The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond ...
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The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond these two-way linkages EU–China development is also changing the international political environment. One noted US scholar, David Shambaugh, has pointed to a ‘Strategic Triangle’ between the US, the EU, and China. Several other major actors such as Japan, India and Russia are also interested in the ‘EU factor’ in their relations with China; or the ‘China factor’ in their EU relations. This volume presents contributions from scholars from Europe and China, which debate the nature, problems and potential of the emerging strategic relationship between the EU and China. Several papers develop theoretical approaches to regionalism and inter-regionalism. This book provides an overview of EU–China relations and the wider international context, and it will be of interest to anyone interested in international relations.Less

The International Politics of EU-China Relations

Liu Fei

Published in print: 2007-12-13

The European Union and China have emerged as new international actors. They have an increasingly diverse relationship covering the economy, politics, technology, culture and education; but beyond these two-way linkages EU–China development is also changing the international political environment. One noted US scholar, David Shambaugh, has pointed to a ‘Strategic Triangle’ between the US, the EU, and China. Several other major actors such as Japan, India and Russia are also interested in the ‘EU factor’ in their relations with China; or the ‘China factor’ in their EU relations. This volume presents contributions from scholars from Europe and China, which debate the nature, problems and potential of the emerging strategic relationship between the EU and China. Several papers develop theoretical approaches to regionalism and inter-regionalism. This book provides an overview of EU–China relations and the wider international context, and it will be of interest to anyone interested in international relations.

To grasp Italy’s experience of migration, welfare, and citizenship, it is necessary to first understand the convoluted relationship between formal legislation and central directives on the one hand, ...
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To grasp Italy’s experience of migration, welfare, and citizenship, it is necessary to first understand the convoluted relationship between formal legislation and central directives on the one hand, and their interpretation and implementation in a decentralized and clientilistic political-administrative setting on the other. Added to this is the complexity of Italy’s division into major regions that are still very different in terms of economy, political culture, and social structure and, consequently, in terms of the modes in which immigrants become incorporated into economy and society. This refers in particular to the traditional north-south divide, which has not vanished during the last three decades of economic restructuring and political change, but has taken on partially new forms. The chapter presents data on the growth of immigration in Italy. It draws a cursory sketch of the specific character of the Italian conservative-corporatist welfare state and the discontents produced by its merger with Italy’s post-Fordist political economy and labour market. It describes the growing structural dependency of the Italian economy on migrant labour and discusses the segmentation of the labour market in relation to the major regional divisions. The chapter closes with a discussion of vagaries of policy formation and the current political struggles in Italy over immigration.Less

Economic Miracle and Political Limbo: Italy and Its ‘Extracommunitarians’

Carl-Ulrik Schierup

Published in print: 2006-03-01

To grasp Italy’s experience of migration, welfare, and citizenship, it is necessary to first understand the convoluted relationship between formal legislation and central directives on the one hand, and their interpretation and implementation in a decentralized and clientilistic political-administrative setting on the other. Added to this is the complexity of Italy’s division into major regions that are still very different in terms of economy, political culture, and social structure and, consequently, in terms of the modes in which immigrants become incorporated into economy and society. This refers in particular to the traditional north-south divide, which has not vanished during the last three decades of economic restructuring and political change, but has taken on partially new forms. The chapter presents data on the growth of immigration in Italy. It draws a cursory sketch of the specific character of the Italian conservative-corporatist welfare state and the discontents produced by its merger with Italy’s post-Fordist political economy and labour market. It describes the growing structural dependency of the Italian economy on migrant labour and discusses the segmentation of the labour market in relation to the major regional divisions. The chapter closes with a discussion of vagaries of policy formation and the current political struggles in Italy over immigration.

China’s growing influence has become a concern in terms of its role and potential dominance in East Asian integration. The key to a successful new paradigm for East Asia involves taking elements from ...
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China’s growing influence has become a concern in terms of its role and potential dominance in East Asian integration. The key to a successful new paradigm for East Asia involves taking elements from both the pre-crisis and Anglo-American models resulting in better policy coordination, more efficient regional cooperative agreements, and deeper integration.Less

Concluding Remarks

Yung Chul Park

Published in print: 2005-12-15

China’s growing influence has become a concern in terms of its role and potential dominance in East Asian integration. The key to a successful new paradigm for East Asia involves taking elements from both the pre-crisis and Anglo-American models resulting in better policy coordination, more efficient regional cooperative agreements, and deeper integration.

Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political ...
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Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political reasons behind these challenges, which arose even though the multilateral trading system was serving the world well over the second half of the twentieth century. The book's three main parts deal with the history, theory, and empirical evidence on the effects of discriminatory trade policies in general, and of regionalism in particular.Less

The Economics of Regional Trading Arrangements

Richard Pomfret

Published in print: 2001-11-01

Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political reasons behind these challenges, which arose even though the multilateral trading system was serving the world well over the second half of the twentieth century. The book's three main parts deal with the history, theory, and empirical evidence on the effects of discriminatory trade policies in general, and of regionalism in particular.

This introductory chapter begins with an overview of the regionalism debate in the light of a rising globalization of the production process. It argues that depending on their design, preferential ...
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This introductory chapter begins with an overview of the regionalism debate in the light of a rising globalization of the production process. It argues that depending on their design, preferential trade arrangements have the power to boost or hamper the development of ‘regional production networks’ and rules of origin are a key element. The theory of rules of origin (ROO) is briefly recalled and introduces a short presentation of the four parts of the book: theoretical perspectives, the complexity of ROO, ROO and special interests, and measuring their impacts.Less

Introduction

Olivier CadotAntoni EstevadeordalAkiko Suwa-EisenmannThierry Verdier

Published in print: 2006-02-23

This introductory chapter begins with an overview of the regionalism debate in the light of a rising globalization of the production process. It argues that depending on their design, preferential trade arrangements have the power to boost or hamper the development of ‘regional production networks’ and rules of origin are a key element. The theory of rules of origin (ROO) is briefly recalled and introduces a short presentation of the four parts of the book: theoretical perspectives, the complexity of ROO, ROO and special interests, and measuring their impacts.

This chapter estimates the effect of NAFTA’s rules of origin (ROO) on Mexican access to the US market, treating ROO as politically-determined. Econometric estimates of bilateral disaggrated trade, ...
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This chapter estimates the effect of NAFTA’s rules of origin (ROO) on Mexican access to the US market, treating ROO as politically-determined. Econometric estimates of bilateral disaggrated trade, with tariff preference and endogenous ROO as determinants, suggest that the creation of a captive market for upstream US intermediate-good producers is indeed one of the political determinants of NAFTA.Less

Rules of Origin as export subsidies †

Olivier CadotAntoni EstevadeordalAkiko Suwa-EisenmannThierry Verdier

Published in print: 2006-02-23

This chapter estimates the effect of NAFTA’s rules of origin (ROO) on Mexican access to the US market, treating ROO as politically-determined. Econometric estimates of bilateral disaggrated trade, with tariff preference and endogenous ROO as determinants, suggest that the creation of a captive market for upstream US intermediate-good producers is indeed one of the political determinants of NAFTA.

Despite the effort to deconstruct the Black Sea region in the twentieth century, there are still vestiges of the sea as a unified space. Since the end of the cold war, politicians have promoted ...
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Despite the effort to deconstruct the Black Sea region in the twentieth century, there are still vestiges of the sea as a unified space. Since the end of the cold war, politicians have promoted regionalism as a way of building a cooperative economic zone, but poverty and interstate rivalries have remained as obstacles. The legacy of cultural interaction over the centuries is evident, however, and emigration from the region has produced communities abroad with some sense of common identity and a connection to the sea.Less

Facing the Water

Charles King

Published in print: 2004-03-18

Despite the effort to deconstruct the Black Sea region in the twentieth century, there are still vestiges of the sea as a unified space. Since the end of the cold war, politicians have promoted regionalism as a way of building a cooperative economic zone, but poverty and interstate rivalries have remained as obstacles. The legacy of cultural interaction over the centuries is evident, however, and emigration from the region has produced communities abroad with some sense of common identity and a connection to the sea.

This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two ...
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This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two major questions left unanswered by the empirical analyses of the previous chapters: First, are the broad citizen groups that are active at the local level participating meaningfully in the policy process? Second, are they contributing anything substantially different from other groups? This chapter offers a more in-depth analysis of the local data in an effort to answer these complicated and underexplored questions and argues that the groups mobilized locally around urban crime problems frequently present policy frames that are substantially different from those promulgated by criminal justice agencies, professional associations, and highly active single-issue groups. Indeed, the deep connection urban dwellers have to crime, its causes, and its consequences makes their perspective unique and highly practical. Most notably, the policy environment for responding to crime at the local level is considerably more focused on victims—specifically on harm reduction—than is the environment at the state and national levels, where criminal justice agencies and narrow victims' groups dominate and focus much attention on punishing offenders.Less

Citizenship through Participation

Lisa L. Miller

Published in print: 2008-08-28

This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two major questions left unanswered by the empirical analyses of the previous chapters: First, are the broad citizen groups that are active at the local level participating meaningfully in the policy process? Second, are they contributing anything substantially different from other groups? This chapter offers a more in-depth analysis of the local data in an effort to answer these complicated and underexplored questions and argues that the groups mobilized locally around urban crime problems frequently present policy frames that are substantially different from those promulgated by criminal justice agencies, professional associations, and highly active single-issue groups. Indeed, the deep connection urban dwellers have to crime, its causes, and its consequences makes their perspective unique and highly practical. Most notably, the policy environment for responding to crime at the local level is considerably more focused on victims—specifically on harm reduction—than is the environment at the state and national levels, where criminal justice agencies and narrow victims' groups dominate and focus much attention on punishing offenders.

Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from ...
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Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.Less

The People

Sydney D. BaileySam Daws

Published in print: 1998-04-02

Looks at the people that make up the UN Security Council. It starts with sections on the Secretary‐General and the President, and goes on to discuss permanent members (of which there are five — from China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States) and non‐permanent members, of which details are given for each year from 1946 to 1997. The next section gives details of other participants in the UN Security Council: UN member states that are non‐members of the Council; the PLO/Permanent Observer for Palestine; the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; UN member states that are non‐members of the Council in informal consultations of the whole; troop‐contributing states; individuals and regional organizations. The next two sections of the chapter discuss permanent missions of member states to the Council, and groups (bodies of UN members) within the Council with certain ideological or regional interests. The remaining sections discuss regionalism, credentials, the representation of China and diplomatic precedence.

The Lega Nord’s justification of the secession of northern Italy is based on the right of self-determination of the northern Italian, ‘Padanian’ nation, and on grievances against the Italian state, ...
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The Lega Nord’s justification of the secession of northern Italy is based on the right of self-determination of the northern Italian, ‘Padanian’ nation, and on grievances against the Italian state, particularly its redistributive policies. Discusses the legitimacy of these arguments and the relevance of institutional reforms proposed as an alternative to secession.Less

A Nation Confronting a Secessionist Claim: Italy and the Lega Nord

Michel Huysseune

Published in print: 2003-07-17

The Lega Nord’s justification of the secession of northern Italy is based on the right of self-determination of the northern Italian, ‘Padanian’ nation, and on grievances against the Italian state, particularly its redistributive policies. Discusses the legitimacy of these arguments and the relevance of institutional reforms proposed as an alternative to secession.