The
most important question, or rather one that is most in the ascendant
just now, relates to the concentration of the Russian, English and
French fleets in the waters of New York. The Russian was the first to
arrive, and the impression at the start was that it was connected in
some way with the “alliance,” which a sensation reporter of the Herald announced a few weeks since. This impression, however, was
not general, and at the present moment there are few who credit it at
all, and these few are confined to a certain clique who are hourly
growing rich by the war, and who see in the visit of the Muscovite Jack
Tars a close alliance with the Federal power–the fruits of which are
to appear the moment France interferes in favor of the South.

But
it is not here that these individuals care so much about “making an
impression,” (as Dix said,) as in England and France. It is these
countries that are to be made to believe (of course they will) that
something does exist–that the visit has a political
significance–that it is, indeed, a threat to John and Nap that if they
do not cease their encouragement to the South they will be pounced upon
by the united strength of the “two greatest powers in the world.”

The
ovation given to the Russian officers on Thursday was one of the parts
in the programme for creating an impression abroad, and the fact was
still more patent from the refusal to extend an invitation to the
officers of the French and English fleets. Even the Herald
plead for this, but it was no go. That would spoil everything. What
business had the English and French tars here? Could not our “Russian
friends” drop in and see us without these “allies of the South”
poking their nose into the affair? This is exclusively a Russian
greeting, and no third party can have part or lot in the matter. So the
British and French were not invited, and while the Russian vessels were
decorated all over with flags, and flags waved everywhere around the
harbor ad through the city, and English and French vessels lay sullenly
within stones’ throw, with not a flag save that of their own
nationality flying! Nor was even a sailor from the latter vessels
allowed to come ashore, though I believe this has been forbidden from
the first hour of their arrival, in consequence, as is alleged, of
bitter feelings which exist towards the Russian sailors, and which might
break out in scenes of violence were the respective tars to come in
contact. The Russian sailors are allowed to come to the city as often as
they please, and on the day of the welcome their blue jackets and caps
and white breeches were everywhere visible. That they enjoyed the
ovation amazingly was very evident, for not a Jack did I see who was as
“happy as a lord.”

But
all this does not answer the question, “What is the fleet doing
here?” and what is the purpose of its visit? That it has any real
political significance, or that it is proof of an understanding existing
between Washington and the Petersburg Cabinets, I do not believe, and
despite all the display, for effect abroad, I doubt whether any such
effect is visible, albeit a morning journal declares the “alliance”
to have been “consummated” by the late ovation.->

How
long the honored fleet is to remain here is not stated. I have seen it
announced that it would spend the winter with us, but more latterly it
has been asserted that it will coal, take in supplies, and then leave
for Mexico–perhaps to watch the Emperor. The officers as I stated in
my last know nothing of their movements, but state that they are
“waiting dispatches.” The mission of the English and French vessels
is announced in one paper to “keep an eye on the Russians.” Every
incident on board the Russian fleet, it is added, is watched closely by
the foreign vessels, and when the Russians leave, the flag of St. George
and the tri-color will with them.

The
Albion, I see, advances the
opinion that the Russian fleet have brought up here as the most
advantageous neutral port during the adjustment of the difficulties
between Russia and the Western Powers.

The
presence of the British fleet, it continues, is merely one of those
coincidents that will sometimes happen, while the French are here for a
change of climate for their crews (lately in the Gulf,) and on business
connected with the Mexico occupation. How far these surmises are
correct, we must wait for time to answer.

A
grand banquet and ball is is to be given the Russian officers next week,
and an effort will no doubt be made to have an invitation extended to
the British and French officers to join in the festivities, though I
apprehend there would be little chance of its acceptance.

There
are reports that the Russian Admiral will be invited to visit
Washington, and the Mayor of Baltimore is also anxious that the Russian
officers should visit that city, because of the friendliness of the
Czar’s Government as compared with England and France. More political
capital, you will see.

The
speeches of Walbridge and one other guest, at the Gun Contractors’
dinner to the Admiral, though perhaps very pleasing to the
“Alliance” believers, are nevertheless denounced by every
dispassionate man in the community. Walbridge said the fleet was here in
order that, “at a given signal, they might sweep the commerce of
France and England from the ocean,” and the other speaker declared
that “the United States and Russia were the only two first class
powers in the world!”

But
then, these were after dinner speeches, and perhaps those who delivered
them did not know what they were actually saying.

MONDAYOCTOBER 12,
1863THE
MACON DAILY TELEGRAPH (GA)

Withdrawal of Mr. Mason.

We
are glad that the President has found it compatible with the interests
of this government to withdraw Mr. Mason from “near
the Court of St. James,” and trust that the next tender of friendly
intercourse will be suffered to come from the British government. One of
the Richmond papers in an article extensively copies, suggests that the
withdrawal of Mr. Mason should be followed by an enlarged and elevated
embassy to France. Why so? What has France done? She appears to have
treated our embassage with ordinary courtesy, which cannot be said of
England. It is believed that she has once submitted a proposition to the
English Court for a joint recognition of the Confederacy; but does not
everybody know that France must have been well aware beforehand that it
would be rejected; and that in bringing her action in the premises upon
that of England, France is as safe from friendly committate to the
Confederacy as England herself? England, in truth, has been of some
service to the Confederacy, but France none, so far as we are able to
judge. In both we are the victims of a vulgar fanaticism and a policy
thoroughly and exclusively selfish. If France shows a more complaisant
face now, it is due simply to the fact that we may be in come sort
essential to the accomplishment of her own purposes on the American
continent. We see no reason for any extraordinary diplomatic provisions
in France. Although others, doubtless, are able to see much more than we
do. To the President, who has much fuller information upon the subject,
we are quite willing to leave it.

•••••

BY TELEGRAPH.

Richmond,
Oct. 10.–The
exchange notice of Col. Ould declaring the men and officers who were
captured at Vicksburg duly exchanged has elicited a letter from Gen.
Merideth, Yankee Commissioner, in which he makes out a balance in favor
of the United States of ten thousand men, and demands a release of the
prisoners at Richmond. He charges in this matter a deliberate breach of
good faith on the part of the Confederate authorities.

Ould,
under date of October 2d, make a very lengthy reply showing that he had
acted according to precedent and a letter of cartel. He repels the
offensive aspersion upon himself and his Government. He represents and
demonstrates a sharp rebuke to the Yankee Commissioner from the
coarseness of his language.

In
conclusion, Ould says that the Confederate authorities will consider
themselves entirely at liberty to pursue any course as to the exchange
and paroles which they may deem right and proper under all the
circumstances of the case; at the same time are willing to adopt any
fair and just reciprocal rule in relation to these subjects without
delay.

The
Senate of Virginia to-day passed a very stringent act for the
suppression of gambling in the State.

The
review of troops for local defence by Gen. Elzey took place to-day. The
weather is delightful. The parade was witnesses by a multitude of ladies
and other spectators.

Houston,
Texas, 28,
via Jackson, 10th.—Movements
are on foot in every county in the State to furnish the families of
soldiers with corn at a maximum price of fifty cents per bushel. In many
counties it is given and delivered to families without any charge.

The
result of the Sabine Pass fight shows it to be a most brilliant one.
Forty-two men all told were attacked in a battery by four gunboats,
backed up by a fleet of transports of twenty vessels carrying 10,000
men. We captured two of the gunboats with all on board and crippled a
third which afterwards sank at sea, and sent the whole force back to
where it started from. The numbers of killed and wounded Federals was
greater than our entire force. The number of prisoners taken was eight
times our entire force. The number of guns captured was more than double
the number we had and of five times the weight of metal. These men were
the Jeff Davis Guards–a company of Irish volunteers raised in the city
of Houston in 1861 for the war. Silver Medals have been presented to
each member of the garrison by the citizens of this city.

The
gunboat Clifton, one of the
captured boats, is now in as good condition as when the attack was made,
and it is the headquarters for the time being of General Magruder.
Commander Crockett, of Clifton,
andCaptain Thomson of Sachem, together with the balance of the officers captured, are
confined in the Court House of this city. Another attempt is shortly
looked for to invade Texas.

Our
army is ready for the invaders at all points. The Sabine Pass was the
weakest point we had. The people are rallying at the call of danger in a
most gratifying manner. The draft for State troops which at first
resulted in about five thousand men, has now produced ten thousand.
Minute companies of exempts are being formed all over the State. Captain
Herbert, member of Congress from the Second District, has a splendid
company of this sort now in the field. The spirit of resistance is fully
equal to that of thespring
of 1861: Soldiers and citizens will give a good account of themselves
when the enemy appears.

The
Indians are troublesome. They are armed and provisioned by the Yankees.
Full proof of this has been found on the bodies of the red devils that
have been killed.

•••••

Negro
Prisoners.—The
Federal papers say there are some thirty-five or forty Negroes in Fort
McHenry, all of whom were taken at Gettysburg. They profess an undying
attachment for the South. Several times General Schenck has offered to
release them if they would take the oath of allegiance to the Federal
Government, and join the Lincoln army. They have peremptorily refused in
every instance, and claim that they should be restored to their masters
and homes in the South. They say they would prefer death to liberty on
the terms proposed by Schenck.

•••••

The
Confederate prints are copying a very interesting description of the
capture of Nana Sahib,1
when it turns out that he has not been taken at all. Nana is a cruel,
remorseless fellow–but his cruelties have been committed against a
remorseless invader, who holds his country for mere purposes of plunder
and profit, just as the Yankees propose to hold the South. The South is
to be the Lincoln India, if he can make it so, but she has in no
particular accepted our tender of friendly official intercourse.

TUESDAYOCTOBER 13, 1863THE
BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER

The
Alabama at Cape Town.

The
Salem Register, of yesterday,
prints a long letter from a trustworthy young man in Cape Town to his
parents in Salem, giving an account of the reception of the Alabama
at Cape Town and the feeling which her presence excited among the
Americans at that place. We make copious extracts, which will be found
of much interest:

“After
looking along the deck, (she is flush fore and aft), an officer came up
and offered to show us the ship, to which we assented. First he showed
the effects of Hatteras’s
shot, of which all are very proud; there were two big holes in the smoke
stack, roughly patched, new pieces let into the deck, the fore chains
splintered and bent, and two scabs in her bow. Below he showed us where
two shots came through and lodged in the opposite side; one of these
gouged the deck directly over the magazine, but did not burst. I looked
hard at the place over the magazine, but it was well guarded. I asked
him how the Hatteras fought.
‘First rate, but the officers were d----d cowards and the men kicked
them away from the guns,’ Said I, ‘Your men are all English or
Irish, would you trust them to fight if you met your match?’
‘Trust’em? You should have seen how they handled the guns against
the Hatteras.’ ‘But she
was a little gunboat.’ ‘No matter, the men are good grit, not one
but will fight till she goes down.’ ‘Suppose you were attacked by
two men of war, would you surrender?’ This touched him, and he began
to curse and swear against the flag, the navy, the Yankees, said they
had given up their lives already, they belonged to their country, and
were ready to die any time. I had never heard such stuff before, but I
was on board their ship, and did not feel that it would be right to
answer him there. I felt I was a self-invited guest, so I grit my teeth
and dropped the conversation. A few moments after, some of them told the
officer we were Americans, and he began another tirade. C. and I both
took it up when he got personal, and we had it strong, collecting quite
a crowd. C. was formerly in the navy. The officer said, ‘I may shake
hands, here and now, but you get into a steamer, and see how quick I’d
shoot you.’ Said I, ‘So would I you,’ and felt I could do it on
the spot. Another officer now called him and we continued looking about.
A while after he came up again and asked if we would like to be
introduced to Captain Semmes. I felt that I could not be introduced as a
friend, and did not wish, in his own cabin, to be, as an enemy, so I
answered no. However we went down by ourselves and had a look at the
varmint. I presume it is unnecessary to describe him, he is now so well
known. He looked very much as I expected: about my age, of military
appearance, hard, cold grey eyes, mouth ditto, with a light moustache
over it. He was standing behind his table, bowing and talking sweet to a
cabin full of F.F.C.T. His table was literally covered with flowers and
photographs; there was very nearly half a peck of visiting cards, while
he was writing his autograph for dozens. One lady (?) says, ‘You have
my prayers, sir, for your success and independence; we all feel the same
way.’ Semmes assumed a picture of wounded innocence look, and turns to
hear another say, ‘I congratulate you heartily, Capt. Semmes; you have
done a great deal for your country, and will have a large share of the
honor after the war is over.’ ‘No, madam,’ blandly and (ir)reverently
pointing upwards, ‘I wish for no credit; let us thank God for this and
all He has done for us; the right will soon prevail,’ &c. Half the
audience seemed disposed to kiss him, the other half to cry. I had seen
enough and went again on deck. So many were standing about that I only
saw a few of his chronometers. He has a small cabin, in fact all the
officers’ quarters are small and inconvenient. ->

They
told people no one knew how much they suffered, but if it was for their
country they did not mind how they lived. This was the stuff I heard
wherever I went, and I felt quite bewildered, yet was so fascinated, I
did not feel disposed to leave. The officers wore rather seedy grey
uniforms, and a few English officers the regular English blue uniform.
They appeared to have poor discipline on board. Some of the men were
smoking about the decks, apparently as a matter of course. I heard an
officer say to one of them, ‘Jimmy, do thus and so.’ Another man
answered an officer who told him to do something, that he ‘did not
believe there was any need of doing it,’ &c. The machinery was in
perfect order, but with that exception, the ship looked no more
man-of-war like than a common merchant ship; this, too, after renovating
in Saldanha for a week. She is so sharp that there is very little room
on board; you follow the lines of her bow along and find they insensibly
run into those of her counter. No wonder she will sail. They told me
they had never once had her under full steam. Her spars are heavy and
her staysails immense. After getting into our boat we pulled slowly
around her, took a parting look, and steered for the shore. There were
countless boats afloat, large and small, and the boatmen made quite a
harvest. The excitement continued growing hour by hour; it would be
easier to say who did not go off than to tell who did. Occasionally one
of their boats would come ashore with their rag in the stern; the crowd
on the wharf would give three cheers and a detachment follow an officer
through the streets. . .

•••••

The
Volunteer Movement in Canada.—The
Toronto Globe in commenting on
the successful grand review of provisional volunteers on Thursday last,
thus speaks of the progress of the volunteer movement in Canada:

“Nearly
two years have elapsed since the Trent
affair aroused our people to the fact that a more extended armament was
necessary that Canada had previously known. The enthusiasm then
manifested, it was prophesied, would die away with the danger which
called it forth. But the facts we now have before us prove the contrary.
The inaction of the Macdonald-Cartier Government, indeed, damped at the
start the ardor of the volunteers, but no sooner was it known to the
young men of the country that their services would be accepted than they
responded in a manner far exceeding the hopes of those who had always
contended that they were worthy scions of the old stock. Instead of
flagging, though many adverse influences have been brought to bear upon
the system by its opponents, there has been a gradual development in the
most favorable direction. The number of volunteers has rapidly
increased, their discipline has constantly improved, their organization
has been perfected, and the spirit which animates them has risen higher
and higher as each step has been taken. The question now is not will the
volunteer movement succeed, but to what length are we prepared to carry
it out?”

The
Globe follows up this question
with a suggestion that next summer a camp may be formed for a week,
wherein a large volunteer force might attain a considerable degree of
efficiency. It urges this point quite strongly and recommends the
government to aid the Force by a supplemental grant.

WEDNESDAYOCTOBER 14, 1863THE
NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT & GAZETTE

Shooting
by Wholesale.—The Government is doing a big business at
catching and shooting deserters. Scores are being shot, and the thirst
for blood so increases that they have raised the reward for catching
deserters from $10 to $30. Stimulated by this liberal bounty, the
Government spies are swarming over the landing and “taking” whom
they please–the suspension of the habeas
corpus preventing the defeat and exposure of their rascalities. And
many men who never belonged to the army are thus seized and sent off, to
be either shot for a crime they never committed or forced to enter the
army. This, to the minds of the Republican papers, is all right–harms
nobody who minds his own business! But what did these same papers say of
the return of a Negro to his master? The Cheshire Republican
says that :it is probable that more young men have been shot within the
past month for running away from the army, than there have been Negroes
killed for deserting their masters since the adoption of the
Constitution; and yet while the humanitarians have shed so many tears
and brought on so much trouble in their sympathy for the poor Negro, who
has sometimes been punished for deserting those to whom he owes service,
we hear from them no words of sympathy and no prayers for the thousands
of white men who are publicly advertised in the abolition papers as
subjects to be shot like so many dogs. These are only white men, these
meek philanthropists think, and if they disobey the law and try to avoid
fighting for the proclamation, they deserve to be shot. But the Negro is
better flesh and blood. If a black man disobeys and is punished we must
pray for, sympathize with, and if need be get up a great war in his
favor, and sacrifice a million or two of lives and tax posterity for his
benefit? If Ham had not been colored quite so deep as he was, and his
descendants had been less deficient in civilization, what a vast amount
of hypocritical philanthropy would have been saved the world, and how
many crocodile tears would have been lost to it!”

•••••

Corruption
Everywhere.—The late campaign of Gen. Pope against the
Indians in Minnesota seems to have been much like his other military
operations. The St. Paul Pioneer represents that no harm was done to the Indians, and that
they believe they were victorious–a belief which is very reasonable in
view of the fact that our forces hastily retreated after two or three
skirmishes. But in other respects the expedition was quite successful.
The plunder obtained by means of it–from Uncle Sam–was enormous. The
Pioneer says:

What
then has the expedition accomplished? It has been the means of making a
few men rich. From the first to the last it has been a marvel of
corruption–of open, indecent favoritism and plunder. There are men who
two years ago were bankrupts, and as such the glad recipients of
charity, who to-day are proud and arrogant from their possession of
their ill-gotten gains. There are springing up around our city splendid
palaces, which are pointed at by the common crowd as monuments of public
plunder. How it has fared with Major General John Pope in the general we
have no means of knowing. He has borne through life a disreputable
character, and it is hardly to be credited that, with dishonesty
tainting every branch of the service in his department, he has not
shared its fruits.

Abolition
Intolerance.—In Rhode Island, on Monday of last week, the
question upon the adoption of the following amendment to the State
Constitution was submitted to a vote of the people:

“Aliens,
residents of this State, who have enlisted or volunteered, r who may
enlist r volunteer, in any of the regiments of this State, and shall be
honorably discharged therefrom, and who are now or may become
naturalized citizens of the United States, shall be admitted to vote at
all elections in this State on the same terms as native born citizens of
this State.”

In
the city of Providence, the vote upon this question was yeas 473, nays
862! And the vote of the whole State shows a majority of more than two
to one against the amendment! This is simply infamous. The question has
been agitated for two years, and during all that time, to
induce foreign born citizens to enlist, the Republican leaders have
professed to be earnestly in favor of according this rightful privilege
to them. But at the very last moment, their organ, the Providence Journal,
came out against it, and the whole party came up in a body to the polls
and voted it down! The Providence Post
says “the promise of suffrage to the foreign born soldiers was meant
to be a cheat, nothing more and nothing less. Soldiers were wanted, and
adopted citizens were promised suffrage if they would respond to the
call. They did respond. They had already most generously responded. They
added to their numbers by scores and hundreds. And here is their
reward!” This action well illustrated the sincerity of the new born
regard of the abolitionists for foreign born citizens. Those citizens
are good enough for soldiers, but unfit for voters, while every Negro
who can be stolen from his master is at once invested with the right of
suffrage!

•••••

The
late disastrous battles in Northern Georgia were the result of dictation
from Washington. Gen. Rosecrans was ordered to advance into Georgia in
the face of a superior force, and the consequence was defeat, disaster
and retreat. The correspondent of the N. Y. Herald,
describing the signs and incidents at headquarters the night before the
first battle says:

I
shall never believe that Rosecrans or Thomas entered into the first
battle of the Chickamauga with that degree of confidence which should
have been felt by them. There
appeared to be something over which Rosecrans had no control, urging him
to battle, and the knowledge of it made Thomas, who blanches at nothing,
look black. That invisible something took shape that morning, and more
than one looked upon Dana, of the War Department, as a bird of evil
omen, who had brought with him ill-timed orders from men at Washington,
who knew nothing of the situation. There were some of those who
looked on who knew that, on the 7th of September, after having suggested
to Gen. Rosecrans that he ought to form a junction with Burnside, Gen.
Halleck had declined to “assume the responsibility” of ordering
Burnside to join Rosecrans, but who on the 10th did not hesitate,
against the advice of Gen. Rosecrans, who proposed concentrating at
Chattanooga, to order him to pursue and destroy Bragg.

THURSDAYOCTOBER 15,
1863THE
SALEM REGISTER (MA)

A Barbarous Relic of Slavery.

Letter
from Gov. Andrew.–The following letter from Gov. Andrew was sent with
the iron necklace that is now on exhibition at Williams &
Everett’s, Boston, and which was taken from the neck of a slave girl
who was nearly white:

Gentlemen: Your rooms
are visited every day by multitudes of cultivated and refined
Massachusetts women, attracted by your displays of art. I send you, with
this note, an iron yoke, from the neck of a slave girl, nearly white, in
New Orleans, who was liberated by military authority from a foul and
narrow dungeon, where in darkness and fear this poor child of sorrow had
borne the double torture of confinement and of this painful instrument
for three weary months. She would have borne it indefinitely had not our
arms delivered her, as they did many more, from her oppressors. Her
offence, as it was stated by her mistress, was that “she runned away.” An officer of Massachusetts volunteers, whose
letter I enclose to you, sent me this memento of a barbarism, soon, I
trust, to become wholly extinct. And I send it to you in the hope that
you will permit it to be placed on exhibition for a few weeks in your
rooms, where the sight of it and the story of the poor child who wore it
may remind mothers, wives and daughters, under whose eyes it may fall,
of some of the good done by those whom they have sent from their
firesides to encounter the hardships of war.

I am very truly yours,

John
A. Andrew.

The following is the
letter referred to by Gov. Andrew:

New
Orleans, (La.), Aug. 28, 1863.

To His Excellency, John
A. Andrew, Governor State
of Massachusetts,

Sir:–I have the
honor to present to your Excellency, herewith, an iron relic of a poor
slave girl’s torture, which I procured near this city, under the
following circumstances.

Soon after the Federal
occupation of New Orleans, I was placed in command of a detachment of
troops, and instructed to proceed down the river for the purpose of
searching suspected premises for arms and munitions contraband of war.
At the plantation of Madame Coutreil, a French Creole, residing just
below the city, I found quite a quantity, and was about leaving when a
small house, closed tightly and about nine or ten feet square, attracted
my attention. I demanded the keys of the strange looking place, and,
after unlocking double doors, found myself in the entrance of a dark and
loathsome dungeon, alive with the most disgusting and sickening stench
that can be imagined. The hot, close and stifled air puffed out by me
until I was obliged to fall back for fear of suffocation.

“In Heaven’s name,
what have you here!” I exclaimed to the slave mistress, of whom I had
demanded the keys.

“Oh, only a little girl–she runned away.”

I
peered into the darkness, and was able to discover, sitting at one end
of the room upon a low stool, a girl about eighteen years of age. She
had this iron torture riveted about her neck, where it had rusted
through the skin, and lay corroding apparently upon the flesh. Her head
was bowed upon her hands, and she was almost insensible from emaciation
and immersion in the foul air of the dungeon.

She was quite white–quadroon or octoroon–and previous to her
confinement, which had continued as I found for three
months, must have possessed a considerable claim to beauty. Her only
crime, according to her mistress’s statement, was that she had
attempted to run away.->

She
was also, I believe, suspected of having some sympathy with the
“Yankees,” and it was the intention of her mistress to keep her in the
dungeon until the rebels had driven the Federals from the city–an event
confidently expected at that time by the Confederate sympathizers.

I
had the girl taken to the city, where this torture was removed from her neck
by a blacksmith, who cut the rivet, and she was subsequently made free
by military authority.

Very
respectfully,
Your most obedient servant,

S.
Tyler Read,
Captain, 3d Mass. Cavalry.

•••••

Died
at Gettysburg.—The following beautiful extract is from a
funeral sermon preached in Maine, over a brave young volunteer who fell at
Gettysburg:

We
esteem it an honor that one brave, young life has, from this congregation,
been yielded up in so great, so holy a cause.

We
consider it an honor–sore, unutterable grief though it be–to these
parents who have been called to give up their first-born, the object of
their love and their hope, to God and their country, to the whole race whom
Christ came to save!

Died
at Gettysburg! No prouder epitaph need any man covet. Who of all who have
occupied these houses, and tilled these fields–building, planting, reaping
and returning to the dust whence they were taken–who of them all has
earned a nobler memorial? Who of all who now dwell here will merit a more
affectionate, honored remembrance, than the young volunteer who, from this
community, went forth to fight, and as the event proved, die for his
country?

Died
at Gettysburg! Do you know what it means? It means, “Died to chasten the
insolence which had grown inordinate through a series of successes.” It
means, “Died to restore courage and hope to an army saddened and
despondent through long continued disaster.” It means, “Died to turn
back the torrent of invasion and pillage, and wide spread devastation.” It
means, “Died to still the panic fear which filled all hearts in the great
cities of our land.” It means, “Died that mothers might put their
children in security to their night’s right.” It meant, “Died that
insurrection and riot, theft and robbery, conflagration and red-handed
murder might not rage at will–not in New York and Boston alone, but in
every city, every town, every village in the land.” It means, “Died that
you might assemble in this house without fear that your homes will be
plundered and burned in your absence–that you yourselves might fall by the
shot or stab of the assassin.”

For
all that was experienced in New York is but a small sample of what must, in
all probability, have been experienced throughout all the North, had the men
who died at Gettysburg faltered when desperately assaulted by a proud,
outnumbering foe.

Died
at Gettysburg! It means, “Died that the best government on which the sun
ever shone might not be bound and powerless, calling in vain for the succor
which would not come–as our government, in all seeming, would have been,
had not God, in his mercy, interposed for us, saving us by those who, at
Gettysburg, opposed their breasts as the bulwarks of our defence, against
the enemy who thought to tread us into dust!”

The
important news is received from Washington that the whole rebel army
have crossed the Rapidan, that Gen. Meade had fallen back to the north
bank of the Rapidan, evacuating Culpepper, and burning such stores as
could not be conveniently carried. Captured prisoners say that
Longstreet’s corps has returned from the southwest, with the evident
intention of turning Gen. Meade’s right wing. It was reported in
Washington Monday night that the rebel cavalry held the pass in the Bull
Run mountains, but a large cavalry force sent to the front was expected
to dislodge them. The force holding the pass is supposed to be White’s
and Mosby’s men.

The
vigilance and precaution exercised in the army of the Potomac may be
inferred from the statement that a whole division was thrown into
consternation by the rebels shelling a foraging expedition on Sunday
morning.

•••••

The
Crew of the Florida in Liverpool.

The
crew of the Florida are now in
Liverpool. They are ninety-five in number, and are nearly in a state of
great destitution. The paragraphs in the pro-Confederate papers stating
that immense sums as wages and prize money were paid to them were pure
fabrications. Many of the men are Irishmen–all fine athletic fellows,
full of determination. They were originally taken from the Confederate
army, and, according to their statements, pressed on board. On their
arrival at Brest they asked for wages; for during eighteen months they
received only ten dollars each. There was no money forthcoming, and
being in a neutral port, they were bold in their demands. Captain Moffit,
they say, then charged them with mutiny, put some of them in irons, but
ultimately discharged them all. Before discharging them he gave each an
acknowledgement for sums varying from $100 to $130. The orderwas signed by Paymaster Dais and Commander Moffit. This money
they were to receive from Messrs. Fraser & Co., Liverpool, and they
were accompanied by an officer who paid their passage. On arriving in
Liverpool, Messrs. Fraser & Co. repudiated the claim. The officer
who accompanied them had a letter to Captain Bullock, but has been
unable to see the captain. The men are in great distress, and are full
of anger with every party concerned. They even threaten to go back to
Brest and burn the Florida.

•••••

Escape
from Guerrillas.By
Corporal A.

During
the advance of the Army of the Potomac to meet the enemy at Gettysburg,
the troops at Harper’s Ferry were ordered to join the main army in
order that every available man should add to its strength. The hurried
movement made it necessary to leave a large amount of government
property, to be subsequently disposed of according to circumstances. A
small guard was detailed to protect it, “the men being selected from
those least able to march.” Being one of this number on account of
recent fever, I was placed in charge of a large amount of ammunition,
together with several others from my regiment. The boxes of cartridges
were piled closely together, near Fort Duncan, and our shelter tents
pitched in the immediate vicinity.

We
waited for a day after the troops had left, expecting the trains which
were to take the boxes, and which we were to accompany as a guard; but
they did not arrive. The next day passed, and no indication of any
wagons. It was but natural that we should feel uneasy, for rumors
reached us of many guerrillas hovering in our vicinity, and waiting for
a chance to steal and destroy. While we were discussing the best means
of making our escape in case the outlaws came in numbers, Jones came
rushing into our small camp, out of breath, and informed us that the
“cut-throats” were close upon us, and that we had not a moment to
lose if we wanted to escape capture. Remembering our instruction to burn
the pile in case of necessity, we hastily gathered the brush and
fence-rails from the vicinity and set it on fire. Observing that the
flames spread slowly, I was ordered to return and light the brush on the
opposite side. While so engaged, I heard the feet of galloping horses,
and saw the butternuts dashing round the turn of the road. The thought
of self-preservation was instantly uppermost. My companions were gone,
and I would have a cleared space to cross before I could reach the
nearest woods. Terrible as was the alternative, I resolved to hide
myself among the boxes of cartridges. Finding an opening, I wormed
myself into the middle of the pile, and strained my ears to watch the
movements of the enemy by the sound of the horses’ feet. Never shall I
forget my emotion while there, almost stifled by the smoke, and
expecting momentarily the explosion of the ammunition. I heard the
voices of the guerrillas as they looked at the burning brush.

“Which
way did they run?” exclaimed a rough voice.

“They
took to the woods.

“Hank,
you take a squad and hunt’em up. Hang the d----d Yankees.”

They
then began to drag away the brush, and my heart beat with dread, for I
knew if they extinguished the fire I should be discovered.

“What
is it anyhow?” exclaimed the first voice, which seemed to be that of
their chief.->

“Ammunition,”
was the reply.

“Well,
taint no use botherin’; we will look after the stores. Keep guards
while we search.”

I
could hear the clanking of the sabres as the sentinels moved, and also
the fierce crackling of some dry twigs which had just caught. Merciful
Heaven! Must I perish? My wife–my children! I fainted.

It
was dark when I regained consciousness. I could not, for a time,
remember where I was; but, by degrees, I recalled the circumstances
which surrounded me, and began to think of some way to escape. With
great caution I moved from my cramped position, and crept to the edge of
the pile. The night was still, and the moon an hour high. I could detect
horses tied to the trees, and judged that the guerrillas were bivouacking
in the woods. This belief was confirmed by the expiring embers of fires
and an occasional groan, like that of a restless sleeper. I determined,
when the moon sank, I would steal away, and trust to fortune for escape.

At
last the moment came for my attempt. I crawled from my place of
concealment, and rolled myself cautiously toward some high grass. Here I
lay for a few moments to listen. I could observe that the fire we had
kindled had gone out on account of the greenness of the wood; but the
boxes were blackened and scorched. The boxes of hard bread had been
broken and removed, and the industry with which the ransacking had been
done, showed the perpetrators skilled in devastating.

“Who
goes there?” growled a husky voice.

I
was motionless. Presently a horseman approached and answered, as I
thought, “Street.” I could not exactly distinguish the word, which
was evidently their countersign. His horse turned his head toward me and
shied.

“What
is the matter with you, Jack?” exclaimed the horseman; and kicking his
horse, he passed on a short distance, and, dismounting, tied his horse
to a stump, and joined the rest. I could perceive he was quite tipsy.

After
the conversation, which I could partially overhear, their voices ceased,
and everyone seemed to be asleep.

“If
I could only get that horse,” I muttered to myself, “I could escape,
knowing the roads well.”

With
the caution of an Indian, I rolled myself toward the horse. He watched
me and seemed alarmed,but
did not attempt to break his bridle. On nearing him, I found a twig, and
raising it carefully, gradually slipped the rein off the stump. Rolling
over gently, I drew the horse after me. Every few yards I paused to let
the horse graze.

“Jim,”
exclaimed the sentry, “your horse is loose.”

A
groan was the only response.

“Jim,
you lazy fool.”

“D--n
the beast. He won’t go far.”

I
continued to let the horse graze for some time, and then resumed his
gradual abstraction. Finally I drew him to the turn in the road and at
once mounted. Riding over the grass, I kept him on a fast walk, until I
thought his feet would not be heard, when I increased the speed to a
canter.

I
had nearly reached Solomon’s Gap, when I came suddenly upon a rebel
picket.

“Who
goes there?” challenged the sentinel.

“Friend,”
answered I, as gruffly as I could.

“Halt!
halt! or you are a dead man. Have you got the countersign?”

The
perspirationbeaded on my
forehead. Suddenly it occurred to me that it must be one of their
leaders, and, as my case was desperate, I exclaimed: “Longstreet.”

“Right.
Advance.” That I did so is almost unnecessary to say. I continued up
the hill until out of sight, when I took a wood road, quite indistinct
and seldom travelled. I had not gone far before I heard the sound of
horsemen riding with haste. After the challenge, I could hear, “Which
road did he take?” “The d----d Yankee! Stole a horse!” “Hang
him!” and other exclamation of a similar character, shouted with
wrath, and too plainly indicating my fate should I fall into the hands
of the lawless men.

I
dismounted, and taking some salt from my haversack, gave some to my
horse to keep him amused and prevent him from neighing.

They
dashed on.

I
again mounted, and pursued my way. By morning, I had reached the edge of
the woods and was near Pleasant Valley. All day I remained concealed,
and at night crossed fields and woods until I approached the Catoctin
range, which I knew was held by our troops. I finally rejoined my
regiment in safety, and was the hero for an hour. The boys admired my
horse, which was really a good one. If I had been a rebel he might have
become mine; but as is our rule, I next day received an order to “turn
him into the quartermaster’s department,” and I now occasionally see
my “friend in need” ridden by a wagon-master.

SATURDAYOCTOBER 17, 1863THE
SPRINGFIELD REPUBLICAN (MA)

Gen. McClellan Shows his Colors.

Major
General George B. McClellan, formerly commander-in-chief of the army of
the Potomac, and now gentleman at large with presidential aspirations,
has at last shown just where he stands. He has joined the copperheads,
but with his usual caution and mulishness has made his own platform. It
is a platform, however, on which his friends do not stand, and the
general knows it. He professes to want to have the war pushed forward
vigorously; the party he has joined are peace men. The general wishes
the war to be waged in accordance with the principles of humanity and
civilization; the copperheads don’t want the war waged at all. But
there is a common ground where the general and his friends meet–their
desire for the preservation of slavery. Gen. McClellan’s letter to
Charles J. Biddle, giving his adhesion to the democrats, and expressing
sympathy with the copperhead candidate for governor in Pennsylvania,
says nothing about slavery, to be sure; all is left to be understood.
The general succeeds as well now in saying nothing, as he did in doing
nothing when he commanded the finest army in the world. But we all know
what talk about the “constitution,” “the laws,” and “original
limits” indicates in the mouth of a copperhead. It means the
preservation of slavery, and on this subject Gen. McClellan and his
friends are cheek by jowl. They want the war conducted and brought to
such a termination that slavery may be continued intact.

This
is where Gen. McClellan cuts himself loose from the sympathies of the
loyal people of the North. They want the rebellion crushed, slavery or
no slavery. They do not wish the war protracted for the abolition of
slavery, how much so ever they may wish for such a desirable
consummation; they are simply willing to let the slaves take their
chances with the other property of the rebels. They reason very justly
that if the rebels want slavery, or any part of it, preserved, the best
thing they can do is to lay down their arms; for the longer the war goes
on, the more they are losing. On their own heads rests the
responsibility for the destruction of their pet institution. Gen.
McClellan and the copperheads are not content with this view of the
case, but want to take upon themselves the responsibility of saving the
institution, thus placing their dear, dear friends of the South under
the eternal debt of gratitude, to be paid by votes hereafter. That’s
what’s the matter, and nothing else.

Gen.
McClellan has now fairly and openly adopted politics as a trade, and we
must conclude that his military career is ended. Henceforth he has no
claim to be treated as an officer of the army, but simply as what he is,
a politician trying for the next presidency. This has undoubtedly been
his true character for a year past, but as he kept very still, people
would not hardly believe it, and if they did, felt a little delicate
about saying so. Now, however, like a certain character of bible history
fame, he has opened his mouth and spoken, and there can be no hesitation
in speaking of him in his true character. If he does not make a better
politician than soldier, however, those opposed to him have very little
to fear. And as to his aspirations for the presidency, he may find out
in the course of time what every body else realized long ago, that the
easiest road to Washington was through Richmond. Gen. McClellan says he
would gladly give his voice and his vote to Judge Woodward, the
copperhead Pennsylvania candidate for governor. The voice he has given,
and the judge is no doubt thankful for it. As for the vote, why, any
paddy’s would do just as well, so it doesn’t much matter.

Gen.
Lee Ignores the Cavalry.—Some of the rebel papers frankly
confess their mortification that the Yankee cavalry now excel their own
and the prestige of the “cavaliers” is gone. The fact that Gen. Lee,
in the report of his northern campaign, says but little about his
cavalry operations, is significant. The army correspondent of the N. Y. Times
says on this point:

“Gen.
Lee, in his official report of the last blundering movement of his army
northward, ignored all the cavalry fights, except at Beverly Ford, Aldie
and Middleburg. At the first named he says the Union troops were forced
to retire; of the second he has an impression that the Yankees were
beaten; and in the last he admits that the confederate cavalry were
compelled, in turn, to retire, the enemy having been reinforced by
infantry. These statements are as wide from the truth as can well be
imagined. The movement across the Rappahannock at Beverly Ford was
solely a reconnoissance, and as such was perfectly successful; nor is it
true that our troops there were forced to retire, for they retired only
at nightfall and when the object of the movement has been fully
accomplished. In evidence of this, it is only necessary to state that
the last squadron which re-crossed the river, commanded by Capt. Hanley
of the 9th New York cavalry, Col. Devin’s brigade of Gen. Buford’s
division, met with but very little annoyance from the enemy; more than
this, of dozens of rebel officers with whom I have conversed since that
battle, not one of them has spoken of it as but a success for our arms.
It is equally notorious that the confederate cavalry at Aldie were
forced from their position east of the town to three miles west of it,
and at night our troops occupied the whole battle ground. There is a
grain of truth about the fight on the next day. It is true that our
cavalry were supported by infantry as far as Goose Creek; but no
infantry were engaged in the desperate fighting that took place between
Upperville and Ashby’s Gap. Gen. Lee seems not to have heard anything
about Stuart’s discomfiture at Hanover, Hunterstown, Smithburg,
Gettysburg, Boonsboro, Hagerstown and other places where the confederate
cavalry met with inglorious defeats. It is some satisfaction to find the
Richmond Whig admitting that
‘the cavalry engagements of the last six months have ended with the
same old song: Our cavalry fell back!’ ”

2Williams & Everett (est.1855) in Boston, Massachusetts, was an
art dealership run by Henry Dudley Williams and William Everett. The
firm sold original artworks by American and European artists, as well as
"photographs and carbon-pictures of eminent persons, noted places,
and famous paintings." Source: Science
(Cambridge, Mass.) v.1, no.6, March 16, 1883.