I am a schoolteacher in Las Vegas, Nevada. I was born in Sao Paulo, Brazil (but crazy about Rio de Janeiro!!). I have been collecting coins from every country in the world since a very young age. Over the past few years I have devoted myself to "unusual" coins; coins from unrecognized states, fantasy nations, non-territorial states, nonexistent lands, fictitious creations, and just about any individual, group, or organization that has decided to mint their own "viable" coinage. I have also minted my own coins, from Nichtsburg & Zilchstadt and from L'ile d'Heliopolis. Due to the tremendous lack of information on the internet about "unusual" coin-issuing entities, I also have also endeavored to maintain a web-site that gives detailed information about dozens of them.

EUSKAL HERRIA (BASQUE COUNTRY): This designation refers to an area of the
Iberian Peninsula which is historically, ethnically, and culturally Basque.
This includes the four Spanish provinces of Vizcaya, Guipúzcoa, Álava, and
Navarra, as well as the three former French provinces of Labourd/Lapurdi,
Basse-Navarre/Nafarroa Beherea, and Soule/Zuberoa (now officially
incorporated into the French department of
Pyrénées-Atlantique).

Upon closer inspection, the reality of Euskal Herria
is more complicated, though. There is no clear-cut homogeneity to the
region. A good part of the population living in the seven “historic
territories” does not want to be included in a so-called Basque Country.
That is the case of most of the Basques living in France and, above all, the
people of Navarre. But Basque nationalists are convinced, on linguistic and
anthropological grounds, that Nafarroa is the heartland of their
unmistakably unique nation. The Vascons of Navarre are viewed as the
ancestors of the Basque people (who are the only remaining pre-Aryan race in
Europe), as the mountainous north of Nafarroa is still partly
Basque-speaking. And the semi-autonomous Kingdom of Navarre is the only
entity to have exercised political authority over the entire landscape to
which the Basques now lay claim. The great majority of Navarrese, however,
consider their domain to be quite distinct from the Baskongadak (Bizkaia and
Gipuzkoa, and Araba), which between 1200 and 1332 had left Nafarroa and were
incorporated into the Crown of Castile, although without giving up their
traditional institutions. Navarre, in turn, was invaded and occupied by
Castile in 1512.

Whatever its boundaries, the País Vasco has experienced
many momentous ups and downs. Throughout the Middle Ages, the Basque
provinces, north and south, were largely self-governing and they had a
vigorous tradition of local democracy. Over time, Basque autonomy was
gradually stymied by the powers-that-be, but the Basques have continuously
fought to preserve their own forms of government. In the north zone
(Iparralde), Basque rights were abruptly swept away by the French
Revolution. In the south zone (Hegoalde), self-determination lasted longer,
but in the 19th century it came under attack from centralist governments in
Madrid, culminating in a series of major civil insurrections known as the
Carlist Wars (1833-39, 1846-49, 1872-1876). When these rebellions erupted,
they took place in Cataluña, Navarra, and the País Vasco. The Basques,
siding with the more conservative faction of King Carlos V and/or his
descendants, battled against the superior forces of Spain with unsuccessful
results.

As a consequence of the Carlist defeats, the age-old provincial
fueros were abolished. The fueros of the feudal era were a collection of
special rights — a set of local laws — which regulated their political
system and protected their independence. These compilations, which included
privileges and exemptions specific to an identified class, were habitual
practices which influenced their customs of law and governance. This
ancestral scheme had allowed the Basque Country to retain a separate
constitutional identity and a separate legal/financial administration under
a regional aristocratic oligarchy. The foral rights of each province were
not identical, however, and the Spanish Crown had never treated the País
Vasco as a single political unit.

The Basques, by the way, call their language Euskara (Euskera and Eskuara
being dialect variants). It is the linchpin of Basque national identity. The
word Euskaldun (literally, “one who has Basque”) means “Basque-speaker”; the
plural is Euskaldunak, and this is what the Basques commonly call
themselves. Linguistically, Basque (including its ancestral form, the
ancient pre-Indo-European Aquitanian tongue) has no relatives and absolutely
cannot be shown to be related to any other language anywhere in the world.

Though there has clearly been a Basque culture and language for many
centuries, some historians suggest that the concept of the ‘Basque nation’
was a creation of the 1890s. Seen in this light, the “invention” of Basque
nationalism and cultural-linguistic revival was a prerequisite in the
expanding struggle for the retrieval of lost sovereignty. The essence of
Basque nationalism was to safeguard their time-honored conventions and to
defend their ethnicity against contamination by the Spanish. The movement
appealed most strongly to those displaced or still embedded in a traditional
economy, such as agriculturalists and artisans; it attracted members of the
pre-industrial Vizcayan society, all threatened by liberalism, who were
being marginalized by processes of modernization and who were faced with the
corruption of their values and the collapse of their cherished
socio-cultural order. Industrialization and urbanization encouraged
immigration to the Basque Country, causing the villagers and peasants to
become bitterly resentful towards capitalism, which would only dilute the
regional homogeneousness they'd envisioned. From the late 1800s, the Spanish
Basques, fearing for their language and their culture, began pressing for
reforms and for greater self-rule. These were strictly peaceful campaigns,
which in their lack of clear-cut leadership were oftentimes beset by
internal differences of opinion regarding which ideological path (autonomy
versus independence) would be the best one to take.

The Basque Nationalist Party, founded in 1895 by Sabino de Arana y Goiri,
remains the largest and most dominant political party in the País Vasco. In
Basque it is called Eusko Alderdi Jeltzalea (EAJ), and in Castilian it is
called the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV); in Spain it is commonly
referred to as EAJ-PNV. Arana, though his movement initially drew little
support and was known as Vizcayanism, is considered by many to be the father
of Basque nationalism. He also coined the neologism Euzkadi (“Basque
State”); the term, which refers to the 3 provinces of the Baskongadak, is
still used today.

By the early 20th century, “regional micronationalism” had begun to develop
in Catalonia and the Basque provinces. From 1923-30, during the military
dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, the Basque community endured severe
repression and their chronically weakened nationalist movement was outlawed
and forced underground; it then flourished briefly when the ban was lifted
after the proclamation of the Second Republic in April 1931. When autonomy
was granted to Cataluña, the Basque nationalists, inspired by Arana and led
by PNV chief José Antonio de Aguirre, began a large-scale, well-planned
campaign for Basque autonomy. Three out of four the Basque provinces'
assemblies of local councilors voted in favor of forming an autonomous
Basque region within the Spanish state, while the delegates from Navarre
voted narrowly against the proposal.

But a military coup in 1936 led to the
outbreak of the Spanish Civil War (July '36-April '39). The Nationalist
generals who were involved in the insurgency appointed General Francisco
Franco, one of the leaders of the uprising, as Commander-in-Chief and Head
of State. Meanwhile, the Republican Government in Madrid had already
approved the Statute which finally granted the Baskongadak its official
autonomy. However, it was only applied to Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya because by
then a rift among Basques had developed. In October 1936, Aguirre was sworn
in as first Lehendakari (president) of the short-lived Government of
Euskadi. His first actions were to pronounce the Ikurriña (the Basque flag
that was designed in 1894 by Sabino Arana and his brother Luis) as official
and to create the Basque army and University. But in 1937, the Nationalist
Army mounted a great offensive against Bizkaia. They entered and seized
Bilbao, the Basque capital, which finally collapsed at the hands of Franco's
troops by September. Although Aguirre was forced to flee the country shortly
thereafter, he established a government-in-exile and maintained the position
of Lehendadari until his death in 1960.

During this timeframe, Basque
alienation and radicalization grew. The Basques suffered terribly in their
fight against Franco's brutally oppressive personal dictatorship. Since they
had sided with the Republican government during the Civil War, the Basques
found themselves particularly singled out for persecution and revenge by the
Fascist regime. Franco suppressed or restricted virtually all expressions of
Basque culture and forbade all outward signs of their identity. This
included exhibiting the nationalist flag, and partaking of any nationalist
celebrations. The very speaking of Basque in public and teaching it in
classrooms were prohibited; even baptizing children with non-Spanish names
was illegal. Basque separationists who had not managed to hide or flee into
exile were imprisoned, tormented, condemned to forced labor, and even shot.

Thus, the protracted dictatorship had the counterproductive effect of
re-awakening intensely independentist feelings and of sparking a more ardent
nationalist identity in the Basque provinces. Permitted no legal voice, the
Basques gradually began to congregate clandestinely to discuss possible
options. Their sovereignty movement, contemplating more active resistance,
began to evolve in the 1950s. Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Fatherland and
Liberty), a well-known, radical group which even today still seeks to create
an independent state, was founded by a band of student activists who were
dissatisfied with the moderate opposition of the traditional Basque party.
Originally called EKIN (from the Basque for “get busy”) since its inception
in 1953, this nationalist group re-named/reconstituted itself as ETA in
1959. Their split from the PNV apparently took place because its restless
young founders felt that the older organization, characterized by a
non-confrontational style, was not acting energetically enough to advance
the Basque cause.

ETA, which was one of several groups that formed a part of
the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional Vasco (MLNV), was the only militant
faction to emerge in Spain during the Franco era. Throughout this period,
they had accrued considerable popular support from even beyond the Basque
populace. On their home turf, many countrymen joined ETA's secessionist
stance, and the roots of this heightened sympathy arose from the
authoritarian state's unending attempts to ruthlessly destroy the
nationalistic aspirations of the Basque. At first, ETA's tactics were
deliberately non-violent, but the sustained ferocity of the Spanish police
and courts (domestic searches, arbitrary arrests, routine beatings,
interrogations accompanied by torture, lengthy jail sentences, widespread
abuse) eventually pushed ETA perilously into the realm of armed resistance
(naturally, there are numerous other left-wing Basque nationalist groups,
who valiantly disapprove of such methods). In this tumultuous and riotous
climate, ETA's soldiers retaliated with intensified bloodshed and vowed to
passionately fight for a fully independent homeland. Though their military
actions were initially directed towards known torturers and murderers from
amongst the Spanish authorities, the ensuing warfare gradually escalated
into increasingly indiscriminate shootings and bombings.
The Francoist
system responded with ever greater combative cruelty of its own; all of its
security forces (National Police, Civil Guard, secret police) assaulted and
murdered Basques with total impunity.

In December of 1973, ETA's “freedom
fighters” managed to assassinate the Spanish Prime Minister, Admiral Luis
Carrero Blanco, who was most likely the intended successor of the aging
Generalísimo. This event, which actually was received positively in many
Basque circles, may have significantly hastened the end of Spanish fascism.
The dictator's long rule finally came to an end in 1975. Franco's death
elevated Don Juan Carlos de Borbón to the monarchy. Once in power as King
Juan Carlos I, he facilitated the transition toward the current democratic
state. Elections were once again held in post-Franco Spain, leading to the
establishment in 1979 of the Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoa (Comunidad Autónoma
del País Vasco, Basque Autonomous Community); this was the name adopted by
the 3 provinces of the Baskongadak, which, prior to the Spanish constitution
of 1978, were still known by the antiquated term Provincias Vascongadas.

The
Basque districts were now able to wield considerably wide-ranging powers.
They were given their own police force, their own parliament, and they were
granted a broad degree of control over issues such as taxation and
education. An innovative policy of region-specific bilingualism meant that
the distinctive Basque language and culture could once again be promoted in
Basque-run schools. Many exiles returned from abroad. This outcome satisfied
most of the people in Euskal Herria, and many supporters of ETA quietly left
the separatist organization to resume normal lives. However, for a minority
in the ETA committed to armed struggle, this partial autonomy was not
enough. The modest number of remaining hard-core members tenaciously
believed that Basques should secure complete freedom from Spain, and to this
non-negotiable end the urban guerillas have continued a chaotic program of
destructiveness all over Spain. They fear that anything less than full
liberation would spell the end of their cultural, linguistic, and national
identity within a very short time (adding urgency to their demands has been
the weakness of Euskera — which many of them feel is on the verge of
annihilation — as a regional language).

Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación
(GAL), illegally directed and financed by officials in the Ministry of
Interior, were active from 1984-86. These paramilitary groups and death
squads were composed of undisciplined, off-duty members of the security
forces (as were their predecessors, ATE and BVE); its mercenaries, many of
whom would later be accused of war crimes and other heinous atrocities,
carried out further killings and waged a “dirty war” against Basque
activists and their property.

In recent years, though security forces and
politicians have become the main targets of the fervent hardliners,
countless innocent lives (prominent Basques and civilian bystanders) have
been lost. ETA has also engaged in bank robberies, kidnappings,
intimidation, graffiti, and extortion (collecting a “revolutionary tax” from
businesses in Basqueland).

What distinguishes the Basque conflict is its
intractability despite significant concessions granted by the 1978 Spanish
constitution and in subsequent legislation. While Catalonia has worked
within the framework of these delegated powers to strengthen its regional
language, culture, and economy, violence continues to fester in the even
more autonomous País Vasco. Another province that has made a smoother, less
troublesome changeover is the Comunidad Foral de Navarra (Free Community of
Navarre), which was formed in 1982.

I purchased 2 different Euskal Herria coins from Mrs. Joan Piñol Bastidas.
First, there is a 25 Nabarro piece. Its reverse shows the Arrano Beltza
(“Black Eagle”), a modern Basque nationalist version of the ancient arms of
the Kingdom of Nafarroa, which signify its unity; more specifically, the
aquiline image is found on the seals of King Santxo VII “the Strong” of
Navarre. It is used by the leftist Basque patriotic groups as a symbol of
unified Euskalerria (another spelling for Euskal Herria).
The second coin is
a 100 (Ehun) Nabarro piece. Its reverse shows the Casa de Juntas/Assembly
House (not only is this building the headquarters of the highest
institutional body in Biscay, but it is also the meeting point for all the
territories in the Basque Country) and the Árbol de Gernika (the revered oak
tree).

Both pieces, dated 1990, feature the same obverse, which depicts the
Euskal Herria coat-of-arms; it contains 6 shields, representing its 7
historical herrialdes (provinces) — Nafarroa Beherea (also known as
Behenafarroa, Behenabarra, Benabarre) and Nafarroa still share the same
emblem. Underneath it, there is a motto which says “ABERRI EGUNA”; this, the
“Day of the Fatherland”, is the Basque national holiday which has been held
since 1932 and which is always celebrated in conjunction with Easter.

From “Lejona”, the nickname of a collector whom I met via an online Spanish
numismatic forum, I learned that there are two additional types: a 1 Nabarro
(showcasing a map of the Basque-speaking territory) and a 25 Nabarro
(displaying the Ikurriña). The 4-coin set was produced by Herri Batasuna
(Popular Unity), which was founded in April 1978, by a coalition of
leftist/nationalist groups and individuals who had voted against the Spanish
constitution. Considered to be the most militant of all the Basque political
parties, its constituent elements had originally been called together in
1977 by senior Basque nationalist Telesforo de Monzón. They backed the
aims/goals of ETA so fully, that HB was alleged to be the political arm/wing
of ETA. HB spokesperson Arnaldo Otegi was once quoted as saying “You could
say we are the last indigenous people in Europe. We are very deeply attached
to our land.”

From 1998-2001, Herri Batasuna assumed the name Euskal
Herritarrok (Basque Citizens). In '01, HB then dissolved to join Batasuna, a
partnership formed to unite all the leftist pro-independence groups in the
entire Basque territory. Batasuna is also a principal part of the MLNV, and
its officials deny that they are linked to ETA. Though it has been banned in
Spain since 2003, the faction is not illegal in France.

According to the
text which accompanied the coins, “Today more than ever the desire of our
people to regain their sovereignty is patently clear, proof of this being
the important occurrences and public demonstrations which to that effect are
taking place in recent days.” Therefore, for the Aberri Eguna of 1990,
“Herri Batasuna wanted to offer a sample of what had been the complete
sovereignty of the Kingdom of Navarre,” so they decided to issue their own
coins, just like the bygone monarchy had done. As it were, one of the final
pieces made by Navarre was known as the “navarro de oro”. Therefore, the
denomination chosen by HB “is the same as that of yesteryear, namely,
‘Nabarro’, but we made the design suitable to the present-day sentiment of
the group of inhabitants of Euskal Herria.”

Herri Batasuna intended their
tokens “to serve as a reminder of our history” and to act as a memento of
that year's celebration. They also hoped the coins would spur all Basques to
continue striving towards nationhood, and serve as incentive for everyone to
keep contributing his or her own “small grain of sand”, each one so very
necessary “in the construction of this new free and supreme Euskal Herria
for which we fight.”

These coins, “Lejona” stated, were sold at rustic bars, known as Herriko
Tabernas (people's taverns), that were affiliated with HB. The use of these
modest establishments, commonly found in all the villages and small towns,
came about from the need of the political parties to have places where they
could assemble and conduct meetings. Their partisans began financing these
social businesses (where their compatriots would often work for no pay), and
there eventually arose a network of “txoko-tabernas” (corner-taverns)
throughout the Basque territory, where the political parties could be
directly connected to the people. The first ones belonged to PNV-EAJ, and
were dubbed “Batzokis” by Arana. These were followed by the Herriko Tabernas
and several other similar types collectively run by their respective
parties, such as the “casas del pueblo” of the Partido Socialista de
Euskadi-Euskadiko Ezkerra (PSE-EE), the “Elkar-tokis” of the Eusko
Alcartasuna (EA), and the “Esker-tokis” of the Euskal Batasuna (EB).

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Eskerrik asko!