2 necesario hacer para que una tal infraestructura adquiera estatus legal?; qué pasos han de darse para que las iniciativas ciudadanas que gestionan estas infraestructuras asuman protagonismo político en los modelos de gobernanza urbana? Apoyándose en metodología etnográfica de larga duración, ECOBETA ofrecerá una visión empírica, comparativa y analítica de un fenómeno apenas estudiado, poniendo en marcha una exploración sin precedentes de las dinámicas epistémicas, ambientales y políticas que redefinen las ecologías urbanas a día de hoy. PALABRAS CLAVE: ANTROPOLOGÍA, EXPERIMENTOS, PROTOTIPOS, CÓDIGO ABIERTO, ECOLOGÍAS URBANAS TITLE OF THE PROJECT: ECOLOGIES IN BETA: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL EXPLORATION OF THE OPEN-SOURCING OF URBAN WORLDS ACRONYM: ECOBETA SUMMARY Maximum 3500 characters (including spaces): Cities worldwide are witnessing today a transformation of their material and infrastructural landscapes. In the name of open technology, open hardware or, more amply, open-source urbanism, citizens are wiring the landscape of their communities with the devices, networks or architectures that they deem worthy of attention. From urban community gardens to alternative energy micro-stations or water sanitation databases, open-source urban infrastructures (OSUI) wireframe the city with new socio-technical relations. Such interventions in the urban fabric challenge the state s role as guarantor and purveyor of public goods. Public spaces become instead techno-material artefacts that citizens take upon themselves to service and maintain. This research project seeks to study the rise of opensource urbanism in an ambitious comparative light. Open source projects destabilize takenfor-granted assumptions about the nature of infrastructures, public goods, legal property, technological development, expert design systems, and the rights of citizenship. Drawing on the systematic comparison of OSUI in three urban locales in Euro-America and the Global South, ECOBETA s central hypothesis postulates that understanding how OSUI work can contribute towards reframing what we know about cities as epistemic cultures more generally: what methods, protocols and standards are applied in the design of an OSUI?; how do OSUI designs acquire legal status?; how do such citizen initiatives assume a political voice in models of urban governance? Providing much-needed empirical and analytical insight from Buenos Aires to LA-San Francisco and Madrid, the project s long-term ethnographic perspective will launch an unprecedented exploration of the epistemic, environmental and political dynamics that are redefining urban ecologies today. KEY WORDS: ANTHROPOLOGY, EXPERIMENTS, PROTOTYPES, OPEN-SOURCE, URBAN ECOLOGIES 2 / parte A

4 Parte C: DOCUMENTO CIENTÍFICO C.1. SCIENTIFIC PROPOSAL A. State-of-the-art and objectives What would a city look like if its infrastructures were designed, built, certified and managed by its residents? Cities worldwide are witnessing today a transformation of their material and infrastructural landscapes. In the name of open technology, open hardware or, more amply, open-source urbanism, citizens are wiring the landscape of their communities with the devices, networks or architectures that they deem worthy of attention. From urban community gardens to alternative energy micro-stations, Wi-Fi networks or water sanitation databases, open-source urban infrastructures (OSUI) wireframe the city with new sociotechnical relations. Such interventions in the urban fabric are transforming, if not directly challenging the public qualities of urban space. Public spaces become techno-material artefacts that citizens take upon themselves to service and maintain. The origins and ties that OSUI have to grassroots initiatives places them in remarkable continuity with the long-standing traditions of do-it-yourself and auto-construction urban designs (Douglas 2014; Holston 1991) and community architectural and people-asinfrastructure projects in the Global South (Simone 2004; 2010), which have recently been drawn upon to articulate a so-called southern turn in urban theory (Rao 2006). People-asinfrastructure and OSUI projects both partake in a conception of the urban condition as a region of epistemic overflow, where socio-technical, environmental and political relations fly below the radar of market and state practices. The open-ended nature of these social and infrastructural assemblages models a conception of cityness as an epistemic culture (Knorr- Cetina 1999): a view of the urban as an ecology in beta that eludes and confounds existing epistemic, technical and governmental regimes. ECOBETA s central hypothesis revolves precisely around this notion of ecologies in beta and postulates that understanding the political dynamics of contemporary cities demands a correlative understanding of how people and infrastructures modulate each other as open and experimental design systems. In other words, understanding how open-source infrastructures work can contribute towards reframing our understanding of how cities function as epistemic cultures more generally. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork and the systematic comparison of do-it-yourself urban infrastructural projects in Buenos Aires, LA-San Francisco and Madrid, ECOBETA aims to produce an unprecedented exploration of the different epistemic cultures that underwrite the making of urban ecologies today. It aims to do so by focusing on three challenges that OSUI pose to the institutions of urban governance and property. Each challenge articulates one of three central objectives for the project as a whole: 1. Conceptually, projects in open-source urbanism populate urban ecologies with novel entities and interfaces digital and material whose emergence destabilizes classic regulatory distinctions on what were hitherto deemed public, private or commercial property-forms, technologies and spaces. A key objective in this regard is to document how the development of open-source infrastructures transforms the composition of urban ecologies: who and what is urban space made-up of when its equipment and infrastructures are open-source? 1 de 20 / parte C

5 2. Technically, open-source projects are built on networks of expertise and skills that traverse localized boundaries. Decentralized communities working in open-source projects have to reach prior consensus over the methods, protocols and standards to be applied. These decisions often become inventive themselves of new designs, techniques and rules for certification. Open-source technical projects take shape therefore as experimental cultures. Central to the research here is to better understand the social processes at stake in the opening-up of urban design as an experimental form: What kind of socio-technical and legal assemblage is an open-source infrastructure and how does it come about? 3. Politically, open-source projects are transforming the stakes over and models of urban governance. In an open-source project a community assumes political and expert management over its infrastructures. Such assumption by local communities of the governance of infrastructures strains the social contract that state administrations have traditionally subscribed as overseers of urban equipment. In this regard the project aims to document and understand how the organisation of open-source projects assumes a political voice in models of urban governance: how are state administrations responding to the emergence of new public interlocutors and expert design systems in urban matters? Providing much-needed empirical materials and building on state-of-the-art scholarship in social anthropology, social studies of science (STS), and urban studies, ECOBETA aims to launch an ambitious exploration of the conceptual, technical and political forms of inventiveness that are redefining key debates of our times over the nature and infrastructures of sustainability, collaborative forms of expertise, and systems of urban governance. WHY THIS PROJECT NOW? HOW DOES IT RESPOND TO THE RETOS CALL? Under the spell of a smart cities rhetoric municipalities across the world are increasingly turning to digital technologies for their alleged capacity to process and mobilize big data in designing and deploying responsive- and energy-efficient urban-networked systems. Cisco s Connected Urban Development initiative, for example, has produced influential white papers where urban-networked systems are described as infrastructures for environmental sustainability (e.g. Zhen et al 2009). Scholars have critically engaged with the discursive assumptions informing these policy and entrepreneurial developments (Greenfield 2013), although empirical investigation into how urbanites relate to sensor-technologies is only just emerging (Gabrys 2014). There remains, however, no sustained, empirically-based problematization of what sustainable urban infrastructures might be in different places around the world, one where both the shared assumptions and local particularities about the workings of expert design systems, social relations and material energies are contrasted on a global scale. In this guise, OSUI seem an ideal theoretical and empirical site for exploring how urban communities design and equip the city as a sustainable infrastructure. Opensource communities have become global icons for innovative, grassroots technodevelopments, challenging received assumptions about both the material and sociological affordances of what count as infrastructures, inasmuch as the appeal to open-source has come to stand both for a claim on access to resources and technologies and a call for political and social justice (e.g. Kelty 2008). Despite the prominence that discourses around openness have garnered of late, there is todate no systematic inquiry into the challenges that open-source infrastructural projects pose to systems of urban governance (Corsín Jiménez 2014). Openness remains largely an epistemic formula applied to intellectual rather than industrial property forms, and to 2 de 20 / parte C

6 expressions of informational capitalism leveraged around digital media rather than hardware. Thus, it has become somewhat of a commonplace to suggest that the structure of digital information in particular the negligible costs of reproduction instantiates a de facto regime of superabundant or open knowledge (Foray 2006: ), and to alert, likewise, about the enclosure of such informational commons by existing proprietary regimes (Boyle 2008). Such a view of open knowledge has also prompted scholars to study the rise of novel organisational forms, in particular so-called peer-to-peer networks of collaboration (Benkler 2006). The common view here is that peer-to-peer decentralized networks are blurring traditional distinctions between production, distribution and consumption of informationalforms. In this economy, users become themselves producers of content (so-called prosumers ), and cooperation becomes the economy s main, if not only dynamo (Benkler 2011). The emphasis on the immateriality of networked-commons is misleading, however. The few in-depth ethnographic studies of F/OS communities that are available (studies focused on software developers) go at great pains to underscore the communities self-consciousness as infrastructural projects (Kelty 2008; Coleman 2013). Indeed, as Charlotte Hess and Elinor Ostrom have pointed out, it is worth remembering that access to information depends to this day on the maintenance and management of complex infrastructural facilities (Hess and Ostrom 2003). There is thus an urgent need for producing analyses of open-source projects that call specific attention to their infrastructural affordances: a focus on the hardware, not just the software or immateriality of openness. In this regard, ECOBETA responds to the Retos de la Sociedad call by tackling head-on what is arguably the most demanding scenario for theories of infrastructural complexity: the urban condition. The role of infrastructures in the sustenance of social life has in fact drawn the attention of scholars of late (Larkin 2008; Harvey 2012), not least of all amongst those working in urban settings, where the way in which cities take shape as infrastructural lattices across human and nonhuman relations (Farías and Bender 2010) has come to complement previous interest in spatial dynamics and networked-urbanism (McFarlane and Rutherford 2008; Elyachar 2010). The rise of OSUI projects brings about a provocative challenge in this context, entangling anew the demarcations between the epistemic, technical, legal and political domains conventionally imagined as making up city life. ECOBETA is specifically designed to explore the global reach and significance of these challenges, bringing them to bear on contemporary urban theory and practice. RESEARCH THEMES ECOBETA is organized around three research themes which address domain-specific questions for each of the objectives outlined above: (i) on the evolving shape and composition of urban ecologies; (ii) on the experimental nature of open-source urban projects, and; (iii) on the social organisation of open-source projects as a political active voice in urban governance. The themes provide the conceptual drivers for the ethnographic and methodological programme. 1. Urban ecologies What it might mean to be a city?, wonders Mark Shepard in response to the challenge that novel sensor-networks are posing to urban ecologies (2011a: 33). Cities, Shepard and other commentators have noted, are getting smarter as information processing technologies and ubiquitous computing systems tiny microprocessors and wireless sensor networks get embedded in our urban landscapes (Offenhuber and Schectner 2012). Capabilities, skills and forms of sentience once ascribed to human actors are today being re-inscribed into sensor-landscapes whose emerging topographies often escape expert governance (Sassen 3 de 20 / parte C

7 2011). F/OS Wi-Fi networks, for instance, lay out geographies of political communication that circumvent public and private telecommunication systems. These are sentient cities whose architectures foil our environs with ambient intelligences (Crang and Graham 2007). Whereas the sociotechnical constitution of urban spaces was once studied as a (neo- Marxian) ecosystem of metabolic exchanges between natural, real, fictional, mechanical and organic processes (Swyngedouw 1996: 66), the advent of digital technologies has profoundly transformed both the sources and the reach of a city s ecological affordances, leading some authors to speak of cyborg urbanization instead (Gandy 2005). These developments rehearse, too, a concern for how the relations between different agentives sensors, plants, buildings, data, people come together in the emergence of novel semiotic lifeworlds in the city. These ecologies have variously been called cosmopolitical (Stengers 2005) or ontological (Viveiros de Castro 2004), and there are indeed good grounds to think that OSUI offer a promising analogue for exploring how social relations traverse material and technological structures in order to redefine local terms of environmental engagement (Benjamin, Yang and Jeremijenko 2011). We may imagine thus the opening of the sources that interface with and mediate an urban ecology as a proliferation of new forms of urban wild (Hinchliffe et. al. 2005). However, the origins and ties that OSUI projects have to community initiatives relates them also to the long-standing tradition of do-it-yourself and auto-construction urban designs (Douglas 2014; Holston 1991) and grassroots architectural and people-as-infrastructure projects in the Global South (Simone 2004; 2010). Open-source urban hardware projects mobilize here social and material forces that come together in conjunctural, ephemeral and often fungible assemblages that fly below the radar of market and state practices, echoing the infrastructural designs of subaltern urbanisation (Chattopadhyay 2012). They call out an urban ecology that resonates in more ways than one with the epistemic overflow demanded by the southern turn in urban theory (Rao 2006, McFarlane 2008), where the infrastructural is not reduced to its surfacing in the material landscape of the city, but gathers itself through symbolic, poetic and affective, as well as material capacities (Larkin 2013). The study of OSUI offers therefore an unprecedented opportunity for complementing the perspective afforded by southern urban theory with the novel assemblages of grassroots, collaborative design systems under rapidly shifting regimes of informational capitalism. In this sense, it further offers a locus for using infrastructural ecologies as a comparative mode of thought with which to approach the study of global urbanism (McFarlane 2010). 2. Experimentation Open-source projects are recursive by nature, in that any technological advance must by necessity carry-forth the project s organisation as whole (Kelty 2008). Take for example F/OS software projects, where the architectural framework for debate and exchange is selfgrounded through the very activity of writing, editing, patching or recompiling the infrastructure (code) upon which programmers work. The infrastructure and the organisation, in other words, cannot be dis-embedded from one another. In this guise, the recursive quality of open-source projects has been singled-out as indicative of their experimental nature (Fischer 2009; Rheinberger 1997), insofar as they do not easily accommodate to the proprietary and black-boxing protocols (standardisation, classification, certification) that characterise intellectual and industrial designs (Lampland and Leigh Star 2009). Once a techno-scientific project has been black-boxed it is set ready for circulating along the appropriate intellectual (copyright) and industrial (patent) property channels (Biagioli et. al. 2011). It is dis-embedded from the organisation and let go. What happens, however, if the classification and standardisation of technologies and infrastructures is kept deliberately open if the distinction between output and organisational 4 de 20 / parte C

8 design is crafted so as to prevent the dis-embedding entailed by proprietary formations? OSUI projects are just such kind of projects. They are dispositifs-in-the-making. They are open to scrutiny and re-adaptation. They have not yet been black-boxed. Theirs is rather an epistemics in beta, where the grounds for experimentation are not based on models, exemplars or representational systems but on prototypes (Corsín Jiménez 2013). In this capacity, OSUI call forth a particular socio-technical arrangement for carrying out experimental projects in the city. They lay out a particular type of urban laboratory (Karvonen and van Heur 2014). They summon operational frameworks where the experimental system is not conceived as a technical or expert system to be added or injected into the urban lattice. Nor is it conceived as an infrastructure whose very experimental status shows the extent to which the city s metabolic system is held together by constant upkeep and repair work (Castán Broto and Bulkeley 2013). Experimentation is not something carried out by experts, whether elite or grassroots. Rather, prototypes are always, already pre-broken (Fuller and Haque 2008: 30), because their experimental conditions consist precisely in holding themselves up to deconstruction and reassembling. Experimentation is thus an open-ended process, assembling, traversing and modulating landscapes, people and materials in a dynamics of tâtonnement, of groping and figuring out. Open-source infrastructures are therefore better rendered in this context as interfaces : provisional diagrams of dynamic assembly that provide connections and enable affordances between things and people and forms and information (Bratton and Jeremijenko 2009: 46). This notion of infrastructural projects as fragile and tentative but also generative undertakings challenges received assumptions about who stands for, and what role expert design systems play in shaping how a city produces knowledge (about itself). Such a view of the functioning of cities as epistemic cultures opens-up a promising scenario for comparing how people-asinfrastructure developments in the Global South and global OSUI projects variously contribute towards the sustainability and durability of the urban condition (cf. Latour 1991). 3. Governance Critical urban geography has a distinguished tradition of investigating the relations between urban space, social justice and the conditions of political citizenship (Harvey, 2009; Soja, 2010). Recent scholarship has furthered this agenda by reawakening interest in Henri Lefebvre s famous essay, The Right to the City (Lefebvre, 1996; see also Purcell 2013), particularly as regards alternative configurations of democratic participation in urban decision-making processes, say, over matters of housing, water, transportation, etc. (Mitchell, 2003). Although the formal and substantive qualities of the right to the city remain contested (is it a moral right, a socio-economic right, a civil liberty?; see Attoh, 2011), the concept has gained purchase of late as a model for re-articulating expressions of insurgent citizenship and on-going struggles over the production and reproduction of urban life. Whilst the right to the city remains a fairly abstract signifier, there is a sense in which OSUI projects offer a specific manifestation of public action wherein such rights take expression and ground themselves in concrete infrastructural conditions. Thus, recent scholarship has drawn attention to the role of micro-spatial do-it-yourself urban design interventions as placeholders of such right to the city actions (Iveson 2013). But we can think of the social form of an open-source project (e.g. peer-to-peer network, a cooperative) also as the very hardware for the political programme of rights it lays claims to. In other words, it articulates a right to infrastructure that comes into being, first and foremost, as the design of an infrastructure (Corsín Jiménez 2014). In the larger context of urban political struggles, the configuration of emerging rights to infrastructure offers thus an exciting point of entry into the appearance of novel models of urban governance, in particular the rise of urban commons movements (Eizenberg 2012; Harvey 2012), from a perspective that is alert and sensitive to the role of material politics in an urban context (Marres and Lezaun 2011). 5 de 20 / parte C

9 PROJECT DESIGN: CASE STUDIES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ECOBETA s comparative framework has been designed around a tightly knit selection of case-studies. The choice of urban locales responds to the conceptual and empirical challenges outlined above. Cities like Cape Town, Lagos or Jakarta have become global icons of the southern turn in urban theory (Simone 2010). These South Asian / African urban locales have, however, misleadingly become synonymous for a critical label that effectively leaves aside crucial experiences such as those of Latin American urbanization. The study of Buenos Aires offers therefore an important corrective in this regard. Moreover, the theoretical leverage of the southern turn has gained currency for the most part vis-à-vis a critique of large-scale infrastructural developments and top-down urban planning projects in metropolitan centres. Thus, there is still scope for a better appreciation of how grassroots and open-source infrastructural projects traverse the city as experimental movements in their own right. On the other hand, the Los Angeles San Francisco corridor is a global hub of the technological and legal avant-garde in open-source developments, and indeed not a few of the political programmes for digital urbanity or smart citizenship worldwide are modelled after what happens there. The Madrid study stands as a control-case for the rise of such digital urbanism, for the city has in recent years become a global referent of open-source architecture projects (Corsín Jiménez 2014). Although the project is globally comparative, inevitably the ethnographic process will lend salience to some issues over others. Thus, I draw below on some well-known empirical materials to outline convergences, affinities and resonances between the case studies, mapping out in the process some of the research questions likely to be yielded by their comparison and contrast. I follow the structure of the research themes: 1. Urban Ecologies The comparative frame builds in part on work that the PI has been carrying for the past four years among guerrilla architectural collectives in Madrid, who are developing technical, constructive and associative solutions for what they refer to as open-source architecture (Corsín Jiménez et. al. 2013; Corsín Jiménez 2014). Their work signals to the way in which the design of open source infrastructures populates the city with novel materials, assemblages and capacities, modulating in the process the ecologies of urban participation. A central counterpoint will be provided by the case of Buenos Aires, which has a long tradition of guerrilla and do-it-yourself interventions (e.g. Colectivo Iconoclasistas). Key research questions include: What counts as an infrastructure and how does it make its appearance in urban space indeed, what is recognised as ontologically significant within a given urban environment (Hinchliffe et. al. 2005)? How does information get embedded in urban (open-source) infrastructures, for instance, data about sanitised water, local Internet hotspots, traffic or social protests? What sensory and agentive possibilities are imagined for urban life? 2. Experimentation This thematic comparison emerges from the analysis of the technical, material and methodological work that goes into keeping OSUI projects open, with particular attention to the standards, protocols and legal ritual (licensing) involved. Central to this theme will be the ethnographic project carried out amongst urban designers, architects and technologists working in the LA-San Franciso corridor, at UCLA citylab and the College of Environmental Design at Berkeley. The PI has already established contacts at both sites. Guiding questions for this theme include: How are material and social relations held together across experimental urban projects (for example, across art, technical and community relations)? How do open-source and people-as-infrastructure projects variously relate to proprietorial 6 de 20 / parte C

10 forms how are experimental designs white-boxed? When and how does the method of design elicit proprietary claims and entitlements? What purchase do open-source licenses have over what types of communities? 3. Governance Here the terms of comparison will focus on the forms of political autonomy carved out by open-source infrastructural projects, expressed in the resurrection of the right to the city as a political slogan (e.g. Purcell 2013). There are a number of dimensions and empirical questions to be addressed. On the one hand, about the forms of political interlocution that such projects assume. Some initiatives, such as those by guerrilla architectural collectives Basurama and Zuloark in Madrid, or a77 and Iconoclasistas in Buenos Aires, expressly seek interlocution with local administrations. Open-source infrastructures take front stage here as novel and emerging spaces of shared governance. In other instances, however, projects are carried out at the expense of, or even contra the state and the market. Guiding questions to attend to, include: Which fora allow for OSUI initiatives to play the politics of recognition how are expert and participatory competences recognised? How do collaborative expert design systems come together? To what extent are professional communities (architects, engineers) challenged by open-source urban designs and projects? These are important questions that will result in the opening-up of very different spaces of governance in different places. It is well known, for instance, that the politics of participatory infrastructures often reproduce forms of splintering urbanism (Graham and Martin 2001) or even split agendas (Odendaal 2011), where urban policies aiming for inclusiveness and universality of access confront internal frictions within governmental sponsors. Do-it-yourself urban infrastructures both Global South expressions of people-as-infrastructure and incipient forms of open-source infrastructures share thus a capacity for decentring and destabilizing traditional regimes of political and technical governance, whose understanding will therefore be much advanced by a global comparative anthropological analysis. B. Methodology The research project is designed to take place over the course of three years. The centrepiece of the project is the time dedicated to ethnographic fieldwork. Two postdoctoral researchers will each carry out 15 months of ethnographic research in (respectively) LA-San Francisco and Buenos Aires, to which the PI will add his own field experience and work in Madrid. Ethnography is a particularly apposite way for studying the design, development, on-going sustainability and effects of OSUI. There are a number of reasons for this. On the one hand, ethnographic research is able to examine how infrastructures assume material concrescence as they build up relations and energies across domains: from the commitment and investment of local communities, to the formation of collaborative expert design systems, the travails of paperwork and inscriptions across documentary, archival and media interfaces, and their settling into various professional, technical or political jurisdictions. Ethnography follows the dynamic assembly of the infrastructural as it takes shape, in the process allowing for the development of analytical insights that may destabilize taken-for-granted assumptions as to what counts, or where one should look for a political, technical or epistemic effect. Ethnography is therefore ideally suited for engaging with the unexpected as an empirical form, and in this guise to assess its significance as an anecdotal or, on the contrary, an original and substantive finding. On the other hand, ethnography s commitment to long-term fieldwork offers, also, a unique vantage point from where to explore how the methodological engagement with the world of open-source may double-back on social-scientific enquiry 7 de 20 / parte C

11 itself. As George Marcus has put it, the study of experimental cultures inevitably calls for experimenting with the social science s own methodological infrastructure (Marcus 2013). Where necessary, researchers will undergo technical (electronic, software) training to facilitate their participation in infrastructural projects. The project s website will showcase its research progress, as well as enable interactions amongst stakeholders in all three cities. The ethnographic dimension will prove particularly fruitful in this sense, because of the depth and duration of the relations demanded by infrastructural developments, and because of the avenues that it opens-up for collaboration among and across field sites and stakeholders. Ethnographic fieldwork will be supplemented by comprehensive archival, interview, life history and survey work. The specific details of the data collected will vary from site to site, although some essentials will include: Archival and media work: tracing the documentary life of specific infrastructural projects: files, photographs, permits, licenses, design drawings; producing a filing system, registry and preliminary index of the digital archives of those communities with online presence (websites, blogs, videos, photographs, and, if available, laboratory or architectural notebooks); data visualisations and network analyses of social media interactions; build up an archive of local news that speak to the project s concerns; archives of specific communities/organisation s internal administrative documents; identify and collect local academic texts of relevance to the project. Interviews and life histories: build up an archive of c. 30 in-depth interviews for each OSUI project, including: key technical figures (architects, engineers, programmers, developers, hackers); political representatives (state officials, municipal or regional delegates, technical supervisors); community representatives (community leaders, users, supporters and opponents); local intellectuals and academic experts. Survey: towards the end of fieldwork we will run a comprehensive survey designed to include variables of interest to all three sites, including for example questions on: birthplace; social and economic background; schooling and professional training; current work; age; gender; race; ethnicity; religion; digital and computing literacy; etc. RESEARCH HEURISTICS Research data will be mapped initially onto five heuristic fields, an exercise which will contribute towards orienting the initial phases of fieldwork as well as providing a template for coordinating the terms of comparison in the later stages of analysis. The five fields are: (i) urban geography and cultural space charting and comparing how space is striated, divided up and re-classified by infrastructural developments; how spaces, people, institutions and infrastructures superpose or displace each other; (ii) experimentation tracing the ways in which the city is thrown into relief as a process of tâtonnement, of groping, experimenting and figuring out; how material and social epistemologies graft onto and mould the urban environment; (iii) legality charting how do-it-yourself infrastructures become legible as legal and technical objects through which standards, protocols, certificates, licenses, permits, public insurance liabilities, etc.; alternatively, how open-source developments contribute to the flourishing of new urban wilds ; (iv) political interfaces mapping and describing where and how OSUI open-up processes of political interlocution between community, expert and/or governmental actors; (v) everyday life in the city documenting how everyday sociality moves in, around and uses infrastructures to lever itself out into the wider city; how the urban is turned into an experience, a resource, a value, a capacity; how it intimidates, obstructs or more generally impoverishes social action. 8 de 20 / parte C

12 TEAM STRUCTURE AND MANAGEMENT Having conducted research on urban environments and techno-scientific cultures in three countries (Argentina, Chile, Spain) for the past 15 years, the PI will lead a core research team (equipo de investigación) comprised of 2 postdoctoral fellows with proven research experience in the selected sites. One of these postdoctoral fellows, Adolfo Estalella, has recently been awarded a 4yr postdoc (former Juan de la Cierva) by the Spanish Ministry of Science. For administrative reasons, he is listed as forming part of the equipo de trabajo, although he will be officially registered as a member of the core research team as soon as his signing the postdoctoral paperwork at the Ministry entitles him to do so. The second postdoctoral fellow will be hired for 2 yrs, of which 15 months will be spent carrying out ethnographic fieldwork in Buenos Aires. We are also requesting an FPI award. In the event of funding, the recipient of the award would carry out doctoral fieldwork in the Madrid leg of the project under the supervision of the PI. A crucial role is to be played by the Interdisciplinary Working Group, IWG (equipo de trabajo), whose members have all confirmed their participation in writing: Prof Javier Lezaún (Oxford University), a world authority on the intersections between science and democracy; Prof Fernando Domínguez (UC Davis), an expert on the material infrastructures of political and design systems; Prof Ignacio Farías (WZB, Berlin) a leading scholar of the application of STS analyses to urban contexts; Dr. Nerea Calvillo (Harvard University), a recognized expert on the use of architectural and atmospheric visualisations in urban governance systems; Uriel Fogué (Elii Architects), one of the most active voices in the Spanish architectural scene on matters of technological urban governance; Prof Manuel Tironi (Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile), a leading scholar of STS urban studies in Latin America. Members of the Working Group will help get access to the various field sites, liaise and network with local contacts, and provide overall guidance throughout. The core research team (PI Alberto Corsín Jiménez, Postdoc Adolfo Estalella and Postdoc to be hired), will spend the first six months of the project in Madrid developing a joint research programme. An important part of this early leg of work will consist in setting up an online open source research environment to hold video seminars, share documents, field notes, etc. and a project website which will support our work throughout. The team will re-convene again in Madrid upon returning from fieldwork towards the end of Year 2. The last year of work will be dedicated to the tasks of comparison, analysis, writing-up and dissemination. The project s management has been structured around five key processes: (i) the aforementioned online open source research environment, which will host our empirical materials, reports and analyses, links to relevant news and affinal websites, as well as enable periodical online meetings between team members during field work; (ii) a launching workshop, to be organized in Madrid six months into the start of the project. Attended by the IWG, the design of the case studies will be presented here. Researchers will also have an opportunity to discuss and network their way into their field sites with members of the IWG; (iii) upon retuning to Madrid towards the end of Year 2 the team will convene weekly for organisational meetings, where the progress of the various analyses will be contrasted and kept in focus; (iv) the IWG will be convened for a synthetic workshop in Madrid half-way through Year 3, in order to present our preliminary analyses and help the team focus on particular theoretical themes; (v) an international conference will mark the project s closure towards the end of Year 3, bringing together renowned academics from the world over, as well as professional practitioners, policy-makers and the project s key stakeholders. Separate funding will be sought towards the organisation of this event. 9 de 20 / parte C

13 FEASIBILITY The PI has over 15 years of research experience in urban environments and techno-scientific cultures, of which the last four have been dedicated to investigating the rise of open-source urban cultures in Madrid. He is widely networked into the open-source culture movement worldwide, forming part, for example, of the Association of Peer-to-Peer Researchers at the P2P Foundation, as well as into the global community of hacker and maker spaces. Prototyping (http://www.prototyping.es/), a blog curated by the PI and fellow Spanish anthropologist Adolfo Estalella, is widely recognized as a reference on open-source cultures in the Spanish-speaking world. He has also ample experience in the management of large and complex research and technical projects, having served as Dean at Spain s School for Industrial Organisation, the state s school for advanced public management, for two years. Members of the IWG have all expressed keen interest in joining the project in the event of funding. Members are all well-known urban and/or STS scholars, whose detailed grasp of local intelectual and political dynamics, as well as close acquaintance with specific stakeholders (community activists, public intellectuals, advocacy groups, political representatives, local institutions, etc.) in Madrid, Buenos Aires and LA-San Francisco will prove an invaluable resource for networking team members into their respective field sites. PROJECT TIMETABLE The project is designed to take place over the course of three years. The synoptic table below summarizes the project s research and managerial milestones. A detailed calendar follows below. YEAR 1 YEAR 2 YEAR 3 Project management Postdoc hired / Design open source research environment / Visas, travel permits / Month 6: postdocs depart for fieldwork Regular virtual meetings / Comparing fieldnotes / Month 9: Postdocs return to Madrid Production of project s reports / Networking & policy interventions Research milestones Design joint research programme / Launching workshop / Fieldwork: access, participant observation, social networks, life histories Fieldwork: participant observation, archival work, interviews, large-scale comparative survey Comparative framework / Data analyses, writing-up & dissemination / Synthetic workshop / Preparing monograph and editd collection / International conference YEAR 1 September 2015 to March 2016 / 6 months / Madrid 10 de 20 / parte C

14 International call for and recruitment of 1 postdoctoral fellow. Institutional access/network mapping exercise: use existing contacts to negotiate access to OSUI projects in Buenos Aires, Madrid and LA-San Francisco. Development of a joint research agenda and individual research programmes. Setting up a reading group: building a common bibliography, identifying topics and themes of potential interest. Setting-up an online open source research environment to help coordinate and work on the project at a distance. The online environment will be used throughout the project to hold video seminars (Google Hangouts), share documents, field notes and analyses; establish comparative frameworks; chat and talk online. A website will be designed and developed for the project. March 2016 / Madrid 2-day launching workshop attended by the IWG: researchers will present the design of their case studies. March 2016 to September 2016 / 6 months / Various field sites Researchers travel to and settle down in Berkeley and Buenos Aires and launch mapping exercises: identify and negotiate access with key players. Postdoctoral researchers will make contact with UCLA s citylab and Berkeley s CED; and a77, Iconoclasistas and Colectivo Situaciones in Buenos Aires. By the end of this period of fieldwork, researchers will have identified and gained access to their key ethnographic communities: the projects, technologies and urban contexts they will be focusing on. They will have built up relationships of trust and confidence with the communities, and if necessary will undergo basic training on specific technical skills. YEAR 2 September 2016 to December 2016 / 3 months / Various field sites Intensive field research at each fieldwork site. Researchers will produce organisational analysis (organisational structure, financial reports and accounts, stakeholders) for every organisation studied at this stage, as well as build up archival and documentary repositories: on the histories and institutional origins of an OSUI project; a filing system, registry and preliminary index of the digital archives of those communities with an online presence (say, websites, blogs, videos, photographs, and, if available, laboratory notebooks); an archive of local news that speak to the project s concerns; an archive of an organisation s internal administrative documents (subject to permissions). They will have also identified local academic texts of relevance to the project and will begin compiling life histories on key actors. December 2016 to March 2017 / 3 months / Various field sites Intensive field research at each fieldwork site. Researchers will have mapped in detail the local landscape of media actors (state institutions, social movements, trade unions, autonomous collectives, academics, artists, citizens) that surround OSUI projects and will have completed a first round of interviews and biographical profiles of key informants. Pool findings across all three case studies and start designing a large-scale comparative survey. March 2017 / 2 weeks / Various field sites PI makes 1 week-long visit to each site to monitor and supervise fieldwork progress. March 2017 to June 2017 / 3 months / Various field sites 11 de 20 / parte C

15 Researchers wrap-up their ethnographic programmes: finalize interviews, life histories, archival research. The large-scale comparative survey is run across all three sites. Researchers return to Madrid. June 2017 to September 2017 / 3 months / Various field sites Development of framework for comparing the various projects ethnographic data. YEAR 3 September 2017 / 6 months / Madrid Analysis, writing-up and dissemination activities for the project; production of case- and policy reports; presentation of research findings at conferences, seminars, workshops, and through various social media outlets and networks; submission of journal articles. Preparations for the synthetic workshop with IWG members. March day synthetic workshop attended by the IWG: we will present our preliminary analyses and discuss and explore novel theoretical avenues. March 2018 to September 2018 / 6 months / Madrid Continue with the project s dissemination tasks: preparation and completion of monograph and edited volume; liaise with stakeholders and non-academic partners; enriching the online open-source environment; networking with policy- and think tanks. September 2018 / Madrid International conference to mark the project s closure. The conference will bring together social studies of science, anthropology and urban studies scholars, as well as professional practitioners, including architects, urban planners, policy-makers, and the project s stakeholders. BUDGET OUTLINE AND JUSTIFICATION The successful completion of the project will depend on an ambitious comparative study across three field sites. It will require resources to cover the following cost categories: (i) personnel costs for hiring one post-doctoral researcher to carry out fieldwork in Buenos Aires. The postdoc will be hired on a 2yr contract. He or she will spend 6 months in Madrid preparing the research programme, 15 months in Buenos Aires carrying out fieldwork, and will return for a further 3 months to Madrid to help develop the comparative framework. (ii) fieldwork costs, including expenses for travel, subsistence, accommodation, visas, research affiliations for the 3 core research-team members. (iii) costs incurred in the organisation of events, including the launching and synthetic workshops to be attended by the IWG. (iv) dissemination costs, including web and graphic design for the project s website and online open source research environment; costs of attending 1 international conference per year by every member of the research team. 12 de 20 / parte C

16 (v) equipment costs, including digital cameras, voice digital recorders, and laptops for all three members of the research team; stationery and consumables to include field notebooks and memory sticks. C.2. EXPECTED IMPACT PROJECT OUTPUTS The project will make breakthrough contributions to a number of fields, in academia but also in policy-circles and the global peer-to-peer movement. In terms of academic output, it is expected that this will span across a number of disciplines, from urban studies to social studies of science and social anthropology, and will include at least: (i) 1 monograph and 1 edited collection, comparing and contrasting the ecologies, experiments and forms of urban governance afforded by do-it-yourself infrastructures across the three case studies; (ii) 7 articles in leading international peerreviewed journals, drawing on specific case materials from each city; (iii) 3 short pieces in professional newsletters or bulletins (e.g. Anthropology News, Anthropology Today) reporting on the project s innovative framework, individual case-studies and overall general progress. Central to the project is the notion of open-source infrastructure and here there is scope to have the project re-functioned as an open-source infrastructure itself. We will design and develop an online open-source environment (described above, under project management) that will function as both a repository for OSUI technical designs and specifications, licenses and public liability models, and stakeholder identities for every grassroots and DIY project under study. Moreover, this online environment will also enable cross-fertilizations and exchanges between community projects across the three case studies (and beyond). The PI has already participated in the design of a similar initiative, Ciudad Escuela (www.ciudad-escuela.org), which upon launching in April 2014 was hailed by Spanish and Latin American media as the first open-source urban pedagogy in the world. DISSEMINATION PLAN The plans for disseminating the project s findings are at the very heart of the project s design in the first place, for it is a sine qua non of open-source culture that every step in a research project must be documented, registered and shared with the community. The project s website and online open-source environment are therefore not simply digital outlets for communicating our progress, but play a central part in the very design of the project as an open-source infrastructure. These are tools that will play a crucial role in articulating the project s relation with its various stakeholder communities, both by giving voice to them and by networking them into open-source projects elsewhere. The project s website will host a blog, with news bites and regular posts on research developments from each of the three cities. Having been Media and Publicity Officer for the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK, and currently holding office as the Secretary of the European Association of Social Anthropologists, the PI has ample experience using and tapping into news and media outlets, as well as using social media (Facebook and Twitter) for disseminating and networking research findings. From the point of view of urban governance and policy, the theoretical and empirical materials that will accrue from understanding OSUI will supply crucial policy insights into current debates on the infrastructural futures of urban sustainability. ECOBETA will liaise 13 de 20 / parte C

17 with key players in the urban sustainability agenda (such as UN-HABITAT, Metropolis, ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability, European Commission Initiative on Smart Cities, Smart Cities Stakeholder Platform), as well as with local stakeholders, NGOs, thinktanks and universities in the selected field sites, communicating its findings and developing an engaged understanding of how urban systems respond to the dynamic assembling of social infrastructures. We will produce at least 2 policy reports to be widely circulated in these fora. The project will likewise make available its policy reports and periodical progress updates to various open-source and peer-to-peer global networks, such as the P2P Foundation or P2P-LatAm. C.3. RESEARCH TRAINING CAPACITIES The PI, Alberto Corsín Jiménez, is a member of the research group World and worldly sciences at CSIC s Department of the History of Science, created in 2013 as part of the reorganisation of CSIC s Social Sciences and Humanities Centre in Madrid. The members of the research group include Prof Antonio Lafuente, Prof Juan Pimentel and Prof Leoncio López-Ocón, making it one of the leading training centres in the history and social study of science and technology (STS) in Spain. The members of the group have established doctoral training frameworks with both Universidad Complutense and Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, which have resulted in the supervision of dozens of PhD dissertations over the past twenty years. For instance, José Ramón Marcaida, a recent doctoral student of Prof Juan Pimentel, was awarded in 2013 the prestigious Pérez E. Sánchez award from Fundación Focus-Abengoa for an outstanding contribution to the history of art. Furthermore, the group has an established research seminar at the Department of the History of Science, and Prof Antonio Lafuente and Alberto Corsín Jiménez run regular discussion groups on digital humanities and STS-related topics at Medilab-Prado, perhaps Spain s leading citizen laboratory. Alberto Corsín Jiménez has over 15 years of teaching experience. At the University of Manchester ( ) he was Programme Director of the MA in Social Anthropology and supervised 4 PhD students, 6 MA students and well-over 30 undergraduate dissertations. In 2005 he was awarded from the University of Manchester s Teaching Quality and Enhancement Fund and the UK s Higher Education Academy towards the development of a pioneering course on teaching ethnographic methods. Since arriving in Madrid, he has supervised 2 MA dissertations in the postgraduate programme on Culture, Communication and Citizenship at Universidad Rey Juan Carlos. C.4. ETHICAL IMPLICATIONS The ethical issues relevant to this research project concern questions of Privacy (observation and collection of personal data) and work carried out in non-eu countries (Argentina and the US). The issues all derive from the project s employment of a qualitative social-scientific methodology, and in particular the use of ethnographic fieldwork (also known as participant observation). Ethnography is the dominant mode of anthropological research. It is a holistic approach that enables researchers to understand the complex, multifaceted and overlapping dimensions of social life. Thus, in its observation of and participation in the practice of everyday life, ethnographers are bound to witness people s relational negotiations of their political, 14 de 20 / parte C

18 religious, gender or kinship views. Ethnographic inquiry does not look for the political in social life, but lets everyday life transpire a sociological form for politics itself. Ethnography does not therefore obtain data about people; it describes instead the processes and conditions that inform social relationships. Ethnography, then, like social life itself, is an open-ended process, likely to take unexpected turns in its research enquiry and focus. Notwithstanding, anthropologists are obliged to maintain integrity and good conduct in the pursuit of research, and are indeed known for their enrichment of ethical discussions in the social sciences at large. The ethical practice of ethnography has been the subject of much debate within the discipline and is today sanctioned by the Ethical Guidelines for Good Research Practice of all professional associations, including for example the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and the Commonwealth (ASA) or the American Anthropological Association (AAA). This research project abides by the principles for good research practice outlined in such Guidelines and Codes of Practice. Two ethical principles guide the work of anthropologists and of this research project in particular: 1. Participants should be made aware of the presence and purpose of the researcher whenever reasonably practicable. 2. Field notes and other forms of personal data are predominantly private to assure confidentiality and the anonymity of subjects. It is a duty of anthropologists to make sure that nothing they record or publish would contribute towards the identification of individuals that would put their wealth or security at risk. Consent will be sought and negotiated with all informants throughout, although it is noted that some people are suspicious of formal bureaucratic procedures and therefore unlikely to fill-in and sign a printed consent form. As the ASA Guidelines put it, Consent in ethnographic research is a process, not a one-off event, due to its long-term and open-ended qualities. (ASA 2011: 5) Thus, data will be appropriately anonymised to protect privacy in accordance with EU legislation (EU Directive 95/46/EC), with particular attention to sensitive personal data collected in life histories, as well as that derived from the relations of trust built during the course of ethnographic fieldwork. Data pooled for the purposes of comparison and analysis will be coded and will not be traceable back to individuals. Some of the groups of people we might be working with in Buenos Aires may be especially vulnerable due to their socio-economic circumstances. We will protect this vulnerability by working with local research groups with extensive ties and prior relations with these communities. We will further make sure to share the benefits of our work with these communities, both by sharing our findings and by giving them voice in stakeholder workshops and policy forums. On the whole, then, the topic of this research project does not in principle present a challenging or problematic ethical scenario for any of the questions raised in the Ethical Issues Table. Previous experience of work with open-source communities does reckon, however, some potential conflicts or tensions over the nature of transparency and public information. Opensource communities are known for their radical endorsement of methodological transparency: open-source is all about making things public and open. In the name of transparency it is not unknown, for instance, for some members of an OS community to demand ethnographers to share their field notes. Such demands are more often than not countered by other members of the community, who draw a difference between methodological data 15 de 20 / parte C

19 and social relations. They call for opening access to the former, but understand that the latter may be inflected by questions of anonymity, confidentiality and trust. However, the tension itself does point to the value of ethnography as a tool for figuring out the shifting status of the ethical in contemporary research practice. In practical terms, it signals to changing perceptions of research and science as public goods. As the ASA Guidelines puts it, in slightly anticipatory tone, In the longer term, it might be proper to make available fieldnotes and other research material for use by other researchers e.g. by including them in relevant archives. (ASA 2011: 6) The Association s advice is for researchers to take care in how data is recorded. A larger question, which in a sense is a central research question of the project itself, is how to describe the ethics of research practice and knowledge when its public value is taken as a matter of fact as open data? REFERENCES Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and the Commonwealt: Ethical Guidelines for Good Research Practice, Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 1995 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data. Attoh, Kafui A «What kind of right is the right to the city?» Progress in Human Geography 35 (5): doi: / Benjamin, David, Soo-In Yang, and Natalie Jeremijenko «New Interaction Partners for Environmental Governance: Amphibious Architecture». In Sentient City: Ubiquitous Computing, Architecture, and the Future of Urban Space, Cambridge, MA and London: MIT Press. Benkler, Yochai The wealth of networks: how social production transforms markets and freedom. New Haven: Yales University Press The penguin and the Leviathan: how cooperation triumphs over self-interest. New York: Crown Business. Biagioli, Mario, Peter Jaszi, and Martha Woodmansee, ed Making and unmaking intellectual property: creative production in legal and cultural perspective. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. Boyle, James The public domain: enclosing the commons of the mind. New Haven and London: Yales University Press. Bratton, Benjamin H. and Natalie Jeremijenko Suspicious images, latent interfaces. New York: The Architectural League of New York. Castán Broto, Vanesa and Harriet Bulkeley. 2013,.«Maintaining Climate Change Experiments: Urban Political Ecology and the Everyday Reconfiguration of Urban Infrastructure» International Journal of Urban and Regional Research (online version published ahead of print) doi/ / Chattopadhyay, Swati Unlearning the city: infrastructure in a new optical field. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Corsín Jiménez, Alberto «Introduction. The prototype: more than many and less than one» Journal of Cultural Economy advance online publication doi: / «The right to infrastructure: a prototype for open-source urbanism» Environment and Plannnig D Society and Space 32 (2): doi: /d13077p Corsín Jiménez, Alberto, Adolfo Estalella and Zoohaus Collective «The interior design of (free) knowledge» Journal of Cultural Economy advance online publication doi: / Crang, Mike, and Stephen Graham «Sentient cities: ambient intelligence and the politics of urban space». Information, Communication & Society 10 (6): de 20 / parte C

20 doi: / Douglas, Gordon «Do-it-yourself urban design: the social practice of informal improvement through unauthorized alteration». City & Community 13(1): Eizenberg, Efrat «Actually existing commons: three moments of space of community gardens in New York city». Antipode 44(3): Elyachar, Julia «Phatic labor, infrastructure, and the question of empowerment in Cairo». American Ethnologist 37(3): Farías, Ignacio, and Thomas Bender, eds Urban assemblages: how actor-network-theory changes urban studies. Oxford and New York: Routledge. Fischer, Michael M. J Anthropological Futures. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Foray, Dominique The economics of knowledge. Cambridge, Mass., and London: The MIT Press. Fuller, Matthew and Usman Haque Urban Versioning System 1.0 New York: The Architectural League of New York Situated Pamphlet Series Gabrys, Jennifer «Programming environments: environmentality and citizen sensing in the smart city». Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 32(1): Gandy, Matthew «Cyborg Urbanization: Complexity and Monstrosity in the Contemporary City». International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 29 (1): doi: /j x. Graham, Stephen, and Simon Marvin Splintering urbanism: networked infrastructures, technological mobilities and the urban condition. London: Routledge. Greenfield, Adam Against the smart city. (The city is here for you to use.) Do Projects. ASIN: B00FHQ5DBS Harvey, David Social justice and the city. Athens: University of Georgia Press Rebel cities: from the right to the city to the urban revolution. London: Verso. Harvey, Penelope «The topological quality of infrastructural relation: an ethnographic approach.» Theory, Culture and Society 29(4-5): Hess, Charlotte and Elinor Ostrom «Ideas, artifacts, and facilities: information as a common-pool reource.» Law and Contemporary Problems 66 (1&2): Hinchliffe, Steve, Matthew B. Kearnes, Monica Degen and Sarah Whatmore «Urban wild things: a cosmopolitcal experiment.» Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23(5): Holston, James «Autoconstruction in Working-Class Brazil». Cultural Anthropology 6(4): Iveson, Kurt «Cities within cities: Do-It-Yourself Urbanism and the Right to the City». International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): Karvonen, Andrew and Bas van Heur «Urban laboratories: experiments in reworking cities.» International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 38(2): Kelty, Christopher M Two bits: the cultural significance of free software. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Knorr-Cetina, Karin Epistemic cultures: how sciences make knowledge. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Lampland, Martha, and Susan Leigh Star, eds Standards and Their Stories: How Quantifying, Classifying, and Formalizing Practices Shape Everyday Life. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Latour, Bruno «Technology is society made durable». In A sociology of monsters: essays on power, technology and domination, ed John Law, London: Routledge. Larkin, Brian Signal and noise: media, infrastructure, and urban culture in Nigeria. Durham, NC: Duke University Press «The Politics and Poetics of Infrastructure». Annual Review of Anthropology 42: doi:10,1146/annurev-anthro Lefebvre, Henri «The right to the city». In Writings on Cities eds E Kofman and E Lebas, London: Blackwell. Marcus, George «Prototyping and contemporary anthropological experiments with ethnographic method» Journal of Cultural Economy advance online publication doi: / Marres, Nortje and Javier Lezaun «Materials and devices of the public: an introduction» Economy and Society 40: de 20 / parte C

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