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Wednesday, September 7, 2011

Egyptians And Turks

By Ali Ibrahim

Turkey’s
decision to cut its diplomatic representation with Israel, ranging from the
level of ambassador down to the level of third secretary, in response to the
latter’s refusal to apologize for the deaths of nine Turks in the Freedom
Flotilla incident, has been met with widespread praise on the Arab street. This
is especially true in Egypt, where the Turkish decision coincided with a state
of public anger at the deaths of three Egyptian police officers on the border
with Israel. A joint investigate committee from both countries has been
established to identify the circumstances surrounding the incident.

In
Egypt, considerable room has been devoted to comparing the reactions of the two
countries [Egypt and Turkey], in the headlines of newspapers and in current
affairs television programs. This painted a picture that Egypt’s reaction was
hesitant, confused and fearful, whilst Turkey’s was courageous, decisive and
conclusive.

There
is confusion as to what actually happened regarding the incident that took place
on the Egyptian-Israeli border, and this has been represented in the
contradictory information issued by the Egyptian government. There are
political forces that have criticized the official response, claiming that it
mirrors what the previous government used to do before the January 25th
revolution, whilst revolutionary supporters have rallied in front of the
[Israeli] embassy to demand the expulsion of the ambassador.

However,
by comparing between the positions of the two countries in this way, we are
exposed to a lot of political outbidding, in which different forces seek to
score points on the street to raise their popularity, ignoring the fact that
the circumstances of each country are not identical. The most dangerous thing
in this process of outbidding is that we fall into the trap of “impeding
battles”, whether in good or bad faith. As a result, the masses and the
politicians become distracted from the most important goal of the January 25th
revolution at this stage, namely to rebuild the foundations of a civil,
democratic state in the shortest possible time.

The
problem for all revolutions is that they carry with them enormous hope for
change and dreams, but they face many impeding battles, most notably
infighting, and at other times foreign wars and battles that they are dragged
into. History bears witness to this, most notably the French, Russian and
Iranian revolutions.

In
the Turkish – Israeli crisis, Ankara did not act recklessly after it was
angered by what happened to its nationals, and the show of force by Israel.
Turkey has waited for an Israeli apology for more than a year, and has waited
for a similar period for a report from the United Nations fact-finding
committee. Then the elected government took its decision, which still keeps the
door ajar [for rapprochement], because it does not specify the outright
severance of diplomatic relations.

If
we move on to Egypt, although it is recognized that there was something
suspicious or reckless in what Israel did [on the border], and the masses are
entitled to express anger and demand action, the response at official level
should be governed by rational and interest-based calculations, in light of the
results of the investigation. It should not succumb to political speculation,
as has happened previously in the modern history of Egypt, and ended in
disaster.

In
any case, all future strategic decisions must be left to the government and the
president, who have established legitimacy through the popular mandate granted
to them by elections. Only then can they say that they represent the voice of
the people, rather than the interim government or transitional authority that
runs the country on a temporary basis until the handover of power. This brings
us to the importance of focusing on the internal political process, completing
the transitional phase, and rapidly moving on from the current moment of
weakness.

I
asked a friend in Cairo if he was concerned about what we read daily, in terms
of reports about incidents of security breakdowns, quarrels, and clashes,
raising concern for the future of the political process, and the rebuilding of
the state and its institutions after the January 25th revolution. He answered:
“It is true that there are breakdowns, but not in the magnitude reflected by
the media portrayal. [The media] seeks to increase its distribution, gain
viewers, or work towards other goals such as improving its record and image,
after the revolution. [In reality] people are moving in the streets, sitting in
cafes and going to the northern coast in their summer holidays…Despite the
troubles, there is optimism.”

-This commentary was published in Asharq
al-Awsat on 06/09/2011
-Ali Ibrahim is Asharq Al-Awsat's Deputy Editor-in-Chief, based in London

About Me

I graduated from the French University in Beirut (St Joseph) specialising in Political and Economic Sciences. I started my working life in 1973 as a reporter and journalist for the pan-Arab magazine “Al-Hawadess” in Lebanon later becoming its Washington, D.C. correspondent. I subsequently moved to London in 1979 joining “Al-Majallah” magazine as its Deputy Managing Editor. In 1984 joined “Assayad” magazine in London initially as its Managing Editor and later as Editor-in-Chief. Following this, in 1990 I joined “Al-Wasat” magazine (part of the Dar-Al-Hayat Group) in London as a Managing Editor. In 2011 I became the Editor-In-Chief of Miraat el-Khaleej (Gulf Mirror). In July 2012 I became the Chairman of The Board of Asswak Al-Arab Publishing Ltd in UK and the Editor In Chief of its first Publication "Asswak Al-Arab" Magazine (Arab Markets Magazine) (www.asswak-alarab.com).

I have already authored five books. The first “The Tears of the Horizon” is a love story. The second “The Winter of Discontent in The Gulf” (1991) focuses on the first Gulf war sparked by Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait. His third book is entitled “Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: From Balfour Promise to Bush Declaration: The Complications and the Road to a Lasting Peace” (March 2008). The fourth book is titled “How Iran Plans to Fight America and Dominate the Middle East” (October 2008) And the fifth and the most recent is titled "JIHAD'S NEW HEARTLANDS: Why The West Has Failed To Contain Islamic Fundamentalism" (May 2011).

Furthermore, I wrote the memoirs of national security advisor to US President Ronald Reagan, Mr Robert McFarlane, serializing them in “Al-Wasat” magazine over 14 episodes in 1992.

Over the years, I have interviewed and met several world leaders such as American President Bill Clinton, British Prime Minister Margaret Thacher, Late King Hassan II of Morocco, Late King Hussein of Jordan,Tunisian President Zein El-Abedine Bin Ali, Lybian Leader Moammar Al-Quadhafi,President Amine Gemayel of Lebanon,late Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, Late Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat, Haitian President Jean Claude Duvalier, Late United Arab Emirates President Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan,Algerian President Shazli Bin Jdid, Jamaican Prime Minister Edward Siyagha and more...