Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is a non-partisan political, economic, social and democratic accountability movement founded in 2011 in pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention on 9 February 2008 in Harare, Zimbabwe.

Today, 19
October, 2015, marks exactly 29 years to the day President Samora Machel of
Mozambique was killed in yet unclear circumstances, though of course the
greatest suspicion has been placed on apartheid South Africa. He was 53 years
and had been in power for 11 years.

As a Zimbabwean,
and from my born-free perspective, I never had an opportunity to see or meet
Cde Machel; when he passed on I was only a few years old. But growing up, I
came to know more about this foreigner just through the sheer recognition and
appreciation, albeit posthumously, that was so apparent within the broader
Zimbabwean society.

My understanding
of the legacy that Samora Machel left has become deeper over the years, as I
have sought to really understand why a person, a foreigner for that matter, can
be such a celebrated figure in a foreign country. It is this interaction with
history as told by others that has expanded my appreciation of this legacy that
we celebrate today.

Today, as we
commemorate this life well lived, there are a number of things that stand out
about this great African revolutionary. I associate Cde Machel with
organizational excellence particularly for his role firstly in the independence
struggle of his country Mozambique and also his role in the bloc known as the
frontline states. Indeed, he led from the front in defeating the Portuguese
colonial hegemony in Mozambique, which victory became a strategic turnaround
and precursor to the eventual demise of the Rhodesians.

This is coupled
with orchestrating the revolutionary self-sacrifice that was shown by the
people of Mozambique, who having got their independence earlier were able to
understand that you can never enjoy your independence to the full when your
neighbour is still in bondage. It takes great organizational and persuasive
guile to convince a people to sacrifice for another, moreso given the poor
state of their country at that particular time. We all know and acknowledge today
how Mozambique became a strategic base for liberation fighters fighting the regime
of Ian Smith in Rhodesia.

Though today
Chimoio and Nyadzonia stand out as key low moments in the struggle when the
settler regime, sought to inflict collateral damage on its direct opponents and
those offering them support by launching an attack on foreign territory; the
truth of the matter is that the people of Mozambique suffered a lot more
through incursions into their territory by both Rhodesian and South African
forces.

There is a lot
to learn and much more to say from the relationship that existed then and still
exists to this day between Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Even Dr Thomas Mapfumo
acknowledges in his song ‘Zimbabwe-Mozambique’ these strong brotherly and
sisterly ties.

The challenge I
find today and I have also seen for many of my own contemporaries – the youth
of today – is what lessons we can take in building our future from the story of
Zimbabwe-Mozambique and as told from the Machel perspective.

From Zimbabwe’s
current context, with its challenges, and told from various angles, there are a
number of lessons to be drawn from the Machel legacy.

1. African
brotherhood – as defined then by Machel and his contemporaries in the frontline
states, which definition I content still remains relevant today – still stands
as a critical pillar in addressing the various challenges that Africans across
the continent face. Though these may differ according to local national contexts
and conditions, the story of the frontline states still stands as an
inspiration to how working together as Africans is the greatest panacea to
Africa’s common problems.

2. No African
country can claim developmental success when other African countries have not
attained the same – at least a basic level of development. Today the continent
boasts of extremes in terms of poverty and opulence. Even here in Zimbabwe,
this is true. And the xenophobia that has become an occasional problem in South
Africa and other countries is testimony to how the inequality scourge
re-invents itself as a problem in perpetuity.

3. Genuine
collective development will only be driven and delivered by the younger
generation. This is not to say the elders have no role to play. But a cursory
look at how the liberation struggle played out in Zimbabwe and other frontline
states, Zimbabwe and Mozambique included, is testimony to the power in the
youth. Unfortunately today, we have that unfortunate situation where the youth
are a disjointed lot and cannot identify what the common challenge(s) is/are
and how they can over-ride their differences to address their common
challenges.

Let me end by
thanking the organizers of this event, the Committee of the Peoples Charter,
for creating the space to honour one of Africa’s finest revolutionaries. It is
an honour as a young person, to be able to share valuable lessons we all get
from this foreigner who sacrificed a lot for other ‘foreigners’. And as was his
great catch-phrase, ‘áluta continua –
the struggle indeed continues’.

I thank you.

Nationalism and feminism: a time to define our role in our ‘new’
African struggle

By Koliwe Majama

My presentation will focus on the socialist connections between
national ‘liberation’ and women’s emancipation. This presentation, I hope, will
ignite a flame in Zimbabwe’s feminist movement, and particular in the younger
section of that community of Zimbabwean women especially. This is obviously the
recognition that as young women we are obliged to have an active definitive role
within our national socio, economic and political struggles.

The significance of our participation, as women, in todays struggle
should be linked to the acknowledgement of the symbolism of the role that young
Zimbabwean women played during our liberation struggle. There is need to pick
from where they left and carry forward what will be generation continuity of
equality for men and women.

In my presentation, I will make reference to, Samora Machels, socialist
perspectives on the significance of women within, at the time, liberation
movements- making the linkages within our context today – our current status,
challenges and making proposals on a way forward in this path of redefinition
and action. I will however, in making the linkages, also make reference to
other African experiences and writings to put into perspective why it is
important that we are having this conversation today.

Samoras’ legacy is evidently and undoubtedly relevant to us a
Zimbabwean people, particularly when you revisit the chronicles of The
Chimurenga; His role as an individual – and the overall sacrifices made by the
people of Mozambique in contributing to the Zimbabwe that we are today. Let me hasten to say that as a social
democratic movement, the CPC, we have commemorated today consistently since our
formation as recognition of not only that role in the context of the
liberation, but the relevance of his words and action in an entirely different
time and place.

So what is significant about women’s participation in the liberation
war in Zimbabwe? It is important to note that during the liberation war,
Zimbabwean women rose above the traditionally subordinated gender positions in
order to fight equally with men in the struggle for national independence. And
for this they were heralded internationally.

At independence Robert Mugabe
acknowledged this when he acknowledged that Zimbabwe had learnt through the
liberation that the country learnt through the liberation struggle that success
and power are possible when men and women are unites.

The attainment of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, ironically, coincided
with the United Nations decade for women, and subsequently the mid-term Women’s
conference in Copenhagen, which in actual fact made the socialist connections between
national liberation and women’s emancipation. It focused on women in South
Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

Much earlier in Guinea Bissau, Amilar Cabral had argued that a that
a revolution would not be complete without the social transformation of both
men and women, and that women had to fight
for and earn their right to equality
with men.

So the big question now is - With all that recognition and socialist
feminist hope for women in Southern Africa is this reflective of the equality,
confidence and determination today – years after the gaining of national
independence?

Samora argued at the time that the liberation of women is a fundamental necessity for the revolution,
the guarantee of its continuity and
the precondition for its victory.

The answer is no!

Broadly speaking Zimbabwean women today are probably more
subordinated in todays struggle for a democratic Zimbabwe than they were
fighting for a liberated one. The women that we celebrate today as liberation
sheroes – were young at the time Zimbabwe was at war.

The question is, and in
reference to Samoras words, was that participation guaranteed to continue? To
what extent does their participation as young women influence our participation
today as young Zimbabwean women?

2.Interaction and mentorship by
female comrades – The case of Freedom Nyamubaya and Margret Dongo/ Wrings of
Takura Zhangazha on the power that is yielded by Grace Mugabe/Joice Mujuru (Samora speaks to continuity)

3.Youth movements – juvenile (in political parties) The case of Hon.
Annastacia Ndlovu and young womens’ participation (in social movements)

4.Opinions on socio, economic and
political issues vs. utilization of more readily available spaces. (The
internet) – Her Zimbabwe experience on women and inboxing.

Like it or not,
patriarchy is going to take longer to deal with. Women no matter how empowered are,
without breaking the barriers we will still feel subjugated and not publicly
have an opinion on potentially controversial issues – and this is despite the
many opportunities that we have been offered – which include Education/
employment opportunities/voting rights/participation in ‘most spheres’.

But the socialist feminist perspectives which were key in defining
the women’s liberation and equality within their the context of a war – that is
in liberation movements should take a shift today so that we are able to
extend/ move forward what they began – for generational continuity.

Monday, 20 July 2015

1. The Zimbabwean national
economy, in it structural framework (the state, private sector, social
services and informal sector) has come to be both a political and ideological
issue. We immediately raise the structural dimension of debating our national
economy because goods, services, and wealth are created within established
frameworks by dint of either global best examples or historically arrived
at values and principles. In both cases these two aspects have also
historically been ideological (liberalism, neo-liberalism, socialism,
communism, state-capitalism, nationalism).

2. Historically our country’s
economy has also been one that is largely characterized by a combination of
mimicry of these same said economic models and ideas. On occasion with the best
of intentions but in most cases out of sheer necessity but lack of thorough
application to our national context.

3. Zimbabwe has now come full
circle since our national independence, from being an economy that was
initially supported by the remnants of a settler state capitalism while
embarking on a socialist ideological economic intention to one that was to
become liberal (free-market) in the 1990s decade of structural adjustment. This
latter phase, while making pretensions at retaining the key role of the state in facilitating social welfare services (education, health, public transport
subsidies) gave way to a stricter free market framework in which the state has
all but withdrawn its role of ensuring that the basic needs of all citizens are
met. This is the neo-liberal version of our national economic policy that
Zimbabwe is now experiencing.

4. This is also despite the
radical nationalism that informed what is now referred to as the Fast Track
Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). While the latter was intended to be a
means of redress for historical colonial injustice addressing, its occurrence
has however been within the broader ambit of again, limited state support for
new farmers and nascent manufacturers of agricultural end products.

4.1 Further expressions of radical
nationalism within a neo-liberal economic context were to be found in the
national indigenization policy that followed the FTLRP. The targeting of
foreign majority owned private corporations to cede at least 51% of their
shares, while being a convenient carry over from the land reform programme was
however not intended to be a wealth redistribution programme for all. It
has instead created a limited number of elites who with the passage of time and
limited numbers of viable companies to indigenize also sought to acquire 51%
ownership of banks, a tertiary service sector.

4.2 To this end, the neo-liberal
framework that now informs our national economy has come to be exemplified by
the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Social and Economic Transformation (ZIMASSET).
Its primary pretext of utilizing central government mortgaging state assets to
public private partnerships across its clusters identified as food security;
value addition; social services and poverty reduction; infrastructure and
utilities and finally value addition and beneficiation. All in order
to arrive at an economy where the social democratic obligations of the state to
provide basic needs for all of its citizens are diminished.

4.3 This is why, for all the
praise singing, ZimAsset is being implemented within the context of high levels
of unemployment, lack of affordable healthcare, poor public transport services,
ongoing endemic levels of corruption, lack of affordable housing and lack of
affordable basic education.

5. It is this lived economic
reality that while being imbued with abstract statements of good intention from
the government, remains neo-liberal and elite centered.

5.1 In light of this structural
framework, it is therefore imperative that there be greater analysis of the
depressing realities that are our lived national economic realities. This
would entail understanding our economy to be characterized by the following:

a) A
continued application of various economic models and blueprints without a
thorough appreciation and consideration of our national context in order to
arrive at people-centered economic solutions

b) The
use of radical nationalist rhetoric to paper over an elitist and predatory
state capitalism under the guise of public private partnerships

c) The
individualization of the Zimbabwean citizen by way of personal debt and
repressive political laws that serve to make it near impossible for different
alternatives and frameworks to be placed in the public domain

d)The dis-empowerment of the youth and women of Zimbabwe through unemployment,
lack of access to affordable basic and tertiary education, lack of access to
affordable healthcare, public transport and land.

e) The
negation of the elderly and pensioners to the vagaries of the unaffordable cost
of living.

5.2 In order to mitigate these undemocratic
economic circumstances, it is imperative that all Zimbabweans consider the
following:

a) Challenging
the ideological framework of government’s economic policies in order to effect
a shift from the current neo-liberal one to a social democratic grounding that recognizes that the role of the state remains that of ensuring basic needs for
all citizens. This being done while simultaneously promoting innovation,
protecting our local markets and democratically contextualizing every proposed new
economic blueprint suggested by global trends.

b) Prioritizing the economic plight of the youth and elderly by crafting alternative social
democratic economic policy frameworks that outline organic solutions in the
immediate as well as the long term.

c) Making
gender an integral aspect of any alternative economic frameworks

d) Harnessing
the input of the Zimbabwean Diaspora in crafting social democratic economic
frameworks.

e) Lobbying
the government of the day on these frameworks and remaining true to principle.

Issued by the Subcommittee on the
National Economy and Social Welfare.

Wednesday, 8 July 2015

Increasing the Diaspora
contribution to the national economy is to increase their rights as well.

Position
Paper Number 3

Issued 8 July 2015

1.0 The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes that the
development of any nation is chiefly driven by its citizens – both within and
without the country. The latter constitutes a rich cross-section of the country’s
human capital that is resident in other countries, constituted by both skilled
and unskilled labour. This population is commonly referred to as the Diaspora.

1.1 Various reasons, to varying degrees, and over different
time periods have led to many Zimbabweans leaving the country; the post 2000
political and economic instability being the most recent to have forced
citizens to leave the country.

1.2 It is currently estimated that 3 or 4 million Zimbabweans
are living abroad, the greater majority being resident in Southern Africa. A
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) paper on ‘The Potential Contribution of the Zimbabwe Diaspora to Economic Recovery’produced in 2010 suggests that South Africa alone is estimated to
have in excess of 2 million Zimbabweans, and close to half a million in the UK.

1.3 The general trend has seen Zimbabweans migrating to
countries with more developed democratic cultures such as South Africa, the UK,
USA, Botswana, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. This postulates the absence
or lack of democracy or a democratic culture in Zimbabwe as a major push factor
influencing this outward migration.

1.4 This departure of the skilled labour component has
immensely contributed to the phenomenon of ‘brain drain’ which consequently has
had a negative impact on economic growth and overall development. This flight
of skilled personnel has had the most negative impact on the health and
education systems.

2.0 For a long time now, and especially in the wake of a deteriorating
economy, Zimbabwe has been receiving substantial support from her Diaspora.
This support has been mostly in the form of remittances to family and friends,
as well as transfers between people and organizations.

2.1 Official figures from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe show
that in 2013 alone, Zimbabwe received US$1, 8 billion through money transfer
agencies and the formal banking sector, though this represents a slight decline
from the 2012 figures of around US$2, 1 billion.

2.2 The government of Zimbabwe has as a result moved to
capitalize on this reality with manoeuvres being made to tap from this huge inflow
of funds so that the local economy benefits from Diaspora savings.

2.3 Recently the Minister of Finance has proposed for the
government to formalize platforms for engagement with the Diaspora through the
Zimbabwe Diaspora Home Interface Programme (ZDHIP).

2.4 This is emanating from the reality that the vast majority
of remittances to Zimbabwe by her Diaspora are not coming through official
government channels, from which the government can tap into and be able to
drive the Diaspora savings’ contribution to the national economy.

2.5 Many cite distrust of the government by its citizens as
the main reason, especially in its (government’s) handling of the banking
sector in particular, and the economy in general.

3.0 However, these enthusiastic manoeuvres to tap into the
contribution of the Diaspora have not been matched by equal enthusiasm to
accord the Diaspora their rights as legitimate, well-serving and patriotic
citizens of Zimbabwe.

3.1 Of particular concern is the constant denial, despite
spirited albeit false claims by the drafters of our constitution of the
inclusion of the provision for a Diaspora vote, which does not exist in the current
national constitution.

3.2 This contempt for the Diaspora by the regime is also
noted in the silence of key blueprints such as Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable
Socio-Economic Transformation (ZimAsset) which fails to capture the contribution
of the Zimbabwean Diaspora to the establishment of a genuinely sustainable socio-economic
transformation.

3.3 Indeed, and to the contrary, we have had to listen time
and again as Zanu PF and at times government representatives pour scorn on the
Diaspora for having exercised their right to search for greener pastures
outside Zimbabwe as the economy continues to deteriorate.

3.4 While a significant majority has left the country for
chiefly economic reasons, an almost equal proportion cite bad governance and
politics as the reason compelling their departure to other countries. Some have
genuinely fled persecution of all kind from the ruling elite as it has used
every possible trick in the book to hold on to power.

4.0 It is the humble submission of the Committee of the
Peoples Charter (CPC) that any engagement with the Zimbabwean Diaspora
especially where it pertains to their contribution to the development of the
nation should be hinged on the genuine recognition of Zimbabweans abroad, as
full and legitimate citizens of this country, with equal rights and
opportunities as citizens resident in the country.

4.1 The government should genuinely recognize the Diaspora as
part of our country’s demography and therefore ensure that the same rights as
enjoyed by citizens resident in the country are also accorded to and enjoyed by
the Diaspora.

4.2 Chief among these rights is the right to be involved in
the governance of their country; this by being accorded the constitutionally
prescribed right to ‘vote in all elections and referendums’.

4.3 There is no judicious reason for the Zimbabwean Diaspora
to be denied this fundamental right to participate in elections from which-ever
country they are resident, through the same means by which other citizens
resident, such as state employees at foreign embassies in the Diaspora are
accorded an opportunity to vote.

4.4 The inherent right of the Diaspora to contribute to the
national economy and to the general development of the country should be
matched by the enjoyment of the Diaspora of all fundamental rights and freedoms
that are accorded to all citizens of Zimbabwe by the national constitution.

5.0 It should be inherent upon government to ensure that it
engages with all its citizens, both within and outside the country, so that it
is primarily the needs, wishes and aspirations of these citizens that informs
national progress and development.

5.1 This should ideally begin with the inclusive drafting of
a holistic Diaspora Policy Paper that takes into consideration the needs of all
citizens; taking into consideration the existence of both push and pull factors
influencing outward migration from Zimbabwe.

5.2 Serious thought should be made by all stakeholders,
including government, business and civil society actors towards the formulation
of an inclusive ‘Framework for Re-engaging the Diaspora’. This should take into
consideration the diversity that exists within the Diaspora and how they also
feed into various spheres of the well-functioning of the nation state.

5.3 Government must also take it as its chief responsibility,
to creating an environment that will encourage its citizens to stay in the
country and also more importantly encourage those outside to return, and
champion the development and progress of the nation.

5.4 Consideration should also be put on building the
confidence and collective trust of citizens in the governance and overall
macro-economic management of the country, as basics, in retaining as well as
attracting skilled labour in both the private and public sectors.

5.5 It should be noted that while Diaspora remittances may be
critical in supporting households and alleviating poverty in the short-term, the
return of skilled labour in both the public and private sectors can be a sure
cog in the long term economic stability and development of the country.

5.6 It is and should be one of the government’s key
priorities to ensure that the environment in the country is sufficient to
accord all citizens, without discrimination on whatever grounds, equal
opportunities and right to self-actualization; this in pursuit of a socially
just, democratic and open society, based on the fundamental ideal of a social
democratic state, where citizens own and drive national processes, progress and
development.

Issued by the Diaspora
and International Solidarity Committee of the Committee of the Peoples
Charter

Tuesday, 16 June 2015

Think. Act. Lead.

Position Paper Number 2

Issue Date: 15 June 2015

1.1 The
legal reality that is Zimbabwe’s new constitution, in the two years that is has
existed, was never intended as the ushering in of a new democratic era for the
country. This is despite the controversial constitutional outreach and
eventual referendum that saw 3 million people voting in favour and 178 489
voting against the supreme legal document of the country.

1.2 Since
its promulgation into law following presidential assent on 22 May 2013 and its
established framework for the holding of harmonised elections on 31 July of
the same year, the new constitution has taken on its true character of being an
incremental, elitist and political power seeking document.

1.3 This
is evidenced not only by its transitional clauses in relation to executive
authority, but also the fact that it has not resulted in any significant
democratic shift in the way in which the people of Zimbabwe are governed.

1.4 What
it has unfortunately led to is a continuation of the concentration of power in
the hands of executive, an expansion of the institutional reach of the same
through guided devolution and decentralization of the state, a default bill of
rights that depends on state benevolence for it to be justiciable and a
parliament that serves more as a distribution of state largess than it does
democratic oversight of the executive.

1.5 But
perhaps the most critically disparaging aspect of the new constitution is less
its incrementalist content and more its elite functionalism without any
indications of it being structured to deliver a new people driven democratic
culture.

1.6 The
signs of the latter are to be found in the already announced intention to amend
it by the ruling Zanu PF Party. Not that constitutions cannot be amended
but to change them so soon after a national referendum betrays the actual
character of the document as one of political expediency as opposed to organic
entrenchment of democratic values and principles.

1.7 It
is within this context that the new constitution cannot be viewed as people
driven, democratic or a final document that will best serve posterity. This is
argued because of the following key reasons:

a) The new constitution was a political
party compromise document that was negotiated during the tenure of the
inclusive government. This fact is perhaps what most cripples the new
constitution. Being devoid of the key political element of being established
for posterity and undermined by the political expediency that was the inclusive
government, it becomes a document that remains relevant largely to those that
at any one given point yield state power, over and above any organic social
democratic meaning to the citizens of the country.

b) The national referendum that preceded
its promulgation, was politicized to the extent of being a dress rehearsal for
the subsequent June 2013 harmonised elections. It was therefore not just
a referendum in the broadest possible understanding of the term but a cajoling
of the Zimbabwean people to accept that which the political elite had deemed to
be correct. To this extent a great number of Zimbabweans still do not know let
alone the comprehend the full import of the new constitution. This is a
reality that underpins the fact of the elitist nature of the constitution,
despite claims by the then inclusive government that it was derived from a
people driven process.

c) The
aftermath of both the referendum and the enactment of the new constitution have
been characterized by general government nonchalance as to the establishment of
subsidiary enabling legislation. This is largely due to not only an evident
lack of political will but the general disdain and disregard that the
government has toward its own elite document. A disdain that stems from
the fact that the new constitution is viewed as utilitarian only where and when
and concerns power and the distribution of state largess as opposed to the
advancement of ingrained democratic values into our political system and
culture. That this can occur so soon after the supreme law came into effect
demonstrates its clear disjuncture from the lived realities of the people.

1.8 It
is therefore imperative that the new constitution be placed into its full
political context so we come to an understanding as to its full import.

Such context would best be encapsulated
in the following two points:

a) The new constitution, given the
undemocratic and inorganic manner of its genesis cannot be viewed as a document
that is indicative of national democratic arrival. The search for a new
democratic, people driven constitution for Zimbabwe is still a journey that
must be embarked on in a manner that includes but is not limited to political
parties in government as is the current case.

b) That while the new constitution is a
legal reality that cannot be avoided, all Zimbabweans must remain cognizant of
its fundamental democratic inadequacies. Even if they were to get
piecemeal changes via some of its clauses, these gains would remain a far off
the mark with regard to the truly social democratic society that all
Zimbabweans regardless of age, race, colour, gender and class deserve.

c)And lastly
that in its legal reality, the new constitution, is not the panacea to our
past, current and future problems with authoritarian rule or cosmetic and
pretentious democratic governance. All Zimbabweans need to continue their
search and conscious struggle for a social democratic society despite claims by
political party leaders to a false narrative of arrival. This must be done with
full knowledge of our past mistakes as a country and for posterity.

Tuesday, 2 June 2015

The Committee of the Peoples Charter condemns the
recent announcement by local government minister Ignatius Chombo declaring a
seven day ultimatum for all vendors to leave the central business districts of
all cities and towns. The minister issued this statement with the endorsement
and contribution of the Joint Operations Command (JOC), a development that is
not only inappropriate but also unnecessary in order to pursue a democratic
solution to a perceived problem.

In their responses, and correctly so, the Zimbabwe
Informal Sector Organisation (ZISO) and the National Vendors Union Zimbabwe
(NAVUZ) have described this undemocratic intent on the part of government
action as tantamount to treating a symptom and not a cause.

They further asserted that however one views the issue
of vending in central business districts, bringing in JOC and the spectre of forcible
removal, is not going to solve the economic challenges such as unemployment and
endemic poverty that are faced by many Zimbabweans.

The CPC wholly agrees with the views of ZISO and NAVUZ
and in solidarity also wishes to highlight the following:

The issue of informal trade is now an intrinsic
reality of Zimbabwe’s political economy. Wishing it away by threatening
to forcibly move vendors from our cities and towns using both the police
and army is tragically reminiscent of the repressive tendencies of the colonial
state. The latter sought to keep city/town centers not only as racial but also
economic exclusion zones from the majority poor.

It is also intended action that reflects the
repressive tendencies of our current post independence government. It has
retained the economic apparatus and framework of the colonial state in limiting
the right of citizens to earn a decent living through elitist and neo-liberal
economic policies that favour the politically connected rich at the expense of
the majority poor. From economic blueprints such as the Economic Structural
Adjustment Programmes of the 1990s through to the present day ZimAsset, it is
clear that government is directly responsible for the current and dire national
economic state of affairs.

These policies have over the years led to massive
private sector retrenchments, lack of social service delivery, unprecedented
high costs of living, repression of trade unions and the introduction of an
economic patronage system based on political affiliation. Their end
results have been the current situation in which thousands of our country’s
citizens having no choice but to undertake informal economic activities while
millions others resort to seeking greener pastures in the Diaspora.

For government, through JOC, to want to arbitrarily
remove vendors from the CBD is an exercise in not only political
repression but crass hypocrisy.

The CPC is of the firm view that the City of Harare
and other urban local authorities have not done enough to seek an amicable
solution to the opportunities and challenges that come with the expansion of
the informal sector within their cities. Furthermore, central government,
through the ministry of local government, by calling for forcible removal of
vendors without a comprehensive and people centered alternative plan
is demonstrating the extent to which it is not grounded in the realities
confronting a majority of urban residents countrywide.

It is for this reason that the CPC is convinced that
government is absolutely wrong on seeking solutions in forcible removal of
vendors. What is it that must be hidden about the lived realities of the people
of Zimbabwe and from whom must it be hidden?

There are better solutions in engagement and dialogue,
processes which the relevant associations of vendors and the informal sector
have already agreed to. Businesses in the CBD must also agree that their lack
of capacity to deliver and fill in the market gap that is now occupied by the
informal sector are also reflective of larger economic challenges than mere
occupation of street corners.

Above all else, local and central government are
obliged not to act in a rash and arbitrary fashion. They must address economic
challenges holistically and with an intention to address them as opposed to
excluding the poor majority from their right to earn a living. This
includes democratic engagement in good faith with all residents, vendors
unions, businesses and addressing key causes of the desperate poverty that has
made it so necessary for citizens to hawk small goods on street pavements.

Wednesday, 27 May 2015

1. The Committee
of the Peoples Charter (CPC) has noted with great misgiving the development of
a culture of abusing Section 129 (1k) of the new constitution as it relates to
by-elections for Members of Parliament. This section states that the seat
of a Member of Parliament may become vacant if;

“ the Member has ceased
to belong to the political party of which he or she was a member when elected
to Parliament and the political party concerned, by written notice to the
Speaker or the President of the Senate, as the case may be, has declared that
the member has ceased to do so’

It is this section that
has occasioned at least 19 constituency by-elections in Zimbabwe thus far into
the tenure of this current Parliament.

1.2 While the CPC holds
no brief for political parties it is important that given the context of
political party factionalism in both opposition and ruling parties be these
unfortunate political developments be placed and analysed through social
democratic lenses and national context.

In a constituency based
and largely ‘first past the post’ system such as ours ‘by-elections’ are
democratic processes that would usually occur in the event of the resignation
or death of a sitting Member of Parliament.

1.3 In terms of the
same Section 129 of the new constitution, by-elections can also occur where a
sitting Member of Parliament:

üceases
to be a registered voter,

üis
absent without leave for 21 consecutive days from either house

übecomes
president or vice president of the country;

übecomes
a Speaker or President of the National Assembly and Senate respectively

üis
convicted of a criminal offence

üis
declared insolvent

ütakes
up other public office roles (parastatals, provincial councils)

1.4 Some of these
provisions have been used sparingly in the current tenure of the current
Parliament. Examples include the passing away of members of Parliament,
the appointment of one Member of Parliament to the post of vice president and
the removal of another from the same post after the 2013 harmonised general
election.

They have however been
utilized with at an alarmingly disproportionate rate to the above cited
examples where and when it applies with subsection (k) in relation to political
parties writing letters to the speaker or president of the senate.

It is a development
that has led to the holding of at least 19 by elections for constituency
members of the National Assembly and the Senate. It has also affected
proportional representation members of both houses.

1.5 The CPC views these
developments as cases of abuse of the constitution by political parties that
are still represented in Parliament. At an estimated cost of US$36
million as given by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), these by-elections
are not only an unnecessary drain on meagre resources that the country does not
have but are an inherent abuse of state resources to essentially settle
internal and personal scores as they derive from leaders of political
parties.

1.6 These resources can
and could have been used to refurbish dilapidated public infrastructure,
provide desperately needed medicines or at the very least contributed to
the payment of the Basic Education Assistance Model (BEAM) deficits that are
affecting disadvantaged school children.

1.7 Furthermore, the
lack of absolute necessity of these elections caused by factionalism in
political parties has essentially led to the country being in perpetual
election mode for parliamentary seats that do not affect the nature or effect
of executive authority in Zimbabwe.

This is to say, they have no direct bearing
or cliff-hanger effect on the composition of Parliament or the structure of
government. They serve more to reconfigure internal party politics than
the public democratic interest.

1.8 For political
parties to continue to subject voters to elections that are not based on
democratic principles but a positivist reading of the law to serve their
internal problems point to the sad reality that political party constitutions
and internal processes are what really matter in Parliament. This as
opposed to the functions of the legislature as outlined in Chapter 6 (Part 6)
of the constitution.

1.9 While all
Zimbabweans have the right to associate and vote for leaders of their choice,
it would be a sad day for the future of our continually struggling democracy
if political parties treated the people and the electorate as canon-
fodder every time internal party disputes arise.

2.0 It is therefore the
firm view of the CPC that while these by-elections may be permissible at law,
they are however evidence of an undemocratic culture of entitlement by
political parties, especially where this is done through attempting to solve
internal party disputes via national institutions and processes at great
economic and democratic cost to the country.