Well,
thank you, John, thank you all. And to all of you of the
International Gas Union and George Lawrence and all of you of the American Gas
Association, my warmest greetings. And as you've just been told, I've
just returned from an historic meeting in the Soviet Union, and I thought it would
be fitting to report on that summit meeting before this, an international
audience. And by the way, I'd like to extend a particular word of greeting to
the members of the Soviet delegation who are here today. I guess it shows just
how much things have changed that Ronald Reagan can say to a group of visiting
Soviet citizens: My friends, if you're wondering about the weather back in
Moscow, well, lately most of the days have been sunny and mild. [Laughter]

But
before I report in any detail on the events that took place in Moscow, I want to recognize
Secretary of Energy John Herrington. The Department of Energy recently
completed an important study that greatly adds to our knowledge of natural gas.
As John himself has described it: ``This study is a
useful national inventory of a vital strategic asset.'' He went on to say that
the study ``confirms that there are adequate supplies in the United States to help stem the
predicted rise in oil imports over the next decade.''

It
goes without saying that our own supply of natural gas is vital to a strong and
growing American economy. You might remember that when our administration took
office the Federal Government seemed more intent on hampering the natural gas
industry than helping it. Since then we've presided over the -- as you've been
told -- the 1985 expiration of new gas wellhead price controls and over the
enactment of legislation to remove Fuel Use Act gas restrictions. Those two
steps have brightened America's energy future. I want
to thank so many of you in America's gas industry for your
support, your crucial support, in bringing these changes about. And I want to urge
all of you in the natural gas industry to build on your industry's natural
strengths. Natural gas is a clean-burning, abundant, competitively priced fuel
found within our borders, a fuel that is poised to play a major role in
containing the rise of imported oil from insecure sources while keeping America energy-secure. And
there's a whole universe of new applications, including the natural gas bus
that will soon be tested in New York City. And you know what the
song says: ``If you can make it there, you'll make it anywhere.'' [Laughter]

Progress
has been made, but much still remains to be done. Congress must act now to
decontrol the wellhead price of natural gas and to provide more efficient
pipeline transportation. These measures, coupled with the access to Canadian
natural gas supplies that is ensured by the U.S.-Canada free trade agreement,
will do a great deal to reduce the demand for imported oil.

But
to turn now to the events that took place last week in Moscow, permit me to
begin with perhaps my strongest impression: an impression of change in the
Soviet Union; an impression of new possibilities, of new hope. Indeed, Soviet
officials have themselves spoken of the profound change of policy that has
taken place in their own government. Differences remain, and it is still much
too early to tell just where the changes in the Soviet Union itself will lead. But
when a President of the United States is able to meet on Soviet soil with
dissidents and refuseniks, able to exchange thoughts
with cultural and intellectual leaders, able to discuss with Soviet young
people the importance of individual freedoms, well, there is, as I said, a
sense of new hope -- a powerful hope.

The
event in Moscow of the most immediate
impact on East-West relations took place last Wednesday. It was then that
General Secretary Gorbachev and I met in the Kremlin to exchange the
instruments of ratification of the INF treaty. And the moment we exchanged
those instruments, that historic treaty entered into force. For the first time
ever, an entire class of U.S. and Soviet nuclear
missiles is being eliminated. And with the treaty's stringent verification
measures, a new dimension of cooperation and trust will open between us.

The
world can also take satisfaction at the continued progress we made on
50-percent reductions in strategic ballistic missiles -- a treaty we call
START. And on this issue, permit me to review for just a moment the four summit
meetings between myself and Mr. Gorbachev. For in assessing their impact, it's
important to see them as a whole.

In
Geneva the General Secretary
and I agreed on the concept of 50-percent reductions; in Reykjavik, on numerical limits
for warheads and delivery vehicles; in Washington, on intensive work to
complete a START treaty, including comprehensive verification provisions
building upon those in the INF treaty. And in Moscow, we made important
additional strides toward that objective. Verification in particular represents
one of the most important and difficult issues. In Moscow we moved forward in
reaching an agreement on a joint experiment in each other's country to improve
the verification of existing nuclear testing treaties, and another agreement on
notification of strategic ballistic missile test launches. When will the START
treaty be completed? We still do not know. But I can say that we are moving
forward on the treaty and its associated documents with renewed vigor and
cooperation. I won't set deadlines. I've said that many times.

I
am also gratified that this summit has borne out again the wisdom of our
approach, which has been to expand the agenda of Soviet-American relations
beyond just arms control or, more to the point, arms reduction. Too often in
the past, the full weight of our relations hinged on this one issue while other
fundamental issues were not raised. As I never tire of saying, nations distrust
each other not because they are armed; they are armed because they distrust
each other.

So,
building for a better understanding between our two countries is important.
Getting at those fundamental problems is essential. And that's why I am pleased
to report to you that in the areas of human rights, regional conflicts, and
bilateral and people-to-people exchanges, the Moscow summit has moved our
full agenda forward.

Beginning
with bilateral exchanges, I am deeply pleased that the Soviets agreed to take
an important step toward expanding people-to-people exchanges, not just making
occasional, symbolic gestures that involve a few carefully selected groups. Our
goal is to have an ongoing series of widespread exchanges involving a cross
section of citizens from both of our societies. In this connection, we agreed
on an exchange each year of hundreds of students of high school age. This is a
far larger number than in the past, and this is an inaugural step, not a final
one. So, too, there is a new dimension to our cultural exchanges. In the spirit
of glasnost and perestroika, the [Secretary] General and I expanded and updated
an earlier cultural agreement and agreed to a plan that will establish culture
and information centers in each other's capital.

Turning
to regional issues, Mr. Gorbachev and I had a full and frank exchange. We
agreed that the Soviet decision to withdraw from Afghanistan set a positive
precedent for the resolution of other conflicts, and I expressed my expectation
that the Soviet withdrawal would proceed on schedule, bringing peace to the
region and self-determination to Afghanistan. We discussed Southeast Asia, both of us welcoming Vietnam's recent commitment to
remove some of its troops from Cambodia. I noted, however, that
a solution there required the withdrawal of all troops and a dialog between
Prince Sihanouk and Vietnam. We also discussed the
new prospects for a solution in southern Africa. This will restore an
early target date for the removal of Cuban troops and all foreign troops from Angola and national
reconciliation within Angola.

Other
regional tensions were not neglected. I once again pressed the Soviets to
support a second U.N. Security Council resolution, to enforce Resolution 598,
calling for a negotiated end to the Iran-Iraq war. I pressed Mr. Gorbachev to
help avert a manmade famine in Ethiopia. I stated my interest
in moving forward our initiative in the Middle East peace process, again
pressing the Soviets to play a more helpful role. And I emphasized our concerns
about Central
America,
calling on Moscow to stop its vast supply
of weaponry to the Communist Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the Communist
guerrillas in El Salvador.

And
finally, in the area of human rights, I am encouraged. Our discussions here
focused on the recognition of the right to speak, write, travel, and worship
freely. Our joint statement reaffirms the need to assure the rights, freedoms,
and human dignity of individuals; the promotion of people-to-people
communications; and an active sharing of cultural, historical, and spiritual
values. Here I want to stress that those increased bilateral contacts I noted
earlier include steps to establish wider exchanges among the leaders of human
rights organizations, as well as lawyers, physicians, and representatives of
other professions involved in this work. I think the growth of such contacts,
under the aegis of the summit process, could over the long run become one of
the most fruitful products of these discussions.

But
beyond the official agenda I've just described, there was something else taking
place in Moscow last week, something
that had to do with the power of words. I said earlier that there were unmistakable
signs that things are changing in the Soviet Union. Consider, if you will,
what I was able to say to Soviet refuseniks and
dissidents. I said, ``Coming here, being with you, looking into your faces, I
have to believe that the history of this troubled century will indeed be
redeemed in the eyes of God and man and that freedom will truly come to all,
for what injustice can withstand your strength, and what can conquer your
prayers.'' Or consider these words that I was able to speak to a group of Russian
Orthodox monks when I visited the Danilov Monastery:
``We hope that perestroika will be accompanied by a deeper restructuring, a
deeper conversion, a metanoia, a change in heart; and
that glasnost, which means giving voice, will also let loose a new chorus of
belief, singing praise to the God that gave us life.'' Or picture the scene
last Tuesday at MoscowStateUniversity, where the next
generation of Soviet leaders is being trained. To several hundred students I
said: ``Freedom is the recognition that no single person, no single authority
or government has a monopoly on the truth, but that every individual life is
infinitely precious.'' ``Democracy,'' I added, ``is less a system of government
than it is a system to keep government limited and unintrusive.''
Later in that same address, I quoted Boris Pasternak's novel ``Doctor Zhivago,'' just published in the Soviet Union for the first time,
which speaks of the ``irresistible power of unarmed truth,'' even the power of
a simple phrase.

Yes,
these are signs of change that are encouraging. They're promising. And I hope
that General Secretary Gorbachev continues to press for additional reforms. You
might remember that Nancy and I took an unscheduled stroll last Sunday on the Arbat -- that's a lively pedestrian street. We greeted as
many people as we could. There were ordinary, everyday people, of course; and
through an interpreter, I said a few words. After Nancy and I left, reporters
stayed behind to interview some of the people we'd met. Now, I didn't read this
particular report, this report of the effect a simple phrase had had, until
after Nancy and I had left Moscow. But when I did, well,
it made me feel humble. That's the only way you could feel. And it made me
think that visiting Moscow on behalf of the
American people was one of the highest privileges of my life. The Wall Street
Journal reported that after Nancy and I left the Arbat on Sunday ``one elderly lady was clearly elated. `It
is very good. I'm glad he comes.' she said. And then, tears welling up in her
eyes, she confided: `I am a Christian myself, and I like it that he says God
bless you.'''

And
there, perhaps, lies the greatest significance of what took place in Moscow last week, not that
Ronald Reagan spoke there. I was only giving voice to the abiding beliefs of
the American people, indeed, of free people everywhere. No, it was that the
words that were spoken were words of faith, words of freedom, words of truth,
words, well -- and in power that unarmed truth is
irresistible. So, thank you all, and, yes, God bless you all.

Note: The President
spoke at 11:12
a.m. in the Sheraton
Washington Ballroom at the Sheraton Washington Hotel. In his opening remarks,
he referred to John Kean, president of the
International Gas Union, and George H. Lawrence, president of the American Gas
Association. The World Gas Conference was a triennial event sponsored by the
International Gas Union, which had members from 45 countries.