Tibet is a land of soaring mountains, devoted Buddhist tradition and decades of persecution. This special section features the photographs, videography and writing of the photojournalist Steve Lehman, who has chronicled change and resistance in Tibet sin ce he first covered the Lhasa riots in 1987. The photographs here are selected from the book "The Tibetans: Struggle to Survive."

For nearly 50 years, China has maintained a firm and often repressive presence in Tibet, an isolated land of soaring mountains and deep spiritual beliefs. In that time, the Chinese government has actively pursued a series of social
and economic policie s aimed at assimilating Tibet into greater China. However, those efforts have largely failed to win the support of the Tibetan people. While political opposition in Tibet has been all but crushed, Tibetans
remain devoutly Buddhist and still hope for the return of their exiled spiritual and political leader, the Dalai Lama.

The Dalai Lama has been fighting for Tibetan self-determination ever since fleeing to India in 1959. In early November, that fight moved to Washington as the Dalai Lama met with President Clinton. Seeking to open a dialogue with Chinese
leaders, the Dalai Lama said he could accept that Tibet remain under Chinese sovereignty, provided Tibetans were given more autonomy.

Chinese leaders have, in the past, said they would not recognize the Dalai Lama as a religious leader of Tibet until he declares total allegiance to Beijing and affirms that both Tibet and Taiwan are inseparable parts of China. While the Dalai Lama's
message in Washington would appear to be a significant step in that direction, Chinese leaders reacted angrily, protesting both the Dalai Lama's visit and Clinton's decision to meet with him. Moreover, Chinese leaders
said the Dalai Lama should have delivered his message directly to Beijing, rather than using the high-profile stage of a U.S. visit to release it.

In Tibet, there is little visible evidence of this international tension. But there is unmistakable evidence of the growing Chinese cultural and economic presence, especially in Lhasa. In the last decade, much of the old city -- by some estimates as much
as two-thirds -- has been torn down and replaced by modern Chinese structures. Bars and Chinese shopping arcades abut traditional Tibetan buildings in what formerly was one of the most architecturally distinctive cities in the
world. In Tibetan school s, children who continue their studies beyond elementary school are required to speak Chinese in all classes except Tibetan language courses.

I first traveled to Tibet in 1987 as part of an anthropological project documenting a village of cave dwellers. At the time, I was essentially unaware of the politics of the region. Tibet has always been one of the most isolated regions in the world.
And at the time, there was little attention paid to the political situation in Tibet.

On my first day in Tibet, I was attacked by Tibetan mastiff guard dogs and sought aid from a Tibetan family. Upon entering their house, I was greeted by an elderly man named Tenzin, who told me he had spent 15 years in prison for his involvement in the
Tibetan resistance movement. He said three years of his sentence had been served in solitary confinement, which he described as a small dark room, with only a cup of barley flour and a glass of tea each day. Tenzin wanted his story
remembered; he wanted to tell someone the truth of what had happened.

The conversation left a deep impression on me and it was through his story that I was introduced to the political struggle in Tibet. After a decade spent covering Tibet, I have come to view China's presence in Tibet as a colonial occupation.

On the morning of September 27, 1987, I was in Lhasa near the Jokhang Temple buying supplies. There was a commotion near the temple. Assuming it was a religious festival, I initially ignored it. Having completed my shopping, I approached the temple. A
group of young monks emerged from the crowd. They were carrying Tibetan flags, demonstrating for independence.

Such a demonstration was a direct challenge to Chinese authority in Tibet, and the young monks were risking imprisonment or possibly death. I photographed the protesting monks, in an attempt to ensure that the story of their struggle would reach the wo
rld outside Tibet.

Several years later, I returned to Tibet, this time as a freelance journalist. My friends' children, whom I had known as young boys and girls, were now adults. Other friends were missing. Those who had become seriously involved in politics had either
been imprisoned or had fled to India.

Journalists are not allowed in Tibet without approval from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the accompaniment of an escort. This approval is rarely granted and highly circumscribed. As a consequence, it is extremely difficult to gather information,
let alone to form relationships or enter into people's homes.

Some Tibetans have embraced the Chinese presence in their land, collaborating with Chinese authorities in order to benefit personally from the new Chinese economy. I decided to avoid trusting anyone, knowing that, simply by associating with a journalist,
Tibetans risked being imprisoned.

I returned to Tibet several times over the next 10 years documenting what I observed and, gathering thousands of photographs. I took news photographs and medium format portraits and I gathered additional images from other sources -- including Chinese
police photographs. These images are the heart of "The Tibetans: A Struggle to Survive."

While international awareness of and support for the Tibetan struggle for self determination has grown, many inside Tibet have lost hope. Their political objectives have only grown more distant and China has maintained a firm grip on dissent.

In the ethnically segregated city of Lhasa, the Chinese population continues to grow. According to some estimates, it already outnumbers the Tibetan population in the city.

Despite the efforts of a few individuals, most organized resistance has been crushed. The lack of tangible results has created a sense of futility in regards to their future political situation among most of the Tibetans to whom I spoke.

This comes at a time when the political situation abroad and in Beijing presents Tibetans with more opportunity to gain in their struggle for self-rule than at any time in four decades. China is a much different place from when I first visited 15 years
ago. It has become increasingly dependent on the West, both for investment and as a developing export market. The government is pushing for economic change aggressive market reforms, and internal stability is directly linked to
the economic well-being of the people. As a result, the Chinese leadership is quite concerned over Western interest in the situation in Tibet and the Dalai Lama's campaign for autonomy.

Another unforeseen development is that Buddhism has also started to return to China. Liberalization and increased prosperity have created the beginnings of a spiritual awakening among the Chinese. Several Tibetan teachers have begun to develop influential
followings in Shanghai and Guangzhou.

At the heart of this struggle, most Tibetans live quiet lives, trying to make the best of things and attempting to hold onto a culture and a faith that is under siege. Through this collection of photographs, and the publication of "The Tibetans:
A S truggle to Survive," I have attempted to give voice to a people that are largely barred from telling their stories to the world outside Tibet.