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New National Era, 1874-01-22, vol. 05 iss. 03

New National Era, 1874-01-22, vol. 05 iss. 03

)
EVEKY STIIUBSDAY MOBNING
LEWIS H. DOUGLASS, Editor.
COMMUNICATIONS
STATES AND TERRITORIES.
Boiling Never ■■■ Order.
any position within the gift of a free and enlightened people, wo may conclude that il
waa done in accordance with the beat wisdom of met) acting iu a representative capacity. The power delegated lo such men
implies that the rights and duties entrusted
to them by their coiistiliicnis will be faithfully earned out. In every iustauce nion are
seat to convention* with instructions, either
expressed or implied. In view of the very
obligation they have taken, they are bound
by their constituents, and, since
pledged lo obey their constituents,
equally bound bylhe decisions of a
tion composed i
their ideas and principles.
It is only in tbe midst of threatening dis
aster that men may justify themselves ir
imsuiuing tbe attitude of bolters. It is no1
unfrequently tbe case that men more sanguine by nature than held by their convictions, (when defeated iu their own plans,;
are the first lo revolt at some supposod evl
abhorrent to their moral sense.
II is much to be feared that under oui
republican government the tendency of bolt-
iug will not only lead to discord and needless
divisions, but to a disruption of the national
party. It engender*! n spirit of uurostrai
opposition against a possible reconciling
it awakens mistrust, weakens confidence,
and establishes a precedent which
mutely create an utter disregard for the claim*
'of party or the people. How suppose
should not be pleased with every member of
the party with which we have been known
act; suppose we could not consistently with
our consciences indorse and support the regular party nominee, what wouhl it profit us*
to bolt the ticket ? What good would bo derived to the cause of justice and right and Ir
the party with which wc are identified, if we
■withhold our support from a representative
majority acting in the interests of the people ? Certainly they are loo weak to accomplish good, and it is impossible for them tc
hold neutral ground, bonce their merest influence is contributed to maintain a principle
which is antagonistic to the central and fundamental ideas of their own party.
If the argument, as advanced by Dr. James
Freeman Clarke, were merely special, il
might assume some slight shade of plausibility, but it becomes goueral, and in its verj
Implication must prove destructive to the
national party. 'Ho that on this principle,
bhould the next National Republican Convention, by and through the wisdom of the
js-eople, proclaim ils candidates for the highest official positions in the nation, would it
be right for any member exercising conscientious scruplcB, appealing from the decisions
of that convention, to repudiate the action
of Us members, and thus ignore tho demands
of the party and the claims of the people.
Let such bo the case, and what must be the
result of our State and National elections?
Hothing but a successive train of inglorious
defeats.
NEW NATIONAL ERA
AND CITIZEN.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
TBAHBIENT ADVEBTIBIHG BATESi
VOL. V.—NO- 3.]
WASHINGTON, D. C
Ofttin
lost
vidualism, make their owu feelings aud convictions infallible guides of duty, disregarding
*hr>
Bance, to bolt one's party, is not always
indication of a necessary duty; but it shows,
on tho contrary, a looseness of principle.
Jack of devotion, and a defection of that loyal
■entiment which embodies the great principles of tho National party.
Bolters have given over the State of Ohio
te the Democratic party, have arrayed them-
■elvea against themselves, and refused oven
t» subserve their best possible interests, because of a matter in which men of all parties
Were involved. There is an inevitable danger in the system of bolting—danger because
it invites the spirit of domestic antagonism,
iows the seed of political discord, aud sets a
precedent for every ambitious aspirant to
Wage a ceaseless and wicked opposition
fcgaiust men of spotless integrity.
The startling declaration of Mr. Green in
the Massachusetts State Convention was
On warrant oil. It was a throat intended to
•verawe that body aud disconcert their plans;
it was an impeachment of unbridled audacity
against the wisdom of the men there assembled. For, had the convention ratified the
nomination of Benjamin F. Butler, it would
have been unjust and impolitic for a delegate,
the (
ticket. Were not tin
part responsible for th
etituente ? And wore
solved in the unforti
Balary-g rah- measure,
taste for Dr. Clarke
. fight 1
people themselves in
conduct of their con-
lot Congress, too, innate blunder of the
! might be in good
:» speak of the great
of this man:s political career must be forever
blasted, and his gioat usefulness become the
mere fabric of a dream. Other men may
Survive, if tbey can, but tho noble, brave,
heroic Butler must die. What Christian
thurify ibis, that he who had faithfully served
his country, and imperilled his life for tlie
nation's honor, should he deemed worthy ol'
auch foul disgrace. But the man lives; ho
His flight and manly achievements will remain while thc nation stands, and they will
•verbalance whatever mistakes lie may hum
made under a seeming wise policy. Inflexible in purpose, he was feared in times that
tried men's soul's ; unswerving in thc discharge of every duty, he was hated by a common enemy, He will long live ia the hearts
of a grateful people, who will chant songs of
praise to the memory of one who did a glo-
rioti** part in saving the Republic from dissolution and ruin. Perhaps iu all that convention there was uo man truer to the principles of human liberty and equality; certainly none more competent to (ill the chair
of State.
Tbe Protestant doctrine of the right of
piivate judgment i-sumnL be liiirly applied to
politics. Like principles may be involved,
but tbe duties are relative and quite different
i enttr into compromises, adopt measures
may tend to harmonize conflicting opin-
i, and ofttimes make concessions for the
sake of reconciliation. But in religious du-
the quickening power of an unperverteil
In either case the mat.er of priuciple is enjoined, and to it men are bound to conform,
it tho influences actuating that class
ictly religious, and that class secular, are
absolutely diverse that it would be making
unwarranted demands to exact of the latter
that which is peculiarly a quality of the former. Hence it is unfair to blend secular aud
spiritual matters and make them equal. Tbe
adjustment and administration of all political
duties belong with the people, and it is for
them to determine whether the character
and policy of a public man are too intolerable
to be borne; and If a party convention nominates its man, it is the people making the
same through a delegated authority.
Radical,
this (.'tilled Slates is hound
this pniHi'i-ibed class.
The onward march of
progress cannot he stayed by defiant Democrats, week-kncetl Republicans, faint-hoartei
Conservatives, nor fire-eating negro haters.
All these must get out of thc way, or the cai
of progress which is now speeding ils wa>
even into heathen lands will sweep over
them and leave not a trace or vestige, of their
ill and misspent life behind. There
counterpoise in human ail'airs. The i
table laws of ji
their supremacy over injustice antl wrong.
Equality of rights is the only true and
just basis of republican form of government.
Whenever the rights of one class arc denied,
abridged, or destroyed, it is usurpation and
tyranny, and not law and justice. Thc
theory, genius, and policy of the Am
i Tc ,
>:./.,i ,.
r State
The objections to the Civi
that it interferes with State
sovereignty.
Each State, it is maintained, has the right to
manage its own affairs in its own way. If
the proposition be true, it is equally true before the rebellion, when the fact is clear that
the General Government passed law9 annulling State laws that existed in Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Delaware, and
Maryland affecting thc status and rights of
the colored inhabitants of thc United States
—such as ingress antl egress between the
States, the right to their oath against white
persons, right to trial by jury; their right to
schools; their right to preach, and other
municipal and State regulations. These laws
were all annulled by Congressional legislation and enactment. This was done during
thc existence of the rebellion and subse.
quently. Then little or nothing was said of
State rights and State sovereignty, but when
peace and quiet are restored, and regulations
being established and provisions being made
by law to protect this hitherto proscribed
class in tbe full exercise and enjo3'mentof
their rights, then we hear the clamor that it
is unconstitutional; it is an invasion of the
rights of tho States. It is not a
Kozta but a negro, now who is to be protected—that's the difference. The whole
power of the country can be brought into
requsition when an American citizen's (and
he a foreigner) rights have been invaded by
a foreign power, but native-born Americans—live millions strong—can havo their
i.'.'.hl.s iJi.'ltsiiilly sol iLsido in their
th all its inhabitants
and clime. This can only be
effected by abolishing all invidious distine-
;1 placing all its citizens upon one
platform. This pr
of the foul blots and relics
thc escutche
and which
:, both at home and abroad, by all
lovers of freedom find equal rights. Let uo
e class logi
any lunge:
stamps i
ypoeritical and
.y and life of the nation are
dependent upon our adhering to the great
pies that lay at the foundation of this
Id-public liberty anil equality.
W. E. WALKEK.
From Alabama.
Snr.siA, Ala., Jan
Dear Sir: In writing the personals of
e Alabama legislature, I shall begin by
fering the delegation from Dallas.
Hon. Jeremiah Haralson was bora in Muscogee Countj', Georgia, in the year 1S4C, and
brought to Alabama in 1859 a slave,
and remained the goods and chattel of John
Haralson until tbe surrender of 1805, at
which time he could neither read nor write.
3 sooner than the opportunity offered
itself he applied himself to thc study of
books, and by untiring toil, and that
try, and m the States that give them birth,
and yet no right exists on tbe jiart of the
Government to interfere. If this be constitutional it is devoid of that essential ele-
;—justice. If this be constitutional it
opposition lo the fundamental priuci-
of a republican form of government,
which declares that "all such governments
derive theirjust powers from the consent of
the governed." But these great and grand
old principles which underlie the whole
structure ofthe Government of tho United
States, which give it character and power
throughout the civilized world, are only applicable to white citizens. But what says
the preamble to tho Constitution (which is
tho exponent of the letter and spirit, the
object and inteutof the Constitution itself—
>es not deal in generalities, but is specific
clear. It says, "we, the people of the
United States ; (are not colored people included ?) in order to form a more perfect
nion, establish justice"—they were be-
ire not ftilly united, injustice then existed—
provide for the common defense, insure
domestic tranquility, defend the common in-
, secure peace and quiet, promote the
general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do
ordain and establish this Constitution."
Now, ia this language meaningless—if not,
hat does it mean? Does it not embody
the whole American people, and does it not
propose to protect all classes in the exercise
njoyment of their rights ? The language, however rigidly const rued, cannot by
any forced construction mean auything less
thau the whole people. If then justice is to
be established and liberty secured by the
iof t
; the
duty of the General Government to protect
thc rights of those who are governed by this
instrument ? Is it not perfectly legitimate
with the pvovisions of that
will further proceed to show.
, article 15, one clause in that
article says uo person shall he deprived of
liberty without due process of law.
not colored persons restrained and
prohibited in tha exercise of their duty when
) the hotels, steamboats,
public schools, and all other public rights
ijoyed by our white fellow-citizens ? It is
maxim in common law that thero is no
wrong without a remedy, aud ttfiere is no
n common law, for popiilar preju-
public sentiment are in imposition
t tho individual citizen, hut lh
whole United Slates must take the niattcf i
hand to effect a cure; hence the General
Government has not only the power, J»nt tli
constitutional right to interfere.
four, second section, it
roads that "the citizens of each Ste.te shall
be entitled to all privileges and iumiun iti<
Linens of the several Slates." Titer
State in this Union but what thi
section ofthe Constitution is not grossly
violated. If the General Government "has
power to confer rights she also has tht
power to guard and protect them—one £'
consequent upon the other. The proposi'tior
then is clear, if I am to be governed by Ian
in the uso of my rights, I am also to he pi:o
tectcd in the enjoyment of my rights. T.ht
) power that governs must protect. Th.'j
self-evident proposition. Here it may
be said that the States to whom I owe undoes both, aud it is the province of
the Stales to control and regulate this mat-
bnt does the States do it ? Nay, verily,
m the contrary are disposed to deny,
abridge and destroy the rights of this class
citizens. Then, as Ameican citizens,
) preserve the nioM. friendly than .Joseph (ioh'-.by, Iii
i.pi:«ho
icthing, 1
. for
short, but it -
vise: While lie made Seymtur
speeches for money, he talked Grant and
Colfax for nothing. Mr. Haralson says bis
, for making those speeches was belie was thereby enabled to i each the
j of the people and to toll them the
great necessity of voting for Grant aud Colfax. And ho claims to this day that he car-
the State for Grant and Colfax by
making pretended Seymour and Blair
speeches, but doing his effective work by
In :
I he i
pendent ticket as a R
regular nominee of bis party, and defeated
his opponent by over 4,000 majority. He
ed over tbe district convention which
nominated the Hon. B. S. Turner in 1870,
been convened sinco by the Republicans.
He makes an able presiding officer; is well
versed in parliamentary usages, and has a
clear ringing voice whieh is well disciplined.
was nominated in 1872 by the 21st Sena-
ial district by acclamation, and was
cted by 5,000 majority, and has been
elected president for three
of the Alabama Laborer's Union, and delo-
0 the National Laborer's Union which
convened at New Orle
Douglass presiding.) Mr. Haralson thero
1 the admiration and esteem of the con-
m in a debate with Gov. Pinchback, of
Louisiana. He is a ready and shrewd
debater; full of wit and sarcasm, and is
red, perhaps, more than any colored man
thc legislature of Alabama. He made
i of the most effective
made in the legislative halls of
ssion before last, upon the subject of
tho civil rights bill.
Hon. Ransom U J
Lownde County, Alabama, of South Carolina
parentage in the year 1839, a slave, and
clandestinely acquired some education, which
he has improved upon since freedom, and
aw boast of a common English edui
He has all the marks of a keen bu
nan. His usual vocation is that of tbe
mercantile pursuit, and has been very
cossful as a merchant, hut is now it
butchery business, culling beef-steaks f
constituents, (a very lucrative business
Ie is not ono of those who make fiowery
peeches, but ponders well and deep ; has
strong aversion to dishonesty, clique, and
rings; was a zealous and untiring advocate
of the civil rights bill, a true lover
party, and unceasing worker in his ;
cause. Mr. Johnson was nominated by the
Republicans iu 1870 as a Republican
lower house, and served his constituents
with such marked ability and integrity that,
as a reward for his services, he was in 1872
renominated aud elected to the same position
by a handsome majority.
Hon. Thomas Walker was born in Dallas
County, Alabama, in 1850, and is equally
divided between tbe favored and unfavored
races, and of medium height and weight,
with large black eyes and heavy eyebrows;
walks upright with a quick elastic step. He
was elected to thc legislature in 1872, and
has since distinguished himself as a.legislatoi
and debater. No one lias a keener conception of the duties incumbent upon one who is
burdened with the important trust of the
law-making power. As a debater ho
calm, and deliberate ; wades out in deep
■water slowly and cautious, but when he gets
«ut can swim as pretty as any one I know
;Mr. Walker's constituents think a great dea"

)
EVEKY STIIUBSDAY MOBNING
LEWIS H. DOUGLASS, Editor.
COMMUNICATIONS
STATES AND TERRITORIES.
Boiling Never ■■■ Order.
any position within the gift of a free and enlightened people, wo may conclude that il
waa done in accordance with the beat wisdom of met) acting iu a representative capacity. The power delegated lo such men
implies that the rights and duties entrusted
to them by their coiistiliicnis will be faithfully earned out. In every iustauce nion are
seat to convention* with instructions, either
expressed or implied. In view of the very
obligation they have taken, they are bound
by their constituents, and, since
pledged lo obey their constituents,
equally bound bylhe decisions of a
tion composed i
their ideas and principles.
It is only in tbe midst of threatening dis
aster that men may justify themselves ir
imsuiuing tbe attitude of bolters. It is no1
unfrequently tbe case that men more sanguine by nature than held by their convictions, (when defeated iu their own plans,;
are the first lo revolt at some supposod evl
abhorrent to their moral sense.
II is much to be feared that under oui
republican government the tendency of bolt-
iug will not only lead to discord and needless
divisions, but to a disruption of the national
party. It engender*! n spirit of uurostrai
opposition against a possible reconciling
it awakens mistrust, weakens confidence,
and establishes a precedent which
mutely create an utter disregard for the claim*
'of party or the people. How suppose
should not be pleased with every member of
the party with which we have been known
act; suppose we could not consistently with
our consciences indorse and support the regular party nominee, what wouhl it profit us*
to bolt the ticket ? What good would bo derived to the cause of justice and right and Ir
the party with which wc are identified, if we
■withhold our support from a representative
majority acting in the interests of the people ? Certainly they are loo weak to accomplish good, and it is impossible for them tc
hold neutral ground, bonce their merest influence is contributed to maintain a principle
which is antagonistic to the central and fundamental ideas of their own party.
If the argument, as advanced by Dr. James
Freeman Clarke, were merely special, il
might assume some slight shade of plausibility, but it becomes goueral, and in its verj
Implication must prove destructive to the
national party. 'Ho that on this principle,
bhould the next National Republican Convention, by and through the wisdom of the
js-eople, proclaim ils candidates for the highest official positions in the nation, would it
be right for any member exercising conscientious scruplcB, appealing from the decisions
of that convention, to repudiate the action
of Us members, and thus ignore tho demands
of the party and the claims of the people.
Let such bo the case, and what must be the
result of our State and National elections?
Hothing but a successive train of inglorious
defeats.
NEW NATIONAL ERA
AND CITIZEN.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
TBAHBIENT ADVEBTIBIHG BATESi
VOL. V.—NO- 3.]
WASHINGTON, D. C
Ofttin
lost
vidualism, make their owu feelings aud convictions infallible guides of duty, disregarding
*hr>
Bance, to bolt one's party, is not always
indication of a necessary duty; but it shows,
on tho contrary, a looseness of principle.
Jack of devotion, and a defection of that loyal
■entiment which embodies the great principles of tho National party.
Bolters have given over the State of Ohio
te the Democratic party, have arrayed them-
■elvea against themselves, and refused oven
t» subserve their best possible interests, because of a matter in which men of all parties
Were involved. There is an inevitable danger in the system of bolting—danger because
it invites the spirit of domestic antagonism,
iows the seed of political discord, aud sets a
precedent for every ambitious aspirant to
Wage a ceaseless and wicked opposition
fcgaiust men of spotless integrity.
The startling declaration of Mr. Green in
the Massachusetts State Convention was
On warrant oil. It was a throat intended to
•verawe that body aud disconcert their plans;
it was an impeachment of unbridled audacity
against the wisdom of the men there assembled. For, had the convention ratified the
nomination of Benjamin F. Butler, it would
have been unjust and impolitic for a delegate,
the (
ticket. Were not tin
part responsible for th
etituente ? And wore
solved in the unforti
Balary-g rah- measure,
taste for Dr. Clarke
. fight 1
people themselves in
conduct of their con-
lot Congress, too, innate blunder of the
! might be in good
:» speak of the great
of this man:s political career must be forever
blasted, and his gioat usefulness become the
mere fabric of a dream. Other men may
Survive, if tbey can, but tho noble, brave,
heroic Butler must die. What Christian
thurify ibis, that he who had faithfully served
his country, and imperilled his life for tlie
nation's honor, should he deemed worthy ol'
auch foul disgrace. But the man lives; ho
His flight and manly achievements will remain while thc nation stands, and they will
•verbalance whatever mistakes lie may hum
made under a seeming wise policy. Inflexible in purpose, he was feared in times that
tried men's soul's ; unswerving in thc discharge of every duty, he was hated by a common enemy, He will long live ia the hearts
of a grateful people, who will chant songs of
praise to the memory of one who did a glo-
rioti** part in saving the Republic from dissolution and ruin. Perhaps iu all that convention there was uo man truer to the principles of human liberty and equality; certainly none more competent to (ill the chair
of State.
Tbe Protestant doctrine of the right of
piivate judgment i-sumnL be liiirly applied to
politics. Like principles may be involved,
but tbe duties are relative and quite different
i enttr into compromises, adopt measures
may tend to harmonize conflicting opin-
i, and ofttimes make concessions for the
sake of reconciliation. But in religious du-
the quickening power of an unperverteil
In either case the mat.er of priuciple is enjoined, and to it men are bound to conform,
it tho influences actuating that class
ictly religious, and that class secular, are
absolutely diverse that it would be making
unwarranted demands to exact of the latter
that which is peculiarly a quality of the former. Hence it is unfair to blend secular aud
spiritual matters and make them equal. Tbe
adjustment and administration of all political
duties belong with the people, and it is for
them to determine whether the character
and policy of a public man are too intolerable
to be borne; and If a party convention nominates its man, it is the people making the
same through a delegated authority.
Radical,
this (.'tilled Slates is hound
this pniHi'i-ibed class.
The onward march of
progress cannot he stayed by defiant Democrats, week-kncetl Republicans, faint-hoartei
Conservatives, nor fire-eating negro haters.
All these must get out of thc way, or the cai
of progress which is now speeding ils wa>
even into heathen lands will sweep over
them and leave not a trace or vestige, of their
ill and misspent life behind. There
counterpoise in human ail'airs. The i
table laws of ji
their supremacy over injustice antl wrong.
Equality of rights is the only true and
just basis of republican form of government.
Whenever the rights of one class arc denied,
abridged, or destroyed, it is usurpation and
tyranny, and not law and justice. Thc
theory, genius, and policy of the Am
i Tc ,
>:./.,i ,.
r State
The objections to the Civi
that it interferes with State
sovereignty.
Each State, it is maintained, has the right to
manage its own affairs in its own way. If
the proposition be true, it is equally true before the rebellion, when the fact is clear that
the General Government passed law9 annulling State laws that existed in Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Delaware, and
Maryland affecting thc status and rights of
the colored inhabitants of thc United States
—such as ingress antl egress between the
States, the right to their oath against white
persons, right to trial by jury; their right to
schools; their right to preach, and other
municipal and State regulations. These laws
were all annulled by Congressional legislation and enactment. This was done during
thc existence of the rebellion and subse.
quently. Then little or nothing was said of
State rights and State sovereignty, but when
peace and quiet are restored, and regulations
being established and provisions being made
by law to protect this hitherto proscribed
class in tbe full exercise and enjo3'mentof
their rights, then we hear the clamor that it
is unconstitutional; it is an invasion of the
rights of tho States. It is not a
Kozta but a negro, now who is to be protected—that's the difference. The whole
power of the country can be brought into
requsition when an American citizen's (and
he a foreigner) rights have been invaded by
a foreign power, but native-born Americans—live millions strong—can havo their
i.'.'.hl.s iJi.'ltsiiilly sol iLsido in their
th all its inhabitants
and clime. This can only be
effected by abolishing all invidious distine-
;1 placing all its citizens upon one
platform. This pr
of the foul blots and relics
thc escutche
and which
:, both at home and abroad, by all
lovers of freedom find equal rights. Let uo
e class logi
any lunge:
stamps i
ypoeritical and
.y and life of the nation are
dependent upon our adhering to the great
pies that lay at the foundation of this
Id-public liberty anil equality.
W. E. WALKEK.
From Alabama.
Snr.siA, Ala., Jan
Dear Sir: In writing the personals of
e Alabama legislature, I shall begin by
fering the delegation from Dallas.
Hon. Jeremiah Haralson was bora in Muscogee Countj', Georgia, in the year 1S4C, and
brought to Alabama in 1859 a slave,
and remained the goods and chattel of John
Haralson until tbe surrender of 1805, at
which time he could neither read nor write.
3 sooner than the opportunity offered
itself he applied himself to thc study of
books, and by untiring toil, and that
try, and m the States that give them birth,
and yet no right exists on tbe jiart of the
Government to interfere. If this be constitutional it is devoid of that essential ele-
;—justice. If this be constitutional it
opposition lo the fundamental priuci-
of a republican form of government,
which declares that "all such governments
derive theirjust powers from the consent of
the governed." But these great and grand
old principles which underlie the whole
structure ofthe Government of tho United
States, which give it character and power
throughout the civilized world, are only applicable to white citizens. But what says
the preamble to tho Constitution (which is
tho exponent of the letter and spirit, the
object and inteutof the Constitution itself—
>es not deal in generalities, but is specific
clear. It says, "we, the people of the
United States ; (are not colored people included ?) in order to form a more perfect
nion, establish justice"—they were be-
ire not ftilly united, injustice then existed—
provide for the common defense, insure
domestic tranquility, defend the common in-
, secure peace and quiet, promote the
general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do
ordain and establish this Constitution."
Now, ia this language meaningless—if not,
hat does it mean? Does it not embody
the whole American people, and does it not
propose to protect all classes in the exercise
njoyment of their rights ? The language, however rigidly const rued, cannot by
any forced construction mean auything less
thau the whole people. If then justice is to
be established and liberty secured by the
iof t
; the
duty of the General Government to protect
thc rights of those who are governed by this
instrument ? Is it not perfectly legitimate
with the pvovisions of that
will further proceed to show.
, article 15, one clause in that
article says uo person shall he deprived of
liberty without due process of law.
not colored persons restrained and
prohibited in tha exercise of their duty when
) the hotels, steamboats,
public schools, and all other public rights
ijoyed by our white fellow-citizens ? It is
maxim in common law that thero is no
wrong without a remedy, aud ttfiere is no
n common law, for popiilar preju-
public sentiment are in imposition
t tho individual citizen, hut lh
whole United Slates must take the niattcf i
hand to effect a cure; hence the General
Government has not only the power, J»nt tli
constitutional right to interfere.
four, second section, it
roads that "the citizens of each Ste.te shall
be entitled to all privileges and iumiun iti<
Linens of the several Slates." Titer
State in this Union but what thi
section ofthe Constitution is not grossly
violated. If the General Government "has
power to confer rights she also has tht
power to guard and protect them—one £'
consequent upon the other. The proposi'tior
then is clear, if I am to be governed by Ian
in the uso of my rights, I am also to he pi:o
tectcd in the enjoyment of my rights. T.ht
) power that governs must protect. Th.'j
self-evident proposition. Here it may
be said that the States to whom I owe undoes both, aud it is the province of
the Stales to control and regulate this mat-
bnt does the States do it ? Nay, verily,
m the contrary are disposed to deny,
abridge and destroy the rights of this class
citizens. Then, as Ameican citizens,
) preserve the nioM. friendly than .Joseph (ioh'-.by, Iii
i.pi:«ho
icthing, 1
. for
short, but it -
vise: While lie made Seymtur
speeches for money, he talked Grant and
Colfax for nothing. Mr. Haralson says bis
, for making those speeches was belie was thereby enabled to i each the
j of the people and to toll them the
great necessity of voting for Grant aud Colfax. And ho claims to this day that he car-
the State for Grant and Colfax by
making pretended Seymour and Blair
speeches, but doing his effective work by
In :
I he i
pendent ticket as a R
regular nominee of bis party, and defeated
his opponent by over 4,000 majority. He
ed over tbe district convention which
nominated the Hon. B. S. Turner in 1870,
been convened sinco by the Republicans.
He makes an able presiding officer; is well
versed in parliamentary usages, and has a
clear ringing voice whieh is well disciplined.
was nominated in 1872 by the 21st Sena-
ial district by acclamation, and was
cted by 5,000 majority, and has been
elected president for three
of the Alabama Laborer's Union, and delo-
0 the National Laborer's Union which
convened at New Orle
Douglass presiding.) Mr. Haralson thero
1 the admiration and esteem of the con-
m in a debate with Gov. Pinchback, of
Louisiana. He is a ready and shrewd
debater; full of wit and sarcasm, and is
red, perhaps, more than any colored man
thc legislature of Alabama. He made
i of the most effective
made in the legislative halls of
ssion before last, upon the subject of
tho civil rights bill.
Hon. Ransom U J
Lownde County, Alabama, of South Carolina
parentage in the year 1839, a slave, and
clandestinely acquired some education, which
he has improved upon since freedom, and
aw boast of a common English edui
He has all the marks of a keen bu
nan. His usual vocation is that of tbe
mercantile pursuit, and has been very
cossful as a merchant, hut is now it
butchery business, culling beef-steaks f
constituents, (a very lucrative business
Ie is not ono of those who make fiowery
peeches, but ponders well and deep ; has
strong aversion to dishonesty, clique, and
rings; was a zealous and untiring advocate
of the civil rights bill, a true lover
party, and unceasing worker in his ;
cause. Mr. Johnson was nominated by the
Republicans iu 1870 as a Republican
lower house, and served his constituents
with such marked ability and integrity that,
as a reward for his services, he was in 1872
renominated aud elected to the same position
by a handsome majority.
Hon. Thomas Walker was born in Dallas
County, Alabama, in 1850, and is equally
divided between tbe favored and unfavored
races, and of medium height and weight,
with large black eyes and heavy eyebrows;
walks upright with a quick elastic step. He
was elected to thc legislature in 1872, and
has since distinguished himself as a.legislatoi
and debater. No one lias a keener conception of the duties incumbent upon one who is
burdened with the important trust of the
law-making power. As a debater ho
calm, and deliberate ; wades out in deep
■water slowly and cautious, but when he gets
«ut can swim as pretty as any one I know
;Mr. Walker's constituents think a great dea"