Hamas in worst cash crisis since seizing Gaza

In this Tuesday, March 11, 2014 photo, Minatullah Zeitouniya, 29, hangs laundry to dry on the roof of the apartment building she and her family live in Gaza City in the northern Gaza Strip. Gaza's Hamas rulers have been hit by the worst economic crisis since seizing the territory seven years ago and face growing discontent, even among core supporters, because there's no sign of relief from a blockade enforced not only by Israel but also by a suddenly hostile Egypt. (AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)
The Associated Press

In this Tuesday, March 11, 2014 photo, Minatullah Zeitouniya, 29, hangs laundry to dry on the roof of the apartment building she and her family live in Gaza City in the northern Gaza Strip. Gaza's Hamas rulers have been hit by the worst economic crisis since seizing the territory seven years ago and face growing discontent, even among core supporters, because there's no sign of relief from a blockade enforced not only by Israel but also by a suddenly hostile Egypt. (AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)

But many believe the Islamic militant movement will keep its grip because there's no one on the ground to take its place.

Hamas' main political rival, the Fatah party of West Bank-based Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, is weak here and split in Gaza among Abbas supporters and those backing his former protege, Gaza-born Mohammed Dahlan, who has lived in exile in recent years.

Many Gazans will stand by Hamas at any price. The movement has deep roots in religiously conservative Gaza and runs clinics and kindergartens it established during years underground when Fatah controlled Gaza.

Others are too afraid to express their frustration.

Hamas, with a force of more than 15,000 armed men, has tended to move swiftly to snuff out unrest.

Last month, when taxi and bus drivers staged a one-day strike over rising fuel costs, they were detained for several hours by Hamas security and only released after signing pledges not to strike again, said driver Wissam Abu Lehiyeh, 41.

"The first day we called for the strike, some people called us collaborators" with Egypt and Israel, said Abu Lehiyeh.

But Hamas also made a concession to the drivers, allowing them to raise fare prices by a few cents. With smuggled Egyptian fuel no longer coming in, motorists now pay triple for legally imported Israeli diesel and gas.

Just a year ago, Hamas' prospects seemed much brighter: The Brotherhood had risen to power through elections in Egypt, and Hamas enjoyed improved ties with regional powers Qatar and Turkey. The coup in Egypt last summer dramatically reversed Hamas' fortune.

Ahmed Yousef, an intellectual from Hamas' pragmatic wing, warned the status quo in Gaza is unsustainable. "It is no longer possible for the government institutions ... to stop the continued decline in all walks of life," Yousef wrote in an essay sent to journalists on Wednesday.

Without the Egyptian fuel, Gaza's longstanding electricity shortages have gotten even worse. On good days, power is on for eight hours and off for eight, but the rolling blackouts change to six hours on and 12 hours off when the territory's only power plant runs out of fuel, as it has done repeatedly in recent months. At the same time, many in Gaza can no longer afford to run generators.

"We are back to using candles," said Abu Ibrahim, a 40-year-old captain in the traffic police who has received less than one-third of his salary since December. He spoke on condition he be identified only by his nickname for fear of trouble with Hamas officials.