Between 1933 and 1940, Manchester received between seven and eight thousand refugees from Fascist Europe. They included Jewish academics expelled from universities in Germany, Austria, Spain and Italy. Around two hundred were children from the Basque country of Spain evacuated to Britain on a temporary basis in 1937 as the fighting of the Spanish Civil War neared their home towns. Most were refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. As much as 95% of the refugees from Nazism were Jews threatened by the increasingly violent anti-Semitism of the Nazi regime. The rest were Communists, Social Democrats, Pacifists, Liberals, Confessional Christians and Sudeten Germans. There have been several valuable studies of the response of the British government to the refugee crisis. This study seeks to assess the responses in one city—Manchester—which had long cultivated an image of itself as a ‘liberal city’. Using documentary and oral sources, including interviews with Manchester refugees, it explores the work of those sectors of local society that took part in the work of rescue: Jewish communal organisations, the Society of Friends, the Rotarians, the University of Manchester, secondary schools in and around Manchester, pacifist bodies, the Roman Catholic Church and industrialists from the Manchester region. The book considers the reasons for their choices to help to assesses their degree of success and the forces which limited their effectiveness.

through the barbed
wire of British aliens legislation. Ultimately, that is, would-be refugees
from FascistEurope were dependent on the active goodwill of British people and institutions, including those of Manchester. In January 1939 the
Manchester and Salford Woman Citizen, the organ of the Manchester branch
of the Association of Women Citizens, provocatively entitled ‘Seasonal Illwill’, raised the issue of whether in Manchester there existed the degree of
sympathy ‘for human suffering in any part of the world’ which would engender practical aid for the Jewish victims

” ’, in Ernst Bruckmüller, et al. (eds), Bürgertum in der
Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna: Böhlau, 1990), pp. 275–98.
23 On Czechoslovakia, for example, see the contributions in Mark Cornwall
and R.J.W. Evans (eds), Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and FascistEurope
1918–1948 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
24 Whiteside originally took the term ‘Pan-Germans’ from the translation of
Alldeutsche (All-Germans), but also used the term in reference to the radical
Young Liberals (Jungliberale) who supported Schönerer. See Whiteside, ‘The
Germans as an Integrative Force

persecuted by local
nationalists before being hunted down by Nazis. It was, in part, because Arendt
was exercised by the plight of Jews in Europe, that she supported attempts to
build a Jewish democratic state in Palestine. On the role of nationalists in
murdering Jews, see Snyder, Black Earth and Aristotle Kallis,
Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in FascistEurope
(Abingdon: Ashgate, 2009

likely to endure, as, I suspect, is our interest in news media and how
that citizenry is enlisted in political struggle. I doubt we have seen
the end of productions which set the play in a resonant historical past
such as FascistEurope, but as such periods become more remote we will
see more and more productions seeking more recent or contemporary
analogues as a way of focusing the play’s political specificity

the air, every ship that sails the sea, every battle
that is fought, does affect the American future’ (Roosevelt, 1939; emphasis
18
Propaganda and counter-terrorism
added). Once France fell, Britain was the only remaining democracy between
Germany and the US. America was divided between isolationists and interventionists who feared German invasion (or coexistence with a fascistEuropean
bloc). Economic fears remained, so despite a Foreign Relations Committee
dominated by isolationists, Roosevelt established a compromise through which
the US could be seen as

The 1916 Central Asian uprising in the context of wars and revolutions
(1914–1923)

Niccolò Pianciola

”, Terrorism and Political
Violence 24/​4 (2012), 661; Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil
War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
6 The term is common in the historiography on modern genocides. See, for
example, Aristotle Kallis, Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in
FascistEurope (London: Routledge, 2008).
7 Hans-​Lukas Kieser and Donald Bloxham, “Genocide”, in Jay Winter (ed.),
The Cambridge History of the First World War: Vol. II: The State (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2014), 596.
8 Robert Gerwarth and John Horne

fascist regime to create a new police
organisation which fascistEurope (‘l’Europa rinnovata’) was beginning
to use as a model.36
Dunnage, Mussolini's policemen.indd 144
22/08/2012 13:25:12
Personal profiles
145
Santoro presents the biography of a talented police professional who
distinguished himself as a servant of the fascist state. By all accounts,
he was a genuine fascist believer, but even if he was not, the documentation available shows how, in encouraging Salazar’s regime to inject
fascist ideology into the Portuguese police, he was instrumental in

representations of electricity in the Dutch colonial world reveal the cultural associations between monarchy and empire that developed during the early twentieth century. Photographs of electric illuminations at celebrations for the royal House of Orange suggest that the iconography of modernity was not, contrary to David Cannadine's assertions, exclusively associated with fascistEurope between the 1920s and 1940s. Liberal imperialist nations such as the Netherlands also exploited the spectacularity of electricity, both to uphold their authoritarian colonial regimes abroad

Wilson’s novel was ambitious: a futuristic plot (written at the end of the
1950s but set in the 1970s) about an isolated Britain facing a nuclear
conﬂict with a fascistEuropean state. Wilson set his novel within the
enclosed world of London Zoo, which he used as a metaphor for the
antagonisms, rivalries and political manoeuvring taking place in the
wider world:
Fictional dystopias, it is often said, reﬂect the age in which the author is
writing rather than the future in which the book is set. Orwell’s Nineteen
Eighty-Four is really about 1948. And Angus Wilson’s The