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Joy Gordon: U.S. responsible for human toll of Iraq sanctions

Last week the U.N. Security Council voted to lift the sanctions
that it imposed on Iraq 20 years ago. Vice President Joe Biden
hailed the occasion as “an end to the burdensome remnants of the
dark era of Saddam Hussein.”

What he did not say was that the sanctions were more than
burdensome. They triggered a humanitarian crisis that resulted in
the deaths of hundreds of thousands of children, and the collapse
of every system necessary to sustain human life in a modern
society. And he certainly did not mention that among all the
nations on the Security Council, it was the U.S. -- and the U.S.
alone -- that ensured that this human damage would be massive and
indiscriminate.

All of this took place within an obscure committee of the
Security Council, known as the 661 Committee. Few have heard of it.
But it was this committee that determined whether Iraqis would have
clean water, electricity in their homes, or fuel for cars and
trucks.

It was a committee that met behind closed doors, and never made
its records public. Within it, the U.S. had a unique role. As the
humanitarian situation in Iraq deteriorated, support for the
sanctions on the Security Council began to erode. When other
members of the council sought to allow critical humanitarian goods
into Iraq, the U.S. vetoed them. For the first eight months of the
sanctions, the U.S. would not even allow Iraq to import food. Once
the committee decided to allow food, the U.S. then objected to
trucks needed to deliver food and other goods, as well as
irrigation equipment to increase agriculture.

The U.S. policies were extreme and relentless. The U.S. blocked
refrigeration for medicines, on the grounds that refrigerators
might be used to store agents for biological weapons. The U.S.
blocked things as innocuous as plywood, fabric, glue and glass on
the grounds that they were “inputs to industry,” which might be
used to rebuild Iraq’s military.

The U.S. blocked child vaccines and yogurt-making equipment on
the grounds that the Iraqi government might use them to make
weapons of mass destruction. When Iraq tried to increase the number
of small animals for meat, cheese and milk, the U.S. blocked goat
and sheep vaccines, claiming that Iraq might use them as biological
weapons.

The U.S. prevented Iraq from importing water tankers during a
period of drought, while there were epidemic levels of sickness
from drinking water unfit for human consumption. And water pipes
for irrigation. And light switches, and telephones, and ambulance
radios, and fire trucks, claiming that they might be used by Iraq’s
military.

At one point, a U.S. official came before the 661 Committee with
a vial of cat litter, and informed the members, in all seriousness:
“This could be used to stabilize anthrax.”

No one else found the U.S. justifications to be plausible.
UNMOVIC, the U.N.’s weapons inspectors, disputed many of the U.S.
justifications for blocking humanitarian goods. Even Britain, the
U.S.’ closest ally on the Security Council, did not share the views
of the U.S. Still, the U.S. rarely relented.

The U.S. insisted that these policies were aimed at Saddam
Hussein. But it was obvious that they had little to do with him.
Iraq’s political and military leadership, and the wealthy elite,
were insulated from the hardship. But the population as a whole was
not.

To destroy a country’s infrastructure, to reduce a nation to a
pre-industrial condition and then keep it in that state, means
precisely that it will be unfit to sustain human life. The reports
of U.N. agencies and international organizations such as the Red
Cross ensured that U.S. officials knew, with certainty, exactly
what harm was being caused by U.S. policies.

While Vice President Biden tells the world that the end of the
sanctions means that Iraq can now move forward to a bright future,
what he does not say is that in fact there was damage that was
irreversible, including child deaths and stunted growth from years
of malnutrition. What he also does not say is that the rest of the
damage -- the collapse of the infrastructure, the terrible
deterioration in industry, agriculture, electricity, health and
education -- was not just due to Saddam Hussein’s indifference.
However much harm Saddam did to the Iraqi people, the U.S., for
over a decade, made it far, far worse.

Joy Gordon, Ph.D., is a philosophy professor at Fairfield
University. She is the author of “Invisible War: The United States
and the Iraq Sanctions” (Harvard University Press).