Mixed
reaction to MDC-T policy conference

MDC-T’s recent policy conference managed to rejuvenate the party
that is fighting to revive its wanning political fortunes, according to some
analysts.

REPORT BY PATRICE MAKOVA

But others differed saying
the party emerged from the conference weaker because it failed to close
ranks with the labour movement, which is opposed to the party’s neo-liberal
policies.

The conference held under the theme, Towards Real
Transformation deliberated on the party’s Agenda for Real Transformation
(ART), an economic blueprint which focuses on political, economic and social
governance.

Analysts said MDC-T leader, Morgan Tsvangirai appeared
confident as he told the 2 000 delegates in Harare that he was ready to form
the next government.

Tsvangirai, who is also the country’s Prime
Minister, said the conference proved that the party remained alive and
stronger than ever before.

“We have, as a collective responsibility, come
up with our ART of governance, a comprehensive policy package that
demonstrates our statement of intent and our readiness to govern,” he said,
adding that an MDC-T government would bring Zimbabwe’s economy back on its
feet by tackling high unemployment, stamping out corruption and restoring
economic stability.

Political analyst, Jabusile Shumba said policy
conferences anywhere in the world offered a healthy platform for debate and
communicating key policy positions with the electorate.

MDC-T’s
economic recovery strategy feasible — Analysts

Economist, Professor Tony Hawkins said the MDC-T had the
potential to fly Zimbabwe’s economy high.

“I think they [MDC] have
the capacity if the policies they are talking about are implemented
efficiently. The policies are good, it’s a question of putting them into
practice. What is needed is to get the right direction from the politicians.
I don’t think there is much to criticise on the party’s policies so far,”
Hawkins said.

Political analyst and community development activist,
George Makoni said Tsvangirai emerged from the policy conference as a leader
with a vision for the country.He said the policies envisaged by the
MDC-T would go a long way in sprucing the image of the party and silence
critics who were accusing it of having no direction.

He said the
MDC-T’s realisation that poverty cannot be addressed without resolving the
weak and corrupt systems of governance was commendable.

Makoni said the
MDC-T policies come on the backdrop of rampant corruption particularly in
the extractive industry where the proceeds from diamond mining were
allegedly being looted by well-connected and influential people.

“The MDC
policy blueprint summarises the backbone of all challenges by stating that
the State has become highly centralised and autocratic and our democracy,
the result of a hard won independence struggle, is totally compromised,” he
said.

But another political analyst, Ernest Mudzengi, said while
proponents of free market policies were welcoming the outcome of the
conference, others such as workers were not happy.

“It depends on
which side you are [on], but to some they can say the policies are dangerous
for workers. That is why those in the labour movement are not happy with
ART,” he said.

Former MDC-T strong ally and National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) chairman, Professor Lovemore Madhuku said nothing new came
out of the conference.

“They have always been talking about these
things,” he said. “If anything, the conference showed the level of
intolerance within the MDC-T when the party’s secretary general Tendai Biti
refused to shake hands with Japhet Moyo [ZCTU secretary general]. How can
you invite someone to your conference and refuse to shake hands with him?”

Parliament
just a talk shop — NCA

The
National Constitution Assembly (NCA) said at Independence in 1980, the
country had 140 MPs, 150 in 1990, 216 in 2005 and by 2008 the number had
risen to 303.

“Despite its huge size, Parliament remains very weak.
It is just a talk shop. So why increase the number of MPs to join a talk
shop? The political parties are just creating employment for their
supporters at the expense of the people,” noted the NCA.

Though
Madhuku’s “No” vote campaign failed to win the hearts and minds of
Zimbabweans, he is now vindicated, as more people have started raising the
same issues that he highlighted before the new Constitution became
law.

Last week, Madhuku said: “This is what we have been saying but I
don’t want to comment because it will appear as if it’s sour
grapes.”

National Association of Non-governmental Organisation (Nango)
chairman, Effie Ncube said the new Constitution creates a bloated government
because it is a compromise document between those who wanted democracy and
those determined to keep the status quo.

He said it was not very
different from the Lancaster Constitution that reserved 20 seats for whites
because it was a negotiated document.

“It is not the best constitution
that one would want to have. It was made against so much resistance by Zanu
PF, that resulted in some excesses such as the increase in the number of
ministers,” said Ncube. “Once this dictatorship is gone, we need to sit down
and get rid of those things that are costly to the people of
Zimbabwe.”

MDC leader, Welshman Ncube said the new constitutional
establishments were necessary for democracy to prevail.

“Democracy
comes at a cost,” said Ncube. “If you want a democracy as a people, we must
be prepared to pay for it. It does not come for free.”

On the issue of
the 60 seats reserved for women, Ncube said: “We need more representation
for women to ensure inclusivity.”

Women make up 52% of the country’s
population but few of them occupy influential government positions.

‘New
charter: Don’t pop the champagne yet’

A new Constitution, signed into law by President Robert Mugabe
on Wednesday, is not a guarantee for democratic reform or an assurance of
free and fair elections, civil society organisations have
warned.

REPORT BY GAMMA MUDARIKIRI

While the signing of the new
charter was lauded as a key milestone, the civil society groups warned that
there was still much to be done to ensure that the country becomes
democratic.

Habakkuk Trust, chief executive officer, Dumisani Nkomo said
the new Constitution was a huge achievement on paper, but there was need for
political will to ensure its success.

“The new Constitution is still
a piece of paper for now and is not a guarantee for the democratisation of
the Zimbabwe political space,” he said.

“What is critical at this point
is for those in authority to respect the Constitution and in that way we can
expect a democratic state.”

Nkomo said the new Constitution was also not
an assurance of a free and fair election, as parts of the supreme law will
only take effect after the swearing in of a new government after the
polls.

Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association (BPRA) coordinator,
Rodrick Fayayo, although acknowledging the new Constitution as a milestone
achievement, said there was need for constitutionalism to take root, if the
country is to enjoy full democracy.

“The new constitution, despite
being a quantum step towards the democratisation of Zimbabwe, will not mean
anything if authorities do not respect it,” he said.

Fayayo concurred
with Nkomo, that there was no guarantee that the country would hold a
credible election, pointing to the chaotic voter registration
exercise.

Christian Alliance director, Useni Sibanda said the new
Constitution was a positive development and would drive forward the process
of national healing.

He gave an example of the Organ of National
Healing, Reconciliation and Integration that was set up in 2010, but was
still ineffective despite being a noble idea.

Constitution may not
change political culture —Analyst

In a statement, MDC president Welshman
Ncube also said the new constitution was a positive step towards attaining a
full democracy.

“We finally have a constitution that we can truly call
our own, a constitution by which the people have reclaimed their rights and
their power to determine through devolution, their own local affairs and
ultimately reserved for themselves the powers to determine the use of their
local resources,” he said.

Political analyst Charles Mangongera
however said Zimbabweans must not pop the champagne yet because the new
Constitution is “only a rule book that can be shredded”.

“There is a
risk that the Constitution might fail to transform political culture in
Zimbabwe,” said Mangongera. “Having a good Constitution is one
thing.Respecting that Constitution is something else.”

He said
many experts have observed that the Lancaster Constitution had many good
clauses that would have guaranteed rule of law and respect for human rights
but because the political leaders had no culture of constitutionalism, they
routinely violated it.

“I think we need a new generation of leaders that
will respect the Constitution. I do not see how Mugabe and his henchmen are
going to respect this new Constitution because constitutionalism is not in
their political DNA,” said Mangongera.

‘AU
did not snub Tsvangirai’

PRIME
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has dismissed reports that he was barred from the
African Union (AU) Golden Jubilee celebrations summit in Ethiopia, insisting
that he cancelled the trip because of the sudden illness of his wife,
Elizabeth Macheka.

REPORT BY MOSES CHIBAYA

The State media last
week reported that the AU had snubbed the premier from attending the
celebrations because it was only meant for the Heads of State and
Government.

However, the premier’s office yesterday said Tsvangirai did
what every responsible husband would do, given the condition of his
wife.

Tsvangirai’s spokesman, Luke Tamborinyoka said the State media has
gone ballistic in its attacks of the premier.

“The Prime minister was
going to the African Union but because of the sudden illness in the family,
Amai Tsvangirai vakarwara [Mrs Tsvangirai got ill], he cancelled his trip,”
said Tamborinyoka. “The principals on Monday discussed this issue. The
President [Robert Mugabe] was actually very confident that the three of them
should go to the AU summit, which is why the President and the Deputy Prime
Minister are already in Addis attending the AU summit.”

Tamborinyoka,
who could not divulge the nature of illness, said the premier’s wife was
recovering.

He said the continental body was aware of the visit by the
three principals in the inclusive government because the arrangement is a
peculiar one.

“The AU is aware of the unique circumstance in Zimbabwe
because they are the guarantors and curators of our inclusive government.
The PM was not barred by anyone which explains the presence of the other two
principals in Addis.”

Under pressure from the Southern African
Development Community and AU, Tsvangirai and Mugabe formed a power-sharing
government in 2009 to mend an inflation-ravaged economy and avoid a
political melt-down, after a bloody presidential run-off
election.

The MDC-T has said at least 200 of its supporters were killed
by State security agents and Zanu PF youth militia.

Tamborinyoka said
Tsvangirai had scheduled and confirmed meetings in Ethiopia with other Heads
of States. He said the Prime Minister was supposed to meet President
Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia, President Joyce Banda of Malawi and
President Michael Sata of Zambia.

Mnangagwa
faction fights back

A Zanu PF
faction loyal to Defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa is making counter
measures to block the ascendancy of Vice-President Joice Mujuru as heir
apparent to President Robert Mugabe.

This came after the agenda of a
special congress earmarked to fill vacant top positions was leaked and
following complaints that a probe team led by national chairman, Simon
Khaya-Moyo was on a witch-hunt for certain provincial
executives.

Sources said Mnangagwa, the Zanu PF’s national secretary for
legal affairs and his deputy justice minister, Patrick Chinamasa were key to
anyresolution which will determine Mugabe’s successor.

“He
(Mnangagwa) is silent at the moment because he knows that efforts to anoint
Mujuru in the manner being suggested will be illegal. There will be spanners
along the way. For any resolution to be passed, it has to pass through the
hands of the legal committee,” said a Politburo source.

He said Midlands
with the support of others provinces has already renewed attempts to have
the Zanu PF constitution amended to make it mandatory for politburo and all
other senior posts in the party directly elected by members.

“The
President (Mugabe) has repeatedly spoken against imposition of candidates.
If Mugabe himself is directly elected by the people why should politburo
members and those in the presidium, not be subjected to the same process?”
asked the Politburo member.

He said efforts to restructure provinces have
hit a brick wall following resistance by several provincial executives who
feared to meet the same fate as that of the dissolved Manicaland and
Bulawayo executives.

“What is there to probe in the provinces? If
anything the provincial executive which was supposed to face the chop is the
Harare one led by Amos Midzi. It has performed dismally and Zanu PF
continues to lose grounds to its opponents,” said the
official.

According to sources, the proposed special congress was
expected to see Moyo being elevated to vice-President following the death of
VP John Nkomo in January this year. The congress, whose dates remain a
closely guarded secret among very senior officials, will also clearly spell
out that in the event that Mugabe retires or is incapacitated before next
year’s full congress, the three other most officials in the party would be
automatically elevated.

Another senior Zanu PF official said Moyo and his
probe team have torched a storm in the whole party after announcing that
certain politburo members were more senior than others and anointing them as
provincial godfathers.

This followed Moyo’s pronouncement recently that
Zanu PF politburo secretary for production, Dzikamai Mavhaire was the
party’s godfather in Masvingo ahead of another politburo member Josaya
Hungwe, considered an ally of Mnangagwa.

Moyo told The Standard that
Mavhaire and Hungwe had been fighting over who was the most senior in the
province following the death of party’s secretary for external affairs and
Higher and Tertiary Education minister, Stan Mudenge.

Hungwe, the
Chivi-Mwenezi senator had assumed the “godfather” mettle in the divided
Masvingo province. This came after Mugabe at the burial of Mudenge at the
Heroes Acre in October last year hinted that he would always refer to Hungwe
on the “goings on” in the province.

“What the probe team did is illegal
because there is no provision in the Zanu PF constitution which states that
certain politburo members are de facto provincial leaders or more senior
than others,” said the official. “This issue of heading a portfolio is
immaterial. Who amongst them can say they were more senior to the late
general Solomon Mujuru who was a mere politburo committee
member.”

The probe team has also confirmed Zanu PF national secretary for
administration, Didymus Mutasa as the undisputed godfather in Manicaland.
This followed the suspension of provincial chairman, Mike Madiro and the
subsequent petition to Mugabe asking him to rein in Mutasa accusing him of
dictatorial tendencies and imposition of candidates, allegations he has
flatly denied.

But Moyo insisted that his probe team, which has
already been to Bulawayo, Manicaland, Harare, Masvingo, Mashonaland Central
and Mashonaland West, was not on a witch hunt. He said the exercise was
meant to strengthen Zanu PF ahead of elections and iron out differences
within provincial structures.

Zanu PF is currently riddled with
factionalism with two factions loyal to Mujuru and Mnangagwa positioning
themselves for Mugabe’s succession. Both Mujuru andMnangagwa have denied
leading factions or harbouring presidential ambitions.

Zanu PF
spokesperson, Rugare Gumbo could not be reached for comment, while Mutasa
was not answering his phone yesterday.—By Patrice Makova

MDC-T
bigwigs fall in primaries

Confirmation of sitting MP’s and MDC-T primary elections to
choose candidates ahead of forthcoming elections started in Harare yesterday
with several party heavyweights and cabinet ministers falling by the
wayside.

MDC-T’s Harare provincial spokesperson, Senator Obert Gutu said
by last night several party heavyweights and sitting MP’s had failed
theconfirmation process, meaning that primary elections open to other
candidates would be held in the respective constituencies.

He said
among the MP’s who had failed the confirmation process by the constituents
were Science and Technology minister Professor Heneri Dzinotyiwei of
Budiriro, Pearson Mungofa of Highfield East, and Willas Madzimure of
Kambuzuma.

Gift Dzirutwe of Glen Norah, Elias Jembere of Epworth and
Margret Matienga of Sunningdale were also rejected by their
constituents.

“In Sunningdale constituency, the sitting Margret Matienga
has failed the nomination process,” said Gutu. “Out of 204 voters in the
district, only 24 voters confirmed her. This means that there will be a
primary election in Sunningdale constituency on a date to be
announced.”

Mungofa is the MDC-T deputy secretary for mines while
Madzimure is party secretary for Harare province.

Dzinotyiwei said
the failure of confirmation of some candidates including himself, meant the
field was open for them to campaign before primaries are held at a later
date.

“I did not lose the elections, what was happening today was
confirmation of Members of Parliament, where the district council approves
two thirds of members to participate, yes we had more than two thirds in
this regard and I failed in terms of confirmation,” said Dzinotyiwei. “In
this round there were six candidates including myself and they had a common
agenda. What this means is that the candidates can now campaign in the
primary elections.”

The MPs who had been confirmed by last night included
Paul Madzore of Glen View South, Fanuel Munengami of Glen View North
constituency, Social welfare minister Paurina Mpariwa-Gwanyanya of Mufakose
and deputy gender minister, Jessie Majome of Harare West.

“Thank
Harare West MDC-T family for renewing my mandate to serve Harare West as MP.
Free and Fair Elections here we come!,” said Majome on her Facebook
page.The confirmation process where more than one candidate had been
endorsed by the MDC national council began at various centres in and around
the city yesterday from 8.00 in the morning.

The party’s Organizing
Secretary Nelson Chamisa described the process as free and fair and
expressed the hope the process would be completed before the end of the
night.

“Tomorrow (today) we move on to Chitungwiza and Bulawayo, then
Monday we are in Matabeleland South and North, then after that we go to
Mashonaland West and East hoping to conclude by the weekend with Manicaland
and Masvingo,” he said.

In Bulawayo, there are fears of an outbreak
of violence similar to a clash two years ago between rival factions
fighting for the control of the province.Chamisa said so far there were
few challenges experienced.

“We are using translucent ballot boxes and
ballot papers approved by the electoral colleges. We are using candidates’
lists that were approved by the leadership, with over 900 members of
parliament candidates,” he said.

Although Chamisa insisted that no senior
party official was being spared from being challenged, there are reports
that himself, as well as Finance minister Tendai Biti, Home Affairs minister
Theresa Makone, Economic Planning minister Tapiwa Mashakada were some of the
leaders uncontested.

The confirmation process was still going on in some
constituencies by the time of going to print last night.

Mavhaire, a soft-spoken
politician, is almost half the height of Hungwe, who is the Chivi-Mwenezi
Senator.

They can aptly fit into the Biblical David and Goliath
tale.

However, the two have few things in common; they are both former
Masvingo governors and senior Zanu PF members in the province.

But
despite belonging to the same party, the two do not see eye- to-eye as they
jostle for the control of the province.

Hungwe has been on the record
claiming that he was the most senior Zanu PF member in the province,
following the death of Higher and Tertiary Education minister, Stan
Mudenge.

He recently told the media that Mugabe anointed him as the
party’s provincial godfather at the burial of Mudenge at the National
Heroes’ Acre in Harare.

At the burial, Mugabe hinted he would always
refer to Hungwe on the “goings on” in the province.

Mugabe’s
statement was interpreted as anointing Hungwe as the party’s provincial
leader.

On the other hand, Mavhaire, who has not been very forthcoming in
talking about his seniority in public, has dared anyone to check the
politburo line up to prove he is more senior.

Mavhaire is said to be
linked to a Zanu PF faction loyal to Vice-President Joice Mujuru while
Hungwe is said to be sympathetic to Defence minister, Emmerson
Mnangagwa.

Mujuru and Mngangagwa factions are reportedly engaged in
underground wars to succeed President Robert Mugabe in the event that he
hands over power in the party.Hence, Mavhaire and Hungwe’s fight goes
beyond what the eye can see.

It is not just the fight for supremacy, but
it’s the battle for the minds, hearts and souls of the people.

“The
two are the point men for either Mujuru or Mnangagwa and their task is to
mobilise and campaign for their godfather and godmother,” a senior Zanu PF
said.

For a while, the two were separately claiming that either of them
was senior, leaving many supporters confused.

However, the jigsaw
puzzle was solved last weekend though it remains a contested
issue.

“Zanu PF
has a straightforward leadership that knows its hierarchy. The most senior
member here is Dzikamai Mavhaire. We said it in Masvingo town yesterday at
our provincial executive meeting and I will repeat it,” said Mutasa. “That’s
the position he [Mavhaire] has been given by none other than the President.
President Robert Mugabe gave him the biggest post here.”Mutasa said Mavhaire
assumed the top post following the death of Mudenge.“Minister Mudenge was
the most senior here, and now that Cde Mudenge is no more, Mavhaire becomes
more senior,” Mutasa said.And like the Biblical David versus Goliath tale,
Mavhaire finally had the last laugh, despite his less advantageous physical
might.

Govt
owes Harare City Council US$130m

HARARE
City Council is failing to provide clean water and other services to
residents because the government has not been paying the money it owes the
struggling local authority.

REPORT BY JENNIFER DUBE

City mayor
Muchadeyi Masunda said they would have been able to improve service
delivery, including clean water provision, had government departments paid
part of the US$130 million it owes the local authority.

Businesses and
residents also owe the city several millions of dollars in unpaid rates and
service charges.

The city requires US$2 million for the procurement and
installation of 47 pressure reducing valves, a project that could reduce
burst pipes by over 50%.

It also needs US$14 million for the
replacement of key sections of the distribution network consisting of about
150km of piping in a move hoped to avail water to over 60 000 households in
Greater Harare.

“We had hoped they [government] would prioritise these
projects and pay us from the US$130 million we are owed by various
government departments,” Masunda said last week. “We also need money to pay
our suppliers like Zimphos and the engineers who are fixing our
pumps.

“We also need to pay for the servicing of our pumps and as you
know, people nowadays want payment upfront.”

In an interview with The
Standard in February, Masunda said the city’s water situation was set to
improve next month if Harare managed to raise US$16 million to install the
PRVs and replace 150km piping with technical support from South Africa’s
Ethekwini Municipality.

Masunda last week said the Harare water situation
had improved, although not to a level the council had wanted.

It is
understood that Local Government, Urban and Rural Development minister,
Ignatius Chombo last week wrote to cabinet pressing upon the need for the
city’s debtors to pay up to facilitate more improvements on the water
network.

Nursing
graduates relieved to be in employment

GUGULETHU Moyo of Bulawayo could not believe it when she saw a
screaming newspaper headline stating that government had lifted a ban on
recruiting graduate nurses.She had to phone her colleagues to confirm
whether what she was reading was indeed true.

BY MUSA DUBE

The
26-year-old nurse is among thousands of graduate nurses who failed to get
jobs after government froze recruitment in 2010, citing budgetary
constraints.

The Finance ministry had said the recruitment of more
nurses was unsustainable as it gobbled almost 73% of the national allocation
to the health ministry.

Despite the freeze, the country continued to
churn out at least 1 500 nurses from its training schools each
year.

But Moyo was last week over the moon after finally landing a job as
a nurse after government lifted the ban early this year.

“The long
wait is over,” said Moyo, who said she had been deployed to work at a clinic
in Matabeleland South. “I can’t believe that I have found a job after such a
long wait.”

Moyo qualified as a nurse three years ago.

Since the
lifting of the ban, offices of the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare in
Bulawayo have been swarmed with several nursing graduates seeking the
elusive employment contract.

Another nurse, Rachel Khumalo said she had
lost hope of getting employed as a nurse. Out of desperation, she had taken
up a job as a shopkeeper at a local Chinese shop in Bulawayo.

“Some
of us were now hopeless, we didn’t think we would ever work as nurses,”
said Khumalo. “Imagine I had to work as a shopkeeper despite being a
qualified nurse.”

The government announced in March this year that it was
unfreezing over 2 000 posts for registered general nurses (RGN) around the
country.

Most of the posts fell vacant due to deaths, retirement and
resignation as nurses sought greener pastures outside the
country.

According to the Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Henry
Madzorera, his ministry was going to fill in all the vacant
posts.

“What we are doing now is filling these vacancies with our
trained, unemployed RGNs who qualified a long time ago,” he said. “We start
with those who qualified in 2009, 2010, 2011 before we come to those who
qualified in 2012.”

At least 1 800 qualified registered general
nurses have so far been recruited in public health institutions since early
this year.

Health experts had warned that the move to freeze posts in the
health sector would result in Zimbabwe failing to meet three of the
Millennium Development Goals that address health issues such as reduction of
child mortality, maternal health and combating HIV and Aids and Malaria by
2015.

recruitment will improve service delivery

The job freeze
policy, which was effected in 2010, had also affected the health delivery
system amid revelation that most hospitals and clinics were now run by
students.

Mpilo General Hospital clinical director, Wedu Ndebele said the
freeze on nurse recruitment had put the burden on the few staff that were
running health institutions around the country.

“If someone leaves
the job for greener pastures, we have been unable to recruit and replace
them because of the freeze. If you go to Mpilo, UBH or Ingutsheni during the
night you will find only one qualified nurse being assisted by a few
students working in one ward with over 40 or 50 patients,” Ndebele said
recently, just before the lifting of the ban.

Mpilo and UBH serve as the
major referral health centres for hospitals in the country’s southern Region
that encompasses such areas as Masvingo, Gweru, Victoria Falls, Gokwe and
Beitbridge.

Zimbabwe
losing millions to gold smuggling: MMCZ

ZIMBABWE is losing over US$50 million worth of gold every month to
smuggling activities, according to the Minerals Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe (MMCZ).

REPORT BY KUDZAI CHIMHANGWA

Owing to the
inability of government to financially capacitate the central bank
subsidiary, Fidelity Printers, to purchase gold at competitive prices, a
large number of gold producers are increasingly opting for foreign
markets.

MMCZ director, Tendai Munyoro said the biggest problem with
gold smuggling in the country was the absence of Fidelity Printers as a
regulator and as a buyer.

“Producers of gold and barons have financed
the purchase of gold illegally and smuggled it to South Africa where they
get a better price from the rand refinery.

This gold is then sent
over into Switzerland as an export,” he said.

Before the inception of the
multicurrency regime in 2009, Fidelity Printers used to buy the precious
metal from registered gold producers that included primary producers,
small-scale miners and custom millers under a government support price
facility.

However, the lack of funds and lack of vibrant institutions
that purchase gold competitively on the domestic market have only served to
fuel smuggling of gold out of the country.

“The MMCZ is working on a
scheme with some partners and financiers from Shanghai and the Middle East
with a view towards unveiling a multimillion dollar scheme that will see
Fidelity Printers coming back on board and offering competitive prices for
gold that is produced locally,” said Munyoro.“We can’t stop the smuggling of
gold overnight but in the next 12 months, people will see the advantages of
selling gold locally.”

Munyoro said MMCZ, Zimbabwe Revenue Authority
(Zimra) and Zimbabwe National Roads Administration (Zinara) would in the
next six months be unveiling ultra-modern weigh bridges, to be mounted at
all points of entry and exit at the country’s borders.

This, he said,
would be a step towards curbing the rampant leakage of gold at the country’s
borders through illegal channels.

According to the Chamber of Mines, gold
production increased by 13,4% in 2012 to 14,7 kg.

Strong performance
came from large-scale gold producers that increased production by
17%.

Munyoro said the MMCZ had since realised that a huge proportion of
the country’s gold comes from the small-scale mining sector but operators
continued to be hampered by the lack of appropriate equipment and the
failure to access loans from financial institutions.

A lot of the
equipment used by small-scale miners is very rudimentary and is sometimes
not available at all.

Small-scale gold miners are presently working on
increasingproduction to over four tonnes per year, as the use of a
multicurrency regime helped to eliminate the middlemen, ensuring
small-scale-miners obtained fair value for their gold.

Munyoro said
MMCZ and the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development would, in the next 60
days, roll out a mining mechanisation programme aimed at capacitating
small-scale miners with the requisite and proper equipment.

He said the
first phase which involves purchasing equipment such as jack hammers,
compressors and generators among others would cost US$3 million.

The
entire project is expected to cost US$10 million and would cover the whole
country.

‘Mineral
resources should revive ailing economy’

ZIMBABWE is failing to take advantage of the current global
demand for mineral resources whose earnings have the potential to revive its
ailing economy, World Bank country economist, Seedwell Hove has
said.

REPORT BY MUSA DUBE

Hove said Zimbabwe was failing to fully
exploit its resources that are in abundance, in order to revive its
struggling economy.

“The 2009-2011 re-bound has seen a marked growth in
mining in the country. Although still recovering, the country was not able
to take full advantage of the global boom in mining prices,” said Hove.
“Zimbabwe should take advantage of the current wave of high demand for
natural resources to foster a new wave of industrialisation and structural
transformation.”

Speaking in Bulawayo during his presentation entitled,
Unleashing Growth Drivers and Creating the Linkages that Build Value in the
Zimbabwe Economy, Hove said the country had great potential to develop from
its abundant natural resources if they were fully explored and
exploited.

“The mining sector has potential for autonomous growth and
there is need to leverage on the mining sector as the key driver to support
the whole economy. Given lack of exploration, infrastructure weakness, and
current persisting uncertainty, there might be no major increase in activity
in the medium run,” said Hove.

He said mineral resources such as
gold, coal and chrome had the higher potential of absorbing new
investment.

“The mining sector is capable of autonomous growth in the
current recovery of the economy. The manufacturing sector can be more
dependent on internal demand generated by the mining and agricultural
sector,” he said.

“Policies in the mining sector are key to Zimbabwe’s
growth in the medium term as they may have downstream effects on other
sectors if linkages are strengthened,” he said.

The World Bank
official said the mining sector could also help increase domestic savings
and accommodate increased flows of imports for capital goods.

“There
is need to deal with bottlenecks in economic transformation, for example
infrastructure, institutions and business environment, and align them to
international best practice,” he said.

He said the agriculture sector
also had potential for rapid recovery and “transition to rapid agricultural
growth if the current super-cycle of international prices
continues”.

He added that the new small-holders sector required temporary
stronger support to unlock its potential.

Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara recently said Zimbabwe’s mining sector has continued to be
the lead in economic performance, contributing an estimated 16% to GDP in
2012, up from 13% in 2011.

He said the sector also continued to lead in
export earnings, rising to US$2 billion in 2012, from US$1,8 billion in
2011.

The
AU at 50: Lessons for the future

Yesterday Africa remembered 50 years of the establishment of the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which was replaced by the African Union
(AU) in 2002. While there are various opinions as to whether the OAU/AU
realised the vision of unity among Africans that founders of the continental
organisation sought to achieve, there is no doubt that Africa does not need
more than five decades to learn from past mistakes.

At the May 25
1963 founding summit of the OAU in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, it was clear that
the driving force behind the then African leaders was to “liberate all
African people” and form effective solidarity among them. Leaders such as
Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah and Algeria’s Ahmed Ben Bella and their supporters,
the so-called Casablanca group, wanted immediate unification of all African
people and the elimination of all tariffs and boarders (The Africa Report,
May 2013). The golden opportunity to start the unification process was lost
when opponents of the Casablanca group, under the so-called Monrovia camp,
took the day with their proposal of a much looser organisation that would
not prevent them from maintaining stronger ties with their former colonial
masters.

Even though Africa failed to take the route of a stronger
federation at the OAU founding summit, there have still been numerous
opportunities over the last 50 years to come back to the right path.
Unfortunately, Africa is not yet unified; it is a continent of 55 artificial
entities, not nations, some of which ought not to have been called countries
in the first place, according to some commentators.

Post-independent
Africa, as well as their successors, failed to realise the aspirations and
hopes of self-determination and unity that African people had at
decolonisation. Those dreams died in May 1963. While recognising that the
end of colonisation and South Africa’s apartheid were strong steps towards
African unity, the lack of political will has since prevented Africans from
being united. This article proposes five basic but important steps that AU
member states need to take now without waiting another 50 years for Africans
to be on the path to full integration.

The Casablanca-Monrovia divisions
did not end at the 1963 summit. Barely three years after the establishment
of the OAU, a military coup overthrew Nkrumah, thus weakening the
pro-unification camp. Splits among OAU leaders were further deepened by
proxy wars between the US and the former Soviet Union during the years of
the Cold War. For instance, in the mid 70s AOU leaders could not agree on
which liberation movement to support in Angola out of National Union for the
Total Independence of Angola (NUTIA), the People’s Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (PMLA) and the National Front for the Liberation of
Angola (NFLA). In 1984, when the OAU recognised the Saharawi Arab Democratic
Republic, Morocco, one of the strongest supporters of federalism, left the
organisation.

Furthermore, another attempt to revive talks on the
establishment of a Government of Union at the 2007 AU summit in Accra,
Ghana, did not achieve any results.

Those supporting an immediate
federal government of Africa and those favouring a gradual integration
process through the strengthening of regional economic communities could not
agree on a decisive solution. AU leaders contented themselves with a
recommendation to transform the secretariat of the AU, the African Union
Commission, into a more powerful secretariat, the African Union Authority,
but that proposal has since then been forgotten.

Apart from those
divisions at the continental level, this half-century of the OAU’s existence
was also marred with regional divisions that made continental integration
just a far-sighted dream. For instance, the conflict between North and South
Sudan continued, over the decades, without any solutions from African
leaders. Even after the independence of South Sudan in July 2011, there are
still thorny issues between the two countries that continue to divide
opinions among African leaders. The 1996 conflict in the Democratic Republic
of Congo is another example of how Africa did not show any signs of walking
towards the path of continental integration. In that conflict, more than 11
African countries were involved and fighting in two opposing camps. The war
in the DRC is far from being resolved.

African leaders have also failed
to agree on principles and values that would govern the united Africa that
all Africans aspire to see. While there are over 42 charters, conventions
and protocols that OAU/AU member states adopted, the implementation of these
legal instruments is largely slow or non-existent. Sadly, these instruments
outline guidelines, values and principles that ought to characterise a
continent for the people and by the people.

It would be very
deplorable for African people if this 50th anniversary did not provide an
opportunity for the whole continent to learn from our past mistakes and
embark on an integration trajectory without waiting for 2063 to realise what
many independent movements fought for across the continent five decades ago.
There are five steps that African leaders can take now and not in the next
50 years.

First, Africans should be able to finance all activities of the
African Union. It is an illusion to say that we are independent countries
while the institution that is supposed to foster our integration is still
financed by our former colonisers and their allies.

The second step
is to resolve issues around land and natural resources. It will be
impossible for Africa to unite if there are still conflicts over land and
other natural resources in many AU members.

Thirdly, AU member states
need to give teeth to the African Court on Human and People’s Rights. The
African Court on Human and People’s Rights was established in June 1998, as
a continental mechanism to ensure protection of human and people’s rights in
Africa. The lack of adequate funding from African countries denies Africans
from having a legal framework that understands their contexts and that can
promote and protect their rights and those of their communities.

A
fourth step towards the realisation of the aspirations and hopes of the
African people is to stop adopting more charters and conventions and instead
recommit to concentrating on genuine implementation processes.

The
fifth step is to allow free movement of people and goods. Millions and
millions of Africans wonder why an African cannot freely move from one
corner of the continent to another one, while some non-Africans have the
freedom to do so.

Yves Niyiragira is Program-me Manager at Fahamu.
The views in this article do not represent those of Fahamu; they are solely
those of the author.

Democratic
elections tied to access to information

Elections are a key component of any functioning democracy in any
society. They provide the most credible and respected platform or mechanism
upon which societies and nations are able to exercise their right to choose
leadership of their choice.

REPORT BY KUDZAI KWANGWARI

It is a
platform where citizens express themselves and expect their choice to be
respected. This is especially so if the elections are held in a way that
makes key stakeholders feel they were free and fair. We are aware of the
fact that there are some schools of thought who have argued and questioned
whether democracy is the best system of governance i.e Is it the best way
that ensures better quality of life to the governed.

While I respect this
opinion, I believe that though democracy may not be good, everything else is
worse, hence the need for countries, communities, organisations or even
families to embrace democratic principles in their governance or better
still, in their leadership.

One of the most critical components of
democracy is participation. The active participation of communities is
critical at all levels, be it in the establishment of electoral frameworks,
preparation, voter registration and power transfer systems.

The
just-ended mobile voter registration process is a case in point. This piece
argues that the lack of vibrant community media such as community radios
hamper the full active participation of our citizens in the democratic
process, thereby negating the whole democratisation process. In order for
citizens to participate actively, they must have adequate useful information
so that they are able to make important decisions.

The fact that the
voter registration process was very unsuccessful considering the numbers of
people who registered to vote and the number of potential new voters in our
communities has more to do with the extent to which these communities were
able to access information than anything else.

This is very disturbing
given the fact that our government continues to frustrate efforts to promote
the growth of the community broadcasting sector.

Organisations such
as the Zimbabwe Association of Community Radio Stations (Zacras) and Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) that work daily to promote the growth
of this sector must be applauded and the government of Zimbabwe must embrace
them as development partners, as opposed to enemies as they work with many
community radio initiatives dotted around Zimbabwe.

In the face of
limited access to airwaves, these organisations have been working with these
community radios to provide alternative media platforms to promote access to
information in rural and other outlying communities.

If the pending
harmonised elections are held without this important media sector, then we
are likely to have a meaningless election where the majority of citizens
will again not vote or will vote for what they don’t know, as was the case
in the constitution referendum.

The government must ensure that community
media is available, supported and allowed to operate freely. It is dangerous
to go for elections without this important sector. In a community where a
newspaper costs US$1, and more than 70% of the population live on less than
US$1, it is inhuman for a government to expect citizens to participate
actively in local and national development processes without reliable
sources of critical information.

While the Sadc Rules and Guidelines on
the Holding of Democratic Elections are clear on issues of equal access to
media for the candidates, we think the same must be said of the electorate.
No one should be marginalised and play the role of a victim when it comes to
information and free expression.Kudzai Kwangwari is a human rights and
community media activist.

The
world still owes women safety, equality

Hardly
a day goes by without a news story on some violation of women’s rights. In
recent months, appalling incidents of violence against women and girls, from
Delhi to Johannesburg to Cleveland, have sparked public outrage and demands
to tackle these horrific abuses.

REPORT BY LAKSHMI PURI

In
Bangladesh and Cambodia, the shocking loss of life by garment factory
workers, many of them women, sparked global debate on how to secure safe and
decent jobs in our globalised economy. In Europe, the disproportionate
impact on women of austerity cuts, and the use of quotas to get more women
on corporate boards continue to make headlines.

Even though women
have made real gains, we are constantly reminded how far we have to go to
realise equality between men and women.

World leaders recognised the
pervasiveness of discrimination and violence against women and girls when
they signed onto the visionary Millennium Declaration in 2000. Among the
eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), they included a goal to promote
gender equality and women’s empowerment.

With these goals set to expire
in 2015, we are now in a race to achieve them. We are also in the midst a
global conversation about what should replace them. It’s time for women to
move from the sidelines to the centre.

In a new post-2015 development
agenda, we must build on the achievements of the MDGs, while avoiding their
shortcomings. Everyone agrees that the goals have galvanised progress to
reduce poverty and discrimination, and promote education, gender equality,
health and safe drinking water and sanitation.

The goal on gender
equality and women’s empowerment tracked progress on school enrolment,
women’s share of paid work, and women’s participation in parliament. It
triggered global attention and action. It served to hold governments
accountable, mobilise much-needed resources, and stimulate new laws,
policies, programmes and data.

But there are glaring omissions.
Noticeably absent is any reference to ending violence against women and
girls. Also missing are other fundamental issues, such as women’s right to
own property and the unequal division of household and care
responsibilities.

By failing to address the structural causes of
discrimination and violence against women and girls, progress towards
equality has been stalled. Of all the MDGs, the least progress has been made
on MDG5, to reduce maternal mortality. The fact that this has been the
hardest goal to reach testifies to the depth and scope of gender
inequality.

To make greater progress, UN Women proposes a stand-alone
goal to achieve gender equality, women’s rights and women’s empowerment that
is grounded in human rights and tackles unequal power relations. We envision
three areas that require urgent action.

First, ending violence
against women and girls must be a priority. It is one of the most pervasive
human rights violations, and carries tremendous costs for individuals,
families and societies.

Second, women and men need equal opportunities,
resources and responsibilities to realise equality. Equal access to land and
credit, natural resources, education, health services including sexual and
reproductive health, decent work and equal pay needs to be addressed with
renewed urgency. Policies, such as child care and parental leave, are needed
to relieve working women’s double duty so women and men can enjoy equality
at work and at home.

And third, women’s voices must be heard. It is
time for women to participate equally in decision-making in the household,
the private sector and institutions of governance. Despite progress in
recent years, women comprise just 20% of parliamentarians and 27% of judges.
For democracy to be meaningful and inclusive, women’s voices and leadership
must be amplified in all public and private spaces.

Any new
development agenda must be grounded in human rights agreements that
governments have already signed onto. This includes the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw), the 1995
Beijing Platform for Action, and UN resolutions, including the recent
agreement of the Commission on the Status of Women on eliminating and
preventing all forms of violence against women and girls.

There is
plenty of evidence to show that countries with a higher status of women also
enjoy higher levels of social and economic performance. There is also
evidence to guide countries on what works, from equitable labour market
policies, to the removal of discriminatory laws and policies, to universal
social protection and social services, to security and justice reforms that
end impunity for violence against women and girls. The activism of the
women’s movement everywhere has been critical in demanding and driving
change in all of these areas.

Lakshmi Puri is Acting Head of UN Women
and Assistant Secretary-General.

Mugabe used the historic occasion to try to further cultivate an
image of a peace-loving leader who wants to see Zimbabweans living in
harmony. He once again called for peace and tolerance among people of
different political beliefs.

Mugabe’s performance left some
commentators thinking that the politician, now in the twilight of his
career, may finally be keen to end a culture of political violence that has
taken root in Zimbabwean politics.

However, these peace calls alone won’t
help unless Mugabe’s new found zeal for peace and harmony transcends to the
grassroots, where rivalries along political lines are still rife and wounds
are still festering.

Mugabe should move away from mere rhetoric and start
to rein in youth militias responsible for unleashing violence in the
communities. Just a few kilometres from the State House where the leaders
exchanged pleasantries, residents of Mbare are living in fear of the
notorious Zanu PF terror group Chipangano.

In other cities and towns,
similar groups are wreaking havoc on opponents of Zanu PF. Prominent among
these are Chinhoyi’s Top six and Kwekwe’s Al Shabab.

Jabulani Sibanda
is also among the war veterans accused of instilling fear in the hearts and
minds of MDC supporters.

Statements coming from Mugabe’s inner cabal,
including service chiefs, have also not helped matters. Recently Media,
Information and Publicity minister Webster Shamu vowed the country would not
be taken through the power of the pen, meaning that Zanu PF would not accept
defeat in the forthcoming elections.

The state media also continues
to churn out hate speech directed mostly at Tsvangirai and his MDC party.
Such actions do not bode well for peace.

If Mugabe’s calls for peace are
to be taken seriously, he should deal with these hate mongers and allow
police to disband militias that are operating in the name of Zanu
PF.