The Wars Of The Jews

Or

The History Of The
Destruction Of Jerusalem

Book IV

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE YEAR.

FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE
JERUSALEM.

CHAPTER 1.

THE SIEGE AND TAKING OF GAMALA.

1. NOW all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted
from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves
up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities,
excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; Gamala also,
which is a city ever against Tarichem, but on the other side of the lake,
conspired with them. This city lay Upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom,
as also did Sogana and Scleucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis;
for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala
of the Lower; while Selcucia was situated at the lake Semechouitis, which
lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach
as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects is a delicious place,
and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan,
under the temple of the golden calf, (1)
where it is sent into Great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia
by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans;
yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the
place, which was greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situated upon
a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where
it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward
before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence
it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it
accurately. Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided
from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind,
where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the
other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch
there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which
is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another.
The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down
upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south, and
its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature
of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about,
but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water
within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.

2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by
building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and
mines under ground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the
nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much
fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation
of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them;
for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety,
on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist
those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.

3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his
camp before the city Tiberias, (now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be
rendered "a warm bath," for therein is a spring of warm water,
useful for healing,) and came to Gamala; yet was its situation such that
he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but
where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon
the mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their
usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to
cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest
tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their
camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city,
and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the valleys. Now
at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was
endeavoring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender,
he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers; he was
then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited
to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king's account, and
by their fear on their own account, as concluding that those men would
omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who where so
enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing
but what was for their own advantage.

4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both
by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work,
they brought the machines; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent
men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright,
because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they
had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries.
However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon
the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing
the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they
retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering rams to three
several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in
over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of
trumpets and noise of armor, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake
in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the
Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going
any further, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans were
so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on
every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city.
Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had
attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were
distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and
as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor
escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward,
they were compelled to fly into their enemies' houses, which were low;
but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could
not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a
great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were
under them. By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they
were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding,
they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many
were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got
from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were
suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gamala
supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding
what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust
the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the
sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw
their stones or darts at them, and slew them. Now the very ruins afforded
them stones enow; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies' side
afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were
dead, they made use of them to despatch such as were only half dead; nay,
there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of
the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner; nor indeed
was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were
so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered
about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.

5. Those therefore that were able to find the ways out of the city retired.
But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was
deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army,
and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards
the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the
midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; for even his son Titus
was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus.
However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing
for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth,
and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury,
he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and
formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor, and bore up against
the enemy's attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and
without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts,
he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that
was within him, and remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed less
zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them
till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a great number of
the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a
man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but every
where, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one
that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a centurion
whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about,
he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person,
where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against
the Romans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with
him were Syrians). So he got up in the night time, and cut all their throats,
and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.

6. And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by
reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen
into such a calamity, and besides this, because they were greatly ashamed
that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned
himself, he avoided to say any thing, that he might by no means seem to
complain of it; but he said that "we ought to bear manfully what usually
falls out in war, and this, by considering what the nature of war is, and
how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side;
for there stands about us that fortune which is of its own nature mutable;
that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had
now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate; and as it is the part
of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the
part of cowards to be too much aftrighted at that which is ill; for the
change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides; and he is the
best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue
in that temper, and cheerfully recover what had been lost formerly; and
as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy,
nor to the valor of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion
of their advantage, and of our disappointment. Upon reflecting on which
matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the
enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained
yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to
be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of
the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to
a safe and settled battle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon victory,
you took no care of your safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this
madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt
by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and
is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. We ought therefore to return
to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this
unlucky misfortune, and let every one seek for his own consolation from
his own hand; for by this means he will avenge those that have been destroyed,
and punish those that have killed them. For myself, I will endeavor, as
I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement,
and to be the last that retires from it."

7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people
of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while, upon
such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when they considered
with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation,
and reflecting upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions
began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage
failed them; yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation,
so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those
parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the
same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city. And as
the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second
time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys,
where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while
those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the
city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together
from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.

8. And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were
in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege,
and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place
that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, whose
top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs (2)
and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six
furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now Josephus erected this so
long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished it with other materials,
and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water.
As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon
this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither.
Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many
of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and
of his intercession for them. Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous
design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the
other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them,
when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with
his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware
of it: however, Placidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when
the Jews began to fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in
pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way along the plain, and
then made his horsemen turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew a great
number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and
hindered their return. So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while
the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed
them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus.

9. But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled
away and hid themselves, while the more infirm perished by famine; but
the men of war sustained the siege till the two and twentieth day of the
month Hyperberetmus, [Tisri,] when three soldiers of the fifteenth legion,
about the morning watch, got under a high tower that was near them, and
undermined it, without making any noise; nor when they either came to it,
which was in the night time, nor when they were under it, did those that
guarded it perceive them. These soldiers then upon their coming avoided
making a noise, and when they had rolled away five of its strongest stones,
they went away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with
a very great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those
that kept guard at other places were under such disturbance, that they
ran away; the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to oppose them,
among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away
over that part of the wall that was broken down: but as those that were
in the city were greatly aftrighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither,
and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen
in at once upon them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the
physician's hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing
to make his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans so well remembered their
former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and
twentieth day of the forementioned month.

10. At which time Titus, who was now returned, out of the indignation
he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent,
took two hundred chosen horsemen and some footmen with him, and entered
without noise into the city. Now as the watch perceived that he was coming,
they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his
entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them
caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them,
and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others
of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; but so many of
them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what
in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those
that were killed were prodigiously great every where, and blood ran down
over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. But then Vespasian
himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel,
and brought his whole army with him; now this upper part of the city was
every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevated to a vast altitude,
and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices,
whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief
to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon
them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy's darts could hardly
reach them. However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was
instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them,
and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away
from them; nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason
of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon,
nor could they see those that were ascending up to them; so the Romans
got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend
themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance
of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased
their rage against them now; a great number also of those that were surrounded
on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their
wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath,
which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so it
happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant
as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew
but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had thrown themselves
down was found to be five thousand: nor did any one escape except two women,
who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain
eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa's army;
and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the rage
of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so
much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel.
And thus was Gamala taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetens,
[Tisri,] whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth
day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].

CHAPTER 2.

THE SURRENDER OF GISCHALA; WHILE JOHN FLIES AWAY FROM IT
TO JERUSALEM.

1. NOW no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of
Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally
husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the
earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers,
that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the
governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. It was
John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into
this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and
of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great
things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was
known to every body that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself
into authority; and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under
his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors
in order to a surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array.
Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew
the tenth legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to Cesarea with the
two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after
their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was
in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the
difficulties they were to go through afterwards; for he saw there would
be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because
it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and
because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together
thither. It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round
it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the
men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the
consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them; for which
reason he took care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand for the work,
as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking.

2. Now Titus, as he rode ut to Gischala, found it would be easy for
him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he
took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without
mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied
the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with
the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up
to him on terms. Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that
were of the corrupted party, he said to them, - That he could not but wonder
what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans,
after every other city was taken by them, especially when they have seen
cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack
upon them; while as many as have intrusted themselves to the security of
the Romans' right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding
their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; for that
while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned;
but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that
to be impossible, was inexcusable; for that if they will not comply with
such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience
of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that
their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines;
in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans
that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives.

3. Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not
so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who
were also the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from
going out, in order to propose terms of submission, and from receiving
any of the horsemen into the city. But John returned Titus this answer:
That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he
would either persuade or force those that refused them. Yet he said that
Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant them leave
to celebrate that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which
it was unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace
also; and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the
seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who
should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally
guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: and that this delay
could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should any body think of doing
any thing in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent
by placing his camp round about them; and that they should think it a great
point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their
country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant
them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the
laws of those they saved inviolable. Thus did this man put a trick upon
Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation,
for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be
taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein.
Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he
might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that
Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched
his camp further off the city at Cydessa. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean
village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews;
it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which
made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation.

4. Now, in the night time, when John saw that there was no Roman guard
about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him
not only the armed men that where about him, but a considerable number
of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to
Jerusalem. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and
was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet
did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude
of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them
as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind
made sad lamentations; for the farther every one of them was come from
his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies.
They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would
carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves
back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight,
as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. Many also of them
missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest
threw down many of them. And indeed there was a miserable destruction made
of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their
husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations,
to stay for them; but John's exhortation, who cried out to them to save
themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should
seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them
for it. So this multitude that run thus away was dispersed abroad, according
as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another.

5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement;
whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with
their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one
that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody;
they also informed him of John's flight, and besought him to spare them,
and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to
punishment. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people,
sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake
him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand
of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and
brought with them almost three thousand. However, Titus was greatly displeased
that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment;
yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city,
to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. So he entered the city in
the midst of acclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers
to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed
those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions;
for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own
private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those
that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to
let a guilty person alone in his fears, that to destroy with him any one
that did not deserve it; for that probably such a one might be taught prudence,
by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him
for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment
of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. However,
he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should
restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were
peaceably disposed in greater security. And thus was all Galilee taken,
but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could
be taken by them.

CHAPTER 3.

CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA. CONCERNING THE ZEALOTS AND THE
HIGH PRIEST ANANUS; AS ALSO HOW THE JEWS RAISE SEDITIONS ONE AGAINST ANOTHER
[IN JERUSALEM].

1. NOW upon John's entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people
were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of
the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries
had happened abroad, when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick,
that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they
talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not
fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with
less hazard; for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing
for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and
such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their
zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. But when they related to them
the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended,
from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than
a flight; and especially when the people were told of those that were made
captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be
plain indications that they should be taken also. But for John, he was
very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about
among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he
gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition,
and extolled his own power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful,
as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could
never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties
in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war
against their walls.

2. These harangues of John's corrupted a great part of the young men,
and puffed them up for the war; but as to the more prudent part, and those
in years, there was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and
made lamentation on that account, as if the city was already undone; and
in this confusion were the people. But then it must be observed, that the
multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jerusalem
sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala to Cesates, and Vespasian
from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had
put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people,
who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their
preservation. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city;
and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one
against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were
fond of war, and those that were desirous for peace. At the first this
quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree
among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one
another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and every
one associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand
in opposition one to another; so that seditions arose every where, while
those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth
and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men. And, in the first
place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after
which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country,
insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no
way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to
be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.

3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of
their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the
hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving
the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated
with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became
a band of wickedness, and all together crept into Jerusalem, which was
now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received
without distinction all that belonged to their nation; and these they then
received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the
city came out of kindness, and for their assistance, although these very
men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause
of the city's destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a
useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand which might otherwise
have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing
on of the war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine therein.

4. There were besides these other robbers that came out of the country,
and came into the city, and joining to them those that were worse than
themselves, omitted no kind of barbarity; for they did not measure their
courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but preceded as far as murdering
men; and this not in the night time or privately, or with regard to ordinary
men, but did it openly in the day time, and began with the most eminent
persons in the city; for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one
of the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the whole city, insomuch
that the public treasures were committed to his care; him they took and
confined; as they did in the next place to Levias, a person of great note,
with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both which were of royal lineage also.
And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country.
This caused a terrible consternation among the people, and everyone contented
himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city
had been taken in war.

5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put
the men forementioned; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them
thus in custody long, since they were men very powerful, and had numerous
families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought
the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings,
as to rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved to have them
slain accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of
them all, to do that execution: this man was also called "the son
of Dorcas," (3)
in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the
prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that
were in custody there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant
an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans
for a surrender of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain only
such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew
the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been
the benefactors and saviors of the city.

6. Now the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and
these robbers to that degree of madness, that these last took upon them
to appoint high priests. (4)
So when they had disannulled the succession, according to those families
out of which the high priests used to be made, they ordained certain unknown
and ignoble persons for that office, that they might have their assistance
in their wicked undertakings; for such as obtained this highest of all
honors, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed
it on them. They also set the principal men at variance one with another,
by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity
of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have
obstructed their measures; till at length, when they were satiated with
the unjust actions they had done towards men, they transferred their contumelious
behavior to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet.

7. And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for
Ananus, the ancientest of the high priests, persuaded them to it. He was
a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have
escaped the hands of those that plotted against him. These men made the
temple of God a strong hold for them, and a place whither they might resort,
in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary
was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting
among the miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable than what
they did; for in order to try what surprise the people would be under,
and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the
high priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already,
it was to descend by succession in a family. The pretense they made for
this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old
it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolution
of an undeniable law, and a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government,
derived from those that presumed to appoint governors as they themselves
pleased.

8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called
Eniachim, (5)
and cast lots which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the lot
so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for
it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village
Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but that
did not well know what the high priesthood was, such a mere rustic was
he ! yet did they hail this man, without his own consent, out of the country,
as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit
thee; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion
instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness was sport
and pastime with them, but occasioned the other priests, who at a distance
saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution
of such a sacred dignity.

9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure,
but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny;
and indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of
Gamaliel, (6)
who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together
in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict
punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge
the temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the
high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when
they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their
sloth, and excited them against the zealots; for that was the name they
went by, as if they were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather
zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example
of others.

10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly,
and every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary,
at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them,
(the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a difficult
thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,) Ananus stood
in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and
having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, "Certainly it had been
good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations,
or these sacred places, that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled
with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do I, who am clothed
with the vestments of the high priesthood, and am called by that most venerable
name [of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot
endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if
I were the only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give
up my life, and that alone for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to
live among a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is
no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them?
for when you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you
are silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send
out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain
of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have
nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all
got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them
grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect
armed them against yourselves? You ought to have then prevented their first
attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting
that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plunder men. When
houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they
carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through
the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance. They then proceeded
to put those whom you have betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not
say how many and of what characters those men were whom they thus served;
but certainly they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by
none; and since nobody succored them when they were put into bonds, the
consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this
also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were,
have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or
moved his right hand for their preservation. Will you bear, therefore,
will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps
for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees
of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even
by this time they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been
able to overthrow any thing greater than the sanctuary. They have seized
upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple,
if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you
have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over
your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to
support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may
protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and
are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected
to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and turn upon those
that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that
they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will you not call
to mind, every one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered?
nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you yourselves have undergone?
and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is therefore that
most honorable and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the
desire of liberty? Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with
those that lord it over us, as if we had received that principle of subjection
from our ancestors; yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake
of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians,
or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding
their commands to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war
with the Romans? (I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous
and profitable war or not.) What pretense is there for it? Is it not that
we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable
earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although
I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune
hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our
own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent. However,
since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing
that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably;
it is this, that though we should be taken by them, (God forbid the event
should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne
than what these men have already brought upon us. How then can we avoid
shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temple, while
we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering
our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enormities
those Romans themselves would have abstained? to see those Romans never
going beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break
in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds
when they view at a distance those sacred walls; while some that have been
born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews,
do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their
hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides,
can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have
comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly,
if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one
may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those
within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am persuaded that every
one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that these overthrowers
of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can so much as
devise a punishment that they have not deserved by what they have done,
and that you are all provoked against them by those their wicked actions,
whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps many of you are aftrighted
at the multitude of those zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well
as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than
we are; for these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence,
so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for
their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man's running away
to those that are like to themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore
inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for
their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give
them time to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them,
they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they
have in the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition
of their reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them,
will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious
wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance
before them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing,
if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy
gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children
and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will
assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity
of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing
of my body neither."

11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the
zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because
of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but
chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they
would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those
their enormities. However, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings
might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such
great confusion. So the multitude cried out to him, to lead them on against
those whom he had described in his exhortation to them, and every one of
them was most readily disposed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account.

12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that
were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got information
of his undertaking, (for there were some who went to them, and told them
all that the people were doing,) and were irritated at it, and leaping
out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met
with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were
more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because
they had not been regularly put into array for fighting; but the alacrity
that every body showed supplied all their defects on both sides, the citizens
taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a
degree of courage from the temple more forcible than any multitude whatsoever;
and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell
in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The
zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment
so bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted
by their passions; and at the first they only cast stones at each other
in the city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance;
but when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their
swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number
were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried
them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were wounded,
he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood,
insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary.
Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and
were too hard for their enemies; but the populace grew very angry, and
became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and
those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced
them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against
their adversaries, and the robbers could no longer oppose them, but were
forced gradually to retire into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell
into it at the same time together with them. (7)
This horribly affrighted the robbers, because it deprived them of the first
court; so they fled into the inner court immediately, and shut the gates.
Now Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates,
although the other threw their stones and darts at them from above. He
also deemed it unlawful to introduce the multitude into that court before
they were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by lot six thousand
armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession
of such guards one after another, and every one was forced to attend in
his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those
that then took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer
sort, and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.

13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and
was the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft,
and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a
distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he pretended
to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted
the great men every day, and in the night time also when he went round
the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots, and every thing
that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies,
even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves. And by way of contrivance
how he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest
friendship possible with Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet
did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly,
that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance every where,
even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected
of betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived that
they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their consultations.
Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to suspect of that discovery
as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he
grown by his wicked practices. He was also supported by many of those eminent
men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore
thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his good-will
upon oath; accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be
on the people's side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices
to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked
them, and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party
believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without
further suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him
as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommodation;
for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much
as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain
therein.

14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots,
and for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went
into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows:
That he had run many hazards o, their accounts, and in order to let them
know of every thing that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus
and his party; but that both he and they should be cast into the most imminent
danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them; for that
Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send
ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the
city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that
they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or
gain it by force, and fight with them there; that he did not see how long
they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many
enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was
himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Artanus
did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when
they were unarmed; that they ought to choose one of these two methods,
either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives,
or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; that if they fostered
themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had
forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as
soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently
reconciled to them; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend
to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of
repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their
hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends
and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying plots
against them; and that a large body of people were very angry on account
of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch
that although some part might commiserate them, those would be quite overborne
by the majority.

CHAPTER 4.

THE IDUMEANS BEING SENT FOR BY THE ZEALOTS, CAME IMMEDIATELY
TO JERUSALEM; AND WHEN THEY WERE EXCLUDED OUT OF THE CITY, THEY LAY ALL
NIGHT THERE. JESUS ONE OF THE HIGH PRIESTS MAKES A SPEECH TO THEM; AND
SIMON THE IDUMEAN MAKES A REPLY TO IT.

1. NOW, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst
he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert
way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly
irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was
about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them.
These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plausible
man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the
execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek;
both of whom derived their families from the priests. Now when these two
men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them
all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves; and besides, how
Artanus and his party, in order to secure their own dominion, had invited
the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie; they
hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness
of the time by which they were straitened; because the people were prepared
to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against
them had almost cut off all their hopes of getting any foreign assistance;
for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their
confederates could be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call
in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus
had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans;
that they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in
the temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty; that there
was but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance;
and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should
themselves be soon in the power of Artanus, and the city would be in the
power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more
circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now there were two active
men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak,
and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a
qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift
of foot; for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply
with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always
on the watch upon every motion, delighting in mutations; and upon your
flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their
arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if
it were to a feast. There was indeed occasion for quick despatch in the
carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective.
Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the
Idumeans.

2. Now these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter,
and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran
about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should
come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than
the time appointed in the proclamation, and every body caught up their
arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty
thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under
four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were
Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.

3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or
to the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as
he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against
them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means
think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try
what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high priests
next to Artanus, stood upon the tower that was over against them, and said
thus: "Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen
upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her fortune
as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and this after a manner
very extraordinary; for I see that you are come to support the vilest of
men against us, and this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly put
on the like, in case our metropolis had called you to her assistance against
barbarians. And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like
unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for
nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there
is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if
you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to
have deserved ten thousand deaths; for the very rascality and offscouring
of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance,
and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages
and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this
holy city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned
this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves
drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have
slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that is
with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as it would
become them to be had their metropolis called them to her assistance against
foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of
fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to protect a sink of wicked
wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly
be that should move you to do this so suddenly; because certainly you would
not take on your armor on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of
kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing. But we have
an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going
to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor
about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis
free. Now we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such
a lie as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate
against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that account
the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by framing a tale
as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing, liberty. But you
ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny,
and against what sort of people that calumny is raised, and to gather the
truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of
both parties; for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the
Romans, while it was in our power not to have revolted from them at the
first, or when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion
again, and this while the neighboring countries were not yet laid waste?
whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were
desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud
and insolent; and to endeavor to please them at the time when they are
so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death.
As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death;
but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer
death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them. But further,
whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have
sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages
of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name
those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to manage this
treachery. Hath any one been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized
upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters? How could
we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow citizens, among whom
we are conversant every hour, while what is done privately in the country
is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under
confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city.
Is this the first time that they are become sensible how they ought to
be punished for their insolent actions? For while these men were free from
the fear they are now under, there was no suspicion raised that any of
us were traitors. But if they lay this charge against the people, this
must have been done at a public consultation, and not one of the people
must have dissented from the rest of the assembly; in which case the public
fame of this matter would have come to you sooner than any particular indication.
But how could that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to
confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that
was ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretense of
such men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments
that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be
betrayed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse us
falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting
to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they become traitors.
And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms, it is your
duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join
with us in cutting off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our
regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords
the arbitrators of right and wrong; for they have seized upon men of great
eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the market-place,
and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to
hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed
them. You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way
of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say,
and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands,
with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered
relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city
over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane
wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to
have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote
cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but
out of the city into the temple also; for that is now made their receptacle
and refuge, and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against
us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honored
by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is
trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves. They now triumph
in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one
people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another
city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own
bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable,
as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches,
and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon
you; I mean, for having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of
whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if
you have some regard to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay
aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred,
and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies,
and so become judges in this case. However, consider what these men will
gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and
such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations
laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain
this advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our
part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the
third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and
neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against
their metropolis; for though you should have ever so great a suspicion
that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to
watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we have been
accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis,
and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy
cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if, after all, none
of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that
the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you."

4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give
any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not
meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation
at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to
a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomsoever. But
Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted
the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests might hear
him, and said as follows: "I can no longer wonder that the patrons
of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that
shut the gates of our common city (8)
to their own nation, and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans
into it; nay, perhaps are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at
their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and
enjoin them to throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation
of its liberty. And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis
to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that are
among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without
a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after an ignominious
manner, and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used
to be open to even all foreigners that came to worship there. We have indeed
come in great haste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen; and
the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that
freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray. You have probably been guilty
of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I
suppose, collected together the like plausible pretenses against them also
that you make use of against us; after which you have gotten the mastery
of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only
taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the
city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you;
and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that
you have been tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors
upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this your
abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions,
unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of your
metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country?
One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple,
that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants whom you call
eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your
companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut
off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. But if these men
have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are
Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will fight for our common
country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad,
as those that betray them from within. Here will we abide before the walls
in our armor, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or
you become friends to liberty, and repent of what you have done against
it."

5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said;
but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against
all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides. Nor
indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage
at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the
city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing
of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many
of them repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would attend
them in case they returned without doing any thing at all, so far overcame
that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall, though
in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a prodigious storm in the
night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest
showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing
concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake. These
things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon
men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder; and any one
would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were
coming.

6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the
same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and
that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis.
Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting,
and that God acted as a general for them; but truly they proved both ill
conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to
their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of
them; for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into
one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields
over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. But the zealots were
more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for
themselves, and got together, and looked about them to see whether they
could devise any means of assisting them. The hotter sort of them thought
it best to force their guards with their arms, and after that to fall into
the midst of the city, and publicly open the gates to those that came to
their assistance; as supposing the guards would be in disorder, and give
way at such an unexpected attempt of theirs, especially as the greater
part of them were unarmed and unskilled in the affairs of war; and that
besides the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together,
but confined to their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard
in their undertaking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves,
rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing
on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this
forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous,
but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans.
They also supposed that Ananus would be every where, and visit the guards
every hour; which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that
night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Ananus, but by the overbearing
appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude
of the guards might perish with him; for truly, as the night was far gone,
and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave
to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use
of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to
pieces. The noise of the wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder,
did here also conspire with their designs, that the noise of the saws was
not heard by the others.

7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city,
and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against
the Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves,
which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming
to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword,
in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they were that
came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans then fallen
upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people
every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time; but as
they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those
that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not to overlook
those for whose sakes they were come, in the midst of their distresses,
nor to bring them into a still greater danger; for that when they had once
seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city;
but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to
overcome those guards, because as soon as they should perceive they were
there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder
their coming into the temple.

CHAPTER 5.

THE CRUELTY OF THE IDUMEANS WHEN THEY WERE GOTTEN INTO THE
TEMPLE DURING THE STORM; AND OF THE ZEALOTS. CONCERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF
ANANUS, AND JESUS, AND ZACHARIAS; AND HOW THE IDUMEANS RETIRED HOME.

1. THIS advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city
to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming,
and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they
also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing themselves among the
Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the
watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep; but as
those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and
in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately, and
betook themselves to their own defense; and so long as they thought they
were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping
to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in
upon them also, they perceived the Idumeans were got in; and the greatest
part of them laid aside their arms, together with their courage, and betook
themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves
with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while
protected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to those
that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when these were
also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come
to their assistance, only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and
lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also,
and every one of the guards were in danger of being killed. The zealots
also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself
rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare any body; for
as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been
distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those
that had shut the gates against them, and acted in the same manner as to
those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them,
insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them
to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to
have regard to their common temple. Now there was at present neither any
place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven
one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were
driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and
the murderers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves
down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more
miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a
voluntary one. And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood;
and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead
bodies there.

2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters;
but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house,
and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed
it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests,
and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them; and as soon
as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies,
in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus
with his speech made to them from the wall. Nay, they proceeded to that
degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although
the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took
down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the
going down of the sun. I should not mistake if I said that the death of
Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from
this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her
affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their
preservation, slain in the midst of their city. He was on other accounts
also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that
nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been
a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people;
he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in
government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage,
and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that
the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity
a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them
very dexterously, they would be destroyed; to say all in a word, if Ananus
had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd
man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery
of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had
then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had
such a general as he was. Jesus was also joined with him; and although
he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest;
and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to
destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary
by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and well-wishers,
while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had
presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those
that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were
cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I
cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men's case, and
lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this
at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus.

3. Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the
Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut
their throats; and for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place
soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first
caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and put off their
slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party; but
not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred
death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against
their own country. But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible
torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were
not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty,
they had the favor to be slain. Those whom they caught in the day time
were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown
away, that there might be room for other prisoners; and the terror that
was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either
to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or to bury him;
but those that were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in
secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their
enemies should hear them; for if they did, those that mourned for others
soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in
the night time they would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their
bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose themselves to
danger would do it in the day time: and there were twelve thousand of the
better sort who perished in this manner.

4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing
men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and judicatures
for that purpose; and as they intended to have Zacharias (9)
the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, - so
what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love
of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that
by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also
to get rid of a mall that had great power to destroy them. So they called
together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the
populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper
authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their
polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that
purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but
they affirmed themselves that they were well persuaded that so it was,
and desired that such their affirmation might he taken for sufficient evidence.
Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his
escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and
then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took
great liberty of speech in that despair of his life he was under. Accordingly
he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words
confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech
to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the
law, and made heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public
affairs to: in the mean time, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much
ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve
the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous,
on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of
what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges brought in their
verdict that the person accused was not guilty, as choosing rather to die
themselves with him, than to have his death laid at their doors; hereupon
there arose a great clamor of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they
all had indignation at the judges for not understanding that the authority
that was given them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them fell
upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell
down dead, they bantered him, and said, "Thou hast also our verdict,
and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other."
They also threw him down from the temple immediately into the valley beneath
it. Moreover, they struck the judges with the backs of their swords, by
way of abuse, and thrust them out of the court of the temple, and spared
their lives with no other design than that, when they were dispersed among
the people in the city, they might become their messengers, to let them
know they were no better than slaves.

5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were
displeased at what had been done; and when they were assembled together
by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them
what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction
with those that invited them, and gave a particular account of what mischiefs
had been done against their metropolis. - He said that they had taken arms,
as though the high priests were betraying their metropolis to the Romans,
but had found no indication of any such treachery; but that they had succored
those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves
the works of war and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed
their business to have hindered them from such their proceedings at the
first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the
blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes,
and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting
the laws of their forefathers; for that if any had taken it ill that the
gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come
into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished,
and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed
in one night's time. That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting
for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that
had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them;
that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the
eyes of those that had supported them, and that their wicked actions would
be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge
till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or separates himself from the
same wicked action; that they therefore ought to retire home, since the
imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny, and that there was no expectation
of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the
city was secured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by
avoiding any further fellowship with these bad men, to make some excuse
for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been
partners with them hitherto.

CHAPTER 6.

HOW THE ZEALOTS WHEN THEY WERE FREED FROM THE IDUMEANS, SLEW
A GREAT MANY MORE OF THE CITIZENS; AND HOW VESPASIAN DISSUADED THE ROMANS
WHEN THEY WERE VERY EARNEST TO MARCH AGAINST THE JEWS FROM PROCEEDING IN
THE WAR AT THAT TIME.

1. THE Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first place,
they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about two thousand
of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, one whom
we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem,
and went home; which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties;
for the people, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage
for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies, while the zealots grew
more insolent not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from
such men as might hinder their designs, and plat some stop to their wickedness.
Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in
their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all
their executions and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice
sooner than any one could imagine. But their thirst was chiefly after the
blood of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they
destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole
security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they slew
Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also;
he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit
as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him,
added to his other advantages, was his free speaking. Nor did Niger of
Peres escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war
with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, and,
as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds;
and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation,
he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him
beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly
desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried].
Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that
they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides
all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; all which
imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came
most justly upon them, when not long afterward. they tasted of their own
madness in their mutual seditions one against another. So when this Niger
was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed
there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy
them; for some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with
some of them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace,
they watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against them;
and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion
as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner
of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed
to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only punishment of
crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death.
Nor could any one escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on
account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune.

2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this
sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were
very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord
and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that "the
providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against
one another; that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the
Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out
with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings." But Vespasian
replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be
done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show of their hands,
and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering,
what was for their advantage, and for their security; for that if they
now go and attack the city immediately, they shall but occasion their enemies
to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height,
against themselves. But if they stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies,
because they will be consumed in this sedition: that God acts as a general
of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them
without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without
any danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are
destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest
of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as spectators of
the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that
love murdering, and are mad one against another. But if any one imagines
that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be
more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious success, quietly
obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle; for we ought
to esteem these that do what is agreeable to temperance and prudence no
less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions
in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies
are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labors they
had undergone. However, that this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves
the glory of victory; for that the Jews are not now employed in making
of armor or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries,
while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity
of delay; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil
wars and dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were
once taken, could be inflicted on them by us. Whether therefore any one
hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to
destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of
the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are
afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it
would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition."
(10)

3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian
had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given.
And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled
away from the zealots, although their flight was very difficult, since
they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that
was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the
Romans; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that
gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich
purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain. Along
all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many
of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish
within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear
of the two less terrible to them. But these zealots came at last to that
degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in
the city, or on those that lay along the roads; but as if they had made
an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature,
and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions,
they would pollute the Divinity itself also, they left the dead bodies
to putrefy under the sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such
as buried any as to those that deserted, which was no other than death;
while he that granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand
in need of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion
was so entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects
of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their
rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead to
the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived called
them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did those
that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison,
those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men, therefore, trampled
upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws of God; and for the oracles
of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers; yet did
these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue,
and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned
the fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging to their own country;
for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should
then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition
should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of
God. Now while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions,
they made themselves the instruments of their accomplishment.

CHAPTER 7.

HOW JOHN TYRANNIZED OVER THE REST; AND WHAT MISCHIEFS THE
ZEALOTS DID AT MASADA. HOW ALSO VESPASIAN TOOK GADARA; AND WHAT ACTIONS
WERE PERFORMED BY PLACIDUS.

1. BY this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath
him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to
himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke off from
the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still disagreeing
with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, in
a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical
power. Now some submitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out
of their good-will to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him,
both by deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were
that thought they should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past
insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great
many. His activity was so great, and that both in action and in counsel,
that he had not a few guards about him; yet was there a great party of
his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal,
while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that
was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him
was the dread of monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end
to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would
have this pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when
he was first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thing
whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery
for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided
into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over
one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they
at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their quarrels; but
they fought earnestly against the people, and contended one with another
which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But because the city
had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny,
and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison, that the war was the least
troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from
their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the
Romans which they despaired to obtain among their own people.

2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to
destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem,
which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their
effects in the hazards of war, and for the preservation of their bodies
at the same time. It was called Masada. Those that were called Sicarii
had taken possession of it formerly, but at this time they overran the
neighboring countries, aiming only to procure to themselves necessaries;
for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages. But when
once they were informed that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews
were divided between sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater
matters; and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate
in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were
sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night,
without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran
a certain small city called Engaddi:--in which expedition they prevented
those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves,
and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city.
As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew
of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they had carried every thing
out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a
flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada. And indeed these
men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made
the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day, from all
parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves. At that time all the other
regions of Judea that had hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means
of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body, if the principal part be
inflamed, all the members are subject to the same distemper; so, by means
of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis,. had the wicked
men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly,
when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired
into the desert; yet were these men that now got together, and joined in
the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang
of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places (11)
and the cities; yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very
ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken
by them as men are taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment
as do robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their
way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condition,
as well as its most eminent city also.

3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious
watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever
they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed themselves,
and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to
their city's assistance, and save the remainder of the people; informing
him withal, that it was upon account of the people's good-will to the Romans
that many of them were already slain, and the survivors in danger of the
same treatment. Vespasian did indeed already pity the calamities these
men were in, and arose, in appearance, as though he was going to besiege
Jerusalem, but in reality to deliver them from a [worse] siege they were
already under. However, he was obliged first to overthrow what remained
elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might
interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the
metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and entered that city
on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had
sent an embassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat
about a surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace,
and for saving their effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were
rich men. This embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered
it as Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired
of keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their
enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the
city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it without
shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors of this surrender;
so they seized upon Dolesus, (a person not only the first in rank and family
in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy,)
and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very
violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. And as now
the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian
with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right
hand, as also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against
the excursions of the runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled
it down before the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby
give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had
a mind, they could not now make war against them.

4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from
Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he
returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon as
these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs,
and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village,
which was called Bethennabris, where finding a great multitude of young
men, and arming them, partly by their own consent, partly by force, they
rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him.
These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice
them further off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place fit
for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw
their darts at them. So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugitives,
while the foot terribly destroyed those that fought against them; for those
Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for
as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and,
as it were, walled about with their entire armor, they were not able to
find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able
to break their ranks, while they were themselves run through by the Roman
darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others'
swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' swords
upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen.

5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting
into the village; and causing his horse to march continually on that side
of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time his men made
use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that were the nearest
to them, as they made those that were further off turn back by the terror
they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those
horsemen and fled to the wall of the village. And now those that guarded
the wall were in great doubt what to do; for they could not bear the thoughts
of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that
were among them; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish
with them, which came to pass accordingly; for as they were crowding together
at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However,
the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault
upon them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession
of the wall, and of the people that were in the city, when the useless
multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and
the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for
those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the
country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the
whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great fear
on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho,
for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping,
it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants.
But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success,
followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when
he had driven the whole multitude to the river-side, where they were stopped
by the current, (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not
fordable,) he put his soldiers in array over against them; so the necessity
the others were in provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was
no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very
great way along the banks of the river, and sustained the darts that were
thrown at them, as well as the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of
them, and pushed them into the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen
thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly
forced to leap into Jordan was prodigious. There were besides two thousand
and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting
of asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.

6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior
to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it really
was; and this, because not only the whole country through which they fled
was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason
of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltiris was
also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river.
And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon
the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias,
and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and
put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. He then
put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake,
insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken
by the Romans, as far as Macherus.

CHAPTER 8.

HOW VESPASIAN .UPON HEARING OF SOME COMMOTIONS IN GALL, (12)
MADE HASTE TO FINISH THE JEWISH WAR. A DESCRIPTION OF. JERICHO, AND OF
THE GREAT PLAIN; WITH AN ACCOUNT BESIDES OF THE LAKE ASPHALTITIS.

1. IN the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall,
and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted
from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere. This report,
thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war; for
he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that
the very government was in danger; and he thought, if he could first reduce
the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for
Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from
going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities
for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions
into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been
laid waste; but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part
of his army, and led it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two
days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day,
he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighboring villages. And
when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he
passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over
to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from
other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, where he
seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified
his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy
of Bethletephon. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places,
by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strong holds all about Idumea;
and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst
of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people,
and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of
the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who
overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; while he, with the
rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the
country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapoils, (or
Sichem,) but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he
pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Desius [Sivan]; and on
the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders,
joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond
Jordan being subdued already.

2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out
of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem,
while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed;
they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked
and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, which extends
itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country
of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltiris, southward. This
mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness:
there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the
other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters,
and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon, (13)
which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there
is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now
the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is
called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as
the lake Asphaltitis; its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and
its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan.
It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose
natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful,
but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up
in summer time, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very
unwholesome air; it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan,
which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees
that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as
are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.

3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs
plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the
old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the general of the Hebrews, took
the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. The
report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting
of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that
it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever;
but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet
Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, who,
when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the
place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as
the country, by a lasting favor; for he went out of the city to this fountain,
and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which
he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild
drink-offering, he made this supplication, - That the current might be
mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; that God
also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the
current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the
fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific
water might never fail them, while they continued to he righteous. To these
prayers Elisha (14)
joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed
the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness
and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and
afforded great abundance to the country. Accordingly, the power of it is
so great in watering the ground, that if it do but once touch a country,
it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so
long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For which reason, the
advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is
but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little
quantities. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other
waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty
broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that
are thick set with trees. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that
are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better
sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey,
not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. This country withal produces
honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of
all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum;
so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken,
wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the must
excellent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will
not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well
be compared to it, - what is here sown comes up in such clusters; the cause
of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of
the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread,
and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying
that virtue which it stands in need of in summer time. Now this country
is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; and if the
water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after that exposed to the air,
it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the
ambient air; as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it,
it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature,
that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow
covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs
from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem,
is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis
lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. But so much
shall suffice to have said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of
its situation.

4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is,
as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick]
that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it
easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a
mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded
that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them,
and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as
if a wind had forced them upwards. Moreover, the change of the color of
this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day;
and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously
reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of
it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and
bigness headless bulls; and when the laborers that belong to the lake come
to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their
ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for
it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set
it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone
it yields. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but
for the cure of men's bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many
medicines. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs,
where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred
and fifty. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy
land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although
it be now all burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants,
it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the
remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five
cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits;
which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck
them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. And thus what
is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which
our very sight affords us.

CHAPTER 9.

THAT VESPASIAN, AFTER HE HAD TAKEN GADARA MADE PREPARATION
FOR THE SIEGE OF JERUSALEM; BUT THAT, UPON HIS HEARING OF THE DEATH OF
NERO, HE CHANGED HIS INTENTIONS. AS ALSO CONCERNING SIMON OF GERAS.

1. AND now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem,
and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them
both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries.
He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen,
and a considerable number of footmen. So when he had taken the city, which
he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had
not prevented him by flying away; but he took their families captive, and
permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects; after which he
set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages, while
the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what
was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all
the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those that were
at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city; for
as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots; and
as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them
in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides.

2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with
all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero
was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. Bnt as to
any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government,
and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius
and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men; and how he had a plot laid against
him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four
of his most trusty freed-men, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome;
and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves
to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor
(16) and
returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as
a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the market-place
at Rome, and Otho was made emperor; with his expedition against the commanders
of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles
there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as
also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions,
and thereby put an end to that civil war; - I have omitted to give an exact
account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described
by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connexion
of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched
upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition
against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred
after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor,
he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about
the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive
his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa
sail along with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long
ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that
Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven
months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook
the management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome
without any terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus,
by a Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great
haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about
the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition,
and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that
to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of
the solicitude they were in for their own country.

3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of
Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed
as John [of Gisehala], who had already seized upon the city, but superior
in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven
away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high
priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. At the first
they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought
with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper
part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs,
and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged
and destroyed the country with them about Masada; yet when he persuaded
them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to
do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid
of going far from that which was their hiding-place; but he affecting to
tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death
of Ananus, he left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country.
So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already
free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters.

4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the
villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still
more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts
of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many
of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer
composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient
to him as to their king. He then overran the Acrabattene toparchy, and
the places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall
at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for
his own party's security; and at the valley called Paran, he enlarged many
of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose; these he
made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his
prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by rapine; and
many of his partizans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret
of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations
for the assault of Jerusalem.

5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking
them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them,
went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle
with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before
him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make
an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and
as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their
country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden
the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number,
and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of
the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada.
Thus they received Simon at their borders, where they fought him, and continued
the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered
him, or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans
return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their
country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and
sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium,
and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison
received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about;
but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon
him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight,
when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; so he
died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon's
power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they hazarded
a battle with them.

6. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to
serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray
them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the
Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first
he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from
him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that
he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him; upon which account
he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty
promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the
army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was;
after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the
whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government
up to him without fighting. And as he was doing this, he invited Simon
by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he
performed also; for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all
got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted;
hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multitude; and before it came to
a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own
home.

7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed,
and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he
got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity
of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter city,
not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly
its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years. They also
relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the
Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and they say that his posterity
descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time
showed in that small city; the fabric of which monuments are of the most
excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also
there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large
turpentine tree (17)
and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation
of the world. Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumen, and did
not only ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste the whole country;
for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men
that followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice
such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in,
he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation,
by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and
as one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts,
after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army
but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished,
and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon
it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated harder
and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no
sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they
had had a being.

8. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they
were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes
in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of
her attendants; whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they
had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he
would lay down his arms, and make supplication to them for his wife; but
instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them
for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and,
like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that
wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly,
he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather
herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them
and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready
to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands
of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and
in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that
had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell
the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things,
that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall,
and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing
any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the
innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only,
but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him; when
he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shedding.

9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but
in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman market-place;
then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for
emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave
battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum,
in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first day, but on the second
day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory; and after much slaughter Otho
slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he
had managed the public affairs three months and two days. (18)
Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself
down to Rome with his army. But in the mean time Vespasian removed from
Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deasius, [Sivan,] and marched against
those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the
mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the
Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim,
two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far
as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives;
but Cerealis, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen,
and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and
attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at
the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Caphatabira, and laid
siege to it, for it had a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend
a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on
the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him.
When Cerealis had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient
city. I have told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous
country not far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by
force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt
down the city; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodlum,
and Masada, and Macherus, which were in the possession of the robbers,
so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.

10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her
from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving
the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number
of them to retire to Jerusalem; he followed them himself also to the city,
and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he lighted upon any
laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now
this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people
than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more
heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous
contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; for
these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made
them suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means;
for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do,
while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in
searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and
abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils
they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine
wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith;
while they decked their hair, and put on women's garments, and were besmeared
over with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints
under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts
of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that they invented
unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and
down the city, as in a brothel-house, and defiled it entirely with their
impure actions; nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women,
they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was effeminate,
they presently attacked men, and became warriors, and drew their swords
from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every body through whom they
alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and
was the more bloody of the two; and he who had escaped the tyrant within
the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates, so that
all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to
those that had a mind so to do.

11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him,
and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted
to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of
his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and drove
the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grapte, who
was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene; the Idumeans fell in with
them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves
to plunder John's effects; for both he himself was in that palace, and
therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the
mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the
city ran together to the temple unto those that fled thither, and John
prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who were
not so much afraid of being attacked by them (because they were themselves
better soldiers than they) as at their madness, lest they should privately
sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them,
but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and
the high priests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should
avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst
advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as
was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John,
they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction
of a second tyrant into the city; which resolution they brought to perfection,
and sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come ill to
them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from
the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire
they had of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly he,
in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection, and came into
the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made
joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver; but when
he was come in, with his army, he took care to secure his own authority,
and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies
than those against whom the invitation was intended.

12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year
of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude
of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and
having lost their power in the city, (for Simon and his party had plundered
them of what they had,) were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made
an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the
others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves
from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell,
and many were carried off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily
from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies; but
having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very
large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places,
one at the north-east corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third
at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected
above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course,
and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet (19)
at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also
at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people
when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again.
These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon
those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault
upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men
grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because
his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown
by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought
for him.

CHAPTER 10.

HOW THE SOLDIERS, BOTH IN JUDEA AND EGYPT, PROCLAIMED VESPASIAN
EMPEROR;AND HOW VESPASIAN RELEASED JOSEPHUS FROM HIS BONDS.

1. NOW about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about
Rome on all sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery,
and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when
the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome
itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men; which men,
when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such
riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all sides with
silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and
were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such
as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy
at that time.

2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to
Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were
at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in him,
although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could
not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so madly, and
seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor.
And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments
he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native
country was laid waste; but then, as much as his passion excited him to
avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his
distance therefrom; because fortune might prevent him, and do a world of
mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially
as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement
soever it was at this time.

3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and
consulted openly about changing the public affairs; - and, out of their
indignation, cried out, how "at Rome there are soldiers that live
delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame
of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of
gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many labors,
and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use
such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule
than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they
ever have of requiting their generals, if they do not make use of this
that is now before them? while there is so much juster reasons for Vespasian's
being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving
than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as
great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior
in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone
smaller labors than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people,
bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their
chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead
of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child (20)
to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement
of men's own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings
can have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of
governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian,
- or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus;
for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that
they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having
already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighboring kings,
and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also
those in Europe, so they as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius,
besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's
brother, (21)
and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many
of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with
the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means
of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be
such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an
emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have
in contempt."

4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies;
after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another,
they declared Vespasian emperor, (22)
and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's
concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not
intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to
deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before
the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he refused the empire,
the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the
soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened
to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when
he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust
away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them,
yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.

5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that
he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who
cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he
was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria,
as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain
the entire government, because of its supplying of corn [to Rome]; which
corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing
he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to
support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food);
and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria
to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself,
that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against
the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt (23)
is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath
on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Siene, that divides
it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be
sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus; and
it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together
with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And
thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and
Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to
Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable
as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering
ships from going any farther, The haven also of Alexandria is not entered
by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage
inward is narrow, and full of rocks that lie under the water, which oblige
the mariners to turn from a straight direction: its left side is blocked
up by works made by men's hands on both sides; on its right side lies the
island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports
a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within
three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off
in the night time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About
this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which,
when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries,
the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow
a passage is rendered dangerous; yet is the haven itself, when you are
got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into
which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, as also
what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed
into all the habitable earth.

6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government,
in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately
sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria,
and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced
to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for
his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this
letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath
of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already
acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their
neighborhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted
with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now
fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought,
that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals,
and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions
also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little
before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad
to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire.
Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came
to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from
every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came
also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity
the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the people of
every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him.

7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes every where,
and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands;
upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without
Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire
under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals, which had
been a great many every where, that foretold he should obtain the government,
so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell
his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much concerned
that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus,
together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place,
he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships
he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related
those predictions of his (24)
which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was
in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. "It is a
shameful thing (said he) that this man, who hath foretold my coming to
the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me,
should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner."
So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty;
whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, froth this
requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his
father, and said, "O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a
prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For
if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be
like a man that had never been bound at all." For that is the usual
method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed
to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces;
while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and
was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also.

CHAPTER 11.

THAT UPON THE CONQUEST AND SLAUGHTER OF VITELLIUS VESPASIAN
HASTENED HIS JOURNEY TO ROME; BUT TITUS HIS SON RETURNED TO JERUSALEM.

1. AND now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and
had disposed of the places of power justly, (25)
and according to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting
which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to
march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already,
but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he
sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen
and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it
was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia
and Phrygia.

2. In the mean time, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that
were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in
order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a
great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten
Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius
about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy; but when
he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not
fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think
of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions
and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over
to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by
exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them that with the one
there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was
the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity,
and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to
avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian
was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted without their
assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with
it.

3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded
them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted; but still the
very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear
seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better;
and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him;
and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon
their knees, and besought them not to do it; so the soldiers did not kill
him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to
Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately,
and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted;
hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance
for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus
take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed
and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into
the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder
it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as
many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's
whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost
no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five
hundred: he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him
the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal
of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.

4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took
courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch
by night, and in the night time seized upon the capitol; and, as the day
came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's
son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the
government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was
very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out
of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part
of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and
many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that
held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being
too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where
Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped,
while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus
himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered
the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's
time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army;
and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed.
Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with
an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being
drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments,
had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government
eight months and five days (26)
and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have
been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered
above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month
Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his
army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were
still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and
many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing
by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then
produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father
should come himself; so the people being now freed from their fears, made
acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival
days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.

5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came
from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable
earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria
was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain
the multitude that then came to it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's
entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance
of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts
to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to
go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs
of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his
army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis,
which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army
on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian
Nomus, as far as the city Tumuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked
on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second
station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his
army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths
of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert,
and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter, (27)
and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people
of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this
he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was
his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth
station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and
thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having
taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place.

ENDNOTE

(1) Here
we have the exact situation of of Jeroboam's "at the exit of Little
Jordan into Great Jordan, near the place called Daphne, but of old Dan.
See the note in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. But Reland suspects flint
here we should read Dan instead of there being no where else mention of
a place called Daphne.

(2) These
numbers in Josephus of thirty furlongs' ascent to the top of Mount Tabor,
whether we estimate it by winding and gradual, or by the perpendicular
altitude, and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top, as also
fifteen furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with Geminus's perpendicular
altitude of almost fourteen furlongs, here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none
of' them agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrell, an eye-witness,
p. 112, who says he was not an hour in getting up to the top of this Mount
Tabor, and that the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in
length, and one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote three furlongs
for the ascent or altitude, instead of thirty; and six furlongs for the
circumference at the top, instead of twenty-six,--since a mountain of only
three furlongs perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour's
ascent, and the circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity is near
six furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as twenty-six
furlongs, or three miles and a quarter, at that height be encompassed with
a wall, including a trench and other fortifications, (perhaps those still
remaining, ibid.) in the small interval of forty days, as Josephus here
says they were by himself.

(3) This
name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac, as Acts 9:36. Accordingly,
some of the manuscripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the
context in Josephus be made out by supposing the reading to have been this:
"The son of Tabitha; which, in the language of our country, denotes
Dorcas" [or a doe].

(4) Here
we may discover the utter disgrace and ruin of the high priesthood among
the Jews, when undeserving, ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to
that holy office by the seditious; which sort of high priests, as Josephus
well remarks here, were thereupon obliged to comply with and assist those
that advanced them in their impious practices. The names of these high
priests, or rather ridiculous and profane persons, were Jesus the son of
Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and
that prodigious ignoramus Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we shall
meet with in Josephus's future history of this war; nor do we meet with
any other so much as pretended high priest after Phannias, till Jerusalem
was taken and destroyed.

(5) This
tribe or course of the high priests, or priests, here called Eniachim,
seems to the learned Mr. Lowth, one well versed in Josephus, to be that
1 Chronicles 24:12, "the course of Jakim," where some copies
have" the course of Eliakim;" and I think this to be by no means
an improbable conjecture.

(6) This
Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned as the president of the Jewish
sanhedrim, and one that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the
Jewish Rabbins, as Reland observes on this place. He also tells us that
those Rabbins mention one Jesus the son of Gamala, as once a high priest,
but this long before the destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the
same person with this Jesus the son of Gamala, Josephus, he must have lived
to be very old, or they have been very bad chronologers.

(7) It
is worth noting here, that this Ananus, the best of the Jews at this time,
and the high priest, who was so very uneasy at the profanation of the Jewish
courts of the temple by the zealots, did not however scruple the profanation
of the "court of the Gentiles;" as in our Savior's days it was
very much profaned by the Jews; and made a market-place, nay, a "den
of thieves," without scruple, Matthew 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15-17. Accordingly
Josephus himself, when he speaks of the two inner courts, calls them both
hagia or holy places; but, so far as I remember, never gives that character
of the court of the Gentiles. See B. V. ch. 9. sect. 2.

(8) This
appellation of Jerusalem given it here by Simon, the general of the Idumeans,
"the common city" of the Idumeans, who were proselytes of justice,
as well as of the original native Jews, greatly confirms that maxim of
the Rabbins, here set down by Reland, that "Jerusalem was not assigned,
or appropriated, to the tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe had
equal right to it [at their coming to worship there at the several festivals]."
See a little before, ch. 3. sect. 3, or "worldly worship," as
the author to the Hebrews calls the sanctuary, "a worldly sanctuary."

(9) Some
commentators are ready to suppose that this" Zacharias, the son of
Baruch," here most unjustly slain by the Jews in the temple, was the
very same person with "Zacharias, the son of Barachias," whom
our Savior says the Jews "slew between the temple and the altar,"
Matthew 23:35. This is a somewhat strange exposition; since Zechariah the
prophet was really "the son of Barachiah," and "grandson
of Iddo, Zechariah 1:1; and how he died, we have no other account than
that before us in St. Matthew: while this "Zacharias" was "the
son of Baruch." Since the slaughter was past when our Savior spake
these words, the Jews had then already slain him; whereas this slaughter
of "Zacharias, the son of Baruch," in Josephus, was then about
thirty-four years future. And since the slaughter was "between the
temple and the altar," in the court of the priests, one of the most
sacred and remote parts of the whole temple; while this was, in Josephus's
own words, in the middle of the temple, and much the most probably in the
court of Israel only (for we have had no intimation that the zealots had
at this time profaned the court of the priests. See B. V. ch. 1. sect.
2). Nor do I believe that our Josephus, who always insists on the peculiar
sacredness of the inmost court, and of the holy house that was in it, would
have omitted so material an aggravation of this barbarous murder, as perpetrated
in. a place so very holy, had that been the true place of it. See Antiq.
B. XI. ch. 7. sect. 1, and the note here on B. V. ch. 1. sect. 2.

(10)
This prediction, that the city (Jerusalem) should then "be taken,
and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade
Jews, and their own hands should pollute that temple;" or, as it is
B. VI. ch. 2. sect. 1, "when any one should begin to slay his countrymen
in the city;" is wanting in our present copies of the Old Testament.
See Essay on the Old Test. p. 104--112. But this prediction, as Josephus
well remarks here, though, with the other predictions of the prophets,
it was now laughed at by the seditious, was by their very means soon exactly
fulfilled. However, I cannot but here take notice of Grotius's positive
assertion upon Matthew 26:9, here quoted by Dr. Hudson, that "it ought
to be taken for granted, as a certain truth, that many predictions of the
Jewish prophets were preserved, not in writing, but by memory." Whereas,
it seems to me so far from certain, that I think it has no evidence nor
probability at all.

(11)
By these hiera, or "holy places," as distinct from cities, must
be meant "proseuchae," or "houses of prayer," out of
cities; of which we find mention made in the New Testament and other authors.
See Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life,
sect. 51. "In qua te quero proseucha?" Juvenal Sat. III. yet.
296. They were situated sometimes by the sides of rivers, Acts 16:13, or
by the sea-side, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. So did the seventy-two
interpreters go to pray every morning by the sea-side before they went
to their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.

(13)
Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not to be here written Gomorrha,
as some MSS. in a manner have it, (for the place meant by Josephus seems
to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, hard by which
stood Sodom and Gomorrha,) cannot now be certainly determined, but seems
by no means improbable.

(14)
This excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our copies, 2 Kings 2:21,
22, though it be referred to also in the Apostolical Constitutions, B.
VII. ch. 37., and the success of it is mentioned in them all.

(16)
Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, here
only touched upon by Josephus, see Tacitus, Suelonius, and Dio, more largely.
However, we may observe with Ottius, that Josephus writes the name of the
second of them not Otto, with many others, but Otho, with the coins. See
also the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.

(17)
Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove, an oak others, a
turpentine tree, or grove. It has been very famous in all the past ages,
and is so, I suppose, at this day; and that particularly for an eminent
mart or meeting of merchants there every year, as the travelers inform
us.

(18)
Puetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished
on the ninety-fifth day of his reign. In Anthon. See the note on ch. 11.
sect. 4.

(19)
This beginning and ending the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or
sabbath, with a priest's blowing of a trumpet, is remarkable, and no where
else mentioned, that I know of. Nor is Reland's conjecture here improbable,
that this was the very place that has puzzled our commentators so long,
called "Musach Sabbati," the "Covert of the Sabbath,"
if that be the true reading, 2 Kings 16:18, because here the proper priest
stood dry, under a "covering," to proclaim the beginning and
ending of every Jewish sabbath.

(20)
The Roman authors that now remain say Vitellius had children, whereas Josephus
introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of
these assertions was the truth I know not. Spanheim thinks he hath given
a peculiar reason for calling Vitellius "childless," though he
really had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650; to which it appears very
difficult to give our assent.

(21)
This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius informs us,
in Vitell. sect. 15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also named by Josephus
presently ch. 11. sect; 4.

(22)
It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Eutropius,
that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till
some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present
copies must be correct text, when they both say that he was first proclaimed
in Egypt, and that on the calends of July, while they still say it was
the fifth of the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed
in Judea. I suppose the month they there intended was June, and not July,
as the copies now have it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. See
Essay on the Revelation, p. 136.

(23)
Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and circumstances of
Egypt, in the days of Vespasian and Titus.

(24)
As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold
the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent
exaltation of the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5:6 or rather, as Jeremiah,
when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty, and honorably treated by Nebuzaradan,
at the command of Nebuchadnezzar, on account of his having foretold the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; so was our
Josephus set at liberty, and honorably treated, on account of his having
foretold the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All
these are most eminent instances of the interposition of Divine Providence.
and of the certainty of Divine predictions in the great revolutions of
the four monarchies. Several such-like examples there are, both in the
sacred and other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt. and of Jaddua
the high priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, etc.

(25)
This is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his
success, and establish his government at first, distributed his offices
and places upon the foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best
deserved them, and were best fit for them. Which wise conduct in a mere
heathen ought to put those rulers and ministers of state to shame, who,
professing Christianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and
their kingdoms to vice and destruction.

(26)
The numbers in Josephus, ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, for Galba seven months seven
days, for Otho three months two days, and here for Vitellius eight months
five days, do not agree with any Roman historians, who also disagree among
themselves. And, indeed, Sealiger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes
on ch. 9. sect. 2, that this period is very confused and uncertain in the
ancient authors. They were probably some of them contemporary together
for some time; one of the best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon,
omits them all, as if they did not all together reign one whole year, nor
had a single Thoth, or new-year's day, (which then fell upon August 6,)
in their entire reigns. Dio also, who says that Vitellius reigned a year
within ten days, does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more
than one year, one month, and two days.