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Foreword by ITUCAs part of its global campaign on equal pay between men and women, the ITUC has producedseveral reports on the global gender pay gap (GPG). This study is an attempt to gain furtherinformation on that issue in 2012. It looks at the situation in 43 countries around the world but, andfor the first time, it also looks at wage differentials in 15 sectors. Like for any other research on equalpay, the main limitation is the availability of reliable data comparable across countries. Taking intoconsideration this limitation, the ITUC draws four main conclusions out of this research:1. No significant progress has been made in closing the global gender pay gap for over a decade:Despite a sharp narrowing of the global gender pay gap between the 60s until the end of the 90s, wehave now observed a stagnation for over a decade. The pay gap remains frozen in time almosteverywhere. Asia is the continent with the greatest wage differential between men and women. Thissituation requires more and better public policies to tackle wage inequality and more collectiveagreements between workers’ and employers’ organisations that focus on narrowing the gender paygap.2. Workers in unionised sectors are better protected against gender pay gaps and against poorcompliance with minimum wage regulation:The research indicates significant variation in the gender pay gap in the 15 sectors studied. Sectorsthat are traditionally unionised tend to have lower pay gaps, such as the public sector. Those withlow unionisation rates and low wage levels, such as retail, hotels and restaurants, and agriculture,tend to have relatively higher gender pay gaps. This suggests that these sectors suffer from low levelsof compliance with minimum wage regulation. Male-dominated sectors such as construction havethe smallest gender pay gaps. This is mainly attributed to the low numbers of women working in thissector combined with a relative higher level of education. Across all the countries under study,domestic workers show the lowest level of earning and the largest average gender pay gaps. This ismainly due to their low level of unionisation and the fact that many female workers live in the houseof their employers, with an average wage in cash much lower than the one of their male colleagues.3. Discriminatory practices at the workplace persist:A considerable part of the gender pay gap cannot be explained by objective factors such as level ofqualification, of responsibilities, size of the company, years of service, etc. This unexplained partindicates a wide range of discriminatory practices. The lowest unexplained gender pay gaps arefound in countries as diverse as Kazakhstan, Indonesia and the Netherlands, and the largest ones inChile, South Africa and Argentina.4. The existence of a “child penalty” on women’s wages is confirmed:In many of the countries under study, childrearing is much more detrimental to female wagescompared to male wages, thereby contributing to increasing the gender pay gap. This indicates a“child penalty” on women’s wages and points out the urgent need to implement policies facilitatingcaring tasks for both men and women in order to increase wage equity.ITUC Equality Department - March 8, 2012 Page | c

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Table of contentsForeword by ITUC ................................................................................................................. b Summary of findings ............................................................................................................ g 1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................1 1.1 Outline of this report ............................................................................................................. 1 1.2 A note on global wage information .................................................................................... 1 1.3 The data sources used and the countries covered ............................................................ 2 2 The Gender Pay Gap by country, industry and time .............................................4 2.1 The GPG by country and industry ...................................................................................... 4 2.1.1 The size of the Gender Pay Gap 4 2.1.2 The size of the GPG in Africa, with breakdown by industry 6 2.1.3 The size of the GPG in the Americas, with breakdown by industry 8 2.1.4 The size of the GPG in Asia and Australia, with breakdown by industry 11 2.1.5 The industry pattern of the GPG 15 2.2 The changes in GPG over time .......................................................................................... 21 2.2.1 Understanding changes in the GPG over time 21 2.2.2 Trade union actions to promote equal pay 26 3 Women’s wages by household and socio-demographic characteristics ...........31 3.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 31 3.2 The impact of education on male and female wages...................................................... 32 3.3 The child penalty/premium for female and male wages ............................................ 38 3.4 The GPG broken down by household and socio-demographic characteristics .......... 44 3.5 Comparing the publicly available official sources with WageIndicator data ............... 48 References...............................................................................................................................49 Appendix 1 Figures corresponding with the graphs in this report .........................52 Appendix 2 Explanatory note on the WageIndicator surveys ...................................61 Page | d

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Table of FiguresTable 1 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, Botswana, 2005-06, in BWP (rounded at BWP 20) ........................................................................................................................ 6 Table 2 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Egypt, 2007, in EGP ............................. 6 Table 3 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Zambia, 2005, in ZMK (rounded at ZMK 20) .............................................................................................................................................. 7 Table 4 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Brazil, 2007, in RS ................................ 8 Table 5 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Costa Rica, 2008, in CRC..................... 9 Table 6 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, Mexico, 2008, in MXN ...................... 9 Table 7 Average monthly wages by industry and by gender, Paraguay, 2008, in PYG ..................... 10 Table 8 Median weekly earnings by industry and by gender, USA (full-time workers of 16 years and older), 2009, in USD ................................................................................................................ 11 Table 9 Average weekly earnings by industry and by gender, Australia, August 2010, in AUD ..... 11 Table 10 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, Azerbaijan, 2008, in AZN .............. 12 Table 11 Average gross hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Indonesia, 2008 (August), in IDR (rounded at IDR 20) ................................................................................................................ 13 Table 12 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Japan, 2008, in JPY ............................. 13 Table 13 Average monthly earnings of employees by industry and by gender, Kazakhstan , 2008, in KZT ................................................................................................................................................... 14 Table 14 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Philippines, 2008, in PHP ................. 14 Table 15 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, South Korea (Republic of Korea), 2007, x 1,000 KRW ........................................................................................................................... 15 Table 16 The industry pattern of the Gender Pay Gap in 15 of 18 countries, most recent years available ........................................................................................................................................... 19 Table 17 The industry pattern of average earnings in 15 of 18 countries, most recent years available20 Table 18 Distribution of the child premium and penalty across 28 countries, breakdown by gender*age groups. ......................................................................................................................... 38 Table 19 The adjusted gender wage gap: effect of personal, educational, firmsize and occupational characteristics on wages (logarithm) in five countries in Latin America ................................ 45 Table 20 The adjusted gender wage gap: effect of personal, educational, firmsize and occupational characteristics on wages (logarithm) in four countries in Asia and one country in Africa .. 46 Table 21 The adjusted gender wage gap: effect of personal, educational, firmsize and occupational characteristics on wages (logarithm) in six countries in Europe .............................................. 47 Table 22 The Gender Pay Gap according to national statistics and according to the WageIndicator data.................................................................................................................................................... 48 Table 23 Figures corresponding with the industry pattern of the Gender Pay Gap in 15 of 18 countries (Table 16), most recent years available ....................................................................... 52 Table 24 Figures corresponding with graph 1 ............................................................................................ 53 Table 25 Figures corresponding with graphs 2-8 ....................................................................................... 54 Table 26 Figures corresponding with graphs 9-12 ..................................................................................... 55 Table 27 Figures corresponding with graphs 13-16 ................................................................................... 58 Table 28 Total number of observations in the WageIndicator dataset for the countries addressed in this report (only cases with valid wage information are included here), underlined numbers are indicating the paper surveys .................................................................................. 61 Page | f

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Summary of findingsIntroductionReducing inequality is one of ITUCs goals, among others with respect to womens wages. This reportreviews the latest trends and figures for the Gender Pay Gap (GPG) for a range of countries in all fivecontinents. This report is based on country-level wage data from ILO, Eurostat and other statisticalagencies as well as on individual-level wage data from the multi-country WageIndicator web-survey.The following seven studies have been undertaken: A study of the GPG in 43 countries, leading to an estimate of the overall GPG of these countries A study of the GPG by industry in 18 countries, leading to a ranking of industries A study of the changes in GPG over time for 26 countries, leading to a judgement of the GPG development in the 1990s and 2000s A study of trade union activities towards gender equality in 2010 and 2011 for 11 European countries A study of the impact of education on male and female wages for 28 countries A study of the impact of children on male and female wages for 28 countries A study of the adjusted GPG for 16 countriesThe GPG in 43 countriesThe GPG overview reveals that Zambia (2005) has the largest GPG with almost 46%, followed bySouth Korea (ROK) (2007) with 43% and Azerbaijan (2008) with 37%. In contrast, the smallest GPGsare found in Slovenia (2010), with a GPG of only 4%, and in Paraguay (2008) and Italy (2009) withGPGs of 5%. The years refer to the most recent year data is available. In the second half of the 2000sthe overall GPG for the 43 countries, controlled for the sizes of the national labour forces, is 18%.The GPG by industry in 18 countriesThe overview of 18 countries contains statistics of GPGs by industries for 15 of them. Acrosscountries, three industries with small shares of women employed have the lowest GPGs: transport,storage and communication; construction, and fishing. Public administration also has on average alow GPG, and this sector notably in Latin American countries does not show up any longer as a malebulwark. In a number of countries three industries with wage levels close to the national minimumwage have considerable GPGs: wholesale and retail, hotels and restaurants, and agriculture. Thissuggests low levels of compliance with minimum wage regulation. By contrast, finance shows thecombination of relatively high wage levels and considerable GPGs. Manufacturing turns out to haveon average the fourth largest GPG, combined with a rather low relative wage level (10th of 15industries). Overall, the health and social work sector even shows the third largest GPG, though itsrelative earnings level is slightly better than that of manufacturing.The changes in GPG over time for 26 countriesThe patterns over time do not reveal a steady decline of the GPG across 26 countries studied, incontrast to the expected trend. The countries showing a GPG decline are as many as the ones showingan increase. Moreover, a substantial number of countries shows hardly any changes in GPG betweenthe mid-1990s and the late 2000s. Obviously, the GPG is highest in the Asian countries under study,with GPGs in the bracket between 30 and 40%. The majority of countries under study finds itself inthe bracket between 10 to 30%. Four of the 26 countries manage to have a GPG under 10%, namelyBelgium, Costa Rica, Italy, and Poland. Page | g

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Weichselbaumer and Winter-Ebmer found that from the 1960s to the 1990s the GPG worldwide hasfallen substantially from around 65 to 30% and the OECD found for the period 1980 - 2004 that theGPG declined in OECD countries. However, our study cannot conclude to a further narrowing of theGPG in the 26 countries under study for the period 1996 to 2010. This seems to indicate that noprogress has been made in closing the GPG for over a decade. Two nuances should nevertheless bementioned: One is that our total GPG covers predominantly countries with a relative low GPG. Theother one is that for no country apart from the United States data points were available for all yearsand that for some countries only few points were available, indicating that our study may suffer frommeasurement problems. But from our study we must conclude that the GPG in the 26 countries hashardly changed in the late 1990s and the 2000s.The gender equality trade union activities for 11 European countriesThe review shows firstly that many trade unions directly take action for equal pay, as messages fromAustria, Belgium, Finland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and UK show. Another line of messageshighlights actions to increase wages in low-paid female dominated areas, like happened in Finlandand in Norway. A third line of messages regards actions involved with rules and legislationconcerning equality, such as undertaken in Sweden and the UK.The impact of education on male and female wages for 28 countriesIn these 28 countries both the highly educated men and women have higher earnings than loweducated men and women respectively: In the age group under 30 the highly educated women showhigher earnings compared to the low educated women; a similar outcome applies to the men, thoughthe wage differentials across the women are smaller than those across the men. In the age group of 30years and over, a similar pattern can be noticed, though the wage differentials across the age groupsare larger for both women and men. This study concludes that in most countries men profit morefrom having a higher education than women.The impact of childcaring on male and female wages for 28 countriesStudies have revealed a child penalty for women. Our study for 28 countries showed that in all agegroups the majority of men receive a child premium and in the age group 40 and over, the majority ofthem even receive a large child premium. In contrast, in all age groups the majority of women receivea child penalty. In the age group 30-39, almost all female groups receive a wage penalty and almosthalf of them receives a large wage penalty. This indicates that in many countries childrearing is muchmore detrimental to female wages compared to male wages, thereby contributing to the GPG. Policiesto facilitate women in their childrearing tasks will decrease the GPG.The adjusted GPG for 16 countriesThe results of the analyses for 16 countries show overwhelmingly that the GPG remains, even whencontrolled for other characteristics, such as years of service, occupation, firmsize, and householdcomposition. It shows that the smallest adjusted GPG is found in Kazakhstan (6%), followed byIndonesia (9%) and the Netherlands (10%). In contrast, the largest adjusted GPG is found in Chile(22%), followed by South Africa and Argentina (both also 22%), and Spain and Mexico (both 21%).GPGs in the remaining countries are as follows: 18% for Russian Federation and Brazil, 17% forColombia, 15% for the United Kingdom, 14% for Sweden, 13% for China, 12% for India, 11% forBelarus, and 10% for Belgium and Ukraine. This adjusted GPG is not the raw GPG, but the GPGcontrolled for a number of relevant characteristics; it is often referred to as the unexplained GPG,which means that the available explanatory factors cannot fully explain the raw GPG. Sometimes thisunexplained GPG is referred to as discrimination. This may refer to a wide range of discriminatorypractices, not solely to wage discrimination of an individual employer towards an individualemployee, as defined in the Equal Pay Legislation. Page | h

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A note on global wage informationGPG analyses require wage data across many countries and this data needs to be comparable andreliable. ILO has undertaken major efforts to collect and standardize global wage data and this datahas been used in this report. However, in many countries collecting data by means of surveys isdifficult and administrative records covers only parts of the labour force. In addition, concepts suchas paid and unpaid overtime, benefits, non-financial remuneration, informal labour markets, andown-account or self-employed workers may not fully be harmonised and reported consistently.Finally, for detailed analyses aggregate country-level data are not sufficient and individual level dataare needed, which are simply not available for global wage comparisons. To solve this problem, inthis report we used data of the multi-country, continuous WageIndicator survey. Though for an overallview and a limited number of research, national statistics data reflect reality better than theWageIndicator data, we nevertheless use the latter data for analyses about the impact of education andchildcaring on male and female wages. Page | i

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1 Introduction1.1 Outline of this reportThis report studies the GPG for a wide range of countries, and the following seven studies have beenundertaken.1. A study of the GPG in 43 countries, leading to an estimate of the overall GPG of these countries2. A study of the GPG by industry in 18 countries, leading to a ranking of industries3. A study of the changes in GPG over time for 26 countries, leading to a judgement of the GPG development in the 1990s and 2000s4. A study of trade union activities towards gender equality in 2010 and 2011 for 11 European countries5. A study of the impact of education on male and female wages for 28 countries6. A study of the impact of children on male and female wages for 28 countries7. A study of the adjusted GPG for 16 countriesChapter 2 reviews the GPG studies 1-5, based on publicly available data sources about wages for awide range of countries, predominantly from the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Section 2.1presents GPG figures by industry for Africa, the Americas, Asia and Australia, and Europe, using themost recent data available. It summarizes the industry and country patterns of the GPG. Section 2.2.focuses on understanding the changes in the GPG over time. It also provides a caleidoscope of tradeunion actions to promote equal pay in 2010 and 2011, focusing on European countries: a limitationbecause this kind of information from countries on other continents was not systematically available.Chapter 3 reviews the GPG studies 6-7. The focus is on the impact of education and childrearing onthe GPG for 28 countries, using data from the worldwide WageIndicator surveys on work and wages.1Section 3.1 introduces the reasons for conducting GPG analyses about the impact of education andchildren. Section 3.2 and 3.3 investigate the impact of education on male and female wagesrespectively the impact of having children on these wages, also based on data from the WageIndicatorsurvey for 28 countries. For 16 of these countries, Section 3.4 presents an overview of the GPG whencontrolled for a range of factors. For a better understanding of the WageIndicator survey data, Section3.5 provides an overview on how the GPG figures of WageIndicator compare to data from nationalLabour Force Surveys or similar official surveys.1.2 A note on global wage informationWages are central to the world of work, because living standards of wage earners and their familiesdepend on the wage level and on when and how they are adjusted and paid. In this context, itbecomes obvious that wages are key for socio-economic research, but collecting information on wagesis however not an easy undertaking. Before detailing the data sources used in this report, the fivemain data-collection methods are discussed here. Establishment surveys; these surveys may include information about the establishments labour costs, average wages of the workforce, average wages of groups of workers (occupations, gender),1 The independent non-profit Wage Indicator Foundation aims for transparency of the labour market by sharing and comparing wage data through its network of national websites, currently in 65 countries. The Foundation was established in the Netherlands in 2003, is based in Amsterdam, and has regional offices in Ahmadabad, Bratislava, Buenos Aires, Cape Town/Maputo and Minsk. See http://www.wageindicator.org.1|Page

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or the wages paid to individual workers; in these surveys however the earnings of informal workers or own account workers typically are not included; data from establishment surveys are difficult to compare across countries; Surveys of individual workers, e.g. labour force surveys or censuses, surveys of households, or worldwide surveys such as the WageIndicator survey discussed later in this report; these surveys need survey questions about wages, non-financial remuneration and working hours; in these surveys however substantial rates of people may not want to provide an answer when asked about their wages (Plasman et al 2002) ; it takes huge efforts to make data about wages and working hours from individual surveys comparable across countries; Administrative records, e.g. employers’ personnel records, insurance records, or tax records; this source provides detailed and reliable information; this type of data source however does not cover employers without computerized administrative records; data from these sources are difficult to compare across countries; Collective agreements, e.g. the agreed wages of occupational groups in the establishment or industry; this type of data source however is only available for a limited set of agreements and a limited set of countries; Country surveys, asking for the average wages paid in a range of occupations, e.g. the October Inquiry of ILO; this data collection however faces problems concerning the lack of comparability of wage concepts across countries (Oostendorp 2009).This overview shows that collecting information about wages on a worldwide scale is not an easyundertaking. In its Laborsta database, ILO has collected aggregate wage information for a wide rangeof countries, using the sources mentioned here. In Chapter 2, we will use predominantly data from theLaborsta database. The aggregate Laborsta data, however, does not allow to analyse the GPG beyondthe classifications used in Laborsta. For example, no breakdowns by education level or by thepresence of children can be made. For the purpose of calculating effects of education or children onthe GPG, individual level data is needed. No other dataset than the WageIndicator provides such data,because no other datasets provide information about many countries. Therefore, Chapter 3 will usethis data source.In the GPG analyses two concepts of wages are used: the median and the average or mean wage. Themedian wage is the middle of all observations within a defined category, e.g. all female workers. Theaverage or mean is the sum of all wages of the individuals in this category divided by the number ofobservations in the category at stake. Mostly, in national data collections mean wages are reported.However, for international comparisons the median is more commonly used (Leaker 2008). Themedian has the advantage that it is not overly influenced by small numbers of high earners. In thisreport Chapter 2 mostly uses mean wages, whereas Chapter 3 reports the median wages.In the GPG analyses, as in other wage analyses, the pay gap is typically based on hourly pay. Hence,comparisons across countries are based on the same entity. Thus, when wages are recorded as weeklyor monthly wages, on behalf of the analyses they are computed into hourly wages wherever that waspossible.However a calculation of the GPG based on hourly wages hides another type of discrimination facedby women. In many countries women’s reduced working hours compared to men is not the result of afree choice but rather an illustration of the difficulty they face in finding full time employment. This isthe reason why a certain number of trade unions do not refer to hourly wages but to monthly wagedifferentials.1.3 The data sources used and the countries coveredFor this report several data sources have been used, and for each section in the report the countrycoverage is indicated. These are detailed below.2|Page

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2 The Gender Pay Gap by country, industry and time2.1 The GPG by country and industry2.1.1 The size of the Gender Pay GapHow large is the Gender Pay Gap (GPG) in countries around the globe? Using the most recentavailable data from published sources, such as from ILO, United Nations, OECD, Eurostat, nationalstatistical bureaus, trade unions, and other sources, this section starts with an overview of the size ofthe GPG for 43 countries.How do countries compare with respect to their national GPG? Graph 1 summarizes the figures. Thecountry labels refer to the most recent year for which data is available. The Graph reveals that Zambia2005 has the largest GPG with almost 46%, followed by South Korea (ROK) 2007 with 43% andAzerbaijan 2008 with 37%. In contrast, the smallest GPG are found in Slovenia 2010 with a GPG ofonly 4%, and in Paraguay 2008 and Italy 2009 with GPGs of 5%. When relating the GPG to womensemployment participation rates2 in these 43 countries, no strong correlation is found.3 This indicatesthat large GPGs are found in countries with high participation rates of women as well as in countrieswith low participation rates. The overall GPG for 43 countries, controlled for the size of the nationallabour forces, results in a GPG of 18.4%. This is slighly higher than the 16.5% gap calculated by IDS in2008, using information from 62 countries (ITUC/IDS, 2008).4The following sections detail the GPG by industry for 18 countries outside Europe. Industry-levelinformation are of particular relevance for trade unions. We cover 14 developing countries:Azerbaijan, Botswana, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia,.Costa Rica, Egypt, Mexico, Paraguay, and Philippines, and four high-income countries (Australia,Japan, South Korea, and the USA). For 15 of the 18 countries in total, the GPG has been detailed byindustry; this was not possible for India, Mozambique and South Africa, though interestinginformation has been included for these three countries. In these sections no European countries havebeen included: the GPGs for Europe are detailed in Section 2.2, focusing on changes in GPGs overtime.2 The participation rates are taken from the employment projections in ILOs Laborsta E5 database, extracted on 20/09/20113 Pearson Correlation R = .292, sign = .057, N=434 The initial calculations showed a GPG of 15.6%, based on 63 countries, but excluding Bahrain whith a positive gap of 40% the GPG changed to 16.5%.4|Page

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MozambiqueCalculations of the World Bank for the Mozambican formal sector showed for the mid-2000s aconsiderable GPG. Wage-regression analysis revealed strong signs of sex discrimination, with womenearning 28% less income than men, even when controlling for differences in education levels, maritalstatus, and industry (World Bank 2008).South AfricaObservations on trends in the GPG in South Africa vary. Hlekiso and Mahlo (2006) found thatbetween 2001 and 2005 gender inequality persisted and the difference between male and femalewages even grew, from 31 to 38%. Based on Statistics South Africa data on average wages, Burger andYu (2006) observed that the GPG increased over 1995-2005, though since 2000 the gap narrowedsomewhat. By contrast, calculations of real mean earnings based on Department of Labour (DOL) datasuggest that the GPG has fallen from 41% in 1995 to 25% in 2005 (derived from Ndungu 2008). Basedon earlier WageIndicator data, for 2007-08 the average GPG in South Africa was calculated at 33.5%, anoutcome fitting in with the first two research outcomes. There was a collective bargaining premium:the GPG proved to be on average 9%points smaller for those covered by collective agreement than forthose who were not (ITUC 2009). A surprising finding was that part-time workers earned per hourconsiderably more than full-timers. In 2003, controlled for individual and job characteristics andworking conditions, this hourly premium to working part-time was calculated on 34 to 40%; thepremium for female part-timers was with 33 to 40% about the same. It is likely that the prevailinghigher hourly minimum wages for those working less than 28 hours a week play a role here (Poseland Muller 2008). Unfortunately, over recent years no detailed official statistics by gender andindustry are available for South Africa.ZambiaResearchers have concluded that education for Zambia is the most important determinant of wages,among men and women as well as between them. In the 1990s, an international survey revealed theGPG in the country’s formal sector to be relatively modest compared with other African countries:women earned on average 19-20% less than men. The effect of education on this gap was relativelystrong (Fafchamps et al 2009). For 1995, it has been estimated that the average hourly wages of womenwith medium and high education in Zambia were 95% of the wages of their male counterparts, thusindicating a GPG of about 5%. Yet, the hourly average wages of low-educated women were only 59%of those of low-educated men, pointing at a GPG of 41% among the low-educated (Fontana 2004: 56).But education is not the only relevant factor; outright discrimination of women is another one. In the1990s about one-third of the Zambian GPG could be attributed to discrimination. That was mostexperienced by full-time working women that had only completed primary school or junior secondaryschool (Nielsen 2000).Table 3 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Zambia, 2005, in ZMK (rounded at ZMK 20) total female male m/f gapAgriculture, fishing etc. 540 360 680 47.1%Mining 5,700 2,760 5,840 52.7%Manufacturing 2,240 1,200 2,660 54.9%Electricity, gas, water supply 5,820 2,980 6,340 53.0%Construction 2,680 4,220 2,560 -64.9%Wholesale, retail 1,680 1,180 2,100 43.8%Restaurants, hotels 1,580 1,560 1,620 3.7%Transport, storage, communication 3,240 2,720 3,280 17.1%Finance, insurance, real estate 7,040 6,680 7,120 6.2%Community, social, personal services 4,740 4,240 5,180 18.1%Total 1,700 1,140 2,060 45.6%Source: Authors’ recalculations based on CSO (Zambia), 20077|Page

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InTable 3, we present hourly wages by industry in Zambia’s formal sector and by gender, for 2005. Werecalculated these wages based on monthly earnings and average weekly hours’ statistics for thatyear. The outcomes indicate massive GPGs at industry level, resulting in an overall gap of over 45%.An exception is construction, where women (most likely mostly office workers) earn on averageconsiderably more than men. It is also remarkable that the GPG in finance is small, which fits in withthe research results of both Fontana and Nielsen mentioned above.2.1.3 The size of the GPG in the Americas, with breakdown by industryBrazilUntil in the 1980s the Brazilian GPG was extremely large. In urban Brazil, for example, men earned onaverage about twice what women earned. Clearly, gender discrimination was widespread.Elimination of discrimination might decrease wage differences by one-fifth to one-third (Tiefenthaler1992; Winter 1994). Based on national surveys various authors found that in the course of the 1980sand in the 1990s the GPG in Brazil rapidly diminished, according to some to about 25%, mainlybecause of reduced discrimination (for an overview: Arabsheibani et al 2003). However, Lovell (2006)in her detailed study for Sâo Paolo, found that wage discrimination had increased between 1960 and2000. Also other recent studies show the unexplained component in GPGs to increase, likely pointingat the continuous large influence of discriminatory practices in wage formation, though they confirmthe persistent decrease of the gap as such too (for an overview: Marques Garcia et al 2009). Forexample, based on National Household Sample Surveys (PNAD), Scorzafave and Pazello (2007) founda strong decline of the country’s GPG, from 47.5% in 1988 to 21.6% in 2004. For Brazil, wage and working hours statistics based on the ILO Laborsta division in 14 to 16 industriesare missing. Based on the PNAD of 2007, Madalozzo (2010) calculated hourly GPG figures byindustry; we put these in Table 4, though this only covered eight industries. We added the overallGPG (excluding domestic workers) that we calculated based on the PNAD itself (IBGE 2008). With21.8% for 2007, the gap we calculated was 0.2% higher than that found for three years earlier,suggesting that the long-term downward trend stagnated. Yet, statistical problems in comparing 2004and 2007 make that we cannot present this last outcome as ‘hard’.Table 4 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Brazil, 2007, in RS female male m/f gapAgriculture 0.91 3.10 70.6FishingMining 4.33 7.12 39.2Manufacturing 11.02 10.45 -5.5Utilities (gas, water, electricity)Construction ? 4.72 ?Wholesale, retail 3.56 7.65 53.5Hotels, restaurantsFinanceReal estate, renting, businessTransport, storage, communication 7.45 7.28 -2.3Public administration, defense 10.99 12.02 8.6EducationHealth, social workOther community and personal services 8.26 13.45 38.6Other activities 7.04 9.12 22.8Total 5.57 7.12 21.8Source: Madalozzo 2010, Table 3; authors’ calculations based on IBGE 20088|Page

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ParaguayTable 7 shows the size of the GPG in Paraguay, on a monthly basis as national statistics on weekly ormonthly hours are lacking. Unfortunately, only seven industries could be covered. The outcomes areremarkable: a small overall GPG, and a negative GPG or a wage advantage for women in fourindustries. Notably the negative GPG in manufacturing may seem remarkable, though neighbouringBrazil showed a similar outcome.Table 7 Average monthly wages by industry and by gender, Paraguay, 2008, in PYG total female male m/f gapAgricultureFishingMiningManufacturing 5,907 6,303 5,827 -9.8Utilities (gas, water, electricity) 23,815 17,592 24,945 27.5Construction 4,396 7,385 4,370 -69.0Wholesale, retail 5,902 5,615 6,030 6.9Hotels, restaurantsTransport, storage, communication 8,204 8,788 8,012 -9.7Finance 10,209 10,269 10,184 -0.8Real estate, renting, businessPublic administration, defense 7,796 6,625 10,440 36.5EducationHealth, social workOther community and personal servicesTotal 6,872 6,641 7,011 5.3Source: Authors’ calculations based on ILO Laborsta databaseUSAIn Table 8 we show the GPG for the USA over 2009, calculated according to one of the yardsticks mostused in that country i.e. the median weekly earnings of men and women, divided by industry. The GPGof 19.8% is the preliminary outcome of a long process during which the gap nearly halved:, from38.7% in 1970, via 35.8% in 1980, 28.1% in 1990 and 23.1% in 2000, to the current level. Recent yearsshowed a fluctuating pattern, with the low point of 19.0% in 2005. After that year, the GPG increasedslowly to 20.1% in 2008, as to decrease again somewhat to 19.8% in 2009. The other GPG yardstickoften used in the USA, the one based on median annual earnings of full-time working men andwomen, followed a quite similar pattern over time but remained some 3 to 4 percentage points higherthan the yardstick we use (Drago and Williams 2010).The reader may have noted that the 1990s marked a slowdown in the decline of the GPG in the USA.In investigating that slowdown, Blau and Kahn (2006) found that changes in human capital did nolonger contribute. The biggest factor was a much faster reduction of the unexplained gender wage gapin the 1980s than in the 1990s. This may be partly due to improved statistical measurement, partly tolabour market discrimination, and partly to changes in labour demand that were unfavourable forwomen, like the expansion of finance and the IT industry, with their highly segmented labourmarkets.10 | P a g e

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AzerbaijanTable 10 shows the magnitude of the GPG in Azerbaijan, on a monthly basis. As the labour marketstatistics for Azerbaijan show hardly any gender differences in hours worked, the table may beregarded as allowing for reasonable indications of the hourly GPG. With over 43%, the overall gap wasquite large in international perspective.Table 10 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, Azerbaijan, 2008, in AZN total female male m/f gapAgriculture 114.7 93.0 118.9 21.8Fishing 104.6 87.4 104.9 16.7Mining 1,011.4 826.0 1,029.0 19.7Manufacturing 251.6 191.6 253.9 24.5Utilities (gas, water, electricity) 287.4 232.6 293.3 20.7Construction 371.9 220.7 406.1 45.7Wholesale, retail 211.3 199.1 214.3 7.1Restaurants, hotels 257.8 241.9 265.4 8.9Transport, storage, communication 329.4 210.1 355.8 40.9Finance 812.6 573.8 877.5 34.6Real estate, renting, business 527.9 269.2 643.8 58.2Public administration, defense 288.0 231.1 296.4 22.0Education 214.4 186.0 257.0 27.6Health, social work 130.9 112.6 167.8 32.9Other community and personal services 182.7 126.4 238.6 47.0Total 274.4 184.5 324.6 43.2Source: Authors’ calculations based on ILO Laborsta databaseIndiaOfficial wage information is for India scarce and rather outdated. The Annual Survey of Industries(ASI, CSO 2007), covering nearly 8.5 million organized (formal) workers in 2004-05, indicates verylarge wage differentials. Whereas the average wage per “man day worked” for regular male workerswas Rs. 212.30, for female workers that was only Rs. 91.00, implying a GPG of 57%. This figure mayalso indicate hourly differences, as (for 2006) the average hours worked in the formal sector wereexactly the same for men and women (data: ILO Laborsta). According to calculations on the broaderhousehold survey data for 2004-05, male casual workers employed in the formal sector earned onaverage Rs. 73.00 per day, whereas male casual workers in the informal sector earned an average Rs.51.30; for female casual workers these amounts were respectively Rs. 47.40 and Rs. 32.40, indicatingGPGs of respectively 35% and 37% (NCEUS 2009).Based on India’s NSSO household surveys, Menon and Van der Meulen Rodgers (2009) foundbetween 1983 and 2004 a fluctuating GPG for India, with over 32% in 2004 nearly returning to the verylarge gaps of the 1980s, after GPG values of 23-24% were registered in the 1990s. These authors alsofound that in all years surveyed more than half of the total gap remained unexplained by education,experience, and other human capital characteristics. From 1987-88 to 2004, the residual gap grew even,from 53% to 78%. Based on data covering 1983-1999, Reilly and Dutta (2005) found widely varyingdevelopments of GPGs in India across industries.Regarding the construction sector, it is estimated that there are 31 million unskilled and informalworkers, the majority of which (51%) are women. Studies have shown that the daily wages of informalwomen workers are substantially lower than of male workers (Barnabas et al, 2009). In data collectedby SEWA (Self Employed Women’s Association) in 2000, the average monthly income of womenworkers was Rs 1,815 compared to Rs 3,842 for male workers. In some cases the wages of womenworkers were below the minimum wage.12 | P a g e

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IndonesiaWe calculated hourly wages and GPGs by industry and gender for 2008, based on official monthlyearnings and average weekly hours’ statistics. The outcome suggests a GPG of less than 14% for 2008in the economy at large. Due to the shorter average hours worked by women, this outcome is lowerthan the GPG based on monthly wages (22.8%). Calculated on an hourly base in six of 16 industrieswomen have a wage advantage over men.Table 11 Average gross hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Indonesia, 2008 (August), in IDR (rounded at IDR 20) female male m/f gapAgriculture 3,060 3,960 22.7Fishing 4,660 3,890 -19.8Mining 6,400 9,220 30.6Manufacturing 3,880 4,940 21.5Utilities 7,580 9,780 22.5Construction 5,680 4,400 -29.1Wholesale, retail 4,200 4,660 9.9Hotels, restaurants 3,620 4,480 19.2Transport, storage, communication 6,640 5,700 -16.5Finance 9,980 9,680 -3.1Real estate, renting, business 9,640 8,160 -18.6Public administration, defence 10,100 10,200 1.0Education 9,520 9,660 1.4Health, social work 8,360 9,760 14.3Other community, social and personal services 4,660 4,340 -7.4Private households 2,180 3,700 41.1Total 4,920 5,700 13.7Source: Authors’ recalculations based on ILO Laborsta databaseJapanInTable 12 we present hourly earnings by industry and by gender in Japan, for 2008. We recalculatedthese figures as in the official statistics they were based on monthly earnings and monthly hours’statistics. Due to the much shorter average hours worked by women (in 2008 34.4 hours weekly,against on average 45.3 hours for men), the hourly GPG is with 13.5% much lower than the monthlygap of 34.3%. With in 2000 about the same distance between hours worked for men respectivelywomen and a month-based GPG of 34.5%, there seems to have been hardly any change in the JapaneseGPG across the 2000s (all data: ILO Laborsta).Table 12 Average hourly earnings by industry and by gender, Japan, 2008, in JPY female male m/f gapAgricultureFishingMining 1,160 1,622 28.5Manufacturing 1,267 1,646 23.0Utilities (gas, water, electricity)Construction 1,534 1,651 7.1Wholesale, retail 1,496 1,699 11.9Hotels, restaurants 1,363 1,367 0.3Transport, storage, communication 1,850 1,769 -4.4Finance 1,628 2,318 29.3Real estate, renting, business 1,561 1,793 12.9Public administration, defenseEducation 1,990 2,359 15.6Health, social work 1,596 1,900 16.013 | P a g e

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Health, social work 417.3 409.3 436.1 6.1Other community and personal services 287.9 272.9 299.9 9.0Employed in households 122.6 111.1 188.0 40.9Total 261.1 232.1 278.8 16.8Source: Authors’ recalculations based on ILO Laborsta databaseSouth KoreaTable 15 shows the GPG for South Korea based on official figures on monthly earnings for 2007. As thelabour market statistics for this country show hardly any gender differences in hours worked, thetable may be regarded as allowing for reasonable indications of the South Korean hourly GPG. Withonly one exception (transport etc.), industry GPGs are quite high, resulting in the overall very highGPG of 37.2% in 2007.Table 15 Average monthly earnings by industry and by gender, South Korea (Republic of Korea), 2007, x 1,000 KRW total female male m/f gapAgricultureFishingMining 2,768 1,596 2,866 44.3Manufacturing 2,688 1,742 3,026 38.9Utilities (gas, water, electricity) 4,649 2,723 4,896 44.4Construction 2,437 1,536 2,587 40.6Wholesale, retail 2,693 1,894 3,089 38.7Hotels, restaurants 1,622 1,351 1,993 32.2Transport, storage, communication 2,520 2,248 2,568 12.5Finance 4,403 3,103 5,251 40.9Real estate, renting, business 2,424 1,634 2,761 40.8Public administration, defenseEducation 2,893 2,126 3,659 41.9Health, social work 2,544 2,114 3,731 43.3Other community and personal services 2,362 1,690 2,643 36.1Total 2,683 1,908 3,039 37.2Source: Authors’ calculations based on ILO Laborsta database2.1.5 The industry pattern of the GPGCharting the industry pattern of GPGs is quite relevant for the trade union movement as collectivebargaining often takes place at the sector or branch level. Yet, only few publications cover suchpatterns, and hardly any do so through international comparison. By contrast, the country statisticspresented above allowed us to compare the size of the GPG by industry for 15 countries in fourcontinents: in alfabetical order Australia, Azerbaijan, Botswana, Costa Rica, Egypt, Indonesia, Japan,Kazakhstan, Mexico, Paraguay, Philippines, South-Korea (ROK, Republic of Korea), US, and Zambia.In Table 16 we have ranked the industries at stake, starting with 1 for the industry with the lowestGPG, and finishing with 15 for the higest GPG. Table 24, in Appendix 1, includes the correspondingpercentages. For 11 countries, the first six industries with the lowest ranking have been colouredorange in Table 16. In the four countries with in total less than 12 industries covered, we coloured thetop-5 industries (Japan and Zambia), the top-4 (Brazil), or the top-3 (Paraguay). As to support ourGPG analysis, we present in Table 17 a similar ranking of the average earnings levels by industry,with 1 for the industry with the highest average earnings, and so on. Like in Table 16, we havecoloured the first six (or five, four, three) industries orange.In Table 16 two industries stand out with on average the lowest GPG ranking: transport, storage andcommunication, and construction. Transport etc. takes the no. 1 position, with an average GPGranking of 3.9 (over 15 countries), followed by the construction industry with an average of 4.1 (over14 countries). In 12 of 15 countries, transport is among the top industries with the lowest ranking as15 | P a g e

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indicated above, whereas this is the case for construction in 10 of 14 countries. The two industries arecharacterized by relatively small shares of women employed: nearly everywhere less than one in fiveof the employed, with a few exceptions: in Botswana 36% women in transport etc., and in Azerbaijan30%, as well as 24% women among construction workers in Kazakhstan (2008 figures, derived fromILO Laborsta). The women in question may in majority have office jobs and be relatively high-skilled.With regard to the construction sector, it is however important to note that when one compares thewages of women to men in specific occupations (plumbing, electricity, architecture etc.) or as generallabourers in sites, the wages of women tend to be less. The notion that construction is a maledominated industry that requires “extensive physical strength” is a dominant factor hinderingwomen’ access to jobs in that sector. Further women employed in construction are prone to otherforms of employment and work-site discrimination such as glass-ceiling, sexual harassment, and lackof access to formal and informal skills training. Women workers find it challenging to break into themale dominated informal training and mentoring programmes on work sites. Finally it is worthmentioning that women workers often do not have access to separate changing, washing, andsanitation facilities at the construction site level, e.g. in India (SEWA Academy, 2000).This will likely be the case in the fishing industry as well. This industry takes the no. 3 position, withan average GPG ranking of 5.6 (be it over only seven countries). In all three industries quite often anegative GPG or a wage advantage for women shows up: in transport in eight of 15 countries, inconstruction in seven of 14 countries, and in fishing in three of seven countries. Such a negative GPGmay be quite large, in construction up to 69% in Paraguay or 65% in Zambia, in transport etc. up to53% in Philippines, and in fishing up to 30% in Egypt. Table 17 learns that the overall wage rankingsof the three industries vary: here, transport etc. ranks 6th, construction 7th, but fishing only 13th.The GPG in public administration and defense joins the third position, with an average ranking of 5.6,over 10 countries. Up till recently public administration in quite some developing countries could wellbe characterized as a male bulwark, with (relatively few) women employed mainly in subordinate andlow-paid ranks. A classical example in this respect has been, and likely is, India (Cf. Van Klaveren et al2010). Adequate wage and GPG figures for public administration are lacking for that country. Thesame is true for a number of African and Asian countries, including five of our 15-countries’ sample.Yet, this is clearly not the full picture. Notably the outcomes for the American countries Costa Rica,Brazil and Mexico concerning the GPG in public administration correspond with the findings ofPanizza and Qiang (2005). They found for the majority of 13 Latin American countries studied a wagepremium associated with working in the public sector. This premium was often higher for womenthan for men though it did not compensate for the wide GPG. For women relatively low GPGs inpublic administration open up perspectives as they often imply relatively good pay: Table 17indicatesthat, except for Kazakhstan, concerning the overall wage level public administration is in the top (or atleast middle) ranks across industries. The relatively high unionisation of the public sector and highnumbers of workers covered by collective agreements may to a large extent explain both the relativegood earning level and lower GPG. A similar conclusion can be drawn for utilities (gas, water and electricity supply): no. 5 in the GPGranking and no. 2 in the earnings level ranking. However, it should be noted that utilities is a smallindustry with limited employment opportunities, in all 15 countries contributing less than 1.5% tototal and female employment alike.With the no. 3 position in the earnings level ranking, mining in most countries may also offerinteresting employment opportunities for women, but, besides its limited size (in all 15 countries lessthan 2% of total and female employment), with an 8th position on the ranking the GPG here is onaverage substantially larger than in utilities (employment data: ILO Laborsta).Table 16 allows us to trace a category of five industries positioned in the middle ranks of industriesaccording to average GPG size: education (average ranking 6.9); real estate, renting and other business(7.0); hotels and restaurants (7.2); wholesale and retail (also 7.5); and agriculture. Yet, in the fiveindustries these average rankings are hiding a wide variety of national rankings; for example, in16 | P a g e

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hotels and restaurants from the no. 2 position in Azerbaijan, Japan and South Korea, till the 15thposition in Kazakhstan and Philippines. Second, besides the similar GPG ranking there are manymutual dissimilarities across these five industries, also concerning relative earnings. Whereas in thatrespect in Table 17 real estate etc. is positioned 5th and education 8th, the other three industries arefound at the low-wage end: wholesale and retail on average ranked 12th, hotels and restaurants 13th,and agriculture ranked 14th. The latter outcomes show striking similarities with our earlierWageIndicator-based research for nine EU countries, where agriculture, wholesale and retail, andhotels and restaurants overall were found in the lowest ranks with the highest shares of low paidworkers (Van Klaveren and Tijdens 2008). If the official minimum wages were effectively compliedwith, the low earnings in these three industries, with averages often near the minimum wage rates,would not leave room for large GPGs (Cf. Van Klaveren and Tijdens 2011). However, Table 16indicates relatively large GPGs in all three industries: for example, in Brazil in both agriculture and inwholesale and retail; in Philippines and Mexico in wholesale and retail and in hotels and restaurantsalike, and in Indonesia and Kazakhstan in the hotels and restaurant industry.A combination of low pay levels and high GPGs points at considerable numbers of women earningless than the minimum wage, suggesting the existence of low levels of compliance with minimumwage regulation in the countries and industries at stake.Also, five industries share the doubtful honour to be in the ranks with the largest average GPGs:finance, in 12th position (average ranking 8.7), manufacturing as no. 13 (average 9.2), health and socialwork as no. 14 (average 9.9), other community and personal services as no. 15 (average 10.2), withworking in private households (domestic workers) showing the largest average gap (13.4). Thiscategory is even more heterogeneous than that in the middle ranks. It contains the industry with byfar the highest average earnings across countries (finance) and that with the lowest earnings (privatehouseholds). In the latter case, female domestic workers make up the vast majority; as they are likelyto be more often live-in workers (living and working in their employer’s home), their average wage incash may be much lower than that of their male colleagues – a major explanation for the large GPG fordomestic workers (Cf. Tijdens and Van Klaveren 2011b). The majority of domestic workers worldwideare not allowed to form or join a trade union.The mostly considerable average GPG in finance cannot be separated from the high salaries andbenefits of notably male employees in this industry. Yet, women’s wages are also at rather high levels,though with a reservation. In three high-income countries with overall rather moderate GPGs the gapsin finance are that large that the industrys position is lower in the national rankings of female wages:in Australia finance ends on rank 5 instead of 2, in Japan on no. 3 instead of no. 1, and in the USA onno. 6 instead of no. 4. In four countries (Egypt, Indonesia, Paraguay and Philippines), the presence infinance of a small share of well-educated, relatively high-paid women results, in the near-absence oflow-paid women, in a negative GPG.Maybe rather unexpected for many readers, the manufacturing industry in both our rankings showsup in rather unfavourable positions: in the average GPG ranking in 13th position, with the fourthlargest GPG, but also in the earnings ranking, at no. 10. This is not in accordance with our outcomesfor the nine EU countries, where in 2005-2006 concerning the incidence of low pay manufacturingranked 5th of 13 industries (Van Klaveren and Tijdens 2008). These outcomes suggest that inmanufacturing, wage pressure worldwide has been sharper than in Europe. This may be explained bythe higher unionization level in Europe compared to other regions. It is also possible that suchpressure has been sharpened recently around the globe, including in Europe, stimulated by foreigndirect investment in search of cheap labour (cf. Van Klaveren et al 2012). Such outcomes may haveserious consequences for collective bargaining strategies of trade unions. Like in the typical low-payindustries, in manufacturing, efforts to strenghten compliance with minimum wage regulation may be(re)considered as a viable option for union activity. An exception is Brazilian manufacturing, with ano. 1 position (and a negative GPG) in the country’s GPG ranking and the no. 2 position (of 8industries) in the earnings ranking.17 | P a g e

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Disappointing for in particular humanitarian and political reasons may well be both low rankings forthe health and social work sector: besides its no. 14 ranking according to GPG, thus the third largestGPG across industries, they hold an 8th position in the earnings ranking. It may be added that in fourcountries (Costa Rica, Mexico, Japan and Philippines) relative earnings of health and social work staffare, with no. 4 rankings, better than average, though from these four in Mexico the GPG remains large.A major explanation is most likely the strong segmentation in health high paid male specialists andfemale workers mainly in assistant position.Finally, the “other community and social services” industry has the character of a statistical restgroup. National statistical offices may have treated a number of occupations relevant here differently,which may at least partly explain the different positions of this industry in both rankings, withpositive outliers in some countries.18 | P a g e