Historically, Ukrainian culture was oppressed in states which included the Ukrainian population: Russian Empire, Soviet Union and historical Polish states.

Modern scholars define two types of anti-Ukrainian sentiment. One is based on discrimination of Ukrainians based on their ethnic or cultural origin, a typical kind of xenophobia and racism. Another one is based on the conceptual rejection of Ukrainians, Ukrainian culture, and language as artificial and unnatural: at the turn of the 20th century, several authors supported an assertion that Ukrainian identity and language had been created artificially in order to undermine Russia.[3] This argument has been promulgated by several conservative Russian authors.[1]

The rise and spread of Ukrainian self-awareness around the time of the Revolutions of 1848 produced an anti-Ukrainian sentiment within some layers of society within the Russian empire. In order to retard and control this movement, the use of Ukrainian language within the Russian empire was initially restricted by official government decrees such as the Valuev Circular(July 18, 1863) and later banned by the Ems ukaz(May 18, 1876) from any use in print (with the exception of reprinting of old documents). Popularly the anti-Ukrainian sentiment was promulgated by such organizations as "Black Hundreds", which were vehemently opposed to Ukrainian self-determination. Some restrictions on the use of Ukrainian language were relaxed in 1905-1907. They ceased to be policed after the February Revolution in 1917.

In 1929 Mykola Kulish wrote a theatrical play "Myna Mazailo" where the author cleverly displays the cultural situation in Ukraine. There was supposedly no anti-Ukrainian sentiment within the Soviet government, which began to repress all aspects of Ukrainian culture and language as contrary to the ideology of Proletarian Internationalism.

During the Soviet era, the population of Ukraine was reduced by the artificial famine called Holodomor in 1932-33 along with the population of other nearby agrarian areas of the USSR.

Many prominent Ukrainians were labelled as nationalists or anti-revolutionaries, and many were repressed and executed as enemies of the people.[6]

In January 1944 during a session of Politbureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Stalin personally gave a speech "About anti-Lenin mistakes and nationalistic perversions in a film-tale of Alexander Dovzhenko "Ukraine in flames".[7]

On July 2, 1951 the Communist newspaper Pravda published an article "On Ideological Perversions in Literature" in regards of the Volodymyr Sosyura's poem "Love Ukraine" where it stated the following: "This poem could have been signed by such foes of the Ukrainian people as Petliura and Bandera ... For Sosiura writes about Ukraine and the love of it outside the limits of time and space. This is an ideologically vicious work. Contrary to the truth of life, the poet sings praises of a certain ‘eternal’ Ukraine full of flowers, curly willows, birds, and waves on the Dnipro."[8]

Prior to the 50th Anniversary of the establishment of the USSR in 1972, KGB initiated a special operation on the neutralization of people with an explicit public opinion. The special operation led to mass pogroms of the opposing intelligentsiya and hundreds of arrests with more serious convictions. An announcement from the KGB of Ukrainian SSR was sent to the First secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine, comrade Shelest.

A former wife of Vyacheslav Chornovil, doctor Olena Antoniv decided to organize a vertep in Lviv and conducted some preparations to the event at her apartment at vulytsia Spokiyna, 13. Vertep was to be held "with Malanka" (traditional Ukrainian New Year's Eve) and Bountiful Evening. Among the participants of the vertep were Lyubomyra Popadyuk, Vasyl Stus, Olena Antoniv, Iryna Kalynets, Maria and Hanna Sadovski, Mykhailo and Olha Horyn, Stefania Shabatura, Marian Hatalo, Oleksandr Kuzmenko and many others. Photos of those events are kept at the National Museum "Prison at Lontskoho". Vasyl Stus sided with the Lviv vertep on December 31 right after arriving from Morshyn where he has been treated. After couple of days when visiting Kalynets family he gave them a collection of poetry "Winter trees" and an article about Tychyna "The epoch phenomena", while receiving back a vyshyvanka (decorated shirt).

KGB as in the best of its traditions sent numerous agents among the local population to help track and uncover any anti-Soviet activities. One of the agents was an employee of the Museum of Folk Architecture in Pyrohove, Borys Kovhar, who sent a letter of confession to the KGB Major Danylenko. Kovhar, however, eventually sided with the dissidents, for which he was paid by being sent to a psychiatric hospital.

In order to convict the vertep participants in more serious crimes than not following the Soviet atheistic principles and celebrating religious holidays, it was decided to connect the "nationalistic underground of Ukraine with the Ukrainian centers and organizations abroad". The "Dobosh Affair" was invented by the Soviet state security authorities where the lead role was given to a Belgian student of Ukrainian descent Yaroslav Dobosh. According to the scenario Dobosh intended to collect in Kiev and Lviv copies of samizdat, photocopies of "Ukrainian Herald" and take them abroad for the Ukrainian Relief Committee and Society of Ukrainian Youth, of which he was a member.

The day January 4, 1972 was the starting point in conducting operations against dissidents. Dobosh was not permitted to leave the Soviet Union when he was detained on a border in Chop, while also a copy of "Rhyme dictionary of Ukrainian language" from political prisoner Svyatoslav Karavansky was confiscated from him. The student was accused "in conducting subversive anti-Soviet activities". Notice of his arrest appeared only after 11 days in the newspaper of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Ukraine "Radyanska Ukrayina" (Soviet Ukraine).

The direct actions against opposition members started on January 12, 1972. One of the dissidents described the ominous day as following

“

January 12, 8:15 am. I'm dressed, going to work, to test students. A doorbell; as usual I open the door. In front of the door a lot of people show a search warrant... A detailed search has began: carefully examining every book, newspaper, each sheet of paper. There are seven "revisionists" (including the "witnesses"-informers). What the purpose, for what searched is unknown.

They are taking away books, typescripts, a bunch of Ukrainian and Russian samizdat, notebooks, typewriter, radio, tapes with unique records of Vasyl Symonenko, Vasyl Stus, Boris Mamaisura... I tensely awaiting Nadia [Svitlychna], not knowing that this time she also being searched, as dozens of other people throughout Ukraine...

The biggest film studio of Ukraine, Dovzhenko Film Studios (Kiev), explicitly shows the Soviet language policy even during the so-called policy of "korenizatsiya". A simple analysis of all studio productions which accounts for some 378 films shows that 338 films (88.9%) were produced either completely in the Russian language or the Ukrainian language could be heard in few episodes or in folkloristic scenes (such as songs) to distinct Ukrainian region. Only 22 (5.8%) films were produced in the Ukrainian language and language production of another 14 (3.7%) films was difficult to evaluate, while 6 (1.6%) films were really bilingual (Russian-Ukrainian).[9]

On Sunday July 15, 2012 the national television broadcasting station in Ukraine First National in its news program "Weekly overview" (Ukrainian: Підсумки тижня) showed a video footage on a development of anti-Ukrainian sentiments within Ukraine.[10]

On April 17, 2009, Maksym Chaika, a 20-year old student of Odessa National University, was murdered in Odessa.[13] Chaika was a member of Sich, a patriotic youth movement in Ukraine. Some observers say that Chaika had openly criticized the pro-Russian activities of Markov, his party, Rodina, and the local TV channel ATB, which sympathizes with Markov.[13] On April 24, 2009 during the TV-show Shuster-Live Markov called murdered Chaika neo-fascist and stated that Ukraine follows the same political route as the Nazi Germany.[14] With the help from Mykolaiv city Prosecutor's Office Markov was able to evade any responsibilities.[15]

Mykola Levchenko, a Ukrainian parliamentarian from Party of Regions, and the deputy of Donetsk City Council states that there should be only one language, Russian. He says that the Ukrainian language is impractical and should be avoided. Levchenko called Ukrainian the language of folklore and anecdotes. However, he says he will speak the literary Ukrainian language on principal, once Russian is adopted as the sole state language.[17] Anna German, the spokesperson of the same party, highly criticized those statements.[18]

Mykhailo Bakharev, the vice-speaker of the Crimean Autonomous Republic parliament (and the main editor of Krymskaya Pravda), openly says that there is no Ukrainian language and that it is the language of the non-educated part of population. He claims that it was invented by Taras Shevchenko and others. He also believes that there is no Ukraine nation, there is no future for the Ukrainian State, and that Ukrainization needs to be stopped.[19]

On May 27, 2013 the Kiev Administrative Court of Appeals rejected the appeal of Iryna Farion against the court decision in regards to ensure the Ukrainian translation of foreign language speeches in the Supreme Council of Ukraine - Verkhovna Rada.[22]

The former Ukrainian Minister of Science and Education, Dmytro Tabachnyk, sparked protests calling him anti-Ukrainian in some parts of Ukraine due to this statements about Western Ukrainians, his preference for the Russian language, and his denial of the Holodomor.[23][24] Tabachnyk's view of Ukraine’s history includes the thesis that western Ukrainians aren’t really Ukrainian. In an article for the Russian newspaper Izvestia Tabachnyk wrote last year: “Halychany (western Ukrainians) practically don’t have anything in common with the people of Great Ukraine, not in mentality, not in religion, not in linguistics, not in the political arena” “We have different enemies and different allies. Furthermore, our allies and even brothers are their enemies, and their ‘heroes’ (Stepan Bandera, Roman Shukhevych) for us are killers, traitors and abettors of Hitler’s executioners.”[23] By March 17, 2010 four of western Ukraine’s regional councils had passed resolutions calling for the minister’s dismissal. A host of civic and student organizations from all over the country (including Kherson in southern Ukraine and Donetsk in eastern Ukraine), authors and former Soviet dissidents also signed petitions calling for his removal.[23] Tabachnyk also denies the Holodomor,[25] considering it an invention of foreign historians for political motives. Tabachnik also had stated that Ukrainian history textbooks contained "simply false" information and announced his intention to rewrite them.[26][27]

Shevchenkophobia is a variant of Ukrainophobia. According to Ivan Dzyuba, such sentiment appeared already in the beginning of the Taras Shevchenko's work. One of the most notable depiction of such sentiment today became publication of Oles Buzyna "Vuladak Taras Shevchenko", the goal of which is to discredit the Shevchenko's personality cult.

In a poll held by Levada Center in June 2009 in Russia 75% of Russian respondents respected Ukrainians as ethnic group but 55% were negative about Ukraine as the state. In May 2009, 96% of Ukrainians polled by Kyiv International Sociology Institute were positive about Russians as ethnic group, 93% respected Russian Federation and 76% respected Russian establishment.[28]

According to the Ukrainian Cultural Centre of Bashkortostan, despite their significant presence in Russia, Ukrainians in that country have less access to Ukrainian-language schools and Ukrainian churches than do other ethnic groups.[41] In Vladivostok, according to the head of the Ukrainian government's department of Ukrainian Diaspora Affairs, local Russian officials banned a Ukrainian Sunday school in order not to "accentuate national issues"[42]

Some Russians mass-media continues their policy of turning the population of Ukraine against its government and trying to convince of non-existence of the Ukrainian culture, such as some Alexei Itsenkov from Gazeta 2000 who posted his article under domain's name litvin.com.ua.[45] In his article Mr.Itsenkov gives an impression of being an expert of ethnography, implying that the Ukrainian ethnicity never existed and is simply an invention of the Motherland's deserters who emigrated to Poland, United States, and Canada. Interestingly that his name can also be traced to the pro-presidential website of the Russian Federation.

In 2008 Nikolai Smirnov released a documentary in which he claims that Ukraine is part of one whole Russia that was split away by different western powers such as Poland, particularly.[46][47]

The anchorman of a news program "Sunday Time" on the Channel One (Russia) Pyotr Tolstoi announced on July 8, 2012 about the enforced Ukrainization in Ukraine, 20 millions Russians, an invented genocide about Ukrainians, and the distortion of the Russian historiography.[51]

State television company of Orenburg city portrays Taras Shevchenko as a Russophobian and an ungrateful poet of questionable status. It questions the reason to celebrate the birthday of Ukrainian national poet who was exiled to Orenburg.[52]

Anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Poland first became significant in the mid-17th century in the aftermath of the revolt led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky in 1648. It continued with numerous outbursts during the Haydamak revolts of the 18th century.

The 20th-century anti-Ukrainian Stalinist actions such as Operation Vistula left a deep and endemic mark on the ethnic Ukrainians living within the Polish state.

Ukrainian organizations in Poland are disturbed by a new wave of anti-Ukrainian actions that have recently erupted such as those that appeared during the festival of Ukrainian culture in Poland in the border town of Przemyśl in 1995 where numerous threats against participants and numerous acts of vandalism took place. A rise in incidences of graffiti with anti-Ukrainian slogans, and the office of “Związek Ukraińców w Polsce” was set alight.[55] In some cities anti-Ukrainian assaults, vandalism acts of an organized character have targeted centers of Ukrainian culture, schools, churches, memorials.[56]

Polish publishing house Nortom was banned from the Frankfurt Book Fair in 2000, for selling anti-German and antisemitic books.[57] Ukrainophobic and antisemitic authors (mainly interbellum Endecija activists) published by Nortom[58] include: Roman Dmowski,[59]Janusz Dobrosz, Jędrzej Giertych, Jan Ludwik Popławski, Maciej Giertych, Stanisław Jastrzębski, Edward Prus,[60][61]Feliks Koneczny. In 2000, Nortom was forced to withdraw its 12 controversial titles from the Frankfurt Book Fair by the Polish Ministry of Culture representative Andrzej Nowakowski overlooking the Polish exposition. Nortom was accused of selling anti-German, Anti-Ukrainian and antisemitic books, especially the following titles: "Być czy nie być" by Stanisław Bełza, "Polska i Niemcy" by Jędrzej Giertych and "I tak nie przemogą. Antykościół, antypolonizm, masoneria" by his son Maciej Giertych. As a result of the above request, the president of the Polish delegation Andrzej Chrzanowski from Polska Izba Książki decided to penalize Nortom by removing it from the 2000 book fair altogether.

This attitude began to slowly change after the Second World War, as Canadian immigration and cultural policies generally moved from being explicitly pro-British to a more pluralistic foundation. Ukrainian nationalists were now seen as victims of communism, rather than dangerous subversives. Ukrainians began to hold high offices, and one, Senator Paul Yuzyk was one of the earliest proponents of a policy of "multiculturalism" which would end official discrimination and acknowledge the contribution of non-English, non-French Canadians. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism of the 1960s, which had originally been formed only to deal with French-Canadian grievances, began the transition to multiculturalism in Canada because of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's desire to court Ukrainian votes in Western Canada. The Commission also included a Ukrainian commissioner, Jaroslav Rudnyckyj.

Caricature "Khokhly" by Igor Serdyukov. The use of ethnic slurs and stereotypes in relation to Ukrainians in Russian media[63][dead link] is one of Ukrainian community's concerns in Russia.[40] Caption reads, "So that's what Bin Laden looks like!" and the sign reads "Caution: Khokhols" - a reference to the love of eating salo, made of pig fat, and the perceived threat against the Russian population

Saloyed (Literally: salo eater; based on a stereotype and a running joke that salo is a national food favorite of the Ukrainians)

Ukr (plural:Ukry): After gaining its independence, Ukrainians started rebuilding their history after a long period of Polonization and Russification. This nation-building drive was derided by Russians. A Russian running joke is that Ukrainians derive the name of the country Ukraine from the name of the ancient tribe of "Ukrs" (also derisively called "Great Ukrs", Великие Укры).

^Hewitt, Steve. "Policing the Promised Land: The RCMP and Negative Nation-building in Alberta and Saskatchewan in the Interwar Period", The Prairie West as Promised Land ed. R. Douglas Francis and Chris Kitzan (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2007), 318-320.