1. General Information. It must not be forgotten that the phenomenon
of pederasty is not limited to classical antiquity (e.g. Aristotle speaks
of pederasty among the Celts, Politics, II 6.6. Athen. XIII 603a; nousos
theeleia of the Scythians, Herodotus 1.105) and can be fully appraised
only in the context of all of the available material. In this article,
only that which is specific to classical pederasty is brought forward,
and moral standpoints, which are often placed in the foreground under the
influence of statements by ancient philosophers (e.g. Jacobs, Vermischte
Schriften III p. 222), are not included here. A theoretical treatment is
found in Cael. Aur. 4.9.

The roots of pederasty are found first of all in the existence of a
contrary sexual feeling that is probably more frequent in southern regions
than in countries with moderate climates. To this is added the status of
the female sex, and slavery. Women in classical antiquity were generally
considered inferior: [col. 898] marriage served the purpose of achieving
legitimate progeny, while other forms of attachment served for gratification
of sensuality. Thus a refinement of the sensual drive could not originate
in the love of women, but only in pederasty. This is stated clearly in
the synkriseis that were common later: Erotes 19ff., especially 31ff. (for
this see Bloch, Dissert. Argentor. XII 285) and Achilles Tatius, see Plutarch's
Erotikos, especially Ch. 4.23. Pseudo-Lucian, II 35 (for this Praechter,
Hierokles 148). As for slaves, they were forced sometimes to make themselves
available for pederasty, and indeed for the gratification of sensual lust
in general, even though in time that was considered inferior (see col.
901 below). Ion already attests that beautiful boys (hooraioi) were
chosen for table servants and that relationships were forged between them
and the guests (col. 901 below), and later testimony is collected by Malten,
Herm. LIII 165, see also Pseudo-Lucian 10 from the dialogue participant
Callicratides: ho Atheenaios eumorfois paisin exeeskeeto, kaipaas oiketees
autooi schedon ageneios een mechri tou prooton hupografentos autois chnou
paramenontes. It is probably no coincidence that we have the most testimonies
to intercourse with slaves coming from the Roman period. Catullus assumes
in the wedding poem 61.126 that the young manor lord has a concubinus
who considers himself elevated above the other slaves, but will be demoted
after the lord's marriage: the jokes in reference to that are likely a
part of the old fescennina iocatio. Compare Colum. I 8.1 praemoneo,
ne vilicum ex eo genere servorum, qui corpore placuerunt, instituamus.
Trimalchio relates (Petronius 75.11) ad delicias ipsimi annos quattordecim
fui; nec turpe est, quod dominus iubet. A saying of the declamator
Haterius in Seneca's Controversiae IV pr. 10 instantly illustrates this
situation when cum libertinum reum defenderet, cui obiciebatur, quod
patroni concubinus fuisset, he said: inpudicitia in ingenuo crimen
est, in servo necessitas, in liberto officium. Thus Scapula has himself
killed by a freedman who had been his concubinus (Bell. Hisp. 33.4;
falsely Aust o. Vol. IV, col. 838). This is also where the contaminati
and exoleti belong, see d. Lex. Compare Seneca Epistola 95.24 transeo
puerorum infelicium greges, quos post transacta convivia aliae cubiculi
contumeliae expectant. transeo agmina exoletorum per nationes coloresque
discripta, ut eadem omnibus levitas sit, and so forth. Attractive slaves
were not only bought for gratification of one's own desire (Cic. Phil.
2.45), they could also be hired out for the purpose (Val. Max. VI 1.6).

2. Dorians (see K.O. Mueller, Die Dorier II, p. 285). Among the Dorians,
we find pederasty as an institution recognized by law and religion, naturally
only for the Dorian upper stratum and closely associated with Dorian knighthood.
[col. 899] Crete and Sparta stand out most clearly; Plato in Laws
VIII 636b says that the Cretan and Spartan laws, that are otherwise so
excellent, fail with regard to prohibiting pederasty. Aristotle, in Politics
II 10, asserts that Minos introduced pederasty in order to prevent overpopulation;
compare Fragment 611 (Heraclides' excerpt from the Politeiai) 15 about
Crete tais pros tous arrenas erootikais homiliais eoikasi prooton kechreesthai,
kai ouk aischron par' autois touto. Ephoros reports more precise information
in Fragment 64 (from which Plutarch, Educ. puer. 15): there was a pretended
kidnapping of the boy by the lover, in imitation of elopement and therefore
ancient for that reason (or Vol. VIII col. 2131, compare the Corinthian
story in Schol. Apoll. IV 1212. Bethe p. 448); the lover revealed his intention
to the relatives three to four days ahead of time, and if they attempted
to prevent the kidnapping, then that was seen as an admission that the
boy was unworthy of the lover (or vice-versa). If the association was suitable
according to rank, then they would offer only feigned resistance to the
kidnapper. The latter would live with the kidnapped boy for two months
in the country and instruct him in the skills becoming to a knight (hunting
is mentioned expressly), then he would let him return to the city after
presenting him with a set of military gear, a pitcher, and a steer, as
well as other rich presents, from which the boy's friends would benefit
as well. The boy sacrificed the steer to Zeus and then reported about his
stay with the lover, as to whether he enjoyed it or not; if the latter
had raped him, then he could demand that he be punished. These boys (kleinoi)
enjoy special honors at dances and races and wear the military gear conferred
on them by the phileetoor as a garment of honor; their designation
as parastathentes shows that they fought in battle alongside the
lover (see below regarding Thebes). If a boy did not find a lover, this
was deemed a disgrace. Cicero, Rep. IV 3 (about Crete and Sparta) obprobrio
fuisse adulescentibus, si amatores non haberent. Corn. Nep. pr. 4.
In Sparta the lover was called eispneelas, the beloved aitas
(the word is also attested as Thessalonian by Theocr. 12.14): the former
denotes the person who infuses the favorite with courage or aretee
(Aelian, Various Histories III 12 autoi goun [the boys] deontai
toon erastoon eispnein autois ï Lakedaimonioon de estin hautee hee foonee,
eran dein legousa), the latter denotes the listener (or well-disposed
one: Skr. avati, Lat. avere). Bethe, Rheinisches Museum LXII,
p. 438, attempts to show that primitive notions of infusion that must have
been transferred to the sexual act, are in play here, and of course it
is possible that this sometimes did play a role. But it is difficult to
see in this the origin of pederasty, which is explained among the Dorians
rather by camp life (on military pederasty, see Ellis 10.57.285). The lover
interacted with the boy as of the age of twelve and was responsible for
his raising: if the latter committed an act unbecoming to a knight, the
former was punished (Plut. Lycurg. 17A. 18E. in an idealized description).
In fact he, along with the male relatives, is practically the legal guardian
of the youth, who did not enter the agora until the age of 30 (Plut. 25A).
Xenophon, resp. Laced. 2.13 says that Lycurgus saw in this relationship
the best form of pedagogy [col. 900] (joint heroic acts, e.g. hell.
IV 8.39); of course his assertion that sensual pederasty was scorned, and
that lovers thus felt obligated to maintain reserve, is biased (see below,
col. 904) and subject to serious doubt: he himself must admit that not
all believed that. Cicero, rep. IV 4, expresses himself less certainly
Lacedaemonii ipsi, cum omnia concedunt in amore iuvenum praeter stuprum,
tenui sane muro dissaepiunt id quod excipiunt; conplexus enim concubitusque
permittunt palliis interiectis - a pitiful proposed explanation, influenced
by the moral objections of a later period. We hear, for example, that Agesilaos
en tais kaloumenais agelais toon suntrefomenoon paidoon had Lysander
as his lover (Plut. Ages. 2; Lys. 22). Cleomenes in his youth had Xenares
as his lover and later had Panteus as his beloved, who died a hero's death
with him (Plut. Agis 24.2, 58.13).

We know of pederasty in Thera from the ancient rock inscriptions (7th
century?) that, due to their content and the location where they were found,
appear to point to a connection with gymnastics and cultic ritual (IG XII
3.536-601, 1410-1493, also Hiller v. Gaertringen, Thera I 152, III 67);
the crude oifein is found only in Nos. 536-538, for example in 537 ton
deina] nai ton Delfinion h(o) Krimoon te(i)de ooiphe, paida Bathukleos.
Similar forms are also found elsewhere, whether under Dorian influence
or as an old legacy from the age of knighthood. Plato, in Symp. 182b, and
Xenophon, in Symp. 8.32, say that pederasty was the usual custom in Elis
and Thebes, and Plato adds that charizesthai erastais was not considered
dishonorable because the people there were too inarticulate to persuade
with words. He admits that, in spite of the sensual interaction, they performed
heroic deeds in shared combat. A religious dedication of the love bonds
took place in Thebes at the grave of Iolaos (or Vol. IX, col. 1844); the
lover presented the beloved with a set of armor (Plut. Erot. 17). The sacred
band, 300 select men, consisted, according to some, of erastai and
eroomenoi (Plut. Pelop. 18), and Pammenes (s. d.) explains this
by the fact that the pairs of lovers would avoid any cowardly act, out
of shame before one another. Dio, Or. XXII, attributes to Epameinondas
the composition of the sacred band from pairs of lovers. - The story of
Clemachos (Aristotle, Fragment 98 from Plut. Amat. 17) and the folk-song
reproduced there oo paides, hoi charitoon te kai pateroon lachet' esthloon,
mee fthoneith' hooras agathoisin homilian ï sun gar andreiai kai ho lusimelees
eroos epi Chalkideoon thallei polesin attests to the same pederasty
for Chalcis and its daughter cities. In Athen. XIII 601e, the Chalcidians
appear along with the Cretans as the main proponents of pederasty (compare
Hesych. see chalkidizein). The same pederasty is also present in the cases
in which tyrants were allegedly or actually toppled by pairs of lovers
(below col. 901), compare Hieron. in Athen. 602a (justified doubts in Polemon
Fragment 53). Seleukos, in as late a period as 200 BC, [col. 901]
places pederasty above marriage in a song (Athen. XV 697d) because a boy
can be an aid in battle; compare v. Hahn, Albanesische Studien 176, 201.

3. Athens. Pederasty will have come to Athens through the Dorians, but
here it does not exhibit a knightly character. Solon already dealt with
it in his songs and in his laws - with naive approval of its sensual nature
in the songs (frg. 25), and with an aim of controlling abuses in the laws.
He excluded slaves from the wrestling halls and from pederasty (Aeschines,
Timarchus, 138f., later Plutarch, Solon, 1 and others) and acknowledged
thereby that the two things go together: this is confirmed by the vases
and many statements. Cf. Plato, Republic V 452c (Cretans and Spartans are
the founders of the gymnasia); Laws I 636c. Aristophanes, Birds 143. Aeschines,
Timarchus 135 ouk aischunomai autos men en tois gumnasiois ochleeros
oon kai pleistoon erastees gegonoos. Plutarch, Erot. 4. 5 (IV 402,
8. 404, 18B.). Pseudo-Lucian Amores 3. 9 (above Vol. VII p. 2038, 2058).
Many other laws that took effect later - that sought to control professional
pederasty which alone was deemed to affect one's honor - known mostly likewise
from Aeschines, may also be derived from Solon: thus the relative who lent
out a ward for illicit intercourse was punished (§ 13); even hubris
against slaves was prosecuted (§ 14, see above Vol. IX p. 31). Anyone
who was indicted for hetaireesis was disgraced and was excluded
not only from offices, but even from speaking before the council and the
people (§ 19. 29. Demosthenes. 22, 30, see above Vol. VIII p. 1372);
exclusion from the temples is asserted by Demosthenes 22, 73. That these
laws are occasionally dug out and applied (usually in someone's personal
interest) is shown by Aristophanes, Eq. 877, where Cleon boasts epausa
tous binoumenous ton Grutton eksaleipsas (from the leeksiarchikon
grammateion). - Pederasty was therefore already common practice by
the 6th century; the description given by Aristophanes, Clouds 973, of
the pure morals of the ancient peoples, is tendentious. Aristogeiton appeared
early as the lover of Harmodius (above Vol. II p. 930, cf. above for other
murderers of tyrants). Where we have a richer tradition, in the 5th century,
pederasty appears in full bloom: that Themistocles and Aristeides were
competing for the favors of the beautiful Stesileos (Plutarch, Themistocles
3) may be invented, but Ion (FHG II 64) testifies that Sophocles was a
philomeiraks. Comedy assumes pederastic relationships everywhere,
and takes its most risque jokes from this sphere , such as Aristophanes
Eq. 428 kreas ho prooktos eichen (Vahlen, Herm. XXVI 166). Clouds
1085 proves the adikos logos that only the euruprooktoi play
a role in the state, and in Eccl. 112 it says that the best speakers among
young people are the pleista spodoumenoi (see on this Gerhard, Phoinix
147). The number of expressions for the entire topic, that comedy in particular
provide us with, is downright astounding (Meier 153). Later we encounter
titles like Antiphanes's Paiderastes, and Diphilos's Paiderastai. However,
the vases show us even from the time of the older black-figured style,
but especially in that of the strict red-figured style, pederastic scenes
of a coarsely sensual nature (Hartwig Meisterschalen 237) partly in the
form [col. 902] of the love courting that often occured in the wrestling
hall (e.g. Berlin 2184, 2291, selection Gerhard A. V. 278ff.). Important
painters like Peithinos, Hieron, Brygos, and Duris participate in such
depictions. Eros appears according to Furtwaengler Myth. Lex. I 1353 on
strict red-figured vases only in scenes that show the interaction of men
and teenage boys; so much did paidikos eros dominate social life
at that time (see also Eros in Plato, Pseudo-Lucian, Amores 32). Therefore,
528 names are given the epithet kalos[a masculine adjective meaning
"beautiful"], only 30 kalee [the feminine version] (Klein 2). Also
belonging to this period is the Etruscan painting, entirely Greek in style,
that exhibits unmistakable symplegmata, published by Weege, Arch.
Jahrb. XXXI Plate 8; Etruskische Malerei, Beilage II. To what extent the
affectionate names on the vases should be interpreted in terms of pederasty
remains doubtful; Wernicke's idea of relating them directly to favorites
of the painter himself (Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen, Berlin
1890), is off the mark, at least for the most part. See W. Klein, Die griechischen
Vasen mit Lieblingsinschriften, Leipzig 1898. The accompanying of a boy
by the paidogogos (see term) is necessary precisely because he is
threatened by dangers from lustful men (Plato, Symposium, 183c, regarding
a later period Casaubonus on Pers. 5, 30. Sievers, Libanios 21). But only
submission for payment was deemed truly scornful: thus Pseudo-Theogn. 1261.
1301 accuses his boy of eethos iktinou and margon, and Aeschines
praises nonprofit pederasty (to eran toon kaloon kai soophronoon)
and rejects paid pederasty, and also gives a catalogue of love relationships
of both types (Timarchus 137. 156ff.) while emphasizing the fact that pederasty
per se does not bring criticism of either the lover or the beloved. Cf.
Aristoph. Plut. 153. Andok. I 100. Lysias's speech against Simon has to
do with the fact that the rivalry between Simon and the accuser for the
love of a boy from Plataiai led to violence: Simon gave the boy 300 drachmas
and entered into an actual contract with him (§ 22), although according
to the assertion of the accuser his entire assets only came to 250 drachmas.
Even harsher is the image that Aeschines's speech against Timarchos unfolds;
he tries to prove about him that he had fallen to atimie because of illicit
intercourse and wastefulness: even if a large portion of the accusations
is invented, they still have a certain symptomatic truth. Timarchos stayed
in a Iatreion as a youth, allegedly in order to learn medicine, but in
reality in order to sell himself. Then he gave himself for money to Misgolas,
who was infamous for his interaction with musicians (§ 40f.). When
Misgolas was no longer able to pay, he passed from one hand to another,
and sold himself temporarily in a dice parlor (§ 53): it is debated
whether the notarial recording of such a contract before witnesses makes
the situation more acute (§ 160). Professional pederasty was so widespread,
that there were brothels for it (§ 74 toutousi tous epi toon oikeematoon
kathezomenous, see Diogenes Laertius II 105. Martial XI 45) and the
whore tax was collected from such boys (§ 119).

4. Mythical and historical love pairs. That pederasty is not mentioned
in the Homeric poems, [col. 903] or at least not by name, was noticed
already by the ancients (Aeschines, Timarchus 142, see Pseudo-Lucian, Amores
35); but later, probably unconsciously, pederasty was imputed to Homeric
friendships and, for example, Aeschylus in the Myrmidons has Achilles and
Patroclus be connected by pederasty (fr. 153). Pederastic relationships
were attributed in poetry to Heracles and Apollo. There is very old mention
of Iolaos as the lover of Heracles (above p. 900, 39), and Hylas and Eurystheus
can also be mentioned. But one should be cautious of dating this view back
too far (which Beyer tends to do). Apollo was known as the lover of Hyacinthos
(see above Vol. IX p. 9) and Admetos (Callim. Hymn. 2, 47). The erotic
interpretation of the kidnapping of Ganymede is not found prior to Plato
and Pseudo-Theognis (Beyer 42). Later in Euripides the motif occured that
the love of Laios for Chrysippus was the cause of the curse weighing on
the Labdakidan house; Bethe (see above Vol. III p. 2499) would like to
attribute that to the ancient Oidipodia. Most of this type (see Beyer)
originates with the Alexandrine period; at that time Phanocles created
a pederastic catalogue poem in his Erootes ee kaloi.

Of the historic persons who have not yet been mentioned, I will name
Hieron: for when Xen. Hier. 1, 33 mentions Dailochos as his beloved, there
will be some truth behind it. It is said of Pheidias that he etched the
name of his favorite Pantarkes on the finger of Olympian Zeus (Clem. Protr.
53, 4 p. 41, 18 St. Brunn Kirchengeschichte I 160). Aristodemus of Cyme
bore the attribute malakos (Dion. Hal. VII 2, 4). Epameinondas had
two favorites, one of whom fell with him at the battle of Mantineia (Plutarch,
Erot. 761d). The Phocian Onomarchus is called philopais by Athen.
XIII 605a. With respect to Alexander the Great, it may be gossip: Dikaiarch
FHG II 241 reports of his love for the eunuch Bagoas (above Vol. V p. 552),
and naturally the relationship with Hephaistion was interpreted that way
(Diogen. ep. 24). The love of King Antigonos for a musician is reported
by Antigonos of Carystos (p. 117 Wil.).

5. Poetry and philosophy. Besides Solon, Ibycos (above Vol. IX p. 817)
and Anacreon (above Vol. I p. 2037) glorified pederasty. The boys praised
by the latter were probably the favorites of Polycrates (peri tas toon
arrenoon homilias eptoeemenos Athen. XII 540e), whom von Wilamowitz
(Staat und Gesellschaft 92) compares to the mignons of Henry III. Pindar
places pederasty above the love of women in his poem about Theoxenos (frg.
123B.). The genuine Theognis elegies reveal signs of a similar relationship
with Cyrnos as the Dorian knight had to his parastatheis, but without
the sensual element being obvious; the appendix is different, though, which
represents the old crude morality (see Pseudo-Lucian, Amores 53). Love
poetry dealt with pederasty since the 4th century. Theocritus tells of
the love of Heracles for Hylas (c. 13) and humorously depicts that of Eispnelos
for Aites (c. 14); an imitator (c. 23) recounts an erootikon patheema,
that is based on the cruelty of the beloved boy. Callimachos does not disdain
pederasty (ep. 28, 5), and it [col. 904] now becomes a frequent
motif in epigram writing: from the wreath of Meleager, Anth. Pal. XII 37-172
offers much. It now becomes fashionable to transfer motifs from the love
of women to pederasty, as we see in large part in Petronius's novel, and
in small part, for example, in Tibull's Marathus poems (Wilhelm, Rheinisches
Museum LVII 55). To mention only one, the thuraulein before the
door of the boy is just as frequent as before that of the girl: Theocritus
23, 17. Catullus 63, 65. Anth. Pal. XII 14. Horace considers the mixing-in
of pederastic motives in his odes to be necessary for the sake of completeness
(Heinze on c. IV 1). On syncrisis, see above p. 898,5. Wilhelm 59. Ovid
Ars II 683. Strato elaborates these motifs with great pleasure, then, in
his Mousa paidikee, which are mere play for him. A nomos
for cinaedi by a Sybarite Hemitheon is mentioned by Lucian adv. ind. 23
(cf. Pseudo-Lucian 3).

Philosophical debates about pederasty likely began during the sophistic
period, and Lysias' Erotikoi (a parody of Plato's Phaedrus), mentioned
by Pseudo-Plutarch in Vitae 836b, may well have been an echo of that. Given
the social significance of the phenomenon and his strong interest in the
Dorian heritage, Socrates could hardly have passed over it. The idea of
ennobling pederasty not only from a knightly point of view, but also from
a philosophical point of view, most certainly originates with him, and
Plato deepened the idea and cast it into an artistical mold (Bruns, Vortraege
und Aufsaetze 118). In Phaedrus as in the Symposium, he attempts to transform
sensual love - the healthy core of which he, with his truly hellenic feeling,
does not misapprehend - into a philosophical eros (von Wilamowitz Plato
I 44. 363). At the end of his life, now from the standpoint of a practical
statesman, he returns to the subject in the Laws and he rejects sensual
love unconditionally (Bruns 141). Plato's arguments made a huge impression
and influenced all further debates about pederasty. (Among later authors,
see Plut. Erot. 4, e.g. p. 402, 4 eis Eroos gneesios ho paidikos estin.
Pseudo-Lucian 31. Max. Tyr. diss. 18-21. H.). Antisthenes took a sharply
rejecting attitude toward it, and Xenophon is under his influence in the
Symposium (Bruns 133. 138, see memor. I 2, 29); on the other hand, in Anab.
II 6, 28 he appears to criticize the relationship between Menon and Tharypas
only because it ageneios oon geneioonta eichen (as the sprouting
of the beard designates even in epigrammatic literature the time when the
youth is no longer suited for pederasty). While the older Stoa accepted
Plato's philosophical Eros (Zeno I 248 A, Bloch 273), Epicure wants nothing
to do with it (Philod, mus. 78, 10K.), and the same standpoint is represented
by the Cynics (except for a few backsliders), who assert the absence of
homosexual tendencies among animals as an argument; it appears that we
have the remains of an antipederastic moral poem on papyrus (Gerhard Phoinix
141). Even more popular is the treatment in Pseudo-Demosthenes, Erotikos,
which is addressed to a young apobate and discourages sensuality under
Platonic influence (Wendland Anaximenes 71). The popular-philosophical
polemic against it is taken up by Jews and Christians: for the Jews see
[col. 905] Orac. Sibyll. II 73 with Geffcken's evidences and Pseudo-Phocyl.
3. 189f. (on this Rossbroich De Pseudo-Phocylideis, Muenster, 1910, 28.
94), for the latter Paul, Letter to the Romans 1:27; I Corinthians 6:9;
I Timothy 1:10). (Geffcken Zwei Apologeten 87, 233). - By the way, Plato's
stories about Socrates's relationship with Alcibiades (Symp. 217a) and
Charmides (Charm. 155d) had the result that Socrates was called a pederast
in meanspirited polemics (Helm Lucian and Menippos 229. Gesner, Socr. sanctus
paederasta, Comment. Soc. Goettingen II 1). Plato himself is suspected
by the Aristippus book (Diog. Laert. III 29), which also imputed pederastic
relationships to other philosophers, especially Academics (von Wilamowitz,
Antigonos 48).

6. Rome. To the Romans, pederasty appeared to be a Greek custom. Cic.
Tusc. V 58 by Dionys of Syracuse: qui cum ... haberet etiam more Graeciae
quosdam adulescentis amore coniunctos. That did not prevent them from
taking it over early on. Admittedly, the story of T. Veturius or C. Publius
(Livy VIII 28. Val. Max. VI 1, 9. Dion. Hal. XVI 4, 2) that belongs to
the end of the 4th century, may be apocryphal (Meier 151), but there can
be no doubt about the action of the aedile Marcellus (died 208) against
Scantinius quod filium suum de stupro appellasset (Val. Max. VI
1, 3). See also Livy XXXIX 42, 5 = Plutarch, Titus 18 (L. Flaminius takes
a favorite boy with him to the provinces). Many allusions in Plautus require
his audience to have just as much alertness to such allusions as was observed
in the time of the ancient comedies (Asin. 703; Capt. 867; Most. 847; Pseud.
782. 1180. 1189). Catullus is full of it, and even if c. 56, 99 are conventional,
other poems show a real concern for the chastity of Iuventius (c. 15, 21):
pedicare and irrumare are familiar words to him, no less
than to the Pompeians who wrote on walls (e.g. CIL IV 2375 Ampliate,
Icarus te pedicat, Salvius scripsit. CEL 45). The accusation of unchastity
is no less common in Cicero than in the Attic speechmakers (Suess, Ethos
249): see especially Phil. II 45; p. red. sen. 11; Mil. 55 (by Clodius)
qui semper secum scorta, semper exoletus, semper lucas duceret.
Antony sumpratton tois eroosi kai skooptomenos ouk aeedoos eis tous
idious eroontas Plutarch, Ant. 4, 5. Horace is accused of having mille
puellarum, puerorum mille furores (s. II 3, 325). From the imperial
period we hear lots of gossip especially about the debauchery of the emperors:
Tiberius (Suet. 43, above Vol. X p. 517), Caligula (Suetonius 36), Nero,
whose fake wedding with Sporus is described (above Supplement III, p. 388).
Val. Max. VI 1 and Martial (e.g. II 51, IX 8, XI 45. 88) offer all kinds
of material. There are important statements from the satiricians like Juvenal
10, 295, to the effect that parents of a beautiful boy always have to worry
about his chastity (see 2, 17. 50), and especially what Quintilian I 2,
2. 4. 3, 17 says about the menacing dangers in school and from pedagogues
(see on this Horace S. I 6, 81 and the novel of Petronius 85). The gaming
chips should also be mentioned on which common insults like impudens,
cinaedus, pathice are written just as in Catullus (Huelsen,
Roemische Mitteilungen 1896, 228). Little is proven, of course, by declamation
topics like Quint. decl. 3.

[col. 906] Information about legislation is provided by Mommsen,
Strafrecht 703. Struprum cum masculo was subject to domestic discipline
(Val. Max. 5) and was prosecuted by the army with corporal punishment (Polybius
VI 37,9). Toward the end of the republic, there was a lex Scantinia that
set a fine of 10,000 sestercia on it (Cael. Cic. ep. VIII 12, 3. Auson.
epigr. 92 p. 346P.). Justinian equates it with a violation of chastity:
the seducer was subject to the death penalty, and the seduced was subject
to the loss of half his property; here we see clearly the influence of
rigorous Christian morality (Inst. IV 18, 4, see Nov. 77 p. 382, 1. 141
with the argument of the aloga, see above p. 904, 58). That a change
occured since the 3rd century under Germanic influence and that pederasty
was condemned more sharply and more carefully hidden, is an assertion by
Seeck that can scarcely be approved (Untergang der antiken Welt I 421):
to the extent that it is accurate, it is due to Christianity. See Cyprian
ad Donat. 9 libidinibus insanis viros viri proruunt: fiunt, quae nec
illis possunt placere qui faciunt ... idem in publico accusatores, in occulto
rei, in semet ipsos censores pariter et nocentes. damnant foris, quod intus
operantur, admittunt libenter, quod cum admiserint criminantur. See
what Libanius, or. 37, 3 tells about Helpidius (also or. 38, 8. 39, 5).