Political systems are rarely completely transformed even after revolutions. Scottish devolution is best understood as an important development in a continuous process of challenges to and defence of ...
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Political systems are rarely completely transformed even after revolutions. Scottish devolution is best understood as an important development in a continuous process of challenges to and defence of existing institutions. Scottish devolution has transformed Scottish politics in significant ways. Changes affecting representation — the electoral system, number of parliamentarians, and opportunities for greater participation — have been most significant. The lack of legitimacy that marked the years before devolution was restored, and the transition was remarkably smooth. The crucial added dimension of an elected Parliament has ensured that that policy-making no longer operates within the framework of British Cabinet government but in response to the authoritative choices of a representative Scottish legislature.Less

The settled will of the Scottish people

James Mitchell

Published in print: 2009-06-01

Political systems are rarely completely transformed even after revolutions. Scottish devolution is best understood as an important development in a continuous process of challenges to and defence of existing institutions. Scottish devolution has transformed Scottish politics in significant ways. Changes affecting representation — the electoral system, number of parliamentarians, and opportunities for greater participation — have been most significant. The lack of legitimacy that marked the years before devolution was restored, and the transition was remarkably smooth. The crucial added dimension of an elected Parliament has ensured that that policy-making no longer operates within the framework of British Cabinet government but in response to the authoritative choices of a representative Scottish legislature.

This chapter begins with an overview of the main political traditions in Scotland, examining how party autonomy goals have been shaped by different ideological discourses. Then, it examines how ...
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This chapter begins with an overview of the main political traditions in Scotland, examining how party autonomy goals have been shaped by different ideological discourses. Then, it examines how parties conceptualise the ‘nation’ and Scotland's position within Britain and Europe. Next, it introduces the European dimension, with consideration of party responses to European integration since 1979. It argues that Scottish parties have continuously re-positioned themselves on Europe. In the early 1980s, Labour and the SNP opposed European integration as a Conservative free-market project that would undermine Scottish values. This changed in the late 1980s with a new emphasis on the social and political dimensions of integration. Labour and the Liberal Democrats began to view subsidiarity as intrinsic to Scottish devolution, whilst the SNP re-conceptualised the EU as an alternative arena to the UK for security and trading opportunities.Less

Scottish party responses to Europe and devolution

Eve Hepburn

Published in print: 2010-07-21

This chapter begins with an overview of the main political traditions in Scotland, examining how party autonomy goals have been shaped by different ideological discourses. Then, it examines how parties conceptualise the ‘nation’ and Scotland's position within Britain and Europe. Next, it introduces the European dimension, with consideration of party responses to European integration since 1979. It argues that Scottish parties have continuously re-positioned themselves on Europe. In the early 1980s, Labour and the SNP opposed European integration as a Conservative free-market project that would undermine Scottish values. This changed in the late 1980s with a new emphasis on the social and political dimensions of integration. Labour and the Liberal Democrats began to view subsidiarity as intrinsic to Scottish devolution, whilst the SNP re-conceptualised the EU as an alternative arena to the UK for security and trading opportunities.

This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, ...
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This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, it investigates positions and strategies of political parties and interest groups, and how these influenced constitutional preferences at mass level and, ultimately, the referendum results themselves. Based on analysis of an extensive body of quantitative and qualitative sources, the book builds an argument which challenges the widespread thesis that support for devolution was a consequence of Conservative rule between 1979 and 1997. It shows that the decisive factors were changing attitudes to independence and the role of the European dimension in shaping them.Less

Between Two Unions : Europeanisation and Scottish Devolution

Paolo Dardanelli

Published in print: 2006-01-12

This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, it investigates positions and strategies of political parties and interest groups, and how these influenced constitutional preferences at mass level and, ultimately, the referendum results themselves. Based on analysis of an extensive body of quantitative and qualitative sources, the book builds an argument which challenges the widespread thesis that support for devolution was a consequence of Conservative rule between 1979 and 1997. It shows that the decisive factors were changing attitudes to independence and the role of the European dimension in shaping them.

This chapter shows how the interest groups were played differently in the 1980s and beyond than in the 1970s, especially in relation to the European dimension. It reveals that the Church of Scotland ...
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This chapter shows how the interest groups were played differently in the 1980s and beyond than in the 1970s, especially in relation to the European dimension. It reveals that the Church of Scotland had been isolated in the 1970s due to being both pro-devolution and pro-EU. It determines that the key change in interest groups during this period was on the STUC, which was one of the key actors in the effort to Europeanise Scottish devolution in the 1990s. This chapter also discusses other important changes that occurred between the 1970s and 1990s, which eventually helped increase the influence of the interest groups on the politics of self-government.Less

Interest groups

Paolo Dardanelli

Published in print: 2006-01-12

This chapter shows how the interest groups were played differently in the 1980s and beyond than in the 1970s, especially in relation to the European dimension. It reveals that the Church of Scotland had been isolated in the 1970s due to being both pro-devolution and pro-EU. It determines that the key change in interest groups during this period was on the STUC, which was one of the key actors in the effort to Europeanise Scottish devolution in the 1990s. This chapter also discusses other important changes that occurred between the 1970s and 1990s, which eventually helped increase the influence of the interest groups on the politics of self-government.

This chapter views Scottish devolution in its historical context. It pays attention to the policy record in the areas of education and health, which are the two main areas of devolved social welfare ...
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This chapter views Scottish devolution in its historical context. It pays attention to the policy record in the areas of education and health, which are the two main areas of devolved social welfare powers. It points out that Scotland historically had a degree of autonomy in specific welfare fields, and it was primarily these fields that were handed over to the Parliament of Edinburgh. The chapter also studies the wider field of ‘policy divergence’ and introduces the concept of ‘social democratic communitarianism’.Less

‘Scottish solutions to Scottish problems’? Social welfare in Scotland since devolution

John Stewart

Published in print: 2004-07-14

This chapter views Scottish devolution in its historical context. It pays attention to the policy record in the areas of education and health, which are the two main areas of devolved social welfare powers. It points out that Scotland historically had a degree of autonomy in specific welfare fields, and it was primarily these fields that were handed over to the Parliament of Edinburgh. The chapter also studies the wider field of ‘policy divergence’ and introduces the concept of ‘social democratic communitarianism’.

This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration ...
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This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration raises demand for self-government at the sub-state level. It then presents a brief overview of the main contributions to this book and reviews the literature on Europeanisation, particularly on the Europeanisation of the demands for regional self-government. It gives a brief historical overview of the constitutional position of Scotland within the United Kingdom and of its demand for self-government, including both devolution and independence. This chapter also includes several reviews of relevant literature on the 1979 and 1997 referendums and studies the role of the European dimension in such literature.Less

Introduction

Paolo Dardanelli

Published in print: 2006-01-12

This introductory chapter analyses the case of Scottish devolution. It identifies the three main reasons why Scotland serves as an ideal test case for the general hypothesis that European integration raises demand for self-government at the sub-state level. It then presents a brief overview of the main contributions to this book and reviews the literature on Europeanisation, particularly on the Europeanisation of the demands for regional self-government. It gives a brief historical overview of the constitutional position of Scotland within the United Kingdom and of its demand for self-government, including both devolution and independence. This chapter also includes several reviews of relevant literature on the 1979 and 1997 referendums and studies the role of the European dimension in such literature.

This chapter discusses the different degree of Europeanisation of the two periods and summarises the theoretical conclusions of the present work. It tries to explain the radically different extents ...
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This chapter discusses the different degree of Europeanisation of the two periods and summarises the theoretical conclusions of the present work. It tries to explain the radically different extents to which Scottish devolution was Europeanised in the 1970s and in the 1990s and discusses the deepening of European integration. It determines that there is no single factor that can fully account for the variation, and that the several changes among actors and institutions at each of the three levels—European, British, Scottish—played a role. This chapter concludes that it was not the deepening of integration, but how it interacted with change at the state level and what Scottish elite actors made of it, that made the difference.Less

Explaining Europeanisation and devolution

Paolo Dardanelli

Published in print: 2006-01-12

This chapter discusses the different degree of Europeanisation of the two periods and summarises the theoretical conclusions of the present work. It tries to explain the radically different extents to which Scottish devolution was Europeanised in the 1970s and in the 1990s and discusses the deepening of European integration. It determines that there is no single factor that can fully account for the variation, and that the several changes among actors and institutions at each of the three levels—European, British, Scottish—played a role. This chapter concludes that it was not the deepening of integration, but how it interacted with change at the state level and what Scottish elite actors made of it, that made the difference.

After a second election fought by flirting with a government of national unity, the leadership passed to an ideologue. There was no change in Tory candidates, but there was more change at the top ...
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After a second election fought by flirting with a government of national unity, the leadership passed to an ideologue. There was no change in Tory candidates, but there was more change at the top than people now remember. There were also significant developments on the organisational front, involving centralisation and control but also the blurring of barriers between those in the Party and those advising it from the outside. Policy changed across the board as controlling inflation, cutting direct taxation and taming the unions became the domestic priorities. Scottish devolution was dumped and more assertive stance adopted towards the Soviets and ‘Europe’. The double defeats of 1974 were crucial, but so too were leaders and a new dominant faction. Money, or the initial lack of it, also mattered. Public and party opinion were important, too, as was an overwhelming determination to avoid repeating the mistakes of 1970-74.Less

Confrontation and Consensus: 1974–1979

Tim Bale

Published in print: 2012-09-20

After a second election fought by flirting with a government of national unity, the leadership passed to an ideologue. There was no change in Tory candidates, but there was more change at the top than people now remember. There were also significant developments on the organisational front, involving centralisation and control but also the blurring of barriers between those in the Party and those advising it from the outside. Policy changed across the board as controlling inflation, cutting direct taxation and taming the unions became the domestic priorities. Scottish devolution was dumped and more assertive stance adopted towards the Soviets and ‘Europe’. The double defeats of 1974 were crucial, but so too were leaders and a new dominant faction. Money, or the initial lack of it, also mattered. Public and party opinion were important, too, as was an overwhelming determination to avoid repeating the mistakes of 1970-74.

The prospect of Scottish independence allowed commentators the chance to reconsider the Scottish Government’s social policy choices. The idea of ‘social investment’ grew in importance since it fits ...
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The prospect of Scottish independence allowed commentators the chance to reconsider the Scottish Government’s social policy choices. The idea of ‘social investment’ grew in importance since it fits well with the vague notion that Scottish independence is a social democratic project, offering an alternative to ‘austerity politics’ and ‘neoliberalism’. It also complements an existing Scottish Government agenda to reduce inequalities and address its decreasing budget by reducing acute public service demand through ‘early intervention’ and ‘prevention’ policies. However, this chapter identifies a limited impact of such developments on government policy. Social investment is rarely properly defined, and prevention often describes a broad aspiration rather than a specific policy agenda. Policymakers are pursuing a vague solution to an unclear problem. This chapter discusses how key actors can take forward this agenda, to learn from international experience and from domestic experiments with ‘evidence based policymaking’.Less

Constitutional Change, Social Investment and Prevention Policy in Scotland

Paul CairneyMalcolm HarveyEmily St Denny

Published in print: 2017-01-04

The prospect of Scottish independence allowed commentators the chance to reconsider the Scottish Government’s social policy choices. The idea of ‘social investment’ grew in importance since it fits well with the vague notion that Scottish independence is a social democratic project, offering an alternative to ‘austerity politics’ and ‘neoliberalism’. It also complements an existing Scottish Government agenda to reduce inequalities and address its decreasing budget by reducing acute public service demand through ‘early intervention’ and ‘prevention’ policies. However, this chapter identifies a limited impact of such developments on government policy. Social investment is rarely properly defined, and prevention often describes a broad aspiration rather than a specific policy agenda. Policymakers are pursuing a vague solution to an unclear problem. This chapter discusses how key actors can take forward this agenda, to learn from international experience and from domestic experiments with ‘evidence based policymaking’.

Back in opposition a meritocrat replaced an aristocrat as leader and, while there was little change on the frontbench, the Party selected a broader range of candidates. Organisationally, things ...
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Back in opposition a meritocrat replaced an aristocrat as leader and, while there was little change on the frontbench, the Party selected a broader range of candidates. Organisationally, things changed: the leader was elected; there were attempts to break up city parties; campaigning, polling, advertising, broadcasting – and policy making – were all modernized. Policy itself shifted in an economically liberal, anti-trade union, pro-devolution but anti-immigration direction. Defeat in 1964 made a difference but less so than did the desire to do what had been left undone in government. A much bigger defeat in 1966 had no impact, at least on policy. The Party’s outgoing leader had just as much impact as the new broom who replaced him – a change that did not signal the triumph of a new faction. Most of the changes that took place were driven by anticipation of the next election and of government. Public opinion, the zeitgeist, and policy synchronisation were also important.Less

Amateur to Professional: 1964–1970

Tim Bale

Published in print: 2012-09-20

Back in opposition a meritocrat replaced an aristocrat as leader and, while there was little change on the frontbench, the Party selected a broader range of candidates. Organisationally, things changed: the leader was elected; there were attempts to break up city parties; campaigning, polling, advertising, broadcasting – and policy making – were all modernized. Policy itself shifted in an economically liberal, anti-trade union, pro-devolution but anti-immigration direction. Defeat in 1964 made a difference but less so than did the desire to do what had been left undone in government. A much bigger defeat in 1966 had no impact, at least on policy. The Party’s outgoing leader had just as much impact as the new broom who replaced him – a change that did not signal the triumph of a new faction. Most of the changes that took place were driven by anticipation of the next election and of government. Public opinion, the zeitgeist, and policy synchronisation were also important.