The characteristics of indigenous groups
make participatory approaches especially critical to
safeguarding their interests int he development process.
Such approaches, recognizing the right of indigenous peoples
to participate actively in planning their own futures, are
supported by major donors and international organizations,
including the World Bank, but have proved very difficult to
implement. They call for changes in attitudes, policies and
legislation to address the key issues: recognizing rights to
land and nautral resources, ensuring culturally appropriate
procedures for consultations and communication; and building
on the strengths of traditional lifestyles and institutions.

The Peruvian economy depends for its growth on the export of natural resources and investment in the mining and hydrocarbon sectors. Peruvian governments and mining corporations have confronted anti-mining protests in different ways. While the current government has introduced policies of social inclusion to soften the negative effects of the operations of mining capital and policies of dialogue to engage social actors with the essence of governmental policies, mining companies use corporate social responsibility programs as a cover for the devastating effects of their operations on the environment and the livelihoods and habitats of the indigenous and peasant communities. Curiously, in the current context of the declining commodity prices and export volumes the Peruvian government strengthens its extractivist model of development. This article argues that whatever government that follows the rules of capital cannot but favor the corporations. It points out the main adversaries of the indigenous and peasant communities and the problems to transform the locally and/or regionally struggle into a nationwide battle for another development model.

In this thesis I argue that neoliberal agendas and policies being embedded in the Pacific, utilising multiple authors, indirect rule, institutionalisation and normalisation, are akin to colonisation and can aptly be described as re-colonisation. Many of these practices are not new: rather they continue long-standing Western practices particularly relating to the perception of non-Western peoples. I argue further that these neoliberal policies and agendas are inadequate for the Pacific in various ways. They are inadequate because the values and ideals underpinning neoliberalism contribute to narrow perceptions of Indigenous peoples in the Pacific as incapable of properly governing themselves and of Indigenous cultures as obstacles to ‘development’. These perceptions often continue to be expressed overtly, but are also newly articulated and govern through Indigenous structures and identities. I argue that developing a broader understanding of Indigenous resistance assists us to comprehend Indigenous peoples and to see their cultures, not as rigidified structures fixed in time and awaiting foreign governing, but rather as dynamic and living practices. Re-imagining indigeneity and resistance also assists us in moving beyond a simplistic binary of re-colonisation and resistance to more nuanced understandings. By complicating neoliberal agendas I seek to question how forms of knowledge...

This report compares the socioeconomic situation of Indigenous peoples in Australia and Argentina, examining the factors of health, development, and education. It also looks at the strengths and weaknesses of Australia and Argentina’s policy approaches, and the ideology influencing policy.
Using a mixed method, comparative, approach the report aims to provide an overview and comparison of the socioeconomic situations of Indigenous people in Australia and Argentina, provide recommendations, and highlight where the two countries can learn from each other’s experiences.
Both Indigenous Australians and Indigenous Argentines are at an overall disadvantage as compared to non-Indigenous populations, in health, development, and education outcomes. This difference is caused by a number of factors including cultural barriers, economic barriers, and geographic barriers.
Argentina has a number of Indigenous laws in place that are in accordance with international human rights standards, and Australia dedicates substantial resources to addressing Indigenous issues. However, current policies in both countries still have significant weaknesses. Argentina has a lack of information about Indigenous issues, and a variety of implementation issues including low funding and a lack of cooperation between different levels of government...

2016 will mark 25 years since the final Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC) report was tabled. In the RCIADIC report, the disproportionately high levels of aboriginal deaths in custody were attributed to the significant over-representation of indigenous people in custody (Hammond et al. 1991, Nat Reports Vol 1, Ch. 1, 1.3).
In the intervening years, despite significant government resources being allocated to the problem, the indigenous incarceration rate has continued to rise, with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) people ‘15 times more likely to be imprisoned than non-indigenous Australians’ (AHRC 2014, p100).
The effects of the high level of indigenous incarceration are numerous, including but not limited to health impacts (PHAA 2010, p3), intergenerational impacts (Weatherburn 2014, p 8), a higher risk of recidivism ((Weatherburn 2014, p 8) and other socio economic impacts (Weatherburn 2014, p 8).
The logical response to the continuing high rates of indigenous incarceration is to seek further information and perhaps alternative insights into why the problem continues to get worse.
This research project seeks to add to the body of knowledge about the problem of indigenous incarceration through harnessing the opinions and expertise of those at the coal face...

Across Australia, Indigenous peoples have responsibility for managing country4. Increasingly, policy partnerships between management agencies, mining companies, conservation groups and the pastoral industry are being brokered with traditional owners of land and sea. The successful outcome of these policies necessitates the implementation of participative and culturally appropriate and professional processes of engagement with Indigenous communities. This includes addressing local modes of governance and community relations. This paper compares two Indigenous resource management initiatives with a view to promoting an understanding of the concept of engagement and participative practices in Indigenous communities. It argues that engagement processes in policy need to go beyond ‘having a yarn’ and address deeper issues of social justice and equity in order to achieve conservation outcomes. It concludes with a framework for policy engagement based on the principles of social justice and biodiversity protection.; Melissa Nursey-Bray, Arnold Wallis, Phillip Rist

Quotas in politics are almost always designed to advance the legislative representation of a single group, for example, women or indigenous peoples. Even in countries with quotas aimed at more than one group, policies are almost always structured differently and implemented separately. By addressing inequalities by gender and indigeneity in piecemeal, indigenous women may be at particularly high risk of continued political marginalization. In this paper, I investigate the ways that quotas targeting women and indigenous groups – in particular, the use of single or dual policies – shapes the legislative representation of indigenous women. I also consider the politics of “nested quotas” that specifically address within-group diversity. I focus, in particular, on the case of Jordan, which adopted a nested quota for Bedouin women in 2012. Overall, I find scant evidence of the political empowerment of women from indigenous tribal groups – even in countries explicitly promoting their political representation.

Culture and spirit of land is integral to Indigenous community meaning and identity. With colonisation, transmigration and assimilation policies and practices over the last 200 years, many Indigenous communities, like the Minahasa, have witnessed their culture, curatorial responsibilities, and their mythological associations to their lands eroded. Minahasa, meaning 'becoming one united', encompasses some eight ethnic communities who reside in the Minahasa regencies in the North Sulawesi Province on Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. The region was first colonised by the Portuguese in the 16th century, and then by the Dutch VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) in the 17th and 18th centuries bringing a strong Christian Protestant faith to the communities that appropriated many of the cultural symbols and mythological narratives of the Minahasa, and now compromises the largest concentration of Christian faith in the Indonesian archipelago being one of the reasons why there was considerable political requests for the region to formally become a province of The Netherlands in the lead up to Indonesian independence in 1945. North Sulawesi never developed any large empire like on other islands in the archipelago. In 670, the leaders of the different tribes...

In this thesis I examine aspects of disease, health and healing among the indigenous people in Western Australia and Queensland from 1900 to 1940. I argue that diseases have helped to shape and influence the
interaction between the indigenous people and the various members of the settler community most concerned with them - government protectors, missionaries, pastoralists and health workers.
In developing this argument I draw on the distinction made by Stephen J. Kunitz between the universalistic and particularistic approaches to historical epidemiology. Kunitz argues that the development of physiology and bacteriology transformed the practice of medicine by revealing universalistic 'natural histories' of diseases and their causative agents, but that this approach should be tempered by attention to the particular individual, cultural and institutional
circumstances of disease occurrence. Diseases have a past, a present and a future of their own, and when considered within the context of human social history, are seen to be a powerful motivate force in human affairs. My approach involves examining the history of diseases, health and healing among the indigenous peoples using models of causation, some of which are biomedical, some are anthropological and others are
demographic and epidemiological. There are differences between such models. The biomedical model is 'universalistic' and 'scientific'...

Fonte: University of New South Wales, Faculty of Law; http://www.law.unsw.edu.au/; http://www.unswlawjournal.unsw.edu.au/Publicador: University of New South Wales, Faculty of Law; http://www.law.unsw.edu.au/; http://www.unswlawjournal.unsw.edu.au/

Tipo: Journal article; Published VersionFormato: 14 pages

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By the time of Australia's Federation in 1901, the colonies had established a long tradition of discrimination against Indigenous peoples. As a colonial country, racism was a founding value of Australian society - it justified the wholesale denial of Indigenous peoples' rights to retain their social, economic and political structures, while denying their rights to participate in the polity that
was under construction. This beginning helped to establish the fundamental disrespect for Indigenous peoples that underpins Australia's legal and political development. Disrespect occurs not just in the relationship between the state and Indigenous peoples, but has engendered a more personal disrespect that is experienced by Indigenous people on a daily basis. It is the ongoing tolerance of
disrespect that maintains racism as a core value of Australian society.
Achieving justice for Indigenous peoples therefore requires fundamental change at every level. As Australia moves into its second century as an independent state, an examination of the vestiges of Australia's colonial origins should move us toward rectifying the fundamental injustices that continue to undermine the foundations of Australian nationhood. Nation-building is an ongoing process. It requires constant reinforcement of values and identity. It is not sufficient to relegate the failure to respect Indigenous peoples as equals to the vagaries of history...

Unemployment amongst Indigenous Australians is one part of a bleak and worrying picture of economic and social divide in this country. Since the early
1970s the Australian Government has increasingly invested in policies to address Indigenous disadvantage in employment and other areas.
Terms such as 'stakeholder engagement' and 'participation' have become part of
the government lexicon in addressing Indigenous disadvantage. In light of the nominal importance placed on stakeholder engagement, it is important to
question what the concept means in practice -that is, what mechanisms exist for incorporating stakeholders in policy development. More specifically, this report
investigates how stakeholders can be involved in employment policy development.
CDEP
The CDEP program has dual roles of providing employment and welfare services to Indigenous people. It has become .an integral part of many local economies, particularly in remote communities. The scheme is also an important mechanism for stakeholder engagement. It enhances the potential for regional perspectives to inform economic development and employment decision-making. The Rudd Government is currently phasing out the CDEP scheme. This decision is partly based on the scheme's failure to function as a job-readiness program in communities where local economies are small and jobs are very scarce. The
removal of CDEP in these remote regions will force many people onto unemployment benefits. It may also jeopardise key representative Indigenous
organisations in remote communities. Recommendation 1: limited exceptions should be made to the removal of CDEP...

The Whitlam government of the 1970s introduced the principle of self-determination
to Indigenous affairs. Since then it has been accepted as an
important factor in attaining equality for Indigenous Australians. Self-determination
can be broadly understood to mean the transference of political and
economic power to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. In is
understood in terms of Aboriginal people having control over the ultimate decision
about a wide range of matters including political status, and economic, social and
cultural development and having the resources and capacity to control the future
of their own communities within the legal structure common to all Australians.
Political representation is a vital aspect of Indigenous self-determination as it is
the forum in which Indigenous people can express their views and opinions as
well as influence policies concerning their lives and communities and interact with
the government in order to achieve the best possible results for all involved.
It can be argued that the present government's policies in the area of Indigenous
affairs have marked a significant shift away from the policy of self-determination
as evident in the dismantlement of representative structures such as ATSIC. The
policies of self-determination and self-management led to what Will Sanders
describes as two experiments in the creation of government-sponsored Aboriginal
representative structures - the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee
(NACC)...

Indigenous Australians and those with disability are two of Australia's largest minorities.
There are 757,000 Australian's receiving the disability support pension and the vast
majority of indigenous Australian's receive some form of income support from the
government. This report has selected three of the most important policy areas to
explore; education, employment and welfare dependency.
Australia has ratified both the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and
the Declaration of the Rights of Persons with Disability and this is the basis for the policy
links discussed in this report. While those with Disability are able to appeal to the UN if
all other avenues have been exhausted indigenous Australians are not. The UN
Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous has been 'ratified' yet has no legal standing for
fear of land rights issues arising and compensation claims developing as a result of the
stolen generation.
The education system of those with disability and indigenous Australians is the most
important policy area. Both are under the control of state governments but need further
funding and support from the Federal government. It is recommended that a higher level
of accountability is required if there is to be development in this area. It is required at all
levels...

In Brazil the education system underwent broad reformulation as a result of the promulgation of the National Constitution in 1988 and the subsequent approval, in 1996, of the new Law of National Education Directives and Bases. Brazilian laws regognize indigenous knowledge and propose their inclusion in public schools curricula. They also recognize that indigenous people have their own teaching and learning process which each school needs to take into account and propose the formulation of diferenciated curricula. This presentation will attempt to assess the consequences and challenges brought about by these changes, with respect to the treatment of indigenous knowledges in the regular schools as well as in the indigenous schools, focusing the gaps between the law and the practice in the schools.; No Brasil, o sistema de ensino passou por uma ampla reformulação decorrente da promulgação da Constituição Federal, em 1988, e da conseqüente aprovação da nova Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional, em 1996. A legislação brasileira reconhece os saberes indígenas e prevê sua inclusão nos currículos do ensino público e privado, como forma de valorizar a diversidade cultural. Em relação às escolas indígenas, estabelece que devem utilizar as línguas maternas e os processos nativos de aprendizagem e propõe a formulação de currículos diferenciados. Este artigo traz um balanço das conseqüências e desafios das mudanças ocorridas na legislação brasileira no que se refere ao tratamento dos conhecimentos indígenas nas escolas indígenas e não-indígenas...

The Portuguese Empire’s indigenous villages (1845-1889) are an instigating anomaly in colonial indigenous policy records and in the action of Christian missionaries: they precede the elaboration of the Land Law (1850) and, through the Amerindian programme of Catechism and Civilization, they instituted a governmental regime based on State tutelage and a new definition of territory. Fruit of paradoxical indigenous policies, the indigenous villages inclined Amerindians towards living together much like national and foreign settlers. In this article, an attempt is made to follow Guarani village mobility and territorial use. It is proposed that the Guarani territorial dynamics and patterns of use described in missionary records can be better qualified on comparison to contemporary ethnographies that are attentive to the cultural elements that guide Guarani land occupation in the southeasterly region of São Paulo and western Paraná. What historians apprehend as the squalid vestiges of the Capuchinha mission in the nineteenth century — the monastery and cross — the Guarani narratives identify through a cartography of places inhabited by kin in which topography is a relational reference. ; Os aldeamentos indígenas do império (1845-1889) constituem uma instigante descontinuidade na série de registros da política indigenista colonial e da ação missionária cristã: antecederam a elaboração da Lei de Terras (1850) e instituíram...