Savannah Unpluggedhttp://www.billdawers.com
Fri, 19 Aug 2016 17:05:59 +0000en-UShourly1https://wordpress.org/?v=4.6.118778551One of Savannah’s defining qualities: walkabilityhttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/08/19/one-of-savannahs-defining-qualities-walkability/
Fri, 19 Aug 2016 17:05:59 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7982Read more →]]>A couple of years ago, Kevin Klinkenberg, who currently heads the Savannah Development and Renewal Authority, authored an excellent book about the myriad benefits of a day-to-day lifestyle that relies on walking: Why I Walk: Taking a Step in the Right Direction. I read an advance copy of the book and joined a variety of other commentators in writing blurbs endorsing Kevin’s book.

Savannah itself is an important player in Why I Walk, but the thrust of the text is more universal. The principles and examples could be applied in some way by people who live across America and around the world.

Walking is not a fringe benefit of being in Savannah. It is essential. In this city, you can experience other human beings by greeting them in reality, not just through a car window. Anyone can be here and enjoy a slower pace of life that includes sitting on picturesque streets and shaded public spaces. This place speaks to some very human desires that are timeless, and consistent across every culture.

The fact that Savannah was built around walking for 200 years is also why it is so attractive. When you experience a place by walking, the little details and the appearance of every building matters more. When you speed through a town at 60 mph, you rarely notice much beyond the signs.

I write this because it seems that sometimes we forget just how important walking is to the current and future health of our city.

Kevin doesn’t delve into specific examples, but it’s interesting that this piece has been published as the city of Savannah is about to conduct a misguided “experiment” that will make Bay Street less walkable. For the month of September, we’re going to remove over 100 on-street parking spaces on the south side of Bay Street — spaces that generate millions of dollars for nearby businesses annually — so that travel lanes can be widened in the hope that sideswipe auto collisions can be reduced. In the process, we’ll have speeding traffic just a few feet from the sidewalk on the south side of Bay Street from MLK to East Broad.

Click here for my recent City Talk column detailing all the negative fallout that we’ll see from that experiment.

Ironically, this experiment is in part the end result of Mayor Eddie DeLoach’s expression of concerns about traffic traveling too fast on Bay and the unpleasantness of being on the sidewalk near City Hall. With wider lanes and less on-street parking, we’ll have even faster traffic on Bay and even more unpleasant conditions for pedestrians, in addition to the massive damage done to nearby small businesses and property values.

More recently, city officials announced that they might also add a truck ban to Bay Street in the evening until very early morning. That’s worth trying, I think, but I’d invite city officials and members of city council to stand beside Bay Street on a typical weeknight, when traffic really isn’t heavy at all. Some drivers are going far in excess of the speed limit, and a relatively small number of those vehicles are large trucks. With wider lanes, no trucks at all in the evening, and no on-street parking, some of those light vehicle drivers will go even faster.

One important point: a couple days ago, John Bennett of the Savannah Bicycle Campaign told the SMN that the September experiment could result in a “false positive” involving vehicle speeds. In other words, since the temporary medians will be marked with a sea of orange traffic barrels, we will see some drivers automatically slow down. If we had permanent medians there, those drivers would not slow down.

What a mess. Clearly, the city of Savannah needs more people on staff who can advocate clearly and effectively for pedestrians and for small businesses.

Beyond the immediate issue of Bay Street, Kevin’s piece about Savannah’s walking brand is worth keeping in mind for a variety of other reasons. For example, incredibly, there isn’t a signalized crosswalk on either the east or west side of Forsyth Park between Gaston Street and Park Avenue. That’s about 3/8ths of a mile. On MLK south of Gwinnett, we’ve got a median that prevents many pedestrians with limited mobility from crossing the street for blocks at a stretch. I could go on and on with examples.

Yes, Savannah’s older neighborhoods are dramatically more walkable than many places in America, and Savannah’s downtown area remains breathtakingly beautiful in many places, but those qualities exist because of good planning in the relatively distant past. We need to make sure that we make decisions right now that reinforce the visionary planning in Savannah’s history.

]]>7982Roberto “Rob” Hernandez chosen as Savannah’s new City Managerhttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/08/11/roberto-rob-hernandez-chosen-as-savannahs-new-city-manager/
http://www.billdawers.com/2016/08/11/roberto-rob-hernandez-chosen-as-savannahs-new-city-manager/#commentsThu, 11 Aug 2016 14:33:57 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7980Read more →]]>Roberto “Rob” Hernandez was named this morning as the pick for Savannah’s new City Manager. Savannah City Council will vote on his selection at an upcoming meeting, and there are surely some contract details yet to be finalized.

There will be lots of complaints about city council making this choice without any sort of public process, but, as I’ve noted in my City Talk columns in the Savannah Morning News, we had a very public search process that resulted in the hiring of Rochelle Small-Toney.

Rob Hernandez is an ICMA-Credentialed Manager with more than twenty years of progressive and responsible local government management experience. He re-joined Broward County in July 2013 as Deputy County Administrator. Previously, he served as Deputy City Manager for the City of Coral Springs overseeing various city functions as well as the city’s community redevelopment agency. Prior to Coral Springs, he served as Deputy County Manager for Fulton County, Ga., where he oversaw public safety agencies, unincorporated area services, the Office of the Child Attorney, offender reentry program, and coordinated with the County’s constitutional and judicial agencies.

Hernandez is also retired from the U.S. Army Reserves.

Broward County has a population of more than 1.9 million and is home to Fort Lauderdale. The county is about 43 percent non-Hispanic white, 26 percent non-Hispanic black, and 26 percent Hispanic. So, it’s a big, diverse metro area, which is dealing with issues of tourism, climate, economic development, traffic, and so forth.

I’m assuming that Hernandez identifies as Hispanic, which has some interesting political elements. If the mayor and members of city council had hired a black or a non-Hispanic white city manager, there would have been some of the usual racial resentment, but that tension is disrupted by the choice of a Hispanic.

Hernandez has been looking to move up the ladder for a while; he’s been a named finalist for manager positions in El Paso, Fort Myers, Delray Beach, and Pinecrest, Fla. He’s clearly a credible pick who has been extensively vetted in other searches before ours.

Hernandez is in his late 40s, I think, though I haven’t seen any confirmation of age.

I hope he gets a warm welcome.

]]>http://www.billdawers.com/2016/08/11/roberto-rob-hernandez-chosen-as-savannahs-new-city-manager/feed/17980Photos from The Artists of Social Change in Thomas Square on Sundayhttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/07/27/photos-from-the-artists-of-social-change-in-thomas-square-on-sunday/
Wed, 27 Jul 2016 15:16:40 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7906Read more →]]>I’ve lived for 20 years in historic Thomas Square in a house that dates to the 1870s, and in that time the neighborhood has changed in many ways — mostly good ways.

My house has only a narrow front porch — a larger porch on the west side of the house was demolished long before I moved in — but there’s still plenty of room to sit out there. I don’t sit out there, however. Some of the neighborhood’s residents — mostly black, mostly older — still sit on their porches a lot, but porches are no longer the civic meeting points that they once were.

An icon of the Deep South that can be found at all latitudes, the front porch is a place to slow down, spend time together, and to cool off during the dog days of summer. As varied spaces of relaxation, surveillance, leisure and democratic discourse, front porches hold a unique place between the private world of home and family and the public world of civic and street life. In Starland, four front porches will become creative platforms to examine themes that are as essential to our communities as porches are to our homes: empathy, survival, pleasure and emancipation. By honoring activist histories and bringing new voices to the table, we will span past and present to consider how social change takes root.

I’m going to quibble a little with the use of the term “Starland” here. I was one of the first journalists to write about Starland, and I use the term routinely to describe the area immediately around the old Starland Dairy (still unrenovated btw) at Bull and 40th streets, but I don’t think the term sensibly applies to blocks east of Abercorn. The Thomas Square Streetcar Historic District has been a National Register Historic District since 1997, and the short version of that — Thomas Square — works just fine for me.

Curators Lisa Junkin Lopez and Stephanie Raines brought the following performers to the Artists of Social Change:

I bought a new lens last week, so I was experimenting some with my camera settings. I was happy with a lot of the photos, and I’m going to present these in chronological order, even though it means that the shots aren’t sorted logically. I think this presentation gives a clearer sense of what it was like to wander 39th Street on Sunday. Congrats to all involved.

For what it’s worth, and at the risk of oversimplifying some complex issues, I think a lot of the tension over the Black Lives Matter movement results from some Americans either innocently or willfully misconstruing the name as “Only Black Lives Matter” when the intent is something much closer to “Black Lives Matter Too.”

Anyway, I took a bunch of photos before, during, and after the vigil, and some of the beginning of the march to City Hall.

]]>7852Photos from the Pulse Orlando Benefit Show with the Club One Cabaret, The House of Gunt, and The Savannah Sweet Tease Burlesque Revuehttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/06/25/photos-from-the-pulse-orlando-benefit-show-with-the-club-one-cabaret-the-house-of-gunt-and-the-savannah-sweet-tease-burlesque-revue/
Sun, 26 Jun 2016 01:54:58 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7814Read more →]]>We’ve all struggled in our own ways to make sense of the Orlando tragedy, and I’m sorry how much those struggles have led to division and argument. If you haven’t looked at the living faces of the 49 who were killed, click here.

On Thursday night, Club One and three local performance groups — the Club One Cabaret, The House of Gunt, and The Savannah Sweet Tease Burlesque Revue — raised over $7,000 (including over $1000 just in tips to the performers) for Equality Florida’s Pulse Victims Fund. In some ways, it was an odd melding — the more traditional drag of the in-house cabaret, the anarchic camp of The House of Gunt, the throwback burlesque (and a little boilesque) of The Sweet Tease — but the performances revealed far more similarities than differences. I found the evening a celebration of living, an embrace of differences, an exploration of the fragility and beauty of our bodies. (While I was writing this, I got distracted rereading Susan Sontag’s Notes on Camp, which was published the same year I was born, but I’ll save those reflections for a future post.)

The audience was wonderfully diverse, which wasn’t really a surprise. The LGBTQ community in Savannah has never been big enough to fragment into discrete subgroups as it sometimes can in larger cities, and Club One has always rolled out the welcome mat. There was also a silent auction — I won a beautiful painting by Karen Abato — and the bar proceeds also went to the fund for victims. I took a lot of photos, and I didn’t want to wait too long to get a first post up. I’ll post these and dozens more in the next few days to the Savannah Unplugged Facebook page.

]]>7814Over-the-Rhine in Cincinnati: a model of revitalization? or exclusionary gentrification?http://www.billdawers.com/2016/06/21/over-the-rhine-in-cincinnati-a-model-of-revitalization-or-exclusionary-gentrification/
Tue, 21 Jun 2016 18:15:15 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7812Read more →]]>If you’re interested in issues related to neighborhood revitalization and concerned about some of the downsides of gentrification, you should read the recent Politico piece by Colin Woodard about Cincinnati’s 362-acre Over-the-Rhine neighborhood: How Cincinnati Salvaged the Nation’s Most Dangerous Neighborhood.

The piece generally speaks glowingly of the dramatic new investment in the historic, long-struggling neighborhood, but the optimism is tempered occasionally with cautions about displacement of black residents and the loss of identity that can result from gentrification.

The efforts are being driven by the Cincinnati Center City Development Corporation (3CDC), a 501(c)3 privately funded non-profit that has been working aggressively to develop properties in the large historic neighborhood. We don’t have anything like 3CDC in Savannah, but maybe we should?

Perhaps a non-profit entity — one with a much broader mission than the current SDRA or the HSF’s revolving fund — could effectively preserve historic properties in Savannah’s economic development corridors, guarantee that new development provides sufficient affordable housing, make purchases for government needs, and generally implement a coherent vision of neighborhood revitalization.

Also, before you get too deep into the piece, you should note that Over-the-Rhine was still majority black as of the 2010 census, which showed about 4,400 black residents and 1,600 white residents. In 2000, however, census data show about 1,500 white residents and 5,900 black residents.

What caused the decline in black residents? Given the slight rise in the white population, this certainly isn’t a case of one-for-one racial displacement.

For what it’s worth, we’ve seen similar trends in the Metropolitan Neighborhood in Savannah over the last couple of decades. I’ve written about the trends multiple times. It seems that as the neighborhood continued to decline, primarily because of street-level crime and blight, the number of black residents fell dramatically, while at the same time new residents — mostly white, many newcomers to the city — began trickling in. That trickle has accelerated at this point, and there seems no stopping it.

Anyway, here’s the opening of the Politico piece, which you really need to read if you’re interested in these subjects. And read the comments too, which represent a wide variety of takes on the current state of Over-the-Rhine.

Freed from ordinary political constraints and focused on its task of reversing central Cincinnati’s slide, the Cincinnati Center City Development Corp.—better known as 3CDC—has invested or leveraged more than half a billion dollars into Over-the-Rhine, buying and rescuing 131 historic buildings and building 48 new ones, while maintaining subsidized housing, rehabilitating parks and driving out criminals with cameras, better lighting, liquor store closings and the development of vacant lots. In the process, it has earned the ire of longtime residents and homeless advocates, who say their desires, suggestions and dreams for the neighborhood—until recently 80 percent African-American—are seldom consulted and rarely implemented. “They use a lot of buzzwords and give the appearance of being warm and fuzzy, but without really having the interest to make it something real and true,” says neighborhood activist Jai Washington.

The only thing unreal about it, say officials, are the results.

]]>7812Why we should remember what happened in the 2008 Democratic primaryhttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/05/22/why-we-should-remember-what-happened-in-the-2008-democratic-primary/
Mon, 23 May 2016 01:00:20 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7809Read more →]]>Hillary Clinton led Barack Obama in dozens of polls of Democratic primary voters from late 2006 into early 2008. According to this huge list at RealClearPolitics, Obama didn’t once break 40 percent in any major polls until the end of January/early February 2008.

Clinton was a huge favorite going into the primary season and had strong backing from the party establishment. Obama had lots of things against him, including limited national political experience, a strange name, and influential super-delegates who had decided to back Clinton early.

Of course, Clinton had plenty of things working against her too, and many voters — including me in a letter to the New York Times — argued against the return of “Clintonian testiness” to the White House. At the time, I wrongly thought that Obama would have better luck working with Republicans in Congress.

This history is worth remembering now in 2016. Bernie Sanders supporters especially need to recall what happened in 2008. Yes, it was entirely possible for an insurgent candidate to beat Hillary Clinton for the Democratic nomination.

How did the Obama team best Clinton, while the Sanders team has failed? There are obviously many ways of answering that question, but there is one key: implementing a campaign strategy that would maximize delegate accumulation.

The Democratic primary process allocates delegates in proportion to the popular vote. There are quirks to the numbers based on a variety of factors — like which Congressional districts have odd numbers of delegates — but the final delegate count in each state is very close to the popular vote. The Obama team did an especially impressive job of taking advantage of low-turnout anti-democratic caucuses, of minimizing losses, and of maximizing wins.

In 2008, there were 3434 pledged Democratic delegates, and Obama ended up beating Clinton by only 127 — 1766.5 to 1639.5. The primary order was different from 2016, which is worth remembering, but it’s still instructive to look at the general sequence of events.

At the end of January, Obama led Clinton by a few delegates, and then came the 23 contests on Feb. 5th. Clinton had big wins in California (+38 delegates), New York (+46), Massachusetts (+17), and Arkansas (+19), but Obama fought Clinton to a virtual draw on that day because of wins like his home state of Illinois (+55) and because of some really strong caucus showings, including taking 48 of 72 delegates in Minnesota, 14 of 23 in Utah, 15 of 18 in Idaho, and 10 of 13 in Alaska.

And then, while the Clinton campaign’s organization seemed in disarray, the Obama campaign reeled off an impressive string of wins from Feb. 9th to 19th:

In those contests alone, Obama picked up 123 more delegates than Clinton. (Remember that his final lead was only 127.)

And, in terms of the math, the contest was pretty much over.

Clinton stayed in the race until June. She had some solid wins in the final months including Ohio (+7 delegates), Pennsylvania (+12 delegates), West Virginia (+12 delegates), Kentucky (+23 delegates), and Puerto Rico (+21 delegates), but Obama was able to hold serve, as it were.

Understandably, Clinton supporters did not want to believe that Obama had built an insurmountable lead in pledged delegates before the end of February, but he had. It’s worth recalling, though, that back in 2008 we didn’t have the social media connectivity that we do today. My sister and I routinely discussed Obama’s overwhelming lead of 100+ delegates, but I wasn’t getting into fights on Facebook (I wasn’t even on Facebook yet in early 2008) about basic mathematics.

And the national press did what it tends to do — they continued to talk about the horse race aspects of the nomination fight, and they left readers with the impression that the pledged delegate count was closer than it was. Surely, trailing by just a few percentage points, Clinton still had a viable path forward?

No, she did not.

Is there anything Clinton could have done to win the 2008 primary? I’m not going to try to answer that question in detail, but a more finely tuned campaign organization probably could have been more competitive in caucuses. But Obama was an exceptional candidate in a variety of ways, and once black voters — especially black women — began to view him as a viable nominee, Clinton probably didn’t have a chance.

One Clinton argument turned out to be a non-starter. Even though Hillary Clinton had many super-delegates on her side early on and was seen by many as more electable in the general election than Obama, there was no way those party officials were going to deny the nomination to the clear winner of the pledged delegates.

After Iowa, Nevada, and New Hampshire, the race turned to South Carolina on Feb. 27th, where Clinton won over 73 percent and took 39 of 53 pledged delegates. I was sitting in my parents’ home in Kentucky that night, fairly bored, but my jaw dropped when I saw Clinton’s margin. It was obvious to anyone who follows the numbers that Sanders had monumental work to do in the South, especially among black voters, if he wanted to remain a viable candidate after the contests on March 1.

So that very night I found a live stream of Sanders talking about the S.C. results — from Minnesota. Yes, he had been to Texas earlier that day, but by evening he was in Rochester, Minnesota. On Feb. 29th, he held a big rally in Minneapolis. It turns out that he spent a lot of time before the S.C. primary in other states, especially ones where he faced smaller deficits.

I was astounded by this bizarre travel schedule. My reasoning was simple: if Sanders continued to perform so badly with black voters and if he got swept across the South by similar margins, his campaign was going to fail quickly.

Sure enough, on March 1st, Sanders did well in a few places and got trounced in others:

So on that day Clinton took 160 more delegates than Sanders. Game over.

Really, game over? How can you say that?

I suppose the Sanders campaign could have made dramatic changes to their campaign strategy at some point immediately after that shellacking, but it was soon clear that no significant changes were in the offing.

By this time, the Sanders team had clearly signaled its preference for symbolic victories and for “winning states” rather than for accumulating delegates. It was a strategy doomed to failure from the beginning.

Are there things the Sanders campaign could have done to improve the Senator’s standing among southern voters generally and non-white voters specifically? Absolutely. Are there things they could have tried even in the final few days to minimize their losses? Maybe.

But Sanders opted not to change course, and seemed to assume that a few high-profile wins — even if they netted him relatively few delegates (Michigan, for example) — would change the “momentum” of the race.

As it turned out, the strategy continued to excite his supporters and bring in millions of dollars, but it failed to change the dynamic of the race, and Sanders continued to perform miserably with non-white voters. On March 15th, Clinton picked up 104 more delegates than Sanders in Florida, Illinois, Missouri, North Carolina, and Ohio. Sanders had a nice run of impressive caucus wins later in the subsequent weeks — Idaho, Utah, Alaska, Hawaii, and Washington — but Clinton undid that damage with big wins in large diverse states like New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland.

So who has the momentum now?

No one. There has been virtually no momentum in the 2016 Democratic primary. Sanders has done better in low-turnout caucuses than could have reasonably been expected, but he has failed to make significant headway with some core Democratic constituencies.

Before the primaries got underway, the data journalists at FiveThirtyEight tabulated contest-by-contest targets for each candidate. These were not predictions but merely targets: if Sanders or Clinton is on the path to the pledged delegate majority, about how many delegates should he/she win in each state?

So far, Clinton has matched or exceeded her delegate target in 35 contests and fallen below her target in 13. Sanders has matched or exceeded his delegate target in 20 contests and fallen below his target in 28. Clinton has matched or exceeded her target in 13 of the last 14 contests going back to April 5th. In other words, she might not be winning in the most recent states to vote, but she would be doing well enough to be headed to the nomination even if she and Sanders were in a virtual tie.

Of course, they aren’t tied. Clinton is way, way ahead.

Now it seems the Sanders campaign is tripling down on its failed strategy. All the talk is about California, a state that Sanders could conceivably win on June 7th, but the Sanders team is downplaying New Jersey, where the demographics make a win less likely. And even if Sanders manages a 20 point win in California — that would be huge! — he’d only make up about 90 delegates, nowhere near enough to dig out of his 270 delegate hole.

Clinton is certainly going to head to the convention with a strong lead in pledged delegates, and it’s likely to be far, far higher than Obama’s lead in 2008. Sanders has been arguing all along that the super-delegates should not exist, but now his campaign is arguing that those very super-delegates should overrule the popular vote. That argument is nonsensical and hypocritical.

The Sanders team has convinced many of their supporters that the whole system is rigged, a cynical argument that flies in the face of recent history. Just eight years ago, an insurgent candidate knocked off the party favorite, and the Obama team won by understanding the rules and playing the game better than the Clinton team did.

Was Sanders hurt by the purge of inactive voters from the voter lists in Brooklyn? Maybe, but Clinton won Brooklyn handily and many of the inactive voters were likely last active in 2008, when Obama won. In other words, any purge of inactive voters in Brooklyn probably hurt Clinton worse than Sanders.

What about the debate schedule, Wasserman Schultz, the closed primaries? Again, Obama overcame these same issues in 2008. Given the huge amount of cash coming into his campaign and the ubiquity of social media, Sanders has had no trouble getting the word out about his positions. And voters in individual states have for decades known the quirky rules about primary voting. The state-by-state variation isn’t something that was just created out of thin air to screw over Bernie Sanders.

Sanders simply did not win, and I expect that we’ll see some really interesting post mortems on the campaign down the road, like this fascinating inside look from VTDigger. (That piece includes the thorny detail that Sanders’ top political strategist is also an owner of an agency through which the campaign spent millions of dollars on advertising.)

I’ve had mixed feelings about Sanders, especially the political impracticality of some of his positions, from the beginning, but like many others I now see his campaign as downright deceptive. Many Sanders supporters seem to think that he still has a chance to overcome Clinton’s pledged delegate lead. Those people are wrong, and they are being encouraged in this false belief by Sanders and many of his high-profile supporters.

So what else can we learn from 2008?

Hillary Clinton fought through the final primaries, but after that she and her supporters finally digested the fact that they had lost, and she threw the full weight of her power behind Obama. I’d sure like to see Sanders do the same here in 2016, but that seems depressingly unlikely.

]]>7809State of the Art: Savannah Style – photos from the fashion show at the Jepsonhttp://www.billdawers.com/2016/05/04/state-of-the-art-savannah-style-photos-from-the-fashion-show-at-the-jepson/
Wed, 04 May 2016 14:20:05 +0000http://www.billdawers.com/?p=7767Read more →]]>There has definitely been some creative tension in recent years in Savannah’s fashion scene. Both Savannah Fashion Week and Fashion’s Night Out have gone on hiatus (I guess that’s the right word?), but it seems like the number of Savannah-based creative professionals working in fashion has been growing.

Telfair is proud to showcase some of Savannah’s finest fashion designers—Brooke Atwood, Merline Labissiere, Tatiana Smith, and Meredith Sutton—as they join forces to create a stunning fashion show highlighting the contemporary styles of Savannah. In celebration of State of the Art, guests will have an opportunity to explore the exhibition, browse the designers’ pop-up shops, and enjoy the fashion show.

You really can’t see the jewelry of Tatiana Smith and Meredith Sutton in the photos here, but those pieces fit beautifully with the clothing by Merline Labissiere and Brooke Atwood.

The models walked around a seated VIP area in the Jepson lobby before heading up the grand staircase. It made for dramatic visuals, even if the lack of a traditional runway prevented the kind of fashion photography you might expect.

I met Bruce Weber 15 years ago when he shot an Abercrombie and Fitch catalog in Savannah. He obviously brought the talent with him, but I managed to introduce him to a local model that joined the shoot for a couple days. We met to discuss the terms at Weber’s home base for part of the shoot: the ballroom of the American Legion on Bull Street. It was my first time being in that building — this was before the lounge started welcoming the community — and now I’ve been there over a thousand times.

Weber has recently been working on a book that features some art by the late Savannahian Paul Stone. I’ll have more news about that as things develop.

Anyway, lots of shots here, and I’ll post these and more to the Savannah Unplugged Facebook page later today. I got decent photos of most of the looks, but not all.