DILI (UCAN) -- The government of Timor Leste, or East Timor, has thanked the Church after a Catholic priest negotiated the surrender of rebels who allegedly attacked President Jose Ramos-Horta.

The government offered its thanks to Father Adrianus Ola, who facilitated the surrender of former army lieutenant Gastao Salsinha and 11 followers on April 29. Father Ola is parish priest at Our Lady of Lourdes Church in Ermera district, 75 kilometers southeast of Dili, where the rebels were hiding.

Salsinha and his men are believed to have carried out separate early morning ambushes on Feb. 11 against Horta and Prime Minister Alexandre "Xanana" Gusmao. While Gusmao was not hurt in the attack on his motorcade, Horta was seriously wounded and had to be flown to Darwin, Australia, for surgery. He returned to East Timor on April 17.

Salsinha was said to be the right-hand man of Alfredo Reinado, the rebel leader and former police major who was killed leading the attack on Horta. The motives for the attacks remain unclear.

Father Ola, 40, said it took four days of negotiations with the rebels to get them to turn themselves in. "I kept telling them, 'You have to surrender and solve your problems,'" he told reporters in Dili. "Their problems can only be solved among the Timorese."

The priest said Timor Leste's people had been badly affected by these former soldiers and their rift with the government, and it was time to bring this to an end.

Violence wracked Dili and other parts of the country over a split in the military in 2006 along regional lines, pitting "easterners"against "westerners." More than 100,000 capital-area residents fled their homes and tens of thousands still remain in refugee camps, afraid to return home.

"I'm so proud that finally the rebels want to collaborate with the state and face justice, and I hope this will be the end of everything," Father Ola told reporters.

In a meeting at the presidential palace after the surrender, Ramos-Horta, who nearly died in the attack at his residence, personally forgave the rebels. "As a human, as a Christian, I pardon you, but as president, as a citizen, you should be taken to court to face justice," he told the men. "You have to explain to the people:Who sent you, who supported you, who gave you the money, the weapons and uniforms, and who made the plan?"

Marcelo Caetano, the rebel whom the president said had shot him, cried and kissed the president's hand.

"I am happy our sons returned to Dili and surrendered their weapons," Caetano told reporters, weeping. "The truth will be established by the court."

In an interview with the military, Salsinha reportedly apologized to the people of East Timor "who suffered during the crisis and many of whom are still living in refugee camps." He said he and his men were ready to face justice.

The president thanked the Church and the people of Ermera. "I would like to thank the Church, especially the Ermera parish priest who has made an effort with his people to bring stability to this country."

The head of the Justice and Peace Commission of Dili diocese, Father Cyrus Banque, told UCA News on Apr. 29 that the surrender of the rebels is very important to the people, because the government can end military operations against them and people can return to their normal activities.

"This is a crucial moment of peace for this country. Now the situation will normalize and the refugees will no longer be afraid to go home," the Filipino Claretian missioner said.

As news of the surrender spread, refugees around Dili expressed optimism. Julio Orani, 29, who lives with his wife and five children in the Cional refugee camp, told UCA News this was a good omen for peace. "I will see the progress over the next two or three weeks, and if nothing happens then I will go home," he said on April 29.

Timor Leste, a former Portuguese colony that Indonesia occupied 1975-99, has struggled with political turmoil and violence since it formally emerged as an independent nation in 2002. Foreign troops currently help maintain security.

The rebels’ leader, Gastão Salsinha will be telling the truth in court about who is behind the attempt on February 11 when the day of judgement comes.

“The reasons for submitting ourselves to justice are based on my previous statements in March when I receive an agreement from the Prosecutor-General and President. I told them that I will submit myself when the President returns from Australia. No matter what the outcome, I am ready to cooperate with the Joint Operation even though they blocked me. My men and I have not submitted ourselves to the Joint Operation.

Today I am coming through the Church and the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue who convinced us to present ourselves to the Joint Operation Command in Ermera,” explained Salsinha on Thursday (1/5) in Dili District Court during the rebels’ first interrogation process.

Salsinha and five of his men are in pretrial detention – Timor Post

A dozen rebels suspected of involvement in an attack on East Timor's prime minister surrendered to authorities Tuesday. Salsinha and five of his men are under pretrial detention, after a hearing at Dili Court on Thursday (01/05). There is a possibility for Salsinha and his men to be imprisoned for more then 20 years if they are found guilty by the Court.

The evidence against Salsinha was presented to the tribunal by Marcelo Caetano, a rebel who had testified in Dili District Court against him during a two-day hearing on Thursday (01/05).

Salsinha: I don’t regret my actions as I did not create the problem – Timor Post

Gastão Salsinha said he does not regret his actions as the leaders of the country created the situation, not him. Salsinha also said that he surrendered to the authorities as he had promised previously once the President returned to Timor Leste after his medical treatment in Australia.

“Previously I myself sent a massage to the two top leaders that I would surrender if President Ramos-Horta returns from his treatment in Australia. Otherwise I would not surrender to any person, even though the Apprehension Operation forces would have covered all the areas in Timor-Leste. But I was only able to surrender to President Ramos-Horta if he returned. And also I surrendered because of good cooperation among the churches, Humanitarian Dialogue Centre and the other community who were always accompanying me, but I did not surrender to the Apprehension Operation forces.” said Salsinha after trial on Thursday (01/05) at Dili Court.

Horta wants to visit the rebels in prison – Timor Post

President Ramos-Horta said that he wants to visit the rebels who are in prison if it is permitted by the Prosecutor-General. He said he also wants to visit the petitioners.

“I am sure that as a President I will not forget those petitioners as their problem is still unresolved. They are God’s sons. People of Timor Leste should always listen to them and also Salsinha’s men in the prison. I need to visit them if I am permitted to do so by the Prosecutor-General,” said PR Ramos-Horta after visited the HQ of the Apprehension Operation at Memorial Hall on Thursday (30/04).

President Ramos Horta added that those who have surrendered would not lose the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution.

President José Ramos-Horta said that the Joint Operation Command will continue to provide security to all the IDPs returning to their homes. It will also conduct dialogue with the youth and other groups within the communities.

“We should welcome each other, not because the Government is forcing us, but because we are sincere and want to solve the problem.

The State of Siege will still continue for some days as weapons are still present among the communities,” said PR Horta on Wednesday (30/4) in the Memorial Hall, Dili.

Separately, the Commander of the Joint Operation Command, Filomeno Paixão said that the Government should collect all the illegal weapons carried by unidentified people so as to make the job of providing security to the IDPs easier.

“We do need the support of President and the Government in collecting the weapons carried illegally by the civilians around the country,” said Commander Paixão.

Ed: Challenge of justice – Diario Nacional

Starting from Tuesday (29/4) we close the old page of the violence and open the new page and history for the justice of the country.

There is no more vengeance, discrimination, and armed groups who walk freely around the country and threaten the stability of this new nation.

The rebels group led by Gastão Salsinha have surrendered through the Joint Operation Command. Even though they had made great efforts to disrupt the nation for more than two years, in the end they could not succeed and attain their goals.

There is a unique thing happening in Timor-Leste that has never happened in this world. The State has welcomed the rebels with a ceremony which included the President of the National Parliament Fernando Lasama, Vice Prime Minister José Luis Guterres, Head of UNMIT Atul Khare, Commander of ISF and UNPol in Timor-Leste, and all MPs and members of the Government.

Is the aim of the ceremony to show special consideration to the rebels?

Is the ceremony considered as candy to make them [the rebels] sweet, and feel that the State will give them a pardon?

People are questioning what the leaders are doing now.

The great possibility is everyone’s secrets will be revealed in court. Is the court brave enough to bring these people to justice or not?

It is a great challenge for the judicial system. The judiciary may hear evidence but will it follow up? Will it be giving an opportunity for outsiders to interfere? If so, then the hope of justice will vanish – there will be no justice for the ordinary people; small people never achieve the justice.

Salsinha to be imprisoned 20 years – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

The former Spokesperson of the petitioners, Gastão Salsinha who is accused of involvement in the February 11 attacks, is facing 20 years of imprisonment, as announced by Prosecutor Felismino Cardoso during the hearing process of Salsinha and his group on Thursday (1/5) in the Dili Supreme Court.

Outrage at party for East Timor rebels – ABC Australia, 2 May

EAST Timorese authorities have hosted a party for rebels accused of trying to assassinate the nation's leaders.

The gathering for the 12 rebels, including leader Gastão Salsinha, was held at the joint headquarters of the police and military hours after the men gave themselves up in Dili on Tuesday.

Outraged opposition MPs said the event sent a dangerous message to citizens in a country plagued by instability and violence.

Salsinha and his rebels are suspected over February's assassination attempts against President Jose Ramos Horta, who was critically injured, and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, who escaped unharmed.

After their negotiated surrender on Tuesday, Salsinha and his 11 men were guests of honor at the party. Still dressed in their jungle fatigues, they danced and drank with members of the police and the military taskforce, who only days earlier had been hunting for them in the mountains.

"They were offered beer and food, and they were hugged and greeted by their former friends (in the military) many times," said Max Stahl, a filmmaker and East Timor observer.

The rebels left the party about 10pm, but police and soldiers drank beer and danced until after midnight.

Arsenio Bano, a Fretilin MP and member of the parliamentary defence and security committee, said the party was immature and bizarre.

"Anyone in this country will think now that if you need to get attention from the President or important men, you just need to make trouble — a lot of trouble will allow them to talk to you and negotiate with you."

He said the way the men had been treated made him pessimistic about the justice process.

It has also emerged that there was no formal process around the rebels' surrender on Tuesday. Arrest warrants for the wanted men were not acted upon until yesterday.

Salsinha, who is suspected of leading the February 11 attack on Mr Gusmão, appeared at a preliminary hearing late yesterday.

The rebels are being held in a secure facility in Dili, under police and military guard.

DILI, Timor-Leste, April 29 (UPI) -- U.N. officials in Timor-Leste Tuesday welcomed the surrender of 12 rebels wanted in an assassination attempt on the nation's president and prime minister.

Atul Khare, head of the United Nations mission in the East Asian nation, said the Feb. 11 attacks on President Jose Ramos-Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão had threatened the country, the U.N. News Center reported. Speaking of rebel commander Gastão Salsinha and his followers, who surrendered to authorities April 26 after negotiations led by a Catholic priest, Khare said, "They must now face justice"

Ramos-Horta, who was seriously wounded in the attack on his residence, recently returned to Timor-Leste after recovering from his injuries in Australia. Prime Minister Gusmão was not injured.

Khare urged all Timorese to work together toward a "peaceful, prosperous and stable nation, securely anchored in a culture of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights."

The FRETILIN parliamentary group yesterday rejected participating in a ceremony to receive the rebel group led by Gastao Salsinha, saying the rebels should have faced the courts first, rather than be presented at the government palace.

The Salsinha group is linked to the alleged attack on the de facto Prime Minister on February 11, 2008.

The leader of the FRETILIN parliamentary group, Aniceto Guterres, made this clear in response to media questions. Mario Carrascalao, the Social Democratic Party leader and Member of Parliament, is also believed to have refused to attend the ceremony.

"This ceremony organized by the AMP de facto government is inappropriate. It portrays a negative image of our nation state. We cannot treat rebels in the same way we would undertake a family ceremony or a traditional ceremony. We must treat these questions of state with much more seriousness. These actions have diminished the dignity of our nation state," said Guterres.

According to Guterres these rebels should be immediately presented to the justice authorities and processed accordingly. Guterres added that as a state under the rule of law all those who violate the law are answerable to the courts and not political figures.

"The AMP de facto government has organized a reception ceremony whilst ignoring the warrants for the immediate apprehension of these rebels allegedly responsible for engaging in serious criminal action against this state. From what we hear, the rebel Salsinha and his group did not even formally surrender to authorities yesterday, but were permitted to participate in a public ceremony that was a charade. It was simply a farce for political gain."

Guterres also added: "FRETILIN views this undignified attitude by the state as projecting a negative image to our people and will only promote disrespect for the law and the constitution. It is also a blatant display by those who govern Timor-Leste today of their lack of respect for the rule of law."

Guterres said in closing that once again the FRETILIN parliamentary group congratulated the Joint Operation Command for the success in bringing the rebels to heel and acknowledged the personal efforts by Gastao Salsinha and his group as citizens of Timor-Leste to peacefully submit themselves to justice.

Gastao Salsinha, the alleged co-leader of what was labelled an assassination or coup attempt against President Xanana Gusmao and Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta on February 11, surrendered to authorities in Dili on Tuesday. Salsinha is specifically accused of attacking Gusmao’s vehicle after former major Alfredo Reinado was shot dead by soldiers at Ramos-Horta’s residence. The former army lieutenant denies these allegations and insists that neither he nor Reinado tried to orchestrate a coup or assassination.

Salsinha’s surrender comes amid additional revelations that cast further doubt over official explanations for the murky events of February 11, and again point to the possibility that Reinado himself was set up for assassination.

Salsinha had been on the run with about a dozen of his men in Timor’s western districts since the alleged attack on Gusmao. He previously led the 600 soldiers known as the “petitioners”. Their 2006 mutiny precipitated widespread violence that resulted in 150,000 Timorese fleeing their homes. The unrest was followed by an Australian military intervention and the ousting of the Fretilin government led by Mari Alkatiri.

Salsinha formally agreed to surrender last Friday and spent the next few days in negotiations with authorities in the western town of Gleno. He surrendered in Dili on Tuesday along with 12 fellow ex-soldiers, including Marcel Caetano, who is alleged to have shot Ramos-Horta. Ramos-Horta publicly met the rebel soldiers in Dili as they formally handed over their weapons and submitted to Timorese police in a ceremony held at the Government Palace. With Prime Minister Gusmao in Jakarta for talks with the Indonesian government, Deputy Prime Minister Jose Luis Gutteres presided over the surrender and declared it a “historic moment” for East Timor.

Last month Salsinha gave a telephone interview to Australia’s SBS television program, “Dateline”. “There are many accusations about us, about Major Alfredo’s death and the president being wounded and also the attack on the prime minister,” he said. “They all say that we were planning a coup. But they are lying. Whoever says that is trying to sully our reputation.... I was there but had no intention to launch a coup or harm the prime minister. If we’d planned to harm the prime minister, he would not have made it to Dili.”

Salsinha told “Dateline” that early in the morning of February 11, Reinado, whom he claimed was drunk, ordered his men to accompany him to Dili to meet with Ramos-Horta and Gusmao. Salsinha said he waited along a road leading to Gusmao’s house and awaited further instructions while Reinado went to Ramos-Horta’s home.

It remains unclear what happened next. Some reports claim that Salsinha received a text message notifying him that Reinado had been shot dead, and that the petitioners’ leader then unsuccessfully ambushed Gusmao’s motorcade. But government MP Mario Carrascalao has questioned how no one was injured in the alleged ambush, while Mari Alkatiri insists that Fretilin has photographic evidence indicating that the entire incident was faked.

The “Dateline” program, broadcast on April 16, included an interview with one of Reinado’s men, codenamed Teboko, who was involved in the clash at Ramos-Horta’s home. Teboko insists that Reinado had an appointment to see the president.

“We had an order from Alfredo not to attack the residence of the president,” he told the SBS program. “It’s clear. You can imagine that if we were going to attack him we could have shot him in Maubisse or Suai when we met him [previously]. We did not think of this. It was not in our minds. We had an appointment with the president from Major Alfredo and we were going with two vehicles and we arrived without any weapon discharge. As we know on the FDTL [Timorese military] part, they shoot at us first. They killed Major Alfredo and a member Leopoldino.”“Dateline” journalist Mark Davis explained: “According to Teboko, about 10 minutes after entering the compound with no gun fire and none threatened, Alfredo Reinado was suddenly shot dead. Meeting closed.”

A similar account was provided by Natalia Lidia Guterres, the widow of Leopoldino, Reinado’s man who was also killed in Ramos-Horta’s residence. She told the Australian that her husband had entered their home at 3 a.m. on February 11 to change his uniform. She told the newspaper that Leopoldino had said, “We are going to meet Señor President”. The article, published on April 19, continued: “Natalia said Leopoldino seemed ‘most happy’ because they were going to work things out at a meeting [Angelita] Pires had arranged.”

The Australian also noted that a hand-drawn map of Ramos-Horta’s residence was found on Reinado’s dead body. The layout details were allegedly provided by Albino Asis, one of Ramos-Horta’s military guards who had also worked alongside Reinado in the military police before the 2006 crisis. Telephone records allegedly show Reinado speaking with Asis immediately prior to the alleged attack on Ramos-Horta’s residence. The Australian suggested that Asis had betrayed Ramos-Horta and was collaborating with Reinado. But if this were the case, why did Reinado enter the president’s home looking for him when he was away on his regular morning walk? Asis must have been familiar with Ramos-Horta’s schedule.

Also unexplained is the role of another man who worked at Ramos-Horta’s office and was seen at Reinado’s camp on the night before the February 11 violence. According to “Dateline”, the unidentified individual was a member of a group called MUNJ (Movement for Unity and Justice) which acted as a go-between for Ramos-Horta and Reinado. The SBS program reported: “Since the Horta shooting MUNJ have been particularly coy about their presence in Reinado’s camp the night before the attack. It’s clear that they were delivering a message from Horta, but it is totally unclear what time they left.”

Official account collapses

The official account of what transpired on February 11—that Reinado led a coup or assassination attempt—has fallen apart. It is now virtually certain that the former major went to the president’s residence to speak with Ramos-Horta, and may have believed he had an appointment. Why he did so, and how he came to be killed—up to an hour before Ramos-Horta himself was wounded—remains unclear.

The April 16 “Dateline” broadcast suggested Reinado feared that an amnesty deal, which he had arranged with Ramos-Horta in mid-January, was at risk. Under the terms of this secret agreement, Reinado and his men were to submit to the police, after which Ramos-Horta would issue them a full pardon. But on February 7, Ramos-Horta convened a meeting at his home involving Gusmao, government parliamentarians, and a large Fretilin delegation. The MPs reportedly told Ramos-Horta that he did not have the authority to issue Reinado an amnesty, and that this would have to be discussed in further meetings scheduled for February 12 and 14.

“Dateline” suggested that Reinado, having learned of what had been discussed, had gone to Dili to confront Ramos-Horta, whom he thought was preparing to renege on their deal.

This is certainly a possibility. Notably, however, the SBS program failed to acknowledge that the main item on the agenda of Ramos-Horta’s February 7 meeting was not Reinado’s amnesty but rather the formation of a new government. The president had concluded that Gusmao’s government, which was increasingly unpopular and wracked by infighting, was no longer viable. He told the assembled MPs that he agreed with Fretilin’s demand for early elections to be held to resolve the political crisis. Gusmao adamantly disagreed, however, and insisted that his coalition would continue to rule alone.

The World Socialist Web Site has previously noted that Prime Minister Gusmao had much to gain from Reinado’s death. In accordance with the old investigative standard cui bono (to whose benefit?), the possibility that Gusmao, or forces aligned with Gusmao, may have had something to do with the former major’s elimination cannot be excluded. The events of February 11 certainly resulted in the immediate cancellation of Ramos-Horta’s planned February 12 and 14 meetings, which had threatened to further advance moves to dissolve Gusmao’s government.

The prime minister immediately seized upon the violence to claim authoritarian powers under a declared “state of siege” (which will remain in force in Timor’s western districts until late May).

Moreover, Reinado’s death came after the former major had released a widely circulated DVD in which he accused Gusmao of directly instigating the 2006 petitioner’s protests that triggered the events culminating in the ousting of Alkatiri’s administration. Reinado had threatened to provide more details of Gusmao’s alleged role in the “regime change” operation.

Outstanding questions about Canberra’s role

Reinado had long standing connections with Australia. He resided in the country as a refugee in the 1990s (his wife and children continue to live in Perth), and received military training in Canberra after he had returned to Timor and joined the country’s armed forces. In 2006, Reinado was hailed in the Australian media for his role in destabilising the Alkatiri government, which Canberra considered too closely aligned to China and Portugal. After UN police arrested him on weapons charges, Reinado and his men somehow walked out of a Dili prison being guarded by Australian and New Zealand troops. Australian soldiers, including elite SAS forces, then claimed to be unable to locate and detain the former major as he issued regular public statements and conducted media interviews from his base in Timor’s west. This was completely implausible—Canberra has an extensive network of intelligence agents operating in East Timor, as well as an entire intelligence division, the Defence Signals Directorate, dedicated to monitoring electronic communications.

In the days leading up to Reinado’s killing, the former major made and received 47 telephone calls to Australia. It remains unknown to whom he was speaking. Timorese authorities have expressed frustration over the difficulty they have experienced in getting information from Australian intelligence officials about the voice recordings and text messages they intercepted. Indonesian authorities, on the other hand, immediately provided their intelligence relating to several calls Reinado made to that country.

Timorese investigators are also waiting for information regarding a Darwin bank account, containing up to $US1 million, that Reinado was able to access. According to East Timor prosecutor-general Longinhos Monteiro, Reinado was informed that the money had been deposited in the account in a text message sent by Angelita Pires, his lover and former go-between with the Australian military. Timorese prosecutors, President Ramos-Horta, Salsinha, and many of Reinado’s men have all accused Pires of manipulating Reinado and provoking the violence on February 11. No criminal charges have yet been laid against her.

Ramos-Horta has publicly demanded that Canberra explain why the million dollar sum went undetected, particularly in light of the automatic reporting alerts that routinely apply to large deposits under Australia’s strict banking laws. He also condemned the Australian government’s lack of action. “Two months [later] and I haven’t seen action to force the bank in Australia to release information,” he told ABC radio. “I want this resolved very, very quickly, otherwise I will take the matter to the UN security council.”

This extraordinary ultimatum was met with assurances from foreign minister Stephen Smith that the relevant information would be shared once “appropriate procedures” were followed by Timorese officials.

The Rudd Labor government’s apparent stonewalling has fuelled rumours in Dili that Australian personnel had a hand in the events of February 11. An April 22 article in the Australian noted: “It must disturb Australia—which heads the unloved International Stabilisation Force, which has been taken to sharpen its image by running newspaper advertisements showing a Digger shaking hands with a Timorese kid—that Timorese will interpret the [Darwin-deposited] money claims as powerful proof non-Timorese Australians were backing Reinado and Ms Pires.”The piece continued: “Things are now skewing sideways, with many Timorese convinced that the February 11 attacks were all about Timor Gap oil and gas, with Australia not content to take the lion’s share it already has and, therefore, somehow trying to execute the Timor leadership in order to grab more money off the struggling country. Ordinary people will advise you quietly, with wide eyes, that this is really a battle between Australia and Indonesia v China.”

These rumours point to the escalating hostility towards the ongoing Australian occupation of East Timor. How credible they are is another matter. One more plausible explanation than Canberra being involved in “trying to execute the Timor leadership” is that Australian officials knew of, and perhaps participated in, a plan to eliminate Reinado. The former major had served his purpose as far as the Australian government was concerned, and was now threatening to help bring down the Canberra-aligned Gusmao government, thereby opening the door for Fretilin to return to power. Having expended significant resources ousting Alkatiri in 2006, this was the last thing Australian strategists wanted.

Salsinha’s surrender has been hailed in the international media as a major step towards peace and stability in East Timor, but the potentially explosive political crisis remains unresolved.While still recuperating in Australia, President Ramos-Horta said he still feared for his life and was considering stepping down in order to write his memoirs in Paris. Now in Dili, however, he insists he has no intention of resigning. He has repeated his support for early elections to be held at the start of next year, and has also called on Fretilin to form a shadow cabinet, “to contribute to the country’s development”. The move has been interpreted in Dili as an expression of support for a potential Fretilin-led administration. In a speech to the Timorese parliament on April 23, Ramos-Horta said he would pardon Rogerio Lobato, a senior Fretilin MP who was convicted of arming civilians during the 2006 crisis. Lobato’s case formed an important part of bogus allegations issued by the ABC “Four Corners” program that Alkatiri had armed a “hit squad” to assassinate Fretilin’s opponents. The ABC smear job was used by Gusmao and the Australian government to pressure Alkatiri into resigning.

Ramos-Horta’s pledge to provide Lobato with an amnesty has been denounced in the Australian media. His apparent shift away from Gusmao and towards Fretilin will be similarly unwelcome. In all likelihood, Canberra’s response will be to step up its back door manoeuvres and dirty tricks aimed at bedding down its significant economic and strategic interests in the tiny, impoverished country.

Thorny issues from the past have often derailed relations between Timor Leste and its former master Indonesia. Timor Leste Prime Minister Kayrala Xanana Gusmao, on an official visit to Indonesia, discussed with The Jakarta Post's Riyadi Suparno and Matheos V. Messakh bilateral issues and the future of Timor Leste. What follows are excerpts:

During your visit, a number of economic agreements have been signed. How do you see the prospects for economic relations with Indonesia?

We see the relationship as more than the small amount of trade volume. We have held a meeting with Kadin (the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry) where we told them to look at us as a place of investment. As a business, maybe we cannot offer Indonesia high capability to buy your products. But look at us as a place of investment.

If you invest money, we could together sell your products to some other countries. We are a member of ACP-EC (African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Community) Partnership Agreement, which is also known as the Cotonou Agreement. We can sell your products to Europe without tariffs, we can also sell the products to China and even to Australia without any tariffs.

This is the relationship. You bring your money through investment, give jobs to our people and together we sell products from Timor Leste. This is what we are trying to say to Indonesians.

We understand that there are still some elements in Timor Leste who have hard feelings about Indonesia. Do you think Indonesian investments will be safe?

Many Indonesians live in Timor Leste currently. The relationship with Indonesian is not a problem.

The Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF), which was founded under your presidency, has received lots of criticism including from the United Nations. Some critics said the joint commission offered only impunity and undermined the judicial system. What's you stance?

In December 2006, I went to New York and also to Geneva to hand over the final report of the CAVR (the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation), a similar report to the CTF report.

We talked about an international community solution. I said, "It's yours, we do what we think the best for our country. If you want, go on. It is not my business."

It is the CAVR report that recommended Timor Leste bring all the countries that helped Indonesia occupy Timor Leste, whether it was politically or financially or even with equipment, to an international tribunal.

I told Timor Leste's parliament in 2005, "We don't have to do this after the devastation in 1999. Do we have to do this after everything was destroyed? The international community came and pushed us to do this." I asked the parliament, the people elected by our people, to decide.

The decision of the state is that the past is the past. We have to build our future. Are we strong enough to put the past in the past? We should be and we must be.

We must not avoid the past. We must tell the truth, we must say that something happened in Timor Leste and Indonesia in the past. We cannot just erase these things. This is what we are trying to educate ourselves about, that we lived together in a very dramatic situation in our history. But it was the past. Now we live together to build a better future for all of us.

But critics say that you cannot provide truth without going through a tribunal process. Your response?

But why me? When Timor Leste has many social problems, security problems, humanitarian problems, why do I have to divert my attention to this when my task is to provide service to my people?

Mozambique also had a war after their independence with thousands of people dying, but they could solve their problem internally. Perhaps some problems still exist but they don't have to kill each other because of the past.

Northern Ireland is also in a process of national reconciliation.

Why only us? Our position is not to vacate the past but to take the past as a lesson in order to prevent similar mistakes in the future.

I can say that whoever provided the TNI (the Indonesian Military) with weapons, bullets and other equipment must go to trial. I can always say that.

But for now, my biggest concern is how to make the life of my people better. The TNI are in the process of putting themselves in a democratic system. So, the best that we can appreciate from both sides is that we are conscious that in the past it was wrong, and now we have to move to share the future.

Even in Timor Leste, lots of people criticize you and President Ramos Horta for your position on the CTF.

I met (former military commander) Wiranto before the Indonesian presidential election in Bali in 2004, and when I went back to Dili they called me a traitor and liar. I don't mind. You can define me however you like, but my concern now is how to put the interest of the people above what can happen to me.

Some say that the 2006 crisis in Timor Leste was caused by the rivalry between you and Jose Ramos-Horta on one side, and Mari Alkatiri and the Fretilin party on the other side. What's your explanation?

It will take a long time to tell. I was a member of the Fretilin central committee a long time ago. If each one said that they are the best, I can have this opportunity also to say that I am the best.

We were defeated by the TNI in 1978, all the senior leaders died and I took over the leadership. I did everything in my capability and my capacity to continue until 1986. I changed the policy, then I became a traitor at that time. I came out from Fretilin (Revolutionary Front for an Independent Timor Leste) and put the guerrilla forces (Falintil) outside of the political party, and we became independent.

In 1999-2000, I said I finished my duty and let the parties to deal with state issues. We had confidence in Fretilin to take over the government for five years, but they made mistake.

So, I said I'm still ready to defend the interests of my people and I built a party. I let them save the country, now I'm ready to lead them again to free themselves from a condition of frustration.

There are still thousands of refugees in West Timor. What's your policy about these refugees?

If we look at the past, from 1999 to 2001, I was along the border, meeting with many of them including some high-level leaders. We solved many things. We brought back thousands and thousands of people.

Now that I am the head of the government, first, I have to look after the stability within my country. I will continue to look at this issue and in the middle of that we will create all the conditions for them to be sure that if they return they will not meet the enemy.

Bahasa Indonesia is still spoken widely in Timor Leste. What will be the future of Bahasa Indonesia there?

In our constitution, Bahasa Indonesia is our working language. And now under our cooperation, Indonesia will help us with teachers to teach Bahasa in secondary schools so that our students will be ready if they go to Indonesian universities.

There is a joke in Timor Leste that Indonesian graduates are "sarjana supermi" (instant noodle scholars). What's your opinion?

I have many of them working with me. I am also a sarjana of life, graduated from "Universitas Tertutup" in Cipinang penitentiary.

It is always an honour to address you all, particularly in this Council that brings together members from the most varied sectors of Indonesian society, and which has already received illustrious international figures for debates on issues of global importance, within a truly democratic and universal context. I therefore salute the members and patrons of the Indonesian Council on World Affairs for the excellent work they have been doing.

The subject “Redefining Future Relations between Indonesia and Timor-Leste” resonates deeply with me. The mutual sympathy and friendship that unites both our countries did not begin yesterday, and I believe they will not fade in the future, since they are part of the history of our two Republics.

Thus I will speak to you with an open heart, as one does among old friends. The common origins and the way in which the more painful memories of our past have been overcome – through a process of mutual reconciliation – allows us to foresee that our relations, by being strengthened, can contribute in the future to the consolidation of our two young democracies.

In 1999, the people of Indonesia and the people of Timor-Leste added a new chapter to the history of democracy in Southeast Asia. In spite of doubts and scepticism, our people voted for democracy and the principles of a State under the Democratic Rule of Law, with Indonesia abandoning irreversibly its legacy of autocratic governance and with Timor-Leste starting the path towards national sovereignty and independence.

Here I must congratulate His Excellency the President of the Republic Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for his democratic vision for the Indonesia Nation. Under his leadership the Indonesian people have known the opportunities provided by a climate of peace and stability, and they have enjoyed the ideal of freedom.

Timor-Leste, as a young democracy, also aspires to be distinguished by a culture of tolerance and, like its neighbour, to promote “unity in diversity”, nurturing a true democratic culture.

As founding member of ASEAN and as an emergent democracy, Indonesia has been playing a leading role in terms of change and leadership, which are vital for the region of Southeast Asia of which Timor-Leste is a part. Your country, within a very specific context of respect for customs and traditions, has distinguished itself by way of significant changes that enabled the development of the economy and the promotion of peace and national stability.

This progress, accompanied by Timor-Leste with great enthusiasm, is all the more remarkable since we are talking about a country with an ethnic, historical, cultural and language diversity that cannot be neglected, thereby proving that diversity can indeed be a factor of development and union.

Timor-Leste has been extending and consolidating cooperative relations with several countries in the world, with special attention to the regional context. Membership of ASEAN is a priority for the Timorese State, since we consider that it is extremely important to belong to this “family” and to extract the implicit advantages that derive from here: security, stability, economic development and regional cooperation.

What is more, the fact that we will be full members of ASEAN is also a way for us to have a more active participation in the collective regional development effort.

I cannot miss this opportunity to salute the Indonesia Government for the creative and responsible way in which it has conducted the Aceh stabilization process – I consider it to be a triumph of Peace – a fruit of the commitment by the Indonesian leaders and civil society, in nurturing reconciliation and democracy in the Country.

This victory would not have been possible without the participation of all Indonesian people, who continue to astound us with demonstrations of courage and compassion, as well as with the way in which they have overcome the natural disasters that have befallen them.

I would also like to say a few words condemning vehemently the terrorist attacks that have killed hundreds of Indonesian citizens, mostly Muslims. These attacks represent an attempt to destroy the traditions of cultural tolerance and freedom, and the damaging connotation that is often made between Islam and terrorism must also be fought against effectively.

Indeed, we can see in the entire world the fundamental contribution that the Muslim community has made to the development of humankind itself, co-existing healthily with other religions and sharing its knowledge and wisdom in an open and constructive manner. Indonesia, the Country with the largest Muslim community in the world, has been a singular example of this reality.

Timor-Leste has a small but dynamic Muslim community, the rights of which are acknowledged in our Constitution. Our Government has been giving all necessary support for this community to develop itself and to have an active participation in the development of the Country.

The dialogue between cultures and civilizations requires strong and demanding internal agendas, in terms of respect for difference and the inclusion of everyone in society, regardless of beliefs, religions and cultures, especially today when we must carry on opening paths towards dialogue and hope, through all the existing tensions.

This dialogue must take place within a framework of universal values and principles, respecting individual rights and freedoms. Thus I must highlight the efforts made by the Indonesian Government and by His Excellency the President of the Republic Yudhoyono which, within the context of ASEAN, has been defending the fundamental rights of the people of Burma.

We have been following the dramatic situation lived in Burma with great concern and disappointment. These people, our neighbours in the region, have been the victims of policies that have laid waste to their democratic aspirations and that have eaten away at the economic, social and human fabric of their country. It is impossible for us to contain our indignation.

We truly hope that a solution can be found urgently for Burma – a solution that includes the leader of the opposition and the Nobel Peace Prize winner Ms Aung San Suu Kyi – returning freedom and the full exercising of democracy to their people.

Excellencies

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The common features that united Timor-Leste and Indonesia are too many for us to think of a future that does not involve the strengthening of our ties: we have a common historic past; we have common borders; we have Timorese citizens living in Indonesia and Indonesian citizens living in Timor-Leste, completely integrated. The Indonesian language has been declared a working language by our Constitution, and certain features of our two cultures also make us feel closer to each other.

In addition to this, we face similar challenges: to build a sound democracy; to consolidate transparent and accountable institutions; to enhance the rule of law; to strengthen the judicial system and to nurture a free and independent media capable of contributing to the accountability of the leaders towards their people.

In view of all this, our future relations must be built around a strong partnership that promotes peace and security, as well as new opportunities for prosperity, freedom, justice, tolerance and democracy for our neighbouring and friendly countries.

The development of the creation of the Truth and Friendship Commission, which represented a unique reconciliation model, is evidence of how this is possible.

We were pushed forward by the strong will to move on and by the determination to turn the pages of the past, through joint efforts, as the solution of old problems will contribute to advancing our bilateral relations. This innovative way to bring our two peoples together in an uncommon approach in the search for truth and in the promotion of friendship – instead of starting legal cases – contributes to their further unity, based on the common acknowledgement that we all suffered because of a regime.

The final report of the TFC will be ready within the present year – as a result of the acknowledged commitment by the commissioners from both countries – and its recommendations will be implemented as far as possible.

Let our recent history state that, despite the concerns underlying the creation of this Commission, the Republic of Indonesia and the Republic of Timor-Leste spared no effort to develop relations of stability, friendship and mutual advantages between the two countries and peoples, making reconciliation indeed a reality.

Excellencies

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The IV Constitutional Government of Timor-Leste entered office about 8 months ago and assumed the responsibility for the definition and implementation of a reform agenda in a country that, in addition to being democratically young, was also in a particularly weakened condition, as a result of the 2006 crisis.

The 2006 political crisis, which shook the foundations of our State and subjected our People to unforeseeable suffering and anguish, left behind a heavy legacy with painful consequences, of which the assassination attempts of February 11 were a dramatic example.

However, those who tried to attack the sovereignty of the State could not achieve their goals, as once again the institutions of our Country, despite their fledgling state, were able to face this new trial with firmness and determination.

The State of Timor-Leste chose to declare martial law in order to prevent greater public disturbances, as well as to undertake the necessary investigation and operational diligences to capture the suspects of the crimes, while at the same time ensuring the population a social climate of public normality and tranquillity.

These measures allowed a significant improvement in the internal security situation of the Country, with all of those involved in the attacks having already surrendered themselves to justice.

This development is the result in part of the creation of a Joint Command between the Armed Forces and the National Police, which have demonstrated that they are able to operate in a coordinated, efficient and effective manner. If we can draw positive lessons from difficult periods, we can highlight the cooperation of these two institutions, proving that, when confronted with a common objective, they are capable of working well and in a duly articulated manner, thereby disproving the argument arising in 2006 that these forces would never see eye to eye in the pursuit of the objectives of a State under the Democratic Rule of Law.

It is with satisfaction that I announce that at this time the exceptional measures restricting the rights and freedoms of citizens have been lifted, and that the country has returned to normal, with the exception of the region of Ermera, where some members of the rebel group surrendered only in the last couple of days.

Our Government is also committed to the urgent resolution of the problems that condition economic growth in our country, such as the problem of the thousands of internally displaced persons. We are aware that peace and stability cannot be achieved without restoring dignity and justice to these sectors of the population, who deserve the protection of the State and the material and spiritual wellbeing to make use of the freedom earned with so great a sacrifice.

Efficient governance is essential to strengthen the confidence of the People in the Government. The protection of Human Rights, Justice and the Rule of Law, together with the guarantee of security and stability to the people, are the main obligations of the State. In this sense we are faced with huge challenges, which need to be overcome urgently.

We have been following the Public Sector Reform in Indonesia, and my Government, too, has chosen 2008 as the year of Administrative Reform. The Government is committed to creating an efficient and independent civil service, free of corruption and relying on the collaboration with other state institutions – so that the transformation of the public sector may lead to governance characterised by transparency, accountability and efficiency in the management of public finance.

In the immediate fight against poverty we are implementing a proactive economic policy for mobilizing foreign investment and attracting investors. We believe this is the more immediate way to create employment, whilst at the same time transforming the national business environment, particularly insofar as it concerns the related administrative procedures.

In addition to this, we are reviewing the investment laws and other essential laws (such as the one on land and property) and attracting foreign investment, whilst undertaking tax reform and reducing taxes in the non-oil sector, in order to increase private investment.

It is here that I would like to see an increase in the investment and economic cooperation between Timor-Leste and Indonesia. We want more Indonesian companies to invest in Timor-Leste, and we want Timorese and Indonesian business people to have a closer relationship.

The truth is that around 70% to 80% of our external trade is with Indonesia, and therefore we have to develop mechanisms to facilitate these commercial relations and attract the Indonesian private sector.

The strengthening of the economic and commercial ties between our two countries is also an investment in our national security. Together with the establishment of new dynamics of cooperation in the area of defence, mostly in the border areas, this will be fundamental for the future dialogue between our Nations.

I must also thank Indonesia for closing the land border posts so as to prevent our bilateral relations from being affected, during the most critical periods we have experienced in the recent past.

The threats to internal stability within the global world of today are shared with concern by us all. The subversive actions against national identity and cohesion, the acts of terrorism, guerrilla war and force by movements with political goals contrary to the constitutional order (as we have witnessed with the attacks of February 11), and of course organized crime such as drug trafficking and others, are threats that we must fight together, as neighbouring countries.

The strengthening of our diplomatic relations makes the entire country benefit from stability, rather than just the border area, thus promoting development and fighting the threats that have an increasingly more global nature.

I would like to conclude by saying that the bilateral meetings we have had have been rather productive and fruitful. I can highlight the signing of various agreements in fundamental areas for the development of Timor-Leste, such as:* Trade Agreement between Timor-Leste and Indonesia

* Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Cooperation on Drug and Food Control. In addition to these bilateral and also trilateral agreements – including Australia, the United States, Brazil and Germany – I must also state my appreciation for the contribution that Indonesia has made towards the development of the institutional capacity of my country, providing technical cooperation and assistance in areas so diverse as health, forestry, transport, telecommunications, power and diplomacy, among others.

With Timor-Leste being a country that consists mostly of young people faced with the drama of unemployment and social integration, the scholarships and facilities attributed to our university students are very much appreciated by us.

Lastly, it is with great satisfaction that we welcome the establishment of an Indonesian Cultural Centre in Dili, in response to the request of His Excellency the President of the Republic Dr Ramos-Horta, as a means of promoting even closer cultural cooperation between Indonesia and Timor-Leste.

Despite the setbacks that have accompanied the sustainable development of our country, I consider that Timor-Leste has great potential to succeed and to be a source of pride for all those who have supported us and believed in us.

The common agenda of boosting cooperation as the defining feature of relations between Indonesia and Timor-Leste is promising! For the future I propose that we explore even further that which brings us close.

Let us reinvent new partnerships, formulating serious cooperation proposals, as a way to defend the freedom of our brother countries.

Our common history is made by our two peoples. Let us create the conditions for the friendship and solidarity among them to grow stronger and stronger!