used had the south at the top. It may have resembled therefore the
1542 chart of the Sea of Orient. It was also like this chart
and other charts of the period in being all marked with lines
perpendicular and across.*

(*Footnote. Shakespeare in Twelfth Night alludes
to a chart of this description when he makes Maria say to
Malvolio--"He does smile his face into more lines than are in the new
map with the augmentation of the Indies.")

The fourth question: "What country to the south of Java did the
Javanese captain allude to?" is easily answered, since no country
except Australia could be meant. The notes given in the Hakluyt
Society's edition of Barthema's travels concerning this particular
question are of great interest; we shall therefore give them here in
full. These notes were the result of a communication of G.P. Badger
to Markham and Major for information.

Says C.R. Markham, the Honorary Secretary of the Hakluyt
Society:

"This sentence is very important if it should point to latitudes
on a line with or south of Australia. The point where the shortest
day would only last four hours would be 15 degrees south of the
southern point of Van Diemen's Land. It is most improbable that the
Malay skipper should have been so far south; yet his statements
indicate a knowledge of countries as far south at least as
Australia."

R.H. Major's answer to the editor's query is as follows:

"Vague as this sentence is, it either means nothing, or it
contains information of very great importance. It is difficult to
suppose that the Malay skipper should have been so far south as the
Great Southern Continent; yet it is more difficult to believe him
capable of describing a phenomenon natural to these high latitudes,
except from his own observation, or that of other navigators of that
early period. But even should we feel disposed to withhold our belief
in the probability of an event so astonishing as this would be, there
yet remains the almost unavoidable conclusion that Australians are
alluded to in the description of people to the south of Java who
navigate by the four or five stars, doubtless the constellation of
the Southern Cross. This reference to Australia is the more
remarkable that it precedes in time even those early indications of
the discovery of that country which I have shown to exist on
manuscript maps of the first half of the sixteenth century, although
the discoverers' names, most probably Portuguese, and the date of the
discovery as yet remain a mystery." 1863.

Following then our route, in five days we arrived at this island
of Giava, in which there are many kingdoms, the kings of which are
Pagans, Their faith is this: some adore idols as they do in Calicut,
and there are some who worship the sun, others the moon; many worship
the ox; a great many the first thing they meet in the morning; and
others worship the devil in the manner I have already told you. The
island produces an immense quantity of silk, part in our manner and
part wild, and the best emeralds in the world are found here, and
gold and copper in great quantity; very much grain like ours, and
excellent fruits like those of Calicut. Animal food of all kinds like
ours is found in this country. I believe that these inhabitants are
the most trustworthy men in the world; they are white and of about
our stature, but they have the face much broader than ours, their
eyes large and green, the nose much depressed, and the hair long. The
birds here are in great multitudes, and all different from ours,
excepting the peacocks, turtle-doves, and black crows, which three
kinds are like ours. The strictest justice is administered among
these people, and they go clothed all' apostolica in stuffs of
silk, camelot, and cotton, and they do not use many arms, because
those only fight who go to sea. These carry bows, and the greater
part darts of cane. Some also use zarabottane (blow pipes),
with which they throw poisoned darts; and they throw them with the
mouth, and however little they draw blood the (wounded) person dies.
No artillery of any kind is used here, nor do they know at all how to
make it. These people eat bread made of corn, some also eat the flesh
of sheep, or of stags, or indeed of wild hogs, and some others eat
fish and fruits.

THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW IN THIS ISLAND THE OLD PEOPLE ARE SOLD BY
THEIR CHILDREN OR THEIR RELATIONS, AND AFTERWARDS ARE EATEN.

The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers become
so old that they can no longer do any work, their children or
relations set them up in the marketplace for sale, and those who
purchase them kill them and eat them, cooked. And if any young man
should be attacked by any great sickness, and that it should appear
to the skilful that he might die of it, the father or the brother of
the sick man kills him, and they do not wait for him to die. And when
they have killed him they sell him to others to be eaten. We being
astonished at such a thing some merchants of the country said to us:
"O you poor Persians, why do you leave such charming flesh to be
eaten by the worms?" My companion hearing this immediately exclaimed:
"Quick, quick, let us go to our ship, for these people shall never
more come near me on land!"

Before leaving Java, where our travellers evidently landed at some
out-of-the-way and comparatively uncivilized place, the Christians,
who accompanied them, said to Barthema: "O, my friend, take this news
(the news of the cruelty of the people) to your country, and take
this other also which we will show you. Look there, now that it is
midday, turn your eyes towards where the sun sets." To which Barthema
remarks for himself and his companion (the Persian merchant): "And
raising our eyes we saw that the sun cast a shadow to the left more
than a palmo. And by this we understood that we were far
distant from our country, at which we remained exceedingly
astonished. And, according to what my companion said, I think that
this was the month of June; for I had lost our months, and sometimes
the name of the day...Having remained in this Island of Giava
altogether fourteen days, we determined to return back, because,
partly through the fear of their cruelty in eating men, partly also
through the extreme cold, we did not dare to proceed further, and
also because there was hardly any other place known to them (the
Christians).

"Wherefore we chartered a large vessel, that is, a giunco, and
took our way outside the islands towards the east, because on this
side there is no archipelago, and the navigation is more safe..."

They arrived at Malacha, and Barthema proceeding homeward
after leaving Calicut, met at Cannanore Don Lorenzo, the son of Don
Francisco de Almeyda, the Portuguese Viceroy, who questioned him on
the state of affairs at Calicut. Barthema was then escorted to the
Viceroy, then in Cochin...On the 12th of March 1506 the Indian fleet,
of 209 sails, set out from Pannani, Calicut, Capogat, Pandarani and
Tormapatan to meet the Portuguese. Barthema says: "When we saw this
fleet, which was on the 16th of the month above mentioned (March),
truly, seeing so many ships together, it appeared as though one saw a
very large wood. We Christians always hoped that God would aid us to
confound the Pagan faith. And the most valiant knight, the captain of
the (Portuguese) fleet, son of Don Francisco dal Meda, Viceroy of
India, was here with eleven ships, amongst which there were two
galleys and one brigantine."...They fought, and the Moors were
defeated with great slaughter. Barthema afterwards, for a period of
eighteen months, acted as factor to the Portuguese at Cochin, and
then returned to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope and Portugal,
arriving in Rome after an absence from his country of about five
years.

CHAPTER 20. A.D. 1506 TO 1511.

HUNT-LENOX GLOBE.
RUYSCH'S MAPPAMUNDI OF 1507 TO 1508.

e shall
now describe, as being the next in chronological order, the Lenox
globe, recently found. Mr. C.H. Coote, of the British Museum, in his
historical introduction to Henry Stevens' Johann Schoner,*
(page xii. line 8) remarks: "As there are several misleading
narratives of this globe, we will here insert Mr. Stevens' own
account of it. He writes as follows:

"In 1870, while residing at the Clarendon in New York, I dined one
evening with Mr. R.M. Hunt, the architect of the Lenox Library, a son
of my father's old friend, Jonathan Hunt, who represented the State
of Vermont in Congress from 1827 to 1832. While talking on library
conveniences and plans I chanced to notice a small copper globe, a
child's plaything, rolling about the floor. On inquiry I was told
that he picked it up in some town in France for a song, and now, as
it opened at the equator and was hollow, the children had
appropriated it for their amusement. I saw at once by its outlines
that it was probably older than any other globe known, except Martin
Behaim's at Nuremberg, and perhaps the Laon globe, and told Mr. Hunt
my opinion of its geography, requesting him to take great care of it,
for it would some day make a noise in the geographical world.
Subsequently I borrowed it for two or three months, studied it, took
it to Washington, exhibited it to Dr. Hilgard and others at the Coast
Survey Office, and employed one of the draughtsmen there to project
it in a two-hemisphere map, with a diameter of the original, about
four and a half inches, at a cost to me of 20 dollars. On returning
to New York I delivered it into the hands of Mr. Hunt, telling him
that it was unquestionably as early as 1510, and perhaps 1505; and
was, in historical and geographical interest, second to hardly any
other globe, small as it was, and concluded by recommending him, when
he and his children had done playing with it, to present it to the
Lenox Library, the plans of which he was then engaged upon. I also
told Mr. Lenox of it and its value, and recommended him to keep his
eye upon it, and secure it if possible for preservation in his
library. My pains and powder were not thrown away. Not long after Mr.
Hunt presented it to the library, and from that time, it has been
known and styled as the Hunt-Lenox Globe. On my return to London I
showed my drawing of it to my friend Mr. C.H. Coote of the map
department of the British Museum, and lent it to him for the reduced
facsimile in his article on GLOBES in the new edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica. Thus the Hunt-Lenox Globe won its
(first) geographical niche in literature."*

(*Footnote. Recollections of Mr. James Lenox of New York,
1886 pages 140 to 143.)

Mr. Henry Stevens assigns the date 1506/1507 to this globe,*
whereas Mr. Harrisse brings it under the date of about
1511.

(*Footnote. See Johann Schoner etc. by Henry Stevens;
edited with an introduction and bibliography by C.H. Coote, page
xii.)

It certainly bears signs of an early date in that portion of it
that claims more especially our attention. The protuberant part of
the south-east coast of Africa which in the earlier Behaim globe
extends in such an extraordinary way eastward is, in this globe, cut
off, and forms an island which may have been intended for Madagascar.
In the engraving of this part of the east coast of Africa due notice
had evidently been taken of the Portuguese navigations through the
Mozambique channel, and along the eastern coasts of Africa to
Calicut.*

(*Footnote. This coast was already set down correctly in
Juan de la Cosa's map of 1500.)

Madagascar, discovered in 1506, if known to have been discovered
at the time the globe was engraved, and intended to be represented by
this severed portion of Behaim's Africa, bears no name. This nameless
island nevertheless, lying as it does in a more northerly situation
than Behaim's protuberant part of Africa, would lead one to believe
that it was meant for Madagascar. To the east, in the same longitude
as in Behaim's globe, we find Marco Polo's Madagascar; but its
length, contrary to the direction that it assumes in Behaim's
representation, runs north and south, as it should. Between
Madagascar and the western coast of Australia, which bears the name
of Loac Provincia, there is a curious continental land that
has been taken by some critics as a representation of Australia. It
lies too far to the west to warrant this conclusion, unless we
consider the dotted line as an erroneous addition; but even then, if
we suppose the eastern coastline of the nameless continental land to
have been intended for the western coastline of Australia, the
position of this coastline would be too far to the south. The western
coasts of Australia bear an inscription which appears for the first
time in the southern hemisphere. Loac Provincia is the
inscription we refer to. What is the origin of this name as applied
to these regions? Is it a corruption of Fra Mauro's Lago
Regnum, or is it derived from Marco Polo's Loach? It is
evidently intended for one of the two; but it is difficult to say
which the cartographer intended it for. It gave rise, we believe, to
the use of the term Lucach and Beach (a corruption of
Lucach) as applied by G. Mercator and his school to the Australian
continent, for we shall find it set down on G. Mercator's epochal
mappamundi of 1569, and copied by many subsequent cartographers until
the Dutch altered the name of the Australian continent to New
Holland. Seilan is represented to the east of Loac Provincia,
corresponding with Behaim's Seylan Insula. In the three
nameless islands, above the 20th degree of latitude and between
Madagascar and Loac Provincia, we may see an embodiment
of those three islands which have been called the three Arabian
Islands,* and which, on maps that allow a more detailed
nomenclature, bear the names of Dina Morare, or Moraze;
Dimo baz, or Margabim; and Dina Aroby, or
Arobi--corruptions of the Arabian names Diva Moraze, Diva
Margabim, and Diva Arobi; and which, in our opinion,
correspond with Bourbon, Mauritius and Rodriguez.

(*Footnote. Memoire Geographique sur la Mer des Indes,
par J. Codine; Paris 1868 chap. v. In a lengthy and remarkably clever
dissertation on the origin of the charting and naming of these
islands Mr. J. Codine comes to the conclusion (see page 155) that
Dina Morare corresponds with the Banc de Nazareth, Dimo
baz with Bourbon, and Dina Aroby with
Mauritius.)

The small size of this copper globe, only 127 mm. diameter, is the
reason for the scarcity of names on it. It will be observed,
nevertheless, by comparing it with Behaim's configurations, that many
of the names may be restored. The two nameless large islands, par
exemple, in 165 and 180 longitude, correspond with Behaim's
Java Major. In about twenty or thirty degrees east of these
two islands, and therefore at a distance answering approximately to
New Guinea, and on the parallel of New Guinea, appears the legend
Terra de Brazil. This Terra de Brazil is however set
down on a fictitious westerly prolongation of the South American
continent, whereas the real Brazil occurs more than eighty degrees
away to the east, bearing its early name of Terra Sanctae
Crucis.* The probabilities are in favour of this Land of
Brazil being intended for New Guinea.

RUYSCH'S MAPPAMUNDI, A.D. 1507/1508.

There has been various opinions expressed as to the origin of
Ruysch's Mappamundi. C.H. Coote of the British Museum says: "The
Ruysch map of Rome, 1507/1508, is of the Spanish school."*

("Footnote. Johann Schoner, by H. Stevens, page xxi. l. 11.)

Harrisse on the contrary says*: "The basis of the entire
map was a purely Lusitanian planisphere," and further adds
however, "Now, was the model followed by Ruysch a purely Lusitanian
chart, or one made in Germany with Portuguese elements? Our opinion
is that Ruysch has copied merely a Lusitano-Germanic map. Our reasons
are based upon the fact that Ruysch inscribed an erroneous name,
which was certainly taken from the Latin account of the
cosmographiae introductio, first printed at St. Diey, in
Lorraine, in May 1507, namely: Omnium Sanctorum abbatiam. As we have
frequently proved, none of the Lusitanian charts known commit that
extraordinary mistake, which may be considered as the touchstone of
Lusitano-Germanic maps. The Portuguese charts all inscribe A BAIA
de todos sanctos, and even A BAIA de tutti santi, or
BAIE de tutti li santi, when copied by an Italian
cartographer. That is, the Bay and not the Abbey of All
Saints."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America by Henry
Harrisse, page 449 paragraph 6 and page 452 line 2.)

HUNT-LENOX GLOBE AND RUYSCH'S MAPPAMUNDI COMPARED.

Ruysch's Mappamundi is unique in many respects. It presents many
improvements on the maps of an earlier date, although certain
distortions are very remarkable for their magnitude. In the regions
which are connected with our inquiries, for instance, the Sinus
Magnus is brought down below the equator. This extraordinary
misplacement of the China Sea can be accounted for in the following
way. The cartographer, recognising no doubt the error of previous
charts on which two malay peninsulas were represented (see
preceding maps), rejected one of these representations; but in doing
so he preserved the wrong one, extending to the tropic of Capricorn,
the logical sequence being to represent the Sinus Magnus to
the east of it.

Sumatra, which had been grafted on the West Australian coasts and
connected with the duplicate Malay Peninsula on earlier charts, is
now separated from the continental bogus prolongation and assumes a
greater likeness to the real Sumatra, although retaining its
erroneous position, its southern parts being traversed by the tropic
of Capricorn.*

(*Footnote. Galvano informs us (Discoveries of the World,
page 106 line 3) that in the year 1506, "Tristan de Acuna and Alfonso
de Albuquerque went vnto Mossambique, and Aluaro Telez ran so far
that he came to the Island of Sumatra, and so back againe vnto the
Cape of Guardafu; hauing discouered many islands, sea, and land neuer
seene before that time of any Portugall." This discovery of Sumatra
is recorded in a legend set down to the west of Sumatra, and the date
of 1507 is given as the date of the discovery. Was it the western
coast of Australia on which Alvaro Telez was driven?)

It bears the name of Taprobana alias Zoilon, thus
suggesting Ceylon as another name for Taprobana,
whereas the true Ceylon under the name of Ceilam is set down
in its correct position and size to the south-east of the Indian
Peninsula.

The Seylan Insula of Behaim and Seilan of the
Hunt-Lenox globe still retains its position corresponding to the
western parts of Australia; it is called Seylan insule pars
twice, and that part of the Indian Ocean that laves its western
shores is set down as the Seylan Oceanus.

On the continent of Asia eastwardly we notice LO* and LOACH AC,
already placed in the southern hemisphere in the Hunt-Lenox globe,
and which, in later maps, will appear on a southern continent altered
to Lucach and Beach.

(*Footnote. With reference to LO and LOACH AC, R.H. Major
in his Prince Henry the Navigator, page 307 line 26, makes the
following remark: "Colonel Yule has shown that the country meant by
Locach was Lo-kok, or the kingdom of Lo, which,
previous to the middle of the fourteenth century, formed the lower
part of what is now Siam.")

An important feature of this map--which we believe to be of
Portuguese, not Spanish origin--is that it shows signs of having been
compiled, in parts, of Moorish or Arabian charts or descriptions.

This is observable in the names given to various islands to the
west of Australia; Madagascar, for instance, is called
Camaeocada, an evident corruption from Camar diva,
Island of the Moon; Dinanorca, Dinarobin and Maroabyn
are corruptions of Diva Moraze, Diva Arobi, and Diva
Margabym.

On the subject of these and other islands of the Indian Ocean
visited by the Malays and charted by the Arabs, Mr. J. Codine, in his
valuable Memoire Geographique sur la Mer des Indes, page 153, 2nd
paragraph, says:

L'existence, au milieu de la Mer des Indes, d'iles connues des
Maures, est tout a coup revelee par leur figuration sur des
mappemondes du commencement du seizieme siecle, les indications ont
ete recueillies des recits oraux de quelques marins marchands de la
Mer des Indes, et surtout des cartes de ces marins, trouvees dans les
navires Maures dont s'emparerent les Portugais qui furent maitres de
cette mer aussitot qu'ils y parurent. The existence, in the middle of
the Indian Ocean, of islands known to the Moors, is suddenly revealed
by their appearance on maps of the world of the beginning of the
sixteenth century. Those indications have been gathered from the
verbal recitals of some trading seamen of the Indian Ocean, and
especially from the charts of those seamen, found in Moorish vessels
seized by the Portuguese, who were masters of these seas as soon as
they appeared upon them.

CHAPTER 21. A.D. 1511.

CONQUEST OF MALACCA.
D'ABREU'S EXPEDITION TO THE SPICE ISLANDS.

rom 1505
to 1507 the Court of Spain was earnestly engaged in the project of
finding a direct route to the Spice Islands by the west, and
according to Navarrette, on the 29th of June 1508, Vicente Yanez
Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis sailed from San Lucar and explored the
coasts of South America from C. St. Augustine to the 40th degree of
south latitude.

The Portuguese, on their side, were making rapid progress
eastwardly, and Diogo Lopez de Sequeira was commissioned in 1508 to
discover Malacca. R.H. Major says*: "On the 11th of September 1509
Sequeira anchored at Malacca, the great emporium of the east, to
which were brought cloves from the Moluccas, nutmegs from Banda,
sandalwood from Timor, camphor from Borneo, gold from Sumatra and Loo
Choo, and gums, spices and other precious commodities from China,
Japan, Siam, Pegu, etc. There he established a factory. Fernam de
Magalhaens was in this expedition."

(*Footnote. Prince Henry the Navigator page
267.)

After this expedition, which opened the gates to the extreme east,
and before the conquest of Malacca in 1511, the Portuguese appear to
have penetrated as far as the Spice Islands, but to have kept the
matter secret.*

(*Footnote. Pinkerton page 292.)

In 1511 Albuquerque lost no time in sending out an expedition to
Sumatra, Java and the Spice Islands. The journals of this important
voyage have not been preserved, but Antonio Galvano, the conqueror
and apostle of the Moluccas, has left us a detailed description,
which we give here:

ANTONIO GALVANO'S DESCRIPTION OF THE FIRST PORTUGUESE EXPEDITION
TO THE SPICE ISLANDS.

*

(*Footnote. The Discoveries of the World by Antonio
Galvano, Hakluyt Society's Edition page 115.)

In the end of this yeere 1511, Alfonso de Albuquerque sent three
ships to the Islands of Banda and Maluco. And there went as generall
of them one Antonio de Breu, and with him also went one Francis
Serrano; and in these ships there were 120 persons.* [Not more
vessels nor men went to discouer New Spain with C. Columbus, nor with
Vasco de Gama to India; nor in comparison with these is Maluco less
wealthy, nor ought it to be held in less esteem.]

They passed through the Streight of Saban, and along the Island of
Samatra, and [in sight of] many others, leauing them on the left
hand, towards the east; and they called them the Salites. They went
also to the Islands of Palimbam* and Lusuparam, from whence they
sailed by the noble Island of Iaua, and they ran their course east,
sailing betweene it and the Island of Madura. The people of this
island are very warlike and strong, and doe little regard their liues
[as any known in the world]. The women also are there hired for the
warres; and they fall out often together, and kill one another, as
the Mocos doe (and they contrive that cocks should fight with spurs,
as their principal diversion is blood-shedding), delighting onely in
shedding of blood.

(*Footnote. The district of Palembang and other southern
parts of Sumatra were long believed to be separate islands. We find
the southern parts of Sumatra split up into islands in Fra Mauro's
Mappamundi 1547 (see Chapter 9), and as late as
1784, in Marsden's Sumatra, "the district of Palembang is still
believed to form an island. In Pedro Reinel's chart of 1517, a
southern section of Sumatra bears the name Ilha de Jaavaa, and
Dr. E.T. Hamy, describing Reinel's chart, and recognising that
cartographer's error, says: C'est pour nous, sans le moindre doute,
le pays de Palembang avec le district des Lampongs, considere par le
geographe Portugais, comme une terre distincte du reste de Sumatra,
erreur qui s'explique aisement par la nature meme des atterrages
formes de vastes plaines, basses et marecageuses, s'etendant au de la
du large estuaire de Banjou Assin.)

Beyond the Island of Iaua they sailed along by another called
Bali; and then came also vnto others called Aujaue,* Cambaba, Solor,
Galav or Guliam, Mallua, Vitara, Rosalanquin, and Arus, from whence
are brought delicate birds, which are of great estimation because of
their feathers.

(*Footnote. The island called here Aujaue is named
Anjano in the Portuguese text of Galvano. It corresponds with Lomboc.
Dr. E.T. Hamy suggests Rindjani (L'Oeuvre Geographique des Reinel et
la Decouverte des Moluques, page 23 note 2), the name of the volcanic
peak in Lomboc, as the origin of Aujaue or Anjano. We
fear the similarity of names in this instance is only coincidental.
It is probable that Galvano in his invaluable work--Tratado que
compos o nobre & notauel capitao Antonio Galuao, dos diuersos
& desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta
& especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi de todos
os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sao feitos ate a era de
mil & quinhentos & cincoenta, com os nomes particulares das
pessoas que os fizeram: & em que tempos & as suas alturas,
obra certo muy notauel & copiosa--which was finished towards
1553, consulted contemporaneous charts for his nomenclature. On some
of the earliest charts the original nomenclature of the islands
visited by D'Abreu and Serrano had already suffered mutilation and
corruption, due no doubt to bad reading. On a chart of the early
assigned date of 1517, only six years therefore after the event we
write of, the district of Palembang, mistaken for an island, as in
Galvano's description, bears the name of Ilha de Jaavaa, whereas Java
proper receives the name of Simbabau. On later maps bearing dates
that would still show that they may have been consulted by Galvano,
we find the Island of Lomboc bearing the name of Autane (Pierres
Desceliers' map of 1550); Aintama (Henry II's map of 1546); an tane
(Jean Roze's map of 1542). On these maps the Island of Bali, situated
to the west of Lomboc, bears a name that is difficult to reconcile
with Bali; in the 1550 and 1546 maps it is bamcha; in the 1542 map it
is bacha. This word in the three instances is written with a small b.
Now, there is an earlier map called the Dauphin Chart drawn by
Pierres Desceliers, and of the assigned date of 1530/1536, which has
been copied from a prototype now lost, and on which the apparent
names of the two islands in question is Anda ne Barcha. That
nautical phrase--no boats go here--has no other reference to the
Islands of Bali and Lomboc than that which its meaning implies, i.e.,
that the navigation in those parts was either dangerous or
impossible. The difficult nature of the navigation between Bali and
Lomboc is a known fact. A few days ago Captain Carpenter, of the
Costa Rica Packet, who is now in Sydney, referring to the navigation
in those parts, in the presence of Mr. J. Mann, honorary secretary to
our Royal Geographical Society, said that many a time he had been
compelled to take another and roundabout route owing to the
extraordinary rapidity of the tide that flows between Bali and
Lomboc. We might give many other proofs on this point were it
necessary. At the present stage however, although it is in our
opinion almost certain that Galvano's Anjano is a bad reading for
Anda ne, we are not so certain about the original location of this
phrase Anda ne barcha. Owing to the peculiar distortion of all the
maps we have mentioned it may apply to the Gulf of Carpentaria, which
offers a different impediment to navigation, that of shallowness.
This peculiarity of distortion we allude to may be observed in all
the maps in which the Cape York of Australia is connected with the
southern shores of Sumbawa, the next island in an easterly direction
after leaving Bali and Lomboc. For further information on this
subject see our concluding chapter.)

They came also to other islands lying in the same parallel on the
south side in 7 or 8 degrees of latitude.*

(*Footnote. Probably the Timor Laut group of
Islands.)

And they be so nere the one to the other that they seeme at the
first to be one entire and maine land. The course by these islands is
above fiue hundred leagues. The ancient cosmographers call all these
islands by the name Iauos; but late experience hath found their names
to be very diuers, as you see. Beyonde these (it is said) there are
other islands, which are inhabited with whiter people going arraied
in shirts, doublets and slops, like vnto the Portugals, hauing also
money of silver. The gouernours among them doe carrie in their hands
red staues, whereby they seeme to have some affinitie with the people
of China; and not only these, but there are other islands and people
about this place which are redde*; and it is reported that they are
of the people of China.**

Antonio de Breu and those that went with him tooke their course
toward the north, where is a small island called Gumnape* (or
Ternate), from the highest place whereof there fall continually into
the sea flakes or streams like vnto fire, which is a wonderfull thing
to behold.

(*Footnote. Gumnape is meant for Gunong
Api, the native name for volcano or mountain of fire. There are
several in these seas. The one referred to is not the one near
Ternate, but in the Banda Sea.)

From thence they went to the Islands of Burro and Amboino (and
coasted along what is called Muar d' Amboina), and came to an anker
in an hauen of it called Guliguli, where they went on land and tooke
a village standing by the river, where they found dead men hanging in
the houses; for the people there are eaters of man's flesh. Here the
Portugals burnt the ship wherein Francis Serrano was, for she was old
and rotten. They went to a place on the other side standing in 8
degrees* towards the south, where they laded cloues, nutmegs, and
mace, in a junco or barke, which Francis Serrano bought here.

(*Footnote. The Banda Islands are situated in 4 and 5
degrees latitude south. The Portuguese text reads: banda q'estaa
em oito graos da parte do Sul. Dr. Hamy supposes that in
composing Galvano's text, 5 may have been taken for 8, and that the
composer substituted the word oito for the mistaken
cipher.)

They say that not far from the Islands of Banda there is an island
where there breedeth nothing else but snakes, and the most are in one
caue in the middest of the land (some great and others small go
always rolled together). This is a thing not much to be wondered at;
for as much as in the Levant Sea, hard by the Isles of Maiorca and
Minorca, there is another island of old named Ophinsa, and now
Formentera, wherein there is great abundance of these vermine; and in
the rest of the islands lying by it there are none.

In the yeere 1512 they departed from Banda toward Malacca, and on
the baxos or flats of Lucapinho Francis Serrano perished (was wrecked
with his junk) in his junke or barke, from whence escaped (had
returned) vnto the Isle of Mindanao (with) nine or ten Portugals
which were (went) with him, and the Kings of Maluco sent for
them.*

(*Footnote. This sentence has not been understood by
Galvano's translator, owing no doubt to the wrong construction given
to se perdeo Francisco Serram co o seu junco. The Portuguese text
runs thus: No ano de 1512 partiram de Banda pera Malaca, & nos
baixos de Lusupino, se perdeo Francisco Serram co o seu junco, donde
se tornou ailha de Midanao co 9 ou 10 portugueses q' co ele hia,
& os reis d' Maluco madara por eles. We correct the phrase, which
should read thus: In the year 1512 they departed from Banda toward
Malacca, and on the baxos or flats of Lucapinho Francis Serrano was
wrecked with his junk, from whence he escaped unto the Isle of
Amboina with nine or ten Portugals which were with him, and the Kings
of Maluco sent for them.)

These were the first Portugals that came to the Islands of Cloues,
which stand from the equinoctiall line towards the north in one
degree, where they lived seuen or eight yeeres. (A. Dabreu made his
way to Malacca having discovered all the sea and land above
named.)

CHAPTER 22. A.D. 1512 TO 1521.

MAGALHAENS AND SERRANO.
FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ PORTOLANOS.

here is
much mystery concerning Magalhaens' and Serrano's doings in the
Molucca regions.

With regard to Magalhaens, it has often been asked: Did he or did
he not command one of the ships in D' Abreu's expedition to the
Moluccas in 1511?

It is said there were three ships in that expedition--D' Abreu's,
Serrano's, and, according to De Goes and Correa, the third ship was
commanded by Simao Afonso Bisagudo. (Chronica de D. Manoel, 3 3a
parte, cap. xxv. fol. 51.)

Neither De Barros, Castanheda, Correa, De Goes nor Galvano mention
Magalhaens as having sailed with D' Abreu; but Argensola says that
Magalhaens went as captain of the third ship.

D' Abreu, capitao mor, commanded the Santa Caterina;
Francisco Serrao, his second captain, commanded a ship, the name of
which is not mentioned; Simao Afonso Bisagudo commanded a lateen
caravel, constructed specially for the voyage. The pilots were:
Goncalo d'Oliveira, piloto mor, Luys Botim, Francisco
Rodriguez. A rich merchant of Malacca was allowed to send a junk
loaded with merchandise, and an agent to teach the Portuguese the
spice trade accompanied the expedition.

The confusion that arose as to the third ship, commanded by
Magalhaens, was no doubt due to the fact that the lateen caravel was,
by some authors, counted as the third ship, while others either
reckoned it as a fourth, or failed to count it at all, setting it
down merely as a convoy.

Whatever may have been the origin of the confusion, Magalhaens
evidently commanded a ship, and sailed either with the expedition or
shortly after, entrusted with some special and secret mission for
Albuquerque.

As to his starting Argensola is very explicit, and his evidence is
corroborated by other writers. Argensola says:

According to the above, Magalhaens may have sailed about the same
time (en este mismo tepo) as D' Abreu, and indeed he could not have
retarded much, nor spent much time in the vicinity of the Spice
Islands, since he was back in Lisbon in 1512, where we find him
signing a receipt for a monthly pension on the 12th of June of that
year.*

(*Footnote. Book vi. of Moradias da Casa Real, fol. 47
v.)

What were the islands 600 leagues to the east of Malacca, and from
which he held communication with Serrano? Six hundred leagues from
Malacca would bring him in close proximity to the Spice Islands, and,
if allowance is made for strong currents and other matters rendering
the computation of distances difficult, Magalhaens may have reached
even more distant lands.

There are reasons to believe that, about this time, the Portuguese
were in hopes of falling in with the western shores of the Terra
Sanctae Crucis (South America), for as we have seen it was
represented on the charts of the period as lying at no great distance
from the Spice Islands, and known since 1503 from Giovanni da
Empoli's account as the Terra Della Vera Croce, ouer del Bresil
cosi nominata...nellaqual si fa buona soma di Cassia, & di
Verzino.*

Dr. Hamy thinks that the islands mentioned as having been reached
by Magalhaens may correspond with some point of the north coast of
New Guinea, the discovery of which island was attributed, many years
later, to Magalhaens by Texeira.*

Serrano's long sojourn of nine years in the Moluccas enabled him
to make many voyages and discoveries. At the present time it would be
difficult to ascertain what he may or may not have accomplished in
this way, for the data to hand are meagre, and the secrecy observed
at the time by the Lusitano-Indian Government renders the chances of
information turning up very small.*

We have copies of passages from letters written by Magalhaens to
Serrano, and by the latter to Magalhaens, that throw a little light
on the question.

Referring to Serrano's letters, F.H.H. Guillemard, in his Life
of Magellan (page 71), says:

"From Ternate he (Serrano) wrote many letters to his friends, and
especially to Magellan, 'giving him to understand that he had
discovered yet another new world, larger and richer than that found
by Vasco da Gama.' These letters," says Guillemard, "joined possibly
with a personal knowledge of those regions, formed, it may safely be
conjectured, no slight inducement to the undertaking of the voyage
which ended our hero's life and made his name immortal...The letters
written by Magellan to Serrao were found among the papers left at the
latter's death. In them he promises 'that he will be with him soon,
if not by way of Portugal, by way of Spain,' for to that issue his
affairs seemed to be leading." (Navarette, volume iv. note v.
page lxxiv.; Barros, Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.)

Alas! a few years later, Magalhaens, the first of mortals who made
the circuit of the world, reaching by the west the regions wherein he
had left his friend Serrano, died without meeting him; and Serrano,
it is said, perished in the same manner, at the hands of Indians, the
very same day as Magalhaens--21st April 1521.*

(*Footnote. Argensola, page 17.)

FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ' PORTOLANOS.

F. Rodriguez' portolanos of East Indian Archipelago.

We have seen that Francisco Rodriguez was one of the pilots of D'
Abreu's expedition. He is the author of a set of sailing charts,
drafted no doubt during that memorable voyage. These portolanos or
sailing charts are of great interest to the Australasian student, not
only because they depict for the first time the Molucca Islands, but
also because Java, Bali, Lomboc and Sumbawa are set down on them as
distinct and separate islands, whereas on a class of maps a little
later in date, on which the Australian Continent is represented, some
of those islands are indicated as forming part of the northern shores
of Australia.

This at first may seem of little importance; it is of great
importance however for it shows that, as an accurate knowledge had
been obtained of the south coasts of the above-named islands, it was
owing to deliberate distortion that they were made to form part and
parcel of the southern continent; nor can it be argued that the later
charts were not purposely distorted, or that Rodriguez' charting was
not known at the time, since, as we can prove, the portolanos in
question served as models in the compilation of a prototype from
which all the distorted charts of Australia, to which we refer, were
copied.

When dealing with the distorted charts, we hope to be able to show
satisfactorily, with all the data we have collected on the subject,
how and why those old maps were altered.

But let us first examine some of F. Rodriguez' portolanos. There
are six in the atlas preserved at Lisbon; they have been reproduced
in outline in Santarem's collection, and our facsimiles of
four of them are taken from that valuable work, a copy of which may
be seen in the Sydney Free Public Library. The collection of six
sailing charts bears the title Portulan dresse entre les annees 1524
a 1530 par Francisco Rodriguez, pilote portugais qui a fait le voyage
aux Moluques. The dates assigned to this atlas, remarks our friend
Dr. E.T. Hamy,* were given by Santarem, who ignored that Rodriguez
was already at Malacca in 1511.

Our belief is that Rodriguez' charts of the Moluccas, the earliest
ever made by Europeans, are the result of D' Abreu's surveys during
his expedition in 1511, or of Joam Lopez Alvrin's voyage in 1513, and
that they are, on this account, quite independent from Pedro Reinel's
charts, to which the date of 1517 has been assigned.*

There are three maps, in the set of six, which are of special
interest as connected with our subject. A map of Java, with part of
Sumatra; a map of part of Java, with Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc.; a
map of the Spice Islands and Papoia.

The map of Java, with part of Sumatra, bears an inscription* in 7
degrees of latitude south, and in the longitude approximately of
Cheribon in modern maps, thus:

Agoada Joham Lopez D'ollunn elle descobrio d'aqui afi Japara.

Which we have rendered:

Watering-place of John Lopez Alvrin, from which place you can
discover (see) as far as Japara.

(*Footnote. We had not sufficient space to set down this
inscription in our much reduced copy.)

On a clear day the magnificent coast scenery from Cheribon to
Japara is one of the well-known sights of Java, so that it is not
astonishing to find this hydrographical note on the portolano that we
are considering.

Who was this Joham Lopez or Lopiz? We do not know; there is no
mention of any such name among the officers of D' Abreu's expedition.
Was he a pioneer sent out to these regions to prepare the way for D'
Abreu? Was he a pilot on Magalhaens' ship? Who shall say?

Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S., formerly Lieutenant-Governor
of Java and its dependencies, and President of the Society of Arts
and Sciences at Batavia, in the introduction of his valuable History
of Java (page xiv.), gives us, from Barros' Decadas, I expect, the
following information, in which Joam Lopez Alvrin's name occurs:
"Nakoda Ismael returning from the Moluccas with a cargo of
nutmegs, his vessel was wrecked on the coast of Java, near Tuban. The
cargo of the Nakoda's vessel having been saved, JOAM LOPEZ
ALVRIN was sent (A.D. 1513) by the Governor of Malacca with four
vessels to receive it. Alvrin was well received in all the ports of
Java where he touched, but particularly at Sidayu belonging to
PATEH UNRUG, a Prince, who had been defeated by Fernan Peres at
Malacca."

We have noticed particularly the above inscription--in itself not
very clear, it must be allowed--because we shall find it repeated on
later charts of a distorted type, on which the Australian continent
is set down, whereby their connection with Francisco Rodriguez' chart
is proved.

The map with part of Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc. bears the
following nomenclature: Ilha de Madura (Madura Island);
Agaci (Gresic); Ssurabaia (Surabaia); and the
inscription, A fin da Ilha de Jaoa (end of the Island of
Java). In later maps this inscription is altered thus: Dauphin Chart,
Fin de Iaoa; Jean Roze's Chart, Fin de Iana. Curiously
enough, in later maps, this hydrographical notice is corrupted to
Fideoia; and on G. Mercator's celebrated large map of the
world of 1569 a castellated township is depicted on this eastern
extremity of Java, with the name Fideida. Bali is called
Ballaram, Lomboc Lomboquo, and Sumbawa is represented
as two islands--Ssimbana and Aramaram. The deep gulf
which almost cuts Sumbawa in two, is accountable for this
segregation.

The map of the Spice Islands offers this striking feature--that a
north-western portion of New Guinea, or perhaps Gilolo, is marked on
it under the name of Papoia, which might lead one to conclude
that this map is of a much later date, or that--which is much more
probable--New Guinea was discovered by D' Abreu and his party.

The hitherto accepted version is that New Guinea was first
discovered by Don Jorge de Menezes, who gave it the name of Papua.
The account of his voyage, which is to be found in Couto,* is not
very precise, the date is given as being either 1528 or 1533; Major
fixes the date as 1526.**

(*Footnote. Asia of de Barros, continued by do Couto, 3rd
book 3rd chapter 4th decada.)

(**Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia page lxiv.)

CHAPTER 23. A.D. 1515 TO 1517.

THE FRANKFORT-SCHONEREAN GLOBE OF 1515.
THE SUNDA AND MOLUCCA ISLANDS AS TRACED IN PEDRO REINEL'S CHART.

he
Spanish still continued their attempts to reach the Spice Islands by
the west; and on the 8th of October 1515* Juan Diaz de Solis sailed
with that intention. He reached the Rio de la Plata, where "he was
killed and eaten up by the natives of the Charruas tribe, before
September 1516, when the expedition returned to Spain under the
command of Francisco de Torres, his brother-in-law."**

(*Footnote. Herrera, Decada II. ii.)

(**Footnote. Harrisse, The Discovery of North America page
738.)

THE FRANKFORT GLOBE OF 1515.

We arrive now at one of the important geographical monuments of
the beginning of the 16th century--The Frankfort-on-the-Main
Schonerean globe of 1515. This globe is believed by Dr. Wieser* to be
the work of Schoner, hence its name. Our sketch is taken from the
reproduction in form of gores in Jomard's collection.** Schoner is
the first cartographer to give a more decided form and a different
name to the Austral continent already represented in 1506/1511 on the
Hunt-Lenox globe, but without a name.

The Austral continent, supposed by Andrea Corsali and
others to extend from the region of New Guinea (Terra de
Piccinnacoli) to the land of Sanctae Crucis, then known as
the coast of Bresil or Verzino,* was also known as the
Papagalli terra--i.e., land of parrots. The origin of this
denomination has been supposed to have been given first to Brazil,
because either Gaspar de Lemos in 1500, or Pedralvarez Cabral in
1501,** it is not known which, or when, brought some parrots to
Europe from Brazil.

On the other hand, Nicolo de' Conti may also have brought back to
Europe in 1444 parrots from Australasia, for he describes them in his
narrative*; and in those regions, on the famous Fra Mauro Mappamundi
of 1457, we find the following legend**: Item li se trova papaga
tutti rossi salvo i piedi et el becco che son zali: also, you
find there parrots all red except their feet and beak, which are
yellow.

The denomination Papagalli terra may have been applied
therefore to Australia, and the term Patalis Regio, which is
found on later maps in connection with Brasilie Regio, and,
later still, Psittacorum regio, may be a corruption of
(Pa)Pagalli Regio, the first syllable being dropped, or as we have
suggested elsewhere, its origin may be traced to the nomenclature
that obtained after Magalhaens' voyage, when Patalis Regio,
the Latin for Tierra Patagonia, may have been given, not only
to Patagonia, but also to Tierra del Fuego and its
supposed circumpolar prolongation; unless indeed Schoner borrowed the
term from Behaim's globe, on which we find, to the north of the
equator it is true, Patalis regio or Potutis regio.

On the Frankfort map, which we shall now describe, the western
coasts of Australia are set down in much the same way as in the
preceding maps of this type, the nomenclature being Lac regnum
and Coilu regnu.

On the Asiatic continent may be observed Loach provin, just
below the equator and between the 135 and 150 degrees of longitude.
Mallaqua is set down where it is suggested by its termination
Lack on Behaim's globe. Above Mallaqua may be seen
Egrisillani, which is a curious corruption of
Christiani, and refers to Nicolo de' Conti's description of
the Nestorian Christians, as does the inscription below the Island of
Socotra, Scoyra Christiana babet! (habet)
Archiepiscopu. We find also another curious bad reading
referring to San Thome, ibionidisu S. Thomas. To the east of
this legend will be noticed Varre regio, undoubtedly corrupted
from barr in M' barr, the b and v being interchangeable. In
Behaim's globe may be seen War ein Konigreich in the same
locality, and Varr Varr regnum in the British Museum map of
1489.

To the west of the Australasian regions there are fourteen
islands, five of which bear no names. The first of those that are
named is Callezuan, which will be found nameless in earlier
maps, and which in later maps is altered to Callenzuaz, etc.
We have not yet found a meaning for this name, although we suspect it
is a variation of Ptolemy's Caladadrua. The next island bears
the legend: Tona ibi bombex & porcellana, and is
apparently nameless, unless Tona be the remnant of some
prototypic name.

The insufficiency of data renders the task of hunting down the
origin of names like these not only difficult but risky, as owing to
an apparent parity one is liable sometimes to make mistakes. Noticing
however the number of words which have suffered mutilation on this
otherwise exceedingly instructive globe, we have been led to suspect
that this word Tona is nothing else but the corruption of the
first word that occurs in a legend in this locality on M. Behaim's
globe, the word being Thomas. To the west of the large island
just described we notice the three Arabian islands, which in Ruysch's
map, 1507/1508, occur in closer proximity to Madagascar; they are
called here: Dinamora, Dino baz and Dina Aroby. Marco
Polo's Madagascar bears the legend: Madagascar insula no hz rege
sunt Sarraceni & Mahumenste. An eastern prolongation bears
the inscription Sandalos silve. To the south-west of
Madagascar there is an island named Circobena; it is nameless
on Behaim's globe, and corresponds with Cirtena on the
Hunt-Lenox globe. It is probably a corruption of Comor diva,
an alternative Arabian name for Madagascar.

The real Madagascar, discovered by the Portuguese the 10th of
August 1506 is set down to the west of Marco Polo's Madagascar, and
bears the name of Dauxety.

RUYSCH'S MAPPAMUNDI AND SCHONEREAN GORES COMPARED

In connection with this globe and the name Dauxety a strange
mistake was made some years ago by a very clever French geographer,
who, commenting on its origin and on the various names of Madagascar,
said* that the general information that this globe presented was
derived from two sources, neither of them Portuguese, since no
Portuguese name was to be found on this globe. In the next sentence
he said: At some distance from Africa is situated a Dauxety Island,
etc. Now, had he known the origin of Dauxety, he would not have said
that there was no Portuguese name on this globe, for Dauxety is a
corruption of Laurentij, the Latin for San Lourenco, the name given
by the Portuguese to Madagascar, discovered by them in the year 1506
on the 10th of August, the feast of St. Laurence.

To the south of the regions we have described lies the Polar
Continent, which in outline corresponds in a most striking manner
with what we know of those regions. It extends north however in
several places, to the 40th degree of latitude.

On the portion of this continent that lies to the south of America
occurs the legend Brasiliae Regio, and on the same continent, to the
south of Australia, a vast lake is depicted surrounded by mountains,
with the inscription Laco int Montaras, which seems to be a
repetition of the Lac regnum, situated under the tropic of
Capricorn in the Australian regions.

THE SUNDA AND MOLUCCA ISLANDS AS TRACED IN PEDRO REINEL'S
CHART.

the Sunda and Molucca islands as traced in Pedro Reinel's chart
of the assigned date 1517.

Dr. E.T. Hamy, in his interesting memoire L'Oeuvre Geographique
des Reinel, read at the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
on the 26th of June 1891, describes exhaustively the geographical
work of the two Reinels, father and son, with reference especially to
the discovery of the Moluccas or Spice Islands. We have borrowed
freely in the preceding chapter from that careful and clever memoire,
and now we give here a sketch of the map which accompanies it,
together with a few remarks on that precious document.

Reinel's map shows to perfection how that constant feature of
cartography which we have called the geographical evolution
obtained.

Referring to the special deformation of certain islands on this
map, Dr. Hamy says* that it is remarkable that Java, Sumbawa, Flores
and another island of the eastern prolongation extend considerably,
all four, in a southerly direction, thus supplying the first model
of those peculiar distortions that will be found reproduced and
magnified in so many Portuguese and French maps.

Strictly speaking, Dr. Hamy is quite right; but we think he will
agree with us when we say that it is not exactly the first
model supplied. In our opinion the FIRST MODEL of those peculiar
distortions is to be found on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492.

When Behaim, or Toscanelli, corrected the direction of Fra Mauro's
pseudo-equatorial line, or regions, which ran parallel with the
Archaic Ocean, and neglecting to perform the same office for Java and
its neighbouring isles--left them as they were on the Venetian
Mappamundi, instead of giving them the new position that the
alteration of the equatorial line required--then was the first model
supplied. Thus, subsequently, Java and the other islands assume in
most maps a longitudinal, instead of a latitudinal, position. This
was a natural consequence of the slow evolutional process. Another
reason for the maintenance and amplification of the deformation was
the account of the large size of Java given by Marco Polo.

Fra Mauro's Giava mazor however seems to have been set down
from actual knowledge of its coastlines, so superior are its
proportions and the delineation of its shores to the general design
of the Javas of later maps, which were merely rough representations
jotted down, errant a l'aventure, in an ocean unknown to
Europeans, and placed according to Marco Polo's descriptions.

Albeit certain outlines of shores, roughly drafted by Arabian, or
even perhaps Phoenician, pilots, may have served as a maquette
for the construction of some of those islands.

Dr. Hamy assigns the date of 1517 to Reinel's map--puisqu'elle
renferme dans ses portions orientales des traces inconnus des
cartographes avant le retour d' Abreu de son voyage des Moluques
(1512), et la vulgarisation tres imparfaite de ses decouvertes dans
les Indes, puis en Europe (1516) [page 14]--but if D' Abreu was
back in 1512, he brought back his maps with him, and may they not
have been copied there and then by Reinel? That this one was copied
is evident; no sea captain, pilot, or cartographer who had seen the
localities charted on this map would make the mistake that Reinel
makes in misnaming nearly all the islands represented.

In naming that peculiarly deformed quartette of islands situated
midway between Papua and Sumatra, how did he proceed? Was it from
east to west, or vice-versa? The largest is Java. Then, to the
east, we notice two small islands--they are Bali and Lomboc, and have
escaped the distortion that their neighbours have suffered. The next
island is Sumbawa, then comes Flores. The last of the group of four
is made up no doubt of Solor, Adenara and Lomblen.

Now, evidently--and here we agree with Dr. Hamy--our cartographer
began too far to the west and set down the name of Jaavaa
(Java) on that detached section of Sumatra, the Palembang and Lampong
territory, and continued his error in an easterly direction by giving
to Java the name belonging to Sumbawa, and to Sumbawa that which
belonged to Flores, leaving the two last islands nameless. Timor is
not represented. The whole representation seems to correspond so
exclusively with Galvano's description of D' Abreu's expedition that
we are inclined to believe that it is a copy either of D' Abreu's or
some of his officers' portolanos.

CHAPTER 24. A.D. 1516 TO 1519.

LINE OF DEMARCATION OF MAGALHAENS AND POPE ALEXANDER VI.

fter
seven* years' service in India, Magalhaens returned to Europe, where,
having distinguished himself on the battlefield, he applied to the
King for promotion. His application however was not favourably
considered. Events of little importance have sometimes great
consequences.

(*Footnote. Gomara gives the length of his Indian service
as seven years: Gomara, Histoire General de las Indias cap.
xci.)

Faria y Souza remarks* that the refusal of one King to raise the
pay of an old and faithful servant thirteen shillings per annum led
to endless disagreements with another, to a great loss of profit to
the first power of Europe, and to a still greater loss of glory.

(*Footnote. Asia Portugueza, volume I. part iii. chap.
v.)

This referred to a refusal on the part of Dom Manoel of Portugal
to recognise Magalhaens' long services in the east. In his Life of
Magellan F.H.H. Guillemard says*: "It was the custom in those days
that all who belonged to the King's household--the criacao de El
Rey--should receive a stipend which, though merely nominal in value,
corresponded to their rank.**

("Footnote. Life of Magellan, page 72 line 9; and page 77 bottom
of page.)

"This stipend was known as the moradia. Magellan, borne on
the books as moco hidalgo, received a monthly pension of a milreis,
and an alqueire of barley daily. The milreis or dollar,
although at that period of considerably greater value, is now worth
about 4 shillings 5 pence of our English money. The alqueire
is as nearly as possible 28 pounds..." And further on: "Doubtless he
looked forward with certainty to the coveted rise in the
moradia--that minute increase which, paltry though it was in
actual value, meant so much to those who were of the King's
household. Foremost in his mind however must have been the hope of a
command--of a return to India. He was doomed to disappointment:
Sempre lhe El Rey teve hum entejo--the King always loathed him,
Barros tells us (Decadas, Dec. iii. liv. v. cap. viii.) His reception
was not more gracious than it had been on the occasion of their last
meeting. Dom Manoel turned a deaf ear to his entreaties, and
Magellan, cruelly hurt at the ingratitude shown him after his years
of honourable service, was left to realise that, so far as his King
and country were concerned, his career was over." It is not
astonishing therefore to find him a few years later denaturalising
himself and making his way to the Court of Spain, for shortly after
his interview with the King of Portugal he wrote to Serrano in the
Moluccas to tell him that he would be with him soon--"if not by
Portugal, then by way of Spain"; which meant if not by the east then
by the west. As we have said, events of little importance have
sometimes great consequences. After Magalhaens' arrival in Spain in
1517 we find that country disputing with Portugal the possession of
the Moluccas. R.H. Major on this subject says*:

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia, page
xxxvii.)

"Now, after 1516 or 1517, Spain began to dispute with Portugal the
possession of the Moluccas, as being situated within the hemisphere
which had been allotted to them by the bull of Pope Alexander VI,
dated the 4th of July 1493. This Pope, in consequence of the disputes
which had arisen between the Courts of Lisbon and Toledo, had
arranged that all the discoveries which might be made on the globe to
the east of a meridian one hundred leagues west of the Azores and
Cape Verde Islands (which he seemed to think lay under the same
meridian), for the space of a hundred and eighty degrees of
longitude, should belong to the Portuguese; and that those to the
westward of the same meridian, for the same space, should belong to
the Spaniards. This division has been since called the line of
demarcation of Pope Alexander VI. Don John II however, who was then
King of Portugal, being dissatisfied with this bull, which seemed to
deprive him of considerable possessions in the west, made another
arrangement in the following year with Isabella and Ferdinand of
Spain, by which this line was pushed further west, and definitely
fixed at three hundred and seventy leagues to the westward of the
Cape Verde Islands. This agreement was signed the 4th of June 1494;
and it was arranged that in the space of ten months persons should be
sent out who were well informed in geography to fix exactly the
places through which this line should pass. This engagement once
entered upon, no more consideration was given to the sending out
competent persons to the places indicated, and the two governments
continued their discoveries, each on its own behalf. Under the
guidance of Cabral the Portuguese, on the 9th of March 1500,
discovered Brazil, which lay in their own hemisphere. Under the
guidance of Vincent Yanez Pinzon the Spaniards had in this same or
preceding year sailed along the whole of this coast as far as the
embouchure of the Oronoco. After this time the line, without further
examination, was reckoned to pass by the mouth of the Maranon, or
river of the Amazons, which had been already explored, and it is in
this part that it is found traced on the Spanish maps of Herrera. The
Portuguese, while they took possession of Brazil, continued their
discoveries towards the east, and reached the Moluccas, where they
established themselves, as we have said, in 1512. The proprietorship
of the Spices, which the possession of these islands gave them,
produced such considerable profits that it soon excited the jealousy
of the Spaniards. The latter pretended that the Moluccas were in the
hemisphere which had been allotted to them. This idea was
particularly suggested to them by Magellan, who, being discontented
with the treatment of King Emanuel, in having refused him an increase
of allowance, took refuge about the year 1516 in Spain, and offered
his services to the Government of Charles V. Not only did he assert
that the hemisphere belonging to the Spaniards comprised the
Moluccas, but also the Islands of Java and Sumatra, and a part of the
Malay Peninsula. In fact, from the difficulty which then existed in
determining longitudes, the discoveries of the Portuguese appeared to
appropriate more than one hundred and eighty degrees in this
direction, so great was the amount of space given to them in their
maps; nevertheless, if we examine modern maps we shall see that,
measuring from the mouth of the Maranon, the Moluccas still came
within the hemisphere of the Portuguese.

"Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time governed Spain in the absence
of Charles V, at the outset received Magellan very well, and Charles
V himself afterwards entrusted him with the command of a squadron of
five vessels, which, as we know, sailed from San Lucar on the 20th of
September 1519, on a western passage in search of the Spice Islands
or Moluccas."

CHAPTER 25. A.D. 1520 TO 1522.

or all
those who cared to investigate the subject, the extent of the South
Sea, afterwards to be called the Pacific Ocean, dawned gradually.
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who had been placed in command of a small
colony on the Gulf of Darien, had sighted this Mar del Sur in
1513 from the heights of the Sierra de Quarequa, and, having reached
its shores, not without difficulty, had taken formal possession "for
Castille and for Leon" by entering knee-deep into the water, with his
uplifted sword in one hand and the standard of Castille in the
other.

Meanwhile, Rafael Perestello and Andrade, after their return from
China,* had shown that an extensive sea, probably not the Atlantic
Ocean,** laved the shores visited by them.

(*Footnote. According to Dr. Hamy, Perestello was in
China in 1514, and was followed a few years after by Andrade and
Pires; L'Oeuvre Geog. des Reinel, etc. pages 29 and 32. According to
R.H. Major, Fernam Peres de Andrade sailed to China in 1517 and
returned to India in 1519. Thome Pires was cast into prison in China,
and died there after a captivity of many years---Prince Henry the
Navigator, page 268.)

(**Footnote. Certain maps of the period represent North America
split up into comparatively small islands, and with therefore an
uninterrupted Atlantic Ocean extending to the shores of China. See
the Boulengier Gores of 1514/1517.)

The vastness however of that sea was not yet fully realised; it
required the practical experience of the first circumnavigators to
bring forth such exclamations as uttered by Maximilian in his
letter*--the first document which made known Magalhaens' great
achievement. Maximilian writes**: "A sea so vast that the human mind
can scarcely grasp it."

(*Footnote. Printed at Cologne in January 1523. See
below.)

(**Footnote. Our quotation is from F.H.H. Guillemard's Life of
Magellan page 223.)

PETRUS APIANUS' MAPPAMUNDI OF 1520.

Petrus Apianus' Mappamundi of 1520.

Our sketch of Apianus' map is taken from the one given in
Nordenskiold's collection. The original is a cordiform mappamundi
engraved on wood, and first published in 1520 at Vienna by Camers to
accompany his Solinus' Polyhistor. It was also inserted in the
Pomponius Mela, printed at Basles in 1522. It is rather rough
in execution, but nevertheless, its geographical configurations are
carefully depicted, and closely resemble the 1515 Frankfort gores of
Schonerean origin. The artist who designed it on the woodblock was
evidently a novice in his profession, as may be observed by the N's
in Bone fortune, Iona, Callensuaz, and India, which he
failed to reverse as is the custom when drawing on the block for the
wood engraver.

The western coast of Australia is represented as in the previous
maps, the bogus Sumatra or continental promontory on which this coast
is grafted bearing the usual legend Lac regnum; a large island
to the south-east bears the inscription in large letters--SEYLA. To
the east we notice Marco Polo's Islands Java maior, Java minor,
Angiana, Penta. Penta, half demolished by the slips of the
engraver's burin, reads PLVIA; the E, the N, and the T have been half
cut away. The other islands bearing names are Sondur and
Canduz. On the Asiatic continent, Ioach* answers to
Loach, and Ciambo to Ciamba. Ma'Bar is
indicated by Regnum Var. Eastward we notice Callensuaz,
Iona, which we have suggested may be altered from Tona in
the 1515 map. Zanzibar, Madagastar and Circobena
resemble those islands on the 1515 Frankfort map. The three Arabian
Islands (Maurice, Bourbon and Rodriguez) are also represented, but
without any nomenclature.

(*Footnote. Rendered Ioca by mistake on our
map.)

In the latitudes in which the Antarctic continent is represented
on the Schonerean globe of 1515 there is no such representation
here.

With reference to Zanzibar, it will be well to note here that
about this time--i.e. in 1521--Zanzibar (Marco Polo's Zanzibar) was
said to be inhabited by giants, hence no doubt the appellation on the
Dauphin and other charts: Zanzibar iles des Geants.*

MAPPEMONDE LA SALLE, CIRCA 1522.

Mappemonde La Salle, circa 1522.

The reproduction we give here of the La Salle map, which was
published with a work on geography by La Salle, is taken from the
copy given in Santarem's Atlas. Mr. Delmar Morgan says: "There are
two versions of the La Salle map, the one reproduced in the Vicomte
de Santarem's Atlas, and that in the Royal Library, Stockholm,
facsimiled in the English edition of Baron Nordenskiold's Atlas." Mr.
D. Morgan further remarks* that this map "as originally drawn,
probably dated from the 15th century, the Australian part being added
subsequently. The name given to this roughly delineated Terra
Australis is Patalie Regio, meaning, according to the Vicomte de
Santarem, who derives it from the Sanskrit, the nether region, i.e.
hell. Wieser derives Patalis from the Latin Pateo, meaning that it
was the open region masking the hidden interior of the continent. Mr.
Petherick, a well-known writer on Australian discovery, has suggested
that Patalis should be Pratalis, a name given by the Spaniards to a
part of South America--the Rio de la Plata; the letters l and r being
interchangeable. His argument is based on the occurrence of another
American name, Brazil, on the Austral continent."

(*Footnote. Remarks on the Early Discovery of Australia
by E. Delmar Morgan, F.R.G.S., London 1891 page 7.)

We have suggested elsewhere that Patalie Regio or Patalis Regio
may be a corruption of (Pa)pagali regio, The Land of Parrots, or
Psittacorum Regio of later charts. (See above.)

JUAN VESPUCCIUS' MAPPAMUNDI OF 1522/1523.

Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi of 1522/1523.

We must now say a few words about Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi, an
important geographical document which closes the data of the
pre-Magellanic period. It shows for the Australasian regions totally
different configurations. Juan Vespuccius' Mappamundi is on an
equidistant polar projection, which renders the original design
rather difficult to understand. A glance at the translation we give
here will show that the cartographer himself must have been somewhat
puzzled by his own scheme, for, as may be observed, the continental
land to the south of the equator bearing the name Gataio
fails, when translated to our more reasonable projection, to join the
continent of Asia at Catigara as it ought to do. The same
disconnection may be noticed with regard to Sumatra; but,
notwithstanding the disjunction at the equator to which this
mappamundi is subjected in the original, the southern extremity of
the Malay Peninsula, Puta di Metala, falls in its position
with remarkable accuracy as shown in our sketch. To the south of
Puta di Melata Point of Malacca, a large island bearing the
name Sava answers to Java, and a smaller one to the east of it
is intended no doubt for Sumbawa, although that island is duplicated
to the south-east under the name of Sindoba. To the south-west
of Sumatra an island called Calensuan, bisected by the tropic
of Capricorn, is the last remnant of the Behaimean and Schonerean
bogus Sumatra which had been grafted on the western coast of
Australia, and it may prove of some interest to note that this
original survey is maintained on this map in conjunction with and
notwithstanding the presence of the real Sumatra above it.

By far the most interesting feature however on this extremely
curious mappamundi is the representation of the huge continental land
in the southern hemisphere. It bears a name which at first sight
appears ridiculous, for Gataio is meant for Cataio, China.
China is certainly a strange name for Australia, but in a
cartographical sense not altogether impossible at the period we are
dealing with, for we must remember that this mappamundi was
constructed before the return of the first circumnavigators, when the
Pacific Ocean to the east of the Spice Islands was not yet known.

If we imagine a flying survey with the Solomon Islands for point
of departure, and Tasmania for the goal, we might expect to find that
survey charted somewhat after the style of Juan Vespuccius' southern
continent, and that continent might reasonably be supposed to form
part of China. We have said with Tasmania for the goal because,
strangely enough, the southern extremity of this continental Cathay
reaches in longitude and latitude the exact position of an old
Spanish survey to the south of Tasmania that bears to the present day
a name which proves its Spanish Origin; we refer to Piedra
blanca.'*

(*Footnote. Piedra blanca, or Pedra Branca, are
words of Portuguese or Spanish origin, but it is only probable that
they refer to an old Spanish or Portuguese survey made in the
southern parts of Tasmania. George Collingridge.)

THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS.

Reverting to the first circumnavigators, Magalhaens' squadron of
five vessels was now sorely reduced. Major thus describes the return
of this glorious but disastrous expedition and its results*:

"Two of the vessels of this fleet arrived on the 8th of November
1521, at the Island of Tidore, after having passed through the
straits, since called the Straits of Magellan. That navigator was now
no more; he had been killed in one of the islands of the Archipelago
of St. Lazaro, since called the Philippines, and, nearly all his
squadron having been destroyed, one vessel only, named the
Victoria, returned to Europe with eighteen persons, all very
sick, under the guidance of Sebastian del Cano, who landed on the 6th
of September 1522, at the same port of San Lucar de Barrameda from
which the fleet had set sail three years before.

"Whether it was from policy, or because the currents which exist
in the Great Pacific Ocean had carried Magellan's fleet rapidly down
to the Philippines and Moluccas, those who returned from this
expedition always maintained that these latter islands were in the
hemisphere of the Spaniards, who consequently laid claim to traffic
there. They were even on the point of sending out a new expedition
thither, when King John III begged Charles V to have the question
examined by competent persons, and promised to acquiesce in their
decision. The two governments appointed twenty-four, or even a
greater number, both Spaniards and Portuguese, well skilled in
geography and navigation, who from the commencement of March 1524 met
alternately in the two cities of Badajos and Elvas, on the frontiers
of the two States. Three months were allowed them to decide
definitely to whom these islands belonged.

"These commissioners, among whom was Sebastian del Cano, who had
brought back the Victoria, consumed at the outset a
considerable time in consulting globes and charts, and in comparing
the journals of pilots. They examined the distance between the
Moluccas and the line of demarcation. They disputed much, and came to
no conclusion. More than two months passed away in this manner; and
they reached the latter part of May, which had been fixed as the term
of the conferences.

"The Spanish commissioners then settled the line of demarcation at
three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, as
it had been fixed in 1494; and, as on the basis of the charts which
they had then before them, they made the opposite line, which was to
be at the distance of a hundred and eighty degrees, pass through the
Malay Peninsula, they included in their own hemisphere not only the
Moluccas, but also the Islands of Java and Borneo, part of Sumatra,
the coast of China, and part of the Malay Peninsula itself. The
Portuguese did not agree to this limitation, which was too
disadvantageous for themselves; on the contrary they went away very
discontented, storming, and threatening war, which gave occasion to
the jocose observation of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, a talented man,
at that time the historiographer of the Court of Spain, that the
commissioners, after having well syllogized, concluded by being
unable to decide the question except by cannonballs.

"In spite of the unsuccessful issue of this negotiation, the two
Courts did not come to a quarrel; they were on the point of forming
alliances. The question of the marriage of the Infanta Catherine, the
Emperor's sister, with King John, which was celebrated in 1525, was
being then entertained. In the following year, 1526, the Emperor
espoused, with great pomp, Isabella, King John's sister. Charles V
however, believing himself in the right, continued to permit his
subjects to carry on commerce with the Spice Islands; and he himself
fitted out fleets to dispute the possession of them with the
Portuguese. Some of these vessels landed at the Moluccas in 1527 and
1528; but, as these expeditions were generally unsuccessful, and as
moreover he was in need of money for his coronation in Italy, he
listened to the proposals of King John to purchase his right to these
islands. He parted with them by a secret treaty, which was signed at
Saragossa the 22nd of April 1529 for the sum, it is said, of 350,000
golden ducats, against the express wish of his subjects, who often
but in vain besought him to retract it. By his refusal it was thought
that he had received much more. Thenceforth the Spaniards were not
permitted to traffic with the Moluccas.

"This termination of the quarrel on the part of Portugal was a
justification of the claims of the Spaniards, and an acknowledgment
in some sort that the Moluccas were in their hemisphere. After such
an arrangement the Portuguese could not show any discoveries made to
the eastward, or even under the meridian of these islands. The
greatest part of New Holland is more to the east than the Moluccas;
hence it is to be believed that for this reason the Portuguese have
kept silence respecting their discovery of it."

There is in Galvano's account of the return of the Victoria
a curious reference to the discovery of "certain islands" which could
not have been far distant from the west coast of Australia. As the
mention of this discovery is not found elsewhere, we give here
Galvano's description of it, as follows:

"In the yeere 1521 there went from Maluco one of Magellan's ships
with cloues (Captain and pilot--John Sebastian del Cano); they
victualled themselves in the Island of Burro (which is in 24 degrees*
south latitude, and passed between Vitara and Malua,** which are in 8
degrees), and from thence went to Timor, which standeth in 11 degrees
of southerly latitude. Beyond this island one hundred leagues they
discouered certain islands under the tropic of Capricorn [and further
on others. All are peopled thenceforward; nor did they see land
(without inhabitants) except it might be some islet, up to the Cape
of Good Hope, where it is said they took in wood and water] (one
named Ende finding the places from thenceforward peopled. Afterward
passing without Samatra they met with no land till they fell with the
Cape of Bona Speranca, where they tooke in fresh water and wood). So
they came by the Islands of Cape Verde, and from thence to Siuill,
where they were notably receiued as well for the cloues that they
brought as that they had compassed about the world: No anno de 1521
partio de Maluco hua das naos pera Castella, em q' o Magalhaes fora
carregada de crauo, capita & piloto della Joam Sebastiam del
cano. Foram tomar mantimento aa ilha de Burro q' estaa em vinte
quatro graos daltura da parte do Sul, passaram por antre Vitara &
Malua, que estam em oyto graos: & dahi foram a Thimor q' estaa em
onze, ate delle cem legoas, descobriram huas ylhas diante outras
debaxo do tropico de Capricornio. Todas sam pouoadas daqui por diate;
nam sey terra que vissem ate o Cabo de boa esperanca senam algua
ylheta sem gente: onde diz que tomaram agoa & lenha, E ao logo
daquella costa vieram aas ylhas do Cabo verde, & dahi aa cidade
de Seuilha, onde foram com grande aluoroco recebidos, assi pello
crauo que traziam, como por darem hua volta ao mundo."

(*Footnote. Burro or Booro is in 4 degrees. 24 is no
doubt a misprint, as the context shows.)

(**Footnote. Wetter and Ombai, modern.)

CHAPTER 26. A.D. 1523.

MAXIMILIANUS TRANSYLVANUS' LETTER.

fter the
return of the survivors of Magalhaens' expedition the whole crew and
officers went up to Valladolid to report to the Emperor and show
themselves. C.H. Coote in his Introduction to Stevens' Johann
Schoner, page xxi., says: "A young man (Maximilianus Transylvanus),
the natural son of Matthaes Lang, Archbishop of Saltzburg, was at
Court, under the care of Peter Martyr, as one of his pupils, and
sometimes acting with the young superior of his own age, as private
secretary. Peter sent him these returned men, and gave him the task
of writing out an account of the expedition to his father, then in
Germany, as good practice in writing Latin. Maximilian having (with
Ferdinand Columbus) accompanied the Emperor in his recent swing round
Germany and Flanders, and having only recently returned to Spain with
the travelling Court, very naturally sent his Latin Exercise
to Cologne to be printed, where the first Edition appeared in
a very neat sm. 8vo. in January 1523 (at Cologne the new year began
1st January, so that this was not really January 1524, as has been
claimed, and therefore a reprint of the Rome edition of November
1523)."

The translation of Maximilianus Transylvanus' letter given here is
from H. Stevens' Johann Schoner.*

A letter from Maximilianus Transylvanus to the Most Reverend
Cardinal of Saltzburg, very delightful to read, concerning the
Molucca Islands, and also many other wonders which the latest voyage
of the Spaniards has just discovered, made under the auspices of the
Most Serene Emperor Charles V:

MOST REVEREND AND ILLUSTRIOUS LORD: My only Lord, to you I most
humbly commend myself. Not long ago one of those five ships returned
which the Emperor, while he was at Saragossa some years ago, had sent
into a strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for
the islands in which Spices grow. For although the Portuguese bring
us a great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now
call Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions produce none
but pepper. For it is well-known that the other spices, as cinnamon,
cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering
(mace), which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian
possessions from distant islands, hitherto only known by name, in
ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by
palm-leaves, and having round sails also woven out of palm-fibres.
Ships of this sort they call junks, and they are impelled by the wind
only when it blows directly fore or aft.

Nor is it wonderful that these islands have not been known to any
mortal almost up to our time. For whatever statements of ancient
authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of
these spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from
truth that the very regions in which they asserted that these spices
were produced are scarcely less distant from the countries in which
it is now ascertained that they grow than we are ourselves.

For, not to mention others, Herodotus, in other respects a very
good authority, states that cinnamon was found in bird's nests, into
which the birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which
birds he mentions especially the Phoenix--and I know not who has ever
seen the nest of a Phoenix. But Pliny, who might have been thought to
have had better means of knowing the facts, since long before his
time many discoveries had been made by the fleets of Alexander the
Great, and by other expeditions, states the cinnamon was produced in
Ethiopia, on the borders of the land of the Troglodytes. Whereas we
know now that cinnamon is produced at a very great distance from any
part of Ethiopia, and especially from the country of the
Troglodytes--i.e. dwellers in subterraneous caves.

Now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned,
who knew more about Ethiopia than about other countries, to sail
round the whole world, and that in a very wide circuit, before they
discovered these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this
voyage was a very remarkable one, and neither in our own time nor in
any former age has such a voyage been accomplished, or even
attempted, I have determined to send your Lordship a full and
accurate account of the expedition.

I have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from
the commanding officer of the squadron,* and from the individual
sailors who have returned with him. They also made a statement to the
Emperor, and to several other persons, with such good faith and
sincerity that they appeared in their narrative not merely to have
abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute
the fabulous statements made by ancient authors.

(*Footnote. Juan Sebastian del Cano.)

For who ever believed that the Monosceli, or Sciapodes (one-legged
men), the Scirites, the Spithamaei (persons a span--7 1/2
inches--high), the Pigmies (height 13 1/2 inches), and such like were
rather monsters than men? Yet, although the Castilians in their
voyages westwards, and the Portuguese sailing eastwards, have sought
out, discovered and surveyed so many places even beyond the tropic of
Capricorn, and now these countrymen of ours have sailed completely
round the world, none of them have found any trustworthy evidence in
favour of the existence of such monsters, and therefore all such
accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous and as old wives' tales,
handed down from one writer to another without any basis of truth;
but, as I have to make a voyage round the world, I will not extend my
prefatory remarks but will come at once to the point.

Some thirty years ago, when the Castilians in the West, and the
Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown
lands, in order to avoid any interference of one with the other the
kings of these countries divided the whole world between them, by the
authority probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line
should be drawn from the North to the South Pole through a point
three hundred and sixty leagues west of the Hesperides, which they
now call Cape Verde Islands, which would divide the earth's surface
into two equal portions. All unknown lands hereafter discovered to
the east of this line were assigned to the Portuguese, all on the
west to the Castilians. Hence it came to pass that the Castilians
always sailed south-west, and there discovered a very extensive
continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in gold, pearls
and other valuable commodities; and have quite recently discovered a
large inland city named Tenoxtica (Mexico), situated in a lake like
Venice. Peter Martyr, an author who is more careful as to the
accuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has
given a full but truthful description of this city. But the
Portuguese, sailing southward past the Hesperides (Cape Verde
Islands), and the Fish-eating Ethiopians (West Coast of Africa),
crossed the Equator and the tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward
discovered several very large islands heretofore unknown, and also
the sources of the Nile and the Troglodytes. Thence, by way of the
Arabian and Persian Gulfs, they arrived at the shores of India,
within the Ganges, where now there is the very great trading station
and the Kingdom of Calicut. Hence they sailed to Taprobane, which is
now called Zamatara (Sumatra). For where Ptolemy, Pliny, and other
geographers placed Taprobane, there is now no island which can
possibly be identified with it. Thence they came to the Golden
Chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of Malacca, the
principal place of business of the East. After this they penetrated
into a great gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinae, who are now
called Schinae (Chinese), where they found a fair-complexioned and
tolerably-civilised people, like our folks in Germany. They believe
that the Seres and Asiatic Scythians extend as far as these
parts.

And although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat that the
Portuguese had advanced so far to the east that they had come to the
end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory
appointed for the Castilians, and that Malacca and the Great Gulf
were within our limits, all this was more said than believed, until
four years ago Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who
had for many years sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral of the
Portuguese fleet, having quarrelled with his king, who, he
considered, had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro,
brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon, who had, through his agents,
for many years carried on trade with those Eastern countries, and
more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with
these matters (he also having been ill-used by the King of Portugal,
had returned to his native country, Castille), pointed out to the
Emperor that it was not yet clearly ascertained whether Malacca was
within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the Castilians, because
hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known; but that it was
an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf and the Chinese nations were
within the Castilian limits. They asserted also that it was
absolutely certain that the islands called the Moluccas, in which all
sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to Malacca,
were contained in the Western or Castilian division, and that it
would be possible to sail to them, and to bring the spices at less
trouble and expense from their native soil to Castille.

The plan of the voyage was to sail to the west, and then coasting
the Southern hemisphere round the south of America to the east. Yet
it appeared to be a difficult undertaking, and one of which the
practicability was doubtful. Not that it was impossible, prima
facie, to sail from the west round the Southern hemisphere to the
east; but that it was uncertain, whether ingenious Nature, all whose
works are wisely conceived, had so arranged the sea and the land that
it might be possible to arrive by this course at the Eastern Seas.
For it had not been ascertained whether that extensive region, which
is called Terra Firma, separated the Western Ocean (the Atlantic)
from the eastern (the Pacific); but it was plain that that continent
extended in a southerly direction, and afterwards inclined to the
west. Moreover two regions had been discovered in the north, one
called Baccalearum, from a new kind of fish, the other called
Florida; and if these were connected with Terra Firma it would not be
possible to pass from the Western Ocean to the Eastern; since
although much trouble had been taken to discover any strait which
might exist connecting the two oceans, none had yet been found. At
the same time it was considered that to attempt to sail through the
Portuguese concessions and the Eastern seas would be a hazardous
enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree.

The Emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by
Magellan and Haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was
one of very considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay
Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro undertook to fit out a
squadron at the expense of himself and his friends, provided that
they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his
Majesty. As each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the Emperor
himself fitted out a squadron of five ships, and appointed Magellan
to the command. It was ordered that they should sail southwards by
the coast of Terra Firma until they found either the end of that
country or some strait by which they might arrive at the
spice-bearing Moluccas.

Accordingly on the 10th of August 1519 Ferdinand Magellan, with
his five ships, sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at
the Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries. Thence they sailed to
the islands of the Hesperides (Cape Verde); and thence sailed in a
south-westerly direction towards that continent which I have already
mentioned (Terra Firma or South America), and after a favourable
voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called St.
Mary's. Here Admiral John Ruy Dias Solis, while exploring the shores
of this continent by command of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was,
with some of his companions, eaten by the Anthropophagi, whom the
Indians call cannibals. Hence they coasted along this continent,
which extends far on southwards, and which I now think should be
called the Southern Polar Land, then gradually slopes off in a
westerly direction, and so sailed several degrees south of the tropic
of Capricorn. But it was not so easy for them to do it as for me to
relate it. For not till the end of March in the following year (1520)
did they arrive at a bay, which they called St. Julian's Bay. Here
the Antarctic Pole Star was 49 1/3 degrees above the horizon, this
result being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and
this star is principally used by our navigators for observations.
They stated that the longitude was 56 degrees west of the Canaries.
For since the ancient geographers, and especially Ptolemy, reckoned
the distance easterly from the Fortunate Islands (Canaries) as far as
Cattigara to be 180 degrees, and our sailors have sailed as far as
possible in a westerly direction, they reckoned the distance from the
Canaries westward to Cattigara to be also 180 degrees. Yet even
though our sailors in so long a voyage, and in one so distant from
the land, lay down and mark out certain signs and limits of their
longitude, they appear to me rather to have made some error in their
method of reckoning of the longitude than to have attained any
trustworthy result.

Meanwhile, however this may be, until more certain results are
arrived at I do not think that their statements should be absolutely
rejected, but merely accepted provisionally. This bay appeared to be
of great extent, and had rather the appearance of a strait. Therefore
Admiral Magellan directed two ships to survey the bay; and remained
with the rest at anchor. After two days they returned, and reported
that the bay was shallow, and did not extend far inland. Our men on
their return saw some Indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore,
for the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called Indians.
These Indians were very tall, ten spans high (7 feet 6 inches), clad
in skins of wild beasts, darker-complexioned than would have been
expected in that part of the world; and when some of our men went on
shore and showed them bells and pictures, they began to dance round
our men with a hoarse noise and unintelligible chant, and to excite
our admiration they took arrows, a cubit and a half long, and put
them down their own throats to the bottom of their stomachs without
seeming any the worse for it. Then they drew them up again, and
seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. At length three
men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested our men
to come with them further inland, as though they would receive them
hospitably. Magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find
out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. These
seven went with the Indians some seven miles up the country, and came
to a desolate and pathless wood. Here was a very low-built cottage,
roofed with skins of beasts. In it were two rooms, in one of which
dwelt the women and children, and in the other the men. The women and
children were thirteen in number, and the men five. These received
their guests with a barbarous entertainment, but which they
considered to be quite a royal one. For they slaughtered an animal
much resembling a wild ass, and set before our men half-roasted
steaks of it, but no other food or drink. Our men had to cover
themselves at night with skins, on account of the severity of the
wind and snow.

Before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept;
the Indians did the same, and lay near our men by the fire, snoring
horribly. When day dawned our men requested them to return with them,
accompanied by their families, to our ships. When the Indians
persisted in refusing to do so, and our men had also persisted
somewhat imperiously in their demands, the men went into the women's
room. The Spaniards supposed that they had gone to consult their
wives about this expedition. But they came out again as if to battle,
wrapt up from head to foot in hideous skins, with their faces painted
in various colours, and with bows and arrows, all ready for fighting,
and appearing taller than ever. The Spaniards, thinking a skirmish
was likely to take place, fired a gun. Although nobody was hit yet
these enormous giants, who just before seemed as though they were
ready to fight and conquer Jove himself, were so alarmed at the sound
that they began to sue for peace. It was arranged that three men,
leaving the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships; and
so they started. But as our men not only could not run as fast as the
giants, but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two
of the three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some
distance, as they were going along, ran off after it, and so escaped.
The third was brought to the ships, but in a few days he died, having
starved himself after the Indian fashion through homesickness. And
although the Admiral returned to that cottage, in order to make
another of the giants prisoner and bring him to the Emperor as a
novelty, no one was found there, as all of them had removed elsewhere
and the cottage had disappeared. Hence it is plain that this nation
is a nomad race, and although our men remained some time in that bay,
as we shall presently mention, they never again saw an Indian on that
coast; nor did they think that there was anything in that country
that would make it worth while to explore the inland districts any
further. And though Magellen was convinced that a longer stay there
would be of no use, yet, since for some days the sea was very rough
and the weather tempestuous, and the land extended still further
southward, so that the further they advanced the colder they would
find the country, their departure was unavoidably put off from day to
day till the month of May arrived, at which time the winter sets in
with great severity in those parts, so much so that, though it was
our summertime, they had to make preparations for wintering there.
Magellan, perceiving that the voyage would be a long one, in order
that the provisions might last longer ordered the rations to be
diminished. The Spaniards endured this with patience for some days,
but, alarmed at the length of the winter and the barrenness of the
land, at last petitioned their Admiral, Magellan, saying that it was
evident that this continent extended an indefinite distance
southwards, and that there was no hope of discovering the end of it,
or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting in, and
that several men had already died through scanty food and the
hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to endure
that restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that the emperor
never intended that they should obstinately persevere in attempting
to do what the natural circumstances of the case rendered it
impossible to accomplish; that the toils they had already endured
would be acknowledged and approved, since they had already advanced
further than the boldest and most adventurous navigators had dared to
do; that, if a south wind should spring up in a few days, they might
easily sail to the north, and arrive at a milder climate. In reply
Magellan, who had already made up his mind either to carry out his
design or to die in the attempt, said that the Emperor had ordered
him to sail according to a certain plan, from which he could not and
would not depart on any consideration whatever; and that therefore he
should continue this voyage till he found either the end of this
continent or a strait; that, though he could not do this at present,
as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy enough in the
summer of this region; that if they would only sail along the coast
to the south the summer would be all one perpetual day; that they had
means of providing against want of food and the inclemency of the
weather, inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea
produced shell-fish and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there
were springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by
hunting and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet
run short, and would not run short in future, provided that they used
them for necessity and for the preservation of health, and not for
pleasure and luxury; that nothing had yet been done worthy of much
admiration, nor such as could give them reasonable grounds for
returning; that the Portuguese, not only yearly, but almost daily, in
their voyages to the east, made no difficulty about sailing twelve
degrees south of the tropic of Capricorn. What had they then to boast
of when they had only advanced some four degrees south of it? that he
for his part had made up his mind to suffer anything that might
happen rather than return to Spain with disgrace; that he believed
that his companions, or at any rate those in whom the generous spirit
of Spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same way of
thinking; that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the
remainder of winter; that the greater their dangers and hardships
were the richer their reward would be for having opened up for the
Emperor a new world rich in spices and gold.

Magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and
encouraged the minds of his men, but within a few days he was
troubled by a wicked and disgraceful mutiny. For the sailors began to
talk to one another of the long-standing ill-feeling existing between
the Portuguese and the Castillians, and of Magellan being a
Portuguese; that there was nothing that he could do more to the
credit of his own country than to lose this fleet with so many men on
board; that it was not to be believed that he wished to find the
Moluccas, even if he could, but that he would think it enough if he
could delude the Emperor for some years by holding out vain hopes,
and that in the meanwhile something new would turn up whereby the
Castillians might be completely put out of the way of looking for
spices; nor indeed was the direction of the voyage really towards the
fertile Molucca Islands, but towards snow and ice and everlasting bad
weather. Magellan was exceedingly irritated by these conversations,
and punished some of the men, but with somewhat more severity than
was becoming to a foreigner, especially to one holding command in a
distant part of the world. So they mutinied, and took possession of
one of the ships, and began to make preparations to return to Spain;
but Magellan, with the rest of his men who had remained faithful to
him, boarded that ship and executed the ringleader* and other leading
mutineers, even some who could not legally be so treated, for they
were royal officials, who were only liable to capital punishment by
the Emperor and his council. However under the circumstances no one
ventured to resist. Yet there were some who whispered to one another
that Magellan would go on exercising the same severity amongst the
Castillians as long as one was left, until having got rid of every
one of them he could sail home to his own country again with the few
Portuguese he had with him. The Castillians therefore remained still
more hostile to the Admiral. As soon as Magellan observed that the
weather was less stormy and that winter began to break up he sailed
out of St Julian's Bay on 24th August 1520, as before.

(*Footnote. Gaspar de Quesada.)

For some days he coasted along to the southward and at last
sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from
the east caught them and one of the five ships was driven on shore
and wrecked, but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except
an African slave, who was drowned. After this the coast seemed to
stretch a little south-eastwards, and as they continued to explore
it, on the 26th November (1520), an opening was observed having the
appearance of a strait; Magellan at once sailed in with his whole
fleet, and, seeing several bays in various directions, directed three
of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether there was any way
through, undertaking to wait for them five days at the entrance of
the strait, so that they might report what success they had. One of
these ships* was commanded by Alvaro de Mezquita, son of Magellan's
brother, and this by the windings of the channel came out again into
the ocean whence it had set out. When the Spaniards** saw that they
were at a considerable distance from the other ships they plotted
among themselves to return home, and, having put Alvaro, their
captain, in irons, they sailed northwards, and at last reached the
coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and eight months after
leaving the other ships they arrived in Spain, where they brought
Alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly been through his
advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan had adopted such severe
measures against the Castillians.

(*Footnote. The San Antonio.)

(**Footnote. Among them was Esteven Gomez.)

Magellan waited some days over the appointed time for this ship,
and meanwhile one ship had returned and reported that they had found
nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stoney, and with high
cliffs; but the other reported that the greatest bay had the
appearance of a strait, as they had sailed on for three days and had
found no way out, but that the further they went the narrower the
passage became, and it was so deep that in many places they sounded
without finding the bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the
sea that the flow was somewhat stronger than the ebb, and thence they
concluded that there was a passage that way into some other sea. On
hearing this Magellan determined to sail along this channel. This
strait, though not then known to be such, was of the breadth in some
places of three, in others of two, in others of five or ten Italian
miles, and inclined slightly to the west. The latitude south was
found to be 52 degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as
that of St. Julian's Bay. It being now hard upon the month of
November, the length of the night was not much more than five hours;
they saw no one on the shore. One night however a great number of
fires were seen, especially on the left side, whence they conjectured
that they had been seen by the inhabitants of those regions. But
Magellan, seeing that the land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual
winter, did not think it worth while to spend his time in exploring
it, and so with his three ships continued his voyage along the
channel, until on the twenty-second day after he had set sail, he
came out into another vast and open sea; the length of the strait
they reckoned at about one hundred Spanish miles. The land which they
had to the right was no doubt the continent we have before mentioned
(South America). On the left hand they thought that there was no
continent, but only islands, as they occasionally heard on that side
the reverberation and roar of the sea at a more distant part of the
coast. Magellan saw that the mainland extended due north, and
therefore gave orders to turn away from that great continent, leaving
it on the right hand, and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean,
which had probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of
any other nation, in a north-westerly direction, so that they might
arrive at last at the Eastern Ocean, coming at it from the west, and
again enter the torrid zone, for he was satisfied that the Moluccas
were in the extreme east, and could not be far off the equator. They
continued in this course, never deviating from it, except when
compelled to do so now and then by the force of the wind; and when
they had sailed on this course for forty days across the ocean with a
strong wind, mostly favourable, and had seen nothing all around them
but sea, and had now almost reached again the tropic of Capricorn,
they came in sight of two islands, small and barren, and on directing
their course to them found that they were uninhabited; but they
stayed there two days for repose and refreshment, as plenty of fish
was to be caught there. However they unanimously agreed to call these
islands the Unfortunate Islands. Then they set sail again, and
continued on the same course as before. After sailing for three
months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having
traversed a distance almost too long to estimate, having had a strong
wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the
equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the
neighbouring people was called Inuagana. When they came nearer to it
they found the latitude to be 11 degrees north; the longitude they
reckoned to be 158 degrees west of Cadiz. From this point they saw
more and more islands, so that they found themselves in an extensive
archipelago, but on arriving at Inuagana they found that it was
uninhabited. Then they sailed towards another small island, where
they saw two Indian canoes, for such is the Indian name of these
strange boats; these canoes are scooped out of the single trunk of a
tree, and hold one or at most two persons; and they are used to talk
with each other by signs, like dumb people. They asked the Indians
what the names of the islands were, and whence provisions could be
procured, of which they were very deficient; they were given to
understand that the first island they had seen was called Inuagana;
that near which they then were Acacan, but that both were
uninhabited; but that there was another island almost in sight, in
the direction of which they pointed, called Selani, and that
abundance of provisions of all sorts was to be had there. Our men
took in water at Acacan, and then sailed towards Selani. But a storm
caught them so that they could not land there, but they were driven
to another island called Massana, where the king of three islands
resides. From this island they sailed to Subuth, a very large island
and well supplied, where, having come to a friendly arrangement with
the chief, they immediately landed to celebrate divine worship
according to Christian usage--for the festival for the Resurrection
of Him who has saved us was at hand. Accordingly, with some of the
sails of the ships and branches of trees they erected a chapel, and
in it constructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and divine
service was duly performed. The chief and a large crowd of Indians
came up, and seemed much pleased with these religious rites. They
brought the Admiral and some of the officers into the chief's cabin,
and set before them what food they had. The bread was made of sago,
which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike the palm.
This is chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a
specimen of which I send to your lordship. Their drink was a liquor
which flows from the branches of palm-trees when cut. Some birds also
were served up at this meal, and also some of the fruit of the
country. Magellan, having noticed in the chief's house a sick person
in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and from what disease he
was suffering. He was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that
he had been suffering for two years from a violent fever. Magellan
exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself
to Christ he would immediately recover his former health and
strength. The Indian consented, and adored the Cross, and received
baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again, rose from
his bed and walked about, and took his meals like the others. What
visions he may have told to his friends I cannot say; but the chief
and over 2,200 Indians were baptized and professed the name and faith
of Christ. Magellan, seeing that this island was rich in gold and
ginger, and that it was so conveniently situated with respect to the
neighbouring islands that it would be easy, making this his
head-quarters, to explore their resources and natural productions. He
therefore went to the chief of Subuth and suggested to him that since
he had turned away from the foolish and impious worship of false gods
to the Christian religion it would be proper that the chiefs of the
neighbouring islands should obey his rule; that he had determined to
send envoys for this purpose, and, if any of the chiefs should refuse
to obey this summons, to compel them to do so by force of arms. The
proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys were sent; the chiefs
came in one by one and did homage to the chief of Subuth in the
manner adopted in those countries. But the nearest island to Subuth
is called Mauthan, and its king was superior in military force to the
other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been
accustomed to command for so long. Magellan, anxious to carry out his
plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could rely on for valour and
military skill, to arm themselves, and passed over to the island
Mauthan in boats, for it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished
him with some of his own people to guide him as to the topography of
the island and the character of the country, and if it should be
necessary to help him in the battle. The King of Mauthan, seeing the
arrival of our men, led into the field some 3,000 of his people.
Magellan drew up his own men and what artillery he had, though his
force was somewhat small, on the shore, and, although he saw that his
own force was much inferior in numbers, and that his opponents were a
warlike race and were equipped with lances and other weapons,
nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy with them
than to retreat or to avail himself of the aid of the Subuth
islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage and not to
be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often
been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula] of
Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three
hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders that he had
not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and
military prowess of his men. Then he attacked the Mauthan islanders,
and both sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men in
number and used longer lances, to the great damage of our men, at
last Magellan himself was thrust through and slain. Although the
survivors did not consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they had
lost their leader, they retreated; but as they retreated in good
order the enemy did not venture to pursue them. The Spaniards then,
having lost their Admiral (Magellan) and seven of their comrades,
returned to Subuth, where they chose as their new admiral John
Serrano, a man of no contemptible ability. He renewed the alliance
with the chief of Subuth by making him additional presents, and
undertook to conquer the King of Mauthan. Magellan had been the owner
of a slave, a native of the Moluccas, whom he had formerly bought in
Malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to speak Spanish
fluently, and of an interpreter of Subuth, who could speak the
Moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. This slave
had taken part in the fight with the Mauthan islanders, and had been
slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to
nurse himself. Serrano, who could do no business without his help,
rated him soundly, and told him that though his master (Magellan) was
dead, he was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the
case, and would get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not
exert himself and do what was required of him more zealously. This
speech much incensed the slave against our people; but he concealed
his anger, and in a few days he went to the chief of Subuth and told
him that the avarice of the Spaniards was insatiable; that they had
determined, as soon as they should have defeated the king of Mauthan,
to turn round upon him and take him away as a prisoner; and that the
only course for him (the chief of Subuth) to adopt was to anticipate
treachery by treachery. The savage believed this, and secretly came
to an understanding with the king of Mauthan, and made arrangements
with him for common action against our people. Admiral Serrano and
twenty-seven of the principal officers and men were invited to a
solemn banquet. These, quite unsuspectingly, for the natives had
carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore without any
precautions to take their dinner with the chief. While they were at
table some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and
slew them. A great outcry was made. It was reported in our ships that
our men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to us. Our
men saw, from on board the ships, that the handsome cross, which they
had set up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut up into
fragments. When the Spaniards, who had remained on board, heard of
the slaughter of our men they feared further treachery; so they
weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. Soon afterward
Serrano was brought to the coast a prisoner; he entreated them to
deliver him from so miserable a captivity, saying that he had got
leave to be ransomed if his men would agree to it. Although our men
thought it was disgraceful to leave their commander behind in this
way, their fear of the treachery of the islanders was so great that
they put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore in vain lamenting
and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. The Spaniards, having lost
their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on sad and
anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had suffered, but
also because their numbers had been so diminished that it was no
longer possible to work the three remaining ships.

On this question they consulted together and unanimously came to
the conclusion that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships,
and to sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a
neighbouring island, called Cohol,* and, having put the rigging and
stores of one of the ships on board the two others, set it on fire.
Hence they proceeded to the island of Gibeth. Although they found
that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger and many
other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there any
length of time, as they could not establish friendly relations with
the natives; and they were too few in number to venture to use force.
From Gibeth they proceeded to the island of Porne.**

(*Footnote. A misprint for Bohol.)

(**Footnote. Borneo.)

In this archipelago there are two large islands, one of which is
called Siloli, whose king has six hundred children. Siloli is larger
than Porne, for Siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months,
but Porne in three months. Although Siloli is larger than Porne, yet
the latter is more fertile, and distinguished as containing a large
city of the same name as the island. And since Porne must be
considered to be more important than the other islands which they had
hitherto visited, and it was from it that the other islanders had
learnt the arts of civilised life, I have determined to describe
briefly the manners and customs of these nations. All these islanders
are Caphrae or Kafirs, i.e. heathens, they worship the sun and moon
as gods; they assign the government of the day to the sun, and that
of the night to the moon; the sun they consider to be male, and the
moon female, and that they are the parents of the other stars, all of
which they consider to be gods, though little ones. They salute
rather than adore the rising sun with certain hymns. Also they salute
the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children, for the
increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of the
fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. But they
practise piety and justice; and especially love peace and quiet, and
have great aversion to war. As long as their king maintains peace
they show him divine honours; but if he is anxious for war they never
rest till he is slain by the enemy in battle. When the king has
determined on war, which very seldom happens, his men set him in the
first rank, where he has to stand the whole brunt of the combat: and
they do not exert themselves vigorously against the enemy till they
know that the king has fallen; then they begin to fight for liberty
and for their new king; nor has any king of theirs entered on a war
without being slain in battle. For this reason they seldom engage in
war, and they think it unjust to extend their frontiers. Their chief
care is to avoid giving offence to the neighbouring nations or to
strangers. But if at any time they are attacked they retaliate; and
yet, lest further ill should arise, they at once endeavour to come to
terms. They think that party acts most creditably which is the first
to propose terms of peace; that it is disgraceful to be anticipated
in so doing, and that it is scandalous and detestable to refuse peace
to those who ask for it, even though the latter should have been the
aggressors. All the neighbouring people unite in destroying such
refusers of peace as impious and abominable. Hence they mostly pass
their lives in peace and leisure. Robberies and murders are quite
unknown among them. No one may speak to the king but his wives and
children, except at a distance by hollow canes, which they apply to
his ear, and through which they whisper what they have to say. They
think that at death men have no perception as they had none before
they were born. Their houses are small, built of wood and earth,
covered partly with rubble and partly with palm leaves. It is
ascertained that there are 20,000 houses in the city of Porne. They
marry as many wives as they can afford to keep; they eat birds and
fish, make bread of rice, and drink a liquor drawn from the
palm-tree--of which we have spoken before. Some carry on trade with
the neighbouring islands, to which they sail in junks, some are
employed in hunting and shooting, some in fishing, some in
agriculture. Their clothes are made of cotton. Their animals are
nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses; their
horses are very slight and small. They have a great supply of
camphor, ginger, and cinnamon. On leaving this island our men, having
paid their respects to the king and propitiated him by presents,
sailed to the Moluccas, their way to which had been pointed out to
them by the king. Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo,
where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as doves'
eggs, or even hen's eggs, but that they were only to be had in very
deep water. Our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as
they were not there at the season of the year for pearl-fishing. They
said however that they found an oyster there the flesh of which
weighed 47 pounds. Hence I should be disposed to believe that pearls
of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain that
large pearls are found in oysters. And, not to forget it, I will add
that our men reported that the islanders of Porne asserted that the
king wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. After this
they came to the island of Gilona, where they saw some men with such
long ears that they reached down to their shoulders; and when they
expressed their astonishment the natives told them that, in an island
not far off, there were men who had such long and wide ears that one
ear could, when they liked, cover the whole of their heads. But as
our men were not in search of monsters but of spices they did not
trouble themselves about such rubbish, but sailed direct for the
Moluccas, where they arrived in the eighth month after their Admiral
(Magellan) had been slain in the island of Mauthan. The islands are
five in number, and are called Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare, and
Matthien*, situated partly to the north, partly to the south, and
partly on the equator; the productions are cloves, nutmegs, and
cinnamon. They are all close together, but of small extent.

(* Ternate, Moter, Tidore, Maru, Mutjan.)

A few years ago the kings (of) Marmin began to believe that the
soul is immortal. They were induced to believe this solely from the
following reason, that they observed that a certain very beautiful
small bird never settled on the earth, or on anything that was on the
earth; but that these birds sometimes fell dead from the sky to the
earth. And when the Mohammedans, who visited them for trading
purposes, declared that these birds came from Paradise, the place of
abode of departed souls, these princes adopted the Mohammedan faith,
which makes wonderful promises respecting this same Paradise. They
call this bird Mamuco Diata, and they venerate it so highly that the
kings think themselves safe to battle under their protection, even
when, according to their custom, they are placed in the front line of
the army in battle. The common people are Kafirs, and have much the
same manners and customs as the islanders of Porne, already spoken
of. They are much in need of supplies from abroad, inasmuch as their
country only produces spices, which they willingly exchange for the
poisonous articles, arsenic and sublimated mercury, and for the linen
which they generally wear, but what use they make of these poisons
has not yet been ascertained. They live on sago-bread, fish, and
sometimes parrots. They live in very low-built cabins; in short, all
they esteem and value is peace, leisure and spices. The former, the
greatest of blessings, the wickedness of mankind seems to have
banished from our part of the world to theirs; but our avarice and
insatiable desire of the luxuries of the table has urged us to seek
for spices even in those distant lands. To such a degree has the
perversity of human nature persisted in driving away as far as
possible that which is conducive to happiness, and in seeking for
articles of luxury in the remotest parts of the world. Our men,
having carefully examined the position of the Moluccas, and of each
separate island, and also into the character of the chiefs, sailed to
Thedori, because they understood that this island produced a greater
abundance of cloves than the others, and also that the king excelled
the other kings in prudence and humanity. Providing themselves with
presents they went on shore, and paid their respects to the king, and
handed him the presents as the gift of the Emperor. He accepted the
presents graciously, and looking up to heaven said: "It is now two
years since I learnt from observation of the stars that you were sent
by the great King of Kings to seek for these lands. Wherefore your
arrival is the more agreeable to me inasmuch as it has already been
foreseen from the signification of the stars. And since I know that
nothing happens to men which has not long since been ordained by the
decree of Fate and of the stars, I will not be the man to resist the
determination of Fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate
my royal power, and consider myself for the future as carrying on the
government of this island as your king's viceroy. So bring your ships
into the harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in
safety, so that now, after so much tossing about on the sea and so
many dangers, you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore,
and recruit your strength, and consider yourselves to be coming into
your own king's dominions."

Having thus spoken, the king laid aside his diadem, and embraced
each of our men, and directed such refreshments as the country
produced to be set on table. Our men, delighted at this, returned to
their companions and told them what had taken place. They were much
delighted by the graciousness and benevolence of the king, and took
up their quarters in the island. When they had been entertained for
some days by the king's munificence they sent envoys thence to the
other kings to investigate the resources of the islands and to secure
the goodwill of the chiefs. Tarante was the nearest; it is a very
small island, its circumference being a little over six Italian
miles. The next is Matthien, and that also is small. These three
produce a great quantity of cloves, but every fourth year the crop is
far larger than at other times. These trees only grow on precipitous
rocks, and they grow so close together as to form groves. The tree
resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its closeness of growth,
and its height; the clove, so called from its resemblance to a nail
(Latin clavus) grows at the very tip of each twig. First a bud
appears, and then a blossom much like that of the orange; the point
of the clove first shows itself at the end of the twig, until it
attains its full growth; at first it is reddish, but the heat of the
sun soon turns it black. The natives share groves of this tree among
themselves, just as we do vineyards. They keep the cloves in pits
till the merchants fetch them away. The fourth island, Muthil, is no
larger than the rest. This island produces cinnamon; the tree is full
of shoots, and in other respects fruitless; it thrives best in a dry
soil, and is very much like the pomegranate tree. When the bark
cracks through the heat of the sun it is pulled off the tree, and
being dried in the sun a short time becomes cinnamon. Near Muthil is
another island, called Bada, more extensive than the Moluccas; in it
the nutmeg grows. The tree is tall and wide-spreading, a good deal
like a walnut-tree. The fruit too is produced just in the same way as
a walnut, being protected by a double covering, first a soft
envelope, and under this a thin reticulated membrane which encloses
the nut. This membrane we call muskatbluthe, the Spaniards call it
mace; it is an excellent and wholesome spice. Within this is a hard
shell, like that of a filbert, inside which is the nutmeg, properly
so called. Ginger also is produced in all the islands of this
archipelago; some is sown, some grows spontaneously; but the sown
ginger is the best. The plant is like the saffron-plant, and its
root, which resembles the root of saffron, is what we call ginger.
Our men were kindly received by the various chiefs who all, after the
example of the king of Thedori, spontaneously submitted themselves to
the Imperial Government. But the Spaniards, having now only two
ships, determined to bring with them specimens of all sorts of
spices, but to load the ship mainly with cloves because there had
been a very abundant crop of it this season, and the ships could
contain a great quantity of this kind of spice. Having laden their
ships with cloves, and received letters and presents from the chiefs
to the Emperor, they prepared to sail away. The letters were filled
with assurances of fidelity and respect; the gifts were Indian
swords, etc. The most remarkable curiosities were some of the birds
called Mamuco Diata--that is the Bird of God with which they think
themselves safe and invincible in battle. Five of these were sent,
one of which I procured from the captain of the ship, and now send it
to your lordship--not that you will think it a defence against
treachery and violence, but because you will be pleased with its
rarity and beauty. I also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves,
that you may see that our spices are not only not inferior to those
imported by the Venetians and Portuguese, but of superior quality
because they are fresher. Soon after our men had sailed from Thedori
the larger of the two ships sprang a leak, which let in so much water
that they were obliged to return to Thedori. The Spaniards, seeing
that this defect could not be put right except with much labour and
loss of time, agreed that the other ship should sail to the Cape of
Cattigara, thence across the ocean as far as possible from the Indian
coast, lest they should be seen by the Portuguese, until they came in
sight of the southern point of Africa, beyond the tropic of
Capricorn, which the Portuguese call the Cape of Good Hope, for
thence the voyage to Spain would be easy. It was also arranged that
when the repairs of the other ship were completed it should sail back
through the archipelago and the vast (Pacific) Ocean to the coast of
the continent which we have already mentioned (South America), until
they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where only a narrow neck of land
divides the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are the islands
belonging to Spain. The smaller ship accordingly set sail again from
Thedori, and though they went as far as 12 degrees south they did not
find Cattigara, which Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of
the equator; however after a long voyage they arrived in sight of the
Cape of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here
this ship also, after having been so long at sea, began to be leaky,
and the men, who had lost several of their companions through
hardships in the course of their adventures, were unable to keep the
water pumped out, They therefore landed at one of the islands, called
Santiago, to buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they
offered cloves in exchange for slaves. When the Portuguese officials
heard of this they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest,
eighteen in number, being alarmed at the position in which they found
themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain.
Sixteen months after they had sailed from Thedori, on the 6th
September 1522, they arrived safe and sound at a port near Seville.
These sailors are certainly more worthy of perpetual fame than the
Argonauts who sailed with Jason to Colchis; and the ship itself
deserves to be placed among the constellations more than the ship
Argo. For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the
Black Sea, but our ship setting out from Seville sailed first
southwards, then through the whole of the West, into the Eastern
Seas, then back again into the Western.

I humbly commend myself to your Most Reverend Lordship.

Written at Valladolid, 24th October 1522.

Your Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Lordship's most humble and
perpetual servant,

MAXIMILIANUS TRANSYLVANUS.

Cologne--(printed) at the house of Eucharius Cervicornus, A.D.
1523, in the month of January.

CHAPTER 27. A.D. 1522 TO 1523.

ALLEGED GLOBE OF SCHONER OF 1523.

ALLEGED GLOBE OF SCHONER OF 1523.

he
voyage of the Vittoria had a marked influence on the geography
of Australasia at the period immediately following the return of the
first circumnavigators. Its influence on cartography is of a strange
character, and this period might be termed the no Australia
period, its strangeness consisting in the transitory total
disappearance of the Australian continent; for although the Great
South Land appears again in a new form and under a new name with the
Desceliers Lusitano-Spanish type of map, ranging between 1530 and
1556, yet its effacement is maintained in such an important document
as the Sebastian Cabot mappamundi of 1544. Whether the leaving out of
the Australian continent was a matter of political purpose, or
whether the inclusion on the maps of the period of a continent which
had not been sufficiently surveyed, was not deemed advisable, are
questions which remain to be considered. It must be conceded however
that the previous periods were periods of geographical incunabula as
far as Australia is concerned, for the indications of a Great South
Land on maps previous to 1530/1536 were of a very rough nature. Those
indications showed a mere knowledge of the existence of certain
portions of the coastlines which geographers had taken upon
themselves to join together in a more or less arbitrary manner. The
voyage of the first circumnavigators demolished in a great measure
certain theories and vagaries, and relegated towards the South Pole
the unknown continent. On the other hand the absence on the charts of
the terra incognita may have been a provisory measure adopted
until better information was available.

ALLEGED GLOBE OF SCHONER OF 1523.

The late Henry Stevens considered the globe which we are going to
deal with--and which with Mr. Henry Harrisse and for want of a better
name we shall describe as the Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523*--as
"one of the immediate results of the publication of the celebrated
first edition of the Letter of Maximilianus of Transylvanus, printed
at Cologne in January of that year, and not 1524, as has been
generally held.

(*Footnote. The Munich gores is another name given by Mr.
H. Harrisse to the Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523.)

He also credits Schoner with laying down the precise routes of
Magellan's fleet, with the latitudes and longitudes given, projected
and worked over 360 degrees of the world in a far more correct and
intelligible manner than ever had been done before";* and, in support
of his belief that the globe we are considering was constructed by
Schoner, Mr. H. Stevens refers his readers to Schoner's description
of his 1523 globe, De Nuper, etc. But we do not possess that
globe, as Mr. Harrisse has proved most conclusively.**

(*Footnote. Johann Schoner etc. by Henry Stevens of
Vermont, page xxiv. line 17. C.H. Coote of the British Museum in
voce.)

(**Footnote. The Discovery of North America by Henry Harrisse,
page 519 et sequit Number 147.)

Schoner's lost globe of 1523 was copied from his globe of 1520,
which, as far as the Australasian regions are concerned, is identical
with his globe of 1515. Now, this Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523 is
totally different, as may be observed, from the Schonerean gores of
1515, and cannot therefore be accepted as the work of Schoner.

A passage occurs in Schoner's description of his 1523 lost globe
which is sufficient proof to that effect, for he says: "I do not
however wish to set aside the globe I constructed some time ago, as
it fully showed all that had, at that time, been discovered; so that
the former, as far as it goes, agrees with the latter."

Our sketch of the Alleged Schoner's Globe of 1523 is taken from
the reproduction of the original gores formerly in the possession of
the late Mr. Henry Stevens. Concerning these reprinted gores Mr. H.
Harrisse remarks* "that the original woodcut, from which the reprint
was made recently (1885), does not bear the date of 1523 or the name
of Schoner. On the contrary, it is entirely anonymous and
dateless."

(*Footnote. The Discovery of North America, page 520 line
15.)

Moreover, as regards at least the Australasian regions and its
fantastic islands, the leading feature inaugurated in this important
wood block is a marked departure from the Behaimean and Schonerean
configurations, one strange phase of this new departure being the
total disappearance of the Austral-Asian continental protuberance
which occupied in previous charts the site of Australia. In this map
Magalhaens' course is set down. After leaving the straits that bear
his name* Magalhaens' track runs through a group of islands where the
word Crete may be noticed; reaching the tropic of Capricorn it passes
between two islands which bear the name Insule Infortunate,
then, following the same course, the equator is crossed and the first
land reached is the island Iuuana, the Inuagana of
Maximilian's letter.

(*Footnote. The entrance to this strait on the South
Atlantic side bears the name Sinus Juliana, Bay of St. Julian,
and is placed too far north.)

In proximity to Iuuana may be noticed five islands without names.
Had there been sufficient space for naming them we might expect to
find Maximilian's nomenclature, i.e. Acacan, Selani, Massana, Subuth,
and Mauthan. Cohol, left to the north, has preserved its
original orthography, and Gibith to the south stands for
Gibeth; the track then passes by Porne, leaving in an easterly
direction Yciagina?--a name not to be found in Maximilian's
letter; whereas of the nine islands mentioned under the names Siloli,
Solo, Gilona, Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare, Matthien, and Bada* six
only are named on this map, namely Mare, Taraze (Tarante?),
Siloli, Muthil, Thedori, and Badam.

Upon leaving the Spice Islands the course of the remaining ship of
Magalhaens' fleet is set down to the south of Iaua, that
island being placed longitudinally according to the erroneous
interpretation initiated after the altering of Fra Mauro's
mappamundi.

To the south of the track of the Vittoria and halfway
between Java and the Cape of Good Hope we notice a large island,
bearing the name Sadales, which recalls the Sandalos
silve of the Frankfort gores of 1515. This island is a remnant of
the bogus Madagascar of Marco Polo, but Cabo Godanige, the
name of the north cape of this island, is here introduced for the
first time as far as we are aware.

In conclusion, we may say, with reference to this map and to the
voyage of the first circumnavigators, that the nomenclature in the
Spice Island region is certainly derived from Maximilian's letter;
and, although the track of Magalhaens' vessels is very carelessly
indicated and does not always agree with the above-mentioned letter,
it nevertheless bears signs of being derived from the same source as
the nomenclature.

CHAPTER 28. A.D. 1525 TO 1529.

LOAYSA'S EXPEDITION TO THE SPICE ISLANDS.
DON JORGE DE MENEZES.
THE FRANCISCUS MONACHUS MAPPAMUNDI OF 1526.
ALVARO DE SAAVEDRA DISCOVERS NEARLY THE WHOLE OF THE NORTH COAST OF
NEW GUINEA.

fter the
return of the Vittoria the old dispute between the Portuguese
and Spanish about the line of demarcation was resumed and referred to
the Badajos convocation of learned cosmographers and pilots. No
decision however was arrived at, and another expedition to the Spice
Islands was fitted out by Spain.

This was entrusted to Garcia Jofre de Loaysa with Sebastian del
Cano as pilot-major and other survivors of Magalhaens'
expedition.

They sailed from Coruna in July 1525 with an armament consisting
of seven ships.*

The expedition proved a most disastrous one. Sebastian del Cano's
vessel was wrecked at the entrance to Magalhaens' strait and the
captain-general was separated from the fleet. Francisco de Hoces, who
commandad the San Lesmes, is reported to have been driven by
the storm to 55 degrees of south latitude, where he sighted land,
which, if we consider the evidence of the De orbi situ of
Franciscus Monacus,* must have been either the South Georgia or South
Sandwich Islands. Francisco de Hoces believed it to belong to an
Austral continent and to be connected with the Tierra del
Fuego.

(*Footnote. See below The Franciscus Monacus
Mappamundi.)

It was April before they entered Magalhaens' strait, and the
passage was tedious and dismal, several of the sailors dying from the
extreme cold. At last, on the 25th of May 1526, they entered the
Pacific Ocean, where they were met by another violent storm which
dispersed them right and left. One of the small vessels, a rowboat
called a patache, in command of Joam de Resaga, ran along the coast
of Peru and reached New Spain, where they gave an account to the
celebrated Cortez, telling him that Loaysa was on his way to the
islands of cloves; the others steered a north-westerly course.

By this time they had met with many hardships, several seamen had
died, and Loaysa and Sebastian del Cano were very sick. At last the
commander of the expedition died, July 30 1526, and Sebastian del
Cano soon followed his commander, expiring a few days later. Alonso
de Salazar was now appointed to the command of the fleet; he steered
for the Ladrones.

When they reached this group of islands they had lost thirty-eight
seamen. From the Ladrones they sailed to the Philippines, and on
their journey lost their third commander, Alonso de Salazar. They
then made their way to the Spice Islands.

Galvano informs us that only one vessel of Loaysa's fleet reached
the Moluccas or Spice Islands. The fourth commander, Martin Iniquez
de Carquicano, died, poisoned, it is said, and the command of the
remnant of the expedition was entrusted to Hernando della Torre.
Disputes immediately arose between the Portuguese and the Spaniards,
eventuating in a warfare that lasted several years.

Meanwhile in the year 1526* Don Jorge de Menezes, in his passage
from Malacca to the Spice Islands, was carried by currents, and
through his want of information respecting the route to the north
coast of Papua, probably to Waigiu, which appears to be the island
known at the time under the name of Versija.**

(*Footnote. 1526, 1527, 1528, according to various
authors.)

(**Footnote. See above.)

Having spent some time in a good port at this island of Versija,
he continued his journey towards the east and made other discoveries
along the north-west coast of New Guinea. It is in these regions that
we find on old charts Os Papuas and the legend Hic
hibernavit Georgius de Menezes.*

THE FRANCISCUS MONACHUS MAPPAMUNDI OF 1526 OR 1527.

The two spheres of Franciscus Monachus, which we borrow from
Harrisse's valuable work,* form an important geographical document.
They are of the year 1526 or 1527, and belong to a work De orbis
situ, which contains the following remarkable passage:
"Praterea inventa anno abhinc millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo
sexto, terra longitudine o. meridionali latitudine, 52. partium
cultoribus vacua. Reliqua Australis ora etianum in obscuro
latent: Moreover in the year 1526 a land has been discovered by 0
degrees longitude and 52 degrees south latitude, which is not
inhabited. The other parts of that Austral country are yet in the
dark." Mr. Harrisse asks: "What is that Austral country beginning on
a line with the initial meridian, and in such extreme southern
latitude, which Franciscus Monacus says was discovered in 1526? The
latter date can only be a lapsus pennae, as no such discovery
was accomplished in that year. As to the country itself we have only
to compare its delineation and position in Franciscus' woodcuts with
the antarctic land in the various globes of Schoner to see at a
glance that it can only be the region on which the Nuremberg
mathematician has inscribed, in 1533, the legend: Terra Australis
recenter inventa, sed nondum plene cognita. The difference is that
Franciscus makes another lapsus in inserting in his map the
following statement: Hec pars ore** (sic pro orb) is nobis
navigationibus detecta nondum existit: This part of the world has not
yet been discovered [sic] in our navigations."

(*Footnote. Harrisse, The Discovery of North
America.)

(**Footnote. The E of ORE is only due to a slip of the wood
engraver's burin. G. Collingridge.)

Mr. Harrisse adds, and we agree with him, that "Franciscus
evidently meant that the country had not been entirely explored or
made known, since he says so explicitly in his text, adding even a
latitude and a longitude, and configurates the region in his map."
Now, why should there be any lapsus at all? This land in 0
degrees longitude 52 degrees south latitude can be no other than
South Georgia or the South Sandwich Islands, which we have seen* was
discovered by Francisco de Hoces in the San Lesmes in 1526; and if we
ask how did the news of such discovery reach Europe we have the
answer in the fact that Joam de Resaga ran along the west coast of
South America until he reached New Spain, where he rendered an
account to Cortez concerning, the proceedings of Loaysa's fleet.

(*Footnote. Above.)

If the remarkable passage in the De orbis situ, confirmed
by the Franciscus Monachus mappamundi and other documents, such as
the Paris Gilt Globe, establishes another claim in favour of Spanish
priority of discovery, the Monachus mappamundi seems to settle
another in favour of the Portuguese. We refer to the further
discovery of New Guinea, the north-westernmost parts of which had
already been seen in 1511/1512.

On this small and apparently insignificant mappamundi New Guinea
is represented in size as equal to Sumatra, which in itself is
approximately correct; but, and which is more important, its periplus
is also depicted, showing that Torres' Strait was known long before
that navigator wended his way through its waters. Nevertheless in
this map the Australian continent is left out.

ALVARO DE SAAVEDRA DISCOVERS NEARLY THE WHOLE OF THE NORTH COAST
OF NEW GUINEA.

In 1527 Cortez sent from New Spain his kinsman, Alvaro de
Saavedra, in search of Loaysa's expedition. Saavedra reached the
Spice Islands, and on his way back, in endeavouring to reach America,
in June 1528, he fell in with land 250 leagues east of the Spice
Islands, which land has been identified as lying to the north of New
Guinea and was named by him the Isla del Oro, the Island of
Gold: Anduvieron 250 leguas hasta la isla del Oro, grande y de
gente negra, con los cabellos crespos...Corrieron 250 leguas hasta
dar en otras islas, en altura de 7 degrees pobladas de gente
blanca, barbuda, que salieron a la nao, amenazando de tirar piedras
con las hondas; y fue cosa maravillosa ver en tan poco distancia
hombres tan diferentes de color. (Herrera, Decada iv. lib. iii. cap.
vi.) If we accept Herrera's description concerning the variety of
races met with by the Spaniards--variety which is known to exist
nearer the equator--it is not difficult to reconcile it even with
modern experience, but we must take for erroneous the latitude of 7
degrees mentioned in the Spanish text.

In November 1528 Saavedra returned to the Spice Islands, arriving
at Tidor on the 19th. He had been unable, owing to calms and
headwinds, to make his way back to America; nor was he more
successful in a second attempt made the following year, when, after
having followed his previous course, and having vainly attempted to
sail eastward, he met with his death soon after leaving the Good
Gardens Islands. The ship's company was compelled once more to seek
the refuge of the Spice Islands where they remained for seven years,
when a favourable opportunity enabled them to return to Spain by way
of Lisbon, in the year 1536.

According to Galvano, Saavedra's discoveries in 1529 were more
extensive than in 1528. He says:* "In the yeere 1529, in May,
Saavedra returned back againe towards New Spaine, and he had sight of
a land towards the south in two degrees, and he ran east along by it
aboue fiue hundred leagues till the end of August [according to their
account]. The coast was cleane and of good ankerage, but the people
blacke and of curled haire; from the girdle downward they did weare**
a certaine thing plaited to couer their lower parts. The people of
Maluco call them Papuas, because they be blacke and friseled in their
haire; and so also do the Portugals call them. [Alvaro] Saavedra
hauing sailed four or five degrees to the south of the line, returned
unto it, and passed the equinoctiall towards the north..."

(*Footnote. Galvano, page 176.)

(**Footnote. Skirts of feathers, well made, of various
colours.)

CHAPTER 29. A.D. 1527 TO 1536.

SPANISH OFFICIAL MAPS.
THE ANONYMOUS WEIMAR MAPPAMUNDI OF 1527.
THE DIEGO RIBEIRO MAPPAMUNDI OF 1529.
THE DAUPHIN CHART, 1530 TO 1536.

few
years after the discovery of the New World the Spanish Government
found it necessary, in order to regulate her navigations and
ascertain what new discoveries were being made, to order the creation
of an official map of the world, in the composition of which the
skill and knowledge of all her pilots and captains were sought.

This official map, from which copies were made, was called the
Padron Real and afterwards the Padron general. The Diego
Ribeiro mappamundi of 1529, a portion of which is reproduced here,
belongs to the Padron general category of maps. In this class of
Spanish maps the Australian continent has been left out. With
reference to our subject this mappamundi is nevertheless of
importance, because it shows graphically that such documents were
prepared and used in Spain by the highest authorities in
cartographical matters, for this mappamundi is a duplicate or replica
of an earlier map by the same author as the anonymous Weimar
mappamundi of 1527, which, according to Mr. Harrisse, is "the
earliest complete specimen which we possess of a chart made with data
collected in the Casa de contratacion, and on that account of
great importance."

Diego Ribeiro Map, 1529.

The importance that it has with us is that it shows what were the
claims of the Spanish Crown in connection with the famous line of
demarcation.

According to the King of Spain's cosmographer, and as shown in
this map, the Spice Islands fell within Spanish territory, so that
with regard to Australia Portugal could only have claimed Western
Australia; whereas the remainder of the continent, the lion's share,
would have fallen to Spain. In the Propaganda Diego Ribeiro map of
same date the same division may be observed, and the flags of Spain
and Portugal float over the space which the Australian continent
ought to occupy.

In the maps which we shall consider next, maps which, although
showing Spanish influence, are essentially more Portuguese in their
origin, the reverse occurs, and the line of demarcation is placed so
as to include the Spice Islands in Portuguese territory.

Before we dismiss Diego Ribeiro's map, it may be well to notice
that to the south of Java and below the pretty ship that announces
that she comes from Maluco, the Spice Islands, Vego de Maluco,
there is an open sea, called in the Propaganda copy Occeanus
Oriemtalis. We draw attention to this fact because in the Dauphin
chart, which we shall presently consider, we shall find that this
ocean or sea is blocked by the Australian continent.

CHAPTER 30. A.D. 1530 TO 1550.

THE DAUPHIN MAP* OF THE ASSIGNED DATE OF 1530 TO 1536, AND OTHER
MAPS OF THE SAME SCHOOL.

(*Footnote. This map has been called the Harleyan map,
having belonged to Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford. See also The Early
Discovery of Australia by George Collingridge. Journal and
Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia, Sydney
1891/1892 Volume V.)

e now
arrive at the most important document hitherto come to light
connected with the early discovery of Australia--the map or chart
which the late R.H. Major has called the Dauphin Map.

It belongs to a type of manuscript Lusitano-French planispheres,
which is represented by several specimens, all of which are copies
from a prototype which has either been destroyed or has not yet been
found.

As we infer that the prototype of these planispheres is of a date
anterior to 1530* we shall, notwithstanding the apparent later date
of those we shall speak of, consider them collectively. According to
Mr. Harrisse this planisphere, or at least its American portion,
dates from after 1536.**

One thing certain is that it has not been copied from the other
maps of its class considered in this chapter, for it bears a legend
in Portuguese, to which we shall refer, that has been corrupted in
the other maps. Referring to these Lusitano-French maps in general,
and describing this one in particular, the late R.H. Major says:*
"The earliest in all probability, and the most fully detailed of
these maps, is the one from which we give the annexed reduction of
that portion immediately under consideration. It is a large chart of
the world, on a plane scale, on vellum, 8 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 10
inches, highly ornamented, with figures, etc., and with the names in
French. At the upper corner, on the left hand, is a shield of the
arms of France, with the collar of St. Michael; and on the right,
another shield of France and Dauphiny, quarterly. It was probably
executed in the time of Francis I of France, for his son, the
Dauphin, afterwards Henry II. This chart formerly belonged to Edward
Harley, Earl of Oxford, after whose death it was taken away by one of
his servants. It was subsequently purchased by Sir Joseph Banks,
Bart., and presented by him to the British Museum in 1790."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia, Introduction.
Page xxvii. A reduced copy of the Dauphin map is given, facing same
page.)

It may not be out of place to state here that Edward Harley was
one of the principal Lords of the Admiralty, and that he was
instrumental in sending Dampier out to Australia.*

The strongest evidence of discovery as yet brought to light is
shown in the drafting of these old charts of Australia.
Unfortunately, as we have said, they are all mere copies, more or
less altered in outline and corrupted in nomenclature, from a
prototype which has not yet been found.

But, if the internal evidence of these old charts clearly shows
the original or originals to have been Portuguese and Spanish, one
point of the question will be settled, and the Portuguese and Spanish
will undoubtedly be entitled to the claim and honour of having
discovered Australia.

As to the question of date, that is of less importance, and can be
fixed approximately, for the discovery must have taken place at some
period between the arrival of the Portuguese and Spaniards in these
seas and the drafting of the earliest known chart, that is between
1511 and 1542.*

(*Footnote. See below. John Rotz' charts
1542.)

But after all, until the very date of the expedition which
resulted in the first discovery can be ascertained, the question of
the nationality of the first discoverers is a much more interesting
one. Having no other documentary evidence except these old charts,
the first conclusion drawn was, that as they are all written in
French, the French, although no claim was made by them, were the
discoverers.

The late R.H. Major, having thoroughly considered the possibility
of a French claim, came to the conclusion that such a claim is
untenable. Being somewhat shaken however in his first belief of a
Portuguese discovery, he was led to adopt a Provencal theory to
explain certain words on these old Gallicized charts which were
neither Portuguese nor French. The whole question was in this state
of incertitude when, a few years ago, having occasion to examine
minutely these old documents, we discovered on this particular one a
phrase in Portuguese, which curiously enough had escaped the notice
of all those who had made a study of this early specimen of
cartography. This phrase, anda ne barcha (no boats go here),
situated as it is in the Gulf of Carpentaria, had in our mind a very
great significance, since it not only proves the Portuguese origin of
the chart but also the genuineness of the discovery made in that
locality, as it showed that the discoverers were fully aware of the
shallowness of the water off this part of the coast of Australia.

It must be admitted however that on the original chart the phrase
anda ne barcha may refer to the difficulty of navigating the strait
between Java and Bali or Lomboc.

When we say that this legend proves the Portuguese origin of the
chart we do not mean to convey the idea that we accepted it there and
then as a proof of Portuguese origin, but we took it as a clue, for
the meaning of these words had evidently not been understood by the
copyist, since he had left them in their original form instead of
translating them into French, and had mistaken them for the names of
two islands. This clue led us to make a special study of every word
on the chart that had proved so interesting, the result being that we
came to the conclusion that the western coasts of Australia had been
charted by the Portuguese, whereas the eastern coasts, which fell
within the sphere allotted to the Spaniards, had been discovered and
charted by them.

If we take for granted that these charts are unquestionably of
Portuguese and Spanish origin the next point of importance that calls
for our attention relates to the peculiar configuration, or, to be
more precise, the strange distortion which all these charts have
undergone. This distortion is so great that one might fail to
recognise Australia within the coastline set down were it not for the
general fitness of the terms used as descriptive of this coastline,
terms which have been handed down to us, and some of which are
recorded in the very maps we use every day. Further we have the
equally important fact that within the latitude and longitude charted
Australia does actually hold its place in the vast ocean around.

We must make great allowance for the measurement of longitude as
computed in the days when Magalhaens was called upon to determine
whether the Moluccas fell within the Spanish or Portuguese territory,
for after the return of the remnant of his glorious but disastrous
expedition the matter was as unsettled as ever. Albeit the errors of
these charts are far more suggestive of deliberate distortion than of
inaccurate charting.

A contemporaneous Spanish pilot, Juan Gaetan, who navigated the
seas to the north of Australia, reports that the Portuguese purposely
distorted and otherwise altered their charts: Che cautelosamente le
portano false.*

The Portuguese, who were the first to make discoveries in these
seas, must have been perfectly aware that the coasts they had charted
lay more to the east than shown in these maps, and if they placed
them more to the west it was in order to secure to themselves the
lion's share, for their line of demarcation, as fixed by Pope
Alexander VI, did not extend much beyond the east coast of Timor.
They could not have believed that Timor was situated to the east of
the peninsula now known as York Peninsula, and clearly shown in these
charts, nor that there was not an open sea to the south of Java,
although the south coast of that island was not known at the
time.

When that memorable council was convened on the shores of the
Guadiana, a few years before these charts were made, to settle the
dispute between the Spanish and Portuguese, after the return of
Magalhaens' expedition, there may or may not have been collusion
between both parties in connection with a distortion of the original
charts used in the council, but both nations had something to gain by
showing the sea-way blocked as it is in these maps.

In confirmation of this theory a very significant passage occurs
in the Portuguese Asia of Barros (continued by Diego do Couto)
relative to the blocking of the sea-way which we allude to. Diego do
Couto, writing about 1570, having described the fort in the Canal de
Sunda, and referring to the advisability of blocking the Straits of
Malacca, says: "And it was the opinion of our forefathers that if the
king (king of Portugal) possessed three fortresses, one in this
situation (Strait of Sunda), one on Acheen Head, and one on the coast
of Pegu, the navigation of the East could in a manner be locked by
those keys, and the king would be lord of all its riches; and
they gave many reasons in support of their opinions which we
forbear to repeat."

Now these fortresses in the Straits of Sunda and Malacca would
have been ineffectual unless some means were also adopted of blocking
the passage to the south of Java. Fortresses and cannon were of no
avail here, the passage was too wide, but, by connecting the south
coast of Java with Australia, and the surveyed coastline of Australia
with an imaginary continent extending to and around the South Pole,
the question was solved, the respective possessions of Portugal and
Spain defined, and further discoveries by other nations
discouraged.

To effect this connection of the surveyed coasts with the
imaginary continent certain fictitious coastlines were laid down, and
a portion of the north-west coast was left out, from Dampier's
Archipelago to King Sound, in order to compensate in a certain
measure for the extreme westing given to the western and
north-western part of Jave la Grande, which had been placed
under Java.

That the Portuguese and Spanish knew of an open sea to the south
of Java is certain, since Sebastian del Cano, returning to Spain from
Timor with the last ship of Magalhaens' fleet, sailed through it. But
the secret was so well kept that seventy-eight years after
Magalhaens' voyage Java and Australia were still believed to be one
and the same continent by certain well-informed navigators, as will
be seen from Linschoten's Discours of Voyages into ye East and West
Indies, London 1598, in which the following description of Java Major
occurs: "South, south-east, right over against the last point or
corner of the Isle of Sumatra, on the south side of the equinoctial
line, lyeth the island called Jaua Maior, or Great Java, where there
is a strait or narrow passage, called the Strait of Sunda, of a place
so called, lying not far from thence within the Isle of Java. This
island beginneth under 7 degrees on the south side, and runneth east
and by south 150 miles long; but touching the breadth it is not
found, because as yet it is not discovered, nor by the inhabitants
themselves well known. Some think it to be firme land and parcell of
the countrie called terra incognita, which being so should
reach from that place to the Cape de Bona Sperace; but as yet it is
not certainly known, and therefore it is accounted an island."

With regard to the distortion of the eastern coast of Australia we
confess to have been somewhat startled by the discovery that we
made--startled not so much at the proof of distortion we found, but
because this proof of distortion bore witness to a more accurate
survey of the eastern coast than could have been expected or even
dreamt of.

It occurred to us that, in order to duly appreciate the
displacement occasioned by Cape York having been placed under the
island of Sumbawa, it would be well to establish a comparison by
scaling the map we are describing and setting down the continent of
Australia in its true position.

Having marked the degrees of longitude and latitude in the modern
style, we were just going to begin drafting the eastern coast from
Cape York when we found the place already occupied by an island that
bears the name ye de Tnbanos? Strange to say, this island gave
us the correct outline of the portion of Cape York Peninsula that
extends from Cairncross Island to Cape Grenville, and thence to Cape
Direction. Then, continuing our coastline in a south-easterly
direction, we came across another island in the latitude of the
tropic of Capricorn and extending thence to the 26th degree of south
latitude.

These islands also formed part, and occupied the exact site of,
that portion of the coast of Queensland that extends from Curtis
Island to the southern extremity of Great Sandy Island.

But these were not the only landmarks that had been left in their
true position. C. de Fremose, which seems to jut out in such an
extraordinary way on this chart, occupied the position of Cape St.
George (Jervis Bay), and the line of coast we were drafting had to
follow the one on the Dauphin chart from C. de Fremose to
Gouffre (gulf), where we found Corner Inlet and Wilson's
Promontory set down for us.

Then, turning north again, we found another group of islands
occupying the position of Cape Arnheim in the northern territory.
These were set down as ye de Alioter; or Aliofer.

Portugese Caravel

Now, could it be through mere coincidence that these fictitious
islands and stretches of coast were set down and actually occupied
such portions of our coast, with such extraordinary accuracy, not
only as to configuration, but also as to longitude and latitude? It
does not seem likely.

The illuminations form a conspicuous feature in these old maps,
and lend a great charm to such productions of a bygone age; it would
be a useless task however to seek in these quaint devices a strict
pourtrayal of the scenes appertaining to the countries they are
supposed to illustrate; to do so would be to forget their chief
purpose--the decorative. But, allowing for the liberty usually
granted to the artist and often exacted by him, the scenes depicted
are not borrowed from the realms of Idealism to the extent that has
been supposed by certain commentators. The kangaroo is not
represented; no, nor the gum-tree either, perhaps? But that clump of
bamboos on the top of the hill is not a volcano in full eruption, as
a learned critic ventured to assert. We see on these charts fairly
correct presentments of that animal seen for the first time by the
Spaniards in the straits to which Magalhaens gave his name, and thus
described by Pigafetta, who accompanied the first circumnavigators:
"This animal has the head and ears of a mule, the body of a camel,
the legs of a stag, and the tail of a horse, and like this animal it
neighs."*

(*Footnote. The same author describes the Patagonians, an
illustration of which is given in its proper place, in the 1550
chart, under the heading of Geants trouve par les Espaignals.
Pigafetta says, speaking of one of these giants: "This man likewise
wore a sort of shoe, made of the same skin." The Patagonians covered
their feet with the skin of the guanaco; it is on account of this
shoe, which made their feet resemble somewhat those of an animal,
that the Spaniards called these people Patagones, and their
country was probably called Regia Patalis, and
Patagonia, from Pata, an animal's foot.)

The animal thus described by Pigafetto is the Guanaco (camelus
huanacus), and it is not astonishing to find it depicted on the
continent of Australia, for we know that this continent was supposed
to be connected with Tierra del Fuego. It is indeed described
in certain old maps of the post-Magellanic period as Regio
Patalis,* which Latin appellation may correspond to the Spanish
Tierra Patagonia, as Terra Australis corresponds to
Tierra Australia.

(*Footnote. See above.)

Now this brings us to the subject of the name given to Australia,
on this and other early charts of this type. In the chart we are
describing Australia is called Jave la Grande. La Grande Jave
would have been the French construction, but this term--Jave la
Grande--is merely the translation of Java Maior, the Portuguese for
Marco Polo's Java Major.

The Dauphin Chart, A.D. 1530 to 1536.

Marco Polo described Java, from hearsay, as being the largest
island in the world, and, the Portuguese finding this to be
incorrect, as far as their knowledge of Java went, but finding
nevertheless this "largest island in the world" to the south-east of
Java, in fact, approximately in the longitude and latitude described
by Marco Polo, the Portuguese, we say, did the best thing they could,
both for Marco Polo's sake and their own, when they marked it on
their charts where it was said to be, and with the name given to it
by Polo, for he calls it Java Major to distinguish it from Sumatra,
which island he calls Java Minor.

The channel marked between Java and Australia is evidently a
concession due to the fact that a passage was known to exist. This
channel, which is left white in the chart we are describing, is
painted over in the 1550 specimen, as if it were blocked, and two men
are represented with pick and shovel as if in the act of cutting it
open. It is curious to notice how in both maps the upper silhouette
of the landscape in this part defines the real south shore of Java.
The Australian Alps, the range of hills on the western and
north-western coast, and the great sandy interior of Australia, are
also roughly sketched in.

CHAPTER 31. A.D. 1531 TO 1542.

THE MAPPEMONDE OF ORONTIUS FINAEUS OF 1531.
SCHONER'S WEIMAR GLOBE OF 1533.
G. MERCATOR'S DOUBLE CORDIFORM MAPPAMUNDI OF 1538.
HERNANDO DE GRIJALVA'S EXPEDITION TO THE SPICE ISLANDS.
TWO MAPS OF AUSTRALIA BY JOHN ROTZ (JEAN ROZE), 1542.

Map of the World by Orontius Finaeus (1531) Half of Southern
Hemisphere.
(Reduced from Nordenskiold's Atlas.)

Mappemonde of Oronce Fine--1531--on our projection.

he first
of the three maps that we shall examine briefly at the beginning of
this chapter is a very rare engraved map of the world by the
celebrated French astronomer and mathematician, Oronce Fine. The
projection is a double cordiform one, of which we reproduce from
Nordenskiold's atlas half of the hemisphere in which the TERRA
AUSTRALIS occurs. In order to show the interesting features of the
northern portions of many Australasian islands, and for the purposes
of comparison with older and later maps, we give also a more
comprehensive sketch map on our adopted projection.

Oronce Fine's information was borrowed from Lusitano-Spanish
charts through the intermedium no doubt of Schoner's maps and globes,
for we find on the Terra Australis recenter inventa, sed nondum
plene cognita, his Brasielie regio and Regio
Patalis.

The Malay peninsula is left out, or, at least, Cambodia and French
Cochin-China is made to serve for it, as those regions are brought
down south to the equator. Sumatra (Samotra vel TAPROBANA)
lies too far to the west, Java (IAVA) is in its place. A kind of
duplicate Java above it, without any name, may have been originally
an indication of the south coast of Borneo, which appears above under
the name of burney. To the east of Iava an island occupying
the position approximately of Sumbawa or Timor bears the name Minor,
which may have been intended for Java Minor, or is a bad reading for
Timor. It appears however to have given rise to Sumbawa being called
Java Minor, as we shall find it called in some later maps. Gilolo
(Gelolo vel Siloli*) is greatly exaggerated in size, and
appears to include in its area the island of Ceram, other islands of
the Banda Sea, and perhaps what was known of New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Mr. A.F. Calvert, in his book The Discovery
of Australia (between pages 18 and 19) gives a reproduction of the
Australian half of the southern hemisphere, in which Siloli
appears under the name of Sylon. The mistake however is ours. This is
how it happened; through the kindness of Mr. Delmar Morgan we
received some time ago a photo-lithograpic copy of the portion we
refer to. The Royal Geographical Society of Australasia wished to
reproduce Mr. Delmar Morgan's reproduction. Everyone knows how
blurred these repeated reproductions come out. In consequence we were
asked to make a pen and ink facsimile of Mr. Delmar Morgan's
photo-litho. At the time we had not seen the northern hemisphere of
this map, the word read like Sylon, and as the island of Ceram in
that locality has often been written Seillan, Seylan, and Sylon in
old maps, we took it to be Sylon. When we saw the whole map
shortly after we perceived our mistake at once, and also that the S
of Siloli in the original was a bad reading for G. Had our signature
been left on the reproduction of our map made by Mr. A.F. Calvert
there would have been no need for this explanation. We have corrected
the mistake in the present map.)

Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533.

Schoner's Weimar Globe of 1533 is reproduced here on our
projection from Mr. Harrisse's Discovery of North America. When
compared with the preceding map it appears to have been copied from
it. But we must remember that Schoner's lost globe of 1523, based on
the knowledge of Magalhaens' voyage, contained, according to
Schoner's own statements, features similar to those of this 1533
globe of his; and also that Schoner was the first geographer who
joined America with Asia, and not Oronce Fine. There is a notable
difference between this globe and Schoner's 1515 globe: In this one
the islands, which in 1515 were placed on the Tropic of Capricorn,
are placed on the equator. Java Major and Java Minor
correspond to Java and Sumbawa, and bear the longitudinal deformation
to which we have already referred.* Gilolo (Siloli Gilolo) is
on the equator instead of above it. Magalhaens' Insulae
Infortunatae are placed on the Tropic of Capricorn in the
longitude of the Tonga islands. Timor is right out of its
latitude to the north-west of Borneo, which bears no name.

(*Footnote. See above.)

Gerard Mercator's double cordiform mappamundi of 1538.

Gerard Mercator's double cordiform mappamundi of 1538 is
translated here from the copperprint made by Lafreri and published in
Rome in 1560. The fictitious Australian continent of Schonerean maps
is less prominent here and bears no name. In this region appears for
the first time, as far as we have been able to ascertain, two islands
which in latitude and longitude correspond to some of the largest
islands on the western coast of Australia. These islands are named
Los roccos insule.* Java is called Jaua Maior; it
assumes the correct latitudinal position of its early cartography.
Sumbawa, greatly exaggerated in size, is called Jaua Minor. We
notice the Terra alta high land of the Ribeiro maps. The Spice
Islands (Insulae Molucce) and the Ladrones of Magalhaens
(Insule Latronum) are placed to the south of the equator
instead of north. The Insulae Infortunatae, which in Schoner's
globe of 1533 are placed in the longitude of the Tonga Islands, are
here situated 15 degrees to the east of them, somewhere near
Rarotonga.

(*Footnote. For further information with regard to these
islands, we beg to refer our readers to the Journal and Proceedings
of the Royal Geographical Society of Australia, Sydney, New South
Wales 1891/1892, Volume V, Point Cloates (Western Australia), and the
bird called Rock or Ruck, by Marco Polo. By George Collingridge,
C.M.N.G.S.)

HERNANDO DE GRIJALVA'S EXPEDITION.

The year that witnessed the return from the Moluccas of the
survivors of Saavedra's expedition, 1536, witnessed also the sailing
of another expedition sent out from Acapulco by Cortes to discover in
the same waters. It consisted of two ships commanded by Hernando de
Grijalva and Fernando de Alvarado. The account of this voyage of
discovery is very vague, and the various writers on the subject do
not entirely agree. It appears certain however that many islands on
the north coast of New Guinea were visited, and one in particular
called isla de los Crespos at the entrance to Geelvink Bay,
near which a bloody tragedy was enacted and Grijalva murdered by his
revolted crew. The expedition came to an end, a few of the survivors
reaching the Spice Islands in 1539. It is supposed that the second in
command, Fernando de Alvarado, returned to New Spain.

Most of the names given during the course of exploration are
difficult to localise. Besides the various place names mentioned by
Galvano, Ostrich Point is perhaps an interesting reminiscence
of this untimely voyage. A casoar would of course be called an
ostrich, and here we have for the first time a picturesque
description of that Australasian bird. Galvano's translator says:
"There is heere a bird as bigge as a crane; he flieth not, nor hath
any wings wherewith to flee, he runneth on the ground like a deere:
of their small feathers they do make haire for their idols."

TWO MAPS OF AUSTRALIA BY JOHN ROTZ (JEAN ROZE), 1542.

These two maps of Jean Roze, portions of which we give here, are
described as Numbers 10 and 20 respectively in the following extract
from the Catalogue of Maps and Drawings in the British Museum.

"John Rotz, his book of Hydrography, so called, being an account
of the compass, elevation of the pole, latitude, sea coasts, etc.,
finely painted. Anno 1542."

This book is dedicated by the author to King Henry VIII, and the
diagrams and maps have illuminated borders, and are otherwise
ornamented in gold and colours.

It is mentioned by Malte-Brun in his Histoire de la Geographie,
who on one point compares it with the additional Manuscript 5413,
that is, the one containing the Dauphin chart, and adds the
following, which we have translated:

"This curious and important manuscript is written in English, on
vellum, but the dedication is French. The author was perhaps one of
those Flamands who went over to England with Anne of Cleves in 1540.
Besides a calendar and some instructions on navigation there are
several charts executed with exactness and elegance, especially a
planisphere, which ends the collection. New Holland is drawn almost
like in the charts of the seventeenth century, before the voyage of
Abel Tasman. It bears the name of Land of Java. In comparing this
work with the map of the world spoken of above one is inclined to
believe that the charts of Rotz are the original ones, for they
contain many Portuguese names, which in the other are translated into
French. In both the western coast of Borneo is placed where it should
be, with the names of Porto de Borneo and Paseos de Borne. To the
north of Borneo is to be seen Palaouan or Palawan; to the east are
the Moluccas. These details render inadmissible the opinion of those
who have pretended to see in the New Holland of these charts only an
erroneous repetition of the island of Borneo, named Grand Java by
Marco Polo. In the map of the world Borneo is in fact represented by
an oblong much too small, but this error is common to all the charts
of the same century. Mr. Coquebert-Montbret has seen a collection of
charts that belonged to a certain Jean Valard, of Dieppe, and which
bears date 1552, and the same information is found in them as in the
two charts of the British Museum."

Before proceeding to further describe these two charts we shall
correct some of the statements in the above description. We have
received lately from our learned friend, Dr. E.T. Hamy, a monograph
bearing for title Jean Roze, Hydrographe Dieppois du Milieu du
seizieme siecle. This pamphlet clearly sets forth the following
facts:

1. John Rotz was a Frenchman, a native of Dieppe, his correct name
being Jean Roze or Rose.

4. his atlas was inspired from the Dieppese school of hydrography,
the first and leading school in France.

So that Jean Rose or Roze was not a Fleming, nor did he go over to
England with Anne of Cleves in 1540.

Moreover, his charts are not the original ones, for the legend
ANDA NE BARCHA and other Portuguese legends and place-names render
that inadmissible.

Malte-Brun is wrong also when he states that Marco Polo named
Borneo Java Major*

(*Footnote. See above.)

CHART NUMBER 1.

CHART NUMBER 1. Jean Roze's Chart of Australia, A.D.
1542.

The first and largest of Jean Roze's maps given here, Number 20 of
the catalogue of maps and drawings in the British Museum, is
contained in a chart of the Indian Ocean from Cape Comorin on the
west to Aimoey Bay, in China, on the east, and from 25 degrees north
to 19 degrees south, including Lytil Jaua, and only a small
portion of the Australian continent, which is cut off from east to
west just below our modern Cape Grafton on the east, and our modern
King Sound on the west. In this chart the south is placed at the top.
We reproduce here all that is given of Australia, with Java and
portion of Sumatra. Java is called Lytil Jaua, Australia bears
no name, although in Roze's other map it is called The Londe, or
Lande, of Java.*

(*Footnote. Referring to these maps in his excellent work
on the Discovery of North America Mr. H. Harrisse says: "In the
Lusitano-French maps of the world which originated in the year 1542
with Dieppe cosmographers such as Pierre Desceliers and his school,
there is a continental configuration which of late has greatly
exercised the historians of maritime discovery. South of the
well-known island of Java, and separated by a strait, these
mappamundi exhibit an extensive continent, stretching southward, and
the north coast of which is dotted with numerous designations of
dangerous coasts, capes, rivers, and landing places. That region,
called therein Terre de Java la grande, or, as John Rotz (Jean Roze)
names it so far back as 1542, the Londe of Java, in contradistinction
to Lytil Java, stands, historically speaking, relative to the Sunda
archipelago, precisely in the same position as the north-western
continent in the Cantino chart stands as regards the West Indies. No
historian, no documents of the sixteenth century mention the
existence of such an Austral mainland. We also see it disappear from
subsequent maps until long afterwards, when the region looms up
again, but this time as an alleged discovery accomplished recently by
Dutch navigators.

"That continental land, nevertheless, so far from being imaginary or
an invention of cartographers, was nothing else than Australia, now
justly considered by competent judges as having been discovered,
visited, and named by unknown Portuguese mariners--whose maps
furnished the cartographical data used in the Dieppe charts--sixty or
seventy years before the Dutch first sighted the shores of that
extensive country." The Discovery of North America, pages 96 to
97.

Mr. Harrisse adds the following note: Page 97 Note 4--The Sandwich
Islands and the Falkland Islands present other instances of the kind.
"That the Spaniards knew the Sandwich Islands a long time before
COOK, that they had a name for them, that they probably visited them
repeatedly, was proved by a map which Admiral ANSON found on board a
Spanish vessel, and on which those islands were laid down in their
true position." J.G. KOHL. Substance of a lecture delivered at the
Smithsonian Institution in General Appendix to the Report for
1856. Washington D.C. 4to. page 111.)

It is contrary to all precedent for Java to be called Lytil Java.
This name may have been suggested by a chart similar to the Dauphin
chart, that is, a chart bearing the name Java Maior or Jave la
Grande, on the Australian continent, for this name given to Australia
would naturally suggest Java Minor, Jave la Petite, or Lytil Java for
the smaller of the two islands. But such a name, as we have said, is
without precedent in the historical nomenclature of this part of the
world. In other words, it is an error.

Marco Polo, who was the first to use the terms Java Major and
Java Minor, applied the term Java Minor to Sumatra to
distinguish it from "the largest island in the world," which he
called Java Major. A careful study of mediaeval geographical
literature and cartography will show that whenever the term Java
Minor, or Menor, is not applied to Sumatra, as it should
be according to Marco Polo's meaning, it indicates, according to the
various interpretations of divers historians and cartographers who
have written about these islands, the island of Bali, Lomboc, Madura
or Sumbawa--all islands smaller than Java, and having therefore an
appearance of claim to the term. The nomenclature of the portions of
coast shown north, east, and west, is as follows:

North coast--Lytil Jaua; and Fin de Jaua, end of
Java. For other names on this island we beg leave to refer the reader
to the map published in the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society of Australasia, Sydney, New South Wales; volume
v. 1891/1892.

In the Gulf of Carpentaria, or perhaps to the east of Java, and if
so, referring to the rapid tides between Java and Bali, Bali and
Lomboc, we find the legend ANDA NE BARCHA (no boats go here)
of the Dauphin chart corrupted to Au fane bacha. Erroneously
it appears to refer to, and name, two islands situated between York
Peninsula and the east end of Java. Those two nameless islands are
probably charted for Bali and Lomboc, since Sumbawa is there also to
the east of them. Sumbawa however is undistinguishable because
forming the apex of York Peninsula, to which it has been joined. With
reference to Anda ne barcha, the elision of the letter r in
the word bacha indicated by the stroke above its position in the
word, and the fact of the same word being spelt in full, barcha, on
the Dauphin chart, proves beyond the slightest doubt two important
points: first, that these charts are not the originals; and second,
that they were copied from different originals, since the copyist in
each case set down mechanically the two correct forms of spelling the
word boat or ship, bacha and barcha, without
knowing what it meant, as is evidenced by his incorrect spelling of
the first portion of the phrase in this chart, and the incorrect
spelling of most of the nomenclature in the Dauphin chart. The
nomenclature of the island of Sumbawa, which we have omitted for want
of space on our sketch, is as follows: From east to west, gumape,
cape bima, c: vatraar or ratraar, Sinbana, moro, and
moda.

Which we interpret as follows: Gumape--modern Gunong Api, a
small island lying off the north-east coast of Sumbawa. It is
important however because it contains a volcano which forms one of
the most remarkable physical features of the Indian archipelago.

Cape bima--modern name, Bima--north-east coast of
Sumbawa.

C: Vatraar, or ratraar--probably a bad reading for
Aramaram in F. Rodriguez' Portolano 1511/1512; or it may be a
corruption of Masaram or Massaram, another name for Bramble Cay, an
island situated at the extreme north end of Cape York.

Sinbana--the name of the island, the modern Sumbawa. It is
written Simbana in F. Rodriguez' Portolano, 1511/1512.

Moro, or Maro, may be intended for Maio, a small
island at the entrance of Salee Gulf, Sumbawa.

Moda (?)--a name on the north-western coast of Sumbawa. We
have not been able to identify it.

On the east coast, which is the coast of Queensland, one name only
occurs, not far distant from the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked
in the Endeavour. This name--coste dangerose--speaks
for itself; it appears along a coast lined with reefs, clearly shown
on this map.

On the west coast appear the following names:

Ille de llame (?) may be a corruption of ilha
llana--Low island, or Level island.

Illa or Ille da, an unfinished appellation.

Isle Mege or Nege (?)

abaie bressille, Brazil Bay.

terra en negade, a corruption of terra anegada,
submerged land.

Abaie a besse (?)

Abaie de, an unfinished appellation.

Jean Roze's Chart Number 2. 1542.

CHART NUMBER 2.

Chart Number 2 is a reduced copy of portion of Jean Roze's outline
map of Southern Asia and Australia. As will appear from our sketch
the information to be obtained from this document as regards
nomenclature is meagre; one item however of great importance is that
the west coast of the Londe of Java terminates precisely in the
latitude of Cape Lioness, or Leeuwin of modern charts; this points to
the discovery of Cape Leeuwin. We have suggested elsewhere that the
peculiar shape of the Australian continent might have suggested the
name Lioness. Since then we have received a photographic copy
of another of these old charts of the Lusitano-Dieppese school, and
we offer now another suggestion, quantum valeat. Tigers and
lions have been supposed to inhabit Australia, but on the document we
have lately received a lion, or lioness (we would not be quite
certain as to the artist's intention), is represented as having taken
up his or her abode in the latitude of Cape Leeuwin, where Jean
Roze's chart comes to an end.

Chart Number 2. Original projection.

Java is called The Lytil Jaua, and Australia The
Londe, or Land of Jaua. The outline of the Australian
continent shows that it belongs to the same class of maps as the
Dauphin chart, although in the latter the prolongation of coast from
Cape Leeuwin to the South Pole constitutes a notable difference that
may have some meaning. It is obvious that Jean Roze, in presenting
this map to Henry VIII, had no intention or interest in showing the
sea-way blocked as it is in all the other maps of this school.

CHAPTER 32. A.D. 1540 TO 1545.

VILLALOBOS' EXPEDITION.
NEW GUINEA NAMED BY INIGO ORTIZ DE RETEZ AND GASPAR RICO.
JUAN GAETAN'S ACCOUNT OF THE HOMEWARD VOYAGE OF THE SAN JUAN ALONG
THE NORTH COAST OF NEW GUINEA.

fter the
treaties of Segovia, Seville, and Zaragoza the King of Spain
renounced at last his claim to the Moluccas for the sum of 350,000
ducats. But this agreement did not interfere with other possessions
of the Spanish Crown, nor did it prevent it from making fresh
conquests. The Spanish Government continued therefore to send out
their armadas to those quarters that were on the confines of the
Portuguese settlements; for islands to which they lay claim, such as
the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, discovered by Magalhaens, afterwards
called the Philippines in honour of Philip II of Spain, invited their
eager enterprise.

One of these maritime excursions belongs to our subject as it gave
rise to a further survey of Papua, and to the naming of that
island as it is now called New Guinea. We refer to the expedition of
Ruiz Lopez de Villalobos, which set sail from the port of Juan
Gallego in New Spain, on the 1st of November 1542, for the purpose of
settling the colony now known as the Philippines. The armada
was composed of six ships and four or five hundred soldiers, and as
many Indians of the country, says Galvano. On their way from the west
coast of North America to the islands discovered by Magalhaens they
discovered many islands in the North Pacific Ocean, among others the
group of islands afterwards named by Cook* the Sandwich Islands.

In 1543 one of the ships belonging to the fleet, the San
Juan, commanded by Bernardo de La Torre, with Gaspar Rico as
pilot, made an unsuccessful attempt to return to New Spain.

The Spaniards in their numerous efforts to reach New Spain from
the great Asiatic Archipelago had not yet found out the proper season
nor latitude to sail in, and through their want of knowledge
concerning the periodicity of the winds in those regions they met
with many mishaps.

In Bernardo de La Torre's attempt many islands were discovered;
but, after sailing seven hundred leagues in their estimation, the
wind failing, they were compelled to return to the Philippine
Islands.

The fleet had now reached the Moluccas, and in 1545 the San
Juan was despatched again. She was now commanded by Inigo Ortiz
de Retez, Gaspar Rico being still the pilot. They sailed from Tidor
in the month of May, and made extensive discoveries on the north
coast of OS PAPUAS, or Papua. One of the three great Papuan rivers,
the river now called the AMBERNO, was discovered. It received the
name of St. Augustin River.* Formal possession of the island was
taken in the name of the King of Spain, and, says Galvano's
translator, "because the people there were black and had frisled
hair, they named it NUEVA GUINEA"..."and because they knew not that
Saavedra had been there before, they chalenged the honour and fame of
that discouerie."..."For the memorie of Saavedra as then was almost
lost, as all things else do fall into oblivion, which are not
recorded, and illustrated by writing."

With reference to the description of New Guinea natives given in
the passage above we may be allowed to correct a statement made
lately by Mr. Petherick, and endorsed by Mr. Delmar Morgan, two
eminent writers on Australasian maritime discovery. These writers
appear to have taken Gaetan's description as referring to Australian
natives, if both of these gentlemen did not indeed believe that the
San Juan ran along the coast of Queensland. This points to the
necessity of referring to original documents. Mr. Delmar Morgan
says*: "The only allusion to one (a southern continent) is that given
by Ramusio from the account of the pilot Gaetan, who heard that a
small vessel, the San Juan, sailed 650 leagues (2,600 miles)
without losing sight of land, running nearly east and west, and that
this land was found to be inhabited by naked black people with short
hair, who came to the coast carrying darts and clubs to make war, and
that they were very active. This, observes Mr. Petherick in an
article contributed to the Melbourne Review, is the earliest
account we have of the natives of Australia, and may be taken as a
true picture of the inhabitants of Queensland 250 years ago."

(*Footnote. Remarks on the Early Discovery of Australia
by E. DELMAR MORGAN, F.R.G.S., with maps, for the Geographical
Congress at Berne. London 1891 page 14.)

Had Mr. Petherick, and after him Mr. Delmar Morgan, only referred
to Ramusio's text, they would have noticed that the San Juan
was ordered to follow the equator--Volse che si andasse per la
parte di mezzodi, which she did, sighting land in 1/2 a degree
south of the equator---..." "trouarono la costa, & terra da
mezzo grado, alla banda di mezzodi, and following this land until
they stood in six or seven degrees of south latitude--"salvo che
montarono sei in sette gradi della banda di mezzodi," In other
words, they sighted New Guinea at its north-west extremity, or Cape
of Good Hope, and never lost sight of land till they reached Cape
King William or thereabouts, making the passage between New Britain
and New Guinea. Nor is the distance correctly translated, for 650
leagues do not make 2,600 miles.

CHAPTER 33. A.D. 1544 TO 1569.

he
Sebastian Cabot Mappamundi of 1544 is an engraved map drawn in one
ellipsis on the Bordone projection. The Australasian portion of it,
reproduced here from Jomard's Atlas, we have limited to 10 degrees
south, as there is no Australian continent represented. The East
Indian Archipelago follows the features of the Diego Ribeiro type of
map, inasmuch as the southern shores of most of the islands composing
that group are not defined; but the islands between Java and Flores,
left out in the Diego Ribeiro map of 1529, are set down in this
one.

Jaua Maior applies to Java, and Jaua Minor seems to
apply to the East Indian Archipelago from Java to Flores. Sumbawa is
indicated by the name Simbana.

The interest of the map for us lies in the representation of a
portion of New Guinea, and an island bearing the name of
Camabam.

Camabam appears to represent that portion of the north-west coast
of New Guinea situated below the McCluer Inlet, from Deri, Cape
Peninsula, to Adi Island, and which to the present day figures on the
latest Admiralty charts as a possible island.

Ysla de los hobres blancos, island of white men, in the
same locality, reminds one of a similar appellation given by Saavedra
to some islands on the north coast of New Guinea.

The Los roccos islands of G. Mercator's map of 1538 are set
down on this map, but in a different longitude and latitude. They are
in 120 degrees longitude, and between 15 and 20 degrees latitude, and
do not appear therefore in our sketch. They bear the name islas
Rocos with the marginal note Enestas islas Rocos ay aues de
tal grandeza [segum dizen] y fuerza que tomam un boy ylo
traienuolando para comer, y mas dizen que tomam un batel por grande
que sea ylo leuantan en grande altura, y despues lo dexan caer, y
comense los hombres, y el Petrarcha semeiantemente lo dize en su
libro de prospera y aduersa fortuna. In these Roc Islands there
are birds of such a size (as some say) and strength, that they can
carry away an ox to eat it, and many say that they take a boat, no
matter how big, lift it to a great height, and then let it fall and
eat the men, and Petrarch says the same in his treatise on prosperity
and adversity.

The fictitious Antarctic continent of earlier charts has been left
out, but an inscription in those regions reads thus: Terra vel
mare incognitum. Land or sea unknown, which is a very wise
statement.

THE HENRI II MAPPAMUNDI (SO-CALLED). DATE, 1546.

This is a large manuscript planisphere by Pierre Desceliers, a
priest of Arques, near Dieppe, who was a celebrated cosmographer and
cartographer, and the author of several maps of this type.

Pierre Desceliers' Chart of Australia, A.D. 1550.

It bears the inscription Mappemonde peinte sur parchemin par
ordre de Henri II roi de France, and for this reason has
sometimes been called the Henri II map. Java bears the name of
IAVA petite. The Australian continent is called IAVA LA
GRANDE. The west coast is prolonged further south than in the
Dauphin and Roze charts; the other Australian coastal features of
this map are almost similar to those described in maps of this class.
The island of Timor is larger than in the Dauphin chart, and the
island of Flores is placed latitudinally, as it ought to be, whereas
in the Dauphin chart it is placed longitudinally. For the
nomenclature we beg leave to refer the reader to the list given above
Chapter 30.

PIERRE DESCELIERS' MAPPAMUNDI OF 1550.

This is another large manuscript planisphere, by the priest of
Arques, and it bears in bold characters the inscription: FAICTE A
ARQVES PAR PIERRES DESCELIERS PBRE: LAN: 1550. It is now in the
British Museum. The general features of the Australian continent are
the same as those of the maps of this class which we have already
described. In the position of the Abrolhos group on the western coast
of Australia there is an island on this map which bears the name
arenes. This island is also set down on the Dauphin map, on
the Jean Roze reduced map, and on the Henri II map, but on all of
them it bears no name. Thus we have been unable to compare the word
arenes and fix its meaning by corroborative evidence. We do
not believe it to be a corruption of arenas sand, but rather
of abrolhos, the name it has preserved to this day. Other
similar charts might solve the mystery. The full nomenclature of this
interesting document will be found above Chapter
30.

The Portuguese and Spanish origin of this chart is as apparent as
in the others we have described belonging to this class, although
many of the words that have not been translated into French have
suffered greater mutilation. At first sight the most remarkable
feature is the display of descriptive matter contained in cartouches
spread here and there between the illuminations, and which have
perhaps blocked out Jave la Grande, or some similar name,
describing the vast locality occupied by these cartouches, and the
quaint figures with which this map is profusely ornamented. However
there may have been an intention in this, for all the descriptions
are extracts taken from Marco Polo's and Barthema's writings, and
Marco Polo's description of Java Major has been, no doubt purposely,
left out also. With reference to the term major we must
remember that the general belief of Marco Polo's informers, whether
Chinese, Malays, or Arabs, was that the present Java and Australia
were but one and the same large island, and Marco Polo called it Java
Major, or the largest island in the world.

Cannibalism.

Idolatry.

We have had some difficulty in translating the nondescript old
French contained in the cartouches we have referred to, and still
greater difficulty in localising these descriptions, for the name of
place above each frame is not in every instance the right name
according to the description below it. The result of our researches
is as follows: The descriptive matter under the respective headings
of Java and Sumatra is taken from Marco Polo's
description of Java Minor, i.e. Sumatra. Pego refers to Pegu,
Melasque to Malacca, Seilan to Ceylon, and
Angania to the Andaman Isles. As none of these descriptions
refer to Australia we shall only point out that, as the figures
representing cannibalism and idolatry are alluded to in the text
contiguous to them, they have no connection with Australia; the same
may be said of the two elephants, which evidently are meant to
illustrate the text on the right hand side, namely under the heading
of Sumatra. The only illustrations which might be supposed to
appertain to Australia are those not alluded to in the french
text, such as the representations of trees, rough* guniah-looking
dwellings, guanacos, and those strange huts on the western coast
which may have been inspired by some such freak of nature as was seen
by Dampier on the same coast some hundred and thirty odd years after
these charts were depicted. Dampier says: "There were several things
like haycocks standing in the savannah, which at a distance we
thought were houses, looking just like the Hottentots' houses at the
Cape of Good Hope; but we found them to be so many rocks." Dampier
and his companions may have mistaken some ant-hills for rocks. Peron
describes some huge dome-shaped ant-hills seen on this coast, and
Captain Pelsart, in 1629, also describes some ant-hills seen by him
and his companions when in search for water on this same coast in
latitude 22 degrees south. In 1818 Allan Cunningham, when on the west
coast of Australia, at the Bay of Rest, took occasion to measure one
of these gigantic ant-hills of that coast. He found it to be eight
feet in height and twenty-six in girth. Pelsart's account runs thus:
"On the 16th of June in the morning they returned on shore in hopes
of getting more water, but were disappointed; and having no time to
observe the country it gave them no great hopes of better success,
even if they had travelled farther within land, which appeared a
thirsty, barren plain, covered with ant-hills, so high that they
looked afar off like the huts of negroes."

(*Footnote. Pigafetta, in describing the houses of the
inhabitants of the Ladrone islands, was no doubt responsible for the
delineation of these rough and ready sheds. He says: "Their houses
are of wood, covered with planks, over which leaves of their
fig-trees (banana-trees), four feet in length, are
spread.")

Dampier in his second voyage to this coast in 1699, but more than
one hundred miles further south, describes again some of these
evidently very remarkable features of the western coast of Australia.
He says: "Here are a great many rocks in the large savannah we were
in, which are five or six feet high and round at top like a haycock,
very remarkable; some red and some white." But Flinders when on this
coast actually came across native huts similar to those depicted on
P. Desceliers' chart of Australia.

As for the European buildings representing forts and castles, they
are mostly situated where we know them to have been, excepting of
course those two which are placed on York Peninsula.

The Portuguese legend Anda ne barcha has entirely lost its
signification on this map; it is altered to Autane bamcha, the
only clue to the transformation being that the second word still
retains the initial small b of barcha. Although, as we have
remarked, the continent of Australia bears no name (unless we reckon
as such TERRE AUSTRALLE, which appears on the imaginary part,
prolonged towards the South Pole), the island of Java bears a double
name, JAVE, in large letters on the extreme border of the Southern
coast, and iaua in small, marked on the northernmost part.

Now this small name, iaua, occupying the true centre of
what should be, and probably was, the original shape given to Java,
shows beyond doubt that the south coast of Java has been deliberately
extended further south in order to block the passage between the
south of Java and the north coast of Australia; otherwise, had this
been the original shape given to Java, we might expect to see the
name set down only once, in the centre of the island. The term
iaua is also older than Jave, which indicates that the
chart has been compiled from several sources.

Diego do Couto's hog.

In Diego do Couto's description of Java appears the following,
which tends to show that the Portuguese soon became aware of a more
correct shape for Java than that under which it appears in
this and the other charts of this class. Quoth Diego do Couto,
writing about 1570: "The figure* of the island of Java resembles a
hog couched on its fore legs, with its snout to the channel of
Balabero, and its hind legs towards the mouth of the Straits of
Sunda, which is much frequented by our ships...its length about 160
and its breadth about 70 leagues. The southern coast (hog's back), is
not frequented by us, and its bays and ports are not known; but the
northern coast (hog's belly) is much frequented, and has many good
ports."

(*Footnote. Placing the south at the top was a common
practice among cartographers at the time these charts were
made.)

In the above description we have a more accurate idea of the
proportion of Java, and an explanation for that unnatural sleek curve
representing the south coast, because unexplored, and described by
Couto as the hog's back.

MENDANA'S EXPEDITION OF 1567.

In pursuance of their object to attain the Spice Islands from
America to the westward and make fresh discoveries the Spaniards
continued to send out expeditions whenever an opportunity
offered.

Most Spanish writers agree in ascribing the voyage in which
Mendana discovered the Solomon Islands to the period in which Lopez
Garcia de Castro governed Peru, and Dalrymple,* quoting Figueroa,
says of this voyage: "They sailed from Callao the 10th January 1567,
and reached the coast of Mexico 22nd of January 1568. They ran from
Callao with contrary winds 1450 leagues, when they discovered a small
island inhabited in 6 degrees 45 minutes south, which Mendana named
Isla de Jesus. At 160 leagues from this island they fell in with a
large ledge of rocks and small islands within them in 6 degrees 15
minutes south, which were named the Baxos de la Candaleria; they lay
north-east and south-west, and might be 15 leagues in circuit
altogether. They saw another land, which they named Santa Isabella,
very populous; at 6 leagues to the south-east of a port in it they
found two small islands in 8 degrees south." Dalrymple further says:
"Figueroa then gives an account of the rest of the Solomon Islands;
the farthest south he mentions, except St Christoval, which has a
port in 11 degrees south, is a volcano named Segarga, 8 leagues in
circuit in 9 degrees 45 minutes south, beyond which is Guadalcanal.
Figueroa does not mention the latitude of Guadalcanal, nor does he
give any longitude of these islands. He says they stood in north from
Christoval into 3 degrees south, where they had signs of land, and
thought it was New Guinea."

(*Footnote. An historical collection of the several
voyages and discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean,
1770/1771.)

According to modern Spanish geographers* Mendana left Callao on
the 20th November 1567; sighted an island fifty days after, which
they called la isla de Jesus, and, continuing their course in
a south and south-westerly direction, came to anchor in a port of the
island of Santa Isabel, belonging to the Solomon Group.

This group was so called because the legends of the time reported
that from those islands were derived the gold and other treasures
that served for the decoration of King Solomon's temple.

At the island of Santa Isabel they built a brigantine, and Mendana
sent Pedro Ortega and the chief pilot, Hernan Gallego, with 12
sailors and 18 soldiers to discover the whole group; some of the
principal islands discovered and named being Buena Vista, Sesarga,
Guadalcanar, San Jorge, San Nicolas, etc. In the month of August they
returned to America, where they arrived in January 1569.

We subjoin the following extract from C.M. Woodford's valuable
book, A Naturalist Among the Head Hunters: A translation of portions
of Gallego's Journal, a copy of which is in the British Museum,
describing many of the events that took place during the voyage of
the Spaniards, is given in Dr. Guppy's book, The Solomon Islands. The
original manuscript of Catoira, a much fuller account of the voyages
than that of Gallego, is in the possession of Mr. W. Amherst Tyssen
Amherst, M.P., and has never been printed. During my last visit to
the Solomons I was furnished with a translation of this journal which
enabled me to identify the places visited by the Spaniards. I have
taken photographs of some of the most interesting localities, and
made copious notes upon the journal. It will, I hope, shortly be
published."

CHAPTER 34. A.D. 1569 TO 1580.

GERARD MERCATOR'S MAPPAMUNDI OF 1569.
ORTELIUS' MAPPAMUNDI OF 1570.
THE RISE OF ENGLAND'S MARITIME POWER.
DRAKE AMONGST THE ISLANDS TO THE NORTH OF AUSTRALIA.

erard
Mercator's map of the world disregards previous cartographical
representations of Australia, and lays down a more or less fictitious
continent instead, which does not appear to be based on any definite
discovery or charting, but merely on a vague knowledge of the
existence of the Australian continent.

The nomenclature is taken chiefly from Marco Polo's writings, to
which however a false interpretation has been given, inasmuch as the
islands in the northern hemisphere mentioned by him have been placed
in the southern hemisphere on this mappamundi, and his Java Major is
made to apply to Java.

On the southern continental land, which occupies the site of
Australia, such names as Lucach, Beach, Maletur,* etc. may be
seen, and a gulf which looks something like the Gulf of Carpentaria
is occupied by a couple of islands named Petan and Jaua
Minor.

(*Footnote. Maletur, through an oversight, has been
omitted on our map; it should occur under Beach thus: Maletur regnum
in quo maxima est copia aromatum.)

The Australian Regions in Mercator's Mappamundi of
1569.

Lucach and Maletur, in Polo's writings, belong to Asia. Beach* is
a corruption of Lucach. Petan has been identified as Bintang, and
Java Minor refers to Sumatra.

(*Footnote. With reference to Beach, Major says in Early
Voyages to Australia, page xvii.: "We have already explained from
Marsden's notes the reasonable rendering of the name of Lucach or
Lochac. The name of Beach, or rather Boeach, is another form of the
same name, which crept into the Basle edition of Marco Polo of 1532,
and was blunderingly repeated by the cartographers; while for Maletur
we have the suggestion of the Burgomaster Witsen, in his Noord en
Oost Tartarye, fol. 169, that it is taken from Maleto, on the north
side of the island of Timor, a suggestion rendered null by the fact,
apparently unknown to Witsen, that Maletur, as already stated, was
but a mis-spelling in the Basle edition for Malaiur. The sea in
which, on these early maps, this remarkable land is made to lie, is
called Mare Lantchidol, another perplexing piece of mis-spelling upon
which all the cartographers have likewise stumbled, and which finds
its explanation in the Malay words, Laut Kidol, or Chidol, the
South Sea." For another interpretation of Laut Kidol see also
Verhandelingen Betrekkelijk Het Zeewezen, volume 27 pages 165,
166.

In Prince Henry the Navigator, Appendix page 307, Major insists on
the blunder committed by the printer of the Basle edition of Marco
Polo thus: "In the Basle edition of Marco Polo in 1532 the printer
unluckily altered the L into a B, and the first c into an e, so that
the word Locach became Boeach. This was afterwards shortened into
Beach, and the blunder was repeated in books and on maps with so much
confidence that we find it even occurring on a semi-globe which
adorns the monument of the learned Sir Henry Savile in Merton College
Chapel, Oxford; and strangely enough it is the only geographical name
thereon inscribed. As however some editions of Marco Polo retained
the word Locach, and others Beach, both names came to be copied on to
maps, and, the point of departure being Java, the mapmakers,
following the course indicated in Marco Polo, laid these countries
down as forming part of the great southern land which was supposed to
occupy the entire south part of the globe."

We are not quite sure that the printer of the Basle edition of Marco
Polo had no authority for altering the L of Lucach into a B, for the
alteration had already been made before the year 1532. It may be
noticed on the 1489 map of Bartholomew Columbus, where we read
provintia bocaach. See Chapter 14.

On Martin Behaim's globe Lucach or Lochac is altered to
Coachs.)

New Guinea forms an important feature in this famous mappamundi.
It is separated from the Australian continent by a narrow strait,
although the cartographer expresses his doubts as to its being thus
separated...si modo insula est, nam sitne insula an pars
continentis Australis ignotu adhuc est.

The information contained in that inscription is very faulty.
Andrea Corsali never saw New Guinea himself, but described it from
hearsay. Writing from Cochin China to the Duke of Medici on the 6th
of January 1515 he says: Et nauigando verso le parti d' oriente,
dicono esserui terra de piccinacoli, & e di molti openione che
questa terra vada a tenere, & congiungersi per la Banda di
Leuante & mezogiorno, con la costa del Brezil o' verzino, perche
per la grandezza di detta terra del Verzino non si e per anchora da
tutta le parti discoperta. And navigating towards the east, they say
there lies the land of Piccinacoli, and many believe that this land
is connected towards the east in the south with the coast of Bresil,
or Verzino,* because, on account of the size of this land of
Verzino, it is not as yet on all sides discovered.

(*Footnote. See above. Australia and Brasielie
regio.)

Mercator, in attempting to rectify the cartography of his time,
made it worse in many respects, and certainly made great confusion of
the Eastern and Australasian portion of it. In endeavouring to rename
the islands in those regions he made use of Ptolemy's and Marco
Polo's nomenclature, but failed generally to understand or locate
their descriptions. He was the first cartographer, we believe, to
alter Fra Mauro's Java to Japan, and the Java* of Ptolemy, which had
been set down in a duplicate manner under the names Labadii** and
Sabadibae he confounds with New Guinea, which he splits up into four
islands, naming the three smaller ones to the west Cainam Sabadibe
insule tres, and the large one to the east "is no doubt," he
says, "Ptolemy's Labadij."

(*Footnote. There is a triplicate Java in Ptolemy's map
bearing the name Zaba. See above.)

(**Footnote. Labadii and Sabadibae are corrupted forms of Java
Dwipa or Jaoa diva of Sanscrit or Arabic origin.)

A strange thing happened, owing no doubt to Corsali's remarks,
which cast a doubt on the insularity of New Guinea,* and this is what
happened. Geographers, following Mercator's map, continued to
represent New Guinea as an island, and, notwithstanding, placed
thereon an inscription to the effect that it was not known whether it
were an island or not.** Mendana's discoveries to the east of New
Guinea are not charted.

(*Footnote. New Guinea had been nearly circumnavigated
before Mercator's map was made. Coming from the north-west, Gomez de
Sequeira (see Appendix) had no doubt navigated the straits of Torres
in 1525, and Mendana in 1567 had reached the north-east end of New
Guinea.)

(*Footnote. We think that Andrea Corsali's remarks give
the clue to the uncertainty which prevailed from that date until
Captain Cook set the matter at rest. On this subject, and referring
to the chart in de Brosses' work, Mr. G.B. Barton in History of New
South Wales from the Records, Volume 1 pages xxvii. and xxviii.,
says: "Looking at one of these charts, we observe that there is
nothing to indicate the existence of the straits between the mainland
and Van Diemen's Land; but the passage now known as Torres Straits is
distinctly shown, although in the text the author repeatedly
expresses a doubt whether the mainland touched New Guinea or not.

"Why this doubt should have been expressed by de Brosses when the
position of the straits is shown so clearly in his charts is a
question not easily answered. The discovery of the fact that Torres
had sailed through the straits in 1606 is attributed to Dalrymple,
who made it known to the world in his Account of the Discoveries in
the South Pacific Ocean previous to 1764, published in 1767--a work
which we may safely assume had its place in the Endeavour's
library. Flinders states in his introduction that 'the existence of
such a strait was generally unknown until 1770, when it was again
discovered and passed by our great circumnavigator, Captain Cook.' In
making this statement he seems to have repeated a remark made in the
introduction (page xvi.) to Cook's Third Voyage, where the reader is
told that 'though the great sagacity and extensive reading of Mr.
Dalrymple had discovered some traces of such a passage having been
found before, yet those traces were so obscure and so little known in
the present age that,' among other things, 'the President de Brosses
had not been able to satisfy himself about them.' But, unless he had
satisfied himself on the subject, why did he construct his maps of
New Holland and New Guinea in such a manner as to show the straits?
This is one of the many little puzzles connected with Australian
geography of the last century which deserves the attention of those
who are interested in it. The only answer to the question seems to be
that de Brosses looked upon New Holland as an island, probably
considering that fact established; but not having seen the Relation,
written by Torres of his passage through the straits, he thought that
there was just room for a doubt on the subject. Nothing was known
about Tasman's second voyage in his time.

"Dalrymple's Historical Collection of Voyages and Discoveries in the
South Pacific Ocean was another work of great authority at the time
it was published--1770. It contained a chart of the South Pacific,
'pointing out the discoveries made therein previous to 1764,' which
showed Torres' track in 1606 through the straits. The work made its
appearance too late to form part of the Endeavour's
library..."

But although Dalrymple's Historical Collection of Voyages, etc.,
mentioned above, appeared too late to form part of the
Endeavour's library, Captain Cook and Sir Joseph Banks were in
possession of the information contained in that work when they passed
through Torres Straits. This would appear from a letter written by
Dalrymple to the editor of Cook's Voyages. We do not know whether
this letter has been published in any English work, but it was
published in 1774 in a translation of Dalrymple's work by Mr. de
Freville, entitled Voyages dans le mer du Sud. From page 469 to 502
of that work there is a long letter from Dalrymple to Hawkesworth, in
which Dalrymple states that he gave to Mr. Banks (since Sir Joseph
Banks) a collection of the discoveries attempted in the Pacific Ocean
with a map of those discoveries drawn by himself and which he
published only after the return of Mr. de Bougainville. Dalrymple
also states that he had marked Torres' track on his map from
information contained in Arias' memorial, and that the track thus
marked determined the course of the Endeavour between New Guinea and
New Holland. Opinions, he says, were at first divided: Captain Cook.
on the authority of Mr. Pingre, pretended that Torres had sailed to
the north of New Guinea: Mr. Banks on the contrary maintained that he
had left New Guinea on his right hand side. The route marked on my
map, says Dalrymple, was at last unanimously adopted, etc., Il n'est
pas moins vrai, que la route de Torrez que j'avois dessinee sur ma
carte d'apres le memoire d' Arias, determina l'Endeavour a
passer entre la Nouvelle Hollande and la Nouvelle Guinee. Les
opinions avoient d' abord ete partagees; le Capitaine Cook,
s'appuyant sur l'autorite de M. Pingre, pretendoit que Torres avoit
fait voile au Nord de la Nouvelle Guinee; M. Banks soutenoit all
contraire qu'il avoit laisse la Nouvelle Guinee a droite. La route
dessinee sur ma carte reunit enfin les suffrages. And Dalrymple adds
that his map was not compiled from conjectures, but from
facts.)

The Australasian regions on Ortelius' mappamundi of the following
year, 1570, are so similar to G. Mercator's in cartographical details
and nomenclature that we have not thought it necessary to reproduce
here that sample of cartography.

At the date we have now reached other European nations were on the
eve of contending with Portugal and Spain for the right to trade with
distant countries. The daring sea rovers of France and England first
began the conflict, to be followed afterwards by resolute Dutch sea
captains and merchants. "During the reign of Elizabeth," says an
English historian,* "that spirit of commercial enterprise which had
been awakened under Mary seemed to pervade and animate every
description of men. For the extension of trade and the discovery of
unknown lands associations were formed, companies were incorporated,
expeditions were planned; and the prospect of immense profit, which,
though always anticipated, was seldom realised, seduced many to
sacrifice their whole fortunes, prevailed even on the ministers, the
nobility, and the Queen herself, to risk considerable sums in these
hazardous undertakings. The renowned Sir John Hawkins first acquired
celebrity by opening the trade in slaves. He made three voyages to
the coast of Africa; bartered articles of trifling value for numerous
lots of negroes; crossed the Atlantic to Hispaniola and the Spanish
settlement in America, and in exchange for his captives returned with
large quantities of hides, sugar, ginger, and pearls. This trade was
however illicit; and during his third voyage in the bay of St. Juan
d' Ulloa Hawkins was surprised by the arrival of the Spanish viceroy
with a fleet of twelve sail from Europe. The hostile squadrons viewed
each other with jealousy and distrust; a doubtful truce was
terminated by a general engagement; and in the end, though the
Spaniards suffered severely, Hawkins lost his fleet, his treasure,
and the majority of his followers. Out of six ships under his command
two only escaped; and of these one foundered at sea, the other,
called the Judith, a barque of fifty tons, commanded by
Francis Drake, brought back the remnant of the adventurers to
Europe."

(*Footnote. Lingard's History of England volume vi. chap.
vii.)

The English and Dutch opportunity for discovery on the coasts of
Australia began with the decline of Portuguese and Spanish supremacy.
If we trace the growth of maritime preponderance in Europe we shall
see that its results, so far as Australian maritime discovery is
concerned, were due to the natural consequences which forced the
English and the Dutch to invade the spheres of Portuguese and Spanish
activity.

From Italy had come the first impulse which led to the
re-discovery of the New World; the great movement of maritime
exploration was continued by the Portuguese, the Spanish, and the
French; and then began the struggle of commercial enterprise and
ambition in which England and Holland had to join, owing to their
geographical positions, or else forsake their very nationality.

It was a question of life or death; the contest for supremacy was
a long one, and numerous were the naval combats between the rival
Powers.

With Drake begins the rise of the naval fame of England; meanwhile
the power of Portugal and Spain began to decline. After the battle of
Alcacer Quibir in 1578, in which Don Sebastian was defeated and
killed, and his army utterly destroyed, Portugal never recovered from
the blow. For sixty years her throne became an appanage of Spain.
Even when, in 1640, Portugal threw off the yoke, and the Government
was compelled to leave Lisbon, and Portuguese India, and Brazil
expelled the Spaniards, it was too late for either Portugal or Spain
to set forth any claim to Australia, for the Dutch were by that time
firmly planted in Java and Amboyna, and Tasman's first expedition was
on the eve of being sent out. Before this time Spanish supremacy had
also come to an end, and the very same gale that Cavendish
experienced when nearing the coast of England, on his return from his
voyage of circumnavigation, had already brought ominous disaster on
the famous Armada, and after the defeat of that great Spanish fleet
Spain gradually lost her hold on her zealously guarded
possessions.

At this period the idea of colonization or even discovery did not
forcibly suggest itself to the English mind.*

(*Footnote. The earliest English references to the
colonization of the Great South Land appear in the shape of certain
proposals made to the British Government in the sixteenth century.
The manuscript containing these proposals, which is endorsed by Lord
Burleigh, A Discovery of Lands Beyond the Equinoctial, 1573,
has been printed in the Hakluyt Society's edition of Frobisher's
Voyages, 1867 pages 4 to 8, and is entitled The discoverie, traffique
and enjoyeuge for the Queen's Majesty and her subjects of all or anie
landes, islands and countries southwards beyond the aequinoctial, or
when the pole antartik hathe anie elevation above the horizon. and
which lands, islandes and countries be not already possessed or
subdued by or to the use of any Christian prince in Europe as by the
charts and descriptions shall appere. Landsdowne Manuscript C. folio
142 to 6.

There is also in the same work (The Three Voyages of Sir Martin
Frobisher) a very rough map and rather interesting description. The
delineation of the Australian continent, which is joined to the
Antarctic lands, is taken from the preceding Mercator type of map.
The description of the Terra Australis is as follows:

Terra Australis seemeth to be a great firme land, lying under
and about the South Pole, being in many places a fruitefull soyle,
and is not yet thoroughly discovered, but onlye seene and touched on
the north edge therof, by the travaile of the Portingals and
Spaniards in their voyages to their East and West Indies.

It is included almost by a paralell, passing at 40 degrees in south
latitude, yet in some places it reacheth into the sea with greate
promontories, even into the tropicke Capricornus. Onely these partes
are best knowen as over against Capo d' buona Speranza (where
the Portingales see popingayes commonly of a wonderfull greatnesse),
and againe it is knowen at the south side of the straight of
Magellanus, and is called Terra del Fuego.

It is thoughte this south lande, aboute the pole Antartike, is farre
bigger than the north land aboute the pole Artike, but whether it be
so or not we have no certaine knowledge, for we have no particular
description hereof, as we have of the lande under and aboute the
north pole.

Referring to the map and above description Mr. G.B. Barton, in the
first volume of the History of New South Wales, from the Records,
says: "To understand exactly what the old geographers had in their
minds when they wrote about Terra Australis we must go back at least
three centuries, when the theory of its existence was in high favour
among them. What they thought about it may be seen in the map of the
world published with the account of Frobisher's voyages in the year
1578, and the description of the country given by the writer."

Mr. Barton's observations, we must bear in mind, may apply to the
old [English] geographers; but certainly do not apply to more
enlightened continental geographers and sailors of the period, if we
are to Judge from the Carta Marina, o 'da Navigare, published some
years before the one which accompanies Frobisher's narrative. The
sailing chart we refer to was published with many of the numerous
editions of Ptolemy, and may for aught we know have been published
even before the year 1574. The facsimile we give here is taken from
La Geografia di Clavdio Tolomeo Alexandrino, published in Venice in
1574. The editor states that it is a much reduced copy given only as
a sample of the large charts used generally by sailors.

The reader will notice that in the Carta da Navigare the Tierra Del
Fuego is set down as an island, and is therefore unconnected with any
South Polar continent. He will also notice that, following the
example set in the year 1500, not only is the Australian continent
purposely left out, but also New Guinea, which was charted in the
earlier maps of the period we refer to.)

Map of the World, published with the account of Frobisher's
Voyages, 1578.

Orbis Descriptio. Carta Marina o da Navigare.

Drake's, Cavendish's, and many other voyages made by Englishmen
during Queen Elizabeth's reign were mere piratical expeditions,
undertaken with the more or less avowed object of plunder, and in
pursuance of a well matured set of schemes for "singeing the king of
Spain's beard." Otherwise both Drake and Cavendish stood as good a
chance as the Dutch of coming in contact with the coasts of
Australia, and that fifteen years before the arrival of the Dutch in
Australasian waters. Drake, the first sea captain to complete the
circumnavigation of the world, had sailed through the straits to the
north-west of Australia on his way back to England, and Cavendish,
eight years after, in 1588, had also sailed through the same straits,
and anchored on the south coast of Java. Both these navigators, when
among the Spice Islands, had many offers made them which, if accepted
by England, would have made her sole mistress of all the islands in
the Indian Ocean to the north of Australia; but England's hour had
not come. There are in the narratives of Drake and Cavendish several
passages which we shall quote, on account of their interest, as
exemplifying the reception given to those early sea captains, and
because the place-names therein mentioned bear witness to the
genuineness of early Portuguese and Spanish discovery.

DRAKE AMONGST THE ISLANDS TO THE NORTH OF AUSTRALIA.

RAKE, having sailed through the Straits
of Magalhaens with safety and ease, and having discovered the
falsehood of the traditional description, according to which the
passage was long and intricate, the shores dreary and inhospitable,
the weather always bleak and tempestuous, and the danger of shipwreck
continual, reached the Molucca Islands, also without any great
difficulty.

Then the narrative runs thus:

"Leaving this island the night after we fell in with it, on
October 18 1579, we lighted upon divers others, some whereof made a
great show of inhabitants. We continued our course by the islands of
Tagulanda, Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portuguese, the
first whereof hath growing in it great store of cinnamon. On November
14 we fell in with the islands of Molucca. Which day, at night
(having directed our course to run with Tidore), in casting along the
island of Mutyr, belonging to the king of Ternate, his deputy, or
vice-king, seeing us at sea, came with his canoe to us without all
fear, and came aboard, and after some conference with our General
willed him in wise to run in with Ternate, and not with Tidore,
assuring him that the king would be glad of his coming, and would be
ready to do what he would require, for which purpose he himself would
be that night with the king, and tell him the news, with whom if he
once dealt we should find that as he was a king, so his word should
stand; adding further that if he went to Tidore before he came to
Ternate the king would have nothing to do with us, because he held
the Portugals as his enemy. Whereupon our General resolved to run
with Ternate, where the next morning early we came to anchor, at
which time our General sent a messenger to the king, with a velvet
cloak for a present and token of his coming to be in peace, and that
he required nothing but traffic and exchange of merchandise, whereof
he had good store in such things as he wanted.

"In the meantime the vice-king had been with the king according to
his promise, signifying unto him what good things he might receive
from us by traffic, whereby the king was moved with great liking
towards us, and sent to our General with special message that he
should have what things he needed and would require, with peace and
friendship, and moreover that he would yield himself and the right of
his island to be at the pleasure and commandment of so famous a
prince as we served. In token whereof he sent to our General a
signet, and within short time after came in his own person, with
boats and canoes, to our ship, to bring her into a better and safer
road than she was in at that present. In the meantime our General's
messenger, being come to the court, was met by certain noble
personages with great solemnity and brought to the king, at whose
hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained.

Sir Francis Drake.

"The king, purposing to come to our ship, sent before four great
and large canoes, in every one whereof were certain of his greatest
statesmen that were about him, attired in white lawn of cloth of
Calicut, having over their heads, from the one end of the canoe to
the other, a covering of their perfumed mats, borne up with a frame
made of reeds* for the same use, under which everyone did sit in his
order according to his dignity, to keep him from the heat of the sun,
divers of whom being of good age and gravity did make an ancient and
fatherly show.

(*Footnote. Bamboos, evidently.)

"There were also divers young and comely men attired in white as
were the others; the rest were soldiers, which stood in comely order
round about on both sides, without whom sat the rowers, in certain
galleries, which, being three on a side all along the canoes, did lie
off from the side thereof three or four yards, one being orderly
built lower than another, in every of which galleries were the number
of fourscore rowers. These canoes were furnished with warlike
munition, every man for the most part having his sword and target,
with his dagger, besides other weapons, as lances, calivers, darts,
bows and arrows; also every canoe had a small cast base mounted, at
the least, one full yard upon a stock set upright. Thus coming near
our ship, in order, they rowed about us one after another, and,
passing by, did their homage with great solemnity, the great
personages beginning with great gravity and fatherly countenance
signifying that the king had sent them to conduct our ship into a
better road. Soon after the king himself repaired, accompanied with
six grave and ancient persons, who did their obeisance with
marvellous humility. The king was a man of tall stature, and seemed
to be much delighted with the sound of our music, to whom, as also to
his nobility, our General gave presents, wherewith they were passing
well contented...This island is the chief of all the islands of
Molucca, and the king hereof is king of seventy islands besides. The
king with his people are Moors in religion, observing certain new
moons with fastings; during which fast they neither eat nor drink in
the day, but in the night. After that our gentlemen were returned,
and that we had here by the favour of the king received all necessary
things that the place could yield us; our General considering the
great distances, and how far he was yet off from his country, thought
it not best here to linger the time any longer, but, weighing his
anchor, set out of the island and sailed to a certain little island
to the southward of Celebes, where we graved our ship and continued
there in that and other business twenty-six days. This island is
thoroughly grown with wood of a large and high growth, very straight
and without boughs, save only in the head or top, whose leaves are
not much differing from our broom in England. Amongst these trees
night by night through the whole land did show themselves an infinite
swarm of fiery worms flying in the air, whose bodies, being no bigger
than our common English flies, make such a show and light as if every
twig or tree had been a burning candle. In this place breedeth also
wonderful store of bats, as big as large hens; of crayfishes also
here wanted no plenty, and they of exceeding bigness, one whereof was
sufficient for four hungry stomachs at a dinner, being also very good
and restoring meat, whereof we had experience; and they dig
themselves holes in the earth like coneys.

"When we had ended our business here we weighed and set sail to
run for the Moluccas; but, having at that time a bad wind, and being
amongst the islands, with much difficulty were covered to the
northward of the island of Celebes, where, by reason of contrary
winds, not being able to continue our course to run westwards, we
were forced to alter the same to the southward again, finding that
course also to be very hard and dangerous by reason of infinite
shoals which lie off and among the islands, whereof we had too much
trial to the hazard and danger of our ship and lives. For, of all
other days, upon January 9 in the year 1580, we ran suddenly upon a
rock where we stuck fast from eight o'clock at night till four
o'clock in the afternoon the next day, being indeed out of all hope
to escape the danger; but our General, as he had always hitherto
showed himself courageous, and of a good confidence in the mercy and
protection of God, so now he continued in the same; and lest he
should seem to perish wilfully, both he and we did our best endeavour
to save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless that in the end
we cleared ourselves most happily of the danger.

"We lightened our ship upon the rocks of three tons of cloves,
eight pieces of ordnance, and certain meal and beans, and then the
wind (as it were in a moment, by the special grace of God), changing
from the starboard to the larboard of the ship, we hoisted our sails,
and the happy gale drove our ship off the rock into the sea again, to
the no little comfort of all our hearts, for which we gave God such
praise and thanks as so great a benefit required.

"On February 8 following we fell in with the fruitful island of
Barateue,* having in the meantime suffered many dangers by winds and
shoals. The people of this island are comely in body and stature, and
of civil behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous to strangers,
whereof we had the experience sundry ways, they being most glad of
our presence, and were ready to relieve our wants in those things
which their country did yield.

(*Footnote. Bouton.)

"The men go naked, saving their head and privities, every man
having something or other hanging at their ears. The women are
covered from the middle down to the foot, wearing a great number of
bracelets upon their arms, for some had eight upon each arm, being
made, some of bone, some of horn, and some of brass, the lightest
whereof by our estimation weighed two ounces apiece. With this people
linen cloth is good merchandise and of good request, whereof they
make rolls for their heads and girdles to wear about them. Their
island is both rich and fruitful--rich in gold, silver, copper, and
sulphur, wherein they seem skilful and expert, not only to try the
same, but in working it also artificially into any form and fashion
that pleaseth them.

"Their fruits be divers and plentiful, as nutmegs, ginger, long
pepper, lemons, cucumbers, cocoas, figs, sago, with divers other
sorts; and among all the rest we had one fruit, in bigness, form, and
husk, like a bay berry, hard of substance, and pleasing of taste,
which being sodden becometh soft, and is a most good and wholesome
victual, whereof we took reasonable store, as we did also of the
other fruits and spices; so that, to confess the truth, since the
time that we first set out of our own country of England we happened
upon no place (Ternate only excepted) wherein we found more comfort
and better means of refreshing.

"At our departure from Barateue we set our course for Java Major,
where arriving we found great courtesy and honourable entertainment.
This island is governed by five kings, whom they call Rajas, as Raja
Donan, and Raja Mang Bange, and Raja Cabuccapollo, which live as
having one spirit and one mind. Of the five we had four a-shipboard
at once, and two or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in
coloured clothes, as red and green. The upper part of their bodies
are naked, save their heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll, as
do the Moluccians. From the middle downwards they wear a pintado of
silk, trailing upon the ground, in colours as they best like..."

Here there follows a description of bread made with rice..."Not
long before our departure they told us that not far off there were
such great ships as ours, wishing us to beware. Upon this our captain
would stay no longer. From Java Major we sailed for the Cape of Good
Hope, which was the first land, until we came to Sierra Leone upon
the coast of Guinea. Notwithstanding we ran hard aboard the Cape,
finding the report of the Portuguese to be most false, who affirm
that it is the most dangerous cape of the world, never without
intolerable storms and present dangers to travellers which come near
the same. This cape is a most stately thing and the fairest cape we
saw in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it on
June 18 1580. From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leone, on
the coast of Guinea, where we arrived on July 22, and found necessary
provisions, great store of elephants, oysters upon trees of one kind,
spawning and increasing infinitely, the oyster suffering no bud to
grow. We departed thence on the 24th day. We arrived in England on
November 3 1580, being the third year of our departure."

Drake's old ship, the Pelican, was named the Golden
Hind after his voyage round the world. She was long an object of
veneration to the seamen of Deptford. When she was broken up John
Davis caused a chair to be made from her timbers (see initial letter
of this chapter, Illustration 25), and
presented it to the University of Oxford. This interesting relic is
still preserved in the Bodleian library. Cowley's fine lines, written
while sitting and drinking in it, are well known.

Great Relic! thou, too, in this port of ease,
Hast still one way of making voyages;
The breath of fame, like an auspicious gale
(The greater trade wind, which does never fail),
Shall drive thee round the world; and thou shalt run
As long around it as the sun.
The straits of time too narrow are for thee--
Launch forth into an undiscovered sea,
And steer the endless course of vast eternity.
Take for thy sail this verse, and for pilot me.

No sooner had Drake returned from his voyage of circumnavigation
than another project* was formed for establishing a company to trade
beyond the equinoctial line--Drake to be Governor for life. This
project, in Secretary Walsingham's handwriting, still exists in the
Record office. It eventually collapsed.

(*Footnote. An earlier project was prepared in 1573. See
above footnote.)

CHAPTER 35. A.D. 1587 TO 1588.

CAVENDISH AMONGST THE ISLANDS TO THE NORTH OF AUSTRALIA.

he
Australasian portion of Cavendish's narrative is as follows:

"On the 8th day of February, by eight of the clock in the morning,
we espied an island near Gilolo, called Batochina, which standeth in
one degree from the equinoctial line northward. On the 14th day of
February we fell in with eleven or twelve very small islands, lying
very low and flat, full of trees, and passed by some islands which be
sunk and have the dry sands lying in the main sea. These islands,
near the Moluccas, stand in three degrees and ten minutes to the
southward of the line.

"On the 17th day one John Gameford, a cooper, died, which had been
sick of an old disease a long time. On the 20th day we fell in with
certain other islands, which had many small islands among them,
standing four degrees to the southward of the line. On the 21st day
of February, being Ash Wednesday, Captain Havers died of a most
severe and pestilent ague, which held him furiously some seven or
eight days, to the no small grief of our General and of all the rest
of the company, who caused two falchions and one saker to be shot
off, with all the small shot in the ship; who, after he was shrouded
in a sheet and a prayer said, was heaved overboard, with great
lamentation of us all. Moreover, presently after his death, myself,
with divers others in the ship, fell marvellously sick, and so
continued in very great pain for the space of three weeks or a month,
by reason of the extreme heat and intemperateness of the climate.

"On the 1st of March, having passed through the Straits of Java
Minor and Java Major, we came to an anchor under the south-west parts
of Java Major, where we espied certain of the people which were
fishing by the sea side, in a bay which was under the island. Then
our General, taking into the ship's boat certain of his company, and
a negro which could speak the Morisco tongue, which he had taken out
of the Great St. Anna, made towards those fishers, which, having
espied our boat, ran on shore into the wood for fear of our men; but
our General caused his negro to call unto them, who no sooner heard
him call but presently one of them came out to the shore side and
made reply. Our General, by the negro, enquired of him for fresh
water, which they found, and caused the fisher to go to the king and
to certify him of a ship, that was come to have traffic for victuals,
and for diamonds, pearls, or any other jewels that he had, for which
he should have either gold or other merchandise in exchange. The
fisherman answered that we should have all manner of victuals that we
would request. Thus the boat came aboard again. Within a while after
we went about to furnish our ship thoroughly with wood and water.

Cavendish's Portrait.

"About the 8th of March two or three canoes came from the town
unto us with eggs, hens, fresh fish, oranges and limes; and brought
word we should have had victuals more plentifully but that they were
so far to be brought to us where we rode. Which, when our General
heard, he weighed anchor and stood in nearer for the town, and as we
were under sail we met with one of the king's canoes coming towards
us, whereupon we shook the ship in the wind and stayed for the canoe
until it came aboard of us, and stood into the bay which was hard by,
and came to an anchor. In this canoe was the king's secretary, who
had on his head a piece of dyed linen cloth, folded up like unto a
Turk's turban; he was all naked saving about the waist; his breast
was carved with the broad arrow upon it; he went barefooted; he had
an interpreter with him, which was a Mestizo, that is, half an Indian
and half a Portugal, who could speak very good Portuguese. This
secretary signified unto our General that he had brought him an hog,
hens, eggs, fresh fish, sugar canes and wine (which wine was as
strong as any aqua vitae and as clear as any rock water); he
told him further that he would bring victuals so sufficiently for him
as he and his company would request, and that within the space of
four days. Our General used him singularly well, banqueted him most
royally with the choice of many and sundry conserves, wines, both
sweet and other, and caused his musicians to make him music. This
done, our General told him that he and his company were Englishmen,
and that we had been at China, and had had traffic there with them,
and that we were come thither to discover, and purposed to go to
Molucca. The people of Java told our General that there were certain
Portugals in the island which lay there as factors continually to
traffic with them, to buy negroes, cloves, pepper, sugar, and many
other commodities.

"This secretary of the king, with his interpreter, lay one night
aboard our ship. The same night, because they lay aboard in the
evening at the setting of the watch, our General commanded every man
in the ship to provide his arquebuse and his shot, and so, with
shooting off forty or fifty small shot and one saker, himself set the
watch with them. This was no small marvel unto these heathen people,
who had not commonly seen any ship so furnished with men and
ordnance. The next morning we dismissed the secretary and his
interpreter with all humanity.

"On the fourth day after, which was the 12th of March, according
to their appointment, came the king's canoes; but the wind being
somewhat scant they could not get aboard that night, but put into a
bay under the island until the next day, and presently, after the
break of day, there came to the number of nine or ten of the king's
canoes so deeply laden with victuals as they could swim--with two
great live oxen, half a score of wonderful great and fat hogs, a
number of hens (which were alive), drakes, geese, eggs, plantains,
sugar canes, sugar in plates, cocoa, sweet oranges and sour, limes,
great store of wine and aqua vitae, salt to season victuals
withal, and almost all manner of victuals else, with divers of the
king's officers which were there. Among all the rest of the people,
in one of these canoes came two Portugals, which were of middle
stature, and men of marvellous proper personage. They were each of
them in a loose jerkin and hose, which came down from the waist to
the ancle, because of the use of the country, and partly because it
was Lent, and a time for doing of their penance (for they account it
as a thing of great dislike among these heathens to wear either hose
or shoes on their feet). They had on each of them a very fair and a
white lawn shirt, with falling bands on the same, very decently, only
their bare legs excepted. These Portugals were no small joy unto our
General and all the rest of our company, for we had not seen any
Christian that was our friend of a year and a half before. Our
General used and entreated them singularly well with banquets and
music. They told us that they were no less glad to see us than we to
see them, and enquired of the state of their country, and what was
become of Don Antonio, their king, and whether he were living or no,
for that they had not of long time been in Portugal, and that the
Spaniards had always brought them word that he was dead. Then our
General satisfied them in every demand, assuring them that their king
was alive, and in England, and had honourable allowance of our Queen,
and that there was war between Spain and England, and that we were
come under the King of Portugal into the South Sea, and had warred
upon the Spaniards there, and had fired, spoiled, and sunk all the
ships along the coast that we could meet withal, to the number of
eighteen or twenty sail. With this report they were sufficiently
satisfied.

"On the other side they declared unto us the state of the island
of Java. First, the plentifulness and great choice and store of
victuals of all sorts, and of all manner of fruits as before is set
down. Then they described the properties and nature of the people as
followeth: The name of the king of that part of the island was Raja
Bolamboam, who was a man had in great majesty and fear among them.
The common people may not bargain, sell, or exchange anything with
any other nation without special license from their king; and if any
so do it is present death for him. The king himself is a man of great
years, and hath a hundred wives; his son hath fifty. The custom of
the country is that whensoever the king doeth die they take the body
so dead and burn it, and preserve the ashes of him; and within five
days next after, the wives of the said king so dead, according to the
custom and use of the country, everyone of them go together to a
place appointed, and the chief of the women, which was nearest unto
him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth it from her,
and to the place where the ball resteth thither they go all, and turn
their faces to the eastward, and everyone, with a dagger in her hand
(which dagger they call a creese, and is as sharp as a razor), stab
themselves to the heart, and with their hands all do bebathe
themselves in their own blood, and falling grovelling on their faces
so end their days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer
to be strange...

"After we had fully contented these Portugals and the people of
Java which brought us victuals in their canoes, they took their leave
of us, with promise of all good entertainment at our returns, and our
General gave them three great pieces of ordnance at their departure.
Thus the next day, being the 16th of March (1588), we set sail
towards the Cape of Good Hope, called by the Portuguese Cabo be Buena
Esperanza, on the southernmost coast of Africa."

Cavendish's track as it would appear on the Dauphin
Chart.

Drake's and Cavendish's tracks, as shown on Jodocus Hondius'
Map.

In the quaint narratives of Drake and Cavendish we see that the
term Java Major is restricted to Java, whereas in the oldest
Australasian charts it is extended to Australia. The island of
Sumatra, which in old charts bears the various names of Camatra,
Samatra, Ciamotra, and Siamotra, is called Java Minor, as in Marco
Polo's descriptions; unless, which is quite possible, the term Java
Minor in Drake's and Cavendish's narratives applies to some of the
small islands to the east of Java. There are several examples of this
term being so applied about this time, tending to show that it may
have become customary. Then, according to both Drake's and
Cavendish's tracks, as given in Hondius' map, which we give here,*
these navigators appear to have passed either through the straits of
Bali, Lomboc, or Allas; but it is questionable whether these tracks
are correctly laid down, for Cavendish's narrative says: "We came to
an anchor under the south-west parts of Java Major, etc.," and in
Hondius' map there is no indication of this course.

Moreover Linschoten, a contemporary, says distinctly, when
describing the strait of Sunda: "Through this strait, or narrowe
passage, Thomas Candish, an Inglish Captaine, passed with his ship,
as he came out of the south parts (the Pacific Ocean) from Noua
Spaigne."* Batochina in Cavendish's narrative is another name about
which there appears to be some confusion, inasmuch as it originally
described the island of Gilolo, and is so used in the Dauphin chart
(1530/1536).

The Dutch were then (January 1597) in sight of Balambuam on
the south-east coast of Java, and Cavendish's Raja Bolamboam
appears to be the father of the king who was reigning at the time of
their first voyage.

CHAPTER 36. A.D. 1592 TO 1595.

THE RISE OF HOLLAND'S MARITIME POWER.
H. LINSCHOTEN.
HOUTMAN.
CORNELIUS CLAESZ.
PETER PLANCIUS.
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF THE DUTCH TO AUSTRALASIA.

inschoten and Hootman, or Houtman, were
the pioneers of Holland in the East; both had been for some
considerable time in the service of Portugal. Linschoten, the son of
a Frieslander, had lived for two years in Lisbon, and afterwards, as
one of the servants of the Archbishop of Goa, he resided for thirteen
years in India. During his sojourn in the East he patiently collected
all the information he could get about the customs, trade, etc. of
the countries in which he lived, and, from the Portuguese, all the
details concerning the voyage to India and the Spice Islands. A book
by him, published in Holland in 1595/1596, and subsequently in London
in 1598 (Discours of Voyages into ye East and West Indies), bears all
the appearance of being a translation from some Portuguese manuscript
or work; perhaps Barros' Treatise on Geography.* The maps which
accompany the text in Linschoten's work are of Portuguese origin, as
the nomenclature and notes thereon show, for they are in the
Portuguese language. Moreover the work concludes with a short history
of Portugal, a rather strange addendum to a Dutch or English
publication of the kind.

(*Footnote. Barros, the Portuguese historian, wrote a
treatise on geography in which most of the countries discovered by
the Portuguese were described; but it was never finished or
published; it disappeared mysteriously at his death.)

On his return to his native land Linschoten was well received by
his countrymen. We find him in 1594 accompanying Barentsz in that
wild attempt to reach India by the Polar Seas in order to take the
Portuguese and Spaniards in the rear. This route, tried also by
Frobisher and other English navigators, was abandoned after several
disastrous and ineffectual attempts.

"While they were in quest of this Northern Passage," says a Dutch
historian, "one Cornelius Hootman, a Hollander,
happen'd to be in Portugal, and there satisfied his curiosity
by a diligent enquiry into the state of the East Indies, and
the course that one must steer in order to come at it. He had
frequent conferences upon this subject with the Portuguese,
who gave notice of it to the Court.

"At that time all foreigners were strictly prohibited to make such
enquiries, and upon that score Hootman was put in prison and
ordered to lie there till he paid a severe fine. In order to raise
such a considerable sum of money he addressed himself to the
merchants of Amsterdam, and gave 'em to know that if they
would pay his fine he would discover to them all that related to the
East Indies, and the Passage thither. Accordingly they
granted his request, and he perform'd his promise."*

(*Footnote. Voyages de la Compagnie. English translation
of first volume. Introduction.)

Linschoten.

Prince Roland Bonaparte, an enthusiast in matters relating to
Dutch discoveries, points out* that Linschoten's and Houtman's
knowledge of the road to India was not alone conducive to the sending
out of the first Dutch fleets by way of the Cape of Good Hope, but
that the Dutch had premeditated their designs in the East.

Speaking of the former ideas according to which Linschoten, and
especially Houtman, were supposed to be the only promoters of Dutch
discovery in the East, Prince Roland Bonaparte says: "Documents
published more recently enable us to demonstrate that it is not so,
and that these voyages (the first voyages of the Dutch to Java) were
the result of a long premeditated plan, followed with much
perseverance. For the Dutch, preoccupied with those Indies, the
products of which had been so often carried by their ships from
Spanish ports to other ports in Europe, tried to collect all the
documents that might guide them on the way to India. These researches
were difficult and dangerous, for the Spaniards and Portuguese
punished with death whomsoever would have sold maps to
foreigners.

"Nevertheless on April 17 1592 the publisher, Cornelius Claesz, of
Amsterdam, came and declared to the States-General that he had
succeeded in procuring, at his expense, by the instrumentality of the
learned Peter Plancius, twenty-five sea charts relative to India,
China, and Africa. It was the cosmographer, Bartolomeo de Lasso,
chief of the navigation in Spain, who had sent them to Plancius. The
States-General gave orders to have them printed; they gave orders at
the same time to construct a large chart of the world, that was to
serve as a basis for future discoveries."

It is easy to see the importance of this communication, made six
months before the return of Linschoten. It is at this time that the
merchants of Amsterdam sent to Lisbon the two brothers Houtman to
complete the documents of Plancius, and if necessary to verify them.
Linschoten, who returned home in September 1595, added fresh
information to that already obtained. This shows that Houtman, far
from being the promoter of the expedition, was in reality only the
agent of the merchants of Amsterdam. Besides it is known now that he
was only the commercial chief, and that the fleet was
commanded by the clever pilot Pieter Dircksz Keyser, who died in the
straits of Sunda.

Houtman's sole merit therefore consists in having returned alive;
and, as the dead are soon forgotten, it is he that history points out
as having conducted the first Dutch fleet to the Indies.

The first expedition consisted of four ships, all small craft
comparatively; these were, the Mauritius of 400 tons, carrying
6 large and 14 small guns, 4 large and 8 small bombards, and a crew
of 84 men. The master was Jean Jansz Molenaar, and the supercargo
Cornelius Houtman. The second ship was named the Holland, with
the same tonnage and armament as the Mauritius. The master was
Jean Dignumsz, the supercargo Gerard Van Beuningen. The third ship,
Amsterdam, of 200 tons, was manned by 59 men, had 6 large and
10 small guns, 4 large and 6 small bombards. The master's name was
Jean Jacobsz Schellinger, and the supercargo's Rene Van Hel. The
fourth vessel was a small yacht named the Little Dove,* of 30
tons, carrying 20 men, and having 2 large and 6 small guns, with 2
bombards. The master was Simon Lambertsz Mau. The crews consisted
therefore of a total of 247 men.

(*Footnote. The vessel named here the Little Dove,
Duyfken in Dutch, but always erroneously spelt Duyfphen, or
Duyfhen, by English writers, is the identical vessel that
sailed eleven years later into the Gulf of Carpentaria and ran along
the western shores of York Peninsula till a point was reached in 14
1/2 degrees, which retains to this day the name Keer Weer
(Turnagain), given to it on early Dutch charts, which represent this
part of the coast of Queensland as a prolongation of the south coast
of New Guinea.)

On the 2nd of April 1595 those four ships left the Texel.

CHAPTER 37. A.D. 1595 TO 1605.

MENDANA'S EXPEDITION IN SEARCH OF THE GREAT SOUTHERN
CONTINENT.
NEW GUINEA, THE SOLOMON ISLANDS, AND THE AUSTRALIAN CONTINENT ON DE
BRY'S AND WYTFLIET'S MAPS.
DE QUIROS AND TORRES.
ARRIVAL OF THE DUTCH IN THE EAST INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO.

hilst
the Dutch were seeking to establish themselves in the East and were
actually on their way to Java the Spaniards, who had still a
lingering remembrance of the early explorations of their pioneers,
sent out Mendana (1595), with the object of founding a colony at the
island of San Christoval, one of the Solomon Group, previously
discovered by him in 1567/1569; and from thence attempting the
discovery of the southern Terra Firma, or continent, which formed
such a conspicuous feature on the maps of the time.

Mendana's fleet was composed of four vessels. His captain and
chief pilot was Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, the other officers were
Lope de Vega, who commanded the Santa Isabel, Felipe Corzo,
who commanded the San Felipe, and Alonzo de Leyva, who
commanded the frigate Santa Catalina; the name of Mendana's
galleon was the San Jeronimo.

As it was intended to settle a colony on the Australian continent
many took their wives with them, and amongst these were Dona Isabel
de Barreto, Mendana's wife; and Dona Mariana de Castro, the wife of
Lope de Vega.

Map of Solomon Islands, Santa Cruz and New Hebrides.

They set sail from Callao on the 9th of April 1595, and, after
discovering the Marquesas and the group afterwards called by Carteret
Queen Charlotte's Islands, they sighted land on September 7th, which
Mendana believed at first to be the Solomon Islands, of which he was
in search. They soon found out their mistake, and named the island
Santa Cruz. See chart of Solomon, Santa Cruz, and New Hebrides
Islands, Illustration 74.

Here an attempt at colonization was made, but what with the
hostility of the natives, sickness, and a mutinous spirit, the young
colony did not progress favourably. To make matters worse Mendana
himself fell ill and died; and the grand scheme which under
favourable circumstances might have resulted in the foundation of a
Spanish-Australian Empire was perforce abandoned for the while.

The remnant of this disastrous expedition, having repaired to the
Philippine Islands, returned to New Spain in 1596.

De Quiros however never abandoned the project of discovery. His
belief in the existence of a southern continent, a belief which, as
he says, had grown up with him from the cradle, must have
acquired considerable force, since it led him to persist in his
determination to discover and settle that Australian continent,
notwithstanding the almost unparalleled disasters of Mendana's last
expedition and the opposition he subsequently met with from the court
of Spain.

The earliest map on which Mendana's Solomon Islands were charted
appears to be the one published at Francfort by De Bry in 1596, the
very year in which the remnant of Mendana's expedition reached the
Philippine Islands. It was published therefore without cognisance of
the results of his second voyage to those islands. The Solomon
Islands, according to De Bry's map, were confounded with the islands
now known as New Britain and New Ireland.

The Continent of Australia in Wytfliet's Map.

Wytfliet's map on the contrary, published one year later in 1597,
places some of the Solomon Islands too far south, two out of the
three largest islands of the group being placed on the tropic of
Capricorn, which would lead one to believe that Mendana's Solomon
group comprised New Caledonia and the New Hebrides as well as the
group known to us as the Solomon Islands. The strait between Nova
Guinea and Terra Australis is also placed in the longitude
of the most southerly of the Solomon Islands; which is correct
according to the actual position of those islands as determined by
modern identification and survey.

Other islands of the group, such as Nombre de Iesus, Isola
Atreguada, Matalota, Isabel, Arracifes, are in their true
latitude. I de los Crespos, I. d. los Martires, la Barbude, La
Casimana, Los Volcanes, and other names on the north coast of New
Guinea belong to an earlier discovery.

The eastern and western coasts of Australia are roughly indicated,
and also the Gulf of Carpentaria. All the names however, with the
exception of TERRA AUSTRALIS, are fictitious. They are the same as
those which occur on G. Mercator's map, i.e. Beach, Lucach, Maletur,
etc., and have not been given on our copy through want of space. Java
and Sumbawa bear respectively the names Iaua Maior and
Sambaba. Wytfliet's work, Descriptionis Ptolemaicae
Augmentum, containing 200 printed pages and 19 maps handsomely
engraved on copper, reached seven editions between 1597 and 1611. An
English edition was published at Louvain in 1597, and a passage
occurs in it which is of very great importance because it bears
witness to a discovery of the Australian continent made before the
arrival of the Dutch in these seas. It is a known fact that the Dutch
appropriated to themselves Portuguese and Spanish documents and
charts which, when altered to serve their purpose, made them appear
to be the actual discoverers, whereas in reality the countries
described in such documents and charts had at the time never been
visited by them. It is a curious fact that in all the works--and they
are legion--in which the history of early Australian maritime
discovery has been treated these frauds have never been noticed. Thus
we find, without any enquiry as to its origin, the following often
quoted passage we refer to:

"The Australis Terra is the most southern of all lands. It is
separated from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its shores are hitherto
but little known since, after one voyage and another, that route has
been deserted, and seldom is the country visited unless when sailors
are driven there by storms. The Australis Terra begins at two or
three degrees from the equator, and is maintained by some to be of so
great an extent that, if it were thoroughly explored, it would be
regarded as a fifth part of the world."

The above passage has always been supposed to refer to Dutch
voyages; but, as in 1597 when it was published the Dutch had only
sent out one expedition, which expedition did not return till
August 14 1597, it cannot apply to Dutch voyages. What can be meant
by "its shores are hitherto but little known since, after one
voyage and another that route has been deserted?" It refers of
course to some Portuguese or Spanish voyages, and the Dutch were not
speaking for themselves but simply translating a Portuguese or
Spanish text relating thereto. Linschoten's work contains a somewhat
similar passage derived from Portuguese sources of information. It is
as follows: "South-south-east, right over against the last point or
corner of the Isle of Sumatra, on the south side of the equinoctial
line, lyeth the island called Iaua Maior, or Great Java, where there
is a strait, or narrow passage, called the Strait of Sunda, of a
place so called lying not far from thence, within the isle of Java.
This island beginneth under seven degrees on the south side, and
runneth east and by south 150 miles long, but, touching the breadth,
it is not found, because as yet it is not discovered, nor by the
inhabitants themselves well known. Some think it to be firme land,
and parcell of the countrie called Terra incognita, which
being so should reach from that place to the Cape de Bona
Sperace, but as yet it is not certainly known, and therefore it
is accounted an island." Linschoten's Discours of Voyages into ye
East and West Indies; London 1598. The same knowledge of the
existence of a vast continent immediately below Java was expressed in
Camoens' immortal poem long before the arrival of the Dutch in
Java.

But Linschoten's information with reference to the breadth
of Java was much out of date in 1598, and a map of Java of Portuguese
origin, which he publishes in his book, contradicts his statement,
for it shows an open sea to the south of Java called the Laut
Chidol by the Javanese, or South Sea. On this map the term
sea is repeated and Laut changed to Lant. Mare Lantchidol.

The work of Linschoten (London 1598) to which we have had access
did not contain any map of the Terra Australis or Australia;
possibly it had been torn out. Speaking of the indications of
Australia on Mercator's and Ortelius' maps of the same period R.H.
Major says: "In the map of Peter Plancius, given in the English
edition of the Voyages of Linschoten 1598, similar indications of
Australia occur, but leaving the question of the insular character of
New Guinea doubtful."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia page
lxvii.)

Linschoten's Map of Java.

There is a map said to be from Linschoten's work in A.E.
Nordenskiold's splendid facsimile Atlas, Number 61 page 97, bearing
the following title: Chart on Mercator's projection in: Navigatio
ac Itinerarum Iohannis Hugonis Linscotani. Hagae-Comitis 1599,
and on page 96 of the same work, under the date 1599: A map of
Henricus Hondius in Navigatio ac Itinerarum Johannis
Linscotani...Hagae-Comitis 1599. The map, given by Nordenskiold
on page 97, is by H. Hondius as he says; but the date is wrong, and
the information therefore wrong, because we find a legend on that map
written across New Guinea as follows: Terra dos Papous a Iacobo le
Maire dicta Nova Guinea.

We need not attach much importance to what that legend seems to
imply, i.e. that Le Maire had discovered and named New Guinea, but we
must bear in mind that his voyage along the northern coast of that
island was performed in the year 1616, and therefore the map cannot
belong to the Latin edition of Linschoten's work published in 1599.
Moreover the T' LANDT VAN D'EENDRACHT said to have been discovered
the same year (1616) on the west coast of Australia is also set down
on this chart.

The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia, having made a
long stay at Madagascar, reached at last the south-west coast of
Sumatra near the island of ENGANO on the 1st of June 1596. Afterwards
they sailed along the north coast of Java, calling at various ports
and reaching the island of BALI in 1597. They set sail from Bali and
the south coast of Java on their homeward voyage by the Cape of Good
Hope on the 26th of February, reaching the Texel in Holland on the
14th of August 1597.

According to de Constantin* the second, third, and fourth
expeditions of the Dutch left Holland in 1598. The second expedition
was composed of eight ships, and sailed to Java by the Cape of Good
Hope. The third was composed of five vessels, or seven according to
other accounts. They sailed from Holland with the intention of
reaching the South Sea by way of Magalhaens' Strait; but this
expedition, unlike Drake's and Cavendish's, met with a most
disastrous fate; of the seven ships under command of Jacob Mahu,
Simon de Cordes, and Sebald de Weerdt, only one, that of Sebaldt de
Weerdt, ever returned to Holland.

The fourth expedition, composed of four ships, had an English
pilot with them who had been round the world with Cavendish. In 1599
Peter Both's fleet of eight ships set sail, arriving at Bantam on the
6th of August 1600; and Van den Hagen's expedition, consisting of
three vessels, set sail also in 1599. In 1600 the English East Indian
Company was formed, and in 1602 the Dutch East India Company. This
year Captain Lancaster sailed from London, went to Achen, then to
Bantam, where he settled a factory, which was the first possession of
the English in the East Indies.

There appears to be much incertitude with reference to the dates
of departure and to the number of ships which sailed from Holland to
Australasia at this period. We give below a list from a good
authority, Prince Roland Bonaparte.*

During the first four or five years of the 17th century several
new Dutch companies were formed and fleet after fleet was sent out
with marvellous rapidity.

England and Holland, after having combined in 1588 to defeat the
famous Spanish Armada, began about this time those petty squabbles
which resulted in a succession of naval combats that for many years
left the claim of supremacy between them an undecided one.

Nicolai Belga's Globe 1603.

We have reached the year 1605, in the month of December of which
de Quiros, now the leader of another Spanish expedition, set sail
from the coast of Peru with the object of renewing the attempt at
settlement in the island of Santa Cruz, and from thence to search for
the "deep and spacious, populous and fertile continent towards the
south," the "often confirmed indications" of which had been given to
him by the Indians of the island of Taumaco.

In connection with de Quiros' expedition of discovery there are
two important items, to which we shall draw the attention of our
readers because they are not generally known, namely first That de
Quiros was only continuing the work of exploration begun by Mendana
in 1567 to 1595; second That the strait between Australia and New
Guinea was known to the Spanish, since it is marked on Wytfliet's
map, dedicated in 1597 to the King of Spain. These two items of
intelligence, which appear in the next chapter, have an important
bearing on the often repeated statements that have been made to the
effect: first That de Quiros is the first navigator who is known to
have actually gone in search of a southern continent; and second That
Torres, his lieutenant, passed through the strait that bears his name
as by mere chance, not knowing beforehand that such a passage
existed.

In 1762 Admiral Cornish and General Draper reduced the Philippines
and bombarded and plundered Manila. A few years after that event, in
1764 or 1767, a copy of the memorial which forms the subject of the
next chapter appears to have been communicated to Dalrymple, for,
with the help of this memorial and other data mentioned by him,* he
published in 1767 a chart of New Guinea, indicating roughly the
southern coast running in a westerly direction from the Guadalcanal
of the Solomon Islands, inscribing thereunder the name TORRES.

CHAPTER 38.

EXTRACT FROM A MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY PHILLIP
III OF SPAIN, BY DR. JUAN LUIS ARIAS, RESPECTING THE EXPLORATION,
COLONISATION, AND CONVERSION OF THE SOUTHERN LAND.

(*Footnote. For the translation in extenso of this
interesting document (too lengthy to give here in full) we beg to
refer our readers to Major's Early Voyages to Australia. Major gives
no date to this memorial. In the collective volume in the British
Museum which contains the original are several memorials to the same
king from the Fray Juan de Silva, advocating the same cause on
general religious and political grounds. Don Juan de Silva was
governor in the Spice Islands before 1611, in which year he took from
the Dutch the Fort of Sabongo in Gilolo. See Voyages de la Compagnie
Tome vii. page 250. Whether he is the author of the memorials or not
we however cannot say. George Collingridge.)

T must
be observed that, although the arguments we have hitherto advanced
refer to the entire southern, yet that which we now propose to have
explored, discovered, and evangelically subdued is that part of the
said hemisphere which lies in the Pacific Ocean, between the
longitude of the coast of Peru, as far as the Baia de San Felipe y
Santiago,* and the longitude which remains up to Bachan and
Ternate,** in which longitude the following most remarkable
discoveries have already been made.

(*Footnote. New Hebrides.)

(**Footnote. In this passage it will be observed that the Spanish
proposed to colonise that portion of Australia that fell within their
sphere according to the Pope's grant, namely that portion lying
between the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago (New Hebrides) and Bachan
and Ternate in the Moluccas; in other words the territory now known
as New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and South Australia,
including the Northern Territory. George Collingridge.)

Map Shewing Centre of Mendana's Discoveries.

The adelantado Alvaro Mendana de Meyra first discovered New
Guadalcanal, which is a very large island very near New Guinea; and
some have imagined that what Mendana called New Guadalcanal was part
of New Guinea; but this is of no consequence whatever. New Guinea
belongs also to the southern hemisphere, and was discovered some time
before; and almost all of it has been since discovered on the outside
[northern side]. It is a country encompassed with water,* and,
according to the greater number of those who have seen it, it is
seven hundred leagues in circuit; others make it much more.

(*Footnote. We have italicised this important remark,
which shows that the Spanish had a knowledge of the insularity of New
Guinea. George Collingridge.)

We do not give a close calculation here because what has been said
is sufficient for the intention of this discourse. The rest will be
said in its proper place. The middle of those great islands are in
from thirteen to fourteen degrees of south latitude.*

(*Footnote. We have italicised this passage which, if
middle is to be taken in its true sense, would show the sphere of
Mendana's discoveries to have extended as appears in the accompanying
map. George Collingridge.)

The adelantado Mendana afterwards discovered the archipelago of
islands, which he called the Islands of Solomon, whereof, great and
small, he saw thirty-three of very fine appearance, the middle of
which was, according to his account, in eleven degrees south
latitude. After this he discovered, in the year 1565,* the island of
San Christobal, not far from the said archipelago, the middle of
which was in from seven to eight degrees of south latitude.

The island was one hundred and ten leagues in circuit.
Subsequently, in the year '95, the said adelantado sailed for the
last time from Peru, taking with him for his chief pilot the Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros, with the purpose of colonising the island of San
Christobal and from thence attempting the discovery of the southern
terra firma. He shortly after discovered, to the east of the said
island of San Christobal, the island of Santa Cruz, in ten degrees
south latitude. The island was more than one hundred leagues in
circuit, very fertile and populous, as indeed appeared all those
islands which we have mentioned, and most of them of very beautiful
aspect. In this island of Santa Cruz the adelantado had such great
contentions with his soldiers that he had some of the chief of them
killed, because he understood that they intended to mutiny, and in a
few days after he died. Whereupon, as the admiral of the fleet had
parted company a short time before they had reached the said island,
the whole project was frustrated, and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros took
Dona Isabel Garreto, the wife of the adelantado, and the remainder of
the fleet to Manila.

Some time afterwards Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, being at
Valladolid, came to this court to petition for the same discovery,
and was dispatched to the Viceroy of Peru, who was to supply him with
all that was requisite. He sailed from Lima in January of the year
1605* with three vessels, the Capitana, the Almiranta, and one zabra,
with Luis Vaez de Torres for his admiral, in order to colonise the
island of Santa Cruz, and to follow out the intentions of the
adelantado Mendana.

(*Footnote. 21st December 1605, according to Torres'
account. George Collingridge.)

After discovering in this voyage many islands and islets he put in
at the island of Taumaco, which is from eight to nine leagues in
circuit, in ten degrees south latitude, and about one thousand seven
hundred leagues distant from Lima, which is about eighty leagues to
the eastward of the island of Santa Cruz. The cacique, or chief of
Taumaco, informed him, as well as he could make himself understood,
that if he sought the coast of the great Terra Firma he would light
upon it sooner by going to the south than to the island of Santa
Cruz; for in the south there were lands very fertile and populous,
and running down to a great depth towards the said south. In
consequence of which Pedro Fernandez de Quiros abandoned his idea of
going to colonise the island of Santa Cruz, and sailed southward with
a slight variation to the south-west, discovering many islands and
islets, which were very populous and of pleasing appearance, until in
fifteen degrees and twenty minutes south he discovered the land of
the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago, which, on the side that he first
came upon, ran from east to west. It appeared to be more than one
hundred leagues long; the country was very populous, and although the
people were dark they were very well favoured; there were also many
plantations of trees, and the temperature was so mild that they
seemed to be in Paradise; the air also was so healthy that in a few
days after they arrived all the men who were sick recovered. The land
produced most abundantly many kinds of very delicious fruits, as well
as animals and birds in great variety. The bay also was no less
abundant in fish of excellent flavour, and of all the kinds which are
found on the coast of the sea in Spain. The Indians ate for bread
certain roots like the batata, either roasted or boiled, which, when
the Spaniards tasted, they found them better eating and more
sustaining than biscuit.

For certain reasons (they ought to have been very weighty) which
hitherto have not been ascertained with entire certainty, Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros left the Almiranta and the zabra in the said bay
and himself sailed with his ship, the Capitana, for Mexico, from
whence he again came to this court to advocate anew the colonization
of that land, and was again sent back to the viceroy of Peru, and
died at Panama on his return voyage to Lima. The Admiral (Luis Vaez
de Torres) being left in the bay, and most disconsolate for the loss
of the Capitana, resolved, with the consent of his companions, to
continue the discovery. Being prevented by stress of weather from
making the circuit of the land of the Baia, to see whether it were an
island or mainland as they had imagined, and finding himself in great
straits in twenty-one degrees south, to which high latitude he had
persevered in sailing in about a south-westerly direction from the
fifteen or* twenty minutes south, in which lay the aforesaid Baia, he
put back to the north-west and north-east up to fourteen degrees,**
in which he sighted a very extensive coast, which he took for that of
New Guadalcanal; from thence he sailed westwards, having
constantly on the right hand the coast of another very great land,
which he continued coasting, according to his own reckoning, more
than six hundred leagues, having it still to the right hand***
(in which course may be understood to be comprehended New Guadalcanal
and New Guinea). Along the same coast he discovered a great diversity
of islands. The whole country was very fertile and populous; he
continued his voyage on to Bachan and Ternate, and from thence to
Manila, which was the end of this discovery...

(*Footnote. Or is evidently a misprint for 0 degrees. See
above, 15 degrees 20 minutes south. George
Collingridge.)

(**Footnote. Guadalcanal and St. Christoval of the Solomon group
are respectively to the north and south of the 10th parallel; the
context places the middle of the Islands of Solomon in the 11th
parallel; so that we must take fourteen degrees as a misprint.
According to Torres the latitude reached was 11 1/2 degrees south.
George Collingridge.)

(***Footnote. It is from this sentence that Dalrymple observed the
passage of Torres through these dangerous straits, and consequently
gave to them the name of that navigator.)

CHAPTER 39. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.

RELATION OF LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES CONCERNING THE DISCOVERIES OF
QUIROS, AS HIS ALMIRANTE. DATED MANILA, JULY 12TH 1607.

(*Footnote. A translation, nearly literal, by Alexander
Dalrymple, from a Spanish manuscript copy in his possession.* First
printed in Burney's Discoveries in the South Sea. Part 2 page
467 4to. London 1806.

(*Footnote. The original letter is in the archives of
Simancas.)

eing in
this city of Manila, at the end of a year and a half of navigation
and making discovery of the lands and seas in the southern parts; and
seeing that the Royal Audience of Manila have not hitherto thought
proper to give me dispatches for completing the voyage as Your
Majesty commanded, and as I was in hopes of being the first to give
yourself a relation of the discovery, etc.; but being detained here,
and not knowing if, in this city of Manila, I shall receive my
dispatches, I have thought proper to send Your Majesty Fray Juan de
Merlo, of the order of San Francisco, one of the three religious who
were on board with me, who having been an eye-witness will give a
full relation to Your Majesty. The account from me is the
following:

We sailed from Callao, in Peru, on December 21st 1605, with two
ships and a launch* under the command of Captain Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, and I for his almirante; and without losing company we stood
west-south-west, and went on this course 800 leagues.

(*Footnote. According to Gonzalez de Leza, the pilot of
the expedition, the name of Quiros' ship or galleon was the San
Pedro y San Pablo. Torres' ship was named the San Pedro;
the launch, zabra, or patache was named the Tres-Reyes, and
was commanded by Pedro Bernal Cermeno. George
Collingridge.)

In latitude 26 degrees south it appeared proper to our commander
not to pass that latitude because of changes in the weather; on which
account I gave a declaration under my hand that it was not a thing
obvious that we ought to diminish our latitude, if the season would
allow, till we got beyond 30 degrees. My opinion had no effect; for
from the said 26 degrees south we decreased our latitude in a
west-north-west course to 24 1/2 degrees south. In this situation we
found a small low island, about two leagues long, uninhabited, and
without anchoring ground.

From hence we sailed west by north to 24 degrees south. In this
situation we found another island, uninhabited, and without
anchorage. It was about ten leagues in circumference. We named it San
Valerio.

From hence we sailed west by north one day, and then
west-north-west to 21 1/3 degrees south, where we found another small
low island without soundings, uninhabited, and divided into
pIeces.

We passed on in the same course, and sailed twenty-five leagues.
We found four islands in a triangle, five or six leagues each, low,
uninhabited, and without soundings. We named them las Virgines (the
Virgins). Here the variation was north-easterly.

From hence we sailed north-west to 19 degrees south. In this
situation we saw a small island to the eastward, about three leagues
distant. It appeared like those we had passed. We named it Santa
Polonia.

Diminishing our latitude from hence half a degree, we saw a low
island with a point to the south-east, full of palms; it is in 18 1/2
degrees south. We arrived at it. It had no anchorage. We saw people
on the beach. The boats went to the shore, and when they reached it
they could not land on account of the great surf and rocks. The
Indians called to them from the land; two Spaniards swam ashore;
these they received well, throwing their arms upon the ground, and
embraced them, and kissed them in the face. On this friendship a
chief among them came on board the Capitana to converse, and
an old woman, who were clothed, and other presents were made to them;
and they returned ashore presently, for they were in great fear. In
return for these good offices they sent a heap or locks of hair, and
some bad feathers, and some wrought pearl oyster shells--these were
all their valuables. They were a savage people, mulattoes, and
corpulent; the arms they use are lances, very long and thick. As we
could not land nor get anchoring ground we passed on, steering
west-north-west.

We went in this direction from that island, getting sight of land.
We could not reach it from the first on account of the wind being
contrary and strong with much rain. It was all of it very low, so as
in parts to be overflowed.

From this place in 16 1/2 degrees south we stood north-west by
north to 10 3/4 degrees south. In this situation we saw an island,
which was supposed to be that of San Bernado because it was in
pieces; but it was not San Bernado, from what we afterwards saw. We
did not find anchoring ground at it, though the boats went on shore
to search for water, which we were in want of, but could not find
any; they only found some cocoa-nut trees, though small. Our
commander, seeing we wanted water, agreed that we should go to the
island Santa Cruz, where he had been with the adelantado Alvaro de
Mendana, saying we might there supply ourselves with water and wood,
and then he would determine what was most expedient for Your
Majesty's service. The crew of the Capitana at this time were
mutinous, designing to go directly to Manila. On this account he sent
the chief pilot a prisoner on board my ship, without doing anything
further to him or others, though I strongly importuned him to punish
them, or give me leave to punish them. But he did not choose to do
it, from whence succeeded what Your Majesty knows, since they made
him turn from the course [voyage], as will be mentioned, and he has
probably said at Your Majesty's court.

We sailed from the above island west by north and found nearly a
point easterly variation. We continued this course till in full 10
degrees south latitude. In this situation we found a low island of
five or six leagues, overflowed, and without soundings; it was
inhabited, the people and arms like those we had left, but their
vessels were different. They came close to the ship, talking to us,
and taking what we gave them, begging more, and stealing what was
hanging to the ship, throwing lances, thinking we could not do them
any arm. Seeing we could not anchor, on account of the want we were
in of water, our commander ordered me ashore with two boats and fifty
men. As soon as we came to the shore they opposed my entrance,
without any longer keeping peace, which obliged me to skirmish with
them. When we had done them some mischief three of them came out to
make peace with me, singing, with branches in their hands, and one
with a lighted torch, and on his knees. We received them well, and
embraced them, and then clothed them, for they were some of the
chiefs; and asking them for water they did not choose to show it me,
making signs as if they did not understand me. Keeping the three
chiefs with me I ordered the sergeant with twelve men to search for
water, and having fallen in with it the Indians came out on their
flank and attacked them, wounding one Spaniard. Seeing their
treachery they were attacked and defeated, without other harm
whatever. The land being in my power, I went over the town without
finding anything but dried oysters and fish, and many cocoanuts, with
which the land was well provided. We found no birds nor animals
except little dogs. They have many covered embarcations with which
they are accustomed to navigate to other islands, with latine sails
made curiously of mats; and of the same cloth their women are clothed
with little shifts and petticoats, and the men only round their
waists and hips. From hence we put off with the boats loaded with
water, but by the great swell we were overset with much risk of our
lives, and so we were obliged to go on without getting water at this
island. We named it Matanza.

We sailed in this parallel thirty-two days. In all this route we
had very strong currents, and many drifts of wood and snakes, and
many birds, all of which were signs of land on both sides of us. We
did not search for it that we might not leave the latitude of the
island of Santa Cruz, for we always supposed ourselves near it; and
with reason, if it had been where the first voyage when it was
discovered had represented; but it was much further on, as by the
account will be seen. So that about sixty leagues before reaching it,
and 1,940 from the city of Lima, we found a small island of six
leagues, very high, and all round it very good soundings; and other
small islands near it, under shelter of which the ships anchored. I
went with the two boats and fifty men to reconnoitre the people of
this island; and at the distance of a musket shot separate from the
island we found a town surrounded with a wall, with only one
entrance, without a gate. Being near with the two boats with an
intention of investing them, as they did not by signs choose peace,
at length their chief came into the water up to his neck, with a
staff in his hand, and without fear came directly to the boats; where
he was very well received, and by signs which we very well understood
he told me that his people were in great terror of the muskets, and
therefore he entreated us not to land, and said that they would bring
water and wood if we gave them vessels. I told him that it was
necessary to remain five days on shore to refresh. Seeing he could
not do more with me he quieted his people, who were very uneasy and
turbulent, and so it happened that no hostility was committed on
either side. We went into the fort very safely; and, having halted, I
made them give up their arms, and made them bring from their houses
their effects, which were not of any value, and go with them to the
island to other towns. They thanked me very much; the chief always
continued with me. They then told me the name of the country. All
came to me to make peace, and the chiefs assisted me, making their
people get water and wood and carry it on board the ships. In this we
spent six days.

The people of this island are of an agreeable conversation,
understanding us very well, desirous of learning our language and to
teach us theirs. They are great cruizers; they have much beard; they
are great archers and hurlers of darts; the vessels in which they
sail are large, and can go a great way. They informed us of more than
forty islands, great and small, all peopled, naming them by their
names, and telling us that they were at war with many of them. They
also gave us intelligence of the island Santa Cruz, and of what had
happened when the adelantado was there.

The people of this island are of ordinary stature. They have
amongst them people white and red, some in colour like those of the
Indies, others woolly-headed blacks and mulattoes. Slavery is in use
amongst them. Their food is yams, fish, cocoanuts, and they have hogs
and fowls.

This island is named Taomaco, and the name of the chief is Tomai.
We departed from thence with four Indians whom we took, at which they
were not much pleased; and as we here got wood and water there was no
necessity for us to go to the island Santa Cruz, which, as I have
said, is in this parallel sixty leagues further on.

So we sailed from hence, steering south-south-east, to 12 1/2
south latitude, where we found an island like that of Taomaco, and
with the same kind of people, named Chucupia.* There is only one
small anchoring place; and, passing in the offing, a small canoe with
only two men came to me to make peace, and presented me some bark of
a tree, which appeared like a very fine handkerchief, four yards long
and three palms wide; on this I parted from them.

(*Footnote. Tucopia, to the north-east of the New
Hebrides. George Collingridge.)

From hence we steered south. We had a hard gale of wind from the
north, which obliged us to lie to for two days; at the end of that
time it was thought, as it was winter, that we could not exceed the
latitude of 14 degrees south, in which we were, though my opinion was
always directly contrary, thinking we should search for the islands
named by the Indians of Taomaco. Wherefore, sailing from this place
we steered west, and in one day's sail we discovered a volcano, very
high and large, above three leagues in circuit, full of trees, and of
black people with much beard.

To the westward, and in sight of this volcano, was an island, not
very high, and pleasant in appearance. There are few anchoring
places, and those very close to the shore; it was very full of black
people. Here we caught two in some canoes, whom we cloathed and gave
them presents, and the next day we put them ashore. In return for
this they shot a flight of arrows at a Spaniard, though in truth it
was not in the same port, but about a musket shot further on. They
are however a people that never miss an opportunity of doing
mischief.

In sight of this island and around it are many islands, very high
and large, and to the southward one so large that we stood for it,
naming the island where our man was wounded Santa Maria.

Sailing thence to the southward towards the large island we
discovered a very large bay, well peopled, and very fertile in yams
and fruits, hogs and fowls. They are all black people and naked. They
fight with bows, darts, and clubs. They did not choose to have peace
with us, though we frequently spoke to them and made presents; and
they never, with their goodwill, let us set foot on shore.

This bay is very refreshing, and in it fall many and large rivers.
It is in 15 2/3 degrees south latitude, and in circuit it is
twenty-five leagues. We named it the bay de San Felipe y Santiago,
and the land del Espiritu Santo.

There we remained fifty days; we took possession in the name of
Your Majesty. From within this bay, and from the most sheltered part
of it, the Capitana departed at one hour past midnight,
without any notice given to us, and without making any signal. This
happened the 11th of June. And although the next morning we went out
to seek for them, and made all proper efforts, it was not possible
for us to find them, for they did not sail on the proper course, nor
with good intention. So I was obliged to return to the bay to see if
by chance they had returned thither. And on the same account we
remained in this bay fifteen days, at the end of which we took Your
Majesty's orders and held a consultation with the officers of the
frigate. It was determined that we should fulfil them, although
contrary to the inclination of many, I may say of the greater part;
but my condition was different from that of Captain Pedro Fernandez
de Quiros.

At length we sailed from this bay, in conformity to the order,
although with intention to sail round this island, but the season and
the strong currents would not allow of this, although I ran along a
great part of it. In what I saw there are very large mountains. It
has many ports, though some of them are small. All of it is well
watered with rivers. We had at this time nothing but bread and water.
It was the height of winter, with sea, wind, and ill will [of his
crew]. All this did not prevent me from reaching the mentioned
latitude,* which I passed one degree, and would have gone farther if
the weather had permitted, for the ship was good. It was proper to
act in this manner, for these are not voyages performed every day,
nor could Your Majesty otherwise be properly informed. Going into the
said latitude on a south-west course we had no signs of land that
way.

(*Footnote. The latitude which is here called the
mentioned latitude, and which is again spoken of a little further on,
in an equally mysterious way, as the said latitude, or, as the
Spanish document has it, Todo esto no fue poderoso a estorvarme que
no llegase a la altura, de la qual pase un grado...Entiendese yr
haciendo esta derrota al altura, was no doubt purposely kept secret,
and refers evidently to a certain degree of latitude which had been
determined beforehand, and to which the expedition intended to
proceed. In Dr. Juan Luis Arias' memorial Torres is said to have
reached what is amusingly termed the "high latitude" of 21 degrees
south. It is remarkable that this degree of latitude south
corresponds with the most correctly charted portion of the Australian
coast as given in the Dauphin chart (1530/1536), namely to that part
in the vicinity of the Cumberland islands, Port Denison, Repulse Bay,
and Broad Sound. Port Denison is one of the best ports on the eastern
coast of Australia, and escaped the notice of Australians till said
to have been discovered in 1859 by Captain Sinclair. Repulse Bay
would correspond better with the degree of latitude, and Broad Sound,
a little to the south, bears the name of Baia Perdita, Lost Bay, on
the old chart mentioned above. If Torres was really in search of one
of these "lost bays" or ports he was not far from reaching it, for
his run in a south-west direction from the New Hebrides must have
brought him to a point somewhere between New Caledonia and Broad
Sound. See map showing Torres' track from the New Hebrides to Torres
Strait, Illustration 78. In those days, when
dead reckoning was the only means of ascertaining the degrees of
longitude, navigators were at a loss to determine the distance they
had run when they happened to fall in with currents, either
favourable or adverse. George Collingridge.)

From hence I stood back to the north-west to 11 1/2 degrees south
latitude; there we fell in with the beginning of New Guinea, the
coast of which runs west by north and east by south. I could not
weather the east point, so I coasted along to the westward on the
south side.

All this land of New Guinea is peopled with Indians, not very
white, and naked except their waists, which are covered with a cloth
made of the bark of trees. and much painted. They fight with darts,
targets, and some stone clubs, which are made fine with plumage.
Along the coast are many islands and habitations. All the coast has
many ports, very large, with very large rivers, and many plains.
Without these islands there runs a reef of shoals, and between them
[the shoals] and the mainland are the islands. There is a channel
within. In these ports I took possession for Your Majesty.

We went along three hundred leagues of coast, as I have mentioned,
and diminished the latitude 2 1/2 degrees, which brought us into 9
degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from three to nine
fathoms, which extends along the coast above 180 leagues. We went
over it along the coast to 7 1/2 degrees south latitude, and the end
of it is in 5 degrees.*

(*Footnote. There is a mistake or miscalculation here,
for the farthest northing they could make, in the gulf they were in
(Gulf of Papua), would be in about 8 degrees north. George
Collingridge.)

We could not go farther on for the many shoals and great currents,
so we were obliged to sail out south-west in that depth to 11 degrees
south latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands,
without number, by which we passed, and at the end of the eleventh
degree the bank became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and
there appeared more to the southward.* They were inhabited by black
people, very corpulent, and naked; their arms were lances, arrows,
and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We caught in all this land twenty
persons of different nations, that with them we might be able to give
a better account to Your Majesty. They give much notice of other
people, although as yet they do not make themselves well
understood.

(*Footnote. These are the large islands near Cape York.
George Collingridge.)

We went upon this bank for two months, at the end of which time we
found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and in 5 degrees south
latitude, and ten leagues from the coast. And having gone 480
leagues, here the coast goes to the north-east.*

(*Footnote. The only portion of the coast trending
north-east in anything like the latitude mentioned is from False Cape
to Cape Kollf, along Frederick Henry Island; this portion of the
coast line is however in 7 or 8 degrees latitude south instead of 5
degrees. There is reason to believe that this is nevertheless the
portion of coast described as going north-east, because, as we have
seen above, the head of the gulf they had previously visited (Gulf of
Papua), the latitude of which corresponds to this same degree of
latitude south, is also said to be in 5 degrees south, whereas it is
in 8 degrees south. George Collingridge.)

I did not reach it for the bank became very shallow. So we stood
to the north, and in twenty-five fathoms to 4 degrees latitude, where
we fell in with a coast which likewise lay in a direction east and
west. We did not see the eastern termination, but from what we
understood of it it joins the other we had left on account of the
bank, the sea being very smooth. This land is peopled by blacks,
different from all the others; they are better adorned; they use
arrows, darts, and large shields, and some sticks of bamboo filled
with lime, with which, by throwing it out, they blind their enemies.
Finally we stood to the west-north-west along the coast, always
finding this people, for we landed in many places; also in it we took
possession for Your Majesty. In this land also we found iron, china
bells, and other things, by which we knew we were near the Malucas;
and so we ran along this coast about 130 leagues, where it comes to a
termination fifty leagues before you reach the Malucas. There is an
infinity of islands to the southward, and very large, which for the
want of provisions we did not approach; for I doubt if in ten years
could be examined the coasts of all the islands we descried. We
observed the variation in all this land of New Guinea to the
Moluccas; and in all of it the variation agrees with the meridian of
the Ladrone Islands and of the Philippine Islands.

At the termination of this land we found Mahometans, who were
cloathed, and had firearms and swords. They sold us fowls, goats,
fruit, and some pepper, and biscuit which they call sagoe, which will
keep more than twenty years. The whole they sold us was but little,
for they wanted cloth, and we had not any; for all the things that
had been given us for traffic were carried away by the Capitana, even
to tools and medicines, and many other things which I do not mention
as there is no help for it; but without them God took care of us.

These Moors gave us news of the events at the Malucas,* and told
us of Dutch ships, though none of them came here, although they said
that in all this land there was much gold and other good things, such
as pepper and nutmegs.

(*Footnote. According to the Moors the Dutch had not then
(end of October 1606) sent out their expedition of 1606.

The events of the Moluccas were of a stirring nature at that time.
Numerous Dutch and English vessels were establishing a trade with the
natives notwithstanding the opposition met with from the Portuguese
and Spanish. Captain Saris of Middleton's expedition was there taking
notes which may serve to throw some light on the first Dutch voyage
to Australia. (1606). The Little Sun, the Duyfken, and other yachts
belonging to the Dutch were in very active service, and the question
arises, did the Dutch learn of Torres' discoveries along the south
coast of New Guinea, and did they in consequence send out at once
their expedition of 1606 to that coast? See below.)

From hence to the Malucas it is all islands, and on the south side
are many uniting with those of Banda and Amboyna, where the Dutch
carry on a trade. We came to the islands of Bachian, which are the
first Malucas, where we found a Theatine* with about 100
Christians in the country of a Mahometan king friendly to us, who
begged me to subdue one of the Ternate islands inhabited by revolted
Mahometans, to whom Don Pedro de Acunha had given pardon in Your
Majesty's name, which I had maintained; and I sent advice to the M.
de Campo, Juan de Esquivel, who governed the islands of Ternate, of
my arrival, and demanded if it was expedient to give this assistance
to the king of Bachian, to which he [Juan de Esquivel] answered that
it would be of great service to Your Majesty if I brought force for
that purpose. On this, with forty Spaniards and 400 Moors of the King
of Bachian, I made war, and in only four days I defeated them and
took the fort, and put the king of Bachian in possession of it in
Your Majesty's name, to whom we administered the usual oaths,
stipulating with him that he should never go to war against
Christians, and that he should ever be a faithful vassal to Your
Majesty. I did not find those people of so intrepid a spirit as those
we had left.

(*Footnote. A regular order of clergy established at Rome
in 1524. George Collingridge.)

It must be ascribed to the Almighty that in all these labours and
victories we lost only one Spaniard. I do not make a relation of them
to Your Majesty, for I hope to give it at large.

The king being put in possession, I departed for Ternate, which
was twelve leagues from this island, where Juan de Esquivel was, by
whom I was very well received; for he had great scarcity of people,
and the nations of Ternate were in rebellion, and assistance to him
was very unexpected in so roundabout a way.

In a few days afterwards arrived succour from Manila, which was
much desired, for half of the people left by Don Pedro de Acunha were
no more, and there was a scarcity of provisions, for, as I said, the
nations of the island were in rebellion; but by the prudence of the
M. de Campo, Juan de Esquivel, he went on putting the affairs of the
island in good order, although he was in want of money.

Map shewing Torres' Track from New Hebrides to Torres'
Strait.

I left the Patache here and about twenty men, as it was
expedient for the service of Your Majesty. From thence I departed for
the city of Manila, where they gave me so bad a dispatch, as I have
mentioned; and hitherto, which is now two months, they have not given
provisions to the crew; and so I know not when I can sail from hence
to give account to Your Majesty.

Whom may God preserve prosperous,

For Sovereign of the world,

Your Majesty's servant,

LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES.

Done at Manila, July 12th 1607.

De Quiros' and Torres' expedition closes the period of Spanish
activity; it is true that De Quiros set sail again a few years later,
still in search of the Great Australian Continent, but he died at
Panama on his way out; and by the abandonment of the expedition the
Dutch were allowed to remain the sole masters of the situation.

CHAPTER 40. A.D. 1605 TO 1607.

THE FIRST CLAIM OF DUTCH DISCOVERY IN AUSTRALIA.
THE VOYAGE OF THE LITTLE DOVE TO THE SOUTH COAST OF NEW GUINEA AND
THE GULF OF CARPENTARIA.

e now
enter upon the Dutch period of discovery, and in doing so we
acknowledge that we feel very diffident and ill at ease. This feeling
on our part is chiefly owing to our lack of knowledge of the Dutch
language, but is also due to scarcity of reliable data and to the
knowledge of the fact that Prince Roland Bonaparte, an authority on
matters connected with geographical research and a Dutch scholar, has
undertaken the task of preparing for the French press some important
documents, said to have been recently found, bearing on Dutch
discovery in Australia. We do not know whether the documents we refer
to will throw any new light on the much disputed and rather obscure
claims of Dutch discovery, and we may add that, to say the least, it
is surprising to learn that, if the anticipated light can be
produced, it has taken all these years to bring it forth:*

(*Footnote. It must be acknowledged however that those
who should be the most interested in matters connected with the early
history of Australia have shown hitherto but little interest in the
subject. Over twelve months ago now we were offered Tasman's original
manuscript map of Australia. We proposed the purchase of this
valuable document at the time by the New South Wales Government, then
by the Free Public Library; our proposition was not accepted, and
subsequently Tasman's chart became the property of Prince Roland
Bonaparte.)

Thirty-five years ago, in 1859, R.H. Major, writing on this
subject, said*: "It is with pleasure that we indulge the hope that
the veil which has thus hung over these valuable materials is likely
before very long to be entirely removed. The archives of the Dutch
East India Company, a yet unsifted mass of thousands of volumes and
myriads of loose papers, have a short time since been handed over to
the State Archives at the Hague, where the greatest liberality is
shown in allowing access to the treasures they possess. Meanwhile the
editor of the present volume need hardly plead any excuse for not
having attempted what no foreigner, be his stay in Holland ever so
long, could possibly accomplish; and he must leave to those who will
take up this matter after him the satisfaction of availing themselves
of materials the importance of which he knows, and the want of which
he deeply deplores."

(*Footnote. Early Voyages to Australia. Introduction page
lxxiii.)

And further on*: "Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the
coasts of Australia our ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even
the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That which was known was
preserved in the Relations de divers voyages curieux of
Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris 1663 a 1672 fol.); in the Noord en
Oost Tartarye of Nicolas Witsen (Amst. 1692 to 1705 fol.); in
Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien (Amst. 1724 to 1726 fol.);
and in the Inleidning tot de algemeen Geographie of Nicolas
Struyk (Amst. 1740 4to). We have however since gained a variety of
information through a document which fell into the possession of Sir
Joseph Banks and was published by Alexander Dalrymple, at that time
hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company, in his
collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is
a copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Yansz Tasman for his
second voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already,
in 1642, discovered not only the island now named after him, Tasmania
(but more generally known as Van Diemen's Land, in compliment to the
then governor of the Dutch East India Company at Batavia), but New
Zealand also; and, passing round the east side of Australia, but
without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along the northern
shores of New Guinea. In January 1644 he was despatched on his second
voyage; and his instructions, signed by the governor-general Antonio
Van Diemen and the members of the council, are prefaced by a recital,
in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. The
document is reprinted in the present volume.

"From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in
Purchas, volume i. page 385, we learn that, 'On the 18th of November
1605 the Dutch yacht, the Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched
from Bantam to explore the islands of New Guinea, and that she sailed
along what was thought to be the west side of that country, to 19 3/4
degrees* of south latitude.'

(*Footnote. The latitude given should read 13 3/4
degrees. George Collingridge.)

"This extensive country was found, for the greatest part, desert;
but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, by whom
some of the crew were murdered; for which reason they could not learn
anything of the land or waters, as had been desired of them; and from
want of provisions and other necessaries they were obliged to leave
the discovery unfinished. The furthest point of the land, in their
maps, was called Cape Keer Weer, or Turn Again. As Flinders observes:
'The course of the Duyfhen from New Guinea was southward,
along the islands of the west side of Torres' Strait, to that part of
Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York. But all
these lands were thought to be connected, and to form the west coast
of New Guinea.' Thus, without being conscious of it, the commander of
the Duyfhen made the first authenticated discovery of
any part of the great south land about the month of March 1606; for
it appears that he had returned to Banda in or before the beginning
of June of that year."

Track of the Duyfken.

It appears then that the first Dutch craft sent out for purposes
of exploration in the vicinity of Australia was the Duyfhen,
or Duyfken (Little Dove*), as it should be written.

(*Footnote. The vessel named above Little Dove,
Duyfken in Dutch, has always been written erroneously
Duyfhen by English writers.)

Now a yacht of that name accompanied the first expedition leaving
Holland for Java in 1595, and she was doubtless the same vessel. In
the account of the first voyage she is said to be a yacht of 30 tons.
In the expedition commanded by Steven Van der Hagen, equipped in
1603, a yacht of the same name but of 60 tons came out to the East
Indies. Is the tonnage wrong, or is the Little Dove of Van der
Hagen's expedition another vessel? It is difficult to say, but Van
der Hagen's Little Dove is the yacht that was sent to New
Guinea. She was commanded by Captain Guillaume Yansz, and did good
service for many years.

The account of the voyage is very short, and was first given in
Tasman's instructions for his second voyage. Father Tenison Woods
says* that this document was doubtless found by Sir Joseph Banks when
all the old archives were turned over at Batavia, on the occasion of
Captain Cook's visit to that place after exploring the east coast of
this continent. The document, in referring to the various voyages
made by the Dutch before Tasman's time, describes the voyage of the
Duyfken in the following terms: "First By order of the
President, John Williamson Verschoor, who at that time directed the
company's trade at Bantam, which was in the year 1606, with the yacht
the Duyfhen, who in their passage sailed by the islands Key
and Aroum, and discovered the south and the west coast of Nova
Guinea, for about 220 miles (880) from 5 to 13 3/4 degrees south
latitude, and found this extensive country for the greatest part
desert, but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages,
by whom some of the crew were murdered; for which reason they could
not learn anything of the land or waters, as had been desired of
them, and by want of provisions and other necessaries they were
obliged to leave the discovery unfinished. The furthest point of the
land was called in their map Cape Keer-Weer, situated in 13 3/4
degrees south."

(*Footnote. The Australian Monthly Magazine page 440
volume 3 1866.)

It will be noticed that in the above paragraph the names of the
commanders of the expedition have been left out, hence the incomplete
form of wording. "With the yacht the Duyfhen, who in their
passage," etc. instead of "with the yacht, the Duyjhen, under command
of so-and-so, and so-and-so, who in their passage," etc. But this
omission may be only apparent and due to faulty translation. It is
strange that R.H. Major, generally so careful, did not make use of
the Dutch text instead of Dalrymple's faulty and incomplete
translation, considering that the Dutch text was available at the
time, having been published in 1844 in Jhr G.A. Tindal and Jacob
Swart's Verhandelingen en Berigten betrekkelijk het Zeewezen en de
zeevaartkunde.*

(*Footnote. Amsterdam 1844 G. Hulst Van
Keulen.)

As an example of the faultiness and insufficiency of Dalrymple's
version we draw the attention of our readers to the 6th paragraph
referring to the voyages performed in 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622.
Dalrymple's paragraph, as given by Major, runs thus:

"But in the meantime, in the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622, the
west coast of this great unknown south land, from 35 to 22 degrees
south latitude, was discovered by outward bound ships, and among them
by the ship Endraght; for the nearer discovery of which the
governor-general, Jan Pietersz Coen (of worthy memory) in September
1622 despatched the yachts De Haring and Harewind; but
this voyage was rendered abortive by meeting the ship Mauritius and
searching after the ship Rotterdam."

Now in the above paragraph the names of five ships are given as
having made discoveries during the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622,
whereas in Major's paragraph only one ship, the Eendracht, is
mentioned. These five ships were the Eendracht, the
Mauritius, the Amsterdam, the Dordrecht, and the
Leeuwin. It was a serious mistake to omit the names of these
ships, especially the Leeuwin, because the omission cast a
doubt on the authenticity of the discovery of that part of the
south-west coast of Australia which now bears the name of Cape
Leeuwin, a doubt which is now cleared up for the first time, as far
as the English-speaking world is concerned, by our more complete
translation of the paragraph in question.

But, to return to the voyage of the Duyfken, it is
necessary to elucidate here the apparently contradictory versions of
a passage from Saris given by R.H. Major and F.T. Woods, two good
authorities on Australasian maritime discovery. Major says: "From
this recital (the recital given in the instructions to Tasman),
combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, volume i. page
385, we learn that 'on the 18th of November 1605 the Dutch yacht the
Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to explore the
islands of New Guinea,'" etc.; whereas F.T. Woods* from the same
authority says: "We find this discovery mentioned in another work
besides Tasman's letter of instructions. In the Haklvytus
Posthumus; or Purchas, his Pilgrimes, containing a history of
the World in Sea Voyages and Land Trauells, by Englishmen and
others, by Samuel Purchas, B.D. (London 1625/1626 5 volumes)
there is a passage from Saris (Purchas volume i. page 385) telling us
of the Duyfhen's voyage. But who was Saris? He was, my dear
reader, an English captain, whose Christian name was John, and I
would read you a useful example of the pursuit of knowledge under
difficulties in relating what trouble I have been at to find out any
more about him than is furnished by Purchas. He is one of the
'Pilgrimes,' and has handed himself down to posterity as the hero of
the 'Eighth Voyage of the East India Society,' wherein were employed
three ships, under the command of Captain John Saris. His course and
acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, Moluccas, and Japan (by the
inhabitants called Niffoon), where also he first began and settled an
English trade factory with other remarkable varieties, from 1611 to
1614. Saris's expedition will be better understood if it be
remembered that the English East India Company or Society was
established in 1600, and was at first confined to sending out a small
squadron for the purposes of trade. A settlement in India was not
made until 1612; but Saris, from another work of his, got his
Australian information during his residence at Bantam from 1605 to
1609. Among his 'observations of Occurrents which happened in the
East Indies during his abode' was the sailing of the Duyfhen
in November 1605, and her return in June 1606. This Duyfhen or
Dove found no rest for the sole of her foot during her eight
months' cruise among the islands and gulfs of Australia, and was not
worthy of more than a mere mention.

"Through the kindness of a friend I am able to supplement my
notice of Saris with the following extract from his Journal, as given
in Purchas, 1606: A small vessel, called the Little Sun, being
sent by the Dutch from the Molucca Islands for the discovery of New
Guinea, which country they knew nothing of at that time, but where
they imagined gold was to be found. In the following year I was told
by a Chinese captain, just come from Bunda,* that the Dutch vessel
had put in there on her return from New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Banda. George Collingridge.)

The crew gave an account that, having made a descent on the coast
in order to learn something of the country, the natives received them
with a shower of arrows which had killed nine Dutchmen. They
represent these people as very barbarous, and even cannibals; and,
very afraid to stay longer on these inhospitable shores, they
returned without doing anything. Nothing is here said about
Australia, and from the use of arrows it must have been at New Guinea
that the Dutch were killed. The name of the vessel differs too, but
this has been explained by supposing Saris to have mistaken the word
Duyfhen for another similar."

Why do not authors, especially historians, consult original
documents for themselves instead of trusting friends or relying on
second-hand information? How could Saris have mistaken the word
Duyfhen or Duyfken (Little Dove), for Zonneken
or Zonnetje (Little Sun)?

If we consult Purchas we shall find that R.H. Major and F.T. Woods
are both wrong, for neither the Duyfken, Duyfhen, nor
the Zonneken (or Little Sun) are mentioned in that work as
having been sent to New Guinea. This is Purchas' text:

"Bantam, the thirteenth (November 1605), heere arrived a small
ship of the Flemmings, from the Moluccas, called the
little sunne.

"The eighteenth, heere departed a small Pinnasse of the
Flemmings, for the discovery of the Iland called Noua ginnea,
which, as it is said, affordeth great store of gold.

"The fifteenth of June, heere arrived Nockhoda Tingall, a
cling-man from Banda, in a Jaua Juncke, laden with Mace and Nutmegs,
the which he sold heere to the Guzerats for an hundred and
fiftie Rialls of eight the Bahar Bantam...He told me that the
Flemings Pinnasse, which went vpon discouery for Noua Ginny,
was returned to Banda hauing found the Iland; but in sending their
men on shoare to intreate of Trade, there were nine of them killed by
the Heathens, which are man-eaters, so they were constrained to
returne, finding no good to be done there."

F.T. Woods' friend should have left out the paragraph in the
"observations of Occurents" (our first paragraph) referring to the
little sunne. We have quoted it to show that that small ship
arrived at Bantam from the Moluccas five days before the departure
from Bantam of the vessel that made the voyage to New Guinea. It will
also be noticed that the passage from Purchas does not mention the
name of that small vessel.

There is however another passage which has not been noticed by
critics, and which confirms the recital given in the instructions to
Tasman. It occurs in Commelyn's Begin ende Voortganh, the
great Dutch collection of voyages published at Amsterdam in 1646. We
have not seen the original work, and have been obliged to content
ourselves with De Constantin's translation, published at Rouen in
1725. In the 5th volume of that work* page 212 Paul van Soldt, the
author of the Journal that deals with Etienne Van der Hagen's second
voyage, says:

The context shows that the Fort where Paul van Soldt met the
Pigeonnau (Little Dove), which had returned from New Guinea,
was the Fort of Amboyna, and that the date was the 4th of March 1607.
Nearly nine months therefore had elapsed since Captain Saris had
heard of the return of the Pinnasse of the Flemings,
and she was apparently still amongst the Spice Islands in company
with the Little Sun, as is also shown in the course of Paul
van Soldt's narrative.

We must now consider another phase of the question or controversy;
for it has been questioned whether the Duyfken ever coasted
along the shores of Carpentaria.

Ch. Ruelens, in the preface which he wrote to accompany the
publication of the valuable manuscript of Godinho de Eredia,* argued
that on the occasion of that memorable expedition the Duyfken
never got further south than 8 degrees 15 minutes, and consequently
never discovered any part of the shores of Australia. The chief
points that led him to form such a conclusion are: first That the
Duyfken could not have followed the coasts of New Guinea
and Australia without noticing the opening at Torres' Straits;
second That the extreme point said to have been visited in 13 3/4
degrees south, and to which the name Keer-Weer was said to have been
given, does not bear that appellation on subsequent charts; whereas
another point on the coast of New Guinea does.

Ch. Ruelens maintains that the Keer-Weer on the coast of New
Guinea is the extreme termination of the Duyfken's southern
course, and in support of his argument states that all maps from F.
De Wit's of the end of the seventeenth century down to the fine map
which accompanied the memoire by MM. Bennet and Van Wyk (1825) show
Cape Keer-Weer on the west coast of New Guinea, in the latitude of
Frederick Henry Island, and north of Valsche Kaep (False
Cape), which is, according to MM. Bennet and Van Wyk, in 8 degrees 15
minutes latitude, 138 degrees longitude.*

Furthermore Ch. Ruelens says that Flinders, by using the narrative
which had fallen into Dalrymple's hands, a narrative which guided
Flinders in his attempts to trace the course of the Duyfken, is
responsible for the confusion that was brought about.*

(*Footnote. It is a known fact that Flinders gave several
Dutch names to the part of the coast of Australia alleged to have
been visited by the Duyfken.)

The question remains now to be ascertained, did the voyage of the
Duyfken extend to Australia or not? Did that yacht stop short
at 8 degrees 15 minutes latitude south, or come on five or six
degrees further south?

Since Ch. Ruelens arrived at the conclusion that she did not
extend her voyage to Australia other documents have turned up which
tend to prove that she did, and at the present stage the whole matter
seems to resume itself into the examination of the provenance
or authenticity of the said documents.

We have alluded to them in the beginning of this chapter. The
principal document however is the alleged original manuscript map of
the two voyages of Abel Yansz Tasman and Frans Yacobsz Visscher, the
opper piloot-majoor and second in command of the expedition of
1644.

In a copy of the original manuscript now before us Cape Keer-Weer
is set down in about 14 degrees 15 minutes south latitude, thus
lending strength to the argument in favour of a discovery extending
to that locality.

CHAPTER 41. A.D. 1606 TO 1613.

DON DIEGO DE PRADO'S ORIGINAL MAPS, MADE IN 1606, SHOWING THE
DISCOVERIES MADE BY THE SPANIARDS THAT SAME YEAR IN THE NEW HEBRIDES
AND NEW GUINEA.
TWO LETTERS OF DON DIEGO DE PRADO TO THE KING OF SPAIN, REFERRING TO
DE QUIROS' DISCOVERIES.

(ILLUSTRATION 91. INITIAL W.)

hen de
Quiros appointed officers for the new colony in the Bay of St. Philip
and St. James, Don Diego de Prado y Tovar was made Depositario
General. He is the author of the four very remarkable and
extremely interesting maps which are here presented for the first
time to the English speaking world. Our copies are taken from those
published in the Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid, Tomo
iv. January 1878. They have been reduced to three-eighths of the
originals, and with each design we give a modern map of the same
locality for comparison. The originals are now in the magnificent
collections of the castle of Simancas, having been restored to their
rightful owners, together with other documents appropriated by
Napoleon the First.

MAP NUMBER 1. LAGRAN BAYA DE S. PHILIPPE Y S. SANTIAGO.
(The Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James.)

Modern Map of Espiritu Santo.

Towards the end of April 1606 Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros
discovered in the New Hebrides group an island (Espiritu Santo),
which he called la Austrialia del spiritu Santo. Coasting
along this island, his two ships and the launch entered a bay on the
feast of St. Philip and St. James (1st of May), and gave the names of
those saints to it.

MAP NUMBER 1. The Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James in the
Island of Espiritu Santo (New Hebrides).

On the 3rd of May they anchored in the south-east corner of the
bay, and named the port where they had decided to settle the young
colony el puerto de la vera cruz (Port of the true cross). The
town in the new colony was to be called the New Jerusalem, and
one of the rivers that flowed into the bay was called the
Jordan. These two names are mentioned in the narrative but not
on the map. We shall now proceed to explain most of the names on this
map. Those of de Quiros, of his lieutenant (Luis Vaez de Torres), and
of D. Diego de Prado y Tovar, do not require any explanation; they
have been given to one cape, one port, and several rivers in the
Great Bay. The name of don Jun de espinosa, gaya, fontiduena y
Touar, given to the eastern capes are names of officers belonging
to the expedition, the last mentioned name being also the second name
of Don Diego de Prado. The Rio de la batalla records no doubt
the attacks made by the natives at that river. The punta de la
aguja (Cape or Point of the Needle) may refer to some local
peculiarity. The island of Santiago received its name through
having been seen no doubt on the 1st of May, and in the same manner
the Rio de S. Pedro, the R. de San antonio, and the
cabo de S. J. bauta (Cape of St. John the Baptist), referring
as they do to feasts which occur in May and June, that is during the
stay that the Spaniards made in the Bay, were named no doubt
respectively on the days of the feasts of those saints. The name of
San damaso given to a river and those of santa
escolastica and S. Ursula, given to two capes, are not so
easily explained, because the feasts of those saints do not occur at
a time corresponding to the stay made at the place. They may however
refer to some particular devotion, family record, or other
circumstance.

As the term Austrialia, or Australia, given to these
lands has been a matter for discussion, and some have thought that
there was an error, and that Austrialia should be read
Australia, we shall note briefly the reasons for one and the
other opinion. In de Quiros' diary or journal, where he speaks of the
taking possession of this land, which he believed to form part of a
continent, he makes use of the term Australia. Formal possession of
the country was taken on the day of the Pasch of the Holy Ghost, the
14th of May, and he says that he took possession of all the lands,
those seen and those to be seen, of all that part of the south as far
as the South Pole, that from that day was to be called Australia
del Espiritu Santo. His words are:... de todas las tierras que
dejo vistas y estoy viendo, y de toda esta parte del Sur hasta su
polo, que desde ahora se ha de Ilamar AUSTRALIA del Espiritu
Santo.

An alteration however appears to have been made in the manuscript
in the Library of the Ministerio de Marina, which suggests
that the word was originally written AUSTRIALIA.

Gonzalez de Leza gives an account of the ceremony of taking
possession almost in the same words, but using the term
Austral instead of Australia; he says:...que desde
agora se ha de Ilamar la parte AUSTRAL del Espiritu Santo.

Owing to the want of space on our maps we reproduce in these pages
the inscriptions contained in the originals. Those inscriptions fill,
in the originals, the four cartouches which may be noticed in our
copies. The first is as follows:

In the above inscription the term used is unmistakably
Austrialia and--which appears to settle the question--in one
of de Quiros' memorials, the first no doubt sent to Philip III and
printed probably in October 1607, de Quiros says:

Por felice memoria de V. M. y por el apellido de Austria, le di
por nombre (a aquella tierra) la AUSTRIALIA del Espiritu
Santo, porque es su mismo dia tome posesion de ella. For the
happy memory of Your Majesty and for the sake of the name of
Austria, I named it (the said land) la Austrialia del
espiritu Santo, because in your day (the anniversary of your
birth) I took possession of it.

MAP NUMBER 2. PUERTOS. I. BAYAS. DE TIERRA DE
SANBVENAVENTVRA,
(Ports and Bays of the Land of St. Bonaventure.)

Our second map represents what is now known as Milne Bay, with the
various ports, islands, and headlands adjacent thereto. That part of
the extreme south-east coast of New Guinea, so admirably charted in
1606 by the Spaniards, and which Torres so accurately describes as
the "beginning Of New Guinea," remained almost a terra
incognita to Europeans up to quite a recent date, and was
represented on maps in a very rough and incorrect manner prior to J.
Moresby's visit and resurvey in 1873.

MAP NUMBER 2. Ports and Bays of the Land of St. Bonaventure.
(Extreme south-east coast of British New Guinea.)

It is strange however that, before D. Diego de Prado's maps had
been found, a Frenchman, of remarkable ability it must be said, was
able to detect and point out, with the help of very inferior data,
not only the priority of Spanish discoveries in the locality we are
considering, but also the exact date of such discoveries. This was
done by Dr. E.T. Hamy, the Frenchman we refer to, in 1877, a few
months after the publication of Captain John Moresby's book.*

(*Footnote. New Guinea and Polynesia. Discoveries and
Surveys in New Guinea and the d'Entrecasteaux Islands. A Cruise in
Polynesia and Visits to the Pearl-shelling Stations in Torres Straits
of H.M.S. Basilisk. By Captain John Moresby, R.N., London
1876.)

Dr. Hamy's views on the subject were published in a small
pamphlet* which appeared in May 1877.

In that monograph, with the help of a map which forms part of an
atlas published by Pierre Mortier,* at Amsterdam in 1700, and bearing
the title Suite du Neptune francois, ou Atlas nouveau des cartes
marines, etc., etc., he followed Torres' track from the extreme
south-east end of New Guinea westward through Torres Straits and
along the south coast to where that navigator left it on his way to
the Spice Islands and Manila.

Esta baya tiene mas de 40 leguas de sircunferencia y llegando
conel batel mas adelante de cauo fresco q es lo que sepudo salir
conel batel porla parte del este no lebimos Remate sino algunos
islotes porlo qual sejuzga tiene bocas grandes y porla del oest nole
bimos boca sino toda tierra alta y cerrada y continuada al oest
dejose de costear porno tener nauio de Remos suficiente para esto. In
the year 1606, on the 18th day of July, Captain and Pilot Luis Vaes
de Torres discovered this land and its ports, naming it the land of
St. Bonaventure, having coasted it five days previously without being
able to land before the said day on account of the large and very
dangerous reefs. It is inhabited, etc., etc.

Of the four maps the one we are now considering is undoubtedly the
most important because it proves that Torres discovered this part of
the south-east coast of New Guinea which is mentioned in Moresby's
preface in the following terms:

"It seems desirable to state, for the information of the general
reader, that the line of New Guinea coast, first placed on the chart
by H.M.S. Basilisk, had never been visited, and was actually
unknown as to its conformation (as far as I have been able to
discover any record), up to the period of her first visit in 1873,
between the wide limits of Heath Island and Huon Gulf."

The bay, called Jenkins' Bay by Moresby, which is closed in on
three sides by the island to which he gave the name of H.M.S.
Basilisk, is easily recognised as the bayo de san millan of
the Spanish map and Basilisk Island as the TIERA DESANBVENA VENTVRA.
The great bay named Milne Bay (after the senior Naval Lord of the
English Admiralty) was not thoroughly explored by Torres, otherwise,
had he reached its north-eastern extremity (East Cape), he would have
steered his course for the Philippine Islands by the north of New
Guinea instead of proceeding by the south-west passage. He does not
appear to have extended his surveys of Milne Bay in the north-east
beyond cabo fresco, which corresponds to Challis Head, and in
the north-west, beyond the mainland of New Guinea, in the vicinity of
the Paples Island, which the Spanish chart names isla de
sanbenito.

The passage called Rocky Pass, between Hayter and Basilisk
islands, is set down as the boca de la batalla in the Spanish
map, recording no doubt an encounter with the natives; and a little
island in the middle of the pass, bearing no name in Moresby's map,
had evidently suggested a suitable place for building a fort, for it
is called the fuerte de S. Santiago. The bay within, not named
in Moresby's chart, is called puerto de na sa de Honga.

China Strait, discovered by C. Moresby, is not marked on the
Spanish map. It is evident that Mt. Haines masked its view to the
Spanish and that they did not penetrate in that direction as far as
Head or Brewer islands, for those islands are not marked on their
chart.*

(*Footnote. Captain Moresby records his discovery of this
channel in the following terms: "...We continued to track Jenkins Bay
round, and watch for what it would develop; and the farther we went
the more the formation of the land led us to suppose that even now we
had not found the real terminating point of New Guinea. After pulling
six or seven miles to the west we found our conjectures verified by
the discovery of a clear broad blue channel two miles wide, leading
fair from sea to sea, fit for a fleet to pass through under sail. Our
hearts filled with delight and wonder as we looked. There and then I
named it China Straits; the wish being father to the thought that I
had found a new highway between Australia and China." Discoveries and
Surveys in New Guinea, etc. page 201.)

Thus Hayter Island is marked as a peninsula on the Spanish map and
the southern portion of China Strait is set down as a port, the
puerto santo Torinio (Toribio). Blanchard Island is called
isla de san facundo. Didymus Island is the Spanish isla de
manglares, and West Island isla de san antonio. The
cabo de casagun or cahagun is marked in the English
map, but bears no name. Bead Island is the isla de la
palma.

Other islands, marked in both maps but bearing no names on the
English one, have the following Spanish nomenclature: isla de las
altas palmas, islands of the tall palm trees; isla de la
sauana, Savanna Island; isla de san bernardo, Island of
St. Bernard. St. Bernard's feast occurs on the 23rd of July, but this
name may also be intended in commemoration of Juan Bernardo de
Fuentiduena, an officer of the expedition, as also the cabo de san
diego may commemorate the name of D. Diego Barrantes y Maldonad.
isla de Ranedo, Island of Ranedo, or St. Ranedo. The puerto
de san franco (Francisco) is no doubt the port where Torres first
sighted land on the 14th of July. On the 14th of July the Spanish
celebrate the feast of S. Buenaventura and also S.
Francisco Solano.

MAP NUMBER 3. LA GRAN BAYA DE. S. LORENCO. I. PVERTO DE
MONTEREY.
(The Great Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of Monterey.)

Our third map represents the site known in modern maps as
Orangerie Bay. Bougainville, with the Boudeuse and
l'Etoile, visited this easternmost bay of the south coast of
New Guinea in June 1768, one hundred and sixty-two years after Torres
and D. Diego de Prado. He called it the Golphe de la
Louisiade, and of the country at the back of the inner portion of
the bay, which he called the cul de sac de l'Orangerie, he
says: J'ai peu vu de pays dont le coup d'oeil fut plus beau. I have
seen few countries presenting a finer aspect.* His description
throughout corresponds exactly with D. Diego de Prado's map.

(**Footnote. The Count de Monterey was the Viceroy of Peru, under
whose auspices de Quiros' expedition was sent out the year
before.)

Twenty leagues is exactly the distance which separates the two
ports described in the Spanish narrative, and the configurations
given on the old Spanish map are more complete than those given
either by Bougainville in 1768, Dumont D'Urville in 1840, or Owen
Stanley in 1848.

Whether the division of the land into allotments was suggested by
actual features of the place at the time of Torres' stay in this bay,
or whether it was the result of a special intention, is not shown in
the documents we are now dealing with. Recent knowledge of the
locality goes to show that the natives are rather apt to shift their
dwellings and abandon their plantations without much ado.*

(*Footnote. 1892 Queensland. Annual Report on British New
Guinea, from 1st July 1890 to 30th June 1891; with appendices. Page
60 paragraph 15.)

MAP NUMBER 3. The Great Bay of St. Lawrence and Port of
Monterey. (Orangerie Bay, British New Guinea.)

We now come to the description of the nomenclature. The name of
St. Lawrence Bay was given to Orangerie Bay because it was discovered
on the 10th of August, feast of St. Lawrence.*

(*Footnote. Just one hundred years before the name of St.
Lawrence was given to Madagascar by Joao Gomez d'Abreu, who
discovered the west coast of that island on the 10th of August
1506.)

The name given to Dufaure or Mugula (native appellation) Island is
isla de santa clara; the feast of St. Clair occurs on the 12th
of August. The bay known under the name of Mullens' Harbour
(uncharted in Moresby's map) is well laid down in the Spanish chart,
and is called the baya de n. s. dela assumpcion, the Bay of
Our Lady of the Assumption, corresponding to the 15th of August.
Three rivers flow into this bay; they bear no names. The latest
surveys give names to two of these rivers--the larger, to the
north-west, is called the Tarasa river, and the smaller one, to the
east, is named Jones River.

Sir William Macgregor, who explored some portion of the Tarasa
river a few years ago, and described it in his despatch reporting his
visit to this eastern part of New Guinea,* says that he found it to
be a saltwater inlet running up into a great mangrove swamp. This
level delta, with its mangrove islands, is well indicated in D. Diego
de Prado's map. The channel between the mainland and Mugula Island
(Isla de Santa Clara) is called the estrecho de S.
Roque, Straits of St. Roch (16th August). This name at least
should be retained by modern usurpers, as this channel does not bear
any name that we are aware of to the present day.**

(*Footnote. Despatch from Samaria, 12th of June
1891.)

(**Footnote. The Admiralty chart, published June 9 1886 and
corrected up to 1888, leaves this strait nameless, as also Sir
William Macgregor's sketch map of this part of British New Guinea,
published two years ago. Apart from the pre-emptive right which the
Spanish have, without a doubt, the preservation of a few Spanish
names would only be fair--they would sound well and relieve the
monotony of the Joneses, Mullenses, and Jenkinses.)

The islas des timoteo, Islands of St. Timothy (22nd
August), include evidently the promontory which forms the eastern
entrance to Port Glasgow. This promontory is almost separated from
the mainland by a creek, and was, with the two islands alongside it,
set down as islas des timotes (Islas de S. Timoteo).

The islas bartolome, Island of St. Bartholomew (24th
August) which, with the previous nomenclature, indicates the
progression of Torres' navigation towards the west, corresponds to
Toulon Island (Mairu) of French nomenclature.

Other names, such as isla berde, Green Island; cauo
alto, High Cape; cauo de cocos, Cocoanut Cape; cauo
llano, Level Cape; la enfaidora (embaidora), The
Deceitful; las encubridores, The Hidden; isla llana,
Level Island; and isla de la Madera, Wooded Island; indicate
peculiarities borne out by the evidence of modern charts. For isla
berde is the beautiful little green island situated at the
eastern entrance to Orangerie Bay; cauo alto is the elevated
land or high cape at the south entrance to Mullens' Harbour; cauo
de cocos is the cape covered with cocoanut trees to this day;
cauo llano is the low land which forms a cape at the northern
entrance into Mullens' Harbour, i.e. Debana Point.

The island that stands alone at the western extremity of Orangerie
Bay, and named la enbaidora in the Spanish map, is easily
identified as Imsa of modern charts. The islets called las
encubridores are the two small rocky islets at the eastern
entrance to Millport Harbour. The coral reefs marked dry at low water
between Mairy Bay and Amazon Bay correspond with the isla
llana, Level or Low Island of the Spanish map, and the isla de
la madera, or Wooded Island, with the wooded island of Ainioro.
The very small island at the north-eastern extremity of Dufaure
island marked on the Admiralty chart, but without a name, might, if
thoroughly searched, reveal some traces, well worth looking for, of
Spanish occupation. This island is called la guardia on
Tovar's map, and was probably the camping ground of Torres' party,
the garrisoned stronghold of the expedition during its stay in this
bay.

Baibara and another island in its neighbourhood are marked on the
Spanish map as isla de don diego barrantes and islas de
mayorga. D. Diego de Barrantes was one of the principal officers
of the expedition. The little bay where now stands the native village
of Gobubu at the back of Baibara Island is named in the Spanish chart
the cala de helvires, recording a name from Spain, as do also
such names as ualdetuexar or Valdetuejar, mayorga, villada,
villabonillos, and nogales.

The puerto de ualdetuexar is the port now known as Millport
Harbour, the Losoa Don-Don of the natives. villada is an
island marking the entrance of the above port. It is well charted
with its eastern prolongation of reefs dry only at low water. The
native name of villada is Eunauro or Euna, and the reef is
called Bonuanawa. The native name for isla de villabonillos,
the south-westernmost island of our map, is Koikoi, and the isla
de nogales corresponds no doubt with the Boioro Peninsula. The
harbour between the mainland and Mugula Island is called the
puerto de monte Rey, Port of Monterey, after the Count of
Monterey, Viceroy of Peru.

MAP NUMBER 4. BAYA. DE SANCT. PEDRO DE ARLANCA.
(The Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza.)

The locality represented in our fourth map and named the Bay of
St. Peter of Arlanza is situated on the south-west coast of New
Guinea in Dutch territory.

Torres left Orangerie Bay towards the end of August, passed
between Australia and New Guinea, and, still continuing his course
along the coasts of New Guinea, put in at this bay now known as
Triton Bay, having received that name in 1828, when the Dutch ships
Triton and Iris made a visit to it.

MAP NUMBER 4. The Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza. (Dutch New
Guinea.)

The Spanish description of the place as contained in the cartouch
on the map is as follows:

By following the same method as that used with the other charts
the nomenclature is as easily explained. The feast of St. Luke the
Evangelist falls on the 18th of October, that of St. Peter of Arlanza
on the 19th of the same month, and these are the names given to the
two principal bays. The island of Aidoema was named isla del capan
luis vaes de Torres after the commander of the expedition. The
names of puerto de s. Juan delprado and cauo de S. antonio
de padua were no doubt records of some particular devotion. The
island named la piedra fuerte may refer to a place fortified
during the stay made in these parts. las tres hermanas, the
Three Brothers, are three islands not shown in the Dutch chart of
1876, nor in the map of Dutch New Guinea published with Prince Roland
Bonaparte's Les derniers voyages des Neerlandais a la
Nouvelle-Guinee, 1885, not because they do not exist but more
probably because the Dutch survey at this particular point is far
less accurate than the Spanish one. el sonbrero (sombrero)
verde, the Green Hat, is the name given to a little round
island, and records no doubt the circumstance of resemblance as the
word suggests.

Other names refer in the same way either to local peculiarities or
family records, such are: la peninsula, la fuente de argales, cauo
del entredos, la enpanada, islas de Sta leocadia, cauo de s. lucas,
punta de fontiduena, las entretexidas and cauo hondo.

DE PRADO'S LETTERS TO THE KING OF SPAIN.

The two following letters of D. Diego de Prado to the King of
Spain (the first addressed to the king's secretary, and the second
addressed to the king) respecting de Quiros' expedition and Torres'
discoveries in New Guinea do not appear to be generally known. In
these letters New Guinea is referred to as the Magna
Margarita, a name which does not appear on the four maps which we
have considered in this chapter.

The name is easily explained, for Torres took formal possession on
the 20th of July, i.e. on the day of the feast of St. Marguerite, one
week after his arrival at the east end of New Guinea.

In his first letter Prado speaks of a map which must have been the
principal document relating to the discoveries made during the
expedition. This map has not yet been found although diligent
research has been made and is still being made for it at Simancas and
elsewhere.

Carta de Diego de Prado al Secretario Antonio de Arostegui,
fecha en Goa a 24 de Diciembre de 1613: recibida en 12 de Octubre de
1614. Archivo de Simancas.

Letter of D. Diego de Prado to the secretary, Antonio de
Arostegui, dated Goa, 24th December 1613; received 12th October
1614.*

(*Footnote. Our translation is from the Hakluyt Society's
edition of De Morga's Philippine Islands.)

I send to His Majesty, by means of the Viceroy of the Indies, the
map of the discovery which was effected by Luis Vaez de Torres,
captain of the Almiranta, of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who
followed the instructions given by the Conde de Monterrey, which
discovery was the island called by us La Magna Margarita, which has
680 leagues of coast, as your worship will see by the said map. That
which was discovered by Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, the liar, were
those rocks and small islands, because his crew mutinied at the bay
of the island Espiritu Santo. I came as captain of the flag-ship, and
had knowledge of what was being arranged in the ship. I informed him
of it, and, as it was a most difficult and delicate matter to tell
him of, and of what was best for His Majesty's service, he could not
stand me. So I disembarked in Trumaco (Taumaco), and went on
board the Almiranta, at which there was great joy on the
flag-ship, as they could better carry out their design. On the 11th
of June of 1606, being in the bay as we were coming from an island
which was near, there came a rather fresh wind from the south at
eight in the evening, upon which the mutineers carried out their evil
designs; and as it was night and far from us they put the ship about,
and the prattler did not see it as he was in his cabin in the stern;
and in the morning the country from which they had come out did not
appear. He did not venture to speak; on the contrary he was told to
get into his cabin and hold his tongue, on which account they spared
his life and landed him at Acapulco. His own companions told the
Marquis of Montesclaros who he was, and how they might as well tie
him up as mad, and he treated him as such a man as he was. I do not
know what respect the Spaniards of Piru were to have for a man who
yesterday was a clerk of a merchant ship and a Portuguese; if they
knew him as Captain Alonzo Corzo knows him those gentlemen of the
state would end by knowing that they ought not to take account of
such low and lying men. I shall leave for Ormuz on the 8th of
February of next year, if it please God, to go by land to the port of
Leppe (Aleppo), and thence to Venice, and I shall not stop till I
reach the court to kiss the hands of His Majesty; and, your worship,
I send an Indian of the country which was discovered as a witness to
certify it, who is taken at the charge of Senor Ruy Lorenzo de
Tavora, the ex-Viceroy of India, with directions not to give him up
to anyone unless by order of your worship or mine. The death of the
secretary, Andres de Prada, has given me much sorrow, but as it is
the journey we all have to take I recommend him to God. May He give
to your worship the health which your servant desires for you. From
Goa, 24th December 1613.

De Prado's first letter was dated from Goa, December 24. The one
above was written apparently the next day, and dated from the same
place, December 25. In it he repeats what he wrote in his first
letter, saying: "I send to Your Majesty the discovery of the Magna
Margarita, Southern Land, which discovery was made by Luis Vaez
de Torres, de Quiros' Almirante, etc." He blames Don Juan de
Silva, the Governor of Manila, for delaying his despatches, refers to
the route he intends to take on his return to Spain, and reiterates
his warnings concerning de Quiros, blaming him for not having
discovered the southern continent, porque por su culpa no se
descubrio lo que mas estimaua el conde de Monterrey, que es fa
coronilla del polo antartico pues estubimos tan cerca della,
because through his fault he did not discover that which the Count of
Monterrey considered the most worthy of discovery, that is the
crown of the Antarctic Pole, to which we came so close.

In these two letters de Prado shows a decided antagonism to de
Quiros, yet he does not blame him for leaving Torres and returning
purposely to New Spain. This he appears to have been accused
of by Juan de Iturbe,* his accountant, who also blames him for having
disobeyed instructions which were "to go as far as 40 degrees
south latitude."

Had de Quiros obeyed the instructions referred to by Juan de
Iturbe, Torres, and others he would certainly have discovered New
Zealand and perhaps Australia. He discovered neither the one nor the
other, but the report spread abroad nevertheless that he had
discovered the southern continent, and this accounts for the strange
manner in which his New Hebrides discoveries are joined to the
eastern coast of Australia in many maps up to the date of Lieutenant
James Cook's arrival and re-survey of the eastern coast of
Australia.

The expedition of de Quiros and Torres closes the period of
Spanish activity; it is true that de Quiros still urged the King of
Spain to send him out again in order to continue his discoveries,
but, owing to want of money, and no doubt to intrigues, his
propositions were not entertained as in earlier days. Torres'
discoveries, charted in such a remarkable way by de Prado, were
however not to be abandoned so easily. The Spanish evidently intended
to make some settlement in the localities surveyed by them in New
Guinea. We have come across a passage in Constantin* which bears out
this fact.

It is there stated on the authority of two Dutchmen, five years
after Torres' voyage, that the Spaniards intended to colonise that
country and that they were constructing ships in New Spain to carry
out the scheme, because there was every likelihood of great profits
to be derived from the undertaking. It is further stated that several
Spaniards had been left in New Guinea in order to explore the inland
parts. These projects were nevertheless abandoned; besides, the
Spanish were at the time losing their power and influence in
Austral-Asia, although they retained it in the Philippine Islands. At
the time Don Diego de Prado was writing home to the King of Spain the
Dutch were rapidly gaining ground in the East Indian Archipelago. In
1610 Paul Van Caerden was proclaimed Governor of all the Spice
Islands. The Dutch had at Ternate Fort Melaia or Malaie, and Fort
Tacomma or Willemstadt. At Machian they had three forts, Tassaso,
Noseckia or Fort Maurice and Tabilola. At Mortir or Motier they had
Fort Nassau. At Bachian or Labova, which was comprised under Bachian,
they had Fort Barneveldt.

CHAPTER 42. A.D. 1616.

DIRCK HARTOG'S ALLEGED DISCOVERY ON THE WESTERN COAST OF
AUSTRALIA.

he
second Dutch discovery was made, according to the
Instructions, in the year 1616. The paragraph in the
Instructions which refers to this claim is rather vague; it
mentions the names of several ships without particularising the
discoveries they made, giving the dates 1616, 1618, 1619, and 1622 as
the years during which the western coasts were visited from 22
degrees [North-west Cape] to 35 degrees [Cape Leeuwin].

But in 1801 the French found a plate with an inscription on it
recording a Dutch discovery made in 1616.

The document was picked up by one of a party of three men that had
been sent ashore during the stay of the Naturaliste on that
coast. After a copy of the inscription had been taken the plate was
reverentially and carefully fixed on a new post occupying the
position of the old one at the foot of which it had been found.

The inscription, that is faulty copies of it, are well known to
writers on Australian maritime discovery, but few if any have taken
the trouble to inquire about its origin and the actual existence of
the plate.

A plate, tin, pewter, or lead, the versions vary, found on an
island which bears the name of the alleged discoverer.

We have made particular enquiries about this plate, thinking that
its proper place should be the Sydney Museum or Public Library. We
were guided to a certain extent in our researches, because the
locality where the plate was found by the French expedition that so
carefully charted a great portion of our coasts in the early days of
the mother colony is a well determined point, since named Cape
Inscription. That locality was searched by a friend of ours,
but without any result.

Meanwhile our attention was drawn to a passage in Mr. E. Favenc's
History of Australian Exploration, page 436. Favenc says, speaking of
this plate: "In 1819, M. L. de Freycinet, while on his voyage round
the world, took it home with him, and placed it in the Museum of the
Institute, Paris."

Mr. E. Favenc is a careful and scrupulous writer, and, although he
could not inform us where he had obtained his information, nor could
we procure in Australia at the time a copy of Freycinet's voyages* in
order to verify it, we thought nevertheless that Mr. Favenc's
information was worth acting upon.

We wrote to our friend, Dr. E.T. Hamy, himself a member of the
French Institute in question, and one of the best informed scientists
in matters relating to Australasian maritime discovery. Dr. Hamy's
answer was: J'ai vainement cherche la relique rapportee par
Freycinet; l'indication de son depot a l'Institut que j'avais prise
dans Rienzi,* est malheureusement inexact. I have sought in vain for
the relic brought back by Freycinet; the mention of its deposit at
the Institute, that I had found in Rienzi, is unfortunately inexact.
E.T. HAMY, Ministere de l'Instruction Publique et des Beaux-Arts,
Palais du Trocadero, Musee d'Ethnographie, Paris, le 10 Mai 1892.

(*Footnote. Oceanie. Tome iii. page 477.)

This was perplexing, but we did not give up our search, and we
found other inexactitudes in connection with Dirck Hartog's
plate.

The French account of the finding of it is given in Peron's work,*
volume 1 page 194. Peron, the author of the narrative, was on board
the Naturaliste when the plate was brought back by the chef
de timonnerie, who with two others had been sent ashore to signal
the Geographe in case she appeared at the entry of the bay. In
his description of the plate Peron does not give the Dutch but the
French translation of the inscription only, as follows:

The French translation as given above appears to be faulty. Major
has pointed out that, owing to an error in punctuation, "a droll
mistake is made," and "that Bantam, in Java, for which they set sail,
is transformed into the under-merchant, and the person who really
held that post is converted into chief pilot, while poor Pieter
Dockes,* whose name, perhaps more feebly scratched at the close of
the inscription, had become obliterated by more than a century's
rough usage, is deprived of the honour of holding any post
whatever."

(*Footnote. Ecoores in Peron's account. Doore, according
to Rienzi, quoting Freycinet. George Collingridge.)

But Major's transcription is faulty also;* after Gilles
Mibais he leaves out five words, which, in Rienzi, are given
thus: "Luick, schipper Dirck-Hatichs, van."

Why does Major say "more than a century's rough usage,"
when, in the preceding page, translating Peron's words, he says:
"Captain Hamelin had a new post made, and sent back the plate to be
refixed on the same spot from which it had been taken; he would have
looked upon it as sacrilege to have kept on board this plate, which
for nearly two centuries had been spared by nature and by
those who might have observed it before him."

We do not believe it is a lapsus on Major's part because,
as we shall see, he knew that the plate found by the French
expedition was not the original one placed there by Dirck Hartog, but
one containing a copy of Dirck Hartog's inscription and which had
been placed at the spot whence Hartog's original plate had been taken
away by Vlamingh on the 3rd of February 1697.

But then, why does he not say so? And another question might be
asked also at this juncture: Where did Major get his Dutch text of
the inscription? Not from Vlamingh's narrative, a copy of which Major
tells us* he "deemed himself fortunate in procuring." The account of
this voyage, which was printed in Amsterdam in 1701, 4to, is
exceedingly scarce. We have however a copy of it in our Sydney Public
Library, and it does not give the inscription. Major gives a
translated extract of the journal in question, together with some
other particulars relating to the same voyage, extracted from
manuscript documents at the Hague. It must be from those particulars
relating to the voyage of Willem de Vlamingh that Major translated
his inscription.

According to that narrative it appears evident that Dirck Hartog's
plate was not treated with the same consideration which prompted the
French captain to replace what he considered to be a relic dating
from the year 1616; for the extract, after giving the inscription,
with slight variations from the one given in Major's Introduction,
the variance being in the orthography of the names, runs thus:

"This old plate, brought to us by Willem de Vlamingh, we have now
handed over to the commander, in order that he might bring it to Your
Nobilities, and that you may marvel how it remained there through
such a number of years unaffected by air, rain, or sun. They erected
on the same spot another pole, with a flat tin plate, as a memorial,
and wrote on it as to be read in the journals."

The second inscription, relating to Vlamingh's arrival and
departure, which was found added to the first on the plate described
by Peron, corresponds with the one published by Major, and is no
doubt the one referred to above as a memorial to be read in the
journals.

We have therefore to look to Vlamingh's account for the
authenticity of the claim. We must take his word for it that he
really did carry away a plate placed on that island in 1616 by Dirck
Hartog.

But we come now to the most mysterious part of the whole
transaction. In Vlamingh's journal we find the following entries:

"On the 1st of February (1697), early in the morning, our little
boat went to the coast to fish. Our chief pilot, with De Vlamingh's
boat, again went into the gulf, and our skipper went on shore to
fix up a commemorative tablet..." The commemorative tablet was
fixed up on the 1st of February. We pass over the doings of the 2nd,
which do not refer to the subject, and we arrive at the 3rd. "On the
3rd Vlamingh's chief pilot returned on board; he reported that he had
explored eighteen leagues, and that it was an island. He brought
with him a tin plate, which in the lapse of time had fallen from
a post to which it had been attached, and on which was cut the name
of the captain, Dirck Hartog, as well as the names of the first and
second merchants, and of the chief pilot of the vessel, De
Eendragt, which arrived here in the year 1616, on the 25th
October, and left for Bantam on the 27th of the same month."

Of course several plates may have been fixed up in localities
distant from each other. It is not probable that two would be
placed in the same locality. Then, how could the first commemorative
tablet, fixed up two days before, contain the information said to
have been found on another tablet two days later? Besides, there is
something suggestive in Vlamingh's voyage to the coast of New Holland
so soon after Dampier's visit and the publication of various voyages
relating to Australia.* Were the Dutch afraid that the English would
claim New Holland as having been discovered by them?

(*Footnote. An Account of Several Late Voyages and
Discoveries to the South and North, towards the Straits of Magellan,
South Seas, the Vast Tracts of Land beyond Hollandia Nova, etc. By
Sir John Narborough, etc.; was published in 1694, the year before
Vlamingh's expedition was first mooted.)

The avowed object of Vlamingh's expedition was to search for the
Ridderschap Van Hollandt, lost between the Cape of Good Hope
and Batavia in 1685. This searching for a ship and survivors, lost
eleven years before, looks very much like an excuse for the
furtherance of some other object; one other object of the expedition
being apparently the fixing up of claims of discovery. The
authenticity of one of these claims--the one founded on Dirck
Hartog's discovery in 1616--was, according to the Dutch account, only
obtained a couple of days after the erection of one of their
memorials.

The authenticity however of Dirck Hartog's discovery would be
perhaps better established from a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits,
of Amsterdam, 1627, if it were to be found. According to Flinders* it
is referred to by Dalrymple in his collection concerning Papua, note
page 6. Major also mentions this reference in Dalrymple's work, but
quoting Flinders, we believe. We have neither seen Dalrymple's
collection concerning Papua nor Eessel Gerrit's manuscript chart, or
even a copy of it.

(*Footnote. Flinders, Introduction page
xlix.)

Vlamingh's replica of Dirck Hartog's or Hatich's plate must be
lying perdu in some corner of the French Institut. It must
have been deposited there by Freycinet. The other day in the Sydney
Free Library we had occasion to go once more into this matter more
thoroughly, as that institution now possesses Freycinet's magnificent
work, Vlamingh's narrative in Dutch, and Rienzi's compilations.
Referring to the plate, and to the chances of its being lost for ever
if he did not take it away, Freycinet says, very clearly*:

But the plate we should like to see when found, if it is ever to
be found, indeed if it ever existed, is the one said to have been
taken away by Vlamingh and entrusted to their Nobilities the
Gentlemen Seventeen of Batavia.

What Major said in 1859 with reference to a considerable number of
Dutch voyages still remains true with regard to Dirck Hartog's. A
document "immediately" describing it has not yet been found.

CHAPTER 43. A.D. 1617 TO 1623.

OTHER DUTCH DISCOVERIES ON THE WESTERN COAST OF AUSTRALIA AND
SOUTH COAST OF NEW GUINEA.
ABRAHAM GOOS' GLOBE OF 1621.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE LAND OF THE LEEUWIN.
THE VOYAGE OF THE PERA AND ARNHEM TO THE GULF OF CARPENTARIA.

ccording
to the Instructions the next voyage in chronological order
"was undertaken with a yacht in the year 1617, by order of the
Fiscael d' Edel, with little success, of which adventures and
discoveries, through the loss of their journals and remarks, nothing
certain is to be found."

If we make use of the above scanty information and apply it to the
examination of old Dutch charts we shall find that a discovery
mentioning the name Edel was made on the western coast of the
southern continent, somewhere between 31 and 33 degrees of south
latitude, i.e. between Wedge and Rottenest Island of modern charts.
That discovery is recorded on the oldest Dutch chart we have come
across, a map of the assigned date of 1630, by the legend, I. de
Edels Landt det. 1619. The date 1619, as will be noticed, does
not agree with the one given in the Instructions, but there may be a
lapsus somewhere, or bad reading may account for the date of
either the chart or the Instructions.

The next visit to the west coast was made in the year 1618, but no
corroborative evidence of any discovery made that year can be found
on old Dutch charts.

The Dutch recital mentions next a voyage to the west coast made in
1619. The only discovery made on the west coast of the Great South
Land in 1619 is, according to old Dutch charts, the discovery already
referred to, made "by order of the Fiscael d' Edel." The Instructions
mention also another discovery made that year but on the south coast
of New Guinea. The statement runs thus: "A ship named 't wapen van
Amsterdam (the Arms of Amsterdam) destined to Banda, drove past
that place and touched at the south coast of Nova Guinea, where some
of the crew were murdered by the savage inhabitants, wherefore they
acquired no certain knowledge of the country."

ABRAHAM GOOS' GLOBE, 1621.

We must now interrupt the course of Dutch recital of voyages of
discovery in order to consider a Dutch globe which was published at
Amsterdam in 1621, and is therefore in its proper chronological order
here.

The globe we refer to is Abraham Goos', published by Joh.
Jannssonius. We might expect to find marked on a globe of that period
some of the Dutch discoveries described in the Instructions. Dirck
Hartog's discovery, made in the year 1616, should at least be
recorded. Such however is not the case, although a Latin legend on
the globe in question indicates that all the latest discoveries
made have been set down. Hac jterata delineatjone Globi
hydrographica, et geographica, non tantum ea quae a majoribus, sed et
omnia jam noviter detecta, singulariquz studio collecta, benevolis
inspectoribus liberali manu offeruntur, valete et frujmini. ANNO
1621.

Abraham Goos' Globe, A.D. 1621.

Abraham Goos' globe shows a southern continent, occupying the
position of Australia, called TERA AUSTRALIS INCOGNITA, without the
slightest intimation of any Dutch discovery whatsoever; it is in fact
nothing else but the Terra Australis that is represented there,
discovered and charted before the arrival of the Dutch in
Australasian regions. Nova Guinea nevertheless, detached from the
Terra Australis Incognita, bears the Dutch nomenclature that obtained
after Schouten and Lemaire's expedition of 1616.

Continuing now the Dutch recital we arrive at the discovery made
in the year 1622. The Dutch lay claim to the discovery in that year
of 't Landt van de Leeuwin, and would have us believe,
according to the inscriptions on their charts, that that part of the
south-west coast of Australia, so clearly marked on Jean Roze's chart
of Portuguese origin dating as far back as 1542, was discovered by
one of their captains in the ship Leeuwin. It was a
re-discovery no doubt, and is only suggested in the Instructions; but
as we have said an inscription on all old Dutch charts clearly
records a discovery made in the year 1622. One strange feature of the
oldest of these charts--which we shall consider further on--is that
it still preserved among comparatively modern Dutch inscriptions the
older half Portuguese and half Spanish appellation for Australia,
i.e. TERRA DEL ZUR, Great Land of the South.

According to the Instructions the next voyage "was undertaken in
the month of January 1623, with the yachts Pera and
Arnhem, out of Amboina, under the command of Jan Carstens,
with orders to make a nearer friendship with the inhabitants of the
islands Key, Arou, and Tenimber, and better to discover Nova Guinea
and the south lands, when an alliance was made with the said islands
and the south coast of Nova Guinees nearer discovered. The skipper,
with eight of the crew of the yacht Arnhem, was treacherously
murdered by the inhabitants; and, after a discovery of the great
islands Arnhem and the Speriet [by an untimely separation], this
yacht with very little success came back to Amboina.

"But the yacht Pera, persisting in the voyage, sailed along
the south coast of Nova Guinea to a flat cove on this coast, situated
in 10 degrees south latitude, and ran along the west coast of this
land to Cape Keer-Weer, from thence discovered the coast farther
southward so far as 17 degrees south to Staten River (from this place
what more of the land could be discerned seemed to stretch westward),
and from thence returned to Amboina. In this discovery were found
everywhere shallow water and barren coast, islands altogether thinly
peopled by divers cruel, poor, and brutal nations, and of very little
use to the company. The journal of this voyage is not now to be
found; but the discovered countries may be seen in the maps which
were made of them."

In the above description the passage "and after a discovery of the
great islands Arnhem and Speriet," deserves notice. The conclusion
one naturally comes to in reading that passage is that one of those
islands was named after the yacht Arnhem; as to Speriet no
reason is given for giving that name to the other island said to have
been discovered. Speriet is written differently on Dutch charts, and
in the translation of the Instructions published by Alex. Dalrymple
it is given as Spult and Speult. Speriet is the orthography used in
Swart's black letter copy from the original manuscript document once
in the possession of the Van Keulen's of Amsterdam. It does not
appear to be a lapsus because it is repeated in the 14th
paragraph of the Instructions, where mention is made of the
Sperietrivier.

We have contended elsewhere that the word Speult and Spult, to be
found on Dutch charts in the locality of Torres Straits, were words
corrupted from the Spanish words Spiritu Santo, written Spu St., in
its abbreviated form.

The Dutch contend that Spult, or Speult, is the name of a Dutch
official who resided at the Spice Islands for some time.

There certainly was a governor of that name who rendered himself
notorious in the Spice Islands by destroying all the clove trees the
produce of which the Dutch could not monopolise; but we do not see
that the fact of there being a governor named Speult proves that it
was his name that was first applied to the discovery made in the Gulf
of Carpentaria. If however Governor Speult sent out the expedition
that gave rise to his name being applied to the localities where it
is to be found (which remains to be proved), how is it that his name
is spelt Speriet in the most authentic printed Dutch document that we
possess? Tasman's original manuscript chart, now in the possession of
Prince Roland Bonaparte, might throw some light on the subject. The
copy we possess of that document does not; for in it those words are
not recorded, although the nomenclature in the Gulf of Carpentaria is
in other respects the most extensive we know of in print.

As to the other word, Arnhem, there is apparently greater
likelihood that Arnhem River and Arnhem Land were named after the
second yacht of the expedition than there is with regard to Speult
River and Island being named after the Dutch governor of Amboina. One
fact however renders caution necessary and militates against a rash
conclusion on the subject, and that is that an island in older charts
than the Dutch ones occupies the site of the island called Arnhem
Island and bears the name Arnim. We refer to the Henry II mappamundi
of 1546, in which the Arouw Islands are set down in that locality
under the name Arnim.

CHAPTER 44. A.D. 1624 TO 1629.

AN ENGLISH PETITION TO KING JAMES THE FIRST FOR THE RIGHT TO
COLONIZE THE TERRA AUSTRALIS.
DISCOVERY OF THE SOUTH COAST OF AUSTRALIA, 1627.
THE VIANEN ON THE NORTH-WEST COAST IN 1628.
THE WRECK OF THE BATAVIA IN 1629.

close
rivalry existed at this time between the Dutch and the English with
regard to the trade in the Spice Islands. In 1621 a treaty between
these two nations was signed. It prevented war for a time, but did
not put an end to the disputes or animosities of the rival English
and Dutch companies which culminated in the well-known massacre of
the English at Amboina in 1622. The English notwithstanding continued
to send out ships to the Australasian regions, and in 1624 a petition
for the "privilege of erecting colonies" in Terra Australis was
presented to King James the First by Sir William Courteen. We reprint
here from E.A. Petherick's publication The Torch this interesting
document, concerning which Mr. Petherick remarks*: "Sir James
Lancaster, who had made voyages to the East Indies, frequently
proposed to have a ship sent through the Strait of Magellan to the
Solomon Islands, but without result. James the First was not
favourable to colonies.

(*Footnote. The Torch, March 1888 page 89.)

"In the last year of his reign however an eminent London
merchant--probably the most enterprising English merchant of his
time--Sir William Courteen, desiring to extend his trade to the
Terra Australis, petitioned the king for the privilege of
erecting colonies therein. Sir William, who was joint owner of more
than twenty ships of burden, employing four or five thousand seamen,
already carried on an extensive trade on his own account to Portugal,
Spain, Guinea, and the West Indies. The following is a copy of his
petition, now printed for the first time:

"To the King's most Excellent Matie. The humble peticon of Sr
William Courten, knt, Most humbly showeth unto Your Matie.:

That all the lands in ye South parts of ye world called Terra
Australis, incognita, extending Eastwards and Westwards from ye
Straights of Le Maire, together with all ye adjacente Islands, etc.,
are yet undiscovered, or, being discovered, are not yet traded unto
by any of your Maties subjects. And your petitioner being very
willing, att his owne charges, which wil be very greate, to endeavour
ye discovery thereof and settle collonies and a plantation there
which he hopeth will tend to ye glory of God, ye reducing of
Infidells to Christianity, ye honour of your Matie, ye inlargemt of
your Mat's Territories and Dominions, ye increase of your Maties'
customes & revenue, & ye Navigation and imployment of your
Maties' subjects.

"Your petr therefore humbly desireth yr Matie to bee pleased to
grante to him, his heires and assignes, all ye said lands, islands,
and Territories, with power to discover ye same, to erecte Colonies
& a plantation there, and Courts of Justice, officers and
Ministers for ye setling and governinge of ye said Colonies and
plantations and those which are or shall inhabit or be there, and
power to administer justice and to execute Marshall law by land and
sea, and for your petr and those whom hee shall imploy to defend
themselves and offend such others as shall oppugne or hinder the said
discovery or plantation of your petr's shippes in going or returning;
and with such other grantes and landes and privileges as in cases of
discovery or setlinge of Colonies or plantations is usuall or shall
be fitt. And to directe your Matie's Attorney generall to prepare a
grante accordingly fitt for your Matie's Royal Signature. And your
petr (as in duty bound) shall ever pray for your Matie's long and
happie raigne."

Mr. Petherick adds the following: "Having lent large sums of money
to the King, Sir William Courteen had some claim upon His Majesty's
consideration. But it does not appear that 'All ye said islands
and territories' were granted to him. He appears to have been
satisfied with a bad title to the island of Barbadoes, where he sent
(1626) fifty settlers, who built a fort (1627), and remained there
till it was taken from them (1628). He then sent eighty men to the
island and re-took it in the name of the Earl of Pembroke. Sir
William died in 1666. His son's claim to the title was not deemed a
good one, and was disallowed in 1660."

DISCOVERY OF THE SOUTH COAST OF AUSTRALIA, 1627.

A portion of the south coast of Australia is shown for the first
time on old Dutch charts, where it appears under the name of 't
Landt van P[ieter] Nuyts. The Dutch inscription further indicates
that the discovery was made in the Gulde Zeepaert (the Golden
Sea-horse), and the date varies according to the chart consulted. In
the Mar di India chart it is 26 January 1627. In Pieter Goos' chart
it is 26 January 1625. In Tasman's chart, published in Amsterdam in
1859, the legend reads as follows:

The passage in the Instructions refers to this discovery in the
following terms:

"...but in the interim, in the year 1627, the south coast of the
great south land was accidentally discovered by the ship 't Gulde
Zeepaert (comende uit 't Patria) for the space of 250 miles." The
date 1625, on P. Goos' chart, must be wrong, for the announcement of
the arrival of the Golden Seahorse at Batavia on the 10th of
April 1627 is to be found, says P.A. Leupe,* in the daily register of
that town amongst the entries made from January to September 1627. We
gather also from that author that the skipper's name was Franchois
Thysz, and that Pieter Nuyts of the Counsel of Seventeen
was on board, with a despatch for the Counsel of India: Aan boord van
dit schip bevond zich PIETER NUYTS, door de Vergadering van
Zeventienen aanges teld tot Raad Extraordinair van Indie.

The names of the islands on the south coast of Australia, I. St.
Peter (or Pieter), and I. St. Francoys, appear to have been given in
commemoration of the Christian names of the skipper, Franchois Thysz,
and Peter Nuyts.

THE VIANEN ON THE NORTH-WEST COAST IN 1628.

"And again, accidentally," says the Instructions, "in the year
following, 1628, on the north side, in the latitude of 21 degrees
south, by the ship Vianen, homeward bound from India; when
they coasted about 50 miles without gaining any particular knowledge
of this great country, only observing a foul and barren shore, green
fields, and very wild, black, barbarous inhabitants."

The involuntary visit of the Vianen to the north-west coast
of Australia is recorded on Dutch charts, with slight variation, by
the following inscription: G.F. de Witts Landt ontdeckt 1628. It
appears that the commander's name was Gerrit Fredericsz De
Witt,* which accounts for the initials and name found on Dutch
charts. The skipper was Cornelis Schouten--De Schipper was Cornel is
Sthouten, daar hij op den 13 Januarij 1628 het cognossement van de
lading teekent.

(*Footnote. See Verhandelingen etc. vol 27 page
151.)

In the second part of the Introduction to the Voyages of the Dutch
East India Company, volume 1 page 51, a short account is given of the
wreck of the Vianen, which, it is stated, had sailed from
Batavia in January 1628, in the hopes of passing the Straits of Bali
in the good season, but not having succeeded she was driven out of
her course to the shores of the Austral lands of the unknown
Magellanica. There it was found necessary to jettison a quantity of
precious merchandise, and at last the ship was set afloat again, not
without great risk.

THE WRECK OF THE BATAVIA, IN 1629.

In 1629, in the month of June, the Batavia, commanded by
Captain Francis Pelsart, on his passage from Holland to Java, was
separated in a storm from the fleet with which he was sailing and
driven on the reef known as Houtman's Abrolhos (western coast of
Australia). The coast was found to be very rocky and full of shoals.
They resolved however to run the risk of landing, as the ship was
breaking up. They therefore exerted themselves to get bread and other
provisions on deck, but did not take the same care of the water. On
the first day, which was the 5th of June, they landed one hundred and
eighty persons, twenty barrels of bread, and some small casks of
water. Subsequently several parties were landed on various islands,
where they expected to find water; but no water could be found. The
captain, with a few of the crew, resolved to go in a small boat in
search of water. They explored the coast of the mainland for several
days without success. The wind was blowing from the south-east, and
they discovered that the current was carrying them north, whereupon
the captain resolved to steer for Java. Having arrived there safely
he sought for help, and returned to the Abrolhos in the Sardam
to save the remainder of his shipwrecked passengers and crew.

During his absence a shameful conspiracy had been set on foot, and
he was obliged to execute some of the ringleaders and maroon others
on the mainland before his return to Java with the remnant of his
charge.

For further particulars of this event we refer our readers to R.H.
Major's Early Voyages to Australia, where a full account of The
Voyage and Shipwreck of Captain Francis Pelsart, in the
Batavia, on the coast of New Holland, and his succeeding
Adventures, will be found.

Shortly after the wreck of the Batavia another Dutch ship was near
coming to grief in the same locality. She belonged to Admiral
Jacques Specx's fleet that set sail a little more than a month
after the fleet of eleven vessels to which the Batavia
belonged.

On the 19th of August 1629, says Rechteren,* one of the
passengers, we ran close to the South Land, or Land of Concord
(Eendraght Landt), where we found bottom in 40 fathoms, and we ran
north.

CHAPTER 45. A.D. 1630 TO 1640.

A PRE-TASMANIAN MAP OF AUSTRALIA.
DISCOVERIES IN THE GULF OF CARPENTARIA.
HOEIUS' MAP, CIRCA 1640.

e
acquired some time ago an engraved hand-coloured, curious old Dutch
map of the Indian Ocean, in which a large portion of the Australian
continent as said to be known to the Dutch prior to Tasman's first
and second voyages is delineated. It belongs to a folio printed in
black letter, apparently one of Blaeu's early atlases.

The pagination of the verso, which describes the Mar d'India, Oder
Das Ost-Indische Meer, is 69 & 70. The paper bears no watermark
and is gilt on all the edges. The size of the map is 1 foot 10 inches
by 1 foot 6 inches. The title is Mar di India. This map bears no
date, but various discoveries marked on the Australian continent
enable one to fix the date approximately. For instance Peter Nuyt's
discovery of the south coast of the Southern Land is recorded for the
year 1627. De Witt's discovery is also marked, which brings the date
of the map to the year 1628. The discoveries made in the year 1636,
when "the coast of Arnhem, or Van Diemen's Land, in 11 degrees south
latitude," and "the unknown island of Timor Laut," were discovered,
are not charted.

The inference is that it dates from between 1629 and 1636. In 1631
Blaeu and Hortensius were sent by the Dutch to Florence to study
under Galileo, who was at the time applying his discoveries in
astronomy to practical purposes in navigation and geography. The
probabilities are therefore in favour of the supposition that this
map, if compiled by Blaeu, was designed before his departure for
Florence with Hortensius. We are aware that maps of the same regions
published in Blaeu's atlases were drawn at a much later period; they
are however most of them totally different to this one, inasmuch as
they show Tasman's discoveries made in the years 1642 and 1644.

MAR DI INDIA MAP.

The name given to Australia is the most important feature of this
map. It bears the half Portuguese and half Spanish name of TERRA DEL
ZUR--the Land of the South. Originally this name must have been given
either by the Portuguese or the Spanish. It is not at all likely that
the Dutch would give such a name to Australia suggesting a discovery
made by their rivals; and the only other way of explaining its
presence is to consider it as the result of Portuguese or Spanish
naming and as a remnant of an earlier and more extensive
nomenclature.

DISCOVERIES IN THE GULF OF CARPENTARIA, 1636.

The next Dutch discoveries were made in the Gulf of Carpentaria,
when the bottom of the gulf was visited and Arnhem Land
discovered.

This was an expedition sent out from Banda in the year 1636, with
Gerrit Thomasz Pool in command of the yachts Amsterdam and
Wesel. They set sail in the month of April to discover the
East and South lands; "when they first discovered the
coast of Nova Guinea in 3 1/2 degrees south latitude, and coasted
about 60 miles to the eastward to 5 degrees south, when the Commodore
Pool, with three of the crew (by the barbarous inhabitants), was
murdered, at the same place where the skipper of the yacht
Arnhem was killed in the year 1623.

"Notwithstanding which the voyage was assiduously continued under
the supercargo, Pieter Pietersz, and the islands Keij and Arouw
visited. By very strong easterly winds they could not reach the west
coast of Nova Guinea, but, shaping their course very near south,
descried the coast of Arnhem, or Van Diemen's Land, in 11 degrees
south latitude, and sailed along the coast for 30 miles without
seeing any people, but many signs of smoke; when, turning towards the
north, they visited the unknown islands of Timorland,* and the known
islands of Tenimber, Kauwer, etc., but without ever being able to
converse with the inhabitants, who were a very timid people; when,
after three months' cruising, they returned in July to Banda, without
(in this voyage) having done or discovered anything of consequence;
which may be seen by the journals and maps."

(*Footnote. A corruption of Timor Laut.)

In reading Major's translation of the Instructions, and especially
his Introduction (see Early Voyages to Australia page xcii.), it
would appear that three yachts were sent instead of two, for,
referring to Pool's expedition, he says: "Gerrit Tomaz Pool, or Poel,
was sent in April of this year (1636) from Banda, with the yachts
Klyn, Amsterdam, and Wezel."

In Tindall and Swart's account (see Verhandelingen en Berigten
volume 4 page 73) the names of two yachts only are given, the
Amsterdam and Wesel. We are inclined to believe that
Klyn in Major's translation is derived from klein or
kleen, which in Dutch means little, small, and that it
qualified the word Amsterdam in the original text. We have come
across two other original references to the above voyage. The first
is in Valentyn's Beschryvinge van Banda. In that account, given also
by Major, the Amsterdam and the Weasel are the only
"two shallops" mentioned.

The second reference is to be found in the Voiages de la
Campagnie, volume 7 page 377. It occurs in a passage where mention is
made of the massacre of "Pierre Pauvelz" and two soldiers, who had
come from Kei, beyond Banda, in a junk.

HOEIUS' MAP, Circa 1640.

We have already remarked that none of the early discoveries which
the Dutch claim to have made on the shores of the Great South land
were marked on a map published at Amsterdam in the year 1621. It
appears strange that those early discoveries, and later ones,
extending over a period of 30 years, from 1606 to 1636, should not be
recorded on the map, the Australasian portion of which we reproduce
here. Especially as this map, published for the first time in 1600,
was republished at Amsterdam circa 1640, recording discoveries that
had been made in other parts of the world since the year 1600.

HOEIUS' MAP.

Franciscus Hoeius, apparently the engraver, and Hugo Allardt, the
publisher, appear to be not only ignorant of Dutch discovery on
Australian shores, but ignore also that part of Schouten and
Lemaire's voyage and discoveries made along the north coast of New
Guinea in 1616, although the Fretum le Maire between Staten
landt and Tierra del Fuego, which belongs to the
nomenclature of the same voyage, is set down. Instead of the Dutch
nomenclature that obtained after Schouten and Lemaire's voyage the
earlier nomenclature of Inigo Ortiz de Retez, Juan Gaetan, and Gaspar
Rico, will be noticed on the north coast of New Guinea, and to the
east of New Guinea Mendana's Solomon Islands.

What is probably a rough indication of some portion of the
north-west coast of Australia receives on this map the name of BEACH,
a fictitious name, to which we have already referred. There appears
to be an indication of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the separation
between New Guinea and York Peninsula is also indicated, although not
very apparently, owing to the scales of latitude which, in the
original, form the margin of the map.

In joining, as we have done, the eastern margin with the western,
NOVA GUINEA does not show the separation from Australia that one is
led to expect to see from the indication on the side of the Gulf of
Carpentaria. The eastern coast of Australia is very roughly
indicated, but is not connected in the south with the Antarctic
continent.

CHAPTER 46. A.D. 1642 TO 1658.

TASMAN'S FIRST VOYAGE ROUND ABOUT AUSTRALIA.
TASMAN'S SECOND VOYAGE ALONG THE NORTHERN AND NORTH-WESTERN COASTS OF
AUSTRALIA.
WRECK OF THE GOLDEN DRAGON.

n the
month of August of the year 1642 Anthonie Van Diemen, the
Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies and the council of the East
India Company, availing themselves of the noted ability of Abel Jansz
Tasman, ordered a more extensive exploration of the South Land, t'
Zuytland, than had hitherto been attempted. Their intention was
principally to find out the extent of the Great South Continent, and
ascertain whether a passage to the south of it led into the South
Sea.

Two ships were equipped for the voyage, the Heemskerk and
the Zeehaen. Besides Tasman, as commander of the expedition,
there went, as pilot major, Fransz Jacobsz alias Vissher, and
the skippers Yde Tjerksen and Gerrit Jansz. They set sail for
Mauritius. In October they left Mauritius, and, steering south,
reached the latitude of 54 degrees; they then steered east by north,
with the intention of gradually gaining north until the Solomon
Islands should be reached.

In this course they made the south coast of a land which they
believed formed part of the Great South Land.

They named it Anthonie Van Diemen's Land. Having examined the
southern shores of this land they continued their course in a
north-easterly direction, and discovered another important land,
which they called New Zealand. Then, steering north, they visited
several islands of the Pacific, and returned to Java by the north of
New Guinea. In the course of this extensive voyage of
circumnavigation Australia was not touched upon.

TASMAN'S SECOND VOYAGE.

Tasman's second voyage was undertaken in the beginning of the year
1644. Its main object was to ascertain whether New Guinea and new Van
Diemen's Land (Tasmania) were connected with the South Land
(Australia) or not. Three ships were equipped for the expedition, the
Limmen, the Zeemeuw, and the Brack. They sailed
into the Gulf of Carpentaria with the intention of reaching new Van
Diemen's Land; but, failing to find the strait through which Torres
had passed in 1606 and which now bears his name, they steered along
the northern and north-western coasts of Australia and returned to
Java. The track which Tasman followed in his two voyages will be
found traced in Captain T. Bowrey's map, which we give here (Illustration 7).

Captain Bowrey's map bears no date, but was probably made in 1687,
says Major, from whose work (Early Voyages to Australia) we take it.
Since Major published that map Tasman's original chart has been
found, and Tasman's route is traced on it in a similar manner,
showing that our copy is correct.

No new discoveries of any importance were made, strictly speaking,
in Tasman's second voyage; nevertheless after 1644, when the first
maps in which his track is laid down made their appearance, the
outline of this continent assumed for the first time a relatively
true position and a more accurate delineation of form. Whether,
between the time of Tasman's return (which, according to the
Instructions, was fixed for July 1644), and the publication of the
first map, new expeditions were made it would be difficult to say.
None are spoken of, and Dutch discoveries may be said to have ended
with Tasman's second voyage and the death of A. Van Diemen, which
happened on the 19th of April 1645.

About this time the Dutch, in addition to calling Australia 't
Groot Zuidlandt, the Great South Land, which was only the
translation of the previous name, Terra Australis and Terra del Zur,
began calling it Nova Hollandia and Nieuw Holland, a name transferred
by them to the southern continent from the icy regions they had
explored in the Arctic Seas when attempting to reach India and the
Spice Islands by a north-east passage.

Captain T. Bowrey's map, showing Tasman's tracks in his first
and second voyages. Date circa 1687.

The maritime power of the Dutch nation was now reaching its
climax. Eight years after Tasman's last voyage, in 1652, Holland was
the most powerful maritime state in Europe. Her preponderance however
was soon to give way to that of England. In 1653 Van Tromp's fleet
was beaten by Blake's. Another and more decisive battle, in which
Monk had the command and in which Van Tromp was killed, dealt a death
blow to the supremacy of the Netherlands. After this the Dutch seem
to have lost all interest in connection with Australian discovery,
and the occasions on which they sighted this continent seem to have
been mostly when their ships were driven out of their course by
storms or contrary winds and currents.

In 1656 the ship Vergulde Draeck* (Golden Dragon) was
wrecked on the same coast as Pelsart in 1629, but a little further
south. She had sailed on the 4th of October from Holland, on her way
to the East Indies, with a rich cargo, including 78,600 guilders in
cash, in eight boxes; she was wrecked very suddenly on the 28th of
April, at night, on a reef stretching out to sea about one mile and a
half, latitude 30 2/3 degrees.

(*Footnote. In the Voyages of Gautier Shouten, published
at Amsterdam in 1708 duod. volume 1 page 41 et seq., there is a
curious account of the wreck of the Vergulde Draeck. P.P.
King, in his narrative of a survey of the inter-tropical and western
coasts of Australia, gives this account in French, page xviii. volume
1.

Of one hundred and ninety-three souls only seventy-five, amongst
whom were the skipper, Pieter Aberts, and the under-steersman,
reached the shore alive. The news was brought to Batavia on the 7th
of June by one of the ship's boats, with the above-mentioned
steersman and six sailors. The General and Council resolved to get
ready without delay the Witte Valck (White Falcon). She was
ordered to join company with the yacht Goede Hoop (Good Hope),
then cruising in the Straits of Sunda, and to proceed with her
towards the coast of the South Land. Apart from the rescue work they
were sent to perform they were ordered to explore the coast with
particular attention near the part where the ship had been wrecked,
and to lay it down on a map.

These two vessels returned without having succeeded in their
object, the White Falcon on the 14th of September, and the
yacht Good Hope a month afterwards, having been forced by a
severe storm to part company on the 18th of July, on their way south.
According to the captain's journals lying at Batavia they had reached
the coast just in the winter time, during which season the sea is so
boisterous there that an approach to the coast is a matter of extreme
danger.

Thus, as these documents inform us, they were compelled, after
experiencing great dangers and exhausting every effort, to put off
from the coast and return to Batavia, leaving behind them eleven men
of the yacht Good Hope--three having wandered too far into the
bush eight others were sent in search of them, but not one of the
number returned. As the boat in which they had rowed to land was
found dashed to pieces on the shore the whole number most probably
came to an untimely end. According to the reports which were made
some men or some signs of the wreck of the Golden Dragon had
been noticed, although the Good Hope, which had been at the
place when the ship was supposed to have been wrecked, gave a
different statement.

Subsequently the commander at the Cape of Good Hope, according to
instructions sent to him, gave orders in the year 1657 to the
fly-boat Vinck, bound thence to Batavia, to touch en
passant at the same place where the above-mentioned disaster had
occurred, that search might be made for the unfortunate men. But his
vessel, also having arrived at the unfavourable season, found no
means of landing either with fly-boat or boat so as to make a proper
search. Having sighted land in 29 degrees 7 minutes south latitude,
on the 8th of June 1657, they continued to coast along it until the
12th, when they stood out towards Batavia, where they arrived on the
27th.

Although the rescue of these men seemed hopeless the General and
Council resolved to despatch, for a third time, two galliots, the
Waeckende Boey and Emeloort, the former with a crew of
forty, the latter with twenty-five men, provisioned for six months.
They set sail from Batavia on the 1st of January 1658. They had at
last taken due consideration of the necessity of approaching these
inhospitable shores in the proper season of the year. On the 19th of
April they returned to Batavia, having each of them separately, after
parting company by the way, sailed backwards and forwards again and
again, and landed parties at several points along the coast. They had
also continually fired signal guns night and day, without however
discovering either any Dutchman or the wreck of the vessel. The only
things seen were some few planks and blocks, with a piece of a mast,
a taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other objects scattered here
and there along the coast and supposed to be remnants of the wreck.
The crew of the Emeloort also saw, at different points, five
black men of extremely tall stature, without however daring to land
there. Thus this expedition also failed in its object. On their
return they left the cliff Tortelduyf on the starboard side. On the
14th of April they made for the west point of Java, and there fell in
again with the Waeckende Boey, which had lost its boat and
schuyt and fourteen men, and had got some timber from the Golden
Dragon, at 31 degrees 15 minutes south latitude, without having
perceived anything else. The Waeckende Boey had on March 31
passed at five miles' distance from Dirck Hartog's Reede. The
following is a description of the west coast of Australia by Captain
Volkersen of the Waeckende Boey:

"The south land has on its coasts downs covered with grass and
sand so deep that in walking one's foot is buried ankle deep, and
leaves great traces behind it. At about a league from the shore there
runs a reef of rock, on which here and there the sea is seen to break
with great force. In some places there is a depth of from one, one
and a half, to two fathoms, so that a boat can pass, after which the
depth becomes greater up to the shore; but it is everywhere a
dangerous coral bottom, on which it is difficult to find holding for
an anchor. There is only one spot, about nine leagues to the north of
the island, and where these rocks are joined by a reef that shelter
is afforded for a boat, and there one can effect a landing, but the
ground is everywhere rocky. Further from the coast there is a raised
ground, tolerably level, but of dry and barren aspect, except near
the island, where there is some foliage. In nearly 32 degrees south
latitude there is a large island* nearly three leagues from the
continent, with some rather high mountains, covered with wood and
thickets which render it difficult to pass across.

(*Footnote. Named afterwards Rottnest (Rat's Nest)
Island.)

It is dangerous to land there on account of the reefs of rock
along the coast; and moreover one sees many rocks between the
continent and this island, and also a smaller island somewhat to the
south. This large island, to which I have not chosen to give a name
myself, thinking it right to leave the choice of name to the
Governor-General, may be seen from the sea at seven or eight leagues
distance on a clear day. I presume that both fresh water and wood
will be found there in abundance, though not without considerable
trouble."*

(*Footnote. Translated from a Dutch manuscript in the
Royal Archives at the Hague. See Major's Early Voyages to Australia
page 89.)

CHAPTER 47. A.D. 1660 TO 1669.

P. GOOS' MAP OF HOLLANDIA NOVA, CIRCA 1660 TO 1669.

he map
of Hollandia Nova by P. Goos, which we reproduce here (Illustration
34), is a reduced copy of an engraved map published at Amsterdam
between the years 1660 and 1669. It bears no date, but belongs to one
of the numerous atlases published in Holland during the
above-mentioned period.

In it Tasman's discoveries are duly recorded, and the name
Hollandia Nova, written across the Australian continent, is
followed by the legend detecta 1644, which is the date of
Tasman's second voyage. This map differs slightly from the engraved
copy of Tasman's original manuscript chart published in 1859 by G.
Hulst Van Keulen, of Amsterdam: Owing no doubt to its smaller size,
the nomenclature is less complete. The delineation of the discovered
portions of coastline are similar. Unlike Goos' map the map published
by G. Hulst Van Keulen shows a connection, albeit fictitious, of the
south coast of Australia with the west coast of Tasmania, and the
east coast of Tasmania is connected with a fictitious east coast of
Australia running north beyond New Guinea, then connecting with New
Ireland and New Britain, those islands being linked in the same
erroneous way with New Guinea and Australia.

The strange consequence of this combination is that New Guinea is
deprived of its name. Australia is called the COMPAGNIS NIEV
NEDERLANDT, and the following legend is placed immediately under that
title: Int osten het groote landt van nouo guinea met het erste
bekende Zuijt lant weesende een landt end altesaemen aen malkanderen
vast als by deese gestippelde passagie by d'Jachten Limmen. Zeehmeeuw
end het quel d' bracq-kan worden. Ano 1644.

In P. Goos' map New Guinea bears the legend, le Maire dicta
Nova Guinea, and the name for Australia is HOLLANDIA NOVA;
detecta 1644.

It will be noticed that P. Goos' map represents the western shores
of Cape York Peninsula as a separate land from Australia and New
Guinea, tinted in yellow, and bearing the name CARPENTARIA.

Peter Goos' Map of Hollandia Nova, Circa 1660 TO 1669.

The discoveries supposed to have been made during the government
of Speult in the Spice Islands, and bearing his name on some charts,
are not recorded in Tasman's chart, neither do we notice the
Portuguese or Spanish inscription Pedra branca which occurs in
P. Goos' map, and is written also Piedra blanca in other
maps.

It is difficult to explain the presence of these words on maps
supposed to be copies of Tasman's original chart. Other words,
evidently of Portuguese or Spanish origin, appear also even on
Tasman's chart in combination with his nomenclature. These names
suggest an earlier discovery and the possession by the Dutch of maps
relating to those discoveries.

Explorers and navigators who make discoveries give, as a rule, the
reasons for naming the various places they discover. Tasman's journal
makes no exception to this rule, and, while he mentions Pedra branca
as resembling another Pedra Branca on the coast of
China, he does not say that he named those rocks off the south
coast of Tasmania.

CHAPTER 48. A.D. 1688 TO 1700.

THE DAWN OF THE ENGLISH PERIOD.
W. DAMPIER'S FIRST VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND.
W. DE VLAMINGH'S VOYAGE.
W. DAMPIER'S SECOND VOYAGE.

he dawn
of the English period of dominion in Australasia was heralded by the
arrival of W. Dampier thirty years after the last recorded Dutch
voyage, and precisely one hundred years before the arrival of our
first English Governor.*

(*Footnote. Phillip sighted land on the 3rd of January
1788; Dampier on the 4th of January 1688.)

Dampier's first visit was to the north-western coast, which was
approached from Timor. His narrative runs thus: "The 4th day of
January 1688 we fell in with the land of New Holland, in the latitude
of 16 degrees 50 minutes, having, as I said before, made our course
due south from the shoal* that we past by the 31st day of December.
We ran in close by it, and, finding no convenient anchorage, because
it lies open to the north-west, we ran along shore to the eastward,
steering north-east by east, for so the land lies. We steered thus
about twelve leagues, and then came to a point of land from whence
the land trends east and southerly for ten or twelve leagues; but how
afterwards I know not. About three leagues to the eastward of this
point there is a pretty deep bay, with abundance of islands in it,
and a very good place to anchor in or to hale ashore. About a league
to the eastward of that point we anchored, January the 5th 1688, two
miles from the shore, in twenty-nine fathoms good hard sand and clean
ground.

(*Footnote. Great Sahul Shoal.)

W. Dampier.

"New Holland is a very large tract of land. It is not yet
determined whether it is an island or a main continent, but I am
certain that it joins neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. This part
of it that we saw is all low, even land, with sandy banks against the
sea, only the points are rocky, and so are some of the islands in
this bay.

"The land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of water except you
make wells, yet producing divers sorts of trees; but the woods are
not thick, nor the trees very big. Most of the trees that we saw are
dragon trees, as we supposed, and these too are the largest trees of
anywhere. They are about the bigness of our large apple-trees, and
about the same height, and the rind is blackish and somewhat rough.
The leaves are of a dark colour; the gum distils out of the knots or
cracks that are on the bodies of the trees. We compared it with some
gum-dragon, or dragon's blood, that was aboard, and it was of the
same colour and taste. The other sorts of trees were not known by any
of us. There was pretty long grass growing under the trees, but it
was very thin. We saw no trees that bore fruit or berries. When we
had been here about a week, we hal'd our ship into a small sandy
cove, at a spring-tide, as far as she would float; and at low water
she was left dry, and the sand dry without us near half a mile, for
the sea riseth and falleth here about five fathoms. The flood runs
north by east, and the ebb south by west. All the neaptides we lay
wholly aground, for the sea did not come near us by about a hundred
yards. We had therefore time enough to clean our ship's bottom, which
we did very well. Most of our men lay ashore in a tent, where our
sails were mending; and our strikers brought home turtle and manatee
every day, which was our constant food.

"While we lay here I did endeavour to persuade our men to go to
some English factory, but was threatened to be turned ashore and left
here for it.

"This made me desist, and patiently wait for some more convenient
place and opportunity to leave them than here, which I did hope I
should accomplish in a short time, because they did intend, when they
went from hence, to bear down towards Cape Cormorin.

"In their way thither they designed to visit also the island
Cocos, which lieth in latitude 12 degrees 12 minutes north, by our
drafts, hoping there to find of that fruit, the island having its
name from thence."

From Dampier's description it seems easy enough to determine the
part of the coast visited by him, for although he gives no longitude
this is indicated by his statement concerning the shoal that he fell
in with to the south of Timor. Dampier, it must be remembered, was
only a common sailor on this trip, and the captain of the
Cygnet, the ship he was in, had no intentions of discovery.
Their visit at New Holland was to see what that country "would
afford" them. They did not give any names to the places where they
stayed, nor did they know whether they had made any discoveries or
not. The nomenclature that commemorates their visit was given in 1821
by P.P. King, who had no difficulty in fixing the locality described
by Dampier, for, alluding to Dampier's description, he says*: "From
this description, I have little hesitation in settling Cape Leveque
to be the point he passed round. In commemoration therefore of his
visit the name of Buccaneer's Archipelago was given to the cluster of
isles that fronts Cygnet Bay, which was so called after the name of
the ship in which he sailed. The point within Cape Leveque was named
Point Swan** after the captain of the ship, and to a remarkable lump
in the centre of the archipelago the name of Dampier's monument was
assigned."

("Footnote. Narrative of a Survey of the Intertropical and Western
Coasts of Australia, performed between the years 1818 and 1822, by
Captain Phillip P. King, R.N. London 1827 volume ii. page 38 line
20.)

(**Footnote. At the time of the visit of the Cygnet to Australia
Captain Reade was in command. Captain Swan and thirty-six of his men
had abandoned the Cygnet at Mindanao, being heartily weary of
buccaneering.)

W. DE VLAMINGH'S VOYAGE.

Wilhem de Vlamingh's voyage is the next in chronological order.
The avowed object of Vlamingh's visit to the South Land was to search
for the Ridderschap Van Hollandt, lost between the Cape of
Good Hope and Batavia in 1685. The little fleet of three vessels
composing the expedition set sail from Holland on May 3 1696. It was
composed as follows: The frigate De Geelvink, Commodore Wilhem
de Vlamingh; the hooker De Nyptang, Captain Gerrit Colaert;
the galiot Weseltje, Captain Cornelis de Vlamingh, son of the
Commodore.

The few extracts that we shall give are taken from The Journal
of a Voyage made to the unexplored South Land, by order of the Dutch
East India Company, in the years 1696 and 1697. Printed at Amsterdam
in 1701.

"On the morning of the 29th December 1696 at half-past two o'clock
we discovered the South Land...They cast anchor in from fourteen to
fifteen fathoms. At nearly half a league from the island, on the
south side, they had good holding ground.

"There are very few birds there and no animals except a kind of
rat as big as a common cat, whose dung is found in abundance over all
the island."*

(*Footnote. The island mentioned above is the one seen
thirty-eight years before by Captain Samuel Volkersen, and which he
did not name, "thinking it right to leave the choice of name to the
Governor-General." It received a name after Vlamingh's sojourn there
(Rottnest), which was suggested no doubt by Vlamingh's
description.)

On the 4th (January) de Vlamingh's boat made sail for the
mainland. On its return a council was held with the view of making an
expedition on shore on the morrow.

"At sunrise on the morning of the 5th the resolution which had
been taken was put into execution, and I, in company with the
skipper, pushed off to the mainland with the boats of the three South
land navigators. We mustered, what with soldiers and sailors, and two
of the blacks that we had taken with us at the Cape, eighty-six
strong, well armed and equipped. We proceeded eastwards; and after an
hour's march we came to a hut of a worse description than those of
the Hottentots. Further on was a large basin of brackish water, which
we afterwards found was a river, on the bank of which were several
footsteps of men, and several small pools in which was fresh water,
or but slightly brackish. In spite of our repeated searches however
we found no men.

"Towards evening we determined to pass the night on shore, and
pitched our camp in the wood, in the place where we found a fire
which had been lighted by the inhabitants, but whom nevertheless we
did not see. We fed the fire by throwing on wood, and each quarter of
an hour four of our people kept watch.

"On the morning of the 6th at sunrise we divided ourselves into
three companies, each taking a different route, to try if we could
not by this means find some men. After three or four hours we
rejoined each other near the river without discovering anything
beyond some huts and footsteps. Upon which we betook ourselves to
rest. Meanwhile they brought me the nut of a certain fruit tree,
resembling in form the drioens, having the taste of our large Dutch
beans, and those which were younger were like a walnut. I ate five or
six of them, and drank of the water from the small pools; but after
an interval of about three hours I and five others who had eaten of
these fruits began to vomit so violently that we were as dead men; so
that it was with the greatest difficulty that I and the crew regained
the shore, and thence in company with the skipper were put on board
the galiot, leaving the rest on shore.

"On the 7th the whole of the crew returned on board with the
boats, bringing with them two young black swans. The mouth of the
said river lies in 31 degrees 46 minutes, and at eleven, nine, and
seven gunshots from the mainland are five and a half fathoms of water
on good bottom. Between the river and Rottenest Island, which is at
nearly five leagues distance, Captain de Vlamingh had the misfortune
to break his cable."

On the 10th and 11th they renewed their exploration of the river
where they had found the black swans (since called the Swan River),
ascending it six or seven leagues (some thought it was ten).

They then continued their course along the coast in a northerly
direction, landing at various places, finding footsteps of men, dogs,
and cassowary (emus). On the 23rd and 24th they passed through the
channel now known as the Geelvinck Channel, landing now and again. On
the 25th and 26th they were on shore searching for water, which they
discovered near a little hut. They were now in the latitude of Hutt
Lagoon and Port Gregory of modern charts. On the 28th they put to sea
again. On the 30th they cast anchor in "an extensive gulf, which
probably must have been that named Dirk Hartog's Reede." On
the 31st two boats entered the gulf to explore it, and two others to
go fishing, which brought back in the evening a good quantity. The
same evening the chief pilot reported that they had been in the gulf
but had seen nothing further to show whether the part to the north of
the gulf were an island or not. They saw there a number of
turtles.

The narrative then runs thus: "On the 1st of February, early in
the morning, our little boat went to the coast to fish. Our chief
pilot, with de Vlamingh's boat, again went into the gulf, and our
skipper went on shore to fix up a commemorative tablet.*

(*Footnote. We have italicised the above passage, which
should be compared with another further on, equally italicised by us,
both being worthy of some consideration. See also above, Chapter 42.)

"On the 2nd we took three great sharks, one of which had nearly
(sic) thirteen little ones, of the size of a large pike. The two
captains (for de Vlamingh had also gone on shore) returned on board
late in the evening, having been a good six or seven leagues up the
country. Our captain brought with him a large bird's head, and
related that he had seen two nests, made of boughs, which were full
three fathoms in circumference.

"On the 3rd Vlamingh's chief pilot returned on board. He reported
that he had explored eighteen leagues, and that it was an island.
He brought with him a tin plate, which, in the lapse of time,
had fallen from a post to which it had been attached, and on which
was cut the name of the captain, Dirk Hartog, as well as the names of
the first and second merchants, and of the chief pilot of the vessel
De Eendraght, which arrived here in the year 1616, on the 25th
of October, and left for Bantam on the 27th of the same month."

From the above we observe two items of importance: first, that
they went on shore on the 1st of February to fix up a commemorative
tablet; and secondly, that Dirk Hartog's tin plate was brought on
board by de Vlamingh's chief pilot on the 3rd. These two occurrences,
as related by a member of de Vlamingh's expedition, are difficult to
reconcile unless we admit that two commemorative tablets were erected
at Dirck Hartog's Island, which does not appear probable and is not
recorded in the narrative.*

Dirck Hartog's plate was taken away by Vlamingh and another one
erected in its place commemorating Hartog's visit in 1616 and
Vlamingh's in 1697, "as to be read in the journals," says the
narrative.

To conclude the description of this voyage: They now shaped their
course in a northerly direction. Whether they passed between Dirck
Hartog's Island and the mainland is not very clear. Having reached
North West Cape they report having sailed up that bogus river known
on old Dutch charts as Willems' River. They then steered their course
for Batavia.

W. DAMPIER'S SECOND VOYAGE, IN THE YEAR 1699.

he next voyage to Australia was directed
to the same shores by W. Dampier, now captain of the Roebuck
and on a voyage of discovery.

At a time when Englishmen barely credited the existence of a
continent south of the East Indies it is noteworthy that amongst
Dampier's patrons was Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford, one of the
principal Lords of the Admiralty, and possessor of that valuable
document, the Dauphin chart. He, at least, believed in the existence
of a southern continent.

Dampier fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the
Abrolhos, "an appellative name for shoals" as he calls it, and
"strove to run in near the shore to seek for a harbour to refresh us
after our tedious voyage; having made one continued stretch from
Brazil hither of about 114 degrees; designing from hence also to
begin the discovery I had a mind to make on New Holland and New
Guinea. The land was low and appeared even"..."with some red and some
white cliffs; these last in latitude 26 degrees 10 minutes south,
where you will find fifty-four fathoms within four miles of the
shore...

"When I saw there was no harbour here, nor good anchoring, I stood
off to sea again, in the evening of the second of August...I made
sail and stood to the north; and at eleven o'clock the next day,
August 5th, we saw land again at about six leagues distance. This
noon we were in latitude 25 degrees 30 minutes.

"The 6th of August, in the morning, we saw an opening in the land,
and we ran into it...The mouth of this sound, which I called Shark's
Bay, lies in about twenty-five degrees south latitude.

"Twas the 7th of August when we came into Shark's Bay, in which we
anchored at three several places, and stay'd at the first of them*
till the 11th. During which time we searched about, as I said, for
fresh water, digging wells, but to no purpose.

"On the 11th about noon I steered farther in, with an easy sail,
because we had but shallow water...Then we saw the land right ahead
that in the plan makes the east of the bay. We could not come near it
with the ship, having but shoal water; finding by the shallowness of
the water that there was no going out to sea to the east of the two
islands* that face the bay, nor between them, I returned to the west
entrance. going out by the same way I came in at, only on the east
instead of the west side of the small shoal to be seen in the place;
in which channel we had ten, twelve, and thirteen fathoms of water,
still deepening upon us till we were out at sea.

(*Footnote. Dorre and Bernier Islands.)

Dampier's Map of Shark's Bay.

"It was August the 14th when I sailed out of this bay or
sound...designing to coast along to the north-east till I might
commodiously put in at some other part of New Holland...The 20th we
were in latitude 19 degrees 37 minutes, and kept close on a wind to
get sight of the land again, but could not get to see it...The 21st
we did not make the land till noon...There were three or four rocky
islands about a league from us...and we saw many other islands...as
far as we could see either way from our top-mast head; and all within
them to the south there was nothing but islands of a pretty height,
that may be seen eight or nine leagues off. By what we saw of them
they must have been a range of islands of about twenty leagues in
length, stretching from east-north-east to west-south-west, and for
aught I know as far as to those of Shark's Bay, and to a considerable
breadth also (for we could see nine or ten leagues in among them)
towards the continent or mainland of New Holland, if there be any
such thing hereabouts, and by the great tides I met with awhile
afterwards more to the north-east, I had a strong suspicion that here
might be a kind of archipelago of islands, and a passage possibly to
the south of New Holland and New Guinea into the great south sea
eastward, which I had thoughts also of attempting on my return from
New Guinea (had circumstances permitted), and told my officers so;
but I could not attempt it at this time because we wanted water, and
could not depend upon finding it there.

"This place is in the latitude of 20 degrees 21 minutes, but in
the draught that I had of this coast, which was Tasman's, it was laid
down in 19 degrees 50 minutes, and the shore is laid down as all
along joining in one body or continent, with some openings appearing
like rivers, and not like islands, as really they are...There grew
here two or three sorts of shrubs, one just like rosemary,* and
therefore I called this Rosemary Island."

(*Footnote. See (Illustration 18)
where Dampier's design of the Australian rosemary is
given.)

Dampier was then amongst the islands which afterwards received the
name of Archipel de Dampier on the occasion of the visit to
them made on the 29th of March 1803 by the commander of the French
ship le Casuarina.*

(*Footnote. See Peron volume 2 page 234.)

He was greatly in need of fresh water and a better place to ride
in; he consulted with his officers; "they all agreed to go from
hence."

"Accordingly, August the 23rd at five in the morning we ran
out...On the 25th of August we still coasted along the shore that we
might the better see any opening...The 30th day, being in latitude 18
degrees 21 minutes, we made the land again...The 31st of August,
betimes in the morning, I went ashore with ten or eleven men to
search for water. We went armed with muskets and cutlasses for
defence, expecting to see people there (they had seen 'smoaks' near
the shore), and carried also shovels and pickaxes to dig wells." They
had an encounter at this place with the natives, of which Dampier
says: "These New Hollanders were probably the same sort of people as
those I met with on this coast in my voyage round the world,* for the
place I then touched at was not above forty or fifty leagues to the
north-east of this...Upon returning to my men I saw they had dug
eight or nine feet deep, yet found no water. So I return'd aboard
that evening, and the next day, being September 1st, I sent my
boatswain ashore to dig deeper, and sent the sain with him to catch
fish."

The passage to the South Sea still haunted Dampier's mind. Such a
passage was not indicated on the Dutch charts, which were those that
Dampier used, but he may have had also a draught of the Dauphin
chart, on which a passage is indicated. It will be borne in mind that
Ed. Harley, the Earl of Oxford and one of the principal Lords of the
Admiralty, had been instrumental in sending Dampier out on this
expedition of discovery, and that Harley was the possessor of the
Dauphin chart, which has also been called the Harleyan chart by some
cartographers.

The "passage to the South Sea" was suggested to Dampier by the
tides at the place where he was, for he says: "By the height and
strength and course of them hereabouts it should seem that, if there
be such a passage or straight going through eastward to the great
South Sea, as I said one might suspect, one would expect to find the
mouth of it somewhere between this place and Rosemary Island, which
was the part of New Holland I came last from."

After all their trouble, the only water they could get was
brackish.

"And thus, having ranged about a considerable time upon this coast
without finding any good fresh water, or any convenient place to
clean the ship, as I had hoped for, and it being moreover the height
of the dry season, and my men growing scorbutick for want of
refreshments, so that I had little encouragement to search further, I
resolved to leave this coast, and accordingly in the beginning of
September set sail towards Timor." From Timor, where Dampier made a
lengthy stay, a straight course was made for New Guinea, which was
sighted on January 1 1700.

CHAPTER 49. A.D. 1700 TO 1717.

VOYAGE OF THE NOVA HOLLANDIA, THE WAJER, AND VOSSENBOSCH TO
MELVILLE ISLAND AND THE COBURG PENINSULA, IN 1705.
DAMPIER AND WELBE.

ive
years and twenty-three days after we left W. Dampier in sight of New
Guinea three Dutch vessels left Batavia--the fluyt
Vossenbosch, the sloop the Wajer, and the
phantiallang or patsjalling Nova Hollandia. These three
vessels were commanded by Martin Van Delft. The journals appear to
have been lost, as usual, but a report has been preserved which was
addressed to the Governor-General and Council. The three Dutch ships
remained some considerable time at Timor, then in April 1705
proceeded to the north-west corner of Van Diemen's Land. This
north-west corner of Van Diemen's Land is what is now known as Cape
Van Diemen, Melville Island, Northern Territory. They were instructed
to survey with care a large bay that, owing to the flow of water and
other signs, was believed to run right through to the South of New
Holland. They only visited however "a very small portion of that
great bay, which it was recommended to them to sail over and explore
as much as possible." The great bay in question is Van Diemen's Gulf,
which retained on old Dutch charts the term Baya, given to it
no doubt by the Portuguese, who must have been there before.*

(*Footnote. In 1818, when P.P. King was on a surveying
expedition to the locality, and determined the insularity of Melville
Island, the natives "repeatedly asked for axes by imitating the
action of chopping," and invited the white men to land, one in
particular, a native woman, frequently repeated the words "Ven aca,
Ven aca," come here, come here, "accompanied with an invitation to
land." P.P. King volume I. pages 111 and 113.)

Having reached Cape Van Calmoerie, Croker Island, the
expedition returned home. A map of the surveys made during that
expedition was published at Amsterdam in 1868 in Jacob Swart's
Verhandelingen en Berigten. The above expedition is the last
one recorded in which discoveries were made before the arrival of our
illustrious Cook.

DAMPIER AND WELBE.

The publication of Dampier's voyages, in which New Holland
is described as the barrenest spot upon the globe, seems to
have damped the ardour for Australian exploration, for the several
schemes of colonisation that were projected about this time met with
no encouragement. The great Australian Continent was a drug in the
market. None would have it. One of these schemes is worth recording
because it appears to have been suggested by Dampier, who, after his
return to England, viewing the profession of the sea with the old
yearnings of the buccaneer, started on a privateering expedition to
despoil the Spaniards.

On this occasion Dampier commanded the St. George, and a
certain John Welbe, author of the scheme we refer to, accompanied
him, it appears, for he mentions having done so in his petition.
Welbe does not mention however that most of his information came from
Dampier; in fact he pretends to ignore that others had visited the
regions in which he proposes to settle colonies. Burney (volume iv.
page 517) gives the following account of John Welbe's proposal, which
is to be found among the Sloane Manuscripts in the British
Museum:

"In 1713 John Welbe, a person who had been in the South Sea with
Captain Dampier, offered a plan to the British Ministry for a voyage
to make a full discovery of Terra Australis. Welbe was an ingenious
but distressed projector, and, it appearing that his proposals were
made principally with a view to his own relief, they obtained little
attention. They were referred to the Admiralty, and afterwards to the
South Sea Company, a committee of which company examined and 'found
the matter out of their bounds.'"

The heads of Welbe's scheme were, to give them in his own words,
as follows:

"For a good fourth-rate ship of the navy to be equipped for the
voyage, to carry 180 men, having only her upper tier of guns mounted,
leaving the rest ashore for the convenience of storing additional
provisions, and for the ease of the ship; the cooking copper to be
hung like a still so that, when water is wanted, we can distil salt
water and make fresh. Also a brigantine tender to be provided. To go
round Cape Horne to the island Juan Fernandez, thence to the Solomon
Islands, discovered 150 years ago by the Spaniards. But the Court of
Spain did not think fit to settle them by reason they had not
entirely settled the main land of Peru. On arriving, to search and
discover what that country abounds in, and to trepan some of the
inhabitants on board and bring them to England, who, when they have
learned our language, will be proper interpreters."

Welbe proposes afterwards to sail to New Guinea, which he believed
to form part of Terra Australis, and there to make the like
examination. He renewed his proposals several times. His plan and
application have been preserved in the Sloane collection of
manuscripts, and his last application is dated in the latter part of
the year 1716, from Wood-street Compter, where he was then confined
for debt. He complains in it that he presented three petitions to the
king, besides petitioning the Treasury and the Admiralty Board,
without receiving any definite answer.*

(*Footnote. History of New South Wales, from the Records.
By G.B. Barton page 569.)

It will be noticed that Dampier's experience was made use of, and
that the absence of fresh water on the coasts of Australia was to be
provided against. In the above proposal Welbe acknowledges that he
had been in the South Sea with Dampier, and also that the Spaniards
had discovered the Solomon Islands; but in a later proposal made in
1716, just after Dampier's death, he boastfully states that "from the
coast of Peru West to the East Indies is upwards of 2,500 leagues,
which to the south of the line is undiscovered to any European,
Captain Welbe excepted."

Only one copy of the original of this second proposal, which we
give here, is known to exist, and that is in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris. Mr. G.B. Barton remarks, "That in the light of
present knowledge, this document is of great interest, especially in
connection with the reference to the gold and silver mines, and the
name of New Wales."

CAPTAIN JOHN WELBE'S PROPOSALS for Establishing a Company, by the
name of the London Adventurers, for carrying on a Trade to (and
settling Colonies in) TERRA AUSTRALIS, and Working and Improving the
Gold and Silver Mines which there abound.

"Whereas 'tis well known that there is no nation that do Trade
from the South Seas to the East Indies but the Spaniards, whose India
trade is from Acapulco (on the coast of Mexico, in the South Seas),
to the Philippine Islands in the East Indies, which ships in going
keep always to the North-East Trade Wind; and in coming back they run
to 40 or 45 Degrees North, to meet with a Westerly Wind, to run them
to the Eastward, for which Reason those Southern parts are not yet
fully discovered, nor any part of them settled by any European
whatsoever, they lying out of the way of all Trading Ships.

"If we look back and trace the Course of those European Ships
Voyages that have sailed round the Globe it may easily be seen how
far they were from making any Discoveries in those Southern Parts,
the Course of their Voyages not giving them any Opportunity for so
doing.

"Magellanus, the Discoverer of the Streights called after his
Name, the first that sailed West from the South Seas to the East
Indies, sailed along the Coasts of Peru and Mexico till he came to
California, and thence took his Departure for India, keeping in the
North-East Trade Wind.

"Sir Francis Drake, said to be the first Commander that sailed
round the Globe (Magellanus being kill'd by the Indians of Mindanos
Island) kept the Coast of Peru and Mexico on board, and sailed West
for India in the North-East Trade Wind.

"Sir Thomas Cavendish the same.

"Captain Swann, one of the Buccaneers of America, with whom
Captain Dampier sailed the first time round the Globe, kept in the
North-East Trade Wind from California to India, and was killed at
Mindanos, as Magellanus was.

"Captain Rogers, in the Duke and Duchess, with the
Acapulco ship, kept likewise in the North-East Trade Wind.

"It is here to be observed that from the Coast of Peru West to the
East Indies is upwards of 2,500 Leagues, which to the Southward of
the Line is undiscovered to any European (Captain Welbe excepted),
who, in the course of his Voyage round the World with Captain
Dampier, in the years 1703, 1704, 1705, and 1706, having many
extraordinary Opportunities of satisfying and informing himself what
Discoveries had been made, by Order of the Viceroys of Peru, for 150
Years past, Was thereby well assured that the Islands named (by the
said Captain Welbe) St. George's Islands and New Wales, and some
other Islands thereabouts, which abound with Mines of Gold and
Silver, belong to no European Prince or State, and are therefore free
for the first Discoverer to take Possession of, which Mines the
Undertaker doubts not to prove, will enrich the British Nation
upwards of 50,000,000 sterling if taken Possession of and Colonies
settled, which is not half what the Kingdom of Peru has produced to
the Spaniards since their first Settlement there under Francisco
Pizaro, the first Viceroy.

"It is therefore proposed that a Joint Stock, not exceeding
2,500,000, be raised to fit out Ships and settle Colonies forthwith,
that the Improvements and Advantages of such Valuable Discoveries may
not be lost. And in order thereto the said Captain Welbe is now ready
to grant Permits to such Persons who are willing to be Proprietors
and Adventurers in this said Undertaking. On Grant of which Permits
the Proprietors are to pay in 1 shilling on every Share, namely 10
shillings for every 1000 pounds, to enable the Undertaker to apply
for and obtain a Patent, and defray other charges; and no more is to
be paid in until at a General Meeting of and by the Proprietors
Directors and Treasurers be chosen; and then no more on each Share
than what the Directors at such Meeting shall agree on and find
necessary for carrying on effectually so valuable and advantageous a
Trade.

"N.B. The proposer has no Sinister Ends nor Self-Interest In View,
and expects no Pay nor any Reward but such Part of the neat Produce
of Profits as the Directors shall think fit and agree to allow
him."*

CHAPTER 50. A.D. 1717 TO 1770.

JOHN PURRY'S PROPOSITIONS.
ROGGEWEEN'S EXPEDITION.
THE LOSS OF THE ZEEWYCK.
CONCLUSION.

year
after Welbe' s proposal, in 1717, Jean Pierre Purry, a Swiss born at
Neuchatel, addressed a memoir to the Governor-General of the Dutch
East India Company, proposing the settling of a colony in the
Land of NIGHTS (Nuyts Land).

Neither this memorial nor another which accompanied it were well
received, and a friend of Purry's told him privately that he had
better get out of the way, for that some things had been observed in
both memorials which ought not to be made public. P. Purry took the
hint and went to France. "It was supposed by some," says Major (Early
Voyages to Australia, page cxvi.) "that the voyage of Roggeween to
the South Seas in 1721 was a result of this application (Purry's),
but it is distinctly stated by Valentyn that it was an entirely
distinct expedition. In 1699 Roggeween's father had submitted to the
West India Company a detailed memoir on the discovery of the Southern
Land; but the contentions between Holland and Spain prevented the
departure of the fleet destined for the expedition, and it was
forgotten. Roggeween however, who had received his father's dying
injunctions to prosecute this enterprise, succeeded at length in
gaining the countenance of the directors, and was himself appointed
commander of the three ships which were fitted out by the company for
the expedition. According to Valentyn the principal object of this
voyage was the search for certain "islands of gold," supposed to lie
in 56 degrees south latitude; but the professed purpose was
distinctly avowed by Roggeween to be directed to the South Lands.
Although the expedition resulted in some useful discoveries it did
not touch the shores of New Holland."

The survivors of the wreck of the Zeewyk were apparently
the last Europeans to catch sight of Australian shores before the
arrival of the English on the eastern coast. Relics from this vessel,
which was lost in 1727, are constantly turning up on the guano
islands known under the name of Houtman's Abrolhos. Messrs.
Broadhurst, Macneil, and Company have been exporting guano from the
Abrolhos the last eight years, the total output in 1893 amounting to
some 3,500 tons, and the trade is still a very profitable and
prosperous one. In shifting the guano relics from shipwrecked vessels
are uncovered, and no doubt when the lower stratas are reached older
relics of the Portuguese period will be found.

We give here a short account of the wreck of the Zeewyk
because it is interesting, and in this document we have an example of
the marvellous sagacity of the Hollanders for Netherlandising
expressions that otherwise would not be Dutch to anyone. The original
Venetian expression, Apri-l'occhio, used by mariners as a
warning to have a good look out, literally to keep their eyes open,
and which became Portuguese under the modified form of
Abrolhos, is in the following document corrupted to
Ambrollossen*:

(*Footnote. Our extract is from Major who is responsible
for the orthography of Ambrollossen.)

"To His Excellency and the Noble Councillors of the Netherlandish
India:

"We take the liberty of informing you that, in sailing from the
Cape of Good Hope to Batavia with the company's late ship
Zeewyck, we were wrecked on a reef on the ninth of June 1727
at seven o'clock in the evening, in the first watch.

"The reef against which the vessel struck is surrounded by a very
high and heavy surf, and runs in the shape of a half-moon. On the
inner side lie many small islands, called Frederick Houtman's
Ambrollossen (Abrolhos), which we gained on the eighteenth of June,
and upon which we remained from that day until we had fetched from
the wreck everything that seemed to us necessary for the preservation
of our life--spars, ropes, timber, and provisions. As soon as we had
got these materials on shore our carpenter at once set to work with
his men, by order of the officers, and by the help of the common
people, to build a vessel, so that we might save our lives, if it
pleased God. We called it the Slopie, that is the little
sloop, made up from the wreck of the Zeewyck. When it was
ready for sea we made sail with a south wind and fair weather on the
twenty-sixth of March, having with us the money chests of the company
as well as provisions for the voyage. We continued to enjoy
favourable weather throughout the voyage, and so arrived by God's
blessing, on the twenty-first of April 1728, in the Straits of Sunda,
eighty-two souls, of whom we herewith subjoin a list for the
information of your nobility and council.

"We beg to wish you and the council, from the bottom of our heart,
every prosperity and happiness, and present respectfully our humble
services. Yours, etc.,

(S.) JAN. STEYNS.

JAN. NOBBENS."

England was now coming to the front. In 1762 Admiral Cornish and
General Draper reduced the Philippines, and after the siege of Manila
Dalrymple became the possessor of the document which revealed Torres'
passage through the straits that bear his name.

After the peace of Paris England became the greatest maritime and
colonial power in the world.

We have reached the period of great expeditions, sent out no
longer for piratical purposes but in the interests of science and
commerce--Bougainville's, Byron's, Wallis', Carteret's, Crozet's,
Kerguelen's, and Cook's.

R. De Vaugondy's Map of New Holland, A.D. 1752.

The map which closes the series of maps of Australia, which we
have given in this work, shows the idea that the world possessed of
the configuration of this continent prior to the arrival of
Lieutenant Cook. It is by Robert de Vaugondy, the geographer to the
King of France. Corrected and published in 1752 it is a fair specimen
of the maps of New Holland of that date. It will be noticed in it
that the early discoveries of Mendana, de Quiros, and Torres are set
down as forming part of the Australian continent. Torres Straits are
indicated, although with some hesitation. Such is not the case in
many maps of the same period, the Australian continent being
decidedly joined to New Guinea, whereas in another map by the same
cartographer, published in 1756, New Guinea is quite separate from
New Holland. Indeed the ignorance of the geography of New Holland was
such that we find English maps assuming the very same outline as this
one even after the world-famed voyage of Lieutenant Cook. We have one
now before us in which the inscription New South Wales, discovered
1770, takes the place of the French Cotes conjecturees,
without the slightest alteration in the outline of this eastern
coast, which runs north to the New Hebrides, with the legend
Espiritu Sancto, and, as the Straits of Torres are blocked,
Lieutenant Cook was supposed by the cartographer to have reached
Batavia by the north of New Guinea.

CONCLUSION.

In conclusion we feel inclined to say with Alexander Dalrymple
that "there is nothing new under the sun," and that Australia must
have been known from the remotest antiquity.

As far as its cartography is concerned the first appearance of
something less problematical than the Terra Australis of the
ancients is the outline of the Western coasts of that Terra
Australis on the British Museum mappamundi of 1498.

Then comes a long period of uncertainty, and the Portuguese and
Spaniards find their way to these seas. No mention however of any
positive discovery of Australian shores is made by them, and the
Lusitano-French maps of the Dieppese School of Hydrography are the
only documents which prove conclusively that Australia had been
discovered, since those documents bear witness to the charting of at
least the western and eastern coasts of this great South Land.
Concerning the southern coasts the cartography of the period does not
furnish any absolute proof of discovery, and with reference to the
northern coasts some hitherto impenetrable mystery envelops the
history of their discovery by Europeans.

It would perhaps be rash to conclude that those northern coasts
had been charted at the period we refer to--1511 to 1550--although
they must have been known to the Portuguese and Spaniards shortly
after they came to settle in the Spice Islands. The natives of the
Spice Islands and of the East Indian Archipelago, having from time
immemorial held a constant intercourse with traders from China, the
Philippines, New Guinea and islands in close proximity to Australia,
must have known all the countries that those traders were acquainted
with. The Chinese and Malays were acquainted with the northern coasts
of Australia, where they came to fish for trepang. Whatever facts
concerning the Great Southern Continent those traders became
acquainted with must have soon been known to the Portuguese and
Spaniards, always on the look out for fresh information and the
discovery of new territory.

With regard to the northern coasts of Australia we wish to draw
particular attention to the following facts:

2. That on other charts of the same period* (actually only 3 or 4
years later in point of date) that part of the Australian Continent
which is nearest to New Guinea--Cape York--is shown as it should be,
i.e. unconnected with New Guinea.

(*Footnote. Dauphin and other charts, 1530 to 1550. See
Chapter 30 et sequit.)

Portion of Dauphin Chart.

Adaptation of portion of Dauphin Chart showing the process of
distortion resorted to.

Now, although in the former charts no Australian Continent is
represented, and in the latter only a portion of New Guinea bearing
the name of Papuas, yet the fact remains that an open sea is shown
between New Guinea and Australia in the two classes of maps referred
to. This points to the fact that the straits now known as Torres
Straits were known at an early date.

Nevertheless there remains some strange mystery, as we have said,
in connection with this matter which has not yet been solved. The
mystery, if cleared up some day, will be found to relate to the
peculiar distortion to which the charts of the Desceliers type have
been subjected to. We have seen that the Portuguese and Spaniards
must have known of an open sea between Timor and Sumbawa, yet on all
the charts of the Desceliers type, which, it must be remembered, are
charts of Portuguese origin, Sumbawa forms part of Australia, since
it is shown as attached to and forming one with York Peninsula.
Timor* is so situated (off the coast of Queensland) that Sebastian
del Cano, with the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition, could not have
left that island to reach the Cape of Good Hope on a south-westerly
course without coming into immediate contact with Australia.

Java, Bali, Lomboc and Sumbawa form the northern coasts of
Australia on the Desceliers maps. Bali and Lomboc, being represented
as detached islands, are either in the Gulf of Carpentaria or in
their correct and respective positions with regard to Java and
Sumbawa.*

(*Footnote. See note above.)

The two preceding woodcuts (Illustrations 2
and 65) will illustrate the process of
distortion that has been adopted in the compilation of the
Lusitano-French charts of Australia.

The small woodcut is a facsimile outline of a portion of the
Dauphin Chart, showing part of Java, Madura, Bali, Lomboc, and
Sumbawa through which protrudes Cape York Peninsula. A few names have
been left by us for purposes of identification, they are: Amadura
(Madura Island, north-east coast of Java), Asaerm (Gresic, also on
the north-east coast of Java), Sorabaia (the well-known modern
Surabaya), fin de Java (end of Java, a much repeated indication found
on numerous old charts), Araaram (Kamara? a native village in
Sumbawa, probably a bad reading or an elliptical form of Aramaram in
F. Rodriguez' Portolano 1511/1512, see above; or it may be a
corruption of Masaram or Massaram, another name for Bramble Bay, an
island situated at the extreme north end of Cape York). Symbana (the
name of the island, the modern Sumbawa).

The larger woodcut is an adaptation of ours for the purpose of
showing the process of distortion we refer to. The exterior
(coastline) outline is from the Dauphin Chart, as will be noticed by
comparing it with the smaller woodcut. In it will be seen a dotted
outline showing a portion of the rectified line of the south coast of
Java, eastern and portion of more south-eastern coast of the Gulf of
Carpentaria.

This woodcut illustrates at a glance how the seaway was blocked
between Java and Australia, although a river communication, that of
the Rio Grande, was left. Coste Dangereuse belongs to
the nomenclature of the Dauphin Chart; the other names belong of
course to the modern nomenclature of Queensland. The cape which forms
the apex of York Peninsula, i.e. Cape York, divides Sumbawa in two,
and the islands of Bali and Lomboc may be considered as either
belonging to the hydrography of the Gulf of Carpentaria or to the
eastern prolongation of islands from Java to Sumbawa.

Cavendish's track as it would appear on the Dauphin
Chart.

Drake's and Cavendish's tracks, as shown on Jodocus Hondius'
Map.

APPENDIX.

DE GONNEVILLE DISCOVERS AN AUSTRAL LAND IN THE YEAR
1503/1504.

A few French writers* on Australasian maritime discovery have
attempted to set up a claim in favour of a discovery of Australia by
one of their countrymen.

(*Footnote. D'Avezac is the principal French geographer
who has written about de Gonneville's Voyage, and the result of his
investigation was that de Gonneville landed in South
America.)

It is said by them that the Sieur de Gonneville discovered
Australia in the year 1503. This claim having been endorsed by
certain English writers it is necessary to point out here that such a
claim is untenable on the following grounds:

1. That the country discovered does not correspond with Australia
geographically.

2. That the country discovered does not correspond with Australia
ethnographically; and

3. That the term Terre Australle, Austral Land, would apply
at the time to any land south of the equator--Madagascar or South
America for instance.

Mr. E. Marin La Meslee, who was the first and last to deal
exhaustively with this claim as far as Australia is concerned, fails
to convince one that J.B. Paulmier de Gonneville actually landed in
Australia.

We need not enter into all the details of Mr. La Meslee's lengthy
dissertation, in which he tries to explain such difficulties as those
which refer to a people carrying bows and arrows, and wearing
"mantles either of skins or of woven mats, and some of them made of
feathers, with a kind of apron just above the haunches, which the men
wear down to the knee, and the women to the calf of the leg."

The first part of de Gonneville's narrative, relating to the place
where he landed, may be summarized as follows:

Soon after the Portuguese had discovered the way to the East
Indies some French merchants, having formed the design of following
the steps of Vasco da Gama, and invited by a prospect of sharing the
gains of the Portuguese trade, fitted out a ship, which was entrusted
to de Gonneville. He left Honfleur in the month of June of the year
1503 in the good ship L'Espoir, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and,
being on his way to the East Indies, was driven out of his course
into calm latitudes by a furious storm, which left him uncertain in
what part of the world he was. Being in want of water, and his ship
having suffered much by storm, the sight of some birds from the south
induced him to hold his course that way, when he soon discovered a
large country to which he gave the name of Austral India and Terre
Australle, naming the inhabitants Australians.

Now it must be remembered that, prior to the discovery of
Madagascar in 1505, the route followed by the Portuguese, once the
Cape of Good Hope rounded, was along the African coast to Sofala,
leaving Madagascar to their right.

There are no degrees of longitude or latitude mentioned in de
Gonneville's narrative, and we have only his statement that he was on
the "true course to the East Indies" when (in about October) he met
with adverse winds.

We must suppose therefore that he was somewhere between the coast
of Zanzibar and the Seychelles Islands, and that by going south he
landed on the coast of Madagascar.

The periodicity of the monsoons in this part of the Indian Ocean
would explain de Gonneville's statement with regard to the
"tempestuous weather and calm latitudes," and give colour to the
following theory, which we venture for the consideration of our
readers:

De Gonneville, on his way to India, passed through the Mozambique
Channel, and arrived towards October within a few degrees of the
equator with a fair south-easterly monsoon.

At this time of the year however in these latitudes the wind
changes and blows from the north-east. De Gonneville therefore must
have been driven out of his course by a head wind into calm
latitudes; then, falling in with the north-easterly monsoon, between
3 to 10 degrees south of the line, he was carried to the coast of
Madagascar.

GOMEZ DE SEQUEIRA'S VOYAGE IN THE YEAR 1525. AN ALLEGED DISCOVERY
OF AUSTRALIA.

There is an account of a voyage by Gomez de Sequeira that is worth
while considering, because it is quite possible that Sequeira's
discovery of some islands near Australia led to its discovery as
suggested by Mr Barbie du Bocage.

The celebrated French geographer of that name, commenting on the
Desceliers Lusitano-Spanish charts,* was led to believe that the
Portuguese had discovered Australia between the years 1512 and 1542,
but that they kept the matter secret because the Spanish at the time
claimed all territories lying under the meridian of the Spice
Islands. Of this discovery Barbie du Bocage says**:

(*Footnote. In the Magazin Encyclopedique 12ieme
annee, tome iv. 1807, and also Major, Early Voyages to Australia,
page xxxv.)

(**Footnote. Major's translation.)

"There is however no mention made of it in the voyages of the
time, which would sufficiently prove that the Portuguese had
suppressed, or at least concealed, the account of it. But I propose
to endeavour to supply this defect from the narrative of two of their
historians.

"Castanheda, a Portuguese author, who had been in India, tells us
that in the beginning of July 1525 the Portuguese of Ternate, one of
the Moluccas, dispatched a vessel to the Island of Celebes to traffic
there; that this vessel on its return was driven by violent winds and
currents into an open sea between the Straits of Magellan and the
Moluccas; that the Portuguese found themselves thrown more than three
hundred leagues out of their route, and were several times nearly
lost. One night their rudder was carried away, and they beat about
till the morning, when they discovered an island thirty leagues in
circumference, on which they landed, with thanks to God for affording
them this asylum. The islanders gave them an excellent reception;
they were of a tawny colour, but well made and good looking, both men
and women. The men had long black beards. The Portuguese remained
four months in this island, not only for the purpose of refitting but
because the winds were contrary for the return to the Moluccas. At
length they departed and reached Ternate on the 20th January
1526.

"Such is the narrative of Castanheda. The Jesuit Maffei, who has
given us a history of India, has supplied us with less details, but
his account is not less valuable inasmuch as he gives us the name of
the captain who commanded the ship. He says: Some Portuguese of the
Moluccas, having gone to the islands of Celebes to seek for gold, but
not having been able to land, were driven by a fearful tempest upon
an island which is distant therefrom three hundred leagues, when they
went ashore. The inhabitants, who were simple people, received them
very well, and soon became familiar with them. They comprehended
their signs, and even understood a little of the language spoken at
the Moluccas. All the inhabitants were well-looking, both male and
female; they were cheerful, and the men wore beards and long hair.
The existence of this island was previously unknown, but, in
consideration of the account given of it by the captain, whose name
was Gomez de Sequeira, and of the map which he drew of this
island, his name was given to it.*

(*Footnote. We have italicised this passage referring to
a map that was made because we have found the name on a map which we
give further on. George Collingridge.)

"From the details supplied to us by these two authors it is
evident that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira was thrown was to
the eastward of the Moluccas, because, in returning, the Portuguese
had to sail westward. Now three hundred Portuguese leagues, starting
from the Moluccas or the Island of Celebes, lead us to within a
trifle of Endeavour Straits; we may therefore conclude that it was
upon one of the rocks in this strait that Gomez de Sequeira lost his
rudder, and that the island on which he landed was one of the
westernmost of those which lie along its western extremity. The
Portuguese did not advance far into this strait, for it is plain that
they met with no obstacle in returning to the Moluccas. I think
therefore that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira landed was one
of those which were called Prince of Wales Islands by Captain Cook,
and which are inhabited, because this navigator states that he saw
smoke there. What confirms me in this opinion is the agreement of our
two authors in stating that the men of Gomez de Sequeira's Island had
long and black hair and beards. We still find this characteristic
distinguishing the natives of New Holland from those of New Guinea,
whose hair and beards are crisped. This island therefore was nearer
to New Holland than to New Guinea, which is in fact the case with the
Prince of Wales Islands." And Mr. Barbie du Bocage adds: "The
Portuguese having discovered in 1525 an island so near as this to New
Holland, we must believe that the discovery of that continent
followed very soon after that of this island. It was at that time
that the controversies between the Courts of Portugal and Spain were
at their highest; the Portuguese therefore needed to be cautious
respecting their new discoveries; they were obliged to conceal them
carefully. It will not therefore be surprising that no mention was
made in their works of the discovery of New Holland."

Major does not agree with Barbie du Bocage, and points out that he
appears to have neglected to consult de Barros, the most
distinguished of all early Portuguese historians. It is certainly
strange that Barbie du Bocage does not mention that author; but, had
he availed himself of the minute description of the voyage in
question, to which de Barros devotes the 5th chapter of the 10th book
of his 3rd Decada, he would not have been any wiser than
Major, who may be said to be equally at variance with any of the
three authors' descriptions quoted, as Barbie du Bocage is. For
Major, in refuting Barbie du Bocage's opinion, lays stress on the
passage in de Barros, where it is said that they were driven into
an open sea, with not a single island in sight, but constantly
towards the east. Yet, notwithstanding this passage, Major is
inclined to believe that the island to which Gomez de Sequeira had
drifted is Tobi or Lord North's Island, which lies to the north of
New Guinea in a latitude which precludes the possibility of the
voyage having been accomplished in a direction constantly towards
the east, since the island in question lies to the north-east of
Celebes and Ternate, and only at sixty leagues instead of
three hundred, which is the estimated distance to which they
had drifted. Furthermore Tobi Island cannot be said to lie "between
the Straits of Magellan and the Moluccas." Yet Barbie du Bocage's
suggested route is not in an open sea, and the Prince of
Wales' Islands lie at considerably more than three hundred leagues
from the Moluccas.

Thus a careful examination of Barbie du Bocage's and Major's
theories shows them to be both faulty. We were hesitating between the
conflicting evidence of these two authorities when we came across an
additional bit of information afforded by those "eyes of
history" not sufficiently consulted, called maps.

Portion of Gastaldi's Map, showing Gomez de Sequeira's
Islands.

The evidence of the particular map we refer to--Gastaldi's
remarkable map of the world, published in Venice by Tramezini in
1554--is decidedly in favour of Barbie du Bocage's ideas. The portion
of Gastaldi's map which we reproduce here shows a group of islands
named Insul de gomes des queria, Islands of Gomez de Sequeira.
They lie in about 8 degrees of south latitude and in the longitude of
the Northern Territory of Australia; the only Australian continent
represented on the original map being the Terra incognita of
the Circulus Antarcticus. New Guinea and Celebes are left out
also, and therefore, in order to arrive at some kind of
identification of Gomez de Sequeira's Islands, we must consider them
in relation to the other landmarks which this map affords. These are:
Timor, which is well charted to the south-east of Java (IAVA MAIOR)
and Sumbawa (IAVA MINOR). Booro (Burro), Ceram
(Selamia) and Banda (Bandan) which are equally well charted.
Islands relating to New Guinean discoveries, such as: Insul de Don
lorge (Islands of Don Jorge de Menezes), Insul das Papuas
(Islands of the Papuas), which are recognisable. Apem insul?
seems to correspond with either Adi Island or the Arru Islands.
Ins des hobres blancos (Islands of the White Men) correspond,
as far as locality is concerned, to the Arru Islands. It would appear
then that Gomez de Sequeira's Islands, which are the
south-easternmost of those represented, must correspond with the
Timor Laut group.

These islands however are not sufficiently far from the Spice
Islands to answer exactly, and if we look further east we must look a
little south to find any other island or islands which would
correspond with the distance given. The Australian islands known as
Wessel Islands are the nearest to the distance specified, and they
would be reached in the latter part of the voyage through an open
sea--the Sea of Arafura. These difficulties however are not the only
ones which require elucidation with reference to Gomez de Sequeira's
discovery.

Galvano reports a discovery made by Gomez de Sequeira, albeit
under different circumstances, but the same year. Therefore the
question arises, did Gomez de Sequeira make two voyages that year, or
is the voyage reported by Galvano the same as the one which,
according to Barbie du Bocage, led to the discovery of Australia?

With reference to the voyage in which Gomez de Sequeira was driven
three hundred leagues out of his course Castanheda tells us that it
was undertaken in the beginning of July, and that they returned to
the Moluccas in the year 1526. The voyage referred to by Galvano may
therefore have been accomplished during the first five months of the
year 1525. It was directed to the north of New Guinea for purposes of
discovery when some islands in 9 or 10 degrees latitude were
discovered and named Islands of Gomez de Sequeira, but Alvaro de
Saavedra two years afterwards in 1527 came across the same islands,
it appears, naming them the Islas de los Reyes (Galvano, page
174).

Galvano mentions that Gomez de Sequeira went afterwards on an
Indian voyage. A voyage to the Celebes would be called an Indian
voyage, and this appears to settle the question. Gomez no doubt made
the two voyages that year--the one to the north of New Guinea being
made during the first five months of the year.

The following is Galvano's account which we take from the Hakluyt
Society's edition, page 168:

"In this yeere 1525 Don George de Meneses, captaine of Maluco, and
with him Don Garcia Henriquez, sent a foyst to discouer land towards
the north, wherein went as captaine one Diego de Rocha, and Gomes de
Sequeira for pilot, who afterwards went as pilot on an Indian voyage.
In 9 or 10 degrees they found certaine islands standing close
together, they passed among them, and they called them the Islands of
Gomes de Sequeira, he being the first pilot that discouered them. And
they came backe againe to the fort by the Island of Batochina do
moro."

MANOEL GODINHO DE EREDIA'S ALLEGED DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA IN THE
YEAR 1601.

In the year 1861 the learned and indefatigable Major read a paper
on the discovery of Australia by the Portuguese. He had come to the
conclusion that this continent was discovered by the Portuguese
Godinho de Eredia in the year 1601.

Some years after however, having come across fresh data, he
altered his views and wrote again as follows:

"In the year 1861 I laid before the Society of Antiquaries, and
thereby made known to the world for the first time, the apparently
important fact that the great continental island of Australia had
been discovered in the year 1601 by a Portuguese navigator named
Manoel Godinho de Eredia. Up to that time the earliest
authenticated discovery of any part of the great southern land
was that made a little to the west and south of Cape York by the
commander of the Dutch yacht the Duyfhen, or Dove, about the
month of March 1606. Thus the supposed fact which I announced in 1861
gave a date to the first authenticated discovery of Australia earlier
by five years than that which had been previously accepted in
history, and transferred the honour of that discovery from Holland to
Portugal. The document on which this assumption was based was a
manuscript mappemonde in the British Museum, in which, on the
north-west corner of a country which could be shown beyond all
question to be Australia, stood a legend in Portuguese to the
following effect: Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601 by
Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de
Saldanha. This mappemonde had the great disadvantage of being only a
copy, possibly made even in the present century, from one the
geography of which proved it to be some two centuries older. Still
the mere fact of its being a copy laid it open to a variety of
possible objections, which fortunately I was able to forestall by
arguments that I believed to be unanswerable, but which need not be
repeated here. I need now merely say that I had the good fortune at
the time to find an apparently happy confirmation of what was stated
in the map in a little printed work which described the discoverer as
a learned cosmographer and skilful captain, who had received a
special commission from the Viceroy at Goa to make explorations for
gold-mines, and at the same time to verify the descriptions of the
southern islands. The Viceroy thus mentioned was the immediate
predecessor of Ayres de Saldanha, under whose viceroyalty the map
declares the discovery to have been made.

"The map, as I afterwards discovered from a letter addressed to
Navarette by the Vicomte de Santarem in 1835, was a copy by a foreign
hand from one in a manuscript Atlas made in the seventeenth century
by one Teixeira. The name Nuca Antare is shown in Sir Stamford
Raffles' Java to apply also to the land of Madura, north-east of
Java, but as that island was distinctly laid down in this very
mappemonde, it seemed clear that no mistake was involved on that
account; and that the country delineated was really Australia was
proved by a second legend in Portuguese below the first to this
effect: 'Land discovered by the Dutch, which they called Endracht or
Concord.' Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was the name given to a
large tract on the west coast of Australia, discovered by the Dutch
ship the Eendraght in 1616. The reader then will see that in 1861 I
had before me in a map (the original of which was made two centuries
and a quarter ago) a distinct and unequivocal declaration of the
actual discovery of a country which the map itself showed to be
Australia, by a man whose contemporary history described as a
distinguished cosmographer, and at a time which corresponded with the
periods of office of the two viceroys mentioned respectively in the
printed document quoted, and in the map. The viceroyalty of Francisco
de Gama, from whom Eredia first received his commission to make
similar explorations, extended from 1597 to 1600, and the asserted
discovery was made in 1601 under the viceroyalty of Ayres de
Saldanha, the immediate successor of Da Gama. I am not ashamed that I
accepted the declaration as sound. It was so accepted by all who had
the above evidence before them, and became recognised as an
historical fact. Being so recognised, it carried back, as I have
said, the first discovery of Australia by any known ship or
navigator from 1606 to 1601, and transferred the honour of such
discovery from the Dutch to the Portuguese. One thing of course
remained to be desired, namely: that the original report of the
discovery might some day be found. That day at length arrived. In the
year 1871 M. Ruelens, the librarian of the Royal Burgundian Library
at Brussels, discovered among the manuscripts there the original
report of Eredia to Philip III of all his doings in the South Seas,
and his excellency the Chevalier d' Antas was good enough to have a
transcript made for me of all that portion which related to my
subject. I no sooner looked into this more ample statement than I
detected the work of an impostor, and as, in the preparation of my
work on Early Voyages to Terra Australis, my memory had become
charged with all the details of the subject, I was able to trace not
only the documents which, as he was not a discoverer in reality,
supplied him with the materials for being a discoverer on paper, but
also blunders in those documents of which I was cognizant, but he had
not been, and which, as he had been himself deceived, clearly
betrayed the utter falsity of his statements. Believing, for reasons
which I shall presently explain, that there were wealthy countries in
the south which had never been explored, Eredia procured for himself
the appointment of official Discoverer in those regions, an ambiguous
and misleading title which implies by anticipation the credit due
only to success. The delusion which the ambiguity of that title
rendered possible became a reality, for we have seen that on the map
which came before me in 1861 the declaration was distinct and
absolute, 'Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601 by Manoel
Godinho de Eredia,' whereas the pretended discoveries described in
the report are not professed to have been made by Eredia in
propria persona.

"Before giving the translation of the words of Eredia's report I
will merely premise that the reputed country in the south, about
which he treats, has received from him the name of India Meridional,
a designation which I will retain in preference to Southern India,
for the sake of avoiding confusion with the country to which the
latter name more properly belongs. I shall presently explain how this
country received its existence on maps, became a subject of ambitious
thought to Manoel Godinho de Eredia, and finally became identified
with the genuine Australia, of which he really had no knowledge
whatever."

"The India Meridionale [or Southern India]," says Eredia, "is that
continent which extends from the Promontory of Beach, the province of
gold, in 16 degrees of south latitude, to the tropic of Capricorn and
Antarctic circle, with many large provinces, such as Maletur, Locach,
and others as yet unknown in that sea, in which lies the island
called Java Minor, so celebrated by the ancients and so unknown by
the moderns, with other adjacent islands, such as Petan, Necuran,
Agania; and nearly all these produce a great quantity of gold,
cloves, mace, nutmegs, sandalwood, and spices not known or seen in
Europe, as is testified by Ptolemy and Vartomannus in their writings,
and by Marco Polo from eye-witness, for he lived a long time in Java
Minor." [Here follows a learned dissertation on Marco Polo and Java
Minor which need not be quoted until he approaches the part which
concerns our subject]. "The annals of Java Major," he says, "make
mention of the India Meridional and of its commerce and of the
ancient navigation from Java Major to Java Minor, where was the
greatest emporium in the world for gold and spices. This commerce was
subsequently stopped by wars for the space of 331 years until the
year 1600, when by chance a boat from Luca Antara, in the India
Meridional, driven by weather and currents, arrived in the harbour of
Balambuan in Java Major, where the king of the province, who was
present at the time with some Portuguese, gave them a good reception
and entertainment. These strangers of Luca Antara, although in form
and features like the Javanese of Bantam, differed from them in
language, and showed themselves to be Javanese of another race. This
novelty caused so much pleasure to the Javanese and satraps of
Balambuan, and especially to Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth, that the
latter, being a prince, resolved for curiosity's sake to venture on
the discovery of Luca Antara. Embarking with some companions in a
calaluz or rowing-boat provided with necessaries, he left the port of
Balambuan for the south, and after twelve days' voyage arrived at the
said harbour of Luca Antara, a peninsula or island of 600 leagues in
circumference, where he was well and hospitably received by the
Xabandar of the country; and, while Chiaymasiuro was enjoying the
freshness of the country, he took note of its wealth, for he observed
in it much gold, cloves, mace, nutmegs, sandalwood, both white and
coloured, with other spices and aromatics of which he took samples.
With the south monsoon he returned safely to the harbour of
Balambuan, where he was received by the king in presence of the
Portuguese and particularly of Pedro de Carvalhaes, overseer at
Malacca, who will bear witness to his arrival and to his voyage from
Luca Antara to Balambuan in the year 1601. According to the roteiro
or log of Chiaymasiuro's voyage Luca Antara must be the general name
of that peninsula in which are the harbours of the kingdoms of Beach
and Maletur, because between the sixteen degrees of latitude of Beach
and the nine degrees of Balambuan is a space of eight degrees, which
amount to the 140 Spanish leagues of Chiaymasiuro's twelve days'
voyage from Balambuan to Luca Antara. This shows that Luca Antara
cannot be the Java Minor of Marco Polo, because it is in a higher
latitude of the tropic of Capricorn, namely in 23 degrees 30 minutes.
And for this enterprise was Manoel Godinho de Eredia at the same time
despatched in the said year 1601 and provided with the habit of the
Order of Christ and the title of Adelantado of the India Meridional,
to pass to the southward in order to carry out the southern
discoveries and to take possession of these lands for the Crown of
Portugal. But this did not take place because, being in Malacca ready
to make the voyage of the India Meridional, there supervened the wars
of that fortress with the Malays and Dutch, which prevented the
discoveries, as the people were wanted for the defence of Malacca,
the Governor of which was Andrea Furtado de Mendoca."

Major adds: "This is Eredia's report, and it is followed by a
statement to the same effect written by Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth,
to the King of Pam, but embodying the following additional facts: The
king of the country presented Chiaymasiuro with handfuls of gold
coin, such as that of Venice. The natives wore their hair long, down
to the shoulders, and had the head bound with a fillet of wrought
gold. They wore kreeses adorned with precious stones, and with curved
blades like the kreeses of Bali. Their common pastime was
cock-fighting. This letter of Chiaymasiuro's is followed by a like
statement, agreeing in all particulars with the two preceding,
indicted by the Portuguese, Pedro de Carvalhaes, who declares that he
received it from the lips of Chiaymasiuro and his companions whom he
met in Surabaya. This document contains one statement in addition to
the foregoing, namely: that Luca Antara contained many populous
cities and towns. At the close of the document Carvalhaes swears on
the Holy Gospels to the truth of his statement, and signs it with his
name. Accompanying the extract which I received from Brussels were
two maps, also by Eredia, the one of Luca Antara and its
surroundings, the other a map of the world in which Luca Antara is
placed on the north-west of that part of the great southern land,
which, if it represented a truth, COULD only tally with what we know
to be Australia. Now it does not require much knowledge of geography
to see that the Luca Antara of Eredia thus described would in no way
agree with what we know of Australia. Here therefore I might stop;
but, when I reflect how many thousands have been led by my means
erroneously to connect the name of Eredia with the first
authenticated discovery of Australia, I think it likely that some may
look to me for the completion of the story.

"Not being Australia, then, what was Luca or Nuca Antara? Finding
that in Sunda Nusa is the ordinary, and in Java the ceremonial, word
for island, while to the eastward and northward not Nusa, but Pulo
and other equivalents are used for that word, and, remembering that
Luca Antara was an alternative name for the Island of Madura, which
lies close to the east coast of Java itself, I reverted to the
description of Luca Antara given by the native prince Chiaymasiuro
and by P. Cavalhaes, and found that it tallied with Madura to a
nicety. The men of Luca Antara who were driven by stress of weather
into the port of Balambuan are described as in figure, face, and
complexion like the Javanese of Bantam, but differing somewhat in
their language, insomuch as they showed themselves to be Javanese of
another species or race. Crawford, in his History of the Indian
Archipelago, t. 2, page 69, says that the language of the two islands
are scarcely more like than any other two languages of the western
portion of the Archipelago. The long hair down to the shoulders, the
fillet of cloth of gold round the head, the kreese adorned with
precious stones and with the blade curved, the cock-fighting, the
gold and spices and sandalwood, all bear their abundant testimony to
the fitness of the application of the description to the Island of
Madura. The island itself was described as six hundred leagues in
circuit, and containing well-peopled cities and towns, which is all
in accordance with the real description of Madura, nor can we find
any other island presenting such elements of identity. Here then we
come to the first stage of the great falsehood. The Javanese prince
reports himself to have made a voyage of twelve days to the
south from Balambuan to reach an island whose name and
description in every particular belong to an island lying
north of Balambuan. The distance from Balambuan to the coast
assumed to be reached by the southward course, namely Australia,
would be about six hundred miles; that by the northern course to
Madura would be barely ninety, and the time occupied in accomplishing
the voyage with oars, namely twelve days, would apply much more
reasonably to the former distance than the latter. The question then
naturally arises, how came Eredia, having elected the Island of
Madura, under its little known Malay name of Luca Antara, as the
source from which to draw the materials for circumstantial
description in his report to Philip III to apply that description to
a locality which corresponds, as our map shows, with a country which,
had he been speaking truth, could be no other than Australia?
A fact of which he was utterly ignorant, but which had come to my
knowledge in the elaboration of my Early Voyages to Terra Australis
for the Hakluyt Society in 1859, laid bare to me the whole machinery
of this impostor's process of deception, and showed how, in
attempting to deceive the king, he himself was deceived by the
blunders of others who had gone before him. The facts are as follow:
In the seventh chapter of the third book of Marco Polo's travels we
read these words:

"'When you leave Java and sail for 700 miles on a course between
south and south-west you arrive at two islands, a greater and a less.
The one is called Sondur and the other Condur. As there is nothing
about them worth mentioning let us go on five hundred miles beyond
Sondur, and then we find another country which is called Locach. In
this country the brazil which we make use of grows in great plenty,
and they also have gold in incredible quantity. They have elephants
likewise and much game. In this kingdom too are gathered all the
porcelain shells which are used for small change in all those
regions.'

"Now although all the manuscripts and texts of Marco Polo read as
above 'when you leave Java,' Marsden has shown that the point of
departure should really be Champa, a name in old times applied by
Western Asiatics to a kingdom which embraced the whole coast between
Tongking and Cambodia, including all that is now called Cochin China.
Colonel Yule has shown that the country meant by Locach was Lo-Kok,
or the Kingdom of Lo, which previous to the middle of the fourteenth
century formed the lower part of what is now Siam. Sondur and Condur
are the Pulo Condore Islands. The introduction of the word Java into
the text instead of Champa was a digression, the retention of which
inevitably led geographers to place Locach in the Southern Ocean. So
much for blunder number one, of which Eredia knew nothing; we now
come to blunder number two, of which he was equally unconscious. In
the Basle edition of Marco Polo in 1532, the printer unluckily
altered the L into a B, and the first c into an e, so that the word
Locach became Boeach.*

(*Footnote. See above, Chapter 20
with reference to Locach and Beach.)

"This was afterwards shortened into Beach, and the blunder was
repeated in books and on maps with so much confidence that we find it
even occurring on a semi-globe which adorns the monument of the
learned Sir Henry Savile in Merton College Chapel, Oxford; and
strangely enough it is the only geographical name thereon inscribed.
As however some editions of Marco Polo retained the word Locach and
others Beach both names came to be copied on to maps, and, the point
of departure being Java, the mapmakers, following the course
indicated in Marco Polo, laid these countries down as forming part of
the great southern land which was supposed to occupy the entire south
part of the globe. This was the India Meridionalis of Eredia's dreams
and ambition. It will have been observed that Luca Antara was said to
be also reached by Chiaymasiuro after a voyage of twelve days
south from Java, and accordingly it is domiciled by Eredia on
this same southern land with Locach and Beach, a thought evidently
suggested by Marco Polo's text.*

(*Footnote. It must be understood that, long before
Eredia's time, Mercator, in his map bearing date 1569, had already
set down the countries of Beach and Locach. See above, Illustration 5. George Collingridge.)

"But it will also have been noticed that in this Locach, mis-spelt
Beach, there was gold in considerable quantity. And the result was
that Beach was specially described on many of the maps of that time
as provincia aurifera, and Eredia at the commencement of his report
speaks of it as 'the province of gold.' Let us now trace the effect
which this produces on Eredia's geography. In the first place he lays
down both Locach and Beach, showing in common with the other
geographers his ignorance of the misprint. To these he adds Luca
Antara with an elaborate and complex outline, even with the rocks and
shoals minutely laid down, which I fear he never derived from the
surveying skill of his friend Chiaymasiuro, but in the same manner as
the Portuguese named the Cape Verde Islands from the promontory off
which they lay; so also off the coast of Beach Eredia lays down an
island to which he gives the name of Luca Veach. In Spain and
Portugal the B and V are interchangeable. 'The island,' says Eredia,
'is called Luca Veach, because among the natives of Ende, Sabbo, and
Java Luca signifies an island, and Veach of gold. The printer's devil
in Basle* in 1532 little dreamed that he was inventing a Javanese
word, nor does Crawford, the great Malay authority, corroborate that
he did so. So far is it otherwise that, in a list of all the words
representing gold throughout the Archipelago, not one in the
slightest degree approaches to either Beach or Veach. Nevertheless
the next chapter in Eredia's report consists of a certification from
our friend Pedro de Carvalhaes, captain of the fortress of Ende, in
which he swears on the Holy Gospels that it is all true, and affixes
his signature thereto under date of Malacca, 4th of October 1601; the
same date as his other certificate.

"In one of the chapters of Eredia's report, entitled Of Discovery
by Chance, he tells us that a vessel from Malacca was carried to the
south by the Bali currents between Java and Bima, and discovered the
Islands of Luca Tambini* peopled only by women, like Amazons, who
with bows and arrows prevented anyone from landing. 'These women,' he
says, 'must have their husbands from another separate island.'

(*Footnote. According to E. Modigliani (the Italian
author of L'Isola delle Donne, viaggio ad Engano) the island to the
south-west of Sumatra, which the Portuguese Diego Pacheco called
Engano (the Deceitful) in 1520, appears to have been known
previously under the name of the Island of Women by the inhabitants
of Sumatra. Early Italian authors who gathered their information from
the Arabs place the Male and Female islands in the Indian Ocean, near
Socotra Island. Rottenest Island, near Perth, Western Australia, was
called Meisjes Eylandt (Island of Girls) on old Dutch charts,
and Isle des Filles on French charts. See Vaugondy's map 1756.
The origin of Isle des Filles is to be traced to Martin
Behaim's Globe, A.D. 1492. George Collingridge.)

"Everyone has heard of the fable of the Male and Female Islands.
It has existed from time immemorial, and was repeated by Marco Polo,
but I doubt if the noble Venetian would have sworn on the Holy
Gospels, as of his own knowledge in the character of a local and
official authority, that a vessel from Malacca went there. This
however Pedro de Carvalhaes did in his last mentioned certification,
and I am glad that he tells us that after having discovered the
island of women (Pulo Tambini) they then came in sight of Luca Veach.
The one statement deserved to be made in the same breath with the
other. I need not weary the reader with any further details from the
utterances of these vile accomplices. Suffice it that there are
plenty more falsehoods in them, built up on the basis of the low
country maps, the conjectural or imaginary portions of which are
dressed up by Eredia as solid realities, confirmed by all the
circumstance of detail. That Eredia received a commission from the
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha to make discoveries of supposed islands in
the south is pretty certain. The Alvara, or patent, signed 5th of
April 1601, accompanies the report. It constitutes him
Governor-in-Chief of any such islands falling within the limits of
the Crown of Portugal, promises him the Order of Christ, and engages
that, in the event of his death being ascertained, provision should
be made for the honourable marriage of his daughter, to whom the
extreme recompense and honours would be accorded as the services of
her father might merit. He was to receive also the twentieth part of
the profit of his discoveries, or what his majesty was in the habit
of giving to discoverers of mines in his own kingdoms. It is very
clear that he occupied a responsible position, and that much might be
expected from him. Carvalhaes in both his certificates uses the
words, 'The discoverer, Manoel Godinho de Eredia, asked me for this
information for the good of his voyage and for the accomplishment of
the service of the king.' It was evidently requisite that he should
be a discoverer on paper, since fate had not made him a discoverer at
sea. In the map of the world which accompanies his report, and which
is itself a reduction from a map by Ortelius, he writes on the
southern land, India Meridional descoberta anno 1601. The mapmaker
who followed him, and from whose handiwork was made the copy which I
brought forward in 1861, had a constructive mind. On a country which
bore a legend which proved it to be Australia he with unflinching
positiveness grouped into one distinct declaration the reputed
discovery, the date, the name of Eredia, and the name of the Viceroy.
'Nuca Antara was discovered in 1601 by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by
order of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha.' I repeat that I am not
ashamed that with the amount of evidence that then lay before me I
believed him; but I am very happy in the thought that, so soon as the
field of evidence was enlarged, it was I, who alone had been
responsible for its promulgation, that had the good fortune at once
to detect the imposture."*

(*Footnote. From Major's Prince Henry the Navigator
1877.)

Some years after the publication of Major's altered views in
connection with Godinho de Eredia's alleged discoveries Mr. Leon
Yanssen published in French a translation of Godinho de Eredia's
original manuscript.* Mr. Ch. Ruelens wrote a preface to that work,
in which he seeks to defend Godinho's character against Major's
perhaps somewhat hasty remarks. At all events he shows that the title
descobridor (discoverer) was a term often given in advance to
a person that received a commission to make discoveries.

Mr. Delmar Morgan, in his paper on the Early Discovery of
Australia, read at the Geographical Congress at Berne and printed in
1891, says (page 7 note 1), speaking of Godinho de Eredia:

"This explorer and his discoveries have been discussed by M.
Ruelens, Dr. Hamy (Bulletins de la Soc. de Geographie, vime
serie tome 15), and by Mr. Major (Archaeologia volume xliv.),
all of whom leave the matter in some doubt. The general inference to
be derived from a study of their writings is that Godinho's claims to
rank as a discoverer rest wholly on his surveys in Malacca, not on
any presumed discovery by him of Australia."

A LETTER FROM R.H. MAJOR WITH REFERENCE TO THE WORD QUABESEGMESCE
ON THE WEST COAST OF AUSTRALIA.

Corona d' Italia, Via Palestro 4. Florence, March 28 1890.

DEAR SIR,

Your very kind letter and accompanying number of the Centennial
Magazine, sent to my address in London, have just reached me here,
and I beg you to accept my best thanks for them.

I have read your article with great interest, and, seeing that
great obscurity surrounds the actual explorations on which the early
sixteenth century French maps of Australia are founded, minutely
critical observations on individual expressions occurring on them are
of great interest, and, in the endeavour to progress from the unknown
into the known, one is never sure what fresh stepping-stone may not
be gained sight of by means of any the slightest glimmer of new
light. Another interesting problem lies before you, if you care to
follow it out, in tracing the value of the word on the west coast,
QUABESEGMESCE. At present my own mind is fully occupied with another
subject; but in the event of your happily lighting on any fresh
tracks it would always be a great pleasure to me if you would do me
the favour to let me hear of them.

Faithfully yours,

R.H. MAJOR.

George Collingridge, Esq.

Since the receipt of the above letter we have followed out R.H.
Major's suggestion, and have been fortunate enough to trace the
meaning and origin, to a certain extent, of the word
Quabesegmesce, or Quabe se quiesce as it should read.
It will be noticed on the Dauphin chart, and refers, we have not the
slightest doubt, to Calmia on Martin Behaim's globe. (See Chapter 16.)

THE END.

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.

See also the special nomenclature of the Lusitano-French and Dutch Charts, given above.
Abaie a Besse:
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.
Abaie bressille (Brazil Bay):
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.
Abaie de:
a name on J. Roze's chart Number 1.
Abbey of All Saints:
an extraordinary mistake.
Abrolhos group:
on the western coast of Australia.
Dampier fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the.
Abyssinia:
Suakem in.
Acacan:
an island near Inuagana, reached by Magellan.
Acapulco:
an expedition sent out from by Cortez.
De Quiros landed by his mutinied crew at.
Trade from.
Accad:
Zenith of the Heaven over.
Acheen Head:
referred to by Couto.
Achen:
Captain Lancaster went to.
Aden:
Gulf of, on Turin mappamundi.
Envoys go via.
Covilham embarked at.
Adenara:
mentioned.
Africa limited to the northern hemisphere in Copenhagen mappamundi.
Africa:
belongs to the Great World according to the School of Pergamos.
Asia and Europe surrounded by the sea.
Canary Islands on the west coast of.
Terra incognita connected with, in Ptolemy's map.
On an early mappamundi.
Southern coasts of, bent round on maps so as to almost join the Malay Peninsula.
Stretches beyond the equator in third type of map.
The coasts of, visited.
The southern extremity of, called Cavo di Diab.
Voyages along the west coast continued.
Western coast of.
Mentioned.
The eastern parts of, supposed to be under the sway of Prester John.
Sofala on the eastern coast of.
Southern extremity of, rounded.
Coast of China connected with the eastern extremity of.
A coastline in the latitude of the southern parts of.
With reference to Columbus' arguments.
A work on the Discoveries of the Portuguese in.
Position of Zanzibar with reference to, explained.
The protuberant part of the south-east coast of.
Dauxety Island some distance from.
New Holland does not join.
Afrike:
mentioned.
Agama (Angaman):
in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Agania:
in Eradia's description.
Aidoema Island (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
named Isla del Capan luis Vaes de Torres, discovered by Torres.
Aimoey Bay:
in China, mentioned.
Ainioro Island (south coast of New Guinea):
named by Torres isla de la madera, or wooded island.
Aiolie:
mentioned by Homer.
Albans, St.:
the knight of (see Mandeville).
Albert Nyanza:
on Turin mappamundi.
Al Camar:
another name for Madagascar.
Corrupted on charts.
Alcacer Quibir:
the battle of, a death-blow to Portugal.
Alcobaza:
a map found in the study of.
Alexandria:
centre of eastern and western commerce of the world.
Erathosthenes, the chief librarian of.
Meridian of.
Envoys go via.
Algarves:
and of Mauritania, Dom Joao II, named King of Portugal of the.
Algoa Bay:
an island in, reached by Dias.
Allas:
Strait of, mentioned.
Almaine:
Dom Pedro goes to.
Alter Orbis:
referred to by Santarem.
Amadura:
island (same as Madura), north-east coast of Java.
Amberno River:
in Papua, discovered by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico, and named the St. Augustin River.
Amboina (same as Amboyna):
written Amboino in Galvano's account.
Serrano escaped to.
Mentioned by Torres.
A voyage to Australia from.
Jan Carstens' expedition returned to.
The yacht Pera returned to.
Massacre of the English at.
Amboyna (same as Amboina):
Paul Van Soldt met the Duyfken at the fort of.
Ambrollossen:
a corruption of Abrolhos.
America:
International Exhibition held in, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of her discovery.
Revealed to the world.
Sighted by John and Sebastian Cabot.
Early intercourse with.
"Did the Phoenicians discover."
Discovery of, due to Italians.
Novel objects brought from.
Regions between Bay of Bengal and, omitted on Cosa's map.
The Arabs and Rodriguez's map with reference to.
A strait to the south of, in Schoner's gores.
Mendana returned to, in 1569.
South of, occurs Brasilie Regio.
New Holland does not join.
American Continent:
with reference to Strabo's ideas.
Amsterdam:
Cornelius Houtman addressed the merchants of.
The merchants of, sent the two brothers Houtman to Lisbon.
Commelyn's work published at.
A Dutch map published at, in 1640, without any discoveries that the Dutch claim to have
made on the shores of the Great South Land, recorded.
Vlamingh's voyage printed at, in 1701.
Anamba Islands:
referred to.
Andalusia:
slaves sold there.
Inhabitants of.
Andaman Islands:
described under the name of Angaman by Marco Polo.
Anda ne barcha:
a legend on the Dauphin chart.
Altered to Autane bamcha on P. Desceliers' chart.
Angaman:
of Marco Polo.
Angania:
on Fra Mauro's map.
Angiana:
is Marco Polo's Angaman on the Apianus mappamundi.
Angra das Voltas:
named by Bartholomew Dias.
A negress left at.
Angra do Salto:
two negroes restored to.
Angra dos Ilheos:
named by Bartholomew Dias.
Negroes left at.
Angra dos Vaqueiros:
named by Dias.
Angra Pequena (Angra dos Ilheos).
Anguana:
on Behaim's globe.
Occupies the site of New Zealand.
Anjane:
in Galvano's description.
Annoban (Annobon):
an island more than eighty leagues from the mainland.
Antarctic Continent:
the fictitious, left out on S. Cabot's mappamundi.
Antarctic Pole:
the crown of the, should have been discovered by De Quiros.
Antarctic Regions:
with reference to position of Hades and Tartaros.
Antichthone:
referred to by Santarem.
Antichthonos:
of Strabo.
Antic Ocean:
the Chaldean and Greek circumfluent ocean.
Antilia:
Diogo de Teive in search of.
A pretended discovery of.
Near the middle of the Atlantic.
Ten spaces from, to Cipango.
Of marvellous wealth.
Antipodes:
on Turin mappamundi.
Antwerp:
Themara's work published at.
Ap quieta:
with reference to Quabe se quiesce.
Arabia deserta:
mentioned.
Arabia felix:
mentioned.
Arabian Sea:
with reference to Conti's location of Malepur.
Aramaram:
a name in Francisco Rodriguez's portolano.
Archaic Ocean:
bursting of the.
Fra Mauro's pseudo-equatorial line ran parallel with the.
Archipelago:
East Indian, the sumpit (blow pipe) of the, mentioned by Odoric.
Achipel de Dampier:
Dampier amongst the islands that received the name of.
Arctic Pole:
the dry star of the.
Arenes:
occupies the site of the Abrolhos on the western coast of Australia.
Not a corruption of Arenas (Sand), but rather of Abrolhos.
Argira:
island, on 11th century mappamundi.
Arguin:
Bay of, first reached by Lorenzo Dias.
Arnheim:
Cape, a group of islands occupying the position of.
Arnhem:
or Van Diemen's Land, the discovery of, not recorded on the Mar d'India map.
Discovered by Pieter Pietersz after the murder of Pool.
The Great Island of, discovered.
Named probably after the yacht Arnhem.
An island on older charts than the Dutch ones occupies the site of the island called,
and bears the name Arnim.
Arnhem River:
named after the second yacht of Jan Carstens' expedition.
Arnim (see also Arnhem) island:
on Henri II mappamundi of 1546.
Arou:
Jan Carstens ordered to visit.
Aroum Islands:
the Duyfken sailed by the.
Arouw Islands:
named Arnim on the Henri II mappamundi (1546).
Arques:
near Dieppe.
Arrecifes:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Arus:
passed by Abreu.
Asaerm (same as Gresic).
Asia:
belongs to the Great World according to the school of Pergamos.
Europe and Africa surrounded by the sea.
In connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
Gold and silver, etc. brought from.
Early commerce to ports in.
Atlantic Ocean, stretching to the shores of.
In Galvano's description.
In an early mappamundi.
Stretches beyond the equator in third type of map.
When Affonso V should send an expedition to east coast of.
A picture of.
The larger part of, supposed to be ruled by Prester John.
The regions of, assumed more correct dimensions.
The term Brazil may have applied to some continental land south of.
And America joined by Schoner.
On the eastern part of.
Gataio fails to join, at Catigara.
New Holland does not join.
Asiatic Archipelago:
the Spaniards did not know when to sail from the, to reach New Spain.
Assyria:
mentioned.
Asturias:
inhabitants of.
Atlas:
in the south.
Atlantes:
of Plato.
Atlantic Ocean:
the, mentioned by Strabo.
As considered by Strabo.
The mystery of.
mentioned.
Antilla Island, near the middle of.
Unauthorised voyages in.
Au fane bacha:
a corruption of Anda ne barcha.
Aujaue Island of:
passed by Abreu, is named Anjano in the Portuguese text of Galvano.
Corresponds with Lomboc.
Dr. Hamy suggests Rindjani as the origin of.
Aureus Chersonesus (Malay Peninsula).
Austral-Asia:
early commerce to ports in.
Australasia:
opening of the sea-way to.
The regions of, assume more correct dimensions.
Portion of Barthema's travels which refer to.
The voyage of the Vittoria had a marked influence on the geography of.
Journal and proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of, referred to.
The Dutch of the first expedition to.
The dawn of the English period of dominion in.
Australasian regions:
the effect of Marco Polo's writings on the cartography of.
Described from hearsay by Marco Polo.
Interpolations in Odoric's narrative of the.
Information concerning the, obtainable only from Italians.
To recognise them in Fra Mauro's Map.
Invaded.
The Land of Spice.
Bartholomew Columbus' continent in the.
On Behaim's globe.
Made the centre of the eastern and western configurations.
Left bare.
The term Brasil may have applied to.
The first cartographical appearance of the term Brasil in the.
A strait between the, and an Antarctic continent in Schoner's globe.
Totally different configuration for the, identical in Schoner's globe of 1515 and 1520.
Austral continent:
Schoner the first to give a more decided form and different name to the.
Supposed by A. Corsali and others to extend from the regions of New Guinea to the Land of Sanctae Crucis.
Believed to have been discovered by Francisco de Hoces.
Australia:
possibility of an International Exhibition being held in, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of her discovery.
Discovery of.
Dauphin chart of.
Or southern world according to the school of Pergamos.
And the ancients.
Northern portion of, obliterated.
Early voyages to, quoted.
A portion of, might be intended to be represented in Ptolemy's map.
Islands set down to the north of, in Ptolemy's map.
And Java considered as one by Marco Polo.
Java Major does not refer to, on fantastic maps.
Odoric of Pordenone reached nearer to, than Marco Polo.
Discovered.
Ignorant remarks concerning.
Themara on.
The western coasts of, may have been marked on an Arabian portolano.
Fantastic representation of.
Java Minor set down to the south-east of.
Its eastern coasts with reference to Neucuram and Pentam.
Its western and north-western coasts made to serve for the coast of a bogus Sumatra.
Its westerly coasts known.
A passage which applies to.
Bogus Malay Peninsula in latitude and longitude of.
Terra Australis may apply to.
The east coast of.
Some island off the west coast of.
Coachs in Behaim's globe is between New Guinea and.
The term Brazil applied to.
And New Guinea supposed to be connected.
De Gonneville said to have landed on the western coast of.
Barthema visits regions in proximity to.
A country south of Java must be.
A remarkable reference to.
Distorted charts of.
Between Madagascar and.
Bears the name of Loac Provincia in the Hunt-Lenox globe.
A curious continental land that has been taken for.
The western coastline of.
Seylan insulae pars of Ruysch's mappamundi corresponds with the western parts of.
Western coasts of, in Frankfort gores.
South of, occurs Laco int Montaras.
Western coast on Apianus' mappamundi.
Named Gataio or China.
Islands discovered not far from the western coasts of.
The most important document in connection with the early discovery of.
The strongest evidence of discovery as yet brought to light is shown in the drafting of
the Dauphin and similar charts of.
The discovery of, due to the Portuguese and Spanish.
Western coasts of, charted by the Portuguese.
Eastern coasts charted by the Spaniards.
Occupies the site of the continent set down on Portuguese and Spanish maps.
Connected with Java and an imaginary continent around the South Pole.
placed in its true position.
Supposed to be connected with the Tierra del Fuego.
Called Jave-la-Grande.
Islands on the western coast of, represented in G. Mercator's map.
Bears no name on Jean Roze's chart Number 1.
Called The Londe, or Land of Java, in chart Number 2.
Supposed to be inhabited by tigers and lions.
The earliest account of the natives of.
Remarkable features of the western coast of.
Previous representation of, disregarded.
Drake and Cavendish stood as good a chance as the Dutch of coming in contact with.
The eastern and western coasts of, roughly delineated in Wytfliet's map.
Major speaking of the indications of, in Mercator's and Ortelius' maps.
Strait between New Guinea and, known to the Spaniards.
Port Denison, one of the best ports on the eastern coast of.
Captain Saris' notes with reference to the first Dutch voyage to.
Dutch discovery in.
The early history of.
Tasman passed round the east side of.
A doubt cast on the discovery of the south-west coast of.
A cruise among the islands and gulfs of.
In the voyage of the Duyfken, nothing said about.
Did the Duyfken reach.
Various voyages published relating to.
Discovery of a portion of the south coast of.
The involuntary visit of the Vianen to the north-west coast of.
The name given to, in the Mar d' India map.
Called Terra del Zur in the Mar d'India map.
A rough indication of the north-west of, with the name Beach.
Called the Compagnis Niev Nederlandt in the copy of Tasman's original manuscript chart.
Nomenclature of, and Tasmania, in P. Goos' and Tasman's maps.
Dampier's second voyage to.
When the Cygnet reached, Captain Read was in command.
Absence of fresh water on the coasts of.
A map of.
Discovered.
Islands in close proximity to.
The country discovered by Gonneville does not correspond with.
Islands near, discovered by Gomez de Sequeira.
Discovered by Gomez de Sequeira.
The discovery of, by the Portuguese.
The Chinese and Malays acquainted with the northern coasts of.
Northern coasts of.
An open sea between, and New Guinea.
The seaway blocked between Java and.
A French claim of discovery in.
Australian Continent:
with reference to Psittacorum regio.
Omitted for want of space.
The term Beach used by Mercator on the.
Altered to New Holland.
Sumbawa indicated as forming part of the.
Disappearance of the.
Left out on the F. Monachus mappamundi.
Only a small portion of the, given on Jean Roze's chart.
Peculiar shape of the.
The outline of the.
No, represented on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.
Called Iava-la-Grande on P. Desceliers' mappamundi.
G. Mercator's map based on a vague knowledge of the existence of the.
New Guinea separated from the, by a narrow strait on G. Mercator's map.
Joined to the Antarctic Lands in the map which appeared with Frobisher's voyages.
A colony to be settled on the.
De Quiros determined to discover and settle the.
A document which proves a discovery of the, before the arrival of the Dutch.
The great, a drug in the market.
Not represented.
Austral-India:
two islands in.
A name given by De Gonneville.
Australis Terra (see also Terra Australis):
an important passage with reference to the, in Wytfliet's work.
Austral regions:
called Terra Australis.
Austral world:
according to the school of Pergamos.
Austria:
for the sake of the name of, says De Quiros.
Austrialia (see also La Austrialia):
a matter for discussion.
The term used unmistakably.
Aynan (Hainan):
in Galvano's description.
Azores:
the, with reference to its volcanoes.
Adventurers from.
Marked on maps.
Joao, first discoverer of.
Bamboo stalks driven to the shores of.
The, an expedition to start from.
The hot-bed of transatlantic expeditions.
In connection with the line of demarcation.
Babylon:
Berosus, priestly historian of.
Baccalearum:
a region in the north.
Bachan :
and Ternate, the southern hemisphere to be explored between the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago and.
Torres continued his voyage to.
Bachian (same as Bachan):
reached by Torres.
The King of.
Or Labova, the Dutch had Fort Barneveldt at.
Bada (Banda):
near Muthil, reached by Magellan's expedition.
Mistaken for Badjane or Batchian.
Badajos:
a commission appointed to meet at.
Referred to.
Badam (for Bada, i.e. Banda):
on alleged Schoner globe.
Bagdad:
visited by Odoric.
Baia (same as Baia de San Felipe y Santiago):
Torres prevented by stress of weather from making the circuit of the land of the.
Baia de San Felipe y Santiago (same as Baia):
the southern hemisphere to be explored between Peru and the.
Discovered by De Quiros.
Baibara Island (south coast of New Guinea):
and another island in its neighbourhood are called isla de don diego barrantes and islas
de mayorga in De Prado's map.
Bajador (Bogador):
Joao the first to double Cape.
Balabero:
channel of.
Balambuam:
on the south-east coast of Java.
Balambuan:
mentioned in Eredia's description.
Bali:
in Galvano's description.
Straits of, mentioned by De Barros.
One of Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted in Fra Mauro's map.
Passed by Abreu.
Bears names difficult to reconcile with.
Difficult navigation in the Straits of.
Charted as a distinct island.
Charted by Francisco Rodriguez.
Is called Ballaram in F. Rodriguez's chart.
Reached by the Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia.
The Dutch set sail from.
The Vianen hoped to pass the Straits of.
Forms part of Australia.
Banca:
in Galvano's description.
Banda:
Sea of, with reference to volcanoes.
Sea, Ptolemy's islands of the.
Gunong Api in the Sea of.
Islands in the Sea of, included in Gilolo.
Islands of, in Galvano's description.
Island, one of the Spice Islands.
On the confines of the world.
Nutmegs from.
Three ships sent to.
A nautical phrase which refers to.
An island of snakes not far from the island of.
Abreu's expedition leaves.
Mentioned by Torres.
The Duyfken returns to.
The Flemings Pinnasse returned to.
An expedition sent out from, in command of Gerrit Thomasz Pool.
Pieter Pietersz after the death of Pool and discoveries made returned to.
Bandan (Banda):
Described by Nicolo de' Conti.
Described by Barthema.
Bantam:
Peter Both arrived at.
Captain Lancaster went to.
A Dutch yacht despatched from.
The Dutch trade at.
Captain Saris at.
The Little Sun arrived at.
In Java.
The Eendraght left for.
Mentioned in connection with Dirck Hartog's visit to Australia.
Barateue (Bouton ?):
An island reached by Drake.
Departing from, Drake sails for Java Major:
Barbadoes:
Island of, Sir W. Courteen got a bad title to the:
Barusae:
In Ptolemy's map:
Basilisk Island:
Named by Moresby, previously named the Tierra de San Buenaventura by the Spaniards:
Basles:
A Pomponius Mela, printed at.
Batavia:
Van Diemen governor of.
Old archives turned over at.
Captain Cook's visit to.
The Ridderschap van Hollandt lost between the Cape of Good Hope and.
Vlamingh steered for.
Three Dutch vessels leave.
The Golden Seahorse arrives at.
The Vianen sailed from.
The Waeckende Boey and the Emeloort set sail from.
Batochina:
reached by Cavendish's expedition.
Some confusion about the name.
Baxos de la Candelaria:
named by Mendana.
Baya:
a Portuguese term given to Van Diemen's Gulf.
Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza (south coast of New Guinea):
a name given by Torres to the bay named Triton Bay by the Dutch.
Bay of St. Philip and St. James (see also Baia):
De Quiros appointed officers in the.
Beach:
a corruption of Locach.
A name on the north-west coast of Australia in Hoeius' map.
Bead Island (coast of New Guinea):
De Prado's isla de la palma.
Bengal, Bay of:
with reference to location of Malepur.
Same as Sinus Gangeticus.
Benghalla:
reached by Barthema and his friend.
Berlin:
a work mentioning Behaim's globe published at.
Bernier Island:
an island facing Shark's Bay.
Bintan (Bintang):
in Galvano's description.
Bintang:
near Singapore.
Same as Pentan.
Marco Polo's Pentam.
Blanchard Island:
called isla de san facundo in Spanish chart.
Blue Mountains:
early colonists stopped by the.
Blue Nile:
on Turin mappamundi.
Bordeaux:
a mappamundi coming from the Geographical Society of.
Borneo:
left out in Fra Mauri's mappamundi.
Left out in Ptolemy's map.
Volcanoes of.
Southern or eastern, visited by Odoric.
Barthema proceeds to Java by way of.
Camphor from.
Claimed by the Spaniards.
Not named Java by Marco Polo.
Borneos (Borneo):
in Galvano's description.
Bramble Cay:
an island off the extreme north end of Cape York.
Brasielie Regio (same as Brasilie regio):
a Schonerean term.
Brasilae regio:
Schoner's.
Brasilia regio:
on a globe.
Brasilie regio (or Brasielie Regio):
referred to.
On an Antarctic continent.
South of America.
Brazil:
Island of, Lloyd searched for it.
Ships equipped to go in search of.
The country of, discovered by Cabral.
Not original term.
The first cartographical appearance of the term in the Australian regions.
the term, on an Arabian map.
The term, applied to Australia (?)
The alleged proximity of, to Malacca.
In Schoner's map is called Sacte Crucis.
Terra de Brazil situated eighty degrees away to the west of the real.
Dampier came from.
Bresil (Brazil):
with reference to Rodriguez' map.
The coast of, near Australia.
Or Verzino.
Bristol:
the people of, equipped ships.
John and Sebastian Cabot left, and returned to.
Broad Sound:
in the latitude reached by Torres.
Bears the name of Baia Perdita (Lost Bay) in the Dauphin chart.
Torres reached a point somewhere between New Caledonia and.
Bruges:
a canon of, concocted Mandeville's wonderful travels.
Bruxelles:
a work mentioning Behaim's globe printed at.
Buccaneer's Archipelago:
a name given in commemoration of W. Dampier's visit.
Buena Vista:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Burney:
appears for Borneo on Oronce Fine's map.
Burro, Island of:
Antonio de Abreu went to.
Sebastian del Cano at.
Cabo Fresco:
the limit of Torres' exploration in Milne Bay.
Cabo Godanige:
appears for the first time on the alleged Schoner globe.
Cabo Tormentoso:
the name first given to the Cape of Good Hope.
Cadiz:
vessels returned to.
Inuagana, 158 degrees west of.
Cainam Sabadibe insule tres:
an erroneous appellation for New Guinea on G. Mercator's map.
Cairo:
envoys go via.
Covilham meets messengers at.
Calicut:
mentioned as being discovered.
Trade with.
Covilham went to.
Vasco da Gama made his way to.
Barthema met the Portuguese at.
Gloomy class of.
Money circulated as in.
Referred to.
Indian fleet at.
The Portuguese navigations to.
Cloth of.
California:
Geographical Society of.
Callao, in Peru:
Mendana sailed from.
Mendana's second expedition set sail from.
De Quiros and Torres sailed from.
Callenzuaz:
perhaps a variation of Ptolemy's Caladadrua.
Callezuan:
on Schonerean gores.
Written Callensuan.
Calmia:
becomes quiesce.
On M. Behaim's globe.
Camabam:
an island near New Guinea on Sebastian Cabot's map.
Camaeocada:
corrupted from Camar diva, Island of the Moon.
Camar diva, or Al Camar, Island of the Moon (Madagascar; see also Al Camar).
Cambala (Sumbawa):
passed by Abreu.
Cambalu:
mentioned by Conti.
Cambodia:
with reference to a route indicated by Marco Polo.
Called Lochac.
Produces gold, etc.
And Cochin-China made to serve for the Malay Peninsula in Oronce Fine's map.
Cananor (or Cannanore):
Covilham embarked for.
Barthema reached.
Canary Islands:
Ptolemy's map commences at the.
Joao first discoverer of the.
Candin, or Candyn:
may be same as Odoric's Dondin and Dondyn.
On Schonerean gores.
Candur:
meant for Kondur.
Canduz, for Kondur.
Candyn (see Candin):
on Behaim's globe.
Outside the Australasian sphere.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.
Canton:
visited by Odoric.
Cape bima, modern Bima:
north-east coast of Sumbawa.
Cape de Bona Sperace (Cape of Good Hope):
in Linschoten's description.
Cape Diab (same as Cavo di Diab):
an inscription on, mentioned.
Cape Inscription:
a well determined point.
Cape King William, New Guinea.
Cape Kollf:
with reference to Torres' route.
Cape of Bona Speranca:
called the forefront of Afrike, and marked on an early map.
Cape of Good Hope:
distorted on maps.
Rounded.
Anticipated.
First land beyond.
Named by Joao.
The discovery of, alluded to.
An inscription near.
regions south of the equator revealed by the Portuguese navigations to the.
Schoner's Brasilae regio near the.
Mentioned.
Barthema returns to Europe by the.
Magellan's expedition arrived at.
North-west extremity of New Guinea.
The commander at the, gave orders to the fly-boat Vinck bound for Batavia to touch en passant
at the west coast of the South Land.
The Ridderschap Van Hollandt lost between the, and Batavia.
Cape Santa Cruz:
named by Magellan.
Cape Van Calmorie (Croker Island):
reached by Martin Van Delft.
Cape Van Diemen:
in Van Diemen's Land.
Cape Verde:
Prince Henry discovered that beyond, the coast trended eastwards.
And the land of the blacks first reached by Diniz Dias.
Islands, with reference to volcanoes.
Discovered by accident.
With reference to line of demarcation.
Cape York:
placed under Sumbawa.
The site of, occupied by an island bearing the name Ye de Tnbanos.
With reference to the course of the Duyfken.
Unconnected with New Guinea.
Divides Sumbawa in two.
Cape York Peninsula:
from Cairncross Island to Cape Grenville.
Torres near the Islands of.
Capogat:
Indian fleet at.
Capraria, islands:
mentioned.
Capricorn, tropic of:
Coasts of Australia set down at the.
Confounded with the equator.
Cuts Pentam in two.
Java Minor placed to the north of the.
The word Calmia near the.
Egtis-Silla to the south of the.
Malacca, near the.
A Malay peninsula extending to.
Southern parts of Ruysch's Sumatra crossed by the.
Lac regnum situated near the.
Islands discovered under the.
Countries known to the Portuguese beyond the.
The Portuguese made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of the.
Magellan had almost reached again the, when he came in sight of two islands.
The eastern coast of Australia at the.
Islands placed on the, in Schoner's 1515 map are represented on the equator in his 1533 map.
Capture, Bay of the (Angra do Salto).
Carpentaria, Gulf of:
with reference to Anda ne barcha.
The Duyfken sailed into the.
Roughly indicated on Wytfliet's map.
With reference to the voyage of the Duyfken.
The nomenclature of the, most extensive in the copy of Tasman's original chart.
Represented as separate from Australia and New Guinea on P. Goos' map.
Castilla (Castille):
with reference to a letter by Toscanelli.
Inhabitants of.
Castille, and Leon.
Cataio (same as Cathay):
in Conti's description.
Cathay:
visited by Odoric of Pordenone.
Yule's work on, quoted.
Khan of, mentioned.
Yule's, referred to.
Mango near.
The residence of the Grand Khan.
Maximilian's advice to go in search of.
Quinsay in.
Distorted.
A continental.
Catherine, Cape St.:
passed.
Catigara:
in Ptolemy's map.
Distance from the Fortunate Islands to.
The Spaniards sailed to the Cape of.
The Spaniards did not find.
Catoira:
the manuscript of, gives a more complete account of Mendana's expedition than Gallego's journal does.
Cauo alto (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.
Cauo de Cocos (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.
Cauo del entredos (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Cauo de S. Antonio de Padua (south coast of New Guinea):
a name given by Torres.
Cauo de S. lucas (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Cauo hondo (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Cauo llano (south coast of New Guinea):
a cape named by Torres.
Cavo di Diab:
name for southern extremity of Africa.
Cayln:
name given to a bogus Sumatra set down to the south of the Malay Peninsula.
Caylur:
from regnum Cayln.
Caypassia, flats of:
spoken of by Galvano.
Celebes:
Drake sailed to an island south of.
A vessel despatched to the Island of.
Ceram:
taken for Ceylon.
Included in Gilolo.
Ceylon, and Taprobana:
And Sumatra described as Taprobana.
Placed in longitude and latitude of Sumatra.
Sumatra placed where Ceylon stands.
Enlarged to correspond with Sumatra.
Islands south of the equator taken for.
In Ptolemy's map.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Visited by Odoric.
Described as Sillan by Marco Polo and Odoric.
Written Saylam.
The Indian Peninsula with regard to.
May be regnum Cayln.
Suggested as another name for Taprobana.
Called Ceilam in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Chaldea:
the author of.
Challis Head:
the Cabo Fresco of Torres.
Champa (same as Chiampa):
visited by Odoric.
As a point of departure.
Cheribon, in Java.
Chiampa:
the word Java used instead of, causes great mistakes.
Chicago:
International Exhibition held in, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America.
China:
the Arabs extend their trade to.
Limit of Ptolemy's map.
In Galvano's description.
Trade of, in the hands of the Arabs.
Seaway to, laid open by Prince Henry the Navigator.
Or Zaiton.
Columbus endeavoured to reach.
Coast of.
Or Cathay.
Shores of, distorted.
Connected with Fra Mauro's Sumatra.
Sarnau, a place in.
Precious commodities from.
Sea, in Ptolemy's map.
Misplaced.
People of.
Andrade and Perestello went to.
Represented in the Australasian regions.
Coast of, claimed by the Spaniards.
China Straits:
Discovered and named by Moresby.
The southern portion of, set down as a port on De Prado's chart.
Chinese Sea:
Represented as a gulf in Ptolemy's map.
Islands of, omitted.
Chucopia (Tucopia):
An island named.
Ciambo, same as Ciamba.
Ciampo porto:
On Behaim's globe.
Cincapura (Singapore):
In Galvano's description.
Cipango, Island of:
Ten spaces distant from Antilla Island.
Not Japan, but Java.
East of Mangi and Cathay.
Circobena:
Corresponds with Cirtena.
An island near Madagascar on Apianus' mappamundi.
Cloues, Island of (Spice Islands):
The first Portuguese that went to.
Coachs:
a corruption of Marco Polo's Lochac.
Cochin:
mentioned as being discovered.
Viceroy in.
Barthema factor for the Portuguese at.
Cochin China:
Marco Polo sojourned on the coast of.
With reference to Chiampa.
Cochin-terra (Cochin China):
Andrea Corsali writes from.
Cocos, Island of:
the buccaneers of the Cygnet intended to make for the.
Cohol (a misprint for Bohol):
an island reached by the survivors of Magellan's expedition.
Coilum, the modern Quilon.
Coilu regnu:
in Schonerean gores of date 1515.
Cologne:
Maximilian's letter printed at.
Comarim, Cape of (Comorin):
described by Galvano.
Comarin, Cape:
mentioned.
Condore, Pulo, Islands:
mentioned with reference to a route indicated by Marco Polo.
Condur:
not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
In Fra Mauro's map.
Congo:
King of, received Portuguese hostages.
River, same as Zaire and Rio do Padrao.
Constantinople:
visited by Odoric.
Copenhagen:
an early mappamundi from the library of.
Cormorin Cape:
the buccaneers of the Cygnet intended to make for, after leaving New Holland.
Coromandel Coast:
called Malabar by Nicolo de' Conti.
Called Provincia di Ma'bar or Mobar.
Several towns on the, visited by Conti.
Coruna:
an expedition to the Spice Islands sails from.
Coste Dangereuse:
on the coast of Queensland.
Coste Dangerose (Dangerous Coast):
a legend on J. Roze's chart, at the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked on the coast of Queensland.
Cranganor:
visited by Odoric.
Crete:
on Turin mappamundi.
An island near the Straits of Magalhaens.
Crisa, island:
on Turin mappamundi.
Crise:
island on 11th century mappamundi meant for Malay Peninsula.
Croker Island:
reached by Martin Van Delft.
Cul de sac de l'Orangerie:
the name given by Bougainville to the country at the back of Orangerie Bay.
Cumberland, Islands:
in the latitude reached by Torres and so well charted on the Dauphin map.
C: Vatraar, or ratraar:
probably a bad reading for Aramaram in F. Rodriguez's portolano.
Cygnet Bay:
a name given in commemoration of W. Dampier's visit.
Cyprus:
on Turin mappamundi.
Dampier's Monument:
a name given to commemorate Dampier's visit to New Holland.
Dampier's Archipelago:
a sea chart must have existed showing the western coasts of Australia from Cape Leeuwin to.
A portion of the north-west coast of Australia left out from, to King Sound.
Darien, Gulf of:
Balboa in command at the.
Isthmus of.
Dauxety, Island:
a name for Madagascar.
At some distance from Africa.
The origin of.
Corruption of Laurentij.
Dead Sea:
towards the south (Australasian regions) in Odoric's narrative. See also Anda ne barcha.
Debana, Point:
at the northern entrance to Mullen's Harbour, New Guinea, called Cauo llano by Torres.
Dembea, Lake, or Tzana:
on Turin mappamundi.
Deptford:
Drake's old ship, long an object of veneration to the seamen of.
Dias Point:
or Pedestal Point.
Didymus, Island (New Guinea):
the Spanish isla de manglares.
Dieppe:
mariners of.
Jean Roze, a Frenchman, native of.
Diey, St.:
in Lorraine, the cosmographiae introductio first printed there.
Dimo baz, or Margabim (Mauritius).
Dina aroby, or Arobi (Rodriguez).
On Schonerean gores.
Dinamora:
on Schonerean gores.
Dina Morare, or Moraze (Bourbon).
Dina norca, corrupted from Diva Moraze.
Dina robin, corrupted from Diva Arobi.
Dino baz:
on Schonerean gores.
Dirck Hartog's Island:
with reference to Dirk Hartog's plate.
In connection with Vlamingh's course.
Dirck Hartog's Reede:
visited by Vlamingh.
Passed by the Waeckende Boey.
Diva Arobi:
corrupted to Dina Aroby.
Diva Margabim:
corrupted to Dimo baz.
Diva Moraze:
corrupted to Dina Morare.
Dondin, and Nicoverra Islands:
in Odoric's narrative (see Dondyn).
Dondyn (or Dondin):
in Odoric's narrative may refer to Candin or Candyn.
Dorre Island:
an island facing Shark's Bay.
Dufaure, or Mugula Island (native):
named by Torres isla de Santa Clara.
East, The:
the Dutch had premeditated their designs in the.
The Dutch seek to establish themselves in.
East and South Lands:
Thomasz Pool sent out from Banda to discover the.
Eastern Islands:
removed from their actual position in Ptolemy's map.
Eastern Ocean:
reached by the West.
East Indian Archipelago:
on the Sebastian Cabot mappamundi.
The Dutch gaining ground in.
East Indian Islands:
reached by the Phoenicians.
East Indies:
an early map showing navigation to the.
Houtman promises to reveal the route to the.
Captain Lancaster settled the first English factory in the.
Captain Saris' observations in the.
A yacht called the Duyfken accompanied Steven Van der Hagen's expedition to the.
Englishmen barely credited the existence of a continent south of the.
Trade from the South Sea to the.
De Gonneville on his way to the.
Eendraghtsland:
a name given to a large tract on the west coast of Australia.
Egtis-Silla:
the origin of Hame de Sylla.
Egydienplatz:
in Nuremberg.
Egypt:
Covilham returns to.
Mentioned.
El puerto de la vera cruz (port of the true Cross):
named on the 3rd of May.
El sonbrero (sombrero) (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Elvas:
a commission appointed to meet at.
Ende:
an island named.
Endeavour Straits:
Gomez de Sequeira lost his rudder on some rocks in the.
Engano:
the Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia reach the vicinity of.
The island of women.
England:
Galvano's work published in.
Dom Pedro goes to.
Owes discovery of America to Italians.
John Rotz went to.
The daring sea-rovers of.
Holland and, combined to defeat the Spanish Armada.
Dampier after his return to.
Coming to the front.
Equator:
a fourth part of the world beyond the, on Turin mappamundi.
Erzerum:
visited by Odoric.
Espiritu Sancto:
on the eastern coast of Australia.
Espiritu Santo:
the land of the, named by De Quiros.
Discovered by De Quiros.
De Quiros' crew mutinied at the bay of the island.
Estramadura:
inhabitants of.
Estrecho de S. Roque:
the channel between Mugula Island and the mainland of New Guinea (Orangerie Bay), a name
that ought to be maintained.
Ethiopia:
mentioned.
People of the coast of, conquered.
Cinnamon the product of.
Eunauro or Euna (south-west coast of New Guinea):
named Villada by Torres.
Euphrates:
mentioned.
Circular boats of the.
Europa:
in an early mappamundi.
Europe:
belongs to the Great World according to the school of Pergamos.
The coastline of.
Columbus thought he could reach the Land of Spice direct from, by sea.
With reference to North America.
Asia and Africa surrounded by the sea.
In Galvano's description.
Represented on an early mappamundi.
Barthema on his way to, met the Portuguese at Calicut.
The Victoria returned to.
How did the news of the discovery made by Francisco de Hoces reach (?)
Europia (Europe).
Falkland Islands:
discovered by the Spaniards.
False Cape, to Cape Kollf:
with reference to Torres' route.
Fayal:
Diogo de Teive goes to the south-west of, in search of the Antilia.
Behaim's wife lived at.
Ferrara, Duke of:
with reference to Toscanelli and Columbus.
Hercules d'Este was.
Fin de Iaoa:
is corrupted in later charts to Fideoia.
Fin de Jaua:
end of Java.
Firenze (Florence):
Pope Eugenio IV there.
Flesh Bay:
near Gauritz River.
Dias at.
Florence:
a letter by Fernam Martins dated from.
Toscanelli's letter dated from.
The Duke of Ferrara requested his ambassador to institute researches at.
Flores:
deformed.
Islands between Java and, set down on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.
Placed latitudinally.
Florida:
a region in the north.
Fort St. George:
Mailapur near.
Fortunate Islands:
Joao first discoverer of the.
Distance from the, to Catigara.
France:
vessels equipped in the ports of.
Dom Pedro goes to.
Owes discovery of America to Italians.
Pierre D'Ailly, called the Eagle of the Doctors of.
Maximilian fought against.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Lyons in.
A globe found in.
Jean Roze's atlas first dedicated to the King of.
The Dieppese school of hydrography the first in.
The daring sea-rovers of.
Frankfort, gores:
mentioned.
Described.
Frederick Henry Island:
with reference to Torres' route.
Keer-Weer in the latitude of.
Fremose C: de:
in the position of Cape St. George (Jervis Bay).
Fretum le Maire:
between Staten landt and Tierra del Fuego, marked on Hoeius' map.
Galav, or Guliam:
passed by Abreu.
Galera:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Galicia:
inhabitants of.
Gange (River Ganges):
with reference to St. Thomas.
Ganges:
passed by the Phoenicians.
With reference to the location of Malepur.
Gascony:
St. Sever, monastery in.
Gataio:
a continental land in the southern hemisphere.
Meant for Cataio.
Gatigara:
30 leagues from Java the Less.
Gauritz River:
Near Flesh Bay.
Geelvink Bay:
isla de los Crespos at the entrance to.
Geelvinck Channel:
Vlamingh's fleet passed through the.
Genoa:
Bartholomew Columbus' native country.
George St. da Mina:
Dias puts in at.
Germany:
Marco Polo's work published in.
Monetarius from.
Maximilian became Emperor of.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Was Ruysch's map made in.
G.F. de Witt's Landt:
ondeckt 1628, an inscription on the north-west coast of Australia, where the Vianen was stranded.
Giava:
visited by Barthema.
Barthema remained fourteen days in.
Giava mazor:Fra Mauro's.
Giava minore, & maggiore:
in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
Cannot be Marco Polo's Java Minor.
Giave:
the Javas in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
Gibeth:
an island reached by Magellan's expedition.
Gibith:
stands for Gibeth.
Gibraltar, Straits of:
like the straits mentioned in Schoner's pamphlet.
Gilolo:
referred to.
Gelolo vel Siloli in Oronce Fine's map.
An island near, espied by Cavendish's expedition.
Once called Batochina.
Gilona:
reached by Magellan's expedition.
Globe, the:
circumnavigated.
Goa:
Covilham went to.
Gobubu:
a native village at the back of Baibara Island (south-west coast of New Guinea), in a bay
called by the Spaniards Cala de Helvires.
Golden Chersonesus:
on Turin mappamundi.
Mentioned.
Spices brought from the, by the Portuguese.
Called Malacca.
Golphe de la Louisiade:
a name given by Bougainville to Orangerie Bay, New Guinea.
Gomez de Sequeira's Islands:
correspond with the Timor Laut group.
Another group to the north of New Guinea.
Good Gardens Islands:
discovered by Saavedra.
Gouffre (Gulf):
occupies on the Dauphin chart the position of Corner Inlet and Wilson's Promontory.
Grafton Cape:
the Australian continent cut off at, in Jean Roze's chart of Australia.
Great Australian Continent:
De Quiros set sail again in search of the.
Great Bay of St. Lawrence, and Port of Monterey the (New Guinea):
the modern Orangerie Bay.
Great Bay of St. Philip and St. James, the:
discovered by De Quiros.
Great Fish River:
the same as the Rio do Infante.
Great Java:
a description of the.
Great Sahul Shoal:
passed by W. Dampier.
Great Southern Continent:
with reference to a Malay skipper.
Facts concerning the.
Great South Land:
appears in a new form.
The earliest English references to the colonization of the.
A discovery made on the west coast of the.
Great World:
according to the school of Pergamos.
Greece:
the Argo only sailed from.
Greenland:
the great island of.
Greenwich:
our zero corresponds with 120 degrees east of.
Gresic:
on the north-east coast of Java.
Guadalcanal, or Guadalcanar:
believed to be New Guinea.
Discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Guadalupe:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Guadiana:
the council convened on the shores of the.
Guinea:
coast depicted as far as.
A sea route by way of.
Lord of.
Supplies left off the coast of.
People of the sea of, conquered.
Gulf of Carpentaria (see also Carpentarie):
islands of the.
The rectified line of the south-eastern coast of the.
Arnhem Land discovered in the.
Appears to be indicated on Hoeius' map.
The three ships of Tasman's second expedition sailed into the, with the intention of
reaching New Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania).
Guli Guli:
a haven where Abreu came to anchor.
Gumape (see Gumnape), modern Gunong Api:
on Jean Roze's chart.
Gumnape (meant for Gunong Api).
Gunong Api:
a small island off the north-east coast of Sumbawa.
Hades:
situation of, according to the Greeks.
Hague:
the State archives at the.
Manuscript documents at.
Haynes Mt. (New Guinea):
mentioned.
Hame de Sylla:
derived from Egtis-Silla.
Hayter Island:
marked as a peninsula on Spanish charts.
Head Island (New Guinea):
not reached by Torres.
Heath Island (New Guinea):
mentioned.
Hesperides:
now called Cape Verde Islands.
Hispaniola:
Sir John Hawkins crossed the Atlantic to.
Hogaleas:
in Galvano's description.
Holland:
the second, third and fourth expedition of the Dutch left, in 1598, according to Constantin.
The third expedition of the Dutch sailed from, by way of Magalhaens' straits.
Sebaldt de Weerdt's ship, the only one of seven that returned to.
Incertitude about the departure of ships from.
England and, combined to defeat the Spanish Armada.
Important documents in, relating to Australia.
A yacht named the Duyfken accompanied the first Dutch expedition from, to Java.
The Vergulde Draeck sailed from.
Vlamingh's fleet set sail from.
Hollandia Nova:
P. Goos' map of.
Tasman's discoveries are recorded in P. Goos' map of.
Holy Land:
Dom Pedro goes to.
Honfleur:
de Gonneville sailed from.
Hong Kong:
limit of Ptolemy's map.
Hormuz:
visited by Odoric, where he embarks for Tana.
Reached by Barthema.
Horne, Cape:
Captain Welbe's proposal to go round.
Houtman's Abrolhos:
Captain Francis Pelsart wrecked on.
Pelsart returned to, in the Sardam.
Relics found on.
Huon, Gulf of, New Guinea:
mentioned.
Hutt lagoon:
near Port Gregory, locality visited by Vlamingh.
Iaoas, or Iauos:
a generic term for islands.
Iaua, the noble island of:
passed by Abreu.
The course of Magalhaens' fleet set down to the south of, on the alleged Schoner globe.
Iava maior:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Iava Minor:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Iavva Maior:
on Schonerean gores.
Iberia:
mentioned by Strabo.
Iceland:
with reference to its volcanoes.
I. de Edels Landt:
discovered in 1619.
Ilha de fonti (probably Penedo das Fontes).
Illa da:
On Jean Roze's chart, Number 1.
Ille de llame:
On Jean Roze's chart, Number 1.
Imsa:
Of modern charts, named by Torres la enbaidora.
Indes:
With reference to J. Codine's memoire.
Indes Occidentalles (West Indies):
With reference to early French voyages.
India:
Ships sent to, in early days.
St. Thomas goes to.
Mentioned by Strabo.
Columbus maintained he had reached.
Of Marco Polo.
Of the ancients.
Galvano speaks of.
Trade of, in the hands of the Arabs.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Seaway to, laid open.
Things of, to be learnt by the subjects of the King of Portugal.
Christians in.
In the 15th century, published by the Hakluyt Society.
Portuguese in search of.
Learned scholars from.
Covilham directs his course towards.
Passages to, anticipated.
Columbus believed he had reached.
The possibility of reaching, by sea westwardly entertained.
Barthema retraced his steps to.
Mentioned in connection with Barthema.
Magalhaens served seven years in.
The Portuguese arrived at the shores of.
The Dutch tried to collect all the documents that might guide them on the way to.
English settlement made in.
Trade to.
India interiore, or inferiore (?)
India meridional:
A country in the south described by Godinho de Eredia.
Indian Archipelago:
South coast of the islands of the, were little known.
Gunong Api belongs to the.
Indian Ocean:
Alteration made by the Arabs in the, of Ptolemy.
Ptolemy's fantastic islands of the.
Traffic carried on in the.
Of Ptolemy.
The, an enclosed sea in Ptolemy's map.
On Turin mappamundi.
Covilham, the first of his countrymen to sail in the.
Vasco da Gama's fleet the first European fleet to enter the.
The coastline of the.
The Arabian navigations confined to the.
Called Seylan Oceanus on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Islands of the, visited by Malays and charted by Arabs.
A chart of the.
An engraved hand-coloured curious old Dutch map of the, in the author's possession.
The periodicity of the monsoons in the.
Indian Peninsula:
Suppressed on Ptolemy's chart.
The large size of Ceylon prevented the proper charting of the.
The, duplicated.
The true.
Brought down in Fra Mauro's map.
Travancore on the.
Ceilam to the east of the.
Indian Sea:
in an Arabian mappamundi.
Indie Orientali (East Indies):
mentioned.
Indies:
History of the, by Las Casas, mentioned.
Themara's work on the.
Mentioned.
Augmentation of the.
Infernal regions:
position of the.
Insulae Fortunatae (Canary Islands).
Insulae Infortunatae:
on Magalhaens' track, placed near Rarotonga.
Insul de gomes des queria (Islands of Gomez de Sequeira).
Insulindia:
Synoptic table of the first voyages of the Dutch to.
Inuagana:
an island north of the equator reached by Magellan.
In 11 degrees north and 158 degrees west of Cadiz.
Inuana (the Inuagana of Maximilian's letter):
an island on the alleged Schoner globe.
Ioach:
answers to Loach.
Irlanda (Ireland):
with reference to an interpolation.
Isabel Island:
placed in its true latitude.
Isla berde (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla de Jesus:
named by Mendana.
Isla de la Madera (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla de las altas Palmas (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla de la Savana (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla del Oro:
name given to New Guinea by Saavedra.
In Herrera's description.
Isla de los Crespos:
visited and named by Grijalva's expedition.
Isla de Nogales (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla de Ranedo (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla de san bernardo (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Isla llana (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Island of St. Francoys (south coast of Australia):
a name given in commemoration of the Christian name of the skipper Thysz who
commanded the Golden Seahorse.
Island of St. Peter (south coast of Australia):
a name given in commemoration of the Christian name of Nuyts.
Island of the Moon:
a name given to Madagascar by the Moors.
The, to be inquired for.
Al Camar in Arabic.
Islas bartolome (south-west coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Toulon Island of modern charts.
Islas de los Reyes:
named by Alvaro de Saavedra.
Islas de Sta leocadia (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Islas de Timoteo (Port Glasgow, New Guinea):
islands named by Torres.
Islas Rocos, Roc Islands:
on S. Cabot's mappamundi.
Isle Mege, or Nege:
on J. Roze's chart, Number 1.
Isola Atreguada:
placed in its true latitude.
Italy:
Odoric returned to, in 1330.
Dom Pedro goes home by.
A fact that redounds to the honour of.
Nicolo de' Conti returned to, in the year 1444.
Ramusio could not find a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels in.
Copies of Nicolo de' Conti's travels obtained in, in 1457 to 1459.
Dom Pedro brought a map from.
Skilled cartographers of.
The first impulse which led to the re-discovery of the New World came from.
Jaavaa:
a name set down on a detached section of Sumatra.
Japan:
in connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
With reference to its volcanoes.
With reference to Columbus' route.
The early cartography of, by George Collingridge.
Not Cipango.
Precious commodities from.
Japara, in Java.
Jaua (Java):
in Galvano's description.
On P. Desceliers' mappamundi.
Jaua Maior, or Great Java:
described.
On G. Mercator's mappamundi.
Applies to Java on S. Cabot's mappamundi.
Jaua Minor:
applies to the islands from Java to Flores in the S. Cabot mappamundi.
In Drake's and Cavendish's narratives, applies probably to some islands east of Java.
Java:
its volcanoes referred to.
Reached at an early time.
In Ptolemy's map
Called Zaba in Ptolemy's map.
In Galvano's description.
May be marked on Turin mappamundi.
Mentioned.
Australia and, considered as one by Marco Polo.
South coast of, unknown.
Sumatra called Java Minor by Marco Polo.
Used instead of Chiampa causes great mistakes.
Termed Java Major on fantastic map.
Visited by Odoric.
Described by Odoric.
Islands in vicinity of, mentioned by Odoric.
Islands mentioned by Odoric set down near, on Behaimean maps and globes.
Sumbawa and, must be Nicolo de' Conti's two Javas.
South coast of, little known.
The equator, with reference to, in Fra Mauro's map.
On the confines of the world.
Charted on Fra Mauro's map.
Is Cipango.
Referred to.
Described from hearsay.
Barthema and his party agree to visit.
A country south of, referred to in Barthema's narrative.
Description by a Malay skipper of people to the south of.
Barthema and party must have landed in some out-of-the-way part of.
Set down as a distinct and separate island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
An inscription on Rodriguez's map of.
Deformed.
Called Simbabau in Reinel's chart.
Supplied the first model of special deformation.
Assumes a longitudinal instead of a latitudinal position.
Described as a very large island by Marco Polo.
The largest island in Reinel's chart is.
Claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
Open sea to the south of, in Diego Ribeiro's mappamundi.
Bali and, with reference to the legend Anda ne barcha.
With reference to the blocking of the seaway to the south of.
The south coast of, connected with Australia.
The Portuguese and Spanish knew of an open sea to the south of.
Australia and, believed to be one and the same continent even after the return of Sebastian del Cano.
Called Little Java contrary to all precedent.
Called Lytil Jaua.
Islands between, and Flores set down on S. Cabot's map.
Bears the name of Iava petite on P. Desceliers' map.
And Australia one and the same island.
Bears a double name on P. Desceliers' mappamundi.
Resembles a hog.
The Dutch firmly established in.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia sailed along the north coast of,
With Bali, Lomboc and Sumbawa forms the northern coast of Australia in the charts of the Desceliers type.
The seaway blocked between Australia and.
Java Major:
occurs frequently in Marco Polo and Nicolo de' Conti.
In Marco Polo's description applies to Java and Australia.
Described by Marco Polo as the largest island in the world.
Not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Australian continent called.
Does not refer to Australia on map of fantastic type.
A name given to Java on fantastic maps.
Supposed to be of great size.
On Behaim's globe.
A description of.
The terms Java Major and Java Minor first made use of by Marco Polo.
Drake arrives at.
Drake sails from, to the Cape of Good Hope.
Cavendish came to anchor under the south-west parts of.
Java Menor:
mentioned.
Java Minor:
occurs frequently in Marco Polo and Nicolo de' Conti.
Applies to Sumatra in Marco Polo.
Not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's map.
Misplaced.
Of Marco Polo cannot be Nicolo de' Conti's Giava Minore.
Corresponds with Sumbawa in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
With reference to Pentam and other islands.
On Behaim's globe.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.
On the Schonerean gores.
corresponds with Sumbawa in Schoner's Weimar globe.
Refers to Sumatra on G. Mercator's map.
Cavendish passes through the Straits of, and Java Major.
In Eredia's description.
Javas:
Nicolo de' Conti stops nine months in the.
Java the Less:
thirty leagues from.
Jave-la-Grande:
placed under Java.
Australia called.
Blocked out.
Jave-la-Petite:
suggested.
Jenkins' Bay (New Guinea):
named by Moresby.
The Baya de San Millan of early Spanish maps.
Jentana:
in Galvano's description of Ptolemy's Geography.
Jerusalem:
Envoys returned from.
Seen by Barthema.
Jones' River (New Guinea):
mentioned.
Jordan:
one of the rivers that flowed into the Bay of St. Philip and St. James (New Hebrides).
Juan Fernandez:
Captain Welbe's proposal to reach the island of.
Juan Gallego, the port of, in New Spain.
Kashan:
visited by Odoric.
Kauwer, Island:
visited by Pieter Pietersz.
Keer-Weer (Turnagain):
the point in the Gulf of Carpentaria reached by the Duyfken.
A point or cape on the coast of New Guinea.
On the coast of New Guinea, the extreme point visited by the Duyfken according to Ch. Ruelens.
Set down in 14 degrees 15 minutes south latitude on a copy of the original manuscript chart of
Tasman in the author's possession.
The Pera ran along the west coast to Cape.
Keij (same as Key) and Arouw Islands:
visited by Pieter Pietersz after the murder of Pool.
Key Islands:
the Duyfken sailed by the.
Jan Carstens ordered to visit the.
Kilauea, Mount:
a volcanic peak in the Sandwich group.
Kimmerie:
a northern country described by Homer.
King Sound:
Jean Roze's chart of Australia cut off at.
Kirke:
an island mentioned by Homer.
Koi Koi (south-west coast of New Guinea):
named by Torres isla de Villabonillos.
Kondur:
in Marco Polo's description.
Kulam:
visited by Odoric.
La Austrialia, del Espiritu Santo:
the name given by De Quiros to the land discovered in the New Hebrides group,
Labadii (same as Sabadibae):
in Ptolemy's map.
Another name for Java.
Confounded with New Guinea by Mercator.
And Sabadibae are corrupted forms of Jawa, Dwipa or Jaoa diva of Sanscrit or Arabic origin.
Lack:
on Behaim's globe, a remnant of the word Malacca.
Laco int Montaras:
appears to be a repetition of Lac regnum.
Lac regnum:
on Frankfort gores.
Near the tropic of Capricorn.
On Apianus' mappamundi.
Ladrones:
Alonso de Salazar steered for the.
Placed to the south of the equator.
Mentioned by Torres.
La enfaidora (embaidora):
south coast of New Guinea, an island named by Torres.
Imsa of modern charts.
La enpanada (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
La fuente de Argales (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Lago and Lago regno:
mention of.
Lago regno:
the evolution of Fra Mauro's.
Does not resemble Calmia.
Is Loac Provincia of the Hunt-Lenox globe derived from (?)
La guardia (south coast of New Guinea):
an island named by Torres.
Laistrugonas:
a western country in Homer.
Lampong, territory, or district of Palembang in Sumatra.
Land of Brazil:
of the Copia not the land in South America.
Land of Java:
New Holland called the.
Land of Nights (Nuyts Land):
Jean Pierre Purry's proposal to settle.
Land of Spice:
with reference to Toscanelli and Columbus.
Columbus proposed to the King of Portugal to reach the.
A better result obtained than reaching the.
Land of St. Bonaventure, the (New Guinea).
Land of the Papuas:
the Bay of St. Peter of Arlanza discovered by Torres in the.
Land of the South (Terra del Zur):
the name given to Australia in the Mar d'India map.
Landt van de Leeuwin:
the Dutch claim the discovery of the.
Landt van Pieter Nuyts, the:
an inscription in Dutch charts on the south coast of Australia.
Laon, the, globe:
mentioned.
La Peninsula (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
La piedra fuerte (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given to an island by Torres.
Laponia:
mentioned.
Las encubridores (south coast of New Guinea):
islands named by Torres.
Two rocky islets at the entrance to Millport Harbour.
Las entretexidas (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres.
Las Roccos insule:
on the western coast of Australia.
On S. Cabot's mappamundi.
Las tres hermanos (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
a name given by Torres to three small islands.
Las Virgines:
some islands named by De Quiros.
Laurence, Island of St.:
information about the, procured by Covilham.
Laut chidol, or South Sea.
Lazaro (same as Lazarus), Archipelago of St., the:
Magalhaens killed in.
Lazarus (same as Lazaro), Archipelago of St., the:
discovered by Magalhaens.
It invited the eager enterprise of the Spaniards.
Leeuwin, Cape (Lioness):
the Londe of Java terminates at, in J. Roze's chart, Number 2.
The discovery of, suggested.
Lions or lionesses represented near (see map).
The coast of Australia prolonged from, to the South Pole in the Dauphin chart.
A doubt cast on the discovery of.
North-west cape to, visited by Dutch ships.
A sea chart must have existed showing the western coasts of Australia from the vicinity of
Dampier's Archipelago to.
Leon:
Inhabitants of.
Leppe (Aleppo):
De Prado mentions that he will go by.
Lequeos:
in Galvano's description.
Leveque Cape:
the point that Dampier passed round.
Levant Sea:
mentioned.
Libia (Africa):
Europia, and Asia surrounded by the sea.
Lima:
De Quiros sailed from.
Distance measured from.
Lisboa (Lisbon):
mentioned.
Lisbon:
a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels found by Ramusio in.
Marco Polo's work translated and published in.
Italian agents at.
Distance from Quinsay to.
Fernam Martins, a canon in.
Envoys leave.
Lumiar near.
Dias proceeds to.
Behaim not successful in.
A vessel returned to.
Marco Polo's and Nicolo de' Conti's voyages published in.
Rodriguez's atlas preserved at.
The courts of.
Linschoten lived for two years in.
Loach provin:
for Lochac in Schonerean gores.
Loac Provincia:
in Hunt-Lenox globe.
Seilan to the east of.
Locach (same as Lochac):
Corrupted to Coachs.
Is Loac on the Hunt-Lenox globe derived from (?)
Lo-kok or the kingdom of Lo.
In Eredia's description.
Lochac, or Locach:
in Marco Polo's description.
Part of Cambodia.
Produces gold, etc.
Marco Polo's, referred to.
As a point of departure.
Loech:
the capital of Cambodia was named.
Lo-Kok, or the kingdom of Lo:
the lower part of what is now Siam.
Lo Loach ac:
for Lochac in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Lomblen:
mentioned.
Lomboc:
one of Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted on Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Named Autane.
Aintama or Amjama in the Henry II map of 1546, and au tane in Jean Roze's map of 1542.
A nautical phrase which refers to.
Difficult navigation between Bali and.
Charted as a distinct island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
Is called Lomboquo in F. Rodriguez's chart.
Forms part of Australia.
Londe of Java (or Lande of Java):
in J. Roze's chart terminates at Cape Leeuwin.
London:
mentioned.
The Royal Geographical Society of.
Yule's Cathay published in.
Bartholomew Columbus made a map of the world in.
Loo Choo:
gold from.
Lopez, Cape:
mentioned.
Lopo Gonzalvez, Cape, now Cape Lopez.
Louvain:
an English edition of Wytfliet's work was published at, in 1597.
Luca Antara (see also Nuca Antara):
an alternative name for Madura.
Lucach, and Beach:
derived from Loac Provincia.
On G. Mercator's map.
Lucapinho:
Serrano wrecked on the flats of.
Lucones (Luzon):
in Galvano's description.
Lumiar, near Lisbon.
Lusuparam, Islands of:
Abreu went to the.
Lyons:
a mappamundi published at.
Lytil Java (Little Java):
on Jean Roze's chart.
Java is called.
Ma'bar:
is indicated by Regnum Var on Apianus' mappamundi.
Machian:
the Dutch had three forts at.
Madagascar:
and Marco Polo's bird.
Named Island of the Moon.
Called Al Camar.
Charted by the Arabs.
On Behaim's globe.
An island which may be intended for.
Discovered in 1506.
Marco Polo's.
Three nameless islands between, and Loac Provincia.
Called Camaeocada on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Called San Lourenco by the Portuguese.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia made a long stay at.
De Gonneville carried to the coast of.
Madagastar:
for Madagascar on Apianus' mappamundi.
Madeira:
Joao, first discoverer of.
A caravel sailed from.
Madras:
Meliapur near.
Madrid, Ateneo de:
referred to.
Madura, Island of:
passed by Abreu.
On F. Rodriguez's chart.
Sometimes called Java Minor.
An island near Java.
Called also Nuca Antara.
Magelan, Streight of:
called The Dragon's taile.
Magellanica:
a name for Australia in the account of the wreck of the Vianen.
Magna Margarita:
a name given to New Guinea in Don Diego de Prado's letters to the King of Spain.
Named by Torres.
Mahabar:
in Nicolo de' Conti's description.
Mailapoor:
visited by Odoric (See also Meliapur).
Mailapur:
same as Meliapur.
Mailapuram:
means Peacock Town.
Maine, State of.
Maiorca & Minorca:
mentioned by Galvano.
Majorca:
Mestre Jayme came from.
Malabar:
Galvano speaks of.
Visited by Odoric.
Referred to by Nicolo de' Conti.
On the coast of Malabar.
Written Melibaria in Hakluyt Society's edition of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Cananor on the, coast.
Malacca:
in connection with Fra Mauro's Malay Archipelago.
The Arabs extend their trade to.
Galvano speaks of.
Marco Polo near Straits of.
Straits of, shown in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Straits of, obliterated.
An island near.
Brazil near.
A strait near.
Sequeira anchored at, in 1509.
Abreu's expedition returns to.
Magalhaens in the vicinity of the Spice Islands when 600 leagues from.
And the Great Gulf, in Spanish territory.
The blocking of the Straits of.
Fortress in the Straits of, useless.
Godinho de Eredia's surveys in.
Malacha (Malacca):
Barthema, arrived at.
Malaiur:
a kingdom spoken of by Marco Polo.
Identified as the Malay Peninsula.
Malay Archipelago, Islands of:
in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Malay Peninsula:
Sumatra removed from the, in Ptolemy's map.
In 11th century mappamundi.
With reference to the Cape of Good Hope.
Or Aureus Chersonesus.
Bogus.
Omitted on Cosa's map.
Position of the, on Cantino map.
Double.
Duplicated.
Identified with Malaiur.
Part of it claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
The line of demarcation made to pass through the.
Male and Female Islands:
near Socotra.
Malepur (same as Mailapoor, Meliapur and Maliapor):
reference made to.
Where the body of St. Thomas is buried.
On the Coromandel coast.
Mentioned.
Maletur:
on G. Mercator's map, it should occur under Beach.
Belongs to Asia in Marco Polo's writings.
In Eredia's description.
Mallaqua:
on the Schonerean Frankfort gores.
Near the Cape of Good Hope.
Set down on Schonerean gores where Lack occurs on Behaim's globe.
Mallua:
passed by Abreu.
Malo, St.:
mariners of.
Malua (Ombai, modern):
Sebastian del Cano passed by.
Malucas (same as Moluccas):
Torres near the.
The Moors gave Torres news of the events at the.
Maluco (Moluccas):
three ships sent to.
Kings of, sent for the shipwrecked Portuguese.
Galvano's account of the return from.
People of, call the New Guineans Papuas.
Manga das Areas:
passed by Bartholomew Dias.
Mangi (same as Mango):
referred to by Conti.
Distorted.
Mango, province of.
Manila:
bombarded and plundered by the English.
The remainder of Mendana's expedition taken to.
Torres continued his voyage to.
The Royal Audience of, failed to give despatches to Torres for the completion of his voyage.
The crew of De Quiros's ship designed to go to.
Succour from.
Torres' letter addressed from.
After the siege of, Dalrymple became the possessor of the document which revealed Torres' passage.
Maniole:
in Ptolemy's map.
Maranon, or river of the Amazons:
Measuring from the.
Mar del Sur:
sighted by Balboa.
Mar d' India:
a description of, mentioned.
Title of a map.
Mare (Maru):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
Mare Lant (for Laut):
Chidol, South Sea.
Mare Rubrum:
on Turin mappamundi.
Maroabyn:
corrupted from Diva Margabym.
Mar Oriental:
in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Marquesas:
discovered by Mendana.
Martoban:
with reference to location of Malepur.
Massana:
some of Magellan's men driven by a storm to.
Massaram, or Masaram:
another name for Bramble Cay, north extremity of Cape York.
Matalota:
placed in its true latitude.
Matanza:
an island named by De Quiros.
Mathien (Mutjan):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
A small island.
Maulua:
in Galvano's description.
Mauritania:
mentioned.
Mauritius:
Tasman first set sail for.
Tasman left, in October.
Mauthan:
the nearest island to Subuth.
Magellan ordered 40 of his men to pass over to.
The king of, led 3000 of his people into the field.
Magellan attacked the islanders of.
Meccah:
mentioned.
Mediterranean:
on Turin mappamundi.
Melbourne Review:
an article by Petherick contributed to the.
Meliapur, or Maliapor:
St. Thomas' tomb outside.
Melibaria:
the name for Malabar in the Hakluyt Society's edition of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Melville Island:
known formerly as part of Van Diemen's Land.
Insularity of, determined by P.P. King.
Menuthias:
the modern Zanzibar in Ptolemy's map.
Mexico:
an alleged Phoenician mariner's compass found at.
Mentioned.
Mendana returned to.
Acu-pulco on the coast of.
Milapur (Conti's Malepur).
Millport Harbour (south-west coast of New Guinea):
called by Torres Puerto de Valdetuexar.
Milne Bay:
represented on De Prado's chart.
Not thoroughly explored by Torres.
Mindanao, Isle of:
mentioned.
Captain Swan, of the Cygnet, left that vessel at.
Mindanaos (Mindanao):
in Galvano's description.
Minor:
an island answering to either Sumbawa or Timor.
Mirapolis, same as Mailapur.
Mirapor:
in Catalan map (same as Meliapur).
Moluccas (or Molucca Islands):
the seaway to the, laid open.
Mentioned.
Cloves from.
Galvano the conqueror and apostle of the.
First depicted.
Or Spice Islands.
The Spaniards pretended that the, were in the hemisphere allotted to them.
In Portuguese territory.
Those who returned from the, maintained they were in Spanish territory.
The distance between the, and the line of demarcation examined.
Spaniards not permitted to trade with the.
The Portuguese could not show discoveries under the meridian of the.
A letter concerning the.
Magellan ordered to sail for Terra Firma and seek for a passage to the.
In the extreme east.
Magellan's expedition sails to the.
The Spaniards examined the position of the.
After the return of the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition the longitude of the,
remained as unsettled as ever.
The King of Spain renounced his claim to the.
Bernardo de La Torres' fleet reached the.
Torres observed the variations near the.
Events of a stirring nature at the.
A vessel sent from the.
Portuguese of the, in search of gold.
Moluques:
referred to.
Monoch, or Maluch (Molucca).
Moro or Maro:
may be intended for Maio, a small island at the entrance to Salee Gulf, Sumbawa.
Morocco:
mathematicians obtained from.
Mortir:
the Dutch of Fort Nassau at.
Moscovia, the Grand Duke of.
Mountain of the East:
Columns at the, on which the Chaldean Heaven rested.
Position of the.
Mountain of the South:
position of the.
Mount Sinai:
Tor at the foot of.
Mozambique Channel:
followed by De Gonneville.
The Portuguese navigations through.
Muar d'Amboina:
mentioned.
Mugula (or Dufaure) Island:
the channel between the mainland of New Guinea and, is called estrecho de S. Roque
in De Prado's chart of Torres' expedition.
Mullens' Harbour (New Guinea):
unknown to Moresby, named by Torres the baya de N.S. de la Assumpcion--The Bay of
Our Lady of the Assumption.
Murano, the cathedral convent of San Miguel of.
Murcia:
inhabitants of.
Mushkah Bay:
on Turin mappamundi.
Muthil (Moter):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
Mutyr:
an island reached by Drake.
Myos-Hormos:
ships sailed from, in early days.
Naples:
envoys go via.
Necuram:
on Schonerean gores.
In Eredia's description.
Neuchatel:
Jean Pierre Purry born at.
Neucuram:
on Fra Mauro's map.
On Behaim's globe.
Belongs to Marco Polo's nomenclature.
The eastern coastlines of, with reference to the east coast of Australia.
Nevca (Neucuram):
in Ruysch's mappamundi.
New Britain:
the passage between New Guinea and, made according to the pilot Gaetan.
New Caledonia:
Torres reached a point somewhere between, and Broad Sound.
New Guadalcanal (same as Guadalcanal and Guadalcanar):
discovered by Mendana.
Near New Guinea.
Torres thought he had reached.
New Guinea:
a portion of, may be represented on Ptolemy's map.
A strait between Terra Australis and.
Coachs in Behaim's globe is between Australia and.
Andrea Corsali describes land in the vicinity of.
Supposed to be connected with Australia.
Terra de Brazil in the longitude and latitude of.
Some islands near, reached by Magalhaens.
Named Papua by Don Jorge de Menezes.
Further discovery of.
Equal in size to Sumatra on the Franciscus Monachus mappamundi.
Periplus of, shown.
Portion of, named Gilolo.
Islands on the north coast of, visited.
Named by the Spaniards during Villalobos' expedition.
Formal possession of, taken in the name of the King of Spain.
Called Nueva Guinea on account of the "frisled hair" of the inhabitants.
The Spaniards of de Retez' expedition knew not that Saavedra had made a prior discovery of.
The Spaniards intended to make use of Torres' discoveries in.
Several Spaniards left in.
A discovery made by the Dutch on the south coast of.
Schouten and Lemaire's voyage and discoveries made along the north coast of, alluded to.
Separation between York Peninsula and, indicated on Hoeius' map.
A portion of, represented on the S, Cabot mappamundi.
Forms an important feature in G. Mercator's map.
Insularity of, doubted.
The insular character of, doubtful on Peter Plancius' map.
A legend on, showing the date assigned to the map referred to.
Le Maire made to appear to be the discoverer of.
Strait between Australia and, known to the Spaniards.
A chart of, published by Dalrymple.
Belongs to the Southern Hemisphere.
The insularity of, known to the Spaniards.
Torres sailed along.
The beginning of.
Peopled with Indians.
Torres observed the variation in all the land of.
Tasman sailed along the northern shores of.
To be explored.
The course of the Duyfken from.
Supposed to be connected with Cape York Peninsula.
Van der Hagen's Little Dove is the yacht that was sent to.
Dutch killed at.
Dampier's intentions of discovery on.
Dampier believes in the existence of a passage to the south of.
Dampier sailed for.
Dampier in sight of.
Welbe proposes to sail to.
Joined to the Australian Continent.
Traders from.
Shown as an island.
A portion of, bearing the name Paplas.
An open sea between, and Australia.
New Hebrides:
Torres steered in a south-west direction from the.
The reason for representing the, as connected with the Great Southern Land.
Included in the eastern coast of Australia.
New Holland:
traces of Behaim's nomenclature to be found on maps of.
More to the east than the Moluccas.
Referred to.
With reference to Vlaming's voyage to the coast of.
Were the Dutch afraid that the English would claim?
Dampier fell in with the land of.
Dampier's description of.
The buccaneers of the Cygnet wanted to know what, "would afford."
Dampier's intentions of discovery on.
A passage to the south of.
A large bay supposed to run right through.
Described by Dampier as the "barrenest spot upon the globe."
Not reached by Roggeween.
A map of referred to.
New Guinea separate from.
The ignorance of the geography of.
The discovery of, kept secret.
New Jerusalem:
the town in De Quiros' new colony to be called the.
New South Wales:
discovered in the year 1770.
New Spain:
mentioned.
Joam de Resaga reached.
Villalobos set sail from the Port of Juan Gallego in.
Bernard de La Torre and Gaspar Rico fail to reach.
The Spaniards had not acquired the necessary knowledge to reach.
New Wales:
with reference to John Welbe's scheme of colonisation.
Named by Captain J. Welbe.
New World:
mentioned.
Disclosed.
Clandestine expeditions to.
A few years after the discovery of.
The first impulse which led to the rediscovery of the, came from Italy.
New York:
the latitude of, would have been reached by Columbus.
Mentioned.
New Zealand:
Behaim's Anguana occupies the site of.
With reference to Patalis regio.
Not charted in our copy of P. Goos' map.
Called Staete Landt in Tasman's map.
Discovered by Tasman.
Nicobar, Islands:
described under the name of Neucuram by Marco Polo.
Nicoveran (same as Nicoverra, Neucuram, and Nicobar):
Described by Marco Polo.
Nicoverra and Dondin, Islands of:
in Odoric's narrative.
Nineveh:
sculptures of, representing circular boats.
Nombre de Jesus:
placed in its true latitude.
North America:
the discovery of, a work by Harrisse, quoted.
With reference to Europe.
Villalobos on his way from, to the Philippines discovered many islands.
Northern Territory (Australia):
Melville Island in the, known formerly as part of Van Diemen's Land.
Northern World:
according to the school of Pergamos.
North Pacific Ocean:
as considered by Strabo.
Islands discovered in.
North Pole:
with reference to position of Hades and Tartaros.
northern limit of Antic Ocean.
Of the ancients.
North West Cape (Australia):
reached by Vlamingh.
From Cape Leeuwin to, visited by Dutch ships.
Noua Ginnea, and Noua Ginny (New Guinea):
according to Purchas.
The Flemings Pinnasse which went on discovery to, returned to Banda.
Nova Guinea (New Guinea):
with Schouten and Lemaire's nomenclature.
The Duyfken discovered the south and west coasts of.
A discovery made on the south coast of.
Jan Carstens ordered to "better discover."
The yacht Pera sailed along the south coast of.
Nuca Antara:
discovered by Godinho de Eredia.
Nueva Guinea (New Guinea):
named.
Nuremberg:
Behaim's country.
Behaim's globe removed to the School of Arts of.
The archives of the Behaim family at.
Ghillany published a work at.
Doppelmayr published a work at.
Monetarius from.
Nurmberg (Nuremberg):
with reference to Marco Polo.
Ocean:
the old river.
Oceanic Sea:
discovery in.
Oceanus Indicus Meridional:
on British Museum map.
Okeanos:
the earth-surrounding river of the Greeks.
Omaun:
traded to, by Arabs.
Ophinsa, Island of:
now Formentera, numerous snakes in.
Orangerie Bay (New Guinea):
called by the Spaniards the Great Bay of St. Lawrence.
Discovered on the 10th of August 1606.
Orange River:
and Cape Votas.
Oriental Sea:
in Fra Mauro's map.
Ormuz:
De Prado mentions that he will travel via.
Oronoco:
reached by Vincent Yanez Pinson before Cabral discovered Brazil.
Os Papuas, north-west coast of New Guinea:
Extensive discoveries made in, by Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico.
Ostrich Point:
a remnant of the nomenclature belonging to Grijalva's expedition to the Spice Islands and New Guinea.
Ovo Islands:
mentioned.
Pacific Ocean:
its real size realised.
Not known.
Entered.
Proposition to explore a portion of the southern hemisphere lying in the.
Padan, Bay of, south-west coast of Bali:
Drake in the.
Palembang, district of:
long believed to be an island.
Named Ilha de Jaavaa on an early map.
Palimbam (Palembang), Islands of:
Abreu went to the.
Panama:
De Quiros died at.
Pandarani:
visited by Odoric.
Indian fleet at.
Pannani:
Indian fleet at.
Panten:
in Odoric's description.
Papagalli terra:
the Land of Parrots.
Paples Island (New Guinea):
the isla de Sanbenito, of Torres.
Papoia:
occurs on F. Rodriguez's portolano of Spice Islands.
Papua:
islands misnamed between, and Sumatra.
Don Jorge de Menezes carried by currents to the north of.
A further survey of.
Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico make extensive discoveries on the north coast of.
Torres in the Gulf of.
Dalrymple's Collection concerning Papua mentioned.
Papuas:
name given to New Guinea people by the inhabitants of the Spice Islands.
Papuasia:
Saavedra sailed along the north coasts of.
Paris:
a wooden globe found in.
A mappamundi of the 11th century in.
National Library of, mentioned.
Poggio's treatise edited by the Abbe Oliva at.
After the peace of.
Codine's Memoire published at.
A work on Behaim's globe published at.
Dirck Hartog's plate in the Museum of the Institute of.
Paseos de Borne:
on J. Rotz's chart.
Patalie regio:
a name given to Terra Australis.
Patalis regio:
answers to New Zealand.
Suggested origin of name.
Its origin.
Peacock Town (Mailapuram?).
Pedestal Point, or Dias Point.
Pedir, in Sumatra.
Pedra branca, or Piedra blanca:
names unaccounted for.
Which occurs on P. Goos' map is not recorded on Tasman's chart.
Difficulty of explaining the presence of such Portuguese and Spanish words on Dutch charts.
Pegu:
mentioned.
Precious commodities from.
A fort on the coast of.
Given as Pego on P. Desceliers' chart.
Penedo das fontes:
Santa Cruz named, by some.
Peninsula:
Mathematicians obtained from the.
Pentam:
an island spoken of by Marco Polo.
Belongs to Marco Polo's nomenclature.
Identified with Bintang.
The eastern coast of, with reference to eastern coast of Australia.
Pentan (same as Pentam):
not mentioned on maps before Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Represented on Fra Mauro's map.
Misplaced.
On Schonerean gores.
Pergamos:
school of, mentioned.
Persepolis:
visited by Odoric.
Persia:
mentioned.
Persian Gulf:
on Turin mappamundi.
Omaun on.
Visited by Odoric.
Peru:
Governed by Lopez Garcia de Castro.
De Quiros set sail from the coast of.
The part of the southern hemisphere between, and Bachan and Ternate to be explored.
Mendana sailed from, for the last time.
De Quiros despatched to the Viceroy of.
The mainland of, not entirely settled.
Petan:
and Jaua Minor appear to occupy the Gulf of Carpentaria on G. Mercator's map.
Has been identified with Bintang.
In Eredia's description.
Pevtan, meant for Pentan:
in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Philippine Islands:
trade to.
Traders from.
Philippines, the:
left out in Fra Mauro's map.
Called first Archipelago of St. Lazaro.
The remnant of Loaysa's fleet sailed for.
Named after Philip II of Spain.
The settling of.
Bernardo de La Torre compelled to return to.
The remnant of Mendana's disastrous expedition repaired to.
Reduced by Admiral Cornish and General Draper.
Mentioned by Torres.
Phrygia:
Midas, King of, in conversation with Silenus.
Piccinacoli, the land of:
in Andrea Corsali's description.
Is the name given to New Guinea in G. Mercator's map.
Pider:
in Sumatra.
Piedra Blanca, or Pedra branca:
unaccounted for.
A probable Spanish survey to the south of Tasmania.
Point Swan:
named after the captain of Dampier's ship.
Polar Continent:
resembles what we know of those regions.
Pontos:
in Homer.
Porne (Borneo):
reached by Magellan's expedition.
Port Denison:
mentioned.
Port Gregory:
locality visited by Vlamingh.
Porto de Borneo:
on J. Rotz's chart.
Porto Santo:
discovered by accident.
A piece of wood and thick canes driven to.
Portugal:
John III, King of.
Sebastian, King of.
Dom Pedro returns to.
Dom Manoel, King of, obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages, and had it
translated into Portuguese.
Affonso V of, sent documents to Italy.
Fra Mauro's map sent to.
The bold seafaring men of.
A copy of a map by Toscanelli sent to.
An appeal to the King of.
Islands near the coast of, marked on maps.
Peace between Spain and.
Death of Affonso V of.
Natives of the Congo River taken to.
Covilham determines to convey information to.
Negroes and negresses well affected towards.
When Dias reached.
At war with Spain.
Columbus had made propositions to the King of.
Wolf Holzschuer lived in.
Letter sent to Joao of.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Barthema goes to.
Terminates the quarrel over the Moluccas.
Other nations on the eve of contending with.
The decline of the power of Spain and.
Vessels equipped in the ports of.
A copy of a map sent to the King of.
Barthema's return to.
Disputing with Spain for the possession of the Moluccas.
Never recovered from the blow at Alcacer Quibir.
Linschoten and Houtman had been in the service of.
Potutis regio:
on Behaim's globe.
Presillg Landt:
the name for Land of Brazil in the Copia.
Prince of Wales Islands:
Gomez de Sequeira landed on one of the.
Nearer New Holland than New Guinea.
Promontory of Beach:
in Eredia's description.
Provincia di Ma'bar, or Mobar:
on the Coromandel coast.
Provincia di Malabar:
on the coast of Malabar.
Provincia Seilan:
on Lenox globe.
Psitacorum terra:
on a globe.
With reference to Bresil.
Psittacorum regio (Australian continent).
Pudipeten:
in Nicolo de' Conti's description
Puerto de Monte Rey:
a port near Mugula Island, south-west coast of New Guinea, named by Torres after
the Count of Monterey, Viceroy of Peru.
Puerto de San Francisco:
The port where Torres first sighted land in New Guinea.
Puerto de S. Juan del Prado (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
A name given by Torres.
Pulo Condor, Islands:
Called Sandio and Candur on Schonerean gores.
Pulo Tambini, the island of women.
Punta de fontiduena (south coast of New Guinea, Dutch Territory):
A name given by Torres.
Punta de la aguja (New Hebrides).
Puta (for Punta) di Melata, Point of Malacca.
Quabesegmesce:
A bad reading for Quabe se quiesce.
A letter from R.H. Major to George Collingridge with reference to the word.
Quabe se quiesce:
Corresponds with Calmia.
Quarequa, Sierra de:
Mar del Sur sighted from the heights of the.
Queen Charlotte's Islands:
A name given by Carteret to a group of islands discovered by Mendana.
Queensland:
The coast of, from Curtis Island to Great Sandy Island.
At the spot where Cook was nearly wrecked in the Endeavour occurs the name Coste
dangerose in J. Roze's chart of Australia.
The coast of, erroneously supposed to have been discovered.
A true picture of the inhabitants of, 250 years ago.
Annual report on British New Guinea published in.
Timor situated off the coast of.
Quilon, or Coilum.
Quinsay:
distance from Lisbon to.
Ramos, or Mailata:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Red Sea:
on Turin mappamundi.
Tor on the.
Regio Petalis:
referred to.
Regnum Cayln:
on British Museum map.
Became a bogus Sumatra.
Separated from Regnum Lac.
Becomes Caylur.
Regnum lac:
on British Museum map.
Became a bogus Malay Peninsula.
Separated from Regnum Cayln.
Does not resemble Calmia.
Regnum Var:
indicates Ma'bar on Apianus' mappamundi.
Repulse Bay:
in the latitude mentioned by Torres.
Rhodes:
envoys go via.
Rindjani:
suggested by Dr. Hamy as the origin of Anjano.
Rio de brazil:
on the Cantino map.
Rio de la batalla:
a name on De Prado's chart of the Bay of St. Philip and St. James (New Hebrides).
Rio de San Antonio (New Hebrides).
Rio de S. Pedro (New Hebrides).
Rio do Infante:
named after Joao Infante.
Reached.
Rio do Padrao:
named by Diogo Cam.
Rio Grande:
a fictitious river between Australia and Java.
Rocky Pass (New Guinea):
between Hayter and Basilisk Islands, called the boca de la batalla in De Prado's chart.
Rome:
Matrons of.
Dom Pedro goes to.
A map in the Pope's library at.
Varthema's Itinerary first published at.
Barthema arrives in.
Ruysch's map of.
The Theatines established at.
Rosalaguin:
in Galvano's description.
Rosalanguin:
passed by Abreu.
Rosemary Island:
an island named by Dampier.
Rottenest Island:
on the west coast of Australia.
Captain Vlamingh broke his cable near.
Called the Island of Girls.
Rottnest Island (same as Rottenest):
named.
Rouen:
with reference to De Gonneville.
De Constantin's work published at.
Sabadibae:
in Ptolemy's map.
Saban, Straits of:
passed.
Sacte Crucis:
the name used in Schoner's map for the country called afterwards Brazil.
Sadales:
an island on Magalhaens' track, set down between Java and the Cape of Good Hope.
It recalls the Sandalos silve of the Frankfort Schonerean gores.
Sagres:
Prince Henry's school of navigation and astronomy at.
Salites, Islands:
passed by Abreu.
Salitres:
in Galvano's description.
Salsette:
visited by Odoric.
Samarcand:
Barthema started for.
Samaria (New Guinea):
Sir William Macgregor sent a despatch from.
Samatra (Sumatra):
Galvano speaks of.
Sambaba:
the name for Sumbawa on Wytfliet's map.
Sambana (Sumbawa):
in Galvano's description.
San bernardo:
an island in pieces.
San Bras:
named by Dias.
San Christobal:
Discovered by Mendana.
Mendana sent out to, to found a colony.
Sandai:
described by Nicolo de' Conti.
May be one of the Spice Islands.
Identified with Sunda in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Written Sondai.
Sandalos silve:
a name on Madagascar in the Schonerean gores.
San dimas:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Sandio, meant for Sondur.
Sandwich:
group, with reference to volcanoes.
Charted on Fra Mauro's map.
With reference to Marco Polo.
Discovered by the Spaniards.
Named by Cook, discovered by Villalobos.
San Felipe y Santiago (same as Baia de, etc.):
a bay named by De Quiros.
San Francisco:
Geographical Society of, mentioned.
San German:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Sanghir:
volcanic disturbances in.
San Jorge:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
San Lourenco:
the name given by the Portuguese to Madagascar.
San Lucar:
Magellan sailed from.
Sebastian del Cano returned to.
San Marcos:
discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
San Nicolas:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
San Pablo:
a monastery at Seville.
Santa Cruz:
named by Dias.
A river beyond.
Dias' emotion when leaving.
Islands, named by Mendana.
De Quiros set sail for.
Discovered by Mendana.
De Quiros decided to go to.
De Quiros kept in the latitude of.
Information given concerning the Island of.
No necessity to go to the Island of.
Santa Maria, an island of the name of.
San Thome (see also Thomas, St.):
on the Coromandel coast.
The projected town of, placed (cartographically) on the Tenasserim coast by mistake.
Placed in the Sinus Magnus.
Santiago (New Hebrides):
One of the Cape Verde Islands, the Spaniards landed at.
An island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
San Urban:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
San Valerio:
an island named by De Quiros.
Saragossa:
secret treaty signed at.
Vessels sent when the King was at.
Sarnau:
a place in China.
Satiroru:
in Ptolemy's map.
Sava:
answers to Java in Juan Vespuccius' map.
Saylam, i.e. Ceylon:
mentioned.
Scelebes:
left out in Fra Mauro's map.
Volcanoes of.
Sciamuthera:
another name for Sumatra.
Scolera (same as Socotra), Island:
on 11th century mappamundi.
Scotland:
the coastline of Europe from.
Scoyra, Island:
on Frankfort gores, meant for Socotra.
Scythia:
the Appollonians of.
Sea of Arafura:
an open sea.
Sea of Okhotsk:
with reference to North Pole of the ancients.
Sea of Orient:
a chart of the.
Segarga:
a volcano named by Mendana.
Segovia:
treaty of.
Seilan:
corresponds with Behaim's Seylan Insula.
Seilan Insulae Pars:
in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Seillan:
Cayln in earlier charts.
Seillan insulae pars:
name given to a bogus Sumatra.
Selamia (Ceram):
in Gastaldi's map.
Selani:
an island reached by Magellan.
Serra Parda:
mentioned.
Seven Cities, the Island of:
granted.
Ships equipped to search for.
Sever, St.:
monastery of.
Seville:
San Pablo, a monastery at.
Only port of equipment.
Two vessels sailed unlawfully from.
Spaniards returned to.
Treaty of.
Seychelles Islands:
on De Gonneville's route to the East Indies.
Seyla:
on Schonerean gores.
Seyla:
on Apianus' mappamundi.
Seylan insulae:
on Behaim's globe.
Seylan insule pars:
on Ruysch's mappamundi.
Shark's Bay:
a name given by Dampier.
Shiraz:
visited by Odoric.
Barthema arrived at.
Barthema returned to.
Siam:
precious commodities from.
Siamotra (Sumatra):
name given by Conti.
Name used by Fra Mauro.
The island, distorted on Behaim's globe.
Sian (Siam):
in Galvano's description.
Siberia:
mentioned.
Sidayu:
in Java.
Sierra Leone:
reached by Drake.
Sillan (Ceylon):
in Odoric's and Marco Polo's nomenclature.
Siloli:
larger than Porne (Borneo).
Simancas:
Torres' original manuscript letter relating his expedition with De Quiros is in the archives of.
Don Diego de Prado's original maps in the archives of.
Diligent research made at, for De Prado's map of New Guinea.
Simbabau:
a name applied erroneously to Java in Reinel's chart.
Sinbana (the modern Sumbawa):
in F. Rodriguez's portolano.
Applies to Sumbawa in the S. Cabot mappamundi.
Simbana (the modern Sumbawa):
on Jean Roze's chart.
Sindae:
in Ptolemy's map.
Sindoba:
duplicated, stands for Sumbawa.
Singapore:
island of Bintang near.
Sinus Gangeticus:
an important gulf of Ptolemy's map.
Sinus Magnus, same as Chinese Sea:
Brought down below the equator.
In Ptolemy's map.
Sinus Persicus:
in Ptolemy's map.
Sismondi:
a name for Sumatra.
Siuill (Seville):
in Galvano's account.
Socotra, Island:
written Scolera and Scoyra.
Sodur, meant for Sondur.
Sofala:
to be inquired for.
Covilham goes to.
On the route followed by the Portuguese.
Soffala (Sofala):
in Fra Mauro's map.
Solo:
an island reached by Magellan's expedition.
Solomon Islands:
for point of departure.
Discovered by Mendana.
The earliest map of the.
Confounded with New Britain and New Ireland in De Bry's map.
Stand too far south in Wytfliet's map.
Captain Welbe's proposal to steer for the.
Discovered by the Spaniards.
Solor:
in Galvano's description.
Passed by Abreu.
Mentioned.
Soltania:
visited by Odoric.
Sondai:
written Sandai in Ramusio.
Sondur:
in Marco Polo's description.
In Fra Mauro's map.
On Apianus' mappamundi.
Sorabaia (same as Surabaya).
South America:
according to the school of Pergamos.
Columbus on the north coast of.
Mentioned.
With reference to the term Brazil.
Joam de Resaga ran along the coast of.
South Atlantic Ocean:
a passage from the.
Southern Continent:
alluded to.
Southern Hemisphere:
early notions concerning the.
Southern Land:
a detailed memoir on the discovery of.
Southern Sea:
studded with islands in map of third type.
Southern World:
according to the school of Pergamos.
South Georgia, or South Sandwich Islands:
discovered by Francisco de Hoces.
South Land:
or Land of Concord (Eendraght Land) in Rechteren's account.
The Witte Valck and Goede Hoop ordered to proceed to the.
Willem de Vlaming's voyage to the, and its object.
Journal of a voyage to the unexplored.
Discovered in the year 1696.
Navigators.
The charting of the eastern and western coasts of the Great.
South Pacific Ocean:
a passage from the South Atlantic to the.
Studded with Marco Polo's islands.
Discoveries in the, referred to.
South Pole:
enveloped by Austral regions called Terra Australis.
The unknown continent relegated towards the.
An imaginary continent around the, connected with Australia.
De Quiros took possession as far as the.
South Sea:
afterwards to be called the Pacific Ocean.
The Dutch sailed with the intention of reaching the.
A passage into the, sought for.
Divided from the Western Sea.
Captain Welbe had been in the.
Company.
Trade from the, to the East Indies.
Spain, or Iberia:
Owes the discovery of America to Italians.
When C. Columbus started from.
Skilled cartographers of.
Peace between, and Portugal.
At war with Portugal.
Columbus went to.
With reference to Columbus' argument.
Munzmeister wrote about his travels in.
Vessels equipped in the ports of.
With reference to lawful enterprises.
Magellan makes his way to the Court of.
Formal possession taken of New Guinea in the name of the King of.
Disputing with Portugal for the possession of the Moluccas.
Maps used in.
King of, renounced his claim to the Moluccas.
Other nations on the eve of contending with Portugal and.
Power of Portugal and, on the decline.
The throne of Portugal an appanage of.
Wytfliet's map dedicated to the King of.
Speriet:
The Great Island, discovered.
No reason given for the name.
Written differently on Dutch charts.
Is the orthography used in Swart's black letter copy from the original manuscript document.
Sperietrivier:
in the 14th paragraph of Tasman's instructions.
Speult:
another form of Speriet and Spult.
A word found on Dutch charts near Torres Straits.
The Dutch contend that, or Spult, is the name of a Dutch official.
Spice Islands:
in Ptolemy's map.
Near Nicolo de' Conti's Javas.
Banda is one of the.
Described from hearsay.
The race to the, began.
Columbus believed he had reached the.
Voyages in search of.
Said not to have been visited by Barthema.
Australians with a practical knowledge of the.
Magellan sailed in search of the.
Nomenclature of the, derived from Maximilianus' letter.
A route to the, sought for.
The Portuguese appear to have reached the, before the conquest of Malacca.
With reference to white people.
Papoia and the, charted by F. Rodriguez.
Attempts made to reach the, by the west.
Or Moluccas.
The remnant of Loaysa's expedition make for the.
Saavedra's ship unable to reach America, returned to the.
In Spanish territory.
A close rivalry between the Dutch and the English with regard to the trade to the.
The Portuguese and Spaniards at the.
The Spaniards claimed all discoveries under the meridian of.
Spult:
given for Speriet in the translation of Tasman's Instructions published by Alex Dalrymple.
May be a corruption of the Spanish Spiritu Santo written Spu St.
Sta Isabella (island):
named by Mendana.
A brigantine built at.
Sta Polonia:
an island named by De Quiros.
Staten River:
the yacht Pera ran along the west coast as far as 17 degrees south to.
St. Christoval:
a port in 11 degrees south named by Mendana.
St. George's Islands:
named by Captain Welbe.
St. Julian's Bay:
Magellan arrived at.
Magellan sailed out of.
Stockholm:
a map by La Salle in the Royal Library of.
Stormy Cape (Cabo Tormentoso).
Straits of Sunda (see also Sunda):
the survivors of the Zeewych arrive in the.
Strasburg:
a work on Behaim's globe published at.
Suakem:
Payva directs his course towards.
Subuth:
a very large island reached by Magellan.
Suez, Isthmus of:
on Turin mappamundi.
Sumatra:
and Ceylon described as Taprobana.
Ceylon placed in same latitude and longitude as.
Placed where Ceylon stands.
Known to be cut in two by the equator.
Its earliest name was Tamravarna.
A portion of, should show in Southern Hemisphere on Ptolemy's map.
Removed to Northern Hemisphere on Ptolemy's map.
On Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Described by Marco Polo under the name of Java Minor.
Visited by Odoric.
Duplicated.
Missing, receives the name of Cayln.
The west coasts and probably north-west coast of bogus, were the west and north-west coasts of Australia.
Described as Anticamente detta Taprobana in Nicolo de' Conti's text.
On the confines of the world.
Charted nearly as well as Java, on Fra Mauro's map.
Believed to be formed of several islands.
Mentioned.
Bears the name first given to it by Conti.
No mistaking it.
Written Sciamuthera.
A bogus.
How did our western coasts get confounded with the western coasts of?
Fra Mauro's placed in the Southern Hemisphere.
Cut in two by the Tropic of Capricorn instead of the equator.
With reference to the western shores of Australia.
Barthema and party sailed from.
Assumes a greater likeness to the real Sumatra in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Gold from.
Southern parts of, split up into islands in Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
Islands between and Papua misnamed.
Claimed by the Spaniards as being within their territory.
Disconnected in Juan Vespuccius' map.
The Dutch of the first expedition to Australasia reached the south-west coast of.
Sumbawa (the island of):
with reference to its volcanoes.
Reached at an early time.
Called Zibala in Ptolemy's map.
Java and, must be Nicolo de' Conti's two Javas.
South coast of, little known.
On the confines of the world.
Charted as a distinct and separate island.
Charted by F. Rodriguez.
Represented as two islands in F. Rodriguez's portolano.
Deformed.
Called Frroresta erroneously in Reinel's chart.
Charted as Sindoba.
Placed over Cape York.
Called Jaua Minor.
To the east of Bali and Lomboc.
Undistinguishable because forming the apex of York Peninsula.
The nomenclature of the island of.
An open sea between, and Timor.
Forms part of Australia on charts of the Desceliers type.
Sunda (see also Straits of Sunda):
in Galvano's description.
Sandai identified with.
Written Sondai.
The blocking of the straits of.
Fortresses in the straits of useless.
Meant for Java in Camoens' poem.
Described.
The yacht Goede Hoop cruising in the straits of.
Swan River:
black swans found in the, by W. de Vlamingh.
Sydney:
Captain Carpenter in.
Free Public Library of, mentioned.
Museum of, mentioned.
Sydrapetta River:
Mailapur near.
Symbana:
the modern Sumbawa.
Synti bvgd:
in the Australasian regions.
Synus Gangeticus:
limit of Cosa's mappamundi.
Syria:
mentioned.
Tabriz:
visited by Odoric.
Tagulanda:
an island reached by Drake.
Tamravarna:
corrupted to Taprobana.
Tana:
in Salsette, visited by Odoric.
Taomaco (same as Taumaco):
mentioned.
An island like that of.
Islands named by the Indians of.
Tappaprone I Indie (Taprobana):
on 11th century mappamundi.
Taprobana, and Ceylon:
Ceylon and Sumatra described as.
A Greek corruption of Tamravarna.
Name given to Ceylon in Ptolemy's map.
Same as Sumatra in Nicolo de' Conti's description.
Alias Zoilon is the name given to Sumatra in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Ceylon suggested as another name for.
Taprobane:
mentioned.
Now called Zamatara.
No island to be identified with.
Tarante (Ternate):
one of the five Spice Islands according to Maximilian's account.
A small island.
Tarasa River (New Guinea):
Mentioned.
The delta of the, well charted in de Prado's map.
Tartaros:
Situation of, according to the Greeks.
The Earth Genii of.
Taraze (for Tarante, i.e. Ternate):
On alleged Schoner globe.
Tasmania:
Java Minor occupies the site of.
For goal.
Named after Tasman.
More generally known as Van Diemen's Land
Discovered by Tasman.
Nomenclature of, and Australia on P. Goos' and Tasman's maps of Australia.
Tassaso:
A Dutch fort at Machian.
Taumaco (island):
Indications of a great southern continent given by the Indians of.
De Quiros put in at the island of.
The chief of, informs De Quiros of a Terra Firma in the south.
Torres disembarked in, and went on board the Almirante.
Tenasserim Coast:
The projected town of San Thome erroneously placed (cartographically) on the.
Tenimber:
Jan Carstens ordered to visit.
Visited by Pieter Pietersz.
Ternate:
Galvano governor of.
With reference to Gumnape.
Serrano wrote from, to his friends and to Magalhaens.
Juan de Esquivel the Maestro de Campo of.
Torres departed for.
Drake decides to go to.
The King of, possesses seventy islands besides, according to Drake.
Torres asked to subdue one of the islands of.
The nations of, in rebellion.
The Dutch had Fort Melaia and Tacomma at.
The Portuguese of.
Terra Australis Incognita:
the name for Australia on Abraham Goos' globe.
Terra Alta:
of the Ribeiro maps marked on Mercator's map.
Terra Australis:
discovery of the.
On fantastic maps.
A strait between New Guinea and.
Called Patalie Regio.
In Oronce Fine's map.
Schoner's Brasielie Regio and Regio Patalis found on Oronce Fine's map of.
Described in Frobisher's voyages.
The only name which is not fictitious on Wytfliet's map of Australia.
An important passage with reference to the.
Separated from New Guinea.
With reference to the course of the Duyfken.
A petition to "erect colonies in," was presented to King James the First.
Captain Welbe offered a plan for the full discovery of.
New Guinea supposed to form part of.
Captain Welbe's proposals for establishing a company for carrying on a trade to.
Of the ancients.
Terra Australis Incognita:
first appearance of, on a map.
Terra de Brazil:
in the longitude and latitude of New Guinea.
Terra del Fuego (see also Tierra del Fuego):
with reference to Terra Australis.
Terra della Vera Cruz (or Brazil).
Terra del Verzino:
a continental land near or connected with New Guinea.
Terra del Zur (Great Land of the South):
a name for Australia.
Thus called in the Mar d' India map.
Terra de Piccinacoli (the Land of Piccinacoli):
Apparently New Guinea.
Described by Andrea Corsali.
Believed to be connected with Brazil or Terra del Verzino.
Terra de Santa Cruz:
for Serra Sanctae Crucis, a name given previously to Brazil.
With reference to its western shores.
Near the Spice Islands.
Terra dos Papous:
a legend on New Guinea.
Terra en negade:
on J. Roze's chart, Number 1, a corruption of terra anegada (submerged land).
Terra firma:
Magellan ordered to sail for the, and search for a strait.
To be found in the south.
Or continent (Australian) to be discovered by Mendana from San Christoval.
Terra Incognita:
of Ptolemy.
The absence of the, a provisory measure.
Some think Java belongs to the.
Terra Rubra:
Bartholomew Columbus of.
Terre Australle:
on an imaginary continental part of Australia prolonged towards the South Pole.
Corresponds with any land south of the equator.
A name given by De Gonneville.
Terrestrial Paradise:
near Gatigara.
Texel:
the first Dutch fleet to Australasia sailed from the.
The first Dutch fleet returned to.
Texoxtica (Mexico):
discovered.
Thalamassin (see also Thalamasyn):
a land of that name described by Odoric.
Thalamasyn (same as Thalamassin):
or Panten, in Odoric's description.
Thalassa:
in Homer.
Thedori (Tidore):
one of the Moluccas reached by Magellan's expedition.
King of, submitted to the Spanish Imperial Government.
Thome, S.:
on British Museum map.
Tidore, Island of:
two of Magalhaens' vessels arrived at.
Inigo Ortiz de Retez and Gaspar Rico sail from.
Tierra del Fuego (see also Terra del Fuego):
believed to be connected with an Austral continent.
Set down as an island on the Carta da navigar.
Tigris:
mentioned.
Circular boats of the.
Timor:
an island intended for, in Schoner's globe.
Sandalwood from.
Not represented on Reinel's chart.
Sebastian del Cano went to.
The Portuguese could not believe that the island of, was situated to the east of the
peninsula set down on the Dauphin and similar charts.
Out of place.
Sebastian del Cano passed through an open sea from, to Spain.
Larger on P. Desceliers' map.
Dampier approached Australia from.
Dampier fell in with a shoal to the south of.
Dampier set sail for.
Martin Van Delft's fleet remained some time at.
The Portuguese and Spaniards must have known of an open sea between, and Sumbawa.
Situated off the coast of Queensland.
In Gastaldi's map.
Timor Laut:
a group of islands mentioned.
The discovery of, not recorded on the Mar d' India map
Timona-ilha:
probably Timor.
T' Landt Van d'Eendracht:
said to have been discovered in the year 1616.
Tobi, or Lord North's Island:
to the north of New Guinea.
Not on the route to the straits of Magellan.
Toledo:
the Courts of.
Tona:
the remnant of some prototypic name.
Tor:
on the Red Sea.
Tormapatan:
Indian fleet at.
Torres Straits:
with reference to the course of the Duyfken.
Indicated.
Blocked.
Known at an early date.
Tortelduyf, cliff:
passed by the crew of the Emeloort.
Toulon, Island (or Mairu, native):
the Islas Bartolome of Torres.
Travancore:
where Quilon is situated.
Trebizond:
visited by Odoric.
Treguada:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Tres Marias:
an island discovered and named during Mendana's expedition.
Tuban, in Java.
Tucopia (same as Chucopia):
to the north-east of the New Hebrides.
Tunis:
a map of that name.
Referred to.
The meridian of.
Tzana, Lake:
on Turin mappamundi.
Underworld:
of Homer.
Unfortunate Islands:
reached by Magellan.
Valladolid:
the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition went up to.
Maximilian's letter written at.
Valsche Kaep (False Cape), New Guinea:
Keer-Weer to the north of.
Van Diemen's Gulf:
visited by Martin Van Delft.
Van Diemen's Land:
with reference to Markham's communication.
A name for Tasmania.
Martin Van Delft's fleet proceeded to.
The north-west corner of, now known as Cape Van Diemen.
Varre regio:
on Schonerean gores.
Varr var regnum:
in the British Museum map.
Venetia (Venice):
Ramusio could not find a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels in.
Venezuela:
a small island off the coast of.
Venice:
Ptolemy's geography published in.
Marco Polo returns to.
Reached overland by Odoric.
Dom Pedro goes to, brings back a map and a copy of Marco Polo's travels.
A fine map made in.
Draughts of maps sent to.
De Prado mentions that he will travel by.
Vermont, the State of:
mentioned.
Versailles:
a work of Prince Roland Bonaparte published at.
Versija:
probably Waigiu, where Don Jorge de Menezes landed.
Verzino (the same as Brazil):
the size of.
The Italian for Brazil-wood.
Victoria Nyanza:
on Turin mappamundi.
Vienna:
a map published at.
Vintara:
in Galvano's description.
Vitara:
passed by Abreu.
Sebastian del Cano passed by.
Voltas, Cape (same as Angra das Voltas).
Waigiu:
Menezes arrived at.
War ein Konigreich:
a legend on Behaim globe.
Washington:
the Hunt-Lenox globe taken to.
A lecture published at.
Wedge Island:
on the west coast of Australia.
Weimar:
mappamundi referred to.
Wessel Islands:
might be Gomez de Sequeira's Islands.
Western Australia:
the Portuguese could only claim, according to Diego Ribeiro's map.
Western Sea:
divided from the South Sea by a narrow neck of land.
West Indies:
reached by Columbus.
Reached by Dieppe and St. Malo mariners.
West Island (New Guinea):
is called in De Prado's chart the isla de San Antonio.
White Nile:
on Turin mappamundi.
Willems' River:
Vlamingh reports having sailed up.
Xengibar (Zanzibar):
on Fra Mauro's map.
Ya de los hobres blancos:
on S. Cabot mappamundi.
Yciagina (?):
a name not to be found in Maximilian's letter.
Yezd:
visited by Odoric.
York, Cape, of Australia:
connected with the southern shores of Sumbawa near Bali and Lomboc.
Bramble Cay, an island situated off the extreme north end of.
York Peninsula:
a legend between, and the east end of Java.
Sumbawa forming the apex of.
forts and castles represented on.
Connected with Sumbawa on charts of the Desceliers type.
Ysles de Magna:
on the Dauphin chart, a probable corruption of the Anguana of Behaim's globe.
Zaba (a form of Java).
Zaire:
the native name for Rio do Padrao.
Zaitam (same as Zaiton):
the extremity of the empire of the Great Khan.
Zaiton (China):
sudden transition from, to Giava in Nicolo de' Conti's text as given in Ramusio.
The port of, famous.
Zamatara, or Taprobane.
Zanzibar:
Menuthias in Ptolemy's map.
On Behaim's globe.
On Apianus mappamundi.
Inhabited by giants.
On De Gonneville's route to the East Indies.
Zaragoza:
treaty of, mentioned.
Zeilan, Island of:
described by Galvano.
In Barthema's description.
Zelon:
an island reached by Drake.
Zewarra:
an island reached by Drake.

INDEX TO NAMES.

See also the special nomenclature of Navigators given above.
Abel Yansz Tasman (see also Tasman):
the manuscript map of, mentioned.
Aberts, Pieter:
one of the survivors of the Vergulde Draeck, wrecked on the west coast of Australia.
Abraham Goos:
his globe published by Joh. Jannssonius.
Shows a southern continent occupying the position of Australia without any Dutch
discoveries recorded thereon.
Abraham of Beja, Rabbi:
a messenger from King Joao.
Abreu, Antonio de (see also D' Abreu and Antonio de Breu):
reached the Spice Islands.
Pathways traversed by.
Adam, and Eve:
represented on Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Aelian:
a fragment of the works of Theopompus preserved by.
Aelianus:
translated by Fleming.
Affonso V, of Portugal:
sent some documents to Italy.
Seconded Prince Henry.
Spared no expense.
Fra Mauro made a copy of maps while elaborating the one for King.
Followed the example set by Prince Henry.
Affonso de Payva:
sent to search for the country of Prester John.
Agnesina, Madonna:
mentioned.
Albert-le-Grand:
pre-eminent in his time.
Alberuni:
his India quoted.
Albuquerque:
refers to a lost map.
Some letters of his, recently found.
The text of a letter by.
Went unto Mossambique.
Lost no time in sending out an expedition to the Spice Islands.
Alexander-the-Great:
with reference to Marco Polo.
Quoted by Maximilian.
Alexander VI, Pope:
his line of demarcation.
Line of demarcation of, did not extend much beyond the east coast of Timor.
Alfonso:
King Joao's second son.
Alfragano:
no notice to be taken of.
Alfred, King:
builds boats.
Allan Cunningham:
at the Bay of Rest, W. Australia.
Al-Mamoun:
with reference to Ptolemy's geography.
Almeyda, Don Francisco de, the Portuguese Viceroy.
Alonso de Salazar:
appointed to the command of Loaysa's expedition.
Died on his way to the Philippines.
Alonso Medel, one of Columbus' officers.
Alonso Corzo, Captain, one of the officers of De Quiros' expedition.
Alvarado, Fernando de:
went out with Grijalva.
Returned to New Spain, it is supposed.
Alvaro da Torre:
translated Monetarius' letter to Joao II.
Alvaro de Mendana (see also Mendana and Alvaro Mendana de Meyra):
mentioned.
Alvaro de Mesquita:
in command of one of Magellan's ships.
Put in irons.
Alvaro de Saavedra, Cortez's kinsman:
sent to the Spice Islands from New Spain.
On his way back to America discovered the north coast of New Guinea.
Alvaro Mendana de Meyra (see also Alvaro de Mendana and Mendana):
first discovered New Guadalcanal.
Alvaro Telez:
ran out of his course and reached Sumatra.
Was he driven on the western coast of Australia.
Alvrin (see also Dalvim), John, Lopez:
with reference to Java.
Amherst, Tyssen Amherst W.:
possesses the original manuscript of Catoira giving the account of Mendana's expedition.
Ana, or Zi-Ana:
the spirit of the Heaven of the Chaldeans.
Andrade:
went to China.
Andrea Bianco:
called by Fra Mauro to help in making a map.
Andrea Corsali:
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
With reference to the term Brazil.
With reference to Terra de Piccinacoli.
Never saw New Guinea.
Writing from Cochin China, describes the Terra de Piccinacoli.
Andrea Furtado de Mendoca, Governor of Malacca.
Anghierra:
his decadas quoted.
Anne of Cleves:
went to England.
Anson, Admiral:
a Spanish map found by.
Antonio de Arostegui, King of Spain's secretary:
letter of Don Diego de Prado to.
Antonio de Breu (see also Abreu and D'Abreu):
went to the Spice Islands.
Took his course towards the north.
Returned to Malacca.
Antonio de Lisboa:
sent out to search for Prester John.
Antonio Gallo:
referred to.
Apianus:
his mappamundi referred to.
Aratus:
speaks of a southern continent.
Argensola:
with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
With reference to Magalhaens.
Arias:
his memorial referred to by Dalrymple.
Aristotle:
speaks of two segments of the globe.
His ideas revived.
Quoted.
Ayres de Saldanha:
Godinho de Eredia discovered Nuca Antara by command of the Viceroy.
The successor of Da Gama.
Bacon:
pre-eminent in his time.
Derived his ideas concerning the existence of transatlantic lands from Aristotle.
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
Badger, George Percy:
refers to Barthema.
Banks, Sir Joseph:
presented the Dauphin chart to the British Museum.
Knew of the existence of Torres' Straits.
A document with information relating to Australia fell into the hands of.
Tasman's Instructions supposed to have been found in Batavia by.
Barbie du Bocage:
on Gomez de Sequeira's discovery of some islands near Australia.
Barentz:
Linschoten accompanies him in his attempt to reach India by the Polar Seas.
Barreto (same as Garreto), Da Isabel de, Mendana's wife.
Barros, de (same as de Barros):
mentioned.
Quoted.
Barthema, Ludovico (same as Varthema):
visited Java.
supposed not to have visited the Spice Islands.
His narrative little known.
The Australasian portion of his narrative.
At the time of his travels the Chinese used to visit the Spice Islands.
His guides.
Addressed by the Christians.
Leaves Calicut.
Escorted to the Viceroy.
His account of the appearance of the Indian fleet.
Factor to the Portuguese of Cochin.
Descriptions on P. Desceliers' Map of Australia taken from the writings of Marco Polo and.
Bartholomew Columbus, C. Columbus' younger brother:
Made a map in London.
His presence in London.
A copy of the lost map of.
May be the author of a prototypic map.
Bartolome Colin:
Set sail.
Bartolomeo de Lasso, the cosmographer:
Sent 25 charts to Plancius.
Barton, G.B.:
With reference to Torres' Straits.
Referring to the account and map of Terra Australis published with Frobisher's voyages.
With reference to J. Welbe's scheme of colonisation.
Behaim, M.:
His globe the earliest extant.
Islands mentioned by Marco Polo and Odoric set down on his globe.
Accompanies Diogo Cam to the Congo River.
A parallel between, and Dalrymple.
Copied Fra Mauro's mappamundi.
A more primitive mappamundi than his.
May be the author of a prototypic map.
His globe has Seylan insulae.
Baron Frederic Carl Von, senior familiae.
The archives of the family of.
Furnished the geographical data and legends for his globe.
The geographical notions of his globe.
To go and search for Cathay.
Mentions Doctor Ieronimus.
Degrees of longitude and latitude first revived on the globe of.
An indication that his globe was copied from Toscanelli's map.
Features of a western coast of Australia to be found in the globe of.
Marco Polo's writings compared with the interpretation given to them on the globe of.
Malaiur does not appear on the globe of.
Position of Java Minor on the globe of.
Islands of the Australasian regions on the globe of.
Locach altered to Coachs on the globe of.
The prototype of his globe was no doubt of Arabian origin.
His globe mentioned.
His Africa.
His Java Major is nameless on the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His Seylan Insula rendered by Seilan on the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His Seylan Insula rendered Seylan Insule pars on Ruysch's mappamundi.
First model of deformation to be found on his globe.
Toscanelli or, corrected the direction of Fra Mauro's pseudo-equatorial line.
Belga, G.N.:
a mappamundi published by him at Lyons.
Benedetto Bordone (see also Bordone):
a mappamundi of, mentioned.
Bennet & Van Wyk, M.M.:
their map shows Keer-Weer on the coast of New Guinea, and not on the Australian coast.
Bernardino, Monsignor:
Barthema's travels dedicated to.
Berosus:
corrupted EA-han to Oannes.
Binot Paulmier de Gonneville (same as de Gonneville):
an affidavit subscribed by.
Bisagudo, Simao Afonso:
commanded a ship in D'Abreu's expedition.
Blaeu:
his atlases mentioned.
Sent to Florence by the Dutch.
Some maps of, show Tasman's discoveries.
Bolamboam (see also Balambuam), the Rajah of:
in Java at the time of Cavendish's visit.
Bonaparte, Prince Roland:
on Linschoten's and Houtman's knowledge of the route to India.
Quoted.
Tasman's chart of Australia the property of.
With reference to Dutch discovery in Australia.
Bordone (see also Benedetto Bordone):
Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi drawn on the projection of.
Bougainville:
visited and named Orangerie Bay, the Golphe de la Louisiade (New Guinea).
His description of Orangerie Bay corresponds with the Spanish description.
Quoted.
His expedition mentioned.
Boulengier:
his gores referred to.
Bowrey, Captain:
his map shows the track followed by Tasman in his first and second voyage.
Branca, King Joao's first son.
Breusing:
mentions Behaim's globe.
Broadhurst, Macneil and company:
with reference to Houtman's Abrolhos.
Burleigh, Lord:
a manuscript endorsed by.
Burney:
first printed the Relation of Luis Vaes de Torres, translated by Alexander Dalrymple.
His account of John Welbe's proposal.
Byron:
his expedition mentioned.
Cabot, John and Sebastian:
sighted America.
Cabots, the, Venetians.
Cabral:
his discovery of Brazil.
Did the Arabs know about his discovery?
Calvert, A.F.:
Author of The Discovery of Australia, with reference to a mistake of ours.
Camers:
published Apianus' mappamundi.
Camoens:
quoted.
Cantino, Hercules d'Este's ambassador.
Carpenter, Captain, of the Costa Rica packet:
with reference to the Straits of Bali.
Carteret:
re-named islands discovered by Mendana.
His expedition mentioned.
Carvalhaes, Pedro de:
mentioned in Eredia's report.
Castanheda:
with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
A Portuguese author.
With reference to Gomez de Sequeira's voyage.
Castro Da Mariana de, Lope de Vega's wife.
Cavendish, Sir Thomas:
the gale he experienced.
Sailed through the straits to the north-west of Australia.
The Australasian portion of his narrative.
A passage with reference to the track of.
An English pilot who had been round the world with.
Sailed in the track of Drake.
Cazazionor (same as Cogiazanor), the Persian merchant who travelled with Barthema.
Charles V, of Spain:
Magellan in his service.
Spain governed by Cardinal Ximenes in the absence of.
With reference to the dispute concerning the Moluccas.
Continued to allow his subjects to trade with the Spice Islands.
Voyage made under his auspices.
Chesney, Colonel:
on the shape of the circular boats of the Tigris and Euphrates.
Chiaymasiuro, King of Damuth:
in Eredia's description.
Christ:
200 years before.
Christofero di Arco, a clerk of Seville.
Codine, J.:
his Memoire referred to.
His conclusions with reference to the Arabian Islands.
Coen, Jan Pietersz, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.
Cogiazanor (or Cazazionor):
objected to Barthema leaving him.
Collingridge, George:
with reference to the Early Cartography of Japan.
With reference to Point Cloates, Western Australia, and the bird called Ruck or Rock by Marco Polo.
A letter from R.H. Major to.
Colonna:
Fabricio, mentioned.
Ascanio, mentioned.
Columbus, C.:
discovers America.
Endeavours to put Strabo's ideas into practice.
The course his ship might have taken.
Maintained that he had reached India.
Spain owes the discovery of America to.
Mentioned.
Mentioned by Harrisse.
Endeavours to reach China and Japan.
The map which he took with him.
A map in which the islands discovered afterwards by, were set down.
An article called, by Professor Ruge.
May have received a letter and map from Toscanelli.
Directed his course to the Land of Spice.
Wrote a letter to Toscanelli.
Wanted particulars from Toscanelli concerning the route to the Land of Spice.
In search of Cipango.
Only received Martins' letter years after it was sent.
Copy of Toscanelli's letter to.
With reference to the Duke of Ferrara.
A parallel between him and Cook.
America practically re-discovered by.
Had made a proposition to the King of Portugal.
Went to Spain.
His expedition.
America unknown to him.
Made a globe.
His younger brother Bartholomew, an efficient cartographer, demonstrated to him that
a continent would be reached.
His arguments, the same as those used by Munzmeister.
His glowing accounts.
His 10%
Two of his officers elope with two armed vessels.
Rivarolla, his friend and banker.
His ideas not generally accepted.
Commelyn:
his Begin ende Voortganh referred to.
Constantin:
quoted.
A passage in, which shows that the Spaniards wished to avail themselves of Torres' discoveries in New Guinea.
Conti, Nicolo de' (see also Nicolo de Conti):
referring to the location of Malepur.
His narrative could not be found by Ramusio.
Mentioned.
Quoted.
His nomenclature.
Cook, Captain:
did he discover the east coast of Australia?
A parallel between him and Columbus.
Australia practically re-discovered by.
The Sandwich and Falkland Islands known and charted by the Spaniards a long time before.
At the spot where he was nearly wrecked in the Endeavour occurs the name coste dangerose
in Jean Roze's chart of Australia.
Named the Sandwich Islands discovered previously by Villalobos.
Knew of the existence of Torres Straits.
At Batavia.
Lieutenant James, his arrival and re-survey of the eastern coast of Australia alluded to.
The last recorded expedition previous to the arrival of.
His expedition mentioned.
A map before his arrival.
Supposed to have reached Batavia by the north of New Guinea.
Named the Prince of Wales' Islands in Endeavour Straits.
Coote, C.H., of the British Museum:
With reference to the Hunt-Lenox globe.
His opinion on Ruysch's mappamundi.
With reference to Maximilianus.
On a legend in Java.
Coquebert, Montbret:
with reference to Jean Valard's maps.
Cordier:
his Bibliotheca Sinica referred to.
Cornelis Schouten:
the name of the skipper of the Vianen.
Cornelius Claez, of Amsterdam:
procured charts.
Cornelius Houtman (see also Houtman):
inquired into the state of the East Indies.
Put into prison.
Addressed the merchants of Amsterdam.
Supercargo.
Cornish, Admiral:
reduced the Philippines,
Correa, and de Goes:
with reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
Corsali (same as Andrea Corsali):
his remarks cast a doubt on the insularity of New Guinea.
Cortez:
received an account of a voyage by Joam de Resega.
Sent Alvaro de Saavedra in search of Loaysa's expedition.
Corzo Felipe:
commanded the San Felipe in Mendana's second expedition.
Cosmo de Medicis:
at Naples.
Courteen, Sir William:
presented a petition for the "privilege of erecting colonies" in Terra Australis
to King James the First.
Carried on an extensive trade to Portugal, Spain, Guinea and the West Indies.
Had some claim on the King's consideration.
Died in 1666.
Couto (see also Diego do Couto):
gives an account of Don Jorge de Menezes' voyage.
Covilham, Pedro de:
directed his course towards India.
Embarked at Aden.
Had heard of cloves and cinnamon, etc.
His letters taken to King Joao.
Cowley:
his fine lines on Drake's ship.
Crates (200 B.C.):
mentions an earth globe.
With reference to Geminus.
His terrestrial globe described by Strabo.
Mentioned.
Crawford:
quoted.
Creuszner, Fricz:
with reference to the Editio Princeps of Marco Polo.
Cristobel Guerra:
alluded to.
Crozet:
his expedition mentioned.
D'Abreu:
back in the year 1512.
A possible copy of his chart of the East Indian Archipelago.
Dalrymple, Alexander:
a parallel between him and M. Behaim.
Quoted with reference to Mendana's first voyage.
His letter to Hawkesworth concerning Torres' Straits.
Torres' track marked on his map determined the course of the Endeavour.
His map showing Torres' track and Straits compiled from facts.
A copy of a memorial communicated to.
Published a chart of New Guinea showing Torres' Straits.
Published a document that fell into the hands of Sir Joseph Banks.
His faulty translation of the Instructions.
Refers to a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits, of Amsterdam.
Became the possessor of the document which revealed Torres' passage.
Said "there is nothing new under the sun."
Dalvim (see also Alvrin):
was captain of one of the vessels ordered by Albuquerque to remain at Malacca.
Dampier, W.:
strange rocks seen by, on the western coasts of Australia.
Vlamingh's voyage made after the visit of.
The arrival of, in Australasia.
Sighted New Holland (Australia) on the 4th of January 1688.
His landfall in New Holland easily determined.
Only a common sailor when on his first visit to New Holland.
Captain of the Roebuck.
Edward Harley, one of the patrons of.
Fell in with the coast of Australia to the north of the Abrolhos.
Had Tasman's chart of west coast of New Holland.
Amongst the islands that received the name of Archipel de Dampier.
His description of the New Hollanders.
The passage to the South Sea haunted his mind.
Set sail for Timor.
In sight of New Guinea.
His voyages published.
A scheme of colonisation suggested by.
In command of the St. George.
His experience to be made use of.
His death.
Sailed with Swann.
Dante:
pre-eminent in his time.
His verses on the Southern Cross.
D'Avezac:
wrote about De Gonneville's voyage.
De Barros:
with reference to Odoric and the Straits of Bali.
With reference to D'Abreu's expedition.
De Brosses:
with reference to the insularity of New Guinea.
De Bry:
his map of the Solomon Islands.
De Constantin (same as Constantin):
his translation of Commelyn's work referred to.
De Goes, and Correa:
say that Simao Afonso Bisagudo commanded the third ship in D' Abreu's expedition.
De Gonneville (same as Binot Paulmier de Gonneville):
his claim not substantiated.
A French claim of discovery in favour of.
Delmar Morgan:
on the La Salle map.
Quoted.
Endorses a statement made by Petheric.
Did not refer to Ramusio's text.
On Juan Gaetan's narrative.
On Godinho de Eredia.
De Murr:
reproduced legends on Behaim's globe.
Desceliers (see also Pierre Desceliers):
with reference to ap quieta and quabe se quiesce.
Lomboc called Autane on his map of 1550.
Dauphin chart drawn by.
With reference to Anda ne barcha.
A priest of Arques.
Charts of the, type, referred to.
De Witt, G.F. (see also Gerrit Fredericsz):
his discovery marked on the Mar d' India map.
De Wit, F.:
his map does not show Keer-Weer on the coast of Australia.
Dias Bartholomew:
left supplies on the coast of Guinea.
Put in at St. George da Mina.
His successful voyage.
Sailed under the Portuguese flag.
Dias Diniz:
the first to reach the land of the blacks.
Dias Joao:
the first to double Cape Bogador.
Dias Lorenzo:
the first to reach the Bay of Arguin.
Dias Pedro, Bartholomew's brother.
Diaz Bartholomew:
mentioned.
Practically discovered the Cape.
Erected a pillar.
Named Angra das Voltas.
Named Angra dos Vaqueiros.
At Flesh Bay.
Reached an island in Algoa Bay.
Anxious to proceed.
Compelled to return.
Diaz de Solis, Juan:
sailed from San Lucar.
Dicearchus:
his cartographic views.
Diego do Couto:
with reference to the blocking of the seaway south of Java.
His description of Java.
Diego Pacheco:
named Engano Island.
Diego Ribeiro:
his mappamundi.
The Australian continent left out in his mappamundi.
Diogo Cam:
sets up a padrao.
Ascended the Congo River.
Took negroes back.
Accompanied by Martin Behaim.
His padrao passed.
Captured two negroes.
Dias discovered more than.
Diogo de Teive:
where did he direct his ship?
Diogo Lopez de Sequeira:
commissioned to discover Malacca.
Dirck-Hartighs (same as Dirck Hartog):
a name on a plate found by the French expedition commanded by Baudin.
The replica of the plate recording the discovery of, must be in Paris.
A document "immediately" describing the voyage of, has not yet been found.
His discovery ought to be recorded on Abraham Goos' globe.
Dirck-Hartog:
Many inexactitudes in connection with the plate of.
The authenticity of his discovery.
The French did not find the original plate of.
A plate containing a copy of the inscription of.
Dirk Hartog:
a name cut on a tin plate taken away by Vlamingh.
Dom Henry:
imitated.
Dom Manoel (same as Emanuel), King of Portugal:
obtained a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages.
Refused to recognise Magalhaens' services.
Dom Pedro:
returned to Portugal.
Devotes himself to scientific studies.
The map he brought back from Venice probably the same as the one seen by Tavarez.
Brought back from Venice a manuscript of Marco Polo's travels.
With reference to the islands of the western seas.
Dona Isabel Garreto (same as Barreto), Mendana's wife:
taken to Manila.
Don Antonio, of Portugal:
the Portuguese ask Cavendish for news of.
Don Diego Barrante y Maldonad, an officer of De Quiros' expedition.
Don Diego de Prado y Touar:
made Depositario-General in the Bay of St. Philip and St. James.
Before his maps were found Dr. Hamy had pointed out the discoveries made by the Spaniards.
Two letters of, to the King of Spain.
Speaks of a map, which has not yet been found.
His first letter to Antonio de Arostegui.
His second letter.
Repeats in his second letter what he said in the first.
Sends to the King of Spain the discovery of the Magna Margarita (New Guinea).
Blames Don Juan de Silva, the Governor of Manila.
Blames De Quiros for not discovering the southern continent.
His antagonism to De Quiros.
Does not blame De Quiros for leaving Torres.
Don Jorge de Menezes:
discovered, it is said, New Guinea.
Don Juan de Silva, Governor of the Spice Islands:
took from the Dutch the Fort of Sabongo in Gilolo.
Governor of Manila.
Don Pedro de Acunha:
mentioned.
Don Peter (same a Dom Pedro).
Don Sebastian, of Portugal:
defeated and killed at the battle of Alcacer Quibir.
Doppelmayr:
gives a reduced copy of the configurations of Behaim's globe in his work.
Drake, Sir Francis:
The first commander who sailed round the globe.
The rise of the naval fame of England begins with.
Sailed through the straits to the north-west of Australia.
Reaches the Molucca Islands.
Resolved to go to Ternate.
On the south-west coast of Bali.
Draper, General:
bombarded and plundered Manila.
Reduced the Philippines.
Dumont D'Urville:
mentioned.
Ea, the Chaldean Fish-God:
The Exalted Fish.
Legend concerning his arrival from the East.
-Han (Ea, the fish).
Edel d':
a voyage undertaken by order of the Fiscael.
A discovery mentioning the name of.
Eessel Gerrits:
a manuscript chart by.
El Istahkri:
the Arabian geographer.
Elizabeth (Queen of England):
the spirit of commercial enterprise awakened under Mary developed under.
Mere piratical expeditions undertaken during the reign of.
Emanuel, Don, the First, King of Portugal:
heard of a manuscript account of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Erathosthenes:
the Indian Ocean an open sea in the geography of.
Chief Librarian at Alexandria.
His cartographic views.
Eredia, Manoel Godinho de:
his claim somewhat similar to that of De Gonneville.
Eucharius Cervicornus:
Maximilian's letter printed at the house of.
Eugene IV, Pope:
ordered Nicolo de' Conti to narrate his travels to his secretary.
An envoy from the Grand Khan visited Pope.
Eve, and Adam:
represented on Turin mappamundi.
On 11th century mappamundi.
Faria y Souza:
on Magalhaens.
Favenc, E.:
his History of Australian Exploration mentioned.
Speaking of Dirck Hartog's plate
Federico, Signor, Duke of Urbino:
mentioned.
Ferdinand, and Isabella:
Columbus' arguments to convince.
Charter three vessels.
Fernam d' Ulmo:
an island granted to him.
Fernam Martins:
a map by Toscanelli addressed to him.
His letter.
Fernam Tellez:
what island did Alfonso V concede to?
Fernando, Don, the King of Portugal's son:
showed a map to F. Tavarez.
Fernando Calaco, a scrivener from Lumiar.
Fernando Columbus:
a map said to have belonged to him.
Said to have translated a letter of Toscanelli.
Figueroa:
quoted by Dalrymple.
Finaeus (same as Oronce Fine):
with reference to his map.
Fleming, Abraham:
his Thirde Booke of Aelianus.
Flinders:
with reference to Behaim's nomenclature.
On the course of the Duyfken.
Came across native huts on the coast of western Australia similar to those depicted on P. Desceliers'
chart of Australia.
Makes use of information furnished by Dalrymple, and endeavours to trace the course of the Duyfken.
Speaks of a manuscript chart by Eessel Gerrits of Amsterdam.
Fogaza, Joao commander.
Fra Mauro (see Mauro).
Francesco de Rivarolle:
owner of vessels and Columbus' banker.
Franchois Thysz:
the name of the skipper that discovered the land of Peter Nuyts (south coast of Australia).
Francisco de Hoces:
driven to 55 south latitude.
Believed he had discovered an Austral continent.
Francisco Pizaro, the first Viceroy of Peru.
Francisco Rodriguez:
made use of a map, now lost.
His portolanos referred to.
Francisco Themara:
his book referred to.
Franciscus Monachus (or Monacus):
his De Orbi Situ mentioned.
Francis I, of France:
the Dauphin chart executed in the time of.
Fransz Jacobsz, alias Vissher:
accompanied Tasman as pilot major.
Fray Juan de Merlo:
sent to the King of Spain by Torres.
Fray Juan de Silva:
several memorials to the King of Spain by.
Freville, M. de:
published Dalrymple's letter to Hawkesworth.
Freycinet, de, M. L.:
took Dirck Hartog's plate home with him and placed it in the Museum of the Institute, Paris
His work, Voyage Autour du Monde mentioned.
Frobisher:
his voyages referred to.
His attempt to reach India by the Polar Seas.
Gaetan, Juan (see also Juan Gaetan):
his description of New Guinea natives erroneously taken for a description of Queensland natives.
Galileo:
Blaeu and Hortensius, sent to Florence to study under.
Gallego, Hernan:
with Mendana's expedition.
His journal referred to.
Galvano:
describes early traffic in the Indian Ocean.
Quoted.
On Ptolemy's geography.
On a Venetian map taken to Portugal by Dom Pedro.
With reference to Alvaro Telez.
His description of the first expedition to the Spice Islands.
His Anjano a bad reading for Anda ne, with reference to Anda ne barcha (no boats go here).
A digression in.
His description of D'Abreu's expedition corresponds with Reinel's charts.
His reference to the discovery of certain islands.
Informs us that only one vessel of Loaysa's fleet reached the Moluccas.
On Saavedra's expedition.
On Villalobos' expedition.
Reports a discovery made by Gomez de Sequeira.
Garcia Jofre de Loaysa (see also Loaysa):
entrusted with an expedition to the Spice Islands.
Gaspar Corte Real:
mentioned.
Gaspar de Cruz:
says that Loech is the capital of Cambodia.
Gaspar Rico, pilot:
with Bernardo de La Torre.
With Inigo Ortiz de Retez.
His nomenclature on a Dutch chart.
Gastaldi:
his remarkable map published by Tramezini.
Gautier Schouten, or Shouten:
in the Voyages of, published at Amsterdam, there is a curious account of the wreck of the Vergulde Draeck.
Geminus:
speaks of a southern continent.
Gerard, Abbot, afterwards Cardinal Maffei.
Gerard Van Beuningen, supercargo in the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Gerrit Colaert, captain of the hooker De Nyptang.
Gerrit Fredericsz De Witt (see also De Witt, G.F.):
the name of the commander of the Vianen, wrecked on the north-west coast of Australia in the year 1628.
Gerrit Jansz:
one of the skippers in Tasman's expedition.
Gerrit Thomasz Poole:
sent out from Banda.
In command of the yachts Amsterdam and Wesel, discovered the coast of Nova Guinea in 3 1/2 degrees south latitude.
Murdered.
Ghillany:
his reproductions of legends on Behaim's globe.
Quoted.
Gilles Mibais (same as Miebais):
Major leaves out words after.
Gilles Miebais:
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate.
Giovanni da Empoli:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Terra Sanctae Crucis known to him.
Giuliani de Medici:
Andrea Corsali's letter addressed to.
Gladstone:
on the boat-shaped form of the earth.
With reference to position of the Infernal regions.
With reference to Phoenician reports.
Fails to notice that Homer reversed the Chaldean position of the terrestrial globe.
Godinho de Eredia:
the valuable manuscript of, mentioned.
Discovered Australia according to Major.
Gomara:
quoted.
Gomez de Sequeira:
his voyage.
Did he make two voyages the same year?
Goncalo d'Oliveira, pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.
Gonzales de Leza, the pilot of De Quiros' expedition.
Gives an account of the ceremony of taking possession.
Uses the word Austral.
Gonzalo Velho Cabral:
sent by Prince Henry.
Grand Khan (or Great Khan), of Cathay:
mentioned.
In Marco Polo's description.
The Empire of the.
Discovery in his province.
The King of Kings.
Gregoire, l'Abbe:
a manuscript executed under his guidance.
Gregory X, Pope:
Marco Polo travelled in his time.
Grijalva, Hernando de:
and Fernando de Alvarado, sent out from Acapulco on an expedition of discovery.
Murdered by his revolted crew.
Groland, Nicholas:
with reference to Behaim's globe.
Guidobaldo:
mentioned.
Guillaume Yanss, Captain:
commanded the Duyfken.
Guillemard, F.H.H.:
his Life of Ferdinand Magellan quoted.
Guppy, Dr.:
his book, the Solomon Islands, referred to.
Hakluyt, Richard:
publishes Galvano's work.
Society's edition of Galvano, quoted.
Of Yule's work.
Of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
Society's edition of Barthema quoted.
A sentence translated wrong in Barthema of.
Notes in Barthema are of great interest.
Hamelin, Captain:
Major quoting Peron refers to.
Hamy, Dr. E.T.:
quoted.
Believes Barthema never visited the Spice Islands.
Suggests Rindjani as the origin of Anjano.
With reference to the islands reached by Magalhaens in 1511.
Describes the geographical work of the Reinels.
Refers to the special deformation of Java, Sumbawa, Flores.
Assigns the date of 1517 to Reinel's chart.
With reference to Jean Roze and his maps.
Found Mendana's original narrative.
His views on the discoveries made by the Spaniards in New Guinea.
The author wrote to him.
A member of the French Institute.
On Dirck Hartog's plate.
Harley, Edward, Earl of Oxford:
Owned the Dauphin chart.
Instrumental in sending Dampier out to Australia.
One of Dampier's patrons.
Haro, Christopher:
carried on a trade with Eastern countries.
Harper's Monthly Magazine:
mentioned.
Harrisse, Henry:
on the Paris wooden globe.
His remarks with reference to Christopher Columbus.
Mentioned.
On Toscanelli's letter.
His indefatigable researches.
On Bartholomew Columbus' map.
On Behaim's globe.
Referring to Finaeus' map.
Referring to Western expeditions.
Assigns the date circa 1511 to the Hunt-Lenox globe.
On Ruysch's mappamundi.
His remarks with reference to the alleged Schoner globe of 1523.
On the Franciscus Monachus mappamundi.
On the Harleyan or Dauphin chart.
On the Desceliers-Lusitano French maps.
Hawkins, Sir John:
acquired celebrity.
Lost his fleet.
Henry, Prince, the Navigator:
Major's biography of, referred to.
Much helped by an old map.
Never weary of his purpose.
In the year 1428 he and his brother became possessed of a manuscript of Marco Polo and of a map of the world.
A note in.
King Affonso V followed his example.
His object accomplished.
Major's work on, quoted.
Where did he send Gonzalo Velho Cabral?
His motto.
His ruling desire.
Joao preferred to carry out the designs of.
Henry VIII, of England:
John Rotz dedicates his book of hydrography to him.
Mentioned in connection with J. Roze's chart of the Londe of Jaua (Australia).
Henry II:
his map of 1546 referred to.
Henry VI, of England:
Bartholomew Columbus made a map of the world for.
Hercules d'Este:
Cantino, the ambassador of.
Herodotus:
quoted.
Quoted by Rawlinson with reference to circular boats of the Tigris and Euphrates.
Herrera:
with reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
With reference to New Guinea.
His maps.
Quoted.
An account of his corroborated.
Hieronimo da San Stephano:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Hilgard, Dr.:
saw the Hunt-Lenox globe.
Hipparchus:
his cartographic views.
Hoeius, Franciscus:
apparently the engraver of the map published by Hugo Allardt.
Holzschuer, George:
with reference to Behaim's globe.
Constructed, painted and inscribed Behaim's globe.
Homer:
a verse of, quoted.
The Indian Ocean represented as an open sea in the days of.
Quoted by Gladstone.
His Phoinikes the same people as the later Phoenicians.
His River Okeanos.
Reversed the Chaldean position of the terrestrial globe.
Sets his Heaven upon columns.
Places his north above.
Places his Heaven in the south or south-west.
His views corroborated by Strabo.
Position of Mountain of the South or South-West.
Hondius, Henricus:
a map by, in Linschoten's work, referred to in Nordenskiold's atlas.
Hondius, Jodocus:
his map shows tracks of Drake and Cavendish.
Hortensius:
and Blaeu sent to Florence by the Dutch to study under Galileo.
Houtman, or Hootman:
and Linschoten, the pioneers of Holland in the East.
Only the commercial chief of the first Dutch expedition to Australasia.
Huerter, Job de:
Behaim's wife daughter of.
Hugo Allardt:
published a map at Amsterdam.
Ignorant of Dutch discoveries on Australian shores.
Hulst, G. Van Keulen:
published Tindal and Swart's Verhandelingen.
Published a copy of Tasman's original manuscript map.
Humboldt:
mentions Behaim's globe.
Hunt, Jonathan:
R.M. Hunt's father.
Hunt, R.M.:
the architect of the Lenox Library.
Presented the Hunt-Lenox globe to the Library.
Hyde Clarke:
on the legend of the Atlantes of Plato.
Ieronimus, Doctor, same as Munzmeister.
Im, or Mermer, the Wind-God of the Chaldeans.
Infante Joao:
accompanies Bartholomew Dias.
First to land.
Infant Henry:
a captain in the employ of referred to.
Inigo Ortiz de Retez (see also Retez):
mentioned.
His nomenclature of New Guinea marked on a Dutch map.
Iniquez de Carquicano, Martin:
died poisoned.
Isabella, and Ferdinand:
Don John II makes an arrangement with.
Isabella, Queen:
her subjects alone granted licenses.
Isidore, of Seville:
a legend on Terra Australis by him.
Spoken of by Santarem.
Referred to.
Iwan III:
celebrated for his great territorial accessions.
Jacob Mahu:
seven ships under the command of.
Jacques Specx, Admiral:
a ship of his fleet nearly wrecked on Houtman's Abrolhos.
James the First:
a petition by Sir William Courteen presented to.
Not favourable to colonies.
Jan Carstens:
sailed from Amboina.
Jansen:
published in French a work on Behaim's globe.
Janstins:
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate.
Jason:
the Argonauts who sailed to Colchis with.
Jean Dignumsz, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Jean Jacobz Schellinger, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Jean Jansz Molenaar, of the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Jesus Christ:
St. Thomas gives up his life for.
Joam de Resaga:
ran along the coast of Peru and reached New Spain.
Joam Fernandez, of Terceira:
with reference to letters patent granted.
Joao de Coimbra:
went to Calicut.
Joao Gomez d'Abreu:
discovered and named Madagascar.
Joao, King:
Don Henry his fifth son.
Joao II:
granted an island to Fernam d'Ulmo.
The Perfect, son and successor of Affonso V.
Stone pillars erected in his reign.
Greatly gratified.
King of Portugal and the Algarves.
Determines to reach the country of Prester John.
Sends messengers to Cairo.
Covilham's letter to him.
Sent two vessels to the south.
A report to.
Dias' discovery of the Cape, the last great discovery in the reign of.
Did not listen to Columbus' proposition.
Dissatisfied with the Pope's bull.
With reference to Behaim's globe.
A letter from Monetarius sent to.
Maximilian was the cousin of.
Date of Maximilian's letter to.
Arguments used by Munzmeister to convince.
Johan Muller, the artist:
reproduced Behaim's globe for the French Government.
Johanna Macedo:
Behaim's wife.
Johannes Bohemus:
referred to.
Johann Schoner:
professor of Mathematics at Nuremberg.
Joh, Jannssonius:
published Abraham Goos' globe.
John Davis:
caused a chair to be made out of the timbers of Drake's ship.
Johnston, Thomas, Crawford:
a paper of his entitled Did the Phoenicians discover America? referred to.
John III, King of Portugal:
ordered the remains of St. Thomas to be sought for.
Begged Charles V to have the question of the position of the Moluccas examined.
Jomard:
his collection of maps.
Facsimiled Behaim's globe.
Malaiur does not appear on Behaim's globe copied by.
Joseph, of Lamego:
a messenger of King Joao.
Juan Bernardo de Fuentiduena:
an officer of De Quiros' and Torres' expedition.
Juan de Esquivel:
the Maestro de Campo who governed the islands of Ternate.
Put the affairs of the island in good order.
Juan de Iturbide:
blames De Quiros for parting company with Torres.
Blames De Quiros for not following instructions, which were "to go as far as 40 degrees south latitude."
Juan de la Cosa:
his mappamundi.
Juan Diaz de Solis:
sailed with the intention of reaching the Spice Islands by the west.
Juan Gaetan:
reports that the Portuguese purposely distorted their charts.
One of Villalobos' pilots wrote an account of Inigo Ortiz de Retez' expedition.
His account published by Ramusio.
His nomenclature on a Dutch chart.
Juan Vespuccius:
his mappamundi, a pre-Magellanic one.
His southern continent.
King, P.P.:
with reference to Behaim's nomenclature.
Fixed the locality described by W. Dampier, and gave the nomenclature that commemorates his visit.
His Narrative of a Survey, etc., mentioned.
Determined the insularity of Melville Island.
Kerguelen:
his expedition mentioned.
Kohl, J.G.:
mentions Behaim's globe.
With reference to a map found by Admiral Anson.
Kunstmann:
published Munzmeister's account of his travels in Germany.
Lafrere:
his copperprint of G. Mercator's mappamundi published in Rome.
Lancaster, Captain:
sailed from London, the founder of the first English settlement in the East Indies.
Frequently proposed to send a ship to the Solomon Islands.
Lansdowne:
manuscript, referred to.
La Salle:
map, published by La Salle.
Las Casas:
with reference to circuit of the globe.
A chart in his possession.
A translation of a letter by Toscanelli inserted in his Historia.
Quoted.
Verses preserved by.
Lawrence, St.:
Madagascar discovered on the feast of.
Lavanha:
mentioned in connection with Menezes' discoveries.
Lelewel:
mentions Behaim's globe.
Le Maire, or Lemaire:
made to appear to be the discoverer of New Guinea.
Lemos, Gaspar de:
brought some parrots to Europe from Brazil.
Lenormant, F.:
author of Chaldea.
His description of the boat-shaped form of the earth.
Lenox, James:
of New York.
A globe named after him.
Leon Janssen:
translated Godinho de Eredia's Malacca.
Leonora, of Portugal:
Maximilian was the son of.
Leupe, P.A.:
on the arrival of the Golden Sea-Horse at Batavia.
Leyva, Alonzo de:
commanded the Santa Catalina in Mendana's expedition.
Linschoten:
his Discours of Voyages, etc., referred to.
Refers to Cavendish's voyage.
And Houtman, the pioneers of Holland in Australasia.
Lived for two years in Lisbon.
Resided for thirteen years in India.
His book appears to be a translation from the Portuguese.
Accompanies Barentz.
Twenty-five charts relating to India, China and Africa procured by the Dutch before his return from India.
Added fresh information on his return.
His book contains a passage similar to one in Wytfliet's work.
Quoted.
His information not up to date.
His map of Java.
The London edition of his work.
A map by Peter Plancius, with indications of Australia, in the English edition of his work.
A map said to be from the work of, in Nordenskiold's atlas.
Lloyd, Thomas:
in search of the Island of Brazil.
Loaysa (see also Garcia Jofre de):
on his way to the Spice Islands.
Very sick.
Death of.
Only one vessel of his fleet reached the Moluccas.
An account of his proceedings reached Cortez.
Lodovico Barthema (same as Ludovico Barthema):
his Itinerary.
Lopez Garcia de Castro, Governor of Peru.
Lorenzo, Don:
met at Cannanore by Barthema.
Ludovico:
Toscanelli's nephew.
Ludovico Barthema:
with other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
The account of his travels.
Ludovico di Varthema (same as Barthema).
Luys Botim:
pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.
Magregor, Sir William:
sketch map of part of British New Guinea, referred to by.
Explored the Tarasa River (New Guinea).
Maffei:
on Gomez de Sequeira's voyage.
Magalhaens (see also Magellan):
and Serrano, in the Moluccas.
Sailed with a special and secret mission for Albuquerque.
Back in Lisbon in 1512.
His letters to Serrano.
Death of.
Returned to Europe after seven years' service in India.
His services not recognised.
His great achievement first made known.
His squadron.
His course marked in the alleged Schoner globe.
Survivors of his expedition went on a second expedition.
The second voyage through the Straits of, tedious and dismal.
After the return of his expedition the question of longitude still remained unsettled.
Magellan (see also Magalhaens):
his voyage referred to.
Reach the regions of the Spice Islands.
Pathways traversed by.
The Straits of, referred to.
Life of, quoted.
In Sequeira's expedition to Malacca.
Made his way to the Court of Spain.
Suggested the idea that the Moluccas fell within Spanish territory.
Well received by Cardinal Ximenes.
A plan proposed by, and Haro.
Perceiving that the voyage would be a long one.
Irritated about the conversations of his men.
Executed the ringleader.
Sailed out of St. Julian's Bay.
Determined to sail along the channel.
Gave orders to turn away from the great continent.
Converts the Chief of Subuth.
Magellanus:
the discoverer of the Streights.
Major, R.H.:
on traditions relating to the existence of an island of immense extent beyond the known world.
with reference to the earliest opinions concerning a knowledge of an Australian continent.
With reference to "When you leave Java."
On Prince Henry the navigator.
A remark by, redounding to the honour of Italy.
Refers to a translation of Marco Polo's work made in Lisbon.
Edited the first English translation of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Inscription on Fra Mauro's map not noticed by.
Says navigators left the coast with impunity.
Quoted.
On Joao II.
On Prester John.
With reference to Spanish ideas concerning Australia.
Identifies Malaiur with Malay Peninsula.
A communication of G.P. Badger to.
Arias' memorial in extenso in the Early Voyages to Australia by.
His answer to Badger with reference to a country south of Java.
Named the Dauphin chart.
Came to the conclusion that the French claim of Australian discovery was untenable.
With reference to Beach.
On Peter Plancius' map with indications of Australia.
On Dutch discovery.
Used Dalrymple's faulty translation.
Quotes Saris.
On Dirck Hartog's plate.
Gives some particulars relating to Vlamingh's voyage.
Appears to mention three yachts in Pool's expedition.
Malte-Brun:
mentions John Rotz's book of hydrography.
An erroneous opinion of.
Mandevilla, Johan de:
mentioned on Martin Behaim's globe.
Mandeville, (same as Mandevilla):
his influence on the cartography of the Australian regions.
Manilius:
a quotation of his referring to the southern continent.
The date at which he wrote.
Mann, John:
with reference to the navigation of the Bali Straits.
Manoel, Dom (same as Don Emanuel):
had a manuscript of Nicolo de' Conti's travels translated into Portuguese.
Wolf Holzschuer rendered services to.
Sent three vessels.
Marco Polo:
erroneous interpretations of his writings.
no geographical progress made by Europeans before his time.
Returns to Venice.
Compelled to wait near the Straits of Malacca.
Geographical terms used by.
Considered Java and Australia as one.
News of his voyages.
An important description of his.
With Marsden's rectification.
Five types of maps appeared after his and Nicolo de' Conti's return.
Maps which appeared after his, but before Nicolo de' Conti's return
Says Lochac produces gold, etc.
Islands named after his descriptions.
With reference to Java Major.
A fantastic type of map bearing his nomenclature.
The influence of his writings.
And Odoric of Pordenone.
Did not reach so near Australia as Odoric of Pordenone.
Probable interpolations.
Describes Nicoveran.
His nomenclature on Behaim's globe.
A copy of his travels taken to Portugal in the year 1428.
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Nicolo de' Conti, his emulator.
His voyages to be read in connection with Nicolo de' Conti's.
Went to the East in the time of Gregory X.
Nicolo de' Conti found the lands described by.
Referred to in connection with Nicolo de' Conti.
A manuscript of, given to Dom Pedro in 1428.
His works translated and published in Portugal.
His Java Minor cannot be Nicolo de' Conti's Giava Minore.
Mentioned.
Manuscript copies of, difficult to obtain.
His eastern seaboard.
His Mangi and Cathay distorted.
Our zero the point of departure of the descriptions of.
Speaks of Lochac.
Speaks of Malaiur.
By Marsden.
His Angaman.
Quoted.
Described Java from hearsay.
His Madagascar.
His islands stud the South Pacific Ocean in Ruysch's mappamundi.
Descriptions on P. Desceliers' map, taken from the writings of.
his islands on the Schonerean gores.
The Javas of his descriptions.
His islands on the Apianus mappamundi.
Described Java from hearsay as being the largest island in the world.
His writings form the basis of G. Mercator's map.
Marino Sanuto:
a map by, mentioned, which appeared before the return of Nicolo de' Conti.
Marin La Meslee, E.:
on De Gonneville's discovery.
Markham, C.R.:
a communication of G.P. Badger to, and answer.
Marsden:
has shown that Java should read Chiampa.
Ditto, that Lochac is some part of Cambodia.
His Sumatra.
Identifies Malaiur with Malay Peninsula.
His Marco Polo.
Martin Alonzo Pinzon:
with reference to a map.
Martin of Bohemia (same as M. Behaim).
Martin Van Delft:
in command of three Dutch vessels.
Maximilian, Emperor:
his advice to go in search of Cathay.
Date of his letter to Joao II.
Maximilianus, Transylvanus:
referred to.
Peter Martyr sent to him the men who had returned from Magalhaens' expedition.
Sent his Latin exercise to Cologne.
His letter.
The alleged Schoner globe considered as a result of the publication of his letter.
With reference to the vastness of the Pacific Ocean.
No place for his nomenclature on the alleged Schoner globe.
Mauro, Fra (see also Fra Mauro):
with reference to the difficulties that early cartographers had to contend with.
His regions of darkness
The equatorial regions on his map.
His map referred to.
His India.
The circumfluent ocean of the ancients still retained in his mappamundi.
Nicolo de' Conti's Sandai identified with Sunda in his map.
His monument of geography compiled between the years 1457 and 1459.
A commission given to him to construct a map.
Paid the draughtsman Andrea Bianco.
Death of.
His bird called Rukh.
His map a ground plan for Toscanelli.
A departure made from his map.
Prototypic map.
The construction of his map.
His map borrowed from.
The evolution of his lago regno.
With reference to the western shores of Australia.
The period at which his errors were found out.
Had no room on his mappamundi.
His Sumatra placed in the southern hemisphere.
Behaim's Java Major a distorted representation of Fra Mauro's Siamotra.
His mappamundi with reference to Calmia.
Is Loac Provincia derived from his Lago regnum (?).
His legends referring to parrots.
His pseudo-equatorial line corrected.
His Giava Mazor appears to have been set down from actual knowledge of its coastlines.
Meda, Don Francisco dal (same as Almeyda).
Medici, Duke of:
Andrea Corsali writes from Cochin-China to him.
Mela:
spoken of by Santarem.
Mendana (see also Alvaro de Mendana):
his expedition of 1567 described.
The original manuscript in which his voyage is narrated was found by Dr. E.T. Hamy.
Sent out to San Christoval to found a colony.
The fleet of, composed of four vessels.
His galleon was named the San Jeronimo.
In search of the Solomon Islands.
Named the Santa Cruz Islands.
Death of.
Began the work of exploration continued by De Quiros.
Discovered the Solomon Islands.
His Solomon Islands marked on a Dutch chart.
The early discoveries of.
Mercator, Gerard:
with reference to a fantastic type of map.
Used the term Beach on the Australian continent.
His mappamundi.
In certain respects failed to improve the geography of his time.
Made use of Ptolemy's and Marco Polo's nomenclature.
Indications of Australia on the map of, referred to by Major.
Menezes, Don Jorge De:
was carried by currents to the North Coast of Papua.
Mestre Jayme:
no work of his to be seen.
Mermer, or Im, the Wind-God of the Chaldeans.
Midas, King of Phrygia:
in conversation with Silenus concerning an island of immense extent beyond the known world.
His familiarity with Silenus.
Middleton:
his expedition mentioned.
Modigliani, the author of Isola delle Donne, the Island of Women.
Monetarius, Hieronymus (Munzer or Munzmeister).
Monterey, Count of, Viceroy of Peru:
De Quiros' expedition sent out under the auspices of.
De Quiros followed the instructions given by.
Desired De Quiros to discover the southern continent.
Montesclavos, Marquis of:
with reference to De Quiros' character.
Moresby, J.:
his visit and re-survey in New Guinea.
His book referred to.
Mortier, Pierre:
an atlas published by, at Amsterdam.
Munchhausen:
his adventures compiled by Raspe.
Munzmeister:
derived his ideas from Aristotle.
His suggestion.
His arguments used to convince Joao.
Napoleon I:
documents appropriated by, now returned.
Narborough, Sir John:
his Account of Several Late Voyages, etc. alluded to.
Navarette:
quoted.
A letter addressed to, by the Vicomte de Santarem.
Navis:
on Australia and the Ancients.
Naya, Signor, of Venice:
made a photograph of Fra Mauro's map.
Nicholson, E.B.:
with reference to Mandeville.
Nicolas Coelho:
went to Calicut.
Nicolas Struyk:
his Inleidning tot de Algemeen Geographie, mentioned.
Nicolas Witsen:
his Noord en Oost Tartarye, mentioned.
Nicolo de' Conti:
erroneous interpretation of his writings.
No progress made by European geographers before his time.
His India.
Mentions Java Major and Java Minor, not the same islands as Marco Polo's.
Maps which appeared before his return from the East.
His information used in Fra Mauro's map.
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
The emulator of Marco Polo.
Don Emanuel of Portugal ordered his manuscript to be translated into Portuguese.
Went to India in the time of Eugene IV.
Referred to in connection with Marco Polo.
His voyages translated by Valentino Fernandez.
Referring to Malepur.
Original Latin description of his travels.
Missing passages in his descriptions in Ramusio's text.
Stays nine months in the Javas.
Describes Sumatra as Anticamente detta Taprobana.
His descriptions traceable on Fra Mauro's map.
Describes the Spice Islands from hearsay.
First to name Sumatra.
Dr. Ruge with reference to.
Quoted.
The influence of his writings on the cartography of the Eastern regions.
With reference to parrots.
With reference to papagalli terra.
His description of the Nestorian Christians.
Nobbens, Jan:
one of the survivors of the Zeewyck.
Nockhoda Tingall:
arrived at Bantam from Banda.
Nordenskiold:
his collection of maps, referred to.
A map said to be from Linschoten's work in his atlas.
Nutzel, Gabriel:
with reference to Behaim's globe.
Nuyts, Pieter:
was on board the Golden Seahorse when Franchois Thysz, the skipper, made a discovery on the south coast of Australia.
Of the Counsel of Seventeen.
His discovery marked on the Mar d' India map.
Oannes, the Greek Fish-God:
The name corrupted from Ea-han.
Odoardo Barbosa:
his book tampered with.
Odoric, of Pordenone (Odoric de Pordenone):
no geographical progress made by Europeans before his time.
His influence on the cartography of the Australasian regions.
His descriptions plagiarised.
One of the most renowned travellers in his days.
Visited Java and other islands of the Eastern Archipelago.
Manuscripts of his travels.
His course of peregrinations.
His account of the regions south of the equator.
Eats of a paste (sago).
With other Italians gave information concerning the Australasian regions.
Describes Candin under the name of Dondin.
Oliva, Abbe:
edited Conti's travels.
Oronce Fine:
celebrated French astronomer and mathematician.
His information borrowed from Lusitano-Spanish charts.
Ortega Pedro:
with Mendana's expedition.
Ortelius:
with reference to a fantastic type of map.
The Australasian regions on his map similar to those of G. Mercator's map.
Indication of Australia on maps of, referred to.
Owen Stanley:
mentioned.
Paolo da Gama:
went to Calicut.
Paul (same as Paolo Toscanelli):
copy of a letter by him to Columbus.
Paul Van Caerden:
proclaimed Governor of all the Spice Islands.
Paul Van Soldt:
the author of the journal that deals with Etienne Van der Hagen's second voyage.
Met the Little Dove (Duyfken), which had returned from New Guinea.
His narrative shows that the Little Dove and the Little Sun were together at the Spice Islands.
Payva, Affonso de:
directs his course towards Suakem.
His death.
Pedro Bernal Cermeno:
commanded the Tres Reyes, the launch of De Quiros' expedition.
Pedro Correa:
Columbus' brother-in-law.
Pedro de Covilham:
sent to search for the country of Prester John.
Pedro de Montarryo:
sent out to search for the country of Prester John.
Pedro Nunez:
went to Calicut.
Pelsart, F., Captain:
describes some ant-hills on the western coast of Australia.
The Batavia commanded by.
Driven on Houtman's Abrolhos.
Resolved to steer for Java.
A full account of the shipwreck of, given in R.H. Major's Early Voyages to Australia.
The Vergulde Draeck wrecked on the same coast as.
Pero de Alemquer:
went to Calicut.
Pero Escobar:
went to Calicut.
Peron:
describes some ant-hills on the western coast of Australia.
The French account of the finding of Dirck Hartog's plate given in the work of.
Was on board the Naturaliste when Dirck Hartog's plate was found.
Referred to.
Peter Both:
his fleet of eight ships arrived at Bantam.
Peter de Alyaco (Pierre D'Ailly):
quoted.
Peter Dirckz Keyser:
commanded the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Died in the Straits of Sunda.
Peter Martyr, of Anghierra:
his observations concerning the dispute between the Portuguese and Spaniards.
Peter Plancius:
procured charts for Cornelius Claez.
Indications of Australia on a map by.
Petherick, E.A.:
on Patalie Regio.
A statement of his corrected.
An article contributed to the Melbourne Review by.
Did not refer to Ramusio's text.
His publication The Torch referred to.
On Sir W. Courteen's petition.
Quoted.
Petrarch:
quoted on Sebastian Cabot's mappamundi.
Phillip:
the first Governor of New South Wales.
sighted Australia on the 3rd of January 1788.
Pierre d'Abano:
pre-eminent in his time.
Pierre d'Ailly:
his India.
Derived his ideas from Aristotle.
Quoted.
Pierre Desceliers (see also Desceliers):
a priest of Arques, and celebrated cosmographer and cartographer.
Pierre Pauvelz, the same as Gerrit Thomasz Pool.
Pieter Dockes (see also Pieter Ecorres):
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate according to Major Doore, according to Rienzi, quoting Freycinet.
Pieter Ecoores:
a name on Dirck Hartog's plate according to Peron's account.
Pieter Goos:
his chart with reference to the discovery of 't Landt Van Pieter Nuyts.
A wrong date on the chart of.
Pieter Pietersz:
of Gerrit Thomasz Pool's expedition, continued the voyage of discovery and lighted on Arnhem or Van Dieman's Land.
Visited Timor Laut.
Pigafetta:
describes the guanaco.
His description suggested the wooden houses depicted on the P. Desceliers' chart of Australia.
Pingre:
Captain Cook wished to follow his authority.
Pinkerton:
quoted.
Pinzon, Vicente, Yanez:
sailed from San Lucar.
Sailed as far as the Oronoco.
Pires:
in China.
Plato:
the Atlantis of.
Pliny:
quoted by Galvano.
Articles of commerce mentioned by.
His geography referred to.
Quoted by Maximilianus.
Poggio Fiorentino, Messer, secretary to Pope Eugene IV:
His treatise De Varietate, etc., referred to.
Poggio Bracciolini:
writes Sumatra Sciamuthera.
Referred to.
Polo Marco (same as Marco Polo):
mentioned.
Pomponius Mela:
a work of that name printed at Basles.
Prester John:
supposed to rule over vast tracts of country.
Information wanted concerning.
Ptolemy:
errors attributed to him.
His fantastic islands.
Placed Java and Sumbawa in the northern hemisphere.
Develops the views of early cartographers.
His map of the world referred to.
His ideas revived.
Period at which he compiled his works.
Islands set down by guess on his map.
Galvano's views of his geography.
No other charts but those of, at the time the projected San-Thome was placed (cartographically) on Tenasserim coast.
Two important gulfs on his map.
Duplication of Malay Peninsula suggested in his map.
Sumatra and Ceylon confounded in his map.
The first edition of his atlas.
The British Museum map compared with his map.
His fictitious coastline.
His geography.
His map served to form a prototype.
Theoretical arguments based on the geography of.
Our zero placed at the extreme end of the world of.
Western shores of Fra Mauro's Sumatra and the coasts of China connected as in the map of.
Purchas:
with reference to Gaspar de Cruz.
With reference to Bartholomew Columbus.
Gives a passage from Saris.
A passage of his quoted.
Purry, Jean Pierre:
his memoire referred to.
Went to France.
Quaritch, Bernard:
with reference to Sir John Mandeville's travels.
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de:
Mendana's captain and chief pilot.
The leader of another expedition.
Two important items in connection with the expedition of.
Only continuing the work of Mendana.
Took Mendana's wife and the remainder of the fleet to Manila.
Petitioned at Valladolid for another expedition.
Sailed on an expedition to colonize the island of Santa Cruz and follow out the intentions of Mendana.
Put in at Taumaco.
Abandoned the project of going to Santa Cruz.
Left the Almiranta.
Sailed for Mexico.
Died at Panama.
His ship or galleon was named the San Pedro y San Pablo.
Torres' condition different to his.
The expedition of, closes the period of Spanish activity.
Appointed officers.
Discovered Espiritu Santo in the New Hebrides group.
Makes use of the word Australia in his diary.
An alteration made in the manuscript of, changing Austrialia to Australia.
The memorial of, sent to Philip III.
Two letters of Don Diego de Prado respecting the expedition of.
Called liar by de Prado.
Only discovered rocks and small islands.
Blamed by de Prado for not discovering the southern continent.
Would have discovered New Zealand and perhaps Australia had he obeyed instructions.
The early discoveries of.
Rafael Perestello:
and Andrade, went to China.
Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford:
his History of Java quoted.
Ragozin, Zenaide A.:
referred to.
Position of the Mountain of the East according to.
Ramusio:
his account of Nicolo de' Conti.
Could not find a single copy of Nicolo de' Conti's narrative in Venice and many other Italian towns.
Obliged to have recourse to a Portuguese translation of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
His work called Navigationi et viaggi.
Mentions Valentino Fernandez.
His opinion of Valentino Fernandez' translation of Nicolo de' Conti's voyages.
His text of Nicolo de' Conti's travels contained a passage that led to the distortion of maps.
The Latin edition of Nicolo de' Conti's that he could not find was found afterwards.
Referred to.
Missing passages in, with reference to Nicolo de' Conti's text.
Says D. Manoel obtained in 1500 a copy of Nicolo de' Conti's travels.
Mentioned,
Sciamuthera is written Sumatra in his translation.
Quoted.
His account of Barthema's travels.
On Portuguese secrecy.
His account of Inigo Ortiz de Retez' expedition written by the pilot Gaetan.
The portion of Juan Gaetan's account relating to New Guinea as given in.
Raspe:
compiled the adventures of Munchhausen.
Rawdon Brown:
mentioned.
Rawlinson:
a note of, on Herodotus, referred to.
Reade, Captain:
in command of the Cygnet when Dampier first landed in Australia.
Rechteren:
a passenger by Admiral Jacques Specx's fleet, gives an account of the wreck of the Batavia on Houtman's Abrolhos.
Reinel, Pedro:
mentioned.
His map shows the geographical evolution.
Misnamed nearly all the islands on his chart of the East Indian Archipelago.
Bali and Lomboc are not distorted on his chart.
Rene Van Hel:
supercargo on the first Dutch fleet to Australasia.
Retez, Inigo Ortiz de (see also Inigo Ortiz de Retez):
in command of the San Juan with Gaspar Rico as pilot.
Ricardo Beltram y Rozpide:
referred to.
Rienzi, author of Oceanie:
mentioned.
With reference to Dirck Hartog's plate.
Robert de Vaugondy:
a map of Australia by.
Rodrigo de Bastidas:
referred to.
Rodriguez Francisco (see also Francisco Rodriguez):
set out with Abreu.
made an adaptation from a map, now lost.
Pilot in D'Abreu's expedition.
His charts well known.
His charts served as models.
His surveys are independent of Pedro Reinel's surveys.
His chart of part of Java, Bali, Lomboc, Sumbawa, etc., bears additional nomenclature.
Rogers, Captain:
in the Duke and the Duchess.
Roggeween:
his voyage to the South Seas.
Rotz, John (same as Jean Roze):
a book of hydrography of his dedicated to King Henry VIII.
Roze, Jean (same as Rotz, John):
his map referred to.
Two maps of his described.
His chart Number 2 described.
The Land of the Leeuwin of Dutch charts shown on the chart of.
Ruelens, Charles:
Maintains that the Duyfken (Little Dove) never reached the shores of Carpentaria.
Makes Flinders responsible for the confusion with regard to the voyage of the Duyfken.
Other documents have turned up since the conclusion arrived at by.
The librarian of the Royal Burgundian Library at Brussels.
Wrote a preface to Yanssen's work.
Ruge, Dr., Author of Columbus:
With reference to Nicolo de' Conti.
Ruy Lorenzo, de Tavora:
ex-Viceroy of India.
Ruysch:
his mappamundi has Seilan Insulae Pars.
His mappamundi mentioned.
Various opinions as to the origin of his mappamundi.
His mappamundi unique in many respects.
Saavedra:
sailed along the coast of New Guinea.
The survivors of his expedition return from the Moluccas.
Saltzburg, Cardinal of:
Maximilian's letter addressed to the.
Samis:
Cazazionor's niece.
Santarem:
on early maps.
Refers to the alter orbis and antichthone.
Referred to.
Rodriguez's portolanos reproduced in outline in his collection.
Ignored that Rodriguez was already at Malacca in 1511.
Saris, Captain:
of Middleton's expedition, at the Moluccas.
His notes with reference to the first Dutch voyage to Australia.
A passage from.
His Christian name was John.
Supposed to have mistaken the word Duyfken for another similar.
Schefer:
with reference to Barthema.
Schoner:
used the term Brazil in connection with the Australasian regions.
Timor in his 1533 globe.
A passage marked on his globe of 1515.
With reference to Magellan's Strait.
His Luculentissima quoted.
The information in Schoner's Luculentissima not given at first hand.
His gores of 1515 show two straits.
His globe of 1515.
Is the first to give a different name to the Austral Continent.
His alleged globe.
Credited with having laid down the precise routes of Magellan's fleets.
The 1523 globe not his.
His maps and globes used by Oronce Fine.
His Weimar globe mentioned.
His lost globe.
Schouten:
and Lemaire, their expedition alluded to.
Their expedition ignored in Hoeius' map.
Sebaldt de Weerdt:
in command of a ship to Australasia.
Sebastian, King of Portugal:
mentioned.
Sebastian Cabot:
his mappamundi is an engraved one.
Sebastian del Cano:
returned to Europe with the Victoria.
One of the commissioners at Badajos and Elvas.
Pilot major of a second expedition to the Spice Islands.
His vessel wrecked.
Death of.
Passed through an open sea to the south of Java.
With the remnant of Magalhaens' expedition.
Selenus (same as Silenus):
his familiarity with Midas sonne of a nymphe, tells Midas of "certaine ilandes."
Seneca:
quoted
Serrano, Francis:
went to the Spice Islands with Abreu.
His ship burnt at Guliguli.
In the Moluccas.
Nine years in the Moluccas.
His letters to Magalhaens.
Death of.
Magalhaens wrote to, in the Moluccas.
Serrano, John:
chosen as new admiral after the death of Magellan.
Invited to a banquet.
Left on shore.
Shakespear