Saturday, October 18, 2014

Bill 101 or the Charter of the
French language is often depicted as an excessive, anti-liberal,
freedom-destroying law with questionable aims. Anglos don't or simply refuse to
understand the need for this law and its purpose. Even when you point out its
achievements like increasing bilingualism in Quebec or ending old social
inequalities between francophones and anglophones, they refuse to acknowledge
that anything good has ever come from what they consider to be an odious law
which has “victimized” them.

I suppose it shouldn’t be that surprising,
the anglophone media doesn’t exactly present a balanced view of this laws. All
we ever really hear about is incidents where the application of this law seems
frivolous and those incidents usually get pretty distorted. For example, asking an Italian restaurant to include French translations of the Italian headings on its menu becomes “QUEBEC
WANTS TO BAN THE WORD PASTA!” and so forth. Good luck having an intelligent
conversation about Bill 101 with someone who has been raised on a steady diet
of that crap.

There are even some francophone
Quebecers who seem to be completely clueless as to why we even have this law.
They’re not afraid of English. They’ve spoken to anglophones before and they
weren’t assimilated so what’s the point of this law. Why indeed… Let’s start
with a common question:

“French in Quebec had survived for
400 years before Bill 101 so why do you need it now?”

Well, the short answer is this:
After the Conquest, French in North America survived as the language of an
ethnic group, a group that refused to assimilate. But power and money,
unsurprisingly, ended up firmly in the hands of the English conqueror. To get anywhere in our
society you basically had to assimilate or serve the interests of the British
rulers in some way. Bill 101 transformed French from the language of an ethnic
group who happened to be the majority in Quebec to the language of our society,
the common language of Quebecers. It has made it possible in Quebec to do pretty much
whatever you want to do in life and to succeed at the highest levels in French.
This had not existed here since the Conquest.

To quote historian Charles-Philippe
Courtois:

“After 1760, Canadiens not only
lost their commercial empire in the West but most of their access to executive
positions, to the detriment of individual socio-economic success and the
capacity to shape their destiny as a people. Before 1760, Canadiens had access
to most of the most important business, military, and political positions in the
colony, as illustrated (toward the end of the regime) by Philippe de Rigaud
Vaudreuil (1698-1778), the last governor general of New France, a Canadien born
and raised in Canada.

After the Conquest, not only did
the population lose some of their elites, who moved on to pursue their careers
elsewhere in the French Empire, but those who remained in New France lost their
handle on government, administration, big business, and the military. The
Canadien gentry entered into decline. Gradually, the colony’s elites were
overwhelmingly composed of the WASP minority, power residing in the hands of
London and of men nominated by Britain. Later that overarching power shifted to
Ottawa, an almost entirely English-speaking government before the 1970s, and
one that from Quebec’s perspective remains today the expression of an
English-Canadian majority, even if at times with strong Quebec contingents.”

Quebecers, especially after the
failure of the Patriote rebellion of 1837-38, came to accept their inferior status to the English and a certain
stability set in. Mansions in Westmount
and slums in St-Henri, that was the accepted norm. This continued until the
1960s. A new consciousness arose in the sixties. It was fueled by external
factors like the end of European empires and the decolonization of the Third World.
And it was also fueled by internal factors like the growing rejection of the
old order, i.e. the influence of Catholic Church in Quebec society and the puppet
leaders who served the interests of wealthy Anglos (both foreign and domestic).

The declining birthrate among francophones combined with the wave of immigrants coming to Quebec after WWII
overwhelmingly joining the ranks of the anglophone community was threatening to
change the demographic balance in Montreal. Without integrating more immigrants, francophones
were destined to become a minority. This had happened before in the 19th
century but with a low birthrate there would be no coming back. The future of French in a city dominated by
English was bleak and there was a growing realization that things needed to change.

An impressive number of studies
in the late 1960s and early 1970s documented the relatively low usage of French
and the inferior economic status of francophones in the workplace.

Some facts about Quebec before Bill
101:

83% of the directors and managers in Quebec were anglophones;

Francophones earned on average 35% less than anglophones;

Francophones came 12th in the income distribution by ethnicity, just before the Italians and Native people;

Even with the same level of education, francophones earned less than anglophones of any background;

Unilingual anglophones earned more than bilingual francophones;

The government of Quebec is the only
government in North America which is controlled by francophones and is therefore the only government that truly represents our national interests. And so the government
of Quebec in the 1960s and 1970s implemented some very important reforms in the
areas of economy, education and language which aimed to change the course of our collective destiny. One of the most important reforms was the Charter of the French Language. This law transformed Quebec society.

Bill 101 was adopted on August
26, 1977. The preamble to the Charter sets out the Quebec legislator's
principles of action. It indicates the National Assembly's resolve "to
make of French the language of Government and the Law, as well as the normal and
everyday language of work, instruction, communication, commerce and
business." It recognizes the valuable contribution of the ethnic
minorities to the development of Québec and the right of the Amerindians and
the Inuit of Québec to develop their language and culture of origin. The
preamble also specifies that the National Assembly intends to pursue the
Charter's objective with all due respect for the Quebec English-speaking
community's institutions.

The Charter proclaims that French
is the official language of Québec. It then enumerates a series of
"fundamental language rights", such as the rights of workers to carry
on their activities in French, and of consumers of goods and services to be
informed and served in French. French is recognized as the language of the
legislature and the courts in Québec, although judgments and proceedings may be
in English, if the parties so agree. The French language becomes the language
of communications of the government, its departments and affiliated agencies as
well as of government-owned firms and the professional corporations. The
administration of municipal, school and health bodies may be carried out in
both French and another language if these bodies serve a clientele where more
than half speak a language other than French. As for commerce and business,
French becomes the mandatory, but not the exclusive, language for labels, signs
and commercial advertising (with many exceptions).

The Charter of the French language
states that French is the mandatory language of instruction in kindergarten,
elementary and secondary school classes. This principle holds for both schools
run by school boards entirely financed by the Québec state and for private
school that receive some of their funding from the government.

The Charter nevertheless makes an
exception to this principle and gives several categories of pupils the right to
instruction in English in public or private schools financed by the state under
the same conditions as for French-language schools. Canadian Children whose parents
received their elementary instruction in English in Canada may receive
instruction in English. The Charter protects some acquired rights. Children
who, at the coming into force of the law in 1977, had received their
instruction in Québec or in Canada in English, retained the right to continue
their studies in English.

The law recognized that the
Aboriginal peoples of Québec could provide instruction in an Amerindian
language. The languages of instruction of the Cree and Kativik School Boards
are Cree and Inuktitut respectively, although English and French are taught as
second languages.

The anglophone community has had
its own social institutions - hospitals, school boards, colleges and
universities - since well before Bill 101 came into force. It manages and
improves them as it sees fit and they offer Quebec's English-speaking
population a varied and full range of services in English. The Charter of the
French language did not intend to question either the continuity of these
institutions or the principle of the freedom to provide services in the
client's language. What changed was the provision that no Quebecer would be
wronged by the lack of service in French and that the public acts of
governmental and parastatal institutions be carried out in French, exclusively
or concurrently with another language.

The results of these reforms were
dramatic. The labor market disadvantages of francophones during the 1960s and
1970s were largely redressed by the 1980s. Francophones made significant
advances in the workplace in terms of earnings as well as in other dimensions,
such as representation in highly-paid professions and managerial positions and
ownership of enterprises. In addition, the use of French in the workplace
dramatically increased and the historic link between francophone workers and
low income disappeared. Also, proficiency in French among the immigrant communities
of Quebec and even among Quebec anglophones rose dramatically after Bill 101
and has remained so.

It’s hard to argue that there
were no inequalities in the past and it’s hard to deny that Bill 101 went a
long way in redressing these inequalities so the usual counter argument is to
say that if francophones were economically disadvantaged in the past, it was
their own fault. You see, saying that it was our fault is meant to delegitimize
our solution to the problem, since it affects Anglos who, according to this narrative, were merely innocent
bystanders.

You’ll often hear something like this:

“The reason francophones were poor
and completely absent from the higher economic levels is that their priests
told them to avoid others and to stay on the land.”

This is, in fact, a favorite
anglophone myth. Francophones weren’t poor because of economic exclusion and
cultural domination, they were poor because they sheepishly listened to their priests
who told them to stay on their farms… Yet when the rural areas in Quebec were
overpopulated, approximately 900,000 francophones of Quebec left despite the
objections of the clergy. They were attracted by the rapid industrialization in
New England and the economic opportunities that it brought. If those
opportunities had been available to them closer to home they surely would have
taken them.

By 1890, an estimated 50 to 150
families of British descent living in the "Golden Square Mile" and
Westmount, owned more than a third of Canada's wealth. Montreal was Canada's
largest city and its Anglo elite dominated the country. Francophones were not part of the club. The francophone elite remained mostly made up of doctors,
lawyers, and priests..."essential services" for the bodies and souls
of cheap labor.

Contrary to popular mythology in
English Canada, it was the economic shift from Montreal to Toronto, accelerated
by the opening of the St Lawrence Seaway, that made a francophone renaissance
in Montreal possible. Had Montreal remained the economic center of Canada, all of
the people who flocked to Toronto would have come here instead making Quebec's
metropolis an English city and Quebec culture would have remained a museum
piece frozen in time.

But Toronto took over and many
Montreal Anglos followed the jobs to Toronto. This enabled us to take control
of our society and of our economy. With the creation of institutions like la Société générale de financement and La Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec capital was suddenly made available to francophone entrepreneurs. Private
companies like Cascades, Bombardier, Lavalin, Provigo, Quebecor, etc.,
benefited from these policies. In 1960 Francophones only controlled 47% of
Quebec's economy. By 2000 they controlled 67%. That's a substantial achievement
by any standard.

By the 1980s Quebec society
harvested the benefits of the economic, educational and language policies
adopted during the two previous decades. The rise of new generations of highly
trained people transformed all walks of life. Francophones also gained a much
higher profile. In the large Canadian and American corporations operating in
Québec, where they had long been confined to the lower ranks, they rapidly rose
to prominent positions. Private enterprises owned by Francophones became much
more numerous and powerful; some of them, such as Bombardier and Quebecor,
achieved the status of multinational corporations.

Bill 101 was a big part of the changes which took us from being an underprivileged ethnic group to a nation capable
of achieving big things like creating the world's largest hydroelectric
producer, Hydro-Quebec, and a nation that can accept and integrate immigrants. We are far more
in control of our destiny today than at any time since the conquest and
independence is the logical next step. But Quebec Anglos can't see anything
positive in the changes we brought about, changes that benefited the majority
of Quebecers. They even deny that there was anything wrong with the old order.
If we were poor back then, it was our own fault. If a unilingual Anglo
struggles in today's Quebec, it's our fault. We are always to blame...

Our crime
is and has always been our insistence on existing in our own right and not
assimilating. You see, in the great Canadian multicultural mosaic there is an unwritten law which says that the Anglo-Saxon culture will always come first. They will ban your language from their schools or they will forcibly take your kids away and stick them in deadly residential schools if you don't comply. This is why wanting Quebec's culture and language to come first in Quebec is endlessly denounced as "ethnic nationalism" by Canadians. It's not that it is more "ethnic" in any way, it is simply that it is the wrong ethnic group.