Wednesday, August 20, 2008

As events unfold in Mindanao, I join many Filipinos in feeling helpless andin the dark at how violence escalated to an unconscionable degree. The lossof lives and the violence that we see cannot and should not continue. I hopethat we take time to look at the issues and speak with genuine stakeholders.Where lies Mindanao in our national consciousness? How do we truly seek thepath of peace and solidarity with Muslims in Mindanao - they whose richculture and heritage also show us a glimpse of what it is to be Filipino?

Because of my recent sojourn in Mindanao and the work that I do on electoralreform, many of you have asked me what is really happening over there. As areply, please allow me to share an interview aired on ANC yesterday (urllink and transcript below). This interview is with Atty. Zainudin 'Zen'Malang, Executive Director of the Bangsamoro Center for Law and Policy.

Hopefully, amidst the cacophony of voices, we begin to discern better andappreciate in a more nuanced manner all the issues that Mindanao faces. I'llforward other statements and similar interviews as I also try to discernwith you how we can all do our part in keeping Mindanao close to our hearts.

Sincerely,

Tatine

"Hope is the thing with feathersThat perches in the soulAnd sings the tune without the words,And never stops at all..."

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http://abs-cbnnews.com/storypage.aspx?StoryID=128716

Malang: We might end up becoming the Darfur of southeast Asia ** *ANC'sTony Velasquez interviewed on August 18, Zainudin Malang, executive directorof the Bangsamoro Center for Law and Policy, on the clashes that haveerupted in parts of Mindanao and on the prospects for peace in the south.Malang has been a close observer of the peace process with Muslimseparatists. *

Q. What was your expectation after the signing of the Memorandum ofAgreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) in Malaysia, had it pushed through?

A. I was expecting optimism on the ground, not what we are seeing here, notwhat we saw today. I was expecting the complete opposite after they hadsigned the MOA.

Q. Are these recent clashes in North Cotabato and Lanao del Norte anoffshoot of the failure to sign the MOA-AD?

A. I cannot help but arrive at that conclusion. You know, there are only twoways to resolve the conflict: either through military means or throughnegotiations. And apparently, after the cancellation of the signing of theMOA, the product of a dozen years of long and hard bargaining on both sides,perhaps, there are armed groups who feel it will already be hard to resolvethe conflict by way of negotiations.

Q. Do you think the government and military should have anticipated thatthis would be the backlash from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)?

A. I'm sure they've always been aware of the possibility of this happening.This situation is not new to them.

Q. Does it help the MILF if they undertake this kind of hostilities grantedthat they may have been frustrated?

A. I have to go back to the sentiments on the ground, both civil society aswell as sentiments of people within the MILF as well as the otherrevolutionary movement, the MNLF. You have to bear in mind that the Mindanaopeace process is three decades old. This started in 1976. The feeling on theground is that, they had this 1976 Tripoli agreement, there was a 1996 peaceagreement, but where did these end up? It ended up in failed implementation.When the MILF leadership undertook negotiations with the government, many intheir ranks were already asking: why negotiate with the government when allthe past peace agreements have never been implemented? So there's alwaysbeen skepticism among the [MILF] ranks in the peace process. And then ateach stage of the peace process, each stage of the exploratory talks andformal talks, there has always been good results that both the MILF andgovernment could present to their respective constituencies. But after allof those hard bargaining, those long years of negotiations, after theyarrived at an agreement on how to resolve the conflict, suddenly, theMemorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) was blocked. So theskepticism that was present before is alive again. I think that's what we'reseeing now.

Q. Were you privy to the details of the MOA-AD that was to be signed in KL?

A. There were several instances when I had attended very public forums wheremembers of the GRP [government of the Republic of the Philippines] as wellas members of the MILF gave the audience updates on what was going on.

Q. What about the contents of the draft MOA-AD?

A. We were given updates on what were the pending issues they discussed,they had resolved. My friends in the Mindanao People's Caucus, for instance,organized several of these forums in Davao City , in Marawi City , and thesevery public consultations. And I also recalled that every time that the GRPand the MILF panels are about to meet, they always announce, they make apublic announcement that we are about to meet.

Q. I guess the people back then should have already known about the morecontentious issues such as the resource sharing agreement with the GRP-MILF,the inclusion of 700 barangays in an expanded Bangsamoro homeland. All ofthese were made public.

A. Some of these were made public. The forums I attended, these werestaggered. They occurred over time. So depending on what the status of thenegotiations at that time, that was what was divulged.

Q. Sen. Mar Roxas and Frank Drilon actually have an initialed copy of theMOA-AD, and they're taking exceptions to several provisions there. Forexample, that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity can now enter into separatetreaties with foreign governments. And now, they're saying that that'stotally unheard of for an autonomous homeland, to have that kind ofsovereign power. Was that ever included in the consultations?

A. I think they refer not to treaties or all kinds of treaties. Theyreferring to economic treaties, and this is not entirely unheard of. This isthe kind of arrangement that they have in Belgium . For example, the Flemishregion in Belgium is allowed to set up trade missions or enter into economictreaties with other countries.

Q. Like Quebec in Canada .

A. Yes, so let us bear in mind that the Philippines is not the only one thathas an internal conflict in the whole world. So maybe we should learn at howthis kind of problem has been tackled in other parts of the world. So Ithink that's what the GRP and the MILF panels have borne in mind. And if I'mnot mistaken, they've also mentioned Northern Ireland , for example, when itcomes to a need to reexamine the Constitutional framework to resolve theconflict.

Q. It's good you mentioned the Flemish territory in Belgium . But doesn't itcause a lot of tension within Belgium ?

A. The tension that I've heard in Belgium is actually being managed by thesesort of accommodations or arrangements. Because the Waloon region [ofBelgium] can always tell the Flemish, why go for separation when you alreadyenjoying these sovereign privileges? And I guess that's what both the GRPand MILF panels had in mind when they agreed on this MOA-AD. I suppose whatthey were thinking was that, there would be no use, for now, to secedebecause all of these genuine...sort of tools would now be afforded oraccorded to you rather than paper autonomy.

Q. But look at what's happening now, when you see the MILF acting in abelligerent way, just because they're frustrated, ,maybe this, to them,hopefully a hiccup in the peace talks, and then they finally give up allhope and resort to violence again. What does it say about giving a grouplike this the kind of powers that are contained in a MOA-AD? Isn't itdangerous?

A. I will be frank with you. We ourselves are finding it hard to pacifythese armed forces. We need to appeal for them to hold back, all the armedgroups because, as they were saying, 'We thought you said we should givenegotiations a chance. We've been talking already for 12 years. We'vealready faced two all-out offensives already and then it ends up nowhere.'We in civil society are finding it hard to pacify these armed groups. AndI'm not just talking about the MILF, I'm also talking about the AFP. Ourwork is made much harder when we hear about much-publicized statements fromour political leaders who say, if the MOA-AD is signed, there will bebloodshed, which we find completely illogical. Because what they're sayingis, if there's a peace agreement, there won't be peace. There will not beany peace. Whereas we are saying, if there's a peace agreement, there willbe peace.

Q. Let me play devil's advocate. If you say it's hard to pacify thesegroups, what we've seen is it's the MILF that has been provoking theseall-out wars. So it's the MILF that is more difficult to restrain than theAFP.

A. I don't want to take sides. I just want to say that when it comes tomilitary solutions…we hear so many people say now, it's time to go all outagainst the MILF. What I want to remind everyone is that every time we adopta military solution, it never works. Remember that in the 1970s, we wereunder martial law, and President Marcos, with all the resources and powershe had in his hand, could not crush a hastily organized rebel army with verylittle training, with no battlefield experience, with very minimalequipment. And the military went against them during martial law. Here weare, three decades later, they are far more experienced, they have moreequipment, what makes us think that they cannot put up a fight? What I'mafraid of is, they fought for two weeks in North Cotabato , we already have160,000 internally-displaced refugees, extrapolate then. Let's assume theycontinue fighting for two or three months. How many thousands or millions ofrefugees will we have? Remember, in year 2000, we had one millioninternally-displaced people, and these were World Bank and governmentfigures. In comparison, Bosnia only had 600,000, East Timor only had300,000. What I'm trying to say is, if we do not deescalate the situation,we might end up becoming the Darfur [in Sudan] of southeast Asia.

Q. Right now, we have a Coordinating Committee on the Cessation ofHostilities (CCCH). So far, we haven't heard from it. If that committee doesits job, then it should defuse the situation.

A. I remember one instance when I talked to a member of the CCCH. This wasabout Cotabato. This was when a Civilian Volunteer Organization and the MILFwere fighting. The MILF were farmers in that area; the CVO members were alsofarmers in the barangay. There was fighting and it was reported to the JointCeasefire Committee. The committee came in and it was told by the CVOs, "Wedon't recognize any captain. We don't recognize any ceasefire committee."So, the problem is, the public in Manila who don't know any better, who arenot immersed on the ground, who don't know what's happening, it's very easyfor them to be manipulated. It's very easy for public opinion to bemanipulated nowadays. Because we know that in times of war, the firstcasualty is truth. I would advise our friends in media to get a direct lineto the CCCH so we will know what's really happening. Let's not rely…oursources of information should not depend on groups that are taking advantageof the conflict. We have so many groups who feel that their interests,whether economic or political, will be affected negatively by the peaceprocess. I've always said the reason why there's still no signing of a peaceagreement is that….I've always said that if the government panel, as well asthe MILF panel were left on their own to decide if they should sign theagreement, they would have done that two years ago. They just couldn't signit because they're afraid. There are powerful economic and political forceswho genuinely feel that their interests, political and economic may beadversely affected by the Mindanao peace process. Because we are talkinghere of returning the ancestral domain of the Moros themselves. Now, let'sask ourselves: who are enjoying now the fruits of these ancestral domain?Who owns the mineral rights? Who has tens of thousands of hectares per DENRrecords in Mindanao ? How would you think they feel, now that the governmentis about to return the ancestral domain back to the Moros?

Q. But were they consulted in the first place?

A. If they had been consulted, what do you think they would say? Our friendsin Zamboanga are complaining, they're saying they were not consulted. Butlater, they said, they were. And they've said no. Apparently, what they meanby consultation is, to them, they are consulted if the government takestheir position. In layman's term, when we ask, what do you think? It doesn'tnecessarily mean that I would have to adopt your position. But to them, theysay that since they have already expressed their views in a public forum,albeit informally, their position is, the government should adopt theirposition. The problem is, if you're in the GRP or MILF panel, if you try toaccommodate everyone's interest into this agreement, without asking anyoneto make sacrifices or compromises, we will never arrive at any peaceagreement. And what we saw today, it will continue to grow.

Q. How can this be resolved? The President has already ordered an all-outoffensive. The military says it's not going to stop because it's already gotthe upper hand. Even local officials say it's got to stop now. When do youthink it's going to stop?

A. I myself am hoping everything dies down, everbody calms down. How is itgoing to stop? There has to be…we have to show to everyone that there is abig constituency for peace. As of now, what's being given air space andprint space are the anti-MOA and the MILF. And both of them are eithersaying, if there's no MOA, there's going to be war. Or if there's MOA,there's going to be war. Right? Perhaps, it's about time, the silentmajority, if there is really a silent majority in support of the peaceprocess, or the peaceful resolution of the conflict, maybe now is the time,now more than ever is the time for us to come out and say to everyone, sayto these groups, say to those who would rather resolve the conflict by armedmeans, 'Wait, there's a big constituency in support of a peaceful resolutionof whatever grievances, Bangsamoro grievances you have there.'

Atty. Zainudin 'Zen' Malang, Executive Director of the Bangsamoro Center forLaw and Policy, may be reached through mobile +63 928 5000432, and emailaddress

Saturday, August 16, 2008

Joint Peace Statement of JOM on the Cessation of Hostilities in North Cotabato

We, the Administrators, Personnel and Students of the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao are in solidarity with the aspirations of our people for peace and unity to reign among the conflicting groups in our region. We stand for a peaceful and united Central Mindanao.

We earnestly appeal for the cessation of hostilities as we are greatly concerned over the aggravating armed conflict between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) resulting in senseless killing and massive evacuation that inflict indelible fear and trauma among the civilians, particularly innocent children.

We desire to convey to the involved parties the terrible plight of our internally displaced persons (IDPs) who suffer from loss of property and economic insecurity that would imminently lead to starvation and infirmity. The daily increase of IDPs is quite alarming and to date, the record shows more than 150,000 have already been displaced. Should the situation worsen, it is certain that the number of IDPs will unmanageably escalate.

The peoples of Central Mindanao are laden with the heavy yoke of unstable peace and order condition and man-made calamities from which they have not fully recovered yet. The present hostilities certainly are a hard blow to the already weakened people. Thus, we call on the civic, religious and all peace-oriented organizations to evaluate objectively the situation in order to appropriately address the issues.

We urge the AFP and the MILF to lay down their arms, renounce any act of hostility and reopen avenues for dialogue and partnership. We urge them to continue to work for authentic and lasting peace in order to improve the conditions of the very peoples whose lives and interests they have both sworn to protect and uphold.

We, the Jesuit, Oblate of Mary Immaculate and the Marist Brothers' Educational Institutions in Mindanao, pledge our continuing commitment to peace-building through intercultural and interreligious dialogues and active nonviolent means.

Tuesday, August 12, 2008

Each group will be composed of 3-4 students. Models of each group will be the responsibility of group members. The signed MOA and Model Release Forms must be submitted to the teacher at least 3 days before the shoot (Aug 21, 2008). Groups will take care of their model's transportation and food. There will be at least two professional photographers assisting the class in the in situ shoot.

Please charge your batteries the night before (for camera and phone). Make sure you have downloaded your images from your card to your PCs. Photographer will have to pay for their own models' transportation, food, etc. No other persons, except the models and photographers of MC310 class, are allowed to join this activity without the explicit permission of the teacher. The guards at the location will not allow anybody to enter the premises without any ADDU identification card and permission of University officials. Take note, this is a private photoshoot.

If you have other concerns, please email me at jse[at]addu.edu.ph or call (82) 221.2411 local 8253.

Monday, August 11, 2008

Many people are apprehensive about the this controversial MOA. First, availability of this full text was scant. This led to suspicions and other assumptions. I got hold of the MOA last Saturday, barely I was able to read everything. Anyway, while I am studying the provisions of this MOA, it will be better to share with you also this sought-after document. Hopefully, this will stir rational discourse. - Bong

MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT ON THE ANCESTRAL DOMAIN ASPECT OF THE GRP-MILF TRIPOLI AGREEMENT ON PEACE OF 2001

The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) herein referred to as the “Parties” to this Agreement,

TERMS OF REFERENCE

The Agreement for General Cessation of Hostilities dated July 18, 1997 Between the GRP and the MILF, and its Implementing Administrative and Operational Guidelines;

The General Framework of Agreement of Intent Between the GRP and the MILF dated August 27, 1998;

The Agreement on the General Framework for the Resumption of Peace Talks Between the GRP and the MILF dated March 24, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement on Peace Between the GRP and the MILF dated June 22, 2001;

The Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) dated December 23, 1976 and the Final Agreement on the Implementation of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement Between the GRP and the MNLF dated September 2, 1996;

Republic Act No. 6734, as amended by R.A. 9054, otherwise known as “An Act to Strengthen and Expand the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)”;

ILO Convention No. 169, in correlation to the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, and Republic Act No. 8371 otherwise known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997, the UN Charter, the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights, International Humanitarian Law (IHL), and internationally recognized human rights instruments; and

Compact rights entrenchment emanating from the regime of dar-ul-mua’hada (or territory under compact) and dar-ul-sulh (or territory under peace agreement) that partakes the nature of a treaty device. For the purpose of this Agreement, a “treaty” is defined as any solemn agreement in writing that sets out understandings, obligations, and benefits for both parties which provides for a framework that elaborates the principles declared in the Agreement.

HAVE AGREED AND ACKNOWLEDGED AS FOLLOWS:

CONCEPTS AND PRINCIPLES

It is the birthright of all Moros and all Indigenous peoples of Mindanao to identify themselves and be accepted as “Bangsamoros”. The Bangsamoro people refers to those who are natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan and the Sulu archipelago at the time of conquest or colonization and their descendants whether mixed or of full native blood. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro. The freedom of choice of the Indigenous people shall be respected.

It is essential to lay the foundation of the Bangsamoro homeland in order to address the Bangsamoro people’s humanitarian and economic needs as well as their political aspirations. Such territorial jurisdictions and geographic areas being the natural wealth and patrimony represent the social, cultural and political identity and pride of all the Bangsamoro people. Ownership of the homeland is vested exclusively in them by virtue of their prior rights of occupation that had inhered in them as sizeable bodies of people, delimited by their ancestors since time immemorial, and being the first politically organized dominant occupants.

Both Parties acknowledge that ancestral domain does not form part of the public domain but encompasses ancestral, communal, and customary lands, maritime, fluvial and alluvial domains as well as all natural resources therein that have inured or vested ancestral rights on the basis of native title. Ancestral domain and ancestral land refer to those held under claim of ownership, occupied or possessed, by themselves or through the ancestors of the Bangsamoro people, communally or individually since time immemorial continuously to the present, except when prevented by war, civil disturbance, force majeure, or other forms of possible usurpation or displacement by force, deceit, stealth, or as a consequence of government project or any other voluntary dealings entered into by the government and private individuals, corporate entities or institutions.

Both Parties acknowledge that the right to self-governance of the Bangsamoro people is rooted on ancestral territoriality exercised originally under the suzerain authority of their sultanates and the Pat a Pangampong ku Ranaw. The Moro sultanates were states or karajaan/kadatuan resembling a body politic endowed with all the elements of nation-state in the modern sense. As a domestic community distinct from the rest of the national communities, they have a definite historic homeland. They are the “First Nation” with defined territory and with a system of government having entered into treaties of amity and commerce with foreign nations. The Parties concede that the ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people.

Both Parties affirm their commitment to mutually respect the right to one’s identity and the parity of esteem of everyone in the political community. The protection of civil rights and religious liberties of individuals underlie the basis of peace and justice of their totality of relationships.

Both Parties agree that the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) shall have the authority and jurisdiction over the Ancestral Domain and Ancestral lands, including both alienable and non-alienable lands encompassed within their homeland and ancestral territory, as well as the delineation of ancestral domain/lands of the Bangsamoro people located therein.

Vested property rights upon the entrenchment of the BJE shall be recognized and respected subject to paragraph 9 of the strand on Resources.

TERRITORY

The Bangsamoro homeland and historic territory refer to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain, the atmospheric space above it, embracing the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan geographic region. However, delimitations are contained in the agreed Schedules (Categories).

Toward this end, the Parties enter into the following stipulations:

The GRP and MILF as the Parties to this Agreement commit themselves to the full and mutual implementation of this framework agreement on territory with the aim of resolving outstanding issues that emanate from the consensus points on Ancestral Domain.

The Parties confirm their understanding that the mutual goal of reaching an agreement on Bangsamoro territory specific to mapping the outlying borders and the boundaries affecting local government units will lead to consolidation of the agreed texts on the Ancestral Domain Strands.

The Parties affirm that the core of the BJE shall constitute the present geographic area of the ARMM, including the municipalities of Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal in the province of Lanao del Norte that voted for inclusion in the ARMM during the 2001 plebiscite.

Without derogating from the requirements of prior agreements, the Government stipulates to conduct and deliver, using all possible legal measures, within twelve (12) months following the signing of the MOA-AD, a plebiscite covering the areas as enumerated in the list and depicted in the map as Category A attached herein (the “Annex”). The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement. Toward this end, the Parties shall endeavour to complete the negotiations and resolve all outstanding issues on the Comprehensive Compact within fifteen (15) months from the signing of the MOA-AD.

The areas covered by Category B are reflected on a map and list attached herein as agreed to by the Parties. Category B (the “Special Intervention Areas”) refers to conflict affected areas outside the BJE which shall be the subject of special socio-economic and cultural affirmative action implemented by the Central Government pending the conduct of a plebiscite not earlier than twenty-five (25) years from the signing of the Comprehensive Compact to determine the question of their accession to the BJE. The areas reflected are subject to further negotiations by the Parties. The Annex constitutes an integral part of this framework agreement.

Internal Waters: The BJE shall have jurisdiction over the management, conservation, development, protection, utilization and disposition of all natural resources, living and non-living, within its internal waters extending fifteen (15) kilometers from the coastline of the BJE area.

Territorial Waters: (1) The territorial waters of the BJE shall stretch beyond the BJE internal waters up to the Republic of the Philippines (RP) baselines south east and south west of mainland Mindanao. Beyond the fifteen (15) kilometers internal waters, the Central Government and the BJE shall exercise joint jurisdiction, authority and management over areas and all natural resources, living and non-living contained therein. The details of such management of the Territorial Waters shall be provided in an agreement to be entered into by the Parties.

(2) The boundaries of the territorial waters shall stretch beyond the 15-km. BJE internal waters up to the Central Government’s baselines under existing laws. In the southern and eastern part of the BJE, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the Maguling Point, Palimbang, Province of Sultan Kudarat up to the straight baselines of the Philippines. On the northwestern part, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from Little Sta. Cruz Island, Zamboanga City, up to Naris Point, Bataraza, Palawan. On the western part of Palawan, it shall be demarcated by a line drawn from the boundary of Bataraza and Rizal up to the straight baselines of the Philippines.

The final demarcation shall be determined by a joint technical body composed of duly-designated representatives of both Parties, in coordination with the appropriate Central Government agency in accordance with the above guidelines.

Sharing of Minerals on Territorial Waters: Consistent with paragraphs 5 and 6 of the provisions on Resources, all potential sources of energy, petroleum in situ, hydrocarbon, natural gas and other minerals, including deposits or fields found within the territorial waters, shall be shared between the Central Government and the BJE in favor of the latter through production sharing agreement or economic cooperation agreement.

Activities Allowed on Territorial Waters: (1) The Parties shall have authority to carry out the following activities within the territorial waters: (a) Exploration and utilization of the natural resources, whether living or non-living, within the territorial waters; (b) Establishment and use of artificial islands, installations and structures; (c) Marine scientific research; (d) Protection and the preservation of the marine environment; (e) Conservation of living resources; (f) Regulation of shipping and fishing activities; (g) Enforcement of police and safety measures, including interdiction of the entry and use of the waters by criminal elements and hot pursuit of suspected criminal elements; (h) Regulation and control of contraband and illegal entry of prohibited materials and substances, including smuggling; and (i) Such other measures as the Parties may otherwise mutually agree.

(2) Activities relating to exploration and utilization of non-living resources, as well as paragraphs (c) and (d) of the Authorized Activities will be carried out on a joint basis agreed by the Parties which may be in the form of production sharing agreements or joint development pacts.

Establishment of a Joint Commission: (1) The Parties shall establish a Joint Commission, which shall elaborate the modalities for the implementation and the carrying out of the Authorized Activities and the measures adopted in cases of allegation of breach, and carry out any other functions which may be assigned to it by the Parties for the purpose of implementing the joint management of resources.

(2) The Joint Commission shall consist of one representative from each Party, who are assisted by advisers as may be needed. The conclusions of the Joint Commission shall be adopted by consensus and shall only be recommendatory in nature. Only when the conclusions of the Joint Commission are adopted by the Parties do they become binding on the Parties.

Demarcation and Status of Territorial Waters: The demarcation and status of the BJE territorial waters shall be finally determined together with the demarcation and final status of Category B territory of the BJE.

From and after entrenchment of compact rights over the Bangsamoro homeland and the territorial jurisdictions for associative governance shall likewise embrace those under proclamation for agricultural and human settlements intended for the Bangsamoro people, all alienable and disposable lands, pasture lands, timberlands together with all existing civil and military reservations, parks, old growth or natural forests declared as forest reserves, watersheds, mangroves, fishponds, wetlands, marshes, inland bodies of water; and all bays, straits and channels found within the BJE.

All territorial and geographic areas in Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan, and the Sulu archipelago that have been declared recognized, and/or delineated as ancestral domain and ancestral land of the Bangsamoro people as their geographic areas, inclusive of settlements and reservations, may be formed or constituted into political subdivisions of the Bangsamoro territorial jurisdictions subject to the principles of equality of peoples and mutual respect and to the protection of civil, political, economic, and cultural rights in their respective jurisdictions.

For purposes of territorial delimitation, the Parties have agreed to the joint determination of geographic areas encompassed within the territorial borders of the Bangsamoro homeland and territory based on the technical maps and data submitted by both sides as provided above.

RESOURCES

The BJE is empowered with authority and responsibility for the land use, development, conservation and disposition of the natural resources within the homeland. Upon entrenchment of the BJE, the land tenure and use of such resources and wealth must reinforce their economic self-sufficiency. Among the purposes or measures to make progress more rapid are:

Entry into joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the full setting of appropriate institution, particularly affecting strategic minerals;

Stimulation of local economy by a range of mechanism, in particular the need to address unemployment and improvement of living conditions for the population in the BJE;

Intensification of measures needed to uproot the cause of poverty in the BJE through responsible harnessing and development of its natural resources; and

Undertaking program review of public services, industrial or trade-related and agrarian-related issues in situations of different sectors of the society in the BJE, which acquire communal character deriving from the special nature of their industry.

The Bangsamoro People through their appropriate juridical entity shall, among others, exercise power or authority over the natural resources within its territorial jurisdiction:

To explore, exploit, use or utilize and develop their ancestral domain and ancestral lands within their territorial jurisdiction, inclusive of their right of occupation, possession, conservation, and exploitation of all natural resources found therein;

To conserve and protect the human and natural environment for their sustainable and beneficial enjoyment and their posterity;

To utilize, develop, and exploit its natural resources found in their ancestral domain or enter into a joint development, utilization, and exploitation of natural resources, specifically on strategic minerals, designed as commons or shared resources, which is tied up to the final setting of appropriate institution;

To revoke or grant forest concessions, timber license, contracts or agreements in the utilization and exploitation of natural resources designated as commons or shared resources, mechanisms for economic cooperation with respect to strategic minerals, falling within the territorial jurisdiction of the BJE;

To enact agrarian laws and programs suitable to the special circumstances of the Bangsamoro people prevailing in their ancestral lands within the established territorial boundaries of the Bangsamoro homeland and ancestral territory within the competence of the BJE; and

To use such natural resources and wealth to reinforce their economic self-sufficiency.

The BJE, and the Central Government agree on wealth-sharing based on a mutually agreed percentage ratio in favor of the BJE through an economic cooperation agreement or arrangement over the income and revenues that are derived from the exploration, exploitation, use and development of any resources for the benefit of the Bangsamoro people.

The BJE is free to enter into any economic cooperation and trade relations with foreign countries: provided, however, that such relationships and understandings do not include aggression against the Government of the Republic of the Philippines; provided, further that it shall remain the duty and obligation of the Central Government to take charge of external defense. Without prejudice to the right of the Bangsamoro juridical entity to enter into agreement and environmental cooperation with any friendly country affecting its jurisdiction, it shall include:

The option to establish and open Bangsamoro trade missions in foreign countries with which it has economic cooperation agreements; and

The elements bearing in mind the mutual benefits derived from Philippine archipelagic status and security.

And, in furtherance thereto, the Central Government shall take necessary steps to ensure the BJE’s participation in international meetings and events, e.g. ASEAN meetings and other specialized agencies of the United Nations. This shall entitle the BJE’s participation in Philippine official missions and delegations that are engaged in the negotiation of border agreements or protocols for environmental protection, equitable sharing of incomes and revenues, in the areas of sea, seabed and inland seas or bodies of water adjacent to or between islands forming part of the ancestral domain, in addition to those of fishing rights.

Jurisdiction and control over, and the right of exploring for, exploiting, producing and obtaining all potential sources of energy, petroleum, in situ, fossil fuel, mineral oil and natural gas, whether onshore or offshore, is vested in the BJE as the party having control within its territorial jurisdiction, provided that in times of national emergency, when public interest so requires, the Central Government may, during the emergency, for a fixed period and under reasonable terms as may be agreed by both Parties, temporarily assume or direct the operations of such strategic resources.

The BJE take or profit split from total production shall be shared with the Central Government on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE. All royalties, bonuses, taxes, charges, custom duties or imposts on natural resources and mineral resources shall be shared by the Parties on a percentage ratio of 75:25 in favor of the BJE.

The legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro people arising from any unjust dispossession of their territorial and proprietary rights, customary land tenures, or their marginalization shall be acknowledged. Whenever restoration is no longer possible, the GRP shall take effective measures or adequate reparation collectively beneficial to the Bangsamoro people, in such quality, quantity and status to be determined mutually by both Parties.

All proclamations, issuances, policies, rules and guidelines declaring old growth or natural forests and all watersheds within the BJE as forest reserves shall continue to remain in force until otherwise modified, revised or superseded by subsequent policies, rules and regulations issued by the competent authority under the BJE.

Forest concessions, timber licenses, contracts or agreements, mining concessions, Mineral Production and Sharing Agreements (MPSA), Industrial Forest Management Agreements (IFMA), and other land tenure instruments of any kind or nature whatsoever granted by the Philippine Government including those issued by the present ARMM shall continue to operate from the date of formal entrenchment of the BJE unless otherwise expired, reviewed, modified and/or cancelled by the latter.

The Parties recognize an immediate need to establish a five-member BJE economic-expert mission (the “Mission”) bearing in mind that the functioning of the economy and the operation of institutions involve financial and other resource management as well as parallel or complementary means, by which the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA) will manage and administer resources acquired for the above purposes, especially in coordinating strategies and programs for cooperation in all fields.

The Mission acts as a link in the conduct of BJE’s associative parallel relationships and shall cooperate fully with all organizations involved in implementation of the peace settlement. It shall launch a plan and joint international appeal for the reparation and development of the conflict affected areas in Mindanao. Persons appointed thereto must be familiar with the specific economic, political and legal characteristics in the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan region and must possess recognized competence, integrity, and high moral standing.

Cognizant that the Mission will benefit from international expertise, both the Central Government and the BJE hereby join the Third Party facilitator in inviting international funding institutions or equivalent entities for reconstruction and development to appoint two members and to designate one as the Chairman. The BJE shall designate one member as Co-Chairman. The remaining two members shall each be designated by the Central Government and the BJE.

GOVERNANCE

The recognition and peaceful resolution of the conflict must involve consultations with the Bangsamoro people free of any imposition in order to provide chances of success and open new formulas that permanently respond to the aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.

The ultimate objective of entrenching the Bangsamoro homeland as a territorial space is to secure their identity and posterity, to protect their property rights and resources as well as to establish a system of governance suitable and acceptable to them as a distinct dominant people. The Parties respect the freedom of choice of the indigenous peoples.

The Parties agree to invite a multinational third - party to observe and monitor the actual implementation of the comprehensive compact which will embody the details for the effective enforcement of this Agreement. The participation of the third – party shall not in any way affect the status of the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

The relationship between the Central Government and the BJE shall be associative characterized by shared authority and responsibility with a structure of governance based on executive, legislative, judicial and administrative institutions with defined powers and functions in the Comprehensive Compact. A period of transition shall be established in a Comprehensive Compact specifying the relationship between the Central Government and the BJE.

In the context of implementing prior and incremental agreements between the GRP and MILF, it is the joint understanding of the Parties that the term “entrenchment” means, for the purposes of giving effect to this transitory provision, the creation of a process of institution building to exercise shared authority over territory and defined functions of associative character.

The modalities for the governance intended to settle the outstanding negotiated political issues are deferred after the signing of the MOA-AD.

The establishment of institutions for governance in a Comprehensive Compact, together with its modalities during the transition period, shall be fully entrenched and established in the basic law of the BJE. The Parties shall faithfully comply with their commitment to the associative arrangements upon entry into force of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the mechanisms and modalities for the actual implementation of this MOA-AD shall be spelt out in the Comprehensive Compact to mutually take such steps to enable it to occur effectively.

Any provisions of the MOA-AD requiring amendments to the existing legal framework shall come into force upon signing of a Comprehensive Compact and upon effecting the necessary changes to the legal framework with due regard to non derogation of prior agreements and within the stipulated timeframe to be contained in the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties agree that the BJE shall be empowered to build, develop and maintain its own institutions, inclusive of, civil service, electoral, financial and banking, education, legislation, legal, economic, and police and internal security force, judicial system and correctional institutions, necessary for developing a progressive Bangsamoro society, the details of which shall be discussed in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Compact.

The Parties further agree to undertake activities which will enhance the capacity of the government institutions during the transition through technical assistance, information-sharing and human resource development.

Matters concerning the details of the agreed consensus points on Governance not covered under this Agreement shall be deferred to, and discussed during, the negotiations of the Comprehensive Compact.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, being the representatives of the Parties hereby affix their signatures.

Sunday, August 10, 2008

MS. MERWIN SHANE R. TUTOR (BSN1), Section N8, first year college student has been reported missing by her father, Mr. Edwin M. Tutor last night. The Admissions Office and the FYDP made a phone barrage last night to all possible contacts of Shane, her classmates in various classes asking for information about her whereabouts. The father said that last Friday evening, Shane sent a message that she was on her way home. That was her last message.

Any information about her will be very much appreciated. I was able to talk to the father this noon, the family reported the case to the police and they planned to go to ABS-CBN this afternoon to appeal to the public for assistance in locating their daughter.

Contact Information:Tutor Residence: (82) 282-0978; (82) 304-2159

Any information can be sent via SMART SMS to: ALERT [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR INFO, and send to 700ADDU or 7002338, or call (82) 221.2411.

Wednesday, August 06, 2008

I and a couple of photographers will be shooting on Thursday evening, 7 August 2008, 6:00PM at the Freedom Park. Subject will be the Finster facade -- for the University Postcard. You are enjoined to come if you are available. We will probably shoot also from Marco Polo top floor - evening shots, slow shutter.

If you will join text me through Smart: BONG [space] FEEDBACK [space] YOUR MESSAGE, and send to 700ADDU.