Impact of the Transfer System in Direct Provision

Transcription

1 Impact of the Transfer System in Direct Provision It was sleepless nights, to be honest, then the letter came a few days later Direct Provision and Asylum in Ireland: The transfer system and its consequences Doras Luimní, Mount St. Vincent, O Connell Avenue, Limerick. Tel: Fax: Charity No: CHY Doras Transfer Cover.indd 1 Company Reg No: /06/ :31

2 It was sleepless nights, to be honest, then the letter came a few days later Direct Provision and Asylum in Ireland: The transfer system and its consequences 1

3 Vision Introduction to Doras Doras is a Non Governmental Organisation based in Limerick that supports the rights of asylum seekers, refugees and migrant workers. Doras have been doing this work for 11 years. Our mission statement is: To promote and protect the rights of all migrants, including asylum seekers, refugees and migrant workers. Its role is to support migrants on a personal level, while engaging in advocacy with them and for their collective interests. Our vision for Ireland is: A society where equality and respect for the human rights of migrants are social norms. Our core values are rooted in the human rights framework, with a belief in equality and nondiscrimination in both public and private life. We believe that it is a moral imperative to be welcoming towards new communities arriving in Ireland, and to extend particular support to the most vulnerable amongst them. Origins of Doras In February 2000, a group of people came together, with a shared concern about the needs of a group of asylum seekers who were expected to arrive in Limerick. The members of the group were drawn from all walks of life. Some had worked overseas in the developing world. Others came out of interest in other cultures. The group also includes members from different Churches and Religious Communities in the city. What s in a Name? The name Doras was chosen because it suggests a door open in welcome and hospitality. Advocacy and Campaigns Doras works in collaboration with local and national organisations to inform local and national government, civil service agents and institutions around actions and policies that impact on or affect migrants. We continue to develop policy papers and briefings on issues that are directly affecting refugees, asylum seekers and migrants in Limerick City and its environs. We advocate locally and nationally on specific issues of concern by engaging with the media and policy makers. This work is funded by Atlantic Philanthropies and the One Foundation. Issue: Direct Provision: Transfer System 2

4 Acknowledgements Doras would specifically like to thank the interviewees who selflessly shared their experiences of being transferred within the Direct Provision system. They did this despite a genuine fear of the perceived consequences of speaking out against the system, that is that efforts will be made to identify them and once done their lives will be made even more difficult whilst they await an outcome to their application. They also fear that speaking out will have a direct impact on the decision made on their application for protection and it was with this widely held perception in mind that the author attempted to anonymise them as much as possible whilst attempting to retain their individuality and the echo of their voice within the work. The author very much appreciated the help from caseworkers in Doras s Drop-in centre in identifying potential interviewees and working with them. Especial gratitude goes to the coauthor of this work Andrea Laidman who did so much of the initial interview and analysis phase of this work. None of Doras s myriad of work could happen without the generous support of our benefactors, funders and donators for which we are all very grateful. Siobhan O Connor, PhD. June

6 Introduction Direct Provision A (short) overview Many elements of the Direct Provision system have been researched since it first came into being more than ten years ago, most recently by FLAC 1 and AkiDwa. 2 Within these publications the genesis of Direct Provision and Dispersal is enunciated as well as the consequences on the mental, psychological and physical health of the residents obliged to endure it. There is a large body of research on the subject of Direct Provision; the findings generally have shown the system to be detrimental to the lives of those experiencing it despite the best efforts of the agency tasked with implementing it. An example of such research would be that from Prof. Alastair Christie, Department of Applied Social Studies, University College Cork, (UCC), who stated: Direct provision and non-entitlement to engage in paid work enforces the segregation of asylum seekers from the rest of the population. 3 Utilising the theories of Mynott and Cohen, Christie argues that this is akin to a form of apartheid. 4 Further Research from Bryan Fanning, University College Dublin, and Angela Veale, UCC, found: That asylum seeker children experienced extreme income poverty, material deprivation, housing deprivation and social exclusion in considerable part due to the imposition of a system of lesser welfare entitlements, known as direct provision, introduced in April They further claim: State-fostered social exclusion of asylum seeker children resulting from direct provision is contrary to Ireland's obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the goals of the National Children's Strategy and the goals of the National Anti- Poverty Strategy. 6 It is also a system that has been subject to international criticism. The United Nations Committee on the Eradication of Racial Discrimination in its most recent report said: The Committee is concerned at the negative impact that the policy of direct provision has had on the welfare of asylum seekers who, due to the inordinate delay in the processing of their applications, and the final outcomes of their appeals and reviews, as well as poor 1 FLAC, One Size Doesn t Fit All: A legal analysis of the direct provision and dispersal system in Ireland, 10 years on, AkiDwa, Am Only Saying it Now: Experiences of Women Seeking Asylum in Ireland, Christie, Alastair From Racial to Racist State: Questions for Social Professionals in Irish Journal of Applied Social Studies Winter 2006, pp Mynott, E. (2002) 'From a shambles to a new apartheid. Local authorities, dispersal and the struggle to defend asylum seekers' in S. Cohen, B. Humphries and E. Mynott (eds.), From Immigration Controls to Welfare Controls, London, Routledge, pp Fanning, Bryan & Veale, Angela Child Policy as Public Policy: Direct Provision and Asylum seeker Children in the Republic of Ireland in Childcare in Practice Vol. 10, pp , p Ibid. 5

7 living conditions, can suffer health and psychological problems that in certain cases lead to serious mental illness. 7 Whilst in her statement on her recent mission to Ireland the United Nations independent expert on the question of human rights and extreme poverty, Magdalena Sepúlveda raised: Serious concerns as to the autonomy and enjoyment of human rights of asylum seekers, in particular their right to privacy and family life, adequate standard of living and adequate standards of physical and mental health. 8 However it is a system that the Department of Justice and the Reception and Integration Agency put forward as the best options to meet Ireland s international obligations whilst keeping costs and pull factors down. In assessing its own work the Reception and Integration Agency s Review found: That these options [allowing asylum seekers to claim social welfare and rent allowance; self-catering accommodation; local authority housing] would be significantly more expensive than Direct Provision and concluded that using Direct Provision has proven to be the correct choice in providing for the accommodation needs of asylum seekers billion was spent on the asylum system over the past five years, of which million was spent on direct provision. 10 INIS (Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service) has a budget of million for 2011, 67.5 million of which is allocated to the Direct Provision system. 11 Based on the impact of long term living in the direct provision system on clients to its drop-in service, alongside researched critiques such as those mentioned, Doras believes the direct provision system is not an appropriate system to house individuals seeking refugee status. Furthermore it does not believe that it is appropriate that nearly 56% of INIS s entire budget is reflective of the weighting of the breakdown of migrant status types who rely on INIS services. Doras are concerned that the disproportionate share of financial resources being used to continue direct provision will have a negative effect on other services provided by INIS such as visas, citizenship and work permits whilst being of limited benefit to asylum seekers. The Irish Refugee Council in collaboration with the NGO Forum on Direct Provision 12 is currently working on a proposal identifying an alternative to the Direct Provision system to 7 Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Seventy-eighth session 14 February 11 March Reception and Integration Agency Value for Money and Policy Review: Asylum seeker Accommodation Programme Final Report May 2010, pp Irish Times 23 February terial%20march%202011%20part%202.pdf 12 AkiDwA Amnesty International, Ireland Barnardos Cultúr Doras Luimní Free Legal Advice Centres (FLAC) Galway Refugee Support Group The Irish Bishops Conference Refugee & Migrant Project The 6

8 meet the needs of individuals seeking protection in Ireland as well as those tasked with providing that protection. 13 As the budget for service provision is reduced as is the number utilising the service, approximately 400 on this time last year, it is necessary to ensure that all taxpayers money is spent proportionately and strategically. With the presence of smaller numbers now is the time to act reflectively and considerately as opposed to the past when the policy that was created was reactionary. Sarsfield Hotel From the moment news spread that the Department of Justice was going to house asylumseekers in Sarsfield Hotel there was a very mixed reaction from the local community. A prominent local business man was highly critical of the Department of Justice [...]. It is a disgrace that they should have opted for a building in such a prominent position. 14 Other business people took a more pragmatic approach seeing the closure of the hotel as a commercial entity as a sign of the times. 15 Doras welcomed the decision to house asylumseekers in the hotel in the city centre seeing it as a welcome relief from previous policy of placing people in isolated areas with limited outlets. The concern by the Limerick businessman that these people will loiter around 16 all day was countered by Doras who highlighted the lack of such problems with other city centre accommodation. His concern that these people receive less than 20 euro per week 17 meant that in the two year period potentially a little over 39,000 thousand euro could have been spent in local businesses by the residents. Doras supported the use of this hotel only in so far as it was a central location. The building s location implied a change to the trend of utilising isolated venues for this purpose. It seemed to be a positive move to allow adults to live in the city centre where they would have access to adult centred facilities and an outlet to stem the boredom of living in the direct provision system. However Doras continued to oppose the policy of placing individuals in a direct provision setting in its own right. The housing of children in Sarsfield Hotel was an issue of grave concern to Doras. At no time when making its positive overtures did Doras consider that the Department of Justice would house children in this dimly lit, cramped building (with no playing areas or crèche) which was built to cater to the needs of short term users. Throughout its two years incarnation as Integration Centre The Irish Refugee Council The Jesuit Refugee Service Mayo Intercultural Action Nasc, The Irish Immigrant Support Centre SPIRASI Tralee International Resource Centre 13 ub_category_3_id= Limerick Post 28 June Limerick Leader 25 June Limerick Post 28 June Ibid. 7

9 a direct provision centre Doras lobbied the Department of Justice and other statutory service providers around the total inadequacy of this hotel as a home for children and the detrimental consequences on their lives. Throughout its time as an accommodation centre for asylum-seekers Doras remained concerned about the situation of the children living in Sarsfield Hotel: The centre did not comply with article 27 of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child which states: States Parties recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development. 18 In this hotel two to three children were obliged to share a room with at least one if not two adults. The cramped conditions at the centre prevented a child from normal physical development particularly children at the crawling, wobble and toddle stage. The centre did not have a facility to provide a safe outdoor place for children to play to ensure children get adequate exercise or fresh air. We believe these went against article 6 of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. This centre did not provide any dedicated child play area to enhance mental development as contained in the spirit of article 31 on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. There were no adequate facilities to enable children to do school work. There were no supports to assist parents to work with their children around school work. There was no dedicated space where NGO s or the VEC could provide tuition to enable parents to comprehend the Irish education system and provide their children with parental encouragement as is the parents obligation under Bunreacht na heireann article There was a lack of financial resources made available to parents coping with the detrimental effect this was having on the children in the centre. One area of concern in this regard was middle childhood (ages of approximately 6-10 years) which is a period of time when children enter the wider community (primarily through schooling) and develop the intellectual and social skills they need to function effectively outside their family environment. 19 Out-of-school programs can provide a safety-net for middle-children to safely explore independence, peer relationships, and leadership 20 Science centres, children s museums, youth centres, and other such informal environments can provide children opportunities to learn without external evaluations and chances for children to control their own experiences and The Development of Children Ages 6 to 14. Jacquelynne S. Eccles. The Future of Children: WHEN SCHOOL IS OUT. Vol. 9 (2) Fall Ibid. 8

10 learning. 21 All such outings require financial assistance. NGO s such as Doras or the statutory agency could not attempt to offer an alternative because Sarsfield Hotel did not provide a safe and dedicated place for children to spend time together either as part of a formal club: youth club, homework club, chess club or informally to hone peer level social interaction skills. The teenagers who were resident in this centre had no outlet, particularly as the long summer holidays stretched out ahead of them, and they had no focus for their energy and attention. This age group was especially vulnerable to external negative influence yet if encouraged had the capacity to be a positive asset to Limerick and the surrounding area. Facilities Available to Children Living in Sarsfield Hotel Facility Number/ Description Outdoor Play area 0 Indoor Play area 0 Customised child centred space 0 Private Space 0 Study/homework area 0 Living area Shared bedroom with members of family 1 Communal Room for all residents averaged at 100 for eating (former hotel restaurant) 1 Communal Room for all residents averaged at 100 for spending time (former hotel lounge bar) Closure of Sarsfield Hotel After just under two years of operation, the Sarsfield Hotel was closed as a direct provision centre in June Doras welcomed the removal of children from this building however limited notice had been given to those who lived there. No consultation has been entered into as to where the residents would prefer to live, where each individual ended up was like a lottery. After spending two years in the city many of the residents saw Limerick as their home. Overall the people of the city had been welcoming and accommodating to them. Many of the children were in school here; they had made friends and felt safe. Some children were not only transferred in the middle of their exam year but in the middle of their exams. This caused immense upset and stress for the young people and families concerned as they attempt to live a normal life with all the normal activities of their classmates. The adults had made connections and established networks. They now have an understanding of Irish society from a Limerick perspective. Many of them were transferred throughout the country where they once again had to attempt to establish themselves. It is through these connections and with this knowledge that individuals would be in a position 21 Ibid. 9

11 to ensure they have the ability to access health services, gain educational qualifications, seek employment, integrate into mainstream Irish society when their immigration status is regularised. If a person is living in the precarious situation that they are at risk of transfer to a completely different environment they are dissuaded from attempting to orientate themselves in their surrounding community. Therefore when they are eventually released from the constraints of Direct Provision it is only at that time they begin to negotiate their situation within the location. This add further time to when they can become participants in society. What was most frustrating for the residents and for external observers such as Doras was that some of the former residents of Sarsfield who wished to remain in Limerick were moved to Tralee. It was only in the previous number of weeks prior to their transfer that a hostel in Tralee was closed and some of those residents were transferred to the Limerick area. Without the knowledge of the internal machinations of the system it is very difficult for those affected to reconcile a perceived sense of injustice, that is, those that had lived in Tralee were moved to Limerick and those that wanted to remain in Limerick were moved to Tralee. What is the legacy of this chapter in Sarsfield Hotel s history? One former resident, a 17 year old boy is dead; a young 21 year old man served time in prison for his manslaughter. It was government policy of direct provision which compels forced idleness and poverty that ensured that these two young men would be obliged to live in this volatile situation. This has been proven to be a dangerous combination. 22 This case was reported as one where the accused was said to be: Fundamentally decent and that it was not a case where he had armed himself with a weapon. "He did not look for trouble; it literally came knocking at his door." In a victim impact statement, which was read to the court a brother of the deceased man, said he did not deserve to die the way he died and he said Mr Lal's family were finding it hard to cope with his death. Judge Moran said it was a difficult case and that he would need some time to reflect on it. 23 Due to their time in Sarsfield a large group of children have been forced to develop and grow in a confined and gloomy area with limited stimulation. They were surrounded by danger, a busy main road in front of their door, no separate play space and a river to the side of them. No privacy within. They lived behind doors which led to the corridors where the above happened. But it was not all bad. As soon as the first residents arrived Doras met them and welcomed them to the area. They were invited to participate in our organised activities. We set up a mother and toddler group in the hotel. Some of the women joined Doras s women s group and many of the other residents were involved in the camera club, book club, first aid course, English classes, computer classes, art and craft classes and national day celebrations Limerick Leader 15 June

12 Doras also facilitated the involvement of some of the residents in events being run by Limerick communities such as the 16 Days of Action on Violence Against Women t-shirt campaign. Many of the residents had the capacity to proactively engage with the wider Limerick community offering their skills and services voluntarily for various charities in the area. Local representatives also extended their hand of welcome with Cllr. Jim Long pulling many strings and making sure Santa Claus himself visited the hotel for Christmas in 2008 to meet the children in person. Context of this research This report grew out of the work of the Doras Drop in Centre over a number of months after the announcement of the closure of the Sarsfield Bridge Hotel. In the second week of April the residents of the hotel were notified that the hotel would be closing in the middle of June This was the beginning of the sense of panic and uncertainty. Some residents immediately wrote to the Reception and Integration Agency (RIA) requesting that they be permitted to remain in Limerick. In the last week of April 2010 residents received notification of where they would be transferred. This brought relief to some but further panic to others. It sparked another series of letter writing asking RIA for alternative locations or at least temporary stays to allow a child to attend a school event they were preparing for, or to complete exams or school terms with their peers. Adults too who were engaged in community education or had made voluntary commitments to local organisations sought to stay in Limerick to complete these obligations. From the end of April 2010 the transfers began. 24 Single individuals and families who had settled in Limerick and saw it as their home were obliged to move on. For some this was a period of less than two weeks from the notification that the hotel was to be closed to their transfer to another part of the country. This gave very little time for reflection and consideration of their situation. This caused a sense of injustice and maltreatment by the affected individuals. Without the benefit of a knowledge of the thinking behind government action, we witnessed what appeared to be a lack of concern for the well-being of the migrants housed in Sarsfield Hotel, and with how the State handled the process of transferring them to new centres. In short, we saw asylum-seekers treated again and again in a way in which we believe the Irish government would never treat Irish citizens. For instance, for those who were to be transferred to Waterford from Limerick, the government sent only one mini-bus to complete the day s transfers. This meant that they went to Killarney and Cork en route to Waterford. In another instance, a couple was asked to leave their newborn baby in hospital with complications, and move on to their new placement a few hours away because the hired minibus was already on its way to Limerick and the centre was due to close. They were expected to collect their new born baby the following week. Based on the experiences of the individuals concerned these examples suggest carelessness and a disregard for the 24 Limerick Leader 1 May

13 basic dignity and human rights of those in direct provision that, from a peripheral view, appear to be characteristic of the system. Throughout the process of being transferred from Sarsfield Bridge, asylum-seekers in predicaments like those above commented to us about the official handling of their relocations ( They treat us like animals! 25 ), and found themselves desperately seeking to be treated according to even a nominal duty of care. This report is a record of the experiences of the former residents of the hotel who were caught up in the transfer system from their perspectives and that of a NGO. Methodology For the initial portion of our research regarding the closure of Sarsfield Hotel, we interviewed 19 asylum-seekers between May and June This small group of respondents is a reflection of how quickly the asylum-seekers were moved from Limerick. Indeed, we only had time to interview a handful of our participants in-person before Sarsfield Hotel was closed. The others were interviewed after the hotel closure, either inperson if transferred locally or over the phone if moved far from Limerick. We decided to use this sample of 19 respondents, since many were already very concerned (and upset) with their current surroundings post-transfer and less interested in discussing their pretransfer experiences and emotions. The same individuals we contacted again by telephone in a period between December 2010 and January Of the original 19, only 12 were successfully interviewed for a second time. The re-questioning of respondents allowed them 6 months to settle into their accommodation and to investigate the merits of their placements. They would, after this length of time, have attempted to get to know their new homes, possibly set up links in the new communities and found their position within it. Those with children would have tackled the new school year and all that brings in the lives of a family. The statutory agencies and government departments have sufficient fora in order to inform the hows, whats and whys of their activities e.g. Dáil Debates, policy and legislative documents, inputs at Joint Oireachtas Committees and published reports such as the Value for Money and Policy Review: Asylum Seekers Accommodation Programme published in May Such agencies and departments implement government policy within the constraints of their terms of reference and budget allocations under the direction of the Minister, who is ultimately responsible. The individuals within the centres do not have such options; this is an attempt to capture their voice, experience, perceptions and perspective in as safe a medium as possible in order to inform future ministers of the reality of their situation. 25 Comment made by one respondent

14 Demographics The demographics of our 19 respondents are summarised in the charts below: Personal Demographics Gender Female 11 58% Male 8 42% Marital Status Married 5 26% Single 14 74% Age Under 20 years old years old 18 95% years old 1 5% Over 60 years old 0 -- Do you have children in Ireland? Yes 6 32% No 13 68% Country of Origin Afghanistan, Albania, Burundi, DR Congo, Ghana, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Zimbabwe. Transfer Demographics Where were you moved?...within Limerick 8 42%...out of Limerick 11 58% Which hostel were you moved to? Within Limerick Region: Hanratty House 7 37% Knockalisheen 1 5% Outside Limerick: Waterford 5 26% Killarney 3 16% Cork 1 5% Carrick-on-Suir 1 5% Abbeyleix 1 5% Is your new hostel......local 8 42%...Far 11 58%...Urban 10 53%...Rural 9 47% Pre-Transfer Questionnaire Findings Introduction: The change in quality of life and accommodation that the closure of Sarsfield Hotel has meant for its former residents has proved a shock to many; Sarsfield was perceived generally by the residents as a pleasant hotel in terms of both facilities and management, and most of the respondents were distressed by the worsening of their living conditions after their transfer. About half of the respondents said that the people in Sarsfield Hotel were like a family for them. Many of the respondents asked us if we could get Sarsfield Hotel reopened, demonstrating their desire to return to Sarsfield and/or Limerick City, for those who were transferred away. Doras of course informed them that we could not make this happen, and that we were speaking to them in the hope of preventing other asylum-seekers having to go through the difficulties they had experienced throughout their transfers. We witnessed (through clients in the Doras drop-in centre) and later learned of some disturbing cases of transfer in which asylum-seekers were treated with what appeared to be 13

15 very little dignity, stories which are outlined in this report. A few of our respondents lamented to us, about the handling of their transfer by officials. From a side line view, in some of the cases outlined below, it is hard to contest this statement. Some cases, such as that of an asylum-seeker who has been transferred to five different accommodations in two years, are difficult to comprehend. We also interviewed asylum-seekers who were initially moved far from Limerick, only to be transferred back to a different Limerick area accommodation within two weeks, after making medical and other special requests to RIA that were granted. There appears to be an ad hoc system of moving individuals to address the issues of bed spaces and hostel demands rather than the needs of the individual. Without the evidence of a transparent and clear transfer policy it is very difficult for residents or the NGO sector to grasp the reasons for the decisions to move people and that in itself creates a sense, legitimate or otherwise, of injustice and persecution, for example: many people believe they are transferred to the worst or the most isolated of hostels because they make a complaint through the complaints mechanism within the Direct Provision system or because they spoke publically against the system. Others believe they have identified the punishment hostels. Without an apparent rationale presented for transferring, individuals have difficulty in believing otherwise. The most glaring recommendation that we can ascertain from even initial findings prior to the second interview is that asylum-seekers should be given an opportunity to express these needs and preferences before their transfer assignments are issued, saving both money (in reduced transportation costs) and everyone s time and energy. Further recommendations will be made throughout and at the close of this report. Transfer Experience A. Mental/Emotional Impact on Asylum Seekers When you heard that Sarsfield Hotel was closing, what was your first reaction? Happy 0% Okay 11% Other 5% Sad/Disappoi nted 84% Sixteen, or 84% of our respondents, said that they were sad or disappointed when they first heard the news that Sarsfield Hotel was closing. These respondents also expressed shock at the announcement of closure. Two respondents, or 11% of our interviewees, said they were okay with the transfer. One woman said, It s okay, as long as I have a place to sleep. The 14

16 other respondent who answered that the transfer was Okay had been separated from his wife during his time in Limerick, and his transfer assignment reunited them. The final respondent, who we have recorded as Other, said she was indifferent about the transfer. She has been moved five times in under two years in Ireland, without consultation, so for her the announcement of Sarsfield Hotel s closure brought no shock or surprise. In their own words: I was not happy, because I had two years in Limerick. I was familiar with the city: with friends, with the people, with my doctor. I'm familiarised with it all and I love the city of Limerick. Okay, but everybody is feeling sad. We'd been together two years, we were like a family. Nobody knows about their new hostel; it's not easy to make new friends. It's a difficult life here; many people are without their families. I felt bad, because they gave us short notice. I already had friends there. To move to a new place, with all new people, it's not easy. I felt very bad. I made some friends in Limerick and it was just like a family in Sarsfield. It is frustrating, to change the place. When you live somewhere two years, you're like a family. I did not expect it. I keep hoping it will open again. I was really worried to be moved outside of Limerick. I have my communities, my friends here. It was sleepless nights, to be honest, then the letter came a few days later. Were you glad to be moving from Sarsfield? Yes 5% No 95% The one respondent who said he was glad to leave Sarsfield was reunited with his wife through his transfer from Limerick. He was the only respondent to answer positively. In their own words: We ve had two years here in Limerick. It s not helpful to keep moving from hostel to hostel. We should be allowed to stay in one place until our asylum case is over. I knew that not all hostels provide such accommodation. In some centres you could stay more than 3 to a room. That is difficult for privacy and difficult if people have different backgrounds or religion. I will need time to adjust again. 15

17 I was not glad to leave, because we stayed in Sarsfield a long time. It's like your house, your family. The people, the services, the manager were all good. We knew them all. Now we have to start over. I m in [...] now, and there are 3, 4, 5 people together in a room, who don't know each other. The bad thing about leaving Sarsfield is to live with more than 1 other person in your room. I don't want a new city, new people. It's very hard to start over again. When you feel home, you feel settled, then all of the sudden you have to move. It happened overnight, in the blink of an eye. For me, this way of being moved, it was humiliation. Before moving, were you worried about your new hostel, and if so - why?* Yes, because I didn't want to leave Limerick. Yes, because now I have to start over. Yes, because I didn't know where my new hostel was. Yes, because I didn't know what my new hostel would be like. No, I accepted the transfer Other All but one respondent said they were worried about their new hostel before knowing which one it would be. After receiving a letter from RIA informing them of their next direct provision placement, 13 or 68% of respondents remained worried, while 32% were no longer distressed. Of the latter group, all were being transferred to city centre accommodation in Limerick which gave them relief to be remaining nearby. So, only the asylum-seekers who knew that they would remain local were not worried about their move. *Respondents could select more than one checkbox, so percentages may add up to more than 100%. 16

18 B. Community Involvement and Local Services Have you made connections to people in Limerick you are worried about losing? This is a striking finding. All the respondents are concerned about losing their social and personal links to society. Such connections were built up over a two year period but are still considered by the respondents to be tenuous enough that they are not strong enough to survive separation. This apparent perceived peripheral position of the asylum seekers in society can create a sense of isolation. In their own words: To move to where you don t know the people causes a lot of what-if questions, all the time. I couldn t sleep since the announcement that Sarsfield was closing, until after I left there. Yes, because Limerick is my home city. Here I have a social network. If I go somewhere else, I won't have that for a long time. I made friends for two years. We all have. We became like a family, but now we have to start over. I like so much the people in Limerick. I promise myself when I get my papers, I'll come back here. I have a lot of friends here, especially through Doras. I was so worried. I know a lot of people through Doras, so we just came here to the office and we were crying. I was in Sarsfield two years, so we were all friends. I had friends to mind my baby, to watch her if I had to go out. Now, at a new hostel, you can't leave her with someone. You don't know anyone. "I am being transferred far from Limerick and I am worried that I will lose many, many connections. I have friends here; my girlfriend is here. All of my friends are in Limerick - Irish, Albanian, and African people. If I moved out of Limerick, I have to start from A again. I made good friends in Sarsfield and in Limerick. Now I am separated from them, and I don t have enough money to call them so we ve already lost contact. 17

19 Are you using any services or are you a member of any clubs that you will lose when you move? Of the 8 respondents who answered no, seven were transferred to Limerick City accommodation, which meant there was no effect on their availing of services or volunteering with groups, due to their continued local residency. The following graph details which local organizations and services the residents of Sarsfield Hotel were involved with: English class 8, 42% Doras group/club Doras drop-in services An NGO (not Doras) service Church group Other service or group 2, 11% 5, 26% 4, 21% 4, 21% 12, 63% *Respondents could select more than one checkbox, so percentages may add up to more than 100%. In their own words: I applied for school at Limerick Senior College, and my interview was successful. I was waiting to start in September but now this is not possible. I participated in Doras cooking classes this year, and I was preparing to teach my own classes [in the autumn of 2010]. Now I have to give that up. I recently had a baby and I signed up for six-month antenatal classes in the hospital in Limerick. But I will be too far away to go after my transfer. 18

20 On a more positive note, one woman who was moved to Waterford said she is already doing a childcare course in her hostel and she said they have so many activities that leaving Limerick was not a problem. This emphasises the disparity between hostels and also the need for consultation. Moving is not always a problem, it is the methodology that caused such concern. The suddenness with being presented with a move and the speed with which the move is implemented caused great distress. The lack of knowledge coupled with the fear of the unknown impacted heavily on individuals. Do you have any special medical condition being treated in Limerick? Six, or 32%, of our respondents were being treated for a medical condition in Limerick. Of these six, half will have to change doctors due to their transfer; two will keep the same doctor but travel to and from Limerick for treatment, while one respondent was not yet sure how his medical treatment would continue I have to change doctor. I will keep the same doctor. I think I will keep my doctor, but I'm not sure yet. Two additional respondents had very recently given birth and regretted having to change doctors for care of themselves and their newborn babies. Do you have legal representation assisting you here in Limerick? Twelve of our respondents had legal representation in Limerick, either a private solicitor, or more commonly a solicitor from Refugee Legal Service in Galway/Cork whom they meet with in the Doras office. None of our interviewees intended to change solicitors. However, two of our respondents, whom we interviewed in-person in the Doras office, had returned to Limerick for their legal appointments from as far as Waterford and Cork. They were both travelling these distances with babies and reported trouble affording the bus tickets to see their solicitors out of their weekly allowance. They reported that their Community Welfare Officers would not repay them for their bus tickets, stating that they ought to change to local solicitors if they do not want to or cannot pay for the return bus ticket to Limerick out of their weekly Do you have children attending local schools? Only one of our respondents had children of school-going age. Her family was allowed to stay in Sarsfield until the Leaving Certificate period ended. However, we know other children, whose parents we were not able to interview, who were removed from Limerick 19

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