The US presents itself as the peace-broker in the Middle East. The reality is different

A year ago, the Hebrew University sociologist Baruch Kimmerling observed that " what we
feared has come true - War appears an unavoidable fate " , an " evil colonial " war.

His colleague Ze'ev Sternhell noted that the Israeli leadership was now engaged in " colonial
policing, which recalls the takeover by the white police of the poor neighbourhoods of the
blacks in South Africa during the apartheid era " .

Both stress the obvious:

there is no symmetry between the " ethno-national groups " in this conflict, which is centred
in territories that have been under harsh military occupation for 35 years.

The Oslo " peace process " , begun in 1993, changed the modalities of the occupation, but not the
basic concept.

Shortly before joining the Ehud Barak government, historian Shlomo Ben-Ami wrote that " the
Oslo agreements were founded on a neo-colonialist basis, on a life of dependence of one on the
other forever " .

He soon became an architect of the US-Israel proposals at Camp David in 2000, which kept to this
condition. At the time, West Bank Palestinians were confined to 200 scattered areas.

Bill Clinton and Israeli prime minister Barak did propose an improvement: consolidation to
three cantons, under Israeli control, virtually separated from one another and from the
fourth enclave, a small area of East Jerusalem,

the centre of Palestinian communi-cations. The fifth canton was Gaza. It is understandable
that maps are not to be found in the US mainstream.

Nor is their prototype, the Bantustan " homelands " of apartheid South Africa, ever
mentioned.

No one can seriously doubt that the US role will continue to be decisive.

It is crucial to understand what that role has been, and how it is internally perceived.

The version of the doves is presented by the editors of the New York Times, praising President
Bush's " path-breaking speech " and the " emerging vision " he articulated.

Its first element is " ending Palestinian terrorism " immediately.

Some time later comes " freezing, then rolling back, Jewish settlements and negotiating new
borders " to allow the establishment of a Palestinian state.

If Palestinian terror ends, Israelis will be encouraged to " take the Arab League's historic
offer of full peace and recognition in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal more seriously " .

But first Palestinian leaders must demonstrate that they are " legitimate diplomatic
partners " .

The real world has little resemblance to this self-serving portrayal - virtually copied from
the 1980s, when the US and Israel were desperately seeking to evade PLO offers of negotiation
and political settlement.

In the real world, the primary barrier to the " emerging vision " has been, and remains,
unilateral US rejectionism. There is little new in the current " Arab League's historic offer
" .

It repeats the basic terms of a security council resolution of January 1976 which called for a
political settlement on the internationally recognised borders " with appropriate
arrangements ... to guarantee ... the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political
independence of all states in the area " .

This was backed by virtually the entire world, including the Arab states and the PLO but
opposed by Israel and vetoed by the US, thereby vetoing it from history.

Similar initiatives have since been blocked by the US and mostly suppressed in public
commentary.

Not surprisingly, the guiding principle of the occupation has been incessant humiliation.

Israeli plans for Palestinians have followed the guidelines formulated by Moshe Dayan, one
of the Labour leaders more sympathetic to the Palestinian plight.

Thirty years ago Dayan advised the cabinet that Israel should make it clear to refugees that "
we have no solution, you shall continue to live like dogs, and whoever wishes may leave " .

When challenged, he responded by citing Ben-Gurion, who said that " whoever approaches the
Zionist problem from a moral aspect is not a Zionist " .

He could have also cited Chaim Weizmann, first president of Israel, who held that the fate of
the " several hundred thousand negroes " in the Jewish homeland " is a matter of no consequence "
.

The Palestinians have long suffered torture, terror, destruction of property,
displacement and settlement, and takeover of basic resources, crucially water. These
policies have relied on decisive US support and European acquiescence. " The Barak
government is leaving Sharon's government a surprising legacy, " the Israeli press reported
as the transition took place: " the highest number of housing starts in the territories since
Ariel Sharon was minister of construction and settlement in 1992 before the Oslo agreements "
- funding provided by the American taxpayer. It is regularly claimed that all peace
proposals have been undermined by Arab refusal to accept the existence of Israel (the facts
are quite different),

and by terrorists like Arafat who have forfeited " our trust " . How that trust may be regained is
explained by Edward Walker, a Clinton Middle East adviser:

Arafat must announce that " we put our future and fate in the hands of the US " - which has led the
campaign to undermine Palestinian rights for 30 years.

The basic problem then, as now, traces back to Washington, which has persistently backed
Israel's rejection of a political settlement in terms of the broad international consensus.
Current modifications of US rejectionism are tactical.

With plans for an attack on Iraq endangered, the US permitted a UN resolution calling for
Israeli withdrawal from the newly-invaded territories " without delay " - meaning " as soon as
possible " , secretary of state Colin Powell explained at once.

Powell's arrival in Israel was delayed to allow the Israeli Defence Force to continue its
destructive operations, facts hard to miss and confirmed by US officials.

When the current intifada broke out, Israel used US helicopters to attack civilian targets,

killing and wounding dozens of Palestinians, hardly in self-defence.

Clinton responded by arranging what the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz called " the largest
purchase of military helicopters by the Israeli Air Force in a decade " , along with spare parts
for Apache attack helicopters.

A few weeks later, Israel began to use US helicopters for assassinations.

These extended last August to the first assassination of a political leader: Abu Ali Mustafa.

That passed in silence, but the reaction was quite different when Israeli cabinet minister
Rehavam Ze'evi was killed in retaliation.

Bush is now praised for arranging the release of Arafat from his dungeon in return for US-UK
supervision of the accused assassins of Ze'evi.

It is inconceivable that there should be any effort to punish those responsible for the
Mustafa assassination.

Further contributions to enhancing terror took place last December, when Washington again
vetoed a security council resolution calling for dispatch of international monitors.

Ten days earlier, the US boycotted an international conference in Geneva that once again
concluded that the fourth Geneva convention applies to the occupied territories, so that
many US-Israeli actions there are " grave breaches " , hence serious war crimes.

As a " high contracting party " , the US is obligated by solemn treaty to prosecute those
responsible for such crimes,

including its own leadership. Accordingly, all of this passes in silence.

But the US has not officially withdrawn its recognition that the conventions apply to the
occupied territories,

or its censure of Israeli violations as the " occupying power " .

In October 2000 the security council reaffirmed the consensus, " call[ing] on Israel,

the occupying power, to abide scrupulously by its legal obligations... " The vote was 14-0.
Clinton abstained.

Until such matters are permitted to enter mainstream discussion in the US, and their
implications understood,

it is meaningless to call for " US engagement in the peace process " , and prospects for
constructive action will remain grim.

A longer version of this article appears in Red Pepper. Noam Chomsky> Copyright Guardian
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