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3
Oklahoma- This was a clause which permitted illiterate and property-
less whites to vote while denying that privilege to Negroes similarly
limited.
In defense of basic political interests, the Association,
on occasions, has had to take positive action against certain candidates for office. All of you will recall that here in this city in
1946, the NAACP joined with other civic, political and labor organizations to defeat a congressman who had boasted that it was his vote
which had bottled up and killed the FEPC bill. Earlier, in 1930, the
Association had mobilized Negro voters throughout the nation in a successful fight against Senate confirmation of a nominee for the Supreme
Court who had openly advocated the elimination of Negroes from participation in politics. Opposition to these office-seekers was not on a
partisan basis, but rather on the issues involved and the records of
the candidates.
The Association's long fight to regain the ballot for
southern Negroes culminated in the Supreme Court decision of April,
1944, which banned the white primary, a device by means of which the
Negro vote in the South had practically been nullified. This case,
originating in Texas, opened the way for mass Negro voting in the
South for the first time since Reconstruction. Lingering opposition
to Negro political activity in the South has been and is being contested in the courts by the NAACP legal department. The South Carolina scheme to evade the Court decision by making the party primary an
extra-legal function has been successfully checkmated. Meanwhile
NAACP lawyers have entered suit against Alabamafs Boswell Amendment,
another device to restrict Negro voting.
The Association has engaged in this long and costly legal

J. Murrey Atkins Library Special Collections (University of North Carolina at Charlotte)

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J. Murrey Atkins Library Special Collections (University of North Carolina at Charlotte)

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These materials are made available for use in research, teaching and private study. The digital reproductions have been made available through an evaluation of public domain status, permissions from the rights' holders, and authorization under the law including fair use as codified in 17 U.S.C. section 107. Although these materials are publicly accessible for these limited purposes, they may not all be in the public domain. Users are responsible for determining if permission for re-use is necessary and for obtaining such permission. Individuals who have concerns about online access to specific content should contact J. Murrey Atkins Library.

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J. Murrey Atkins Library Special Collections (University of North Carolina at Charlotte)

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Digitization made possible by funding from the federal Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS) under the provisions of the Library Services and Technology Act as administered by the State Library of North Carolina, a division of the Department of Cultural Resources.

3
Oklahoma- This was a clause which permitted illiterate and property-
less whites to vote while denying that privilege to Negroes similarly
limited.
In defense of basic political interests, the Association,
on occasions, has had to take positive action against certain candidates for office. All of you will recall that here in this city in
1946, the NAACP joined with other civic, political and labor organizations to defeat a congressman who had boasted that it was his vote
which had bottled up and killed the FEPC bill. Earlier, in 1930, the
Association had mobilized Negro voters throughout the nation in a successful fight against Senate confirmation of a nominee for the Supreme
Court who had openly advocated the elimination of Negroes from participation in politics. Opposition to these office-seekers was not on a
partisan basis, but rather on the issues involved and the records of
the candidates.
The Association's long fight to regain the ballot for
southern Negroes culminated in the Supreme Court decision of April,
1944, which banned the white primary, a device by means of which the
Negro vote in the South had practically been nullified. This case,
originating in Texas, opened the way for mass Negro voting in the
South for the first time since Reconstruction. Lingering opposition
to Negro political activity in the South has been and is being contested in the courts by the NAACP legal department. The South Carolina scheme to evade the Court decision by making the party primary an
extra-legal function has been successfully checkmated. Meanwhile
NAACP lawyers have entered suit against Alabamafs Boswell Amendment,
another device to restrict Negro voting.
The Association has engaged in this long and costly legal