The Impact of Inflation

Inflation is the most commonly used economic term in the popular media.
A Nexis search in 1996 found 872,000 news stories over the past twenty years
that used the word inflation. "Unemployment" ran a distant second. ¶ Public
concern about inflation generally heats up in step with inflation itself.
Though economists do not always agree about when inflation starts to interfere
with market signals, the public tends to express serious alarm once the
inflation rate rises above 5 or 6 percent. ¶ Public opinion polls show
minimal concern about rising prices during the early 1960s, as inflation was
low. Concern rose with inflation in the late 1960s and early 1970s. When
inflation twice surged to double-digit levels in the mid and late 1970s,
Americans named it public enemy number one. Since the late 1980s, public
anxiety has abated along with inflation itself.

Yet even when inflation is low, Americans tend to perceive a morality tale in
its effects. A recent survey by Yale economist Robert Shiller found that many
Americans view differences in prices over time as a reflection of fundamental
changes in the values of our society, rather than of purely economic forces.

Economists think of inflation more plainly as a "sustained rise in the
general level of prices." Their concerns focus on questions such as whether
inflation distorts economic decisions. Very high inflation adversely impacts
economic performance, as evidence from cross-country studies shows. Likewise,
moderate levels of inflation can distort investment and consumption decisions.
Recent U.S. experience with low, stable levels of inflation, in the range of
2 to 3 percent, has spurred policy makers to consider the possibility of
achieving zero percent inflation.

Reducing inflation however has costs in lost output and unemployment during
the adjustment. Thus, an important question is whether zero percent inflation
is sufficiently better for the economy than 2 to 3 percent inflation to warrant
the effort of getting there.

PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS

Americans are most concerned that inflation may lower their standard of
living -- that their incomes will not keep up with the rise in prices.

This anxiety is particularly pronounced for retirees, uneasy about inflation
adjustments to their pensions and financial investments. To plan for retirement
requires forming expectations of prices in the future. Inflation makes this
more difficult because even a series of small, unanticipated increases in the
general price level can significantly erode the real (adjusted for inflation)
value of savings over time. Shiller finds that worry about inflation's costs
increases dramatically as individuals near retirement age. Americans born
before or after 1940 differ more in their evaluation of inflation's effects
than do the U.S. and German populations as a whole.

Social Security payments are now indexed to inflation, a policy change that
has reduced somewhat the effects of inflation uncertainty on retirement. Thus,
anxiety now focuses more on savings in long- term maturities such as bonds and
on employer pensions which typically are not indexed.

Concern about living standards also stems from the widespread belief that
inflation pushes up prices before it pushes up wages. Many people understand
prices rise because of inflation. But they seem to attribute nominal increases
in their wages more to their own accomplishments than to the feedback effect
of inflation.

To the extent that they acknowledge feedback effects, most Americans seem to
believe in a "lagged wage-price" model of the economy. That is, they assume that
price increases occur first and wage increases follow, often much later.
Shiller's survey found a striking number of people -- ove 75 percent of
respondents -- believe that their income would not fully adjust for several
years after an inflationary episode. Economists have tried to measure whether
wage increases lag price increases since the 1890s but have consistently found
the relationship difficult to estimate.

Many people also dislike inflation because they feel it makes it easier for
the government, employers, financial institutions, and others to deceive them.
Thus, over 70 percent of Shiller's respondents agreed that "One of the most
important things I don't like about inflation is that the confusion caused by
price changes enables people to play tricks on me, at my expense." Thus, some
employers may "forget" to raise their employees' wages as much as inflation
thereby giving them a real pay cut.

There is evidence that people do get fooled, at least initially, about their
real wages. Economists Peter Diamond, Eldar Shafir, and Amos Tversky argue in
their recent paper, "On Money Illusion," that people seem to base their sense
of satisfaction on nominal earnings, rather than real earnings. Similarly,
Shiller found that over half of his respondents agreed with the statement that,
"I think that if my pay went up I would feel more satisfaction in my job, more
sense of fulfillment, even if prices went up just as much."

Inflation creates other opportunities for sophisticated institutions to unfairly
take advantage of the average individual, in many people's minds. Inflation can
increase the complexity of evaluating financial assets, from CDs and insurance
policies to stocks and bonds. This shifts the distribution of power in the
financial marketplace to the more sophisticated and knowledgeable actors to the
detriment of the average person, in this view. Thus, the government might
"forget" to change the tax brackets after an inflationary episode, so the
average person would end up paying higher taxes.

Similar issues of getting confused or fooled can operate within firms. Some
monetary policy makers have hypothesized that managers may be lulled into
complacency about profits by increases in the general price level. In his
testimony last year before Congress, Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan
Greenspan observed that firms' productivity may rise more quickly with price
stability, as the "inability to pass cost increases through to higher prices
provides a powerful incentive to firms to increase profit margins through
innovation." Inflation thus may weaken our judgment about how well we are doing,
both as individuals and as firms.

People's immediate concern is with how their incomes hold up with changes in
their expenses. Businesses care about how the prices of their products do in
relation to their costs. Americans' recent memory of high inflation stems from
the 1970s, a time when changes in relative prices, specifically the spike in
oil prices, combined with a rise in the general price level. This combination
of relative and general price changes in the 1970s, in Shiller's view, confused
many people's perception of inflation.

The two oil shocks did result in higher inflation. But equally damaging was
the relative price change. Oil was used pervasively to fuel machinery and other
technology operated by workers; so when the price of oil went up, the
productivity of many American workers fell and their real wages shrank. People
today may confuse the experiences of the 1970s -- falling wages, gas rationing,
and the redistribution of income -- with the effects of any rise in the general
price level.

Overall, Shiller's respondents uniformly view inflation as harmful -- that
it lowers standards of living by pushing up prices before wages and pensions,
and that it facilitates deceptive behavior. Because inflation may benefit some
people, say by its redistribution of wealth from creditors to debtors, Shiller
was surprised that not a single respondent mentioned any benefit gained due to
inflation.

DISTORTED BEHAVIOR

Economists tend to emphasize that inflation can do economic damage by
distorting investment and consumption decisions. Distortions result first from
households' and businesses' uncertainty about inflation's future course, and
second from inflation's interaction with the U.S. tax code.

Inflation's interaction with personal income taxes, for example, can distort
decisions about how much income to spend on housing. This interaction plays out
with owner-occupied housing, where mortgage interest payments are deductible.
Inflation gets built into nominal interest rates; so even a moderate rise in
the price level increases this deduction. And housing services, that represent
part of the return to housing investment, escape taxation. Moderate to high
inflation thus prompts households to spend more on housing than would be
optimal in a low-inflation environment.

Thus, the real estate boom in the 1970s was fueled in part by
inflation-induced distortions, wrote Lynn Browne of the Boston Fed. High rates
of inflation accelerated home buying by increasing the real, after-tax returns
to investment in owner-occupied housing relative to alternative investments. A
lag in interest rates reinforced this uptick in demand. As house prices in turn
began to rise faster than the general price level, people rushed to buy rather
than face higher prices later.

These distortions in the housing market reverberated across other markets.
In the forestry industry, for example, housing starts are watched closely to
project future sales. Many firms responded to the housing boom in the mid-1970s
by expanding sawmill capacity. The St. Regis Corporation, now a subsidiary of
Champion International, based in Stamford, Connecticut, decided in the mid-1970s
to build a sawmill in Costigan, Maine. The sawmill initially did poorly, as it
came on-line when the housing market's boom turned to bust. Vice President Bob
Turner recalls that the Costigan mill lost money through the early 1980s, in
part because of the firm's misperceptions about future demand.

Distortions in economic activity also may result from the uncertainty that
arises about inflation's future course. When inflation is stable, people are
more likely to have roughly the same anticipation of its future level. When
inflation is highly volatile, however, people have different guesses. Most turn
out to be wrong. Inadvertently, some end up winners and others losers.

This occurs whether inflation's level goes up or down. Among the losers in the
early 1980s were numerous small mills in the forestry industry. These mills bid
for timber based on the assumption that inflation would continue to be high.
These bids, made primarily for United States Forest Service timber, locked in
prices between the purchase and harvest date, usually three to five years.

After 1981, when inflation fell dramatically, the real cost of such contracts
rose significantly, leaving many firms with contracts for timber they could not
afford to harvest. Forestry lobbyists argued that the difficulty in anticipating
the dramatic fall of inflation in the early 1980s justified their release from
the contractual obligation. In an unusual move, Congress passed a bill, in the
early 1980s, directing the Forest Service to renegotiate all timber contracts
from the late 1970s, to minimize their impact on small forestry companies.

The congressional bailout was highly unusual. Most contracts are not
renegotiated. Thus, when inflation is unanticipated, businesses' relative
prices can be distorted either because contracts are set and not renegotiated
or because it takes time for firms to distinguish between relative and general
price changes. This makes it difficult for businesses to invest in a high
inflation environment, where relative prices are variable. Firms may
misinterpret the ability to raise their product's price as stemming from an
increase in demand for their good relative to others, and invest too much. Or
they may be less confident that they will earn a return sufficient to pay off
debt, and thus may curtail investment.

Uncertainty is always present in markets, of course. No one can predict the
future. To the extent that inflation even at low levels adds to this general
uncertainty, it is costly.

IS ZERO THE MAGIC NUMBER?

Does the fact that inflation can be costly mean zero inflation is optimal?
Many economists and policy makers argue that zero inflation would allow
consumers and firms to write simpler contracts and make long-term plans for
retirement or future investment with less worry. The debate focuses on two
questions: first, whether the costs of getting to zero inflation outweigh the
benefits of being there; and second, whether there are significant costs as
well as benefits to being at zero inflation.

The textbook model and aggregate measures of inflation imply a smooth,
uniform rise of the general price level. But in fact, inflation moves
through relative price changes across industries. In some sectors, such
as energy, the rise and fall in prices can be mercurial. Only in the
aggregate do rises in the general price level appear even and regular over time.

Getting to zero inflation can be costly, involving lost output and higher
unemployment during the transition. Some economists argue that the costs of
getting to zero may be greater than the benefits of being there. They point to
the six post WWII episodes in which inflation came down significantly and note
that output fell each time. Reducing inflation lowers output and raises
unemployment during the adjustment because wages and prices are slow to respond,
in this view.

Many of those who argue for zero inflation emphasize that little sacrifice
in unemployment or lost output is necessary if the central bank makes credible
statements about the intended disinflation, and the public believes these
declarations and incorporates them into its plans. In his recent book,
Macroeconomic Policy in a World Economy, Stanford economist John Taylor argues
that the reductions in output necessary to achieve zero inflation are smaller
than suggested by traditional models. The problem with traditional estimates,
writes Taylor, is their failure to account for the effects of credibility gaps
in past disinflations by the Federal Reserve.

Harvard economist Martin Feldstein argues that the costs of a disinflation
from 2 percent to zero percent inflation would be far outweighed by the
long-term benefits. These arise, Feldstein argues, because even low rates of
inflation exacerbate the biases in favor of current consumption and
owner-occupied housing created by our tax system.

Others claim that zero inflation has costs of its own. A recent Brookings
Institution paper by George Akerlof, William Dickens, and George Perry argues
that moderate inflation yields significant efficiency gains by "greasing" the
wheels of the labor market. Firms use inflation to "cover" adjustments in real
wages and at zero inflation nominal wage cuts, never popular among workers,
would necessarily be more common. The difficulty of adjusting real wages in the
absence of moderate inflation has cumulative negative effects, they claim,
including permanently higher unemployment and lost output. This argument, while
interesting, is nevertheless controversial and evidence from labor market
studies by David Card, Dean Hyslop, and others does not confirm the potential
for such clear efficiency gains from the presence of moderate inflation.

Another argument against zero inflation is the risk of deflation, a drop in
the nominal price level, which could be quite costly to the degree that some
prices and wages might not easily adjust downward. From the late nineteenth
century until World War II, long downward trends in the price level and shorter
periods of falling price levels were common in the industrialized world. But
they were generally associated with falling output and rising unemployment.
Declines in the general price level have been rare in industrialized countries
since the end of World War II, although Sweden did sustain a mild deflation in
1996 with few apparent negative consequences.

Larger deflations could be more costly, notes Princeton economist Ben
Bernanke, in part because the potential for deflation is not written into most
contracts. Interest rates cannot be negative, so the real interest rate can
quickly become high when nominal prices are falling. And the ability of monetary
policy to respond to recessionary shocks may be constrained. Some cite Japan's
recent experience as an example of how low nominal interest rates (close to zero)
were less stimulative than might be expected because prices were falling.

MONEY AND MORALS

The debate among policy makers and economists on inflation's impact at 3
percent versus zero percent is quite vigorous, at present, but no clear
consensus has been reached. What the public believes is also unclear. Opinion
polls since World War II consistently show that Americans regard inflation as a
more serious problem than unemployment. Evidence from a number of public
opinion surveys is contradictory, however, on whether the public would be
willing, if necessary, to sustain higher levels of unemployment and a loss of
output to achieve price stability.

What the public believes about inflation matters because such beliefs affect
the economy's performance. Once inflation has become embedded in economic
behavior, it has been quite difficult to remove its influence. Whether the
initial cause is a supply shock, such as the oil crisis in the 1970s, or a
demand shock, such as the increased spending on the Vietnam war in the late
1960s, individuals come to expect inflation and incorporate these expectations
into their plans. By reinforcing the original change in inflation's level,
notes Johns Hopkins economist Laurence Ball, public expectations become one of
the chief causes of inflation's persistence in the economy.

Letting inflation creep up also threatens to erode public faith in the
reliability of political leaders. All the nominal contracts we have today were
made possible through trust that the government would not allow massive
inflation. Americans' feeling of pride in national institutions depends in part
on low inflation or "sound money" as a signal of healthy fiscal and monetary
institutions.

Finally, inflation can discourage saving and encourage consumption. It thus
is perceived as an attack on certain moral virtues -- a strong work ethic,
deferred gratification -- that support a healthy economy. John Maynard Keynes
made his famous attack on the Victorian virtue of saving -- always "jam
tomorrow and never jam today" -- for economic reasons. Consumption in a
depression or a recession could strengthen the economy, in his view. But
British society took Keynes's mockery as an assault on the core of Victorian
morality. Many Americans likewise feel that inflation assaults the legacy here
of the Protestant work ethic that places a moral premium on saving over
consumption. Fighting inflation thus is seen by many as a moral as much as an
economic duty. Americans want their public officials to fight inflation to
increase long-term output and employment but perhaps also to strengthen
society's moral foundation.

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