Erenlai - Erenlai - Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會http://www.erenlai.com
Wed, 27 Sep 2017 03:49:52 +0800Joomla! - Open Source Content Managementen-gbSustainability and Corporate Culture in Chinahttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5487-sustainability-and-corporate-culture-in-china.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5487-sustainability-and-corporate-culture-in-china.html An interview with Benoit Vermander who introduces us his latest book: Corporate Social Responsibility in China, A Vision, an Assessment and a Blueprint. He tells us about the genesis and the results…

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (Octw Chen (陳穎青))Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Sun, 06 Oct 2013 16:19:41 +0800Film Review: Surname Viet Given Name Namhttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5419-film-review-surname-viet-given-name-nam.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5419-film-review-surname-viet-given-name-nam.html The film Surname Viet Given Name Nam was the the second of two opening films of the five day Taiwan International Ethnographic Film Festival 2013. It's being held at the Wonderful…

As the director herself commented, in trying to be helpful, the committee of the documentary festival added another level of interpretation to this documentary by choosing to not only subtitle the predominantly english language film in Chinese, but also in English. This not only made the choice of whether to listen or read the "interviews" in the film into a more complicated choice of which part to read when and whether to ignore the subtitles altogether, but it also demonstrated Taiwan's patronizing attitude towards english speakers who don't speak what they consider to be "standard" American English. They even subtitled the director's voiceover to the film though no native English speaker could possibly have misunderstood her words - which started the Q and A off rather awkwardly. But the film-maker although admitting her initial irritation enjoyed the way it added another dimension to the film and, if one was particularly motivated to do so, one could make a case that the English subtitles were for Taiwanese who simply wanted to practice their listening skills.

The film itself, without the cultural colonial lens the organizers lend us, also presents an array of choice when it comes to interpreting the film, we watch, as what appear, at first to be Vietnamese women who stayed behind after the fall of Saigon, struggle over their own highfalutin accounts of their lives in English in front of white walls which themselves seem to undermine the "reality" or veracity of these interviews. It is only halfway through the film that we learn that these women are actually first generation Vietnamese Americans and that they are acting out interviews that were carried out in the Vietnamese language by a Vietnamese writer who carried out the interviews with subjects in Vietnam and later translated them into English. This is an interesting approach to the documentary style, as, at the same time as it undermines the documentary genre by introducing an element of fiction, the performance of these women also questions how real any interview can be. This is emphasized when the director rattles off a wish list of what a film maker might seek from an interview, and how the director selects a few interviews from a large number using certain criteria, which includes many subjective factors like charisma.

The issue of translation is also brought to the forefront, as the director clearly makes a choice to translate these interviews into high-brow English which mirrors the high-brow Vietnamese that was the language in which the interviews were originally conducted. The translated transcript of the interviews also flashes up on the screen from time to time, which although intended to further challenge the viewers confidence in the "interviews" was perhaps what motivated the festival staff to subtitle the whole film in English.

Another interesting element to the film was the fact that it challenged preconceptions of representation: the viewer is led to ask, would the interview part of the film be any more "real" if they had spoken in Vietnamese and been subtitled in English, or if the women had not been Vietnamese Americans who had actually left Vietnam? Or would we have listened to less intelligently phrased english with as much conviction? This really is a worthwhile film to open the festival and the questions it raises have been key in the evolution of the documentary genre in Taiwan, especially in the work of one of the festival directors herself, Hu Taili, who raised similar doubts about representation in the prelude to Voices of Orchid Island, and who suffered from a lot of criticism for what some have said to be her misrepresentation of the island people in pursuit of her own fame. This film also goes to vindicate her legendary documentary-making career, as we can equally question the representation of any documentary film, even those made by "authentic" vietnamese, or authentic islanders - or even, like another of the festival directors, a han chinese man who became an aboriginal by adoption. Essentially the layering of doubt is part of the process of self-disclosure that is necessarily a part of trying to tell a story. 4/5

Here's the trailer for the film and remember to check the schedule of the festival for the other films being shown.

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new media

cinema

documentary

international politics

social awareness

academia

anthropology

globalisation

east asia

event

festival

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (Conor Stuart (蕭辰宇))Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Sat, 05 Oct 2013 09:25:34 +0800A Fight between David and Goliathhttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5306-a-fight-between-david-and-goliath.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5306-a-fight-between-david-and-goliath.htmlNon-violent resistance against the construction of a naval base in South Korea Since 2007, a small village in South Korea has led a non-violent resistance against the construction of a…

The Seoul government emphasizes that the Jeju Civilian-Military Complex Port will lead to regional development and provide maximum compensation for residents and investment into various facilities.

A majority of the 1,800 Gangjeong villagers, who mainly live from agriculture and fishery, do not accept these arguments as valid. In a referendum held in 2007, 94 percent of the eligible voters opposed the naval base. They fear that its sheer size - once completed, the base will house 8,000 marines, up to 20 destroyers, several submarines and two 150,000-ton luxury cruise liners - will likely lead to the erasure of their community, 450 years of local history, culture and traditions. From the time the construction of the base was announced, activists, catholic priests and nuns, protestant pastors, law professors, teachers, artists, writers, families and students from all around South Korea have joined the villagers' protest. In order to hinder and delay construction, protesters file lawsuits and press for a reconsideration of the project nationwide, but also regularly block the entrance to the construction site with their mere bodies, chain themselves to anything available and go on hunger strikes.

The island of Jeju is known for its unique nature and biodiversity attracting more than eight million tourists in 2012. It is part of the New Seven Natural Wonders of the World and is the only place on Earth to receive all three UNESCO designations in natural sciences: UNESCO Biosphere Reserve (2002), UNESCO World Natural Heritage (2007) and UNESCO Geopark (2010). The sea off Gangjeong in the south of the island is home to rare soft corals and is one of the most important habitats for the endangered indo-pacific bottlenose dolphin.

Recognizing the natural value of the coast off Gangjeong, the Jeju government designated it an 'absolute conservation zone' in 1991, prohibiting any further development. In 2004, the Ministry of Environment and Culture designated the area as protected. To carry out the construction of the naval base, however, the governor of the island recalled the distinction of absolute conservation in 2009. Sung-Hee Choi, an activist and artist from the mainland who has moved to Jeju to be part of the anti-base movement, points out that "only three percent of Jeju's coast is protected habitat. And it is exactly here that they want to build a naval base".

The entrance to the 50 hectares construction site in the village of Gangjeong is located on a busy main road linking the capital of Jeju to the second biggest city, Seogwipo. Every hour, about 300 police stationed on a public parking 100 meters away march to the entrance gate. The protesters (between 20 and 40 on normal days) take position in front of the gate and sit on chairs holding banners or sit on the floor with interlocked arms and feet.

It usually takes the police about 20 minutes to clear the way and secure the entry and exit of the trucks. The protesters do not resist except for grabbing onto each other to make it more difficult to be removed. The eerie silence of the protestors is at times broken by the occasional scream of pain. During these 20 minutes, the busy traffic on the main road comes to a standstill.

As soon as the last truck has entered and/or exited the construction site, the police disappear and the protesters go back to their activities: reading books, distributing flyers to passers-by, writing blogs, playing with the dogs or having a nap.

Shin Yong-In, a lawyer and law professor from Jeju Island, who regularly joins the blocking of the gate explains, "I have no choice but to join the civil disobedience. We have exhausted all legal efforts to stop the domination of unjust power and there is nothing that I, as a lawyer and law professor, can do to stop the construction of the naval base. Villagers and peace activists are at the door of the building site day and night to delay the construction of the naval base, if only for five minutes. They face prison sentences, but continue nonetheless to follow the law of conscience. I decided to be part of this civil disobedience until the government and the military stop the construction".

Many of the long-term activists just planned to visit for a few days and ended up staying. Every week, catholic priests and nuns from different dioceses visit Gangjeong to hold masses and to join in the blockade of the entrance gate. A catholic priest explains that he comes down to Jeju during his free days, as the struggle is one of social justice that concerns the whole nation. Protestant orders sent volunteers down regularly as well.

The fight against the naval base currently mobilizes more than 125 non-governmental organizations across South Korea (ecologists, pacifists, Christians, Buddhists and associations for human rights) and more than a hundred abroad. The most striking feature of the protest is the protesters' resilience. Young and old and from a multitude of social backgrounds, despite their bruised bodies, the odds stacked against them and the risk of high fines or imprisonment, they kept returning to the front of the gate to fight for what they believe is right. But since tensions have been rising with the North, police crackdown has become more severe and more protesters have been arrested.

Since the start of the construction, around 700 arrests have been made with 500 indictments and 22 people imprisoned. However, following the presidential election of Park Geun-hye in December 2012, fines against the protesters have been soaring. The total amount of fines for anti-base protest has reached approximately US$450,000 in addition to damage compensation fees of approximately US$280,000. Between January and mid-February 2013 alone, around 100 people went on trial and were sentenced to combined total fines of US$90,000 . This seems to be the government's newest tactic to discourage protesters from taking part in the protest.

The reasons for which activists from across South Korea and abroad oppose the base are manifold. They include calls for environmental protection, social justice, demilitarization and non-violence. Support for the anti-base movement at the national level is limited, one reason being that the mainstream media has not picked up the topic. When it has, it has portrayed the activists as troublemakers and has tried to discredit them. In times of heightened tensions with the North, calls for demilitarisation, peaceful resolution of conflict and the protest against military bases are heavily criticised, and the Gangjeong protesters are insulted as undermining the security of the state and being pro-north Korean agitators.

It is a fight between David and Goliath, in which corporate/government interests clearly take precedence over democratic agency. The Jeju anti-naval base protests in themselves and their persistence and endurance in the face of mainstream media demonization, raising fines and government pressure, is a clear sign of a civil society awakening. This movement is already becoming an inspiration for other non-violent protests, be it in South Korea, the region or even worldwide. Whatever the outcome of the protest, Mayor Kang says "we have been fighting for five years against the construction of the naval base in Gangjeong. If need be I will fight for another 50 years. This is the Island of World Peace! We are firmly convinced that peaceful protests can bring down dictatorships".

All photos by C. Reckinger.

For more stories and photography by Carole Reckinger, please click here to visit here blog.

international politics

diplomacy

social awareness

environment

east asia

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (Carole Reckinger)Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Tue, 23 Apr 2013 16:04:22 +0800HIV Awareness in Papuahttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5281-hiv-awareness-in-papua.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/5281-hiv-awareness-in-papua.htmlSocio-economic inequalities and the spread of HIV/AIDS in Indonesian Papua The small wood and corrugated iron shack is dark, the only light coming from a hole in the wall above…

social awareness; asia pacific; health and medicine

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (Antoine Lemaire and Carole Reckinger)Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Wed, 27 Mar 2013 14:01:20 +0800China's Challenges in the Year of the Dragonhttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4941-china-s-challenges-in-the-year-of-the-dragon.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4941-china-s-challenges-in-the-year-of-the-dragon.htmlBenoît Vermander comments on challenges that China needs to face in 2012, the Year of the Dragon.

In the first video you can see a summary of his thoughts on China’s politics, foreign relations and the environment.

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (Nick Coulson (聶克))Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Wed, 26 Oct 2011 14:19:40 +0800Religions and Charities in Chinahttp://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4519-religions-and-charities-in-china.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4519-religions-and-charities-in-china.html The religious growth that China currently experiences is leading towards a most interesting trend: the organization of faith-based charities. For sure, such trend is still hampered by a number of…

Religious charities are anchored into Chinese history. Confucian lineages were providing funds for public work and education. For a long time, Buddhist lay associations had been helping the poor and organizing disaster relief. Popular religion was structured as a network of solidarity. After the introduction of Christianity in China, the new religion made itself known through hospitals, orphanages and schools. For sure, it all went to a stop after 1949, when new regulations on religion were put step by step into effect. But the religious revival happening in China from the 80s on could not go without a new focus on charitable and social work. Buddhists have been looking at the success of the “Buddhism-in-this-world” approach in Taiwan – an approach first theorized in the Mainland during the Republican era. Christians, Protestant and Catholics alike, have been remembering the dynamism of Church-affiliated social services in the past, and have been inspired by examples from abroad. Taoism and popular religion are inseparable from the self-structuring of civil society on the basis of mutual support and local initiative.

Religions have been restricted in their efforts by the regulations that apply to all sectors of society. Foundations and other NPOs need to go through a complex and harrowing process before approval (or reject), and are strictly controlled in their motives, organization model and finances. More informal groupings are not sustainable. Besides this, the lack of formation and available personnel has also been a severe limitation for religions desirous to foster social initiatives. Still, with time passing by, things are evolving. Official religions have been often able to set up bodies working with or having found accommodation with local governments. Academics and entrepreneurs have been providing expertise and funding. The government itself is not objecting to some initiatives when their social benefits are obvious.

The phenomenon is quite clear in the metropolises of the East coast: Muslim organizations care for their poorer believers coming from the northwest, often perceived with much diffidence in a Han-dominated environment. Large Buddhist temples provide students with fellowships. Protestant churches pay attention to urbanites’ psychological needs, and some even try to open service centers to that effect. Catholics support development projects for small rural communities in Shanxi province or for far-away leper villages. All people involved in these efforts underline the legal and practical difficulties they meet with, but they see the development of such services as vital for the authenticity and social legitimacy of the religions they profess.

There are differences in approach. Though it is difficult to generalize, a good number of Protestants seem to stress the proselytizing aspect of their charitable work, while Buddhists and Catholics may underline that such services are offered without ulterior motives. On the ground, the reality is fragmented and complex. What is certain is the fact that the “religiousness’ of social services remains a strong concern for the Chinese authorities. Strict regulations and pervasive anxiety concerning proselytism make it difficult for them to liberate the potential of creativity and generosity that Chinese believers bring along with them.

And yet, this potential is impressive indeed. Chinese believers are ready to dedicate time and money through their churches, while they would not consent to do so through other channels. Today, as it becomes even more segmented and less compassionate, Chinese society urgently needs volunteers ready to reach out to people marginalized or isolated; it needs examples of gratuitousness, it needs close-knit networks working at the ground level - and it is hard to imagine what social force can do this better than vibrant religious groupings.

The government might progressively relax some of its strictest regulations. Academics are calling it to do so, and it knows how much the social fabric is in need of remodeling. Also, too strict a control on religious charitable efforts may have a counter-effect: this could make religious communities look even more inwards, alienate them further from the state, while the government is in need to foster some harmony and cooperation between its own structures, society at large, and groupings based on faith or other forms of affinity.

The core issue is not about “how much” religious charities can contribute to China’s society, and it is certainly not about them substituting for state organizations, as the latter function according to a well-designed if not always fully effective model. It is about the inventiveness and capacity to “feel’ social and personal needs not yet answered that characterize faith-based initiatives. It is about the quality of care and creativity that communities of believers are ready to contribute. It would be a shame for China to deprive itself any longer of a humane resource that till now remains untapped.

2008年香港通過種族歧視條例，雖有許多限制，仍能為當地的少數族群帶來些許保障。香港是聯合國《消除一切種族歧視國際公約》（International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination）的締約體，因此特區政府有義務改進歧視問題，而來自聯合國的壓力也促使港府採取更積極的作為。但在陸配問題上，香港政府認定新移民同樣是中國人，不符合「種族」的定義，致使陸配在反歧視法規中被排除在外。諷刺的是，在英國時期，這些新移民在香港法律上被獨立劃為一類，被認為是不應受到歧視的特殊族群，甚至連殖民地政府都主動解釋他們與港人在文化歷史上的差異；反觀現今在中國的統治下，他們面對歧視卻求助無門。

]]>no-span@erenlai.com (huang-xiuduan-chen-zhongning (黃秀端．陳中寧))Social Changes and Challenges 變動中的華人社會Fri, 25 Feb 2011 12:01:01 +0800Is China's civil society truly on the rise?http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4194-is-china-s-civil-society-truly-on-the-rise.html
http://www.erenlai.com/en/extensions/how-pacific-asia-reinvents-itself/social-changes-and-challenges/item/4194-is-china-s-civil-society-truly-on-the-rise.htmlIf the emergence of a civil society in China is inevitable, the condition and the form of its development can be questioned as a space for public debate still to…