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This paper confronts the question of what a revitalized financial sector might look like if this were to be reconfigured so as to reproduce first an artisanal like persona for the financial analyst and craft like organizational structure for financial businesses, and secondly if this were to be re-territorialized so that it acted like a partisan rather than, as at present, like a disembedded footloose structure of ‘global finance’. Initially the analysis is pitched at a rather abstract and theoretical level – pulling together artisans, nomads and partisans and tracing their intellectual lineages. But the chapter ends with three very concrete illustrations of actual financial relations in practice that meet some of the criteria for being both artisanal and partisanal.

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The International Monetary Fund and Policy Reform Surveillance in Small Open Economies

Seabrooke, Leonard; Broome, André(København, 2006)

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The International Monetary Fund spends most of its time monitoring its member states' economic performance and advising on institutional change. While much of the literature sees the Fund as a policy enforcer in "emerging market" and "frontier" economies, little attention has been paid to exploring the Fund’s bilateral surveillance of its Western member states. This article proposes that "seeing like the IMF" provides a dynamic view of how the Fund frames its advice for institutional change. It does so through "associational templates" that do not blindly promote institutional convergence, but appeal for change on the basis of like-characteristics among economies. Many Western states, particularly small open economies, consider the Fund's advice as important not only for technical know-how, but because Fund assessments are significant to international and domestic political audiences. This article traces the Fund's advice on taxation and monetary reform to two coordinated market economies, Denmark and Sweden, and two liberal market economies, Australia and New Zealand from 1975 to 2004. It maps how the Fund advocated "policy revolutions" and "policy recombinations" during this period, advice that coincided with important institutional changes within these small open economies.

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Many formulations of contemporary globalization suggest that citizenship is being radically transformed by processes of transnationalism. And the business world is reacting to this sense of change by firms claiming to be ‘global corporate citizens’. But what exactly does global corporate citizenship mean and what are its implications? In this paper a preliminary response is made to these questions by situating corporate citizenship within the wider framework of constitutional debates about private economic law and the juridicalization of the international sphere more generally. The paper poses the issue of whether there is a quasi-constitutionalization of the international corporate sphere underway and the possible governance consequences of this process.

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This paper examines the role of social capital (trust) vis-à-vis the propensity of a country to be a tax
haven. The empirical analysis corroborates that better governed countries have a higher ceteris paribus
probability to be tax havens. However, social capital counteracts the effect of governance quality. This
effect is so strong that the partial effect of governance quality is reversed for countries with the trust
index in the top quartile – making these high trust countries less likely to be tax havens – even as
governance quality is increased. Thus it is crucial to consider the interaction between institutions and
social capital, since the same governance institutions have a different impact on the tax haven
propensity for countries with different social capital.

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This paper addresses one of the “exemplary questions” listed by the panel conveners, namely: “How does the postcolonial perspective enable/disable the rethinking of theories and concepts considered central to critical IR?” This requires an explication of how I see the several parts of the exemplary question. I will do this in reverse order, beginning with critical IR.

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An Examination of Government Policies and Company Initiatives in Denmark and the UK

Brown, Dana; Steen Kundsen, Jette(, 2012)

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The literature explains the link between CSR and domestic institutions in terms of the presence of national institutional complementarities as a key determinant of a company’s CSR initiatives. One set of explanations sees CSR as fitting in with domestic institutional structures as either `substituting’ or ‘mirroring’ government policies. A second set of explanations views CSR as driven by variations in competitive needs across countries, reflecting in particular the degree of international market exposure. Both sets of literature look at the level of CSR in companies from different countries. Focusing on the UK and Denmark we study the link between CSR and domestic institutions by examining the content of both government CSR policies and company CSR initiatives. We find that CSR can be a substitute for government regulation, but in contrast to
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existing literatures we show that this is more likely in the context of host countries rather than in home countries.

The present article investigates co-decision making with focus on the development of partnerships arrangements (PAs) between managers and trade-union representatives in a Danish multinational company which has grown through cross-border mergers and acquisitions. The findings show the difficulties which trade-union representatives and management face in combining different forms of corporate governance and supporting PAs. The article argues that hybrid forms of PAs are unlikely to develop, due to historically embedded governance institutions, which create distinct expectations about how a firm must be controlled and who has the rights to exert this control.

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The present article investigates changes over time in the patterns of co-decisionmaking in a Danish multinational company which has grown through cross-border mergers and acquisitions. The findings show the difficulties that trade union representatives face when firms try to introduce a governance regime based on shareholder value ideology. The article argues that hybrid forms of governance are unlikely to develop due to historically embedded governance institutions, which create distinct expectations about how a firm must be governed and who has the right to participate in this governance. The spread of the Anglo-Saxon model of governance in Europe is likely to have negative effects on co-decision-making processes and established patterns of organizational cooperation.

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The Case of the Executive Master of Public Governance Program in Copenhagen, Denmark: A co-operation between University of Copenhagen and Copenhagen Business School

Greve, Carsten(Frederiksberg, 2011)

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This paper gives an introduction to the Executive Master of Public Governance degree program in Copenhagen, Denmark – a joint effort by University of Copenhagen and Copenhagen Business School aided by Aalborg University. The degree program itself began its first intake of executive students in August 2009. The average age of participants is 45 years. By the summer of 2011, the Copenhagen MPG program had enrolled 500+ public managers from Denmark as executive master students. In order to understand the context of the program, the paper gives an introduction to the background of the establishment of the program which was a result of a government reform – the Quality Reform – agreed and also funded partly by the Danish Parliament in 2008. The second part of the paper describes the organization and purpose of the program. The third part presents the content of the degree program. The paper ends by pointing to some preliminary lessons learned and future directions for the program.

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In recent years, the concept of international competitiveness has (re)emerged as a paradigm in public discourse. In this paper I introduce the concept of institutional competitiveness to show how the concept of international competition has been reformulated as part of a political project for initiating economic globalization. It is my intention to show how the concept of institutional competitiveness (CIC) has raised to become important in the last 25 years, moving from a simple conversation among academics into a political discussion with real-world effects. The purpose of the paper is to describe the rise and movement into the realm of practice. The purpose is also to show how the voyage has come to include institutional change as an important policy instrument and the use of institutional analysis as a key utensil for policy makers. It is my claim that discourses and institutions are used with the intention to enhance the competitiveness of nations and enterprises; why discourses and institutions have become a political phenomenon of interest and salience for policy makers and decision takers. It is also my claim that knowledge of institutions is applied to explain economic growth and to assess the potential relevance of institutional reforms; why interpretations of institutions has been become a policy tool for the implementation of globalisation. It is this dual role of discourses and institutions I describe in the following. The whole debate on the CIC will be looked upon as an example of how institutions (as a political phenomenon) and institutional analysis (as a policy tool) have become part of a policy approach. Two caveats are necessary. It is not my ambition to describe the conflicts of interests and the accidents of history involved in moving the process from dawn to mid-day. Neither is it my ambition to explain why the travel has happened in the first place. Even if the process is engulfed in conflicts – at several levels and including multiple interests – I will NOT identify these, nor describe them. The purpose of the paper is only to describe not to explain. The paper will be organised as follows. First, I describe how the concept of national and institutional competitiveness is discussed. In order to describe how the concept of competitiveness has been redefined over the past 20-25 years I include literature from economic theory and business analysis (Aiginger 2006b; Siggel 2006). It is in this context that the concept of Institutional Competitiveness is introduced. Second, I trace the institutionalization of the discussion into expert systems. Two examples will be emphasized. One is the development of "The post-Washington consensus” another is The Open Method of Coordination within the EU. The presentation is based on a reading of policy papers, reports and other primary sources from international organizations and national governments. Third, I point to how the institutionalization has included a number of welfare reforms and ignited a process towards the transformation of national welfare states. I draw on primary and secondary literature in presenting the concept of competition state (Cerny 1990, 2007; Stopford et al 1991; Jessop 1994, 2003; Hirsch 1995; but also Rosecranze 1999; Bobbit 2002; Weiss 2003). Fourth, and finally, I emphasize how state-society relations have been changed. The concept of competitive corporatism (Rhodes 1998; Molina & Rhodes 2002) is employed.

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This inaugural address is a welcome opportunity to call your attention to a new area of research that the International Center for Business and Politics has chosen as one of five areas of special interest. By referring to this area of focus as"institutional competition in the media market" we also signal an approach that will be free of much of the traditional dogma in Danish media research: First of all, we will consider the media as a market for opinion, goods and services – not primarily as a cultural discourse with a singular focus on public service. Secondly, we consider media activity from a social science / leadership perspective – not from the perspective of a journalist or from the ideologically critical perspective of the license payer. Thirdly, we consider competition in the media market as an institutional phenomenon that is not solely conditioned by economic considerations. We aim to find a third way between economic determinism and the optimism of political regulation. The media enterprise as institutionalized practice is, from our perspective, placed at the intersection of the marketplace and politics. We recognize that the daily press, radio and television in Denmark have emerged from a tradition based upon ideals of freedom of expression, democracy and the enlightenment of the general public. At the same time we stress the fact that the media worldwide is Big Business – and that this reality has an increasing effect on Danish competitiveness and business development in general. Not only as a channel for opinion, but as a political actor and a potential business locomotive in the so-called culture- and experience-economy.