GONZALEZ REALIGNS HIS FORCES IN BATTLE OVER THE ECONOMY

Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez, after nearly three years in office, remains extraordinarily popular despite Spain's depressed economy. But the problems have begun to take their toll. Last week, Mr. Gonzalez gave his squabbling Cabinet a radical shakeup, replacing six of 15 ministers, including the most powerful one, Miguel Boyer, Minister of the Economy.

One of the Prime Minister's biggest problems has been dealing with the country's unions. Unemployment has risen to 22 percent, the highest in Europe, and to revive the economy, Mr. Boyer was one of the prime movers behind an austerity program that makes dismissals easier and pension eligibility harder.

Nicolas Redondo, head of the General Union of Workers, a group allied with the Socialists, hailed Mr. Boyer's departure as a victory but warned of possible conflict ahead. ''We will give a margin of confidence to the new Government, which does not mean giving it a blank check,'' he said. Mr. Redondo had been under pressure to take a more critical stand from a rival force, the Communist-led Workers' Commissions, which called a one-day national strike two weeks ago. The Government said that only 10 percent of the work force struck, but transportation was chaotic in some places and many factories in the industrial centers of Barcelona, Bilbao and Valencia were brought to a halt.

The social security pension plan was the immediate target, and the strike had enough strength to lead the Socialists to offer a revision of a plan that it had already pushed through the lower house of Parliament. The compromise would soften provisions that would have required Spaniards to work 15 years and pay into Social Security for at least eight years before being eligible for a pension. But Mr. Gonzalez served notice that the unexpectedly extensive change of ministers would not affect his Government's basic policy of austerity.

Although clashes of individuals were a major factor in the Cabinet upheaval, in the background was a wider struggle between the Socialists and Communists to dominate Spanish labor. All but Government-controlled unions were banned under Francisco Franco, who died in 1975. The Communists, who were better organized as a clandestine group, emerged quickly as the most powerful union force. But the Socialists have caught up. Today, they control about a third each of the organized workers; the remainder is divided among the anarchists and regional unions, such as in Galicia and the Basque country.

Mr. Redondo accused the Workers' Commissions of political opportunism and refused to join in the strike. But the two confederations buried the hatchet long enough to join in a protest march against the pension plan. Marcelino Camacho, head of the Workers' Commissions and a shrewd politician, repeatedly calls for a rapprochement between the rival groups, a development the Government would not relish.

At the moment, Mr. Gonzalez can afford to a large degree to buck the unions. They represent only 20 percent of the work force. They never fully recovered from the Franco era and the growth of the service and technology industries has cut into their base, manufacturing. While the unions rely on their party affiliations for their identity, they rely on the Government for their money. A Government-controlled union fund built by contributions from workers and businesses under Franco today holds nearly $2 billion. The unions have been largely living off the Government since Franco's death.

The Communist threat to Mr. Gonzalez, moreover, often appears exaggerated. Few members of the Workers' Commissions are card-carrying Communists. The Communist Party today commands only about 4 percent of the vote, according to polls.

Last fall, Mr. Gonzalez concluded a pact with business groups and unions. The pact sought to balance austerity, economic flexibility and social justice as Spain tries to modernize its economy. The pact held wages near inflation, limited strikes and vaguely called for the tightening of pension eligibility and the loosening of Franco-era laws that made it difficult to fire a worker. In return, the Government expanded unemployment benefits. Despite a boycott by the Workers' Commissions of the negotiations, the agreement has nonetheless been highly successful in reducing the number of strikes. There is a danger this may not last. Among Socialists, Mr. Redondo remains a somewhat feared figure. As he noted recently, ''the interests of the Government and the interests of the unions are very different.''

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A version of this article appears in print on July 7, 1985, on Page 4004003 of the National edition with the headline: GONZALEZ REALIGNS HIS FORCES IN BATTLE OVER THE ECONOMY. Order Reprints|Today's Paper|Subscribe