John Jay was born in New York City on
December 12th, 1745 and died in Bedford, Westchester County, New York, on May
17th, 1829. He was of Huguenot descent, and was educated in part by Pastor
Stoope, of the French church at New Rochelle. He attended Kings College (now
Columbia University) in Manhattan, graduating in 1766.

Jay studied law with Benjamin Kissam,
having Lindley Murray as his fellow student and was admitted to the bar in 1766.
When news of the passage of the Boston port bill reached New York on May 16th,
1776, Jay was appointed a member of a Committee of Correspondence with the other
colonies. Their reply to the Boston Committee, attributed to Jay, recommended,
as of the utmost moment, "a congress of deputies from the colonies in
general."

John Jay's Nomination to the 1st Continental
Congress - -
Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections
Division.

Jay was a delegate to the First Continental Congress, which met in Philadelphia
on September 5, 1774. As one of a com­mittee of three, he prepared the
"Address to the People of Great Britain," which Thomas Jefferson, while
ignorant of the authorship, declared to be "a production certainly of the
finest pen in America." Jay was an active member
of the committee of observation in New York, on whose recommendation the
counties elected a provincial congress. He was also active on a committee of
association of 100 members, invested by the city of New York with general
undefined powers. He was a member of the second congress, which met in
Philadelphia, 10 May 1775, and drafted the "Address to the People of Canada
and of Ireland". During
that period he carried against a strong opposition a petition to the king, which
was signed by the members on July 8th. The rejection of this petition, leaving
no alternative but submission or resistance opened the way for a general
acquiescence in the Declaration of Independence.

Jay was a member of the secret
committee appointed by Congress, 29 November 1775, after a confidential
interview with a French officer, "to correspond with the friends of America in Great Britain,
Ireland, and other parts of the world." While he was attending congress at
Philadelphia, Jay's presence was requested by the New York convention, which
required his counsel. This convention met at White Plains,
9 July 1776, and on Jay's motion unanimously approved the Declaration of
Independence, which on that day was received from the Continental Congress.

The passage of a large part of Lord
Howe's fleet up the Hudson induced the appointment by the conven­tion of a
secret committee vested with extraordinary powers, of which Jay was made
chairman. Another committee was formed to defeat conspiracies in the state
against the liberties of America. The resolutions guiding this committee were
drawn by Jay and its minutes, many of which are in his hand, show the energy
with which it exercised its powers through arrests, imprisonments, and
banishments, and the vigorous system demanded by the critical condition of the
American cause for Independence. The successes of the British in New York; the
retreat and needs of Washington's army, had induced a feeling of despondency,
throughout the States in 1776. John Jay was the author of an earnest appeal to
his countrymen, which by order of the Continental Congress was translated into
German and widely circulated.

Jay drafted the state constitution
adopted by the convention of New York, which met successively at Harlem,
Kingsbridge, Philip's Manor, White Plains, Poughkeepsie and Kingston. He was
appointed chief justice of the state, holding his first term at Kingston on 9
September 1777, and acting also on the council of safety, which directed the
military occupation of the state and wielded an absolute sovereignty. He was
visited at Fishkill, in the autumn of 1778, by General Washington for a
confidential conversation on the invasion of Canada by the French and American
forces, which they concurred in their disapproval, chiefly on the probability
that if conquered it would be retained by France.

Jay was again sent to Congress on a
special occasion, the withdrawal of Vermont from the juris­diction of New York.
During this period New York was determined to hold the Continental Congress
Presidency, and their choice was General Schuyler who was not present at the
time. According to Sparks,
editor Writings of
Washington:

“On the account of his abscense, Mr.
Jay was prevailed upon to take the chair, with a resolution on his part to
resign in favor of General Schuyler as soon as he attends”

John Jay arrived in Congress on
December 5th, 1778 the same day Silas Deane published an appeal "to Free and
Virtuous Citizens of
America". Deane had been
recalled from France for alleged corrupt dealings by Arthur Lee. In the summer
of 1778 he attempted to clear himself but Congress sought to resolve the impasse
not by calling back Arthur Lee to substantiate his claim but by tabling the
matter. In his address (see the previous chapter for a full account of this
affair), Deane indicted the conduct of his fellow commissioner Arthur Lee and
obliquely challenged the authority of Congress. Samuel Adams, who had led the
anti-French faction, with the help of President Henry Laurens, opposed Deane.
Supporters of Benjamin Franklin, one of Deane's fel­low foreign commissioners,
came to his defense.

Jay stepped right in the middle of
the controversy. The NY Delegate had been briefed by Gouverneur and Robert
Morris that Deane, despite his exceptional contributions as a commis­sioner in
France, was ill-treated by Congress. John Jay who was part of the
“constructive party”, in fact, helped secure Deane's appointment. Delegate
Jay regarded Deane as honest and patriotic and had little regard for the Lees
due to a bitter dispute with Richard Henry Lee in the First Continental
Congress. Jay also knew that the Lees-Adam Faction was responsible for General
Schuyler's and Arthur St. Clair's loss of favor during Burgoyne's Campaign
against Fort Ticonderoga and Saratoga. John Jay ardently supported Deane and
therefore became a political opponent of then sitting President Henry Laurens.

President Henry Laurens was livid
over Deane's public outcry and the President unsuccessfully attempted to have
Congress censure Deane's publication. Laurens, for the third time, quit his
office expecting Congress to reject his resignation. To Laurens surprise he was
not asked to stay on as President by a majority vote of the delegates. Instead
Congress called for a recess until the following day to vote for a new
President.

The Continental Congress turned to
Laurens adversary, John Jay only three days after taking his Delegate and
elected him President of the Continental Congress on December 10, 1778. Eight
states voting for Jay and four for Laurens. On December 10th Jay
wrote George Clinton of New York:

Yesterday Mr. Laurens resigned the
Chair, & this morning Congress were pleased to appoint me to succeed him. This
Circumstance was unexpected. Let your public Letters be public ones. I mean that
public & private matters should not be mixed in the same Letters.

Commodore Wynkoop's memorial has been
presented & committed. You shall have the earliest Intelligence of its Fate.1 I
have heard, tho not from authority, that the Enemy have quitted the River
without having accomplished any thing of Importance. God Grant it may be true.
We have no Intelligence worth communicating.

The Season for bringing on the affair
of Vermont is not yet arrived, nor can I divine what will be the Issue of it. I
can only say that my Endeavors shall not be wanting to bring it to a Termination
satisfactory to New York. Be pleased to present my best Respects to Mrs. Clinton
& believe that I am

very sincerely your Friend & serv't,
John Jay.

Fellow N.Y. Delegate , James Duane
also wrote New York Governor Clinton:

Dear Sir, Philadelphia, 10th Dec'r,
1778.

Mr. President Laurens, who has been
in the Chair 13 months yesterday resigned, sated with honor, and worn down with
fatigue. A respect as to the Confederacy had an influence on this measure. You
remember this grand instrument of our federal union restrains the same member
from serving more than a year at one time.

A great majority of Congress
immediately determined that one of the New York Delegates should succeed in the
Chair. We held up General Schuyler, which seemed to be very agreeable. On
account of his absence, Mr. Jay was prevailed on to take the chair with a
resolution on his part to resign in favor of General Schuyler as soon as he
attends.(1) I hope we shall be able to contrive the means of his executing the
particular commission with which he is intrusted.(2) On this subject we have not
yet conferred any further than to learn to my utter astonishment that he is not
possessed of the Maps and papers reported by a Committee of Convention to
justify our claims. I entreat your Excellency to forward one of the Maps and a
copy of the minutes of the Committee, or rather of their state of the
territorial claim of New York.

All the States except Maryland and
Delaware have actually signed the Confederacy. New Jersey without waiting for
our offer. I fear it will cost me a jaunt to Maryland to prevail on that State
to accede; as I am spoken of as one of a Committee for that purpose.(3)
Disengaged as we are from any obligation to New Jersey we propose to hold out
the grant of the bounty lands to Maryland The want of ability to gratify their
soldiery is a capital if not the material objection.

I write in a hurry after the fatigues
of the day. I write in confidence because I have not time to weigh what I write.
Your Excellency I wish to see what passes on every important event.

General Schuyler did not attend nor
seek John Jay’s office of President. It should be noted that in 1778, John Jay
was actually serving in a dual role of Chief Justice of New York and President
of the Continental Congress. He did not resign the Chief Justice position until
shortly before resigning the Presidency, in order to accept the position of
Foreign Secretary to the United States in 1779.

During the Presidency John Jay
continued to align himself with the contingent that was against the Adams and
Lees, the "constructive party". According to Sanders, "He wrote to Washington that the Marine
and Commercial Committees did not and could not amount to much because they were
mere tools of the 'Family Compact' who desired to keep them useless and impotent
for their own purposes. And of course he was no friend of Gates and the Cabal
Crowd." Jay was is
described by most Congressional Scholars as an elitist believing that the
wealthy, socially connected and men of intellect should govern the country.
Delegate William Carmichael's letter to Signer of the Declaration of
Independence Charles Carroll of Carrollton on January 16, 1779 gives some
indication of the inner workings of congress and John Jay:

"I am much beholden to you for your
letter of the 2nd inst. Let me assure you that all will be done-as you wish. In
this august Assembly we dawdle and dally-nothing ever gets done as one could
wish. I give you an example. There was a spirited discussion on how to reimburse
Mo Beaumarchais petition on his behalf by M. France, decided to render payment
in tobacco. It was late when Congress was ready to vote. As usual we looked to
the President to give his opinion before balloting. Mr. Jay is more judicious
than his predecessor in the chair, and less prolix, but I almost despaired of
our getting thro' because Mr. Penn, Caro[lina], would not desist. It seems that
Maryland tobacco is to be purchased which would be a pretty business."

As with his predecessors Jay was no
stranger to prayer. One of John Jay's acts as President was issuing a
Proclamation call for a Day of Fasting Humiliation and Prayer:

"PROCLAMATION

Whereas, in just punishment of our
manifold transgressions, it hath pleased the Supreme Disposer of all events to
visit these United States with a destructive calami­tous war, through which His
divine Providence hath, hitherto, in a wonderful manner, conducted us, so that
we might acknowledge that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the
strong: and whereas, there is but too much Reason to fear that notwith­standing
the chastisements received and benefits bestowed, too few have been
suffi­ciently awakened to a sense of their guilt, or warmed our Bosoms with
gratitude, or taught to amend their lives and turn from their sins, that so He
might turn from His wrath. And whereas, from a consciousness of what we have
merited at His hands, and an apprehension that the malevolence of our
disappointed enemies, like the increduli­ty of Pharaoh, may be used as the
scourge of Omnipotence to vindicate his slighted Majesty, there is reason to
fear that he may permit much of our land to become the prey of the spoiler, and
the Blood of the innocent be poured out that our borders to be ravaged, and our
habitations destroyed:

Resolved, That it be recommended to
the several states to appoint the first Thursday in May next, to be a day of
fasting, Thanksgiving humiliation and prayer to Almighty God, that he will be
pleased to avert those impending calamities which we have but too well deserved:
that he will grant us his grace to repent of our sins, and amend our lives,
according to his holy word: that he will continue that wonderful protection
which hath led us through the paths of danger and distress: that he will be a
husband to the widow and a father to the fatherless children, who weep over the
barbarities of a savage enemy: that he will grant us patience in suffering, and
fortitude in adversity: that he will inspire us with humility and moderation,
and gratitude in prosperous cir­cumstances: that he will give wisdom to our
councils, firmness to our resolutions, and victory to our arms That he will have
Mercy on our Foes, and graciously forgive them, and turn their Hearts from
Enmity to Love.

That he will bless the labours of the
husbandman, and pour forth abundance, so that we may enjoy the fruits of the
earth in due season. That he will cause union, harmony, and mutual confidence to
prevail throughout these states: that he will bestow on our great ally all those
blessings which may enable him to be gloriously instrumental in protecting the
rights of mankind, and promoting the happiness of his subjects and advancing the
Peace and Liberty of Nations. That he will give to both Parties to this
Alliance, Grace to perform with Honor and Fidelity their National
Engagements].1 That he will bountifully continue his paternal care to the
commander in chief, and the officers and soldiers of the United States: that he
will grant the blessings of peace to all contending nations, freedom to those
who are in bondage, and comfort to the afflicted: that he will diffuse useful
knowledge, extend the influence of true religion, and give us that peace of
mind, which the world cannot give: that he will be our shield in the day of
battle, our comforter in the hour of death, and our kind parent and merciful
judge through time and through eternity.

Done in Congress, this 20th day of
March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine, and
in the third year of our independence.

John Jay,
President.
Attest, Charles Thomson, Secretary."

March
20, 1779 Proclamation for a day of Fasting Humiliation and Prayer signed by John
JayLibrary of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections
Division.

In the spring of 1779 the rival
between Horatio Gates and George Washington arrived once again to the doorstep
of the President of the Continental Congress. Paul H. Smith Library of Congress
editor, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789 writes

"Gates' March 15 letter to
Congress … contained his opinion of possible routes for an expedition into
Canada and discussed his correspondence with Washington on the subject, which
reflected the strained relations that had long prevailed between the two
generals. Jay made the following extract of it, which he sent to Washington
under cover of a brief note dated '6th April 1779' and marked 'Private.' 'The
enclosed Copy of my Letter to General Washington of the 4th Instant,' Gates
explained, 'in answer to his of the 14th Ulto. from Middlebrook, will give
Congress a true Idea of my opin­ion, respecting our entering Canada, and the
only Route which we can take with rea­sonable Hopes of Success. Individuals and
not the public will be benefited by an Expedition into Canada, by either of the
routes from Albany. That of Coos alone is practicable, but not without the
Co-operation of the allied Fleet.

General Washington's Letter of the
14th Feby is enclosed. It being the only Letter I have received from his
Excellency, since December, Congress will immediately judge of the Extent, or
Limitations which it is proper to observe in their Instructions to me.'

Jay's covering note to Washington
reads simply: 'Mr. Jay presents his Compliments to General Washington, and
encloses an Extract from a Letter in a certain Degree inter­esting.'
Washington's lengthy April 14 reply to Jay's note reflected great sensitivity
over how his correspondence with Gates might be interpreted and the intensity of
Washington's feeling against him, which prompted even a sympathetic biographer
to observe. 'Was it necessary to employ 3500 words in order to demonstrate that
Washington's dislike of Gates was justified and was as deep-seated as Gates's
bias against his Commander-in-Chief?' "

Upon Receipt of Washington's April
14th 1779 letter, President John Jay in true patriot fashion composed a warm
letter to the Commander-in-Chief:

"Dear Sir, Accept my Thanks for
the long & friendly Letter of the 14 Inst. which I have had the Pleasure of
receiving from you. It was for many Reasons grateful to me. I value the Esteem
of the wise and virtuous, and had wished to know the particulars of
Transactions, respecting which only vague and unsatisfactory Reports, had come
to my Knowledge. Delicacy forbid my breaking the Subject to you when here. I was
sure of your Politeness, but not certain of a more than usual Degree of
Confidence. The latter is now become manifest, and permit me to assure you it
shall be mutual.

The Impression attempted to be
made, has not taken. It passed without a single Remark. Your Friends thought it
merited nothing but Silence and Neglect. The same Reason enduced me to take no
Notice of it in my Answer.

I have perused the several Papers
with which you favored me. The Delicacy, Candor & Temper diffused thro' your
Letters, form a strong Contrast to the Evasions & Design observable in some
others. Gratitude ought to have attached a certain Gentleman to the Friend who
raised him. A spurious Ambition however, has it seems made him your Enemy. This
is not uncommon. To the Dishonor of human nature, the History of Mankind has
many Pages filled with similar Instances; and we have little Reason to expect
that the Annals of the present, or future Times, will present us with fewer
Characters of this Class. On the contrary, there is Reason to expect they will
multiply in the Course of this Revolution. Seasons of general Heat, Tumult and
Fermentation favor the Production & Growth of some great Virtues, and of many
great and little Vices. Which will predominate, is a Question which Events not
yet produced, nor now to be discerned, can alone determine. What Parties and
Factions will arise, to what Objects be directed, what Sacrifices they will
require, and who will be the Victims, are matters beyond the Sphere of human
Prevision. New Modes of Government not gen­erally understood, nor in certain
Instances approved-Want of Moderation and Information in the People-want of
Abilities & Rectitude in some of their Rulers-a wide Field open for the
Operations of Ambition-Men raised from low Degrees to high Stations, and
rendered giddy by Elevation, and the Extent of their Views-Laws dictat­ed by the
Spirit of the Times, not the Spirit of Justice and liberal Policy-Latitude in
Principles as well as Commerce-Fluctuation in Manners, and public
Counsels-Suspension of Education-Indifference to Religion, and moral Obligations
&c &c. are Circumstances that portend Evils which much Prudence, vigor and
Circumspection are necessary to prevent or controul. To me there appears Reason
to expect a long Storm, and difficult Navigation. Calm Repose and the Sweets of
undisturbed Retirement, appear more distant than a Peace with Britain.

It gives me Pleasure however to
reflect, that the Period is approaching when we shall become Citizens of a
better ordered State; and the spending a few troublesome Years of our Eternity
in doing good to this and future Generations is not to be avoided or regretted.
Things will come Right, and these States will be great and flourishing. The
Dissolution of our Governments threw us into a political Chaos. Time, wisdom and
Perseverance will reduce it into Form, and give it Strength, Order and Harmony.
In this Work you are (in the Stile of one of your Professions) a master builder,
and God grant that you may long continue a free and accepted one.

Thus my dear Sir! I have indulged
myself in thinking loud in your Hearing-it would be an Hybernicism to say in
your Sight tho in one Sense more true. It is more than prob­able that I shall
frequently do the like. Your Letter shall be my Apology-and the Pleasure
resulting from Converse with those we esteem, my motive."

This letter cemented a relationship
of friendship between John Jay and George Washington for the rest of their
lives. In fact, John Jay gained Washington's trust and respect when he backed
The Commander-in-Chief earlier when General Lafayette proposed to Congress a
plan to liberate the French people in Quebec. George Washington opposed the plan
and despite some significant support in Congress President Jay opposed it with
this letter:

"The Congress have directed me to
observe to you, that the Plan for emancipating Canada was conceived at a Time
when, from various movements of the Enemy there was the highest Reason to expect
a speedy & total Evacuation of all the Posts they held in these States. Those
Indications however proved fallacious & the Probability of their quitting this
Country in the Course of the Winter is become very slender, nor is it by any
Means certain that they will do it in the Spring. Prudence therefore dictates
that the arms of America should be employed in expelling the Enemy from her own
shores, before the Liberation of a Neighbouring Province is undertaken. As the
pro­portion of force necessary for our Defence must be determined by the future
Operations & Designs of the Enemy which cannot now be known, and as in Case of
another Campaign it may happen to be very inconvenient if not impossible for us
to furnish our proposed Quota of Troops for the Emancipation of Canada, Congress
think they ought not under such circumstances to draw their good Ally into a
Measure the Issue of which depending on a variety of Contingencies would be very
uncertain, & might be very ruinous.”

John Jay was faced, throughout his
presidency, with few more serious problems then the collapse of the continental
paper currency. Jay wrote George Washington in April 1779:

"The state of our currency is
really serious. Where or by what means the progress of the depreciation will be
prevented is uncertain."

Congress, by September, was so
concerned with the collapse of the monetary system that they requested Jay to draw up a letter
to explain their resolutions for ceasing further emissions of bills of credit.
The following letter was presented to Congress which the unanimously approved
ordering a special printing and translation into German. John Jay
transmitted the letter to the Governors of each state - click
here to view the Patrick Henry transmittal letter courtesy of
Stan Klos and Daniel Western:

"Friends and Fellow-Citizens!

-In governments raised on tile
generous principles of equal liberty, where the rulers of the state are the
servants of the people, and not the masters of those from whom they derive
authority; it is their duty to inform their fellow-citizens of the state of
their affairs, and by evincing the propriety of public measures, lead them to
unite the influence of inclination to the force of legal obligation in rendering
them successful. This duty ceases not, even in times of the most perfect peace,
order and tranquillity, when the safety of the commonwealth is neither
endangered by force or seduction from abroad, or by faction, treachery or
misguided ambition from within. At this season, therefore, we find ourselves in
a particular manner impressed with a sense of it, and can no longer forbear
calling your attention to a subject much misrepresented, and respect­ing which,
dangerous, as well as erroneous opinions have been held and propagat-ed:--we
mean your finances.

The ungrateful despotism and
inordinate lust of domination, which marked the unnatural designs of the British
king and his venal parliament, to enslave tile people of America, reduced you to
the necessity of either asserting your rights by arms, or ingloriously passing
under the yoke. You nobly preferred war. Armies were then to be raised, paid and
supplied: money became necessary for these purposes. Of your own there was but
little; and of no nation in the world could you then borrow. The little that was
spread among you could be collected only by taxes, and to this end regular
governments were essential; of these you were also destitute. So circumstanced,
you had no other resource but the natural value and wealth of your fertile
country. Bills were issued on the credit of this bank, and your faith was
pledged for their redemp­tion. After a considerable number of these had
circulated, loans were solicited, and offices for the purpose established. Thus
a national debt was unavoidably created, and the amount of it is as follows:

Bills emitted and circulating,
159,948,880 dollars; monies borrowed before tile 1st of March, 1778, the
interest of which is payable in France, 7,545,196 67--90ths; monies borrowed
since the first of March, 1778, the interest of which is payable here,
26,188,909; money due abroad, not exactly known, the balances not having been
transmitted, supposed to be about 4,000,000 dollars. For your further
satisfaction we shall order a particular account of the several emissions, with
the times limited for their redemption, and also of the several loans, the
interest allowed on each, and the terms assigned for their payment, to be
prepared and published.

The taxes have as yet brought into
the treasury no more than 3,027,560, so that all the monies supplied to Congress
by the people of America, amount to no more than 36,761,665 67--90 dollars, that
being the sum of the loans and taxes received. Judge, then, of the necessity of
emissions, and learn from whom and from whence that neces­sity arose.

We are also to inform you, that on
the first day of September inst. we resolved "that we would, on no account
whatever, emit more bills of credit than to make the whole amount of such bills
200,000,000 of dollars," and as the sum emitted and in circula­tion amounted to
159,948,880 dollars, and the sum of 40,051,120 dollars remained to complete the
200,000,000 abovementioned, we on the 3d day of September, inst. further
resolved, "that we would emit such part only of the said sum of 40,051,120
dol­lars as should be absolutely necessary for public exigencies before adequate
supplies could otherwise be obtained, relying for such supplies on the exertions
of the several states."

Exclusive of the great and
ordinary expenses incident to the war, the depreciation of the currency has so
swelled the prices of every necessary article, and of consequence made such
additions to the usual amount of expenditures, that very considerable sup­plies
must be immediately provided by loans and taxes; and we unanimously declare it
to be essential to the welfare of these states, that the taxes already called
for be paid into the continental treasury by the time recommended for that
purpose. It is also highly proper that you should extend your views beyond that
period, and prepare in season, as well for bringing your respective quotas of
troops into the field early the next campaign, as for providing the supplies
necessary in the course of it. We shall take care to apprize you, from time to
time, of the state of the treasury, and to rec­ommend the proper measures for
supplying it. To keep your battalions full, to encour­age loans, and to assess
your taxes with prudence, collect them with firmness, and pay them with
punctuality, is all that will be requisite on your part. Further ways and means
of providing for the public exigencies are now under consideration, and will
soon be laid before you.

Having thus given you a short and
plain state of your debt, and pointed out the neces­sity of punctuality in
furnishing the supplies already required, we shall proceed to make a few remarks
on the depreciation of the currency, to which we entreat your attention.

The depreciation of bills of
credit is always either natural or artificial, or both. The lat­ter is our case.
The moment the sum in circulation exceeded what was necessary as a medium in
commerce, it began and continued to depreciate in proportion as the amount of
the surplus increased; and that proportion would hold good until the sum emitted
should become so great as nearly to equal tile value of the capital or stock, on
the credit of which the bills were issued. Supposing, therefore, that 30,000,000
was necessary for a circulating medium, and that 160,000,000 had issued, the
natural depreciation is but little more than as five to one: but the actual
depreciation exceeds that proportion, and that excess is artificial. The natural
depreciation is to be removed only by lessening the quantity of money in
circulation. It will regain its primitive value whenever it shall be reduced to
tile sum necessary for a medium of commerce. This is only to be effected by
loans and taxes.

The artificial depreciation is a
more serious subject, and merits minute investigation. A distrust (however
occasioned) entertained by the mass of the people, either in the ability or
inclination of the United States to redeem their bills, is tile cause of it. Let
us enquire how far reason will justify a distrust in the ability of the United
States.

The ability of the United States
must depend on two things; first the success of the present revolution; and
secondly, on the sufficiency of tile natural wealth, value and resources of the
country.

In this powerful, historic work, Stan Klos unfolds the complex 15-year
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different United American Republics. This is history on a splendid scale --
a book about the not quite unified American Colonies and States that would
eventually form a fourth republic, with
only 11 states, the United States of America: We The People.

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