Finally, after years
of delays and just a few hours after Japan’s horrifying earthquake on March
11, the government finally released its latest deeply-flawed report on
Canada’s military exports between 2007 and 2009. This timing ensured that
the latest data on Canada’s shameful role in the international weapons trade
was conveniently buried beneath a tsunami of news about Japan’s natural
catastrophe.

Corporate media
institutions have not deigned to report on Canada’s new arms-export figures,
let alone expose how the government’s report covers up far more than it
reveals.

Although Canada’s top
military-industry association states that Canadian companies exported $15
Billion in so-called “defence” and “security” products between 2007 and
2009, the government’s extremely-limited report accounted for less than $1.5
Billion during that period.

Despite massive
loopholes in the government’s report, their data does reveal that almost all
of Canada’s military exports went straight into the arsenals of about 40
belligerent nations fighting in the Iraq and/or Afghan wars, which have
killed over 1.5 million people. (See
COAT data table.)

Although
reprehensible, the highly-profitable business of fuelling war has been
conducted with impunity by all Liberal and Conservative governments. And,
because this trade in arms contributes to a virtual tidal wave of war,
repression and environmental destruction, it is arguably even more
disturbing than Japan’s natural catastrophe.

But what makes the
arms-trade tsunami more horrifying than an earthquake, is that the misery it
creates cannot be explained away as a natural disaster beyond human control.

On the contrary, the
arms trade – as our government proudly explains – is "closely controlled"
using “policy guidelines mandated by Cabinet."

This is the real horror veiled by the
latest dry, statistical report from the Department of Foreign Affairs and
International Trade (DFAIT) on Canada’s big business of war-industry
exports.

But Canada’s arms
trade is not just monitored, administered and controlled by DFAIT, it is
applauded and promoted by our government. As DFAIT explains, with its usual
penchant for euphemism, “Canada's defence industry makes a valuable
contribution to the nation's prosperity.”

So Don’t Worry,
It’s all Under Control

Since 2003, each of
DFAIT’s arms-trade reports has opened with the same audacious claim, saying:
"A key priority of Canada's foreign policy is the maintenance of peace and
security.” Similarly, DFAIT’s eight previous annual reports began: “The
promotion of international peace and security constitutes a key Canadian
foreign policy objective.”

Every arms-export
report, since its inception in 1990, has extolled the government’s "export
control policy guidelines," which unequivocally state that "Canada
closely controls the export of military goods and technology to
countries...involved in or under imminent threat of hostilities."

Canada's "guidelines"
also blithely assert that DFAIT "closely controls" military exports to
countries "whose governments have a persistent record of serious violations
of the human rights of their citizens, unless it can be demonstrated that
there is no reasonable risk that the goods might be used against the
civilian population."

Although DFAIT
bureaucrats see “no reasonable risk” that Canadian munitions exports “might
be used against the civilian population," those facing repression in the
Middle East and elsewhere may view those risks differently. Canadian
officials seem ever-willing to “risk” the lives of innocent civilians, if a
tsunami of profits might make a “valuable contribution to the nation's
prosperity,” or at least enrich Canadian military corporations.

To be clear, Canada’s
strict "guidelines" are meant to “control” the flow of weapons
systems, not actually stop them. Canada’s military products are in
great demand not only by governments waging war, but by business-friendly
regimes that control their populations through intimidation, threats and the
fear of state “security” forces.

But, there’s no need
for concern. Our government has it all under control.

And, Canadians
generally aren’t concerned, because we too are under control. Thanks to
government obfuscation, the corporate media’s acquiescence, and national
myths portraying Canada as a global peacemaker, most citizens have no idea
this country is awash in war technology. Few know that in 2009, Canada was
virtually tied in a three-way race for sixth place among the world’s top
arms exporters, right behind the U.S., Russia, Germany, the UK and China.

War is a booming
business. And, as U.S. Major-General S. Butler said following his retirement
in the early 1930s, “war is a racket.” A racket, he explained, “is not what
it seems to the majority…. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few
at the expense of the masses.”

Speaking of his
33-year Marine-Corps career, Butler said: “I had, as the boys in the back
room would say, a swell racket…. I could have given Al Capone a few hints.
The best he could do was operate his racket in three districts. I operated
on three continents.”

Nowadays, with $4
billion a year in military products streaming stateside, Canada is America’s
top military supplier, and our hardware is deeply embedded in U.S. weapons
fighting on three important war fronts: North Africa (Libya), the Middle
East (Iraq and Israel) and Central Asia (Afghanistan). Such U.S.-led
invasions, occupations, proxy wars and regime changes have long enforced
unjust structures of economic control over resources in the Third World.
Canadian complicity in manufacturing, exporting and deploying the
instruments of war, has helped maintain our high-rank among the world’s most
prosperous nations.

But because one would
never know this from the tsunami of corporate news inundating Canadians, the
world remains secure for those back-room boys who profit from the “swell
racket” of war.

Loopholes to Fly a
Warplane through

According to the
Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries (CADSI) -- a
government-funded lobby group representing 860 member companies -- Canada
now exports $5 Billion to $7.5 Billion in military and so-called “security”
products per year. This represents an increase over the previous five
years, when CADSI reported annual exports to be worth $5 Billion.

DFAIT’s
recently-released military-export data only documents $475 million in
military exports per year between 2007 and 2009. That’s less than 10% of
CADSI’s estimates.

This huge discrepancy
is largely due to two bookkeeping loopholes. Although celebrated by
successive governments since 1990 as proof of their commitment to
“transparency,” DFAIT’s arms-trade reports have never included Canada’s
exports to the U.S. According to CADSI, the U.S. gets the lion’s share
(80%) of Canada’s military exports.

Another limitation is
that DFAIT’s reports only include restricted munitions on Canada’s “Export
Controls List.” So, even when Canadian helicopters were sold to Colombia’s
Air Force, DFAIT didn’t count them, because no weapons were attached.

According to DFAIT’s 2007-2009 report, Canadian companies sold $1.1 Billion
worth of restricted munitions to 107 countries. Of these, 39 were fighting
in Iraq and/or Afghanistan. Knowing that the U.S. absorbs 80% of our
military exports, Canadian sales to the U.S. were about $5.7 Billion. This
means 96% of the munitions types tabulated by DFAIT went to countries waging
these two wars.

DFAIT’s list includes 14 other countries fighting armed struggles within
their own borders or, in Israel’s case, within occupied territories.
Between 2007 and 2009, these belligerents received $47 million in munitions
tracked by DFAIT. This increased the value to 97% of Canada’s military
exports to warring governments. (See
COAT data table.)

Only 2.8% of the
value of Canada's restricted munitions exports went to countries that are
not at war. (See
COAT data table.)

Because we too are at
war, and half our military production flows into Canada’s armed forces, the
total percentage of our military-industrial output that is supplying
belligerents, reaches 98.5%. This gives the lie to DFAIT assurances that it
“closely controls” the stream of military hardware to those “involved
in or under imminent threat of hostilities."

Controlling the
Middle East and North Africa

For decades,
Conservative and Liberal governments have preached peace and human rights,
while issuing a steady flow of export permits for military sales to
repressive, undemocratic regimes in the Middle East and North Africa. DFAIT
data for 1990 to 2009, reveals Canadian exports of $1.99 Billion in
restricted munitions – including small arms, ammunition, tear gas, rockets,
missiles, armoured vehicles and high-tech electronics for major weapons --
to sixteen countries in that region:

If all Canadian
military and police-equipment was included, these amounts would be perhaps
twice as high, considering the disparity between DFAIT and CADSI figures.
And, although Border-Services’ customs data includes Canadian small-arms
exports to Iran, Libya and Syria, their absence from DFAIT’s report is
unexplained.

The heavily
U.S.-backed governments gracing DFAIT’s list include undemocratic regimes
where human rights abuses are systemic, and torture is endemic.

·
The absolute monarchies of Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UAE are run by
royal decree, political parties are banned and elected legislatures do not
exist. (Although the UAE finally had an election in 2006, only 2% of those
over 18 were allowed to vote, and half the legislature was appointed by
hereditary Emirs from the country’s seven absolute monarchies.) ·
In 2008, women held less than 5% of parliamentary seats in Egypt, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Turkey and Yemen.·
Lebanon, Oman, Saudi Arabia and UAE spent more on their militaries than on
health and education combined. (Saudi military expenditures were almost
twice their combined health and education budgets.)·
Israel and Jordan spent more on their militaries than on either health or
education.

Workers’ Rights Under the GunTrade union rights in Middle
East and North Africa are among the least protected in the world. Migrant
workers in particular face extremely exploitative conditions, sometimes
resembling slavery. Underpaid and often confined to employers’ homes, they
are forced to work excessive hours and have their passports confiscated.
Foreign workers are also victimised sexually and face beatings, arrest and
deportation for asserting their rights. Composing a large percent of the
workforce in Persian-Gulf states, they are particularly at risk in Bahrain,
Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

·
In Saudi Arabia, all unions, collective bargaining and strikes are illegal
and the crime of union organising can lead to dismissal, imprisonment or
deportation. ·
UAE labour law does not permit unions, strikes or collective bargaining. ·
Collective bargaining is also illegal in Bahrain and Jordan, while unions
are still rare in Oman.·
The right to strike is very limited in Oman, Qatar and Yemen, and is illegal
in the Kuwaiti and Qatari public sectors. Meanwhile in Jordan, strikes are
illegal without government permission.·
The governments of Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and Yemen impose a
trade union monopoly, granting official recognition to only one union. ·
In Algeria, unions have been unduly denied registration in 2010, and
hundreds were arrested for legitimate union activities.·
In 2010, Egyptians were permitted to form their first independent union in
half a century, but its members have been intimidated and assaulted.

Arming Enemies of the “Arab
Spring “

Although this year’s
protests throughout the Arab region have inspired the progressive world,
popular demands for democracy and human rights have come up against the
heavily-armed bulwark of state “security” institutions. Military and police
forces are powerful obstacles to achieving peace, democracy, security and
human rights.

According to DFAIT’s
reports, the vast majority of Canada’s restricted munitions’ exports to the
region went to one country, Saudi Arabia, which received about 87% ($1.74
Billion) of the $2-Billion total since 1990.

According to Human
Rights Watch’s 2010 report, Saudi authorities:

“continue to
systematically suppress or fail to protect the rights of nine million Saudi
women and girls, eight million foreign workers, and some two million Shia
citizens. Each year thousands of people receive unfair trials or are subject
to arbitrary detention. Curbs on freedom of association, expression and
movement, as well as a pervasive lack of official accountability, remain
serious concerns.”

Although the Saudi
theocracy has imported Canadian small arms, ammunition, electronics and
various weapons-systems and components, their main import was armoured
military vehicles from General Dynamics (formerly General Motors) in London,
Ontario. Since 1992, DFAIT issued export permits totaling about $1.5 Billion
for these vehicles. Apparently, DFAIT saw no “reasonable risk” they “might
be used against…civilian[s]." (Canadian customs data reveals $1.85 Billion
in armoured-vehicle exports to Saudi Arabia during the same period.)

On March 5, with
protests spreading throughout the region, Saudi Arabia banned all
demonstrations. Then, on the ides of March, Saudi armoured vehicles
carrying more than a thousand troops were sent into neighbouring Bahrain.
Saudi and UAE troops have been aiding Bahrain’s deadly crackdown on
nonviolent protests in this kingdom which hosts the U.S. Fifth Fleet. Saudi
troops have since attacked peaceful Bahrainis rallying for democracy.

Meanwhile in Egypt,
millions took to the streets to end decades of autocratic corruption. Being
the most populous Arab nation and a centre of culture and communication,
Egypt has stirred the region. But despite mass peaceful uprisings, Egypt’s
military has not relinquished power, or ended the country’s 30-year
emergency rule.

DFAIT reports show
about $35 million in restricted-munitions exports to Egypt since 1990. Most
were aircraft parts, probably for nine Canadian-made military transport
planes, built by de Havilland.

But Canada’s direct
sales to Egypt and Saudi Arabia, represent only one way for munitions to end
up there. More significantly, Canadian military hardware is funneled
through the U.S.

For example, Egypt’s
arsenal includes U.S. weapons systems embedded with ample Canadian
technology, such as F-16, F-4, C-130 and E-2C warplanes, and CH-47, AH-64
and UH-60 helicopters. The Saudi Air Force also has billions worth of U.S.
war machines equipped with Canadian components, including F-15s, C-130s,
AH-64s and UH-60s.

Since 1979, Egypt received about US$2
Billion per year in U.S. military aid, second only to Israel, which now gets
about US$3 Billion. Canada’s
direct exports of $18.4 million to Israel since 1990, probably pale in
comparison to the value of Canadian-made parts within U.S. weapons given to
Israel. For example, many Canadian companies have supplied parts for
U.S.-made F-16 and F-18 fighter planes and AH-64 helicopter gunships used in
Israeli airstrikes against Lebanon (2006) and Gaza (2008-2009).

No Quick-Fix
Solutions for Long-term Problems

Military powers have
been arming client states in the Middle East for thousands of years. Canada
is now part of this long-running saga. The solution to the age-old problem
of brutal autocratic regimes, is not to authorise those who armed the
dictators in the first place to launch humanitarian invasions to protect
human rights. Such naïve, quick-fix military remedies perpetuate violence
and merely empower new, hand-picked regimes with better PR.

Long-term solutions
are required. Primary among these is to stop arming regimes that use war
and repression to take or maintain power.

Citizens can use
boycotts, divestment and electoral campaigns to withdraw consent from
companies and governments complicit in militarism.

Given the widespread
ignorance of Canada’s complicity in the arms trade, public education is
essential. One approach is to focus on the most glaring manifestation of the
military-industrial complex, the perennial arms bazaar.

In Canada’s case, the
biggest weapons exhibition is CANSEC, to be held in Ottawa, June 1-2.
Organized by the CADSI, it will include some 250 companies, of which about
one third are known to have exported directly to the Middle East or North
Africa. It is therefore a potent symbol of Canada’s control over the
horrifying flood of military products that inundate warzones and oppressive
regimes around the world.

Richard Sanders is
coordinator of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade, and editor of its
magazine, Press for Conversion! For more information, visit
http://coat.ncf.ca

This article will appear as the lead article in the May edition of The Monitor,
published by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA).