After years of trade liberalisation, corporate self-regulation,
and a global race-to-the-bottom, we need to consider what kinds of systemic
reforms are needed to improve worker safety and welfare worldwide, and ask ourselves whether the disaster at Rana Plaza is the natural outcropping of a
system we created.

If the production of refugees was an industry, Myanmar would
be among the world’s market leaders. And of all its products the Rohingya would
be one of the most lucrative. A niche but growing market of global proportions,
the culmination of decades of tireless endeavour to hone a specialist craft.

The right not to be enslaved is one
of the two absolute human rights that cannot be violated on any ground
whatsoever. However, 65 years after its denunciation, slavery continues to
resist the corpus of human rights. Why the asymmetry ?

Using the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to justify decisions to intervene militarily abroad is often self-serving.
Countries like India are ambiguous about the right to intervene because the
practice is deeply inequitable.

Whenever democratic space has opened
up, people have been eager to choose those who not only provide a better
solution for their economic and social problems, but who can also offer them a
recognition of the authenticity of their cultures.

Africapitalism and philanthrocapitalism represent a progressive convergence
of business principles with social philanthropy. But vigilance is needed to ensure long-term success amid shifting debates about GM crops and their regulation.

On the basis of a flawed trial bereft of substantial evidence, my father has now been sentenced to 90 years in prison. The Bangladeshi people must decide whether justice for crimes past is really being acheived for a better, more cohesive Bangladesh.

The
massacre of Hefazat protesters in Dhaka by Bangladeshi security forces, followed
by the government’s initial denial and subsequent justification of casualties, raises
serious questions about the future security and stability of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh's modern experience of industrial disaster highlights the fragile conditions in which many of its urban workforce toil. But the country has an earlier history of large-scale developmental ambition, far from the metropolis, which equally defined the lives of those involved. The trajectory of these "ruins of progress", says Delwar Hussain, can illuminate the challenges of the present.

While secularism can be seen as
a point of departure for Bangladeshi nationalism from the 1950s
onward, the post-1971 reality is that it is now being imposed without taking
into account the increasingly religious mindset of the overwhelming majority of
Bangladeshis.

The
bloggers of Shahbagh are facing a backlash – hunted by fundamentalists,
denounced in mosques as atheists, arrested by the government. Those abroad are
under threat. Meanwhile activists are still demanding justice and cyber
movements are using their mobilising power to deal with disasters.

The latest conviction and death sentence handed down by the ICT has already sparked further protests. As the state-sponsored clampdown on the press quickly grows to encompass anyone willing to speak out, what does this mean for demands for accountability?

The protests in Shahbagh errupted apparently spontaneously in response to the first verdict handed down by Bangladesh's domestic tribunal for war crimes committed during the war of independence in 1971. The primary demand? The death sentence.

Protests at Shahbag that
call for the death penalty for Abdul Quader Mollah have been hailed as a move
beyond 'partisan politics' in the spirit of the Arab Spring. Clear government
backing puts this, and the nature of the justice being meted out, in doubt.

Dhaka
has been witnessing a youth uprising against Islamism in Bangladesh. The UK is
also witnessing daily events in solidarity with demands to end to Islamist
politics, and punishment for those responsible for war crimes committed during
the Bangladesh War of Liberation in 1971

The second verdict handed down by Bangladesh's war crimes tribunal is life imprisonment. Now a death sentence is being demanded in mass protests supported by the ruling regime, with calls for violence that extend into Bangladeshi society. Yet the guilty verdict itself may be a far cry from sound.

The domestic tribunal created to end the culture of impunity following the 1971 independence war continues to lose credibility, victim of partisan politics and judicial corruption. The latest scandal exposed by The Economist reveals the extent to which the project for justice has been compromised.

The Bangladeshi International War Crimes Tribunal quickly became a stage for political interference and intimidation. With elections approaching, escalating tactics threaten to condemn the entire pursuit for justice.

Alarm about the declining ratio of girls to boys in
the Indian population, evidence of a particularly lethal form of gender
discrimination, has overshadowed the more positive trend that is emerging in
neighbouring Bangladesh where the ‘aversion to daughters’ seems to be
weakening

Given such levels of violence against girls and women, it is a wonder
that so many Indians can feel superior while talking about the Taliban assault
in neighbouring Pakistan. It will take more to defeat the Taliban, be they of the Islamic, Hindu or any
other variety.

In
1971 the Jamaat e Islami supported the Pakistani army
against the nationalist Awami League: now their leaders are being indicted by
an international crimes tribunal and secularism is back on the agenda. It's
time to discuss the forgotten role of the fundamentalist militias in the war of
liberation of Bangladesh

In
1971 the Jamaat e Islami supported the Pakistani army
against the nationalist Awami League: now their leaders are being indicted by
an international crimes tribunal and secularism is back on the agenda. It's
time to discuss the forgotten role of the fundamentalist militias in the war of
liberation of Bangladesh

Most British Hindus cheered for their 'mother country' during Sunday's cricket match between England and India, not for the country in which they were born and raised. They failed the 'Tebbit Test', but does it matter? Perhaps a lack of integration into wider British society is not the threat to national cohesion we believe it to be.

In the past two years, four young Bangladeshi, including two women, scaled Mount Everest, becoming national heroes. More importantly, these individuals also became powerful political symbols, used on various sides, to disguise the failure of politics in Bangladesh.