As yet untranslated ..., "The Dignity of a State" by Masahiko Fujiwara is an
emotional plea for a Japanese "special path." In particular, it argues that
liberal democracy is a Western invention that does not fit well with the
Japanese or Asian character.

The reasoning is peculiar, and seems to revive a 19th-century critique,
usually associated with Nietzsche, that Christianity (and Islam) produces an
acquiescent or even subservient mentality, in contrast to the heroic virtues of
classical antiquity or of warrior societies, such as the world of the Japanese
samurai. Likewise, according to Fujiwara, democracy overemphasizes reason,
another Western construct. ...

Many non-Japanese Asians will dislike most or all of Fujiwara's message, for
they will hear unpleasant historical echoes. ... But Fujiwara's book has also
revived an old debate about capitalism and the values that are needed to sustain
it. ...

Some thinkers, most notably Max Weber, floated the idea that capitalism must
be sustained by a value system...
Almost every modern analyst, however, has come to the conclusion that Weber's
attempt to link that capitalist spirit historically to a form of Christianity,
namely Protestantism, is fatally flawed.

To begin with, the founders of Protestantism, Martin Luther and John Calvin,
were, as Weber recognized, more hostile to the dynamic capitalistic world of the
Renaissance than was the Catholic Church. Indeed, pious Catholic Italian
city-states were the cradle of early modern capitalism.

But there are two crucial aspects of the debate on religious values that
should not be overlooked:

First, the core of Weber's argument was that religious values that emphasize
restraint and a sense of duty may support dependability and reliability in
business relations, which is especially vital in societies that are just opening
up market relations. Where there is a legacy of violence and suspicion, it is
hard for people to feel secure enough to enter into long-term contracts. ...

Second, religious values that emphasize social solidarity are an important
corrective to the tendency of markets to polarize society by rewarding success.
Periods of globalization have been eras of considerable economic advance; but
they have also increased inequality..., thus fueling powerful political
backlashes that endangered the continuation of trade and financial integration.

The debate about the contribution of religious values parallels the debate
over the relationship of freedom to economic development — a central issue in
the work of Nobel laureate economists Friedrich Hayek and Amartya Sen. It is
clearly tempting for critics of authoritarian regimes to argue that freedom is
good because it promotes economic growth. But a deeper view of freedom regards
it as having intrinsic value.

So, too, with religious values. Backed by evidence from large empirical
studies, some claim that belief in religion is good because it boosts economic
performance. That may be the case, and it may be a tempting argument to make in
authoritarian societies that are unsympathetic to beliefs that challenge their
own legitimacy. But is it possible to imagine the pope whispering such a message
to the Chinese leadership?

In the 18th century, Voltaire constructed an analogous argument, claiming
that religion's major virtue was its social usefulness. He thus sought to
subvert religion by making it purely instrumental. But to do that is to destroy
the true character of religious belief. By reviving the debate over "Asian"
values, Fujiwara's book may contribute to a similar mistake.

As yet untranslated ..., "The Dignity of a State" by Masahiko Fujiwara is an
emotional plea for a Japanese "special path." In particular, it argues that
liberal democracy is a Western invention that does not fit well with the
Japanese or Asian character.

The reasoning is peculiar, and seems to revive a 19th-century critique,
usually associated with Nietzsche, that Christianity (and Islam) produces an
acquiescent or even subservient mentality, in contrast to the heroic virtues of
classical antiquity or of warrior societies, such as the world of the Japanese
samurai. Likewise, according to Fujiwara, democracy overemphasizes reason,
another Western construct. ...

Many non-Japanese Asians will dislike most or all of Fujiwara's message, for
they will hear unpleasant historical echoes. ... But Fujiwara's book has also
revived an old debate about capitalism and the values that are needed to sustain
it. ...

Some thinkers, most notably Max Weber, floated the idea that capitalism must
be sustained by a value system...
Almost every modern analyst, however, has come to the conclusion that Weber's
attempt to link that capitalist spirit historically to a form of Christianity,
namely Protestantism, is fatally flawed.

To begin with, the founders of Protestantism, Martin Luther and John Calvin,
were, as Weber recognized, more hostile to the dynamic capitalistic world of the
Renaissance than was the Catholic Church. Indeed, pious Catholic Italian
city-states were the cradle of early modern capitalism.

But there are two crucial aspects of the debate on religious values that
should not be overlooked:

First, the core of Weber's argument was that religious values that emphasize
restraint and a sense of duty may support dependability and reliability in
business relations, which is especially vital in societies that are just opening
up market relations. Where there is a legacy of violence and suspicion, it is
hard for people to feel secure enough to enter into long-term contracts. ...

Second, religious values that emphasize social solidarity are an important
corrective to the tendency of markets to polarize society by rewarding success.
Periods of globalization have been eras of considerable economic advance; but
they have also increased inequality..., thus fueling powerful political
backlashes that endangered the continuation of trade and financial integration.

The debate about the contribution of religious values parallels the debate
over the relationship of freedom to economic development — a central issue in
the work of Nobel laureate economists Friedrich Hayek and Amartya Sen. It is
clearly tempting for critics of authoritarian regimes to argue that freedom is
good because it promotes economic growth. But a deeper view of freedom regards
it as having intrinsic value.

So, too, with religious values. Backed by evidence from large empirical
studies, some claim that belief in religion is good because it boosts economic
performance. That may be the case, and it may be a tempting argument to make in
authoritarian societies that are unsympathetic to beliefs that challenge their
own legitimacy. But is it possible to imagine the pope whispering such a message
to the Chinese leadership?

In the 18th century, Voltaire constructed an analogous argument, claiming
that religion's major virtue was its social usefulness. He thus sought to
subvert religion by making it purely instrumental. But to do that is to destroy
the true character of religious belief. By reviving the debate over "Asian"
values, Fujiwara's book may contribute to a similar mistake.