Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished ManuscriptAbstract: Statistics indicate a wide gap in educational attainment between men and women in Japan, particularly in comparison with other industrialized countries.
Data supports that in Japan, women who settle on a "pink-collar" career often attain higher economic standing through marriage than those who accept a traditionally male-dominated professional job. There exists a perception that investment in human capital is not a rational choice for women given the persistent gender inequality in the labor market. But the picture of gender-imbalanced educational participation has been changing over the past few decades. The college enrollment rate for women doubled between 1992 and 2004 from 17% to 35%. What are the implications of the increase of college-educated women for labor relations? How do female workers with tertiary education differ from their colleagues with high-school diploma or less? Using a high-quality dataset collected by the Japanese government, the present study finds that women with college education differ markedly from women with lower educational attainment in their employment status and career aspirations. At the same time, the present study also finds that the effects of variables that have been associated with women's lower labor market participation rates are present for college-educated women as well.

3. Patton, Charlotte."The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Success for Women, Success for the UN?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition", Le Centre Sheraton Montreal Hotel, MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA, Mar 16, 2011<Not Available>. 2018-03-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p500311_index.html>

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished ManuscriptAbstract: This paper is a study of two UN units focused on gender and women: (1)the United Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM),originally designed the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women (GA31/133, 16 Dec. 1976),then confirmed by GA 39/125, 14 Dec. 1984, as a "separate and identifiable entity in autonomous association with the United Nations Development Programme," its goals to promote economic productivity and human development, to overcome poverty and for women to participate in decision-making, women defining their needs, a catalyst to enable women to reach mainstream resources; expanding its initiatives to work against VAW; and (2)the Convention to Eliminate all Discrimination against Women, opened for signature at the Copenhagen Conference (1980), whose monitoring Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), first met in 1982, whose goals have been the elimination of discrimination against women in all its manifestations. In 2008, CEDAW joined the other treaty bodies in Geneva.

To answer the titled questions, this paper defines and analyzes budgets, outcomes, and other criteria. Sources for the paper include publications and interviews.

Patton would like to join Carolyn Stephenson on the same panel; papers are related; also Charlotte Bunch.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished ManuscriptReview Method: Peer ReviewedAbstract: Previous research has shown that women may not face the same electoral playing field as men. Much experimental evidence suggests that women are often stereotyped by voters and must work harder to demonstrate their competence, capability and leadership, but that they are also viewed as better able to handle certain issues, such as poverty and education. At the same time, real-world studies of electoral outcomes find that women are no less likely to win their races than men are. Further, more recent experimental and survey-based evidence has found that gender either has little significant effect on women’s electoral fortunes or that the extent to which stereotypes matter is context-dependent. To the extent that women face unique challenges when running for office, then, it seems that those challenges are nuanced and contingent.

In this vein, our prior experimental research has shown that when women run for office concurrently, voters tend to be affected by the overall number of women they see on the ballot. As more women appear on the ballot simultaneously, voters decrease their ratings for each individual woman they see, and particularly for those running for lower offices, where voters tend to have less individualizing information about the candidates. But does this happen in the real world too?

This paper seeks to replicate our experimental work by looking at real world election results. Using 2016 election data this paper looks at how women candidates fared across the United States based upon how many other women appeared on the ballot. 2016 was of course the first American election where everyone in the nation saw a woman appear on the ballot for president, but our concern is for the fate of all the other women who ran below Hillary Clinton’s name, particularly Democratic women. If our experimental work replicates, we expect to see that there is a greater drop-off in the vote totals received by Democratic women candidates than observed for Democratic men, and that these effects are even stronger in states where women ran for multiple offices.